bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Yield of Turmeric Varieties [Curcuma longa (L.)] Under Eucalyptus (Eucalyptus tereticornis) Based Agroforestry System in Chhattisgarh Plain, India
Authors: Mankur Manish Kumar , Toppo Pratap , Singh Lalji , Tuteja S.S. , Painkra Dayanand Sai , Singh Ekta
Published: September 2024

The experiment was conducted during the year 2022-23 and 2023-24 in Kharif seasons at the Herbal Garden of IGKV, Raipur, Chhattisgarh. Two production systems were studied: F1 involved sole Turmeric, while F2 involved Eucalyptus intercropped with Turmeric in both the production system used FRBD (Factorial Randomized Block Design). Eight turmeric varieties were used: T1 - Suranjana, T2 - Selam, T3 – Chhattisgarh Haldi-1, T4 – Chhattisgarh Haldi-2, T5 – Roma, T6- Ranga, T7- NDH-98 and T8- Sonali. The pooled rhizome fresh yield data for year 2022-23 and 2023-24 year shows that F2 (Eucalyptus + turmeric) (19.76 t/ha) yielded significantly less than F1 (Sole turmeric) (21.73 t/ha). Among varieties, Chhattisgarh Haldi-2 (25.18 t/ha) and NDH-98 (24.65 t/ha) recorded the maximum yield, while the lowest yield was recorded in Sonali (16 t/ha). A significant result found in production system and crop variety which showed that performance of varieties depended on the cropping system.
Pro-stakeholders motivation: Uncovering a new source of motivation for business companies
Authors: Bastons Miquel , Mas Marta , Rey Carlos
Published: July 2016

The motivation of employees is one of the main reasons why companies define mission statements and other declarations of commitment to the company’s stakeholders. Research on organizational behavior has identified three main types of motivation: extrinsic, intrinsic and prosocial motivation. However, the three forms of motivation have hardly ever been considered together, nor has it been studied which motivation is linked to the stakeholders of business companies. The main contribution of this paper is to present an agent-stakeholders model of interaction which includes and integrates extrinsic, intrinsic and pro-stakeholders motivation, as a type of prosocial motivation related to the sense of contribution to benefitting the company’s stakeholders. By basing the research on 119 Spanish companies it is verified that the three types of motivation are present in employee motivation. This finding has implications for management, as it presents the dimensions of the motivational task to be performed by managers.
Relationships among performance appraisal satisfaction, work–family conflict and job stress
Authors: Ismail Hussein Nabil , Gali Nazha
Published: July 2016

The purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship between performance appraisal satisfaction, job stress and work–family conflict. Furthermore, the study explores the role of job stress as a mediator between satisfaction with performance appraisal and work–family conflict. The total sample consisted of 120 participants from different industries. The findings revealed that performance appraisal satisfaction was negatively correlated with job stress and work–family conflict. However, job stress fully mediated the relationship between performance appraisal satisfaction and work–family conflict. The study contributes to the limited body of knowledge on employee reactions to performance appraisal and in particular, performance appraisal satisfaction. The findings can help to shed more light on the relationship between performance appraisal satisfaction and employees’ psychological responses.
Does Organic Wine Taste Better? An Analysis of Experts' Ratings
Authors: Delmas Magali A. , Gergaud Olivier , Lim Jinghui
Published: August 2016

Ecolabels are part of a new wave of environmental policy that emphasizes information disclosure as a tool to induce environmentally friendly behavior by both firms and consumers. Little consensus exists as to whether ecocertified products are actually better than their conventional counterparts. This study seeks to understand the link between ecocertification and product quality. We use data from three leading wine-rating publications (theWine Advocate,Wine Enthusiast, andWine Spectator) to assess quality for 74,148 wines produced in California between 1998 and 2009. Our results indicate that ecocertification is associated with a statistically significant increase in wine quality rating. Being ecocertified increases the scaled score of the wine by 4.1 points on average. (JEL Classifications: L15, L66, Q13, Q21, Q56)
The crisis of the Prato industrial district in the works of Edoardo Nesi: a blend of nostalgia and self-complacency
Authors: Adamo Stefano
Published: July 2016

In 2011, Edoardo Nesi – a former industrialist in the Prato textile district – won the most prestigious Italian literary prize for his autobiographical novelStoria della mia gente, a book centered on the contrast between Prato’s past industrial success and present decline. Nesi has since become a regular contributor toCorriere della Sera, among other newspapers, and with his following book,Le nostre vite senza ieri, he has further emphasised his role as a public intellectual. In Nesi’s view, Italy’s participation in the global economy has exposed Italian manufacturers to a level of competition that they were not ready to meet. This disadvantage, Nesi contends, was exacerbated by the adoption of the euro, which put an end to the former practice of using monetary policy to offset trade deficits. As a result, many firms lost market shares, and the Prato textile district ended up being largely taken over by Chinese businesses. This paper criticises Nesi’s account of the Italian industrial decline. In particular, it argues that his sympathetic view of the former political-industrial system is mostly an expression of self-complacency and does not positively contribute to the current debates on the Italian economic crisis.
Parasite fauna of white-streaked grouper, Epinephelus ongus (Bloch, 1790) (Epinephelidae) from Karimunjawa, Indonesia
Authors: NEUBERT KILIAN , YULIANTO IRFAN , KLEINERTZ SONJA , THEISEN STEFAN , WIRYAWAN BUDY , PALM HARRY W.
Published: August 2016

