bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Social Sciences in Non-Western Studies
Authors: Singer Milton
Published: June 2007

The involvement of the social sciences in non- Western studies has been growing in spite of the institutional and intellectual conflicts between area studies and disciplinary studies. The process of institutional adaptation is illustrated by reference to the postwar development of non-Western stud ies. The intellectual conflict springs from the fact that the definitions and classifications of major world areas, including the division between "Western" and "non-Western," do not correspond to the definitions and classifications in any social science discipline. The several disciplines have a differential proneness to area studies, and the problem of integrating them for study of a particular area has no simple, uniform solution. Evidence is presented to show how the study of non-Western societies and civilizations is generating new and fertile hybrid disciplines in anthropology and is giving a comparative and international dimension to the other social sciences.
East Asian Studies: A Comprehensive Program
Authors: De Bary Wm. Theodore
Published: June 2007

Since World War II, East Asian studies have ad vanced through the establishment of general education pro grams in Oriental studies for undergraduates, the development of interdisciplinary "area" or "regional" studies on the M.A. level, and the extension of frontiers of specialized research on the doctoral level. To help meet the demands of such pro grams, language study has been accelerated through more in tensive courses during the academic year, through full-time summer programs that are more diversified in both content and method, and through special high school programs offering an early start in Chinese and Japanese. The co-ordination of these efforts in a unified program of language and area studies, serving the needs of students on different levels, is shown in the example of Columbia University.
Uralic and Altaic: The Neglected Area
Authors: Sinor Denis
Published: June 2007

More than a hundred million people speak Uralic and Altaic languages, but they are dispersed over a vast area stretching from the Atlantic to the Pacific Oceans, from the Arctic to the Mediterranean. Some of them are completely Westernized—like the Finns or the Hungarians; others—like the Koreans—belong to the cultural area of the Far East. Others again, like the Turks, numbering about 58 million, can be found from the Balkans, through the Middle East, and far into Siberia. The study of this heterogeneous group poses dif ficult problems, both on the scholarly and the administrative levels. Although the road to a better understanding of parts or the whole of the Uralic and Altaic field leads through the knowledge of at least one of the major Uralic and Altaic lan guages, Uralic and Altaic studies are basically area-oriented. Specialists trained in this field, by becoming experts in their own area, can render valuable services to various academic disci plines: linguistics, history, and the social sciences.
The Strange Career of "Latin-American Studies"
Authors: Morse Richard M.
Published: June 2007

Whatever the recent progress of Latin-American studies in the United States, it is less evident to outsiders than to specialists in the field. Defects of our Latin-American pro grams are most noticeable at the liberal-arts core of humanities and the social sciences. Anthropology, in its present state, offers the best point of departure for examining Latin-American culture; literary and historical studies are especially weak. A drawback to Latin America as a field of study, in contrast to Asia or Africa, is that its culture is deceptively recognizable to Americans. Moreover, our inherited suspicion of the Catho lic world discourages study of its intellectual origins, and pre vents us from identifying its sociological and psychological foundations. Today the wholesale subsidizing of Latin-Ameri can studies threatens to cut them off further from our academic mainstream and to encourage mediocrity. The various causes for the poverty of our Latin-American programs may possibly relate to our submerged doubts about the wisdom of the original Protestant secession.
Instruction in Chinese and Japanese in Secondary Schools
Authors: Jackson Frederick H.
Published: June 2007

Five years ago, Chinese and Japanese were taught in scarcely any schools in the United States. For the past two years, seventy-five schools have offered instruction in Chinese. Last year nearly twenty schools in continental United States and an additional thirty in Hawaii taught Japanese. The number of schools offering both languages has increased again this fall. Instruction is concentrated in six metropolitan areas: Boston, New York, Chicago, St. Louis, San Francisco, and Los Angeles. Summer institutes for teachers of Chinese have been available since 1961 at San Francisco State College and since 1962 at Seton Hall University. The latter institution has pro vided a similar service to teachers of Japanese since 1963. All indications point to continued growth for both languages in American secondary schools.
Provincialism and Constitutionalism: The Role of the States in Foreign Area Studies
Authors: Morehouse Ward
Published: June 2007

