bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Philosopher of Jeffersonian Democracy
Authors: Wright Benjamin F.
Published: May 2006

Few movements in the history of American politics and political thought have been of equal immediate or enduring importance with that associated with the name of Thomas Jefferson. And yet Jefferson never published anything other than very brief and inadequate discussions of the principles for which he stood. His only systematic exposition of his political ideas is found in his famous Notes on Virginia. This work, however, was written in 1781-82 and deals but remotely with the issues which were to occupy the stage after 1789. Neither in Jefferson's own writings nor in those of Madison and Monroe, his successors as official head of the Republican party and as president of the United States, do we find any adequate exposition of the theories associated with the era of Jeffersonian democracy. It is only in the extensive works of John Taylor of Caroline, a friend and associate of these men in the political battles of that period, that such an exposition is to be found. Jefferson wrote that “Colonel Taylor and myself have rarely, if ever, differed in any political principle of importance.” John Randolph said that Taylor's “disinterested principles” were “the only bond of union among Republicans.” And Timothy Pickering calls him “the Goliath of the party.” As Henry Adams has said, Taylor was regarded as a political thinker of the first rank by the Virginia school and by many other leaders of his time, but it is equally true that his writings have occupied a position of obscurity since his death. This obscurity, however, does not alter the fact that they were influential in their time and are today the best source of information concerning the principles of both the earlier and later phases of the movement initiated by Jefferson during the first years under the Constitution.
The Japanese General Election of 1928
Authors: Colegrove Kenneth
Published: May 2006

On February 20, the long expected parliamentary election was held. As the first expression of national opinion under the manhood suffrage law, its result was awaited with unusual interest. Dissolution of the House of Representatives had been demanded by the liberal press ever since the passage of the election law of 1925, but the old parties had been reluctant to appeal to the electorate. In the fifty-second session of the Diet, the Kenseikai cabinet reaped a harvest of unpopularity by an arrangement with the Seiyukai and Seiyuhonto which prevented a no-confidence vote. When the Seiyukai came into office in April, 1927, it was apparent that any ministry which postponed dissolution would forfeit popular esteem; and in any case the four-year term automatically required a general election before May, 1928. The Kenseikai and the Seiyuhonto made preparation for the coming election by amalgamating into a united opposition under the name of the Rikken Minseito. The Seiyukai prepared by dismissing the governors in twenty-four of the forty-seven prefectures and filling their places with adherents who would promote the party's interests at the polls.
Court Organization for a Metropolitan District
Authors: Harley Herbert
Published: May 2006

The idea of a unified and responsible court for a metropolitan district must not be looked upon as a competitor of the idea of a unified state court system; it is instead an elaboration of the state system intended to meet extraordinary conditions. The needs and conditions of administration in the great modern city are so different from those in rural districts that a system of courts applicable to a State which is wholly rural must necessarily be elaborated to adapt it to a State which has such a metropolitan center. In many cities the present situation is so desperate that it is plausible to hold that reorganization will come first in those cities and later in the States in which they are located.

In either case there will be no serious difficulty in adjusting the local court to the state system. And though we speak of it as a local court it is of course but the local agency for the exercise of a state function. The large city usually has suburbs which should not be excluded from the benefits of reorganization. The metropolitan judicial district may then be presumed to include the city, its suburbs, and such other territory as may be conveniently administered from the local center. In most instances this would mean the county in which the large city is located.
The Nature and the Future of International Law
Authors: Smith Munroe
Published: May 2006

Returning, in the early days of the war, from a belligerent Germany, through a mobilized Switzerland and a partly mobilized Italy, to an America that was still unperturbed and unprepared, I revisited the famous Museum of Naples. In one of the central corridors, I noticed an ancient mural inscription, which I had doubtless seen before without appreciating its significance—an inscription of the time of Augustus: “To perpetual peace.” Thus even in warlike Rome, and more than nineteen centuries ago, after a series of wars that had shaken the then civilized world from the Alps to the African deserts and from the Pillars of Hercules to the Nile, as after every great war that has since devastated Europe, men's minds were turning with inextinguishable hope to the vision of a warless future.
Relations of the United States with the Assembly of the League of Nations
Authors: Berdahl Clarence A.
Published: May 2006

It is now quite well known that, in spite of its non-membership in the League of Nations, the United States has participated for some time in various League activities. The nature and extent of such coöperation have been described and commented on by several writers, and need not be reviewed here. It is sufficient to point out that these relationships between the United States and the League have been going on now for nearly ten years, that they have continually grown in number and importance, that they have become increasingly friendly, frank, and official, and that their continuous character has been recognized and regularized by maintaining a State Department official at Geneva as a sort of “consul to the League.”
Third Session of the Seventy-First Congress, December 1, 1930, to March 4, 1931.
Authors: Macmahon Arthur W.
Published: May 2006

The almost shamed hush that fell in the Senate at noon on March 4 was more fitting than the jubilation in the House. Certainly there was no ground for congratulations in any corner of the Capitol, and least of all among the group in the President's room.

