bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Urbanisation and the Soildarity of Afrikaner Nationalism
Authors: Welsh David
Published: November 2008

In 1904 just over 6 per cent of South Africa's Afrikaners lived in the towns. By 1936 the percentage had risen to 44, and 1960 to 76 per cent. Slightly less than half of this number live in smaller centres, regarded for census purposes as ‘urban’ although most of them are dorps or hamlets.1 The causes of this demographic revolution go back to the simultaneous crisis of farming and the rise of mining and other industries that led to the growth of towns. Rural poverty pushed people off the land while the possibilities of earning higher incomes drew them to the towns. In the folk-lore of Afrikanerdom, towns—particularly Johannesburg—were evil places: they were regarded as the seats of an ‘English—Jewish’ capitalism that was bent on ploughing the Afrikaner under, and as hotbeds of vice and crime.2
Some Ideas concerning the Origins of Dowry in East Africa
Authors: Chidwick P. F.
Published: November 2008

For some time I have been trying to study the origins of the customary practice of dowry in East Africa. There are, as one can imagine, tremendous variations in the details of traditional procedures from one tribe to another. But in spite of these variants there is one common characteristic: the fact that money, goods, manual labour, or symbolic articles are provided by the bridegroom (or his family) and pass into the hands of the father of the bride. The purpose of my research has been to discover the factors which have motivated the transaction to take place in this particular way.
The United Nations and Decolonisation, 1960–70
Authors: El-Ayouty Yassin
Published: November 2008

Between 1960 and 1970 decolonisation under the auspices of the U.N. has produced issues which were not foreseen by the drafters of the Charter in 1945. If decolonisation from 1945 to 1960 was governed by the general provisions of Chapters XI, XII, and XIII of the Charter relating to non-selfgoverning and trust territories, the last decade's efforts in the same area have been governed by principles enunciated in the Declaration on Independence adopted by the U.N. General Assembly in 1960 and by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948. The latter period also witnessed action by the United Nations, for the first time in its history, under Chapter VII of the Charter, which deals with enforcement measures.
Administrative Decentralisation and Economic Development: the Sudan's Experiment with Devolution
Authors: Rondinelli Dennis A.
Published: November 2008

In his classic study of decentralisation and development, Henry Maddick argued that economic growth and social modernisation depend in part on the ability of Third-World govenments to diffuse responsibility for development planning and administration, to expand participation in economic activities, and to promote new centres of creativity within society. Over-concentration of administrative authority stifles development, Maddick insisted; it leads to waste and corruption, delays action, and creates irrational and inefficient management practices, the costs of which developing countries cannot afford.1 To illustrate his point, Maddick cited the effects of the centralised supply system in the Sudan in the late 1950s, through which ‘shoes made in Fasher were sent 400 miles by rail to Khartoum where the whole shoe supply was concentrated. When Fasher wanted shoes for school children and government personnel it had to send to Khartoum for them.’ He also noted that school desks and equipment for the provincial city of Juba had to be ordered from Khartoum, which was 900 miles away and connected only by inefficient river transport, even though the wood from which the furniture was made originally came from Juba.2
Liberation Movements and Transition to Democracy: the Case of the A.N.C.
Authors: Ottaway Marina
Published: November 2008

South African scholars writing about the end ofapartheidhave been unanimous in the contention that it is useless to seek parallels and learn lessons from what has happened elsewhere in the continent in the process of decolonisation. South Africa was not a colony but an independent country, they argued. No metropolitan power had the ultimate say concerning its future, let alone the ability to impose a settlement on the white minority that meant handing over power to a new black government. Rather than decolonisation, the end ofapartheidmeant a transition from authoritarianism to democracy like that experienced in Latin America during the 1980s.
The Conflict Resolution Process in Angola
Authors: Pazzanita Anthony G.
Published: November 2008

Of the dozens of conflicts in the Third World which have occurred in the post-war era, few have been of greater duration and bloodshed or have attracted the attention of as many outside actors, including the superpowers, as Angola. It has only been since the mid-1980s that the conflict began moving towards eventual settlement, with the prospects for peace often seeming to depend largely on the attitudes of Cuba, South Africa, the Soviet Union, and the United States. Further affecting the overall environment was the state of East–West relations, the internal situation in Angola, and South Africa's occupation of Namibia. A short historical background will serve as prelude to an extensive examination of the dynamics which fuelled the war in Angola for such a long period of time.
Neutralising the Use of Force in Uganda: the Rôle of the Military in Politics
Authors: Brett E. A.
Published: November 2008

