bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Descent of the Sonderweg: Hans Rosenberg's History of Old-Regime Prussia
Authors: Hagen William W.
Published: December 2008

Before Hans Rosenberg reached his thirtieth year, the National Socialist seizure of power, abetted and applauded by disproportionate numbers of his contemporaries, drove him into exile. Many years later he wrote of the “curiosity and anxiety” he felt toward the catastrophe of German fascism, which had “disfigured and besmirched the wrinkled historic face of my native land beyond recognition,” giving it “the most sordid and brutal expression in its entire past.”
“Drunk on Ideas”: Hans Rosenberg as a Teacher at Brooklyn College
Authors: Rothstein Morton
Published: December 2008

My first encounter with Hans Rosenberg was in the fall semester of 1952 when I switched from evening classers to day sessions full-time at Brooklyn College. His presence in the classroom was both fascinating and intimidating. He constantly took pains to engage each student in the room, and he still serves me as a model of teaching-effectiveness. Short and slightly pudgy but with ramrod posture, he had an expressive, unusually lively face and a profoundly serious but good-natured demeanor; he spoke with a slight impediment, with the heavy accent of his native Rhineland, and with an English vocabulary that was dazzling in scope. He was the epitome of the learned European professor, respected and esteemed by his colleagues. Some of his reputation as a teacher who demanded much of himself and of his students had preceded my entry into his class, and had conveyed a picture of a man who often literally got drunk on ideas in front of his students.
Problems with Culture: German History After the Linguistic Turn
Authors: Eley Geoff
Published: December 2008

I recently edited a volume of essays on the Kaiserreich, under the titleSociety, Culture, and the State in Germany, 1870–1930(Ann Arbor, 1996), which set out deliberately to explore the possible forms of new approaches to the history of the Second Empire; and in the circumstances it’s hard for me to approach this topic without saying something about Hans–Ulrich Wehler’s extended review of this volume inCentral European History, which came out during the summer. Wehler’s response is interesting. He actually likes most of the fifteen contributions to this collection, but reserves extended hostility for the ones by Geroge Stainmetz and Elisabetn Domansky, who clearly placed themselves beyond the pale of tolerable discourse by opting for non-Weberian sociology, Foucauldian perspectives, and gender critique.
A Jewish Collaborator in Nazi Germany: The Strange Career of Georg Kareski, 1933–37
Authors: Levine Herbert S.
Published: December 2008

Hitler's takeover of power in January 1933 created a new and dangerous situation for German Jewry. Nazi policy developed gradually, but before the spring of 1933 was well advanced there could be little doubt that serious injury was intended toward the Jewish community. The “wildcat” anti-Semitic actions of undisciplined SA men were followed by the national boycott of Jewish businesses conducted on April 1. Legislative and administrative measures, preceded and accompanied by “unofficial” and “illegal” actions tending in the same direction, began the process that drove Jews from public employment, from medicine, law, and teaching, from cultural, political, and journalistic pursuits, and that severely hampered their economic activity in any form. Long before any sane observer could have glimpsed the outlines of the “final solution,” the leaders of the German Jewish community were faced with a situation demanding the utmost of their political and organizational talents. As a leading Jewish participant put it, the situation provided a classic case of Toynbee's “challenge” and “response.” To one German Jewish leader, Georg Kareski, it was a great and positive political opportunity.
War Premeditated? German Intelligence Operations in July 1914
Authors: Trumpener Ulrich
Published: December 2008

Because of the politically sensitive and often quite unsavory aspects of their work, but also because they wish to protect their former agents, secret services usually do not like to say very much about their past activities and try to keep their records out of the hands of historians and other outsiders for as long as possible. The army intelligence service of Imperial Germany—officially known as theGeheime Nachrichtendienst des Heeresor, more simply, as the “N.D.”—was no exception to this rule. While the last chief of that organization, Walter Nicolai, and some of his former subordinates wrote a number of books and articles after 1918 in which they described the functions of the N.D. and some of its accomplishments, they remained studiously vague on many issues, particularly with regard to the espionage operations which had been conducted in the Entente countries in the years prior to the Great War. As might be expected, various other German publications on the background of the war which appeared in the 1920s and 1930s, includingDie Grosse Politik der Europäischen Kabinetteand other such editions of government documents, similarly maintained a discreet silence on this subject.
The Press of Imperial Germany: A New Role for a Traditional Resource
Authors: Turk Eleanor L.
Published: December 2008

