bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Social Movements, Framing Processes, and Cultural Revitalization and Fabrication
Authors: Snow David , Tan Anna , Owens Peter
Published: April 2020

We advance an understanding of the dynamic relationship between social movements, culture, and change by identifying and illustrating cultural revitalization and fabrication as two important cultural change processes. We also suggest that they are linked to and facilitated by the interpretive processes of frame articulation and elaboration. Analytically, cultural revitalizations and fabrications are the processes to be explained, whereas frame articulation and elaboration are the explanatory mechanisms. Both sets of processes and their intersection are empirically illustrated with a variety of case materials drawn from social and religious movements throughout history, ranging from early Christianity to the contemporary white racialist movement.
Past Activism, Party Pressure, and Ideology: Explaining the Vote to Deploy Korean Troops to Iraq
Authors: Kim Sookyung , Chang Paul , Shin Gi-Wook
Published: April 2020

Studies have found that participation in social movements has long-term consequences for individuals' personal life choices and political beliefs. An important but understudied subject in this literature is the impact of past activism on political behavior in an institutional context. The entry of past activists into Korea's National Assembly offers a unique opportunity to assess the continuing effects of movement participation in the context of institutional politics. Analyzing roll call data related to Korea's participation in the Iraq War, we explore the relative effects of movement participation and institutional pressure after accounting for legislators' current ideological positions. Results from regression analyses show that while party and ideology remain strong predictors of voting behavior, past participation in social movements continues to influence political action. This study extends the scope of research on the consequences of social movements by pointing to the impact of movement participation on political behavior in an institutional setting.
Computer-Aided Content Analysis of Digitally Enabled Movements
Authors: Hanna Alexander
Published: April 2020

With the emergence of the Arab Spring and the Occupy movements, interest in the study of movements that use the Internet and social networking sites has grown exponentially. However, our inability to easily and cheaply analyze the large amount of content these movements produce limits our study of them. This article attempts to address this methodological lacuna by detailing procedures for collecting data from Facebook and presenting a class of computer-aided content analysis methods. I apply one of these methods in the analysis of mobilization patterns of Egypt's April 6 youth movement. I corroborate the method with in-depth interviews from movement participants. I conclude by discussing the difficulties and pitfalls of using this type of data in content analysis and in using automated methods for coding textual data in multiple languages.
"We Knew Our Time Had Come": The Dynamics of Threat and Microsocial Ties in Three Polish Ghettos Under Nazi Oppression
Authors: Soyer Michaela
Published: April 2020

Relying on interviews with Jews who were interned in three Polish ghettos during World War II—Piotrokow, Tarnow, and Lachwa—this study clarifies the mechanism by which the perception of threat can motivate collective resistance. As these data show, the normal response to extreme oppression is a reliance on microsocial ties to secure survival; available resources are focused on the protection of those ties rather than committed to collective resistance. Under specific, contingent structural circumstances, however, an unequivocal perception of threat can align this desire to protect the microsocial unit with a commitment to collective action. In Piotrokow and Tarnow, structural factors counteracted the perception of immediate threat. The survival of the microsocial unit appeared to be best secured by individual strategies of action. In Lachwa, the survival of the microsocial unit seemed to be tied to collective resistance, leading to a violent collective uprising against the Nazis.
A Neglected Mechanism of Social Movement Political Influence: The Role of Anticorporate and Anti-Institutional Protest in Changing Government Policy
Authors: Young Kevin , Schwartz Michael
Published: April 2020

Studies of the impact of social movements on government policy usually assume that the most effective strategy to win a reform is to directly pressure the elected politicians responsible for its legislation and implementation. We highlight an alternative, less intuitive way in which movements can exert political influence: by targeting the corporate and institutional adversaries of their proposed reforms. Such targeting can undermine their adversaries' ability or commitment to oppose the changes, thus relaxing the contrary pressure applied to politicians and reducing the resistance within government to progressive reform. We support this proposition by highlighting five instances in which mass pressure applied to institutional adversaries contributed to government policy change. Our analysis demonstrates that mass protest targeting large institutions whose leaders are not elected can be an effective and even primary strategy for compelling elected officials to enact and implement progressive policy change.
Systematizing Research Findings on Collective Behavior and Social Movements
Authors: Lofland John
Published: April 2020

If it is reasonable to think of collective behavior and social movement (CBSM) studies as the production, organization, and cumulation of research findings, why are there so few efforts to carry out the second and third of these tasks, those of organizing and cumulating findings? One answer is that very few CBSM scholars in fact think in such terms. Instead, many if not most order CBSM in terms of other principles and these principles compete among themselves and with the goals of systematizing and cumulating research findings. In this article, I explain six of these competing principles and contrast them with the goal of systematizing research findings. I then explain four strategic and six operational decisions faced by anyone who does want to organize and cumulate CBSM research.
The Media Politics of Social Protest
Authors: Sampedro Víctor
Published: April 2020

