bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Pluralism about Knowledge
Authors: Hannon Michael
Published: January 2019

This chapter explores the possibility of “epistemic pluralism,” according to which the concept of knowledge serves multiple purposes. It has been suggested that the concept of knowledge plays each of the following roles: to signal the appropriate end of inquiry; to track the epistemic norm governing warranted assertion and practical reasoning; to distinguish between blameworthy and blameless behavior; to provide assurance to others; to encourage good testimony; and so forth. This chapter attempts to ascertain what the concept of knowledge must be like to accommodate all these plausible functions. It defends a version of epistemic pluralism that countenances the idea that we speak of knowing for a variety of purposes, but it also claims the primary purpose of the concept of knowledge is to identify reliable informants.
Introduction
Authors: Verhoeven Harry
Published: January 2019

We sent down water, as a blessing from the sky and made grow gardens with it and grain for the harvest, and lofty date palm-trees with their spathes, piled one above the other

As sustenance for (Our) servants

We gave (new) life thereby to a dead land....
Illegal Fishing and Piracy in the Horn of Africa
Authors: Elmi Afyare A.
Published: January 2019

The Red Sea, Gulf of Aden, and Indian Ocean have always been vital routes for world navigation and traveling. These waters are particularly important for most of the countries in the Middle East and North Africa. This chapter examines the geopolitics of maritime piracy and IUU fishing in the Horn of Africa waters. First, the chapter provides historical background on maritime piracy in Somalia, arguing that this is a new phenomenon in the region. Second, it discusses the extent of illegal fishing in Somali waters. Third, it assesses the political and economic explanations for clandestine maritime activities of statelessness, illegal fishing, toxic waste dumping, and poverty. Fourth, the chapter analyzes the implications of piracy and illegal fishing for the MENA region.
Learning Geopolitical Pluralism
Authors: Henry Clement M.
Published: January 2019

The Middle East, viewed by many as a geopolitical prize astride three continents, is now sharply contested and fragmented by proxy wars in Libya, Syria, and Yemen reflecting a painful readjustment of the global balance that empowers regional rivalries. While the local conflicts are not about oil, the imputed strategic value of the commodity has reinforced the region’s geopolitical significance as an arena for competition among great powers. This chapter surveys present and past international regimes for managing the supply and distribution of oil. It is argued that key state actors may learn to practice geopolitical pluralism in this clearly defined sector of international political economy, with potential spill-over into related sectors alleviating the contemporary world disorder
Overhearing Indigenous Silence
Authors: Sonevytsky Maria
Published: January 2019

Sonevytsky’s chapter considers the noteworthy lack of historical sources pertaining to Crimean Tatar experiences of the War. It attempts, through analysis of what remains in sonic form, to recover experiences that have largely disappeared from cultural archives through a method of “overhearing” Crimean Tatars in outsider accounts. The chapter examines one British account of the Crimean War, and one Crimean Tatar “émigré song” anthologized by Soviet ethnographers. A closing section discusses Russia’s present-day annexation of Crimea and contemporary efforts to use musical memory as a means of political resilience.
Orienting the Martial
Authors: Bohlman Andrea F.
Published: January 2019

Bohlman’s chapter explores the fragmented archive pertaining to Polish military involvement in the Crimean War, focusing on evocations of military power and travel in legion songs. The chapter suggests that legion songs were a political technology for preserving and promoting Polish nationhood during a time of partition. Not only did such songs stimulate nationalist sentiment (both at home and abroad) and portray the legion as the fulcrum of Poland’s aspirational sovereignty, they also posited a relationship to land rooted in mobility. The chapter argues that poems and songs served to sing a nation into being, redrawing constantly shifting imaginary borders between Poland and the imperial forces that kept it splintered.
Who Sings the Song of the Russian Soldier?
Authors: Karnes Kevin C.
Published: January 2019

Karnes’s chapter examines the Crimean War’s Baltic theater. It considers ways in which acts of listening structured understandings of conscription, encampment, combat, and mourning as experienced by individuals stationed or living on the eastern Baltic Coast. It focuses in particular mass mobilization of Russian troops, which occasioned many first encounters: between culturally heterogeneous Romanov subjects; between “Russians” and Europeans from the West; and between Europeans both Eastern and Western, as well as non-European others. The chapter argues that such encounters refashioned mental geographies of Europe, and that listening to others’ voices in wartime had the power to shatter habitual associations between peoples and spaces.
A voice that carries
Authors: Casadei Delia
Published: January 2019

Casadei’s chapter examines the geopolitical uses of aurality, sketching a history of Italy during the Crimean War “as heard from the outside.” It charts an ideology of the bella voce and considers voice as a means of projecting and disrupting national boundaries in the years before Italy’s unification, concentrating particularly on literary accounts of the Crimean War from the later nineteenth century. It notes the capacity for voices to make (new) sense of geographical distinctions, and interrogates what was at stake in the Sardinian troops’ ability to organize themselves, even to understand one another, amid countless regional dialects in the Crimean campaign. The chapter thus uncovers a telling episode in the history of Italian sound: one in which voice and the capacity for language are fashioned into politicized and even oppositional terms.
Introduction
Authors: Jarvis Katie
Published: January 2019

