bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The “Amboyna Massacre” of 1623
Authors: Bassett D. K.
Published: August 2009

On 27 February, 1623, Gabriel Towerson, the chief factor or merchant of the English East India Company in Amboyna, was beheaded by command of the local Dutch governor, Herman van Speult. Nine other Englishmen, ten Japanese and one Portuguese shared Towerson's fate. The charges brought against these unfortunate men were that they planned to kill Speult and overwhelm the Dutch garrison of Fort Victoria as soon as an English ship appeared in the roadstead to support them. It is not the purpose of the present article to re-open the more controversial aspects of the Amboyna tragedy. Suffice it to say that the plausibility of the Dutch accusation has never commanded much respect in the estimate of British historians and it is unlikely that this attitude will change. On the other hand, there is every evidence to suggest that Speult, despite English suspicions to the contrary, was genuinely convinced that an English plot was afoot to overthrow his government. Normally the governor was a humane and reasonable man, who had received Towerson at his table on many occasions, and his bitterness at the strange turn of events in February, 1623, is very understandable. Dr. Stapel has recorded the reputed reply of Towerson to Speult when the latter upbraided him for thus abusing his hospitality and friendship: “Alas! If it were to beginne againe, it should never be done”. Is this the response of a man who knew he was innocent? asks Dr. Stapel. On the face of it, Towerson would appear to be condemned by his own words, but it must be remembered that his physical condition at that time was pitiful. He had firmly protested his innocence under prolonged and severe torture until his powers of endurance were broken, after which he sought relief, presumably, by telling the Dutch what they wanted to hear. In these circumstances, it is difficult to attach to Towerson's rather cryptic expression of repentance the importance it would otherwise deserve.
The Attempts of Raffles to Establish A British Base in South-East Asia, 1818–1819
Authors: Tay J. S.
Published: August 2009

In the year 1814, Great Britain, recuperating from the effects of the Napoleonic Wars and anxious to protect itself against another outbreak of “Revolutionary Madness”, determined to restore the balance of power in Europe. To this end, it turned its attention towards the problem of rebuilding a strong and united Kingdom of Holland. Because the stability of this new Kingdom depended on the prosperity it could derive from its colonial possessions, Britain restored to it, by the Anglo-Dutch Convention of 1814, all the factories and establishments which Holland had possessed in the Eastern Seas at the commencement of 1803. These were Java and its dependencies, Celebes and the smaller islands situated in the Straits of Macassar, the Moluccas, Malacca on the Malay Peninsula, and various establishments on the island of Sumatra. Great Britain also ceded to the Dutch the island of Banca.
The Rise of Nan-Chao in Yunnan
Authors: Blackmore M.
Published: August 2009

The history of the state of Nan-chao () is closely interwoven with episodes in the history of Northern South-East Asia. The writings of Pelliot and G. H. Luce have shown the importance of eighth and ninth-century Nan-chao incursions into what is now Burma, while a Nanchao invasion of Tongking in the ninth century, with the help of local tribes, played its part in weakening the Chinese grip and contributing to the independence of Vietnam. There is, moreover, the vexed question of the relationship between Nan-chao and the Thai states of Siam, still far from being solved.
Shahbandars in the Archipelago
Authors: Purbatjaraka Purnadi
Published: August 2009

Stimulated by the publications of Moreland and Blagden who have both discussed the institution of the Shahbandar, this paper presents the results of some further research on this subject. It gives special attention to some specific points, such as the origin of the institution in the Archipelago and the functions of the Shahbandar from the viewpoint of international relations, i.e. his dealings with foreigners and foreign powers.
Sufism as a Category in Indonesian Literature and History
Authors: Johns A. H.
Published: August 2009

It is unfortunate that historians, as a rule, do not follow the example of social anthropologists in devoting some part of their monographs to a discussion of the theoretical problems involved in the material they have been handling. This is not of such importance in the history of Europe, where much can be taken for granted on the part of the reader. But when the European historian turns to the study of Asian history, and writes in the same way as he would were he writing the history of a European people, merely substituting an Asian set of names and places, then the result frequently lacks interest, and may even be a distortion of the general picture of the past that he wishes to relate. This holds as well for continental S.E. Asia and the island world of Indonesia as elsewhere. And it is not only in these countries that peoples, newly conscious of their traditions as national traditions, are dissatisfied with the histories written for them by foreigners. The requirements of a new type of history are formidable, and very little work has been done on the theoretical ground work involved. The aim of this paper then, is to attempt to progress a little further in the elaboration of such a historiography, and to apply the results to a segment of the data available relating to Indonesia's past.
Indonesian-Dutch Relations
Authors: Palmier Leslie H.
Published: August 2009

