bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Targets
Authors: Martin Andrew
Published: January 2013

Most scholarly interest on social movements has been focused on movements themselves; the types of tactics they employ, what resources they use, and how they mobilize rank and file to bring about social change. The actual target of movement activism is less well examined. Generally, in modern democratic societies, the assumption is the state is the primary granter of benefits, and therefore the most logical target of protest, although other institutions also function in that capacity (Snow 2004). Moreover, targets vary in their vulnerabilities to movement pressure; some are more susceptible to challenges than others. In what follows I explore the importance of targets in relation to social movements and protest.
AIDSActivism
Authors: Fillieule Olivier
Published: January 2013

The AIDS epidemic first appeared as a public issue in the USA during the summer of 1981. It was then that the first stories were published in medical journals and in the gay press reporting the emergence of mysterious new illnesses among gay men, and it is the gay community, perhaps to a unique degree, which mobilized first and took part in all aspects of the management of the epidemic. This included the provision of social aid and healthcare to people with AIDS, gay or not, the conduct of research, lobbying for funds and other government intervention, the creation of educational programs and negotiations with legislators and health insurers (Altman 1994; Kramer 1994; Fillieule & Duyvendak 1999).
Antinuclear Power Movements (In General)
Authors: Rdig Wolfgang
Published: January 2013

Opposition movements against the civil use of nuclear power can be found as early as the late 1950s but it was only in the 1970s and 1980s that mass movements against ambitious nuclear construction programs were mobilizing in many Western democracies. Conflict intensity varied between countries; particularly fierce conflicts involving violence could be found in France and West Germany. By the early 1980s most countries had either abandoned plans for nuclear power or had successfully implemented their construction programs. While the Chernobyl accident of 1986 provided the background for a brief movement revival, the absence of new construction projects had removed the main stimulus behind the movement, and activity specifically targeted against nuclear power had effectively ceased in most countries by the early 1990s.
Antislavery Movement
Authors: King Marissa D.
Published: January 2013

The movement to abolish slavery and end the slave trade, which began first in Europe and then the United States at the end of the eighteenth century, was one of the first modern social movements. The abolition movements in France and Britain, which sought to end the slave trade among the colonies, and the movement to end slavery in the United States shared critical qualities that set them apart from earlier reform efforts. In the early eighteenth century, social protests were primarily short‐lived outbursts mounted by loosely connected groups that were geographically constrained and emphasized local demands. In contrast, the antislavery movement was sustained, formally organized, transcended disparate geographies, and often directed their claims toward the state. The birth of the modern social movement was defined by a shift in the repertoires of contention—the set of actions activists use to assert their claims—from parochial, bifurcated, and particular to cosmopolitan, modular, and autonomous (Tilly 1995; Tarrow 1998). The antislavery movement's innovative early utilization of the media, religious organizations, and formal organizations in its organizing efforts was key to the movement's ability to develop a sustained geographically dispersed movement that transcended national boundaries and acted as a catalyst for the abolition of slavery, thereby making it one of the most significant modern social movements. Moreover, it was one of the first social movements to transcend national boundaries, making it one of the earliest transnational social movements.
Antiwar and Peace Movements
Authors: Meyer David S.
Published: January 2013

War built the modern nation‐state, and the modern nation‐state made the modern social movement possible. To maintain (or extend) borders and wealth, the modern state developed a bureaucratic structure to extract its citizenry's sons and dollars, and that bureaucratic structure provides both a target and an interlocutor for challenging movements. Often, those movements challenge war and preparations for war. Peace and antiwar movements mobilize for a variety of goals, ranging from stopping the prosecution of particular military campaigns to stopping the preparations for war to creating a more just and pacific world through social services and citizen diplomacy. Antiwar and peace movements seek to constrain their own states and often reach outside national borders to cooperate with those who share their beliefs. Although some people are so committed to peace politics that they are virtually constantly mobilized, larger and more social movements emerge only when the costs and threats of war and war preparations become particularly visible.
Bolivarian Revolution (Venezuela)
Authors: Ryan J. Michael
Published: January 2013

The Bolivarian Revolution is the name for the democratic social revolution occurring in Venezuela. It is named in honor of Latin American liberator Simón Bolívar and loosely defined is a populist revolution aimed at achieving democratic socialism and offering an alternative to the perceived destructive powers of unbridled imperialistic global capitalism. Since 2005, it is also often referred to as twenty‐first‐century socialism. The Bolivarian Revolution began in Venezuela during the presidency of President Hugo Chávez. Although Chávez is often mistakenly credited as its sole engine, the movement, due to its democratic nature, is powered largely by the people. This is not to say that Chávez has not been its most influential advocate and a necessary (though not sufficient) requisite for its viability so far, but rather that the movement has since taken on an independent nature and is proving to be truly people‐driven.
Contemporary Social and Political Movements in
R
ussia
Authors: Gubin Oleg
Published: January 2013

