bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Population Ecology and Social Movements
Authors: Minkoff Debra
Published: January 2013

The population ecology of social movements takes as its starting point theories of organizational evolution. First elaborated by Hannan and Freeman (1977, 1989), what came to be known as organizational ecology provides a research paradigm for scholars interested in understanding how diversity in organizational forms develops and changes over time. Drawing on evolutionary models, organizational ecologists focus on competition and environmental selection as the central mechanisms driving the creation and institutionalization of new organizational forms. In addition to competition over scarce resources, processes of legitimation are also important in explaining how new organizational models become established. A central theoretical principle is that the development of organizational populations is “density‐dependent”: early on, increases in the number, or density, of successful organizations improve the legitimacy of the forms and provide a taemplate for action that creates resources and incentives for organizational formation; as the population expands, however, competitive pressures drive down the founding rate and increase the failure rate of existing groups.
Prefigurative Politics
Authors: Leach Darcy K.
Published: January 2013

The term prefigurative politics refers to a political orientation based on the premise that the ends a social movement achieves are fundamentally shaped by the means it employs, and that movements should therefore do their best to choose means that embody or “prefigure” the kind of society they want to bring about. On one level, this commitment to means–ends consistency reflects what Weber called a “value‐rational” logic of action, in which action is guided by values rather than instrumental efficiency. But a prefigurative orientation is motivated by more than a commitment to moral action in its own right; it has been pursued as an alternative to both vanguardist and structural‐reformist strategies for social change. Rather than looking to a revolutionary vanguard to seize existing power structures and implement revolutionary change on behalf of the masses or to trade unions or political parties to leverage reforms within the existing system, a prefigurative approach seeks to create the new society “in the shell of the old” by developing counterhegemonic institutions and modes of interaction that embody the desired transformation. In this sense, a prefigurative strategy is based on the principle of direct action, of directly implementing the changes one seeks, rather than asking others to make the changes on one's behalf.
Protest Cycles and Waves
Authors: della Porta Donatella
Published: January 2013

Social movement studies have traditionally stressedconflictas a dynamic element in our societies. Social movements are conflictual not only because of their stakes, but also because of their forms of action. Defined in the sociology of social movements as a “resource of the powerless” (Lipsky 1968), protest has been considered as the main repertoire of action—or even the modus operandi—of social movements.
Protest Event Research
Authors: Soule Sarah A.
Published: January 2013

Social movement research has developed a rich tradition of using data on collective action and protest events (hereafter “events”) that is culled from various sources (e.g., news reports, police records). Event data has been used by scholars to answer questions about the causes of ethnic violence and collective action (Olzak 1992), citizen protest of various types (Soule & Davenport 2009), and strikes (Biggs 2005). Event data has also been used to analyze the outcomes of social movements (Soule et al. 1999; Olzak & Soule 2009), including the policing of protest (Soule & Davenport 2009). A major benefit of this type of data is that it facilitates both comparative and historical research (Tarrow 1996), while also allowing for quantitative research on social movements (Olzak 1989). Additionally, there is often no better alternative (Franzosi 1987).
Public Sphere
Authors: Eder Klaus
Published: January 2013

The public sphere is hard to define in terms of boundaries—it has in principle no limits. We can try to separate it from the private sphere; yet even here claims abound that the private is political, thus undermining a clear separation of the sites where public communication takes place from sites where private communication takes place. We can try to separate it from the economic sphere or from other spheres; yet the porosity of the boundaries is obvious. Some sites succeed better than others in keeping the public sphere outside for a time. Often such attempts collapse. Boundaries move in and out of other spheres of social life, and no definition can be given that clearly delineates either a spatial boundary (as the concept of public space insinuates) or a functional boundary (private versus public) or a thematic one (things you do not talk about, i.e. tabooed topics, and things you talk about). This difficulty has preoccupied one of the most sensitive functionalist thinkers, Luhmann, who struggled with the problem of how to make sense of what he finally called the “reality of the mass media” (Luhmann 2000). The public sphere is constituted in acts or practices which seek to make public what others may try keeping from becoming public. There is also the other movement of keeping private what others want to make public (e.g., talk shows, Facebook, etc.). This particular character of the public space prevents us from treating it as a clear entity with boundaries. Rather, it emerges from moving boundaries. This also explains the variety of theories of the public sphere (Ferree et al. 2002).
Radical Flank Effects
Authors: Haines Herbert H.
Published: January 2013

