bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Two Notes on Sophocles
Authors: Young George
Published: May 2006

I HAVE lately spent some time in the locality in endeavouring to ascertain the true meaning of the passages concerned, which are as follows :

Three commentators, a Scholiast, Col. Leake, and Sir R. C Jebb, have devoted some attention to this matter, the two latter following the first, in part or altogether, in conclusions, with which I find myself at variance. The wrong view was blindly followed by myself in my translation.

I doubt if sufficient attention has been paid to the dramatic conditions of the problem to be solved. What had Sophocles in view, in planning this incident, and in writing these passages? He was proposing (1) to add interest to the action of the play by the conduct, behind the scenes, of a flight and capture along roads well known to his audience; and (2) to utilise this incident so as to bring out in Theseus the characteristic of thorough practical efficiency as a putter down of violence. Interpretations which make Theseus appear incompetent, or which militate against obvious facts of topography, should not be lightly hazarded; neither must we conclude, however we may be unable to explain the allusions, that they were not clear to an Athenian audience, or that Sophocles and his audience did not care that they should be clear.
Inscriptions from Crete
Authors: Myres John L.
Published: May 2006

The inscriptions which follow were copied during a short tour in the west of Crete during July and August, 1893. So far as I know they are unpublished, but I trust I shall be pardoned if I have missed any previous notice of any of them. I saw and verified all those published in B.C.H. xiii. 68 ff. and that in the Syllogos at Retimo, id. 47. The type used below is selected so as to represent each individual letter as nearly as possible, without regard to the conventional printers' alphabets. The result is an apparent mixture of incongruous forms, which is however largely duo to the very irregular lettering actually in use in the remoter parts of Crete in the later Greek periods.

1. On a block of fine-grained blue marble, the base of a stele: 31 cm. high, 40 broad, and 46 long: the back and left side broken: original length at least 70 cm., for the socket for the stele is 22 cm. distant from the perfect (right) side face, and is continued to the left beyond the break. The inscription consists of four elegiac couplets; the first line is cut close to the upper edge of the stone, and is consequently much effaced. The letters average 10 mm. in height and breadth, and are of the third or late fourth century.
The Hymn to Apollo: an Essay in the Homeric Question
Authors: Verrall A. W.
Published: May 2006

If the Hymns of Homer are, as probably they are, comparatively little regarded as a rule even by those who take a general interest in Greek literature and its history, this is certainly not for want of artistic merit, and still less for want of historic importance. However widely students have differed, or may differ, in their conclusions about this enigmatic collection, it is an undoubted fact, and worth insisting upon when every day a wider and more popular audience is invited to form a judgment on matters of criticism, that any theory of ‘Homer’, to be entertainable, must make its account with the Hymns not less than with the more celebrated epics. For the sake of this larger bearing, if not for the sake of the poem itself, the reader may be disposed to consider and weigh the following reflexions upon Homer's Hymn to Apollo.
The Paintings by Panaenus on the Throne of the Olympian Zeus
Authors: Gardner E. A.
Published: May 2006

In the elaborate description which Pausanias gives of the throne of the Olympian Zeus, few parts have given rise to so much discussion and so much difference of opinion as the paintings by Panaenus, the brother of Phidias. It has been disputed both where they were placed, and how they were arranged.

It is the aim of the present paper to propose a new composition for this series of paintings, and, by doing so, to justify an old and recently somewhat discredited view as to the position in which they were placed. The cuts which are added serve to illustrate this new suggestion and to make clearer its advantages over those which have been previously made. The restoration of one side (p. 240), which has been very kindly drawn by a friend, must not, of course, be taken as an attempt to reproduce exactly the designs of Panaenus. But, since the groups or the figures that compose them are derived from fifth century works of Greek art, they may well give us a notion of the conditions, as to space and balance of figures, that determine the whole composition; and these conditions may be applied with some confidence, when we remember how closely even the greatest artists of this period often adhered to the accepted scheme for any group or subject.
The Tarsian Orations of Dio Chrysostom
Authors: Callander T.
Published: May 2006

The town of Prusa, of which Dio was a native, stood in a fertile valley in Western Bithynia near Mt. Olympus. To this day the country round Brusa is remarkably rich and beautiful and here were situated the vineyards and farms which belonged to Dio's family. His grandfather was a distinguished sophist, τὴν γὰρ οὐσίαν ἣν εἴχε πατρῴαν καὶ παππῴαν ἅπασαν εἰς φιλοτιμίαν ἀναλώσας, ὥστε μηδὲν ἔχειν λοιπόν, ἑτέραν ἐκτήσατο ἀπò παιδείας καì παρὰ τῶν αὐτοκρατόρων: and the sophistical or rhetorical bias of Dio's education is clearly reflected in his earlier speeches. It mattered little that the study of the classics formed part of the average education: his reading everywhere would be directed by teachers who held the ordinary sophistical view that exact thinking and deep study unfit a man for practical life and that success is achieved by those who have acquired the art of making a skilful and impressive use of ideas which do not differ materially from those of the ordinary citizen. In the view of this school philosophical epideixis was only a small part of sophistic, and Stoics, Cynics, Epicureans, Platonists, and Peripatetics were only dry-as-dust schoolmasters and pedants who, differing in everything else, united in disparaging the universal culture of the Sophists.
The History of the Names Hellas, Hellenes
Authors: Bury J. B.
Published: May 2006

