bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Europe Before and After Munich: Random Notes on Recent Publications
Authors: Neumann Sigmund
Published: August 2009

Munich marks the end of an epoch, a “turning point in history,” as Arnold J. Toynbee recently states in a most suggestive article. In fact, these decisive events were foreshadowed long before September 1938, by actions almost necessarily leading the road to Munich. If one can speak of the end of a period, one might better say: Hitler's march into the Rhineland, March 7, 1936, was the real water-shed between two political continents. Indeed what had been said about the World War, that it merely precipitated a development of political and social forces which were moulding the twentieth century, could be repeated of this greatest diplomatic upset of our time too. It had its roots in the history of post-War Europe, and it may be that even the more we win distance from this “water-shed of Munich” the clearer it will become that the currents of history are running in the same old beds and in the same directions as before September, 1938.
The Rise of Hitler as a Beer Hall Orator
Authors: Fishman Sterling
Published: August 2009

A Dolf Hitler passed the long, summer days of his 1924 incarceration in the Landsberg fortress reliving his past. Each day he retired to a large and sunny room to dictate the story of his “Struggle Against Lies, Stupidity, and Cowardice” to his admirers, Emil Maurice and Rudolf Hess. As he paced the room, Hitler subjected his memories of childhood in upper-Austria, youth in Vienna and Munich, young manhood at the Western front, and political awakening in postwar Munich to the scrutiny of his accumulated political wisdom at thirty-five. He vindicated his ideas by an examination of his life revealing how personal experiences led him to knowledge and truth in page after page of poor prose.
Indian Foreign Policy: The Age of Nehru
Authors: Power Paul F.
Published: August 2009

Among the foreign policies of the new states which have emerged from the Western colonial empires, that of India occupies a leading place. The first non-Western nation to become a member of the British Commonwealth, India became a symbol and catalyst of self-determination for several nationalist movements. India proceeded on an “independent” path in world politics and had numerous emulators in the world. Where India's role in the state-making revolution has met with considerable approval, its strategy of nonalignment has been debated in the West, and even in India since the open appearance in 1959 of the Sino-Indian dispute. The criticism has included questions about the wisdom of nonalignment, doubts as to its feasibility, and charges that its application has shown preference for the communist states during periods of the Cold War. The Indian defense includes assertions that nonalignment serves India's welfare and often the world's, answers about its workability, and claims that application has been consistent with professed ideals.
The Modernized Church in Peru: Two Aspects
Authors: Pike Fredrick B.
Published: August 2009

Throughout Latin America the Catholic Church has embarked upon a process of modernization. The key element in modernization has been the assumption of an active role in the quest for economic betterment of the conditions in which a majority of the population lives. Realizing that a modern nation is an integrated nation, the Church seems to have adopted as its motto: A Modem Church in a Modern Nation. Consequently, it has begun to help Latin American republics become nations through the integration of previously excluded groups into society.
Karl Marx's Attitude Toward Religion
Authors: Lobkowicz N.
Published: August 2009

Those not well acquainted with Karl Marx often believe that the founder of “scientific Communism” was a militant atheist who considered the extermination of religion and, in particular, of Christianity one of his major tasks. This belief is, to say the least, inexact.
Prelude to Democracy
Authors: Briefs Goetz A.
Published: August 2009

ALL human society so far as it is Unitas ordinisanswers the same requirements, namely to constitute unity out of plurality under a (formal or unformal) leadership. Wherever one of these criteria is absent, only an aggregation of individuals may ensue; never society.

All human society, therefore, has a constitution whether written or not. This constitution determines who belongs to the society in question, how far its competence reaches, to what ends it is established, how the will of such society is to be formed and executed.

All human society exists in the full stream of life; hence it is never frozen or static. On the other hand, human inertia and vested interests exert their strength by trying to fix the constitution of such society and to keep it, in whole or part, in a given status. Hence, there arises the difference between the real and the written constitution—a difference which both the Conservative von Radowitz and the Socialist Lassalle noticed. It prompted Radowitz’ famous dictum: “A government can efficiently and gloriously rule with any constitution as long as such government wields true authority. Without this authority, rule under any constitution will be bad.”
Nazi Concepts of History
Authors: Mason John Brown
Published: August 2009

AMERICAN historians are naturally interested in the question of historical scholarship in the land from which we received the seminar founded by Leopold von Ranke and many other outstanding contributions to historiography of both men and methods; the country to which so many of our scholars owe much of their training in historical research, either through their own work in German universities or through their German-trained American teachers.
Rousseau's Political Religion
Authors: Willhoite Fred H.
Published: August 2009

