bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Citharoedus
Authors: Beazley J. D.
Published: May 2006

The vase reproduced on Pl. II. and in Figs. 1 and 2 was sold by Messrs. Sotheby in the summer of 1919, and is now in the collection of Mr. William Randolph Hearst of New York. It is unbroken and well preserved. The height is sixteen inches and a half, say forty-two centimetres. Photographs of both sides were published in the sale catalogue; but the drawings from which Pl. II. has been made have not been published before.

The shape of the vase is not a common one. It is a kind of amphora; and I use the word amphora, unqualified, to cover all those types in which the neck passes into the body with a gradual curve; instead of being set sharply off, as it is in the neck-amphorae, in the amphora of Panathenaic shape, and in the amphora with pointed foot.

Three types of amphora were used by the makers of red-figured vases. Type A, which has flanged handles and a foot in two degrees, is used by black-figure painters as early as the middle of the sixth century, is a favourite with the painters of the archaic red-figured period, and disappears about 460. Type B, which has cylindrical handles and a foot in the form of an inverted echinus, is older than type A; for it is used by Attic painters at the very beginning of the sixth century.
Great-hearted Odysseus
Authors: Sheppard J. T.
Published: May 2006

Tell me, Muse, of that resourceful Man who travelled far,

After he had sacked the sacred walls of Troy in war,

And looked on many towns of men, and learnt their mind, while he

In his own heart suffered many sorrows on the sea,

To save himself from death and doom and bring his comrades safely home—

Eager though he was, he could not save them; they were fools and ate

The cattle of our Lord the Sun-God; their own folly proved their fate—

Something of that story, goddess, child of Zeus, to us relate.

That, so far as the Muse is concerned, is a complete epic paragraph, the form marked by the chime, ‘Tell, Muse … goddess, child of Zeus, relate!’ The Man, his character and his adventures, his comrades and their folly, are to be the Muse's theme. And yet the pattern still awaits completion, since the Man is not yet named. The second paragraph fulfils an expectation. We are in suspense until we hear ‘godlike Odysseus’ at the end.
Aratos' attack on Cynaetha (Polybios IX, 17)
Authors: Walbank F. W.
Published: May 2006

Polybios, in the course of a long fragment on the knowledge necessary for a general, preserved in the Codex Urbinas (IX, 17), has an account of an ineffectual attack on the town of Cynaetha in North Arcadia by Aratos during one of his early generalships. Aratos, he tells us, had made full arrangements for a simultaneous attack on the town from traitors within and Achaean troops without, and as a signal to the latter a man was to go and stand on a certain hillock dressed in a cloak. Unfortunately a sheep-owner, while looking for his shepherd, went and unwittingly stood on this very hill, whereupon the Achaeans attacked too soon and were disastrously repulsed. What was the cause of the failure asks Polybios, and answers ‘῾τὸ ποιήσαοθαι τὸν στρατηγὸν ἁπλοῦν τὸ σύνθημα, νέον ἀκμἡν ὄντα καὶ τῆς τῶν διπλῶν συνθημάτων καὶ παρασυνθημάτων ἀκριβείας ἄπειρον,᾿’ because the general was still young and ignorant of the principle of signals and counter-signals.

The incident has been inexplicably neglected: Beloch, Tarn and Ferrabino omit it entirely; Niese omits it from his article on Aratos in Pauly-Wissowa, and in his large work writes simply ‘Aratos unternahm einmal einen Versuch, sie (sc. Cynaetha) zu überrumpeln,’ vaguely indicating a date in the neighbourhood of 245–40; Pieske writing on ‘Kynaitha’ in Pauly-Wissowa, has a bare reference, and Freeman, mentioning it in a note, declares that the attack was one of the first of a series of events leading up to Cynaetha's joining the Achaean League. The words νέον ἀκμὴν ὄντα can, he adds, refer only to one of the earliest of Aratos' generalships, or possibly to some subordinate command held before he was general. In short, the incident has been almost completely ignored, and no attempt has been made to set it in its historical context. The purpose of this paper is to shew that it offers important evidence both for the date of Aratos' birth, and also for Achaean and Aetolian policy during the years 245–35.
A charitable foundation of A.D. 237
Authors: Buckler W. H.
Published: May 2006

A detailed report in English and a brief mention in Latin record the rediscovery in 1883 of the ‘charter’ of Orcistus by W. M. Ramsay and J. R. S. Sterrett. Not till 1886 was a complete copy secured, but in 1883 at Alikel, besides ascertaining where the original lay hidden, they found and copied, each in his own notebook, two other documents of which only the dating has been published. In his report Ramsay thus refers to them: ‘we occupied ourselves … partly in copying a long inscription of 98 lines in length, half of which was more or less legible.’ This inscription, comprising (A) a deed of gift, (B) a decree, both dated in 237, is here edited from the copies of 1883; no others are likely to exist, for the pedestal bearing the original text ‘had been destroyed in search of treasure after we left.’