While the states have, by constitutional pre sumption and historical practice, primary responsibility for public education in our society, they have not generally taken an active role—with the notable exception of a few state uni versities which have become major centers of teaching and re search—in developing resources and opportunities for the study of other areas of the world. Several surveys of foreign area studies have been made on a state-wide basis, and at least two of them have led to concerted action—namely, Indiana and New York. The resulting programs to strengthen the study of foreign areas by states have ranged from faculty training and development to efforts to strengthen library resources and other materials useful in teaching about other peoples and cultures. Indiana has been involved for the longest period, New York State has been the most active, and now several other states, in varying ways, have indicated interest or are making a beginning in meeting needs in this field. But if the states are to retain their central role in public education, they must cast aside their characteristic provincialism and respond far more readily than they have to the challenge of our revolu tionary world to American schools, colleges, and universities.
International Study at Home and Abroad
Authors: Freeman Stephen A.
Published: June 2007

The creation of an international community of scholarship is a worthy but difficult task. It is obstructed by our ignorance of the universities abroad, our inability to communicate effectively with other peoples, and many mis conceptions as to the nature of international education. It is frequently confused with exchange of persons and travel abroad. Study abroad may have differing objectives, and the programs will vary accordingly, but it should be genuine intellectual activity, carefully prepared, and integrated into the student's entire academic career. Similarly, an area pro gram should not be an isolated unit in the university. There should be close communication and co-ordination between the area specialists and the teachers of the disciplines, to their mutual advantage in their research, field experience, and teaching. We shall recruit graduate students better by break ing down the barriers between the university, the college, the high school, and government service. For undergraduates, non-Western material must form an essential part of their basic liberal education. The need for competence in the area lan guage depends on the level of study, but it is indispensable for real communication with a culture. International scholar ship should be global in scope, representing well-integrated intellectual effort, and effective two-way communication.
The American Negro Problem in the Context of Social Change
Authors: Rose Arnold M.
Published: June 2007

The highly elaborate social system which controls relations between Negroes and whites in the United States, especially in the Southern states where it had been built up for over a century, has shown signs of weakening especially since 1940. The major forces in this decline are analyzed as im personal, large-scale social forces arising outside the system of race relations—such as industrialization, urbanization, economic prosperity, the decline of the cotton economy, the growth of the United States as a great power with international obligations in a world that also includes hostile Communist states and neutral Negro states, and the ascendancy of the federal government over the state governments. A secondary set of variables in the social change are held to be a variety of "reform" organiza tions, with differing philosophies and strategies, which collec tively have created a social movement to improve or to equalize the position of Negroes. A tertiary set of variables analyzed are psychological changes. The major changes in race relations themselves are described, so that a summary picture of the position of the Negro in American society as of 1964 is presented.
Racial Inequality in Employment: The Patterns of Discrimination
Authors: Hill Herbert
Published: June 2007

Negro wage earners are experiencing a major crisis of unemployment and underemployment. The differential in median income between white and Negro workers has been growing since 1951. Automation and other technological in novations are rapidly displacing Negroes from jobs in dis proportionate numbers. Negro workers have not made signifi cant employment gains in new Southern industrial development and remain excluded from the textile industry, the basic manu facturing industry of the South. In other Southern industries, Negro workers are adversely affected by separate racial seniority lines in collective bargaining agreements. Federal executive orders banning employment discrimination by government con tractors have not been broadly enforced. Federal support of racial discrimination is indicated in the discriminatory operation of employment service agencies and in federally supported ap prenticeship and vocational training programs that discriminate against nonwhite workers. The traditional pattern of anti- Negro practices within organized labor remains intact. The American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organiza tions (AFL-CIO) is becoming more conservative and increas ingly basing itself upon the narrow and restrictive craft unions. Negro workers are mounting an attack against racism within organized labor through public protest and litigation. Recent decisions of the National Labor Relations Board indicate that as a result of National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) action there may emerge a new body of labor law to protect the rights of Negro workers. A perma nent crisis of increasing unemployment for the Negro com munity will have far-reaching consequences for American society.
Protest Against the Political Status of the Negro
Authors: Sindler Allan P.
Published: June 2007

The complexity of the many interrelated prob lems making up what is popularly termed "the Negro problem" creates difficulties both for adequate analysis and social action. The usual solution is to segmentize the problems, in the manner done by this symposium, which runs the risk of partial analysis and implicit single-cause explanations and remedies. Negro political rights is a prime example of this risk because of the widespread agreement on the criticality of voting rights to Negro achievement of equal status. The argument on voting rights has "psychological" and "practical" dimensions. On the former, it is here agreed that Negro possession of political rights is a necessary precondition of his full acceptance as an equal citizen. On the latter, the attempt is made to demonstrate that, for a wide variety of reasons, Negro political influence will be neither as extensive nor as facilitative of the solution of other Negro problems as the proponents of Negro voting rights assume. Adoption of a more modest view of the capabilities of Negro political power should be helpful to the planning of Negro strategy and should minimize the risk of civil disorder attendant upon a growing Negro disillusionment with alleged inadequacies of working through the political process.
The Protest Against Housing Segregation
Authors: Miller Loren
Published: June 2007