Until only recently, German history has concentrated on the view from the top. As officials and as individuals, prominent Germans have been especially diligent about maintaining their records, and great numbers of previously secret holdings were made public after the Allied victory in 1945. Add all this to the wealth of memoirs and monographs already available, and there is clearly much to engage the interested historian or scholar. In particular, our understanding of the imperial era has benefited from the infusion of these rich resources. However, the vast majority of this material centers on the state and national leadership, with the result that German history is most frequently viewed from their perspectives: the historiography of the German people has been virtually overlooked. Recently, statistical and behavioral-science techniques have increasingly been incorporated into historical methodology in an effort to achieve a greater understanding of the public at large. Quantitative history and group biography are only two manifestations of this trend, and they have made significant contributions to our understanding of imperial Germany. I would like to suggest that careful examination of the German press can also add valuable new dimensions to the study of the imperial era, and to offer some simple techniques to help make this possible.
The Polish Trade Union in the Ruhr Coal Field: Labor Organization and Ethnicity in Wilhelmian Germany
Authors: Murphy Richard C.
Published: December 2008

The German industrial revolution that transformed the unified Reich into the leading European economic power by the eve of the First World War was accompanied by an equally notable demographic revolution. In 1871 less than a third of the country's population lived in urban areas (population over two thousand); by 1910 more than 60 percent of Germans were city dwellers. That urban growth was brought about by a great internal migration. Among the millions who forsook the countryside for the expanding industrial centers were large numbers of Poles, Reich subjects native to the eastern provinces of Prussia. Thousands of them—perhaps as many as half a million—attracted by jobs in foundries and mines and courted by labor recruiters, migrated to the prototypical German industrial complex, the Ruhr (Ruhrgebiet). There the Poles not only experienced the universal problems of adjustment from rural to urban and preindustrial to industrial patterns, but were also threatened with the loss of ethnic identity.
The Old Mittelstand 1890–1939: How “Backward” Were the Artisans?
Authors: von Saldern Adelheid
Published: December 2008

In 1892, an artisan from Cologne stated that “the reintroduction of the Befähigungsnachweis (proof of qualification) was always the most important issue—a vital question for the representatives of the artisans.”
HausvaterandLandesvater: Paternalism and Marriage Reform in Sixteenth-Century Germany
Authors: Harrington Joel F.
Published: December 2008

Long before Melanchthon and Erasmus drew their parallels, paternal and political authority had enjoyed a long and successful association in Greco-Roman thought. The apparent resurgence of this patriarchal metaphor in sixteenth-century European literature and polemic, however, has led some historians to suggest a more socially significant transformation in the actual legal or moral authority of one or both of these father figures. Beginning with the pioneering work of Phillippe Ariès many historians of the family, particularly Lawrence Stone, have identified the sixteenth century as a time of greater paternal authority within the household and the beginning of the modern nuclear family throughout most of Europe. Others, expanding on references by Aries and Stone to a new state paternalism, have focused on the political half of the patriarchal analogy, especially the almost ubiquitous association among sixteenth-century German authors of the Hausvater (head of the household) with theLandesvater(political ruler). For most of these scholars, paternalistic language was a natural and even necessary component of the ambitious absolutist state-building of early modern Europe.
From Buchenwald to Bismarck: Historical Myth-Building in the German Democratic Republic, 1945–1989
Authors: Nothnagle Alan
Published: December 2008

In the opening lines of hisEighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, Karl Marx writes: The tradition of all the dead generations weighs like a nightmare on the brain of the living. And just when they seem engaged in revolutionizing themselves and things, in creating something that has never yet existed, precisely in such periods of revolutionary crisis they anxiously conjure up the spirits of the past to their service and borrow from them names, battle cries, and costumes on order to present the new scene of world history in this time-honored disguise and this borrowed language.
The Play of German Histories: Protocolling the Debate
Authors: Link Jere
Published: December 2008

This quotation fits the conference only if we agree that “still” connotes sitting, not silence. The “Challenges in Theory, Practice, Technique” were voiced with only hints of controversy. All who might have disagreed were outside the room, though not necessarily excluded from the debate. Participants seemed to agree that old “fixities” had to be re-evaluated in the light of postmodern challenges. “Past and future” met in the guise of Young Turks and older veterans. Sessions of redefining and rethinking, as these were, hardly “ascend” to action, but neither were they content with “arrest” or “decline.” Eliot, the modernist, speaks to postmodern issues.
Nazis and Slavs: From Racial Theory to Racist Practice
Authors: Connelly John
Published: December 2008

Increasingly, historians have been turning their attention to the effects of Nazi racism. In recent years major studies have appeared on forced sterilization, euthanasia, theft of “racially valuable” children, and “antinatalism,” as well as the destruction of “racially undesirable” groups: the handicapped, certain foreign laborers, and homosexuals.
“Pioneers of a New Germany”: Returning POWs from the Soviet Union and the Making of East German Citizens, 1945–1950
Authors: Biess Frank
Published: December 2008

