bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Evidence of Amoral Communities
Authors: Dragojević Mila
Published: May 2020

This chapter discusses one of the characteristics of amoral communities, which was evident across different regions in Croatia: the ethnicization of everyday life. What distinguishes amoral communities from other types of wartime settings in which violence, looting, and the destruction of property are commonplace? The principal characteristic is that the connection between ethnicity and a political identity extends into everyday facets of life. In communities where the ethnicization of everyday life is present, instead of perceiving each other in terms of personal traits or community roles, people first consider ethnicities, or, more specifically, political ethnicities. This becomes evident, for instance, in the workplace, where people start to group along ethnic lines; in public places, where symbolic messages reflect the new polarization; and even in schools or on playgrounds, where children repeat comments they heard from adults in their lives. In amoral communities, when civilians become targets of violence on the basis of their political ethnicities, these acts of violence may be presented as necessary for the restoration of order or as a consequence of wartime conditions. While the process of ethnicization initially occurs on the state level in the discourse of political leaders, it may or may not lead to polarization along ethnic lines in some communities.
The Exclusion of Moderates
Authors: Dragojević Mila
Published: May 2020

This chapter examines the first of the two mechanisms that trigger the local-level conditions necessary for the formation of amoral communities: the exclusion of moderates. It shows how such exclusion is achieved through threats, selective targeted violence, social ostracism, and other forms of in-group policing. For example, moderates may be excluded through efforts to recruit supporters and participants by offering only two options—you are with us or against us—because it eliminates a third possibility, that of remaining part of the same community as a neutral member. Even if, in rare cases, individuals manage to remain neutral in this phase, they will likely be seen as disloyal, or, worse, as opportunists trying to benefit their personal situation by exploiting both sides, or even as spies. The individuals who do not align with one or the other side, or who do not share the political views that are imposed on their own communities by the more extreme members, the local leaders, or different armies, may become targets of violence in these communities.
Memories and Violence
Authors: Dragojević Mila
Published: May 2020

This chapter addresses the question of how local narratives of historical waves of violence may have informed respondents' interpretations and understanding of the most recent political violence in their region. Indeed, it aims to distinguish more rigorously between the processes of collective memory formation and the processes of collective identity formation, or ethnicization, on the level of local communities. Based on the evidence from interviews in Croatia, Uganda, and Guatemala, the chapter argues that it is not possible to predict or generalize about how memories of historical violence shape political behavior solely by examining the content of the memories or individual interpretations because they vary both within regions and across individuals to a great extent. Yet memories of past waves of violence figure prominently in the interviews, confirming that they may matter a great deal, particularly because they help people “make sense” of current events. In order to understand why these local or individual memories are “activated”—particularly when political leaders mention them over the course of their efforts to mobilize the population politically through the processes of ethnicization—in some regions and not in others, it is critical to take into account the local conditions and processes, such as the exclusion of moderates and the production of borders, that may cause memories of past waves of violence to become powerful instruments of political mobilization.
Preventing Collective Crimes
Authors: Dragojević Mila
Published: May 2020

This concluding chapter explores several implications of this book's research for the efforts to prevent violence against civilians. One implication of this research is that a more probable path toward the prevention of wartime collective crimes would be external diplomatic efforts to put a stop to any attempts to physically divide the local population, or segregate people territorially on the basis of their presumed political ethnicities or other identities. In other words, people need to be free to choose where they want to live independently of their ethnic, religious, racial, or other social identities. Their respective states and local governments should protect their basic human rights. Another implication of this research is that the current system of peacekeeping, which relies on militarized responses that reinforce the very conditions that are conducive to wartime collective crimes—such as relocating the population to “safe zones” or refugee camps—may not be adequate in preventing further cycles of violence. Instead of attempting to control the movement of people fleeing violent conflict through increasingly more restrictive refugee laws, states should allow all those affected by such violence the freedom to decide whether they wish to integrate socially, economically, and politically into their new communities; return to their homes in the future if and when it is safe for them to do so; or settle in another country altogether.
The 1959–1960 Anti-Chinese Crisis
Authors: Zhou Taomo
Published: May 2020

