bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The electrochemical synthesis of europium boride
Authors: Bukatova G.A. , Kuznetsov S.A. , Gaune-Escard M.
Published: November 2007

The electroreduction of boron, europium and the electrochemical synthesis of europium boride have been investigated in NaCl-KCl-NaF(10 wt. %) melt on silver and molybdenum electrodes. The parameters of boron reduction in the chloride-fluoride melt have been obtained and the character of its joint deposition with europium has been studied.
Thermodynamic study of semiconducting related materials by use of EMF method with solid electrolyte
Authors: Katayama Iwao , Tanaka Toshihiro , Iida Takamichi
Published: November 2007

Electromotive force method with solid electrolyte is briefly explained, and a thermodynamic study of semi conducting compound solid solution ZnTe-CdTe is picked up to show the way how thermodynamic functions of this system are obtained by several experimental methods based on our published papers and recently published data are added for comparison.
Cementation of copper onto brass particles in a packed bed
Authors: Stankovic Velizar , Serbula Snezana , Janceva B.
Published: November 2007

The process of copper ion cementation from dilute solution was investigated using a packed bed column filled with brass particles. The influence of initial pH value of the treated solution, particle size and the solution flow rate on the cementation process was determined. It was observed that, in general, the process rate passes through an initial period of particle surface activation; a period of constant rate and a period of decreasing rate. Increasing the initial pH value of treated solution, the rate of cementation has significantly been slowed down and, at pH > 2.6, the process becomes very slow due to an H+-ions consumption and consequently measurable change of pH during the process. Using a packed bed of brass particles, it is possible to remove copper ions from feeding stream to a degree higher than 95% for about 20 - 30 minutes, i.e. an initial copper concentration of about 250 mg/dm3can be reduced to less than 10 mg/dm3. For an hour of the process time the initial level of Cu2+ can reach a value less than 1 ppm, meaning the investigated process is highly efficient. The concentration of zinc in the solution after cementation is about twice higher than the initial copper concentration in the feeding solution. The method of packed bed cementation, using brass particles, which are usually a secondary material for re-melting, could particularly be favorable instead of the conventional one, because zinc dust is being substituted with some less valuable starting material that could be upgraded on copper before its re-melting.
Solid state interactions in the systems CaO(CaCO3)-Fe2O3 and CuFe2O4-CaO
Authors: Boyanov B.S.
Published: November 2007

The solid state interactions in the systems CaO(CaCO3)-Fe2O3 and CuFe2O4-CaO have been studied using X-ray diffraction analysis. The influence of the temperature on the ferrite formation process has been investigated in the range of 900-1200 oC and duration up to 360 min. It has been shown that a mixture of ferrites forms at 1000 oC and interaction of 240 min. The exchange reactions in the systems CuFe2O4-CaO and Cu0.5Zn0.5Fe2O4-CaO have been studied, too. It has been established that Ca2+ ions exchange Cu2+ and Zn2 partially and the solubility of copper and zinc in a 7 % sulfuric acid solution increases 10-15 times.
Thermodynamic modeling of the Fe-Mg-Si system
Authors: Du Y. , Zhao J.R. , Zhang C. , Chen H.L. , Zhang L.J.
Published: November 2007

A thermo dynamic modeling for the Fe-Mg-Si system is conducted. All of the experimental phase diagram and thermodynamic data available from the literature are critically reviewed and assessed using thermo dynamic models for the Gibbs energies of individual phases. The thermodynamic parameters for ternary liquid as well as binary phases ?FeSi, (high-temperature form of FeSi2) and FeSi showing noticeable solubilities for Mg are evaluated in the optimization. Comparisons between the calculated and measured phase diagrams show that the measured isothermal six-lions at 1600?, 1454?, 727? and 710?C, the observed regions of primary phases are satisfactorily accounted for by the thermodynamic description. The limited thermodynamic data concerning the activity of Mg in liquid at 1350?C are found to be inconsistent with the well established phase relations. The liquidus projection and reaction scheme for the entire Fe-Mg-Si system are also presented. .
Radon measurements with CR-39 track detectors at specific locations in Turkey
Authors: Ulug Asiye , Karabulut Melek , Celebi Nilgün
Published: November 2007

Indoor radon concentration levels at three sites in Turkey were measured using CR-39 solid state nuclear track detectors. The annual mean of radon concentration was estimated on the basis of four quarter measurements at specific locations in Turkey. The measuring sites are on the active faults. The results of radon measurements are based on 280 measurements in doors. The annual arithmetic means of radon concentrations at three sites (Isparta Egirdir, and Yalvac) were found to be 164 Bqm?3, 124 Bqm?3, and 112 Bqm?3 respectively, ranging from 78 Bqm?3 to 279 Bqm?3. The in door radon concentrations were investigated with respect to the ventilation conditions and the age of buildings. The ventilation conditions were determined to be the main factor affecting the in door radon concentrations. The in door radon concentrations in the new buildings were higher than ones found in the old buildings.
Studies concerning mass and heat transfer on B7 structured packing
Authors: Croitoru Cornelia , Pop Floarea , Titescu Gheorghe , Stefanescu Ioan , Peculea Marius , Trancota Dan
Published: November 2007

