bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Affection and Imagination in ‘The Cloud of Unknowing’ and Hilton's ‘Scale of Perfection’
Authors: Minnis Alastair
Published: August 2016

How can a literary critic best approach texts which are living classics of religious literature? This question is being asked with increasing frequency by modern readers ofThe Cloud of Unknowingand Walter Hilton'sScale of Perfection. My own preference is for an historical-critical approach which, while recognising that these works are for all time, is concerned to relate them to the time in which they were written. It has recently been pointed out that certain studies of the English Mystics are marred by ‘the scholar's lack of adequate theological training to interpret the mystics’ teaching correctly,’ a defect which is particularly marked in the case of discussions of the influence of pseudo-Dionysius. As Colledge rightly says, before we can speak with certainty about the Dionysian elements in theCloudand theScale, ‘we need a clearer view of the Western medieval traditions which interpreted, glossed, and it may be distorted and exaggerated what the writer of theMystical Theologyhad in truth said.’ When this clearer view is attained, we shall be in a better position to understand more fully not only the theological content of our religious classics but also those facets of scholastic literary theory which crucially influenced their authors' attitudes to language and the way in which they wrote.
Das ‘Centheologicon’ des Heymericus de Campo und die darin enthaltenen Cusanus-Reminiszenzen: Hinweise und Materialien
Authors: Imbach Ruedi
Published: August 2016

Wie in zwei früheren, kurzen Abhandlungen bereits angedeutet wurde, verdient dasCentheologiconbetitelte Werk des Heymericus de Campo (van de Velde) in mehrfacher Hinsicht Beachtung. Die folgenden Mitteilungen, in denen vor allem einige Materialien vorgelegt werden, möchten dazu beitragen, dieses Werk angemessener zu würdigen. Sie beanspruchen keine Vollständigkeit und verzichten auf eine umfassende philosophische Deutung der Schrift. Nach einigen allgemeinen Bemerkungen wird im zweiten Teil der Arbeit nur ein besonderer Aspekt dieses Werkes hervorgehoben, nämlich seine Beziehung zur Wirkungsgeschichte des Nikolaus von Kues, zu deren vollständigeren Kenntnis die hier erstmals veröffentlichten Textpassagen einen bescheidenen Beitrag leisten möchten.
Fifteenth-Century Texts on the Ceremonial of the Papal ‘Legatus a latere’
Authors: Wasner Franz
Published: August 2016

From the earliest times the Roman pontiffs exercised the right of sending envoys - by dispatching their legates to synods and councils, by maintaning from the time of Leo the Great their apocrisiarii at the imperial court of Constantinople and later still in the kingdom of the Franks, by appointing bishops and metropolitans as vicars apostolic, and by entrusting at times even to secular princes a kind of legatine power. While the theoretical basis of their claim to this right may be said to have received its final formulation at the hands of John XXII in the year 1316, it was nonetheless more penetratingly analyzed and expounded by Pius VI and Leo XIII. It is upon the pronoun cements of these popes that the definition of this claim in the Code of Canon Law is based:

ius … a civili potestate independens, in. quamlibet mundi partem legatos cum vel sine ecclesiastica iurisdictione mittendi.
The Plotinian Fall of the Soul in St. Augustine
Authors: O'Connell Robert J.
Published: August 2016

In a preceding article, we have tried to show that important features of the relationship between St. Augustine and Plotinus still call for some investigation: that, in fact, one of the latter's most telling treatises (Ennead VI 4–5) had hitherto virtually escaped the notice of those interested in tracing his influence on Augustine's thought. To one possible implication of that study we alluded only briefly, but its importance for the history of Christian spirituality impels our returning to it now. Augustine, we suggested, from his earliest extant writings up to and including the Confessions, may well have been thinking in terms of a Plotinian fall of the soul into the body.
St. Cyprian and Moissac: A Thirteenth-Century Sequence
Authors: Bévenot Maurice
Published: August 2016

The discovery of an ancient sequence might not at first sight seem to deserve any special notice. No doubt its absence in the monumental collections of A. M. Dreves and C. Blume, and in U. J. Chevalier's Repertorium hymnologicum, may surprise us, but the poor quality of so many of the sequences there collected may justify an initial indifference to the unearthing of yet another. How was it missed by those indefatigable collectors? Perhaps the reason is that they confined themselves mainly to liturgical books whereas the sequence here presented for the first time is found in one single manuscript which is not a liturgical book but a collection of works by St. Cyprian. These had been transcribed round about the year 1100, and the sequence, words and music, was added to the beginning of the codex in the first part of the thirteenth century. That it was missed is, then, no surprise, but a full-length treatment seems to be called for, because of the light it throws on the history, both factual and literary, behind it, as also possibly on the music of the time and the way that a sequence was then constructed. At least some of its more interesting features can here be gathered together.
The Rate of March of Crusading Armies in Europe: A Study and Computation
Authors: Nesbitt John W.
Published: August 2016

For more than sixty years now Heinrich Hagenmeyer's ‘Chronologie de la première croisade’ has been a standard reference. As a compilation and critique of dates recorded by the crusading historians and their contemporaries, the great German scholar's account is as satisfactory today as when it first appeared. It is in the area, however, of the hypothetical dates which Hagenmeyer assigned to the various occurrences on the expeditions of Peter the Hermit and Godfrey of Bouillon to the Orient that the ‘Chronologie’ stands in error and needs revision.
The Jews and the Archives of Angevin England: Reflections on Medieval Anti-Semitism
Authors: Langmuir Gavin I.
Published: August 2016