This chapter addresses the Indonesian government's anti-Chinese acts, which had their origin in long-standing ethnic tensions but were directly triggered by Taipei's aid to regional rebellions against the central government in Jakarta. Although the Chinese Nationalists were the main targets, all the ethnic Chinese were subject to discriminatory policies. Beijing's response to the 1959–60 crisis in Indonesia was restrained. Indonesia under Sukarno's leadership was crucial to the People's Republic of China's “intermediate zone” strategy, which focused on cultivating solidarity with Asian and African countries. In a series of meetings with Indonesian diplomats in late 1959 and early 1960, Chinese foreign minister Chen Yi emphasized that the Chinese Communist leadership did not prioritize the interests of the overseas Chinese over its diplomatic ties with Jakarta. Instead, the PRC's primary goal was to advance friendly relations between Beijing and Jakarta while assisting Indonesia with its economic development. Underneath its reconciliatory attitude, however, Beijing was profoundly dissatisfied that the Indonesian government had singled out the ethnic Chinese while condoning Western exploitation.
The Emergence of Mass Immunization in Wartime Kunming
Authors: Brazelton Mary Augusta
Published: May 2020

This chapter examines the immunological community that formed at Kunming, reconstructing a world that pulled its members from local health administrations, research laboratories, medical school clinics, and local factories. This diversity of perspectives and actors accords with recent trends toward understanding immunology in the context of medical practice and production as well as within the laboratory. It also helps articulate the involvement of researchers and medical workers in health initiatives that supported state-building processes. The sera and solutions they produced required distribution to populations often unfamiliar with the techniques of vaccination, and orders to immunize encompassed both coercive and persuasive methods. The increasing use of force to compel vaccination reflected the growing power of the Nationalist state—especially at provincial and national borders, where the examination and enforcement of immunization requirements contributed to the increasing control of political authorities. It also suggested the significance of biological characteristics such as one's immunization status in shaping individual rights and freedoms to travel.
Nationalizing Mass Immunization Amid Civil War and Revolution
Authors: Brazelton Mary Augusta
Published: May 2020

This chapter assesses the expansion of mass immunization in China during the calamitous period from 1945 to 1949. The reestablishment of biological research and production bases in the newly repossessed eastern cities solidified the authority of Chinese immunologists such as Tang Feifan, Wei Xi, Xie Shaowen, and others as prominent contributors to Chinese public health. At the same time, as the capacities of state administrations were stretched and strained, new dialogues emerged over the role of coercive immunization, its relationship to legitimate governance, and the ability of microbiology to contribute to national reconstruction. Medical researchers and clinicians especially championed one vaccine at this time: the BCG immunization against tuberculosis. The immunization itself proved difficult to produce and implement, but its promotion reflected the changes that the war with Japan had wrought in China's public health system and its adoption of mass immunization programs. Nationalists and Communists alike embraced the vaccines that these researchers developed and manufactured. The chapter then looks at vaccination policies and practices during the Chinese Civil War.
The Paichusuo and the Jurisdiction of Qing
Authors: Martin Jeffrey T.
Published: May 2020

This chapter reviews the history of modern police in Taiwan by showing how the “paichusuo” was instituted as a mechanism for cultivating qualities of civic virtue. It describes how Taiwan's police has been shaped by the jurisdictional qualities invested in the category of “qing.” It outlines the multiple meanings that have been bundled into the engagement neighborhood police, which are expected to maintain with the “qing” of their local community. The chapter also goes through the history of Taiwan's police from the initial formation of modern policing under the Japanese, the rocky transition to Chinese rule, and to the democratic era. History has configured the contemporary “paichusuo” as a political arena used for the work of cultivating the collective will to live together.
Strong Democracy, Weak Police
Authors: Martin Jeffrey T.
Published: May 2020

This chapter explores the connection between a certain mode of policing, the ideal of democracy, and the nature of Taiwan's sovereignty. These connections were revealed by the Sunflower Movement of 2014. It contradicts Egon Bittner's medical model that states that the Taiwanese police “make available... that, all things being equal, would not be otherwise available” is a bureaucratic route which channel certain forms of political conflict that is corrosive to the status quo. The “paichusuo” is the front line of the system, providing an institutional arena for mediating antagonism between local political powers and articulating the resulting compromises with the demands of central administration. The role of “qing” in the process ensures that the institutional operations of policing serve as a cultural mechanism for aligning individual will and collective solidarity along the axis of imagined cosmic principles.
Conclusion
Authors: Toth Stephen A.
Published: May 2020

This chapter summarizes the insights on Mettray's regime as a carceral institution for boys. Mettray's birth in 1840 marked the initial diffusion of the modern disciplinary realm. Yet, by the time of its close in 1937, Mettray was not a laboratory of modernity but a shell of its former self, having devolved from the reformist vision of its founder to little more than a custodial care facility. What started out as a progressive and utilitarian project, based on the optimistic belief that juvenile delinquents and wayward youth could be reformed, grew increasingly carceral and punitive amid creeping doubts about whether such changes were possible. By the dawn of the twentieth century those doubts had accumulated into a pervasive sense of futility and failure.
Arguing about Alliances
Authors: Poast Paul
Published: May 2020

