bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Security Europeanization since 1989
Authors: Graney Katherine
Published: September 2019

This chapter examines the process of NATO expansion since 1989, highlighting the strange fact that NATO claims to be a community of “European” values and identity as much as, if not more than, a strategic and military alliance. This has led NATO gatekeepers to pursue enlargement for rationales other than strict realist self-interest and has led NATO into direct conflict with Russia over the security policies of the ex-Soviet republics, especially Georgia and Ukraine. The chapter examines the unsuccessful efforts of NATO to find ways to cooperate with Russia, and of Russia to reshape the European security sphere to its own ends and according to its own values.
Russia
Authors: Graney Katherine
Published: September 2019

This chapter examines Russia’s tortured history and present with the idea of its own “Europeanness” and sense of belonging to Europe. It argues that we must see the period of 1989 as the newest iteration of a long historical cycle, wherein Russia is seen as both part of and central to, and also apart from and threating to, “Europe.” After a brief discussion of the historical trajectory of arguments about the level of Russian and Soviet “Europeanness,” the chapter identifies the four different discourses of Europe that are found in contemporary Russian self-identity and politics. It then examines Russia’s Europeanization efforts in the cultural-civilizational, political, and security realms, focusing in particular on Russia’s attempt to create “Euro-alternatives” to the EU and NATO in the form of the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) and the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO).
Belarus, Ukraine, and Moldova
Authors: Graney Katherine
Published: September 2019

This chapter presents case studies of three of the Eastern Partnership states that all share similar positions on the European-Orientalist Cultural Gradient but have pursued Europeanization projects of different strengths. Belarus is a weak-moderate Europeanizer that claims to be intrinsically European according to its own idiosyncratic criteria, and despite frequent criticism from European institutions for its autocratic ways. Ukraine has become famous as the home of people who have twice put their lives on the line in the name of European values (in the Orange Revolution and the EuroMaidan), but whose leaders have trouble realizing the promise of Europeanization. Moldova’s unique historical and contemporary relationship with Romania has spurred it to a strong pursuit of Europeanization, though like Ukraine, cultural and economic factors threaten those ambitions. Detailed case studies explicate the different paths toward Europeanization for each of the three states.
The Caucasus States
Authors: Graney Katherine
Published: September 2019

This chapter examines the Caucasus states of Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan. It first discusses the Caucasus as a unique region within the Russian and Soviet empires, seen as those entities’ “own Orient,” and the place where the border into the “non-Christian” world is breached. Georgia’s strong desire for Europeanization is contrasted with Armenia’s more moderate pursuit, despite the two sharing similar levels of “intrinsic” Europeanization. Georgia’s peculiarly Euro-oriented elite, and Armenia’s historical and contemporary reliance on Russia as a protector of its survival and sovereignty, are invoked to explain this difference. Azerbaijan, a resource-rich state with the unique claim to be “the first democracy in the Muslim World,” has combined a nonaligned political and security policy with a strong effort to be identified as part of the European cultural-civilizational sphere.
Conclusion
Authors: Graney Katherine
Published: September 2019

This concluding chapter argues that it is premature to declare the “end of Europe” and that European institutions, as well as ideas and understandings about Europe and Europeanness, can demonstrate “concrete achievements” in and continue to inspire post-Soviet states. The chapter identifies the extent to which the fifteen post-Soviet states conform to the expectations of the European-Orientalist Cultural Gradient and identifies the factors that help determine the differing strengths of Europeanization projects among the six Eastern Partner states. It also identifies the factors that are likely to influence the future of Europeanization projects in those states and encourages both scholars and policymakers to respect the importance of the postwar liberal European experiment to the present and future of the post-Soviet world.
What Makes Pop So Catchy
Authors: Sloan Nate , Harding Charlie , Gottlieb Iris
Published: September 2019

Chapter 7 examines Ariana Grande’s “Break Free,” a platonic pop song designed to grab listeners’ ears and never let go. It works its infectious magic through a constellation of hooks, some of the more derided elements of modern pop music. Hooks may be engineered for mass appeal, but no two are created alike. “Break Free” is an ideal site for analyzing how hooks work because it utilizes a number of different types: motif hooks, section hooks, and conceptual hooks. Producers Zedd and Max Martin don’t just create catchy melodies, riffs, and choruses, they connect them through an over-arching theme of “breaking free.” Together, they make Grande’s hit impossible to resist.
I Like Everything . . . Except Country and Hip Hop
Authors: Sloan Nate , Harding Charlie , Gottlieb Iris
Published: September 2019

Country and hip hop are divisive genres not just for their disparate sonic palettes but for how those sounds communicate identity. This aspect of modern popular music is captured in two songs that share the same title and release date but otherwise come from different worlds: “Made in America” by Toby Keith and “Made in America” by Jay Z and Kanye West, featuring Frank Ocean. This chapter shows that close listening to each track reveals surprising similarities between the two despite their apparent differences. Historicizing sounds that are strongly associated with each style—the banjo and the 808 drum machine—makes clear that they emerge from vastly different origins than suggested by their modern meanings.
The Past, Present, and Future of Silly Little Love Songs
Authors: Sloan Nate , Harding Charlie , Gottlieb Iris
Published: September 2019