Racial residential segregation is rapidly inundat ing the heart of the American city and converting it into a Negro city. The foundations of our Black Belts were laid by a half-century of governmental sanction and support of private segregatory devices: chiefly, judicial enforcement of racial restrictive covenants and the policies and practices of federal housing agencies. Such support and sanction has now been withdrawn, but the growth of the ghetto cannot be halted or the ghetto disestablished by mere abstention from support of dis crimination on the part of government, state or federal. What is needed is affirmative action by the state through fair-housing statutes and by the federal government through broadened executive decrees and effective rules and regulations by federal housing agencies. The Black Belt spawns segregated public facilities and breeds frustration and despair on the part of Negro residents while it foments ill-will and discord between whites and Negroes. The federal government must take leader ship if these evils are to be minimized and ultimately eliminated.
Ideological Forces and the Negro Protest
Authors: Cassels Records Jane , Record Wilson
Published: June 2007

The challenge of Negro protest and the response of the white community in the 1960's raise anew the central questions of the American ideological tradition. The current conflict over goals and techniques is essentially the same ends- and-means controversy that has divided Americans and fresh ened their dialogue for nearly two centuries. Rationality versus irrationality, prudence versus moral conscience, private versus public interest, property rights versus human rights, limited versus unlimited weapons, radicalism versus equalitarianism, separatism versus integrationism—all the great philosophical issues are inherent in the present phenomena of protest and re sistance: in the street demonstrations, the sit-ins, the court cases, the riots, the economic reprisals, the bombings, the beatings, and the rest. Both in aim and in method the center thrust of Negro protest closely resembles the labor, feminist, agrarian, antitrust, and other equalitarian movements. Though the American value context has been ambiguous enough to support the Negro in his struggles for survival and freedom and also to lend en couragement to those he has struggled against, the weight of ideological coercion has been shifting toward equalitarianism in the past two decades.
The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and Its Strategy
Authors: Morsell John A.
Published: June 2007

In the fifty-odd years of its existence, the NAACP has become a major American institution. It functions at the center of the civil rights revolution as a day-to-day pressure group in much the same manner as do the other civil rights forces. Based on a pervasive and generally vigorous national structure of branches, youth councils, and college chapters operating in every state and spearheaded by a headquarters staff and a number of field offices, the Association can bring to bear both a collective national weight and individual local forces upon every facet of the Negro's fight for equality of citizen ship. The NAACP covers the entire range of civil rights action. Its legal victories and its ceaseless programs of public enlightenment have made major contributions to the revolution in race which we are now witnessing. Through its ranks in one way or another have moved by far the overwhelming majority of today's leaders of the Negro community, including many of those now heading other civil rights groups. It also operates as a source of information and guidance and as a clearing house for government and private organizations and for tens of thousands of the general public who turn to it for assistance every year. It expects to expand its program to include active concern with problems of poverty, retraining, and community orientation.
The Southern Regional Council
Authors: Dunbar Leslie W.
Published: June 2007

The Southern Regional Council evolved from the Commission on Interracial Co-operation formed in 1919. Shaped by and shaping Southern history, it has reflected what ever has been best in Southern ideals, taking its present struc ture in war-year (1944) optimism and declaring against segregation in 1951. Odum's founding vision sought to solve the South's racial problems through a commanding regional body's oblique attack on underlying stresses—economic, social, political—but events early forced the Council to focus on race solely. Disruption of traditional racial patterns by the civil rights movement may now allow a shift in emphasis from human relations to human resources. Commitment combined with objectivity has been the hallmark of publications and in formation services. The council comprises a co-optative board of 100, which directs policy, and a staff. Autonomous but in close liaison are state Councils on Human Relations which have general membership. Because the Council is noncompetitive and has enjoyed trust, it frequently administers programs through and with other agencies. Flexible and unencumbered by restraining policies, the Council looks to embody a future South of constructive dialogue and cultivation of resources.
Patterns (Structures) of Modernization and Political Development
Authors: Levy Marion J.
Published: June 2007

