bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
7. The Florescent Epoch
Authors: Strong William Duncan
Published: June 2018

The florescent epoch, in the present classification, includes the pure Nazca cultural and artistic tradition and, on stratigraphic and stylistic grounds, is subdivided into Early Middle, and Late phases. In ceramics, it is marked by the highest Peruvian development of the polychrome painted style, is preceded by the incising tradition of the Formative, and terminates prior to the first intrusion of Tiahuanacoid stylistic elements into the south coastal region.
3 A Classification of the Prehistoric Field Systems and Associated Remains at Point of Pines
Authors: Woodbury Richard B.
Published: June 2018

The farm remains which will be described in the next chapter can be classified rather easily into three main types, (1) short walls or lines of stones across stream channels, forming terraces, (2) linear borders, made of long lines of stones arranged in more or less parallel or concentric lines, and (3) grid borders, a term we have chosen for lines of stones arranged as in the linear borders, but with added transverse rows of stones. The characteristics of these types will be described in this chapter, together with two other important types of remains occurring in association with some of the farms — field houses and boundary markers. It should be realized that most sites show a combination of two or more kinds of field systems, as will be pointed out in describing the sites, although it is convenient to first define each type separately.
Chapter 4: The Graduation of Survivorship Data
Authors: Weiss Kenneth M.
Published: June 2018

The mortality between adjacent age classes can be estimated from the survivorship schedules derived in Chapter 3. The data, however, differ in each case in the number, size, and age limits of the age classes; therefore, it is not possible to derive strictly comparable information from the data sets. Further, it is not yet possible to define the internal mortality structure of each age class which must be known for the computation of many elements of the life table.

If we assume, as is commonly done in demography, that human mortality patterns follow some function of age, then we can fit our 50 source populations to that function and assume that deviations from that fit are merely stochastic. This process of curve fitting is called graduation, and it is a powerful and useful smoothing operation for mortality or survivorship data.
3 Ground Stone Tools
Authors: Greenwood Roberta S.
Published: June 2018

The overwhelming preponderance of artifacts consists of ground stone tools or, more precisely, tools not only shaped for grinding but shaped by grinding. The ratio of ground to chipped stone implements is six to one if hammerstones are included with the latter, and nine to one if hammerstones are disregarded in the calculation. The largest categories are the manos and milling stones. In view of the generous sample and the possibility that ecological and cultural implications may be derived from it, and in the hope of facilitating reference and comparison by other investigators, a very detailed analysis has been made. The general approach is a classification by pattern of wear (i.e., grinding or pounding), motor habit (circular or linear), and correlation of mano shapes with milling stone styles wherever possible.
I. The Theoretical Framework
Authors: Mueller James W.
Published: June 2018

A general outline of, and justification for, this study, as well as a discussion of the major related concepts, are presented in this chapter.

Carl Lloyd supervised an archaeological survey of the area adjacent to the Ackmen pueblo in southwestern Colorado in 1937 in order to supplement the data recovered from the excavation of this famous site. Sixty-six quarter-sections (each equivalent to a ¼ sq mi area) measuring ½ mi on each side, were intensively surveyed by a large crew. Members of the crew were stationed 100 ft apart along the ½-mi width of the quarter-section, and the entire crew walked across the ½-mi length of the quarter-section.

From each section consisting of 4 quarter-sections, 2 diagonal quarter-sections were selected for investigation. Lloyd assumed that 66 surveyed quarter-sections would reflect adequately, at least, on a 33-sq mi area near the rim. This assumption was based on the rather large (50%) sampling fraction that he employed. He was not certain that his survey methods would produce a contribution to the archaeology of the area and stated the uncertainty as follows: “Given a discontinous intensive archaeological survey of a region, what contributions can be made to the archaeology of that region by means of an analysis of the data thus obtained?” (Lloyd 1938:282). He did not explicitly answer that question during the course of his report. However, I believe that his answer was implicitly positive, that is, the kind of survey he performed did produce a meaningful contribution to the archaeology of the Ackmen-Lowry region.
II. The Paria Plateau Survey
Authors: Mueller James W.
Published: June 2018

The Paria Plateau survey was conducted on, and adjacent to, the Paria Plateau in Coconino County in north-central Arizona by personnel of the Museum of Northern Arizona during the summers of 1967 and 1968 (Fig. 1). All of the surveyed area is located in the Arizona Strip District of northern Arizona, although unsurveyed portions of the Paria Plateau extend into southern Utah. The Plateau is situated approximately midway between Page, Arizona on the east, and Kanab, Utah on the west. The familiar Vermillion Cliffs seen from U.S. 89 enroute to the North Rim of the Grand Canyon form the southern escarpment of the Plateau. The western boundary of the surveyed area is defined by Coyote and House Rock valleys which also separate the Kaibab and the Paria plateaus. The Paria River constitutes the northeastern boundary of the Paria Plateau making it a naturally bounded region within the Colorado Plateau subarea.
III. The Design of the Experiment
Authors: Mueller James W.
Published: June 2018

