bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Guatemala, Worker Struggles and the Labor Movement, 1960s–1990s
Authors: Frundt Henry J.
Published: September 2017

The military suppression of the Guatemalan Revolution of 1954 destroyed official labor unions and forced the workers' movement to go underground. From 1954 to 1960, the Guatemalan government cancelled the registration of 533 local unions, arrested communists, and killed thousands of labor and community activists. With the assistance of the US, Guatemala implemented regional military counterinsurgency training programs to suppress all forms of worker and community organization in the 1960s. The removal of legal rights for labor organization and the right to strike for better wages contributed to a decline in living standards for workers and peasants who comprised more than 90 percent of the country's population. The rural working class was prevented from organizing collectives and wages and conditions deteriorated dramatically. Due to the elimination of formal labor rights, the labor movement was pushed underground and into insurrectionary and direct action against employers and the state.
Gustav Rebellions
Authors: Martin Nathan James
Published: September 2017

Protest and revolution are historically integral to the democratic transformation of Sweden from an autocratic monarchy to a constitutional democracy with egalitarian norms. Many of the major social changes in the country's political and economic development occurred over the three centuries of Gustav rule, from 1521 to 1792.
Gustavo, Soledad (1865–1939)
Authors: Lee Andrew H.
Published: September 2017

Teresa Mañé i Miravet, an important Spanish lay teacher who became an anarchist, wrote most frequently under the pseudonym of Soledad Gustavo. She was married to Federico Urales (a.k.a. Juan Montseny) and the mother of Federica Montseny. Gustavo was a member of the Confederation of Lay Teachers of Catalonia (Confederación de Maestros Laicos de Cataluña) and promoted radical pedagogy before it became famous with Francisco Ferrer's Modern School. In 1889 she won a prize for her essay on free love at the Certamen Socialista, a literary contest held in Barcelona.
G
uyana, Protests and Revolts
Authors: Tsuji Teruyuki
Published: September 2017

On June 13, 1980, an explosion broke the evening peace in Georgetown, the capital of Guyana, taking the life of Guyanese historian Walter Rodney. He was assassinated – though there has been no official investigation to date – by the People's National Congress (PNC) regime, led at the time by Forbes Burnham. The bomb was reportedly placed inside a radio device that had been given to Rodney by a member of the Guyana Defense Force. Rodney's pioneering documentation and lectures across the world illuminated the repercussions of European colonialism, and increased awareness of the conditions of Africans and the African diaspora. His numerous publications include his influential book,
How Europe Underdeveloped Africa
(1972), which is an often‐cited reference in the literature on third world development and has given impetus to the evolution of Pan‐Africanism.
Haiti, Democratic Uprising, 1980s–1991
Authors: King Alexander
Published: September 2017

Following the overthrow of the dictator Jean‐Claude Duvalier early in 1986, a democratic rebellion unfolded in Haiti that opposed the restoration attempts by the elite class of the Duvalier era. In the presidential election at the end of 1990, the strength of this democratic movement found expression through the clear victory – despite the restorative attempts within Haiti and by the US – of Jean‐Bertrand Aristide, the candidate of the progressive social movements. After seven months in office, a violent coup forced the president into exile. The democratic movement was then subjected to years of persecution.
H
aiti, Protest and Rebellion, 19th Century
Authors: King Stewart R.
Published: September 2017

The political history of Haiti in the years after independence parallels in many respects similar developments in other newly independent Latin American countries. The fault lines are familiar to any student of nineteenth‐century Latin America: military versus commercial elites, rural/small city versus capital, peasant versus capitalist agriculture, conservatives and monarchists versus liberals, and divisions on racial or ethnic lines. The groups divided by these fault lines formed a kaleidoscope of shifting alliances, which resulted in periods of calm, usually under a strong leader, with interludes of violent conflict.
H
aiti, Protest and Rebellion, 20th Century
Authors: Smith Matthew J.
Published: September 2017

In the first century of its existence (1804–1904), the republic of Haiti established a reputation as the most rebellious nation in the Caribbean. While most of its neighbors welcomed the twentieth century as outposts of European imperialism, Haiti remained a beacon of self‐rule in spite of its complex history of protest, coups, and revolts. One of the consequences of this history was a political culture that by 1904 was defined by exclusion. Democracy remained a seemingly unattainable goal, and the largely peasant majority was more often than not on the periphery of much of the contests waged by political elites and powerful military leaders. This experience, rooted in the nineteenth century, sowed the seeds for a new century of political discontent, protest, and rebellion that would change its dynamic several times as the century progressed.
H
aiti, Resistance to US Occupation
Authors: King Stewart R.
Published: September 2017

Haitian politics in 1915 was very disorderly. Political power in Haiti had long been traded back and forth between primarily black, military, provincial forces and primarily mixed‐race, urban, commercial leaders. Both sides made use of militias drawn from the country's many poor. These militia groups were called
cacos
. The international community had mostly isolated and ignored Haiti since the Haitian Revolution of 1791–1804, though there were substantial American business interests, especially the Haitian American Sugar Company (HASCO), which owned substantial land in the fertile Plaine du Cul de Sac north of the capital, Port‐au‐Prince.
H
aiti, Revolutionary Revolts, 1790s
Authors: King Alexander
Published: September 2017