Bullets rather than ballots have dominated politics in Uganda since independence, where two governments have been removed by coups, one by a foreign invasion, and another by an armed rebellion. Force has not only dominated the formal political system, but also threatened the economic and social basis on which democratic processes and progressive development depends. For 25 years predatory military rule and civil war have destroyed lives, skills, and assets, undermined institutional competence and accountability, caused widespread per sonal trauma, suppressed autonomous organisations in civil society, and intensified ethnic hostility and conflict. And Uganda is not alone in this – the middle of the twentieth century was dominated by fascism and war, while sectarian or ethnic conflicts in Bosnia, Ulster, Sri Lanka, Somalia, the Sudan, Angola, Liberia, Zaï, Burundi, and Rwanda have inflicted untold damage on people and property.1
Trade Policy Reforms and Performance in Africa in the 1980s
Authors: Kirkpatrick Colin , Weiss John
Published: November 2008

For the countries of Africa the 1980s was a decade of depening economic crisis. The international economic environment became increasingly hostile, with declining terms of trade, recession in the industrial countries, and heavy debt-servicing burdens. Domestically, many economies were disrupted by severe drought conditions and civil disturbances.
Tutsi Social Identity in Contemporary Africa
Authors: Waters Tony
Published: November 2008

The literature pointing out that ethnic groups are a social construction has a particular salience in discussion of identity in both East and Central Africa. As numerous authors have noted, there are in fact few linguistic, phenotypical, or social differences between Hutu and Tutsi. Indeed, as all acknowledge, there has been substantial intermarriage, particularly in Rwanda. Nevertheless, as recent events in Rwanda and Burundi illustrate, the presumably ‘socially constructed’ differences between Hutu and Tutsi have become a legitimated reason for murdering one's neighbours. But although cited as the cause of the civil war by virtually every Rwandan, as well as the Western and Tanzanian press, I am also impressed by the fact that at different times and places being ‘Tutsi’ means very different things. My own observations in the Benaco refugee camp for ‘Hutu’ illustrate how quickly and drastically such seemingly ‘fixed’ identities can change.
Landslide Victory for Swapo in 1994: Many New Seats But Few New Votes
Authors: Weiland Heribert
Published: November 2008

In the presidential and parliamentary elections held on 7–8 December 1994, the South West Africa People's Organisation (Swapo) was able to build on its achievements in the 1992 regional elections and win a two-thirds majority in the National Assembly. Against the larger-than-life father-figure of President Sam Nujoma, the opposition never really had a chance and lost 12 seats. A comparison of the results of the 1989 and 1994 elections reveals only a small decline in the ballots cast for Swapo as against a great loss of support for the opposition parties, mainly because the sharp drop in the number who voted was at their expense.
Whither Opposition in Zimbabwe?
Authors: Sylvester Christine
Published: November 2008

On 8 and 9 April 1995, Zimbabweans turned out for an election that mostly was not. As many as 55 of the 120 parliamentary seats open for contestation had already been decided for the Zimbabwe African National Union (Patriotic Front), because the six opposition parties of the moment did not put up candidates for them. ZANU PF could also count on another 30 parliamentarians: 12 non-constituency members, to be appointed by the President of Zimbabwe, as well as the eight provincial governors; and ten chiefs elected by local chiefs, all beholden to the ruling party for carrying forward traditional powers to the post- independence era. In other words, ZANU PF was sure of obtaining 85 of the 150 seats in the House of Assembly before a single ballot was cast in the 1995 elections.
The Writer and the Road: Wole Soyinka and Those Who Cause Death by Dangerous Driving
Authors: Gibbs James
Published: November 2008

A socialactivist with wide-ranging concern for the welfare of his society, Wole Soyinka is on record as saying that it was the death toll among students and colleagues which prompted him to become involved in road safety. These victims were among the grim statistics of accidents; for example, in 1988 a total of 9,077 people were killed on Nigerian roads, and 24,413 were injured.2But it is clear from Soyinka's writing that his interest in ‘the road’, and the rich characters it throws up and crushes under foot, predates the slaughter of his students. Early poems such as ‘Epitaph for Say Tokyo Kid’, and prose pieces such as ‘Oga Look Properly’, testify to this, as does the work of the mid-1960s, which includes the satirical revue sketch ‘Obstacle Race’ (about the hazards facing drivers in Nigeria), his first novel,The Interpreters(London, 1965), with its memorable description of the death of Sekoni in a motor accident, and above all his play entitledThe Road(London, 1965). When these are linked with Soyinka's interest in the god of the road, Ogun, it was not surprising to find a whole section of his first collection of verse described as ‘of the road’.
Underdevelopment and Nationalisation: Banking in Tanzania
Authors: Mittelman James H.
Published: November 2008

Tanzania differs from many countries in the Third World in that it does not have a fully fledged national bourgeoisie. The class that led the nationalist movement, the petty bourgeoisie, captured the fruits of the drive towards political independence. The upper stratum transformed itself into a bureaucratic bourgeoisie and used the state apparatus against its local rivals, initially the commercial bourgeoisie. But owing to a weak material base rooted outside the local economy, the former has been unable to direct effectively the process of accumulation and economic reproduction. Thus, while the governing class of Tanzania is comprised of African politicians and civil servants, the ruling class is the international bourgeoisie.1
The Failure of the ‘Progressive Farmer’ in Kenya's Million-Acre Settlement Scheme
Authors: Leo Christopher
Published: November 2008

