bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Birds of the Shortgrass Steppe
Authors: Wiens John A. , McIntyre Nancy E.
Published: November 2020

Birds are part of the special magic of grasslands. Birds such as McCown’s Longspurs (scientific names are given in the Appendix) or Horned Larks, which seem to disappear against the background of grass, soil, and stones when they are on the ground, launch breathtaking courtship flights punctuated by tinkling songs and mothlike flutterings. Male Lark Buntings, incongruously black and white (Fig. 9.1A) against the subdued tones of the grassland, may break into their morning territorial displays or gather together spontaneously in melodious group choruses. Mountain Plovers may burst from underfoot into utterly convincing broken-wing distraction displays. Ferruginous and other hawks (Fig. 9.1B) may suddenly plummet from the blue skies above. Sightings of relatively rare species such as Chestnut-collared Longspurs (Fig. 9.1C) may bring joy to dedicated bird-watchers. Birds give the shortgrass steppe an aura that Bouteloua alone cannot. Yet birds have not figured importantly in most discussions of grassland ecology. They are generally drab and brownish, so they have not attracted much attention from the general public, and their contributions to ecosystem production and energy flow are small, so they have not been of much interest to ecologists studying ecosystem processes. However, grassland birds are showing the most widespread and consistent population declines of any group of North American birds (Herkert, 1995; Knopf, 1994; Peterjohn and Sauer, 1999). As a consequence, they have become a focus of conservation concern (Brennen and Kulvesky, 2005; Vickery and Herkert, 2001). The history of ornithological research in the shortgrass steppe is closely intertwined with the broadly interdisciplinary work conducted during the IBP in the late 1960s and early 1970s, and more recently (since 1982) as part of the NSF LTER program. In this chapter we describe the birds of the shortgrass steppe and summarize pertinent research that has been conducted on them during the past 40+ years. Our aim is to synthesize this information to provide a perspective on how environmental factors may relate to population fluctuations, on spatiotemporal shifts in community composition, and on patterns of habitat occupancy among the birds of the shortgrass steppe. We conclude by noting some continuing research priorities that have become more critical as conservation concerns about these birds have heightened.
The Common Place
Authors: Lienhard John H.
Published: November 2020

A contradiction swirls around invention. While invention flows from an uncommon quarter of the mind, it ultimately comes to rest in the day by day world where we live our lives. Invention defines the commonplace world that we all share. The creative imperative is a unique and wonderful thing, yet it grows in the common clay of coping and of play, and that is also where it comes to rest. We celebrate the magnificent steam engines, airplanes, and cathedrals. But look around your room for a moment. When I do that I see paper, windowpanes, wood screws, a pencil sharpener, paint, and carpeting. Everything but the cat sleeping on the window ledge came into being after long sequences of invention by many people. Even the cat’s subtle gestures and communications maybe partly the stuff of my own contrivance. When we look with the eye of the mind at the everyday world around us, we see how much human imagination has run riot through it. We realize how imagination has invested the basest elements of our lives with possibilities. Try counting the cost of the ordinary world in the coin of human ingenuity. Cartographers who invented the globe on my bookshelf gave me a way to visit Fiji, Chad, and Tibet—places where fortune is unlikely to take me. The simple crank mechanism on my pencil sharpener represents a huge leap of the mind that took place only about twelve hundred years ago (a matter we talk about in Chapter II). Imagination has enriched every corner of those common places where we all live out our lives. For example, a hassled secretary hacks out a living on a new IBM typewriter in 1951. The typewriter’s ribbon ink leaves nasty smudges when she erases an error. In a burst of creative frustration, she goes home and invents a liquid for painting out mistakes. Its base is white tempera paint, the woman’s name is Betsy Nesmith, and the liquid is an immediate hit with other typists. By 1956 she is running a cottage industry, mixing the brew for other secretaries.
Ever-Present Dangers
Authors: Lienhard John H.
Published: November 2020