Radical flank effects (RFEs) are interactive processes involving radical and moderate factions of social movements and third parties outside those movements. They result in detrimental and/or beneficial impacts of radical group actions upon the reputations and effectiveness of more moderate collective actors — typically social movement organizations. The relative “radicalism” or “moderation” of actors is generally defined in terms of the degree of legitimacy that is imputed to their objectives, rhetoric, and tactics by relevant external audiences. Radical flank effects were first studied systematically by Haines (1984, 1988) in his investigations of the American civil rights/black power movements, but other scholars had made reference to RFE‐like phenomena in earlier works on the civil rights (Killian 1975), feminist (Freeman 1975), labor (Ramirez 1978) and antinuclear (Barkan 1979) movements.
Rational Choice Theory and Social Movements
Authors: Opp Karl‐Dieter
Published: January 2013

Scholars who systematically apply rational choice theory (RCT) to explain social movement phenomena are a minority. Examples are Oberschall 1980, 1994; Klandermans 1984; Taylor 1988; Chong 1991; Karklins & Peterson 1993; Marwell & Oliver 1993; Pfaff 2006; Wood 2008; Opp 2009a, 2009b. For applications of game theory, which is not discussed for limitations of space, see Chong 1991; Pierskalla 2010. This may suggest that RCT is a deficient theoretical approach, and that other perspectives are better suited to explain social movements and political protest. Is this conclusion correct? This question will be addressed here.
Resistance
Authors: Trom Danny , Cefai Daniel
Published: January 2013

The uses of the concept of “resistance” have multiplied in the printed literature, even if without success in the attempts to define it in an unequivocal way. That notion implies the dimensions of habit, imagination and judgment. It lies
short of
any organized action, collective and public, of any obvious social unrest. Being infrapolitical, resistance expresses a will to elude a power, a predominant norm, or a social control. It deploys in the background of everyday life. It does not form a consistent repertoire of action, but rather shows itself by means of such practices as trickery, concealment, smartness, double meaning, humor, feigned ignorance, work‐to‐rule, absenteeism. It comes with all the dynamics of contention.
Resonance, Frame
Authors: McCammon Holly
Published: January 2013

One of the most utilized concepts in social movement framing studies is “frame resonance.” Snow and Benford (1998) introduced the term to account for the ability of a collective action frame to resonate or appeal to a targeted audience. They ask, “[u]nder what conditions do framing efforts strike a responsive chord or resonate with the targets of mobilization?” (1988: 198). In order to answer this query, one must explore both the properties of the frames themselves and the characteristics of the broader cultural environment in which collective action framing takes place. That is, the source of frame resonance lies in aconjunctionof the content of framing and ideational elements in the wider cultural milieu. Frames resonate because a segment of individuals find them convincing, or as Gamson (1992: 135) states, they find them “natural and familiar.” Identifying the precise circumstances in which movement frames achieve this persuasive status, then, is the critical question researchers confront. When will a collective action frame rouse the interests of bystander publics, elected officials, institutional authorities, or potential social movement recruits?
Revolutions
Authors: Rojas Rene , Goodwin Jeff
Published: January 2013

In common parlance, “revolution” has come to mean virtually any fundamental change. Transformations of ways of thinking, technologies, and even fashions and consumer goods are often described as “revolutionary.” Social scientists, however, generally define revolution in one of two ways. For some, a revolution refers broadly to any extralegal overthrow and transformation of a political regime or state by a popular rebellion, whether by violent or nonviolent means. (Although some state officials may support revolutionaries, a revolution differs from a coup d'état, which refers to the overthrow of a government by political elites, often led by military officers, with little if any popular support or active participation by ordinary people.) Others define revolutions more narrowly as only those historical episodes in which the overthrow of a regime or state is accompanied by or facilitates fundamental changes in a society's economic institutions and class structure (e.g., the French, Russian, and Chinese revolutions). This latter type of revolution is often called a “social revolution” (or “great revolution”) in order to distinguish it from those revolutions (or “political revolutions”) that entail new political orders, but little, if any, change in economic or class structures (e.g., the English and American revolutions). Of course, what begins as a political revolution may end up being a social revolution.
Situational Analysis and Social Movements
Authors: Cefai Daniel , Trom Danny
Published: January 2013

The notion of situational analysis has different origins. The most relevant, historically, are Max Gluckman's ethnography of a conventional crowd, that met at the “inauguration of a bridge in Zululand,” and Goffman's innovative ecology of public encounters and gatherings, as exposed in
Behavior in Public Places
(1963). In the first case, the situational analysis was highlighting the link between face to face relationships and exchanges, and the macroprocesses of the colonial society in Rhodesia; in the second case, it intended to discover an “interactional order,” meaningful in itself, “loosely coupled” with social structures. Both meanings can be found in the literature on social movements.
Social Capital and Social Movements
Authors: Edwards Bob
Published: January 2013

