bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Table of Mên
Authors: Levick B.
Published: May 2006

On my first journey in Turkey, in 1955, I copied and photographed the following inscription, which to my knowledge has never been published. The letters are very roughly cut on the upper surface (102 cm. by 51 cm.) of a stone which now forms part of a stairway in a house of Kizilca Mahalle (ward), Yalvaç, not far from the site of Pisidian Antioch. The irregularity of the lettering is clearly shown in the photograph (Plate XIa).

This is not the only epigraphic document that connects a man named Protion with Mên. There is also an altar built into a house wall in Abecilar Mahalle and published by W. M. Calder (Plate Xlb):
Zeus in the Persae
Authors: Winnington-Ingram R. P.
Published: May 2006

Aeschylus was a dramatist of ideas—of religious ideas. His ideas may have been old or new, clear or confused, crude or profound, but it was in terms of religious ideas that he interpreted the story of the house of Argos; and it was in terms of religious ideas that he interpreted a great event in the history of his own time. It is, therefore, of considerable interest and importance to discover, if we can, a relationship between the way he thought in 472 and the way he thought in 458. In 458 he made a Chorus reject an old doctrine: that prosperity and good fortune in themselves give rise to disaster—the doctrine, that is to say (though the word is not used), of the jealousy of the gods (φθόνος τῶν θϵῶν). No, sings this Chorus, it is the impious deed that begets after its kind, the old hubris that gives birth to new and to a train of evil consequences. In 472, in the Persae, we seem to find both doctrines. We find the Chorus singing of the crafty deceit of a god from which no mortal can escape, and we find the Messenger speaking of the jealousy of the gods. But we also find Darius speaking of the stern punishments of Zeus and attributing the disasters of the Persians to their own acts of hubris. As though such seeming contradictions were sent to test our ingenuity, eminent scholars—I mention no names—have tied themselves in knots to demonstrate that the contradiction does not exist. I would suggest that the contradiction not only exists but is essential to the thought of the play, and that it has, to some extent, imposed upon the play its form.
The massacre of the Branchidae
Authors: Parke H. W.
Published: May 2006

The reputation of Alexander and the judgement on his character have oscillated between two extremes down the ages. At times he was taken by ancient moralists as the prime example of one corrupted by power and ambition. At other times, especially in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, he has been seen as the ideal leader of men in war and peace. These extremes of interpretation are possible because his brief and incomplete career contained a number of highly dramatic episodes of different kinds, which can be enhanced or explained away to produce either effect. The most extreme instance leading to an adverse judgment is the massacre of the Branchidae, and it is not surprising that Tarn, whose work on Alexander represented a peak of eulogy, argued strongly for the view that: the event was entirely fictitious. He has been followed by most writers since then, who usually do not try to account for this episode; in fact they simply omit it. This is strange, for the evidence that it occurred goes back to Callisthenes, the earliest to write on Alexander's campaigns, and an eye-witness of the happening, if it occurred.
Justinian's bridge over the Sangarius and the date of Procopius'de Aedificiis
Authors: Whitby Michael
Published: May 2006

In the village of Beşköprü, about five kilometres to the south-west of the town of Adapazari in western Turkey, and just to the north of the main Istanbul–Ankara highway, there stands a large well-constructed bridge; its fabric is generally in good condition apart from the destruction of a short section of the causeway near its eastern end to permit the passage of the branch railway line to Adapazan. Although the bridge now only spans two minor side channels of the small stream called the Çark Deresi, which drains Lake Sophon (modern Sapanca), there is no doubt that the bridge was originally designed on the orders of the emperor Justinian to span the mighty Sangarius (modern Sakarya) which at present flows in a south–north direction about three kilometres to the east of the bridge. The only detailed first-hand account of the bridge is still that by Texier, whose description has to be corrected on some important points.
The imprisonment of women in Greek tragedy
Authors: Seaford Richard
Published: May 2006

In Kreon's famous edict in Sophokles' Antigone the punishment for attending to the dead Polyneikes is death by public stoning (36). In the event,at the climax of his bitter argument with his son Haimon, who is betrothed to Antigone, Kreon threatens to have Antigone killed in front of Haimon's eyes (760–1). But when Haimon then angrily departs, Kreon orders Antigone to be imprisoned in a deserted place, underground in the rock, with a little food (773–5). Various motives have been suggested for this change of penalty, e.g. that the city may not want to cooperate in the stoning of Antigone. But the main factor must be the aptness of imprisonment underground for the specific case of Antigone. As Kreon himself ironically puts it, ‘there she can ask Hades to save her from death, Hades who is the only god she reveres’ (777–8). Imprisonment underground, in what is described as a tomb, suits the crime of one who has seemed too devoted to Hades, and produces the complementary inversions described by Teiresias (1068–71): the dead Polyneikes is above the earth, while the living Antigone is below, in a tomb.
Io's World: intimations of theodicy inPrometheus Bound
Authors: White Stephen
Published: May 2006

