bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Turnover and Tenure in the Canadian House of Commons, 1867–1968
Authors: Casstevens Thomas W. , Denham William A.
Published: November 2009

This article presents a theoretical analysis of the turnover and tenure of the members of the Canadian House of Commons from 1867 through 1968. Previous studies of such turnover and tenure have been quantitative, but not theoretical, yielding precise measurements but no pattern. A statistical résumé is no substitute for a mathematical model. Both may be accurate, parsimonious, and elegant; but a mathematical theory is distinguished by its generality and its explanatory or predictive power. With the present model, for example, the members’ median and mean continuous service can be logically derived from the mathematical theory; but the converse is not true, that is, the mathematical theory cannot be deduced from the median and/or mean continuous service. Specifically, the theory implies that the median continuous service is approximately 0.693 times the mean continuous service. Despite a plethora of quantitative studies of legislative turnover and tenure, this equation (so far as we know) has not previously been discovered.

The process to be modeled can be abstractly characterized as follows: Consider the members of the House of Commons after some particular (zero) general election. These legislators are called theoriginal members, for expository convenience. With the occurrence of deaths, resignations, political defeats, etc., only some of the original members will continue to be members of the House of Commons after the next (first) general election. These survivors are called there-elected members.
Consociational Democracy and Canadian Federalism
Authors: Noel S. J. R.
Published: November 2009

It is only natural that Canada should most frequently be compared with the United States, and that models, metaphors, and theories of the political system that are applicable to the one should be assumed to be applicable to the other. That there are certain close similarities is obvious: both are federations, both span the North American continent, both are affluent Western democracies, and both exist within the common economic framework of modern capitalism. These and other similarities, however, too often obscure the significance of those differences which do exist, or cause similarities which exist with other countries to be neglected. This is particularly true of European countries, even though it would appear to be the case that Canadians, with their strong linguistic and cultural differences, have a good deal in common with at least some Europeans. This is not to say that Canada is more European than American. It is merely to suggest that there may be some advantages to be gained from occasionally viewing Canadian politics from a European perspective.
Political Attitudes among Law Students in Quebec
Authors: Reilly Wayne G.
Published: November 2009

The Preliminary Report of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism begins with a sombre statement concerning the condition of Canada. The commissioners note that “Canada … is passing through the greatest crisis in its history” and that “the source of the crisis lies in the Province of Quebec.” The purpose of this note is to report the results of a limited investigation of that crisis.
Régionalisation et conscience politique régionale: la communauté urbaine de Québec
Authors: Quesnel-Ouellet Louise
Published: November 2009

Regionalism and Political Consciousness of Local Leaders: The Quebec Urban Community

This study focuses on the experimentation of regional government in the province of Quebec. The creation of the Québec Urban Community (QUC) in December 1969 serves as a starting point to analyse the effects of regionalism on the interest and the will to participate of the local political and socio-economic leaders.

Two attitudinal dimensions are studied because of their impact on the possibility of action and participation on the part of the municipalities to the decision-making process of the QUC: first the relative weight allocated to each municipality within the council, and secondly the changes to the municipal boundary lines which are considered necessary by the leaders. Significant correlations appear with the locality of residence of the leaders, their preferences as to the modes of urban development, their general attitude towards the QUC, and finally their subjective evaluation of the homogeneity of the local populations.
“The End of History”: A Reappraisal of Marx's Views on Alienation and Human Emancipation
Authors: Clarke J. J.
Published: November 2009

Bien des points demeurent obscurs relativement à la conception que Marx se fait de la société entièrement humanisée et dans laquelle l'aliénation serait abolie. Comment expliquer par exemple que Marx n'a pas élaboré de développement plus détaillé d'une idée aussi importante? Comment en est-il arrivé à penser que pourrait disparaître toute exploitation de l'homme par l'homme? Pourquoi parle-t-il de l'émancipation future en termes si ouvertement moraux, lui qui répudie l'invocation à cet ordre de phénomènes? Ces questions s'éclairent si l'on considère que l'aliénation ne réside pas seulement dans le fait d'être soumis à l'oppression des forces économiques et sociales mais surtout dans le fait que les facteurs économiques et sociaux de la société aliéneé n'obéissent pas entièrement au contrôle conscient de ses membres, tant travailleurs que capitalistes. Toutefois, les forces qui engendrent de telles conditions sociologiques sont le fait de l'homme et si (pour parler le langage d'Avineri), « l'homme se libère lui-même de son maître qui est lui-même », il a par conséquent le pouvoir de se mettre lui-même en esclavage. C'est ce qui expliquerait que Marx ne pouvait, sous peine de se contredire, prophétiser les modalités de la société émancipée de l'avenir sauf de préciser qu'il s'agissait d'un type de société où les homines pourraient évaluer et réaliser leur action avec la clarté et l'objectivité qui leur étaient naguère refusees, ce qui n'anticipe en rien sur le cours de l'action qu'ils décideront en fait de prendre ni sur leur habileté à la poursuivre.
Les élections fédérales de 1957 à 1965 au Québec: une réinterprétation
Authors: Lemieux Vincent
Published: November 2009

