bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
FROM AN OUTCAST TO THE PROPHET: THE EVOLUTION OF MALCOLM X’S RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY
Authors: Shumakov Andrey A.
Published: July 2021

The figure of the radical African-American preacher Malcolm X has always occupied and continues to occupy a special place in the history of the protest movement of the 1960s. This is due to a number of reasons, the main of which was the pronounced ambivalence and inconsistency of the political philosophy of this public figure, who was noted for both ultra-radical religious sermons and rather progressive revolutionary and national liberation ideas at the final stage of his life. The latter, in fact, made him one of the main characters of the “rebellious decade”. While the far-right radicalism of the Harlem preacher faded into the background and began to be perceived as some “mistakes and misconceptions” that were later rethought and overcome.
The question of assessing the legacy and personality of Malcolm X has always caused a lot of controversy. On the one hand, his contribution to the development of the movement of the struggle of the Black population for their rights and the formation of the African-American mentality is undeniable; on the other — it can be said that in the academic environment for all this time they practically were not subjected to critical reflection. If, during his lifetime, the ideas of the Harlem preacher were perceived by the vast majority of Americans as frankly marginal, then after his tragic death in 1965, Malcolm X became one of the most popular and iconic figures in recent US history. Any criticism of him began to be perceived extremely painfully.
In this article, the author tried to trace the process of formation and evolution of the ideological and political views of Malcolm X, which was the main goal of the study. The main difference from other works on this topic was that in this article, this phenomenon is considered in dynamics, the causes of transformations and the influence of related factors are noted. At the same time, the author tried to identify certain “variables and constants” of the religious and political philosophy of Malcolm X, not only fixing them, but assessing the degree and depth of changes. That led to rather unexpected conclusions on a number of issues, the main of which was the explanation of the reasons for the incredible popularity of Malcolm X in modern American society.
The main method of research is materialistic dialectics, which allows considering the political philosophy of Malcolm X in dynamics in accordance with the principle of historicism. Special attention is paid to the issues of radicalism, the transformation of ideological and political views and attitudes to religion, the debunking of myths, stereotypical and hyperbolized ideas about this figure, and the key milestones of his biography. As for the specific historical methods, the historical-genetic and historical-typological approaches are used in this work.
STRUCTURAL AND SEMANTIC CHARACTERISTICS OF THE NAMES AND DESCRIPTIONS OF DISHES IN GERMAN RESTAURANT DISCOURSE
Authors: KANTYSHEVA Nadezhda G. , Solovyova Inna V.
Published: July 2021

This article is devoted to a comprehensive study of the structural and semantic features of dish names and their descriptions in German in the field of restaurant discourse. The study employs cognitive discourse analysis, elements of comparative and contextological approaches, taking into account linguocultural parameters. The relevance of the comprehensive study of the names of dishes in restaurant discourse is due to an increased interest in the parameterization of lexical units in different types of institutional discourse. The scientific novelty of this work lies in the fact that for the first time, within the framework of a restaurant menu, not only the nomination of a dish is considered, but also the structural and semantic characteristics of its description are analysed. An attempt is made to analyse a connection between the nominations of dishes and their description in the restaurant menu, as well as to determine the semantic dominants of the genre under study. It is concluded that the text of the menu as a whole presents a combination of the language for special purposes and the language of advertising. In interaction with extralinguistic factors, the nominations of dishes and their descriptions not only document the culture of food in society, but also reflect the ethnocultural picture of the world. Based on the analysis of the menu texts, it is established that structurally the names of dishes are complex words or phrases, built mainly according to the attributive model. The description of dishes performs the function of verbalizing the sensations of taste and clarifying the method of preparing dishes, characterizing the quality of dishes, their ingredients, and the intensity of taste. Evaluative parameters in descriptions are expressed at the lexical, grammatical, syntactic and stylistic levels.
The Origin, Formation and Development Prospects of the Eurasian Integration
Authors: Chufrin G. I.
Published: July 2021