Relations between Indonesia and the Netherlands have shown a rancour on the Indonesian side, and an obduracy on the part of the Netherlands, unparallelled in the relations between any other ex-colony and its former imperial master. The bitterness of Indian nationalists has dissipated itself into a reverence for things English above all others, whilst the French attitude in Indo-China, similar in many ways to that of the Dutch in the Indies, and the fighting in the Indo-Chinese warr far heavier than those of the Netherlands military actions in 1948 and 1949, have still left the peoples of Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos with warmer feelings for France than the Indonesian government has for the Netherlands.
The Ethical Program and the Chinese of Indonesia
Authors: Williams Lea E.
Published: August 2009

In their declining decades colonialists all but universally produced a series of attitudes and a set of administrative schemes which would have been incomprehensible to earlier, more robust imperial rulers. These views and actions, apparently typical of moribund colonialism, are generally labeled humanitarian. A multiplicity of interpretations can be offered to explain the phenomena to be observed in virtually all colonies in the final and rather confusing years before national freedom is won. In British, French, Dutch, Japanese, American, and even Belgian areas a measure of humanitarian concern was injected into the thinking of colonial administrators. Clearly the pattern was not the same everywhere. Local circumstances in the colonies and pressures from the metropolitan governments gave rise to almost limitless variety in the application of the new imperialist ethic, yet humanitarianism became at least the slogan of colonial regimes from Taiwan to the Congo. Indeed expressions of good will and high purpose often mixed with and disguised imperialism's death rattle.
The Rise of Indonesian Political Parties
Authors: Singh Vishal
Published: August 2009

The development of the Indonesian party system in the first quarter of this century can be traced to various factors. The defeat of Russia by Japan started a chain of new ideas in Asian minds which finally led to the overthrow of the European powers in Asia. But this event in isolation could not have achieved much. The overthrow of the Manchu Empire in China in 1911 by the Chinese nationalist revolutionaries under the leadership of Sun Yat Sen, created a new national consciousness among the Chinese in Indonesia, and Indonesian nationalism partly owes its origin to reaction against this new-born nationalism among overseas Chinese in Indonesia. Later the First World War and the Russian Revolution of 1917 also left a deep impress on Indonesian political life. Though the Dutch tried to keep Indonesia immune from the new ideas emerging in other parts of the world, they could not succeed in this endeavour. Their failure in attempts of this kind was occasionally seen in periodical political outbursts in various parts of Indonesia. Apart from the new waves of revolutionary ideas from Europe, the Indian national movement under the leadership of Tilak and Gandhi also had a noticeable influence on the growth of the early nationalist movement in Indonesia.
Western Impact on East Sumatra and North Tapanuli: The Roles of the Planter and the Missionary
Authors: Pelzer Karl J.
Published: August 2009

The two administrative units of Sumatra with which this paper is concerned are East Sumatra, stretching along the Strait of Malacca, and North Tapanuli, extending from the mountainous interior around Lake Toba to the Indian Ocean.

At the beginning of the nineteenth century, East Sumatra and Tapanuli (except for a small number of Indian-Ocean settlements and trading posts in the latter) were completely outside of the political sphere of interest of European powers. The Treaty of London of 1824, however, delineated Malaya as a British sphere of interest and Sumatra as a Dutch sphere. But it was nearly another forty years before the Dutch turned their attention to East Sumatra and North Tapanuli. In the forward movement which then began, planters and Christian missionaries played highly significant and critical roles; in the pioneer decades they were actually either ahead of the flag or were overshadowing the colonial government officials.
The Acheh Treaty of 1819
Authors: Puvanarajah T. , Suntharalingam R.
Published: August 2009

The strategic location of Acheh at the northern entrance of the Straits of Malacca coupled with the Sultanate's control of the pepper districts of north Sumatra were vital factors affecting British policy towards Acheh in the late 18th and early 19th century. During this period, Britain was involved in a series of wars with France in Europe, and these wars came to affect Anglo-French relations in the Indian Ocean. British possessions in India, especially those situated in the Bay of Bengal, were vulnerable to French naval attacks during the period of the north-east monsoons. The danger of French attack was first felt during the Seven Years War (1756–1763) and after peace was signed in 1763 the Directors of the Company recommended the search for a base to the east of the Bay of Bengal. The result of this protracted search was the foundation of Penang in 1786. But settlement at Penang did not entirely remove the fears of the British vis a vis the French naval threat to their Indian possessions. There were, in Southeast Asia, other stations which the French could use “with complete impunity” to launch an attack on the Company's settlements in the Bay of Bengal. Acheh was one base which seemed to fit into French strategy. During the War of American Independence, de Suffren, the brilliant French naval commander, had utilised Acheh as a refit and supply station, after having launched an attack on British territories in India. In 1796, another French commander, Sercey also refitted his fleet at Acheh. The outbreak of Napoleonic Wars in Europe, and the fear of renewed French actions in the Bay induced the Directors to sanction the building of a naval base in Penang in 1805. In their instructions to the newly created Penang Presidency, the Directors drew its attention to the existence of “an inviting port opened to him [European enemy] in Acheen” which the French could use. In an attempt to counter any French designs, the Directors were prepared to sanction a policy of extending political control over Acheh. This course of action, however, was rendered unnecessary, as the French defeat at Trafalgar in 1805 released British warships for service in the Indian Ocean. The danger from the French, however, continued to exist owing to the presence of French privateers but they ceased to operate after the termination of the Napoleonic Wars in 1814. The establishment of peace in Europe saw the restoration of the Dutch possessions in the Archipelago by the British. Soon fears were aroused of the probable Dutch domination of the main routes of the Archipelago, especially the Straits of Malacca. Consequently, the securing of free passage through the Straits of Malacca assumed great significance in the formulation of British policy in Southeast Asia in general and in Acheh in particular.
The Study of Colonial History
Authors: West F. J.
Published: August 2009