Paul McCartney is a legend of popular music who shows no interest in resting on his laurels. He has made forays into disco, opera, classical, and techno—but he always returns to the silly little love songs of pop. His 2019 release “Get Enough,” discussed in the Conclusion, references his classic hits with the Beatles while making use of modern musical devices and co-composers such as OneRepublic’s Ryan Tedder. The unexpected effect of Auto-Tune places the song in a liminal space between the singer’s past and the song’s present. The classic timbres in the bridge are the “tried and traditional” sounds McCartney fans expect, but on the final refrain the past merges with the present as Auto-Tuned harmonies recur over his raw voice. “Get Enough” expresses at once the newness and the timelessness of pop. By song’s end, it feels like McCartney’s object of affection is pop itself, the sound of which he “can’t get enough.”
Staging Peace
Authors: Zech Steven T.
Published: September 2019

This chapter examines the ways in which civil action by nonstate actors influenced the trajectory of armed conflict in Peru during the 1980s and 1990s. Religious organizations, labor unions, and NGOs are just a few examples of groups that affected conflict outcomes. The chapter provides a brief overview of how a variety of groups affected violence in Peru, focusing on the role of artists and theater groups in particular, and argues that art serves as a mobilizing force that can move collective actors both toward and away from violent action. Based on an examination of the theater group Vichama Teatro, the chapter argues that Vichama’s members worked inside activist networks in a civil way to resist revolutionary violence and to make demands on an increasingly abusive state. Vichama members used theatrical performances to articulate the importance of nonviolent strategies and to communicate the political objectives of activist allies.
The Impact of Civil Action on Levels of Violence
Authors: Grubb Amy E.
Published: September 2019

This study explores the impact of civil action in two communities with different levels of violence during the 1971–1976 period in Northern Ireland’s Troubles. This chapter argues that although members of the police, military, Irish Republican Army (IRA), and loyalist paramilitaries perpetrated violence, the degree of civil action in interactions between these groups and civil rights protesters, counterprotesters, politicians, and community members impacted the trajectory and level of violence within communities. In the Dungannon district, uncivil action in the form of the police colluding with loyalist counterprotesters exacerbated local polarization and subsequent republican and loyalist radicalization. A retaliatory cycle of IRA and loyalist violence began that institutionalized a sectarian, community-wide conflict as paramilitaries targeted civilians based on identity and many residents, particularly Catholics, refused to support police and military security efforts given their fear of state collusion, inadvertently benefiting the paramilitaries. Conversely, the Omagh district experienced more civil action on the part of police, protesters, and counterprotesters, which limited polarization and led to more outwardly oriented republican radicalization and minimal loyalist radicalization, containing violence. Overall, these cases suggest that examining on-the-ground interactions during the process of violence is necessary to explain civil action’s impact on the trajectory and intensity of violence within a community and within the larger intrastate conflict.
Doing Business amid Criminal Violence
Authors: Ley Sandra , Guzmán Magdalena
Published: September 2019

Criminal violence has risen dramatically across Mexico in the last decade, and it has had devastating economic, social, and political consequences. How have Mexicans reacted to these violent trends? This chapter explores the civil actions of the Mexican business sector and their potential effects. It focuses on Monterrey, Mexico, where companies actively helped to create a new, more accountable police force, launched an innovative crime-reporting mechanism to better monitor and prosecute crimes, and engaged with local governments to enhance political accountability and citizen oversight. The chapter briefly compares the experience of the business sector in Monterrey with that of Ciudad Juárez and Acapulco, where the role of businesses respectively resulted in an array of broader civil and “uncivil” actions amid criminal violence,. Overall, the chapter shows that in the face of organized crime, the private sector and governments can potentially collaborate with each other, both as allies and as a system of societal checks and accountability.
Nonviolent Communal Strategies in Insurgencies Case Study on Afghanistan
Authors: Zürcher Christoph
Published: September 2019

In insurgencies, rural communities are the most vulnerable segment of society. Rural communities in Afghanistan are traditionally highly self-organized and capable of collective action. It is therefore reasonable to assume that communities will make collective efforts to minimize the risks of getting harmed. Using qualitative and survey data, this chapter investigates this proposition and shows that three strategies are often used and believed by respondents to be effective: negotiating with armed groups, neutrality, and self-defense. It describes these strategies and highlights the conditions under which they may be more or less effective. It then discusses how external actors can inadvertently reduce the space for such civil actions and make communities less safe, and what can be done to avoid this.
Cases
Authors: Summers Jesse S. , Sinnott-Armstrong Walter
Published: September 2019

