bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
“Men of Good Will Who Will Harm No One”
Authors: Cromwell Jesse
Published: September 2019

This chapter examines local and provincial Spanish imperial officials as the facilitators of illicit commerce on the Venezuelan coast. Administrators’ tolerance of and personal enrichment through smuggling was unintentionally important for the Spanish Empire in maintaining control over a contented colonial population. Authorities could be active smugglers themselves, invest in the smuggling ventures of others, or earn steady income by purposefully ignoring illegal transactions in exchange for a fee. They created elaborate conglomerations of both foreign and domestic smugglers through their personal and professional connections. This chapter emphasizes that officials and colonial subjects reached a social compact regarding smuggling and corruption. Instead of absolutes of “right” and “wrong,” both royal officials and provincial inhabitants assessed personalistic government on a spectrum of reprehensibility. Venezuelan subjects tolerated administrative graft related to smuggling when, as a by-product, it opened ports and markets to mutually beneficial trade from abroad. By contrast, when officials attempted to monopolize the black market or harmed community values in defending their own interests, locals used all means at their disposal to expel these offending functionaries.
Contrabandists or Cargo?
Authors: Cromwell Jesse
Published: September 2019

Chapter 7 analyzes Afro-Caribbeans as participants in illicit commerce, but it also discusses smuggling’s impact on slavery in the coastal circum-Caribbean. People of color were involved in smuggling not only as contraband cargo to Venezuela but also often as active workers in the illegal marketplace. This chapter asks how smugglers amalgamated the slavery apparatus of Venezuela and its surrounding foreign colonies into the black market. Furthermore, how did Africans being trafficked illegally and smuggling conducted by the enslaved alter notions of property, criminality, and subjecthood? Venezuelan planters frequently sent their slaves to trade with unlicensed foreign merchants. These traders, in turn, sometimes employed enslaved people as sailors or porters on smuggling ventures. For enslaved and free people of color alike, contraband trade carried the prospects of wage earning and greater autonomy in labor, but also the risks of captivity and enslavement in Spanish dominions. The embargo of foreign contraband vessels produced thorny questions regarding the freedom or bondage of the slaves aboard. Competing legal jurisdictions, temporary manumissions, and opportunities for marronage only compounded these uncertainties.
Introduction
Authors: Johnson E. Patrick
Published: September 2019

This chapter introduces readers to the book’s research questions, interventions, intellectual foundations, and Johnson’s narrators. Here, Johnson explains the personal and intellectual impetuses for creating the work. He discusses how the book uses oral history to demonstrate Black, queer, Southern women’s constructions of their identities and casts storytelling as the primary mode through which his narrators theorize their lives. Most importantly, Johnson argues for the importance of studying sexuality in ways that move beyond identity and, instead, account for the polyvalent nature of desire. Lastly, this part of the book situates Black. Queer. Southern. Women.: An Oral History as the companion text to Sweet Tea: Black Gay Men of the South.
Being Human Is a Dangerous Thing
Authors: Johnson E. Patrick
Published: September 2019

Johnson’s appreciation for resilience and forgiveness are evident in this chapter. Cherry Hussain recounts her life story, including her upbringing in Daytona Beach, Florida, her involvement in church as a young person, her first marriage to a man, and her relationship with her wife, Pat. She also discusses her attachment to the term “dyke,” as opposed to lesbian, and gives a brief history of how she began identifying with the label.
Books Saved My Life
Authors: Johnson E. Patrick
Published: September 2019

In this chapter, Mary Anne Adams narrates the story of her upbringing in Oxford, Mississippi, including the spatial organization of the town, her relationships with her parents, and struggles with child sexual abuse at the hands of her favourite uncle. Most of all, she discusses her feelings of loneliness in adolescence and never feeling quite like she fit with her family, identifying books as her respite from this isolation. She also discusses her involvement in local Atlanta politics and her commitment to coalitional struggles.
The Mountain Line, the Gilgal Church Line, and the Mud Creek Line
Authors: Hess Earl J.
Published: September 2019

Terrain and effective Confederate fortifications continued to slow Federal operations during the 2nd and 3rd weeks of June between the Etowah River and the Chattahoochee River. Johnston’s engineers sited three lines of trenches blocking Sherman’s advance. The Mountain Line encompassed Lost Mountain, Pine Mountain, and Brush Mountain but was too extended for the number of his troops. Johnston contracted this position a bit to create the Gilgal Church Line but this position had a sharp angle which was vulnerable to Union artillery fire. He then contracted once again, bringing his left wing back to Mud Creek. But the position still had a sharp angle in the center of the line, so Johnston planned to fall back to Kennesaw Mountain. The Federals dealt with all three lines by closing in, intensely skirmishing, and opening enfilading artillery fire on the angle to compel their enemy to creep back. They employed something like siege approaches to accomplish this slow advance.
The Kennesaw Line
Authors: Hess Earl J.
Published: September 2019

