bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
NMR spectroscopic characterization of inclusion complexes comprising cyclodextrins and gallated catechins in aqueous solution: cavity size dependency
Authors: Ishizu Takashi , Tsutsumi Hiroyuki , Yamamoto Hideji , Harano Kazunobu
Published: December 2008

The structure of inclusion complexes of γ‐cyclodextrin (γ‐CD), (–)‐gallocatechin gallate (GCg), and (–)‐epigallocatechin gallate (EGCg) in D2O was investigated using several NMR techniques. GCg formed a 1:1 inclusion complex with γ‐CD in which the A and C rings of GCg were inserted deep at the head of the A ring into the γ‐CD cavity from the wide secondary hydroxyl group side. In the 1:1 inclusion complex with GCg and γ‐CD, the GCg moiety maintained a conformation in which the B and B′ rings of GCg took both pseudoequatorial positions with respect to the C ring. The structure of the inclusion complex of GCg and γ‐CD obtained from NMR experiments supported well that determined from PM6 semiempirical SCF MO calculations. However, 1H NMR experiments suggested that EGCg did not form any inclusion complex with γ‐CD in D2O. The marked difference between GCg and EGCg in inclusion behavior toward γ‐CD may be explained in terms of the stabilization energy calculated with the PM6 method. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
An adaptive resource reservation for vehicular mobile networks
Authors: Ben Hamida I. , Boukhatem L.
Published: December 2008

This paper presents the time‐based bandwidth reservation (TBR) algorithm, suitable for handoff management in cellular systems. TBR is based on real‐time measurements of mobile stations (position, velocity and acceleration). The scheme consists in sending reservation requests to the neighboring cells based on an extrapolation of the user's motion. The originality of our approach lies in dynamically adjusting the amount of time for which bandwidth has to be allocated and reserved in a cell. In addition, we propose an optimal channel requests arrangement (CRA) algorithm in order to improve the performance of TBR in terms of resource utilization. Finally, we propose VTBR, an adapted and extended version of TBR for better support of vehicular network specificities where service degradation or forced call termination may occur owing to frequent handoffs. Detailed simulation results for TBR and VTBR schemes and a comparison with the guard channel scheme are presented. The results show that TBR and VTBR can efficiently improve the flow dropping probability. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Modeling of materials with fading memory using neural networks
Authors: Oeser Markus , Freitag Steffen
Published: December 2008

A neural network‐based concept for the solution of a fractional differential equation is presented in this paper. Fractional differential equations are used to model the behavior of rheological materials that exhibit special load (stress) history characteristics (e.g. fading memory). The new concept focuses on rheological materials that exhibit Newtonian‐like displacement behavior when undergoing (time varying) creep loads. For this purpose, a partial recurrent artificial neural network is developed. The network supersedes the storage of the entire load (stress) history in contrast to the exact solution of the fractional differential equation, where access to all previous load (stress) increments is required to determine the new displacement (strain) increment. The network is trained using data obtained from six different creep simulations. These creep simulations have been conducted by means of the exact solution of the fractional differential equation, which is also included in the paper. Furthermore, the network architecture as well as a complete set of network parameters is given. A validation of the network has been carried out and its outcome is discussed in the paper. To illustrate the particular way the network works, all relevant algorithms (e.g. scaling of the input data, data processing, transformation of the output signal, etc.) are provided to the reader in this paper. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
The effect of cooking on the survivorship of jackrabbit skeletons (Lepus californicus) presented to desert scavengers of the eastern Great Basin, North America
Authors: Ugan Andrew
Published: December 2008

In order to study the effects of human processing decisions on consumption and destruction of small animal skeletons by scavengers, twenty‐six blacktailed jackrabbits were dry roasted or boiled and their skeletons presented to scavengers at various locations throughout the Sevier Desert of Utah. Skeletons of all samples were quickly and substantially destroyed, with roasted animals surviving at one‐half to one‐third the rate of their boiled counterparts. Survivorship of elements was unrelated to skeletal density in either case, but rather to the amount of adhering tissue, marrow, and fat. Axial elements tended to be preferentially destroyed, particularly in the case of roasting. These effects echo ethnographic and ethnoarchaeological observations on the relationship between cooking, length of site occupation, and small animal survivorship and carry clear implications for how we use the relative frequencies of large and small animals to interpret prehistoric subsistence. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Phenolysis of diaryl thiolcarbonates and thionocarbonates
Authors: Castro Enrique A. , Cepeda Marjorie , Pavez Paulina , Santos José G.
Published: December 2008

The phenolysis of phenyl S‐4‐nitrophenyl thiolcarbonate (1), 4‐chlorophenyl S‐4‐nitrophenyl thiolcarbonate (2), phenyl 4‐nitrophenyl thionocarbonate (3), 3‐chlorophenyl 4‐nitrophenyl thionocarbonate (4) and 3‐methoxyphenyl 4‐nitrophenyl thionocarbonate (5) are studied kinetically in 44 wt% ethanol–water, at 25.0 °C, ionic strength 0.2 M. The Brønsted plots (log kN vs. pKa of phenols) for the reactions of 1 and 2 are linear and those of 3, 4 and 5 are curved. The Brønsted slopes for 1 and 2 are 0.64 and 0.60, respectively, which suggest a concerted mechanism for these reactions. The curved Brønsted plots for the reactions of 3, 4 and 5 show slope values of 1.0, 1.1 and 1.1, respectively, at low pKa, and 0.39, 0.28 and 0.34, respectively, at high pKa. The shape and slope values of these Brønsted plots are in accordance with a stepwise mechanism. The reactivity towards phenoxides of the thiocarbonates increases with the increase in the Hammett σ value for the substituents in the non‐leaving group. The fact that the phenolysis of 3 is stepwise, whereas that of phenyl 4‐nitrophenyl carbonate is concerted can be attributed to the destabilization of the intermediate T−. A similar argument explains the stepwise phenolysis of 3, in contrast to the concerted phenolysis of 1, where there is an additional destabilization of T− caused by the change of the leaving group, from 4‐nitrophenoxide in 3 to 4‐nitrobenzenethiolate in 1. Thiolcarbonates 1 and 2 in 44 wt% ethanol–water are less reactive towards phenoxide anions (ca. 100‐fold) than their corresponding oxycarbonates in water. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Fullerene–ferrocene dyad linked by rigid bilinkage: synthesis, photophysical properties and application as copper ion sensor
Authors: Kumar Anish , Menon Shobhana K.
Published: December 2008

