bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
“著書多格言”——論高一志《譬學》及其與中西修辭學傳統的關係
Authors: 李 奭學
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
明末耶穌會士高一志所譯《譬學》係首部傳入中國的歐洲修辭學專著，高氏中譯時所用的底本如今難考，但我們仍可因各種西方古典修辭學專著而窥見其人理論的淵源，更可因中國修辭學而察知《譬學》華化的情況。本文取宋人陳騤的《文則》以資比較，蓋此書可謂古來最完整的修辭學論述，也著稱於有明一朝。在歐洲方面，本文則借重亞里士多德、西塞羅與昆體良等希臘羅馬修辭理論宗匠。《譬學》二卷以“譬”或“喻”的理論及其實踐爲主，特重所謂“聯比”的譬式，亦即所論譬文都以聯語出之。在理論方面，本文所析者爲高一志的《譬學自引》，舉例則多出諸《譬學》正文。在詳析細比之後，本文認爲高譯係“西學爲體，中學爲用”的譯述典型，對清初基督徒的著作影響不小。高一志何以譯述《譬學》？此一問題乃終篇時本文最大考量：本文認爲明末清言盛行，加以歐人多以爲中文乃隱喻性語言，取譬設喻係寫作常態，所以欲行華化，語言上非得借助“譬學”不可。
This paper examines the Pixue 譬學, a book commonly accepted to be the first introduction to European rhetoric in China. The Pixue consists of two juans and was translated by the Jesuit Gao Yizhi 高一志 (Alfonso Vagnoni, 1568? -1640) in the Ming. My primary purpose in this paper is to compare Gao's volume with classical Chinese ideas about rhetoric, especially those expressed in the Song rhetorician Chen Kui’ s 陳騤 (1128-1203) Wenze 文則, a monograph generally considered to be the first complete discourse on rhetoric in imperial China. Since Gao’ s text foregrounds the use of syncrisis in its European sense, my comparison of the two texts focuses on the Chinese idea of pi 譬 or yu 喻 in couplets. I approach Gao’ s text by analyzing it, first of all, against works of Western classical rhetoricians such as Aristotle, Cicero, and Quintilian, and, secondly, against Chen’s highly acclaimed book which was also popular in the Ming. The double comparisons in my paper demonstrate Gao’s great debt not only to European rhetoric but also to traditional Chinese rhetoric in the formation of his theory of syncrisis. For Gao to write his Pixue is no act of happenchance: it displays foreignness in content while embodying Chineseness in form. I conclude my comparison with Pixue's impact on Christian writers in early Qing, and also with Western views of literaty Chinese as a language that is metaphorical by nature, a view that may have motivated Gao to “transwrite" the Pixue in late Ming China and, especially, to compose his “Introduction” to this pioneering work in rhetorical construction.
《説文》“孌、慕也”辨
Authors: 周 國正
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
《説文》有“孌”字，訓爲慕；段玉裁進一步把“孌、戀”視爲古今字。但古籍中以“孌”表示戀/慕的用例却未見，《説文》所訓成爲孤證。細檢《説文》，發現“孌”在兩個字目下出現，與全書通例不符；但另一方面，古籍中常見的戀字，在《説文》却無立目，可見“孌”當爲“戀”之誤。
The graph luan 孌 is glossed as “longing” in the Shuo Wen, and Duan Yu Cai further takes luan 孌and luan戀 as allographs. But there is no evidence in the literature that luan 孌 is ever used in the sense of longing. Upon close scrutiny, it is discovered that, in violation of the common practice, luan 孌 is listed under two entries in the Shuo Wen while the extensively used luan 戀is missing. It is argued that luan孌 is mistaken for luan 戀 as a result of corpus corruption.
淺議桐城文派的韓、柳古文比較論
Authors: 許 子濱
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
韓、柳古文的優劣，自來是文評家討論的焦點。而在衆多的評論中，以桐城文派的看法最值得注意。方苞將道德與文章看成同一回事，并以此爲基礎，建立起“義法”之説。方苞對柳宗元文多方挑剔，幾於吹毛求疵，甚而大肆詆毁，不過是實踐其理論罷了。在桐城文派的流傳過程中，對柳宗元的這種成見，儘管不能説是定調，却也是主流意見，難怪给人留下“桐城始於排柳，终於排柳”的印象。桐城中人評論柳文，特别是談到他的文氣時，就一直受到這種成見的干擾。方苞以文氣不充譏貶柳文，并認爲是自反不縮所造成。後來的劉大櫆，甚至是賀濤等，皆沿用其説。但不容忽視的是，劉大櫆以後，桐城中人評論柳文，受到成見的干擾已有減少的迹象，已開始自覺地從文學的角度來評析柳文。這種微妙的轉變，不能不説是一種進步。這跟他們逐漸把道德與文章離析爲二是分不開的。從曾國藩的懷疑，到吳汝綸明確判别義理與文章爲二事，他們對文學獨立性的認識漸趨清晰，創作如此，評論也如此，觀念上的這種轉變，就反映在吳汝綸等人對柳文的評價上。Comparing the works of Han Yu (韓愈) and Liu Zong-yuan (柳宗元) has been a focal point of critics. Among the many discussions, the point of view of the Tong-cheng Literary School (桐城文派) deserves special notice. Fang Bao (方苞) regarded morality and literary works as the same thing and established the concept of "Yi-fa (義法)”. He attempted to put this theory into practice by criticizing Liu’s works harshly and unfairly. During the spread of the Tong-cheng Literary School (桐城文派), Fang’s preconceived notion about Liu might not be the final conclusion but certainly the mainstream opinion, and hence no wonder the impression of “Tong-cheng Literary School starts and ends on attacking against Liu” was made. In fact, Tong-cheng Literary Schools” discussions on Liu's works, especial on his style of writing, have been interfered with by such kind of prejudice. Fang commented that the Wen-qi (文氣) of Liu’s works were not strong enough due to the defect in his moral character. His descendants, such as Liu Da-kui (劉大櫆) and even He Tao (賀濤), continued to adopt this approach toward Liu’s works. Yet, the critics after Liu Da-kui (劉大櫆）had made a fine adjustment consciously that their discussions became less biased and they started to evaluate Liu’s works from a literal perspective. The change, which could be attributed to the gradual development of the mentality of dividing morality and literary works could be regarded as a kind of progress and should not be ignored. From Zeng Guo-fan (曾國藩) with doubt to Wu Ru-lun (吳汝綸) with certainty, Tong-cheng Literary School (桐城文派) regarded moral and literary works, including literary writing and literary criticism, as two different matters. The change of the point of view of Wu Ru-lun (吳汝綸) and the other critics toward Liu’s works is a result of the recognition of the independent features of literature.
“誰似儂家疏曠”——孫光憲風物詞析論
Authors: 孫 賽珠
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
孫光憲（公元895?—968）是五代荆南詞人，其傳世的八十四首詞作，分别載於五代後蜀趙崇祚編的《花間集》和宋人所輯的《尊前集》中。雖然《花間集》、《尊前集》，皆以花間尊前的閨怨内容爲主調，孫光憲詞的題材内容却十分廣泛，爲其他花間、尊前詞人所不及。舉凡閨怨、風物、邊塞、詠史、懷人、送别等題材，皆可於孫詞找到。孫氏這些詞作呈現一種共同的創作風格：疏曠、剛健。這種男子氣概，置諸以抒寫歌妓抑鬱之情爲主調的《花間集》、《尊前集》中，呈現着一種異於花間、尊前詞人婉約的格調。鑒於歷來有關唐五代詞、《花間集》、《尊前集》的研究，往往只着眼於温庭筠、韋莊、李煜、馮延巳幾家，即使間有學者注意孫光憲詞，大多將之歸入韋莊清淡一派泛泛而論，或只就某一首詞作闡釋，未能全面地展現孫詞廣泛的題材内容、剛健疏淡的藝術風格，也忽視孫詞在晚唐五代詞壇上的價值和地位。故本文集中討論《花間集》中孫光憲風物詞的特色。在他傳世的八十四首詞中，直接或間接涉及風物描寫的有二十五首，約占總數的三分之一；在以閨怨情愛爲主調的《花間集》中，别成一調。探討孫光憲風物詞的特色，對孫光憲詞的整體性研究有莫大的幫助，而其《漁歌子》中“誰似儂家疏曠”一句，正好用以總結孫詞、特别是風物詞的具體風格。
Sun Guangxian (895? -968) was an important writer of ci, or lyric songs, in the Five Dynasties (907-979). His extant lyric songs, amounting to 84 pieces, are included in two collections, Hua Jian Ji and the Zun Qian Ji. Unlike the main theme of the works in these two collections, which is about the sentiments of abandoned and neglected women, the topics of Sun's works show great variety. These topics, including poignancy in the expression of love and separation, description of endemic customs, village's landscape, and the feelings of nostalgia, are more diversified than those of other writers’ works. Two different styles can be found in Sun’s ci: imitating in feminine identity, and directly expressing in his own gender. The masculine style is seldom found in the lyric song of the Five Dynasties. The past researches of Hua Jian Ji and Zun Qian Ji usually focused on the most famous lyric song writers like Wen Tingyun (812? -866) or Wei Zhuang (836? -910), while Sun has been seldom noticed. The description of endemic customs in Sun Guangxian's Ci, therefore, sheds light on the unique style of his lyric songs and demonstrates its literary significance among other five dynasties’ writers, not only in topic, but also the masculine style.
天崩地解與儒佛之爭——明清之際逃禪遺民價值系統的衝突與融合
Authors: 廖 肇亨
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
明社既屋以後，在殘山剩水之間拳拳故國的明遺民，如何安頓個人身心成爲當時知識社群普遍關心的課題。他們的人生選擇不僅代表了個體與國家權力之間的衛突與糾葛，更引導了未來文化與學術思想潮流的走向。在明遺民種種人生抉擇當中，一個極明顯、也極不易爲後人理解的現象，便是士人大規模出家此一文化現象，例稱“遺民逃禪”。逃禪遺民之間有種種差異，方以智（出家後號青原愚者）與金堡（出家後號今釋澹歸）正好代表兩種不同的類型，王夫之對兩種逃禪遺民的批評正好體現了這種價值取向。本文從王夫之、金堡、方以智三人的交遊談起，就三人交遊的軌跡仔細考證，從而以此爲基礎，討論明清之際的知識分子身處天崩地解之際各種價值系統之間的衛突，而種種偏見與誤解的根由其實相當程度是由佛教與儒家長期以來的不同價值觀念所導致。The common concerning of the Ming loyalty is how to comfort their mind and body after the cruel combat. Their choices in such a difficult time reflect the interrelationship between individuals and nations, at the same time, they also leaded the direction of the development of culture and scholarship. There is a very striking and impressive cultural phenomenon is the Buddhist loyalty that the intellectuals who became monks. The comments on Buddhist loyalty are divided which is found in Wang Fu-Zhi’s comments on Fang Yi-Zhi and Jin Bao. This paper try to discuss the value system of Buddhist loyalty through clarification of the detailed process of connection of Wang Fu-Zhi, Fang Yi-Zhi, Jin Bao. In many case, the different value notion cause the fierce quarrel between Buddhism and Confucianism. I also try to sketch out the development of Buddhism in the transition of Ming and Qing.
《有志竟成——孫中山、辛亥革命與近代中國》上、下册
Authors: 文 兆堅 , 黄 耀忠
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese only.