The paper presents theoretical and experimental data concerning mass and heat transfer on B7 structured packing, used for deuterium separation in distillation column. The first section of the paper is dedicated to mass transfer study for hydrogen distillation, and the second section to mass and heat transfer for water distillation. Mathematical model verification was carried out with experimental data, obtained from two laboratory distillation plants for deuterium separation. The experimental data concerning B7 ordered packing efficiency for hydrogen cryogenic distillation at about ?250 ?C level were obtained from the first plant, and the second plant provided data concerning mass and heat transfer on the same packing for deuterium separation by water vacuum distillation at about 60 ?C level. Height of transfer unit and mass and heat transfer coefficients, evaluated theoretically and experimentally, are comparable with those from chemical industry separation processes. This fact justifies the use of multi-tubular column model or transfer process description at distillation column equipped with B7 structured packing.
Votive relief from Barovo (Scupi): Contribution to study of the Liber and Libera cult in Upper Moesia
Authors: Pilipovic Sanja
Published: November 2007

This paper will represent a votive relief built in the south wall of the refectory of St. Nikola's church in Barovo, to the south of Skopje. Iconographic analysis will show that it is the representation of Liber and Libera, or Dionysus and Ariadne. In addition, the significance of this relief will be considered in comparison with other monuments of this cult in the territory of the province of Upper Moesia.
Early Byzantine finds from Cecan and Gornji Streoc (Kosovo)
Authors: Ivanisevic Vujadin , Spehar Perica
Published: November 2007

In this article, we presented the archaeological finds from Cecan and Gornji Streoc - hill-forts on Mount Cicevica in the immediate vicinity of Vucitrn (Kosovo). We studied the archaeological material from the Roman, Late Roman and, in particular from the Early Byzantine period. A large number of archaeological objects and especially iron tools found on the Cecan and Gornji Streoc fortresses indicate a well-developed level of production in the crafts and iron manufacturer. We emphasize the importance of these fortresses in Late Roman times and we highlight the fortification of the interior regions of Illyricum. This suggests that Dardania had a considerable population in the Late Roman period as is confirmed by the many fortresses constructed throughout the entire region, often on almost inaccessible terrain.
Inoplemenici u prepisci vizantijskih intelektualaca XII veka
Authors: Radosevic Ninoslava
Published: November 2007

(francuski) Lorsque l'on sait reconna?tre dans l'attitude m?prisante des intellectuels byzantins ? l'?gard des ?trangers ce qui tient ? l'expression de l'id?ologie politique de l'Empire et ?carter soigneusement la couche archa?sante d'un mode d'expression rh?torique qui ?tait de riguer dans ce genre litt?raire, la correspondance du XIIe si?cle peut nous fournir de pr?cieuses donn?es sur les allophyloi et nous offrir des repr?sentations plastiques de leur mode de vie.
Byzantium, Byzantine Italy and cities on the eastern coast of the Adriatic: The case of Kotor and Dubrovnik
Authors: Stevovic Ivan
Published: November 2007

This text considers the echoes of the various ties of Byzantium with Kotor and Dubrovnik in the early Middle Ages. Results of studies of the urban nuclei of these cities, the architecture of their churches in the period in question and the cults of especially venerated saints in both cities, indicate that at the beginning of the IX century both Kotor and Dubrovnik were flooded with a great influx of immigrants from the eastern provinces of the Empire.
Jerome's "Malice" and the "Cornicula decking itself with other birds plumage"
Authors: Mirkovic Miroslava
Published: November 2007

The mutual relationship between two contemporary Christian authors, Jerome and Ambrose, has been discussed by modern scholars with differences in the conclusions about it. Jerome referred frequently to Ambrose in his literary work, including those records in which he thought on him without mentioning his name. Ambrose's writings does not contain a single word about Jerome. The fact that only Jerome mentioned Ambrose and himself was not mentioned by Ambrose means that it is not possible to discuss the personal relationship between the two, but only Jerome's opinion on Ambrose's work or his attitude to Ambrose's personality. We may safely assume that in order to protect himself against charges of being a follower of Origen, Jerome quoted other church fathers who followed Origen in their work, among others Ambrose.
Argiri
Authors: Cheynet Jean-Claude , Vannier Jean-François
Published: November 2007

(francuski) Les sources ?dit?es depuis la monographie de J.-Fr. Vannier et la publication dans l'article cidessous de nombreux sceaux in?dits permettent de renouveler la prosopographie des Argyroi en augmentant de mani?re sensible le nombre de membres connus de cette famille, qui, avec Romain III, conquit le sommet de l'?tat. Les sceaux autorisent ?galement ? pr?ciser le statut social de plusieurs dignitaires porteurs du nom.
Beograd u XII veku - tvrdjava-grad-polis
Authors: Kalic Jovanka
Published: November 2007

