bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Chinese Representation in the United Nations
Authors: Briggs Herbert W.
Published: May 2009

The state of China — a nation of possibly 460,000,000 people — has been a Member of the United Nations since the foundation of that organization in 1945. As a Member, China is legally entitled to representation in United Nations organs unless and until, pursuant to preventive or enforcement action taken by the Security Council, the exercise of the rights and privileges of membership may be suspended by the General Assembly upon recommendation of the Security Council. The representatives of China in United Nations organs from 1945 to the present have been accredited by the National Government of the Republic of China. By the end of 1949 control over the mainland of China and over perhaps 450,000,000 people had passed from the National Government to the (communist) “Central People's Government of the People's Republic of China,” the effective control of the National Government having been reduced largely to the island of Formosa.
The Changing Indian Diplomacy at the United Nations
Authors: Rana Swadesh
Published: May 2009

This article seeks to briefly relate the changing Indian diplomacy at the United Nations to requirements of domestic and international politics. The inferences and observations made in the article have been largely influenced by a series of formal and informal interviews with Indian and other diplomats, particularly those attending the 21st and 22nd sessions of the General Assembly.
The Study of Regional Integration: Reflections on the Joy and Anguish of Pretheorizing
Authors: Haas Ernst B.
Published: May 2009

Why have we been studying something we call “regional integration” for about fifteen years ? We were stimulated by two otherwise unrelated trends: the flowering in the United States of systematic social science and the blooming in Europe of political efforts to build a united continent, to “integrate” Western Europe at least. But the story of integration encompassed a mixed bag of heroes ranging from such regional “integrators”as Napoleon Bonaparte and Simón Bolívar to nation-building statesmen such as Otto von Bismarck and Camillo Cavour. Some saw even in Adolf Hitler and Hideki Tojo certain characteristics of the political actor who seeks to integrate nations into a regional unit. Are we then studying any kind of political unification ?
Theory and Practice of Regional Integration: The Case of Comecon
Authors: Korbonski Andrzej
Published: May 2009

It is generally recognized that the last decade or so witnessed a proliferation of studies dealing with different aspects of regional integration. While most of them discussed the origin and history of various international organizations, some, especially those of a more recent vintage, ventured into the thicket of theory building in an effort to engage eventually in some kind of comparative analysis.
Domestic and International Consequences of Regional Integration
Authors: Scheingold Stuart A.
Published: May 2009

The purpose of this article is to suggest that the perspective of scholars studying regional integration be broadened to include research expressly concerned with the consequences of integration and to indicate the directions that such efforts might take. To date, the students of integration have been mainly describing, analyzing, and measuring the integration process. This is true of research on the European Communities as well as of studies of integration elsewhere in Europe and on other continents. In our quest for political community we have utilized a number of different research strategies and focused on a broad range of indicators, but our primary concern has been with regional capacities for aggregating political authority.
Theory and Method in the Study of International Integration
Authors: Caporaso James A.
Published: May 2009

In many ways the study of international integration is in what Thomas Kuhn has called the pre-paradigm stage of the development of science. This stage is characterized by disagreement on the entities to be studied and the definitions, concepts, and indicators to be employed. Controversy is widespread even on the simplest of issues and, what is more discouraging, this controversy does not take place in a theoretical-methodological context which facilitates its resolution. There is a general lack of common standards by which to evaluate knowledge, decision-rules to interpret evidence, and criteria to measure progress. Thus, what constitutes advance for one school may mean retreat for another, and efforts to exchange views and harmonize aims frequently only serve to further define existing cleavages. Given this disagreement on broad philosophical issues it should not be surprising that research efforts and presentations of “evidence” have had little compelling impact in altering theoretical convictions. It is also no accident that the two most promising efforts to date are not presentations of data but are attempts to fashion a generally acceptable framework within which to evaluate evidence. Leon Lindberg has urged the adoption of a systems perspective which would harmonize a variety of research efforts and would, as well, make findings roughly comparable. Joseph Nye has suggested that we must “disaggregate” the concept of integration before we can meaningfully answer the important questions facing us. I have already indicated how complementary Lindberg's and Nye's suggestions are, and I feel that implementation of their suggestions would aid in making research findings touch base with one another and thus impart to evidence its proper multiplying effect.
Hare and Tortoise: The Race toward Integration
Authors: Katzenstein Peter J.
Published: May 2009