Why do some attempts to conclude alliance treaties end in failure? From the inability of European powers to form an alliance that would stop Hitler in the 1930s, to the present inability of Ukraine to join NATO, states frequently attempt but fail to form alliance treaties. This book sheds new light on the purpose of alliance treaties by recognizing that such treaties come from negotiations, and that negotiations can end in failure. It identifies two conditions that result in non-agreement: major incompatibilities in the internal war plans of the participants, and attractive alternatives to a negotiated agreement for various parties to the negotiations. As a result, the book focuses on a group of states largely ignored by scholars: states that have attempted to form alliance treaties but failed. It suggests that to explain the outcomes of negotiations, specifically how they can end without agreement, we must pay particular attention to the wartime planning and coordinating functions of alliance treaties. Through exploration of the outcomes of negotiations from European alliance negotiations between 1815 and 1945, the book offers a typology of alliance treaty negotiations and establishes what conditions are most likely to stymie the attempt to formalize recognition of common national interests.
A Theory of Alliance Treaty Negotiation Outcomes
Authors: Poast Paul
Published: May 2020

This chapter discusses the book's argument that joint war planning provides a useful conceptual framework for explaining agreement and nonagreement in alliance treaty negotiations. Drawing on bargaining theory and negotiation analysis, it focuses on two key variables. The first variable is compatibility of ideal war plans. This refers to the participants' respective ideal war plans not having contradictory strategic components or operational components. Tensions can arise from conflicting military doctrines, such as one negotiation participant adhering to an offensive doctrine and another following a defensive doctrine. Thus, the key to ideal war plan compatibility is that both participants have similar notions of the threat and similar philosophies about the application of military force against that threat. The second variable is the attractiveness of outside options. Outside options are the policies each participant will pursue if the negotiation ends in nonagreement. Such policies include unilateral action or an alliance treaty with another state. The chapter then explains how these two variables lead to four types of alliance treaty negotiations: Same Page, Pleasant Surprise, Revealed Deadlock, and Standard Bargaining. It also details the three components of a war plan: strategic, operational, and tactical.
Analyzing Alliance Treaty Negotiation Outcomes
Authors: Poast Paul
Published: May 2020

This chapter explores basic patterns in the data described in the previous chapter using cross tabulations. These tabulations show that having strategic and operational compatibility is strongly associated with a higher rate of agreement in alliance treaty negotiations. They also demonstrate that agreement can be reached, though less often, even between states that lack ideal war plan compatibility. The suggestive evidence offered by these cross tabulations is useful, but the cross tabulations also raise questions. While the initial patterns are supportive of this book's theory, the chapter is concerned about potential complications in the data that could undermine the ability to draw inferences about the relationships between variables. These potential complications include selection bias and omitted variable bias. The chapter then identifies how and under what conditions the existence of an outside option influences the outcome of alliance treaty negotiations.
A Key Nonagreement
Authors: Poast Paul
Published: May 2020

This chapter focuses on an important example of an alliance treaty negotiation that ended in nonagreement: the 1901 Anglo-German negotiations. There are three reasons why this case is useful for evaluating the book's theoretical claims. First and foremost, this case is well predicted by the statistical model from Chapter 3. The model from Chapter 3 predicts this particular case well because the case was coded as 0 on the both strategic and operational compatibility variable. This score means that Germany and Britain had incompatible ideal war plans. Second, the 1901 Anglo-German negotiations are historically important. Indeed, a number of observers following World War I viewed these negotiations as the great “missed opportunity” to set Anglo-German relations on a path that might have avoided the war. Third, this case is useful for contrasting the author's war-planning explanation with the competing explanation of reliability concerns. The chapter then describes Britain's outside options on entering the negotiation and explains why the British considered their outside options to be attractive. Focusing on the British outside options is important, because the British were the party that walked away from the negotiation.
Negotiations and the Future of Alliance Studies
Authors: Poast Paul
Published: May 2020

This concluding chapter summarizes the book's main claims and empirical findings, discussing the implications of these findings as well as directions for future research. At their heart, alliance treaties are about using military force. As such, war planning can be conceptualized as the core of alliance treaty negotiations. Equipped with this premise, the book argued that the key variable determining whether conditions are conducive to agreement is the compatibility of the participants' ideal war plans. These plans must be both operationally and strategically compatible. When war plan compatibility is low, the second key explanatory variable comes into play: the number of negotiation participants that have attractive outside options. The chapter then highlights how the arguments and evidence in the book indicate new research directions in four areas related to alliances: alliance treaty design, alliance reliability, NATO expansion, and the formation of defense cooperation agreements.
Chief of All the White Men
Authors: Shoemaker Nancy
Published: May 2020

