bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Doktrinäre Auswirkungen der Ersten Internationale in der Schweiz
Authors: Gruner E.
Published: December 2008

Wenn man die Doktrinen, welche die Internationale in der Schweiz gefördert und entwickelt hat, überblicken und würdigen will, muss man sich der besonderen Schwierigkeiten dieses Unterfangens bewusst sein, Schwierigkeiten der Grenzziehung, der Bewertung und der Auswahl. Eine verwirrende Fülle von Lehrmeinungen begegnet uns. Es gibt keine zuverlässigen Kriterien, nach denen sie sich in wichtig und unwichtig scheiden lassen, oder nach denen eine über alle Zweifel erhabene zeitliche Grenze zu ziehen wäre. Die Beschränkung auf zwei führende Doktrinäre oder Schulen, auf Johann Philipp Becker und die Jurassier, hat mehr den Sinn einer typologischen Auslese als den einer Bewertung. Becker erscheint nicht etwa als Chefideologe der Internationale, sondern als typisch für den Gegensatz zur jurassischen Schule, als der repräsentativste Vertreter der Anliegen des Londoner Generalrats, als ein Mann, der sich in dessen Gedankenwelt am intensivsten eingelebt, und der kraft seiner schriftstellerischen und brieflichen Tätigkeit einen überdurchschnittlich grossen Einfluss auf die Schweizer Sektionen der Internationale ausgeübt hat. Als Vertreter einer „Dritten Kraft”, die so stark ist, dass die Internationale gezwungen ist, unablässig mit ihr Kompromisse einzugehen, wäre die altere Generation zu betrachten, ein Bürkli und Coullery. Sie bleiben aber unberücksichtigt, weil sie – im Gegensatz zu Becker – ihrer „vor-internationalen” Gedankenwelt treu bleiben. Uebergangen wird auch die jüngere Generation, etwa ein Hermann Greulich. Obschon sich die Ansütze zu einem eigenen Lehrgebäude schon in den Siebzigerjahren recht deutlich zeigen, so reift doch seine Doktrin als Ganzes erst in einer späteren Zeit aus und gehört darum nicht mehr in den Zeitraum der Ersten Internationale.
Crown, Nobility and Industry in Eighteenth-Century Spain
Authors: Callahan William J.
Published: December 2008

In eighteenth-century Spain the encouragement of commerce and industry occupied an important place in the plans of the Bourbons for reviving national strength after the great crisis of the seventeenth century. Successive royal administrations resorted to a formidable array of measures designed to stimulate economic development. Government policy was directed primarily to furnishing commerce and industry with material assistance: subsidies, tax exemptions, protective tariffs, etc. The crown was also concerned, however, with the deleterious effects upon economic progress of an apparently pervasive and tenacious system of values which looked upon manual labor in an industrial context and economic enterprise in general as dishonorable for noble and commoner alike.
Drink and Sobriety in England 1815–1872
Authors: Harrison Brian
Published: December 2008

Social historians studying nineteenth-century England tend to concentrate on the work-situation, and therefore on the conflicting interests of employer and employee. Dr John Vincent, however, has recently directed attention to the popular basis of nineteenth-century Liberalism; this brings into the forefront quite different social alignments – especially when conflicts over religion and recreation are investigated. Popular radicalism “was the product of the leisure of Saturday night and Sunday morning, the pothouse and the chapel, not of the working week”. This shift in interest brings the drink question to the fore, as several scholars have already realised: “it would be hard to say why historians have not rated the effect of strong drink as the significant factor in nineteenth-century history that it undoubtedly was”, wrote Dr Kitson Clark recently; “its importance stands out from every page of the contemporary record”. W. L. Burn thought it “arguable” that the Beer Act of 1830 was “more revolutionary in its immediate social consequences than any other of the reforming age”.
The Culture of Poverty in Paris on the Eve of the Revolution
Authors: Kaplow Jeffry
Published: December 2008

