bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Brazilian-Argentine Relations in the 1980s: From Wary Rivalry to Friendly Competition
Authors: Selcher Wayne A.
Published: March 2007

Events Since 1979 have steadily softened the long-dominant tone of rivalry in Brazilian-Argentine relations; and the two countries have established mutual levels of confidence, and institutional mechanisms, sufficient to support increased degrees of cooperation. The mutual understanding, formally confirmed during a landmark visit, in May 1980, by Brazilian President Joâo Figueiredo to Argentine President Jorge Videla, in Buenos Aires, is attributable to the pragmatic perception, in both capitals, that accumulated, but unaddressed, small grievances could mount into major, unnecessary points of attrition capable of sapping more important efforts.
The Caribbean Sugar Crisis: Consequences and Challenges
Authors: MacDonald Scott B. , Joseph Demetrius F.
Published: March 2007

“Being in Sugar is like collecting Confederate currency”. This assessment, offered by anthropologist Sidney Mintz (1985), is shared by many sugar industry observers, insiders, and, increasingly, by many Caribbean officials. King sugar, instrumental in shaping the diverse political, economic, and social histories of the Caribbean since colonial times, confronts a seemingly intractable crisis: a severe, and sustained, disequilibrium between global demand and supply which makes export of sugar very unattractive. Except in those cases where preferential arrangements exist between producers and consumers-the Lomé Convention, the US sugar quota system, and the Soviet guaranteed purchase of Cuban sugar-world prices for sugar are at a record low, well below production costs.
The Transition to Democracy in Brazil
Authors: Mainwaring Scott
Published: March 2007

On January 15,1985, Brazil elected a new president, 74 year-old Tancredo Neves, a moderate career politician who had been one of the important leaders of the opposition to the military regime which took power in 1964. Tancredo died before assuming office, but the elected Vice-president elect, José Sarney, took over the Executive Office on March 15,1985, bringing to an end 21 years of military rule. Arguably, the transition in Brazil is the most important of the recent transitions in South America (Argentina, Uruguay, Peru, Ecuador, and Bolivia), given the country's size, population, and influence, and given the fact that Neves' election marked the demise of the most successful and long-lived bureaucratic-authoritarian regime in the region. As a result, the nature and implications of the Brazilian transition will have considerable significance for understanding the political reality of the region during the next several years.
Military Dictatorship and Political Opposition in Chile, 1973-1986
Authors: Loveman Brian
Published: March 2007

In 1970, Dr. Salvador Allende, presidential candidate of theUnidad Popularcoalition, won a plurality — but not a majority — of votes from the Chilean electorate. Consequently, and in accord with Chilean electoral laws and constitution, the Chilean Congress was called upon to vote for the president, and it selected Dr. Allende as the country's new president. Soon thereafter a wave of opposition to his administration developed among business and middle-class sectors: Rightist political movements and parties, entrepreneurial associations, some white-collar unions, as well as groups representing both commercial interests and those of small business. Eventually this opposition determined that “the government of Allende was incompatible with the survival of freedom and private enterprise in Chile, (and) that the only way to avoid their extinction was to overthrow the government” (Cauce, 1984).
Electoral Politics in Peru, 1978-1986
Authors: Dietz Henry
Published: March 2007

Since the beginning of the 1980s, a number of South American nations have undergone the transition from military to civilian/electoral forms of government. From any viewpoint, the magnitude of this transition has been impressive. By early 1987, several countries (Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Ecuador, Peru, and Uruguay) had successfully weathered the change, leaving only Chile and Paraguay under dictatorships, while Colombia and Venezuela had been able to maintain civilian rule throughout the period. Nevertheless, such a changeover has not been easy in any of the nations where it has taken place. The reasons for both the transition and the problems incurred have been idiosyncratic in each instance.
A Brave New World: Debt, Default and Democracy in Latin America
Authors: Demetrius F. Joseph , Tregurtha Edward J. , MacDonald Scott B.
Published: March 2007

Plunging Petroleum Prices have elevated Mexico into the position of de facto leadership of Latin American, and perhaps of other, debtor nations in their negotiations with international creditors. Once regarded as a model debtor, Mexico has emerged as forceful spokesman for debt relief. Although Mexican authorities often couch their statements concerning foreign debt repayments in conciliatory, and even contradictory, terms, the underlying fact is that Mexico's demand for some debt relief is tantamount to an unspoken repudiation of a portion of its $96 billion foreign debt. If Mexico, the world's second largest debtor, succeeds in wresting debt relief from its lenders, then it must be recognized that debtor-creditor relationships have undergone a fundamental change: political realities, not contract law, ultimately determine how debt is to be repaid, if at all. Mexico, more by circumstance than by choice, has led debtors and creditors alike into a brave new world.
Canadian Foreign Policy Interests in Central America: Some Current Issues
Authors: Lemco Jonathan
Published: March 2007

Canadian Prime Minister Brian Mulroney is faced with a number of difficult choices concerning Canada's foreign policy in Central America. These choices are particularly problematic because their repercussions may have an important impact on Canada- US relations. On the one hand, the Prime Minister must heed public opinion in Canada which favors increased government concern about human rights and economic development in Central America. On the other hand, he must consider American security interests and not irritate or embarrass the United States and President Reagan in particular.

