bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Opinions of Latin-American Intellectuals on Population Problems and Birth Control
Authors: Mayone Stycos J.
Published: March 2007

The problem of birth control in Latin America may be divided into two aspects: population control and family planning. Reasons for Latin-American intellectuals' aversion to population control include the rural frontier mystique—the more people the more wealth and power—and the population-as-goad theory—deprivation and suffering beget creative solutions. The most characteristic attitude toward population control, however, is indifference. Either the population problem is a myth created by the imperialists or it is an economic or political problem which will eventually solve itself as industrialization and education result in a lower fertility rate. Underlying these ideas are the fear of governmental control of human life and the fear that the imperialist nations wish to weaken or castrate the underdeveloped countries' populations, especially those of a different color. Of the two schools of opinion on family planning, those in favor of voluntary birth control cite its health, psychological, and economic advantages. Those against family planning allege various harmful social, political, moral, and physical side effects. An analysis of the voting of Latin-American governments on World Health Organization (WHO) and United Nations legislation for technical assistance on birth control shows their negative attitude toward it in the past. This attitude is changing very gradually toward the positive as a result of the rapid expansion of population (and abortion figures), reconsideration by the Catholic church of its attitude, rural-urban migration, growing reliance on economic planning, and increased monetary and technical assistance from United States universities and other organizations.—Ed.
Disparities in Progress Among Nations
Authors: Mann Thomas C.
Published: March 2007

There is no rigid formula for development. The important thing is whether a particular economic and social system produces the greatest good for the greatest number of people within a framework of freedom. The United States and other industrialized countries have progressed remarkably in a relatively short period of time. Time is one cause of disparities—many less developed countries have only recently begun economic and social reforms. To correct existing disparities it was assumed that aid programs would bring rapid progress. These programs were not the whole answer. Attention, therefore, has turned to trade, and in particular to preferences, as a solution. It should be remarked that United States policy has been one of liberal, nondiscriminatory trade. While trade and aid are important to development, it might be asked whether the developing countries are taking adequate self-help measures, such as the promotion of a competitive commercial environment, adequate regional trading arrangements, efficiency and rationalization of their public enterprises, stability in monetary and financial policies, a climate of business confidence, improved fiscal laws and their administration, and land reform. These reforms are illustrative of the tasks that face the developing countries.
Mexican Economic and Social Development
Authors: Margain Hugo B.
Published: March 2007

All of us are Mestizos in Mexico: the blend of races is in our blood and, more important, in the spirit. The integration of Mexico is a fact. The fundamental doctrine of Mexico has been reiterated as that of nonintervention and the self-determination of peoples. We know that law is the shield of the weak, and Mexico has kept faithful to this doctrine. The 1917 Mexican Constitution was the result of the first social revolution of our century. Agrarian reform resulted in the redistribution of national income. Political stability and economic and social development have precluded damage to our progress by inflationary phenomena. By striving for progress and endeavoring to raise the living standards of the Mexicans, we respect their freedom, and liberty takes us to the enjoyment of the benefits of culture. The Mexican Revolution is now a success; we do not have to promise our people that it will be a success. We do not believe in nations as leaders to be followed with servility. Triumph will be for the countries that know how to produce more and distribute better, under absolute respect for human liberty, which, in the final analysis, will lead all peoples to the enjoyment of the benefits of culture, the best heritage man has received from his ancestors.
Changing Concepts of the Role of the Military in Latin America
Authors: McAlister Lyle N.
Published: March 2007

During the past decade, traditional views about the role of the Latin-American military have been challenged or substantially revised. Traditional opinion holds that the armed forces perform no really useful functions and that their repeated interventions in politics and their demands on national budgets have thwarted and continue to thwart political, social, and economic development in most Latin-American nations. Therefore, they should be abolished or at least sharply reduced in size and placed under strict civilian control. Newer interpretations and prescriptions, while basically antimilitarist, hold that militarism has been and continues to be an expression of, rather than a basic cause of, political instability in Latin America, that in most instances the abolition of the military or their reduction to civilian control is impracticable under existing circumstances, that the military performs a number of useful national services, particularly in the field of civic action, and that the expansion of such activities should be encouraged. Both traditional and revisionist views, however, are based on inadequate data and are generally expressed in continental-wide generalizations which often do not apply to specific situations. Careful studies of individual countries are needed as bases for a truly comparative evaluation of the role of the military in Latin America.
The Danish Ombudsman
Authors: Abraham Henry J.
Published: March 2007