Sir William Ramsay has kindly lent me those two notebooks; three pages from his and one from Sterrett's are reproduced below; for permission to use them, as well as for invaluable information and advice, I am indeed grateful.
Notes and Inscriptions from Lycia
Authors: Bean G. E.
Published: May 2006

The site was identified by Spratt and Forbes at the village of Arsa on the strength of an inscription (TAM II, 539) and of the evident survival of the ancient name. Their brief description remains the only one hitherto published. The village lies high, hardly less than 3000 ft. above the Xanthus valley; like many of the villages in the neighbourhood, it consists of scattered houses, having no shop, café, or other communal centre. Akdaǧ (Massicytus), which seems from across the river to rise in a steep continuous slope from the valley, in fact conceals a number of upland plains, often of surprising extent; Arsa is situated on one of these.
Aeschylus, Prometheus Bound
Authors: Thomson George
Published: May 2006

In his notice of my edition of this play, your reviewer questions the emendation, which Headlam proposed and I adopted, of v. 370 (Τυφῶνα θοῦρον, θεὸς ὅς ἀντέστη θεοῖς for MSS.Τυφῶνα θοῦρον, πᾶσιν ὅς ἀντέστη θεοῖς), and says: ‘Even if we suppose that Typhon could be called a god, yet the word comes awkwardly after the accusative θοῦρον.’

The first point was fully dealt with by Headlam himself in C.R. 1900, pp. 106–7, where he notes that Typhon is called a god by Hesiod (Th.824, κρατεροῦ θεοῦ, 871ἐκ θεόφιν γεϝεή and by Hesychius (Τυφωεύς θεός τις γηγενής) and that his divinity is implied by Aeschylus in Theb. 497–501. In the same article he refers to copious examples of the insertion of πᾶσιcontra metrum.
The Date of Dicaeopolis' Rural Dionysia
Authors: Belknap George N.
Published: May 2006

According to Hesychius and Theophrastus the Dionysia κατ᾿ ἀγρούς were celebrated in Poseideon. This date is confirmed by an inscription from the deme of Myrrhinous. On this evidence the festival celebrated by Dicaeopolis in The Acharnians of Aristophanes is universally placed in this month, and the ritual performed by him and his family taken as a source for the reconstruction of the ritual programme of the winter Rural Dionysia.

It is now generally recognised that there were also spring rural festivals of Dionysus in the Attic demes, festivals closely related in ritual and conception to the Athenian Anthesteria. But it seems not to have been noticed that the Dionysia κατ᾿ ἀγρούς in The Acharnians may have been one of these spring festivals.
A Tabula Iliaca from Gandhara
Authors: Allan John
Published: May 2006

In the Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, 1923–4, pp. 125–6, Pl. XLI, c Mr. H. Hargreaves published an ‘unidentified relief from Gandhara’ the subject of which has not yet been explained. The relief (fig. 1), which is believed to have come from one of the numerous mounds in the Mardan subdivision of the Peshawar district, was the property of Mr. F. V. Wylie, I.C.S. (now Sir Francis Wylie, K.C.S.I., C.I.E.) then stationed at Mardan. The scene represents on the left a woman rushing out of a gateway in an attitude combining horror with warning; her arms are uplifted; she is naked to the waist and wears anklets and necklets. Mr. Hargreaves suggested she wore a crenellated crown and might be a city goddess. She seems, however, only to wear her hair in the usual Indian fashion in a top knot. She is obviously expressing hosror at the scene on the right and imploring the participants to desist. The main figure on the right is a tall, fully robed man thrusting a spear into the chest of a horse which is mounted on wheels. Behind the horse is another similarly clothed male figure—young or at least unbearded—with his hands resting on the flanks of the horse and apparently thrusting it forward. Between these two figures is another, an elderly bearded man standing on the other side of the horse. The dress of the male figure is classical, indeed one might say Roman; certainly their footwear appears to be Roman. The lady, however, is depicted in regular Indian fashion. On the extreme right is a standing soldier holding a spear, much damaged. The faces of the male figures are all more or less damaged, but they are certainly laymen and not any of the familiar figures of the usual Buddhist sculptures of Gandhara.
Archaeology in Greece, 1945–1947
Authors: Cook J. M.
Published: May 2006

Archaeological activity has been resumed in the last two years despite abnormal conditions in Greece. Under Prof. A. Keramopoullos' direction the Greek Archaeological Service, seriously understaffed in consequence of the war years, is bravely confronting the problem of restoring its museums and monuments and administering a provincial ephorate now increased by the acquisition of the Dodecanese. The British and American Schools in Athens are open once more and many students have returned to pursue their researches. The British School has confined its field work to tasks of conservation in Knossos and Ithaca; but the Americans have resumed full-scale activity in preparing the ground for the new Agora Museum and intensified their study of previous finds at Corinth. The French School, with a full complement of students, has continued its investigations on a diversity of sites prior to the celebration (postponed by one year) of its Centenary in September 1947.