L'article d'A. Blais, H. Cantin et J. Crète, paru dans la livraison de décembre 1970 de cette revue, me semble contenir un double paradoxe: parti d'un nominalisme sain il verse dans un essentialisme stérile, et très imaginatif pour voir du structuralisme là où il ne sert à rien, il l'est beaucoup moins dans l'interprétation de données pourtant significatives pour qui écarte le postulat simpliste voulant que les élections fédérales au Québec puissent être analysées politiquement comme des élections provinciales.
Technological Rationality: Notes on “Work and Freedom in Marcuse and Marx”
Authors: Leiss William
Published: November 2009

Mr Andrew has chosen an important topic for discussion, one which embraces some of the most significant theoretical and practical issues in contemporary society (both capitalist and socialist). His article is concerned with the concept of technological rationality, considered in the light of the attitudes of Marx and Marcuse towards the nature of work. He lists a series of points on which their attitudes differ and claims that “These differences may be seen to derive from a single source, namely, that Marx was not an adherent of technological rationality and Marcuse is.” In what follows I would like to comment briefly on his argument and to indicate the results of some other recent contributions to this discussion.
A Reply to William Leiss, “Technological Rationality: Notes on ‘Work and Freedom in Marcuse and Marx’”
Authors: Andrew Edward
Published: November 2009

Mr Leiss has taken exception to my contention that Marcuse espouses the doctrine of technological rationality whereas Marx does not. He asserts that a re-examination of the original sources will not support such a classification. Since Mr Leiss does not. provide any sources or reasons to indicate why he disagrees with my assertion that Marx was not an adherent of technological rationality, I shall briefly recapitulate the reasons for my assertion and then pass on to his primary concern, namely, that I failed to support my view that Marcuse believes technological progress towards automation is the embodiment of reason in history.
Le problème de la nation dans le marxisme français
Authors: Vachet André
Published: November 2009

The problem of the nation in French Marxism gives rise to many difficulties. Most of the Marxist scholars, in spite of all their efforts, have not been able to explain the nation coherently in Marxist terms. Most frequently the attempt is made to integrate the nation into Marxist ideology by equating it to a social class. But this identification is impossible: (1) The nation and the social class are not treated on the same level in Marxist sociology. For Marxism, social class and nation have an unyielding content that prevents the reduction of one to the other. (2) The classes in a society play a dysfunctional role whereas the nation is an integrative factor that overcomes the divisions. (3) Finally, the class struggle, according to Marx, leads to social revolution, while a national struggle can only produce a political revolution. This analysis shows that it is impossible to integrate the nation in Marxist theory, if one grants to the nation an absolute value in the social order.

Marxism treats the nation as a secondary reality of the social order. It is the category of “partial-totality” which provides the key to this integration. Society is the totality, but not an empty one. It is a totality which gathers together other totalities linked in an essentially dynamic relationship. Marxism defends the concept of nation as a partial totality, that is as an “historic entity,” but in so doing deprives it of any absolute and definitive character and of formal autonomy. It is as a partial totality simultaneously determined by “the” totality (as goal) and by concrete behaviour or praxis (which constructs totality) that Marxism retains and defends the nation not only as a strategic and momentary element but also as a support for specific values which are integrated into the universalism of the civilization of free men.

Thus the French Marxists, faithful to their principles, have not only accepted the nations, but have even defended them as “partial totalities” and as the medium of praxis. It is by a distortion that some French Marxists such as Aragon, Casanova, Cogniot, Leduc, etc., have been able to surround the nation by a halo as if it had an eternal value in itself. More coherent are those who like Henri Lefebvre or Maxime Rodinson have seen in the nation a reality attached to historical development, setting loose in the development of humanity those values which are durable acquisitions in themselves, but whose forms are subject to time and to the renewal of praxis.

It is thus that neither the identification, nor even equality, but the simultaneity of national culture and socialist humanism can be explained. The specific can take the form of the universal.
Les Québécois, la guerre et la paix, 1945–60
Authors: Gow J. I.
Published: November 2009

The purpose of this study is to describe and to interpret the opinions of the French-speaking residents of Quebec on the questions of war and peace during the years 1945–60. The principal sources used in the study are the editorials of the French-language press, the results of the Gallup poll, and the speeches of Quebec members of Parliament at Ottawa. In the press, few traces of outright isolationism were found, but there were sharp divisions on the questions of relations with the countries of the communist bloc and with those of the non-aligned “third world.” The general public seems to have accepted in principle the main external commitments of Canada during this period, but to have remained against participation of a military sort in practice. If foreign policy was not the specialty of Quebec members of Parliament, there were always individuals or groups to make known points of view current in Quebec, especially when these were at variance with government policy. The year 1960 appears in hindsight to have been a turning point for French-Canadian opinion because of the appearance of a new government in Quebec but also because of the foreign policy of President de Gaulle and the appearance, that year, of a large new bloc of French-speaking states, independent and members of the United Nations.
Ake on Political Obligation and Political Dissent: A Gloss
Authors: Wand Bernard
Published: November 2009

