bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Th e Post Facto State
Authors: Baldwin Peter
Published: November 2020

Some Critics Of America turn out to be bean counters. They admit that the American outcomes in certain fields are comparable to what is found in Europe, only to point out that the cost has been higher. The fundamental premise of the recently published American Human Development Report is not so much that the United States is doing poorly in comparison with other nations, though of course some outcomes are nothing short of shameful. More annoying to the authors is that the United States is being inefficient and has not been able to parlay its front-running GDP status into an equivalently primary position in other respects. Tony Judt argues that, “for every dollar the United States spends on education it gets worse results than any other industrial nation.” Indeed, the United States spends more per pupil than anyone else, but gets results that are only in the middle of the European spectrum. From a cost-benefit analysis, America should be getting better value for its money. Th e same is oft en said of health care, where the United States spends disproportionately even more, yet gets only moderately good results. On three out of four of the fundamental activities of modern government— education, health, social insurance, and defense—America turns out to be a big spender. For education and health, the U.S. state spends as much as any country in Europe, for defense much more so, but for social insurance, it is at the bottom of the European scale. If we look at how American society as a whole—privately and publicly—allocates its resources, however, by European standards it spends lavishly on health, education, and defense, and at about the European average for social insurance. Perhaps there is a pattern here. Consider high spending for a moment, not from the bookkeeper’s vantage, but from the political theorist’s. A nation with a high GDP per head has more wiggle room than poorer countries. It may be that America’s choice to spend freely is in fact a tactical political decision rather than a slothful financial one—to be generous, rather than profligate. For one thing, as James Galbraith has argued, high levels of American spending on education, health care, the military, and even domestic security translate ultimately into high employment.
How the West Was One
Authors: Baldwin Peter
Published: November 2020

When Americans Compare Their Country to others, it is almost invariably to find fault with it. Of course, there are tub-thumpers on the right wing, for whom the United States is the greatest nation and comparisons are drawn merely to underline that preeminence. But they are a predictable lot, and intellectually of no consequence. Comparisons with abroad are of little use when preaching to the choir if the choir does not care. Most conservative Americans are too uninterested in Europe to sit still for comparative explanations of U.S. superiority. Mitt Romney got very little traction from attacking French health care and other things Gallic during his abortive run for the Republican nomination in 2007. The vast majority of Americans’ comparisons are undertaken by social scientists with liberal leanings who hope that the United States will some day approximate Europe when it comes to family allowances, universal health insurance, parental leave, and the like. For them, Europe means northern Europe. They either ignore the south or see it too as aspiring to north European status. Stockholm is the mecca toward which the social science faithful pray. Because of their political reform agenda—fervent but unfulfilled—the tone they strike is wistful. Take as a recent example the American Human Development Report, published by a preeminent institution, the Social Science Research Council, and prefaced by multiple well-wishes from the great and the good. It is modeled on the UN’s attempt to sum up economic and human well-being in a single number, to compare nations and progress over time. Its wealth of information lays bare the sometimes dramatic disparities within the United States and shows where it is lagging in relation to peer comparison countries. That is all well and good, and who could fault it? It is when sight is lost of the larger picture that worries begin. Thus, the report presents a chart (Figure 1.2) showing an apparently precipitous decline in America’s human development ranking. The United States stood in second place, after Switzerland, in 1980. This held steady until 1995, when it plummeted over the next 15 years to land at the 12th spot in 2005. America’s numerical score has increased steadily, we are reassured. But the scores of other countries have risen even faster. As a result, the United States has fallen behind its more efficient competitors.
Cell Lysis and Flocculation
Authors: Harrison Roger G. , Todd Paul W. , Rudge Scott R. , Petrides Demetri P.
Published: November 2020

If a product is synthesized intracellularly and not secreted by the producing cell, or if the product is to be extracted from plant, animal, or fungal tissue, it is necessary to remove the product from the cell or tissue by force. The choice of procedure is highly dependent on the nature of the product and the nature of the cell or tissue. It was seen in Chapter 1 that bioproducts represent a wide variety of chemical species. In this chapter, we also see that the sources of bioproducts—cells and tissues—are widely varied. For this reason, there exists a wide variety of methods for breaking, or lysing, cells and tissues, broadly classified as “chemical” and “physical” methods. Once cells have been suspended and/or broken open, the resulting suspension of solids must be separated from the liquid in which it is suspended. This separation process, filtration and/or sedimentation (the subjects of the next two chapters), is enhanced by having larger particles. Larger particles can be achieved by flocculation, a process whereby particles are aggregated into clusters, or flocs. In recent years, it has become desirable to isolate specific cell types from mixtures of suspended cells and to deliver the resulting cell subpopulation(s) to a process for which they, and only they, are required. Most examples come from in vivo sources such as blood and dispersed tissue cells. This aspect of cell processing, namely, cell purification, places special demands on separation processes that are capable of handling particulate matter under conditions that allow cells to remain alive. This chapter presents two major elements of cell processing: the science and engineering of cell rupture by physical and chemical methods and the flocculation of cells and subcellular particles in aqueous suspension. First, however, it is helpful to develop a broad appreciation for the variety and compositions of cells that are likely to be encountered in downstream bioprocessing.
Sedimentation
Authors: Harrison Roger G. , Todd Paul W. , Rudge Scott R. , Petrides Demetri P.
Published: November 2020

