bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Green Politics: A Norwegian Experience1
Authors: Aardal Bernt
Published: October 2007

Not until 1989 did a Green political party participate in a national election in Norway. The Greens, however, only received 0.4 percent of the votes, and won no seats. Does this indicate that ecology and environmental issues are of no importance in Norway? On the contrary, environmental concern has to a large extent been assimilated into the party platforms and the public. In the 1989 election, environmental issues ranked as the second most important for the voters. The electoral system makes it relatively easy to establish new parties, and also for new parties to win seats. Several new parties emerged after the divisive EC debate in the early 1970s. The Liberal Party, which split on the EC issue in 1973, deliberately tried to rebuild its platform by focusing on green issues. But the Liberal Party has to a large extent remained a one‐issue party. Even though environmental issues were more prominent than ever before, the green Liberal Party did not succeed in winning a single seat in 1989. The Socialist Left Party, on the other hand, increased its number of seats from 6 to 17! Our analysis shows that environmental concern was not the decisive factor behind the voters preference for the Socialist Left Party as opposed to the Liberal Party. Left‐right ideology was more important than environmental concern for the competition between these two parties. The data applied in this analysis are drawn from a long‐standing programme of Electoral Research at the Institute for Social Research. The programme is directed by Henry Valen and Bernt Aardal.
The Green Breakthrough in Sweden
Authors: Bennulf Martin , Holmberg Sören
Published: October 2007

Based on survey data from the Swedish Election Studies Program, the green breakthrough in Sweden is assessed. In the parliamentary election of 1988, for the first time in 70 years, a new party, the Greens, succeeded in getting representation in the Swedish Riksdag. The future situation of the Greens is very precarious, however. The analysis shows that the party's voters tend to belong to highly volatile groups in the Swedish electorate (young, big city, white collar). Furthermore, the Greens have to confront many different issue publics on environmental issues since a coherent green dimension structuring ordinary people's opinions on environmental issues has not yet developed in Sweden. The alternative green dimension is still to a very large extent an elite phenomenon in Swedish politics.
Denmark: Environmental Conflict and the ‘Greening’ of the Labour Movement
Authors: Andersen Jørgen Goul
Published: October 2007

In Denmark, environmentalism has not generated significant political division between the working class and the new middle class; rather, it has reinforced the cleavage between the wage‐earning classes and the self‐employed, as well as the political cleavage between left and right. This is a warning against deterministic approaches, ignoring the importance of political articulation. The successfulness of the Danish Social Democrats in reinforcing the environmental consciousness of its adherents furthermore indicates that the conventional picture of the political weakness of the Danish Social Democrats, as compared to the Norwegian and Swedish sister parties, should perhaps be reconsidered when evaluating the parties' adaptability to the demands of post‐industrial society.
The 1988 Election Campaign in Denmark
Authors: Bille Lars
Published: October 2007

In this article the 1988 national election campaigns of the Conservative Party, the Christian People's Party and the Social Democratic Party are analysed focusing upon: the impact of environmental factors – i.e. the constitutional setting, the party system and the media system; and the campaigns themselves – i.e. preparation and planning, control, strategy, financing and style. Findings indicate that the single most important factor for understanding national election campaigns in Denmark is that parties never know when a general election will be called. As a result, preparation and planning are virtually absent, TV is assessed as the most important channel of communication, the campaign is fairly centralized and controlled by the party leadership, the parties are dependent upon voluntary manpower and financial support, the use of ‘outside’ expertise is minimal, and the complex pattern of cooperation and conflict in Danish politics has a modifying impact on the amount of aggressiveness displayed in the campaign. All in all, similarities among the parties' campaigns are more pronounced than differences. It appears to make no difference whether the party is incumbent or in opposition, established or new, left‐wing or right‐wing, large or small.
Sub‐National Election Campaigns: The Danish Local Elections of November 1989*
Authors: Elklit Jørgen
Published: October 2007

Electoral campaigning is studied almost without exception at the national level. This article has chosen another road, claiming that electoral campaigning can also be studied at the local election level. Campaigning before the Danish local elections of 21 November 1989 is studied. The design permits comparisons between the two levels (national/local) as well as between different units at the local level. It furthermore provides an opportunity for studying the influence of local party systems as well as local mass media on election campaigning. A substantial part of the article discusses the institutional frameworks surrounding electoral campaigning in the municipalities studied and in general. It is maintained that the electoral system, the mass media structure, and the (local) party system are important contextual factors or frameworks. Given this, it is argued that organization, past performance, and campaign focus as a mix of policy proposals and leader image are paramount in affecting the local election vote. The main conclusions are: local election campaigning differs from national election campaigning; local election campaigning matters, i.e. it has a direct effect on the vote; and the functions of local party organizations in connection with local elections and local performance make them less vulnerable to organizational decline, which most mass membership political parties are experiencing at the national level.
Bureaucratic Roles: Political Loyalty and Professional Autonomy*
Authors: Christensen Tom
Published: October 2007

