bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Effects of Service Learning on Young, Gifted Adolescents and Their Community
Authors: Terry Alice W.
Published: January 2007

This study examines the effects of the Community Action service learning project, part of the Learn and Serve America program, on gifted adolescents and their community. Using a case study design, the author investigates this service learning project grounded in creative problem solving. The importance of service learning to the participants is highlighted in the following themes that emerged from the data: instructional methodology, student development, attitudes, empowerment, commitment, and effects of celebration. A service learning typology based on levels of service and learning is referenced. The author examines connections to the Future Problem Solving Program and discusses the implications for further research, the education of the gifted, and the community.
We Recruit Them, But Then What? The Educational and Psychological Experiences of Academically Talented Undergraduates
Authors: Rinn Anne N. , Plucker Jonathan A.
Published: January 2007

As universities actively compete for the best and brightest students, educators may wonder about the nature of these gifted students and what awaits them in college. Yet, research on the programs and opportunities provided for talented undergraduates at institutions of higher education is limited, leaving researchers to question what universities are doing for bright students. The purpose of this review is to examine recent research on academically talented undergraduates, both on the nature of the undergraduates themselves and the programs provided for them at public institutions of higher education. Areas in need of additional research are discussed.
The Relationship Between Scores on the ICMIC and Selected Talent Domains: An Investigation With Gifted Adolescents
Authors: Dunn Linda W. , Corn Anne L. , Morelock Martha J.
Published: January 2007

This investigation compared fantasy-proneness levels and IQ scores in gifted adolescents with primary talent areas in 1 of 4 domains: mathematics, computer science, creative writing, and chemistry. The Inventory of Childhood Memories and Imaginings: Children’s Form (ICMIC; Myers, 1983) was used to assess fantasy-proneness. IQ scores were generated through the Kaufman Brief Intelligence Test (K-BIT; Kaufman & Kaufman, 1990). The mean ICMIC score of the creative writing group was found to be statistically significantly higher than that of any of the other 3 groups. Across all groups, those ranking highest in fantasy-prone characteristics also scored highest in measured IQ.
Understanding the Relationship Between Perfectionism and Achievement Motivation in Gifted College Students
Authors: Neumeister Kristie L. Speirs
Published: January 2007

This study is a slice of an overarching research investigation of perfectionism in gifted college students. Utilizing a qualitative interview design, this study examined how gifted college students scoring high on 1 of 2 different dimensions of perfectionism (socially prescribed or self-oriented) perceived their achievement motivation. Findings indicated that, for the socially prescribed perfectionists, an underlying motive to avoid failure influenced their achievement goals and behaviors. Based on this motive, they set both performance-avoidance and performance-approach goals and tended toward procrastination in their work. In contrast, an underlying motive to achieve influenced the achievement goals and behaviors of the self-oriented perfectionists. These participants set both mastery and performance approach goals. They developed a strong work ethic, and they were motivated to seek out challenges. Implications of these findings are suggested, and recommendations for parents and educators working with gifted perfectionistic students are discussed.
Factors Influencing the Development of Perfectionism in Gifted College Students
Authors: Neumeister Kristie L. Speirs
Published: January 2007

This study is part of a larger research investigation of perfectionism in gifted college students. Employing a qualitative interview design, this study examined factors contributing to the development of two dimensions of perfectionism, socially prescribed and self-oriented, in gifted college students. Findings indicated that exposure to parental perfectionism and an authoritarian parenting style led to the perception of stringent expectations, self-worth tied to achievement, and a fear of disappointing others, which collectively influenced the development of socially prescribed perfectionism. Factors contributing to the development of self-oriented perfection included mastery of early academic experiences without effort, no previous experience with academic failure, and modeling of parental perfectionism. Implications for future research and recommendations for parents and educators of gifted children are suggested.
Identifying Cognitively Gifted Minority Students in Preschool
Authors: Scott Marcia Strong , Delgado Christine F.
Published: January 2007

Preschool children were administered a screening battery consisting of nine different cognitive tasks. The participants were tracked in the public school database. Based on the children’s first-grade educational status, 2 groups were formed: one consisting of children who were in regular education and the other composed of children who were in the gifted/talented program. The children’s preschool screening scores, summed over both the identification-tasks subset and the generating-tasks subset, enabled the identification of high-performing outliers from the regular education sample who performed very well compared to the school-identified gifted sample. However, a majority of minority students among the high-performing outliers were only identified with the generating measure. The superior first-grade achievement performance of 5 of these 7 and the finding that 3 of the 7 had been placed in the gifted program in second grade, attested to the effectiveness of this measure for identifying cognitively gifted minority preschoolers.
Factors That Contribute to Talented Performance: A Theoretical Model From a Chinese Perspective
Authors: Wu Echo H.
Published: January 2007

