bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Chapter 14: Contrary Beliefs
Authors: Whitaker C. W. A.
Published: October 2003

The investigation of contradictory pairs has so far dealt only with assertions. Now we see the study turn to the relation between utterances and thoughts, established in Ch. 1. Aristotle questions which beliefs are contrary to each other, that is, which are the most opposite possible. He argues that the deepest error on a subject is to hold the belief that contradicts it exactly. Contrary beliefs are expressed by assertions that contradict each other. Therefore, if we demonstrate that a certain assertion expresses an erroneous belief, we have shown that it is contradictory must be accepted as true. This is refutation, the goal of all dialectical argument. In this chapter, then, Aristotle establishes the vital principle on which dialectic, and all the work of the Topics, rests. This final chapter of the De Interpretatione thus acts as the summation of the treatise, demonstrating the importance of the study of contradiction for dialectic.
Conclusion
Authors: Whitaker C. W. A.
Published: October 2003

By reading the De Interpretatione closely and in order, we see that the work is not a series of detached episodes but a coherent whole, dedicated to the study of contradictory pairs of assertions. The treatise begins by discussing the necessary preliminaries, including the name, verb, and assertion (Chs. 1 to 6), before moving on to examine contradictory pairs of many kinds, including three classes in which RCP (the rule that one member is always true and the other false) is violated (Chs. 7 to 9). The study of contradiction in the De Interpretatione is central to dialectic, establishing the limits beyond which dialectical question and answer must not go, showing how to arrange assertions into their correct contradictory pairs, and finally proving why it is that contradiction underpins refutation, the goal of all dialectical argument.
Christ as the Uniquely Graced Man in Theodore and Nestorius
Authors: Fairbairn Donald
Published: October 2003

This chapter finds that Theodore of Mopsuestia and Nestorius understand salvation as the human ascent from the current imperfect age to a perfect future age (the second katastasis), and grace is God's gift of indwelling, aid, and co‐operation in that ascent. Christ is the supreme example of this co‐operative grace and is divine in the sense that he is indwelt by God the Son in a unique way. As this uniquely graced man, Christ is the one who blazes the trail for Christians, who then follow him in the ascent to the future age.
Grace as the Sharing of Divine Communion in Cyril's Early Writings
Authors: Fairbairn Donald
Published: October 2003

This chapter deals with Cyril of Alexandria's writings prior to the Nestorian controversy and asserts that Cyril sees salvation as God's action through the incarnation to rescue humanity from a predicament it could not escape. Grace is primarily God's giving himself to humanity through Christ, and the chapter analyses the various aspects of himself God shares with people. The chapter argues that grace is pre‐eminently God's giving humanity divine sonship by sharing the communion he has within himself, between the persons of the Trinity. The heart of the chapter is an extended discussion of two Greek terms (idios and oikeiotes) that Cyril uses to describe both the difference between Christ's sonship and ours, and the way God shares this communion with us.
Grace as Deepening Communion With God in Cassian's Monastic Writings
Authors: Fairbairn Donald
Published: October 2003

This chapter deals with Cassian's monastic writings and rejects the typical scholarly view that Cassian understands salvation as a ladder leading to union with God and that grace is simply God's help in enabling the monk to ascend this ladder. Instead, the chapter shows that for Cassian, union with God is not an absorption into the divine, but rather it is communion with God. Furthermore, the chapter argues that God has given the Christian this communion at conversion and that the monk seeks to deepen and appreciate it more fully. The chapter concludes by reflecting on the implications of this reading of Cassian.
Grace and the Logos' Double Birth in the Early Church
Authors: Fairbairn Donald
Published: October 2003

In the light of the book's treatment of grace and christology, this chapter argues that the central issue in patristic christology was not whether Christ was one person or two or whether one spoke of one nature or two, but whether God the Son was personally present on earth through the incarnation. The chapter asserts that the key phrase expressing this issue was the ‘double birth’ of the Logos. Those who insisted that God the Son must be and was personally present insisted that the Logos was born twice (of the Father eternally and of Mary in time). This chapter looks briefly at John Chrysostom, John of Antioch, Celestine, Leo, and the Chalcedonian Definition and concludes that belief in the double birth of the Logos was the faith of the entire Church in the fifth century, with only a small handful of dissenters.
Reflective Democracy
Authors: Goodin Robert E.
Published: October 2003