Political leaders in many countries have experienced growing problems of capacity in the postwar period, a development leading to an increase in the delegation of authority to public administration and civil servants. This delegation of authority creates a significant potential for discretionary decision‐making authority on the part of public bureaucrats. One way of studying how bureaucrats handle this situation is to focus upon bureaucratic roles. Bureaucratic roles traditionally contain both political and professional norms. This article discusses how these political and professional considerations can be defined and how these norms are balanced given the potential for conflict which is present. The discussion is illustrated by measuring the perception of bureaucratic norms and role enactment among civil servants in Norwegian ministries. Results indicate that civil servants appear to have few problems in attending to and balancing both political and professional role norms.
Culture and the Study of Politics*
Authors: Selle Per
Published: October 2007

This article is an introduction to a new and promising alternative to dominant reductionistic, utilitarian and instrumental political theories. ‘Cultural Theory’, or ‘Grid‐Group’ analysis has been developed by the British anthropologist Mary Douglas and transferred to political science by the American political scientist Aaron Wildavsky. Starting from two dimensions ‐ ‘group’ (group strength) and ‘grid’ (the number of rules that influence the individual space of action), there exist four main forms of human interaction or ways of life ‐ individualism (markets), sectarianism (egalitarism). collectivism (hierarchy) and fatalism (slavery) which can be applied to all kinds of societies, organizations and individuals. These cultures are then used to predict political action (politics), institutions (polity) and results (policies). The article shows how the theory is built up and where it comes from, and then concentrates on important logical and empirical problems that so far remain unsolved.
Explaining Petroleum Policy in Britain and Norway, 1962‐90
Authors: Nelsen Brent F.
Published: October 2007

Petroleum policy in Britain and Norway provides comparativists with an opportunity to study policy formation, stability, and transformation on a cross‐national basis. This study explains why British and Norwegian officials decided to intervene in the North Sea, why offshore policy in the two countries went through periods of stability and change, and why they adopted similar offshore systems in the 1960s and 1970s but diverged markedly in the 1980s. We develop an explanatory framework using insights from state‐centric, group politics, rational choice, and institutional models of policy‐making. The framework identifies three decision‐making contexts in which petroleum policy‐makers operate simultaneously: an oil context, a domestic political context, and an international context, Each context establishes objectives for policy‐makers, indicates an acceptable degree of government intervention, and narrows policy options. Rational decision‐making within each context, however, may yield conflicting results. These must be worked out through intrastate and/or state‐society bargaining. The decision‐making contexts in Britain and Norway produced similar policies in the 1960s and 1970s, but the similarities hid deeper differences. Norwegian officials consistently favored state intervention offshore, and Norwegian interest groups successfully lobbied the state for offshore favors, while British officials intervened more reluctantly and paid less attention to societal interests. Differences in decision‐making contexts finally produced a major divergence in offshore policies in the 1980s when the Thatcher government dismantled the state's offshore participation policy.
Social Movements, Voluntary Associations and Cycles of Protest in Finland 1905‐91
Authors: Siisiäinen Martti
Published: October 2007

During the 20th century five cycles of protest have emerged in Finland: 1905‐18, 1928‐32, 1944‐48, 1966‐76, and the continuing cycle of new social movements beginning around the end of the 1970s. This article begins with an examination of the differences and similarities in the formation of these cycles against the background of antecedent political opportunity structures. The question of the relationship between social protest movements and formal voluntary associations is then addressed. It is shown that social movements and formal voluntary associations have been interactive, mutually reinforcing ways of reacting to different manifestations of social crisis. Existing formal associations have created the preconditions for the occurrence of protest movements and vice versa: new voluntary associations have been born out of cycles of protest and protest movements. Movements and voluntary associations have also been central in creating pressures for reforming state institutions and thus in developing the Finnish welfare state.
The Political Economy of Transition in Post‐Socialist Systems: The Case of the Baltic States
Authors: Nørgaard Ole
Published: October 2007

The nature of the failed socialist systems calls for a transition which is as comprehensive in its objectives as were the systems themselves before they failed. Hence, the transition to democracy in the post‐socialist systems cannot be treated as separate from the transition to a market economy and national independence. The critical part of the transition is the economic reforms inasmuch as the institutions of the planned economy are the major power base for the conservative elites. To be successful, the economic transition must be able ‐ in both the short and the long term ‐ to command political support, to achieve social acceptance of the distributional consequences involved and to be compatible with democratic institutions. Analysis reveals that in the case of the Baltic states widespread support for the transition to a market economy can be detected and that the democratically elected governments have so far been fairly active in establishing a legal framework for transition, but appear unable to implement the necessary stabilization policy. The reforms have produced strong social protests, and the governments have been under pressure to maintain social guarantees during the period of transition. The non‐Baltic minorities in particular defend previous social privileges and are distressed by their uncertain status after independence. The ultimate outcome of political and economic transition in the Baltic states, therefore, remains in doubt.
Measuring Political Competence: An Analysis with Reference to the Gender Gap*
Authors: Asbjørnsen Nils , Vogt Gunnar
Published: October 2007