On June 19, Johnston fell back to a new position anchored on the twin peaks of Kennesaw Mountain just northwest of Marietta. It was the strongest position he had yet taken in the campaign and it would hold the Federal for two weeks. Confederate earthworks became very deep and sophisticated along this line, although there were a few salient which protruded toward the Federals and offered some hope of a successful attack. At one of those salients, Cheatham’s Hill, Confederate engineers made a mistake in siting the line which left it vulnerable to a close approach by the Federals. Efforts to flank the Confederate left were stymied by timely movements of troops. Frustrated and worried that the delay might lead to the transfer of reinforcements from the Army of Tennessee to Lee’s army in Virginia, Sherman decided to mount a major frontal attack.
Utoy Creek and Extending South
Authors: Hess Earl J.
Published: September 2019

After the battle of Ezra Church, Hood acted on the defensive and merely blocked Sherman’s efforts to extend the Union line west and south of Atlanta to cut the last railroad feeding the city. A small engagement at Utoy Creek on August 6 resulted in the repulse of a Union brigade by Confederates dug in on the south side of the stream. After those Confederates were flanked out of their position, the Federals extended as far as their resources allowed but still could not bypass Hood’s left flank. For the third time in the campaign, Sherman was faced with the need to organize a large flanking movement away from his railroad supply line to avoid attacking strong enemy earthworks. He hesitated until after trying three attempts by his cavalry to cut enemy rail systems as an alternative to so risky a move. Those mounted raids failed and Sherman engaged in preparing to move his infantry south to decisively break Hood’s supply line.
Rowlandson’s Captivity, Interpreted by God
Authors: Newman Andrew
Published: September 2019

This chapter presents an “inside out” reading of Mary Rowlandson’s famous narrative of her captivity during King Philip’s War, The Sovereignty and Goodness of God (1682). It focuses on nine passages that she recounts reading in a Bible that an Indian bestowed upon her early in her captivity, and therefore pertain to the diegesis, or narrated action, instead of the commentary on her experience. It posits that these compose a coherent, primordial interpretation of her captivity, issued, in her understanding, by God, who directed her selection of scriptures, and, through these, influenced her perspective and behavior. Rowlandson defines the boundaries of her discourse community by contrasting her orthodox literacy practices with those of the Christian or Praying Indians.
Fulfilling the Name
Authors: Newman Andrew
Published: September 2019

This chapter uses onomastics, the study of names, to compare the intersecting stories of two women who lived in the Iroquois-Jesuit mission village of Kahnawake. The Iroquoian concept of requickening may lend insight into how Kateri Tekakwitha, the first Native American saint, may have modelled her life after her baptismal namesake, St. Catherine of Siena. The Jesuits’ choice of Marguerite, after St. Margaret of Antioch, as a new baptismal name for John Williams’s captive daughter Eunice may have been intended as an allusion to her rescue from heresy. Her eventual marriage to a Mohawk man fulfilled her Mohawk name, Kanenstenhawi, just as Kateri Tekakwitha’s vow of chastity fulfilled her Christian one.
Conclusion
Authors: Newman Andrew
Published: September 2019

The Conclusion uses Fanny Kelly’s 1871 narrative of her captivity among Lakotas to recapitulate the claims of Allegories of Encounter. Kelly’s narrative illustrates how both captives and captors saw literacy as a sign of cultural difference. Its intertextual references indicate her participation in a cosmopolitan, Christian literary culture and also suggest how she allegorized her unfolding experience.
The Mismeasure of Minds
Authors: Staub Michael E.
Published: September 2019

The 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision required desegregation of America’s schools, but it also set in motion an agonizing multidecade debate over race, class, and IQ. In this innovative book, Michael E. Staub investigates neuropsychological studies published between Brown and the controversial 1994 book The Bell Curve. In doing so, he illuminates how we came to view race and intelligence today.
In tracing how research and experiments around such concepts as learned helplessness, deferred gratification, hyperactivity, and emotional intelligence migrated into popular culture and government policy, Staub reveals long-standing and widespread dissatisfaction—not least among middle-class whites—with the metric of IQ. He also documents the devastating consequences—above all for disadvantaged children of color—as efforts to undo discrimination and create enriched learning environments were recurrently repudiated and defunded. By connecting psychology, race, and public policy in a single narrative, Staub charts the paradoxes that have emerged and that continue to structure investigations of racism even into the era of contemporary neuroscientific research.
Plasticity of Intelligence, Education Reform, and the Disadvantaged Child
Authors: Staub Michael E.
Published: September 2019