When should an historian analyze the assumptions which underlie his work, and when, if ever, is it incumbent on him to include in his work a discussion of the beliefs and procedures which have influenced his treatment of a subject? Recently historians, and in particular English medievalists, have been criticized for their anarchic empiricism; yet willingness to utilize any approach which promises concrete results, regardless of an integrated theoretical justification, is an attitude by no means limited to history but characteristic of many fields of detailed investigation in the natural and social sciences. By their fruits, as appraised by experts in the same field, shall their works be judged. There are times, however, when a broad historical subject is so narrowly treated that the result is tantamount to a philosophical statement, a statement, however implicit, that there is but one way of gaining valid knowledge of of men's past actions. We may then feel that the historian ought to have justified his procedure more explicitly, and we may be provoked to analyze and criticize the work, not for what has been said in it, but for what has not. This is especially true when the contrast between the dimensions of the subject and the limitations of a particular historian's vision throw his approach into high relief and incite the reader to examine the historian's conception of history. The English Jewry under Angevin Kings by H. G. Richardson is such a book because of its tone of certainty as to the proper path of history and because its subject cannot be domesticated to the calm conventions of professional habit.
Christian Wolff et la Scolastique
Authors: Ruello Francis
Published: August 2016

Monsieur l'abbé Jean École, professeur à l'Université catholique d'Angers (France) et membre du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique vient de rééditer chez Monsieur Georg Olms, à Hildesheim (Allemagne), l'Ontologie de Christian Wolff. Le titre complet de cet ouvrage est, on le sait, Philosophia prima seu Ontologia, methodo scientifica pertractata, qua omnis cognitionis humanae principia continentur, editio nova priori emendatior. Le texte qu'on nous présente est donc celui de 1736. En son Introduction, M. École nous renseigne sur les diverses éditions de l'Ontologia, nous donne quelques précisions sur la fortune du mot ‘ontologie,’ sur les caractères les plus marquants de l'Ontologia de Wolff: universalité en raison de son objet, primat de l'essence, rapports avec la pensée des scolastiques, d'une part, la philosophie de Leibnitz, d'autre part, sur la méthode de Wolff et les auteurs qu'il consulte. Viennent ensuite la Dédicace de l'Ontologia au roi Frédéric, la Préface (1729) de l'Ontologia, enfin l'Ontologia elle-même dont les articulations principales sont les suivantes: Prolegomena. Pars I: De notione Entis in genere et proprietatibus quae inde consequuntur. Pars II: De speciebus entium et eorum ad se invicem respectu: Sectio I; De ente composito; Sectio II; De ente simplici; sectio III; De respectu entium ad se invicem. Un Index rerum praecipuarum, des Varietates et editoris adnotationes, un Index auctorum ad quos Wolffius remittit, un Index auctorum ad quos editor remittit, un Index locorum a Wolffio citatorum, un Index locorum ab editore citatorum, un Index scholasticorum canonum, un Index generalis enfin, ajoutent à l'intérêt de cette réédition dont ils font un remarquable instrument de travail pour tous ceux qu'attirent la Métaphysique et son histoire.
Critical Notes on the ‘Chronica’ of Sulpicius Severus
Authors: Hyltén Per
Published: August 2016

In the course of preparing for the Corpus Christianorum an edition of the Chronica of Sulpicius Severus I have come upon nearly a dozen passages in which the adopted reading invited discussion beyond the limits of an apparatus criticus. This discussion is supplied in the following notes, which may be seen as a supplement to similar treatment of many other passages in the Chronica that are found in my doctoral dissertation, Studien zu Sulpicius Severus (Lund 1940). As an appendix appears a discussion of a few passages in the writings of Sulpicius Severus on St. Martin of Tours; this too looks to the new edition of the text that is to appear in the Corpus Christianorum (where I have the collaboration of Dr. Bernard M. Peebles) but is especially prompted by a recent criticism of my dissertation.
New Light on ‘Pearl’ 690
Authors: Rathborne Isabel E.
Published: August 2016

One of the cruxes of Pearl is the defective line 690, which occurs in a passage discussing the salvation of the righteous man. In the manuscript and in the earliest printed editions (ed. R. Morris, EETS, 1864, 1869), lines 689–692 read as follows:
Of pys ryztwys saz salamon playnHow kyntly oure con aquyle;By wayej ful streyt he con hym strayn,And scheued hym pe rengne of God awhyle.
Echoes of Martial in Juvenal's Third Satire
Authors: Colton Robert E.
Published: August 2016

In his third satire Juvenal vividly describes the life of the respectable poor in Rome. Unable to endure the metropolis, a place full of annoyances, frustrations, dangers, corruption and decay, Juvenal's friend Umbricius (3.21) is about to depart for a better life in the little coastal town of Cumae (3.2–3).
Walter Burley's Commentary on Aristotle's ‘De Motu Animalium’
Authors: Scott Frederick , Shapiro Herman
Published: August 2016

