bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
It took Spinoza and structuralism to teach Deleuze that meaning is not necessarily attributed to the cinematic sign
Authors: Dawkins Roger
Published: April 2006

In his books on the cinema, Gilles Deleuze describes
the sign as an expression of semiotic matter. Importantly, expression is a
process whereby semiotic matter is molded into form (sign), but this process is
not rightfully guided by any structure transcendent to semiotic matter itself.
It is the result of matter’s self-modulation. Using an early essay of Deleuze’s
called ‘How do we recognize structuralism?’, I take a closer look at the cinema
books and unpack exactly what is involved in the process of expression, and the
implications of expression for established ideas of the sign and meaning in
semiotics.
Wo in Relativsätzen – eine korpusbasierte Untersuchung [Wo in relative clauses]
Authors: Pittner Karin
Published: April 2006

The paper investigates the functions relative
The aqueous complexation of thorium with citrate under neutral to basic conditions
Authors: Felmy Andrew R. , Cho Herman , Dixon David A. , Xia Yuanxian , Hess Nancy J. , Wang Zheming
Published: April 2006

The aqueous complexation of thorium with citrate was investigated under neutral to basic conditions and over a broad range of ionic strengths. The solubility data for ThO2(am) as a function of citrate concentration indicate the presence of stable species with citrate-to-metal ratios of between two to three. The dependence of the ThO2(am) solubilities on hydrogen ion concentration can also be readily explained by the classical assumption of hydrolysis of the central Th(IV) ion to form mixed thorium-hydroxide-citrate complexes. 13C NMR spectra of the species in solution confirm that the citrate-to-metal ratio of the species in solution is between two and three and show that the citrate attaches to the metal in a bidentate fashion through oxygens on the α-carboxylate and α-alkoxyl groups, rather than through the carboxylate groups. The 13C NMR spectra, as well as a density functional theory (DFT) electronic structure study of the presumptive complexes, suggests that the associated α-hydroxyl proton can be displaced during complex formation. These findings indicate an alternative explanation for the observed changes in solubility as a function of hydrogen ion concentration, the displacement of protons from the citrate alkoxyl groups via metal binding. Removal of protons from the alkoxyl groups or hydrolysis of the central Th(IV) cannot be distinguished by thermodynamic measurements, however the species with the α-hydroxyl proton removed (i.e. ThOH(Cit)2
5- and Th(Cit)3
8-) would appear to better represent the microscopic binding. Apparent equilibrium constants for the solution phase reactions of these species and the hydrous thorium oxide have been calculated as a function of ionic strength.
Production of [124I]-iodine on an 11 MeV cyclotron
Authors: Nye Jonathon A. , Avila-Rodriguez Miguel A. , Nickles Robert J.
Published: April 2006

The radiohalogen, 124I, was produced by the 124Te(p,n) reaction from a glassy 124TeO2/6%Al2O3 melt on an 11 MeV proton cyclotron. A 20-degree inclined target withstands beam currents up to 20 μA with no physical damage to the substrate surface. Radioiodine was removed from the glassy melt by dry distillation techniques and trapped on cooled platinum wire. The radiochemical purity, determined by ion chromatography, shows a stable product in the iodide form over a lifetime of weeks.
Informed Consent in International Health Research
Authors: Marshall Patricia A.
Published: April 2006

Informed consent is universally recognized as a central component of ethical conduct in scientific research. Investigators working with diverse populations throughout the world face myriad challenges. The application of standards for informed consent can be daunting for researchers when they face the pragmatic constraints of the field and the reality of cultural beliefs about consent that may be in direct conflict with regulatory requirements. This paper explores cultural and social factors underlying informed consent for health research with diverse populations in international settings. Sociocultural influences on comprehension of information, perceptions of risk, and beliefs regarding decisional authority are reviewed. The implications of power inequities between study sponsors, researchers and participants are also considered. Issues associated with the development and preparation of consent forms, including translation and documentation are highlighted. Recommendations for good practices are outlined and future directions for research are explored.
What Scientists Want from Their Research Ethics Committee
Authors: Keith-Spiegel Patricia , Koocher Gerald P. , Tabachnick Barbara
Published: April 2006

Whereas investigators have directed considerable criticism against Institutional Review Boards (IRBs), the desirable characteristics of IRBs have not previously been empirically determined. A sample of 886 experienced biomedical and social and behavioral scientists rated 45 descriptors of IRB actions and functions as to their importance. Predictions derived from organizational justice research findings in other work settings were generally borne out. Investigators place high value on the fairness and respectful consideration of their IRBs. Expected differences between biomedical and social behavioral researchers and other variables were unfounded. Recommendations are offered for educating IRBs to accord researchers greater respect and fair treatment.
TNF-α in Cancer Treatment: Molecular Insights, Antitumor Effects, and Clinical Utility
Authors: van Horssen Remco , ten Hagen Timo L. M. , Eggermont Alexander M. M.
Published: April 2006

Learning Objectives

After completing this course, the reader will be able to: Discuss the role of TNF-a in cancer survival and apoptosis.Describe the mechanism of chemotherapy potentiation by TNF-a.Explain the selective targeting of tumor vasculature by TNF-a.Discuss TNFR-1 and TNFR-2 signaling.