Political alienation has been an important concept in theories of participation and democratic policies. Subjective political competence (‘internal political efficacy’) is considered to be a main element within the broader concept of political alienation, and an important determinant of political participation. The main purpose of this article is to test statistically the assumption of similarity in model structure for men and women, i. e. the relation between political competence and voting turnout. Our findings, generated on the basis of a common survey questionnaire item, show that subjective competence has different significance for men and women. For men, it has an expected substantive meaning. For women, it seems to be irrelevant with respect to expected sources and consequences. Given this apparent incomparability in measurement, we conclude that it is inappropriate to use identical models for men and women. It is also argued that political competence should be conceived of as containing a cognitive element, ‘objective political competence’. Empirical analysis shows that this concept is gender neutral with respect to political involvement.
Explaining Swedish Corporatism: The Formative Moment
Authors: Rothstein Bo
Published: October 2007

The question addressed in this article is how to explain major intentional changes in national political systems. The theoretical point of departure is that political systems are usually so tightly structured that the prospects of actors introducing such changes are very small. The argument put forward is that only under certain periods of crisis can such changes occur; it is only during suchformative momentsthat political actors change the institutional parameters or the nature of the ‘game’. Empirically, the article extends this argument in an attempt to explain why Sweden's political system became highly corporatist. It has been shown that from a rationalistic approach, collective action ‐ e. g. why individuals join and support interest organizations ‐ is difficult to explain. Instead, an institutional explanation is offered. The empirical analysis shows how centrally placed politicians in Sweden during the 1930s, by changing the payoffs, could solve the ‘free‐rider’ problem for both farmers' and workers' interest organizations. Contrary to earlier studies, the analysis shows that the breakthrough of corporatist principles in Swedish politics took place under a Liberal government strongly supported by the Conservative Party. The traditional connection between the Swedish Social Democrats and the corporatist nature of Swedish politics is thus questioned and the alliance between the Social Democrats and the Farmers' League in 1933 is given a new explanation.
Politics, Economics and the Measurement of Power
Authors: Mæl Sven Berg & Reinert , Stenlund Hans , Lane Jan‐Erik
Published: October 2007

To what extent is political power fundamentally different from or, alternatively, comparable to economic power? While it is true that the basic institutions of democratic political life ‐ the electoral arena and the sovereign representative assembly ‐ differ from such capitalist economic institutions as the market and the joint‐stock company, the logic of the power game which takes place in both settings is quite similar. In both institutions power will be a function of the capacity to enter decisive coalitions with other players: individuals, political parties, stockholders or groups of stockholders. Power indices may therefore be employed in order to reveal aspects of the strategic gaming that takes place both in representative assemblies and at yearly stockholders' meetings. This article discusses and compares various quantitative measures of voting power in the two kinds of voting bodies.
The Distribution of A Priori Voting Power in the EC Council of Ministers and the European Parliament
Authors: Herne Kaisa , Nurmi Hannu
Published: October 2007

One of the most important decision making bodies in the EC is the Council of Ministers. In that voting body the member states have different voting weights roughly in proportion to the size of their populations. This article focuses on the voting power of current and prospective member states (Finland, Norway and Sweden) utililizing the Shapley‐Shubik and Banzhaf indices of voting power. As the decision rules play a crucial role in the computation of these indices, the a priori voting power distribution is considered under various decision rules ranging from simple majority to near unanimity. We also discuss the a priori voting power distribution of various political groupings in the current European Parliament and in the hypothetical parliament which would have Finland, Norway and Sweden as new members. Although thus far the real power base in the EC is the Commission, the analysis of voting power distributions in the Council of Ministers and in the parliament sheds some light upon the relative influence that various actors might have in EC decision‐making processes.
Constitutional Design and Government Formation: The Expected Consequences of Negative Parliamentarism
Authors: Bergman Torbjörn
Published: October 2007

In the early 1970s the Swedish parties designed new rules for government formation. In this study it is shown that the choice of a new voting rule stemmed from a combination of goaloriented behaviour and a process of socialization. In a cross national comparison, it is also shown that there exists an empirical correlation between the Swedish type of rule and (1) a high frequency of minority governments, (2) a high frequency of small minority governments and (3) a short government formation process. From the perspective of coalition formation theory, this is a challenging finding.
The Anatomy of the Finnish Power Elite
Authors: Ruostetsaari Ilkka
Published: October 2007

