bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Politics of West African Economic Co-operation: C.E.A.O. and E.C.O.W.A.S.
Authors: Bach Daniel C.
Published: November 2008

Since the establishment of the Economic Community of West African States in 1975, its acronym has become well known, even though ‘E.C.O.W.A.S.’ still means little more than a synonym for ‘West Africa’ and a symbolic tribute to the ideals of African unity. The Community has certainly witnessed a growth of its bureaucracy and institutions, but the limited co-operation actually achieved has been based on strengthening links which were developed in the region since the early 1960s rather than on the transfer of state prerogatives to Community organs on specific issues.
The Rôle of the Arab Bank for Economic Development in Africa
Authors: Johnson Willard R.
Published: November 2008

Our intention is …to put Afro–Arab cooperation on the map as a dimension of international economic cooperation which all countries, especially the rich industrial nations, must reckon with. Arab aid and cooperation efforts should be in a context of a new world economic order, based on equality and justice.
The Southern African Pleasure Periphery, 1966–83
Authors: Crush Jonathan , Wellings Paul
Published: November 2008

Both Lesotho and Swaziland possess a well-developed rhetoric advocating disengagement from South Africa, exemplified most recently in their joint commitment to the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference. Nevertheless, both countries remain firmly fastened to their dominant neighbour and committed to development strategies which tend to perpetuate such ties. The implications of continued social and economic domination by South Africa have not been lost on analysts of these two small, nominally independent Southern African states.
The Lomeé Convention: an Evaluation of E.E.C. Economic Assistance to the A.C.P. States
Authors: Rajana Cecil
Published: November 2008

The primary purpose of this article is to offer a critical, multifaceted evalution of the economic assistance extended by the European Economic Community (E.E.C.) to the African, Caribbean, and Pacific Group of states (A.C.P.s) under the terms of the Convention of Lomé. The first agreement was concluded in 1975, followed by the second in 1979, which runs until March 19852. Both, of course, were signed in the capital of Togo. The Lomé Convention is largely a product of the E.E.C. association policy, included as Articles 131–136 in the Treaty of Rome3, primarily at the insistence of France. This led to the Implementing Convention of 1958 which governed the aid and trade ties between the E.E.C. and the 17 colonial dependencies of member states. Specifically, the Implementing Convention instituted a free-trade area between the associated dependencies and the Community, and created the European Development Fund (E.D.F. or Fund) as a source of supplementary aid.
Economic Motivation and the Transition to Collective Socialism: Its Application to Tanzania
Authors: Putterman Louis
Published: November 2008

Most analyses of the problems of collective production in Tanzania have focused upon the political, social, and cultural contexts within which attempts to establish that organisational mode took place.1Economic dimensions have taken a central place, as well, but the primary concern here has been the socio-economic and the political-economic i.e. the influence of stratification and of the opposing interests of the various classes. That brand of conventional western (‘neo-classical’) economics which preoccupies itself with theoretical questions of individual behaviour and choice has played no real rôle in analysis and research. This fact can probably be attributed to two causes. First, given Tanzania's socialist orientation, and the impact which this has had upon the staffing and research interests of its University faculty, non-radical economics was held in low esteem by most researchers and writers working in Tanzania, particularly by those who concerned themselves with socialist development issues. Second, owing to the fact that western economics has traditionally offered ideological support to private enterprise, it could easily be assumed that this discipline would have nothing constructive to say aboutujamaa.
French Lexicography in Africa: a Three-Dimensional Project
Authors: Brann Conrad Max Benedict
Published: November 2008

Few English-speaking scholars realise that a francophone network of scholars has powerfully developed the study of contact between French and African languages over the past decade, and that this is currently being synthesised in the form of an Inventaire des particularités lexicales du français en Afrique noire. This corporate work, sponsored by the Association des universités partiellement ou entièrement de langue française (A.U.P.E.L.F.) and the Agence de coopération culturelle et technique (A.C.C.T.),1 is of considerable linguistic, educational, and sociopolitical significance, and deserves to be widely known in Africa. Indeed, it will be remembered that at the founding of the West African Linguistic Society in 1961 two surveys were mooted: West African languages and, later, English in West Africa, of which the former was accomplished with the help of the International African Institute and the Ford Foundation, while the latter was forgotten. With the ‘Inventory of French in Africa’, the francophone network of scholars has certainly stolen a march on English-speaking Africa.
North-Eastern Nigeria – a Case Study of State Formation
Authors: Barbour K. M.
Published: November 2008

In the summer of 1967, when Nigeria's first federal constitution had been virtually shattered by two bloody military coups, and when it looked very likely that the Eastern Region might try to secede from the Federation, a military decree was promulgated dissolving the four former Regions, and replacing them by a new structure of 12 States (see Map I). In the following pages the largest of these will be considered, namely the North-Eastern State, in order to assess the prospects of its survival as an entity and of its economic development in the years to come.
The Development of Population Policies
Authors: Pool D. I.
Published: November 2008