A murderously recurrent theme surfaces as we read the record of technology. It can be decocted into the tidy epigram: “The fastest route to success is through failure. The greatest enemy of success is success.” When my civil engineering colleague Jack Matson recognized the validity of that idea, he began vigorously to promote the concept of intelligent fast failure. He said that we can speed our own creativity if we begin by running through as many wrong or foolish ways of accomplishing our end as we can think of. That process both emboldens us and instructs us in the full range of possibility. Conversely, success that fails to keep the boundaries of error within sight eventually takes itself for granted and leaves us open to failure on a grand scale. We skirted this issue toward the end of Chapter 9; now let us look at it more closely. A story of three bridges helps to expose the complex way in which success and failure work together. Henry Petroski takes us back to the forty-six-mile rail trip from Edinburgh to Dundee, which took half a day in 1870. Passengers had to ride the ferry over two wide fjords, arms of the North Sea slicing into Scotland. They are the Firth of Tay and the Firth of Forth. Then an English engineer, Thomas Bouch, sold backers on the idea of building bridges over those inlets. The first was an immense two-mile bridge over the Firth of Tay. When its eighty-five spans were finished in 1877, they made up the longest bridge in the world, and Queen Victoria knighted Bouch. Disaster followed almost immediately. The Tay Bridge collapsed in 1879, killing seventy-five people. Cost-cutting had yielded a bridge that couldn’t stand up to the wind forces. Bouch died in humiliation four months later. By 1881 the Tay Bridge had been rebuilt with heavy, unbeautiful trusses, and attention turned to the second bridge, the one over the Firth of Forth. The Firth of Forth bridge was to cross where the center of the firth was a mile wide, with only one shallow spot for a central pier.
Constructive Molecular Dynamics Lattice Gases: Three-Dimensional Molecular Self-Assembly
Authors: Nilsson Martin , Rasmussen Steen
Published: November 2020

Realistic molecular dynamics and self-assembly is represented in a lattice simulation where water, water-hydrocarbons, and water-amphiphilic systems are investigated. The details of the phase separation dynamics and the constructive self-assembly dynamics are discussed and compared to the corresponding experimental systems. The method used to represent the different molecular types can easily be expended to include additional molecules and thus allow the assembly of more complex structures. This molecular dynamics (MD) lattice gas fills a modeling gap between traditional MD and lattice gas methods. Both molecular objects and force fields are represented by propagating information particles and all microscopic interactions are reversible. Living systems, perhaps the ultimate constructive dynamical systems, is the motivation for this work and our focus is a study of the dynamics of molecular self-assembly and self-organization. In living systems, matter is organized such that it spontaneously constructs intricate functionalities at all levels from the molecules up to the organism and beyond. At the lower levels of description, chemical reactions, molecular selfassembly and self-organization are the drivers of this complexity. We shall, in this chapter, demonstrate how molecular self-assembly and selforganization processes can be represented in formal systems. The formal systems are to be denned as a special kind of lattice gas and they are in a form where an obvious correspondence exists between the observables in the lattice gases and the experimentally observed properties in the molecular self-assembly systems. This has the clear advantage that by using these formal systems, theory, simulation, and experiment can be conducted in concert and can mutually support each other. However, a disadvantage also exists because analytical results are difficult to obtain for these formal systems due to their inherent complexity dictated by their necessary realism. The key to novelt simpler molecules (from lower levels), dynamical hierarchies are formed [2, 3]. Dynamical hierarchies are characterized by distinct observable functionalities at multiple levels of description. Since these higher-order structures are generated spontaneously due to the physico-chemical properties of their building blocks, complexity can come for free in molecular self-assembly systems. Through such processes, matter apparently can program itself into structures that constitute living systems [11, 27, 30].
Links to Agroecosystems: Processes and Productivity
Authors: Rosenzweig Cynthia , Hillel Daniel
Published: November 2020

The climate teleconnections related to El Niño–Southern Oscillation (ENSO) events described in chapter 1 have global implications regarding agriculture. In many locations, ENSO events appear to account for a significant part of the climate variability that governs the responses of crops and livestock on a range of temporal and spatial scales. Teleconnections affect variations in production both within growing seasons and from one season or year to another. Precipitation, temperature, and other climate variables are key determinants of crop growth and livestock health, affecting all aspects of agroecosystems, including the survival and reproduction of both beneficial and damaging insects. An understanding of ENSO teleconnections may help farmers and regional planners assess changes in probable yield levels before the growing season and thus provide guidance for improved management. In this chapter we introduce agricultural responses to climate extremes in general and to ENSO climate teleconnections in particular. Subsequent chapters describe methods of analysis, use of ENSO predictions for agriculture, and regional aspects in more detail. Variability in agricultural production affects risk on at least five levels: individual farms, farming regions within nations, nations, groups of nations, and the global food system. Contributing factors and consequences of variability at successive levels differ in type and scale. Perhaps the most relevant example of these differences is the contrast between the effect of variability on a single farm and its effect at the national level for any country in which the agricultural sector plays a significant role in the overall economy. At the individual farm level, the aim is generally to produce high yields as consistently as possible. Hence, the main concern regarding climate is the occurrence of seasons with low yield levels that threaten subsistence or income. When regional or national yields are very low, overall food security may be threatened, necessitating relief efforts by donor countries and agencies. At the national level, however, problems may be caused not only by low yields but also by the opposite—unusually high yields. Whereas low national yields may cause food shortages and high food prices, high overall yields tend to lower commodity prices paid to farmers and create excessive surpluses that necessitate government intervention. High variability in food production at the national level thus can destabilize domestic prices, farm income, and national budgets.
Climate, Society, and Sustainable Development: Assessing Vulnerability, Building Adaptive Capacity
Authors: Rosenzweig Cynthia , Hillel Daniel
Published: November 2020