This chapter presents several cases of Scrupulosity that are revisited throughout the book. The cases raise questions almost immediately: Why are these people like this? Do they really believe what they say? Are they mentally ill or mistaken? If they’re mentally ill, what is wrong with them? If they’re mistaken, what are they mistaken about? Cases of Scrupulosity are contrasted with other cases of extreme moral or religious concern. The disorder Scrupulosity is distinguished from nonclinical scrupulous behavior and the question is raised of how to categorize a particular case. The method of starting with cases to build a characterization of Scrupulosity is defended in the following chapters.
Character and Virtue
Authors: Summers Jesse S. , Sinnott-Armstrong Walter
Published: September 2019

Scrupulosity is not religious devotion or moral virtue. Those with Scrupulosity are concerned with moral behavior primarily as a way to reduce their underlying doubts and anxiety. Moral character requires attention to, concern for, and responsiveness to the morally relevant features of situations, acts, and people. Moral character also requires a stable set of underlying traits and beliefs that noncoincidentally lead to the appropriate motivations and endorsements. Some with Scrupulosity are ego-dystonic, rejecting their scrupulous symptoms, but one might also reject one’s own character. Those whose Scrupulosity is ego-syntonic—who endorse their scrupulous symptoms—also differ from those with moral character because those with Scrupulosity display fixation on certain issues to the exclusion of others, are inflexible with respect to circumstances, are overly concerned with merely possible—not probable—events, have an inflated sense of personal responsibility, and care about moral issues for the wrong reasons.
Moral Judgments
Authors: Summers Jesse S. , Sinnott-Armstrong Walter
Published: September 2019

Scrupulous moral judgments vary from moral judgments made by those without Scrupulosity. The content of Scrupulous moral judgments are perfectionist, which conflates what is ideal with what is obligatory, conflates the moral evaluation of thoughts and actions, and is influenced by chronic doubt and intolerance of uncertainty. Anxiety motivates Scrupulous moral judgments. Scrupulosity is both judgment-driven—one’s judgments evoke anxiety—and anxiety-driven—anxiety prompts rationalizing judgments and even causes beliefs. Anxiety leads to systematic distortions in one’s moral judgments. Anxiety leads one to act in a way that soothes one’s anxiety. Genuine moral judgments respond to all morally relevant features, not just a narrow set thereof. Anxiety narrows one’s attention, often to features that are not the most morally relevant, and is unresponsive to counterevidence. Scrupulous moral thought leads to excessive precision and to focus on features that rationalize one’s anxiety.
The Truth About Denial
Authors: Bardon Adrian
Published: September 2019

It is a striking—yet all too familiar—fact about human beings that our belief-forming processes can be so distorted by fears, desires, and prejudices that an otherwise sensible person may sincerely uphold false claims about the world in the face of overwhelming evidence to the contrary. When we describe someone as being “in denial,” we mean that he or she is personally, emotionally threatened by some situation—and consequently has failed to assess the situation properly according to the evidence. People in denial engage in motivated reasoning about their situation: They (sincerely) argue and interpret evidence in light of a preestablished conclusion. One significant type of reason-distorting emotional threat is a threat to one’s ideological worldview. When group interests, creeds, or dogmas are threatened by unwelcome factual information, biased thinking becomes ideological denialism. (One critical example of such denialism is the widespread denial of settled climate science.) Denial can stand in the way of individual well-being, and ideological denialism can stand in the way of good public policy. This book is a wide-ranging examination of denial and denialism. It offers a readable overview of the social psychology of denial, and examines the role of ideological denialism in conflicts over public policy, politics, and culture. Chapters focus on our philosophical and scientific understanding of denial, denial of scientific consensus, denialism in political economy, and denialism in religious belief. An afterword examines proposals for improving science communication in light of findings about motivated reasoning and denial.
Introduction
Authors: Vogt Manuel
Published: September 2019

This chapter introduces the puzzle that the book seeks to explain. Ethnic movements—that is, organized political campaigns by groups whose collective identity is defined by language, religion, or other ethnic markers to influence state policy—have haunted politics in almost all of today’s states. Yet, while they have provoked violent conflict in some countries, they have remained peaceful in others. Strikingly, some of the most unequal societies of today’s world have experienced mostly nonviolent ethnic group mobilization. Starting from concrete case examples, the chapter presents the book’s central question: why is ethnic mobilization more likely to trigger violent conflict in some countries than in others? By discussing the merits and shortcomings of existing studies, it reveals the need for a theory that explains both why ethnic groups rebel and how they rebel. The chapter then describes the study’s empirical approach and outlines the plan of the book.
Inside Ethnic Movements
Authors: Vogt Manuel
Published: September 2019