This paper examines the Chinese literature on giftedness and talented performance (TP) and compares its dominant theoretical features with some influential models to be found in the North American literature. One significant feature to emerge from the Chinese literature is a deemphasis on giftedness as an innate ability and an emphasis on the concept of talented performance. Such a finding is congruent with a Confucian cultural outlook that encourages effort, rather than the identification of giftedness. In order to test this finding against the perceptions of Chinese educators, a preliminary study was carried out involving 14 secondary school teachers. The results confirmed the findings from the literature survey, suggesting that these teachers’ perceptions conformed to a model of TP with a developmental conception as its central organizing feature. It is hoped that the implications of this study will contribute to the practice of gifted and talented education in China and will also provide basic theoretical grounds for further research.
Outcomes of Creativity Training Programs
Authors: Hunsaker Scott L.
Published: January 2007

How much confidence, based on recent research evidence, can educators have in using creativity training programs in their classrooms? In general, little research has been done since the significant reviews conducted 5 years ago, and much of the research is inaccessible to teachers. Research continues to focus primarily on using strategies in classrooms. Some research is beginning to look at aspects of the creative person, product, and environment, but more could be done to look at the interactions among these. The continued emphasis on classroom strategies raises concerns about the failure by researchers to address issues of strategy transfer to other environments.
A Microgenetic Analysis of Strategic Variability in Gifted and Average-Ability Children
Authors: Steiner Hillary Hettinger
Published: January 2007

Many researchers have described cognitive differences between gifted and average-performing children. Regarding strategy use, the gifted advantage is often associated with differences such as greater knowledge of strategies, quicker problem solving, and the ability to use strategies more appropriately. The current study used microgenetic methods from developmental psychology to investigate strategic thinking in gifted children from the perspective of one of the newer models of strategic development, Siegler’s (1996) adaptive strategy-choice model. Fifty 2nd-grade children, approximately half of which were identified as intellectually gifted and half of which were average-performing students, were videotaped while playing a computer strategy game. Gifted and average-ability children differed greatly in their patterns of strategy development and use. The implications of these findings on theory and practice are considered.
Leadership Giftedness: Models Revisited
Authors: Roach Adelma A. , Wyman Leisy T. , Brookes Heather , Chavez Christina , Heath Shirley Brice , Valdes Guadalupe
Published: January 2007

Following a reviews of adult models of leadership and of leadership programs for young people that are derived from adult theories of leadership, we report results from a decade-long study in under-served and at-risk communities of young people identified and promoted as leaders within out-of-school youth organizations. This work reveals how emerging youth leadership differs from established measures and leadership theories drawn from adults. Views and enactments of leadership among the young focus on how leadership happens, not all who leaders are as power figures, skillful managers, or individuals bearing specific traits. These perspectives from youth carry strong links to recent work in cognitive psychology and organizational sociology that maintains the key importance of adaptation, engagement with situation, and distribution of knowledge and roles.
The Effects of Mentoring Relationships on Preservice Teachers' Attitudes Toward Academically Diverse Students
Authors: Moon Tonya R. , Callahan Carolyn M. , Tomlinson Carol A.
Published: January 2007

Preservice teachers from seven universities were studied as part of a three-year project focusing on how preservice teachers develop an awareness of the needs of academically diverse learners and then implement or modify instruction to meet those needs. The research reported here describes the impact of the study's interventions on preservice teachers' attitudes, beliefs, and practices as they relate to academically diverse learners. All participants completed a survey designed to assess their attitudes, beliefs, and practices regarding struggling and gifted learners prior to and upon completion of the interventions.

Using a univariate repeated analysis of variance technique, statistically significant differences were found between the two intervention groups' attitudes toward differentiation. Results suggest that, as novices become more acquainted with the realities of the classroom, they gain a clear picture of the complexity involved in appropriate curriculum modifications to address the academic needs of diverse learners.
The Lifelong Productivity of the Female Research hers in Terman's Genetic Studies of Genius Longitudinal Study
Authors: Rogers Karen B.
Published: January 2007

