bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
ChemInform Abstract: SYNTH. VON 2‐AMINO‐7‐ BZW. 8‐METHYL‐8‐AZAPURIN‐6‐ONEN (N‐METHYLIERTEN ′8‐AZAGUANINEN′) UND VERWANDTEN 8‐AZAPURINEN AUS 1,2,3‐TRIAZOLEN
Authors: ALBERT A. , TAGUCHI H.
Published: February 2016

Die Umsetzung des Triazols (I) mit Thioharnstoff bei 176°C ergibt 2‐Mercapto‐7‐methyl‐8‐azapurin‐6‐on (IIa), das über die Methylthio‐Verbindung (IIb) in das Methansulfonyl‐Derivat (IIe) übergeführt wird.
ChemInform Abstract: SYNTH. VON 2,2′‐DIMETHYL‐P‐QUATERPHENYL
Authors: TABER R. L. , DAUB G. H.
Published: February 2016

Das Benzidindihydrochlorid (I) läßt sich in Äther mit Essigsäureanhydrid in 90% iger Ausbeute zur Monoacetyl‐Verbindung (II) acetylieren, deren Diazotierung und Desaminierung mit 50%iger Hypophosphorsäure das 4‐Acetaminodiphenyl (III) liefert (39% Ausbeute).
ChemInform Abstract: RK. VON 2‐AMINO‐1‐NITROSO‐NAPHTHALIN MIT 2‐AROYL‐AZIRIDINEN
Authors: LOWN J. W. , AKHTAR M. H.
Published: February 2016

Das Nitrosonaphthylamin (I) reagiert mit den Aziridinen (II) in siedendem Benzol zu Gemischen der Benzochinoxaline (III) (Ausbeute 0‐80%) mit den Naphthoimidazolen (IV) (0‐39%).
Prevalence of acetabular labral tears in asymptomatic children
Authors: Georgiadis Andrew G. , Seeley Mark A. , Chauvin Nancy A. , Sankar Wudbhav N.
Published: February 2016

Purpose

Magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) is a sensitive, non-invasive modality to diagnose acetabular labral pathology, and the normal variants of the acetabular labrum have been characterized in adults. However, the prevalence of labral pathology in the asymptomatic pediatric population is unknown.

Methods

All pelvic MRIs performed at a large tertiary-care children's hospital were reviewed during one calendar year (2014). Only patients aged between 2 and 18 years were included, and scans were excluded for hip pain/pathology or technical inadequacy. A blinded pediatric musculoskeletal radiologist read all eligible scans for the presence or absence of a labral tear.

Results

Three hundred and ninety-four pelvic MRIs were screened, and patients were excluded for hip pain/pathology (85 subjects), or technical inadequacy (190 subjects). One hundred and eight subjects (216 hips) met the inclusion criteria and were technically adequate for analysis. Labral tears were visualized in three of 216 (1.4 %) hips (two of the 110 subjects; 1.9 %).

Conclusions

There is a low rate of asymptomatic labral pathology by MRI in pediatric patients. The clinical history remains the means of differentiating real labral pathology from spurious imaging findings.

Level of evidence IV

Case series (prevalence).
Gradual ulnar lengthening in children with multiple exostoses and radial head dislocation: Results at skeletal maturity
Authors: D'Ambrosi Riccardo , Barbato Alessia , Caldarini Camilla , Biancardi Elena , Facchini Renato Mario
Published: February 2016

Purpose

Deformities of the forearm and shortening of the ulna occur in 30 % of patients with hereditary multiple exostoses (HME), leading to radial head dislocation and loss of movement. Several surgical techniques have been described for treatment, and the aim of our study was to present clinical and radiographic results at skeletal maturity in 15 children that underwent the surgical procedure of ulnar lengthening with external fixators.

Methods

We evaluated 15 patients with ulnar shortening and radial head dislocation that underwent external fixation procedures. Radiographic assessment included measurement of radial articular angle, carpal slip, and ulnar shortening. Clinical evaluation included range of motion, MAYO Elbow Score, assessment function of the extremity as described by Stanton, the visual analog scale (VAS) for pain, and SF-12 to evaluate quality of life.

Results

The average follow-up period was 77 months and took place when each patient had reached skeletal maturity. MAYO Elbow Score improved from 34.7 to 93.3 points, while the average preoperative functional assessment criteria score was 1.6 points and improved to 4.4. The preoperative average VAS ranged from 8.2 to 2.3, while the SF-12 in its physical (PCS) and mental (MCS) components resulted, respectively, as 53.3 and 54.2. Pronation and supination improved from a preoperative average value of 35.6° and 51.3° to 70° and 80.6°, respectively, at the most recent follow-up visit. Flexion and extension ranged, respectively, from 143° and 2° to 146.7° and 3°. Ulnar shortening improved from 24 mm preoperative to 3 mm, and radial articular angle varied from 37.7° preoperative to 26° at the last follow-up. Only one complication occurred in our group, and one patient completely healed from a case of nonunion of the ulna.

