bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Quebec: Interest Groups and the Search for an Alternative Political System
Authors: Dion Léon , De Sève Micheline
Published: March 2007

Nearly fifteen years ago Quebec entered an active period of socio-political unrest. A people who had undergone considerable changes in their objective condi tions of living without a corresponding change in their social consciousness suddenly found themselves forced, by their political leaders, to realize the extent of their maladjustment to a predominately urban and highly industrialized society and pressured to readjust their position. The Union Nationale Party was thrown into temporary disarray by the sudden deaths of Maurice Duplessis—uncontested master of the province—on August 30, 1959 and of his successor, Paul Sauvé, scarcely four months after he came to power. The Liberal Party under Jean Lesage was thus able to win the provincial election in June 1960. This event precipi tated what has been labelled the quiet revolution. The Lesage program manifested a new desire to modernize the mechanisms of the state and to seize the initiative in policies of economic and social development. This set off a reform movement which, we can safely say, went beyond the ambitions of its initiators. The process of rationalizing the administrative mechanisms of a modern bureaucratic state created a wave of cultural shock which was felt at all levels of the society. Such changes could not occur without putting great pressures on the population or without having unex pected consequences, the most important being the rebirth of the Quebec nationalist ideology as a political movement and the formation of various kinds of popular movements.
Social Mythology and Reform: Income Maintenance for the Aged
Authors: Hollister Robinson
Published: March 2007

Debate over the need for reform of Social Security is reviewed in this article. Even prior to recent developments, reformers have attacked the myth that Social Security is closely analogous to private insurance, and they have argued that payroll tax financing—adopted and sus tained in order to foster the illusion of a contributory system—is highly, and unnecessarily, regressive in its impact. Supporters of the system as originally conceived point to its success in terms of size, broad political acceptance and effectiveness in reducing poverty among the aged. The recent major changes in the system, culminating in the 1972 Social Security Amendments, are reviewed. It is argued that these changes sharpened the debate. Higher benefits required higher payroll taxes—thereby raising, in the reformers' eyes, the price of the insurance myth—paid primarily by low income workers. The creation of the Supplementary Security Income program appears to make income redistribution features of Social Security redundant. Defenders of the system resist the reformers' suggestions for tidying up the structure. Suggested reforms will, they argue, strip the system of the mystique of contributory social insurance and saddle Social Security with the stigma of a welfare-like, means-tested system; in such a case, they argue, the system will become vulnerable to political conflict. They maintain that social myth is necessary cement in the construction of durable social institutions.
Political Factors in the Emerging Legal Age Status of the Elderly
Authors: Cain Leonard D.
Published: March 2007

Political pressures to enact laws which pro vide distinctive status to the elderly are much in evidence. The premises regarding equality and equity which provide the rationale for the plethora of old-age-related laws are less clear, and the consequences of these laws on the status of older people are poorly understood. Early legal efforts to distinguish between the infant and the adult provide an antecedent for current efforts to distinguish between the adult and the elderly. The shift from functional age to formal age criteria also provides a context for consideration of current age-related issues. The politics of aging today, for the most part, accepts the inequality of the elderly and uses formal—chronological—age as a basis for eligibility for services which alleviate the negative consequences of inequality. The courts are likely to be called upon shortly to consider the Constitutionality of use of chronological age to determine legal status and of current strategies to promote equity.
Federal-Local Relations and the Mission of the City
Authors: Rutledge Philip J.
Published: March 2007

The administration's emphasis on New Federal ism requires those concerned with governing to reexamine the complex intergovernmental system, and particularly the role of the city in that system. Traditionally, municipal government has been the level of government closest to the people and responsible for answering their needs. With the advent of World War II, however, the traditional roles reversed themselves to the point where, in 1944, federal government accounted for 89 percent of total government expenditures, whereas local governments expended only 6.4 percent of that total. The modern inclination to create "paragovernments" for special purposes has compounded the imbalance of the intergovernmental system. The current dilemma is to find a suitable split for governmental services, supported by a more equitable financial split. In resolving this dilemma, cities must be accepted as an integral part of the federal system. Local governments should have a clear voice in decisions in such policy areas as growth management, taxation, transfer payments and quality of life enhancement. The resources of cities should be conserved and fully utilized, and the mission of the city to create "a visible regional and civic structure, designed to make man feel at home with his deeper self and his larger world," should be implemented.
Counties: the Emerging Force
Authors: Hillenbrand Bernard F.
Published: March 2007

