bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Heracles Son of Barsine
Authors: Tarn W. W.
Published: May 2006

Some of our extant authorities, as Justin and Appian, state or assume that Alexander had two sons, Roxane's and Barsine's. Others, as Diodorus in the events prior to 309, and Curtius in parts, state or assume that he had only one, Roxane's. Now it makes a considerable difference in our view of the events of 309 whether the lad called Heracles, who appeared in that year as a reputed son of Alexander and Barsine, were really Alexander's son or an ordinary pretender. No modern historian has even noticed that there is a conflict of authority; for though Beloch saw that Heracles' age was wrong he did not follow it up, but altered the age. Before coming to the events of 309, the source of the evidence for Alexander having one son only must be considered.
The Problem of Byzantine Neumes
Authors: Tillyard H. J. W.
Published: May 2006

In past numbers of the Annual of the British School at Athens and elsewhere I have tried to deal with some of the questions connected with Byzantine Music, and, having brought to a close my studies of the Round or Later Mediaeval System, I am unwilling to leave the subject without giving my views on the abstruse and difficult problem of the older notation.

The later forms of the Linear or Neume System have a visible likeness to the earlier forms of the Round System already familiar, and hence all investigators seem to have started with the idea that the general principles of decipherment could be transferred from the later to the earlier stage, or, in other words, that the task simply consisted in the interpretation of certain interval-signs possessing fixed value. But of the two scholars who have published their researches in this field, Gastoué and Riemann, neither has been able to carry this principle through, and their proposed solutions fail to give us such a chain of interval-signs as we are tempted to expect.
The Progress of Greek Epigraphy, 1919–1920
Authors: Tod Marcus N.
Published: May 2006

In my last Bibliography (J.H.S. xxxix. 209 ff.) I attempted to cover the three and a half years from July 1915 to December 1918 inclusive, though I was only too well aware that, under the conditions of the period of war and armistice, I could not claim completeness for my record. In the present article I deal primarily with the years 1919 and 1920, but I have inserted references to a number of books and articles which actually appeared earlier though they did not become accessible to me until the years under review. Excavation has not yet been renewed on anything like the pre-war scale and the number of Greek inscriptions published for the first time is correspondingly small, but gratifying progress has been made in many directions in the restoration of mutilated texts and the fuller interpretation and utilisation of documents already known. The reader who glances even cursorily through the following pages will, I hope, be struck, despite the compression necessitated by considerations of space, by the vitality and interest of the study to which they relate, and by the many-sided contribution it has made to the understanding of Hellenic language, literature, religion and history.
Greek Papyri and their Contribution to Classical Literature
Authors: Kenyon F. G.
Published: May 2006

The enemies of classics sometimes say that it is a dead subject. They depict the classical scholar as spending his time in re-reading, re-editing, or re-annotating texts which have been read, edited, and annotated for generations or centuries; and they contrast him with the student of science, before whom the inexhaustible riches of nature are displayed as his quarry. It were strange, if this were true, that classical study should possess—as by the common experience of public schools it does possess—a capacity unsurpassed by any other subject for turning out men of practical ability and aptitude for the affairs of the world. But it is not true. The enemies of classics, in this as in other instances, have erected a dummy in order to knock it over. They may be reproducing traditions of their fathers, or of their own boyhood; but they are showing that they have not kept abreast of their own times, and that they are not competent to criticise a study of which they know so little. Even natural science, with all its wonderful discoveries, has not been a more living subject during the last half century than the study of classical antiquity. Literature and archaeology—which mean the record of the thoughts of man as expressed in words and in art, during a period when that expression was at its highest pitch of perfection—have gone from discovery to discovery, from development to development, at a rate unequalled even at the Renaissance. These years have given fresh life to the study of the heroic age of human intellectual progress; they have shown that the treasures of antiquity are not only to be enjoyed but are to be increased.
The Value of Papyri for the Textual Criticism of Extant Greek Authors
Authors: Grenfell B. P.
Published: May 2006

An excellent survey of the evidence of Greek papyri for purposes of textual criticism together with some cautious generalizations was given by Sir Frederic Kenyon in the Transactions of the British Academy, 1904. The following paper gives a sketch of the present position of the question in the light of both his article and the new evidence which has accrued in the last 14 years.

In literary papyri from Egypt the proportion of extant to new texts is very small in the Ptolemaic period (B.C. 323–30), when apart from Homer, Euripides, Plato, and Demosthenes that all too scanty portion of Greek literature which has survived did not yet stand out very conspicuously from the rest in popularity. In the Roman period (B.C. 30–A.D. 284) the proportion of new to extant works represented in literary papyri is more in the direction of equality, while in the Byzantine period (A.D. 284–640) after the general adoption of Christianity there was a rapid decline of interest in classical studies, and by the 6th century not very many lost classical works seem to have been commonly studied in Upper Egypt, from which the papyri come. In 1904 Sir Frederic Kenyon was dealing with 189 papyri of extant works, of which 109 belonged to Homer, 80 to other authors. Now, however, nearly 300 more have to be added, of which about 120 represent authors other than Homer, so that the material for examination is more than double.
Mikon's Fourth Picture in the Theseion
Authors: Six J.
Published: May 2006

