bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
A conservative scheme for the shallow‐water system on a staggered geodesic grid based on a Nambu representation
Authors: Sommer Matthias , Névir Peter
Published: February 2009

A conservative spatial discretization scheme is constructed for a shallow‐water system on a geodesic grid with C‐type staggering. It is derived from the original equations written in Nambu form, which is a generalization of Hamiltonian representation. The term ‘conservative scheme’ refers to one that preserves the constitutive quantities, here total energy and potential enstrophy. We give a proof for the non‐existence of potential enstrophy sources in this semi‐discretization. Furthermore, we show numerically that in comparison with traditional discretizations, such schemes can improve stability and the ability to represent conservation and spectral properties of the underlying partial differential equations. Copyright © 2009 Royal Meteorological Society
Augmenting real data with synthetic data: an application in assessing Radio‐Isotope identification algorithms
Authors: Burr T. , Hamada M. S. , Graves T. L. , Myers S.
Published: February 2009

The performance of Radio‐Isotope IDentification (RIID) algorithms using gamma spectroscopy is increasingly becoming important. For example, sensors at locations that screen for illicit nuclear material rely on isotope identification to resolve innocent nuisance alarms arising from naturally occurring radioactive material. Recent data collections for RIID testing consist of repeat measurements for each of several scenarios to test RIID algorithms. Efficient allocation of measurement resources requires an appropriate number of repeats for each scenario. To help allocate measurement resources in such data collections for RIID algorithm testing, we consider using only a few real repeats per scenario. In order to reduce uncertainty in the estimated RIID algorithm performance for each scenario, the potential merit of augmenting these real repeats with realistic synthetic repeats is also considered. Our results suggest that for the scenarios and algorithms considered, approximately 10 real repeats augmented with simulated repeats will result in an estimate having comparable uncertainty to the estimate based on using 60 real repeats. Published in 2009 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Coordinate scaling of the kinetic energy in pair density functional theory: A Legendre transform approach
Authors: Cuevas‐Saavedra Rogelio , Ayers Paul W.
Published: February 2009

We show that the kinetic energy functional in pair density functional theory is homogeneous of degree 2 with respect to coordinate scaling. Although this result was already derived by Levy and Ziesche using the constrained search method (Levy and Ziesche, J Chem Phys 2001, 115, 9110), we derive our result using the Legendre transform formulation (Ayers et al., J Chem Phys 2006, 124, 054101). The advantage of this approach is that in the Legendre transform functional, the N‐representability problem is solved by the functional. By contrast, in the Levy–Ziesche approach, the computationally impracticable N‐representability constraints have to be imposed separately. © 2009 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Int J Quantum Chem, 2009
Validated assay for the simultaneous quantification of total vincristine and actinomycin‐D concentrations in human EDTA plasma and of vincristine concentrations in human plasma ultrafiltrate by high‐performance liquid chromatography coupled with tandem mass spectrometry
Authors: Damen Carola W. N. , Israëls Trijn , Caron Huib N. , Schellens Jan H.M. , Rosing Hilde , Beijnen Jos H.
Published: February 2009

A sensitive, specific and efficient high‐performance liquid chromatography/tandem mass spectrometry (HPLC/MS/MS) assay for the simultaneous determination of total vincristine and actinomycin‐D concentrations in human plasma and an assay for the determination of unbound vincristine are presented. Electrospray ionization (ESI), atmospheric pressure chemical ionization (APCI) and heated electrospray ionization (H‐ESI) were tested as ionization interfaces. For reasons of robustness ESI was chosen followed by tandem mass spectrometry (ESI‐MS/MS). For the plasma assay a 30 µL aliquot was protein precipitated with acetonitrile/methanol (50:50, v/v) containing the internal standard vinorelbine and 10 µL volumes were injected onto the HPLC system. To determine unbound vincristine, ultrafiltrate was produced from plasma using 30 kDa centrifugal filter units. The plasma ultrafiltrate was mixed with methanol (50:50, v/v), internal standard vinorelbine was added and 20 µL aliquots were injected onto the HPLC system. Separation was achieved on a 50 × 2.1 mm i.d. Xbridge C18 column using 1 mM ammonium acetate/acetonitrile (30:70, v/v) adjusted to pH 10.5 with ammonia, run in a gradient with methanol at a flow rate of 0.4 mL/min. HPLC run time was 6 min. The assay quantifies in plasma vincristine from 0.25 to 100 ng/mL and actinomycin‐D from 0.5 to 250 ng/mL using plasma sample volumes of only 30 µL. Vincristine in plasma ultrafiltrate can be quantified from 1 to 100 ng/mL. Validation results demonstrate that vincristine and actinomycin‐D can be accurately and precisely quantified in human plasma and plasma ultrafiltrate with the presented methods. The assays are now in use to support clinical pharmacological studies in children treated with vincristine and actinomycin‐D. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Evaluation of call blocking probabilities in LEO satellite networks
Authors: Yiltas Derya , Zaim A. Halim
Published: February 2009