County government, the most universal form of local government, has risen to new prominence with the in creasing demand for locally delivered public services. Today the people are calling for greater responsiveness from their government. The federal government has reacted to the needs of local government by enacting general revenue sharing and block grants, A-85 Review and Integrated Grant Administra tion. These programs are techniques or tools used by the federal government to increase local autonomy in a partner ship for providing the best delivery of services to the citizen. This interaction of cities, towns, counties, states and federal government is called New Federalism. The process of placing increased responsibility on county governments dictates a continuing and expanding role for local government. Types of this expanded role would be participation in the development of the federal budget and increased general revenue sharing funds and block grants.
The Metropolitan Area Problem
Authors: Zimmerman Joseph F.
Published: March 2007

Intergovernmental service agreements, transfer of functional responsibility to the county and state levels, establishment of regional special districts and state-controlled public authorities, and federal preemption during the past fifteen years have combined to effect major changes in the metropolitan governance system. Available evidence sug gests that few metropolitan governments will be created by popularly approved charters during the next decade and the ones created probably will be located in the South. The up ward transfer of functional responsibility, however, will incrementally transform a number of counties into metro politan governments. The failure of charters creating area wide governments to win voter approval and the growing seriousness of metropolitan problems have been responsible for state and federal initiatives seeking solutions for the prob lems. The most important state initiatives have been the establishment of the Twin Cities Metropolitan Council and the creation of state-controlled public authorities in New York. The federal initiative has taken the form of promotion of interlocal cooperation and exercise of preemptive powers. Whereas interlocal cooperation has failed to solve the major problems of the metropolis, partial federal preemption of the right to regulate air and water pollution abatement has en hanced the quality of the environment.
Intergovernmental Relations in Britain
Authors: Jones G.W.
Published: March 2007

Intergovernmental relationships in the United Kingdom are more confused and uncertain than they have been for a long time. The recent reorganization of local gov ernment has made more complex relationships between the tiers of local authorities, especially in the cities where a single-tier system had prevailed. The establishment of new functional agencies for water and the health services, distinct from local authorities, has further fragmented local power. To work the new system, elected members and their staffs will require diplomatic skills to relate their own authority with tiers both above and below and with other public agencies involved in providing services in their area. Local authorities are not so dependent financially on the central government as is sometimes alleged, and although the center has many de vices available to it to influence local government, the use made of them varies between the departments, and the re sponse to them varies again between the local authorities. Re gional devolution is advocated by nationalist movements in Wales and Scotland, and by some in England who want to reduce the power of the center and involve the public more in government. Seven models of devolution are currently under discussion. Ulster remains a thorny problem. Complications to intergovernmental relationships are introduced by pressure for popular participation in community councils and by Britain's entry into the European Economic Community.
Counting the Jobless: The Impact of Job Rationing on the Measurement of Unemployment
Authors: Furstenberg Frank F. , Thrall Charles A.
Published: March 2007

This paper contends that the official definition of unemployment is poorly designed to reflect the size of the population available for work. Certain cultural and normative assumptions which develop as a consequence of the limited supply of jobs influence many individuals who are interested in working to behave in ways which exclude their being classified as unemployed. One of the most important norma tive considerations affecting labor market behavior is how strongly the individual feels he or she has a right to a job and an obligation to work. These expectations are part of what we refer to as a "job rationing ideology," a system of shared beliefs about who should have the greatest access to the limited supply of jobs. Empirical traces of the job rationing ideology can be shown in Social Security regulations and welfare restrictions and in the responses of individuals inter viewed in a pilot study. Secondary analysis of data for women aged 30 to 44, collected by the National Longitudinal Study of Work Experience, supports a model of a continuum of attachment to employment. Because active job seeking is not an equally valid measure of interest in working or even likeli hood of finding employment for all population subgroups, a need exists for measures of labor supply which recognize rather than ignore normative considerations.
Full Employment at Living Wages
Authors: Vietorisz Thomas , Mier Robert , Harrison Bennett
Published: March 2007

The theme of this article is true full employ ment : the opportunity for all to work for living wages. Under the heading of a full employment policy, we reject the creation of substandard jobs, no matter how many. A policy of guaranteed employment that fails to provide for living wage levels could easily turn into a device for forcing reluctant workers into substandard jobs. A true full employment policy must rest on three principles: (1) a guarantee of the right to useful job opportunities for all workers; (2) the creation of standards for family living wages, at least for principal wage earners, since a pure employment policy with no proper wage standards will merely succeed in reproducing poverty; and (3) a com prehensive framework of manpower, production and capac ity planning. Without this, a job guarantee at living wages is sure to fail, because the task of full employment policy is enormous. It must not merely create millions of jobs; it must upgrade tens of millions.
Full Employment and Economic Equality
Authors: Anderson Bernard E.
Published: March 2007