The remainder of this study is designed to determine how a hypothetical region that is archaeologically unknown must be surveyed in order to derive valid conclusions concerning the entire region. This sampling problem can be fruitfully approached by performing an experiment with the data recovered during the Paria Plateau survey. An experiment is necessary because the stated purpose of this study is to refine sampling methods in an empirical manner. Therefore, a maximum of data that can be handled properly under the correct theoretical conditions can be used to answer questions concerning the sampling methodology of archaeological survey. Second, I consider this study experimental in an innovative sense; to my knowledge, the kinds of analyses that will be described in this chapter have only been partially undertaken by other archaeologists (Chenhall 1972; Plog 1972; Judge, Ebert, and Hitchcock 1973).
Chapter 2: Source Data
Authors: Weiss Kenneth M.
Published: June 2018

Our model life tables are based on data from censused primitive populations and from aged skeletal populations ranging from early lithic to medieval European cultures.

Censuses among relatively unacculturated primitive populations are rare. Most of the censused groups have long been contacted and affected by Europeans. They have been exposed to European diseases and medicine, affected by trade and technology, or influenced by missions and schooling among Europeans. Many live in reservation areas, or are otherwise confined by industrial populations which have invaded their former territories. It is difficult to isolate from published accounts the precise effect of contact on the population censuses utilized for this work, this source of “error”—that is, demography not representative of aboriginal conditions—is difficult to control. Yet, this work is not intended for use solely with primitive populations; were this the case, it should have been published 50 yr ago when there were more “aboriginals” remaining. Rather, it is intended to apply to any populations of interest to anthropologists, regardless of their degree of acculturation or development, so long as they can be said to approximate stable population assumptions.
Chapter 10: The Index of Growth Regulation and Its Application
Authors: Weiss Kenneth M.
Published: June 2018

Biologists have long been concerned with the processes by which animal populations regulate their growth. The biological factors ultimately responsible for this regulation are fertility and mortality; their relative effectiveness in keeping growth within tolerable limits, and generally at, or cyclically around, zero, has been examined in several ways.
6 Culture History of the Site
Authors: Binford Lewis R. , Binford Sally R. , Whallon Robert , Hardin Margaret Ann
Published: June 2018

In this section we move from the analysis of various formal classes of data defined by non-historical criteria to an anlysis of categories of artifacts treated historically, i.e., their spatial and formal characteristics within the remains of single communities.

The discussion of these occupations, although suspected of being rather numerous, must by virtue of the nature of the data be very skimpy. The relevant data are amost exclusively obtained from the surface collections. Their manner of clustering suggests that there was some range of variation in the activities carried out.

Even a cursory examination of the projectile points recovered in the surface collection indicates the presence of multiple preceramic occupations. Types represented include Dalton points, Modoc Expanding Stem points, Faulkner Side-Notched points, and points of the Saratoga and Boaz type clusters. The detailed typological analysis of these points, as well as of other chipped stone materials, should make possible a more rigorous definition of the number of components. At present our understanding is limited by the nature of the data thus far analyzed.
5. An Experiment in Archaeological Inference
Authors: Thompson Raymond H.
Published: June 2018

The 51 inferences which are set forth on the following pages constitute an exercise in archaeological method. These inferences are
not offered as a series of probable statements of the pottery techniculture, but as examples of how such statements may be achieved.
2 The Development of Archaeological Knowledge in the Lower Mississippi Valley
Authors: Greengo Robert E.
Published: June 2018

Observations having some bearing on the archaeology of the Lower Mississippi Valley are to be found in the writings of the early travelers. As the country became settled, accounts of local and regional historical interest often included remarks or occasional papers devoted to the local antiquities. My purpose here is to sketch the conceptualization of prehistory as it was developed through the most significant writings.

A plausible argument may be submitted in support of the contention that Thomas Jefferson was the first scientific archaeologist in the United States. Curiously enough, his archaeological influence extended to the Lower Mississippi Valley. This was through H. M. Brackenridge, who went into the Louisiana Territory soon after it was purchased and wrote a number of descriptive accounts of the country.
6 Other Artifacts
Authors: Wauchope Robert
Published: June 2018

I do not know how one can distinguish with certainty between knives and scrapers, except when the latter are so blunted that they would not readily cut. I suspect that we tend to call an artifact a knife when it is roughly long and narrow, or when its business edge runs lengthwise, or when its shape suggests that it was hafted. Any of these is inadequate basis for identification; scrapers could be hafted, and knives were not necessarily so. I would suppose that any tool that cuts like a knife could also be used as a scraper, although not always vice versa.
Chapter 3: The Derivation of Survivorship Schedules
Authors: Weiss Kenneth M.
Published: June 2018

To utilize skeletal populations, one must assume stable population conditions at the time of deposition of the skeletons; one must also assume that the sample is representative of the population, and that it is free from systematic aging error. In this chapter, we assume that the studies used satisfy these conditions.