Sedimentation is the movement of particles or macromolecules in an inertial field. Its applications in separation technology are extremely widespread. Extremes of applications range from the settling due to gravity of tons of solid waste and bacteria in wastewater treatment plants to the centrifugation of a few microliters of blood to determine packed blood cell volume (“hematocrit”) in the clinical laboratory. Accelerations range from 1 × g in flocculation tanks to 100,000 × g in ultracentrifuges for measuring the sedimentation rates of macromolecules. In bioprocessing, the most frequent applications of sedimentation include the clarification of broths and lysates, the collection of cells and inclusion bodies, and the separation of fluids having different densities. Unit operations in sedimentation include settling tanks and tubular centrifuges for batch processing, continuous centrifuges such as disk centrifuges, and less frequently used unit operations such as field-flow fractionators and inclined settlers. Bench scale centrifuges that accommodate small samples can be found in most research laboratories and are frequently applied to the processing of bench scale cell cultures and enzyme preparations. Certain high-speed ultracentrifuges are used as analytical tools for the estimation of molecular weights and diffusion coefficients. The chapter begins with a description of the basic principles of sedimentation, followed by methods of characterizing laboratory and larger-scale centrifuges. Two important production centrifuges, the tubular bowl centrifuge and the disk-stack centrifuge, are analyzed in detail to give the basis for scale-up. Ultracentrifuges, important for analytical and preparative work, are then analyzed. The effect of flocculation of particles on sedimentation is presented, and sedimentation of particles at low accelerations is discussed. The chapter concludes with a description of centrifugal elutriation.
Liquid Chromatography and Adsorption
Authors: Harrison Roger G. , Todd Paul W. , Rudge Scott R. , Petrides Demetri P.
Published: November 2020

Liquid chromatography and adsorption processes are based on the differential affinity of various soluble molecules for specific types of solids. In these processes, equilibrium is approached between a solid phase, often called the resin, or stationary phase, and the soluble molecules in a liquid phase. The solid phase is “stationary” because it is often packed in a fixed column. Since the liquid phase is often flowing past the solid phase, it is referred to as the mobile phase. Chromatography and adsorption are related unit operations. In chromatography, typically multiple solutes are separated from each other, with the target product solute being one of many that might be recovered at the end of the process step. In adsorption, there are typically only three groups of solutes: those that do not adsorb to the stationary phase (sometimes called “flow through”); secondly, those that adsorb and then are subsequently recovered by an elution step; and thirdly, those solutes that are nearly irreversibly bound and can only be removed from the adsor­bent by regenerating the adsorbent, which usually results in the chemical destruction of these solutes. The word “adsorption” is used both to describe the physical adherence of a solute to a stationary phase, and as the name of the unit operation described above. Adsorption is a subset of the “sorption” phenomena, absorption (transfer of a solute from one phase into another) and ion exchange (exchange of a counter-ion between two opposing co-ions) being the other two sorption phenomena. The unit operations chromatography and adsorption can rely on any of these three sorption processes individually or in combination. In chromatography and adsorption, a mixture of solutes in a feed solution is introduced at the inlet of a column containing the stationary phase and separated into zones of individual solutes over the length of the column. The solutes are carried by the convective action of an elution solvent that is continuously fed to the column after the feed solution has been introduced.
The Aqueous Chemistry of the Elements
Authors: Schweitzer George K. , Pesterfield Lester L.
Published: November 2020

Most fields of science, applied science, engineering, and technology deal with solutions in water. This volume is a comprehensive treatment of the aqueous solution chemistry of all the elements. The information on each element is centered around an E-pH diagram which is a novel aid to understanding. The contents are especially pertinent to agriculture, analytical chemistry, biochemistry, biology, biomedical science and engineering, chemical engineering, geochemistry, inorganic chemistry, environmental science and engineering, food science, materials science, mining engineering, metallurgy, nuclear science and engineering, nutrition, plant science, safety, and toxicology.
The Lithium Group
Authors: Schweitzer George K. , Pesterfield Lester L.
Published: November 2020

