bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Rethinking of the Pre-Modern East Asian Region Order
Authors: Kim Bongjin
Published: March 2016

The preconceived image of the pre-modern East Asian region order, known commonly as the tributary system, is problematic. That is because it is represented by ‘the Other’ — not only the external (Westerners) but also the internal (Asians) — and in turn the inaccurate image has gone on reproducing, expanding, and dominating. In order to solve this problem, in question, this paper will first critically review the preconceived image of the pre-modern Chinese world order and identify the problems of Orientalism and modernism. Then, in search for a real image, the paper reinterprets Confucian ideas and concepts as the principles undergirding the pre-modern East Asian regional order. The paper also discusses the Korean kyorin system, one of the subsystems of the pre-modern East Asian order. The objective is to decipher the ways in which Korea interpreted and institutionalized the Confucian ideas on foreign policy or international relationships during the Choson dynasty (1392–1910).

By doing these, we can describe a more real image of the pre-modern East Asian region order. The more “real” interstate relationship was based on li (principle) and li* (rites), and harmonized with another concept of gong (the public/publicness), as shown by pingfen or junfen (the fairly allocated). Based on such conceptions of the human world, the pre-modern East Asian regional order was divided into different territories and dominions, each with its own sovereign. Once the formality of the suzerain and tributary state was recognized, moreover, China did not intervene in the internal and external affairs of the tributary as well as hushi (a foreign trade system) states. Like interpersonal relationships, interstate ones were hierarchic, but they were also based on the idea of reciprocity, fair allocation as well as impartiality, harmony, and coexistence.
Financial Restructuring in Korea and Japan: Resolution of Non-Performing Loans and Reorganization of Financial Institutions
Authors: Lee Sook-Jong
Published: March 2016

South Korea and Japan responded to their financial crisis of the late 1990s by restructuring financial institutions. Also, financial authorities were created to supervise financial institutions and lead financial restructuring. Financial restructuring focused on the resolution of non-performing loans that had been contributing to financial failures and on strengthening their equity capital bases for sound management. Huge amounts of public funds were mobilized to pursue these policy goals. The Korean government took more drastic measures by closing or merging many failing financial institutions. Financial restructuring also facilitated bank concentration in Korea — and Japan — giving births to several mega banks. Both governments of Korea and Japan encouraged bank concentration by allowing the establishment of a financial holding company. The Korean government was more actively involved in merging banks while Japanese bank mergers were taken by business initiatives.

Financial restructuring is expected to bring more market oriented business practices among financial institutions and loosen cooperative ties among financial institutions, corporations, and financial bureaucracy in both countries. Close bank-corporation ties through main bank system and corporate networks within a business group are being loosened in Japan particularly since concerned parties have come to seek market rationality over loyalty. On the other hand, the intervention in financial sector and the mediation in bank-corporation relationship by financial bureaucracy are expected to be weakened in the case of Korea. Nevertheless, discretionary power of Korea's financial bureaucracy appears stronger for the time being since it took the helmsman of determining which financial institution is out of market.
Political Institutions and the Malaise of East Asian New Democracies
Authors: Cheng Tun-jen
Published: March 2016

Although quite a few third-wave democracies in Southern and Central Europe became consolidated within a decade of their origin, all of those in East Asia are still fragile and fledgling. Ever since South Korea, Taiwan, Thailand, and the Philippines embarked on democratic transition or restoration more than a decade ago, elections have been regularly held, and democratic competition is widely considered the only path to power. Rough edges remain, however. Rules are stretched, even bent. Political stalemate tends to delay, if not prevent, timely policy action. And public cynicism toward underperforming, if not malfunctioning, democracy in these four polities is so pervasive and unnerving that pundits warn against a crisis of governance in East Asia's new democracies.
Balancing the Checks: Thailand's Paralyzed Politics Post-1997
Authors: McCargo Duncan
Published: March 2016

Since 1997, following the twin transformations of economic meltdown and comprehensive constitutional changes, practically every area of Thailand's public sphere has undergone significant reordering. New checks and balances have been created, new institutions established, old institutions abolished and merged, and new rules of the electoral game put into place. A major new political party has emerged that currently dominates the parliament, civil society is flourishing, and dozens of mass protests are thriving all over the country. Yet beneath this veneer of change, the old Thailand is recognizably intact. Politicians of doubtful integrity still flourish; social cleavages are as evident as before; corruption is endemic and accountability weak; election results are contested and contentious; and the military, though lying low, retains an inordinate number of privileges. Despite the reform process, the Thai political system remains in a feeble state; new institutions designed to improve the functioning of the parliamentary and party political orders have thus far failed to change the rules of the game.
Engaging the Estranged: Reciprocity and Cooperation on the Korean Peninsula
Authors: Kim Taehyun
Published: March 2016

