bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
On Artillery Towers and Catapult Sizes
Authors: Rihll T. E.
Published: September 2013

Some recent statements in the scholarly literature exaggerate the length of ancient catapults, so a critique is offered, and an explanation for the source of the error is suggested. A brief account is given of how to calculate the dimensions of the ‘classic’ types of ancient catapult according to the formulae for their construction in Philon and Vitruvius. The implications for fitting artillery to fortifications are highlighted. It is emphasised that the type of device for which first generation artillery towers were designed were tension-powered catapults, not torsion-powered models. They were bow catapults (tension), not spring catapults (torsion), and therefore, since the formulae apply only to spring catapults, none of the ancient formulae apply to the machines for which first generation artillery towers were built.
Keros: Dhaskalio and Kavos, early Cycladic Stronghold and Ritual Centre. Preliminary Report of 2006 and 2007 seasons
Authors: Renfrew Colin , Philaniotou Olga , Brodie Neil , Gavalas Giorgos , Margaritis Evi , French Charles , Sotirakopoulou Panagiota
Published: September 2013

The excavations of the Cambridge Keros Project at early bronze age Dhaskalio and Dhaskalio Kavos on the Cycladic Island of Keros during the 2006 and 2007 seasons are described. They were directed by Colin Renfrew with Olga Philaniotou as Associate Director and Neil Brodie and Giorgos Gavalas as Assistant Directors. The site of Dhaskalio Kavos is well-known for the extensive looting which took place there during the 1950's. Rescue excavations by Christos Doumas in 1963 and by Photeini Zapheiropoulou in 1967, and a project in 1987, directed by Renfrew, Doumas and Lila Marangou, defined the extent of the looted ‘special deposit’, assigned to the early bronze age Keros-Syros culture (Early Bronze II). At the beginning of the 2006 field season a separate and unlooted special deposit was located at the southern end of the Kavos site (the ‘Special Deposit South’). Its excavation yielded thousands of fragments of marble vessels and potsherds, and hundreds of broken marble figurines. These had been deliberately broken elsewhere, brought to the site and deposited there in what appears to be a ritual context. Work on the Special Deposit South continued in 2007, and excavations on the extensive Early Cycladic settlement on the small (200 metre) but precipitous island of Dhaskalio were initiated. Well preserved building remains were uncovered with abundant Early Cycladic domestic materials.

Dhaskalio island may now be recognised as a major settlement of the Keros-Syros culture (c. 2800 to 2300 BC). Kavos, immediately opposite on Keros itself, is confirmed as the locus for two separate areas of structured deposition of high status materials, brought from a wide range of sources in the Cyclades and possibly beyond, apparently already in fragmentary condition, and placed there in a series of prestations for which a ritual context may safely be inferred. Dhaskalio Kavos may now be claimed as the first major symbolic centre of the early Aegean.
Late Helladic IIA and IIB: Some Evidence from Korakou
Authors: Dickinson O. T. P. K.
Published: September 2013

The distinction between L.H. IIA and L.H. IIB as stylistic and historical phases was set out by Furumark over twenty years ago, but the terms have still not come into general use. Instead, L.H. II is treated as a unit, roughly equivalent to the fifteenth century B.C. Yet it is now generally agreed that there was an important historical ‘break’ in the middle of the century, marked by the destruction of many sites in Crete, which roughly coincides with the suggested division between L.H. IIA and L.H. IIB. The distinction between material preceding and following this ‘break’ on the mainland is likely to be of importance for the general history of the period.

In his discussion of these phases, Furumark was forced to rely very largely on tomb-groups, and his total material was not very great. He was conscious that additional evidence was needed for L.H. I and L.H. IIA, and commented on the general dearth of stratified material, accepting only one site, Korakou, as showing a L.H. I–II stratification.
The Heraeum at Perachora, and the Early History of Corinth and Megara
Authors: Salmon John
Published: September 2013

The excavations conducted by Payne from 1930 to 1933 at the Corinthian sanctuary of Hera on the tip of the Perachora peninsula have led to extensive revisions of early Corinthian and Megarian history. The main aim of Payne was to extend our knowledge of the early art and archaeology of Corinth, and in this respect his expectations of the site were brilliantly fulfilled; but the use that has been made of the evidence uncovered at the Heraeum has been much more wide-ranging. Payne himself (Perachora i. 21 f.) believed that although the sanctuary was situated in Corinthian territory the Argives played a central role in the foundation of its cult. Dunbabin (JHS lxviii (1948) 59 ff.) followed Payne in this conclusion and was thus led to reconsider the question of the foundation of Dorian Corinth; relying heavily on the supposedly Argive character of many of the finds from the Heraeum, he concluded that the city of Corinth itself was founded by Argives. Hammond, however, went further (BSA xlix (1954) 93 ff.). He argued, partly from the cult history of the sanctuary itself, and partly from indications in the literary sources, that the Heraeum was not Corinthian at all during the first years of its life, but Megarian; and that after a period of uncertainty in the late eighth century, when sometimes Corinth and sometimes Megara controlled the site, it finally became a Corinthian possession and the Megarians were never again able to make good their claim to the territory.
Excavations at Ayios Stephanos
Authors: Taylour W. D.
Published: September 2013

