bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Report of the Managing Editor, The American Political Science Review, 1971–1972
Authors: Polsby Nelson W.
Published: September 2013

In my last report I described some attempts at innovation in the management and format of theReview; this year I can report that we have settled into our routines. The increased readability and literacy which some readers have noticed in theReviewI attribute primarily to the alert and sensitive manuscript editing of Dr. Ellen Siegelman, a remarkable person who combines wide learning in the social sciences with an unusual feel for language. Jeanne Dritz, our hawkeyed proofreader, is responsible for aReviewincreasingly free from typographical error. The energy and imagination of Professor Philip Siegelman, our book editor, has in my opinion brought the book review section to a new level of usefulness to the profession. The work of these gifted professionals has not only lifted the quality of theReviewbut also the spirits of the managing editor. Barbara Hight, Norma Jean Minor, Lenny Cooper and, for a time, Margaret Carlson, performed the mundane tasks that kept the machinery going: placing the calls and opening the mail, unwrapping the books and sending out reminders, snipping authors' names off manuscripts and balancing our bank account, collating galleys and bringing back coffee.

The sum total of these routine tasks is, I suppose, what producing a scholarly journal is all about. An editorial office cannot write a scholarly journal — scholars do that. It is our job to see that what scholars do write and send to us is evaluated fairly — and so far as we can extort cooperation from our referees, promptly — presented attractively and with fidelity and delivered seasonably into the hands of readers.
Inside the Courts: The Judicial Fellows Program
Authors: Cannon Mark W. , Morris Jeffrey B.
Published: September 2013

It is three minutes of ten on a Monday morning. A long buzzer sounds. Quickly sweeping papers and books aside, climbing the 40 steps in a score of bounds, crossing the wooden barrier to enter by a side door, one slips into a chair in the extreme back and side of the courtroom, at the foot of one of the great columns of Italian marble, in time to hear Al Wong, the Marshal,intone“Oyez, oyez….”

The formal announcement of the Judicial Fellows program which appears annually inPSand other professional journals, and the posters which are seen outside placement offices, convey little of the essence of the experience. Since the Judicial Fellows Program is not only the younger sibling of the Congressional and the White House Fellows, but much, much smaller—with only two or three Fellows selected annually—relatively little is known about it.
Political Science Departments: Reputations Versus Productivity
Authors: Robey John S.
Published: September 2013

This brief essay is written in an attempt to provide a comparison of the reputed quality of political science departments with measures of their productivity. The first study done in the last two decades which purported to assess the “quality” of political science departments was published in 1959 by Hayward Keniston. Keniston's study relied on a survey of the chairpersons of 25 departments and was greatly improved upon by Professors Albert Somit and Joseph Tanenhaus who attempted to measure the strength of political science doctoral programs by drawing a random sample of more than 400 political scientists who were members of the American Political Science Association. In 1966 Professor Allan M. Cartter published the results of his survey of 35 chairpersons, 66 “senior scholars” and 64 “junior scholars” and obtained virtually identical results as the Somit-Tanenhaus study. The results of these studies may be seen in Table 1.

These studies are all valuable additions to the literature; however, the concepts of reputed “quality” or “strength” may suffer from many of the same drawbacks as the concept of reputed “power.”

That is, a department may have a reputation of excellence and yet publish very little. Converse.
Keefe Smiling!
Authors: Baker Ross
Published: September 2013

Among the legendary thin volumes such asEthics for Used-Car DealersorLove Sonnets for Bureaucrats, one would invariably find a copy ofThe Wit and Humor of Political Science. There is an irony here and it is this: the very subject matter which is studied by political scientists—government and politics—has produced an enormous amount of humor, but those who study it rarely allow themselves the luxury of approaching the topic with levity or a sense of the absurd. How can it be that what is humorous in practice is so serious in theory? There are jokes about sports, jokes about ethnic groups, jokes about sex, and even jokes about religion but can anyone recall the last time he was elbowed in the ribs and had someone snicker to him, “Say, did you hear the latest joke about content analysis?” What would a joke about political scientists sound like? Would it go something like this? Question: How many political scientists does it take to experience love-making? The answer is three—two to ask each other how it felt and the third to determine the degree of inter-coder reliability. Pretty slim pickings on the whole until the book that is the subject of this piece of arrant puffery.
The Mershon Center at The Ohio State University
Authors: Snyder Richard C.
Published: September 2013

Although the Mershon Center was formally established by The Ohio State University Trustees in 1967, it is necessary and accurate to add that its origins can be traced back to 1954 when the will of Colonel Ralph D. Mershon, an alumnus, was probated. That document provided that not less than 50 percent of the income from the bequest be spent for the promotion of activities that can be said to fall within the area of national security.