The historical record shows that blacks and other nonwhite minorities have experienced their most rapid economic progress in an environment of full employ ment. Yet, full employment and tight labor markets alone have been insufficient to produce permanent gains in economic equality. Despite the increase in the relative economic position of blacks during the vibrant growth of the 1960s, a disproportionate number, especially in the inner city, were left in unemployment, underemployment and poverty. This experience suggests the need for a national commitment to a full employment policy that emphasizes the availability of jobs for all those willing and able to work, rather than a policy that attempts merely to achieve a rising full employment/unemployment rate that is consistent with price stability. A maximum jobs approach to full employment will facilitate equal opportunity and will provide a foundation for the attain ment of economic equality.
A Legislative History of Revenue Sharing
Authors: Myers Will S.
Published: March 2007

Although the general revenue sharing idea was advanced as a solution to several of federalism's problems, it succeeded in mustering enough support only when it was perceived as the way of coming to the aid of financially hard-pressed local governments. Early revenue sharing bills helped to develop the essential ingredients of a workable distribution system and to sort out proponents and opponents of the idea. Former President Nixon made the revenue sharing idea a matter of serious public policy discussion by earmarking $5 billion of his 1972 budget for the program. His proposal called for a "no-strings" aid distribution on a per capita basis modified for tax effort. Congressman Wilbur Mills developed a counter proposal consisting of aid for local governments, tied mainly to urbanization and a measure of poverty for the purpose of supporting a limited number of program and project areas, and general purpose aid for states, tied mainly to state use of personal income tax. In the course of the legislative process the two approaches were modified substantially. The result is a program that is neither pure "no-strings" sharing of federal revenues nor clearly federal aid to achieve well- defined, overriding national objectives as defined by Con gress.
The Fiscal Impact of Revenue Sharing
Authors: Manvel Allen D.
Published: March 2007

Federal revenue sharing will have much more effect on state-local finances than nationwide revenue and spending aggregates might suggest, because of the impor tance of changes at the margin and the differing relative benefits of various areas and jurisdictions. It will be a long time before data needed for sophisticated efforts to measure the program's impact can be applied. The real fiscal effects undoubtedly differ from those that might be inferred from official reports about the use of shared revenue, which take no account of other, resulting changes in the budgets of recipient governments. Summary trend data suggest that the program has increased state-local spending for payrolls and construction, but the magnitude and composition of these developments cannot yet be closely gauged. Fiscal effects for various areas and jurisdictions will differ markedly due to the diversity of their relative gains, which range consid erably from state to state and much more so at the local level. The program apparently will, to a very modest degree, improve the competitive fiscal position of metropolitan central cities relative to their suburbs. Otherwise, however, the fund distribution seems likely to permit relatively more easing of local taxes or more increases in local government spending in thinly populated areas, where levels of taxation and financing are comparatively low, than in urbanized higher-cost areas.
Natural Distribution of Metals and Some Economic Effects
Authors: Macgregor Ian D.
Published: March 2007

The concentration of metals into ore bodies amenable to exploitation results from the integration of geological processes occurring over billions of years. The heritage of wealth represents a nonrenewable resource which is eventually depleted, usually in periods of less than a few hundred years. Examples from the industrialized nations show a typical cycle of production rising to a peak and eventually dropping to zero. On a world scale, a comparable history is predicted, and estimates indicate that few metals have total reserves that can extend beyond 200 years. The limit in metal resources poses a threat to the consumer-oriented societies now dominant and increasing in the world. Technical advice can predict the shortages and adequately pose short term solutions. However, viewed from a longer time base, the only solution to eventual metal shortages is through a major restructuring of the socio-economic base of consumer-oriented societies.
Government Response to Commodity Shortages
Authors: Canfield Monte E. , Hadd John R.
Published: March 2007

The federal government was ill-prepared to deal with the fuel, food and nonenergy materials "shortages" experienced in the early 1970s. Future shortages may well be anticipated, due not only to depletion of available stocks, but also perhaps to economic (pricing), political (supply disruption), and limited production capacity fac tors. Annually, the United States is becoming more depen dent upon foreign sources of supply. As the international scene has become more volatile and unstable, thereby in creasing the vulnerability of foreign supply sources, over all domestic exploration has declined. New planning mech anisms are required if governmental capability to forecast and deal with either gradual or abrupt changes in supply or price is to be achieved. "Alternative futures" analysis is seen as a useful tool in the creation and implementation of a viable nonenergy materials policy.
Petroleum and Energy
Authors: Sharbaugh H. Robert
Published: March 2007