Conclusions

Ulnar lengthening is a safe and reliable procedure for the treatment of HME that provides good to excellent results and reduces radial head dislocation.
Penetrative internally heated convection in two and three dimensions
Authors: Goluskin David , van der Poel Erwin P.
Published: February 2016

Convection of an internally heated fluid, confined between top and bottom plates of equal temperature, is studied by direct numerical simulation in two and three dimensions. The unstably stratified upper region drives convection that penetrates into the stably stratified lower region. The fraction of produced heat escaping across the bottom plate, which is one half without convection, initially decreases as convection strengthens. Entering the turbulent regime, this decrease reverses in two dimensions but continues monotonically in three dimensions. The mean fluid temperature, which grows proportionally to the heating rate ($H$) without convection, grows proportionally to$H^{4/5}$when convection is strong in both two and three dimensions. The ratio of the heating rate to the fluid temperature is likened to the Nusselt number of Rayleigh–Bénard convection. Simulations are reported for Prandtl numbers between 0.1 and 10 and for Rayleigh numbers (defined in terms of the heating rate) up to$5\times 10^{10}$.
Analytical formulae for longitudinal slip lengths over unidirectional superhydrophobic surfaces with curved menisci
Authors: Crowdy Darren G.
Published: February 2016

This paper reports new analytical formulae for the longitudinal slip lengths for simple shear over a superhydrophobic surface, or bubble mattress, comprising a periodic array of unidirectional circular menisci, or bubbles, protruding into, or out of, the fluid. The accuracy of the formulae is tested against results from full numerical simulations; they are found to give small relative errors even at large no-shear fractions. In the dilute limit the formulae reduce to an earlier result by Crowdy (Phys. Fluids, vol. 22, 2010, 121703). They also extend analytical results of Sbragaglia & Prosperetti (Phys. Fluids, vol. 19, 2007, 043603) beyond the limit of a small protrusion angle.
Conflicts in Bankruptcy and the Sequence of Debt Issues
Authors: Abraham (Avri) Ravid S. , Sverdlove Ronald , Bris Arturo , Coiculescu Gabriela
Published: February 2016

This paper investigates the optimal sequencing of debt issues. Our theoretical model suggests that once firms issue debt with one level of seniority, they may have an incentive to alternate seniorities, because of violations of the priced absolute priority rule (APR). When we introduce explicit costs of class conflict, the model yields cases of alternating seniorities and other cases in which firms issue only one class of debt. The implications of the model are consistent with the observed regularities in a large database of debt issues. We test several other implications of our model as well.
Strongyloides infection in rodents: immune response and immune regulation
Authors: BRELOER MINKA , ABRAHAM DAVID
Published: February 2016

The human pathogenic nematode Strongyloides stercoralis infects approximately 30–100 million people worldwide. Analysis of the adaptive immune response to S. stercoralis beyond descriptive studies is challenging, as no murine model for the complete infection cycle is available. However, the combined employment of different models each capable of modelling some features of S. stercoralis life cycle and pathology has advanced our understanding of the immunological mechanisms involved in host defence. Here we review: (i) studies using S. stercoralis third stage larvae implanted in diffusion chambers in the subcutaneous tissue of mice that allow analysis of the immune response to the human pathogenic Strongyloides species; (ii) studies using Strongyloides ratti and Strongyloides venezuelensis that infect mice and rats to extend the analysis to the parasites intestinal life stage and (iii) studies using S. stercoralis infected gerbils to analyse the hyperinfection syndrome, a severe complication of human strongyloidiasis that is not induced by rodent specific Strongyloides spp. We provide an overview of the information accumulated so far showing that Strongyloides spp. elicits a classical Th2 response that culminates in different, site specific, effector functions leading to either entrapment and killing of larvae in the tissues or expulsion of parasitic adults from the intestine.
A New Writing of Joachim of Fiore: Preliminary Observations
Authors: Wessley Stephen
Published: February 2016

Within the last decade noteworthy efforts have been made to provide for a better understanding of Joachim of Fiore through new editions of his work and the establishment of a more exact chronology for the events in his life. Under the direction of Kurt-Victor Selge a Herausgeberkommission der kritischen Gesamtausgabe der Werke Joachims von Fiore has been established, a symposium on the manuscript traditions of Joachim’s work has been held under its auspices, and new critical editions are expected to be forthcoming soon. Professor Selge has contributed significantly to these efforts with his study of the chronology of Joachim’s writings and his edition of the Praephatio sive Prologus super Apocalypsim. I am building on this work and, of course, the outstanding work of such scholars as Marjorie Reeves, and hope now to identify a distinctive stage in Joachim of Fiore’s career.
Wyclif and the Great Persecution
Authors: Wilks Michael
Published: February 2016