North Korea has become the focus of international attention once again. In October 2002 it admitted to a visiting U.S. envoy of having a clandestine nuclear program through uranium enrichment, which is a violation of, among other things, the bilateral agreement it signed with the United States eight years ago. In retaliation, the United States canceled shipment of heavy fuel oil to North Korea, that shipment being part of the agreement to compensate for North Korea's abandonment of its nuclear program. Since then, North Korea has astonished the world with a series of highly provocative moves: it restarted the nuclear facilities that it had frozen since 1994; expelled the inspectors from the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA); declared immediate withdrawal from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT); and threatened to resume test-firing long-range missiles that it voluntarily stopped in 1998.
The End of History, the Rise of Ideology, and the Future of
Democracy on the Korean Peninsula
Authors: Snyder Scott
Published: March 2016

Almost exactly a half-century following the outbreak of the
Korean War, South Korea president Kim Dae-jung made a historic
visit to Pyongyang for the first-ever summit meeting between the
leaders of the two Koreas in June of 2000. A decade following
the collapse of communism in the rest of the world, Kim's
journey would inevitably be judged in history as a potential
starting point for the end of inter-Korean confrontation. Three
days following direct, broad-ranging discussions with his
counterpart, Kim Jong Il, Kim Dae-jung confidently returned to
Seoul with an inter-Korean summit declaration promising enhanced
efforts at reconciliation and inter-Korean exchange. Upon his
return to Seoul, Kim Dae-jung declared that there would be “no
more war” on the Korean Peninsula. The next task was to
institutionalize an array of exchanges and inter-Korean
interactions designed eventually to lead to national
reconciliation.
The Birth of a Welfare State in Korea: The Unfinished Symphony of Democratization and Globalization
Authors: Song Ho Keun
Published: March 2016

Globalization pressured a rebirth of the state in Korea, but in an unexpected direction. Whereas the welfare state retrenched in Western Europe under pressures of the borderless global economy, the Korean state reinvented itself into the guardian of public welfare. That regime shift occurred when the “Asian crisis” struck in 1997 to end the developmental state's way of growth. Previously, the state channeled subsidized bank loans to thechaebolfirms (monopolistic conglomerates in strategic industries) and the chaebol company welfare to its workforce in order to secure industrial peace in strategic growth sectors. This de facto class bargain, partly forced by the developmental state and chaebol firms and partly prodded by organized labor, crumbled with the Asian crisis. No longer too big to fail, the chaebol firms plunged into downsizing and restructuring in order to raise profitability, thus precipitating a profound social crisis. The rules and norms of lifetime employment and promotion by seniority gestated during Park Chung Hee's authoritarian rule (1961–1979), and labor's acquiescence—if not consent—to the chaebol-led hypergrowth strategy collapsed as the crisis damaged a third of Korea's top thirty business conglomerates in 1997 and 1998.
Institutionalized Uncertainty and Governance
Crisis in Posthegemonic Taiwan
Authors: Lin Jih-wen
Published: March 2016

March 20, 2000, constituted a milestone in
Taiwan's modern political history. That day its
electorate chose as president Chen Shui-bian, the
candidate of the Democratic Progressive Party
(DPP) who had been defamed as an antistate rebel
only a decade before. The election also marked the
end of the forty-year-plus hegemony of the
Kuomintang (KMT, or Nationalists). That the DPP
ascended to the island's supreme political office
in spite of its rival's powerful organizational
and economic arsenal suggested that the rules of
the democratic electoral game finally took root in
society, respected by all major political players
to produce a peaceful and orderly regime change.
Taiwan joined the club of consolidated
democracies, so declared many observers.
Legalistic Confucianism and Economic Development
in East Asia
Authors: Hahm Chaibong , Paik Wooyeal
Published: March 2016

One of the fascinating theoretical questions
posed by the spread of industrialization and
today's nation-state-building process is how these
originally Western and quintessentially modern
institutions come to take root in other
civilizations. The question becomes even more
intriguing when the process of adaptation is
unusually swift and successful as in East Asia. In
Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and Singapore, the
states and peoples had scant time to learn and
absorb modern practices, norms, and concepts
before undertaking, or being subjected to,
countless reforms and revolutions in the name of
“modernization.” How, or in what terms, did the
people in this “great transformation” understand
and interpret what they were doing? If the as-yet
imperfectly understood concepts and values could
not be appealed to, what resources—intellectual
and ethico-moral—were at their disposal to use to
motivate themselves and persuade others to
undertake or endure such massive changes?
Human Security and East Asia: In the Beginning
Authors: Evans Paul M.
Published: March 2016

Security is the absence of anxiety upon which the fulfilled life depends.