This study provides the first comprehensive information on the parasite fauna of the white-streaked grouperEpinephelus ongus. A total of 35 specimens from the archipelago Karimunjawa, Java Sea, Indonesia were studied for metazoan parasites. For comparison, the documented parasite community of 521E. areolatus,E. coioidesandE. fuscoguttatusfrom previous studies were analysed. A total of 17 different parasite taxa were recognized forE. ongus, including 14 new host and four new locality records. This increases the known parasite taxa ofE. ongusby more than 80%. The ectoparasite fauna was predominated by the monogeneanPseudorhabdosynochus quadratusresulting in a low Shannon index of species diversity of the entire parasite community (0.17). By contrast, the species diversity excluding the ectoparasites reached the highest value recorded for Indonesian epinephelids (1.93). The endoparasite fauna was predominated by generalists, which are already known from Indonesia. This demonstrates the potential risk of parasite transmission throughE. ongusinto mariculture and vice versa. One-way analyses of similarity revealed a significantly different parasite community pattern ofE. onguscompared withE. areolatusandE. fuscoguttatusas well as minor differences withE. coioides. This finding refers to different habitat preferences of these epinephelids within the analysed size range.
Stress Analysis of Circular Frames
Authors: Krzywoblocki M. Z. v.
Published: August 2016

In My Note on “Stress Analysis of Circular Frames ” I was unable, due to lack of space, to discuss more thoroughly the reasons why the name of W. Ritz is omitted with reference to his method. The reader, interested in that subject, can find all the details in my recently published discussion and paper.
Note on the Comparison of a “Wake Brake” and a Parachute for the Landing of Aeroplanes
Authors: Heughan D. M.
Published: August 2016

The available methods of braking a modern aeroplane with its high landing speed are not entirely satisfactory. This difficulty in braking is particularly noticeable with pure jet aircraft. Owing to the absence of propellers, reversible pitch propellers are no longer a solution to this problem and the under-carriage can be simplified so that it occupies a smaller fraction of the all-up weight of the aeroplane.
The Reynolds Analogy Applied to a Cylinder Rotating in Air
Authors: Mayhew Y. R.
Published: August 2016

When a turbulent fluid flows past a solid surface whose temperature differs from that of the fluid, the shear stress at the surface and the heat flow from it can be related by means of the Reynolds analogy. This analogy has been improved by Prandtl, Taylor, von Kármán and others, and its validity has been tested for flow through tubes and past flat plates by several investigators. In this note the analogy is checked against shear stress data and heat transfer data for a cylinder rotating in “still” air, when the flow is turbulent.
The Elements of the Buckling of Curved Plates
Authors: Cox H. L. , Pribram E.
Published: August 2016

The buckling of a round tube or curved A plate under axial compression is an example of that class of instability in which the initial buckled form becomes itself at once unstable. As a result the buckle immediately develops to a large amplitude, often with loud noise. This class of instability has been aptly termed “oil canning” from a familiar example.

Thorough investigation of oil canning problems must always be tedious. As for any buckling problem it is essential to use large deflection theory and, since the amplitude of buckle rapidly becomes large, it is necessary also to consider in detail the distribution of the membrane (or mid-plane) stresses due to the buckle. This necessity, in combination with peculiar buckled forms, renders the complete solution even for a tube extremely difficult and tedious. Moreover, since the buckled form for a complete tube does not accord at all well with the edge conditions for a curved plate, the full analysis for the latter is almost prohibitively difficult.
The Hardness Test as a Means of Estimating the Tensile Strength of Metals
Authors: Taylor W. J.
Published: August 2016

When J. A. Brinell, at the end of the last century, interested himself in the property hardness of metals, he could have had no idea of the importance to be attained later by the new line of investigation he was launching nor of the interesting machines and their applications for which his work was to provide the inspiration.

In the aircraft industry this form of test is not solely used to determine the property hardness as such, but is used to give some idea of the maximum tensile strength of the material. This use is illustrated by some of the specifications controlling the quality of aircraft material, in which hardness tests are required on a specified percentage of bars to ensure that the bars which are riot tensile tested will give a maximum tensile strength of not less than the minimum nor greater than the maximum specification values.
Fuselage Lift Distribution for a Swept-Back Wing Aircraft
Authors: Taylor W.
Published: August 2016

This note suggests a method, suitable for stressing purposes, of obtaining a fuselage air-load distribution, for a swept-back wing aircraft. The method is basically that given in Ref. 1. Mach number effect on the aerodynamic centre position is discussed and an approximate method of allowing for this is suggested. A numerical example is given.
A Note on the Checking of Contractants
Authors: Guest J.
Published: August 2016

Simple means of checking contractants has been devised which is considered essential to a computor.