Students of integration place their money on different beasts. Some working with the neo-functionalist model bet on the hare, while others using the cybernetic model elect the tortoise. The difference arises in part from their disparate perspectives of the racetrack: Neo-functionalists, with their assumption of a short-cycle process, view only a segment of the track and sight the rabbit sprinting; students of the cybernetic model, assuming a long-cycle process, insist that the whole race be watched and that the runners be clocked at different stages. As bets are still being taken, we might reconsider the basis on which odds are set.
International Air Transport: A Microsystem in Need of New Approaches
Authors: Thayer Frederick C.
Published: May 2009

International air transport is a microsystem which includes most of the variables of the international macrosystem. As Young W. Kihl has put it, for example, a functional international organization such as the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) operates within the milieu of the larger system, reflects the constraints of that system, and can, therefore, be examined in the context of world politics. The transport system combines political, economic, military, and important technical factors with the often contradictory objectives of international, transnational, national, and subnational actors. It is small wonder that comprehensive studies of the subject are difficult to find. None of these books is all-inclusive, but, of those which are original contributions, the range of disciplines represented in them is formidable: Included are the opinions of a political scientist (Kihl), two professors of law (Thomas Buergenthal and K. G. J. Pillai), one economist (Mahlon R. Straszheim), and a professor of international business (Robert L. Thornton). The latter two are the most policy oriented overall. Pillai concentrates on the International Air Transport Association (IATA), an association of the carriers themselves, and Buergenthal and Kihl focus on ICAO, an association of states and a specialized agency of the United Nations.
The Use and Abuse of Imagination: A Reply to Samuel A. Bleicher
Authors: Wallace Michael D. , Singer J. David
Published: May 2009

It has often been observed that recent converts to any belief system tend to be among its most zealous adherents, and science (despite its emphasis on objectivity and detachment) has proved no exception. As the canons of scientific inquiry begin to take hold in each field of human knowledge, there have appeared those who seem, as it were, more royalist than the king. For these scholars the rules of scientific inference are not guidelines to be used with care but dogmas to be pursued unswervingly; to them science is not, as someone once expressed it, “attenuated common sense” but a totally different and rather severe regimen of thought.
Preface
Authors: Bergsten C. Fred , Krause Lawrence B.
Published: May 2009

The primary objective of this volume is an integrated analysis of the economic and political factors that together determine international economic arrangements. The international economic order of the first postwar generation has eroded badly, if not totally collapsed. The search for replacements is well under way, but has not progressed far.
Reflections on the economics and politics of international economic organizations
Authors: Krause Lawrence B. , Nye Joseph S.
Published: May 2009

International organizations, it is sometimes said, are always designed to prevent the last war. An analogous problem besets economic institutions. The inability of some existing international economic organizations to deal with the current problems in their domains is all too apparent. Two of the institutional pillars of the postwar Bretton Woods system, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. (GATT), were shaken in 1971 and are still suffering from severe malaise. The political and economic conditions that led to their formation at the end of the Second World War have changed, calling into question the political and intellectual foundation upon which they were constructed. In the aftermath of the 1973 energy crisis, meetings of the United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) and a special session of the General Assembly have been the scene of demands by poor countries for a new economic order, but the meaning of the phrase has been ambiguous and the formula has impeded rather than promoted agreement.
The political economy of North-South relations: How much change?
Authors: Hansen Roger D.
Published: May 2009

At the present time the spectrum of views on the probabilities for major change in the present political economy of North-South relations is very broad. Some scholars predict a significant increase in the bargaining strength of the developing countries; others suggest that the asymmetrical interdependences in today's political economy are unlikely to produce major alterations in North-South bargaining power in the near future. This article examines some of the empirical and theoretical evidence which seems most relevant to the outcome of the present conflict between the Third World and the industrialized states and concludes that arguments predicting major structural changes in. North-South economic relations may have overstated their case.
Turbulent fields and the theory of regional integration
Authors: Haas Ernst B.
Published: May 2009

Theories of regional integration are becoming obsolescent because three core assumptions on which these theories have been based are becoming less and less relevant to the behavior patterns actually displayed by governments active in regional organizations. These three assumptions are (1) that a definable institutional pattern must mark the outcome of the process of integration, (2) that conflicts of interests involving trade-offs between ties with regional partners and ties with nonmembers should be resolved in favor of regional partners, and (3) that decisions be made on the basis of disjointed incrementalism. The history of the European Communities since 1968 shows that most governments no longer behave in accordance with these assumptions, although they did earlier. The explanation for the new trend is to be found in awareness of the various novel kinds and dimensions of interdependence between countries, issues, and objectives, particularly with reference to policies involving those aspects of highly industrial societies which do not respond readily to the incentives of a customs union. A new decision-making rationality–labelled “fragmented issue linkage”–seems to be competing with incremental habits, suggesting that efforts are being made to cope with “turbulence” in the industrial environment so as to avoid piecemeal solutions. The effort to cope with turbulence, in turn, is unlikely to lead to any “final” set of regional institutions.
Transgovernmental challenge and response in Scandinavia and North America
Authors: Dickerman C. Robert
Published: May 2009