After collapse of the Soviet Union new sovereign states that emerged on its territory faced pressing problems of economic survival and development, provision of social needs and prevention of a political chaos. Under these conditions an optimum outcome seemed to be to find a mutually beneficial model of interstate relationship between these countries which accepting new political realities would preserve (and then – develop) positive results of their long-term economic interaction in the framework of the USSR single national-economic complex. However, a rather long time was actually required before centrifugal tendencies in the post-Soviet space were replaced by centripetal ones. And only by the end of the first decade of the 21st century Russia, Kazakhstan and Byelorussia – the top post-Soviet states in terms of GNP – succeeded in coordinating their positions in favor of a mutual economic cooperation, being in fact of an integration character, and take a decision to create for this purpose first the Customs Union, then – the United Common Space and finally – the Eurasian Economic Union. The article presents analysis of basic achievements and shortcomings of these integration associations, explores the step-by-step progress of the Eurasian integration process as well as the role in its development of cooperation with foreign partners. Also, major challenges and threats facing Russian political and economic national interests in the post-Soviet space are explored and principal ways and means to be undertaken for their elimination or neutralization are outlined. Also, the article explores the current state and development prospects of the Eurasian Economic Union which functions in conditions of a deep global economic crisis caused by the coronavirus pandemic and problems at the world oil market. Besides these factors of a global character the EEU activities experience a serious negative impact of a number of regional problems and challenges – from a continuing regime of Western trade and economic sanctions and up to political maneuvers carried out by some EEU members (Armenia, Byelorussia) under slogans of multipolarity which resulted in a crisis of their domestic and foreign policies and also seriously undermined their participation in the EEU economic activities. General conclusion of the above analysis is made nevertheless in favor of positive prospects of the EEU development which has succeeded in preserving its viability under extreme conditions. This conclusion is also supported by all Union members officially stating their intention to continue their interaction and deepen mutual cooperation.
Effect of Sample Pooling on the Cycle Threshold Value in RT-PCR Testing for COVID-19 and Logistic Savings
Authors: Sami Hiba , Perween Nusrat , A. Khan Parvez , Khan Haris M.
Published: July 2021

Background:

This ongoing coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic is a great challenge for our health-care systems and their infrastructure. Diagnostic confirmation of infected individuals based on RT-PCR is important for the containment of viral spread because, despite high viral loads, the infection can be asymptomatic. For overcoming the issue of limited supplies in low socio-economic countries like ours, pooling of specimens was proposed as a method to screen a large number of patients. To analyse the effect of pooling of samples on the sensitivity of RT-PCR, we compared Cycle threshold (Ct) values of pools with those of the deconvoluted (individual) samples.

Materials and Methods:

From March 2020 to October 2020, we performed COVID-19 testing by RT-PCR on samples from areas with varying prevalence of COVID-19 referred to VRDL, JNMCH, Aligarh. For circumventing the limited availability of RNA extraction and PCR reagents, pool testing was started. 5 samples were pooled together, and these pools were tested by RT-PCR. Negative pools were reported as negative, whereas positive pools were deconvoluted, and each sample was tested individually. In this study, 408 pools comprising of 2040 samples were analysed.

Observations and Results:

In our study, a ΔCt value of 0.96 (i.e., an increase in Ct value in the pooled sample as compared to individual sample) was found that shows a slight loss of PCR sensitivity in pooled samples, which is relatively small compared to the inherent clinical sensitivity of the standard assay. But the cost-effectiveness and the ability to reserve resources are considerably high.

Conclusion:

As pooling of samples is a cost-effective way for COVID--19 testing, the slight loss in the sensitivity of RT-PCR can be overcome by considering the Ct cut-off value for positive pools slightly above the kit cut off value to circumvent the dilution effect.
L'évolution de l'opinion publique belge : 1971-1974
Authors: Delruelle-Vosswinkel Nicole
Published: July 2021

The article presents some of the results of public opinion polls that were carried out as a part of a panel poll, organized by the «Institut Universitaire de Sondage d'Opinion Publique» and covering 1.500 belgian voters.The article specifically deals with the following items

- the meaning of the votes shift between 1971 and 1974 (as far as voting intentions were concerned) ;- the moment at which voting decisions crystallized in the 10-3-74 elections;- the way in which the political climate was perceived, and the predominant cares voters had before the elections;- the impact of certain attitudes on votes shifting: an analysis of these processes (specifically by the latent class approach).
La responsabilité politique des ministres devant les conseils culturels
Authors: Gérain René
Published: July 2021

The revision of the Constitution in 1970 changed the so far unitary Belgium into a state made of four regions and three communities : the French, the Flemish and the German one.Specific organs guarantee their working: the «cultural councils». The French and the Flemish councils legislate by «decree».The Chambers vote the credit total allowed to each council, which, in its turn, by decree, appropriates that sum.The minister is responsable for the sanction, the promulgation and the execution of the decree. Y et, he has not to account for it before the council.Does it mean that there exists no political responsability before the cultural councils ? We do consider that this responsability is equivalent to the responsability that prevails before the Chambers and that the Constitution recognizes expressively and implicity the right to incriminate the minister, even to compel him to resign, if he has lost the cultural council's confidence.
L'immunité parlementaire : Evolution et aspects nouveaux
Authors: Soumeryn Guy
Published: July 2021