A novel fullerene–ferrocene based donor–bridge–acceptor dyad was synthesized and characterized by elemental analysis, FT‐IR, 1H NMR, 13C NMR and FAB‐MS. The dyad with a bilinker comprising of azomethine and ester group was studied for its photo physical properties using absorption spectra and steady‐state fluorescence spectra as a function of dielectric constant of the medium. Fluorescence spectra of the dyad studied with excitation at 449 nm showed a weak emission at 742 nm, which got weaker on increasing the dielectric constant of the medium, indicating efficient electron transfer from ferrocene to fullerene. By designing a bilinked structure between the two redox moieties, we obtained a chelating structure which was found to coordinate copper ion efficiently and hence found application as a metal ion sensor. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Single Chain Epidermal Growth Factor Receptor Antibody Conjugated Nanoparticles for in vivo Tumor Targeting and Imaging
Authors: Yang Lily , Mao Hui , Wang Y. Andrew , Cao Zehong , Peng Xianghong , Wang Xiaoxia , Duan Hongwei , Ni Chunchun , Yuan Qingan , Adams Gregory , Smith Mark Q. , Wood William C. , Gao Xiaohu , Nie Shuming
Published: December 2008

Epidermal growth factor receptor (EGFR) targeted nanoparticle are developed by conjugating a single‐chain anti‐EGFR antibody (ScFvEGFR) to surface functionalized quantum dots (QDs) or magnetic iron oxide (IO) nanoparticles. The results show that ScFvEGFR can be successfully conjugated to the nanoparticles, resulting in compact ScFvEGFR nanoparticles that specifically bind to and are internalized by EGFR‐expressing cancer cells, thereby producing a fluorescent signal or magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) contrast. In vivo tumor targeting and uptake of the nanoparticles in human cancer cells is demonstrated after systemic delivery of ScFvEGFR‐QDs or ScFvEGFR‐IO nanoparticles into an orthotopic pancreatic cancer model. Therefore, ScFvEGFR nanoparticles have potential to be used as a molecular‐targeted in vivo tumor imaging agent. Efficient internalization of ScFvEGFR nanoparticles into tumor cells after systemic delivery suggests that the EGFR‐targeted nanoparticles can also be used for the targeted delivery of therapeutic agents.
Direct Magnetic Patterning due to the Generation of Ferromagnetism by Selective Ion Irradiation of Paramagnetic FeAl Alloys
Authors: Menéndez Enric , Liedke Maciej Oskar , Fassbender Jürgen , Gemming Thomas , Weber Anja , Heyderman Laura J. , Rao K. V. , Deevi Seetharama C. , Suriñach Santiago , Baró Maria Dolors , Sort Jordi , Nogués Josep
Published: December 2008

Sub‐100‐nm magnetic dots embedded in a non‐magnetic matrix are controllably generated by selective ion irradiation of paramagnetic Fe60Al40 (atomic %) alloys, taking advantage of the disorder‐induced magnetism in this material. The process is demonstrated by sequential focused ion beam irradiation and by in‐parallel broad‐beam ion irradiation through lithographed masks. Due to the low fluences used, this method results in practically no alteration of the surface roughness. The dots exhibit a range of magnetic properties depending on the size and shape of the structures, with the smallest dots (<100 nm) having square hysteresis loops with coercivities in excess of µ0HC = 50 mT. Importantly, the patterning can be fully removed by annealing. The combination of properties induced by the direct magnetic patterning is appealing for a wide range of applications, such as patterned media, magnetic separators, or sensors.
Cancer‐Cell‐Phenotype‐Dependent Differential Intracellular Trafficking of Unconjugated Quantum Dots
Authors: Barua Sutapa , Rege Kaushal
Published: December 2008

A diverse array of nanoparticles, including quantum dots (QDs), metals, polymers, liposomes, and dendrimers, are being investigated as therapeutics and imaging agents in cancer diseases. However, the role of the cancer‐cell phenotype on the uptake and intracellular fate of nanoparticles in cancer cells remains poorly understood. Reported here is that differences in cancer‐cell phenotypes can lead to significant differences in intracellular sorting, trafficking, and localization of nanoparticles. Unconjugated anionic QDs demonstrate dramatically different intracellular profiles in three closely related human‐prostate‐cancer cells used in the investigation: PC3, PC3‐flu, and PC3‐PSMA. QDs demonstrate punctated intracellular localization throughout the cytoplasm in PC3 cells. In contrast, the nanoparticles localize mainly at a single juxtanuclear location (“dot‐of‐dots”) inside the perinuclear recycling compartment in PC3‐PSMA cells, where they co‐localize with transferrin and the prostate‐specific membrane antigen. The results indicate that nanoparticle sorting and transport is influenced by changes in cancer‐cell phenotype and can have significant implications in the design and engineering of nanoscale drug delivery and imaging systems for advanced tumors.
THE INFLUENCE OF VAPOUR PRESSURE DEFICIT ON LEAF WATER RELATIONS OF COCOS NUCIFERA IN NORTHEAST BRAZIL
Authors: PASSOS E. E. M. , PRADO C. H. B. A. , ARAGÃO W. M.
Published: December 2008