As has been remarked often enough, Lollardy was the first real English heresy, and its progenitor, John Wyclif, inspired what Anne Hudson has so rightly termed a ‘premature Reformation’, a reformation which had far more immediate impact in Hussite Bohemia, but in England left Wyclif for a century and a half as a voice crying in the wilderness, a prophet without honour in his own country. Since history is usually studied backwards, his name is most commonly associated with the alleged eucharistic heresy condemned at the Blackfriars Council of May 1382. This was more significant for its timing than its substance. The actual charges were not only a distortion of Wyclif’s theory, and Wyclif himself was never specifically named, but any reasonably intelligent scholastic could have worked it out from Wyclif’s philosophical principles at least ten years earlier. But the eucharist had the great advantage of being a theological matter, which no one could contest the right of bishops and masters to deal with, and this made it a far more effective stick with which the papalists could belabour their lay opponents—and by 1382 the times were far more propitious. The Peasants’ Revolt of 1381, an event with which Wyclif’s name was quickly linked, had thrown the regency government of the young Richard II into turmoil: and Lollardy, newly introduced as a term of abuse, could be represented as a recipe for any number of horrors, not least the assassination of bishops. The murder of Archbishop Sudbury in 1381 had opened up the way for his replacement by Wyclif’s leading opponent, the very vigorous bishop of London, William Courtenay. All this was however simply the culmination of a long process against Wyclif which had resulted in two abortive heresy trials in 1377 and 1378. In both cases Wyclif was rescued by royal intervention, by John of Gaunt. Wyclif, as he had proudly proclaimed, was a dericus regis, a king’s clerk, a member of the royal household: and as Christopher Given-Wilson has recently shown, king’s clerks might be few in number (and exceptionally cheap to maintain, since they could—as Wyclif was—be paid out of normal pluralism), but they wielded a degree of influence out of all proportion to their numbers.
The Commentary on the Book of Revelation by James Durham (1622–58)
Authors: Cameron James K.
Published: February 2016

In the seventeenth century the Church in Scotland was for the most part engaged in working out an ecclesiastical polity acceptable to itself and to the civil authorities. Hence matters of Church government and of Church/state relations occupied much of the attention of leading theologians such as Samuel Rutherford (1600–61) and George Gillespie (1613–49). Yet there were others who, while deeply involved in the conflicts within the life of the Church, also devoted their attention to the study of the Scriptures and to contemporary theological debates. Prominent among them, on the Episcopal side, was John Forbes (1593–1648) of Corse, the leading member of that group of distinguished scholars know as the ‘Aberdeen Doctors’. Forbes was internationally celebrated for his Institutiones Historico-Theologicae de Doctrina Christiana, published in Holland in 1645. On the Presbyterian side, James Durham (1622–58) was at the same time beginning to make a name for himself as an outstanding exponent of the Scottish Calvinist ethic and would undoubtedly have gone on to enhance a rapidly growing reputation had not his life been cut short by death at the early age of 36. Of his works which were subsequently published his extensive commentary on the Book of Revelation isjustly one of the most important. Between 1658 and 1799 it went through no fewer than seven editions, one of which was printed in Amsterdam in 1660.
Henry More and the Apocalypse
Authors: Hutton Sarah
Published: February 2016

An interest in prophecy is a continuing theme of the writings of the Cambridge Platonist, Henry More (1614–87). In his earlier writings, the focus is on prophecy in general, particularly in relation to religious enthusiasm. He did not turn his attention to millenarianism until relatively late in his career, after he had established himself as a philosopher. From 1660 onwards, his writings are characterized by a deepening interest in biblical prophecy generally and in the Book of Revelation in particular. More first discusses biblical prophecy in print in his An Explanation of the Grand Mystery of Godliness (1660). His first systematic treatment of the topic appears in his Synopsis Propheticon which was appended to his Mystery of Iniquity (1664). Aspects of this discussion are elaborated in the fourth and fifth dialogues of his Divine Dialogues (1668), and in his An Exposition of the Seven Epistles to the Seven Churches (1669). He continued to defend his position in other works to the end of his life. As a millenarian, Henry More belongs within the general Protestant tradition which identifies Antichrist as the Pope, the Apocalypse being an ‘aenigmaticall, prefiguration and prediction of the Apostasy thereof [the church] into Antichristianism by the misguidance of the Church-men’. Furthermore, as Jan van den Berg has shown, Henry More was a disciple of the great English millenarian, Joseph Mede. He followed Mede’s synchronic reading of events described in the Apocalypse, that is he interpreted them not as one linear sequence but as a series of concurrent events. In large part More accepted Mede’s collation of the seals, trumpets, and vials with other events described. None the less, More did not agree with Mede on all points. Although the points on which he differed were small, he defended his view with tenacity, as can be seen from his discussion of prophecy with his life-long correspondent and erstwhile pupil, Lady Anne Conway (1630?–79).
Rites of Passage and the Prayer Books of 1549 and 1552
Authors: Loades David M.
Published: February 2016

Nowhere were the doctrinal ambiguities of the English Church more evident than in its attitude to prayers for the dead. The problem had become evident well before 1549, in the policies of a king who claimed to be more Catholic than the Pope, but who not only dissolved monasteries, but also dismantled the shrines of the saints, and clearly threatened all intercessory foundations. The King’s Book of 1543, or A Necessary Doctrine and Erudition for any Christen Man had struck a delicate balance.
Jews in Evangelical Dissent: The British Society, the Herschell Connection and the Pre-Millenarian Thread
Authors: Binfield Clyde
Published: February 2016

I will add but one word. It is written, ‘Shut up the words, and seal the book, even to the time of the end; the words are closed up and sealed, till the time of the end’ ([Daniel] 12. 4, 9). If, then, the seal be now broken, the time of the end is at hand.

(Pergamos, ‘Prophecies of the Latter Times—Letter VI’, Voice of Israel, 2. 34 (1 February 1847), p. 167.)