At the very beginning of the investigation, it is necessary to find a word to describe the European masses before the coming of the twin revolutions, the French and Industrial, that have contributed so much to the making of the modern world. “Proletariat” is clearly anachronistic; “wage-earners” is inadequate in a society where cash wages were far from being the most common form of payment for labor. “Working class” is too much identified with nineteenth century developments and, what is worse, conjures up an image of a homogeneous group that does not conform to eighteenth century realities. “Laboring poor” is by far the best, for it emphasizes two primary facts about the people with whom we are concerned: first, that, to one extent or another, they earned their living by doing manual labor, and, second, that they were being continuously impoverished, as Professor Labrousse has shown. The category has several virtues as a tool of historical analysis. It is large enough to take account of the complexities of eighteenth century social conditions, stressing the mobility and social intercourse that existed, albeit on a diminishing scale, between the master artisans and shopkeepers, their apprentices and journeymen on the one hand, and the domestics, beggars, criminals and floating elements in the population, on the other.Classes laborieusesandclasses dangereuseslived side by side and recruited their personnel from one another. They did in fact form a whole, whom contemporaries called“les classes inférieures”. If we look toward the future, we see that the French Revolution Was to bring about a temporary split in their ranks by politicizing those among them who became the sans-culottes, and that the Industrial Revolution was to complete this division on other bases by allowing some of the laboring poor to become petty capitalists, While forcing the majority to become proletarians or to fall further still into the nether world of the lumpen-proletariat. In sum, the use of the concept of the laboring poor enables us to come close to the reality of eighteenth century paris and to watch the disagregation of that reality with the passage of time.
Briefe zum Erscheinen von Karl Kautskys “Weg zur Macht”
Authors: Ratz Ursula
Published: December 2008

Im Januar 1909 erschienen im Verlag der Buchhandlung Vorwärts die ersten Exemplare von Karl Kautskys Schrift “Der Weg zur Macht”.1 Kurz darauf verbot der Parteivorstand den weiteren Druck und die Verbreitung der Broschüre. Dieser Einspruch gab die Initialzündung für eine der Form wie der Sache nach äuβerst scharfe Auseinandersetzung zwischen dem Verfasser und dem Vorstand, in die sich auch die von Kautsky zur Vermittlung angerufene Kontrollkommission und zahlreiche führende Vertreter der Parteispitze einschalteten. Da sich der Streit um die Broschüre unter Ausschluβ der Parteiöffentlichkeit abspielte, ist der Ablauf der Kontroverse weitgehend im Dunkeln geblieben. Durch die Veröffentlichung des Adler-Briefwechsels sind erstmals Einzelheiten über diese Vorgange bekannt geworden.
Johann Jacoby 1843-1846 Beitrag zur Geschichte des Vormärz
Authors: Silberner Edmund
Published: December 2008

Die Vier Fragen beantwortet von einem Ostpreussen (1841), die Johann Jacoby zu einem der berühmtesten Männer Deutschlands gemacht hatten, brachten ihm einen aufsehenerregenden Prozess ein, der beinah zwei Jahre dauerte. Die Anklagepunkte lauteten: Hochverratsversuch, Majestätsbeleidigung und frecher, unehrerbietiger Tadel der Landes-gesetze. Von dem Vorwurf des Hochverrats wurde Jacoby in erster Instanz freigesprochen, der übrigen Punkte wegen aber zu zweieinhalb Jahren Festungshaft verurteilt. Die zweite und letzte Instanz sprach ihn dagegen völlig frei.
Changing Images of American Democracy and the Scottish Labour Movement
Authors: Young James D.
Published: December 2008