Democracy used to be seen as a relatively mechanical matter of merely adding up everyone's votes in free and fair elections. That mechanistic model has many virtues, among them allowing democracy to ‘track the truth’, where purely factual issues are all that is at stake. Political disputes invariably mix facts with values, however, and then it is essential to listen to what people are saying rather than merely note how they are voting. The great challenge is how to implement that deliberative ideal among millions of people at once. In this book, Goodin offers a solution: ‘democratic deliberation within’. Building on models of ordinary conversational dynamics, he suggests that people simply imagine themselves in the position of various other people they have heard or read about and ask, ‘What would they say about this proposal’? Informing the democratic imaginary then becomes the key to making deliberations more reflective—more empathetic, more considered, and more expansive across time and distance. After an introductory chapter, the book has eleven further chapters arranged in three sections: Preference Democracy (two chapters); Belief Democracy (four chapters); and Value Democracy (five chapters, including a conclusion).
Negotiating Beliefs
Authors: Goodin Robert E.
Published: October 2003

This is the first of four chapters on belief democracy, and discusses democratic bargaining in relation to beliefs. Disputes over beliefs sometimes get resolved through persuasion, but in the real world of democratic politics, more are resolved through negotiation; each person still believes the truth of the proposition they originally advocated, but each sees the need to ‘get on with it’, so all agree to treat certain propositions ‘as if true’, for the particular purposes at hand. The latter process is what is called here ‘bargaining over beliefs’, and the aim in this chapter is to show that that is a form of bargaining, on a par with any other, in ways that economists and democratic theorists inspired by them can and should take on board. Ordinarily, many different modes of bargaining are intertwined, and the presence of the more familiar forms (‘bargaining over distributions’ or ‘over values’) blinds us to the presence of less familiar ones (‘bargaining over beliefs’); in the different cases analysed in this chapter, in order to bracket out these confounding factors, the focus is on situations in which familiar forms of bargaining seem necessarily absent. Even there, however, it is shown that bargaining of a sort might still occur; moreover, the sort of ‘bargaining over beliefs’ identified in those atypical situations is not confined to them alone, since elements of it can also be perceived to be at work in more common sorts of social and political bargaining.
Democracy as a Bayesian Persuader
Authors: Goodin Robert E.
Published: October 2003

Shows how Bayesian thinking should make democratic outcomes so rationally compelling. Bayes's formula provides a mathematical expression for specifying exactly how we ought rationally to update our a priori beliefs in light of subsequent evidence, and the proposal is that voters are modelled in like fashion: votes, let us suppose, constitute (among other things) ‘reports’ of the voter's experiences and perceptions; further suppose that voters accord ‘evidentiary value’ to the reports they receive from one another through those votes; and further suppose that voters are rational, and that part and parcel of their being rational is being prepared to revise their opinions in light of further evidence (including evidence emanating from one another's votes‐cum‐reports). In this process, each of us treats our own experiences and perceptions as one source of evidence, and regards our own report as right; in that sense, we are perfectly sincere when we vote in a particular way, although we also acknowledge that our own experiences and perspectives are particular and peculiar, and hence our own perceptions are themselves inconclusive; because of that, voters striving to behave rationally should sincerely want to adjust their a priori beliefs in the light of all other experiences and perceptions that are reported at an election. Bayesian updating of that sort may well lead people who started out believing (and voting) one way to end up believing (and genuinely wanting implemented) the opposite way, just so long as sufficiently many votes‐cum‐reports point in that different direction; in other words, Bayesian reasoning can, and in politically typical cases ought to, provide people with a compelling reason to accede to the majority verdict. In this way, Bayesianism ‘rationalizes’ majority rule in a pretty strong sense; indeed if anything, it underwrites majoritarianism too strongly.
Democratic Deliberation Within
Authors: Goodin Robert E.
Published: October 2003

The focus of deliberative democrats is ordinarily on deliberation in its ‘external‐collective’ aspect, but deliberation also has an ‘internal‐reflective’ aspect to it, which consists of the weighing of reasons for and against a course of action; in that sense, it can and ultimately must take place within the head of each individual, even in external‐collective settings. Deliberative democrats suppose that outcomes will be democratically legitimate only in so far as they emerge through external‐collective processes of deliberation involving a free and equal exchange among everyone who will be affected by them, and that ideal seems eminently feasible in small‐scale societies, but in large‐scale mass societies, they are not and cannot be. The challenge facing deliberative democrats is thus to find some way of adapting their deliberative ideals to large‐scale society, where it is not feasible to arrange face‐to‐face discussions across the entire community; solutions to that problem are not easily found. After briefly surveying various flawed attempts to rescue external‐collective forms of deliberative democracy from the problems of time, numbers, and distance, the author offers a counterproposal: that we ease the burdens of deliberative democracy in mass society by altering our focus from the ‘external‐collective’ to the ‘internal‐reflective’ mode, shifting much of the work of democratic deliberation to within the head of each individual; deliberation, on this account, is less a matter of making people ‘conversationally present’ and more a matter of making them ‘imaginatively present’ in the minds of deliberators. The different sections of the chapter are: Two Types of Deliberation; Unsuccessful Adaptations—[of deliberative democracy in large‐scale mass societies]; Another Approach: Deliberation Within; Dangers of Internal Deliberation; Informing the Democratic Imagination; and From Democratic Deliberation to Democratic Legitimacy.
Representing Excluded Interests
Authors: Goodin Robert E.
Published: October 2003