In this paper, we present a new method for calculating call blocking probabilities (CBPs) in a low Earth orbit satellite network that carries voice calls. The calculation of the CBPs uses the Erlang‐B formula, but the traffic intensity has been modified to take into the time and location in which the calls are made. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Ultrasound increases DNA damage attributable to cisplatin in cisplatin‐resistant human ovarian cancer cells
Authors: Yu T. , Yang Y. , Liu S. , Yu H.
Published: February 2009

Objective

An increased capacity for DNA repair plays a very important role in cisplatin (DDP) resistance in ovarian cancers. Ultrasound is a potential chemotherapy sensitizer. The aim of this study was to determine whether ultrasound in conjunction with chemotherapy increases DNA damage in chemoresistant human ovarian cancer cells.

Methods

Ultrasound and/or cyclosporin A were used to overcome chemoresistance in a DDP‐resistant human ovarian cancer cell line, COC1/DDP. DNA damage was quantified by comet assay, a form of single‐cell gel electrophoresis in which the length of the comet tail reflects the level of DNA damage.

Results

Neither ultrasound nor cyclosporin A alone led to detectable DNA breakage. The use of ultrasound increased DNA breakage due to DDP, while the use of cyclosporin A did not. The addition of ultrasound and cyclosporin A in conjunction with DDP resulted in a 2.55 times increase in the length of comet tail compared with using DDP alone, while their combined use resulted in a 1.73 times increase compared with the combination of just DDP and insonation.

Conclusions

Insonation increases DNA breakage attributable to DDP in chemoresistant human ovarian cancer cells, and might sensitize cyclosporin A. Copyright © 2009 ISUOG. Published by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Changes in myometrial ‘perfusion’ during normal labor as visualized by three‐dimensional power Doppler angiography
Authors: Jones N. W. , Raine‐Fenning N. J. , Jayaprakasan K. , Mousa H. A. , Taggart M. J. , Bugg G. J.
Published: February 2009

Objectives

Myometrial contractions are one of the most important aspects of effective labor. For cells within the myometrium to work efficiently they need to be well oxygenated and this requires an adequate blood supply. This study used quantitative three‐dimensional (3D) power Doppler angiography to calculate the percentage change in myometrial blood flow during a relaxation–contraction–relaxation cycle of active labor.

Methods

Transabdominal 3D power Doppler ultrasound imaging was used to acquire volumetric data during the first stage of spontaneous labor in 20 term, nulliparous women. 3D datasets were acquired during a single cycle of uterine relaxation, contraction and subsequent relaxation for each subject. The resultant datasets were analyzed independently by two investigators on two occasions using Virtual Organ Computer‐aided AnaLysis to define a volume of interest within the myometrium; the power Doppler signal within this volume was quantified to provide 3D indices of vascularity: vascularization index (VI), flow index (FI) and vascularization flow index (VFI). The percentage change in these indices, during a uterine contraction, was calculated from the baseline value during the initial uterine relaxation phase (taken as a maximum of 100%).

Results

Myometrial blood flow fell significantly during the uterine contraction and returned during the subsequent relaxation phase of the cycle (P < 0.001 for VI and VFI, P = 0.002 for FI). From the initial baseline relaxation value, VI dropped to 43.9%, FI to 85.5% and VFI to 40.8% during uterine contraction, and returned to 86.7%, 98.1% and 89.1%, respectively, during the subsequent relaxation. The intraclass correlation coefficients in blood flow measurements of 0.982–0.999 between the two investigators were indicative of good interobserver reliability.

Conclusions

This study confirms that myometrial perfusion, as measured by quantitative 3D power Doppler angiography, significantly falls during uterine contractions, returns during the subsequent relaxation phase, and can be quantified reliably from stored datasets. Further work is now required to establish clinical applicability for this non‐invasive investigation. Copyright © 2009 ISUOG. Published by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
A Systematic Study on the Crystal Structures of TlMX4 (M = Al, Ga; X = Cl, Br, I)
Authors: Timofte Tudor , Mudring Anja‐Verena
Published: February 2009