The patterns (structures) of modernization are seen as underlying all discussions of political development. Patterns of relatively modernized and relatively nonmodern ized societies are considered as variations overlying the com mon features of any society. Degrees of modernization are de fined by the ratio of inanimate to animate sources of power. The specialization of organizations, interdependency, relation ship emphases, patterns of centralization, generalized media of exchange, and markets fit into the general structure. Bureauc racy, family considerations, and town-village interdependencies are seen as foci of differences between the relatively modernized and nonmodernized. Change in a consistent direction, family strains, problems of control, reactions, mobs, and problems of knowledge are seen as the differences it makes. Alterations of town-village imbalances, creative uses of armed forces, politics as recreation, and the trickle effect are seen as some avenues of control.
Economic Factors and Political Development
Authors: Malenbaum Wilfred
Published: June 2007

Social scientists frequently associate political, cul tural, and social progress with economic growth and change in a developing nation. In this relationship it is assumed that eco nomic growth is essentially a mechanical process requiring new inputs of capital and technology of the right type and propor tions. In contrast to this, an indispensable part of the economic task in most cases is to generate better use of existing resources. Unless the poor nation is interested in more output to the point where it is prepared to utilize its factors fully to that end, eco nomic growth will not follow simply from additional resources and technology. Most poor countries are composites of mod ern and traditional sectors, both of which could benefit from a greater degree of interdependence. The economic program must foster such integration, and this requires that extensive efforts be applied directly in the larger, more backward parts of the economy. Monetary and physical resources are of limited significance for these tasks; administration, guidance, and devoted leadership are essential. This type of program can be mounted and can succeed only under a governmental leadership prepared to give it priority attention, and prepared to research and develop the most promising specific actions for growth. Such political leadership is therefore a prerequisite to persistent economic expansion.
Bureaucrats and Citizens
Authors: Ashford Douglas E.
Published: June 2007

Although it has been recognized that the develop mental process places many new requirements on the official of the developing country, there has been relatively little investi gation of how the relationship between national authority and the emergent citizen may affect the role of the administrator. Using a typology suggested by Professor Apter, the article com pares how a modernizing autocracy (Morocco), a mobilization regime (Tunisia), and a reconciliation regime (Pakistan) differ in bringing influence to bear on the administrator through the political system. The thesis is advanced that rapid change will not be possible unless administrative reorientation is encour aged by the direct impact of the citizen on the bureaucracy, and that political systems vary widely in their capacity to generate and focus such pressures.
A New Experiment in Democracy in Pakistan
Authors: Mohammed Ayub Khan
Published: June 2007

The parliamentary system of government which Pakistan inherited from Britain proved itself inadequate to the political needs of the country. Even under colonial rule this system was only partially implemented, and the government was occasionally forced to resort to extraconstitutional meas ures. After independence, while Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah or Mr. Liaquat Ali Khan were at the helm of affairs, the parliamentary system worked tolerably well. When men of lesser stature succeeded them, it invited political chaos and eco nomic ruin. In October 1958 I became responsible for running the administration. I promptly restored political and economic stability, then proceeded to build democratic institutions. As early as 1959, I introduced the System of Basic Democracies, a comprehensive structure of local councils composed largely of elected members. Then, after a referendum which gave me a mandate to give my country a new constitution, with the advice of a constitution commission, I promulgated a system of gov ernment which follows the presidential pattern, and which rests upon indirect suffrage. Our political system perhaps does not conform in all its details to the Western pattern of democracy. Indeed, some critics decry the existence of differences. In this the latter are doing immense harm to the cause of democracy. After all, democracy is a means to an end, and its details have to be adapted to the needs of each country, and especially so in the newly emergent countries.
Politicians, Bureaucrats, and Development in India
Authors: Wilcox Wayne
Published: June 2007

India's political development was unique, both in formal preparation and in the qualities of the modernizing elite which was fundamentally alien to Indian society. The sepa ration of alien elite and Indian masses is a historic condition, approaching the quality of a "praetorian society" and setting the context for efforts to create a national development effort. The political system was parliamentary democracy, and by 1957 was representing the effective centers of power in Indian so ciety. Nehru's leadership, the Congress party's policy con sensus, and the dominant role of the bureaucracy throughout the first decade of independence characterized the system. In legislation, response, and recruitment the political system proved flexible, sensitive, and viable, Indian planning con tinued to have a technical bias because of the relative isolation of the bureaucracy, both by social origin and governmental po sition. The administrative machinery of the state is relatively weak in comparison to the problems of stimulating development or using high levels of coercion in change, but strong enough to continue to dominate the decision-making process in the central government. The democratic system of social change has been more effective in India than the bureaucratic system of economic planning. The links between the two portions of the political community have been weak and sometimes hostile, limiting development.
Politics of Distrust in Iran
Authors: Westwood Andrew F.
Published: June 2007