Of the many sites surveyed by Helen Waterhouse and R. Hope Simpson in Laconia one of the most outstanding is that of Ayios Stephanos (BSA lv (1960) 97–100). It is about 45 km. SSE. of Sparta and distant just under two km. from the sea (PLATE 39a). At one time it undoubtedly was a promontory jutting out into the sea, for in many parts of the Mediterranean the land has risen since Classical times. The site is a flat-topped hill, the habitable part of which covers an area of roughly 45,000 square metres. It is steep on the north and east. To the west it links up with the foothills of the Taygetus range. In recent years the hill has been used for pasturage, but at one time it was almost certainly cultivated and the plough has done a lot of damage to the underlying walls and burials.
A NEW LINK BETWEEN THE MOTET AND TROUVÈRE CHANSON: THEPEDES-CUM-CAUDAMOTET
Authors: Saint-Cricq Gaël
Published: September 2013

This article investigates a corpus of sixteen thirteenth-century motets whose formal structures are rigorously modelled on the AAB formal type of the trouvère chanson. This corpus bears witness that the first specimens of hybridization between polyphony and the high-style lyric chanson arose as early as the 1240s, well before the emergence of fourteenth-century polyphonic song. The analysis of the make-up of the AAB form of the motets first reveals that its elements completely match those of thepedes-cum-caudaformal type of trouvère chansons. The formal impact of song citations within the corpus is then explored, together with the different modalities according to which they are involved in the make-up of the AAB form. Finally, the analysis of the texture of the works brings to light the singularity of their fabric: remodelled by the structures of the trouvère chanson, it breaks with the traditional format of the motet and turns into the texture of a motet-chanson.
Strategic Modelling: “Building a New Socialist Countryside” in Three Chinese Counties
Authors: Ahlers Anna L. , Schubert Gunter
Published: September 2013

Models, pilots and experiments are considered distinctive features of the Chinese policy process. However, empirical studies on local modelling practices are rare. This article analyses the ways in which three rural counties in three different provinces engage in strategies of modelling and piloting to implement the central government's “Building a New Socialist Countryside” (shehuizhuyi xinnongcun jianshe) programme. It explains how county and township governments apply these strategies and to what effect. It also highlights the scope and limitations of local models and pilots as useful mechanisms for spurring national development. The authors plead for a fresh look at local modelling practices, arguing that these can tell us much about the realities of governance in rural China today.
Internships in Politics: The CUNY Experience
Authors: Hirschfield Robert S. , Adler Norman M.
Published: September 2013

In December of 1949, a student of public service internships wrote: “All of the professions have sought reality and human understanding, at least in some degree, through the use of internships.” At that time, however, according to a survey conducted by Thomas and Doris Reed, only one American college offered what we would now regard as a political internship program.

Today this situation has changed dramatically, and the place of political internships in undergraduate (as well as some graduate) curricula is established in scores of colleges. The pressure for so-called “life experience” courses, the move toward independent study and off-campus programs, and the renewed interest of political and administrative leaders have all contributed to the burgeoning of intern programs. In fact, a recent meeting at Lexington, Kentucky saw internship directors from across the country gathering to confer on such matters as the philosophy of internship, financing, organization, relationships among politicians, academics and students, and related matters.
Reflections on Political Internships
Authors: Hedlund Ronald D.
Published: September 2013

Despite widespread and growing interest among students and faculty in using practical political involvement as an adjunct to formal classroom teaching, professional academic literature offers little guidance regarding such programs. As Professors Hirschfield and Adler point out, political science literature has largely ignored questions regarding the scope, structure and strategies of internship programs. Anyone concerned with how students respond in these settings or with what can be done to maximize student learning during internships would find little assistance in the journals, books and monographs of political science. Indeed, no central source even has access to the number of national, state and local political internship programs sponsored by institutions of higher education, public or private agencies, and professional organizations. Consequently, communication regarding internships is fragmented and haphazard. Interested persons must rely on informal channels of communication (e.g., correspondence, mimeographed evaluations and reports circulated among program directors), infrequent conferences (e.g., the 1971 Kentucky Conference on Students in Government and the 1972 APSA Conference on Political Science and State and Local Government), and prior experience with other internship programs (45 per cent of the past academic participants in the APSA Congressional Fellowship Program reported some type of subsequent involvement in other internships, with 91 per cent of these indicating that this later involvement was administrative or advisory). Such a communications network is hardly an adequate substitute for systematic exchange and rigorous analysis. The anomaly in this state of affairs is thatanyexchange of information and sharing of experiences has taken place. Hopefully, these two reports inPS, the scheduled publication of a book,Government Management Internships and Executive Development, and a new journal,Teaching Political Science, plus the formation of a center for disseminating internship information, the National Center for Public Service Internship Programs with their “Public Service Internship Newsletter,” Indicate a new stage in the evolution of political science concern with internships.
Confidentiality of Social Science Research Sources and Data: The Popkin Case
Authors: Carroll James D.
Published: September 2013