Access and take the CME test online and receive 1 AMA PRA category 1 credit at CME.TheOncologist.com

Tumor necrosis factor alpha (TNF-α), isolated 30 years ago, is a multifunctional cytokine playing a key role in apoptosis and cell survival as well as in inflammation and immunity. Although named for its antitumor properties, TNF has been implicated in a wide spectrum of other diseases. The current use of TNF in cancer is in the regional treatment of locally advanced soft tissue sarcomas and metastatic melanomas and other irresectable tumors of any histology to avoid amputation of the limb. It has been demonstrated in the isolated limb perfusion setting that TNF-α acts synergistically with cytostatic drugs. The interaction of TNF-α with TNF receptor 1 and receptor 2 (TNFR-1, TNFR-2) activates several signal transduction pathways, leading to the diverse functions of TNF-α. The signaling molecules of TNFR-1 have been elucidated quite well, but regulation of the signaling remains unclear. Besides these molecular insights, laboratory experiments in the past decade have shed light upon TNF-α action during tumor treatment. Besides extravasation of erythrocytes and lymphocytes, leading to hemorrhagic necrosis, TNF-α targets the tumor-associated vasculature (TAV) by inducing hyperpermeability and destruction of the vascular lining. This results in an immediate effect of selective accumulation of cytostatic drugs inside the tumor and a late effect of destruction of the tumor vasculature. In this review, covering TNF-α from the molecule to the clinic, we provide an overview of the use of TNF-α in cancer starting with molecular insights into TNFR-1 signaling and cellular mechanisms of the antitumor activities of TNF-α and ending with clinical response. In addition, possible factors modulating TNF-α actions are discussed.
Some Notes on the Political Organization of the Venda-speaking Tribes
Authors: Lestrade G. P.
Published: April 2006

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The following notes are based mainly on information collected by the writer at Mbilwi (‘Sibasa’) from members of Mphaphuli's tribe, and at Tshakhuma (‘Tshakoma’) from members of Madzivhandila's tribe, and supplemented elsewhere in the Venda area. Obviously, over such a large region, a number of variations from the norm here indicated may be expected to exist; but it is thought that what is here given represents in substance, if not in all details, Venda law and custom in respect of this sphere of this people's life
A Comparative Survey of Educational Aims and Methods in British India and British Tropical Africa
Authors: Mayhew Arthur
Published: April 2006

The fact that the Yearbooks of Education, 1932, 1933, edited by Lord Eustace Percy, devote a large portion of their space to education in British dependencies, and that the whole of the Educational Yearbook, 1931, of the International Institute of Teachers College, Columbia University, is devoted to a study of Colonial systems of education, with a liberal apportionment of space to British Colonial policy, shows the widespread interest that is now being taken in the education of the more primitive or indigenous races for which the more advanced countries are acting as trustees. The articles on British Tropical Africa and British India in the Yearbooks of Education, 1932 and 1933, and the survey of education in Tanganyika Territory in the Columbia University Yearbook, afford material for a comparison of educational aims in Africa and India, which may be of interest to the reader, as it certainly has been a source of profit to the writer of this article. The time has not yet come for passing any judgement on British educational policy in the African colonies, and it would be rash to predict the results of plans that have not yet matured and are constantly being adapted to changing conditions and newly discovered needs. But it is possible to survey as a whole the history of education in India from the date of Macaulay's Minute up to 1920, when education passed from the control of the central British Government to the charge of Ministers responsible to Provincial Legislative Councils. This history reveals risks to which tropical races brought into educational contact with western civilization are exposed, and suggests, by its record, of failure as well as success, means whereby these risks, so far as they are real in Africa, may be minimized. Sir Philip Hartog and Mr. Rivers-Smith are so well qualified for the work they have done in these Yearbooks, and have been so cautious in their presentation of the Indian and African situation, that no careful reader of their articles is likely to suppose that conclusions drawn from the one country are necessarily applicable to the other. But there is very much to be gained from a comparative study.
Kikuyu Religion, Ancestor-Worship, and Sacrificial Practices
Authors: Kenyatta Jomo
Published: April 2006

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The Kikuyu people maintain a close relationship with spiritual entities. Their daily lives, both as individuals and in groups, are influenced at all points by beliefs in the supernatural. We constantly commune with the spirits of our ancestors. Further we worship a High God and other supernatural beings.
The Place of the North-Eastern Transvaal Sotho in the South Bantu Complex
Authors: Krige Eileen Jensen
Published: April 2006

