bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Some Aspects of Religion and Spiritual Healing in Cultsville, a Contemporary North American City
Authors: Hexham Irving
Published: March 2016

In many ways modern society resembles a large stone in an overgrown garden. The stone stands apart from the weeds. Its outline is clear and its surface smooth and clean. But if we turn the stone we find another world. This is a realm of slime with a host of creepy crawlies scrurrying to escape the light. Attempting to penetrate beyond the official rational scientific culture of modern society which, like the top-side of the stone, is visible to all, is similar to the act of turning the stone to expose its repulsive underside. Beneath the ordered exterior of our official culture is a disorderly and, to the rational mind, shocking vision of reality.
Legend and reality: the case of Waldef of Melrose
Authors: Baker Derek
Published: March 2016

TheLife of Saint Waldefby Jocelin of Furness is the only surviving account of a man who would seem to have played a prominent part in the political and ecclesiastical affairs of the north in the middle years of the twelfth century, and who acquired a reputation for conventional sanctity. Apart from Jocelin’s account, written almost fifty years after his subject’s death, there are only a handful of contemporary references to Waldef. If the historian was limited to these Waldef would be a shadowy figure indeed, and the annals of the twelfth-century church would lose a man who appears, both in Jocelin’s narrative and the pages of modern historians, almost as a second-rank Ailred.
Was the protestant reformation a revolution? The case of Geneva
Authors: Kingdon Robert M.
Published: March 2016

The problem which I wish to consider is the problem of deciding whether the protestant reformation was a revolution. The problem should be of interest to a number of different scholars. There is no obvious reason, however, why it should interest those who define themselves primarily as ecclesiastical historians. I believe, however, that there is an ecclesiastical dimension to this problem and that earlier work upon it is flawed by a failure to recognize that fact. I see these flaws even in the work which has most stimulated my own recent thinking on the problem. This is the work of a number of modern english historians and above all a book published by that great english contribution to the american community of historians, Lawrence Stone, titled The Causes of the English Revolution, 1529–1642. I found particularly useful Stone’s lengthy analysis of the phenomenon of revolution, borrowing extensively from the recent work of political scientists, sociologists, and other behavioral scientists. And I found persuasive his application of that analysis to the puritan revolution. I found his ultimate conclusion, however, ‘that the crisis in England in the seventeenth century is the first “Great Revolution” in the history of the world,’ to be nonsense. It is nonsense partly because he has ignored the illumination which can be shed on this topic by a consideration of ecclesiastical history. I shall argue that the protestant reformation of the early sixteenth century was also a revolution, anticipating Stone’s by more than a hundred years. And I shall seek to demonstrate this argument with evidence drawn from ecclesiastical history.
Jean de Serres and the politics of religious pacification, 1594–8
Authors: Patterson W. B.
Published: March 2016

Like most other rulers of his time, king Henry IV of France wished to see a single religion practised within his realm. But in the late sixteenth century, as is well known, the state of France was such as to make this objective singularly difficult to achieve. The protestants, of whom Henry had been until his accession the political leader, were a sturdy minority, with a well-developed system of church courts for the definition of doctrine and the administration of discipline. The catholics, who adhered to the centuries-old established church of the kingdom, had no doubt become much more aware of their own religious heritage by the thirty years of civil and ecclesiastical strife they had had to endure. Henry himself, who announced his second conversion to catholicism in the summer of 1593, was never able to shed a certain aura of denominational ambivalence; he himself said, in a famous anecdote, that his own religion was one of the mysteries of Europe. Yet some measure of religious pacification and conciliation was clearly essential for France in the 1590s, both for the health of the country and for the security of the man who was her sovereign ruler. And under the circumstances existing in France, new initiatives and fresh ideas were needed. As an english historian observed, some years ago, for Henry to be accepted by the french as their ‘Most Christian King and eldest son of the Church, a new definition of Church and Christian would be required.’
‘Christ’s kingdom not of this world:’ the case of Benjamin Hoadly versus William Law reconsidered
Authors: Rack Henry D.
Published: March 2016

The traditional reputations of Hoadly and Law could hardly be more sharply contrasted. Hoadly’s latitudinarianism, his promotion on the bench for political reasons, his neglect of diocesan duties have long made him a favourite example for castigating the hanoverian episcopate. Law has been much more fortunate. Almost universally cited as a happy exception to the lax theology of his age; credited with a religious appeal to men of all parties; and praised for his literary style and powers of argument, Law has enjoyed a generally uncritical press, despite the difficulties of reconciling the early, orthodox controversial and devotional writings with his later and mystical works. Of the confrontation between Hoadly and Law over the Bangorian sermon, the prevailing opinion has been that of dean Hook: ‘Law’s “Letters” have never been answered, – may indeed be regarded as unanswerable’. Some, indeed, have suggested that Hoadly failed to reply directly to Law either through fear or inability to do so. Overton, however, with his customary fairness, allowed that Hoadly ‘was a very able controversialist and not afraid of any antagonist’. Hoadly claimed that others had replied to Law (who had not attempted to answer them), and that all of Law’s most important points had been answered in Hoadly’s Answer to the Representation.
Alessandro Gavazzi: a barnabite friar and the risorgimento (Presidential Address)
Authors: Hall Basil
Published: March 2016