Membership and Organization. When the session began, the Republicans in the House numbered 266, the Democrats 165, with one Farmer Labor member and three vacancies. The two party shifts involved in the seating of thirteen new members reflected Democratic victories in by-elections in the 6th Wisconsin and 24th Illinois districts. In the Senate, inter-sessional gains on the minority side were more pronounced; there were 42 Democrats instead of 39, leaving 53 Republicans and 1 Farmer Labor member.

The uncertainty that attends the regulation of campaign expenditures by exclusion was illustrated in the seating of James J. Davis, lately Secretary of Labor, as junior senator from Pennsylvania. Mr. Davis stood aside at the opening of the session, in order to permit the chairman of the special committee investigating senatorial campaign expenditures, Gerald Nye, to offer a resolution by which his right to a seat was referred to the select committee. The resolution was rejected on December 2 by a vote of 27 (9 Republicans, 17 Democrats, 1 Farmer Labor) to 58 (39 Republicans, 19 Democrats). The committee on privileges and elections, acting through subcommittees, took up the dusty task of recounts in Alabama and North Carolina.

The uncertainties of party control in the next Congress cast a sharp but wavering shadow over the proceedings of the session.
County Managership Proposed in Texas
Authors: Murphy Wallace C.
Published: May 2006

The regular session of the Texas legislature which began in January of this year had before it a proposal for a constitutional amendment to permit counties to adopt the county manager plan of government. The resolution providing for submitting the question to the voters at the regular election in 1932 passed the House by the required two-thirds majority, but failed in the Senate by a single vote.

The amendment would have empowered counties having a population of over 60,000, on a favorable vote of their qualified voters, to draw up home-rule charters for themselves. On a two-thirds vote of each house of the legislature, all other counties were to have the same privilege. The amendment also carried a grant of power to cities and counties to consolidate the two governments. To carry out the latter provision, the rural and urban votes were to be counted separately; and a majority of the urban and a two-thirds majority of the rural votes were required. The larger majority required in the rural sections was a concession to the natural antipathy to a “one-man government” found among rural voters.
The Educational Function of the National Government
Authors: Learned Henry Barrett
Published: May 2006

Education is admittedly a comprehensive and vague term. It may be used to imply all the training which life affords to any individual member of human society. In a narrower and customary sense it has reference to requirements more or less technical which a community makes of its younger members. Whether viewed in its larger or in its narrower meaning it amounts to a process through which the individual progresses toward a more or less useful place in society.

In the phrase “educational function” is included a large group of federal activities which tend directly or indirectly to influence popular intelligence and accordingly help in the establishment of public policy and law. Such activities frequently underlie legal development in one or another direction. They account occasionally for the creation of new laws.

Well educated as were most of the framers of the Constitution, it is a notable fact that in the long course of their debates in the Convention of 1787 they gave slight attention to the subject of education. In a few minds of that epoch there was a dim ideal of the probable future necessity of instructing the democracy. But public schools at the time were unsystematized and undeveloped.
Recent Articles in Foreign Periodicals
Authors: Spero Sterling D.
Published: May 2006

The following brief survey notes a few of the more important and more interesting articles on foreign governments and constitutions which have appeared during the past year or two in leading European journals. It includes discussions of governmental organization, structure, process and procedure only, omitting as far as possible what has been written concerning political issues, party fortunes, or questions of public policy.

Most of the material noted is from British publications and deals with the United Kingdom or its dependencies. Of the discussions dealing with Great Britain one of the most able is an article by J. A. R. Marriott on “Parliament and Finance” in the Edinburgh Review for January, 1920, analyzing the reports of the parliamentary select committee on national expenditure.
Powers and Functions of the Japanese Diet, II
Authors: Colegrove Kenneth
Published: May 2006

The principle of “no taxation without representation,” so dearly prized in European constitutional systems, finds its counterpart in the Japanese régime. In the ornate language of Prince Ito: “It is one of the most beautiful features of constitutional government and a direct safeguard to the happiness of the subjects that the consent of the Diet is required for the imposition of a new tax and that such matters are not left to the arbitrary action of the Government.“ The enactment of this rule, so far as the Japanese constitution is concerned, is found in Article LXII, which reads:

The imposition of a new tax or the modification of the rates [of an existing one] shall be determined by law. However, all such administrative fees or other revenue having the nature of compensation shall not fall within the category of the above clause. The raising of national loans with the contracting of other liabilities to the charge of the national treasury, except those that are provided in the budget, shall require the consent of the Imperial Diet.