The relationship between political agenda building and media agenda building is examined with reference to mobilization of the Spanish antimilitary movement between 1976-1993. Three models of media-state relations are discussed in terms of possible media outcomes of social protest. These models are used to examine political and media agenda building in relation to movement challenges. An analysis of the coverage of the antimilitary movement by three national dailies demonstrates that political opportunity structures shape media opportunity structures. There are, however, small windows of opportunity when the causal effect works in the other direction. Media structures can help a movement open, reset, and sometimes block official policies. Media opportunities, however, do not remain favorable in the long run because government elites can bureaucratize and trivialize movement challenges, thereby reducing their newsworthiness. Institutionalized media abide by journalistic rules that tend to validate the political class and, in the long run, dilute social protest.
Dynamics of Repression and Mobilization: The German Extreme Right in The 1990s
Authors: Koopmans Ruud
Published: April 2020

In spite of the centrality of the relationship between repression and mobilization to our understanding of state-movement interactions, the literature has not even come close to providing conclusive answers. A variety of competing models exists, each of which can claim some theoretical plausibility and empirical support. This inconclusiveness seems to derive from the general level of analysis in many studies and from insufficient empirical acknowledgment of the interactive and dynamic nature of the repression-mobilization nexus. This paper aims to avoid these problems by presenting a detailed analysis of the interaction between the mobilization of the German extreme right and the different forms of repression that state authorities have reactively applied. Two types of repression—institutional and situational—and their impacts on two types of mobilization—violent and nonviolent—are distinguished and analyzed both cross-sectionally, by comparing the sixteen German federal states, and diachronically, through a time-series analysis for the period 1990-1994. The results consistently show that the two types of repression have very different impacts on mobilization. Whereas situational police repression as a direct reaction to mobilization events had an escalating effect, more indirect, institutional repress-sion such as bans of organizations and demonstrations or trials and court rulings against activists had a clear negative impact on the extreme right's level of mobilization. The article discusses several reasons for this relative effectiveness of institutional repression, including its greater degree of consistency and legitimacy as well as its preventive focus on mobilizing structures.
Collective Life and Social Change in The GDR
Authors: Deess E.
Published: April 2020

Research into East Germany's 1989 collapse often uses models developed for Western social movements which emphasize social movement organizations and activists. This approach may neglect important aspects of the social organization of everyday life in repressive contexts and how these affect social movement processes. Unlike the West, East Germany built social life around state-sponsored groups, called collectives, and these had a marked effect on the development of the opposition. Research presented here, based on interviews and archival documents, shows how collective discussions, although never oppositional in the fullest sense, facilitated grievance construction and an awareness of common political exclusion. Over the course of time, especially after Gorbachev's reforms, these practices laid the groundwork for mobilization in the relative absence of an opposition movement. Without understanding the concealed social movement processes operating within collective groups, the state's sudden, and peaceful, collapse is not easily explained.
Protest Intentions on the Eve of South Africa's First Nonracial Elections: Optimists Look Beyond Injustice
Authors: Roefs Marlene , Klandermans Bert , Olivier Johan
Published: April 2020

In fall 1994 South Africa was preparing for its first nonracial, democratic elections. Uncertainty about the future characterized the political and social climate. Would the ANC be capable of governing? What would the conservative white population do? Would Buthulezi's Inkatha Freedom Party participate? Would violence continue? This article examines how, in a situation of maximum uncertainty, optimism or pessimism about the future influenced willingness to protest. Using random samples of Africans (n=1252) and whites (n=600), interviews were conducted in the weeks before the elections. Among African respondents, optimism/pessimism moderated the impact that feelings of relative deprivation, mistrust in government, and perceived lack of influence on government had on the reported intention to participate in militant protest. Concerning moderate collective action, differing expectations for the future only changed the correlation between perceived influence and willingness to participate. Except for dissatisfaction among white respondents, optimism/pessimism affected the correlations for both moderate and militant protest. Among whites, dissatisfaction was not related to preparedness for moderate action, irrespective of expectations for the future. The results are interpreted in terms of social justice and relative deprivation theories.
Union Responses to Nafta in the US and Canada: Explaining Intra- and International Variation
Authors: Dreiling Michael , Robinson Ian
Published: April 2020