On the eve of the French Revolution and the start of the slave uprising in Saint‐Domingue, the French central government attempted – even as late as the 1880s – to modernize the colonial system and at the same time bind the colonies closer. The system of
Exclusif
was liberalized through trade agreements with England (1786) and the USA (1787), as well as through the partial opening up of some of the ports (1784) for the importation of selected foods. The French secretary of the navy, Castries, promised an improvement in the status of the free blacks and mulattos. The whites in Saint‐Domingue responded to this aspect of the reform process with fierce resistance, and it failed. Castries was forced to resign in 1787: this demonstrated that the white planters had effective political networks at their disposal not only in the colonies, but also in Paris.
H
aiti, Revolutionary Struggles
Authors: King Alexander
Published: September 2017

Toussaint Louverture did not accept the transfer of authority from Hédouville to Rigaud, but instead brought Roume from Santo Domingo, who arrived in Port‐au‐Prince in January 1799 and took over the function of representative to the directorate in Saint‐Domingue. Formally, in taking this step Toussaint demonstrated his interest in showing his lasting loyalty for his mother country and countered existing rumours which claimed he was aiming at independence.
Haitian Revolution and independence, 1801–1804
Authors: King Alexander
Published: September 2017

In 1801 Toussaint Louverture consolidated his power over Saint‐Domingue, reaching the zenith of his military and political career. Formally, however, Saint‐Domingue continued to be a French colony, but the constitution from July 8, 1801 granted him unfettered power in every political realm. The military and political ranks subordinated to him were placed with followers, mainly
nouveaux libres
. The leaders of the
anciens libres
, especially André Rigaud and Alexandre Pétion, resided in French exile. For the first time since 1697 the island was unified under a single reign.
HaitianRevolution, Legacy of
Authors: Sheller Mimi
Published: September 2017

While the American and French revolutions were incorporated into the story of the rise of democracy and freedom in the modern West, the Haitian Revolution of 1791–1803 initiated a long‐running debate throughout the Atlantic world over how to react to the existence of an independent “Black Republic” at the heart of the world system of slavery. Haiti's independence set the terms of debate for nearly a century of anti‐slavery struggle and shaped international relations in the Caribbean for decades to come. Gripped by fear of contagious slave uprising, European powers tried to contain Haiti's influence on the surrounding slave‐holding colonies by refusing to recognize Haitian independence (until 1838 in the case of France and Britain and 1863 for the United States), barring trade with the formerly richest colony in the world, and disavowing and silencing the implications of its revolution.
Hardy, Thomas (1752–1832)
Authors: Arnold Victoria
Published: September 2017

Thomas Hardy was a leading figure in the French Revolution‐inspired British Jacobin movement. He was a working man – a shoemaker by trade – who founded the London Corresponding Society (LCS), the first successful organizational attempt in England at bringing the working class into the political arena. The LCS was dedicated to promoting parliamentary reform, specifically universal manhood suffrage and annual parliaments, but it also included within it more radical currents that developed explicitly revolutionary agendas.
H
arlem
R
enaissance
Authors: Zeitler Michael
Published: September 2017

The Harlem Renaissance, as identified, defined, and celebrated by Alain Locke in the preface to his 1925 anthology,
The New Negro
, was a consciousness‐transforming political, aesthetic, and spiritual “Coming of Age” for black Americans. Cutting across the whole spectrum of culture and social thought, including literature, criticism, music, dance, theater, painting, and sculpture, the black artists and intellectuals of the Harlem Renaissance reconfigured black history, explored contemporary urban life, and experimented with new, culturally derived aesthetic forms. Its influence spread far beyond the borders of Harlem, impacting not only America and the English‐speaking world, but all of the cultures of the African Diaspora. The Harlem Renaissance powerfully influenced Négritude writers such as Léopold Senghor and Aimé Césaire, and every aesthetic and political expression of pan‐African ideology that would follow.
Hatuey (ca. 1400s–1512)
Authors: Harnecker Camila Piñeiro
Published: September 2017

Hatuey, an indigenous Taino chieftain of Arawak origin, is revered as the first Cuban independence martyr and cited as an example of national dignity and courage. Having seen the horror of Spanish colonization on his native island, Hispaniola (Dominican Republic and Haiti), Hatuey fled from western Haiti to eastern Cuba in 1511 and organized the first major resistance to European conquest. From 1492, when Columbus's expedition landed on Hispaniola, to 1510, nearly 75 percent of the island's indigenous population were exterminated, reducing their numbers from an estimated 200,000 to 46,000 people.
Hauptmann, Gerhart (1862–1946)
Authors: Griem Rowena
Published: September 2017

Gerhart Hauptmann was a German literary author, chiefly known today for his early naturalistic social drama
Die Weber (The Weavers)
, which was published in 1892. It portrays the 1844 weaver revolt in Silesia and features a realistic portrayal of the suffering and humanity of the poor, and the hopelessness of their situation. While Hauptmann argued that the play was merely a faithful depiction of a historic event, the Prussian government feared that it condemned contemporary conditions for weavers. Public performances were temporarily banned in Berlin and elsewhere in Europe out of a fear that it would lead to class conflict. When it was performed publicly, the German imperial family cancelled their theater box in protest. The anarchist Johann Most participated in an American staging that included extra incendiary sections provided by its leftist performers.
Haya de la Torre, Victor Raúl (1895–1979)
Authors: Germana César
Published: September 2017

