bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Crystal structure of paliperidone, C23H27FN4O3
Authors: Kaduk James A. , Zhong Kai , Gindhart Amy M. , Blanton Thomas N.
Published: March 2016

The crystal structure of paliperidone has been solved and refined using synchrotron X-ray powder diffraction data, and optimized using density functional techniques. Paliperidone crystallizes in space groupP21/n(# 14) witha= 14.151 58(6),b= 21.537 80(9),c= 6.913 26(2) Å,β= 92.3176(2)°,V= 2105.396(13) Å3, andZ= 4. The unit-cell volume at 295 K is 1.5% larger than at 200 K, but the expansion is anisotropic; theb-axis is nearly constant at the two temperatures, while thea- andc-axes expand by 0.71 and 0.87%, respectively. There is only one significant hydrogen (H)-bond in the crystal structure. This H-bond is between the hydroxyl group O31–H58 and the ketone oxygen O25. The result is a chain along thec-axis with graph set C1,1(7). In addition to this H-bond, the molecular packing is dominated by van der Waals attractions. The powder pattern is included in the Powder Diffraction File™as entry 00-064-1497.
Disaster Risk Education of Final Year High School Students Requires a Partnership with Families and Charity Organizations: An International Cross-sectional Survey
Authors: Codreanu Tudor A. , Celenza Antonio , Ngo Hanh
Published: March 2016

Introduction

The aim of disaster reduction education (DRE) is to achieve behavioral change. Over the past two decades, many efforts have been directed towards this goal, but educational activities have been developed based on unverified assumptions. Further, the literature has not identified any significant change towards disaster preparedness at the individual level. In addition, previous research suggests that change is dependent on multiple independent predictors. It is difficult to determine what specific actions DRE might result in; therefore, the preamble of such an action, which is to have discussions about it, has been chosen as the surrogate outcome measure for DRE success. This study describes the relationship of the perceived entity responsible for disaster education, disaster education per se, sex, and country-specific characteristics, with students discussing disasters with friends and family as a measure of proactive behavioral change in disaster preparedness.

Methods

A total of 3,829 final year high school students participated in an international, multi-center prospective, cross-sectional study using a validated questionnaire. Nine countries with different levels of disaster exposure risk and economic development were surveyed. Regression analyses examined the relationship between the likelihood of discussing disasters with friends and family (dependent variable) and a series of independent variables.

Results

There was no statistically significant relationship between a single entity responsible for disaster education and discussions about potential hazards and risks with friends and/or family. While several independent predictors showed a significant main effect, DRE through school lessons in interaction with Family & Charity Organizations had the highest predictive value.

Conclusions

Disaster reduction education might require different delivery channels and methods and should engage with the entities with which the teenagers are more likely to collaborate.

CodreanuTA,CelenzaA,NgoH.Disaster risk education of final year high school students requires a partnership with families and charity organizations: an international cross-sectional survey.Prehosp Disaster Med.2016;31(3):242–254.
ON THE INTERACTION BETWEEN ECONOMIC GROWTH AND BUSINESS CYCLES
Authors: Mendieta-Muñoz Ivan
Published: March 2016

The present paper studies the interaction between short-run business cycle fluctuations and economic growth at the empirical level. We identify a measure of potential output with that rate of growth consistent with a constant unemployment rate, and we estimate the effects of GDP growth rates on the latter in 13 Latin American and 18 OECD countries during the period 1981–2011. The results of both parametric (OLS/IV and a panel estimator that allows for parameter heterogeneity and cross-section dependence) and nonparametric (a penalized regression spline estimator) econometric techniques show that the measure of potential output experiences positive (negative) changes in periods of high (low) growth in the majority of countries. However, in contrast to the sample of OECD countries, we find that less than half of the sample of Latin American countries experience statistically significant changes in this measure of potential output in periods of low growth.
SCIENCE CANNOT DETERMINE HUMAN VALUES
Authors: Earp Brian D.
Published: March 2016

Sam Harris, in his book The Moral Landscape, argues that ‘science can determine human values.’ Against this view, I argue that while secular moral philosophy can certainly help us to determine our values, science – at least as that word is commonly understood – must play a subservient role. To the extent that science can ‘determine’ what we ought to do, it is only by providing us with empirical information, which can then be slotted into a chain of deductive (moral) reasoning. The premises of such reasoning, however, can in no way be derived from the scientific method: they come, instead, from philosophy – and common sense.
Spherical Trigonometry in the Astronomy of the Medieval Kerala School
Authors: Plofker Kim
Published: March 2016