Canada's middle power status puts it in a difficult quandary, for it seeks to retain an independent role in Central America, while it finds its influence circumscribed by its proximity to the US superpower. Its ability to wield tangible authority is thus severely attenuated. Canada's asymmetrical relationship with the United States allows it a certain degree of latitude in formulating foreign policy but imposes important constraints as well.
Swimming Against the Tide: Implications for Cuba of Soviet and Eastern European Reforms in Foreign Economic Relations
Authors: Perez-Lopez Jorge F.
Published: March 2007

Since mid-1989, remarkable political and economic changes have occurred in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. Although the countries differ with regard to the scope, speed, and sequence of these changes, in the economic arena the objective is, in all cases, to abandon traditional central planning and replace it with a market economy. An integral component of these efforts to establish markets is the reform of foreign economic relations and greater involvement in the world economy.

While a tide of political and economic change has swept the East, Cuba has adamantly held on to a one-party political system and to orthodox central planning.
Cuba's Impact in Southern Africa
Authors: Kahn Owen Ellison
Published: March 2007

This Article Assesses the impact of the Cuban military on strategic, diplomatic and political relationships in southern Africa. It does not deal with why Cuba and its Soviet benefactor have interested themselves in the region, nor does it discuss Soviet influence on Cuban foreign policy. The aspects covered here include: (1) how Cuba and Angola fit into the complex pattern of regional relations in southern Africa; (2) an outline of the region's main territorial actors and guerrilla movements, along with a brief history of Cuban involvement in the area; (3) the response of South Africa to this foreign spoiler of its regional hegemony, (4) regional cooperation in southern Africa insofar as it is a response to South Africa's militancy in the face of international communism as represented in the region by Cuba; and (5) Cuba's effect upon the economy and polity of Angola and Mozambique.
State, Market and Neoliberalism in Post-Transition Argentina: The Menem Experiment
Authors: Smith William C.
Published: March 2007

Argentines Fervently hoped that the transition from authoritarianism to democracy would reverse decades of economic decline and return their country to the path of modernization. Raúl Alfonsín and his Radical party assumed office in December 1983 confident of reconciling democratization with rapid development and social justice. This optimism was soon shattered, the victim of a succession of failed stabilization plans. Finally, a catastrophic economic collapse led to a convincing victory by Peronist Carlos Menem in the May 1989 presidential contest.

Carlos Menem assumed the presidency on 8 July 1989 in the midst of raging hyperinflation: from August 1988 through July 1989, consumer prices had risen 3,610% and wholesale prices had skyrocketed 5,062%. Menem responded with neoliberal, “free-market” reforms designed to restructure radically the beleaguered Argentine economy along the lines of the so-called “Washington Consensus.”
The Regional Foreign Policy of Trinidad and Tobago: Historical and Contemporary Aspects
Authors: Braveboy-Wagner Jacqueline A.
Published: March 2007

It is logical to assume that small states focus more attention on the regional, subsystemic or “contiguous” environment (Reid, 1974: 31) than on the broader international system. Given their financial limitations, small states are circumscribed in their ability to influence the international environment but can be effective in the regional context. Even if some small states, by virtue of comparative wealth or ideological commitment, have the capability and inclination to exploit the international environment rather than confine their focus to the region around them, they still find their attention directed, to a large extent, to the immediacy of regional problems and to regional activities that are grounded in social, cultural, political, and economic linkages to the countries nearby. More often than not, economic ties have been formalized in regional integration movements patterned along the lines of the European Community (EC).
History as an Obstacle to Change: The Case of Haiti
Authors: Lundahl Mats
Published: March 2007

…widespread social evils are seldom unconnected with the selfish and brutal behavior of powerful groups and individuals…

(Andreski, 1966)

Most economic models do not explicitly incorporate the “state” or the “government” into their analyses. Instead, this entity is viewed as adeus ex machinawhich plans and directs economic policy according to notions of efficiency, growth, distributional justice, and so on, that form the central concepts of the models. Unfortunately, the same naive thinking permeates a good deal of public policy analysis. This is the case, for example, with issues of development and underdevelopment. Here, attention is concentrated on “technical,” or “economic,” solutions, while taking for granted, either implicitly or explicitly, the existence of the political will necessary to implement them.
Economic Development and Labor Markets Segmentation in the Latin American Periphery
Authors: Tokman Victor E.
Published: March 2007