In a recent paper Macmillan describes the method of contractants as applied to the evaluation of determinants. The method is essentially based on the extensional identity

Now, any determinant of order n may be expressed as a determinant of order n - 1, all of whose elements are third order determinants. This process is now repeated (n - 2) times until the value of the original determinant is obtained.
Metal Adhesive Processes
Authors: Parker F. H.
Published: August 2016

Metal adhesives have been known to the Aircraft Industry for at least ten years, the Chrysler Cycle Weld process being among the earliest. Since then metal-to-metal bonding has been the subject of many papers, but no member of a firm of aircraft constructors is known to have lectured on the subject.

It is hoped, therefore, that this paper may prove a useful contribution to the workshop aspects of the method. The fundamentals of adhesion will be avoided and only brief reference will be made to the strengths of structures assembled by that means; those are matters for the physicist and aircraft designer.
Party and Policy in West German Cities
Authors: Gilpin Robert
Published: August 2016

This paper attempts to measure the impact of party ideology focusing on policy making in West German urban government. An effort is made to determine whether city governments under the control of leftist parties sponsor different, possibly more leftist policies than cities under conservative control. It is found that while “leftist” control of municipal administrations does not produce leftist policies, conservative control does have a major impact in inhibiting the growth in the scope of local government.

Several reasons for the only rough correspondence between party control and policy are examined. The low correlation between leftist (SPD) control and municipal output is traced to differences among SPD cities in the power of the SPD majority, in class structure, and in degree of financial independence. It is also traced to the lack of intercorrelation among the forms of “leftist” performance and the incremental nature of most urban policy making. Other factors—the power of municipal counter-elites and the federalistic structure of the West German government—are discounted as possible intervening variables.
CATULLUS 64.291: A TEXTUAL NOTE
Authors: Kayachev Boris
Published: July 2016

Peneus comes to the wedding celebration of Peleus and Thetis (64.288–91) –
non uacuus: namque ille tulit radicitus altasfagos ac recto proceras stipite laurus,non sine nutanti platano lentaque sororeflammati Phaethontis et aeria cupressu.
THE SIGNIFICANCE OF LUCAN'S DEIOTARUS EPISODE
Authors: Tracy Jonathan
Published: July 2016

Book 8 of Lucan's Bellum Civile opens with Pompey in desperate flight from Caesar after the disaster of Pharsalus, and in equally desperate search for a reliable ally. Before the fateful decision is taken that Pompey should make for Egypt, where he will be murdered upon arrival by minions of the treacherous Ptolemy XIII, Pompey dispatches his Galatian client-tetrarch Deiotarus to sound out the distant Parthians and summon their armed hordes to wage war on his behalf (8.209-38); the king promptly embarks on his arduous errand (8.238-43), never to reappear in Lucan's text. Although Pompey is said by several historical sources to have expressed an interest in exploring the prospect of an alliance with Parthia, the mission of Deiotarus is almost certainly a complete fiction, as Duff has convincingly demonstrated. What could Lucan's motive have been for inventing this episode out of whole cloth?
Daniel O’Connell and the repeal party
Authors: Whyte J.H.
Published: August 2016

One of the criticisms most frequently made of O’Connell’s conduct of his agitation for repeal of the union has always been that he failed to build up a parliamentary party that would be a credit to his cause. The accusation comes in its harshest form, naturally enough, from his political opponents at the time. A whig journalist, for instance, writing in 1843, described O’Connell’s followers in these terms:

It would be difficult to have procured forty Irishmen with less of the wit or sparkling talent that abound in the ‘Emerald Isle’. The charge against them was not merely that they were such paltry senators, but that they were such wretched specimens of their countrymen. Judged by an Irish standard, without the slightest reference to English taste, their morale was of the lowest kind. There was nothing grand or elevating in their Donnybrook Fair school of patriotism. They could make a noise, and display animal vivacity, but when intellectual manifestations were demanded, they were powerless. With great opportunities, their party remained without distinction, for wit, eloquence, or conspicuous ability. Terribly afraid of O’Connell, who used them as the fingers and toes of his political system, they

Cringed to his face, consulted, and reveredHis oracles—detested him—and feared.

And it was either a whig or a tory journalist who invented for O’Connell’s party the wounding nickname of ‘O’Connell’s tail’, with its implication that the members of the party were without wills of their own, completely subservient to their leader’s commands. But it was not from whigs and tories alone that criticism came: earnest repealers themselves complained that their party was damaging the cause they had at heart.
The church and the world in early Christian Ireland
Authors: Hughes Kathleen
Published: August 2016

The writings of Columbanus, Adomnán’s Life of Columcille and Bede’s account of the Irish mission to Northumbria together show us a church c. 600 remarkable for its austerity, its vitality and its happiness. Constant journeys and displacements, mean dwellings, common food, the discipline of study and prayer left the leaders not saddened but content, and commended them to the people’s veneration. The motive force of their actions was the love of God, followed with a rare degree of perfection; and, as the sources constantly say or imply, such love is no trouble. Vive in Christo ut Christus in te urges Columbanus, and Bede, in his sober summing-up on the Irish mission to Northumbria, while he disclaims any intimate knowledge of Columcille, testifies: ‘We know for certain that he left successors distinguished for their purity of life, their love of God and their loyalty to the monastic rule.’

