bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Inhibition of cytokinesis by Clostridium difficile toxin B and cytotoxic necrotizing factors—reinforcing the critical role of RhoA in cytokinesis
Authors: Huelsenbeck Stefanie C. , May Martin , Schmidt Gudula , Genth Harald
Published: June 2009

Low molecular weight GTP‐binding proteins of the Rho family control the organization of the actin cytoskeleton in eukaryotic cells. RhoA governs the formation of actin stress fibers and is responsible for the formation of the contractile ring in cytokinesis. Cytokinesis completion requires RhoA inactivation resulting in disassembly of the contractile ring. Cytokinesis thus requires switching of RhoA activity. This switch of RhoA activity is blocked by Rho‐modifying bacterial protein toxins that either activate or inactivate RhoA by covalent modifications. Exoenzyme C3 from Clostridium limosum (C3‐lim) and Clostridium difficile toxin B (TcdB) inactivate RhoA by mono‐ADP‐ribosylation and mono‐glucosylation, respectively. Cytotoxic necrotizing factors (CNF), produced by either Yersinia pseudotuberculosis (CNFY) or uropathogenic strains of E. coli (CNF1), deamidate and thereby activate RhoA. This study provides evidence that RhoA‐activating as well as RhoA‐inactivating toxins cause inhibition of cytokinesis and cell division. The toxins' effects on cytokinesis were analyzed in Hela cells synchronized using the thymidine double block technique. Treatment of G2‐phase cells with either the RhoA‐activating CNFY or CNF1 or the RhoA‐inactivating C3‐lim or TcdB resulted in cytokinesis inhibition, as evidenced by the formation of a 4N population on flow cytometry, the inhibition of contractile ring formation, and the formation of bi‐nucleated cells. While TcdB and CNF1 modify a broad‐spectrum of Rho proteins, C3‐lim and CNFY specifically target RhoA. Since C3‐lim and CNFY both caused cytokinesis inhibition, our study re‐inforces the critical role of RhoA (not Rac1 or Cdc42) in cytokinesis and cell division. Cell Motil. Cytoskeleton 66: 967–975, 2009. © 2009 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.
A note on the weighted essentially non‐oscillatory numerical scheme for a multi‐class Lighthill–Whitham–Richards traffic flow model
Authors: Zhang Peng , Wong S. C. , Dai Shi‐Qiang
Published: June 2009

In a recent paper, the weighted essentially non‐oscillatory (WENO) numerical scheme was applied to solve a multi‐class Lighthill–Whitham–Richards (MCLWR) traffic flow model (J. Comput. Phys. 2003; 191:639–659). We discuss and present an enhanced WENO scheme with Lax–Friedrichs flux splitting by improving the estimation of the minimal characteristic speed of the MCLWR model, which is based on a set of inequalities of eigenvalues. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Algorithms for the automated analysis of cellular dynamics within living fungal colonies
Authors: Angarita‐Jaimes N. C. , Roca M. M. G. , Towers C. E. , Read N. D. , Towers D. P.
Published: June 2009

We present robust and efficient algorithms to automate the measurement of nuclear movement and germ tube extension rates in living fungal networks. The aim is to facilitate the understanding of the dynamics and regulation of nuclear migration in growing fungal colonies. The proposed methodology combines a cascade correlation filter to identify nuclear centers from which 2D nuclear velocities are determined and a level set algorithm for centerline extraction to monitor spore (conidial) germling growth. We show how the proposed cascaded filter improves spatial resolution in the presence of noise and is robust when fluorescently labeled nuclei with different intensities are in close proximity to each other. The performance of the filter is evaluated by simulation in comparison to the well known Rayleigh and Sparrow criteria, and experimental evidence is given from clusters of nuclei and nuclei undergoing mitotic division. The capabilities developed have enabled the robust and objective analysis of 10's of Gigabytes of image data that is being exploited by biological scientists. © 2009 International Society for Advancement of Cytometry
Synthesis of Zinc Hydroxyfluoride Nanofibers through an Ionic Liquid Assisted Microwave Irradiation Method
Authors: Wu Liyan , Lian Jiabiao , Sun Guixiang , Kong Xiangrong , Zheng Wenjun
Published: June 2009

Zn(OH)F nanofibers were successfully synthesized from Zn5(OH)8(NO3)2·2H2O by microwave irradiation in the presence of the ionic liquid [Tmim][BF4] (1,2,3‐trimethylimidazolium tetrafluoroborate). The structure and morphology of the resulting Zn(OH)F nanofibers were investigated by XRD, SEM, and XPS, and the results indicate that the Zn(OH)F fibers are 80–200 nm in diameter and several micrometers in length. A hydrogen bonding π–π stacking mechanism is responsible for the 1D feature of Zn(OH)F. This method may be developed into a general way to synthesize other metal hydroxyfluoride nanostructures.(© Wiley‐VCH Verlag GmbH & Co. KGaA, 69451 Weinheim, Germany, 2009)
Simple and efficient solution of the shallow water equations with source terms
Authors: Lee Sang‐Heon , Wright Nigel G.
Published: June 2009