Conventional WisdomOne of the most widely accepted assumptions in the literature on rural development during the past two decades has been the belief that ‘favouring the progressive farmer’ is prudent policy. The safest way of investing rural development funds, it has been argued repeatedly, is to allocate them to those who have already succeeded in farming or business, or who have had relevant training or education. They are the people who are the most likely to achieve increased levels ofb production and income.
The Changing Vision of the African Working Class – a Component of Soviet Strategy in Black Africa?
Authors: Charles Miléna
Published: November 2008

The Soviet Union is not able to replace western economic investments even in those African countries which become its affies. Therefore its influence is limited to the political sphere, mainly to inter-party relations. By playing a crucial rôle in Southern Africa and Ethiopia, the Soviet Union has accomplished an important step in its global strategy.
Africa and the Generalised System of Preferences
Authors: Curry Robert L.
Published: November 2008

The Generalized System of Preference is composed of various schemes under which donor countries, or regions, offer non-reciprocal and general tariff reductions on the imports of semi-manufactured and manufactured goods from developing countries. The G.S.P. differs from preferences previously granted to African countries by European nations in two ways: first, the preferences granted relate to a broad range of articles rather than relating to specific primary commodities; and secondly, they are non-reciprocal and do not bind developing countries to grant trade preferences on selected imported goods in order to receive them on some of the commodities and food-stuffs that they export.
The ‘Normalisation’ of Intra-African Diplomatic Activity
Authors: Johns David H.
Published: November 2008

The first substantive point raised in the 1972 communiqué issued by Premier Chou En-Lai and President Richard Nixon at the conclusion of their meetings in Peking, was that ‘extensive, earnest and frank discussions were held… on the normalisation of relations' between their two countries.1 In other words, after more than 20 years of non-recognition and hostility, it was agreed to accept areas of disagreement, and to move towards co-operation in matters of mutual interest. There was an implicit acknowledgement of the futility of efforts, either to initiate instant revolution, or to prevent basic changes inside the nation-state system, and of the inevitable need to work within the realities of international power.
Traditional Authority and State Administration in Botswana
Authors: Jones David S.
Published: November 2008

A central feature of the Bechuanaland Protectorate was the wide jurisdiction accorded to the tribal chief or kgosi by the Administration. These traditional leaders were allowed by the colonial authorities to retain a considerable measure of autonomy and were able to regulate nearly all aspects of tribal life.
The Myth of a Redundant Craft: Potters in Northern Nigeria
Authors: Allen Rob
Published: November 2008

The potter is regarded as one of the few truly ‘traditional’ craftsmen still operating in West Africa. But, though the resilience of the craft has been noted, a general decline in its significance is accepted. Nor is this simply a matter of numbers. Nearly 40 years ago, K. C. Murray commented that ‘Pottery, which is one of the most important indigenous crafts in Nigeria, has escaped progress altogether. The traditional work has remained unchanged, except that in recent years its quality has declined’. Much of the responsibility for this state of affairs has been placed on the ‘primitive’ nature of both the product and the craft, as well as the easy availability of metal and enamelware substitutes as a direct result of colonial penetration.
Development and Governmental Corruption – Materialism and Political Fragmentation in Nigeria
Authors: Brownsberger William N.
Published: November 2008

Some have tried to explain corruption in the Third World by reference to anachronistic traditions and to the special pressures on officials in developing countries. In this article, I argue that, at least in the case of Nigeria, the roots of corruption go deeper, to a materialism and a political fragmentation that are the products of a moment in development. After a schematic review of the relevant literature, I examine the causes of Nigerian corruption, and conclude with the suggestion that the future of good government depends on an expansion of the private economy.
Engineering Technicians in Africa: a Kenyan Case-Study
Authors: Bennell Paul
Published: November 2008

While the importance of the rôle of formally qualified high- and middle-level technical personnel in the development process in Africa has been repeatedly underlined since the early 1950s, relatively little empirical research has focused on the historical evolution and present constitution of the occupations which embody these skills. As a contribution to such an analysis, this case-study examines the determinants of the institutional provision of Kenyans with engineering technician qualifications, and their subsequent employment and utilisation. In other words, we are concerned with the relationship between the supply of, and demand for, one group of skilled individuals. Although formulating the problem in this way may, at first sight, appear to be narrowly economistic, this framework provides a methodologically useful starting point for a multi-disciplinary analysis.
Sieges and Scapegoats: the Politics of Pluralism in Ghana and Togo
Authors: Brown David
Published: November 2008