(francuski) L'histoire de Belgrade au XIIe est document?e par diverses sources historiques qui, toutefois, relatent pour l'essentiel des ?v?nements li?s ? l'histoire de la ville ? cette ?poque. En ce sens, compte tenu de la position de la ville sur les rives de la Save et du Danube, c'est-?-dire pour l'?poque, sur la fronti?re nord de l'Empire byzantin face au royaume de Hongrie, les guerres opposant ces deux Etats constituent le th?me le plus fr?quemment des ?crivains m?di?vaux. S'agissant de la ville m?me les sources du XIIe si?cle ne nous en offrent aucune description pr?cise. Les auteurs grecs et latins se contentent le plus souvent de faire ?tat de quelques donn?es de base ? son sujet, ?voquant sa position g?ographiques et son aspect. L'auteur de ce travail communique une partie des r?sultats d'une analyse comparative des donn?es sur Belgrade au XIIe si?cle contenues dans les oeuvres des contemporains et t?moins visuels. Particuli?rement importantes sont ici les donn?es conserv?es dans l'oeuvre historique de Jean Kinnamos, qui a s?journ? ? Belgrade en 1165, puis les donn?es tir?es du texte du Pseudo-Ansbert sur la croisade de l'empereur allemand Fr?d?ric Ier Barberousse (1189), les donn?es des sources hongroises (Chronicon pictum Vindobonense), ainsi que les r?sultats des fouilles arch?ologiques effectu?es sur le site m?me de Belgrade. Jean Kinnamos d?signe toujours Belgrade comme une poliz et les sources latines comme une civitas. On rencontre aussi le terme arx d?signant une partie de l'agglom?ration ceinte de remparts. La ville fortifi?e de Belgrade s'est d?velopp?e au moyen ?ge sur l'aire de l'ancien camp militaire romain de Singidunum. Cet espace ?tait alors utilis? afin de r?pondre aux besoins militaires et administratifs de l'Empire byzantin. L'?poque des Comn?nes (1081-1185) voit ainsi la formation a Belgrade d'un important centre militaire et administratif sur une fronti?re menac?e. Le ch?teau de petites dimensions (136 *60 m) mis au jour lors de fouilles arch?ologiques syst?matiques dans la partie appel?e Ville Haute n'?tait qu'une partie de la ville fortifi?e. Avec le temps l'agglom?ration urbaine a d?bord? ? l'ext?rieur des remparts, mais lors des nombreuses guerres c'est elle qui a ?t? le plus expos?e aux destructions. Belgrade faisait partie des anciennes villes ?piscopales de l'?poque romaine et byzantine.
Procopius about the supreme god of the Slavs (Bella VII 14, 23): Two critical remarks
Authors: Loma Aleksandar
Published: November 2007

A passage from Procopius, Bella VII 14, 23 is reconsidered, in which the beliefs of the heathen Slavs are described. It is shown to be corrupted. The main emendation proposed here consists in separating the word d?mioyrg?n from the preceding t?z ?strap?z and connecting it with the following ?p?nt?n: consequently, the supreme god of the Slavs is said not to be the producer of lightning, but the creator of the universe. .
The concept of marriage in Roman, Byzantine and Serbian mediaeval law
Authors: Sarkic Srdjan
Published: November 2007

In this paper the author is exposing definitions of marriage that were accepted in Byzantium and mediaeval Serbia, although it was not insisted in them on wedding as a religious rite. Leo VI, at the end of the 9th century, was the first to prescribe Church benediction as an obligatory form of entering into marriage. Novels of latter Emperors placed marriage under the complete jurisdiction of the Church, but they were not incorporated in Serbian translations of Byzantine legal miscellanies (Nomokanon of St. Sava and Syntagma of Matheas Blastares). Therefore in articles 2 and 3 of Dusan's Law Code it was prescribed that no marriage could be contracted without wedding ceremony and Church benediction. .
Briga o rukopisima - dve malo poznate vesti o srpskoj kulturi u XIV veku
Authors: Schreiner Peter
Published: November 2007

(nemacki) Der Beitrag umfa?t zwei ganz unterschiedliche Beispiele der F?rsorge um Erwerb und Erhalt von Handschriften. Bald nach 1360 gr?ndete Despot Thomas Preljubovic in Vodena (Edessa) in Nordgriechenland ein Kloster der Theotokos Gabaliotissa, das er neben anderen Sch?tzen mit 37 liturgischen B?chern ausstattete. Bemerkenswert ist dabei die Tatsache, da? sich diese Schenkung zu verschiedenen Zeitpunkten vollzog und sich wohl der wachsenden Anzahl der M?nche anpa?te. Aus einer zweiten, sprachlich nicht immer klaren Notiz geht hervor, wie durch das tatkr?ftige Eingreifen eines Albaners und eines griechischen Hieromonachos ein wertvoller Bestand von 27 B?chern, darunter der heute noch erhaltene codex argenteus von Berat vor einem serbischen Angriff (1357) in Sicherheit gebracht wurde. .
On the iconography of Saint Prokopios
Authors: Gabelic Smiljka
Published: November 2007

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“Interest of State”: James I and the Palatinate
Authors: Zaller Robert
Published: November 2007

The guiding policy of James I, as King of England and the acknowledged leader of Protestant Europe, had been since his accession one of rapprochement with the great Catholic powers. To this end he had determined to marry his son and heir, Prince Charles, first to a Bourbon, and then a Hapsburg princess. James saw himself not as the leader of a bloc, but as a mediator impartial in the interests of peace. To his mind this was the most exalted function of Christian kingship, and it was his hope that Spain and England, the leaders of Christendom's two camps of faith, could preserve the peace of Europe by acting in concert.