Charles Kingsley, a popular novelist, — he had written Westward Ho among other books and was yet to write The Water Babies, — was appointed to the Regius Chair of Modern History in Cambridge in May 1860. His lectures, it was said, were those of ‘a poet and a moralist, a politician and a theologian, and, above all, a friend and counsellor of young men’. They were, his critics agreed, certainly not those of an historian and a scholar. Such attacks upon him as an historical novelist rather than an historian, combined with the strain of coming up to Cambridge from his rectory twice a year to deliver his lectures, caused him to resign his chair in 1869, to be succeeded by John Robert Seeley. Seeley was a classicist, who had also published a religious work, Ecce Homo, the centre of one of those ferocious Victorian doctrinal controversies. He had published nothing historical but historical speculation had always interested him, and thus qualified, he became Regius professor, holding the Chair until 1895. After his Inaugural Lecture, W. H. Thompson, the witty and acid Master of Trinity, observed, ‘Well, well. I did not think we should so soon have occasion to regret poor Kingsley.’ Such were the beginnings of the serious study of imperial and colonial History in English universities.
Western Colonisation and the Filipino Response
Authors: Corpuz Onofre Dizon
Published: August 2009

Nationalism in the Philippines is undergoing the fate of ideologies and ideas that have passed from the vocabulary of critical and original thinkers, into the language of popular discussion. As a concept and as a political force, therefore, nationalism is in the process of losing in precision what it is gaining in popular appeal. Its triumph in Filipino politics is pointedly shown by the diligence with which partisans of opposing political interests and orientations all claim to be the faithful and discerning interpreters of nationalism. Its triumph as an idea is similarly shown by the indiscriminate use of the term by social commentators who have no more than vague and hazy impressions of ideological distinctions.
Historical Study and Historians in Indonesia Today
Authors: Kartodirdjo Sartono
Published: August 2009

It should be plainly stated that historical study and writing in Indonesia have so far played a very slight part in academic work, “but there is reason to expect that this situation will change in the years to come. Indonesia entered the postwar period with a heritage consisting mostly of Dutch colonial historiography. Deeply affected by the national revolution in the cultural scene, particularly in the field of history, a reconstruction and rewriting of Indonesian history was urgently felt. Many conceptions had tobe reviewed and many facts reinterpreted. A growing acceptance of this new approach has come to focus historical study on old regional or local sources on the one hand and the formulation of the idea of the history of indonesia as a national history on the other.
Peasant and Land Reform in Indonesian Communism
Authors: van der Kroef Justus M.
Published: August 2009

“A national front without the active participation of the peasants is like a bale of jute without contents, empty and light, and hence easily blown away toy the wind”. These words of Dipa Nusantara Aidit, Central Committee Chairman of the Indonesian Communist Party (Partai Komunis Indonesia – PKI), on the occasion of the party's “National Peasants' Conference” in April, 1959, may serve as an index to the theoretical and tactical importance assigned to the Indonesian peasant's role by the Indonesian Communist movement. Increasingly in the past few years the peasant and the “agrarian question”, i.e. “feudalism”, “landlordism”, debtor bondage and the problem of increasing agricultural productivity, have begun to figure prominently in the PKI program and the “essence of the Indonesian Revolution” is now described by the party as the “agrarian revolution”.
The Maritime Adventures of Grand Eunuch Ho
Authors: Willetts William
Published: August 2009

In 1368 a native Chinese dynasty, the Ming, received the Mandate of Heaven, and after a century and a half of alien rule a true son of Han ascended the Dragon Throne. A burst of diplomatic activity followed. It took the form of a grandiose series of naval expeditions designed to announce to the more-or-less petty rulers of South Asia the advent of a new native house, and to receive their tribute. Over the next hundred years the Chinese established themselves as the dominant naval power in the Indian Ocean.
Marco Polo in South-East Asia: A preliminary essay in reconstruction
Authors: Jack-Hinton Colin
Published: August 2009