This chapter introduces the over 1,000 Parisian market women known as the Dames des Halles and outlines how Politics in the Marketplace changes understandings of work, gender, and citizenship in the French Revolution. First, this book insists that marketplace actors shaped the nature of nascent democracy and capitalism through their daily commerce. As the revolutionaries overhauled Old Regime privileges in les Halles, they confronted the tensions between socially egalitarian projects and free market aspirations in everyday trade. Second, this book expands recent non-Marxist inquiries to reconsider the socioeconomic issues at the heart of the Revolution. It proposes the concept of economic citizenship to consider how an individual’s economic activities such as buying goods, selling food, or paying taxes position him/her within the collective social body and enable him/her to make claims on the state. Third, Politics in the Marketplace intervenes in the dominant narrative of gender and modern democracy. Instead of defining citizenship by electoral rights, this book explores how the Dames and fellow revolutionaries invented multiple notions of citizenship in its embryonic stages, some of which did not immediately divide citizenship by gender. Fourth, this book argues that, in their words and actions, the Dames conceptualized their citizenship through useful work. According to the market women, their occupational, civic, and gendered work served society and earned them the right to make claims on the state in return. The Dames’ notion of citizenship thus included gendered components but did not take gender as its cornerstone. Finally, the introduction describes the sources used to tap into the Dames’ world.
The Dames des Halles
Authors: Jarvis Katie
Published: January 2019

This chapter examines how the Dames des Halles derived their influence from their roles as retailers in the food trade and as traditional representatives of the Third Estate. It draws on evidence from 151 market women to situate them in les Halles and to establish their relationships with clients, brokers, inspectors, and wholesalers. It also demonstrates how the Dames’ ritual relationship with the king and Old Regime literary precursors positioned the Dames as the voice of the people. Revolutionary propagandists drew on the prerevolutionary “genre poissard” to appropriate stock characters of the market women. From 1789 to 1792, political pamphleteers from rival parties channeled the poissard style and deployed fictive Dames to personify popular sovereignty. Thus, the living market women’s political influence hinged on their commercial and ritual activity as well as others’ cultural constructions.
Exacting Change
Authors: Jarvis Katie
Published: January 2019

After the Assembly overhauled the currency system and issued assignats in denominations too large for retail trade, a small change shortage rocked the nation. To facilitate marketplace exchanges, the Dames, their suppliers, their clients, and other merchants turned to promissory notes. These bills were inadequately backed by local financial societies and contributed to rapid inflation. Beginning in 1790, the lack of practical cash spurred market actors to innovatively ally across guilds and occupational boundaries. Vegetable merchants formed coalitions with carpenters to demand new assignat denominations, retailers joined forces with brokers to protect promissory notes, and clients and merchants rallied to support overlapping credit networks. Thus, the Dames and their allies forged novel socioeconomic associations before the Le Chapelier law and d’Allarde decree legally dismantled the corporate world in 1791. Money thus became a concrete conduit for effecting the core social transformations at the heart of the Revolution. While spurring the state to protect the monetary networks of productive citizens, the Dames and their allies also changed the trajectory of national currency reform.
The Cost of Female Citizenship
Authors: Jarvis Katie
Published: January 2019

This chapter reveals how contests over commercial regulations ultimately prompted the National Convention to abolish women’s political clubs. At the outset of the Terror in 1793, the Convention passed a series of price controls called the Maximum. While legislating the controls, regulation-promoting Montagnards sparred with free market-defending Girondins over the political duties of buyers and sellers. Simultaneously, marketplace fights broke out between the Dames des Halles and the leading women’s club called the Société des Citoyennes républicaines révolutionnaires. The Dames, whose retail profits the Maximum initially outlawed, repeatedly brawled with the Citoyennes républicaines, who supported price limits to advantage consumers and sans-culottes. The Montagnard deputies seized the violence among women to silence the Citoyennes républicaines who criticized their attempts to accommodate merchant interests. Screening their factional attack, the deputies argued that irrational women had no place in politics and banned all female political assemblies. This chapter argues that the ban, long seen as a verdict on gendered citizenship, primarily emerged from disagreements over defining economic citizenship via commercial roles.
Introduction
Authors: Bishop Sarah C.
Published: January 2019

This chapter introduces the role of storytelling in the immigrant rights movement. It presents the questions that animate the remainder of the book: How and why are young undocumented activists in New York choosing to use their stories as activism? What are the prospects and limitations of storytelling for developing a public and political voice? How do immigrant-produced mediated narratives abate the effects of isolation for undocumented immigrants and facilitate communal coping? By what means do immigrant activists confront foundational notions that predispose many US citizens to believe that the United States is simultaneously a result of the labors and dreams of an ideal class of immigrants and the victim of a new class of unworthy and illegal job stealers who refuse to “get in line” for citizenship? The chapter offers an overview of Walter Fisher’s narrative paradigm and explicates how this paradigm is applied to the context of undocumented storytelling. The chapter contains a literature review, a detailed description of the methods of oral history, critical-rhetorical ethnography, and narrative analysis, and concludes with a chapter outline.
Inside Story
Authors: Bishop Sarah C.
Published: January 2019

