bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Suez Crisis and the Containment Policy
Authors: Fitzsimons M. A.
Published: August 2009

Since 1947 the major foreign policy of the United States government has been containment. This policy of creating situations of strength which would prevent the extension of Communist power and influence in the world was first proclaimed in the Truman Doctrine (March 12, 1947). The policy had been anticipated in 1946 when the battleship Missouri visited Turkey and some forty Mediterranean ports. In the course of this display the Missouri was joined by two aircraft carriers, seven cruisers, and eighteen destroyers. The early sensitivity to Soviet threats to the Middle East and its approaches, revealed in the Doctrine and that naval demonstration, was not consistently maintained at this time or later. Perhaps, indeed, American foreign policy only operates with fullest energy, when directly confronted with a serious Soviet threat. At any rate, it may be argued that for the period 1946–1955, when the Soviet Union was neither conspicuously active nor influential in the Middle East, United States policy contributed little to the solution or easing of the area's all but intractable problems. So to describe the problems is to propose a good excuse, but they were the problems, and, unfortunately, they did not wither from neglect or incantations.
The Catholic Publicist
Authors: Gurian Waldemar
Published: August 2009

In the progressive alienation of the modern world from Christianity and the Church, in what is described as intellectual secularization, the publicist plays a decisive role.* The mere mention of the name of Voltaire suggests what the significance of anti-Church publicist work may be. In the name of reason it appeals against the superstition of religion, in the name of justice it covers with contempt and ridicule the claims of tradition, it directs its attacks against existing institutions, and it contrasts the light of secular philosophy to the darkness of Church dogma. All that is done in a facile, universally understandable way. The enlightened publicist does not seek to make an impression on the learned. He does not try to astonish by the fullness of his knowledge. He tries to draw the public opinion of good society to his side and to gain it for his cause. With such assurance does he proceed that he seems to achieve his goal. An educated man who has been shaped by eighteenth century France cares to hear nothing more about the Church as a divine institution. Enlightenment and public opinion became the same thing. Public opinion simply coincided with what the Enlightened publicist prescribed for it. Indeed, it was already apparent in the eighteenth century that it is not a simple thing to decide what corresponds to reason, justice, and untutored human nature. In the name of a sentimental inner religion Rousseau fought against the negative Enlightenment of the Encyclopedists, the circle of Voltaire and Diderot. But this struggle changed nothing in the general situation. Public opinion remained decisive. It was selfevidently opposed to tradition generally and, thus, also to the Church. If the reader of Voltaire jeered and ridiculed religion, the reader of Rousseau shed tears over the Savoyard Vicar, who, in metamorphosing Church dogma into a religion of feeling and humanity, thus deprived religion of its substance. Both would hear nothing of that fosterer of superstition and that oppresser of knowledge, that Church against which they had set themselves up as priests of public opinion, as publicists.
A Faithful Friend
Authors: Maritain Jacques
Published: August 2009

Ours was an old friendship: it was nearly thirty years ago that I met Waldemar Gurian for the first time in Bonn. At that time he was a brilliantly promising young man. He was expected to play an important role in the intellectual renovation which seemed to be underway in Germany. All that was stopped by the coming of the Nazis, which forced him to leave his country. Thanks to the facilities offered him by the University of Notre Dame, Waldemar Gurian resumed his activities as a scholar and a teacher with a courage that I admired. I would like to express also my admiration for his staunch dedication to the principles of freedom, and for his work as an historian of ideas, as a political philosopher and as an expert in international affairs—with regard to Russian bolshevism especially. He had many other interests. His understanding of spiritual life was remarkably broad. His profound Catholic faith made it possible for him to overcome many painful trials, and it was this background of anxiety and nostalgia which, from the very beginning of our association, aroused in me a feeling of affection for him. The founding of the Review of Politics, and its development into a most remarkable work of scholarship, of broad and living understanding of contemporary events, of human and philosophic value and of doctrinal soundness are also traceable to his Catholic faith, as well as to his very firm sense for intellectual and scientific rigor. The death of Waldemar Gurian means to me the loss of a faithful friend, and it is with deep emotion that I pay tribute to his memory
Select Bibliography of Waldemar Gurian
Authors: Szczesniak B.
Published: August 2009

This bibliography contains the most important works of the late Professor Gurian and provides a picture of his scholarly achievements and his contribution to political and cultural thought. Dr. Gurian published a great number of articles and reviews in many English and foreign periodicals, encyclopaedias and journals. Some were signed with his pseudonyms: Hoplites, Walter Gerhart, Stefan Kirchmann. Some were only initialled or even anonymous. It would require long research to compile the complete bibliographical list of so distinguished a scholar, educator, journalist and editor. His valiant concern for justice and for an Aristotelian approach to culture and politics is thoroughly represented in The Review of Politics (abbreviated in the list as RP). Here he manifested the ripeness and power of his thought in many reviews of books, however short, and in articles dealing mainly with the problem of totalitarianism.
Modern Technique in Historical Development
Authors: Schnabel Franz
Published: August 2009