A simple and efficient method to solve the one‐dimensional shallow water equations with source terms is presented. To avoid a fractional step method for the discretization of the source terms, a homogeneous form of the shallow water equations is proposed and well‐known conservative numerical schemes are modified to solve the new form of the equations. The modification to the homogeneous form equations combines the source terms with the flux term and solves them by the same solution structure of the numerical scheme. As a result, the source terms are automatically discretized to achieve perfect balance with flux terms without any special treatment and the method does not introduce numerical errors. The proposed method is verified against several benchmark tests and shows good agreement with analytical solutions. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Metal‐catalyzed reversible conversion between chemical and electrical energy designed towards a sustainable society
Authors: Tanaka Koji
Published: June 2009

Proton dissociation of an aqua‐Ru‐quinone complex, [Ru(trpy)(q)(OH2)]2+ (trpy = 2,2′ : 6′,2″‐terpyridine, q = 3,5‐di‐t‐butylquinone) proceeded in two steps (pKa = 5.5 and ca. 10.5). The first step simply produced [Ru(trpy)(q)(OH)]+, while the second one gave an unusual oxyl radical complex, [Ru(trpy)(sq)(O−.)]0 (sq = 3,5‐di‐t‐butylsemiquinone), owing to an intramolecular electron transfer from the resultant O2− to q. A dinuclear Ru complex bridged by an anthracene framework, [Ru2(btpyan)(q)2(OH)2]2+ (btpyan = 1,8‐bis(2,2′‐terpyridyl)anthracene), was prepared to place two Ru(trpy)(q)(OH) groups at a close distance. Deprotonation of the two hydroxy protons of [Ru2(btpyan)(q)2(OH)2]2+ generated two oxyl radical Ru‐O−. groups, which worked as a precursor for O2 evolution in the oxidation of water. The [Ru2(btpyan)(q)2(OH)2](SbF6)2 modified ITO electrode effectively catalyzed four‐electron oxidation of water to evolve O2 (TON = 33500) under electrolysis at +1.70 V in H2O (pH 4.0). Various physical measurements and DFT calculations indicated that a radical coupling between two Ru(sq)(O−.) groups forms a (cat)Ru‐O‐O‐Ru(sq) (cat = 3,5‐di‐t‐butylcathechol) framework with a μ‐superoxo bond. Successive removal of four electrons from the cat, sq, and superoxo groups of [Ru2(btpyan)(cat)(sq)(μ‐O2−)]0 assisted with an attack of two water (or OH−) to Ru centers, which causes smooth O2 evolution with regeneration of [Ru2(btpyan)(q)2(OH)2]2+. Deprotonation of an Ru‐quinone‐ammonia complex also gave the corresponding Ru‐semiquinone‐aminyl radical. The oxidized form of the latter showed a high catalytic activity towards the oxidation of methanol in the presence of base.

Three complexes, [Ru(bpy)2(CO)2]2+, [Ru(bpy)2(CO)(C(O)OH)]+, and [Ru(bpy)2(CO)(CO2)]0 exist as an equilibrium mixture in water. Treatment of [Ru(bpy)2(CO)2]2+ with BH4− gave [Ru(bpy)2(CO)(C(O)H)]+, [Ru(bpy)2(CO)(CH2OH)]+, and [Ru(bpy)2(CO)(OH2)]2+ with generation of CH3OH in aqueous conditions. Based on these results, a reasonable catalytic pathway from CO2 to CH3OH in electro‐ and photochemical CO2 reduction is proposed. A new pbn (pbn = 2‐pyridylbenzo[b]‐1,5‐naphthyridine) ligand was designed as a renewable hydride donor for the six‐electron reduction of CO2. A series of [Ru(bpy)3‐n(pbn)n]2+ (n = 1, 2, 3) complexes undergoes photochemical two‐ (n = 1), four‐ (n = 2), and six‐electron reductions (n = 3) under irradiation of visible light in the presence of N(CH2CH2OH)3. © 2009 The Japan Chemical Journal Forum and Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Chem Rec 9: 169–186; 2009: Published online in Wiley InterScience (www.interscience.wiley.com) DOI 10.1002/tcr.200800039
Providing Specialist Services in Australia Across Barriers of Distance and Culture
Authors: Carson Phillip J.
Published: June 2009

Most of Australia’s population live in urban environments and have ready access to high‐quality specialist surgical services. The 1% of Australians (210,600 people) who live in the Northern Territory of Australia sparsely occupy more than one‐sixth of Australia’s land mass and have varied cultural backgrounds. The organization of surgical services in the Northern Territory provides a case study in providing specialist surgical services to disadvantaged, rural and remote populations in a developed country. Historical and current initiatives to overcome barriers of distance include a coordinated network of health clinics, regional hospitals, and specialist surgical facilities staffed by health care practitioners with broad training and a wide scope of practice. Aeromedical services that facilitate patient and medical team transport were among the first worldwide. Recent initiatives to overcome barriers posed by cultural differences include an Indigenous Languages Interpreter Service, dedicated Indigenous health educators, and specialist outreach visits. Specialist services in the Northern Territory are delivered locally by appropriately trained generalists in cooperation with and supported by specialists from larger centers. This cooperative model of delivery of specialist services maximizes population access to the whole range of surgical therapies and encourages the efficient use of both specialists and generalists. Adoption of the principles of this model may lead to increasingly efficient delivery of specialist services in more densely populated regions.
III. Unionism and Tariff Reform: The Crisis of 1906
Authors: Fraser Peter
Published: June 2009