This chapter takes up the pressure under which preschool enrichment programs like Project Head Start—promoted by President Johnson as signature components of his War on Poverty—found themselves, in needing to demonstrate that they were worthy of investment, rather soon after they had been launched. A most significant turning point came in 1966 with the Equality of Educational Opportunity report (better known as the Coleman Report). Expected to demonstrate that students in segregated schools lagged in IQ scores, the Coleman Report instead had the effect of calling into question the conviction, so essential for advocates of desegregation and early enrichment alike, that children’s brains were malleable and that changing their environments improved their IQs. At the same time, a host of seemingly unrelated psychological theories – e.g. “locus of control”, learned helplessness, the interpersonal expectancy effect (better known as the Pygmalion effect) – got swept into controversies over the potential effectiveness of compensatory education.
Minimal Brain Dysfunction, Ritalin, and Racial Politics
Authors: Staub Michael E.
Published: September 2019

This chapter examines psychologists’ involvement in the 1960s and 1970s in inventing a diagnosis known as “minimal brain dysfunction” (MBD) – a precursor to attention deficit attention disorder (ADHD). Although asserted to be a physiological matter, one best treated with stimulant drugs like methylphenidate (Ritalin), MBD was not based on a clear medical symptom. Quite soon, the modal individual for whom Ritalin became considered the most appropriate treatment was a white and middle-class child. As desegregation was often followed by the new phenomenon of tracking within schools, and as more African American children were labeled as suffering from “mild mental retardation,” the contrasting diagnosis of MBD represented a new disease entity to address the cognitive challenges sometimes faced by privileged children of the predominantly white suburbs. Simultaneously, a growing number of commentators, both African American and anti-racist white, came fiercely to protest what they perceived to be a disturbing tendency to overprescribe stimulant medications to poor children of color.
The Politics of Cerebral Asymmetry and Racial Difference
Authors: Staub Michael E.
Published: September 2019

Split-brain theorizing became the lingua franca of the 1970s and 1980s, with the left hemisphere considered the seat of rationality and language while the right hemisphere housed intuition and creativity. Expert and popular writing on cerebral asymmetry came to be directed to society’s privileged, who were encouraged to expand their right-brain potential with yoga, transcendental meditation, and biofeedback. At the same time, a substantial part of debates among neuropsychologists and related medical, social-scientific, and educational professionals revolved around the implications of such a revaluing of right-hemispheric skills specifically for African American, Latino, and Native American children. A remarkable array of experts began to affirm the existence of racial differences in intelligence while taking up a critique that “right-brained” (and often poor and minority) children were trapped in “left-brained” schools. Declaring IQ to be an inaccurate measure, psychologist Alan S. Kaufman in 1979 developed an influential alternative assessment scale specifically to expand what counted as intelligence and to include a range of creative, nonverbal, spatial, and emotional capacities—only to find that gaps in test scores between white and nonwhite children narrowed accordingly.
Afterword
Authors: Staub Michael E.
Published: September 2019

In 1905 French physiological psychologist Alfred Binet pioneered a “metrical scale of intelligence,” a practical and easily administered system for establishing a child’s capacity to perform complex mental processes. Binet did not intend his intelligence test—or the score that the test yielded—to be anything more than a method to identify, and thus to assist, children who experienced difficulties with learning. When the concept of IQ arrived on American shores, it rapidly became racialized. That the racialization of mental testing came so powerfully to thrive in the United States was due in no small part, as Stephen Jay Gould has shown, to the growing prestige and influence of the discipline of psychology in the early decades of the twentieth century, the consequences of which live on – however inadvertently – into the twenty-first century
Securing Work
Authors: Taylor Amy Murrell
Published: September 2019

This chapter continues with the story of Edward and Emma Whitehurst, as well as thousands more enslaved people who fled to Fort Monroe and vicinity, and describes their efforts to secure work with the Union army in 1861 and 1862. It discusses the nature of their labor, from working as guides and spies for the army, to seeking positions as cooks, laundresses, nurses, and heavy laborers. And it describes how difficult it became for these refugees to secure compensation for their labor—as well as recognition of their right to own property. Not everyone in the Union army was willing to view refugees as free people who were entitled to participate in a free labor system. This led to a troubling sequence of events in late 1861 and well into 1862, in which the refugees protested the lack of wages and other harsh labor policies, the frequency of theft, and the impressment of men to work for the Union. Their outcry led to policy changes that involved compensating refugees more consistently for their work—but not before the Whitehursts themselves lost everything to marauding Union soldiers during the Peninsula Campaign.
Clothing Bodies
Authors: Taylor Amy Murrell
Published: September 2019

This chapter describes the clothing obtained and worn by the men, women, and children newly arrived in the war’s refugee camps. With little clothing accumulated during slavery, and with many stresses on that clothing during their journeys into the camps, the refugees had significant clothing needs. Men were usually issued military uniforms, either new ones for those who enlisted or used ones for those who worked as army laborers. But women and children had to rely on the clothing relief provided by missionaries and agents of other northern benevolent organizations. The chapter focuses on the issuance of that clothing relief and the ways in which white, northern relief workers tried to make it serve as a vehicle for preparing refugee women for freedom and citizenship. This occurred through the establishment of stores that would encourage good consumerism while limiting women’s choices to clothing that would mark their racial subordination. Black women, however, determined to wrest control of their bodies from white people, resisted many of these efforts and worked to dress themselves according to their own traditions and desires.
Eliza Bogan in Slavery
Authors: Taylor Amy Murrell
Published: September 2019