Segmentation in the labor markets refers to the fact that a single homogeneous market for labor, as assumed by conventional theory, does not exist. Its definition varies according to different authors. This article will refer to the concept as it is used in the discussion of economic development in Latin America: that is, that created by the type of development which generates a segmentation of the productive structure and, in turn, of the labor markets.
On the Convergence of Efficiency and Equity via Neoclassical Prescriptions
Authors: Ascher William
Published: March 2007

The most exciting prospect in Latin American political economy and public policy is the possibility of pursuing the objectives of equity and efficiency through the same neoclassical policy instruments. In light of conventional views, this convergence is remarkable, perhaps even shocking. We often juxtapose efficiency and equity, along with the ideological positions associated with each. It is common to link Leftist political approaches both to statism and to progressive income distribution, thereby linking statism to progress.
The Recession and Public Investment in Education in Latin America
Authors: Tilak Jandhyala B. G.
Published: March 2007

It is the most common presumption that the relative priority accorded to education in an economy is significantly determined by economic conditions, particularly by the national income per capita and the budget. However, under normal conditions of economic well-being, allocation of resources to education is generally found to be least influenced by economic factors in any important way. Economic ability factors like GNP per capita and public spending on education are not significantly related. Neither are criteria for efficiency, like the rate of return to education, found to influence policies which allocate resources to education (see Tilak, 1982).
The United States and Cuba: From a Strategy of Conflict to Constructive Engagement
Authors: Schulz Donald E.
Published: March 2007

There is a nagging sense that an important moment has come. Part of me thinks there is something we should be doing other than let it fall by its own weight. But I can't think what it is.

Susan Kaufman Purcell(quoted in Rosenthal, 1991)

In the last issue of the Journal, this writer published an article challenging the conventional wisdom concerning the future of the Castro regime. To the question “can Castro survive?,” I answered that yes, unfortunately, the prospects for his political demise in the near future were not all that good. A golpe de estado, while possible, was not probable. Nor was it likely that the Cuban masses would rise up and overthrow the dictatorship. And, while Fidel could become the victim of assassination, suicide, or natural death (or, for that matter, could even resign, as he has hinted on more than one occasion), these kinds of endings cannot be counted upon in the short run. For a variety of reasons, Castro's “final hour” seems likely to last for several years and, perhaps, much longer (see Schulz, 1993a).
Regionalism in the Americas and the Hierarchy of Power
Authors: Mace Gordon , Bélanger Louis , Thérien Jean Philippe
Published: March 2007

It seems that regionalism is making a comeback nowadays (Rostow, 1990). Not so much in the real world where different types of regional arrangements never ceased to be a functional part of the workings of the international system since the 1950s, but more so in the scientific production of international relations scholars.

Those old enough to recollect the 1960s will remember how such journals as International Organization and the Journal of Common Market Studies, to name only two, were filled with articles largely dominated by theoretical and methodological considerations concerning the study of regionalism.
A Delicate Balance: Confrontation and Cooperation between Argentina and the United States in the 1980s
Authors: Vacs Aldo C.
Published: March 2007

The relations between Argentina and the United States have been characterized by long periods of distrust and mutual hostility alternating with relatively brief intervals of rapprochement and collaboration. This pattern of habitual antagonism followed by sporadic reconciliation has turned the Argentine-US relationship into a peculiar case of rivalry in the interamerican scene. However, there has never been a period such as the one between 1980 and 1989, in which the bilateral relations fluctuated so widely between conflict and harmony.
Organized Labor's Political Influence and Party Ties in Venezuela:Acción Democráticaand its Labor Leadership
Authors: Ellner Steve
Published: March 2007

The nomination of Carlos Andrés Peréz as the presidential candidate of Venezuela's Democratic Action party(Acción Democráticaor AD) and his triumph at the polls in December 1988 are just the latest examples of the AD Labor Bureau's success in being on the winning side in electoral contests. AD-Labor's well-demonstrated political clout underscores the importance of the relations between the Labor Bureau and the AD organization. An examination of the interaction between the two is especially in order because AD has emerged as a leading Latin American member of the Socialist International (SI) with its social democratic doctrine which assigns the working class a major role in the party and in the gradual achievement of democratic socialism.
The Hidden Logic of “Irrational” Economic Policies in Ecuador
Authors: Thoumi Francisco E.
Published: March 2007

Mainstream economists blame the poor 1980s economic performance of most Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) countries on the poor economic policies followed by the region for the past several decades and recommend drastic policy changes including (a) elimination of many subsidies, (b) lowering tariffs and other obstacles to international trade, (c) privatization of many state enterprises, (d) liberalization of capital markets and interest rates, and so on — a policy package designed to lower greatly the government's intervention in the economy. This policy advice has been inspired, at least in part, by the generally accepted failure of the LAC governments to promote stable and fair growth through intervention.