Democratic inclusion used to be regarded as mainly a matter of expanding the franchise: if democracy was viewed as a merely mechanical process of taking a vote, aggregating votes, and declaring a winner, all that had to be done was to bring everyone in, give them a vote and let them look after themselves in the ensuing electoral fray. However, as concerns with social exclusion have broadened, faith in that simplistic model of democratic inclusion has waned. Mere inclusion, as per the mechanistic model of aggregative democracy, is not enough to meet all the new concerns—some affected interests will always be left out through those sorts of processes. The author argues that ‘democratic deliberation within’ offers the best way—and with the necessarily mute interests discussed in the next chapter, the only way—to address those new democratic concerns. The different sections of the chapter are: The Importance of Inclusion; Underlying Intuitions; The Hidden Costs of Inclusion Talk; The Political Functions of Inclusion Talk; Toward a Non‐Exclusive Concept of Political Authority; and ‘Democratic Deliberation Within’ as a Concomitant, and a Substitute.
Environmental Justice and the New Pluralism
Authors: Schlosberg David
Published: October 2003

In this first ever theoretical treatment of the environmental justice movement, David Schlosberg demonstrates the development of a new form of ‘critical’ pluralism, in both theory and practice. Taking into account the evolution of environmentalism and pluralism over the course of the century, Schlosberg argues that the environmental justice movement and new pluralist theories now represent a considerable challenge to both conventional pluralist thought and the practices of the major groups in the US environmental movement. Much of recent political theory has been aimed at how to acknowledge and recognize, rather than deny, the diversity inherent in contemporary life. In practice, the myriad ways people define and experience the ‘environment’ has given credence to a form of environmentalism that takes difference seriously. The environmental justice movement, with its base in diversity, its networked structure, and its communicative practices and demands, exemplifies the attempt to design political practices beyond those one would expect from a standard interest group in the conventional pluralist model. The book is arranged in four parts: I. Environmentalism and Difference: The Pluralist Challenge (two chapters); II. Critical Pluralism in Theory (two chapters); III. Environmental Justice: Critical Pluralism in Practice (two chapters); and IV. Conclusion (one chapter).
Pluralism and Difference: A Genealogy of Multiplicity
Authors: Schlosberg David
Published: October 2003

An examination is made of a genealogy of pluralist approaches to multiplicity and difference in the twentieth century, starting with William James (1976 [1912], 1977 [1909]), who began his study of pluralism with a ‘radical empiricism’ that is opposed to a more singular, monist position. James argued that our experiences of empirical events diverge, and one explanation could never encompass all of those experiences; other political pluralists (Arthur Bentley, Ernest Barker, Harold Laski, Mary Parker Follett) took James’s critique of absolutism and applied it to the state. Post-Second World War pluralists used the concept of heterogeneity in a much more constricted sense to defend and promote self-interested interest groups. However, more recently, there has been a return to multiplicities, and Donna Haraway’s (1988) description of ‘situated knowledges’ and ‘embodied objectivity’, in which she argues for ‘epistemologies of location’ where claims of knowledge can only be considered partial, resurrects James. The argument here is that a return to such original notions of pluralism helps validate the diversity of experiences and knowledges that grow out of the variety of ways we are all situated in any number of experiences, including environmental degradation.
The Politics of Networking in the Grassroots Environmental Justice Movement
Authors: Schlosberg David
Published: October 2003

The central claim of this work is that the diverse and fast-growing environmental justice movement in the United States embodies the newly emerging concepts and practices of critical pluralism, so this chapter turns to the environmental movement for examples of this in practice. Specifically, it looks at the new network structures and processes that have been adopted by grassroots environmental movements, which make connections, and create solidarity out of an understanding and respect for both differences and similarities, and work from a variety of places with a wide array of tactics. The chapter begins by exploring the value of difference (plurality) in the movement, and continues by examining the bases of the environmental justice movement in a number of pre-existing social and political networks, looking at how these networks link issues and establish alliances among diverse groups, how they form in order to deal with environmental issues of varying dimensions, and how they are structured organizationally. The author also examines some of the reasons why this form of organizing is a tactical strength, as it confronts (mirrors and maps) itself onto changing practices in capital movement and political oversight. Finally, in an initial attempt to evaluate the network form, some of the difficulties in, and criticisms of, networking as a social-movement strategy are explored.
Communicative Practices and Communicative Demands in the Environmental Justice Movement
Authors: Schlosberg David
Published: October 2003