The procedure for calculating mortality rates based on assigned ages of skeletons is simple and straightforward. Table 1 provides an example, the Illinois Hopewell Indians (Blakely 1971). There are 294 specimens distributed over 8 age classes including children. Assuming that this represents the stable mortality experience of any cohort in a non-growing population, a survivorship schedule can be derived.
1 History of the Dorset Problem
Authors: Taylor William E.
Published: June 2018

This study is devoted to, brings new data to bear on, and seeks to contribute to, a solution for the problem of the prehistoric origin or origins of the Dorset culture in the eastern Canadian Arctic. I carried out archaeological field work for the National Museum of Canada, Ottawa, and was concerned primarily with that problem, during the summers of 1957-58-59. The analytic work was largely completed by June 1960. This study draws principally on pertinent data available up to that date, but occasionally incorporated subsequently available evidence. As so often must happen, the task of completing this manuscript, having done the analysis, was often delayed by the more immediate demands of other museum duties. So that the reader may be forewarned, if not forearmed, a history of the work on Dorset culture and the question of its origin follows as an introduction to this study.
5 Comparisons, Contrasts, and Conclusions
Authors: Taylor William E.
Published: June 2018

Before noting traits shared by the Arnipik and Tyara assemblages, a few words of caution and explanation may prove useful. I hope they will remain alive in the reader's mind as he examines the three closely related conclusions presented in this chapter. The three conclusions are, in order, a preliminary conclusion of restricted application, an intermediate conclusion of wider import, and a final conclusion of general consequence to this study. These conclusions' ranges of consequence increase as the discussion expands to encompass broader reaches of evidence and thinking pertinent to the question of Dorset culture origins. First, I have assumed, for previously presented or self-evident reasons, that the Tyara and Arnapik assemblages are pure assemblages, that is, that neither contains artifacts made by peoples of other cultures. Second, since the Arnapik material comprises only stone artifacts, comparison between that site and the bone, antler, and ivory artifacts from Tyara is precluded.
10 Horizontal and Vertical Relationships of Bone Units
Authors: Wheat Joe Ben
Published: June 2018

Complete-Animal Units extended along the bottom of the arroyo from Section 5 on the east to Section 22 on the west (Figs. 30A, 3L4). They were not continuous throughout, and occurred with greatest frequency in the deeper eastern part of the arroyo.

Generally speaking, complete-animal units were confined to the inner channel of the arroyo and were thereby constrained to an east or west orientation. However, Units 369,433, 519, 141, and 190 rested at least partly on the upper channel wall.

One group of 8 complete-animal units (290, 324, 327, 366, 367, 369, 398, 433) began in the central part of Section 5 and continued almost to Section 10. In Sections 5 and 6, and again in Section 8, they formed a layer at least 2 deep. No complete-animal units were found in Section 10, but following this gap, another (519) was found in the east end of Section 11. A single complete-animal unit (190) occurred along the Section 16-17 line, and another (93) occupied the bottom of the arroyo from the central part of Section 18 well into Section 19.
Chapter 2. Postulates Two Through Six
Authors: Williams B. J.
Published: June 2018

Given that food is shared within the family and a sexual division of labor with respect to hunting-gathering activities exists, then territorial groups will tend to be patrilocally based

It has been shown that at least two types of territoriality may be distinguished—sexual and economic. These are associated with societies of animals which, intraspecifically, represent the smallest kind of grouping having maximal autonomy. In species which are largely food-limited, it is the food supply with which autonomy is largely concerned.

In species in which the family pair defends an economic territory, both the male and female may engage in this, though the male more frequently than the female. In the social ants, males exist only as breeders, and specialized females defend the territory. In all cases, the territory must be defended by the individuals who range the widest and, in accordance with Postulate One, have contacts with individuals of similar groups.

In Homo sapiens, the males defend the territory. There are two major reasons for this, both related to a division of labor along sex lines. The first is that the male, in this division of labor, is the widest ranging of the two sexes. The second is the primate heritage of sexual dimorphism which adapts the male as a combatant more than the female.
Chapter 5. Social Organization
Authors: Williams B. J.
Published: June 2018

The Birhor constitute a society which is easily distinguished and studied apart from the dominant Indian social groups surrounding them. But they by no means constitute a politically autonomous society. The ultimate characteristics of political autonomy such as capital punishment, the waging of war, and so forth, do not arise as a possibility for the Birhor. Actual contact with the larger society in the form of government power is infrequent, inconsistent, and understood very little by the Birhor. A more important relation with the larger, agricultural Hindu and Muslim society is the traditional caste structure in which the Birhor, regardless of their own opinions, are defined as a very low caste group and are so treated by villagers.