TlAlCl4 and TlGaCl4 crystallize isotypic in the BaSO4 structure type. Both, TlAlI4 and TlGaI4 crystallize isotypic in a distorted LiAlCl4 structure type. In contrast to the tetrachloro and tetraiodo compounds, the tetrabromoaluminate and ‐gallate crystallize not isotypic with each other. TlAlBr4 is found to crystallize isotypic with KAlBr4 whilst TlGaBr4 crystallizes in its own structure type. Despite the high diversity in structure types adopted by the studied TlMX4 compounds, all of them can be regarded as distortions from the BaSO4 structure type resulting from rotation of the MX4 tetrahedra against each other. Because of this, low symmetry coordination environments around the thallium cation are generated. Comparison with isotypic alkali metal compounds shows that the strongly distorted thallium surroundings cannot be attributed to a stereochemical activity of the 6s2 lone pair.
REVERSE ITERATED FUNCTION SYSTEM AND DIMENSION OF DISCRETE FRACTALS
Authors: DENG QI-RONG
Published: February 2009

A reverse iterated function system is defined as a family of expansive maps {T1,T2,…,Tm} on a uniformly discrete set $M\subset \Bbb {R}^d$. An invariant set is defined to be a nonempty set $F\subseteq M$ satisfying F=⋃ j=1mTj(F). A computation method for the dimension of the invariant set is given and some questions asked by Strichartz are answered.
A NOTE ON MONOTONE LINDELÖFNESS OF COUNTABLE SPACES
Authors: SONG YAN-KUI
Published: February 2009

In this note, we give an example of a Hausdorff, countable monotone Lindelöf space which is not metrizable, which gives a negative answer to a question raised by Levy and Matveev.
SKEW-PRODUCT DYNAMICAL SYSTEMS, ELLIS GROUPS AND TOPOLOGICAL CENTRE
Authors: JABBARI A. , VISHKI H. R. E.
Published: February 2009

In this paper, a general construction of a skew-product dynamical system, for which the skew-product dynamical system studied by Hahn is a special case, is given. Then the ergodic and topological properties (of a special type) of our newly defined systems (called Milnes-type systems) are investigated. It is shown that the Milnes-type systems are actually natural extensions of dynamical systems corresponding to some special distal functions. Finally, the topological centre of Ellis groups of any skew-product dynamical system is calculated.
ISOMETRIES AND SPECTRA OF MULTIPLICATION OPERATORS ON THE BLOCH SPACE
Authors: ALLEN ROBERT F. , COLONNA FLAVIA
Published: February 2009

In this paper, we establish bounds on the norm of multiplication operators on the Bloch space of the unit disk via weighted composition operators. In doing so, we characterize the isometric multiplication operators to be precisely those induced by constant functions of modulus 1. We then describe the spectrum of the multiplication operators in terms of the range of the symbol. Lastly, we identify the isometries and spectra of a particular class of weighted composition operators on the Bloch space.
The political consequences of the product cycle: industrial history and political outcomes
Authors: Kurth James R.
Published: February 2009

What explains the continuing stagnation in the industrial economies of the West? What will be the impact of such stagnation upon domestic politics and upon international relations? Are there domestic and foreign policies which the state can undertake to bring about a return to sustained economic prosperity and a recapitulation of that lost golden age of 1948–1973? These are now the central questions for scholars in the emerging field of international political economy. A recent special issue of International Organization, edited by Peter Katzenstein, has presented some of the most useful and sophisticated approaches to these questions and analyses of the international political economy of the West during the period of the last thirty years.
National political support for regional integration: the Andean Pact
Authors: Ferris Elizabeth G.
Published: February 2009

Little work has been done—on either a conceptual or an empirical level—in assessing the way in which national political support operates in the context of the regional integration scheme. The purpose of this study is to describe and explain patterns of national support for one regional integration scheme, the Andean Pact. It is suggested here that foreign policy behavior toward a regional integration scheme is not a simple, unidimensional type of behavior, but rather is a complex set of activities and attitudes directed toward specific programs of the regional integration scheme in the pursuit of specific economic development goals and limited by the constraints of resources. The policies of member governments toward the Andean Pact are clearly designed to satisfy national goals and needs. Although some governments have been willing to acquiesce in certain areas of national interest on occasion, by and large the Andean Pact members have consistently sought to further national interests through support of the Andean Pact as a whole.
Intervention analysis of political disturbances, market shocks, and policy initiatives in international commodity markets
Authors: Mingst Karen A. , Stauffer Robert E.
Published: February 2009

Little is known about the impact of international organizations. Neither a rudimentary theory of IGO impact exists nor are there sufficient case studies to develop meaningful generalizations. To answer the question whether they make a difference, the effect of intergovernmental organization (IGO) policies must be evaluated.
Crisis prevention and the Austrian State Treaty
Authors: Larson Deborah Welch
Published: February 2009

Much has been written about how the United States and the Soviet Union have managed crises since World War II, avoiding dangerous escalation and war; little on how the two superpowers haveavoidedconfrontations. In part scholarly neglect of the question of crisis avoidance reflects the acute suspicion and hostility of the cold war. When U.S.-Soviet rivalry was perceived as a struggle between incompatible ideologies and ways of life, it was unthinkable that the superpowers might have any common interests, much less that they could collaborate, even tacitly, to control the conflict in their relationship.
Israeli state-building in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip: theory and practice
Authors: Lustick Ian
Published: February 2009