This chapter looks inside ethnic movements to shed light on the role of ethnic organizations as agents of collective action. It theorizes the three causal mechanisms through which ethnic organizations influence outcomes of equality or inequality, and peace or violence in multiethnic states: the “aggregating and institutionalizing,” the “power seizing,” and the “mobilizing” mechanisms. The outcomes of these mechanisms differ as a consequence of countries’ ethnic cleavage types. In segmented unranked societies, ethnic organizations exacerbate existing intergroup competition, undermining ethnic equality and increasing the risk of civil conflict. In contrast, in stratified societies, ethnic organizations assume an emancipatory function, fostering the political inclusion of historically marginalized groups and, thus, enhancing ethnic equality while promoting nonviolent contentious action.
Cleavage Types and Conflict in Multiethnic States
Authors: Vogt Manuel
Published: September 2019

This chapter tests the structural part of the book’s theory from a global perspective. It analyzes the relationship between ethnic cleavage types and the prevalence of different forms of ethnopolitical contention. Relying on large-n statistical analyses, it shows, first, that the extremely unequal colonial settler states experience fewer and less lethal ethnic civil conflicts but higher levels of peaceful ethnopolitical contention than the decolonized states and other multiethnic countries. These results are robust when considering the immediate postindependence period of the settler states and when testing for the possible endogeneity of cleavage types. Second, the chapter confirms that the theorized effects of hierarchization and social integration apply to all multiethnic states in general. Ethnic civil conflict is generally more likely the more segmented and less hierarchically structured multiethnic states are. Specifically, stable between-group hierarchies reduce the risk of governmental conflict, whereas segmentation only affects secessionist conflicts.
The Power and Limits of Nonviolent Ethnic Movements
Authors: Vogt Manuel
Published: September 2019

This chapter analyzes the impact of, and obstacles to, ethnic mobilization in Guatemala and Ecuador. Using evidence from in-depth interviews with leaders of ethnic organizations, state officials, political party leaders, and other elite individuals, it sheds light on the causal path between ethnic group mobilization, inclusion, and contention in the stratified societies of Latin America’s colonial settler states. Specifically, the within-country comparison of Afro-Ecuadorian and indigenous mobilization in Ecuador demonstrates the importance of autonomous ethnic organizations for the prospects of marginalized groups’ political empowerment. Their infrastructural power facilitates the aggregation of the interests of discriminated individuals into ethnopolitical movements and enables groups to carry out large-scale popular protests. However, the evidence from the Guatemalan case also uncovers the strategies employed by state elites from the dominant ethnoclass to block fundamental change and maintain the status quo.
Two Logics of Ethnic Mobilization
Authors: Vogt Manuel
Published: September 2019

This chapter first summarizes the main empirical findings of the foregoing chapters. It then elaborates on their theoretical and practical implications, describing how they contribute to a number of central debates in recent conflict research and related fields of political science. In particular, the chapter discusses how the book’s theory and empirical results relate to other types of political contention and violence, such as ethnonationalist terrorism, ethnic cleansing, and state repression, and what they imply for the study of conflict outcomes and diffusion. The chapter concludes by elaborating the adequate political responses to ethnic mobilization in different types of multiethnic states. Specifically, stratified societies require political institutions that permit the collective mobilization of historically discriminated groups in order to rectify the existing inequalities. In contrast, the decolonized states and other segmented unranked societies need institutions that promote strong transethnic organizations to counter the threat of violent conflict.
Explaining Gendered Patterns of Cabinet Formation
Authors: Annesley Claire , Beckwith Karen , Franceschet Susan
Published: September 2019

Chapter 1 introduces the three research questions guiding the book and outlines the patterns of timing, magnitude, and persistence of women’s cabinet inclusion in Australia, Canada, Chile, Germany, Spain, the United Kingdom, and the United States. It identifies the year of appointment of the first woman to cabinet; the year of the last all-male cabinet; and addresses the questions of cross-country and cross-time variation in numbers of women in cabinet. The chapter identifies formal and informal rules as forces shaping women’s opportunities for cabinet appointment, and introduces the concept of the “concrete floor,” the minimum proportion or number of women for the cabinet team to be perceived as legitimate.
Institutionalist Approaches to Cabinet Appointments
Authors: Annesley Claire , Beckwith Karen , Franceschet Susan
Published: September 2019

Chapter 2 sets out the book’s theoretical, conceptual, and methodological approaches for explaining gendered patterns and processes of cabinet formation. Employing a feminist institutionalist approach, the chapter explains how formal and informal rules create and maintain gendered hierarchies that have historically advantaged men in the cabinet appointment process. The chapter also shows how rules change over time, emphasizing the importance of agency, ambiguity, and ideas. The chapter offers a model of the relationship among sets of rules to produce cabinets that include women. The chapter provides justification of the case selection, methods of data collection and organization, and a description of each country case.
Who Can Be a Minister?
Authors: Annesley Claire , Beckwith Karen , Franceschet Susan
Published: September 2019