The major effect of this caste-like treatment, from the point of view of this study, has been to retard change in the Birhor way of life by denying them land and preserving their traditional relationship to the agricultural villages. This relationship might best be described as a parabiotic or commensal relationship. The most important aspects of this commensal relationship are lack of political autonomy of the Birhor and the importance, to them, of trade with villagers. On the other hand, the life of the villager would be little affected by the presence or absence of the Birhor. The economic aspects of trade between Birhor and villager are described in Chapter 7.
Chapter 9. Some Implications of the Theory
Authors: Williams B. J.
Published: June 2018

A theory has been developed, in Chapters 1 through 3, of the social organization of hunting-gathering societies. This theory necessarily dealt also with the territorial or residential organization of such groups. Evidence was presented in Chapters 4 through 8 that the large majority of ethnograhpically known hunting-gathering groups corresponds in some detail to what would be expected from the theory. It also appears that occasional cases of matrilocal and bilocal residence, but not composite bands in the sense of neolocal residence, are predictable on ecological grounds from the more widespread patrilineal, patrilocal lineage-band.

This theory, then, has implications for the distribution of cultural items and the distribution of genes in past and present hunting societies. Some of these implications are potentially testable, others are not. In the following paragraphs, some of these implications will be presented. They will be presented in two sections—general implications and genetic implications. The first section—the general implications—is a brief section intended to display the possibilities which may be explored based on deduction from the theory. As it is a brief survey it is somewhat superficial and “speculative,” but the implications are real.
The Carrying Capacity Dilemma: An Alternate Approach
Authors: Hayden Brian
Published: June 2018

The practical problems involved in measuring and using “carrying capacity” have proven the concept to be deficient in theory, unrealistic in implementation, and impossible to measure. The concept should be abandoned or modified. It is suggested that the actual rates of morbidity and mortality due to resource deficiency and starvation are easier to measure and more accurately reflect the types of information which “carrying capacity” was meant to encompass. These measures can also accommodate the cyclical nature of resource availability which has rendered carrying capacity useless as a working concept. Emphasis is placed on “efficiency” of population maintenance at given levels.
A Preliminary Report on New Research on Man-Land Relations in Aboriginal Australia
Authors: Birdsell Joseph B.
Published: June 2018

More Than 20 Years Ago (1953) research was published on the relationship between mean annual rainfall and the size of the domain occupied by Australian Aboriginal tribal groups. When the original series of 409 tribes was refined to a more homogeneous basic series of 123 tribes, in which all water resources were locally earned as rainfall, the coefficient of correlation between the two variables approached 0.81. This coefficient expressed a systematic inverse logarithmic relationship between the amount of rainfall and the land required to support a tribal population. Further, it carried the implication that tribal populations tended to approximate a constant of 500 persons, based on estimates of tribal size from a variety of observers. The unexplained variance in this statistical relationship amounted to 35% of the total and included a variety of errors in ascertainment, as well as deviations in tribal numbers from the postulated constant. The exercise served to validate the assumption previously made (1950) that tribal numbers in Australia approached a constant value.

During the year 1973, as a Visiting Fellow in the Department of Anthropology and in the Department of Prehistory at the Australian National University, Canberra, it was possible to reexamine the relationships between Aboriginal men and their land in Australia at a much more complex level than previously undertaken. The high-speed computer has become available since the first attempt, and extensive resources in a first-class research institution provided the time and data necessary. During the 20 years that have intervened since 1953, the environmental data on continental Australia have increased enormously; it may now be one of the best studied continents in the world in these terms.
Demographic Disturbance and the Use of Life Tables in Anthropology
Authors: Weiss Kenneth M.
Published: June 2018

Many studies have recently appeared in which an attempt was made to derive age-specific birth and death rates from anthropological populations. The display of age-specific death rates usually takes the form of an abridged life table; fertility rates are rarer in the literature. One recent compendium has discussed the construction of life tables for skeletal populations (Acsádi and Nemeskéri 1970). In another work, I have argued that the fragmentary nature of anthropological data and the problems of sampling from small populations required the use of various smoothing techniques in order to make the construction of life tables and vital rates meaningful (Weiss 1973); in that work, I suggested the use of stable population theory as a means of data smoothing, and a set of model life tables based on that theory were determined for use with fragmentary demographic data.

