bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Polityka wobec zabijania ludzi w konfliktach społecznych. Wykład teoretyczno-metodologiczny
Authors: Czajowski Andrzej
Published: March 2020

Politica towards killing people in social conflicts. Theoretical-methodological lectureThere are two sides of life: its continuation to natural death and premature annihilation. These two processes occur in parallel, subjecting to nature and culture. This means that human life, regardless of natural condi­tions, depends in some respects on tradition and politica politics and policy. People primarily protect life, but at the same time kill people and prevent killing in order to meet a number of needs. Often the cause of killing is the clash of those aims and then the killing is used to settle conflicts. Politica has a contradictory role in killing people: on the one hand counteracts this phenomenon, and on the other hand favors. De­pending on the relationship between politica and killing, we differentiate killing politica, politica facilitating killing, anti-killing politica and non-killing politica.The nature and implications of politica involvement in killing of people in conflicts depend on the nature of the conflict. Another is the relation of politica to this phenomenon when the conflict is non-political and the other when it is political.Politica — from its advent to our modern times — is transformed into: apparently killing and encouraging killing, giving way to ever more visible counteracting killing and non-killing.
Konflikt pomiędzy nauką a wiarą w polityczno-ideologiczny konsensus w sprawie globalnego ocieplenia
Authors: Młyńczyk Łukasz
Published: March 2020

The conflict between science and the belief in political and ideological consensus on global warming This article provides an analysis of conflict between scientific attitude and ideological belief. The consen­sus on global warming has excluding from Popper’s falsifiability. The same issue concerns verification and confirmation on global warming hypothesis. Only three out of a hundred scientists calls into question the theory of climate catastrophe. We don’t know if this theory is false, because climatologists and politicians did not accept independent research on global warming. Reduce CO2 emission is dogma of Left-wing politics. The natural sciences are included in the political discourse area. The global warming is a part of ideology and draws people into the area of policy actions
Teoretyczne ujęcia konfliktu politycznego
Authors: Jabłoński Andrzej Wojciech
Published: March 2020

Theoretical approaches to political conflictThis article reconstructs and develops theoretical approaches to analysis of political conflicts in the disci­plines of political science, political philosophy and sociology. In the consecutive sections of the article the author develops theoretical assumptions of liberal rationalism, agonism, political realism, structuralism and constitutional theory. These theoretical approaches differ in the attitudes towards the causes of conflict and the role of conflict in the modern political system. Liberal rationalism is a normative theory of con­sensus within political community based on common values. Agonism perceives conflict as an essential ingredient of politics. Political realism sees conflict as permanent element of politics on the internal and international level. Constitutional theory embraces legal rules and cultural norms that define legitimate ways of political action, through which conflicts are regulated.
Spirala przemocy w konfliktach społecznych
Authors: Karwat Mirosław
Published: March 2020

The spiral of violence in the social conflictsIn the antagonistic conflicts between sides with the equalized potential it is possible such a situation that none of the sides is able to win, nor to cut off the fight although their own forces are running out and thus increases the threat of self-destruction. This endless exchange of blows is escalating in time and causing more destruction and damage than profits. The unilateral initiative of armistice is impossible, because both fighters are afraid that it may be viewed as a symptom of weakness and incentive to intensify attacksIn their own ranks striving for agreement with the adversary may be condemned and obstructed as a betrayal. Then the vicious circle of the insoluble struggle sets the spiral of violence.
Geneza demokratycznych instytucji samorządu na terenach Islandii w latach 870–930
Authors: Boridczenko Stanisław
Published: March 2020

The genesis of the democratic self-government institutions in the Iceland in 870–930The article presents information about creating of the politic institution in Iceland in 870–930. The author’s intention is the study and description of the development of democratic self-governing institutions with demonstration proofs that Iceland self-govern institution can be percepted like democratic. It also indicates the main features of Icelandic society that have left a mark on government institutions.
Antropodoksa polityczna jako kategoria teoretyczna i przedmiot badań
Authors: Bachryj-Krzywaźnia Maciej
Published: March 2020

Political anthropodoxis as a theoretical category and object of analysisThe article presents a meaning of the notion “political anthropodoxis” and justifies its analytical separation. The title category, inspired by the structure of philosophical anthropology thought and findings in folk psychology, is first placed into the system of political theory concepts. Its subsequent detailed characteristics is followed by outlined methodological perspective appropriate for its analysis.
Problem prekaryjnej pracy w kontekście dyskusji o polityce społecznej w Polsce
Authors: Mazur Jan
Published: March 2020