Eighty interviews with bureaucratic and political actors in five national capitals illustrate the Keohane/Nye theoretical argument concerning the importance of transnational and, specifically, transgovernmental factors in world politics. Focusing upon the development and application of integrative techniques between countries which have no formal supemational integrative institutions, the paper reports on the practice of transgovernmental politics within the dyad of Canada and the United States, and the triad of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden. Dealing both with middlelevel bureaucratic practitioners concerned with horizontal coordination of policy and administration between countries, and with bureaucratic and political actors responsible for the cohesiveness of national policies, the paper explores situations in which the demands of external and domestic harmonization are inconsistent, and sometimes mutually contradictory. The problem of maintaining “dual coherence” in domestic and external policy and administration is identified, and procedures for attempting such coordination are discussed. Of importance are modifications within the traditional institutions of inter-state communication: foreign offices and embassies. Recommendations are made on the basis of the intra-North American and intra Scandinavian experiences. It is suggested that considerable insight into managing policy and administrative areas which are neither purely domestic nor purely external may be gained by the study of bureaucratic experience only infrequently considered by students or governmental managers. Insights which may be gained from such study, it is argued, may be of great relevance in dealing with the challenge which transgovernmental horizontal harmonization now poses for national administrations.
The Lomé Convention: inching towards interdependence
Authors: Gruhn Isebill V.
Published: May 2009

The European Common Market and forty odd African, Caribbean, and Pacific States (ACP) signed a trade and aid Convention in February 1975. The negotiations leading to the Lome Convention and the provisions of the Lomé Convention constitute an instructive vehicle for an examination of North-South bargaining. The organization, tenacity, and skill of the ACP states, as well as some re-thinking regarding their own situation on the part of European states produced some innovative and groundbreaking moves toward more equitable trade and aid relations. But even the most innovative components of the Lome Convention, STAB EX, sugar indexing and focus on industrial development, are perhaps less significant for their short-term economic effects than they are for a general understanding regarding the structure of North-South relations.
Cooperation or illusion: an examination of the intergovernmental council of copper exporting countries
Authors: Mingst Karen A.
Published: May 2009

Discussions of international commodity organizations often compare the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) and the Intergovernmental Council of Copper Exporting Countries (CIPEC), yet few researchers have examined CIPEC. A comparison of environmental characteristics of copper and petroleum suggests that although copper producers' collusion is possible, it is problematical and depends on political as well as economic factors. Since its formation in 1967, CIPEC members have been engaged in a gradual process of institution-building, although a lack of institutional leadership has hampered collective policy making. Substantively, CIPEC has dealt primarily with three issues: nationalization, technical pricing arrangements, and market regulatory policies. Until 1974, CIPEC members proved incapable of adopting a regulatory policy; they fostered the illusion of impending action and cooperation. Faced with deteriorating market conditions and stimulated by OPEC's success, CIPEC members have initiated a joint policy. The future of CIPEC will depend on its institutional flexibility as well as on decisions of nonmember producers and developed consumer countries.
Oil, politics, and economic policy making: Venezuela and the Andean Common Market
Authors: Avery William P.
Published: May 2009

Venezuela's entry into the Andean Common Market (ACM) represents a case of systems transformation. Venezuelan membership has led both to major changes in economic provisions of the Common Market, and to significant alterations in political relations among members. Analysis of these changes depends on an understanding of the political debate in Venezuela, which was prolonged, and which led to membership under favorable terms earned through hard negotiations. Any assessment of the ultimate impact of Venezuelan participation in the ACM must remain guarded. As a wealthy and dynamic member, Venezuela could become an important catalyst for integration in the region. But with its superior economic capacity, Venezuela could also come to dominate the integrative effort, accruing most of the benefits to itself and in the process creating disruptions and dissatisfaction among the other members.
The politics of policy reversal: the US response to granting trade preferences to developing countries and linkages between international organizations and national policy making
Authors: Meltzer Ronald I.
Published: May 2009