Both direct and indirect means of constructing life tables and vital rates from anthropological data involve inference from a census and very little additional data, since that is usually all that is available to us.
Demographic Studies in Southwestern Prehistory
Authors: Plog Fred
Published: June 2018

In this Essay, I will focus on inferences about the size of prehistoric populations based on estimates of the quantity of space utilized by those populations. I wish to recognize at the outset that there are many other data bases that have been employed by archaeologists in making inferences about prehistoric demography. While I do not intend to question the validity of alternative data bases for making paleo-demographic inferences, there are reasons why I believe that utilized space is potentially our most significant data base. Let us consider some of the alternatives.

(1) Simulation models. Simulation models are powerful tools for gaining insight into the demography of prehistoric populations. Yet, if the implications of such models are to be tested, a means of making direct inferences about the population of prehistoric groups is needed.

(2) Burial populations. Burial populations are likely to remain the data base from which the most comprehensive demographic inferences can be made. However, there are many areas of the world in which burial populations are so rare that one cannot count on using this data base. In addition, Cook (1972) and Baker and Sanders (1973) have identified a number of significant limitations on the utility of burial data.
Alternative Cultural Models for Demographic Change: Southwestern Examples
Authors: Gumerman George J.
Published: June 2018

Two prehistoric Southwestern societies, the Black Mesa Anasazi and the Winslow Tradition of the Hopi Buttes, are used to demonstrate different types of adaptation to an increasing population.

I indicate that changes in population density can be used to better understand the structure of society, as well as to investigate culture change. The role of demography, however, must be seen in the perspective of a single sub-system within the entire cultural and natural system. Viewed in this way, population pressure is a single part of the human ecosystem and not a simple cause or effect of culture change.

The holistic approach of cultural ecological studies in anthropology has, in the last decade, proven to be a generally successful means for helping to understand the structure of cultural systems and also for elucidating some of the processes of culture change. The ecosystem concept is important to anthropology because of its holistic and synthetic characteristics; nevertheless anthropologists, for a variety of reasons, have used the ecosystem approach on a relatively simplistic, mechanical level which has limited the success of even the better studies.
Chapter I: Introductory Conclusions
Authors: De Laguna Frederica
Published: June 2018

In Order to understand the problems presented by the archaeological material from the middle and lower Yukon Valley, we will need to see this region in a cultural perspective. The area is inhabited today by Athabaskanspeaking Indians whom I call the Tena, following Jetté. These correspond to Osgood's Tanana, Koyukon and Ingalik. Practically all the specimens we shall have to discuss come from the territory of Osgood's last two tribes.

These Tena had, at the time of white contact, a culture which was much like that of all the interior Alaskan Athabaskans, whom we can take as typical exponents of the Snowshoe hunting stage, discussed in Chapter X. The Tena differ from their relatives in two respects: first, they had a richer source of food in the salmon which come up the Yukon every summer to spawn, and second, they had borrowed much from the Eskimo. On the north, west, and southwest, Tena territory abutted on that of the Eskimo, and their strongest contacts were with the Eskimo of Kotzebue Sound, Norton Sound, the deltas of the Yukon and Kuskokwim, and Bristol Bay.
Chapter VIII: Archaeological Specimens from “Eskimo” Sites
Authors: De Laguna Frederica
Published: June 2018

While it is difficult to classify as either Eskimo or Indian the archaeological material from the sites in the vicinity of Holy Cross, it seems to have more of an “Eskimo” character than that obtained from sites farther up the Yukon. For this reason, it is here described in a separate chapter. This material consists of three small collections: the largest is from Fox Creek, about 14 miles below Holy Cross, and was collected both by Mr. Fox and by ourselves; the second is from Ghost Creek about a mile and a half above Holy Cross and was collected by the trader there; the third was collected by Mr. Charles Ray, and is said to have come from Fox Creek. It was purchased from the trader at Ghost Creek in Mr. Ray's absence; because of the slight uncertainty about the provenience of these specimens they will be indicated by an “R” in references to the plates.
Chapter IX Analysis of Archaeological Types
Authors: De Laguna Frederica
Published: June 2018

Although the material from the middle and lower Yukon is for the most part so modern that it might with some justice be called ethnological rather than archaeological, and although it is a somewhat haphazard collection rather than a set of specimens from systematically excavated sites, it can illustrate in part the material culture of the Tena just prior to white contact. Typologically it lies between the culture of the Pacific Eskimo and Aleut (of the Kachemak Bay III horizon) and of the modern Bering Strait Eskimo on the one hand, and the culture of the interior Athabaskans of the upper Yukon, Mackenzie and Copper rivers, on the other hand. It seems to be a blending of old and new elements of diverse origins: some are from the ancient Icehunting horizon of the northern Eskimo; some, from the interior Snowshoe hunting complex of the northern Indians and Siberians; some seem to stem from an ancient North Pacific cultural continuum, others, from a recent circum- Pacific culture drift. It does not seem to be a particularly rich blend, however, even though we make due allowances for the scantiness of our collections. But because Tena culture is such a composite product, it will be interesting to take the various types which we found and attempt to trace their distribution and their relationships to similar types in the surrounding areas. In this way we may gain some insight into the building of Tena material culture.
Chipping Remains as an Indication of Cultural Change at Wetherill Mesa
Authors: Osborne Douglas
Published: June 2018