An analysis of information collected from historical archives reveals a wealth of data on 30 female researchers who worked in various capacities with Dr. Lewis Terman in conducting his classic longitudinal study. Genetic Studies of Genius (1925), on 1,528 gifted children in California. The published and unpublished papers, memoranda, and research field notes of these researchers, their respective correspondence With Terman and each other, and some contacts with a living member of the research teamn and family members were used for this analysis. Although the information is incomplete on some of the women, most of them appeared to have had satisfying personal lives in addition to productive professional careers. Not only did they each contribute greatly to the actual work of carrying out Terman's research conception, they also represent a continuum of life-long productivity. Personal responsibilities nay have had more to do with their subsequent levels of productivity than societal expectations or conventions.
Developing Leadership Skills of Pre-Adolescent Gifted Learners In Small Group Settings
Authors: Smyth Elizabeth , Ross John A.
Published: January 2007

This study is the result of a partnership of teachers and researchers exploring the leadership behavior of gifted learners working in small groups. Using videotape analysis and a model of transformational leadership, this study traced a process for diagnosing the leadership needs of gifted learners and created instructional interventions to enable students to transfer skills developed in a teacher-directed lesson to other settings. Transformational leadership is a viable model for conceptualizing the leadership of gifted learners, although the frequency of leadership behavior was relatively small.
An Investigation of the Effects of Total School Flexible Cluster Grouping on Identification, Achievement, and Classroom Practices
Authors: Gentry Marcia , Owen Steven V.
Published: January 2007

This paper presents the findings of a longitudinal, causal comparative investigation of an elementary school cluster grouping program. Both quantitative and qualitative methodologies were used. Although the cluster grouping program was originally designed to provide differentiation of content and instruction for gited students, positive effects were also found on the achievement of all students in the school. During the three program years, students involved in the school using cluster grouping were more likely to be identified as high achieving or above average. Fewer students were identified as low achieving. A significant increase in achievement test scores of all students was found when these students were compared to similar students from a comparison school district. Qualitative analyses yielded three core categories—the use of grouping, the impact of teachers, and the general school environment—that helped to provide an understanding of the quantitative findings.
Does Private School Competition H-arm Public Schools? Revisiting Smith and Meier's
Authors: Maranto Robert , Milliman Scott , Stevens Scott
Published: January 2007

Smith and Meier (1995a) empirically assess the market hypothesis advanced by Chubb and Moe (1988, 1990), which holds that compettion improves schools. Using Florida school district data, Smith and Meier find that higher private school market share lowers public school test scores; they conclude that competition harms public schools. Hoever, they do not take into account the impact of family income on copetition in traditionally organized education markets: the lower the income, the less likely parents can exit the public schools, which implies less competition. Using their database but segmenting it into low and high income groups, we reanalyze the relationship between test scores and private school market share. We find that private school market share lowers test scores primarily in low income districts, where comptition is least due to low family income. We conclude that Smith and Meier's rejection of the market hypothesis is premature.
Democracy and the Successful Use of Economic Sanctions
Authors: Hart Robert A.
Published: January 2007

Most analysts argue that economic sanctions are a relatively poor policy tool. In this article I build on a theoretical framework which has the leaders of states being primarily interested in retaining office dometically. Because of this, leaders of some states (i.e., democracies) can effetively tie their hands internationally by using aggressive foreign policy actions. I argue that democracies should be, on average, more successful when using economic sanctions because of the signaling properties of sanctions. This hypothesis is tested using ordered probit analysis of 81 bilateral sanctions episodes from 1914 to 1989. The hypothesis is cofirmed even when controlling for the known correlates of sanctions sucess and other potentially confounding factors (relative power, f. ex.). This finding suggests that we can expand our theoretical expectations on the links between domestic politics and international relations.
Individual Level Examination of Postmaterialism in the U.S.: Political Tolerance, Racial Attitudes, Environmentalism, -aand Participatory Norms
Authors: Davis Darren W
Published: January 2007

Inglehart's postmaterialism thesis is a theory of individual value change, yet tests of the postmaterialism thesis have occurred primarily on the macro level. Relatively little attention has been devoted to whether the anticipated changes toward a more economically secure, tolerant, participatory, environmentally conscious, and egalitarian culture are manifested in the values of individuals in society. This research explores the extent to which support for postmaterialist values is relevant and meaningful on the micro-level. This analysis questions what the postmaterialist-materialist index measures, as individual level evidence does not support many of Inglehart's macro-level claims. Though the postmaterialist-materialist classification shows somewhat distinct attitudes on issues of egalitarianism, political ideology, partisanship, and political efficacy, postmaterialists and materialists do not possess any meaningful attitudinal distinctions on political tolerance and civil liberties, racial attitudes, environmentalism, political knowledge, political interest, and political involvement. These findings contradict many of Inglehart's macro-level assertions.
Lame-Duck Politics: Impending Departure and the Votes on Impeachment
Authors: Rothenberg Lawrence S. , Sanders Mitchell S.
Published: January 2007