While the term scarcity does not describe precisely the short term world energy supply situation, recent developments have focused world attention on anticipated future scarcity. This article briefly defines scarcity as it applies to energy today; considers some of the implica tions of scarcity; and examines some considerations for the future. It emphasizes the United States petroleum energy situation, as seen in the perspective of world energy supply, and calls for more efficient use of energy, policies to stimulate new energy supplies, and international cooperation on a long term basis. Finally, it discusses the proper role of government in energy matters—specifically, domestic price controls, tax policy, research and development funding, and a floor cost for imported oil.
A Creative Adaptation to a World of Rising Shortages
Authors: Etzioni Amitai
Published: March 2007

Predictions for the future among intellectuals have swung in the recent past from an optimistic view of man's capabilities and a continuing abundance of material goods to a fatalistic pessimism regarding man's inability to respond adequately to current and imminent crises—the population explosion, limited food and resource supplies, and environ mental pollution, to name a few. Among the various predic tions, the only knowable aspect of the future is that it will be different from whatever is expected. The humanistic psy chology of Abraham Maslow, while at odds with most current views, holds that man's immutable needs for love, dignity and self-actualization separate him from the rest of the animal world, though he shares many basic animal needs which must be satisfied first. A critical question is at what point man will shift his attention from "acquisitive" values to "post- bourgeois," or nonmaterialistic, values. What effect will the recent economic downturn and energy crisis, as well as future shortages, have on society—a rededication to materialism, or the evolution of new societal values which de-emphasize con sumption in favor of Maslow's "higher" goals?
From Suburb to Urban Place
Authors: Birch David L.
Published: March 2007

The relationship of the suburbs to each other and to the central city is changing. Initially sub-urban in an urban hierarchy, suburbs are gradually gaining full urban status as nodes in a series of networks. In the process, they are inheriting many of the functions and problems previously reserved for the central city. One major result will be an in creasing tension between the "old-timers" and the "new- comers." In a hierarchical, fractionated region, old-timers have always constituted a majority and have thereby resisted change. As the urban hierarchy breaks down, it may be more difficult for the parts to maintain differences, and it may seem more logical to balance what is good for people against what is good for places.
Implications of Suburbanization for Metropolitan Political Organization
Authors: Scott Thomas M.
Published: March 2007

The development of politically independent suburbs began in earnest at the turn of the twentieth century, but their role in the metropolitan governmental complex is still being established. Efforts to consolidate and otherwise integrate fragmented local governments through massive political reorganization in the 1950s and early 1960s were essentially unsuccessful. In the meantime, other less gran diose devices for achieving a measure of metropolitan governmental coordination have flourished: special districts, shifting particular functions from municipalities to other larger scale governments, and inter-local agreements. The evidence is increasingly clear that suburbs persist because they provide life-style opportunities that are important to a large part of the populace but are not otherwise available through urban political institutions. Suburbs are increasingly beset, however, by the same kinds of local governmental problems that have long afflicted central cities, and their political independence does make long-term metropolitan planning and coordination very difficult. Major governmental reorganization of the metropolis does not seem likely, and recent changes in federal and state policies are modifying suburban political autonomy.
Metropolitan School Desegregation: Practical Remedy or Impractical Ideal?
Authors: Cataldo Everett F. , Giles Michael , Gatlin Douglas S.
Published: March 2007

School desegregation has become an increas ingly important issue in non-Southern metropolitan areas. The absence of significant residential desegregation in the suburbs and the concentration of the black population in central cities make effective school desegregation difficult, if not impossible, without consolidated planning for the entire metropolitan region. Cross-busing between central cit ies and suburbs may raise stiff resistance among white parents whose children would be transferred to city schools. An analysis of areawide desegregation in Duval County, Florida, suggests that suburban diffusion of the white population does not in itself constitute a barrier to consolidated planning. A judicious application of desegregation plan features for the entire metropolitan region can produce satisfactory and equitable results.
The Candidate in the Living Room
Authors: Mickelson Sig
Published: March 2007

