bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Representative Bureaucracy: An Empirical Analysis
Authors: Meier Kenneth John
Published: May 2006

Past theories of representative bureaucracy have four weaknesses: they assume that traditional controls are ineffective without empirical evidence, rely on secondary variables, omit the effects of lifetime socialization, and do not consider the role of individual bureaus. Because of these weaknesses, a representative bureaucracy need not be a responsive bureaucracy. Although restricted by secondary analysis, this paper seeks to eliminate these failings and empirically demonstrate the unrepresentative nature of the United States federal bureaucracy. The representativeness of various grade classifications, special services, and bureaus is also measured; and the United States upper civil service is compared to that of five other nations. After an attempt to measure the values of bureaucrats, the future concerns of the theory of representative bureaucracy are outlined.
The Study of International Politics Makes Strange Bedfellows: Theories of the Radical Right and the Radical Left
Authors: Holsti Ole R.
Published: May 2006

The political spectrum has often been viewed as a linear continuum on which the extremes of the right and left occupy the most antithetical positions. The alternative hypothesis is that there are some dimensions on which the extremes resemble each other. This essay examines the theories of international politics and foreign policy espoused by scholars of the radical right and left. Two dozen points of convergence are grouped under five headings: Understanding history and politics, the causes of war, the nature of the enemy, the conditions of peace, and ends and means in politics. Because the essay is focused on studies of international politics since the outbreak of World War II, considerable attention is devoted to the parallels between rightwing theories of the USSR and Soviet foreign policy, and left wing explanations of the United States and American foreign policy. The conclusion suggests that both theories are fundamentally flawed in two respects: (1) As employed by their proponents, the theories appear incapable of being falsified; and (2) studies employing them are marred by serious methodological flaws that violate the canons of systematic inquiry.
Persistence and Change in Political Systems, 1800–1971
Authors: Gurr Ted Robert
Published: May 2006

This study reports the codification of basic authority characteristics of 336 national political systems (polities) that functioned in 91 nation-states between 1800 and 1971. In form the typical 19th-century polity was an autocracy with minimal functions. Its 20th-century counterpart was either an activist plural democracy or an activist autocracy. The incidence of system-transforming political change has been equally high and pervasive in both European and Third-world polities, but greater in the 20th century than the 19th. The data are used to test three hypotheses that attribute the persistence and adaptability of political systems to their authority characteristics. “Institutionalization” arguments about the stability-enhancing effects of complexity and directiveness receive no consistent support. Conventional beliefs about the greater durability of democracies vs. autocracies vs. anocracies (uninstitutionalized polities) are confirmed only in Europe in the 20th century. The most durable historical and Afro-Asian polities have been either autocratic or anocratic. The data generally support the hypothesis that “pure” political systems—consistently democratic or consistently autocratic—are more durable than systems of mixed authority characteristics. Long-term trends in political “development” and their determinants are discussed in the light of the findings.
Conflict, Power and Relative Deprivation
Authors: Korpi Walter
Published: May 2006

The widely accepted expectation achievement approach to conflict, which views conflict primarily as a response to relative deprivation, has recently been challenged by proponents of a political process approach, the central features of which are mobilization of power resources and the struggle for power. Here a power balance model of conflict is developed which incorporates the core concepts from both approaches. In this model the difference in power resources between the contending parties is used as the central independent variable. Relative deprivation, utility of reaching the goal and expectancy of success are introduced as intervening variables to relate the effects from changes in the balance of power between the parties to the probability of manifest conflict between them.

According to the power balance model of conflict different types of relative deprivation (aspirational, decremental and progressive) will be differently correlated with the probability of conflict. The overall correlation between relative deprivation and conflict is expected to be insignificant. Situations where the difference in power resources between two parties is decreasing are seen as most conducive to conflict. When the power resources of an already weaker party are decreasing, the probability of conflict is assumed to be lower than when the weaker party is gaining power resources.
Policy Choices and Regional Equality among the Soviet Republics
Authors: Bielasiak Jack
Published: May 2006

While socioeconomic equality and maximum economic growth have been the proclaimed aims of Soviet leaders, the simultaneous implementation of these goals is difficult. Analysis of budgets reveals that expenditures in economic categories vary significantly across Soviet republics, and decline little over time. The republics are substantially more equal in socio-cultural expenditures, and are becoming even more so with time. The level of urbanization accounts for a large share of the variance in the social budget but not the economic one. Policy decisions concerning the latter are likely subject to a process involving a variety of political, military and socioeconomic considerations that transcend both the equality and efficiency criteria. In contrast, the increasing parity among Soviet republics in the socio-cultural budget is closely related to the increasing urbanization of the republics at the lower end of the development scale. It appears that increasing regional equality in the Soviet Union may be achieved primarily through improvements in social opportunities, and not by means of direct redistribution of economic resources.
Free Association and the Theory of Proportional Representation
Authors: Sugden Robert
Published: May 2006