Agriculture and food security, water resources, ecosystems, natural disasters, and human health are all affected significantly by short-term fluctuations of weather and by longer-term changes of climate. Such effects can be severe enough to disrupt national and regional economies, particularly in developing countries, thus exacerbating poverty and thwarting sustainable development in both the short and long term. Developed and developing countries differ in their vulnerability to the effects of climate and in their capacity to recover from them. Developing countries are expected to be more vulnerable than developed countries to long-term climate change caused by the anthropogenic build-up of greenhouse gases. The challenge is to integrate climate adaptability into sustainable development effectively, so that detrimental effects are minimized and positive effects are enhanced. In this chapter we address the questions of how climate generally and El Niño specifically can affect sustainable development, consider the related concepts of vulnerability and adaptive capacity, and evaluate policies and programs designed to incorporate improved responses to climate variability and change into society. Sustainable development, a term brought to the attention of the world by the Bruntland Report, Our Common Future (United Nations Commission on Environment and Development, 1987), is a broad, often normative term used to describe a process by which developing countries are able to achieve economic growth comparable to the more developed countries without compromising environmental health and social equity. The report defines development as sustainable when it meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs. Another simpler working definition that has been put forward is “development that lasts” (Magalhães, 2000, p. 4). Sustainable development is often characterized asmultidimensional, having economic, social, environmental, and political aspects (Magalhães, 2000). Economic sustainability is defined as the ability of programs to exist without long-term government incentives. Social sustainability relates to progress toward amelioration of poverty, income equality, and inclusiveness; whereas political sustainability involves shared participation in decision making and in stable institutions. Environmental sustainability involves the use of natural resources in a way that preserves or enhances their productivity, even while conserving habitats, biodiversity, and landscape.
The Land, the River, and the People : The Connecticut Valley, 1790-1830
Authors: Cumbler John T.
Published: November 2020

On Wednesday morning September 21, 1795, only a year after he was appointed president of Yale College, forty-four-year-old Timothy Dwight began the first of his thirteen excursions through New England and upstate New York. On six of his thirteen trips, he traveled through the Connecticut Valley, a valley he was familiar with since childhood and was linked to by both family and sentiment. The Connecticut River Valley was changing, as Dwight made his several trips through it. It was transformed under the impact of human activity. Increasingly, mill dams and factory villages were being built along the river and its tributaries. Technology, science, and the market were restructuring the way people were interacting with their environment. The land became less wild. That “civilizing” of nature, as Dwight called it, began first on the alluvial soils of the lower and central valley in the eighteenth century and then spread north and up into the hill country in the early years of the nineteenth century. By the end of the fifth decade of the nineteenth century, this new world had pretty much taken shape, and valley residents began to take stock of the changes that had occurred. Dwight began this process of accounting at the beginning stages of that transformation. And it was in the Connecticut River Valley that the changes made the biggest impact on him. At the center of the Connecticut Valley runs New England’s largest waterway. The Connecticut River flows south some four hundred miles from a series of small lakes in the swampy district of northern New Hampshire on the Canadian border. It eventually spills into Long Island Sound at Saybrook, Connecticut. To the west and east of the river are mountain ranges, the Housatonic and Green Mountains to the west and the White Mountains to the east. In northern New Hampshire and Vermont, the river travels through a narrow and rough mountain valley. As the river moves south into central Vermont and New Hampshire, the valley widens, particularly on the river’s western shore, and is intersected with tributary rivers and valleys.
Cooperation, Conflict, and Reaction
Authors: Cumbler John T.
Published: November 2020

When James Olcott spoke before Connecticut farmers for “anti-stream pollution,” he urged the public to mobilize to stop water pollution by “ignorant or reckless capitalists.” In identifying the “ignorant and reckless capitalists,” Olcott focused the attention of the farmers on industrial waste and the role of manufacturers in their search for profits in causing pollution. Although manufacturers and the courts argued that industrialization brought wealth and prosperity to New England and hence was a general good, Olcott challenged this idea. He saw the issue as a conflict between industrialization and its costs on the one hand and the public good on the other. Concern over industrial pollution and the potential conflict between it and public health had already arisen in Massachusetts. Although the Massachusetts State Board of Health realized that the interests of the “capitalists” and those of the public health officials might be in conflict, in 1872 it hoped that with improved knowledge, “a way will be eventually found to joining them into harmonious relations,” much as Lyman believed science and technology would resolve the conflict between fishers and mill owners. The board's interest in “harmonious relations” also reflected a realization that at least for the last several years, the courts had seen pollution as an inevitable consequence of civilization and had been favorable toward industrialists, especially if no obvious alternative to dumping pollution existed. In 1866, William Merrifield sued Nathan Lombard because Lombard had dumped “Vitriol and other noxious substances” into the stream above Merrifield's factory, “corrupting” the water so badly that it destroyed his boiler. Chief Justice Bigelow ruled that Lombard had invaded Merrifield's rights. “Each riparian owner,” the judge wrote, “has the right to use the water for any reasonable and proper purpose. . . . An injury to the purity or quality of the water to the detriment of the other riparian owners, constitutes in legal effect, a wrong.” In 1872, Merrifield again went to court, claiming the City of Worcester regularly dumped sewage into Mill Brook, by which the waters became greatly corrupted and unfit to use.”
Farmers, Fishers, and Sportsmen
Authors: Cumbler John T.
Published: November 2020