This chapter reveals the centrality of narrative and storytelling to the sociopolitical status of undocumented immigrants living in the United States. It offers a theorization of reclaimant narratives by illuminating the experiential, partial, public, oppositional, and incondensable nature of the stories undocumented activists tell. Despite attempts to essentialize and distill this narrative, the reality of undocumented immigration is a complicated story with no easy one-size-fits all tagline. This reality complicates the process of public education about immigration and works both for and against immigrants who use their stories as activism. The emergence of voices of undocumented storytellers in the immigrant rights movement has the capacity to engender empathy, motivate listeners, and even advance reforms in laws and policy. But these narratives also have the capacity to decelerate the movement by detracting from systematic problems and the tangible actions needed to advance reform.
The Search for Connection Online
Authors: Bishop Sarah C.
Published: January 2019

This chapter takes a close look at immigrant activism online. Because many undocumented immigrants are prohibited from higher education and professional employment, much of their narrative activism has found its home on the internet, where production costs are low, amateur professionalism is the norm, and the option for anonymity is still vaguely present. Digital reclaimant narratives serve more than a single purpose, and the narrators demonstrate how the act of story sharing online may serve as a path to self-actualization, help to mitigate one’s fear and uncertainty, offer a means for communal coping, or satisfy a sense of responsibility. A close look at these varied and profound outcomes reveals digital reclaimant narratives as powerful tools in the hands of individuals who in other contexts face constant limitations. But it is clear that creating reclaimant narratives in digital contexts incites particular hazards, including the difficulty of gaining an audience for heterogeneous perspectives, the normalization of free labor, the facilitation of hateful and xenophobic responses, and the perpetuation of the confirmation bias.
Conclusion
Authors: Bishop Sarah C.
Published: January 2019

This chapter argues that the future of the immigrant rights movement hinges on the power of storytelling. It illuminates the ideological role of audience knowledge and ignorance to the movement and demonstrates that the voting power to advance immigration reform may rest in the hands of individuals who favor a path to citizenship but do not know what policy changes would be necessary for that to happen. Bishop interrogates both nationalism and citizenship to demonstrate their critical relationship to the contested nature of immigration in the United States. The chapter details several areas of potential future work that could extend academic understanding of the role of storytelling in the immigrant rights movement.
Introduction
Authors: Carrington Tyler
Published: January 2019

The book opens by introducing readers to the central drama of the book—Frieda Kliem’s life and murder—and laying out the methodological and theoretical approach of the book. After taking apart the idea of middle-classness, or the compulsions of gaining and maintaining middle-class respectability, it then argues that love, dating, and the navigation of intimate relationships reveal more clearly than anything else the tensions of modern, urban life. Finally, it explores turn-of-the-century and contemporary meanings of the key terms of the book—love, intimacy, sex—and contends that battles over their definitions in Berlin represented a city coming to terms with the possibilities and risks of the modern, twentieth-century world.
Romantic Fantasies in the Big City
Authors: Carrington Tyler
Published: January 2019

Chapter 1 begins by following the seamstress Frieda Kliem as she moves in 1902 from a rural province to the metropolis of Berlin. As Frieda looks for work, lodging, and acquaintances and then ultimately starts her own business and turns down the matchmaking efforts of a new friend, she personifies the “struggle for existence” that confronted working- and lower-middle-class Berliners, especially single women. After exploring popular cultural and social-scientific perspectives on the plights of men and women in the emerging city alongside the real-life stories that lent them such resonance, this chapter examines Berliners’ fixation on fate and the fortuitous encounter as a path to love. It argues that these imagined rendezvouses, which remained off-limits for respectable Berliners, are best understood as an attempt by Berliners to balance their attraction to the freedoms and possibilities of the modern world with the ever-present awareness of the risks associated with it.
Print and the Reformation Crisis of Authority
Authors: Burnett Amy Nelson
Published: January 2019

Traditional narratives that distinguish between the Eucharistic controversy and the origins of Anabaptism have obscured the underlying connection between the two debates. The Lord’s Supper was the topic of almost 20 percent of all works printed in Germany between 1525 and 1529, and by 1529, almost two-thirds of these imprints also discussed baptism or the sacraments more generally. The controversy pitted the exegetical authority of Martin Luther against that of Erasmus, and participants used all the techniques of dialectic and rhetoric to persuade their readers. To understand the issues debated in the 1520s, one must pay careful attention to terminology. Calling Luther’s opponents “Zwinglians” obscures the significant contribution of other figures to the debate, and the phrase “real presence” is anachronistic and inaccurate in describing the debate. The debate in the 1520s concerned Christ’s corporeal or substantial presence in the bread and wine.
The Contributions of Zurich and Strasbourg
Authors: Burnett Amy Nelson
Published: January 2019