The elements which constitute Group 1 of the Periodic Table are known as the alkali metals. They are lithium Li, sodium Na, potassium K, rubidium Rb, cesium Cs, and francium Fr. (Sometimes the NH4+ ion is included among these since it resembles K+ or Rb+ in many of its reactions.) All six of the elements have atoms characterized by an outer electron structure of ns1 with n representing the principal quantum number. The elements exhibit marked resemblances to each other with Li deviating the most. This deviation is assignable to the small size of Li which causes the positive charge of Li+ to be concentrated, that is, the charge density is high. All of the elements exhibit oxidation numbers of 0 and I, with exceptions being rare, such that their chemistries are dominated by the oxidation state I. The six metals are exceptionally reactive, being strong reductants, reacting with HOH at all pH values to give H2 and M+, and having hydroxides MOH which are strong and soluble. Ionic sizes in pm for the members of the group are as follows: Li (76), Na (102), K (139), Rb (152), Cs (167), and Fr (180). The E° values for the M+/M couples are as follows: Li (−3.04 v), Na (−2.71 v), K (−2.93 v), Rb (−2.92 v), Cs (−2.92 v), and Fr (about −3.03 v). a. E–pH diagram. The E–pH diagram for 10−1.0 M Li is presented in Figure 5.1. The figure legend provides an equation for the line that separates Li+ and Li. The horizontal line appears at an E value of −3.10 v. Considerably above the Li+/Li line, the HOH ≡ H+/H2 line appears, which indicates that Li metal is unstable in HOH, reacting with it to produce H2 and Li+. Note further that Li+ dominates the diagram reflecting that the aqueous chemistry of Li is largely that of the ion Li+.
The Carbon Group
Authors: Schweitzer George K. , Pesterfield Lester L.
Published: November 2020

The elements which constitute the Carbon Group of the Periodic Table are carbon C, silicon Si, germanium Ge, tin Sn, and lead Pb. All five of the elements have atoms characterized by an outer electron structure of ns2np2 with n representing the principal quantum number. This electron arrangement signals the possibility of oxidation states of IV and II. Such is the case with the II oxidation state becoming more stable from C to Pb. As one descends the group, there is a marked change from non-metallic (C) to metallic character (Pb). Reflecting very high ionization energies, C, Si, and Ge do not form a simple cation, they instead bond covalently. In line with the trends just mentioned, the inorganic aqueous chemistry moves from anionic (C) to cationic (Pb). The inorganic aqueous solution chemistry of C is represented by four acids and their anionic derivatives: carbonic acid H2CO3, oxalic acid H2C2O4, formic acid HOOCH, and acetic acid HOOCCH3. Note that in all of these the ionizing H+ ions are not attached to C but to O. The inorganic aqueous chemistry of Si is dominated by anions SiO(OH)3− and SiO2(OH)2−2 and their many polymeric forms and by the hexafluorosilicate anion SiF6−2. Ge is very similar to Si. Cationic species, largely absent in all three previous elements, are shown in both Sn and Pb. The covalent single bond radii of C, Si, and Ge are 77, 118, and 122 pm, and the ionic radii in pm of the other two elements are Sn+2(118), Sn+4 (83), Pb+2 (133), Pb+4 (92). a. E–pH diagrams. In order to understand the E–pH relationships of the aqueous species of C, it is important to consider both the thermodynamic and the kinetic relationships. Thermodynamics tells us whether a reaction will occur but it says nothing about how fast. The rate is a kinetic matter. When acetic acid HC2H3O2 is entered into a C species E–pH diagram, Figure 8.1 results. This figure shows that at equilibrium HC2H3O2 is not stable and disproportionates into H2CO3 and CH4. The same E–pH diagram results when formic acid HOOCH or when oxalic acid H2C2O4 is entered.
The Cu Group
Authors: Schweitzer George K. , Pesterfield Lester L.
Published: November 2020

The elements of this group, copper Cu, silver Ag, and gold Au, often called the coinage metals, resemble each other in some ways, particularly their tendency to nobility, but it cannot be said that the properties of Ag are intermediate between those of Cu and Au. Even though the d shell is full, the d electrons are active, particularly in Cu and Au. The most stable oxidation states are II for Cu, I for Ag, and III for Au. For Cu, Cu(I) as the simple ion Cu+ disproportionates in HOH, and Cu(III) is so powerfully oxidizing that it is reduced by HOH. Stability may be brought to Cu(I) and Cu(III) only by complexation or insolubility. For Ag, Ag(II) and Ag(III) are reduced by HOH, stability resulting only by forming complex species or insoluble compounds. For Au, the simple Au+ cation disproportionates in HOH, and Au(II) is not known. a. E–pH diagram. Figure 16.1 sets out the E–pH diagram for Cu at a soluble species concentration of 10−1.0 M. It is assumed that there is no complexing agent or any insoluble compound producing agent other than OH− or HOH. Further, almost all species are being considered in their hydrated forms, that is, the forms that they take in the presence of HOH. Oxidation states of 0, I, and II are present. The reddish-orange Cu is a fairly noble metal, and the sole Cu(I) compound is shown as yellow Cu2O since CuOH is unstable. The Cu+ ion does not appear, even though it has been entered in the construction of the diagram. This reflects its strong tendency to disproportionate into Cu(II) and Cu, as predicted by ΔG˚ values. The compound which results when OH− is added to a blue Cu+2 solution is blue Cu(OH)2, not black CuO. Cu+2 is more properly written as Cu(HOH)6+2, and just off to the left of the Cu+2/Cu(OH)2 line, hydrolyzed species like Cu2(OH)2+2 occur. The legend of the figure shows equations for the lines separating the species.
Xenology
Authors: Fisher David
Published: November 2020