Contemporary Russia appears to have a diverse and pluralistic social and political movement society. According to the Russian State Statistical Committee, there are 119 247 public associations registered with the Ministry of Justice as of January 1, 2010, with 5303 of them registered in 2009. Most of these associations are represented by 54 113 public organizations and 43 542 trade unions. The data also show a continuous growth of social movements, the number of which was 1808, with 117 emerging in 2009. In addition, the state statistics point out the existence of 746 national‐cultural associations, of which 96 came into existence in 2009. These ethnicity‐based groups reflect the complex multi‐ethnic composition of the Russian Federation. And finally, 253 branches of international NGOs operate in Russia, including human rights watch groups (
Russia in Figures 2010
). These data indicate that Russian people actively exercise their constitutional rights on assembly, association, and peaceful joint actions. The Russian Constitution (particularly articles 29, 30, 31) and various federal laws (the Federal Law on Public Associations, the Federal Law on Countering Extremist Activities, the Federal Law on Political Parties, and the Federal Law on Assemblies, Meetings, Demonstrations, Processing, and Picketing) grant those rights and provide a legal framework for collective actions. The Federal Law on Public Associations defines social movements in terms of mass public associations that pursue jointly social, political, and other socially useful purposes, supported by the participants of the movements. According to the Law on Public Associations, social movements must have: (a) a governing body in the form of congress, conference, or general meeting; and (b) a permanent governing elected body which, in the case of state registration, shall exercise the rights of a legal entity on behalf of the social movement. The public organization represents the membership‐based voluntary association, established on the basis of joint action to protect the common interests and achieve the statutory goals of the associated people. The law requires a formal registration of the social movement with the Ministry of Justice in order for it to pursue its activities legally. The authorities may ban social movements for extremist activities and for fueling ethnic and racial hostilities. Also, the law requires the permission of local authorities to be gained in order to engage in collective action in public places.
Culture Jamming
Authors: Wettergren Åsa
Published: January 2013

Culture jamming is a movement answering to the characteristics of contemporary movements suggested by, among others, Alberto Melucci. It concentrates on symbolic forms of protest and resistance, struggles for personal autonomy and diversity, and is active in a subsystem of a complex global society. Culture jammers are generally organized in networks of small friendship‐ and/or skill‐based groups, or individual “solo” activists. There is a shared cultural framing in the assessment that commercial media and culture support mega‐corporate interests and power by manipulating and subjugating a creative and freedom‐craving human nature, undermine democracy by making people politically disinterested, exploit limited social and natural resources, and colonize public space. The latter includes media space, to which access is largely governed by financial resources. In addition the proliferation of unsubstantial commercial messages such as ads, commercials, and entertainment drowns the voice of politically engaged citizens.
Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (El Salvador)
Authors: Almeida Paul D.
Published: January 2013

The Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional (FMLN) was officially established in El Salvador in October of 1980 as a coalition of five left‐wing political factions—the People's Revolutionary Army (ERP), the National Resistance (RN), the Communist Party of El Salvador (PCS), the Popular Forces of Liberation (FPL), and the Central American Workers' Party (PRTC). Augustín Farabundo Martí was a communist organizer in the late 1920s and early 1930s. He was executed along with other political leaders in January of 1932 by the regime of General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez. Each of the five FMLN political forces maintained their own armed militias by late 1980. With this unification of the armed left in El Salvador, the FMLN launched a general offensive against an unelected military‐civilian junta in January of 1981. The offensive failed to dislodge the prevailing regime after two weeks of heavy fighting on a national scale. However, the FMLN was able to secure rearguards in eastern and northern provinces and garner enough civilian support to sustain an armed conflict against the government until a United Nations‐backed peace accord was signed and put into place in January 1992. The formation of the FMLN and its political existence since the peace accords demonstrate its indispensable relationship to social movement mobilization.
Homeless Protest Movements (
U
nited
S
tates)
Authors: Cress Daniel M.
Published: January 2013

Protest activity by homeless people was arguably the most significant social movement by poor people in the United States over the three decade period, 1980–2010. Newspaper accounts of homeless protests were reported in over 60 cities during the 1980s with more than 500 protest events reported in 17 of those cities between 1984 and 1990 (Cress 2009; Snow, Soule, & Cress 2001). Beyond its empirical importance, homeless protest sheds theoretical insight into social movement activity because of the seemingly unlikely possibility of homeless people being able to sustain ongoing mobilization or achieve significant concessions. This entry examines the emergence, organization, and outcomes of homeless protest and concludes with a discussion of how protest by the homeless influences our understanding of social movements more broadly.
I
rish
R
epublican
M
ovement
Authors: White Robert W. , White Francis K.
Published: January 2013