The bitter hostility with which Joseph Chamberlain was pursued by the sections of the Unionist party opposed to his policy of tariff reform, even after he resigned from Balfour's cabinet in September 1903 to conduct his campaign untrammelled by office, is a curious aspect of Unionist history. The party had seen its defeat clearly foreshadowed in a series of catastrophic by-elections, and yet it persisted in fighting its own internal fiscal battles instead of closing its ranks to meet the most formidable combination of Radical and Socialist forces that it had ever had to face. It knew that no viable proposals for fiscal reform would be put forward for several years, since its opponents were all committed to free trade. Why then did it perversely continue to dispute a remote contingency, thus encouraging its opponents to drive wedges into the divided Unionist leadership by well-chosen parliamentary motions in the sessions of 1904–5, and ensuring that in 1906 it was a demoralized as well as a defeated party that emerged from the polls? After every allowance is made for the purely human impulses that might account for these fiscal quarrels—the hopelessness of defeat, weariness of office, uncertainty in new and alarming political circumstances, and the suspicion that Chamberlain's ‘new departure’ was a bid to salvage his own political fortunes from the wreck of the party—it is still necessary to adduce some more convincing explanation for this seeming folly. For such an explanation, one must appreciate the full significance to contemporaries of Chamberlain's tariff movement, and his determination to make tariff reform and its attendant social and economic policies ‘the great question of the future, and the one on which party divisions will ultimately settle themselves’. His Unionist opponents believed they were fighting to protect not simply free trade, vital as this appeared, but also the whole fabric of Conservatism, both as a historic creed, and as a practical movement.
III. Public Opinion and Foreign Policy: The British Public and the War-Scare of November 1870
Authors: Mosse W. E.
Published: June 2009

In its issue of 18 November 1870, the Liberal Daily News drew the attention of its readers to a remarkable recent change in the attitude of the British public towards the affairs of Europe.
II. Bishop Wren and the Suppression of the Norwich Lecturers
Authors: King Peter
Published: June 2009

One of the most serious problems facing Archbishop Laud was the rapid growth of the Lecturer Movement during the 1620s and 1630s. The increasing numbers of graduates available, and the increasing amount of money donated to support them meant that the weekly lectures had become one of the chief “religious … organizations of the opposition”, and were beginning to “undermine the hierarchical principle”. The gravity of the situation was marked by the increasingly stringent regulation of the lecturers. They had originally been allowed to preach with very little control, but from the Canons of 1604 onwards they were made the subject of several new regulations. These culminated in the Directions of March 16296 which, although issued by Archbishop Abbot, were based upon suggestions made by Laud to the king. Soon afterwards the lecturers in London Diocese were curtailed as a prelude to Laud's future work as archbishop. The Directions were reissued in January 1634, and a policy of deliberately reducing certain kinds of lecturer was initiated in several dioceses, pursued in the Metropolitical Visitation, and completed by Laud's supporters amongst the bishops.
Viscount Townshend and the Cambridge Prize for Trade Theory, 1754–1756
Authors: Raven J. R.
Published: June 2009

Nineteenth-century Britain, it has been argued, harboured hostility to commerce and industry at the very period of greatest industrial advance. In this the schoolroom and university have been charged with particular culpability, even though it is not clear how new was the resistance to commercial studies. The following investigates the most distinguished eighteenth-century attempt to interest the English universities in the study of commerce. The episode highlights the misunderstanding and mistrust occasioned by the promotion of the Science of Trade in the mid-eighteenth century.
III. Irish Immigrants in Scotland: Their Priests, Politics and Parochial Life
Authors: Walker W. M.
Published: June 2009

In the belief that the immigrant Irish were not merely degraded but degrading, and in support of a cataclysmic theory of history towards which he was advancing, Friedrich Engels in 1845 was convinced that “the Irish immigrants in England have added an explosive force to English society which will have significant consequences in due course’. By ‘English society’ Engels intended that of Scotland also, but a century later the historian of die Irish in Scotland, Dr James Handley, was writing: ‘Whether die immigrant has revolted instinctively or not against die bleakness of Scottish industrialism … the fact remains mat he has not made his presence effectively felt among the forces that attempt to control it’. If, however, Engels expected too much of the Irish, Dr Handley appears to have done diem less than justice, although his use of the word ‘effectively’ may have a special significance for him.
Francis Place and the Historian
Authors: Rowe D. J.
Published: June 2009