Yet James was no dreamer. While courting Spain, he retained hegemony among his fellow Protestants. If he proposed to marry Charles to a Catholic, he had matched his daughter Elizabeth to a Calvinist, the Elector Palatine Frederick V. The latter alliance, however, was to prove to be his fatal mistake, for it sucked him inextricably into the maelstrom of German politics and precipitated not only the gravest foreign crisis of his reign, but a domestic one of ultimately far greater significance as well.

Frederick was the leader of the most important alliance of Protestant powers in Germany, the Evangelical Union. He was also one of the seven electors who chose the Holy Roman Emperor. Three of these were Catholic bishops, three secular Protestants, and the last, the King of Bohemia, had for a hundred years been the emperor-designate himself, to wit, the senior male representative of the House of Hapsburg. It was evident, therefore, that any disturbance in the orderly succession to the Bohemian crown would immediately jeopardize the traditional Hapsburg claim to the imperium, and with it the entire European balance of power.
The Welsh and the Anglo-Welsh: Politics and Poetry
Authors: Rees Samuel
Published: November 2007

The investiture of Charles as Prince of Wales was a magnificently staged pageant, as most of the 500 million people who saw it on television will attest. Two hundred thousand pounds went into the making of the extravaganza of July 1, 1969, an event that Queen Elizabeth had promised to her Welsh subjects as far back as 1958, at the close of the Commonwealth Games at Cardiff. But no date had been set for the Caernarvon investiture until July 1, 1967. Predictably, the timing of that announcement has been seen as politically motivated, as a direct response to the emergence of Plaid Cymru (the Welsh Nationalist Party) as a threat in two recent by-elections in Wales.

The investiture ceremony was itself a matter of much contention within Wales. Most Welshmen, to the distaste, even disgust, of the minority separatists, welcomed the event: as a royal occasion, a boost to tourism, and as a state celebration in which they, as Welshmen, were to take pride of place. It was to cost too much, true, but then the Welsh are not alone in questioning the cost of maintaining Royalty. And it is true that Charles was an English prince, but he had behaved himself admirably while a student at University College, Aberystwyth, and had even learned some Welsh during his stay in the Principality. He was, in that respect, the first “English” prince of Wales to identify himself with the Welsh in so intimate and endearing a way. Some memories on that July day, 1969, were directed to the first “English” Prince of Wales, a baby son of Edward I who was born at Caernarvon in 1301 and presented to the Welsh as their prince to replace the defeated Llywelyn. Edward II, it turns out, not only grew up to speak no Welsh, but used French more than English as his own language. It is from this precedent that English monarchs have, ever since, named their first-born son and heir Prince of Wales (it is not itself strictly a hereditary title in the sense of being passed from the Prince to his first-born, but reverts to the crown in the event of the Prince's death; nor has there ever been a Princess of Wales).
Once Again, The Case of Richard Hunne
Authors: McBride Gordon K.
Published: November 2007

On the morning of 4 December 1514, a certain London merchant-tailor, Richard Hunne by name, was found hanging in his cell in the Lollards' Tower at St. Paul's. On the surface this event might seem to be of little concern to anyone except Hunne. However, the death of this moderately well-to-do London businessman became caught up in the agitation against the clergy which presaged the Reformation in England. Indeed, Richard Hunne's case has become, as well, the focal point of a major and long-lasting historical controversy over the responsibility for Hunne's death. This controversy arises out of contradictory and confusing reports of the circumstances surrounding the event and the peculiar actions of the authorities, both royal and clerical, over an attempt to fix the responsibility for the death. One major body of source material, particularly the writings of Sir Thomas More, holds that Hunne had committed suicide and is supported by the decision of a royal court which found those accused of Hunne's death to be innocent. The other, which includes several Protestant chroniclers and writers, holds that Hunne was murdered by the ecclesiastical authorities of London and is supported by depositions from a coroner's inquest into the matter.

The alleged facts of Hunne's death, minor event though it may have been, served to fan a wave of excitement in London, particularly since the event fell upon thoroughly receptive ears. The current anticlericalism received a major stimulus from Hunne's death.

It is difficult to document the extent to which anticlericalism was present in London, let alone England at large, in the early years of the sixteenth century, but there was a dispute between the parishioners of London and their rectors over such matters as tithes, offerings and mortuary fees.3 In addition there had been some action, in an official sense, against the greatly abused benefit of clergy.
The Anglo-Papal Bargain of 1125: The Legatine Mission of John of Crema
Authors: Hicks Sandy Burton
Published: November 2007

King Henry I, for most of his reign, exercised unrivaled authority over the English church. Following the Concordat of London in 1107 which formally ended his bitter dispute with Archbishop Anselm of Canterbury, Henry reestablished effective control over the ecclesiastical affairs of England. During the remaining twenty-eight years of his rule, he assiduously cultivated and generally sustained friendly relations with the papacy while maintaining royal control over the internal matters of the English church.