Walter Burley's De Motu Animalium has never appeared in print. Our edition of this work was prepared from six manuscript copies: Erfurt SB Amploniana Q. 312 (XIV century) fols. 78r–81r; London Lambeth Palace 70 (XIV) fols. 144r–147v; Lambeth Palace 74 (A.D. 1390) fols. 30r–32v; Oxford Magdalen College 80 (XIV) fols. 177v–180v; Oriel College 12 (XV) fols. 115–119; Vaticana Vat. lat. 2151 (XIV) fols. 239r–244r. The Magdalen (afterwards M.) manuscript is the most complete and is followed closely by Amploniana (A.), though A. is almost impossible to read by itself owing to the crabbed and scratchy manner in which it was written. Oriel (0.) makes the most omissions; it is incomplete and anonymous. The two Lambeth Palace MSS follow each other closely. L. 70 is anonymous and L. 74 is incomplete. Vatican was the original manuscript upon which our edition was based. It is an excellently preserved text but not quite sufficient by itself to constitute a safe reading of Burley's work. Our edition can claim to be critical to the extent that six manuscripts were consulted.
Un Essai de Classement dans la Tradition Manuscrite des Homélies de Jean Chrysostome ‘De Incomprehensibili’
Authors: Malingrey A.-M.
Published: August 2016

La tradition manuscrite des homélies Πɛϱὶ ὰϰατλᾐπτoν est particulièrement riche. C'est une preuve de l'intérět durable qu'elles ont suscité à travers les siècles. Mais cette richesse pose des problèmes difficiles à résoudre. Il faut, de toute nécessité, chercher des principes de classification qui aident à mettre un peu d'ordre parmi ces nombreux témoins.
Hymnological Notes
Authors: Szövérffy Joseph
Published: August 2016

Hymnological research has reached a very crucial stage during the past fourteen or fifteen years. The steady flow of publications in this field has never really stopped since the middle of the nineteenth century, which saw several attempts to make hymnological material scattered in medieval manuscripts accessible to hymnologists and philologists alike. Nineteenth-century hymnodists had little idea of the riches and depth of medieval Latin hymnody, and theimpassecaused by their ‘misconceptions’ and preconceived ideas is still reflected in the erroneous interpretation and improper handling of many Latin hymns by early editors and hymnodists. Of the early editions of medieval Latin hymns there are only two (those of Daniel and Mone)1that still have source value; most of the others have merely historical significance or offer manuscript readings not adequately evaluated by subsequent editors.
Lorenzo Valla and Isidore of Seville
Authors: Stevens H. J.
Published: August 2016

Lorenzo Valla in his De Linguae latinae elegantiis is highly critical of previous Latin grammatical studies. In particular Valla seeks in this linguistic treatise to revise for his contemporaries the teachings of Donatus, Servius, and Priscian which he found in conflict with his ideal of classical Latin usage; and in general he seeks to complement the extant grammatical tradition of antiquity. In Book VI of the Elegantiae Valla treats topics explicitly drawn from ancient grammatical sources, which he further explicates and clarifies. Moreover, many of the topics of Books I–III are drawn from these same sources, as Valla's frequent citation of them indicates. In contrast with ancient and imperial grammarians, Isidore of Seville is named only twice in the Elegantiae. In the preface to Book II (II. praef. 41). Valla brands him ‘indoctorum arrogantissimus, qui quum nihil sciat, omnia praecipit.’ He mentions Isidore once more when rejecting an ‘inept’ etymology of oratio from oris ratio (VI. 36.217). Despite the paucity of explicit references to Isidore in the Elegantiae, however, a comparison of Valla's and Isidore's linguistic discussions suggests that Valla intended a direct response to Isidore's verbal distinctions (differentiae), definitions, and etymologies in his own section on signification, Books IV and V of the Elegantiae.
Earl Godwin of Wessex and Edward the Confessor's Promise of the Throne to William of Normandy
Authors: Campbell Miles W.
Published: August 2016

Recent years have seen a renewed interest in the Norman Conquest, an interest elicited in part by the nine-hundredth anniversary of that momentous event. Among the specific aspects of England's relations with the duchy of Normandy that have attracted the attention of scholars has been that of King Edward's bequest of the Anglo-Saxon crown to Duke William. These studies have touched lightly upon the role of Godwin, earl of the West Saxons, in the affair. A prominent, perhaps at times dominant figure at court during the first decade of Edward's reign, he has traditionally been portrayed as a staunch foe of Norman influence in England. Indeed, Godwin's opposition to the Confessor's pro-Norman policy is generally held to have brought England to the brink of civil war in 1051 and to have led to the flight of him and his family from the kingdom shortly after. Consequently it is strange to hear of the earl having given, with other members of the witan, an oath recognizing the duke of Normandy as Edward's heir and, moreover, having surrendered a son and grandson to secure his pledge. If the earl did make these concessions, and conceivably others, an explanation, in view of his alleged anti-Norman attitude, is desirable. There has been, however, no logical, cohesive account of his part in the succession crisis advanced. The tendency has been either simply to reject evidence that appears to be contrary to accepted theories or, if taken into consideration, to interpret it in a manner that has resulted in a wholly inconsistent picture of Godwin's conduct.
Peter of Bruys, Henry of Lausanne, and the Façade of St.-Gilles
Authors: Colish Marcia L.
Published: August 2016