Xenon is unique among the Noble Gases in that it has an isotope, 129Xe, that is the fossil daughter of an extinct nuclide. Iodine-129, its precursor, decays to 129Xe with a half-life of about sixteen million years, and since the earth is four and a half billion years old (and since all the elements on earth were created in stars before the earth accreted), there is no 129I on earth today; after the first hundred million years of earth’s existence there would have been less than 2 percent left, after a billion years there would have been too little to measure, and by today we can safely say there is “none” left. But now let’s go back to the very creation of the solar system. We know that the elements that exist today were created earlier in stars and blown out into space, and somehow they accreted into the sun and planets. We know roughly how and in which types of stars the elements were created, but we still don’t know the details of their synthesis, and we know even less about their accretion into the sun and planets, and until the xenon studies we had absolutely no idea when they were created. Suppose that the creation of the elements took place billions of years before solar system formation (after all, the universe is nearly ten billion years older than we are). Then all the 129I would have decayed into xenon long before the sun and planets formed, the 129Xe would have mixed with all the other xenon isotopes, and upon its incorporation into the solid particles of the solar system the xenon would be isotopically homogeneous. The sun, the earth, the meteorites, and the planets and moons would have incorporated differing amounts of xenon, according to their mode of formation and evolution, but they would all have the same mix of xenon isotopes (with perhaps some easily recognized mass fractionation). But suppose instead that the elements were created just previous to solar system formation; that is, within a few half-lives of 129I—say, less than a hundred million years.
Bacn
Authors: Keats Jonathon
Published: November 2020

Seldom has the arc of a neologism been so visible. On the afternoon of August 18, 2007, standing at the PodCamp Pittsburgh registration desk, Tommy Vallier, Andy Quale, Ann Turiano, Jesse Hambley, and Val and Jason Head—all participants in the city’s annual social media conference—were having a conversation about Canadian bacon. Vallier informed the group that peameal bacon was an alternate name for the breakfast meat, leading others to comment that peameal sounded like email. This coincidence in turn reminded them of a prior discussion about all the automatic email notifications they received daily, from Google news alerts to Facebook updates, which were becoming almost as distracting as spam. They decided it was a problem, and their banter about peameal and pork suggested a name. Since the notifications were a cut above spam—after all, these updates had been requested—they dubbed this “middle class” of email bacn. The following day the six PodCampers held a spontaneous group session with several dozen of their fellow social media mavens, who were swiftly won over by the jokey name and ironic spelling (a play on sites such as Flickr and Socializr then popular). The web address bacn2.com was acquired—bacn.com was already taken by a bacon distributor and bacn.org belonged to the Bay Area Consciousness Network—and a droll public service announcement explaining the time-wasting dangers of bacn was promptly posted on YouTube. What happened next was best explained by PodCamp’s cofounder Chris Brogan to the Chicago Tribune five days later. “The PodCamp event was about creating personal media,” he said, “so 200-something reporters, so to speak, launched that story as soon as they heard it.” The term was written up on hundreds of personal blogs, bringing it into Technorati’s top fifteen search terms and leading Erik Schark to muse on BoingBoing that the spread of bacn showed “the ridiculous power of the internet.” Schark also listed the mainstream media that had covered it, including CNET, Wired , and the Washington Post, where Rob Pegoraro complained about the name: “Bacon is good,” he opined.
Tweet
Authors: Keats Jonathon
Published: November 2020