This interlude takes readers back in time to Eliza Bogan’s life in slavery. It begins in North Carolina, where she was born and where her owner was once accused of excessive violence against enslaved people. It then follows her as she was forced by that same owner to migrate west into the cotton-growing regions of Arkansas. There she worked as a field hand on a cotton plantation, while experiencing the death of one husband and her forced separation from another. A mother of seven children by the time the war came, Eliza Bogan greeted the arrival of Union troops with a determination to fight back in order to protect her family.
Conclusion
Authors: Tone-Pah-Hote Jenny
Published: September 2019

Kiowas communicated the importance of their identity though expressive culture in new arenas. Expressive culture provided sites to express what nationhood meant in the past as well as what it meant to be Kiowa during the twentieth century. Painters, bead workers, and others debated these ideas with one another though visual culture. They imbued dresses, dance clothes, and adornment with substantial meaning with regard to gender, family, intertribal and intratribal spheres.
Booker T. Washington’s Multifaceted Program for Food Reform at the Tuskegee Institute
Authors: Wallach Jennifer Jensen
Published: September 2019

This chapter gives a case study of Booker T. Washington’s turn of the twentieth-century attempts to transform the African American diet. He micromanaged the dining plan for students and teachers at the Tuskegee Institute, advocating for their right to consume beef and wheat, high-status food items that served as symbols of Americanization. Washington also encouraged the cultivation of performatively middle-class food practices both for the benefit of observers intent on gauging the status of black acculturation as well as for the private benefit of his students, whose bodies he hoped these foods would benefit. Washington drew inspiration from white domestic scientists and the latest nutritional information of his day, but he subsumed the importance of following conventional dietary wisdom to the importance of black self-sufficiency.
The “Oh My God!” Phase
Authors: Geist Edward M.
Published: September 2019

This chapter examines the way in which the discovery of the fallout effects of thermonuclear weapons effected the development of American and Soviet civil defense during the mid-late 1950s. The realization that the fallout from large hydrogen bombs could produce potentially lethal radiation hazards over areas hundreds or thousands or miles away from the detonations undermined the assumptions that underpinned civil defense planning a few years prior. American and Soviet civil defense officials attempted to use fallout as an argument for more extensive civil defense programs. This gambit backfired in both superpowers as sceptical political leaders curtailed civil defense rather than expanding it. In the United States, Dwight Eisenhower sidestepped pressure from civil defense advocates in Congress via institutional reforms whose practical effect was to increase the institutional responsibilities of civil defense while significantly reducing federal funding for them. In the USSR, civil defense skeptics convinced the mercurial Nikita Khrushchev to shutter the Soviet civil defense program altogether at the end of 1959.
Strategy for Survival
Authors: Geist Edward M.
Published: September 2019

This chapter describes the evolution of the superpowers’ civil defense programs from the mid-1970s until the end of the Cold War. In the mid-1970s, the contrast between the USSR’s extensive civil defense effort and its moribund U.S. counterpart led to considerable anxiety that the Kremlin might see civil defense as a usable source of strategic advantage. Rebuffed in their efforts to convince the USSR to negotiate limits on its civil defense program, the Carter administration decided to revive U.S. civil defense on the basis of a strategic evacuation concept dubbed “Crisis Relocation Planning,” which the Reagan administration also pursued. Simultaneously, civil defense for nuclear war and peacetime emergency management were combined into a single agency, the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA). Ironically, not only did Soviet leaders not perceive their civil defense program as a useable source of advantage, they grew increasingly sceptical of its utility throughout this period. The 1986 Chernobyl disaster accelerated this process and led to the reinvention of Soviet civil defense as a peacetime emergency management organization.
Mapping Diaspora
Authors: Pinho Patricia de Santana
Published: September 2019

Brazil, like some countries in Africa, has become a major destination for African American tourists seeking the cultural roots of the black Atlantic diaspora. Drawing on over a decade of ethnographic research as well as textual, visual, and archival sources, Patricia de Santana Pinho investigates African American roots tourism, a complex, poignant kind of travel that provides profound personal and collective meaning for those searching for black identity and heritage. It also provides, as Pinho’s interviews with Brazilian tour guides, state officials, and Afro-Brazilian activists reveal, economic and political rewards that support a structured industry.
Pinho traces the origins of roots tourism to the late 1970s, when groups of black intellectuals, artists, and activists found themselves drawn especially to Bahia, the state that in previous centuries had absorbed the largest number of enslaved Africans. African Americans have become frequent travelers across what Pinho calls the "map of Africanness" that connects diasporic communities and stimulates transnational solidarities while simultaneously exposing the unevenness of the black diaspora. Roots tourism, Pinho finds, is a fertile site to examine the tensions between racial and national identities as well as the gendered dimensions of travel, particularly when women are the major roots-seekers.
That’s My Face
Authors: Pinho Patricia de Santana
Published: September 2019