Field work on any single site (with the special exception of the Agora) has been confined to the employment of five workmen for thirty days—a measure designed to permit necessary works of conservation but to preclude fresh digging in view of the inadequacy of the Greek Archaeological Service. When this ban is lifted excavation in Greece will be resumed; and though activity may still be somewhat restricted because of banditry in the countryside and the unfavourable exchange rate, it is hoped that the year 1948 will show substantial results.
Red Figure Cups of Italiote Fabric with Incised and Stamped Decoration
Authors: Oakeshott N. R.
Published: May 2006

Mrs. Ure has published two articles on Attic cups which combine incised and stamped decoration with r.f. painting. The first in JHS LXI deals with stemless kylikes of the second half of the fifth century, the second in LXIV describes a group of later cup-kotylai, running from a little before the turn of the century, to the apparent expiration of this particular style about 370 B.C.
The Sources of Plutarch's Alexander
Authors: Powell J. Enoch
Published: May 2006

At the outset of the parallel lives of Alexander and Caesar, Plutarch warns his readers that what he offers them is biography, not history, and that consequently he will attend more to details which reveal character than to the great events. These he will either treat summarily or even omit entirely. Both the plan and the matter of the Life of Alexander are in harmony with this preface. The first ten chapters, which bring the story down to Alexander's accession, teem with anecdote and characterisation; then, after a rapid sketch of the wars in Illyria and Greece, the main narrative begins in ch. 15, with the crossing of the Hellespont. From thence to the end the biography is a historical sketch with digressions at intervals to illustrate various sides of Alexander's character. Thus the appointment of Aristotle as tutor to Alexander is followed by a disquisition on his attitude to learning and philosophy in general (7–8); the treatment of the captive women at Issus provokes a discussion (21, 5–23) on Alexander's continence, and subsequently on his temperance and habits of life. The journey to Siwah is followed by a general discussion of Alexander's views on his own deification (28), while the longest of such digressions, occasioned by the burning of the palace at Persepolis, deals with Alexander's generosity and his attention and loyalty to friends (39–42, 4). The common characteristics of these digressions are their disregard of chronology, their anecdotic content, and the prominence of the Letters of Alexander among the sources named in them; indeed, the only other sources appearing by name are Onesicritus (8, 2), Aristobulus (21, 9) and the official diaries (23, 4), each once.
Mystical Allusions in the Oresteia
Authors: Thomson George
Published: May 2006

Much of our knowledge of the ceremonies of Greek mystical religion comes from the Christian Fathers, who denounced them as wicked and licentious. Their condemnations, however, carry little weight: they decried the outward and visible form without even seeking to understand the inner and spiritual meaning—a method which might have been turned by their opponents against themselves. And, although their evidence is important, it needs to be used with caution, because it cannot be taken for granted that what they tell us of the Mysteries in their own day was equally true of the days of Aeschylus or Sophocles. Here the testimony of Plato is especially valuable. It would not be conclusive in itself, because for the most part he does not speak of the Mysteries directly, but merely describes other things in language borrowed from them, and the extent of his borrowing can only be determined by reference to the direct descriptions of later authors. When, however, his testimony is compared with theirs, it is found that at all important points of contact they correspond. The evidence as a whole is consistent.
Alexander's Generalship at Gaugamela
Authors: Griffith G. T.
Published: May 2006

It is agreed that of the extant accounts of the battle of Gaugamela, that of Arrian is by far the best, the only one, in fact, that permits of a coherent reconstruction of what took place. The best modern accounts derive mainly from Arrian, and it may perhaps be felt that modern criticism has resolved satisfactorily the two or three important obscurities in his story, and that everything is now plain. With this opinion I cannot agree. To me Arrian's story is not obscure, but, equally, it is not complete; and what he omits is of such importance that without it I cannot see clearly why Alexander, and not the Persians, won this battle. I am not suggesting that really the Persians did win it; but my aim is to supply that part of the picture which (in my view) Arrian has left blank, and without which the manner of Alexander's victory is still not fully explained.
Anatolica Quaedam
Authors: Ramsay W. M.
Published: May 2006

A much-dilapidated head of Augustus (recognised as such by Mr. Hinks) has this interest, that it represents the Emperor as unshaven. Another bust of Augustus which shows him with hair on his cheeks and chin is at Verona and is described by Poulsen (Porträtstudien in norditalienischen Provinzmuseen, p. 72), and other examples are known.

This head was found in excavating the church where the large iron seal of the three martyrs, Neon, Nikon and Heliodorus (published in J.H.S., 1928, p. 46), was picked up. The hair is indicated mostly on the cheeks, extending down from the upper head in front of the ears, and again under and on the chin. It has been understood that the unshaven Verona bust represents the Emperor as mourning for the death of Marcellus, 23 B.C. The first impression made on me by the Antioch head was that it represented a man in deep sorrow; and on that impression I based my first erroneous idea that it was the Man of Sorrow: this may be recorded as having some interest in respect of the true identification with the mourning Augustus.

Two busts of Augustus have been found at Antioch, one published in A.J.A., 1926, p. 125, and one here. Augustus was the founder of the Colonia, and naturally it was devotedly loyal to him.
Three Lead Coffins from Palestine
Authors: Avi-Yonah M.
Published: May 2006

The writer has been recently given the opportunity to study three lead coffins, ornamented in relief, now in the Palestine Museum, Jerusalem. They are as yet unpublished.

No. 1.—Inventory, Dept. of Antiquities (Part M), No. 1080, entry dated January 13, 1928. According to a report made to the Department it was discovered in 1923 during the repair of a road from Acre to Beirut, near the village of Ez-Zîb. It was found in one of a group of fourteen tombs opened up accidentally during the work. The coffin was found in a much-damaged state and conveyed first to the local museum, Acre, and then to its present place.