One of the peculiarities of the December 1998 votes in the House of Representatives to impeach Bill Clinton was that they took place during a lame-duck session. Roughly 10 percent of the voting population were in their final term and therefore no longer faced any risk of electoral retribution by the citizenry. While most of the relevant empirical literature suggests that the absence of electoral discipline does not matter, in theory, these departing legislators could ignore the preferences of their districts and vote according to their own personal preferences, the wishes of special interests, their new constituencies when relevant, or any other idiosyncratic factor. Because the votes on impeachment are so politically important, and since they offer an exceptional opportunity to examine the so-called last term problem, our analysis explores whether the factors influencing the votes of departing members of Congress were different than those influencing the votes of their continuing colleagues. We find that, contrary to past findings regarding political shirking, those leaving the House exhibited contrasting behavioral patterns relative to those who were continuing in the 106th Congress. In deciding their vote choices on the impeachment articles, reelected incumbents weighted district preferences far more heavily than departing members. Consequently, our results suggest that the severing of electoral ties is relevant for legislator behavior and that it is a matter of some importance whether or not a vote takes place during a lame-duck session.
Voters and the Personal Vote: A Counterfactual Simulation
Authors: Canache Damarys , Mondak Jeffery J. , Cabrera Ernesto
Published: January 2007

Electoral formulas and campaign practices in some nations encourage voters to consider the personal qualifications of candidates for legislative office, whereas individuating information about candidates is unavailable to voters in other nations. Where electoral rules and elite behavior foster the personal vote, the personal vote flourishes. However, it is unclear why voters respond to personal information about candidates. We test two competing hypotheses: that the personal vote reflects a general human tendency to attend to information regarding individuals' personal qualifications; and that the personal vote is an acquired behavior that emerges after voters are socialized to attend to personal information about candidates. We use counterfactual simulations to test these hypotheses. Specifically, we conduct laboratory experiments in which subjects drawn from Mexico and Venezuela-nations in which electoral rules ensure that the personal vote does not flourish-are provided the opportunity to consider candidates' personal qualifications. Results are consistent with the hypothesis that the personal vote stems from a general tendency in human decision making.
Strategy, Rules and Participation: Issue Activists in Republican National Convention Delegations, 1976-1996
Authors: Usher Douglas ,   The Mellman Group
Published: January 2007

Social conservatives' strength in Republican national convention delegations has grown substantially over the past twenty years. This note demonstrates that this growth varied systematically across states depending on the combination of activist strategies and opportunities afforded by delegate selection rules. Using aggregate Republican convention data analysis from 1976-1996, and GLS regression analyses of state delegation data from 1984-1996, 1 test the impact of rules on the makeup of Republican delegations, and whether that effect has changed over time. I find that delegations from states with procedures which allow influence from the grassroots were more likely to have a high number of social conservative issue activists. This effect was first apparent in 1992, and continued in 1996. The opposite was true for socially liberal group activists.
Presidential Agenda Setting in Foreign Policy
Authors: Peake Jeffrey S.
Published: January 2007

The traditional model of agenda setting places the Presidency as the primary agenda setter in American politics, particularly in foreign policy. Recent challenges to the traditional model argue that the President's foreign policy agenda is inherently responsive to media coverage and international events (Edwards and Wood 1999; Wood and Peake 1998). These studies rely on examinations of a restricted set of highly salient and vitally important foreign policy issues and find limited presidential influence on the foreign policy agenda. I extend the previous analyses of foreign policy agenda setting by examining foreign policy issues that are less salient and arguably less vital to American national security interests. The extended analysis suggests that Presidents have greater influence on the agendas of the media and Congress than recent research suggests. When systemic attention to an issue is generally light and the President makes the issue a policy priority, presidential success in setting the agenda increases.
Explaining Japanese Aid Policy in Latin America: A Test of Competing Theories
Authors: Tuman John P , Emmert Craig F , Sterken Robert E.
Published: January 2007

This article attempts to explain the variation in Japanese official development assistance in eighteen Latin American countries for the period 1979 to 1993. The findings suggest that recipient need and some Japanese economic interests have influenced disbursements in the region. The study does not provide support for theories that claim that U.S. strategic and economic interests are important determinants of Japanese ODA decisions.
Environmental Policy and Party Divergence in Congress
Authors: Shipan Charles R. , Lowry William R.
Published: January 2007