On November 21, 1972 Samuel Lewis Popkin, an assistant professor of government at Harvard University, was imprisoned in the federal section of the Norfolk County jail in Dedham, Massachusetts, under a contempt order of the United States District Court, District of Massachusetts. He was imprisoned for contempt of court for refusal to answer several questions before a federal grand jury investigating the publication of the Pentagon Papers. In the course of the grand jury proceedings Popkin asserted a right under the First Amendment to refuse to answer questions concerning the identity of confidential sources and the content of his opinions and data developed in the course of research on and in Vietnam. He refused to answer the questions on the grounds that they violated his rights to freedom of the press, freedom of speech, and freedom of assembly under the First Amendment in the absence of a showing by the government that the information sought was relevant and necessary to the government's investigation.

On November 28, 1972, the grand jury was discharged at the government's request and Popkin was released from jail.

In early January, 1973, Popkin filed a petition for a writ of certiorari asking the Supreme Court to review the case. The petition was denied by the Court in April, 1973.

The Popkin case is the first on record in American law in which the question of a scholar's right to the confidentiality of his sources and data has been raised and decided, at least in part, on the merits.
Presidential Papers as a Political Science Concern
Authors: Vose Clement E.
Published: September 2013

Among the modest number of widely-accepted generalizations about American history is the proposition that many subjects that were once ignored altogether or dealt with privately here, over the decades, come to be regarded as societal problems regulated best, or at least inevitably, by the national government in Washington. Whatever its applications otherwise, this description appears to fit the handling of the papers of Presidents of the United States from 1789 onwards. A backward step in this trend seemed to be signified on Pardon Day, September 8, 1974, when Philip W. Buchen, Counsel to the President, released two legal documents that expressed President Ford's conclusions about the Presidential materials of Richard Nixon. The bottom line was that the papers and other records, including tapes, retained during the Administration of former President Nixon in the White House offices “are the present property of Mr. Nixon.”

Beginning with these documents, this report will describe each of the key events from September, 1974 to the end of January, 1975 concerning the wise handling of Presidential materials. The chief focus will be on the litigation challenging Nixon's ownership, especially the participation as a party by The American Political Science Association. We will examine the initial judicial phase of this controversy including the ruling of Judge Charles R. Richey on January 31, 1975 favorable to the Association and its allies.
On Dissertations: More Data
Authors: Sackmann Peter J.
Published: September 2013

Two years ago I submitted some aggregate data toPSabout time-span averages lying between graduation and completion of Ph.D. requirements in Political Science. These tabulations were based on the annual listings of “Doctorial Dissertations in Political Science” by the American Political Science Association. The following is an update and expansion on these findings. The idea was to relate departmental programs or guidelines—it is generally suggested that a period of four to five years should be sufficient for the completion of all Ph.D. requirements—to the time span that actually “lies” between graduation and the awarding of the doctorial degree.

In a number of responses some critics have pointed out that the calculated averages of 10.0 to 9.5 years (from 1970–72) do not reflect on actual seminar and research time, since they are inflated by such time consuming factors as military service, need to work for financial support, travel, etc. This is an important point which should be made very clear.
The Proposed New Association Constitution: A View from the Committee
Authors: Hawkinson Robert E. , Rosenblum Victor G.
Published: September 2013

The members of the Constitutional Revision Committee of the APSA were predominantly in agreement over the proposed text, though their reasons for supporting the text of the draft may have varied in particular instances. The authors of this article, in presenting their views in support of the draft, obviously claim to speak only for themselves. Hopefully, sufficient time and agenda space will be available at the business meeting during the 1971 Convention so that all the members of the Constitutional Revision Committee will feel encouraged to develop their particular arguments in behalf of the document in full detail.