Chapter 4 focuses on the formal and informal rules that determine who is eligible and qualified for inclusion in cabinets (ministrables). Emphasizing that cabinets are formed as teams, the chapter identifies three different types of qualifications that cabinets as collectivities must include: qualifications involving experiential criteria (political experience and policy expertise), affiliational criteria (membership in a selector’s personal network of friendship, trust, and loyalty), and representational criteria (membership in a relevant political, territorial, or social group). The chapter also challenges the concept of “merit” as a qualifying criterion for cabinet appointment, identifying merit claims as a political strategy to defend the status quo, rather than an objective criterion.
How to Qualify for Cabinet: Affiliational Criteria
Authors: Annesley Claire , Beckwith Karen , Franceschet Susan
Published: September 2019

Chapter 6 reveals the importance of affiliational criteria, defined as membership in the selector’s personal networks of friendship, trust, and loyalty, as a historically strong and enduring set of qualifications for inclusion in cabinet. The chapter shows that in the absence of rules prohibiting presidents and prime ministers from choosing political friends and trusted allies, selectors will, when unconstrained by competing rules about selecting ministers, use affiliational criteria when assembling their cabinet. A key finding in the chapter, however, is that the use of affiliational criteria differs across the book’s cases, identifying three patterns: (1) countries with strong and consistent affiliational linkages, with more than half of cabinet appointees meeting at least one of the affiliational relationships; (2) countries with occasional affiliational linkages (between 20 and 50 percent); and (3) countries with rare affiliational links (fewer than a fifth of all appointees).
The Gendered Consequences of Rules about Selection
Authors: Annesley Claire , Beckwith Karen , Franceschet Susan
Published: September 2019

Chapter 8 shows that formal and informal rules that empower or constrain presidents and prime ministers when selecting ministers affect women and men differently, thereby contributing to gendered outcomes. The chapter finds that rules that empower selectors can serve as a double-edged sword. On the one hand, empowered selectors can decide to appoint women in significant numbers, including the construction of gender parity cabinets. The chapter contrasts the cases of two highly empowered selectors (Justin Trudeau and José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero) who formed gender parity cabinets with Tony Abbott’s formation of a cabinet with just one female minister. The chapter also contrasts the cases of two female selectors (Michelle Bachelet and Julia Gillard), finding that institutional context is more consequential than the selector’s sex in influencing the number of women in cabinet. Finally, the chapter finds that increasing the number of selectors does not necessarily disadvantage women.
The Gendered Consequences of Qualifying Criteria
Authors: Annesley Claire , Beckwith Karen , Franceschet Susan
Published: September 2019

Chapter 9 analyzes the gendered consequences of rules about qualification and investigates whether there are differences in the types of experience that male and female ministrables bring to a cabinet team and whether deploying affiliational criteria when selecting ministers disadvantages women. The chapter finds that the type of experience men and women bring to cabinet does not differ substantially, but shows that there are barriers to women accumulating political experience, that women’s experience is often invisible to selectors, and that selectors exploit the flexibility inherent in experiential criteria to identify qualified men rather than women. The chapter also finds that the affiliational criteria that play a role in allocating ministerial opportunities are traditionally gendered to men’s advantage. Overall, the findings are that, where affiliation is a strong and consistent criterion for ministerial qualification, women’s presence in cabinet remains low for longer and does not reach high magnitudes.
Introduction
Authors: Holmes Amy Austin
Published: September 2019

In 2011 Egypt witnessed more protests than any other country in the world, kicking off a revolutionary process that would unfold in three waves of revolution, followed by two waves of counterrevolution. This chapter briefly contrasts the period of Gamal Abdel Nasser to the recent wave of upheaval. Nasser and the Free Officers implemented wide-ranging reforms by overthrowing the monarchy, declaring a republic, implementing land reform, expropriating the Suez Canal, expelling British troops from Egypt, and joining the nonaligned movement in efforts to move away from the colonial past. In so doing they turned a coup into a “revolution from above.” By contrast, President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi has not implemented any major reforms. His actions have led to the reconstitution of the old Mubarak regime, but with even greater authoritarianism aimed to crush any entity that is seen as independent of the regime. Instead of setting Egypt on a path of greater economic independence, Egypt’s reliance on foreign donors has grown, with increased financial flows from the Gulf. As a crude form of “payback” for this financial support, Egypt handed over the Tiran and Sanafir islands to Saudi Arabia.
Revolutions and Coups
Authors: Holmes Amy Austin
Published: September 2019