Following a period of years during which a university-wide faculty committee administered the funds made available from the restricted endowment income, the Trustees approved what amounted in essence to a social science program of national security studies to be administered by a director. The late Edgar S. Furniss, Jr., came from Princeton in 1963 to conceive and implement the new program. Until his untimely death in 1966, Furniss' extremely effective leadership made possible a series of faculty appointments, doctoral fellowships, widely heralded international conferences, and high quality, scholarly publications whose enduring relevance and impact are plainly visible years later.
Trends in NSF Political Science Program Activity, 1975–1979
Authors: Wright Gerald C.
Published: September 2013

The data presented here were initially compiled as part of a background report for the May 19–20, 1980, meeting for oversight review of the NSF Political Science Program. These data on proposed loads, funding levels, and success rates are from the Foundation's proposal information data base. In sharp contrast to the criteria by which proposals submitted to the Program are reviewed, my goal here is purely desriptive. No attempt at explanation is ventured here beyond indicating a few specifics that seem important in interpreting changes in the data series.
Political Scientists and the Republican National Conventions
Authors: Bibby John F.
Published: September 2013

During the early 1960s, political scientists were afforded an opportunity to serve as participant-observers at both national party conventions under the convention fellowship program of the old National Center for Education in Politics (NCEP). With NCEP sponsorship, political scientists attached themselves to state delegations, convention committees and candidate organizations to observe at first hand the work of the conventions. A significant segment of our knowledge of conventions was derived from the writing of these NCEP fellows (see, for example, Paul Tillet, editor,Inside Politics: The National Party Conventions, 1960, which was cited frequently in the early editions of such standard texts as Polsby and Wildavsky'sPresidential Elections. The NCEP fellows' work also provided a basis for more sophisticated research. Although the NCEP has lapsed, its national convention and national committee fellowship programs resulted in continuing participation by political scientists at Republican national conventions.

Involvement at the staff level in Republican conventions by political scientists has been most extensive in the work of the Committee on Resolutions (Platform). Arthur L. Peterson, formerly of Ohio Wesleyan University and now Dean at Eckard College, was a key staff member (Executive Director in 1964, 1968, 1972) of the Platform Committees between 1960 and 1976.
Mass Media and Presidential Selection
Authors: Rubin Richard L.
Published: September 2013

Presidential candidates know that the “press” (that is, print and electronic media) is often a decisive force in American electoral politics and spend much of their time trying to manipulate it for their own benefit. To politicians it is really a personal political matter, and the tendency when they speak about it is to both personalize and over-generalize the decisiveness of its influence. Thus, in 1976, Ted Kennedy stated flatly, “The press made Carter,” whereas Jimmy Carter repeatedly complained of the press's crucial role in “unmaking him” as president.

To political scientists the impact of the press, particularly television, is of primarily “systematic” importance rather than of personal interest—except of course, for those who would like to spend some years in Washington as advisor-practitioners. Scholars and students know that television has changed things a lot, but we are not exactly sure how much and what kind of responsibility the press as a whole bears for the substantial institutional changes that have occurred in the last two decades. Let me offer briefly some of the conclusions I have come to after researching, thinking, and writing for some years on this topic. I shall look, first, at what is new about television news compared to the pre-electronic era and, second, how the most significant of these mass communications changes have affected our electoral institutions and the presidency itself.
In Congress Reassembled: Reconciliation and the Legislative Process
Authors: Schick Allen
Published: September 2013

Reconciliation forces Congress to consider issues in redistributive terms and alters traditional roles and relationships, but this legislative technique may be short-lived.

The 1981 battle of the budget might leave a deeper imprint on legislative behavior than on federal programs and expenditures. The process that produced the omnibus reconciliation bill was extraordinary in its scope and in its integration of diverse legislative activities. More than 30 House and Senate committees were drawn into the reconciliation process and more than half of the Members of Congress participated in the conferences that resulted in the reconciliation decision. The outcome was not a perfectly consistent set of budget decisions, but for a legislature that thrives on the dispersion of power, reconciliation demanded much more cohesion and coordination than Congress normally achieves.