Daily courses of leaf gas exchange and leaf water potential (Ψleaf) of green dwarf coconut palm (Cocos nucifera) were measured in irrigated plantations on the wet coastal plateau and in a dry semi-arid area of northeast Brazil. At both sites, significant correlations were obtained between stomatal conductance (gs) and vapour pressure deficit (VPDair), Ψleaf and VPDair, leaf transpiration (E) and gs, and E-Ψleaf. Despite these similar relationships between sites, stronger correlations involving gs-VPDair and E-Ψleaf were found at the semi-arid site, where whole-plant hydraulic conductance (gp) was correlated significantly with VPDair. In addition, at the semi-arid site, only, the net photosynthesis (PN) was not correlated with E and Ψleaf, and the intrinsic water use efficiency (WUEi) was disconnected from VPDair and Ψleaf. The different behaviour of leaf gas exchange and Ψleaf between sites was probably caused by low gs in response to high VPDair at the semi-arid site. Our results indicate potential for significant alterations in the pattern of leaf gas exchange during future climatic changes with increasing temperature and concomitant increases in VPDair. The atmospheric water stress will probably reinforce the strength of connection among water relation variables (E, Ψleaf, gs, gp, and VPDair), but it will disrupt the linear relationship between net CO2 assimilation and leaf water relations such as PN-E, PN-Ψleaf, WUEi-VPDair and WUEi-Ψleaf.
Toward a History of “The Communist League” 1847–1852
Authors: Nicolaevsky B.
Published: December 2008

The activity of the Communist League (Kommunisten-Bund), 1847–1852, and of its immediate predecessors – the League of the Just (Bund der Gerechten), 1838–1847, and the Communist Correspondence Committee (Kommunist. Korrespondenz Kommittee), 1846–1847 – was undoubtedly one of the most interesting stages in the large process of the formation of the international labor movement in its initial period. The history of these organizations is important from many points of view: it is important for the understanding both of the true roots of this movement, and of its search for organizational forms; and particularly for the light it throws upon the history of its efforts to develop a program and tactics. This is why research has so often turned its attention to this subject. And yet, in terms of completeness and scientific documentation, there is as yet no study providing a satisfactory survey of the life and activities of these organizations.
Les Antagonismes de Classes
Authors: Cuvillier Armand
Published: December 2008

Soit qu'on l'en blâme, soit qu'on l'en loue, on rapporte souvent au Marxisme la paternité de l'idée des oppositions de classes dans la société industrielle. Nous voudrions montrer ici qu'il y a là une vue excessivement schématique et que, s'il est vrai que c'est le Marxisme qui a donné à cette idée sa portée sociale, sa portée de propagande surtout, la notion des “antagonismes” immanents à la société contemporaine s'est formée bien avant les premiers manifestes du Marxisme. Nous utiliserons pour cela la littérature sociale française en prenant pour point de départ les oeuvres de Saint-Simon et en nous bornant à suivre l'évolution de cette idée dans la lignée de quelques auteurs qui se rattachent à son influence, jusqu'en 1848.
Richtungsgewerkschaft und gewerkschaftliche Autonomie 1890–1914
Authors: Langerhans Heinz
Published: December 2008

Als es um die grossen Fragen der Taktik und nicht mehr nur um innerorganisatorische Konflikte ging, trat an die Stelle des Kompetenzstreits im einzelnen Fall der allgemeine Konflikt: die Frage nach der „Souveränität” in der Arbeiterbewegung. Die Parteiaktion wird vom Veto der Generalkommission abhangig gemacht.

Die verschiedenen Massenstreiks, die um die Jahrhundertwende in verschiedenen Ländern Europas dieses Kampfmittel im Wahlrechts-kampf erprobten, insbesondere die zentrale Bedeutung des politischen Massenstreiks in der russischen Revolution von 1905, brachten die Debatte über die Mittel, mit denen in Deutschland, zum Beispiel in Preussen, der Wahlrechtskampf zu führen sei, in Fluss. Der internationale Sozialistenkongress in Amsterdam 1904 beschäftigte sich mit der Frage des Massenstreiks. Die Debatte hatte in der Presse kaum einen gewissen Umfang erreicht, als die Generalkommission mit dem Kölner Gewerkschaftskongress 1905 den Beschlussen der Partei in dieser Frage zuvorkam. Die Gewerkschaften stellten die Sozialdemokratie vor eine vollendete Tatsache. Die Aktualität der Frage wurde bestritten, jede Beschlussfassung über eine eventuelle zukünftige Anwendung politischer Massenstreiks wurde abgelehnt; der Gewerkschaftskongress erliess sogar in aller Forme in Diskussionsverbot. Der Referent zu dem Tagesordnungspunkt 4, „die Stellung der Gewerkschaften zum Generalstreik”, Bömmelburg, sagte auf dem Kölner Kongress: Alle internationalen Kongresse habben sich damit beschäftigt. Für Deutschland ist der politische Massenstreik indiskutabel. Er wird auf der Tagesordnung des nächsten Parteitages voraussichtlich zu finden sein. „Daher mussten auch wir diesmal dazu Stellung nehmen, um nicht Gefahr zu laufen, dass wir uns später Beschlüssen fügen mussten, die einseitig an anderer Stelle gefasst sind”.
Some Elements of Continuity in the Social Life of Ancient Crete
Authors: Willetts R. F.
Published: December 2008