A quarter century of intimate relationship be tween television and the electoral process has stirred up a storm of controversy, furnished critics with the ammuni tion for a barrage of complaints, and encouraged a horde of experts and pseudo-experts to view the results of the marriage with alarm. The new medium of political communi cation, which was once thought to possess magic therapeu tic powers for the ailments of the body politic, came under sharp attack as a force perverting all values and reducing the electoral process to the level of show business. Tele vision has certainly contributed to changing the old order and introducing new techniques, but a careful examination of the evidence suggests that the effect of the substance of broadcasts, as opposed to the form, and the impact on the voter have been grossly exaggerated. This is in sharp contrast to the exuberance that greeted television's first incursion on the political scene and the optimism that its participation generated.
The President and the Press: Phases in the Relationship
Authors: Cornwell Elmer E.
Published: March 2007

This article approaches the relationship of the president to the press first by discussing the key importance of the president's ability to develop public support for his policies. This is his primary reliance since he has few con stitutional powers for influencing policy and his role as party leader is not much help. Because the president's relationship with the public is so important, his dependence on the press to maintain that link is very great. The nation gains news about the president and what he is doing and forms opinions of him and his policies, through the news media. A president's relations with the press, though based on interdependence, rarely involve cordial cooperation. Rather, they tend to go through phases or "seasons" re lated closely to the more readily measured phases through which general presidential popularity passes during an ad ministration. Using data gathered by the Gallup Poll on public approval of how the president is doing his job, the pattern can be studied. It usually involves high initial ratings and subsequent declines. The rate of decline de pends partly on whether a president was elected or suc ceeded as vice-president. How wisely he uses this key asset in efforts to influence policy and how skillfully he deals with the media "middlemen" will determine much of his presidency's success.
Changing Role of the Mass Media in American Politics
Authors: Emery Edwin
Published: March 2007

Political campaigns have changed in techniques and intensity of effort, particularly during the past three decades. How may these changes be related to the changes which have occurred in the mass media? A look at the 1976 primaries makes it clear that the whistle-stop technique is still a basic part of political campaigning, even if candi date appearances are designed in part to entice media coverage, particularly by television cameras. Combining the advantages of television penetration of masses of voters with the excitement of the political rally and personal appearance became the ultimate goal of political managers. Returns from 1976 primaries through April, and opinion poll findings, indicate the mass media projected the image of front-running candidates to Americans in all parts of the country. In this sense, the mass media remained an im portant part of the political structure—including the print media. Since all available research evidence indicates rela tively few voters change their minds or make them up during an actual campaign (rather they vote traditionally), the media cannot have a massive effect upon voter decision-making. But since many elections are decided by small percentages of voters, media influences can become crucially important. Their rivals are, of course, interpersonal communication, group associations, and opinion leader influences. At times, television has played a key role in political campaigns, particularly when it brings an event directly to the viewer.
Farm Labor
Authors: Fuller Varden , Mason Bert
Published: March 2007

Farm population estimates indicate that the massive off-farm exodus is approaching its termination; during 1970-74 the rate of farm population decline fell to an average 1.2 percent per year. Estimates of farm occupations for 1974 imply that the nation's agriculture is dominantly a self-employment industry, though multiple job holding is widespread. The aggregate of persons doing some farm wagework is extremely heterogeneous and the market for hired farm labor is characterized by casual employment re lationships. Farm labor in the U.S. lacks market structure and is seldom a chosen life-time occupation. Of nearly 23/4 million who did some farm work in 1974, it was the chief activity for only 693,000. Contrary to popular conception, hired farm labor is not dominated by migrants; in 1974, about 8 percent of the farm work force was migratory. Evi dence on labor force participation, daily and annual earnings, and hourly wages illustrates that the hired farm labor market is dominantly a ready-access, casual market for the salvage of low opportunity cost time. Recent developments in federal policies indicate that farm workers are likely to re ceive federal protection equal to nonagricultural workers. Since 1967, hired workers on large farms have been covered by Fair Labor Standards Act minimum wage requirements, and agricultural minimum wages will be increased to general industry levels by 1978. Agricultural workers remain ex cluded from the federal unemployment insurance program and National Labor Relations Act. Farm worker unionization is prominent only on large-scale industrialized farms but will apparently continue to be exceptional nationally.
Population Redistribution, Migration, and Residential Preferences
Authors: De Jong Gordon F. , Sell Ralph R.
Published: March 2007