Although the methods of plane trigonometry became the cornerstone of classical Indian mathematical astronomy, the corresponding techniques for exact solution of triangles on the sphere’s surface seem never to have been independently developed within this tradition. Numerous rules nevertheless appear in Sanskrit texts for finding the great-circle arcs representing various astronomical quantities; these were presumably derived not by spherics per se but from plane triangles inside the sphere or from analemmatic projections, and were supplemented by approximate formulas assuming small spherical triangles to be plane.
Evolution and Termination of the 3-D Solar Wind
Authors: Verheest F.
Published: March 2016

The second session of the Joint Discussion 19 (Physics of the Sun and Heliosphere in the Era of Space Probes; Scientific Highlights of SOHO, ULYSSES and YOHKOH) was devoted to the Evolution and Termination of the 3-D Solar Wind. As was the case with the other two sessions, it consisted of three invited talks, three oral contributions, a number of posters and a general discussion.
Access to Telescopes in Developing Countries
Authors: Hearnshaw J.B.
Published: March 2016

The ambiguity in this paper’s title is deliberate. Are we talking about astronomers or telescopes in developing countries? And are the countries concerned developing economically or astronomically? In practice I will cover both options in each case.

The list below summarizes six possible routes for the acquisition of astronomical observational data that may be available to astronomers in countries developing economically, astronomically or in both ways. Not all these options will be available in any one case; indeed most of them will probably not be available. However, examples of all of them can readily be found.
The Jupiter System
Authors: Marov M.YA. , Rahe J.
Published: March 2016

The last two decades brought a rich harvest of information about the outer planets, their satellites, and their ring systems that dramatically improved our knowledge about these bodies and evolutionary processes in the Solar System. This progress was due both to the successful Pioneer and Voyager missions, and to progressively improved techniques of ground-based observations. These data give insight into numerous new phenomena and mechanisms operating on the outer planets and also give important clues about the intimate relationships between all objects of the Solar System family. Results from the Galileo probe and orbiter have taken us further along that track.
In-Situ Chemical and Isotopic Measurements of the Atmosphere of Jupiter
Authors: Mahaffy P.R. , Atreya S.K. , Niemann H.B. , Owen T.C.
Published: March 2016

Insights into both the detailed composition of Jupiter’s atmosphere and unexpected local meteorological phenomena were revealed by in-situ measurements from the Galileo Probe Neutral Mass Spectrometer taken on December 7, 1995. Measurements of the neutral atmospheric composition from a pressure of 0.5 bar to approximately 21 bar revealed the mixing ratios of the major species helium and hydrogen as well as numerous minor constituents including methane, water, ammonia, ethane, ethylene, propane, hydrogen sulfide, neon, argon, krypton, and xenon. This instrument measured the isotope ratios3He/4He, D/H, and13C/12C as well as the isotopes of neon, argon, krypton, and xenon. A summary is given of progress that has been made in refining preliminary estimates of the abundances of condensable volatiles and noble gases as a result of an ongoing laboratory study using a nearly identical engineering unit. The depletion of simple condensable species to depths well below their expected condensation levels is explained by a local downdraft in the region of the probe entry. The mass spectrometer data suggests that different species may recover at different depths and this may be due to lateral mixing of Jovian air.
Satellite-Magnetosphere Interactions
Authors: Ip W.-H.
Published: March 2016

One important aspect of satellite-magnetosphere interactions concerns surface modification effects resulting from ion sputtering and/or electrostatic transport. For example, the Galileo measurements showed that the net mass loss rate at Europa could be as much as 40 meters of material per 100 million years. Magnetospheric ion-sputtering effects therefore have the interesting potential of providing an independent method to date the age of Europa’s surface. Ion sputtering can also lead to the ejection of large amounts of H atoms and H2 molecules into the Jovian magnetosphere as well as the formation of extended oxygen exospheres in the vicinity of the Galilean icy satellites. The newly discovered ionosphere of Europa could be of sputtering origin as well.
The Social Benefit System in Urban China: Reforms and Trends from 1988 to 2002
Authors: Gao Qin
Published: March 2016

This article systematically reviews the macrolevel social policy changes in urban China during recent years. It also provides empirical evidence on how such policy changes reflect on microlevel family benefit levels from 1988 to 2002 using the national China Household Income Project data. The social policy reform process gradually shifted away from welfare provision through work units to greater emphasis on individual taxes and contributions. The government has also taken a more active role in providing a safety net for the urban poor. Empirical results show that even though the real value of social benefits increased over time, its increasing pace was laggard by that of market earnings, yielding a smaller share in final household income since the reforms. Pensions, public assistance, health, and education benefits increased during the period, while housing, food assistance, and supplementary income decreased.
To Go or Not to Go: South and North Korea's Nuclear Decisions in Comparative Context
Authors: Hymans Jacques E. C. , Kim Seung-Young , Riecke Henning
Published: March 2016