The big news in the Twitterverse on October 19, 2009, was the sighting of the pentagigatweet. Sent by an out-of-work dotcom executive named Robin Sloan, the six-character text message, a bit of banter between friends, garnered more attention than the war in Afghanistan or the swine flu pandemic. “Oh lord,” it read. The message was sent at 10:28 a.m. PST. By 3:47 p.m. a CNET news story proclaimed, “Twitter hits 5 billion tweets,” quoting Sloan’s two-word contribution to telecommunications history, and noting that he’d geekily dubbed it the pentagigatweet. The following day newspapers around the world, from the Telegraph in England to Il Messagero in Italy, had picked up the story, yet the most extensive coverage was on Twitter itself, where nearly 30 percent of the estimated 25 million daily messages referenced the benchmark. The numbers were impressive. But more remarkable than the level of popularity achieved in the mere thirty-eight months since the microblogging service launched in 2006 was the degree to which those who used it felt responsible for building it. The megatweeting greeting the pentagigatweet was a sort of collective, networked navel-gazing. In the days following the five billionth text message Twitter was atwitter with self-congratulation. That sense of personal investment, essential to Twitter’s growth, was entirely by design. As Jack Dorsey explained in an interview with the Los Angeles Times about the company he cofounded, “The concept is so simple and so open-ended that people can make of it whatever they wish.” Dorsey based the service on his experience writing dispatch software and his insight that the best way to observe a city in real time was to monitor the dispatches coming from couriers and taxis and ambulances. Twitter was created to put that experience in the hands of ordinary citizens, literally, by asking people to periodically send in text messages by mobile phone answering the question “What are you doing?” All participants would be able to follow the stream of responses. In other words, Twitter was formulated as a sort of relay, utterly dependent on the public for content.
Delineation of Permissive Tracts
Authors: Singer Donald , Menzie W. David
Published: November 2020

The nonuniform global distributions of metals discussed in chapter 2 are also evident within most countries. Knowledge of the spatial distributions of mineral resources is invaluable in planning. In order to be able to consistently assess the undiscovered mineral resources of regions, as the second part of three-part assessments, areas should be delineated where geology permits the existence of deposits of one or more specified types. These areas, called permissive tracts, are based on geologic criteria derived from deposit models that are themselves based on studies of known deposits outside and perhaps within the study area. Thus, deposit models play the central role in identifying relevant information and in integrating the various kinds of information to delineate permissive tracts. Permissive boundaries are defined such that the probability of deposits of the type delineated occurring outside the boundary are negligible, that is, less than 1 in 100,000. Areas are excluded from these tracts only on the basis of geology, knowledge about unsuccessful exploration, or the presence of barren overburden exceeding some predetermined thickness. A geologic map is the primary local source of information for delineating tracts and identifying which are permissive for different deposit types. Map scales affect the quality and nature of information available for delineations and determine the extent to which geologic units are combined and how cover is represented. Probably the second most important kind of information is an inventory of known deposits and prospects in and near the region being assessed. Tracts may or may not contain known deposits. Because of incomplete deposit descriptions, it often is difficult to identify deposit types for many prospects, occurrences, and some deposits, but those that can be identified increase confidence in domains delineated for the deposit type. Typed prospects may indicate the possibility of some deposit types where the type had not been expected or place limits on the kinds and sizes of deposits that could occur elsewhere. The map of deposits and occurrences classified into deposit types then serves as a check on the accuracy of the delineation of tracts permissive for types rather than a determinant of the delineation.
Integration of Grades, Tonnages, Number of Deposits, and Economic Effects
Authors: Singer Donald , Menzie W. David
Published: November 2020

Now that all of the fundamental parts of a quantitative mineral resource assessment have been discussed, it is useful to reflect on why all of the work has been done. As mentioned in chapter 1, it is quite easy to generate an assessment of the “potential” for undiscovered mineral resources. Aside from the question of what, if anything, “potential” means, there is the more serious question of whether a decision-maker has any use for it. The three-part form of assessment is part of a system designed to respond to the needs of decision-makers. Although many challenging ideas are presented in this book, it has a different purpose than most academic reports. This book has the same goal as Allais (1957)—to provide information useful to decision makers. Unfortunately, handing a decision-maker a map with some tracts outlined and frequency distributions of some tonnages and grades along with estimates of the number of deposits that might exist along with their associated probabilities is not really being helpful—these need to be converted to a language understandable to others. This chapter summarizes how these various estimates can be combined and put in more useful forms. If assessments were conducted only to estimate amounts of undiscovered metals, we would need contained metal models and estimates of the number of undiscovered deposits. Grades are simply the ratio of contained metal to tons of ore (chapter 6), so contained metal estimates are available for each deposit. In the simplest of all cases, one could estimate the expected number of deposits with equation 8.1 (see chapter 8) and multiply it by the expected amount of metal per deposit, such as the 27,770 tons of copper in table 9.1, to make an estimate of the expected amount of undiscovered metal. As pointed out in chapter 1, expected amounts of resources or their values can be very misleading because they provide no information about how uncommon the expected value can be with skewed frequency distributions that are common in mineral resources; that is, uncertainty is ignored.
Cosmopolitan Justice, Responsibility, and Global Climate Change
Authors: Caney Simon
Published: November 2020