On every conceivable count, Denmark's Ombudsman institution has proved itself to be an unqualified success. In large measure, this has been due to the superb and sagacious performance of the first Ombudsman, who is still the incumbent of the office, and who has succeeded in establishing a thoroughly wholesome and sympathetic climate for both the office and the institution. He has charted a conservative course that has made the Ombudsman entirely palatable to all official and lay segments of Denmark's homogeneous community, including its perceptive and influential press. The Danish Ombudsman's authority extends to every facet of public life except the judiciary (and certain aspects of municipal government). To date, every complaint lodged with the Ombudsman not only has been adjudicated, but has been adjudicated promptly, courteously, and efficaciously. Approximately 90 per cent of all cases are dismissed after due consideration, with the remaining 10 per cent treated on their merits. The specific recommendations of the Ombudsman have been accepted in each case to date—a tribute to Professor Stephan Hurwitz and his small, dedicated staff. The Danish institution of the Ombudsman has thus, deservedly, become a model for a host of related schemes throughout the free world.
The British Parliamentary Commissioner for Administration
Authors: Marshall Geoffrey
Published: March 2007

Discussion of the "redress of grievances" in Britain has not, until recently, distinguished between the control of maladministration in a narrow sense and the review of allegedly unjust or unreasonable decisions which do not result from faulty operation of decision procedures by officials. A distinction of this kind was made by the Whyatt Committee in 1961 and, despite criticism, was embodied in the Labour Government's legislation. The Parliamentary Commissioner Act has been in operation since April 1, 1967. It relates only to injustice caused by maladministration in central government departments, and all complaints must be submitted through the agency of members of the House of Commons. These limitations of scope and purpose remain open to debate. They raise the general question whether Ombudsman machinery should bring scrutiny to bear on complaints which arise from policy and legislative decisions.
In Quest of the Ombudsman in the Mediterranean Area
Authors: Adams John Clarke
Published: March 2007

The Mediterranean culture is not favorable to Ombudsmen. Israel alone, of the states within this area, has an officer, the State Comptroller, with functions similar to those of an Ombudsman. The Tribunis Plebis of republican Rome performed as a quasi-Ombudsman. But he lost this function during the Empire, and, consequently, it was not part of the Roman tradition bequeathed to the Middle Ages. The French system of administrative justice—or copies of it in force in various states of this area, except Israel—affords some of the protection furnished by an Ombudsman. Extra-legal, and not infrequently illegal, protection is obtained through the client-patron relationship between the politically weak and the politically potent, which is a long-standing Mediterranean tradition.
Realignment, Readjustment, Reform: The Impact of the Ombudsman on American Constitutional and Political Institutions
Authors: Nelson Dalmas H. , Price Eugene C.
Published: March 2007

The idea of an Ombudsman has entered American discussion at a time of extraordinarily urgent need for attention to grievance machinery and efficiency-promoting devices in government. This is indicated by the scope and character of present discontents; the increasing contradiction between taxpayer resistance and compelling requirements for governmental spending, especially in state and local government ; and the emergence of many social forces stimulating people to assert their rights in relationship to government. The Ombudsman concept deserves wide trial in America, but, at the national level, probably will need to be modified so that a group of Ombudsmen serve, with their responsibilities divided on the basis of broad functional areas. Grievance machinery already available ought to be strengthened in several respects, including administrative appeals systems, judicial review, legislative case work, and other devices. There is need for increasing the representation of the general consuming public in the administrative process; for greater use of administrative standards and general administrative procedure legislation; and for the adoption of several promising new approaches to grievance-processing. All of these are necessary in order to make governmental response more sensitive, and to allay those pressures for redress which now strike deeply to the heart of American life.
The Protagonist Powers and the Third World
Authors: Wilcox Wayne
Published: March 2007

The international system has undergone great changes since the nineteenth-century European balance of power. Central in its dynamics has been the changing number, nature, and power of the protagonists in world politics. Some of the disorganization of the interwar period may be explained by the reluctance of the United States and the Soviet Union to play key roles in the postwar world. After World War II, Soviet reconstruction and preoccupation with East European and Chinese allies kept the Soviet Union from challenging America's de facto hegemony outside the socialist countries. United States policy toward the Third World was to favor nationalism and to strengthen new states by transferring arms and economic resources to them. This pattern of diplomacy stabilized the international system and led to the emergence of confident Third World governments that became protagonists in the new system. The special American role in ensuring this form of world order is now diminishing, for a variety of political and strategic reasons; and Russian capabilities, while much greater, are also heavily invested in regional and domestic commitments. Third World states are, therefore, the most dynamic elements in the changes in world politics. Their role as protagonists is accelerated by technological change and by the entrance of world corporations and other transnational actors into global politics.
A View from Washington
Authors: Thornton Thomas Perry
Published: March 2007