There is, however, a dramatic exception to this picture of royal primacy. In 1125, the papal legate, Cardinal John of Crema, made a spectacular tour of England. During his six-months stay, John exercised greater authority than any other papal legate sent to England during the reign of Henry I. As Austin Lane Poole observes, of the nine legates dispatched between 1100 and 1135, “one only—John of Crema in 1125—was permitted to preside over a church synod or to exercise any legatine authority.” To underscore the unprecedented nature of this visit, neither of Henry's predecessors, William the Conqueror and William Rufus, had allowed a foreign legate to exert such power within England.

This paper will examine the events leading up to the legatine mission of 1125 and attempt to explain why Henry sanctioned this rare exhibition of papal authority within his kingdom.
The Basis of the Lord's Decision in the Trial of Strafford: Contravention of the Two-Witness Rule
Authors: Timmis John H.
Published: November 2007

“Resolved by the majority that the Bill of Attainder against the Earl of Strafford should pass as a law.” Thus, on May 7, 1641, the House of Lords enacted that Thomas, Earl of Strafford, should “undergo the pains and forfeitures of high treason by law.”

The passage of the Bill of Attainder against Strafford has subsequently engendered one of the perennial controversies of English political and legal history. On one side of the issue, it is claimed that the answer of the judges and the decision of the Lords were warranted by generally-accepted doctrines of law and constitutional theory. The other side claims that the charges against Strafford had no basis in statute or common law, that the abandonment of the impeachment proves the weakness of the case against the accused, and that in going by way of the Bill, the Commons “slaughtered a man they could not convict.”

Resolution of the controversy over Strafford's case has been hampered by a lack of historical data because at the restoration Charles II ordered all proceedings of the trial to be stricken from the Journals of the House of Lords. The Journal Manuscripts were rendered almost totally unreadable and, as a result, the official record of the trial has been missing for over three hundred years. Until recently, Rushworth has been the main source for histories of the Strafford trial. However, the usefulness of Rushworth has been marred by many lapses and errors, the most significant being that he was absent for several days at the climax of the trial. Consequently, the conclusion of the trial, the proceedings of which would help to resolve the legal controversy, has been reconstructed from fragmentary sources.
The Jewel-Harding Controversy
Authors: Milward Peter S.J.
Published: November 2007

I cannot oucrslipp some without manifest iniury. that descrue to haue their names enrolled in the first rancke of valiant Confuters: worthy men, but subiect to imperfections, to errour. to mutual reproofe; some more, some lesse, as the manner is. Harding, and lewell, were our Aeschines, and Demosthenes: and scarsely any language in the Christian world, hath affoorded a payre of aduersaries, equiualent to Harding, and lewell; two thundring and lightning Oratours in Jiuinity.

These words, occuring as they do in Gabriel Harvey's Pierces Supererogation (1593), cannot but sound strange to modern ears. The language is, of course, somewhat peculiar, as we might expect from a contemporary of Shakespeare's, and in particular from so pedantic a writer as Gabriel Harvey. But apart from that, the reference of his words—with their apparently exaggerated praise—seems oddly misplaced. If he had spoken of More and Tyndale, or even of Whitgift and Cartwright, his praise might have appeared more intelligible. But who today has heard of Jewel or Harding, at least in terms of literature? Neither of them receives so much as a mention in The Oxford Companion to English Literature, or even in Baugh's voluminous Literary History of England, no doubt because they are regarded as belonging to a brief episode in ecclesiastical history. Yet Harvey speaks of them, in openly literary terms, as “two thundring and lightning Oratours in diuinity,” and even dares to compare them with the great Athenian orators, Aeschines and Demosthenes. So the question arises: Was he merely deluding himself with a spirit of exaggeration—a spirit not unknown in Shakespeare's England? Or was he, after all, recording a widespread feeling among Shakespeare's contemporaries which has somehow vanished like a bubble on the river of time?
The Widow's Tale: Male Myths and Female Reality in 16th and 17th Century England
Authors: Carlton Charles
Published: November 2007

Soon after her husband of thirty-three years died leaving her a wealthy widow of sixty-two with an estate worth some £6,000, Anne Elsdon met Tobias Audley, a widower of twenty-five and keeper of a tobacco shop, whom one witness later described as “a most lewd person, and of no worth.” On July 21, 1624, Audley took the Widow Elsdon and her friend, Martha Jackson, to the Greyhound Tavern in London, where they met Mary Spencer, Margery Terry, Frances Holiday, and Nicholas Cartmell. The first two were common prostitutes, the second two ministers, though, presumably, not of the burning puritan brand. For the next three days all of them plied the Widow Elsdon with some £25 worth of liquor, staggering from tavern to tavern and eventually ending up at the Nags Head in Cheapside. In that appropriately named hostelry Anne consented to marry Tobias Audley. A special license was hurriedly obtained, but not before Widow Elsdon had passed out. So, after trying to revive her with slaps around the face, Mary Spencer, the common whore, said the marriage vows for her. The Reverend Cartmell pronounced Tobias and Anne man and wife, and off the widow was carried to a Blackfriars tavern for her wedding night. After stripping her, Tobias Audley proceeded to strip her estate. He took plate from her house worth £140, and bonds and deeds valued at £3,000, and largely as a result of her traumatic experiences the widow died two years later.
Cabinet Politics and Executive Policy-Making Procedures, 1794–1801
Authors: Willis Richard E.
Published: November 2007