Inearly December 1945, the Communist Party functionary Karl Lewke sent an alarming report to the leadership of the German Communist Party (KPD). It was entitled “One million anti-Bolshevists are approaching. The democratic reconstruction of Germany is threatened by greatest dangers!” The report referred to the thousands of returning German POWs from the Soviet Union who daily entered the Soviet zone of occupation through Frankfurt an der Oder. Lewke's description of the mentality and the attitudes of these returning POWs was not very comforting for his party superiors in Berlin.
Frederick the Great and the Celebrated Case of the Millers Arnold (1770–1779): A Reappraisal
Authors: Luebke David M.
Published: December 2008

What did it mean when an teenth-century monarch intervened in a legal struggle between social unequals, and decided on behalf of the weaker party? How do historians interpret such an event? In the example under examination here—the cause célèbre of the millers Christian and Rosine Arnold in Brandenburg-Prussia (1770–1779)—the dominant opinion of two centuries has been that King Frederick II's intervention violated justice and the rule of law. Explaining this remarkable continuity of historical attention is easy, for the affair's effects on state-formation in Prussia were far–reaching. On the very day that Frederick ruled in the millers' favor, the king also sacked his chancellor (Grosskanzler), Carl Joseph von Fürst, as well as three members of Brandenburg's supreme tribunal, the Chamber Court (Kammergericht), all for ruling against the millers. In Fürst's place as chancellor, Frederick installed Johann Heinrich Casimir von Carmer, under whom began the process of legal reforms that resulted in the provisional Corpus Juris Fridericianum (1781) and ultimately the General Prussian Code (Allgemeines Preussisches Landrecht, or ALR) of 1794. To some extent, then, Frederick's intervention was the founding act of codification. But it is more difficult to explain the unanimity: with few exceptions, historians and biographers have pronounced the intervention a “judicial catastrophe” (Justizkatastrophe) and declared the millers mere “troublemakers.” This essay will argue that such conclusions are misguided: by framing their questions within the parameters of legal and administrative history, most historians have focused on the legal merits of the Arnolds' suit. In so doing, they have operated on the assumption that a unitary definition of justice prevailed in eighteenth-century Prussia; as a result, most historical appraisals reflect highly partisan contemporary interpretations of the case. But there were at least three distinct “discourses” on justice at work as the case unfolded, each of them corresponding to one of the principal sets of actors in the drama.
Inflation, Revaluation, and the Crisis of Middle-Class Politics: A Study in the Dissolution of the German Party System, 1923–28
Authors: Jones Larry Eugene
Published: December 2008

Thedissolution of the German party system during the Weimar Republic was well advanced long before either the world economic crisis descended upon Germany with all of its intensity in the early 1930s or the National Socialists scored their first decisive breakthrough into the ranks of Germany's middle-class parties. While both the onset of the depression and the rise of National Socialism greatly accelerated the dissolution of Germany's bourgeois parties, their principal effect was not so much to catalyze this process as to intensify disintegrative factors that had been present ever since the founding of the Weimar Republic. The ultimate cause of the dissolution of the bourgeois party system during the Weimar Republic lay precisely in the inability of established bourgeois parties such as the German Democratic Party (Deutsche Demokratische Parteior DDP), the German People's Party (Deutsche Volksparteior DVP), the German National People's Party (Deutsdmationale Volksparteior DNVP), and to a somewhat lesser extent the German Center Party (Deutsche Zentrumspartei) to integrate the diverse and increasingly antagonistic social and economic interests which constituted their material base into a viable and effective social force. The emergence of special-interest parties in the second half of the 1920s bore dramatic testimony to the failure of Germany's nonsocialist parties to provide the more traditional elements of the German middle class with the effective political representation they needed in order to maintain their social and economic position in the face of mounting economic adversity. Not only did the formation of such parries reflect the process of social and political decay that was at work within the German party system, but the increasing fragmentation of Germany's established bourgeois parties greatly facilitated the penetration of National Socialism into the ranks of the German middle strata.
German-Italian Military Relations on the Eve of World War I
Authors: Palumbo Michael
Published: December 2008

There can be little doubt that the German military leadership played an important role in the events leading up to the outbreak of World War I. Although there may be some disagreement as to the extent of the general staff's influence, its assessment of the European situation is known to have carried great weight in the decision-making councils in Berlin. Much significant research has been done on the activities of the German military hierarchy in the prewar period, but certain subjects remain to be explored. One of these is the relationship of the Berlin general staff with its counterpart in Rome. A great deal of evidence exists which indicates that in the period from December 1912 until August 1914 the chief of the general staff, Helmuth Graf von Moltke, and other military leaders in Berlin were greatly concerned about their southern ally. The German generals, probably influenced by the theories of Clausewitz with his great emphasis on the value of numerical superiority, saw Italy, with her large mass-conscripted army of over thirty divisions, as the balance of power in any conflict between the Central Powers and the Franco-Russian Alliance.
Research Opportunities in West and East German Archives for the Weimar Period and the Third Reich
Authors: Kent George O.
Published: December 2008