The indifference to worldly interests which sustained these early pilgrims, and their concentration on purely religious values contrast sharply with the early ninth-century church, a great institution fully alive to the civilizing influence which power and wealth could exert. We need to know how this change came about, and in precisely what ways the church c. 800 differed from its predecessor.
An Irish Expedition to Scotland in 1335
Authors: Nicholson Ranald
Published: August 2016

While the reign of Edward II has long been recognised as a critical period in the historical development of Ireland, it is less well known that the early years of the reign of Edward III also represent a critical phase. As in the previous reign, the crisis was connected with Anglo-Scottish warfare. In 1315 it was the Scots under Edward Bruce who had taken the initiative and overrun Ireland. It was the Scots again who landed in Ulster in 1327, hoping once more to enlist Irish support for their cause. In the following year the dying Robert Bruce paid a last visit to Ulster, demonstrating in a peaceful yet forceful manner that the initiative still lay with the Scots. By 1335, Edward III had shown his qualities as a military commander and the situation had changed: an expedition set sail from Ireland to co-operate with the English in an invasion of Scotland.

The details of this episode are of more than intrinsic interest. The surviving documents that record the organisation of the expedition illustrate the workings of the English dominion in Ireland in the crucial period following the Bruce invasions. Whether or not the expedition marked a restoration of royal authority in Ireland is a question that calls for an analysis of the events and circumstances that formed the background to the expedition of 1335.
The Belfast cotton industry revisited
Authors: Geary Frank
Published: August 2016

Throughout much of the eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth centuries linen textile production made an important contribution, in terms of output, exports, employment and capital accumulation, to the economy of north-east Ireland. However, for a brief period of a few decades, from the 1780s to the 1830s, the dominance of linen was challenged by a mechanised cotton industry centred on the Belfast area producing both mill-spun yarn and hand- and machinewoven piece goods. This period witnessed a shift of local resources of capital and labour from linen into cotton and back into linen in the space of half a century.

The story of Belfast’s brief flirtation with cotton is a difficult one to put together. Both narrative and analysis are constrained by a lack of records, especially by a dearth of statistics on inputs and on output. The traditional view has been that the industry was made up of units of production which, smaller than their British rivals and lacking supplies of local coal, produced at an uncompetitive unit cost. Its relatively brief existence was sustained by a combination of war and protective tariffs and with their removal the cotton industry in Belfast, unable to compete with its rivals in Great Britain, quickly disappeared. The validity of this view has been challenged recently. It has been shown that at least for the 1830s when data are available horse power per establishment was not significantly lower in Belfast than for the United Kingdom as a whole; nor was the absence of local supplies of coal a major disadvantage given local wage costs. These revisions cast doubt on the notion that Belfast cotton spinning establishments were inherently uncompetitive. Not every observer is convinced however. Ollerenshaw in his essay on industry in nineteenth-century Ulster remains certain that the exit from cotton spinning was to a large extent forced and that wet spinning was a timely and fortuitous alternative. Similarly Cullen argues that the local industry was uniquely unable to withstand the depression of 1825 and after.
Protection, economic war and structural change: the 1930s in Ireland
Authors: Neary J. Peter , Gráda Cormac Ó
Published: August 2016

If I were an Irishman, I should find much to attract me in the economic outlook of your present government towards greater self-sufficiency. (J.M. Keynes)

The 1930s were years of political turmoil and economic crisis and change in Ireland. Economic activity had peaked in 1929, and the last years of the Cumann na nGaedheal government (in power since the establishment of the Irish Free State in 1922) saw substantial drops in output, trade and employment. The policies pursued after Fianna Fáil’s victory in the election of February 1932 were therefore influenced both by immediate economic pressures and by the party’s ideological commitments. The highly protectionist measures associated with de Valera and Lemass — key men of the new régime — sought both to create jobs quickly and to build more gradually a large indigenous industrial sector, producing primarily for the home market.