In Belgian law, parliamentary immunity is stated as a principle under Article 45 of the Constitution. Pursuant to that principle, no prosecution may be started against Members of Parliament without the consent of the House to which they belang, unless they are caught in the act.This principle, in its application to cases by the Houses, received a new interpretation in recent years. The suspension of the prosecution against a Member of Parliament is naw requested when prosecution doesnot seem to be serious, when it would disturb the normal functioning of parliamentary work or whenever there appears to be a political element involved either in the prosecution or in the commitment of theoffense. The present comments primarily deal with the introduction of that new concept of misdemeanour commited under political circumstances.
Le fédéralisme soviétique, un modèle possible pour l'Europe ?
Authors: Ferrier R.
Published: July 2021

Could Soviet federalism provide a pattern for a European Union ?  The similarity between the national diversity of the Soviet Union (this multinational state) and that of Europe could lead us to think so.A careful examination of Soviet federalism reveals certain particularities which could be adapted to a federal Europe, but the most powerful element of centralisation and unity in the USSR is the Communist Party, besidesa tough political police and a common language - Russian - another cement of the Union.Bearing in mind the present institutions of the European Community, it is difficult to imagine an evolution towards such a federal state.Nevertheless, if some principles were applied, such as the safeguard of the common interest as well as that of the member-states, it may be hoped to go further than a timid confederation.In such a prospect, some institutions of the Soviet Union could be taken as examples and an institutionalisation of the present «summit» conferences could be imagined to act as a European collective head of state, in the same way as the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.Furthermore, Europe would need a common language and this should be a neutral one (latin or esperanto), so as to achieve among member-nations strict equality, for this is an element of success as are two other basicprinciples of federalism : autonomy and participation. Since the Communist Party just would not fit within a free and democratic Europe, it is in the above principles that the Community should seek the ferments of itsunion.
Propositions pour une sociologie de l'opinion publique
Authors: Delobelle A.
Published: July 2021

Since about 1900, public opinion has generally been defined as a psychosocial phenomenon. We want to return to a more political definition because it provides a more synthetical view of it.As such, it requires to be analyzed essentially in dialectical contrast with decision making.Different aspects may be distinguished in it, such as «opinion families» and «opinion movements». Their processes are not quite identical, altough they are simultaneous.Furthermore, public opinion exists everywhere. But it follows different ways whether it appears in hierarchical or in egalitarian institutions.
Schaalvergroting en bestuurskracht : Een beleidsanalytische benadering van de herstrukturering van de lokale besturen
Authors: Delmartino Frank
Published: July 2021

The restructuration of municipalities which has been decided by the Belgian government, is not only a purely technical operatzon but rather, and in the first place, a social problem. The shape and duty-profile of a local authority should not, indeed, be attuned only to fast changing expectations as far as services are concerned, but to consultation and participation as well.Public administration research cannot keep aloof from this debate, but is considerably hampered by the institutional confusion and the insufficient explicitation of the aims of the present reform. A starting-pointcan, however, be found in the mergers of municipalities that were realized in 1964 and in 1970/1971. In 67 of these municipalities an inquiry was held concerning the consequences of the merger, and moreover, in twotest-cases (Oudenaarde and Brugge) this inquiry grew to a full-scale systematic policy analysis.This research shows that, as a rule, the former municipalities are reasonably represented in the new entity's council, but it also reveals that few efforts are made to give this representation a broader impact along formal or informal participation-channels. Integration of employees has not caused insurmountable problems. However, in large sized municipalities, resulting from mergers, one could notice a drastic increase in municipal personnel, not only with regard to new duties and objectives but to traditional administrative and police duties as well. Such a phenomenon points to the far-reaching changes which a substantial scale-increase provokes in a municipality's structure and policy profile. A large municipality resulting from mergers is no langer a simple sum of component parts, but a completely new entity, wishing to catch up as fast as possible with comparable municipalities that passed through a progressive growth process. Therefore, scale-increase is not only a means of economizing or an intra-administrative matter, but rather a way of creating chances for further development or wealth and well-being.
La socialisation politique au sein des families
Authors: Delruelle Nicole
Published: July 2021

The first part of this article deals with the problem of fidelity to the father's party allegiance.Socialization by the parents seems to be more effective in catholic and socialist families than in liberal (= conservative) families ; it may be intimitaly related to a socialization of a religious or a laicist nature.Socialization by the parents was more effective in the past; younger people show a tendency to be less influenced by it.Socialization by the parents is more effective when the ideological context tends in the same direction (catholics in Flanders, socialists in Wallonia).The second part of the article deals with the problem of voting homogeneity with couples.  Results lead to the conclusion that the large uniformity of political behaviour within couples expresses two tendencies : the fact that in most cases one marries within the ideological «family».  One belongs to and the fact that marriage exerts a socialization which is essentially influencing non-catholics.
Problemen en oplossingen voor het aktuele beleid
Authors: Dewachter Wilfried
Published: July 2021