This paper is an attempt to draw attention to some of the major as well as some of the lesser known collections in the archives of the German Democratic and the German Federal Republics. It will suggest broad topics and areas that might lead to fruitful research, and is not intended as a comprehensive survey of these holdings.
“A Scramble for Freight”: The Politics of Collaboration along and across the Railway Tracks of Korea under Japanese Rule
Authors: Uchida Jun
Published: December 2008

New interpretations constantly grow around a familiar story, like life along colonial railways. From the vast plains of America to the subcontinent of India, scholars have noted, railroads played a pivotal role in inscribing power on uncharted terrain. They facilitated conquest, opened lands for settlement, and fueled the colonial extractive economy. And railroads were more than mere “tools of empire.” From missionaries and administrators in the field to interlocutors in the distant metropole, Europeans celebrated railroads and their locomotives as vehicles of their “civilizing mission” on the benighted colonial frontier. Not only did railroads reshape local lands into well-ordered spaces of production, they also remade their non-European dwellers by uplifting them from their alleged state of cultural decline. An instrument of progress, industry, and rationality, the railroad was the personification of the model colonizer: it captured lands as well as the minds of their inhabitants, not by brute force but by the sheer power of modernity (see figure 1).
THE GROUP OF AUTOMORPHISMS OF THE FIRST WEYL ALGEBRA IN PRIME CHARACTERISTIC AND THE RESTRICTION MAP
Authors: BAVULA V. V.
Published: December 2008

LetKbe aperfectfield of characteristicp> 0;A1:=K〈x, ∂|∂x−x∂=1〉 be the first Weyl algebra; andZ:=K[X:=xp,Y:=∂p] be its centre. It is proved that (i) the restriction map res : AutK(A1)→ AutK(Z), σ ↦ σ|Zis a monomorphism with im(res) = Γ := {τ ∈ AutK(Z)|(τ)=1}, where(τ) is the Jacobian of τ, (Note that AutK(Z)=K* ⋉ Γ, and ifKisnotperfect then im(res) ≠ Γ.); (ii) the bijection res : AutK(A1) → Γ is a monomorphism of infinite dimensional algebraic groups which isnotan isomorphism (even ifKis algebraically closed); (iii) an explicit formula for res−1is found via differential operators(Z) onZand negative powers of the Fronenius mapF. Proofs are based on the following (non-obvious) equality proved in the paper:
The “Social Revolution” in America? European Reactions to the “Great Upheaval” and to the Haymarket Affair
Authors: Perrier Hubert , Collomp Catherine , Cordillot Michel , Debouzy Marianne
Published: December 2008

When the Statue of Liberty, a gift of the French government to the American Republic, was inaugurated in the New York harbor on October 28, 1886, the French radical press felt that the ceremony, held as it was on the eve of the executions of the Chicago martyrs, was more of an insult to labor than a tribute to freedom. Indeed, the French anarchists suggested that this statue should be renamed “the Goddess of Murder.” Was this just an outburst of anarchist rhetoric or does it tell us something about the depth of feeling created in the European radical movement by the dramatic events that marked the year 1886?
Working-Class Interests and the Politics of Social Democratic Reform in Britain, 1900–1940
Authors: Cronin James E. , Weiler Peter
Published: December 2008

When nineteenth-century liberals searched for reasons not to enfranchise the lower orders, they most often hit upon the argument that, once given the vote, workers would use it to elect governments pledged to redistribution and welfare at the expense of property. A cursory look at the political history of the twentieth century suggests they were not entirely deluded. Indeed, the most salient facts about political development since 1900 surely are related: The democratization of the political system allowed for the emergence of the working class as a distinct claimant to political power, and its presence within the polity somehow or another stimulated the enormous extension of the social and economic role of the state.
Organized Labor, National Politics, and Second-Wave Feminism in the United States, 1965–1975
Authors: Deslippe Dennis A.
Published: December 2008

Second-wave feminism, scholars argued until recently, was a product of middle-class educated women who rejected inequality masquerading as domestic tranquility in the postwar United States. Women unionists were either invisible in these accounts or dismissed as unimportant to the development of feminism's objectives and strategies. Recent labor history research has called this portrayal of working women into question. Whether considering a single union or broad national patterns of political change, several historians have pointed to unionists' contributions to campaigns for equality. These came in the areas of pay and job discrimination as well as in the effort to pass the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA).
Introduction
Authors: Seidman Gay
Published: December 2008