If there is one figure in world history who has certainly not been neglected it is surely Marco Polo. His narrative has appealed to readers since it was first dictated to Rustichello, Polo's fellow prisoner in the dungeons of Genoa, and its many versions have attracted the enthusiastic attentions of some of the finest textual scholars in Europe. It is, however, in respect of the identification of the places which Polo visited in the Far East and Central Asia that a formidable body of published material has now accumulated, embracing the fields of history, linguistics and geography, and of varying quality, perception and relevance. In South-East Asia itself Polo refers to only twelve geographical locations, yet despite this, or perhaps in part because of it, even the most summary investigation of the question of their identity will quickly reveal that the material which has been published on this very limited aspect of Polo's narrative has now reached almost unmanageable proportions, save for thedévouéwho is prepared to direct his attentions to little else. In this may be seen the real importance of Polo's narrative within the early history of South-East Asia, for the identification of his geographical nomenclature demands a detailed study of so many aspects of the history of the area prior to and immediately following the period of his narrative. Indeed, with his first cursory examination of Polo's narrative the reader finds himself face to face with some of the more fundamental problems of the study of the early history of South-East Asia.
European Influence in Southeast Asia 1500–1630—A Reply
Authors: Meilink-Roelofsz M. A. P.
Published: August 2009

In vol. IV (1962), No. 2, pp. 134–165 of the Journal of Southeast Asian History Dr. D. K. Bassett has made a detailed study of my book Asian Trade and Enropean Influence in the Indonesian Archipelago between about 1500 and about 1630 (The Hague, 1962). Since some time always elapses before the latest editions of the Journal of Southeast Asian History become available in Dutch libraries, my attention was only drawn to this article some months after its publication.
Malacca Fort
Authors: Irwin Graham
Published: August 2009

There was a stone fort at Malacca from 1512 to 1807. Only twice during the three centuries of its existence did this fort change hands, and it was taken by storm only once. Yet it was many times besieged, and nations which did not possess it regarded it with disfavour as a threat to the security of their communications and a hindrance, if not a barrier, to the freedom of their trade. In relation to the Malay Peninsula the fort at Malacca was of small account, for it was never used as a base for the furthering of territorial ambitions in the interior. Its importance lay rather in its. position on the flank of the main sea route between India and China. Beneath its guns fleets could be assembled and lie at anchor in security, and these fleets could be, and were, employed to attack the shipping of rival powers passing through Malacca Straits.
Malacca and the Failure of the first Portuguese Embassy to Peking
Authors: Chang T'ien-Tse
Published: August 2009

In a previous study published in 1934 I have given an account of the first Portuguese mission to Peking. Certain sources which were not available to me have since been examined, and consequently it has become possible to amplify my narrative and to revise some of my views tentatively given before.
The Role of Indian Textiles in Southeast Asian Trade in the Seventeenth Century
Authors: Sen S. P.
Published: August 2009

The role of Indian textiles in Southeast Asian trade in the seventeenth century was important in three ways. First, there was a great, almost unlimited, demand for these goods in all the Southeast Asian markets; second, they constituted the principal medium of exchange for the trade of Southeast Asia with the outside world; and third, they shaped the pattern of Inter-Asian trade of the European Companies, which laid the foundation of their wealth and commerce and later political power in the eighteenth century. The first two were important for Southeast Asian history only, but the last was of very great importance from the point of view of world history, not less important, in its far-reaching effects, than the voyages of discovery at the beginning of the modern period or the Industrial Revolution and the French Revolution in the eighteenth century. The poor Indian weavers shaped the course of world history by unconsciously laying the foundation of British and Dutch colonial empires.
Chinese Refugees in Annam and Champa at the end of the Sung Dynasty
Authors: Chan Hok-Lam
Published: August 2009

In February 1276, the Southern Sung capital Lin-an (modern Hang-chou) fell to the Mongols, and the last Sung emperor, Chao Hsien (Kung-ti ), was taken captive. With the aid of its loyal ministers, the remaining members of the royal house fled to the south. In June the nine-year-old Chao Cheng was enthroned in Foochow as emperor (Tuan-tsung ). However, with high officials in Fukien defecting one after the other to the Mongols, the royal house was forced before long to retreat by sea further south to Kwangtung. In March 1277 the Sung stronghold at Canton also fell and the imperial family hastily fled to Mei-wei , in the vicinity of the present-day Kowloon peninsula of Hong Kong. In November, under the mounting pressure of the Mongols, they retreated south-west along the Kwangtung coast. Since Chao Hsien was never likely to resume control and there seemed to be some chance of taking refuge in the vassal kingdoms of Champa and An-nam (in present-day Vietnam), there followed a flurry of Chinese emigration. The tragedy of the last Sung emperor has evoked much sympathy in history, but the story of the migration and search for refuge of some Sung officials has not been fully explored. This paper attempts to give a descriptive account and present a brief analysis of the background factors which shaped the course of migration, as well as its impact on the increased Chinese cultural influence in Vietnam.
General Artemio Ricarte and Japan
Authors: Goodman Grant K.
Published: August 2009

