bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
La problématique du recueil : repères bibliographiques
Authors: Audet René , Cunningham Mélanie , Dumont François
Published: July 2012

Divisée selon les trois principaux genres du recueil - nouvelle, poésie et essai -, cette bibliographie commentée, sans prétendre à l'exhaustivité, se veut un outil pour quiconque souhaite aborder la problématique du recueil ; elle retrace les travaux qui ont une portée générale et qui pourraient ainsi servir à poursuivre la réflexion et l'étude des œuvres empruntant la forme du recueil. De courtes introductions situent les tendances théoriques et analytiques généralement associées à chaque genre.
Le rôle de la démographie dans le domaine de la santé
Authors: Ouellet Francine , Lachapelle Jean-François
Published: July 2012

Les approches nouvelles définies au Québec dans le domaine de la santé, particulièrement de la santé communautaire, ont conduit à d’importantes réorientations du rôle de la recherche socio-sanitaire qui devient un instrument de la planification et de gestion. La démographie a su contribuer avantageusement à cet essor : plus d’une vingtaine de démographes travaillent dans des domaines qui sont liés de très près à la santé au Québec.

À partir de deux lois qui sont à la base de la restructuration des services de santé au Québec, on verra quelle importance le législateur a accordé à la recherche socio-sanitaire, et plus précisément, quelle place occupe la démographie au ministère des Affaires sociales du Québec et dans le réseau.

Les liens entre la démographie et la science médicale font l’objet de la seconde partie. Ces liens seront d’abord définis à partir des variables démographiques que l’on passera en revue de façon à préciser leur importance respective comme facteurs de mesure dans le domaine de la recherche socio-sanitaire. Par la suite, nous tenterons de clarifier cette notion de technique ou d’approche démographique qui semble d’une part, voisine de l’épidémiologie et d’autre part, si appropriée par son caractère populationnel à la fonction de planification.

En guise de conclusion, on peut se poser la question à savoir si la démographie possède l’envergure nécessaire pour dépasser le rôle de soutien technique et devenir un véritable instrument de gestion et de planification. Le type de formation reçue en démographie ou la science démographique elle-même serait-elle un obstacle à son expansion?
Les transferts linguistiques au Québec entre 1975 et 1977
Authors: Maheu Robert
Published: July 2012

Le nouveau formulaire de déclaration de naissance en usage au Québec depuis juin 1975 comporte des questions sur la langue maternelle du père et de la mère ainsi que sur la principale langue d’usage à la maison de la mère. On dispose donc d’une source de renseignements sur les transferts linguistiques entre les recensements décennaux.

Les données des années 1975 à 1977 révèlent une situation assez semblable à celle observée au recensement de 1971. Des liens importants sont établis entre les transferts linguistiques et l’exogamie linguistique. Le comportement de divers sous-ensembles de la population est passé en revue.
La population des Territoires-du-Nord-Ouest au cours des années 1960 et 1970
Authors: Hamelin Louis-Edmond
Published: July 2012

Cette étude de la population des Territoires-du-Nord-Ouest (46 386 habitants en janvier 1978) a pour but de dégager des caractéristiques démographiques régionales pouvant servir à l’établissement de projections.

Après avoir souligné l’insuffisance du stock statistique et l’utilité de quelques recherches pilotes, nous avons trouvé des concepts appropriés d’analyse : population « permanente », population « courante » (et sous-groupes), classes de peuplement, types et niveaux de chômage… L’histoire récente montre que l’accroissement naturel s’est avéré plus important que les migrations dans l’augmentation des populations. Les mouvements extérieurs commandent toutefois une évolution saccadée : l’accroissement annuel était de 2 706 individus en 1970 mais seulement de 510, trois ans plus tard. Le phénomène de centralité s’exerce au profit de la capitale de Yellowknife (près de 10 000 habitants) qui, depuis dix ans, a capté 63 % de toutes les migrations territoriennes nettes. Le clivage ethnique — Inuit 32 %, Déné 17 %, Métis 4 %, Blancs 47 % — domine la démographie territorienne. Les deux tiers de la population amérindienne habitent des localités de moins de 750 habitants alors que les deux tiers des Blancs sont dans des villes de plus de 3 000 habitants. En 1977, le taux général de dépendance était aussi élevé que 73 %.