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The Sotho of the North-Eastern Transvaal Lowveld occupy an area with fairly well-marked geographical boundaries. To the east, the Game Reserve, low-lying, unhealthy, very sparsely populated even in the old days, remains an effective barrier to contact with and further migrations from the Shangana-Tonga of Portuguese East Africa. South are the Olifants River and the towering Drakensberg range curving north-west then northwards to merge into the well-marked escarpment on the west dividing Lowveld from Highveld. On the north the Klein Letaba river roughly demarcates our area from the Venda and the Shangana-Tonga of the Knobnose Location. The Sotho-speaking Venda of Tswale and Moila, who fall well within this area, resemble in culture their Sotho-ized neighbours more than their own Venda kin to the north; but the Shangana- Tonga, who occupy most of the lower-lying eastern and north-eastern portion of the area and comprise at least one-third of its total population, are unassimilated strangers of different stock coming from the north-east and east. They have been entering since about 1840, usually in small bands, at first seeking the protection of and subjecting themselves to the Sotho owners of the land. On the arrival of the white man, some of their headmen were granted independent locations which have served as nuclei for the building up of more united tribal groups. (See accompanying map.)
The Effects of Contact with Europeans on the Status of Pondo Women
Authors: Hunter Monica
Published: April 2006

The AmaMpondo are a Bantu tribe of the south-eastern group, living in a native reserve on the southern border of Zululand, and speaking a dialect of Xosa. They depend for their subsistence upon cattle farming and hoe culture. They have a typical Bantu ‘cattle complex’, cattle not only being of economic importance, but being a centre of men's interests and emotions and playing a large part in religion and marriage. They live in patrilineal kinship groups imizi (sing, umzi) which are scattered about the country at distances varying from some hundreds of yards to two or three miles. The average umzi now contains four to five adults, but formerly, when danger from man and beast made concentration necessary for defence, it is said that it was common for twenty married men, together with their wives and children, to live together in one umzi. Both chiefs and commoners practise polygyny, and a union is legalized by the passage of cattle from the groom's group to the bride's (ukulobola). Administration was organized on a territorial basis. There was a powerful paramount chief with district chiefs and sub-chiefs under him. Each sub-chief had a court, from which there was the right of appeal to his immediate superior and finally to the paramount. Cutting across the territorial groupings (amabandla) are patrilineal clans, iziduko (sing, isiduko). Iziduko are strictly exogamous, and the sense of difference between them, and oneness within them, is marked by the taboo on drinking milk, or eating sacrificial meat, of a strange isiduko, but the acceptance of either from a member of the same isiduko. Great emphasis is laid on the respect for elders, living and dead. Deceased ancestors, amatongo, are believed to have the power of blessing, or of sending sickness and poverty, and sacrifices of meat and beer are made to them. Besides being sent by ancestral spirits, sickness is thought to be caused by sorcerers, abatakati. Murder by sorcery is regarded as the worst possible crime, and was punished with torture and death. The fear of sorcery is ever present in the minds of AmaMpondo. The most powerful specialists in the society are the diviners, amagqira, who discover sorcery and who also treat sick persons.
Co-Operation for Africa
Authors: Strickland C. F.
Published: April 2006

In every continent in which it has taken root, the co-operative movement has assumed new forms and adopted fresh methods. In Europe, its original home, the consumers' stores of England and the credit and agricultural societies of Germany grew up almost independently of one another. When transplanted to America and Australia, it acquired peculiar strength in the field of large-scale marketing. In Asia the principal development has been that of credit for the peasantry, though with less emphasis on economic and more on moral elements than in Europe. In each of these continents the people, especially the poorer classes, have derived great benefits from their societies, the European in his domestic purchases, the American in the orderly disposal of his produce, the Asiatic in relief from the yoke of usury and in training of character by self-control and mutual control. The majority of Asiatic countries learned the lesson from India, whence the co-operative idea spread first to Ceylon, British Malaya, and Siam, then to the Philippine Islands and China. Japan is an exception, her national leaders after travel and observation having imitated in many respects the German system; Palestine and the Dutch East Indies, the latest recruits, also draw inspiration from both European and Asiatic sources. The general position now is that, save in a few regions where government is still unsteady, Co-operation is universal outside Africa.
Notes on the Osu System among the Ibo of Owerri Province, Nigeria
Authors: Leith-Ross S.
Published: April 2006

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The Ibo of Owerri Province form a compact mass living in what are perhaps best termed village-areas, straggling ‘garden cities’ covering a large area of ground, and where huts either stand in little unprotected bunches or in walled compounds with farmlands and forest between. The few towns, in the European sense of the word, that exist are semi-artificial and date from after the British occupation. Schools and churches are multiplying quickly, but the bulk of the dense population is still pagan and illiterate. It is composed almost exclusively of farmers who, in certain districts, are also oil-nut gatherers. These Ibo are intensely democratic, recognizing no central tribal authority and though coming apparently from the same stock and speaking the same language (although with strong dialectical differences) are curiously individualistic. Their compatriots, living in another village-area only a few miles away but unrelated by ties of kinship, are considered as ‘foreigners’', all bearers of the worst possible characters and capable of the darkest crimes. Daily habits, methods of farming, methods of building, taboos, religious conceptions, vary bewilderingly so that the investigator finds, after months of work, that he has still nothing but bits and pieces that form no coherent whole. All he can do is to pick out a few of the pieces which seem to him significant and describe them to the best of his admittedly limited knowledge in the hope that others may find the links between them.
Initiation Rituals of the Bushong
Authors: Vansina J.
Published: April 2006

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Among the different tribes of the Kuba group, three forms of initiation rites are practised: the eastern tribes (Ngende, Ngongo, and the Shoowa) follow a common form, the Kete of the Luebo region have their own, and the Bushong of the south have yet another form.