UNTIL recently the tendency has been to look at African population largely in terms of crude density. From this standpoint tropical Africa was often rated as ‘underpopulated’, and even the recent and prestigious Pearson Commission, although noting the overall effect of population growth on development, stated blandly: ‘In Africa and Latin America…settlement is so sparse that it is impossible to speak of overpopulation.’1Yet two years before, by synthesising a number of land-use studies and by demonstrating that, in terms of available land suitable for agriculture and pastoralism, there was pressure on rural resources, a prominent geographer had attacked, and one would have thought, had laid to rest, this argument. I do not wish to reiterate his case.2Instead, using his article as a base, I will attempt here to make very crude prognoses and predictions and then to look at their policy implications, both for the sector discussed by him and for other sectors of social and economic development.
Annual Meeting of the (American) African Studies Association
Authors: Segal Aaron
Published: November 2008

The two most striking features of the 13th annual meeting of the African Studies Association were what did and what did not happen. Unlike the 1969 meeting at Montreal there was no disruption of academic discussion or general meetings, and no threat of violence, racial or otherwise – see Africa Report, December 1969. What was evident at Boston was a thoughtful and constructive effort to find through discussion a common meeting ground.
The Expulsion of West African Aliens
Authors: Peil Margaret
Published: November 2008

In many West African countries there are large numbers of foreigners who have settled down to live and work or who come periodically to help harvest the crops. These aliens may be seen, from one point of view, as a useful and willing labour force, and a politically passive group requiring little in the way of services, or, from another viewpoint, as an insupportable drain on an economy which is not able to supply jobs for local people, and a source of political conflict because they have no allegiance to the ruling government. The growth in the economic power of Lebanese businessmen and local reactions to this competition have been ably discussed;1this article will be concerned with African aliens, who are present in far greater numbers than the Lebanese and whose position has become increasingly insecure in recent years.
Land Reforms and Poiltics in Kenya, 1954–70
Authors: Harbeson John W.
Published: November 2008

Land has had great prominence in Kenya politics throughout the country's colonial and post-colonial history. The purpose of this article is to advance a preliminary political analysis of the impact of two major land reforms undertaken in Kenya within the last 15 years. One of these, begun during the ‘Mau Mau’ rising in the mid-1950s, enabled Africans to consolidate and gain individual legal titles to their land holdings and subsequently to participate in the production of lucrative cash crops. The second reform enabled Africans to buy land from European farmers, many of whom wished to liquidate their holdings as far as possible before independence occurred in December 1963. Both land reforms are still in progress, for the Government is seeking to maximise the economic productivity of those who have benefited from them. Simultaneously, it is seeking to extend land consolidation and title registration to thousands of farmers who have not yet been affected.
The 1969 Southern African Customs Union Agreement
Authors: Landell-Mills P. M.
Published: November 2008

On 11 December 1969 representatives of the Governments of Botswana, Lesotho, South Africa, and Swaziland signed a Customs Union Agreement, replacing that of 1910.1 Preliminary negotiations had been protracted. Bipartite discussions had begun some six years before, between South Africa and Britain, as the colonial power responsible for Bechuanaland, Basutoland, and Swaziland; but South Africa suspended the talks early in 1965, pending a reappraisal of her relationship with the three territories concerned, made necessary by their rapid constitutional advance, which led to complete independence. Negotiations were not resumed until mid-1968; several quadripartite meetings took place in Pretoria during 1968–9, including one at ministerial level. Eventually the detailed draft of the treaty was agreed.
African Dance Institute
Authors: Hanna Judith Lunne
Published: November 2008

‘African Dance as Human Behaviour’, an intensive lecture–film-performance institute initiated and directed by Associate Professor Judith Lynne Hanna at the Lincoln Center Campus of Fordham University, was the first programme of its kind devoted to African dance. The 24 participants, who met each weekday evening during this fortnight, received up to four college credits for their work. Among them were six college teachers and nine graduate students – mainly from the New York area, but some from as far afield as California and Louisiana – two school teachers, and four professional dancers–teachers. The disciplines represented were anthropology, dance, education, folklore, humanities, literature, physical education, social studies, sociology, and theatre arts. Motivations varied: some participants were adding a new dimension to their scholarly work, some were artists seeking to draw inspiration from African dance as an aesthetic form, and others were delving into an aspect of their own cultural heritage.
Prospects for Africa's Exports
Authors: Seidman Ann
Published: November 2008

Two conflicting views have been presented in this Journal recently concerning the necessity for African countries to restructure their economies and reduce their dependence on exports in order to attain development.1 Rather than attempt to enter into the controversy in detail, I propose to describe the dominant characteristics of the world markets for the major exports of sub-Saharan African countries, which render export expansion by itself unlikely to contribute to higher standards of living for the broad masses of the population.
Nigeria's Central Trade Union Organisation: a study guide
Authors: Cohen Robin
Published: November 2008