Castle CAMPS in the twentieth century is a small, and in the nineteenth century was an entirely agricultural, village close to the borders of Cambridgeshire, Esssex, and Suffolk. It has a United Reformed church which was formerly Congregational and whose members at the close of the nineteenth century included the village shopkeeper. That was not unusual. What is less usual is that he was a Jew.
Queens as Jezebels: The Careers of Brunhild and Balthild in Merovingian History.
Authors: Nelson Janet L.
Published: February 2016

Since they got a toe-hold in universities, the achievement of women in the field of medieval history has been high. Some female historiography may have been justly criticised for a certain breathlessness of style, a narrowness of concern, a subjectivity, even romanticism, of approach: faults produced, no doubt by the pressures of most women’s early socialisation. But the work of Rosalind Hill has shown an exemplary freedom from the faults and contributed substantially to the achievement. The combination of good sense and judgement with breadth of vision might perhaps have been expected from that rare person (of either sex) who can combine scholarly excellence with prowess in mountaineering. And so, despite its title, the paper that follows, in which I deal with the careers of two very active and intelligent women who commanded both the respect and the affection of many contemporaries (however unfairly posterity has treated them) will not, I hope, be thought a wholly inapt tribute.
Sons and Mothers: Family Politics in the Early Middle Ages
Authors: Stafford Pauline
Published: February 2016

In this year (975) Edgar, king of the English, reached the end of earthly joys, chose for him the other light, beautiful and happy and left this wretched and fleeting life’ (ASC MS A). Edgar died in his thirty-second year. He had ruled the whole of England for sixteen years, since the age of sixteen, and the northern parts of it at least since the age of fourteen. He left three known surviving children, each by a different mother. Eadgyth, his daughter, was abbess of the nunnery at Wilton, appropriately enough since she was the daughter of the nun Wulfthryth. He left two sons. The eldest Edward the martyr was the son of his first marriage to a lady named Aethelflaed. Edward’s mother was dead or otherwise disposed of by 975. She had disappeared early in the reign, before Edgar took as his wife and queen the lady Aelfthryth in 964. Aelfthryth was the mother of two sons: Edmund, who pre-deceased his father in 972, and Aethelred, better known to history as Aethelred Unraed. The reputation which has attached to the mild Aethelred would hardly apply to his mother, who involved herself with great purpose in the advancement of her two sons. Aethelred was at most nine years old in 975, making all possible allowance for the speedy consummation of his mother’s marriage and the birth of his elder brother. We do not know the age of Edward, but he is called a ‘child ungrown’ in MS C of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, which should make him no more than twelve, the age of social maturity in tenth century England. These two children, or more accurately their supporters, immediately flung themselves into a battle for the throne.
The Thirteenth-Century Guglielmites: Salvation through Women
Authors: Wessley Stephen E.
Published: February 2016

For the thirteenth-century Guglielmites women were the only hope for the salvation of mankind. These idealists believed that contemporary human failings could be remedied and that all were soon to be saved through the intervention of a female. Yearning for such immanent change, the Guglielmites quickly moved from enthusiasm to heresy. If the false Christians, jews, saracens, and, in fact, all diose outside Christianity were still not transformed by grace, according to these zealots, it was the fault of the present form of the ecclesia which must therefore be altered to fulfill their utopian expectations.
Continental Students and the Protestant Reformation in England in the Sixteenth Century
Authors: Cross Claire
Published: February 2016

Recent studies have demonstrated the insularity of Oxford and, by inference, Cambridge in the later middle ages; far from the two universities being regarded as centres of international scholarship the presence there of students from the continent seems to have been something of a rarity. In the sixteenth century a series of only loosely connected events, Henry VIII’s break with the papacy, and, somewhat later, the explicitly protestant government of Edward VI which happened to coincide with the victory of the imperial forces in Germany brought about a major change in the university world: continental protestant theologians now looked at England with new eyes, seeing it not only, as is well known, as a haven for persecuted protestant leaders, but also as a suitable centre of education for their young men. The first English exiles who went abroad for the sake of their religion in the reign of Henry VIII reinforced by the far greater number who fled from the Marian persecution made no secret of their belief in the vast superiority for the advancement of protestantism of the continental schools, especially those of Strassburg, Zurich and Geneva, but a group of contemporary Swiss, German, and French students adopted a rather different attitude. To them the English universities offered opportunities they did not have at home. One or two aspired to even higher realms and nourished ambitions of influencing thecourseof the religious settlement in England. A fresh account of their experiences in England from the later years of Henry VIII to the death of Elizabeth I may reveal new information on a rather less familiar aspect of the relationship between the great continental reformers and the English reformation.
Anabaptism and English Sectarianism in the Mid-Sixteenth Century
Authors: Loades David
Published: February 2016