Mid-Victorian Scotland was a remarkably homogeneous society, and the milieu, in which the labour movement developed, had very long traditions of social repression and economic backwardness. A system of democracy inherited from the Calvinist revolution of 1559, social mobility and the comparatively superior educational opportunities of working class children were, in the considered opinion of a large number of journalists, clergymen and members of Parliament, the dominant characteristics of Scottish democracy. In practice, the educational opportunities and social mobility open to the working classes were severely circumscribed by the conditions industrial capitalism had engendered; and in the mid-1860s the labour movement, though influenced by the traditions – and the mythology – of Scottish democracy, looked to America for their model of a democratic society.
Zum Schicksal der Marxschen Privatbibliothek
Authors: Harstick Hans-Peter
Published: December 2008

„You'll certainly fancy, my dear child, that I am very fond of books, because I trouble you with them at so unseasonable a time”, schreibt Marx 1868 seiner auf Hochzeitsreise befindlichen Tochter Laura, um dann mit dem Unterton bitterer Selbstironie fortzufahren: „But you would be quite mistaken. I am a machine, condemned to devour them and then, throw them, in a changed form, on the dunghill of history. A rather dreary task, too, […].”
The Strikes and Lockouts in the Iron Industry and the Formation of the Ironworkers' Unions, 1862–1869
Authors: Howard N. P.
Published: December 2008

G. D. H. Cole has drawn attention to the militancy of the unions outside of the craftsmen's trades in the 1860's. The “class cleavage” which he ascribed to the engineering, shipbuilding and the building trades enabled the skilled men to use their “New Model Unions” as exclusive barriers against dilution by the semi-skilled and labouring classes. In consequence, the Amalgamated Unions had pacific tendencies which were only partially offset by their adoption of a centralised organisation, through which policy making and finance were mainly controlled. Although Cole described the Ironworkers' Union as one of the provincially based Amalgamated Unions, the three main unions which were formed by the ironworkers in the years 1862–3 never really succeeded in amalgamating along the lines described. When they did come together in 1868, after a period of disastrous defeats, the form of amalgamation they adopted resulted in a very weak union. The executive committee insisted upon making all decisions on the use of the strike tactic, but allowed the branches almost complete control over union finances.
Styles of Life, the “Labour Aristocracy” and Class Relations in Later Nineteenth Century Edinburgh
Authors: Gray R. Q.
Published: December 2008

The idea of a “labour aristocracy” pervades writing about the British working class of the second half, and especially the third quarter of the nineteenth century. This emphasis is, in my view, correct: the behaviour and consciousness of working people cannot be explained without some such concept of divisions within the working class. But this proposition has too often been allowed to conclude, rather than to commence the enquiry. The fragmentation of the manual working class into different strata and sub-cultures may take several forms, and is bound to have local and industrial variations. In approaching the problem it is necessary to draw a clear distinction between differences in the class situation of various groups of workers, and the formation of separate working class strata – a cultural and political process. Three main levels of analysis are relevant to this problem: the stratification within the working class, in terms of class situations (relative earnings, security, prospects and opportunities, position of subordination or autonomy in the workplace, and so on); the extent to which various strata of manual workers were distinguished by the cultivation of particular styles of life, and by commitment to particular sets of norms and values; and the consequences of these for institutions embodying the interest of manual workers as a class (unions, parties, etc.) and for the patterning of conflict and consensus in the society.
Colliery Disaster Funds, 1860–1897
Authors: Benson John
Published: December 2008

It is well known that in England the last four decades of the nineteenth century witnessed both the growing importance of the coal-mining industry and the continuation of widespread voluntary charity. But the absence of detailed local studies has made it easy to assume that, as colliery districts did not enjoy the same benevolent institutions as other areas, these were distinct, indeed almost separate, developments. Relegated to a footnote by the historian of English philanthropy, “the imposing sums collected to meet disasters” have been in this respect almost completely ignored.
The Attitude of the Journal des hommes libres Towards the Babouvists
Authors: Fajn Max
Published: December 2008