In November 1970 a new Nigerian co-ordinating body appeared on the scene linking together the four major central trade union organisations – the Nigerian Trade Union Congress, the United Labour Congress, the Nigerian Workers' Council, and the Labour Unity Front. This was known as U.C.C.L.O. – the United Committee of Central Labour Organisations – and was formed specifically to present a united front to the Adebo Commission set up to review wages and salaries in the Federation.
The Commission for Technical Co-operation in Africa, 1950–65
Authors: Gruhn Isebill V.
Published: November 2008

General Smuts was one of the first to draw attention to the diverse and often conflicting principles applied to Africa by the various European colonial powers. In his Rhodes Memorial Lecture delivered at Oxford in 1929, Smuts made a plea for a survey of the whole situation to find a way to exchange information about Africa. This proposal developed into Lord Hailey's African Survey, published in 1936. After World War II, European governments began to think seriously of co-ordinating their efforts in Africa. In 1945 the French and the British engaged in mutual discussions and were joined two years later by the Belgians, the Portuguese, the South Africans, and the Rhodesians. Scientists working in Africa expressed the need for a framework for co-operation at the Royal Society's Empire Scientific Conference held in London in 1946. This led to the convening of the African Regional Scientific Conference in 1949, where scientists working in nearly every country in Africa south of the Sahara met to review the role, problems, and possibilities of co-operation.2
The Recourse to Authenticity and Négritude in Zaïre
Authors: Adelman Kenneth Lee
Published: November 2008

‘Chad should follow a genuine policy of authenticity and should unite behind this national movement for its cultural and social revolution.’1This suggestion was not made by President Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaïre, the founder and chief proponent of authenticity, but by President Mouammar El Kadhafi of Libya in an address to the party leaders of Chad. It illustrates the increasing influence of authenticity as a guiding ideology in Africa, and perhaps in other continents as well. Not only are a number of nations using the phrase, but they are taking steps to make it a reality. Before describing these measures, let us examine the recourse to authenticity and compare it to its predecessor,négritude.
Deficit Financing in Nigeria, 1965–70
Authors: Olaloku F. Akin
Published: November 2008

The ever-increasing African aspirations for development have been reflected in the many plan documents produced during the last decade. But the growth of government resources – or public savings, defined as the excess of current revenue over current expenditure ’ has lagged very much behind. In consequence, resort is increasingly being made to other sources of funds.
Ethnic Identity, Political Integration, and National Development: the Igbo Diaspora in Nigeria
Authors: Onwubu Chukwuemeka
Published: November 2008

In his Path to Nigerian Freedom – the blueprint for the nation-state he had envisioned – Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the man who later came to be one of the leading figures on the Nigerian political scene, stated categorically in 1947:

Nigeria is not a nation. It is a mere geographical expression. There are no ‘Nigerians’ in the same sense as there are ‘English’ or ‘Welsh’ or ‘French’. The word ‘Nigeria’ is merely a distinctive appellation to distinguish those who live within the boundaries of Nigeria from those who do not.
Footwear Production in Ethiopia—a Case-Study of Appropriate Technology
Authors: McBain Norman S. , Pickett James
Published: November 2008

In the light of lively and widespread interest in developing-country technology it is not surprising that the search for what is ‘appropriate’ should be bedevilled by semantic confusion. This is, nevertheless, a nuisance which imposes on those who participate in the search and related discussion a tiresome obligation to try to make more than usually clear the meaning of the terms they use. In this regard, it comes naturally to economists to take as ‘appropriate’ that technology (set of inputs and processes) which would minimise the cost of production of a given volume of a given good in any particular location. This minimum cost can, of course, be calculated either at market or social prices, and the application of the latter — if they accurately reflected the real opportunity costs to the economy of the various factor inputs — would for many identify the optimum technology.
‘Economic Baba’—Is This a Satisfactory Explanation of Why African Parents Value Schooling?
Authors: Marvin Richard
Published: November 2008

A Central question in African education, almost since the time the first schools were established by missionaries and colonial governments, has been the importance of making education relevant to the needs of the developing areas, rather than offering only an academic education transplanted from Europe. As early as 1847, for example, the British Colonial Office received a comprehensive memorandum on education which included a number of suggestions for providing practical training in schools in the colonies. Among the specific steps proposed were the establishment of industrial and farm schools, with the inclusion of agriculture, stock management, and land surveying in the curricula of teacher-training institutions.1
South African Perspectives and Responses to External Pressures
Authors: Seiler John
Published: November 2008