Ever since the destruction of Hiroshima in 1945, states all over the world have been faced with the issue of whether or not to acquire the ‘absolute weapon’ for themselves. The question of ‘going nuclear’ has been especially acute on the Korean peninsula, with its history of conflict, division and great power meddling. Has any one of the two Koreas, or both, ever attempted to acquire nuclear weapons? Did either of them decide to abandon that quest? If so, when and why? These are the questions that motivate this paper.
The Evolving Inter-Korean Relationship and Regional Politics
Authors: Han Sung-Joo
Published: March 2016

The historic June 2000 summit and subsequent exchanges between North and South Korea have added a new dimension to not only South-North Korean relations but also the situation in Northeast Asia as a whole. On one hand, the thawing South- North Korean relations has generated great optimism among those who see it as an irrefutable sign of North Korea's intention to join the rest of the world as a constructive player. At the other extreme, it is seen as a deceptive, if not desperate, act on the part of North Korea to reap economic gains and lower the guard of South Korea and its allies, principally the United States. Perhaps a more realistic assessment lies somewhere between these polar analyses.
China into the World Economic System
Authors: Cooper Richard N.
Published: March 2016

China in 1978 embarked on a major economic transformation, seeking to alter the stance of the previous 30 years and engage economically with the rest of the world in several dimensions—trade, foreign direct investment by private firms, external borrowing by government from both private and public sources, and education. Each of these represented a major change in policy. The transformation in the intervening 22 years has been dramatic and palpable, as can be seen in the sky-lines of the major cities. On official figures, agricultural output has jumped more than two and a half times from 1978 to 1998, and industrial output increased more than nine-fold. The service sector, discouraged under central planning, increased eight-fold. Exports during this period grew from $10 billion to $184 billion, making China now the world's ninth largest trading country (just ahead of Belgium). The current account was roughly in balance over most of the last 20 years (although in surplus since the currency consolidation and anti-inflation program of 1994), but thanks to large inward foreign investment, foreign exchange reserves have grown to $160 billion, second largest in the world after Japan. China experienced various bouts of inflation, followed by policy constriction; prices during 1999 declined by 3 percent, exceptional for a developing country.
Environmental Regime-Building in Northeast Asia: A Catalyst for Sustainable Regional Cooperation
Authors: Lee Shin-wha
Published: March 2016

There are two opposing views regarding the prospects of establishing a regional environmental regime in Northeast Asia. The first view considers the environment as a dependent variable of progress towards regionalism and suggest that regional environmental cooperation is impeded by political rivalries, historical animosities and economic disparities among Northeast Asian countries. The opposing view treats the environment as an independent variable of sustainable regionalism. The premise of this view is that inter-state environmental cooperation can become a confidence building measure that will pave the way for improved regional relations. Regardless of which view proves in the end to be right, the high environmental interdependence of countries in Northeast Asia makes it imperative to create a framework to promote greater cooperation within the region. Given that the region lacks institutions for region-wide dialogue and cooperation, the formation of an effective regional environmental regime will be a long-term process. However, the process itself is pivotal as it can increase dialogue and exchanges from which a regional environmental regime can evolve, and hopefully, if given the political opportunity, will promote security and peace in the region.
Citizens' Coalition Movement and Consolidation of Democracy: 2000 General Elections in South Korea
Authors: Kim Andrew Eungi
Published: March 2016

For the General Elections in 2000, nearly one thousand civic groups in South Korea joined forces to stage so-called “defeat campaign” against allegedly corrupt, incompetent or “ill-mannered” politicians. While sociologists and political scientists are still engaged in debates as to the success of the campaign, there is no denying that it played a significant role in thwarting many politicians from getting nominated or elected. It is also true that the defeat campaign has heralded a new era of Korean politics in which civic groups have emerged as a major political force, capable of challenging government or party policies and pending bills as well as influencing agenda setting in a diverse array of policy areas. The paper shows that the enthusiastic public support, effective strategies of the campaign and attentive mass media, among others, contributed to the campaign's “success.” The paper also shows that a complex political calculation was involved in the parties' differing reaction to the alliance's effort, which increasingly constrained the latter's manoeuvrability. It is also argued that greater political involvement by civic groups is likely to lead to more pluralistic, open and competitive form of democracy in which voters become more aware of political issues and participate more actively in political processes.
Towards an East Asian IR Community?
Authors: Inoguchi Takashi , Newman Edward
Published: March 2016