There can be few nineteenth-century figures whose papers and writings are so frequently consulted and quoted by historians as those of Francis Place, yet who have been so sadly neglected as historical figures. The only full-length study of Place's life and work, by Graham Wallas, is seventy-odd years old.2 It suffers from numerous defects, the two major of which are a tendency to show Place in an unduly favourable light and to make enormously lengthy quotations from Place's manuscripts, with very little criticism or analysis of their content or of the part which Place played in any given situation. The failure to look at Place's career and influence in the light of the views of his contemporaries inevitably means that Wallas's study is one-sided and incomplete as a biography and is only really useful as a selection from Place's writing, illustrating a number of the campaigns in which he played a part.
The Tory Triumph of 1868 in Blackburn and in Lancashire
Authors: Lowe J. C.
Published: June 2009

In an article published in this journal several years ago Professor Vincent advanced the view that the Tories' triumph in Lancashire in 1868, when they won 22 out of 33 seats as against 12 out of 27 in 1865, was attributable less to the new franchise than to other changes in electoral arrangements, namely, boundary alterations and the creation of new seats.
Charles James Fox as Historian
Authors: Dinwiddy J. R.
Published: June 2009

Several British statesmen have also been historians: Clarendon, Russell, Rosebery, Churchill—and Charles James Fox, although he produced only one volume. His History of the early part of the Reign of James II is a fragment of what might have been a much larger work; it was published posthumously, with a preface by his nephew Lord Holland, in 1808. Although it was given a mixed reception by the critics, it was regarded for several decades as something of a classic. It was translated into French, German, and Dutch; and was republished several times in England during the nineteenth century (most recently as a threepenny paperback in Cassell's National Library in 1888).
Sir Alfred Milner and the Press, 1897–1899
Authors: Porter A. N.
Published: June 2009

All myths are, by their very nature, long-lasting, and that of the virtuous proconsular figure-typified by those heavenly twins of the British imperialist pantheon, Cromer and Milner-is scarcely an exception to the rule. In the case of Sir Alfred Milner the image was apparently confirmed in the published edition of his private South African papers, a much-praised collection upon which all subsequent historians, friend and foe alike, have relied for their picture of the High Commissioner at work. For some time indeed this was inevitable as the papers themselves remained closed to scholars, but, owing in part to the latest biography of Milner written with all the papers available, the opening of the collection seems to have prompted little new or detailed investigation of Milner's early South African years. Moreover, despite the pints of ink and acres of print devoted to expositions of British policy in South Africa, and to the passing of judgements on those thought responsible for the war of 1899, one important aspect of Milner's activity has been altogether ignored. The following article, by presenting evidence from various sources for the High Commissioner's interest in and influence on newspapers both at home and in South Africa, attempts to fill a gap in current knowledge of the period, and raises one or two further questions concerning imperial statecraft at the turn of the century.
IV. Women Preachers in Mid-Victorian Britain: Some Reflexions on Feminism, Popular Religion and Social Change
Authors: Anderson Olive
Published: June 2009

Of the making of books on the women's rights movement there is no end, but detailed study of the ways in which the role of women changed in the second half of the nineteenth century has by comparison hardly begun. Yet it is clearly such investigations alone which can show how far the conventional stress upon feminism has been well judged. The religious activities of nineteenth-century British society are admittedly very far from being the area in which the greatest changes occurred in this connexion. Nevertheless for two reasons their investigation seems well worth while. In the first place, when ‘the woman question’ first attracted widespread attention among the British middle classes, the churches were still the great arbiters of public attitudes towards social issues, and the social influence of religious beliefs, practices and institutions was undoubtedly far more extensive than, for example, that of John Stuart Mill or the National Society for Women's Suffrage.
VI. Sir George Grey, South Africa and the Imperial Military Burden, 1855–1860
Authors: Tyler W. B.
Published: June 2009

Sir Charles Lucas once made the comment that ‘South African history consists largely of wars and treaties between Boers and natives’. This is an interesting generalization but one that ignores the conflicts between the British and the natives. The imperial problem in South Africa during the period of this study was the provision of an adequate defence against actual, and in some cases, imagined attack from the Bantus. To people living in British South Africa this was a real problem; up to 1854 there had been seven ‘Kaffir wars’ involving the Cape Colony alone.
By Other Means: The Legal Struggle Against the Spd in Wilhelmine Germany 1890–1900
Authors: Hall Alex
Published: June 2009

The anti-socialist legislation enacted in great haste in 1878, following attempts on the life of Kaiser Wilhelm I, lapsed in the autumn of 1890. To an innocent observer, the Wiihelmine State thus appeared to be divesting itself of one of the most hated and socially divisive acts of political legislation. One of Kaiser Wilhelm II's first grand ideas, his suddenly-awakened passion for becoming an ‘Arbeiterkaiser’, which produced in its wake a spate of minor social reforms - factory inspection, regulation of child and female labour and guaranteed Sunday rest – suggested moreover that the much-heralded new course might envisage a share in a joint future for the luckless and despised Social-Democrats.
The Coal Mines Act of 1842, Social Reform, and Social Control
Authors: Heesom Alan
Published: June 2009