According to an opinion poll which was carried out in the middle of 1975 with a representative sample of Belgian citizens, the problems which most imposed themselves about that time were economie problems, viz.inflation and employment. These two problems were perceived as the most pressing by the more active part of the population as well. However, the solutions that citizens favour for a broad range of problems are not logically consistent, and demonstrate that many citizens have but very little insight in the problems' structure. Yet, those who do feel more concerned, generally favour the same solutions as does the average citizen ; there is no polarization to be noticed.Considerable differences are brought forward by splitting up the results in two main regions : Flanders vs. Wallonia. The ethnic and linguistic difference appears to be also a political difference as far as problem-solving is concerned. The type of solutions citizens favour also shows that the stereotype «conservative Flanders» vs. «progressist Wallonia» is not valid any longer.
Le Grand-Duché de Luxembourg : Aspects de sociologie politique
Authors: Delvaux Michel , Hirsch Mario
Published: July 2021

The Grand-Duchy of Luxembourg remains largely unexplored as far as social science is concerned. An excellent study in electoral sociology by Jules Gérard-Libois gives interesting insights and points out rather convincingly that Luxembourg is endowed with a political system that has a marked degree of specificity, be it from the point of view of the electoral system, electoral habits or the social structure in general.  It shows in particular that owing to the rather peculiar electoral system (ordinal proportional representation system allowing panachage), a large party diversity and a dynamic regionalism is fostered.Consequently, the systematic study of small political entities such as Luxembourg enables a considerable and genuine refinement of political analysis.
Henri de Man et le néo-socialisme belge
Authors: Brelaz Michel
Published: July 2021

It is questioned whether Belgian planism of the 1930's has been a movement that broke with socialist internationalism and displayed a tendency to preempt fascism by emulating some of its positions, asS.P. Kramer argued in the previous issue of Res Publica. Unlike French neo-socialism, planism was a call to action within the party against the crisis. Whether it was merely a personalities' matter is doubtful. Byindividualizing its failure one leaves unsolved essential problems like the attraction of fascism for the masses and the real spread of the planist idea. Socialisme nationaI was a bow to the circumstances, not to the fascist spirit. The breach in socialist internationalism did not result from a deliberate political wilt but was rather forced upon it by the breakdown of collective security. As for internal policy de Man suggested an unequivocal partnership favouring structural reforms. His failure cannot be dissociated from the failure of democracy and socialism.  He eventually blunderel against his own ethics by admitting the destructive revolutionary potentiality of the 1940 defeat. Nevertheless Belgian planism can only be understood along with its historical connections.
La formation du grand Tournai : Analyse de la décision
Authors: Verheyden Théo
Published: July 2021

Tournai is a town of intermediate dimensions (32,890 inhabitants) with a regional vocation ; since a few years it has had to face serious budgetary problems. These are primarily due to a relative absence of resources as opposed to a constant growth of the financial burdens, actually stemming from this regional vocation.Therefore, the intention to start from the existing entity and to create a larger entity which ought to be financially viable, is quite right.  In this respect, the governmental merger plan aims at reassembling Tournai - as the core of the mergers - with the neighbouring communes that actually are the town's suburbs, and with the recently created industrial areas.  Moreover, merging Tournai with the rural communes serving as abuffer between Tournai and the French border, the new (enlarged) entity will directly touch the "urban community" Lille - a major pole of attraction from the economic and commercial as well as from the cultural point of view.A particular care to keep an equilibrium among rural and urban population accounts for the absorption of several communes that are rather distant and have no direct links with Tournai. Finally, there has been an underlying concern to ensure that in the new entity the christian-democratic and the socialist party would have an almost equal weight and the (federalist party) Walloon Gathering would have a chance to break through ; this seems to explain the fact that ( 1) Antoing and its peripheral communes, having a socialist majority, have been kept out of the merging operation, (2) one has on the contrary merged several rural communes with a clear christian-democratic tendency, and (3) the government eventually decided to realize a maximum merger (30 communes; 21,373 ha) which is supposed to electorally favour the Wallon Gathering.
Objectifs des partis politiques en Wallonie : A propos des élections communales
Authors: Philipart André
Published: July 2021