辛亥革命推翻清廷，創立中華民國，結束中國二千多年君主專制政體，更使中國成爲亞洲首個推行民主共和政體的國家。由此可見，辛亥革命作爲中國以至世界歷史上之重要大事，實足以吸引中外史家進行深入的研究與探討。過去多年以來，關於辛亥革命史研究的學術研討會，多在中國大陸與臺灣兩地舉行，相關的研究成果，亦多結集成書出版。而本書《有志竟成——孫中山、辛亥革命與近代中國》（簡稱《有志竟成》）則以2001年於香港舉行的“辛亥革命、孫中山與廿一世紀中國”國際學術研討會論文爲基礎選編而成，共有46篇。所有人選論文均經過嚴格的評審程序，修訂完善才予出版。在香港地區的史學界中，以這樣的方式出版同類性質研討會的論文集，應屬首次。這些論文共分爲五個部分，分别是“歷史評價與研究述評”、“辛亥革命與近代中國政治社會變遷”、“華僑與對外關係研究”、“孫中山研究”與“其他”，而各部分均附有“導論”。(撮要取自內文首段)
《古史異觀》
Authors: 朱 淵清
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese only.

夏含夷教授是芝加哥大學的顧立雅講座教授，曾經擔任芝加哥大學東亞系主任、《早期中國》主編，著有《劍橋中國先秦史》、《西周史料：銅器銘文》、《周易的編纂》、《孔子之前：中國經典的創造研究》、《温故知新録：商周文化史管見》、《重寫中國古代文獻》等書，是國際著名的漢學家，在商周史研究、青銅器研究、年代學研究、古文獻研究等方面成績卓著。他培養的學生也職掌哈佛、哥倫比亞等美國多所著名高校的中國古代史教席。(撮要取自內文首段)
范仲淹與慶曆科舉改革
Authors: 張 希清
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
科舉改革是范仲淹慶曆新政的一項重要内容。早在天聖初年，范仲淹就多次上疏建議“慎選舉，敦教育”，改革科舉制度，以造就和選拔經世致用的“卿士之材”。慶曆四年，根據范仲淹《答手詔條陳十事》中的“精貢舉”和臺閣臣僚的詳議，對科舉與學校的結合、科舉考試的内容和方法等進行了一系列改革，實施了“立學合保薦送之法”、“先策論過落、簡詩賦考式、問諸科大義之法”及廢罷“州郡彌封、謄録，進士、諸科帖經”等新制。范仲淹的慶曆科舉改革具有明顯的進步意義。雖然隨着慶曆新政的夭折，這次科舉改革實施不到一年就被廢罷了，但它的影響却是巨大的。王安石的熙寧科舉改革就是范仲淹慶曆科舉改革的繼續和發展，其在很多方面，比范仲淹的慶曆科舉改革更爲堅決和徹底。
The reform of the national examination system (keju) was one of the important policies laid out by the ruling party led by Fan Zhongyan (989-1052) during the Qingli reign-period (1041-1048). As early as the early Tiansheng reign-period (1023-1032), Fan presented a number of memorials to the throne, advocating caution in selecting and promoting [candidates for officialdom]; seriousness in education and cultivation; and reforming the national examination system, in order to train and select individuals who were capable of management and governance and equipped with talents of chamberlains and scholars. In the fourth year of the Qingli reign-period (1044), reforms in accordance with Fan’s advocacy of “giving greater care to local selection and promotion [of candidates]” were discussed in great detail by the bureaucratic panels. These reforms had two focuses: the combination of the keju examination and education systems; and the content and format of the keju examination. Several new methods were implemented, including: combining schooling and selecting student-candidates; prioritizing tests in discussion of current events, simplifying tests in poetry composition, and asking questions on the general meanings of various subjects; “abolishment of blotting names of examinees for marking, copying answers given by examinees in prefectures and districts, cloze tests on the classics for Advanced Scholars and other exams”; and the like.
Fan’s reform of the keju examination system was of great significance. It had immense impact although, as the Qingli political reform was aborted, it was abolished after less than a year of implementation. Wang Anshi’s (1021-1086) reform of keju during the Xining reign-period (1068-1077) was substantially a further development of Fan’s. This later reform was more resolved and radical.
方東美與懷特海哲學
Authors: 宛 小平
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