The most significant political division within Israel since 1967 has beenbetween those Israelis who favor the permanent incorporation of the portions ofEretz Yisrael(The Land of Israel) captured in the Six Day War and those Israelis who favor relinquishing most or all of the West Bank and Gaza Strip in return for a peace agreement with the Arab world and resolution of the Palestinian problem. Although usually considered an issue of security, ideology, or diplomacy, the uncertain disposition of the West Bank and Gaza Strip can usefully be analyzed as a state-building problem.
Burden-sharing in the Persian Gulf War
Authors: Bennett Andrew , Lepgold Joseph , Unger Danny
Published: February 2009

Why do states contribute to alliances? Is relative size the principal factor influencing the size of contributions, as many studies suggest, or are perceptions of threat, dependencies on other alliance members, and domestic institutions and policies equally important? These questions hold unusual interest in the wake of the cold war. The end of bipolarity promises more ad hoc coalitions, which will widen opportunities for research on alliance burden-sharing beyond the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). At the same time, because the political fault lines of the cold war have disappeared, there are few accepted political criteria for sharing those security burdens that are perceived collectively.
The interest-based explanation of international environmental policy
Authors: Sprinz Detlef , Vaahtoranta Tapani
Published: February 2009

Despite growing international environmental interdependence, the international system lacks a central authority to foster environmental protection. As a consequence, countries have adopted different policies to reduce international environmental problems. More specifically, costly regulations are not universally supported. In order to explain the success and failure of international environmental regulation, it is necessary to systematically focus on the factors that shape the environmental foreign policy of sovereign states. Since such an approach is missing from the literature, we develop an interest-based explanation of support for international environmental regulation and postulate what impact it should have on state preferences for international environmental regulation. Specifically we apply our framework to two prominent cases of negotiations on atmospheric pollution control, namely, efforts to protect the stratospheric ozone layer and the regulation of transboundary acidification (“acid rain”) in Europe.
The state and the nation: changing norms and the rules of sovereignty in international relations
Authors: Barkin J. Samuel , Cronin Bruce
Published: February 2009

The international relations literature regularly embraces sovereignty as the primary constitutive rule of international organization. Theoretical traditions that agree on little else all seem to concur that the defining feature of the modern international system is the division of the world into sovereign states. Despite differences over the role of the state in international affairs, most scholars would accept John Ruggie's definition of sovereignty as “the institutionalization of public authority within mutually exclusive jurisdictional domains.” Regardless of the theoretical approach however, the concept tends to be viewed as a static, fixed concept: a set of ideas that underlies international relations but is not changed along with them. Moreover, theessenceof sovereignty is rarely defined; while legitimate authority and territoriality are the key concepts in understanding sovereignty, international relations scholars rarely examine how definitions of populations and territories change through-out history and how this change alters the notion of legitimate authority.
Between power and purpose: central bankers and the politics of regulatory convergence
Authors: Kapstein Ethan Barnaby
Published: February 2009

In the early 1980s, when the debt crisis threatened to disrupt the pattern of trade and investment flows that had evolved since the end of World War II, central bankers faced the challenge of maintaining public confidence in the commercial banks that were at the heart of the international payments system. Although the central bankers agreed that a run on one international bank could lead to a global catastrophe requiring massive government intervention, they did not initially agree on a policy project to strengthen the international payments system. In analyzing central bank cooperation and the processes leading to the adoption of a single international capital adequacy standard, this article argues that agreement on a uniform standard was due to a combination of political power and shared purpose on the part of the United States and Britain. While the article does not argue that the central bankers were an epistemic community as defined in this issue, it further explores the conditions under which epistemic communities are likely to arise.
Conclusion: epistemic communities, world order, and the creation of a reflective research program
Authors: Adler Emanuel , Haas Peter M.
Published: February 2009

Studies in this issue show that the epistemic communities approach amounts to a progressive research program with which students of world politics can empirically study the role of reason and ideas in international relations. By focusing on epistemic communities, analysts may better understand how states come to recognize interests under conditions of uncertainty. According to this research program, international relations can be seen as an evolutionary process in which epistemic communities play meaningful roles as sources of policy innovation, channels by which these innovations diffuse internationally, and catalysts in the political and institutional processes leading to the selection of their shared goals. The influence of epistemic communities persists mainly through the institutions that they help create and inform with their preferred world vision. By elucidating the cause-and-effect understandings in the particular issue-area and familiarizing policymakers with the reasoning processes by which decisions are made elsewhere, epistemic communities contribute to the transparency of action and the development of common inferences and expectations and thereby contribute to policy coordination. International cooperation and, indeed, the development of new world orders based on common meanings and understandings may thus depend on the extent to which nation-states apply their power on behalf of practices that epistemic communities may have helped create, diffuse, and perpetuate.
Discounting the free ride: alliances and security in the postwar world
Authors: Goldstein Avery
Published: February 2009