Several of the earliest advocates of proportional representation upheld the “principle of free association”: that electors should be free to choose the constituencies to which they belong. This article analyzes this principle in game-theoretic terms and investigates how far the free association “game” can be simulated through proportional representation. It is assumed that each voter's prime concern is that his most-preferred candidate should be elected. If preferences are single peaked, the outcome of an election based on free association can be predicted; the same outcome would result from a modified form of the single transferable vote.
Advocacy, Interpretation, and Influence in the U.S. Congress
Authors: Smith Richard A.
Published: May 2006

This article examines the relationship between two variables: interpretations by members of Congress of the consequences of legislative proposals and the influence of those who advocate particular actions on the proposals. The article investigates how the legislative decisions of members depend on interpretations, how the arguments of advocates shape interpretations, and how the influence on interpretations translates into influence over patterns of congressional support expressed for a legislative proposal. The major thesis is that member interpretations and hence legislative influence are unstable, a result of basic features of human decision making in the congressional context. As a result, advocates are hypothesized to have considerable influence in maintaining and expanding the size of their congressional coalitions in some legislative situations, but not others. In particular, when faced with weakening amendments or motions, advocates are unable to prevent defections among their supporters. Evidence of the legislative influence of the National Education Association during the Ninety-fourth Congress is found to be consistent with these hypotheses.
The Speaker's Task Force in the Post-Reform House of Representatives
Authors: Sinclair Barbara
Published: May 2006

Because of changes in the issues at the center of controversy, changes in rules and norms and high membership turnover, the current House majority party leaders operate in a much less predictable environment than their predecessors did. In response to the changed environment, Speaker O'Neill has developed the strategy of leadership by inclusion, a central element of which is the Speaker's task force, an ad hoc group appointed by the Speaker and charged with passage of a specific bill. The leaders believe task forces help them perform both of their primary functions—building winning coalitions and “keeping peace in the family.” By increasing the number of people working in an organized way to pass the bill at issue, the task force increases the probability of a bill's success on the floor. Work on a task force satisfies junior members' expectations of participation and fosters cooperative patterns of behavior among party members.
Institutional Context and Leadership Style: The House from Cannon to Rayburn
Authors: Cooper Joseph , Brady David W.
Published: May 2006

This article deals with the transition in House leadership from Cannon to Rayburn. The transition involved moving from a hierarchical pattern of leadership to a bargaining pattern. In accounting for this transition, we argue that it is the institutional context of the House that determines leadership power and style. Moreover, we argue that there is no straightforward relationship between leadership style and effectiveness; rather, style and effectiveness are contingent or situational. We conclude that the impact of institutional context on leadership behavior is itself primarily determined by party strength. When party strength is high, power is concentrated and leaders are task- or goal-oriented, whereas when party strength is low, power is dispersed and leaders will be oriented to bargaining and maintaining relationships.
History and Discipline in Political Science
Authors: Dryzek John S. , Leonard Stephen T.
Published: May 2006

Once sparce and sporadic, histories of political science have proliferated in recent years. We contend that such histories are a necessary feature of the discourse of political science, because there are essential connections between the history, identity, and actual practices of any rationally progressive discipline. In light of the fact that the objects political scientists study are historically and contextually contingent, there has been—and should be—a plurality of histories to match the diversity of approaches in politicalscience. Unfortunately, most histories of political science prove either “Whiggish” and condescending toward the past, or “skeptical” and negative. The consequence has been an inadequate understanding of the relationship between plurality, rationality, and progress in the discipline. Taking into account both the deficiencies and achievements of Whiggish and skeptical accounts, we argue that context-sensitive histories would better serve the rationality and progress of political science.
The Performance of Rational Voter Models in Recent Presidential Elections
Authors: Foster Carroll B.
Published: May 2006

In An Economic Theory of Democracy, Downs hypothesized that rational, utility-maximizing citizens would calculate the benefits from voting (as opposed to abstaining altogether) and then vote if this expected benefit exceeded voting cost. This hypothesis is logically derived from economic principles of rational behavior, but is counterintuitive: even if the utility increment is plausibly large, the probability of casting a pivotal, tie-breaking vote in any sizable polity is minute. Hence the expected benefit will be less than the time cost of voting, and no rational person will vote. Nevertheless, a number of statistical studies have found that voter turnout does respond to differences in the probability of casting a decisive vote, even though that probability may be small.