THE tendency among interpreters of Rousseau's political ideas has been to give, at most, cursory attention to the role played by religion in his thought. Although it is impossible to overlook the long penultimate chapter on civil religion in the Social Contract, analysts have generally viewed it as, at best, a Machiavelli-like attempt to provide emotional “cement” for the state or, at worst, as a lamentable and eccentric departure from Rousseau's main emphasis on the realization of freedom through democracy.
Thomas Hill Green (1836–1882)
Authors: Chapman Richard A.
Published: August 2009

“MANY of the troubles of today reflect the distraction of minds to which a sane and balanced view of society has never been adequately presented. … No other writer … has the classical strength and sanity of Professor Green, who was never more thorough and at home than when dealing with those questions affecting citizenship in and for which, it may be said, he lived” (Bosanquet).
NATO's Disarray and Europe's Future
Authors: Kertesz Stephen D.
Published: August 2009

PRESIDENT DE GAULLE announced on September 9, 1965, that after 1969 France will no longer accept an integrated North Atlantic military defense system. He recognized that in many areas France has “the best reasons for associating with others,” but must retain her self-determination:

so long as the solidarity of the Western peoples appears to us necessary for the eventual defense of Europe, our country will remain the ally of her allies but, upon the expiration of the commitments formerly taken — that is, in 1969 by the latest — the subordination known as “integration” which is provided for by NATO and which hands our fate over to foreign authority shall cease, as far as we are concerned.
African Explanations of Underdevelopment: The Theoretical Basis for Political Action
Authors: Grundy Kenneth W.
Published: August 2009

SCHOLARS, theoreticians, and statesmen in the West and in the Communist world have propounded numerous explanations of the political, economic and social underdevelopment of Africa and Asia. But few have sought to determine exactly what the leaders of the underdeveloped countries themselves think about the problems of underdevelopment. To what do they attribute their retarded status? Answers to this question are important for at least three reasons. First, their views serve as basic theoretical and empirical foundations for domestic measures designed to ameliorate the relatively backward conditions. Second, their answers also temper and condition their attitudes and policies toward the West and the Communist world. Third, a comprehension of their views gives us an opportunity to assess their current ideological tendencies and thus it provides an added dimension in which to discuss future Western policy alternatives. This paper, therefore, attempts to describe and analyze the various explanations for underdevelopment advanced by the leaders of six West African states — Ghana, Guinea, Ivory Coast, Mali, Nigeria, and Senegal.
The Thinker in the Church II: The Urgencies of Romano Guardini
Authors: O'Malley Frank
Published: August 2009

Monsignor romano guardini, preeminent professor in the University of Munich, has had an enormous influence upon generations of German students and citizens. Now, after the steady and effective translation of his works during the past three decades, he has made a profound impact upon the minds and souls of young American scholars and intellectuals, changing, with the strength of conversion, their ways of dealing with knowledge, with ideas and human realities. In an article written for the twentieth-anniversary issue of The Review of Politics, I pointed out (“The Thinker in the Church: The Spirit of Newman,” January, 1959) that Guardini is a Newman type of thinker in the twentieth century. This is quite true. Certainly the range of his concerns is reminiscent of Newman's: literature (for instance, his studies of Dante, of Dostoevski, notably the legend of the Grand Inquisitor, and of Rilke's Duino Elegies): history (particularly revelation as history); subtle reflections upon theological questions as well as the critical problems of the contemporary political and social scene.
The Origins of the Second World War
Authors: Sontag Raymond J.
Published: August 2009

Scholarly histories of the origins of the First World War began to appear within a few years of the close of hostilities. A dozen years later, the magisterial studies by Sidney B. Fay and Bernadotte E. Schmitt had appeared in this country, and comparable works had been completed by European scholars. It is now eighteen years since V E Day, but no studies comparable to Fay or Schmitt have appeared. In part this contrast is explained by the slowness with which the diplomatic papers concerning the years from 1919 to 1939 are being made available. Far more important, however, is the fact that scholars do not believe that a history of the origins of the Second World War can be written with substantial completeness from diplomatic records. In their studies of the years before 1914, Fay and Schmitt did consider subjects like nationalism and imperialism, but the thread that holds their story together is the history of negotiations between governments, and in particular the history of the European alliance system.
A Generation in Politics: A Definition
Authors: Rintala Marvin
Published: August 2009