However, in spite of pressures by multilateral and bilateral agencies, most governments find it very difficult to implement these policies, even when policymakers and their advisers fully understand the logic behind the policy recommendations and agree with them.
Peru's APRA Party in Power: Impossible Revolution, Relinquished Reform
Authors: Graham Carol
Published: March 2007

Nowhere on the crisis-ridden latin continent were hopes raised as high as they were in Peru with the 1985 election of Alan Garcia. Nowhere were hopes dashed as dramatically by the onset of an economic, social, and political crisis of unprecedented severity. There is no single explanation for the dismal performance of the APRA government. Indeed, the APRA's performance in power was in keeping with Peru's age-old paradox: an extremely poor record of social reform despite the longterm presence of a strong reformist party. This raises the question of why reform is so difficult to implement in Peru, and why APRA, in particular, proved so inept once in power. While external conditions were largely responsible for Peru's decade-long economic crisis, yet they were far less important than domestic political factors in explaining the APRA's disastrous performance.
The Cuban Economy in the 1990s: External Challenges and Policy Imperatives
Authors: Ritter A. R. M.
Published: March 2007

Cuba has entered the decade of the 1990s in a state of profound existential crisis. The countries of Eastern Europe, whose economic and political institutions and ideologies were adopted by Cuba, albeit with some modifications, were abandoning those same institutions and ideologies. Cuba's place in the international system had become one of growing isolation: Cuba had become a curiosity from the 1960s rather than the wave of the future, as it once perceived itself. By mid-1990, it appeared almost certain that the generous subsidization of the Cuban economy by the Soviet Union was about to end. Moreover, the Cuban economy was in serious difficulty as a result of some external factors, namely the convertible currency debt crisis and the problems and uncertainties in its relationship with the Soviet Union since 1985, but also as a result of internal institutional incapacities and deformities.
Democracy and the New Electoral Right in Argentina
Authors: Gibson Edward L.
Published: March 2007

On the evening of 14 May 1989, hours after Argentina had held its first elections for a presidential succession in 60 years, the atmosphere at the Buenos Aires headquarters of the Unión del Centro Democrático(UCEDE) was lugubrious. The electoral news flowing into the computer terminals harbingered a resounding victoiy for Carlos Menem, the Peronist presidential candidate, and a remote third place showing of 6% for Alvaro Alsogaray, the presidential candidate of the young conservative party. Even in the capital city of Buenos Aires, where the UCEDE had led in the polls for congressional elections right up to election day, it trailed in third place. Would-be congressmen wandered the headquarters floor bewildered.
The Role of the Paraguayan Catholic Church in the Downfall of the Stroessner Regime
Authors: Carter Miguel
Published: March 2007

TheCoup d'Etat thatoverthrew General Alfredo Stroessner on the second night of February 1989 signaled the beginning of a new era for Paraguayan politics and the close of another chapter of LatinAmerican caudillismo. He was replaced by General Andrés Rodríguez, Paraguay's second most powerful figure, in what was, in effect, a “palace coup.” General Rodríguez startled the nation by issuing a proclamation that called for (a) democratization of Paraguay, (b) full respect for human rights, and (c) restoration of the badly damaged relations with the Catholic Church. The proclamation ushered in a series of events which amazed the populace even more: opposition leaders — once banned and exiled by the Stroessner regime — were embraced and greeted by longtime adversaries; dozens of prominent exiled figures returned to find an enthusiastic atmosphere; political prisoners were freed; while corruption and torture became the subject of national debate as people sought both to uncover, and to bury, the legacy of the Stroessner years.
The FSLN after the Debacle: The Struggle for the Definition of Sandinismo
Authors: Pérez Andrés
Published: March 2007

…ideological rectification is worthless without corresponding practical behavior, yet without a Marxist ideological orientation positive practical behavior is insufficient.

Carlos Fonseca AmadorLast Testament

TheSandinistascelebrated their first party congress on 19 July 1991, the eleventh anniversary of the day of the “Triumph,” but this time theFrente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional(FSLN) had little to celebrate and a lot to worry about. The party that once claimed so surely to be

the vanguard of the revolution … the vanguard of all Nicaraguan patriots … the vanguard of national liberation … the vanguard of the workers and peasants … the living instrument of the revolutionary classes … the guide toward a new society

was now struggling to reconstitute itself as an effective political organization after being ousted from power in 1990 by the population it claimed to represent and lead.
Associations and Activism: Mobilization of Urban Informal Workers in Costa Rica and Nicaragua
Authors: Davis Charles L. , Aguilar Edwin E. , Speer John G.
Published: March 2007

Studies of Latin American civil society tend to assume that popular organizations promote “high-intensity” forms of political participation while political parties mainly encourage voting. This study compares the influence of these two forces in the urban informal sector. Association involvement, low in both samples, is related to “higher-intensity” participation, but the differential influence of associations and parties holds only for Costa Rica; Nicaragua’s revolutionary FSLN has fostered a more politically active citizenry.
Prospects for Democratic Governability in Venezuela
Authors: Coppedge Michael
Published: March 2007