Scattered mentions of “social capital” or similar terms date back at least to the 1920s, yet the concept did not gain currency and widespread use until popularized by the work of Robert Putnam in the 1990s. By the time Putnam's bookBowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Communitycame out in 2001, criticisms had already emerged regarding the scope of social, economic, and political processes social capital was said to affect, the lack of clarity in its conceptualization, and about both the validity and reliability of how it was being measured (Foley, Edwards, & Diani 2001). In the years since, the scholarly literature using some conceptualization of social capital has exploded, with the term appearing in the titles of over 300 books and upward of 6000 scholarly articles. The diversity of definition and elasticity of measurement evidenced in much of the recent literature confirms concerns expressed a decade ago that social capital was becoming merely a catch‐all concept capable of solving any problem from local to global and thus problematic.
Social Change and Social Movements
Authors: Andrews Kenneth T.
Published: January 2013

Do movements matter? The impact of movements on patterns of social change is one of the most enduring topics in the study of protest and social movements, and it has gained considerable attention in recent years. Understanding this complex topic requires careful attention to several interrelated issues including conceptualizing social change and appraising whether movements matter and, if so, how. Debates continue regarding how significant movements are for explanations of social change, the conditions under which movements matter, and the movement characteristics associated with greater or lesser impact.
Social Class and Social Movements
Authors: Eder Klaus
Published: January 2013

The link between social class and social movements refers back to the assumption of Karl Marx that in some specified cases the formation of social classes is connected with the mobilization of these classes. Social movements then become what Marx has called “Klassen für sich,” classes conscious of themselves. Marx points to the small tenants in France as a famous example of a class not capable of developing a collective consciousness of itself and therefore being unable to act collectively. He referred to them as a “sack of potatoes.” Regarding the industrial worker, Marx was much more optimistic because of the intersection of two critical factors: (1) the presumed centrality of the conflict this emerging class would address; and (2) the social conditions that link the proletarian workers via their concentration in the industrial workplace and the urban housing conditions which makes communication and strong relationships among them more probable.
Social Movement Industry
Authors: McCarthy John D.
Published: January 2013

Individual social movement organizations (SMOs) play a significant role in mobilizing social movement activity and it is common for scholars to take the powerful analytic advantage of aggregating all of the SMOs that identify themselves with a particular social movement in their analyses. Such aggregates of SMOs have been termed social movement industries (SMIs), conceptualized as similar to the many industrial categories of firms that compose an economy. All SMIs in a nation make up the social movement sector (SMS) (McCarthy & Zald 1977). The size and structure of SMIs has been hypothesized to have important consequences for the likelihood of a social movement's success (Zald & McCarthy 1980). Although the SMI designation has not gained the widespread usage of SMO, nevertheless, many analysts of social movements have more or less consciously adopted its fundamental insight and gone on to proliferate acronyms to conceptually bound an SMI, the organizational analogue of a social movement. These include, among many others, peace movement organizations (PMOs), environmental movement organizations (EMOs), and health social movement organizations (HSMOs).
Social Movement Organization (
SMO
)
Authors: McCarthy John D.
Published: January 2013

Traditional approaches to understanding the emergence and mobilization of social movements focused primarily upon fluctuations in the hearts and minds of aggrieved individuals. Analysts of social movements inspired by the accelerated founding rates of more or less bureaucratically organized groups of citizens in the 1960s—joining early risers in the organizational field some of which, such as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), had emerged in the nineteenth century—began to focus more directly upon the central mediating role that social movement organizations (SMOs) play in mobilizing social movement activity. Zald and Ash (1966) first systematically deployed the concept in their classic paper that effectively challenged the universality of Roberto Michels' (1949) “iron law of oligarchy.” Denotatively bounding the SMO, their analyses referenced civil rights movement organizations of the 1960s, including the Congress on Racial Equality (CORE) and the NAACP, as well as the American Communist Party and the Women's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU). The concept was later more clearly specified by McCarthy and Zald (1973: 1218): “A
social movement organization
(SMO) is a complex, or formal organization which identifies its preferences with a social movement or a counter‐movement and attempts to implement those goals.” In subsequent years, the term and its acronym, SMO, have come into widespread use as scholars have sought to understand patterns of SMO emergence, variations in SMO structure, and functioning.
Social Movement Sector
Authors: McCarthy John D.
Published: January 2013

Many social movements at varying stages of mobilization may exist in a nation's society at any time, or there may be very few struggling to exist. Understanding that variation in social movement mobilization across national societies remains a relatively unexplored arena of social science research. Social movements in most nations are importantly defined by the social movement organizations (SMOs) that identify with their goals, even though much collective action by social movement actors is not directly associated with SMOs. Nations differ dramatically in the extent to which they encourage and facilitate or discourage and repress SMOs. All the SMOs in a nation with roughly comparable goals, issue orientations, or ideological congruity constitute its social movement industry (SMI). All the SMIs in a nation constitute its social movement sector (SMS). The size and orientation of a nation's SMS is a function of the amount of resources devoted to social change (whatever its substantive focus across the ideological spectrum), the associational supports provided by the larger society, the democratic or authoritarian orientation of the its state, and the relationship of the movement sector to the political party space. The size and shape, or configuration, of the SMS varies between nation‐states and over time within them (see McCarthy & Zald 1977, 2002).
Social and Solidary Incentives
Authors: Passy Florence
Published: January 2013