該文認爲方東美和懷特海在哲學的入徑上非常相仿，都是從“形而上”出發，這和現當代掀起的反形而上主流相逆。同時，指出方東美始终認爲中國哲學“通性”（儒釋道）也必須從“形而上”來探求；另一方面，無論是方東美還是懷特海所理解的“形而上”又帶有明顯的現代哲學特徵，他們都反對舊有的實體論，反對二元對立的思維，主張有機體的思想。因爲，雖然他們也都不否認神的存在，但這個“神”不是實體化的存在，而是與宇宙的生命一體俱化的“泛神”存在。This essay thinks that there are many similarities between Fang Dongmei’s and Whitehead’s philosophy about the approach which they had studied. They had constructed their own philosophy basing on “the metaphysics”, which was opposite to the mainstream of modern and contemporary counter-metaphysics. Meanwhile, the essay points out that Fang Dongmei was always convinced that “the metaphysics” must be considered as the basic method of studying “the general attribute” of Chinese Philosophy (Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism). But at the same time, whether Fang dongmei or Whitehead, what they comprehended about “the metaphysics“ had the distinct characteristics of modern Philosophy, therefore, they are both opposed to the old theory noumenon, reacted against the thinking of antithetical duality, and advocated the thought of organic unity. And the reason was that, although they did not deny the existence of the god, however, they thought of “the god” as not the existence of substance but “pantheism” existence with Vernalized life of universe.
西漢初年的正統性問題
Authors: 馮 樹勳
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
"據近人陳學霖的研究，正統性約可分爲五種類型，即：一、程序的正統性 (Procedural Legitimation)；二、強制的正統性 (Coercive Legitimation )；三、符號的正統性 (Sematic Legitimation)；四、學術的正統性 (Scholastic Legitimation)；五、群衆的正統性 (Popular Legitimation)。
漢高祖劉邦起自平民，經過楚漢相持的階段擊敗項羽，在公元前202年稱“皇帝”，但並未真正建立漢家的“正統”地位，一直到漢武帝在公元前104年，太初改曆之時，才真正擺脱了秦朝的遺影，確立了漢家自己的文制。這段時期經歷了一百年，亦涉及了不同類型知識份子的參與，試圖達成由符號的正統性，向學術的正統性轉化的過程。
《史記ᆞ魏其武安侯列傳》注云：“漢初至武帝太初以前，並依秦法，以後改用夏正月，至今不改。”而太初以後，漢家已完全脱離周、秦以來對正統問題的困擾，建立真正的漢家制度了。
According to a study by Chen Xuelin (陳學霖), orthodoxy can be principally classified into five categories: (1) Procedural Legitimation, (2) Coercive Legitimation, (3) Sematic Legitimation, (4) Scholastic Legitimation, and (5) Popular Legitimation
Emperor Han Gaozu (漢高祖), originated from the peasant class, has defeated Xiang Yu (項羽) during the Chu Han Contention (楚漢相争) and proclaimed himself as “emperor” in 202 BC. It was not until the time of Taichu Calendar Reform (太初改曆) in 104 BC that Emperor Han Wu (漢武帝) could break away from the legacy of the Qin Dynasty and established the Han System, hence the “Orthodox” Han. The 100-year reform involved intellectuals with different backgrounds attempting to reach the orthodoxy of academic, through the orthodox transformation of symbols.
The Records of the Shiji Weijiwuanhou Liezhuan (《史記ᆞ魏武侯列傳》) noted, “The Qin System has been followed between the period of Early Han and Emperor Han Wu Taichu (太初), and the Xiazhengyue (夏正月) was applied ever since.”, through the break away from the legacies of the Zhou and Qin since the Taichu era, the real Han System was finally established.
從“感物”到“體物”——晉宋詩學的重要發展
Authors: 蔡 彦峰
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

體物寫景是詩歌藝術一個重要的功能，就整個傳統詩歌史來看，“體物”詩學在元嘉時期才真正地確立起來。從漢魏晉詩歌以自然景物爲引發情感的媒介的“感物”詩學，到元嘉山水詩以自然景物爲審美客體的“體物”詩學，這是傳統詩學的一個重要發展，體現了詩歌寫作藝術的新變及詩歌表現範疇的拓展。“感物”到“體物”這一詩學發展過程是相當複雜的，與魏晉南北朝自然觀的變化密切相關。在玄學和佛學的影響下，東晉人擺脱了天人感應的束縛，確立了具有現代意義的新自然觀，這一點爲“體物”詩學的確立奠定了思想基礎。慧遠由佛教“形神論”發展出的“形象本體”之學，則成爲“體物”詩學的美學思想淵源，促進了傳統詩學的重要發展。From analysis of the entire history of traditional poetry, the art of scenery description develops maturely until Yuanjia period. The art develop from the emotional caused by scenery to scenery description, is an important development of poetics. This development of poetics is very complex. The development is closely related to the changes in the concept of natural of Wei and Jin dynasty. Under the influence of Buddhism and metaphysics, new natural concept has been established in the Eastern Jin Dynasty. This is the ideological basis of scenery description. And the Buddhist ontology learning of Huiyuan, also had a significant impact on the arts.
《域外漢籍叢考》
Authors: 陳 尚君
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese only.
本書是金程宇博士的第一本著作，收録他近年所作有關域外漢籍研究的論文十一篇，書評等五篇，另附録《日本藏書印索引稿（印文篇）》。論文分爲三個專題，“朝鮮——韓國漢籍研究”收録《日本國會圖書館藏〈桂苑筆耕集〉的文獻價值》、《〈十抄詩〉叢札》、《韓國本〈十抄詩〉中的唐人佚詩輯考》、《韓國古籍〈太平廣記詳節〉新研》四篇，“漢籍交流研究”收録《〈桂苑筆耕集〉流傳中國考》、《〈游仙窟〉回傳考》、《新發現的〈永樂大典〉殘卷初探》、《新發現〈永樂大典〉殘卷中的曾鞏佚文》四篇，“稀見文獻介紹”收録《東京大學史料編纂所藏〈括地志〉殘卷跋》、《遼寧省圖書館藏島田翰〈吾所睹古文舊書考〉稿本殘帙跋》、《瑞安玉海樓藏〈孫方伯與安南行人筆談問答長卷〉》三篇。此外，“書評及其他”則收《域外漢籍研究的重要收獲——喜讀〈朝鮮時代書目叢刊〉》、《“他山之石，可以攻玉”——讀〈日本古代漢文學與中國文學〉》、《百年中國學人域外訪書瑣談》、《讀崔致遠詩文佚作札記》、《〈内藤湖南全集〉補遺》等。(撮要取自內文首段)
《明代後期士人心態研究》
Authors: 陶 慕寧
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese only.
“心態”一詞，舊不見於辭書，疑譯自域外。李澤厚一九八〇年發表《孔子再評價》，論及孔子文化思想對民族性格之影響，不云“心態”而用“心理狀態”，可見當時“心態”一詞尚不普及。八十年代中期始，心態研究漸成泱鬱之勢，且尤以士人心態研究成績最著。竊忖所謂“心態”者，殆即心理、精神、情感之揭橥於文字者，而操觚弄筆恰爲士人所專擅，後人乃得據以覘知其思想操守及情感波動，進而勾稽綰結相關史料文獻以知人論世，用求最大限度地接近歷史真相。(撮要取自內文首段)
杜甫詩史與《春秋》書法——以宋代詩話筆記之詮釋爲核心
Authors: 張 高評
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

稱美杜甫詩爲“詩史”，始於晚唐孟綮《本事詩》。推崇安史之亂前後杜甫所作敘事詩，以爲富於“推見至隱”之《春秋》書法，識見超拔，可謂杜詩知音。杜甫《祭遠祖當陽君文》，贊揚遠祖杜預：“《春秋》主解，稿隸躬親”，感慨“鳴呼筆跡，流宕何人”？文中杜甫既以“不敢忘本，不敢違仁”自惕自勉，發爲詩歌，遂多“推見至隱”之《春秋》書法。諸如微婉顯晦、據事直書、褒貶勸懲、諱言諱書等，宋代詩學討論之“詩史”論述，杜甫敘事歌行，多有具體而微之體現。本論文考察杜甫詩史，專取《春秋》書法爲視角，援引20餘首杜甫敘事歌行爲例，結合65則宋代詩話筆記，8則明清詩話之論述，借鏡兩宋《公羊》學、《左傳》學之理論，聨結經學、史學，與文學作一學科整合之探討。同時類比白居易、元稹、韓愈、李商隱等有關楊貴妃、馬嵬坡諸詩篇，以見宋人以《春秋》書法論詩之一斑。從此可見《春秋》與詩，皆杜甫“吾家事”，於是詩與《春秋》相表裏，而蔚爲詩史之特筆書寫。