Current knowledge of politics during the coalition government headed by William Pitt between July, 1794 and March, 1801 resembles a fen set amid drained lands, in that neither ministerial relations within the executive nor the internal affairs of the opposition have attracted much recent attention. For the government, such attention has been directed toward questions of foreign policy and of the motives and effects of the domestic repression. For the Foxites, a relative paucity of materials and the fact of the 1797 secession have conspired substantially to halt scholarly concern at 1794. I have elsewhere attempted to redress somewhat the latter state of affairs. In this essay I propose to deal with two interrelated topics of wartime politics during Pitt's government; the nexus of allegiances among the ministers, and some procedural aspects of executive decision-making. The first, centering upon the specific question of the degeneration of the Portland Whigs, also throws some additional light on the formation of the coalition ministry; the second, attending to restrictions on participation and information and their effects on the subtle dialectic between George III and his ministers, can further explicate the fall of the government.
Compromise in Early Stuart Parliaments: The Case of the Short Parliament of 1640
Authors: Cope Esther S.
Published: November 2007

King Charles I's dissolution of the Short Parliament, 5 May 1640, proved politically disastrous. Six months later he was forced to call another Parliament, which immediately launched an attack on his councillor, the early of Strafford. Within two years civil war had broken out. The dissolution of the Short Parliament came only the day after Charles had sent to the Commons a message, apparently offering a compromise in the dispute whether his supply or their grievances should be handled first. The Commons discussed the King's offer all day and finally adjourned, requesting permission to resume their debate the next morning, thus making it possible for negotiations to continue. His Majesty, however, closed the door to further discussion and ended the Parliament. No compromise was concluded.

The idea of compromise, or “the arrangement of a dispute by concessions on both sides,” was not foreign to the Englishmen of the early seventeenth century. The words, compromise, mediate, compound and its substantive composition, all appear in the O.E.D. with sixteenth or early seventeenth-century dates. Nor were they divorced from the context of Parliament. When early seventeenth-century Englishmen thought of Parliament, they thought of an assembly where King, Lords, and Commons met and together served the interests of both King and subject. Although ideally these interests were not supposed to conflict, procedures existed to facilitate agreement within Parliament. The King might communicate with the two Houses through his councillors, while the Commons used their Speaker and the Lords relied upon various of their own number to voice concerns to his Majesty.
Charles Dickens As Artist and Reformer
Authors: Meldrum Ronald M.
Published: November 2007

“Girl number twenty … give me your definition of a horse,” ordered Mr. Thomas Gradgrind, “a man of realities, a man of facts and calculations.” Mr. Gradgrind, master of a pragmatic school devoted to teaching facts in Mr. Josiah Bounderby's model industrial community, Coketown, was, like most of Charles Dickens' schoolmasters, rather narrow in his conception of what school should and might be. No doubt the shortcomings and lack of uniformity of the schools with which Dickens was familiar tended to sour him generally on the topic of education. Of course, Dickens was too clever to wish for utter uniformity or conformity in education. In a speech November 5, 1873. he said:

I don't like that sort of school — and I have seen a great many such in these latter times — where the bright childish imagination is utterly discouraged, and where those bright childish faces, which it is so very good for the wisest among us to remember in after life, when the world is too much with us early and late, are gloomily and grimly scared out of countenance; where I have never seen among the pupils, whether boys or girls, anything but little parrots and small calculating machines.
The Shropshire Muster-Master's Fee
Authors: Hamilton Charles L.
Published: November 2007

In the Elizabethan re-organization of the English militia the muster-master was given the responsibility of supervising the training and inspecting the equipment of the trained bands in each county. As an ex-professional captain, he supposedly provided the experience in military matters lacking among those who served in the county lieutenancy and commanded the militia.

In The Muster-Master, a pamphlet written probably by Gervase Markham around 1630, unstinting tribute is paid the Elizabethan muster-masters. Confronted with an unprecedented threat from abroad as well as occasional domestic rebellion, “the state elected so many old and experienced captains and approved officers in the wars, as might furnish every county in the kingdom with one able and sufficient commander” who would instruct the bands, inspect their armor and equipment and certify all defects to the commissioners of muster. These tasks were “faithfully and skillfully performed, not by inferiors, or petty officers, which knew no more but the bare A.B.C. of war: but by such as had run through every grammar rule thereof; such as had borne the office of captain by desert and not from private letters, gaudy clothes, or lustful employments; such as have their wounds in their faces, chasing the enemy, not such as have whole skins by running away, which they now call a violent retiring.”