It has become a common place in the late twentieth century to remark on the persistence of difference and inequality among workers; as we all know, racial capitalism has been more likely to perpetuate visible distinctions between workers than to erase them. This recreation of difference among workers is true along lines of age and gender, but it is perhaps most evident in terms of race: The daily experiences of most workers have not been colorblind at any time in capitalism's history. As many analysts have pointed out, instead of the homogenized proletariat united by a common economic interest predicted by most early-twentieth century social theories, racial capitalism has been composed of institutions and relationships which are built on, and which recreate, racial differences within the working class—differences that continue to shape and be reflected in workers' understanding of themselves and others.
“Excluded” By Choice: Dynamics of Interracial Unionism on the Philadelphia Waterfront 1910–1930
Authors: Kimeldorf Howard , Penney Robert
Published: December 2008

“Everyone knows,” observed W.E.B. DuBois, writing at the turn of the century, “that in a city like Philadelphia a Negro does not have the same chance to exercise his ability or secure work according to his talents as a white man.” Focusing on what he described as “the practical exclusion of the Negroes from the trades and industries,” DuBois highlighted the role of organized labor in maintaining Philadelphia's segregated economy whereby “each union steadfastly refuses to admit Negroes, and relies on color prejudice to keep up the barrier.”
“Forget about Your Inalienable Right to Work”: Deindustrialization and Its Discontents at Ford, 1950–1953
Authors: Sugrue Thomas J.
Published: December 2008

Detroit is known the world over as the “Motor City”, Are you trying to change it? Where is your gratitude to your men, your city? We ask what will happen to the thousands who will be let out? What is going to happen to the thousands who are buying homes?
Political Ruptures and Organized Labor: Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico, 1916–1922
Authors: Adelman Jeremy
Published: December 2008

How do organized workers take advantage of political transitions to gain ground for their movements, and conversely, in what ways do these transitions shape workers' tactics and agendas? This essay compares popular responses to political opportunities in three countries in the throes of deep crises. Exploring the routes to divergent outcomes from a common juncture during and after the First World War draws attention to the possibilities of and constraints on working-class imprints on constitutional development.
Workers of the World, Consume: Ira Steward and the Origins of Labor Consumerism
Authors: Glickman Lawrence
Published: December 2008

A distinction has generally been made between the producer and the consumer … we have been led to suppose that the producer and the consumer were totally separate individuals, with separate and distinct interests, when in reality all producers are consumers.
The Colonial State and Wage Labor in Postwar Sierra Leone, 1945–1960: Attempts at Remaking the Working Class
Authors: Abdullah Ibrahim
Published: December 2008

The elaborate “remaking” of the African working class that took off in earnest in the period after 1945 has only recently begun to receive the attention of scholars working on African labor and working-class history. This process of remaking, as in nineteenth-century England, essentially involved the incorporation of the African working class into a system of industrial relations which would guarantee it a stake in society with regard to jobs, wages, housing, and general working conditions.
Katznelson's Working Within the System Now
Authors: Cohen Lizabeth
Published: December 2008

Germany has been reunified. The Soviet Union and Eastern Europe have fractured into ethnically defined nationalist republics trying to dismantle decades of communist political and economic structures and replace them with free markets and free marketplaces of ideas. It seems only fitting that Ira Katznelson should publically embrace liberal political theory with a new “zest for political engagement”, enthusiastically endorsing the old liberal vision of political science as a discipline, and thrusting both onto labor historians as the perfect solution to political and epistemological crises in their field.In response, I would say to Katznelson, “You're working within the system now, but do we all need to?” Even more significantly, did the working-class populations we study operate within a liberal framework sufficiently enough to make liberal, state-centered concerns—the relationships and negotiations between actors in civil society (particularly articulated through unions and parties) and the liberal state—the “most potent tools” for political and historical analysis?
Engaged History
Authors: Stein Judith
Published: December 2008

Ira Katznelson urges labor historians to respond to a crisis in their field by returning to political, institutional, and state-centered history. This state of affairs has come about, he and others tell us, because of the dual challenge of “new social movements” and then the decline of labor movements, the crisis of social democracy, and collapse of communist states. Labor history is in crisis, he concludes, because class no longer provides the best categories with which to describe the world and the working class is no longer the principal historical actor.
The Political Life of the Rank and File: French Aircraft Workers During the Popular Front, 1934–38
Authors: Chapman Herrick
Published: December 2008

Between 1934 and 1938, several million workers took part in the elections, strikes, and protests that made the popular front a pivotal moment in the recent history of France. Giant street demonstrations, the General Strike of November 1938, and above all the massive sit-down strikes of June 1936 made most workers at least momentary actors in the drama of national political life. Yet, for all that has been written about these events, little is known about how labor conflict during the popular front actually affected workers' views. The problem has been in large part one of sources: the speeches, newspapers, leaflets, and memoirs of the period reveal more about trade union leaders and local militants than about the ordinary men and women who made popular protest possible but whose opinions rarely found their way into print. As a result, a number of questions remain largely unanswered: How much of the ethos of the popular front, and how much of the ideology of the Socialist and Communist parties, did rank-and-file workers come to embrace? Which slogans spoke most poignantly to lathe operators at Renault, textile workers in Lille, or sales clerks at the Galeries Lafayette? Were the euphoria of June 1936 and the crushing defeat of the General Strike in November 1938 as important in the lives of these people as they were for labor leaders? How popular, in short, was the political experience of the popular front?
Normative Theory, the “New Institutionalism,” and the Future of Public Law
Authors: Barber Sotirios A.
Published: December 2008