It is too early to determine whether reconciliation will become a permanent feature of the congressional budget process or whether it will be applied as extensively in the future as it was in 1981. If it were confined to a few committees and only changed the budget at the margins, reconciliation might not affect basic legislative roles and relationships. But if it continues to demand the active cooperation of numerous committees and tries to change major parts of the budget, reconciliation would certainly lead to a redistribution of legislative power.
Fear and Loathing on Capitol Hill: The 99th Congress and Economic Policy
Authors: Van Horn Carl E.
Published: September 2013

The first session of the 99th Congress was a year of wrenching institutional and political realignment. Facing monstrous structural budget deficits in excess of $200 billion a year. Congress struggled to adjust its distributive urges to the unpleasant realities of a redistributive era. Unlike previous budget crises that were caused by economic events beyond Congress's control, the current problem was created by an unwillingness to raise sufficient revenues to pay for the nation's defense and social program commitments. Frustration, gridlock, and partisan warfare eventually ended in surrender to the Executive Branch: a balanced-budget act was adopted that could radically alter Congress's power of the purse.

During the 99th Congress, many Democratic members also continued to realign their policy positions in accordance with contemporary economic and political forces. Democrats in Congress searched for an appealing formula that would ensure political survival and continued control of the House. But the strain of reconciling their traditional public philosophy with conservative trends left Democrats demoralized and in disarray.
Easy Riders: Gramm-Rudman-Hollings and the Legislative Fast Track
Authors: Hoadley John F.
Published: September 2013

Conventional wisdom suggests that the legislative process is not an efficient or speedy one when it comes to major legislation or significant policy changes. According to Price (1985, p. 162), “Congress is often difficult to mobilize, particularly on high-conflict issues of broad scope.” The multiyear effort to enact Medicare legislation and the inability of Congress to enact comprehensive energy legislation in the 1970s are but two examples of the deliberate pace of the deliberative process.

Yet in 1985, a major reform of the budgetary process, popularly known as Gramm-Rudman-Hollings, was enacted in a relatively short time without the benefit of extended subcommittee and committee deliberation. This “fast track” legislation, on the heels of other accelerated decisions since 1981, makes it difficult to draw the conclusion that Congress is unable to act quickly on major policies. In fact, the nature of the Gramm-Rudman-Hollings debate suggests that modifications to our theories of the legislative process are needed.

No one who has watched Congress would labor under the misconception that legislation routinely follows the process outlined on those neat charts in introductory American government textbooks. There are all too many examples of major bills that were approved as riders to minor legislation or that bypassed the normal committee process. For example, portions of President Carter's energy package were approved as amendments to tariff bills on bicycle parts and bobsleds. Furthermore, there are many examples of steps taken to bypass a powerful committee chairman, such as the drafting of the 1963 civil-rights bill so that it would go to the Senate Commerce Committee instead of the Judiciary Committee where it would be killed by Chairman James Eastland (D-Miss.).
Leadership in the Slow Lane
Authors: Deering Christopher J.
Published: September 2013

While slightly unconventional, the earnest request of Indiana Republican Sen. Dan Quayle's six-year-old daughter (Conconi, 1985, p. B3) is nothing new to Senate Majority Leader Robert Dole (R-Kan.). Indeed, Majority Whip Alan Simpson (R-Wyo.) has said that the senators Dole must lead are “like children lining up in the elementary school classroom asking when they can go to the bathroom” (Granat, 1983, p. 1429). They are all impatient, and they all want their way.

When Quayle was elected in 1980 no one suggested that it would be a 9-to-5 job. And it has not been. Late night sessions, filibusters, endless quorum calls, repeated and repetitive votes numbering in the hundreds, crowded schedules, and yes, even the plaintive request of a six-year-old daughter conspire to make life difficult for a senator. On this particular night, Quayle could make his daughter's performance. Not so much because of the note she had sent to Dole, but because Dole and other Republican senators were scheduled to roast Sen. Jesse Helms (R-N.C.) and then quickly return to the House to hear President Reagan report on his Geneva summit meeting with Mikhail Gorbachev.

As majority leader, Dole must play to at least five closely related constituencies and overcome numerous obstacles to succeed. He must represent Reagan. He must represent his Republican Party colleagues. He must protect the interests of the 22 Republican Senate seats at risk in the 1986 election—including his own. He must represent and to some extent promote the interests of the entire Senate. And, of course, he must represent the people of Kansas. It need hardly be added that the interests of these constituencies frequently conflict.
Excerpts from Second Declaration of Bernard N. Grofman in Badham v. Eu
Authors: Grofman Bernard N.
Published: September 2013