In this article we ask why some unions in Canada and the United States were more actively opposed to NAFTA than others, and why these "activist" unions differed in the strategies that they adopted for fighting NAFTA and in the alternatives that they offered to it. We ask the same questions about differences between the U.S. and Canadian labor movements as embodied in the rhetoric and behavior of their central federations. We distinguish four union "types" on two dimensions: the inclusiveness of union leaders' collective identity (i.e., the kinds of workers that the union actively seeks to organize), and the radicalness of union leaders' moral economy (i.e., how critical the union is of the status quo political economy). We hypothesize that differences in union type, so defined, explain a significant part of the variation in the levels of union activism against NAFTA in both countries, as well as differences in strategies of opposition. Differences in the relative strength of union types is also hypothesized to be an important factor explaining strategic differences between the two national labor federations. We use statistical analysis of survey data, as well as qualitative analysis of institutional variables, to operationalize and assess these hypotheses. We find considerable support for them.
Taking Ownership of Environmental Problems: How Local Nimby Groups Expand Their Goals
Authors: Shemtov Ronit
Published: April 2020

Frame theory and social-constructionist concepts are used to explain how local, environmental NIMBY (not-in-my-backyard) groups expand their narrow, reactive goals. NIMBYs may expand their goals by becoming "proactive" in orientation, i.e., initiating broader environmental programs that are new to the community. They can also expand to "watchdog" goals by actively monitoring every environmentally threatening plan. Using interview and survey data collected from leaders and members (N = 113) of six environmental NIMBY groups, fixed-goal NIMBYs are compared with ones that became proactive or watchdog in orientation. It is proposed that activists' rhetorical ability to take "ownership of a social problem" away from local and state authorities causes their groups to become "watchdog" or "proactive" in orientation. Ownership solidifies diagnostic, prognostic and motivational framing, thereby making expanded or future action more likely. Activists "own" a diagnosis by claiming to be experts on broader environmental problems. They "own" a prognosis by implementing their own solutions. They "own" a motivation frame by taking the burden of responsibility to act on future diagnoses and prognoses. Ownership creates rhetorical opportunities for local NIMBY groups to expand their goals by providing activists an independent, moral language to address environmental problems.
Rethinking Recruitment to High-Risk/Cost Activism: The Case of Nicaragua Exchange
Authors: Nepstad Sharon , Smith Christian
Published: April 2020

We report the findings of our research on differing levels of movement involvement by focusing on participation in a high-risk/cost campaign mobilized by Nicaragua Exchange, a solidarity organization in the U.S.-Central America peace movement of the 1980s. Our data confirm the importance of relational ties in high-risk activism, yet raise questions about the relevance of biographical availability and the unique functions of organizational ties. We argue that McAdam's model is an important advance in our understanding of the factors that facilitate high-risk/cost activism, yet its micro-structural approach does not sufficiently account for human agency and individual abilities to negotiate and overcome barriers to activism.
From Local to Global: The Anti-Dam Movement in Southern Brazil, 1979-1992
Authors: Rothman Franklin , Oliver Pamela
Published: April 2020

A case study of the anti-dam movement in southern Brazil shows how particular local mobilizations are linked to national and global economics, politics, and social movements. In the early stages, the progressive church was the predominant influence and was largely responsible for framing the key issue as peasants' right to land, while left intellectuals contributed a class analytical frame. After 1988, the weakening of the regional power company ELETROSUL, the crisis of the Left after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the defeat of the agrarian reform movement, the rise of national and international ecology movements, and the anti-dam movement's need for a broader political and financial base all contributed to the adoption of a broadened and more pro-active land/energy/ecology frame and an alliance with international environmentalism.
The Strategies and Contexts of Social Protest: Political Mediation and the Impact of the Townsend Movement in California
Authors: Amenta Edwin , Halfmann Drew , Young Michael
Published: April 2020

We contend that the collective action of state-oriented challengers is politically mediated, and that the impact of collective action will differ according to political contexts. More specifically, we argue that mobilization and limited protest will yield collective benefits in specified favorable political circumstances; more assertive action is required in specified less favorable circumstances. In addition to specifying these arguments, we go some distance toward appraising them, by examining the Townsend Movement, an American old-age pension challenger of the 1930s and 1940s, and the politics of old-age pensions in California. Historical, "similar systems," and regression analyses indicate that the movement had an impact on California old-age policy that varied according to the expectations of our political mediation arguments.
The Return of The Actor. Interaction Networks Among Social Actors During Periods of High Mobilization (Italy, 1919-1922)
Authors: Franzosi Roberto
Published: April 2020