Because the revolution in Egypt was directed at the state, it is important to properly conceptualize the state apparatus and the regime that ruled it. Thus, chapter 2 provides an overview of the literature on authoritarian regimes and explains why it is important to distinguish between states and regimes. Hosni Mubarak’s powerful presidency did not preclude the development of a diverse and unruly civil society, including tens of thousands of nongovernmental organizations. A new framework is employed in order to understand which parts of the state apparatus are most crucial during a period of revolutionary upheaval. It is important to distinguish between tools of the regime and pillars of support for the regime; the latter have the ability to either prop up or potentially withdraw their support. Mubarak relied on four pillars of regime support: the military, the business elite, the United States, and the acquiescence of the people. The chapter then turns to an overview of the literature on revolutions and military coups, which have usually been studied separately, as well as the literature on how establishing civilian control over the military constitutes the neuralgic point of democratic consolidation.
“The People want to overthrow the Regime”
Authors: Holmes Amy Austin
Published: September 2019

This chapter analyzes the first wave of the revolution against Hosni Mubarak. Refuting arguments that focus on the role of the social media, or divisions among the elite, and the alleged neutrality of the Egyptian military, the chapter illustrates that it was a revolutionary coalition of the middle and lower classes that created a breaking point for the regime. Key features of this mass mobilization included the refusal of protesters to be cowed by state violence, the creation of “liberated zones” occupied by the people, “popular security” organizations that replaced the repressive security apparatus of the state, and strikes that crippled the economy in the final days of the Mubarak era. Key moments during the 18 days are described with ethnographic detail, including the unfiltered reactions of protesters to the deployment of soldiers on January 28. The revolutionary nature of the uprising is that people demanded more than just the ouster of Mubarak—they wanted to topple “the regime” by naming the names of a slew of Mubarak’s cronies to remove them from power.
“Tiran and Sanafir are Egyptian!”
Authors: Holmes Amy Austin
Published: September 2019

The second wave of the counterrevolution is covered in chapter 7. With the election of Abdel Fattah El-Sisi as president, the level and form of state repression changed again. During the second wave of the counterrevolution, the regime turned against civil society at large, including both groups that played no role in mobilizing for street protests and those who had supported the coup or the first wave of the crackdown. The objective was to silence independent civil society: nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), charities, the media, universities, researchers, and minority groups including the LGBTQ community and the Nubian minority. An NGO law criminalized normal NGO activity, including the work of those organizations that were engaging in apolitical work that supported Egypt’s development goals. As a rule, security forces took action before legislation was issued to justify the action.
Conclusion
Authors: Holmes Amy Austin
Published: September 2019

The concluding chapter summarizes the role of the Egyptian military, the business elite, the United States, and the opposition during each of the waves of revolution and counterrevolution. If we expand our conceptual vocabulary to include “coups from below,” this would allow scholars to properly conceptualize the unique confluence of military intervention and mass mobilization without resorting to normative terms like “democratic coup d’état.” Furthermore, it could allow US policymakers to suspend military aid in the future should there be similar events. By comparing the period from 1952 to 1956 that experienced a revolution from above with a coup from below between 2011 and 2018, it becomes clear that it may in fact be Egypt’s own revolutionary legacy that is the biggest impediment to democratization.
“External Stakeholder Benevolence”
Authors: Bohlander Michael
Published: September 2019

The debate about concerns surrounding the efficiency and legitimacy of international (criminal) courts has been joined by a new voice, judicial declarations on how proceedings can be expedited and the legitimacy deficit resolved, in particular the Paris Declaration of 2017 and the Oslo Recommendations of 2018, which deal with “enhancing their institutions’ legitimacy in the eyes of diverse stakeholders.” This article queries in detail whether either document manages to do that, as well as the emerging lens of “external stakeholder benevolence.” It argues that a traditional stakeholder theory approach must break down when the decision about the interest (fair trial) against which other stakeholders’ interests are to be balanced has been assigned exclusively to one stakeholder (judges), barring other stakeholders from encroaching on that stakeholder’s position (judicial independence). The judicial perspective on stakeholder-theory-based attempts at defining the parameters of the judicial core environment will thus always be one of intrusion.
Misdiagnosing the Human Rights Malaise
Authors: Hartmann Jacques
Published: September 2019

Contemporary populism is antagonistic towards human rights. As a result, the challenges now facing the human rights movement are fundamentally different from those of the past. Yet, proposed remedies to this malaise often seem ill-conceived. Populists tend to claim that the institutions charged with the protection of fundamental rights not only limit the capacity of the people to exercise their rightful power but are also the source of a growing discontent with the system itself. This narrative is often uncritically accepted and leads to suggestions that human rights must be fundamentally reformed. Although intuitively appealing, such suggestions commonly lack support from empirical evidence. In addition, much of the debate seemingly starts from the premise that the public is fully informed. Using Denmark as a case study, this Note shows that existing assumptions may be questioned. It further suggests that it may be dangerous to propose a cure before the malaise has been properly diagnosed.
A Constitutional-Driven Change of Heart: ISP Liability and Artificial Intelligence in the Digital Single Market
Authors: Pollicino Oreste , De Gregorio Giovanni
Published: September 2019