Malgré l’imprécision des statistiques, une certaine connaissance de la démographie territorienne est possible.
Évaluation du sous-dénombrement de la population lors du recencement de la population et du logement du Canada de 1976
Authors: Gosselin J.-F. , Brackstone G. J.
Published: July 2012

La contre-vérification des dossiers constitue l’une des principales études de la qualité des données produites lors du recensement de la population et du logement du Canada de 1976. Elle vise à analyser le sous-dénombrement de la population lors du recensement et ses effets sur les chiffres de la population pour le Canada, les provinces et certains sous-groupes importants. La méthode consiste à choisir un échantillon de personnes à partir de sources indépendantes du recensement de 1976, à établir l’adresse de chacune au moment du recensement et à vérifier dans les documents du recensement si elles ont ou non été recensées. Le présent document décrit d’une manière générale la méthodologie de la contre-vérification des dossiers de 1976 et donne les principaux résultats obtenus.
Le conflit frontalier sino-soviétique de 1969
Authors: Hervouet Gérard
Published: July 2012

The Sino-Soviet conflict of 1969 constitutes part of an historical conflictual continuity between China and the Soviet Union. Three distinct phases have been delimited in this conflict. The approach employed makes it possible to give proper emphasis to the most critical period, that in which the greatest incompatibility in the stated objectives of the two parties occurred. Clearly, the apprehensions of the two States were formulated in terms of perception which enables due consideration of the systemic stakes of the crisis, the territorial aspect of which remained marginal. The density and the types of interaction identified throughout the conflict show the conflict's evolution with precision. As a complement to the application of the comparative analysis of conflict model, the search for domestic factors that could have been determinants of the origins of the border incidents enables a fuller understanding of this crisis.
La conférence de Berlin de juin 1976 : analyse du discours communiste
Authors: Marcou Lilly
Published: July 2012

The Berlin Congress would seem to have completed the historic sequence of Congresses begun in 1957 with the Moscow world congress of Communist parties. It represents a turning point in the history of the Communist movement, especially as it pertains to Europe. Its long and laborious preparatory phase as well as the density and contradictory nature of its proceedings provide a new image of European Communism in crisis by bringing together a diversity of governing parties. Certain among the latter are all-powerful in their countries, others, important opposition forces involved closely or indirectly in the process of governing, while others are either underground or represent an infinitely small portion of their respective electorates. The Berlin Congress was the theater of debates containing the potentialities of conflict that animate the European Communist parties. It confirmed and stabilized a major phenomenon whose origins are to be found at the world Communist Party Congress of 1969 - Eurocommunism.
Les pays socialistes de l’Est et l’Unité Européenne - La tradition dans le socialisme et le socialisme dans la tradition
Authors: Pilisi Paul
Published: July 2012

From its beginnings in 1922, the foreign policy of the Soviet Union has pursued one overriding objective : the preservation of the empire. This policy's dialectic is in conformity with the Soviet doctrine which holds that international relations are but relations of production. Soviet foreign policy has always sought international legal guarantees to protect the conquests of empire and socialism. Ideologically, the U.S.S.R. has always been opposed to the idea of European unity. European integration has traditionally been viewed by the Soviet empire as the ultimate endeavour of capitalism prior to the latter's final crisis. This basic policy option had been adopted by the socialist countries of Europe.

From 1922, when the Soviet Union had accorded the E.E.C. de facto recognition, several countries of Eastern Europe had expressed their respective attitudes with regard to European integration. The Helsinki and Belgrade C.S.C.E., the final result of which was only a diplomatic declaration, emphasized the idea of East-West cooperation. European cooperation, deriving from a compromise between economic "necessity" and political "illusion," should provide practical results rather than ideas. De jure recognition of the E.E.C. by the U.S.S.R. and the Eastern Europe countries also constitutes an important element of East-West relations. The 1980s will reveal whether or not the hostility of the countries of Eastern Europe with respect to European integration has definitely been replaced by cooperation free from ulterior ideological motives.
Ombres et lumières sur les élections européennes des 7 et 10 juin 1979 : ébauche d’une première analyse des résultats
Authors: Seiler Daniel Louis
Published: July 2012

This article seeks to provide a first attempt at finding a way through the intricate jungle created by at least nine political Systems electing members for one Parliament. The analysis is divided into four steps. The first step considers the actors and the rules of the game and results in a clear conclusion : neither the rules (the electoral Systems) nor the actors (European political parties) allow for the expression of any kind of political will. The second step of the analysis deals with some generalizations about the so-called European trends of the election. The "nonvoters' party" appears as the clear winner. Moreover, this is the only common

pattern observed in the nine countries.