It has become something of a truism to assert that most African states are characterised by a high degree of social pluralism, a low level of national integration, and marked inequalities in the distribution of resources between regional and ethnic communities. In these circumstances, communal cleavages tend to be viewed as potential sources of tension and thus as threats to the stability of central administration. It is generally assumed that governments will, therefore, pursue policies designed to inhibit the political salience of the cleavages.
Collective Decolonisation and the U.N. Committee of 24
Authors: Mittelman James H.
Published: November 2008

Decolonisation is the great revolution of the twentieth century. Since the opening of the first U.N. General Assembly in 1946, over one billion people inhabiting 76 new states – nearly one-third of the human race – have attained political independence as of 1974. But until the final demise of external domination is achieved, the tasks of decolonisation are not yet complete. There remain the intractable problems of Southern Africa, as well as a variety of small territories still under alien rule. Given recent indications of the politicisation of blacks in the white redoubt, as well as the independence of Mozambique and Angola, it is a particularly appropriate time to take stock of the decolonisation movement.
Africa and the Ideology of Eurafrica: Neo-Colonialism or Pan-Africanism?
Authors: Martin Guy
Published: November 2008

This article is an inquiry into the major causes of the continued state of underdevelopment and dependency of Africa in spite of its enormous wealth and tremendous economic potential. It constitutes a follow-up to earlier, historical queries on the present state of African economies:
The Role of an African University
Authors: Nyerere Julius K.
Published: November 2008

On the good foundation built by the University College of Dar es Salaam, which was a constituent part of the University of East Africa, we are now embarking upon our independent existence as a University. This is therefore an occasion for rejoicing. It is also an occasion which calls for re-dedication and renewed endeavour by all those involved. For it is now our responsibility to shape this institution so that it gives the maximum service to the people of Tanzania and their socialist objectives.
Party Politics and a Rural Immigrant Community
Authors: Robertson A. F.
Published: November 2008

It is now nearly five years since Buganda rebelled against the Government of Uganda, and the Kabaka, Sir Edward Mutesa, fled to Britain. Relatively little has been written about these events, perhaps because they happened so rapidly and were dealt with so determinedly that not much precise information is available. In rural Buganda, in such places as Bugerere where I was engaged in fieldwork, party political activity reached a crescendo in the months before the May 1966 crisis and was then abruptly extinguished. Ever since, things have been ostensibly very quiet – indeed the districts of the disbanded Kingdom have remained under a declared state of emergency. During the heyday of politics I was impressed by a clear distinction in the focus of party activity; in the commercial townships on the main road through Bugerere its intensity was immediately obvious, whereas in the farming villages which spread over the fertile, rolling land of the county it was scarcely in evidence. What was the reason for this discrimination? The answer, I was sure, had not a little to do with the unusual economic and demographic circumstances of Bugerere.
Israel's Military Aid to Africa, 1960–66
Authors: Jacob Abel
Published: November 2008

DURING the late 1950S and early 19605, Israel mounted an active campaign of aid to Africa, which took three main forms: technical help in agriculture, joint commercial ventures, and military assistance. Of the three, the military and quasi-military programmes made the most considerable mark in Africa;1 they were also an important part of Israel's overall foreign policy, in an attempt to gain political influence through military aid, and thus to help overcome her isolation in the Middle East. Israel's military assistance to Africa illustrates several important aspects of foreign aid. This article deals mainly with the political motives of the donor country, and the various ways in which it may be concerned to influence the actions of the recipient government. Later, there is some discussion of the social and cultural barriers to the transfer of military and para-military organisations from one culture to another.
An Early Nigerian Civil Disturbance: the 1945 Hausa-Ibo riot in Jos
Authors: Plotnicov Leonard
Published: November 2008

Historians, political scientists, and scholars in other fields will be occupied for years to come, seeking to understand why and how the Biafra conflict began. Clues and anticipations will be sought in antecedent events and, at present, the Kano riots of May 1953 are generally regarded as having been the first major outburst of violence between Northern Nigerians and those who later assumed the name of Biafrans. Without wishing to detract from the enormity of the Kano events, I feel it is necessary to place on record the following neglected episode in the history of conflict between these peoples.
Wage Policy and the Colonial Legacy–a Comparative Study
Authors: Weeks John F.
Published: November 2008

Countries live in the shadow of their past: responses to current circumstances are conditioned by what has gone before. In developing countries plans for economic growth are conditioned by previous policy – or the lack of it – and by what was done or what was not done in previous decades. In Africa south of the Sahara, with the exception of Liberia and Ethiopia, it is the past history of colonial domination which conditions the present.
Secondary Education, Unemployment, and Crime in Kenya
Authors: Evans Emmit B.
Published: November 2008