Meng Qi’s Ben Shi Shi (本事詩) began to praise Du Fu’s poetry as “Shishi” (詩史) in late Tang. Meng praised highly for Du Fu’s narrative poems during An Shi Rebellion (安史之亂), and affirmed it’s “represent the obvious to the concealed” and Chun Qiu Shufa (《春秋》書法). He was indeed a transcendent insight and the expert of Du’s poetry. Du Fu “Ji Yuan Jie Dangyang text” (《祭遠祖當陽君文》) commend his ancestor Du Yu: “Chun Qiu is mainly for explanation, Personally writing draft”, sighed “Wuhu handwriting, who owns it?" In the text, Du Fu encouraged and alerted himself as "Not forgetting his roots, not disobeying illegally” for poetries. Chun Qiu Shufa of “Represent the obvious to the concealed” like the Song Dynasty poetics called “Shishi”, Du Fu's XuShiGexing (敍事歌行) almost showed Specifically such as implicit declare obscurely, traightforwarded recording according to events, praised good belittled evil, Said and written indirectly etc. This paper inspects Du Fu’s ‘‘Shishi”, detailed others neglected, varied different from the same. Chun Qiu Shufa of Du Fu's XuShiGexing inspected 60 of Song Dynasty Shihua (詩話) and Biji (筆記), expositions of 6 of the Ming and Qing Dynasties Shihua. To learn northern and southern Song the theory of Gong Yang study (《公羊》學) and ZuoZhuan study (《左傳》學), linking the morality, historiography and literature, discussed the integration of subjects for a study. To analog Bai Juyi (白居易), Yuan Zhen (元稹), Han Yu (韓愈), Li Shangyin (李商隱) s’ various poems about Yang Guifei (楊貴妃), Ma WeiPo (馬嵬坡), understood Chun Qiu Shufa reflected poems.
明中後期對白居易詩接受向度的承接和轉變
Authors: 尚 永亮
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

明中後期150餘年間對白詩接受的發展歷程，大致表現出先抑後揚、抑揚遞變的否定之否定的特點。承接高棅的唐詩觀，前後七子等詩人群體崇盛唐而抑中晚，對白居易詩採取鄙夷的態度，影響所及，蔚然成風。與此同時，唐寅等吳中詩人則以其對白詩的熱情讚賞和創作效法，與七子派抗衡。稍後何良俊、胡應麟等人之稱道白詩，顯示出由否定到認肯的顯著轉變。而至萬曆以後，袁宗道等公安派詩人力崇白詩，展示出對七子派等主流思潮的强力反撥和接受向度的大的轉變。明末許學夷、陸時雍等人承前再轉，或從詩史角度評白詩之“大變”、“啓宋人門戶”，或以神韻爲宗，直斥元白“以潦倒成家”、“練皆降格爲之”，從而既爲明代白詩之詮評畫了一個句號，又給予清人葉燮、王士禛等人的唐詩觀以直接的啓迪和影響。

Over 150 years, the Mid to Late Ming period (early 16th to mid 17th century) witnessed a change from criticism to high praise in the appraisal of Bai Juyi’s (772-846) poetry. The early attitude was the result of a trend initiated by the Former Seven Masters and Later Seven Masters of the Ming, who in turns continued Gao Bing's (1350-1423) accolade of High Tang poetry and his contempt for Mid and Late Tang poetry. In this fashion, Bai Juyi’s poetry was widely demeaned. In the same period there was some opposition from intellectuals such as Tang Yin (1470-1523) and others from the region of Wu (modern Jiangsu and Zhejiang provinces). They gave considerable credit to Bai's poetry and emulated Bai's style in their own compositions. Later, He Liangjun (1506-1573) and Hu Yinglin (1551-1602)'s praise of Bai Juyi’s poetry marked a turning point from criticism to admiration. After the Wanli reign period (1573-1620), some poets of the Gong'an school, such as Yuan Zongdao (1560-1600), wholeheartedly promoted Bai’s poetry. This was in stark opposition to the mainstream thought and poetic taste advocated by the school of the Seven Masters. At the end of the Ming Dynasty, critics such as Xu Xueyi and Lu Shiyong carried on the polemics by expressing different views on Bai's poetry. Some of them defined Bai as a “poet-historian” who initiated a “big change” that “opened up a new gateway for Song Dynasty poets.” In their doctrinal pursuit for “divine aesthetic effect” (shenyun), some harshly criticized Yuan Zhen (119-831) and Bai Juyi's poetry for its simple, coarse style, which represented poor treatment of poetry composition. On the one hand, these opinions marked the end of Ming dynasty critique of vernacular poetry; on the other hand, they had a direct influence on and gave rise to a new view of Tang poetry advocated by Qing critics such as Ye Xie (1627-1702) and Wang Shizhen (1637-1711).
胡應麟“格調”選擇的思想史意義
Authors: 李 思涯
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

本文通過比較胡應麟爲代表的復古派與公安派文學思想核心的不同，認爲他們的本質區別在於是否“師心”，即是否受到了哲學思想的影響。胡應麟對思想性的東西並不感興趣，把學詩的重心放在對“作品”之“格調”、“風神”的學習上，而公安三袁則深受王學影簪，把學詩重心放在“作者”之“性靈”上。由此導致他們對學問的看法完全不同，胡應麟主張學問與文學交相作用，而三袁則認為學問對作者之“心”的修養並無直接關係。這種差別暗合了思想界中“尊德性”與“道問學”之爭。胡應麟提倡博學，但對“尊德性”並無興趣，代表著明代思想史中的一個動向：學術、知識研究正式從觀念化、印象化向系統化、實證化轉變。

By comparing the core thoughts of Hu Yinglin and Gong’an School, this paper pointed out that the difference between them is whether they were influenced by philosophic thinking. Hu was not interested in philosophy, so he put emphasis on the “Gediao” and “Fengshen” of text in learning poetry. While Gong'an School was deeply affected by it, so put emphasis on the “Xingling” of writer. Therefore, they hold different views on knowledge. Hu persisted in the interacting of poetry and knowledge. However, Gong’an School thought that knowledge had not direct relation with the writer’s hearts. These distinctions coincide the argument of “Esteeming the Virtuous Nature” (zun de xing) and “Following the Path of Inquiry” (dao wen xue) in intellectual history. That Hu advocated erudition and knowledge inheritance but had no interests in Virtuous Nature, indicated one direction of intellectual transition of Ming Dynasty, that is, academic research on knowledge began more and more systematic and positive.
龔鼎孳人格論
Authors: 白 一瑾
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

本文對清初著名的“貳臣”文人龔鼎孳的複雜人格進行分析。其人格可分爲四個側面：其一是參與政治、建功立業的強烈欲望，這是由他兼濟天下的儒家政治理想、對個人自我實現的追求，以及身爲貳臣的贖罪心理所決定的；其二是對文人化的林泉隱居生活的仰慕，以及由此產生的立足于台閣文人身份、將“仕”與“隱”合二爲一的人生理想；其三是對肉體生存與物質享受的極度貪戀；其四是中庸理智且自有人生原則的生存方略。他的特殊人格，與歷史上著名的貳臣馮道，具有相似性。

This essay is an analysis of the complex character of Gong Dingzi (1615-1673), a famous intellectual who has been regarded as a turncoat official. Gong's character may be observed from four aspects. The first one is his keen desire for a political career and to make a strong contribution. This was determined by three factors: (1) his confucian ideal of bringing order to the world; (2) his pursuit of personal goals; (3) his redemptive philosophy derived from his role as a “traitor”. The second aspect of Gong’s character is an ideal lifestyle that combines the two apparently contradictory choices of “service” and “reclusion.” This was formed on the basis of his admiration for the reclusive lifestyle of traditional intellectuals, as well as his craving for the name of an official-intellectual. The third aspect is his lust for a carnal life and material pleasures. The last is his life strategy, which is comprised of a moderate course and certain principles in life. His special character shares similarities with Feng Dao (882-954), another famous turncoat official in Chinese history.
杜甫、白居易近體詩韻字考——依靠《刊謬補缺切韻》考察韻字
Authors: 水谷 誠
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

本文利用唐代韻書《刊謬補缺切韻》，以杜甫詩和白居易詩爲例證，分析唐詩的用韻，認爲杜詩和白詩的韻字大體上出自《刊謬補缺切韻》，其用韻範圍基本上是《切韻》所收的範圍。而《刊謬補缺切韻》中未收的杜詩和白詩的韻字，比例僅佔不到百分之二。由此推論像北宋《廣韻》這樣大規模的韻書是用韻書的規範化，增補的主要是字典的未收字，使韻書字典化了。而像北宋《韻略》這樣小規模的韻書是專供詩文用的。