C. p. snow suggests that it is a short way to the grave for individual human beings, but the life of society can be made immortal. Many of the groups to which we belong, of which we are conscious, and to which we feel a sense of allegiance, such as our nation and our class, may indeed survive for centuries or longer. There is, however, one group to which we belong that need not fear immortality: our generation. If, as has sometimes been argued, it is the sense of a common destiny which unites all Frenchmen and all Germans, all members of the working class and of the middle class, surely no shared destiny is more fundamental than that of members of the same generation. These members have in common, not necessarily language or income, but the agonies and triumphs of life itself. If the ability to communicate helps to define membership in a group, surely our generation exists both as an objective reality and, in human motivations, even more important, as a personal commitment. This ability to communicate is shared by our generation, but at the same time we are cut off from other generations. Some things we can share only with others of our own age. Even if, by some quirk of fate, we should wish to evade our destiny as members of a generation, we cannot. Anyone who tries to escape from his generation is faced with cold hard reality: “You belong to it, too.… You came along at the same time. You can't get away from it. You're a part of it whether you want to be or not.”
The Jordan River Controversy
Authors: Khouri Fred J.
Published: August 2009

The Jordan River has recently become one of the most politically important and controversial rivers of the present day. Ever since the late 1950's, when the Arabs became fully aware of Israel's determination to implement her long-range plans to divert Jordan River water to irrigate the Negev, UN and Western officials concerned with Middle Eastern affairs have looked forward with great foreboding to the time when the first major stage of Israel's project would near its completion, for they expected this to produce another Middle Eastern crisis. Arab-Israeli tension over the water question has grown steadily and began to reach alarming proportions by late 1963 and early 1964. Fortunately the decision of the Arab leaders, in an unprecedented summit meeting held in January, 1964, to use means other than military force to frustrate Israel's water diversion plans precluded any immediate threat of an armed conflict between the contending parties. Nevertheless, because the fundamental disagreements remain unresolved, there is great likelihood that, for a long time to come, the world will find the Middle Eastern water dispute a potentially explosive situation. But few Westerners are adequately aware
of the many complex and serious ramifications that are actually involved. In the past, even UN and Western officials tended oversimplify and overlook many aspects of this controversy and naively sought to deal with it on a technical and economic level despite the fact that the primary obstacles were emotional and political in nature.
The Laity and the Ecumenical Spirit, 1889–1893
Authors: Belts John Rickards
Published: August 2009

In the late 1880's new sounds reverberated throughout the Catholic Church in America. Rapid urban growth and the rising tides of immigration required new perspectives on religion in the social order: science and historical criticism involved philosophy and theology, and rumblings of internal as well as external controversy were heard in the Church. The layman was achieving status in business and politics and, as he became more vocal on civic and cultural issues, he played a larger role in representing Catholicism before the American people. Self-critical voices sounded forth in the Catholic press, and churchmen were calling upon the laity. When the conjunction of several major centennial celebrations occurred in 1889, laymen leaped into the breach and started a trend in Catholic thought and action that has much to say to our generation, especially in the light of the Second Vatican Council.
The Western World and the Far East: Conflicting Relationships
Authors: Szczesniak Boleslaw
Published: August 2009

The aim of this essay is to describe the nature of the relationships between two worlds, the Roman-Hellenistic and the Oriental; and speaking more precisely of the traditional and geographic division of mankind, we may say, Europe and the Far East. The relations go back to the age of the great nomadic migrations through the vast sea of the steppes, stretching from Mongolia through Central Asia to Asia Minor and the Black Sea.
The “Neo-Realism” of Dean Acheson
Authors: Perlmutter Oscar William
Published: August 2009

Acheson served in the Department of State under both Roosevelt and Truman, and the contrasts were striking as each President approached foreign affairs in strikingly different ways. FDR was keenly sensitive to the difficulties that foreign affairs can create in partisan politics. Having served in the Wilson administration, he was aware of the obstacles a president can face in achieving his foreign policy goals because of congressional opposition, an experience he meditated upon and took to heart. In appointing Cordell Hull as his Secretary of State, Roosevelt tried to neutralize and conciliate possible opposition in Congress. He was careful throughout his term of office to handle the Senate with tact and political prudence.
The Ideal Polity of the Early Stoics: Zeno's Republic
Authors: Chroust Anton-Hermann
Published: August 2009

Social or political proposals of the “ideal polity,” some of which amounted to outright Utopias, came to be fairly common during the fourth and third centuries B.C. In addition to Plato's famed Republic (which is said to have been influenced in part by Hippodamus as well as by certain Pythagorean ideas) and Antisthenes' somewhat “unorthodox” social views, Diogenes of Sinope, Iambulus and Zeno the Stoic, for instance, wrote on the “ideal city.” Also, a great many treatises On Kingship, which frequently were nothing more than part of that “mirror of princes literature” which can be traced back at least to Antisthenes, were authored during the same period. But it will be noticed that these relatively early Polities, including that of Zeno, uniformly advocated a small and highly articulated city-state with extremely narrow limits and relatively limited objectives rather than a pan-humanitarian or cosmopolitan ideal. The well-known Stoic cosmopolitanism, which some scholars have called the philosophic corollary of Alexander's conquest, is definitely of later date, later even than Zeno's widely known Republic, which still adheres to the confining notions of the traditional (and fateful) Greek particularism. This, in turn, compels us to distinguish between the early Zeno who in his original dependence on early Cynic teachings apparently shared in this limited outlook, and the late Zeno, who was able to conceive the whole universe as one single great city of gods and men without distinction of race or nationality. It is safe to assume, therefore, that Zeno's Republic is one of his earliest works and perhaps his earliest.
Changing Patterns of Political Leadership in India
Authors: Forrester Duncan B.
Published: August 2009