The article discusses the main results of a study of the power structure of Finnish society. The purpose of the study was to investigate whether Finland is controlled by one closed, cohesive and unanimous power elite, by several rival elites, or whether, instead, the power structure is so decentralized that there is no justification for referring to a power elite in the first place. The working hypothesis was that Finnish society is controlled by one power elite. The study was based on a positional approach, using a survey questionnaire to collect data both from members of the power elite and from the population at large. The main conclusion of the study is that, with certain reservations, it is legitimate to speak of a fairly cohesive and unanimous, single power elite in Finland. Interaction among elite groups is close, and their attitudes are similar. In terms of recruitment patterns the Finnish power elite is fairly closed: the top social stratum is clearly overrepresented and the lowest underrepresented. On the other hand, no single stratum has a dominant position in the power elite.
Local Elections and Local Government Performance
Authors: Hansen Tore
Published: October 2007

Over the past couple of decades, the level of turnout in Norwegian local elections has shown a steady d. This decline is paralleled by a greater range of variation in turnout across Norwegian municipalities. Arguing from the perspective of rational utility‐maximizing voters, the article examines to what extent such variations in the level of turnout may be accounted for by the policy performance of local authorities – in addition to certain structural features of the municipalities and local communities. Using aggregate data on turnout and measures of policy performance. the analysis testifies to the suggestion that policy exerts an influence in determining the level of turnout, indicating a turn in the direction of more rational voting behaviour as far as local elections arc concerned. It is also evident from the analysis that the appearance of smaller single‐issue parties does have a mobilizing effect in local elections while the Downsian suggestion about the effect of party competition on turnout levels is not supported by the mule of the analysis.
Male and Female Party Images in Sweden
Authors: Wägnerud Lena
Published: October 2007

This article is based on the 1991 Swedish Election Study and sets out to analyse gender differences in voting behaviour. To increase our understanding of the dynamics between the parties and women and men in the Swedish electorate, an analysis of gender‐based “party images” is undertaken. Party images refer to policy orientations and the analysis thereof is empirically based on three sets of open‐ended questions about the most dent issuer in the election. The main purpose is to investigate to what extent women and men who vote for the same party in an election. in their mind. have differing images of the party they cast their vote for. With large differences in party images it can be put into question if women and men vote for the “same” parties even if the party label is the same on the ballots they choose on election day. The results show that for the Social Democratic Party and the Conservative Party there was to a large extent an agreement between the male and female voters in their party images in the 1991 Swedish Election. This was also true for the Christian Democratic Party. Among women and men who voted for the other five parties analysed in the article, a larger degree of gender‐based disagreements in the party images was found.
Norwegian Coalition Governments and the Management of Party Relations*
Authors: Rommetvedt Hilmar
Published: October 2007

The aim of this article is to analyse the political leaders efforts to organize and manage relations between relevant party actors in a way that is suitable for the operation and preservation of coalition governments. Five coalition governments serve as illustrative cases showing how these relations have been managed in post‐war Norway. The similarities between the different government coalitions arc obvious. There are, however, interesting variations concerning the priority given to coordination and unity versus party differences and profilation.
A Negotiated Economy? Public Regulation of the Manufacturing Sector in Denmark
Authors: Christiansen Peter Munk
Published: October 2007

The concept of the negotiated economy intuitively catches important developments in state‐market relations. The fruitfulness of the recent development of the negotiated economy as a macro concept is questioned. Two theses deduced from the concept are tested against public regulation of the Danish manufacturing sector. Although regulatory demands on manufacturing firms have increased the complexity of the political environment of firms. the negotiated economy is not an adequate theoretical concept for describing and explaining the increased interdependence of state and market. The negotiated economy might be useful at the sector or sub‐sector level, but for empirical analysis the concept should be more precisely defined.
Coalition Termination in Norway: Models and Cases
Authors: Narud Hanne Marthe
Published: October 2007

This article focuses on coalition termination in Norway and explores the questions: Which issues are severe enough to bring down a coalition government? To what extent are coalition crises caused by a complex bargaining environment? On the basis of a unified model for government solution, three cases are examined: the termination of Borten II in 1971, Willoch III in 1986, and Syse in 1990. The analysis demonstrates that the complexity of the bargaining environment is conditioned by the dimensionality of the party system. The stability of coalitions is restricted by the cleavage structure and the ideological diversity of the system, as parties are polarized along several conflict dimensions. Terminal issues are fundamentally related to the parties' position in the policy space. In order to preserve party identity and unity, political parties change from a cooperative to a competitive strategy when issues belonging to the “heartland” of the parties concerned become salient.
Citizenship, Consumerism and Local Government in Sweden
Authors: Montin Stig , Elander Ingemar
Published: October 2007