An exploration is made of how the environmental justice movement in the United States has taken on some of the communicative and participatory demands and practices of critical pluralism. The movement has been critical of the communicative methods of the mainstream – the top-down organizational structure and its one-way nature of communication, and the lack of attention to issues of public participation in policy-making – and issues of communication have been a central focus in the development and demands of environmental justice. Accepting the diversity and the situated experiences of individuals and cultures has fostered the use of, and demand for, a variety of innovative communicative processes. Internally, the movement has attempted to employ more open discursive processes, paying particular attention to communication within and across diverse groups. Externally, the movement has made demands with regard to issues of communication and more discursive and participatory policy-making on government agencies, particularly the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA).
Environmental Justice and the Prospects for a Critical Pluralism
Authors: Schlosberg David
Published: October 2003

In concluding the book, this chapter begins an evaluation of critical pluralism in practice – begins because both critical pluralism and the environmental justice movement are young, and a thorough evaluation will have to be done over time. However, it is possible to explore at this point the successes of the model and the movement, as well as some of the possible problems that it faces now and in the future. In this initial attempt at evaluation, a number of questions are addressed about the value and sustainability of critical pluralist practice in the environmental justice movement in the United States, as well as the possibility of the expansion of such practices into the larger environmental movement.
A Child‐Centred Social Investment Strategy
Authors: Esping‐Andersen Gøsta
Published: October 2003

The introduction to this chapter considers the paradox that now that European society is ageing, it is becoming quite urgent that more is invested in the welfare of children, in contrast to the situation in the post‐war decades, when Europe was youthful and welfare policies came to focus on the elderly. An examination is then made of how welfare risks concentrate across households, focusing both on families with children generally, and on high‐risk lone parent and work‐poor households in particular. Next, the impact of family welfare on citizens’ life chances, particularly during early childhood, is addressed. Women's paid employment emerges as a key ingredient in any strategy to combat poverty in families with children, and it is noted that this calls for a much more concerted strategy of equalizing women's opportunities (discussed in the next chapter). It is nonetheless vital that any sustainable and effective policy for combating social exclusion must combine child‐, family‐, and women‐friendly policies within an integrated strategy, on which the social quality and economic efficiency of twenty‐first‐century Europe will largely depend.
The Self‐Transformation of the European Social Model(s)
Authors: Hemerijck Anton
Published: October 2003

This chapter addresses the kinds of policies that are feasible and fair in instituting new welfare state models in Europe, given the existing large differences in welfare state design and decision‐making structures across Europe. These differences are discussed, and the characteristics of the different models outlined. Further sections of the chapter discuss bounded innovation in the welfare state, and deepening social Europe through open coordination.
Knowledge and its Limits
Authors: Williamson Timothy
Published: October 2003

The book develops a conception of epistemology in which the notion of knowledge is explanatorily fundamental. It reverses the traditional programme of trying to analyse knowledge as a combination of truth, belief, and other factors, such as justification. Rather, belief is a state whose successful form is knowledge, and justification is on the basis of knowledge, which is acquainted with evidence. Knowing is as much a mental state as believing, but it is world‐involving because one can know only what is true; the book extends the externalist conception of mind from the contents of mental states to the attitudes to those contents. As with other mental states, one cannot always know whether one is in the state of knowing. It is argued that this is a special case of a much more general phenomenon; no non‐trivial conditions are such that one is always in a position to know that they obtain whenever they in fact do so. This result has disturbing implications for the nature of rationality, because one is not always in a position to know what it is rational to do. Traditional arguments for scepticism fail because they assume that one is always in a position to know what one's evidence is. The speech act of assertion is also governed by a norm of knowledge. A final chapter explores the limits on what can be known that are revealed by the so‐called paradox of knowability.
An Application
Authors: Williamson Timothy
Published: October 2003

The idea of margin for error of principles is used to analyse the Surprise Examination Paradox. Although the pupils in the story know that there will be a surprise examination, they do not know that they will know tomorrow that they will know the day after that …, because each iteration requires a further margin for error until nothing is left. A similar account is suggested for knowledge of rationality in Iterated Prisoner's Dilemma. Versions of the Surprise Examination Paradox in which the pupils know only that there will not be an expected examination are used to criticize alternative accounts of the paradox.
Sensitivity
Authors: Williamson Timothy
Published: October 2003