This study makes use of the Kanmiu buque Qieyun (Corrections of Errors and Supplements to the Qieyun), a Tang-dynasty rhyme book, in examining the rhyming system in Tang poetry. The author argues that most of the rhyming words in Du Fu’s (712-770) and Bai Juyi’s (772-846) poetry are found in this book and that they are basically within the coverage of Qieyun. Less than two percent of the rhyming words in the poetry of Du and Bai are not found in Kanmiu buque Qieyun. These findings allow a hypothesis that most tome rhyme books such as the Guangyun, which were compiled in the Northern Song, were standardized editions of rhyme books. All retrospective supplements to rhyme books were mainly words that were not collected from dictionaries, so rhyme books were then lexicalized. Small rhyme books such as the Yunlue (A Concise Rhyme Book) were, however, specifically for the use of poetry composition.
漢語時間表達中的運動隱喻
Authors: 周 國正
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

漢語中，“前”既可指未來（如“前途”）又可指過去（如“前世”）是令人困感的現象；而與“前”相反的“後”卻與“前”不對稱，“後”（如“後世、後人”）只能指未來，不能指過去，又引起更多困惑。前者學者多以“個體移動——時間移動”隱喻去解釋“前”的矛盾義，後者則傾向以“前、後”在空間認知上的不對稱去解釋在時間表達的不對稱。但“個體移動——時間移動”隱喻其實缺乏主動的解釋力，而“前、後”認知上不對稱如何限制“後”對時間的表達亦欠缺具體準確的説解。本文指出“個體移動——時間移動”隱喻的缺失，顯示時間表達所採用的其實是運動隱喻。在運動中認知主體有兩種著眼取向：一、本身作爲運動體的途程。二、其他事物相對於自身所在位置的運動。從這個視角切入可以妥當解釋何以“前”（及類似字詞）能表達矛盾的時間意涵及“前、後”的不對稱如何限制“後”的時間表達。

In Chinese, the word “front” paradoxically conveys the meanings of both future and past; whereas its antonym “back” asymmetrically only conveys “future”. Scholars tend to account for the paradoxical phenomenon with the metaphors “moving ego vs moving time”, and the asymmetry in human cognition. This article first reveals that the metaphors “moving ego vs moving time” are deficient in explanatory power and a concrete and precise explanation on the constraint of asymmetry is still wanting; and then moves on to construct a Movement Metaphor. It is discovered that the cognitive subject has two concerns in movement: 1. itself being a moving thing, the path of its movement; 2. how other things move in relation to its position (absolute point, reference). Studying from this approach can neatly answer the intriguing questions.
陳漢章《〈周禮〉行於春秋時證》析論
Authors: 許 子濱
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

以《左傳》禮制印證《周禮》的古今論著中，最爲閎博的是陳漢章（1864—1938）的《〈周禮〉行於春秋時證》。此文前後三次刊載於不同刊物，兩次誤題黄侃所作。陳氏堅信《周禮》爲周公撰作，文中詳列《左傳》所載春秋遍行《周禮》的例證，共計七十三例，從而得出《周禮》於春秋之時廣泛頒行列國的結論。這些例證，主要爲彙集增補漢人（以鄭衆、鄭玄爲主）、唐人以至清人的注疏或論著而成。除少數例證值得懷疑外，绝大部分都能成立。經過通盤的驗證，《周禮》可與《左傳》互證共九十餘例，足以證明《周禮》部分禮文的制定確有事實依據。陳氏把這種現象解釋爲“《周禮》行於春秋時”的反映。但事實上，《周禮》與《左傳》有合有不合。陳説的可議之處在於，只見《周禮》與《左傳》的相通之處而忽視其間的差異，以致立論出現偏差。

Chan Hanzhang (陳漢章) (1864-1938) instead of Huang Kan (黄侃) (1886-1935) was the author of the captioned article. There has been much controversy on the book Zhouli (《周禮》) with its dating and authenticity in particular. Many scholars attempted to resolve the dating and authenticity of Zhouli based on the comparison of Zhouli and Zuozhuan (《左傅》), among them Chan Hanzhang’s article is the most noteworthy, yet little has been studied on his findings. This present article examines thoroughly Chan Hanzhang’s views on Zhouli from a perspective of intertextual cross-referencing. Indeed, Chan Hanzhang had made a careful comparison of the rituals contained in the Zuozhuan with those recorded in Zhouli. He concluded that Zhouli was written by Zhougong (周公) and was still prevailing during the Spring and Autumn period (770-453 BC). Although Zhouli and Zuozhuan agreed with each other in respect of various rituals, there are considerable discrepancies between these two classics.
《湖湘詩派研究》
Authors: 李 金坤
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese only.

湖湘詩派，又稱漢魏六朝詩派，是活躍於中國近代詩壇百年之久的一大詩歌流派，名冠近代衆多詩派之首。作爲此派領袖人物的王闓運，學界似乎—邊倒地評價其詩是以“雜湊摹仿”爲能事，脫離現實，沒有實際意義。陳衍堪稱此類言論之代表，其云：“湘綺五言古沉酣于漢魏六朝者至深，雜之古人集中直莫能辨。……蓋其墨守古法，不隨時代風氣爲轉移，雖明之前後七子無以過之也。”（《近代詩鈔》）對於此派，歷來研究成果寥若晨星，且大多集中于對王闓運其人其詩的探討。至於對“湖湘詩派”進行全面研究者，自是一片空白。“蕭曉陽有志爲湘綺去蔽，並爲近代湘中詩壇和湖湘派聲氣相通的異域靈鬼們立傅”。（羅時進“序”）蕭曉陽君在其博士論文基礎上修訂而成的洋洋30余萬言的大著《湖湘詩派研究》（人民文學出版社，2008年4月版。下文簡稱“蕭著”），以其翔實的史料，求實的態度，辯證的思想，科學的方法，宏通的視野，深微的闡析，創新的理念，還湖湘詩派以本來面貌，從而使珠玉重光，價值再現，地位復顯，名聲又響。蕭著鄭重指出：“湖湘詩派人在近百年的詩歌創作歷程中，推崇《楚辭》，鎔鑄八代，張揚了詩人慷慨任氣的個性精神，表現了憂傷哀怨的悲劇情感，透露出特有的時代氣息，形成了典雅綺麗的詩歌風格。”（p388）“在古典與現代、文言與白話、中學與西學相交匯的晚清社會，湖湘派詩歌以其狂放的氣勢，傲睨一切的姿態，批判現實，不時衝破格律詩歌的樊籬，在一定程度上使詩歌回到了自然之途，成爲中國詩歌史上古典詩歌向現代詩歌轉變過程中重要的一環。”（p389）“湖湘派詩歌作爲近代詩歌史上感傷詩歌的開拓者，開創之功實不可没。”（p390）但蕭著也認爲：“（湖湘詩派）由於在形式上存在著擬古傾向，其末流以擬古爲高，刻意求似，嚴重削弱甚至掩蓋了詩歌本身的精神，成爲這個詩歌流派的致命的弱點。”（p389）如此實事求是的評價，可謂甚中肯綮，空谷足音。在湖湘詩派系統、全面而深入的研究方面，蕭著委實是一部填補學術空白的力作。簡要論之，蕭著具有視界宏通、論析深微與觀點創新的三大特色。（撮要取自內文首段）
淮南子韻讀
Authors: 劉 殿爵
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
王念孫遺稿《淮南子韻譜》以古韻分部編排，列出《淮南》一書叶韻韻字。此稿旨在研究西漢古音而不在《淮南》之研究。本文嘗試依《淮南子》正文編排，標出《韻譜》所收用韻之部分，俾便治《淮南》學者查檢；而偶有《韻譜》脫漏未足者，試作補訂。Wang Nien-sun 王念孫 (1744-1832) left behind manuscripts on ancient Chinese phonology, amongst which is a work on the rhymes of the Huai-nan tzu arranged according to finals, known as Tabulated Rhymes of the Huai-nan tzu (淮南子韻譜). This was not accessible to scholars until its publication as an appendix by Lo Ch'ang-p'ei 羅常培 and Chou Tsu-mo 周祖謨 in their Han Wei Chin Nan-pei-ch'ao Yun-pu Yen-pien Yen-chiu Book I 漢魏晉南北朝韻部演變研究，第一分冊 (pp. 246-266) (Peking, 1958). The present work is an attempt at re-arrangement and expansion of Wang's work. The reason why it is necessary to do so is twofold. First, the manuscript Wang left behind is in a draft stage. There are numerous rhymes in the Huai-nan tzu which have been left out. There are cases of discrepancy between the Yun-p'u and the section of his Tu-shu tsa-chih 讀書雜志 on the Huai-nan tzu. Second, the Yun-p'u is a study of ancient Chinese phonology, and not, in the first instance, of the Huai-nan tzu. Thus the arrangement does not have the student of the Huai-nan tzu in mind and it is troublesome to locate the passages where rhymes actually occur. By contrast, the present compilation aims at helping the reader in his study of the Huai-nan tzu. It, therefore, carries the full text with all the rhymes marked, including those overlooked by Wang. It is hoped that this will not only highlight the rhyming passages but also be of help, at times, to the solution of textual as well as punctuational problems.
嘉祐二年貢舉事件的文學史意義
Authors: 王 水照
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese only.