The Irish Republican Movement has its origins in eighteenth‐century republican political philosophy, which also inspired the American (1776) and French revolutions (1789). In the 1790s, the United Irishmen tried to unite “Catholic, Protestant, and Dissenter” and create an Irish Republic independent of England. Unlike their American and French counterparts, the United Irishmen's rebellion of 1798 failed. However, they remained an inspiration for rebellions against the British in 1803, 1848, 1867, and 1916, and insurgent actions by Fenians (including armed campaigns against the British in Canada and a bombing campaign in England) in the 1860s, 1870s, and 1880s. Contemporary Irish Republicanism has organizational antecedents that date from the 1840s: Irish Republicans active as “Young Irelanders” in 1848 became Fenians; Fenians participated in the 1916 Rising and the Irish War of Independence (1919–1923); veterans of 1916–1923 were active in Irish Republican organizations into the twenty‐first century.
Kwang‐Ju Uprising (Korea)
Authors: Kim Sun‐Chul
Published: January 2013

Also known as the 5.18 Kwang‐ju people's struggle (Kwang‐ju minjung hangjaeng), the Kwang‐ju massacre, or officially as the 5.18 Kwang‐ju democratization movement (5.18 Kwang‐ju minjuhwa undong), the Kwang‐ju uprising refers to the Kwang‐ju citizens' ten‐day resistance to the newly emerging military leadership of South Korea from May 18 to 27, 1980. The uprising was first triggered by the military's brutal repression of what might have been an ordinary demonstration, and evolved into an armed resistance and a brief period of self‐governance analogous to the Paris Commune of 1871. In the end, the uprising was put down by special army units, producing many casualties. The Kwang‐ju uprising served as a turning point in the pro‐democracy movement and left a deep imprint on South Korean politics and society. With the establishment of electoral democracy in 1987, the uprising gained official recognition as a democratization movement and is commemorated every year.
L
enin (
V
.
I
.
Y
lianov) (1870–1924)
Authors: Gubin Oleg
Published: January 2013

Vladymir Ilyich Ylianov (Lenin), the Russian revolutionary, is generally regarded as the founder of the Bolshevik social movement and the creator of the USSR. He realized Marx and Engels' dream of a socialist revolution that would bring down capitalism and replace it with socialism—a society based, ideally, on the dictatorship of the proletariat, public property, and a centrally planned economy, with greater equality and social justice for working‐class people. Despite the collapse of the USSR and the subsequent collapse of Soviet socialism in the 1990s, many Russians, especially those of 55 years and older, and those aged 18–21, view Lenin's role in Russian history more positively than negatively (леВада‐Центр 2011). Lenin's cremated body remains in his mausoleum on Red Square, and Russian society is divided over its removal and burial according to the Christian Orthodox tradition.
L
ukang
A
nti‐
D
u
P
ont Movement (
T
aiwan)
Authors: Ho Ming‐sho
Published: January 2013

Originating as a seaport in the eighteenth century, Lukang is a commercial city and center of religious worship in central Taiwan (DeGlopper 1995). In March 1986, local residents launched a movement against the multinational DuPont company's project to set up a titanium dioxide plant. The investment was welcomed by government officials and viewed as a major boost to stimulate the economy out of a recent recession; however Lukang residents, who knew of the 1984 Bhopal tragedy in India, were worried about the toxic hazard posed by another American chemical company. Under the leadership of a newly elected city mayor, who ran on an anti‐DuPont stance, opponents organized the Changhua County Nuisance Prevention Association and staged a series of protests, including a local demonstration and a petition, in front of the presidential house in Taipei, which was unprecedented because Taiwan was still under the rule of martial law, which prohibited unauthorized mass gatherings. Despite the media campaign to showcase its safety commitment as well as an invited tour for local politicians to visit its US facilities, DuPont failed to win the confidence of the people of Lukang. In March 1987, the company announced the decision to suspend this controversial project. Upon receiving the news, Lukang people celebrated their victory by staging a religious festival to express their gratitude to their patron goddess, Mazu. Two years later, DuPont finally established their delayed plant in northern Taiwan (Reardon‐Anderson 1992).
“Orange” and “Colored” Revolutions in Former
S
oviet
U
nion
Authors: Tescione Sara
Published: January 2013