It has sometimes occurred that a specious explanation of a fact, or a specious amendment of an error, has established itself so firmly in the court of history, that no one dreamed of disputing its claim to be unquestionably correct. At last, by accident, a doubt arises in some one's mind; and, after enjoying a long protracted success, the universally received solution, when its antecedents are investigated and its implications realized, turns out to be wholly ‘impossible.’ It may be easily shown, I think, that such is the case with the traditional explanation of the extension of the names Hellas and Hellen to the wide signification which they bore since the seventh century B.C. This explanation has had the inestimable advantage of resting on the authority of Thucydides; and it belongs to that class of explanations which merely require to be stated in order to recommend themselves, and which the human mind is accordingly inclined to accept unreflectingly. It has come to be regarded as a commonplace historical fact; yet it is noteworthy that in some recent histories of Greece it is simply stated that the Greeks adopted Hellenes as a common name, without any suggestion of an answer to the obvious question why that name was chosen rather than another. The authors apparently felt some difficulty in accepting the exposition of Thucydides. E. Meyer seems to have realized the difficulty more fully, and some remarks which he offers on the point will call for notice. In this paper I propose to exhibit the difficulties which render the received view untenable, and to put forward another explanation in its stead.
The Boston Counterpart of the ‘Ludovisi Throne’
Authors: Gardner E. A.
Published: May 2006

The counterpart of the well-known ‘Ludovisi Throne’ now that it is exhibited in Boston, and has been admirably published in the Berlin Antike Denkmäler, is accessible to study and criticism, and has naturally attracted a great deal of attention. All further discussion must be based upon that published by Prof. Studniczka, who gives an accurate and sympathetic description, a full quotation of illustrative material, and a judicious and convincing criticism of earlier theories. There is, however, one aspect of the matter which he passes over very lightly, and this is the question of the genuineness of the new portion now in Boston, as a portion of the same structure with the Ludovisi relief in the Terme at Rome. He refers, indeed, to some doubts that had been expressed; but he thinks they are not to be taken seriously, and are sufficiently refuted by his general discussion of the monument: he regards them, in fact, as on a level with the doubt at first expressed by some authorities as to the genuine archaic character of the Ludovisi relief. The question cannot, however, be dismissed so lightly. The beauty and simplicity of the Ludovisi relief have almost universally impressed artists and amateurs as well as archaeologists; and these qualities are conspicuously absent from the Boston portion, their place being taken by an affected and complex composition and a mingled collection of types, some of them archaic, some of them showing the influence of later art. The artistic impression produced is so different that it seems worth while to analyse its sources; and it is particularly to be noted that Prof. Studniczka's learned and exhaustive study fails to produce any very close parallels to the subject and character of the work.
The Sculptures of the Later Temple of Artemis at Ephesus
Authors: Lethaby W. R.
Published: May 2006

The sculptured drums of the columns of the Ephesian temple are important works both in scale and in beauty. Each of them was nearly twenty feet in circumference and six feet high. The most perfect of the drums, now in the British Museum, had eight life-size figures filling this space (Fig. 1); one of them is obviously Hermes, and the drum which bears it may conveniently be named from this figure.
Heracles and the Apples of the Hesperides: A New Type
Authors: McDowall K. A.
Published: May 2006

Of all types of Heracles in Greek art, that with the apples of the Hesperides is perhaps the most familiar. Yet in the archaic period it scarcely occurs, and even in the fifth century, though the scene is often represented among the Labours, when accessory figures are consequently present, there are few examples of the hero holding the apples in free sculpture. With the fourth century, however, the subject becomes common, for it is to Lysippus and his followers that we owe the type of the Wearied Heracles holding the apples, which has given rise to the popular conception. That this became the stock representation to the ancient world as to the modern we learn from Suidas καὶ γράφουσι δορὰν λέοντος φοροῦντα, καὶ ῥόπαλον φέροντα, καί γε μῆλα κρατοῦντα. The earliest representation of the type, best known from the Heracles Farnese, appears to be on a tetradrachm of Alexander, and there can be little doubt that its origin is due to Lysippus. The replica in the Pitti bears the inscription ΛΥΣΙΠΠΟΥ ΕΡΓΟΝ.
Inscriptions from Astypalaea
Authors: Rouse W. H. D.
Published: May 2006

1. Found in the ground of Michael Palatianos at Martezana; now in a lime-store at Peragialós (the local name for the port or Skala): on the left side of a piece of marble which served as the lintel of a tomb, carved with a simple cornice. 1·27 × 0·31 × 0·17: letters 0·015 regular and carefully cut, equal in size except that and project beyond the lines.

sic for

Beneath the lintel, placed so as to be read under the doorway by those issuing out, i.e. in the reverse of the epitaph, in large letters 0·025.
Fresh Evidence for Τ
Authors: Foat F. W. G.
Published: May 2006

Since the appearance of my article Tsade and Sampi in the preceding issue of this journal, a discovery highly important for the history of ‘Tsade’ has been made in the course of excavations at Ephesus by Mr. D. G. Hogarth, to whose kindness I owe the following information.

