bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Progress of Greek Epigraphy, 1935–1936
Authors: Tod Marcus N.
Published: May 2006

Once again I attempt, not without some trepidation, the task of surveying briefly the work done during the past two years in the field of Greek epigraphy, following the same order and observing the same principles as in my previous bibliographies. I include some specially valuable reviews published in 1937 of books issued in 1935 or 1936; on the other hand, I omit certain works which, though bearing the date 1936, were not actually issued, or at least did not become accessible to me, until 1937 was well advanced. As before, I mark with an asterisk books or articles of which I have only a second-hand knowledge. Once more I express my heartiest thanks to all scholars who have facilitated my task by sending me copies of their works.

Death has taken a sadly heavy toll in the ranks of Greek epigraphists during the two years under review; among the more serious losses are those of A. von Premerstein, E. Preuner, G. Glotz, J. Geffcken, H. Collitz, E. Pridik, P. Orsi, R. Heberdey, A. B. West, T. Wiegand and P. Wolters. Happily, some of the veterans are left to us with undiminished vigour and ever accumulating experience, such as A. Wilhelm and F. Hiller von Gaertringen, whose impress will remain indelibly printed on epigraphical studies: both of these attained their doctoral jubilees in 1936, and the latter has added to the history of those studies an autobiographical chapter which is as valuable as it is modest.
On the Occurrence of tin in Asia Minor and in the Neighbourhood of Egypt
Authors: von Bissing F. W.
Published: May 2006

I have read with great interest Prof. Sayce's discussion on the home of the Keftiu in the previous part of the JHS., and I am glad to see that on the whole he shares Mr. Wainwright's views, which I myself believe to be correct, if only we admit the possibility that Cretans may have been included under the term during a short period. Prof. Sayce definitely states, in opposition to Mr. Wainwright, that no tin is found in Asia Minor. He seems not to be aware that in the Sitzb. Kgl. Bayer. Ak. d. W., Ph. Hist. Kl. 1911, 6, pp. 6 ff., I have quoted Hintze, Handbuch d. Mineralogie, I, pp. 1678 ff., where it is stated (p. 1702) that at Eskishehir, in Central Asia Minor, tin had been found quite recently and that the mines were exploited under the old Turkish government. Prof. Rothpletz, the well-known authority on alpine geology and mineralogy, at that time of the University of Munich, added that there was every chance of tin occurring as ‘Seifenzinn’ or ‘Stromzinn’ on Sinai and in the desert between Assuan and the Red Sea.
The Paradox of the Prometheus Vinctus
Authors: Farnell Lewis R.
Published: May 2006

The student of Greek religion has no more difficult problem to face than that of the Prometheus Vinctus. In previous writings I had always evaded it, because I had not found any solution and I hoped that there might be one. Failing to find anything satisfactory myself or in the writings of others, I have spoken of it in the title of this paper as a paradox rather than a problem. And I am only now setting down my thoughts on it in outline, because I do not find that the religious difficulties of that play are appreciated in their full gravity either by the commentators or by the writers on Greek religion.

The play is unique among (a) the dramas of the Attic stage, (b) the literature of Greece, (c) the religious literature of the world. The truth of the first two statements can be proved by a rapid glance through the existing and recorded literature of Greece, especially through the products of the Attic drama.
The Centenary of the Archaeological Society of Athens
Authors: Miller W.
Published: May 2006

The Archaeological Society of Athens was founded on 6th January, 1837 (O.S.); but the celebration of its Centenary was postponed till 23rd October, 1938, so as not to clash with that of the Centenary of the University, which was celebrated last year. Delegates from many countries were present, including four British representatives: Mr. Gerard M. Young, director of the British Archaeological School, who represented that institution, the University of Cambridge and the Society of Antiquaries; Dr. William Miller, who represented the British Academy; Mr. R. D. Barnett, who represented the British Museum and the Hellenic Society; and Dr. Routh, who represented the University of London. The programme began with a meeting in the Parthenon, where the King and the Prime Minister spoke, and M. Oikonomos, general secretary of the Society, gave an interesting summary of its history. It is characteristic of the Greeks that barely three years after Athens became the capital, they thought of such intellectual things as University education and archaeology, including, first of all, the preservation of their ancient monuments, to which attention had been paid even during the War of Independence by the National Assemblies of Troizen and Argos, and for which a museum was founded at Aegina by Capo d'Tstria, and in the Theseion by the Royal Government in !835, while in 1837 Ludwig Ross was appointed the first professor of Archaeology at the University. M. Oikonomos recalled another characteristic fact, that a Macedonian, established in Vienna, Baron Belios, was at the head of the 67 founders of the Society, the first organisation of which was drawn up by Alexander Rhangabes.
On Anaximander's Figures
Authors: Dicks D. R.
Published: May 2006

In a highly speculative article in the last issue of this Journal, D. O'Brien takes me to task for ‘thoughtless simplification of Kahn, Anaximander and the Origins of Greek Cosmology 88 n. 2, cf. 68’, and for saying (JHS lxxxvi [1966] 36), in relation to the figures used by Tannery in his hypothetical reconstruction of Anaximander's astronomical system, that ‘only 27 in the series has any textual authority’ (O'Brien, op. cit. 120 n. 44). O'Brien does this in such a way as to suggest that I am unaware that the figures 28 and 19 are also recorded in the doxographical tradition, and to infer that my ‘judgment has perhaps been coloured’ by this.
Groups of Apulian Red-Figured Vases Decorated With Heads of Women or of Nike
Authors: Cambitoglou A.
Published: May 2006

The material here discussed is far from being exhaustive, since it seems to me that a careful study would yield further groups of vases of this class. I use the word ‘groups’ for safety; I am not sure that some of the pieces which I put together were not produced by a single painter.