As the restructuration of municipalities (local power) could bring along new local political alliances, one would have thought about the possibility of a relevant modification of the political map of Wallonie (French speaking region of Belgium) after the «elections communales» of October 10th, 1976.Some experts had even conceived that the reorganization of the local authority was a manoeuvre of the central government, made in order to neutralize a region in which the «Parti Socialiste Belge» had the majority (voices 36.8 % and 35.5 % of the deputies and senators mandates) . Others thought that the national political strategy would prevail.On the contrary, the results of the election have proved, that the «Parti Socialiste Belge» has kept its predominance in Wallonie (175 lists PSB in the 262 municipalities, 87 lists «en cartel» ; 58 got the majority of the votes and participation in the coalitions in more than half of the municipalities).  The other political parties (PSC, PLP, etc.) have kept their position.The national strategy didn't appear neither in the program, nor in the constitution of the voting lists ( 445 lists for the national parties, 541 local lists).The national political «variables» (alternatives)(government versus opposition; Brussel v. the regions; center v. pheriphery ; community v. community), haven't brought modifications to the local objectives for which the main reason remains either to keep the power or to make its conquest.
Zwitserland en de Europese Ekonomische Gemeenschap (1958-1972) : Een case-study inzake Europese integratie
Authors: Govaerts F.
Published: July 2021

Switzerland's attitude towards the EEC is typical of the new foreign policy adopted by that country in 1947 under the heading «Neutrality and Solidarity».A number of centrifugal factors (the EEC is regarded as the centre or the pole of attraction) have kept Switzerland out of the EEC, although many other factors, economic and commercial in particular, but alsoideological, cultural, politica! and geographical ones tend towards closer ties with the EEC, and have acted as «centripetal» farces. The main «centrifugal» factors were: Swiss neutrality, the federal system and direct democracy, certain economic elements such as the fiscal and agricultural systems, and especially psychological factors including attitudes and ideas concerning the EEC and the consequences of membership.Moreover, timely corrections and adaptations in the international commercial field (EFTA membership, advantages gained from the Kennedy Round, the 1972 Free Trade Agreement with the enlarged EEC) havereduced the necessity to seek a closer relationship with the Community.
De regering Tindemans, de partijen en het overleg onder de gemeenschappen
Authors: Ceuleers Jan
Published: July 2021

1. Cabinet made small effort to start consultations between the communities.It left the initiative to the political parties and to Flemish employers (VEV, i.e. Flemish Economic Association).2. The president of the VEV played an active role bebind the curtains.  He mediated between certain Flemish and W alloon political circles. He tried to get the Volksunie (i.e. the Flemish regional party) info the cabinet. He found himself sadly out in his reckoning on the Walloon side, because he overlooked the strong socialist opposition.3. The opposition Socialist Party overcame the deadlock by publishing a plan for the definitive state-reforms. Flemish, Walloon and Brussels socialists agreed to this plan. It became the beginning of negotiations between the communities, which started on November 30.4. The negotiations are difficult, mostly because the Walloons have no unified view on state-reforms.
De budgettaire, financiële en monetaire politiek van België in 1977
Authors: Van Rompuy Vic
Published: July 2021

For each topic the obiectives, instruments and performance of the policy concerned are expounded. In the field of fiscal policy special attention is drawn to the rather large deficit of the budget, its consequences and possible remedies. The section on monetary policy deals in particular with the discussion around the maintaining of the Belgian franc within the European small snake and with the argumentation of the Belgian central bank against the monetarist's contention in favour of the monetary rule.
Le Conseil Economique Régional pour le Brabant (CERB) : Son róle et ses perspectives dans la future organisation institutionnelle
Authors: Daurmont O.
Published: July 2021

One of the main purposes of Terwagne's law is to associate the regions to the economic  planning. Three regions : Flanders, Wallonia and Brabant are instituted and endowed with organs, the SDR (regional development society) and the CBR (regional economic council).The CERB (regional economic council for Brabant) took part to the regionalisation of the Plans. But various factors made this regionalisation insufficient.The CERB still expressed views on the used water purification, transport infrastructure, territory planning and institutional matters. Moreover, the ERB greatly developed its research mission rather than claiming activity. Meanwhile, the subsequent development of the ideas about regionalisation led to a delimitation of a central region not the same as that instituted by the economic decentralisation : the Brussels region restricted to nineteen communes.The activity of CERB makes it primarily a consultative organ of the future regional institutions. But as a preliminary, the geographical competence of the CERB and its composition must be modificated.To organize a real regionalisation, it is necessary to suppress technical impediments (deficiency in delays and information) and it is also necessary that the consultation should be complete and real.
De betoging als produkt van een mobilisatieproces
Authors: Holvoet Luk
Published: July 2021