Since the first publication by Robert of the magnificent krater from Orvieto, which is one of the proudest possessions of the Louvre, its style has been brought in connexion with Mikon, more on account of the figures half disappearing behind the rocks, than on the rather problematic assumption that Mikon's Argonauts might have inspired the artist in the more extensive picture on the side of the vase opposite to the death of the Niobids. This last scene (Fig. 1) is perfectly clear, and would not be in need of any new commentary if Robert had not committed the error of taking the arrow, near the handle, as fallen (freccia caduta per terra), holding this to be a piece of thoughtlessness, rather uncommon with Attic ceramists, and if Hauser had not gone even further, blaming the painter for so absurdly making an unerring god shoot an arrow and lose it. Both of course are wrong, and it is the more surprising that he who understands what escaped Robert— namely that Apollo shooting and Artemis taking a new arrow suggest to our mind the presence, though unseen, behind the hills of the missing sons and daughters of Niobe—fails to understand that the painting is not a poor extract from a larger composition, but that it was precisely the perhaps somewhat extravagant intention of the artist to suggest more than he shows.
Stele of a Warrior
Authors: Beazley J. D.
Published: May 2006

Last year, Dr. Diepolder, in the Münchner Jahrbuch, drew attention to a relief published by Stackelberg in 1836. Stackelberg states that it was found near Megara and was bought by a Dr. MacMichael and sent to England. Nothing has been heard of it since. Stackelberg took the relief to be Hadrianic: Diepolder showed that it was an Attic tombstone from the later part of the fifth century, standing particularly close to the fine monument, recently discovered in Salamis and now in the museum at Piraeus, of the two young soldiers Chairedemos and Lykeas. Diepolder dates both reliefs in the twenties of the century, partly by comparison with the dated relief at Eleusis. Not long after the appearance of Diepolder's article I received a letter from Professor Harrower enclosing a photograph of a marble which he had admired in Cairness House, Aberdeenshire. This proves to be the missing Stackelberg relief. The owner, Colonel C. T. Gordon, kindly gave permission for the photograph to be reproduced in the Journal, and added to his kindness by answering several queries of mine, and by consenting to write a brief account of his grandfather, General Thomas Gordon, who brought the relief to this country, and who played an interesting and important part in the history of modern Greece.
The Early Life of Julian the Apostate
Authors: Baynes Norman H.
Published: May 2006

Suppose that you are writing a highly eulogistic obituary notice of a well-known statesman who has recently died, and suppose further that you wish to suppress all reference to one period in that statesman's life which lasted for six years, how are you going to proceed? It is clearly a ticklish matter. But if your hero left X at the beginning of that period of six years to go to Y, and then at its close returned from Y to X, it might be possible to telescope the two residences at X into a single visit, and to cover your suppression of the six years' absence by a discreet lack of definition in your chronological statements. If you are successful, others may follow your lead, and centuries later your evasions may escape the notice of the historical student.
Note on the Angora Resolution
Authors: Ramsay W. M.
Published: May 2006

Mr. W. H. Buckler, with his accustomed skill, restores an inscription of Ancyra well known to me. In one point, important for the history of Anatolia, I hold a different opinion; and it seems worth a footnote to his article. He takes ἐν Νεαπόλει as ἐν νέᾳ πόλει interpreting it of the enlarged Ancyra of the second century. The text seemed to me to read clearly ἐν Νεαπόλει τῶν [Πισιδῶν] It belongs to a great family of South Galatia. Neapolis of Pisidia was at Karagatch, near Antioch, where M. Ulpius Pudens Pompeianus made a dedication to Men or Mannes, the god of the Phrygo-Pisidian frontier lands, when he attained the civitas, and took the nomen of the reigning Emperor. Pompeianus as cognomen he adopted perhaps in memory of Pompeius Collega (to whom he was in some way indebted), governor of Galatia c. A.D. 75; but cognomina are often difficult to explain. His son was Ulpius Aelius Pompeianus, who was permitted by the Emperor Hadrian to add his own nomen, a special honour. This wealthy provincial could afford to do what is recorded in the inscription. The entertainment of the Techneitai was done by Ancyra acting as metropolis of the province Galatia, not as metropolis of the tribe Tektosages. The title μητρόπολις τῆς Γαλατίας cannot be explained as if it referred to the tribal Galatia alone.

The invention of Neapolis as name of a new quarter of the growing Ancyra can in no way be justified, so far as I can judge from the now rather voluminous evidence about Ancyra; on this point space precludes further statement. Mr. Buckler in his note on 1. 36 argues that there is no room for a fuller title of Neapolis, but his restoration is too long.
Pottery of Naucratis
Authors: Price E. R.
Published: May 2006

This paper is intended as a contribution towards the study of only certain Ionian pot fabrics found at Naucratis. I have, therefore, merely drawn attention to the presence of the Bucchero from Lesbos, which demands a much fuller treatment than I am able to give it. I have also only briefly referred to the Clazomenian Black-faced and Pale Slip Ware because this must be studied in connexion with the fragments of the same ware from Daphnae. Throughout the paper in using the name ‘Naucratite Fabric’ I am referring only to the White Slip ‘Chalice Style,’ which may or may not have been made at Naucratis.