On a silver plate found in the primitive stratum of the Artemision, below the Croesus temple, there is an inscription in which Τ occurs thrice, in the words τέΤαρες and τέΤαρες forming part of sentences in Ionic Greek.

The position of the objects found in relation to the Croesus temple makes 550 B.C., the beginning of the reign of Croesus, the absolute terminus of date on the lower side: there is, I understand, little doubt that the inscription belongs to the latter part of the 7th century B.C.
The Persian Friends of Herodotus
Authors: Wells J.
Published: May 2006

From what sources did Herodotus draw the materials for his history? At what date or dates did he compose it? These inquiries have an endless fascination for the student of Herodotus, which is not lessened by the fact that they admit of no certain answer. The combinations which will be suggested in this paper have, so far as I know, not been suggested before; but if, as is extremely likely, they have already been made, there is always a certain interest in the fact that two inquirers, working independently, have come to the same conclusions.

It is not necessary to give evidence of the fact that Herodotus himself was highly satisfied with his own sources of information as to Persian history, and that he considered he could speak with authority upon it. (Cf. e.g. i. 95.) Nor is it necessary to give evidence for the view that Herodotus had on some points official or semi-official Persian information: e.g. in his account of the satrapies in Bk. III., of the Royal Road in Bk. V., and of the Persian army in Bk. VII.

These two points will be assumed, and also that Herodotus is a trustworthy witness, that he reports truly what he has heard, without exaggeration or suppression, and that he had some idea of the differing value of various witnesses.
Inscriptions from the Cyzicus District, 1906
Authors: Hasluck F. W.
Published: May 2006

[Routes followed: (a) Panderma, Mihallitch, Kermasti, Kavakly, Susurlu, Eski Manyas, Yeni Manyas, Alexa, Panderma; (b) Panderma, Erdek, Karabogha, Gunen, Pomak Keui, Hautcha, Panderma; (c) Soma, Balukiser, Mudania, Brusa.]

1. Panderma, in private possession: stele 0·40×0·25 m., top broken, with relief:—

(1.) Worshipper with sheep; altar; (r.) Apollo standing, with kithara in left hand, patera in right. Below (letters 015):

The relief is of a type very commonly found in the district; cf. J.H.S. xxiii. 87 (39), xxiv. 20 (1), xxv. 58 (13).
Peparethus and its Coinage
Authors: Wroth Warwick
Published: May 2006

The Plate which illustrates this article represents a series of silver coins, Nos. 1–8, which bear a strong family likeness. They are all tetradrachms of the Euboic standard, and each displays on the obverse a peculiar bunch of grapes which would have excited even the infantine ridicule of the humblest painter of Dutch fruit-pieces. Two of these coins, Pl. IV. 2 and 8, both recent acquisitions of the British Museum, are unpublished, and present new types. Nos. 9–11 are bronze coins of Peparethus.

In type and style the most remarkable of these coins is Pl. IV. 1 = Fig. A. This piece was found in the island of Cos, but Mr. Barclay Head, who first made it known in 1891, attributed it in a very ingenious and learned paper to Cyrene. This attribution carried with it the assignment to Cyrene of the types here figured as Pl. IV. 3 (and 5), 4 (and 6), because all three types were found to be united together by a concatenation of dies.
Inscriptions from Lycia
Authors: Ormerod H. A. , Robinson E. S. G.
Published: May 2006

The following inscriptions were copied on a journey made in April and May, 1911, in Lycia. We were accompanied throughout by Mr. Nikola Michael Ferteklis of Adalia, to whom our best thanks are due. We have also to acknowledge assistance from Mr. Tod and Mr. Woodward in the publication of the texts, and from Mr. Arkwright in the interpretation of the Lycian fragment from the Fellendagh (No. 29), and with certain of the names. Our other obligations are noted in their place. An accident to one of our horses, while we were crossing the Xanthus marshes on the way to Patara, damageda great part of our squeeze paper and we have had in a number of cases to rely only on our copies. It has seemed better therefore to state the cases where we had an impression, and where we had only a copy on which to rely.
The Double Flutes
Authors: Curtis J.
Published: May 2006

If we are seeking an authoritative solution of the outstanding problems of ancient Greek music, it would seem that the most valuable assistance could be got from a consideration of the αὐλός, inasmuch as specimens more or less complete are to be found in plenty, scattered through the museums of different countries: in practice, this study has been found the most puzzling of all. Though many of the bodies of such flutes have been found, the mechanism of the mouthpiece, at once the most important and the most perishable portion of the instrument, has naturally disappeared, and all hope of extraneous aid from vase-pictures seems to vanish when we notice that in all the later pictures the mouth of the player, and consequently the mouthpiece of the instrument, is hidden by the ϕορβεία, a band passing across the mouth, and encircling the head of the player.