This chapter narrates David Whippy's turn away from dependence on Fijians as he engineered the emergence of an independent foreign community. Living in a Fijian village, dressing as a Fijian in wartime, and marrying Fijian women integrated Whippy into Fijian society but deceptively so since he retained a more profound loyalty to his own kind. As the number of foreigners in Fiji increased with each passing decade, he directed his energies toward meeting their needs. The relationships he formed with traders, missionaries, naval officers, and other beachcombers had at least three outcomes. His eagerness to help them earned him their accolades and gratitude. His efforts on others' behalf enabled them to fulfill their myriad intentions and make inroads on Fijian cultural and political autonomy from all directions. Lastly, his ties to other foreigners made him less dependent on Fijian patronage and fed the emergence of an independent enclave of “white men” at Levuka with Whippy as “their chief.” Indeed, he was commended for his usefulness and good character.
Tui America
Authors: Shoemaker Nancy
Published: May 2020

This chapter examines how, even though he failed to acquire other Salemites' respect for his business acumen, John B. Williams achieved a different kind of respect by marshaling U.S. warships to attack and threaten Fijians on his behalf. From the moment he had set foot in Fiji, Williams had asked the State Department for military backup. According to him, the “Androphagus Feejee men” would only learn to “pay the proper respect to Commerce” with “the destruction of some of their towns commencing at Bau the seat of mischief.” He made the same request in nearly every despatch thereafter and in the 1850s managed to bring five ships of war to Fiji. Ships of war were Williams's most potent weapon, but he had others. He leveraged his elite connections and local, national, and global networks of power. Ultimately, his use of alliance building and military intimidation within Fiji paralleled the techniques of power employed by Fiji's most formidable turaga. He was thus flattered when Fijians called him Tui America (King of America). Thwarted in his efforts to impress people back home, he took solace in the respect shown him by Fijians, even though this form of respect was rooted in fear.
Epilogue
Authors: Shoemaker Nancy
Published: May 2020

This epilogue addresses how David Whippy, Mary D. Wallis, and John B. Williams—as they pursued respect in different ways—became party to the many changes taking place in Fiji due to foreign influence. Whippy, Wallis, and Williams were all involved, in one way or another, in the U.S.–Fiji trade. In the twentieth century, new incentives enticed Americans to Fiji. American global activism and private development schemes involved Fiji as much as other places around the world, and medical aid and research sponsored by the Rockefeller Foundation and a Carnegie Library at Suva introduced new forms of American influence in the islands. World War II, of course, brought Americans to the islands in droves. However, the main avenue by which Americans would come to Fiji was through the third wave of economic development that succeeded the sugar plantations of colonial Fiji: tourism. Now that the face of Fiji presented to the rest of the world evokes pleasure instead of fear, references to the cannibal isles have become nothing more than a nostalgic nod to Fiji's past. Previously considered a site of American wealth production, the islands have now become a site of American consumption.
The Shifting Ambitions and Positions of City Governments
Authors: Hughes Sara
Published: May 2020

This introductory chapter discusses the shifting ambitions and positions of city governments. Once considered the purveyors of street repairs and sewer mains, city governments are now being heralded as innovative, entrepreneurial, and dynamic actors ready to take on societal challenges that other levels of government seem unprepared or unwilling to address. Indeed, city governments are viewed, and are viewing themselves, as able to effectively pursue major policy agendas once considered the sole purview of national governments. From labor to immigration to climate change, there has been a shift in both practice and rhetoric to cities. In the United States, city governments from Bangor, Maine, to Los Angeles, California, are raising the minimum wage for their residents, even as many state governments scramble to prevent them from doing so. The chapter explains that the book focuses on local efforts to address global climate change. It explores the means by which city governments—particularly those of New York City, Los Angeles, and Toronto—pursue climate change mitigation, or reducing the greenhouse gas emissions produced by urban systems, and to what ends.
Where Have All the Workers Gone?
Authors: Chan Chris K. C.
Published: May 2020

This chapter examines the role of trade unions during the Umbrella Movement. One would expect democratic trade unions in Hong Kong to follow in the footsteps of their counterparts in other newly industrialized countries (NICs) and play a key role in the Umbrella Movement. However, trade unions and grassroots organizations played only a supportive role. The failure of trade unions to call a general strike and their alliance with grassroots organizations that had a limited capacity to mobilize workers' participation have significantly weakened trade unions' political influence during the movement and led to their marginalization in the first post-Umbrella Movement Legislative Council (LegCo) election and afterwards. The limitations of the democratic trade unions to mobilize their members during the Umbrella Movement in turn are due to structural, institutional, and ideological factors, namely political division in trade unionism, weak workplace organizing power, and the liberal ideology of the political elites in Hong Kong. Although this chapter focuses more on the Hong Kong Confederation of Trade Unions (HKCTU), the main trade union center in the prodemocracy camp, the analysis also covers grassroots organizations such as Neighbourhood and Worker's Service Centre (NWSC) as they are also part of the democratic labor movement broadly.
Introduction
Authors: Green-Mercado Mayte
Published: May 2020