In a book titled Le retour de l'acteur (The Return of the Actor), French sociologist, Alain Touraine, writes that "the object of sociology is to explain the behavior of actors by the social relations in which they are placed … . It is the relation, not the actor, that we must study." In this paper, I follow up on the prescriptions of that view of sociology's mission. I illustrate the empirical results of statistical analyses based on network models of event data for the years of high working-class mobilization (1919-20, the "red years") and Fascist counter-mobilization (1921-22, the "black years") in Italy. The data were collected from a newspaper on the basis of a "semantic grammar," the simple linguistic structure centered around subjects, actions, objects and their attributes. That structure, which has at its core Touraine's concern with social actors and relations, allows investigators to go "from words to numbers." The analysis of those numbers confirms the historians' view of that period, the dramatic shift in patterns of collective behavior from the "red years" to the "black years." The analyses also provide some preliminary evidence on the explanatory power of various social science theories of mobilization and of Fascism. More broadly, the paper explores some of the epistemological consequences of relying on story grammars and network models as tools for the collection and analysis of narrative data.
Political Claims Analysis: Integrating Protest Event and Political Discourse Approaches
Authors: Koopmans Ruud , Statham Paul
Published: April 2020

Starting from a critique of protest event and political discourse analysis, we propose an extended methodological approach that has the quantitative rigor of event analysis but also retrieves the qualitative discursive elements of claims. Our political claims approach extends the sample of contentious actions beyond protest event analysis by coding institutional and civil society actors, and conventional and discursive action forms, in addition to protests by movement actors, This redefines the research object to acts of political claims making in a multi-organizational field. We use examples from a research project on mobilization about migration and ethnic relations in Britain and Germany to demonstrate the analytic gains that are possible with our approach. By situating protest and social movements, not just theoretically but also methodologically, in a wider context of political claims making, we are in a better position to follow the recent calls for more integrated approaches, which place protest within multi-organizational fields, link it to political opportunities and outcomes, and are sensitive to discursive messages.
Under The Spotlight: The Impact of Media Attention on Protest Policing
Authors: Wisler Dominique , Giugni Marco
Published: April 2020

Explanations of protest policing have neglected the "spotlight of the media." Based on data on repression and its media coverage in four Swiss cities from 1965 to 1994, our findings suggest that the mass media do have an impact on levels and forms of repression, along with political opportunity dimensions and levels of disruption. We identify two mechanisms. First, we show that the symbolic battles waged by protest groups and their outcomes affect the level of repression these groups face. More specifically, depending on whether the civil-rights or the law-and-order scenario wins in the public sphere, the police adopt different postures when facing disorders. Second, the police are also shown to be vulnerable to an increase of media attention during a protest campaign. When protest becomes a blind spot in the public sphere, repression increases.
The Making of The White March: The Mass Media as a Mobilizing Alternative to Movement Organizations
Authors: Walgrave Stefaan , Manssens Jan
Published: April 2020

The White March in Brussels on October 20, 1996 left many social scientists speechless. They witnessed by far the largest demonstration in Belgian history, 300,000 participants, but were struck by the total absence of any mobilization machinery. This article's thesis is that the press acted as an adequate alternative to intermediary organizations and, as such, was responsible for the huge success of the White March. Focusing on the coverage of the Dutroux case in five Belgian newspapers during the three months leading up to the demonstration, we argue that there is sufficient evidence that the media co-produced the White March. We demonstrate empirically how the different thresholds of central conventional mobilization theory were passed by the press, and conclude with a theoretical discussion on the circumstances favorable for media-driven peak mobilizations.
Hinges in Collective Action: Strategic Innovation in The Pittston Coal Strike
Authors: Beckwith Karen
Published: April 2020

Employing the case of the United Mine Workers of America (UMWA) 1989-1990 strike against the Pittston Coal Group, this article examines the UMWA collective action repertoire and the possibility of its transformation during the strike. The concepts of modularity and collective action repertoire highlight the UMWA's experimentation with different collective actions, its importation of actions new to the union, and its elimination of unsuccessful or high-risk elements that had been part of the union's conventional strike practices. This article introduces the concept of a "hinge in collective action" as a way of understanding changes in the UMWA's change in repertoire, and concludes with reflections on directions for future research.
Transnational Political Processes and Contention Against the Global Economy
Authors: Ayres Jeffrey
Published: April 2020