We are all aware that the teaching of history today has become a very problematical affair—due as much to the subject as to our times. For centuries and up to a few generations ago the situation was different. In former days the center of gravity of instruction was in ancient history; and this proved itself a magnificent medium for the education of youth. For the history of the Greek-Roman world is understandable to young people as no other area of history; and the ancient historians dispense with the details which preoccupy the moderns. Ancient history is constricted. It can be surveyed completely from its impenetrable dark beginnings to its definitive expiration. We look across the stage from the required distance. The extant source material is limited and of high intellectual content, not loaded up with state proceedings of kingdoms and principalities; the entire development culminates in the two high points—Athens and Rome—and unites them in magnificent harmony. As peers to their subject, the ancient historians have a taste for grand scenes, a taste for the wide contours of world history, for the simplicity and good proportions of form. They do not give too much criticism. They write as moralists and have their firm point of view. They present the universally human, the typical, man and his emotions, not mayhap the individual and his local surroundings; thus as depicted their people remain allied to us; everything can be surveyed and is even accessible to youth without further ado. Ancient history is less fertile than modern, but it is also less full of underbrush. Mighty strides have been made in historical studies since the last century; yet the newer kind is bought with sacrifices. The spirit of criticism has developed the finest methods. Every event of the past has become thoroughly complicated, burdened with controversies; in addition the results shift constantly. Nothing seems to be secure in history. And the spirit of individualization, without which a consideration of historical life can no longer exist, forces us to busy ourselves with the most diverse objects, so that the large outlines are obscured thereby and the integrity of events remains ambiguous.
The Theory of International Relations
Authors: Wandycz Piotr S.
Published: August 2009

The Science, or as others prefer to call it, the study of international relations is one of the youngest members of the family of the social sciences. Its independent status has not yet been fully recognized by all academic circles and many historians and international lawyers would consider it to be trespassing on their respective fields of study. This is especially true for Europe.
Premises of Modern African Politics
Authors: Crutcher John
Published: August 2009

Anthropologists, political scientists and sociologists have produced many excellent studies of political developments in modern Africa. Much, however, remains to be done; for work interpreting the meaning of modern African politics is barely under way. This essay seeks to contribute to that work. It analyzes African political thought and action in order to uncover the major premises that underlie African political phenomena, and it suggests that clarification of these premises is the necessary preliminary to an adequate theoretical interpretation of modern African politics.
Chile: Christian Democracy to Marxism
Authors: Francis Michael J. , Vera-Godoy Hernan
Published: August 2009

Increasingly alone as a stable republican nation in Latin America, Chile has long been a favorite subject for North American scholars and journalists. Every six years, as it faces a presidential election, the world press breathlessly rediscovers that this long slim country confronts its public problems within the framework of a developed, democratic political system. When in 1964 Chile placed a young idealistic party in power behind Eduardo Frei, an unquestionably intelligent figure of austere but charismatic bearing, this country became a favorite model for the advocates of democratic reformism in Latin America and soon was receiving the highest United States foreign aidper capitain Latin America. Thus it came as a shock that the Chilean electorate could turn its back on Frei's administration in 1970 by favoring the rightist and Marxist candidates. For those who saw in the government of Frei a basic alternative to Marxist models for Latin America, the free election of an avowed Marxist as the President of Chile presents additional problems.
Madame de Stael: Culture as Social Control
Authors: Golin Steve
Published: August 2009

What gives consistency to Madame de Staël's thought from 1795 to 1800, and makes it interesting today, is her sense that a new era has begun, in which art, philosophy and politics alike will become vehicles of integration. Beyond the creation of republican constitutions, institutions or authorities, she wanted to create new habits of respect and obedience. She saw that social and political control in the democratic era meant the control of the minds and feelings of the population. This insight gives coherence to her diverse and unsystematic works: an essay and a book on politics, Réflexions sur la Paix Intérieure (1795) and Des Circonstances Actuelles qui Peuvent Terminer la Révolution … (1799); a treatise on happiness, De l'Influence des Passions sur le Bonheur … (1796); and an essay and major study on literature, Essai sur les Fictions (1795) and De la Littéture Considéréé dans ses Rapports avec les Institutions Sociales (2 volumes, 1800). The unifying element of all these works is her focus on social control.
The Radicalism of a Young Hegelian: Bruno Bauer
Authors: Rosen Zvi
Published: August 2009