Think nowHistory has many cunning passages, contrived corridorsAnd issues, deceives with whispering ambitions,Guides us by vanities. Think nowShe gives when our attention is distractedAnd what she gives, gives with such supple confusionsThat the giving famishes the craving. Gives too lateWhat’s not believed in, or if still believed,In memory only, reconsidered passion.

Historians no doubt have problems enough without setting before themselves that ‘memento mori’ from Eliot, who, though he was describing an old man seeking to understand his own past, leaves nevertheless an echo in the mind disturbing to those who practise the historian’s craft. We assume a confidence which in our heart of hearts we do not always, or should not always, possess. Eliot’s words not only demonstrate the difficulty of one man understanding his own past, but also the historian’s difficulty in understanding those whom they select for questioning from among the vast multitudes of the silent dead, whose deeds, artifacts, ideas, passions, hopes and memories have died with them. We dig into the past, obtain data from archives, brush off the objects found, collect statistics, annotate, arrange, describe, establish a chronology – but do we effectively understand the dead, especially since we are affected by our own beliefs, customs and ideologies? We are, of course, all aware of this: we silently scorn the lecturer who raises these diffident hesitations. For we know our duty: we examine all that we can, we describe our findings, we annotate them, we draw conclusions, or leave our demonstrations to speak for themselves. There are reasons, as I shall hope to show, that these considerations – Eliot’s ominous words and our determination not to be disquieted by them – bear upon the subject of this paper, the almost forgotten Alessandro Gavazzi.
The presbyterian church in Ireland and the government of Ireland act (1920)
Authors: Barkley John M.
Published: March 2016

The government of Ireland act (1920) did not fall, like Athene, fully fledged from the head of Zeus, so its historical development has to be considered if the presbyterian attitude to it is to be understood.

Presbyterians in Ireland had been second-class citizens up to 1780, and from then until the act of disestablishment in 1870 a tolerated church. This was a vital factor when they were called upon to face the issue of home rule in 1886. A second was that they were a minority, the majority of whose members lived in Ulster, whose community interests with Britain had been accentuated by industrialisation. They owed little or nothing to an irish parliament or Dublin so far as relief from legal disabilities and their standard of living were concerned. A third factor was the ‘vote tory manifesto’ of ‘catholic nationalism’ in 1885 which ended liberalism as a party in Ulster politics leaving presbyterianism without a political party of its own liberal ethos. Politically, presbyterians had now no option but to choose between the toryism of the former ascendancy and an aggressive catholic nationalism which at times resorted to force and violence against the union with Britain on which their standard of living and economic welfare depended.
Problems Arising from the Conversion of Syria
Authors: Liebeschuetz W.
Published: March 2016

It is the aim of this paper to ask questions rather than to answer them. The area with which I am concerned is a strip of central Syria extending from the Euphrates in the north to Baalbek (ancient Heliopolis) in the south. This region has a large number of village-remains from late antiquity, some of them exceptionally well preserved. These remains have yielded a large number of inscriptions, of which a significant proportion bears a date. They are being collected in the volumes of the Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie. Seven volumes have appeared.

The inscriptions start in the early empire and continue to the end of the sixth century. They thus start in pagan times and cover the whole development of Syrian Christianity. Only a few of the Christian inscriptions come from the great cities of Syria, for example Antioch, Aleppo [Beroea], the ancient Apamea, or Horns [Emesa]. They do not therefore throw light on the development of urban Christianity, which at Antioch especially was of great importance, and of long standing. The development reflected by the inscriptions is the conversion of the countryside.
Crossroads and Crises in the Religious Life of the Later Eleventh Century
Authors: Baker Derek
Published: March 2016

It is fifty years since Germain Morin, in an article in theRevue Bénédictinearticulated discussion of the tensions and developments in eleventh and early twelfth-century regular, and para-regular, life around a central ‘crisis of cenobitism’, and twenty years since Leclercq stabilised the debate in a wide ranging article which has become the basis of all subsequent comment. This crisis in the cenobitic life is now a commonplace, expressed in Leclercq’s terms as ‘the crisis of prosperity’ and answered by the resurgence of rural monasticism, eremitical in character, in reaction to the elaborate structures and relationships of an established monasticism resident in the urban centres of population and influence. The individual austerities and renunciations of Romuald stand at the beginning of a proliferating development in western Christendom, and may, in a general sense, be taken to characterise these new initiatives. The direct influence of Romualdine ideas and practices, whether through his foundations or through his self-proclaimed spiritual heir Damian, which is sometimes alleged is difficult to prove, but there is an obvious consonance between the Italian experiments and those elsewhere in the west, a compatibility of outlook and attitude between Romuald and Damian, and men like Bruno, Stephen Harding, Robert of Arbrissel.
Urbanitas-Rusticitas: Linguistic Aspects of a Medieval Dichotomy
Authors: Richter Michael
Published: March 2016