The study of a large amount of chipped material from the seven largest sites excavated at Wetherill Mesa has yielded a pattern of change (as shown in graphs) in chipping methods and materials used that correlates well with other aspects of cultural change.
A Large Hewn Plank from Mesa Verde, Colorado
Authors: Nichols Robert F.
Published: June 2018

A large pine plank was removed from a cliff dwelling at Mesa Verde in 1889. This plank, which had been shaped by charring and stone tools, measured 3.4 m. long, 0.49 m. wide, and 0.08 m. thick. Although its original provenience is not known, the plank probably came from the great kiva in Fire Temple, where it may have served as a vault cover or as a lintel over a double doorway in the east wall.
UTE Linguistics and Anasazi Abandonment of the Four Corners Area
Authors: Goss James A.
Published: June 2018

The disappearance of the agricultural Anasazi peoples from the Four Corners area has been popularly attributed to the incursions of predatory tribes. The position of the Ute in aboriginal distribution makes them the obvious candidates for the honor of having evicted the peaceful cliff-dwellers. Analysis shows that the Utes moved into the Four Corners area much later than is customarily thought — probably 400 years after the Anasazi had drifted away.
Turkey Bones from Wetherill Mesa
Authors: Hargrave Lyndon L.
Published: June 2018

Turkey bones occurred in some archaeological sites of Wetherill Mesa in such quantity and form as to demonstrate the value of this domestic fowl as a major economic factor in the lives of the local inhabitants. Here are ample evidences of the use of turkey bones in the manufacture of tools and jewelry and of the use of turkey meat as food. Actual evidence of cooking was not recognized, but butchering techniques were indicated by cut marks on bones. Some occurrences of groups of disarticulated bones in a normal relationship of articulation may or may not have a ritual meaning. Some information is given that may be helpful in distinguishing bones of the Wild Turkey (Meleagris gallopavo merriami) from bones of the archaeological and modern domestic breeds. Comments are also made on some problems that deal with the turkey as an economic factor in the lives of peoples of other areas in the Southwest.
Parasitological Study of Long-Dried Fecal Samples
Authors: Samuels Robert
Published: June 2018

To rehydrate dried, ancient human fecal specimens an alkaline chelating solution (cold) was used. Identifiable evidence of one animal parasite of man was found — the eggs of Enterobius vermicularis. Rhahditoid nematodes in one specimen and mites in many probably invaded the feces after deposition. If the nematodes were a maize parasite, they might have caused crop loss, if present in large enough numbers. The seriation of mites in specimens from different strata may provide evidence concerning their evolution in the Mesa Verde area.
Trials of the Elsec Proton Magnetometer at Two Sites on Wetherill Mesa
Authors: Johnston Richard B.
Published: June 2018

The magnetic results obtained in teste at two sites did not indicate the location of buried archaeological features and suggest that magnetometry is not suited to sites of the type found on Wetherill Mesa.
6 Artifacts
Authors: Webb Clarence H.
Published: June 2018

Stone artifacts are much less frequent at the Belcher site than either shell objects or pottery. Very few stone artifacts were placed with the burials. Only 155 chipped stone artifacts were recovered; 103 are projectile points, 52 of which were found on house floors, 27 with burials, and 24 on the surface (Table 4). All of the projectiles are small, thin arrow types, except one from the fill of Burial 9 which is large enough to be considered a dart point (Fig. 125 l).

Bassett points (Fig. 125 a-d). This form appears to be the resident projectile type at the Belcher site at least for the last two occupation periods, the Belcher focus. There are 56 points of this type and 20 others which have broken stems but are probably Bassett forms. All recognizable Belcher focus burial offerings of projectile points are beautifully finished points of this type. They are thin, keen projectiles, 2 to 4 cm. in length and 1.2 to 1.5 cm. in basal width, made from flakes of tan chert or argillite. The sides are straight, slightly convex or recurved to flare outward at the barbs, which are long and keen; the tips are sharp, the edges finely flaked, and the bases deeply indented to produce narrow, triangular contracting stems.
9 The Southern Cult in the Belcher Focus
Authors: Webb Clarence H.
Published: June 2018

Specific elements of the ceremonial complex which has been termed the “Southern Cult” appear in Belcher III at the Belcher site and in the Foster and Friday mound components of the Belcher focus. This constitutes the only significant persistence of this cult material in the later or Fulton aspect of the entire Caddoan area.