The question of whether parties converge or diverge over time has attracted a great deal of theoretical and empirical attention. In this article we make two contributions to this literature. First, rather than looking at general measures of ideology, we examine a specific policy area-environmental policy to see whether the parties have diverged or converged. We utilize ratings produced by the League of Conservation Voters to obtain measures of congressional voting. Unlike other issue-specific studies of divergence, we adjust these scores, using a methodology recently developed by Groseclose, Levitt, and Snyder (1999), to make them comparable across time. Our results show that Republicans and Democrats in Congress have diverged over time on environmental issues. Second, once we determine that the parties have diverged, we analyze the underlying causes of this divergence. We provide three explanations for divergence between the two parties, based on the fact that parties are not monolithic but rather are made up of regional, factional, and individual components. If regions behave differently on an issue, then shifting representation of regions within parties will lead to shifts in overall party behavior. When internal factions with stronger views than the general party are more supported by interest groups and less constrained by issue salience or economic conditions, then the parties are more likely to diverge. And when party members are replaced by individuals with different views on an issue, overall party behavior shifts accordingly.
Aristotle's Theory of Revolution: Looking at the Lockean Side
Authors: Goldstein Leslie Friedman
Published: January 2007

This article provides a detailed account of the theory of revolution presented in Books IV-VI of Aristotle's Politics and argues that despite important differences of emphasis, rhetoric, and tone, there is a surprising degree of similarity to the theory of revolution familiar to Americans from John Locke's Second Treatise of Government. Aristotle and Locke share the views that governments must avoid oppressing their subjects if they are to avoid being overthrown, that revolution against oppressive rulers is inevitable, that security for property would have a central place in the avoidance of oppression, and that the succumbing to the temptations of power on the part of ruling groups is the fundamental provocation of revolution. This aspect of Aristotle's political thought has been little noticed, but is an important dimension of it. Moreover, it provides a certain depth of insight into that side of Locke's thought that most sharply contrasts with Hobbes's thought, namely Locke's distrust of the corrupting force of political power.
Commitment Compliance in G-7 Summit Macroeconomic Policy Coordination
Authors: Li Quan
Published: January 2007

Conventional wisdom suggests that the G-7 summit makes few substantive decisions and lacks effective monitoring and sanctioning mechanisms to enforce individual countries' commitments. However, evidence exists that G-7 countries do honor their commitments announced in summit declarations. In this article, I offer and test for the period from 1975 to 1989 several causal explanations for compliance with non-binding commitments dealing with inflation control: institutional constraints on monetary and fiscal policymaking, electoral politics, uncertainty, and reciprocity Reciprocating behaviors, independent central banks, and high current inflation rates correlate positively with compliance over inflation-control commitments. In addition, there is some evidence that divided/coalition governments and uncertainty reduce compliance. Theoretical and policy implications of the findings are discussed.
Sanctions as Coercive Diploimacy: The U.S. President's Decision to Initiate Economic Sanctions
Authors: Drury A. Cooper
Published: January 2007

While economic sanctions are widely believed to be ineffective policy instruments, their use has increased in recent years. Scholars have analyzed the question of sanction effectiveness, but few have approached the conditions that lead to their employment. This article addresses that question: what conditions lead a country to initiate economic sanctions? Focusing on the U.S., both the relations with the target country and the domestic political and economic conditions in America are considered as factors leading to the imposition of economic sanctions. Time-seriescross-section data from 50 countries between 1966-1992 show that the president considers both the relations with the target and American domestic factors when deciding to initiate economic sanctions. However, the relationship with the target is the largest stimulus to sanction use, while the domestic factors only marginally influence the decision. The analysis highlights the importance of economic sanctions as a form of coercive diplomacy aimed at the target and not a White House reaction to domestic demands for action.
Campaign War Chests and Challenger Emergence in State Legislative Elections
Authors: Hogan Robert E.
Published: January 2007

Recent studies examining the role of money in state legislative campaigns focus on questions related to the amounts raised, the sources of the funds, and the effects of spending on election outcomes. Little attention, however, has been given to the possible impact of money on other aspects of the electoral process-namely candidacy decisions. Political practitioners often assert that money has an important influence when incumbents collect large campaign treasuries or “war chests” for the purpose of warding off potential challengers. While several studies address the validity of this proposition in the congressional setting, few have examined it closely in state legislative races. This study considers this possibility in an analysis of incumbent funding in primary and general elections in eight states. Findings indicate that incumbents often amass war chests and these sums negatively impact challenger emergence; however, this effect is partially mitigated by legislative professionalism. The dampening effect of campaign treasuries is found to be more potent in states having the least professional legislatures.
Testing the Limits of Elite Influence on Public Opinion: An Examination of Sports Facility Referendums
Authors: Paul David M. , Brown Clyde
Published: January 2007