Bruno bauer (1809–1882) took an active part in the Young Hegelian movement, which developed in the eighteenthirties, some years after Hegel's death. He is generally regarded as the outstanding representative of left Hegelianism until Marx, who occupied a central place in the group, had reached philosophical maturity. By then the movement had completely disintegrated, and the rise of Marx, who detached himself from the group, symbolizes its end.
Technology and Political Change: The Public Interest Impact of COMSAT
Authors: Murphy Thomas P.
Published: August 2009

The rapid technological change which the United States has experienced in the postwar era is now forcing a realignment between industry and the Federal Government. Traditional systems of interaction between the public and private sectors, including the various regulatory systems, are in need of reexamination in light of the new relationships. Different patterns of organization and governmental participation will need to be developed in several areas. Granting that the scope of projects such as going to the moon, building a supersonic transport or developing a world-wide communication satellite system requires governmental investment, on what basis can the government protect its investment and insure that the corporations are not profiting unduly at the expense of the individual taxpayer?
The Evolution of Law In Thailand
Authors: Darling Frank C.
Published: August 2009

Thelegal system of Thailand is a product of history. For 10 centuries it evolved in an eclectic process. Territorial expansion and external threats eventuated in new legal values and institutions. Contact with the West caused an amalgamation of indigenous and foreign laws to maintain and strengthen the kingdom. Today the law is a vital factor upholding national unity and progress during a time of international tension in Southeast Asia. In this article I propose to survey the development of law in Thailand and analyze its role in the political affairs of the nation.
Morris Cohen's Case for Liberalism
Authors: Reid Herbert G.
Published: August 2009

While a few years ago there was a great deal of discussion of the “end of ideology” (or at least its “decline”) among politically-minded intellectuals, today the more interesting topic appears to be the “end of liberalism” (or at least its condition of extreme “poverty”). Any intellectual case for liberalism may seem a bit out of fashion. The perspectives on liberalism that may be gathered from the thought of Morris Cohen constitute, however, a particularly important case. The eminent philosopher and historian of ideas, John Herman Randall, Jr., recently claimed that “Morris Cohen was the most critical analytic mind among all American philosophers. … Yet his voice of critical intelligence seems to have been almost completely forgotten in our present intellectual crises.” Concerning Cohen's book on The Meaning of Human History, Randall suggests that its author's “insight could clarify the confusions of our own revolutionary feelings and passions.” An examination of Morris Cohen's political thought appears to be timely.
The Reconciliation of Christianity with Progress: Philippe Buchez
Authors: Reardon Michael
Published: August 2009

Philippe buchez is best known for his work as a founder of social Catholicism and as an advocate of workers' associations. As a man of varied interests Buchez brought to the consideration of industrial problems a knowledge of contemporary ideas and a theory of history to support his own solutions. His Introduction à la science de l'histoire provides an example of what has been called the “Idolization of History”:

It is no mean paradox that the idolization of HISTORY should have been the outcome of and sequel to the collapse of concrete historic continuity embodied in organized religion, national tradition, local custom and social hierarchies of long standing.
The Political Relevance of Existential Phenomenology
Authors: Jung Hwa Yol
Published: August 2009

Existentialism, for some of its severe critics, represents a temporary outburst of the dark side of man which is indicative of a passing phenomenon of our age and particularly of the postwar angry generation living on the morbid edges of death, anxiety and the absurdity of human existence. They contend that existentialism is not a philosophy or at least not a serious and disciplined philosophy. Professor Henry S. Kariel characterized existential psychology as “negativism,” and its counterpart, behavioral psychology, as “positivism”; and similarly Professor Eugene J. Meehan describes the phenomenology of Edmund Husserl as having sought to find philosophical certainty “in feeling rather than in thought,” an assessment that falsely indicts phenomenology as an irrationalism. I have singled out these two political theorists as representatives of a widespread misconception of existential philosophy and phenomenology, held as well, I suspect, by many American political theorists. This article is not designed as a direct rebuttal to these misunderstandings and criticisms; it is rather an attempt to show what I consider to be the significant and positive contributions of existential philosophy and phenomenology to the foundation of political theory.
The American Rural Value Pattern
Authors: Ward Leo R.
Published: August 2009

Man has to live by values, a fact brought out with a sort of dogged repetition by Tolstoi. To live is to value, no matter what else it may be. So Tolstoi rightly claimed, and he also said that to live as man is to rate things up and down, as good and as evil. It is to know, and to use a measuring rod which we often call a norm or standard. Tolstoi said that we do not know at all what life would be like without this constant valuing and rating of acts and things. If that is so, man is the more or less consciously valuing animal, and the materials for a philosophy of value are at least as old as mankind, though this philosophy becomes evident only in men such as Plato and Aristotle, Augustine, Aquinas and Kant.
In Praise of Particularity: The Concept of Mediating Structures
Authors: Berger Peter L.
Published: August 2009

