bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The ‘Proskynesis’ and the Hellenistic Ruler Cult
Authors: Taylor Lily Ross
Published: May 2006

When a Persian came into the presence of the great king he greeted his lord by a form of salutation which the Greeks denoted by the verb προσκυνεῖν and the noun προσκύνησις. The verb, a compound of κυνεῖν, to kiss, means ‘to send a kiss toward.’ It is the word used to describe the commonest Greek act of devotion to a god—the custom of bringing the hand to the mouth and wafting a kiss toward the image of a god. This act, represented on a number of Attic vase paintings, was commonly performed by the Greeks and Romans when they passed the numerous images and shrines of the gods along their streets. Under the guise of performing the proskynesis to Poseidon, Demosthenes is said to have deceived the emissaries of Antipater and to have brought the poison to his lips. The idea of the kiss as a concrete sign of worship is originally strong in the word and usually persists in it, though sometimes the meaning seems to be little more than to worship. The use of the word to describe the Persian greeting indicates that the Greek saw in the salutation of the king a kind of cult kiss. By a custom familiar in the East from very ancient times until to-day, the subject threw himself on the ground to perform the salutation.
The Venetians and the Venetian Quarter in Constantinople to the close of the Twelfth Century
Authors: Brown Horatio F.
Published: May 2006

The foundation and development of the Venetian Quarter in Constantinople, and the history of the early trading relations between Venice and the Roman Empire are intimately connected with and illustrate the movement by which the Republic gradually passed from actual, through merely nominal, vassalage to actual and formal independence. That movement constitutes an essential part of early Venetian history, the growth of the Republic as a free State between the Empire of the East and the Empire of the West, both weak at sea and in need of a fleet which Venice alone was able to supply, and shows us the Republic skilfully steering her course between Saracens, Normans, Greeks and Germans towards her goal, naval supremacy in the Adriatic and the Levant.

It is not the object of this paper to dwell on the larger movement, but rather to examine the relations between Venice and the Eastern Empire with special reference to the Venetian Quarter in Constantinople. Those relations were governed by the Chrysobulls, or Golden Bulls, whereby the Emperors made gradually extending concessions to the seamen and merchants of their vassal State.
On the Origin of the Maps attached to Ptolemy's Geography
Authors: Tudeer Lauri O. Th.
Published: May 2006

The scientific treatment of the Geography of Ptolemy (Γεωγραφικὴὑφήγησις) had made considerable progress during the last century, so that it seemed as if this work had been brought at least to a provisory issue. An edition arranged according to the demands of science and, as was to be desired, an edition that could be called final had not yet been produced, but there was reason to believe that the edition undertaken by the well-known editor C. Mueller in the great Bibliotheca Scriptorum Graecorum, published by Firmin Didot in Paris, would come up to these expectations. However, owing to his death in 1893 it has remained unfinished. After Part I. had appeared in 1883, C. Th. Fischer, to whom the continuation of the work was entrusted, was able in 1901 to publish Part II., which had been found almost ready for the press among the literary remains of the deceased.
The New Neo-Phrygian Inscriptions
Authors: Sayce A. H.
Published: May 2006

The notes which follow are intended to be a supplement to Professor W. M. Calder's Corpus Inscriptionum Neo-Phrygiarum in the Journal of Hellenic Studies, XXXI and XXXIII (1911–13), and above, p. 22. The Corpus is so complete and the interpretation of the inscriptions so ingenious and thorough that little room is left for addition and correction. My supplementary notes, therefore, will not be numerous.

(1) In No. LXIX it is clear that ξως κε πεις κε must mean ‘both living and dead,’ and that consequently πεις signifies ‘dead.’ Hence in No. XII we must read ζειρακεοι πειες κε, and translate ‘living and dead (let them go accursed to Attys).’ The verb has the plural suffix -νου, corresponding with -du in Boghaz Keui Hittite. This settles the reading of No. VII, which must be [ζειρ]ακεοι ειροι Ατι ετι ττ[ετικμενοι ειττ]νου. Ειροι perhaps means ‘untimely’; cp. ἦρι.
The Historians Doukas and Phrantzes
Authors: Miller William
Published: May 2006

The Turkish conquest of Greece produced four Greek historians—Laonikos Chalkokondyles, Doukas, Phrantzes and the Turkophil Imbrian, Kritoboulos. I have already dealt with the first; the present paper treats of the second and third of the four. Doukas' history has been preserved not only in the Greek text but also in an old Italian version, which in some places supplies materials lacking in our Greek original. Doukas is an author worthy of study; for he was truthful and in several instances an eye-witness—qualities which, in the opinion of historians, far outweigh the barbarism of his style, which so much offended his supercilious editor in the defective Bonn edition.
Two Reliefs in the Ashmolean Museum
Authors: Hutton C. A.
Published: May 2006

Among the recent acquisitions of the Ashmolean Museum are the two reliefs which form the subject of the present paper, and which I am permitted to publish by the courtesy of the Keeper, Mr. E. T. Leeds. The Museum already possessed a fragment of a Nymph relief of the ordinary type (three draped female figures moving in procession within a grotto (Chandler, Pars I, Tab. L. No. CXXIV = Michaelis, Anc. Marb., No. 133) so that the two new reliefs materially enrich that group in the Collection.