The term Orange revolution refers to the massive protest campaign that characterized the Ukraine in the aftermath of its 2004 presidential elections as a reaction to the manifest falsification of the electoral results by the incumbent authoritarian regime of Leonid Kuchma. Protests began on November 22, prompted by the widespread perception that the results of the vote between the pro‐regime candidate, Viktor Yanukovych and the opposition candidate Viktor Yushchenko had been severely rigged in favor of the former. As the suspects of electoral fraud were confirmed by the numerous domestic and international election observers, an increasing number of protesters started to mobilize across the country, engaging in peaceful sit‐ins, strikes, and rallies. Sustained pressure from hundreds of thousands of orange‐clad protesters, who permanently camped at Maidan, Kiev's Independence Square in below‐zero temperatures for several days, led to negotiations between the government and the opposition and eventually to the decision of the Ukrainian Supreme Court to nullify the vote and call for a rerun of the elections. The final results of the internationally monitored second run‐off on December 26 indicated the clear victory of opposition leader Viktor Yushchenko, who received 52 percent of the votes while 44 percent voted for Yanukovych. On January 23, 2005, following the certification of the results by the Supreme Court, Yushchenko was sworn in, thus becoming Ukraine's third president since the country's independence in 1991.
Otpor
Authors: Nikolayenko Olena
Published: January 2013

Otpor (“resistance” in Serbian) is a Serbian social movement that played a prominent role in removing Slobodan Milošević from power in October 2000. The movement articulated three major demands: (1) the depoliticization of universities, (2) freedom of the press, and (3) free and fair elections. More broadly, Otpor called for the turnover of power and the dismantling of Milosevic's regime. Otpor grew from a group of a dozen university students in Belgrade to a nationwide movement with more than 70 000 members and more than 130 cells across Serbia. While young people formed the core of Otpor members, the movement enlisted support of various segments of Serbia's population. In its efforts to undermine the repressive political regime, the social movement employed such methods of nonviolent resistance as graffiti, stickers, rock concerts, and street performances.
Pro‐Life/Pro‐Choice Movements
Authors: Rohlinger Deana A. , Sessions Miriam
Published: January 2013

The contemporary pro‐life and pro‐choice movements disagree about the status of legal abortion in the US. The pro‐life movement opposes elective abortion on ethical and moral grounds. Pro‐life advocates argue that an “unborn child” has a right to life and they strive to get these rights legally recognized. The pro‐choice movement contends that women have a constitutionally protected right to abortion and work to keep abortion safe and legal. While contention over abortion has a long history, it did not always center on issues of rights. Initially, abortion was a medical concern and physicians were the arbiters of its administration. This was the result of a campaign by physicians to professionalize medicine. Throughout most of the nineteenth century, there were no licensing laws regulating who could practice medicine. This, coupled with the lack of a traditional guild structure, meant that trained physicians had to compete directly with other medical sects (such as homeopaths) for patients. Physicians saw abortion as an issue through which they could distinguish themselves from other practitioners and push for industry regulation. They claimed that their scientific training gave them superior knowledge regarding if and when a woman should have an abortion. The campaign was a success; all but “therapeutic” abortions were outlawed and licensed professionals were charged with deciding whether an abortion was performed (Mohr 1978; Luker 1984).
Quebec Nationalist Movement (Canada)
Authors: McRoberts Kenneth
Published: January 2013

Quebec nationalism is rooted in the French‐speaking population of Quebec, Canada's largest province by territory and second largest by population. Within Canada as a whole, French‐speakers (or Francophones) have long been in the minority; they now constitute 21.4 percent of the Canadian population (based on language used at home). However, in Quebec Francophones have always been in the majority, currently constituting 81.8 percent of the province's population.
R
ed Shirt Anticorruption Movement (
T
aiwan)
Authors: Chang Mau–kuei
Published: January 2013

The Red shirt anticorruption movement emerged in mid‐2006 in Taiwan, with mass rallies and mobilizations in September and early October of that year. However, enthusiasm languished very quickly. It was originally called the “one‐million people down
Bian
movement.” The word
Bian
stands for the then president of the country, Chen Shui‐bian, the first pro‐Taiwan independence president representing the Democratic Progressive Party (the DPP). Chen was first elected in 2000, and reelected in 2004. Because of his consecutive victories, the Chinese Nationalist Party (the Kuomintang, or KMT), which had ruled Taiwan for over 50 years, was forced to yield administrative power to the DPP.
S
an
S
alvador
A
tenco Farmers' Movement (
M
exico)
Authors: Beatriz Zamora Lomelí Carla
Published: January 2013

Atenco represents one of the most important contemporary social movements in Mexico, not only because of its historical importance in defense of the collective ownership of the land, but because of the actions that followed this territorial defense. These included conflict with the state, including state repression, growing alliances at regional, national, and international levels, and variation in the structure of political opportunities. The Atenco farmers are defined as collective actors, because of the social and historical particularity of their community, with high social density and communitarian relations in which collective identity is built up, with the land as the axis of the farmers' identity.
Self‐Help Movements
Authors: Lessor Roberta G.
Published: January 2013