This chapter provides an introduction to the analysis of the efflorescence of apocalyptic beliefs and practices among Moriscos. The last Spanish Muslims to be forcibly converted to Catholicism in sixteenth-century Spain, Moriscos and their descendants were also referred to as New Christians. The chapter describes how Moriscos were not impervious to the apocalyptic excitement of their Old Christian counterparts, such as reading the same prophecies of St. Isidore of Seville and John of Rupescissa. It also explains how Morisco political culture and practice were transformed, amd it highlights events in which Moriscos met such powerful Mediterranean actors like the Ottomans, the French monarch Henry IV, and the Saʿdī sultans of Morocco.
Expanding Special Duties (1895–1945)
Authors: Samuels Richard J.
Published: May 2020

This chapter reviews the history of the early development of the modern Japanese intelligence community, focusing on how the shifting strategic context, technological development, and failure influenced collection, analysis, communication, and covert action. Since there was no democratic oversight of authoritarian Japan's intelligence community, the chapter discusses the element of protection and its connection with Japan's authoritarian politics. It shows the early evolution of the Japanese intelligence community and how it did not always go smoothly. The half century from Japan's first modern foreign war against China to the larger Asia-Pacific War that ended in 1945 may have been in part consecrated to the establishment of a modern intelligence system. The extent of the challenge across each of the three generic drivers, and the relative inexperience of Japanese strategists, produced uneven performance by an unsteady intelligence community across each of the elements of the intelligence enterprise.
Accommodating Defeat (1945–1991)
Authors: Samuels Richard J.
Published: May 2020

This chapter explores how the accommodation by Japanese leaders to U.S. power and to the public's widespread aversion to security affairs shaped and stunted the Japanese intelligence community during the Cold War and beyond. Japan's intelligence failures in the Asia-Pacific War contributed to the new strategic environment that, in turn, drove the subsequent transformation of each element of Japan's intelligence community. The subordination of Japanese foreign and security policy to U.S. priorities set strict limits on the shape, pace, and direction of intelligence reform. In the nearly half century from 1945 to 1991 during which Japan was a junior partner to its conqueror, Japan's degenerated intelligence community became an undersized, compromised, and organizationally handicapped operation. Analysts have called Japan's Cold War intelligence community “a stark transformation from the past” marked by sharp “discontinuity.”
Divided Action
Authors: Robb Thomas K. , Gill David James
Published: May 2020

This chapter looks at how, throughout 1954, the United States began to consider seriously the creation of a wider strategic alliance in the Asia-Pacific that would include the United Kingdom, Australia, and New Zealand. Such a policy reversal reflected growing concerns about Communist expansion in Southeast Asia. The United States consequently looked abroad for support for collective action. Only a small number of states, however, could provide substantial military resources. Washington focused its attention on London, Canberra, and Wellington. Fundamental disagreements among all four states concerning Cold War strategy persisted throughout negotiations. Although welcoming the opportunity for closer cooperation in the realm of security planning, the United Kingdom, Australia, and New Zealand all resisted U.S. ideas about immediate and major military commitments in the region. Even the existence of the ANZUS Treaty proved insufficient motivation for Canberra and Wellington to agree to support Washington's request for military support. The treaty instead appeared to have the opposite effect as antipodean officials feared the dilution or dissolution of existing trilateral strategic arrangements in favor of a wider alliance. All three British Commonwealth powers instead drove debate away from immediate military action toward longer-term alliance building.
Conclusion
Authors: Robb Thomas K. , Gill David James
Published: May 2020

This concluding chapter addresses how the interest of the United States, United Kingdom, Australia, and New Zealand in securing the Asia-Pacific grew steadily in response to the evolving Communist threat in the region. Formalized cooperation could have allowed policymakers in each country to prepare for these threats more effectively, helping them to share the burdens of containment in the region as well. Progress toward mutual security planning was nevertheless slow and difficult. Ultimately, however, complications befell the security agreements that emerged in the Asia-Pacific in the 1950s. The ANZUS Treaty continued to function as a limited security alliance but failed to survive in its tripartite form following New Zealand's suspended membership in 1985. SEATO would face ongoing military and economic challenges and, following Communist success in Indochina, eventually dissolved in 1977. An analysis of ANZUS and SEATO highlights the complexity and difficulty of international cooperation.
Dismal Science versus Applied Economics
Authors: Conn Steven
Published: May 2020