The collective goods theory of alliances and neorealist theory yield conflicting expectations about the security policies of states. The former emphasizes the temptation to “ride free” on the efforts of others, while the latter emphasizes the incentives for self-help. In the cases of Britain, China, and France during the early cold war, the constraints identified by neorealist theory, reinforced by the advent of nuclear weapons, prevailed. Each discounted the value of the security benefits superpower partners could provide. The second-ranking powers' decisions to shoulder the burden of developing independent nuclear forces are at odds with collective goods arguments that portray especially strong temptations to ride free in the circumstances that prevailed at that time—an international system dominated by two superpowers, each possessing large nuclear deterrent arsenals that could easily be employed on behalf of allies. This analysis suggests that present efforts to discourage additional states from acquiring nuclear weapons by offering them international security guarantees are unlikely to succeed.
A genealogy of the chemical weapons taboo
Authors: Price Richard
Published: February 2009

How is it, that among the countless technological innovations in weaponry, chemical weapons stand out as weapons that carry the stigma of moral illegitimacy. To provide an adequate account of the prohibitionary norm against chemical weapons use, one must understand the meanings that have served to constitute and delegitimize this category of weapons. Such an account is provided by genealogy, a method that examines the interpretive practices around which moral orders are constructed and behaviors are defined as normal or unacceptable. The genealogical method yields insights that illuminate neglected dimensions of the chemical weapons taboo: namely, the roles that contingency, domination, and resistance have played in the operation of this norm as a symbol of “uncivilized” conduct in international relations.
Anarchy, hierarchy, and the variety of international relations
Authors: Lake David A.
Published: February 2009

Security relations between states vary along a continuum from anarchic alliances to hierarchic empires. This continuum, in turn, is defined by the parties' rights of residual control. The state's choice between alternatives is explained in a theory of relational contracting as a function of the expected costs of opportunism, which decline with relational hierarchy, and governance costs, which rise with relational hierarchy. A comparison of early postwar relations between the United States and Western Europe and the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe illustrates the theory.
Democracy and peace: putting the cart before the horse?
Authors: Thompson William R.
Published: February 2009

To explain the strong finding that democracies rarely fight other democracies, analysts typically focus on some attribute of regime type. This linkage may be spurious, at least in part. The emergence and persistence of the first wave of liberal republics and democracies were greatly facilitated by the prior resolution of regional primacy questions. Because early democracies did not engage fully in competitions for regional primacy and territorial expansion, they were less likely to attack other states, democracies or otherwise, in their home regions. Nonexpansionist foreign policies also discouraged the domestic concentration of economic and political power, which in turn facilitated democratization processes. Four historical cases illustrate how regional primacy issues preceded the development of democracy and either undermined or facilitated democratization processes in major powers that have been especially important to the annals of war participation. Further research on whether peace antecedes democracy or the other way around appears warranted.
Changing Attitudes through International Participation: European Parliamentarians and Integration
Authors: Kerr Henry H.
Published: February 2009

Regional integration theory emphasizes elite social learning and attitude change as concomitant processes of integration. Participation by national elites in EEC decision making may bring about these changes. To test these hypotheses, French and German delegates to the European Parliament were interviewed, and their attitudes compared with those of a control group sampled among their national colleagues. The general finding was that the delegates’ attitudes appear to undergo cognitive, but not affective, changes. Delegates develop more complex perceptions and become better informed and more interested in European matters, yet they become neither more favorable nor less hostile to these issues because of the self–recruitment of many legislators who were avowed Europeans before their nomination. Strong ties to national parties apparently diminish the attitudinal effects of this learning experience. Only when the parliament has full time legislators who exercise potent policy–making tasks will its role in European integration increase.
The Role of the “Outsider” in Quasi-Legislative Systems: The Potential Utility of a Legislative Model
Authors: Volgy Thomas J.
Published: February 2009

As periodic stock–taking efforts would indicate,1students of international organizations have become increasingly sophisticated in the methods and techniques used for assessing the dynamics of international efforts at cooperation, and the impact of these efforts on the general stream of international politics. Nowhere has this been more true than in attempts by scholars to come to grips with the political processes acted out in the General Assembly of the United Nations. To para–phrase Keohane,2we have come to witness a change of focus from a somewhat static description of structures, rules and regulations, to analyses of patterns of voting behavior (and correlates thereof) to, finally, systematic analyses of patterns of interactions leading to votes and resolutions.
The Analysis of Regional International Politics: The Integration Versus the Empirical Systems Approach
Authors: Cantori Louis J. , Spiegel Steven L.
Published: February 2009

