bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Functional assignment of Glu386 and Arg388 in the active site of l‐galactono‐γ‐lactone dehydrogenase
Authors: Leferink Nicole G.H. , Jose Mac Donald F. , van den Berg Willy A.M. , van Berkel Willem J.H.
Published: September 2009

The flavoenzyme l‐galactono‐γ‐lactone dehydrogenase (GALDH) catalyzes the terminal step of vitamin C biosynthesis in plants. Little is known about the catalytic mechanism of GALDH and related aldonolactone oxidoreductases. Here we identified an essential Glu–Arg pair in the active site of GALDH from Arabidopsis thaliana. Glu386 and Arg388 variants show high K
m values for l‐galactono‐1,4‐lactone and low turnover rates. Arg388 is crucial for the stabilization of the anionic form of the reduced FAD cofactor. Glu386 is involved in productive substrate binding. The E386D variant has lost its specificity for l‐galactono‐1,4‐lactone and shows the highest catalytic efficiency with l‐gulono‐1,4‐lactone.
Excitotoxic neonatal damage induced by monosodium glutamate reduces several GABAergic markers in the cerebral cortex and hippocampus in adulthood
Authors: Ureña‐Guerrero Mónica E. , Orozco‐Suárez Sandra , López‐Pérez Silvia J. , Flores‐Soto Mario E. , Beas‐Zárate Carlos
Published: September 2009

Monosodium glutamate (MSG) administered to neonatal rats during the first week of life induces a neurodegenerative process, which is represented by several neurochemical alterations of surviving neurons in the brain, where signalling mediated by GABA is essential for excitation threshold maintenance. GABA‐positive cells, [3H]‐GABA uptake, expression of mRNA for GABA transporters GAT‐1 and GAT‐3, and expression of mRNA and protein for two main GABA synthesizing enzymes, GAD65 and GAD67, were measured at postnatal day 60, after MSG neonatal treatment in two critical cerebral regions, cerebral cortex and hippocampus. GABA‐positive cells, [3H]‐GABA uptake, and mRNA for GAT‐1, were significantly diminished in both cerebral regions. In the cerebral cortex, MSG neonatal treatment also decreased the mRNA for GAD67 and protein for GAD65 without significant changes in its corresponding protein and mRNA, respectively. Moreover in the hippocampus, mRNA and protein for GAD65 were increased, whilst GAD67 protein was elevated without significant changes in its mRNA. Clearly these results confirm the GABA cells loss after MSG neonatal treatment in both cerebral regions. As most of the GABAergic markers measured were reduced in the cerebral cortex, this region seems to be more sensitive than hippocampus, where interesting compensatory changes over GAD65 and GAD67 proteins were observed. However, it is possible that others neurotransmission systems are also compensating the GABA‐positive cells loss in the cerebral cortex, and that elevations in two main forms of GAD in the hippocampus are not sufficient to maintain the neural excitation threshold for this region.
Neonatal LPS injection alters the body weight regulation systems of rats under non‐stress and immune stress conditions
Authors: Iwasa Takeshi , Matsuzaki Toshiya , Kinouchi Riyo , Fujisawa Shinobu , Murakami Masahiro , Kiyokawa Machiko , Kuwahara Akira , Yasui Toshiyuki , Irahara Minoru
Published: September 2009

It has been reported that prenatal immune stress induced by lipopolysaccharides or cytokines increases food intake and leads to obesity and other features of metabolic syndrome in adulthood. Using Sprague–Dawley rats, we evaluated whether neonatal LPS injection altered their body weight regulation systems under non‐stress and immune stress conditions. On Day 10 after birth, all pups were injected with LPS (100 μg/kg, i.p.) (PND10LPS) or saline (PND10Saline). After weaning, body weight was significantly elevated in PND10LPS compared with PND10Saline. Thereafter, the rats were injected with LPS (100 μg/kg, i.p.) or saline (used as a basal condition) from 7 to 8 weeks of age. Under basal conditions, cumulative food intake were significantly higher, serum leptin concentration was significantly increased, and hypothalamic NPY mRNA expression was significantly decreased in PND10LPS compared with PND10Saline. Under adult LPS injected conditions, body weight gain and cumulative food intake were suppressed in both the PND10LPS and PND10Saline groups compared with those observed under basal adult saline‐injected conditions. The suppressive effects induced by adult LPS injection were less evident in the PND10LPS group than in the PND10Saline group. Adult LPS injection increased the serum leptin concentration in the PND10Saline rats, but not in the PND10LPS rats. In addition, adult LPS injection increased the mRNA expression of anorexinergic factors (IL‐1β, and TNF‐α), and decreased that of the orexinergic factor NPY in both groups. However, the influence of adult LPS injection upon these factors was less evident in the PND10LPS group than in the PND10Saline group. These results suggest that neonatal LPS injection alters body weight regulation under both non‐stress and immune stress conditions in male rats. Changes in the endocrine, neuropeptide, and cytokine regulation systems might be involved in these alterations.
Damage and plasticity in adult rat hippocampal trisynaptic circuit neurons after neonatal exposure to glutamate excitotoxicity
Authors: González‐Burgos I. , Velázquez‐Zamora D.A. , Beas‐Zárate C.
Published: September 2009