American attitudes towards the Third World are passing through a critical period. Especially because of the Vietnam experience, Americans are plagued with self-doubts and disillusioned with the results of previous involvement. America cannot, however, turn its back on the Third World; it finds important interests there, as well as a pressing humanitarian challenge. The present trend in United States policy involves a rejection of the role of world policeman, tempered by a realization that our power and near-omnipresence place unavoidable responsibilities on us. In establishing a new role for ourselves, we will have to reduce the intensity of our involvement and look more toward multilateral arrangements. Despite the easing of the cold war, there are major problems at stake in dealing with the Soviet Union and communism as an ideology of modernization. In a world in which violence will be widespread but in which our power imposes limitations on our actions, we shall have to develop strong nerves. The major challenge comes in the economic field, at a time when our resources are badly strained. Problems involving investment, trade, and the growing needs of the poorer countries make urgent the development of a new and more productive approach to foreign aid.
The Third World and the Great Powers
Authors: Gupta Sisir
Published: March 2007

The Third World has made no attempt to evolve a common and consistent attitude to the momentous changes in world politics that have occurred during this decade. The importance and influence of these countries in international affairs has declined, and they have not participated in the processes which led to the Soviet-American détente or the loosening of the two blocs. In many ways, the changes that have occurred in interbloc and intrabloc relationships are those that the countries of the Third World always regarded as desirable. But the essence of the Third World's problem is that the structural changes in world politics have not been carried forward to the extent that would make them meaningful for poor and weak nations. The inadequacies of the present system are apparent from the steps taken by the two superpowers in the field of disarmament and in their responses to certain types of local conflicts. What is most alarming from the viewpoint of the Third World is that the present system could easily lead to the replacement of the old concept of one world by a new concept of an inner and an outer world relegating the nations of developing areas to the status of a peripheral element in international politics. It is obviously in the interest of the Third World to convert the present search for stability in great-power relations and a minimal world order into a search for global peace and stability and a maximal world order.
Nuclear Technology, Weapons, and the Third World
Authors: Zoppo Ciro
Published: March 2007

The decade ahead is likely to witness a diminished capacity by the protagonist powers to control the universalization of that nuclear technology most suited to eventual military purposes. The fast-breeder reactor and centrifuge-enrichment, two nuclear developments on the threshold of commercial feasibility, are the most foreboding. They would provide, as by-products of the generation of electricity, two fissionable materials used in making nuclear weapons: plutonium and enriched uranium. This technology will be developed by industrial countries, like Germany and Japan, but it could be exported to countries in the Third World, where it is fervently believed to be the key to economic development. The prospects that the Soviet Union and the United States will effectively curb the spread of this technology seem poor because mutually reinforcing economic, status, and security incentives will undermine the diplomatic leverage of the superpowers and lead to relaxed safeguards. Thus, even a Nonproliferation Treaty ratified by most threshold and Third World countries would not prevent the eventual formation of a base for nuclear technology amounting to a real military option in many developing countries.
Third World Modernization in Transnational Perspective
Authors: Hopkins Terence K.
Published: March 2007

"Modernization" is the progressive organization of societies at the national level in the context of an evolving global network of such societies. This formulation raises a number of questions, for example: how we think about change at the individual level in relation to societal change; contrasts between "organic" and "technological" evolution (borrowing the terms from the biologist Wald); and the causal relevance of a society's position in international networks, and of the characteristics of those networks, to its modernization. The fundamental hypothesis is that the modernization of today's Third World countries—in the sense of their development as national societies—is unlikely within the context of the Western-centered or capitalist portion of the international political economy. Moreover, our theories of modernization may well obscure the key problems of Third World development.
Crisis Prediction
Authors: Wiles Peter
Published: March 2007