Research on transnational contention has largely overlooked how global economic negotiations and arrangements shape transnational dissent. In this article I examine how neoliberal economic arrangements structure transnational activism. I first describe neoliberalism as an important facet of economic globalization, and then suggest why neoliberal accords have become lightning rods for protest. I propose that transnational opposition to neoliberalism is supported by the growth of transnational mobilizing structures, as well as by the internationalization of political opportunities. For illustration, I draw upon qualitative research on the tactics of Canadian activists over more than fifteen years of sustained protest against trade and investment accords. I conclude by affirming that the link between international political processes and the rise of transnational social movement organizations and coalitions will mean significant transnational mobilizations in the future. I also caution against drawing premature conclusions about the long-term durability of these transnational alliances. Further research on recent anti-WTO and IMF protests will give a fuller picture of the roles played by these transnational alliances.
Globalizing Resistance: The Battle of Seattle and the Future of Social Movements
Authors: Smith Jackie
Published: April 2020

The massive protests at the Third Ministerial Meeting of the World Trade Organization in November 1999 resulted from broad and accelerating changes in global social and political relations. Many protesting groups had been involved in previous struggles for global economic justice that shaped their identities and strategies in Seattle. This study examines the participants, activities, and political context of the "Battle of Seattle." It explores the transnational activist linkages and suggests that a division of labor was present whereby groups with local and national ties took on mobilization roles while groups with routinized transnational ties provided information and frames for the struggle. An examination of the tactics used in Seattle suggests that national protest "repertoires" have been adapted for use in global political arenas. There is also some evidence of protest innovation in response to global political integration and technology. While this study encompasses only a single protest episode, it suggests that increasing globalization and transnational protests have enduring effects on the organization and character of social movements.
Mobilization Against Large Techno-Industrial Projects: A Comparative Perspective
Authors: Rucht Dieter
Published: April 2020

In recent decades, large techno-industrial projects such as power stations, dams, and airports have been confronted with fierce opposition. Resistance against such projects, however, also occurred in earlier periods, though in different forms. This article overviews both historical and contemporary oppositional groups fighting against large projects. When looking at the long-term development over roughly a century, it becomes obvious that resistance against large projects has changed profoundly. In earlier periods, resistance occurred in relatively few cases, was mostly confined to small territories, included few people, and was generally moderate in its forms of action. In recent decades, another picture prevails. Resistance is nearly ubiquitous; it ranges from the local to the national and, sometimes, the international level; it can involve masses of people from very different social strata; it is based on a broad spectrum of mostly interlinked groups; and it may include disruptive and even violent forms of action. For several reasons related to the protesters themselves and their wider environment, efforts to prevent or reduce the negative impacts of large projects have changed greatly from the first half of the twentieth century.
Changing Forms of Environmentalism In Italy: The Protest Campaign on The High Speed Railway System
Authors: Porta Donatella , Andretta Massimiliano
Published: April 2020

This article focuses on a protest campaign against the building of a high-speed railway in Tuscany, a region characterized by a "red" territorial subculture, that is, a dense network of associations and local institutions associated with the main left-wing party. The eight-year long protest campaign involved formal environmental movement organizations as well as parties and local institutional actors that often staged protests. The main actors of the campaign were, however, the local environmental movement organizations that were formed in most of the areas directly menaced by the project. Looking at the historical evolution of protest campaign, the authors investigate cooperation and competition inside the movement between the ideologically "purer" environmental organizations and the more moderate forms of action on the one hand, and the local, single-issue, and sometimes NIMBY groups that were more prone to protest, on the other. Drawing on a political process approach, the dynamics of the protest are explained by reference to a multilevel policy-making process, involving local, national, and even international political institutions. Moreover, a distinction is introduced between political opportunities and policy opportunities, all framed within the local political culture. Protest event analysis allows to relate the different repertoires with the changing set of resources and opportunities for the various actors in the different steps of the policy making process.
Secret Voting and Political Emotions
Authors: Barbalet J.
Published: April 2020

The ballot is typically thought to be the least interesting and most unproblematic political institution. Nevertheless, the pervasive assumption, that secret voting keeps elections free of corruption and intimidation, is erroneous. Through a discussion of the debates and issues surrounding the passage of the Ballot Act of 1872, and of the ballot in general, a new interpretation is developed of the background and consequences of secret voting. It is shown that particular emotions are crucial in support for the ballot, and, more important, that a major impact of the ballot is the production of a characteristic set of emotional patterns that have consequences not just for the act of voting itself, but for the wider structure of the political system and its operations.
Trend Report: The Contentious French
Authors: Neveu Erik
Published: April 2020

Anglophone scholars often miss the important contributions to social movement studies by French researchers. This is especially true since the early nineties when numerous books and articles presented findings that are highly relevant to the international community of social movement researchers. Although the variety of fieldwork, topics, and approaches challenges efforts to synthesize, this report organizes recent trends in French social movement research by four thematic groupings: (1) the question of violence—its demise as a repertoire and the "civilizing of policing"; (2) changes in activism and militant behaviors—which focuses on new styles of commitment; (3) new social movements—referring less to a perspective than to movement types, such as immigrant, expert, and transnational movements; and (4) the biographical turn—a shift toward the subjective and "micro" dimensions of ideologies, life stories, and lived experiences.
Allies On the Road to Victory: Coalition Formation Between The Suffragists and The Woman's Christian Temperance Union
Authors: McCammon Holly , Campbell Karen
Published: April 2020