The methodologies and assumptions that guide our acquisition of knowledge and interpretation of data are context and time bound. Academic disciplines, sub-disciplines, methodological approaches and research agendas are to a large degree conditioned by the ‘real world,’ and none more so than International Relations. Accordingly, it is important to consider the possible sociological foundations of different epistemologies and paradigms of International Relations. Surely there is more than one way of looking at the world, unless one is steadfastly married to a positivist universal truth. Yet it is interesting that East Asian scholarship and teaching in IR has seemingly not developed strong ‘indigenous’ regional characteristics, perhaps with the exception of Japan with its large market, long tradition, political freedom and economic affluence. In fact IR has absorbed and closely followed Western and particularly North American social science. This introduction and the articles that follow will explore the fortunes of IR scholarship and regional studies in East Asia in the context of national and regional environments. It will consider how IR is taught and researched in various national settings, and examine the interaction between IR as a social science and national/regional historical experiences, cultural and pedagogical traditions, and politico-ideological values. The underlining problematique concerns the idea of an East Asian ‘IR community’: why has this tended to be comparatively weak? How can we envision the development of a more rigorous East Asian IR community, one that is not exclusively judged according to external — and particularly North American — terms of reference and standards? It goes without saying that we are not attempting to antagonize our American friends and colleagues, but simply to stimulate a ‘sociology of science’ reflection of the discipline in the East Asian regional setting. Two questions serve as the organizing themes of this special issue. The first concerns the primary characteristics of the regional IR community. Many of the papers in this collection point to the dominance of US-originated ideas and theories. The second question arises from the first question: whether these predominant approaches help us to understand the region in a time of change.
IR Studies East and West: Some Sociological Observations
Authors: Bacon Paul , Newman Edward
Published: March 2016

Mainstream International Relations teaching and scholarship is often argued to be social scientific and therefore able to generate propositions about international life that have general (even universal) explanatory value. However, the methods and research questions of IR can in part be explained by the nature of the national academies in which they develop and by a range of national and regional sociological and political circumstances. Thus, following Ole Waever, the “American approach to the study of IR” and its predominance can be explained by reference to certain cultural and structural factors. Yet if the sociological underpinnings of teaching and researching in IR are inevitable and readily apparent, why is there no distinct ‘East Asian tradition’? Why is the East Asian IR community relatively weak? In fact, the relative weakness of indigenous national and regional East Asian IR approaches can be understood as an extension of national academic environments, historical circumstances, and national political traditions.
The Study of International Relations in Taiwan
Authors: Ho Szu-yin , Kao Lang
Published: March 2016

Taiwan is diplomatically isolated in international politics and yet it now has a thriving IR community with links the world over. As diplomatic isolation has increased, the government has felt a strong need to reach out in other spheres of the international community, and this has led to a demand for a better understanding of international relations. This can be compared to an ‘industrial policy’ — the government has supported and guided certain IR research agenda and institutions in accordance with the perceived needs of the territory. At the same time, the political science community was able to respond in kind. Since the early 1970s many of those who had received advanced degrees in American universities began to flow back to Taiwan, reversing a brain drain in political science in the previous decade. Their teachings and publications laid a firm foundation for the study of international relations in Taiwan. After three decades, this sub-field of political science has genuinely come of age. Whilst this has been on the back of US-inspired methodologies and academic role models, it is applied to challenges and problems that are unique to Taiwan and its regional environment.
Chinese Factional Politics Under Jiang Zemin
Authors: Dittmer Lowell
Published: March 2016

Factionalism is a dimension of informal politics that is hardly unique to China, but it has become well entrenched there for several reasons. We know from available survey data that Chinese political culture is relatively low in trust, and the faction provides a particularly useful refuge from the tiger world of politics, organized as it is around that culturally sanctioned dimension of trust known as guanxi (connections) (Shi 2001 and 1997; Pye 1981). From an individual perspective, although this has been changing more swiftly in society at large via marketization, the institutional landscape of elite politics is still dominated by the looming presence of a single monolithic party-state, to which all auxiliary organizations are subordinated in a corporatist hierarchy; any smaller and more personally useful organizations must be formed sub rosa on a self-help basis. From a structural-functional perspective, the faction serves several functions neglected by party-state corporatism: it services individual careers, in both a defensive and an offensive capacity (i.e., to protect against damaging criticism or purge, and to mobilize support for upward mobility); it provides a way of mobilizing minimal coalitions in policy conflicts; and it may even provide a microcosmic unit beyond the family for social identity and solidarity. Factions have always been rampant in Chinese Communist Party (CCP) politics, but precisely because of the universally acknowledged propensity for factionalism, they are formally proscribed by the Leninist rules of innerparty life and hence exist only semiclandestinely, looming more clearly when the central leadership weakens or is in dispute (as, for example, during a succession crisis). Factions are assembled on the basis of a combination of one's formal and informal “bases” (zhengzhi jichu), the formal consisting of trusted colleagues and subordinates in one's current work unit, the informal consisting of ties made during one's previous socialization or career and carefully cultivated thereafter. Factional activities may most easily be understood according to realist or realpolitik methodological assumptions, but as we shall see, they need not operate in an ideological vacuum. Inasmuch as factions exist tacitly and become politically operational opportunistically, the precise affiliation of a given political actor may change over time depending on the issue at stake and other circumstances; hence faction membership can never be tabulated with certainty, even by faction leaders. A given political actor may have at his or her disposal a range of connections that varies in chronological depth (i.e., spanning x generations) and institutional breadth (i.e., spanning x organizational hierarchies). At a given time and place, the actor may need these categories to define him- or herself factionally. On such occasions, a strong factional network (i.e., one that has been assiduously cultivated over time) is useful and perhaps even indispensable to the actor's survival and highly useful for the pursuit of future political ambitions.
The U.S.–South Korean Alliance: Anti-American Challenges
Authors: Kim Byung-Kook
Published: March 2016