In many respects the proposed new Constitution speaks for itself and needs no explanation. It seemed pointless and wasteful to us, for example, to specify the cost of annual dues as was done in the original Constitution. A Constitutional amendment was necessary, pursuant to the original document, each time the dues structure had to be altered. It is more consonant with the nature of a Constitution as a general framework of governance to leave such detailed items for careful deliberation by the assembly rather than to freeze them into the Constitution.
The Structure of Professional Education in Departments of Political Science
Authors: Orbell John M. , Mushkatel Alvin H. , Pierce Lawrence C.
Published: September 2013

The organization of graduate programs has received increasing attention lately within political science. Teaching techniques, course requirements, class size, student representation in departmental decision-making processes have all been Investigated. This paper examines another aspect of graduate education, the effect of departmental structure on the learning process. We do not deal with the substance of a political science education, but rather with various dimensions of political science departments as organizations. Our findings are based on a survey of fourteen political science departments that was conducted in the winter of 1970. Questionnaires were sent to faculty and to graduate students In the selected departments, and both sets of respondents were asked questions about their attitudes, preferences, perceptions of others, and their interaction patterns in the department.

Our Interest is indepartmentsand the Individual responses are used to definedepartmentalvariables. In this paper we examine different characteristics of political science departments, not characteristics of individual students or faculty. Although we get some clues as to what we might expect from organizational theory, our approach is frankly exploratory. First we draw on McQultty's elementary linkage analysis to identify basic distinctions among the departments in our study, and second we use rank order correlation techniques to explore how these and other dimensions go together.
Reasons for Journal Rejection: An Analysis of 600 Manuscripts
Authors: Bonjean Charles M. , Hullum Jan
Published: September 2013

The rejection of manuscripts by journals is clearly the norm in the social sciences. For example, in 1976 about 700 manuscripts were submitted to theAmerican Economic Reviewand more than 500 were rejected; theAmerican Sociological Reviewrejected more than 500 of about 600 submitted; and of the 525 manuscripts reviewed by theAmerican Political Science Review, almost 500 were rejected. To be sure, these are the top journals in their disciplines; but other respectable journals display the same pattern for that year: theSouthern Economic Journalturned down well over 400 of the 500 manuscripts received; theSocial Science Quarterlyrejected about 425 of the almost 500 received; and theAmerican Journal of Political Sciencereceived about 320 and rejected 270. That a perusal of the editorial reports of other journals would yield comparable findings is documented by a survey of 72 economics journals which collectively reported a rejection rate of 77 percent.
Teaching Political Scientists: the Centrafity of Research
Authors: Hadley Charles D.
Published: September 2013

Three decades ago in his analysis of the academic profession, Logan Wilson found that the faculty in lesser institutions as well as the junior faculty in the major universities held teaching to have primacy over research. At the same time, however, “everywhere there (was) an attitude among the academic elite that dismisses meticulous attention to instruction as a deflection from the ‘higher’ purposes of scholarship and science.” Research, not teaching, was found necessary for professional prestige and institutional recognition. Theodore Caplow and Reece J. McGee identified the conflict between teaching and research as “the leading problem for the individual faculty member.” A faculty member is hired to teach but expected to do research and publish — at the expense of the former; and in fact, “academic success is likely to come to the man who has learned to neglect his assigned duties in order to have more time and energy to pursue his private professional interests.”

Other authors argue from a different perspective. Frank Pinner did not see teaching and research as alternatives but as “part of the same process of education, complementary activities in the academic community.” Pinner went on to explain it was not possible to allocate time to each function due to differing teaching and research demands in different fields and due to individual work habits.
“Those Aspects of the Social Sciences…”
Authors: Frey Cynthia Wolloch
Published: September 2013

For a discipline that lies beyond the boundaries of what traditionally has been considered the domain of the humanities, political science has not fared badly at the endowment established to promote humanistic knowledge. However, that is a subjective judgment: One of the dubious charms of the NEH has been its failure, until recently, to implement a data collection and retrieval system that could yield information concerning the magnitude of support received by a given discipline. At long last an ADP system, known to its friends as AUGUSTUS (its enemies call it other things), is undergoing debugging. It is scheduled to be fully operational by the end of the current fiscal year.

Two additional factors make it difficult to isolate grants awarded in political science. The Endowment, unlike the National Science Foundation, divides its workload principally by the type of audiences at which funded projects are aimed—e.g., the general public, research scholars, educators, community groups—rather than by discipline. Thus, just as there is no English program, so there is no political science program at the Endowment. Projects conducted by political scientists are eligible to compete in all of the funding categories administered by the Divisions of Fellowships, Research Grants, Public Programs, and Education Programs. To the extent that they express local or regional interests and involve a general out-of-school public, they may also compete for funds offered by the State Humanities Committees which serve as regrant agencies for the Endowment.
Placement of Political Scientists, 1978–79
Authors: Mann Sheilah K.
Published: September 2013

This is the seventh report on the experience of new political scientists looking for jobs. Two years have passed since the last report, which was based upon placement data for 1977. In this report on placement data collected in 1978 and 1979, there are some changes in who succeeds in finding jobs and in what kinds of jobs they find. These changes may be an indication of professional adjustment to the realities of the academic job market.