The conflict between Prometheus and Zeus has long dominated critical discussion of the play and diverted attention from the only mortal to appear onstage. Prometheus is widely applauded as humanity's saviour and Zeus condemned as an oppressive tyrant, but the fate of the maiden Io is largely discounted. Her encounter with Prometheus, however, is the longest and most complex episode in the play, and it provides a very different perspective on events. The elaborate forecast of her journeys delivered by Prometheus deploys the ‘discourse of barbarism’ to picture a primitive world ravaged by savage violence and hostile monsters. The lands through which Io is to travel are devoid of the civil and religious institutions of the classical Greekpolisandoikos.Yet the episode also foretells how this barbaric world will evolve under the aegis of Zeus. Argive Io, as ‘wife’ of Zeus, will found a ‘new family’ of mortals who will introduce and champion the norms of Greek civic culture in his and her name alike. Prophecy, allusion and foreshadowing thus reveal the Zeus of this play to be not the harsh and destructive despot imagined by most today, but the benevolent source and ultimate arbiter of justice for both gods and humanity.
Εκτημοροι: partners in crime?
Authors: Rihll T.E.
Published: May 2006

In or around 594 BC Solon was given extraordinary powers as διαλλακτὴς καὶ νομοθέτης, mediator and lawgiver, to try to solve a crisis in archaic Athenian society. His solution was termed the σεισάχθεια, disburdenment; it was a liberation of the land and the people.

The primary literary evidence on this most important episode in Athenian history is Solon's own testimony. For more information recourse must be had to authors who were writing not less than one hundred and fifty years—or five (30-year) generations—after Solon's reforms were enacted. The most important of these later sources is the author of theAthenaion Politeia, henceforth AP, who was writing about two hundred years after the event.
Hybris, dishonour, and thinking big
Authors: Cairns Douglas L.
Published: May 2006

The focal point of this article is the detailed study of the concept ofhybrisrecently published by N.R.E. Fisher, and the differences of interpretation which exist between that study and other recent work on the concept. Though I dispute much of what Fisher has to say abouthybris, I also defend many of his most important insights, and readily admit that my own task has been made immeasurably lighter by his industry and integrity in the presentation of a wealth of valuable data. That I take issue with his thesis is no token of disesteem, rather a recognition that he has made a strong case for his interpretation and that disagreement with a study as well documented as his must rest on detailed discussion of individual passages.
Reply to D. C. Mirhady: Torture and rhetoric in Athens
Authors: Thür Gerhard
Published: May 2006

The strong point of D. Mirhady's work (hereafter ‘M.’) lies in his interpretation of the rhetorical handbooks (technai). I agree in general with Part III, though admitting my lack of specialist knowledge in this field. To a large extent Part III confirms my observations on procedural law published in 1977 (Beweisführung, quoted supra n. 4). I approve of the opinion that, despite the use of written rather than oral testimony, the formulas, by which the evidence was used, did not change (M. after n. 62, see my recent article in: Die athenische Demokratie, ed. W. Eder [Stuttgart 1995], p. 329 f.). M. states an appealing hypothesis, that the introduction of written testimony did not so much change the procedure as provide the cause for a new handbook on rhetoric to be written, which he suggests was the common precursor to Aristotle and Anaximenes.
The end of the Trachiniai and the fate of Herakles
Authors: Holt Philip
Published: May 2006

At the end of the Trachiniai, the dying Herakles gives orders for his cremation on Mt. Oita and is carried off to his fiery end. One of the thorniest critical questions about the play is what we, the audience, are to make of this. Did Sophokles intend the audience to remember Herakles' apotheosis from the pyre and complete the story in their own minds? Or did he omit it in order to deny it, the better to deepen the play's supposed general pessimism or censure of Herakles? The case for assuming Herakles' exaltation suffers from two major weaknesses. Its champions do little to answer the arguments of their opponents, which are often forceful and take into account things in the play which the devout would rather ignore, and they do surprisingly little to explain how their position on the question affects the interpretation of the play. Nevertheless, their case is a strong one and deserves better support than it usually receives. This study will present it in some detail, addressing the objections and in the process offering an interpretation.
‘Mere bellies’?: A new look atTheogony26–8
Authors: Katz Joshua T. , Volk Katharina
Published: May 2006

One of the most famous scenes in classical literature is theDichterweiheat the beginning of theTheogony(22–35): when Hesiod was tending his sheep below Mount Helicon, the Muses approached him, provided him with a staff and a divine voice, and told him to sing of the blessed, everlasting gods.
DiogenesEpikourios: keep taking the tablets
Authors: Warren James
Published: May 2006

The Epicurean inscription of Diogenes of Oinoanda is an intriguing monument. Here and in what follows, I stress its monumentality and physical form, not only because this is what ensures its uniqueness as a source for Epicurean philosophy, but also because it has not always been given due attention by those commentators who have chosen to write about Diogenes and his inscription. For example, in her recent monograph on Diogenes, Pamela Gordon hardly mentions the archaeological context of the find, nor does she seem to consider the fact of its inscription on a wall at least four metres high and up to eighty metres long to be immediately relevant to her discussion of Diogenes' ‘inimitable voice’.
The rise of the Greek epic
Authors: West M. L.
Published: May 2006