This chapter contextualizes African American roots tourism in Brazil both time-wise and space-wise. First, it locates the brief history of African American roots tourism within the longer trajectory of the meanings of Brazil for African Americans, spanning from the late nineteenth century—when, inspired by fantastical imaginings of Brazil as a “racial paradise,” groups of African Americans attempted to migrate there—to the present-day, when the country has become an important roots tourism destination. Second, the chapter compares representations of Brazil with those of other countries frequently visited by African American roots tourists, placing them within a wider system of meanings that the author defines as the “map of Africanness,” a map that is both spatial and temporal.
Black Gringos in Brazil?
Authors: Pinho Patricia de Santana
Published: September 2019

This chapter examines how roots tourism has allowed for the construction of black racial solidarity between African Americans and Afro-Brazilians. Aware of their power as U.S. citizens, African Americans have actively “made use” of their identity, as both tourists and Americans, to support Afro-Brazilians. In addition to donating cash and goods and providing financial aid to Afro-Brazilian organizations, they have often requested black tourist guides and prioritized patronizing black-owned businesses so that their U.S. dollars are channeled to Afro-Brazilians. Afro-Brazilian actors, in general, have responded very positively to such practices of solidarity, even if they are also critical of, and ready to challenge, what they view as the tourists’ “Americanness.” Most importantly, Afro-Brazilian activists have also set the terms of engagement in these interactions and, rather than being mere beneficiaries, they have become important agents in these projects of transnational black solidarity, acting as co-producers in the processes of diaspora-making.
We Bring Home the Roots
Authors: Pinho Patricia de Santana
Published: September 2019

This chapter examines the gendered dimensions of travel in order to explain why women make up the majority of roots tourists in Brazil. It builds on the literature that seeks to deconstruct the implicitly masculinist abstract tourist subject. Analyzing why and how women travel is important in the project of challenging the supposed neutrality of “the tourist.” At the same time, although focusing on women travelers, the chapter does not confirm men as the norm that goes on unexamined. The chapter thus maps out the differences between women and men without further othering women. Even though the analysis looks more closely at women, it does so in order to examine gender more broadly, including the power relations between women and men, travel and tourism as fundamentally embodied and gendered practices, and the gendering of the diaspora though the gendering of space, place, and time.
Epilogue
Authors: Pinho Patricia de Santana
Published: September 2019

The book concludes by reflecting on Brazil’s current political crisis, following the institutional coup d’état that ousted Dilma Rousseff, the country’s first female president. The epilogue discusses the deployment of an evolutionist language among the left to define the sudden turn of events as a “reversion” to a less advanced stage of the country’s development, and it argues that evolutionist explanations are unproductive, even when they seem appealing. Alternative ways to explain reality, that move us beyond hierarchical and Eurocentric logics, are more necessary than ever. The epilogue also points to new trends of black diaspora travel where transnational solidarity continues to be crucial, including that carried out by members of the Black Lives Matter movement.
Havana at the Crossroads
Authors: Schneider Elena A.
Published: September 2019

Chapter 2 casts a “Havana’s-eye view” on the way its residents positioned themselves inside and outside both the British and Spanish empires during the decades that preceded the British invasion. Well before the British war fleet began its siege of Havana, contraband and the British-dominated slave trade had already transformed the city into a hybrid space, mutually constituted with its British American neighbors. The African peoples brought to Cuba in predominantly British slaving ships were bought and sold as goods, yet, upon arrival, they and their descendants were also regarded as future loyal Spanish subjects, vital economic contributors, and crucial defenders of the king’s realms in a climate of heightened imperial war and rivalry. Havana’s merchants and landowners built a successful economy that profited from both trading with the enemy and making war against them through privateering and wartime transimperial trade. The prevailing patterns of war, trade, and slavery help to explain the reactions of individuals in Havana to the British siege and occupation of their city.
A City under Siege
Authors: Schneider Elena A.
Published: September 2019

This middle section of the book, on the invasion and occupation, treats the two phases of the central events in Cuba as separate but parallel processes, with their own protagonists and outcomes. Chapter 3 focuses on the critical role of people of African descent during the siege. British war commanders had counted on a formidable defense of Havana from the Spanish soldiers stationed there, but what surprised them was the vigorous part played by free and enslaved people of color on the front lines of the defense. Not all people of African descent present at the siege acted in support of either the British or the Spanish war effort. But in general blacks in Havana made the siege so protracted that the British almost failed; its armies ended up losing more men to a virulent yellow fever outbreak than they had in the entire Seven Years’ War in North America. The defense of Havana was so fierce that it took down a massive British army and severely limited plans for the occupation.
New Lucumí from Ọ̀yọ́
Authors: Lovejoy Henry B.
Published: September 2019