In the early eighties of last century, when Professor Flinders Petrie and Professor Ernest Gardner published their account of the first excavations at Naucratis, any strictly systematic classification of the pottery found on the site was practically impossible, owing to the lack of material and data for comparison and identification. Since that date and even since the early years of this century, when Dr. Hogarth made the last excavation of the site, there has been a vast increase in archaeological knowledge and much material is now available. It is in the light of some of this material and this knowledge, especially of that gained from recent excavations either partially or wholly published, that I have ventured to attack the problems presented by the numerous and varied fragments of pottery which were found during the course of both excavations at Naucratis. My studies have had to be limited, practically, to the collections of fragments in the British Museum, the Ashmolean and the Fitzwilliam; but I can safely say, especially in reference to the Naucratite ware proper, that not one single piece of evidence of any real importance derived from accounts of other finds, or from photographs of fragments from other collections, has in any degree refuted, but rather on the contrary has established the conclusions which I had already drawn.
The Earlier Temple of Artemis at Ephesus
Authors: Lethaby W. R.
Published: May 2006

The most remarkable characteristic of the temple built in the sixth century was the figure sculpture which surrounded the lower drums of the columns on one or both of the fronts. This feature was certainly not an architectural freak, and the band of figures must either have been thought of as a sculptured dado or derived from Egyptian prototypes such as the sculptured columns of Medinet Abou. Both antecedents may have influenced the choice, but the former was a sufficient and the more probable source. The sculptured dado was the first form of sculptured ‘frieze’; in ‘Mycenaean’ palaces dadoes of plain or sculptured slabs faced and protected the lower parts of crude brick walls. The two fragments of slabs with reliefs of oxen from Mycenae in the Elgin collection formed part of such a dado.
Alexander the Great and the Persian Lion-Gryphon
Authors: Hill G. F.
Published: May 2006

Although the coinage of Alexander the Great has of late years been intensively studied, and an immense advance made, almost entirely by the efforts of Mr. E. T. Newell, in its classification and dating, little attention has been paid to one detail which seems to me worthy of more careful consideration. This is the decoration of the bowl of the helmet of Athena on the gold coinage (Fig. 1). Müller (Alex, le Grand, p. 3) says merely that the bowl is most usually adorned with a serpent, sometimes with a running gryphon, rarely with a sphinx, and sometimes with nothing at all. He makes no attempt to explain these emblems, regarding them doubtless as purely decorative. There is no doubt that from quite early times such creatures had been used for purely ornamental purposes to support the crests of helmets. Between using them actually to bear the crest and as decoration in relief on the bowl there is no significant difference. If, therefore, no plausible explanation of the meaning of these emblems on the coinage of Alexander is forthcoming it is not unreasonable to suppose that they are purely decorative; but that position should not be assumed until the possibility of their having a meaning has been thoroughly explored.
More Relics of Graeco-Egyptian Schools
Authors: Milne J. G.
Published: May 2006

Some further light has been thrown on one of the educational problems suggested by the ostraka published in this Journal in 1908 (Vol. XXVIII. p. 121) from another ostrakon acquired at Luxor by Dr. Alan Gardiner shortly after that date and given by him to me. This, if we may judge by the peculiar staining of the surface, is another relic from the same scholastic rubbish heap as most of the ostraka previously described; and it bears a second copy of one of the exercises found on them. A comparison of the two copies is interesting.

In the first place, the new ostrakon shows that Nos. XV. and VIII. of the old series belong together. The sherd appears to have been broken in two anciently, as the edges of the break are rubbed and dirty, and the two pieces are stained differently, as if they had lain in separate parts of the rubbish heap; but, though these circumstances helped to prevent their relationship being noticed previously, there can be no doubt that the two belong together. Their union makes a revision of the transcript, especially along the fracture, possible, and also explains some obscure points in the arrangement.
Notes on the ἀριστεία of Thebes
Authors: Cary M.
Published: May 2006

According to the calculations of Busolt, whose elaborate essay on the Spartan army may be regarded as the standard work on this subject, the forces which King Cleombrotus took into action at Leuctra consisted of four out of the six μόραι, each containing 35 out of the 40 service classes, and 300 ἱππεῖς, or Guards.

That 35 classes were mobilised for the campaign of Leuctra is directly attested by Xenophon and cannot be called into question. That four out of the six μόραι took part in the battle is an inference from another passage in Xenophon, which states that three years previously Cleombrotus was despatched to Central Greece with four μόραι.