Census Bureau population estimates for metro politan and nonmetropolitan areas in the 1970s reveal, for the first time in over 50 years, higher population growth and net in-migration for nonmetropolitan areas than metropolitan areas. This dramatic and largely unanticipated reversal in the traditional population growth pattern is not limited to non metropolitan areas adjacent to metropolitan centers, but is also happening in many of the remote nonmetropolitan counties. In this article, the impact of residential preferences on population dispersal migration behavior is analyzed by means of data from a longitudinal migration survey. The widespread preference for small cities, villages, and the countryside identified in public opinion polls is not the sig nificant factor in nonmetropolitan migration. Rather, popula tion dispersal migrants are characterized by the willingness and apparently better ability to give up the urban-based conveniences to shopping, work, and public transportation to live in nonmetropolitan environments. Barring the crip pling effect of an energy crisis, the medium-range prospect for continued nonmetropolitan population growth appears plausible.
What Happens If ...? Terrorists, Revolutionaries, and Nuclear Weapons
Authors: Krieger David
Published: March 2007

This paper explores what may happen if ter rorists or revolutionaries are able to develop nuclear explo sives or the ability to dispense radioactive materials. Contin ued proliferation of so-called peaceful nuclear technology will increase the likelihood of this happening. The consequences are substantial, since nuclear technology would provide terrorists or revolutionaries with a lever for threatening or carrying out acts of mass destruction against a society. Deterrence would be ineffective against terrorists who are unidentified and/or unlocatable, or at least believe themselves to be so. Complications would arise, which could potentially trigger an international war, if nuclear-armed terrorists or revolutionaries deliberately misidentify themselves. The solution to the problem would require perfect safeguarding of nuclear weapons and special nuclear materials on a global scale. The record in the United States, a technologically advanced nation with an established nuclear program, sug gests that perfect safeguards are unlikely to be achieved. Thus, future policy-makers may face a significantly enhanced threat from terrorists or revolutionaries in possession of a nuclear weapon.
Nth Powers of the Future
Authors: Kapur Ashok
Published: March 2007

Acceptance of the NPT by a majority of states after 1968 created an impression that the danger of further proliferation beyond the five nuclear weapon states (US, USSR, China, UK, and France) had been put to rest. India's "peaceful nuclear explosion" shattered this impression and pointed up the danger of proliferating nuclear options, if not nuclear weapons. The list of potential proliferators has changed from the 1950s to the 1970s and may continue to change in the 1980s. Israel and, by some views, India are on the list, but others like Japan, Australia, South Africa, Brazil, South Korea, Taiwan, and Argentina are being added. This paper asserts that proliferation, while unstoppable, is slow, not because the NPT is necessarily working, but because the military and economic security perceptions of potential proliferators do not dictate a faster rate of proliferation. Yet the possible deterioration of the strategic environment in the 1980s may induce faster proliferation. The new stress may not be on the acquisition of nuclear arms but, because nuclear arms are becoming militarily less useful, it may be on develop ment of nuclear options coupled with a strategy of their non- use or nonconversion into weapons.
Decision Making in a Nuclear-Armed World
Authors: Brenner Michael
Published: March 2007

Strategic analysis for the next generation prom ises to be preoccupied with the permutations and combina tions of multi-player nuclear games. The spread of nuclear arms to several new states will appreciably complicate the efforts of the two superpowers to maintain a high level of stability in their bilateral relationship, while posing further chal lenges to military planning and crisis management. The new strategic environment will place an unprecedented burden on the capacity of the U.S. government to integrate the several facets of national security policy; to execute it in a consistent, coordinated manner; and to take swift, informed action in crisis situations. This is the case whether one speaks of programming force options to assure presidential control over operational use; making necessary reconciliations be tween Soviet-oriented military planning and the require ments for addressing third country nuclear threats; or institutionalizing a closer cooperation with allies on such diverse issues as export regulations and concerted contin gency plans. There are three key ingredients to any plan for achieving a greater degree of coordination in making and implementing strategic policy: technical competence must be combined with decisional authority; senior national security officials should share a fund of ideas about the preferred direction of policy and the effective means for conducting it; an interagency committee of principals is needed that serves as the prime instrument for making executive de partments effective contributors to, and executors of, policy.
Industrial Democracy and Industrial Relations
Authors: Windmuller John P.
Published: March 2007

Some of the changes which are transforming Western European industrial relations systems under the banner of industrial democracy are in reality serving to ex pand the scope of collective bargaining and to extend it struc turally downward to include the level of the individual enter prise. Through employee representation on corporate boards of directors and enlarged rights of works councils, many issues formerly the exclusive prerogative of the employer are becoming subject to joint decision making. As a general rule, the new rights are being obtained almost entirely through legislation rather than collective agreements. They include, among others, a right to information about vital affairs of the enterprise which management is obliged to provide to employee representatives. Since the scope of col lective bargaining in the United States has always been wider than in Western Europe and the individual enter prise is central to the North American bargaining structure, it is not readily apparent how worker participation in management would contribute to improved labor-manage ment relations in the United States.
Participative Management in India: Utopia or Snare?
Authors: Kannappan Subbiah , Krishnan V.N.
Published: March 2007