At the end of the nineteenth century, Edward Bellamy, one of the Connecticut River Valley’s most famous literary residents, created a fictional character who wanted to avoid “industrial existence” and instead “all day to climb these mighty hills, feeling their strength” and to “happen upon little brooks in hidden valleys.” Bellamy planned for his protagonist “to breathe all day long the forest air loaded with the perfume of the forest trees.” The wanderings of this turn-of-the-century fictitious character through thick forests and deserted hills reflects the changes engendered in the valley with the coming of industrial cities and the abandonment of hillside farms. When Bellamy was born in 1850 at Chicopee Falls in western Massachusetts, the region was in the process of deforestation and had few areas that were not intensely farmed. Yet as Bellamy himself noted in an 1890 letter to the North American Review, “the abandonment of the farm for the town” had become all too common. Deserted farms became one of the themes Bellamy sketched out in his notes for the novel. Bellamy had his character live in an “abandoned farmhouse. . . . The farmhouse was one of the thousands of deserted farms that haunted the roadsides of the sterile back districts of New England.” In viewing the depopulated countryside as a retreat from industrial existence, Bellamy’s character represented the fate of late-nineteenthand early-twentieth-century New Englanders. Increasingly, urbanized New Englanders began to look to rural areas not as sources of food or resources of necessity but as places to contemplate nature and practice fishing and hunting as sport. As rural areas, particularly on the hills and up the valleys, became less populated, farmers there lost much of their political voice. New city voices now became more important in the conversation about resource conservation. What farmers saw as abandoned and ruined farms, urban and suburban naturalists saw as rural retreats from the tensions and pollution of the cities. For these interlopers, rural New England represented a romantic ideal of a past they or their ances tors put behind them when they moved to the city.
Amphipolis
Authors: Fant Clyde E. , Reddish Mitchell G.
Published: November 2020

The modern, small village of Amphipolis belies the importance of the ancient city whose name it bears. Located strategically along the Strymon River and on the Via Egnatia, Amphipolis was one of the most important cities of Macedonia in antiquity. The site of ancient Amphipolis is located between Thessaloniki and Kavala, about 65 miles east of Thessaloniki. From highway E90 there are signs that point the way to Amphipolis. The ancient city sits on a bend on the east bank of the Strymon River, surrounded by the river on three sides. This geographical feature gave rise to the name of the city, since Amphipolis means “around the city.” The site was originally settled by Thracians, who called their settlement Ennea Hodoi, meaning “Nine Ways” or “Nine Roads,” indicating the importance of the location as a crossroads for travel and trade routes. After several failed attempts the Athenians captured the area and founded the city of Amphipolis on the site of Ennea Hodoi in 437 B.C.E. under the leadership of Hagnon. In 424 B.C.E. the city came under Spartan control. Amphipolis was an important city both because of its strategic location on the Strymon River only 3 miles from the Aegean Sea and because of its rich natural resources of agriculture (wine, oil, and wood) and precious metals (especially gold from the mines on Mt. Pangaion). In spite of repeated attempts by the Athenians to recapture the city, Amphipolis remained a free city until its capture by Philip II of Macedon in 358–357 B.C.E. During the time of Macedonian rule, Amphipolis became one of the leading cities in the region. It was one of six cities chosen by Alexander the Great where large, costly temples were built. The city also played a significant role in Alexander’s military conquests. For example, the city and the surrounding area served as the staging ground for the beginning of Alexander’s conquest of Asia. After Alexander’s death his wife Roxane and their young son, Alexander IV, were exiled to Amphipolis. After the Roman victory at Pydna in 168 B.C.E., which effectively ended Macedonian rule, Amphipolis, along with the rest of Macedonia, became a Roman possession.
Cenchreae
Authors: Fant Clyde E. , Reddish Mitchell G.
Published: November 2020