As the background to his view that the liberal democratic theory of political obligation implies, under appropriate circumstances, not a right but a duty to resist one's government, Ake provides a judicious account not only of liberal democratic theory but also of utilitarian and legal positivist theory. None the less, his three synopses reveal the almost inevitable hazards of such accounts. The issue is not merely a historical one, for in each case the synoptic account determines the direction which his argument takes.
La participation des forces démocratiques à l'expérience française de planification régionale
Authors: Baccigalupo Alain
Published: November 2009

After briefly pointing out the weakness of participation at the core of the Regional Committees for Economic Expansion (CREE), the author analyses in depth the notion of participation as it has existed in France since the administrative reform of March 14, 1964, within the Commissions of Regional Economic Development (CODER).

Having touched on the place occupied by and the role played by these organizations throughout the process of elaboration, execution, and control of the plan at the regional districts level, the author then turns to an examination of the composition and function of these consultative processes.

As far as the composition of the CODER is concerned, the article deals with three main features: the tripartite nature of the commissions; the imbalance of forces particularly to the detriment of the trade unions; and the major reforms capable of improving the representativeness of the commission.

Regarding the functioning of the CODERs, the author, having described the vast range of duties which are devolved on them by the texts, puts into perspective the extreme weakness of their “powers” in contrast to the unquestionable authority of the regional prefect. Thus, the CODERs are described as bodies directly under prefectorial control, veritable registry offices deeply divided at their centre, without real expertise and without great impact on public opinion.

At the end of the study the author recalls the abortive attempt at regional reform on April 27, 1969, and concludes that it will be necessary to set to work on a far-reaching reform in order to get France on the road towards real democratization of the process of regional planning.
Cultural Pluralism, Modernization, and Conflict: An Empirical Analysis of Sources of Political Instability in African Nations
Authors: Morrison D. G. , Stevenson H. M.
Published: November 2009

Cet article résume les essais de théorisation qui ont cherché à expliquer l'instabilité politique dans les nouvelles nations par des facteurs de pluralisme culturel et de modernisation. Il met ces explications à l'épreuve de données quantitatives portant sur trente pays d'Afrique, situés au sud du Sahara. Le problème théorique est posé à savoir si oui ou non un degré élevé de pluralisme culturel et de modernisation rend compte des différents types d'instabilité politique. On se demande aussi si l'interaction entre le pluralisme culturel et la modernisation rend compte de ces différences. L'analyse empirique comprend la classification des diverses unités culturelles dans les pays d'Afrique, la mesure des taux de changement dans de nombreux indices de modernisation, et la recension des cas de violence politique où des élites opposées et des groupes locaux ont été impliqués. A l'examen des résultats positifs et convergents qui sont atteints par voie d'une opérationnalisation diverse des trois concepts centraux, on arrive à la conclusion que la variation dans le pluralisme culturel est une source importante d'instabilité politique dans les pays d'Afrique, et que la modernisation de ces pays, contrairement à une opinion répandue, a des effets restrictifs sur la probabilité que l'instabilité politique se produise.
Some Attendance Patterns Exhibited by Members of Parliament during the 28th Parliament
Authors: Byrne Dorothy
Published: November 2009

It can be said that in the Liberal back bench there are 20 members, or 16.4 per cent of the total doing 36.8 per cent of the committee work. Similarly, 27.1 per cent of the members are doing 52.8 per cent of the committee work. One of the major complaints of government members is the extremely heavy work load which has been aggravated by the recent changes in the rules and procedures of the House. Indeed, if one is listening to the complaints of a member who is in this 27.1 per cent group, his complaints are justified and real. One must conclude that the remaining 53.2 per cent who are responsible for only 25.4 per cent of the committee work must be the victims of work from another source.
Attributes of Ascribed Influence in Local Party Organizations in Canada and the United States
Authors: Kornberg Allan , Smith Joel , Clarke Harold
Published: November 2009

On tente dans cet article d'établir comment sont perçues la distribution et la localisation de l'influence dans les organisations partisanes de Vancouver, Winnipeg, Seattle et Minneapolis. On présume que la mesure de l'influence peut se faire de façon graduelle en agrégeant selon la méthode « réputationnelle » le nombre de choix que reçoit un individu de la part des autres. L'article tient compte de la remarque de V.O. Key voulant que l'influence dans un parti politique peut appartenir à des individus qui ne se trouvent pas dans l'organisation officielle, et de celle de Samuel J. Eldersveld voulant que le pouvoir et l'influence dans les partis n'appartiennent pas uniquement à ceux qui se trouvent au sommet de la hiérarchie. Toutefois, l'utilisation du coefficient de Gini, visant à mesurer le degré d'inégalité dans la distribution de l'influence, indique que, quel que soit le parti ou le pays, c'est à une petite minorité qu'on attribue de l'influence.