During the years Camejo and Prieto led the Lucumí cabildo, warfare in the Bight of Benin hinterland resulted in the collapse of the kingdom of Oyo, which was a major West African slave-trading state. As a result, tens of thousands of Yoruba-speakers arrived to Cuba, including hundreds liberated in British abolition efforts. This chapter examines this migration in relation to Camejo and Prieto’s leadership.
Lucumí War
Authors: Lovejoy Henry B.
Published: September 2019

Following Oyo’s collapse, tens of thousands of warriors were sent to Cuba’s plantations. As the leader of a large Lucumí community in Havana, Camejo and Prieto could have predicted that warfare from West African would have carried over to Cuba, especially on sugar and coffee plantations in rural areas. In 1833, a slave uprising erupted 50 miles to the west of Havana, which involved over 300 Yoruba-speaking participants from Oyo and resulted in the destructions of a small town and several plantations. This Lucumí war jeopardized the leadership of Camejo and Prieto in Havana due to the fear of the white, slave owning classes in the context of the Age of Revolutions and the rise of independence states in the Americas.
Prieto’s Disappearance
Authors: Lovejoy Henry B.
Published: September 2019

Shortly after the Lucumí War, a small disturbance in Havana resulted in Prieto’s arrest. This chapter examines how Prieto was wrongly accused of fomenting revolution due to his leadership of the Lucumí cabildo. Following his interrogation and the confiscation of his religious shrines and personal papers, Prieto disappears from the historical record, but not before the context of his arrest circulates around the Atlantic world in the correspondences of high-ranking Spanish and British officials.
The Lumbee Indians
Authors: Lowery Malinda Maynor
Published: September 2019

Jamestown, the Lost Colony of Roanoke, and Plymouth Rock are central to America's mythic origin stories. Then, we are told, the main characters--the "friendly" Native Americans who met the settlers--disappeared. But the history of the Lumbee Tribe of North Carolina demands that we tell a different story. As the largest tribe east of the Mississippi and one of the largest in the country, the Lumbees have survived in their original homelands, maintaining a distinct identity as Indians in a biracial South. In this passionately written, sweeping work of history, Malinda Maynor Lowery narrates the Lumbees' extraordinary story as never before. The Lumbees' journey as a people sheds new light on America's defining moments, from the first encounters with Europeans to the present day. How and why did the Lumbees both fight to establish the United States and resist the encroachments of its government? How have they not just survived, but thrived, through Civil War, Jim Crow, the civil rights movement, and the war on drugs, to ultimately establish their own constitutional government in the twenty-first century? Their fight for full federal acknowledgment continues to this day, while the Lumbee people's struggle for justice and self-determination continues to transform our view of the American experience. Readers of this book will never see Native American history the same way.
We Have Always Been a Free People
Authors: Lowery Malinda Maynor
Published: September 2019

In the 1580s, Sir Walter Raleigh’s soldiers and settlers, including Arthur Barlowe and Ralph Lane, ventured into Roanoke. They forged alliances with Wingina, a leader of Roanoke and his allies Wanchese and Manteo, but Lane attacked Manteo’s village of Croatoan, killing Wingina. Wanchese retaliated against Lane’s group. Manteo left and returned in 1587 with Governor John White. After failed negotiations with the Croatoan, White decided to attack Wanchese but mistakenly attacked Croatoan villagers. White left for England, and when he returned to Virginia three years later, the colony was gone, the settlers having taken refuge with the Croatoan. Other settlers, such as the ones in Tuscarora territory, established their societies under Indians’ authority and agreed to live by Indians’ rules. The society that blossomed under Tuscarora supervision was multiracial and prospered from trade. The Tuscarora War was a violent explosion of tensions between the Tuscarora, Europeans, and their Indian allies.
By the 1750s, the people of Drowning Creek and its swamps traced belonging through kinship, spoke English, farmed, and adopted European land-tenure systems. They regenerated their identity as an Indian community and developed a nation that operated independently and valued autonomy, freedom, and justice.
A Creative State, Not a Welfare State
Authors: Lowery Malinda Maynor
Published: September 2019

Lumbee advocates believed that Lumbees should harness the full power of self-determination provided by the federal government. Federal recognition does not legitimize a tribe’s identity, but it does give a tribe’s inherent sovereignty a unique place within the American political system. This chapter outlines the Lumbee fight for federal recognition throughout the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. Opposition came from the federal government, Washington political infighting, and other Indian tribes. Despite disappointment at the federal level, Lumbee organizations worked together to create a tribal government and constitution for the Lumbee people, as well as debated with each other about how best to do that. The topic of gaming was particularly controversial. Eventually Lumbees decided on an electoral system of government with representation on a district basis. The Lumbee constitution defined two important aspects of Lumbee identity: kinship and place.Important players in the Lumbee fight for sovereignty included Arlinda Locklear, Julian Pierce, Helen Maynor Schierbeck, and Dalton Brooks.
Introduction
Authors: Matthews Scott L.
Published: September 2019