Some of the vases are attributed according to the style of only a part of their decoration. Thus London F285 is attributed to the Stoke-on-Trent group because of the reverse, which has no stylistic connexion with the obverse and the head of Nike on the neck.

When I mention proveniences I rely on second-hand information, but I notice that vases which I put under the same heading because of their common style are often cited as having been found in the same area. In my classification of the vases according to shapes, when possible I follow Beazley in ARV.

I do not find it easy to decide on the date of these groups in the absence of external evidence or any information on the conditions in which they were found. Stylistically none of them could be earlier than 350 B.C., and as the extensive use of white-gold colour and the clumsiness of the drawing could hardly have appeared earlier than the Darius painter, I should be inclined to place them late in the fourth century.

For a few general remarks on the representation of human heads by themselves in the last phase of Attic, Campanian, Apulian, and Etruscan red-figured vases see Beazley, EVP, p. 10.
Trojan Leap and Pyrrhic Dance in Euripides' Andromache 1129–41
Authors: Borthwick E. K.
Published: May 2006

Neoptolemus, after defensive action with his shield against the missiles of the Delphians, decides to break away from the altar and try to escape—making in so doing ‘the well-known Trojan leap’, as Euripides says. This phrase plainly implies knowledge of a notorious incident of such a sort, associated, one might presume, with Neoptolemus himself. The schol, ad loc. however refers to a leap made by Achilles from the invasion ship on to Trojan soil, when a fountain of water shot up at the place he landed with his prodigious jump. This incident may be alluded to in El. 439, where the invasion fleet is said to have brought In later literature the legend is confirmed by Lycophron Alex. 245 (with schol.) and Antimachus fr. 59, where The fact that Antimachus uses a simile which resembles of the Delphians in the Andromache might also be thought to connect the two passages, but the image is a common one and Antimachus seems to borrow more directly from Achilles' leap on Hector in Il. xxii 138–9

But although this explanation of ‘the Trojan leap’ is plausible enough, and Norwood in his edition observes ‘obviously Neoptolemus leaping down from the altar suggests Achilles leaping down from the ship’, there is also evidence for a Trojan leap of Neoptolemus himself, and if this story (like the leap to shore of Achilles) came from a familiar Epic Cycle account of the war at Troy, it would be reasonable to suppose that Euripides had in mind an incident involving Neoptolemus rather than his father.
Aeschylus in Sicily
Authors: Herington C. J.
Published: May 2006

Time has done almost its worst with the cultural and social history of Western Greece in the period from Hieron's succession in 478 to the death of Aeschylus in 456. It has left us no complete work by any Western Greek author; and for a chronicler of the period it has been able to do nothing better than a Diodorus Siculus. As a result, most of those details in the picture that are not missing are obscure. Close observation is fruitless, except only at one or two points where there still falls the brilliant but fugitive light of a Pindaric ode. Even so, if we step far enough back, a general composition emerges about which, I believe, there will not be much disagreement.

This was a precocious culture, largely called into being by artificial means, and hence short-lived. But while it lived it anticipated in many ways the culture and the problems of Old Greece a generation and more later. Here already was at least one city-state swollen to outsize proportions, with a fluid population for which the moral and social patterns of the close-knit archaic community must inevitably have been losing their meaning. Here already was that violent confrontation of old and new, tradition and free inquiry, which is more familiar to us from the Athens of the late fifth century, from the time of Euripides, Socrates and Aristophanes. There is a religious background of essentially rather primitive mortuary beliefs—that whole region, of course, is the demesne of the Two Goddesses—though these beliefs themselves are taking on new and far from primitive shapes in the minds of the Pythagoreans and their associates. In abrupt contrast to them stand the utterly modern and sophisticated minds of the native Epicharmus and the immigrant Xenophanes; and half-way between there is a Sicilian who embodies in one man the contradictions of the epoch: Empedocles, poet and scientist, author (to the consternation of the learned in modern times) both of the Περὶ Φύσεως and of the Καθαρμοί. The same time, in Syracuse, sees the beginnings of a school of rhetoric—rhetoric, carrying in itself all those fearsome questions as to the relation between the word and the thing, between beauty and truth, which were to perplex Plato well into the fourth century.
Greek Mosaics: A Postscript
Authors: Robertson Martin
Published: May 2006

These notes supplement and correct my article ‘Greek Mosaics’ in JHS lxxxv (1965) 72–89 (hereafter GM).

I. Additions:

Miss Elizabeth Ramsden, who is making a corpus of Roman mosaics in Greece, has drawn my attention to three important pebble-mosaics omitted from my survey. I am most grateful to her for this, and for permission to use her descriptions and photographs, reproduced in plates XXIII and XXIV. I am also very grateful to Professor Orlandos for permission to publish the photographs of the mosaic in Sicyon, no. 1; and to the late Dr. N. Verdelis for permission to publish those of the fragment in Athens, no 3. I know these two floors only from photographs and descriptions; nos. 2 and 4 only from the publications.