Separate individual's disposition to take action does certainly not constitute a sufficient condition to engage in demonstrations. Doubtlessly, equal importance is due to organisational and institutional factors in society, and the individual's position in those. Ultimately, a demonstration is the result of a struggle between organizations for going control over individuals in order to support or defend their own objectives.In the mobilization process these organizations may make use of a diversity of mechanisms and techniques to control or to influence their members, as there are : the exploitation of the affective and instrumental ties binding the individual to the organization ; the access to - and the use of - the mass-media ; the use of selective communication by the organizational leaders and the induction of frustration. Special attention is given to the role of the militant and the characteristics of his language in the mobilization proces
L'impact du Parti Populaire Européen dans la première élection du Parlement Européen au suffrage universel
Authors: Jamar Joseph M.
Published: July 2021

The European People's Party - with its 11 Members in 7 countries - represents, according to the latest legislative elections in the member countries of the EEC, about 40 million voters, and 28 % of the totalEEC electorate.  Presenting itself as multi-classis! and open to individual adhesions, it refers also directly to the traditional values of Christian Democracy.Signs of heterogeneity can be seen, however, on three main levels - «ideological», political and  economical -, which give the EPP a bipolar aspect : on the one hand, the traditional Christian-Democrat Parties of Italy and the Benelux, all playing a major role in their respective countries, and all backed by strong trade-unions; on the other hand, the German CDU/CSU and the French CDS, less concentrated onconfessional options, and more «right-wing». Between the two, the Fine Gail, only party to have joined the Christian-Democrat Group after the first enlargement.This heterogeneity is, however, compensated by strong pro-European options, which make the EPP the best organized political family on the European level, and enable its leaders to express strong hopes for the election in June.
Het gebruik van de voorkeurstem bij de parlementsverkiezingen van 17 december 1978
Authors: Deweerdt Mark
Published: July 2021

At the general elections in Belgium, the voter has the possibility to bring out either a vote for a party or a vote for a candidate of the party (a preferential vote). At the general elections of December 17, 1978 for the House of Representatives the voters have voted for 51,86 % by preference, whereas for the Senate 41,82 % of them have done so.  The use of preferential votes is varying from one electoral district toanother: from 68,30 % in the district of Oudenaarde to 35,74 % in Bergen. There is also a difference from one political party to another.  The highest percentage is obtained by the CVP-PSC (catholic party) :61,12 % ; the lowest by the KPB-PCB (communist party) : 27,34 %.  The preferential votes individual candidates obtain differ widely, pointing out not only their popularity but also to a certain extend their political power.
Justitiebeleid in de jaren zeventig
Authors: Huyse Luc , Van Outrive Lode , Fynaut Cyriel , Dupont Lieven , Peters Tony
Published: July 2021

The authors discuss «judicial» policy-making in the seventies by such various actors as police authorities, local and national government, the Bar associations, legal aid agencies, the judiciary, and prison  authorities.  They stress the quasi-absence of reliable statistical information, of good annual reports, and of the minimum goodwill of the authorities that would open this area for social science research. They also analyse some of the major decisions that have been made by the Belgian department of justice in the last ten years.
Joseph Barthélémy et les Commissions permanentes de la Chambre des Représentants de Belgique
Authors: Courtoy Claude
Published: July 2021

Some French infiuences have to be found to explain how the two functions (legislative and control over the Cabinet) of the Standing Committees of the Belgian House of Representatives have evolved. In 1920, when the first Standing Committees system was introduced in the Belgian House of Representatives, a direct French contribution can already be noticed. As a matter of fact, the Speaker of the Committee of Parliamentary Procedures derives his report directly from one made a few months earlier by Joseph Barthélémy for the French House of Representatives.Again in 1935, the first total revision of the entire rules of procedure of the House of Representatives shows the ideal of some French statemen (Poincaré, Tardieu, Blum) to struggle against the assembly system withthe result of a limitation in the functions of the Standing Committees down to its legislative part. These functions were not altered during the second revision in 1962, but some sort of diffused control over theCabinet was still exerted. In 1979, this control was finally formalised.
De voorkeur voor een politieke partij : het toetsen van loglineaire modellen
Authors: Billiet Jaak
Published: July 2021

Previous research has shown that there is a strong relationship between church involvement and preference for the Belgian Christian Democratic Party (CVP/PSC). When religious preference is controled, the relationship between social class and preference for the CVP/PSC seems to disappear completely. Indeed, this party is very heterogeneous as regards the social origins of its adherents. The situation is completely different for preference for the Socialist Party (BSP/PSB) whi.h has a strong relationship between party preference, on the one hand, church involvement and social class, on the other. The unchurched and the workers manifest more preference for the BSP/PSB than do other people. According to Hill the degree of involvement in the «zuil» (pillar organizations), the so-called «organizational variable», is also significant in the explanation of voting behavior. This could not be confirmed, however, due to a lack of data.Two hypotheses are formulated : 1) pillar involvement in addition to social class and church involvement is significant in the preference for the BSP; 2) there is no connection between preference for the CVP and social class so that only church and pillar involvement remain. These two models were tested by means of loglinear analysis and seem to fit the data.The intention of this article, however, is primarily didactic : to show the possibilities and limitations of the analysis of contingency tables by means of Goodmans loglinear analysis procedure through the use of asimple and relevant example.
Background and activities of members of the European Parliament
Authors: Kirchner Emil J.
Published: July 2021