Venezuela, once the most governable democracy in Latin America, is now a very fragile democracy. This article describes the formula that made Venezuela governable in the 1970s, traces its development in the 1960s, and explains why it broke down in the 1980s, leaving the democratic regime in danger in the 1990s. This historical perspective is necessary for anyone seeking to understand the prospects for democratic govemability in the Caldera government, for this administration will be expected to provide an alternative to the old formula. At the same time, it will be judged by comparison with the achievements of the old formula. If Caldera's democratic alternative is judged a failure, many Venezuelans will be inclined to give the nondemocractic alternative a second look. The historical perspective is also useful in deriving lessons that can be applied to other Latin American democracies. First, because Venezuela's formula worked well for a while, it helps to identify the elements of democratic govemability.
Civil-Military Relations in Mexico: The Zapatista Revolt and Its Implications
Authors: Wager Stephen J. , Schulz Donald E.
Published: March 2007

The 1994 New Year's celebration in Mexico started with a bang. A mere hour into the year, the Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN or Zapatista National Liberation Army) assaulted and captured four cities in the Los Altos region of Chiapas, Mexico's southernmost state. The Ejército Zapatista de Liberacion Nacional shocked the Mexican people and most of the world. Although Mexican political and military leaders denied that they were caught off guard, they were, in fact, totally surprised by the magnitude of the attack.

As events unfolded, the reasons behind the seizure of San Cristóbal de las Casas, Las Margaritas, Altamirano, and Ocosingo became increasingly apparent. The Zapatistas called for a nationwide movement for “jobs, land, housing, food, health, independence, freedom, democracy, justice and peace.”
Democracy in Brazil and the Southern Cone: Achievements and Problems
Authors: Mainwaring Scott
Published: March 2007

This paper analyzes the achievements and failures of the new democratic governments in Argentina (1983-), Uruguay (1985-), Brazil (1985-), and Chile (1990-). My comparisons focus on four fundamental issues: economic performance, the ability of governments to address the pressing problems of poverty and inequality, the quality of democratic practice, and the degree to which these governments and the democratic regimes have won popular support and legitimacy. Focusing on these questions is not to deny the significance of others, nor to suggest that citizens of these countries would see these four as the most pressing. The focus here will be on government; civil society will not be discussed in any detail.

This article develops four principal arguments. First, it argues that the performance of democracy has varied considerably in the four countries under discussion. Democracy in Chile, at least in its early phases, has been a success both politically and economically.
Recovering Political Dynamics: Teachers' Unions and the Decentralization of Education in Argentina and Mexico
Authors: Murillo María Victoria
Published: March 2007

This article compares union-government relations in Mexico and Argentina when education was decentralized in the early 1990s. The Mexican union accepted decentralization after obtaining concessions from the government that placated its opposition; but the Argentine teachers’ unions militantly resisted the reforms, only to see government officials ignore their demands. These cases illustrate the significance of partisan identities, union fragmentation, and leadership competition in the interaction of public sector unions and government officials.
The Politics of Poverty in Argentina in the 1990s
Authors: Powers Nancy R.
Published: March 2007

One of the principal criticisms of the neoliberal direction that guides most economic policymaking in Latin America today is that the structural adjustments now being imposed will increase the level of social inequity and decrease the already low standard of living of poor citizens. TheComisión Económica para América Latina(Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean) studied the changes that took place across the region during the 1980s and found that the distribution of wealth became increasingly inequitable while the level of poverty increased, to which Argentina was no exception (CEPAL, 1991b and 1991c). In the latter case, where President Carlos Menem has spearheaded a radical restructuring of his country's economy, the rise of poverty was a prominent domestic issue in the early 1990s, yet there was little electoral response to this issue, nor did political pressure succeed in changing the course of Menem's policies.
Demilitarization and Security in El Salvador and Guatemala: Convergences of Success and Crisis
Authors: Kincaid A. Douglas
Published: March 2007

The Salvadoran and Guatemalan cases correspond to a new model of public security that is widely shared across Latin America. The more localized processes of demilitarization in the two countries, moreover, appear to share a similar dynamic. In the midst of real reforms, however, the deterioration of public security as directly experienced by much of the population is cause for worry. An examination of the reforms established in the peace accords leads to an interpretation of these experiences in a comparative regional framework.
Poverty and Inequality in Chile: Are Democratic Politics and Neoliberal Economics Good for You?
Authors: Hojman David E.
Published: March 2007