. . . It’s exciting to have a real crisis on your hands when you have spent half your political life dealing with humdrum things like the environment. . . . The world’s climate is undergoing dramatic and rapid changes. Most notably, the earth has been becoming markedly warmer, and its weather has, in addition to this, become increasingly unpredictable. These changes have had, and continue to have, important consequences for human life. In this chapter, I wish to examine what is the fairest way of dealing with the burdens created by global climate change. Who should bear the burdens? Should it be those who caused the problem? Should it be those best able to deal with the problem? Or should it be someone else? I defend a distinctive cosmopolitan theory of justice, criticize a key principle of international environmental law, and, moreover, challenge the “common but differentiated responsibility” approach that is affirmed in current international environmental law. Before considering different answers to the question of who should pay for the costs of global climate change, it is essential to be aware of both the distinct kind of theoretical challenge that global climate change raises and also the effects that climate change is having on people’s lives. Section 1 thus introduces some preliminary methodological observations on normative theorizing about global climate change. In addition, it outlines some basic background scientific claims about the impacts of climate change. Section 2 examines one common way of thinking about the duty to bear the burdens caused by climate change, namely the doctrine that those who have caused the problem are responsible for bearing the burden. It argues that this doctrine, while in many ways appealing, is more problematic than might first appear and is also incomplete in a number of different ways (sections 3 through 8). In particular, it needs to be grounded in a more general theory of justice and rights.
Introduction
Authors: Ling Roger , Arthur Paul , Clarke Georgia , Lazer Estelle , Ling Lesley A. , Rush Peter , Waters Andrew
Published: November 2020

The present volume is the first of three which will together provide an in-depth analysis of one city block at Pompeii: the so-called Insula del Menandro (Insula of the Menander) (Pompeii I 10). It will concentrate on the architecture and structural history of the insula, while the second and third volumes will deal respectively with interior decoration and with loose finds. Each will be used, in its different way, to shed light on the social history of the insula and of Pompeii in general. Behind this publication lies a long-term programme of recording and documentation going back to the 1970s, the primary objective of which has been the production of an archive, consisting primarily of drawings at 1:5 of the surviving wall-paintings, and plans, sections, and elevations at 1:50 of the visible architecture. These are supplemented by photographs in black and white and in colour, and by drawings of selected pavements and certain architectural details at 1:10. In addition there are pro forma sheets providing a detailed record, room by room, of all architectural and decorative features. Copies of this archive will ultimately be deposited in the Archaeological Superintendency at Pompeii, in the British School at Rome, and in the University of Manchester. This project, carried out by a team from Britain, fits in with the general policy of the Pompeian authorities since the late 1970s to improve the documentation of the site. There have been a number of programmes of recording during this period, most importantly a series of photographic campaigns mounted by the Istituto Centrale per il Catalogo e la Documentazione to record the surviving paintings and pavements and, more recently, a massive computerization project called Neapolis which has Involved specialists in various disciplines (archaeology, cartography, architecture, art history, and anthropology) and has aimed to produce an electronic archive permitting access to almost any piece of information, visual or written, about the city. The Importance of recording, in whatever form, is all too apparent. Despite the best efforts of the local authorities, the fabric of the city is steadily deteriorating: weathering, plant infestation, vandalism, and theft all take their toll.
Introduction
Authors: Moller Astrid
Published: November 2020

For over a hundred years, the study of the ancient economy has been characterized by two opposing views based on different conceptions of the economy and its historical development. The modernists describe the Greek and Roman economy as if it were a fully-fledged modern capitalist economy in terms like ‘market’, ‘export interests’, ‘monopolies’, and ‘entrepreneurs’. An outspoken advocate of this opinion was Eduard Meyer, who claimed that we can hardly imagine the Greek economy as too modern. He was attacking Karl Bücher’s identification of three historical stages in economic evolution which corresponded roughly to the three great epochs: according to Bücher, classical antiquity was characterized by ‘closed household economy’ (geschlossene Hauswirtschaft), the Middle Ages by ‘city economy’ (Stadtwirtschaft), and the modern world by ‘national economy’ (Volkswirtschaft). Bücher’s deductive model very easily proved inapplicable in the light of the evidence. The reluctance to attach the stigma of primitivism to the ancient Greeks still prevails. As long as we consider ourselves as the heirs of the ancient Greeks, we are not inclined to portray them as being in any way backward or primitive. In regarding their legacy as the foundation of our thought, it seems impossible to assume that their consciousness could have been different from ours. Karl Polanyi acknowledged the fundamental difference between pre-industrialized economies and our own and attempted an inductive approach by collecting evidence from different cultures in order to develop an economic theory of pre-industrialized societies. Polanyi was convinced that pre-industrialized societies and their economies could only be analysed in substantive terms. These terms describe how institutions guarantee the provision of material needs, and take particular account of the social context of economic activity. On the other hand, the formal approach in economic history considers the economy as detached from society and sees the market as a ubiquitous phenomenon. According to Polanyi, this statement can only hold true for the industrialized market economy. The work of Karl Polanyi resulted in the debate between modernists and primitivists being superseded by a debate between formalists and substantivists; the point at issue was no longer the historical development of economy but rather what approach ought to be used to analyse past economies.
Naukratis as ‘Port of Trade’
Authors: Moller Astrid
Published: November 2020