Des analyses de régression cherchent à dégager les variables qui sont associées aux variations de l'influence dans les différentes organisations partisanes des deux pays. A peu près toutes les mesures qui sont significatives renvoient à trois facteurs: (1) différents aspects des postes occupés dans le parti et de la façon dont les tâches sont accomplies; (2) l'expérience acquise à des postes gouvernementaux et la « visibilité » de ces postes; (3) différentes composantes du statut personnel. On doit toutefois être prudent dans l'interprétation des résultats de l'analyse de régression, et ce pour deux raisons: la distribution en forme de J de la variable dépendante, et l'incertitude où l'on se trouve quant à savoir si les variations observées réflètent des différences profondes entre les villes étudiées ou plutôt des circonstances particulières affectant les organisations partisanes.
Swords and Ploughshares: The Election Prerogative in Canada
Authors: Lightbody James
Published: November 2009

Modestly impressive by its lack of mention both in a recent examination of the political leadership of the prime minister and the more traditional texts of the Canadian political process, is serious notice of environmental limitations on the prime ministerial prerogative in dissolving the Legislative Assembly and announcing a general election.
C.B. Macpherson's“Hobbes”: A Critique
Authors: Carmichael D. J. C.
Published: November 2009

This article is a critique of C. B. Macpherson's interpretation of Hobbes's Leviathan. In reading possessive individualism into Hobbes's work, Macpherson assumes two basic theses: a logical claim, that a specific model of society is required to derive a universal opposition among men's powers; and a textual claim, that this universal opposition is implied by Hobbes as an unstated postulate in chapters 10–11 of Leviathan. These basic claims are both unfounded. Logically, the postulated universal opposition of powers does not require Macpherson's model of society for its derivation. Indeed, on premisses preferred by Macpherson, the two are logically inconsistent. Textually, the postulated universal opposition of powers does not occur in Leviathan: a careful sifting of the text indicates that there is no direct evidence at all for this postulate. Notwithstanding the brilliance of possessive individualism as a contribution to modern political understanding, this theory cannot properly be ascribed to Hobbes.
European Great PowerPacta de Contrahendoand Interstate Imperial War, 1815-1939: Suggestions of Pattern
Authors: Moul William Brian
Published: November 2009

A great power in a dispute with a minor state does not require the weight which a coalition with a peer would provide, and may require peer toleration in order to throw its own weight around. An alliance with the rival is a prudent step fora predatory great power. This article examines nondefense alliances among the European great powers and activist wars with minor states during 1815–1939. Weak commitments favour activist war and strong ones induce such warfare. The strength of the commitment varies with the geopolitical location of the target.
La Révolution en plan et le paradigme en cause
Authors: Gingras François-Pierre , Nevitte Neil
Published: November 2009

The Quiet Revolution is commonly regarded as the single most important turning point in Quebec's recent history. This article questions the conventional paradigm that the institutional and structural changes in Quebec during the 1960s were merely symptoms of, and secondary to, the essence of the Quiet Revolution, that is, widespread changes of mentality, attitudes and values. The authors argue that the changes encompassed by the Quiet Revolution are not as complete as many have suggested and that the tension between the forces of tradition and the forces of modernity is still an important focus for understanding contemporary Quebec. More specifically, empirical data confirm that the push for secularization in Quebec, secularization being the cutting edge of the Quiet Revolution, has not run its course and that traditional religious values continue to play an important role in Quebec politics.
Social Choice Theory and the Reconstruction of Elections: A Comment on Levesque's Analysis
Authors: Woolstencroft Peter
Published: November 2009

The import of social choice theory lies in its examination of the various choice rules available for the recording and weighing of preferences in an election and the consequences of those rules for democratic political life. A choice rule is a method for aggregating individual preferences into a collective determination. Choice rules vary in their capacities to maximize (and minimize) various values desired in a system of decision-making. They also vary in their capacities to reveal information about preferences.
Did the Best Candidate Win? A Comment on Levesque's Analysis
Authors: Perlin George
Published: November 2009

Professor Levesque's note raises a number of interesting and important questions. I shall be concerned directly with only one of these—the question of whether or not John Crosbie was the “best candidate,” as that term has been defined in Levesque's note. I shall try to show that while there was good reason to suppose that Crosbie was the “best candidate,” in fact he was not. I shall then comment briefly on why Brian Mulroney won the convention. The data on which these observations are based are from a series of surveys of delegates to the convention—the first conducted by mail beginning in the first week of May, the second conducted face-to-face by student interviewers during the three-day registration period at the convention, and the third conducted by mail beginning two weeks after the convention.
» Le phénomène bureaucratique « et le Canada français: quelques données empiriques et leur interprétation
Authors: Mercier Jean
Published: November 2009