My title is familiar as that of a book, and my subject may be thought to call for one. I hope in due course to explore the genesis of the Homeric poems in that format, and what I have to say here may take its place there in a maturer form (wiser, fatter). For the moment I offer merely a provisional attempt to trace out the stages by which the epic tradition developed, stopping short of any discussion of theIliadandOdysseythemselves. Any such attempt necessarily involves a certain amount of rehearsal of familiar arguments, and, if it is to be plausible, a fair measure of concurrence in familiar conclusions. But conclusions that are familiar are sometimes also controversial, and can be strengthened against their assailants by a fresh discussion; and I have certain doctrines of my own that are best presented in the context of a broad synthesis.
Prometheus and the wedge: text and staging at Aeschylus, PV 54–81
Authors: Dyson M.
Published: May 2006

At the start of the play Prometheus is brought on stage by two agents of Zeus, Kratos and Bia. He is to be fastened up against the side of a rock and exposed to the elements. Hephaestus, who enters with the others, is to provide the tackle and the skills to do the job. Hephaestus shows extreme reluctance to perform his duties, both in his initial utterances (17-21, 39-54) and during the actual process of fastening, particularly when dealing with the chest (66) and legs (78); Kratos, however, browbeats him brutally, at which Hephaestus acknowledges that he has no choice and obeys.
Africa in a Capitalist World
Authors: Wallerstein Immanuel
Published: May 2006

African studies has gone through three well-known phases as a field of study. Up until 1950 or thereabouts, those studying Africa — they were not yet called Africanists — tended to concentrate almost exclusively on the capturing (or recapturing) of a description of Africa eternal: Launcelot the ethnographer in search of a holy grail of the past that was written in the present tense and was undefiled by contact and uncorrupted by civilization. What was once a myth is now a fairy tale and it would be silly to waste time tellling each other the obvious truth that fairy tales are modes of the social control and the education of children.
Legitimization of National Liberation: The United Nations and Southern Africa
Authors: El-Ayouty Yassin
Published: May 2006

In a general sense, legitimization by the United Nations of African wars of national liberation means the recognition by various UN bodies that the struggle against colonialism and apartheid in southern Africa is a legitimate endeavour as far as the purposes and the principles of the UN Charter and other UN declarations are concerned. This international recognition of the African liberation movements is expressed through the offer of international aid and through the invitation of these movements to take part in deliberations at the conferences sponsored by UN agencies. The process of UN legitimization of the African struggle for freedom has been tangibly in the making since December 1960, when the world organization adopted General Assembly Resolution 1514 [XV] - the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries (or the declaration on decolonization).
Ethnic Factors in the Evolution of the South African Military
Authors: Enloe Cynthia H.
Published: May 2006

Virtually all of the literature concerning the politics of South Africa analyzes the dynamics of that system within the frameworks of racism, authoritarianism, and repression. Yet, strangely, the political institution which is necessarily the bulwark of such a system—the military—has attracted scant attention except in terms of strategy and armaments.
African Refugees: Their Impact on Economic Development in Countries of Asylum
Authors: Smythe Mabel M.
Published: May 2006

The basic facts are well known: half the world’s refugees are in African, trying to eke out an existence in some of the world’s poorest countries. Since the numbers –five million is the usual total given for all Africa–change constantly, one cannot be precise about how many there are. African countries have opened their doors and, inevitably, their economies to the refugees; the international community is giving help, chiefly through the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. There are obvious reasons for countries of asylum to inflate the figures. Moreover, since more homeless people may arrive tomorrow–or may already have come without making their presence known–the’most honest of officials have incentive to err on the generous side.
U.S. Policy and the Current Refugee Crisis in Africa
Authors:   Emergency Committee for African Refugees
Published: May 2006

The fact that more than half of the world’s refugees are presently found in Africa is a reality that has gone unrecognized or been ignored by the Reagan Administration policies toward refugees. This is partially a reflection of the lack of understanding of the American public about the extent and magnitude of the refugee crisis in Africa. The current total of 6.3 million African refugees is likely to increase substantially in the near future. In absolute terms, the increase in the number of African refugees for the last ten years is over 5 million, an increase of more than 500%. The rate of increase between 1979-81 is particularly significant. Within two years the refugee population swelled by 50%, giving Africa the tragic responsibility of being a host continent for more than half of the world’s refugees (See Table 1).
U.S. Policy in the Great Lakes: A Critical Perspective
Authors: Lemarchand René
Published: May 2006

Addressing the Organization of African Unity (OAU) on December 9, 1997, Secretary of State Madeleine Albright dispelled all possible doubts about the centrality of the Great Lakes region for U.S. African policy. And she left no illusions about the seriousness of the obstacles ahead: “Africa matters, and right now no place matters more in Africa than the Great Lakes. Achieving lasting peace will be as difficult as implementing the Camp David Agreement and as complex as sustaining the Dayton accords.”
Response
Authors: Lobban Richard
Published: May 2006

I would like to take the liberty of responding to a “statement” which appeared at the end of Issue, number 4 [Winter 1975] which was recently sent to the ASA membership. Since the authors have often sought to keep “politics” out of the Association I was rather surprised to see them taken by a “matter of conscience” which is perhaps one of the most politically charged issues of the day. In any case I was annoyed with the inference that the fight against colonialism, racism, apartheid, and fascism was a “partisan urge” while attributing only the noblest sentiments to their “statement”.