This inference is only valid if we may assume that the Spartan forces in Phocis were maintained at undiminished strength from 374 to 371 B.C. But such an assumption is hardly justified. A priori it is unlikely that a force representing some 60 per cent, of the entire military establishment of Sparta should have been marooned in Central Greece for three years on end. The Spartan government was of necessity most economical in the use of its citizen troops. As a general rule it reserved them for the critical operations of a field campaign and recalled them home at the close of each fighting season. For the routine duties of garrison service it relied almost entirely on mercenaries. But the emergency which had necessitated the sending of a large field force to Phocis in 374 B.C. had passed away long before the campaign of Leuctra. In 374, no doubt, a strong Theban force was concentrated for the invasion of Phocis. In 373 and 372, however, the Thebans were preoccupied with the coercion of Thespiae and the occupation of Plataea; and in view of the ill-concealed hostility of Athens and the presence of an Attic force on the Boeotian border at Oropus, we may fairly assume that a considerable portion of the Theban field forces had during these years to be called away from the Phocian frontier.
Bronze Work of the Geometric Period and its Relation to Later Art
Authors: Casson S.
Published: May 2006

‘In the pottery of the Geometric style,’ says Dr. Buschor in his Greek Vase Painting, ‘are latent the forces which we see afterwards expanding in contact with the East as well as the oldest beginnings that we can trace of that brilliant continuous development which led to the proud heights of Klitias, Euphronios and Meidias. Its producers may be unreservedly described as Greeks.’

The statement is a challenge to the less cautious supporters of the continuity of Bronze and Iron Age culture in Greece. But it is concerned only with vases and vase-painting. One is tempted to search farther afield for fuller illumination, particularly in branches of art other than vase-painting. Whatever stage of development a culture may be in, it always requires pottery, however crude and in however small a quantity, since pottery is for use: objects purely ornamental, however, can, under certain circumstances, be dispensed with. In pottery, therefore, a certain minimum of continuity in tradition and inheritance from previous cultures is inevitable; but in the arts of pure adornment this may not be the case. Thus sculpture and bronze work are branches of art which may remain submerged during periods of unrest and upheaval.
Locri Epizephyrii and the Ludovisi Throne
Authors: Ashmole Bernard
Published: May 2006

The starting-point for the following discussion is the stele from the Esquiline (Plate XI.). We remark first its stylistic relationship with a series of terracottas from Locri Epizephyrii, many of which have been published by Quagliati in Ausonia, iii. 1908, p. 136 sqq. and by Orsi in Bollettino d'Arte, iii. 1909, p. 406 sqq. and p. 463 sqq., while there are other examples in various museums. For style, we may compare particularly Aus. l.c. Figs. 9, 33, 44; Boll. l.c. Fig. 16, and Fig. 1 (=B.M. Terracottas, B488, Pl. XXI.): for subject Aus. l.c. Fig. 1. If this connexion can be established, the consequences are of importance, for the stele from the Esquiline has often been compared in style with the Ludovisi Throne, and the Ludovisi Throne involves the Boston reliefs. Before examining this comparison we must mention yet another work which has been brought into relation with these monuments, the so-called Ino-Leucothea relief of the Villa Albani. Its connexion with the Esquiline stele and with some of the terra-cottas is, in fact, equally striking. With the stele it has in common, in the seated figure the emphatically linear treatment of the himation, that is to say, a tendency to draw rather than to model; and the identical device for rendering the softer material in the standing figure (a device also used in the terra-cottas, while the line of the front of the thigh is indicated through the drapery in the same way. In short, it is fair to say that if a reduced copy of the Albani relief had been unearthed among such terra-cottas as Aus. l.c. Figs. 4, 15, 44, 45, 46, 58, and Boll. l.c. Fig. 43, to mention only a few examples, we should not notice any incongruity of style, and the subject in some cases is curiously similar.
New Light on the Façade of the Treasury of Atreus
Authors: Robertson D. S.
Published: May 2006

In letters written to me during February, March, and April, 1941, Prof. A. J. B. Wace has briefly described and illustrated with small photographs important fresh evidence for the reconstruction of the façade of the Treasury of Atreus, derived from fragments which came to light when the Mycenaean storeroom in the National Museum at Athens was recently cleared and rearranged. The examination and interpretation of these fragments were the joint work of Prof. Wace and the Director of the Museum, Dr. Sp. Marinatos, with whose permission the following account is published. It is closely based upon Prof. Wace's own words, but neither manuscript nor proofs could be submitted to either scholar, and I am responsible for any misunderstandings that it may contain. The phrase ‘B.M. Cat.’ means ‘Catalogue of Sculpture in the Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities of the British Museum, Vol. i, Part i, Prehistoric and Early Greek, by F. N. Pryce, 1928.’
The medism of Thessaly
Authors: Westlake H. D.
Published: May 2006

It has been demonstrated by F. Herrmann that the earliest issues of Larisean coinage, which are earlier than those of any other Thessalian city, are struck on the Persian standard. The Athenian tyrants of the Chersonese struck coins which conformed to the Persian as well as to the Attic system, but the adoption of the Persian standard by an independent Greek state is, so far as can be at present ascertained, an unique phenomenon. Nevertheless, though his conclusion is remarkable, the arguments of Herrmann appear to be incontestable and are accepted by numismatists. The purpose of this article is to shew that this discovery corroborates rather than conflicts with the evidence of ancient literary authorities. It is hard to reconcile only with modern interpretations of this literary evidence and with reconstructions of the period, which must accordingly be somewhat modified.
Contributions to the epigraphy of Cyprus
Authors: Mitford T. B.
Published: May 2006

During the latter part of the summer of 1936 I spent some six weeks in Cyprus, studying the Greek and Roman inscriptions of the island, with the intention ultimately of producing a small Corpus. The following article is the first of a series in which I hope to publish the more interesting portion of my results.
The Progress of Greek Epigraphy, 1929–1930
Authors: Tod Marcus N.
Published: May 2006

In the following pages I attempt briefly to survey the publications of 1929 and 1930 relating to Greek inscriptions, following the same general lines as in my last Bibliography. Their number and their volume will, I trust, serve alike to justify my bold venture and to explain the necessarily meagre and inadequate indication of their contents which is here presented.

