bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Characterisation in Greek Tragedy
Authors: Garton C.
Published: May 2006

The editorial introduction to a Greek play will often include a section on the characters, in which their various traits are collected into a series of sketches. There may be sketches not only of the main characters but of minor, anonymous personages together with a sort of collective sketch of the chorus, and they are commonly made without fuss or discussion of critical theory. There has, of course, both here and in general books on the tragedians, always been room for differences of interpretation: as to whether, for example, Pentheus is moral or prurient. It is round such differences that discussion revolves, and the arguments have been heated enough. Why is the Aeschylean Agamemnon made to tread the purple carpet? Professor Thomson suggests that it is by reason of Clytemnestra's irresistible feminine charm. But since this charm, so far from being explicitly attested, is only an inference from three lines of dialogue; since the king has said a little earlier (in Thomson's own translation):

Seek not to unman me with effeminate

Graces and barbarous salaams agape

In grovelling obeisance at my feet—

from which any susceptibility to Clytemnestra's charm seems singularly absent; since, moreover, he has brought with him a concubine who is—

of many chattels the elect flower,

—one might be tempted to maintain that even if the charm is accepted as a help towards interpretation, there must be other reasons also for Agamemnon's acting as he does. Very well, you may say, modify the sketch to suit your taste.
The Struggle for the Tripod and the First Sacred War
Authors: Parke H. W. , Boardman John
Published: May 2006

The purpose of this article is to try to show that the legend of the rape of the Delphic tripod by Herakles became associated as symbolic with the First Sacred War and that this association is a chief factor in the great popularity of that subject in late archaic art.

We should begin with the First Sacred War itself, an event whose historical importance is inadequately matched by the quality of our literary sources. The earliest account of it occurs in Aeschines' speech against Ktesiphon (iii. 107 ff.), where he introduced the subject because it provided the theological justification for the line which he had taken when attending the meeting of the Delphic Amphictyony in the autumn of 340. So it is not a simple narrative, but a tendentious statement, carefully designed to bring out the points which suited the orator's case. At the same time it has real value as historical evidence, because it is based to some extent on an ancient stele, a memorial of the war, to whose text Aeschines had referred in his original speech at Delphi. A copy of the inscription was read to the jury, and the extant speech contains quotations and paraphrases of portions of it.
Euripides and the Athenians
Authors: Stevens P. T.
Published: May 2006

The general view of the relationship between Euripides and his fellow citizens which seems at present to hold the field received its most recent, most extreme, and most eloquent expression in the Introduction to Professor D. L. Page's edition of the Medea. Here we read: ‘Foreshadowed, too, already in Medea is that great burden of unpopularity which was to oppress the poet throughout his life. The sequel was the ridicule and hatred which Aristophanes reflects: the climax was his voluntary exile to Macedonia in sorrow and disillusion. Euripides was not the only teacher whom the Athenians persecuted, though they returned to him again and again, admiring while they hated, moved while they mocked and slandered.’ After quoting vv. 292 ff., where Medea speaks of the φθόνος incurred by those with a reputation for σοφία, Page continues, ‘History traces a single undeviating line from this passage of Medea through the bitter pages of Aristophanes to the final scene of an old man wandering out into the world friendless and embittered.’ A similar picture had already been presented by Wilamowitz and Murray; though Wilamowitz, in his critical account of the life of Euripides published in 1899, thinks that it was chiefly in the last period of his life in Athens, from the production of the Troades in 415, that the tension between Euripides and his countrymen became acute, and Murray similarly notes as a significant point the production of the Troades, which ‘set a flame of discord for ever between his people and himself’. Of his last years in Athens Murray writes, ‘Whatever the cause, shortly after the production of the Orestes in 408 the old poet's endurance snapped, and at the age apparently of seventy-six, he struck off into voluntary exile.’ The general picture, then, is of Euripides spending the last twenty-five years of his life in Athens, especially from 415 onwards, in an atmosphere of increasing isolation, unpopularity, and persecution, shot through with occasional gleams of approbation, until in 408 the tension became unendurable and he left Athens in voluntary exile.
A convention of metamorphosis in Greek art
Authors: Davies Malcolm
Published: May 2006

As part of his recent study of ‘Narration and allusion in Archaic Greek Art’, Professor A. M. Snodgrass has cause to treat of the famous Attic black-figure vase which depicts Circe handing a cup containing her sinister brew to one of Odysseus’ sailors. She is stirring it with her wand the while, and yet this sailor, and three companions besides, have already been transformed into various animals (or at least his head, and their heads and arms have been). Professor Snodgrass has no difficulty in explaining the apparent simultaneity of separate events here and elsewhere on this vase-painting as relating to what he calls the ‘synoptic’ technique of early Greek Art, that familiar device whereby several successive episodes in a narrative are presented together within the same picture. And he is inclined towards a similar line of explanation as regards the partial transformation of Odysseus’ ἑταῖροι: the artist ‘wished to express the passage of time by indicating a half-way stage in the transformation’.
ΛΗΚΥΘΙΟΝ and ΑΥΤΟΛΗΚΥΘΟΣ
Authors: Anderson Graham
Published: May 2006

In recent years there have been several attempts to find support for a sexual interpretation of ληκύθιον ἀπώλεσεν at Aristophanes Frogs 1198–1248. It would add real point to the discomfiture of Euripides and his predictable prologues if his heroes were to lose their virility every time they lost their lekythia. But the matter has been hotly contested, and the linking of this problem with the mysterious αὐτολήκυθοι of Demosthenes liv 14–17 has compounded confusion in both passages. I shall discuss them separately in the first instance.