Analysis of the United States’ shift to support of trade preferences for developing countries in 1967 provides evidence for the value of a “bureaucratic politics” model that pays attention to the importance of transgovernmental relations in influencing national policy making. Between 1964 and 1967, international organizations affected, United States policy making on trade preferences, and officials within the US government who favored preferences used such organizations-particularly the OECD-to help change American policy. Intergovernmental, transgovernmental, and national levels of policy making were closely linked to one another. This case study suggests the need for a broadened conception of “bureaucratic politics”; but it also supports the view that the “bureaucratic politics” and “rational actor” approaches are fundamentally complementary rather than antithetical.
The marine environment and ocean shipping: some implications for a new Law of the Sea
Authors: Abrahamsson Bernhard J.
Published: May 2009

Shipping is characterized by a high degree of mobility and flexibility based on free access to the world's oceans and multilateral participation in carriage of sea-borne trade. Recently, technological and institutional developments have tended to create conditions in which bilateral shipping agreements may become dominant. A major step in this direction was the 1974 UNCTAD Convention on a code of conduct for liner conferences. Efforts to protect the marine environment from ship-originated oil pollution may work in the same direction depending on how they are implemented. Under any circumstances, implementation of pollution control standards under the 1973 IMCO convention will be costly and freight rates arc certain to rise. Unless international pollution control standards are rigidly fixed and binding, discriminatory treatment and bilateral agreements are likely. But such standards would be futile unless there is also freedom of innocent passage–a matter for the Law of the Sea Conference.
The implications of alternative solutions for regulating the exploitation of seabed minerals
Authors: Hardy Michael
Published: May 2009

Regulation of the exploitation of seabed minerals has to be considered in terms both of the technical nature of the operations and of the requirements of the supervisory body. The major issue, however, has been “Who May Exploit the Area?”. Different approaches to this question have been taken by the leading industrialized powers and by the Group of 77. Particular difficulties have arisen over: 1) the extent of the discretion to be exercised by the International Seabed Authority and the security of access of individual operators; 2) the way in which the Authority might itself engage in direct operations through an “Enterprise”; 3) the protection to be given to land-based producers against adverse consequences of seabed exploitation; and 4), the decision-making procedures of the Authority. Future events are hard to predict; but failure to produce a generally acceptable treaty could lead to significant conflict over the international seabed in the years ahead.
The International Seabed Resources Agency negotiations and the New International Economic Order
Authors: Friedheim Robert L. , Durch William J.
Published: May 2009

The negotiations concerning the establishment of an International Seabed Resources Agency (ISRA) raise three research questions: 1) what is the current state of the ISRA negotiations, and how have they evolved; 2) what effect do New International Economic Order (NIEO) considerations have on national behavior in these negotiations; and 3) can the ISRA negotiations “succeed” (reach a positive-sum-type outcome) and produce a comprehensive Law of the Sea treaty? A methodology based on thematic content analysis is useful in answering these questions. Despite recent concessions by developed states, continued stalemate in the negotiations is likely. The Group of 77's position has hardened as it has become increasingly united behind demands for a New International Economic Order for the seabeds. Short of a breakthrough on ISRA, neither the ISRA negotiations nor the Law of the Sea Conference can succeed. Such a breakthrough might be generated either by verbal acceptance of the NIEO by the North, or by side payments.
US commercial and monetary policy: unravelling the paradox of external strength and internal weakness
Authors: Krasner Stephen D.
Published: May 2009

The fundamental objective of American foreign economic policy after the Second World War was to establish a regime in which impediments to the movement of capital and goods were minimized. In this quest American central decision makers were largely successful because of America's external power. However, because of the weakness of the US political system, that is, the ability of private groups to check state initiatives, public officials were constantly faced with domestic political constraints. These constraints were more apparent in the area of commercial policy, where decisions involved Congress and executive agencies susceptible to societal influences, than in monetary policy, where decisions were made in a more insulated environment. The decline of America's external power, which became evident in the mid-1960s, was accompanied by growing demands for protection as more sectors of the American economy were adversely affected by foreign trade. This has led to increasing incoherence in US policy and greater instability in the international economic regime.
Britain: the politics of foreign economic policy, the domestic economy, and the problem of pluralistic stagnation
Authors: Blank Stephen
Published: May 2009