From about 1528 onward radical protestants of various kinds from the Low Countries began to seek refuge in England from the pressures of persecution in their homelands. Until the advent of Thomas More as chancellor, persecution in England was sporadic and rather lax. The royal authority had not hitherto been invoked, and the lollards were not commonly of the stuff of martyrs, which induced a certain complacency in the English bishops when faced with the challenges of nascent protestantism. After More’s brief tenure of office was over, persecution under royal auspices continued, but on a very much smaller scale than in the Netherlands, so that the incentive for radicals to come to England, either permanently or temporarily, remained. Hundreds, perhaps thousands, of them lived in London, Norwich and other towns of the south-east over the next twenty years. A few, like Jan Mattijs, were burned in England, others, like Anneke Jans, met the same fate on their return home, but many lived and worked peacefully, attracting remarkably little attention. Considering their numbers, and the radical nature of their views, they seem to have made only a very slight impact upon their adopted country. A few Englishmen, like that ‘Henry’ who turned up as the sponsor of the Bocholt meeting in 1536, embraced their ideas wholeheartedly, but for the most part the effect seems to have been extremely piecemeal and diffuse, producing a wide variety of individual eccentricities rather than anything in the nature of a coherent movement. However, the presence of these radicals and their English sympathisers has always served to confuse students of the reformation, not least by appearing to justify contemporary conservative attempts to discredit protestantism as a Tower of Babel.
John Johnsone’s an Confortable Exhortation of Our Mooste Holy Christen Faith and her Frutes: An Early Example of Scots Lutheran Piety
Authors: Cameron James K.
Published: February 2016

On account of the spread ‘in diverse countries’ of the heresies of Luther the Scottish parliament enacted in 1525 that ‘na manner of persouns, strangears that hapnis to arrive with their schippis within ony part of this realm bring with thaim ony bukes or workes of the said Lutheris, his disciples or servandes, desputt or reherss his heresies or opunzeounns bot geif it be to the confusion thereof and that be clerkis in the sculis alainerlie, under the pane of escheting of their schippis and gudes and putting of their persons in presounn. And that this act be publist and proclamit out throw this realme at all ports and burrowis of the same’. Twenty six months later this act was extended to include all the king’s lieges who were ‘assistars to sic opunzeouns’. The act of parliament of 1525 expressed the nation’s concern: it does not specifically state that Luther’s writings had already been finding their way into the Scottish east coast ports, but the extension of the act in the following year to include the king’s lieges, makes it clear that heresy was beginning to take hold. By the spring of another year Lutheranism had its first Scottish martyr, the young Patrick Hamilton, titular abbot of Fern, former student at Paris, Louvain, St Andrews, and Marburg. Support for the heretical views could not, despite oppression and persecution, be held in check. Within a decade of the passing of the act, parliament found it necessary not only to have it re-enacted but extended still farther. None was to ‘have, use, kepe or consele ony bukes of the said heretic, or contenand their doctrine and opinions bot that they deliver the samin to the ordinaries within xl days’.
Adrianus Saravia as an Eirenical Churchman in England and the Netherlands
Authors: Nijenhuis W.
Published: February 2016

Adrianus Saravia is not very well-known. Most outlines of his life and work, in biographical dictionaries and short articles in periodicals, are not critically or scientifically adequate. His correspondence has not been published nor has it been made the subject of historical research and there is still no biography. It is therefore necessary to begin with a short biographical sketch, before commenting on Saravia’s significance as an eirenical churchman.
Franciscus Junius (1545-1602) and the English Separatists at Amsterdam
Authors: Jonge C. de
Published: February 2016

At the end of 1598 or the beginning of 1599 an English separatist congregation at Amsterdam sent its confession of faith to the theological faculty of Leiden University for judgment. This resulted in a correspondence between the professor primarius of the faculty, Franciscus Junius, and the congregation. It is with this correspondence, and with Junius’s point of view, considered in the context of his book Le Paisible Chrestien, in which he sets forth his eirenical ecclesiology, that this paper is concerned.
Jean Hotman’s Syllabus of Eirenical Literature
Authors: Meyjes G.H.M. Posthumus , Grayson J.C.
Published: February 2016

If one wishes to investigate the history of the development of an idea, two approaches are possible. One is to begin at the beginning, following the development step by step until one reaches the stage at which the idea attains its fullest flowering. The other approach is precisely the reverse. One chooses a point of departure in the final phase and then works backwards to the moment at which the idea first appeared. This latter method has many practical advantages in research. One can see the phenomenon in its most mature form, and thus more easily recognise its components and their earlier relationship.

When, some years ago, I decided to devote a lecture to eirenism in the sixteenth century, my preparation followed the second approach. I chose as my starting point the work of a renowned eirenist of a later generation, Hugo Grotius. Leafing through the fourth volume of the Basel edition of his Opera Theologica, my attention was drawn to an entry Via ad pacem ecclesiasticam. It proved to comprise a number of miscellaneous documents, some of them by Grotius himself, some of them his annotations on the work of others, and yet others evidently added to the dossier because they fitted into the framework of eirensim. I decided to delve more deeply into this collection, which was first published as a separate work in 1642.
The Relations of Enlightenment and Religious Revival in Central Europe and in the English-Speaking World
Authors: Ward W.R.
Published: February 2016

Fifty years ago it was possible to write with a good conscience about relations between pietism and enlightenment; everyone knew what these spiritual entities were, and knew also that it was not proper (in the German-speaking world at least) to talk of religious revival until the enlightenment was almost spent. It is only in the historiography of the German Democratic Republic that any of these certainties seems to remain; there the enlightenment retains pride of place as the progenitor of progress and human liberation, with an honourable pedigree extending deep into the middle ages, its relations with ständisch politics or with pietist religion capable in principle of rational discussion. Contrast with this the sneer of A. J. P. Taylor in England that the enlightenment is now only of interest to those who are still worried about Christianity, and with the problems of definition encountered by historians in America and West Germany. To Henry May, the enlightenment in America is capable of structural analysis which reveals stages of development, each with its own objectives. The notion that enlightenment was a simple concept, patient of blanket condemnation, was a calumny put about by frightened conservatives, including many of evangelical views at the end of the eighteenth century.
One Church and Two Nations: a Uniquely Irish Phenomenon?
Authors: Walsh Katherine
Published: February 2016