The introduction explores why the South became known as America’s “most documented” region beginning in the 1940s and into the twenty-first century. It argues that documentarians saw the region as a fertile place to do fieldwork for two main reasons. First, the region possessed unique and seemingly fragile folk cultures in need of preservation before modern influences erased them. Second, the region possessed seemingly endemic problems associated with its racial caste system and agricultural economies that needed documentation, study, and reform. The introduction also provides an overview of how historians and theorists defined “documentary” throughout the twentieth century and how and why some black and white southerners resisted the intrusion of documentarians into their lives. Additionally, it traces the history of documentary fieldwork in the South from the eighteenth through the nineteenth century and demonstrates how the tradition’s dominant themes developed during this time, particularly in the travel writings and sketches of Basil Hall, Frederick Law Olmsted, Jonathan Baxter Harrison and others. Finally, it highlights the distinguishing features of twentieth-century documentary by emphasizing the role of Progressive and New Deal reform impulses, the Folk Revival and Civil Rights Movement, and the development of portable recording technologies.
Protesting the Privilege of Perception
Authors: Matthews Scott L.
Published: September 2019

This chapter explores how Hale County, Alabama became an iconic site of documentary representation during the twentieth century and why some its poor black and white residents resisted the attempts of documentarians to turn their private lives into public symbols. The chapter begins by examining the collaboration between two local white documentarians, amateur folklorist and poet, Martha Young and photographer J.W. Otts, who recorded the lives and customs of Hale County’s rural black people in the early 1900s. It focuses on Young’s dialect poems that speak from the perspective of black women who refused to be photographed by whites and who saw photography as an exploitative medium. Next, the chapter demonstrates how this narrative and tradition of resistance to documentary continued during the 1930s. It explores the resistance writer James Agee and photographer Walker Evans faced in the 1930s from some of the white tenant families they documented for their book, Let Us Now Praise Famous Men, and it shows how their descendants often found new ways to resist documentarians and journalists in succeeding decades. These acts of resistance transformed poor black and white residents into actors rather than just icons in the documentary process.
Introduction
Authors: Greene Kevin D.
Published: September 2019

The invention and reinvention of Big Bill Broonzy reveals numerous pathways African American entertainers faced during the first half of the twentieth century. After Broonzy left the South for Chicago, his 30-year career as a pioneer in blues music would be shaped by his own ambitions and those held by others. Both consciously and unconsciously, Big Bill became a full participant in Chicago and America’s critically vital New Negro Renaissance. Along the way, his reinventions would help negotiate African American celebrity and modernity in a manner that would hasten the transformation of his ever-expanding black consciousness.
Carving Out a Home in the Promised Land
Authors: Greene Kevin D.
Published: September 2019

Big Bill left the Deep South for Chicago in the early 1920s for Chicago, a rapidly industrializing city with an expanding black population in the city’s south side. There, he discovered Bronzeville, the African American section of Chicago. At the time, Bronzeville was fully engaged in the New Negro Renaissance of the age where black southern migrants like Big Bill challenged established class, political, cultural, and social norms in a contest centered on remaking American blackness over as modern. Black Chicago and its expanding consumer marketplace became one of the nation’s centers for transforming African American identity and culture of the age.
Southern Migrant Blues
Authors: Greene Kevin D.
Published: September 2019

As part of his New Negro transformation, Broonzy would give himself a new moniker, “Willie Broonzy,” and engage with black Chicago’s powerfully vibrant music scene. There, Broonzy would transform his musicianship from that of the country fiddler to a street singing, rent party, and burgeoning recording artist, fully engaged and carving out space in Bronzeville. Along the way, he would meet numerous musicians, talent scouts, and community stake holders whose expectations aided in Broonzy’s evolution as a southern migrant, New Negro, and aspiring musician. This chapter highlights Broonzy’s first forays into Chicago’s music industry and the vibrant but cutthroat environment shaping the early stages of his celebrity.
I Come for to Sing
Authors: Greene Kevin D.
Published: September 2019

From 1930 to 1970, a second folk music revival took hold in the United States and Europe, determined to capture and preserve for posterity US and European vernacular music. Critical to this collection of folklorists, academics, political activists, and entrepreneurs was the history and impact of African American music on folklore and culture. Big Bill, quite familiar with the types of country and Delta blues the folk music revival craved stood happy to oblige. Soon, one of the most sophisticated and urbane performers of the age began performing alone accompanied by his guitar for folk audiences from New York to Chicago. Within this community, Broonzy found a culture and environment willing and able to support his transitioning career from black pop star to folk music darling. Along the way, he would meet more individuals who could aid in his career reinvention and he both accepted and rejected their expectations of him and his music.
A Passionate Addiction to Lincoln
Authors: Silber Nina
Published: September 2019