The importance of the social sciences has been much exaggerated. The social scientists are particularly bad at prediction, and so at helping us to forestall the socio-political crises that occur more and more often. The rate of social change has gone up very sharply for a number of reasons, so surprises are more frequent. This rate should be reduced, at least in rich countries, which face far more unknown situations. Poor countries, on the other hand, face mainly situations known from those slightly more advanced. What poor countries mostly need, therefore, is better information of old kinds, not new kinds of information. Crisis-anticipating information will mostly be valueless, since no one knows how to winnow it. It also requires many low-level informers, and the identity of these people is a major problem of political power. So is the identity of the processor and publisher of their data. Substantial improvements in information and its use might abolish democracy.
Progress in Health: What Index of What Progress?
Authors: Malenbaum Wilfred
Published: March 2007

Preliminary statistical analysis of changes in health and in health programs in poor areas, where labor is the dominant factor of production, suggests a positive effect of health inputs on subsequent output. There is an economic rationale for such a relationship in poor lands, through changes in the vigor and motivation of the self-employed workers who are predominant in the labor force. Such a positive role also fits new doctrines of growth, in which quality of factor inputs receives greater weight than quantity of labor or capital. There exists a need for such additional statistical analyses, and especially in small areas (villages, counties, districts), where outputs and production processes are more homogeneous than in nations as a whole. The results of such work could be fundamental to understanding the dynamic of health-population-progress in poor lands. Existing documentation shows positive association between growth in population and growth in output per person in the early progress years of today's rich lands. Parallel developments seem to pertain in the recent growth history of many of today's developing lands. The possibility that some measure of health inputs could serve as a tool and an index of economic and social progress would call for changes in important current programs postulated on the negative influence of health inputs on the economic growth of today's poor lands. It would also encourage a re-allocation of the world's health resources in order to handle critical development tasks in areas with "great unmet health needs."
Before Berkeley: Historical Perspectives on American Student Activism
Authors: Altbach Philip G. , Peterson Patti
Published: March 2007

Student political activism in the United States antedates the Berkeley student revolt of 1964. American stu dents have been involved in political activities almost since the beginnings of higher education in the United States. Student activism in America has, in general, been linked to events in the larger society, and only seldom has been con cerned with the universities. The early political groups were small but provided a political education to many who later became active in intellectual life, the labor movement, and other areas. The student movement of the thirties was con cerned largely with the question of war and peace, although it had a strong undercurrent of radical politics. The im mediate post-World War II period was one of apathy on the campuses, and ended only with the rebirth of the student peace movement and later the civil rights movement in the late 1950's. These groups provided some of the organizational base for the emergence of the New Left in the mid-1960's. Thus, the historical background of student activism in the United States offers a context for the current period of turmoil on American campuses.
The Development of the New Left
Authors: O'Brien James P.
Published: March 2007

A new radicalism developed in the United States during the 1960's, in large part as an outgrowth of college student concern with a variety of political issues, most of them not inherently radical. The tone of the student protest has been marked by political moralism combined with alienation from the conditions of life in middle-class America. Despite the movement's basic roots in the middle class, there are grounds for believing that it is spreading to the industrial working class as well.
The Revolution as a Trip: Symbol and Paradox
Authors: Myerhoff Barbara G.
Published: March 2007

Selective interpretation of reality and unifica tion of opposing and paradoxical elements are among the func tions of symbol and ritual. In this paper, paradoxes are seen as resulting from the beliefs and actions of a small group of student political leaders involved in a university strike during May, 1970. The concept of "revolution as a trip" is exam ined as a paradox emanating from the conflict between their cultural and political goals. Another paradox developed because of the collapse of their political efforts, which was masked and encompassed by shaping the strike into a drama tization of youth as a subculture or counterculture. Their rituals and symbols are seen as providing a sense of coherence and integrity within their ideology and allowing them to experience congruence between their beliefs and actions.
Student Radicals in Japan
Authors: Shimbori Michiya
Published: March 2007

The radical movement among Japanese students was brought to wide public attention with an airplane hijack ing in 1970, but the escalation of student radicalism had begun a decade ago with the discussion of the U.S.—Japan Security Treaty. Political matters have formed the basis for many of the radical actions by students since then, especially from 1967 on, when the international situation in Red China, Vietnam, and North Korea became strained. But academic issues have also played a large part in the uprisings, as stu dents have become disturbed by rising costs, entrance exami nations, or the rigid hierarchy in the elite schools. The generations are perceived chronologically according to the his toric watershed, the Second World War. Paradoxically, al though the older generation is, in this consumer society, in charge of production, the young comprise its biggest customer group. While the status of youth as a whole has risen, that of the university student has declined. Students form the only proletariat and at the same time the only leisure class in contemporary society. Disillusioned by both the education and the life style offered them, they search for a cause to which they can commit themselves, and often find it in radicalism.
A Rapid Change of Sentiment
Authors: Roth Robert
Published: March 2007