I was initiated according to the Bushong rites at the village of Mapey in the south from 23 October to 9 November 1953. Initiation rites at the capital have fallen into disuse and, apart from the capital, may only be performed in villages which pay a special tribute to the king and are known as ‘royal villages’. The people of Mapey allowed me to be initiated because the king himself vouched for me, and because they hoped that I would refute the allegations of immorality brought by the missionaries.
On joking relationships
Authors: Radcliffe-Brown A. R.
Published: April 2006

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The publication of Mr. F. J. Pedler's note on what are called ‘joking relationships’, following on two other papers on the same subject by Professor Henri Labouret and Mademoiselle Denise Paulme, suggests that some general theoretical discussion of the nature of these relationships may be of interest to readers of Africa.
Concepts of the Soul among the Akan of the Gold Coast
Authors: Meyerowitz Eva L. R.
Published: April 2006

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When the bi-sexual deity of the cosmos Nyame Amowia, visible as the moon, gave birth to the Sun god, she gave him her kra, her eternal soul or life-giving power; hence his name, the Only Great Nyame (Nyame; ko- only; pɔn- great) generally drawn together as Nyankopɔn. The kra is also envisaged as bi-sexual; its female aspect is believed to be the substance or body of the moon and sun, i.e. fire, while its male aspect is the spirit, the essence, the spiritual, or that which is truly divine.
Secondary Marriage in Northern Nigeria
Authors: Smith M. G.
Published: April 2006

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During the past fifty years certain interesting marriage practices have been reported for various tribes in Northern Nigeria by a number of writers, but so far not much attention has been directed towards classification and analysis of the institutions concerned. This is attempted in the present paper, mainly on the basis of field-work among two tribes of Zaria Province, Northern Nigeria—the Kadara and the Kagoro—both of which practise an institution here referred to as secondary marriage, though their cultures are otherwise strikingly different.
The Sanusi of Cyrenaica
Authors: Evans-Pritchard E. E.
Published: April 2006

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In August 1944, after more than twenty years of exile, His Eminence al-Sayyid Muhammad Idris, the Head of the Islamic Order of the Sanusiya, paid a visit to Cyrenaica as the guest of the British Administration of that country. The following account of the Sanusi of Cyrenaica may be of interest, since though the Sanusi became well known to us during the last war, and even better known during the present war, in which they have been our Allies, few of those who have met them in their country know their history.
Some Social Aspects of Lugbara Myth
Authors: Middleton John
Published: April 2006

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The Lugbara are a Sudanic-speaking people of the Nile-Congo divide and number 242,000, of whom two-thirds live in north-western Uganda and the remainder in the adjoining area of the Belgian Congo. Their political system is a segmentary one, with no form of centralized political authority. There is a system of polysegmentary patrilineages, the largest series of which are the exogamous units. Within the territorial section associated with the agnatic core provided by such a lineage there is, or was, the obligation to settle disputes by discussion between the parties concerned so that feud was avoided, and it was only between these sections that a permanent state of hostility could exist. Each of these territorial sections consists on an average of some 4,000 people living in an area of some twenty-five square miles. They, the largest of the groups called suru by Lugbara, and which I refer to as maximal sections based on maximal lineages, are the largest political units of the system. Like the three levels of segmentation within them, they bear specific names, most of which are found in all parts of Lugbara. I call these names clan-names.
Native and Trade Currencies in Southern Nigeria during the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries
Authors: Jones G. I.
Published: April 2006

Introduction

In this paper an attempt is made to combine contemporary field work with historical data in the study of certain early currency systems of Southern Nigeria with special reference to the Rivers Province.

My historical sources for the period up to the eighteenth century are Pacheco Pereira, Dapper, and John and James Barbot, mainly the last three; for the early nineteenth century mainly Captains Adams and Bold, together with the other sources detailed in the bibliography. For ethnographical data I have had to rely on Talbot supplemented by my own work during the period 1927 to 1946; and during a period of more recent field work in the Rivers Province and Old Calabar in 1956 I was able to make a specific study of the traditional political and economic systems of the Oil Rivers Ports.
Papers on the Economic Aspect of Life among the Ozuitem Ibo
Authors: Harris J. S.
Published: April 2006

Ozuitem is an Ibo community of approximately 7,400 individuals situated in Bende Division, Owerri Province, Southern Nigeria. This, like similar communities, is generally referred to as a ‘clan’ by government officials and this term has been crystallized in Talbot's volumes. Meek, as a result of his researches into Ibo social organization, refers to these as ‘communes’ or ‘village groups’. Throughout this study the term ‘community’ will be used to refer to Ozuitem and other similar politically autonomous and descent groups.
The Ohu System of Slavery in a Northern Ibo Village-group
Authors: Horton W. R. G.
Published: April 2006

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The village-group of Nike occupies an area of some 200 square miles to the immediate north-east of Enugu, capital of the Eastern Provinces of Nigeria. It comprises 24 villages with a total population of 9,600, a figure which gives the average density of the group as 48 per square mile—one of the lowest in Ibo country.