Drawing from the organizational behaviour that is described in Michel Crozier's Bureaucratic Phenomenon, two similar public service organizations, one (anglophone) in Ontario, one (francophone) in Quebec are compared. Even if the type of behaviour found in The Bureaucratic Phenomenon is quite sensitive to noncultural factors (sex, organizational level, type of work), francophones correspond more closely than their anglophone counterparts to certain types of behaviour found in Crozier's descriptions. Data collected are compared to those in other studies, both empirical and historical, and different hypotheses are examined to explain certain similarities that exist between organizational behaviour in French Canada and in continental France.
Hercules and the Legislator: The Problem of Justice in Contemporary Political Philosophy
Authors: Fletcher Joseph F. , Neal Patrick
Published: November 2009

The authors aim to reveal both the potentialities and limitations of recent attempts by Dworkin and Rawls (especially in the latter's work since the publication ofA Theory of Justice) to work out a constructivist conception of right to serve as the groundwork of a rights-based theory of justice. The constructivist conception of right is promising, the authors argue, because it points beyond both teleological naturalism and instrumentalism as conceptions of right. The authors, however, find Dworkin and Rawls's constructivism to be ultimately inadequate, and argue that their project would be furthered through consideration of the constructivist aspects of Rousseau's conception of right as articulated inThe Social Contract.
Great Debates: The Televised Leadership Debates of 1979
Authors: LeDuc Lawrence , Price Richard
Published: November 2009

This article examines the structure and setting of Encounter '79, the televised debates between party leaders which took place a week prior to the 1979 federal election, and considers the possible impact of this event on individual voting behaviour and on the outcome of that election. Using data from the 1979 National Election Study to measure exposure to the debates and perceptions of their content, it is argued that much of the potential effect is limited by public exposure to other political information through television and by the tendencies of such events to reinforce existing attitudes. The direct effects, if any, are more likely to be on participation than on voting decisions.
Political Participation in Canada: The 1965 Election
Authors: Loon Rick Van
Published: November 2009

La littérature relative à la participation politique a fourni à l'auteur le cadre théorique de son étude sur le sujet au Canada. Conformément aux suggestions de Dahl et Milbrath, l'auteur asume que les citoyens disposent d'un certain nombre de possibilités qu'ils peuvent consacrer à la participation politique et que le type des activités politiques dans lesquelles ils vont accepter de s'engager sera défini d'après la concordance de leurs possibilités avec les exigences spécifiques de ces activités; exigences qui component diverses « dimensions ». Ces concepts et cadre d'analyse ont été utilisés par l'auteur dans son étude de la participation des Canadiens à la campagne électorale de 1965.

On a trouvé que le statut socio-économique, de même que les écarts dans le revenu et l'éducation, constituaient des variables virtuellement universelles pour tous les types d'activité électorate et que, en conséquence, de larges secteurs de la population canadienne ne contribuent pas à la vie du système politique du Canada. De même, on a remarqué que les dimensions (ou caractéristiques) d'une activité électorate déterminent le degré de corrélation qui peut être observé entre cette activité et la classe sociale.

Certaines variables politiques sont importantes pour déterminer la participation probable d'un citoyen. Les Canadiens qui s'identifient avec un parti en particulier sont plus actifs que les non-partisans ; les membres des partis NDP et Crédit social le sont davantage que ceux des partis plus anciens.

C'est l'attitude d'une personne à l'égard du système politique qui rend le mieux compte de sa participation. Si le sens de l'efficacité a de l'importance, il est paradoxal par contre d'observer que plus une personne est active moins cet objectif est, pour elle, déterminant. C'est le niveau de l'intérêt qu'une personne porte à la politique qui s'est avéré la variable la plus importante quant à la probabilité de la participation.

Ce dernier point, de concert avec les autres résultats de cette recherche, suggèrent que la culture politique des canadiens en est une de « spectateur-participant ». Il est à craindre, si les « leaders » politiques ignorent ce fait et n'y ajustent pas leur action, que la vie politique du Canada ne se « dépolitise »; une telle conjoncture, couplée avec les exigences croissantes des classes sociales moins favorisées, pourrait engendrer une situation politique hautement instable.
The Dilemma of the Standing Committees of the Canadian House of Commons
Authors: Franks C. E. S.
Published: November 2009

Il y a contradiction entre ce que les membres du Parlement attendaient de la réforme des comités de la Chambre des communes et ce qui en est résulté. Cette opposition s'explique largement par le fait que l'allégeance partisane amène les participants à voir dans cet instrument une utilité différente, selon qu'on fait partie du groupe gouvernemental ou d'un groupe d'opposition, ce qui, en retour, y introduit de nouvelles sources de conflit.