While conducting research on the occupational and educational aspirations and expectations of secondary-school students in Kenya during 1972, I obtained quantitative and qualitative data from a sample of 699 African students indicating that the problem of crime among unemployed school leavers is likely to substantially worsen in the coming years. The purpose of this article is to present that data within the context of a discussion of secondary education, unemployment, and crime in Kenya.
General Amin and the Coup: Great Man or Historical Inevitability?
Authors: Southall Aidan
Published: November 2008

I have come to the conclusion that General Haji Idi Amin Dada is not a bizarre or maverick intrusion upon the Uganda political scene,1 but deeply and significantly entwined in it. I wish to present what appear to me to be the most important interrelated factors in the conventional functional sense, but to do so diachronically, so that they become continuous themes or forces,2 in which successive events have causative effect on one another.3 This raises all kinds of interesting theoretical and epistemological questions which I shall not be able to dispose of at the same time. I shall also be forced to be selective, without being able to justify each choice and step of the argument as it deserves. Central to my interpretation is the fact that General Amin is a Nubi, and that the history of the Nubi is important for the understanding of contemporary events. The present régime is more and more dominantly a Nubi régime, and its core strength is a Nubi strength.
The Study of African History and Politics in Australia
Authors: Goldsworthy David
Published: November 2008

Let it be said that African history and politics are not among the ‘overblown’ disciplines in Australian universities. Compared with America or Britain, Australia lacks profound historic connections with Africa, while as yet domestic pressures in the direction of black studies are few and, with rare exceptions, uninfluential. A glance at the consolidated index to Australian Outlook (Melbourne), the journal of the Australian Institute of International Affairs, shows that from 1947 to 1972 it carried only 27 articles on African countries and international relations. Apart from the annual gatherings of the All-African Students' Union of Australia, only one conference concerned exclusively with contemporary African politics has yet been held: at the Flinders University of South Australia, in May 1971.
Indigenous Enterprise in Nigerian Manufacturing
Authors: Odufalu J. O.
Published: November 2008

In spite of the predilections of some development economists, the spate of programmes for industrialisation in develop countries – some times supported or sponsored by technologically advanced countries and international organisations – attests to the current widespread belief that industrialisation is asine qua nonfor rapid economic growth of most developing countries. However, unlike Japan's industrialisation, which was achieved mostly by internal reorganisation and the acquisition of knowledge and techniques from abroad, Nigeria's industrial progress has so far been charted largely by foreign capital and expertise, so that planners, although imbued with a religious faith in industrialisation, begin to entertain fears about the country's over-dependence on external sources of capital, high-level manpower, and enterprise.1These fears found expression in theNational Development Plan, 1962–68, thus:
Radical Mrican Studies in the United States
Authors: Waterman Peter
Published: November 2008

This is a brief, preliminary assessment of two significant developments in the United States — the establishment of the Africa Research Group in Cambridge, Massachusetts, and the publication of Ufahamu, the Journal of the African Activist Association, at the University of California, Los Angeles.
What Leads to Modernisation?
Authors: Salcedo Rodolfo N.
Published: November 2008

More and more countries wish to become modernised. Some have less and want more; others have more and are willing to help. Under these conditions, putting ‘western’ aid to work for development should be easy. But, evidently, it has not been. A nation — like an individual — that both recognises the need for help and strives to maintain an identity, finds it difficult to accept foreign aid without reservation. The questions, ‘Who am I?’ and ‘Where am I going?’, concerning national identity and national goals, are still serious issues in development.
The Feudal Paradigm as a Hindrance to Understanding Ethiopia
Authors: Ellis Gene
Published: November 2008

Several years ago A. O. Hirschman wrote an article entitled ‘The Search for Paradigms as a Hindrance to Understanding’ in which he attempted to ‘delineate various areas in which an impatience for theoretical formulation leads to serious pitfalls’ He reviewed two books which used opposite ‘cognitive styles’ in seeking to elucidate Latin American political development. One author was eager to set forth a paradigm of Columbian politics, and to show that all events–past, present, and future–are explained by the model (which is reducible to 34 stated hypotheses); the other wrote a study of Emiliano Zapata and the Mexican Revolution in which he was extremely reluctant to explain, moralise, or draw conclusions, but whose book is such that ‘whoever reads through [it] will have gained immeasurably in his understanding not only of the Mexican Revolution, but of peasant revolutions everywhere’.
The C.I.A. in Africa: How Central? How Intelligent?
Authors: Lemarchand René
Published: November 2008

The virtuousness of the intentions conveyed by David Newsom's homily is indeed difficult to reconcile with the staggering evidence to the contrary recently disclosed through senatorial investigations, press reports, and various other sources. In the context of the post-Watergate era – when Americans have been told of the massive and direct involvement of the C.I.A. in the Angolan civil war, of the assassination plans against the late Patrice Lumumba, and of clandestine activities in Gabon and Madagascar – the least that one can say of such a statement is that it strains credulity.
Reflections on the Preoccupation and Conduct of African Diplomacy
Authors: Akindele R. A.
Published: November 2008