It was particularly ironic for the authors to note that they will withdraw their “support” from nationalist organizations and governments which identify Zionism as a form of racism since they stood against a resolution raised and passed in the 1973 ASA meetings calling upon the United States government to recognize the Republic of Guinea Bissau.
Business as Usual - Transactions Violating Rhodesian Sanctions
Authors: Park Stephen , Lake Anthony
Published: May 2006

Travel to many parts of Africa is a complicated undertaking — visas and shots, tickets … delays. A trip to Southern Rhodesia, however, is a breeze. No visa is required, just one or two innoculations, a passport and a confirmed onward reservation. Air travel reservations? Drop by a Pan American ticket counter anywhere in the United States and in seconds the computer will confirm space for you on an Air Rhodesia flight from Johannesburg, South Africa to the Rhodesian capital of Salisbury. It is all very convenient. The trouble is that when Pan Am, TWA, and perhaps other American carriers help make the going great, they apparently do it illegally.
An Inside Look at the Sanctions Campaign
Authors: Lockwood Edgar
Published: May 2006

There are some things in life that do yield visible, satisfying results; in building a room, painting a picture, or baking a cake, we are able to control most of the elements that contribute to the desired result. But if we try to restore sanctions against Rhodesia, we will find the effort frustrated by countless factors which concerned citizens are powerless to regulate.

At the outset of our endeavors to strengthen sanctions legislation, we knew that Administration support was critical particularly in the House of Representatives. We have always needed Republican votes. In 1973, Senator McGee (who in 1972 had initiated the attempt to repeal the Byrd Amendment to the Military Procurement Bill), was reluctant to try again unless he could obtain assurances from Secretary of State Kissinger that the Administration meant business this time.
Some Economic Aspects of the Brain Drain
Authors: Johnson Harry G.
Published: May 2006

The concept of “brain drain” is in its origins a nationalistic concept, by which is meant a concept that visualizes economic and cultural welfare in terms of the welfare of the residents of a national state or region, viewed as a totality, and excludes from consideration both the welfare of people born in that region who choose to leave it, and the welfare of the outside world in general. Moreover, though the available statistics are far from adequate on this point, there is generally assumed to be a net flow of trained professional people from the former colonial territories to the ex-imperial European nations, and from Europe and elsewhere to North America and particularly the United States. The concept thus lends itself easily to the expression of anti-colonial sentiments on the one hand, and anti-American sentiments on the other. The expression of such sentiments can be dignified by the presentation of brain drain as a serious economic and cultural problem, by relying on nationalistic sentiments and assumptions and ignoring the principles of economics—especially the principle that in every transaction there is both a demand and a supply—or by elevating certain theoretical economic possibilities into presumed hard facts.
Collective Memory and Selective Amnesia in a Transmutational Paradox
Authors: Soyinka-Airewele Peyi
Published: May 2006

Akin to myth, only tangentially related to the empirical truth, collective memory plays a key role in the symbolic discourse of politics, in the legitimation of political structures and action and in the justification of collective behavior.

This article is a tentative incursion into the making and workings of collective memory in the recent Nigerian elections. The crisis of memory—construction, distortion, exploitation, and suppression—is evident in the Nigerian “transmutation” process—the perpetuation in power, through civilianization, of a military regime. The term “transmutation” is used here to convey the sense of a political mutation, a process of uncertain nature or progeny, certainly a transition, but one emanating from an unlikely parentage, a brutal and militarized past.
Reds and Rights Zimbabwe’s Experiment
Authors: Sklar Richard L.
Published: May 2006

In this day and age, Marxism-Leninism is the leading and least parochial theory of social revolution in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. It strongly appeals to intellectuals who believe that capitalist imperialism in “neocolonial” forms perpetuates social injustice on a world scale; and that a “conscious minority’ ‘ or vanguard of the downtrodden should establish a “developmental dictatorship” dedicated to the pursuit of economic and social progress. Since the death of Mao Zedong and the subsequent repudiation of his economic theories in China, collectivism as an economic strategy has been reassessed and found wanting in other countries whose leaders are disposed to learn from China. For example, in the People’s Republic of the Congo, where collectivist methods, inspired by Marxism-Leninism have been discarded in favor of entrepreneurial methods, the minister of agriculture has said simply, “Marxism without revenue is Marxism without a future.”
On the Complexity of the Classification Problem for Torsion-Free Abelian Groups of Finite Rank
Authors: Thomas Simon
Published: May 2006

In this paper, we shall discuss some recent contributions to the project [15, 14, 2, 18, 22, 23] of explaining why no satisfactory system of complete invariants has yet been found for the torsion-free abelian groups of finite rank n ≥ 2. Recall that, up to isomorphism, the torsion-free abelian groups of rank n are exactly the additive subgroups of the n-dimensional vector space ℚn which contain n linearly independent elements. Thus the collection of torsion-free abelian groups of rank at most n can be naturally identified with the set S (ℚn) of all nontrivial additive subgroups of ℚn. In 1937, Baer [4] solved the classification problem for the class S(ℚ)of rank 1 groups as follows.