The purpose of this article is to explore the pattern of South African responses to external pressures. My study grows out of a concern with the regional conflict situation in Southern Africa, whose dimensions have become relatively clear only since the coup in Portugal in April 1974. Whatever the specific details of the policies and actions of the rest of the world; these should not rest on a misperception of the basic motivation and dynamics of South African decision-makingvis-à-visexternal pressures.
Pre-Colonial Military Studies in Africa
Authors: Uzoigwe G. N.
Published: November 2008

The study of the military as an agent of societal change began to attract the serious attention of western social scientists after World War II. Since then the independence of the African states has given rise to many coups d'état, thereby awakening the concern of Africanist scholars in the rôle of the military in contemporary society. Predictably, this interest has largely been confined to recent military developments, including the liberation movements in Southern Africa and Guinea–Bissau.
A Spatial Model of Authority-Dependency Relations in South Africa
Authors: Schmidt Charles F.
Published: November 2008

Solutions to old problems are sometimes found in new paradigms and models which provide alternative means of approach and analysis. It is suggested here that South Africa's socio-economic and political problems, stemming from the country's multi-ethnic structure, may be viewed within a conceptual framework that emphasises the spatial dimensions of the associated conflict. A model suitable for understanding this will stress the many disparities and tensions between the white core élites and those black counter-élites – including the leaders in the Homelands – who are emerging from the subdominant peripheral groups. Moreover, an analysis of the interaction between core and periphery will highlight the transformation necessary to reduce and resolve the conflict between whites and blacks in the South African spatial system and so promote their more equitable development?
Administrative Machinery for Development Planning in Liberia
Authors: Mehmet Ozay
Published: November 2008

Although the oldest independent African republic, Liberia ranks among the continent's poorest states,1 despite the existence of a small but prosperous foreign enclave dominated by iron ore and rubber plantation companies. Prior to 1950, even this sector was non-existent, with the exception of the Firestone rubber plantation at Harbel which was started in 1926.
Conquest and Conflict in South Africa
Authors: Adam Heribert
Published: November 2008

Of all the instances of European conquest, indignant world opinion views the legalised racism of white settlers in South Africa as the worst case. As the last remnant of traditional colonialism, the inevitable doom of the whites is predicted, and only the time span of an outdated racial domination is in question. The main reason for this outcome of a polarising racial confrontation is seen in the intransigence of prejudiced settlers who stubbornly refuse to share their immense privileges with one of the most exploited and oppressed populations in the world. Socialised in a traditional ‘frontier mentality’ of cultural isolation and religiously-sanctioned racial superiority, South African whites are considered typical fascists, who use a vast police force to crush all opposition, and enforce a battery of outrageous laws to ensure a cheap labour force as the basis of their huge profits and accumulated wealth.
Bureaucrats and the Senegalese Political Process
Authors: Adamolekun 'Ladipo
Published: November 2008

While independence in West Africa focused academic attention on political parties, the proliferation of military régimes in the late 1960s– by 1970, seven West African countries had experienced military rule — brought two other institutions into prominence: the military and civil bureaucracies. This article seeks to throw some light on the place of the civil bureaucracy in Senegal through a study of the role of bureaucrats in the country's political process.
Population Growth and the Level of Income: a Survey
Authors: Aluko S. A.
Published: November 2008

The connection between economic growth and population growth has been considerably played down by economists in the last hundred years, whereas eighteenth- and nineteenth-century economists seldom discussed development without considering the effect of population growth. The earlier writers were not unanimous – as they are not today – on the optimum size and rate of growth of population and its effect on the gross national product per capita.
Enterprise, Management and Organisation in Africa: a plea for research
Authors: Garmany J. W.
Published: November 2008

This short article has two themes: it is prompted first by a feeling that many African countries, in their natural impatience for maximum economic development in the shortest possible time, are in some danger of getting their strategy and priorities not quite right in regard to the rural—urban, agricultural—industrial balance. More specifically, a plea is made for greater attention being given to traditional food farming (for subsistence or cash), which has been somewhat neglected in research, in spite of the fact that it must inevitably continue for a long time to support increasing numbers.
Precursors of Modern Social Security in Indigenous African Institutions
Authors: Gerdes Victor
Published: November 2008

The modern, albeit fragmentary, elements of a social security structure exist in each independent nation of the tropical African sub-region, and largely constitute a legacy from a departed metropolitan power. The legacy has become expensive, expansive, complex, even controversial; it is an administratively burdensome method to alleviate human suffering arising out of the realisation of selected risks to economic security. Thus, social security, since its introduction in three stages in Bismarkian Germany between 1883 and 1889, has spread throughout the world, but its continued growth in tropical Africa – even before the pre-conditions of industrialisation have obtained – is meeting many obstacles: financial, political, philosophical, administrative, and otherwise.
Continuity and Discontinuity in African Military Organisation
Authors: Welch Claude E.
Published: November 2008