The third step is comprised of a country by country overview. Rather than referring to the European election, one should talk about at least elevent different elections each with a different set of issues. In terms of the issues, Denmark is the sole country where essentially European matters were in the forefront. In the other cases, the election of the MEP resembles an opinion poll designed especially to meet the needs of national leaders and parties. The article concludes by considering future developments. The real European elections will take place in 1984. What will happen from June 1979 until 1984 will be akin to rehersals for a play. The script seems well written and the dialogue is interesting. However, the actors (the parties) are untrained. The destiny of the performance will entirely depend on the actors.
Vers un nouvel ordre politique international : le traité de paix et d’amitié sino-japonais du 12 août 1978
Authors: Colard Daniel
Published: July 2012

On August 12th 1978 the People's Republic of China and Japan signed a treaty of peace and friendship that solemnly recognized the reconciliation between Peking and Tokyo. The original character and political, economic and geo-strategic meaning of this signal document can only be understood by placing it within Us true context. In fact, this context has two facets. The Sino-Japanese treaty can first be seen in an historical context that must be kept in mind since the « Far Eastern Question » has, from the end of the 19th century, been at the heart of Sino-Japanese and Russo-Japanese relations as well as constituting an ongoing concern for the major European powers. Prior to 1939, Japanese imperialism had succeeded in imposing its law in China and in East Asia establishing what Tokyo called a « co-prosperity sphere ». During the Second World War, the United States, Great Britain and the USSR - allies against the common enemy - had to take important decisions with regard to Japan to prepare the terms of occupation. The San Francisco Peace Treaty of 1951 established the new American-Japanese relationship. Normalization of Soviet-Japanese relations began with the signing of the joint declaration of 1956.

The August 12th 1978 Peace Treaty between Peking and Tokyo can be further seen as part of specific diplomatic context comprising the Sino-Soviet conflict, East-West détente and the Sino-American rapprochement that opened the way - immediately after President Nixon's trip to China in February 1972 - for the Sino-Japanese rapprochement.

Legally, the Treaty contains only five short sections, the most original of which being the « anti-hegemony » clause provided for in section 2. Diplomatically, it is not exaggerated to recognize in this Sino-Japanese agreement an element of a New International Political Order presently taking form and that has to necessarily accompany the implantation of the « New International Economic Order » that the countries of the Third World have been demanding since 1974.
L’accélération de l’intégration du commerce extérieur des pays de l’ASEAN au marché mondial
Authors: De Koninck Rodolphe , Comtois Claude
Published: July 2012

For the period 1965-1977, for each of the five ASEAN member countries (Thailand, the Philippines, Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore) as well as for the whole of the region, were examinee the evolution of the volume and of the components of the import and export trade, as well as that of the proportional share of the various trading partners. The following tendencies are apparent. 1) The region's national economies are increasingly « world trade oriented ». 2) Since the founding of ASEAN in 1967, the proportional share of intraregional trade has been declining. 3) The composition of this trade is increasingly determined by the needs of industrial countries. 4) The proportional share of the trading carried out with industrial countries, and particularly with Japan, is also increasing. 5) Singapore seems to play a key role in this articulation of the integration of the region to the world market, an integration detrimental to regional internal integration, an official goal of the ASEAN.
L’antigermanisme et la campagne française pour l’élection du Parlement européen
Authors: Ménudier Henri
Published: July 2012

Anti-German sentiment in France has deep roots that extend back to the middle of the 19th century. A permanent theme of French foreign policy, it manifested itself with force during the campaign for the European elections of June 10, 1979. This explosion can be explained in terms of the fear of a part of the political forces to see themselves dragged too far into a process of European integration that would contribute to submitting France to the economic forces of a Germany very dependent on the United States. The Communists were the main standard bearers of this campaign in which the Gaullists and other politicians participated. An examinationt of the themes of their public statements shows that references to the Third Reich, to trials of former Nazis and to the role that present leaders of the FRG played under Hitler predominated. Criticism of German domestic politics was primarily concerned with the threat to freedoms in the FRG and with the rise of politicians such as Franz Josef Strauss. Comparisons of the economic, commercial and industriel statistics of the Federal Republic of Germany and France fed concerns that prompted once again speculation with respect to German reunification and the association of nuclear weapons with the FRG. In attacking social-democracy the FCP attempted to further undercut Franco-German relations and to accentuate its split with the French Socialist Party. The anti-German campaign did not, in fact, have a great impact on public opinion or government policy. Nevertheless, both the range and persistence of these themes show that xenophobia in general and anti-German sentiment in particular are not on the point of disappearing in France.
Réflexion sur la prévision en relations internationales
Authors: Braillard Philippe
Published: July 2012

In the study of international relations, as indeed in all of the social sciences, reflections about the future are becoming increasingly numerous. They indicate frequently moreover a desire for systemization through recourse to rigourous techniques and procedures: the Delphi technique, the construction of scenarios, Systems analysis, operations research, decision matrices, graph theory, game theory, etc. This leads us to conclude often that the forecasting approach in international relations is undergoing a major quantitative and qualitative evolution.