This article examines whether the free-market, open-economy model adopted by Chile's civilian, democratically elected administrations — of Patricio Aylwin (after March 1990) and Eduardo Frei (after March 1994) — has affected the country's distribution of income and degree of poverty and, if so, how. The free-market model was inherited from the military regime headed by General Pinochet (1973-1990) and adopted by his civilian successors almost without modification despite the fact that the post-1990 administrations were explicitly committed to making alleviation of poverty and reduction of inequalities in income a top priority. The article examines the extent to which the determinants of poverty and inequality have changed (if, indeed, they have changed at all) since the end of the military regime in 1990 — and if so, why.
Redefining Civil-Military Relations in Honduras
Authors: Mark Ruhl J.
Published: March 2007

During the last two decades, military rulers have been replaced by democratically elected civilian governments throughout Latin America. Nevertheless, scholars (Mainwaringet al., 1992:3,8) contend that nearly all contemporary Latin American polities remain unconsolidated democratic regimes principally because civilian control over the armed forces has not yet been established. Although the armed forces have returned to their barracks, they have retained considerable political and institutional autonomy. A number of scholars (Loveman, 1994; Agüero, 1992; and others) emphasize that most Latin American constitutions still recognize the military's right to intervene when the constitutional order is threatened. The armed forces are also generally granted broad jurisdiction over internal security, as well as the freedom to organize their institution without civilian interference. There is a considerable body of opinion which maintains that fears of military intervention continue to constrain the behavior of civilian politicians and social groups (Valenzuela, 1992; O'Donnell and Schmitter, 1986; Rouquié, 1986; and Rial, 1990).
Spain's Economic Strategy toward the “Nations of Its Historical Community:” The “Reconquest” of Latin America?
Authors: Baklanoff Eric N.
Published: March 2007

From one of the poorest countries in Europe in the late 1950s, Spain emerged as a middle industrial power by the time of the death of General Francisco Franco in 1975. Subsequently, under the leadership of King Juan Carlos I, Franco's successor as chief of state, Spain negotiated a smooth transition from authoritarianism to a parliamentary-monarchy. On the first of January 1986, the Iberian nation acceded to full membership in the European Community (EC). However, prior to this date and independently of the EC (now the European Union), the Spanish state had already set in motion, in 1981, two great undertakings related to Latin America: (1) the commemoration of Columbus' fateful voyage to the New World in 1492 and (2) the formation of an “Iberoamerican Community of Nations.”
The Politics of Sustainable Development Environmental Policy Making in Four Brazilian States
Authors: Ames Barry , Keck Margaret E.
Published: March 2007

The term sustainable development has become a catch phrase of the 1990s, a handy slogan for politicians, bureaucrats, environmental activists, multinational aid officials, and even business leaders. Implementing sustainable development policy, however, is no mere technical problem. Indeed, environmental policy making is classically political: a competition among multiple interests with differing goals, resources, tactics, information, and time horizons. Who “sustains” what, for whom, why, and how? These questions underpin any analysis of the politics of environmental policy.

Scholars have paid little attention to the political side of environmental policy making in developing countries. Although environmental policy making is often understood as a case of “diffusion,” in which ideas flowed from Western Europe and the United States to the developing world, the acceptance of new ideas is always mediated by local institutions and cultures (Sikkink, 1991). Furthermore, as international linkages have come to involve more and more actors outside foreign ministries, the form of diffusion differs from classic examples like social security policy (Collier and Messick, 1975).
Chile’s Transformed Party System and the Future of Democratic Stability
Authors: Barrett Patrick S.
Published: March 2007

Chile today is experiencing a new sociopolitical compromise no less significant than the so-called “compromise state” of the 1930s and 1940s. A central feature of the new arrangement has been the performance of Chile’s party system. This role should be understood in terms of how it reflects, and helps to mitigate or aggravate, the tension between capital accumulation and the struggles over sociopolitical inclusion and distribution.
Party System Deinstitutionalization: The 1997–98 Colombian Elections in Historical Perspective
Authors: Boudon Lawrence
Published: March 2007

Taking the 1997-98 electoral season as its case study, this article seeks to determine whether Colombia’s party system is undergoing deinstitutionalization. The resilience of the Liberal Party and the lack of an organized alternative to the traditional parties may mean that Colombia is in the process of party system transformation.
Crafting Civilian Control in Emerging Democracies: Argentina and Venezuela
Authors: Trinkunas Harold A.
Published: March 2007

Democratic transitions create an opportunity for elected officials to maximize their leverage over the armed forces and create institutions that permanently shift power away from the military. This article develops a theoretical argument about how civilian control- is established. Venezuela institutionalized weak civilian control in the wake of its 1958 democratic transition, allowing the regime to survive the 1992 coup attempts. Argentina moved close to strong civilian control by 1995, although such control is exercised through questionable institutional channels.
The Cuban Economy in the Age of Hemispheric Integration
Authors: Pérez-López Jorge F.
Published: March 2007