FOR many centuries the pattern of political leadership in India was two-tiered. At the top was “the Government” — what I will call macropolitical leadership — surrounded with pomp and magnificence and all the trappings of wealth and power. Macropolitical leadership changed hands with some frequency, and in modern times was often foreign, first Mughal and then British. In general the macropolitical leadership impinged little on the lives of the ordinary Indian. It was remote from the village and interfered seldom in village affairs, except to raise revenue and maintain a relative law and order. Village India had its own ancient pattern of leadership — what I will call micropolitical leadership. The village was a highly traditional and rigid social and political unit. The higher castes within the village combined social, economic, political, and ritual pre-eminence, and the lower castes tended to be dependent on them to a greater or lesser degree. The Indian village was a complicated network of precedence and relationship, but political authority was concentrated in the leaders of the dominant castes. These men were concerned with settling disputes between communities in the village, protecting the village and its lands from outsiders, and gaining concessions for the village from the macropolitical leadership.
Sources of Conflict Between Church and State in Poland
Authors: Dinka Frank
Published: August 2009

THE relations between the Church and State have been for many years the subject of interest to the political theorist, the student of contemporary totalitarian movements, and of particular concern to the student of comparative political institutions and systems. To the student of political theory it invokes the old conflict between the spiritual and the temporal authorities, between the papal authority and the claim of the emerging national states. For the student of modern totalitarianism it raises, without answering, the crucial question of the extent to which a totalitarian system can tolerate competing ideologies within the same national community. Finally, for the student of comparative institutions, in certain circumstances (for example, in Poland), it presents certain features of uniqueness that call for explanation.
Launching the Counterattack: Part II of The Roman Catholic Hierarchy and the Destruction of Parnellism
Authors: Larkin Emmet
Published: August 2009

PARNELL was a rare political genius. The quality of that genius was never more clearly revealed than in those exciting days after he had been deposed as leader of the Irish Party on December 6, 1890, in the House of Commons by the majority of his colleagues. Three days later he returned to Ireland to appeal their decision to the Irish people. Within two weeks he had secured to himself all the effective levers of political power in the country, and his bewildered opponents found themselves without funds, newspapers, or Party organization. He then coolly, from a position of maximum strength, opened negotiations for a surrender he never intended to honor. His strategy was simply to give the various factions among his opponents enough time to fall to quarreling among themselves, and his tactic during the negotiations was to drive wedges at every opportunity. The success of his plan depended on the inability of his opponents to sink their differences. Given the ambitions, needs and temperaments of his opponents, this wager on factionalism must have hardly seemed like a risk at all. In the last analysis, however, Parnell did not have much choice. Since the combination against him was bigger and stronger than he was, if he could not persuade them to turn on each other, he must in the end be overwhelmed.
Nationality Doctrine in Soviet Political Strategy
Authors: Barghoorn Frederick C.
Published: August 2009

Modern totalitarianism combines appeals to both nationalism and internationalism. Of course this statement applies with much greater force to Soviet than to Nazi totalitarianism. The latter was primarily a national movement, but with international ideological overtones, and with some elements of an international elite cadre and even of an international mass following. Soviet communism began as a faction of the Russian affiliate of international social democracy, and then acquired the territorial base which has given it the national characteristics it now possesses.
Alexander Hamilton, the Alien Law, and Seditious Libels
Authors: Smith James Morton
Published: August 2009

The biographers of Alexander Hamilton have been almost unanimous in absolving him from any complicity in the enactment and enforcement of the Alien and Sedition Laws of 1798. Most of them deny that he supported those now discredited laws and portray him as a defender of civil liberties who stood against the whole Federalist party. One writer asserts that by passing the laws the Federalists “mutinied” against Hamilton's recommendation of moderation. In the only thorough study of the acts, John C. Miller concludes that they “were passed by Congress against the advice of Alexander Hamilton.” Praising him as one not easily “led into error by the anxiety or the excitement of stirring and perilous times,” an early biographer describes the Federalist leader's position as “sensible and moderate.” Two of Jefferson's most widely read biographers credit Hamilton with opposing the law, and Albert J. Beveridge pictures him as an earlier and stronger opponent of the bills than Jefferson.
The German Historians and Bismarck
Authors: Dorpalen Andreas
Published: August 2009