We seek to show however in this analysis that, contrary to appearances, forecasting research in international relations is characterized above all today by great epistemological weakness and by a remarkable incoherence, and that it is not therefore, for the most part, equal to its pretensions. We will attempt to determine why this is the case and if this situation is likely to change. In doing so, we will seek to identify both the possibilities and the limits of forecasting in this field.
Capitalisme d’État ou société bureaucratique de développement
Authors: Elsenhans Hartmut
Published: July 2012

Increasingly, one can observe the power of the state extending into the modem sector of Third World economies. Different types of cooperative relationships are established with multinational corporations, even to the point of excluding them altogether. A considerable part of the literature suggests that in this instance there is the formation of dependent capitalist societies, what could be referred to as state capitalism. Such a definition is contradictory and conceals the true operation of these societies. In fact, was are witnessing the emergence of a new type of production that the author refers to as bureaucratic development societies dominated by bureaucratically organized state classes. These state-classes collectively appropriate the social surplus and determine its allocation on a political basis allocating it either to consumption by the dominant class or to investment, but in this latter case, without consideration as to the immediate return on possible investments. The means by which such a class arrives at decisions are of particular interest because the author shows that they constitute both a hope and a threat for the broad-based development of the economies and the societies of the Third World.
Le contrôle des armements et les armes chimiques
Authors: Vachon G.K.
Published: July 2012

Since the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, the media has gone to great lengths to assess the relative capabilities of Warsaw Pact and NATO forces. Chemical weapons have not been neglected in these assessments, with the conclusion usually being that something should be done to match the capability of the Warsaw Pact to wage chemical warfare. In fact, important decisions have recently been made in the United States, and others are being considered elsewhere, which reflect that point of view.

It is the position of this paper that the context within which chemical weapons have been considered in the past is too restrictive. Beginning with an examination of the role that chemical weapons are said to play in the East-West security framework, the article then goes on to a discussion of the global dimension of the issue. Finally, it outlines negociations underway to prohibit chemical weapons, and suggests that a regional approach to the problem might offer a way through the current impasse.
Les mutations de notre économie-monde : Des révolutions sans miracles
Authors: Paquet Gilles
Published: July 2012

This paper attempts to put the present mutation of the world economy in historical perspective. It uses a meso-analytical framework to examine the economic transformation we are experiencing. The main force at work, it is claimed, is a progressive dematerialization of economic activity which has triggered a reorganization of the world economy as instituted process. The extent to which a new international industrial order is in the making is examined together with the forces at work to transform the present conflictive equilibrium situation into a situation of creative disequilibrium.
Les nouvelles politiques industrielles : Le cas des télécommunications
Authors: Albert Alain , Crener Maxime A.
Published: July 2012

After showing the dynamic character of the world market of telecommunications equipment, the authors analyze the main factors which have contributed to the elaboration of the industrial structure in this field. Particular stress is laid on the role played by technological evolution as driving force of the industrial reorganization which is taking place right now in the field. This reorganization movement on a world scale has sometimes given rise, in industrial policy, to totally different behaviours from governments. Thus, the strategies of the Japanese and French branches are countered by measures taken by the US Government to deregulate and liberalize the market. The authors conclude by pointing out that, given the limited means at its disposal and faced with an international market of electronics threatened by competition from the Newly Industrialized Countries, there is a need for Canada to adopt a differential strategic approach which will allow it to acceed to technological sovereignty and to counter the delocalisation process which profit the NIC of South-East Asia.
« Domestiquer » l’incertitude : Les sociétés d’État comme instrument d’adaptation aux changements économiques internationaux
Authors: Lacasse François
Published: July 2012

The author recalls briefly the recent growth (20 years) of the Government controlled enterprises in the market economies : relative weight multiplied by three and mostly, a very strong diversification of their activities. Because pressure front the international environment is exerted on the old industrial societies like Canada in order that they redeploy, this trend will continue. Adaptations are made difficult and politically costly by social rigidness. In this connection, Government controlled enterprises offer very clear advantages compared to the other means available (flexibility, discretion, existence capacity of the adapters and late-comers, dispersion of forums of conflict, cooptation of the elites, real and expected contributions to growth). The forces which hinder the privatization of the Government controlled enterprises, coming from the conservative parties, are impressive : economic and political costs, possibilities of de facto privatization, the interests of the Government controlled enterprises themselves and their allies. In short, it is very likely that this trend will go on. In the face of this, the amount of expert knowledge leaves much to be desired'; some of the main lines of research are dead ends. The author outlines some new directions which will allow research to really integrate the Government controlled enterprises in the economic predictions and policy making.
L’URSS et ses conceptions de sa sécurité : De brejnev à Andropov
Authors: Guerra Adriano
Published: July 2012