Today it is hard to imagine the busy harbor of ancient Cenchreae, one of the most important ports in the Roman world, at the desolate spot on a small bay that marks its former location. Yet the underwater ruins there still suggest the history of famous travelers, such as the Apostle Paul, whose feet once walked on the sunken stones. To reach Cenchreae, follow the signs from Corinth to Isthmia and continue toward the village of Keries, some 3 miles past Isthmia. The site is not well marked but is easily discernible from the road. Cenchreae, the eastern port of Corinth on the Saronic Gulf, enabled maritime travel and commercial activity between Asia Minor and Corinth. The harbor was certainly in existence by the time of the Peloponnesian War and likely was constructed considerably earlier. It was first mentioned by Thucydides in his description of the attack by the Athenians upon Corinth in 425 B.C.E. The site was abandoned following the destruction of Corinth in 146 B.C.E., but new harbor facilities were built when Julius Caesar revived Corinth in 44 C.E. Two new moles (breakwaters) were added at that time to provide a deep-water port. Strabo later described Cenchreae as the naval station of Corinth, 70 stadia (7 miles) to the east, and the port used for its trade with Asia (the western coast of Asia Minor, modern Turkey). Pausanius said that the harbor got its name from Cenchreas, the son of Poseidon and Peirene. He described Cenchreae as having a bronze statue of Poseidon on a mole that extended into the sea at the southern end of the harbor, with temples of Isis and Asclepius at the same end of the harbor. A temple of Aphrodite stood at the north side of the harbor. Cenchreae also was the port used by the Apostle Paul in the 1st century in his travels to Asia Minor and Syria. The harbor was badly damaged by earthquakes and tidal waves in 365 and 375 C.E., but it was later restored and continued to be a significant port until its final destruction by the Slavs around 580 C.E.
Iconium
Authors: Fant Clyde E. , Reddish Mitchell G.
Published: November 2020

Although mentioned in the New Testament as one of the cities visited by the Apostle Paul, the ancient city of Iconium is more famous today because of its Muslim mosques, its theological schools, and its connection with the great Sufi mystic known as Mevlana. Considered by many to be Turkey’s most religious city, modern Konya (ancient Iconium) is an intriguing place to visit because of its rich religious and architectural history. Known today as Konya, Iconium is located in south-central Turkey, approximately 170 miles south of Ankara. Situated in the Anatolian steppe, Iconium is one of the oldest cities in Turkey. Archaeological evidence indicates that the site of Iconium was occupied at least as early as the 3rd millennium B.C.E. During the 2nd millennium, the Hittites controlled the area. After the Hittite empire was destroyed, eventually the Phrygians gained control of the region and established a town at the site of Iconium. The Lydians took control of Iconium at the beginning of the 7th century, and then the following century the Persians ruled the area. When Alexander the Great defeated the Persians in the 4th century, Iconium became a part of Alexander’s empire. After Alexander’s death, Iconium was controlled by the Seleucids and then by the Pergamene rulers. In 129 B.C.E., four years after the Pergamene kingdom was bequeathed to Rome, Iconium was made a part of the Roman province of Asia. During the Roman period, Iconium was the seat of an archbishop and the location of an early church council (in 235). The city prospered under the Romans and also during the Byzantine time. From the 7th to the 9th centuries Iconium, like most of the towns and cities in the region, suffered from Arab raids. The Seljuk Turks unsuccessfully attacked the city in 1069, but by the next century they had taken control of the city, which they called Konya. As the capital of the Seljuk sultanate of Rum, Konya enjoyed a period of economic and cultural prosperity. Several of the mosques, mausoleums, and theological schools that can be seen in Konya today date from this period.
Perga
Authors: Fant Clyde E. , Reddish Mitchell G.
Published: November 2020

Certainly a striking city in its day, Perga (also spelled Perge) today still is an impressive place to visit. Its theater, stadium, agora, towers, baths, and colonnaded streets give the visitor a good sense of what an ancient city was like. Perga is located in the ancient region of Pamphylia, approximately 9 miles east of Antalya. To visit the site, take highway 400 east from Antalya to the town of Aksu, in which there is a yellow sign on the left that points to Perga, which is a little more than a mile north of Aksu. The Aksu Çayï (the ancient Cestrus River) comes within 3 miles of the site on its way to the Mediterranean, approximately 7 miles away. In ancient times Perga apparently had a port on the river, which was navigable, thus allowing the city to benefit commercially from the river. Ancient tradition claims that Perga was founded after the Trojan War by Greek settlers under the leadership of Calchas (a seer whose prophecies helped the Greeks in the war) and Mopsus (another ancient seer). The acropolis at Perga, however, was inhabited much earlier than this, even during the Bronze Age. When Alexander the Great came through the area in 333 B.C.E., the city of Perga offered no resistance to him. Some of the people from Perga even served as guides to lead a part of Alexander’s army from Phaselis into Pamphylia. After Alexander’s death, the city was controlled by the Ptolemies and then by the Seleucid rulers. One of the most famous natives of Perga during the Hellenistic period was Apollonius, a 3rd-century-B.C.E. mathematician who wrote a ninevolume work on conics. His works were important contributions to astronomy and geometry. He studied in Alexandria and later lived in Pergamum. After the defeat of the Seleucids by the Romans in 189 B.C.E. at the battle of Magnesia, Perga became a part of the Pergamene kingdom. Bequeathed to Rome in 133 B.C.E. by the last Pergamene king, Attalus III, the city came under Roman control four years later, as a part of the Roman province of Asia Minor.
Troas
Authors: Fant Clyde E. , Reddish Mitchell G.
Published: November 2020