Still I hope to show that not all these difficulties are insuperable: for example, much of the mystery of the ϕορβεία disappears when we see two terracotta figures of dancers wearing the ϕορβεία without the flutes. It is then clear that this band held the flutes rigidly in place, and we are able to form some conclusion as to the shape of the mouthpieces; but this will be discussed later.
The Date of Hesiod
Authors: Allen T. W.
Published: May 2006

Ogni strada, we are told, ogni strada men' a Roma. The roads which lead to Homer, an older goal than the Shrine of the Apostles, are nearly as many. One of them, not the most followed, runs through the literature of the historical centuries. When I say historical, I must observe that I use a term and make a distinction unknown to antiquity. To the ancients Homer was as historical as Pindar, the people of whom he sang were as historical as Pindar's patrons, often their descendants. The μυθῶδες or untrue element which the Greeks noticed in their poetry did not touch the individuals or the events; it was detected in violations of ascertained natural laws, such as the divine interference in ordinary life and the three daily tides of Charybdis. It is the modern world which has set a gulf the other side of Archilochus or Terpander beyond which persons are not found and all we descry is Gods in the making, bloody rites, and commercial movements which have come down to us under a false anthropomorphic and individualistic guise. It is difficult to shake off these modern prepossessions, to realise that the Greek world before 700 was not lit by corpse-candles, a dim field of legal fictions, eponymous and heraldic ancestors, but as human and positive as Phidon with his weights and measures and Solon with his code—as human and positive as the buildings, jewels and vessels which that world has left us. We are reluctant to admit that our ignorance of Lycurgus differs only in degree from our knowledge of Pisistratus, increasing in proportion to lapse of time and such accidental circumstances as the absence of written records.
The Samians at Zancle-Messana
Authors: Dodd C. H.
Published: May 2006

In this article it is proposed to examine the available numismatic evidence relating to the settlement of Samians at Zancle, and the change of the name of the city to Messana, and to suggest possible lines along which a reconstruction of the events might proceed.

It will be well first to review such literary evidence as we possess. The earliest such evidence is found in Herodotus. He gives at length the story of the Samian settlement. After the battle of Lade, which ruined the cause of the revolted Ionians, the Samian oligarchs (οἵ τι ἔχοντες) decided to abandon their city and sail away to found a colony elsewhere, rather than stay and endure the oppression of Aeaces, their old tyrant, restored under Persian influence (ἐς ἀποικίην ἐκπλέειν μηδὲ μένοντας Μήδοισί τε καὶ Αἰάκεῖδουλεύειν). Now the men of Zancle in Sicily had sent a general invitation to the Ionians to come to the West and settle at the Fair Shore (Καλὴν ᾿ Ακτὴν ἐᾶν χαίρειν), a Sicel possession on the north coast of Sicily. The Samians accordingly decided to accept the invitation.
Some Unpublished Attic Inscriptions
Authors: Woodward Arthur M.
Published: May 2006

I include in this paper seven Attic inscriptions, all previously unpublished with the exception of No. 5, which was published, from an incomplete copy, by Köhler in the Corpus (I.G. ii. 89). The first three are in the Athens Epigraphical Museum, the other four in the Acropolis Museum. The latter will be republished shortly in the catalogue of the Acropolis Museum, at present being undertaken by the British School at Athens, but owing to limitations of space I am unable to discuss in its pages the points raised by them with the fulness that is desirable. Nos. 2 and 3 owe their appearance here to their connexion with No. 4, which is a fragment of one of the records of the ‘traditiones rerum sacrarum’ of Athena and the other deities: for, while studying the other inscriptions of this class in the Epigraphical Museum, I found Nos. 2 and 3, which also belong to it, among the miscellaneous unpublished fragments, and therefore include them together here. The discovery of No. 1 was even more accidental, but the fact, which one could not fail to recognize at once, that it was a fragment of the famous ‘Quota-lists’ is enough to justify its publication here. I wish to acknowledge the kindness of Dr. Kavvadias, Ephor-general of Antiquities, and Mr. Leonardos, Ephor of the Epigraphical Museum, to whom I am indebted for permission to publish these inscriptions, of Dr. Anton von Premerstein of the Austrian Archaeological Institute for his ready help and advice, and of Mr. M. N. Tod for reading the proofs of this article and making several important corrections.
The Marmara Islands
Authors: Hasluck F. W.
Published: May 2006

The islands of the Marmara group, of which the largest are Marmara, Pasha Liman, Aphisia, and Koútali, lie north and west of the Cyzicene peninsula in the sea to which they give their name. The following account is derived from my own gleanings during a short stay in Marmara and Pasha Liman (1907), supplemented from the detailed monograph published by M. Manuel Gedeon of the Greek Patriarchate, who visited all the islands of the group in 1894, studying chiefly the Byzantine and later antiquities.
Dionysus and the Satyr of Tripod-Street
Authors: White Hugh G. Evelyn
Published: May 2006

In his description of the Street of Tripods at Athens Pausanias notices certain important works of art by Praxiteles. The passage has given rise to much dispute. The author states that in this street was preserved that Satyr of which Praxiteles was very proud, and quotes an anecdote to show that the artist ranked it with the Thespian Eros as one of his masterpieces. He then concludes with the words:—Φρύνη μὲν οῦτω τὸν ᾿´Ερωτα αίρεῖταιΔιονύσῳ δὲ ἐν τῷ ναῷ τῷ πλησίον Σάτυρός ἐστι παῖς καὶ δίδωσιν ἔκπωμα᾿´Ερωτα δ᾿ ἑστηκότα ὁμοῦ καὶ Δίονυσον Θυμίλος ἐποίησε