In Iran the distrust of the possession and exercise of power is pervasive and intense. Political promises are made to be broken. The careers of two outstanding postwar Iranian politicians—Ahmed Ghavam and Mohammed Mossadegh— illustrate the effect on Iranian politics of the blend of these po litical attitudes and Iranian nationalism. Inasmuch as politi cal parties exist in name only in Iran, family and social ties are important to the politician. An important concomitant of this factor is that the national legislative body, the Majlis, is a col lection of individuals and tiny factions without a stable majority coalition—which contributes to the instability of Iranian poli tics and of the Shah's regime. The regime consequently has been most precarious—and enduring. It has proven resistant to major political change in the short run and, perhaps, capable of important change over the long run.
One-Party System in Tanganyika
Authors: Glickman Harvey
Published: June 2007

The single-party system in Tanganyika is the framework for "nation-building." The Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) has penetrated virtually all social spheres; as the government it controls the program of rapid social and economic change. In pursuing the task of creating effective state institutions the TANU government is organizing the economy into corporate segments with itself as the over-all supervisor of each segment, sponsoring comprehensive national planning, and converting the bureaucracy into a combined party and government administration. Together they are re-orient ing and widening public participation in politics in an over-all campaign to create a sense of civic obligation. At all levels TANU serves as the instrument of education and agitation. The capacity of the emergent political system to transform so ciety and absorb change will depend on the effectiveness of these efforts.
Democratic Revolution in Venezuela
Authors: Alexander Robert J.
Published: June 2007

Venezuela, during the past six years, has been evolving, by means of fundamental changes in its economic, so cial, and political institutions, a democratic political system based upon a more diversified economy and a more equitable social structure than in the past. The change has, to a large degree, been brought about by the Acción Democrática party, which began (1945-1948) many of the programs which have been pushed more successfully in recent years. The programs of the Betancourt and Leoni governments since 1959 have in cluded an agrarian reform and other programs designed to bring some of the benefits of modern technology to the people of the rural areas. Diversification of the economy has been sought through a massive program of industrialization. Protection for manufacturing, loans, and investments in private industry by the Venezuelan Development Corporation and various projects of government-owned industries have been part of this aspect of the government's program. Finally, the governments of the last six years have attempted to establish the basis for lasting political democracy, although they have been greatly hampered by extremist groups attempting to overthrow the regime by force. The success of the Venezuelan experiment in demo cratic social revolution is by no means assured. However, it has met its first tests, and the possibility of success in the long run seems bright.
The Family's Role in Political Socialization
Authors: Davies James C.
Published: June 2007

The family's central role in forming the individ ual's political personality derives from its role as the main source and locus for the satisfaction of all his basic, innate needs. The child therefore tends to identify with his parents and to adopt their outlook toward the political system. The father becomes the prototypical authority figure and thereby initiates the child's view of political authority. The politiciza tion process, at least in America, is basically complete when the child is about thirteen. Under familial and other social cir cumstances in which the child progresses from dependence to autonomy, he is likely to develop into a mature and responsible citizen. When he suffers physical or emotional deprivation, he is likely to establish a pattern of chronic dependence that in cludes the political. When conflict generates between his own emerging needs, family patterns for satisfying them, and the demands and opportunities of the large society, the growing child is in mental turmoil. Only gradually, then, can he change from hierarchized to equalized patterns of political behavior, in which he can responsibly share power with his new equal fellow citizens.
Political Socialization and Leadership Selection
Authors: Prewitt Kenneth
Published: June 2007