It is argued that the study of regional international politics is important (1) for empirical reasons having to do with the real world saliency of the region as a factor in international politics; (2) for theoretical reasons having to do with the subordinate system as being relatively neglected in scholarship with the exception of the integrationist approach; and (3) for policy reasons having to do with the importance of accurately understanding the dynamics of the region as part of the objective of stabilizing the international system. The dominant approach to regional international politics of the integrationists (neo–functionalists and transactionalists) is then discussed and criticized in terms of the two approaches' normative concerns, the nature of the model utilized, and the theoretical issues that are raised. A major conclusion is that the integrative model used is inappropriate as a vestige of the level of analysis problem, and such theoretical issues as the nature of the dependent variable remain unspecified. It is then argued that the authors' formulation of an empirical systems approach begins to meet these criticisms.
Business Government Relations: The Case of the International Coffee Agreement
Authors: Krasner Stephen D.
Published: February 2009

Relations between official agencies and private business concerning international coffee policy suggest that the power of the state dominates the international economic arena. The International Coffee Agreement did not benefit the United States coffee industry. Despite this, some large coffee roasting companies supported the Agreement. Without their support it would not have received Congressional approval. The action of the roasters can be explained by the behavioral theory of the firm, which emphasizes managerial discretion and risk avoidance. Large oligopolistic companies, potentially the most powerful of business enterprises, are also the ones least likely to oppose the state. However, the ability of one company to determine American policy toward the import of soluble coffee from Brazil shows that when the economic interests of an oligopolistic firm are unambiguously threatened, it can severely constrain official actors.
Multinational corporations and dependency: a dialogue for dependentistas and non-dependentistas
Authors: Moran Theodore H.
Published: February 2009

Three assertions about relations between multinational corporations and host countries in the Third World frequently appear in the dependencia literature: 1) that the host countries receive too few benefits; 2) that foreign investment causes distortions in the local economies; and 3) that foreign investment distorts host countries' political processes. These propositions can be reformulated as testable hypotheses, to which non-dependency studies of oligopolistic competition, bureaucratic politics, and transnational relations are relevant. Identifying critical areas of disagreement between dependency and nondependency approaches may help scholars to design their research in such a way as to enrich the dialogue between dependentistas and non-dependentistas.
Drug firms and dependency in Mexico: the case of the steroid hormone industry
Authors: Gereffi Gary
Published: February 2009

The relationship between foreign control and national development is a central concern of the Latin American “dependency school” of analysis, which focuses on the impact of investment by multinational corporations (MNCs) in the Third World. In the MNC-dominated steroid hormone industry in Mexico, foreign control has led to two major consequences which characterize it as “dependent”: first, there has been an unequal distribution of benefits from its growth, favoring the central capitalist economies and the MNCs more than Mexico; and secondly, at the level of domestic policy formulation, there has been a restriction of choice among local development options, since these conflicted with “global” priorities implied by the dependent situation. As an alternative to MNCs, national firms in Mexico would very likely have performed better in terms of Mexican national welfare (defined as local industry growth) and global consumer welfare (defined as identical products at lower prices). The attempt made by the Mexican State during the last two years of the Echeverria administration (1975–1976) to increase its autonomy vis-à-vis the MNCs by restructuring the industry with a new state-owned firm met with only limited success. Reasons for this include Mexico's declining prominence in the world industry due to the availability of substitutes for its raw material, and the ability of the MNCs to build a strong defense using local political allies. Yet despite the difficulties, Third World countries will need to develop strong states which can deal effectively with multinational corporations if they are to successfully establish their own development priorities.
Foreign enterprise and forced divestment in LDCs
Authors: Kobrin Stephen J.
Published: February 2009

The local subsidiary of a multinational corporation is both a national firm incorporated under host country law and a sub-unit of a centrally optimizing global system. This duality, which is inherent in the structure of foreign direct investment, produces potential benefits—such as resource transfers and access to markets—as well as costs—in terms of constraints on national economic control. Host governments utilize a variety of policies to “…increase the likelihood that the subsidiary will respond positively to the national policies of the host country rather than to the global strategy of the corporate family”— including expropriation or forced divestment of ownership.
Maintaining a nonproliferation regime
Authors: Nye Joseph S.
Published: February 2009

Three-and-a-half decades have passed since the energy of the atom was used in warfare. Yet rather than nuclear doom, the world has seen a surprising nuclear stability thus far. Equally remarkable is the fact that over the same period nuclear technology has spread to more than two score nations, yet only a small fraction have chosen to develop nuclear weaponry. A third notable point has been the development of an international nonproliferation regime—a set of rules, norms, and institutions, which haltingly and albeit imperfectly, has discouraged the proliferation of nuclear weapons capability.