A Large volume of transactions between states goes through bilateral channels associated with traditional diplomacy. Accordingly, each independent African state has established its network of formal contacts with those members of the international community it considers friendly, and who similarly reciprocate this gesture of good will. Indeed, a noticeable world-wide trend in the last decade has been to diversify and intensify such diplomatic contacts because of the increasing complexity and interdependence of the contemporary international system. But bilateral relations between states, pervasive as they are, by no means constitute the totality of channels of international transactions.
Informal Economic Activity in African Cities: proposals for research
Authors: Sinclair Stuart W.
Published: November 2008

This brief note will argue the case for certain lines of investigation, both empirical and theoretical, in African cities. It is increasingly recognised that the constellation of issues revolving around urbanisation and its effects will be a major factor in development for the rest of the century: witness the convocation of the Habitat Conference in Vancouver, June 1976, and the World Bank's new Urban Policy Task Force. Yet, as always, comprehension trails behind actual developments.
Oil and African Development
Authors: Baker Jonathan
Published: November 2008

The growth of exploration for oil in Africa has been phenomenal. Until the late 1950s the continent was considered to be devoid of any large hydrocarbon deposits; indeed, in 1957 the total production of oil amounted to only 2·7 million metric tons, or 0·3 per cent of the entire world output. Since then, however, the rate of growth has been very rapid, and by 1976 had reached 279·5 million metric tons, accounting for 9·8 per cent of world production.
Population Resettlement — Traumatic Upheavals and the Algerian Experience
Authors: Sutton Keith
Published: November 2008

The study of settlement geography in Africa has not only to consider rural–urban and traditional–modern contrasts, but also to place on the appropriate continuum the various communities which have been relocated since World War II. However, the lack of a general theory in this field has led to much wasted effort on the ground, and to the frequent replication of studies in the literature. Some recent contributions endeavour to draw meaningful generalisations from the disparate literature on settlement and resettlement schemes.1 Perhaps because the subject constitutes ‘an academic no man's land’ wherein ‘no single science or study has yet established its claims and each has its limitations’,2 attempts at an overview have inevitably focused on the individual author's specialist orientation. Whatever the methodological paradigm of these overviews, or of the numerous case-studies, they frequently, if regretfully, arrive at a critical conclusion vis-à-vis the limited results of settlement schemes.
The Sudan, 1985–9: the Fading Democracy
Authors: Salih Kamal Osman
Published: November 2008

This article discusses the political situation in the Sudan in the aftermath of the 1985 popular uprising which reinstated parliamentary democracy, and focuses on the major challenges which confronted the civilian leaders before their downfall, notably the economic crisis, the issue of Sharia law, the agonising war in the South, and the corrupt and inefficient party system.
Land Tenure and Investment in African Agriculture: Theory and Evidence
Authors: Barrows Richard , Roth Michael
Published: November 2008

Economists using a narrowly defined neo-classical model have derived the hypothesis, often treated as an empirically demonstrated proposition, that traditional African systems of ‘communal’ land tenure are inefficient when land has scarcity value. By way of contrast, individualised tenure, typically defined as demarcation and registration of freehold title, is viewed as superior because owners are given incentives to use land most efficiently and thereby maximise agriculture's contribution to social well-being.
Negotiations and Social Democracy in South Africa
Authors: Southall Roger
Published: November 2008

Whilst the so-called ‘new right’ shrilly proclaims victory for capitalism and liberal democracy in the cold war, quieter voices see in the death agonies of European Stalinism the seeds of socialism more as it was meant to be. I refer not any triumphal Trotskyist depiction of the popular overthrow of bureaucratised ruling classes, but rather to wide-spread searchings throughout Eastern Europe for ‘a third – and better – way’. From this perspective, however much the electoral thaw may give rise to stridently anti-communist, anti-central planning, pro free-market parties, the dynamics of the new situation will virtually require pursuit of a mixed economy featuring selective state intervention.
Small-Scale Industry in Malawi
Authors: Ettema Wim
Published: November 2008

Interest in the real potential of small-scale enterprise dates from the early 1970s, when it was gradually realised that the industrialisation policies pursed by many developing countries would not be able to create enough employment. It was observed, moreover, that a large part of the active population was engaged in petty trade and crafts, particularly in urban centres. Thus, in addition to the modern, ‘formal’ type of economic activity, an ‘informal’ sector was identified with the following distinctive features: (1) The production processes are labour-intensive, based on simple technology. (2) The smallness of the various industries enables their owners to work as managers as well as producers, and to have direct contact with their employees, while some relationships may be based on non-economic considerations. (3) The enterprises often break the law — that is, they seldom adhere to legally fixed minimum wages, they frequently neglect to observe safety and other regulations, and they tend to evade registration and tax obligations.
A Piece of Land in a Land of Peace? State Farm Divestiture in Mozambique
Authors: West Harry G. , Myers Gregory W.
Published: November 2008