Philosophers such as Robert Nozick have argued that knowledge must be sensitive, in roughly the sense that if what one knew had been false, one would not have believed it. Such a counterfactual constraint has been used to explain the appeal of scepticism. This chapter argues that no version of the constraint is correct. It also criticizes the variant of Nozick's approach developed by Keith DeRose on which the standard for the application of the word ‘know’ depends on the conversational context. A version of the argument given by Hilary Putnam that if one was a brain in a vat, one could not think that one was constructed using perceptual demonstrative expressions.
Scepticism
Authors: Williamson Timothy
Published: October 2003

The chapter analyses a leading argument for scepticism, according to which one has the same evidence in one's actual case as in a sceptical scenario in which one is deceived and therefore does not know which case one is in. The sceptic's argument for the sameness of evidence depends on the idea that one must always be in a position to know what one's evidence is, but this idea is refuted by a version of the anti‐luminosity argument. Thus, we are not compelled to accept the sceptic's original argument. Appeals to indiscriminability do not help the sceptic. That we are not always in a position to know what our evidence is has unsettling implications for the nature of rationality, since it is rational to proportion belief to the evidence.
The Signification of Names
Authors: Charles David
Published: October 2003

In De Interpretatione, Aristotle offers an account of the conditions under which a term like ‘man’ signifies the kind man. This involves, in the case of simple names, the name being correlated with a thought, whose content is determined by efficient causal contact with the kind in question. Aristotle offers a separate account of how the signification of empty names, such as ‘goatstag’, is determined. His account, however, generates a problem: he wishes to hold that (1) the signification of ‘man’ is determined by causal contact with an existing kind and also that (2) we do not know in grasping the signification of this term that the kind exists. Can he hold on to both these claims?
Signification and Thought
Authors: Charles David
Published: October 2003

In De Anima, Aristotle develops an analogy between perception and thought. This is based, I argue, on his account of what causally determines the object (or content) of the relevant perception or thought. I examine (1) how his account accommodates visual error and erroneous thoughts and (2) the analogy between the role of light in colour perception and the Active Intellect in the case of thought. Aristotle's account of the object of thought in De Anima supports his account of the signification of names in De Interpretatione. This supports claim (1) in Ch. 4.
Understanding, Thought, and Meaning
Authors: Charles David
Published: October 2003

Aristotle's solution to the problem raised in Ch. 4 depends on his account of how we arrive at thoughts on the basis of experience. In his view, we standardly acquire a term for a kind on the basis of contact with members of a kind, without thereby knowing that the kind in question exists. Further, we can grasp such terms without knowing that the kind (if it exists) has a unifying basic feature that explains its necessary properties. Our understanding of the kind is to be compared with that of a craftsman and not that of a proto‐scientist. Aristotle's view is distinguished from several twentieth‐century accounts of these issues (e.g. modern essentialists such as Putnam, neo‐Fregeans, dual‐component theorists).
Explanation and Definition: The Basic Model Reconsidered and Refined
Authors: Charles David
Published: October 2003

Aristotle's view of the interdependency of explanation and definition rests on a metaphysical thesis: essences are what determine the nature of kinds in such a way as (1) to make their causal structure completely intelligible to us and (2) to locate them in their own distinctive niche in a nexus of genera and species. We can rationally base our understanding of the first principles of science (nous) on our understanding of this causally based pattern of kinds. The world, so understood, contains its own intelligible structure, which Aristotle identifies with the Active Intellect.
Global Covenant: A Jewish Perspective on Globalization
Authors: Sacks Jonathan
Published: October 2003

Jonathan Sacks, in presenting a Jewish perspective on global capitalism, argues the case for a more covenantal (rather than contractual) approach towards its governance, which should take, as its starting point, the belief in the moral equality of each and every human being. He traces this idea back to the prophets of ancient Israel, who conceived God as transcending place, and national boundaries and humanity as a single moral community linked by a covenant of mutual responsibility; he develops and reframes this theme in the light of the dramatic and far‐reaching changes in information and communications technology, in economic and institutional structures, and in social mores that have occurred over the intervening centuries. Sacks avers that, if nothing else, the current age of global capitalism is underpinning the need for the upgrading and reprioritization of many virtues that have always been especially valued by Judaism. To those of creativity, cooperation, and comparison identified by John Dunning in Ch. 1, Sacks adds four more, viz. control (over one's destiny under the guidance and authority of God), conservation (environmental sustainability), coexistence (the dignity, and acceptance of, cultural and religious diversity), and covenant. He argues for a multicultural ethical approach to tackling many of the current ills of global capitalism, and is at pains to stress that Judaism embodies a dual morality, one based on a universal code applying to all persons (thus emphasizing our shared humanity), and the other based on a particular way of life demanded of the heirs of those who followed Moses into the wilderness.
Governments and Supranational Agencies: A New Consensus?
Authors: Brown Gordon
Published: October 2003