Oliver Macdonagh’s ‘model’ for social legislation in the mid-nineteenth century is, after more than twenty years, a familiar one. It requires the exposure of a social evil, preferably in sensational terms, which sets in motion ‘an irresistible engine of change’. The increased scale of industrial processes, coupled with the ‘ widespread and ever-growing influence of humanitarian sentiment’, and stricter views of sexual morality and ‘decency’ combined to put pressure on legislators to assume new social responsibilities. This pressure, it has been said, frequently owed its origin to a pervasive Christianity, or at least to the work of churchmen, while legislation rested less on philosophic foundations than on forces which, if not inevitable, were at least inherently probable in the context of Victorian social and political life - in short, were part of a ‘self-generating’ process.
‘The Old Leaven’: The Welsh Roundheads after 1660
Authors: Jenkins Philip
Published: June 2009

Like other areas central to the royalist cause, Wales experienced a social and political revolution between about 1648 and 1660. In every county except Pembrokeshire, only a small minority of the traditional ruling families had supported the parliamentary side before 1645, and even fewer accepted the radical solutions proposed after 1648, or during the extremist revival of 1659. As a result, governments during the ‘radical’ periods had to turn to new social groups to administer these recalcitrant areas, and to supervise their conversion to puritanism and republican loyalty. The radicals in county society can normally be identified from their participation in local government in such periods (1649–53, 1659) although this is not an infallible guide, and appointment to a committee did not necessarily mean active service. If we compare the lists of justices, sequestration commissioners and committee men for, say, Pembrokeshire, Carmarthenshire and Radnorshire, then in each case we find that about thirty or forty names consistently appear during radical periods. In Pembrokeshire these were mainly drawn from the traditional rulers who had supported parliament in 1642, while the ‘radicals’ of Carmarthenshire were broadly the socially conservative followers of the powerful earl of Carbery, the old royalist leader who won and retained the favour of Cromwell. In Radnorshire by contrast, the committees for these years contained a very strong radical element, from families often not hitherto represented in county government. Of about thirty-three men whose radicalism is suggested by their periods in office, at least seven were not only strong republicans, but also followers of the millenarian Vavasor Powell, who loyally supported the Rump and the Barebones experiment, and plotted against Cromwell. Moreover, it was Radnorshire which was representative of Welsh counties in the 1650s, while the two south-western shires were exceptional in their preservation of gentry continuity in government.
Stratford, the Cabinet and the Outbreak of the Crimean War
Authors: Herkless J. L.
Published: June 2009

The Eastern Question is a hardy perennial in historical research and writing. Years, indeed generations, of study seem to leave basic issues unresolved. One of the most persistent of those issues is the role of Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, the British ambassador at Constantinople, in the outbreak of the Crimean War. Temperley may have been exaggerating when he said it had long been a popular belief that Stratford ‘was the human agency which caused the Crimean War’ – a belief he spent some time in efforts to dispel – but that Stratford was less than helpful in the pursuit of a peaceful solution to the 1853 crisis was certainly a widely held belief at the time and has proved an enduring one. As late as 1966, M. S. Anderson, dealing with the question of Stratford's ‘guilt’, once more could only conclude: ‘Whether Stratford de Redcliffe, as has often been alleged, privately urged the Turkish ministers to reject the [Vienna] Note while publicly advising them to accept it, is uncertain.’ The Vienna Note was the settlement of the Russo-Turkish conflict proposed jointly by the Governments of England, France, Austria and Prussia and accepted in toto by the Tsar. There was, however, no lack of certainty in the minds of the British foreign secretary at the time, Lord Clarendon, and the first lord of the admiralty, Sir James Graham, that Stratford had been an agent provocateur. On 3 September Greville wrote: ‘Clarendon thinks that Stratford has encouraged the resistance of the Divan to the proposals [at Vienna] and that he might have persuaded the Turks to accept the terms if he had chosen to do so…’
The Albanian Forests of Signor Giacomo Vismara: A Case Study of Italian Economic Imperialism During the Foreign Ministry of Antonino di San Giuliano
Authors: Bosworth R. J. B.
Published: June 2009

In Second Class, there was only my valet and two Italians on their way to Valona to buy from a Greek a wood, which, as far as they knew, did not belong to him. A frequent matter in the East

So sardonically wrote in his diary a second-rank Italian politician, the only passenger in first class, voyaging in 1902 across the Adriatic to Albania. The politician was Antonino di San Giuliano. His diary had a purpose, as it was destined to be published in Giornale d'Italia, Rome's new conservative daily. This paper had been founded only a year before by Alberto Bergamini and Sidney Sonnino in an effort to regroup those anti-Giolittian politicians scattered by the failure of the second, authoritarian, Pelloux ministry.
The Liberal Unionist Party and the Irish Policy of Lord Salisbury's Government, 1886–1892
Authors: Davis Peter
Published: June 2009

In the House of Commons on 23 May 1892, following a speech by Joseph Chamberlain in qualified support of Balfour's Irish Local Government Bill, Tim Healy assailed ‘our Birmingham Diogenes’ with considerable warmth for the manner in which such support was habitually rendered:

What happens is this. The Government bring in a Bill. Its proposals are attacked, and the Government gets into distress, and then of course ‘a friend in need is a friend indeed’. The Rt.hon.Gentleman the Member for West Birmingham gets up and makes a speech. I have heard him make a speech on the Coercion Bill of 1887 in almost identical terms, and also on the Parnell Commission Bill of 1888.
Church Disestablishment as a Factor in the General Election of 1885
Authors: Simon Alan
Published: June 2009