Description. What remains of the coffin is in six fragments:— (a) A short side, measuring 24 by 35 cm. It is decorated with four columns of the Corinthian order with simplified capitals. The shafts of the columns have parallel spiral flutings for the upper two-thirds of their length (12 cm. fluted, 6 cm. plain).
Some Technical Methods of Archaic Sculpture
Authors: Casson S.
Published: May 2006

The peculiar freshness and clarity of surface and detail which distinguishes so much of archaic Greek sculpture in marble seems to be due to the perfection of technical methods no less than to the consummate skill and genius of the artists. At present little investigation has been made as to what those technical methods were. Carl Blümel has laid a sure foundation for future study, but much can be done to amplify his conclusions. The following notes constitute an attempt to ascertain some of the technical facts from a study of the original works of art.

The simple drill.—Some light has recently been shed on the use of the drill in the fifth and fourth centuries B.C. and the gradual transition from the simple to the running drill. But it is still a matter of some uncertainty when the drill came into use in the archaic period, first for minor and then for major detail; for it remained for centuries an adjunct only and did not become a major tool until Roman times.
The Byzantine Congress at Athens
Authors: Miller W.
Published: May 2006

The third Byzantine Congress, held at Athens in October, was attended by some 350 persons, of whom only two were British. While several other Governments were represented and the French, German, Italian and other continental Universities and learned societies sent large delegations—36 delegates came from Jugoslavia alone—only one British learned society, the British Archaeological School of Athens, was represented, and—as was remarked at the Congress—Great Britain was conspicuous by her absence. Yet the Congress was admittedly an important and successful meeting. In all the four sections of history, archaeology, philology and law, medicine and other sciences, notable papers were read by eminent Byzantinologists. In the two sittings of all the four sections united together, Professor Jorga spoke about ‘The great Byzantine families in Roumania and the rebirth of the idea of the Empire among the Roumanians’: Professor Charles Diehl delivered a graceful address on ‘The Legend of the Emperor Theophilos’; Professor Heisenberg, the editor of the Byzantinische Zeitschrift, spoke with great tact about ‘Byzantine studies since the World War, their development and their aims’; Professor Darko of Debreczen commemorated J. B. Bury; the great Greek poet, Palamas, told of ‘The Byzantine heritage in modern Greek poetry’; and Professor Grégoire of Brussels examined the sources of Digenis Akritas. There was a visit to the monastery of Daphni, where, after a brief lecture by MM. Koukoules and Soteriou, an al fresco luncheon was offered to the Congressists by the Mayor of Athens, and excursions were made to Monemvasia and Mistra and to Salonika.
Pelasgians and Ionians
Authors: Munro J. A. R.
Published: May 2006

(i) Any attempt to track down this ubiquitous but evasive people must start from the vestiges of Pelasgians in the Homeric epics, which will here be treated as a single authority on the assumption that, whatever may be the secret of their composition, they preserve a consistent record of authentic traditions of the Heroic Age.

The Trojan Catalogue (Il. ii. 811 seqq.), having put the Trojans of Ilium of course at the head of its list, recites the contingents from their kinsfolk and nearest neighbours. To most of them it assigns a seat—to the Trojans led by Pandarus Zelea and the valley of the Aesepus; to the men under the sons of Merops the coast of the Propontis west of the Aesepus with the Adrastean plain and doubtless the valley of the Granicus; to the followers of Asius the Hellespontine shore down to the Narrows below Abydus and including Sestus on the opposite side of the straits. But the Dardanians, next after the Ilians on the list, are left without a home. Dardanus on the Hellespont south of Abydus is impossible; it has far too exiguous an ager, is never mentioned in the Homeric poems, and is incompatible with the indications to be found in them. We must seek Dardania elsewhere.
A Bronze Herakles in the Benaki Museum at Athens
Authors: Payne H. G. G.
Published: May 2006

The statuette illustrated in Fig. 1 and Pl. VII was recently acquired for his Museum by Mr. A. Benaki, who has kindly allowed me to publish it. There are, as everyone knows, many bronzes of this sort, most of them representing either Herakles or Zeus; but a glance at our illustrations, which inevitably do not do full justice to the original, will shew that the new example has few rivals in this series, and few in the whole company of contemporary bronzes. I doubt if there is in existence a figure more characteristic of the archaic conception of Herakles, of the hero as the ideal strong man, short, thickset, and naturally developed: μόρφαν βρἁχυς ψυχὰν δ᾿ἄκαμπτος προσπαλαίσων ἤλθ᾿ ἀνήρ… Pindar certainly had some such conception in mind when he wrote these words, within a year or two of the time when this statuette was made.

The new Herakles is three and five-eighths inches high, and is perfectly preserved except for the loss of part of the club, the bow (once held in the left hand, which is perforated), the right foot, and part of the tang below the left foot. It has a smooth dark green patina. The photographs make detailed description unnecessary, and it will be enough to call attention to a few points.
Rostovtzeff's Twofold History of the Hellenistic World
Authors: Momigliano Arnaldo
Published: May 2006

A feature of the new Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic World by M. Rostovtzeff should not escape attention for its implications in a matter of historical method. This work—a κτῆμα ἐς αἰεί —contains, in fact, not one story, but two stories. What is called Summary and Epilogue (pp. 1026-1312) is in method and problems something completely different from the bulk of the study (ch. III-VII). Rostovtzeff, who is a historian of splendid intuition rather than of close reasoning, has obviously not perceived this fact. He has not clearly delimited the two subjects, thereby adding a difficulty to his critic, who runs the risk of being Over-schematic.
Aphrodite Ourania at Hierapolis in Phrygia
Authors: Buckler W. H.
Published: May 2006