宋仁宗嘉祐二年（1057），歐陽修權知禮部貢舉。這一為時不長的衡文取士過程，卻蘊含着深遠的多重文學史意義，對於「歐門」的組成、文風的改革乃至宋代文學發展的導向，產生了重要的作用，北宋時期的 第一個文學高潮也隨之同時出現。

一，「歐門」構成基礎的進士集團。歐門是逐漸形成的一個鬆散的文學羣體，但歐陽修此科取士，得人最盛，雋才雲集，歐門遂告正式確立。赴京應試的舉子們所形成的特殊文化圈為歐門的優化組合提供基礎，歐氏與舉子的雙向選擇標準，體現了歐門的文學性質。座師與門生、門生與門生之間的關係構成了歐門縱橫結合的網络結構，保證了從歐門到蘇門發展的連續性。

二，排擯「太學體」，宋代散文羣體風格的成立。「太學體」的性質及其產生的歷史淵源和文化背景。歐 陽修排擯「太學體」的自覺性及其散文理論主張。在平易自然、流暢婉轉的宋文羣體風格的形成過程中，嘉祐貢舉紛爭是重要的一環。

三，「鎖院」詩歌唱和的文學活動。今存八、九十首唱和詩的內容分析。「唱和」對詩歌藝術的積極作用 和負面作用。詩歌酬唱成為宋代普遍的文學現象，影響複雜和巨大。
北宋詠琴詩
Authors: 劉 楚華
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

宋代文化素質之高，見於宋人之重科舉教育、出版繁榮，宋代士風之美，更為後世所稱道，士大夫的氣節情操固然是推動社會文明的主力，他們對於傳統文化的熱忱，是保存雅士文化與傳統藝術的重要支柱，文學方面雖説詩歌已不復盛唐，詞體又迅速發展，然詩壇景況不衰，反而詩家輩出；音樂方面，民間曲調已廣泛流行，文人莫不沉緬在輕歌漫舞、杯酒新詞的時代情調之中，卻又為衰廢已久的古樂、琴道大聲吶喊，使兩宋成為在歷中上少見的古樂整理及琴樂發達的一代。古今共存、雅俗並興，這種耐人尋味的現象正是宋代文化最顯著的特徵，追究原因主要是君主的提倡及士人對詩體、琴道的尊重所致。本文主要工作檢閱北宋諸家詠琴詩作，除了從藝術角度之外也圖立足在詩、樂兩種藝術交滙點上，透視北宋文人生活，尤其是在北宋中期，這個昇平的學術、文化環境之中，詩、樂文化的創作空間與生存狀態。The Northern Sung (960-1126) enjoyed more than one hundred and fifty years of peace and prosperity. A new popular form of poem Ci evoluted energetically in the world of literature, the Shi performed nevertheless its consistent creativity among literati. On the other side of popular songs that developed actively along with Ci, the traditional Qin music was preserved respectfully by literati. Both favoured by scholars and emporers, Qin and Shi symbolized then spirituel stature to most culturists and achieved through-out Chinese history an unique position in the world of refined art.
梁啟超的名號
Authors: 蔣 英豪
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

梁啟超(1873-1929)是晚清改良派的宣傳巨子，他擅於利用報刊宣揚維新立憲政見，辦過逾十種報刊，著述甚豐，其所用的名號也特多。其名號透露了他一生思想與治學途徑的發展與變化、他的流亡生涯、他的報刊事業、他的文學事業、他在政壇上的角色、以至時人對他的觀感。本文歸納他所用過的以及時人給他的名號，以探索這個名號系統所表達的意義。附「梁啟超名號表」，共八十目，是方今較齊全的梁氏名號彙集。As one of the most talented propagandists among the reformists in late imperial China, Liang Qichao (1873-1929) was known to be very good at voicing his political opinion through newspapers and magazines. He himself served as editor for more than ten periodicals, using a great number of pseudonyms in his enormous writings. His names and pseudonyms revealed the development and change of his thought and academic interest, his life in exile, his career as a journalist and as a man of letter, the role he played in the political scene, as well as what his contemporaries thought of him. This article analyses Liang’s pseudonym system and its significance and implications. The appendix, with 80 items in total, is the most comprehensive list of Liang’s names and pseudonyms to date.
劉伯端詞事繫年
Authors: 黃 坤堯
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
劉景堂(1887-1963)，號伯端。廣東番禺人。嘗任職廣東學務公所。1911年廣州黃花崗事起後來港，任香港華民署文案。公餘之暇，開始學詞；多與陳步墀、汪兆銓、張學華、俞安鳳、俞安鼐、黎國廉等唱和。又先生嘗加盟南社，《南杜叢刻》選錄其詩詞七首。戰時遠走桂平，戰後回港。1950年與廖恩燾、羅忼烈等組堅社，推動詞學，影響甚大。有《滄海樓詞》傳世，公認為香港首屈一指的詞人。劉詞語淺情深，婉約渾成，將美學和哲思融合為一，境界自高。劉詞不單是香港文學的代表，也是中國近代詞壇振起的異軍。王國維「境界」之論，況周頤「詞境」、「詞心」之美，在劉詞中都有深刻完美的呈現。劉景堂居港五十年，經歷過不同的歷史時期，所與交者皆一時俊彥，文采風流。本文透過劉景堂的一生，可以看出香港詞人的成長歷程，保留一批較為罕見的文學史料；同時也可以由一個全新的角度檢視傳統文學在當代的發展和成就。Lau Pak-tun （1887-1963）,a native of Guang Dong, was born and brought up in Canton. On the eve of the 1911 Revolution, he moved with his family to Hong Kong where he joined the staff of the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs where he remained until he took early retirement as a result of ill health.
From his early twenties he began the writing of ci poetry and remained devoted to this genre throughout his life. His initial volume of ci entitled Xin ying ci（心影詞）（1920）, was followed by various collections, culminating in his Cang Hai Lou ci （滄海樓詞）, published in 1953. This series of publications established firmly his reputation as one of the most distinguished writers of this genre. In 1967, a new edition of the Cang Hai Lou ci was brought out which gathers in the earlier and later collections. Unfortunately, the ci are not arranged in strict chronological order and offers serious obstacles to admirers of his ci. In this article, the author makes extensive use of material available in the writings of Lau’s contemporaries and associates and succeeds in a much closer dating of his work. It is not only a contribution of great value to students of Lau Pak-tun’s ci but also to historians of Chinese literature in modem times.
老莊新論
Authors: 張 錦青
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese only.