December 2002 shook up South Korea's conservative establishment and its U.S. ally. Five days before the South Korean presidential election, with a quarter of the electorate still remaining undecided, leaders of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and religious activists staged a massive candlelight vigil in front of Seoul's city hall to protest against “unequal” provisions in South Korea's Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) with its U.S. ally. The political rally drew some 40,000 protestors from all walks of life. Moreover, it was only one among many climaxes in a long mobilization drive launched by NGOs and “netizens” since June, when a U.S. armored vehicle driven by Sergeant Fernando Nino and Mark Walker ran over two teenage girls during a military exercise in Hyochonli. That month saw some thirty NGOs establish a national umbrella organization to demand the trial of Nino and Walker under South Korean law. Then, in December, the Catholic, Buddhist, and Protestant religious orders joined in to lend their authority to the protestors by collectively calling for the revision of SOFA to give South Korea “primary jurisdiction” over criminal cases. The radicalhanchongryonuniversity students, too, showed up in protest sites to stir up and escalate anti-American sentiments, regularly raiding U.S. military bases in Uijongbu and Yongsan and even breaking into the U.S. Embassy compound in November. But unlike the past, this intrusion of radicalhanchongryonactivists did not drive away presumably conservative middle-class groups from political rallies. On the contrary, the call for a SOFA revision grew louder after the U.S. military court judged Nino and Walker not guilty of negligent homicide.
Japan's New Regionalism: The Politics of Free Trade Talks with Mexico
Authors: Solís Mireya
Published: March 2016

Since late 1998, Japan reversed its exclusive support for the multilateral trade regime and endorsed for the first time bilateral and preferential trade pacts, signing one with Singapore, negotiating another with Mexico, and announcing free trade talks with South Korea. The newfound Japanese interest in pursuing free trade agreements (FTAs) therefore represents one of the most significant departures in Japanese trade diplomacy of the past half-century. This article seeks to explain the birth of a preferential trading policy in a country that until recently had been a staunch multilateralist, and to analyze the reasons for the launch of FTA negotiations between Japan and Mexico. Indeed, one of the most remarkable aspects of Japan's new trade bilateralism is its cross-regional orientation, seeking preferential trade with a Latin American nation. Trade negotiations with Mexico are of great consequence to the development of Japan's FTA strategy for one more reason. Japan has embarked on this new regionalism to offset the negative effects of competing FTAs, but at the same time it has tried to minimize agricultural concessions to bilateral trade partners. Mexico is the first large agricultural exporter that Japan has approached for trade negotiations and is therefore an important test for the success of the Japanese FTA strategy.
Regionalism and Critical Junctures: Explaining the “Organization Gap” in Northeast Asia
Authors: Calder Kent , Ye Min
Published: March 2016

Northeast Asia, where the interests of three major nuclear powers and the world's two largest economies mingle around the unstable pivot of the Korean Peninsula, is a region rife with political and economic uncertainties. It is arguably one of the most dangerous areas in the world, plagued by security problems of global importance, including nuclear and missile proliferation. It has, to be sure, been widely touted as a region of economic promise. Yet despite Northeast Asia's demonstrable economic success at the macro level, and a panoply of highly regarded individual economic managers at the micro level, its collective economic management has nevertheless been disappointing.
Breaking Authoritarian Bonds: The Political Origins of the Taiwan Administrative Procedure Act
Authors: Baum Jeeyang Rhee
Published: March 2016

Taiwan recently adopted a series of administrative reform laws designed to make the bureaucracy more transparent and allow public participation in regulatory policies. Because administrative reform limits the executive's power, it is clear why legislatures would favor strict administrative procedures. But it is less clear why presidents would support them. The passage of these laws begs the question why presidents support administrative procedural reforms designed to restrict their abilities to act freely. I argue that in Taiwan, President Lee Teng-hui's control of his party deteriorated as factional disputes within his own party increased over time. Lee ultimately concluded that the Kuomintang's political survival depended on major reforms. Consequently, the status quo-oriented bureaucracy—hitherto an important source of support for Lee and his key constituencies—became an impediment. Lee supported Taiwan's Administrative Procedure Act in order to reduce the bureaucracy's capacity to impede reform. More generally, I argue that administrative procedures designed to open up the bureaucracy to the public, including previously excluded groups, can serve politicians' goal of redirecting the bureaucracy. Archival data, secondary sources, and interviews with key presidential advisers, senior career bureaucrats, and politicians support my argument.
Navigating the Path of Least Resistance: Financial Deregulation and the Origins of the Japanese Crisis
Authors: Tiberghien Yves
Published: March 2016