During the Directory the Journal des hommes litres de tous les pays was a major spokesman for the repubhcans and its pages reflect the difficulties that the Babouvist Conspiracy created for them. Although the newspaper gave a sympathetic hearing to Babouvist ideas, it was aware that the conspiracy weakened the republican movement and favored the royalists and the moderates. One discovers in the columns of the Journal the interests, goals, and strategy of the Jacobins rather than merely the programs and rationale of the “unregenerated terrorists” of the Extreme Left. Accordingly, this newspaper is an important source on the problems and the objectives of French republicans from 1795 to 1800. After a brief description of the editorial staff and the circulation of the daily, this article will deal with its attitude towards the Babouvists and its major tendencies during the First Directory, the phase of this regime which ended with the coup d'état of 18 Fructidor Year V (September 4, 1797).
The Association of Teachers in Technical Institutions (1904–14)
Authors: Farnham David
Published: December 2008

The purpose of this essay is to examine the emergence and development, between 1904 and 1914, of the Association of Teachers in Technical Institutions. A main conclusion is that the ATTI, in being mainly concerned with its members' employment interests, was implicitly a trade union despite continual protestations by both officers and members that the Association was a professional body and would not “degenerate into a mere trades union […]. For people of education, like teachers, […] it is wrong to begin at the salary end”. In the first place, therefore, this paper is an investigation into certain aspects of the early history of a white-collar union, in this case the organization whose membership was drawn initially from among a small group of teachers in local authority technical institutes in England at the beginning of this century. Secondly, however, insofar as the technical teachers of this period saw themselves as professional people for whom trade unionism was inappropriate, the case-study also, in passing, illustrates the common conflict over the goals sought by most teachers' organizations at some time during their evolution as to whether they “should be concerned only with professional matters or should also fight for better salaries”.
Working Conditions in Victorian Stourbridge
Authors: Hopkins Eric
Published: December 2008

Everybody imagines he knows about working conditions in Victorian England, particularly the excessively long hours resulting from the use of machinery to which the workers became increasingly enslaved. In the famous words of James Philip Kay, “Whilst the engine runs the people must work – men, women and children are yoked together with iron and steam. The animal machine – breakable in the best case, subject to a thousand sources of suffering – is chained to the iron machine, which knows no suffering and no weariness.” It is equally well-known that the worst aspect of employment was the exploitation of women and small children in textile factories and mines. Factory conditions were causing disquiet as early as the 1780's, and the revelations of the witnesses before a succession of committees and commissions in the early part of the nineteenth century are too familiar to need repeating here. The same may be said of conditions in the mines. Who has not been moved by that description of girls at work in the mines of the West Riding – “Chained, belted, harnessed, like dogs in a go-cart, black, saturated with wet, and more than half naked […] they present an appearance indescribably disgusting and unnatural”? Yet it is also common knowledge that factory and mine workers were only a minority among the working classes at the mid-century, numbering about 1¾ millions compared with the 5½ millions employed in non-mechanised industry. Agriculture and domestic service, in fact, employed twice the number of those working in manufacture and mining at this time.
Women in English Philanthropy 1790–1830
Authors: Prochaska F. K.
Published: December 2008

Students of institutional charity must sometimes share Walter Bagehot's melancholy doubt “whether the benevolence of mankind does most harm or good”; but they do not dispute that philanthropists were ubiquitous in England by the middle decades of the nineteenth century. Sir James Stephen called the period the age of charitable societies. “For the cure of every sorrow […] there are patrons, vice-presidents, and secretaries. For the diffusion of every blessing […] there is a committee.” Many issues raised by the expansion of philanthropy have been treated with considerable insight. But at least one question has largely escaped the historian: the role of charitable women among the “Fathers of the Victorians”.
Lloyd George and the Development of the British Government's Strikebreaking Organization
Authors: Desmarais Ralph
Published: December 2008