This article argues that the development of the European Parliament (EP) is largely in the hands of the Members of this Parliament (MEPs).Empirical questions are posed whether a) age and prior political experience (parliamentary and ministerial) are determinants of MEPs' levels of activities (number and length of interventions in debates and written questions) ; and b) MEPs concentrate their activities on those issues where the Parliament has the potential to gain powers. The empirical examination deals with the first three years of the directly elected EP and centres on the British, Benelux and Irish MEPs. Whilst age and prior political experience were found to be important determinants for levels of activities, the activities themselves do not appear to be focusing attention on those issues where the EP has in the past gained powers in line with institutional changes.
La Communauté française et la Région wallonne : An III : Bilan d'octobre 1980 à mars 1983
Authors: Brassinne Jacques
Published: July 2021

This article analyses the first years of existence of the institutions of the French Community and the ·walloon region established by the constitutional revision of 1980 and its accompanying laws. The Community, which groups the Francophone Belgians of Wallonia and Bruxelles, was given certain powers in cultural matters and in such «personalisable» matters as health care, white the Walloon region was given a series of economic powers.The 1980 legislation created a Council and a Executive for each. The article divides the time since the passage of the laws into two periods.  In the first period, from October 1980 to November 1981, the Executives were still part of the national governement ; in the second period, which began after the general election of November 8, 1981, the Executives are no langer part of the national executive. They are now directly elected by the Councils according to a system of proportional representation of all parties with a sufj-icient electoral quotient.The article describes the establishment of these institutions and their legislative and budgetary activities since 1980. It concludes with an assessment of the experience that stresses the difficulties created by the complexities of the 1980 laws and recommends a fusion of Region andCommunity similar to that already extant in Flanders.
De politieke identiteit van de Vlaamse Groene Partij AGALEV
Authors: Stouthuysen Patrick
Published: July 2021

The ecology movement consists of several different sub-groups : traditional conservationists, environmental agitators, critical intellectuals and scientists as welt as the «back-to-nature» counter-culture and the Green parties. This article concentrates on one of the most interestingparts of the Flemish ecology movement : the «alternative life-style» movement Anders Gaan Leven and its Green party Agalev.The social position of the ecologists can be set with the help of the concepts «resistance» and «integration». On the one side, they seem to be the heir of the protest movements of the sixties. On the other side, they are part of a trend towards political demobilization.Politically, the Green parties draw their support from the « secundary elites » : people who are young, highly educated but who are not (yet) part of the establishment. The theories of Inglehart and Boy connect this sociat position with the politica! orientation of the ecologists.In the specific case of Flanders, the Green party Agalev seems to become the political alternative for progressive christians who have broken with the Catholic «pillar», hut who cannot recognize themselves in the other traditional parties.
Financiële middelen voor verdergaande federalisering
Authors: Heremans Dirk
Published: July 2021

The financial arrangements are the cornerstone of any lasting federal organization of the state. A delicate balance has to be struck between financial responsibility, solidarity, and the constraints imposed by theeconomie and monetary union.  On the average member states in existing federal countries rely for two thirds on autonomous sources of finance, and for one third on solidarity.In the Belgian devolution act of 1980 the financial provisions run counter to the financial orthodoxy for a cooperative federalism. Nevertheless, provided certain adjustments are made in financial techniques, in debtand credit financing, the financial arrangements of 1980 may serve as a second best solution towards further devolution.
Les élections européennes de 1984 : Analyse des résultats pour la Belgique
Authors: Fraeys William
Published: July 2021

The European election which took place on June 17, 1984 must be seen in a more national than European context. Compared with previous general elections, the turn-out was generally lower and individual candidates polled a larger number of votes. Ought the Christian Democrats and Liberals, who make up the ruling coalition, be pleased about their respective results ? A careful approach is required to answer that question. For the country as a whole, thefour governing parties lost 2.45 % of their share of the vote in relation to the 1981 general election.  This cannot be seen either as a massive repudiation or as a very satisfactory result. After two and a half years in power, this can be regarded as an average performance. However, if one takes a closer look at it, the result cannot be said as being very satisfying. In Flanders, the Liberals suffered a severe setback whereas the level of support for the Christian Democrats was only fractionally higher than in 1981 . Between them, the two governing parties lost 6.72 % of the votes. In Brussels, the four ruling parties gained 9.89 %. This is partly due to two factors: the votes polled by Mr. Nols and, more importantly, the fact that no UDRT candidate stood in the election. It is not at all certain that a similar result would be recorded at a general election. Finally, in Wallonia, the two governing parties put up a good fight and gained 1.37 % of the votes whereas the Socialists and the Green movement made gains not because the ruling parties suffered a defeat but because of the considerable losses both by the Communist Party and by the nationalist parties.
Psychologische aspecten van gepersonaliseerde verkiezingen : Perceptie van de persoonlijkheid van de kandidaten en de invloed ervan op het stemgedrag
Authors: De Witte Hans , Lagrou Leo
Published: July 2021