Mancur Olson stated: “Rational, self‐interested individuals will not act to achieve their common or group interests” (1965: 2). Since no one is excluded from the benefit brought about by the achievement of public goods, individuals free ride and leave the costs of their production to others. Onlyindividual inducements, that is “a separate and selective incentive will stimulate a rational individual…to act in a group‐oriented way” (51). In Olson's utilitarian theory, personal and instrumental incentives become the main motivator of actors' participation in collective action.
Solidarity and Movements
Authors: Benford Robert D.
Published: January 2013

Participation in a social movement often occurs out of a sense of solidarity. People become movementadherentswhen they feel they share with others a sense of enthusiasm and devotion for the group (Hunt & Benford 2004). Herbert Blumer (1939) referred to such shared feelings asesprit de corps. From his vantage point,esprit de corpshas two dimensions: a body of confederates that are seen as a collectivity and a spirit that entails feelings of close identification with that group. Thecorpusfeature of solidarity calls attention to the body of actors that comprise a group. Some organizations such as the military, police, athletic teams, marching bands, and so on, project an image of an actual corporal entity by having members wear uniforms and engaging in coordinated drills such as marching. In the present context, social movement organizations employ banners, placards, T‐shirts, and bumper stickers to mark their membership boundaries. Thespiritusfeature of solidarity pertains to the feelings of belonging to a collectivity.
Spillover, Social Movement
Authors: Whittier Nancy
Published: January 2013

Spillover refers to the influences that social movements have on each other. Social movement spillover takes place through both direct and indirect paths through which one social movement affects another's ideology, frames, tactics, membership, organizational structure, or available cultural or political opportunities. These and related phenomena are also referred to as diffusion (McAdam & Rucht 1993; Soule 1997) and “spin‐off movements” (McAdam 1995). The study of social movement spillover focuses on the paths, types, and mechanisms of influence. The types of social movement spillover can be broken down into two broad categories. First, movements can lead tonew challenges, by changing the overall level of protest or opportunities for protest, sparking “spin‐off” movements (McAdam 1995), or provoking countermovements. They can also affect or enable later waves of the same movement. Second, social movements can alter theformof other protests. Activists define themselves, frame their issues, develop tactics, and establish organizations with reference to what other collective actors have done. These effects can occur between movements that are contemporaries or across time.
Subcultures and Social Movements
Authors: Martin Greg
Published: January 2013

Subcultures and social movements are both empirically and analytically quite different creatures. In one formulation, youth subcultures are seen as groups subordinate to the dominant middle‐class culture because they derive from a working‐class “parent” culture, although they “exhibit a distinctive enough shape and structure to make them identifiably different from their ‘parent’ culture” (Hall & Jefferson 2006: 7). Thus, subcultures might be characterized as “interests that operate within the confines of the existing social order,” while social movements are conceived as “forms of solidarist action which force the conflict to the point of breaking through the system's compatibility limits” (Melucci 1996: 28). It is largely for these definitional reasons that the study of subcultures and social movements studies have remained relatively separate and distinct. Fusing the fields, however, reveals two areas of commonality: (1) similar ideas and debates about how to conceptualize subcultures and social movements; and (2) shared concerns over the effectiveness of cultural politics (Martin 2002).
State Breakdown and Social Movements
Authors: Paczynska Agnieszka
Published: January 2013

As Mancur Olson pointed out in his 1965 book,The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups, one of the great puzzles of social dynamics is how people overcome collective action problems and organize to pursue common goals. What conditions facilitate and which hinder the emergence of social movements, what allows social movements to persist over time, and what accounts for their impact on social and political dynamics are some of the key questions that scholars have explored over the last few decades.
Survey Research
Authors: Klandermans Bert
Published: January 2013

Survey research is a frequently employed research design in social movement studies (Crist & McCarthy 1996). As there are quite a few excellent source books for researchers who want to apply survey methodology (e.g., Robson 1993), I will restrict myself to the specificities of survey research in the context of social movement studies (see Klandermans & Smith 2002 for a detailed discussion).
Tactical Interaction and Innovation
Authors: McAdam Doug
Published: January 2013