I. Dance of Pan and Nymphs (Pl. XIVa).—Pan occupies the centre of the composition; he moves quickly to his left, leading three female figures in a dance round an altar-shaped stone. He is dressed in a panther skin, which covers his bent right arm; a long narrow mantle is thrown over his left shoulder, one end of which floats behind him, the other is twisted round his left arm, in which he holds a pedum; his head is turned back over his right shoulder towards the nymph who follows him (No. 1). His figure is in high relief (3 cmm.), his head, the floating ends of his scarf and his legs so much undercut as almost to seem detached from the background. The body of the first nymph is also in high relief (2½ cmm.), and is twisted round to present a three-quarters view; her right arm is thrown back to grasp ah end of her drapery, her left is raised to her shoulder.
The Character of Greek Colonisation
Authors: Gwynn Aubrey
Published: May 2006

Three movements of expansion can be distinguished in what we know of. the history of the Greeks. The first, that of the so-called Dorian, and Ionian migrations, left them in possession of the Greek mainland, the principal islands of the Aegean, and the western seaboard of Asia Minor. The second, that of Greek colonisation properly so-called, extended the Greek world to the limits familiar to us in the history of Greece during the fifth and fourth centuries. The third, in which. Macedonian kings act as leaders, began with the conquests of Alexander, and resulted in that Hellenisation of the East which was the permanent achievement of his successors. The general character of the second of these movements forms the subject of this essay.
The Stuccoes of the Underground Basilica near the Porta Maggiore
Authors: Strong Eugénie , Jolliffe Noeah
Published: May 2006

Few ancient monuments that have come to light of recent years have aroused so lively an interest amongst scholars or so widespread a curiosity in the general public as the subterranean building of basilican plan discovered in 1917 as if by chance near the Porta Maggiore in Rome. Its situation at a depth of 50 feet below the present level of the soil, the curious mode of its construction, the secrecy of its approach, the mystical character of its decoration led to the theory, put forward almost from the first, that this was probably the secret meeting-place of some religious pagan fraternity. Especially significant in this connexion are the symbolic and eschatological subjects of the stuccoes: the figures of Eros holding torches or playing with a butterfly, the scenes of rape and of liberation, the Victories carrying wreaths belong to the now well-known cycle of subjects that symbolise the aspiration of the soul towards the divine, her liberation from earthly ties and her final flight towards the celestial spheres. In the same way, the long series of reliefs representing sacred enclosures which completely surround the lower part of the walls; the scenes of preparation and of ritual discipline; those of initiation to the mysteries; the indications of a purgatorial Katharsis; the grand apocalyptic scene of the apse; the figures interpreted as Orantes or personified prayers; even the candelabra and other sacred furniture, recall rites by means of which the ancient devotees of the basilica might be initiated while still in this life to the bliss of the next. The subjects considered individually offer nothing either strange or unique, but what strikes our imagination and must certainly have struck that of any one who entered the basilica in antiquity, is to find so large a number of these subjects (their number is, I believe, about 117) so linked together as to cover the whole building with a perfectly logical and homogeneous decoration.
The Multiplication of Tombs in Turkey
Authors: Hasluck F. W.
Published: May 2006

It is by no means uncommon to find in Turkish, as in other Mahommedan lands, two or even more tombs attributed to the same person. The development of the supernumerary tomb or tombs is susceptible of several explanations, which are worth setting forth both for their intrinsic interest and as contributing to the knowledge of similar phenomena in other religions.

Duplicated tombs of perfectly historical persons are not unknown. Murad I., for instance, has authentic tombs at Brousa, his capital, and at Kossovo, where he fell. Tradition, which is probably in this case true, says that the latter contains his heart and bowels and the former his embalmed body. The grave of Suleiman Pasha, son of Orkhan, who died and was buried at Bulair, is claimed also by Yenishehr in Bithynia. The explanation here may be the same as in the case of Murad I.'s two graves, or it may be that Suleiman established a pious foundation at Yenishehr with a turbe intended to enshrine his remains. Similarly, the official grave of Osman, the founder of the dynasty, is at Brusa, though Sugut, his father's seat, lays claim to the honour.
The End of the Odyssey
Authors: Bury J. B.
Published: May 2006

The course of Homeric criticism during the last twenty years or so has not indeed given us any grounds for thinking that unanimity on fundamental questions is likely to be reached in the near future, but it has accomplished one thing. It is possible now to think and speak of Homer as a man who was born at a definite fortunate moment, ate, drank, and even slumbered, composed two long epics much in the same way as other men of genius have composed great works, had his joys and sorrows, triumphs and disappointments, and ultimately died—it is possible to think and speak of him thus without being considered absurdly simple or simply absurd. And so one can venture to approach the problem of the last section of the Odyssey in just the same way that one would approach a similar literary problem in a later age of the world, taking it for granted that the poet lived and worked under ordinary human conditions. In this paper I assume without discussion the truth of the unitarian view that Homer was the author of the Iliad and of the Odyssey (at least to ψ 296), and also that the Odyssey is the later of the two; I assume that in composing them he was aided by the art of writing; and I assume that he lived about 900–850 B.C. at latest.
Archaeology in Greece, 1931–2
Authors: Payne H. G. G.
Published: May 2006