The romantic Filipino revolutionary and “irreconcilable” Artemio Ricarte y Vibora was born in 1866 at Batac, Ilocos Norte. A teacher of Spanish in Cavite by profession but a soldier by inclination, Ricarte secretly joined the independence-minded “blood brother-hood,” the Katipunan. Subsequently, he became an officer in the anti-Spanish Philippine uprising of 1896–1897. When the Spanish-American War broke out, Ricarte was one of those recruited by Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo to cooperate with the Americans in destroying Spain's authority in the Philippines. As the commander of a military district in Luzon, Ricarte was rewarded by the revolutionary government with the title of General. As early as December of 1898, Ricarte doubted that the Americans would willingly withdraw from the Islands, and he submitted to Aguinaldo a plan for an immediate uprising against the American troops in Manila. Though this plot was frustrated, the outbreak of fighting on February 4, 1899, which resulted in the bloody Philippine-American War, occurred in an area immediately adjacent to that controlled by Ricarte, and some observers believe that Ricarte's personal belligerence contributed significantly to the edginess of the Filipino soldiers.
Islamic and Arab Cultural Influences in the South of the Philippines
Authors: Majul Cesar Adib
Published: August 2009

It is not infrequent for some Filipino historians to write that the Filipino people have inherited a, great deal from both Oriental and Occidental cultures without losing their racial identity, and that before the coming of Spain and Christianity to the Philippines during the sixteenth century, the ancestors of the present-day Filipinos had commercial, political, and cultural relations with India, China, Japan, and the rest of Malaysia. This view, however, requires certain clarifications and qualifications. The term “Filipino” now-a-days is mainly a political one and generally denotes the native inhabitants of the Philippine Archipelago who are subject to a definite and internationally recognized central government. Seventy years or more ago, the native inhabitants of the Philippines were called “indios” and not “Filipinos”, as this latter term was reserved for Spaniards who were born in the Philippines, to distinguish them from those Spaniards who were born in Spain. Historically speaking, in spite of the fact that the present-day Filipinos and their ancestors belong to a wider race, they did not constitute a “people” in any political sense. This is not to deny that their ancestors shared in a common cultural matrix. But if they were a “people” in this sense, then they, with the present-day Indonesians and other Malays, belong to one people. As pointed earlier, the concept of a Filipino people belonging to one national community is a recent one, and the process of integrating them more and more into a national community is still going on. It might be meaningful to maintain that the different Malay peoples at present are segmented or divided into different political entities.
The Opium Trade in Szechwan 1881 to 1911
Authors: Adshead S.A.M.
Published: August 2009

This paper examines three aspects of the Opium trade in Szechwan from 1881, when for the first time there is evidence that China consumed as much native as foreign opium and that Szechwan was both the largest producer and consumer, until 1911, when the cultivation of the poppy was completely suppressed in the province as a result of the vigorous imperial campaign against the trade. It will consider first, the demand for opium who smoked it and why; second, the production of opium, how it fitted into and contributed toward the economy of the province; finally, the character of the suppression campaign of 1906–1911 as it affected Szechwan will be considered. The conclusions of the paper may be summarised as follows. (1) While the expansion of the opium habit in Szechwan, as in the rest of China, had no one cause, in Szechwan it has for its background a prospering society whose values and accepted goals had not kept pace with its economic expansion, a society which provided increasing wealth and leisure on the one hand, but only limited opportunities for socially approved spending on the other. (2) The rapid expansion of opium production in late nineteenth century Szechwan was part of the development of a market economy both within the province and in its relations with the rest of China. (3) The opium suppression campaign, because it undermined a developing economy, was much less popular in Western China than it was in the east, and contributed to the widespread unrest in those parts, which in turn led to the revolution of 1911.
Singapore In Malaysia: The Politics of Federation
Authors: Leifer Michael
Published: August 2009

One feature of the Malaysia Agreement of July 1963 was the provisions designed to restrict the political role of Singapore in the new Federation. To this end, in return for a fair measure of local autonomy, Singapore was to accept a reduced representation in the Federal legislature together with a minor disability through a dual Malaysian citizenship. While the government of Malaya, which was to assume the federal powers, was anxious to include Singapore in Malaysia so as to contain a subversive threat, it was concerned also to place limitations on a threat of a different order which seemed to be posed by the governing party in Singapore. The government in Singapore, which represented a predominantly Chinese electorate, was composed of men whose vision of a socialist society was not confined by the territorial bounds of the island-state. Indeed they had been long on record as to their ultimate objective. The government in Malaya — founded on a loose communal coalition which reflected Malay political dominance — was conservative in complexion and made little secret of its protection of traditional interests and of its advocacy of private enterprise. It could not but look with disfavour on the Administration in Singapore, while attitudes towards its Prime Minister, Lee Kuan Yew, verged on the pathological.
Political Parties in Sarawak and Sabah
Authors: Milne R. S.
Published: August 2009