Traditions in neighbouring groups, as well as in Nike itself, affirm that before the advent of the British Administration the people of Nike were the principal slave-traders in northern Ibo-land. The first mention of the group in the history of colonial Nigeria appears in an account submitted by the Assistant District Officer, Obubra, of some exploratory journeys undertaken amongst the northern Ibo in the year 1905. Remarking, with the true empire-builder's sang-froid, that ‘the whole area seems relatively quiet and well-disposed…cannibalism and human sacrifice are more or less general’, the officer encloses an interesting sketch-map of the north-eastern section of Ibo-land which shows the Nike group to have been the main trading cross-roads of the whole of this area.
An Ethiopian Argot of People Possessed by a Spirit
Authors: Leslau Wolf
Published: April 2006

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The official religion in Ethiopia is Christianity, a part of the Ethiopian population are Moslems, others, called Falasha, are of Jewish faith, still others are pagans. Whatever their religious beliefs, Ethiopians have in common a belief in the spirit called zar. The name is of non-Semitic origin, probably derived from the name of the supreme divinity of the pagan Cushites, the God-Heaven called in Agau ğar, and in Sidamo languages: Kaffa yarō, Buoro darō. This ancient pagan god is regarded in christianized Abyssinia as a malevolent genius. Although the official church, Christian or Moslem, condemns the belief in zar and the practices connected with it, the current opinion is that everyone ‘has a zar’.
The Karamajong Cluster
Authors: Gulliver P. H.
Published: April 2006

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Within the Nilo-Hamitic group of tribes in East Africa is a sub-group, the tribes of which speak closely related dialects. So close are these dialects that a native speaker of any one can understand a speaker of any other. In the normal intercourse between the peoples this does in fact happen constantly. Linguistically this group of dialects might be called the Teso Dialect Cluster, after the tribe of that name.
Moča, a Tone Language of the Kafa Group in South-Western Ethiopia
Authors: Leslau Wolf
Published: April 2006

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Moča is a dialect of the Kafa cluster, in the south-west of Ethiopia. It is spoken in the province of Ilubabor, to the west of Kafa, extending north across the river Baro. The language is called Šäkka by the Moča themselves; the term Moča is used by the Galla and by the Europeans.

The dialects of the Kafa cluster are: Kafa spoken in the province of Kafa, between the rivers Omo and Goǧeb to the north and the Gimira tribes to the south; Boša (or Garo) spoken to the north of the river Goǧeb, and west of Omo; and Moča.
Kuria Generation Classes
Authors: Ruel M. J.
Published: April 2006

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The importance of age as a factor of social grouping amongst East African peoples has long been recognized. Amongst the Kuria, a Bantu-speaking people who have been culturally influenced by Nilo-Hamitic neighbours, two distinct forms of age-grouping exist. In one ‘age-sets’ are recruited at regular provincial ceremonies of initiation, the historical sequence of sets then serving to rank their members by age seniority. In the other ‘generation classes’ are recruited according to a fixed cycle of named classes where the children of the men of one class are automatically ascribed membership of the succeeding class and where norms of coevality apply to each class in sequence. These two forms of age-grouping are institutionally distinct (status in one is in no way ‘tied’ to status in the other) and they operate in different ways within the society. Although both belong to what may empirically be called Kuria age-organization, they can conveniently be described separately. The following paper describes the generation classes.
Idu: A Creator Festival at Okpoma (Brass) in the Niger Delta
Authors: Alagoa Ebiegberi Joe
Published: April 2006

Introduction

In a brilliant analysis of Kalahari religion, Robin Horton has suggested that ‘Kalahari readiness to identify their unitary tamuno with the Christian God, and to give it active worship in such a guise’, may be explained by the fact that ‘Christian evangelism coincided with a growing irruption of the wider world outside into the narrow enclave of village life, and hence with a growing need to come to terms with this wider world’. Mr. Horton may not have meant to draw this conclusion, but this assessment could be read to suggest that among the Kalahari there had been no ‘active worship’ of the Creator God until Christian missionaries arrived with the European trader and consul, that it was this irruption of the outer world that gave the Kalahari villager a reason for seeking actively to worship tamuno, the missionary arriving at the opportune moment to teach him how. The following account of a Creator festival and ritual among the Nembe or Brass people, living adjacent to the Kalahari in the Niger Delta, should serve to confirm that active worship of a supreme being antedated the establishment of Christian missions. As with the Kalahari, there was a later identification of the Nembe God with the Christian, but this did not mark the beginning of active worship. The impact of the new forces has, however, resulted in the giving up of traditional modes of worship for the new Christian procedures which are thought to be more effective, and the idu festival described here has not been performed for over a decade.
Lineage and Locality among the Mba-Ise Ibo
Authors: Ardener Edwin
Published: April 2006