The rapid collapse of political resistance to lowering the voting age is here noted and the potential effect of the lowering is analyzed. The prediction is also made that several political assumptions concerning youth voting, firmly held until recent times, are likely to be shattered. Among them is the assumption that young people will vote pretty much as does the general population. It is also contended that dissatisfaction among the young is more likely to divide them than produce a youth bloc vote. The old shibboleths of politics are not accepted by the young, leaving candidates for office the task of guessing what their approach to the large mass of new voters should be.
Facts Versus Fears: Why Should We Worry About Pornography?
Authors: Wilson W. Cody
Published: March 2007

Prior to the work of the U.S. Commission on Obscenity and Pornography, the discussion of pornography necessarily had to be based on fear because there were few facts available. As a result of the Commission's work there are now data to inform the discussion. Many of our cultural myths in this area are not borne out by empirical facts. Nearly everyone in our society has been voluntarily exposed to depictions of explicit sexual activity often referred to as pornography. Initial exposure generally occurs before the end of high school; perhaps 50 percent are first exposed in junior high school. Viewing or reading sexual depictions generally produces sexual arousal but this does not necessarily eventuate in sexual activity. Sex criminals have had less experience with explicit sexual materials than have normal people. Exposure to explicit sexual materials does not pro duce bad moral character nor calloused sexual attitudes toward women. The gaining of information is perhaps the most common enduring consequence of exposure to sexual materials. But to many people these facts are irrelevant; and this poses a potential threat to our society.
Some Trends in International Propaganda
Authors: Davison W. Phillips
Published: March 2007

J udging from past trends and present indica tions, international propaganda in the next decades will be ever more pervasive, propaganda organizations will be more complex (and expensive), and news channels will be more widely utilized for propaganda. Ingenuity in the use of channels, techniques, and personnel has kept steady pace with the technological ad vances of the times. No resources have been spared in times of war, nor when the ambitions of a ruler or of a state have called for an all-out effort to win a political, a psychological, or an economic victory.

Whether basic propaganda aims and tactics will change is doubtful, although one can hope that they will. The trend appears to be toward a greater emphasis on public and private commercial efforts, which are increasing rapidly.
Propaganda: Morally Questionable and Morally Unquestionable Techniques
Authors: White Ralph K.
Published: March 2007

The prevailing confusion as to what kinds of persuasion are morally legitimate has two unfortunate conse quences: persuaders can be subtly deceptive without realizing it, and they can lean over backward to avoid the stigma of "propaganda." It is useful to compare the words persuasion and propaganda and to recognize that they differ only in the evil overtones of the latter.

Five forms of persuasion, or elements in it, seem inherently legitimate: (1) getting and keeping attention; (2) getting and keeping rapport; (3) building credibility, as in Hovland's two- sided approach; (4) appealing to strong motives, including "emotions"; (5) action involvement. Five forms seem morally questionable, if not wrong: (1) lying; (2) innuendo; (3) pre senting opinion as fact; (4) deliberate omission; (5) implied obviousness.

Most of the questionable methods can be used "innocently" in the sense that those who use them are deceiving themselves as well as others. But self-deception itself is a sign of weak ness, or worse, if no real effort is made to counteract it.
The Impact of Prepaid Group Practice on American Medical Care: A Critical Evaluation
Authors: Greenlick Merwyn R.
Published: March 2007

This paper examines the concept of prepaid group medical practice, evaluating its principles and assessing the relevant data. Various features of this health care alterna tive are shown to offer potential for control of quality and efficiency. Group medical practice has been shown to reduce hospitalization rates and to diminish markedly what can be viewed as unnecessary surgery. Judging from the high pro portion of eligible members who receive some form of care each year, accessibility seems to be improved. The use of appro priate preventive services by the members seems higher than in other types of medical care arrangements. To some extent this system appears to minimize the duplication of effort, personnel, and facilities that characterizes the individual fee- for-service system. In terms of over-all cost savings and the ability to provide high quality care with patient satisfac tion, prepaid group practice seems to offer major advantages over other systems. The paper examines its efficiency from the standpoint of the requirements necessary to provide service to an entire population.
The American Interest in the Palestine Question and the Establishment of Israel
Authors: Wilson Evan M.
Published: March 2007