A great deal of scholarly research has demonstrated that elites have considerable influence over the preference formation process of individuals. What scholars understand less is just how far the influence of elites extends. We test the pofential limits of elite influence by examining the public opinion dynamics that surrounded referendurns raising local taxes to finance the construction of new professional sports stadiums and arenas in the United States from 1984 to August 2000. Our research concludes that the shape of elite opinion does indeed matter, with a united elite positively affecting the likelihood that referendums will be approved. An independent effect for the degree of elite unity exists even when controlling for campaign expenditures, the public's share of the cost of building sports facilities, and pre-existing public support for the proposals.
Constitutional Provisions for Individual Human Rights (1977-1996): Are They More than Mere “Window Dressing?”
Authors: Keith Linda Camp
Published: January 2007

This global cross-national study seeks to build upon earlier studies that have tested the impact of constitutional provisions upon state human rights behavior. I examine across a twenty-year period the impact of constitutional provisions for six individual freedoms and four due process rights on state abuse of the right to personal integrity Here I find statistical evidence that some constitutional provisions do matter, even when controlling for democracy and for other factors known to influence human rights behavior. While none of the constitutional provisions for individual freedoms is statistically significant, two of the due process provisions (provisions for fair and public trials) do decrease substantially the likelihood that states will abuse their own citizens' human rights. The other two due process provisions, which have become almost universal, the ban against torture, and the writ of habeas corpus, are quite disappointing in that they do not produce the expected impact. Over the long term, the trial provisions would lead to a decrease of about one level in the personal integrity abuse score, which is only somewhat less than the impact produced by other variables in the model, such as population size.
A Bicameral Perspective on Legislative Retirement: The Case of the Senate
Authors: Bernstein Jeffrey L. , Wolak Jennifer
Published: January 2007

Existing Theories of congressional retirement have developed in the cotext of the House of Representatives and thus do not consider important differences between the Senate and the House. Our empirical analysis of Senate retirement from 1962 to 2000 demonstrates that retirement decsions of Senators are not affected by the same things that affect their House colleagues' decisions; electoral safety and the value of formal insttutional positions influence Senators less than House members. Senate retirement decisions are affected by the age of the member and majoritparty status. We discuss implications of our results for the Senate's opeation and place in the constitutional system.
Political Repression and Public Perceptions of Human Rights
Authors: Anderson Christopher J. , Regan Patrick M. , Ostergard Robert L.
Published: January 2007

Based on data from 18 Central and East European countries collected between 1991 and 1996, this article tests informational assumptions underlying strategic interaction and collective action models of goverment repression and dissent. Specifically, we investigate whether citizens' perceptions of human rights conditions in a country are systematically related to that country's actual conditions of government repression. The analysis suggests that there is a significant relationship between evalutions of human rights conditions and levels of government repression. Moreover, it shows that other political and economic conditions affect human rights evaluations, but that these relations do not lead to a weaening in the relationship between repressive conditions and public perceptions of human rights.
Incentives to Membership in Canadian Political Parties
Authors: Young Lisa , Cross William
Published: January 2007

This article analyses data from the 2000 Study of Canadian Political Party Members to address the question of why individuals join political parties in Canada and to trace their paths to activism. Because Canadian parties are essentially brokerage parties charactensed by ideological flexibility and limited substantive roles for their members, membership in a party islikely to be motivated less by ideological concerns than by membership in a social network mobilised in support of a particular individual. As a consequence, most accounts assume that individuals are mobilised into party membership by family, friends, and neighbors in order to support candidates for the leadership or local nomination. In contrast to this expectation, we find that for all five major Canadian political parties, it is the members' ideological or policy-related commitment to the party that is by far the most important motivation for joining. Although parties do, to varying degrees, rely on social networks for recruitment into party life, ideological concurrence between member and party acts as a constraint on recruitment. The data also indicate considerable differences between the two traditional brokerage parties and the newer, more ideologically oriented parties.
Bill Clinton's Approval Ratings: The More Things Change, The More They Stay the Same
Authors: Newman Brian
Published: January 2007