The international developments of the last few years have once more brought forth the traditional questions on the foreign policy of the USSR. The strong coming hack of the Soviet military on the political scène has revived the debate on the nature of the Soviet power and on the role played by the Army and its representatives. Since 1975, Soviet policy has been what can be considered as a "policy of response", aimed at protecting the recently acquired "new frontiers" and at preventing the United States from availing themselves of the internal problems existing in the USSR to change the status quo to their advantage. Increasingly, the Soviet government, in his multiple interventions in various regions of the world - and particularly in Afghanistan - is resorting to the militarization of her ancient and new frontiers. This line of action makes the Soviet policy more and more unpredictable and intensifies the risks of confrontation around the globe.
Entre l’utopie et la diplomatie : Les « contre-décisions »
Authors: Barréa Jean
Published: July 2012

How are cultural changes put forward by so-called 'Utopias' accepted by political elites and then implemented through political decisions or international treaties ? This historical process has often been dealt with via two separate disciplines : sociology and political science. In this article, the author has chosen to use the new paradigm of global politics, i.e., the "issue paradigm", as his general framework of analysis.

This article comprises two parts. First a theory of political change - culturally induced. Four concepts of change and progress are examined (Saint-Pierre, Kant, Condorcet and Bentham). This leads the author to the formulation of a new concept: " counter-decision", which can be defined as "a minor concession pulled through socially organized utopian movements from still reluctant political elites, at the very time when History is shaken by some kind of crisis such as war". The total process consists of four successive stages which are: intellectual maturation, socialisation, counter-decision, and new policy which is the final stage of political change culturally induced.

The second part of the article gives a historical illustration of this four stages process, examples of which are the European unification, arbitration, collective security, disarmament, arms control, law of war and humanitarian law. These empirical illustrations reveal that Saint-Pierre, Kant, Condorcet and Bentham were all correct in their respective interpretation of progress. It also means that, in politics, cultural progress is at one and the same time rationally thought, reached through a dialectical process, cumulative or determinist in some aspects, if equally debated, and thus voluntarist.
Le contrôle gouvernemental des entreprises multinationales : Le cas des États-Unis
Authors: Vernon Ryamond
Published: July 2012

The article is a case study of the relationship between the American government and US multinational corporation. It argues that while the state - MNE relationships vary from country to country, the US pattern is one of a very limited transnational role for government. Main factors in this pattern are the division of powers between the various branches and agencies of the US government, and changes in administrative staff following each national election. Few cases of government effort at business guidance are found: antitrust policy, foreign aid to friend governments, ineffectual protests again nationalisation of foreign subsidiaries of US MNE, exceptional cases of purposeful intervention, and the US adherence to international guide lines to MNE conduct sponsored by OECD. The article studies in more detail the case of oil, in which the US government is supposed to have intervened in a more direct way. The article concludes that US foreign policy is too complex to be understood simply in terms of government support of US multinational abroad. Besides us industry and the American government are themselves too split to produce a single and homogeneous pattern of policy.
Quel droit de la guerre pour l’OTAN?
Authors: Meyrowitz Henri
Published: July 2012

The debate which has been going on for many years now among governments of the member countries of NATO on the ratification of the Additional Protocol I to the 1949 Geneva Conventions, signed in 1977, focusses mainly on the effects of such an instrument on deterrence and nuclear strategy. It is the fear of these effects that France has used to justify her refusal to become part of Protocol I. At the time of the signing of Protocol I, the US and Great Britain made the declaration that the new regulations as introduced by Protocol I "are not intended to have any effect on and do not regulate or prohibit the use of nuclear weapons". It appears that, for a reason which has nothing to do with atomic weapons, the Reagan administration intends not to ask the Senate for ratification of Protocol I. The governments of Italy and Belgium who ratified the Protocol in February and May 1986 respectively, have supplemented their ratification with a declaration similar to that of the two powers. As for the legality of the use of nuclear weapons, the answer must from now on rely on the combination of Protocol I and the "nuclear clause" from the declaration of the two powers and their allies. Hence the status of nuclear weapons in international law is comprised of three elements : a) The first use of nuclear weapons is not, in itself prohibited. - b) This use is subjected to the regulations of the common law of war, as has been "reaffirmed" by Protocol I, and which applies both to conventional and nuclear weapons. - c) The bans and restrictions, as provided for in these regulations, and which mark out the thin bounds which allow for the use of atomic weapons, pertain only to the use of these arms and not to nuclear deterrence.
Théorie des contextes et relations internationales : Départ de la première guerre d’Indochine
Authors: Vuong Thanh H.
Published: July 2012

Bateson's "Eurêka" has been his application of Russell and Whitehead's theory of types to the social sciences. They had postulated a discontinuity between the levels of the members of a class and a class of classes and so on. Hence a class may not be a member of itself. The cat scratches and the word "cat" does not bite. Confusion between levels, or the signifier and the signified, or the map and the territory, or the menu and the meal, is a sign of disorder.