In offering to readers of the Journal this summary of recent work in Greece, I wish to acknowledge my indebtedness to all who have contributed the material on which the compilation is based; most especially to Professor Karo, who kindly lent the typescript of his forthcoming article in the Archaeologischer Anzeiger. Professor Karo's detailed survey of the whole field is the basis of much of what follows, but it contains also detailed information which is not included in the following pages. It will be understood, therefore, that for almost all the excavations here described further reference should be made to the Archaeologischer Anzeiger.
Diodorus' Narrative of the Sacred War
Authors: Hammond N. G. L.
Published: May 2006

Since 1856, when Schaefer declared that the text of Diodorus contains two parallel accounts of the opening of the Sacred War, the history of the years 357–352 B.C. has been the subject of controversy. At the present time two contentions have gained general acceptance: firstly, that Schaefer was correct in the divination of a doublet, and secondly, that the doublet having introduced a superfluous year of narrative, the two-year interval in Diodorus' chronology, between the seizure of Delphi by Philomelus and the declaration of the Sacred War by the Amphictyony, should be reduced to an interval of one year.

Within this modicum of agreement there has been ample room for dispute. The doublists, if I may so describe those who attribute a doublet to Diodorus, differ widely when they endeavour to set precise limits to their doublet: for instance, Schaefer, Kahrstedt, Cloche, and Beloch are at variance.
A Picture of the Battle of Lepanto
Authors: Dawkins R. M.
Published: May 2006

A very interesting symbolic picture of the battle of Lepanto executed in a miniature style has recently reached this country from Athens, and the owner, Sir Arthur Evans, has kindly allowed me to publish a reproduction and description of it.

The picture measures ·373 m. in height by ·275 m. in width, and is executed with a full range of colours on a sheet of vellum which has been at some time sharply folded across about half-way up the picture. Above and below and on the back there are inscriptions in Greek, but before we come to them it will be convenient to give some description of the picture itself. This is divided horizontally into two parts: above we see the saints and angels looking down upon the battle; below is the battle itself, and immediately above the centre of the fray, where the two fleets, Christian and Turkish, are in conflict, is a small medallion containing a throned figure of Christ.
Kjellberg's new class of Clazomenian Sarcophagi
Authors: Price E. R.
Published: May 2006

Winter made a seemingly exhaustive classification when he divided Clazomenian sarcophagi into two main classes, which he called A and B (Anz., 1898, p. 175). His class A is the small class to which belong the big, deep, rectangular sarcophagi with copious decoration in Clazomenian B.F. style (i.e. B.F. without incised lines) like the sarcophagus in the British Museum (Murray, Terracotta Sarcophagi, Pl. 1–7). This has a gable-roof, as had, probably, all the others of this class. His class B is the big class, to which belong the large number of open, trapezoidal sarcophagi with decoration ranging from seventh-century pure East-Greek style down through different phases with different techniques to the most developed Clazomenian B.F. style of the end of the sixth and beginning of the fifth centuries. Recently, fresh evidence has enabled Kjellberg to add a third class, which he calls C (Jahrb., 41, p. 51). The sarcophagi of this new class have features both of A and B, but the style of decoration and the simple, rectangular shape seem to show that they must be considerably earlier than all of A and earlier than the earliest of B.
Some Notes on Early Attic Stoichedon Inscriptions
Authors: Raubitschek A. E.
Published: May 2006

‘It is a tempting suggestion that it was the engravers of such texts—that is, either the sculptors themselves or the engravers employed by them—who were the pioneers of the new style’ (see below, Notes I, II and IV). This passage in Austin's book encourages me to say that every study of the early stoichedon documents of Attica must begin with the dedication of Nearchos signed by Antenor (see Note III). When considered in connexion with all known examples of the period, this inscription assumes a significance which is not apparent when it is studied in connexion with the list which Austin has recorded (p. 7), intentionally incomplete as that list is (see Note IV). The ‘lamentably fragmentary state’ of the greater part of these private dedicatory inscriptions (Austin, p. 64) cannot deter us from a careful examination which leads, as a rule, to the reconstruction of the monuments as well as to reasonable restorations of the inscriptions.

The clear distinction between dedicatory inscription and artist's signature is no peculiarity of the monument signed by Antenor, though the fact that both inscriptions are stoichedon, with the stoichoi independent of one another, shows the fully developed stoichedon style, as does the disregard of the syllabic division (see Note V).
The Seisachtheia and the Nomothesia of Solon
Authors: Hammond N. G. L.
Published: May 2006

The orthodox date for Solon's archonship, 594/3, was undisputed until the discovery of the Athenaion Politeia; then two passages in this treatise cast doubt upon this date and introduced further problems. The purpose of this paper is to reconsider these two passages and to show that the Ath. Pol. in fact gives the date of Solon's archonship, during which the Seisachtheia was enacted, as 594/3, and gives the date of a second commission, during which the Nomothesia was passed, as 592/1; and I shall then consider how far the narratives of Plutarch and Aristotle imply that Solon held two separate commissions. My paper accordingly falls into two sections: the chronological data, and the Seisachtheia and the Nomothesia.
The Athenian Archons from Kreon to Hypsichides
Authors: Cadoux T. J.
Published: May 2006