The problem of precarious work in the context of the discussion on social policy in PolandThe text consists of two parts. The first is an introduction to the problem of precarious work. The expres­sion “precarious work” itself is derived from the word “precariat”. This term refers to people who are forced to undertake poor quality employment which is mostly precarious, temporary, low-paid, lacks promotion prospects, and is undertaken on the basis of flexible contracts etc. The easiest way that the prekariat can be characterized is by using such references as “junk” contracts, unsecured employment, inhumane overtime, lack of professional identity, low pension contributions or their total absenceThe second part of the text presents precarious work from the perspective of Polish social policy. Above all, a speech by Elżbieta Rafalska, the Minister for Family, Labour and Social Policy was used. The speech was presented during a national conference entitled “Prekariat The Perspective of Catholic Social Science”, held in Częstochowa, Jasna Góra on 21 June 2016. Precarious work leads to negative social phenomena. They can be characterized briefly as “brain wast­ing”, which deprives young people of the opportunity to develop, and gives them a sense of being an un­necessary generation. In this way, the ethos of work is undermined. It ceases to be a service to another person, and becomes primarily a means of obtaining means of living and an instrument of the employer’s domination over employees.Thee dilemmas posed by precarious work create considerable challenges for social policy in Poland. It is not enough to combat precarious, unstable employment, but work itself needs to be healed, so that its dignity is restored. That is why one should start with the fight against unemployment. Guy Standing’s ideas are worthy of consideration, as they propose a social policy that supports non-precarious workIn this respect, the ethical guidelines contained in the John Paul II’s encyclical “Laborem exercens” still appear to be valid.
Sposoby obejścia konstytucyjnego zakazu reelekcji — kazus Nikaragui
Authors: Składowska Joanna
Published: March 2020

The exclusion of the constitutional ban against reelection — example of NicaraguaThe Nicaraguan Constitution of 1987 in its original version guaranteed the free presidential re-election. The limits clause has been introduced by the amendment of 1995. Daniel Ortega who returned as the president in 2006 was directly interested in removing the restriction. The Sandinista National Liberation Front has no required majority in Parliament to carry out the amendment procedure. They seek the alternative solution, such as judicial instrument. The Nicaraguan Supreme Court sentence emitted on 19th of October 2009, declared the inapplicability of 147 of ConstitutionThe way to unlimited re-election has been opened. The purpose of the article is to analyse the process of changes of Nicaraguan Constitution between 1995 and 2014, regarding the re-election clause. The judicalization of this process shall be emphasized. In particular, the author will present legal analyse of both sentences of Nicaraguan Supreme Court i.e.emitted in October 2009 and September 2010It will be assessing in the context of the president-election’s regulation in Latin America presidentialism.
Przyczyny i efekty zmian w polskiej polityce społecznej wobec osób niepełnosprawnych w latach 1991–2017
Authors: Skiba Wojciech
Published: March 2020

Reasons and eff ects of changes in Polish social policy towards people with disabilities between 1991 and 2017Th is article attempts to identify the causes of key changes in Polish social policy towards people with disabilities. Th e analysis covers the period since the beginning of the political transformation to the present. Th e author, on the basis of an analysis of changes in the law, presents a typology of the causes of change and discusses the extent to which they have responded to the policy challenges in this area.
Powstanie Powszechnej deklaracji praw człowieka. Kontrowersje dotyczące autorstwa i podziału ról w przygotowywaniu i przyjęciu tekstu dokumentu
Authors: Domagała Arkadiusz
Published: March 2020

The creation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Disputes on authorship and roles of individuals concerning preparation and adopting of the DeclarationThe Universal Declaration of Human Right was prepared, revised and finally adopted by many representatives to the United Nations bodies. The study presents the drafting of the Declaration from the perspective of people whose contribution was the most essential. They were members of the Commission of Human Rights and its drafting committee Eleanor Roosevelt, Peng-chun Chang, Charles Malik, René Cassin, the UN Secretariat John P. Humphrey. All of them can be labeled as the authors of the Declaration which seems to be an unnecessary generalisation. The underestimated role of Humphrey and overestimated role of Cassin are presented in detail. The paper concludes that the contribution to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights may be differentiated. Ultimately, the author argues that roles of a sponsor, an initiator, a creator, a redactor, a guard and a reviser can be distinguished.
Państwo polsko-litewskie europejskim mocarstwem. Uwarunkowania ustrojowo-społeczne
Authors: Juchnowski Jerzy , Pieróg Agnieszka
Published: March 2020

The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth as a European power:  The system and social factors Central and Eastern Europe is viewed by the West as a peripheral region which is the object of political bargaining among different powerful countries. However, the Poland of the Jagiellonian era deserves the name of a regional power. The Polish-Lithuanian Federation constituted the basis for the system which was republican and monarchical at the same time and which was unusual in Western Europe. From the 14th to the 16th century, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was working towards its strong position in the region. In relations with the Vatican, Poland maintained its extensive autonomy. It was the 17th century that brought the regress which resulted from the evolution of the political system in the direction of noblemen’s oligarchy.
Stanowisko PPR/PZPR wobec obchodów święta 11 listopada
Authors: Rogowska Barbara I.
Published: March 2020