During the years under review epigraphical studies have suffered very serious losses in the deaths of K. J. Beloch and E. Meyer, who, though primarily historians, realised to the full the importance of epigraphical materials for the reconstruction of Greek history, of C. Michel, the compiler of the deservedly famous Recueil, of B. Leonardos, the tireless excavator of the sanctuary of Amphiaraus at Oropus, whose courtesy and helpfulness as Ephor of the Epigraphical Museum at Athens have won the gratitude and regard of numerous scholars, and of F. Halbherr, the leading authority on Cretan inscriptions and editor-elect of the Cretan volume of the Inscriptiones Graecae.
The Stoa Basileios
Authors: Wycherley R. E.
Published: May 2006

The American excavations in the agora at Athens, while solving many problems, have left others unsolved, and have even raised unsuspected difficulties. One of the most important points of dispute is the identification of the Stoa Basileios. H. A. Thompson's theory that the winged building at the north end of the west side was both the Basileios and the Stoa of Zeus Eleutherios seems to me to be the most convincing solution, though, as he says, the present state of knowledge does not leave the problem finally settled. Even if one sets aside the complicated topographical, chronological and sculptural evidence, the balance of which probably favours Thompson, certain recent rival claimants to the title Stoa Basileios are open to grave doubts on the ground that they were not stoas in the normal classical sense of the word.
Early Greek and Oriental Ivories
Authors: Barnett R. D.
Published: May 2006

Philostratus relates that Apollonius of Tyana, a sophist of the early Empire, was once at Peiraeus trying to find a passage on a ship sailing for Ionia. The skipper refused to take him, saying that she was a cargo-ship and did not carry passengers. Apollonius then asked of what the cargo consisted, and was told it consisted of statues of the gods, in gold and stone, or gold and ivory. Then there was some bantering, in which Apollonius chaffed the skipper for refusing to take him on board. ‘Are you so ignorant,’ he asked ‘as to drive away like this from your ship philosophers, men for whom the gods have a special fondness, and above all at a time when you are making a business out of the gods? This was not the way they made statues in olden times. They did not canvass the cities selling them the gods. They used to carry nothing but their own hands, their masons' and ivory-workers' tools; provided the raw material and fashioned the works of art in the temples themselves.’

From this, then, it appears that in olden times the craftsmen travelled freely about, carrying with them nothing but the secrets of their craft, a few tools and their materials. Apollonius does not say to what period he refers; but what he describes exactly fits the facts in the early history of the ivory craft from the Mycenaean period to the seventh or sixth century B.C., as far as we can make out the facts. In the Mycenaean period, the sites where ivories have been discovered are numerous.
Etruscan Reliefs of the Hellenistic Period
Authors: Hanfmann G. M. A.
Published: May 2006

The purpose of this article is to present an account of the manner in which the changing styles of Greek Hellenism are reflected in later Etruscan reliefs. I have selected among the Etruscan urns and sarcophagi those reliefs which show in their style the closest reflection of Greek models; they are usually reliefs of superior quality, and can serve as fixed points around which to group other Etruscan reliefs. This method has one important advantage: it overcomes the difficulty created by the regional isolationism of later Etruscan schools. As is well known, Etruscan sculptors were apt to repeat the same composition in a great number of reliefs. An enterprising artist would create a new composition, usually by refashioning a Greek model. His colleagues in the same workshop, or at least in the same city, would copy him; and the process of re-copying might go on for several generations, resulting in ever cruder reproductions of the same design. Thus Greek compositions, long abandoned in their native land, could survive in Tuscany for a considerable length of time. And, in the case of later terracotta urns, re-copying even assumed a purely mechanical character. The original relief ‘A’ would be used to take a mould ‘B’; from this, in turn, new imprints would be taken; they, in turn, would serve as forms for new moulds.
The Chatsworth Head
Authors: Wace A. J. B.
Published: May 2006

Mrs. Strong in her publication of this head has described it fully and has discussed its place, as a work of art, in the history of Greek scuplture, and it is not my intention to discuss the head from those aspects. It is to be dated, as she has shown, to the second quarter of the fifth century, probably between 470 and 460. It probably represents an Apollo, and chronologically belongs to the group which includes the originals of the Cassel Apollo and the Terme Apollo, both marble copies of bronze originals. As to its stylistic kinship with these or other works, any discussion would be fruitless, for it would be impossible to arrive at any degree of probability in attempting to attribute either the Chatsworth head or the two Apollos mentioned to any one of the Greek artists of that age whose names are known, for we have little or no evidence for their style.