In their commentaries on this article, the jurists of the new school emphasize the requirement of the consent (kyosan) of the Diet for taxation, while the jurists of the old school emphasize the duty of the subject to submit to taxation.
Constitutional Law in 1932–33: The Constitutional Decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States in the October Term, 1932
Authors: Cushman Robert E.
Published: May 2006

The Supreme Court has at last passed squarely upon the broad powers of the Federal Radio Commission over the business of broadcasting and has upheld them in a sweeping manner in the case of Federal Radio Commission v. Nelson Bros. Bond & Mortgage Co. The general authority conferred on the Commission by the act of 1927 was enlarged in 1928 by provisions directing the Commission to maintain as great equality as possible in the allocating of broadcasting licenses among the zones created and further to distribute such licenses fairly and reasonably to the states within each zone according to population. In 1930, it appeared that Illinois had 55 per cent more than its quota of stations, while Indiana had 22 per cent under its quota. The Commission assigned to station WJKS at Gary, Indiana, operating rights on a frequency theretofore used by two Chicago stations. One of these, operated commercially by the respondent, used much National Broadcasting Company program material; the other, operated by the North Shore Church of Chicago, broadcast only religious programs. The effect of the order was to rule these stations off the air. It appeared that the Gary station had suffered from interference, and was furthermore equipped to serve its audiences with programs of unique interest.
Impeachment in Texas
Authors: Stewart Frank M.
Published: May 2006

The Ferguson case in 1917 represents the only instance of the impeachment and conviction of a state official in Texas. The law of impeachment must then be sought in the proceedings of the Ferguson trial, the opinions of the attorney-general, and the opinion of the supreme court in 1924 in the case of Ferguson v. Maddox, which reviewed the legality of the 1917 proceedings in determining whether Mr. Ferguson was eligible to have his name placed on the primary election ballot as a candidate for governor.

Impeachment at a Special Session. The constitution provides that the governor may on extraordinary occasions convene the legislature in special sessions limited to thirty days' duration, during which there shall be no legislation upon subjects other than those designated in the proclamation of the governor calling the session or presented by him. The facts in the Ferguson case may be reviewed briefly. The speaker of the House of Representatives, on his own motion, had issued a call for the House to meet in special session on August 1, 1917, to consider the impeachment of the governor. Before the members could assemble, the governor issued a call for a special session of the legislature to meet at the same time as that set by the speaker's call for the purpose of considering the matter of university appropriations. The House proceeded with the investigation and impeached the governor, who was thereupon suspended from office.
The British General Election of 1931
Authors: Macmahon Arthur W.
Published: May 2006

The main feature of the coup which the most principled, if not the most typical, British newspaper has called “the shortest, strangest, and most fraudulent election campaign of our time” are well known. Recapitulation has its uses, however, even if lack of space, not to mention more fatal inadequacies, must confine it to the narrowest of backgrounds and to statistics that lie near the surface of politics.
Politics, Personalities, and the Federai Trade Commission, II
Authors: Herring E. Pendleton
Published: May 2006

President Coolidge's appointment of William E. Humphrey to the Federal Trade Commission in 1925 served not only to establish a Republican majority on that body, but also to inaugurate a “new era” in its activities. Humphrey entered upon his duties on February 25, and on March 17 sweeping changes in policy and procedure were announced. No longer was the Commission to be used as a “publicity bureau to spread socialistic propaganda.” The opposition from the “vocal and beatific fringe, the pink edges that border both of the old parties,” would not deter the new Commission from its determination to “help business to help itself.” In his effort to stress the fact that a new course was being pursued, Humphrey emphatically condemned the Commission of his predecessors. “Under the old policy of litigation it became an instrument of oppression and disturbance and injury instead of a help to business. It harassed and annoyed business instead of assisting it. Business soon regarded the Commission with distrust and fear and suspicion—as an enemy. There was no coöperation between the Commission and business. Business wanted the Commission abolished, and the Commission regarded business as generally dishonest.”
The Nazis Reform the Reich
Authors: Lepawsky Albert
Published: May 2006

Revolutions shift power not only from one economic class to another, but also from one governmental level to another. Not only is there a new deal between industrialists and laborers, between financiers and merchants, between those in the higher and those in the lower income brackets, but the centers of strength also shift from one region to another and from one governmental authority to another; and there is a new balance of power between the province and the nation, between the city and the state.
Powers and Functions of the Japanese Diet
Authors: Colegrove Kenneth
Published: May 2006

The place of the Diet in the Japanese constitutional system is a subject of some controversy. Jurists of the old school, typified by the teachings of Hozumi, tend to minimize the representative character of the legislature and to magnify the limitations of its authority, while the new school, led by Minobe, stresses the possibility of parliamentary development.