No historical figure became as prominent in 1930s America as Abraham Lincoln. Once seen mainly as a figure of moderation and reconciliation, Lincoln became a more powerful figure associated with state building and the broadly defined work of emancipation. Under the influence of poet and Lincoln biographer Carl Sandburg, important parallels were drawn between Lincoln and FDR. Yet, because of Roosevelt’s limited attention to racial oppression, there was a tendency to make Lincoln a more race neutral figure, one who freed white people more than black. At the same time, African Americans, who were increasingly shifting their political interests to the Democratic Party, invested Lincoln with more of a racial justice agenda. Conservatives, for their part, took aim at the way New Dealers and Popular Fronters re-imagined Lincoln, especially on the Federal stage.
Look Away! Dixie’s Landed!
Authors: Silber Nina
Published: September 2019

The pro-Confederate Lost Cause memory of the Civil War continued to have considerable staying power during the 1930s, seen most notably in the popularity of the book and film versions of Gone With the Wind. At the same time, the Lost Cause was adapted to fit the sensibilities of this era. Many white Americans, for example, were drawn to the suffering of Civil War era white southerners in light of the economic trials of the 30s. Conservatives also doubled-down on the Lost Cause narrative as they pushed back against aspects of the New Deal agenda, as well as a reawakened civil rights movement and anti-lynching campaign. Finally, conservatives adapted the Lost Cause story to target Northern radicals and communists as the same kind of agitators who punished white southerners during Reconstruction. Black activists and communists tried to expose the racist and unpatriotic underpinnings of the Lost Cause but often fell short.
Liberalism Is Not Enough
Authors: Averbeck Robin Marie
Published: September 2019

In this intellectual history of the fraught relationship between race and poverty in the 1960s, Robin Marie Averbeck offers a sustained critique of the fundamental assumptions that structured liberal thought and action in postwar America. Focusing on the figures associated with “Great Society liberalism” like Daniel Patrick Moynihan, David Riesman, and Arthur Schlesinger Jr., Averbeck argues that these thinkers helped construct policies that never truly attempted a serious attack on the sources of racial inequality and injustice.
In Averbeck’s telling, the Great Society’s most notable achievements--the Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act--came only after unrelenting and unprecedented organizing by black Americans made changing the inequitable status quo politically necessary. And even so, the discourse about poverty created by liberals had inherently conservative qualities. As Liberalism Is Not Enough reveals, liberalism’s historical relationship with capitalism shaped both the initial content of liberal scholarship on poverty and its ultimate usefulness to a resurgent conservative movement.
Diagnosing Poverty
Authors: Averbeck Robin Marie
Published: September 2019

Chapter 2 tells the story of liberal programs designed to try and reduce poverty in the inner cities. This includes both federal programs and private programs, often supported by federal funding. The focus is on the sociological theory behind many of these programs, which justified themselves on having a fresh new approach to the problem of poverty. Key figures included Leonard Cottrell and Richard Cloward and Lloyd Ohlin. Cloward and Ohlin in particular worked on one of the most celebrated antipoverty programs, Mobilization for Youth in New York City. However, the chapter also unpacks how these programs and theories reflected the assumption that poor people were dysfunctional and had to be taught how to participate in their own local democracies, laying the groundwork for the idea of a culture of poverty.
A Culture of Poverty
Authors: Averbeck Robin Marie
Published: September 2019

Chapter 3 traces the history of the idea of a culture of poverty while unpacking its racist content. Of particular importance is Daniel Patrick Moynihan and his report on the black family, known as the Moynihan Report. Chapter 3 explores how Moynihan distilled various tropes and memes in articulating a theory of black poverty that placed the primary blame on the supposed pathologies of the black family and community. Chapter 3 also explains the background of that idea and how the various versions of it differed, looking at the writing and work of Oscar Lewis, Michael Harrington, and Kenneth Clark among others. Also emphasized is how the culture of poverty idea allowed liberals to sidestep the issue of the role of capitalism and the market in black poverty, making it very effective for maintaining racial capitalism even during the height of the challenge from below the civil rights movement presented.
Conclusion
Authors: Armstrong-Hough Mari
Published: September 2019

This concluding chapter summarized the central argument of the book: Biomedicalization does not flatten out differences so much as it proliferates them. As the biomedical paradigm has become central to lay systems of meaning, the language and ideas of biomedicine are imbued with cultural meanings. In this way, medicine shapes and reorganizes cultural meanings. But the reverse also occurs: the cultural meanings that arise from lay systems shape the patient-provider encounters and narratives that lie at the heart of the practice of medicine. These meetings of lay and medical systems of meaning are sense-making events in which patients and providers “practice culture.”
In the United States, biomedicalization and a capitalist ethic of productivity and individual responsibility become mutually reinforcing: the individual is continually reinscribed as the primary category of being and the object of medicine. In Japan, biomedicalization intertwines with discourses of nationhood, membership in a purportedly unique racial-cultural community, and gendered domestic labor. While biomedicalization does not flatten, its targets are reshaped in traceable ways by the cultural repertoires that inform it. As biomedicalization renders interactions between providers and patients more uncertain and more collaborative, the cultural resources that they bring to those encounters become more—not less—relevant.