Hippocampal vulnerability to excitotoxicity has been widely studied along with its implication to learning and memory. Neonatal glutamate excitotoxicity induces loss of CA1 pyramidal neurons in adult rats concomitantly with some plastic changes in the dendritic spines of surviving neurons. At least in part, these may underlie the place learning impairments seen in previous studies based on a similar excitotoxicity‐inducing model. In the present study, cytoarchitecture of dentate gyrus, CA3 and CA1 fields were evaluated in 120‐day‐old rats, after they had been neonatally treated with glutamate as monosodium salt. Dentate granule cells and CA1 pyramidal neurons were less than those counted in NaCl‐treated control animals. In addition, dentate granule cells had more dendrites as well as more branched spines. Spine density in CA1 pyramidal neurons was greater than in the controls. Additionally, thin and mushroom spines were proportionally more abundant in monosodium glutamate‐treated animals. No effects were seen in the hippocampal CA3 field. Our results strongly suggest a long‐term induction of plastic changes in the cytoarchitecture of the hippocampal trisynaptic circuit neurons after cell death provoked by the monosodium glutamate‐induced excitotoxicity. These plastic events as well as the aberrant expression of the glutamate NMDA receptors resulting from monosodium glutamate neonatal treatment could be strongly associated with the place learning impairments previously reported.
Understanding project champions’ ability to gain intra‐organizational commitment for environmental projects
Authors: Gattiker Thomas F. , Carter Craig R.
Published: September 2009

A key enabler of environmental projects is the ability of the project champion to gain commitment to the project from other stakeholders in his or her organization. This paper develops a model of commitment‐gaining success that is based on intra‐organizational influence theory. The model also includes project payback, customer pressure, government regulation, top management support and the project champion's position in the organizational hierarchy. The model was tested using survey data from 241 environmental professionals describing their attempts to gain the buy‐in of purchasing managers, operations managers, industrial engineers and others for environmental projects. The results (obtained from hierarchical regression analysis) show that intra‐organizational commitment is positively associated with the project champion's influence behavior—in particular, the champion's use of three influence tactics (inspirational appeals, consultation and rational persuasion) and avoidance of a fourth tactic (ingratiation). Commitment is also positively associated with project payback and with top management support for the environment and negatively associated with environmental regulation. The paper contributes to the OM knowledge base on environmental project implementation by bringing new theory to bear on the topic, by focusing on individual‐level, rather than organization‐level, variables and by taking a confirmatory, large sample approach which complements extant exploratory research. In addition, the paper contributes to the OM field by evaluating various antecedents to cross‐functional integration. The results also provide specific guidance to those who champion environmental projects within their companies.
Postoperative monitoring in free tissue transfer patients: Effective use of nursing and resident staff
Authors: Jackson Ryan S. , Walker Ronald J. , Varvares Mark A. , Odell Michael J.
Published: September 2009

Objectives

To compare the outcomes of two different free flap monitoring protocols and determine whether nursing staff can safely and effectively monitor free flaps.

Study Design

Historical cohort study on all head and neck free tissue transfer patients from August 2003 to August 2007.

Setting

Tertiary care teaching institution.

Subjects and Methods

The patients were divided into two groups according to monitoring protocol. Group A (n = 49) had free flaps monitored primarily by resident physicians, while Group B patients (n = 45) were evaluated primarily by nursing staff. Demographic and outcomes data, including complications, reoperations, length of hospital stay, and flap viability, were then compared.

Results

Overall, 28 (57%) patients in Group A and 16 (37%) in Group B had at least one complication (P = 0.05). Only eight patients in each group had major complications. There were 25 (27%) patients who required further intervention in the operating room: 18 (37%) in Group A and seven (16%) in Group B (P = 0.03). Only 12 (13%) patients returned to the operating room for concerns of flap viability: seven from Group A and five from Group B. The median length of hospital stay was 11 days for both groups (P = 0.76). The flap success rate was 95 percent, with three failures in Group A and two in Group B (P = 0.72).

Conclusions

A monitoring protocol utilizing trained nursing staff has no detrimental effect on free tissue transfer outcomes. This may be used to optimize resident time within the current duty‐hour restrictions.
Deliberative governance in the context of power
Authors: Hendriks Carolyn M
Published: September 2009

Deliberative forms of governance are on the rise worldwide as governments, businesses and not-for-profit organisations seek to engage with their constituents. Empirical research on these deliberative experiments is beginning to emerge; with most studies focussing on how well deliberative practice lives up the ideals of deliberative democracy. Little, however, is known about how the practice of deliberative governance negotiates and accommodates different forms of power prevalent in the policy process. This is the subject of this special issue. This introductory piece provides an overview of how theories of deliberative democracy relate to both coercive (‘power-over’) and generative forms of power (‘power-with’). Drawing on insights from the empirical research in this special issue, the paper argues that power is not necessarily a negative force for public deliberation. Indeed coercive forms of power may be needed by some marginalized groups to push their issue onto the agenda, while more generative forms of power can inspire actors to engage in collective thinking.
Fermented wheat aleurone inhibits growth and induces apoptosis in human HT29 colon adenocarcinoma cells
Authors: Borowicki Anke , Stein Katrin , Scharlau Daniel , Scheu Kerstin , Brenner-Weiss Gerald , Obst Ursula , Hollmann Jürgen , Lindhauer Meinolf , Wachter Norbert , Glei Michael
Published: September 2009