Let ℙ be the set of primes. If G is a torsion-free abelian group and 0 ≠ x ϵ G, then the p-height of x is defined to be

hx(p) = sup{n ϵ ℕ ∣ There exists y ϵ G such that pny = x} ϵ ℕ ∪{∞}; and the characteristic χ (x) of x is defined to be the function
Woodeaton
Authors: Taylor M. V.
Published: May 2006

Woodeaton is a small Oxfordshire parish, four miles north-east of the centre of Oxford city and a little west of the wide marshy level of the ‘Plain of Otmoor.’ It stands on a low, detached and rounded hill, 315 feet above sea level, and 120 feet above Otmoor. In old days it must have been difficult of access, for Otmoor spreads away to the east of it; low pastures along the river Cherwell close it in on the north and west, while south-westwards, too, the land is low-lying and marshy. Even to the south-east a marshy hollow separates it from the wooded slopes of Beckley and Elsfield, once part of Shotover Forest. However, the well-known Roman road which connects Dorchester (Oxon.) with Alchester, and which passes along the foot of Shotover, and traverses the village of Beckley and the plain of Otmoor, runs within two miles of Woodeaton; in dry seasons it may have helped those who wished to get to the spot.
A Cybele Altar in London
Authors: Tillyard E. M. W.
Published: May 2006

The altar here published is in the possession of Mr. G. A. Warren of Streatham Hill, to whom I am very much indebted for permission to make this publication. It belonged formerly to a Mr. Morgan and passed into Mr. Warren's possession in 1892. Mr. Morgan is no longer alive, and enquiries I have made about the origin of his collection have had no result. I have therefore nothing to say about provenance.

The altar has the shape which is usually given to such monuments of late Republican and Imperial times, except that there is no moulding above, and the reliefs are not sunk in panels. It dates perhaps from the second century A.D. and seems to be Roman.
The pottery of a third-century well at Margidunum
Authors: Oswald Felix
Published: May 2006

The dating of coarse pottery on Roman sites in the first and second centuries has been fairly well established, but there is still much uncertainty in the chronology of coarse ware during the third and fourth centuries. Hence it may be helpful to describe the pottery found in a Roman well which would appear, from the evidence to be adduced, to have remained open only during the third century. In my plan of Margidunum published in the Journal of Roman Studies, xiii, Pl. VIII, the position of this well, marked R, is shown to be situated halfway between the Via Quintana and the southern rampart. It lies just outside the eastern wall of a small building which may have been used as a stable, at any rate in the earlier occupation of the camp, for in the interior I found a pit (J) which had been filled up in the early part of the second century. The lower two feet contained brushwood, straw and horse-dung quite unaltered, owing to the pit having been hermetically sealed by clay. Doubtless this pit was closed when the camp was dismantled and the Fosse Way driven arbitrarily across it, over the old camp-roads and the foundations of the razed buildings.
A Romano-British Cemetery at Barnwood, Gloucestershire
Authors: Baddeley St. Clair
Published: May 2006

During the war the 40-acre gravel pits, the property of Messrs. Chambers at Barnwood, two and a quarter miles south-east of old Gloucester (Glevum Colonia) and lying in the Severn Vale immediately east of and adjoining Irmin Street, became not merely valuable to the Government Munitions Department, but of very special interest to the archaeologist and the palaeontologist. The extent of the oolitic sand deposit is naturally far greater than the excavated area which we had to observe, and lies along, and beyond, both sides of the road. Too frequently, however, is it found underlying houses and gardens to be quite satisfactory as a quarry for the archaeologist. Above the lowest depth now excavated, that is to say from 12 to 15 feet from the surface of the ground, occur freely the tusks and teeth of elephants (both Antiquus and, it is said, Primigenius), rhinoceros of two, or perhaps three, varieties (including Merckii), Cervus Elephas, and Equus Caballus; while the teeth of wolf, fox, and smaller mammals are met with at higher levels. There we are constantly hoping for traces of Palaeolithic man; and one ‘find,’ of a palaeolith, close by, the first example of its kind in Gloucestershire, more than justifies this expectation. The sand, richly deposited above these remains, consists of superposed layers of oolite grit abounding with Echinoids and Brachiopods.
Hadrian's Wall: a History of the Problem
Authors: Collingwood R. G.
Published: May 2006

The theories that have been advanced concerning the Roman Wall in England and its attendant works have been so many, so divergent, and at times so rapid in their succession as almost to justify the favourite taunt of irresponsible criticism, that their sequence is a matter of fashion or caprice rather than of rational development. Such a criticism, whether directed against historical, scientific or philosophical thought, hardly merits refutation. The object of this essay is rather to tell a plain tale, the story of the process by which, in the three centuries that have elapsed since Camden took it up, the problem of the Wall has been attacked first in one way and then in another till finally, within the last generation, a complete solution seems to have come within the range of possibility.
A Hoard of Samian Ware from Pompeii
Authors: Atkinson Donald
Published: May 2006