Christian teaching places man’s origin in paradise, a rural setting, and the end of mankind in the celestial city of Jerusalem. Thus both town and country have potentially positive connotations to the believer. Yet just as the angel could fall to become satan, so town and country could acquire evil reputations, depending on the behaviour of human beings in these settings (after all, the fall of man took place in paradise).

Christian writings draw in many respects on human experience, including the setting of man in society. At times in history town and country were experienced as different settings of life. Certainly there existed a notion of a superiority of urban over rural existence in classical Greek times; in contrast, Roman civilisation was more geared towards rural life. Both Hellenic and Roman thought contributed a great deal to the shaping of early Christianity. I am concerned here primarily with medieval attitudes towards town and country, but it is a fact that these were, partly at least, based on earlier tradition.
Sermons to the Upper Bourgeoisie by a Thirteenth Century Franciscan
Authors: D’Avray D. L.
Published: March 2016

‘Implantation urbaine des orders mendiants a-t-elle eu une influence sur le type de piété et de spiritualité qu’ils proposaient?’ This was one of the questions posed in the Annales programme of research on the friars and the towns, and the recent study of mendicant spirituality by Rosenwein and Little is an answer to more or less the same question. They conclude that within the period when the original ideal remained more or less intact, the preaching of the mendicants was one of a number of related responses to urban money-making. This is an excellent and stimulating study, and one of the lines of research it should stimulate is the analysis of the mendicant sermons themselves, which have survived in great numbers. A number of years spent with these sources has left me with the impression that the urban context can provide a non–trivial explanation for certain aspects only of the ‘spirituality’ of mendicant preaching, and that many of its distinctive features will have to be accounted for in other terms. Provided that we do not mistake the part for the whole, however, those elements of mendicant preaching which can be directly related to their urban environment—both economic and political—are worthy of attention in their own right, and it is with them that I am concerned here. The sermons which I will discuss illustrate the church’s effort to adapt itself to the re-emergence of a bourgeoisie, after the long centuries during which its social context was predominantly rural.
Town Mice and Country Mice in the Province of York 1317–40
Authors: Hill Rosalind M. T.
Published: March 2016

A few months after the end of the second world war a journalist, walking through the streets of devastated Hamburg, saw a girl come out of the basement of a bombed house. She was wearing a clean white tennis-dress and carrying a racquet, and as she picked her way through the piles of burnt-out rubble he pondered, as historians have often pondered before him, upon the remarkable capacity of people not only for surviving, but for continuing the ordinary pattern of their lives, in the most adverse circumstances. I have often remembered that girl in Hamburg as I worked my way through the letters of archbishop Melton’s register with its record of the way in which the ordinary people of the north, the town and country mice of my title, survived and carried on their normal activities, and even re-built and extended their churches, in the midst of the troubles in which they found themselves.
Factionalism in Town and Countryside: The Significance of Puritanism and Arminianism
Authors: Fletcher Anthony
Published: March 2016

Factionalism in the local communities of Stuart England is a many-sided subject which has hardly been investigated. I am concerned in this paper primarily widi die religious ingredient in local factionalism and in particular with a series of incidents of sustained hostility between clergy and laity, most of which occurred in the decade before the civil war. In every case conflict arose because clergymen were more or less assertively at odds either with deeply embedded custom and tradition or with strongly held views among the laity of their town or village. The intention is to consider die patterns of conflict that lie behind these incidents and to relate these patterns to the structures of rural and urban communities.
Thomas Chamberlain—A Forgotten Tractarian
Authors: Cobb Peter G.
Published: March 2016