In my Aristocratic Society in Ancient Crete I suggested the possibility that the Dorians of the historical period entered as masters into a “caste-system” first established, according to a tradition reported by Aristotle, in Minoan times; and further, that the original Dorian land settlement was the product of the amalgamation of two systems: the native system of land tenure was adapted to the tribal institutions of the conquerors. The present article is an attempt to clarify these two propositions by presenting some of the relevant arguments. For the propositions themselves seem fundamental to a proper understanding of the conservative character of the economic and social structure of the Cretan aristocratic cities in the historical period, as compared with the radical transformation of the democratic states, and, in particular, of Athens.
Der junge Moses Hess im Lichte bisher unerschlossener Quellen
Authors: Silberner Edmund
Published: December 2008

Moses Hess wurde am 21. Januar 1812 zu Bonn im Hause Nr. 807 in der Judengasse geboren. Seine Vorfahren lassen sich väterlicherseits bis zu seinem Urgrossvater und mütterlicherseits bis zu seinem Grossvater zurückverfolgen. Das Geburtsjahr seines Urgrossvaters, David (auch Tebli) Hess ist unbekannt. Er wurde in Abterode, Kr. Eschwege, Hessen-Nassau, geboren, und war Oberrabbiner der Gemeinde Mannheim. In der Rabbinengeschichte des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts ist ereine vielgenannte Persönlichkeit, da er in dem langwierigen Clever Ehescheidungsprozess (1766) eine wichtige Rolle spielte. Er ist im Jahre 1767 in Mannheim gestorben. Sein Sohn Nathan David Hess (geb. 1756 in Mannheim) lebte als Kolonialwarenhändler in Bonn, woer ein ortsansässiges Mädchen, Eva Wetzlar, heiratete. Aus dieser Ehe entsprang David Hess (geb. 1790 in Bonn), der Vater unseres Moses. Er verbrachte seine Jugendjahre in Bonn, wo er am Geschäfte seines Vaters mitarbeitete. Im Jahre 1794 zogen die Franzosen ein, und mit ihrem Erscheinen änderte sich radikal die Stellung der Juden im Rheinlande. Die Franzosen gewährten ihnen vollständige Emanzipation, auch das Recht ausserhalb des Ghettos zu wohnen und Grundbesitz zu erwerben. Deshalb erschienen sie den Juden als ihre Befreier. Die Sympathie der Juden für die Franzosen ist um so verständlicher, als bei der Besitznahme der Rheinlande durch Preussen (1815), diese vollständige Emanzipation beträchtlich eingeschränkt wurde. Finanziell ging es der Familie Hess recht kümmerlich, da das Kolonialwarengeschäft durch die Kontinentalsperre litt. Um 1810 heiratete der zwanzigjährige David Hess die um vier Jahre ältere Helene (Jeannette) Flörsheim, geboren 1786 in Bockenheim (bei Frankfurt am Main), woihr Vater Moses Flörsheim Rabbiner war. Über ihre ferneren Vorfahren ist nur bekannt, dass sich unter ihnen ein rabbinischer Schriftsteller befand, der aus Polen nach Deutschland flüchtete um seine Frau den Verfolgungen eines Edelmannes zu entziehen.
Zu den Anfängen der deutschen Sozialdemokratie 1863–1878
Authors: Lademacher Horst
Published: December 2008

Zahlreiche monographische Arbeiten zur sozialdemokratischen Parteigeschichte führen wohlbegründete Klage über das Fehlen einer modernen Gesamtdarstellung, die zu erarbeiten ein erstes Anliegen der Geschichtsschreibung der deutschen Arbeiterbewegung sein müsse. Dass es noch einer umfassenden Darstellung ermangelt, ist um so eigenartiger, als sich eine Fülle von historischen Zeugnissen und Dokumenten dem Historiker zur Bearbeitung anbietet. Gleich-wohl erschöpft sich die bisherige parteigeschichtliche Bibliographie in Einzeldarstellungen – abgesehen von einigen gedrängten, zu partei-politischen Zwecken geschriebenen übersichten—, und es gilt die etwas verfrühte Rüge Adolf Mengers über die mangelhafte Geschichtsschreibung des Sozialismus heute – trotz Mehring – in erhöhtem Masse für die Geschichtsschreibung der sozialdemokratischen Partei.
Zu den Anfängen der deutschen Sozialdemokratie 1863–1878
Authors: Lademacher Horst
Published: December 2008

Die Schriften Lassalles geben Aufschluss genug, wie eine Verquickung von allgemeinem Wahlrecht und sozialistischem Staat versucht wird. Es ist dabei auffällig, dass die Forderung nach dem Wahlrecht als not-wendige Voraussetzung fär den sozialistischen Staat erscheint. So schrieb Lassalle in dem „Offenen Antwortschreiben”: „Das allgemeine und direkte Wahlrecht ist also…nicht nur ihr politisches, es ist auch ihr soziales Grundprinzip, die Grundbedingung aller sozialen Hilfe. Es ist das einzige Mittel, um die materielle Lage des Arbeiterstandes zu verbessern.” Lassalle identifizierte hier, wie Brandis bereits richtig bemerkt hat, die parlamentarische Demokratie mit der sozialistischen Gesellschaftsordnung. In der Überantwortung des Staates an die arbeitenden Klassen durch das allgemeine Wahlrecht schien ihm die Voraussetzung für die „freie Arbeit als herrschendes Prinzip der Gesellschaft” gegeben. Das allgemeine Wahlrecht als Emanzipationsmittel schuf ihm den politischen Unterbau, auf dem der „soziale Staat” errichtet werden konnte.
18th-Century Price-Riots, the French Revolution and the Jacobin Maximum
Authors: Rose R. B.
Published: December 2008