Without doubt, one of the most discussed political characters in twentieth‐century Peruvian history is Victor Raúl Haya de la Torre. During his long political career, which took him from exile to the underground and finally to the presidency of the 1978 Constituent Congress, Haya de la Torre was an active participant in the central affairs of Peruvian politics. Distinguished and praised by his supporters, wronged by his enemies, no one remained indifferent to his proposals.
H
ezbollah: Organization and Uprisings
Authors: Davidson Lawrence
Published: September 2017

Hezbollah (Party of God) is Lebanon's strongest and best‐known Islamic fundamentalist organization. The group was formed in the early 1980s in reaction to the Lebanese Civil War (1975–90) and the Israeli invasion of Lebanon (1982), both of which traumatized the nation.
Hidalgo y Costilla, Miguel (1753–1811)
Authors: Brett Edward T.
Published: September 2017

Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla, born on May 8, 1753 on a hacienda in Guanajuato where his father served as overseer, was a leading Mexican nationalist and opponent of Spanish colonialism. When he was 12 he was sent to Valladolid to study with the Jesuits at the Colegio de San Francisco Javier. There the Jesuits had recently replaced traditional scholasticism with the new rationalism and scientific methods then in fashion in Europe. This innovative curriculum greatly influenced Hidalgo throughout his life.
HIJOS
Movement, Children of the Disappeared
Authors: Cominiello Sebastián
Published: September 2017

In
porteño
jargon (the popular language of Buenos Aires and other major cities in Argentina),
escrachar
means to put in evidence, to expose, or to make public the bad deeds of someone who previously enjoyed a good reputation and was considered honorable.
Escraches
consist of public protests outside the homes of those responsible for political crimes in Argentina in the 1970s to alert the neighborhood to the identity of presumed criminals. A festive spirit and a range of cultural activities, including musical and theatrical performances, accompany these forms of protest. Protesters seek to isolate accused individuals through publicly shaming them and encouraging neighbors to repudiate them.
Escrache
is, then, a form of popular justice arising from moral condemnation.
Escraches
began to be held in Argentina in 1998, during the debates in Congress surrounding the derogation of the Due Obedience and Full Stop laws, when most of those accused of human rights violations during the military dictatorship of 1976–83 were allowed to escape prosecution for their crimes. Protests were led by middle‐class, professional groups.
Hilferding, Rudolf (1877–1941)
Authors: Goodrich Robert
Published: September 2017

Rudolf Hilferding proved the most influential of the Austro‐Marxist economists and the leading socialist theoretician under the Weimar Republic (1918–33). The son of aJewish Viennese merchant family, Hilferding joined the circle of socialist students around M. Adler, with whom he co‐founded the
Marx‐Studien
in 1904 that served as the catalytic forum for Austro‐Marxism. Hilferding later participated in the German November Revolution in 1918, supported the short‐lived Independent Social Democratic Party (USPD), and twice served as finance minister of the Weimar Republic (1923, 1928–9). Following the Nazi seizure of power in 1933, he fled into exile where he was captured by the Vichy French police and disappeared in Gestapo custody in Paris in 1941.
Hirschfeld, Magnus (1868–1935)
Authors: Heiman Larry W.
Published: September 2017

Magnus Hirschfeld was a German physician, sexologist, and author best known today for his exhaustive study of all aspects of human sexuality. A prominent champion of the acceptance and decriminalization of homosexuality, he was also a social reformer in areas of women's reproductive rights, socialized medicine, and prostitution.
Hlinka, Andrej (1864–1938) and the Slovak People's Party
Authors: Kirschbaum Stanislav J.
Published: September 2017

Roman Catholic priest, social activist, and politician, Andrej Hlinka was a major force in advancing Slovak national self‐determination. As a Slovak politician in the first Czechoslovak Republic, Hlinka determinedly opposed Prague centralism and the ideology of Czechoslovakism employed to legitimize Czechoslovakia as a nation‐state. He demanded that Slovakia be granted the autonomy promised in the Pittsburgh Pact, signed by the first president of Czechoslovakia, Tomas G. Masaryk, during World War I.
Hô Chi Minh (1890–1969)
Authors: Fernandez Erwin S.
Published: September 2017

A united Vietnam became inevitable only through the pragmatic vision of its great revolutionary and patriot, Hô Chi Minh. Vietnam, the “smaller dragon,” had been the locus of imperialist and colonial incursions prior to and after 1884, first by the Chinese, then by the French, and finally by the Americans (Buttinger 1958). Unlike other colonies in Southeast Asia, Vietnam achieved a unified state under an independent monarchy that lasted for nine centuries in a long struggle for national identity and survival, but marred by civil war between the northern and southern ruling families. Thus, French colonialists would encounter the Can Vuong (Save the King) movement, a monarchist effort to reinstall the deposed emperor who had been replaced by a more pliable personality. But Vietnamese intellectuals including Hô Chi Minh, who sipped from the cup of European liberalism, quickly perceived the inadequacy of the status quo. It was certain then that the French, later the Americans, found themselves in a conflict between the old and the new, in a bitter struggle between tradition and modernity (McAlister & Mus 1970).
Hô Chi Minh (Nguyen Tat Thanh) (1890–1969)
Authors: Fernandez Erwin S.
Published: September 2017