Thomas Chamberlain, vicar of St Thomas’s Oxford for fifty years (1842–92), has fallen into undeserved obscurity. Except for a very brief memoir, written by Algernon Barrington Simeon just after his death, and a section in Thomas Squires’ history of the parish which is largely based on it, there is no account of his life and work. Yet in many ways his was the model tractarian parish. The Ecclesiologist acknowledged it as ‘an example of correct ritualism’ whilst a local evangelical regarded it as ‘the headquarters of the ultra devotees of the Pusey party’. The restoration and furnishing of the parish church were the epitome of tractarian ambitions. Chamberlain himself, with his energy and reserve, was regarded as an archetypal parish priest. Felicia Skene, ‘a person of strong feelings and decided opinions—, so admired him that she not only came to live in the parish to work for him, but also used him as the basis for her portrait of the dedicated clergyman, Mr Chesterfield, in one of her novels, S. Albans’s, or the Prisoners of Hope. Even lais sartorial habits were imitated, a sure sign of the regard in which he was held. One young man, about to be ordained to a title at St Alban’s, Holborn, wrote to his sister that he had been to Oxford to be measured by a certain tailor for his first clerical suit. ‘He makes things for Mr Chamberlain and his curates, so I think I am pretty sure of having mine correct.’
Between Town and Countryside: Contrasting Patterns of Churchgoing in the Early Victorian Black Country
Authors: Robson Geoffrey
Published: March 2016

Disraeli’s romantic novel Sybil deliberately and vividly contrasts the two nations of its subtitle. Only Egremont, the aristocratic hero, attempts to cross the impassible gulf between them when, in the guise of Mr Franklin, he lives for a while in Mowe-dale alongside the catholic Gerards. Ironically he has only two contacts with the poor. He visits an honest handloom weaver in the company of Mr St Lys, the saintly tractarian vicar of Mowbray, and a model factory set in a garden village, the creation of a paternalistic aristocrat. It is left to the Owenite Stephen Morley, rather than the admirer of the ancient catholic faith, to penetrate the hideous mining area from which the hell-cats eventually emerge to burn Mowbray castle. Here the absence of religion is made explicit in the description of Wodgate where ‘no church . . . has yet raised its spire . . . and even the conventicle scarcely dares show its humble front in some obscure corner.’ So, unrestrained by established religion and hardly touched by dissent, the brutalised colliers and ironworkers are suited to the violent, plundering role they fulfil in the final chapters of the book. They form a dark contrast to the noble and restrained workforce of aristocratic Mowbray a little further north.
The City, the Countryside and the Social Gospel in Late Victorian Nonconformity
Authors: Bebbington D. W.
Published: March 2016

The late nineteenth-century city posed problems for English nonconformists. The country was rapidly being urbanised. By 1881 over one third of the people lived in cities with a population of more than one hundred thousand. The most urbanised areas gave rise to the greatest worry of all the churches: large numbers there were failing to attend services. The religious census of 1851 had already shown that the largest towns were the places where there were the fewest worshippers, although nonconformists gained some crumbs of comfort from the knowledge that nonconformist attendances were greater than those of the church of England. Unofficial surveys in the 1880S revealed no improvement. Instead, although few were immediately conscious of it, in that decade the membership of all the main evangelical nonconformist denominations began to fall relative to population. And it was always the same social group that was most conspicuously unreached: the lower working classes, the bottom of the social pyramid. In poor neighbourhoods church attendance was lowest. In Bethnal Green at the turn of the twentieth century, for instance, only 6.8% of the adult population attended chapel, and only 13.3% went to any place of worship. Consequently nonconformists, like Anglicans, were troubled by the weakness of their appeal.
Urban Problems and Rural Solutions: Drink and Disestablishment in the First World War
Authors: Mews Stuart
Published: March 2016

Over ten years ago Brian Harrison drew attention to certain inadequately explored areas ‘where Marx’s classes still make their appearance but are overlain by the more lasting dichotomies of traditionalist versus radical, provincial versus Londoner, town-dweller versus countryman, intellectual versus the mass, Anglican versus Nonconformist, male versus female’. This paper does not isolate the urban-rural dichotomy which for most of the twentieth century has chiefly acquired a separate social significance only in and through the romantic speculations of intellectuals, but assumes its importance as one of several factors in interaction with each other which have divided and sometimes united societies and segments of societies along horizontal rather than vertical lines. Two areas which demand that complex analysis, sensitive to social and cultural cross-pressures, proposed by Harrison, are leisure (an area in which he has himself practised with distinction what he has preached) and secularisation. This paper considers one aspect of each of these, namely drink and disestablishment, as they impinged upon each other in a very specific episode in 1915.
Another Friar and Antiquity
Authors: D’Avray David
Published: March 2016

One of the most interesting of the classicizing friars appears to have remained undiscovered and unstudied to date. I know him from only one work, a collection of sermons or collationes, and that work from one anonymous manuscript. It may be that further research will succeed in identifying the author (which is a reason for publicizing the manuscript). From internal evidence and the script of the manuscript it is likely that he lived in the later thirteenth century or the first half of the fourteenth. Despite their anonymity, however, these curious Franciscan collationes have a freshness and individuality which makes them stand out from the mass of thirteenth and fourteenth century sermon collections. Taken as a whole, and aside from exempla, the sermon literature of this period ‘holds out small temptation to the mind that requires to be tempted to the study of Truth In order to give it its due, one must first learn the difficult grammar of its forms of thought, for in these sermon collections the ideas are organized in a manner different not only from our own but also from that of contemporary scholastic works (whose approach is relatively familiar after a century of scholarly effort). The sermon collection with which I am concerned in this paper differs from most others in that it meets the modern student halfway, as it were: it might have been written in order to answer the sort of questions historians now tend to ask about medieval attitudes. Here I am concerned with one question only: how did educated men of this period view the classical world? More specifically, how did they relate the classical world to their own time?
New Sects and Secret Meetings: Association and Authority in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries
Authors: Moore R.I.
Published: March 2016