Called Alexandria Troas to distinguish it from other cities named Alexandria, the city is often referred to simply as Troas. (“The Troad” is the name used for the area around the ancient city of Troy.) What was once a large and important city on the western coast of Asia Minor has today been reduced to a few ruins overgrown by trees and shrubs, receiving only a cursory visit from a small number of sightseers. Troas was an important city in antiquity because of its location. Situated on the Aegean coast almost directly opposite the island of Tenedos (modern Bozcaada), the city became a major trading center. To reach the site of ancient Troas, take highway E87/550 to Ezine. In Ezine turn west onto the road marked for Geyikli and Odunluk Iskelesi. In Geyikli turn south toward Odunluk Iskelesi. The ruins of Alexandria Troas are by the highway that continues south to Gülpinar. Troas was founded circa 310 B.C.E. by Antigonus I Monopthalmus (“the One-Eyed”), one of the successors of Alexander the Great. Antigonus created the new city by forcing the residents of several smaller neighboring towns and communities to move to the new location. Antigonus named the new settlement after himself, giving it the name Antigonia. When Antigonus was killed in 301 by the Macedonian king Lysimachus at the battle of Ipsus in Phrygia, Lysimachus took control of the city and renamed it Alexandria in honor of Alexander the Great. Because of its proximity to Troy, the city became known as Alexandria Troas. With its artificial harbor, the city grew as a commercial and transportation center, becoming the leading city of the Troad during Hellenistic times. Eventually Troas developed into one of the most important cities in the Greco-Roman world due to its command of the western entrance to the Hellespont. Claims were made in the ancient world that Julius Caesar considered moving the capital of the empire to Troas, as also reportedly did Augustus (and, even later, Constantine). Whether true or not, that such ideas circulated in the Roman era and were believed by some people indicates the importance of the city.
The Paradox Resolved: A Different Case Study and the Argument Summarized
Authors: van Eeten Michel J. G. , Roe Emery
Published: November 2020

From the outset, the book’s chief policy question has resolved around the problem of how to manage. As this was addressed in the preceding chapters, a new question arises: what are the implications for policies governing the meeting of the twofold management goal of restoring ecosystems while maintaining service reliability? This chapter provides our answer to that question by means of a new case study. It sums up the book’s argument and recasts ecosystem management and policy for ecologists, engineers, and other stakeholders. The best way to draw out the policy-relevant ramifications of our framework and the preceding management insights is to apply them to a different ecosystem. The case-study approach has served us well in contextualizing management recommendations without, we believe, compromising their more general application to ecosystem management. Our analysis of the major land-use planning controversy in the Netherlands underscores the wider applicability of this book’s arguments for both management and policy. What follows is put more briefly because it builds on the analysis of and recommendations for the Columbia River Basin, San Francisco Bay-Delta, and the Everglades. Why the Netherlands? There are human-dominated ecosystems substantially different from those found in the United States, many of which are more densely populated. They have nothing remotely like “wilderness,” but instead long histories of constructing and managing “nature.” The Netherlands is one such landscape. Not only is the landscape different, it is also important to note that the context for ecosystem management is set by different political, social, and cultural values. Sustainability is a much more dominant value in the European context than currently in the United States. Case-by-case management, while also appropriate for zones of conflict outside the United States, now has to deal with the fact that there is a tension between its call for case-specific indicators and the use of more general sustainability indicators in Europe. In die Netherlands, for example, sustainable housing projects are designed and assessed not only in terms of specific indicators but also in light of the “factor 20 increase in environmental efficiency” needed to achieve sustainability.
Biodiversity in Drylands
Authors: Shachak Moshe , Pickett Stewart T. A. , Gosz James R. , Perevolotski Avi
Published: November 2020