This article uses data gathered at the state level from the 1968, 1972, 1976, and 1980 general elections to reestimate the relationship between voter turnout and the probable closeness of the election. Pooled data Least Squares Dummy Variable (LSDV) regressions are used whenever preliminary tests indicate that such pooling is permissible. The empirical results suggest that the relationship between closeness and turnout is weak, unstable, or nonexistent in all of the models tested.
The Effect of Approval Balloting on Strategic Voting under Alternative Decision Rules
Authors: Merrill Samuel , Nagel Jack
Published: May 2006

Voting systems combine balloting methods with decision rules or procedures. Most analyses of approval voting (a balloting method) assume it will be combined with plurality rule but advocates often urge its use with more complex procedures. Because much of the case for approval balloting hinges on its encouragement of sincere voting, we ask whether it retains this advantage when combined with multistage procedures. After distinguishing five forms of sincere and insincere approval voting, we find that certain elements of multistage procedures promote departures from purely sincere strategies, including, in some instances, strictly insincere voting. However, most strategic approval voting involves truncating the approved list, including bullet-voting, which is especially likely under certain threshold rules. Coalitions also increase members' incentive to truncate. We conclude that approval balloting with plurality rule remains preferable to conventional single-vote plurality, but we urge caution and further research regarding combining approval balloting with multistage rules.
“Citizenship” in “Industry”: The Case of Georges Sorel
Authors: Vernon Richard
Published: May 2006

Georges Sorel was of course a critic of “citizenship” in the sense current then as now. But behind his ideal picture of industrial organization there lay a conception of citizenship which derived from an older tradition. This conception in turn modified the themes which Sorel drew from a second tradition, that of thought about “industry.” The result was a vision of industrial organization which displaced civil association by taking some of its typical features for itself. What is represented by notions such as the “myth of the general strike” is not, as some have held, a romantic reaction against modern organization but, on the contrary, a thoroughly modern doctrine of organization as the “sublimation” of civil life which continues to pose problems of relevance today.
Post-Materialism in an Environment of Insecurity
Authors: Inglehart Ronald
Published: May 2006

This article tests the hypothesis that postwar affluence led to an intergenerational shift from Materialist to Post-Materialist values among Western publics, and analyzes the consequences of the economic uncertainty prevailing since 1973. The young emphasize Post-Materialist values more than the old. Time-series data indicate that this reflects generational change far more than aging effects, but that the recession of the mid-1970s also produced significant period effects. As Post-Materialists aged, they moved out of the student ghetto and became a predominant influence among young technocrats, contributing to the rise of a “New Class.” They furnish the ideologues and core support for the environmental, zero-growth and antinuclear movements; and their opposition to those who give top priority to reindustrialization and rearmament constitutes a distinctive and persisting dimension of political cleavage.
Understanding the Tax Revolt: Eight Explanations
Authors: Lowery David , Sigelman Lee
Published: May 2006

Numerous explanations of the tax revolt have been offered since California's adoption of Proposition 13 in 1978. Unfortunately, many of these explanations remain untested or have been tested inappropriately, and the explanations are often jumbled together in a fashion that precludes theoretical clarity. We extract eight explanations from the literature, each of which assumes that the tax revolt is a systematic national phenomenon that is a function of individual-level social, economic, and political factors. Having tested these explanations by means of a discriminant analysis of data from the 1978 American National Election Study, we find little empirical corroboration for any of them. This leads us to consider two alternative research programs, one of which interprets the tax revolt within a symbolic politics framework.
A Culturalist Theory of Political Change
Authors: Eckstein Harry
Published: May 2006

The most telling criticism of political culture theory is that it has coped very inadequately with political change. There is a good reason for this: the assumptions of the political culture approach in fact lead to the expectation of continuity. But continuity can be reconciled with changes, though only changes of particular kinds. The nature of political changes consistent with culturalist assumptions and with the culturalist expectation of continuity are here specified by hypotheses about (1) the effects of changes in social context, whether “normal” or involving abrupt discontinuity, and (2) the effects of attempted revolutionary transformation.
Making the City Safe for Philosophy:Nicomachean Ethics, Book 10
Authors: Tessitore Aristide
Published: May 2006

The perennially problematic relationship between philosophy and politics, though recognized as an important theme in the Platonic corpus, is virtually ignored in the writings of his most famous student. This is not due to the absence of the problem but the deftness of Aristotle's treatment. Attentiveness to both the requirements of moral-political life and the nature of philosophy gives rise to the rhetorical design of theNicomachean Ethics.In the final book of theEthicsAristotle establishes the value of philosophy by placing his argument within a broader context that reveals to what extent moral and intellectual excellence can be regarded as similar and even complementary. Without actually denying the existence of a fundamental tension between the requirements of philosophy and civic virtue, Aristotle succeeds in winning an at-least-partial acceptance of philosophy on the part of those who are (or will be) most responsible for the welfare of the city.
Reagan and the Russians: Crisis Bargaining Beliefs and the Historical Record
Authors: Leng Russell J.
Published: May 2006