Self‐help groups are a distinctive feature of social life in the US and elsewhere that emerged on the scale of a social movement during the last four decades of the twentieth century. The term “self‐help” applies to a wide variety of groups in which members mutually aid one another, seek personal changes, and in some cases, seek to challenge existing institutions that are not meeting their needs. Self‐help groups can generally be characterized as “lay” versus “professional,” as formed in respect to members' discontent with institutionalized means of dealing with a variety of human physical and mental problems, and as proposing new practices to address these problems. The proposed strategies include the promotion of personal, individual growth and, in some cases, the betterment or improvement of the health or well‐being of an entire affected group. The rapid expansion of self‐help in the 1960s and 1970s coincides with larger human rights movements of the time (the civil rights movement, the women's movement, the women's health movement). “Self‐help” continues to evolve in the twenty‐first century, albeit in new forms and with different emphases.
Slow Food Movement
Authors: Bossy Sophie
Published: January 2013

“Slow Food is a global, grassroots organization with supporters in 150 countries around the world who are linking the pleasure of good food with a commitment to their community and the environment. A non‐profit member‐supported association, Slow Food was founded in 1989 to counter the rise of fast food and fast life, the disappearance of local food traditions and people's dwindling interest in the food they eat, where it comes from, how it tastes and how our food choices affect the rest of the world” (Slow Food 2012).
S
outhern
C
hristian
L
eadership
C
onference (
SCLC
) (
U
nited
S
tates)
Authors: Arnone Kyle , Bloom Joshua
Published: January 2013

The Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) grew out of the Montgomery bus boycott to become one of the leading organizations of the civil rights movement in the US. On December 1, 1955, Rosa Parks was arrested in Montgomery, Alabama, for refusing to relinquish her seat on a public bus to a white person. Local black clergy, activists, and the women's political council called a bus boycott. The boycott organization elected Reverend Dr Martin Luther King, Jr as its president. Tens of thousands participated in the nonviolent campaign, drawing violent reprisals from white supremacists and crippling Montgomery's bus system until they succeeded in integrating it in December 1956. Bayard Rustin wrote a series of working papers proposing a permanent organization to carry the movement to other cities. In January 1957, King, Rustin, Ella Baker, and 60 young black ministers met at Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta to form the SCLC. Coupling Christian ethics with activism, their goal was to “redeem the soul of America” through nonviolent resistance to Jim Crow. SCLC intentionally cultivated a principled but pragmatic image of King as a leader, capable of appealing to a wide range of interests. An association of organizations, with no individual members, the SCLC emphasized networking between black churches, supporting local action, and spreading civil rights struggle.
Squatters' Movements
Authors: Owens Lynn
Published: January 2013

To squat is to occupy a space otherwise not in use, without the owner's permission. Squatting takes many forms, from building shantytowns on the outskirts of the megalopolises of the developing world, to claiming unused rural land for food production, to occupying vacant buildings in the city center. Squatting addresses unmet spatial needs, either indirectly, as a protest to draw attention to the vacancy and viability of alternative spaces and force authorities to intervene, or, more directly, by procuring space for the squatters themselves. Boundaries between squatting and squatters' movements are messy. They overlap, but are not the same. While all squatting is at least somewhat political – challenging property regimes and the elites benefiting from them — to squat is not necessarily to participate in a squatters' movement. The vast majority of the world's squatters do not actively take part in squatters' movements; conversely, these movements do not limit themselves simply to housing concerns, and their participants are not necessarily always squatters. When researchers study squatters' movements, these are both narrower and broader than merely squatting. Such movements are almost invariably urban, and usually in Europe. The history of these movements dates from the 1960s, peaking into the 1980s, and continuing in a smaller form to this day. The Netherlands, once numbering over 20 000 active squatters, had the largest and most influential of these movements, but other countries also experienced noteworthy squatting activity, including the UK, Germany, Italy, Switzerland, Denmark, and Spain. Squatters' movements promote a do‐it‐yourself (DIY) ethic in defending space and lifestyles against the influence of capital and state. Housing issues establish only the stating point for these movements.
Strategies of the
C
hinese Communist Revolution
Authors: Feng Shizheng
Published: January 2013

The victory of a revolutionary struggle depends on the effectiveness of the strategies. Mao Zedong argued that the success of the Chinese communist revolution relied on the three grand strategies that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) had adopted—party building, armed struggle, and the united front. Mao praised them as the CCP's three magic weapons. Yet, between 1921 and 1935, the CCP was most of the time under the strong influence of the Communist International (Comintern), and its strategy was rather incoherent, to say the least. It was only after 1935, and especially after the 1940s when Mao ascended to become the CCP's paramount leader, that these grand strategies became the guiding principles of the revolution.
Strikes in
US
History
Authors: Stepan‐Norris Judith , Lind Ben
Published: January 2013