Ulrich Zwingli and Martin Bucer both built on an Erasmian foundation in arguing against Christ’s corporeal presence, and their publications widened the gap between the Wittenbergers and the sacramentarians. Most of Zwingli’s pamphlets from 1526 were directed against Catholic opponents within Switzerland in the context of the Baden Disputation. Johannes Eck defended Christ’s true presence rather than transubstantiation more specifically, which meant that Zwingli’s responses to Eck attacked both the Catholic and the Wittenberg positions. In response to Leo Jud’s efforts to cite his authority, Erasmus published a denunciation of those saying the sacrament was only bread and wine, although he did not endorse transubstantiation. Bucer’s insertion of his own views into his translation of Luther’s postils only worsened his reputation for duplicity among the Wittenbergers. Luther’s published sermons on the sacrament prompted Zwingli’s 1527 treatises that added Christology to the disputed issues.
Print, Polemics, and Popular Response in Southern Germany
Authors: Burnett Amy Nelson
Published: January 2019

Vernacular pamphlets published in Ulm and Augsburg shed light on the impact of the public debate over the Lord’s Supper. The Ulm reformer Conrad Sam gave a fair summary of the position of each side, although he favored the sacramentarians. Radical sacramentarian authors in Augsburg were more partisan and anticlerical. When one of their pamphlets was falsely attributed to him, Sam defended his own moderate position and sought the support of the leading sacramentarian reformers. Johannes Eck repeated arguments from Sam’s pro-Wittenberg opponents in his own attack on the Ulm reformer. The pamphlets written against Sam were more important than Sam’s own writings for establishing his reputation as a sacramentarian. Whereas Eck cited the authority of the Roman Church and clerical authors looked to the leading reformers, lay contributors appealed directly to the Bible and the ability of readers to draw their own conclusions concerning the sacrament.
Conclusion
Authors: Burnett Amy Nelson
Published: January 2019

The medium of print spread the debate over the sacraments throughout Germany and Switzerland, but it also allowed that debate to escape the control of the reformers. Printers, editors, and translators influenced the presentation of ideas, and both language and literacy levels shaped their reception. Printed matter could distort as well as transmit the positions of individuals, and the false impressions it created were difficult to correct. The Eucharistic controversy furthered the development of Protestant sacramental theology. Zwingli’s understanding of the Lord’s Supper was not normative; he was instead one contributor, along with Karlstadt, Oecolampadius, Schwenckfeld, and the Strasbourg reformers, and all of them were influenced by Erasmus’s ontology, hermeneutics, and exegesis. The sacramentarians had no one to rival Luther’s personal authority. The Marburg Colloquy did not end the controversy, but it changed the issues being discussed. It was also the context for the emergence of a new source of authority, a confession accepted as defining orthodoxy.
Argentina
Authors: Bazyler Michael J. , Boyd Kathryn Lee , Nelson Kristen L. , Shah Rajika L.
Published: January 2019

Argentina was a neutral during World War II. No immovable property—private, communal, or heirless—was confiscated from Jews or other targeted groups in Argentina during the war. As a result, no immovable property restitution laws were required. Argentina endorsed the Terezin Declaration in 2009 and the Guidelines and Best Practices in 2010.
Australia
Authors: Bazyler Michael J. , Boyd Kathryn Lee , Nelson Kristen L. , Shah Rajika L.
Published: January 2019

Australia declared war on Germany and was a member of the Allied powers during World War II. No immovable property—private, communal, or heirless—was confiscated from Jews or other targeted groups in Australia during the war. As a result, no immovable property restitution laws were required. Australia endorsed the Terezin Declaration in 2009 and the Guidelines and Best Practices in 2010.
Bosnia-Herzegovina
Authors: Bazyler Michael J. , Boyd Kathryn Lee , Nelson Kristen L. , Shah Rajika L.
Published: January 2019

Yugoslavia (which included present-day Bosnia-Herzegovina) was invaded by the Axis powers in 1941 and immovable property was confiscated. After the war, Yugoslavia enacted a property restitution law but it was short-lived. As Yugoslavia fell under Communist rule, widespread nationalization—which this time occurred irrespective of race, religion, or ethnicity—resulted in a second wave of property confiscations. Nascent political efforts to establish a restitution policy in Bosnia-Herzegovina in the early 1990s after the fall of Communism were quashed by conflicts in the Balkans between 1992 and 1995. These conflicts crippled Bosnia-Herzegovina’s political structure and left millions either displaced internally or as refugees. The IDP and refugee situation created an acute and immediate need to address property issues arising from the Balkan conflicts. However, by implementing property laws that addressed only the effects of the Balkan conflicts, Bosnia-Herzegovina did not address lingering restitution issues dating back to the Holocaust era. Bosnia-Herzegovina does not have any legislation that specifically addresses the restitution of Holocaust-era private, communal, or heirless property. Bosnia-Herzegovina endorsed the Terezin Declaration in 2009 and the Guidelines and Best Practices in 2010.
Brazil
Authors: Bazyler Michael J. , Boyd Kathryn Lee , Nelson Kristen L. , Shah Rajika L.
Published: January 2019