Economic policies in Britain after World War II, both domestic and international, were dominated by foreign policy goals. This provides the primary explanation for Britain's poor economic performance in the postwar years. Commitments made in the late 1940s and 1950s, particularly with regard to Britain's international position and responsibilities, and domestic economic policies devised to support these commitments, locked Britain into a low-growth situation. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, the widespread consensus supporting these commitments began to disintegrate and efforts were made to develop new policies directed toward stimulating domestic economic growth. These efforts were unsuccessful–largely because of the unwillingness of government leaders to shift national priorities away from traditional international commitments. This failure made it impossible for the British economy to meet the rising expectations of the British population and contributed, after 1967, to a widespread increase in social conflict. Compared to other advanced industrial nations, Britain's economic performance since 1945 has been poor. Britain's poor economic performance is due, however, not to the weakness of British governments or to their inability to resist demands made by interests groups, but rather to a series of policy choices, especially in the international area, that were inappropriate for Britain's resources but to which successive governments adhered with remarkable stubbornness and rigidity.
Latin American trade negotiations with the United States
Authors: Odell John S.
Published: May 2009

The traditional relation between richer and poorer countries, whereby the former exported manufactures and the latter exported primary products, has been undergoing an accelerating transformation in recent years. Developing countries are emerging as serious competitors in the world economy in a widening range of manufactured products, and increasing industrial exports is one of the highest foreign-policy priorities of their governments. At the same time, demands for import restrictions have been increasingly heard in the older industrial countries. The result is that bilateral bargaining to regulate trade and market shares has become a common but understudied element of the North-South diplomatic agenda. Despite all our recent discussion of the international economic order, our knowledge of this type of bilateral conflict is quite sketchy. Industrial trade issues touch several often-conflicting policy objectives of the country involved, including employment and growth, price stability, debt servicing, domestic political power and stability, and the strength of bilateral political ties. Latin American countries and the United States have historically been mutually important as trade partners, and some
Self-reliance in theory and practice in Tanzanian trade relations
Authors: Biersteker Thomas J.
Published: May 2009

Self-reliance is a logical prescription of Latin American dependency writers and a great many other contemporary critics of the international economic and political order. It is based on assumptions and values shared by contemporary critics, employs the same definitions of central concepts, and most important, identifies specific policies designed to eliminate the bases of dependence and exploitation that critics hold responsible for a distortion of the development process throughout much of the Third World. Despite the significance of self-reliance for dependency and other critical writers, it is rarely defined and even less frequently examined systematically. As a result, self-reliance has too often been dismissed as merely part of the ideological jargon that necessarily accompanies discussions of the new international economic order.
The demand for international regimes
Authors: Keohane Robert O.
Published: May 2009

International regimes can be understood as results of rational behavior by the actors—principally states—that create them. Regimes are demanded in part because they facilitate the making of agreements, by providing information and reducing transactions costs in world politics. Increased interdependence among issues—greater ‘issue density’—will lead to increased demand for regimes. Insofar as regimes succeed in providing high quality information, through such processes as the construction of generally accepted norms or the development of transgovernmental relations, they create demand for their own continuance, even if the structural conditions (such as hegemony) under which they were first supplied, change. Analysis of the demand for international regimes thus helps us to understand lags between structural change and regime change, as well as to assess the significance of transgovernmental policy networks. Several assertions of structural theory seem problematic in light of this analysis. Hegemony may not be a necessary condition for stable international regimes; past patterns of institutionalized cooperation may be able to compensate, to some extent, for increasing fragmentation of power.
Security regimes
Authors: Jervis Robert
Published: May 2009

Regimes are harder to establish in the security area than they are in the economic realm because of the inherently competitive cast of many security concerns, the unforgiving nature of the problems, and the difficulty in determining how much security the state has or needs. Nevertheless, there is at least one example of a functioning security regime—the Concert of Europe. Under the Concert the great powers sharply moderated their individualistic and competitive policies and exercised restraint in the expectation that others would reciprocate. The self-interest that they followed was broader and longer-run than usual. The Balance of Power, however, is a regime only if the restraints are internal, as Kaplan implies, as contrasted with Waltz's formulation in which states restrain each other. Current superpower relations should not be considered a regime because the principles, rules, and norms have little autonomy but instead can be best understood as quite direct reflections of the states' power and interests.
Trade politics in the Third World: a case study of Mexican GATT decision
Authors: Story Dale
Published: May 2009

In 1980 Mexico decided not to join the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). Certain objective conditions formed a positive environment for Mexican adherence, but President L6pez Portillo postponed Mexican entry indefinitely. This critical decision is examined from two perspectives: a left-leaning foreign policy, and domestic constraints in the Mexican political system. Major foreign policy factors were a growing resentment of U.S. dominance combined with a preference for conducting relations with the U.S. on a bilateral basis. Internal political pressures reflected the continued reform of the Mexican political system at the upper levels and the relative autonomy of some elite groups from the state. L6pez Portillo's decision did not constitute an outright rejection of trade liberalization. However, the decision could have international repercussions in ‘politicizing’ U.S.-Mexican trade relations, in slowing trends toward freer trade (especially in Latin America), and in strengthening multilateral organizations like UNCTAD in which Third World countries exercise considerable power.
Politics and international debt: explaining the crisis
Authors: Kahler Miles
Published: May 2009