Three important questions arise out of this concluding passage:—(1) Is the ᾿´Ερωτα δ᾿ ἑστηκότα ὁμοῦ καὶ Δίονυσον Θυμίλος ἐποίησε by Praxiteles? (2) If so, is it to be distinguished from the Satyr of the anecdote? (3) Was it associated, as part of a group, with the statues by Thymilus? The aim of the present paper is to show (a) that the first and second of these questions should be answered in the affirmative, the third in the negative; (b) that the Satyr, however, did not stand alone, but was grouped with a figure of Dionysus; and to suggest a restoration of this group.
Nauarch and Nesiarch
Authors: Tarn W. W.
Published: May 2006

The conclusion here reached, regarding the government of the Aegean under Ptolemy II, is as follows. The sea and all the Egyptian fleets were under the sole control of one nauarchos or admiral; he had, in addition, the powers that would have been exercised by the strategos or general of the Islands, had one existed; the two offices together made him almost a viceroy of the Sea, and he exercised a general control over the Islands. As the islands gradually passed from Egypt, it is possible that the office of nauarch remained attached to the strategia of those that remained: when this strategia finally vanished and Egypt retired from the Aegean, the office of nauarch became attached to another strategia, that of Cyprus. The nesiarch, on the other hand, had no military authority and very little power; he was the Ptolemaic Resident.

I will take the nesiarch first.

We know of three; (1) Bacchon son of Nicetas, a Boeotian, about 280, a contemporary of Philocles, king of the Sidonians; (2) Hermias, possibly of Halicarnassus, who founded the festival at Delos in honour of Arsinoe Philadelphos, afterwards known as the Philadelpheia, the first vase of which appears under the archon Meilichides II. (267), and who therefore was probably Bacchon's successor; and (3) Apollodorus son of Apollonius of Cyzicus, who was a private person in 279, and was nesiarch some time later, and who probably succeeded Hermias, though it is also conceivable that he may have preceded him.
Penalties in Lycian Epitaphs of Hellenistic and Roman Times
Authors: Arkwright W.
Published: May 2006

It is well known that a large proportion of the Greek epitaphs of Lycia contain a clause by which any person making any burial unauthorised by the founder of the tomb becomes liable to pay a named sum to some corporation, whether public (as the δῆμος, the πόλις, or the imperial treasury) or religious (as the temple of some god), or a powerful association (as the γερουσία).

This liability was not (as might be supposed) a fine imposed by the state in punishment of a criminal offence. Illegal burial was indeed (at least under the Roman government) a crime at law, and was punishable by a fine; but this fine is expressly distinguished from the sum due to the πόλις and the δῆμος. The penalty in question does not, in fact, represent a fine at all, but damages to be recovered by a civil action. This explains the wide variation in the sums specified, and the otherwise unaccountable fact that the amount is fixed by the builder of the tomb. It stands for the value which he placed on the possession of the tomb, modified, probably, by his estimate of the damages which the court was likely to grant.
The Daimon of the Persian King
Authors: Taylor Lily Ross
Published: May 2006

In discussing the Persian worship of the king's daimon in J.H.S., 1927, p. 54, I cited the following passage from Isocrates's Panegyricus (151): θνητὸνμὲν ἄνδρα προσκυνοῦντες καὶ δαίμονα προσαγορεύοντες By an error, the origin of which I am at a loss to understand, I inserted the article τόν before δαίμονα and accordingly misinterpreted the words. The meaning is, of course, ‘paying obeisance to mortal man and calling him daimon.’ The passage cannot, therefore, be cited as evidence for the cult of the personal daimon of the Persian king.

The significance of the evidence provided by the quotations from Theopompus and from the Artaxerxes of Plutarch is not affected by the fact that the words of Isocrates do not apply to the same cult. There is indeed another reference to the subject in Plutarch, this time in the life of Themistocles, which I have chanced to find recently. In the description of Themistocles's reception at the Persian court (chap. xxix), the chiliarch is represented as saying in wrath to Themistocles: ὄφις ῾´Ελλην ὁ ποικίλος ὁ βασιλέως σε δαίμων δεῦροἤγαηεν The story is, of course, of dubious historical value, but it is evident that in some one of the numerous sources which he cites in this part of the Themistocles, Plutarch found expression of the Persian belief in the idea of the king's daimon.
Cornelius Nepos on Marathon and Paros
Authors: How W. W.
Published: May 2006