The 1980s California congressional plans are not shown to be gerrymanders by the fact that the 1982 results were grossly disproportional to the votes of the electorate, nor by the fact that these plans each have only a very small number of seats where both parties have reasonable chances for the victory, nor by the fact that each plan is characterized by tortuously shaped districts, e.g., in San Diego and Northern California, which have no justification in terms of minority protection or in preserving city boundaries intact,although all three of these statements are true. It is well recognized that single member districts cannot be expected to yield proportionality between a party's vote percentage and the percentage of seats it wins (indeed, defense experts cite my own work on just this point); and it is also recognized that neither the absence of competition, nor the existence of ill-compact districts, make a gerrymander in and of themselves. Each of these factors, rather, is an indicator of possible gerrymandering efforts. When all three of these factors are found together with others (e.g., a plan passed in frantic haste by a partisan majority with no input from the minority party, a plan with clear discriminatory impact on the incumbents of the minority party) we have evidence for the conclusion that a plan that looks like a gerrymander, was intended to be a gerrymander, and has the effects of a gerrymander, is a gerrymander.
Young vs. Old in 1984: Generations and Life Stages in Presidential Nomination Politics
Authors: Beck Paul Allen
Published: September 2013

Amidst changing voter preferences and unexpected volatility in candidate fortunes, the 1984 contest for the Democratic presidential nomination contained at least one constant. From Iowa and New Hampshire through “Super Tuesday” and the middle round in big industrial states to the early June finale, voter preferences among the major contenders for the Democratic nomination diverged sharply by age.

Gary Hart enjoyed his greatest support among young voters, while Walter Mondale's strength was drawn from older voters, especially those over 65. The appeal of Jesse Jackson varied by age as well. Young blacks flocked to the Jackson banner. Older blacks, perhaps no less excited by the presence of an attractive black candidate for president, were more reluctant to follow, giving a greater share of their vote than did young blacks to Walter Mondale. Not since the protest candidacies of McCarthy and Kennedy in 1968 or the more successful insurgency of McGovern in 1972 has so much attention been paid to the contrasting responses of Americans of different ages to candidates for the presidency.

Popular accounts of the relationship of age to presidential choice in 1984 have treated these differences as indicative of generational conflict. The epicenter of the Hart constituency is located in the “Vietnam” or “baby boom” generation, while Mondale's generational home base has been placed among voters who came of age politically during the New Deal. The implication is that Mondale represented vestiges of the old Democratic New Deal coalition, whereas Hart was the candidate of Americans for whom the New Deal is only an historical footnote. Simply put, the 1984 Democratic battle commonly has been described as pitting the old coalition against the new ideas.
The Division of Political Science Into American and Non-American Politics: The Case of Legislatures
Authors: Loewenberg Gerhard
Published: September 2013

When undergraduates want to study legislatures, more often than not their choice is limited to a course on Congress, although they may find a course on the legislative process which includes attention to state legislatures. This is hardly a cause for student discontent. The first, and often the only, ambition of political science students is to learn about the American system of government. That is why the introductory course in the discipline is usually a course in American government, why courses on state and local politics are entirely concerned with the United States, why courses on political parties are really about the Democratic and Republican parties, and why there are hardly any courses on the executive at all since the only subject in that area which is taught is the American presidency.

It was not always so. A century ago, as curricula in political science developed in American universities, a general, theoretical concept of politics, derived from continental and particularly German approaches to the subject predominated. The focus on American politics came a full generation later, inspired by a concern for citizenship training and by the prospect of large captive audiences in classrooms of students fulfilling teacher certification requirements.

America First was consistent with the mood of the United States in the 1920s, but less so in the 1930s and 1940s. In those decades student interest in non-American politics revived in response to the nation's involvement in world affairs, and this interest was expressed in the curriculum by separate courses, often misnamed “comparative government.” These were frequently courses in a series of major foreign governments, shaped by the writing and teaching of a new cohort of emigré faculty who revived the European influence on American political science. In this form the study of what was called “comparative government” gained a larger place in the curricula of departments of political science. But as a subfield of the discipline, comparative government remained too small, and the approach was too country-specific, to permit sub-specialization except by geographic areas. There was no place in it for courses on non-American legislatures, or executives, or political parties.
China in Transition: A Travel Memoir, May-June, 1984
Authors: Lipset Seymour Martin
Published: September 2013

Basic to an understanding of China is the fact that it is a Third World nation. The country is clearly very poor. Eighty percent of the population is rural and a large number of the urban dwellers are engaged in low-status, unskilled jobs. There are many involved in trade and selling for artisans and small shop-keepers. While there, I was on occasion surrounded by peddlers, including children, imploring me to buy trinkets and other small items.

The most common form of transportation, by far, is the bicycle. It is omnipresent, particularly in the cities. People ride bikes everywhere. During the times when people are going to or coming from work, it is often hard to pass because of the density of bike-riders. On the roads between the cities, every form of transportation known to the human race may be seen with the exception of the rickshaw. Since the rickshaw is symbolically associated with exploitation in pre-Communist days, it is now outlawed. The current range of road transportation varies from Mercedes to women pulling carts with ropes around their necks, as well as wagons pulled by donkeys or water buffalo.