On the site of Hierapolis ad Lycum a massive wall said to have been discovered in 1933 preserves among other ancient fragments part of an inscribed pedestal probably dating from the latter half of the second century A.D. To the kindness of a correspondent I owe the photograph (Fig. 1) of this marble block. The dimensions are lacking, but if, as seems probable, the letters are about 0.03 m. high, the inscribed surface measures about o.66 by 0.40. The present transcription gives, I believe, the first ancient text found at Hierapolis since the publication in 1898 of Judeich's corpus.
Letter-writing in verse
Authors: Dawkins R. M.
Published: May 2006

In a review of Mr. M. G. Mikhailidis-Nouaros' Λαογραφικὰ ∑ύμμεικτα Καρπάθου, published in Vol. LII (1932) of this Journal, p. 335, I noticed as remarkable and interesting his statement that people in that island, when writing to their friends and relations abroad, will often compose the letter, either entirely or at all events for the most part, in μαντινάδες, those distichs which, half improvised and half traditional, are sung at most of the greater occasions of village life in the Greek islands. That is to say, they avoid prose composition. Such a letter can hardly contain much news in our sense of the word: it serves, however, to transmit the feelings of the writer in the only form in which he or she has learned to express them. Of these letters the author gives a couple of recent examples. The point has a certain interest, because it has been remarked that the most primitive literary composition is apt to be in verse, and that prose is an art coming later.
Notes on the Athenian ΓΕΝΗ
Authors: Costello D. P.
Published: May 2006

Ancient authorities agree in placing the division of the people into tribes, phratries and gene among the most primitive institutions of Athens. The question presents itself, Were all the citizens enrolled in all of these organisations, or were some sections of the people excluded from any or all of them? On the answer given to this question depends to some extent the view to be taken of the origin of this triple classification.

The prevailing opinion is that, whereas tribes and phratries embraced the whole citizen-body, the gene were the exclusive organisation of the nobles. M. Cary adduces a fragment of early Attic law to prove that the phratries contained others besides gennetai (I shall deal later with this text) and asserts, in the face of the explicit testimony of Aristotle and the lexicographers, that the genos was not a subdivision of the phratry. I can find absolutely no support in the texts for this view. Most modern authorities are so completely convinced of the aristocratic nature of the genos that they do not even try to prove it. Francotte says simply: ‘D'abord, les genê sont des institutions aristocratiques. Je ne crois pas qu'il soit nécessaire d'insister.’
A Sybarite Himation
Authors: Jacobsthal P.
Published: May 2006

We would gladly give the mediocre textiles preserved in South Russian graves, if Fate had spared a masterpiece of Greek tapestry which we know only from description. It leads a shadowy existence in handbooks, and one can hardly say that recent papers mark any advance towards its precise interpretation.

(i) Aristotle, de miris auscult. 96, 838a.

.
Zeus-Loved Achilles
Authors: Sheppard J. T.
Published: May 2006

Sing, Goddess, of the Wrath of Achilles son of Peleus,

Fatal and accurséd Wrath: for on the Greeks it laid

Innumerable Griefs, and many souls of stalwart Heroes

Hurl'd headlong to the house of Death, and of their bodies made

A prey for dogs, a feast for birds; fulfilling the Design

Of Zeus:—Begin the story when the King, the son of Atreus,

First fell apart in quarrel from Achilles the divine.

δῖος is one of Homer's favourite heroic epithets. He uses it for hero after hero, when the name scans suitably. It must be part of an inherited stock-in-trade. Yet here, where the form of the paragraph gives it emphasis, the ‘faded’ epithet is vivid and significant. The music haunts us.

It haunted Homer when he made the Odyssey:— ‘Muse … the resourceful Man … his Wife … the Nymph, bright among goddesses … the gods … godlike Odysseus.’ It haunted Virgil:— ‘Arms and the Man … Fate … Juno's Wrath … the Gods … the walls of Rome,’ and Milton:— ‘Man … One Greater Man … sing, Heavenly Muse….’
Archaeology in Greece, 1934–1935
Authors: Payne H. G. G.
Published: May 2006

Some remarkable discoveries were made in Greece in the year ending at midsummer 1935; not all of them, by any means, from official excavations, for, as often, ‘chance finds’ produced much of the most interesting material. In the following account, much of the information as to the results of official excavations is taken from Karo's forthcoming report in the Archaeologischer Anzeiger, proofs of which, thanks to the author's generosity, I have been able to use. I would here express my thanks also to others who have provided me with information or photographs.