The wrong policies in the 1980s—i.e., policies that put the United States in an overly rigid position on the nuclear fuel cycle or which lower the priority the United States gives to the issue in security terms—could still sacrifice the current modest success in regime maintenance. Unfortunately, there is no simple solution to the political problem of proliferation. But given the difficulty of constructing international institutions in a world of sovereign states, and the risks attendant upon their collapse, political wisdom begins with efforts to maintain the existing regime with its presumption against proliferation.
The Tlatelolco regime and nonproliferation in Latin America
Authors: Redick John R.
Published: February 2009

The regime established by the Treaty of Tlatelolco is supportive of peace and security in the Latin American region and global nonproliferation efforts. Circumstances leading to the creation of the nuclear-weapon-free zone include careful preparations and negotiations, individual leadership, existence of certain shared cultural and legal traditions of Latin American countries, and the temporary stimulus of the Cuban missile crisis. Lack of overt superpower pressure on Latin America, compared with more turbulent regions, has permitted continued progress toward full realization of the zone. Tlatelolco's negotiating process, as well as the substance of the Treaty, deserve careful consideration relative to other areas.

The Treaty enjoys wide international approval, but full support by certain Latin American States (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Cuba) has been negatively affected by the failure of the U.S. Senate to ratify Tlatelolco's Protocol I. Nuclear programs of Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico are expanding rapidly and these nations are forming linkages with West European countries, rather than the United States. The May 1980 Argentine-Brazilian nuclear agreement foresees significant cooperation between the two nation's nuclear energy commissions and more coordinated resistance to the nuclear supplier countries. Argentine-Brazilian nuclear convergence—and the response accorded to it by the United States will have significant implications for the future of the Tlatelolco regime and nonproliferation in Latin America.
The new populism and the old: demands for a New International Economic Order and American agrarian protest
Authors: Johnson Robert H.
Published: February 2009

Parallels between the demands of the developing countries for a New International Economic Order (NIEO) and earlier demands of American agrarian populists suggest that the NIEO reflects the characteristic grievances of commodity-producing societies (agraria) vis-a-vis their industrial counterparts (industria). Such grievances arise when modernization produces growing interaction and interdependence that threaten the autonomy of agraria. Conflict between agraria's ideal of independence and the reality of interdependence raises political consciousness, enhances group identity, leads to protests and proposals for reform, and stimulates efforts to withdraw from the dependency relationship. Both American agrarian populism and the NIEO movement protested the existing distribution of wealth and power, adverse terms of trade, an “excessive” middleman's share, a monetary system dominated by industria, limited access to credit, and the burden of debt. Proposed solutions were also parallel, partly because they responded to similar grievances, partly because they have arisen in a similar political context. A central problem of late 19th century American politics and contemporary world politics has been the restoration of political order under circumstances where the scope of political and social interaction has vastly expanded but where power within the political system is still widely dispersed. The proposals of both populist movements sought to deal with this problem by restoring local control and weakening supralocal forces.
Breaking with orthodoxy: the politics of economic policy responses to the Depression of the 1930s
Authors: Gourevitch Peter Alexis
Published: February 2009

Under the same systemic shock, the collapse of the international economy in 1929, different countries formulated different policy responses. Britain, Germany, the United States, France, and Sweden all began by attempting the orthodoxy of deflation. Soon after, they abandoned deflation, devalued their currencies, erected tariff barriers, and set up corporatistic production and marketing arrangements. A few countries went further, and began experimenting with demand-stimulus fiscal policy. The most successful was Nazi Germany; the Swedish and U.S. efforts were much more limited and less effective, the French attempt crumbled in less than a year, and Britain never tried demand stimulus. Why this divergence in policy? The politics of policy response, the societal basis of different policy coalitions and the way in which they were expressed through different political formulations, suggests an answer. In all countries, labor, agriculture, and certain elements of business became available for revolts against policy orthodoxy. What differed across countries was the specific balance of forces among these interest groups, and the political factors that shaped their combinations. The effect of political leadership, institutions, and other variables on outcomes depended critically on the way specific social forces in each society used and worked through them.
Some Political Dimensions of International Relief: Two Cases
Authors: Davis Morris
Published: February 2009

In the closing months of the Nigeria-Biafra Civil War and for about two and one-half years thereafter, the American voluntary agency CARE (Cooperative for American Relief Everywhere) operated a rehabilitation program in Nigeria's East-Central State. With funds largely provided by USAID, it concentrated on rebuilding or extending basic structures, like bridges and water systems, and on distributing badly needed planting material. During much of that period, while the war for Bangladesh's independence still raged, the British voluntary agency Oxfam also sought, in timely fashion and on its own initiative, to improve the condition of refugees who had fled to camps within India. Its major emphases were on supplementary feeding, medical assistance, sanitation, shelter, and clothing.
Choosing union: monetary politics and Maastricht
Authors: Sandholtz Wayne
Published: February 2009