From the beginning the American republic conceived of itself as a great experiment in the realization of liberty. This experiment has come to be conjoined, serendipitously, with another fact about America—its peculiar relationship to the process of modernization. Talcott Parsons has called America“the lead society.” This is not an expression of nationalist megalomania, but rather a descriptive (if you will, a “value-free”) statement to the effect that a number of modernizing forces have gone further in this country than anywhere else. It is in this double sense that I am prepared to use the term chosen for America. For better or for worse, we are the most modernized society in the contemporary world. And, audaciously, we continue to carry on the experiment of free institutions in this not necessarily enviable condition. Liberty is on the retreat today all over the world. I cannot pursue here the far-reaching, and sinister, implications of this for America's role on the international scene. But the institutions that embody liberty are also under great pressure domestically. My observations in what follows pertain to this domestic crisis. They are animated by the hope that, if we can resolve this crisis without abandoning the experiment, we may still serve as a lesson for the human race. Perhaps we are “chosen”to do this.
Is America in any Sense Chosen? A Black Response
Authors: Harding Vincent
Published: August 2009

Let me begin with a statement of my own ambivalence in this setting—and of my struggle to overcome it. As many of you must surely know, there are large numbers of blacks and other nonwhites who continue to have profound misgivings about any level of participation in the current American parade of bicentennial events. And I share many of the feelings of that group. We do not celebrate, cannot celebrate, what most of white America celebrates.
The Framers' Muse on Republicanism, the Supreme Court,and Pragmatic Constitutional Interpretivism
Authors: O'Brien David M.
Published: August 2009

The so-called Madisonian dilemma has dominated recent debates over the role of the Supreme Court and suggested a “majoritarian paradigm” for constitutional interpretation. But a reexamination of James Madison's unique contributions to republican theory indicates that the “Madisonian dilemma” is in many ways misleading and unfaithful to his political vision. Madison, argues the author in Section I, worked a conceptual change in republican theory. Madison did so because he was convinced that republican liberty (and government) was primarily threatened by popular majorities and legislative majoritarianism in Congress and the states. For that reason, Madison advanced his well-known “naturalist” argument for republicanism and, on that basis, argued for buttressing the political architecture of republican government with “auxiliary precautions” for securing republican liberty. From Madison's reconstruction of republicanism, Section II moves to his conversion to the project of amending the Constitution with a declaration of rights and the basis he laid for the Supreme Court's role in defending republican government and liberty. Finally, Section III takes up Madison's view of the role of the Supreme Court and his articulation of a novel theory of pragmatic constitutional interpretivism.
The Rational Choice Approach to Politics: A Challenge to Democratic Theory
Authors: Petracca Mark P.
Published: August 2009

In just three decades rational choice theory has emerged as one of the most active, influential, and ambitious subfields in the discipline of political science. Rational choice theory contends that political behavior is best explained through the application of its supposedly “value-neutral” assumptions which posit man as a self-interested, purposeful, maximizing being. Through the logic of methodological individualism, assumptions about human nature are treated as empirical discoveries. My central argument is that by assuming that self-interest is an empirically established component of human nature, rational choice theory supports and perpetuates a political life which is antithetical to important tenets of normative democratic theory. Rational choice theory offers an incoherent account of democratic citizenship and produces a political system which shows a constant biased against political change and pursuit of the public interest. This article concludes by discussing the merits of democratic deliberation for achieving these transformative ends.
Elites and Democratic Theory: Insights From the Self-Organizing Model
Authors: diZerega Gus
Published: August 2009

The role of elites within liberal democracy is a perennial issue. One reason why is an inappropriate theoretical conception of democracy. They are self-organizing systems rather than instrumental organizations. As such they have more in common systemically with science and the market than with democratic organizations or undemocratic states. Examining the role of elites within science and the market sheds light on how they work within democracies. Such an examination shows them to be both necessary and dangerous. Traditional “elitist” analyses of democracy suffer from confusions which the self-organizing model clears up. It also offers improvements on traditional “pluralist” conceptions.
The New Need for the Catholic University
Authors: Niemeyer Gerhart
Published: August 2009

Bernard Shaw's still lingering statement, “a Catholic university is a contradiction in terms,” is a tautology or a prejudice. A tautology if we read it literally to mean: “A universal university is a contradiction in terms.” A prejudice if we supply the historical depth and turn it into a more precise statement, to wit: “A university under such authoritarian strictures by the Church as was the university of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries contradicts the notion of free inquiry which our century identifies with the university.”
Extended Deterrence with Nuclear Weapons: How Necessary, How Acceptable?
Authors: Russett Bruce Martin
Published: August 2009