Biodiversity in Drylands, the first internationally based synthesis volume in the Long-Term Ecological Research (LTER) Network Series, unifies the concepts of species and landscape diversity with respect to deserts. Within this framework, the book treats several emerging themes, among them: · how animal biodiversity can be supported in deserts · diversity's relation to habitat structure, environmental variability, and species interactions · the relation between spatial scale and diversity · how to use a landscape simulation model to understand diversity · microbial contributions to biodiversity in deserts · species diversity and ecosystem processes · resource partitioning and biodiversity in fractal environments · effects of grazing on biodiversity · reconciliation ecology and the future of conservation management In the face of global change, integration is crucial for dealing with the problem of sustaining biodiversity. This book promises to be a vital resource for students, researchers, and managers interested in integrative species, resource, and landscape diversities.
Microbial Contributions to Biodiversity in Deserts
Authors: Groffman Peter M. , Shachak Moshe
Published: November 2020

The number of species living in the soil may well represent the largest reservoir of biodiversity on earth (Giller 1996, Wardle and Giller 1996, Service 1997). Five thousand microbial species have been described and identified (Amann and Kuhl 1998), but the actual number of species may be greater than 1 million (American Society for Microbiology 1994), larger even than the number of insect species (Service 1997). Over the last 10 to 15 years, interest in soil biodiversity has soared, driven by advances in molecular techniques that allow for identification and analysis of soil microbes, many of which are difficult to extract and culture (Kennedy and Gewin 1997). However, the factors that control soil microbial biodiversity and the links between soil biodiversity and ecosystem function are still unclear (Beare et al. 1995, Schimel 1995, Freckman et al. 1997, Brussard et al. 1997, Wall and Moore 1999). Soil may represent an excellent venue for exploring links between biodiversity and ecosystem function. The vast numbers of species in soil and methodological problems have long necessitated a functional approach in soil studies. As a result, soil functions important to organic matter degradation, nutrient cycling, water quality, and air chemistry are well studied (Groffman and Bohlen 1999). As our knowledge of soil biodiversity increases, this information may provide a strong basis for evaluating links between biodiversity and these functions. Evaluating functional diversity of soil communities requires considering how microbes interact with plants and soil fauna to produce patterns of ecosystem processes (Wall and Moore 1999). These interactions vary within and between ecosystems (i.e., across landscapes). Throughout this book, we suggest that the science of biodiversity must consider links to ecosystem processes and interactions with landscape diversity (Shachak et al. this volume). The need for these links is particularly clear when considering soil biodiversity. There have been relatively few studies of microbial processes in desert soils, and very little analysis of desert soil biodiversity (Parker et al. 1984, Schlesinger et al. 1987, Peterjohn 1991, Fließbach et al. 1994, Zaady et al. 1996a,b, Steinberger et al. 1999).
Unified Framework II Ecosystem Processes: A Link Between Species and Landscape Diversity
Authors: Waide Robert , Groffman Peter M.
Published: November 2020

The discipline of ecology can be subdivided into several subdisciplines, including community, ecosystem, and landscape ecology. While all the subdisciplines are important to the study of biodiversity, there is great variation in the extent to which their contributions have been analyzed. For example, the role of community ecology in biodiversity studies is well established. In community ecology, the entities of study are species that differ in their properties and generate a web of interactions that, in turn, organize the species into a community. Similar to community ecology, the contribution of landscape ecology to biodiversity is apparent. The entities of study, definable “patches,” are tangible. They differ in their properties and generate a web of interactions that organize the patches into a landscape mosaic. In contrast to community and landscape ecology, the role of ecosystem ecology in biodiversity is less apparent. In ecosystem ecology, it often is not clear what the entities are, and how they are organized. To the extent that ecosystem ecology focuses on energy flow and nutrient cycling, we can define fundamental entities as compartments and vectors in models that depict the flows of water, energy, and nutrients through communities. If we apply diversity criteria to these entities, we can use the term ecosystem diversity to refer to the number of compartments and vectors, the differences among them in type and size, and their organization in promoting energy flow or nutrient cycling. To our knowledge, ecosystem scientists have not yet developed criteria for ecosystem diversity similar to those used for species and landscape diversity. There has been some use of the term “ecosystem diversity” to refer to a diversity of ecosystems, implying a variety of habitats, landscapes, or biomes. As discussed above, we suggest that to define the role of ecosystem ecology in biodiversity studies, the approach should be to study the relationships among species, landscape, and ecosystem diversities (chapters 1 and 13). However, since the concept of ecosystem diversity awaits further development, we adopt a different approach for understanding the role of ecosystem science in biodiversity studies. In this chapter, we examine relationships among ecosystem processes, species diversity, and landscape diversity.
Breast Cancer, Part 1: The Rise Of Activism and The Pesticide Hypothesis
Authors: Goldstein Inge F. , Goldstein Martin
Published: November 2020