Not for long, however, did this situation last. By the time of the Armada the Council unwisely shifted the burden of paying the muster-masters on to the counties while the office itself became part of the lord-lieutenant's patronage. Commenting on the rising opposition to paying the muster-master's fee in the early Jacobean period, Boynton writes that the “main complaint was apparently that, subject to the Council's formal approval, the office was venal. Not that there was anything unusual in that; but the lord-lieutenants often retained this piece of patronage for their own clients, so that the county paid but had no say in the matter.” The author of The Muster-Master was deeply troubled by the results attendant on the lord-lieutenant's monopoly of military patronage in the county.
The Crown and the Aristocracy in England, 1450-1509
Authors: Lander J. R.
Published: November 2007

Traditionally the later Middle Ages in England have received a notoriously bad press from historians. In 1878 the great Stubbs threw his immense prestige behind the statement “the most enthusiastic admirer of medieval life must grant that all that was good and great was languishing even to death” and, for good measure condemned the fifteenth century as “a worn-out helpless age that calls for pity without sympathy, and yet balances weariness with something like regrets.” A decade after Stubbs wrote these sounding cadences an Oxford cleric, W. Denton, published a book crammed with pessimistic utterances so extreme that they were very nearly caricature. The country was impoverished because its soil was exhausted. The very people were morally inferior to their ancestors, the nobility as a class were as physically degenerate as they were ill-educated. Power had become concentrated in the hands of too few: a minority so powerful as to be almost the peers of the king himself. The rest of the nobility encumbered with debt, due to the cost of war and personal extravagance, had lost their former and legitimate influence.

Even those who derided these wild extravagances continued to regard the wretched century with immense distaste. As the tale went the premature Lancastrian Constitutional Experiment collapsed into near-anarchy, followed by the constitutional backsliding of the Yorkists and Henry VII: a “despotism” wholly alien to English political conditions, but mercifully of short duration.
King Henry II and the Earls: The Pipe Roll Evidence
Authors: Keefe Thomas K.
Published: November 2007

English historians, conditioned by the real or imagined excesses of later Angevin monarchs, are prone to portray Henry II's administration as burdening the baronage with taxes and extra-legal levies. Even Henry II's normally sympathetic biographer, W.L. Warren, could not escape perceiving “an element of financial extortion” in Henry's dealings with the barons. Warren finds in the pipe rolls a number of assessments to regain the king's good will or to put aside his anger. Included in this list are the fines levied against Hamo of Mascy, Gervase Paynel, Adam of Port (Kingston, co. Hereford), and Gilbert son of Fergus of Galloway. These debtors had much in common. They all played a role in the revolt of Henry's sons in 1173-1174, which led, in part, to their amercement. Adam of Port had been exiled for treason prior to his participation in the revolt, while Gilbert son of Fergus, a descendent of one of Henry I's many bastards, had caused the grotesque mutilation and death of his brother which appalled his royal cousin. All in all, these men were fortunate to have been left with their lives and most of their lands intact. It simply will not do to fix blindly upon unexplained fines from the record evidence to show the extortionist tendencies of the Angevin monarchs.
The Inconveniences of Long Intermissions of Parliament and a Remedy for Them
Authors: Cope Esther S.
Published: November 2007

The first statute to become law during the Long Parliament of the 1640s was the Triennial Act, the act “for preventing Inconveniences happening by the long intermission of parliaments.” The statue was enacted in extraordinary circumstances. Ambiguously phrased, substantially amended, and ultimately supported as a means to other ends, the act provided no real solution to the problems which had given it birth. Had it done so, it most assurredly would have failed to pass. The strange tale of the genesis and passage of this act is the subject of this article.

The Triennial Act developed from a bill for annual parliaments introduced by William Strode, MP for Beeralston, Devonshire, on 24 December 1640. Strode's was the first bill for that purpose actually to be introduced since James Stuart had acceded to the throne in 1603. The idea that there should be annual parliaments was not, however, new. Twice during the reign of Edward III statutes providing for yearly meetings of parliament had been enacted. Although these measures were not observed, they had not been forgotten. They had coexisted over the centuries with the belief that the summoning and dissolving of Parliaments was an indisputable prerogative of the Crown and were cited from time to time when men became anxious about subjects' liberties. Sir Francis Bacon reports that during the debate in the Privy Council in 1615, the earl of Exeter “insisted upon a speech of the Lo. Cooke's that there was a law inforce to require a Parliament to be holden every year for redress of the people's grievances.” There is, however, little evidence that Englishmen prior to 1640 believed that the confirmation of these statutes, or enactment of other measures to that effect, was of prime importance.
Maori and Pakeha in New Zealand Historiography: Preoccupations and Progressions
Authors: Gough Barry M.
Published: November 2007

Rudyard Kipling thought New Zealand “last, loneliest, least.” No so its historiography. New Zealand can claim an inspired corps of scholars who are probing various aspects of the past. Austin Mitchell, scholar and parliamentarian, whimsically wrote, “New Zealand is one of the few countries having more books than history.” Amusing as this perception is, the fact remains that historians of the New Zealand experience have been pouring out an incredible stream of work—in theses, articles, and books; and this flow is not likely to be dammed in the future, as more adventuresome scholars investigate aspects of class, race, ethnicity, community, health, and related matters. A glance at the available bibliographies provides proof of the swelling stream of writing. The New Zealand Journal of History, which began publication in 1967, ranks as the principal, but by no means only, periodical publishing New Zealand history. The maturity of this journal as a vehicle for New Zealand-related scholarship is a testament to how national history has come into its professional phase, and added sophisticated perspectives and techniques to previous studies which in times past, as in other nation-states, sometimes bordered on the antiquarian.