Fermentation of dietary fibre by the gut microflora may enhance levels of SCFA, which are potentially chemoprotective against colon cancer. Functional food containing wheat aleurone may prevent cancer by influencing cell cycle and cell death. We investigated effects of fermented wheat aleurone on growth and apoptosis of HT29 cells. Wheat aleurone, flour and bran were digested and fermentedin vitro. The resulting fermentation supernatants (fs) were analysed for their major metabolites (SCFA, bile acids and ammonia). HT29 cells were treated for 24–72 h with the fs or synthetic mixtures mimicking the fs in SCFA, butyrate or deoxycholic acid (DCA) contents, and the influence on cell growth was determined. Fs aleurone was used to investigate the modulation of apoptosis and cell cycle. The fermented wheat samples contained two- to threefold higher amounts of SCFA than the faeces control (blank), but reduced levels of bile acids and increased concentrations of ammonia. Fs aleurone and flour equally reduced cell growth of HT29 more effectively than the corresponding blank and the SCFA mixtures. The EC50(48 h) ranged from 10 % (flour) to 19 % (blank). Markedly after 48 h, fs aleurone (10 %) significantly induced apoptosis and inhibited cell proliferation by arresting the cell cycle in the G0/G1 phase. In conclusion, fermentation of wheat aleurone results in a reduced level of tumour-promoting DCA, but higher levels of potentially chemopreventive SCFA. Fermented wheat aleurone is able to induce apoptosis and to block cell cycle – two essential markers of secondary chemoprevention.
Young And old in Homer and in Heike Monogatari
Authors: Yamagata Naoko
Published: September 2009

Homer's epics have been compared with many other epic traditions in the world, such as Sumerian, Indian, Serbo-Croatian, Medieval German, and Old French epics, from various points of view, such as narrative techniques, genesis of traditions, oral or writtern nature of texts, and motifs. If comparative studies of the existing sort have any significance, it is rather surprising that there has been no serious attempt to compare Homer's epics and Heike monogatari(translated as The Tale of the Heike, Heikefor short), the best of the medieval Japanese epics, for there are many reasons to believe that the comparison could be worthwhile.1 While many of the oral epic traditions in Europe, including Homer, have been long dead, the Heikehas kept a lively tradition of performance (chanting accompanied by a type of lute) by travelling bards until recently, and still today there are a few performers. One can therefore still obtain first-hand knowledge of the performance which might throw light on some unknown features of oral epics.2 Rather like Homer's influence over Greek literature and culture, the Heikehas influenced the way of life and thinking of the Japanese profoundly thanks to its popularity and wide circulation. The way in which the Heikeinfluenced other arts, such as no plays, is comparable to Homer's influence on later Greek literature such as tragedy,3 and the way the Heike'swarriors set models for later warrior ethics4 is comparable to the Homeric influence on the later Greek senses of virtue (arete), honour time), shame (aidoōs), and so on.
Sallust'sJugurtha: Concord, Discord, and the Digressions
Authors: Wiedemann Thomas
Published: September 2009

The current fashion for emphasizing ambiguities and discontinuities in literary texts should have found Sallust's writings congenial. TheCatilineexplores competing and contradictory claims tovirtus, exemplified by Caesar, Cato, and Catiline himself, a paragon of ambiguity in contrast to the unproblematic Cicero. TheJugurthine Waris twice the length, with a more complicated structure and a wider range of material, including three formal digressions. A concern with the relationship between virtue and success, and with conflict between alternative virtues, is central to this monograph too; it concludes with a victory achieved not by years of military exertion but as the result of Jugurtha's treacherous betrayal to Sulla by Bocchus in contravention of all recognized moral principles (‘kinship, marriage, and a formal treaty’:cognationem, affinitatem, praeterea foedus intervenisse; cf. ‘deceit‘,composite dob, 111.2 and 4).
‘Strange Meeting’: Diomedes and Glaucus in Iliad 6
Authors: Harries Byron
Published: September 2009

Two men meet on a battlefield; it is getting late, towards the close of a long day's fighting, the first since Achilles deserted the Greeks. The catalogue of this day's deadly confrontations, which has filled much of Books 4 and 5, looks as if it is about to get another victim's name appended to it. Homer introduces the episode at 6.120 by setting the scene as if for a duel, but ends it not only without a fight but with what appears to be a reconciliation, when they finally (6.232) leave their chariots to shake hands. This, if nothing else, has made the meeting of Glaucus and Diomedes famous; with its amiable, irenic outcome, and its unique emphasis on mutual understanding, the scene is widely regarded as an oasis of common decency amid the war-ethos of the surrounding books.
Like a worm I' the bud? A heterology of classical Greek slavery
Authors: Cartledge Paul
Published: September 2009

‘Classical’ Greece? The very term exudes stability, permanence, confidence, authority, excellence, perfection (in a teleological sense), even possibly glory – as in ‘The Glory that was Greece’. Consider, for instance, the following paean of eulogy pronounced in 1914: ‘The Greeks were explorers in every field of knowledge and art, where they showed in the highest degree the desire for truth and the love of the beautiful’. All of them, always? In any case, to quote that well-known philosopher Pontius Pilate (John 18. 37–8), what is Truth, and is not Beauty in the eye of the beholder?
Images and Image: a Re-Examination of Tetrarchic Iconography
Authors: Rees Roger
Published: September 2009