There are few machines in the countryside. Tractors, other than one horse-power ones, are quite rare. The rural areas frequently offer a sight portrayed in many classic Chinese pictures, hundreds of peasants in the fields working by hand transplanting rice and doing other tasks. While there are many large rice fields, tiny plots of land are also common. It seems as if almost every inch of land that can possibly be farmed is, including cleared areas going up steep mountainsides. Among other crops, wheat is grown on these small mountainside plots. The contrast between these tiny hand-tilled fields and the vast, mechanized wheat farms of North Dakota or Saskatchewan is depressing.
The Supreme Court: From Warren to Burger to Rehnquist
Authors: O'Brien David M.
Published: September 2013

Changes in the composition of the Supreme Court perhaps inevitably invite speculation about whether and how the Court will change, and what direction it will take in the future. The move of William Rehnquist from associate justice to chief justice and the addition of Antonin Scalia certainly alters the chemistry of the Court. These changes may also have a profound impact on the Court's place in American government during the rest of this century.

There is no doubt that the Court will change. Differences are already apparent during oral arguments. Rehnquist is sharper, more thoughtful, more commanding and wittier than his predecessor in the center chair. And from the far right of the bench, Scalia almost bubbles over with energy and questions for counsel. No less revealing is that in the week before the start of the 1986–87 term on the first Monday in October, Rehnquist managed to get the justices to dispose of over 1,000 cases (granting 22 and denying or otherwise disposing of the rest). He did so in only two days, whereas it usually took Burger more than twice as long to get through about the same number.
Health Care in the United States: Access, Costs, and Quality
Authors: Hoadley John F.
Published: September 2013

Fact: As a nation, medical care expenditures represent 10.6% of the gross national product. The portion of the nation's medical care dollar coming from federal sources declined slightly (42.6% to 41.4%) between 1981 and 1984, but this share is more than 15 percentage points above the comparable figure from the years prior to 1965 (Anderson, 1985).

As these numbers illustrate, paying for health care is a very expensive proposition in the United States, consuming a higher proportion of our nation's resources than is true for most developed nations. While we have strongly resisted any move to a government-run system of health care delivery, the above numbers also show clearly that the federal government pays for a substantial share of all health care in this country.

Three major themes have dominated the health policy agenda during recent years: access to health care, cost containment, and quality of care. The fates of these issues have waxed and waned over the years as changes in health care delivery, federal budgetary politics, and shifting public opinion have altered the environment over time. In the 1960s, access was the key issue, as Democratic administrations used government programs to make health care more readily available to all Americans. As inflation levels soared in the 1970s, cost containment was forced onto the agenda, resulting in a series of attempts to reduce federal expenditures on hospital care. Finally, by the mid-1980s, cost containment pressures were modifying slightly; we have recently witnessed a return to access issues and the emergence of quality as a new political issue.
The Presidency, Democratic Reform, and Constitutional Change
Authors: Milkis Sidney M.
Published: September 2013

Recent events have rendered the politics and governance of the American presidency a source of scorn and derision. While the nation seeks to come to terms with problems of the most serious magnitude in domestic and foreign affairs, the incumbent of the nation's highest office is crippled by a byzantine arms scandal. Moreover, the candidacy of the opposition's “front-runner” for the 1988 presidential nomination has been derailed by a scandal sufficiently salacious to displace as the focus of the media's attention the first week of congressional hearings that are investigating the Iran-Contra affair.

These developments represent an extraordinarily sharp shift in perceptions about the state of the presidency and American politics. Until the Iran-Contra revelations, many statesmen and scholars credited the Reagan Administration with suspending the paralysis that seemed to grip the nation during the post-Watergate years. For example, a survey of political scientists carried out by theNational Journalin 1985 revealed that even many scholars who opposed Reagan's policies granted that the president had shown impressive leadership ability in dominating the government's agenda and mastering the Congress (National Journal, April 6, 1985, 743–747). Yet the Iran-Contra affair has apparently spoiled the Reagan legacy, belying the prospects for an enduring restoration of the presidency and a renewed sense of national purpose. The rapid demise of Senator Hart's candidacy reaffirmed that presidential politics was once again mired in issues of personality and institutional disarray. Indeed, the extreme scrutiny of Hart's “private” activities highlighted the ongoing lack of commitment in American politics to apublicphilosophy, as well as the absence of institutional strength necessary to cultivate and sustain a coherent sense of national purpose (Brinkley, 1987).
The Patient Needs All the Blood He Has
Authors: Lowi Theodore J.
Published: September 2013

Life is paradoxical. The more responsive the public has been in providing and expanding educational opportunities the more the universities seem to be threatened by hostile forces and instability. The faster the educator and the education-oriented politician run after their constituencies, the more their constituencies seem to feel alienated. So clear has been this relationship between the expansion and the instability that one is tempted to say that the effort was the cause.