1. Sicyon Museum, from Sicyon (Kiaton). Found by Professor Orlandos in 1940 and published by him in Praktika 1941, fig. 6 (see also BCH 1940/1 241, fig. 7). Here, plate XXIV. 2.80 × 2.80 m (without entry-panel); blue-black and white pebbles, with a few red.
A Vase-Fragment from La Monédière
Authors: Beazley J. D.
Published: May 2006

The fragment reproduced on Plate I (a) was found on the plateau of La Monédière (Hérault). I am greatly indebted to the owner, Mr. René Majurel of Coulommiers (Seine et Marne), for the photograph, for his kind permission to publish it, and for very precise information about the fragment itself. It is Attic work of about 450 B.C., by the Painter of the Woolly Satyrs. Height 5½ centimetres, breadth the same: our illustration is about twice the actual size. The shape of the vase is uncertain: the wall is thin, and convex; inside the surface is covered with bands of diluted glaze, lustreless, varying from brownish to sanguine; except the uppermost fifth, which is reserved. Possibly an oinochoe?
The Date of the Ephesian Foundation-Deposit
Authors: Jacobsthal Paul
Published: May 2006

Nearly fifty years have passed since Hogarth wrote, and it would be useful and pleasing to comment afresh on the votive offerings from the Artemisium, this treasure of gold and silver, of ivory and amber, with a touch of the gynaikonitis and the East. My purpose is narrower: a study of the objects from the Basis, and narrower still, their chronological implications for the date of the coins found with them. These coins are the only ones from the excavation found in what might be called a closed context. They can in principle be later than their latest co-finds; they can be earlier than the earliest, but it is reasonable to assume that they are contemporary with the majority of the objects associated with them.

A few objects were found outside the Basis under stratigraphical conditions which make their inferior limit of time almost as certain as that of the objects from the Basis, and many pieces from outside resemble Basis types so closely that they can with certainty be dated to the same period (Hogarth p. 235): I think it, however, prudent and safe to leave these, where possible, on one side and to keep to the specimens from the Basis.

The objects from the Basis are almost all of them of the seventh century B.C., a very few are later, and one piece only is possibly of the eighth century, pl. 4. 34. It is silver, gold-plated, ‘most probably detached from a hilt’ (Hogarth p. 114). The description gives no clear idea of technique and purpose: it is too small fora hilt. The decoration consists of engraved zigzags and compass-drawn ‘wheels’: these are no indication of an early date, as they still occur as border-decoration of the chiton of an acroterion figure from the Acropolis, but the whole somehow recalls those aimless designs on Late Geometric bronze sheets from Argos (Waldstein pls. 103, 104).
Koes
Authors: Ure A. D.
Published: May 2006

Among the fairly numerous Boeotian kantharoi with decoration in applied white on black there is a small class of mid-fifth century date, some painted with a garland only, others with figures. My husband drew attention to this small group nearly forty years ago when discussing the undecorated black kantharoi of this shape found at Rhitsona. He knew three vases with figures. The first was the well-known kantharos in Brussels published originally by Graindor and now appearing again in the third fascicule of the Belgian section of the Corpus Vasorum. On each side is a σκευοφόρος carrying on his shoulder a yoke from which two baskets are suspended. The painter has shown us the contents of one of the baskets. It is a consignment of pottery—two kantharoi, six kylikes, and two plates are visible. The vase thus provides an apt illustration of the φορτίον that the Boeotian in the Acharnians might have taken back from Athens and of the sycophant's uncomfortable mode of travel. The second, in the Römisch-Germanisches Museum in Cologne, shows a hoplite advancing.
Archaeology in Greece, 1949–1950
Authors: Cook J. M.
Published: May 2006

It is a pleasure to record this year that the promise of more substantial results held out in the previous slender reports from Greece has not been disappointed, and that the discoveries made in the latter part of 1949 and the year 1950 challenge comparison with any prewar years. The Archaeological Society has undertaken a number of new excavations in different parts of the country and has already achieved some remarkable successes. The foreign Schools have not lessened their endeavours; the Italian School has resumed its activity in the field, and the French have supplemented their achievements on land by commencing a systematic investigation of inshore waters. The Herákleion Museum is now open again. In Eleusis and Tegea the museums are being reconstituted, and that at Sparta has been reopened; the Hermes of Praxiteles has been brought above ground again at Olympia. A new wing comprising an exhibition gallery and workrooms has been added to the Corinth Museum. The museum in Thera is to be set in order, and the archaeological collection at Syra has been re-assembled in the Town Hall. In Athens, there are now six exhibition galleries open in the National Museum with a splendid selection which ranges from early Hellenic to the fourth century B.C.; a new gallery has been constructed in the Byzantine Museum to hold select exhibits, and a library and rooms for study are being fitted out in the cellars of the main building there. Under Prof. A. Orlandos' direction many Byzantine churches and monasteries which needed attention have been put in order in the last year.
Odysseus in Italy
Authors: Phillips E. D.
Published: May 2006