This chapter looks at the unhappy relationship between business education and the developing academic discipline of economics. In the minds of plenty of ordinary people, the two are basically the same thing. Notice how many Americans think the nation's economy ought to be run like an individual business and think therefore that government ought to be run by businessmen. Notice as well how many economists try to remind people that making a profit and managing an entire economy have little in common. More importantly, whatever else their curricular differences might be, virtually everyone associated with the new business schools agreed that business students ought to be taught economics. Economics, first and foremost, would put the starch of “science” into business education. That consensus, however, only raised other questions. If it was not obvious where economics belonged in the business school curriculum, where did economics belong on campus altogether? Did economists share more in common—methodologically, theoretically, even temperamentally—with historians or with accountants? These questions created considerable confusion and tension on campus. Figuring out just where economics belonged proved to have no obvious solution.
Deportability among Temporary Migrant Workers
Authors: Vosko Leah F.
Published: May 2020

This chapter develops the argument that deportability, as it applies to participants in a temporary migrant work program (TMWP) permitting circularity, is an essential condition of possibility for migration management. Under this paradigm, TMWPs—such as the Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program (SAWP)—which are perceived to represent “best practices” by, for example, offering participants the prospect of return, simultaneously sustain this approach to governing migration and represent its limit, including in contexts in which unionization is permissible. The legal struggle of SAWP employees of Sidhu & Sons to unionize, secure a first collective agreement, and maintain bargaining unit strength gives substance to these claims. It reveals how deportability is lived among temporary migrant workers and the central modalities through which it functions. As such, these SAWP employees' experience provides rich empirical evidence for a grounded critique of migration management revealing that, despite its call for “regulated openness,” this global policy paradigm introduces new modes of control.
Economics, Patronage, and Politics
Authors: Peterson Janine Larmon
Published: May 2020

This chapter assesses a number of motives beyond religious devotion that played a part in local veneration. There were economic, social, and political considerations that motivated segments of society to support regional cults even with the threat of papal or inquisitorial censure. Earthly rewards included the wealth that accrued to a church or a town, the prestige of establishing a cult, and the benefits of promoting a new saint as a holy patron for resolving political disputes, either between rival factions within a town, between towns, or between a town and the papacy. The chapter then considers wealth and patronage, looking at the cult of Guglielma of Milan, which serves as a centerpiece to demonstrate this concatenation of motives. It also examines a saint's role in promoting peace in war-torn late medieval Italy. The chapter therefore moves from economic to political motives, and from a narrower focus on individuals and institutions to broader considerations of community and region.
Anti-Inquisitorialism to Antimendicantism
Authors: Peterson Janine Larmon
Published: May 2020

This chapter addresses inquisitors and the rise of anti-inquisitorial and antimendicant sentiments. Inquisitors were the ones who had the power to destroy the cult of a regional holy man or woman through an official condemnation of heresy. Since all inquisitors were friars, at times lay observers viewed the mainstream members of the wealthy and powerful mendicant orders as less spiritually worthy than those they prosecuted. Inquisitorial activity in local communities therefore consistently fueled the flames of acrimony. In addition, mendicant inquisitors often clashed with other members of the ecclesiastical hierarchy, in particular the secular clergy and the traditional monastic orders. Some of these other clerics viewed the mendicants as upstarts who interfered with their spiritual authority and received seemingly excessive and unwarranted papal favors. The chapter then details the process by which laypeople's anti-inquisitorial attitudes became antimendicant ones, as well as how other clerics' antimendicant views led them to support anti-inquisitorial actions.
Papal Politics and Communal Contestation
Authors: Peterson Janine Larmon
Published: May 2020

This chapter explores antipapal views that increased in the wake of popes' decisions to use the charge of heresy to achieve temporal as well as spiritual control over communities in northern and central Italy. This region was the geographic arena for the political struggle that occurred between popes and Holy Roman Emperors, which divided Italian communities into rival factions. It was also the locus of papal efforts to assert religious authority over independent-minded towns that were responding to papal bureaucratization and consolidation of power. Within this context, the accusation of heterodoxy became one means by which the papacy punished those who refused to support papal aims. “Heresy” no longer reflected doctrinal error alone by the late thirteenth century. It had become a characteristic of political orientation, an expression of disaffection with the papacy, and an avowal of regional interests that superseded loyalty to Rome. The chapter then traces the steps that led late thirteenth- and early fourteenth-century Italian communities to have political and spiritual antipathy toward the popes and their agents, which became a driving force for these communities to actively contest popes through championing suspect saints, heretical saints, and holy heretics.
Ruin and Reality
Authors: Palmer James A.
Published: May 2020