Political controversy complicated matters. De Valera was regarded as a headstrong fanatic by the British establishment. His government’s refusal to hand over to Britain the so-called ‘land annuities’ — a disputed item in the Anglo-Irish settlement of 1921 — led to an ‘economic war’, in which the British Treasury sought payment instead through penal ‘emergency’ tariffs on Irish imports. The Irish imposed their own duties, bounties and licensing restrictions in turn. The economic war hurt Irish agriculture badly; the prices of fat and store cattle dropped by almost half between 1932 and mid-1935. Farmers got some relief through export bounties and the coal-cattle pacts (quota exchanges of Irish cattle for British coal) of 1935-7, but Anglo-Irish relations were not normalised again until the finance and trade agreements of the spring of 1938, and the resolution of the annuities dispute did not mean an end to protection. The questions ‘Who won the economic war?’ and ‘What was the impact of protection on the Irish economy?’ are analytically distinct, but they are not that easy to keep apart in practice.
James Daly and the rise and fall of the Land League in the west of Ireland, 1879–82
Authors: Moran Gerard
Published: August 2016

Writers on the Irish land war have long been influenced by such contemporary accounts as Michael Davitt’s The fall of feudalism in Ireland, published in 1904. Given Davitt’s leading position in the Land League, it was only natural that most subsequent histories of the movement borrowed heavily from this publication. The history of the Land League has been viewed from the centre; its local base in the west of Ireland has received less attention. This neglect has resulted in marginalising many of the personalities within the regions, who were important not only to the success of the organisation but also to its origins. Nowhere is this better illustrated than in the case of James Daly and the agrarian movement in Connacht. Only recently has Daly’s contribution begun to receive the attention it merits from historians, with the result that he can no longer be deemed ‘the most forgotten man of Irish history’. However, these studies have failed to trace Daly’s full involvement with the Land League and to note his volte-face, when he changed from being its most ardent supporter to become its bitterest internal critic.

I

James Daly was born in 1838 at Cloonabinna, Boghadoon, County Mayo, the eldest son of a prosperous tenant farmer who rented land from Sir Roger Palmer and had a forty-eight-acre farm on Colonel Charles Cuffe’s property at Coachfield, near Castlebar. Later the family rented land on the earl of Erne’s estate near Castlebar and a farm valued at £45 at Ballyshane in the electoral district of Breaghwy.
The socio-economic background and membership of the Blueshirt movement, 1932–5
Authors: Cronin Mike
Published: August 2016

The Blueshirts have been overlooked as a subject for study in recent years by historians. The only major work on the subject, Manning’s The Blueshirts, was written some twenty years ago, and what should have been an excellent launching-pad for further and fuller research into the subject has not been amplified since. Many questions remain undiscussed and unanswered. Historians have toyed with the subject of the Blueshirts’links with fascism, but no accepted consensus has yet appeared. There has been little if any work dealing with the leadership of the Blueshirts, and the numerous influential men and women who became involved in such a contentious organisation, but the biggest gap in Blueshirt knowledge is that relating to the numbers and background of men and women who joined the movement as ordinary members. This article will attempt to fill this gap by citing both Blueshirt and government figures which have relevance to the total number of Blueshirts, and by investigating the patterns of backgrounds and motivations that emerged from fifteen interviews with ex-members. The other unanswered questions must wait.
Maynooth: a select bibliography of printed sources
Authors: Lyons Mary Ann
Published: August 2016

To mark the bicentenary of the foundation of St Patrick’s College, Maynooth, there is presented here a select bibliography of printed material pertaining to aspects of the history of the college itself and also of Maynooth town and district.

Maynooth emerged as an important settlement by virtue of its association with the Anglo-Norman family of Fitzgerald in the late twelfth century. In 1176 Maurice Fitzgerald, founder of the Geraldine dynasty in Ireland, received confirmation of a grant of lands in the O’Byrne district of Uí Fáeláin, including the lordships of Maynooth and Naas, and Maynooth castle (the ruins of which stand adjacent to the entrance to the college) was subsequently constructed at the junction between two streams, the Lyreen and the Joan Slade. His grandson, Maurice, second baron of Offaly, was instrumental in having Maynooth elevated in ecclesiastical status: in 1248, at Maurice’s request, Archbishop Luke of Dublin erected Maynooth as prebend of St Patrick’s cathedral, and the perpetual right of presentation was entrusted to Fitzgerald and his successors.
King John’s expedition to Ireland, 1210: the evidence reconsidered
Authors: Duffy Seán
Published: August 2016

The valiant efforts of certain professional historians to redeem the reputation of King John of England have had a limited impact on the public imagination: there he remains a cruel tyrant, the oppressor of his subjects’ liberty. Even within the profession, it must be said, John has never managed fully to endear himself, and while there is general acknowledgement that he was an innovative king who paid meticulous attention to the day-to-day workings of his civil service, this is hardly likely to overcome the lingering and firmly fixed impression that he was a nasty individual, an unpopular ruler and, ultimately, a failure. Curiously, apart from his reputation for administrative innnovation, John’s Irish policy is one of the few areas of either his public or his private life which has not been viewed unfavourably and where approval by modern historians approaches unanimity.
Clann Eruilb: Irish or Scandinavian?
Authors: Thornton David E.
Published: August 2016

Among a number of early modern collections of Uí Néill genealogies are two pedigrees entitled Genelach Clainne Eruilb (‘Genealogy of the Descendants of Erulb’) which are of interest as they contain a relatively high proportion of Scandinavian personal names. The scheme of the two pedigrees, with dates supplied from the chronicles, can be set out diagramatically thus:

Clann Eruilb evidently took its name from Erulb mac Murchada, who is the common ancestor of the two constituent lines. As recorded in the manuscripts, the pedigrees do not go back beyond Áed Allán mac Fergaile (king of Tara, 734–43) but could be extended to Éogan mac Néill Noígiallaig, eponymous ancestor of the Cenél nÉogain kings of Ailech.
New light on Richard Hadsor, II: Select documents XLVII: Richard Hadsor’s ‘Discourse’ on the Irish state, 1604
Authors: McLaughlin Joseph
Published: August 2016

Between folios 179v and 181v of volume 216 of the state papers for Ireland is a document entitled ‘Discourse humbly presented by Richard Hadsor ...’ which a later hand has endorsed as having being written ‘probably some time in 1604 when Tyrone & Tyrconel were in peace’. In 1854 an anonymous scholar (possibly E.P. Shirley) published a transcript of the document in the Ulster Journal of Archaeology, but without appending either notes or commentary on the text or investigating its authorship. In the first volume of the Jacobean series of the Calendar of State Papers, Ireland the editors, C. W. Russell and J.P. Prendergast, provided an almost complete transcript, suggesting that they too found it noteworthy. But since then the ‘Discourse’ has received virtually no further attention from historians. Yet it contains, among other things, the earliest articulation of a ‘three kingdoms’ approach to the new Stuart multiple monarchy. Two reasons may account for its neglect: first, neither the anonymous editor of 1854 nor Russell and Prendergast paid any attention to the question of the authorship of the treatise — the former being apparently of the view that certain sections of the text would be of interest to the journal’s antiquarian readership, while the latter mistakenly attributed the tract to either a Richard or a John Hudson, neither of whom was identifiable; secondly, its contents are odd, a mixture of useful information and relatively unconventional opinion.
‘A dangerous species of ally’: Orangeism and the Irish Yeomanry
Authors: Blackstock Allan F.
Published: August 2016

The Irish Yeomanry was a voluntary, part-time military force raised in 1796 for local law-and-order duties, with the potential for full military service during invasion or insurrection. It consisted of locally organised corps of up to 100 men serving under commissioned officers, paid, armed and equipped by government. The Irish Yeomanry and Orange Order are popularly associated to the extent of being semantically linked in songs: for example, one ballad claims that the Orangeman:

Prays for peace, yet war will face,

Should rebels congregate;

Like the brave Orange Yeomanry

Who fought in Ninety-eight.

The primary sources apparently corroborate this with much evidence of ostentatiously ‘Orange’ displays by yeomen. On 12 July 1797 eight Catholic Kerry militiamen were killed in Stewartstown, County Tyrone, in a brawl with yeomen and Orangemen after a militiaman seized an Orange cockade. At Hillsborough in October 1798 ‘a party of Yeoman Infantry (calling themselves Orangemen) beat a number of poor Papists out of the market’. Yet to automatically accept the received view on the ‘Orange yeomanry’ risks anachronistical determining cause by consequence.
Parliamentary party discipline and tactics: the Fianna Fáil archives, 1926–32
Authors: O’Halpin Eunan
Published: August 2016

Academic study of the development of Irish political parties has been hampered by a shortage of primary source material available to historians and political scientists. This is because the headquarters records of parties, where they have survived, are generally fragmentary and ill-organised, and because few national politicians or party organisers have left papers for research.

The shortage of primary sources on the major political parties is reflected in the standard academic works dealing with their development, from Maurice Manning’s Irish political parties (1972) and Michael Gallagher’s The Irish Labour Party in transition, 1957–1982 (1982) to Richard Dunphy’s recent The making of Fianna Fáil power in Ireland (1995). These are largely based on secondary sources, on interviews, and on the private papers of individual politicians. Where scholars have had access to party records, furthermore, it has generally been on an informal and improvised basis. It was in such circumstances that John Bowman, while preparing De Valera and the Ulster question, 1917–1973 (1982), and Dermot Keogh, while researching Ireland and Europe, 1919–1948 (1988), were given sight of some of the records of the Fianna Fail national executive committee and the parliamentary party.
Historians and the Famine: a beleaguered species?
Authors: Daly Mary E.
Published: August 2016

Christine Kinealy has claimed that ‘more has been written to commemorate the 150th anniversary of the Great Famine than was written in the whole period since 1850’. This is probably true. Anniversaries of major historical events now give rise to commemorative events ranging from scholarly conferences to the unveiling of memorial plaques, even to pop concerts. There appears to be a premium on being first in the field, and a corresponding waning of interest as attention shifts to the next anniversary. Harvard University organised its conference marking the bicentenary of the French Revolution in 1988. The summer of 1847 was taken as the cutoff point for the Irish government’s official commemoration of the Famine, in order to make way for the bicentenary of 1798, despite the fact that a majority of famine victims probably died after that date. Commemorating historical events boosts book sales, and publishers appear eager to respond to popular demand. Unfortunately the interest may prove too short-lived to afford time for major research, and many of the resulting books either recycle existing material or give the appearance of being in need of further work.
Negotiations leading to Anglo-Polish agreement of 31 March 1939
Authors: Williams T. Desmond
Published: August 2016