At their Maastricht summit, heads of state of the European Community (EC) countries agreed to establish a single currency and a common central bank by the end of the century. For students of international political economy, the treaty on monetary union offers intriguing puzzles: Why did EC governments commit themselves to such a far-reaching sacrifice of sovereignty? Why did national political leaders in some cases outrun public opinion in their enthusiasm for monetary integration? This study seeks a political explanation of the choices that produced the late-1980s movement for monetary union in Europe. It examines the conversion to monetary discipline in several EC states during the 1980s, arguing that the shift toward anti-inflationary rigor was a necessary precondition for discussions on monetary union. The article outlines three general options for a European monetary regime, based variously on unilateral commitments, multilateral arrangements, and full integration. Treating national preference formation as endogenous and requiring explanation, the article weighs five propositions that explain the motives and preferences of national leaders.
Europe Before the Court: A Political Theory of Legal Integration
Authors: Burley Anne-Marie , Mattli Walter
Published: February 2009

The European Court of Justice has been the dark horse of European integration, quietly transforming the Treaty of Rome into a European Community (EC) constitution and steadily increasing the impact and scope of EC law. While legal scholars have tended to take the Court's power for granted, political scientists have overlooked it entirely. This article develops a first-stage theory of community law and politics that marries the insights of legal scholars with a theoretical framework developed by political scientists. Neofunctionalism, the theory that dominated regional integration studies in the 1960s, offers a set of independent variables that convincingly and parsimoniously explain the process of legal integration in the EC. Just as neofunctionalism predicts, the principal forces behind that process are supranational and subnational actors pursuing their own self-interests within a politically insulated sphere. Its distinctive features include a widening of the ambit of successive legal decisions according to a functional logic, a gradual shift in the expectations of both government institutions and private actors participating in the legal system, and the strategic subordination of immediate individual interests of member states to postulated collective interests over the long term. Law functions as a mask for politics, precisely the role neofunctionalists originally forecast for economics. Paradoxically, however, the success of legal institutions in performing that function rests on their self-conscious preservation of the autonomy of law.
The empire strikes back: the evolution of the Eastern bloc from a Soviet asset to a Soviet liability
Authors: Bunce Valerie
Published: February 2009

The structure of the Soviet bloc would appear to be ideal for the maximization of Soviet domestic and foreign interests. The actual ledger of Soviet gains and losses from control over Eastern Europe, however, reveals a different picture. Over the postwar period Eastern European contributions to Soviet national security, economic growth, and domestic stability have declined. This decline in the value of empire to the Soviets is a function of three factors. The first is growing regime-society tensions in Eastern Europe as a result of East Europe's dependence on the Soviet Union and the derivative structures of its Stalinist political economies. The second is the Soviet role within the bloc as a political and economic monopoly and monopsony. And the third is the unexpected costs, both to the Soviet Union and to Eastern Europe, that attended the bloc's reunion in the early 1970s with a global capitalist system in crisis.
International Organization and the crisis of interdependence
Authors: Keohane Robert O.
Published: February 2009

It will cause little controversy in the spring of 1975 to observe that the world is in a profound political and economic crisis, or that interdependence is a palpable and often unpalatable fact. Conflict over formerly latent issues is increasingly evident, as governments try desperately to cope with the effects of other governments' policies, as in the case of oil, or with resource shortages, as in the case of food. Many of the problems from which such issues arise–including also environmental degradation, inflation, and recession–have immediate impacts on people's daily lives. Unlike traditional foreign policy issues, they are not separate from domestic politics, and experienced largely through the mass media, but rather encountered daily on the job and at the market. Domestic and foreign policies are closely intertwined, and important domestic interests are threatened by events abroad. It is becoming clear that ties between national economies can transmit economic evils as well as economic goods.
Impact of Domestic Political Factors on Canadian-American Relations: Canada
Authors: Holmes John W.
Published: February 2009

The major difference between Canadians and Americans on the subject of their relationship is in the intensity of their perceptions. There is bound to be conflict between a people who regard the relationship as critical and those who have scarcely noticed the other country. Firmly fixed in the Canadian view is the idea that a special relationship has come to an end. When the British contemplated the end of their special relationship with the United States, they were interested in an alternative—association with the European Economic Community (EEC). The problem for Canadians is that no alternative association seems clear, attractive, or promising. In light of their relative comfort in the energy crisis of 1973, however, the need for any special relationship has seemed less urgent.