Most policy and normative problems with nuclear weaponry arise in the context of extended deterrence; that is, deterrence of attacks on friends or allies of a nuclear power. This article reviews the history and contradictions of post-World War II Western extended deterrent strategy, considers the sources of differences and similarities in the perspectives of the American and West German Catholic bishops on these matters, presents a logical schema of types of deterrent situations, discusses some systematic historical evidence that suggests the utility of nuclear weapons for many of these situations is often exaggerated, and, after reviewing alternative strategies, suggests a role for a very limited “countercombatant” nuclear strategy.
“Down from the Mountain”: Secularization and the Higher Learning in America
Authors: Johnson Henry C.
Published: August 2009

At the turn of the century, American higher educational institutions were rapidly divesting themselves of their religious content and functions. The conscious attempt of the University of Illinois to separate itself from its fifty years of vaguely Protestant Christianity was representative of this process, which was, in fact, the final chapter in the gradual secularization of the higher learning that had prevailed in the Western European tradition for some eight hundred years. Fully to understand these developments entails a historical analysis of the complex and dialectical cultural and political changes that brought them about, including a critical definition of secularization as a way of thinking and as a social-political program. The practical problem, it is argued, is located in the post-Reformation tendency to confuse an institution of higher learning with a local church, the Yale experience furnishing an instructive example of this confusion. The result was a religious demand the university could not meet and a corresponding withdrawal of religion to a merely pastoral and psychological strategy in place of its former substantive intellectual role. Thanks to the “Kantian defense,” neither orthodoxy nor the new liberal Christianity (which might have been seen as a candidate to replace it in academe) any longer needed the university, both having retired to a safer autonomy. The resulting dilemma, that to be religious hampers learning, and that to be learned entails at least religious neutrality if not its complete abandonment, persists in present day conflicts over the role of religion in our educational institutions at all levels.
Reconsidering Hobbes's Conventionalism
Authors: Hanson Donald W.
Published: August 2009

Hobbes's linguistic conventionalism is one of the most obvious themes of his work. But it has not been considered as closely as it should be, given its prominence. I argue that Hobbes reworked quite traditional materials in such a way as to produce a novel doctrine, but that this novelty did not involve him in the implausible claim that issues of scientific truth and proof could be settled simply on the basis of linguistic agreement. Rather, he grounded his conventionalism in the prelinguistic, naturally given experience he called “mental discourse,” and then linked it to the effort to outflank contemporary skepticism. For these reasons, Hobbes's specific form of conventionalism can then be seen to be central both to the limits of his claims and to what he thought could be established with a certainty robust enough to withstand skeptical challenge.
Statesmanship and the Judiciary
Authors: Franck Matthew J.
Published: August 2009

This essay questions whether it is as appropriate as it is common to speak of the federal judiciary as legitimately engaged in “statesmanship”— however that rather slippery concept may be denned or elucidated. Scholars of both the “interpretivist” and “noninterpretivist” schools in constitutional law appear to subscribe to the expectation that judges should be statesmen. Some point to Tocqueville for support of this notion. The argument here is that Tbcqueville is unreliable on this point, for he parts company not only with his contemporary, Joseph Story, but with the framers of the Constitution. TheFederalistis examined for its thoughts on the meaning and location of statesmanship in the constitutional order, and it is argued that the essays on the judiciary reveal a conspicuous absence of any expectation that that branch should contain statesmen. Indeed, Publius advances an argument that Congress should act to restrain (through the threat of impeachment) judicial temptations to engage in any adventures that can be called statesmanship.
Commercial Society and Christian Virtue: The Mandeville-Law Dispute
Authors: Nieli Russell
Published: August 2009

From earliest apostolic and patristic times, Christian writers have generally been suspicious of the common human desire to improve one's economic status. In Britain, however, by the end of the seventeenth century, this suspicion had all but vanished as most Christians began to accommodate themselves to the exigencies of an increasingly dynamic commercial society. This article takes up the early eighteenth-century controversy over the compatibility of traditional Christian moral virtues with the demands of economic and material progress as reflected in the writings of the two most important antagonists in the controversy, Bernard Mandeville and William Law. Although both Mandeville and Law spoke the language of Christian rigorism and perfectionism, and proclaimed attachment to the full austerity of the Christian Gospels, Mandeville, it is explained, was really a hedonist in disguise who feigned attachment to traditional Christian and Stoic ascetic principles merely to be able to discredit those principles. Law, it is explained, was a man of uncommon piety and devoutness who was shocked by the increasing secularism and materialism of his age, and who sought to recall his contemporaries to a life of true Christian holiness. The article concludes with an evaluation of the relative merits of the positions of each of the two thinkers.
Liberty and the Public Ingredient of Private Property
Authors: Kens Paul
Published: August 2009