—Cicero

In the pantheon of new security concepts debated in East Asia in the past decade, human security is perhaps the most controversial. It is based on the idea that the individual or community must be at least one of the referent points in answering the eternal questions of security for whom, from what, and by what means.
Patterns of Market Polarization and Market Matching in the Korean Film Industry
Authors: Park Sangyoub , Shin Eui Hang
Published: March 2016

Despite its embedded ambiguity, conventional wisdom tends to prevail over time. This may be because old adages recurrently embrace some ingredients of truth. As James A. Mathisen highlights, conventional wisdom plays a significant role in constituting knowledge as a starting point. For many people, numerous adages (the rich get richer while the poor get poorer; birds of a feather flock together) are most commonly perceived as true. More interestingly, the accuracy of the two folk wisdoms appears to be more salient in culture-producing industries, including the motion picture industry. Concomitantly, the two adages have long been connected to diverse societal phenomena and sociological knowledge.
State-Technologist Nexus in Taiwan's High-Tech Policymaking: Semiconductor and Wireless Communications Industries
Authors: Tso Chen-Dong
Published: March 2016

The literature on East Asia's political economies identifies cohesive state bureaucracy and its effective intervention in the market as the key factors that have enabled the East Asian economic miracle and that differentiate the success of East Asian newly industrializing countries (NICs) from the failure of other developing countries. However, the sharply diverging growth trajectories of the Taiwanese semiconductor and wireless communications industries show that cohesive state bureaucracy and its effective intervention are not the generic trait of the Taiwanese developmental state, repeatedly found across industries and through time. On the contrary, the scope, depth, and coherence of state intervention are a variable rather than a constant. The semiconductor industry had an activist state promoting its growth from its very inception, whereas the wireless communications industry has failed to acquire consistent state support. Explaining the variation of state intervention requires not only an analysis of the state apparatus but also a study of its institutional links to the industry. This article develops an institutional explanation of the Taiwanese state's differing roles in promoting the semiconductor and wireless communications industries, but it differentiates itself from the existing literature of the developmental state and network theories by privileging the role of overseas technologists in influencing the scope, depth, and coherence of state intervention in two industries.
Taiwan's State and Social Movements Under the DPP Government, 2000–2004
Authors: Ho Ming-sho
Published: March 2016

This article explores the evolution of social movement politics under the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) government (2000–2004) by using the perspective of political opportunity structure. Recent “contentious politics” in Taiwan is analyzed in terms of four changing dimensions of the opportunity structure. First, the DPP government opens somepolicy channels, and social movement activists are given chances to work within the institution. Yet other features of the political landscape are less favorable to movement activists. Incumbent elites'political orientationshifts. As the economic recession sets in, there is a conservative policy turn.Political instabilityincurs widespread countermoblization to limit reform. Last, the Pan-Blue camp, now in opposition, devises its own social movement strategy. Some social movement issues gain political salience as a consequence of the intervention of the opposition parties, but its excessive opportunism also encourages the revolt of antireform forces. As a result of these countervailing factors, social movements have made only limited gains from the recent turnover of power.
Global Competition and Technology Standards: Japan's Quest for Techno-Regionalism
Authors: Yoshimatsu Hidetaka
Published: March 2016

This article examines Japan's evolving commitments to technology development and technology diffusion in Asia. It explores Japan's technology strategies in three areas—Internet protocol, open source software, and horology—focusing on the importance of technology standards. The development and diffusion of technology standards has become one of the core elements in establishing industrial competitiveness. The importance of technology standards encouraged the Japanese government and firms to pursue a regional policy to develop and diffuse new technological ideas and standards in Asia. Japan's commitments were accepted by its neighbors because they could obtain various benefits from collaboration with Japan, such as technological exchanges, technology transfer, and financial aid.
The Transnational Protection Regime and Taiwan's Democratization
Authors: Ooi Su-Mei
Published: March 2016

On September 28, 1986, the Democratic Progressive Party was formed in defiance of restrictions set by a decades-old authoritarian regime, heralding the emergence of a fully competitive multiparty electoral system in Taiwan. Existing literature on Taiwan's democratic breakthrough suggests that international factors have played a significant role in bringing about democracy on the island. But what exactly were these external factors and how have they effected political change in Taiwan? A reexamination of the changing geopolitical and normative environments surrounding Taiwan suggests that they were crucial in shaping political development on the island in ways that have not been described in the literature. This article examines how the geopolitical and international normative environment enabled myriad external substate and nonstate actors to form a transnational “protection regime” around the political opposition, preserving the democratic movement and allowing it to reach its full mobilizational potential in time.
Patterns of Civilian Control of the Military in East Asia's New Democracies
Authors: Croissant Aurel , Kuehn David
Published: March 2016