By March 21 the British prime minister had discovered that, owing to difficulties raised by Poland and Russia, as well as by Rumania, it would be impossible to secure the support of all the four great powers for the declaration he had suggested on March 20. Chamberlain accordingly altered his course, and on the same day, through Halifax, threw out the suggestion of a bilateral arrangement for mutual consultation between Britain and Poland. The foreign secretary had a long discussion with Count Raczynski, who had received instructions from Warsaw to inform London of Polish objections to the proposed four-power declaration.
XIX. The Irish house of commons in 1769
Authors: Large David
Published: August 2016

In 1765 a major decision was taken in London which amounted to the formulation of a new English policy towards Ireland: viceroys in future were to reside constantly in Dublin and the old system of undertakers was to be overthrown. But it was not until 1767 that British government found in Viscount Townsend a nobleman prepared to carry out the new policy. By May of 1768 Townsend had reached the crisis point in his relations with the undertakers. They had just behaved in an utterly intolerable manner in the viceroy’s eyes by using their influence as the principal servants of the crown to secure the rejection in the house of commons of the crown’s scheme to increase the number of troops on the Irish establishment, on which the king’s ministers in London had set very great store. The augmentation was the principal issue over which the fierce struggle between the viceroy and the undertakers was fought, but the true question to be settled, as Townsend insisted over and over again with characteristic vehemence, was of deeper significance. Was the undertaker system, which had allowed a considerable measure of autonomy to a small oligarchy in Ireland, to be allowed to continue? Or was a bold policy to be pursued of re-establishing once and for all the power of the king’s representative in Ireland, especially in the control of patronage, thus administering a serious check to the self-governing aspirations of the Anglo-Irish gentry, and emphasising Ireland’s subordination to England?
Social structure of the Dublin working class, 1871–1911
Authors: Daly Mary E.
Published: August 2016

Studies to date of the Dublin working class have tended to concentrate on the history of trade unionism and labour relations, examining the working class only insofar as this is relevant to the question of labour politics. Although the distinction between skilled and unskilled workers is generally noted, there is little detailed study of distinctions and similarities within the working class except on questions of wages, trade union membership and related issues such as workers’ benefits. The only disaggregation in terms of broader social characteristics occurs in studies relating to Ulster, where the distinctions and similarities between catholic and protestant households have been explored.

This paper analyses the Dublin working class in terms of religion, social background, birthplace, housing conditions and family structure. The major sources employed are the censuses of population, using both published and manuscript material and the registry of marriages. Before examining these however it is essential to sketch the city’s overall economic character.
The secret service vote and Ireland, 1868–1922
Authors: O’Halpin Eunan
Published: August 2016

This paper is concerned with the secret service vote provided by parliament expressly for the purchase of secret information at home and abroad ‘with a view to defeating the machinations of the enemies of the crown and country’, and with the proportion of that money spent by the Irish authorities up to 1922. Figures are available which disclose the actual expenditure by Dublin Castle of money from this source for the last fifty-four years of British rule in Ireland, from 1868–9 to 1921–2. It must be stressed that these amounts represent only a part of the spending in any one year on intelligence concerning Ireland: other departments were also involved in Irish affairs from time to time, and there is little doubt that on occasion funds from other votes were used for secret service purposes —which was certainly the case in wartime. It should be noted too that distinctions between criminal, agrarian and subversive activity in Ireland were frequently difficult to make, and that money from the secret service vote was probably used to obtain information on matters not political or seditious in themselves. Thus the figures when considered in isolation are not an accurate index of official activity against potentially subversive organisations. Nevertheless as concrete data on an aspect of government for which documentary evidence is hard to come by, they are of some interest.
An Irish agent of the counter-reformation, Dominic O’Daly
Authors: Mac Curtain Benvenuta
Published: August 2016

The political significance of the counter-reformation papacy has continued to occupy the attention of historians ever since Ranke drew attention to it in hisHistory of the popes during the last four centuries, first written in 1834–6 and revised slightly seven years later. Von Pastor, writing on the papacy at the end of the last century, had access to the Vatican archives and he places the political activities of the counter-reformation papacy in the general setting of post-Tridentine papal policy. His work thus acts as a corrective to that of Ranke.
Gladstone, Forster, and the release of Parnell, 1882 – 8
Authors: Hawkins Richard
Published: August 2016

It is intended to examine in this article an instance of Gladstone’s ‘sophistry’ employed in defence of Parnell himself; the review which Gladstone wrote of T. Wemyss Reid’s biography of W. E. Forster, and which appeared in the Nineteenth Century for September 1888, under the title ‘Mr Forster and Ireland’. Considered as sophistry, it is, indeed, a virtuoso performance; some of the documents material to the case are ignored, others are misconstrued, others yet are quoted so selectively as to disguise the fact that, in reality, they contradict the argument they were adduced to prove, and the whole thesis depends upon a play upon meanings which trembles upon the brink of transparency. Merely to expose Gladstone, however, in a practice of which his enemies have so often accused him, and which, in any case, is not uncommon in politics, would be to indulge illfeeling without benefiting scholarship. The review deserves wider attention in that it is also a unique interpretation of the ‘Kilmainham treaty’. Other accounts, in all their diversity, have tended to agree that the episode was in some sense a political transaction.
Parnell at Cambridge: the education of an Irish nationalist
Authors: Martin Ged
Published: August 2016