It is a commonplace that political development must be prepared for and planned for. Without adequate preparation and planning there will be chaos, perhaps approaching Congo-like proportions. The dangers are all the greater in multi-racial societies, such as Sarawak and North Borneo. A warning against the premature introduction of political parties in Sarawak was given by the Governor in 1959 only a few weeks before the Sarawak United Peoples' Party was founded. “It is … essential that party politics should not cause further divisions in our community but should have a unifying and binding effect. If a party tends to be dominated by one race or class … it may have a disintegrating effect on our community …… I frankly doubt if political parties at the present stage of development will spell faster progress in this small country …” These misgivings were echoed from North Borneo, by its Governor, some six months later. “People of like taste or like purpose are all too probably of like race, and nothing could promise greater disaster for this country than its division on communal lines.” The Governor knew of no multiracial society in the world “where as yet there has been evolved a satisfactory, stable or easy working form of fully representative Government”. Nearly four years later the next Governor of North Borneo warned of the danger of “mounting the tiger of political parties prematurely”. The formation of parties at this stage “carried the greatest danger of communal strife”.
Minority Peoples in the Union of Burma
Authors: Theodorson George A.
Published: August 2009

The presence of large, often dissident, minority populations has been one of the most serious problems facing many of the nations which have attained independence since the close of World War II. This paper will examine the minority situation in Burma, where the problem has been of serious proportions, posing a threat to national unity and in some cases resulting in armed insurrection. There are at present an estimated 11,000 insurgents in Burma, most of whom represent ethnic minorities.
The Saga of the “Squatter” in Malaya:
Authors: Sandhu Kernial Singh
Published: August 2009

A Preliminary Survey of the Causes, Characteristics and Consequences of the Resettlement of Rural Dwellers during the Emergency between 1948 and 1960.
A Trengganu Leader of 1839
Authors: Skinner Cyril
Published: August 2009

During the second half of the eighteenth century, Siam suffered a series of devastating Burmese raids which resulted in the overthrow of the Ayuthia Dynasty and set off a struggle for power among the kingdom's more powerful “barons”. The unity of the kingdom was eventually preserved and a new, “Bangkok”, dynasty established fairly securely upon the throne, but it was not until the end of the century that the Siamese were strong enough to turn their attention to the Malay States they claimed as their vassals.
Siam and Laos, 1767–1827
Authors: Wyatt David K.
Published: August 2009

In January of 1827 Chao Anu, the ruler of the Lao state of Vientiane, led his armies in a rapid and unopposed march across the Khorat Plateau of Northeast Siam in a sudden attack on his suzerain, the third king of Thailand's Chakri Dynasty. Reacting to Anu's presence only in late February when the Lao vanguard reached Saraburi, three days' march from Bangkok, the Thai soon mounted acounter attack which scattered and expelled the Lao forces. The sack and complete destruction of Vientiane followed, together with a massive resettlement of Lao people on what is now the Thai side of the Mekong, and in the next few years the Thai brought all the former Vientiane territories under direct administration.
Historical Origins of Philippine Centralism
Authors: Thomas M. Ladd
Published: August 2009

In the Philippines a qualified system of centralism prevails today whereby most formal and all real power resides at the national level of government, though local units possess. some attributes of autonomy. Some local officials are elected but others are appointed by, and responsible to, the central government. Moreover it directs most local services and tightly controls local finances. Any explanation of this system must he sought on more than constitutional grounds. It becomes essential to examine the theory and practice of previous periods as regards central-local relations – for the interaction of these beliefs and practices are the historical antecedents of, and helped shape, this system.
Twenty-One Years of Australian Diplomacy in Malaya
Authors: Boyce Peter
Published: August 2009

It is now almost sixteen years since R.G, Menzies, then leader of a resurgent parliamentary opposition, informed his colleagues that it would be “the very ecstasy of suicide” for Australians to assist in the elimination of European colonialism from Asia. For better or worse, the right honourable gentleman was unable to stem the tide of Asian nationalism, and with the political facts of life so patently irreversible, most imperial-minded Australians seem to have conditioned themselves, however reluctantly, to some kind of co-existence with Asia. Again and again Australians are informed by their historians, political scientists and poets alike that theirs is the task of reconciling the legacy of a Europocentric history with the immutable and oft-times unpleasant facts of geography.
Kuala Lumpur in the 1880s: The Contribution of Bloomfield Douglas
Authors: Jackson James C.
Published: August 2009

Although, as a result of a boom in tin prices, Kuala Lumpur grew very rapidly in the last two years of the 1870s, and the headquarters of the British administration of Selangor were moved there from Klang in 1880, it still remained a pioneer mining town. A number of contemporary descriptions exist of the town (admittedly seen through European eyes), as it was in the late 1870s and early 1880s. These all portray a small, but bustling, “raw and rumbustious” settlement, with a very large Chinese element in its population; indeed, one visitor in 1879 termed it a “great Chinese village”. This settlement consisted almost wholly of wooden, attap or mud houses, arranged in the haphazard manner which had resulted from its rapid and unplanned growth. One of the major hazards which the town faced at this time was fire, and it was mainly through the fear of extensive fires that the town began to be replanned and rebuilt during the 1880s.
History and Sociology of the Chinese in Cambodia Prior to the French Protectorate
Authors: Willmott W. E.
Published: August 2009