The concepts of
tactical interaction, tactical innovation
, and
tactical adaptation
were introduced by McAdam in a 1983 article in
American Sociological Review. Tactical innovation
refers to the introduction of new and novel tactics by movement actors. McAdam defines
tactical adaptation
as “the ability of [movement] opponents to neutralize these [innovative] moves through effective tactical counters.” Taken together these two “define an ongoing process of
tactical interaction
in which insurgents and opponents seek, in chess‐like fashion, to offset the moves of the other. How well each succeeds at this task crucially affects the pace and outcome of [movement activity]” (1983: 736, emphasis in original). McAdam goes on to demonstrate the utility of these concepts by showing empirically that the pace of insurgency in the US civil rights movement waxed and waned in accordance with these two processes. Peaks in protest activity correspond to the introduction and spread of tactical innovations (e.g., bus boycott, sit‐in, Freedom Rides, etc.), while valleys reflect the gradual development of effective tactical counters by social control forces.
Technology and Social Movements
Authors: Mattoni Alice
Published: January 2013

The history of social movements developed in parallel to technological changes in societies. From the invention of the press to the diffusion of television, communication technologies gave social movements new opportunities of expression and organization. Frequently, therefore, social movements met, appropriated and reshaped technological devices and supports that were at the same time opportunities and challenges for grassroots political participation. Technology intertwines with social movements at different levels. At the
instrumental level
, technology has an impact on mobilizing structures, organizational patterns, and protest activities of social movements. At the
symbolic level
, social movements have an impact on discourses about technologies and their role in societies, often including new technological visions in alternative systems of meanings. Finally, at the
material level
, social movements have an impact on technological supports and devices, in that activist technical knowledge and competencies lead to alternative and creative use of technology.
Violence and Social Movements
Authors: Demetriou Chares
Published: January 2013

The study of the intersection of social movements and violence is diverse. This is so, principally, because the forms of violence under study are all encompassing, ranging from police arrest of peaceful protesters, to protest by throwing food at politicians, to protest by lethal, indiscriminate violence on civilians. Nevertheless, in the social movement literature, the mainstream approach to the study of these phenomena takes the position—sometimes by default—that neither the various forms of violence nor the various types of the groups engaging in violence need to correspond to particular theories, but rather both action and groups should be studied through the more general conceptual frameworks and theoretical presuppositions characterizing the literature. This position is partly a consequence of the fact that the study of these phenomena developed within the broader study of social movements. Thus, for example, research on the American civil rights movement of the 1960s covered not only the peaceful tactics of this movement but also state violence in response to these tactics, as well as the violence wielded by the radical branches of the movement, most notably the Black Panthers. The conceptualizations and theories pertaining to the study of the phenomena connecting social movements to violence, therefore, have not claimed autonomy within the general literature on social movements, but rather have relied heavily and approvingly on this literature.
Violence Against Oneself
Authors: Grojean Olivier
Published: January 2013

Since the beginning of the twentieth century, self‐injury or self‐harm that is not related to cultural or religious norms has been distinguished from suicidal practices and associated with various pathologies. Thus, following Durkheim's work, suicide became a social fact that sociology could not ignore, but deliberate self‐inflicted violence without suicidal intent (e.g., cuttings and burns, body modifications) remained until recently mainly a concern for psychiatry. This probably explains the rarity of sociological research on self‐inflicted violence with a political dimension, such as hunger strikes, self‐mutilation, or immolation, while there have been dozens of publications on suicide bombings, especially since 2001.
Voluntary Associations and Social Movements
Authors: Walker Edward T.
Published: January 2013

Voluntary associations are “organized, named collectivities in which the majority of participants do not derive their livelihood from their activities in the group” (Knoke & Wood 1981: 8; see also Berry 1977; Walker 1991). The concept of a “voluntary association” has deep roots in the history and thought of American political development. Indeed, as de Tocqueville wrote in
Democracy in America
(1838), his celebrated account of his 1831 visit to the US, “no country in the world has made better use of association than the United States and nowhere has that powerful instrument been applied to a wider range of purposes” (de Tocqueville 2004: 215). Indeed, long traditions in US political thought have held that associations are schools of self‐reliant citizenship and democratic practice through which interests and preferences are newly formed rather than predetermined. Associations offer a space outside the bureaucratic and electoral demands of the state, while also remaining relatively insulated from the pecuniary interests and competitive pressures of the market. Scholars of voluntary associations have highlighted the means by which nonpolitical forms of civic organization, such as neighborhood groups, fraternal organizations, and, in a well‐known instance, choral groups, provide not only social integration and the participatory norms, social networks, and feelings of trust that accompany it (Putnam 2000), but they also indirectly socialize participants into active and engaged citizenship.
War and Social Movements
Authors: Almeida Paul D.
Published: January 2013