Hypotheses attempting to explain what types of persons are recruited into political leadership roles in the United States have stressed three factors—(1) the relation ship between the stratification system and leadership selection, (2) the tendency for persons with skills appropriate to the functional needs of society to be recruited into positions of political responsibility, and (3) the proclivity for political self- selection among particular personality types. Though status, appropriate skills, and personality traits may affect the prob ability that a person will select himself or be selected for po litical leadership, none of these factors are necessary or suffi cient conditions for political recruitment. A fourth proposi tion stresses that a small portion of the total population are frequently and intimately in contact with political matters; they are either of a politically active family, involved in school politics or reform movements, or engaged in occupational and civic roles tangential to the political world. The small portion of the population made politically sensitive by their political socialization experiences tend to select themselves for public leadership posts or to be favorably located for recruitment. Though not a large segment of the population, they contribute a sizable share of the political leadership class.
Nonalignment in the Arab World
Authors: Peretz Don
Published: June 2007

Until 1952 neutralism or nonalignment was not a significant factor in foreign policies of Arab governments. Only the Syrian socialists had articulated a policy of nonalign ment, but they had little political prestige. After the 1952 Egyptian revolution and the rise of Nasser as an influential figure, his policies affected all the Arab world. When Nasser adapted Egyptian foreign policy to nonalignment, other Arab radical governments also became neutralist. Revolutionary Egypt's neutralism was held by Arab nationalists to free the Middle East from Western domination, although to Western diplomats Nasser's policies often seemed to be moving precari ously close to those of the Soviet bloc. Increasingly, Nasser and his Arab supporters have articulated neutralism as a posi tive doctrine which gives the Arabs a major voice among non aligned nations in Asia and in Africa. The revolutionary Arab governments, together with other nonaligned or neutralist gov ernments in Asia and Africa, have become an influential politi cal factor in international affairs by virtue of their non aligned policies.
Nonalignment in Africa
Authors: Melady Thomas Patrick
Published: June 2007

The African states are committed to political nonalignment. They do not wish to associate themselves for mally with the political interest of any power bloc outside of Africa. This springs primarily from the obsession of the in dependent African states to defeat the triple curse of poverty, illiteracy, and disease. Any involvement in cold-war activities would deter them from their goal. Nonalignment in Africa also means that Africans have their own values, their "own way" of doing things. In some cases these values and methods will be similar to one or several of the major powers; at other times there will be great differences. Nonalignment will give the peoples of Africa an opportunity to crystallize their own ideology. This ideology will be eclectic, indigenous, and vari able. Its own roots will be African, as will its fruit.
The "Third Force" and the United Nations
Authors: Babaa Khalid I.
Published: June 2007

The "Third Force," in the United Nations and outside it, is not a bloc in the literary sense of the word, but rather a "group" or "caucus" which convenes when the occasion arises to co-operate in settling international disputes that relate to the Cold War—and thus contributes to world peace and tranquility. From a neutralist or nonaligned point of view, international affairs after the Second World War developed in stages: the first, the immediate postwar stage, the second cli maxed by the Suez invasion, and the third climaxed by the Cuban crisis. At the United Nations, the "Third Force" exer cises influence in international affairs far greater than the eco nomic or military strength of its adherents warrant. The So viet Union identified itself with the aspirations of the non aligned and neutralist states rather than the other way around. Neutralist countries share in common the endeavor to work for lessening international tension, to support the right of depend ent peoples for self-determination, to oppose colonialism in all of its manifestations, and to struggle for disarmament and the prevention of atomic weapons for the sake of humanity at large. The neutralist states influence the decisions and tendencies of the United Nations, and the latter, in turn, influence the des tinies of those states which find in the world organization not only protection from the dangers of global war, or local and limited ones, but also a confidence and dignity unequaled in modern history.
Communist China and the Uncommitted Zone
Authors: Vinacke Harold M.
Published: June 2007

Communist China in 1949 held that there was no middle ground between alignment either with the United States or the Soviet Union. From the time of the Bandung Confer ence, however, Peking accepted nonalignment as possible and legitimate. Its approach to nonalignment states was made in identification of Communist China with underdeveloped coun tries under a nationalist leadership, struggling against imperi alism. The United States was cast in the role of leader of imperialism, and the common struggle was against American imperialism. Thus the Chinese Communists sought to lead the nonaligned states away from the United States rather than toward the Communist camp. A "soft" line was generally used except toward India, against which attacks were launched to extend China's territorial position and to create fear of China's power. The controversy with the Soviet Union over "revision ism" led finally to attempts to detach aligned and nonaligned states from Moscow. Russia was covertly charged with align ment with American imperialism. The underdeveloped states were urged to follow a policy of self-reliance since it was dan gerous to accept assistance from either the United States or the Soviet Union, and the situation in China precluded offers of substantial assistance.
The Future of Nonalignment
Authors: Rajan M.S.
Published: June 2007