The Athenian Archon list can be divided into three periods: (1) from the institution of the annual archonship down to 481/0—a period for which the evidence available for restoration of the list is slight; the names of some sixty-five archons out of the total for the period of about 200 are known to us, and the dates of many of them are uncertain; (2) from 480/79 to 302/1, a period for which a complete list has been preserved for us in the extant portions of Diodoros, apart from abundant confirmatory evidence; and (3) the Hellenistic period, for which as far as 101/0 the list has been reconstructed as fully as possible by the labours of Dinsmoor, Pritchett and Meritt. The present paper lists the archons of period (1) whose names have survived, and assembles in the case of each name all the available evidence for the date. In this it resembles Beloch's excursus ‘Die attische Archonten’ but differs from it in arguing the chronological problems more fully, and in writing out the greater part of the evidencein extenso. Moreover, since Beloch not only have numerous articles on points of early Athenian chronology appeared, but what is probably a fragment of an early inscribed Athenian archon-list has been discovered; and it seemed worth while to discuss the significance of this, as well as to assemble, within the limits of a single article, all the evidence and as many as possible of the opinions expressed relevant to the restoration of the list.
Clytemnestra and the Vote of Athena
Authors: Winnington-Ingram R. P.
Published: May 2006

It will not be disputed that the relationship between the sexes was a subject of great interest to Aeschylus. His first extant play turns on the question of marriage, willing or unwilling; and this is true, whether the Danaids were actuated by a passionate celibacy or by a horror of what they considered incest. The loss of the succeeding plays renders the interpretation of the Danaid trilogy speculative. But in the Oresteia, Aeschylus returns to similar themes: marriage, wife and husband, the relative status of men and women. This last issue becomes explicit during the trial of Orestes, when Apollo proclaims the superiority of the male, and Athena endorses his judgement with her vote. This scene, if variously interpreted, has been recognised to be important. Equally it has been recognised that Clytemnestra, for whose murder Orestes was on trial, is herself depicted as an anomaly: a woman with the mind and counsel of a man. The connexion between these two aspects of the trilogy deserves perhaps a further examination.

It is first necessary to consider the characterisation of Clytemnestra. Quite apart from the issues raised in the Eumenides, it is doubtful whether the accepted ‘masculinity’ of Clytemnestra has received attention commensurate with the stress which the poet has laid upon it, nor has it been fully considered in relation to the motives of her conduct. Some, indeed, will deprecate the psychological approach to an Aeschylean character. But there are no a priori grounds on which we can decide up to what point the poet's interest in character developed, as develop it admittedly did. Clytemnestra is the test-case, and we must judge by what we find.
The Camp to Attila
Authors: Thompson E. A.
Published: May 2006

Several attempts have been made to reconstruct the camp of Attila on the basis of the evidence supplied to us by the narrative of Priscus Panites, who describes in great detail what he saw during his visit to the camp in A.D. 448. Stephani has argued that the camp was of Germanic construction and that it was built by a Gothic war-prisoner from Sirmium. It may be said at once that this latter point is unlikely, for Priscus turns aside to mention that the stone baths of Onegesius were built by this war-prisoner; he would scarcely have specified this one building if in fact the whole camp had been constructed by him. Also, there is no indication in his text that the prisoner was a Goth. J. Strzygowski suggested that the camp was the work of Slavs, a conjecture which has, I think, won no acceptance. Most recently, Ferenc Vamos, in a very full discussion of the camp and its buildings, rejected both these views and suggested that the influence of two cultures can be detected in the camp: the culture of the nomads of central Asia and that of the sedentary Iranians—the Huns were introduced to the work of the latter by the intermediacy of the Alans. But before a decision can be reached on the origins of Hun architecture, we must be clear as to what it is precisely that Priscus tells us about the camp and the buildings in it.
Excavations at Al Mina, Sueidia: I. The Archaeological Report
Authors: Woolley Leonard
Published: May 2006

The excavations at al Mina, Sueidia, were undertaken as part of a programme of research covering a wide field in time and space. The object with which we set out was the tracing of connexions, if such existed, between the early civilisations of the Aegean, in particular that of Minoan Crete, and the more ancient cultural centres of hither Asia. Oriental influences working upon the art of Knossos have sometimes been suspected, but little evidence has been adduced to prove them; in some of the later periods of history, as for example in the ‘Orientalising’ phase of Rhodian pottery or in the Corinthian fabrics, the influence has always been obvious but the point of contact has remained obscure; intercourse may have been indirect, through the principalities of Asia Minor and the Ionian coastal towns, as has generally been assumed, or there may have been a more direct channel perpetuating perhaps an older tradition. I was myself strongly prejudiced in favour of direct contact, but only excavation could prove or disprove the theory; and the first step was to select a site which could give definite evidence.
A Group of Plastic Vases
Authors: Robertson Martin
Published: May 2006