I

Two main objections are advanced by Jeffrey Henderson2 to a phallic lekythion in the Frogs: apart from the absence of unequivocal literary parallels, the context does not call for it, and the standard shapes of lekythia do not resemble male genitals anyway.
Herakles at the Ends of the Earth
Authors: Pinney Gloria Ferrari , Ridgway Brunilde Sismondo
Published: May 2006

Representations of Helios in his chariot rising above the sea begin toward the end of the sixth century B.C., with a small series of black-figure vases, mostly lekythoi. Five of them have been interpreted as illustrations of the myth of Herakles and the Golden Bowl of the Sun. In Pherekydes' version of the story, Herakles, vexed by the burning rays, threatened Helios with his arrows, and obtained the god's golden vessel to sail the Ocean to the land of Geryon. Although the correspondence of the picture to the story is not literal, in fact largely limited to the cast of characters, such an interpretation is plausible for four vases.

On the lekythos in Athens by the Daybreak Painter, Herakles is crouching on a spur of ground which seems to emerge from the waves; he looks at the Sun in apparent awe. The scenes on the skyphos by the Theseus Painter in Taranto are akin to the Athenian piece: on one side Herakles rushes up the steep ground, on the other he sits on the rocky outline, his right hand gesturing toward the Sun. On a third vase, a lekythos in Cambridge, and on a fourth in Oxford, both Herakles and Athena are depicted on either side of Helios; on the Cambridge lekythos Herakles is actually striding toward the Sun, lifting the bow in his right hand. Only in this case can Herakles' attitude be taken as a threat; on all four vessels, however, the hero and the Sun look at each other, as if an exchange were to take place soon, and so are shown as the actors of the scene.
‘Epoiesen’ on Greek Vases: Other Considerations
Authors: Robertson Martin
Published: May 2006

Professor R. M. Cook has performed a valuable service by raising again the question of the meaning of this word in this context. He finds that the weight of argument goes against the view that it means ‘fashioned with his own hands,’ in favour of its implying ownership of the workshop from which the vessel issued. In the end I disagree with Professor Cook, but the evidence is difficult to evaluate and appears contradictory, and certainly does not justify an unquestioning acceptance of the first interpretation. There are perhaps a few more general observations to be made, and a few points on which his remarks require modification.

1. The position of those who interpret the word as ‘fashioned’ is not always quite so unquestioning as he seems to suggest. Beazley wrote in Potter and Painter in Ancient Athens (1944): ‘Two explanations have been offered for the epoiese-signature. One, that it gives the name of the potter, the man who fashioned the vase; the other, that it gives no more than the owner of the establishment from which the vase came. At one time I held it more prudent to adopt the second explanation: but I now believe that, in general, the first explanation is the right one: Ευφρονιος εποιεσεν means that Euphronios fashioned the vase with his own hands.’

2. Professor Cook writes that he knows only three vases which bear the same name with both egrapsen and epoiesen: two by Exekias and one by Douris.
Helen, her Name and Nature
Authors: Skutsch Otto
Published: May 2006

To put forward ideas on the name and nature of Helen may seem hazardous. As to her name, Chantraine's ‘il est vain de chercher une étymologic’ is fair warning, and as to her nature, the views of Wilamowitz and Martin Nilsson, diametrically opposed as they are, reveal the uncertainty of the evidence. Nevertheless an attempt to outline the problems shall be made, and if any solutions are proposed, it must be understood that they are meant to be tentative.
The oath at A.P. v. 245.3
Authors: Keaveney Arthur , Madden John A.
Published: May 2006

An epigram in the Greek Anthology (A.P. v 245) by Macedonius Consul goes as follows:

The oath here (line 3), τρισὶν ὥμοσα πέτραις, has no precise parallel in antiquity and has, accordingly, puzzled commentators. Emendation was one solution.
Two notes on τέλος and related words in the Oresteia
Authors: Goldhill Simon
Published: May 2006

τελεσϕόρος in these lines is translated by LSJ as ‘one having the management or ordering’ and this sense of ‘being in command’, ‘having authority’ from the use of τέλος as ‘authority’, ‘magistracy’ (LSJ I 3 and 4) is followed by Sidgwick, Tucker, Verrall, Lloyd-Jones and others going back to the scholiast who glosses the term ἀρχηγός, διοικητής. τελεσϕόρος here, however, picks up in particular two significant earlier uses of the word in this play, at two moments, such as this, of high tension (212, Orestes’ first announcement of himself to Electra; 541, Orestes’ first statement of his predictive dream-analysis and plan of revenge) and it goes beyond, as I shall argue, the reductive reading of the scholia, lexica, commentators, and translators.
Νημερτής τ' ἐρόεσσα μελάγκουρός τ' Άσάϕεια
Authors: Janssen Tjitte H.
Published: May 2006

In frr. 122B and 123B (DK) Empedocles mentions a series of opposite personifications, e.g. Beauty and Ugliness (122.3), Movement and Rest (123.2); the last pair mentioned in fr. 122 is Nemertes–Asapheia.
For the Heroes are at Hand
Authors: Pinney G. Ferrari
Published: May 2006