Les procédures de fonctionnement adoptées pour les comités y confèrent au gouvernement un large contrôle quant à leurs activités et ont entraîné l'insatisfaction de leurs participants. Les comités ont considérablement amélioré le mécanisme d'adoption des lois mais n'ont accru ni les pouvoirs du Parlement ni l'efficacité des députés. Le dilemme n'est pas facile à trancher mais il semble que des comités plus restreints et, pour certains, plus franchement partisans comme la Chambre elle-même constitueraient une amélioration sur la situation actuelle.
La minorité en Etat bicommunautaire: quatre études de cas
Authors: Benjamin Jacques
Published: November 2009

The fate of the minority in a bi-communal state cannot easily be studied using contemporary theories of integration. This article employs a certain number of variables, regrouped under the concepts of institutional constraints and cultural constraints, which allow for measurement of the strength of the minority. Four countries are studied, all in process of development: Cameroon and Mauritius in Africa, and Cyprus and Lebanon in the Middle East. From the point of view of institutional constraints, the following variables are considered relevant: the statutory “ethnic” composition of the legislative assembly, the type of executive (presidential or responsible cabinet), and the type of protective veto power which rests with the minority. Finally, the state of inter-community relations prior to independence, the presence or absence of a major Power protecting the minority community, and the philosophy of the régime as understood by the country's leaders serve as indicators of cultural constraint.
The Legend of Oakeshott's Conservatism: Sceptical Philosophy and Limited Politics
Authors: Rayner Jeremy
Published: November 2009

Michael Oakeshott's contribution to political philosophy has been overshadowed by the widespread belief that the proper context for his writings is modern conservatism. The legend of Oakeshott's conservatism is shown to rest on a misunderstanding of the way in which his view of politics as a specific and limited activity is derived from a more general, sceptical account of the relation between belief and conduct. His scepticism here is not a Burkean rejection of the relevance of general beliefs, but a Humean call for “speculative moderation” appropriate to the occasion. This is not to say that Oakeshott's writings are without political significance. In fact, their significance lies in their powerful critique of modern conservatism in Europe and America.
Status Inconsistency, Crosspressures, and Political Orientations: Suggestions and Evidence for a Social Conditioning Approach
Authors: Cundy Donald T.
Published: November 2009

La cohérence ou l'incohérence du rang social, la mobilité sociale (soit d'une génération à l'autre ou au sein d'une génération) et d'autres concepts analogues tournent, autour d'un dénominateur commun, le continu ou le discontinu de l'environnement. Le continu tend à maintenir les modes de comportements et d'attitudes traditionnels alors que le discontinu est relié au changement.

Le concept de pressions concurrentes serf souvent à décrire les tensions psychologiques que l'on attribue à la discontinuité. A cet égard il est attrayant d'avoir recours à la représentation graphique fournie par cette approche mais elle est d'une utilité douteuse quant à sa valeur d'explication et de prédiction. Cet article propose plutôt l'approche du conditionnement social pour expliquer l'identification partisane. Il n'y a d'ailleurs aucune raison théorique pour que cette approche ne soit pas applicable à un ensemble de situations et de phénomènes variés.
Sexual Equality and the Family in Tocqueville'sDemocracy in America
Authors: Morton F. L.
Published: November 2009

Tocqueville is usually understood to have proposed a two-tiered antidote to “the problem of democracy”: the doctrine of “self-interest rightly understood” and the preservation of religious belief. This article argues that Tocqueville provided a previously unnoticed third tier to his prescription: the democratic family. Sheltered from the competitive individualism of society, the family is portrayed as a haven of co-operation that nurtures the habits of altruism. Central to this scheme is a “different but equal” regime of the sexes. Arguing that increased equality leads to increased competition, Tocqueville suggests that a thorough-going equality of the sexes would undermine the family's function of moral formation.
The Political Wisdom of Sir John A. Macdonald
Authors: Preece Rod
Published: November 2009

Macdonald is described as a man of phronesis who possessed a sophisticated political philosophy which, in general, conformed to the political disposition exemplified by Edmund Burke. Macdonald's views on the constitution, change, representation, democracy, women, tradition, economics, religion and unions are investigated. It is concluded that Macdonald was an anti-rationalist who saw the world in terms of loyalty, duty and obligation and who was devoted to the principles of prudence, tradition and the rule of law, to constitutional monarchy, to the British connection and British institutions but with respect for French traditions, to the minimal change consistent with harmony, to order before liberty, politics before economics and experience before abstract reason.
Tribal Traditions and European-Western Political Ideologies: The Dilemma of Canada's Native Indians
Authors: Boldt Menno , Long J. Anthony
Published: November 2009

Native Indian leaders in Canada have embraced the European-Western doctrine of sovereignty as the political-legal instrumentality for achieving their version of “the good society.” This article analyzes the appropriateness and feasibility of sovereign statehood for Canada's Indians. Indian aspirations to sovereign statehood run aground on at least two counts: key ideas contained in the European-Western doctrine of sovereignty are incompatible with core values comprising traditional Indian culture: also, the Canadian government is implacably opposed to relinquishing its sovereignty over Indians. This study explores alternative models of self-determination for Canada's Indians and concludes that stateless nationhood offers the best basis on which Indians may be able to negotiate internal self-determination.
The Eyes of Argus: The Political Art of Niccolo Machiavelli
Authors: Feaver George
Published: November 2009