Recent cases suggest the Supreme Court may be moving toward a new era of open-ended judicial oversight of economic regulation. Viewed in strictly legal terms today's efforts to infuse economic individualism into the Constitution take a form different from that popularized in the laissez-faire era at the turn-of-the-century. The takings clause of the Fifth Amendment rather than the due process clause of the Fourteenth appears to be the favored vehicle. But, in the past and in the present, those who have insisted that the Constitution creates a significant check on the government's ability to regulate private economic activity consistently have relied upon two interrelated ideas to support their view. First they take the Framers' interest in protecting property to be an endorsement of a free market economic system. Secondly they argue that, because the very idea of liberty in the American tradition has included property, their version of individualism is reflected in constitutional jurisprudence from the time of John Marshall to at least the 1930s. This article explores the extent to which these two factors actually support a theory that the Constitution creates a broad and open-ended prohibition or limitation on government involvement in economic matters. Further, it will suggest that the relationship between liberty and property in the American constitutional tradition must take into consideration a third factor—the public ingredient of private property.
The General Will and Social Choice Theory
Authors: Radcliff Benjamin
Published: August 2009

The concept of the General Will has been criticized as being either tyrannical or empirically unattainable. From a social choice perspective, Riker (1982) and others have merged the substance of both perspectives. The new argument maintains that Arrow's Theorem and similar impossibility results imply that the General Will is both dangerous and “intellectually absurd.” While not denying the relevance of the collective choice literature, it is argued that such apocalyptic conclusions are premature.
Privacy's Background
Authors: Peterman Larry
Published: August 2009

The article examines the setting, in the broadest terms historically, for our contemporary sense of privacy. Given our obvious preoccupation with privacy, there is no need to recite why such an examination might pay dividends. The article has three parts, a consideration of the ancient perspective on privacy by way mostly of Plato and Aristotle, a shorter consideration of the Old Testament perspective, and a consideration of the New Testament and Christian perspective, which is taken to be the primary impulse to our present viewpoint. I conclude with a brief suggestion about a contemporary political problem inherent in this viewpoint.
The Common Good and Economic Justice: Reflections on the Thought of Yves R. Simon
Authors: Rourke Thomas R. , Cochran Clarke E.
Published: August 2009

The article explores the issue of economic life within the theoretical tradition of the common good. To clarify the implications of the theory of the common good for economics, the economic philosophy of Yves R. Simon is presented. After clarifying the meaning of Simon's conception of the common good, the implications of the common good for Simon's economic thought are explored. It is argued that, for Simon, the economic system is a common good that undergirds the traditional Thomistic imperative that the use of goods be common. Some of the difficulties which Simon's thought has for market economics are then analyzed, and Simon's thought is used to suggest solutions. In this context, the roles of authority and virtue (particularly prudence) are treated.
Realism, Neorealism, and American Liberalism
Authors: Shimko Keith I.
Published: August 2009

Neorealism has recently been portrayed as an attempt to systematize the insights of classical realism in order to put them on a more solid theoretical foundation. This essay rejects this common characterization of the emergence of neorealism by arguing that neorealism constitutes a fundamentally different conceptualization of international politics than that provided by classical realists. Neorealism is best understood as an alternative to classical realism shaped by enduring liberal traditions in the United States, which is where neorealism emerged and thrives.
Kliuchevskii's View of the Flow of Russian History
Authors: Byrnes Robert F.
Published: August 2009

The works of Kliuchevskii, from the Boyar Council of Old Russia and studies of saints and historians to the five-volume Course of Russian History, advanced philosophy of history, even though he thought creating such a view impossible. In the judgment of Russia's most influential historian, neither intellectuals nor rulers nor liberals nor conservatives determined the course of events. Instead, the endless interaction of constantly shifting elements gradually produced change, helping every period in a nation's past to ripen into its successor. Almost invisible changes within the economy, social groups, and administration and the gradual growth of Western influence over centuries constituted the steps that determined Russian history's slow flow. Kliuchevskii never read Marx and Marxist thought did not affect him, but he awakened many to the role of economic forces and helped prepare for some Russians' acceptance of Marxism.
Justice Sandra Day O'Connor and the Power or Maternal Legal Thinking
Authors: Behuniak-Long Susan
Published: August 2009

Sandra Day O'Connor, the first woman on the United States Supreme Court, has been criticized by some for failing to bring a woman's perspective to the Court, and by others for acting too much like the stereotypical woman who cannot make up her mind. Both criticisms overlook the possibility that O'Connor's impact as a female is derived from the fact that she is promulgating a very specific jurisprudence—that of the feminine. However, it is in employing this jurisprudence that she undermines the potential for both a feminist jurisprudence and for a cohesive conservative bloc on the Court.
On The Decline of Contemporary Political Development Studies
Authors: Bartlett Robert C.
Published: August 2009