The basic difference between the two schools is found in their respective attitudes toward the theory of separation of powers. Hozumi holds that the kokutai, or fundamental nature of the Japanese state, is unique. The Emperor is not merely an organ of the state. He is the state. He retains the tochi-ken, the authority of his ancestors, or sovereignty in the modern sense. The tochi-ken is supreme, perfect, and indivisible. The exercise of this authority, however, takes a three-fold form, namely, as gyosei-ken, or the executive power, rippo-ken, or the legislative power, the shiho-ken, or the judicial power.
The Control of Patents in Private and Public Services
Authors: Gathings James A.
Published: May 2006

Policies of large corporations relating to the control of patents taken out by employees naturally vary in detail with the different companies. Certain general policies, however, are usually followed.

Some companies place no restrictions upon the taking out of patents by their employees, but as a general rule they retain the shop right to manufacture for themselves any articles which they can use. These companies pay the cost of securing the patent for the employee, and the patent is taken out in his name. The company allows the employee to sell the patent to any one he chooses, but he grants to his company the right to use the idea.
National Stamp-Tax Laws and State Instrumentalities
Authors: Powell Alden L.
Published: May 2006

The rule that the national government may not burden the governmental agencies of the states by taxation is generally familiar to students of constitutional law. An interesting phase of the development of this doctrine is found in judicial and administrative rulings on the immunity of state agencies under the national stamp-tax laws.

The Early History of the Stamp Tax as Applied to State Judicial Documents. Stamps had been used as a means of securing revenue for nearly two centuries when such a method of taxation was suggested for the United States in 1797. The stamp tax originated in Holland in 1624, when, during a time of “dire necessity,” the States-General offered a reward to anyone who would invent a new kind of tax, and someone proposed “the requiring of stamps on documents and writings having a legal operation or forming necessary steps in suits in the law courts.” In 1694, England adopted this method of raising revenue. Congress first resorted to the stamp tax on legal instruments in acts of 1797 and 1813.
Organization of the Executive Branch of the National Government of the United States: Changes between October 15, 1935, and April 15, 1936
Authors: Schmeckebier L. F.
Published: May 2006

As in previous lists, mention is here made only of units specifically authorized by law or established by the President by executive order under general authority vested in him.

Board of Survey and Maps. This board, which is composed entirely of representatives of government agencies, was originally created by Executive Order No. 3206 of December 30, 1919. Various changes in membership have been made by subsequent orders. Executive Order No. 7262 of January 4, 1936, again defines its membership, which consists of representatives of 24 agencies.
The Classification of International Organizations, II
Authors: Potter Pitman B.
Published: May 2006

In any work of classification, the selection of standards is, of course, of primary importance. In the budget of the League, absurd results appear at various points as a result of arranging the contents thereof now according to one type of standard (subject-matter, as “Mandates”), now according to another (kind of service, as “Liaison”). Without coördinate and mutually exclusive standards, no classification can be complete or satisfactory.

One or two of the points made above might, it is obvious, be used as indices of classification if not used as grounds of exclusion. That is, if unofficial international organizations are not excluded entirely, as they logically should be, from this study, they might form one of the two classes of international organizations, along with official organizations. Similarly, organizations may be classified as bilateral and multilateral, in accord with the foregoing discussion, as resting upon mere practice or formal convention, as intended for the observance of some principle or for the taking of some overt action, and finally as relying upon national agencies for their operation or possessing agencies of their own.
The Formation of Great Britain's “Truly National” Government
Authors: Jennings W. Ivor
Published: May 2006

The events of the days of May, when Parliament replaced the “National” Government of the third Chamberlain by the “truly National” Government of the third Churchill, illustrate the danger of simple explanations of the working of the British constitution. The notion that responsible government could be expressed in terms of Parliamentary “control” of the Government in power has disappeared. There has been, however, a tendency to replace it by the equally naive explanation of Governmental control of Parliament. The truth lies in between. On the one hand, it must be recognized that, through the party machine, a Government with a majority has very substantial powers of control. On the other hand, it must equally be recognized that public opinion, acting through members of Parliament, has a profound influence on the policy of the Government. The precise relationship has never been fully investigated, because the British electoral machine has never been adequately studied. It is doubtful if it can ever be adequately expounded, because, like so many parts of the British constitution, it depends upon intangible elements which do not lend themselves easily to demonstration.
Constitutional Developments in Saorstát Eireann and the Constitution of Éire: I, External Affairs
Authors: Bromage Arthur W.
Published: May 2006