It is always dangerous to proclaim novelty in religious matters, and seldom more so than in relation to the changes of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. In particular the assertions of contemporary observers, bishops, chroniclers and others, that new doctrines were being disseminated or new forms of behaviour detected among the people (a word which, like them, I use in a strict sense to mean the unlettered and the unprivileged, and not simply as a synonym for laity) were usually false, and almost always profoundly misleading. But the assertions themselves are new. They are not without precedent, of course: no epoch of the Christian era has been so bereft of the blessings of civilisation as to be entirely unable to produce episcopal denunciations of novelty. But granted the dangers inherent in all such pronouncements it does seem to me that we encounter in these centuries, for the first time since late antiquity, a rising and, as it turned out, continuous chorus of anxiety that the people were acting collectively for religious purposes if not necessarily outside the church, at any rate without its initiation or approval. In that sense it is appropriate to maintain that the modern history of voluntary religious associations, at least as a source of alarm and despondency to those in positions of authority, begins here. Obviously, therefore, it must be a central preoccupation of this paper, though I hope not the only one, to consider to what extent the source of the anxiety lay in the eye of the clerical beholder rather than in the external popular reality, as well as to wonder in either case what needs gave rise to it, and what purpose it served.
Corpus Christi Fraternities and Late Medieval Piety
Authors: Rubin Miri
Published: March 2016

While most scholars agree that fraternities played a major role in the religious and social experiences of late medieval folk in town and village, little has been said about the characteristics which allowed these voluntary associations to fulfil so major a role. Were religious fraternities cherished as venues for more rigorous personal participation in which lay men and women could shoulder duties and tasks beyond those demanded by the Church, or did they act as agents for expression of a vernacular piety which was somewhat removed from Latin liturgy and sacramental ritual? In this paper I shall examine a sub-group of fraternities, those dedicated to Corpus Christi, and through their response to an addition to the calendar shall attempt to assess the aims and means of spiritual expression offered by such groupings.
From Ranters to Chapel Builders: Primitive Methodism in the South Lincolnshire Fenland c.1820–1875
Authors: Ambler R.W
Published: March 2016

On 26 October 1832 Jonathan Gibbons of the parish of Lutton, some twelve miles east of Spalding, wrote to John Kaye, bishop of Lincoln, describing how ‘A great proportion of the lower orders are now supporting a sect called ranters and attending their meetings as the only resource for religious instruction.’ The reasons for this, he argued, lay with ‘lax government and want of proper attention to services and duties’ in the Church, but in addition to these problems the Church of England also had the difficult task of extending its ministrations into the scattered communities of the newly drained and cultivated south Lincolnshire fenland. In Lutton the people were left ‘open to all the evils attendant upon unrestrained ignorance’ and the voluntary religious bodies, including the Primitive Methodists or Ranters, were often quicker to respond to their needs than the Established Church.
Voluntaryism within the Established Church in Nineteenth Century Belfast
Authors: Kerr S. Peter
Published: March 2016

‘The Irish need to be governed and controlled as well as I excited.’ So wrote Daniel Wilson, a young English clergyman later to be bishop of Calcutta, after visiting Armagh in June 1814 to discuss with local clergy the possibility of setting up a branch of the Church Missionary Society. An Irish (Hibernian) Church Missionary Society, he argued, would

… have a tendency both to revive and regulate the piety of members of the Church, fostering whatever is holy and energetic, and yet directing both in … orderly submission to the Church …
The Voluntary Principle in the Colonial Situation: Theory and Practice
Authors: Donaldson Margaret
Published: March 2016

When the London Missionary Society (LMS) came into being in 1795 two principles formed the twin pillars of its existence: the Fundamental Principle, which declared that the Society existed to preach the gospel to the heathen and not to promote any particular form of church polity: and the voluntary principle, which declared that financial responsibility for a church devolved upon its members, and not upon the government or, in the long term, upon the missionary society. This paper examines the problems of applying the voluntary principle in a colonial situation. The investigation focuses on the work of the Revd Richard Birt, LMS missionary in South Africa from 1838 to 1892. Birt was a supporter of the voluntary principle by conviction, by background and by commitment to the LMS. In practice, however, his life’s work was to show the difficulty of maintaining the voluntary principle in a pioneering missionary situation.
The Catholic Federation 1906–1929
Authors: Doyle Peter
Published: March 2016