The study of animal behavior is a newcomer to the interpretation of the rites and symbols of classical antiquity. Here its promise to produce new insights into old questions is fully matched by the threat of ready-made frames, into which scant and fragile fragments of evidence can only too easily be fitted.
The origins of the Greek lexicon:Ex Oriente Lux
Authors: Szemerényi O.
Published: May 2006

1. For more than two thousand years research into the origins of the Greek lexicon had been understood and carried on in the spirit exemplified but also mocked in the Platonic Kratylos. The revolutionary change came in the early nineteenth century when after many inspired guesses Franz Bopp (1791–1867) finally and definitively proved in 1816 that Greek, in company with many European languages, derived, like Indian and Iranian, from one prehistoric ancestor, the whole family being dubbedIndo-Europeanby the well-known physician and physicist, Dr Thomas Young, in 1813, three years before the publication of Bopp's work. But the first true etymologist was August Friedrich Pott (1802–87) who with the two volumes of hisEtymologische Forschungen, published in 1833 and 1836 respectively, laid the foundations of Indo-European, and therewith also Greek, etymology.

Throughout the nineteenth century, and even down to our own days, the main emphasis has been on the IE origins of the Greek vocabulary.
Sickle andXyele
Authors: Anderson J. K.
Published: May 2006

Mr John Boardman's suggestion that the sickles dedicated to Artemis Orthia at Sparta were used as strigils is most enlightening, and perhaps I may be allowed to find support in it for a theory that I have advanced elsewhere, that this form of sickle is theξυήληof Xenophon,Anabasisiv 7.16; iv 8.25. It is true that the dedicating inscriptions never use the wordξυήλη.The sickle is only named twice, being calledδρέπανονonce and onceδρϵπάνη.But this may be explained by the late date of all the inscriptions.Ξυήληis only found in the two passages already cited from Xenophon, in the lexicographers (Hesychius and the Souda s-v.), who also give the Doric formξνάλη, and in Xenophon'sCyropaedia(vi 2.32), where it means a spokeshave for smoothing the shafts of spears. It is probable that the word was obsolete even at Sparta in the Hellenistic period, and that even in Xenophon's time it was not in common use throughout Greece. Pollux (i 137) mentions the Laconian ξυΐνη in a list of weapons, includingδρϵπάνηandδορνδρέπανον, and this misspelling (more probably that of a scribe writing from dictation than Pollux's own) does indicate the unfamiliarity of the word.
The karchesion of Herakles
Authors: Boardman John
Published: May 2006

Athenaeus (474e) quotes the description of the karchesion cup by Kallixeinos of Rhodes, a third-century B.C. author: ‘a tall cup, slightly contracted at the middle with handles which extend down to the base’. Scholars have easily recognised in this a variety of kantharos, a cup with two vertical handles and either with a low foot or the footless sessile, both types current in Kallixeinos' day. The ordinary kantharos in its Classical form, with a stem and high-swung handles, may have derived its name, shared with the scarab beetle, from the wing-like appearance of the handles rather than from its overall similarity to a boat, which is one of the other meanings of the word (Ath. 473d–474c). It is doubtful whether Greek usage was ever very precise in these matters but ‘karchesion’ was probably reserved for the footless variety regardless of handle shape.
Androtion F 6: τότє πρῶτον
Authors: Chambers Mortimer
Published: May 2006

Androtion, FGrH 324 F 6, and Aristotle, Ath. Pol. 22, seem to differ about the date when ostracism was introduced in Athens. But the words τότє πρῶτον in the text of Androtion have been attacked as unsatisfactory Greek. I hold that, on the contrary, they are perfectly acceptable and idiomatic.

For reference, I cite the text of Androtion, which is quoted in the lexicon of Harpocration, and of Aristotle.

Harpocration, s.v. Ἵππαρχος … ἄλλος δέ ἐστιν Ἵππαρχος ὁ Χάρμου … περὶ δὲ τούτου Ἀνδροτίων ἐν τῇ β̄ φησὶν ὅτι συγγενὴς ἦν Πεισιστράτου τοῦ τυράννου καὶ πρῶτος ἐξωστρακίσθη, τοῦ περὶ τὸν ὀστρακισμὸν νόμου τότε πρῶτον τεθέντος διὰ τὴν ὑποψίαν τῶν περὶ Πεισίστρατον, ὅτι δημαγωγὸς ὢν καὶ στρατηγὸς ἐτυράννησεν.
The Tribes of the Thirty Tyrants
Authors: Whitehead David
Published: May 2006

Through the kindness of D. M. Lewis I was recently able to study a photocopy of R. Loepcr, ‘The Thirty Tyrants ’, Zhurnal Ministerstva Narodnago Prosveshcheniya (May 1896) 90–101―an examination, principally, of the list of the Thirty in Xen. Hell, ii 3.2.1 It seems worthwhile to publicise the outcome of this scrutiny, for four reasons: (a) Since its first appearance 80 years ago Loeper's main thesis―albeit in simplified form: see (c), and below―has exerted enormous influence upon students of prosopography, of the political organisation of post-Kleisthenic Attika, and of the regime of the Thirty.
Herakles, Peisistratos and Eleusis
Authors: Boardman John
Published: May 2006