A united Vietnam became inevitable only through the pragmatic vision of its great revolutionary and patriot, Hô Chi Minh. Vietnam, the “smaller dragon,” had been the locus of imperialist and colonial incursions prior to and after 1884, first by the Chinese, second by the French, and finally by the Americans (Buttinger 1958). Unlike other colonies in Southeast Asia, Vietnam achieved a unified state under an independent monarchy that lasted for nine centuries in a long struggle for national identity and survival but marred by civil war between the northern and southern ruling families. Thus, French colonialists would encounter the Can Vuong (Save the King) movement, a monarchist effort to reinstall the deposed emperor who had been replaced by a more pliable personality. But Vietnamese intellectuals including Hô Chi Minh, who sipped from the cup of European liberalism, quickly perceived the inadequacy of the status quo. It was certain then that the French, later the Americans, found themselves in a conflict between the old and the new, in a bitter struggle between tradition and modernity (McAlister & Mus 1970).
HollywoodTen
Authors: Bush Melanie E. L.
Published: September 2017

Between the late 1940s and 1950s, members of the entertainment industry came under scrutiny for left‐wing beliefs and alleged connections to the American Communist Party. The Cold War and anti‐union political environment provided the context for concern by the United States government and leaders of the Hollywood motion picture industry that Soviet‐leaning messages were being conveyed through films. In November 1947, a group of mostly screenwriters, directors, and producers were called before the House Committee on Un‐American Activities (HUAC) to testify about their affiliations and refused. These included: Alvah Bessie, Lester Cole, Ring Lardner, Jr., Albert Maltz, John Howard Lawson, Samuel Ornitz, Dalton Trumbo, Herbert Biberman, Edward Dmytryk, and Adrian Scott. They became known as the “Hollywood Ten.”
H
orne
T
ooke,
J
ohn (1736–1812)
Authors: Jakobsson Pia K.
Published: September 2017

John Horne Tooke was an English political activist and philologist, and the only Briton to be put in prison for opposing the war with America. Born in Westminster to a well‐to‐do poulterer, he went to school at Eton and Cambridge and was a law student until being ordained as a priest in 1760, taking up a position in Brentford. His public engagement in politics began with a 1765 pamphlet in defense of the radical John Wilkes. In 1769 Horne, Wilkes, and others founded the Society for Supporting the Bill of Rights to support Wilkes's election to parliament, but also more generally to support freedom and the constitution. They met regularly at the London Tavern, but disagreements about priorities split them apart by 1771.
H
ôtel de
V
ille,
P
aris
Authors: Sawyer Stephen W.
Published: September 2017

The Paris Hôtel de Ville, or City Hall, found itself at the heart of the four major French revolutions that shook Paris: those of 1789, 1830, 1848, and 1871. In each case, the Paris City Hall symbolized the importance of the capital city and the Parisian people in national politics.
H
uerta,
D
olores (b. 1930)
Authors: Zirakzadeh Cyrus Ernesto
Published: September 2017

Dolores Huerta co‐founded the National Farm Workers Association (later renamed United Farm Workers, or UFW) with César Chávez. Many Americans associate her name almost exclusively with California's farm worker movement, but she also was a highly effective lobbyist and a leading feminist and proponent of Latino and Latina pride and rights. Chávez and Huerta met in 1955, when both were working in Mexican American barrios for Saul Alinsky's Community Service Organization (CSO). They shared a profound commitment to the plight of the poor, and when Chávez left the CSO to found the National Farm Workers Association, he asked Huerta to help lead the new group.
H
ugo,
V
ictor (1802–1885)
Authors: Martone Nicole
Published: September 2017

Victor Hugo was a French Romantic novelist, dramatist, poet, and political activist. He was an advocate of human rights and sponsored several social and political causes. An ardent republican, Hugo became extremely active in politics following the French Revolution of 1848 and vehemently protested against the overthrow of the French Second Republic by Napoleon III. Remaining critical of the Second Empire, Hugo went into voluntary exile in protest. Hugo's work as a political writer, activist, and politician influenced the French government and the establishment of the Third Republic.
H
ungary,
R
evolution of 1848
Authors: Laczó Ferenc
Published: September 2017

The Hungarian Revolution of 1848 was one of the most important of the near‐simultaneous revolutions that encompassed most of the European continent in early 1848. It was the culmination and practical manifestation of a liberal nationalist reform program that had been gradually emerging in Hungary since 1825. This program, which in many crucial ways resembled those of revolutionaries across the continent at the time, was developed primarily at feudal diets held in Pozsony (today Bratislava, Slovakia). Its overarching objectives were the transition to a constitutional, liberal, and
polgári
(bourgeois citizenship) Hungary that was free to modernize and develop, and the establishment of wide autonomy for the country within the larger framework of the Hapsburg monarchy.
H
ungary,
R
evolution of 1956
Authors: Laczó Ferenc
Published: September 2017