Social movement organizations frequently enter into coalitions with other movement groups. Yet few movement scholars have investigated the circumstances that foster coalition work. This article analyzes both the contextual and organizational factors that spurred coalitions between women's suffrage organizations and Woman's Christian Temperance Unions in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as they worked to win voting rights for women. We find that circumstances that threatened the goals of these organizations led to coalitions, while political opportunities did not produce coalition work. In addition, organizational resources and ideologies also influenced the likelihood of the emergence of a coalition.
Bringing The Outsiders In: Opponents' Claims and The Construction of Animal Rights Activists' Identity
Authors: Einwohner Rachel
Published: April 2020

Most research on the role of identity in social movements treats identity as something that is constructed solely by movement participants themselves. However, participants are not the only actors involved in this identity construction. This article uses basic insights from symbolic interactionism to argue that external claims, or claims made about movement participants by those outside the movement, also shape activists' sense of identity. Using data collected during three years of fieldwork with members of a non-violent animal rights organization, I show how the activists made use of their opponents' depictions of them—in particular, charges that the activists were "overly emotional" and "irrational"—when describing themselves. Specifically, I illustrate two processes by which these external claims left their mark on the activists' identity: identity disconfirmation and identity recasting. More broadly, I suggest that "bringing the outsiders in" to examinations of identity and collective action provides a more complete picture not simply of identity construction but of movement dynamics as a whole.
Trial By Space: The Spatial Politcs Of Citizenship And Social Movements In Urban Brazil
Authors: Guidry John
Published: April 2020

This article compares two social movements in Brazil to demonstrate how movements ground citizenship claims in the spaces of everyday life. It draws on Henri Lefebvre's concept of "trial by space," showing how movements contest the way that constitutionally guaranteed citizenship rights are limited in the spaces where people live, work, and play. First, the neighborhood movement of Aurá, a poor community in Belém's periphery, grounds its citizenship claims in demands for urban services that are commonly found in wealthier neighborhoods of the city center. Second, the movement for children's and adolescents' rights—in Belém and nationally—mobilizes around the implementation of the national Statute of the Child and Adolescent. It seeks just treatment of youths through equalization of citizenship rights and practices across the dispersed spaces of the street and house.
Space And Contentious Politics
Authors: Martin Deborah , Miller Byron
Published: April 2020

Drawing upon the work of McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Lefebvre, and others, we argue that analysis of political contention dynamics can benefit from attention to the spatial constitution and context of social, political, and economic processes, and the ways in which these processes are spatially experienced and contested. We contend that spatial processes are inseparable from, and constitutive of, social processes. Starting from the central geographic concepts of space, place, and scale, we discuss how a spatial perspective can produce more illuminating understandings of how people perceive, shape, and act upon grievances and opportunities. We demonstrate the utility of a spatial perspective through an examination of ways in which space is implicated in the operation of several mechanisms identified by McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly. Finally, we introduce the papers included in this special issue on space and contentious politics, discussing the ways each author finds place, space, and scale to be bound up in the dynamics of political contention.
To The Internet, From The Internet: Comparative Media Coverage Of Transnational Protests
Authors: Almeida Paul , Lichbach Mark
Published: April 2020

We compare activist-based internet data with four other media sources—Lexis Nexis Academic Universe, The Seattle Times, Global Newsbank, and The New York Times—on their coverage of the local, national, and international protests that accompanied the World Trade Organization's (WTO) Third Ministerial Conference in Seattle, Washington in late 1999. Using the Media Sensitivity-Protest Intensity Model of event reporting, we find that activist-based web sites report a greater number of transnational protest events at the local, national, and international level. We also find that activist-based websites are less positively influenced by the intensity properties of protest events. In the age of globalization, research on transnational movements should therefore combine conventional media sources and activist-based web sources.
Social Movement Policy Success: Decriminalizing State Sodomy Laws, 1969–1998
Authors: Kane Melinda
Published: April 2020