This is a distinct possibility. Our remarkable ability to provide physical plant, teachers and quality courses for higher education is admired and emulated the world over. Compared to Europe, the quality is high even as measured by access to professors, despite the complaints one hears. The crunch does not come, therefore, from insufficient response or poor quality. The crunch comes from the change in substantive outputs of the university. That is to say, higher education in America has been undergoing a revolution in the character of its activities.

This revolution in substance or output cannot be attributed to the demands for more education. Demands on the scale of thousands and millions are simply not that specific. Changes in the nature and function of the university were made by donors, legislators, and college administrators. But the primary influence has been that of educational philosophers and educational policy-makers located in the college presidencies and the upper regions of the large bureaucratized philanthropies. Surprisingly enough, business executives have not been that specifically influential.
Social Solidarity: A Note on the Health of the Profession
Authors: Kariel Henry S.
Published: September 2013

Since I have been unable to find a formula which might justify simply publishing the welter of mixed responses I have received, I thought I might at least provide those who responded to my inquiry (84.2%) with a basis for assessing our common enterprise.

The profession would appear to be inordinately healthy. There is certainly an abundance of self-restraint, decorum, ingenuity, and determination not to be taken in by mischievous gimmicks. Nelson Polsby was not alone in seeing that the survey was rigged to fail since it would publicize work which, as he put it, ought to enjoy a little benign neglect. A preponderant majority of respondents managed to be evasive by a display of wit and cunning which surely excused the fact that they had resolved to hurt no one. Those who were not masterfully evasive met the issue head-on. In what has suddenly become an especially engaging note, Clinton Rossiter wrote a week before his death:

I would like to oblige, but the overpowering fact is that I would hurt the feelings of a very good friend were I to single out the article or book published during the last quarter century that seems to me to “have received too much attention.” I have been a witness to and target of just a little too much nastiness in our profession in the past couple of years, and I hope you will excuse me from adding, however tactfully, to the sum total of nastiness that seems to pervade this world.
Femina Studens rei Publicae: Notes on her Professional Achievement
Authors: Schuck Victoria
Published: September 2013

The profile ofFemina Studens rei Publicaewhich has developed from the gross statistics and the 1969 survey of departments of political science shows that the professional woman in academia is primarily in the lower ranks, often not even on the first step of the promotion “ladder” and is teaching undergraduates. Although her habitat is the small college, there are signs that she may be emerging from it to the faculties of the city and state university. Recently she has been receiving Ph.D.'s at a greater rate of growth than that for men, but she still remains a small minority. In considering the following ratios related to her publications, other evidences of scholarship, and the recognition accorded to her in the profession, it is important to stress that the woman political scientist who is teaching constitutes five percent of the membership in the A.P.S.A. and according to the 1969 survey, 8.4 percent of all faculty in political science in colleges and universities.
The Minority Voters' Promised Land?
Authors: Bernd Joseph L.
Published: September 2013

The novel scheme for proportional representation developed by Professor Steven J. Brams (PS, Summer, 1970, pp. 321–335) has at least two major advantages in comparison with most electoral plans:

1 The plan permits the voter to give effect to the intensity of his support for individual candidates. Each voter has at his disposal a number of votes equal to the number of offices to be filled, but, assuming that fractions are not allowed, the voter has as many alternative means for distributing his votes as there are mathematical combinations for the set of numbers represented by the number of votes to be cast. For example, let us assume that six seats on the APSA board are to be filled. The voter may cast his six votes, one for each of six candidates, or he may cast six votes for a single candidate, or he may distribute his votes equally or unequally among several candidates.

2 Professor Brams presents a mathematical analysis to demonstrate that the plan under specified conditions facilitates representation of differing interests, including minority interests, in rough proportion to their numerical strengths, provided the interests are effectively organized, have accurate information as to the voting strengths of the competing interests, and are able to make and implement maximizing choices regarding the voting decisions. As in gaming, the aim of such organized effort is to maximize the chances of the opposition electing only a minimum number of its chosen candidates. For example, if three candidates are to be elected, a minority group able to poll a united vote of 26 per cent is able to muster 3 x 26 = 78 votes. If the other 74 per cent of the votes are united in organized opposition, they may divide their 3 x 74 = 222 votes in the following alternative arrangements:

a) 222 votes for one candidate.

b) 111 votes for each of two candidates.

c) 74 votes for each of three candidates.