Strikes occur when activists temporarily and collectively withhold their participation from some crucial activity in order to convey a grievance or to enforce demands. These include food strikes, rent strikes, hunger strikes, culture strikes, prison strikes, student strikes, and labor strikes. By far the most prevalent of these, the focus here, are the latter, also known as walkouts or work stoppages, which occur when workers withhold their labor. The strike is potentially the most injurious action to firms, since production and therefore profits are reduced or stopped altogether (Rubin 1986).
S
tudents for a
D
emocratic
S
ociety (
SDS
) (
U
nited
S
tates)
Authors: Flacks Richard
Published: January 2013

Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) was the leading national organization in the white student movement of the 1960s. SDS originated as the Student League for Industrial Democracy (SLID), whose roots were in the Intercollegiate Socialist Society, founded in 1905. The latter group, founded by such notables as Jack London, Upton Sinclair, and Walter Lippmann, became the League for Industrial Democracy in 1921. SLID was its youth wing, and was part of the burgeoning student Left of the 1930s; it declined in membership and visibility through the 1950s. The mobilization of black students beginning in 1960, and the stirrings then of political interest on the part of some grouplets of white students, provided opportunity for a revitalized organized student Left. Al Haber, seeing that the SLID was an organizational shell with some resources, led an effort to change its name to Students for a Democratic Society, and actively recruited a number of student activist leaders to construct an ideological center for the emerging student movement. One of those he recruited, Tom Hayden, editor of the University of Michigan
Daily
agreed to draft a manifesto for SDS and the wider movement. This draft was debated and adopted, along with a new constitution, at the founding convention of the newly constituted SDS in June 1962, at a United Auto Workers conference center in Port Huron, Michigan. The conference was attended by several dozen students from campuses in the northeast and Midwest. Many of these, like Hayden, were student government leaders and campus activists; a number of leaders of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) came to the Port Huron meeting (Miller 1994; Hayden & Flacks 2002; Hayden 2005).
Suffrage Movement, International
Authors: Mead Rebecca J.
Published: January 2013

Voting is considered an inherent right of citizenship in modern democracies, an idea originating in Enlightenment ideology but not automatically achieved in practice. In the past, proposals to expand the franchise to include nonproperty‐holding white men were quite controversial, so the concept of suffrage for women and people of color was an even more radical suggestion given their putative lack of rational capacities. Dominant gender roles confined women to the domestic sphere while husbands or other male kinfolk represented their political interests, and challenging these ideas was difficult. Even when women gained voting rights, these were frequently partial (allowing participation in some elections but not others), restricted by marital status, education, property qualifications, and race, and did not automatically grant other civil rights. Winning full suffrage required hard work by determined women—it was never a “gift”—and success was the result of multiple factors. These include: (1) educational advances; (2) the growing presence of women in the workforce and trade unions; (3) the increasing political sophistication and mobilization of women in clubs and reform organizations; (4) affiliations between suffragists and progressive reform movements; (5) fluid political environments in territories, provinces, and colonies; (6) the adoption of direct action techniques; and (7) transnational activism, although these relationships could be problematic.
S
endero
L
uminoso/
S
hining
P
ath (
P
eru)
Authors: McClintock Cynthia
Published: January 2013

Sendero Luminoso or “Shining Path” was an unforgiving Maoist rebellion that emerged in Peru's remote, impoverished southern highlands and began violent attacks in 1980. Led by Abimael Guzmán, a former philosophy professor in the southern highlands town of Ayacucho, the Shining Path expanded across vast swathes of Peru and by the late 1980s and early 1990s was active in the capital, Lima. The conflict between the Shining Path and Peru's security forces was the most violent in the country's twentieth‐century history; it was estimated that, by 2000, 69 200 people had been killed; 75 percent of the victims spoke the indigenous language, Quechua (CVR 2004).
Temperance Movements
Authors: Oselin Sharon S.
Published: January 2013

The temperance movement in the US encompassed a long and tumultuous historical period spanning from the 1820s to the passing of National Prohibition in 1919, and, some argue, has reemerged more recently. In studying this movement, scholars are able to examine how a confluence of political and social goals fuels and sustains mobilization. The temperance movement was a morality‐based movement, focused on issues of vice among the American population, which activists felt were indicative of the demise of a collective moral fiber. Wagner 1997 proposed that this perspective underscored a national ideology that was embedded within a specific cultural and political context. Those who comprised this movement were largely upper and middle class Protestants, with a strong base in the Midwest and New England (Gusfield 1986). Through the social construction of actions that constitute vice activities, seen as a “social problem,” powerful groups also designated a target population for the many social ills assumed to be connected to these behaviors. The growing numbers of immigrants—Irish, Germans, and Italians—were held particularly responsible for the pervasiveness of vice practices. They were also groups who were slow to support temperance movement agendas, which further demonized them.
Women's Movements in
I
ndia
Authors: Desai Manisha
Published: January 2013