This study investigates bath the relationship between evaluation of personality traits of party-leaders and party identification, and the evaluation of personality traits as a determinant of voting behaviour.  One month before the Belgian national elections of November 81 201 voters evaluate personality traits of four welt known leaders of the main Flemish political parties.Factor analysis indicated three main dimensions in the evaluation of personality traits of politicians : reliability, expertness and self-control. The personality profiles of every party-leader were quite similar when comparing the profiles of groups of subjects with different party preferences. However, subjects who identificated with a certain party rated the party-leader of this party more favorable on all personality traits than did subjects who identificated with another party. These discrepancies in favorableness were rather small for expertness and selfcontrol, but big for reliability and attractiveness. Analysing determinants of voting behaviour we differentiated four types of voters. Convinced voters were determined mainly by party preference and political views. Policyoriented and routine-voters taak into account in the first instance their political views and secondly their party preference. Personality traits of party-leaders functioned as the main determinant only for the voting behaviour of our indifferent subjects. Between these personality traits, mainly the evaluation of expertness had predictive power.
Ontstaansgeschiedenis van de ondernemingsraden in België (1944-1949)
Authors: Dambre Wouter
Published: July 2021

The basis of Belgium's post-war social and economic reforms was the social-solidarity agreement (1944) between the trade-unions and the employers. This «historical  compromise» aimed at securing social security and a legal ground for the workers' co-management in the economic life, in exchange for social peace and aid in attaining a productivity-raise.From 1945 till 1948 National Labour Conferences and Parliament discussed the matter, especially the introduction of Works Councils, which raised ideological resistance. The Socialists, favourable towards the Works Councils in undertakings, claimed economic and financial powers for them. The Catholic were in favour of co-management, cooperation between workers and employers and workers' co-responsibility. Theemployers, fearing a restriction of their powers and a threat of collectivizing, were very suspicious.An inter-catholic agreement between workers and employers allowed them to formulate a unanimous attitude towards the Works Councils.  A Socialist-Catholic compromise in Parliament resulted in the law on the organizing of the industry (20.IX.1948). This law reserved for the Works Councils a mainly advisory role in social matters. Their powers were very limited. Their composition was determined by cooperation and commoninterests.The first Works Councils-elections happened in 1950.
De voorlopers van het parlementologisch onderzoek in België
Authors: Witte Els
Published: July 2021

In this article we conclude, via a comparison of the 19th C. scientific publications concerning the Belgian parliament and the state of parliamentological research of the day, that Belgian writers achieved an international standard. In Belgium, as elsewhere in Europe, parliamentology was pursued from the standpoint of various complementary schools of thought. Modern political history provided very detailed information about the functioning of the parliamentary institution; constitutional law investigated the juridical aspects of it ; political science transcended these juridical boundaries and took account of the political aspects as well ; this method was also pursued in the field of political economy which, from a methodological point of view, can be regarded as the fundamental current of parliamentary sociology .It can be asserted that these writers are the founders of modern parliamentology despite the rather weak methodological foundation of their studies, the relative lack of empirical data-collection and the infiuenceof political commitment. As is still the case today, so also in the 19th C, the formal-juridical approach was dominant ; however, it was also insight-fully recognized that the most important problems of power lay in the mutual relations of the members of parliament themselves and in their relation to the majority, the opposition and the executive power. These studies furnish, therefore, very interesting lines of inquiry for the diachronic treatment of the majority of the problems of contemporary parliamentology.
De vraagstelling bij een referendum
Authors: De Geest Gerrit
Published: July 2021

Phrasing the question is one of the most delicate points of a referendum.  A first problem is to choose the most important alternatives. Several procedures to select these alternatives and to avoid some kinds of manipulation, exist. There are a lot of arguments for the voting on principles, but also a lot against.The Swiss criterion for «unity of matter» (to avoid two items in one question) is not workable; a new criterion is proposed.  The danger of suggestivity (caused by loaded words, by arguments in the question, or by a failure of communication) is real. Rules to prevent these dangers are discussed. Finally, some remarks are made on the problem «who decides on the question ?». A neutral commission is wishful.