This study argues that the self-described “malaise” in the study of political development theory is in part the product of the early attempt to strip judgments of value from those of fact in the interests of a more scientific comparative politics; that the resulting science has been inclined to ignore or neglect what may be the most fundamental difference between the modern and premodern worlds, namely the elimination of all religious concerns from those of politics proper (the “separation of church and state”); and that this neglect is in turn linked with the crisis in self-confidence characteristic not only of the science of comparative politics but of science or rationalism simply.
Hannah Arendt on Love and the Political: Love, Friendship, and Citizenship
Authors: Chiba Shin
Published: August 2009

This article explores the theme of love and the political in the thought of Hannah Arendt by examining her attitude toward such kinds of love aseros, philia, agape, cupiditas, caritas, compassio, fraternitas.Arendt generally regards love as unpolitical because of its inherent inclination to exclude the outside world. But she has shown a sustained interest in the relationship between love and the political. Arendt's concern for love is dictated by her search for a new, public, and artificialvinculum—or bond. This public bond, what Arendt callsamor mundi, is basically grounded in the notion of political friendship. I argue thatamor mundiwould be of more relevance, if it included not only political friendship but an element of eros as the craving for the durable world as well as two strands ofagape—love of forgiveness and an enlarged neighborly love.
What the War is Doing to Us
Authors: Witte Edwin E.
Published: August 2009

There is by this time quite a literature on the war economy. With the one exception of the recent symposium by Professor Steiner and his associates, most of whom are connected with the University of Indiana, all of the longer treatises on the subject discuss the war economy in abstract terms or on the basis of the experience of the First World War. These treatises served a useful purpose and were the only books on the economies of war which could be written at the time; but they now seem unreal, because this war differs so greatly from the prior struggle. The University of Indiana book, dealing as it does with concrete problems of present war, is up-to-the-minute and excellently done in all respects. It does not attempt, however, to do what I am venturing: a brief, overall picture of what the war has been doing to the United States.
The Idea of Democracy
Authors: Delos J. T.
Published: August 2009

The problem of Democracy has today assumed several new aspects. The terms in which the political discussions of the last one hundred and fifty years have been expressed have lost a part of their timeliness; but some of us, failing to recognize this change, continue the fight on a deserted battlefield. In order not to be fighting a vanished foe let us try to see in what direction the terms of the problem have shifted.
The Chroniclers of Violence in Northern Ireland: The First Wave Interpreted
Authors: Bell J. Bowyer
Published: August 2009

Perhaps the only undeniable blessing to evolve from the recent troubles in Northern Ireland has been miniboom in the publishing industry. Seldom have so many, written so quickly, on a subject understood by so few—and turning, one assumes, a decent profit for their effort. Traditionally contemporary modern Ireland has attracted the occasional coffee-table volume or the nearly annual The Irish, potted “sociology.” Until quite recently, few scholars have ventured into contemporary affairs—those events after the revolutionary years of 1916–1921—and almost none of the tools of social science have been put to use on Irish society. Thus the latest commentators found a truly virgin field, bereft of valid experts, congenial to anecdote, fashionably violent, amusingly Irish and if not fit for the coffee table certainly attractive in the market-place. The result has been a twofold outpouring: first of those who would chronicle in print what had been for the British audience nightly fare on the television and second of those more committed or more daring who would interpret, analyze, explain and predict. The former, however ill-prepared, sought to write history, however superficially, while the latter sought to make it by rearranging the past to buttress their vision of the future. Neither the observers nor the participants have in print as yet produced a single definitive work nor in fact a very satisfactory plain tale of events—much less a revelation into the nature of the conflict in Northern Ireland. The attempts of this first wave to date, however, offer some insights into the Northern Ireland problem, into the nature of Irish and British scholarship and, perhaps, into the future that awaits the most distressful Six-counties.
Naturalism and Political Philosophy
Authors: Zoll Donald Atwell
Published: August 2009

To invoke the word “naturalism” is reminiscent of American philosophy of a past generation that under the interdict of Neo-Hegelianism sought a reconstitution of metaphysical attitudes, expressed in terms of Pragmatism and Critical Realism. But these naturalistic philosophies have, in a sense, come and gone, the philosophical mainstream being subsequently dominated by varieties of Positivism and continental European philosophies stemming from Existentialism and Phenomenology. It is curious, in a way, that, with one notable exception, most of these more contemporary philosophical movements presume some type of naturalistic base, at least to the extent that they reject the issues of conventional metaphysics and elect to deal, in various ways, with what they construe to be present actualities. The “notable exception” is clearly Logical Positivism that makes a radical separation between the scientific and philosophical enterprise.
Restive Haven for Progressives: Both Parties
Authors: Harig Alan R.
Published: August 2009