It is evident that the minority, if able to concentrate its effort behind a single candidate (3 x 26 = 78 votes), will elect its candidate in spite of any strategy which the majority interest may choose.
Assessing the Political Environment for Business: A New Role for Political Scientists?
Authors: LaPalombara Joseph
Published: September 2013

Political scientists are only now, and dimly, beginning to recognize that something called “political risk analysis” (PRA) is very much in vogue in the corporate and banking communities of this country. Any attempt to assess this uncommon development should begin with this question: Why would any banker or corporate manager wish to spend hard cash on anything political scientists might have to say about places overseas where banks and multinational corporations lend or invest their capital? After all, the profession is not exactly distinguished by its ability to make accurate forecasts. Indeed, Sartori has argued that political scientists ought to eschew forecasting entirely in that they are best able to explain what happened as opposed to what may come to pass.

Sartori's assertion of course would make historians of us all—and burden us with the historian's smug claim that, if the history examined is too recent, the immediacy of events will distort our vision and bias our judgments. Thus, rather than try to foretell where, say, Germany will move politically next year we should expend (more!) of our resources to establish once and for all what really caused Weimar to collapse and Hitler to come to power.

This is not the stuff of political risk analysis. Growing interest in this activity is little based on broad analyses of the past or on long-term forecasts of future events. The potential consumers of political assessments are intelligent, harried bankers and corporate managers who are pressed to make relatively short-term decisions that affect the viability of enterprise and investment-and, equally important, careers-in professions where tenure is unknown.
The Accuracy of Electoral Regulations: The Case of the Right to Vote by People with Cognitive Impairments
Authors: Beckman Ludvig
Published: September 2013

People with cognitive impairments are regularly denied access to the vote in democratic nations. At the same time, the accuracy of legal regulations is uncertain due to the variety of legal classifications and the vague administrative procedures envisaged for their implementation. This article offers an extensive analysis of the accuracy of legal restrictions on the vote for people with cognitive impairments in all electoral democracies. The article argues that the prospect of ever regulating the vote accurately, in the sense of avoiding both misclassifications and arbitrary administration of restrictions, is difficult to envisage. In the face of the regulatory problems associated with the attempt to restrict the vote for people with cognitive impairment, it is concluded that enfranchisement of all adult citizens would constitute an improvement.
Abrahamic Scriptural Reading from an Anglican Perspective
Authors: Quash Ben
Published: September 2013

This article offers a distinctively Anglican evaluation of the practice of Scriptural Reasoning. It draws upon personal experience, and frames its discussion with two ‘case studies’ describing SR study in action. It engages closely with Peter Ochs's positive theorization of Anglican postliberalism from a Jewish perspective in his book Another Reformation. With Ochs, the article rejects the premise that a neutral ‘common ground’ of theoretical agreement is a prerequisite for fruitful encounter across religious traditions, and claims that the traditions in question have generated their own tradition-specific resources for dialogue. The central part of the argument looks for correlations between an Anglican trinitarianism that valorizes historical process and analogical reasoning (something that, with Ochs, might be described as a pneumatological emphasis on the ‘found’), and an Anglican legitimation of SR. The value of reading commentary from the Christian, Jewish and Muslim traditions alongside scriptural texts is asserted.
New media methods for syndromic surveillance and disease modelling.
Authors: Walker J. G.
Published: September 2013

Morbidity and mortality associated with an infectious disease outbreak can be mitigated by early detection followed by swift action. Modelling, tracking and predicting disease outbreaks are therefore priorities for public health agencies. New media data sources, including social media platforms, the internet and mobile phone applications, now aid in detecting outbreaks earlier than would have been possible using traditional surveillance methods alone. I review the literature on uses of new media methods for detecting disease outbreaks in humans and animals, with a focus on veterinary diseases and the difference in challenges compared with human disease surveillance. I then discuss the complex issue of evaluation of new media-based surveillance systems. The proliferation of new media methods for disease surveillance has not included published evaluation of each method or of the challenges faced, which limits the potential for a particular method to be applied outside its original context.
Education for service: social service and higher education in India and Britain, 1905-1919
Authors: Brewis Georgina
Published: September 2013

Purpose

– The purpose of this paper is to discuss a vibrant social service culture in British and Indian higher education institutions in the period 1905-1919. The paper explores the many reciprocal influences between India and Britain, which lay behind the student social service movement. Developments in metropole and colony were so influenced by transnational movements of people and ideas that the common approaches and shared ideals which emerged cannot be fully understood by study of either setting in isolation.