In this chapter, the UK Chancellor of the Exchequer, Gordon Brown, makes a strong plea for a greater sense of economic and moral responsibility on the part of the wealthier nations towards their poorer counterparts. It is also his conviction that for global prosperity to be sustained, it has to be fairly shared, and, as a success story, cites the institutional innovations of the early post‐war era to create an international architecture to advance this goal. However, the contemporary global economic and political scenario is very different, and Brown advocates a reconfiguration of the role of supra‐national institutions, both to meet the specific needs of global capitalism, and to drastically reduce poverty. More particularly, he proposes a new global consensus that will: (1) better enable the poorer countries to participate fully in the global economy and benefit from it; (2) encourage the international business community to adopt high corporate standards for their participation as reliable and consistent partners in the development process; (3) enable the adoption of improved trade regimes designed to improve the participation of developing countries in decision making; and (4) allow a substantial increase in development aid to nations most in need and willing to focus on the fight against poverty. The chapter concludes by stressing the responsibilities of each of the various institutions of global capitalism and, most notably, those of the business community, civil society, governments of both the richer and poorer countries, and individuals throughout the world.
The Separation of Ownership and Control in Austria
Authors: Gugler Klaus , Kalss Susanne , Stomper Alex , Zechner Josef
Published: October 2003

The structure of Austrian corporate governance has been largely unexplored. This is partly due to the complex structure of the system and partly due to the difficulty in obtaining data. This paper therefore represents a first step towards a systematic analysis of corporate governance in Austria. The focus of this study is on the separation of ownership and control of Austrian firms.
Ownership and Voting Power in Germany
Authors: Becht Marco , Böhmer Ekkehart
Published: October 2003

This paper analyses the voting control structure of industrial firms listed on the official market in Germany. Voting control is highly concentrated and few companies are widely held. Widely held companies typically have takeover defences in place, but these are increasingly eroded by the control and transparency law.
Ownership and Control in Sweden: Strong Owners, Weak Minorities, and Social Control
Authors: Agnblad Jonas , Berglöf Erik , Högfeldt Peter , Svancar Helena
Published: October 2003

The Swedish institutional framework is internationally unique since the ownership concentration is extremely high and deliberately promoted by the corporate law and different political regimes over time. The model is almost diametrically opposed to the standard and commonly studied Anglo‐Saxon model but much less analysed.
Strong Managers and Passive Institutional Investors in the UK
Authors: Goergen Marc , Renneboog Luc
Published: October 2003

In contrast to most Continental European countries, the UK has had stringent rules on ownership disclosure for more than 50 years. However, despite this, we show that the corporate governance system in the UK still needs to be improved. The way ownership of listed companies is concentrated in the hands of corporate directors and of passive institutional investors creates its own type of agency problems, i.e., high managerial discretion. Furthermore, there is mounting evidence that hostile takeovers do not necessarily discipline badly performing managers.
Introduction
Authors: Kukathas Chandran
Published: October 2003

This introductory chapter puts forth the main thesis of this book, which addresses the question: what is the principled basis of a free society marked by cultural diversity and group loyalties? It argues that a free society is an open society, and thus, the principles that describe its nature must be those which admit the variability of human arrangements rather than fix or establish or uphold a determinate set of institutions within a closed order. This theory is contrasted with that of Canadian philosopher Will Kymlicka on liberalism. An overview of the chapters in this volume is presented.
Human Nature and Human Interests
Authors: Kukathas Chandran
Published: October 2003

This chapter argues that while diversity may be a permanent feature of human societies, there is a core of human nature which can account for the patterns of human diversity. It defends a philosophical anthropology which asserts that ‘cultural difference is not an essential but only an incidental and transitional attribute of human beings’. Difference is not essential but circumstantial; when circumstances are similar, people will act and choose similarly. Since culture and the historical forms that human life has taken are of no value in themselves, what matters is man, who creates culture and whom culture serves.
Freedom of Association and Liberty of Conscience
Authors: Kukathas Chandran
Published: October 2003

This chapter discusses the principles of a free society. It advances six proposals on the principles of a free society, and discusses a theory of free association. It argues that free association lies at the heart of the idea of a free society, and that the protection it offers to liberty of conscience is important.
Liberal Toleration
Authors: Kukathas Chandran
Published: October 2003

This chapter examines the case of placing toleration at the core of a political theory. It explains why toleration occupies a central position in a theory founded on freedom of association and liberty of conscience. It argues that taking toleration seriously means tolerating much that liberals are often unwilling to countenance, since it means that liberal societies should tolerate illiberalism.
Conclusion
Authors: Kukathas Chandran
Published: October 2003