It might seem waste of labour to examine minutely an account of the battle of Marathon and the Parian expedition so late as that contained in the brief life of Miltiades ascribed to Cornelius Nepos, more especially as I must confess that the results of my enquiry are in the main negative, and that such positive conclusions as I reach have not the charm of novelty, but serve merely to strengthen theories already well known, and in England at least widely accepted. But this late epitome is almost the only consecutive narrative of these events outside the pages of Herodotus. Marathon was sung by poets, and bespattered with rhetoric by patriotic orators, but such historical accounts as there once were of the battle have perished, save for the still later epitome of Trogus Pompeius made by Justin. Again there is good reason to think that Cornelius Nepos is here following the fourth-century historian Ephorus. This is manifestly the case in his account of the Parian expedition, the kernel of which is little more than a translation of the fragment of Ephorus preserved in Stephanus of Byzantium s.v. Paros. That Nepos drew his story of Marathon from the same source is the general, and as I shall hope to show, the right opinion, though it has been denied by Dr. E. Meyer. Further, the view of the campaign and the conception of the battle to be found in Nepos have been accepted as historical by many of the highest authorities in Germany, e.g., by Drs. H. Delbrück, G. Busolt, and in the main by Dr. E. Meyer.
The Bacchae
Authors: Glover M. R.
Published: May 2006

The Bacchae remains a puzzle. It is hard to be content with an interpretation of the play which makes Dionysus the hero, and even approximates him to Christ. Dionysus is more like Judas; he fondles the man whom he means to kill (1. 933). It is equally hard to believe that he is, as Pentheus said, a mere human hypnotist, a γόης ἐπῳδὸς (1.234) and an impostor. For the play is the story of how Pentheus, acting on that belief, was ruined utterly.

I propose to argue, first, that Euripides is here, as elsewhere, a realist, giving us a picture of Dionysus worship as it really was; and that the miracles are meant as evidence of the presence of some supernatural power; and secondly, that if we want to know his judgment on that religion, we shall come nearest his thought, if not his vocabulary, in saying that it seemed to him devilish.
The Progress of Greek Epigraphy, 1925–1926
Authors: Tod Marcus N.
Published: May 2006

In the following pages I have tried to give a brief survey of the progress of epigraphical discovery and discussion during the years 1925 and 1926, following the order of the Inscriptions Graecae in dealing with inscriptions discovered in European lands and that of the Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum in the case of those found in Asia or Africa. I have included reviews only in exceptional cases, because they afford summaries of books not generally accessible or because they make some original contribution to the study in question.

During the years under review death has taken a heavy toll among epigraphists, especially in France, which has been bereft of three outstanding scholars—P. Foucart, T. Homolle and B. Haussoullier.
Archaeology in Greece, 1926–27
Authors: Woodward A. M.
Published: May 2006

This article follows the arrangement of its predecessors, and includes an account of all the excavations in Greek lands of which I have received particulars since my last report was completed. As the total number of undertakings concerned amounts to more than thirty, some of my summaries have inevitably suffered in the process of compression, but I trust that nothing of outstanding importance has been passed over.

At Corinth, during the spring and summer of 1926, the American School carried out excavations in four different areas: at the Theatre, on Acrocorinth, on the Temple hill and on the Lechaion Road. An account of Dr. T. L. Shear's work at the Theatre appeared in my last report. On Acrocorinth, Dr. C. W. Blegen examined the highest point of the rock in search of the Temple of Aphrodite mentioned by Pausanias. Though many worked poros blocks were found, it is disappointing that not one was in situ, and cuttings in the rock and numerous architectural fragments are the only indications that there had been a Greek building on this site, which was occupied later by a Byzantine church. The small objects found include Geometric, Protocorinthian and Corinthian pottery, three terra-cotta figurines, two pieces of marble sculpture and a fragmentary inscription.
The Antimenes Painter
Authors: Beazley J. D.
Published: May 2006

I should have liked to begin what I hope will be a series of essays on black-figure artists, not with the Antimenes painter, but with one of those bold congeners of Euphronios and Euthymides to whom Buschor has recently drawn attention. But these, as it turned out, presented unexpected difficulties, so I begin with the Antimenes painter.

I name him after the inscription on a vase in Leyden, a hydria with a representation of youths washing which has always seemed to me one of the prettiest of black-figure pictures. The vase has been published twice, first by Roulez in very imperfect drawings, lately by the lutrologist Sudhoff in good photographs. New photographs, which I owe to the kindness of Miss Brants, bring out some details obscure in Sudhoff (although in other points Sudhoff is superior), and give the proportions of the figures better, for in Sudhoff the lower parts are somewhat foreshortened.
The Date of the Nike of Samothrace
Authors: Lawrence A. W.
Published: May 2006

The problem of the Nike has long been confused by Benndorf's theory that it is the Victory represented on the coin of Demetrius Poliorcetes of c. 306. ‘But,’ it has been said, ‘the statue has no connection with the coin, for a detailed study of the neck and fragments of the right shoulder reveals the impossibility of the trumpet-blowing attitude. The right hand and arm are raised high and backwards, probably with a victor's wreath.’ It may be objected that the condition of the statue does not admit of absolute proof; while the fact that the coin does not show a mantle such as the statue had is poor evidence against the identity of the figures, for small variations must be expected in coins of Hellenic period. A more valid argument against the connexion with Demetrius lies in the circumstance that Samothrace belonged to Lysimachus, who was a bitter personal enemy and would not have allowed the setting up of a trophy on his ground. Benndorf's interpretation must accordingly be given up. Klein produced a theory that the statue was of the time of Mithradates, and then he changed his views on the development of ‘ancient rococo art’ and said it was a Rhodian memorial for the Battle of Actium; but a gigantic Rhodian monument for a Roman civil war would hardly be met with on a distant island, and when Augustus himself wanted a good Nike he had to use an old one from Tarentum.
A Gold Vase of Early Helladic Type
Authors: Childe V. Gordon
Published: May 2006