The Reformation in the sixteenth century brought with it the complex and—for contemporary religious and political groupings—unacceptable phenomenon of religious plurality. In the Middle Ages citizenship as an independent concept scarcely existed, and tacit assumptions about the function of Church-State relations rested on the view that all inhabitants of the polity were members of the Christian respublica. There were, of course, some specific, necessary, and therefore tolerable exceptions, such as Jews in many, but not in all countries. Heretics and infidels, who did not conform to these specifications, were therefore regarded as legitimate targets for repression, even for physical violence, in the complex machinery of the Inquisition and in the ideology of the crusades. The Reformation brought about a reversal of this monolithic thinking about the nature of the Christian polity. Faced with plurality of religious ideas and organizations, various solutions were attempted. The earliest, and that which was to have the most widespread and long-lasting effect in pre-Enlightenment and pre-Emancipation Europe, was that formulated in the Religious Peace of Augsburg (1555). Here the decree of cuius regio, ejus religio—with a deliberate retrospect to the Emperor Constantine—guaranteed the continuation of the medieval principle, whereby the good and loyal citizen was one who conformed in religious as well as political sentiment with the ruling authority.
‘I was a stranger, and ye took me in’: Polish Religious Refugees in England and English Refugees in Poland in the Sixteenth Century
Authors: Cross Claire
Published: February 2016

From the moment of Luther’s defiance of both Pope and Emperor at the Diet of Worms the sixteenth century became a period par excellence of cuius regio, eius religio, and of nowhere was this more true than for the very different societies of England and Poland. In England, for that time a highly centralized country, the nation’s religious fate oscillated wildly with the change of monarchs and their respective governments, mildly reformist under Henry VIII so long as Thomas Cromwell held power, indisputedly Protestant during the rule of the boy king, Edward VI, as indisputedly Roman Catholic in the equally short reign of Mary I, and then Protestant, as it turned out permanently, on the accession of Elizabeth. In Poland, where, because of its proximity to Wittenberg, Luther’s teachings began taking root at least within the German communities considerably earlier than in England, the spread first of Lutheranism and then Calvinism depended far more on the attitude of the nobility than of the monarch, though the succession of the more tolerant Sigismund Augustus in 1548 certainly accelerated the process. Apart from the five years between 1547 and 1553 in England, in neither country was life easy for converts to the Swiss version of Protestantism before 1560, and at different times both Polish and English Protestants suffered quite severe episodes of persecution: this essay traces the fortunes of the Poles who found a refuge in England and of the English who sought a temporary haven in Poland on account of their religion in the mid-sixteenth century.
Johann Gottfried Herder: the Lutheran Clergyman
Authors: Hope Nicholas
Published: February 2016

To ask the questions how we remember familiar historical figures and how they would like to have been remembered befits, perhaps, a collection of essays like this one. For us today, Herder is important as one of the leading literary figures of the German Sturm una Drang. He made seminal contributions as a philologist and linguistic ethnographer, as an aesthete and critic. We think of him, too, as a Christian philosopher who questioned, like his dear friend, Hamann, the sceptical empiricism of Hume, and, more especially, their own teacher, Kant, who had brought Hume to their notice. Historians see Herder as the father of the idea of history as it is experienced and interpreted by each generation, and as the progenitor of our modern romantic and nationalist movements.
Unity and Separation: Contrasting Elements in the Thought and Practice of Robert and James Alexander Haldane
Authors: Lovegrove Deryck W.
Published: February 2016

In June 1799 the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland issued a Pastoral Admonition to its congregations denouncing the missionaries of the newly formed Society for Propagating the Gospel at Home (SPGH). They were, it alleged, ‘a set of men whose proceedings threatened] no small disorder to the country’. In issuing this warning the Assembly brought to public attention for the first time the work of two of the most prominent Scottish leaders of the Evangelical Revival, Robert and James Alexander Haldane. The Haldane brothers, two of the moving spirits behind the offending organization, were wealthy Presbyterian converts to an undenominational activism already much in evidence south of the border. For a decade spanning the turn of the century their religious enterprise challenged Scottish ecclesiastical conventions, provoking strong contemporary reactions and leading to a marked divergence in subsequent historical assessment. From ‘the Wesley and Whitefield of Scotland’, at one extreme, they have been described less fulsomely as the source of a movement which, though it alarmed all the Presbyterian churches, proved to be short-lived, dying away ‘among its own domestic quarrels’, ‘marred by bitterness of speech, obscurantism and fanaticism’. Contemporaries seem to have found it little easier to agree on the leaders’ personal qualities. In 1796 Thomas Jones, the minister of Lady Glenorchy’s Chapel in Edinburgh, commended Robert Haldane to William Wilberforce as ‘a man of strickt honour integrity religion prudence and virtue’, who being ‘possessed of a fortune from £50,000 to £60,000 … thinks it is his duty… to employ a considerable portion of it in promoting the cause of God’. By 1809 Haldane’s former friend and colleague, Greville Ewing, had become so disenchanted with his methods that, having referred to him scornfully as ‘the POPE of independents’, he accused him bitterly of ‘the greatest effort [he had ever seen] from any motive whatsoever, to ruin the comfort, and the usefulness, of a minister of the gospel’. Though his brother, James, appears to have inspired a more universal affection, the forcefulness of both personalities ensured that mere neutrality would never be easy.
On Prophecy and Politics: Some Pragmatic Reflections
Authors: Robbins Keith
Published: February 2016