Successful institutionalization of civilian control of the military is a necessary condition for the consolidation of democracy. This is particularly relevant for East Asia, where the military used to be a key player in the previous authoritarian regimes. This article analyzes the changes, advances, and setbacks in achieving civilian control in five countries that have made the transition from authoritarian to democratic rule: Indonesia, the Philippines, South Korea, Taiwan, and Thailand. The empirical analysis is built on a conception of civilian control that distinguishes three areas of political decisionmaking: political recruitment and overall public policymaking, national defense, and internal security. The study shows that only in Taiwan and South Korea have civilians succeeded in curtailing military influence in politics. In contrast, in Indonesia, the Philippines, and Thailand, the military has shown itself more or less resilient in guarding its prerogatives in the postauthoritarian era. This seriously impedes the democratically elected authorities' effective power to govern in these countries and has led to democratic deterioration in Thailand and the Philippines. The article highlights three arguments to account for the profound difference between the cases: historical legacies of authoritarian rule and the path of democratic transition, the internal security role of the military, and the relationship between development and democratic consolidation.
The Electoral Origin of Japan's Nationalistic Leadership: Primaries in the LDP Presidential Election and the “Pull Effect”
Authors: Sasada Hironori
Published: March 2016

In recent years, some Japanese prime ministers have exhibited a nationalistic tendency, particularly in their foreign policies. The increasing nationalistic appeal by recent leaders marks a sharp contrast with previous leaders, who were unwilling to cause friction with other countries and thus took more centrist positions. More interestingly, those recent leaders, including Koizumi Junichiro, previously adopted a more modest stance. This article seeks to explain the increase in nationalistic appeal, particularly between 2001 and 2006, among Japanese leaders by focusing on some important changes in the Liberal Democratic Party's (LDP's) presidential election procedures. Drawing on the study of US primary elections, I argue that the increase in the weight of rank-and-filers' votes vis-à-vis the LDP Diet members' votes in the LDP presidential election encouraged some candidates to take more ideologically extreme positions. In other words, much like US primaries, the LDP presidential elections can have a tendency topullsome candidates toward extreme positions.
The Muslim South in the Context of the Thai Nation
Authors: Albritton Robert B.
Published: March 2016

The years since 2004 have been marked by a level of insurgency in the southern region of Thailand unknown for decades. An accurate perspective on this conflict requires a deeper understanding of differences between the Buddhist and Muslim Thais of the region than has been evident in public and academic discourse. This study utilizes data from a survey taken in 2006, of attitudes and political orientations across all regions of Thailand, including an independent sample of the southern region. The data indicate that southerners are different from the rest of Thailand, whether Buddhist or Muslim; that Malay-speaking Muslims are different from other Muslims; and that sympathy for the insurgency lies not in religion, but in defending practices associated with loyalty to specific forms of Malay culture that characterize the region.
Transition from Single-Party Dominance? New Data from Malaysia
Authors: Case William
Published: March 2016

Leading theories of transitions from single-party dominant systems begin with economic crisis, the party's loss of patronage resources, and elite-level defections. The multiparty elections that are then held exert no independent effect, but instead register neutrally the party's decline and the democratization of politics. This article, however, shifts attention from the dominant party to citizens and elections in noncrisis conditions. It argues that citizens assess on key dimensions the dominant party's legitimacy or worthiness of support. Further, where they grow critical of its policy outputs, they scrutinize more closely its conformity to procedures. And as they anticipate that their voting preferences will be thwarted by electoral manipulations, they vote in protest, perhaps producing a “liberalizing electoral outcome.” Elections, then, do not simply indicate the dominant party's decline. By deepening alienation, they help citizens to cause it. Analysis is set in Malaysia, long an exemplar of single-party dominance, but recently a case in which the government was dealt a striking electoral setback.
North Korea's Quest for Nuclear Weapons: New Historical Evidence
Authors: Clemens Walter C.
Published: March 2016

Soviet and East European documents provide significant revelations about the
interactions of North Korea and its allies. First, they show Pyongyang's
longstanding interest in obtaining nuclear technology and probably nuclear
weapons. Second, they reveal that North Korea's leadership consistently evaded
commitments to allies on nuclear matters—particularly constraints on its nuclear
ambitions or even the provision of information. Third, North Korea's words and
deeds evoked substantial concerns in Moscow and other communist capitals that
Pyongyang, if it obtained nuclear weapons, might use them to blackmail its
partners or risk provoking a nuclear war. When aid from the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics was not forthcoming, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea
sought to bypass Moscow and obtain assistance from the Kremlin's East European
clients and, when that proved fruitless, from Pakistan. The absence of
international support reinforced the logic of self-reliance and “military first,”
pushing North Korea to pursue an independent line with respect to its nuclear
weapons. These patterns cannot be extrapolated in a linear way, but they surely
suggest reasons for caution by those hoping to engage North Korea in a grand
bargain.
Cultivating Rice and Votes: The Institutional Origins of Agricultural Protectionism in Japan
Authors: Horiuchi Yusaku , Saito Jun
Published: March 2016