While the Latin American economies have been undergoing profound economic reforms in a political context marked by multiparty democracy and free elections, the Cuban government has adamantly rejected meaningful change. During the second half of the 1980s, as the majority of countries in the Western Hemisphere liberalized their economies and rolled back government intervention, Cuba moved in the opposite direction. Since mid-1993 and while in the depths of severe economic crisis, the Cuban government has taken some tentative steps towards liberalizing the economy, but has remained firm on the single-party character of the regime.
The Changing Nature of US-Mexican Relations
Authors: Purcell Susan Kaufman
Published: March 2007

The past few decades have seen profound changes in the bilateral relationship between the United States and Mexico. The interests of the two countries, which often diverged during the Cold War years, increasingly began to converge following collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989. With this convergence, bilateral relations seemed to enter a more cooperative stage. The signing of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in 1993 was deemed a fitting symbol of the new, mutually beneficial relationship between the two countries.
The Banana Regime of the European Union, the Caribbean, and Latin America
Authors: Sutton Paul
Published: March 2007

The tone of European-Latin American relations in recent years has been strongly influenced by the issue of bananas. At stake has been the future of the banana trade between the European Union (EU) and Latin America, which, even if small in relative size (constituting less than 5% of Latin America’s exports to the EU), has loomed large in international political calculations. This article seeks to make sense of a very complex, and still developing, situation by identifying the interests of the various parties directly concerned. The first part examines the background, the problem, and the solution to this issue as set out in the adoption of a new banana regime (NBR) in the EU.
Bolivian Oil and Brazilian Economic Nationalism
Authors: Smith Peter Seaborn
Published: March 2007

Early in 1938, Brazil signed a treaty with Bolivia that would open part of the apparently oil-rich Chaco region to Brazilian exploitation. Up to that time, Brazil's growing but still negligible national effort to find oil within her own territory had proved fruitless; the treaty, however, seemed to guarantee it a supply of oil not controlled by the great international petroleum companies, an important proviso during the nationalistic Vargas administration. Yet Brazil failed to pursue the prospect opened by the treaty until the 1950s, and then its attempts to implement it were defeated by internal economic nationalism. This essay deals with Brazil's abortive efforts in the 1950s to frame and implement a policy for developing its oil concessions in Bolivia. The incident is an isolated example of the difficult international relations which prevail in Latin America.
Interim Adjustment Policy in the CACM
Authors: Pincus Joseph
Published: March 2007

The long-term revenue and balance of payments policies of the Central American Common Market (CACM) countries are (1) to achieve harmonization of their tax structures and improve tax administration; and (2) to establish a Central American Monetary Union capable of (a) assisting member countries suffering from temporary balance of payments disequilibria; (b) operating as a Federal Reserve Banktype system; and (c) serving as a clearinghouse for intra-CACM as well as external payments. These policies have been receiving considerable study. On 25 February 1964 the central banks of the five CACM countries signed in San Salvador an Agreement for the Establishment of a Central American Monetary Union. The foregoing policies were enunciated at a meeting of the Central American presidents in San José, Costa Rica, on 19 March 1963, when they agreed “to establish a monetary union and a common policy in fiscal, economic and social matters, within the framework of the Economic Integration Program.” A Central American Monetary Council was created by the Agreement. The Council comprises the presidents of the five central banks of the CACM countries.
Up-Tight About Ruy: An Essay on Brazilian Cultural Nationalism and Mythology
Authors: Johnson Phil Brian
Published: March 2007

Ruy Barbosa, the Brazilian lawyer and legal scholar, statesman, educational reformer, journalist, politician, and spokesman for a liberal tradition, is again in the news. Lionized during a career which spanned the late Empire and early Republic, deified as a cultural monument since his death in 1923, Ruy and his once secure historical reputation are now under assault. That Barbosa could be criticized at all is shocking, especially to an older generation for whom the repeated homage to his memory in countless books, in the press, and on the hustings formed a cultural constant in their youth and helped to set their world view. For others, mostly younger Brazilians, the image of a remote, rather pedantic, and above all irrelevant Ruy has been redrawn, if not refurbished, in light of a new historical perspective.
The Bahamas in International Politics: Issues Arising for an Archipelago State
Authors: Lewis Vaughan A.
Published: March 2007

The Commonwealth of the Bahama Islands entered the international system as a sovereign state on July 10, 1973. It did so by sponsorship, which is to say that as far as relations between the Bahamas and the imperial country (United Kingdom) are concerned, independence has been granted, rather than taken or seized, with a minimal amount of difficulty. The identification of various issue-areas related to the entry of the Commonwealth into the international system is one way of indicating the various components that have gone into making up the “national interest” of that country, at least in the perspective of the state's policy makers. More concretely, the peculiar problems arising from its character as an archipelago state with a relatively open economy, make the questions to be resolved before and immediately after independence perhaps more complex than those faced by the other independent states of the Commonwealth Caribbean that have acceded to full sovereignty in the last decade.
The Armed Forces in Latin America: Potential for Changes in Political and Social Functions
Authors: Kossok Manfred
Published: March 2007