Having been introduced to Bateson's ecology, Anthony Wilden has formulated a theory of contexts, already present in "System and Structure". In order to avoid simplicity through the flattening of social and organic levels into inorganic levels of matter-energy, the theory of contexts suggest the organisation of constraints, complexites, or levels of reality into levels of logical types, using the rule of extinction. It goes on to suggest the use of the rule of commutation to eliminate spurious similarities and inappropriate symmetries which lead to oppositions and Imaginary "contradictions".

It is suggested to use Korzybski and Hayakawa's rule of communication in order to get over conflicts due to misperception.

To illustrate all of this, we propose to dismanthe the processes which have led to the misunderstanding behind the first Indochinese war of 1946-1954. From one misunderstanding to another, the VPA (Vietnam People's Army), in the 1980's, mobilised at the Kmer-Siamese border, at the door of Thailand who since 1939 has claimed to be the land of the Thais and heir to the Champa empire which was established in 192 and, soon after 1471, was dissolved by the "gnawing" of the Vietnamese peasants in their "long march" towards the South.

The most revolting of working, conjugal and international disputes is that which emerge from misperceptions where each party is convinced of its own good will and of the foul bad will of the other. A mutual consent regarding the context, that of metacommunication, may lead to a common signification (consensus) of beings, events and objects.
L’URSS face à la guerre du Golfe, une stratégie singulière
Authors: Lecours Francine
Published: July 2012

Soon after the opening of hostilities between Iran and Iraq in September 1980, the Soviet Union offered military assistance to Tehran while simultaneously suspending arms deliveries to Baghdad, a formerly faithful client. Following Iran s refusal of assistance, and possibly in reaction to a percieved threat from the spreading of Iran's Islamic revolution, Moscow re-opened arms shipments to Iraq. This ambivalent behavior on the part of the Soviet Union is partially explained by the history of its interests in the region.

The Soviet Union has long Had strategic ambitions to bring Iran under its influence. Moscow welcomed any opportunity to increase economic and political des with Tehran even if in the short term the results were only partial. On the other hand, Iraq is an influential member of the Arab community - a useful relationship for the USSR, and one that while mutually1987 advantageous for both parties, has not required extensive commitments.

One cannot ignore the possibility that important events in the Gulf War will cause an abrupt shift in Soviet attitudes and actions in the region.
Les besoins alimentaires de l’Afrique et la réponse du Canada : Les limites de l’aide alimentaire au développement
Authors: Charlton Mark W.
Published: July 2012

In recent years there has been an important shift in the pattern of Canadian food aid distribution towards a greater concentration on Africa. Recent projections call for increased transfers of food aid to Africa in the foreseeable future. Given the growing concern about the long-term contribution that food aid might make to increasing food sufficiency in Africa, this paper examines the concept of « developmental » food aid and its implications for Canadian food aid policy. First, the article discusses some of the problems that arise out of the provision of increased volumes of non-emergency food aid to Africa. Then, it examines the recent evolution of Canadian food aid policy with particular attention to some of the difficulties involved in implementing a strategy of providing « developmental » food aid to Africa on a long-term basis. The issues of policy dialogue, recipient selection, donor co-ordination, and food aid dependence are discussed respectively.
Les missiles de croisière soviétiques aéroportés et la géopolitique de la défense aérienne de l’Amérique du Nord : Une nouvelle perspective du Nord canadien
Authors: Haglund David G.
Published: July 2012

Recent developments in the technology of weaponry have brought about a reconsideration of the "geopolitical" importance of Canadian northern spaces to the physical-security interests of the two superpowers, and especially of the United States. Those technological developments have been apparent in three areas : ballistic missile defence (BMD), nuclear-propelled (and sometimes-armed) submarines, and air-launched cruise missiles (ALCM). Both the BMD and nuclear-submarine issues have generated much debate of late in Canada ; considerably less attention has been accorded the analysis of developments in the domain of the ALCM. It is with this latter weapon-system and in particular with the manner in which Washington regards Soviet ALCMs, that this article is concerned. Argued here is the view that the perceived Soviet ALCM threat has been of major importance in the recent modernization of North American air-defence Systems. In addition to discussing the development and consequences of Soviet ALCMs, this article also explores the extent to which technological transformations in weapons-systems might also have the effect of achieving conceptual transformations in strategic analysis. A major sub-theme of the article is the contention that technological variables have been occasioning a reconsideration of the manner in which theorists of international relations and strategic studies have been assessing the relationship between geographical configuration and the perceived strategic significance of states. The article observes that the once-moribund field of "geopolitics" has been undergoing a modest revival among theorists, in part because of changes in those weapons technologies in discusses.
L’OACI au sein de l’ONU : le fonctionnalisme et ses applications
Authors: Sochor Eugène
Published: July 2012