Social movements operate under a variety of political environments. One of the fundamental tasks for movement scholars in the twenty‐first century centers on classifying a delimited number of political climates and corresponding forms of mobilization likely to emerge. This entry analyzes the political context of war and the multiple ways students of collective action approach social movement activities in relation to hostilities between nations and internal civil wars. Interstate and civil wars generate a wide variety of social movements related to different dimensions of violent conflict, while civil wars may originate at times from the repression and radicalization of more conventional forms of collective action.
World‐System and Social Movements
Authors: Schaeffer Robert K. , Weyher L. Frank
Published: January 2013

Proponents of the world‐system perspective have argued that the modern world‐system first took shape in Western Europe and the Americas between 1450 and 1650, the “long sixteenth century” (Wallerstein 1974, 1980, 1989). Although social conflict was endemic during the early modern period, “antisystemic” movements emerged only in 1848 (Arrighi, Hopkins, & Wallerstein 1989). Class and status‐based movements subsequently seized state power as a means of changing the inequalities associated with the capitalist world‐system during the next century. However, they found it much more difficult to reduce structural inequality or transform the system than they had imagined, which led to a new round of global protest in 1968. This time movements directed their anger not only at powerful capitalist states in the core but also against states where antisystemic movements had taken power and antisystemic movements that had organized labor unions and political parties. To appreciate these developments, it is useful to recount the history of struggles by social movements in the modern world‐system.
Aboriginal Peoples' Movements (
A
ustralia)
Authors: Walter Maggie
Published: January 2013

Australian Aboriginal peoples' movements have been central to Aboriginal resistances to dispossessions and discriminations since European colonization began at the turn of the nineteenth century and continue into present times. Aboriginal organized protest has coalesced around three political and social criteria: the articulation of a direct claim; the organization of activities involving Aboriginal community members around this claim; and the adaptation of the colonizers' socio‐legal practices as tools to advance these claims. An early example is George Walter Arthur and other Tasmanians' campaign to reverse the forced dispossession and exile of the Tasmanians. Activities included the establishment of a newspaper to voice their claims and, in 1847, a petition to Queen Victoria claiming breach of promise by colonial authorities. The Tasmanians remained imprisoned on Flinders Island, but with the legacy of documentary evidence that the Tasmanians never relinquished sovereignty. Petitions against dispossession and living circumstances were also made by a number of Aboriginal protest movement leaders in New South Wales and South Australia in the latter part of the nineteenth century, again unsuccessfully (Attwood & Markus 1999).
Penal Abolitionist Movement
Authors: van Swaaningen René
Published: January 2013

There have been abolitionist movements against slavery, torture, prostitution, capital punishment, and prison. This entry focuses on the latter alone. When the term abolitionism is used in relation to criminological issues, it generally dismisses penal definitions and punitive responses to criminalized problems, and proposes their replacement by dispute settlement, redress, and social justice. More generally, it refers to the abolition of state (supported) institutions that are no longer felt to be legitimate. The word abolitionism as currently understood in criminology is adopted from the North American antiprison movement of the early 1970s. Here Quakers, most notably, take up their historical mission from the antislavery movement. They see prison as an institution that today fulfils the same social functions as slavery did till the late nineteenth century: disciplining the (mostly black) underclass. This American penal abolitionism is mainly grounded in religious inspiration, and less in considerations of the countereffectiveness of criminal justice, as is the case in Europe (Bianchi & van Swaaningen 1986). The European abolitionist social movements of that era were prisoners' unions and more intellectual radical penal reform movements (van Swaaningen 1997). This more academic abolitionism has its roots in symbolic interactionism and social constructionism, with a strongly Foucauldian focus on discipline in a carceral society.
Ainu Indigenous Rights Movement (
J
apan)
Authors: Tsutsui Kiyoteru
Published: January 2013

Social movements by the Ainu, an indigenous people in Japan, started in earnest in the 1970s, influenced strongly by the expanding global indigenous rights movement, and have achieved some significant successes since then. The Ainu today are descendants of populations that have inhabited northern parts of Japan for thousands of years but have been pushed northward by mainland Japanese governments throughout history. As the Meiji Restoration (1868) established a modern state in Japan, the Meiji government incorporated northern islands in Japan as the Hokkaido prefecture in 1869, making official the Ainu's subjugation to mainland Japanese. The government encouraged mainland Japanese to move to Hokkaido and implemented policies to assimilate Ainu populations into the Japanese mainstream. This policy, symbolized by the 1899 Hokkaido Former Aborigines Protection Act, destroyed the traditional Ainu ways of life and their communities and threw them into severe poverty. Although the Japanese government took remedial measures to improve their living conditions, these measures were not a result of Ainu activism. Some Ainu associations emerged during the democracy movement in Japan (mid‐1920s to early 1930s), but the Ainu's ethnic/indigenous identity was confined primarily to cultural spheres, such as in novels and poetry. Heavily reliant on government welfare, their political voice was largely muted, especially as Japan entered World War II.
American Revolution
Authors: Griffin Patrick
Published: January 2013