At the beginning of this study of military dictatorship and the political role of the intellectuals in Latin America, Florestan Fernandes (1970: 1) makes the following statement: “The idea that Latin America is a region in which the coups d'état are a political routine has become a commonplace.” Without doubt, such an opinion is justified and also explains—at least to a certain extent—the wealth of “routine” verdicts on the function of the military in Latin America. A contradiction, however, seems evident at this point: while the number of publications on the political and social position of the armed forces is rapidly increasing (McAlister, 1966; Rouquié, 1969), there is an evident lack of comprehensive analyses that go beyond detailed description, and which explain in a reliable and sound manner the phenomenon of the cyclically increasing militarization of politics. It cannot be overlooked that research on the role of the military in Latin America is in a really critical situation which calls for a reexamination of the facts according to new criteria.
U.S. Military Assistance to Latin America: An Assessment
Authors: Baines John M.
Published: March 2007

This paper examines the nature of the U.S. Military Assistance Program (MAP) to Latin America and the historical development of the Military Assistance Program in the hemisphere. It further analyzes this program with regard to the two major criticisms levelled at it:

(1)

that Military Assistance Programs have perpetuated “militarism” in the form of military coups and strong-man military regimes; and

(2)

that Military Assistance Programs have encouraged large military forces where they are not needed.

Changes in U.S. policy toward Latin America are noted as they affect MAP—i.e., the shift in U.S. policy from one of fostering hemispheric defense to one of promoting internal security and economic development. Finally, an assessment of the impact of this change in U.S. military assistance policy forms the conclusion of this paper.
Higher Education and the Politics of Development in Venezuela
Authors: Orlando Albornoz
Published: March 2007

Since the end of World War II, nations have been characterized according to membership in various international power blocs, the Western World being used for capitalist countries and the Iron Curtain for socialist ones. Within these categories countries are also characterized according to level of economic (and sometimes political) development. The capitalist world recognizes two types of nations, the developed and the underdeveloped. In contrast, the socialist world presents a single development model characterized by centralized planning and homogeneous development.
Democracy and the Church in Venezuela
Authors: Levine Daniel H.
Published: March 2007

Democracy has been better to the Venezuelan Church than many of its leaders or militants thought possible as they witnessed its rebirth in the early days of 1958. Despite the hierarchy's role in stimulating and legitimating opposition to the Pérez Jiménez regime, and its effusive praise of democracy as a system (Conferencia Episcopal Venezolana, 1958), private fears were great. After all, the years of military rule had been good times for the Church—Catholic institutions (particularly in education) had prospered, and their leaders responded with broad support for the military regime until shortly before the end (Colmenares Diaz, 1961).

The Church's traditional attitude towards democracy had been a mix of suspicion of majoritarian principles of rule and specific rejection of what it saw as democracy's embodiment in Venezuela in Acción Democrática (Levine, 1973: 38-42, 62-93). This party's policies were seen as secularizing, socialistic, and anti-Catholic, and bitter memories of clashes with Acción Democrática governments in the late 1940s remained vivid.
The Evolution of the Political Role of the Peruvian Military
Authors: Rozman Stephen L.
Published: March 2007

The following description and analysis of the role of the military in the Peruvian political system and its development from independence to the most recent military supplanting of a civilian government in 1968 should serve a twofold purpose: first, to provide information necessary to the understanding of Peruvian political development; and second, to manifest the claims and demands of a politically relevant (institutional) interest group and its manner of satisfying them. During the course of this article, it should become evident to the reader that it would be impossible to offer even the most general history of Peruvian political development without giving considerable attention to the role of both military personalities and the military as an institution.

It is the author's contention that the evolution of the Peruvian military's political role may be divided into nine phases, each with significance for the country's political system.
Rio de Janeiro e Charleston, S.C.: As Comunid Ades de Mercadores no Século XVIII
Authors: Lobo Eulalia Maria Lahmeyer
Published: March 2007

Estados sociológicos recentes têm procurado salientar que nas economias de modêlo exportador, baseadas no sistema de plantacões tropicais e no trabalho escravo, o grande proprietário rural geralmente se converte em comerciante que vende para os mercados externos os seus próprios produtos. Segundo essa tese, nesse tipo de sociedades não se constituiría urna elite de mercadores individualizada e consciente dos interêsses próprios, distintos dos da aristocracia rural.

Parece-nos que seria interessante analisar comparativamente duas comunidades de mercadores inseridas em sociedades coloniais do tipo “plantation” com o objetivo de verificar a validade dessa tese.

Rio de Janeiro e Charleston, portos de escoamento de produtos tropicais e de entrada e redistribuição de escravos africanos, de importação de produtos manufaturados de origem européia e de trânsito de um próspero comércio de cabotagem de gêneros alimentícios, oferecem urna base para a comparação.