These Southern Cult elements in the three sites accompany an equally large number of ceremonial traits to form an apparently highly organized burial complex. It seems desirable to segregate the Cult elements, because of their significance outside of this area, then to relate them to other ceremonial traits in the focus in order to complete the local picture. The elements of the Cult complex which are found in the Belcher focus are listed according to the classification of Waring and Holder (1945). The numbers in parentheses correspond to those which Waring and Holder have assigned to the various elements of the Cult. It should be noted, however, that there is not universal acceptance of the items in the list prepared by Waring and Holder. Probably some items should be added; almost certainly a distinction should be made between specific Cult items and those traits of decoration or ornamentation which happen to be widespread in Mississippi and related cultures but are nonreligious or nonceremonial. Further study of local variations in ceremonialism and shared Cult traits is needed.
Cultural Stratigraphy
Authors: Krieger Alex D.
Published: June 2018

In the preceding section, a number of “zones” were established in the mound and surrounding fields, providing a framework within which to reconstruct cultural development at the site. We can now try to view the history of the site in somewhat broader terms, organizing the zones into stages of development, marked by such events as changing tastes and the appearance of new traits. The sequence of construction of the great mound may first be briefly reviewed.

The first occupation (always excepting such
information as might be revealed in the unexcavated wing) can be determined by following backward the mound zones discussed above. The secondary mound (Zones 10 to 12) constituted a single unit of construction, completely overlying the broad primary mound platform, and lapping over its slopes. The platform itself had to be built up in a certain order because its fills slanted over one another in consistent manner.
Stone Artifacts
Authors: Krieger Alex D.
Published: June 2018

With some exceptions, notably the projectile points, the various artifacts of stone, flint, and pigment are simple in nature and will be but briefly described. Figures 53-61 provide illustrations of nearly every descriptive grouping, specimens having been selected to show ranges of variation; the more variation —as in projectile point types—the more specimens are shown.

Tables 17-18 show the stratigraphic position of all stone artifacts and pigments found. Ordinary household artifacts such as milling stones, hammerstones, hones, knives, scrapers, and gravers were but sparsely represented in the mound, as might be expected. But since the mound provides our only sure stratigraphic control, the general dearth of utilitarian artifacts in it renders their occurrence in the three phases of occupation uncertain. That is, absence from one or more of the mound phases could be due to chance where only ten or a dozen (or fewer) specimens of a particular group came from the mound.
Food Remains and Charred Material
Authors: Krieger Alex D.
Published: June 2018

The vegetal remains, shells, and animal bones recovered from the site are, for the most part, evidence of the foods consumed here. They are arranged below by the phases and features in which they were found. Table 16 presents the associations with buildings, arranged according to position on floors, in subfloor pits, in postholes, or in fireplaces.
The Alto Focus
Authors: Krieger Alex D.
Published: June 2018

Below are given trait lists of the three mound phases, together constituting an Alto Focus. The “phase” framework is only a convenience for discussing what happened. At no time was there any pronounced change, it being quite evident that the three phases apply to a single cultural continuum undergoing subtle changes of two kinds: (1) modifications and innovations arising within the resident group, including the transfer of attributes from one type to another; and (2) acquisition of new traits by outside contacts, including the imitation of styles seen on “trade” objects.

The houses and non-pottery artifacts provide rather definite traits that can be listed in the conventional manner. Pottery, however, can be broken down into an infinite number of “traits” according to what the analyst wishes to present. Thus, various grades of temper, hardness, finish, design arrangement, even color tones, could all be listed as traits, as could any change in frequency in any feature at any given time. Naturally, these events cannot all be recorded, but the following phase lists attempt to show changes as well as patternizations during the life of the focus at this site; they should be more fruitful than plus-and-minus check lists.
Affiliations of the Alto Focus
Authors: Krieger Alex D.
Published: June 2018

The following discussions are necessarily abbreviated. The check-list method of showing trait presence or absence in other sites or cultures, while generally used to show “relationships,” will not be followed here. For one thing, these lists are almost always incomplete, the traits being followed only so far as the analyst has the time or the interest to follow them. For another, they are only inventories, with little if anything to do with culture processes such as selecting, development, and relative popularity; it is not the number of traits held in common by cultural entities, but the kind of traits, the way they cluster (or fail to) in the process of borrowing, and the use made of them that should occupy our attention. Third, a check-list made without thorough consideration of time factors is apt to throw together a miscellany of traits that show neither a direct relationship nor the direction of borrowing. Fourth, the mere number of traits in common between two groups is meaningless unless broken down into the more general or widely shared practices, and those special or specific traits which actually demonstrate a relationship between those two groups, and those alone. Thus, trait lists may be convenient for quick visualization of a given situation, but they are not studies in relationships.
Chapter 8: Examination of the Model Life Table Series
Authors: Weiss Kenneth M.
Published: June 2018

The model life tables should be compared to various data to illustrate their applicability. The comparative data should be independent of the populations used in the construction of the tables so that they can serve as controls for the models.