Among the post-homeric traditions of Odysseus' wanderings the most persistent and circumstantial group is that which places such decisive adventures as the visits to Circe and the underworld in Italy. His wanderings were indeed located at various times in many other parts of the Mediterranean and even beyond it, but none of these locations was felt in antiquity to have so much authority as those which connected him with Campania and sometimes with Etruria. How the two main branches of the Italian tradition are related is a further problem. The Italian location might appear as from the first the obvious and natural result of Greek colonisation within the historic period beginning with the eighth century; certainly many of the later developments must be derived from this source. There is also the likelihood that the Greeks in Italy and Sicily brought with them not merely theIliadand theOdysseyand the cyclic epics in some form, but also other traditions of Odysseus from western and southern Greece which were independent of the Ionian epic. Scholars have often regarded the historic colonists as the originators of all the Italian lore of Odysseus, and have connected with them, in their earliest generations, those passages of theOdysseywhich suggest real acquaintance with Italy or Sicily, assuming them to be later than the rest. This is not the place for a critical discussion of late books or interpolations in theOdyssey; it will simply be assumed that not all the material of Homer, as material, was of the same date, and that there was much other matter, not used in Homer, which was as old as any that was included. Some of this matter, since Odysseus' home was near the limits of the Greek world, may also have been imperfectly Greek from the first, and not all of its carriers need have been Greeks.
Aristotle's Use of Medicine as Model of Method in his Ethics
Authors: Jaeger Werner
Published: May 2006

Philosophy, in general, moves in a sphere of abstraction, and its statements claim to be necessary and of universal validity. The reader therefore expects them to appeal directly to his reason, and he does not normally reflect much on the time and historical conditions that determined what the philosopher took for granted. It is only in this age of historical consciousness that we have come to appreciate these factors more readily, and the great thinkers of the past appear to us more or less closely related to the culture of their age. The writings of Plato and Aristotle in particular are for us an inexhaustible source of information about Greek society and civilisation. This is true also in regard to the relation of Greek philosophy to the science of its time, and this is of special importance for our understanding. That relation can be traced throughout Aristotle's logical, physical, and metaphysical works; but the influence of other sciences and arts is no less evident in his ethics. In this paper I propose to examine the numerous references to medicine that occur in the Nicomachean Ethics. They are mostly concerned with the question of the best method of treating this subject. The problem of the right method is always of the utmost importance for Aristotle. The discussion of it begins on the first page of the Ethics, where he tries to give a definition of the subject of this course of lectures and attributes it to a philosophical discipline that he calls ‘politics’. He does so in agreement with the Platonic tradition. We can trace it back to one of the dialogues of Plato's first period, the Gorgias, in which the Platonic Socrates for the first time pronounces his postulate of a new kind of philosophy, the object of which ought to be the care of the human soul (φυχῆς θεραπεία). He assigns this supreme task to ‘political art’, even though it does not fulfil this function at present.
Plato as a Natural Scientist
Authors: Lloyd G. E. R.
Published: May 2006

Widely differing opinions have been expressed on Plato's place in the history of Greek science, as on many other features of his work. The view that Plato's attitude and influence were nothing short of disastrous for science has been widespread. Platt, for instance, put it that ‘Plato, being first and foremost a metaphysician with a sort of religious system, would not have us study anything but metaphysics and a kind of mystic religion’. Dampier-Whetham believed that ‘Plato was a great philosopher, but in the history of experimental science he must be counted a disaster’. In hisHistory of Ancient GeographyJ. O. Thomson spoke of Plato's ‘positive contempt for observation, upon which natural science rests’, and in his influential book onGreek ScienceFarrington put it that ‘from the scientific point of view theTimaeusis an aberration’.

On the other side Plato has found almost as many defenders from among those who were primarily philosophers, or philosophers of science, or even practising physicists, as from among the specialist Greek scholars themselves. In such books asScience and the Modern World(1926) andAdventures of Ideas(1933) Whitehead granted that Plato was responsible for diverting interest from the observation of particular facts in physical science, but suggested that ‘Plato had another message … An intense belief that a knowledge of mathematical relations would prove the key to unlock the mysteries of the relatedness within Nature was ever at the back of Plato's cosmological speculations’. There is a sense, then, in which ‘Plato and Pythagoras stand nearer to modern physical science than does Aristotle’. In 1927 Shorey quoted Whitehead and substantially developed this line of interpretation in his paper ‘Platonism and the History of Science’, still probably the most outspoken vindication of Plato's reputation as a scientist.
Derived Light and Eclipses in the Fifth Century
Authors: O'Brien D.
Published: May 2006

In a study earlier in this volume, ‘The Relation of Anaxagoras and Empedocles’, pp. 93–113, I listed the ancient evidence to the effect that Anaxagoras first gave the correct explanation of an eclipse, and that he was followed in this by Empedocles. A more extensive examination of the evidence raises certain difficulties. For what are, or might appear to be, Anaxagoras' theories are attributed elsewhere to earlier thinkers.

There are two principal elements in this contradiction, the one direct and the other indirect.

1. There is a direct contradiction when Thales, Anaximenes and some Pythagoreans are said to have given the correct explanation of an eclipse, at least if we suppose the Pythagoreans in question to have been earlier than Anaxagoras.