The contemporary involvement of the armed forces in African politics seems to prove Mosca's maxim: ‘the class that bears the lance or holds the musket regularly forces its rule upon the class that handles the spade or pushes the shuttle’.1 Explanations for coups d'etat are myriad. The eruption of social conflicts into the armed services; personal and corporate greed; abridgement of military institutional prerogatives; weaknesses of the political system as a whole; increased emphasis on coercion: all figure among the reasons for intervention.
African Independent Churches and Education
Authors: Turner Harold W.
Published: November 2008

To think of the planting of Christianity in Africa and the work of missions and churches is to think of schools, of these agencies ‘throwing across tropical Africa their gigantic fishing net of primary and secondary schools’. And to think of the African peoples themselves over the past century is to recall the swelling demand for education above almost everything else. Back in 1902 this was well expressed in the exhortation of King Lewanika to his Lozi council: ‘Marotse, leave your shades, abandon our paganism. Send your children to school so that we also can become a nation.’ The school has undoubtedly been the most universally appreciated Christian contribution to black Africa over the past century and more.
The Cultural Revolution, Artistic Creativity, and Freedom of Expression in Guinea
Authors: Kaba Lansiné
Published: November 2008

The interdependence between art and society, and the subsequent question of the function of art, belong to the old debate which has divided the artistic world into two broad factions. Radical writers and critics, sometimes labelled as ‘revolutionary’, think that the artistic universe is intimately connected with the socio-political context in which creativity takes place, and hence that art must play an active rôle in the society. The ‘conservatives’, while not necessarily opposing the active involvement of individual artists in politics, cleave to the view of art for its own sake and truth.
The Determination of Criminal Insanity in Western Nigeria
Authors: Bienen Leigh
Published: November 2008

This article grew out of a more detailed study of all tried cases of homicide in Western Nigeria from 1966 to 1972. While reading more than I00 court transcripts and trial opinions, I was struck by what seemed an inordinately large number of accused with symptoms which westerners associate with mental or emotional illness. I was also conscious of judges being forced to apply an awkward, and at best difficult, standard for the determination of criminal insanity with sparse direct evidence and, in many cases, without the help of expert testimony.
Agricultural Modernisation Strategies Among Ghanaian Farmers
Authors: Sofranko Andrew J. , Fliegel Frederick C. , Pletcher William R.
Published: November 2008

The major problem of agriculture in Africa has been the low productivity of the traditional sector. The general thrust of development strategies to this point has been towards providing opportunities to small-holders and ‘encouraging agricultural development within existing peasant production units’. This essentiallylaissez-faireapproach has emphasised the need to improve producer incentives and the necessary infrastructure, as well as to provide new crop varieties and modern agricultural inputs in general. Social scientists, in turn, have studied the general question of how farmers respond to changes in incentives and, especially, to the availability of technological innovations.
Essence and Empiricism in African Politics
Authors: Marenin Otwin
Published: November 2008

Whatis ‘essence’ and what is ‘appearance’ in African politics? Does class or interest-group analysis describe and explain the various realities? These questions are unanswerable without an examination of the methods by which claims to correct understanding are made. All claims to knowledge are arbitrary until the methods of enquiry and the justification for their validity are made explicit.
Capital-Market Controls and Credit Rationing in Mali and Senegal
Authors: Hickok Susan , Gray Clive S.
Published: November 2008

In the course of several field studies carried out during 1978–9 on behalf of the Working Group on Recurrent Costs established by the Comité Inter-états de Lutte contre la Sécheresse dans le Sahel and the Club du Sahel, it became clear that imperfect functioning of domestic capital markets hampers the efforts of Sahelian governments to raise domestic non-tax resources for budget finance. Inasmuch as the operation and maintenance of development projects compete for a severely limited pool of uncommitted government revenues – that is, revenues not committed to debt service, meeting the civil service payroll, and other inflexible obligations – reforms that augment this pool are of particular interest from the viewpoint of ensuring that these projects function properly once established.
The Destruction of Sophiatown
Authors: Lodge Tom
Published: November 2008

In 1955 the South African Government began to demolish a black freehold suburb in Johannesburg, and to relocate its inhabitants in a state-controlled township. Resistance to these moves by the leading black political organisation of the time, the African National Congress (A.N.C.), was short-lived and unsuccessful. Despite its abortive nature, the attempt to oppose the destruction of Sophiatown was historically significant for several reasons.
Law, Development, and Legislative Drafting in English-Speaking Africa
Authors: Seidman Robert B.
Published: November 2008

Legislation in the former British colonial territories exhibited a pair of paradoxes. First, it spoke in legalese, a patois that only judges and lawyers can read easily. Many laws concerning development, however, addressed ordinary citizens. Second, drafters invented and used a specialised style to reduce official and judicial discretion by making legislation more precise, but this frequently endowed officials with discretion as broad as the unbroken sky. In Africa, the uses of legalese seemed to war with the purposes for which it was developed.
On the Origins of Corruption: Irregular Incentives in Nigeria
Authors: Eker Varda
Published: November 2008