In India, the appeal of worker participation has derived from the utopian premises of the Indian develop ment model with its promise of rational planning and demo cratic processes. The former strengthened the directive role of the government while the latter served as the medium of interest-group mobilization and mediation. Whatever positive role one may attribute to these, in the absence of other structural changes they had, at best, negligible or un certain consequences in terms of favoring worker participa tion in management. One reason for this is that the cultural and economic distances between management and labor were great, with little to take the place of weakened tradi tional authority structures. The government scheme for worker participation, although beset by weaknesses, failed largely because the external environment was inhospitable, and one may expect this to continue into the foreseeable future. The Indian Emergency of 1975 signaled a dramatic change, with a more explicitly top-directed scheme. If made permanent, this would move Indian practice closer to that of the Communist countries, with an integrated structure of economic and industrial authority and provision for modest but subordinate labor inputs in the decision-making process.
The Soviet Model of Industrial Democracy
Authors: Porket J.L.
Published: March 2007

Soviet-type Communist systems are organized hierarchically and are highly formalized and bureaucratized. So are their industrial relations systems and schemes of worker participation in management. Between 1953 and 1975, the Soviet Union and the Soviet-controlled countries of Eastern Europe underwent a certain measure of modern ization. Nevertheless, their basic nature remained intact. The trade unions continued to be subordinate to the ruling parties, and the main forms of participation by the working people in management continued to be production con ferences and socialist emulation. During the same period, the Soviet model of industrial democracy was severely challenged in Poland (1956), Hungary (1956), and Czecho slovakia (1968). In addition, Yugoslavia launched a rival model as early as 1950. While spontaneous strikes occurred only occasionally, certain apolitical or non-ideological forms of deviance remained permanent features of the Soviet- type system, ranging from lateness for work and indif ferent performance through evasion and violation of formal norms to absenteeism, labor turnover, and pilferage. Al though in the mid-1970s the prospect of any far-reaching reforms was bleak, the contradictions inherent to the systems had not disappeared. Consequently, they were by no means free of potential conflict.
Political Transition in Urban Africa
Authors: Barnes Sandra T.
Published: March 2007

Political change in Africa has not met the ex pectations of pre-independence analysts. Civil wars, military coups, and the demise of multi-party states weigh heavily on the performance of public authorities and the smooth functioning of the body politic. At the local level, political and demographic changes also exceed expectations. Ad ministrators are unprepared to deal with the vast numbers of migrants who are attracted to the burgeoning cities. At the same time, agencies are constantly reorganized and bureau cratic continuity is minimal. The result is that residents are forced to meet political needs through their own efforts. To these ends there has been an increasing Africanization of the polity, as seen in the proliferation of traditional authority figures who adapt their roles as chiefs or patrons to the modem urban marketplace, and a proliferation of organizations and networks that serve as interest groups or dispute-settlement mechanisms in place of formal govern mental institutions. Although unanticipated, these features can no longer be considered deviations from a prescribed norm. They are an organic part of the political process. Today they account for much of the stability and con tinuity that are to be found in Africa's urban political systems.
The Developing States of Africa
Authors: Morgenthau Ruth Schachter
Published: March 2007

The colonial era, with its monopoly of wealth by whites, is over. None of the withdrawing colonial powers were very good at preparing the African nations for indepen dence. It took a decade for the invisible structures of empire to start giving way. Most African countries inherited insuf ficient administrative and economic infrastructures, borders that made little economic sense, and small markets. As a result, they were vulnerable, at independence, to fluctuating world prices and feast or famine conditions, making economic planning almost impossible. The economies of African states are governed by forces largely out of their control, and growth does not bring development for many because of lopsided distribution. There is, however, industrial potential, and manufacturing, though limited by low purchasing power, is growing. With the oil crisis, a few African states may hope to catch up soon with industrialized states in living standards, but meanwhile producing resources doesn't ensure equal distribution. Multinationals also weaken some African states by making them dependent. If they are to gain a sense of shared stake, they must cease to feel like horses driven by jockeys from the industrialized states.
The Impact of Urbanization on American Indians
Authors: Tax Sol
Published: March 2007