It is evident from the brief historical survey presented in this paper that the French found in Cambodia well-established Chinese communities with a long tradition of indirect rule. My argument may be summarised in four propositions:

1. Contact between Cambodia and China has continued more or less uninterrupted since the first century of this era — and perhaps longer. Unlike early Indian contact, which produced distinctly Indian forms in the indigenous cultures of Southeast Asia, contact with China appears to have left them relatively unmarked. Khmer culture is definitely not sinic in language, social structure, religion, or the arts.

2. The long history of Chinese contact was not associated with extensive Chinese settlement in Cambodia until the fifteenth century, when there occurred a marked change in the nature of the Cambodian economy. Throughout the Chen-la and the Angkorean periods, the relative homogeneity of the country did not encourage internal trade, and the small amount of foreign trade evident in the capital was limited almost entirely to luxury goods for the court. After 1400, the Cambodian economy came to depend more and more upon trade, a phenomenon that was associated with the establishment of a growing Chinese population in Cambodia, primarily in Phnom-Penh.

3. The evidence of trade relations and large migrations suggests that by the middle of the nineteenth century the Chinese population of Phnom-Penh was mainly Cantonese, possibly with a smaller number of Hokkien. In Kampot, on the other hand, along the coast of the Gulf of Siam, a large number of Hainanese settled following the establishment, in the eighteenth century, of a trading centre at Hatien. We do not know the size of this population, but we do know that by 1860 it was primarily engaged in growing pepper. It is clear that by the time of the French Protectorate was established in 1864, the Chinese community in Phnom-Penh, whatever its make-up, numbered in the thousands and controlled practically all the trade of the country, foreign and domestic.

4. The concept of indirect rule over the Chinese in Cambodia dates from at least the beginning of the eighteenth century. This system was not very formal, however, and the legally denned system of congregations in neighbouring Annam, dating from 1814, became the model for the French colonial administrators when they eventually came to consider the “Chinese problem” in Cambodia.
The Chinese in Thailand: Past and Present
Authors: Jiang Joseph P. L.
Published: August 2009

This study will focus its attention on the entrepreneurial role of the overseas Chinese in Thailand and their changing status within the context of the Thai political dynamics. The 1960 census of Thailand reports a population of 26,257,860, of which 409,508 are Chinese citizens either because of birth in China or registration with Chinese diplomatic officials at the age of sixteen. However, observers generally place the number of persons who habitually speak a Chinese dialect and conform to Chinese behaviour patterns in most social situations at about three million to three and a half million. This would make the Chinese community in Thailand, after that in Malaysia, the largest single group of the fifteen odd million Chinese resident abroad.
The Panthay (Chinese Muslims) of Burma and Yunnan
Authors: Yegar Moshe
Published: August 2009

In 1856 a Muslim Sultanate was founded in Yunnan, the southwestern Chinese province that borders Burma. In 1873, seventeen years later, this Sultanate was annihilated. The Muslim inhabitants of Yunnan are known as the Panthays.

There are several versions concerning Muslim origins in Yunnan. A tradition held by the Panthays themselves tells that the Emperor of China requested the Prophet Mohammed to send some Muslims to help him to get rid of evil spirits. The Prophet sent him 360 men, with whose aid the evil spirits were routed. The Arabs were welcomed with great honour and were allowed to settle near the capital. In course of time their numbers increased to such an extent that the Imperial Government was disturbed. The Muslims were therefore dispersed to the border areas of the Empire and resettled there. This account was related to the British mission which visited the Panthay Sultanate, by the Governor of the town of Momien. A very similar Chinese version tells of a Muslim army, several thousand strong, which came to the rescue of the Emperor of China at his request. After quelling the rebellion, the Muslims feared to return home, because during their long sojourn abroad they had been polluted by pork and other prohibited things, and decided to remain in China. Eventually they were sent to Yunnan and other places and became loyal subjects of the Emperor.
The Singapore Party System
Authors: Bellows Thomas J.
Published: August 2009

During the past decade, Singapore has been characterized by a relatively open and competitive party system, thus setting this nation apart from a number of her Southeast Asian neighbors. However, the travails experienced by the system as it has evolved are no less in evidence today than they have been heretofore.
The Western Leyte Guerrilla Warfare Forces: A Case Study in the Non-Legitimation of a Guerrilla Organization
Authors: Lear Elmer N.
Published: August 2009

When invasion forces occupy a land, elements of the local population may regroup and organize into a resistance movement. In so doing, the resisters are challenging the legitimacy of the conqueror-imposed regime. Through tactics ranging from non-cooperation to armed combat, the resisters hope to sap the strength of the conqueror, attract outside military intervention, and eventually expel the alien.
Bang Chan and Bangkok: Five Perspectives on the Relation of Local to National History
Authors: Hanks Lucien M.
Published: August 2009