The romanesque façade of the abbey church of St.-Gilles in the diocese of Nlmes has been a subject of debate among art historians for many years. This controversy has been centered on the design of the church's façade [Fig. 1]. In addition to a series of colonnettes supporting archivolts that surround the tympana over its three western doorways, the St.-Gilles façade also possesses two free-standing columns flanking the central doorway that support nothing, a peculiarity which has led scholars to conclude that the plan of the façade was changed during the remodeling of the church in the twelfth century. The debate has focused on the dating of this change. A number of dates have been suggested, based on the façade's sculptural style, on dated inscriptions in the crypt, and on documents dealing with the church fabric. The art historians of the nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries dated the redesigning of the façade between 1116 and the middle of the thirteenth century, though the tendency of more recent scholarship has been to narrow the range of dates to between 1116 and the 1140s.
Hugh of St. Victor'sDe scripturis et scriptoribus sacrisas anAccessusTreatise for the Study of the Bible
Authors: Zinn Grover A.
Published: August 2016

The first half of the twelfth century was, by any account, a remarkable time in the intellectual history of the medieval West. During this period the development and expansion of schools located in urban centers took place at an accelerating pace. Within these schools, masters forged new tools for organizing, analyzing, and presenting materials for their students. Not only was the rich harvest gleaned from the writings of authorities from past centuries subjected to a more organized sifting and evaluation; the results of contemporary intellectual debate were incorporated into texts that made their way into the curricula of the schools. One can see the effects of this sifting, organizing, discussing, and presenting in a wide variety of works from the half-century: the theologicalsententiaefrom the “school” of Anselm of Laon and William of Champeaux, theaccessus ad auctoresliterature in the arts curriculum, theSic et nonof Abelard, collections of canon law, and glossed Bibles and biblical commentaries. Although the contents of these works are quite diverse, in general they were produced within a common cultural situation: the medieval school.
Propaganda of the Hundred Years War: Poems on the Battles of Crecy and Durham (1346): A Critical Edition
Authors: Rigg A. G.
Published: August 2016

The two poems edited here celebrate the English victories in 1346 over France (Crecy) and Scotland (Durham) in the early part of the Hundred Years War. Together with another on the siege of Calais in 1346–47 (Cantica leticie) they are by a writer I have labeled the “Anonymous of Calais.” They were first printed in 1859, but Wright's edition is flawed not only by errors of transcription and a clear failure to follow the sense (notably by accepting Valeys “Valois” at Crecy 272, where Kaleys “Calais” is essential), but also by his textual procedure, which implies that there was a single authorial original from which the manuscript witnesses deviated. I have tried to show here that there are two distinct versions, one an adaptation of the other.
Jewish Magic with a Christian Text: A Hebrew Translation of Ramon Llull'sArs Brevis
Authors: Hames Harvey J.
Published: August 2016

In July or August 1474 in Senigallia, a town on the coast of the Adriatic sea, a translation into Hebrew was completed of theArs brevis, a work by the medieval Christian philosopher, mystic, and missionary Ramon Llull. Within a couple of years, this translation had been copied a number of times, and from the colophon of one of these copies, it appears that this work was rated very highly by its Jewish readers as an aid for achieving mystical experience. Any interest shown by the adherents of one faith in the texts of another is important for shedding light on common intellectual interests and contacts. This translation is of especially great significance in that there appears to have been in Italy in the fifteenth century a circle of Jewish scholars willingly engaging with a Christian text in order to achieve divine illumination. Here, I will try to shed some light on this group of Jewish savants and to situate their interests within the wider context of the Renaissance.
Boethius of Dacia: ‘On the Highest Good’
Authors: Celano Anthony J.
Published: August 2016

The name Boethius of Dacia evokes today an image of a radical thinker, who championed the cause of philosophical freedom, even at the expense of his religious beliefs. His writings have earned him, together with his contemporary, Siger of Brabant, the title of leader of the ‘Latin Averroists’ or ‘Heterodox Aristotelians.’ Boethius’ treatise on the highest good has contributed greatly to the modern opinion of Boethius as a radical thinker. M. Grabmann, who rediscovered the De summo bono, considered the work to be a clear expression of the anti-Christian tendencies inherent in ‘Latin Averroism’; and P. Mandonnet saw the short treatise to be the most radical expression of a program of the natural life, the purest rationalism, and a total denial of the Christian order. More recently, this view has been modified by F. Van Steenberghen and his students, who argue that Boethius of Dacia is indeed a Christian thinker, and in no way excludes ‘supernatural beatitude’ from his notion of the highest good. They point out that, as a teacher of Aristotelian philosophy, Boethius’ main concern is the summum bonum which can be attained on earth. As a result, the De summo bono is a characteristic product of the Arts Faculty at Paris.
Some Aspects of Hellenism in the Early Greek Church Historians
Authors: Allen Pauline
Published: August 2016