Position of the Polish Workersʼ Party on the celebration of Independence Day The history of the anniversary celebrations on 11 November reflects the complicated traditions of the nation and the Polish state. For years the celebrations were accompanied by numerous changes in the ideological, legal, political and ritual layer. Individual political and social formations as well as subsequent generations of Polish citizens celebrated the anniversary of regaining independence by assigning to it different ideological, political and axiological values. Ove the course of a hundred years, it has gained a different legal and political status. From the celebration of local military circles, then political, through national anniversaries, school ceremonies to the establishment of a public holiday.In the 21st century, the holiday is additionally used by various political forces. The main form of the celebration is the Independence March. During the march Polish patriotic and human values are presented. But it also becomes the grounds for publicizing various values and anti-values. International interest in the march is dictated by the propagation of sometimes anti-democratic slogans and the political situation in Poland and the EU. Various political forces sometimes try to use the Independence Day in a spectacular way for political purposes, for media coverage, for election fights with political opponents.
Ewolucja reżimu politycznego w Polsce w okresie funkcjonowania rządu Beaty Szydło
Authors: Olejnik Maciej
Published: March 2020

Evolution of the political regime in Poland during the functioning of Beata Szydło’s government Liberal and illiberal democracies can be defined on the basis of five criteria distinct in both types of democracy: the rule of law, the government’s control, political elites’ integrity, media freedom and minorities’ protection. The article shows that four out of five criteria constituting illiberal democracy were fulfilled in Poland while Beata Szydło’s government was functioning the rule of law, the government’s control, media freedom and minorities’ protection, whereas only one systemic norm forming illiberal democracy minorities’ protection was fulfilled when the previous governments Donald Tusk and Ewa Kopacz’s governments operated. Thus, it can be stated that the transition from liberal to illiberal democracy took place in the period of the functioning of Szydło’s government.
Rola tradycji konfucjańskich w umacnianiu współczesnego reżimu politycznego Koreańskiej Republiki Ludowo-Demokratycznej
Authors: Weber Kamil
Published: March 2020

The role of Confucian traditions in strengthening the contemporary political regime of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea In Asian countries authoritarian relationships have been noticeable for centuries not only on political but also on social grounds.The teachings of Confucius were important in this aspect. According to many au­thors, they still exert a significant influence in North Korea and have an impact on the durability of Kim Jong-un. However, there are also opinions that it is a big mistake to describe this country as Confucian. For this reason the aim of this article is to show the real meaning of this ideology in North Korea. This will be done by demonstrating similarities of the present situation to the principles of Confucianism, as well as denials of the guidelines of this ideology. As a result, this will allow the author to analyze how Confucian traditions can determine the future of the regime in Pyongyang.
Formowanie Wojsk Obrony Terytorialnej
Authors: Tomaszewski Janusz
Published: March 2020

Development of Territorial Defence Forces Territorial Defence Forces TDF began their official activity on 1 January 2017. They are the fifth single service in the Polish Armed Forces next to Lang Forces, Air Force, Navy and Special Operations Forces. It has been established that the organization of TDF is going to be strictly related to the currently existing ad­ministrative division of the country, giving a total of 17 brigades. Ultimately, there are to be 53,000 soldiers within the ranks. In times of peace TDF should mainly be ready to execute crisis management activities, in times of war TDF should support regular Polish Army Forces in terms of direct warfare.
Odrodzenie Wojska Polskiego 1918–1921
Authors: Tomaszewski Janusz
Published: March 2020

The revival of the Polish Army 1918–1921The Polish Army began to form before the resurrection of the Polish state. After Józef Piłsudski took over the highest positions in the state and army, the pace of organization in the Polish Army quickened. The Chief of State treated this issue as a priority. He believed the strength of the army to be a decisive factor in the real possibilities of the state, and in Polish conditions necessary to win the righteous and safe borders and defend the independent existence of the Republic of Poland. The inflow of new volunteers meant that at the end of 1918 the number was already around 100,000 soldiers. Until then, 39 infantry regiments, 17 regiments and 3 artillery regiments were successfully formed. In 1919, the intensive development of the Polish Army continued. It was a time of dynamic development of its strength, creation of great units — brigades and divisions, unification of organizational structures of sub-units, units and tactical units. There was also a consolidation of all Polish military formations within the armed forces, and the Polish Army was transformed into a regular army. The highest strength of the Polish Army was reached just after the end of the battle in the outskirts of Warsaw, on 1 September 1920, as it numbered 943,976 soldiers. At that time, its composition included, among others: 22 infantry divisions, 3 independent infantry brigades, 9 motorized brigades, 20 field artillery brigades, a mountain artillery brigade, 20 air squadrons.
O działaniach politycznych i pokrewnych. Glosa do typologii Andrzeja Czajowskiego
Authors: Karwat Mirosław
Published: March 2020

About political and related activities. Commentary on the typology of Andrzej CzajowskiThe political sphere of social life creates not strictly political actions undertaken by policy-holders specialized in the struggle for power and the art of governance, constituting or changing the political order, regime, but also quasi-political actions undertaken by big social groups, communities and social movements, even by individuals interested in certain decisions, exerting pressure on the governing and other political forces also for non political purposes and peri-political actions undertaken in politically-inspired or controlled and programmed offices, public institutions in the course of management, judgment,enforcement of the legal order. Quasi-political actions include: politically-motivated actions, politically-important actions also relevant irrespective of the subject’s motives and intentions and politicized actions — politicized by how they are perceived and exploited by the Perpetrator’s surrounding entities. So is the typology of Andrzej Czajowski, which is worth complementing the meta-political actions — related to the establishment and enforcement of rules and standards of the political game, governance, forms of social and legal control and self- or mutual limitation of political forces?
Polski kryzys na forum Bundestagu w 1980 roku
Authors: Reisky Maria
Published: March 2020