Reagan's view of how to deal with the Soviet Union is compared to the U. S. performance record in three Soviet-American crises: Berlin, 1948-1949, Berlin, 1961, andCuba, 1962. Reagan's public statements indicate that he views the Soviets as incorrigibly hostile, so that conflict bargaining with the Soviets is a zero-sum game requiring a coercive U.S. bargaining strategy. This is characterized as a “bullying” strategy and contrasted with a “reciprocating” approach. The two approaches provide competing hypotheses for an examination of Soviet responses to U.S. influence attempts. The study tests the association between types of U.S. influence attempts and initial Soviet reactions and then proceeds to an interrupted time series analysis of the longer effects of U. S. threats of force on the mix of coercion-accommodation in Soviet crisis bargaining. The author finds a positive association between specific U.S. threats of force and initial Soviet responses in kind, and between carrot-and-stick inducements that use less specific threats and more accommodative Soviet responses. With the exception of the Cuban crisis, U.S. threats of force have not been associated with significant extended shifts in the level of Soviet hostility. The article concludes that, on balance, the performance record of the United States is more supportive of the efficacy of a reciprocating strategy than the coercive bargaining strategy implied by Reagan's beliefs.
The Strategy of Candidate Ambiguity
Authors: Glazer Amihai
Published: May 2006

If candidates are uncertain about the policy position preferred by the median voter and therefore face the risk of stating an unpopular position, in equilibrium both candidates may prefer to make their positions ambiguous rather than to specify them. The incentives to be ambiguous are further increased if the position announced by one candidate allows the other candidate to estimate the preferences of the voters better.
On Dimensionalizing Roll Call Votes in the U.S. Congress
Authors: Poole Keith T. , Rosenthal Howard , Koford Kenneth
Published: May 2006

Two related issues have developed in the scale analysis of voting in the U. S. Congress. One is methodological; it concerns the appropriate dimensionalizing model. The other is more substantive, entailing interpretation of the extent to which voting dimensions carry an ideological component. Kenneth Koford contributed to consideration of these issues in his research note, “Dimensions in Congressional Voting,” in the September 1989 issue of this Review. In this controversy, his claims are challenged vigorously by Keith T. Poole and Howard Rosenthal. In turn, Koford defends his argument that “much roll call voting in Congress does not fit a single dimension.”
Issues and Party Support in Multiparty Systems
Authors: Macdonald Stuart Elaine , Listhaug Ola , Rabinowitz George
Published: May 2006

We investigate the relationship between party issue position and mass evaluation of political parties in multiparty systems. In so doing, we engage two competing theories of mass-elite linkage: the directional theory and the traditional spatial theory of elections. The alternate models are evaluated with survey data gathered in Norway in 1989. The data collection is unique in providing extensive information on the issue positions of all parties with potential for achieving representation in the parliament. Results suggest that the directional theory provides a better description of the relationship. Consistent with directional theory, we find that when parties occupy a centrist position on an issue they are not evaluated on the basis of that issue. Voters neither love nor hate a party in the middle. Thus, in order to build support on the basis of issues, parties must offer some strong stands.
Political Parties and Electoral Mobilization: Political Structure, Social Structure, and the Party Canvass
Authors: Huckfeldt Robert , Sprague John
Published: May 2006

As agents of electoral mobilization, political parties occupy an important role in the social flow of political communication. We address several questions regarding party mobilization efforts. Whom do the parties seek to mobilize? What are the individual and aggregate characteristics and criteria that shape party mobilization efforts? What are the intended and unintended consequences of partisan mobilization, both for individual voters and for the electorate more generally? In answering these questions we make several arguments. First, party efforts at electoral mobilization inevitably depend upon a process of social diffusion and informal persuasion, so that the party canvass serves as a catalyst aimed at stimulating a cascading mobilization process. Second, party mobilization is best seen as being environmentally contingent upon institutional arrangements, locally defined strategic constraints, and partisan divisions within particular electorates. Finally, the efforts of party organizations generate a layer of political structure within the electorate that sometimes competes with social structure and often exists independently from it.
Public Opinion and the Common Defense: Who Governs Military Spending in the United States?
Authors: Hartley Thomas , Russett Bruce
Published: May 2006

We measure the extent to which military spending policy reflects public opinion, while controlling for other reasonable influences on policy. We use survey data as an indicator of aggregate public opinion on military spending and find evidence that changes in public opinion consistently exert an effect on changes in military spending. The influence of public opinion is less important than either Soviet military spending or the gap between U.S. and Soviet military spending and more important than the deficit and the balance of Soviet conflict/cooperation with the United States. We also examine the hypothesis that public opinion does not influence the government but that the government systematically manipulates public opinion. We find no evidence to support this hypothesis.
Adaptive Parties in Spatial Elections
Authors: Kollman Ken , Miller John H. , Page Scott E.
Published: May 2006