One way of seeing Machiavelli is as a literary artist who appreciated, in his figurative portraiture of princes, that an effective likeness will always reveal to the attentive eye, something of the prince, of his audience, and of the portraitist himself. And since politics is an activity in which, on his understanding, there is no absolute truth, but only multifarious effectual truths; a comprehensive depiction of political life must embrace irreconcilable points of view as diverse as those of individual princes, the people, and “each man.” The observer's task thus demanded perspectival powers that would test the fabled eyes of Argus. This article sets out the evidence supporting such an interpretation in individual texts of Machiavelli's works, while suggesting how each contributes to the completed literary artistry of his brilliantly evoked world of pictures in words of political aspiration, failure and achievement.
Nos journaux sont-ils compréhensibles?
Authors: Tremblay Gaëtan
Published: November 2009

Journalistic writing is usually conceived as simple, clear and accessible. It is a vulgarisation discourse. Using a sophisticated program for discourse analysis (DEREDEC), the author has computerized the Flesch and Gunning readability tests. Montreal French newspaper coverage of the White Paper on the referendum constitute the corpus of this study. In brief, the unexpected conclusion is that newspapers are not so readable. The author attempts to explain this situation, referring not only to the journalists' competence but also to their working conditions. Also, what social and political influence can the press have if papers are hardly readable?
From Social Control towards Political Self-Determination? Maori Seats and the Politics of Separate Maori Representation in New Zealand
Authors: Fleras Augie
Published: November 2009

The principle of guaranteed parliamentary representation for the Maori remains a contentious feature of New Zealand's political structure. This concession originated in 1867 to solve the “Maori problem” by means consistent with the competing interests of government and Maori. But despite intrinsic drawbacks within the present system, neither Maoris nor the major political parties have initiated fundamental reforms in the design of Maori seats for fear of tampering with the status quo. Recently, with the resurgence of Maori assertiveness, developments have transpired aimed at redefining the status of separate representation. Whether or not this strategy for the political accommodation of minority groups can be transferred to other contexts—such as Canada—is open to debate.
Canadian Political Ideology: A Comparative Analysis
Authors: Gibbins Roger , Nevitte Neil
Published: November 2009

This article explores contemporary political ideologies in English Canada, francophone Quebec and the United States using cross-national attitudinal survey data. Drawing central hypotheses from the qualitative Canadian-American political culture literature, the analysis focusses on three dimensions of political ideology—ideological polarization, the issue content of the respective lefts and rights, and ideological coherence. Evidence of distinctive national “lefts,” together with fundamental similarities in the English-Canadian and American ideological “rights” and important differences in the ideological structures of the three political cultures, call into question some conventional generalizations found in the nonquantitative literature.
Region, Class and Political Culture in Canada
Authors: Ornstein Michael D. , Stevenson H. Michael , Williams A. Paul
Published: November 2009

Nous cherchons à évaluer quantitativement l'importance relative du régionalisme et des classes sociales pour expliquer la culture politique canadienne. Notre analyse repose sur un sondage national fait en 1977 auprès de quelque 3,300 personnes. Les recherches jusqu'à maintenant démontrent que les différences régionales sont plus importantes que les différences de classe. Une telle conclusion repose, selon nous, sur une base empirique insuffisante. La plupart de ces recherches utilise une définition inappropriée des classes sociales et a recours à une conception trop étroite de la culture politique, celle-ci est, en effet, réduite au comportement électoral, au sentiment de compétence, à la confiance et à la participation. Cette conception de la culture politique ne tient pas compte, par exemple, des attitudes relatives aux mesures sociales, aux syndicats et à la répartition des revenus. Au surplus la nation québécoise est traitée tout simplement comme l'une des cinq régions du Canada.

Notre recherche repose et sur les « indices » traditionnels des classes sociales (profession, instruction et revenu), et sur une typologie marxiste tirée de l'ouvrage de Wright. Elle analyse plusieurs aspects de la culture politique dont l'orientation partisane et les attitudes à l'égard des institutions politiques. Nos données nous apportent trois conclusions: (a) les différences entre les classes sociales sont plus grandes que les différences régionales quant au sentiment de compétence, quant à la participation et quant aux attitudes face à une série de mesures politiques; (b) par ailleurs le régionalisme marque l'orientation partisane et l'attachement au régime; (c) la culture politique québécoise est différente de la culture politique canadienne. Nous pensons donc qu'il y a lieu de réévaluer le rôle des classes sociales et du régionalisme dans l'analyse de la culture politique canadienne.
The Political Economy of Income Inequality: A Comparative Analysis
Authors: Stack Steven
Published: November 2009

Les théories sociologiques sur l'inégalité des revenus nl'ont reposé jusqul'ici que sur un ou deux modèles. Dans cet article nous intégrons et nous vérifions certains aspects de quatre théories de la stratification des revenus. A l'aide de données sur le partage des revenus dans 37 pays nous démontrons que le niveau de démocratic est la variable la plus importante parmi celles reliées à une faible inégalité des revenus. Au surplus, notre analyse confirme le modèle de l'economie mondiale et la théorie d'Andreski, mais elle infirme la théorie du développement économique.
The Impact of Communications Developments on British Columbia Electoral Patterns, 1903–1975
Authors: Wilson R. Jeremy
Published: November 2009