Design/methodology/approach

– The paper draws on a rich vein of college magazines and social service league publications as well as the writings of a range of enthusiasts for social service. The rapid spread of social service ideas across India and Britain relied on the exchange of ideas through English-language magazines and journals and the outreach work of leading social servants who addressed numerous student groups and meetings.

Findings

– Developments in Indian and British student service were shaped by and shaped in turn a wider social movement in the early twentieth century. Indian and western educationalists spread ideas about student social service through lectures, publications and international exchanges. Student social servants in both metropole and colony shared a set of core values which made up an “ideal of service”. Students in both metropole and colony were enjoined to view their education as a period of preparation for greater service to the nation after graduation. Student service leagues were involved in reworking patriotic idiom to link social service with nation building.

Originality/value

– The paper builds on recent work on social service and education to develop knowledge and understanding of transnational networks of educationalists, particular movements of people and ideas between colonial India and metropolitan Britain. Taking social service in higher education as a case study, the paper argues for the need to study developments in both metropole and colony in order to better understand reciprocal impacts.
Therapeutic Use of Stories for Children with Atopic Eczema and Other Chronic Skin Conditions
Authors: Naidoo Rohan J. , Williams Hywel C.
Published: September 2013

Children with chronic skin diseases often experience significant psychological difficulties, yet pediatric dermatologists rarely have psychology professionals on hand to help address them. This article presents personalized stories as a technique for integrating psychologically developed interventions into day‐to‐day clinical practice with a view to improving treatment outcomes.
Enhanced Performance of Solar Diffusion Driven Desalination
Authors: Alnaimat Fadi , Klausner James F.
Published: September 2013

This study concerns an improvement in the solar diffusion driven desalination process under dynamic operating conditions for decentralized water production. The utilization of a heat exchanger for the solar diffusion driven desalination (DDD) process to recuperate the latent heat of condensation has been examined. It is found that the recuperated latent heat is best used for preheating the air inlet to the evaporator. Improvements in the system performance are achieved by increasing fresh water production by 30% for the solar DDD with a 0.75 effectiveness in the integrated heat exchanger. A theoretical model is implemented for analyzing the integrated desalination system, and a numerical assessment of the system performance for different operating conditions is presented. It is found that the installation of a heat exchanger for heat recovery in the air stream prior to entering the direct contact condenser increases the water production rate and reduces the specific energy consumption. It is concluded that the delayed operating mode for the solar DDD with an integrated heat exchanger is the best operating mode.
Angular Dependency on Film Boiling Heat Transfer From Relatively Long Inclined Flat Plates
Authors: Soo Kim Chan , Suh Kune Y.
Published: September 2013

The effect of inclination angle of the downward facing flat plate on the interfacial wavy motion is investigated utilizing the water quenching test apparatus downward ebullient laminar transition apparatus flat surface (DELTA-FS) in a quasi-steady state. Film boiling heat transfer coefficients are obtained on the relatively long surface in the flow direction. Interfacial velocities at the various inclination angles and wall superheat conditions are determined through the analysis of the visualized continuous snapshots with 1000 fps. Visualization of the vapor film reveals that the interfacial wavelength increases and the interfacial velocity decreases as the flat plate moves from the vertical to downward facing locations. A new semi-empirical correlation is developed from the measured heat transfer coefficients and interfacial velocities. The correlation shows good agreement with the previous water test results on vertical plates. In the case of the previous other fluid experimental results on the vertical plates, the correlation overpredicts the film boiling heat transfer coefficients at the experimental condition.
Is high-intensity interval training a time-efficient exercise strategy to improve health and fitness?
Authors: Gillen Jenna B. , Gibala Martin J.
Published: September 2013

Growing research suggests that high-intensity interval training (HIIT) is a time-efficient exercise strategy to improve cardiorespiratory and metabolic health. “All out” HIIT models such as Wingate-type exercise are particularly effective, but this type of training may not be safe, tolerable or practical for many individuals. Recent studies, however, have revealed the potential for other models of HIIT, which may be more feasible but are still time-efficient, to stimulate adaptations similar to more demanding low-volume HIIT models and high-volume endurance-type training. As little as 3 HIIT sessions per week, involving ≤10 min of intense exercise within a time commitment of ≤30 min per session, including warm-up, recovery between intervals and cool down, has been shown to improve aerobic capacity, skeletal muscle oxidative capacity, exercise tolerance and markers of disease risk after only a few weeks in both healthy individuals and people with cardiometabolic disorders. Additional research is warranted, as studies conducted have been relatively short-term, with a limited number of measurements performed on small groups of subjects. However, given that “lack of time” remains one of the most commonly cited barriers to regular exercise participation, low-volume HIIT is a time-efficient exercise strategy that warrants consideration by health practitioners and fitness professionals.