In 1982 a panel of the Western Political Science Association meeting in San Diego took stock of postwar developments in the study of public law among American political scientists. TheWestern Political Quarterlyhas published the papers as a symposium intended to “revive a dialogue” among political scientists about the future of public law. The participants in this symposium generally take for granted the decline among political scientists, academic lawyers, and legal philosophers of the belief that judicial decision can be or even ought to be free of “political” considerations. All seem to agree about the justified triumph of something called “political jurisprudence.” Yet no consensus unites the symposium participants regarding all that political jurisprudence is or ought to be. The participants agree that political jurisprudence should be more than simply teaching and research that confines itself to the legal categories and research methods that dominate lawyers' legal briefs and judicial opinions. They also agree on the need for inquiry into the social-psychological factors of judicial choice, impact studies, alternative methods of conflict resolution, and the like. But the symposium reveals conflicting views regarding the philosophic questions of moral value that enter into legal judgments. Two views in particular stand out.
Public Discourse or Strategic Game? Changes in Our Conception of Elections
Authors: Andersen Kristi , Thorson Stuart J.
Published: December 2008

Much has been written about the “new technology” of U.S. elections: computerized letters, data banks of potential contributors, advanced video advertising techniques, speedy transportation and communication, and instant analysis of polling data. If one examines these discussions for a sense of how the growing use of these new technologies has changed the politics of elections, one finds several themes. Many scholars and journalists have described, for example, the high dollar costs of technology-dependent campaigns, the consequent influence of political action committees, how presidential candidates in particular are “marketed,” via the media, like toothpaste or breakfast cereal, and the prevalence in campaigns of superficial image rather than issues. We argue here that these changes in the way elections are conducted are associated with a deeper change in the conception of elections. The core of this argument is that changes in election technology have made possible the conduct of campaigns in which “strategy” has taken on a new meaning, and that leaders and the public share a view of elections that has progressively less to do with education, public discourse, or participation.
If Politics Matters: Implications for a “New Institutionalism”
Authors: Smith Rogers M.
Published: December 2008

From Aristotle and Hobbes through Bentley, Truman, and Riker, many writers have claimed, more or less directly, that they are founding or helping to found a true political science for the first time. Modern scholars have usually expressed this aspiration via criticism of earlier “unscientific” approaches. Thus William Riker in 1962, advocating rational choice theory as the basis of political analysis, dismissed “traditional methods—i. e., his-tory writing, the description of institutions, and legal analysis” as able to produce “only wisdom and neither science nor knowledge. And while wisdom is certainly useful in the affairs ofmen, such a result is a failure to live up to the promise in the name politicalscience ”.lSubsequently, rational choice has indeed become the most prominent pretender to the throne of scientific theory within the discipline.
Franklin Roosevelt and the Modern Presidency
Authors: Skowronek Stephen
Published: December 2008

The political foundations of the modern presidency were laid during the New Deal years. Franklin Roosevelt was the New Deal president. The relationship between these two facts is a matter of some consequence. On it hinges our understanding of presidential leadership and modern American government generally, not to mention the political significance of Roosevelt himself.
Corporate Liberalism, Finance Hegemony, and Central State Intervention in the Reconstruction of American Higher Education
Authors: Barrow Clyde W.
Published: December 2008

The origins of the American university system are generally traced to a reform cycle that began in the late 1890s and culminated in the 1920s when most colleges and universities adopted institutional structures, faculty routines, and financial systems that approximated those of a modern corporation. As contemporary educational historians have rewritten the saga of higher education reform, the institutional changes that swept through colleges during this formative period have come to be viewed as a virtually inevitable functional response to the demands of political and economic modernization. The underlying historiographic theme of modernization theory is that as higher institutions expanded in size, internal diversity, and organizational complexity, university presidents responded with the only feasible administrative alternative that could restore effective control and economic efficiency to educational institutions. Indeed, Laurence Veysey's classic rendition of this scenario concludes that a corporate type of bureaucratic administration became “essential” if higher institutions were to avoid educational confusion and fiscal insolvency, while adjusting to the cultural, economic, and political demands placed on them by industrial society.
Progressivism as Regional Planning: The Politics of Efficiency at the Port of New York
Authors: Doig Jameson W.
Published: December 2008