Consideration of Tetrarchic portraiture has usually focused on the extant porphyry sculptures (plates 2, 6, 7, 9, and 10). This was perhaps inevitable, since the arresting eyes of the Cairo bust or the stubby legs of the Vatican groups are certainly curious. Few scholars have resisted the temptation to pronounce their aesthetic judgement (and why not?), but none has been as caustic as Bernard Berenson who saw in them ‘the meanest symptoms of decay’, an effect into which the sculptor had ‘simply blundered and stumbled’. Berenson's book and many of the other academic works which refer to the porphyry sculptures address the wider issue of style and, in particular, stylistic change in Late Antiquity. They cite the same art, but draw a range of conclusions: L'Orange proposes parallels between style and the structure of society; Kitzinger suggests a conscious approximation to a ‘sub-antique’ style; and Bandinelli sees the porphyry work as exceptional, specialized and short-lived. Without neglecting the porphyry sculpture, the present essay aims to consider the whole range of surviving portraits and to make sense of them within the relatively narrow field of Tetrarchic ideology. This necessarily involves the question of style and, therefore, has points of contact with the above ideas. However, the present study is primarily ‘internal’, drawing together images diverse in form and location. Patterns are soon apparent, but the Tetrarchy had to establish its ideological stability and credibility if the government were to endure. It collapsed quickly (A.D. 284–311), but in this respect, Tetrarchic portraiture offers a good example of the power of art to manipulate its audience by instilling belief.
TheHymn to Demeterandthe Homeric Hymns
Authors: Parker Robert
Published: September 2009

In any history of Greek mythological writing, the longerHomeric Hymnsdeserve a place of honour. They are the almost unique vehicle of a distinctive and important form of narrative about the divine world. As aprooimionto a discussion of theHymn to Demeter, it may be worth sketching some general characteristics of the genre, to bring out its special interest for the historian of religion, and indeed for anyone who cares for the imaginative world of the Greeks.
The Homeric Way of War: theIliadand the Hoplite Phalanx (I)
Authors: Van Wees Hans
Published: September 2009

Old warriors of the New Guinea highlands used to regale the anthropologist Margaret Mead with tales of battles they once fought. Their stories ran

something like this: ‘We met on the mountainside near Wihun. A man of our side, named Maigi, threw a spear at a man of their side, named Wea. He missed. Then a man of their side threw a spear and hit my cross-cousin from Ahalaseimihi. Then I was angry and threw a spear at Wena, a big man of their side, and missed…’, and so on.
The Luxuries of Athenian Democracy
Authors: Braund David
Published: September 2009

In 424 B. C. or thereabouts, an oligarchically-minded critic of the Athenian democracy observed:

And if account is to be taken of more minor matters, it is as a result of their mastery of the sea that the Athenians have mixed with various peoples in different areas and discovered a range of festive practices. In consequence, what is sweet in Sicily, Italy, Cyprus, Egypt, Lydia, Pontus, the Peloponnese or elsewhere has all been brought together in one place because of [sc.the Athenians'] mastery of the sea. (The Old Oligarch, 2.7)

Though critical of the democracy in principle, the Old Oligarch is strikingly positive here in one sense. This is no denunciation of the baleful and corrupting influence of luxuries imported from overseas. Rather, it is an explicit statement of an advantage of sea-power to the Athenians. A minor advantage, on this assessment, but evidently considered worthy of attention. Moreover, here as throughout his work, the Old Oligarch has in mind not a narrow elite, but the Athenian demos at large, the masses. On his analysis, the demos, through its sea-power, rules Athens and its empire effectively and in its own interest, which includes the acquisition and enjoyment of the best produce of the Mediterranean and Black Sea worlds. Under the democracy, it is claimed, the masses enjoy what may be termed luxury-goods.
Legal Space in Classical Athens
Authors: Carey Christopher
Published: September 2009

Like many features of democratic Athens, the legal system is both strikingly familiar and disturbingly alien to the modern reader. The principle of trial by a jury of laymen is one which, though intermittently criticized, remains the basis of the decision-making process in modern Britain. At the same time, the size of the jury panels, their powers, the reliance on volunteer prosecutors, the use of an exchange of speeches as the method of presentation, these and other features diverge significantly from accepted practice in our own courts. My concern in this paper is with one striking divergence, the way in which the relationship between the legal system and society at large is conceptualized, and with the problems it raises. In modern developed societies the law and the lawcourts are fenced around with procedural, psychological, and in some cases constitutional barriers. The law itself is a self-contained system, distinct from other coercive forces, and perceived as separate from the political life of the community. Procedures and participants in the courts are given a degree of protection from constraints which apply elsewhere, in order to ensure that all relevant information is disclosed and that a verdict is given on the facts of the case, taken as far as possible in isolation from the rest of the lives of the participants and the community. All these barriers are absent in the context of classical Athens. In practice and in conception the law and its administration are in some important respects indistinguishable from the life of the community in general.
The HomericHymn To AphroditeA Literary Appraisal
Authors: Walcot Peter
Published: September 2009