The Hungarian Revolution of 1956, commonly referred to as the “revolution and fight for freedom” in Hungarian (
forradalom és szabad‐ságharc
), denotes the uprising of a significant part of the Hungarian population and the ensuing armed struggle against the Stalinist dictatorship and the Soviet occupation of Hungary. As one of the major challenges to Soviet rule in Eastern Europe during the Cold War period, the Revolution of 1956 is comparable in importance only to the Prague Spring and the emergence of Solidarność (Solidarity) in Poland. François Fejtő memorably called the events the first anti‐totalitarian revolution; Hannah Arendt saw in it a peaceful way to a self‐ruling society organized through councils.
H
ungary, Women Radicals, 1848–1849
Authors: Nemes Robert
Published: September 2017

It is difficult to exaggerate the importance of the 1848 Revolution for Hungary, which was at that time part of the Hapsburg monarchy. Over the course of 18 months, Hungary experienced unprecedented political mobilization, dramatic constitutional change, a costly military struggle to preserve the revolution, and, finally, a harsh crackdown by the victorious forces of order. Like few other events, the 1848 Revolution lodged itself deeply in the Hungarian collective memory, and every political regime since has attempted to bolster its legitimacy by appropriating the symbols of 1848. The 1848 Revolution likewise stands as a landmark in Hungarian women's history, an event that broke down barriers to political participation and set an important precedent for later generations. As the case of the Radical Hungarian Women shows plainly, women forcefully addressed the political and national questions at the heart of the 1848 revolutions.
H
utchinson,
A
nne (1591–1643)
Authors: Linch Amy
Published: September 2017

Anne Hutchinson was born in England to a Puritan family. Her keen intellect and radical spiritual views were cultivated by her father, a deacon whose open denunciation of Church of England ministers led to his imprisonment. At 21 she married Will Hutchinson, and together they followed the teachings of John Cotton, a Puritan minister who, like her father, sought to purify the Anglican Church of its residual Catholic elements.
H
yde,
E
van
A
nthony (b. 1947)
Authors: Brett Edward T.
Published: September 2017

Evan Anthony Hyde (Evan X Hyde), founder of the United Black Association for Development (UBAD) and publisher of
Amandala
, Belize's largest newspaper, was born in Belize City on April 30, 1947. He was educated at Holy Redeemer Primary School, by St. John's College (High School), and SJC Junior College. He received a scholarship to Dartmouth College in New Hampshire, where he graduated in 1968 with a bachelor's degree in English.
I
caria Utopian Community
Authors: Goff Richard
Published: September 2017

Like many utopian experiments, the roots of Icarianism reside in Europe. Similar to Charles Fourier and Robert Owen, the movement's founder, Etienne Cabet, was reared in the context of revolutionary upheaval. As a young man he joined the Society of the Chabonnerie, a radical republican organization opposed to the restored French monarchy. Cabet's outspoken opposition to the government earned him a conviction for treason and exile to England.
Immigrant and Social Conflict, France
Authors: Lewis Mary Dewhurst
Published: September 2017

France has been a major country of immigration for a century and a half, thanks to spontaneous labor migration in the nineteenth century, organized recruitment during and after World War I, and refugee resettlement in the 1920s. By 1931, France's population was nearly 7 percent foreign, and by the 1980s, some 25 percent of French citizens had at least one immigrant grandparent.
Imperialism and Capitalist Development
Authors: Le Blanc Paul
Published: September 2017

The development of the global economy since the sixteenth century – especially as it has accelerated since the explosion of the Industrial Revolution at the end of the eighteenth century – has, to a very large extent, provided the context and the impetus for the rise of modern revolutionary protests. Essential conceptualizations for understanding this process have involved the interlinked notions of imperialism (defined here as economic expansion beyond the borders of a nation into other regions, often economically less developed, in order to secure markets, raw materials, and investment opportunities) and
capitalist development
.
Imperialism, Modernization to Globalization
Authors: Le Blanc Paul
Published: September 2017

Modern theories regarding the dynamics of capitalism and global economic development have been profoundly influenced by the perspectives of Karl Marx and others attempting to utilize those perspectives. Not only are the realities being analyzed quite fluid and complex, however, but there have been significant divergences among those employing Marxist perspectives. For example, the revolutionary theorizations of such figures as Rosa Luxemburg and V. I. Lenin were sharply challenged by conceptions of Karl Kautsky, generally perceived as the leading theoretician of the German socialist movement and as “the Pope of Marxist orthodoxy” (although some have argued that the notion of “orthodoxy” is inconsistent with the dialectical, non‐dogmatic quality of Marx's own thought).
I
ndia,
H
indutva and Fascist Mobilizations, 1989–2002
Authors: Chattopadhyay Kunal
Published: September 2017