The traditional view of the 1920s as a decade of economic avarice, political corruption, and self-indulgence has been replaced by a more nuanced interpretation. Innovative approaches to the use of governmental power which thrived in the Progressive era were carried forward into the Age of Normalcy, and new dimensions were added, sometimes with quite interesting results. Moreover, the ideas and institutions tested in the 1920s were then at hand for expanded use and further modification in the next cycle of major reform, in the 1930s.
Sojourners and Survivors: Two Logics of Constitutional Protection
Authors: Meister Robert
Published: December 2008

Liberal political analysis is ordinarily based on a sharp distinction between domestic and international politics, and an assumption that domestic politics is the proper arena for democratic self-determination. But self-governing citizens have never exhausted the cast of characters who populate liberal states. Living alongside them there are often domestic aliens – permanent residents who are subject to the law, and may be protected by it, but who do not participate in making it. Refugees and remnants also inhabit liberal states. Whether citizens or not, they tend to bear the historical consciousness of victims or potential victims wherever they may live. A correlative fact is that in many now-liberal societies the meaning of citizenship itself is indelibly marked by the “missing” – the emigrant and the exile, the expelled and the extinct. Such identities – and the historical presence or absence of individuals who claim them – are generally regarded as messy details in the state-centered conceptual framework that dominates liberal political thought.
Tax Policy and Presidential Leadership: Ideas, Interests, and the Quality of Advice
Authors: Weatherford M. Stephen , Mayhew Thomas B.
Published: December 2008

How do “ideas” help to account for political outcomes? The age-old question of the role of ideas has been given new life recently, partly in response to the imposing structure of theory that has been built around economic or rational choice explanations, with their emphasis on interests and material circumstances rather than ideas. Few outside of the most abstract economic model-builders hold that ideas have no impact on policies, but there is little agreement on how that impact occurs or on the observable criteria that would establish (or contradict) the impact of ideas.
Protean Lure for the Working Poor: Party Competition and the Earned Income Tax Credit
Authors: Howard Christopher
Published: December 2008

The development of the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) has been extraordinary. What started in 1975 as a minor amendment to a forget-table tax bill became in the 1980s one of the most popular programs in Washington. The national media and policymakers frombothparties repeatedly praised the program. TheNew York Times, for example, hailed the EITC as “a wonderful but little-known anti-poverty weapon…the best means available for lifting the working poor out of poverty.” Republicans embraced the program as a superior alternative to welfare (meaning Aid to Families with Dependent Children), to a higher minimum wage, and to government-run day-care centers. President Bill Clinton made expanding the EITC central to his plans for reforming welfare, increasing the progressivity of the tax system, and improving the economic security of low-wage workers. One would be hard-pressed to find any government program that received such universal acclaim among political elites. By the early 1990s, it had become the policy equivalent of penicillin. Only in the spring of 1995, as congressional Republicans sought to balance the budget within seven years, did some policymakers seriously consider cutting this program.
Ideology and Institutions in The End of Reform
Authors: Finegold Kenneth
Published: December 2008

Alan Brinkley's The End of Reform deserves praise as a book that is well written and has something to say. There are some books about which only one of these is true and many about which neither is true.

I agree with Brinkley's conclusion and disagree with the path by which he arrives at it. Brinkley's conclusion is that the years from the recession of 1937–38 to the end of World War II in 1945 should be seen as a critical period in the development of American liberalism and, therefore, in American political development. It is during this period, Brinkley argues, that rights-based liberalism became dominant over other variants of liberal ideology. Brinkley's focus on the period from 1937 to 1945 represents a departure in New Deal historiography, which has traditionally focused either on the Hundred Days of 1933, which produced the National Recovery Administration (NRA), the Agricultural Adjustment Administration (AAA), and the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA), among other “alphabet soup” agencies, or on the “Second New Deal” of 1935–36, during which the Social Security Act and the National Labor Relations Act (Wagner Act) were passed.
Bosses of the City Unite! Labor Politics and Political Machine Consolidation, 1870–1910
Authors: Ansell Christopher K. , Burris Arthur L.
Published: December 2008

In the late nineteenth century – an age when the phrase “all politics is local” contained even greater truth than it does today – the distinctive institution of urban public life was the political machine. In assessing the machine's importance, some scholars have emphasized the machine's role in integrating newly arrived immigrants into the American political system, its provision of basic material goods to the impoverished, its promotion of upward mobility of immigrants, and its coordination of a socially and politically fragmented city. Other scholars have focused on the long-range effect of the political machine on American politics and policy, arguing that the cross-class coalitions built by machine politicians muted the development of a politicized working class in the United States. Some extend this causal chain, arguing that the lack of a stronger class-based politics produced in turn the relative weakness of the American welfare state compared to other Western democracies.
Party Ideology in America: The National Republican Chapter, 1828–1924
Authors: Gerring John
Published: December 2008