With the release of the Cabinet Papers for the Lloyd George post-war coahtion government and the opening of the Lloyd George papers in the Beaverbrook Library, the basis for a reinterpretation of the man and his era was made possible. And, indeed, several studies have been published already, most notably, by Americans. The thrust of these new works is to make a more sympathetic character of Lloyd George. Thus, Susan Armitage tells us, had he only not been so busy at peace conferences, Lloyd George would have seen to it that the labor disputes of the post-war years were less disruptive, that the grievances of the trade unions were given due consideration, and that more of the promises of the post-war Reconstruction Committee were realized. In the latter, she follows the lead of Paul Johnson, who was one of the first to plow the murky waters of the Public Records Office's offerings. Pointing a heavily accusing finger at Austen Chamberlain and the Treasury for withholding their blessing on “homes fit for heroes” and other Reconstruction plans, Johnson asks whether “an honest effprt” might have “headed off the militant strike activity” that denied Lloyd George's reconstruction plans the means of success. Thus Lloyd George appears as the victim of circumstances beyond his control – a paragon of pragmatic rationality who is opposed by reactionary Cabinet Ministers and bedevilled by stubborn trade-union leaders who refuse to understand why the promised paradise is not forthcoming.
The Financial Manifesto of the St Petersburg Soviet, 1905
Authors: Garvy George
Published: December 2008

The appeal issued by the St Petersburg Soviet on December 1, 1905, and known as the Financial Manifesto, served as a pretext for the Witte Government to liquidate the Soviet and to start a counterattack which, in a short time, completed the defeat of the first Russian revolution. The Manifesto represents a unique attempt to further the objectives of revolutionaries by undermining the monetary system, but it did not inaugurate a new strategy for revolutionaries in Russia, nor has it influenced revolutionary movement elsewhere. The originality of the Manifesto lies in its advocacy of a set of actions designed to bring about the downfall of Tsarism by exerting pressure on the gold base of the monetary system and by undermining government credit, rather than through withholding of tax payments. Refusal to pay taxes has been a widely used political weapon, at least since the American Revolution. It found its place in the program of the British Chartist movement, one of the first political movements rooted essentially in the working class.
Babeuf's Conspiracy Viewed by the Press of the United States
Authors: Bernstein Samuel
Published: December 2008

Georges Lefebvre concluded his Preface to the 1957 edition of Buonarroti's famous history of Babeuf's conspiracy with a sort of challenge to historians, saying that the final word on it still remains to be said. Whether Lefebvre's summons to further research on the subject has been a cause of new studies cannot be answered. All that can be said is that historians have continued to lift the veil on some hitherto obscure aspects of this conspiracy. Evidence of this trend was produced at the International Colloquium of Stockholm on August 21, 1960, to commemorate Babeuf's birthday.1 What appeared to be comparatively new was the emphasis on the impact of Babouvism outside of France. This was shown in three papers, two on Germany and one on the Austrian Tyrol. The two on Germany2 dwell on the reporting of the movement in the German press. We are told that alongside the generally turgid and hostile accounts there were analyses of Babouvist ideas in Minerva, the review of Hamburg, drawn from Le Tribun du peuple and the dossiers of the Babouvist trial. This review ran as many as ten articles on Babeuf and Drouet, who was boosted into prominence because of his official standing. The third paper3 suggests the probability of Babouvist infiltration among the insurgent Tirolese peasants early in the nineteenth century. It has also been shown elsewhere that Babeuf's organization served as a model, both in structure and methods, for the Italian underground, Società dei Raggi, that reached out from Piedmont to Romagna with the object of uniting the peninsula.4
Business Reaction to Waterfront Unrest in the Great Depression
Authors: Dyer S. W.
Published: December 2008

In September 1928, the members of the Waterside Workers Federation went on strike, paralysing South Australia's main harbour, Port Adelaide. Their places were taken by men who volunteered to load and unload the ships. When the strike collapsed the Stevedoring Company responsible for hiring workers for the waterfront continued to employ the men whose volunteer labour had broken the strike, in preference to members of the Waterside Workers Federation. Preferential treatment of “volunteers” continued and, as the Depression worsened and unemployment increased, this meant that Union members were less and less likely to get work on the waterfront. Such economic pressure, when combined with an instinctive hatred of the strikebreakers, produced continual clashes between the Unionists and the “volunteers”.
The Emergence of the Independent Labour Party in Bradford
Authors: Reynolds J. , Bourn K. Lay
Published: December 2008