Over the past three decades, political scientists have been developing general models of presidential approval ratings, seeking to determine the structure of aggregate approval. This endeavor has culminated in the broad claim that “peace, prosperity, and probity” drive the public's approval. The unprecedented events of the Clinton Presidency, especially his high approval during and after impeachment, present a strong chal- lenge to this model. However, the existing model explains Clinton's approval remarkably well, suggesting that the public punished and rewarded him for the state of the economy, major political events, and his integrity. Passing this strong test constitutes considerable support for the existing model of approval.
Gubernatorial and Senatorial Camapaign Mobilization of Voters
Authors: Jackson Robert A.
Published: January 2007

This article examines the role of gubernatorial and U.S. Senate campaigns in mobilizing voters in the 1990, 1992, 1994, and 1996 elections. Merging contextual measures on these campaigns with data from the Voter Supplement Files of the November Current Population Surveys, I find that statewide campaigns are especially important for activating citizens in midterms. An off-year campaign environment that is associated with hotly-contested, high-spending campaigns elevates citizens' turnout probabilities by double-digit points. However, a presidential race provides an overriding stimulus that gets to the polls most of those citizens who can be activated, as state-level races demonstrate negligible mobilizing influence in the on-years. I also find that previous looks into the influence of campaign context on individual turnout are based on “biased” tests of statistical significance. Failure to take into account state “clusters” in national samples results in downwardly biased standard errors and, consequently, upwardly biased t-/z-values for state-level campaign coefficients. Finally, I consider the two-stage nature of electoral participation in the U.S.: (1) registration followed by (2) turnout among those who are registered. The activating influence of campaigns operates primarily at the second stage.
Congressional Parties, Fundraising, and Committee Ambition
Authors: Heberlig Eric S.
Published: January 2007

Congressional party leaders are hypothesized to use desirable committee assignments as a selective incentive to entice incumbent members of Congress to contribute the collective good of the party’s campaign efforts. Financial contributions to the party are an effective measure of party loyalty, particularly in an era of high levels of party loyalty on roll call votes. This article analyzes committee transfers in the U.S. Congress from the 102nd through the 107th Congresses. The evidence shows that the greater the amount an incumbent contributes to party committees or party candidates, the more likely he or she will transfer to prestige committees. It also demonstrates that fundraising has become more closely related to prestige committee transfers when margins of party control in the House became very close after the Republican takeover.
Drinking-and-Driving in America: A Test of Behavioral Assumptions Underlying Public Policy
Authors: Houston David J. , Richardson Lilliard E.
Published: January 2007

Since the 1980s, states have increasingly used sanctions to deter people from drinking-and-driving, but the effectiveness of these policies is questionable. The use of sanctions as policy tools rests on deterrence theory, but little is known about the appropriateness of its behavioral assumptions for the group targeted by policy—the drinking-driver. Employing a national survey of 4,008 respondents, we use logistic regression analysis to examine perceptions of punishment costs, the importance of individual versus societal costs, and policy preferences related to drink-driving. It was found that the perceptions of the punishment costs of drinking-and-driving are not consistent with basic hypotheses of deterrence theory. The results suggest that policies based on deterrence theory are likely to be least effective for the main target of these policies (frequent drink-drivers) and are likely to be unnecessary for non-drink-drivers. An alternative set of behavioral assumptions is provided that more closely fit the results obtained.
Feminist Nations? A Study of Native American Women in Southwestern Tribal Politics
Authors: Prindeville Diane-Michele
Published: January 2007

Tremendous variation exists in the politics and governance of the over 550 federally recognized American Indian tribes. For example, women are barred from participating in tribal politics in most Pueblo Nations, yet in other Southwestern tribes, they are political leaders. Using data from personal interviews with officials from 21 Indian Nations in Arizona, New Mexico, Nevada, and Utah, I examine the role that they, as women, play in tribal politics; why they participate; the positions they hold; the constraints they face; their political goals, policy priorities, and strategies; and the institutional and social conditions that enable women to serve in their tribe’s political leadership. The findings reveal substantial diversity among the Southwestern Indian Nations studied, yet considerable similarities exist among the leaders’ paths to leadership, policy priorities, and political goals in tribal government.
Predicting the Presidential Presence: Explaining Presidential Midterm Elections Campaign Behavior
Authors: Hoddie Matthew , Routh Stephen R.
Published: January 2007

In this article we analyze the campaign behavior of presidents in the congressional midterm elections held between 1954 and 1998. We seek to identify those factors that influence a president’s decision to visit a particular state during the midterm election season and campaign. Employing a negative binomial regression model, we find that presidents determine their midterm election campaign schedule based on a consideration of the differences among the 50 states in terms of both the chief executive’s personal popularity and the number of competitive races being held. The importance of these factors suggests that there is an underlying strategy to a president’s campaign activity during the midterm election season that is comparable to campaigns for the presidency itself.
Trust and Social Bonds: Faith in Others and Policy Outcomes Reconsidered
Authors: Uslaner Eric M.
Published: January 2007