Pl. V, 1 and 2 shows a plastic vase in the British Museum, in the form of an antelope's head, cut off flat at the base of the neck and with the orifice in the right ear. The clay is light reddish-brown with a very smooth surface, the glaze brownish-black. The horns, ears, eyelids, pupils, muzzle and outlines of jaws are black, the face is covered with fine black dots, the neck and throat and the burr of the horns with short black strokes; there are white dots on the muzzle, red in the interior of ears and nostrils, and an incised line round the pupils. Under the base is a black rosette with a white dot on each petal (Pl. V, 2). Horns and ears are broken off, but are preserved complete on a replica in Berlin (Fig. 1, a and Pl. V, 3). Mlle. Maximova pointed out the connexion of the two vases, though she wrongly stated that the London vase had no orifice. She mentioned two others with the orifice in the ear—a bull's head in Berlin and a ram's head in Florence, both also cut off flat at the neck. The bull's head has no other resemblance to the antelopes', but the ram's appears from the description to be of similar style. The main peculiarity of the painting of the antelopes' heads—the covering of some areas with fine dots and others with short dashes—recurs on a number of other vases.
Three Vaulted Basilicas in Cyprus
Authors: Megaw A. H. S.
Published: May 2006

Sir George Hill, in his History of Cyprus, refers to a group of early churches in the Island in the following passage: ‘It seems improbable that any important buildings can have been put up during the periods of the Arab raids, that is, from the middle of the eighth century to 965. Churches, for instance, like those at Aphendrika, which have been attributed on the one hand to the sixth or seventh century, on the other to the “Romanesque,” would not have been built at a time when the population of places like Ayios Philon and Lambousa was moving inland to escape the raiders. Whether the earlier or the later date is to be preferred must be left to the specialists.' In a footnote, he recorded my own opinion that the vaulted basilicas of the Aphendrika type should be dated after the Byzantine reconquest. The purpose of this article is to present some evidence in support of that opinion. It concerns three ruined churches, all in the village lands of Rizokarpaso: the Panayia and Asomatos churches at Aphendrika, the site, which Hogarth identified as Urania, near the north coast 5 miles north-east of the village, and the Panayia at Sykha, some 6 miles south-west of the village, on the south side of the Karpas peninsula.
ΠΡΟΓΟΝΟΙ
Authors: Rostovtzeff M.
Published: May 2006

One of the Dura parchments (Dura Perg. 23)—a sale of a slave in 180 A.D.—recently transcribed and translated by C. Bradford Welles in his preliminary report on the Dura documents of private character shews a very elaborate and unusual date. First comes the consular date and the name of the emperor, then the date according to the Seleucid era and the month, and finally the place and the municipal date: l. 4 ff. ἐν Εὐρώπῳ τῇ πρὸς ᾿Αραβίᾳ ἐπὶ ἱερέωυ Διὸς μὲν Λυσανίου τοῦ Ζηνοδότου τοῦ ῾Ηλιοδώρου ᾿Απόλλωνος δὲ Θεοδώρου τοῦ ᾿Αθηνοδότου τοῦ ᾿Αρτεμιδώρου, τῶν δὲ προγόνων ῾Ηλιοδώρου τοῦ Διοκλέους τοῦ ῾Ηλιοδώρου, βασιλέως δὲ Σελεύκου Νικ[ά] τορος Δανύμου τοῦ Σελεύκου τοῦ Δανύμου.

Dating a document, not only by consuls, the imperial year and the year according to a provincial or municipal era, but also by eponymous priests of the municipal gods was not the common practice at Dura in Roman times. We have now a rather large and representative group of various private documents found at Dura, some of them with the date completely preserved. In no one of them is mention of the eponymous priests found. The date consists of the name of the consuls, the name of the emperor or emperors, and the number of the year according to the Seleucid era. Sometimes when the emperors are themselves consuls the second step is omitted. Nor is such a dating by the priests very common in other parts of the Roman Empire. In contracts or similar documents found in Egypt in most cases the imperial date only is used.
Classical and Post-Classical Greek Painting
Authors: Rumpf A.
Published: May 2006

Various traditions about the origin of painting have come down to us from antiquity. Pliny, to whom we owe the most detailed accounts, is surprised that the careful Greeks contradict themselves so much. Yet actual facts underlie these contradictions. The claim of the Egyptians to have invented painting six thousand years before the Greeks is rejected as idle boasting by Pliny, and we agree as far as the number six thousand goes; but we recognise to-day that the Egyptians were painting some thousands of years before the Greeks. Aristotle puts beside the Egyptians as inventor of painting in Greece, Euchir, a relation of Daedalus—that is, the generation of Theseus. To-day we can say that the excavations of the last fifty years in Crete have justified him beyond his wildest fancy by revealing frescoes of the second millennium B.C. If another tradition gives names like Cleanthes, Aridices, or Telephanes as the first painters, this means that the oldest artist-signatures known to Hellenistic scholars gave these names. But these are all primitive beginnings, non-Greek, pre-Greek, and-archaic.
Polypragmosyne: a Study in Greek Politics
Authors: Ehrenberg Victor
Published: May 2006

Πολυπραγμοσύνη and its opposite ἀπραγμοσύνη are typical abstract nouns of the fifth century, indicating human qualities, comparable to words like δικαιοσύνη and σωφροσύνη. There is, however, one thing peculiar to our two words: they are opposite extremes, but there is nothing between them. There is no πραγμοσύνη. Simple action (πρᾶξις), we may assume, does not easily reveal a man's character. It is only when he acts ‘much’ or ‘not at all,’ that a conclusion can be drawn as to his own nature. The psychological aspect is paramount, more than in words like δικαιοσύνη or σωφροσύνη which also represent an idea. As so frequently happens in psychology, it is the contrast which illuminates either particular quality. We can perhaps go one step further and assume that conceptions like these are more likely than not to spring from a rational and conscious awareness of real phenomena, while for instance δικαιοσύνη, although it is the abstract noun belonging to δίκαιος, at the same time originates from the desire to give a name to the abstract idea which dominates the world of δίκη). There is no ‘idea,’ there are only psychological facts, in ‘busybodiness.’