I read Greek for two reasons, firstly for professional purposes and secondly for personal pleasure. When it comes to pleasure, I constantly turn to the ‘old’ favourites, to Homer, Herodotus, tragedy and, more surprisingly perhaps, Hesiod and the Homeric Hymns. A continuing interest in Hesiod is easily explained: it so happened that when I went up to University College London in the Fall of 1949, I commenced my studies by attending a course of lectures on Hesiod'sWorks and Daysand these were delivered by the most exciting teacher in the Classics Department, T.B.L. – Tom – Webster. The impression made by the lectures was so great that I found myself, and still find myself, enthralled by the poet from Boeotia. An enthusiasm for the Homeric Hymns came later; it is not the fact that I enjoy the hymns that others seem to regard as a little eccentric but my strong preference for theHymn to Aphrodite. Is this, I can feel colleagues wondering, a consequence of the contemporary craze for ‘Women's Studies’ even among – or is it especially among – classicists? Let me hastily assure you that it is not: I enjoy theHymn to Aphroditebecause of what I believe to be its outstanding literary qualities, and these are qualities that have been increasingly acknowledged in the last dozen or so years.
Sexuality, Violence, and the Athenian Law of Hubris
Authors: Cohen David
Published: September 2009

In recent years a considerable literature on the scope and meaning of the word hubris has done much to clarify the nature of this important concept. However, some important aspects of hubris deserve more detailed attention. In particular, a full account of the social context and moral psychology of the ideology, social practices, and legal prosecutions involving hubris would make a fundamental contribution to our understanding of Athenian society and the role which litigation played in moderating or exacerbating social conflicts. Indeed, such an account, particularly if it drew upon recent advances in the social anthropology of agonistic societies, would necessarily increase our appreciation of the centrality of hubris and the related values of honour and shame in Athenian social relations. While the goals of the present study are far more modest, in a sense they represent a first step in this direction. Since, as I will argue, the relation of the law of hubris to certain kinds of sexual misconduct and to sexual aspects of honour and shame has not been fully recognized, an exploration of this relation may help to mark out some of the ground which a fuller treatment would have to cover.
Some Athenian presuppositions about ‘The Poor’
Authors: Rosivach Vincent J.
Published: September 2009

What did Athenians think about when they talked about ‘the poor’? The question is worth asking for two reasons: first, if we are to judge from our texts, the Athenians talked a good deal about ‘the poor’, and it will help our understanding of these texts to know something about the presuppositions which author and audience had about ‘the poor’; and second, since the way a society stereotypes its members tells us something about that society, a study of Athenian presuppositions about ‘the poor’ should provide a further insight into Athenian social relations. In what follows I do not mean to suggest that all Athenians shared these presuppositions, any more than we share the stereotypes of poverty common today. Whatever individual Athenians may have believed, however, the assumptions to be considered here were a part of the landscape of Athenian public discourse, as it were, and so had to be taken into account when Athenians talked about ‘the poor’. Finally by way of preface I should also add that the present study deals, as its title says, with onlysomeAthenian presuppositions about ‘the poor’. In particular, I do not consider here the large group of texts which, making a virtue of necessity, praise the poor for not succumbing to the vices (especiallyhubris) typical of the rich.
Catullus 1. 10 and the title of his Libellus
Authors: Gratwick A. S.
Published: September 2009

It was a natural and well-established usage in antiquity that works of literature might readily be referred to by their opening words. Aristophanes accidentally lends the ‘Παλλάδα περсέέολιν δεινάν …. ’ ‘Pallas the awful city-sacker …’ of a certain Lamprocles or maybe of Stesichorus and the ‘Τηλέπορον τι βόαμα …’, ‘Some far-reaching shriek …’ of one ‘Kydidas’ a pale and partial immortality this way (Nub.967), and in the imaginary world of Theocritus an imaginary poem the ‘τὸν ἐμὸν Λύκον….’ ‘Lycus my lover…’ by an imaginary ‘Larisaean fellow’ is thus evoked (Id. 14.30). Cicero refers to Ennius' Medea as the ‘Vtinam ne in nemore….’ (Fin. 1.5), and we even find him casually referring to an evidently near-definitive draft of his Cato maior de senectute which he had sent to Atticus as the ‘O Tite si quid …’ (Att.16.3.1) and ‘O Tite …’ 9 Att. 16.11.3): here an opening citation of a citation (of Ennius) is identifying the book, clearly doubly unsuitable as an official title; as if for Atticus the publisher and his clerks in the scriptorium this was a normal practice, mechanically applicable regardless of appositeness. In one of the less gloomy passages in Tristia (2.261) Ovid has a girl broaching Lucretius in not quite the right spirit: sumpserit ‘Aeneadum genetrix …’ ubi pritna, requiret Aeneadum genetrix unde sit alma Venus, and further on (2.534) alludes to the Aeneid in the same way: contulit in Tyrios arma uirumque toros; cf. Persius 1.96 ‘arma uirum’, nonne hoc spumosum etcorticepingui utramale uetus uegrandi subere coctum?, Martial 14.185 accipe facundi Culicem, studiose, Maronis, ne nucibus positis arma uirumque legas. Virgil himself had alluded in the closing signature to the Georgics to his own Bucolica with Tityre, tepatulae cecini sub tegmine fagi (G. 4.566); Ovid elaborates on that at Amores 1.15.25 Tityrus etfruges Aeneiaque arma, though without wanting just mechanically to insist specifically on first line allusions; after all, he could have written segetes instead of fruges in recollection of Ge orgies 1.1. Lastly in this little survey, which is merely illustrative, there is the point that it seems to have been standard Alexandrian practice in cataloguing works to refer, e.g., to ‘The Brothers of X of which the first line is …’, ‘The Phoenissae of Y, the first line of which is …’, presumably to resolve potential ambiguities within and between the canons of particular authors.
Europe 1992
Authors: West D. A
Published: September 2009

Classical scholars have always lived in a united Europe. Our subject matter is the birth and youth of Europe and fellow scholars all over Europe and all over the world are our daily companions.