Rodney Hero (2003) argues that advocates of social capital may have been too optimistic about its impact on public policy. Hero argues that states with high levels of social capital generally have worse outcomes for minority groups rather than better outcomes. So, social capital is at best a mixed blessing. It works well for whites, but not so well for minority groups in America. I suggest that Hero’s pessimism may be misplaced for one key component of social capital, generalized trust. Generalized trust is a moral value that connects people to others who may be different from themselves. At the individual level, it is a key determinant of tolerance and support for policies that aid minorities and the poor, as I have found (see Uslaner 2003). When I disaggregate social capital and consider only measures of generalized trust for the American states in the 1980s, the negative consequences of this part of social capital vanish and turn into positive effects for minorities. States high on trust have lower levels of relative minority suspension ratios (using a recalculated index rather than the one Hero uses), black suspension ratios, African-American emotional disturbances, black special learning disabilities, overall poverty rates, and African-American poverty rates. Such states also have higher average AFDC payments per recipient. Such states also have higher levels of some forms of political participation for African-Americans (as measured by statewide aggregate proportions from the Roper Social and Political Trends archive, which queried 200,000 Americans each year between 1973 and 1994 on a variety of political activities—providing a large enough national sample to obtain reliablt estimates for African-Americans in 29 states. States with high trust had higher levels of African-Americans writing letters to editors, writing newspaper articles, being organization members, and making public speeches. There are also similar, even larger, effects for many forms of participation for whites. It is overall trust, rather than the level of trust of African-American themselves, that shapes political participation for these activities, suggesting that African-Americans are more likely to participate in civic life when the whole community is more trusting of people unlike themselves.
Beyond Black and White: General Support for Race-Conscious Policies Among African Americans, Latinos, Asian Americans and Whites
Authors: Lopez Linda , Pantoja Adrian D.
Published: January 2007

The study of racial attitudes in the U.S. has largely focused on white attitudes toward African Americans and policies designed to assist African Americans. We go beyond this black-white dichotomy by comparing African American, Latino, Asian American, and white attitudes toward opportunity-enhancing and outcome-directed policies. Data from the Multi-City Study of Urban Inequality, 1992-1994 are used to test the effects class and ethnic/racial identities play in shaping respondent’s policy preferences. Because both of these programs are designed to apply equally to African Americans, Latinos, and Asian Americans, we model general support for these policies. In other words respondents who supported each program for all three groups were coded as favoring the particular policy. Our coding method more accurately captures the real world application of these programs. We find that even when we control for class status, measures of racial prejudice, as well as a host of other factors, ethnic and racial differences persist. African Americans strongly support both policies, while whites were the least supportive. Latinos and Asian Americans in varying degrees took intermediate positions on these issues. The research considers the reasons for the persistence of ethnic and racial differences on race-conscious policies and suggests future avenues for research.
Core Values, Value Conflict, and Citizens’ Ambivalence about Gay Rights
Authors: Craig Stephen C. , Martinez Michael D. , Kane James G. , Gainous Jason
Published: January 2007

Recent research has recognized that many people simultaneously hold positive and negative attitudes about important political issues. In this article, we review the concept of attitudinal ambivalence and propose a survey-based measure of ambivalence adapted from the experimental literature. Extending our earlier work on abortion, analysis of a statewide telephone survey of Florida residents reveals that (1) many people have ambivalent attitudes about issues related to gay and lesbian rights; (2) the amount of ambivalence varies according to the specific rights in question (military service, gay marriage and adoption, membership in youth organizations such as Boy Scouts, and others); (3) ambivalence on gay rights is to some extent a function of conflict among citizens’ underlying core values; and (4) under certain circumstances, ambivalence appears to mediate the relationship between a person’s issue preferences with regard to gay rights and his or her evaluation of political leaders and institutions.
When Primary Campaigns Go Negative: The Determinants of Campaign Negativity
Authors: Peterson David A. M. , Djupe Paul A.
Published: January 2007

Standard investigations of both campaign negativity and primary elections focus on either the electoral institutions or the primary voters. In this article, we begin to explore the factors affecting the content of the information environment voters face by examining the effects of timing and electoral context on which primary races are likely to become negative and when. Using a content analysis of newspaper coverage of every contested Senate primary in 1998, and binary time-series cross-sectional methods, we demonstrate that negativity is an interdependent function of the timing of the race, the status of the Senate seat, and the number and quality of the challengers in the primary.