Under terms of the Treaty of 1921 between Great Britain and Ireland, it was agreed that: “Ireland shall have the same constitutional status in the Community of Nations known as the British Empire as the Dominion of Canada, the Commonwealth of Australia, the Dominion of New Zealand, and the Union of South Africa, with a Parliament having powers to make laws for the peace, order and good government of Ireland and an Executive responsible to that Parliament, and shall be styled and known as the Irish Free State.” The status of the Irish Free State was further defined by this language: “Subject to the provisions hereinafter set out, the position of the Irish Free State in relation to the Imperial Parliament and Government and otherwise shall be that of the Dominion of Canada, and the law, practice and constitutional usage governing the relationship of the Crown or the representative of the Crown and of the Imperial Parliament to the Dominion of Canada shall govern their relationship to the Irish Free State.” The Imperial Government gave this treaty the force of law by the Irish Free State (Agreement) Act of March 31, 1922. To implement the treaty, Dáil Eireann, sitting as a constituent assembly, enacted a constitution for the Irish Free State in 1922. This constitution declared: “The Irish Free State (otherwise hereinafter called or sometimes called Saorstát Eireann) is a co-equal member of the Community of Nations forming the British Commonwealth of Nations.” It was given the force of law by the Imperial Government in the Irish Free State Constitution Act of December 5, 1922.
The Status of Foreign Concessions and Settlements in the Treaty Ports of China
Authors: Johnstone William C.
Published: May 2006

Hostilities now in progress in the Far East may produce significant changes in the status of foreign concessions and settlements in China. It may be useful, therefore, to classify these areas and to survey their status prior to the present “undeclared war.” Among the several privileges gained by Great Britain, the United States, and France in their treaties with China in 1842–44 was the right of foreign residence in the five ports opened to trade by these treaties: Amoy, Canton, Foochow, Ningpo, and Shanghai. Arrangements for the residence of foreigners and their families in these ports were to be made by the consular officials and the local Chinese authorities acting “in concert together.” These arrangements resulted in the delimitation of areas for foreign residence, generally called “settlements,” which grew into municipalities exempt from Chinese jurisdiction and completely under foreign control. As more ports were opened for trade by the various treaties negotiated after 1844, certain nations requested exclusive areas in many of them. Such areas were generally called “concessions.”
Tightening the Direct Primary in Michigan; First Applications of the Filing Fee
Authors: Dorr Harold M.
Published: May 2006

Taking note of the constantly increasing number of persons who were seeking nomination to public office in Wayne county, Michigan, a special election laws commission (1930) recommended a change in the laws governing the primary. The recommendation, accompanied by a draft of a bill, proposed to make it somewhat more difficult in that county for candidates to qualify for a place upon the primary ballots. The legislative response to this recommendation was an innocuous amendment providing for the deposit of a small filing fee as an alternative to the nominating petition. However, primary abuses during the depression years convinced the legislature that more drastic action was necessary, and in 1935 the election laws, as applied to Wayne county, were again amended abolishing the nominating petition and substituting the filing fee for “candidates for county office or office in the state legislature.” A similar provision was imposed by charter amendment for municipal offices in the city of Detroit.
Individual Claims to Social Benefits, I
Authors: Clark Jane Perry
Published: May 2006

It is a truism that the response of government to the manifold necessities of modern society has made the state today an organization providing services for the community. In particular, government is regarded as an agency to help alleviate economic disparity and maladjustment. This present development does not mean that the functions of regulation and protection, the traditional concomitants of the police state of the nineteenth century, have ceased to be important. On the contrary, they have increased in magnitude and importance as means of communication and as technical knowledge have increased. Thus the regulation and licensing of the practice of medicine, for example, assume greater importance as medical knowledge increases and as the health problems of the community grow. But the new emphasis of government is indeed on assistance and service to those in need of aid, such as the unemployed, the aged, and the blind.

The new functions of government are in some ways only developments of the old, and the line between regulatory and service developments is not a division between absolutely watertight compartments. In general, a regulatory function is one in which government either directs by regulations of one sort or another the way in which private individuals shall conduct themselves, or else licenses them to carry on certain activities, as found in statutes forbidding industrial homework in certain industries and requiring licenses in others.
Organization of the Executive Branch of the National Government of the United States: Changes between August 1, 1936, and May 31, 1937
Authors: Schmeckebier L. F.
Published: May 2006

As in previous lists, mention is here made only of units specifically authorized by law or established by the President by executive order under general authority vested in him.