It was not until the mid-1940s that the United States was called upon to have more than a vague and gen eralized attitude toward the Palestine problem. With the end of World War II, pressures on our government to take some action with respect to the Jewish displaced persons in Europe became intense. President Truman, whose basic motivation was humanitarian, but who was responsive to Zionist influ ence, urged the British to admit 100 thousand displaced Jews to Palestine. The British countered by proposing a joint Anglo-American Committee to examine the situation, but the committee's recommendations were not accepted by either government. After a second Anglo-American effort failed, and no agreement with the Arabs and Jews was in sight, the British in 1947 referred the matter to the United Nations, where we strongly supported partition. The State of Israel was established May 14, 1948, and immediately recognized by Truman. President Eisenhower and Secretary Dulles adopted a policy of impartiality and promoted a settlement, but en countered various obstacles. In the 1956 Suez crisis, we took a strong line against Britain, France, and Israel, called for an immediate cease-fire, and put considerable pressure on Israel to withdraw from occupied territory. Our support of Israel adversely affected our interests in the Middle East, and the evenhanded policy adopted later, though an improvement, was not really impartial in practice.
The Regional Pacts and the Eisenhower Doctrine
Authors: Howard Harry N.
Published: March 2007

While the Eisenhower administration did not alter any of the basic foundations of American policy in the Middle East during 1953-61, for a brief period it did maintain an evenhanded and balanced position in the Arab-Israel con flict which has not been achieved since. Wisely or otherwise, the Eisenhower administration continued a policy of regional security which centered not on the projects for a Middle East Command (MEC) or Middle East Defense Organization (MEDO), which had already passed into historical limbo in 1952, but on the Northern Tier states of Turkey, Iraq, and Iran, and even Pakistan—somewhat outside the concept of the Middle East. The concept of the Northern Tier was em bodied in the so-called Baghdad Pact, or Central Treaty Organization. The United States, however, did not formally adhere to CENTO—as did the United Kingdom—although it became a member in all matters of substantive significance. Whatever the original pretentions or its usefulness in the fields of economic and technical co-operation, it may be very seri ously questioned whether CENTO ever served, or could have served, as a regional security arrangement in the Middle East. The Eisenhower Doctrine, modeled on the Truman Doctrine of March 12, 1947, which served so well in assistance to Greece and Turkey, was more the outline of a policy than a well- developed policy itself and did not prove as successful as its predecessor. At the time, it seemed to raise a standard to which the "wise and prudent" in the Middle East might repair.
The American Concern in Cyprus
Authors: Adams T.W.
Published: March 2007

In the wake of Vietnam and in the era of the Nixon Doctrine of low profile, the United States is hard pressed to justify direct intervention in so-called backyard wars. Still, a policy dilemma exists for America: whether to run the risk of doing nothing in such disputes and hope they do not escalate into conflicts of sweeping international propor tions ; or to find when and in what ways to become involved in order to further its national interests. When such a dispute involves two North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) treaty allies, as it does with Greece and Turkey over Cyprus, the policy options are less clear. Recognizing that a positive action toward one side would alienate the other—and that no action could likely alienate both sides—the U.S. chose the policy of quiet diplomacy, thus becoming the honest broker trying to keep the Cyprus crisis within manageable proportions. Even when America had to take strong diplomatic recourse in the crises of 1964 and 1967, the goal was strict impartiality in order to perpetuate the southeastern flank of NATO and to maintain the fragile stability in the eastern Mediterranean. This article deals with the considerations that brought America into attempts to settle the postindependence dispute in Cyprus and how this has affected its international relations, particularly with Turkey.
The Soviet Union and the United States in the Middle East
Authors: Campbell John C.
Published: March 2007

No unchanging aim or strategy ordained by geography or ideology provides a full explanation of the course of Soviet policy in the Middle East. The Soviet presence has grown, notably in the past fifteen years, through oppor tunistic diplomacy, the deployment of military and especially naval power, and the expansion of influence in certain states through arms deliveries, economic aid, and political support. In general, the Soviet leaders have been successful in making their country a Middle East power, at the expense of positions previously held by Western powers. In the Northern Tier it has gained by normalizing its relations with Turkey and Iran. In the Arab-Israel zone it has established preponderant influence in a number of Arab states, taking advantage of the Arab-Israeli conflict and of inter-Arab disputes. While Soviet-American rivalry in the region could lead to armed conflict, the greater likelihood is prolonged political competi tion. From that standpoint the Soviets may encounter many obstacles, especially the force of local nationalism. For those obstacles to be effective, however, the United States will have to maintain its own military presence and political interest in the region. The attainment of detente will depend both on negotiation and on balanced power.
Where We Stand
Authors: Hart Parker T.
Published: March 2007