The 1977 placement report examined the academic job market for political scientists in the next two decades, and pointed out that the projected decline in college enrollments until 1994 means that nearly all of the positions open to new faculty will be generated by the need to replace current faculty who die, retire or move to non-teaching jobs. Since the median age of political scientists is in the mid-30s, we were told that there will be few openings due to retirements until the mid-1990s. And, we were left with the question as to whether, in view of the limited supply of academic job opportunities, the profession will make changes in its graduate curricula and/or its placement strategies. In addressing this question with respect to the 1978 and 1979 placement classes, it is useful to summarize what has remained constant in the placement of political scientists in order to highlight what has changed.
Social Science Research at the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency
Authors: Daly Judith Ayres
Published: September 2013

The purpose of this paper is to communicate, a la Dawson (1978) and Frey (1980) the what and how of the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency/Cybernetics Technology Division's (DARPA/CTD) social science research funding. It is hoped that it will make some, who may have asked “What's a DARPA?” while perusing the Table of Contents, aware of another possible funding source and will enhance the relevance to the DARPA mission of proposals received by the Division.
The Third Cla't Theme: Wild in the Corridors
Authors: Schubert Glendon
Published: September 2013

This essay is a preview of a forthcoming reader on contemporary American political science. I wrote it, at the solicitation of the co-editors of the volume, as a foreword — not, as Michael Haas so quaintly persists in calling it, as a “preface” (which is something that an author or editor himself writes). The conventional role of the forewordist is to associate his name or position with the volume that he introduces, and to proffer a few hyperbolic pats on the back (or head) of the author before tiptoeing sedately offstage. But my subject is not an innocuous book, and I thought it would be insulting to the editors — and most certainly, inconsistent with their principal theses — if I were to give such a foppish performance at the threshold of a work intended to catalyze a revolution in the behaviors of the members of the political science profession. Editors Haas and Kariel thought otherwise, however; and because their view of professional ethics does not require them to festoon their book with a controversial point of view with which they disagree, what was written as my foreword to their book appears instead in this alternative forum and in the form of a preview.
Is Religion Being Politicized? And Other Pressing Questions Latin America Poses
Authors: Levine Daniel H.
Published: September 2013

Is religion being politicized in Latin America? The question is commonly asked today, but rests only in part on concern with Latin American events themselves. To be sure, religious issues, groups, and people have lately been salient in the politics of El Salvador, Nicaragua, Brazil, or Chile—to name only some of the more familiar cases. But the question has deeper roots in a general North American concern with the potential of politicized religion to spur social protest and political change in cases otherwise as distinct as Iran, Poland, Southern Africa, Lebanon, the Philippines, or Latin America itself. Much of this concern is also clearly a refraction of puzzlement here at home with the resurgence of religious issues into national political discourse. These considerations suggest that finding answers to questions about the politicization of religion requires as much attention to the meaning of the questions themselves and to the assumptions built into their posing, as to the search for specific instances of politicized religion in Latin America today.

Questions about the politicization of religion arise from longstanding intellectual traditions which make religion secondary to supposedly more immediate, real, or rational social, economic, or political forces. When religion as an issue or religiously inspired groups do appear in political arenas, they are seen as interlopers, aberrant and likely short-lived phenomena. From this vantage point, religion appears mostly as a survivor from the past, doomed to privatization and ultimate disappearance.
The Anti-Nuclear Weapons Movements
Authors: Mandelbaum Michael
Published: September 2013

Of all modern machines, indeed of all the artifacts of modern culture, the bomb is the most frightening. It is the most dangerous of all human inventions. The American, European, and Soviet people have always known how dangerous it is. They have, nevertheless, left nuclear weapons in the hands of the nuclear priesthood. (In the Soviet Union this has not been a matter of choice.) In the 1980s some in the West resolved to take control of the bomb. They began to demand that disarmament replace deterrence as the principal nuclear business of the Atlantic alliance.

Probably from 1945 onward the average American or European would, if asked, have said that he wanted to do away with all nuclear arsenals rather than refine or increase them. But the average Westerner was not asked, and did not say so, at least not in any way that influenced public policy. In the 1980s citizens of the West did begin to say so, publicly, loudly, and in growing numbers. For the first time, a mass movement dedicated to shaping the nuclear future appeared on both sides of the Atlantic.