《老莊新論》收錄了陳鼓應先生所著二十四篇討論道家哲學的文章。在該些文章裏，陳先生對老學和莊學的某些主要內容作了解釋和評論，並且嘗識了闡述和論證他所持守的“道家主幹説”。(撮要取自內文首段)
商代的秋冬祀典
Authors: 連 劭名
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

根據殷墟出土的甲骨刻辭的記戴，商代已經有了祈請農業豐收的祀典，稱為“帝秋”、“告秋”、“告秋稱”等等。秋季農作物收穫之後，有“登黍”、“登米”、“登新鬯”的儀式。向袓先貢獻新收穫的穀物和新釀制的香酒。一年中最隆重的祭祀在冬季，全體宗族成員、親戚故舊齊集於宗廟之中，共祭祖先，然後舉行盛大的宴會，就是文獻中所説的“鄉飲酒禮”。According to the Oracle bones inscriptions unearthed from Yin Xu, there was, in the Shang Dynasty, the ceremonies, asking Heaven for good harvests. This type of ceremony was called Di Qiu 帝秋,Gao Qiu 吿秋, and Gao Qiu Cheng 吿秋稱.After the harvest in autumn, there would be ceremonies called Deng Shu 登黍, Deng Mi 登米, and Deng Xin Chang 登新鬯.These was to contribute to the ancestors the new grains and new wine. The most elaborate ceremony was in winter, when all members of the tribe and their relatives would get together in their family; temple. They would worship their ancestors and would hold a very big banquet. This banquet is the so called Xiang Yijiu Li 鄉飲酒禮 in ancient documents.
論黃山谷詩的襲變
Authors: 梁 巨鴻
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

江西詩派論山谷作詩之法，謂有奪胎法及換骨法。但都無法指出如何謂之奪胎、如何謂之換骨；所舉例子，有渾淆的、有附會的，都無從驗證其所以為作詩之法。此外，山谷本人點石成金之説，亦只在答洪駒父之書牘中偶一提及，實在也沒有提出個甚麼方法，徒增崇拜者的虛美而已。今論黃山谷詩的襲變，意欲指出山谷詩襲取前人詩句之法。簡言之，是用前人的概念為基礎，而更作出新的境界，使讀者在舊有的概念上，有深一層的思考。這種作法，名之為「襲變」。本論文意欲探討山谷作詩之法，及欣賞山谷詩之法，至於山谷詩襲變之類型、意義、價值、影響等俱無涉。According to the Jiangxi school of poets, Huang Shan-gu composed his poetry by ‘casting’ and ‘remoulding’. The precise meaning of these two terms were however not clearly explained. Illustrations quoted were either confusing or strained, and anyhow incapable of demonstrating how they could be defined as composition methods for poetry.

In his letter to Hong Jufu, the poet had once talked about the vitalization of an ordinary piece of work. However, he had not sought to formulate any methodology for poetry composition, making therefore the adoration of his admirers somewhat unfounded.

Contemporary discussions on the “adaptive creation” found in the works of the poet only intend to highlight his way of adapting compositions by predecessors. Simply put, this “method” consists in deriving new, refreshed horizon from concepts depicted in the predecessors’ poetry, so as to induce further thoughts by the readers.

This paper aims at identifying the way Huang Shan-gu composed his poetry, and how his works should be appreciated. It however makes no attempt to discuss the types, meaning, value and effect of his adaptive creation method.
錢穆《春秋》學論述及其所涉秦漢經學史
Authors: 宋 惠如
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

晚清民國時期僞經説蔚爲風潮，其中重大影響之一，在於康有爲、皮錫瑞今文經學史觀成爲後人省察秦漢學術之基線，當中存在著對經學、孔子學術、漢代學術的各項判定。然而他們的主張不僅爲古文學者如章太炎、劉師培所質疑，錢賓四先生亦就其經學史主張，提出切實的學術史觀與論述架構。五經中，《春秋》出於孔子之手，既史且經，性質特殊，尤其《春秋》在漢代被推崇，復爲今古文經學之爭的爭議核心，是以秦漢之際《春秋》學流變如何，實爲架構秦漢經學史的關鍵論題。錢先生《春秋》學論述有其特點，尤值得關注的是，其中含括錢先生對秦漢經學發展的特殊見解，是以本文先説明錢先生《春秋》學觀的基本立場，其次論述錢先生講論，作爲先秦王官學與諸子學交界的孔子《春秋》學，以及講論作爲古學、今學之論的漢代《春秋》學等三部分，説明錢先生《春秋》學説及其所涉經學史論述中，不同於今、古文經學者的辨真之見。

The studies of Confucian classics of Pre-Qin and Han times respectively by Kang Youwei (1858-1927) and Pi Xi-Rui (1850-1908) made significant impacts in the field. However, their views were questioned not only by scholars such as Zhang Taiyan (1869-1936) and Liu Shipei (1884 1919), but Qian Mu also proposed alternative interpretations and insightful discourses of his own. In particular, Qian raised a question: What special aspects of the Chunqiu (Spring and Autumn Annals) make this book a key to constructing the studies of Confucian Classics of pre-Qin and Han times? This article is a discussion of Qian Mu’s perspectives on this subject based on his discourses on Chunqiu studies. The discussion is divided into three parts: first, Qian’s perspectives on Chunqiu studies; second, his comments on Chunqiu studies of pre-Qin times; and third, his comments on Chunqiu studies of Han times. It then concludes with Qian’s comprehensive view on Chunqiu studies as well as his keen insight on relevant scholarship.
踵金宋餘習：蘇天爵《元文類》中的詩歌史開端探論
Authors: 凌 頌榮
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

蘇天爵（1294—1352），字伯修，爲元代中葉館閣文臣的代表人物。其精通史學之餘，亦善於詩文，有總集《元文類》七十卷傳世。《元文類》具備豐富的材料與龐大的規模，以賦體爲始，傳體爲迄，合計收録34類文體，文學史價值不可忽視。本文擬聚焦於《元文類》的詩歌部分，特别是各個類别的開端部分。蘇天爵固然希望建立元詩的主體性，卻必須處理元詩成形以前，與金、宋兩代詩學交雜的時期。這涉及元代對前朝詩歌與文化的認可與接受。是以本文希望從總集的編選手法入手，探討《元文類》對這問題的態度，以及處理手法。本文將分成三部分。首先是整理有關元詩開端之議題的理路，以及其與《元文類》之性質的關係；其次，本文會由元好問於總集中的位置入手，分析金人詩歌進入《元文類》的情況與意義；最後，本文會關注其他金、宋遺民，嘗試梳理隱於總集中的前朝記憶與遺民情感，並考察蘇天爵如何接受它們。

Su Tianjue (1294-1352) was a famous leader of the central government literati in the middle era of Mongol Yuan. Besides his proficiency in historiography, he also compiled a literary anthology titled Yuan wen lei (Yuan Literature Arranged by Genre), which has been an important source for the study of Yuan literature. This paper focuses on the poetic history shown in this book, especially the early part. Obviously, Su aimed to make Yuan poetry the main component of this poetic history, but it would be unrealistic to deny the continuous cultural influence of the Jin and Song dynasties, which were both conquered by the Mongolians. This contradiction is highly related to how Yuan adopted the previous culture. This paper contains three parts. First, it introduces existing scholarship concerning the starting point of the Yuan and thereby studies its relationship with the Yuan wen lei. Secondly, it explores the position of Yuan Haowen (1190-1257) in the anthology and how Su selected the Jin poetry and included it in his anthology. Finally, it examines the poetry written by the loyalists of Jin and Yuan as a means to explore Su’s attitudes towards these works.
論明末清初女性詞評出現“林下風”傾向的内涵與社會文化意義
Authors: 莫 岸洪
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

明末清初（約明代崇禎年間到清代康熙年間），女性詞評出現一股“林下風”傾向的潮流：即用“林下風”作爲正面批評女性詞的標準，頻繁出現於明末清初涉及女性詞評的文獻中，而其中詞評部分佔最大比例的是對晚明和清初女詞人的評論。明末清初對女性詞評的“林下風”傾向與當時詞壇的風氣轉變密切相關。明代中期以來在尊崇婉約及易安體爲正宗的詞壇背景下，女性詞受到了空前的重視和揄揚。評論女詞人著意强化“林下風”，其實標舉的是女性詞人其詞具有男性詞人的“閒雅”、“淡遠”、“混茫”的風格内涵，與“儂婉”、“纖佻”、具有“脂粉之態”的閨秀詞是相異的，這具有言過其實的成分，其實是有意將女詞人抬舉到名士的地位，這是顛倒性别的批評名士化的傾向，其名士内涵是風雅儒生、有才文士。這根源於明末清初出現才女“名士化”傾向的社會文化背景：包括推崇“才情”的女性觀；“女務外學”的社會背景；才女品藻的名士化傾向。從中可看出，女性的詞體創作地位在當時文壇得到較大提升，女性的社會文化地位也在一定程度上得到提升。但也是女性詞評無法突破以男性爲中心批評標準的體現，女性仍然是在男權的社會框架下處於弱勢的社會文化地位。