Corruption is a wide-spread phenomenon in the developing world. The term is usually reserved for ‘the practice of using the power of office for making private gain in breach of laws and regulations nominally in force’, or as more flamboyantly defined by M. McMullan, ‘a public official is corrupt if he accepts money…for doing something that he is under duty to do anyway, that he is under duty not to do, or to exercise a legitimate discretion for improper reasons’.1 Corruption is thus a description of activites emanating from and related to officialdom. Irregular activities among private individuals are a matter of private enterprise. They are not usually classified as corruption, but as straightforward theft, fraud, embezzlement, and the like.
The Black Consciousness Movement in South Africa
Authors: Hirschmann David
Published: November 2008

Black politics in South Africa changed dramatically after 1976. It spread far and fast, with black organisations multiplying at all kinds of levels. The African National Congress (A.N.C.) returned and the United Democratic Front (U.D.F.) emerged. The trade unions strengthened considerably and black youths demonstrated their power. Ideologies changed and evolved. Yet at the same time as the movement broadened and deepened its hold on black people, internal divisions grew more intense. Organisational, ideological, and strategic differences became more bitter, and leaders continued to accuse each other of betraying the struggle.
The Eritrean Question: an Alternative Explanation
Authors: Araya Mesfin
Published: November 2008

There has been an armed struggle for independence in Eritrea since the dismantling of its ‘federation’ with Ethiopia in 1962. Particularly since the fall of the imperial régime in 1974, the war has claimed many lives, and continues to cause economic and social dislocation in the region. Despite what has happened during the past three decades, however, the so-called ‘Eritrean question’ remains a widely misunderstood phenomenon, not least because there is no authoritative and scholarly modern political history of this part of Africa.
The ‘Ibadan School’ and the Handling of Federal Finance in Nigeria
Authors: Adebayo A. G.
Published: November 2008

The term ‘Ibadan School’ is used here in two senses, locational and generic, and refers to studies on, and students of, federal finance that have employed a distinctive approach. Some of the most dominant figures in this group are (or used to be) on the staff of the University of Ibadan, and when it was decided after independence in 1960 that Nigerians themselves should handle the recurrent problems of federal finance, the task fall on the laps of a number of western-trained, liberal, and orthodox economists.
The Social Basis of Constitutionalism in Africa
Authors: Mamdani Mahmood
Published: November 2008

Are human rights a western invention? Is their very conception, and the accompanying notion of a legal process that sets definite limits on the exercise of political power, an invention of the seventeenth-century Enlightenment philosophers, and an ideological product of the French and the American Revolutions? And thus, is any talk of human rights in Africa tantamount to a mechanical importation of a western bourgeois ideological conception without the struggles and the relations that gave rise to it in the first place?
Security Strategies for a Future South Africa
Authors: Baynham Simon
Published: November 2008

The security services of every state are determined by two overlapping imperatives: a functional one flowing from actual or perceived threats to the country's safety, and a societal one stemming from the dominant ideologies, structures, and institutions prevailing within the state. Thus defence policy is not produced in a vacuum but in the context of a set of circumstances – historical and contemporary, external and domestic – which influence the policy-makers and their advisers. Decisions regarding the appropriate levels, patterns, and time-frame of security spending are not purely political, since they are also about the allocation of resources and about competing claims on public expenditure.
Marxism, Black Theology, and the South African Dilemma
Authors: Parratt John
Published: November 2008

Alfredo Fierro was probably going too far when he characterised modern political theology as ‘operating under the sign of Marx’. Nevertheless, ever since Gustavo Gutierrez dropped the bombshell of ‘Liberation Theology’ on the playground of western theologians, it is clear that Marxism cannot be ignored in any relevant twentieth-century explication of the Christian faith. Gutierrez focused in particular upon two aspects of Marx's thought: the action of man in human history, and the transformation of the world in the interests of the oppressed. These are perhaps also the most important aspects of Marxism for an understanding of recent developments in South African theology today.
Protest Marches in South Africa
Authors: Pisani J. A. du , Broodryk M. , Coetzer P. W.
Published: November 2008

The year 1989 will in future generations be known as the annus mirabilis, not only as far as developments in Eastern Europe are concerned, but also within the context of South African politics. The September general elections for the tricameral Parliament marked a turning point in the direction of governmental policies. Nowhere has the changing mood been more clearly demonstrated than in the streets of the cities and towns. A countrywide spate of protest marches has occurred since the historic first government-approved peaceful anti-apartheid march in Cape Town on 13 September 1989, and these have become the most visible symptom of the advance to the so-called ‘new South Africa’.
Divide et Impera: Civilian Control of the Military in Ghana's Second and Third Republics
Authors: Baynham Simon
Published: November 2008