This chapter is devoted to an interpretation of the written sources alongside the archaeological material discussed above. It will proceed by way of an investigative account (untersuchende Darstellung), one kind of historiography distinguished from other historical narratives by Johann Gustav Droysen, the German historian. Droysen regarded this way of writing history as especially suitable for those historical periods in which the evidence at hand is scarce and garbled. An investigative account proceeds on the premise that the result still has to be found; it is not a record of the steps actually followed by the historian in his investigation, but a reconstruction of this investigation in terms of the principles underlying it. My account will therefore reproduce the process of scrutiny as guided by the ‘port of trade’ model which I have adopted. Naukratis is mentioned in a multitude of written sources; however, few of these are of significance for our purposes. The earliest account of any considerable length is to be found in Herodotus’ Histories, 2. 178–9. His Egyptian logos represents the most detailed and most important classical outline of Egypt’s political and cultural conditions, particularly those at the time of the Saite dynasty. His ethnographic achievement influenced every successive description, whether Greek or Latin. Unfortunately, there are aspects in which his account of Naukratis is lacking in clarity; furthermore, the archaeological evidence has served to qualify his information. Nonetheless, this does not have the effect of rendering Herodotus’ account as such unreliable, because it is not in the nature of archaeological material to do so, as Snodgrass quite rightly observes. Herodotus reports: 178: Amasis, being a Philhellene, granted some Greeks certain rights, and in particular he gave those who came to Egypt the polis Naukratis to dwell in. And, what is more, to those among them who were going to sea and did not want to live there [in Naukratis] permanently he gave lands to erect altars and temenea for the gods. Of these latter the largest which is also the best known and most visited temenos is the so-called Hellenion; it was set up by the joint efforts of these poleis: of the Ionians Chios, Teos, Phocaea, and Clazomenae, of the Dorians Rhodes, Cnidus, Halicarnassus, and Phaselis, and of the Aeolians Mytilene alone.
Tracking Epidemics
Authors: Smallman-Raynor Matthew , Cliff Andrew
Published: November 2020

In studies of past, present, and likely future disease distributions, the ‘added value’ provided by the geographer lies in three main areas: detecting spatial concentrations of disease; isolating the processes (environmental, social, demographic, and pathogenic) which cause these disease hotspots; and in enhancing our understanding of the space–time dynamics of disease spread. This is as true of war-related epidemics as of any others. Within geography, there is a long-standing tradition of mapping disease. In this early history, the incidence maps of yellow fever produced in 1798 are often given pride of place (Robinson, 1982). These were, however, pre-dated by maps of topics as diverse as hospital capacities and the distribution of dressing-stations on a battlefield, through to maps of pestilential swamps and other hostile medical environments. But, so far as most epidemiological reports were concerned, such maps were usually incidental. The breakthrough in disease mapping occurred in the middle of the nineteenth century with the cholera map produced by Dr John Snow to accompany the second edition of his prize-winning essay On the Mode of Communication of Cholera (1855a). What set Snow’s work apart was not the cartography (dot maps, which were a well-established cartographic device, to show the geographical distribution of individual cholera deaths), but his inductive reasoning from the map. By showing what he termed the ‘topography of the outbreak’, Snow was able to draw inferences about the central source of infection. The use of mapping as an important device for suggesting hypotheses of medical interest may be traced through to the present day. For war and disease, the classic example is the Seuchen Atlas. This atlas of epidemic disease (Zeiss, 1942–5; Anderson, 1947) was conceived by the German army as an adjunct to war, enhancing its ability to mount military campaigns. The atlas was produced as separate sheets over the years 1942–5. Its distribution was confined to military institutes and to those German university institutes involved in training medical students. The scope of the atlas was not global but confined largely to those areas where the Army High Command expected to be fighting.
Formalizing Property Rights
Authors: Dale Peter , McLaughlin John
Published: November 2020