Nous étudions les changements des comportements électoraux en Colombie Britannique au vingtième siècle et nous les rattachons au développement des communications. Nous mettons l'accent sur les variations procentuelles des votes d'un parti d'une élection à l'autre et sur les résultats au niveau de la circonscription et à l'intérieur des circonscriptions en ce qui a trait aux élections provinciales. Nous constatons principalement que les changements uniformes sont beaucoup plus courants après 1952. Nous pensons que ces changements uniformes laissent entrevoir le déclin de l'action électorate locale. Une analyse par région montre qu'une légère diminution des changements uniformes après 1965 s'explique par le régionalisme. Nous nous interrogeons sur les causes de ces changements dans la deuxième partie de notre étude. Notre thèse veut que le développement des moyens de communication ait contribué au déclin de l'action électorale locale. Nous vérifions trois hypothèses reliées à notre interprétation. Nos données appuient notre thèse, mais pas totalement. Le développement du système de parties et des facteurs reliés à l'arrivée de W. A. C. Bennett et du Crédit social aident également à comprendre les résultats électoraux. Toutefois puisque les contre-propositions les plus valables complètent la nôtre, nous sommes en mesure de soutenir que le développement des communications a en grande partie engendré la provincialisation et la régionalisation de la politique électorale en Colombie Britannique. Le développement des communications a modifié le relation entre la géographie et la distribution spatiale des résultats électoraux.
Socialist Legality and Proletarian Democracy in the People's Republic of China
Authors: Keith Ronald C.
Published: November 2009

Nous étudions et nous tentons d'expliquer la nature de la campagne qui se déroule actuellement en Chine pour rétablir la légalité socialiste et la démocratic prolétarienne. Pour ce faire, nous avons dépouillé les documents officiels de l'Etat et du parti, particulièrement ceux du Onzième congrès du parti en 1977 et du Cinquième congrès national du peuple en 1978. Nous nous inspirons au surplus des polémiques an sein du parti communiste chinois et des discussions que nous avons eues à Pékin avec les cadres supérieurs de l'Institut de droit public de l'Académie des sciences sociales.

Nous pensons que la politique présente n'entraine ni l'apparition des libertés publiques à l'occidental, ni la dépolitisation du système judiciare chinois. Nous croyons plutôt que cette campagne est l'apogée de l'effort d'intégration politique que l'on fait depuis la révolution culturelle. Il y a beaucoup de confusion à cet égard dans la presse occidentale et il importe, de bien saisir l'attitude chinoise dans cette réforme. Une fois que l'on reconnaît le caractère politique du système juridique il reste à montrer si la réforme actuelle implique un changement réel du rôle politique du droit et si un tel changement entraine une plus grande liberté politique pour les Chinois.

Cette réforme ne cherche pas une « libéralisation bourgeoise » (selon l'expression même de Hua Kuo-feng) du régime, elle tente néanmoins de limiter l'arbitraire et l'action politique aveugle qui marquèrent le « fascisme » de la « bande des quatre ». Ainsi les concepts de « l'égalité devant la loi » et de « l'indépendance du judiciaire » doivent être interprétés dans la perspective chinoise c'est-à-dire à l'intérieur d'un effort d'intégration politique.
Freshman MPs' Job Images: The Effects of Incumbency, Ambition and Position
Authors: Clarke Harold D. , Price Richard G.
Published: November 2009

On estime normalement que l'attitude des députes face à leur fonction dépend de leur expérience pré-législative et législative. Toutefois peu d'études cherchent à montrer comment les futurs parlementaires acquièrent cette attitude et comment elle se modifie avec l'exercice du mandat législatif. Notre recherche porte sur l'attitude des députés au moment d' un premier mandat. Afin de voir si leur perception change, nous avons interrogé de nouveaux députés en octobre 1974 au début de la trentième législature et en mars 1978.

Nous pensons que l'attitude des parlementaires dépend du statut du député dans le régime politique du Canada, de son ambition politique et de son expérience législative. Comme nous nous attendions, les préoccupations éléctoralistes dominent déjà la pensée des candidats parlementaires et elles sont encore plus importantes chez les députés, chez ceux-ci l'élaboration des mesures législatives devient moins préoccupante alors que la participation aux débats, aux commissions et au caucus prend de l'ampleur. Notre étude montre que les députés qui ambitionnent de devenir ministre et ceux qui ont été secrétaires parlementaires se préoccupent davantage des travaux législatifs. Nous croyons enfin que l'ambition politique et la défaite électorale ont une influence sur l'attitude des législateurs face à la réforme parlementaire et il convient d'en tenir compte pour bien comprendre l'évolution du parlementarisme.