Studies dealing with the attitudes of various writers of the patristic period towards Hellenism, including the aspect ofpaideia, have tended to concentrate, up to the present, on a specific writer or time-span. It is no accident that fourth-century writers have loomed large in recent investigations in this area, since the fourth century was pivotal in determining Christian attitudes to pagan literary traditions. Here it is my aim to draw attention not to a single writer or period but rather to the representatives of a Christian literary genre, and to discuss their stance with regard to Hellenism, in particularpaideia. My choice falls on the Greek ecclesiastical historians; although they have been scrutinised increasingly in the past twenty years, their collective attitude to Hellenic culture or Greek letters has not yet received a separate study. Those early Greek historical works that have survived to us more or less intact — the histories of Eusebius of Caesarea, Socrates Scholasticus, Sozomen, Theodoret of Cyrus, and Evagrius Scholasticus — provide us with a more reliable overall picture of the Hellenism of their composers than, for example, the fragmentaryChurch Historiesof Philostorgius and Theodore Lector; taken together, they give us at the same time a useful chronological spread from the early fourth to the late sixth century. The crucial questions to be posed are to what extent these writers deemed Hellenism to be compatible with ecclesiastical historiography, and how typical their perspective on Hellenism was of their own times. Where appropriate, we shall also try to ascertain how these church historians stand with regard to using classical citations and references in their narratives, how they view the classical past, and what their attitude is towards non-Greek culture.
Amnon and Thamar on a Misericord in Hereford Cathedral
Authors: Kaske R. E.
Published: August 2016

It is of course generally recognized that the carvings on medieval misericords, in England as elsewhere, are preponderantly secular in subject, including only a slight sprinkling of biblical and other religious motifs; according to a recent study, ‘only about 4.5 per cent of Britain's almost 8,600 surviving centrepieces and supporters have primarily religious significance, and 1.5 per cent are Scriptural, as compared with over twice that in France.’ To this basic situation we must add that of all medieval art forms, misericords are among those most completely lacking in context, and so are likely to be among the most mute about their own intended meanings. As M. D. Anderson remarks on another of their enigmatic aspects, ‘Between the clearly identifiable subjects and those as clearly not intended to convey any particular meaning lies a mass of work presenting a wide variety of iconographical puzzles’; and while she is referring to the difference between the purely decorative and the iconographically significant in any way, a similar no-man's land must surely be allowed to exist between the clearly non-biblical and the biblical or possibly biblical. An instructive example can be found in a fifteenth-century French misericord now in the church of St.-Cernin, which shows a ‘handsome dancing man with … oriental turban and earrings’ and is identified by its editors — attractively though by no means conclusively — as David dancing before the Lord in 2 Kings (Vulgate) 6.14–16.
Langland's Elusive Plowman
Authors: Overstreet Samuel A.
Published: August 2016

Among the persistent problems of Piers Plowman criticism, that of defining the meaning of the poem's title figure still holds a prominent place. The problem is largely one of finding or forging a unity out of the bewildering multiplicity of Piers's roles in the poem. Skeat, the poem's first modern editor, proposed three discrete meanings for Piers in three parts of the poem: in his first appearance (B 5–7) he is ‘the type of the ideal honest man’; in the second (B 15–18), Christ; in the third (B 19–20), Peter and his worthy successors in the papal office. Later critics, searching for a means of unifying these three, have fallen roughly into three traditions, each with its own approach to the ‘problem of Piers.’
The Scholia to Lucan in Beinecke MS 673
Authors: Werner Shirley
Published: August 2016

When Heloise took up the veil, she broke out through her tears into the lament of Cornelia from Lucan's Bellum civile (8.94–98). The story illustrates the extent to which the Bellum civile appealed to the imagination of its medieval readers. Indeed, evidence for the popularity of Lucan in the Middle Ages is abundant. Manuscripts of the work are listed in medieval library catalogues. Lucan was a standard author in the school curriculum from the tenth century. Quotations from Lucan are found not only in the works of Abelard and other writers, but in compilations of history, geography, and even natural science: the poet was regarded as a source for a wide range of knowledge.
The Epistle of James in ‘Inferno’ 26
Authors: Cornish Alison
Published: August 2016

The fundamental interpretative difficulty in cantos 26 and 27 of the Inferno, especially in recent years, has been to reconcile the diverse crimes of two characters as unlike each other as Ulysses and Guido da Montefeltro, by identifying one sin that would account for their common collocation in the eighth degree of the circle of fraud. Guido da Montefeltro, a relatively pedestrian brand of con artist and a near contemporary of Dante's, is dwarfed by his juxtaposition with the great hero of antiquity, Ulysses, whose epic adventure beyond the known world tends to trivialize any of his particular fraudulent acts enumerated by Dante's guide Virgil (Inf. 26.58–63). Classification is no idle issue, especially for a figure who, apart from his ancient notoriety, has enormous appeal for our own age, an attractiveness he acquired by the grace of the same literary creator who condemned him to hell. Dante's Ulysses, epitome of the most ambitious of secular aspirations — a believer, we might say, in the promise of science and technology, pioneer of research and exploration, and figurehead of enlightened humanism — burns in a tongue of flame as does Guido, a wily military strategist, little more than a common crook. Even if we can organize the various crimes of Ulysses and Guido under one heading of sin, the inescapable focus of both cantos is not on each character's lifetime of trickery but on the moment of his death, where the magnanimity of Ulysses and the pusillanimity of Guido appear most opposed. One of the harshest ironies of the Inferno is that such a gaping discrepancy in chronology, grandeur, historical importance, and apparent moral fiber can be cancelled out completely by a single form of torment. Such a stratification means, in other words, that from the divine perspective Ulysses and Guido are without differentiation.
Squaring the Circle:Paradiso33 and the Poetics of Geometry
Authors: Herzman Ronald B. , Towsley Gary W.
Published: August 2016