With the dissolution of the Progressive Party in 1916, many of Theodore Roosevelt's followers parted company. Suddenly without a political home, they sought refuge in the two major parties that they had deserted four years before. Raymond Robins of Illinois and Edward P. Costigan of Colorado were key figures in that scattering of reformers as each attempted to lead Bull Moosers in a different direction. Searching for the party which could most effectively achieve the unfinished program which Roosevelt had launched in 1912, Costigan chose the Democratic party of Woodrow Wilson, while Robins argued that the Republican party best represented Progressive ideals. The purpose of this essay is to examine the manner in which these two leaders solved the Progressives' dilemma in 1916, and particularly the arguments they utilized in attempting to sway their former colleagues.
The Castle or the Tipi: Rationalization or Irrationality in the American Economy
Authors: Jameson Ken
Published: August 2009

During a 1957 Notre Dame conference entitled “What America Stands For,” Karl De Schweinitz, Jr., examined the “contemporary problems of the American economy.” His major themes should be familiar: the effect of concentration of power and production on the functioning of the economy; the instability which the economy exhibits from year to year; and the continuing tension in the economy between individual preferences and economic imperatives.
Ethnic Nationalisms and the Cultural Dialectics: A Key to the Future
Authors: Scott Joseph W.
Published: August 2009

Culture, in the simplest language, refers to the thoughtways, feelingways, and actionways of a people, be they a nation or a subsociety. As a concept, it refers to the established orientations which a people has for managing its relationships in the collectivity and its relationships to the forces and conditions of the physical environment. The key elements of culture are beliefs, sentiments, norms, and values. Almost all behavioral scientists would include in the realm of culture all the cognitive, affective, behavioral, and value orientations shared by a people. With these basic elements of culture, a people constructs complexes which we call ideologies, social structures, institutions, organizations, laws, and policies.
An Apocalyptic Voyage: God, Satan, and the American Tradition in Norman Mailer's Of a Fire on the Moon
Authors: Werge Thomas
Published: August 2009

Norman mailer observed several years ago that American Protestantism, with the exception of Tillich and other Protestant existentialists, had become “oriented to the machine, and lukewarm in its enthusiasm for such notions as heaven, hell and the soul.” The religious tradition of the West had been preoccupied with the soul and had delineated its progress from earth to heaven and its struggling movement between darkness and light, Satan and God, as part of a cosmic and apocalyptic drama. Although Roman Catholicism had remained somewhat more concerned than Protestantism with such conceptions, argued Mailer, Christianity in general had left them behind and become tepid in the process.
A New Age in Science and Technology?
Authors: Crowe Michael J.
Published: August 2009

Are we now in, or entering into, a new age? Is this a revolutionary period in the history of man? This paper will consider these questions, especially as they relate to science and technology.

Consider the following statements, all of which cite evidence in support of the thesis that a new age is upon us.
The Uses of Tradition
Authors: Hitchcock James
Published: August 2009

The environmental movement has produced a confusion in American politics stemming from the difficulties of classifying it according to conventional categories. Most of its warriors are young people who identify with the Counter-Culture, yet it is often denounced by hard-line radicals as diversionary. Its most substantial supporters are left-liberal suburbanites, but it also attracts individuals who have no truck with civil-rights or antiwar causes. It is future-oriented in image and rhetoric, yet its severer critics call its leaders “arch-Druids” and accuse them of trying to repeal progress.
The Thinker in the Church: The Spirit of Newman
Authors: O'Malley Frank
Published: August 2009

RecentReports reach us from England that a notable element in support of the cause of Cardinal Newman's canonization is the unusual extent of American devotion to him and to his thought. Certainly the name of Newman is great among us. Most American Catholic thinkers would agree with Otto Karrer, writing in April, 1947, for The Review of Politics on Newman and the spiritual crisis of the Occident, that Newman is probably “the most illustrious religious mind in the modern Anglo-Saxon world.” It is clear that he is the truly great eminence at the start of the Catholic intellectual renascence of the past hundred years. In our devotion to him and in our praise of him as a foremost thinker in the Church, it is well to consider what is the justification for the esteem in which we hold him.
The “Natural Law” Rebound
Authors: Ward Leo R.
Published: August 2009

In current ethical theory we have been getting two second-order phenomena, each a rebound from a first-order phenomenon.

The first-order phenomena, though with partly the same prompting, come from totally different fields and are miles apart. Even so, a main point of this paper is that the sets of second-order phenomena, rebounding from widely different data, may be tending to converge and, taken radically, may be saying the same thing.