The Polish crisis on the Bundestag forum in the 1980sIn the summer of 1980 a period of rapid social changes began in Poland, which became the subject of observation, analysis and discussion in many European countries. In the Federal Republic of Germany, the subject of Poland and the emerging economic crisis was discussed in the Bundestag. The aim of this article is to answer the question about the subject matter and intensity of Polish issues at the forum of German parliaments. How was the situation on the Vistula River reported? Who spoke most often and what demands did he make? Was the democratization of political life in Poland believed in? The author examined documents from the plenary sittings of the Bundestag held from midsummer until the end of December 1980.
Rozważania nad populistyczną naturą Alternatywy dla Niemiec
Authors: Cymbaluk Łukasz , Ziółek Damian
Published: March 2020

Reflections on the populist nature of the Alternative for Germany political partyAlternative for Germany has recently become a phenomenon on the German political scene, especially after the 2017 Bundestag elections. The article contains an analysis and an attempt to explain the populist nature of the party, pointing to what elements may confirm or deny its populistic character. There are some indicators that show Alternative for Germany can be described as an example of populism, especially including the use of left- and right-wing postulates, an anti-system and anti-establishment attitude, temporalization of constructing political communication and usage of social sentiments. On the other hand, there are some visible determinants that go beyond the model of the populist party, for instance the technocratic nature of the party, the lack of a significant unit of a charismatic leader. Also, many issues that raise doubts can be underlined, for example the ideological sphere of the party. Furthermore, the article also contains considerations about the possible effects of functioning of the political group in the German party system.
Odpowiedź na polemiki i komentarze do mojej książki „Logika i argumentacja”
Authors: Kisielewicz Andrzej
Published: March 2020

In reply to the polemics and comments on my bookLogic and ArgumentationThis article contains the reply to the polemics and comments on my book Logic and argumentation. Since the most controversial issue among the commentators was my “radical attack on formal logic”, the first part of the text generally addresses this criticism. Firstly, I thoroughly explain what my doubts regarding the formal logic are. I am not questioning the great, even spectacular, successes of formal logic in the field of mathematical logic, nor its extraordinary contribution to the foundation of computer technology. I only find that for the traditional goal of logic — that of studying the principles of reasoning, inference and definition — formal methods have failed in confrontation with practice. I am developing this thesis in detail and I am trying to justify it, first of all by referring to the practice of reasoning in the field of mathematics. In the second part, I respond to specific criticisms and comments from individual authors. Many of the comments are correct, some are based on misunderstandings, while some, in my opinion, are wrong.
Uwagi o podręczniku „Logika i argumentacja” Andrzeja Kisielewicza
Authors: Biłat Andrzej
Published: March 2020

Remarks on the handbook Logic and Argumentation by Andrzej KisielewiczThe paper contains some critical comments on Andrzej Kisielewicz’s handbook of critical thinking Logika i argumentacja. Praktyczny kurs krytycznego myślenia, Warszawa 2017. The comments generally refer to two main topics of the handbook: a the definite rejection of formal logic as a tool of critical thinking, and b the support for the so-called analysis of reasonable possibilities as an essential method of critical thinking. The paper shows that these topics are not suf ficiently clearand the support is not convincing enough.
Kilka uwag o książce profesora Andrzeja Kisielewicza „Logika i argumentacja. Praktyczny kurs krytycznego myślenia”
Authors: Sielezin Jan Ryszard
Published: March 2020

Several remarks on the book by Professor Andrzej Kisielewicz, Logic and Argumentation. Practical Course in Critical ThinkingProfessor Andrzej Kisielewicz’s book concerns active forms and methods of teaching logic, also outside the context of university education. It possesses prac­tical value and may also be an auxiliary material for, among others, high school students. Despite some shortcomings, such as unjustified ascription of the status of hypothesis to statements, a flawed definition of the methodological and epistemological concept of a historical fact, it contains many valuable and original logical propositions pertaining to critical and logical thinking.Undoubtedly, the book will be useful in education and helpful in introducing teachers and learners to using grammatical and logical rules. It will allow the reader to detect post-truth in the media or the shuffling of premises in argumentation. After implementing indispensable corrections and additions, it should become an obligatory reading — not only in the context of university education.
Strategies of Perception of Europe and their Reception in Lithuania
Authors: Aleksandravičius Povilas
Published: March 2020