The general election of 1885 has been described as ‘the nearest point ever attained to the accomplishment of disestablishment in England’; and it is a curious fact that the very considerable part played by the Church question in this election has largely escaped notice. For this the suddenness with which the issue of Irish Home Rule came to dominate the political scene after the election is primarily responsible. Yet for all its brevity - it was effectively only during the last few weeks of an extended election campaign that the controversy over disestablishment became dominant — the agitation over the question was both fierce and ferocious; and was closely bound up with the name of Joseph Chamberlain.
VI. The Anglo-French-Italian Naval Convention of 1915
Authors: Halpern Paul G.
Published: June 2009

On 26 April 1915 the governments of Great Britain, France, and Russia signed a treaty with the Italian Government settling the terms for Italy's entrance into the war on the allied side. The Treaty of London was the result of hard bargaining, particularly because of extensive Italian claims in the Adriatic which were resisted by the Russian government, and which would leave a difficult legacy for the postwar period. Nevertheless, the evolution of Italy from membership in a rival alliance system and potential foe to an active ally was completed after less than a year of neutrality. Italy's defection from the Triple Alliance was hardly a surprise to anyone with the slightest idea of Austro-Italian relations, and for over a decade before the outbreak of the war the strength of her commitment to Austria and Germany had been diluted by secret agreements with France.In Austria-Hungary leading naval and military officials took little trouble to conceal their mistrust; while unpopular measures by Habsburg officials could be counted upon to produce hostile demonstrations before the Austro-Hungarian embassy or consulates in Italy. Nevertheless, the French, although well aware of Austro-Italian friction, were never really sure of their southern neighbour and at times exhibited a suspicion of Italy which rivalled that of the Austrians. France and Italy were in a sense Mediterranean rivals and the development of the Italian fleet was followed closely by the French naval staff.
Levels of Illiteracy in England, 1530–1730
Authors: Cressy David
Published: June 2009

While remaining appropriately humble about the crudity of his data and the limitations of his sources, the social historian who is willing to employ numerical methods and statistical procedures can make reasonably confident estimates of the extent of illiteracy in early modern England. A careful examination of the ability of witnesses before the ecclesiastical courts to sign their depositions, of testators to sign their wills, of applicants for marriage licences to sign the allegations and bonds, and of subscribers to protestations and declarations actually to write their names on the document, reveals a pattern of widespread but unevenly distributed illiteracy. The best of these sources provides evidence not only on the social structure of illiteracy, but also on its changing level between the sixteenth and the eighteenth centuries. Progress towards the reduction of illiteracy was decidedly erratic.
Press and Parliament in the Revolution of 1689
Authors: Schwoerer Lois G.
Published: June 2009

The Convention Parliament, the revolutionary tribunal of the English Revolution of 1689, prohibited the printing of news of its affairs and barred the public from its debates. Authors, printers and publishers, however, defied these orders and published unlicensed accounts of speeches, votes, committee reports, and the membership of the Convention. Although the laws and administrative procedures which the later Stuarts had used to restrict the press were still in effect, they were not enforced. During the weeks of political crisis, quantities of news-sheets, newspapers and tracts reporting parliamentary news and political opinion appeared. At a time of growing scholarly and popular interest in the Glorious Revolution, it may be useful to examine the relationship between parliament and press. Although studies of the early press and of parliamentary reporting have been made, no detailed examination of these matters during the months of political upheaval in the winter of 1688–9 has been undertaken. Two central questions suggest themselves. How did the politically conscious public learn about what was happening in Westminster where their elected representatives and the peers of the realm were meeting to resolve the crisis facing the nation? What was the attitude of those representatives and peers to having information about their affairs spread beyond their chambers? The answers to such questions may deepen understanding of the Convention and of one aspect of the part played by the press in the Revolution.
Changing British Attitudes towards the United States in the 1880s
Authors: Tulloch H. A.
Published: June 2009

On returning to England in 1900 after an absence of some thirty-two years, James Ford Rhodes was much surprised by a number of changes he observed, and more particularly by the novel attitude of a number of newspapers and journals which had previously reflected more traditional assumptions and beliefs. Radicals, from Paine and Cobbett, Bentham and the Mills to Cobden, Bright and the Manchester School had traditionally identified America as the precursor of the new millennium. In contrast to this radical tradition was a conservative counter-theme that insisted that within its revolutionary and republican origins lay the seeds of American self-destruction. All such convictions seemed confirmed by the civil war, andThe Timesunder Delane – the apogee of this conservative tradition – continued to prophesy the imminent collapse of the Union throughout most of the war. Yet in 1901 Rhodes noticed a far more sympathetic approach to American matters by the conservativeTimesandSpectator, and their formerly denigrating tone now echoed ironically in the pages of the radicalSpeaker. The purpose of this article is to try to explain some of the intellectual origins of this fundamental realignment, with reference to changing English interpretations of the American race, of the American revolution and of the American constitution, particularly as reflected in James Bryce'sAmerican Commonwealth, the classic exposition of this reinterpretation. This realignment was effected by a small body of academics, jurists and intellectuals whose writings in learned journals, legal textbooks and works of comparative politics lacked extensive appeal.
The Contribution of the Propagandist to Eighteenth-Century Agricultural Improvement
Authors: Horn Pamela
Published: June 2009