Opening the 21st anniversary of the ILP in Bradford in April 1914, J. H. Palin, one of Bradford's most prominent trade unionists, remarked: “Of ordinary historical association, Bradford has none. In Domesday Book, it is described as a waste, and the subsequent periods of capitalist exploitation have done little to improve it. […] The History of Bradford will be very largely the history of the ILP.”1Palin's remark – unjust as it is, perhaps, to a distinguished list of Victorian philanthropists – stands as testimony to the authority and influence which the labour movement in Bradford had acquired by that date. It also provides a clue to the origins of that authority and influence, for it demonstrates the importance which he and other Bradford trade unionists attached to their association with the independent labour movement. Whatever the reactions of trade unionists in the rest of the country, in Bradford, trade unionists were vital to its success. Indeed, strong trade-union support proved to be an essential corollary of effective independent working-class political action.
The Reorientation of French Socialism, 1888–90
Authors: Moodie Thomas
Published: December 2008

Historians are in general agreement that French socialism experienced a major reorientation at the end of the 1880's and the beginning of the 1890's. In 1888 the French socialist movement consisted of several diminutive and poorly organized factions, which could not claim, either singly or collectively, a significant national following despite nearly a decade of organizing and propagandizing. Yet by 1893 socialists were able to elect some forty deputies to the Chamber of Deputies, and in the previous year scored numerous victories in municipal elections. Electorally impotent in the 1880's, socialists became a serious force in national political life with the victories of 1893. Nearly simultaneously, the stalemate among rival factions was broken as schism in the ranks of both Possibilists and Blanquists permitted the Guesdists to emerge as the dominant organization. Finally, these years were marked by the appearance of a pragmatic, reformist socialism most clearly evident in the new moderation of the Guesdists and the rise of the Independent Socialists.
Sheffield and the English Revolutionary Tradition, 1791–1820
Authors: Donnelly F. K. , Baxter J. L.
Published: December 2008

Was there a secret revolutionary movement in England during the early Industrial Revolution and, if there was such a movement, must we accept that its existence would be “unprovable”? Should we agree with a recent writer that no conclusions can be reached on such questions, the existing historical sources being so ambiguous as to allow the historian to impress his own prejudices on them?. We believe that a rigorous study of the historical evidence of a revolutionary tradition in one region can offer an insight into this important area of English social history. The purpose of this essay will be to set the revolutionary aspect of Sheffield's political history against a brief outline of the town's economic development.
Marxist Anthropology: Principles and Contradictions
Authors: Krader Lawrence
Published: December 2008

Any anthropology that calls itself Marxist must have as its starting point the intermediation of labor between human society and nature. The labor is abstract labor; as concrete labor it is work. The society in question is not society in general or the human community in abstracto, but a particular, historical society, whether primitive or civilized. The question that is posed thereby is twofold: first, it is the problem of the place in nature of the human kind, or the problem of location; second, it is the historical problem of the transition of humanity from the natural to the cultural order. Nature has its history, as does the human society, but the unit that we take for the observation of natural history is far wider than the unit of observation of human history. In the former case it is the biological species whose history is taken up; in the case of human history it is the communal life of the village, and the social life of the tribe, city or nation. The time period of natural history is geological time, which is one or more orders of magnitude greater than the time periods of ethnography and historiography.
Protests in the United States against Bismarck's Anti-Socialist Law
Authors: Foner Philip S.
Published: December 2008