Recent developments in Swedish local government and central‐local government relations have been characterized by re‐regulation and cut‐back strategies on the one hand and decentralization and deregulation on the other. In this article these developments are analysed as a dynamic process with contradictory features. Swedish society is becoming more and more differentiated and specialized with fewer mechanisms of collective socialization, but with more economic and strategic calculations on the part of central and local authorities, interest organizations and individuals. New formal rules are developed in order to handle conflicts and enhance public sector legitimacy. In the communes we can identify an ideological shift from viewing the commune as a political institution to regarding it as a service‐producing company. In addition, citizens are increasingly looked upon as individual consumers rather than political citizens. Corresponding organizational solutions such as depoliticization, privatization and freedom of choice have been developed. However, as a reaction to communal consumerism there is also a growing interest in communitarian values. There is an increasing number of examples of people participating in matters of common nature and expressing their belonging to a community. An interesting question for future research is whether the observed contradictory tendencies will increase or decrease the legitimacy of the traditional democratic institutions at the communal level.
Attacking the Centre: “Moderate‐Induced Polarization” in Denmark and The Netherlands
Authors: Hazan Reuven Y.
Published: October 2007

In a recent study it has been argued that strong centre parties may lead to polarization, not moderation. The study showed that as the centre's share of parliamentary seats increased, this convergence of voters was off‐set by two concurrent divergent party trends. As the centre parties expanded, either: (i) the extremist parties increased as well, or (ii) an outward movement of moderate parties took place. This article sets out to test these two trends in order to assess which is the more valid according to two case studies, because each pattern has a different impact on electoral competition, governmental durability and democratic stability. The two trends are appraised in Denmark and The Netherlands for all post‐war elections until 1990. The results show that the centre is indeed related to systemic polarization, but that one of the two patterns is invalid. The trend that perceives the centre as a possible destructive force is not supported, while the tendency that does not jeopardize democracy is supported. In both countries the centre's potential coalition partners ‐ the parties on the moderate left and right ‐ attacked their centre‐based party system by pulling away in an outward polarizing pattern. The goal was the creation of a bipolar system, with a vacant centre. In each case the centre parties were of a different size and adopted different tactics in order to combat the “moderate‐induced” strategy of polarization. The centre's counter‐strategies succeeded, but the party systems were transformed.
Welfare‐State Expansion and Conflicts in the Nordic Countries: The Case of Occupational Health Care
Authors: Steen Anton
Published: October 2007

The development of occupational health Services in the Nordic countries varied considerably in terms of coverage, content and conflicts during the period 1980–90. The focus is on differences in conflicts resulting from state intervention into the sphere of private employers analysed from three perspectives: policy ambitions, institutional arrangements and employer reaction. The main finding is that the high level of conflict in Norway is related to higher state ambitions, more fragmented institutions and more direct economic costs to the employers than those found in the other Nordic countries. The higher policy ambitions and resulting adversary processes in providing occupational health Services seem to be fundamentally rooted in specific egalitarian values inherent in the Norwegian welfare state in general and the trade union movement in particular.
The Role of the Public Manager: Loyalty, Autonomy or Advocacy?
Authors: Jacobsen Dag Ingvar
Published: October 2007

It is argued that the role of the public bureaucracy must be analysed along at least two dimensions. One dimension concerns the relationship between politicians and bureaucrats, i.e. the possible conflict between political loyalty and autonomy. The other dimension concerns the relationship between citizens and bureaucracy, i.e. the possible conflict between openness towards citizens and bureaucratic closedness. With the aid of data from a survey of 407 agency heads in Norwegian municipalities, it was possible to group different bureaucrats along the two dimensions. Four categories emerged from the analysis; a political bureaucrat, an autonomous bureaucrat, the “classic” administrator and the “linking pin”. An attempt to predict group membership was made using variables on the societal, organizational as well as individual levels. This attempt was only partially successful, indicating that there is a need for other independent variables to explain group membership.
The Welfare State as Rational Choice: Social Democracy in a Post‐Socialist World
Authors: Milner Henry
Published: October 2007

In this article* it is argued that rational choice analysis can help explain social democratic welfare states (SDWS). It explores the common ground between the methodological individualism of rational choice political economy and the “U‐shaped curve” central to neocorporatist analysis, the idea of a curvilinear relationship between the level of corporatism in institutional arrangements and societal welfare. Central to the SDWS, it is suggested, is the reduction of information costs due to the configuration of institutional arragements in three key arenas of social action in the SDWS: the informational‐cultural; the organizational‐economic; and the governmental‐political. These arrangements frame the choices under which rational individuals act to maintain the SDWS and the outcomes it produces. Concrete examples demonstrating the usefulness of the approach are offered in terms of explaining differences in policy choices (and therefore outcomes) between the Scandinavian countries and more laissez‐faire systems such as the US. The conclusion looks at the prospects for the SDWS, asking just how the institutional arrangements central to the SDWS are being challenged by recent developments.
Confidence in Institutions in Post‐Communist Societies: The Case of the Baltic States
Authors: Steen Anton
Published: October 2007