This article analyses strategies of perception of Europe that fit into a triple structure. The traditional division into philosophical, cultural, and political Europe is intersected with more fundamental European perceptions determined by different ways of thinking. In this article, these ways are referred to as the closed, the open and the hollow ones. Thus, three different conceptions of Europe arise: the closed Europe characterized by essentialism, ethnocentrism, and monologic consciousness; the open Europe based on the standpoint that protection of one’s own identity and maturity depend on a dialogic relationship with representatives of other identities; and the hollow Europe that makes absolute the imperative of moral self-criticism, as well as identity’s deconstruction and its relativism. The discussion of all three strategies of perception of Europe is followed by the analysis of how they were received in Lithuania. The conclusion highlights the necessity to further research the relationship between all three conceptions of European identity.
Narrative or Substantial Self? Between Confrontation and Complementarity
Authors: Hołub Grzegorz
Published: March 2020

In this paper two concepts of the self are presented and contrasted, namely a narrative and a substantial self. The discussed concepts have been variously assessed in contemporary philosophy. It seems, however, that the substantial concept is nowadays an object of severe criticism, whereas the narrative notion celebrates its genuine triumph. In the paper, the author argues that this asymmetry is exaggerated and disproportionate, and opposition between them is not so obvious and clear-cut. The author argues that those two concepts in fact need each other and can, to a certain degree, complement one another. In the article, an example of such complementarity is sketched.
Two Concepts of Recognition
Authors: Chmielewski Adam
Published: March 2020

The aim of this paper is to submit the doctrine of methodological individualism to a reconsideration from the point of view of the arguments formulated by contemporary communitarian philosophy. I propose to approach the opposition between the individual and the community, constitutive for the liberal– communitarian debate, by means of two concepts, i.e. those of recognition and order. I argue that for the individualists a social order emerges through a process of mutual recognition of the pre-existing individuals and their interests, while the communitarians claim that the task of individuals is to recognize values and norms of a pre-existing social order which is to become their own. The difference between them thus resides primarily in the ontological distinction between the respective objects of these two divergent concepts of recognition. The argument is developed through an analysis of David Hume’s concept of the individual. In opposition to some communitarian claims, I maintain that his approach may be interpreted as an antecedent of the communitarian views on the subject. I also outline a view of moral rules as neither universal, absolutist, nor purely emotivist in character, but as social constructions endowed with the status of “contingent permanence.”
Why Sextus? The Pros logikous as Reliable Source for Gorgias’ Peri tou me ontos
Authors: Giombini Stefania
Published: March 2020

Two versions of Peri tou mē ontos ptmo by Gorgias, related by an Anonymous Author MXG and by Sextus Empiricus SE, have been alternatively accredited by scholars according to their disposition to seek a doctrine or a rhetorical- communicational dimension respectively with the first tendency prevailing. Comparing the ptmo to the rest of Gorgiasʼ works, we verify and clearly demonstrate how SE manages to convey a precise modus argumentandi. In effect, SE shows Gorgias’ demonstrative reasoning as employing: 1 the application of demonstrandum and quod erat demonstrandum typical of Gorgiasʼ speeches, reinforced by a substantial and abundant use of verbs of explanation and demonstration, especially in comparison to the rest of the same Against the Logicians’ section. Otherwise, MXG reduces this lexicon to the more generic phēmi; 2 the continuous employment of the reductio ad absurdum, like in all of Gorgias’ works; 3 a very refined formulation of the principle of non-contradiction §67, similar to the one seen in Pal. 25. In addition, MXG is accurate in the discussion of some arguments as in the third kephalaion, however, presents as an overcorrected interpreter, more interested in questioning Gorgias than reporting his original text, also directly referring to Zeno, Melissus, and Leucippus. The context of the ptmo in SE’s work the structure presented leads us to believe that SE had the text or at least an accurate summary of the ptmo different from MXG. The aims of this paper are: 1 to demonstrate that SE shows well the Gorgianic demonstrative reasoning and, for this specific reason, he is reliable and valuable resource for us; 2 to hypothesise that SE’s version is based on and independent as yet unknown source.
Sacrum i rewolucja. Leszek Kołakowski i inni
Authors: Krasicki Jan
Published: March 2020

The sacred and the revolution Leszek Kołakowski and othersThe author examines the relationship between the sphere of the sacred and the phenomenon of the revolution. He points to the distinctiveness of Leszek Kołakowski’s position as compared to the views articulated by other representatives of the so-called Warsaw school of the history of ideas. He claims that Kołakowski’s philosophical programme, which takes into account the sacred and mythical dimension of the socio-political diagnoses, can help us to understand the Russian Revolution of 1917 as well as other revolutionary movements and processes of the 20th century. He demonstrates that the sacred is an inherent aspect of the revolutionary mentality. Also, he argues that the ideologies which turned against religion in the name of the struggle with religious superstitions, in the end became quasi-religious. As a matter of fact, the revolutionary utopia may be perceived as a kind of crypto-religion involving such elements of the mythical thinking as a belief in the cognition of history, an assumption that the latter may be started anew, a belief in the possibility of the secular eschatology, etc.
Koncepcja sztuki w filozofii kultury Ernsta Cassirera
Authors: Trochimska-Kubacka Beata
Published: March 2020