The identification of the Early Helladic civilisation has been the most notable advance made in Greek prehistory since the war. Our knowledge of this earliest Aegean culture on the Mainland is still very fragmentary. But the Louvre has possessed for nearly fifty years a precious document which can now be assigned its true place and sheds an unexpected light on the epoch. It is a gold ‘sauce-boat’ of the form already so familiar in clay at Korakou and Tiryns. Thanks to the courtesy of M. Etienne Michon, Conservator of the Greek and Roman Antiquities, I am permitted to publish this remarkable object (Fig. 1).

Save for the handle, our vase has been beaten out of a single piece of metal. The walls are exceedingly thin, not more than ·3 mm. thick, but, as with the gold beakers from Troy, measuring more at the rim, the edge being ·9 mm. across. The base is cupped to form a ring foot, a procedure also adopted by Trojan and Sumerian metal-workers. The handle is formed by a strip of gold with rectangular cross section, flattened at either end to receive the rivets which attach it to the vase. Its three outer sides are engraved with a herringbone pattern. The complete vessel weighs 125·2 grammes.
The Origin of the Greek Minuscule Hand
Authors: Allen T. W.
Published: May 2006

I propound a question which I cannot answer. The period at which the Greek minuscule hand came into the world withdraws itself from direct evidence, and can only be approached by induction from dates apparently considerably distant. I have, however, facts to detail which do not seem to have been combined elsewhere, and which admit of a conclusion which I believe has not been drawn. And though the conclusion may not be right, the subject is of enough importance to justify a guess. With all the discoveries of papyrus and the survivals of uncial, the minuscule hand of the ninth to the sixteenth centuries is that in which we read nearly all our Greek classics, and imitated by the first printers has given us our present-day Greek type and modern Greek writing.

No tradition remained in Greece of the place, manner, or date of the origin of this hand. Of late a mistranscription of a sentence in the fourteenth century MS. Canonici graec. 23 by Cramer (An. Ox. iv. 400. 5) has given rise to some singular speculations (Gardthausen, Gr. Pal., p. 205).
The Subject of the Ludovisi and Boston Reliefs
Authors: Richter Gisela M. A.
Published: May 2006

An unsolved problem has a peculiar fascination in archaeology as elsewhere. It compels our interest, and we come back to it again and again to try and find a solution. The Ludovisi and Boston Reliefs have presented us with many such puzzles and have consequently been the subject of much discussion. The two most important publications of these monuments—Studniczka's in the Jahrbuch des deutschen archäologischen Instituts, 1911, pp. 50–192, and Caskey's in the American Journal of Archaeology, 1918, pp. 101 ff.—have dealt at length with the numerous points involved and many of these have now been satisfactorily solved. The identification of the subjects represented on the reliefs, however, especially of those in Boston, is still only tentative. As Mr. Caskey says, ‘none of the numerous attempts to interpret the reliefs has met with unqualified acceptance.’ To the many explanations which have been advanced I am going to add still another, which to me at least seems the simplest, the most natural, and for that reason the most probable.
The Parthenos
Authors: Lethaby W. R.
Published: May 2006

The recent publication of fragments of ivory statues in the J.H.S. has turned my thoughts to the Parthenos. It would be desirable to build up as complete a description as possible of this masterpiece of the world's art—a sort of verbal restoration, and I venture to offer the following notes as a basis for correction. To do the work thoroughly would be an elaborate piece of indexing evidences from a great number of authorities, a task for which I am in no way qualified.

The fragments just mentioned make the ivory part of the great work much more real to us, they show the polished surface, the accurate working of the joints in planes which must have been joined by glue, the colouring of lips and nostrils and the insertion of eyes in different materials. The colossal image must, as Furtwängler remarked, have been completed without the gold and ivory.
Hellenistic Sculpture from Cyrene
Authors: Bagnani Gilbert
Published: May 2006

Exactly ten years ago the Italian Government wrested the territory of Tripolitania from the Turks, and the hope was at once entertained that archaeology, safe from the blind fanaticism that had so seriously hindered former expeditions, might reap a rich harvest from the ruins of the famous cities of the Pentapolis, and especially from Cyrene. This hope has not been disappointed. I do not intend to study here the recent discoveries under the Hellenistic Temple of Apollo of the remains of the Temple celebrated by Pindar, nor to anticipate the prospects of discovering its stips votiva, or of finding the site of the earliest necropolis. To study the former we must await the completion and publication of the excavations; to justify the latter a far more settled state of the country is indispensable. I will therefore limit myself in this paper to the discussion of some of the numerous statues discovered that can be ascribed to the Hellenistic age.
A Lydian Text on an Electrum Coin
Authors: Buckler W. H.
Published: May 2006