During the summer of 1880, John Swinton, the American journalist and social reformer, made a forty-day tour of France and England. The most memorable event of the tour was the interview he had with Karl Marx during his visit to England, at the seashore resort of Ramsgate. Swinton was tremendously impressed by Marx and, in an account of the interview which he published in the New York Sun of September 6, 1880, he referred to him as “one of the most remarkable men of the day”. One passage from Swinton's article, in particular, clearly illustrates the profound impact Marx had on him.
The Communist International, 1919–43: The Personnel of its Highest Bodies
Authors: Kahan Vilém
Published: December 2008

This survey of the personnel of the highest bodies of the Comintern is meant to be a tool for researchers and historians studying the history of the international labour movement, especially of the Communist International.
The Royal Commission on the Poor Laws, 1905–09
Authors: Woodroofe Kathleen
Published: December 2008

Although there is some truth in the comment made by Canon Barnett, rector of St Jude's, Whitechapel, and founder of Toynbee Hall, that the issue in 1909 of the Report of the Royal Commission on the Poor Laws “may mark the beginning of a new epoch in our social life”, the precise reasons for the appointment of the Commission on December 4th, 1905, are not yet known. The Conservative government, which made the appointment almost on the eve of its defeat, had been in power for ten years, first under the prime ministership of Lord Salisbury and then, until his resignation in December 1905, of A. J. Balfour. During that time the cost of the Poor Law had risen steadily, and yet, until the end of 1904, either through social myopia or a preoccupation with the greater drama of events abroad, the government displayed little interest in the problem of the Poor Law or, indeed, in any of the wider questions of social reform.
The French Socialists and Anticlericalism: The Position of Edouard Vaillant and the Parti Socialiste Revolutionnaire
Authors: Howorth Jolyon
Published: December 2008

Of all the political and ideological debates which confronted the French Socialist movement between the Paris Commune and the Great War, the problem of anticlericalism was one of the most complex. The concept of anticlericalism gives rise to a certain degree of confusion, partly because of the fact that it was a war-horse ridden jointly by the radical republicans and by the Socialists. The simplest definition of anticlericalism is that offered by the dictionary of Robert: “opposition à toute immixtion du clergé dans la politique”.
The Decline of the Family Work Unit in Black Country Nailing
Authors: Hopkins Eric
Published: December 2008

In his study of the effect of technological change on families working in the Lancashire cotton industry in the first half of the nineteenth century, Smelser has argued that the family as a work unit was disrupted by the introduction of larger mules, which required more child assistants in the spinning mill than one family alone could provide. The result was the disruption of the family work unit, hitherto preserved in the earlier cotton mills, and the decline of the old apprentice-ship system based on kinship.1 It should be instructive, therefore, to attempt a comparative investigation of conditions in the family work unit in Black Country nailing in the second half of the nineteenth century, when the trade faced increasing competition from factory-made nails and died a lingering death similar in some ways to that of handloom weaving.2 For the purposes of this article, the family work team of the nailers of Stourbridge and district will be examined in the light of the quantitative evidence of the 1851 census returns, and then the decline and disintegration of the work unit will be discussed, with particular reference to changes in familial roles. Here of course it will be impossible to separate work roles from social roles within the family, since so much time was spent by all members within the nailshop, and the distinctive life-style of nailers was strongly conditioned by their mode of work. Lastly, some suggestions will be made as to the causes of decline, and the general significance of the changes which took place in the family.
Industrial Change and the Progress of Labor in the English Cotton Industry
Authors: Cuca James R.
Published: December 2008

By the time labor unrest in the Lancashire cotton industry had taken the form of the strike, trade-union development was being hindered by the Combination Laws of 1799–1800, which were to outlaw unions of workers (and supposedly employers) until their repeal in 1824–25. Although the cotton operatives resorted to the strike weapon during this period, the movements were indeed dismal failures. While the Lancashire handloom weavers seem to have won partial concessions from their employers in 1808, the raises were only temporary, and the weavers remained in their state of almost habitual poverty until being extinguished as a class of workmen by the power-loom. And the spinners, whose unions were noted for their superior organization, failed entirely in their strikes of 1810 and 1818. Given this set of circumstances, labor historians Sidney and Beatrice Webb have stressed the “ephemeral combinations” of the early cotton workers and their “passionate struggles to maintain a bare subsistence wage”, alternating with “intervals of abject submission”. Similarly, G. D. H. Cole has depicted the textile workers, along with the miners, as “latecomers to trade unionism”.
Strikes and the Press in the North-East, 1815–44: A Note
Authors: Corrigan J. V.
Published: December 2008