We explore in this article an institutional foundation of agricultural protectionism in Japan, a country long recognized as resisting international pressures to open up its rice market. Using our qualitative analysis of postwar politics of agricultural protectionism and a simple formal model, we argue that farmers in Japan have stronger incentives to mobilize electoral support for the governing party in multimember district systems than in single-member district systems, because the marginal effects of mobilization on policy benefits are different under these electoral systems. Our empirical findings corroborate this claim and provide implications for the gradual changes in Japan's farm policies occurring after the electoral reform in 1994.
Pre-emigration Socialization, Transnational Ties, and Political Participation Across the Pacific: A Comparison Among Immigrants from China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong
Authors: Lien Pei-te
Published: March 2016

Extant research on immigrant incorporation pays little attention to variations among immigrants from the same ethnic origin. A main purpose of this study is to address this research void by exploring how differences in the pre-emigration socialization context for immigrants from a politically divided homeland may affect their participation in mainstream-oriented and homeland-regarded politics. I posit that experiences Asian immigrants have in different political systems before crossing the Pacific may result in different relationships they maintain with their homeland as well as different attitudes toward homeland government and policies they develop after the crossing; and this, in turn, may affect how much they participate in politics on both sides of the Pacific. However, through the process of resocialization, I also suggest immigrants' political behavior may be influenced by their degree of exposure to the host society as well as by their connectedness with its institutions. Using data from the 2007 Chinese American Homeland Politics survey, I focus on the experiences of US immigrants of Chinese descent from China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong to test these hypotheses.
International Relations Theory and East Asian History: An Overview
Authors: Kang David C.
Published: March 2016

Long understudied by mainstream international relations (IR) scholars, the East Asian historical experience provides an enormous wealth of patterns and findings, which promise to enrich our IR theoretical literature largely derived from and knowledgeable about the Western experience. The intellectual contributions of this emerging scholarship have the potential to influence some of the most central questions in international relations: the nature of the state, the formation of state preferences, and the interplay between material and ideational factors. Researching historical East Asia provides an opportunity to seek out genuine comparisons of international systems and their foundational components. This introduction surveys the field and sets out to frame debate and the intellectual terms of inquiry to assess progress and guide future research. Theoretically, the essays in this issue provide insights on the emerging literature on hierarchy in international relations, and move beyond simplistic assertions that power “matters” to explore the interplay of material and ideational causal factors. Methodologically, scholars are no longer treating all East Asian history as simply one case, while also becoming more careful to avoid selection bias by avoiding choosing selective evidence from the rich historical record. Collectively, the empirical cases discussed in this volume span centuries of history, include a wide variety of political actors across East Asia, and represent an exciting wave of new scholarship.
Comforting Fictions: The Tribute System, the Westphalian Order, and Sino-Korean Relations
Authors: Larsen Kirk W.
Published: March 2016

Observers and practitioners of Sino-Korean relations in both the pre- and post-nineteenth century have utilized powerful “comforting fictions” to describe and justify power asymmetry. In the pre-nineteenth-century period, the idea of the “tribute system” put a veneer of Confucian benevolence on what a closer examination reveals to have been unequal and coercive relations. Western proponents of the Westphalian system of sovereign equality saw the new norms of international relations as potentially liberating to Korea, a way to free Korea from the Chinese yoke. However, Westphalian equality, too, was a comforting fiction that masked the reality of imperialism—both formal and informal. The Qing empire played a heretofore neglected role in both types of unequal coercive relations between Korea and the outside world.
Managing Social Stability: The Perspective of a Local Government in China
Authors: Wang Juan
Published: March 2016

Based on a town government's meeting memos between March 2001 and October 2007, annual work reports, and my interviews with local officials, I show that China's township governments have strived to contain, rather than resolve, social discontent. The tendency toward containment lies in two fundamental features of China's political institutions and central government strategy. First, in order to optimize the function of the petition system as a source of information without losing control, the Hu Jintao administration (2002–2012) passed regulations protecting the rights of petitioners on the one hand, and simultaneously put pressure on local officials to discourage petitioning, on the other. Second, the technical, institutional, and political features of China's cadre evaluation system encouraged local officials to take a short-term perspective on challenges, avoiding penalties rather than actually solving problems.
Omitted Variables, Intent, and Counterfactuals: A Response to Michael H. Nelson
Authors: Hicken Allen
Published: March 2016