The theory of functionalism is based on the notion that the cumulative effect of "functional" activities will tend to influence the political aims of governments towards more cooperation and fewer conflicts. This has not been the case in ICAO and it remains to be seen whether technical cooperation can transcend the vested national interests of states in the other aspects of civil aviation. Anything that is non-technical is likely to be political in nature, even when such issues come up before the ICAO Council, under the guise of technical problems. Any expectation that political and functional activities in aviation could be separated were dashed as soon as ICAO joined the United Nations System. As a consequence, it is bound to follow political positions which do not necessarily accord with its mandate and with the requirements of air transport.
L’état actuel des études stratégiques : À propos des hérissons et des renards
Authors: Sigler John
Published: July 2012

Western writers and thinkers can be divided into two categories : those who are hedgehogs and emphasize one central vision and unity of the world, and those who are foxes who emphasize diversity, separateness and uniqueness. My argument in this article is that much of the debate about the proper place of strategic studies in the larger field of international relations stems from this major distinction. The strategists tend to be hedgehogs who take one paradigm, one set of applications and one set of political commitments and make a great deal out of it. I will argue that there is also merit to understanding that there are foxes as well, who would place the central vision of the strategists in a larger context of other truths, other applications, and broader commitments.
Les tendances de la stratégie conventionnelle de l’OTAN
Authors: Klepak Harold P. , George William L.
Published: July 2012

The purpose of this article is to concentrate on the conventional strategy of Europe in order to bring to light its new trends, all the while demonstrating the principal role that new technology maintains within this evolutionary process. Emphasis will be placed upon the recent changes in Western doctrines, in order to distinguish the differences between the doctrines of Air Land Battle and Follow-on-Forces Attack (FOFA), and those which preceded them. An attempt will then be made to compare the recent developments in the conceptual models of War of Attrition and War of Maneuver, so as to determine whether these new doctrines correspond to either the first or second model. This analysis should thus permit a better understanding of the debate which encompasses the conventional strategy of Europe.
La théorie et la pratique de l’Arms Control : Bilan et perspectives
Authors: Klein Jean
Published: July 2012

Arms control, as developed by American civilian strategists in the late 1950s, sought to maintain the equilibrium upon which mutual deterrence was dependent, and strove to prevent direct conflict between the two nuclear protagonists. Has it exhausted its virtuality and will there be a return to the tradition of general and total disarmament? One comes to ask within the framework of this analysis, whether the Washington treaty of december 1987 introduces a new element to arms control, or whether it closely follows the methods used in former agreements. In an effort to better comprehend this question, the past experiences in arms control will be examined before making any conjectures on its anticipated evolution, all the while taking into consideration the new approaches used in the American-Soviet relations, the problems created by technological innovation, and the intentions of both the small and medium States.
Conclusion
Authors: David Charles-Philippe
Published: July 2012

If Strategic Studies are to progress and remain relevant as a fîeld of social sciences and a sub-field of international relations, they have to be more pluralistic, interdisciplinary and innovative. If there is no work at these three levels, strategic thought may become more and more marginalized This short paper defines ten ways by which the "new strategist" may reform and help the cause of strategic Studies.
De la notion de guérilla à la notion de techno-guérilla - Évolution technologique et transformation des machines de guerres
Authors: Noyer Jean-Max
Published: July 2012

Discussion is centered mainly on the concept of techno-guerilla warfare within a European context. After first considering the concept of guerilla warfare, we outline the relationships linking these two concepts. We then move on to discuss certain theoretical points regarding the adoption of this new form of technological warfare, as well as the stakes and the difficulties involved in adopting such a form of defence.
Ajustement structurel et effondrement des modèles idéologiques : Crise et renouveau de l'État africain
Authors: Souley Abdoulaye Niandou
Published: July 2012

The crisis of the State preceded structural adjustment, the latter only exposing a pre-existing economic and financial crisis. As a result of this financial crisis, the State’s ambitions have fallen into discredit. Its leaders are less able to redistribute wealth and, as one problem leads to another, their political survival is threatened. The « revolt of the belly » has been carried over to the political playing-field thanks to favourable international circumstances which have forced states to accept multipartygovernment. From this viewpoint, the collapse of ideological models and the structural policies of adjustment are as much factors in the crisis of the African State as they are in its renewal.
L'insertion économique internationale du continent africain
Authors: Grégoire Luc Joël
Published: July 2012