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Across the central area of Ibo country, in the Eastern Region of Nigeria, is a thickly populated belt in which population growth has rarely resulted in the development of compact urban or quasi-urban centres, except under exceptional, generally modern, conditions. Typically, the population is spread so evenly throughout the palm-forest that it is difficult to believe that concentrations of over 1,000 persons per square mile are now quite commonplace. The population of Mba-Ise is 186,300 in only about 167 square miles, with a migrant population elsewhere of about 30,000. This type of settlement has put a special imprint on social organization in the area, and some of the interrelationships between lineage, territorial organization, and other kinds of groupings are indicated in this article.
Sidamo Generational Class Cycles. A Political Gerontocracy
Authors: Hamer John H.
Published: April 2006

Introduction

This paper considers age organization as a political means of dealing with problems arising out of the dispersion of men and wealth in varying ecological zones among the Sidamo of south-west Ethiopia.

The Sidamo inhabit an area shaped like a trapezoid beginning 169 miles below Addis Ababa, extending on a north-south axis from Lake Awasa to Lake Abaya, and on the east-west axis from the upper branches of the Loghita River to the Billate River (see Map I). Their cultural boundaries are with the Arusi on the north, Walamo on the west, southward with the Gugi and Darassa, and the Jamjam (Northern Gugi) on the east. On the basis of village census data and registration of the majority of Sidamo household heads for the 1965 parliamentary elections, I would estimate the population to be between 100,000 and 200,000 persons.
The Terminology of Kinship and Marriage among the Yoruba
Authors: Schwab William B.
Published: April 2006

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In this paper we shall be concerned with the Yoruba systems of terminology towards kin and affinal relations, as exemplified in the community of Oshogbo. Our main interest will be the extent of the correspondence between the kinship system and the nomenclature and we shall attempt to show that while terminology and behaviour are never incompatible, in certain situations the correspondences are more detailed and precise than in others.
Turu Ecology: Habitat, Mode of Production, and Society
Authors: Schneider Harold K.
Published: April 2006

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The purpose of this paper is to describe the production and settlement system of the Bantu-speaking Turu of central Tanzania and to discuss its effects on the social system. Save for certain other peoples of this area who are historically close to the Turu, the practice of manuring of land and strictly sedentary settlement without slash-and-burn horticultural techniques or bush fallowing (except as ancillary to the main production processes) are an unusual combination in Africa.
Further Adventures of Hyena and Rabbit: The Folktale as a Sociological Model
Authors: Beidelman T. O.
Published: April 2006

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In a previous article published in this journal analysed one East African folktale in terms of its sociological significance. In this article I present a second, similar tale which deals with the same characters and which provides additional illustration of some of the points I tried to make in my earlier work.

This folktale is in Chikaguru, the language spoken by the Kaguru, a matrilineal Bantu people living in northern Kilosa and Mpwapwa Districts. The Kaguru have cultural traditions similar to those of other matrilineal peoples in this region of Tanganyika, such as the Luguru, Ngulu, Zigua, Sagara, and others. They are organized into about ioo non-localized, exogamous matri-clans (ikungugo or lukolo), each of which is divided into many matrilineages which cannot actually trace common descent. Traditionally, political rights over land and rights to perform certain ceremonies of rainmaking, purification, and fertility descend to men through women. The traditional system has been greatly disrupted and changed by colonial rule, missionary activity, and the introduction of a market economy, but this has little relevance to the significance of the material discussed in this paper, which is concerned primarily with the traditional system.
Religious Values in Kimbu Historical Charters
Authors: Shorter Aylward
Published: April 2006

Introduction

The concept of the mythical charter, validating claims to ritual or political authority, is a familiar one to social anthropologists, although, due to a better understanding of the interaction of myth and history, there has been a tendency in recent years to speak of the ‘historical’ rather than the ‘mythical’ charter. Those who use such terms are not primarily interested in the charter as evidence of a system of ideas, worth studying for its own sake. Their emphasis is on the function of the charter, rather than on its meaning. However, a brilliant lead has been given in the exploration of myths as systems of ideas by Claude Lévi-Strauss who places a given text within the whole corpus of oral literature proper to a society. Going, perhaps, further than this, Victor Turner corrects the predominantly literary approach of Lévi-Strauss by his examination of the ‘positional meaning’ of the symbols employed by such texts—a meaning derived from a totality of elements, rites, and institutions within a whole culture.
À Propos de Quelques Ouvrages Récents de Droit Africain
Authors: Vanderlinden J.
Published: April 2006