The head was acquired by the sixth Duke of Devonshire at Smyrna from H. P. Borrell in 1838, and, according to a note from the vendor, was reported to have been found at Salamis in Cyprus. It would be a natural presumption that a head in the market at Smyrna would have been more likely to come from one of the Greek sites of Western Asia Minor. On the other hand, the mere fact that an unlikely, rather than a likely, provenance was given to the head is in its favour, for there would presumably be no reason to give it an unlikely provenance unless it was correct. So the head may really have come from Salamis in Cyprus. Further excavation at that site may throw more light on the subject. In any case, in the later years of the decade 470-460 B.C. there was a renaissance of Greek influence, especially Attic, in Cyprus after the battle of the Eurymedon.
A Lost Cup by Douris with an Unusual Scene
Authors: Robertson Martin
Published: May 2006

Fig. 1 is from a tracing of the interior picture of a r.f. cup, whose whereabouts are not now known. The tracing is preserved in the library of the Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities, British Museum, and according to a note on it was sent to the Department by a Mr. Goden Smith on 16th February, 1882, the cup being then in the possession of Mr. (afterwards Sir) J. C. Robinson, who had obtained it in Italy.
The Epigram of Boupalos and Athenis
Authors: Beazley J. D.
Published: May 2006

Conplura enim in finitimis insulis simulacra postea fecere, sicut in Delo, quibus subiecerunt carmen, non vitibus tantum censeri Chion, sed et operibus Archermi filiorum. So Pliny of Bupalus and Athenis (HN 36, 12). It may be worth trying to reconstruct the Greek epigram read by Pliny or rather his authority.

We could do with an epithet for XIoϛ in the pentameter, an unessential word that would be omitted by Pliny in his prose version. The regular epithet for Chios is παιπαλόεσσα:—

(Od. 3, 170.) (H. Hymn. Ap. 172).

That gives the pentameter.

In the hexameter we need an equivalent for vitibus. άμπέλοις will not scan, and the diminutive άμπελιοις is not in tone; σιαφυλῆισι would be uvis or racemis, not vitibus. οἱνάνθαι or οἱνάνθης might do, but Prof. D. S. Robertson suggests oïνηισι and I am sure this is right. So ούκ οϊνηισι μόνον. Mοῦνον, however, is the Ionic form, not ndvov. But we do not know that the epigram was composed by an Ionian. Simoriides, an Ionian of Ceos, uses μόνος; in his skolion for Skopas (Dieh1 4, 7, protected by the metre), but I do not press this, and if anyone objects to μόνον, let him read οῦκ οοἰνηισ᾿ οἰον.

Now we need a verb. I cannot think of a word that is an exact equivalent of the censeri, and at the same time has the right scansion and construction. Censeri in the sense of ‘ to be famed for,’ ‘ noted for,’ is a favourite verb in Silver Latin, as may be seen from the Thesaurus, and I take it here to be a matter-of-fact translation of some poetic expression, such as κλέος ᾶρνυται, suggested to me by Mr. A. S. F. Gow.
An Orphic Bowl
Authors: Delbrueck R. , Vollgraff W.
Published: May 2006

The alabaster bowl which is our subject is at present in the possession of Dr. J. Hirsch of Geneva and is published with his kind consent. Until recently it was in a private collection in Leipzig; it was presumably acquired in the Mediterranean area several decades ago. Its principal dimensions are:—

Diam. at top, 22 cm.; h. 8 cm.; greatest depth, 5·5 cm.; diam. of the central knob of the base, 4 cm., and of the outer base-ring, 16 cm.; h. of arcade, 4 cm. Measurements seem to be based on an inch of about 2 cm.

The bowl was worked freehand, without the lathe, and is accordingly somewhat uneven and irregular in shape. A deep point in the middle of the bottom indicates that the compass was used to control distances. The carving was done with some form of knife; the cutting is plainly visible round and between the letters of the inscription (fig. 1), at the edges of the hair, and elsewhere.
Archaeology in Greece, 1935–1936
Authors: Megaw H.
Published: May 2006

This account owes much to the kind co-operation of those who at short notice supplied me with information and photographs; I would here offer my thanks to them, and also to Professor Karo, who generously placed at my disposal the typescript of his article for the Archaeologischer Anzeiger, to Mr. T. J. Dunbabin, without whose assistance it could not have been completed, and finally to Professor Myres, who has kindly read it.

Athens and Attica

A stretch of the north wall of the Acropolis was threatened with collapse by a fracture in the rock which supports it; the rock has accordingly been underpinned with solid masonry at this point, and extensive reinforcements of the same kind have been provided at other weak points. The character of the rock face has been considerably altered by this work, but a disaster has been averted; care has been taken to preserve such ancient features as the underground passage from the Aglaurion.

Broneer has followed up his investigations on the north slope of the Acropolis by an examination of the cave at the east end. In removing the top of the dump from the entrance to the cave a number of important pottery fragments were found, some of which join with the Acropolis vases. Within the cave a stele cut on the right-hand side of the entrance provides the solitary evidence of occupation in antiquity.
An Iranian Standard used as a Christian Symbol
Authors: Roes Anne
Published: May 2006

One would naturally expect that the standards of the Christian emperors of Rome, which are often represented on Roman coins, would be decorated with well-known Christian symbols, and that they would show the cross when not the monogram. In fact part of them do bear the emblems we expect, but certainly not all: a great number of the banners show devices we never learned to look upon as Christian. Very frequent, for instance, is a big circle, or two concentric circles; a combination of five small this matter: they do not distinguish between the various forms of the standards, but call them all labarum.
Keftiu
Authors: Wainwright G. A.
Published: May 2006

In JHS. li, 286, Prof. Sayce published a note from which I am happy to find that I have his support for the main thesis of my article Keftiu : Crete or Cilicia ? However, some of his remarks demand a word from me in reply.