Prophecy is inescapably controversial; tension is always in the air. Prophetic utterance, no doubt properly, is apt to make many historians irritable and uncomfortable. Preoccupied with the past, the last thing they want to be saddled with is any responsibility for discerning the future or even seeking to make sense of the present. When Hugh Trevor-Roper, as he then was, attacked the writings of Arnold Toynbee in a savage article in Encounter in 1957, the gravamen of his charge was that Toynbee was not a historian at all, but a prophet, and, for good measure, a false one at that. Decent historians should not bother with the ten volumes of A Study of History because they were not history. The charges, in detail, may well have been justified, but the asperity went deeper. The caste of mind of historians, if they were truly professional, should make ‘prophetic history’ an impossibility. Prophets were indifferent to ‘facts’, or cavalier in their treatment of them, in pursuit of a grand vision. Historians, on the other hand, were obsessively fussy about details and were relatively unconcerned about grand theory. Indeed, historiography had ‘come of age’ precisely to the extent that it emancipated itself from prophecy.
The Justification of the Godless: Heinrich Vogel and German Guilt
Authors: Willmer Haddon
Published: February 2016

Guilt has proved an irresistible category for making and interpreting the twentieth-century history of which Germany has been the focus. In that history individuals, organizations, and nations have become guilty. The history of guilt is not made by the wrongdoers alone, but also by those who judge them. Doing wrong and being moralistic often have an evil symbiosis in individuals and communities. Guilt has not always been accurately allocated, and accusations of guilt have been manipulated for political purposes so producing more complex evil. There was guilt for the First World War, but it was untruthfully imposed on Germany alone by Article 231 of the Versailles Treaty. Within Germany, assigning guilt to political opponents, while refusing to accept any responsibility for what had happened, intensified the divisions within the nation and ensured that its policies were inspired by inward as well as outward enmity and unreality. The theologian H. J. Iwand argued in 1954 that the Nazis had taken the Freund-Feind conception of politics to absurdity, blaming (versündigt) the Left for all that happened after 1918. Consequently, Iwand judged the nationalist front in the Weimar Republic to have represented die organisierte Unbussfertigkeit of the German people. Too late, after 1945, it had become politically clear to many, but not to all, that complex historical guilt must be met by a complex response lest its power escalate yet again beyond the control of truth, understanding, and humanity.
The Late Renaissance and the Unfolding Reformation in Europe
Authors: Cameron Euan
Published: February 2016

Martin Luther, conducted no doubt by a higher providence, but in discourse of reason, finding what a province he had undertaken against the bishop of Rome, and the degenerate traditions of the church, and finding his own solitude, being no ways aided by the opinions of his own time, was enforced to awake all antiquity, and to call former times to his succour, to make a party against the present time. So that the ancient authors, both in divinity, and in humanity, which had long time slept in libraries, began generally to be read and revolved. This by consequence did draw on a necessity of a more exquisite travel in the languages original, wherein those authors did write, for the better understanding of those authors, and the better advantage of pressing and applying their words. And thereof grew again a delight in their manner of style and phrase, and an admiration of that kind of writing….

Francis Bacon, Of the Advancement of Learning (1605) in Works (London, 1778).
Forma Christianismi: Die Theologische Bewertung Eines Kleinen Katechetischen Lehrstücks Durch Luther Und Erasmus Von Rotterdam
Authors: Mehlhausen Joachim
Published: February 2016

Erasmus Von Rotterdam hat seine Diatribe für einen weiteren Leserkreis besrimmt. Der lector imperitior soll angesprochen werden, also nicht nur der Theologe, sondern vor allem der Laie, denn — so betont Erasmus — crassulis scribimus crassuli (IIa 13; W 32, 1). Schon durch eine klare und überschaubare Disposition des Werkes will Erasmus diesem Leser und seinen Verstehensmöglichkeiten entgegenkommen. So folgt auf eine zweiteilige Einleitung erst im Haupt-teil die eigentliche Diatribe sive collatio, in der Erasmus zunächst jene Bibelstellen behandelt, die für, danach jene, die gegen den freien Willen sprechen. Durch den Widerstreit von Schriftstellen und Beweisen soll die Wahrheit einsichtiger gemacht werden (‘hac collisione scripturarum et argumentorum fiat evidentior Veritas’: la 3; W 3, sf). Angesichts der bei diesem Arbeitsgang aufgedeckten Vielfalt der biblischen Stimmen stehen Autor und Leser dann vor einem hermeneutischen Problem, das Erasmus in die Worte faßt: ‘Quoniam autem spirirus sanctus, quo auctore prodita sunt haec, non potest pugnare secum, cogimur velimus nolimus aliquam sententiae moderationem quaerere’ (IV1; W 77, 5–7). Erasmus will bei der Behandlung dieser Quaestio den Disputator hervorkehren, er will nicht richten und entscheiden, sondern nur prüfen (la 6; W 5, 1 of);ihm geht es als Autor um den Vergleich, nicht um einen Streit (lb 9; W 18, 12). Diese moderatiosententiae wird dann im Schlußabschnitt des Werkes vorgetragen, der mit der berühmten Konklusionsformel endet: ‘CONTULI, penes alios esto iudicium’ (IV 17; W 92, 8).
Pastoral Care and the Reformation in Germany
Authors: Scribner R. W.
Published: February 2016