Within our own traditions we work with the same data on the same problems and our solutions are common property. In theory the political unification of Europe is irrelevant to us. We have always been a republic.
Apollonius' Jason: Human Being in an Epic Scenario
Authors: Jackson Steven
Published: September 2009

Apollonius' Jason has been variously described by scholars as a ‘weak and insignificant hero’, a ‘tame and insipid’ character compared with that of Medea, ‘discreet, proper, quite weak, and somewhat colourless’, ‘never quite equal to the emergency, and can never rise above his immediate troubles’, ‘cold and selfish’, ‘uninteresting when he is not repellent’, an anti-hero, and a love-hero. But, with the exception of R. Hunter's view of Jason as a human being forced by necessity to carry out tasks which no Homeric hero was ever called upon to do, most scholars have erred in comparing the Hellenistic hero Jason with the archetypal hero of epic tradition.
Cicero's Familia Urbana
Authors: Garland Andrew
Published: September 2009

The aim of this article is to demonstrate that Cicero had a relatively small number of slaves in his urban household, reflecting his modest wealth compared to that of some Romans. The argument follows three lines. Firstly, there were relatively few job titles among the slaves of Cicero compared, for example, to those of the household of Augustus' wife Livia. This reflects Livia's relative prosperity, for the wealthier the household the more specialists it could support. The converse also follows: Cicero had fewer slaves with job titles, reflecting the smaller size of his household. Secondly, even those slaves in the household of Cicero who appear to be specialists because they had job titles were not really so since the tasks they were given were not as narrowly defined as their specific job titles suggest. Thirdly, other evidence from Cicero's correspondence and elsewhere suggests that Cicero's household was relatively small compared to other elite households of the Late Republic and Early Imperial period.
Plotinus At Work on Platonism
Authors: Dillon John
Published: September 2009

‘These teachings are, therefore, no novelties, no inventions of today, but long since stated, if not stressed; our doctrine here is the explanation of an earlier, and can show the antiquity of these opinions on the testimony of Plato himself.’ This quotation, from Enn. V 1.8, where Plotinus is actually presenting his doctrine of the three hypostases – a metaphysical elaboration never envisaged by Plato – encapsulates the interesting relationship which links this great original mind to the other great original mind whom he wished to claim as his master. There is, of course, nothing strange, in the intellectual world of late antiquity, in this desire to base one's doctrine on some time-honoured authority; what is unusual is the degree of originality of the man who is doing this.
Pericles and Protagoras
Authors: O'Sullivan Neil
Published: September 2009

These two men – the statesman ruling Athens in her glory, and the philosopher of the man-measure dictum, the ‘first humanist’ as he has been called – are on anyone's reckoning two of the greatest of European history. They not only knew each other, but appear to have been friends. Ehrenberg managed to spin a whole book out of what he imagined was the friendly relationship between Pericles and Sophocles, even though there is no evidence that they liked each other, and indeed positive evidence that they did not. For the only two anecdotes relating any communication between them (both to do with Sophocles' fondness for young boys) suggest that Pericles rather resented having the playwright as a fellow general on the military expedition they made against Samos in 440.
Pliny the Poet
Authors: Hershkowitz Debra
Published: September 2009

In letter 4.14, Pliny the Younger remarks that he doesn't worry too much about criticism of his poetry since he's not planning to give up the day job (§10):

nam si hoc opusculum nostrum aut potissimum esset aut solum, fortasse posset durum uideri dicere ‘quaere quod agas’: molle et humanum est ‘habes quod agas’.

For if this little work were my chief or sole effort it might possibly seem unkind to tell me to ‘find something else to do’: but there is nothing unkind in the gentle reminder that I ‘have something else to do’.
Antony, Fulvia, and the Ghost of Clodius in 47 B.C.
Authors: Welch Kathryn E.
Published: September 2009

The creation of a political image based at best on a tenuous reality is a fragile and delicate process. None knew it better than Gaius Julius Caesar. Early in his career, he had fostered the belief that he was the heir of the ‘true’Marian/popularistradition with some credibility and lasting success. He presented himself as the great general in the Gallic commentaries and for good reasons this image too gained widespread popularity. There were other important but sometimes less convincing messages to follow. Thecommentariion the civil war sought passionately to justify his part in the outbreak of hostilities: this was the published form of a process his intermediaries had begun in the first months of hostilities whereby they stressed his respect for peace and the traditional order, even when he himself was busy ignoring both. In an effort to reinforce this ‘constitutional’ regard, Caesar returned to Rome from Spain in 49 to establish a ‘properly elected’ government with himself and P. Servilius Isauricus as consuls; the correct number of praetors (all eligible to hold the office), aediles, and quaestors. The dictatorship was cast aside after a mere eleven days; Rome was to function as it always had. The uprising of Marcus Caelius Rufus and Titus Annius Milo in 48 B.C. ruined this admirable picture and brought home to Caesar the realities of attempting to dominate Rome by leaving the constitution in its traditional form and hoping for the best from the supporters he had entrusted with office. Moreover, the chaos of civil war and urban disorder combined to allow others to project their own policies and power struggles.
Allusion to theCirculatorby Persius and Horace?
Authors: Booth Alan D.
Published: September 2009