In RA 1972, 57–72 (‘Herakles, Peisistratos and Sons’) I tried to demonstrate that the exceptional popularity of Herakles in Athenian art of the Peisistratan period was due to some degree of deliberate identification between tyrant and hero, both appearing as special protégés of the goddess Athena, and that this association was mirrored by certain changes and innovations in the iconographic tradition of Herakles as represented on Athenian, and only Athenian, works of art of those years. The most explicit association was expressed in Peisistratos' return to Athens after his second exile, in a chariot accompanied by a mock Athena (Hdt. i, 60). This episode was mirrored by or inspired a change in the usual iconography of Herakles' Introduction to Olympus by Athena, on foot, to a version in which the hero is shown with the goddess in a chariot. Taken with other evidence of Athenian interest in the hero, their priority in accepting him as a god and promotion of his worship, which can plausibly be attributed to this same time, and a number of other scenes which seemed likely to reflect some political rather than purely narrative interest, the case appeared to the writer strong, though circumstantial, and in the total absence of any indications in surviving literary sources it was not possible to judge, except in the light of common sense, which parts of the case were strongest, which better discarded.
Who was the teacher of the Pan Painter?
Authors: Sourvinou-Inwood Christiane
Published: May 2006

The study of the relationships between artistic personalities is considered by some a futile self-indulgence in irrelevant art-history. Beazley's lexicographical work provided a prosopographical, and therefore also chronological, framework for the use of the evidence provided by Attic vase-painting. Additions and further refinements are necessary, as Liddell and Scott Supplements are necessary. But the investigation of relationships between artists, such as the exploration of teacher-pupil connexions, is frequently believed to provide no more than a sterile piece of information of narrow interest. This view is, I think, wrong, for an investigation of this type can also shed light on problems of a wider interest at three levels.

Firstly, the understanding of the groupings of artists by workshops, and of the relationships between workshops, is relevant to the study of Athenian social and economic history, since vase-manufacture was one of Athens' most important craft-industries. The study of the ‘Origins’ of an artist, with which I will be concerned here, can sometimes—especially if these origins are complex—throw some light on the early phases of the career-struct ure of Attic vase-painters. Thus it could also provide an example, of however limited validity, of the early structure of a classical Athenian craft-apprenticeship.
Meniskoi and the Birds
Authors: Maxmin Jody
Published: May 2006

Mentior at si quid, merdis caput inquiner albis corvorum, atque in me veniat mictum atque cacatum Iulius et fragilis Pediatia furque Voranus.

Horace, Satires I, viii, 37–9.

The years following the liberation of Greece from Turkish rule in 1833 witnessed what was perhaps the greatest display of industry on the Athenian Acropolis since the Periclean building programme. In 1837 the Greek Archaeological Society was founded for the purpose of carrying out a systematic if unscientific excavation of the Acropolis down to the classical level. The excavators sought first to clear the area of the Turkish buildings and accumulated débris which cluttered the surface, and then to work on the partial restoration of the ancient buildings: the Parthenon, the Propylaea and the Erechtheum.
Sparta's role in the First Peloponnesian War
Authors: Holladay A. J.
Published: May 2006

Thucydides' brief account of the events which have come to be known as the First Peloponnesian War has left considerable doubts about Sparta's precise role. Her first clearly attested expedition is that to help Doris in 458 or 457, but fighting had been going on for some two or three years before this and several members of the Peloponnesian League were involved in it. The question is whether Sparta and her League as a whole were also involved, and if so, from what date. Scholars have taken differing views on this problem and one of the most recent, and important, treatments of it firmly advocates an early commitment to war by Sparta and her League. It is the purpose of this paper to suggest a different interpretation of the evidence and to claim that it is one which fits better into the context of Spartan behaviour throughout the whole period c. 460–445 B.C.
Notes on Greek tragedy, II
Authors: Stinton T. C. W.
Published: May 2006

So Pearson. The strange series of hypodochmiacs here and atO.T.1207 ff. (cf.E.Or.982–4), with brevis in longo without pause atAj.421 andO.T.1208 (possibly also 1217), seems metrically self-contained, despite their syntactical interdependence (esp.Aj.421–2οὐκέτ' ἄνδρα μὴ | τόνδ' ἴδητ', so that the word-overlap ofοἷονinto iambics in Pearson's text is unlikely.ἑξερῶ μέγαshould therefore be writtenplena scriptura. Thenοἷον οὔτιν' ἁ Τροί|α στρατοῦ…is possible, but the ithyphallic with word-overlap, sometimes found in the syncopated iambics of Aeschylus, is foreign to Sophocles. Divideἐξερῶ μέγα, | οἷον οὔτινα | Τροία…Thenϕίλοι τοῖσδ' ὁμοῦ = οἷον οὔτινα, i.e.δ= hyp., which is not certainly found, and the antistrophe has two syllables extra.
Tragic form and feeling in theIliad
Authors: Rutherford R. B.
Published: May 2006

These hours of backward clearness come to all men and women, once at least, when they read the past in the light of the present, with the reasons of things, like unobserved finger-posts, protruding where they never saw them before. The journey behind them is mapped out, and figured with its false steps, its wrong observations, all its infatuated, deluded geography.