Parnell remains an enigma to historians. As a protestant and a landowner, he would seem to have had every reason to oppose the home rule movement and certainly little incentive to take an active part in it. Nor does it appear that he had any clearly developed policies in mind to be followed in an autonomous Ireland. One simple explanation is that Parnell was driven by a strong dislike of England, and in particular of its upper class political leadership. Yet until the age of nineteen, when he went to Cambridge, Parnell had spent only relatively brief periods among the English—and these mainly at small private schools. He was briefly at school in Somerset at the age of six, and in Derbyshire when he was eight. At the age of fifteen he was sent to a private tutor and from there entered Magdalene College, Cambridge in October 1865. There he remained until May 1869 when he failed to return from rustication imposed after he had been successfully sued for asasult in a local court.
Home rule and the Liverpool by-election of 1880
Authors: Rossi John Patrick
Published: August 2016

By the beginning of 1880 the sitting parliament was entering its seventh session and a general election was expected before the year ended. Opinion varied on exactly when the government would dissolve. Some liberals believed that the dissolution would come in the spring after the budget had been presented, others thought it would take place in the summer following the completion of the parliamentary session, a few people even felt that the government might wait out its mandate and not dissolve until the end of the year, or the beginning of 1881. The dissolution ultimately came as a surprise on 8 March only a month after parliament had met and before any serious business had been transacted.
Ireland from Truce to Treaty: War or Peace? July to October 1921
Authors: Lawlor S. M.
Published: August 2016

On 11 July 1921 a truce between the British army and the army of the selfproclaimed Irish Republic began, and the politicians on both sides prepared instead to settle the Irish question by negotiation. For Lloyd George, if negotiation failed, the alternative would be war. His troops would remain in Ireland and his generals would prepare for the resumption of the campaign, if and when he so resolved — a position the implications of which he continued to stress for the benefit of the Irish.
The Fitzwilliam episode
Authors: McDowell R.B.
Published: August 2016

The French revolution split the English whigs over profound issues of principle. One section, of which Fox was the most prominent member, viewed the revolution, at least in its earlier stages, with considerable sympathy and argued that the war with France could have been avoided. The other section accepted Burke’s interpretation of the revolution and at the beginning of 1793 supported the government’s intervention in the European war. And from the middle of 1792 the possibility of a coalition between this latter section and Pitt was in the air. One factor which delayed the formation of a coalition government was the attitude of the duke of Portland, ‘the natural leader’ of the whig party. Portland, who combined pride of birth with a sense of duty, some political shrewdness and strong opinions which he expressed, when writing, with considerable fluency, seems to have inspired genuine respect and even affection amongst those who worked with him. But he was hesitant, and in the early nineties, while accepting Burke’s views on the revolution, he did not wait to split his party. The existence of the whig party, ‘a union of persons of independent minds and fortunes formed and connected together by their belief in the principles by which the revolution of 1688 was founded’, was essential, he believed, to the welfare of the country. The whig party ‘which alone is entitled to be distinguished by the name of party’, he asserted, ‘must be as eternal as I conceive the constitution of this country to be’.
The unionist party and Ireland, 1906-10
Authors: Fanning J.R.
Published: August 2016

The years 1906 to 1910 which form the chronological limits of this study bear witness to a decline in the importance of the Irish question in English politics. The nature of the legislative proposals of the liberal government during the earlier part of this period and the consequent vigorous reaction of the unionist opposition, culminating in the rejection of the budget of 1909 by the house of lords, ensured the temporary eclipse of home rule. The constitutional crisis arising out of the deadlock between the two houses of parliament continued throughout 1910 and 1911, and it is only in 1912, with the introduction of the third home rule bill, that Ireland once more assumes a pre-eminent place in English politics. The really decisive year, however, for the interpreter of the Irish policy of the unionist party is 1910.
‘A transient apparition’: British policy towards the de Valera government, 1932-5
Authors: McMahon Deirdre
Published: August 2016

During the imperial conference of 1930 a senior British official vented his exasperation at the demands of the Irish delegation, commenting ‘surely de Valera could not be worse than this. If their opponents came into power, this might clear the air. We might get rid of this sapping by which we are losing much and gaining little goodwill.’

In retrospect, as many British ministers and officials would have ruefully admitted, this view had much to commend it. But the peculiar circumstances surrounding Eamon de Valera’s accession to power, followed so soon by a major disturbance in Anglo-Irish relations, instead of clearing the air, fogged it with tension, rumour and misunderstanding. In such an atmosphere rational assessments of the new Irish leader and his policy were at a premium.