Brazil declared war on Germany and was a member of the Allied powers during World War II. No immovable property—private, communal, or heirless—was confiscated from Jews or other targeted groups in Brazil during the war. As a result, no immovable property restitution laws were required. Brazil endorsed the Terezin Declaration in 2009 and the Guidelines and Best Practices in 2010.
Canada
Authors: Bazyler Michael J. , Boyd Kathryn Lee , Nelson Kristen L. , Shah Rajika L.
Published: January 2019

Canada declared war on Germany and was a member of the Allied powers during World War II. No immovable property—private, communal, or heirless—was confiscated from Jews or other targeted groups in Canada during the war. As a result, no immovable property restitution laws were required. Canada endorsed the Terezin Declaration in 2009 and the Guidelines and Best Practices in 2010.
France
Authors: Bazyler Michael J. , Boyd Kathryn Lee , Nelson Kristen L. , Shah Rajika L.
Published: January 2019

Germany invaded France in 1940. A month later the countries entered into an agreement, by which 80 percent of France was occupied by Nazi Germany. Competing property expropriation laws were enacted in both Occupied and Unoccupied (Vichy) France. More than 20 percent of France’s Jewish population was killed during World War II. Restitution and reparations measures—particularly with respect to private and heirless property—took place in two phases. The first occurred in the immediate postwar years and ended around 1954, and the second commenced in the late 1990s and early 2000s and is ongoing. In the late 1990s, a government commission (Matteoli Commission) was established to examine the conditions under which property was confiscated by the occupying or Vichy regimes. A compensation commission (Drai Commission) was subsequently established to provide payment to those not previously compensated for damages resulting from legislation passed either by the occupying or Vichy regimes. France endorsed the Terezin Declaration in 2009 and the Guidelines and Best Practices in 2010.
Greece
Authors: Bazyler Michael J. , Boyd Kathryn Lee , Nelson Kristen L. , Shah Rajika L.
Published: January 2019

During World War II, Greece was occupied by three of the Axis powers (Bulgaria, Germany, and Italy) and divided into zones of occupation. The safety and security of Jews in Greece varied greatly by occupation zone, but by the end of the war, less than 15 percent of the country’s prewar Jewish population had survived. Greece passed its first property restitution legislation in 1944 and is often praised for being one of the first countries to pass laws promising restitution of immovable property—including private, communal, and heirless. However, as with many other countries occupied during the war, in Greece it often took years to return stolen Jewish property. Greece endorsed the Terezin Declaration in 2009 and the Guidelines and Best Practices in 2010.
Latvia
Authors: Bazyler Michael J. , Boyd Kathryn Lee , Nelson Kristen L. , Shah Rajika L.
Published: January 2019

During World War II, the independent Republic of Latvia was attacked and formally annexed by the Soviet Union in 1940. It was subsequently invaded and occupied by Germany in 1941 until Soviet troops re-entered the country in 1944. Shortly after Latvia’s independence was restored in 1990, Latvia began enacting private property restitution laws. The goal was to undo over 50 years of nationalization and confiscation under Communism and to renew the property rights of all former owners, Jews and non-Jews alike. Latvia was also quick to enact religious property legislation in 1992, albeit with restrictions that uniquely impacted the Jewish community. A portfolio of legislation that returned five additional communal properties was passed by the Parliament in early 2016. No legislation has been enacted dealing specifically with heirless property. Latvia endorsed the Terezin Declaration in 2009 and the Guidelines and Best Practices in 2010.
Moldova
Authors: Bazyler Michael J. , Boyd Kathryn Lee , Nelson Kristen L. , Shah Rajika L.
Published: January 2019

The modern territory of the Republic of Moldova was formed in August 1940 as the new Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic (SSR). In 1941, when Germany invaded the Soviet Union, German-allied Romanian troops organized the deportation of the Moldovan Jews, and the Germans focused on their extermination. Up to 90,000 Jews, as much as one-third of the Jewish population, were killed on the territory of the Moldovan SSR. In 1992, Moldova passed a restitution law, but on its face, the law did not include Holocaust-era property confiscations. Moldova has not passed any special laws concerning the restitution of communal or heirless property. Moldova endorsed the Terezin Declaration in 2009 and the Guidelines and Best Practices in 2010.
Poland
Authors: Bazyler Michael J. , Boyd Kathryn Lee , Nelson Kristen L. , Shah Rajika L.
Published: January 2019