The role of online intermediaries has changed since the adoption of the e-Commerce Directive in 2000. The implementation of artificial intelligence technologies in online content management has challenged the original passive role of online service providers in relation to third-party content. As a result, the EU strategy has shifted from a liberal approach to ensure the development of new digital services without overwhelming ISPs of monitoring and removal obligations to the regulation of online content management activities. The threats for fundamental rights deriving from opaque decision-making processes of online content have overcome the traditional narrative of ISPs’ freedom to conduct their business. The result of this process has led to a new regulatory phase within the framework of the Digital Single Market strategy.
The Continuity of Jurisprudential Cross-Fertilization in the Case-Law of International Tribunals in their Common Mission of Realization of Justice
Authors: Trindade Antônio Augusto Cançado
Published: September 2019

The continuity of jurisprudential cross-fertilization by some contemporary international tribunals evidences that, despite their distinct jurisdictions, their work is essentially complementary, in their common mission of imparting justice, in distinct domains of international law. Jurisprudential cross-fertilization fosters cohesion and the unity of law, in the endeavours of contemporary international tribunals to contribute to the progressive development of international law.
The ICC Appeals Chamber’s Judgment in The Prosecutor v. Bemba et al.— A Reminder of the Often Overlooked Value of International Jurisprudence Concerning Offences Against the Administration of Justice
Authors: Scarlat Anda
Published: September 2019

On March 8, 2018, the ICC Appeals Chamber issued its first judgment dealing with offences against the administration of justice under Article 70 of its Statute. Unsurprisingly, the Appeals Chamber made a number of important findings on the elements of various offences falling into this category, but also made a number of interesting, controversial and far-reaching findings concerning the ICC’s procedural framework, and in particular the collection and admission of evidence at trial. In doing so, the Appeals Chamber also touched on fundamental legal issues, such as the application of international human rights and its power to consider domestic law. The commentary will consider the most interesting and significant findings made by the Appeals Chamber, and will seek to show that the lack of attention traditionally given to judgments dealing with offences other than the “core” crimes is misguided, given the wealth of important and generally applicable findings they can contain.
Introductory Note
Authors: Gomula Joanna
Published: September 2019

In 2017 panel and Appellate Body reports were adopted in nine disputes. The disputes concerned alleged violations under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade of 1994 (GATT 1994), the Agreement on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (SPS Agreement), the Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures (SCM Agreement), the Anti-Dumping Agreement, and the Agreement on Agriculture. Four of the disputes concerned restrictions placed on the importation of animal products (mainly poultry and pigs), such as licensing requirements and import restrictions, tariff rate quotas established following re-negotiations with principal suppliers, and SPS measures. The dispute over a ban on importation of pigs featured an important issue relating to the “regionalization” of SPS measures. Two disputes provided clarification as to the relationship between WTO agreements, in particular, the relationship between GATT 1994 and the Agreement on Agriculture. The year 2017 also saw another case in the “series” of the Airbus/Boeing subsidies disputes, with the United States scoring a victory over the European Union.
Introductory Note
Authors: Alexander Knoops Geert-Jan
Published: September 2019

In 2017 the International Criminal Court saw a number of significant developments in its handling of complex substantive issues. In the Ntaganda and the Gbagbo and Blé Goudé cases, the court delivered noteworthy decisions on procedural and substantive issues. In the Al Mahdi case, a Reparations Order was issued, confirming certain principles established in the Lubanga case. In the Bemba et al. contempt case, a sentencing decision was handed down by the Court, which addressed novel issues involving the interpretation of Article 76 of the Rome Statute. Moreover, an arrest warrant was issued against Mr. Al-Werfalli in the situation of Libya, which almost entirely relied upon social media evidence, demonstrating a rising trend in the use of digital evidence. Additionally, the Prosecution expanded its investigations, and requested to initiate investigations in Afghanistan and in Burundi. At the same time the ICC jurisdiction was expanded to include the crime of aggression.
Introductory Note
Authors: Raimondi Guido
Published: September 2019

This article comments on four important judgments delivered by the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights in 2017. In the case of Paradiso and Campanelli v. Italy, the Court grappled with sensitive ethical issues of surrogacy and parenthood. The Court’s judgment in the case of Bărbulescu v. Romania set out new detailed principles governing states’ positive obligation to protect privacy in a technologically evolving workplace. In Burmych and Others v. Ukraine, the Court was forced to reflect on its proper place in the human rights machinery of the Council of Europe. Finally, Merabishvili v. Georgia constituted a significant moment in the Court’s understanding of legitimate restrictions of rights.
Introductory Note
Authors: Mejía-Lemos Diego
Published: September 2019