The last canto of Dante'sParadisobrings theCommediato an appropriately climactic end: to a point of closure matched by few or—as most Dantists would probably be willing to put it—any other works of art. One explanation for this is that what the ending reveals all but forces on the reader a retrospective look at the vast terrain that has come before. The richness of the end emerges from and folds back into the richness of the entire work. Thus the vision at the end constitutes an intense paradox. It is the climax of the journey but also its ground, its final cause but its formal cause as well. Everything that has come before can only be fully understood in terms of that final vision. Indeed, it has now become something of a commonplace in Dante studies to say that to finish reading theCommediais finally to be able to begin to read it.
Two Notes on Germanic Antiquity Today
Authors: Goffart Walter
Published: August 2016

The history of the early Germans is controversial terrain. This is known, though not invariably admitted. A few years ago, Klaus von See summed up the underlying predicament:

Germans (Deutsche) have it hard with the origins of their national past. The oldest texts are not indigenous; they stem from Latin and Greek authors — Tacitus, Ammianus Marcellinus, Procopius. If stone vestiges are sought, one mostly has to be content with Celtic and Roman remains…. Supplementary efforts are made to unearth authentic Germanic monuments in large parts of Old Norse [literature]… — it being readily overlooked that the Edda and the sagas bear witness not to Germanic antiquity, but to the Scandinavian early and high Middle Ages, [and were] only written long after Christianization. As a result, studies of the early Germans are a difficult terrain for historical science….
Apollo as a Chalcedonian: A New Fragment of a Controversial Work from Early Sixth-Century Constantinople
Authors: Daley Brian E.
Published: August 2016

It seems to have been something of a Christian commonplace, at the turn of the fifth century, to taunt the ancient pagan oracles for being unable to predict their own demise. “Where are the frightening and shadowy spectres of Hecate,” asked Gregory of Nazianzus in his Epiphany sermon of 380 or 381, “and the subterranean tricks and prophecies of Trophonius, or the mutterings of the oak of Dodona, or the sophistries of the Delphic tripod, or the prophetic drink of Castalia? The only thing they could not prophesy was this: their own falling into silence.” Commenting, some thirty years later, on the stinging challenge to the prophetic powers of the pagan gods in Isaiah 41:22, Jerome observed “that after the coming of Christ all the idols have fallen silent. Where is Delphic Apollo and Loxias, Delian and Clarian [Apollo], and the other idols that promised knowledge of the future and deceived mighty kings? Why were they able to foretell nothing about Christ, nothing about his apostles, nothing about the ruin and abandonment of their temples? If, then, they were not able to foretell their own downfall, how could they foretell the good or bad fortunes of others?”
Bede, Isidore, and theEpistola Cuthberti
Authors: McCready William D.
Published: August 2016

The observation has been made frequently enough in the recent and, indeed, not so recent scholarly literature to have assumed the status of a received truth: the Venerable Bede, esteemed for both his saintliness and his scholarship, simply did not like Isidore of Seville. Although Bede knew Isidore's major works, at least, and used them extensively, he was less respectful of Isidore, we are told, than he was of his other authorities. On only three occasions does he refer to Isidore by name, and each time it is to correct him. Part of the explanation, it has been suggested, lies in their sharply differing attitudes towards antique literary culture. Whereas Isidore was a product of the ancient world, says Riché, Bede decisively turned against its cultural and educational legacy, rejecting the approach, sanctioned by both Augustine and Gregory the Great, that enlisted the liberal arts in the service of Christian thought. He also, Riché goes on to say, was distrustful of the broadly-based scientific curiosity evinced in Isidore's works. Despite his acknowleged accomplishments, Bede's own scientific interests were, like those of other educated Anglo-Saxons, strictly limited. Natural philosophy writ large was suspect because of the irreligious aberrations to which it might lead. To C. W. Jones and a number of more recent commentators, the crux of the matter is Isidore's incompetence, not his excessive zeal. In Bede's view, Isidore simply did not work to a high enough standard. Hence he turned to other authorities, scarcely containing his disdain of the Sevillian. “The weakness of Isidore's treatment of cycles is manifest to the elementary student,” Jones points out; “it would be more than irritating to Bede.”
An English Grammar School ca. 1450: Latin Exercises from Exeter (Caius College MS 417/447, folios 16v–24v)
Authors: Orme Nicholas
Published: August 2016