The “American Revolution” has confounded historians since the late eighteenth century. It still does. The term, usually unbounded by quotation marks, is freighted with a great deal of baggage. It always has been. In their famous debates on the eve of the Civil War, Abraham Lincoln and Stephen Douglas portrayed the revolution as the touchstone of American identity, the event that made Americans exceptional. The freed slave turned abolitionist Frederick Douglass also saw the revolution as an event that made Americans exceptional, but in his eyes, exceptionally hypocritical. For Americans today, it still conjures up all sorts of images ranging from muskets and Betsy Ross, to the states' rights and the pursuit of happiness. More critically, it still serves as focus for the basis of civil life. It still frames debate of who Americans are and what they would like to become. The modern Tea Party movement is a vivid example. So too those who argue that the Tea Party gets the revolution wrong. They have, critics suggest, picked the right event to understand what makes Americans American, but they have interpreted it incorrectly.
Antiapartheid Movement (
S
outh
A
frica)
Authors: van Kessel Ineke
Published: January 2013

The origins of nationwide organized protest against first segregation and then apartheid in South Africa can be traced back to the founding of the South African Native National Congress (SANNC) in 1912. After the Union of South Africa was established in 1910, the political rights and economic security of black people came under increasing attack. Following the defeat of the Boer Republics in the Anglo‐Boer War (1899–1902) reconciliation with the defeated Afrikaners was achieved at the expense of black South Africans. Laws restricting African landownership and African mobility underpinned a system of racial segregation devised to compel Africans to become wage laborers on white farms or in white‐owned mines and industries.
Anticolonial Movements
Authors: Schock Kurt
Published: January 2013

Anticolonial movements (which may be referred to as national liberation or independence movements) are organized struggles to resist formal external subjugation and promote self‐determination.
Anticrime Movements in
L
atin
A
merica
Authors: Davis Diane E. , Willis Graham Denyer
Published: January 2013

Legacies of authoritarianism and contested state formation have left Latin America awash in violence (Davis 2010), with rates of homicide, murder, kidnapping, and robbery on the rise. Cities have been particularly hard hit, owing to unemployment, income inequality, and other structural causes including neoliberal economic reforms and drug trafficking (Astorga 2002). With minimal progress in curtailing violence despite government efforts otherwise and limited public trust in state capacities to reduce criminality due to high rates of police corruption (Davis 2006) or a weak judicial system (Ungar 2002), citizens take security matters into their own hands. Their actions coalesce in an array of anticrime social movements, broadly defined here as collective action targeted against the perpetrators or enablers of rampant criminality and insecurity.
Antiglobalization Movements
Authors: Goodman James
Published: January 2013

The “great globalization debate” began in the late 1980s with a series of proclamations as to the newness of the phenomenon. Ranging across multiple social science disciplines, globalization theory asserted that social relations were becoming increasingly deterritorialized (Held, McGrew, & Perraton 1999). Subsequent revisions forced recognition of historical parallels, thus historicizing the claims, and allowed a rereading of the accounts, in terms of their discursive foundations, as globalist ideology. The debate continues, with investigations of post‐globalism, in the aftermath of a more unilateralist world politics, as a state of affairs beyond globalization, rather than simply a throw‐back to pre‐globalist conditions.
Antifeminist Movements (UnitedStates)
Authors: Marshall Susan E.
Published: January 2013

Antifeminist movements refer to organized opposition to group activism for women's rights. They are examples of countermovements, which typically mobilize in reaction to perceived successes of the initial movement (Mottl 1980; Lo 1982; Zald & Useem 1987). Antifeminist mobilization is an indication that the feminist movement has begun to be taken seriously as a threat to the status quo. Perceived feminist successes alter the political opportunity structure, forcing opponents into public activism to halt movement momentum (Meyer & Staggenborg 1996). Antifeminist movements are also a form of protest movement, challenging the legitimacy of the feminist movement as women's representatives and rejecting feminist goals as antithetical to women's interests. As reactive movements, antifeminist movements explicitly counter feminist claims. In contrast, the tactical position of the feminist movement is to ignore the opposition so as to minimize its importance. As the countermovement grows and becomes increasingly difficult to disregard, the feminist movement may change tactics and dismiss the opposition as insignificant and illegitimate in order to present the appearance of strength relative to emergent rivals. The ensuing competition forces interaction between the movement and its countermovement as each seeks political advantage.
Antinuclear Movement in
J
apan
Authors: Aldrich Daniel P.
Published: January 2013