In this, as in other things, the North American and the European wings of NATO differ. Opposition to the alliance's nuclear weapons policies made itself known earlier in Europe than in the United States. Both European and American anti-nuclear weapons activists aimed ultimately to lift the nuclear siege that the world must endure as long as these weapons exist. But each rallied around a more immediate issue, and the issues were different. The Europeans opposed the stationing of 572 intermediate-range missiles on the continent, which the NATO governments deemed necessary to offset comparable Soviet weapons. In the United States a proposal to freeze the deployment, testing, and manufacture of all weapons by both superpowers attracted wide support.
The Madness beyond MAD—Current American Nuclear Strategy
Authors: Jervis Robert
Published: September 2013

A rational strategy for the employment of nuclear weapons is a contradiction in terms. The enormity of the destruction, either executed or threatened, severs the nexus of proportionality between means and ends which used to characterize the threat and use of force. This does not mean, however, that all nuclear strategies are equally irrational. The nuclear policy of the Reagan administration—which is essentially the same as that of the Carter administration and which has its roots in developments initiated by even earlier administrations—is particularly ill-formed. As I will demonstrate, the basic reason for this is that the strategy rests on a profound underestimation of the impact of nuclear weapons on military strategy and attempts to understand the current situation with intellectual tools appropriate only in the pre-nuclear era.

American strategy for the past several years—the “countervailing strategy”—has been based on the assumption that what is crucial is the ability of American and allied military forces to deny the Soviets military advantage from any aggression they might contemplate. The U.S. must be prepared to meet and block any level of Soviet force. The strategy is then one of counterforce—blocking and seeking to destroy Soviet military power. The goal is deterrence. Although it is concerned with how the U.S. would fight many different kinds of wars, both nuclear and non-nuclear, it is not correct to claim that the strategy seeks to engage in wars rather than deter them.
The Teaching of Citizenship
Authors: Mansfield Harvey C.
Published: September 2013

The teaching of citizenship might seem inappropriate for a political scientist. Such teaching is normative, it might be said, but political science is empirical. And, it might be added, citizenship is a parochial concern for the good of one's own country, whereas political science is based on a universal love of truth. These objections will have to be made more precise, even recast; but insofar as they suggest that good citizen and good political scientist may not be the same thing, they are perfectly reasonable.

The distinction between empirical and normative, or fact and value (which cannot be explored theoretically here), means that a political scientist, as political scientist, cannot tell citizens whether citizenship is a good thing, or say that political science is a good thing and ought to be welcomed or tolerated by citizens. A political scientist might perhaps remark empirically, or half-empirically, that love of one's country animates the citizens as citizen and love of truth inspires the political scientist as political scientist. But instead of leading to conflict between citizens and political scientists and hence to a problem for political scientists, who must be both, this observation is made to yield a queer harmony between the two. It is thought that since political scientists cannot pronounce upon the worth of citizenship, they do not get in the way of citizens. Their work is neutral to that of citizens. Love of truth does not interfere with love of country because all loves, being “values,” are incommensurable. Thus, the methodology of the fact-value distinction provides a lefthanded endorsement of (at least democratic) citizenship.
Cutting Across the Institutional Grain: The Study of Political Parties
Authors: Epstein Leon D.
Published: September 2013

Having had a foot in each camp for over 30 years, I am acutely aware of our discipline's customary division of the study of political parties between American and non-American subjects. The division remains most apparent in teaching programs despite increasing cross-national research efforts during the last few decades. I doubt that merger is entirely feasible. The division is deeply rooted in the general development of political science in the United States, and something like it is characteristic of other subjects as well as of parties. Legislatures, executives, and courts readily come to mind. Significantly, they are governmental institutions so linked to a country's constitutional and historical experience that a national context for their study seems plainly appropriate. Although parties are not governmental institutions in the same sense as are legislatures, executives, and courts, they have become more than merely private political associations. Most notably in the United States, they are plainly quasigovernmental in many respects. Perhaps this helps to explain why American political scientists have treated our parties, along with governing agencies, as American institutions while leaving parties in other nations for treatment under the rubric of comparative government and politics. Much can be said in behalf of that institutional tradition, but one must grant that it ties our work to geographic units and thus keeps many political scientists closer to historians, in at least one methodological sense, than to economists or sociologists. For better or worse, we thus appear less scientific, conceptually, than the ambitious title of our discipline suggests.
How to Succeed in Political Science by Being Very Trying: A Methodological Sampler
Authors: Sigelman Lee
Published: September 2013

Daily we are bombarded by advice on how to succeed in political science. We are told what to read—everybody in Philadelphia readsWorld Politics, conclude media watchers Giles and Wright. We are told how to speak—practice phrases like “latent functional isomorphism” and “quasi-longitudinal typology,” concludes politico-linguist Betty Zisk, and success will be ours. We are even told where to dine—Tadich's or Sam's for fish in San Francisco, decrees gastronomical heavyweight Richard Brody.