The “war communism” of the Jacobins, mobilizing all economic forces for the defence of the Republic, has many features which seem to anticipate later regimes more self-consciously and more consistently socialist. At the same time it appears in some respects as a partial return to the étatisme of the Ancien Régime in reaction against the liberalism of 1789. Particularly is this true of the adoption, in 1793, of a system of price control for essential commodities.
Stoics, Cynics, and the Spartan Revolution
Authors: Africa Thomas W.
Published: December 2008

In one of the supreme ironies of history, the austere Lycurgan system at Sparta failed in its primary aim – the fossilization of martial virtue – and succeeded in military victories, the heady profits of which undermined the precarious communism of the bivouac state. Conditioned to repress fear, the Spartan compensated by indulging greed – bribery, not cowardice, was his fatal weakness. After the collapse of the Spartan Empire at the Battle of Leuctra in 371, mercenary service became the principal Spartan occupation, even for Xenophon's model officer and gentleman, King Agesilaus. With landed estates encroaching on the traditional lots and great fortunes swollen by the gains of empire and mercenary adventure, the common Spartan found himself reduced to an equality of obligation only. The inflation and economic stress of the Hellenistic era intensified the imbalance between wealth and poverty in Lacedaemon. In a brief reign (244–241), the idealistic young King Agis IV tried to revive Sparta's military glory by restoring „Lycurgan ways” and did effect the abolition of debts but failed to redistribute land lots – his agent, Agesilaus, avoided the issue until a counter-revolutionary coup led by the deposed King Leonidas overthrew the reformers and lynched Agis. In 227, Leonidas' son, Cleomenes III, seized power and completed the aborted reforms of Agis-his subsequent success forced his rival for leadership of the Peloponnse, Aratus of Sicyon, into an alliance with Macedon, and Cleomenes was defeated at Sellasia in 222 to die shortly after in exile in Egypt.
The New York City Negro and Occupational Eviction 1860–1910
Authors: Bloch H. D.
Published: December 2008

It is the basic contention of this paper that intensification of Negro occupational eviction from 1860–1910 imposed another limitation on the Negro in addition to “job ceiling”. The term job ceiling, logically, connotes a prescribed set of trades or occupations, restricted exclusively to a group with ascribed social and economic status, and offers almost no upgrading. Negro eviction from the trades adds another restriction to his already low status, since, the Negro was now not limited in his opportunity to rise in the occupational scale – “job ceiling” – but jobs formerly relegated to him as low-grade Negro jobs were taken away from him – “eviction” – when whites entered into competition for them. This happened when (a) immigrants arrives who did not think such jobs normally beneath their dignity and (b) when native-born whites suffered unemployment.
Karl Marlo, Guild Socialism, and the Revolutions of 1848
Authors: Weiss John
Published: December 2008

The notion that the German liberals of 1848 failed because they were mere men of ideas and hence incapable of managing the grim realities of power politics has become dogma. We tend to accept this interpretation unthinkingly, I suspect, because it fits so well our modern anti-idealist bias in favor of the “practical realist” in politics – one, that is to say, who is adept at maneuvering safely among existing forces without attempting to add the force of ideals and hope. In his recent and excellent book, however, Mr. Theodore S. Hamerow has shown that the liberals of 1848 failed not because they were impractical but because they were too practical. Indeed, so single-mindedly did the liberals push their own practical political and economic interest, Mr. Hamerow informs us, that they cut off their ties with those classes – the peasants and workers – whose violence had made the revolutions successful.
Die Stärke der Ersten Internationale - Legende und Wirklichkeit
Authors: Braunthal Julius
Published: December 2008

In den Legenden ihrer Feinde wie auch ihrer Bewunderer erschien die Internationale als eine ungeheuere organisatorische und finanzielle Macht. Im dritten Prozess des französischen Kaiserreichs gegen die Mitglieder des Zentralkomitees der französischen Sektion der Internationale (8. Juni 1870), die der Geheimbündelei beschuldigt waren, behauptete der Staatsanwalt, dass die Internationale 811.513 Mitglieder organisiert hätte, und zwar 433.785 in Frankreich, 45.000 in der Schweiz, 150.000 in Deutschland, 100.000 in der österreich-ungarischen Monarchie, 80.000 in England und 2.728 in Spanien. Durch diesen riesenhaften Umfang einer Organisation, die offen bekunde, dass sie „ihr Programm nur durch eine Revolution und nur in einer demokratischen und sozialen Republik verwirklichen kann”, so fügte er hinzu, sei die Internationale zu einer „sozialen Gefahr” geworden.
Gustav Stresemann: The Problem of Political Leadership in the Weimar Republic
Authors: Hertzman Lewis
Published: December 2008