Henry James,The Bostonians, ch. xxxix

This paper is intended to contribute to the study of both Homer and Greek tragedy, and more particularly to the study of the influence of the epic upon the later poets. The current revival of interest among English scholars in the poetic qualities of the Homeric poems must be welcomed by all who care for the continuing survival and propagation of classical literature. The renewed emphasis on the validity of literary criticism as applied to presumably oral texts may encourage a more positive appreciation of the subtlety of Homeric narrative techniques, and of the coherent plan which unifies each poem. The aim of this paper is to focus attention on a number of elements in Greek tragedy which are already present in Homer, and especially on the way in which these poets exploit the theme of knowledge—knowledge of one's future, knowledge of one's circumstances, knowledge of oneself. Recent scholarship on tragedy has paid much more attention to literary criticism in general and to poetic irony in particular: these insights can also illuminate the epic. Conversely, the renewed interest in Homer's structural and thematic complexity should also enrich the study of the tragedians, his true heirs.
Evidence for the Date of Herodotus' Publication
Authors: Fornara Charles W.
Published: May 2006

In this paper I contest the usually accepted terminus for the date of the publication of Herodotus' Histories, namely, just prior to the production of the Acharnians in February 425. I argue instead that Herodotus survived the Archidamian War—basically a return, this, to the position taken until the middle of the last century, especially in Germany, before the work of Schoell, Kirchoff and then Meyer and Jacoby. Further, I suggest that he published at a date close to 414 B.C. or, at least, that his Histories reached the Athenian public at around that time. Since even the orthodox date for his publication (426 or so) figures in the constructions of modern scholars merely as a literary curiosity devoid of significance—such are the preconceptions dominating our notion of Herodotus' ‘era’—a reconsideration of this question needs no apology if it serves the purpose of directing attention to a matter vitally affecting our interpretation of this author.

First, a general observation. In seeking for external evidence to establish the date of the publication of Herodotus' Histories, we need to distinguish between possible and certain echoes of Herodotus in the works of others. The question must constantly be asked whether any allusion we have isolated presupposes and requires the knowledge of Herodotus' work on the part of the contemporary audience. For otherwise we could be misled by a coincidence or we could reach a false conclusion because some point of specific knowledge eludes us. Of the latter the famous parallel in the Antigone of Sophocles (909 ff. with Herodotus iii 119) provides a notable example. If Herodotus had been just a little more strict with himself in avoiding allusions to his own time, who would not suppose that his work had been published prior to 441? What we require, therefore, is material which is calculated to evoke Herodotus himself—the special characteristics of the man and his Histories—so as to leave in no doubt a general familiarity with his work on the part of others.
Double and Multiple Representations in Greek Art and Religious Thought
Authors: Price Theodora Hadzisteliou
Published: May 2006

Greek theology and its canonical iconography have not been studied nearly as much as the Byzantine, although the religious character of pagan art is no less pronounced. When it is studied it is mostly in the representations on the vases. Sculpture, however, in particular terra-cotta and ivory figurines and plaques, and votive offerings in sanctuaries, offers a wide scope for such a study. Greek piety created some standard forms of votive offerings such as the crouching child, the protome, male or female, the seated or standing woman, sometimes exactly identifiable from the attributes.

A standard type of votive offering, perhaps not as common as the single figure, is that of reliefs, statuettes and statues representing two, or sometimes more, female figures, identical or slightly differentiated, traditionally explained as Demeter and Kore or the Nymphs.

The topic has been treated variously since the early nineteenth century, in isolated examples, or regional and other groups. There is no treatment of it in its entirety in the Greek world, and not much progress has been made in the subject since the basic nineteenth-century treatises. Moreover, in the above publications, never cited in more recent works, one finds some very sound approaches and knowledge of the textual evidence. However, in these early publications the material is mostly Classical, or Hellenistic and Roman. In some of the cases of double figures discussed in them, the duplication, rather than ‘doubleness’, is more apparent than real because the attributes are repeated and are those of the unique war goddess Athena, or the equally unique Tyche or Fortuna. However, the case is not always so, especially in archaic or earlier times, and it gets even more complicated when the figures are not two but three and sometimes more, even up to nine. The repeating of figures, often under one mantle, as diad, triad, etc., could be explained as multiplication of a figure by the folk-mind (mythology), followed by the Greek artists, thus creating the Eileithyiai, Horai, Charites, Muses, etc. Modern scholars have insisted on trying to identify in all of them Demeter and Kore, the female diad par excellence.
The Second Stasimon of the Oedipus Tyrannus
Authors: Winnington-Ingram R. P.
Published: May 2006

The Second Stasimon holds a central position in the play. It follows the elaborate preparatory scenes and immediately precedes the rapid march of the action towards its catastrophe. The ode is difficult to understand and has been variously interpreted.

We expect a Sophoclean Chorus to react to the preceding episode; and the themes of this ode are indeed related to the long scene that has just been played. Interpreters are not agreed, however, on the precise character of this relationship, except in one particular. It is abundantly clear that the fourth stanza (898–910) relates to the scepticism on the subject of oracles and prophecy which was expressed by Jocasta at the end of the preceding scene. The concern of the Chorus arises, however, not so much from the fact that she expresses a sceptical view which might be thought shocking as from the grounds on which her view was based. On the face of it, and on the facts as stated, an oracle given by Loxias at Delphi has failed, once and for all, to be fulfilled. They feel that, unless facts and prophecy are shown to be in full agreement, this will be the end of oracular authority and the end of religion (if that is how we should translate τὰ θεȋα); and they pray to Zeus the supreme king to give the matter his attention. It is the facts—the apparent facts—that cause their concern. But, when in the first stanza they sing about reverent purity of word as well as of deed, it is commonly—and I think rightly—held that they have in mind, among other things, the impious words of Jocasta. It may be a useful preliminary to the examination of the stasimon as a whole, if we first examine the ‘impiety’ (if that is the right term) of Jocasta, endorsed, as it appears to be, by Oedipus.
The Self-Blinding of Oidipous in Sophokles:Oidipous Tyrannos
Authors: Devereux G.
Published: May 2006

(1) Oidipous' self-blinding appears to be an act of madness, linked primarily with his incest, rather than with his parricide.