This chapter discusses the structures and developments that paved the way for the transformation of the city of Rome in the late medieval period. It examines the Roman commune's political history, a history culminating in the mid-fourteenth-century revolution of Cola di Rienzo. In the wake of that event, Roman social and political values emerge with particular clarity, providing a glimpse of the cultural context within which the novel strategies of the late fourteenth-century ruling group emerged. Analysis of it elucidates the crossroads at which Roman politics had arrived by the late 1350s, clarifying the precise nature of the first of the two major challenges facing the city's ruling elite: the crisis of legitimacy. The chapter then considers the nature of humanist ideas about Rome and their enduring influence on subsequent studies of Rome, the Renaissance, and the rise of the modern state, the latter being a field in which the Papal States now figure prominently.
Conclusion
Authors: Palmer James A.
Published: May 2020

This concluding chapter highlights Pope Boniface IX's engagement with Rome following his ascent to the papacy in 1389. Boniface's accrual of goodwill early in his papacy culminated in the concession to him of dominion over Rome in 1398. Ultimately, the production of social distinction and political legitimacy through the practices described in this book—practices not dependent on communal institutions—was so successful that Rome's political elites lost interest in defending the autonomy of the Roman commune, ceding power willingly to the papacy. It was this transformation of Roman political culture that ultimately enabled the transformation both of Rome and its place in future politics. Appreciating this frees one from a misleading sense of Roman history born from the pens of fifteenth-century humanists and, by so doing, fundamentally alters Rome's place in the political history of Italy and of Europe.
The Big Gray Truck
Authors: Subotić Jelena
Published: May 2020

This introductory chapter discusses a certain type of Holocaust remembrance called “memory appropriation.” It shows how this appropriated memory of the Holocaust has become a form of “screen memory” that filters out and obfuscates any serious addressing of one's own responsibility for mass atrocity in more recent wars, but also clouds the memories that do not fit the current political moment. This remembrance of the Holocaust, then, is not exactly denial, nor is it quite the same as trivialization. As such, the chapter suggests that memory appropriation would be a more nuanced way of understanding this type of Holocaust remembrance. Here, the memory of the Holocaust is used to memorialize a different kind of suffering, such as suffering under communism, or suffering from ethnic violence perpetrated by other groups. It is Holocaust remembrance turned inward, away from the actual victims of the Holocaust or the Holocaust itself.
The Politics of Holocaust Remembrance after Communism
Authors: Subotić Jelena
Published: May 2020

This chapter presents the theoretical argument about state responses to various ontological insecurities they face in the aftermath of a great political transformation—the end of communism—and links this framework to the issue of political memory. Rethinking the concepts of cosmopolitan versus national memory, especially as they relate to Holocaust remembrance, the chapter introduces the notion of memory appropriation. It outlines the major historical junctures in the development of a “European” cosmopolitan memory of the Holocaust and discusses ways in which this remembrance is in conflict with the postcommunist, Eastern European narrative of World War II, the Holocaust being far from the central element of this story. The chapter describes various strategies of political resistance postcommunist states engaged in during this narrative dialogue with the West. But it was not only Eastern European states that changed their remembrance to appear more “European.” The postcommunist states also successfully changed the European Union (EU) approach to memory by pushing the EU to adopt the Eastern European position on the twentieth century's “two totalitarianisms.”
Work on the Modern Myth of History
Authors: Assmann Aleida
Published: May 2020

This chapter focuses on the relation between time, history, and historiography. In the field of historiography, the modern chronotope took on a shape that deeply informs our sense and awareness of time and has had practical consequences for both our thinking and our acting. As such, this chapter examines the foundations of the modern myth of history. This examination includes historico-philosophical perspectives and ideas about progress, as well as contemporary theoretical concepts from the areas of systems theory and historiography. Because history and the modern are directly related to one another with regard to the issue of time, there are also theories of modernization and the modern to bear on this chapter's reflections.
Democratization and Indonesia’s Anticorruption Movement
Authors: Kramer Elisabeth
Published: May 2020