Since mid-1982 the existence of a “debt crisis” has been almost universally acknowledged; many would argue that the crisis had existed unrecognized for much longer, despite alarms sounded regularly over the preceding decade. The definition of the crisis in the Northern industrial countries was remarkably uniform: the onset of widespread difficulties in servicing the mountain of developing country debt threatened the stability of the international financial system. The nightmare in the North was an episode of onrushing financial collapse in the mold of those described so vividly by Charles Kindleberger—a default by a major debtor country (or domino defaults by debtors large and small), followed by the failure of a major bank or banks, a collapse of confidence in the financial system, and ultimately a sharp contraction of economic activity and international trade. The model was that of a panic; the fear, that the financial system, which had appeared so robust in dealing with successive shocks in the 1970s, might prove less so in the harsher circumstances of the 1980s.
The Bretton Woods Institutions in Transition
Authors: Knorr Klaus
Published: May 2009

The Bretton Woods institutions were set up long before physical warfare ceased. They are part of a wider undertaking to further international cooperation in the postwar world. Befitting its imposing influence, the United States took a prominent part in this enterprise. The overall design lending coherence to the blueprints for economic collaboration is predominantly of American authorship. It is too early yet to assess the worth of these blueprints and the merits of American policy, but even now it isclear that some of the new institutions may not function as intended. Adverse and unforeseen circumstances may force either drastic revision or failure. According to some observers, the companion agencies established at Bretton ”Woods belong in this category.
The Geneva Proposals for an International Trade Charter
Authors: Feis Herrbert
Published: May 2009

The charter of the International Trade Organization, as drafted at Geneva in the spring of 1947, is a pact expressing the rules of behavior which nations undertake to observe in their economic relations with one; another. Regardless of the subsequent history of this draft, it merits ^ examination as an illustration of the practical difficulties to be surmounted I by those who seek to implement by international agreement even so obj vious a goal as economic cooperation. Not only must idealism and theory I come to grips with the fact that every transaction in international trade ; affects someone's pocketbook, but methods and techniques must be devised to create a semblance of uniformity in a world of vastly different economic practices. Since the Geneva draft seeks to regularize international trade conduct after fifteen years of both autarchic control and war, it bears witness to the fundamentally long-range character of the problem.
The European Recovery Program — Phase Two
Authors: Blaisdell Thomas C.
Published: May 2009

On June 5,1947, Secretary of State George C. Marshall delivered a brief address at a Harvard University commencement. A few sentences in the address were devoted to the problem of European recovery. These few sentences have had a profound effect, and it is difficult to measure the potentialities of events which they set in motion. Secretary Marshall spoke, as many before him had spoken, of “the visible destruction of cities, factories, mines, and railroads.” This was the story that had been told many times, the tragic story of bombed homes, smashed locomotives, shattered factories, blown bridges, and blocked canals. But he went on to point out that there was an even more serious destruction than this visible and easily understood physical destruction of war. More serious was the “dislocation of the entire fabric of European economy.” The rebuilding of the economic structure of Europe would take “a much longer time and greater effort than had been foreseen.”
Coordination of American Security Policy at the United Nations
Authors: Blaisdell Donald C.
Published: May 2009

The articles of the United Nations Charter providing for the establishment of a Military Staff Committee and looking forward to provision for armed forces, assistance and facilities by Members introduced for many states new and perplexing problems in their relations to international organization. While it is true that military considerations are normally one of the factors influencing the formulation of the foreign policy of every state, never before has there existed one central international organization to which it was expected that all major political problems would be submitted, regardless of origin and regardless of the geographical area concerned. Coordination of military policy with political representation under these circumstances becomes, therefore, not a matter of the occasional conference at a given moment of international tension, but, instead, requires a day-to-day ìntegration in order to achieve both consistency and effectiveness.
Congress and Proposals for International Government
Authors: Corbett Percy E.
Published: May 2009

Since the summer of 1949 a number of resolutions embodying proposals for world or regional federation have been pending in the Congress of the United States. During the early months of 1950, extended hearings on these various proposals have been held by the Senate Subcommittee on Foreign Relations headed by Senator Elbert Thomas. The purpose of this article is to present a critical study of the background, content, and the implications of the projects thus submitted for congressional action.
Voting Procedure in the General Assembly
Authors: Hovey Allan
Published: May 2009