During a visit to Naples in June, 1913, I was permitted by the courtesy of Professor Spinazzola, the distinguished Director of the National Museum, to examine a number of decorated bowls of Samian ware obviously of south Gallic style, preserved in the ‘magazzini’ of the museum. Professor Spinazzola most kindly afforded me every facility for their study, and consented to their publication. Seventy-six of these bowls bore, in addition to the inventory-number, the date 1882, and a subsequent reference to three passages in the Notizie degli Scavi made it possible to identify ninety bowls in all as belonging to a group found together at Pompeii. The circumstances of the discovery were as follows: the ninety bowls were found on 4th October, 1881, in the ‘tablinum’ of house 9, insula 5, region viii (ii). They were arranged in order in a wooden box, of which some charred fragments remained, together with thirty-seven earthenware lamps said to have shewn no sign of use. Of these lamps twenty-four bear the stamp STROBILI; six, COMVNIS; four, ECHIO; two, FORTIS; and one is uninscribed. Side by side with this box were found two others, containing red powder, either pounded brick or red earth, the use of which I do not know.
Colonia Caesareia Antiocheia
Authors: Calder W. M.
Published: May 2006

I visited Antioch twice in the summer of 1911. On the first occasion our party, including Sir W. M. and Lady Ramsay, Miss M. M. Hardie of Newnham College, Cambridge, and the writer, divided its attention between the modern town of Yalowadj and the Hieron of Mên Askaênos, on the neighbouring peak of Karakuyu, which we had the good fortune to find at last. The discovery was primarily due to the hospitable agent of the Ottoman Railway at Yalowadj, M. Kyriakides, who had heard from a Turkish peasant of ”written stones” on a neighbouring mountain-top, and who persuaded the man to guide us to the long-looked-for holy place. The first of many inscriptions which we copied on the summit ran : Φ(λάουιος) Νεικήτης Μηνὶ Ἀσκαηνῷ μετὰ τέκνων εὐχήν. No traveller ever gave a Turkish guide his backsheesh with a better will!
The Subterranean Basilica at Porta Maggiore
Authors: Bagnani Gilbert
Published: May 2006

On the 21st of April, 1917, the embankment of the Rome-Naples railway gave way a short distance outside the Porta Maggiore: the works undertaken to repair the damage led to the discovery of a subterranean building of the greatest interest. One may say, without fear of exaggeration, that this is one of the most important discoveries ever made in Rome, and it raises a formidable number of problems archaeological, historical and artistic. It is impossible in a brief article to describe the building fully or to attempt an interpretation of the stucco reliefs that decorate it, especially as it has not yet been published in detail. I will therefore, in this short study, merely point out some of its most important characteristics and summarize the result of recent studies.
Thracian tribes in Scythia Minor
Authors: Casson S.
Published: May 2006

The Thracian tribe Bessoi are spoken of in Herodotus (vii, III, 22) as if they were a religious sect or subdivision of the larger Thracian trib e of Satrai—Βησσοί δὲ τῶν Σατρέων εἰσὶ οἱ προφητεύοντες τοῦ ἱροῦ (on Pangaion). Whether they were of wider distribution in the fifth-century B.C. is not known, but in the time of Livy and Pliny they seem to have been considered a large tribe. According to Pliny they lived on the left bank of the Strymon, which naturally includes their Pangaean settlement, while Strabo places them slightly further inland on Haimos—τὸ πλέον τοῦ ὄρους νέμονται τοῦ Αἵμου—and even on its northern slopes along the upper waters of the Hebros. We are thus able to identify them as being in their original home until the early years of our era. They were subdued by M. Lucullus in 72 B.C., and later by C. Octavius in 60 B.C. In 29-28 B.C. M. Licinius Crassus handed their sanctuary to the care of the Romanophil Odrysai.
The so-called ‘Lex lulia Municipalis’
Authors: Reid J. S.
Published: May 2006

The first draft of this paper was written nearly four years ago. If it had been completed for publication then, it would have contained a detailed examination of the important but uneven work of Legras, entitled La Table Latine d'Heraclée (Paris, 1907). This has now been rendered in large part needless by the criticisms of Dr. Hardy in a recent number of this Journal. In the present article I shall only refer to Legras when my own argument makes it expedient to do so, or at points where I have not been anticipated by Dr. Hardy, or disagree with his comments.
The Reign of Trajan Decius
Authors: Salisbury F. S. , Mattingly H.
Published: May 2006

The general chronology of the reign of Decius has been described by Arthur Stein in a recent paper, based principally on the evidence of papyri, inscriptions and coins.