The transition from totalitarian to democratic rule in the Baltic states raises the question of conditions for regime legitimacy and stability. The article focuses on the level of confidence people have in institutions after change of regime. The confidence in political and social institutions is at a surprisingly low level. The data suggest that people have more confidence in institutions producing symbols than they have in policy‐making and implementing institutions. There is also evidence to show that leaders are more trusted than institutions as such. A survey of the potential background variables shows that people with higher education have lower confidence in institutions than the less well educated. But low confidence in institutions does not necessarily spell gloomy prospects for procedural democratic development, as long as the elites do have some popular support and the capacity for consensual integration.
The 1994 EU Referendum in Norway: Continuity and Change
Authors: Pettersen Per Arnt , Jenssen Anders Todal , Listhaug Ola
Published: October 2007

In the 1994 EU referendum a majority of Norwegian voters rejected membership in the European Union. The outcome contrasts with victories for membership in the corresponding referendums in Austria, Finland and Sweden. The article reports a preliminary investigation of factors relating to the support for “no”. Analysis of aggregate data (representing 435 municipalities) and survey data demonstrates the importance of traditional cleavages as well as new cleavages for the vote. The no‐vote was strongest in northern Norway, among supporters of the traditional “counter‐cultures” and among those employed in the primary sector. Women were more likely to vote no as were public sector employees. The major parties took relatively clear stands on the issue, and we find that party identification shows a strong correlation with the vote in the referendum. With a turnout of 89 percent, the 1994 referendum represents an all‐time high for elections in Norway. Compared with the previous referendum on the EC in 1972, we find that the increase in mobilization was particularly strong in the no‐dominated periphery, but the shift in mobilization patterns was not decisive for the outcome of the referendum.
Attitude Change and Policy Decisions: The Case of Norwegian Alcohol Policy
Authors: Saglie Jo
Published: October 2007

In a democracy, political decisions ought to be based on public opinion. In practice, however, the mechanisms connecting voter preferences and public policy are complex, and it appears that public opinion may be partly policy‐shaping and partly shaped by policy. In this article, some of these mechanisms are discussed. The article presents, first, three models of public reactions to policy decisions. These models are then applied in an analysis of the liberal trends in Norwegian alcohol policy as well as attitudes towards this policy. The results are consistent with a “consumer model”, where citizens evaluate public policy according to their preferences, as well as a “support model”, where they tend to follow and support decisions made by political leaders. A “discontent model”, where implementation brings about less acceptance of a policy, is not supported by the data.
Party Propaganda in Motion: Finland 1954–1991
Authors: Rappe Axel
Published: October 2007

This study addresses itself to the election campaigns of political parties in Finland and the changes which have taken place over time. Political parties are no longer strictly defined by ideology‐rigid class structures have disappeared; and the primary hypothesis is that the parties have grown increasingly similar with respect to propaganda techniques and voter orientation. The empirical data in this study are based on the election platforms and campaign posters of the four largest parties in preparation for the parliamentary elections of 1954, 1966, 1975, 1987 and 1991. In order to elucidate the election propaganda of the political parties even further, a partial examination has been made of election campaign advertising by individual parties and candidates in four political affiliated newspapers as well as in an independent daily newspaper.

The primary hypothesis is clearly supported by this research: political parties have structured their rhetoric to appeal to all voters as opposed to having earlier directed their message to a traditional voter class/category, such as farmers, manual workers and white collar workers. The Communist party platform of 1975, which displayed a high degree of class/category specific orientation, constitutes an exception from this rule. The use of offensive propaganda has decreased, but there are exceptions from this rule as well. This article serves as a summary of the main findings of my licentiate thesis in political science at the Abo Academy University.
Strategy in Local Government
Authors: Nylehn Børre
Published: October 2007

One aspect of the study of local government organization is the role of consultants and the models they have introduced in order to help the local government reorganize. One of these models is “strategy”, and this article sets out to consider the implication for these organizations if “the logic of strategy” were to be implemented. A common denominator of all the local governments studied is that “strategy” does not function, and the question is why this is so. Two distinctly different explanations can be considered. One states that “strategy” is difficult and that the politicians and administrators will need time to adjust to new ways of working. The other explanation, which is applied here, focuses on whether local government as an institution can be reconciled with the demands and premises inherent in “strategic thinking”. My conclusions arc negative. “Strategy” is a model from the private sector and more specifically from the competitive sector of society and it is not appropriate for wider use. In this article the arguments are restricted to local government, and do not necessarily apply to other types of public organization.
Staph. Epi. Peritonitis in CAPD
Authors: Vas Stephen I.
Published: October 2007