Impeccable reading habits, a finely-honed vocabulary, and proper nutrition notwithstanding, we are in imminent danger of failure as political scientists unless we are able to establish our bona fides as data analysts. This requires that we master some canons of research methodology. Unfortunately, these methodological strictures have yet to be systematically codified. By presenting some basics of proper research methodology, by discussing some more sophisticated techniques (e.g., the Multiplicative N-Extender, the Levitating Measure Raiser), and by cataloguing some even more advanced routines (e.g., the Spontaneous Phytogeny Recapitulator, the Deviant Data Bender), the present exploratory study takes a tentative first step in the direction of a more systematic political science.
Some Facts About Values
Authors: de Sola Pool Ithiel
Published: September 2013

Leading articles in both the current issue ofAPSR(Winter 1969–70) and ofPS(Fall 1969) attack an identical quotation from my chapter in “The Public and the Polity” inContemporary Political Science. In reply to Professor Sheldon Wolin's article in APSR, I wrote a short reply for he clearly misinterpreted the quotation in an otherwise serious article. Professor Surkin's piece, “Sense and Non-sense in Politics” inPSfrustrates all my attempts at a short reply, for the issue is not the text of a particular quotation that has become a minor cause célebre, but rather the central thesis of his article that is in error. His is an error that has become sufficiently widely diffused these days that it needs a serious reply.

The issue is the role of value judgments in political science. The common error is the assertion that modern political science has been non-normative and value-free, or at least has aimed at being so. The statement is usually made in criticism of so-called behavioral political science and in favor of a supposed post-behavioral revolution, which is alleged to be seeking a new concern for relevance. Professor Surkin's article is a particular variant on that theme. He states that his purpose is to show that a particular social science methodology, namely, “claimed objectivity and value neutrality” leads to a “non-objective role for social science knowledge in the service of the dominant institutions in American society”. Here is an important set of allegations.
The APSA and Minority Representation
Authors: Brams Steven J.
Published: September 2013

The concept of representation has been much discussed and debated in the literature of political science. My intent here is not to review or evaluate the different meanings or implications that have been given to this concept but instead to focus on specific voting schemes which would allow the expression of minority (as well as majority) viewpoints in an elected voting body in rough proportion to their numbers of supporters in a larger electorate. As a procedural question, we shall look at representation in terms of the operation of voting rules which allow the preferences of a group to be translated into the election of representatives who would becapableof expressing the group's preferences in an elected body. Whether these representatives, upon election,shouldfaithfully attempt to reflect the views of their supporters (the “delegate model”), or instead exercise their own independent judgments on matters before the body (the “free agent model”), is a normative question which will not be considered in this analysis.

I shall begin the analysis by postulating two abstract requirements that a voting scheme of proportional representation should meet. I shall then suggest a particular voting scheme which meets these requirements, analyze the logical interrelatedness of the requirements, and finally show the application of the proposed voting scheme to the election of officers and Council members of the American Political Science Association (APSA), using the results of the 1969 APSA election for purposes of illustration. The effects which the size of an elected body has on the strategies available to groups seeking representation on it will be analyzed and illustrated in the Appendix.
Whatever Is Happening to the British Party System?
Authors: King Anthony
Published: September 2013

British politics are more fun today, at least for the political scientist, than at any time since the Second World War. The British two-party system, that seemingly immutable product of the “first past the post” electoral system, Britain's social structure and the enduring party identifications of Britain's voters, shows every sign of breaking up–not slowly and gradually, but with something approaching Mount St. Helen's force. A political party that did not exist a year ago, the Social Democrats, is now, in alliance with the liberals, sweeping all before it electorally. This short article tries to give some account of what is going on–and why.

The present upheaval is taking place both down below, among voters, and up above, among members of Parliament and other prominent politicians. Let us begin with the voters.
Cancún and After: The United States and the Developing World
Authors: Wiarda Howard J.
Published: September 2013

The meetings of heads of state and foreign ministers of the eight already industrialized and the fourteen developing nations held at Mexico's lush island resort of Cancun raised high hopes and expectations among some, consternation and frustration among others. The real meaning and substance of the meeting were often obscured by the media's forced reliance on the official press briefings and, in the absence of other information, the emphasis on the food eaten, the elaborate security precautions, and the luxury of the surroundings. By now Cancún has faded from the headlines, but the issues and agendas raised are likely to be with us for a long time.

The Cancún meeting may have been a watershed. It is not that the place is so important or even that this particular gathering was so crucial. The issues have been building for years. But what Cancún did was to provide a prestigious forum and sounding board for the Third World ideas, and to bring some of these home to the American public for the first time.
Federal Management: Pathological Problems and Simple Cures
Authors: Rosenbaum Allan
Published: September 2013

Like all of their recent predecessors, senior officials of the Reagan administration have spoken both frequently and with enthusiasm of their intention to save large amounts of taxpayers' money while making the federal government more responsive and dramatically increasing agency productivity. All of this is to be done by shaping up the federal bureaucracy.