World War II began with the German invasion of Poland, and led to the murder of approximately 90 percent of the Jewish population in Poland. Immediately after the war, Poland passed laws reversing property confiscations carried out by the German occupiers. Former Jewish owners, however, often faced threats when they tried to retake their pre-war properties from non-Jewish possessors. Soon thereafter, Communist Poland nationalized private property of all Poles. Reprivatization of nationalized and confiscated property began taking place after 1989, although Poland is the only country in the European Union that has yet to enact comprehensive legislation addressing restitution or compensation of stolen private property. Poland endorsed the Terezin Declaration in 2009 and initially approved the Guidelines and Best Practices in 2010, but later withdrew its support.
Slovakia
Authors: Bazyler Michael J. , Boyd Kathryn Lee , Nelson Kristen L. , Shah Rajika L.
Published: January 2019

During World War II, Slovakia (previously part of the independent country of Czechoslovakia) became a vassal state of Nazi Germany. Roughly 70,000 Jews were deported from Slovakia. Immediately after World War II, Czechoslovakia enacted legislation invalidating property transfers made during Nazi occupation. The measures were short-lived, however, because the country fell under Communist rule that resulted in a second wave of confiscations from all persons. It was not until after the Velvet Revolution in 1989 that new immovable property restitution laws were enacted for private and communal property. In 2002, Slovakia entered into an agreement with the Jewish community of Slovakia to accept a sum amounting to 10 percent of the estimated value of unrestituted Jewish heirless property, as payment for heirless property that had previously reverted to the state. Slovakia endorsed the Terezin Declaration in 2009 and the Guidelines and Best Practices in 2010.
Switzerland
Authors: Bazyler Michael J. , Boyd Kathryn Lee , Nelson Kristen L. , Shah Rajika L.
Published: January 2019

Switzerland remained neutral during World War II and was never invaded by Nazi Germany like its neighbors. Switzerland’s narrative as a being haven to Jewish refugees during the war and a bulwark against Nazism was discredited in the the late 1990s by two Swiss studies that investigated how Switzerland benefited from trading with Nazi Germany and other acts. These produced a more complete picture of Switzerland’s dealings with Nazi Germany, including the identification of accounts in Swiss banks of victims of Nazi persecution that had lain dormant since World War II. In 1998, Swiss banks Credit Suisse and UBS settled class action litigation in U.S. courts. In exchange for total release from all future claims arising from the Nazi era, the Swiss banks paid into a class action fund administered by U.S. federal judge Edward Korman USD 1.25 billion, to be distributed to heirs of Jewish account holders and other claimants. No Jewish immovable property was confiscated during World War II. Switzerland endorsed the Terezin Declaration in 2009 and the Guidelines and Best Practices in 2010.
United Kingdom
Authors: Bazyler Michael J. , Boyd Kathryn Lee , Nelson Kristen L. , Shah Rajika L.
Published: January 2019

In September 1939, the United Kingdom declared war against Germany. During the war, London was home to a number of governments in exile. Jewish property in the United Kingdom was not looted or seized, and British Jews, with the exception of those in the German-occupied Channel Islands, were not persecuted. In the decade after the war, the United Kingdom offered an ex gratia scheme to compensate victims of Nazi persecution whose assets had been frozen during the war because they were from countries who had been invaded by the Axis powers. The treatment of possible unreturned assets was revisited in the 1990s. In 1999, a new compensation program was established. The United Kingdom endorsed the Terezin Declaration in 2009 and the Guidelines and Best Practices in 2010.
Uruguay
Authors: Bazyler Michael J. , Boyd Kathryn Lee , Nelson Kristen L. , Shah Rajika L.
Published: January 2019

Uruguay was a neutral country for most of World War II, but supported the Allied forces at the end of the war. No immovable property—private, communal, or heirless—was taken from Jews or other targeted groups in Uruguay during the war. As a result, no immovable property restitution laws were required. Uruguay endorsed the Terezin Declaration in 2009 and the Guidelines and Best Practices in 2010.
Conclusion
Authors: Bazyler Michael J. , Boyd Kathryn Lee , Nelson Kristen L. , Shah Rajika L.
Published: January 2019

The Conclusion provides a summary of the European Shoah Legacy Institute’s (ESLI) Immovable Property Restitution Study’s findings in each of the key areas of private, communal, and heirless property for the 47 Terezin Declaration countries, with primary emphasis on European belligerents during World War II. It also offers a task list for as-yet-to-be-achieved Holocaust restitution measures for Europe, and discusses who should be taking on responsibility for restitution—including the potential roles for countries like the United States and Israel, where no property was actually confiscated but where a huge proportion of Holocaust survivors and their families moved after the war. Finally, it also places the Terezin Declaration and Holocaust restitution measures in a broader reparations context by discussing soft-law principles that promote and encourage restitution.
China and the True Jesus
Authors: Inouye Melissa Wei-Tsing
Published: January 2019