India has a long history of dynamic and varied women's movements beginning in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Scholar activists (e.g., Gandhi & Shah 1992; Kumar 2002) normally identify two major waves: the first wave from around 1920 to 1945, which coincided with India's independence struggle and whose major aim was suffrage and education for women and later addressing legal inequities in family laws; and the second wave, also called the “autonomous” women's movement, from the early 1970s to the 1990s and whose main focus was violence against women. I identify a third wave, namely the transnational women's movement which, beginning in the mid to late 1990s, has organized across national and regional borders around issues of neoliberal globalization and religious fundamentalism, among others. Each wave consisted of many strands that were often in conversation with each other. And while each period had a main focus, there were many issues and strategies in each wave.
Direct Action
Authors: Moore Kelly , Shepard Benjamin
Published: January 2013

Direct action is strategic political activity in which users seek redress by targeting the people, institutions, and practices that they wish to change. In contrast, indirect political action uses intermediaries, such as elected representatives, to effect change. Direct action is not only an instrument to force others to change. Participants in direct action often see themselves as enacting the values that are important to them, such as fellowship and nonhierarchical relations. It is used by revolutionaries, religious groups, and many others. Groups on the left, right, and center of the political spectrum have used direct action. Direct action is most common among groups that are prohibited from or have limited access to legal participation in institutionalized politics. These include, for example, prisoners, members of ethnic, sexual, and religious minorities, women in some places and times, and students and other young people.
Participatory Democracy in Social Movements
Authors: Polletta Francesca
Published: January 2013

Participatory democracy refers to an organizational form in which decision making is decentralized, nonhierarchical, and consensus oriented. It can be contrasted with bureaucracy, in which decision making is centralized, hierarchical, and based on a formal division of labor, as well as with majority vote. Participatory democratic organizations have been a prominent feature of many progressive movements, including radical pacifism, the civil rights movement, the New Left, feminism, environmentalism, antinuclear activism, gay and lesbian movements, and the global justice movement.
Recruitment
Authors: Barkan Steven E. , Cohn Steven F.
Published: January 2013

Social movements have long been an important basis of political participation in democracies and have achieved major political, social, and cultural changes. Although the influence of social movements depends largely on their ability to recruit members, it is by no means obvious why people choose to participate in them.
Transnational Social Movements
Authors: Smith Jackie
Published: January 2013

Modern social movements, generally thought of as political, emerged in tandem with modern nation states, as groups of people organized to alternately resist new claims being made by national authorities (such as taxes or military conscription) or to advance their own claims that states provide a variety of public goods and services (such as education, health care, and various forms of financial assistance). Ongoing competition between authorities and citizen challengers generated new structures—including parliaments, bills of rights, and bureaucratic checks and balances—to routinize public participation in national politics and to otherwise enhance the accountability of political leaders to citizenry (see, e.g., Tilly 1984; Markoff 1996; Tarrow 1998). Today, as states increasingly turn to international political arenas to manage their economies and ecologies and other aspects of social life, social movements are becoming increasingly transnational in their structure and focus.
Nationalist Movements
Authors: Johnston Hank
Published: January 2013

Nationalist movements are a subtype of social movement that make political, economic, and cultural claims based on definitions of a national group or “nation.” Like other movements, they can include individuals, small groups, formal organizations, and sometimes political parties, depending on their breadth of support and the kind of state in which they occur. Contemporary examples are numerous: the Quebecois nationalist movement against English Canadian governance, Scottish nationalist challenges in the UK, Irish nationalism in Northern Ireland, Palestinian nationalism in the West Bank and Gaza, Basque and Catalan nationalist parties in Spain, Tibetan and Uighur nationalism in China, and the numerous nationalist fronts—Estonian, Lithuanian, Armenian, Chechen, to name just a few—that challenged Russian dominance and contributed to the fall of the Soviet Union in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Nationalist movements can mobilize politically, culturally, and/or militarily in both democratic and nondemocratic states to challenge prevailing patterns of sovereignty, political representation, economic opportunities, civil rights, and resource distribution. A defining characteristic of most nationalist movements is a link between a collective national identity and claims of territorial sovereignty (Hechter 2000).
R
ed
A
rmy
F
action/
B
aader‐
M
einhof
G
roup (
G
ermany)
Authors: Jander Martin
Published: January 2013