Athens And Attica

The fifth campaign of the American excavators in the Athenian Agora has again led to important topographical discoveries. The first results are described by Shear in AJA 1935, 173 ff.; and a general idea of the lie of the land may be obtained from the plan, loc. cit. 175, which embodies the identifications made possible last season by the discovery of the Tholos and of the Altar of the Twelve Gods.
The Dionysiac Painter
Authors: Oakeshott Noël
Published: May 2006

Mr. A. D. Trendall 's welcome publication (JUS liv, 175) of a volute crater in the Taranto Museum brings to light the second of two very important early South Italian vases. The other was published two years ago by Wuilleumier in RA 1933. ii, 3, and now that they have both been revealed it is time for them to sever partnership. Theyhave long left a gap in the history of South Italian vase painting, and have not unnaturally been usually classed together as the two important unpublished Taranto craters. One began to think of them automatically as companion pieces, probably by the same hand. But this they are now shewn not to be. This conclusion, which I can base on a study of photographs only, is confirmed by Mr. Trendall. His vase, with the Birth of Dionysos on the obverse, and an Amazonomachy on the reverse, is so like the well-known volute crater Naples 2411 (Sacrifice to Dionysos and a Centauromachy), as he has already indicated,8 that I do not hesitate to say that they are by the same hand, and to suggest that a name must be found for this important artist, whom I still disassociate from the Sisyphus painter, though he follows closely in his tradition. He also painted the Brussels volute crater A1018 with the Apotheosis of Heracles.
Homer and Late Minoan Crete
Authors: Hooker J. T.
Published: May 2006

It is well known that Evans was not greatly interested in what happened in Crete after the devastation of the Knossian Palace, an event he placed at the very end of his Late Minoan II period. In his view, the Palace was not immediately re-occupied: some time after the catastrophe of 1400, it was inhabited by ‘squatters’, who repaired some of the damaged parts of the building but for the most part simply cleared away the rubbish deposited at the time of the destruction and lived in the Palace without substantially altering it. Evans believed that after the end of the Palatial period at Knossos the main vigour of the Minoan civilisation flowed into its Mycenaean branch and was responsible for the Achaean hegemony of the fourteenth and thirteenth centuries. However, the settlements at Knossos and elsewhere in Crete still preserved, though in a muted form, basic elements of the venerable native culture. The contents of the tombs in the Zapher Papoura cemetery, in use both before and after the great destruction, showed that the continuity of Minoan burial customs and pottery styles was not arrested. Evans nowhere tried to resolve the paradox which confronts anyone who takes his view of Late Minoan III Crete. On the one hand, we have the picture of a more or less impoverished country which had lost most of its importance, lying outside the main developments of the Mycenaean world and above all preserving its own culture at a time when the rest of the Aegean had been absorbed into a Mycenaean koine. On the other hand, both the Iliad and the Odyssey speak of a well-populated island of many cities which provides, under the leadership of Idomeneus, one of the largest of the Greek contingents before Troy; nothing in Homer suggests that Idomeneus is not as thoroughly ‘Achaean’ as Agamemnon himself.
Perseus and Chemmis (Herodotus II 91)
Authors: Lloyd A. B.
Published: May 2006

Few sections in the whole of Book ii of Herodotus' History present such difficulties as Chapter 91. The problems posed are: first, what and where was Neapolis? Second, who was the Perseus mentioned by Herodotus? Third, how could the Χεμμîται, Egyptians by Herodotus' own admission, have retailed to Herodotus so thoroughly Greek a story as the tale of the sandal of Perseus? Fourth, how could Egyptians have set up gymnastic contests in the Greek fashion as Herodotus claims that they did? The present article is intended to offer a solution to all of these problems.

Where uncertainty is so rife it is perhaps reassuring to find some data which can be regarded as beyond dispute. The geographical position of the city of Chemmis at least is certain. It was the capital of the Ninth Nome of Upper Egypt, usually called Πανὸς πόλις or Πανῶν πόλις by later writers, and stood, as the survival of the name proves, on the site of the modern town of Akhmîm.
The Historical Circumstances of the Peace of 311
Authors: Simpson R. H.
Published: May 2006

The question as to whether Seleucus was included in the Peace of 311 B.C., when the allied coalition came to terms with Antigonus the One-Eyed, has been frequently discussed. Droysen's opinion that he was not seemed to be confirmed in a conclusive manner by Munro's discovery at the end of the century of the Scepsis inscription, in which Antigonus, in an official letter to the city of Scepsis in the Troad, sets out the terms of the peace treaty and the names of the participants; for, as in the brief passage of Diodorus dealing with the same event, there is no mention of Seleucus. Nevertheless, Beloch and others were unconvinced, and supported their dissenting view by pointing to the fact that the historical record showed no clear trace of fighting between Antigonus and Seleucus immediately after 311. Subsequently, however, it was established that such fighting did take place at that time by the discovery of fragments of a Babylonian chronicle relating to the Successors. This new evidence also made it clearer than ever that Seleucus had not been included in the Peace, by showing that the chief motive of Antigonus in making peace then was the wish to be left free to combat Seleucus, who had just re-established himself as an independent power in the eastern satrapies of the empire. The correct interpretation of the evidence would seem to be that given, for example, by Rostovtzeff: that Seleucus was excluded from the Peace, because Antigonus insisted upon this condition; that Cassander, Ptolemy, and Lysimachus acquiesced; and that war was at once waged against him by Antigonus.
Some Agiad Dates: Pausanias and His Sons
Authors: White Mary E.
Published: May 2006

Thucydides' digression (i 126–38) on the later careers of Pausanias and Themistokles is deservedly famous for the lucidity of its style and the interest of its subject matter, but the chronological difficulties of the apparently perspicuous narrative are notorious. A. W. Gomme singles out the date of Themistokles' flight to Asia Minor as the major difficulty of the first half of the Pentekontaetia, ‘a difficulty which, if it could be solved, would lead to the solution of most of the others’. He concludes his discussion by saying: ‘The question remains unsolved.’ However, some simple facts (for which Thucydides is himself the authority) about the number and ages of Pausanias' sons have a direct bearing on the time of Pausanias' death and so on the date of Themistokles' flight; curiously enough their importance has not been noticed.