Anearlier contribution to thisJournaladdressed itself to the question of how Kwame Nkrumah tried to subordinate his military forces to the civil authority of the Convention People's Party during the Ghanaian First Republic, 1960–6.1It was argued that the pattern of objective control inherited from the British colonial authorities was cast aside in favour of an entirely new subjective mechanism: ‘This involved the orchestration of a programme of military diversification in which new security organisations were formed and existing ones split up’.2Thisarticle will continue that theme by examining how civilian politicians attempted to confront the same dilemma in the Second and Third Republics during 1969–72 and 1979–81, respectively.
Recent Trends and Prospects of Black Migration to South Africa
Authors: Vletter Fion De
Published: November 2008

Migrantlabour from external sources has been exploited by South Africa during the past century for obvious economic reasons: it is cheap, easily available, and largely controllable. Short-run fluctuations may arise for a variety of reasons, but in the long run, as W. G. Martin has attempted to demonstrate, demand patterns for foreign migrant workers, particularly on the mines, have generally reflected prevailing economic conditions.1. Events over the past decade or so have, however, made it difficult to distinguish between the effects of economic and political influences which have so dramatically altered the face of migration in Southern Africa.
Muslim Brotherhoods and Politics in Senegal in 1985
Authors: Creevey Lucy E.
Published: November 2008

This author made her first study of the Muslim brotherhoods in 1966, and then ten years later reassessed their political position.1 Now, after almost a similar length of time since 1976, this brief evaluation is written in the hope of illustrating the gradually changing position of Muslim leaders or marabouts, and their rôle in Senegalese life and politics.
Lord Malvern (Sir Godfrey Huggins): a Reappraisal
Authors: Gann L. H.
Published: November 2008

Thirty years ago, Sir Godfrey Huggins retired as Prime Minister of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. The Queen raised him to the peerage as Viscount Malvern of Rhodesia and of Bexley in the county of Kent – his choice of title characteristically giving expression first of all to his old public school, then his country of adoption, and finally his birthplace in England. Great universities showered him with honorary doctorates and, quite surprisingly, David Low, the most distinguished of Labour political artists, creator of the archetypal figure Colonel Blimp, published a cartoon that showed Huggins proudly stepping into the pages of history, together with Sir Robert Walpole and Mackenzie King, the only English-speaking Prime Ministers to have shared his political longevity.
Contradiction and Uneven Development in South Africa: the Constrained Allocation of African Labour-Power
Authors: Curtis Fred
Published: November 2008

In the post-World War II period, South African capitalism is considered by many to have been reproduced on the basis of ‘cheap’ African labour-power. This is generally understood to mean that the prosperity of capitalism in the Republic depended on the poverty of the African majority. On the one hand, between 1950 and 1979, gross domestic product grew (in constant 1970 prices) from R4·4 billion to R15·5 billion. On the other hand, Africans on average earned wages that were below subsistence levels as defined by such minimal indices as the poverty datum line, and that were only 5 to 25 per cent as large as those earned on average by whites – see Tables 1 and 2. As generally analysed, both overall growth and the absolute and relative poverty of Africans were the direct result of the apartheid policies of the régime, in particular those responsible for the so-called cheap labour system.
The Soviet Presence in Africa: an Analysis of Goals
Authors: Grey Robert D.
Published: November 2008

In the middle 1970s, scholars and politicians agree, the Soviet Union began a major effort to penetrate Africa. After a decade of relative indifference to African developments, Soviet arms and advisers, in support of Cuban troops, poured into Angola and Ethiopia. Involvement in these two countries was supplemented by further transfers of arms to a number of other African régimes, and this seemed to signal a dramatically heightened interest in the continent.
Towards Popular Participation in Botswana
Authors: Good Kenneth
Published: November 2008

Despitea competitive party system and regular free-and-fair elections, Botswana's polity has been characterised for almost 30 years by considerable authoritarianism focused on the extensive powers of the Presidency and based upon a hierarchical and highly inequitable society.1But pressures have recently arisen within the country for more openness, participation, and equality, and their growing effects were clearly evident in the October 1994 elections and in the widespread disturbances soon after.
Closing the Transition: the May 1995 Elections in Ethiopia
Authors: Lyons Terrence
Published: November 2008

TheEthiopian transition, that began with the overthrow of military dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam in May 1991, formally ended with the swearing in of the newly elected Government of the Federal Republic of Ethiopia in August 1995. The intervening four years were a contentious time of clashes among rival political forces to determine the rules under which the transition would be conducted and hence which forces would be favoured. The first act of the Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) after deposing Mengistu was to convene a National Conference and establish a Council of Representatives that initially included a wide array of political groups. The EPRDF led throughout this transitional period and capitalised on its commanding position to consolidate its power. The party dominated the political landscape by virtue of its military power, effective organisation and leadership, and control of the agenda and rules of competition. It structured the transition around new ethnically defined regions, a constitution that emphasised self-determination, and a series of largely uncontested elections.
The World Bank's Fundamental Misconception in Africa
Authors: Schatz Sayre P.
Published: November 2008