Street-reciters were a feature of the ancient city (cf. Dio Chrys.Orat.20.9 f.). Suetonius may include them (or their performances) under ‘triviales ex circo ludios’ (MSludos), but they were certainly calledcirculatores(schol. on Pers. 1.134, quoted below; Jerome,Epist. 53.7; Augustine,contra Iul. op. imp.5.15). This term may describe any huckster who attracts a street-crowd (circulus), and some hawkers of wares may have recited versicles as part of their routines to attract customers (cf.Satyricon68.6 f.). In any case, as applied to a street-reciter,circulatoraptly evokes the lowly circumstances and quality of his performances. And it was understandably galling to associate a poet or his works with such a figure. The slur of Vergil's Menalcas springs readily to mind (Eel.3.26 f.): ‘non tu in triviis, indocte, solebas/stridenti miserum stipula disperdere carmen?’ Other references to the street-reciter, however, seem less well recognized.
Polis andOikosin Classical Athens
Authors: Roy J.
Published: September 2009

This paper is intended to discuss the household in which Classical Athenians typically lived, and the interest in it shown by thepolis. Aristotle saw the household – in his vocabulary theoikos, or sometimes theoikia– as the basic social unit of thepolis. He defines the primary relationships within the household as: master and slave, husband and wife, father and child. Clearly for Aristotle the household was paradeigmatically made up of the nuclear family together with whatever slaves the family owned. Modern scholars, while often differing about the roles of the members of the household, have generally accepted that thepolis, and in particular Classical Athens, was indeed made up of a number of such households. The slave's role in the household, though important, was obviously different from the roles of the members of the nuclear family, and slaves will be left out of account in this paper.
Detective Fiction and Historical Narrative
Authors: O'Gorman Ellen
Published: September 2009

We know that Cicero successfully defended Sextus Roscius on a charge of parricide in 80 B.C.; we know that Vespasian became emperor after the civil wars of A.D. 69, and founded the Flavian dynasty which ended with his son Domitian's death in A.D. 96.
Martial's Christmas Winelist
Authors: Leary T. J.
Published: September 2009

Of the poet Martial we know a great deal – especially when compared with what we know about his younger contemporary Juvenal, yet one needs to be careful in approaching what he tells us about himself. For instance, he refers several times to his suburban smallholding at Nomentum, usually identified as modern Mentana but possibly Casali, and in so doing is accustomed to belittle its produce. Hence he claims to send as a harvest gift fruit bought in the Subura rather than his own indifferent home-grown (10.94), and declares at 2.38 that what his estate yields is (not produce but) respite from the troublesome Linus. Now it is well appreciated that jokes regarding the viability, or rather otherwise, of suburban estates were standard; but it is possible that Martial's Nomentan estate was originally part of one owned by his compatriot the Younger Seneca, and we are told by Columella (3.3.3) that the vineyards on this estate were especially famed. Thus, although Martial's estate would have been small, the wine it produced might in fact have been very good of its kind – for all that his Nomentan neighbour Quintus Ovidius is credited with better (13.119):

Nomentana meum tibi dat vindemia Bacchum:

si te Quintus amat, commodiora bibes.

‘A Nomentan vintage gives you my wine. If Quintus loves you, you will drink better.’
‘But Why has my Spirit Spoken with me thus?’: Homeric Decision-Making
Authors: Sharples R. W.
Published: September 2009

It has been argued, above all by Bruno Snell, that there is lacking in the Homeric poems any notion of the ‘self as an integrated whole; the individual is regarded rather as an assembly of more or less independent psychic forces. There can thus, it is argued, be no making of decisions by individuals in the Homeric poems, because there is no such thing as a psychic whole which could decide; in his Scenes from Greek Drama, Snell argues not only that Homer in theIliaddoes not explicitly present Achilles as deciding to avenge Patroclus and die young, but also that there are differences in outlook between Homer and Aeschylus which mean that Homercouldnot portray such a decision, whereas Aeschylus could.
Amphibian ambiguities: Aristophanes and his Frogs
Authors: Allison Richard H.
Published: September 2009