As a persistent critic of the German Revolution of November 9, 1918, and of the Weimar Republic, the Conservative publicist Arthur Moeller van den Bruck frequently denounced what he called the “republic without republicans”. “The Republic in which we are living”, he wrote, “is a joyless republic. Is it really a republic? Is it not still a monarchy that has merely been deprived of its emblems? Is not this thing which has no symbol on which one can fasten belief, is it not monarchy in its deepest humiliation?” The questions that Moeller van den Bruck was asking for Conservatives were being asked, in their own way, by men through the spectrum of intellectual and political life: by men on the Left who wanted a Communist or Socialist republic, by men of the Right who wanted a popular constitutional monarchy, by the few who wanted the status quo, and by the many who wanted some kind of progressive change in public life. Not least among the questioners was Gustav Stresemann, the young leader of the new German People's Party.
Garibaldi and the First Peace Congress in Geneva in 1867
Authors: Campanella A. P.
Published: December 2008

As is well known the advocacy of pacifism is almost as old as war itself although organized attempts to outlaw war date only from the middle nineteenth century, and among these the Congrès de la Paix of 1867 played a unique rôle. First it foreshadowed the permanency of Geneva as its logical seat, at least in the all-important area of Europe, and secondly, it dared attack the immediate conditions which predisposed nations to eventual belligerency. In a way, the United Nations could be considered as a realization of some of the ideals which inspired the daring initiative taken by the 1867 Congress, even though it was attacked as being anarchistic and revolutionary at that time. In fact the ̓67 Congress ended in a furore over this issue and although it continued its work until World War I it was practically obliged to confine its efforts along the less explosive lines of arbitration and international jurisdiction.
Fabianisme et Communisme: Les Webb et L'Union Soviétique
Authors: Liebman Marcel
Published: December 2008

Jusqu'ici, nous n'avons envisagé que l'analyse faite par les Webb des structures internes de l'Union soviétique. L'étude du régime communiste russe dans ses relations avec le monde extérieur forme cependant une partie également importante, et non moins significative, de «Soviet Communism».
The British Working Class and the General Election of 1868
Authors: Harrison Royden
Published: December 2008

In the middle of September Howell wrote to James Stansfeld: “I understand that Mr. Glyn is much pleased with our reports: Mr. Stanhope has also spoken highly of them. We shall be glad if Mr. Glyn and yourself will write to Mr. Morley on this subject if you feel satisfied with our preliminary work”.
The Labour Party in Leicester: A Study in Branch Development
Authors: Cox David
Published: December 2008

The purpose of this article is to examine the development of a branch of the British Labour Party by contrasting its activities before and after 1918. In so doing, it is hoped to illustrate the nature and extent of the influence of the Independent Labour Party (the I.L.P.), with especial reference to the position of the I.L.P. within the local branch of the Labour Party.
Eighteenth Century Price Riots and Public Policy in England
Authors: Rose R. B.
Published: December 2008

In an earlier article in these pages I examined the origins of the price-control legislation of the Jacobin phase of the French Revolution, suggesting that it ought, most properly, to be regarded not as a revolutionary innovation, but rather as the re-emergence in a new environment of an old and well-established tradition of popular action to fix fair market prices, and thus maintain living standards, by riot and demonstration. At the same time, and in passing, I indicated briefly that a similar tradition existed in 18th-century England, if anything more strongly marked and more widespread than in France itself. The present article will be concerned with a discussion of the significance of this English tradition.
The Politics of Urban Leaseholds in Late Victorian England
Authors: Reeder D. A.
Published: December 2008

The prestige of the landlord class, which had stood so high in the long period of prosperity of the mid-Victorian years, fell to its lowest point in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. From the early 1880's landowners were attacked by politicians and land reformers in Parliament, in the Press and in a welter of literature on various aspects of the land question. At the same time there was a revival in the membership and activities of land organisations many of which had been started in the land agitation of the early 1870's only to go down before the onset of the Great Depression. The main cause of the widespread feelings of hostility towards landowners was economic: the instability of trade and employment and the effects of falling profit margins on the outlook and standards of expenditure of businessmen. The conflict of economic interests between landlords, businessmen and workers was expressed in the language of class war. Radicals of the Liberal Party took advantage of the increased support given to them by the business and professional classes to renew their campaign against the landowning aristocracy. They carped at the wealth of landowners and pointed to the burden of rents and royalties which lay on the enterprise of farmers and mineowners. They contrasted the relatively fixed incomes of landowners with the falling rate of return on industrial investments. Turning away from moderate reforms designed to improve the transfer and development of estates, they pronounced that the chief burden on the land was not the law but the landlord himself.
Geheimbündelei und soziale Bewegung
Authors: Schraepler Ernst
Published: December 2008

Die revolutionären Pariser Ereignisse vom Juli 1830 entfachten in den Staaten des Deutschen Bundes von neuem eine politische Bewegung, vor allem in den Reihen der bürgerlichen Jugend. Die Regierungen schritten sofort, insbesondere gegen die Tätigkeit radikaler Burschenschafter, mit äußerster Strenge ein. Die Androhung und Verhängung schwerer Kerkerstrafen ließ bald die Zahl der Flüchtlinge aus studentischen Kreisen und Journalistenzirkeln ansteigen. Das Ziel dieser Emigranten, die sich über die Grenzen in Sicherheit brachten, war neben Belgien und Frankreich die Schweiz. Hier, in den verschiedenen Kantonen, trafen die Deutschen mit zahlreichen Leidensgefährten aus Italien und Polen zusammen. „Alle beseelte der glühende Haß gegen ihre Unterdrücker. Alle waren von ihren Regierungen verjagt, in der kleinen Schweiz zusammengewürfelt; was konnten sie Besseres tun, als zu konspirieren”. Mit diesen Worten kennzeichnete ein zeitgenössischer Beobachter die Atmosphäre, in der die Neuankömmlinge lebten und darangingen, Zukunftspläne für die Befreiung ihrer Länder zu schmieden.
„Die deutsche Ideologie” von Marx und Engels
Authors: Bahne S.
Published: December 2008