We develop a model of two-party spatial elections that departs from the standard model in three respects: parties' information about voters' preferences is limited to polls; parties can be either office-seeking or ideological; and parties are not perfect optimizers, that is, they are modelled as boundedly rational adaptive actors. We employ computer search algorithms to model the adaptive behavior of parties and show that three distinct search algorithms lead to similar results. Our findings suggest that convergence in spatial voting models is robust to variations in the intelligence of parties. We also find that an adaptive party in a complex issue space may not be able to defeat a well-positioned incumbent.
Freedom, Community and Function: Communitarian Lessons of Medieval Political Theory
Authors: Nederman Cary J.
Published: May 2006

The communitarian critique of liberal individualism is presently experiencing something of a decline. One of the reasons for the failure of communitarians to make a lasting impact on liberal theory may be the historical precedents to which communitarians have turned, such as Aristotle and civic republicanism. I argue that communitarian theory may more fruitfully draw upon a model of the relation between individual and community derived from the Latin Middle Ages. This approach—communal functionalism—claims that the community is essentially composed neither of individuals nor of citizens but, rather, of functional groups or parts arranged according to their contribution to the community. I consider two variants of this framework, John of Salisbury's “physiological” version and Marsiglio of Padua's “civic” account. I close with an evaluation of the relevance—and also some of the limitations—of the communal functionalist model in relation to the requirements of contemporary communitarian theory.
Party Leadership Change in the United States House of Representatives
Authors: Peabody Robert L.
Published: May 2006

Long periods of one-party domination, increased average tenure in office for Representatives, and the institutionalization of patterns of succession to the Speakership, have all contributed to a tendency toward leadership stability in the 20th-century House of Representatives. The election of Sam Rayburn (D., Texas) and John McCormack (D., Mass.) to the offices of Speaker and Majority Leader in 1940, of Joseph Martin (R., Mass.) to the office of Minority Leader in 1939, and of Leslie Arends (R., Ill.) to the position of Republican Whip in 1943, mark the beginnings of the longest tenures in these four positions for any incumbents in the history of Congress. When changes in top leadership occur—as with the overthrow of Minority Leader Charles A. Halleck by Republican Representative Gerald R. Ford, Jr., in 1965, or the succession of Majority Leader McCormack to the office of the Speaker in 1962 following the death of Rayburn—the consequences are considerable. In the case of revolt, individual careers are made and broken. The organization and policy orientations of a congressional party may be extensively altered. While orderly succession has less dramatic impact, it too has a significant effect on “who gets what, when and how.” Some members move closer to the seats of power and others fall out of favor. Key committee assignments, and hence the development of entire legislative careers, are likely to ride or fall on the outcomes.
The Changing Shape of the American Political Universe
Authors: Burnham Walter Dean
Published: May 2006

In the infancy of a science the use even of fairly crude methods of analysis and description can produce surprisingly large increments of knowledge if new perspectives are brought to bear upon available data. Such perspectives not infrequently require both a combination of methodologies and a critical appraisal of the limitations of each. The emergence of American voting-behavior studies over the last two decades constitutes a good case in point. Studies based on aggregate election statistics have given us invaluable insights into the nature of secular trends in the distribution of the party vote, and have also provided us with useful theory concerning such major phenomena as critical elections. Survey research has made significant contributions to the understanding of motivational forces at work upon the individual voter. As it matures, it is now reaching out to grapple with problems which involve the political system as a whole.
The Responsive Voter: Campaign Information and the Dynamics of Candidate Evaluation
Authors: Lodge Milton , Steenbergen Marco R. , Brau Shawn
Published: May 2006

We find strong support for an on-line model of the candidate evaluation process that in contrast to memory-based models shows that citizens are responsive to campaign information, adjusting their overall evaluation of the candidates in response to their immediate assessment of campaign messages and events. Over time people forget most of the campaign information they are exposed to but are nonetheless able to later recollect their summary affective evaluation of candidates which they then use to inform their preferences and vote choice. These findings have substantive, methodological, and normative implications for the study of electoral behavior. Substantively, we show how campaign information affects voting behavior. Methodologically, we demonstrate the need to measure directly what campaign information people actually attend to over the course of a campaign and show that after controling for the individual's on-line assessment of campaign messages, National Election Study-type recall measures prove to be spurious as explanatory variables. Finally, we draw normative implications for democratic theory of on-line processing, concluding that citizens appear to be far more responsive to campaign messages than conventional recall models suggest.
Richard Rorty, Liberalism and the Politics of Redescription
Authors: Topper Keith
Published: May 2006