Inthe first two years following the peace accord in Rome on 4 Ocotber 1992 between Mozambique's governing party, theFrente de Libertação de Moçambique(Frelimo), and theResistência National Moçambicana(Renamo) guerrilla leadership, over one million refugees returned to the country while as many as three million moved back to the areas they were forced to flee during the war. With the post-accord commitment of the United Nations to monitor the ‘peace process’ as well as the political transition to a multi-party democratic régime, the international community invested itself strongly in supporting Mozambicans in their attempt to rebuild their war-torn country. The United Nations Operation in Mozambique (Unomoz) presented an acid test for the future of UN-sponsored ‘peacekeeping’ initiativesthe recent difficulties or failures in Angola, Somalia, and Bosnia having thrown into question the sensibility of such expensive operations with little probability of producing sustainable results. For the donor community, the end of the war signalled an opportunity to advance discussions and practical steps towards liberalising the Mozambican economy and decentralising state power — thereby offering a new laboratory for model testing.
The Tigray and Eritrean Peoples Liberation Fronts: a History of Tensions and Pragmatism
Authors: Young John
Published: November 2008

The Tigray Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF), and by extension the Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), the multi-ethnic coalition that it established and still dominates, is frequently considered to be a creation of, and beholden to, the Eritrean Peoples Liberation Front (EPLF). From this perspective the foreign loyalties of the TPLF made it an unsuitable, if not illegitimate, movement to lead the Transitional Government of Ethiopia (TGE) in 1991, and since 1995, the newly created Federal Democratic Republic. By way of contrast, this article attempts to demonstrate that the developing relationship between the TPLF and the EPLF during the course of their respective revolutionary struggles has been far more problematic and beset with tensions than critics are either aware of, or acknowledge, and that an understanding of their nature casts light on present and possible future differences between the respective regimes of Ethiopia and Eritrea.
Politics and Society in Post-War Liberia
Authors: Sesay Max Ahmadu
Published: November 2008

The brutal civil war that engulfed Liberia, following Charles Taylor's invasion in December 1989, has left an indelible mark in the history of this West African state. The six-year old struggle led to the collapse of what was already an embattled economy; to the almost complete destruction of physical infrastructure built over a century and half of enterprise and oligarchic rule; to the killing, maiming, and displacement of more than 50 per cent of the country's estimated pre-war population of 2·5 million; and to an unprecedented regional initiative to help resolve the crisis. Five years after the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas) intervened with a Cease-fire Monitoring Group (Ecomog), an agreement that was quickly hailed as the best chance for peace in Liberia was signed in August 1995 in the Nigeriancapital, Abuja.
Market Reforms and the State: the Case of Shea in Ghana
Authors: Chalfin Brenda
Published: November 2008

AMajorthrust of structural adjustment in Ghana, as elsewhere in sub-Saharan Africa, is the promotion of the private sector coupled with the diminution of state-owned enterprises (SOEs).1However, while these are sometimes undermined, as when shares are sold to private buyers or assets liquidated, their complete demise in the course of market reform is not always so clear cut. This is the case when SOEs are themselves restructured in order to become more market-oriented, or when they are charged with overseeing private sector development. In such a situation, state-based companies may lose a share of the market as they are forced to compete with private firms, while at the same time extending their purview as a regulator of a diversifying economic sector. The parastatals involved in Ghana's shea economy are characterised by this sort of ambivalent status.
Bleak Future for Multi-Party Elections in Kenya
Authors: Fox Roddy
Published: November 2008

Withattention turning towards Kenya's second multi-party elections, due to be held before the end of 1997, it is imperative to look back to the flaws in the system which helped deliver President Daniel arap Moi and the Kenya African National Union (KANU) their victories in 1992. At present there is no sign of these defects being eradicated and the creation of new districts since then has demonstrated the Government's intention of enhancing an already biased structure. The underlying distribution of tribes and ethnic groups has had a fundamental impact on the electoral geography of Kenya, since they have controlled the delimitation of both the parliamentary constituencies and the administrative machinery of the whole country.1
The American Dilemma on the Horn
Authors: Selassie Bereket Habte
Published: November 2008

The conflict in the Horn of Africa and its internationalisation since 1977 has stimulated many arguments in Amercian policy-making circles on whether the costs of expanded involvement in the region are coming to outweigh the strategic and other benefits. The most intense phase of this controversy has followed the post-1978 realignment of forces in the region, which transformed Somalia into an ally of the United States, and Ethiopia, long a close friend, into a Soviet ally.
State and Class in Kenya – Notes on the Cohesion of the Ruling Class
Authors: Currie Kate , Ray Larry
Published: November 2008