The recent, 1981, publication of the Oxford History of New Zealand, edited by W.H. Oliver with B.R. Williams and comprising contributions from sixteen scholars, has been widely praised as a new look at the national experience, though reviewers note an internal preoccupation and an inadequate attention to external relations. Neither Japan nor Pearl Harbor is mentioned. The preoccupations and progressions are with New Zealand's society, its anxieties, conflicts, and apprehensions. Gone is the day of lauding the British connection; independence and nationhood mean self-examination even at the possible expense of introspection.
“Barbarous Ignorance and Base Detraction”: The Struggles of Michael Drayton
Authors: Duchemin Parker
Published: November 2007

When Michael Drayton began work on Poly-Olbion, his vast poetic description of England and Wales, he committed himself to a course of action which was seriously to endanger his career. Drayton's reputation as a poet was injured by his faith in that strange, unfashionable poem, and he found himself increasingly out of touch with the main literary developments of his time. In his old age, fortunately, it led him to compose much of his most original and delicately beautiful poetry. The significance of Poly-Olbion in Drayton's life and art, however, has seldom been understood by the poet's biographers and critics, who have usually regarded it either as a charming eccentricity or as an unfortunate deviation from his true line of development. To Drayton, however, Poly-Olbion was his major work, innovating, he believed, a major new genre. When the first part was published in 1612, he boasted “My Poeme is genuine, and first in this kinde”; ten years later, bitter and depressed at its failure but determined to press on, he still proudly proclaimed that “it was a new cleere way, never before gone by any.” On its fortunes he was prepared to stake his literary reputation, and, as events were to prove, his commitment to “this strange Herculean toyle” (PO, 30:342) lasted well over thirty years.

Northop Frye has written that the epic, as Renaissance critics understood it, “is not a poem by a poet, but that poet's poem: he can never complete a second epic unless he is the equal of Homer, and hence the moment at which the epic poet chooses his subject is the crisis of his life. To decide to write an epic … is an act of considerable courage, because if one fails, one fails on a colossal scale.” The decision to write a poem on the scale of Poly-Olbion, whether “epic” in the strict sense of the word or not, involved Drayton in a similar risk. The spectres of ridicule and detraction haunted him for the rest of his life, and only his growing conviction of the political and literary importance of his magnum opus enabled him to continue writing.
Seventeenth-Century English Women Engraved in Stone?
Authors: Schwoerer Lois G.
Published: November 2007

The question this article poses is: Are the assumptions about women in Lawrence Stone's The Family, Sex and Marriage in England, 1500-1800 sound and should his conclusions form the point of departure for the work of the growing number of scholars in both history and literature interested in early modern English women? The question really needs to be asked because of the commanding reputation of the author, his pioneering attempt at constructing an overarching conceptual framework for the evolution of family modes—an effort that has contributed to bringing into focus the work of other scholars in the fields of family and women's history—and the remarkable popularity of the book. By 1979, two years after its first publication the demand for this big, 800 page volume was lively enough to warrant an abridged paperback edition, and today the book is used in “hundreds” of courses and seminars in history, literature, sociology, and women's studies in universities and colleges in the United States and the United Kingdom. Personal conversations with scholars and students, especially those who do not work directly in women's history, indicate that Stone's assumptions about women have won uncritical acceptance. This is surely accountable to the fact that no scholar has published a close examination of Stone's treatment of women and only a few reviewers have suggested the need for caution in following his views about the condition of women.
The Strange Death of Liberal England: Fifty Years After
Authors: Stansky Peter
Published: November 2007

In 1935 in New York the publishing house of Harrison Smith and Robert Haas published George Dangerfield's The Strange Death of Liberal England. Now, fifty years later, the book is as vital, if not more so, as when it was first published. It was quite appropriate that the book, and its author, were celebrated last Spring at a meeting of the Pacific Coast Conference on British Studies at San Luis Obispo in California, quite close to Santa Barbara where Dangerfield lives overlooking the Pacific ocean. Even nicer, perhaps, is that in this year we shall see Halley's Comet again, which Dangerfield remembers having seen as a child, and being told that it would not appear again in his lifetime. The comet appears on the first page of the book (heralding the dazzling prose to come), observed by the Prime Minister, Herbert Henry Asquith, from the deck of the Admiralty yacht Enchantress, “to blaze forth the death of a king”: Edward VII.

The Strange Death of Liberal England has had, eventually, a strong impact upon the historical profession, as well as something of an odd history. The original publishers quite soon went out of business and the book was not kept in print in America. It was published a year later in England for the first time by Constable, but in a slightly truncated form without the important epilogue on Rupert Brooke. Over the next twenty-six years it was a book known only, I believe, by a few, recommended by word of mouth and not, on the whole, given much attention by the historical profession or the reading public.