Advisory Committee of the Coast Guard Academy. Created by Public No. 38, 75th Congress, approved April 16, 1937, to examine the course of instruction and to advise the Secretary of the Treasury in regard thereto. Committee will consist of five “persons of distinction in the field of education,” who shall be appointed by the Secretary of the Treasury and who shall serve without pay, but who shall be reimbursed for actual expenses of travel.
The New Constitution of the Soviet Union
Authors: Starr Joseph R.
Published: May 2006

In 1934, the Soviet Union rounded out the first great cycle in its development. The fruition of the Five-Year Plan, the general collectivization of agriculture, the entry of the Soviet Union into the councils of the nations of the world—these and many other successes of the Communist régime were evidences of great achievement. Peace and order and economic progress had been attained at home; the stability of the government had been clearly demonstrated, and friends had been made abroad. The social and economic structure of the country had been completely transformed, and the Socialist community was now a going concern.
Third Session of the Seventy-sixth Congress, January 3, 1940, to January 3, 1941
Authors: Riddick Floyd M.
Published: May 2006

The sine die adjournment of Congress on January 3 brought down the curtain on the longest and one of the most hectic and unique sessions in American history. As early as January 3, 1940, when the session began, the leaders of the House and Senate were looking forward to a program involving much controversy. But it is doubtful whether anyone anticipated a session drawn out over 367 days, during which $19,069,548,775 would be appropriated and 941 laws enacted. Many important bills were pending on the Senate and House calendars on the opening day, and measures on trade treaties, labor, agriculture, taxation, and debt limitation were certain to arise. Many congressmen rightly guessed that much defense legislation would be enacted. Around the Capitol during the opening weeks of the session, nevertheless, there was much sentiment for a more nearly balanced budget and for a curtailment of national expenditures. Barrages of criticism were thrown up against a continuation of the extensive executive powers previously conferred on the President, and particularly urging removal of certain governmental regulations on individuals or businesses. Pleas were made for a return to “congressional government.” And many members urged an early adjournment in order that representatives and senators might go home for campaign purposes.
The Nature of Nationalism
Authors: Kohn Hans
Published: May 2006

Nationalism as we understand it is not older than the second half of the eighteenth century. Its first great manifestation was the French Revolution, which gave the new movement an increased dynamic force. Nationalism had, however, become manifest at the end of the eighteenth century almost simultaneously in a number of widely separated European countries. Its time in the evolution of mankind had arrived, and although the French Revolution was one of the most powerful factors in its intensification and spread, it was not its date of birth. Like all historical movements, nationalism has its roots deep in the past. The conditions which made its emergence possible had matured during centuries before they converged at its formation. These political, economic, and intellectual developments took a long time for their growth and proceeded in the various European countries at different pace. It is impossible to grade them according to their importance or to make one dependent upon the other. All are closely interconnected, each reacting upon the other; and although their growth can be traced separately, their effects and consequences cannot be separated otherwise than in the analysis of the scholar; in life, they are indissolubly intertwined.
Federal Restrictions on the Political Activity of Government Employees
Authors: Howard L. V.
Published: May 2006

At various times in the past, the question of the extent to which political activity on the part of government officers and employees should be curtailed has been a subject of public discussion. Within the past two years, the question has arisen again in connection with the passage by Congress of what is popularly known as the Hatch Act. The purpose of the present article is to point out the principal restrictions imposed by this new, as well as by earlier, federal legislation upon the political activity of individual government employees. These restrictions are of three types: (1) those relating to political contributions and solicitation, (2) those relating to political office-holding, and (3) those relating to political activity generally. Each of these types will be discussed, first, in relation to federal employees, and second, in relation to employees of state and local governments.
Executive Leadership and the Growth of Propaganda
Authors: Stoke Harold W.
Published: May 2006

The results which are likely to flow from any political change are extremely difficult to predict. It would have been impossible a generation ago to foresee that the gradual shift, in democratic as well as totalitarian states, of the political center of gravity from the legislature to the executive would create a new instrument of political power. That instrument is official publicity, or, more bluntly, governmental propaganda. It is suggested here that the tremendous growth in the publicity activities of modern governments is a direct consequence of the continued absorption by the executive of a larger degree of legislative initiative and power. Indeed, it seems highly probable that the development of the administrative bureaucracy as a source of policy and law will result, if it has not already done so, in making propaganda an indispensable instrument of government, with profound implications for traditional democratic processes.
Classification in the Federal Service, and the Emergency
Authors: Pruefer Clifford H.
Published: May 2006