In den Monaten zwischen September 1845 und dem Frühsommer 1846 schrieben Karl Marx und Friedrich Engels in Brüssel gemeinsam ihre „Kritik der neuesten deutschen Philosophie, in ihren Repräsentanten, Feuerbach, B. Bauer und Stirner” und des sogenannten „wahren” Sozialismus in Deutschland; zu diesem geplanten Buch sollte Moses Hess einige Kapitel (gegen A. Ruge und G. Kuhlmann) beisteuern. Die geplante Veröffentlichung unterblieb damals, weil die Geldgeber für den Druck und Verlag (J. Meyer aus Osnabrück und R. Rempel aus Bielefeld) von ihrem Versprechen zurücktraten. Die erhalten gebliebenen Teile des Manuskripts dieses Werkes von Marx und Engels das, wie Marx 1859 schrieb, ihre „Selbstverständigung” zustande brachte, wurden 1932 zum ersten Mal ungekürzt publiziert.
Religion and Mendicity in Seventeenth-Century France
Authors: Chill Emanuel
Published: December 2008

From the fifteenth through the seventeenth centuries, as absolutism emerged in its classic development, the lower classes of western Europe experienced great insecurity and hardship. The Hundred Years' War, the end of serfdom, the quickening of economic activity, the secular price advance, and the explosion of religious conflict shattered traditional social bonds, produced widespread destitution, and uprooted large numbers of peasants who took to the roads in a desperate nomadism. These vagrant populations, existing on theft, brigandage and, mainly, begging, evoked severe governmental repression which was to prove generally unpopular and, in the long run, ineffective. In seventeenth-century France certain private groups also were to take up the cause of repressing vagabondage through a systematic program of confinement in workhouses – a program which, while complementing royal policy, would draw its main inspiration from the ascetic spirituality of the French Counter Reformation. These hôpitaux généraux are of interest as concrete expressions of the convergence of social problems, absolutist political tendencies, and religious attitudes.
Rationalität und Normativer Gegendruck im wirtschaftlichen Internationalismus 1850–1950
Authors: Winkelman P. H.
Published: December 2008

Gegen Mitte des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts war das wirtschaftliche Denken so weit fortgeschritten, daß es ein theoretisches System bildete, wobei die Regeln, die beim internationalen Güteraustausch zu beachten sind, formuliert wurden, zur Verwirklichung dessen, was als die natürliche Ordnung des Außenhandels angesehen wurde. Drei Probleme oder Gruppen von Problemen waren bis dahin untersucht worden.
Einige Briefe Rosa Luxemburgs
Authors: Blumenberg W.
Published: December 2008

Nachdem bereits früher aus den Archiven des IISG. einige Briefe Rosa Luxemburgs und andere die Tätigkeit der Verfasserin in der deutschen Sozialdemokratie betreffende Dokumente veröffentlicht werden konnten, stellen die hier mitgeteilten Briefe eine kleine Nachlese an Luxemburg-Dokumenten dar. Es handelt sich um einen Brief an Minna Kautsky, drei Briefe an Luise Kautsky, ein Schreiben an Hans Kautsky und vier Briefe an Fanny Jezierska. Einer der letzteren enthält die Abschrift eines Schreibens Karl Liebknechts an Fanny Jezierska. Es wurde ferner ein Brief Leo Jogiches' hinzugefügt, weil er für Rosa Luxemburg bestimmte Mitteilungen enthält, die der damals im Berliner “Weibergefängnis” Inhaftierten überbracht wurden.
The Russian Revolution and the Labour Movements of Australia and New Zealand, 1917–1922
Authors: O'Farrell P. J.
Published: December 2008

The Bolsheviks saw their revolution, not as merely Russian, but as the opening act in a great drama of international socialist revolution. This vision, dazzling in itself, mingled with Russian reality, evoked responses in the Australian and New Zealand labour movements. To these countries, the Russian revolution came as part accomplished fact, part world myth, an astonishing sublimation of the enforced and sordid internationalism of suffering on the battlefields of the world war. As such, it was peculiarly disturbing to labour movements which had been, in the main, traditionally cautious and self-sufficient, resistant to both dreams and doctrines. But even Australian and New Zealand labour could not live by bread alone. Was the Russian revolution relevant? This was the basic question, and, at first, it went to the core of local conflicts and indecisions. At first, this question seemed to mean – were revolutionary concepts relevant to Australian and New Zealand conditions, in a situation of imminent world revolution. Was labour to pursue doctrinaire, militant and revolutionary socialism, or welfare-state reformism? This fundamental alternative was, of course, not absent before the Russian revolution, but that revolution posed it with a realism, bluntness and urgency never experienced before. Yet hardly had Australian and New Zealand labour confronted with this imperative, when its terms began to change as circumstances narrowed the challenge represented by Russia. Was the Russian revolution relevant? By 1920 this question had come to mean – would Australian and New Zealand labour accept Russian methods, theories and direction?
Anarchy and Culture: Fernand Pelloutier and the Dilemma of Revolutionary Syndicalism
Authors: Spitzer Alan B.
Published: December 2008