Bishop Casartelli of Salford wrote in his diary for 13 October 1906, ‘Deo Grattas! The magnificent Catholic Demonstration … organised by our new Catholic Federation, has been a wonderful success … 40,000 or more from every part of the Diocese. Extraordinary enthusiasm.’ His joy was understandable, for the Catholic Federation had been founded only a few months before. The aim had been to start something altogether different from the many specific Catholic societies already in existence. It was to be a

powerful Catholic organisation knit together in unity and solidarity, with the spirit of the Maccabees and the spirit of faith sending an electric current of living and vital Catholicity into the soul of every unit, and calling them to action against the growing hosts of enemies of God, Religion and Social Democracy.
Finding a Space for Evangelicalism: Evangelical Youth Movements in New Zealand
Authors: Lineham Peter J.
Published: March 2016

Voluntary religious societies may be viewed either as powerful instruments for mobilising the Christian community, or as bodies which divert its energies from their proper function. They tend to be enclaves where distinctive values and activities are encouraged and confirmed. They have been marked by a greater degree of internationalism than the broader church, no doubt because their narrowness and specificity make their transfer outside their home context less problematic. Evangelical voluntary organisations provide good illustrations of these features. It is the intention of this paper to examine the establishment of two evangelical movements which appeared in the distinctive environment of New Zealand. One of them, the Inter-Varsity Fellowship, is a well-known force in twentieth-century voluntarism in the western world. The other ultimately became a branch of the Children’s Special Service Mission, now known as Scripture Union, but it began as a movement unique to New Zealand, as its original name, the Crusader Movement, suggests. The origins of these two evangelical voluntary societies in New Zealand give some indication of the potential and problems of new evangelical movements.
Vicars Choral and Chaplains in Northern European Cathedrals 1100–1250
Authors: Barrow Julia
Published: March 2016

The purpose of this paper is to take a preliminary look at a phenomenon which began to occur over much of northern Europe in the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries: the emergence of vicars choral and chaplains in cathedrals and collegiate churches. Studying the two groups together makes sense since they both acted as replacements for the senior clerics, that is the canons, in the churches where they served. In theory, the vicars chiefly served in choir and the chaplains at altars which had often hitherto been served (we may presume) by canons. In fact it is very difficult to separate vicars from chaplains since the terms were often used interchangeably at the time, and, furthermore, charters establishing these positions often specify that vicars choral would additionally serve altars and that chaplains would also attend the hours. For example, when Bishop Hugh of Wells of Lincoln ordained a chantry at the altar of St Hugh to be served by a priest chaplain and a deacon and subdeacon he laid down that the deacon and subdeacon should be chosen from among the vicars of the choir and subsequent arrangements for this chantry show that the deacons and subdeacons in the choir served for a week at a time. The emergence of vicars choral and chaplains is not of major significance in itself, since these men very rarely rose to positions of any importance, but an explanation of why they were felt ro be necessary is essential to a study of clerical ministry in the middle ages.
Rivals for Ministry? Ordinations of Secular and Regular Clergy in Southern England c. 1300–1500
Authors: Davis Virginia
Published: March 2016

At the beginning of the fourteenth century ecclesiastical recruitment AA was flourishing in England. Hundreds of men turned up to be ordained at the four Ember seasons each year at which major ordinations were permitted to be held. The majority of these men were secular clergy; only a small proportion were members of religious orders. Of the scores of people in the diocese of Winchester who came at the stipulated time to be ordained to the major orders at this date only about one fifth were members of religious orders and of those, only a handful were mendicants. However, by the end of the century, after the ravages of the Black Death, although the total numbers of men being ordained had declined dramatically a greater percentage of these were regular rather than secular clergy. A similar pattern can be seen all over Southern England. It was a trend which persisted throughout much of the fifteenth century. This paper will investigate the changing patterns of secular and regular ordinations to the priesthood in southern England in the period between 1300 and 1500. In the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries extensive anti-mendicant feeling was expressed both in late medieval literature and in rivalry between the secular clergy and the friars over the pastoral role of the latter. Was this, in fact, a reflection of a reality which meant that, compared to the position in the early fourteenth century, far more ordained friars were on the streets and in the parishes?
‘Reformed Pastors’ and Bons Curés: the Changing Role of the Parish Clergy in Early Modern Europe
Authors: Green Ian
Published: March 2016