2. There has been thought to be an indirect contradiction when several thinkers before Anaxagoras are said to have derived the moon's light from the sun. For a theory of derived light for the moon has been thought, whether rightly or wrongly, to entail the correct explanation of an eclipse.

In what follows I shall attempt to solve these, and some other incidental difficulties.
Homer's Wild She-Mules
Authors: Devereux G.
Published: May 2006

Hellenists still debate whether the ‘wild she-mules’ (ἡμιόνων γένος ἀγροτεράων) of theIliad(ii 852) are domestic mules or wild equidae.

The problem is further complicated by the fact that the ancients did not seem to differentiate adequately between the true wild ass and the wild hemione, although, according to Hančar's authoritative book—which incorporates the findings of modern zoology—the two are definitely distinct. There is, furthermore, a great deal of plausibility in Keller's statement that the ancients did not always differentiate properly even between wild horses and wild hemiones. In fact, the only author who seems to have had more than an inkling that there is a difference between wild asses and hemiones is Aristotle (Historia Animaliumvi 36=580b). Even the distinction between wild species and the domestic mule is sometimes so blurred that only the report that a ‘mule’ had a foal enables one to decide that the animal is a domesticated hemione or wild ass. Under these conditions little help can be derived from nomenclature, though, for the sake of completeness, we will indicate whether the animal is called hemionos, onos agrios, onagros, asinus ferus, or mula.
Personal Freedom and its Limitations in the Oresteia
Authors: Hammond N. G. L.
Published: May 2006

There has been a tendency in recent studies of Aeschylus to exalt Zeus or Fate into a position of supremacy from which they dictate and determine the actions and the conditions of men. The argument of this paper is that Aeschylus believed men to be free in taking some actions and at the same time recognised the limitations which circumscribe the conditions of men. This argument is developed through a study of the issues which Aeschylus set forth in theOresteia, and it leads on to an analysis of the meaning of Moira and of the extent of human responsibility.

I take as a starting point Professor H. Lloyd-Jones' interpretation of the guilt of Agamemnon. It expresses the exaltation of Zeus and the powerlessness of man in a precise and striking manner. In his view Agamemnon had no choice when he was faced with the demand for the sacrifice of his daughter at Aulis; and even if he had had a choice he could not have exercised it, because his power of judgement was taken away by Zeus. As Lloyd-Jones puts it, ‘Zeus is indeed determined that the fleet must sail; Agamemnon has indeed no choice. But how has Zeus chosen to enforce his will?…by sending Ate to take away his judgement so that he cannot do otherwise.’ Lloyd-Jones sees the same thing happen when Agamemnon is asked by Clytemnestra to walk on the purple carpet. ‘Zeus has taken away his wits. But why has Zeus done so? For the same reason as at Aulis; because of the curse.’ Agamemnon is seen as a puppet, of which the strings are pulled by Zeus. But Agamemnon is only one figure in what Lloyd-Jones describes as ‘the grand design of Zeus’.
Orientals in Alexander's Army
Authors: Badian E.
Published: May 2006

This note is meant to comment on a point arising out of P. A. Brunt's and G. T. Griffith's articles on Alexander's cavalry (JHSlxxxiii (1963) 27 fr. (at 42 ff.) and 68 ff.). In the course of their arguments, they examine two passages in which Arrian lists the grievances which, by 324, the Macedonian soldiers felt against Alexander. Brunt examines vii 6.2 f. and comes to the conclusion that the grievances there listed were mainly recent, and that the reorganisation of the cavalry into four (and soon five) hipparchies, as well as the admission of Orientals to them, took place after the Gedrosian disaster. Griffith examines vii 8.2 and concludes from this passage that some Orientals served inside the hipparchies during the Indian campaign. I here wish to point out that the two passages concerned need closer scrutiny.

It is important to notice that they must be taken closely together. In 6.2 f. we have (i) theepigoni; (ii) the King's ‘Medic’ dress; (iii) the Susa marriages; (iv) Peucestas' Orientalistn; (v) the integration of Orientals in the Companions (at length). In 8.2 we have (i) the King's ‘Persian’ dress; (ii) theepigoni; (iii) the integration of Orientals in the Companions (briefly). Chapter 6 is aλεγόμενον, its scene Susa; chapter 8 is from the main source (probably Ptolemy), its scene Opis. Chapter 8 leads on to the famous mutiny; chapter 6—obtrusively—fails to lead on to anything: in its place, it is a pointless interruption of the narrative.
Anapsephisis in Fifth-Century Athens
Authors: Dover K. J.
Published: May 2006

ἀναψηφίƷειν is to put to the vote for the second time an issue on which a decision has already been taken. Until recently known only from Thuc. vi 14 in pre-Aristotelian prose, the word is now shown by SEG X 38B 11–14 (v. infra) to have been not a literary coinage but a recognised procedural term. The noun *ἀναψήφισις is not yet recorded; but since a convenient way of referring to this rather complex conception is needed, I suggest that ‘anapsephisis’ should be used. I include in this conception the putting of the issue either in exactly the same terms as on the first occasion or in the form λῦσαι τὸ ψήφισμα ὃ εἶπε … περὶ …
Notes on some Attic Black-Figure Vases with Ship Representations
Authors: Williams R. T.
Published: May 2006