I have written elsewhere: “Where there exists a critical mass of scholars working on similar sets of questions—critiquing and building on one another's work—knowledge accumulation is more likely to occur.”1 It is with this statement in mind that I proceed with my response to Michael Nelson's thoughtful critique on my previous article (see Allen Hicken, “Party Fabrication: Constitutional Reform and the Rise of Thai Rack Thai,” Journal of East Asian Studies 6, no. 3 [2006]: 381–407). Rather than a point-by-point rebuttal, I will focus on three of the most interesting and challenging of Nelson's theoretical critiques. The first substantive issue concerns the charge of omitted variable bias—specifically, in reference to the omission of local political groups from a macro-institutional account. The second and third criticisms are more methodological. First, can we or should we ascribe motives to political actors? Second, how can we use counterfactuals to solve problems of observational equivalence?
Vertical Imbalance and Local Fiscal Discipline in China
Authors: Guo Gang
Published: March 2016

This article examines local fiscal behavior in contemporary China against the backdrop of decentralized spending responsibilities and recentralized revenues. Vertical imbalance after the 1994 tax-sharing system reform, coupled with other features of the fiscal institutions, is not conducive to conservative local fiscal behavior. Moreover, a main driving force behind the expansion of local governments is the politically motivated intergovernmental transfer scheme. The center in effect “buys” political stability in sensitive areas while holding local leaders accountable for their tax efforts. A dynamic panel analysis of Chinese counties reveals that a million-yuan increase in general transfer payment and salary raise subsidies would add, respectively, fifteen and sixteen employees to the county government payroll, other things being equal. At the same time, increased subsidies from upper-level governments do not “crowd out” or significantly affect local tax effort. Additional dynamic panel data analysis at the provincial level produced similar findings.
The Origins of Regional Autonomy in Indonesia: Experts and the Marketing of Political Interests
Authors: Smith Benjamin
Published: March 2016

This article argues that, in contrast with prevalent choice-theoretic accounts of institutional origins in new democracies, the passage of Indonesia's regional autonomy laws in 1999 took place despite the interests of powerful political actors rather than because of them. Lacking the past experience to calculate retrospectively the likely electoral payoff from supporting an effort to devolve political power to Indonesia's city and regency governments, New Order–era political elites in Jakarta gambled on the advice of a team of experts. The experts assured them that supporting the effort would give them strong and salient reformist credentials on the eve of free elections. The conclusion of the article suggests that the political origins of regional autonomy in Indonesia have broad implications for the understanding of institutional genesis in new democracies, and that the potential impact of expert advisers is a fruitful focus of future research.
Assessing North Korean Nuclear Intentions and Capacities: A New Approach
Authors: Hymans Jacques E. C.
Published: March 2016

This article develops a novel assessment of the nuclear program of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. Using a theory-driven approach rooted in comparative foreign policy analysis, the article undermines two common assumptions about the DPRK nuclear threat: first, that the North Korean leadership's nuclear intentions are a measured response to the external environment and, second, that the DPRK has developed enough technical capacity to go nuclear whenever it pleases. In place of these assumptions, the article puts forth the general theoretical hypotheses that (1) the decision to go nuclear is rarely if ever based on typical cost-benefit analysis, and instead reflects deep-seated national identity conceptions, and (2) the capacity to go nuclear depends not only on raw levels of industrialization and nuclear technology, but also on the state's organizational acumen. Applied to the case of the DPRK, these hypotheses suggest that it has long been strongly committed to the goal of acquiring an operational nuclear deterrent, but also that it has been finding it very difficult to successfully implement that wish. The article also demonstrates that these hypotheses are supported by the meager evidence available on this case.
Wreck/Conciliation? The Politics of Truth Commissions in Thailand
Authors: McCargo Duncan , Thabchumpon Naruemon
Published: March 2016

More than ninety people died in political violence linked to the March–May 2010 “redshirt” protests in Bangkok. The work of the government-appointed Truth for Reconciliation Commission of Thailand (TRCT) illustrates the potential shortcomings of seeing quasi-judicial commissions as a catch-all solution for societies struggling to deal with the truth about their recent pasts. The 2012 TRCT report was widely criticized for blaming too much of the violence on the actions of rogue elements of the demonstrators and failing to focus tightly on the obvious legal transgressions of the security forces. By failing strongly to criticize the role of the military in most of the fatal shootings, the TRCT arguably helped pave the way for the 2014 coup. Truth commissions that are unable to produce convincing explanations of the facts they examine may actually prove counterproductive. Following Quinn and Wilson, we argue in this article that weak truth commissions are prone to politicization and are likely to produce disappointing outcomes, which may even be counterproductive.
What Can Taiwan (and the United States) Expect from Japan?
Authors: Noble Gregory W.
Published: March 2016