The best way one can predict the future of non alignment is to see how far the original bases of the policy con tinue to exist and still hold good, and whether these bases are likely to remain in the foreseeable future. In the writer's view, the still largely bipolarized world politics, the continuing emo tional need to demonstrate independence of policy and action in world affairs, the still valid ideological and economic bases, the relaxation of cold-war pressures on the nonaligned—all these and more—seem to indicate that nonalignment has not yet out lived the conditions in which the policy originated, or its utility to many nations of Asia and Africa. It continues to offer to the present adherents (which include about half of the inde pendent states of the world) as well as potential followers, a preferred choice in foreign policy and relations in the present as well as foreseeable future.
Political Party Officials: Responsiveness to the Public
Authors: Hinderaker Ivan
Published: June 2007

The theme is developed around Paul H. Douglas' The Coming of a New Party (1932). Crying out against cor ruption and business domination in both major parties, Mr. Douglas saw hope only through the coming of a new party. The contrast between Mr. Douglas' "then" and our "now" is striking. "Public interest" has been redefined, with great new political power developed by labor, social security publics, minorities, price-supported farmers, and others with a stake in governmental intervention. Contributing also to the new environment in which political party officials must operate are stronger executive leadership, civil service and the "Hatch Act" type of legislation, improved public administration, and variables influencing party organization. All men are not inher ently evil, but in any competitive situation there are likely to be some who will stoop to whatever will get by. The degree of ethical array or disarray will depend in large part, there fore, on the levels of personal conduct and the approach toward the "public interest" which the environment will or will not tolerate.
The Morals of Medicine
Authors: Garceau Oliver
Published: June 2007

The ethical problems of the medical profession stem from the extraordinarily high value placed on life, well- being, and freedom from pain in our culture; from the neces sarily intimate relation of doctor and patient; from the strains of private practice, a small entrepreneur role, in a society of big government, big business, big labor, and big cities; from contradictory social values in matters of religion, sex, and right of privacy in the individual's own body; from failures of com munication between the profession and the public as to the na ture of medicine and the limits of science; and from the con flict over change in the organization of medical service. The profession has fought its battles with notable success on most fronts, but without a fully satisfactory answer to the tough problem of maintaining quality. Medical society discipline and malpractice suits have not provided effective enforcement. Isolated individual practice is diminishing. Group practice, certification of advanced training, widened hospital-staff mem bership, and improved hospital certification provide new disci plines to enforce quality. The language of medicine's codes and of the politico-economic debate have contributed to a pub lic image of guild restrictionism and self-protection. Though impossible to measure, change appears to have been, in fact, to marked improvement in quality and protection of the patient against negligent, incompetent, or exploitative medical service. The introduction of compulsory sickness insurance and social ized medicine raises the new ethical issue of the doctor's strike.
Can Organized Religion Be Unethical?
Authors: Empie Paul C.
Published: June 2007

Organized religion does not claim to be perfect and is aware of certain hazards to its mission inherent in its very structures. Preoccupation with organizational machinery or spiritual compromise for the sake of institutional survival may defeat the goals it pursues. There is always a tension between the ideal and human efforts to attain it. Not imperfec tion in relation to proclaimed standards, but insincerity or cyni cism regarding them merits the charge of "unethical." Organized religion acts unethically whenever it compromises its prophetic role for the sake of institutional self-preservation, prestige, or power. Its dilemma arises from the fact that it must interact with the power structures in society which, as well as its own adherents, often seek to use religion to support their own interests instead of responding to its insights. To teach and inspire while understanding the shortcomings of humanity, to generate power from within instead of manipulating power from without, and to co-operate with other agencies for the common good without exploiting them or becoming their instruments for compromising goals—these are some of the ethical problems of organized religion.
Journalism: Public Enlightenment or Private Interest?
Authors: Tebbel John
Published: June 2007

Journalism in America occupies a unique posi tion because it is protected by the First Amendment to the Con stitution, which by implication gives it a public responsibility. The dilemma of the publisher, however, is that he is also a pri vate businessman who must make a profit to survive, and in the conflict between public enlightenment and private interest, he is found too often on the side of the conservative business interests which sustain his newspaper and whose viewpoints he usually shares. Advertising and public relations have come to dominate the output of the press, in many respects. In gov ernment, newspapers have become particularly the willing part ners of the image-makers. Advertising dominates the maga zine business even more completely, while broadcasting has government regulation to contend with as well. In sum, the public interest and the responsibility of the media have been the victims of economic pressures which have made the private interest paramount. In spite of some advances, the outlook is not hopeful.
Public Entertainment and the Subversion of Ethical Standards
Authors: Seldes Gilbert
Published: June 2007