Native Americans are among the few peoples who maintain kinship and sharing cultures which contrast greatly with our large, economically oriented, individualized, impersonal, urbanizing society. Purely material requirements lead to rapidly increasing involvements. The question is "with what effect?" This paper suggests that Indians some how frustrate attempts even to research the question by meth ods which suit the impersonal society. Answers will come from them when Indian people are given the means to find their own ways in the new environment.
Medical Ethics and the Law
Authors: Grad Frank P.
Published: March 2007

Medicine, as a learned profession, has tradi tionally insisted that the conduct of physicians be governed by its own code of professional ethics. Increased government regulation of the practice of medicine, however, has largely substituted external, governmental regulation for earlier ethical constraints. Government regulations have been imposed both in response to greater risks in the practice of medicine and in consequence of ever greater government funding of health care. Though regulations reflect a contemporary consensus on ethical attitudes, their promulgation has narrowed the exercise of the physician's independent ethical judgment. While the physician is increasingly subject to legal require ments in his practice and in such areas as informed consent, the use of human subjects in clinical research, genetic and biological research, and the management of the dying pa tient, his ethical sensitivity in complying with such require ments is still essential for the protection of patients.
Medical Ethics and Professional Monopoly
Authors: Berlant Jeffrey L.
Published: March 2007

The study of medical ethics should properly include codes of ethics issued by Enlightenment philos ophers and modern medical associations. Official codes of ethics adopted by the medical profession in England and the United States have exhibited monopolistic tendencies which have strengthened over time. Examination of Thomas Percival's 1803 code of ethics reveals monopolistic rules in the areas of trust inducement, consultations, criticism, and fee setting. Another ethical code, written by John Gregory in 1770, provides evidence of antimonopolistic ethical atti tudes during the Enlightenment which were not subse quently adopted by official professional bodies. The series of ethical codes issued by the American Medical Association since its inception in 1847 exhibits even more monopolistic rules than had Percivalean ethics. In contrast to the mono polistic tendencies of official medical ethics, however, trends are currently emerging toward nonmonopolistic counter- ethics in the areas of restraint of competition, patient decision making, professional review mechanisms, and rational health care services planning.
Individual Will And Social Conditions: Toward An Effective Health Maintenance Policy
Authors: Etzioni Amitai
Published: March 2007

Many prominent health experts now assert that major improvements in the health of the American people must come from individual efforts to alter unhealthy per sonal habits and lifestyles rather than through medical services and technology. But it does not necessarily follow that a more ethical and feasible national health policy would focus primarily on exhorting Americans to mobilize their indi vidual willpower to change to more healthful personal habits. In determining the nature of such policy, three main points are essential. First, the "health and individual responsi bility" argument may overestimate the health benefits which will accrue from personal habit changes. Second, that argu ment tends to overlook or misconstrue the nature of societal constraints on individual will. It fails to specify the socio logical conditions under which millions of individuals can change their lives significantly and the role social condi tions play in maintaining unhealthy behavior and attitudes. Finally, the focus on individual decisionmaking deempha sizes the role of collective efforts, of public policy, in securing higher health standards. In essence, then, we suggest that a health policy that promotes curbing unhealthy habits and encourages healthy ones through societal action is more ethical and feasible than one focusing on "health as individual responsibility."
Abortion and Medical Ethics
Authors: Callahan Daniel
Published: March 2007

Despite the Supreme Court decision in 1973, Roe v. Wade, making abortion legally available without impedi ment during the first two trimesters of pregnancy, neither the legal nor ethical problems of abortion have been solved. Congressional opposition to federal financial support of abor tion, as well as a wide disparity in availability of abortion, indicates the still unsettled state of public policy on the issue. In medical ethics, a number of problems have surfaced in the past few years, which together form a complex set of both moral and legal issues. Fetal research, on the one hand, and the prospect of in vitro fertilization, on the other, both point to issues which recent Supreme Court decisions have not clarified. The rapid development of amniocentesis as a major tool of prenatal diagnosis highlights some of the new dilem mas. If the Supreme Court decision is read literally, there would appear to be no grounds for a physician to refuse to perform an abortion except for a clear threat to a woman's health from the abortion itself. Yet many, and perhaps most, physicians appear morally opposed to using abortion for sex selection or in those cases where simple postnatal treatment is available to correct a genetic defect. What are the rights of physicians in such cases and what, if any, are the limits on the rights of women to have abortions? Lurking in the back ground is the growing power of medicine to push back the time of viability of an infant earlier and earlier. Both new legal and ethical problems are bound to result. Abortion re mains as deeply complex a moral issue as ever.