The examination and evaluation of Bismarck's statesmanship has been resumed with much vigor in Germany. The topic has always — and naturally — been a favorite of German historians. Yet the current discussion differs from previous examinations of Bismarck's policies. It is concerned not so much with a factual analysis of these policies as with their overall significance and validity.
The Thought of Sir Henry Maine
Authors: Kirk Russell
Published: August 2009

Progress, Maine said, is rare in the procession of history; but it is real. Therefore—though never active in affairs of party — he commenced as a moderate Liberal under the influence of Burke's mind, endeavoring to promote cautious reform, reconciling old interests with new energies, preparing society for necessary change, preserving what is best in the ancient order. His Indian career displayed this influence of Burke, this respect for native custom and culture, this calm devotion to a society that is a spirit or a living thing, not a mere mechanical contrivance. Writers on politics who imply that Burke and his school opposed change per se err gravely. Beneficial change is the Providential instrument of social preservation, said Burke, a conservative force; but we must not fall into the vulgar error of thinking that all change is useful reform. The world experiences both improvement and decay; the latter tendency is the easier path, although ruinous at last; and statesmen must train themselves and the people to distinguish healthy change from processes of dissolution. When Henry Maine became convinced that the drift of change in Western society was retrogressive, then, like the astute representative of Burke's school that he was, he became a conservative. Lord Acton, in 1882, was startled and grieved to find Maine using “Toryism” as a term of commendation
The Political Theory of the American Revolution
Authors: Rossiter Clinton
Published: August 2009

The American Revolution was an event of particular interest to political theorists. Although it produced no thinkers to stand with Aristotle or even Locke and no book to be compared with The Republic or even The Prince, it was a high point in the long and fascinating career of the school of natural law. For this reason, the political theory of the Revolution deserves a more precise rendition than it has hitherto received. My purpose in this article is to do just that: to outline the theory of the Revolution for the benefit of political theorists and intellectual historians. Rather than quote from scattered sources, I shall attempt to express the general sense of the leaders of the Revolution. If one able Revolutionist had set himself consciously to express the political consensus of his time, to cast the principles of 1776 in a pattern for later ages to inspect and ponder, this might well have been the outline he would have chosen to follow—this was the political theory of the American Revolution:

The political and social world is governed by laws as certain and universal as those that govern the physical world. Whether these laws are direct commands of God, necessities of nature, or simply inescapable lessons of history makes very little practical difference. In any or all of these cases, men are guided and restricted by a moral order that they can defy but not alter. Revelation, reason, and experience, means through which men come to understand these laws, point out at least four instances in which they are applicable to the affairs of men. The higher law, or law of nature, is all of these things:
Acheson vs. Congress
Authors: Perlmutter Oscar William
Published: August 2009

The age of the amateur in politics is over according to Dean Acheson. Up until the eighteenth century it was possible, owing to the nature and development of the arts and sciences, for a gifted amateur to hold his own with the experts in many fields, but in the twentieth century the amateur is no longer capable of mastering more highly specialized fields of knowledge. The expansion of knowledge has been so great that no amateur can hope to vie in competence with an expert in a given field. This point of view, while somewhat general and a priori, would arouse little opposition among philosophers and historians of ideas. Congress, according to Acheson, is composed primarily of amateurs, and collectively, it represents the point of view of the untrained and unspecialized. It is an eighteenth-century conception which has survived into the twentieth. If we make Acheson's argument explicit—which he diplomatically declines to do—we get the following: amateurs are not competent to formulate public policy under modern conditions. Congress is a collection of amateurs. Therefore, it follows, that Congress is not competent to formulate public policy. The executive branch, on the other hand, attracts the specialist, depends upon him, and uses him extensively. Congress, because of its situation, that is, its deficiency in specialized knowledge and because of its position as a competing power with the executive, is constantly trying to frustrate the executive. A fundamental problem for American democracy, according to Acheson, is to discover which tasks are suitable for the experts (the executive) and which for the amateurs (Congress) and to facilitate the appropriate performance of each accordingly.
The Remnants of Western Imperialism: A German View
Authors: Ruestow Alexander
Published: August 2009

The earliest and most brutal offshoot of Western political absolutism was the colonial imperialism which followed in the wake of Columbus, Magellan, and the other heroes of the Age of Discovery. Characteristically, Western man is wont to regard this epoch as a glorious chapter in his history, as a splendid testimonial to his insatiable quest for knowledge and to his urge to explore the farthest and most remote corners of the planet. But the quest for knowledge and the urge to explore were far from being the only or the most active ingredients in imperialism. Greed, sadism, and lust for power spilled into every corner of the earth whose inhabitants were unable to offer effective resistance to the firearms and cavalry of the new overseers.
The Radical Tradition in Australia: An Interpretation
Authors: Rosecrance R. N.
Published: August 2009