Of the numerous criticisms and expressions of grievance directed at the Church in Germany on the eve of the Reformation, the most devastating was the charge of inadequate pastoral care. Reformers of all complexions bewailed the poor state of the parish clergy and the inadequate manner in which they provided for the spiritual needs of their flocks. At the very least, the parish clergy were ill-educated and ill-prepared for their pastoral tasks; at the very worst, they exploited those to whom they should have ministered, charging for their services, treating layfolk as merely a means of increasing their incomes, and, above all, resorting to the tyranny of the spiritual ban to uphold their position. The popular propaganda of the early Reformation fully exploited such deficiencies, exposing the decay in root and branch of a system of pastoral care depicted as no more than an empty shell, a facade of a genuine Christian cure of souls. The attack on the traditional Church was highly successful, successful enough to provoke an ecclesiastical revolution, and almost a socio-political revolution as well. It was, indeed, so successful that generations of historians of the Reformation have seen the condition of the pre-Reformation Church largely through the eyes of its critics and opponents. This negative image was matched by an idealized view of what succeeded it: where the old Church had failed the Christian laity, indeed, so much that they had virtually fallen into the hands of the Devil, the new Church offered solutions, a new way forward, a new standard of pastoral care and concern that created a new ideal, the Lutheran pastor, who cared for his flock as a kindly father, a shepherd who would willingly give up his life for his sheep.
Probably They are God’s Children: Theodore Beza’s Doctrine Of Baptism
Authors: Raitt Jill
Published: February 2016

The discussion that took place between Theodore Beza and Jacob Andreae during the Colloquy of Montbeliard in 1586 highlights the differences among the French Reformed doctrine, the doctrine derived from the Basle Reformation, and the Lutheran doctrine. It also makes very clear how consistendy the Genevan Reformers related their sacramental theology, their understanding of the work of the Holy Spirit, and their doctrine of predestination.
Zurich and the Scottish Reformation: Rudolf Gwalther’s Homilies on Galatians of 1576
Authors: Gordon Bruce
Published: February 2016

The conjunction of humanism with reform is a familiar aspect of the Zurich Reformation. Zwingli’s own eschatological sense of impending divine judgement upon the nations of the world led him towards a more radical understanding of Erasmian humanism, a humanism in which the corporate life of the State expressed the inner relationship between God and man. For Zwingli, the Scriptures, when approached through the proper humanist exegetical methods, revealed the principles necessary to the founding of the true Corpus Christianum. The effective transformation of human communities into reflections of Christ’s universal Church through the co-operation of the evangelical faith with political authority was the urgent agenda of the Zurich reforms in the 1520s. Zwingli conceived of a confessional confederation of Swiss and German territories for which his theology and the reforming process in the Limmat city would serve as the basis and model. The appeal of his humanist conceptions of doctrine and Church was extensive, and Zwingli used his wide range of personal connections with leading theologians and humanists in his evangelism to the European courts.
The Piety of The Catholic Restoration in England, 1553–1558
Authors: Loades David M.
Published: February 2016

There was very little in Reginald Pole’s previous record as a scholar, confessor, or ecclesiastical statesman to suggest that he attached great importance to the externals of traditional worship. However, in his task of restoring the Church in England to the Catholic fold, he felt constrained to use whatever methods and materials were available to his hands. Ceremonies, as Miles Huggarde rightly observed, were ‘curious toyes’, not only to the Protestants, but also to those semi-evangelical Reformers of the 1530s whose exact doctrinal’standpoints are so hard to determine. Along with the papal jurisdiction had gone the great pilgrimage shrines, not only St Thomas of Canterbury—that monument to the triumph of the sacerdotium over the regnum—but also Our Lady of Walsingham and a host of others. Down, too, had gone the religious houses, lesser and greater, with their elaborate liturgical practices, and many familiar saints’ days had disappeared from the calendar before the austere simplifications of 1552. Such changes had provoked much opposition and disquiet, but they had left intact die ceremonial core of the old faith, the Mass in all its multitude of forms, and the innumerable little sacramental and liturgical pieties which constituted the faith of ordinary people. The recent researches of Professor Scarisbrick, Dr Haigh, Dr Susan Brigden, and others have reminded us just how lively these pieties were before—and during—the Reformation, even in places heavily infiltrated by the New Learning, such as London. It was at this level that traditional religion seems to have been at its most flourishing; in the small fraternities and guilds attached to parish churches; in the ornamentation and equipment of the churches themselves; and in the provision of gifts and bequests for obits, lights, and charitable doles.