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En 1887, A. H. Post publiait son ouvrage intituléAfrikanische Jurisprudenz—Ethnologisch-juristisch Beiträge zur Kenntniss der einheimischen Rechte Afrikas. L'Afrique semblait ainsi entrer de plein pied dans la science juridique moderne. En réalité, il n'en était rien, car davantage que son titre, le sous-titre de l'œuvre était caractéristique d'une orientation qui devait être celle de la science juridique africaine au cours des décennies ultérieures. Au cours de cette période, qui s'étend jusqu'à l'époque des premières indépendances africaines, ce qui aurait pu être le droit africain sera la juxtaposition de deux systèmes juridiques totalement distincts, celui du colonisé et celui du colonisateur, le premier nommé étant le plus souvent qualifié d'indigène (native) ou de coutumier (customary).
Et Maintenant, Lord Lugard?
Authors: Deschamps Hubert
Published: April 2006

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Lorsque le Conseil Exécutif de l'Institut International Africain m'a fait l'honneur de me confier cette ‘Lugard Memorial Lecture’, le nom prestigieux de Lugard me frappa comme un éclair et chassa de mon imagination toute possibilité d'autre sujet. Je ne sais si notre Président, lorsqu'il prononça, en 1952, dans cette même ville, son remarquable discours à la mémoire du grand Lord, son prédécesseur, avait été victime d'une crise de possession aussi caractérisée. Quant à moi je découvris brusquement que j'avais depuis longtemps quelque chose à dire à Lord Lugard et que je n'aurais jamais de meilleure occasion. Souffrez done que je lui parle en votre présence.
Destiny and the Unconscious in West Africa
Authors: Horton Robin
Published: April 2006

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Many present-day social anthropologists may find Professor Fortes's most recent study the most significant of all his works on the Tallensi. Its main theme is the way in which these people use religious concepts to order and explain certain key aspects of the individual's passage through the social structure, and operate religious cults to facilitate this passage.
The Kalabari Ekine Society: A Borderland of Religion and Art
Authors: Horton Robin
Published: April 2006

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One of the pillars of traditional Kalahari culture is the Ekine Men's Society, otherwise known as Sekiapu—‘The Dancing People’. But although many Kalahari talk of Ekine as ‘one of our highest things’, it is an institution remarkably difficult to pin down and define.

On the face of it, Ekine serves many disparate ends. At a superficial glance, it appears as a religious institution, designed to solicit the help of the water spirits1 through invocations and dramatic representations of them by masquerades. A second glance suggests that these masquerades are recreational as much as religious in their intent. Yet again, many of the masquerades seem to be important status-symbols. And finally, Ekine often appears as a significant organ of government. A day-to-day description of the society's activities in any one community would reveal these aspects as tightly woven or tangled together. In this paper, however, it will be our task not only to unravel them, but to attempt a distinction between those which are essential features of the institution, and those which are incidental.
Kinship and Conflict in a Yombe Village: a Genealogical Dispute
Authors: Bond George Clement
Published: April 2006

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In Myth in Primitive Psychology Malinowski saw in myth an active force which safeguarded and enforced morality and contained precedent, law, and practical rules for the guidance of man (1948, 101). It expressed, enhanced, and codified belief. For Malinowski myth was dominant and he thought that it still ruled Trobriand social life (1948, 126). Myth was an important integrating force and one of its social functions in Trobriand society was to convey, express, and strengthen the unity of the local group and that of the group of people descended from a common ancestress (1948, 116). In a Durkheimian sense, it was a social fact, external to the individual, generalized in society, and imposing constraints on human behaviour (Durkheim, 1958, 3).
Maasai Age-Sets and Prophetic Leadership: 1850–1910
Authors: Berntsen John L.
Published: April 2006

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In their initial interaction with the Colonial powers, several East African peoples such as the Maasai, the Turkana, the Sebei, the Karamojong, and the Nandi—all organized through some type of age-based institution—united around prophetic leaders, diviners, or ritual experts who mobilized men from several territorial sections to confront the intruders. This ad hoc military unity was necessarily short-lived, usually ending with the defeat of the people by the colonial power and see the imprisonment or death of the prophetic leader involved. (See Fosbrooke 1948: 12-19; Merker 1910: 67-105; Jacobs 1965: 20-108; Dyson-Hudson 1966: 15-16; Gulliver 1950: 229, 240; Meinertzhagen 1956: 222 ff; Weatherby 1962: 200-12; 1967: 133-44; Lamphear 1976: 225-43.) While ethnological studies of various age-organizations often mention that diviners or prophets provided professional services for the members of an age-group at their ceremonies, no one has examined the process by which a prophetic leader or diviner established his legitimacy during periods of peace so that he might lead the people during times of crisis. An examination of the prophetic institution among the Maasai and the relationship between the prophets and the members of the age-sets may provide some insight into the process, especially the manner in which prophets emerged as leaders of the people during two major crises in the history of the Purko-Kisongo Maasai: the Ilaikipiak war and the rinderpest pan-zootic.
The Structure of Titled Offices among the Abutia Ewe
Authors: Verdon Michel
Published: April 2006