In the 1990s and into the new century, increased Japanese sympathy toward Taiwan and antipathy toward mainland China led to a series of moves to improve treatment of Taiwan, including enhanced transportation links, a higher level and frequency of official contacts, posting of a military attaché, and expressions of support for Taiwan's participation in regional and international organizations. Nevertheless, Japan remains firmly wedded to a One China policy that opposes both the use of force by the mainland and a declaration by Taiwan of independence from China. Japan's willingness to cooperate with the United States to defend Taiwan is increasingly in doubt. The sources of Japan's supportive but restrained policy include the decline of traditional ties with Taiwan, the increasing size of the mainland market, and above all a perception of security risks that ultimately diverges sharply from that of Taiwan. Serious cooperation in defense and diplomacy requires shared (or complementary) threats, not just shared adversaries.
Creating Datasets in Information-Poor Environments: Patterns of Collective Violence in Indonesia, 1990–2003
Authors: Varshney Ashutosh , Tadjoeddin Mohammad Zulfan , Panggabean Rizal
Published: March 2016

Indonesia has witnessed explosive group violence in recent years, but unlike its plentiful economic statistics, the data on conflict are remarkably sketchy. Because the New Order (1966–1998) wanted to give the appearance of order and stability, it did not believe in publishing reports on group conflict, nor did it allow researchers and nongovernmental organizations to probe the patterns and causes of conflict. This article is based on the first multiyear dataset ever constructed on group violence in Indonesia. Following, and adapting for Indonesian conditions, methodologies developed and used elsewhere, we cover the years 1990–2003, split the data into various categories, and identify the national, regional, and local patterns of collective violence. Much that we find is surprising, given the existing theories and common perceptions about violence in Indonesia. Of the several conclusions we draw, the most important one is that group violence in Indonesia is highly locally concentrated. Fifteen districts and cities (kabupatenandkota), in which a mere 6.5 percent of the country's population lived in 2000, account for as much as 85.5 percent of all deaths in group violence. Large-scale group violence is not as widespread as is normally believed. If we can figure out why so many districts remained reasonably quiet, even as the violent systemic shifts—such as the decline of the New Order—deeply shook fifteen districts causing a large number of deaths, it will advance our understanding of the causes of collective violence in Indonesia.
Explaining Ethnic Violence in Indonesia: Demilitarizing Domestic Security
Authors: Tajima Yuhki
Published: March 2016

Recent scholarship on communal violence in Indonesia since the late New Order has focused on identifying causal mechanisms of particular subtypes of communal violence such as large-scale communal violence, town-level communal rioting, intervillage violence, and lynching. While such analyses are useful in understanding aspects specific to each subtype of violence, analyzing each subtype separately risks the analytical problem of selection on the dependent variable if there are important similarities across subtypes. Drawing on the observation that each of these subtypes appeared to rise and fall together since the late New Order, I propose a common factor that can explain the broad temporal patterns of communal violence. In particular, I point to increasing restraints on the military that arose from intraregime infighting, greater scrutiny of military actions during theketerbukaan(political openness) period, and the withdrawal of the military from police duties during Reformasi. I examine four cases of communal conflict: (1) a case in which intravillage violence was averted, (2) a case of lynching, (3) a case of lynching and subsequent intervillage reprisals, and (4) a case of large-scale communal violence. The first three cases are from Lampung province, and the fourth is the case of Poso district, Central Sulawesi.
Local and National: Keroyokan Mobbing in Indonesia
Authors: Welsh Bridget
Published: March 2016

From horrific accounts of men decapitated to “ordinary” accounts of stolen motorcycles, the routine beating and killing of alleged criminals by mobs (massa) has become common in Indonesia. This article examines the patterns ofkeroyokan—mobbing—from 1995 through 2004 in four provinces and highlights the temporal, spatial, and substantive variations of this phenomenon. Drawing from a database of provincial and local news clippings in Bali, Bengkulu, West Java, and South Kalimantan and in-depth case studies and interviews, this article shows that mobbing varies considerably. Its causes are nationalandlocal. The temporal data show that nationally the most important factor to influence levels of mobbing was the introduction of decentralization. The power vacuum that resulted from the policy decision to transfer authority from the center to localities increased local violence. Yet this macrolevel explanation is inadequate to show the spatial variation and different forms of mobbing violence. To understand the causes of these dimensions of variation, one has to move away from macronational approaches measuring violence and include a more microethnographic local approach. A richer understanding of mobbing must be locally rooted. This article uses three case studies to illustrate the centrality of local factors affecting this form of violence. The case studies suggest that mobbing is shaped by the acquiescence of actors in local communities and local learning. The article draws attention to the need to incorporate local data and methods into an analysis of violence in Indonesia and to appreciate varied daily rituals of violence as reservoirs of conflict.
Diversionary Dragons, or “Talking Tough in Taipei”: Cross-Strait Relations in the New Millennium
Authors: Li Yitan , James Patrick , Drury A. Cooper
Published: March 2016