With a GDP of355 million dollars, i.e. 4 % of the world GDP, the African continent is economically the least developed region. During the 1980s Africa underwent economic and social decline combined with worsening external and internal financial imbalances. The Maghreb, southern Africa, and Nigeria constitute nonetheless areas that have a relatively high level of development with much potential.
L'Afrique et la fin de la guerre froide : de la nécessité d'un « nouveau réalisme »
Authors: Kühne Winrich
Published: July 2012

Superpower disinterest turns out to be the main feature of Africa's post cold war era. Although marxism-leninism and models of socialist orientation based thereupon have utterly failed, there is not much reason for capitalism to triumph either: the debate on the limits and risks of the market forces will continue as the example of South Africa shows. The eighties have turned out to be a lost decade for development in Africa and there will be no significant rise in outside development assistance in the coming years : expectations for a Marshall Plan for Africa and hopes concerning a "peace-dividend" because of disarmament in Europe should be discounted in the context of the exploding cost of European reconstruction. Africans can either react with despair or with a "New Realism", geared at solving their problems essentially by mobilising their own resources and creativity. Europe, for its part, would be ill-advised to judge its relations with Africa merely in terms of diminishing strategic and economic interests.
Le mythe d'un leadership nigérian dans les relations inter-africaines
Authors: Nwokedi Emeka
Published: July 2012

Nigeria's leadership role in inter-African relations remains a myth despite the country's assertiveness in the areas of liberation, conflict mediation and regional economic integration. Rhetoric and posturing in inter-African diplomacy have become a substitute for reality. Furthermore, the weakness of the Nigerian domestic structure and the effects of the structural adjustment programme negate Nigerians capabilities to exert a leadership in inter-African diplomacy.
Afrique du Sud : politique extérieure et rapports avec le continent
Authors: Anglin Douglas G.
Published: July 2012

The principal preoccupation of South African foreign policy decision makers has consistently been the preservation and perpetuation of white power and privilege. This has been especially the case with respect to relations with the rest of Africa, and above all Southern Africa which South Africa has long regarded as its natural hinterland. Traditionally, the neighbouring states have been a source of minerals, markets and migrant labour, but more recently they have also been perceived as a source of insecurity. Pretoria countered the alleged "total onslaught" it faced with its "total strategy" which, in the region, amounted to a combination ofathump and talk. "The military reverse South Africa suffered in Angola in 1988 forced a reassessment of policy, leading to the independance of Namibia and the prospect of an end to apartheid domestically. How the emergence of a non-racial democratic regime in South Africa will affect policy towards the continent is uncertain. While the African National Congress recognizes the need to put the relationship on a new and mutually beneficial basis, it is likely to be preoccupied with its own formidable domestic agenda. This may leave policy effectively in the hands of the technocrats and the businessmen, which does not augur well for an end to the present exploitative relationship.
Stratégies technico-commerciales asiatiques
Authors: Vuong Thanh H.
Published: July 2012

John Foster Dulles, then Secretary of State under the presidency of Eisenhower, once said there are two ways to conquer: by the clash of arms or through the economic control. The motto of the former WWII British SBS Commandos (Special Boat Service)used to be "United we conquer" and the one from the SAS (Special Air Service) used to be "Who dare win ", both of these commando troops or irregulars were in tactical competition framed by strategic cooperation where the light forces overcame heavier and overnumbering forces. Unity and daringness seem to be their secret weapon, but neither so secret nor so exclusive, comparatively to the recipe of tactical competition framed by strategic co-operation and coordination. "Superior numbers on the battlefield are an undoubted advantage, but skill, better organization, and training, and above all a firmer determination in all ranks to conquer at any cost, are the chief factors of success. Half-hearted measures never attain success in war and lack of determination is the most fruitful source of defeat" wrote Anthony Wilden1. The Chinese "Chii" (close to the latin "anima": heart, mind, courage) may be translated to "determination" and not by "energy" as it uses to be with the western obsession and compulsion of matter, energy and big power at the expense of high determination or "Tai Chi". The Chinese "Lii" - though its primal senses are "Law", "Rationality" and "Reason", "Rite" and "Harmony" - may be viewed as "Skill". Here, Asia is the Far East and mainly Japan, the "mother tiger" and her "baby tigers ", namely Korea (South), Hong Kong, Singapore and Taiwan. The ride of the dragon is oriented elsewhere and devastated Viet Nam (the smaller dragon) - by its independence wars and communist insulation and isolation - is not yet in the game. Strategy is both an organizational level of action and a type of action based on disguise, deception, uncertainty, flexibility and adaptation.