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The Abutia Ewe form one of what the British colonial administrators dubbed the ‘traditional areas’, over one hundred of which are said to compose the Ewe people or Eweland. These Ewe traditional areas lie in the southern half of the Volta Region (in Ghana) and in southern Togo. Although much has been written about the Ewe, little is known about the political organisation of the inland areas, north of the coastal savanna. In fact, most authors have treated the Ewe as if they were thoroughly homogeneous and could be analysed as one ethnic group or one society, only acknowledging variations between the north and south, not considered significant enough to make them completely different groups (Spieth 1906; 1911; Westermann 1935; Ward 1949; Manoukian 1952; Nukunya 1969; Friedländer 1962; Asamoa 1971 amongst many others). And yet I contend that the northern areas are as distinct from the southern ones as they are from the Akan populations. As a result, none of the present available literature is particularly useful as a paradigmatic model of the northern areas' political organisation.
Thangata in Pre-Colonial and Colonial Systems of Land Tenure in Southern Malaŵi with Special Reference to Chingale
Authors: Kandaŵire J. A. K.
Published: April 2006

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A contrastive account of pre-colonial and colonial systems of land tenure in Malaŵi cannot avoid adopting thangata as its central concept. The 1921 Land Commission of Nyasaland asserted that the practice of thangata:

seems to have had a foundation in the conditions of purely [African] life under which the member of the village community worked for a certain period in the gardens of his chief, the latter assuming towards the former a responsibility which has its parallel in the relations of the best European landlords towards their native tenants today. The practice was known from the beginning by the [Cheŵa] word ‘thangata’ meaning ‘to assist’. In return for his right to occupy certain land the [African] ‘assisted’ his chief or his European landlord in the latter's work upon his own land.

There is a whole world of difference between traditional thangata and colonial thangata. The former is nothing other than a social institution which embodies a pre-colonial notion of reciprocal labour. In the colonial situation the term came to mean forced labour. In this paper I analyse the term in its colonial form. My aim is to show that thangata is a colonial institution in that it originated from processes of British colonisation of Malaŵi. This aim requires that the pre-colonial system of land tenure be characterised first before tracing the formation of the colonial system.
Political motivation and oral historical traditions in Africa: The case of Yoruba crowns, 1900-1960
Authors: Asiw Aju A. I.
Published: April 2006

Introduction

Royal symbols vary from one monarchical culture to another. In Europe, particularly in England, Netherlands and pre-1789 France, royalty was marked by the sovereign's exclusive use of the crown and the sceptre. In Africa, the continent with perhaps the most ancient monarchical traditions, the variation of symbols is especially remarkable. The pharaohs of Egypt, whose model is held by some scholars to have inspired kingly institutions elsewhere in Africa, Europe and Asia, were distinguished by their metal crowns and special sandals. In Ashanti the hene, while he might wear a distinguishing cap, looked more to his ‘stool’, often adorned with beads or (as in the case of the Ashantehene himself) gold, as the most important royal emblem, the seat on which had sat all his predecessors in office. In ancient Dahomey, on the other hand, the king wore no special head dress; and although the throne was an important royal emblem, there was nothing to compare with the rigidly impersonal and ritualistic concept of the throne as found in Ashanti, since every reign usually had its own particular throne dedicated to it. In Fon monarchy, where royal authority was more ideologically conceived, as seen in the perforated pot symbolism, the royal personage was, remarkably, of very ordinary appearance, apart from his large retinue, his aristocratically longish pipe, and a hand-axe across his shoulder.
Colour symbolism and ideology in a Ghanaian healing movement
Authors: Breidenbach Paul S.
Published: April 2006

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In 1970 and 1971 I spent fifteen months studying the ritual gatherings of a syncretistic healing movement popular among the coastal Fante of Ghana. The group is known as the ‘Nakabah people’ (the name of one of the founders) or more generally as The Twelve Apostles Church. On Fridays the Twelve Apostles gather for a healing ritual known to them as edwuma, the work, or sunsum edwuma, the working with spirits. On Sundays a prayer service called kyεpor, a pidgin term for ‘chapel’, is conducted. Both the edwuma and the kyεpor are performed in small communal healing centres of the movement designated as ‘gardens’. Most of these gardens are located in coastal fishing towns or inland agricultural villages up and down the coastline of Ghana's central region.
Migrants or Settlers? the Ibo in London
Authors: Jerrome Dorothy
Published: April 2006

Introduction

There are almost three thousand Ibo in London, with men outnumbering women in the ratio of three to two. They tend to be between twenty-five and forty years old and to have been in Britain for between five and ten years. The majority came to obtain qualifications which would bring status on their return to Nigeria, but the Nigeria–Biafra war interrupted the process and as a result they are still here. If the defining characteristic of the immigrant is the tendency to remain in the new country, regardless of the intention to return, the Ibo are not immigrants but a migrant community in which departure is the norm although individual migrants make considerable investments in the new environment and some may never realise their ambition to return. In terms of the degree of their economic incorporation, cultural distinctiveness, ideological commitment to a ‘traditional’ way of life and belief in their own superiority in relation to outsiders, the Ibo have much in common with East African Asians; the difference lies in their declared intention to leave Britain and the success of many in achieving this ambition.