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS, National Volunteer Organization), set up in 1925 in Nagpur, became, by the early 1930s, a radical right organization with clear fascist tendencies. It had great contempt for democracy, hailed the Nazis, tried to imitate them, and set up a tight, leader‐centric organization with a rabidly Hindu chauvinist agenda. The construction of a homogeneous Hindu identity meant negating any idea of class and caste divisions through token gestures, while retaining an upper‐caste and upper‐class hegemony. It also meant creating the image of a permanent enemy, the Muslims, and a gendered concept of communal identity, which meant a strong effort at controlling women by the imposition of a modernized patriarchy. M. S. Golwalkar, the second supreme leader of the RSS, in his book
We, or Our Nationhood Defined
(1939), welcomed the events of
Kristallnacht
and said that the Germans had proved that two nations cannot live in one country. During the violent days of Partition the Hindu communalist organizations made a bid for power, but the murder of Gandhi by a Hindu communalist led to strong government action, and to a decline of the organizations. However, the strategy of the RSS was already one of deeply penetrating civil society. So Golwalkar got the ban on the RSS rescinded by promising the government that it would remain a “cultural” organization and would not contest elections. To circumvent the restriction on politics, the RSS, with the help of like‐minded Hindu communalists, set up the Bharatiya Jan Sangh (BJS, Indian People's Association), a militant right‐wing communalist party calling for an
akhand bharat
(indivisible India, implying the forcible incorporation of Kashmir, or even designs on Pakistan); an independent Indian nuclear arsenal; deep hostility to Muslims, Christians, and communists; a rejection of democracy; and espousal of economic liberalism. Between 1971 and 1984 attempts to form left‐right combinations to fight the Congress rehabilitated the BJS. In 1977 it even became part of a coalition that defeated Congress (I) leader Indira Gandhi. There was a short‐lived unification of the non‐communist opposition into one party, the Janata [People's] Party. RSS interference led to the eventual break up of the Janata Party, but in the process the BJS reemerged as the much strengthened Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP, Indian People's Party). By the mid‐1980s the RSS was ready for a more attacking role.
I
ndia, Nationalism, Extremist
Authors: Chattopadhyay Kunal
Published: September 2017

The emergence of nationalism among the middle classes in India in the late nineteenth century was not simply an imitation of western models. Its roots may be traced back to the political legitimacy of the Mughal empire, cultural contacts between different regional groups, and an ethical tradition of good government. This traditional patriotism was reworked after the revolt of 1857, when direct rule by the British government replaced rule by the East India Company. An institutionalized public space was created for contestation with the colonial regime. Contrary to early middle‐class belief in the positive value of British rule of law, colonialism brought, not a partnership of equals but exploitation, racial tension and inequality, and a threat to the Indian middle‐ and upper‐classes' sense of culture and community. A result was the construction of an image of indigenous culture, a bid to purify it and “recover” a superior Indian civilization, capable of standing on a par with western civilization. This search for purity involved religious and social reform projects, the construction of new ideal types of womanhood and a modernization of patriarchy, and through all these, an eventual creation of the ideological basis of Indian nationalism.
I
ndia, Non‐Violent Non‐Cooperation Movement, 1918–1929
Authors: Chattopadhyay Kunal
Published: September 2017

Following World War I, British rulers attempted to introduce limited reforms in India through the Montague‐Chelmsford Report of 1918 and the Government of India Act of 1919. The aim of these measures was to co‐opt nationalist opposition. The 1919 Act established a “dyarchy” with at its center a bicameral system with elected majorities and a viceregal veto as well as a “certificate” procedure for pushing rejected bills. Departments with limited funding and political support (education, health, agriculture, local bodies) were transferred to ministers responsible to provincial legislatures. Provincial governors too had the veto, while finance and law and order remained under the control of the bureaucracy. The electorates were enlarged to 1.5 million for the imperial legislature and 5.5 million for the provinces, with provisions for community‐based representation and reservations.
Indian National Liberation
Authors: Marik Soma
Published: September 2017

The British colonization of India began with the Battle of Plassey in 1757, when Nawab Sirajud‐Daulah's forces lost to Robert Clive. By 1765 thesuba(province) of Bengal, one of the richest in Mughal India (1526–1857), was controlled by the English East India Company, which had obtained thediwanirights to collect taxes. From this base the British expanded in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries under aggressive governor generals, especially the Marquis of Wellesley, Lord Hastings, and the Marquis of Dalhousie. The kingdom of Mysore was annexed, theNizam(ruler) of Hyderabad forced to accept a subsidiary alliance, and the Marathas and the Sikhs vanquished.
Indigo Rebellion
Authors: Chattopadhyay Kunal , Mamoon Muntassir
Published: September 2017

The Indigo Rebellion (Indigo Revolts) comprised widespread peasant uprisings in Bengal from 1839 to 1860 against rapacious planters of the indigo crop that are viewed by historians as important events giving rise to the early Indian nationalist movement. With the growth of the textile industry after the Industrial Revolution, dyeing of clothes became an important branch of apparel manufacturing. From the time of the East India Company, British planters had been settling in parts of India. The planters started taking a keen interest in indigo when the supply of indigo from other sources dried up and India emerged as the largest exporter of the crop. They established
kuthis
(large concerns) in different parts of Bengal. The biggest concern, the India Indigo Company, was established in Nadia‐Jessore‐Khulna. The European planters induced Bengali
ryots
(peasants) to reserve a part of their land to grow indigo by making small payments as
dadon
(an advance) to be adjusted against final payment at the time of delivery. Once the
ryot
took the advance, as happened extensively over several districts of Bengal, like Jessore, Nadia, and Pabna, the
ryot
was in the clutches of the planter. When taking produce to the planter's factory, people were cheated by dealers who used distorted scales. The value of the produce was calculated at rates far below market price. After the deductions, including the value of revenue stamps used in the agreement papers, the cost of seed supplied by the planter, and transport charges, the
ryot
often ended up with no profits, or even a net debt to the planter on account of the advances given. For all practical purposes a debt bondage developed in the planter‐dominated areas, being handed down from father to son. Attempts to break away from the tyranny of indigo planters were tackled by sending in armed
lathiyals
(retainers), who would beat up the peasant and his family members and destroy his crops. The peasants had no access to the legal system.
Indochina, World War II and Liberation in
Authors: Hémery Daniel
Published: September 2017