This article reexamines the period of the Japanese bubble (1985–1990) and emphasizes ill-supervised and ill-sequenced financial deregulation as a key proximate factor. Given the subsequent costs of this political choice, what explains such a path of domestic financial deregulation without the establishment of corresponding supervisory institutions? I argue that the suboptimal Japanese outcome represents the equilibrium point for political leaders who had to balance global pressures to deregulate the economy, corporate pressures to liberalize finance, and domestic resistance by an array of politically connected interest groups. The government chose ill-supervised financial deregulation as the path of least political resistance and the golden bullet that could both defuse trade tensions with the United States and readjust the Japanese political economy in a harmless way. Instead, as they interacted with other factors, the choices made in the early 1980s destabilized the Japanese system and carried the seeds of the ensuing financial crisis.
Evolving Toward What? Parties, Factions, and Coalition Behavior in Thailand Today
Authors: Chambers Paul
Published: March 2016

How important have Thai parties and intraparty factions been in Thailand's fast-evolving democracy? What role do they play today, especially since the enactment of the latest constitution? What has accounted for the fragmentation in Thailand's party systems and coalitions? How did Thai democracy allow for the rise to power of Thaksin Shinawatra? This article analyzes these questions, presents a theory of Thai coalition behavior, and offers some predictions for Thailand's democratic future.
Transformation of Japan's Civil Society Landscape
Authors: Haddad Mary Alice
Published: March 2016

Japan's civil society is being transformed as more people volunteer for advocacy and professional nonprofit organizations. In the US context, this trend has been accompanied by a decline in participation in traditional organizations. Does the rise in new types of nonprofit groups herald a decline of traditional volunteering in Japan? This article argues that while changes in civil rights, political opportunity structure, and technology have also taken place in Japan, they have contributed to the rise of new groups without causing traditional organizations to decline, because Japanese attitudes about civic responsibility have continued to support traditional volunteering.
Democratization and the US-South Korean Alliance
Authors: Lee Dong Sun
Published: March 2016

This article explains why, in the wake of South Korea's democratization, the US-Republic of Korea alliance has suffered a steady decline while avoiding an abrupt collapse. The author argues that democratization weakened this asymmetric alliance by increasing the political influence of nationalism in South Korea. New South Korean democratic elites, subscribing to nationalist ideals, demanded an autonomous, equal relationship with the United States regardless of the de facto power disparity between the two countries. These elites also deemphasized the security threat from North Korea—with which they perceived a shared national identity—and adopted an unconditional engagement policy with that nation. The United States, in turn, resented the apparently unrealistic policies of these elites and showed a decreased interest in the alliance. Democratization, however, did not cause an abrupt end to the alliance, for two reasons. First, North Korea's military strength preserved a significant strategic need in South Korea for allied support. Second, as the result of a measured transition process, old pro-alliance elites in South Korea retained enough political clout to proscribe a radical shift in foreign policy away from the alliance with the United States, while new elites had opportunities to reconcile their nationalist ideals with strategic realities.
Between Balancing and Bandwagoning: South Korea's Response to China
Authors: Kang David C.
Published: March 2016

Why has South Korea accommodated China, instead of fearing its growth and balancing against it? This article makes two central arguments. First, concepts of balancing and bandwagoning are fundamentally difficult to test, and to the extent that the theory can be tested, it appears to be wrong in the case of South Korea. In fact, we observe many cases in which rising powers are neither balanced nor “bandwagoned” but are simply accommodated with no fundamental change either way in military stance or alignment posture. Second, the factors that explain South Korean foreign policy orientation toward China are as much about interests as they are about material power. South Korea sees substantially more economic opportunity than military threat associated with China's rise; but even more importantly, South Korea evaluates China's goals as not directly threatening.
The Changing Anatomy of Regional Trade Agreements in East Asia
Authors: Suominen Kati
Published: March 2016

The recent proliferation of regional trade agreements in the East Asian region can be seen as the most notable development in the region's trading panorama in recent years. Yet, very little is as yet understood about the anatomy of these agreements and, consequently, their full implications to the regional economy. This article strives to fill this gap by analyzing the structure of four dozen RTAs by their various key component parts, including tariff liberalization schedules, rules of origin, and competition policy, customs, investment, and services provisions. The results reveal that intra-Asian RTAs are generally quite rapidly liberalizing, with the exception of agriculture, but they are also quite thin in trade-related disciplines when compared with the more legalistic US trans-Pacific RTAs and those of Mexico and Chile. The proposed Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific would inherently be a construct of the political economy interests of these various constituent RTAs.
Institutional (Dis)Incentives to Innovate: An Explanation for Singapore's Innovation Gap
Authors: Carney Richard W. , Zheng Loh Yi
Published: March 2016