This study provides an event history analysis of the factors contributing to a social movement's ability to influence pubic policy. More specifically, the study presents a quantitative, historical examination of the influence of national, state, and local gay and lesbian movements on the decriminalization of state sodomy laws, an important goal of the movement, from 1969 to 1998. Drawing from political opportunity models, resource mobilization theory, and theories of cultural opportunity, the study explores the importance of political conditions, social movement characteristics, and the larger cultural context on the ability of the gay and lesbian movement to achieve its goals. The analyses demonstrate that all three factors have some influence on the likelihood of sodomy law decriminalization, but most importantly, political opportunity and movement characteristics work together to bring about success. During periods of political opportunity, the size and tactics of the lesbian and gay movement influenced the likelihood of success.
Joining the Cocktail Circuit: Social Movement Organizations at the European Union
Authors: Lahusen Christian
Published: April 2020

Although social movement organizations have established themselves successfully on the European level, there is dispute whether the European Union is conducive or detrimental to movement politics. One view is that the EU's particular opportunity structures and styles of policy making subvert unconventional forms of action and participation, thus transforming social movements into a fragmented field of individual interest groups and lobbies. This article critically assesses this perspective. It traces these processes, showing that they were indeed part and parcel of the gradual Europeanization of social movements during the 1970s and 1980s. It then presents evidence that, in the aftermath of the Single European Act of 1986, the European movement sector began moving towards a more integrated multi-level structure. Data drawn from interviews with Euro-level movement activists and EU functionaries present a picture of this new interorganizational structure and multi-level action forms with reference to the European groups working on environmental protection, and human and social rights. It is argued that the present developments stress sectorial and cross-sectorial networking, self-regulation, and common policy deliberation.
Study of Relationship of Anemia among Edentulous Patients
Authors: Isaac Lijo , Raj A. P. Nirmal , Karkera Reshma , Reddy R Naveen
Published: April 2020

Very little studies were done on relationship of the dental status and the nutritional status. The present study was done to study relation between edentulism and the presence of anemia. The study was included of 46 adult patients with edentulism and same numbers of patients were taken as controls. The results were tabulated and analyzed with the help of IBM SPSS statistics 20 using student’s t test. The hemoglobin levels were lower in the edentulous patients that that of the control group. The present study had shown that the nutritional status were poor resulting in anemia in case of edentulous patients as compared to control group with the same age group.
Accidental Swallowing of a Single Tooth Metal Crown of a Tooth in 38 Year Old Male Patient: A Case Report
Authors: Ali Fareedi Mukram , Sabir Mohammed Mojammel Hussain , Gohal Muneeera Rashed Ali , Ageeli Tayeb Ahmed Tayeb , Mobarki Abdulaziz Hussain
Published: April 2020

Aspiration or ingestion of the foreign body is one of the serious emergency situations in dental practitioner’s point of view. Various dental materials, appliances or instruments which are smaller in size and other foreign bodies can come under this category. Foreign body ingestion or aspiration should be looked seriously, as complications can arise and patient may also require immediate surgical interventions in certain conditions. Every dental practitioner should know the basic management protocol for such situations. The present article reports a case of accidental ingestion of the metal crown, while removing on the dental chair.
Biosynthesis of Gold Nanoparticle using Cell-free Extract of Clinical Isolates Staphylococcus Aureus and Escherichia Coli
Authors: Valentina Y. , Rather Mohd Yousuf , Yogamoorthi A.
Published: April 2020

Present study reports on biological synthesis of gold nanoparticles using cell free extract of Staphylococcus aureus and Escherichia coli. The cold extract is allowed to react with both 1mM and 10 mM solutions of HAuCl4 which showed a colour change from yellow to dark cherry red after 1 hr. Gold nanoparticle formation is confirmed with UV-Visible spectrophotometer at 547nm.The 10mM concentration is found to be better for synthesis of more NPs using E. coli. XRD pattern exhibited 2θ values38.18o, 44.39o, 64.58o, 77.55o of 2θ value, corresponding to Bragg’s diffraction at 111, 200, 220 and 311 plane of lattice structure closely matching with the standard values given in ICDD reference file. SEM analysis revealed morphological characteristics of nanoparticles of different sizes ranging from 70 to 200 nm. Thus, the present study throws new light on the suitability of E. coli as an alternative for conventional methods of chemical synthesis of gold nanoparticles.
The Golden Stag Festival in Ceausescu’s Romania (1968-1971)
Authors: Matei Alexandru
Published: April 2020

After his appointment as leader of the Romanian Communist Party in 1965,
Ceausescu was very interested in gathering popular support for his economic
plans. It was in this context that Romanian television could contribute for
a short while to a liberalization of Romanian mass culture by means of
cultural and entertainment programmes. Between 1968 and 1972, Romanian
television (TVR) organized the international pop music festival ‘Cerbul de
Aur’ (the Golden Stag), which brought together some of the best European
singers at the time.
Live From Moscow
Authors: Lundgren Lars
Published: April 2020