(2) Blinding for sexual trespasses is so common in tradition that its appropriateness cannot be discussed in the abstract.

(3) Greek data confirm the clinical finding that the eyes tend to symbolise the male organs, and blinding castration.

(4) This inference is further confirmed by the finding that blinding and castration aremutually exclusivepunishments.

(5) Oidipous' total crime was a ritually patterned sequence of two crimes: the killing of the King (Father) makes incest with the Queen (Mother) possible—as it does also in infantile oedipal fantasies. In the Oidipous myth a patrilineal successionmodelis (temporarily) disguised as a matrilinealmethodof royal succession.

(6) Though the blinding of the criminal isnotrequired by the Delphic oracle, and though Oidipous' final exiledoesexecute the oracle's command, this does not imply that the self-blinding does not punish (in part)alsothe parricide, for it can be shown that death, castration and blinding can, and do, symbolise each other. This means that Oidipous' self-blinding is a heavily overdetermined (multiply motivated) deed of frenzy.

(7) The manner in which Oidipous blinds himself has a very exact clinical parallel which, together with other data, seems to suggest an unconscious nexus between sexual problems, self-blinding and a woman's breasts (or nipples, or brooches).

(8) The ‘dramatische Technik’ explanation does not exclude the possibility of justifying a seemingly illogical detail in tragedyalsoby means of depth psychological considerations.
The Chorus of Prometheus Pyrphoros and Hesiod Th. 563
Authors: Booth N. B.
Published: May 2006

M. L. West in JHS xcix (1979) 132–3 speculates that the Chorus of Prometheus Pyrphoros may have been the Meliai. There is, however, only one reference that might just possibly link the Meliai with the gift of fire to men: Hesiod Th. 563,

οὐκ ἐδίδου μελίῃσι πυρὸς μένος ἀκαμάτοιο.
The interpretation of the ‘Second Preface’ in Arrian's Anabasis
Authors: Moles J. L.
Published: May 2006

The so-called Second Preface in Arrian's Anabasis is an important statement of both his conception of the work and its place in his intellectual biography. Despite extensive scholarly discussion, interpretative problems remain. Close literary analysis furthers understanding.
The encounter at the crossroads in Sophocles'Oedipus Tyrannus
Authors: Gregory Justina
Published: May 2006

Toward the midpoint of theOTJocasta, in a bid to convince Oedipus of the unreliability of oracles, recalls the old prophecy that Laius was destined to die at the hands of his son. Jocasta points out that this prediction proved doubly mistaken, since Laius was killed by foreign robbers at a crossroads and his newborn child was exposed on the desolate mountainside (707–25). To Jocasta's surprise, Oedipus responds with agitation. He questions her closely about the circumstances of Laius' death and then embarks on an autobiographical narrative that touches on his early life in Corinth and his journey to Delphi, reaching its rhetorical climax with the description of his own fateful encounter at the very crossroads mentioned by Jocasta.
Peisetaerus' ‘Satyric’ Treatment of Iris: Aristophanes Birds1253–6
Authors: Scharffenberger E.W.
Published: May 2006

The messenger goddess Iris alights at Birds 1199 in the city of Cloudcuckooland. She has been dispatched by Zeus to instruct mortal men on earth to maintain their sacrifices in honor of the Olympian gods, not yet aware that the birds, with the protagonist Peisetaerus as their leader, have founded this city as the hub of an empire that aims to wrest control of the universe from her divine family. This, however, she learns from a tense exchange with Peisetaerus, who forbids her passage through the birds' aerial domain.
The moral interpretation of the ‘second preface’ to Arrian's Anabasis
Authors: Gray V. J.
Published: May 2006

Arrian's Anabasis is distinguished by two prefaces. The first takes the form of an introduction explaining his use of previous historians. The second takes the form of a digression after Alexander has crossed the Hellespont. It asserts the need for an historian worthy of Alexander's achievements and proclaims Arrian's own worthiness for that position, dismissing previous historians (i 12.2–5). Alexander did not find his Homer as Achilles did, choral poets did not write for him as they wrote for the tyrants of old Greece, and Xenophon made even the inferior exploits of the Ten Thousand better known than his. Yet no man had achieved so much before.
The topography of Pylos and Sphakteria and Thucydides' measurements of distance
Authors: Rubincam Catherine
Published: May 2006

This article has two purposes. First, it proposes a more satisfactory solution to an old problem: the apparently serious inaccuracy of Thucydides' measurements for the length of Sphakteria island and the width of the channels dividing it from the mainland. Second, it offers some more general observations on Thucydides' measures of distance and the light they can shed on an important aspect of his historiographic method.