This book examines the dynamic between charisma and organization in the history of the True Jesus Church, China’s first major native church, in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. The True Jesus Church is one of the earliest Chinese expressions of charismatic and Pentecostal Christianity, now the dominant mode of twenty-first-century Chinese Christianity. The book argues that the charismatic mode of Christianity is not merely a reflection of native religious traditions or conditions of socioeconomic deprivation, but a powerful tool for organizing and sustaining community. The book’s chapters explore the relationship between charismatic experience and collective action from a variety of different angles, including transnational communications and transportation technology, the context for charismatic religious experience, women’s agency in patriarchal religious traditions, Christian churches during the Maoist era, clandestine culture, civil society groups, and the relationship between religion and the state from imperial times to the present. Although existing scholarship on global influences within modern Chinese history has tended to focus on elites such as political leaders or well-known intellectuals, this history illuminates global networks of interaction and exchange at the grassroots. Throughout the turbulent modern era, women and men of the True Jesus Church faced situations and made choices that highlight shifts and tensions within Chinese society on a human scale. Their various collective responses to the concerns of their day highlight the significance of charismatic religious community as a resource for empowerment and agency.
Introduction
Authors: Inouye Melissa Wei-Tsing
Published: January 2019

The context for the rise of the True Jesus Church in China includes not only continuities with native sectarian religion and conditions of deprivation that have been noted in existing scholarship, but also crucially global Christian restoration traditions, transnational cultural exchange, and the relationship between charismatic experience and moral discipline. Religious individuals’ experience of the extraordinary is significant not merely for what it may reflect (such as the native religious milieu or participants’ marginality) but also for what such charismatic experience produces, namely, distinctive worldviews and the energy and focus necessary to build and maintain community over time. The history of the True Jesus Church in China provides a framework for understanding the mutually dependent yet mutually corrosive relationship between charisma and organization in institutions with a strong ideological ethos.
Saving Comrade Stalin’s Soul (1949–1958)
Authors: Inouye Melissa Wei-Tsing
Published: January 2019

During the 1950s, the universal ideology of Chinese Christian churches such as the True Jesus Church clashed with the universal ideology of the Maoist party–state. Christian communities’ relative ideological autonomy hindered the party–state’s ambitions for control. Christians, especially Christian leaders, experienced intense pressure to adopt the new code of Maoist speech during this era. Documents from archives in Shanghai, Nanjing, and Wuhan and oral history interviews with members of the True Jesus Church in South China show how between 1949 and 1958, top church leaders bowed to this pressure, replacing biblical rhetoric and discursive patterns with Maoist rhetoric and discursive patterns. The contest between religious communities and the state to control the terms of public moral discourse demonstrates the significance of such discourse in demarcating and legitimating community authority.
Conclusion
Authors: Inouye Melissa Wei-Tsing
Published: January 2019

Rooted in decades and even centuries of Chinese history, the history of the True Jesus Church highlights the significance of charismatic experience in creating community. Observations from a contemporary baptismal rite and Lord’s Supper rite provide points of reflection for the admixture of miraculous and mundane within the True Jesus Church’s Christian culture.
Introduction
Authors: Rimmington Anthony
Published: January 2019

This study seeks to fill a significant gap in the scientific and military history of the Soviet Union and to provide a deeper understanding of the global development of biological weapons. There has been an enormous amount of material published on the Soviet offensive biological weapons (BW) programme of the 1970s–90s, culminating in the magisterial study completed by Milton Leitenberg and Raymond Zilinskas in 2012....
Origins
Authors: Rimmington Anthony
Published: January 2019

Although unprecedented in scale and ambition, Stalin’s offensive biological warfare program was not an isolated phenomenon. It can instead be viewed as a response to, and extension of, the biological sabotage programs pursued during the First World War by Germany. During the nearly three-decade period of Stalin’s leadership (1924-1953), two distinct, and highly compartmentalized, components of the Soviet Union’s offensive biological warfare program are in evidence. The main strand was launched by the Red Army in Moscow in 1926 and is very well-documented with numerous archival and secondary sources available. There is in addition a second, earlier and much more ephemeral strand, which is based in Leningrad, which was mainly concealed within the RSFSR People’s Commissariat of Health (RSFSR Narkomzdrav) and the Red Army’s Military-Medical Academy.
The Creation of a BW Prison Laboratory
Authors: Rimmington Anthony
Published: January 2019

In 1932, the United State Political Organization (OGPU), an early forerunner of the KGB, created a facility known as the Bureau of Special Purpose (Byuro osobogo naznacheniya) of the Special Section of the United State Political Organization – abbreviated simply to BON-OO-OGPU. BON was in fact a special prison laboratory, or sharashka, where approximately nineteen leading plague and tularaemia specialists were arrested and imprisoned by OGPU, and forced to work on the development of offensive and defensive biological weapons. The creation of the Suzdal’ BW sharashka was part of a much wider process whereby the Soviet security organs tightened their grip over the defense industry and the development of new weapons and military-related production processes.
The Rise and Fall of a Working-Class Hero
Authors: Rimmington Anthony
Published: January 2019