Over the last half century, a number of sociologists on both sides of the Atlantic have tried to define the contemporary role of the ministry. Among the ideas which emerged from their work, three are relevant for our purpose here. The first was that a number of roles which well-intentioned if not always well-qualified clergy had tried to play in the past had been lost or were being lost to rival professions, few of whose members were in holy orders: doctors and psychiatrists, marriage guidance counsellors and social caseworkers, solicitors and schoolteachers. Sociologists detected a sense of what was called ‘role uncertainty’ among the English clergy, and a feeling that in future they should be trained in new skills such as counselling. Allied to this disquiet was another concern, that the administrative and organizational side of the minister’s work was threatening to swamp the more important traditional roles of priest, pastor, and preacher. A third suggestion was that in an increasingly secular society the status of the ministry was declining. For centuries, it was argued, the clergy had enjoyed a unique place in society because of their sacerdotal functions and special skills, but this was now changing: the value of the Christian ministry in the eyes of the laity was falling behind that of more ‘useful’ professions such as medicine and the law.
A Description of the Qualifications Necessary to a Gospel Minister-Quaker Ministry in the Eighteenth Century
Authors: Hall David J.
Published: March 2016

In 1750 Samuel Bownas, then aged about seventy-four, published A Description of the Qualifications necessary to A Gospel Minister, a manual of advice to ministers and elders in the Religious Society of Friends. In 1738 the church discipline of the Society was codified and made available to Friends’ meetings, first in manuscript form and then from 1783 in print, providing rules and advice covering aspects of Quaker life from administration at national level to personal conduct.

In the earliest days of the Society the appearance in print of such advice would have been considered superfluous. A Friend received his call to minister directly from the Spirit once he was in a receptive state as a result of turning to the light, then found the direction of his particular ministry. This call bore no relation to the education or status of the recipient, it was not recognized by any external rite, it could be of short duration, and it could take varied forms.
Pastoral Perfection: Cardinal Manning and the Secular Clergy
Authors: Doyle Peter
Published: March 2016

Towards the end of his life Cardinal Manning made some notes on what he called, ‘Hindrances to the Spread of Catholicism in England’. High on his list was the state of the English diocesan clergy: they were, he felt, neither cultured nor ‘civil’, in that they were unprepared to play a part in public life and did not understand English institutions and the outlook of the educated Englishman. One might in passing wonder how the Cardinal squared this criticism with his desire that the seminaries which trained these priests should remain secluded from the world and that Catholics should not be allowed to attend the English universities. But he felt that a stronger failing in the clergy was the low opinion which they had of their own calling and the low esteem in which many of the faithful held them. They were regarded as no more than parochial hacks, not expected to raise their sights beyond the roofs of the slums which they served. They were, according to Manning, compared unfavourably with the regular clergy, as preachers, confessors, directors of souls, judges of vocations, and even advisers in worldly matters, they were held in less esteem. Lay people were too fond of saving, ‘He is only a secular priest’; this judgement had been passed so often that the parochial clergy had come to believe it themselves, and when they were exhorted to higher things too often replied, ‘I am only a secular’.
Jewish Carnality in Twelfth-Century Renaissance Thought
Authors: Abulafia Anna Sapir
Published: March 2016

Disagreement between Jews and Christians about the meaning of the words of the Hebrew Bible is as old as the emergence of a Christian sect in Judea. The perennial debate on hermeneutics was not a simple bandying of words between two competing parties. What was discussed really mattered, for it gave expression to the essence of what separated Jew from Christian.
William of Auvergne and the Jews
Authors: Smith Lesley
Published: March 2016

[He] is in the line of the great souls of the Middle Ages who spanned the whole compass of current knowledge. Bishop and doctor, William of Auvergne is one of the noble figures of the thirteenth century (F. Vernet).

William was chaplain to Queen Blanche, King Louis’ mother, and in an age of great bigotry he excelled in excessive bigotry (Ch. Merchavia).

In 1240 William of Auvergne, Bishop of Paris, was present at a form of hearing, trial, disputation, or inquisition between Christians and Jews to determine whether or not the Parisian Jews should have their copies of the Talmud destroyed. The Talmud was condemned. Some two years later the large quantity—probably twenty-four cartloads—of Jewish books which had been confiscated in 1240, and locked since then in the Dominican convent, was publicly burned. The consigning of the books to the flames is reminiscent of the burning of heretics and is one of the circumstances of the whole event which has led some commentators to see the trial as a form of Inquisition.
Jews, Poitevins, and the Bishop of Winchester, 1231-1234
Authors: Vincent Nicholas C.
Published: March 2016

Amongst the many questions concerning the Jews of thirteenth-century England, by no means the least interesting turn upon the hardening of Christian-Jewish relations, the collapse of the wealth of the Jewish community, and the eventual expulsion of the Jews in 1290. Quite when and why did these processes originate and evolve? By which authority, Church or King, were they most keenly sponsored? Robert Stacey has provided answers to many of these questions, nominating the years 1240 to 1258 as ‘a watershed in Anglo-Jewish relations’ and showing the diversity of religious and financial pressures underlying Henry Ill’s attack on the Jews. Whilst in no way challenging Stacey’s basic approach, the purpose of the present essay is to extend his concept of a watershed back by a decade or so to the regime which governed England between 1232 and 1234. At the same time I shall suggest that the misfortunes of the English Jewry need to be viewed in the wider context of Jewish-Christian relations throughout northern Europe, in particular with an eye to the anti-Jewish legislation of Capetian France.
Monastic Charity for Jewish Converts: The Requisition of Corrodies by Henry III
Authors: Greatrex Joan
Published: March 2016