The Problem. One of the most important government personnel problems at the present time is the increasing difficulty of securing high grade new employees for government jobs, and of retaining experienced civil servants in the face of higher salary and wage schedules in private industry. Ordinarily this would not be a particularly sore spot, because of certain advantages of government employment which might offset lower pay. However, at the present time, and especially in defense agencies such as the War and Navy Departments, it is necessary that the best available personnel be secured for key positions so that our defense preparations may be completed as expeditiously as possible.
Organization of the Executive Branch of the National Government of the United States: Changes between July 16,1938, and April 25, 1939
Authors: Schmeckebier L. F.
Published: May 2006

As in previous lists, mention is here confined generally to units specifically authorized by law or established by the President by executive order under general authority vested in him. Changes in units created by heads of departments or independent establishments are excluded unless of major importance.
The Small Fry and the Party Purse
Authors: Forthal Sonya
Published: May 2006

In the workings of municipal politics, scant honor is accorded that lowliest member of the political hierarchy—the precinct captain—yet his is actually an important position, and one which it may be worth while scrutinizing carefully, as a small-scale replica of the entire complex organism. Representing as he does the lowest rung of the political ladder, his contacts are necessarily with the voters directly. He is, in a very literal sense, that “man of the people” famed in campaign oratory, with his feet on the ground and his hands manipulating the minor gadgets of the political machine. His function is, simply and admittedly, vote-getting, although there are a number of methods which he may use in the attainment of this end. The extent of his personal recognition and emoluments at the hands of the party is determined entirely by the number of voters whom he succeeds in enticing into the fold, and the means employed in corralling them are as diversified as the foibles of human nature and the types of voters represented in a large city.
Congressional Self-Improvement
Authors: Perkins John A.
Published: May 2006

The complaint about Congress which has been more or less chronic in this country's history became acute during the 77th Congress (1941–42). While some of the condemnation was abusive, personal, and partisan, much of it was a frank recognition of existing weaknesses emphasized by present responsibilities. Intelligent response to this criticism both inside and outside of Congress resulted in constructive suggestions intended to restore the representative branch to fullest prestige and usefulness. While far-reaching alterations in the working arrangements of Congress proposed by publicists and scholars may be completely sound, it would be naïve to assume that any reform could be imposed on Congress from without. Congressmen are notoriously jealous of their own prerogatives, and the only hope of modernizing the lawmaking branch rests with them. It is therefore highly significant that the members of the 78th Congress reacted to the criticism by introducing an unprecedented number of resolutions ranging from the smug suggestion for a committee to protect the integrity of Congress to two soul-searching recommendations for special committees to study all aspects of Congressional reorganization.
The Japanese Constitution
Authors: Colegrove Kenneth
Published: May 2006

The Japanese constitution of 1889 is not, as is frequently assumed, chiefly the product of the labors of Hirobumi Ito and his secretaries who, in 1882–1883, studied constitutional systems in Europe preparatory to drafting the text of the fundamental law which the Emperor had promised in the celebrated rescript of 1881. Discussion of constitutional progress had begun as far back as 1867 and, immediately following the restoration, Meiji statesmen began the task of drafting projects of a constitution. Okubo, Goto, Kido, and Itagaki played leading rôles in urging the adoption of a national charter, and when Okubo and Kido relaxed their efforts, Itagaki initiated a popular campaign. Finally, in 1876, a formal commission of the Genro-in (Senate) was appointed to draft a constitution, while in 1880, its completed project was laid before the Emperor. This draft proposed a form of government having many features of the British parliamentary system.
Government Corporations and Federal Funds
Authors: McDiarmid John
Published: May 2006

The increasing use of the government corporation in the conduct of governmental business enterprises is one of the most significant of recent trends in public administration. Indeed, the corporate device represents one answer to the charge that government is so poorly organized and so beset by red tape that public operation of economic enterprise is inevitably sluggish and inefficient. Most notably during the mobilization crisis of 1917 and the depression years following 1929, when speedy and vigorous action was needed, the federal government has relied heavily upon government corporations which could cut through red tape and “get things done.” Also in more normal times, however, particular enterprises somewhat isolated from regular governmental activities have been carried on in corporate form.
Armaments and the French Experiment
Authors: Doukas Kimon A.
Published: May 2006

Resort to armed force as an instrument of national policy, though often outlawed and denounced by common consent, seems as inevitable today as ever before. When the Covenant of the League of Nations was adopted, it was agreed “that the manufacture by private enterprise of munitions and implements of war is open to grave objections” (Art. 8, Sec. 5). Shortly after, on September 10, 1919, 28 nations assembled at St. Germain-en-Laye and Paris to sign a Convention for the Control of the Trade in Arms and Ammunition. This was followed by a conference to consider the draft of a new convention which was called by the League and met in Geneva on May 4, 1924. The adoption of the Arms Traffic Convention the following year was hailed everywhere as a signal victory.
Sovereignty Under Law: A Possible Redefinition of Sovereignty in the Light of Locke's Theory of Liberty
Authors: Spahr Margaret
Published: May 2006