Were the knowledge of the ablest farmers in the best-cultivated parts of the island collected, - English Agriculture would be found, at this day, to be far advanced towards perfection… In short, the art of agriculture must ever remain imperfect while it is suffered to languish in the memory, and die with the practitioner: RECORD, only, can perpetuate the art; and SYSTEM, alone, render the science comprehensive. William Marshall, The rural economy of Norfolk, 1 (London, 1787), vi–vii.
‘Latitudinarianism’ and the Restoration Church
Authors: Spurr John
Published: June 2009

Modern historians have been more confident than Restoration Englishmen in stating who the ‘latitudinarians’ were, what they held and where they dwelt. The ‘latitudinarians’ have been described as ‘the central force in the movement toward toleration which came from within the Restoration Church of England’ and as a clerical third force, neither anglican nor puritan, but united in an advocacy of ‘natural theology and rational Christianity’. Their ‘basic convictions’, as summarized by Professor Margaret Jacob, were that

rational argumentation and not faith is the final arbiter of Christian belief and dogma; scientific knowledge and natural philosophy are the most reliable means of explaining creation; and political and ecclesiastical moderation are the only realistic means by which the Reformation will be accomplished.
Liberty, Manners, and Politeness in Early Eighteenth-Century England
Authors: Klein Lawrence E.
Published: June 2009

In the early eighteenth century, the language of politeness became a major fixture of English discourse. Centring on the term ‘politeness’ and consisting of a vocabulary of key words (such as ‘refinement’, ‘manners’, ‘character’, ‘breeding’, and ‘civility’) and a range of qualifying attributes (‘free’, ‘easy’, ‘natural’, ‘graceful’, and many others), the language was used to make a wide range of objects intelligible. Though the word ‘polite’ had been in the English language from at least the fifteenth century, denoting the state of being polished or neat in quite literal and concrete ways, the term entered on its significant career only in the mid-seventeenth century, when it began to convey the meanings of studied social behaviour of the sort inspired by and associated with princely courts. However, in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century, ‘politeness’ grew to cover a range of meanings, considerably freed from the initial association with courts. Several broad categories of usage of the term ‘polite’ are indicative: as a behavioural and moral standard for members of an elite (e.g. ‘polite gentlemen’, ‘polite ladies’, ‘polite society’, ‘polite conversation’); as an aesthetic standard for many kinds of human artifacts and products (e.g. ‘polite arts’, ‘polite towns’, ‘polite learning’, ‘polite buildings’); and as a way of generalizing about and characterizing society and culture (‘polite age’, ‘polite nation’, ‘polite people’). In the latter usage, ‘politeness’ was frequently deployed retrospectively as an attribute of classical civilizations. ‘Politeness’ helped recast the renaissance model of history, in which modernity was separated from its true ancestor, the ancient world, by the vast dark gulf of the middle ages: the ‘politest’ nations were ancient Greece and ancient Rome; the ‘politest’ ages, the spells of Hellenic and Roman creativity.
Significant Silences in Locke'sTwo Treatises of Government: Constitutional History, Contract and Law
Authors: Thompson Martyn P.
Published: June 2009

It is increasingly common in modern literary theory to read that a text's meaning must be elicited from the textual ‘possibilities which arenot said’. At this level of generality, the proposition applies equally to the interpretation of non-literary as literary texts. In this paper, I shall endeavour to illustrate the usefulness of this approach by considering the meaning of Locke's argument inTwo treatisesin terms of things which Locke chose not to say. I shall argue two points. First, I shall suggest that many of the controversies which have arisen in recent years about Locke's meaning have suffered because inadequate attention has been paid to the precise character of a number of silences in Locke's argument. The persistence of an inadequate framework for understanding the character of Englishmen's appeals to an original contract, constitutional law and history in the late seventeenth century will occupy my attention here. Second, I shall suggest that attention to the details of Locke's most significant silences can cast light on current controversies about the intellectual status of Locke's argument. In particular, I shall argue that the current tendency to locateTwo treatiseswithin a context of coded, conspiratorial politics is mistaken.
The Rhetoric and Iconography of Reform: Women Coal Miners in Belgium, 1840–1914
Authors: Hilden Patricia J.
Published: June 2009

Reflecting on the development of industrial capitalism in Europe, Antonio Gramsci wrote:

It is worth drawing attention to the way in which industrialists…have been concerned with the sexual affairs of their employees and with their family arrangements in general. One should not be misled…by the ‘puritanical’ appearance assumed by this concern. The truth is that the new type of man demanded by the rationalization of production and work cannot be developed until the sexual instinct has been suitably regulated and until it too has been rationalized.
Communalism: universal category or ideological construct? a debate in the historiography of early modern Germany and Switzerland
Authors: Scribner R. W.
Published: June 2009