The New York Post, a New York City daily, ran a sensational headline on the front page of its April 12, 2000, issue: “Breast Cancer Hot Spots”. The news story reported that statistics and maps of breast cancer rates just released by New York State health authorities showed unusually high rates of breast cancer on the Upper East Side of Manhattan, as well as on Long Island and several other areas in New York City and upstate. These high rates were described by the state authorities as “not likely due to chance.” The residents of the Upper East Side, one of the most affluent areas of the city, were understandably alarmed. One woman interviewed was considering whether to move elsewhere, but had not yet decided. A second demanded that the two major party candidates for the U.S. Senate state their positions on the high rate. A third noted that there were no obvious sources of pollution in the neighborhood, no pesticide spraying or toxic waste dumps, that could explain why the breast cancer rate was high. Many people believe that breast cancer is caused by toxic agents in the environment. Victims of breast cancer we have met at sessions of support groups have described vividly the pains and discomfort of chemotherapy, radiation, and radical surgery; the nagging anxiety about a possible recurrence, the sense of disfigurement, of mutilation; the ignorance and insensitivity of many of the so-far healthy; the strengthening or weakening of bonds to those close to them: husbands, sons, daughters, parents, who either grow in understanding and compassion or fall short. But there is one common thread that runs through their stories: each of them feels there must be a reason why she, at this particular point in her life, should have gotten this terrible disease. Why me? Lucia D., in her late thirties, remembers that as a child of eight or nine growing up in Panama she and other children used to run after the truck that periodically sprayed DDT in their neighborhood and dance around in the spray. She is convinced that this childhood exposure is the reason she has breast cancer at such an early age.
Cancer From The Landfill?
Authors: Goldstein Inge F. , Goldstein Martin
Published: November 2020

In the first chapter we described several clusters of childhood cancers discovered by concerned residents of Woburn, Massachusetts, of Toms River, New Jersey, and of the Pelham Bay section of the Bronx, New York City. The residents in Pelham Bay blamed the cluster on a landfill nearby, in which hundreds of thousands of gallons of toxic chemicals, including waste oil sludges, metal plating wastes, lacquer, cyanides, ethyl benzene, toluene, and other organic solvents had been illegally dumped. This had been reported by an employee of the chemical company responsible, in testimony before a Congressional investigation of crime, and was never directly confirmed. Residents of the community had obtained a court order that stopped dumping in 1978, before the testimony about toxic wastes had been given. The story of this cancer cluster—both how it was discovered and what conclusions were reached about its causes—is typical of thousands of clusters reported each year to health authorities throughout the United States. After the alarm in Pelham Bay was sounded by the mother of a child with leukemia, ten years after dumping ceased, the New York City Department of Environmental Protection (NYCDEP) made measurements of hazardous chemicals in the air around the landfill, but found no significant amounts. The drinking water of the community came from the general New York City water supply system, so seepage from the landfill into the groundwater was not a possible route of exposure. It was concluded that by the time the measurements were made the landfill was no longer a threat to health. What the situation may have been in the past, during the time of dumping and just after, could no longer be known. After dumping had been stopped in 1978, the NYCDEP had covered the 150-foot-high mound of garbage, refuse, street sweepings, construction debris, and household and commercial waste, along with whatever may have been illegally dumped there, with a thin layer of soil. It was a hasty job, and it did not last. The soil cover cracked and eroded, washing away all the faster because of the steep slopes of the mound.
Relativistic Electromagnetic Interactions
Authors: Dyall Kenneth G. , Faegri Knut
Published: November 2020

Chemical concepts are conveniently formulated in terms of molecules—aggregates of atoms linked by electromagnetic interactions. The proper relativistic description of these interactions is a prerequisite for the development of a theory of relativistic quantum chemistry. As a simple starting point we will consider classical systems made up of point charges, postponing the transition to a quantum mechanical description until later. From the previous chapter we know something about how an electron’s particle properties might be affected by relativity. In this chapter we describe the effects of relativity on the interaction with the electromagnetic field. Again, we adopt a minimalist approach. Electromagnetism and electrodynamics are subjects covered in numerous textbooks for a wide variety of target audiences. To develop the necessary theory from first principles is far beyond the scope of this book. We will only highlight those parts necessary for the later development and understanding of a theory of relativistic quantum chemistry. This means that some of the fundamental equations must be presented without derivation, requiring that the reader either knows these from before or that they must be taken on faith. In particular, in this chapter we make use of the Maxwell equations, the Lorentz force equation, and the generalized potential. The reader will be able to find descriptions or derivations of these in Jackson (1975), for example. We will also need to use a number of relations from vector calculus, and these will normally be introduced in the general form when required. In dealing with fields that vary over time and space, we will need various differential operators. In the nonrelativistic theory of electrodynamics the gradient operator, ∇, and the time derivative, d/dt , are used. From our experience in the previous chapter with mixing of space and time coordinates under Lorentz transformations, we might expect these to combine in a four-space differential operator also.