Property systems may be formal or informal. Formal property systems are those where the interests are explicitly acknowledged and protected by the law. This is the case for the vast majority of property rights in developed countries. Informal property interests are those that are recognized by the local, informal community but which are not formally acknowledged by the state. They exist in most developing countries outside the legal system and are often the result of inadequate legislation, or excessive and inefficient bureaucracies. Many legal systems, such as those based on the French Napoleonic code, have been established ‘top down’ with a framework of law imposed by legislators. The common law systems on the other hand are based on a ‘bottom-up’ approach in which the customs and practices of the people eventually become written down and accepted within a statutory framework. Historically, common law systems grew out of informal systems and, through the body of case law that developed, gradually became accepted across the whole of the jurisdiction. ‘Top-down’ legal systems are essentially negative in that actions may not be undertaken unless they are permitted by the law; ‘bottom-up’ systems generally work on the basis that anything is permitted unless explicitly forbidden by the law. In many of the central and eastern European countries, land reform has been delayed because there were decisions that could not be taken because there was no law that permitted them. Rather than move on with the processes, laws had to be drafted and agreed specifying that such actions were permissible. As an example, work could not be contracted out to the private sector because the law did not say that this was permissible; there was however no statement that such action was forbidden. Informal systems of tenure provide no state security but can, in practice, be sufficiently robust for the people in the areas concerned to invest in housing and development; an estimated three-quarters of Greater Cairo, for example, is said to have been developed without formal approvals.
Biogeography
Authors: Young Kenneth R. , Blumler Mark A.
Published: November 2020

Biogeographers study the distributions of organisms and the systems those species inhabit. Biogeography can be viewed both as a form of geographical enquiry applied to plants and animals, and also as a biological science concerned with geography. Thus, biogeography is interdisciplinary, like other “composite” sciences such as geomorphology (Bauer 1996; Osterkamp and Hupp 1996). Veblen (1989) provided an overview of biogeography in the late 1980s. He commented on the nature of biogeography as practiced in academic geography programs, finding most similarity in approach and subject matter with ecologists and ecology. Three broad research orientations can be identified (K. R. Young 1995): ecological, evolutionary, and applied. Each orientation includes both theoretical frameworks and empirical foundations. Ecological approaches relate plant and animal distributions to current biological and physical processes, including interactions among species, precipitation and temperature regimes, and soil nutrient dynamics. Evolutionary approaches accommodate genetic and population changes in species over long time-periods, in addition to historical processes as affected by Earth history, plate tectonics, and climate change; these approaches have been labeled as “classical biogeography” (Veblen 1989). Complete biogeographical explanations often require detailed information on both ecological conditions and historical changes over centuries or millennia or even millions of years. Biogeographical approaches also are applied to the evaluation of important societal issues, for example through the study of nature reserves. Of practical and theoretical concern are situations where species or their distributions and abundances are modified by human influences. This is the part of biogeography closest to geography’s mainstream research interests in human–nature interrelations, and is called “cultural biogeography.” Some people characterize geography as the study of the Earth as modified by humans; in this case, biological geography (biogeography) would include the study of how species and living land cover have been altered by people. Species distributions can change over short and long time-scales (Hengeveld 1990; Dingle 1996). Biogeographers who study the shifting spatial distribution patterns of specific species of plants or animals often focus their research on biophysical factors that determine the range limits of the species and how those factors change through time. These controls include the effects of other organisms, the physical conditions of the environment, and disturbance.
Remote Sensing
Authors: Quattrochi Dale A. , Walsh Stephen J.
Published: November 2020

As noted in the first edition of Geography in America, the term “remote sensing” was coined in the early 1960s by geographers to describe the process of obtaining data by use of both photographic and nonphotographic instruments (Gaile and Wilmot 1989: 46). Although this is still a working definition today, a more explicit and updated definition as it relates to geography can be phrased as: “remote sensing is the science, art, and technology of identifying, characterizing, measuring, and mapping of Earth surface, and near Earth surface phenomena from some position above using photographic or nonphotographic instruments.” Both patterns and processes may be the object of investigation using remote sensing data. The science dimension of geographic remote sensing is rooted in the fact that: (1) it is dealing with primary data, wherein the investigator must have an understanding of the environmental phenomena under scrutiny, and (2) the investigator must understand something of the physics of the energy involved in the sensing instrument and the atmospheric pathway through which the energy passes from the energy source, to the Earth object, to the sensor. The art dimension of geographic remote sensing has to do with the creative ways that the scientific interpretations are presented for visualization and measurement. The technological dimension of geographic remote sensing has to do with the constantly evolving hardware, software, and algorithmic manipulation and modeling involved in the collection, processing, and interpreting of data regarding the Earth phenomena under investigation. It is the rapidly advancing combination of these three dimensions over recent decades that has brought remote sensing to be a vibrant and dynamic part of the discipline of geography today. We wish not to dwell at length on the historical aspects of remote sensing as it relates to geography. This has been done quite adequately in the first edition of Geography in America as well as in other publications, such as the American Society of Photogrammetry and Remote Sensing (ASPRS) Manual of Remote Sensing series (e.g. Colwell 1983), that is now going through a third edition and complete update, and is being presented as a compendium of individual volumes that deal with specific aspects of remote sensing science.