Despite having the fifth highest per capita GDP in the world (according to IMF PPP statistics for 2007), and despite numerous government efforts to spur innovation, Singapore has faced difficulties in establishing a durable base of entrepreneurial activity. Many ascribe this failure to the city-state's policies, which are often portrayed as generating a culture of risk aversion and a lack of creativity. In contrast to this conventional view, this article argues that the city-state's institutional arrangements generate conflicting innovation incentives and ultimately undermine innovative activity. Statistical tests across twenty-three countries offer evidence that is consistent with this argument.
Discussion of Erik Martinez Kuhonta, Dan Slater, and Tuong Vu'sSoutheast Asia in Political Science: Theory, Region, and Qualitative Analysis
Authors: Pepinsky Thomas B. , Geddes Barbara , McCargo Duncan , Robison Richard , Kuhonta Erik Martinez , Slater Dan , Vu Tuong
Published: March 2016

Comparative politics has witnessed periodic debates between proponents of contextually sensitive area studies research and others who view such work as unscientific, noncumulative, or of limited relevance for advancing broader social science knowledge. InSoutheast Asia in Political Science: Theory, Region, and Qualitative Analysis, edited by Erik Martinez Kuhonta, Dan Slater, and Tuong Vu, a group of bright, young Southeast Asianists argue that contextually sensitive research in Southeast Asia using qualitative research methods has made fundamental and lasting contributions to comparative politics. They challenge other Southeast Asianists to assert proudly the contributions that their work has made and urge the rest of the comparative politics discipline to take these contributions seriously. This symposium includes four short critical reviews ofSoutheast Asia in Political Scienceby political scientists representing diverse scholarly traditions. The reviews address both the methodological and the theoretical orientations of the book and are followed by a response from the editors.
Political Conflict Resolution and Democratic Consolidation in Indonesia: The Role of the Constitutional Court
Authors: Mietzner Marcus
Published: March 2016

This article argues that Indonesia's Constitutional Court has played a significant role in that country's transformation from a violence-prone polity into Southeast Asia's most stable democracy. The Court has advanced institutional conflict resolution mechanisms and expanded democratic rights—two achievements identified by Linz and Stepan as major indicators of a consolidating democracy. Building on models developed by Ginsburg and Horowitz, my analysis also illustrateswhythe Court has been able to defend its autonomy and become an agent of democratization. While sharing Ginsburg's emphasis on high levels of power diffusion as a key reason for the Court's success, this article moves beyond such an approach. Most importantly, it suggests that the judges' “judicial activism”—as expressed in a number of controversial but popular decision—increased Indonesian society's support for the Court to such an extent that is has now become largely invulnerable to attempts of external intervention.
The Quality of Social Capital and Political Participation in South Korea
Authors: Lee Aie-Rie
Published: March 2016

Previous research claims that associational membership produces social capital. Employing the first wave of the Asian Barometer Survey conducted in 2003, this study investigates the development of social capital and its political consequences in South Korea. Rather than study simple association membership, I examine thequalityof civil society (defined as associational commitment and interaction) that individuals pursue through membership. This, I believe, provides a close test of the theoretical impact of social interactions on political participation. The findings indicate that there is a positive association between voluntary activity and two modes of political activity (voting and campaign participation) in different ways and to varying degrees. Associational membership is a significant predictor of voting. In the case of the quality of social capital, associational interaction (talking politics with group members) turns out to be significant in encouraging participation in election campaigns. Overall, my findings on the role of social capital support Putnam's argument that group interactions foster democratic participation.
Diplomatic Ritual as a Power Resource: The Politics of Asymmetry in Early Modern Chinese-Korean Relations
Authors: Lee Ji-Young
Published: March 2016

What explains Korea's success in surviving as an independent state for over 2,000 years, not annexed to China, when it shares a border with this powerful imperial neighbor? I argue that diplomatic ritual can be conducive to managing asymmetric power relations and that the Korean state and the Chinese state prior to the nineteenth century used the diplomatic ritual of investiture in a strategic manner as a signaling mechanism to manage the expectations of each side. Drawing insights from ritual studies, I offer three specific mechanisms: (1) regularity and precision, (2) strategic ambiguity, and (3) the manipulation of symbols, through which the ritualization of power relations reduces the tension arising from the disparity in power. The empirical evidence comes from an investigation of a total of sixteen investiture cases between Chosòn Korea and Ming China between 1392 and 1644. It shows that the granting and seeking of investiture on both sides was not only a way of signaling their commitment to the status quo, but also a medium of negative soft power through which the stronger side could change the status quo relations to its favor using the symbolic power embedded in the investiture ritual.
Organizing Japanese and Jurchens in Tribute
Systems in Early Chosòn Korea
Authors: Robinson Kenneth R.
Published: March 2016