The main activity which has emerged so far has been to implement a hiring freeze, to reduce the size of the federal bureaucracy through firings and furloughs, and to advocate a barely specified form of cabinet governance. While these actions may save money in the short run, they will not improve the actual functioning of the federal bureaucracy.

Indeed, ideas emerging from presidential appointees frequently tend to be irrelevant for one simple reason: most secretaries, assistant secretaries and even deputy assistant secretaries know very little about federal bureaucracy when they come to Washington and subsequently spend a remarkably small portion of their time learning about it—a fact that in itself is one of the major obstacles to improving the management of the federal government.

Few secretaries, assistant secretaries and deputy assistant secretaries in any administration can resist the call of endless meetings with their counterparts from the states, other federal agencies or the big interest groups. Even more compelling for them is the siren call of travel to Paris, Peoria, and sundry places east and west to spread both enlightenment and the gospel of their administration and to revel in the attention automatically granted many visiting federal officials.
Learning from Failures Present and Past
Authors: Elfin Margery L.
Published: September 2013

The Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) is not the first failed attempt to amend the U.S. Constitution to make the political power of women more equal to that of men. Nor was the first failure connected with the so-called Women's Suffrage Amendment which was ratified in 1920. Rather, it occurred 50 years and four successful amendments earlier. Despite the determined efforts of a small group of women, the Fifteenth Amendment guaranteed the right of all male citizens to vote regardless of “race, color, or previous condition of servitude” but left out women altogether.

It would be foolhardy to draw neat parallels between the experiences of activist women at two times as different as 1870 and the present. Nonetheless, it can be an instructive exercise.

Americans have always been suspicious of elites, and criticism leveled at the leadership of the ERA reflects that attitude. It would be unlikely, however, for amassmovement to be the propelling force behind a constitutional amendment. Looking back at the struggle over the Fifteenth Amendment, we see that a small band of educated, upper-middle-class women fought for the inclusion of women. That those women were perceived as an elite does seem to have hurt their cause. Similarly, the ERA's chances may have been damaged by a perception that its chief proponents were not typical American women.

Yet, the political culture of the time is clearly of greatest importance in determining an amendment's passage. In 1870 the barriers to acceptance of women as leaders were so great that even communicating their views was no easy task for the early suffragettes. The culture was resistant to women “speaking out.”
Action, the Act Requirement and Criminal Liability
Authors: Duff Antony
Published: September 2013

The slogan that criminal liability requires an ‘act’, or a ‘voluntary act’, is still something of a commonplace in textbooks of criminal law. There are, it is usually added, certain exceptions to this requirement— cases in which liability is in fact, and perhaps even properly, imposed in the absence of such an act: but the ‘act requirement’ is taken to represent a normally minimal necessary condition of criminal liability. Even offences of strict liability, for which no mens rea is required, require an act: thus to the familiar slogan that actus non facit reum nisi metis sit rea we can add the prior, more fundamental slogan that mens non facit reum nisi actus sit reus; before we ask whether a defendant acted with mens rea or fault, we must ask whether he committed a criminal act at all.
Effects of Inorganic Phosphates on the Thermodynamic, Pasting, and Asian Noodle‐Making Properties of Whole Wheat Flour
Authors: Niu Meng , Li Xiaodan , Wang Li , Chen Zhengxing , Hou Gary G.
Published: September 2013

The effects of four inorganic phosphates on the thermodynamic and pasting properties of whole wheat flour as well as color, cooking quality, textural properties, and structural characteristics of whole wheat noodles were studied. The addition of phosphates increased the gelatinization temperature and enthalpy of melting of starch in whole wheat flour. Rapid visco analysis showed that all phosphates significantly increased whole wheat flour peak viscosity and final viscosity. Moreover, the whole wheat noodles prepared with disodium phosphate, trisodium phosphate, and sodium tripolyphosphate (STPP) exhibited brighter appearance, and the use of STPP and sodium hexametaphosphate reduced the cooking loss of whole wheat noodles. Texture profile analysis of cooked noodles revealed that the addition of phosphates significantly decreased the hardness and slightly increased the springiness, cohesiveness, and resilience. The microstructure of whole wheat noodles showed a larger degree of connectivity of the protein network and coverage of starch granules in the presence of inorganic phosphates. The results suggested that inorganic phosphates exhibited substantial effects on improving the quality of whole wheat noodles. Of the four phosphates studied, STPP appeared to be the most effective one in improving the overall properties of whole wheat noodles when they were normalized to constant phosphate content.