Itis a strange quirk of intellectual history that essays in the comprehensive interpretation of history seem to have become fashionable in inverse proportion to the decline of system-building in philosophy. Given this tendency, however, it is not surprising that philosophical historians have again focussed their attention upon America and that new systematic interpretations of American development have come to light. One such interpretation returns to the theories of one of the most praised but most neglected students of American society: Alexis de Tocqueville. According to this view the crucial fact in American history is the absence of a Europeanancien régime. The leading exponent of the “back to de Tocqueville” movement adverts to what might be called “the storybook truth about American history: that America was settled by men who fled from the feudal and clerical oppressions of the Old World.” If this view is correct, “then the outstanding thing about the American community in Western history ought to be the nonexistence of those oppressions, or since the reaction against them was in the broadest sense liberal, that the American community is a liberal community.” But in this sense of the term, “liberal” America was not the only “liberal” community, for America was not the only country which created a frontier existence free of many of the restraints of the old European society. Australia developed a comparable frontier life, and it had no entrenched aristocracy of the European sort.
Fifteen Years of American Foreign Policy
Authors: Fitzsimons M. A.
Published: August 2009

American foreign policy since 1945 has been made by the often cumbersome processes of response of a representative republic to very rapidly acquired responsibilities as a world power. It involves the story of the transformation of an isolationist citizenry, who had frequently assumed that international order was of no vital concern to it, or that the order would be maintained automatically, or that American efforts to maintain world order could end only in disaster because of the inadequacies of American leaders and the sophisticated deviousness of foreigners. The transformation of a largely isolationist citizenry into the consenting citizens of a republic facing the demands of world rivalry has the epic sweep of a decisive world historical movement. The magnitude of the effort involved, however, dwindles when the dimensions of the challenge to the republic are considered.
The “Withering” of the State Under Khrushchev
Authors: Brinkley George A.
Published: August 2009

Khrushchev has by now made an undeniable reputation for himself as a clever man. He has credit for the “de-Stalinization” of the Soviet system and a return to “Leninism,” but he also holds the reins to a system of controls largely created by Stalin. It is perhaps a bit early for judgments, but Khrushchev seems indeed to be having his cake and eating it too. A survey of the question of the transition to communism, for example, reveals that his position is nothing less than a synthesis of a most remarkable sort, and one well calculated to gain the benefits of both Stalinism and Leninism. He has apparently set out to achieve a wedding between controls and ideals which will both mark him as the builder of communism in the manner of Lenin and at the same time retain in his hands the power of a dictator.
America in 1959 — as Seen from Moscow
Authors: Barghoorn Frederick C.
Published: August 2009

InSpite of a continued gradual increase of American-Soviet contacts, the official Soviet image of the United States in 1959 was shaped, as before, largely by a combination of preconcert tion and contrivance. The massive Soviet machinery of communication continued to present to the peoples of the Soviet Union a picture of America based less on empirical judgment than on the application to changing circumstances of unchanging attitudes. As in the past, the Kremlin's image of America and of the West in general appeared to be as much an instrument for the manipulation of foreign and Soviet public opinion as it was a reflection of Moscow's appraisal of international political forces. The official doctrine of irreconcilable struggle between Soviet “socialism” and Western “capitalism” held undiminished significance for the rationalization and legitimization of Kremlin power and policy.
The Theology of Reinhold Niebuhr
Authors: O'Connor Edward D.
Published: August 2009

Reinhold niebuhr is perhaps the most influential exponent of a Protestant view of life in modern America. While American Protestants today seem to be shifting their attention from Niebuhr to Paul Tillich, this recent trend is still far from counterbalancing the dominant position held by Niebuhr from the early thirties well into the fifties. And even Tillich's influence is, in a sense, an extension of Niebuhr's, for it was Niebuhr who brought Tillich to this country from Germany in 1933. Also, the latter's ontology is, on the whole, perhaps more complementary than contradictory to the ethics of Niebuhr.
Shirer's History of Nazi Germany
Authors: Epstein Klaus
Published: August 2009

William shirer'sRise and Fall of the Third Reich:A History of Nazi Germany(New York, 1960) has been widely hailed as a great work of history. Harry Schermann, chairman of the board of directors of the Book of the Month Club, says that it “will almost certainly come to be considered the definitive history of one of the most frightful chapters in the story of mankind.” The book has already sold more widely than any work on European history published in recent years. It is probable that tens of thousands of American readers will take theirviews on recent German affairs from Shirer's pages for years to come. For that reason, it is important to point out the serious shortcomings of this work.
Germany, Turkey, and the Zionist Movement, 1914–1918
Authors: Weltmann Saadia E.
Published: August 2009