One of the most challenging historical debates in early modern German history of recent years has been the ‘communalism thesis’ propounded by Peter Blickle, a German historian now teaching in Bern. The term ‘communalism’ was coined to designate attempts to achieve autonomous self-government in town and country during the Reformation period, and draws on an older historiographical tradition which stressed an inherent dualism at all levels of constitutional development between a corporate principle and one based on domination (Herrschaft). The former was founded on the equality of all members sharing common rights and obligations in a form of collective association. In late-medieval Germany the basic form of association in both town and country was the commune (Gemeinde), which possessed, or sought to possess, autochthonous rights to regulate its own affairs. This included the administration of justice, maintenance of peace within the community, economic functions such as distribution of common land or grazing, administration of church finances and church fabric, and in some places communal appointment of pastors. All these communal functions were justified by an appeal to the ideal of the ‘common good’ (gemein nutz), to which all individual self-interest (eigen nutz) was to be strictly subordinate. Thus, the commune appeared to be a fundamental building block of premodern German society.
‘The Politics of Good Governance’: Thomas Cromwell and the government of the southwest of England
Authors: Speight Helen M.
Published: June 2009

The aim of this essay is to re-examine the government of the southwest of England in the 1530s in the light of Dr M. Robertson's essay in The Historical Journal (December 1989). Drawing on her research on Thomas Cromwell's political affinity, Dr Robertson argued that Cromwell ‘managed’ southwestern government very effectively through a system of patronage of leading local officeholders. In this essay, this thesis is challenged in two ways using research into southwestern government from a provincial perspective. Firstly, by identifying the officeholding elite of the province, examining its recruitment and tracing its activities, the practical limitations on Cromwell's power and freedom to manoeuvre in his dealings with local government are highlighted. The conclusion follows that it was, in practice, beyond Cromwell's competence to ‘manage’ southwestern government. Secondly, it is argued that ‘management’ from the centre was, in any case, potentially at least, inimical to good governance in this period because it denied local governors the scope for pragmatism and flexibility of action which were essential to effective local policing. Thus, the essay also takes issue with Professor Elton's thesis that Cromwell's revolutionary handling of local government was the key to the successful enforcement of the Reformation in the 1530s.
Henry VIII's will: the protectorate provisions of 1546–7
Authors: Ives E. W.
Published: June 2009

Dr Houlbrooke's overall acceptance of the genuineness of Henry VIII's will is welcomed but his hypothesis about the protectorate is qualified, (i) Paget's testimony is shown not to indicate that the ‘gifts clause’ was added to the will after 12 January 1547. (ii) Corrections to the paper which underlies Paget's statement suggest that the distribution of honours under the clause related to Henry's wish to establish the Seymour faction, not to support for the protectorate. (iii) Moves towards the latter were only implemented when Henry's death was imminent, (iv) There is a plausible case to suspect jobbery then and (v) at the stage of the second protectorate, (vi) It is argued that in interpreting Henry's will, we must see (a) faction as intrinsic to court politics and (b) Henry VIII's religious policy as inherently and-traditional.
Yorkshire Liberalism during the First World War
Authors: Bernstein George L.
Published: June 2009

For some time now, the narrative of the Liberal party's demise during the First World War has been fairly firmly defined. The war imposed strains on liberal ideology by forcing Liberals to compromise long-cherished policies such as free trade, a free market and a volunteer army. Concurrently, a growing division among Liberals emerged over how to conduct the war. H. H. Asquith and his supporters were increasingly reluctant to accept further compromises of voluntarism and the market mechanism for allocating resources; David Lloyd George and his supporters demanded massive government intervention in every aspect of the economy to mobilize the nation for total war. The replacement of Asquith by Lloyd George as prime minister in December 1916 marked the triumph of the latter approach. Traditional liberalism as a practical ideology of government was now discredited. The Liberal party was left with no unity or purpose. The leaders disliked and distrusted each other; there was no agreement on policy or the future direction of the party. Thus, it was in no position by the end of the war to compete with the resurgent Conservative and Labour parties for the allegiance of the British voter.
‘On the Safe and Right Lines’: The Lloyd George Government and the Origins of the League of Nations, 1916–1918
Authors: Yearwood Peter
Published: June 2009

The success of wartime governments in the twentieth century is determined not just by their effectiveness in waging war, but also by their ability to plan for peace. Mobilizing the population for total war and winning the benevolent neutrality or active support of major uncommitted powers require the projection of a vision of a better, peaceful world which will be the necessary consequence of victory. The reordering of international society is therefore proclaimed as a war aim of each belligerent. By December 1916, when Lloyd George displaced Asquith, the desirability of establishing a league of nations was already a matter of serious popular and diplomatic discussion. The new administration almost immediately had to state its attitude on questions of post-war international organization. In launching his peace initiative President Wilson called for the establishment after the war of a ‘league of nations to insure peace and justice’. The joint reply of the Entente powers endorsed the setting up of such a body. In a separate commentary, which was given wide publicity in America, the foreign secretary, A. J. Balfour, explained that, as a condition of durable peace, ‘behind international law, and behind all treaty arrangements for preventing or limiting hostilities, some form of international sanction should be devised which would give pause to the hardiest aggressor’.