This chapter discusses the theory proposed in this book. It argues that this theory is indeed a liberal theory despite the fact that it is at odds with contemporary liberalism. It presents discussions on political philosophy and modern society, and the liberal archipelago.
Reforming the Italian Electoral Law, 1993
Authors: Katz Richard S.
Published: October 2003

Explores the replacement in Italy of an extremely proportional (hyper‐representative) system by a relatively majoritarian variant of a mixed‐member electoral system. On April 18, 1993, the Italian electorate overwhelmingly approved a referendum that altered the electoral system for the national Senate. Unlike the 1993 referendum altering the electoral system in New Zealand (discussed in the previous chapter), which came at the end of a lengthy process including an extensive study and report by a Royal Commission, and which gave final popular approval to put the new electoral regime into effect, the Italian referendum was the catalyst that finally initiated change after long, but apparently futile, debate. Rather than ratifying the selection of one system that had been deliberately chosen over others, the Italian referendum imposed, at least for the moment, the only reform possible, given that Italian referendums can only abrogate existing laws, but cannot impose new ones. The different sections of the chapter are: Background to the Referendum of 1993; Immediate Impact of the Referendum; Ends and Means—to electoral reform; Drafting the New Electoral System in the Chamber; Drafting the New Electoral System in the Senate; The New Electoral System; and Expectations and Predictions.
The Politics of Reform in Israel: How the Israeli Mixed System Came to Be
Authors: Rahat Gideon
Published: October 2003

An analysis of the factors and the processes that led to the adoption of a mixed‐member electoral system in Israel. The first section analyzes the characteristics of the Israeli pre‐reform extreme electoral (hyper‐representative) system according to the two dimensions (intraparty and interparty) suggested by Shugart in Ch. 2; it also presents a brief discussion of reform initiatives, intended to provide solutions to some of the electoral system pathologies, and explains their failure. The second section discusses the developments in the intraparty dimension—the parties’ tendencies from the 1970s on to adopt more and more inclusive selectorates for candidate selection (this was reform outside the constitutional and legislative framework). The final section discusses the developments in the interparty dimension—patching a majoritarian feature onto a proportional system; this is an analysis of the politics of reform—the factors and the processes that led to the adoption of direct election of the prime minister, and includes five elements: long‐term developments that served as background factors; events that served as catalysts during the struggle for and against reform; a description of the political actors who took part in this struggle; the characteristics of the mixed system that make it more fit for promotion and its use by the reformers to overcome the primary advantage of the institutional status quo; and, lastly, the four stages of the reform process. An appendix lists major events and dates.
The Causes of Electoral Reform in Japan
Authors: Reed Steven R. , Thies Michael F.
Published: October 2003

This chapter, on the causes of electoral reform in Japan, reviews the movement from an extreme electoral (hyper‐personalistic) system in which candidates of the same party competed against one another in three‐ to five‐seat districts (in a single non‐transferable vote system, SNTV) to a mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) system that eliminated intraparty competition. It is argued that short‐term act‐contingent motivations played a necessary role in passing political reform, and that by January 1994, when the reform bills finally passed into law, no politician could publicly oppose political reform, even though some felt freer to grumble about it. The main sections of the chapter are: The Pathologies of SNTV: Who Hated What?; A Brief History of Failed Electoral Reform Efforts—1956 to 1991; The Fall and Rise of the LDP (Liberal Democratic Party): Electoral Reform in 1993–4; Analysis: The Causes of Electoral Reform.
Mixed Electoral Rules, Partisan Realignment, and Party System Change in Italy
Authors: D'Alimonte Roberto
Published: October 2003

When the new mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) electoral system was introduced in the summer of 1993, Italian politics was characterized by a destructuring of the old party system with a dramatic weakening of the old dominant parties and the rise of new ones. In such a context, the introduction of a predominantly plurality system did not reduce party fragmentation, but it did provide powerful institutional incentives for parties to enter into pre‐election coalitions, which have permitted clearer choices for voters, although parties within the coalitions have ‘proportionalized’ the single‐seat districts by dividing up the nominations among themselves. The coalitions have restructured the pattern of competition and created the condition for a system of alternating governments, in spite of the high number of parties. In this respect, the new electoral system has worked, producing a more efficient system of interparty competition, yet it remains a difficult case to classify, precisely because the new electoral rules have produced two types of actor: coalitions (which are few) and parties (which are many), with each playing a role, and each contributing to the overall dynamics of the system. However, the main argument is that with the present electoral rules the coalitions will remain the prevailing feature of the system, whether they evolve into new parties, federations of parties or something else.
The Mixed‐Member Proportional System and Its Consequences in Bolivia
Authors: Mayorga René Antonio
Published: October 2003