Does the concept of sovereignty under law necessarily involve a self-contradiction? That it does, has admittedly been held by the great majority of careful thinkers from the time of Hobbes to the present day. Nor has this been inconsequential. The belief that submission to an enforceable law would be a surrender of sovereignty has been a most potent obstacle to the substitution of the law court for the battlefield in the determination of international disputes. On the other hand, it is generally conceded that for the individual the only liberty worth seeking is liberty under law. It is the thesis of this article that sovereignty under law for the state is no more absurd than liberty under law for the individual.

The term “sovereignty” has been variously and elaborately defined, but for present purposes its essential elements may be listed as authority, equality, and liberty. The first-named attribute—authority—has its great importance in the field of constitutional law, which postulates that in every state there is some agency or combination of agencies possessed of the authority to control everything within the state. However, it is well known that the rise and spread of constitutionalism and federalism have rendered the concept of sovereign authority increasingly mystical. Even in Great Britain, the old simplicity of the sovereignty of “King in Parliament” has been complicated by the Parliament Act of 1911, and especially by the Statute of Westminster of 1931. To-be sure, it is easy enough to visualize sovereign authority in a dictatorial régime, but this arouses no envy on the part of those who enjoy other forms of government.
Progressive Politics: Wisconsin an Example
Authors: Gosnell Harold F. , Cohen Morris H.
Published: May 2006

An examination of the relationship of the Democratic percentages in the various states to the Democratic percentage for the nation as a whole during the past forty years shows that several general patterns are discernible. In the north central and northwestern parts of the United States, one of these patterns may be clearly defined. When the country swings in one direction, the states in this region swing with it, but more strongly than the country as a whole. During the twenties, these states were more decidedly Republican than the nation, but during the thirties they became more strongly Democratic. This tendency to shift from one extreme to another is related to the progressive background of these states of which Wisconsin is typical. “Wisconsin,” “La Follette,” “progressive”—for decades these three terms have been almost indissolubly linked in the minds of politically aware observers of the American scene.

While Wisconsin has followed the Republican standard in presidential elections almost without exception from 1870 to 1932, it has shown progressive leanings. In 1912, Robert La Follette, Sr's. sulking greatly cut down the Progressive vote, but it was still large enough to split the normal Republican strength and throw the electoral vote to Wilson, and in 1924 the state went overwhelmingly for its own favorite son.
Independence of State Regulatory Agencies
Authors: Fesler James W.
Published: May 2006

Transference to administrative agencies of powers traditionally associated with legislatures and with courts has destroyed old categories of political science, and necessitates a reappraisal of the structure of American governments. The story of the growth of quasi-legislative and quasi-judicial powers has been told too well to require extensive treatment here. With the development of the social service state, the legislatures, we are informed, have been illequipped to legislate in detailed fashion because of the quantity and the technicality of governmental activities and because of the need for flexibility and adaptability in the conduct of those activities. Two other reasons for delegation of legislative power may be advanced. The legislature may wish to devolve the responsibility of self-government on a particular industry or vocational group. Or again, it may desire to wash its hands of a particularly trying problem of public policy, and this it can do by turning the problem over to an administrative agency.
New Techniques in Federal Aid
Authors: Williams J. Kerwin , Williams Edward A.
Published: May 2006

The need for federal supplementation of state and local funds in carrying on certain relief and work activities will undoubtedly continue, and even expand, in coming years. Although the economic and fiscal problems arising out of this situation usually receive the spotlight, the administrative aspects are no less important. To a large extent, the effectiveness of the programs of federal financial aid is determined by the administrative arrangements under which the funds are distributed and spent. To the political scientist, therefore, federal participation since 1933 in “normal” state and local public construction and in work programs designed for the needy unemployed is of particular interest, because in these instances profound modifications have been made in the traditional procedures for administering federal aid.

It is interesting to reflect that the changes which have taken place in federal aid techniques since 1933 came quickly and without warning. The administrative set-up of federal aid activities appeared to have achieved a rather stable and permanent form during the second decade of the twentieth century. Certain outstanding characteristics could be noted in the federal subventions then being offered. The term “federal aid” referred to annual, recurrent lump grants made by the federal government to participating state governments. Each state legislature wishing to take advantage of federal aid for a particular function would first set up or designate a state agency with power to perform the work involved. The state agency, in turn, would periodically draft a program to be submitted to the federal government for its approval.