Any ultimate verdict on the relations between the Zionist Organization and Germany and Turkey must await the publication of the German and Turkish documents of this period. The available evidence prompts the conclusion that no negotiations on a German or Turkish declaration supporting Zionism were held prior to November 1917. Thus, the theory that the Balfour Declaration was issued in order to forestall a German or Turkish declaration is unfounded.
Woodrow Wilson: Man and Statesman
Authors: Ferrell Robert H.
Published: August 2009

It is now thirty-two years since the death of Woodrow Wilson, one hundred years since his birth, and still the place in history of this Southerner who became president of Princeton University and later President of the United States remains somewhat uncertain. Wilson will rank among the great American presidents, but precisely where his reputation will come to rest is at present difficult to say. His public life has been the subject of intense scholarly investigation. College professors of history and political science have found his career fascinating (perhaps, one suspects, because he was the only college professor to reach the White House). But they have been unable to make up their minds about him. There is a passionate air in the historians' appraisals of Wilson, and more than a hint of assertion and argument, and beneath even the most calm and apparently measured accounts there is intellectual heat of a sort that betrays uncertainty about the stature of the man.
History and Diplomacy as Viewed by a Diplomatist
Authors: Kennan George F.
Published: August 2009

While our subject is the very broad one of “History and Diplomacy,” I thought I would narrow it somewhat and attempt merely to describe something of the aspect in which diplomatic history presents itself to a diplomatist who has turned late in life to the study and writing of history.* In doing so, I hope that I have not taken too great a liberty with the subject our hosts had in mind.
The Impact of Pan-Slavism on Central Europe
Authors: Kohn Hans
Published: August 2009

Pan-slavism is one of the elusive idea-concepts which can be easily defined. But the historian can hardly say how far they correspond to a political reality which exercises a decisive impact on the course of history. A similar contemporary ideaconcept is Pan-Africanism, propagated and commended by most Africans. So far it has failed to create a political or economic union. The only example of that kind, and that on a very minor scale, the Mali Federation, dissolved after a short existence. The same holds true of another similar concept, Pan-Scandinavianism, which is approximately as old as Pan-Slavism but better based on a much closer cultural and religious affinity.
The Synthetic Vision of Joseph Schumpeter
Authors: Kessler Martin
Published: August 2009

Elevenyears after his death, economists (strangely enough, the only ones who seem to care) still ponder the paradoxes of Joseph A. Schumpeter. While the contributions of the late Lord Keynes, not without intriguing paradoxes of their own, are being rapidly assimilated into the “common sense” of statesmen, Schumpeter, the only other truly great economist the twentieth century has produced, exerted no appreciable influence over public policy. Apart from a few misunderstood cliches, such as “creative destruction,” “obsolescence of entrepreneurial function,” and so on, his ideas have generated no “school” among young intellectuals. Indeed, it is doubtful that they ever will, even though Schumpeter is a profound and honest thinker in the tradition of Marx, Weber, and Tawney grappling with one of the crucial problems of our age: the innovating and growth capacities of various social systems under an advanced industrial technology.
Why the French Communists Stopped the Revolution
Authors: Mendel Arthur P.
Published: August 2009

In May, 1968, France was saved from revolution not primarily by de Gaulle and his generals but by the French Communist Party. Nine million striking workers occupied the factories. Militants among the students and young unemployed workers had proven themselves more than ready to play the role of vanguard at the barricades. The peasantry had begun to move from passive grumbling to direct action, fearful that the end of agricultural tariffs in July would further depress their hard lot. Even the middleclass professionals, disenchanted with the hierarchical rigidities and the olympian paternalism of Gaullist society had risen to assert their rights to free expression and meaningful participation. All means of communication and transport and all financial agencies were either directly or indirectly under the control of the workers. At will they could have deprived Paris and other cities of food, water, fuel, electricity and gas.
Structural Changes in the American Economy
Authors: Mann F. K.
Published: August 2009

Whether, some day, the twentieth century may claim to have inaugurated as fundamental a change in economic organization as did the monetary revolution of the sixteenth and the industrial revolution of the eighteenth century is still an open question. While in most European countries the transformation is evident, and from Spain to Scandinavia and from the British Isles to the Balkan states, it has been intensified under the impact of war economy, American public opinion still hesitates to admit any break with the past. Most people believe that expansion of governmental activities, concentration of economic power, rigidities, monopolies, public indebtedness and taxation as consequential as they are should be evaluated as accessories of an economic system which in its foundation has remained intact. In its very essence, this system is supposed to rest upon the great principles of private property, freedom of enterprise and social mobility.
Corporativism in Europe
Authors: Vignaux Paul
Published: August 2009