I had put together some conclusions I had drawn from a study of Greek ship representations on the attribution of several Attic black-figure vases, but the publication of Sir John Beazley's Attic Black-figure Vase-painters (A.B.V.) has both forestalled and corrected me. I append some comments that might still be of interest.
The Cavalry Battle at the Hydaspes
Authors: Hamilton J. R.
Published: May 2006

Alexander's battle against the Indian king, Porus, at the R. Hydaspes is in many respects the most interesting of all his set engagements. There he had to cope with a new weapon, the elephant, and few things show his military genius more clearly than the resource which he displayed in solving this difficult problem. The main outlines of the battle are clear, but, despite all that has been written, there is little agreement amongst historians regarding Alexander's tactics in the cavalry engagement which led up to the main action. The most recent treatment of the problem is that by Sir William Tarn, and it is this which has led me to examine the question more closely. Although, as will become clear, I find myself at variance with Tarn's interpretation on numerous points he has, I believe, shown that it is only by a detailed study of Arrian's text that we can arrive at a satisfactory understanding of the orders to Coenus—the hub of the matter. I intend, therefore, to re-examine Arrian's narrative and to attempt to substantiate a view of the overall strategy—particularly the part played by Coenus—radically different from that put forward by Tarn. Moreover, Tarn has subjected Arrian's account of the battle and its preliminaries to such severe criticism that it is not, I think, unfair to say that, if Tarn's interpretation of the operations is accepted, Arrian must be held to have misunderstood his source on several important points and to have failed to make Alexander's tactics intelligible. This article has, therefore, a second purpose—to demonstrate that the undoubted difficulties in Arrian's narrative, due in part to the complicated manoeuvres involved in part to the ambiguity of military terminology, do not indicate any fundamental misunderstanding of the situation by the historian.
A late sundial at Aphrodisias
Authors: Pattenden Philip
Published: May 2006

During the excavations at Aphrodisias in Caria several ancient sundials have come to light Most are only fragmentary, but one, standing as a pedestal in a paved area of the city (the post-scaenam piazza) is substantially in one piece and of considerable interest.

The dial (PLATE II) is in the form of a cylindrical pillar of marble, the upper surface of which is horizontal and stands approximately one metre above ground level. The top is slightly larger than the main body of the column because of a lip and was originally an oval of diameters 88·5 cm (east–west) and 78 cm (north–south) though the south side is broken away for perhaps one fifth of its original width. The base of the dial, 40–50 cm below pavement level, also has a similar lip, which betrays its earlier use, which was as an altar. The religious symbols have been erased—unless the crescent within a circle on its north side is one (but see below).
An Underworld Scene on a Black-figured Lekythos
Authors: Karouzou Semni
Published: May 2006

The National Museum at Athens houses many fine vases of the late black-figure and early red-figure technique, as well as the Acropolis fragments, but the display cases which perhaps attract no less attention are those containing the small Attic black-figured lekythoi. The paintings on these vases, making no claim to artistic pretensions and produced in answer to local burial needs, often echo impressions the vase-painters received from the theatre or from figures in monumental painting. It is worth noting that they were inspired not only by well-known myths but also by stories of popular belief which the painters of large vases scorned to represent. The large vases were made and painted for the Italian and Etruscan markets and had to be decorated with impressive themes. On the small lekythos which concerns us here (Plate XVIII, 1–2), we meet a unique theme which raises a host of questions and leads to a wealth of conjectures.

The picture is framed by two columns with Doric capitals. The right-hand column, which is the better drawn, spreads to a sort of base, and the painter must have imagined both columns to be of wood. Of the three female figures on either side of the weird figure in the middle, the one on the right, dressed in chiton and himation, turns her head to the left, whilst her feet point to the right. She extends her right arm imperiously, palm open, towards the central figure. The latter is distinguished from the others by the fact that her feet do not appear beneath her himation which hangs below them. Her coiffure differs from that of the others, as we shall see later.
Two New Fragments of Diogenes of Oenoanda
Authors: Smith Martin Ferguson
Published: May 2006

HK = R. Heberdey and E. Kalinka, ‘Die philosophische Inschrift von Oinoanda’ in BCH xxi (1897) 346–443.

William = J. William, Diogenis Oenoandensis fragmenta (Leipzig 1907).

Chilton = C. W. Chilton, Diogenis Oenoandensis fragmenta (Leipzig 1967).

Smith A = M. F. Smith, ‘Fragments of Diogenes of Oenoanda discovered and rediscovered’ in AJA lxxiv (1970) 51–62.

Smith B = M. F. Smith, ‘New fragments of Diogenes of Oenoanda’ in AJA lxxv (1971) 357–89.

fr. = fragment of Diogenes' inscription. Numbers are those of Chilton, unless otherwise indicated.

NF = new fragment(s) of Diogenes' inscription. NF 1–4 are in Smith A; 5–16 in Smith B; 17–18 in this article.

In May 1971 I revisited the Lycian city of Oenoanda, in search of fragments of the philosophical inscription of the Epicurean Diogenes. In 1968–69–70 I had rediscovered forty-five of the fragments found in the nineteenth century, and discovered sixteen new stones bearing about 800 words of text.