Since 1945 the popular view that the United Nations would bring an end to power politics has given way in some quarters to the conviction that power politics will bring an end to the United Nations. More hopeful opinion recognizes and stresses the value of the United Nations as a continuous and expanding “service” organization operating essentially to facilitate discussion, to find and reduce technical sources of friction, and to crystallize world opinion around universal objectives. If, as Mr. Jessup has written, the United Nations is an instrument for “mobilizing world public opinion and making it articulate to the point at which it becomes a factor in the power situation,” the accent now must clearly and necessarily be on opinion rather than power. No Secretary of State today could tell a Senate Committee, as did Mr. Stettinius in 1945, that the heart of the Charter is to be found in the enforcement provisions of Chapter VII.
The General Review Conference
Authors: Robinson Jacob
Published: May 2009

The tenth session of the General Assembly will be faced with the question of convoking a general review conference under Article 109 (3) of the Charter. The conference, if convened, will work under numerous limitations, some of them of a procedural nature, others of a substantive nature. In addition to these objective factors affecting the work of a general conference the attitudes of governments cannot be ignored.
The Colombo Plan: A Case of Regional Economic Cooperation
Authors: Basch Antonin
Published: May 2009

The Colombo Plan has been defined as “a cooperative plan to enable members to help one another through bilateral arrangements for assistance, both capital and technical. Its objective is to raise the standard of living by accelerating the pace and extending the scope of economic development in the countries of South and South-East Asia with special emphasis on the production of food.” Frederick Benham, British economist and student of the Plan, has called it “one of those voluntary and flexible arrangements based on goodwill which are not subject to any formal rules—it is not really a plan at all. It may be regarded as an envelope covering the development programs of member countries in South and South-East Asia.”
The International Court and the United Nations: Reflections on the Period 1946–1954
Authors: Rosenne Shabtai
Published: May 2009

This article is devoted to a consideration of the role (during the period 1946–54) of the International Court of Justice within the general context of international institutions existing to facilitate the pacific settlement of international disputes. For the development of international judicial techniques, this period is dominated by a novel, and unwelcome, phenomenon, that of the non-implementation of several of the Court's decisions. In this respect the position of the Court, as a principal organ of the United Nations, is not unique, for, in all its work, the United Nations has had to face the problem of the non-implementation of the resolutions of the principal organs. In making the following observations, the possibility that a decision will be taken in 1955 to convene a General Review Conference, in accordance with Article 109, paragraph 3, of the Charter and Article 69 of the Statute is kept in mind. However, it is not our intention to put forward any specific suggestions for amending either Chapter XIV of the Charter or the Statute. Until a careful and comprehensive review has been made of the working of the provisions of the Charter relating to the Court, and of the Statute, it would be premature to do so.
The Development of Shape: 1950–1953
Authors: Goodpaster Colonel Andrew J.
Published: May 2009

The author's first connection with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) came on the 16th of December, 1950. It was at a time when the world situation seemed to be deteriorating rapidly. The Chinese had just entered the war in Korea and the Council of NATO was to meet in Brussels on December 18th to consider urgent action to strengthen and organize defenses against aggression, should it occur in Europe.
Political Cooperation in the North Atlantic Community
Authors: Padelford Norman J.
Published: May 2009

When the North Atlantic Treaty was negotiated in the critical days of 1948–1949, it was hoped that this arrangement might be helpful in assisting the contracting parties to build up sufficient strength to deter aggression in Europe and to augment their diplomatic influence so that they could negotiate with the U.S.S.R. from a more advantageous position than they had held since 1945.
The Organization for European Economic Cooperation
Authors: Gordon Lincoln
Published: May 2009

In corridor and dining-room conversations during the past eight years among national representatives and Secretariat officials in the handsome Chateau de la Muette on the western edge of Paris, it has often been boasted that the Organization for European Economic Cooperation (OEEC) is the most successful of the many postwar experiments in international organization. The boast is supported with a variety of comparisons, some inevitably invidious.
Inter-American Regional Procedures for the Settlement of Disputes
Authors: Fenwick Charles G.
Published: May 2009