The Concept of Art in Ernst Cassirer’s Philosophy of CultureThe presentation is dedicated to the discussion of the concept of art and aesthetics within Ernst Cassirer’s philosophy of culture. The considerations are connected with an attempt to answer the question about the meaning of art in the system of symbolic forms and the position of aesthetics in Cassirer’s thought. It includes a reconstruction of his position on the tradition of aesthetic thought, including the theory of mimesis and theory of expression, the notion of beauty and imagination. It shows the dialogical, dynamic and communicative nature of culture as viewed by Cassirer. In the context of his intuition of culture art as a “bridge,” the following is discussed: mediation between the “I” and “You,” subjectivity and objectivity, mimesis and creativity, rationality and emotionality. References are made to the positions adopted by Michaela Hinsch, Marion Lauschke, Birgit Recki.
Uwagi o mowie cynicznej. Kallikles i Trazymach jako mówcy cyniczni
Authors: Pietrzak Marcin
Published: March 2020

Notes on Cynical Speech. Callicles and Thrasymachusas Cynical SpeakersCynical speech is a proper form of manifestation of what we call cynicism. It takes the form of a persuasive strategy which assumes the achievement of the rhetorical consubstantiation of a cynical speaker and her/his auditorium. Cynical speech is a game that takes place between three sides: a cynical speaker posing as an immoralist, a moralist and an auditorium, the acquisition of which is the aim of both interlocutors. At the outset, the cynical speaker gives the identity of naive dilettantes’ to both the members of the auditorium and the moralist and then tries to persuade the audience to side with him and take on the role of the students of a cynical expert. This is what can be described as cynical modulation. In its course, the initial opposition of a professional versus dilettante turns into an opposition of master versus student, while the unattractive identity of a dilettante is transferred to a moralist. In this way, the speaker achieves what Kenneth Burke thinks is the right goal for any rhetorical act: the speaker’s consubstantiation with the auditorium. This process is presented based on the example of the disputes between Socrates, as a moralist on the one hand, and sophist-politicians Thrasymachus and Callicles, who personify the type of cynical speakers, on the other. The analysis of cynical speech carried out in the paper leads to an indication of some basic features of this way of speaking, as well as the relationship that exists between them and the content of viewpoints voiced by cynical speakers. These viewpoints have been described as aristocratic democratism and people’s anti-democratism. These are two forms of what has been described as the cynical counter-ideal. The adoption of these positions is an indirect expression of the same systematic ambiguity that lies in the form of cynical speaking, which belongs to the very essence of cynicism as a cultural phenomenon.
The role of the Ministry of Justice and the Ministry of Internal Affairs in the fight against the crime of human trafficking in Poland
Authors: Dworzecki Jacek
Published: March 2020

THE ROLE OF THE MINISTRY OF JUSTICE AND THE MINISTRY OF INTERNAL AFFAIRS IN THE FIGHT AGAINST THE CRIME OF HUMAN TRAFFICKING IN POLANDThis article outlines the role of the Ministry of Justice and the Ministry of Internal Affairs which due to their legal and doctrinal obligations deal with the issue of combating the crime of human trafficking in Poland. Furthermore, the text presents the concept of human trafficking found in the subject literature as well as legal instruments implemented with a view to combating this form of crime and the characteristics of the National Consultation Centre for Polish and Foreign Victims of Trafficking.
Domniemane i rzeczywiste kontakty prominentów nazistowskich z polskością przed 1933 rokiem
Authors: Kapica Wojciech
Published: March 2020

ALLEGED AND ACTUAL CONTACTS OF PROMINENT NAZIS WITH POLISHNESS BEFORE 1933The article is an attempt to examine the contacts of prominent Nazis with Polishness before 1933. The author looks at these contacts with regard to the place of birth, living in a given place until 1918, living in a given place in the inter-war period 1918–1933, participation in the First World War in Poland, participation in Polish-German fighting in 1918–1921, having a Polish-sounding name and impact of all these factors on the period of the Second World War German occupation of Poland.
Pomiędzy państwem prawnym a autorytaryzmem. Z polskich rozważań nad poszukiwaniem optymalnego ustroju państwa po odzyskaniu niepodległości w III Rzeczypospolitej
Authors: Bosiacki Adam
Published: March 2020