The solution proposed by R. Bauslaugh (‘The text of Thucydides IV 8.6 and the south channel at Pylos’,JHS99 (1979) 1-6) to the problem of measurements is rejected. Bauslaugh had emended two of the three figures on the ground that they were so seriously inaccurate as to require assumption of manuscript corruption. It is here contended that his argument is misconceived, and the emendations unnecessary. The counter-argument is based on a close study of Thucydides' idiom and practice in giving measurements of distance, particularly his use of qualifying expressions with numbers of this kind.

The second half of the article uses data compiled in an ongoing study of the use of numbers by Greek historians to make some comparisons between Thucydides' practice and that of several other historians in giving measurements of distance. It is suggested that careful attention to the nuances of Thucydides' practice, especially his use of different qualifying expressions with these numbers, may enable one to draw some interesting inferences about his sources of information and how he used them
Eastern Alimenta and an Inscription of Attaleia
Authors: Jones C. P.
Published: May 2006

A characteristic phenomenon of the High Empire, though it is found both earlier and later, is the alimentary scheme, whereby foundations established by emperors or private persons provide a kind of family allowance for the children of free-born but not wealthy parents. Though such schemes may well have had Hellenistic antecedents, the earliest known example is from Julio-Claudian Italy, where T. Helvius Basila, a senator from Atina, leaves 400,000 sesterces to his fellow-citizens ‘ut liberis eorum ex reditu, dum in aetatem pervenirent, frumentum et postea sestertia singula milia darentur’.

In the second century, probably beginning with Nerva, alimentary schemes become part of the system of imperial benefactions, and their workings are attested for many cities of Italy by inscriptions and by letters of the younger Pliny.
Tragedy and epic in Plutarch's Alexander
Authors: Mossman J. M.
Published: May 2006

Achilles is the poetic paradigm of a hero, Alexander his real-life counterpart as well as his descendant. This idea is a commonplace of all our sources for Alexander's life. There arc numerous examples of it: Diodorus says at xvii 1.4:

έν ἔτεσι γάρ δώδεκα καταστρεψάμενος τῆς μέν Eύρώπης ούκ όλίγα, την δέ 'Aσίαν σχεδὸν ἄπασαν είκότως περιβόητον ἔσχε τὴν δόξαν καί τοῖς παλαιοῖς ἤρωσι καί ὴμιθέοις ℓσάʒουσαν … 'Aλέξανδρος οὖν γεγονώς κατά πατέρα μέν άφ’ 'Hρακλέους, κατά δέ μητέρα τῶν Aίακιδῶν οℓκείαν ἔσχε τὴν φύσιν καί τὴν άρετὴν τὴς τῶν προγόνων εύδοξίας.
Palamedes seeks revenge
Authors: Woodford Susan
Published: May 2006

An Attic black-figure neck amphora in the British Museum (Plate VId) depicts a winged warrior rushing to the right to overtake a ship that is sailing in the same direction. To the left a bird perches on a craggy rock. The winged warrior in this enigmatic scene should, I believe, be identified as the ghost of Palamedes, whose urgency in outracing the ship is dictated by his thirst for revenge.

The name of Palamedes never appears in the Homeric epics. Most people, like Strabo, assume that this is because the story of Palamedes (and of his father Nauplios) was a creation of the poets of the later epic cycle and so was invented only after the composition of theIliadand theOdysseyhad been completed. Philostratos, however, suggested that Homerdidknow about Palamedes, but suppressed any mention of him because he wished to glorify Odysseus. For the story of Palamedes shed such discreditable light on Odysseus' character that the stain it left on the wily hero's reputation could never be effaced.
2-LOCAL ISOMETRIES OF SOME OPERATOR ALGEBRAS
Authors: Molnár Lajos
Published: July 2002

As a consequence of the main result of the paper we obtain that every 2-local isometry of the $C^*$-algebra $B(H)$ of all bounded linear operators on a separable infinite-dimensional Hilbert space $H$ is an isometry. We have a similar statement concerning the isometries of any extension of the algebra of all compact operators by a separable commutative $C^*$-algebra. Therefore, on those $C^*$-algebras the isometries are completely determined by their local actions on the two-point subsets of the underlying algebras.

AMS 2000 Mathematics subject classification: Primary 47B49
ON $\omega$-INDEPENDENCE AND THE KUNEN–SHELAH PROPERTY
Authors: Granero A. S. , Jiménez-Sevilla M. , Moreno J. P.
Published: July 2002

We prove that spaces with an uncountable $\omega$-independent family fail the Kunen–Shelah property. Actually, if $\{x_i\}_{i\in I}$ is an uncountable $\omega$-independent family, there exists an uncountable subset $J\subset I$ such that $x_j\notin\overline{\co}(\{x_i\}_{i\in J\setminus\{j\}})$ for every $j\in J$. This improves a previous result due to Sersouri, namely that every uncountable $\omega$-independent family contains a convex right-separated subfamily.

AMS 2000 Mathematics subject classification: Primary 46B20; 46B26
SOIL AMELIORATION EFFECTS ON NUTRIENT AVAILABILITY AND PRODUCTIVITY OF GROUNDNUT ON ACID SANDY SOILS OF ZIMBABWE
Authors: Murata M. R. , Hammes P. S. , Zharare G. E.
Published: July 2002

The effects of four calcium-containing materials on soil pH, nutrient availability and productivity of groundnut (Arachis hypogaea) on acid soils were studied in field experiments conducted at the Horticulture Research Centre and the Makoholi Experiment Station in Zimbabwe. The materials were calcitic limestone, dolomitic limestone, gypsum and single super phosphate.