Russell (1958) carried out a comprehensive study of human mortality in late ancient and medieval times. The life table material in his work derives from ungraduated and unsmoothed raw data in the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum which lists tombstone inscriptions from ancient Roman areas. These data, together with some medieval British life expectancies also from Russell, are summarized in Tables 13 through 15. The mortality and life expectancy values closely approximate in range and pattern the values in our model life table series.
THE RULES OF CONSTRUCTION OF AN AZTEC DEITY: CHALCHIUHTLICUE, THE GODDESS OF WATER
Authors: Dehouve Danièle
Published: June 2018

This article seeks to contribute to the development of a method for analyzing the attributes of the gods of central Mexico in the manuscripts and the statuary from the time of the Spanish conquest. I focus on the Goddess of Water, Chalchiuhtlicue, “Jade Her Skirt.” The method consists of isolating the component designs of her array and grouping them in semantic groups. I begin by examining these designs and show that all of them were used in the notation of toponyms. These findings call into question the traditional separation between glyphs and icons. I next study the semantic groups and show that they consist of a series of culturally selected manifestations of water. Hence, it follows that the rules of composition of the goddess were grounded on a process of “definition by extension.” Thus, most of the semantic groups referred to different secondary names of the goddess, allowing us to think that they represented theonyms of a particular type.
Role of plasma asymmetric dimethyl-L-arginine levels in detection of pulmonary hypertension in children with CHD
Authors: Farag Marwa , El Amrousy Doaa , El-Serogy Hesham , Zoair Amr
Published: June 2018

Objectives

The objectives of this study were to evaluate the plasma levels of asymmetric dimethyl-L-arginine in children with pulmonary hypertension due to CHD before and after treatment with sildenafil and to evaluate its diagnostic and prognostic value as a biomarker in such children.

Methods

A total of 60 children with CHD and 30 healthy control children matched for age and sex were recruited. Children with CHD were divided into two equal groups: the normal pulmonary pressure group (n=30) and the pulmonary hypertension group (n=30). Children with pulmonary hypertension were treated with sildenafil and were followed up for 6 months. Clinical data, haemodynamic parameters, echocardiographic examination, and asymmetric dimethyl-L-arginine levels were evaluated before and after treatment.

Results

Asymmetric dimethyl-L-arginine levels were significantly higher in patients with pulmonary hypertension than in those with CHD-only or the control group, and this increase was positively correlated with increased severity of pulmonary hypertension. Asymmetric dimethyl-L-arginine levels, mean pulmonary artery pressure, and pulmonary vascular resistance were significantly decreased after treatment with sildenafil. Moreover, asymmetric dimethyl-L-arginine level was significantly lower in patients who responded to sildenafil treatment compared with those who did not. At a cut-off point of more than 0.85 nmol/ml, asymmetric dimethyl-L-arginine has a sensitivity of 83% and a specificity of 80% to diagnose pulmonary hypertension-CHD. Asymmetric dimethyl-L-arginine has a sensitivity of 100% and a specificity of 94% to predict poor prognosis in pulmonary hypertension-CHD children at a cut-off point of 1.3 nmol/ml.

Conclusion

Asymmetric dimethyl-L-arginine level has a good diagnostic and prognostic value as a biomarker in children with pulmonary hypertension-CHD and can be used for following up patients with pulmonary hypertension and predicting response to treatment.
CONDITIONAL BELIEFS: FROM NEIGHBOURHOOD SEMANTICS TO SEQUENT CALCULUS
Authors: GIRLANDO MARIANNA , NEGRI SARA , OLIVETTI NICOLA , RISCH VINCENT
Published: June 2018

The logic of Conditional Beliefs (CDL) has been introduced by Board, Baltag, and Smets to reason about knowledge and revisable beliefs in a multi-agent setting. In this article both the semantics and the proof theory for this logic are studied. First, a natural semantics forCDLis defined in terms of neighbourhood models, a multi-agent generalisation of Lewis’ spheres models, and it is shown that the axiomatization ofCDLis sound and complete with respect to this semantics. Second, it is shown that the neighbourhood semantics is equivalent to the original one defined in terms of plausibility models, by means of a direct correspondence between the two types of models. On the basis of neighbourhood semantics, a labelled sequent calculus forCDLis obtained. The calculus has strong proof-theoretic properties, in particular admissibility of contraction and cut, and it provides a decision procedure for the logic. Furthermore, its semantic completeness is used to obtain a constructive proof of the finite model property of the logic. Finally, it is shown that other doxastic operators can be easily captured within neighbourhood semantics. This fact provides further evidence of the naturalness of neighbourhood semantics for the analysis of epistemic/doxastic notions.