After the deaths of his uncle Leonidas and his father Kleombrotos in 480, Pausanias became regent for his nephew Pleistarchos, the son of Leonidas and Gorgo, who died in 459/8 or 458/7 and before the battle of Tanagra. Pausanias' eldest son Pleistoanax then succeeded as the king of the Agiad royal house. Thucydides (i 107.2) says that he was still a minor and that his uncle Nikomedes, the younger brother of Pausanias, commanded for him at Tanagra in 458 or 457. Pleistoanax did, however, command the Peloponnesian forces which invaded Attica in 446, just after the revolt of Euboia (Thuc. i 114.2).
The Seal of Posidippus: A Postscript
Authors: Lloyd-Jones Hugh
Published: May 2006

Professor C. A. Trypanis has kindly pointed out to me that in my article in JHS lxxxiii (1963) 75 f. I have confused two different inscriptions. The decree of the Aetolian League from Thermum recording a grant of proxeny Ποσειδίππῶι τῶι ἐπιγραμματοποιῶι Πελλαίωι and mentioned by me on p. 76 contains no mention of an Asclepiades. Both an Asclepiades and a Posidippus are mentioned in a mutilated Delphian psephisma of about 276–5 B.C. published in Fouilles de Delphes iii.3 (Epigraphie, 1943) no. 192, granting proxeny and other privileges to a number of persons of different nationalities.

This Delphian decree, and not, as I say on p. 87, that from Thermum, is the one which Professor Trypanis suggested might explain the reference in ll. 9–11 of the poem discussed in my article. Luckily this error makes not the slightest difference to my argument. In saying to Apollo, ‘If ever in time past you showed me favour’, Posidippus is almost certainly referring to his past poetry.
Ostraka and the Law of Ostracism—Some Possibilities and Assumptions
Authors: Hands A. R.
Published: May 2006

In his History of the Athenian Constitution (Oxford, 1952, pp. 159 ff.) Mr. Hignett rejected Aristotle's attribution of the law of ostracism to Kleisthenes and this rejection met with approval from R. J. Hopper in a review of his book in JHS lxxvi (1956) 141. In preferring a later date for the law, Androtion's date—or what is supposed to be Androtion's date, for without the full context of Harpokration's quotation we cannot be sure that the τότε πρῶτον of that passage is so precise in its reference as to imply a date significantly later than Aristotle's—Mr. Hignett relies mainly on the well-established argument (which he imagines may well have been Androtion's also) that ‘the authors of such a law cannot have intended to let it remain a dead letter … it must have been passed not long before its first application’ (p. 164). Indeed, this must be regarded as his only decisive (so intended) argument, for, as far as sources are concerned, he states ‘the Atthidographers … had no documentary evidence for the date of the law’ and ‘the different dates given by different writers are all due to conjecture’ (p. 160). Here he has the agreement of Jacoby, who says in FGH iii(b) (1954) 121 ‘there was as little documentary evidence for the introduction of ostracism as for the Seisachtheia’ (i.e. none at all), but the latter's conclusion is more cautious—‘our tradition does not allow of making a final decision between the dates of Androtion and Aristotle’ (p. 124).

Our purpose in this paper is, first, to re-examine the historical (and even merely logical) possibilities in this question and to suggest that the more cautious conclusion is the proper one in the light of these possibilities; and, secondly, to review certain other conclusions, based on archaeological as well as literary evidence, arrived at by recent writers regarding the actual history of the institution, in order to see whether some of these too would not need to be more cautiously stated if all the possibilities were taken into account.
Kassandra
Authors: Mason P. G.
Published: May 2006

Three reasons in particular have suggested the choice of Kassandra as the subject of this paper; though they may well be excuses rather than reasons, for I confess that she intrigues me. Firstly, her story is an interesting example of the development of a ‘character’ of Greek literature whose name has become a by-word in later times. Secondly, she affords an excellent chance of studying two very differently gifted dramatic artists at work on the same material; and thirdly, she illustratesvery prettily the difficulties and dangers, as well as the advantages, of a very useful modern technique of literary criticism, a sort of mythical ‘Formgeschichte’, the study of the developing theme.

Few artists indeed are free of indebtedness either to contemporary artistic influences or to their predecessors in the same field, and this is especially true where the ‘classical concept’ is active—that is, where the subject of art tends to be a traditional one endlessly varied and developed by succeeding generations; any theme of renaissance painting will serve as illustration. So it is that the study of the development of the theme of Hamlet, for example, enables the critic to estimate more justly than before the originality of Shakespeare and the true intention of his play. But this kind of criticism is still an art and not a science, if I may use the conventional but really inaccurate distinction to which we are accustomed; for it is inevitably to some extent subjective and even ‘viciously circular’ in method. Too much should not be claimed for it, not only because the artist is subject to many influences which are not likely to be preserved in a literary tradition, however copious, but also because caprice, personal likings or animosities and the chances of daily life, to say nothing of genius itself, disturb the processes of logical analysis and scholarly evaluation of detail. Moreover, in the study of drama, it is fatally easy to argue in a circle and to prove from an author's treatment of his theme that he has in fact been subject to influences which have determined the treatment from which the influences have been deduced; almost as fatally easy as to decide that this or that speech is what the author really believes or wants to say, the poet speaking through the character. Euripides in particular has suffered from this kind of treatment, and it is hard to see how to avoid the pitfall—but all the same, there is something to be learnt from a study of his use of myth, particularly if he is credited with being what he really is—a playwright.
Helenos, Governor of Cyprus
Authors: Mitford T. B.
Published: May 2006