This article attempts to situate the recent power struggle between President Daniel arap Moi and the ex-Minister for Constitutional Affairs, Charles Njonjo, in the context of class antagonisms in the Kenyan state. Over the past few years, Moi survived a number of crises partly as a result of the consistent support he has received from Njonjo. During the run-up to the general election of 26 September 1983, however, Moi was hoping that he could mobilise sufficient support amongst Kenya's political élite to be able to dispense with Njonjo, and thereby remove the only politician powerful enough to pose any threat to his leadership. SinceJomo Kenyatta's death in 1978, Njonjo had been regarded as the third member of a ruling triumvirate, with Moi and Vice-President Mwai Kibaki. In the following analysis, we examine the class context for conflict with the figure most closely associated with the conservative, capitalistic, and pro-British tendency in Kenyan nationalism.
Popular Reactions to the Petro-Naira
Authors: Barber Karin
Published: November 2008

During the last decade, the flow of oil revenue into Nigeria has expanded spectacularly, dwarfing other sectors of the economy. Its implications for development, for the growth of a commercial capitalism, and for the corresponding emergence of a more defined class structure are crucial issues about which much has been written. What we have heard less about, however, is how the ordinary people of Nigeria react to the floods of petro-naira which they themselves cannot reach. Fortunes are being made out of oil, but the living conditions of the rural and urban masses deteriorate as agriculture declines and the urban centres become overcrowded with the jobless and the impoverished. What are the attitudes of these people to the petro-naira? The answer to this question is no less important than an analysis of the hard economic data for our understanding of what is actually going on in Nigeria today.
Nilotic Women: a Diachronic Perspective
Authors: Burton John W.
Published: November 2008

The pastoral Nilotic-speaking peoples of the Southern Sudan have been observed by missionaries, merchants, and casual travellers for more than a century. Significant advances in social theory have been formulated on the basis of Nilotic ethnography. In the light of the voluminous literature recorded by these and other authorities, it may now be of value to draw into clearer relief the nature of the status and authority of the women in these ‘traditional’ societies, which are increasingly drawn into and irrevocably changed by exogenous sources.
The Prester John Test: a Rejoinder
Authors: Cohen John M.
Published: November 2008

The purpose of my December 1980 Africana note was to identify two major problems in the rapidly growing literature on the Ethiopian revolution: (1) the failure to honour the academic obligation to be exhaustive in the research enterprise; and (2) the tendency of students of the revolution to draw doubtful long-term conclustions on the basis of a brief time-horizon. To illustrate these points I used Peter Koehn's citations on food production and the conclusions he drew from them. Briefly, I noted that he had overlooked at least one important set of data and reached a conclusion that did not hold up over time. The references to new sources in both my note and the reply by Koehn and Brian D'Silva support my argument, for we have now located important, additional studies on production and rainfall, and Koehn has now altered and expanded his conclusions in the face of evidence from a longer time-perspective.
The challenge of monitoring and evaluation under the new aid modalities: experiences from Rwanda
Authors: Holvoet Nathalie , Rombouts Heidy
Published: November 2008

Monitoring and evaluation (M&E) are sensitive issues in relations between donor agencies and recipient governments, especially in a time when the responsibility for implementing aid activities is shifting towards recipients. This paper deplores that, so far, donors and recipients have adopted an overly technocratic approach to M&E, largely disregarding broader institutional and systemic issues. Using case study material from Rwanda, we illustrate that assessments regarding the quality of a country's M&E efforts may differ sharply depending upon one's perspective. At the core of the matter is ‘the denial of politics’, one of the most serious flaws in the new aid paradigm promoted in the OECD's 2005 ‘Paris Declaration’. We argue that while a narrowly defined technocratic vision of M&E may seem ‘politically neutral’, in fact it may jeopardise M&E's functions of ‘accountability’ and ‘feedback’. This can eventually undermine the effective implementation of some of the key principles of the ‘new aid approach’.
Old issues and new perspectives: household and family within an urban context in nineteenth-century Spain
Authors: Reher David Sven
Published: November 2008

Les formes traditionnelles de l'analyse historique du ménage, malgré les aperçus considérables qu'elle nous a offerts quant à la nature des systèmes familiaux pré-industriels, ont souvent dépeint d'une façon linéaire ce que I'on pourrait croire être une réalité complexe et souple. Dans une tentative d'étendre notre compréhension de cette réalité, un déplacement des méthodes du champ d'analyse synchronique è l'analyse diachronique est effectué, basé sur des archives provenant d'une petite cité provinciale espagnole. Les résultats montrent que sous une façade stable, le ménage de Cuenca est dans un état de changement perpétuel, caractérisé par des changements de structure et de composition. De plus, les résultats suggèrent que les parentés, dans un sens économique et social, non seulement transcendent les limites du ménage, mais ont également tendance à couvrir l'univers rural et urbain.