The PCA administered 160 cases in 2017. These cases comprise 7 inter-state arbitrations, 97 investor-state arbitrations, and 55 other mixed arbitrations, involving various combinations of states, intergovernmental organizations, and public or private entities. Of these cases, 41 were initiated in 2017. The investor-state arbitrations arose under various international investment agreements and national investment laws; the other mixed arbitrations, under contracts. Among the decisions issued in 2017, the Award of 22 February 2017, in WNC Factoring Ltd. v. Czech Republic, and the Final Award of 29 June 2017, in Croatia v. Slovenia, are of particular significance, for their contributions to the interpretation and application of international law.
Populism, Foreign Policy, and the GOP
Authors: Dueck Colin
Published: September 2019

This chapter investigates the state of foreign policy opinion within the Republican Party today. Perhaps surprisingly, the basic distribution of voter opinion on foreign policy within the GOP has not changed that much since the early Obama era. However, Republican voters do support Trump, and not only because he is an incumbent president from the same party. The GOP has moved in a populist, culturally conservative, and white working-class direction over a period now spanning several decades. In this sense, Trump is as much an effect as a cause. He has broken open prior conservative orthodoxies. In certain ways, on a range of specific issues following his presidency, this leaves the future of Republican foreign policy wide open. But observers should understand that the conservative-leaning American nationalism he has championed is not about to disappear when he leaves the scene. In one form or another, it is here to stay.
Age of Iron
Authors: Dueck Colin
Published: September 2019

This final chapter analyzes current geopolitical challenges, and offers US foreign policy recommendations. Leading reasons for existing discontent with the rules-based liberal international order are delineated, and a more realistic understanding proposed. Today’s geopolitical circumstances are outlined, region by region. Policy recommendations then follow, based upon the premise of regionally differentiated strategies of pressure. In sum, the chapter argues for a forward-leaning US foreign policy realism, based upon an understanding that the post–Cold War quarter-century and its competing optimisms are now officially over.
Justinian’s Building Program and Sixth-Century Developments
Authors: Ousterhout Robert G.
Published: September 2019

Described in detail by Justinian’s court historian Procopius, Justinian’s building program focused on the center (Constantinople) and the periphery (the limes). Within church architecture, the dome appears as an experimental element structurally, formally, and symbolically. At the same time, traditional architectural forms continue. At the margins of the empire, Justinian’s program of fortification was coupled with spiritual outposts—churches and pilgrimage sites—to spread the message of Orthodox Christianity.
Exporting a Culture/ Importing a Culture
Authors: Ousterhout Robert G.
Published: September 2019

The new political entities established in the East during the late tenth through twelfth centuries were heavily indebted to Byzantine culture. Christianized from Constantinople, Kievan Rus’ lacked a building tradition in permanent materials and imported both masons and brick technology from Byzantium. Serbia and Bulgaria had a strong Byzantine presence before securing their independence. While Bulgarian architecture followed closely that of Constantinople, Serbia, connected to Adriatic littoral, blended elements of the Italian Romanesque with Byzantine forms.
Epilogue
Authors: Ousterhout Robert G.
Published: September 2019

What is the legacy of Byzantine architecture? Today we tend to think of Byzantine architecture as church architecture and thus, for better or worse, associated with the Orthodox Christian religious world. However, traditional religions rarely encourage architectural experimentation. As a bearer of meaning, the conservative form of the building represents the solid tradition of the faith. Thus, architectural deviations might suggest theological error. Nevertheless, modern and postmodern architects have experimented with Byzantine forms, often with an overriding religious or political message.
The Mouse, the Moneybox, and the Six-Footed Scurrying Solecism
Authors: Graver Margaret
Published: September 2019

This chapter argues that to properly understand Seneca’s project in the Epistulae morales, one needs to recognize and appreciate his sharp and often satirical wit. Any sensitive reader can observe that the work employs many standard humorous devices to lighten the tone and to hold the reader’s attention. Examples can be given of punning, incongruity, self-caricature, and more elaborate vignettes that recall the verse satires of Horace. But there are also instances in which Seneca’s humor is directed more specifically at certain modes of philosophical speech and writing: the redeployment of Epicurean sententiae in Letters 1-29; the cavillatio or riddle-syllogism of Letters 45, 48, and 49; and the riff on Stoic metaphysics in Letter 113. In these cases, one can best refer to the well-attested function of Roman invective humor as a means of policing boundaries. By them, Seneca communicates certain rules of generic decorum while also alerting readers to his own deliberate transgressions.
The World According to the Maestro
Authors: Yoshihara Mari
Published: September 2019

In the mid-1980s, as Leonard Bernstein looked ahead at what he wanted to accomplish in his remaining years, his artistic and professional priorities became clear. Along with his continued commitments as a composer and a conductor, Bernstein decided to prioritize education as his mission. He also continued his activism to address the AIDS crisis. His defiance of the US government took another phase in November 1989, when he rejected the National Medal for the Arts in protest of the National Endowment for the Arts’ withdrawal of funding for an art show dealing with the theme of AIDS. In the meantime, the end of the Cultural Revolution and the opening of China’s door to the West led many musicians to seek artistic exchanges, and Amberson began to explore the possibility of the maestro’s visit to China.