The entertainments provided by the mass media are like the epic, the ancient theater, or the novel in that all present fiction which is received as truth. The new are more persuasive than the old because of the technological changes in the means of production and dissemination, because the line be tween the real and the fictional is blurred, and because, for eco nomic reasons, the formation of habit, as well as a dulling of the critical faculties, has become desirable, especially in com mercial broadcasting. The patron of the entertainment likes what he gets, without question, and certain of his wants are satisfied. There is, however, little effort to enlarge the range of satisfactions, and so much is given that such wants as are more difficult to satisfy and such satisfaction as can stir intelli gence or criticism are generally neglected. By inducing in ertia, the mass entertainments may contribute to the specific abuses of which they are often accused, such as incitement to violence or indifference to a strict sexual code. But it is their failure to serve the independence of mind of their followers, to stir the critical faculties, that is more serious.
Insurance Ethics—From the Inside Looking Out
Authors: Duke Henry K.
Published: June 2007

An attempt to appraise the ethical posture of the insurance industry is complicated by the fact that it is an in separable mixture of business and professional relations, while business ethics and professional ethics are by no means the same. No code of ethics applying to the industry as a whole has been composed, although some groups of insurance prac titioners have made brief formal declarations of ethical intent. There is evidence of dissatisfaction with the ethics of certain segments of the industry, expressed by regulatory authorities, agents and brokers, and others. Insurance is likened to a pro fession because most of those who buy it are unequipped to ap praise accurately the quality of the service they have bought. Caveat emptor has no place in such a relationship, and the pro fessional ethic is essential to proper service. No recent im provement in the ethics of the industry is noted, and possibly some deterioration, but the level compares not unfavorably to that in other industries. However, there is ample room for improvement, particularly in the realm of pricing, advertising, and fair treatment of claimants. Improvement would result if more insurance statesmanship were exhibited by all segments of the industry, but insurance ethics are so closely related to the ethics of the whole business community that any notable improvement must await the rise of the general level.
Sharp Practice in Merchandising and Advertising
Authors: Grether E.T.
Published: June 2007

Practices in merchandising and advertising should not be appraised merely in terms of traditional mores, ethical codes, and rules of conduct in the United States. Traditional ethical precepts must be interpreted also in relation to the re quirements of the "rule of competition," our announced na tional economic policy, which insists upon the independent, competitive offering of goods and services. Hence, acceptable business behavior is determined not only by community values, but also by the public regulations affecting competitive rela tions. Such regulations are becoming stricter for goods and services important to health and safety, but a large element of caveat emptor must remain in other situations under legally recognized "puffing" in advertising and selling. Existing fed eral, state, and local law regulations and agencies are entirely adequate for dealing with fraudulent and deceptive practices, given the will and resources for enforcement. It would be a mistake in judgment to try to establish "good taste" by legis lation. This aspect of community values must be expressed through a host of formal and informal voluntary programs and endeavors or through the public services. But choices between public and private offerings and voluntary, co-operative ar rangements, like choices under the competitive market system itself, should be among genuine, free alternatives.
Ethics and the Professional Patriots
Authors: Sibley Mulford Q.
Published: June 2007

The professional patriot has existed in every age. He is characterized by a tendency to repeat endlessly his own claim to patriotic virtue, not infrequently hiding ulterior ends (economic gain, for example, or personal power) behind his slogans. More often than not, he has a conspiratorial view of history, associates patriotism with the waging of war, and con centrates his ideological attack on a central enemy. In modern American life, that foe is communism, the crusade against which is often used to condemn any basic social change. The profes sional tends to associate free enterprise with the "true Ameri can way" and frequently mixes together religious, economic, and patriotic slogans. The goals of the professional patriot can hardly be approved by those who reject the supreme value of the nation-state and who look forward to greater human solidarity. A conscientious human being, moreover, cannot promise unqualified loyalty to any organization or person, but only to the right as he sees it. Methods often used by the pro fessional patriot are widely condemned, and rightly so. But the repudiation tends to be merely verbal, for in fact those methods—prevarication, distortion, and ethnocentrism in inter national morals—are in considerable degree approved in prac tice. Although the professional may represent unethical means in their more blatant forms, he is not alone in adhering to them.