The Red Army Faction (RAF) was a terrorist group that was active in the Federal Republic of Germany from 1970 until its dissolution in 1998. It saw itself as an urban guerilla group. But, following Walter Laqueur's distinction between guerillas and terrorism (1977a, 1977b), it is better characterized as a terrorist organization.
Social Media
Authors: Gardner Beth Gharrity
Published: January 2013

The implications of social media for social change are fueling incredible debate at the time of this writing. This is being driven by the unprecedented diffusion of social media technologies and services, such as text messaging, e‐mail, blogs, YouTube, Facebook, and the like, over the first decade of this century. For movement scholars, more important than the new digital technologies themselves are their consequences for social movements and protest. To be sure, there is no shortage of fodder for theoretical and empirical questioning. Not only has social media been ascribed a pivotal role in the coordination of rapid, massive, and—in some cases—revolutionary mobilizations in geopolitical contexts as diverse as Iran, Moldova, and Tunisia, but they lend new meaning to the iconic phrasethe whole world is watchingas actors broadcast events in real time to international audiences. Through the variety of available, easy to use designs, social media enable novel forms of one‐to‐many and many‐to‐many communication that reveal surprising contours of an evolving “virtual public sphere” (Langman 2005). By altering the communication landscape these technologies are changing the terrains of contentious politics. They broadly call into question long‐standing assumptions about social movements.
S
outh
K
orean Transnational Fatherhood Movement
Authors: Kim Allen J.
Published: January 2013

The South Korean transnational fatherhood movement, popularly known as “Father School” (FS), addresses men's role and identity as contemporary fathers. In 1995, Duranno Christian Publishing established a Father School in Seoul, South Korea, in response to the growing national epidemic of abusive, ineffective, and absentee fathers. Worldwide, new social expectations for fathering are thought to encourage greater balance between work and family roles and focus on emotional involvement. Having celebrated its 15th anniversary in 2010, political notables, including President Lee Myung Bak, and news outlets internationally have recognized the organization's effort in emphasizing the important role men play in children's lives. Men participate in conference seminars that challenge them to become more expressive, nurturing, and responsible fathers in contrast with traditional Korean patriarchy shaped by Confucianism. From their evangelical optic, “a healthy family begins with the father.”
System Exiting and Social Movements
Authors: Tierney Amber C.
Published: January 2013

As has been well documented in the social movement literature, movements can take multiple forms. Accordingly, analyses of coordinated challenge tend to array social movements along a spectrum of variable dimensions. Snow and Soule 2010 suggest that social movements can be relegated to one of two general types of challenge, such that the challenge is either direct (including various forms of
specifically
targeted protest) or indirect (including movements that exit from or divest in authority). Indirect challenges—the less often examined form of collective action—relate to movements that are covert or ambiguous with respect to the action they employ; that may endeavor to actualize broad‐based change through individual conversion; and finally, that bypass authority structures by literally “exiting” or withdrawing from undesirable systems or relations (Snow & Soule 2010).
Women's Movement in
S
pain
Authors: Threlfall Monica
Published: January 2013

The Spanish women's movement displays a number of features that clearly place it in the “family” of European women's movements, yet it also differs in significant ways.
Functional Polymer Brushes on Diamond as a Platform for Immobilization and Electrical Wiring of Biomolecules
Authors: Reitinger Andreas A. , Hutter Naima A. , Donner Andreas , Steenackers Marin , Williams Oliver A. , Stutzmann Martin , Jordan Rainer , Garrido Jose A.
Published: January 2013

For the biofunctionalization of electronic devices, polymer brushes can provide a route which allows combining the advantages of other commonly used approaches, such as immobilization of functional biomolecules via self assembled monolayers or coated polymer matrices: high stability and loading capacity, efficient electron transport, and excellent biocompatibility. In the work presented here, poly(methacrylic acid) brushes are prepared by self‐initiated photografting and photopolymerization on diamond electrodes. In this straightforward process no prior grafting of initiators is required since the initiation of the polymerization can be conveniently controlled by the hydrogen or oxygen termination of the diamond surface. Boron doped nanocrystalline diamond as an electrode material provides extreme chemical inertness and stability, inherent biocompatibility, and superior electrochemical properties, such as the large accessible potential window and low background currents. As a proof of concept we demonstrate the amperometric detection of glucose by polymer brushes covalently modified with the redox enzyme glucose oxidase and aminomethyl ferrocene as electron mediator. Characterization by X‐ray photoelectron spectroscopy and atomic force microscopy both indicate a high loading of the ferrocene mediator. Consistently, electrochemical cyclic voltammetry shows a multilayer equivalent loading of ferrocene and highly efficient electron transfer throughout the polymer film. Overall, functionalized polymer brushes can provide a promising platform for the immobilization and electrical wiring of biomolecules for bioelectronic and biosensing applications.