Staphylococcus epidermidis is frequently resistant to first‐generation cephalosporins. Although I have generally changed the therapy of S. epidermidis CAPD peritonitis to vancomycin when laboratory reports indicate cephalosporin resistance, it frequently appeared that improvement from the cephalosporin was taking place at the time of antibiotic conversion. Should the antibiotics be changed in this setting?
Erythrocytosis and Dialysis
Authors: Shalhoub Robert J.
Published: October 2007

A 63‐year‐old black man on chronic hemodialysis for 9 years has developed erythrocytosis. His hematocrit was 17–21% during the first 2 years of dialysis rising to between 30 and 40% by the 5th year and reaching 52–56% recently. He does not smoke, has not been transfused since his first year of treatment, and has not received anabolic steroids. Liver function tests generally show borderline high SGOT and SGPT with normal alkaline phosphatase, bilirubin, and prothrombin time. Hepatitis B surface antigen is negative. Abdominal CT showes no organomegaly or abnormalities except for the kidneys which, on ultrasound, show diffuse cystic changes. Arterial oxygen saturation is normal and platelet and leukocyte counts are normal. His renal failure is due to chronic glomerulonephritis and he is anuric. What is currently known about erythrocytosis in the chronic dialysis population?
Thyroid Function in Renal Failure
Authors: Hoffman Alan S. , Arem Ridha , Eknoyan Garabed
Published: October 2007

Renal failure is often associated with abnormal thyroid function tests which may make the diagnosis of thyroid dysfunction difficult (Table 1). As many as one‐half of patients with renal failure have low thyroid function indices. Although clinically the patients are usually euthroid, there is evidence from animal and human studies that there may be some degree of tissue hypothyroidism in patients with renal failure. Whether this tissue hypothyroidism reflects an adaptive reaction to the uremic state is not clear.

Contributory factors to the alteration in thyroid function tests in renal failure are multiple and include poor nutritional status, medications, metabolic disturbances, hemodialysis, and associated nonthyroidal illnesses. All of these are known to affect thyroid function tests, and it is difficult to dissociate their influence from that of the uremic state. In most instances, the changes in thyroid function tests are similar to those encountered during nonthyroidal illness and include low levels of T3, with normal or low levels of T4, a variable free thyroxine index, and a normal, suppressed, or elevated level of TSH. One feature distinguishing renal failure from other non‐thyroidal illnesses is the often normal rT3 and elevated free rT3 levels seen in acute and chronic renal failure. This appears to be related to the increased binding of rT3 to intracellular binding proteins.

During hemodialysis, the free T4 level is elevated transiently but may be abnormally elevated or low in the presence of a coexistent nonthyroidal illness. TSH is normal or only slightly elevated.

Transplant patients, who often receive high doses of steroids, may have abnormal thyroid function tests, in particular hypothyroxinemia and suppressed levels of basal TSH.
Joint Disease in End‐Stage Renal Disease
Authors: Ramsay Allan G.
Published: October 2007

The joint diseases that are encountered in chronic dialysis have been reviewed. There are two general categories: de novo disease and arthropathy anteceding ESRD. The de novo joint diseases include categories that are probably the direct result of ESRD. Microcrystalline CaOHapatite and CaPPD arthritis is associated with hyperparathyroidism and a high Ca X P. Aluminum phosphate joint disease is the result of aluminum toxicity. Both types have severe disease of the adjacent bone: osteitis fibrosa with CaOHapatite‐CaPPD arthropathy and osteomalacia with aluminum phosphate. Calcium oxalate joint disease probably results from renal oxalate retention in ESRD and conversion of ascorbate to oxalate. The evidence for uric acid arthropathy in the absence of primary gout or lead toxicity is not convincing. Amyloid is the most frequent cause of the carpal tunnel syndrome and is related to retention of β‐2 microglobulin. Infective arthritis may be Seen, often occumng as a result of bacteremia from an infected fistula site. A degenerative arthritis different from osteoarthritis has also been described. Pathologic fractures can occur with both amyloid deposition in bone and aluminum osteomalacia. Long‐term steroid therapy can lead to avascular necrosis of femoral or humeral heads. Diabetes mellitus with neuropathy can give rise to a very destructive Charcot joint. Tendon ruptures occur, but the mechanism is obscure.