Advancing under socialist banners, the labor movement in Western Europe won such success by the end of the nineteenth century as to produce a deep moral and intellectual crisis in European socialism. Internecine quarrels over revisionism, participationism, and antipolitical syndicalism reflected the malaise of a “revolutionary” movement that each year bound itself more closely to the system it had vowed to destroy. For socialist theoreticians, the crisis was cognitive or “scientific” – it had to do with issues of adequate historical analysis and prediction – but for the theorists of French revolutionary syndicalism it was essentially a moral crisis. In their eyes the socialist parties had already failed because they were the instruments for manipulation and betrayal of the workers by leaders whose ambitions could be gratified through the capitalist establishment. They identified a practical and moral alternative to political socialism in the revolutionary general strike prepared and carried out by autonomous proletarian organizations. Such organizations were necessary to the idealists of the general strike if their programs were not to degenerate into a strictly verbal revolutionary Couéism and they therefore put great stock in the development of militant working-class associations. Among these, the Bourses du Travail, which flourished from 1895 to 1901 under the dedicated direction of the anarchist intellectual, Fernand Pelloutier, seemed the most promising.
Neues Material zur Geschichte der Genfer Espérance
Authors: Silberner Edmund
Published: December 2008

Unlängst mir zugänglich gemachtes und von mir neuaufgefundenes Archivmaterial wirft zusätzliches Licht auf die Geschichte des Genfer Tageblattes „L'Espérance”.
Leon Trotsky's Adventure in American Radical Politics. 1935–1937
Authors: Venkataramani M. S.
Published: December 2008

On 24 January 1936 Rose Karsner of New York City received a cablegram from Norway: “ Personally in Favour of Entry–leo.” The sender of the cablegram was the exiled Bolshevik leader, Leon Trotsky, and the recipient was the wife of the most important “Trotskyist” leader in the United States, James Cannon. The Russian revolutionary thus gave his blessing to a new manoeuvre by which the American Trotskyists were to enter the Socialist Party of America for certain well-defined objectives.
The New York Negro's Battle for Political Rights, 1777–1865
Authors: Bloch Herman D.
Published: December 2008

The American revolution, with its accompanying changes in the economic, social and political life of the thirteen colonies, failed to alter the Negroes' “outsider status”. In this article the struggle for political rights will be considered as a factor in changing that “outsider status.” It seems justifiable to single out for special treatment a period of less known political action aimed at improving – or sometimes simply defending – the Negro's status as a citizen.
Dmitrii Blagoev in Russia: An Autobiographical Letter
Authors: Labelle D.
Published: December 2008

A letter from Dmitrii Blagoev, Bulgarian Social Democrat and later leader of the Communist Party of Bulgaria, has been preserved in the archive of A. N. Potresov at the International Institute of Social History in Amsterdam. In reply to an inquiry fromD. Kol'tsov, who was preparing a Russian edition of Alphonse Thun's well-known history of the Russian revolutionary movement, Blagoev wrote twelve pages describing his activity in 1883–85 as a member of the first significant Social Democratic circle in Russia. Kol'tsov published extracts from the letter in his edition of Thun, including the Social Democratic program which Blagoev had published in Bulgaria subsequent to his expulsion from Russia in 1885. Kol'tsov's pen, however, struck out some of the more interesting biographical passages, and corrected Blagoev's good, if somewhat erratic Russian. It is particularly interesting to note Blagoev's references to the intellectual bases for a socialist Weltanschauung in the middle 1880's: Lassalle, Lavrov and Chernyshevskii appear beside Marx in the posts of honor. No less interesting is the question which Blagoev raised in this letter – whether the lack of clarity of Socialist views in 1885 was connected in any way with the rise of Economism among workers and socialist intellectuals in the Russian capital during the closing years of the last century. Literature on the Blagoev circle is not lacking, but there is a shortage of sound studies on the relationships between Marxism and indigenous Russian political philosophies between 1880 and 1895.
Administration and Finance of the Reform League, 1865–1867
Authors: Bell Aldon D.
Published: December 2008

In the first months of 1865 artisan and middle class Reformers in London established the Reform League with the publicly stated political goals of “manhood suffrage and the ballot”. Reflecting a new political awareness among artisan workingmen as well as a realization that workingmen and sympathetic bourgeois Reformers might achieve more when agitating together, the League resulted from experiences and associations in several recent working class and bourgeois campaigns, concerns, and agitations. London artisans, for instance, had been involved in trade unions (both amalgamated and local), the London Trades Council, Trades Union Manhood Suffrage and Vote by Ballot Association, Workingmen's Garibaldi Committee, Universal League for the Improvement of the Working Classes, and International Working Men's Association (“First International”). They also joined organizations and campaigns more closely associated with the middle classes: temperance groups, Liberation Society, National League for Polish Independence, Emancipation Society, and Ballot Society. Here the artisans met bourgeois Reformers who helped establish and finance the Reform League.
Lebenshaltungen und Lebenshaltungskosten im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert in den Hansestadten Bremen und Hamburg
Authors: Engelsing Rolf
Published: December 2008

Um den Lebensstandard der Bevölkerung in Deutschland vom Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts bis zur Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts zu erforschen, kann man versuchen, ihn nach den Haushaltseinkommen zu quantifizieren, und prüfen, wie er sich im Lauf der Zeit verbessert oder verschlechtert. Das ist oft erfolglos, weil die Quellen versagen. Dann kann man versuchen, die verschiedenen sozialen Stufen der Lebenshaltung zu qualifizieren, und darstellen, wie ihr Zuschnitt und ihr Verhältnis untereinander sich im Lauf der Zeit auf den einzelnen Stufen verschiedenartig verändert.