Our knowledge of school education in medieval England has been immeasurably advanced during the last fifty years or so by the study of school textbooks. When the topic of medieval English schools was first identified in the 1890s, by A. F. Leach and others, it centered chiefly on their organization. Scholars collected references to their existence and continuity, together with the rather sparse records of their constitutions, masters, and pupils. Then, in the 1940s, the late R. W. Hunt drew attention to the manuscripts by which Latin and English were taught and studied in schools, a source that has since been explored by other writers. The study of manuscripts, it is now clear, enables us to understand much of what the schools taught, to gauge better the objectives and standards of school education, and to measure the similarities and differences between schools. Some of the surviving manuscripts cannot be attributed to particular schools, masters, or pupils, and therefore form a guide to education only in general. Others can be more exactly located. Dr. David Thomson, who has studied twenty-four fifteenth-century school manuscripts that contain material in Latin and English, is able to link at least half to particular schools, including Basingwerk Abbey (north Wales), Battlefield College (Shropshire), Beccles (Suffolk), Eton College (Bucks.), Exeter (Devon), St. Anthony's School (London), Magdalen College School (Oxford), St. Albans (Herts.), and Winchester College (Hants.). Other manuscripts can be attributed to Barlinch Priory (Somerset), Newgate School Bristol (Gloucs.), and Lincoln or its vicinity. This is a wide selection of places, geographically and institutionally. There are schools connected with monasteries (Barlinch and Basingstoke), fee-paying town grammar schools (Beccles, Exeter, and St. Albans), and the free grammar schools endowed during the later Middle Ages, such as Eton, St. Anthony's London, Magdalen College Oxford, and Winchester.
A Newly Discovered Witness of Fishacre's Sentences-Commentary: University of Chicago MS 156
Authors: Jewett Margareth , Long R. James
Published: August 2016

A manuscript in the collection of the University of Chicago, which is labeled in the catalogue as Promptuarium homileticum, has turned out on closer inspection to be a partial copy of Richard Fishacre's Commentary on the Sentences of Peter Lombard, the first such commentary composed at Oxford. Bearing the eighteenth-century bookplate of Edward Browne and the 1792 bookplate of the executors of the estate of Thomas Eyre, the manuscript, now catalogued as University of Chicago MS 156, was purchased from Percy Dobell and Son by Shirley Farr, class of 1904, and donated to the university in 1926. The source of the title Promptuarium homileticum can be traced back at least as far as the dealer's listing, which was subsequently tipped into the manuscript and copied uncritically by Seymour De Ricci in his 1935 Census of Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts in the United States and Canada.
Margin as Archive: The Liturgical Marginalia of a Manuscript of the Old English Bede
Authors: Keefer Sarah Larratt
Published: August 2016

Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 41 contains the B-text of the Old English Bede, and a sizeable body of marginalia that includes a substantial amount of liturgy. The main text is in a large format but remains incomplete in some of its artwork; it was copied in two parts by two different scribes in the early eleventh century and supplied with various decorated initials, not all of them finished. The book was given by Bishop Leofric to Exeter between 1050 and 1072. It is not immediately apparent whether the liturgical addenda were copied there or done earlier at some other center, but the nature of the marginalia suggests that the additions were made, as was perhaps the book itself, in a provincial scriptorium of no great size. The use of the margins of the text indicates a shortage of available vellum, thus suggesting that the original text of the Old English Bede may have been made for a smaller center with a minimal library, or possibly for an individual.
L'époque préchrétienne dans l'Histoire Ecclésiastiqued'Eusèbe de Césarée
Authors: Krivouchine Ivan
Published: August 2016

L'ouvrage principal d'Eusèbe de Césarée narre l'histoire des trois premiers siècles de l'ère chrétienne, c'est-à -dire la période comprise entre l'Avènement du Christ et le triomphe de Constantin le Grand. Pourtant l'historien ecclésiastique ne manque pas de s'arrêter sur l'é poque préchrétienne allant d'Adam à l'Incarnation.
Bacaudae: A Reconsideration
Authors: Minor Clifford E.
Published: August 2016

The insurrectionists of Gaul and Spain who were known as the Bacaudae/Bagaudae constitute one of the more intriguing yet obscure anti-Roman resistance movements of the later Roman Empire. Establishing the correct spelling and meaning of their name may help in identifying them. Many scholars have concluded that ‘Bagaudae' is the correct form because of its association with the Celtic rootbág(fight) and the fact that the Bacaudae were ‘warriors' or ‘fighters' whom the Romans regarded as ‘rebels'. Here it will be argued that the form ‘Bacaudae' precedes the form ‘Bagaudae' and that all hypotheses about the Bacaudae based on G-form of their name must be revised.
The ‘Life’ of St. Peter of Argos and Its Historical Significance
Authors: Vasiliev A.
Published: August 2016

The Life of the Peloponnesian saint, Peter of Argos, which was first published in the original Greek in 1888, is very little known in spite of its historical interest. If I am not mistaken, I was the first among scholars to make use of it, in 1898 in my Russian study, The Slavs in Greece. In 1908 a monograph in Modern Greek came out in Athens on the subject of Peter of Argos, written by Ch. Papaoi-konomos: . This monograph has remained entirely unknown to European scholars; strangely enough, it was mentioned neither in the detailed bibliography of the Byzantinische Zeitschrift, nor in the Vizantisky Vremennik, nor in the , where Greek publications are listed with reasonable accuracy. For myself, I was unable to find the book anywhere in America, and it was only recently that I received it directly from Greece. Since 1915 the indefatigable Greek scholar Nikos A. Bees has employed the Life of Peter of Argos in several studies, of which I shall speak later. Up to this time, nothing on the Life of Peter of Argos has been written in English.
Saint Thomas More and France
Authors: Delcourt Joseph
Published: August 2016