BETWEEN THE RULE OF LAW AND AUTHORITARIANISM.POLISH CONSIDERATIONS ON SEEKING THE OPTIMAL STATE SYSTEM AFTER REGAINING INDEPENDENCE IN THE THIRD REPUBLIC The article presents an analysis of selected considerations of Polish political discussions about the shortcomings of the parliamentary system and their antidote in the form of an authoritarian system. The point of departure is an analysis of the idea of a legal state Rechtsstaat, well known in Congress Kingdom even before Poland regained its independence in 1918. It is also worthwhile to research the attempt of the integration the head of state into the parliamentary system, which was successfully applied between 1918 and 1922 when the Head of State institution was personali­zed by Józef Pilsudski. The analysis of the authoritarian thinking of Piłsudskis movement between 1926–1939 did not turn out as it had been declared, the sanation of state, and ideologically — also experienced — numerous social failures. Piłsudski’s legacy is present to some extent in contempo­rary Poland, with few exceptions e.g. the concept of the common good, but one cannot speak of the legacy of authoritarianism. The idea of authoritarianism, however, remains less or more attrac­tive as the solution to the social pains of the Third Republic. As between 1918–1922 in Poland, it has now been possible to incorporate the president’s powers into the parliamentary system, where the head of state is not a purely decorative body to a certain extent as a moderator of the empire. The list of constitutional values is also important. The underserved party system before the war and now is undoubtedly a negative political tendency, although such a system is not a developed state legal system. Paradoxically, however, it fosters anti-authoritarian tendencies.
Wódz, naród, rasa. Ideologiczne przesłanki nazistowskich koncepcji prawa
Authors: Maciejewski Marek
Published: March 2020

THE LEADER, THE NATION AND THE RACE. IDEOLOGICAL PREMISES OF THE NAZI CONCEPT OF LAW The subject matter of the article is devoted to discussing the ideological premises of the con­tent, aims, and functions of Nazi law from the perspective of the legal theoreticians and practition­ers of the Third Reich. Firstly, the significance and role of the supreme leader the Führer of the National Socialists and Germany in asingle person, namely Adolf Hitler, is discussed. The legal doctrine of the Nazi state perceived him — just as he did himself — to be the basic source of law and treated his political decisions as such. In fact, these decisions were even thought to stand above the Weimar Constitution of 1919 which was only formally in force and other pieces of legislation. Hitler was not merely viewed as the supreme legislator, but also as the highest judge, acting by the will of the German nation. Judicial decisions in the Third Reich were issued on his behalf. Accord­ing to Nazi lawyers, Hitler as Führer embodied and articulated the will of the German nation, whose needs, interests, and aspirations were considered the purpose behind the functioning of the state and the Reich’s law. Furthermore, the German national community deutsche Volksgemeinaschaft rose to the rank of the near absolute determinant of the law’s form and content. It was, in fact, the reference for one of the important principles of Nazi law, i.e. the common good before personal good Gemeinnutz vor Eigennutz — hence, anegation of the concepts of individualism, including the unchallengeable nature of private property. In addition, the ideological premises of the Nazi concept of law also comprised racial issues. The Third Reich placed particular emphasis on racial purity and hygiene — which referred predominantly to the Germanic race — as acondition for the German national community’s healthy functioning. Nazi law, inter alia, was supposed to serve precisely that end. The legal doctrine in Germany at the time adopted the unequivocal position that the law — together with the administration of justice — should be one of the most important guards of the longevity and purity of the Germanic race sometimes referred to as the Aryan race. This stipulation, which for the most part was consistently implemented, was closely linked to the National Socialists’ almost zoological antisemitism. It was reflected in numerous normative acts by the Third Reich’s authorities targeting the Jewish population in Germany and the countries it occupied during WWII.
Zasadnicze przejawy ingerencji w prawa podmiotowe prywatne jednostek przez III Rzeszę
Authors: Kruszewski Tomasz , Górnicki Leonard
Published: March 2020

ESSENTIAL MANIFESTATIONS OF INTERFERENCE IN SUBJECTIVE RIGHTS OF PRIVATE INDIVIDUALS BY THE THIRD REICHThe article analyzes the most important manifestations of limitation of subjective rights of private individuals by the Third Reich. The authors begin the article by undermining by the national socialist regime one of the fundamental principles, which is equality before the law. Then, the au­thors analyze the violations of particulars individual rights of private individuals.The purpose of the authors is to demonstrate that the self-reliance of aperson Eigenständig­keit has ceased to be an essential element of private law in the national socialist legal order. The sphere in which the subject of law could freely regulate the legal situation created by acts of his will, became clearly restricted. But also, and even more specifically, the sphere of traditionally protected civil rights of private individuals has fallen. The interference of the national socialist regime in the sphere of human privacy followed by changes both in civil and in public law. The existence of a for­mal legal basis was supposed to exclude the unlawfulness of the behavior of the subjects of the law, especially the state, its organs and institutions, but in the light of the idea ofthe law of the civilized nations it was “statutory lawlessness”.
„La bataglia per la libertà” — antyfaszystowska opozycja braci Carlo i Nello Rossellich w latach 1926–1937
Authors: Kiwior-Filo Małgorzata
Published: March 2020