In the present crisis of Europe, some forward-looking observers are placing their ultimate hope in a corporative order. Within the first pages of a book recently published in Paris, a young French economist states that in the light of his country's defeat, “the modes of thought and action of a whole century, the XIXth, have been judged by their results and found wanting;” furthermore, under the stimulus of individualistic and utilitarian philosophies, joined with economic liberalism, a “disintegration” of society has resulted. After a close analysis of ancient and modern corporative regimes, Professor Denis concludes: “The only chance for salvation seemingly lies in the desperate effort of a small number of the old countries of the West to recreate a new community spirit, one manifestation of which would be the fostering of vocational groups. If this effort were not made or should fail, Europe would suffer irremediable decadence. … a new Dark Ages, without the hope of the Thirteenth Century.” We can recognize in this threat the pessimistic frame of mind which was so characteristic of young European intellectuals during the past decade. We shall see, however, that psychology is no less necessary than political science and economics for an understanding of the corporative movement in Europe.
Organized Religion and the American Creed
Authors: Drucker Peter F.
Published: August 2009

The unique relationship between religion the state, and society is perhaps the most fundamental—certainly it is the most distinctive—feature of American religious as well as American political life. It is not only central to any understanding of American institutions. It also constitutes the sharpest difference between American and European institutions, concepts, and traditions.
The United States and the Origins of NATO 1946–1949
Authors: Kaplan Lawrence A.
Published: August 2009

Natohas been a phenomenon in international relations. It is unlike most multinational organizations of the past in that it has survived for a generation, and it has thereby fulfilled, at least, the minimal expectations of its founding fathers. Even more phenomenal for Americans has been the identification of the United States with an idea, a particular group of nations, and an organization which were all repugnant to a tradition that specifically isolated America from Europe. The origins of the North Atlantic Treaty are inextricably linked with the rediscovery of Europe by the United States.
Mr. Truman's War: A Debate and Its Aftermath
Authors: Lofgren Charles A.
Published: August 2009

“WeDoubtvery much if there is any question in the minds of the majority of the people of this country that the conflict now raging in Korea can be anything but war,” wrote Federal District Judge Harry C. Westover in the spring of 1953. “Certainly those who have been called upon to suffer injury and maiming, or to sacrifice their lives,” he continued, “would be unanimous in their opinion that this is war — war in all of its horrible aspects.” What common sense dictated, the judge didnot deny. Yet, although federal and state courts in this and several other instances touched tangentially on the question of whether the Korean conflict was a war in a legal and technical sense, on balance they produced no definitive answer. The United States Supreme Court, moreover, refused to hear any of the cases in question. But the lower courts ofthe nation were not alone in their diversity of opinion regarding the status of the war. The political branches of the Federal Government similarly displayed little agreement on the parallel issue of what the legal basis was for American participation in the Korean venture.
Cartesianism and Political Theory
Authors: Schall James V.
Published: August 2009

Political theory never stands by itself. Any theoretical explanation of politics depends on attitudes and positions which stem from metaphysics, theology, ethics, or science. An understanding of the political thought of a man, then, will require some insight into the relationship between his politics and the presuppositions on which it is based. To write about the political theory of Descartes, however, presents special difficulties, for Descartes cannot be considered an important political thinker in his own right. His actual references to politics are scant. His influence on later thinkers did not arise from his thought about politics. Nevertheless, in political theory Descartes must be considered, for it was Descartes who set the patterns of speculative thought after him, including thought about politics. After Descartes the scientific and mechanical orientations of thought replaced the traditional Christian and Aristotelian molds in which politics had been considered.
T. H. Green and His Audience: Liberalism as a Surrogate Faith
Authors: Richter Melvin
Published: August 2009

Between 1880 and 1914 no other thinker exerted a greater influence upon British thought and public policy than did T. H. Green. Bryce and Asquith have testified that Green's Liberal version of Idealism superseded Utilitarianism as the most prominent philosophical school in Great Britain. And what was more startling, he and his followers proceeded to bring to life the heavy abstractions of the Principles of Political Obligation. For Green converted Idealism, which in Germany had so often served as a rationale of conservatism, into a practical program for the left wing of the Liberal Party. From aristocratic Oxford which Matthew Arnold could still describe as “whispering from her towers the last enchantments of the Middle Age,” there came a stream of serious young men dedicated to reform in politics, social work, and the civil service, men who would spend their lives in improving the school system, establishing settlement houses, reorganizing charity and the Poor Law, and originating adult education. Green's teaching had an extraordinary effect upon some of the best young men of this generation. A rich literature of memoir and autobiography attests to the great mark he left on the minds and lives of his generation.