This ugly and unwieldy English word makes it plain that—at least in English—the concrete rather than the abstract noun belongs to ordinary speech, the man rather than the quality. The ‘busybody’ is indeed a type which, though little loved, is deeply rooted in the English mind, and this is undoubtedly the legitimate translation of πολυπράγμων
A Volute Krater at Taranto
Authors: Trendall A. Dale
Published: May 2006

In April 1898 at Ceglie near Bari there was discovered a large tomb, the principal contents of which consisted of a number of vases, some entire but most of them in a fragmentary condition, which were later acquired by the Taranto Museum, where they now are. Two of these vases, both large volute kraters, on account of the great interest of the subjects and of the general excellence of their composition and drawing, are of the highest importance for the study of early South Italian pottery and it seems surprising that they have remained so long unpublished, despite an ever-increasing amount of literature about them. One, published earlier in the present year, depicts (a) seated Dionysus surrounded by his followers and (b) on the upper register, Perseus terrifying the silens with the Gorgon's head, and below, dancers at the festival of the Karneia. The other vase (Plates VIII, IX) is even more richly figured as it has separate scenes on the neck as well. Its obverse shews (i) a scene from the fight between the Centaurs and Lapiths, (ii) the birth of Dionysus; and the reverse, (i) Herakles served by silens, (ii) an Amazonomachy. Two are subjects common in the repertory of the vase painter, two are rare.
Solon's Reform of Weights and Measures
Authors: Johnston Joseph
Published: May 2006

The precise nature of Solon's σεισάχθεια has long been a matter of dispute. There can be no reasonable doubt that Solon abolished arrears of rent, and passed something analogous to an Evicted Tenants' Act. He certainly abolished debts for the nonpayment of which personal freedom had been forfeited, and for the future forbade loans of this type. This does not amount to a wholesale abolition of all debts, both public and private. It is equally certain that mere devaluation, while it would have affected all debts expressed in money, would not have been sufficiently drastic to meet the case of the evicted tenant and the enslaved artisan. Yet there is something to be said for the view that the reduction of the standard coin by some 30 per cent, was an integral part of the σεισάχθεια. The other measures affecting debt would no doubt restore those who had fallen under the load. But in all commercial communities, ancient and modern, in times of economic stress there are business men, industrialists and farmers, who are struggling along under burdens of debt, and who bravely continue the struggle. These are the persons whose activities constitute the mainspring of economic life in any profit-making economy. It is precisely this class whose economic circumstances would have been alleviated by the currency devaluation which Solon certainly enacted.
The Strategi at Athens in the Fifth Century. When Did They Enter on Office?
Authors: Mayor H. B.
Published: May 2006

It has been assumed for many years that the Strategi, though elected earlier in the year, did not enter office till the first day of Hecatombaeon (July or August), at the same time as the other yearly magistrates. There was considerable controversy about this in the nineteenth century, but the question was thought to be finally settled then, and it may seem presumptuous to reopen it so long after. But two important discoveries have been made since the ‘orthodox’ theory was generally adopted; and together they involve certain difficulties, which suggest that the whole question should be reconsidered. These are, first, the recovery of the Ἀθηναίων Πολιτεία, which fixes the date of the election in the Seventh Prytany (44 § 4); and, second, Merritt's work on the Attic Calendar, which supersedes Keil's system of chronology, and fixes the beginning of the Seventh Prytany in the second week of February.

Both these authorities were unknown to Beloch, whose arguments in favour of the ‘orthodox’ view (Attische Politik seit Perikles) have been generally accepted as the last word on the subject. Beloch's name deservedly carries weight, but his conclusions have perhaps been adopted over-readily by many who have, not studied the evidence on which they are based. It will suffice here to say that most of his arguments are devoted to showing that the election took place in April—a date now disproved by the Ἀθηναίων Πολιτεία—while his arguments with regard to the time of entering on office are slight and unconvincing.
Melian Aftermath
Authors: Jacobsthal P.
Published: May 2006

The number of Melian reliefs has slightly increased in the last few years.

On 5–6th July, 1938, Messrs. Sotheby sold a piece—it is No. 184 in the Sale Catalogue—of which little is known. J. D. Beazley, who drew my attention to it, tells me that most of it was modern plaster: only a small part was antique, it showed something of a draped female figure on an animal's back, Helle or a Nereid.

A fragment of a winged Artemis, figured in Melische Reliefs, p. 26, fig. 3, after a good drawing by Schoene, was rediscovered in one of the drawers of the Athenian National Museum by Mrs. Papaspyridi-Karousou, and is figured in BCH 61, 1937, p. 354, fig. 1.