Application of dolomitic or calcitic limestone significantly increased soil pH and exchangeable calcium and magnesium levels, whereas gypsum and single super phosphate did not. Application of 4000 kg ha−1 calcitic limestone increased calcium levels by up to 125% at the Horticulture Research Centre and 872% at Makoholi Experiment Station, while dolomitic limestone increased magnesium levels by 183% and 473% at the Horticulture Research Centre and Makoholi Experiment Station respectively. Combining gypsum and single super phosphate with 2000 kg ha−1 calcitic or dolomitic limestone did not affect soil pH differently than the limes alone. Furthermore, gypsum and single super phosphate applications on their own had no effect on pH, calcium and magnesium levels. The phosphorus, potassium and nitrogen levels were not significantly affected by the calcium-containing materials.

Application of either dolomitic or calcitic limestone significantly improved productivity of groundnut, with 4000 kg ha−1 calcitic limestone producing the largest increases in kernel yields at both sites. Yield responses to gypsum were not significantly different from the control treatment. Despite the notable changes in soil chemical properties observed at both sites, deficiencies of nitrogen, phosphorus, potassium, calcium and magnesium, coupled with low pH per se, remained the primary reasons for poor growth on the acid sandy soils at both sites.
Characterization of the genome of the mealybug Planococcus lilacinus, a model organism for studying whole-chromosome imprinting and inactivation
Authors: MOHAN K. NAGA , RAY PARAMITA , CHANDRA H. SHARAT
Published: July 2002

The co-occurrence of three chromosome-wide phenomena – imprinting, facultative heterochromatization and diffuse centromere – in the mealybug Planococcus lilacinus makes investigation of the genomics of this species an attractive prospect. In order to estimate the complexity of the genome of this species, 300 random stretches of its DNA, constituting ∼0·1% of the genome, were sequenced. Coding sequences appear to constitute ∼53·5%, repeat sequences ∼44·5% and non-coding single-copy sequences ∼2% of the genome. The proportion of repetitive sequences in the mealybug is higher than that in the fruit fly Drosophila melanogaster (∼30%). The mealybug genome (∼220 Mb) is about 1·3 times the size of the fly genome (∼165 Mb) and its GC content (∼35%) less than that of the fly genome (∼40%). The relative abundance of various dinucleotides, as analysed by the method of Gentles and Karlin, shows that the dinucleotide signatures of the two species are moderately similar and that in the mealybug there is neither over-representation nor under-representation of any dinucleotide.
LIBERALISM AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT IN LATE NINETEENTH-CENTURY GERMANY AND ENGLAND
Authors: PALMOWSKI JAN
Published: July 2002

In the second half of the nineteenth century, local government was intrinsic to the nature of liberalism in theory and practice, beyond the specific national contexts of England or Germany. At an ideological and practical level, local government was integral to the liberals' concern for efficient and representative government. As long as liberals were unwilling to contemplate more redistributive state measures, local government became their central arena for social policy. Local involvement in primary education provided them with the ability to enable individual progress and self-fulfilment, while control of local income and taxation provided a further tangible yardstick against which liberal politics could be measured. The liberals' popularity in the urban sphere was enhanced through a distinctive rhetoric of civic pride. However, the appeal to community and belonging which this entailed remained illusory as long as liberals remained wedded to granting special political rights to property. Ultimately, the liberals' success and innovativeness in local government led to a ‘nationalization’ of their policies and concerns. In this way, local government contributed to the liberals' popularity from the 1870s, and underlined their ultimate failure.
Developmental expression of pIgR gene in sheep mammary gland and hormonal regulation
Authors: RINCHEV-ALARNOLD AURORE , BELAIR LUCETTE , DJIANE JEAN
Published: July 2002

Secretory IgA found in external secretions are constituted by polymeric IgA (pIgA) bound to the extra-cellular part of the polymeric immunoglobulin receptor (pIgR). The receptor mediates transcytosis of pIgA across epithelial cells. The aim of the present study was to analyse the evolution of pIgR expression in the sheep mammary gland during the development of the mammary gland and to analyse its hormonal regulation. Gene expression of the pIgR was analysed in sheep mammary gland during pregnancy and lactation. By Northern Blot analysis, we observed that low levels of pIgR mRNA are expressed until day 70 of pregnancy. Accumulation of pIgR mRNA started during the third part of pregnancy and intensified 3 d after parturition to reach highest levels during established lactation (day 70). In situ hybridization analysis was used to confirm the increase in pIgR gene expression per mammary epithelial cell. In order to examine the hormonal regulation of the pIgR expression, virgin ewes were hormonally treated. Treatment with oestradiol and progesterone increased pIgR mRNA levels slightly. Subsequent addition of glucocorticoids induced a significant accumulation of pIgR mRNA in the mammary gland of the treated animals. Immunohistochemical analysis was performed to verify that the increase of pIgR mRNA level was associated with enhancement of the pIgR protein in mammary cells. No increase of pIgR mRNA levels were observed if PRL secretion was blocked by bromocryptine injections throughout the hormonal procedure. In conclusion, the present experiments suggest that the enhancement of pIgR levels during lactation result from combined effects of both prolactin and glucocorticoids.