World War II rang the death knell of the European colonial empire. However, decolonization was deferred for French Indochina. The beginning of the end of the French colonial empire in Indochina was signaled by the cataclysmic collapse of France in June 1940, followed by a brief Franco‐Thai war arbitrated by Tokyo to benefit Bangkok in May 1941. On September 23, 1940 the Phuc Quoc (National Restoration) nationalists with the assistance of the Japanese army launched a short but intense attack on Lang Son in Northern Vietnam on September 23. The Phuc Quoc entered Tonkin with the Japanese army confident that they were commencing the liberation of their country.
I
ndonesian Pro‐Democracy Protests
Authors: Lane Max
Published: September 2017

With the rise of the Suharto military regime at the end of the Indonesian revolution new policies were enacted to further the suppression of the left. Once the immediate threat of social revolution had been dealt with, the new counterrevolutionary government began a political restructuring aimed at ending any form of open mobilization politics. A ban on villagers participating in any party activity at all – except voting at election time – was central to institutionalizing political passivity. The village people, who formed the overwhelming majority of the population in 1965–75, were simply to work, produce, and have no political engagement.
I
ndonesian Protests Against Suharto Dictatorship
Authors: Lane Max
Published: September 2017

In 1965, Indonesia's largest student organizations were those affiliated to the leftist Indonesian Communist Party (Partai Komunis Indonesia, PKI) and Indonesian National Party (Partai Nasional Indonesia, PNI), which were suppressed by the new military dictatorship. This left the field to the Islamic Students' Association (HMI), ideologically aligned with Masyumi and “non‐political” groups, which forged an alliance in late 1965 as the Indonesian Students' Action Front (KAMI), which, backed by the army, campaigned against Sukarno and the PKI.
Indonesian Revolution and Counterrevolution
Authors: Lane Max
Published: September 2017

The fundamental process of forging an Indonesia emerged in the twentieth century with the emergence of a nationalist movement that created a state identity through revolution. The word Indonesia first came into general circulation in the 1920s. It was first introduced by a British naturalist in the nineteenth century, based on the Latin
Indus
for “India” and the Greek
nesos
for “island.” In this respect, the creation of Indonesia was a revolution in itself as an absolutely new entity was created, building on some minimal elements of the previous eras of history – in particular the interchange of goods and ideas between the islands – but more generally the processes of anti‐colonial revolution.
Industrial Workers of the World (
IWW
), Australia
Authors: Burgmann Verity
Published: September 2017

The Australian Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), an offshoot of the American IWW, achieved public notoriety and popularity amongst militant workers between 1907 and the 1920s. By 1916 it had about 2,000 members in a population of 4.5 million, but many more sympathizers. Only waged workers could join, so unemployment or domestic duties excluded many potential members. Its acerbic, lively newspaper,
Direct Action
, had a circulation of around 15,000. As in the US, IWW members addressed each other as “Fellow Workers” and were known as “Wobblies.” Leading members included Tom Barker, Tom Glynn, J. B. King, and Charlie Reeve.
Indymedia Global Justice Campaign, 2000s
Authors: Spicer André
Published: September 2017

Indymedia describes itself as “a network of collectively run media outlets for the creation of radical, accurate, and passionate tellings of the truth” (
www.indymedia.org
). It is made up of a network of over 150 local Indymedia Collectives (IMCs) around the world who publish and broadcast independent news and opinion. They largely do this through a series of local websites that allow members of the public to post news stories. The website of each IMC consists of an open newswire where articles posted by the public appear, a features section which picks out major stories, and a links section which includes connections to other IMCs and campaigns. IMCs also frequently engage in mobilizations for large protests or meetings. During these mobilizations, they often aim to provide a way activist groups can represent their own perspective on the events. IMCs often also run events such as film screenings, dance parties, and discussion groups. Finally, some collectives have sought to branch out into the distribution of other media such as print, radio, and film.
Infoshops
Authors: Vradis Antonios
Published: September 2017

Infoshops (sometimes also called social centers) are physical spaces serving as nodes for the distribution of anarchist and other radical material and the exercise of such ideas and practices. Infoshops exist across the world, with a particularly prominent presence in North America and Western Europe.
I
ngrao,
P
ietro (b. 1915)
Authors: Stampacchia Mauro
Published: September 2017