Grenfell and Hunt had already pointed out (Ox. Pap. i, 35), in connexion with a papyrus giving a list of emperors from Augustus to Decius with the number of years of each reign, that ‘in reckoning the length of reigns, the months after the last Thoth I (Aug. 29) in an emperor's reign are neglected, since the interval between the death of an emperor and the next Thoth I counted as the 1st year of his successor.’ The latter half of the reign of Decius extended as we shall see for nearly a year after Aug. 29, A.D. 250. As, therefore, he has only two years (α and β) both on the papyri and on the coins of the Alexandrian mint, it follows that his reign in Egypt begins at a date after Aug. 29, 249. In other words, although Decius had been proclaimed emperor by the Pannonian legions at the close of 248 or in the first part of 249, the authority of Philip was maintained in Egypt until his overthrow and death at Verona in the autumn of 249. This is confirmed by the dating of Philip's coins which enter on a seventh year in Egypt and by Pap. Brit. Mus. 950-1 which, however, gives no month.
The nationality of slaves under the early Roman Empire
Authors: Gordon Mary L.
Published: May 2006

The Roman master who visited the slave-market to buy a new slave had little difficulty in solving the important question of nationality. He could read the label attached to each man, on which name and origin were recorded, or listen to the crier who announced the nationality of every slave in turn, as the law required; and if he feared the ‘tricks of the trade,’ which were innumerable, he could observe for himself whether the appearance and speech of the slave chosen corresponded to the place of origin ascribed to him. Our difficulties in approaching the same problem are much more formidable. A very large number of Roman slaves and freedmen are known to us by name, but of these only a small minority come to us with labels attached in the form of an explicit statement of origin; and though these ‘labelled’ examples have been collected, and form a body of evidence which is not without interest and value, they are too accidental and isolated, and too widely diffused chronologically and otherwise, to bear the weight of very far-reaching conclusions. Are there then any other indications which may throw light upon servile nationality, and help us towards a more vivid and accurate picture of the slave population of the Roman empire?
Some recent Discoveries in Rome and Italy
Authors: Radford C. A. Ralegh
Published: May 2006

The rapid progress of archaeological research and discovery in Italy has made it difficult to appreciate the importance and interest of many of the results. Full reports of the more recent excavations are seldom available and many of the provisional accounts have appeared in publications not easily accessible to the English scholar. These notes attempt to call attention to some of the more important discoveries of the classical period and to indicate the sources from which further information may be drawn. The area covered is Rome and Latium, the Sabina and Samnium, Picenum, Umbria, the Ager Gallicus and north-east Italy, including Istria. It is hoped later to publish a second article covering the other provinces of Italy. While the greater number of the excavations and studies belong to the period since 1935, a few of earlier date have been included. Within these limits I have attempted to note all the more important discoveries. Less extensive finds or those about which little information is available have been omitted, as a full list is published in the Archäologischer Anzeiger of the German Archaeological Institute and elsewhere.
The Land-Register of Arausio
Authors: Richmond I. A. , Stevens C. E.
Published: May 2006

The famous inscription (pl. iii, I) from Orange, forming part of a tabula censualis and enumerating parcels of land called merides, together with their lessees, sureties and land-tax, has been the subject of several learned commentaries since its discovery in 1904. These have established that the merides are not plots of agricultural land, but of urbanised property. Their position in the urban area is, however, less certain. It has been thought that they fronted upon the kardo of the surveyors; but this interpretation of the abbreviation ad K, which concludes the tabulation of each plot, is convincingly shown in an article to be published in this Journal to be supplanted by the expansion ad k(alendarium), meaning the ‘municipal register of debtors’.
The Whitley Castle Altar to Apollo
Authors: Wright R. P.
Published: May 2006

An altar with sculptured panels on all four sides of the capital was found in September, 1837, in digging a drain about 100 yards east of the north-east angle of the Roman fort at Whitley Castle, near Alston. It was 21 in. wide by 55 in. high and was set in a socket in a large slab, 48 by 28 by 8 in., which acted as a base and was itself supported on four pillars, each about a foot high. The die was even then extensively weathered and in the drawing published by Richardson the only decipherable letters are D[.]O l A[…]VS l […]VIVS though he gives traces of five more lines. Bruce in the Lapidarium amplified his original reading and gave in his text DEO l APOLLINI l [……l.]COH III NER l […] but added on his line-block as lines 3–4: VII[..]IVS NIIC[.]C[.]R. This was repeated by Hübner.
Scipio Africanus and Roman Politics in the Second Century B.C.
Authors: McDonald A. H.
Published: May 2006

The fortunes of Scipio Africanus after the Second Punic War raise a difficult problem for the student of Roman history. Through his political standing and his personal gifts Scipio's influence must be considered an essential element in the public life of Rome at the decisive period of her imperialistic development; yet the glimpses in recorded history, though significant, are so fleeting that it is almost impossible to gain a complete impression. We know, of course, his Carthaginian policy and his strategy against Antiochus; but in matters relating to Gaul, Liguria and Spain, and in the internal politics of Rome, there is scarcely any evidence of his hand. Most obscure of all is the Second Macedonian War; where the questions of policy were similar to those in the Syrian War, yet Scipio had no share in them that can be directly discerned. Did he withdraw after his victory over Carthage and only re-appear to meet Syria ? Then why should his defeat of Antiochus be followed by his own dishonour, in the face of the claims of gratitude ? His fall suggests a persistent and important political activity, which could only be countered by extreme measures of opposition.
Macedon, Illyria, and Rome, 220–219 B.C.
Authors: Van Antwerp Fine John
Published: May 2006