It is most important that the nephrologist work closely with the rheumatologist. Carefbl and sophis ticated examination of synovial fluid and tissue is mandatory in the microcrystalling diseases. Immunohistochemical methods may be required, particularly for tissue removed during decompression of the median nerve. Together the subspecialists can establish the diagnosis and determine the appropriate therapy for the iarge number of joint disorders to which the dialysis patient is subject.
Considerations in the Diagnosis and Treatment of Arrhythmias in Patients with End‐Stage Renal Disease
Authors: Epstein Andrew E. , Kay G. Neal , Plumb Vance J.
Published: October 2007

Patients with ESRD have arrhythmias similar to those in patients without renal complications. It is unclear whether ESRD itself is a risk factor for the development of arrhythmias or whether it is simply a marker for other diseases which predispose to arrhythmias. Regardless, therapy can be undertaken but special caution is required because of metabolic alterations and drug interactions which can make antiarrhythmic therapy more risky than in the general population. With meticulous attention to detail, therapy can be provided safely.
Hyperphosphatemia from Hyperparathyroidism
Authors: Llach Francisco
Published: October 2007

A 50‐year‐old, generally compliant, male chronic hemodialysis patient has persistent severe r> 8 mg/dr) hyperphosphatemia despite therapy with substantial doses of aluminum phosphate binders and compliance with a low phosphate diet. Since he has X‐ray evidence of hyperparathyroidism and marked elevations in serum parathyroid hormone, I wondered whether and to what extent bone sources of phosphate might contribute to the hyperphosphatemia. Are there any data available on this question?
Exacerbation of Hypertension by Hemodialysis
Authors: Cheigh Jhoong S.
Published: October 2007

A 42‐year‐old man with hypertensive nephrosclerosis has been on hemodialysis for 3 years. His predialysis diastolic pressures range from 80 to 118 mm Hg despite treatment with clonidine and atenolol. Unlike most dialysis patients, his blood pressure often rises during and after dialysis sometimes climbing to diastolic values of 130 mm Hg. What is the basis for this paradoxical response to ultrafdtration? Will any specijic therapy be of benefit?
Therapy of Hyperlipidemia in ESRD
Authors: Perez Guido O.
Published: October 2007

Elevated serum levels of triglycerides and cholesterol are common in dialysis patients. It seems a p parent that a population with a shorter llf'e expectancy and a higher risk of drug toxicity should have a diferent threshold for drug intervention than the general population. When should lipid abnormalities in dialysis patients be treated with medication?
Method of Dialyzer Cleaning and Frequency of Reuse
Authors: Ahmad Suhail
Published: October 2007

Several methods exist for cleaning hollow fiber dialyzers for reuse. How important is the cleaning procedure in determining the number of times a dialyzer can be reused?
Hyperkalemia in a Chronic Hemodialysis Patient
Authors: Sterns Richard H.
Published: October 2007

A 65‐vear‐old hemodial‐vsis patient has repeated problems presenting with hyperkalemia (serum potassium concentrations of 7–8 mEq/L befbre dial‐vsis; sometimes in association with symptoms of paraly‐ sis). Although she likes to eat a lot of fruit, she frequently denies excess ingestion preceding these episodes. Is dietary indiscretion the major cause of hyperkalemia in dialysis patients? What other causes should be considered? Is there a preferred way to dialyze these patients to remove more potassium safi1.v and prevent these dangerous episodes?
Efficacy and Safety of Procainamide in ESRD
Authors: Horton Michael W.
Published: October 2007

The use of procainamide in dialysis patients is complicated by the fact that procainamide and its electrophvsiologically active metabolite, N‐acetylpro‐ cainainide (IY˜PA), accumulate disproportionatelj. in the presence of decreased renal function, with NAP.4 achieving concentrations two to fotlr times greater than those of the parent compound. Other than a reduction in dosage, do these metabolic alterations have any therapeutic implications?
What Are the Most Common Errors in the Management of Renal Osteodystrophy?
Authors: Delmez James A. , Slatopolsky Eduardo
Published: October 2007

Evaluation of renal osteodystrophy is always challenging and sometimes quite difficult. Clearly, a thorough understanding of the usefulness and limitations of the tests available in its assessment is of paramount importance. However, when the diagnosis is in doubt, a bone biopsy may yield critical information allowing effective therapy.
Therapy of Candidal Peritonitis in CAPD
Authors: Vas Stephen I.
Published: October 2007

Antifungal therapy for peritonitis due to Candida albicans has significant morbidity and cost. Cystitis, due to Candida in the patient with an indwelling bladder catheter usually clears with removal of the catheter. Are there any data on the natural history of untreated Candida peritonitis in CAPD patients who simply have their catheters removed?
Causes of a Decreased Ultrafiltration Rate in CAVH
Authors: Jenkins Randall D.
Published: October 2007

I have found that ultrafiltration rates during CA VHseem to fall off by 50% or more during thefirst few hours of use. I cannot explain this on the basis of changes in blood pressure or clotting. What might account for this observation? Can anything be done to maintain the higher filtration rate?
Peritoneal Dialysis Volumes in Patients with COPD
Authors: Prezant David J.
Published: October 2007

Do patients with severe pulmonary dysfunction tolerate peritoneal dialysis using volumes of 2 liters?