The controversy which concerns us now, as it once concerned the thirteenth-century participants, centres upon the king’s right to demand corrodies in monastic establishments for his own nominees. Thus it is necessary to begin by defining the term ‘corrody’ in the present context. In describing a corrody as ‘nothing more than an allowance consisting of a share in a common fund’, Professor Hamilton Thompson neatly encapsulated the multifarious forms which it could take; he also drew attention to its potentially disastrous effects when he noted that at least one person, who should have known better, believed that corrodies were so called because they were corrosive. The allowances or provisions were specified in a written agreement between the monastic chapter and the prospective recipient and might include board, lodging, items of clothing, and cash payments, or any one of these, or a combination of them; and so they were often entered on monastic officials’ expense accounts as annuities, pensions, or liveries (liherationes). Acting on their own initiative and often against episcopal injunctions, religious houses in financial straits made such grants to laymen, whose wives were sometimes included, in return for a lump sum or a donation of property. The corrodian who paid cash or bequeathed part of his estate provided an immediate and welcome boost in income for the community which received him, and he and his family gained security and comfort in their declining years. But the financial relief for the monastery which had guaranteed hospitality for life could, and did, turn into a liability when the beneficiaries lived longer than had been anticipated. In addition, outsiders, by virtue of their rights as founders and benefactors, made certain claims on religious houses, among which was the requisition of corrodies on behalf of relatives or retainers. It was this form of exploitation in which the King himself was the chief offender, and Henry III, in financial straits, would argue that he was in principle the patron of all religious establishments in the country.
The Jews in the Sixteenth-Century Homilies
Authors: d’uzer Vincenette
Published: March 2016

Great travellers, great traders, the Jews had spread out all over Europe long before the Roman occupation of their territory or Titus’ destruction of Jerusalem. On the whole, they prospered and mixed well with the local people. When these people were converted to Christianity no change seemed to appear at first towards the Jews. As centuries went by, however, animosity towards them, held responsible for Christ’s Crucifixion and death, grew to the point of their being expelled successively from England, France, Spain, and various parts of Germany.
The Phenomenon of Philo-Semitism
Authors: Katz David S.
Published: March 2016

No One would accuse Martin Luther of being philo-Semitic. Even his first, so-called pro-Jewish pamphlet to the Jews is tentative in the extreme and conditional on their accepting Christianity in its purer Protestant form. But even he could not disguise his admiration for the Jews in two areas. The first was sheer survival.

The Jews are the poorest people among all nations on earth [he said], they are plagued every where, scattered to and fro in all Countries, they have no certain place, they sit like as on a wheel-barrow, have no Countrie, people nor Government, yet they attend with great desire, they cheer up themselves and saie, It will bee soon better with us.
Popery, Rabbinism, and Reform: Evangelicals and Jews in Early Victorian England
Authors: Feldman David
Published: March 2016

In this brief paper I discuss the relation between Christianity and Jewish religious reform in early Victorian England. More specifically, I want to suggest that there was a close relation between the Evangelical critique of Judaism as a form of popery and the direction and meaning of religious reform within Anglo-Jewry. If, indeed, this was the case, then what follows has a significant bearing upon the way we interpret Jewish integration in nineteenth-century England.

There were roughly 50,000 Jews in England in 1850, two-thirds of whom lived in the capital. Synagogues, like other communal institutions, were dominated by a wealthy elite. Synagogue attendance was thin, and in 1851, on census Sabbath, only 10 per cent of London Jews were found in a metropolitan synagogue. Although nominally Orthodox, the general temper of religious observance within Anglo-Jewry was relaxed.
‘In a Peculiar Relation to Christianity’: Anglican Attitudes to Judaism in the Era of Political Emancipation, 1830-1858
Authors: Gill Sean
Published: March 2016

Between 1830 and 1858 fourteen attempts were made to remove the words ‘on the true faith of a Christian’ from the oath required of new Members and thereby to allow Jews to gain admission to Parliament. After 1833, when a bill was passed in the Commons, all proposals for reform foundered on opposition in the Lords. Speaking against Jewish emancipation in the Upper House on 1 August 1833, the Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr Howley, made it clear that the issue was not one on which the Church of England could remain indifferent. In contrast to other religions, he argued, Judaism stood ‘in a peculiar relation to Christianity’, for its very existence was ‘not simply a negative but a positive contradiction of Christianity’.