My latest investigation of the site yielded just two more new fragments, the texts of which are given infra, and though it is possible that a few more blocks of the inscription may be found without excavation, I have now searched the central part of the city systematically and thoroughly, and I should be surprised if I have overlooked many fragments lying on the surface. At the same time I am confident that a proper excavation of the site would be richly rewarded.
The Peace of Callias
Authors: Badian E.
Published: May 2006

Less than a decade ago Robin Seager wrote that further discussion of the Peace of Callias would be inexcusable. Needless to say, discussion has continued. Wherever one stands, on the problem as such, it ought to be admitted that new ideas have been put forward, or (since it seems unlikely, on a topic so much discussed, that anything new can now be said) at least old and forgotten ones have been revived and put in new perspectives. Meiggs's estimate of a special treatment to be expected every two years has stood up well enough: Klaus Meister's bibliography lists twenty special treatments between 1945 and 1982, and one (by S. Accame) appeared in the same year (1982) as Meister's own.
Pots and Pisistratan propaganda
Authors: Cook R. M.
Published: May 2006

It has become fashionable to discover political allusions in subjects painted on Attic pottery of the Archaic period. These allusions are of two kinds, not always clearly distinguished. One is deliberate party propaganda, especially for or against Pisistratus or his sons. The other, which reflects results of political action, need not have political intent: Theseus, for instance, was becoming more popular in Athens by the end of the sixth century, with official encouragement it seems, and his more frequent representation in art may be due simply to that popularity. Here I am concerned only with partisan propaganda, and particularly that concerning Pisistratus and his equation with Heracles. Though the propagandist theory has by now quite a literature, it is surprising that there has been little objection, at least in print.
Onomakles and the Alopekonnesians
Authors: Huxley G. L.
Published: May 2006

Oxyrhynchus Papyrus 3711 discusses Lesbian antiquities. In column ii lines 31 to 36 a quotation from Alkaios is followed by remarks upon Alopekonnesians who settled at Ainos. The passage quoted from Alkaios is already known (130 L.-P. 130 b 9–11 Voigt [P. Oxy. 2165, fr. 1 ii 17–19’), but the new evidence in the lemma has enabled the editor, M. W.
More light on old walls: the Theseus of the Centauromachy in the Theseion
Authors: Woodford Susan
Published: May 2006

In 1962 B. B. Shefton shed much light on the iconography of the centauromachy at the feast, and in 1972 J. P. Barron shone more light on the relationship of this iconography to the lost painting of this subject in the Theseion. Barron convincingly argued, from the evidence of early classical vase paintings and the west pediment at Olympia, that the mural painting in the Theseion was the source of this new theme, the misbehaviour of the centaurs at the wedding feast of Peirithoos, and that it was painted between 478 and 470 B.C. He further suggested that the composition was on more than one level, that it showed both the brawl at the banquet and the pitched battle outside, that the centrepiece of the scene was a pair of figures fighting back to back, and that an axe-swinger was present, among other things.

Most of these inferences seem sound, and yet it is as difficult to visualise what the painting looked like as when Robert in 1895 suggested that the fragments of a krater in Berlin reflected the centre of the composition. These fragments seem to fit Barron's criteria as well as anything else, for the composition is on several levels, two heroes fight back to back, the one on the left swings an axe, and at his feet lies the tail of a centaur, which Robert (with more optimism than proof, I think) considered to be a centaur already killed; there is even a hint of the outdoor conflict. Barron does not, however, revive Robert's suggestion—wisely, I believe—nor does he offer another. Nevertheless I think it might be worthwhile to return to the problem of what the centre of this lost mural painting may have looked like and consider why it remains so persistently elusive.
The Dating of the Aegina Pediments
Authors: Cook R. M.
Published: May 2006

The sculpture of the East pediment of the Temple of Aphaia on Aegina is usually dated between 490 and 480 B.C. This seems to me too late, to judge by the torsion of the fallen soldier of the left corner and of the stooping youth from the middle of the right side (Plate XVIb-c). In the youth there is a small turning at the waist and this is managed competently by an organic twist. In the fallen soldier, where the torsion is much greater, the change of direction is made not by a twist but by an abrupt swivel; and though the waist was partly masked by the right arm, generally the sculptors who carved this pediment did not neglect those parts of their figures which could not be seen. From this it should follow that at that time they were acquainted only partially with the revolutionary innovation of organically twisting anatomy.

In vase painting the organic twisting of the torso was mastered during the last ten or fifteen years of the sixth century. So too in relief sculpture, notably in the Ball-players relief. In free-standing sculpture symmetrically frontal poses still remained normal, but that does not mean that it was simply retarded; and pedimental figures, though in the round, generally followed the rules for reliefs, anyhow before the Parthenon.
An Island gem in Derby
Authors: Peat J. A.
Published: May 2006

The following note aims to bring the attention of scholars to a very fine seal (plate XIIa) in the collection of the Derbyshire Museum Service at Kedleston Road, Derby. My thanks are due to Mr D. Sorrell, County Museums Officer, for permission to publish this piece.