One of the most interesting problems in the political history of the last three decades of the third century B.C. is the appearance of the Romans east of the Adriatic. Whether Rome in the First and Second Illyrian Wars was inaugurating a definite imperialistic policy with the conscious aim of gaining control in the Balkan peninsula, or whether at this time she was acting purely on the defensive against Illyrian piracy, are questions with which I am not concerned at present. The fact of primary importance is that, by establishing herself in Illyria, Rome came into contact with Macedon, and this contact was bound to lead to hostilities; for the Antigonids could not fail to resent the intrusion of a stranger in what they considered their own sphere of influence. In this paper I propose to consider the attitude of Philip V to the Roman protectorate in Illyria at the beginning of his reign. Since his whole life was one long struggle with Rome, the importance of understanding his policy in regard to this question is obvious. Before entering upon the subject, however, it will be necessary to try to determine how far westward Macedonian authority extended. A knowledge of this western frontier will not only inform us on the proximity of Macedonian possessions to the Roman protectorate, but will also reveal some of the problems which the barbaric Illyrian and Dardanian tribes presented to Philip in this quarter. Once we have these matters clearly in mind, we shall be in a much better position to form an unbiased estimate of Philip's attitude to what may be called his Illyrian problem.
The Newton-St.-Loe Pavement
Authors: Stanton G. R.
Published: May 2006

The mosaic pavement illustrated on plates VII VIII and IX was found in a Roman villa at Newton-St.-Loe, near Bath, in 1837–38. It was taken up and relaid at Keynsham Railway Station; in 1851 it was taken up again for the Bristol Museum, but when the Bristol Institution moved into a new museum in 1871 the pavement remained stored away, and was never shown again. Several removals and neglect reduced it to a mere pile of fragments, so that the late Professor F. J. Haverfield, writing about 1906, said that it had perished. In 1930–32 it was, however, brought to light. Plates VIII and IX show pieces assembled on a floor awaiting restoration. The site of the villa, which is of an ordinary corridor type (fig. 4), is just outside, and to the west of, Bath, within a few yards to the east of the bridge carrying the main road to Bristol across the Great Western Railway. Most of it was cut away by the railway, but the site of the outbuilding is said to be marked by the broken surface of the south slope of the railway cutting. There are as yet no modern structures at the place. The pavement has frequently been wrongly called after Keynsham or Saltford.
The Bucheum Stelae: A Note
Authors: Tarn W. W.
Published: May 2006

A remark on p. 117 of this Journal for 1936, made by Mr. A. H. M. Jones in a review of The Bucheum has reminded me that I have never given my reasons for the view taken by me in CAH x, 36, regarding stela no. 13 from the Bucheum, reasons which could not of course be given in CAH itself; and, as readers of my chapter will find no reference there to any of the other stelae, I am glad of the opportunity of stating why that is so. Sometime before 1932 Professor Glanville brought stela no. 13 to my notice (I think it was exhibited somewhere) and with it a translation, which I used in writing my chapter. Late in 1932 I had some correspondence with Mr. Fairman, who was about to return to Egypt; he told me there was a whole series of stelae and kindly lent me his notes.
The Three Graces on a fluted Sarcophagus
Authors: Rodenwaldt G.
Published: May 2006

At the suggestion of Professor T. B. L. Webster these lines deal with the reliefs of a sarcophagus which, through the kindness of the owner, J. Baskervyle-Glegg, Esq., of Withington Hall, Chelford, is illustrated on Plates vi–viii. It has stood in the garden of Withington Hall since it was brought from Italy by the grandfather or great-grandfather of the present owner, perhaps when on his Grand Tour.

It is a fluted sarcophagus. The central relief shows the group of the three Graces before a curtain. The spaces on either side contain the figures of husband and wife, who were buried in the sarcophagus—on the left, the woman in the manner of the ‘petite Herculanaise,’ on the right, the man in classical toga. Both stand before the usual curtain (pl. vii). Only the main forms of the head are blocked out; the man was intended to have a beard. By the woman stands a little girl holding a box; by the man a boy is represented in an unusual running posture, carrying a vessel. Even if the final processes, which were still to come, are taken into account, the heads of the man and woman are disproportionately large, as is common in Roman art when the artist is a local craftsman. The corners of the sarcophagus are rounded; on each of the ends vertical fluting is followed by a pair of crossed shields, behind which axes and spears can be seen (pl. viii).
Roman literary Evidence on the Coinage
Authors: Milne J. G.
Published: May 2006

A good deal of confusion has been caused in the discussion of the Roman monetary system by the attempt to restrict the term ‘denarius’ to a particular ‘denarius nummus.’ The word ‘denarius’ is, of course, primarily an adjective, and was applied to many other things as well as nummi: and even in the latter connexion it could be used to describe any nummus that was valued at the rate of ten units. There were ‘denarii nummi’ recognised in Roman business long before there was any Roman coinage: according to Livy (viii, II), in 340 B.C the Campanians were ordered to furnish ‘denarios nummos’ as pay, which must mean Campanian staters reckoned as ten Roman Asses. It is true that the name got popularly attached to the nummus which was marked with a sign of value, X; but it was not till some years after the first coining of this ‘nummus’ that it was so nicknamed: in the beginning it was known as the ‘bigatus.’ For the sake of precision, this coin will be called the X-denarius.