In an earlier article in this Journal, ‘Structural Adjustment in Africa: a failing grade so far’, Vol. 32, No. 4, December 1994, pp. 679–92, I scrutinised the World Bank's major attempt to demonstrate the efficacy of its set of programmes known as ‘structural adjustment’. By relying solely on data selected and arranged in Adjustment in Africa: reforms, results, and the road ahead (New York, 1994), and using the categories and ratings of reform performance in that policy research report (hereinafter referred to as AIA), I showed that they not only failed to support its conclusions but actually bolstered the contrary thesis: namely, that implementation of structural adjustment most often causes poorer performance.
Tradition and Transformation: Democracy and the Politics of Popular Power in Ghana
Authors: Owusu Maxwell
Published: November 2008

InApril 1992, after nearly 11 years of military rule in Ghana, a draft democratic constitution of the Fourth Republic was overwhelmingly approved in a national referendum.1The ban on multi-party politics was lifted by the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC) Government in the following month. An independent interim National Electoral Commission was established, and a hotly contested presidential election in 200 constituencies monitored by teams of international observers was held in November 1992. After multi-party parliamentary elections to the National Assembly, boycotted unfortunately by opposition groups, the democratically elected Government of Ghana's Fourth Republic was inaugurated in January 1993.2
Mandela and Amabokoboko: the Political and Linguistic Nationalisation of South Africa?
Authors: Booth Douglas
Published: November 2008

South African sports officials recently agreed to retain the Springbok as the emblem and sobriquet of the national rugby team. The decision, which followed protracted debate, raises important questions about the construction of national identity in the post-apartheid era. Why has this traditional symbol of white racial superiority been reprieved? And can Springbok rugby help mould all South Africa's peoples into a nation…with common feelings of loyalty and belonging to each other?
Whither Lomé? The Mid-Term Review and the Decline of Partnership
Authors: Crawford Gordon
Published: November 2008

The signing in Mauritius on 4 November 1995 of the amended fourth Lomé Convention, the aid and trade co-operation agreement between the European Union (EU) and the ACP Group of 70 African, Caribbean, and Pacific countries, brought the Mid-Term Review to its formal completion after protracted negotiations. Established in 1975, Lomé has long been the centre-piece of EU development assistance. In quantitative terms, the European Development Fund, the financial instrument of Lomé, has comprised the largest single portion of EU aid, averaging almost 45 per cent of all disbursements in recent years.1 Qualitatively, Lomé has been regarded as a model of North—South cooperation, mainly due to three special features: it was founded on the principles of equality, mutual respect, and interdependence; it is a legally binding contract negotiated between two sets of countries; and it involves ongoing dialogue through three joint institutions, the ACP—EU Council of Ministers, the Committee of Ambassadors, and the ‘parliamentary’ Joint Assembly.
The Origins and Evolution of Mauritania's Second Republic
Authors: Pazzanita Anthony G.
Published: November 2008

Bythe mid-1990s, it had become almost a truism in certain circles that the democratic system of government, with its accompanying protections of individual rights and its facilitation of private economic activity and political pluralism, was in the ascendancy in many areas of the world hitherto not thought of as amenable to that model. But although various achievements and setbacks in democratisation have been extensively and even painstakingly documented in all continents, one intriguing experiment in Africa has gone nearly unnoticed.
The Malawi Government and South African Labour Recruiters, 1974–92
Authors: Chirwa Wiseman Chijere
Published: November 2008

In April 1974, 74 Malawian migrant labourers returning from work in South Africa died in a plane crash in Francistown, Botswana. Immediately, Dr Hastings Kamuzu Banda, the then [Life] President of Malawi, banned all labour recruiting activities in his country. Miners on holiday were not allowed to go back to their jobs, and those under contract with the Witwatersrand Native Labour Association (WNLA), known as Wenela, were to be repatriated — a decision that cost the South African mining industry some R7 million during the next two years. Thereafter, Dr Banda frequently boasted that ‘I have killed Wenela’, as for example on two public occasions in 1983: I have killed two recruiting agencies, the Witwatersrand Native Labour Association, Wenela, in short, and the Rhodesian Native Labour Bureau, or Mthandii… They no longer recruit in Malawi. They have surrendered all their buildings to the government…, because the majority of the people have responded to my appeal to stay here and work in their gardens or on the estates.
The Mahatma Gandhi and South Africa
Authors: Toit Brian M. Du
Published: November 2008

The years that Gandhi spent in South Africa have been admirably described by several scholars. This articles traces the development of a philosophy which became uniquely identified with Gandhi, and then looks at his legacy in South Africa, especially his influence in the social, religious, and political spheres. How is it possible that the shadow of so apparently frail a figure was cast so widely over events during most of this century?