Prof. Sayce still uses the word ‘Keftiu’ as if it were the name of the people and not that of the land. Like so many others he speaks of ‘the Keftiu,’ ‘the Kaftians,’ etc. This assumes that the name of the land was ‘Keft,’ and that of an inhabitant a ‘Kefti,’ making its plural ‘Keftiu’ in the normal way. But this is not so. The name of the land itself was ‘Keftiu,’ and a native was called a ‘Keftiu-i,’ a form which actually occurs (Wainwright, in LA. vi, 82, No. 18). The plural of this, of which, however, no example survives, would be ‘Keftiu-iu.’ The land must, therefore, be called Keftiu, and the inhabitants ‘the people of Keftiu’ or ‘Keftiuans’ or by some similar epithet.
The Excavations at Al Mina, Sueidia. II
Authors: Woolley Leonard
Published: May 2006

In the first part of this report I dealt with the broad results of the excavations on the Greek harbour site; this, the second part, is intended to give the detail upon which those results were based. Again, it is archaeological only in the narrowest sense of the word; the pottery which forms the bulk of our historical material will be described hereafter by others, and is mentioned here only so far as it may throw light upon the use and character of the rooms; most of the other objects found figure only in the catalogue, and the description is of the buildings alone. Even so it is partial. To have given a detailed account of all the hundreds of rooms excavated and noted would have been at once wearisome and otiose. Much of the material recorded in the field notes was intended merely to establish relative dates and levels and is utilised in the plans so that its repetition in the text would have been useless. I have accordingly selected what appeared to me to be of interest as illustrating the condition in which the remains were found or witnessing to their original character, as summarised in the first part of the report, and have suppressed whatever was redundant. To the description of the buildings of each period is added a catalogue of the principal miscellaneous objects found in that level; but, at the risk of inconsistency, I have put together in a separate list certain classes of objects, seals, amulets, etc., which seemed to gain interest by such grouping; and the weights, which require special treatment, have been omitted altogether.
The Progress of Greek Epigraphy, 1933–1934
Authors: Tod Marcus N.
Published: May 2006

In the present article I attempt briefly to survey the books and articles relating wholly or largely to Greek inscriptions which appeared in 1933 and 1934. I do not refer to all reviews, but only to those (including some published in 1935) which are of special value to the student, either as offering a useful conspectus of the works concerned or as making original contributions to the subjects under discussion. I mark with an asterisk those works which I have been unable to consult directly. Once again I tender my heartfelt thanks to all scholars who, by sending me copies of their contributions to epigraphical studies, have helped me in my pleasant but onerous task.

Death has not taken from us during these years any whose main interests and achievements lay in the field of Greek epigraphy, though E. Cuq, E. Pottier and F. Vulič had done work of real value in it.
An Attic Black-figure Cup-fragment
Authors: Robertson Martin
Published: May 2006

Fig. 1 is a fragment in a private collection in England. It is said to have been found on the Acropolis of Athens, and Mr. Payne points out to me that it joins a fragment in the Acropolis collection, Graef 1780, pls. 83 and 87, with the inscription χ]ειρον εποιε[σεν. The vase was a Siana cup with overlap decoration. Red is used for the helmet, the second and fifth sections of the crest, and the inside of the Boeotian shield; white for the fifth, fourth and last sections of the crest, spots and stripes on the cuirass, the arm-strap and the shield-device, a seated lion or sphinx with one paw raised. The contours are incised, except for the upper edge of the Boeotian shield. In front of the crest is the end of a black line; it is too close to be part of the other warrior's crest and is not incised; probably it is the beginning of an inscription, no doubt the warrior's name. The painter has carelessly transferred to the upper part of the rim of the Boeotian shield the pattern belonging to the round one.
The Progress of Greek Epigraphy, 1950–51
Authors: Tod Marcus N.
Published: May 2006

The present bibliography, relating to the years 1950 and 1951, follows the same lines as those of former years. Books and articles which I know only at second hand are marked by an asterisk. My cordial thanks are due to those scholars who have lightened my burden by sending me copies of their works.

Death has inflicted severe losses on epigraphical studies. Adolf Wilhelm, who for more than half a century stood in the foremost rank of Greek epigraphists and maintained his tireless activity, despite increasing infirmity, until nearing his eighty-seventh year, died in Vienna on August 10, 1950. Quis desiderio sit pudor aut modus tam cari capitis? J. J. E. Hondius, founder and editor of SEG and Secretary of the Epigraphical Congress which met at Amsterdam in 1938, died suddenly at the Hague on November 5, 1950, in his fifty-fourth year; in him ‘epigraphy has lost one of its most devoted and tireless servants, and all scholars in his field will mourn his passing’. Among others who have recently died are G. M. Bersanetti, E. Capps, E. Hermann, M. Launey, G. P. Oikonomos, A. Olivieri, A. Passerini, A. Stein, and N. Vulič. Further tributes have been paid to the work of P. Jouguet, A. Rehm, and P. Roussel.
Archaeology in Cyprus, 1953
Authors: Megaw A. H. S.
Published: May 2006

There was no excavation in Neolithic or Chalcolithic sites, but a notable event was the publication of the report by P. Dikaios on his excavations in the mainly pre-pottery settlement at Khirokitía, in which he reviews the relationship and chronology of the cultures preceding the Early Cypriot. A new site of the Erimi stage was located at Palaiómylos near Ayios Thomas by surface finds, including a headless andesite idol of fiddle shape, now in the Limassol Museum.