Conventional wisdom states that where ideas and values have mattered in American political life they have usually been the product of a single, overarching political culture. The United States, it is argued, has had political conflict but notideologicalconflict. Perhaps nowhere is this premise more noticeable than in the study of political parties. According to Du-verger, “[T]he two parties are rival teams, one occupying office, the other seeking to dislodge it. It is a struggle between theinsand theouts, which never becomes fanatical, and creates no deep cleavage in the country.” Everett Carll Ladd writes, “[T]he need to seek support within an overarching ideological consensus, has historically imposed certain characteristics on the major American parties – social group inclusiveness, accommodationism, a ‘non-ideological’ stance vis-a-vis their principal opponents (which, after all, accept the same ideology).”
From Fundamental Law to the Supreme Law of the Land: A Reinterpretation of the Origin of Judicial Review
Authors: Snowiss Sylvia
Published: December 2008

For a long time the question of whether the framers of the U.S. Constitution intended to establish judicial review of legislation was the subject of extensive and repeated investigation. The issue, however, was never definitively resolved, a consequence, it is widely agreed, of ambiguities and internal contradictions in the early record. More recently, interest in this basic question has declined, and it has simply been assumed that some form of judicial review was contemplated by the framers. At the same time support for the practice has deepened, and the debate, although still heated, has shifted to different grounds.
Letters to the Editors
Authors: Monkkonen Eric
Published: December 2008

Samuel Kernell's article “The Early Nationalization of Political News in America,” in Studies in American Political Development: An Annual (1986), 1: 255–78, raises issues that are at once interesting and puzzling. He measures the number and length of all political articles in leading Cleveland newspapers through the middle decades of the nineteenth century in order to ask about the amount of newspaper attention paid to local, state, and national political issues. He observes that local issues were predominant only very early in the nineteenth century and that they declined quickly over time. Kernell concludes that politics nationalized far earlier than historians like Robert Wiebe had ever thought. Wiebe's “island communities” were gone by 1845. It is a clever piece of research of substantial significance.
Sotheby's Restitution Symposium: Sotheby's Amsterdam, The Netherlands (January 30, 2008)
Authors: Lubina Katja
Published: December 2008

This symposium on provenance research and the restitution of Nazi-looted art was organized by the auction house Sotheby's and sponsored by the Muggenthaler International Genealogical Research Institute. After prior meetings hosted by Sotheby's on the same topic in London and Vienna, some 90 provenance researchers, art historians, government representatives, lawyers, and academics met in Amsterdam to discuss the Dutch restitution regime in particular and, in general, the progress made since the passing of the Washington Principles on Nazi-looted art in December 1998.
The Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa (Te Papa) and the Repatriation of Köiwi Tangata (Mäori and Moriori skeletal remains) and Toi Moko (Mummified Maori Tattooed Heads)
Authors: Herewini Te Herekiekie
Published: December 2008

The Karanga Aotearoa Repatriation Programme at Te Papa was established in July 2003. It is mandated by the New Zealand government and supported by iwi (Mäori and Moriori tribal groups) indigenous to New Zealand.
n-3 Oil sources for use in aquaculture – alternatives to the unsustainable harvest of wild fish
Authors: Miller Matthew R. , Nichols Peter D. , Carter Chris G.
Published: December 2008

The present review examines renewable sources of oils with n-3 long-chain ( ≥ C20) PUFA (n-3 LC-PUFA) as alternatives to oil from wild-caught fish in aquafeeds. Due to the increased demand for and price of wild-caught marine sources of n-3 LC-PUFA-rich oil, their effective and sustainable replacement in aquafeeds is an industry priority, especially because dietary n-3 LC-PUFA from eating fish are known to have health benefits in human beings. The benefits and challenges involved in changing dietary oil in aquaculture are highlighted and four major potential sources of n-3 LC-PUFA for aquafeeds, other than fish oil, are compared. These sources of oil, which contain n-3 LC-PUFA, specifically EPA (20 : 5n-3) and DHA (22 : 6n-3) or precursors to these key essential fatty acids, are: (1) other marine sources of oil; (2) vegetable oils that contain biosynthetic precursors, such as stearidonic acid, which may be used by fish to produce n-3 LC-PUFA; (3) single-cell oil sources of n-3 LC-PUFA; (4) vegetable oils derived from oil-seed crops that have undergone genetic modification to contain n-3 LC-PUFA. The review focuses on Atlantic salmon (Salmo salar L.), because it is the main intensively cultured finfish species and it both uses and stores large amounts of oil, in particular n-3 LC-PUFA, in the flesh.
From the developer to the learner: describing grammar – learning grammar
Authors: Schulze Mathias
Published: December 2008

This paper sketches the place and function of grammar in the context of language learning in general and attempts to show the relevance and usefulness of these formal concepts of grammar to Computer-Assisted Language Learning in particular. The approach to grammar described here will be illustrated through a brief discussion of a grammar checker for English learners of German, ‘Textana’, which is being developed at UMIST.