In recent years Richard Rorty has sought to develop an alternative to the familiar rationalist and natural rights “vocabularies” of liberalism. Unlike most critics of classical liberalism, however, Rorty eschews attempts toargueagainst these vocabularies, and instead seeks to persuade his readers byredescribingthe aspirations of a liberal society in a more “attractive” way. I assess Rorty's redescriptive practice through an analysis of his ideal liberal polity. I contend that although Rorty defends redescription as an alternative to “normal” philosophical and theoretical argument, his redescriptive efforts fail on their own terms: not only does it appear that there is no redescription in his descriptions, but he proves incapable of offering any insights into or exits from pressing problems in contemporary liberal societies. This, I submit, can be traced back to his unwillingness to investigate and redescribe power and power relations.
Assessing the Dyadic Nature of the Democratic Peace, 1918–88
Authors: Rousseau David L. , Gelpi Christopher , Reiter Dan , Huth Paul K.
Published: May 2006

The literature on the democratic peace has emerged from two empirical claims: (1) Democracies are unlikely to conflict with one another, and (2) democracies are as prone to conflict with nondemocracies as nondemocracies are with one another. Together these assertions imply that the democratic peace is a dyadic phenomenon. There is strong support for the first observation, but much recent scholarship contravenes the second. This paper assesses whether the democratic peace is a purely dyadic, a monadic, or perhaps a mixed dyadic and monadic effect. Our analysis offers two important advances. First, our model directly compares the dyadic and monadic explanations by using the state as the unit of analysis rather than the potentially problematic dyad. Second, our model controls for an important but overlooked confounding variable: satisfaction with the status quo. Our results indicate that the initiation of violence within crises is predominantly a dyadic phenomenon, but we also find evidence suggesting a strong monadic effect regarding the emergence of crises.
Question Form and Context Effects in the Measurement of Partisanship: Experimental Tests of the Artifact Hypothesis
Authors: Bishop George F. , Tuchfarber Alfred J. , Smith Andrew E. , Abramson Paul R. , Ostrom Charles W.
Published: May 2006

Previous articles in this Review, including a Controversy in 1992, debated the comparability of alternative forms of the question about partisanship asked in Gallup and Michigan SRC surveys. Bishop, Tuchfarber and Smith contribute to this debate by reporting and analyzing evidence from 15 experimental surveys in Ohio in 1991–1993. They conclude that the distribution of partisan loyalties will generally be the same whether one uses the Gallup or Michigan Survey Research Center question and that, contrary to findings of Abramson and Ostrom, the Gallup form is no more responsive to short-term political forces than its SRC counterpart. In response, Abramson and Ostrom agree that during many time periods there will be little difference between aggregate levels of macropartisanship regardless of which measure is used. But they argue that during periods of political volatility the Gallup approach will accentuate differences, while the SRC version will attenuate them.
The Puzzle of Indian Democracy: A Consociational Interpretation
Authors: Lijphart Arend
Published: May 2006

India has been the one major deviant case for consociational (power-sharing) theory, and its sheer size makes the exception especially damaging. A deeply divided society with, supposedly, a mainly majoritarian type of democracy, India nevertheless has been able to maintain its democratic system. Careful examination reveals, however, that Indian democracy has displayed all four crucial elements of power-sharing theory. In fact, it was a perfectly and thoroughly consociational system during its first two decades. From the late 1960s on, although India has remained basically consociational, some of its power-sharing elements have weakened under the pressure of greater mass mobilization. Concomitantly, in accordance with consociational theory, intergroup hostility and violence have increased. Therefore, India is not a deviant case for consociational theory but, instead, an impressive confirming case.
From Republic to Empire: Political Revolution and the Common Good in Xenophon'sEducation of Cyrus
Authors: Nadon Christopher
Published: May 2006

While recent scholarship has provoked renewed interest in theEducation of Cyrusas an important work for our understanding of the origins of classical political philosophy, it has yet to produce a coherent interpretation that preserves the unity of Xenophon's vision of political life. Following a short review of three recent books on the subject, I argue that the obstacles in the way to such an understanding can be resolved by focusing on the underlying causes in Xenophon's account of the transformation of a republican regime into a universal empire and, in particular, on the various deficiencies and self-contradictions of the republican conception of the common good. I show how an understanding of Xenophon's analysis of virtue within both republican and imperial political orders can lead to a fruitful confrontation with the thought of his most famous student, admirer, and antagonist, Machiavelli.
The Consequences of Negotiated Settlements in Civil Wars, 1945–1993
Authors: Licklider Roy
Published: May 2006

We know very little about how civil wars end. Harrison Wagner has argued that negotiated settlements of civil wars are likely to break down because segments of power-sharing governments retain the capacity for resorting to civil war while victory destroys the losers' organization, making it very difficult to resume the war. An analysis of a data set of 91 post-1945 civil wars generally supports this hypothesis but only in wars over identity issues. Moreover, while military victories may be less likely to break down than negotiated settlements of identity civil wars, they are also more likely to be followed by acts of genocide. Outsiders concerned with minimizing violence thus face a dilemma.
On derivability
Authors: Quine W. V.
Published: May 2006