LA BATTAGLIA PER LA LIBERTÀ — THE ANTI-FASCIST OPPOSITION OF THE BROTHERS CARLO AND NELLO ROSSELLI IN 1926–1937 The opposition activities of the Rosselli brothers, brutally killed on 9 June 1937 in Bagnoles­-de-l’Orne, France, by the French cagoualards, were rooted in their deep conviction concerning the necessity of fighting for freedom in fascist Italy, fighting that brought together Italian, Jewish and French anti-fascist circles. This was manifested in numerous initiatives and various kinds of oppo­sition activities undertaken by Carlo Rosselli b. 1899 — a writer, economist and politician — and his younger brother Sabatino Enrico b. 1900, known as Nello — a historian and journalist. Their collaboration with the opposition periodicals Noi giovani and Non Mollare, their work in the “L’Italia Libera” society, and, above all, in the social-liberal movement “Giustizia e Libertà”, fo­unded by the Rosellis in August 1929, the political programme of which was based on ideas included in Socialismo liberale published by Carlo, were an attempt to unite all non-communist forces that wo­uld be willing to fight together to put an end to the fascist regime. “Giustizia e Libertà” played an im­portant role in sensitising the public, especially outside Italy, to and informing it about the true fascist reality, the image of which was usually distorted by the regime’s propaganda or simply created by it. In Carlo Rosselli’s interpretation, fascism appeared as an anti-freedom and anti-liberal move­ment, “the most passive product of Italian history”, a manifestation of reaction and not revolution. In an article entitled La lotta per la libertà C. Rosselli concluded that fascism was, in a way, an “autobiography of the nation”. It took root in Italy thanks to some favourable circumstances, among which C. Rosselli listed a lack of moral formation of Italian society and conviction of the masses that they should become involved in political life, but also bias, romantic tastes, petit bourgeois idealism, nationalistic rhetoric, sentimental post-war reaction, and restless desire for “novelty” regardless of what was behind it. Carlo Rosselli saw one of the causes of the “triumph of fascism” in a degeneration of parliamentarism” and “inability to rally society around a constructive programme and create a uniform force” that would be capable of standing up to Mussolini. The contribution of the Rosselli brothers to the fight for freedom — encouragements to be­come involved, attempts to make people aware of the real problems exposed by fascism in Italian society — is unquestionable. Their intellectual legacy, political engagement and commitment, and anti-fascist opposition certainly deserve to be reflected upon by generations for whom the idea of freedom still remains invaluable.
Polskie ustawodawstwo antyterrorystyczne. Wybrane zagadnienia
Authors: Antonów Radosław
Published: March 2020

POLISH ANTI-TERRORISM LEGISLATION. SELECTED ASPECTSTerrorism is, undoubtedly, a threat to Poland’s security, which is why the state needs to un­dertake actions with regard to many aspects of its anti-terrorist policy, beginning with legislation and ending with information and education. An important step in the strengthening of Poland’s anti-terrorist security was the adoption of the Anti-Terrorism Act of 10 June 2016. When applied in a responsible manner by the relevant agencies, the Act can be an effective tool in the fight against terrorism. Importantly, it can be used to launch pre-emptive actions effectively preventing terrorist activities within the territory of the Republic of Poland. However, it should be noted that this piece of legislation is to be used only to protect the citizens against terrorist attacks. It cannot, therefore, be used for purposes other than anti-terrorist actions.
Freedoms of Expression, Political Extremism and Seditious Speech in the United States Supreme Court’s Jurisprudence Part I
Authors: Machaj Łukasz
Published: March 2020

FREEDOMS OF EXPRESSION, POLITICAL EXTREMISM AND SEDITIOUS SPEECH IN THE UNITED STATES SUPREME COURT’S JURISPRUDENCE PART IThe article is the first part of a monothematic cycle devoted to the case law of the Supreme Court of the United States concerning the scope of constitutional protection of seditious and pol­itically extremist speech under the First Amendment to the United States Constitution. The author discusses the historical origins of the problem in question, focusing particularly on the decisions and practical application of the so-called Sedition Act of 1798, a regulation which drastically restricted the freedom of public debate by de facto criminalising speech that was critical of the government. Although the normative act in question has never been the subject of the Supreme Court’s rulings, it was unequivocally condemned in the obiter dicta to several statements of reasons behind the Su­preme Court’s opinions and is commonly deemed unconstitutional in the doctrine.
Analiza dokumentów strategicznych Unii Europejskiej: Human Security jako paradygmat unijnej polityki przeciwdziałania terroryzmowi
Authors: Tereszkiewicz Filip
Published: March 2020

AN ANALYSIS OF EU STRATEGIC DOCUMENTS: MAKING HUMAN SECURITYA PARADIGM WITHIN EUROPEAN UNION COUNTERTERRORISM POLICYThis paper analyses European Union strategic documents for evidence that EU counterterro­rism policy is founded on the Human Security HS approach. It concentrates on three main strategic documents: the EU Counter-Terrorism Strategy 2005, the European Agenda on Security 2015, and the EU Global Strategy 2016 which define the EU’s current approach to terrorism. Three determinants are established to research whether counterterrorism policy is founded on the HS pa­radigm: a people-centred approach, the presence of a wide range of threats, and a strong presence of non-state actors. The analysis shows that counterterrorism policy is constructed on the HS paradigm, however with strong and influential leverage from member states. This paradigm was chosen by EU institutions because it guarantees a strong position of EU agencies in contrast to the traditional mem­ber state-centred approach to security. It helps also to show that EU security policy makes citizens a priority, which could increase legitimacy of the EU in the eyes of its people.