In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries
the Chosòn Korea government designed and utilized
hierarchical tribute systems for managing
interactions, in particular, trade, with Japanese
and Jurchen elites. Korean officials separated
maritime and overland contacts, divided the
contacts further into carefully delineated
reception grades and diplomatic statuses, and
designed detailed procedures for interaction. More
specifically, diplomatic status determined the
regulations by which the court provided reception
and then trade to a contact.
Voter Demands for Patronage: Evidence from Indonesia
Authors: Shin Jae Hyeok
Published: March 2016

In this article I seek to explain the microfoundations of patronage politics in the developing world. Two distinct approaches have evolved in the literature. One puts emphasis on the demand side, arguing that patronage persists because poor voters tend to desire individualistic goods over policy. The other focuses on the supply side: few politicians offer programmatic policy, so voters have no alternative but to vote for the politicians who distribute patronage. In this study I test those competing theories using original data from Jakarta, Indonesia. I find evidence supporting the demand-side theory: when both patronage and policy are offered, poor, less-educated voters tend to demand patronage, such as jobs and money, over national programs like free education and universal health care, whereas well-off, better-educated voters tend to prefer the national policies. However, the study also reveals that demands for patronage are affected by level of participation in politics: those who voted in previous elections and those who affiliate with a political party are more likely to demand patronage. This microfoundational evidence helps to explain the persistence of patronage politics in places of widespread poverty.
The Balance of Power, Globalization, and Democracy: International Relations Theory in Northeast Asia
Authors: Haggard Stephan
Published: March 2016

The end of the Cold War has given rise to a wide-ranging debate about the future of international relations in the Asia-Pacific. This debate has been difficult to assess in part because of the elusive quality of the outcomes being explored, such as whether the region is characterized by “stability” or “rivalry.” What exactly do we want to explain?
Does Economic Integration Across the Taiwan Strait Make Military Conflict Less Likely?
Authors: Kastner Scott L.
Published: March 2016

Deepening economic ties across the Taiwan Strait are widely believed by analysts and scholars to be a stabilizing force in cross-Strait political relations. Yet within the broader international relations literature, the relationship between economic interdependence and military conflict continues to be controversial. This article examines the impact of growing cross-Strait economic links on the likelihood of cross-Strait military conflict within the context of this broader literature. A description of three separate causal mechanisms—identified in the existing literature—through which economic ties could promote peace is followed by a discussion of how broadly these processes are operating in the Taiwan Strait case. Although the article does not rule out the possibility that economic integration across the Strait makes a military confrontation less likely, it shows that the evidence in support of such a proposition is ambiguous.
Bound to Rule: Party Institutions and Regime Trajectories in Malaysia and the Philippines
Authors: Brownlee Jason
Published: March 2016

This article revisits the electoral emphasis of hybrid regime studies, arguing instead that the impact of elections is structured by variations in prior political institutions, particularly the dismantlement or maintenance of a ruling party. Duration tests on 136 regimes indicate that ruling parties reduce the chance of regime collapse, while “electoral autocracy” has no significant effect. A paired comparison of Malaysia and the Philippines then shows how variations in party institutions propelled divergent courses of authoritarian dominance and democratization. During the late 1980s and 1990s, Malaysia's ruling party (UMNO) bound together otherwise fractious leaders, twice deflecting potent electoral challenges. By contrast, when Ferdinand Marcos abandoned the Nacionalista Party after 1972, he fueled the movement that would subsequently oust him. The efficacy of opposition parties Semangat '46 and United Nationalist Democratic Opposition (UNIDO) was thus heavily imbricated with the institutions of the regimes they challenged and less contingent on short-term electoral politics.
Interest Groups in North Korean Politics
Authors: McEachern Patrick
Published: March 2016

North Korea is often characterized as some form of highly centralized rule: totalitarian, posttotalitarian, corporatist, or personalistic. This article argues that much of the confusion around understanding North Korea's actions stems from misplaced models. Much of the current thinking on North Korea's politics does not account for the limited institutional plurality in the system. The article documents how the state's political institutions have changed since the country's founding and highlights the formal and informal roles of each major bureaucracy today. The Korean Workers Party and the role of Juche have declined, but the National Defense Commission and “military-first politics” have not taken their place as reigning supreme. Rather the interaction between the Korean Workers Party, military, and cabinet helps explain and moderate policy outcomes.