It was not my original intention to devote a special study to the Helenos who governed Cyprus for the Ptolemies (as I believe) during the last two decades of the second century B.C. I stated my views about him briefly in 1937, 1940 and again in 1953; and, although these views have not been well received, I was content to let the matter rest at that. However, no sooner had I made this last pronouncement than we found on the site of the Aphrodite temple at Old Paphos two new dedications of Helenos himself (our nos. 1 and 4 below); while in 1954 yet another inscription in his honour came to light at Salamis (no. 6). These compel me not merely to ascribe to Helenos both a text which I have wrongly restored (no. 3) and one, likewise from Old Paphos, by which for many years I have been baffled (no. 2), but in general to modify the opinions which I held about him. It seems proper, therefore, that I should assemble all the evidence that I know, and on my analysis of this venture what I trust may be my final reconstruction of the career of Helenos. Some fresh light will be thrown in the process upon the institutions and the history of Cyprus for the eight years which precede and the twelve which follow the death of Euergetes II in 116 B.C. But I freely admit that much of the new evidence is difficult and ambiguous; and for this present study my chief claim is that it sets out facts which others also may interpret.
Two Inscriptions found in Dunbartonshire
Authors: Burn A. R.
Published: May 2006

Two inscriptions of the Roman Empire have been found in 1957 in the Roseneath Peninsula, north of the Firth of Clyde. They do not appear to have been published, so far as has hitherto been discovered, either locally or in any corpus; nor has an account of them published in the Glasgow Herald resulted in any light being thrown upon their provenance. They were noticed by a resident of Kilcreggan, Mr. A. H. Turner, in the grounds of Roseneath Castle, a nineteenth-century building now standing derelict; the present tenant, a farmer engaged in keeping poultry in the great dining-hall (a suggestively sub-Roman situation), had given Mr. Turner permission to remove stone from the grounds for his rockery, and presented him with the inscriptions when they were discovered. They are now in Mr. Turner's possession. Mr. Turner writes:

(The house) ‘was built by a Mr. Richardson who was a sugar-merchant at Greenock and owned a vessel called Hound, in which he made considerable voyages. The family appears to be no longer in existence.’
Three Vases from the Dutuit Collection
Authors: Bulas Kazimierz
Published: May 2006

The Accademia dei Lincei in Rome (Palazzo Corsini) is in possession of a considerable quantity of old china, bronzes, terracottas, and other works of art bequeathed to it by Teresa Celli, widow of Dutuit, in the year 1912. I was unable to establish, on the strength of the archives, the Christian name of the donor' husband, but I have ascertained from the Register Office of the city of Rome that his name was Augusto. He can, then, be none other than the owner of the Collection Dutuit, bequeathed by him to the city of Paris in 1902, and now preserved at the Petit Palais. Among the few ancient works of art there are also fourteen small Greek vases: Protocorinthian, Attic B.F. and R.F., South Italian and Gnathia ware. They do not present special interest except three small Attic R.F. vases which do not figure in Prof. Beazley's Attic Red-figured Vase Painters and which can be attributed to definite master.
Harpalus
Authors: Badian E.
Published: May 2006

The importance of the Harpalus affair in Athenian history has always been recognised, and many scholars have laboured to clarify its obscure details and to evaluate its consequences. What has, on the whole, not been attempted has been to see it against the background of Alexander's Court—yet that alone can enable us to make historical sense of it. The reason for this apparent neglect is to be found in the nature of our sources: as is well known, Alexander, within a generation of his death, became a legendary figure—a superman or demon, a subject for nostalgic worship or philosophic animadversion. The injection of corrective doses of Court historiography, though in itself an improvement, yet did a great deal of harm with its illusion of restraint and objectivity, which captured a large part of subsequent scholarship from Arrian to Tarn. As a result, between legend and apologia, both (for us) fragmentary and adulterated, and in the absence of really important documentary evidence, we cannot at all easily write an account of Alexander's reign that will satisfy the reader accustomed to genuine political history and unimpressed by eulogy and denunciation. Yet there is more to be done than might at first sight appear: detailed study of individual incidents, approached through the relations and movements of men and (as far as this can be recovered) the chronological sequence of events, will often establish a pattern into which scattered items in the sources can then be fitted. Naturally, not all these results will be equally secure; but probability is often cumulative, and a pattern, once established, will give value to pieces that fit into it and that might otherwise have been ignored or rejected. This concrete approach, which has made other periods of history intelligible to us, may then provide some criteria that will enable the traditional argument about the sources and their relations to aid rather than retard the progress of scholarship. Above all, it may tear away the veil of unreality that still envelops the history of Alexander's reign, so that the modern student can see it in terms of human history, as he can, for instance, see the reigns of Augustus or of Napoleon.