The dancer (no. 42), the whereabouts of which were unknown to me in 1931, is now, as Mr. Chr. Karousos kindly informs me, in the Nomikos collection in Thera.

Of Melian reliefs—in a wider sense (see Melische Reliefs, p. 89 sq.)—I mention a cock, a Sphinx and a Gorgo, published by Mrs. Papaspyridi-Karousou in Arch. Deltion 1934/35, p. 30, fig. 15; they were found together in an Argive tomb which is dated by its other contents to the second quarter of the fifth century roughly—a welcome date for these conservative works.
The Inscription from Kythera
Authors: Weidner Ernst F. , Thomas Helen
Published: May 2006

The inscription from Kythera (Fig. 1) to which Miss Thomas drew attention in the last part of the JHS (lviii, p. 256), is an early Babylonian cuneiform inscription which has already been the object of considerable study on the part of Assyriologists. It was first discussed by Hugo Winckler (SB Preuss. Akad. Wiss. 1897, 262–4) as part of an article by Ulrich Kohler (Ueber Probleme der gr. Vorzeit, l.e., 258–274). Winckler successfully deciphered lines 4 and 5, and established the correct reading of some of the signs in the first lines. He thought the inscription dated between 1500 and 1200 b.c., and thus, as Köhler added, from the finest period of Mycenean culture. Köhler (p. 265) further said that the cuneiform tablet might have been brought to Kythera at that time with other oriental bric-á-brac, like the Egyptian scarabs found in Rhodes and in the plain of Argos.

Many years later the study of this inscription was again taken up by Eckhard Unger (Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte xiii (1929) p. 313, pl. 58A), who went beyond Winckler and succeeded in reading the third line as well. On the other hand, his deciphering of the first two lines, his restoration of the third and fourth, his assertions on its place of origin (according to him Tilmun in the region of the Persian Gulf), and the date he gives it are not proof against criticism. For this, however, he is hardly to blame, since it is only very recently that the American excavations in Western Asia have shed light upon the author of this inscription.
A peculiar form of Omega in two sixth-century Inscriptions
Authors: Jeffery L. H.
Published: May 2006

In Mr. Scranton's publication of the inscriptions found by the American School at Phlius in 1924 (Hesp. V, 1936, p. 235 ff.) he comments (p. 238) on the unusual form which occurs in no. 2 in the words and suggests that it may have been a modification of another letter, as or or , intended to represent ɳ). In this connexion, attention may be drawn to another example of this letter-form, though apparently without the central dots, in an inscription from Asprókampo, near Perachora. It is given by L. Ross (Arch. Aufs. II, p. 661): , σᾶμα. A facsimile of Ross’ original drawing from his diary is also published in IG IV. 414, Röhl IGA 18. Forchhammer, who also made a copy, (Halcyonia 1857, 14) saw the third letter as , and Le Bas (RA I, 174: Voy. Arch. II, 77, pl. IV, no. 6) did not see the first five letters at all, while Röhl (loc. cit.), taking Forchhammer's reading as correct, suggested σᾶμα. Kirchhoff (Geschichte3 p. 88) gives Ross’ facsimile without commenting on the form of the third letter, and in the fourth edition mentions the inscription without giving the facsimile.

That Ross himself was convinced that this form was on the stone, and was intentional, is shown by his attempts (loc. cit.) at connecting it with other similar signs from the Greek and other alphabets.1
Greek History at the Renaissance
Authors: Woodward A. M.
Published: May 2006

It may be taken for granted that in any branch of learning it is a pleasant, and may be an instructive, task to turn one's back now and then on progress and research, and look backwards along the path which we and our predecessors have trodden, and to reflect on what we owe to those who were the pioneers in the exploration of our subject. And it seems no less true that the study of Greek history is a fit theme for such a backward glance, even if it is difficult, and at times impossible, to isolate it completely from the general background of Greek learning, particularly at the Renaissance.

I propose, therefore, to examine the background and the progress of the study of Greek history between 1350 and 1500, not continuously, for the task would be too laborious, but at intervals of fifty years, noting certain landmarks associated with each of these dates, and touching on the main developments in each of these half-centuries.

In the year 1350 there occurred a noteworthy event, fraught with immediate delight to the two participants, and with momentous and quite unforeseen consequences for the future of classical learning, namely, the meeting of Petrarch and Boccaccio in Florence. One of the things that helped to bring them together was their common enthusiasm for Greek, of which Boccaccio had already attained some knowledge; Petrarch, though a few years older, was still hoping, and eagerly striving, to acquire the rudiments of the language.
Patrios Nomos: State Burial in Athens and the Public Cemetery in the Kerameikos
Authors: Jacoby F.
Published: May 2006