If the Soviet Union, with its burgeoning mili tary presence, is in the Middle East to stay, so also is the United States. Its basic interests in the area are deeply rooted and are met by the desire of most states to retain a defense or economic tie with us. Our interests center in the strength of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's (NATO's) south east wing and consequently in our allies of the Northern Tier—Greece, Turkey, and Iran. Of these three countries, Turkey is the rock on which all else depends. Its defense requirements, which cannot be sustained by its own infant industries, are now being neglected by the United States, while those of Greece are being opposed by irresponsible pressure in American political circles. An Arab-Israel settle ment, which would immensely serve NATO security require ments, continues to elude us, again largely owing to domestic political pressures against the well-grounded Rogers Plan, bringing dangers of further polarization of key Arab states against us. An outright alliance of the United States with Israel, which might be indicated to military planners by the latter's demonstrated prowess in arms, would not serve Ameri ca's or NATO's security purposes, since Israel's forces are de ployed against Arab states with whom it is not in our interests to be hostile. With or without an abatement of the Arab-Israel quarrel, the United States should quietly develop educational, technological, and investment links with various Arab states, especially of the Maghrib and the Gulf, where Soviet assistance is by no means adequate to meet the degree and quality of local demand for modernization and development.
Multinational Corporations: A European View
Authors: Rogers Paolo N.
Published: March 2007

The preponderance of United States investments vis-à-vis European investments creates an unbalanced situation with political, economic, and psychological overtones. Europe is but a geographical expression as yet. Therefore it is misleading to search for a common posture in what amounts to a composite position of various countries. National response to American investments, although different in each area and period, nonetheless is positive in its final acceptance. From the dollar gap to the technological gap, Europe has eagerly sought American investments, reaching the peak with the establishment of the Common Market. Americans took advantage of its potentials more readily than Europeans. However, charges and criticisms exchanged between Europe and America persist in spite of the fact that the flood of U.S. investments seems to have subsided. Although catchy, the objections are mostly ill-founded. Multinational corporations, regardless of their national origin, are bound to play the rules of the game not only in their own interest, but in the wider interest of the international and the various national economies. Since multinational corporations are expected to play an increasing role in the international arena, a better understanding with governments and public opinion at large must be promoted. As long as laws and regulations issued by individual governments are obeyed, the conflict between national sovereignty and multinationalism is limited in practice. Multinational corporations do not have powers adequate to overrule governments, nor would it be in their interest to do so if they could. Governments have powers to control, in their own territories, multinational corporations. In the future, an economically integrated and politically united Europe will be a reality and will be a fertile ground as a base and as a host for the operations of multinational corporations.
Corporations and American Foreign Relations
Authors: Ray Dennis M.
Published: March 2007

While we know a great deal about the internal dynamics of foreign policymaking and about the influence of various groups and institutions, we know virtually nothing about the role of corporations in American foreign relations. The influence of corporations becomes more obvious if we distinguish between different types of decisions: crisis, calculated, and axiomatic decisions. Economic or corporate interests become obscured in crisis decision-making. The influence of corporations stems primarily from their capacity to shape axiomatic decisions and from their ability to act independently, to initiate action, which then influences foreign policy. While specific interests of corporations are subject to the mechanisms of pluralism and countervailing power, corporations exert a general influence which transcends specific economic interests. An examination of the recruitment patterns of high-level policy positions reflects the dominant position of men from large corporations, high finance, and corporate law. This pattern of recruitment creates latent predispositions which are readily triggered by various institutions which transmit corporate interests. The process of "tapping" high-level foreign policy officials from the business community biases the structure of decision-making towards business, for government is not just conscripting the talents of the businessman; it is buying his ideology, his values, and his orientation towards the world.
Legal and Political Forums for Urban Change
Authors: Mandelker Daniel R.
Published: March 2007