Bolivia's mixed‐member proportional (MMP) electoral system was only established in 1994 and was applied for the first time in the elections of June 1997, so it is not yet possible to make a definitive assessment of its impact on the country's political system. The chapter therefore discusses the specific immediate effects that implementation of the system has had. The first section focuses on the effects on the representation of parties and the structure of the party system (interparty and intraparty dimensions) and on the relations between single‐seat district (SSD) deputies and constituents, and the second section focuses on governance. The overall finding is that the MMP system has had no far‐reaching consequences on the government system, but has had some noteworthy consequences for the party system. Some political leaders in both governing and opposition parties are not, however, satisfied with either the degree of personalization of Bolivian politics or the role of SSD deputies, and have highlighted the need for further electoral reforms; this issue is discussed in the third section.
Evaluating Hungary's Mixed‐Member Electoral System
Authors: Benoit Kenneth
Published: October 2003

The electoral system adopted by Hungary in 1989 represents a monument to the potential for institutional design through bargaining to produce complex yet stable institutions. The key compromise reached during this bargaining process was the decision to use a mixed‐member system, electing a roughly even number of representatives from both majoritarian single‐seat districts (SSDs) and from multi‐seat, list proportional representation (PR) districts. This decision established Eastern Europe's first mixed‐member electoral system, a format that was to become common in post‐communist electoral systems. In its ten‐year existence, Hungary's mixed‐member system has operated in three elections and seen three different governments come to power. Evaluates the consequences among the electorate of the institutional choice of the mixed‐member system, the consequences for political parties, the role of the electoral system in Hungary's contemporary national politics and political system, discussing its perception by both elites and voters, and finally pointing to its long‐term prospects.
The Consequences of Russia's Mixed‐Member Electoral System
Authors: Moser Robert G.
Published: October 2003

The Russian mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) system introduced by executive decree in 1993 and passed into law in 1995 did not produce the outcomes expected by its designers, nor have electoral system effects in Russia followed expectations in the electoral systems literature. Russia has been rather exceptional in the degree of fractionalization allowed under its MMM system, and there has been a great disparity in electoral support for parties in the list and nominal tiers of the system, and a proliferation of independent candidates with no partisan affiliation in the single‐seat districts (SSD). These unexpected outcomes might lead one to consider the MMM system to be a failure, but this chapter argues that the intraparty effects of the system, namely, the incentives promoting the formation of national parties with strong grassroots organization, make the current MMM system ideal for Russia. The purpose of the chapter is to lay out the effects of Russia's MMM system and offer some explanations for its unexpected outcomes. There are five sections: the first provides a brief description of the system; the second looks at the interparty dimension; the third expands on the interparty dimension by describing the emerging party system in Russia, examining the effects of the MMM system on the number of electoral parties, and looking at the impact the MMM system has had on the success of particular parties; the fourth section examines the intraparty dimension, and shows how the proportional representation party‐list tier has promoted the formation of parties as the central mechanism for nomination and election to public office while SSD elections in the nominal tier have encouraged party‐building at the local level; the final section offers some conclusions and implications of the Russian case for the study of electoral systems.
The United Kingdom Comes of Age: The British Electoral Reform “Revolution” Of the 1990S
Authors: Farrell David M.
Published: October 2003

In the field of electoral systems, Britain has long held out as a bastion of stability, as the country seen as least likely to undergo fundamental electoral reform, but this picture was rudely shattered in the late spring of 1997, with the election of a new Labour government. The central argument of this chapter is that the current debate over British electoral reform should be viewed as part of a wider process of the coming of age of British politics. A review of the historical debate reveals a series of failed initiatives to reform the electoral system, suggesting that the matter has never been entirely put to rest, and that there has always been the prospect of its re‐emergence. The current episode, dating from the election of the new government in 1997, provides reason to expect that electoral reform may really happen this time, and indeed already has happened in a number of British electoral arenas (European Parliament; London mayor; Northern Ireland, Scottish, Welsh and London Assemblies). The chapter is arranged as follows: the first section summarizes the historical record from 1860 to 1970, and provides evidence of a political elite willing at least to countenance the idea of experimenting with change, even if not yet prepared to embrace it; the second section explores possible explanations for why the issue re‐emerged in the 1990s and describes the reforms implemented in that period (up to 2000); this is followed by an outline of the deliberations and proposals of the Independent Commission on the Voting System for the British House of Commons (the Jenkins Commission), which was established by the new Labour prime minister, Tony Blair, in December 1997, whose report was published in October 1998 and suggested ‘alternative vote plus (AV+)’ as the new electoral system; the concluding section discusses the current prospects for electoral reform in the UK.