Japan remains the only nation in the world to have experienced the horrors of atomic weaponry at Hiroshima and Nagasaki, but the government initially suppressed public debate on the topic and the postwar occupation authorities temporarily banned research on nuclear power (Yoshioka 1999; DiFilippo 2003). Thus, there was a lag between the bombings and the start of broader antinuclear movements, which began in the 1950s as a result of widespread anger over the deadly exposure of Japanese fishermen to radioactive fallout. Antinuclear power movements evolved alongside antinuclear weapons associations as Japan's commercial atomic program moved forward. Japan's unique history created broad sympathy for antinuclear ideologies, with many prominent authors writing about the victims of the atomic bomb, known as
hibakusha
, in works such as Ibuse Masuji's
Black Rain
. This sympathy did not prevent the Japanese government from creating an advanced commercial nuclear program with attempts at a closed fuel cycle and the use of mixed‐oxide (MOX) fuel. Although the government promotes nuclear power domestically and sells nuclear technology and training to other nations, it has stood by its Three Non‐Nuclear Principles (not possessing, manufacturing, or permitting nuclear weapons in Japanese territory) and has not pursued nuclear weapons.
Antiracist Movements inEurope
Authors: Ruzza Carlo
Published: January 2013

In Europe, antiracist protest activities are a relatively less frequent and durable manifestation of a strong and fairly institutionalized cultural current of legally embedded antiracist values. Antiracism as a value informs a number of social arenas in which different types of actors contribute to defining and expanding conceptions of citizenship and antiracist policies, sometimes using contentious political repertoires. Their efforts also include judicial activism, advocacy at different levels of governance, initiatives in the public sphere, and sensitizing campaigns in social organizations such as workplace organizations, churches, and educational establishments. Antiracist also emerge in specific professional contexts, as with the police and probation professionals.
April Revolution (
K
orea)
Authors: Sonn Jaesok
Published: January 2013

The April Revolution refers to the protest movement against the dictatorship in South Korea, which took place in April 1960, and its aftermath. It is also known as the April Uprising or simply by the date of the peak day of the revolt, the “4.19.”
Black Power Movement (UnitedStates)
Authors: Yeritsian Gary , Bloom Joshua
Published: January 2013

The Black Power movement emerged in the mid‐1960s United States inspired by the victories of the civil rights movement, and responding to its limitations. Civil rights mobilization had successfully pressured the federal government to dismantlede juresegregation, but was incapable of redressing persistent black ghettoization. Black Power activists sought to combat institutionalized racism characterized by poor‐quality education, a lack of jobs, political marginalization, and containment policing.
Buraku Liberation Movement (
J
apan)
Authors: Davis John H.
Published: January 2013

During the roughly nine decades since its inception, the Buraku Liberation Movement (Buraku Kaihō Undō) has worked to eliminate the social prejudice and structural inequities that characterized life for many
burakumin
, residents of former outcast districts. Although official caste designations were abolished in 1871, many
burakumin
continued to be targets of discrimination. The Buraku Liberation Movement emerged as a national phenomenon in 1922 with the establishment of the National Levelers Association (Zenkoku Suiheisha). This organization adopted a strategy of direct confrontation known as
tetteiteki kyuū dan
or “thoroughgoing denunciation” against individuals accused of discriminating against
burakumin
. The focus of the group gradually expanded beyond critiquing the actions of individuals to scrutinizing systemic discrimination manifest in institutions such as the military, police, school, and government administrations. The activities of the organization came to a close in 1942 as one of several organizational casualties resulting from domestic pressures stemming from the intensification of the ongoing war effort. Following the end of World War II, the Buraku Liberation Movement was rekindled in 1946 with the establishment of the National Committee for Buraku Liberation (Buraku Kaihō Zenkoku Iinkai), which changed its name in 1955 to the current Buraku Liberation League (Buraku Kaihō Dōmei). The movement continued to focus its attention on systemic manifestations of discrimination and ratcheted up pressure on governmental entities to accept responsibility for eradicating prejudice against
buraku
residents. During the postwar years, much of Japan experienced improvements as the country went through a period of rapid economic growth. Progress rarely extended to
buraku
areas, however. National surveys revealed significant gaps between the general population and
buraku
residents, who experienced higher levels of poverty exacerbated by high unemployment and low educational attainment. Moreover, social prejudice against those residing in
buraku
districts continued to manifest itself in areas such as marriage and employment discrimination.
Central America Solidarity Movement
Authors: Erickson Nepstad Sharon
Published: January 2013

The Central America Solidarity movement emerged in the early 1980s when US citizens sought ways to support Nicaraguans, Salvadorans, and Guatemalans who were fighting for human rights, economic justice, and democratic freedoms. Solidarity activists also worked to obstruct US political, economic, and military intervention in Central America.