American legal institutions, and especially the judicial process, have been accustomed to dealing with an urban economic order characterized primarily by small units of economic power. As our economy has been increasingly dominated by larger aggregates of economic concentration, however, the judicial process has found it increasingly difficult to deal with the policy issues in urban resource management which these larger aggregates of economic power have raised. Policy issues of this kind are best resolved in the political rather than in the judicial forum. The law can assist the political decision-maker who must deal with these issues, but it cannot do so without redefining its traditional role.
Communicative Turbulence in Urban Dynamics— Media, Education, and Planning
Authors: Mott George Fox
Published: March 2007

Conflicting forces within society provide the framework of market and political decision. This article examines the three most pervasive mechanisms causing communicative turbulence and thus affecting decision. These three forces, media, education, and planning, are dealt with as separate entities in view of their related but somewhat disparate character. Taken together they do, however, hold out the greatest hope in meeting the critical problems of the day. And, taken separately, they can each create turbulence of such intensity as to threaten nearly all constructive efforts toward meeting the challenges of urban change and reformation. Today, the media are forsaking their objectivity and their public service responsibility for an interpretative role which deprives society of a sound information source. Television in its present aspects is an active deterrent to successful public education. Public education is foundering from a complex of confused programs and interpolations from the various special interest groups and the interpositioning of the courts between the citizens and their elected local school boards. Solutions suggested are both new and old. Higher education is suffering from the effects of the student population explosion, further complicated by special interest pressures and by unwise quasi-dictation from certain federal agencies. The planning process, as prerequisite to improved management in all areas of social activity, is beginning to show advances in effectiveness owing to accumulated experience, increased and assimilated data, and growing public acceptance, particularly in the field of urban planning.
The Arts in America—Our New National Product
Authors: Hayes Patrick
Published: March 2007

The arts have been extolled in recent official rhetoric, including speeches of three Presidents, as essential to the quality of American life. Public demands on arts organizations for cultural and educational services have increased their work load without increasing their income—the reverse is true, that their deficits have grown larger. The arts in America are private in origin and independent in character, but they must now turn to the public sector for major subsidy support, or falter. Are the arts important enough to warrant up to $200 million a year in federal funds, and higher amounts in future decades? The writer declares in the affirmative, taking due note of the risks of political interference and of the fact that there exists a substantial degree of public lethargy. The American audience for music, theatre, dance, and for art galleries and museums is limited, but growing. If the arts are for the few today, they are available to the many. Stages for the performing arts abound in the form of old and new performing arts centers. Artists, especially our American artists, are in good supply. The central question is that of the national attitude toward them and the nation's willingness to sustain them.
Coal: Still Old Reliable?
Authors: Henry John P. , Schmidt Richard A.
Published: March 2007

Coal, the largest energy resource of the United States, is the subject of considerable current interest as the United States strives to find ways by which to reduce de pendence on imported fuels. As a result of this interest, reports discussing the potential of coal have often been exaggerated. While it does have considerable promise, the concern for environmental protection may limit the time scale required for coal to achieve widespread use. Tech nologies to eliminate potential pollution problems which result from the use of coal are not available; however, serious work is under way, and they should be available by the early 1980s. Coal needs to be better understood if its poten tial is to be realized. As a highly sophisticated hydrocarbon polymer, its chemical nature and its large energy resource value demand that effective utilization be achieved as soon as possible. In this discussion, the problems and possible solu tions for the effective development of this valuable domestic resource are outlined.
A Solution to the Energy Crisis: The Case for Increased Competition
Authors: Aspin Les
Published: March 2007

Monopoly practices and concentration of power in the hands of the major oil companies have caused much of the current shortage of fuel oil and gasoline supplies and the increase in prices for such fuels in the United States. These practices are found at four levels in the petroleum industry: production, refinement, transportation and marketing. Furthermore, the petroleum industry has undertaken horizontal expansion into other energy areas, such as coal and uranium; this suggests that the American consumer of energy will face even more problems, unless remedial action is taken. One solution to the problems of energy supply and price in the United States is legislation which would require divestiture of vertically and horizontally integrated petroleum companies. Legislation which calls for the reorganization of vertically integrated companies into four substantially independent units for production, transportation by pipeline, refinement and final marketing has recently been introduced into both houses of the Congress. If passed, such divestiture legisla tion would: encourage competition, lower consumer prices, stimulate increased exploration and result in an increase of petroleum supplies. Legislation designed to break apart the developing horizontal integration of petroleum companies and those in other energy areas should be seriously considered.