Much has been written on the triangular, and increasingly high-profile, China-Taiwan-US relations. However, scholars have yet to apply Diversionary Theory to the China-Taiwan dyad. DT argues that leaders may resort to international conflict when domestic political and economic situations become troublesome, aiming at directing public attention away from problems at home. While creation of explicit military conflict in the Taiwan Strait by Taipei is deemed quite unlikely, more subtle processes of diversion might be expected instead. This article applies a variant on DT to assess whether leaders in Taipei have used rhetoric about Taiwan independence or unification as a distraction from domestic problems during the years leading up to Taiwan's 2004 presidential election. We find that, as the president's approval sinks, pro-independence rhetoric becomes more likely. Overall, the results of this study confirm extension of DT to the case of Taiwan and encourage further research applied to middle powers.
Infrastructure as the Magnet of Power: Explaining Why Japanese Legislators Left and Returned to the LDP
Authors: Saito Jun
Published: March 2016

By examining party-switching decisions among members of Japan's Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), this article shows how distributive policy programs exclusively available to the governing party attract incumbents to the party in power. In a stable electoral environment where the government party is likely to stay in power, legislators elected from infrastructure-poor constituencies are effectively tied to the party. However, when the party's electoral prospects are uncertain, legislators behave more sincerely and switch parties to match their policy preferences. It is also found that defectors elected from infrastructure-poor constituencies tended to return to the LDP once the party installed a stable surplus coalition.
Following the Money to Determine the Effects of Democracy on Corruption: The Case of Korea
Authors: Schopf James C.
Published: March 2016

Democratization should reduce incentives to engage in corruption, by expanding the size of the winning coalition, heightening transparency, increasing accountability to the electorate, and multiplying the number of veto points required for a corrupt deal. Yet many young, consolidated democracies, such as South Korea, have recorded higher levels of perceived corruption following democratization.

I argue that the apparently higher level of corruption accompanying democratization results from overdependence on perception surveys to measure corruption. As democratization frees the press, more stories of graft lead the public to higher levels of perceived corruption without any corresponding rise in real corruption. A more effective measurement strategy is to objectively “follow the money,” by focusing on outflows of rents and any related personal receipt of favors by relevant officials. Applied to the Korean case, contrary to popular perceptions of increased corruption, objective measurement of elite corruption reveals that democratization produced a sharp reduction in the corrupt exchange of rents through industrial restructuring programs, bank lending, and government procurement contracts.
An Exchange On “Diversionary Dragons, or ‘Talking Tough in Taipei’”
Authors: Sullivan Jonathan , Li Yitan , James Patrick , Drury A. Cooper
Published: March 2016

In “Diversionary Dragons, or ‘Talking Tough in Taipei’” (Journal of East Asian Studies 9, 3: 369–398), Yitan Li, Patrick James, and A. Cooper Drury presented a newly created data set to show that Chen Shui-bian used independence rhetoric and confrontation with the mainland as a diversionary tactic in the face of domestic political difficulties. In the present exchange, Jonathan Sullivan challenges the authors' understanding of how the Democratic Progressive Party used the Taiwan independence issue—and the authors' interpretation of independence—and raises questions about the coding of press coverage as a means of identifying underlying preferences. The authors respond, concluding that the future use of such diversionary tactics is by no means foreclosed.
Confucian Ethics and the Spirit of Capitalism in Korea: The Significance of Filial Piety
Authors: Lew Seok-Choon , Choi Woo-Young , Wang Hye Suk
Published: March 2016

Confucianism has been considered mainly to have had a negative influence on capitalistic development since Max Weber's theory on non-Western societies became widespread. However, in this article, we champion the positive role of Confucianism and attempt to explain Confucianism as providing fundamental “significance” to social development by imbuing it with religious significance. We present the self-sacrificing work ethic and zeal for education that characterizes Confucianism as having become the foundation for Korea's economic growth. In particular, we examine the religious significance inherent in the Confucian value of “filial piety” and illustrate how the value came to be a powerful economic motivator during the process of industrialization. The religious tendency of filial piety, which attempts to “remember” and “represent” one's ancestors, acted as an important spiritual ethos in Korea's social development centered on economic growth. Filial piety did not stop at being an ethical standard; it was the fundamental basis for macrosocial dynamism that was closely linked to the development of capitalism in Korea.