The “Style of Under-the-Grove” became a standard, positive appraisal of ci- poems by woman writers, which is frequently found in documents of the late Ming to early Qing times (mid to late 17th century) that involve criticism of ci-poems by woman writers. This trend of identifying the “Style of Under-the-Grove” in the remarks on ci-poems by woman writers of the time is closely related to the changes in the poetic arena. Since the middle of the Ming when the feminine ci style of the past enjoyed high esteem, the works by woman writers were given unprecedented attention and praise. The emphasis on the “Style of Under-the-Grove” in the remarks on ci poetesses is a purposeful act of highlighting the “elegant,” “remote,” and “unrestrained” styles, which are usually found in works by male poets. These styles differ drastically from the typical boudoir ci-poems marked by “subtlety,” “delicateness,” and “bearings of rouge and makeup.” These kinds of remarks are exaggerating; their real intent was to raise the status of these poetesses to the same level as the renowned scholars of the time. This is a trend of reversing gender priority and a criticism of making renowned scholars, an appellation for elegant intellectuals and talented scholars. This trend originated in the socio-cultural context of late Ming and early Qing times, when talented women were compared with and even “made” scholars of great renown. This context included the promotion of talents of ladies, pursuing “external studies,” and evaluating talented women by adopting the standard of a male scholar of renown. It can be seen that the status of ci writing by female poets saw a significant rise, and the socio-cultural status of women was also raised to a certain extent. However, it also reflects that remarks of ci-poetry by women cannot break through the standard of male-centered criticism. Women were still in a weak socio-cultural position under the patriarchal social framework.
論《水滸傳》和《西游記》的神學問題
Authors: 張 錦池
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
該文以神學問題作切入點，比較了《水滸傳》和《西遊記》思想和寫法的異同，論證了《易•觀•象》所云「聖人以神道設教而天下服矣」是這兩部作品「神道」描寫的真髓和旨歸。
該文認為《水滸傳》和《西遊記》中的英雄人物，既具「神性」的特點，又具「魔性」的特點，明顯地呈現出一種「神」→外「魔」而內「神」→「神」否定之否定三段式生命歷程。執柄者用之則社稷從今化為禮樂笙鏞治，棄之則乾坤由此變作兵戈劍戟叢，這就是作者通過他筆端的英雄人物這一三段式生命歷程所欲曉諭的濟世哲理和療國良方。
該文認為《水滸傳》和《西遊記》中的「神諭」實即作者的自諭。其主要作用有三：一是借以匡范英雄人物的人生道路，二是借以充當英雄人物公義觀念的辯護士，三是借以宣泄作者的難言之隱或暗示作品的創作本旨。
該文還認為《水滸傳》和《西遊記》雖則同以「神境→人境→神境」作為自己敘事結構的三段式構架，而由於作者審美情感、審美理想、審美心理定勢的不盡相同，其所包蘊於這三段式構架中的思想亦呈現出同中之異。This paper approaches the similarities and differences in the concepts and the narrative methods of Water Margin and Journey To the West from the perspective of theology. It purports to show the didactic purpose and function of the two works.
The heroes in the two works show characteristics of the divine and of evil. They move in a three-phase progress: from the divine to a manifestation of evil and then back to the innate divinity. Rulers who use them wisely do so and create a cultured, peaceful, prosperous realm, and those who do not know how to use them turn the world into a battlefield. This is how the two authors use the three-phase progress of their heroes as an exemplar of good governance.
The concept of the divine in the two works is an expression of the authors’ concept of what is right. The concept serve three functions: a) as guiding principles for the progress of the heroes, b) as advocacy for the sense of justice in the heroes, and c) as an expression of the unstated purpose of the authors in the creation of the works.
While both works use the “divine-human-divine” three-phase structure as the narrative structure of the novel, differences exist because of the differences in the aesthetics of feeling, of ideals and of psychology in the two authors.
「外聖」而「内王」——李光耀與新加坡儒學
Authors: 梁 元生
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.
1980年代新加坡大力推行儒家倫理教育。首先，在1982年時政府邀請了八位海外知名的儒家學者訪問新加坡，教育部又成立了「儒家倫理課程編寫組」，次年又成立了「東亞哲學研究所」，從事儒學的研究和推廣工作。這個儒學運動不但在新加坡本國內產生很大影響，同時也對亞太地區的國家和社會有所衝擊，甚至波及國際秩序與外交關係。
本文旨在分析新加坡領袖李光耀與這個儒學運動的關係。首先，文章分析李氏儒家思想的淵源，然後對李氏如何應用儒家倫理思想作了較為詳細的剖析。文章指出，李氏把儒家的「內聖•外王」的典範作逆反的運用，形成了「外聖」而「內王」的格局。所謂「外聖」，意指李氏在國際上和外交上應用「儒家倫理」與「亞洲價值觀」，與西方國家之大談人權、民主與個人主義抗衡；所謂「內王」，則指在新加坡國內樹立政治權威及由上而下的推行社會工程。This paper attempts to analyze the Confucian Project promoted by Lee Kuan Yew in the 1980s and early 1990s. First it points out that Lee, with his “baba” background, educated in English at Raffles and Cambridge, had first adopted a negative policy toward Chinese education and Chinese culture. Then the paper analyzes in more detail the transformation of Lee and the change of policy with regard to Chinese language and culture. Specifically the paper examines the Confucian Project introduced by Lee since 1982. Using the paradigm of “Inner Sageliness-Outer Kingliness” (nei-sheng wai-wang) in Neo- Confucian thinking, the paper analyzes Lee’s Confucianism in two areas, domestic affairs and foreign relations. It is the assertion of the author that Lee, influenced by pragmatic and functional concerns, applied Confuciansim with a “paradigm shift” 一 “Outer Sageliness” and “Inner Kingliness”. The former capitalizes his stand on “Asian Values”, seeing Confucian ethics and morality as the cultural founda¬tion for Asian countries and that Western values of individualism, human rights and democracy should not be imposed upon Asian nations. The latter refers to his application of Confucian ethics in Singapore for political stability, authoritarianism, and social engineering.
江湖詩派研究
Authors: 吳 淑鈿
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese only.

研究江湖詩派不是容易的事。舉凡提到宋詩的研究，人們往往將焦點放在大家大派上，大家如蘇黃陸，大派如江西詩派。研究宋詩大多離不開作為宋詩典型的江西詩派，一般會沿着江西詩形成及後期的演變作相關的探討。例如研究梅堯臣會牽涉到他對後來江西典型建立的影響，研究南宋四家又不免觸 及對前期江西派的反動力量等。江湖在這個範圍內被視為末派。其次，比起江西詩的鮮明性格，講學習理論講創作技巧，江湖派雖反江西，但欠獨立意識的旗幟，面目比較模糊。最後，作為江西派的對立面，江湖派即使人多勢眾，但結構鬆散，缺能作為詩派代表的大家。甚且不似四靈的集中力量，於四家之後標舉晚唐，專攻五律。作為宋詩一個結構性的環節，江湖詩人所受的注意向來較少。如元方回論宋詩之發展，四靈之後，不及江湖之派。而全祖望〈宋詩紀事序〉以宋詩有四變，最後一變則説：「嘉定以後，江湖小集盛行，多四靈之徒也」。現代學者如張白山、陳植鍔、胡念貽在對宋詩的分期分 派上，更明白將江湖與四靈併作一個單元。在文學史的意義上，這固然是還江湖派一個詩壇上的位置，但另一方面又明顯將江湖放在四靈的附屬位置，以江湖為四靈的發展部分。無論如何，對江湖派正視之不足除了易造成對此派作品藝術審美之偏差外，亦始終對此詩人群體之創作底蘊欠缺客觀的認識與判 斷。兼就這兩點言之，張宏生的《江湖詩派研究》實具至大價值。(撮要取自內文首段)
革命•歷史•小說
Authors: 陳 順馨
Published: February 2023

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese only.

「解讀」二十世紀中國文學的「革命歷史小説」、「歷史小説」以至與「革命」和「歷史」有關的「小説」或「大眾文藝」，可以説是一批海內外中國文學研究者近年的「衝動」。就牛津大學出版社（香港）而言，繼收集了多位中國中青年學者精辟的「解讀」的《再解讀——大眾文藝與意識形態》（1993）的出版，已從北京、紐約、芝加哥、伊州香檳輾轉到香港「落戶」的黃子平的個人專著《革命•歷史•小説》（1996）最近又問世。黃子平説，過去七年他「身心二境」而「無法沉潛」，是這書「粗糙不成體系/系統/體統」的原因之一。對於我這個在過去七年也曾經就一些當代的「革命歷史小説」和黃子平的批評意識進行「解讀」的讀者來説，從書中卻能讀出一點包括批評對象和批評主體的「體」、「系」和「統」來。(撮要取自內文首段)