By the kindness of the owner, Mr. Arthur Bernard Cook, an inscribed electrum coin of the well-known ‘lion’ type is depicted in Fig. 1; its inscription, which exists only in part on the examples in other cabinets, appears to be complete. In the list below, the Keeper of the Department of Coins in the British Museum describes the specimens known in various sizes—Mr. Cook's being No. 5—and shows that the series has been attributed either to Lydia or to an Ionian city. The inscription seems to have been originally the same on all these specimens; it was, however, omitted from the collection of texts in Lydian script (Sardis, VI. ii. p. vii, note 1), because the uncertainty of the reading on the coins then available made its Lydian character doubtful and precluded the transcription of a trustworthy copy. Had Mr. Cook's coin been known to me in 1924, I should have included it in that small corpus as ‘No. 52.’
Lycian and Phrygian Names
Authors: Arkwright W. G.
Published: May 2006

According to a theory which has been very commonly accepted by archaeologists in this country, the local names of Greece prove that a single language was once spoken there and in Asia Minor which was totally different from Greek, Thraeian, Illyrian, or Phrygian. It was neither Aryan nor Semitic, and resembled that of the Lycian inscriptions. At a later date, whether before or after the arrival of the Greeks, certain Thraeian and Illyrian elements were added, but they contributed little to the sum of geographical names.

This belief is founded on the occurrence in Greece of local terminations in -σσ- and especially in -νθ-, which are considered to be foreign, and on their identification with the suffixes -σσ- and -νδ-, which are well known in Lycia, as well as in other districts of Asia Minor, and are derived from the native Lycian language.
The Financial Administration of Pericles
Authors: Stevenson G. H.
Published: May 2006

Many eminent foreign scholars have investigated the principles on which Athens conducted her Public Finance during the ascendancy of Pericles, but the subject has been strangely neglected in England, and no apology is perhaps required for drawing attention to its importance and for suggesting certain considerations which appear to the writer fatal to some views which have been widely accepted. Competent writers have come to such different conclusions that certainty is probably unattainable, but it is hoped that the theory propounded in this paper may be regarded as consistent with the admittedly scanty evidence. Finance did not interest Thucydides, who omits such important facts as the transference to Athens of the treasury of the League and the increase of the φόρος during the Archidamian War. The inscriptions, though invaluable, are frequently so badly mutilated that they lend themselves to very different interpretations. Under these conditions dogmatism is obviously inadmissible.
Reconstruction of the Greater Perfect System
Authors: Curtis J.
Published: May 2006

Alypius has left us the notation of fifteen Greek scales; afterwards reduced by Claudius Ptolemaios, in the interest of simplicity, to seven. But were these fifteen all the scales ever noted? Clearly there were others, which must have possessed notations. Thus:—

1. Mixo-Lydian. This scale is mentioned by many writers. Plato (Rep. III, 398) describes it as ‘wailful.’ Bacchius (Eisagoge Harmonikon, § 46) mentions and places it.

2. Chalaro-Lydian. This scale is referred to by Plato (Rep. III, 399a).

3. Syntono-Lydiak. Plato (Rep. III, 398) describes this scale also as wailful. Athenaios (Deipnosophistae, XIV, 624 f.) quoting the poet Pratinas, mentions and by inference places it.

4. Hyper-Mixo-Lydian. Cleonidas (Harmonicum Introductorum, XII, 5) mentions this scale and defines its place.

5. Hypo-Mixo-Lydian. This scale, though not mentioned by Greek writers, has its name preserved in the Roman Gregorian ‘Modes,’ where it appears as the Eighth Tone. It is curious, though of no importance as evidence, to observe that the ‘Final’ of the Roman Tone is G; the note we shall claim to have been the highest of the vocal octave of the scale.
Ptolemaic Seal Impressions
Authors: Milne J. G.
Published: May 2006

The seal impressions here described were obtained in 1906 by Mr. C. T. Currelly for the Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto, from a native dealer in Egypt, who stated that they had been found in a large pot at Edfu. This account of their finding is possibly correct. The impressions are on lumps of clay, which have evidently been used for sealing rolls of papyrus: in most cases the back of the clay shows the traces of the papyrus fibres, and nearly all the lumps have longitudinal holes through them, in which calcined remains of papyrus binding can sometimes be discerned. Presumably these impressions are the remains of a collection of rolls similar to those found at Elephantine, which were bound round and secured by lumps of clay placed on the binding and sealed with signets: the rolls have been burnt, and thereby the clay was baked and the sealings preserved. As regards the find spot being Edfu, this is to some extent corroborated by the internal evidence of the types, more especially those of the Egyptian class, as will be seen below.
Two Ivory Fragments of a Statue of Athena
Authors: Albizzati Carlo
Published: May 2006

The mask of a young woman and the forearm, both of ivory, which are republished and studied in this article are now exhibited in the third wall-case on the right of the Museo Profano of the Vatican Library. They were found in the Sabine country in 1824, as appears from a report of an excavation published in that year by P. E. Visconti.

The identity of provenance and correspondence in scale and style prove that, the two fragments belong to the same statue.

An undated note in the archives of the Library, written about 1830, gives the information that they were offered to the Papal Commission of Antiquities and Fine Arts by the Antiquary Capranesi, and acquired for 50 Roman scudi (about 268·50 francs, or a little less than £11).