On April 14th, 1961, television viewers across Europe watched live
images of Yuri Gagarin being celebrated on the Red Square in Moscow. The
broadcast was made possible by the linking of the Intervision and Eurovision
television networks, which was the result of cooperation between
broadcasters on both sides of the Iron Curtain. By looking into how the
co-operation between the OIRT and EBU was gradually developed between 1957
and 1961 this article engages with the interplay between cultural, legal and
technological aspects of broadcasting and how the transnational broadcast of
Gagarin’s return to Moscow was made possible. The article furthermore argues
the need to understand early television in Europe as a dialectic between the
national and the transnational and shows how the live transmission network
binding the East and West together was the result of an interplay between
structures provided by transnational organisations such as the OIRT and EBU,
and initiatives by national broadcasting organisations.
Transnational Relations Between The BBC And The WDR (1960-1969)
Authors: Potschka Christian
Published: April 2020

This paper addresses the relationship between the BBC Director-General
Hugh Carleton Greene and the director of the West German Broadcasting
Corporation (WDR) Klaus von Bismarck between 1960 and 1969. The thrust of
the article is to point out the great potential of evaluating interpersonal
relationships and their contribution to European perspectives on television
history. The research is situated within transnational television
historiography and it argues that the relationship between the two key
personalities is manifested in multiple interdependencies, exchanges, visits
and correspondences that exemplify the long-term British impact on the
German broadcasting system as well as the bilateral cordial relations
between the BBC and the WDR.
Tele-clubs and European Television History Beyond the Screen
Authors: Wagman Ira
Published: April 2020

This essay looks into the intellectual life of tele-clubs, the
collective television watching experiment prominent in France in the 1950s,
and its role in television studies. The article explores different
directions by analyzing tele-clubs as a moment in television history itself
and based on that, searching for a new method of studying television
history.
‘Remembering Our First TV Set’
Authors: Penati Cecilia
Published: April 2020

Personal memories represent a crucial source in outlining a history of
television audience. However, they are undoubtedly special historical tools,
and their interpretation requires particular cares and concerns. Relying on
interviews leaded on direct witnesses, the paper describes the advent of
television in the private space of the home in the mid fifties in Italy,
comparing personal memories with the interpretative repertoires filtered
down by the popular media system. The paper also tries to add a further
piece to a wider ‘European historical mosaic’, in seeking to relate some
aspects peculiar to the Italian scenario to a broader transnational
pattern.
The Production of Czechoslovakia´s Most Popular Television Serial
The Hospital On The Outskirts and its Post-1989
Repeats
Authors: Bednařík Petr
Published: April 2020

In 1970s and 1980s, the television serial "Hospital on the Outskirts"
achieved success with a large audience in Czechoslovakia as well as abroad.
In 1981, the West German television Norddeutscher Rundfunk even co-produced
the shooting of another 7 episodes. After the change of regime in 1989, the
series first made a comeback in the form of re-runs. And then at the
beginning of the 21st century, Czech Television produced a sequel named
“Hospital on the Outskirts After Twenty Years”. The sequel was introduced in
2003 and its release was accompanied by great anticipation of the audience
as well as reviewers. Czech Television shot more continuing episodes in 2008
– “Hospital on the Outskirts – New Life Stories”.
Looking for What You Are Looking for
Authors: Van Gorp Jasmijn
Published: April 2020

In this essay, the author reflects on her first search with the online
search system of the Netherlands Institute for Sound and Vision. It was part
of a pilot study on how media researchers use the audiovisual archive.
Consequently, her search was being logged, video taped and sound recorded,
she had to 'think aloud', and all of this in presence of a fellow researcher
from computer sciences who observed her search behaviour. By showing how she
found some relevant programmes between the more than 1.2 million items, this
article illustrates how archival finding by media researchers can be
understood as archival looking or ‘exploratory search’.
Memory, Television and the Making of the BBC’s The Story of
Wales
Authors: Blandford Steve , McElroy Ruth
Published: April 2020

The production of television history programming is a rich site for
examining the dynamic relationship between history and memory. This article
approaches these dynamics through original, empirical research of a specific
case study, BBC Wales’ The Story of Wales (Green Bay for BBC Wales 2012). It
analyses the commissioning, production and presentation of a landmark
national history programme within the specific context of a small nation
(Wales) and provides insights into how television intervenes in the
construction, revision and remembering of the national past. The role of
national histories in the construction of memory and national identity is
importance at a time when the legitimacy of nations and states is under
question and when governmental and political settlements are under
construction as is the case in the post-devolutionary United
Kingdom.