Some sixty-five years ago, when on April 14, 1890, the Union of American Republics was established, the great hope for world peace, the great promise of bringing international relations under the rule of law, lay in the development of arbitration. The Plan of Arbitration proposed by the Conference was for its time a radical one. Arbitration was to be obligatory for all disputes except those which in the judgment of a state might peril its independence; and the example thus set by the American States was not without its effect at the Hague Conferences of 1899 and 1907. The limitation of armaments was obviously beyond the plans of practical statesmen. But even so, that was not ground for discouragement. If only the procedure of arbitration could be given greater authority and extended into ever-widening fields, it might be possible to look forward to an agreement upon the limitation of armaments when there was no longer the same need of them.
United States Participation in the United Nations
Authors: Hyde James N.
Published: May 2009

The United Nations provides the setting for the expression and carrying out of United States policies on a wide range of subjects of international concern. This article is about how those policies are formulated and expressed in UN organs.
Establishment of the International Finance Corporation: A Case Study
Authors: Matecki B. E.
Published: May 2009

This article presents briefly the findings of a case study in which two questions are investigated:

a) Did the idea of an International Finance Corporation, first publicly expounded by the United States International Development Advisory Board, have its source in a United States agency or in an international organization?

b) What were the causes of the modification of policy announced by the United States government on November II, 1954, when it decided to support the establishment of the International Finance Corporation, and did international organizations have any part in bringing about this change of policy?
The Vatican, Latin America, and Jerusalem
Authors: Glick Edward B.
Published: May 2009

Viewed from its widest angle, the dormant but still unsettled question of the internationalization of Jerusalem is, in reality, a struggle between the Holy See and the Jewish state. Thus one protagonist will inform the United Nations that “the Catholic body throughout the world…will not be contented with a mere internationalization of the Holy Places in Jerusalem” and the other will proclaim to the Israeli Parliament that “for the state of Israel there is, has been and always will be one capital only, Jerusalem, the Eternal”. Since 1947 the Vatican has directed a campaign designed to make unmistakably clear to Israel and the UN that nothing less than the complete territorial internationalization of Jerusalem would be satisfactory; with equal steadfastness has Israel maintained her claim to sovereignty over the entire New City of Jerusalem.
The Role of Public Opinion in United States Policies Toward the United Nations
Authors: Cory Robert H.
Published: May 2009

The development of the United Nations has been, and doubtless will continue to be, dependent to a high degree on the support of its largest contributor and most powerful member, the United States. The place of the UN in United States foreign policy is in some degree dependent on the public opinion process. To the extent that knowledge of the role of public opinion can be increased, the potentialities for the growth of the UN can be more accurately judged. Many current proposals—revisions of the Charter, the establishment of armaments control machinery, the founding of new social and economic programs—need to be evaluated in terms of the political possibilities of obtaining American support. What role will public opinion play in formulating United States policy on issues which are crucial in the strengthening of the UN?
The United Nations Emergency Force
Authors: Goodrich Leland M. , Rosner Gabriella E.
Published: May 2009

When the Charter of the United Nations was being written and put into effect, the feature that was most emphasized by its supporters was the provision for the use of collective forces to keep the peace. It was the failure of this particular feature of the Charter system to become effective which was mainly responsible for the subsequent decline of confidence in the UN as a peace organization. For a time, hopes were rekindled by the role of the United Nations in meeting aggression in Korea. Recent events in the Middle East, particularly the establishment of the United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF), have revived interest in the possibility of strengthening the UN as an organization to maintain international peace and security.Because of the hopes aroused as well as the results achieved, it is important to analyze objectively what UNEF is, what its role has been, and to what it may lead.
Concepts and Realities in International Political Organization
Authors: Jordan William M.
Published: May 2009

The heading under which these observations are brought together may well seem presumptuous. The request made to me was to deal with the subject: “collective security”—a phrase which I am hesitant to use, for it has come to cover the most diverse international political arrangements. The title adopted provides a convenient umbrella under which to bring together a number of general observations on the approach to the problem of maintaining peace.
United Nations Technical Assistance: Soviet and East European Participation
Authors: Allen Robert Loring
Published: May 2009

United Nations technical assistance is unique in many ways. Its popularity is attested by pledges and contributions from eighty-two nations, some of which are not members of the UN. Its success is indicated by increasing contributions from all nations of the world and increasing requests for assistance from underdeveloped countries. Most significant of all, the UN technical assistance program is the only setting where the Soviet Union, its constituent republics, and the eastern European countries in its orbit cooperate widi western powers in economic activities not specifically and directly for their own national purposes. Nowhere else can one find delegates from the United States, Czechoslovakia, the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union, and many other nations wrestling not with high politics and ways to advance their power position, but, rather, with the practical problems of irrigation in Iran, statistical research in India, and malaria control in Ceylon.