In July 1937, the lead scientist of the Soviet Union’s offensive BW program, Ivan Mikhailovich Velikanov, was one of a large number of prominent biological warfare specialists to be arrested by the security organs during the mass repression (dubbed the Great Terror) instigated by Stalin. After his execution in April 1938, Velikanov was effectively airbrushed out of the history of Soviet microbiology. One of the most interesting aspects of developments in Russia’s current military biological network is an attempt by the authorities to create a new institutional memory of the early Soviet BW program, with Velikanov, one of the outstanding microbiologists of his generation, at the very heart of the new historical account.
From Flanders to Glanders
Authors: Rimmington Anthony
Published: January 2019

There is substantive evidence of the long-term integration of veterinary microbiological facilities within the USSR’s biological warfare programs. The initial impetus to this process were the concerns of the early Soviet regime over BW sabotage attacks by Germany in the First World War. In December 1918, the Red Army created its own military veterinary facility which was eventually transferred to Zagorsk. BW research also appears to have been pursued at a civil laboratory on Lisii Island close to the town of Vyshny Volochek.
On the Brink of Bacteriological War
Authors: Rimmington Anthony
Published: January 2019

During the 1930s, a series of reports generated by both German and Soviet intelligence fueled increasing alarm with regard to the perceived BW capabilities allegedly being developed by their potential opponents. After the onset of the Second World War, if either side was going to break the 1925 Geneva Protocol prohibiting the use of gas and bacteriological warfare, to which they had both agreed to abide, then 1942 was the most likely year. However, a number of prominent scholars have strongly disputed Alibek’s account of the deliberate aerosol dissemination of tularemia by the Red Army at Stalingrad in the late summer of 1942. The occasional use by Soviet-supported partisans of biological agents against the German occupation forces is better documented but there is no evidence that these attacks formed part of a wider, centrally coordinated, campaign of biological sabotage by the Soviet authorities.
Civic Activism Unleashed
Authors: Youngs Richard
Published: January 2019

The book examines the changing shape of contemporary civic activism. It investigates what kind of new civic activism is emerging around the world and assesses how far this is really different from more established forms of civil society activity. The book also analyzes the impact of recent civic activism, in particular mass protest, offering a set of variables to help explain cases of success and failure. Finally, the book examines how far international support for civil society has kept pace with the emerging forms of civic activism.
New versus old civic activism
Authors: Youngs Richard
Published: January 2019

Chapter 5 examines the relationship between the emerging civic activism and more traditional NGOs. It notes that relations between “new” and “old” activists have in many cases been tense and brittle. However, in a growing number of cases these alternative forms of civic organization are finding ways to work together. The chapter maps out a possible future division of labor between different kinds of activism.
Boon or bane for global democracy?
Authors: Youngs Richard
Published: January 2019

Chapter 7 assesses the broader ramifications of the different aspects of the new civic activism for democracy. It argues that the emerging activism is not a panacea for reviving democracy but also rejects critics’ assertions that it is dangerous for good-quality democratic politics. Rather, the emerging activism will change the shape of democracy; the chapter explains exactly how.
A Special Kind of Prosecutor
Authors: Coan Andrew
Published: January 2019

This chapter explains the unique role that special prosecutors play in the American constitutional system. Their job is to ensure that even the highest government officials are not above the law. They do this by investigating and prosecuting alleged wrongdoing by the president and his close associates. To carry out this difficult charge, special prosecutors are granted the same formal powers as ordinary federal prosecutors, with one crucially important difference. For special prosecutors, the power to investigate and authorize criminal charges is confined to particular persons or suspected crimes. This difference has profound implications for the conduct of special prosecutor investigations. Most important, it places special prosecutors squarely in the public spotlight. That gives the president’s allies a strong incentive to discredit special prosecutors. It also enables the public to hold the president accountable. Only if the American people take this responsibility seriously can special prosecutors function effectively.
A Cancer on the Presidency
Authors: Coan Andrew
Published: January 2019

This chapter recounts the special prosecutor investigation that forced Richard Nixon to resign the presidency on August 8, 1974. On the surface, this outcome seems distinctly improbable. Nixon actually allowed himself to be forced from office by a special prosecutor he had the power to fire at any time. What can explain this result? The obvious answer is intense and sustained political pressure, which was made possible by the special prosecutor’s high public visibility. Never has the power of special prosecutors—or the dependence of that power on the vigilance of the American people—been clearer.
The World Watergate Made
Authors: Coan Andrew
Published: January 2019

In the aftermath of Richard Nixon’s resignation, public confidence in politicians and government institutions cratered. To address this crisis, Congress passed the Ethics in Government Act of 1978. The law’s most important provision created a new, more powerful type of special prosecutor, called the Independent Counsel. The direct result was President Bill Clinton’s impeachment for perjury and obstruction of justice concerning a consensual sexual relationship with White House intern Monica Lewinsky. At the end of this long and sordid saga, most legal experts—and most Americans—concluded that an unchecked special prosecutor was a cure worse than the disease. In the end, Congress allowed the Independent Counsel statute to die a quiet and unmourned death. Two decades later, this era is widely understood to illustrate an essential lesson: Politics is just as important a check on special prosecutors as it is on presidents.