1. The notion of derivability. Italic capitals, with or without subscripts, will be used as variables. They are to take as values some manner of elements which may for the present be left undetermined. Now let us consider abstractly the notion of the derivability of an element X from one or more specified elements by a series of steps of a specified kind. This involves reference to two conditions upon elements. One of these conditions, expressible by some statement form containing a single free variable, determines the elements from which X is said to be derivable. The other condition, expressed say by a statement form containing k + 1 free variables, determines the kind of steps by which the derivation is to proceed; it is the condition which any elements Z1, … Zk, Y must fulfill if progress from Zi, …, Zk to Y is to constitute a step of derivation in the intended sense. Supposing “f(Y)” supplanted by the first of these statement forms, whatever it may be, and “g(Z1, …, Zk, Y)” supplanted by the other, let us adopt the form of notation

to express derivability of X in the suggested sense. The meaning of (1) can be formulated more accurately as follows:

(i) There are elements Y1 to Ym (for some m) such that Ym = X and, for each i≦m, either f(Yi) or else there are numbers j1 to Ym, each less than i, for which g(Yj1, …, Yjk, Yi).

(Variable subscripts are to be understood, here and throughout the paper, as referring only to positive integers.)

The notion (1) is illustrated in the ancestral R* of a relation R;1 for,

Another illustration is afforded by metamathematics. Suppose our elements are the expressions used in some formal system; suppose we have defined “Post(Y)”, meaning that Y is a postulate of that system; and suppose we have defined “Inf(ZI, …, Zk, Y)” (for some fixed k large enough for all purposes of the system in question), meaning that Y proceeds from Z1, …, Zk by one application of one or another of the rules of inference of the system. Then

would mean that X is a theorem of the system.
Some notes on nominalism
Authors: Henkin Leon
Published: May 2006

In two papers appearing in successive issues of this Journal, Quine and Goodman, impelled by a philosophical standpoint which forswears all traffic in abstract entities, have explored the possibility of reinterpreting the language of classical mathematics so as to give it meaning (consistent with the observed overt pattern of standard usage) in terms of the narrow domain of entities which they recognize. The present paper offers several comments on this program.
Certain predicates defined by induction schemata
Authors: Wang Hao
Published: May 2006

It is known that we can introduce in number theory (for example, the system Z of Hilbert-Bernays) by induction schemata certain predicates of natural numbers which cannot be expressed explicitly within the framework of number theory. The question arises how we can define these predicates in some richer system, without employing induction schemata. In this paper a general notion of definability by induction (relative to number theory), which seems to apply to all the known predicates of this kind, is introduced; and it is proved that in a system L1 which forms an extension of number theory all predicates which are definable by induction (hereafter to be abbreviated d.i.) according to the definition are explicitly expressible.

In order to define such predicates and prove theorems answering to their induction schemata, we have to allow certain impredicative classes in L1. However, if we want merely to prove that for each constant number the special case of the induction schema for a predicate d.i. is provable, we do not have to assume the existence of impredicative classes. A certain weaker system L2, in which only predicative classes of natural numbers are allowed, is sufficient for the purpose. It is noted that a truth definition for number theory can be obtained in L2. Consistency proofs for number theory do not seem to be formalizable in L2, although they can, it is observed, be formalized in L1.

In general, given any ordinary formal system (say Zermelo set theory), it is possible to define by induction schemata, in the same manner as in number theory, certain predicates which are not explicitly definable in the system. Here again, by extending the system in an analogous fashion, these predicates become expressible in the resulting system. The crucial predicate instrumental to obtaining a truth definition for a given system is taken as an example.
Conditioned disjunction as a primitive connective for the erweiterter Aussagenkalkül
Authors: Rose Alan
Published: May 2006

It has been shown that the conditioned disjunction function [X, Y, Z] with the same truth-table as (X & Y) ∨ (Z & ) together with the logical constants t and f, form a complete set of independent connectives for the 2-valued propositional calculus and that these connectives are self-dual. This has since been generalised to the theorem which states that the conditioned disjunction function [Y, X1, X2, …, Xm, Y] with the same truth-table as (X1 & J1(Y)) ∨ (X2 & J2(Y)) ∨ … ∨ (Xm & Jm(Y)) together with the logical constants 1, 2, …, m form a complete set of independent connectives for the m-valued propositional calculus and that these connectives are self-dual. It has been conjectured by Church that conditioned disjunction together with the universal and existential quantifiers form a complete set of independent connectives for the 2-valued erweiterter Aussagenkalkül. The object of the present paper is to prove a theorem for the m-valued erweiterter Aussagenkalkül which reduces, in the case m = 2, to the conjecture of Church. In the m-valued propositional calculus if the propositional variable X occurs as a free variable in the formula then (∃X) and (X) are read “there exists X such that ” and “for all X, ”, respectively. If for a given assignment of truth-values to the remaining free propositional variables occurring in , takes the truth-value f(x), where x is the truth-value of X, then (∃X) and (X) take the truth-values min (f(1), f(2), …, f(m)), max(f(1), f(2), …, f(m)), respectively. We shall prove:

Theorem. The conditioned disjunction function, together with the universal and existential quantifiers, form a complete set of independent connectives for the m-valued erweiterter Aussagenkalkül.
New axiomatizations of S3 and S4
Authors: Simons Leo
Published: May 2006

Axiomatizations of two systems of modal logic are presented in this paper. The first consists of six axiom schemata and one rule of inference; this axiomatization is proved equivalent to Lewis' S3. The addition of a seventh schema, the analogue of C10. 1, yields an axiomatization equivalent to S4. Our axiom schemata for S3 are proved mutually independent, as are our schemata for S4.
Algebraische und logistische Untersuchungen über freie Verbände
Authors: Lorenzen Paul
Published: May 2006

Die Verbandstheorie ist bekanntlich von Dedekind an Hand seiner idealtheoretischen Untersuchungen begründet worden. Es hat sich in letzter Zeit herausgestellt, daß die wesentliche Eigenschaft des Dedekind'schen Idealsystems darin liegt, daß die Ideale einen Halbverband (§1) bilden. Die Idealtheorie führt so auf die Frage nach alien Halbverbänden über einer beliebigen halbgeordneten Menge M. Die einfache Antwort enthält §2. Ebenso einfach ist die Frage nach alien distributiven Verbänden uber M zu beantworten. In beiden Fällen ist unter den Halbverbänden bzw. distributiven Verbänden über M einer dadurch ausgezeichnet, daß alle anderen homomorph zu ihm sind. Diesen ausgezeichneten Halbverband bzw. distributiven Verband nennen wir den freien Halbverband bzw. freien distributiven Verband über M.

Zu neuen Fragen kommt man bei der Untersuchung speziellerer Halbverbände über M. Es ist z.B. bekannt, daß M stets zu einem vollständigen Boole'schen Verband erweitert werden kann. Gibt es unter diesen Erweiterungen stets den freien vollständigen Boole'schen Verband über M, der dadurch ausgezeichnet ist, daß alle anderen zu ihm homomorph sind ?

In §3 wird zunächst die Existenz des freien orthokomplementären Halbverbandes über M bewiesen. Mit Hilfe der hier benutzten Methode läßt sich auch der Existenzbeweis für den freien abzählbar-vollständigen Boole'schen Verband über M führen.
A syntactical definition of probability and of degree of confirmation
Authors: Helmer Olaf , Oppenheim Paul
Published: May 2006

This paper is intended to serve a twofold purpose. Its ultimate aim is the presentation of a syntactical definition of the degree of confirmation of a hypothesis on the basis of given evidence, a notion which is known to be of outstanding significance for the logic of inductive reasoning in the empirical sciences. The theory of confirmation to be developed here has as its foundation the theory of probability, and in order to make that foundation sufficiently secure, it was found expedient to present the theory of probability in axiomatic form and to introduce a syntactical interpretation of probability suitable for the intended application in the theory of confirmation. In this sense then to clarify the logical foundations of probability theory is this paper's first aim.
On natural deduction
Authors: Quine W. V.
Published: May 2006

For Gentzen's natural deduction, a formalized method of deduction in quantification theory dating from 1934, these important advantages may be claimed: it corresponds more closely than other methods of formalized quantification theory to habitual unformalized modes of reasoning, and it consequently tends to minimize the false moves involved in seeking to construct proofs. The object of this paper is to present and justify a simplification of Gentzen's method, to the end of enhancing the advantages just claimed. No acquaintance with Gentzen's work will be presupposed.

A further advantage of Gentzen's method, also somewhat enhanced in my revision of the method, is relative brevity of proofs. In the more usual systematizations of quantification theory, theorems are derived from axiom schemata by proofs which, if rendered in full, would quickly run to unwieldy lengths. Consequently an abbreviative expedient is usually adopted which consists in preserving and numbering theorems for reference in proofs of subsequent theorems. Further brevity is commonly gained by establishing metatheorems, or derived rules, for reference in proving subsequent theorems. In natural deduction, on the other hand, proofs tend to be so short that the abbreviative expedients just now mentioned may conveniently be dispensed with—at least until theorems of extraordinary complexity are embarked upon. In natural deduction accordingly it is customary to start each argument from scratch, without benefit of accumulated theorems or derived rules.