Perhaps this article had best begin with an apology. One need not be very conversant with the biography of St. Thomas to know that the points of contact between him and France were comparatively few and that he never was particularly attracted towards a country long the enemy of his own. And still, even before the points of contact did exist, very little experience could not fail to teach him that France was no negligible factor in the affairs of the world and that whether he liked it or not, he could not ignore her thought or her politics. As years passed by, he had opportunities to pay the neighboring nation occasional visits, he made the personal acquaintance of some of her more or less eminent representatives, and a time came when he had to discuss State matters for his country with a few of them. That was not all, and almost on his last day, at the solemn hour of his trial, the name of France was on his lips. These few facts seem sufficient proof to the present writer that his country cannot have left his favorite saint indifferent (Ch. I), and he feels the more drawn towards an inquiry into the matter as he is sure that his favorite saint, in turn, is far from having left some at least of his compatriots indifferent in the course of the last four centuries (Ch. II).
Prehospital Care of Orthopedic Injuries
Authors: Melamed Eitan , Blumenfeld Amir , Kalmovich Boaz , Kosashvili Yona , Lin Guy , Korngreen Amir , Mirowsky Igal , Mosheiff Rami , Robinson Dror , Salai Moshe
Published: August 2016

Orthopedic injuries are predominant among combat casualties, and carry the potential for significant morbidity. An expert consensus process (Prehospital care of military orthopedic trauma: A consensus meeting, Israel Defense Forces Medical Corps, May 2003) was used to create guidelines for the treatment of these injuries by military prehospital providers. The consensus treatment guidelines developed by experienced orthopedic trauma personnel from leading trauma centers in Israel are presented in this paper.

For victims with open fractures, the first priority is hemorrhage control. Splinting, irrigation, and wound care should be performed while waiting for transport, or, in any scenario, in the case of an isolated limb injury. The use of traction splints was advocated for both the rapid transport scenario (up to one hour from the time of injury to arrival at the hospital) and the delayed transport scenario. In the urban setting, traction splints may not be necessary. Any victim experiencing pelvic pain following a high-energy mechanism of injury should be presumed to have an unstable pelvic fracture, and a sheet should be tied around the pelvis. The panel agreed that field-reduction of dislocations should be avoided by the medical officer unless it is anticipated that the patient will need to go through a long evacuation chain and the medical officer is familiar with specific reduction techniques.
Do Pediatric and Adult Disaster Victims Differ? A Descriptive Analysis of Clinical Encounters from Four Natural Disaster DMAT Deployments
Authors: Gnauck Katherine A. , Nufer Kevin E. , LaValley Jonathon M. , Crandall Cameron S. , Craig Frances W. , Wilson-Ramirez Gina B.
Published: August 2016

Objectives:

The differences between pediatric (≤17 years of age) and adult clinical field encounters were analyzed from four deployments of Disaster Medical Assistance Teams(DMATs).

Methods:

A retrospective cohort review of all patients who presented to DMAT field clinics during two hurricanes, one earthquake, and one flood was conducted. Descriptive statistics were used to analyze: (1) age; (2) gender; (3) severity category level; (4) chief complaint; (5) treatments provided; (6) discharge diagnosis; and (7) disposition. Five subsets of pediatric patients were analyzed further.

Results:

Of the 2,196 patient encounters reviewed, 643 (29.5%) encounters were pediatric patients. Pediatric patients had a greater number of blank severity category levels than adults. Pediatric patients also were: (1) more likely to present with chief complaints of upper respiratory infections or wounds; (2) less likely to present with musculoskeletal pain or abdominal pain; and (3) equally likely to present with rashes. Pediatric patients were more likely to receive antibiotics, pain medication, and antihistamines, but were equally likely to need treatment for wounds. Dispositions to the hospital were less frequent for pediatric patients than for adults.

Conclusions:

Pediatric patients represent a substantial proportion of disaster victims at DMAT field clinics. They often necessitate special care requirements different from their adult counterparts. Pediatric-specific severity category criteria, treatment guidelines, equipment/medication stocks, and provider training are warranted for future DMAT response preparations.
KAMEDO Report No. 85: Collapse of Building during Wedding Reception in Jerusalem, 2001
Authors: Michel Per-Plof , Sylvan Anders , Brändström Helge , Magnusson Eva
Published: August 2016

What is now known as the “Versailles Disaster” began as a wedding celebration in Jerusalem on 24 May 2001. The reception was held in the third floor banqueting hall of a hotel, the floor of which subsequently collapsed, crashing through the second and first floors of the building. Four hundred people fell with the floor, and 310 injured people were evacuated using the scoop-and-run principle. The total number of dead was 23, which was less than mighthave been expected. Israel's on-site disaster management system of giving control to the first paramedic on the scene appeared to work well; however, the other emergency services did not act in coordination with the paramedics. The hospitals managed patients efficiently and social workers were mobilized quickly to assist people experiencing psychological trauma.
KAMEDO Report No. 88: Floods in the Czech Republic and Southeastern Germany, 2002
Authors: Näsman Ulla , Zetterberg Randén Birgit , Brändström Helge
Published: August 2016

Severe flooding in August 2002 devastated villages, towns, large areas of arable land, streets, roads, and industrial areas in the Czech Republic and Southeastern Germany. In the Czech Republic, 48,000 people were evacuated from Prague.Due to electrical outages, communication and the care of hospital patients suffered. Sanitation services and refuse collection also were not available, which increased the potential for the spread of disease. In Germany, five hospitals required evacuation. Electrical outages were problematic here as well, and it is recommended that the procedures for the longdistance transportation of a large number of severely ill or injured people be clarified in national plans.