In this article an attempt is made to trace back as far as possible a history of Bang Chan, a rice-growing village in the central plains of Thailand. Documents existed which might have offered some clues, but help could not be expected from court records, land registration deeds or the census. All that existed lay in bundles in the District Office store rooms, a bit mouldy and perhaps chewed by silverfish. It would take a year at least to dig out the relevant papers, and then since family names do not appear until about 1915 and place names changed frequently, one would never know whether the case of Chan vs. Chya referred to incidents in Bang Chan or some other part of the district.
Philippine Publications: Available Materials and Sources of Acquisition
Authors: Hart Donn V.
Published: August 2009

The difficulties inherent in the systematic and comprehensive acquisition of materials published in the Philippines are matched by their variety and value. The current volume of Philippine titles probably remains unduplicated elsewhere in Southeast Asia. In 1951, for example, “Manila was producing more serial publications than any other center in Southeast Asia.” English remains the predominant language of most scholarly publications. The usefulness of these materials, therefore, is increased for institutions who lack research needs for Philippine language resources but desire a solid student and teaching collection.
The Place of Local History in Philippine Historiography
Authors: Larkin John A.
Published: August 2009

One of the major problems in the writing of Philippine history stems from inadequate knowledge of historical conditions in the rural Philippines. The problem is further complicated by a tendency to treat society as a monolithic structure susceptible to outside influence and change at a uniform rate. Consequently, it has proved difficult to judge accurately the impact on Philippine society of such phenomena as colonialism, the Revolution of 1896 and national politics in the twentieth century.
The Strategic Significance of Singapore, 1917–1942. The Naval Base and the Commonwealth
Authors: McIntyre W. David
Published: August 2009

The transfer of the former Royal Navy dockyard to the Government of Singapore, at a ceremony on 8 December 1968, went almost unnoticed in the press of Australia, New Zealand and the United Kingdom. Yet twenty-seven years earlier, to the very day, the Japanese landings at Kota Bahru, followed immediately by the bombing of Pearl Harbor, inspired alarming headlines. In Australia and New Zealand, where for twenty years the Singapore naval base had been given the central place in all defence planning, the Japanese attack gave rise to the first real fears of invasion. As they faced this possibility they regarded the ‘impregnable fortress’ of Singapore as their first line of defence.
The Straits Chinese in Singapore: A Case of Local Identity and Socio-cultural Accommodation
Authors: Poh-seng Png
Published: August 2009

From the time modern Singapore was founded its Chinese population comprised Malacca-born (later Singapore-born) “Straits Chinese and China-born immigrants who came from various districts of South China. While the latter belonged to various speech groups and in the early days were clannish in outlook, they regarded themselves ashua-ch'iao(overseas Chinese) and remained Chinese citizens. They were either China-oriented in their political loyalty, or else were apolitical. In contrast the Straits Chinese were local citizens with no second homeland. The earlier residents wereBabaswho had emigrated from Malacca. Their remote ancestors had come mainly from the province of Fukien, but had settled in Malacca and married local Malay women. After Singapore, Penang and Malacca became the Straits Settlements in 1826, the Babas and their descendants came also to be known as the Straits Chinese.
A Study of Three Early Political Parties in Singapore, 1945–1955
Authors: Wah Yeo Kim
Published: August 2009

Singapore became a distinct crown colony in 1946. Two years later the British Government began to introduce constitutional reforms in the island in accordance with its pledge in 1943 to foster the growth of “(Malaya's) capacity for self-government within the British Empire”. This colonial tutelage assumed two forms. Firstly, the government started to prepare for a fully elected legislature through which to transfer power to the people in the future. Secondly, the people were trained to work a system of democratic elections based on universal suffrage for all British and (after 1948) British Protected Subjects. The process, however, was fairly slow with the result that the governmental system of a normal crown colony remained basically intact in Singapore until 1955. Assisted by an advisory executive council and a legislative council, the governor continued to rule the colony with almost unlimited powers, subject only to the control of the Secretary of State for the Colonies at Whitehall. The legislature did not even have an elected majority until the Rendel Constitution was introduced in April 1955. Under this new constitution, the Labour Front-Alliance coalition government became the first elected government to assume office with a considerable degree of power in its hands.
The People's Action Party, 1954–1963
Authors: Lian Pang Cheng
Published: August 2009

The People's Action Party, or the PAP as it is more commonly known, carries the unique distinction of being the first Southeast Asian political party to control all the seats of the legislature through free elections. Since the general elections of April 1968, when the PAP won all the 58 seats (51 of which were uncontested) Singapore has had a one-party Parliament. Yet when the Party was inaugurated in 1954 its policies were criticised by a local paper as being “nicely calculated to attract the unthinking, a feast of promise with little regard to facts”.