Few would dispute that Frogs is one of Aristophanes’ supreme achievements; many would further claim as one of his most successful and famous scenes Dionysos’ encounter with those eponymous amphibians, the frogs themselves. This, however, brings us face to face with a major paradox which critics of Aristophanes frequently fail to emphasize in anything like adequate terms: quite simply, and astonishingly for such a well-loved scene, there is no scholarly agreement, even on the broadest level, as to how it was actually presented in the theatre. Apart from the fact that it is far from clear how Charon's boat was represented, we do not even have a sure answer to an even more basic question—whether those famous characters the frogs were visibly presented to the audience as yet another of Aristophanes’ coups de theatre, or whether they were only heard singing from offstage, thus altering the emphasis (or at least the focus) of the scene very considerably. Lack of agreement among scholars on such an important point is lamentable enough, but, worse, some recent criticism appears to have been developing a dangerous tendency not only to assert without adequate argument that the frogs were indeed visibly represented but, further, to build this highly insecure element into the foundations of various theories of wider significance as if it were a piece of orthodoxy. This suggests that a careful re-examination of the whole scene might not be out of place in an attempt to support or refute the ancient scholiastic opinion (Z Frogs 211), for long unquestioned, which states quite unequivocally ‘…the frogs are not seen in the theatre, nor is the chorus, but rather they imitate the frogs from offstage. The true chorus is composed of righteous souls of the dead.’ I will argue, from close consideration of the actual wording of the scene, and of its setting and action, that the frogs were indeed unseen and were only heard singing from somewhere offstage. To support this view, I believe important considerations of comparative dramatic practice, and even of natural history, can be adduced.
Juvenal 1 And Horace
Authors: Woodman A. J.
Published: September 2009

Juvenal is here alluding to two passages of Horace's hexameter poetry in particular. First, by listing various alternative genres (epic, comedy, elegy, tragedy) before stating his own preference for writing satire (19 hoc campo), Juvenal recalls Horace's use of the same technique at S. 1.10.40ff. Second, Juvenal has borrowed several words, phrases, and ideas from Hor. Epist. 2.2.90–105
Greek Civilization in the Open
Authors: Ferguson John
Published: September 2009

In an earlier article in this journal the decision of the Open University to offer two half-credit courses on classical civilization was noted.1 The first of these, ‘The Early Roman Empire and the Rise of Christianity’, has been available since 1974. The matching halfcredit was to be on Greece. We readily decided to concentrate on Athens and on the fifth and fourth centuries B.C. This is not a history course: it is an attempt to look at the total culture of a period, and the period virtually selected itself. Aeschylus has not found a place in the drama course: we felt that the Oresteia must come in here. For philosophy Plato was essential, and, it was felt after discussion, Aristotle too, even if he seeped beyond our probable historical bounds. For it was plainly going to be impossible to treat the Persian Wars at one end or Alexander at the other, and do any justice to the events and movements which lay between.
Gods, Emperors, and Coins
Authors: Shotter David
Published: September 2009

It is a commonplace that Roman religion was less concerned with the spiritual well-being than with the political success of the nobiles. The gods were the symbols and guarantors of varying, aspects of Roman power; keeping them content was of paramount importance, and it was the nobiles who were in general credited with the ability to ensure the continuation of this state of affairs.
The Shield Of Achilles Within The Iliad
Authors: Taplin Oliver
Published: September 2009

Why is the shield of Achilles, instrument of war in a poem of war, covered with scenes of delightful peace, of agriculture, festival, song, and dance? I shall try to approach an answer to this question by looking at the scenes on the shield in relation to the rest of Homer, I mean the Iliad and Odyssey.
Critical Appreciations V: Joseph Addison, Pax Gulielmi Auspiciis Europae Reddita, 1697, Lines 96–132 and 167–End
Authors: Williams R. D. , Kelsall Malcolm
Published: September 2009

The following text and translation is extracted from Joseph Addison's Pax Gulielmi Auspiciis Europae Reddita, 1697 (lines 96–132 and 167–end). The poem celebrates the peace of Ryswick in which William III and his continental allies had halted the territorial ambitions of Louis XIV, and France had recognized William as King of England. The poem describes, in general terms, William's unification of the allied forces against France, the siege warfare which distinguished the campaigns, and the coming again of agricultural prosperity to war-ravaged Europe. The first extract begins with William's return to England. The omitted lines describe the young William, Dukeof Gloucester, the eldest son of the future Queen Anne, and a firework display in London. The Duke of Gloucester shortly died, and the death of the King himself in 1702 coincided with the outbreak of even fiercer war to prevent the potential unification of the thrones of France and Spain (the War of the Spanish Succession) in which Louis XIV returnedto the support of Jacobite claims to the English crown.
‘Neither Male nor Female’
Authors: Cameron Averil
Published: September 2009

The prominence of women in the spread of Christianity in the earliest period has long been a commonplace. It was recognized as such by the early Christians themselves. On the other hand, St. Paul's willingness to use women in setting up the organization of the early church seems to conflict with his opinion that they should stay in their subordinate place. Now Christian women of the early Empire do not usually fall into the scope of books on women in antiquity. But there is no obvious reason for this exclusion, especially when the role of women in the early Church figures prominently in the work of New Testament scholars. A closer look suggests that both sides have something to learn from the other and this paper sets out to examine from the point of view of classicists some of the large claims made in recent New Testament scholarship, which are indeed beingbrought into sharp focus by the current debate on the ordination of women. In particular, a recent book by John Gager6 has stressed Christianity's appeal to women as an important factor in its success, while an interesting article by W. Meeks relates the well-known prominence of women in the Acts of the Apostles to a supposed rising status of women in the contemporary Greek world and to a general questioning of male/ female roles which is said to have been taking place in the early Empire. It is obviously vital foranyone interested in the position of women in antiquity to consider these claims seriously.