Pietro Ingrao was a prominent leader of the left wing of the Italian Communist Party (PCI), post‐World War II. Born in Lenola, Latium in 1915 to a family of declining landowners with Sicilian origins, his first interests were poetry and cinema. He won the 1934 Littoriali in Florence with a poem about the foundation of Littoria in the land reclamation of the Pontine. As a law student in Rome he used Littoriali to build the first anti‐fascist association, and soon came in contact with other anti‐fascist students: Paolo Bufalini, Franco Rodano, Lucio Lombardo Radice, Aldo Natoli, Antonello Trombadori, and Giuseppe De Santis. In the following years these students animated an anti‐fascist underground opposition in Rome (the Roman Group) and later became leaders in the PCI.
International Congress of Women at The Hague
Authors: Gamber Cayo
Published: September 2017

Eight months after the start of World War I, almost 1,500 women – from neutral and “belligerent” nations – congregated in the Netherlands for four days to discuss how to achieve international peace. From April 28 to May 1, 1915, at the International Congress of Women at The Hague, the participants concurred that international disputes “should be settled by pacific means” and “the parliamentary franchise should be extended to women” who then would have a say in deciding between war or peace. In spite of the fact that travel was made difficult by war, 12 nations participated with the following number of members: Australia, 6; Belgium, 5; Canada, 2; Denmark, 6; Germany, 28; Great Britain, 3 (180 others were prevented from attending due to the closing of the North Sea for military reasons); Hungary, 9; Italy, 1; the Netherlands, 1,000; Norway, 12; Sweden, 12; and the United States, 47. The women who gathered also received messages of solidarity from women from Argentina to Romania.
International Socialism: Mass Politics
Authors: Callahan Kevin J.
Published: September 2017

In the year 1848, as Europe was in the throes of liberal and national revolutions from Paris to Berlin to Vienna, two unlikely figures – a German philosopher named Karl Marx and the Rhenish industrial magnate Friedrich Engels – published a pamphlet in London with the clarion call “Workers of all countries, unite!” By the eve of World War I in 1914, the slogan of the famous Communist Manifesto had come to inspire the largest mass‐based political and social movement of the western, and perhaps the entire, world. International socialism was born.
International Women's Day
Authors: Boxer Marilyn J.
Published: September 2017

International Women's Day (IWD), celebrated annually on March 8 in dozens of countries and on every continent, originated in the revolutionary socialist movement of the early twentieth century. Commemorated today with tributes to outstanding women past and present, even in some places with gifts to sweethearts and spouses, the socialist heritage of IWD may be forgotten. But IWD first entered public discourse on August 27, 1910 in the form of a resolution presented to the International's Socialist Women's Conference held at Copenhagen. Meeting in conjunction with the Second International, that is, the Socialist International founded in 1889 to succeed the defunct First International (as the International Workingmen's Association founded in 1864 by Karl Marx was known), the women's group was led by German socialist Clara Zetkin. With her comrades, Zetkin submitted the following resolution:
Industrial Workers of the World, Marine Transport Workers
Authors: Bekken Jon
Published: September 2017

The Marine Transport Workers Industrial Union (MTW‐IWW) was a vital presence in the maritime industry from 1913 through the 1940s, organizing longshoremen throughout the Americas and establishing a network of union halls that served seamen on four continents. Although the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) established offshoots in many countries, the MTW was the IWW's only truly international industrial union. In addition to its US halls, the MTW maintained halls in Bremerhaven, Hamburg, and Stettin, Germany; Tampico, Mexico; Stockholm, Sweden; Adelaide and Sydney, Australia; Vancouver and Port Arthur, Canada; and Iquique and Valparaíso, Chile, for many years. In Germany, MTW members publishedDer Marine‐Arbeiterthrough 1930.
Internationals
Authors: Forman Michael
Published: September 2017

The Internationals were associations aimed at promoting, facilitating, and coordinating working‐class solidarity beyond national and local attachments. They served as the institutional embodiment of workers' internationalism and as the symbols of the labor movement. They were also the precursors of today's nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and of the World Social Forum, under whose banner internationalist globalization activists have gathered annually since 2001.
Iqbal, Muhammad (1877–1938)
Authors: Sulehria Farooq
Published: September 2017

Dr. Muhammad Iqbal, reverentially known as
Allama
(Sage), is unquestionably one of the most important twentieth‐century Urdu poets. While Pakistan claims Iqbal to be its national poet, responsible for conceiving the idea of Pakistan, India takes pride in Iqbal's masterpiece “Tarana‐e‐Hindi” (The Song of India); in fact, Iqbal died nearly ten years before the creation of Pakistan and the division of the Indian subcontinent in 1947. Iqbal was highly critical of capitalism, and paid glowing tributes to Karl Marx and Lenin. He was, however, a devout Muslim, and never associated with atheistic Bolshevism. While declaring the Qur'an a panacea for all ills and capitalism a curse to this world, Iqbal rejected the destruction of capitalism. The Progressive Writers' movement in Pakistan was divided over Iqbal's legacy. While a large majority of progressives disowned Iqbal, stalwarts like Faiz Ahmed Faiz defended him as a Muslim intellectual who sought to cleanse the House of God of all false idols; others viewed him as an obscurantist
mullah
, a withdrawn mystic, and a demagogue.