In theClassical Quarterly, 1944, I have dealt with the slender evidence for the Genesia, a public festival of the dead in Athens which was mentioned already in Solon's Axones. Whether or not my suggestion is right that it was introduced by Solon himself as a part of his programme of uniting the classes into the new citizen state by abolishing the festivals of the single clans, or whether the public festival reached farther back, the heortological fact is not in dispute: there existed in Athens, and as far as we know only in Athens, a public festival of the dead, called Genesia, and celebrated in late autumn on the fifth of the month Boedromion with a sacrifice for Mother Earth. That is all we know about it, and in going beyond these clear facts we have to be aware that we pass the border-line into the realm not (I hope) of fiction but of hypothesis, and partly even of pure guesswork. It will depend on the inherent probability of these guesses whether it is worth while to risk them. In my opinion it is worth while, because in the course of our investigation we shall get one unexpected result: namely, the time at which the specifically Athenian custom of burying at home the men killed in action was introduced. And this date, which I believe can be established, will throw some light on the perhaps most famous section of the work of Thucydides, and incidentally on his historical principles.
Red-Figure Cups with Incised and Stamped Decoration.—II
Authors: Ure Annie D.
Published: May 2006

In Volume LVI of this Journal I published a series of. Attic stemless kylikes with red-figure painting outside and stamped or incised patterns inside. These run from about the middle to the end of the fifth century. Characteristic of the early part of the fourth century, though the earliest examples are to be dated before the end of the fifth, is a series of cup-kotylai with similar decoration which forms the subject of this paper.

The cups range in size from a height of 0·09 m. with a diameter of 0·165 m. to a height of 0·06 m. with a diameter of 0·12 m. Their deep and comparatively narrow bowls presented more difficulties to the stamper than the shallow kylikes and restricted his designs to smaller and simpler patterns.

The earliest group consists of a pair of cups from the same hand. The stamped pattern shows five or six separate palmettes set closely round a small incised central circle and surrounded by a pair of incised circles.
The Problem of a History of Messenia
Authors: Treves P.
Published: May 2006

At the suggestion of Professor Larsen of Chicago, a young American scholar, Dr. C. A. Roebuck, undertook a few years ago to write ‘A History of Messenia from 369 to 146 B.C.’ (diss. Chicago, 1941, pp. iii-128). It is perhaps too late to review it. And it might seem ungracious to criticise it. Though, in Dr. Roebuck's dissertation there is very little that is objectionable (save, perhaps, a question of approach, which I shall deal with presently, and a few points of detail on which I shall dwell at the end of this brief note). The author's merits are unquestioned.
Hellenistic and Sigillata Wares in the Near East
Authors: Iliffe J. H.
Published: May 2006

An impetus has of late been given to the study of Hellenistic and Sigillata wares in the Near East, principally by the excavations in the Athenian Agora and at Antioch. Until recently, few excavators troubled to publish their material of this period, and it has consequently remained largely an unknown quantity to Western scholars. A very cursory inspection, however, is sufficient to show the importance and interest of a proper study of the subject for students both of the Hellenistic East and of Sigillata wares in the West. One or two of the chief results of a preliminary survey of the material collected from a number of excavations and museums (Athens, Alexandria, Antioch, Jerusalem, Pergamon, Samaria, Tarsus, etc.) are briefly summarised below.
The Hermes and Dionysus of Olympia
Authors: Law H. W.
Published: May 2006

My suggestion as to the date of the transfer of this statue to the Heraeum, on which Mr. S. Casson comments in the last number of the Journal (p. 80), was not regarded by me as proof of the Praxitelean authorship of the work, but was merely put forward as a possible explanation of the transfer on the supposition of that authorship, which is still, I think, the general one. It is impossible here to re-open the discussion conducted in The American Journal of Archaeology in 1931, but I may perhaps point out that the fact that Pausanias, in other cases, mentions the removal of original statues to Rome raises a presumption that where he makes no such statement the original remained; and also that he says expressly that there were in the Heraeum, besides the Hermes, chryselephantine statues of Olympias and Eurydice by Leochares.
The chronology of the Eponymous Archons of Boeotia
Authors: Barratt Christina
Published: May 2006

THE office of Federal Archon was apparently created in the League which was revived and reconstituted by Thebes after her liberation from Sparta in 379. Like the archons of the individual cities, the federal archons seem to have had little power; as Swoboda points out, the fact that their seat was not in Thebes but in Onchestus 4 shows that their functions were chiefly ceremonial. This explains why the Boeotarchs but not the archons of Boeotia are frequently mentioned in literature. The archons are, however, important as being the eponymous magistrates of the Boeotian League. From the revival of the League soon after 379 on into Roman times federal documents are generally, and documents of individual cities often, headed with the names of archons of the League.
The Adoniazusae of Theocritus
Authors: Gow A. S. F.
Published: May 2006

The Fifteenth Idyll of Theocritus has probably been more admired, and has certainly received more attention from scholars, than any other Alexandrian poem; and for obvious reasons. ‘It is a page,’ said Matthew Arnold, ‘torn fresh out of the book of human life. What freedom! what animation! what gaiety! what naturalness!’ The picture of contemporary manners which it presents has a charm far beyond the compass of T.'s nearest rival in this genre, Herodas, and, if some reservations be made on the score of language, it is convincingly lifelike. Nevertheless, in spite of the attention it has received, it has not, I think, been viewed as clearly as it may be either in details or as a whole. Of the five sections of which this paper is composed, the first four are an attempt to bring the picture into rather sharper focus; the fifth is a briefer note upon a point of detail.