Bronze Age

Further material from the Kafkála cemetery between Dhenia and Akaki reached the Cyprus Museum through confiscation of pottery looted in the south area, where the tombs are relatively small and poorly furnished. It includes some good red polished II and III and also black polished pottery. With the sponsorship of the Department of Antiquities and the assistance of Mr. G. R. H. Wright of the British Institute of Archaeology in Ankara, Mr. Justice Griffith-Williams undertook the excavation of two of the large looted tombs in the north part of the cemetery. These proved to be Middle Cypriot, and yielded large quantities of fragmentary but restorable white painted pottery. A small intact Early Cypriot II tomb group was excavated in the south area as part of the same operation. At Onísia near Dikomo a Middle Cypriot cemetery was brought to light by cultivation and one tomb with typical furniture, including some bronze weapons, was excavated by the Department.
Three new enquiries from Dodona
Authors: Parke H. W.
Published: May 2006

It is due to the efficient scholarship and generous kindness of Professor Henri Seyrig that I am able to publish the texts of three new enquiries from Dodona. In 1929 he bought three lead tablets in Athens, which were sold to him as coming from that site. They were at that time still rolled up in the form in which most of them have been found. This fact itself can be regarded as a strong confirmation that they were genuinely derived from Dodona. Professor Seyrig proceeded to unroll the strips and fortunately copied carefully the texts which he found within. He then put them aside, and when some years later he looked at them again, the lead had completely disintegrated. Thus the original tablets are gone, but Professor Seyrig's copies survive, and he has kindly put them at my disposal for publication.

These enquiries are generally quite typical of those already found, but also have some individual features of interest. They are all from private enquirers asking Zeus for guidance on personal subjects. The lead tablets showed no signs of previous use. They were not palimpsests, as are some other extant examples. Also as preserved at the time of copying, they showed no marks on the reverse of the tablets, such as were used to distinguish one enquiry from another after it had been rolled up. But such marks may have been on the back of the first line or two, which in each of the three instances appear to be missing.
Zeno's Ideal State
Authors: Baldry H. C.
Published: May 2006

Although we have more references to the Politela of Zeno of Kition than to any of his other works, our evidence for its character and content is so slight, open to dispute on so many points, and at first sight so inconsistent, that there is a strong temptation to follow other guides: our conception of Stoic doctrine as a whole; a particular theory of the development of such an idea as the ‘brotherhood of man’; or even the general tendency to read modern ideas into ancient thought. It is hardly surprising that such material has led to a bewildering variety of interpretations. Thus while Zeller, followed by Barth and others, describes Zeno's ideal as a ‘polity of the wise’, Pöhlmann makes it include both wise and foolish. Pöhlmann, Dyroff and Karst place it in the future, Pohlenz in the past. Whereas Pearson, Hicks, Bidez and others see it as a world state embracing all humanity, for Tarn it is ‘a very limited State … a quite small community’. Recent discussions appear only to have increased the confusion, and it seems worth while to make a fresh attempt to gain clarity on the subject.
Philochoros on Phratries
Authors: Andrewes A.
Published: May 2006

FGrH 328 F 35a (Phot., Suid. S.V. ὀργεῶνες): … περὶ τὶν ὀργεώνων γέγραφεν καὶ Φιλόχορος̇ ‘τοὺς δὲ φράτορας ἐπάναγκες δέχεσθαι καὶ τοὺς ὀργεῶνας καὶ τοὺς όμογάλακτας, οὓς γεννήτας καλοῦμεν.’

F 35b (Harp., Suid. S.v. γεννῆται, etc.): … Φιλόχορος δ̓ ἐν τῇ δ̄ ̓Ατθίδος φησὶ πρότερον ὁμογάλακτας ὀνομάζεσθαι οὓς νῦν γεννήτας καλοῦσιν.

Modern interpretations of this fragment differ widely, but they agree in assuming that the two classes orgeones and gennetai between them made up the whole membership of the phratry, gennetai being the aristocratic minority, orgeones the great mass of commoners; and that the purpose of the clause here quoted was to safeguard the admission of orgeones to the phratry. Drakon's law of homicide (IG i2 115 = Tod 87, 18–19) takes it for granted that a murdered man, if he has no near relatives, will at least have phrateres, and that social distinctions can be made among them. Already by his time, then, all Athenians belonged to phratries, nobles and commoners alike, and if commoners were ever outside the phratries their first admission belongs to a period before written law. Our fragment has thus had to be taken as referring to the repulse of a later attempt to exclude the orgeones, and it has generally been dated to the time either of Solon or of Kleisthenes.