This chapter illustrates how the corrupt activities of Suharto, his cronies, and his family fueled antigovernment sentiment, even though the movement itself did not take form until after 1998. The new freedoms of Indonesia's reformasi era, combined with the backing of foreign donors, created space for the formation of new nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) with the explicit mandate to oppose corruption. As this chapter explains, these NGOs played a central role in the formation of the Commission for the Eradication of Corruption (Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi, KPK) in 2003 and the defense of it against attacks from 2009. The movement also developed a presence at a local level, in response to the proliferation of corruption as a result of decentralization. These local movements have had mixed success, struggling with a lack of resources. Ultimately, however, the most significant obstacle the anticorruption movement faces is the lack of support from the elite level, because without it the movement remains constrained by a political system that fosters corruption.
The Women’s Movement and Indonesia’s Transition to Democracy
Authors: Rinaldo Rachel
Published: May 2020

This chapter assesses the impact of the rise of these conservative Islamic countermovements on activism in support of women's rights. After all, women not only played an important role in the push for democracy but were able to see through significant reforms for women during reformasi. But the same conditions that have made it possible for progressive women activists, religious and secular, to make these gains contributed also to the rise of conservative Islamic groups. These groups' values are directly threatened by a vibrant women's movement. This chapter argues that the movement's ideological divisions and its inability to mobilize a mass base—along with the changes brought about by decentralization—have made it difficult for the progressive women's movement to respond to more organized conservative forces.
Conclusion: Social Movements, Patronage Democracy, and Populist Backlash in Indonesia
Authors: Aspinall Edward
Published: May 2020

This concluding chapter focuses on the challenges faced by these different movements in postauthoritarian Indonesia. Having acknowledged the advances social movements have made individually and collectively, the chapter points to their structural weaknesses and failure to gain traction in the political arena as evidence of their enduring fragility. This fragility, it argues, is a product of the patterns that continue to dominate Indonesian society, namely clientelism, the reliance of extralegal means to achieve political outcomes, and the ever-growing strength of rival political movements, which seek to mobilize the disenfranchised for different, and often antiliberal, ends. This chapter contends that incrementalism is not sufficient in such circumstances if Indonesia's progressive social movements wish to prevail. Instead, the chapter concludes that they must continue to strive for “root-and-branch transformation of the social order,” with the goal of transforming Indonesia into a society based on ethical universalism, not particularism.
Value Chains
Authors: Conway Gordon , Badiane Ousmane , Glatzel Katrin
Published: May 2020

This chapter studies the third pillar of sustainable intensification by focusing on the development of sustainable socioeconomic intensification. This encompasses the intensification of the relationships between farmers, which results in the development of innovative and sustainable institutions on the farm, in the community, and across regions and nations as a whole. Part of the response of rural people to the isolation they experience is to create associations, such as savings and loans associations and formal cooperatives. The critical question is how these institutions can be taken to scale. This chapter argues that the successful transformation of African agriculture lies in the effective integration of smallholder farmers into modernizing value chains. A food value chain describes the complicated process of transformation involving a sequence of events from the molecular product of one or more genes in crops or livestock, through intermediate stages of husbandry, harvesting, processing, marketing, and consumption, to the final molecular changes in the human who consumes the food product. Each component of the value chain, each structure or process has its distinctive characteristics, especially its own capacity to generate value.
Leadership and Performance
Authors: Conway Gordon , Badiane Ousmane , Glatzel Katrin
Published: May 2020

This chapter considers the role of leadership in Africa's agricultural and economic development. At the beginning of the millennium, a series of developments on the continent created the conditions for the establishment of real African leadership. The agenda for the agricultural sector was articulated in the Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Programme (CAADP), a continent-wide framework for agriculture-led growth and development with clear targets. However, there are risks of policy reversal. Mutual accountability processes are crucial to increasing cooperation and coordinating action among multiple stakeholders—for example, governments, farmers, input suppliers, processors, and donors—in solving issues that no single group can address alone. Such review and dialogue platforms are all-important building blocks for more effective African leadership and improved policy processes and outcomes in the future.
Interlude III: The Tables of the Law (1943)
Authors: Boes Tobias
Published: May 2020

The novella The Tables of the Law has always occupied a singular status among the works of Thomas Mann. It is his only mature work of fiction to have been written on commission, his only story to appear in English before it did in German. And it starkly divided both contemporary reviewers and later critics, some of whom dismissed it as a second-rate coda to the gargantuan ...
Interlude IV: Joseph the Provider (1944)
Authors: Boes Tobias
Published: May 2020

Mann’s increasingly spectral presence on the European continent during the early 1940s precipitated a crisis of confidence in the United States as well. The author was already well into his sixties when the Second World War broke out, and he had never thought of himself as anything else but a German writer. Publicly, he unflaggingly reiterated his confidence that the Nazis would be defeated. But privately, he entertained doubts whether he would ever see the country of his birth again, and increasingly, he was not even sure he wanted to....