Following Boardman, the seal may be identified as an Island gem, probably from Melos, of the early sixth century BC. The seal was acquired in 1954 from a dealer, following its purchase at auction in London (of which no details are available), and now bears the catalogue number 833:6. It consists of a small piece of green serpentine, flecked with white, shaped to a lentoid form. 5·5 mm thick at the centre, tapering to 1·75 mm at the top and bottom, it is not perfectly round, the width being 17 mm and the height 17·5 mm. A hole is drilled across its width.
Vitruvius and the origin of Caryatids
Authors: Plommer Hugh
Published: May 2006

Historias autem plures novisse oportet, quod multa ornamenta saepe in operibus architecti designant, de quibus argumenti rationem cur fecerint quaerentibus reddere debent. Quemadmodum si quis statuas marmoreas muliebres stolatas, quae caryatides dicuntur, pro columnis in opere statuerit et insuper mutulos et coronas conlocaverit, percontantibus ita reddet rationem. Carya civitas Peloponnensis cum Persis hostibus contra Graeciam consensit, postea Graeci per victoriam gloriose bello liberati communi Consilio Caryatibus bellum indixerunt. Itaque oppido capto viris interfectis civitate desacrata matronas eorum in servitutem abduxerunt, nec sunt passi stolas neque ornatus matronales deponere, uti non una triumpho ducerentur sed aeterno servitutis exemplo gravi contumelia pressae poenas pendere viderentur pro civitate. Ideo qui tune architecti fuerunt aedificiis publicis designaverunt earum imagines oneri ferundo conlocatas, ut etiam posteris nota poena peccati Caryatium memoriae traderetur. Non minus Lacones, Pausania Agesipolidos filio duce, Plataico proelio pauca manu infinitum numerum exercitus Persarum cum superavissent, acto cum gloria triumpho spoliorum et praedae, porticum Persicam ex manubiis, laudis et virtutis civium indicem, victoriae posteris pro tropaeo constituerunt, ibique captivorum simulacra barbarico vestis ornatu, superbia meritis contumeliis punita, sustinentia tectum conlocaverunt, uti et hostes horrescerent, timore eorum fortitudinis effectus, et cives id exemplum virtutis aspicientes gloria erecti ad defendendam libertatem essent parati. Itaque ex eo multi statuas Persicas sustinentes epistylia et ornamenta eorum conlocaverunt, et ita ex eo argumento varietates egregias auxerunt operibus. Vitruvius,De Arch.i 4.8–5.11 Rose.
The Prometheus trilogy
Authors: West M. L.
Published: May 2006

The evidence against the Aeschylean authorship of the Prometheus is now overwhelming; or so it appears to me, considering the question without preconception and in that hebdomad of life in which, according to Solon, περὶ πἀντα καταρτύεται νὀος ἀνδρὀς. Those who still maintain that the play is by Aeschylus may probably be divided into three categories: those who have not read Mark Griffith's recent book on the subject; those who are incapable of unlearning anything they grew up believing, at any rate concerning such an important matter; and those who, while not constitutionally incapable of conversion, nor unimpressed by the evidence, yet have a rooted feeling, which they are unwilling to discount, that the play is like Aeschylus. The first group is easy to prescribe for. The second is incurable. To the third I would say that although instinct may certainly on occasion be worth a hundred arguments, its reliability as a pointer to the truth depends on its sources. When it represents a rational calculation performed by the subconscious from considerations or observations of which the conscious mind has not yet taken stock, so that upon reflection it can be put on an objective basis, well and good. There is no doubt an element of such calculation in the present case, for of course the Prometheus does have some Aeschylean features.
The Bird Cataractes
Authors: Hall J.J.
Published: May 2006

Mr J. K. Anderson, in his recent note ‘Stymphalian and other birds’ refers to a modern account of Pelicans in Florida being injured by diving upon fish fastened to boards floating just below the surface of the water, and compares it with the statement of Dionysius lxeuticon iii 22) that the ancients took the bird named Cataractes by means of fish painted upon floating planks, upon which the birds dived. He then quotes with approval a suggestion by the referee of JHS that only birds which dive from the air, like Terns and Pelicans, could be caught in this way; that Terns would be too small to be worth catching; and that Cataractes in Dionysius' statement must therefore be a Pelican.
Blindness and limits: Sophokles and the logic of myth
Authors: Buxton R. G. A.
Published: May 2006

To generalize about Aischylos is difficult; to generalize about Euripides is almost impossible; but to generalize about Sophokles is both possible and potentially rewarding. With Sophokles—or, rather, with the Sophokles of the seven fully extant tragedies—we can sense a mood, a use of language, and a style of play-making (‘dramatic technique’) which are largely shared by all seven works. Of these characteristics it is surely the mood which contains the quintessence of Sophoklean tragedy. My aim in the first section of this paper will be to open the way to an appreciation of that mood by following up one of the most important motifs in Sophokles: blindness. In the second section the scope of the enquiry will be widened: I shall show that, in using the blindness motif, Sophokles was drawing on a theme which was fundamental to a large number of mythical narratives told by Greeks from the time of Homer to that of Pausanias, and beyond. In the final section we shall return to Sophokles, placing him this time not against the background of the whole Greek mythical tradition but rather within the specific context of the fifth century B.C., and attempting to overhear the individual dramatic ‘voice’ used by him as he explored the implications of blindness.