Maurice Milne's article restricts its discussion of press treatment of industrial disputes in this period to an analysis of coverage of three strikes in three Newcastle upon Tyne papers. He passes from this review to the following conclusion:

The facile assumption that radical political beliefs would predispose their holder to espouse the cause of organised labour will not stand up to close scrutiny, at least where one important industrial region and its newspapers are concerned.
The Work of Joseph and Eleanor Edwards, Two Liverpool Enthusiasts
Authors: Fidler Geoffrey
Published: December 2008

In its educational work, the Liverpool Fabian Society constantly “situated” Liberalism; past reforms had done much, but contemporary Liberal aims were far too “wishy-washy” and diverse: “It is not benevolence, not charity, not a temporary dividing-up, that the world requires, but the transformation of industrial society from a system of profit into a system of co-operative production for use.” Liverpool Fabians thus saw that a focus on the entire existing system, an attack on both root and branch, was essential to the distinction between radicalism and Socialism. It is primarily in the context of education towards an understanding of this kind of distinction that this article will consider the work of two Liverpool Fabian Socialists, Joseph and Eleanor Edwards, during the Liverpool phase of their activities, from 1891 to 1901.
Paternalism, the Magistracy and Poor Relief in England, 1795–1834
Authors: Dunkley Peter
Published: December 2008

When men in the early nineteenth century appealed to the landed proprietors of England to accept their “paternal responsibilities”, they gave voice to the conviction that gentry behavior had special relevance for the question of social discipline. Conservatives, especially, adhered to the view that subordination and the hierarchy of ranks resting upon it constituted the fountainhead of social cohesion. But at the same time, reliance on this concept of social organization involved the governors in various commitments to their subordinates, for ultimately the cohesiveness of the social order seemed dependent upon the operation of reciprocal obligations. The place of these imperatives in rural relationships arose from, and contributed to, a tradition that saw the subsistence and well-being of the entire community to be dependent upon the social responsibilities of and the connections between the different degrees of interest within the agricultural economy. A characteristic anxiety of the conservative of the period was that the economic individualism of a rising urban and industrial society promised to undermine the social accountability of each component of the social order; this presaged the disintegration of society because the “chain of connexion” between the rich and the poor would thereby be broken. The implication was that the intrusion of self-interest, economic or otherwise, threatened a structure of interdependency and mutual respect and concern between ranks. It appeared, then, that the most serious danger to society would certainly come at that point when the landowners of England — the rulers of what still seemed an essentially rural world — abandoned their paternalist traditions and opted for indolence, indifference, or the allures of commercial farming.
L'A.I.T. et le mouvement ouvrier à Paris pendant les événements de 1870–1871
Authors: Rougerie Jacques
Published: December 2008

Il est peu d'historiens aujourd'hui qui n'admettent le caractère socialiste de la Commune, ou qu'elle fut à tout le moins l'ébauche d'une révolution socialiste. Nul cependant encore qui ait cherché à traiter vraiment de ce chapitre décisif en la matière que fut l'histoire, pendant les événements de 1870-1871, de l'Association Internationale des Travailleurs à Paris, du rôle exact de l'organisation la plus éminemment ouvrière et socialiste en ces temps. Sur ce rôle, sur cette histoire, que de questions pourtant, d'opinions divergentes, contradictoires! Questions, de nos jours comme autrefois! la première, et non des moindres, pourrait être par exemple résumée en ces conclusions de quelques contemporains, sur lesquelles, selon les cas et leurs goûts, s'appuieront les historiens.
Michel Bakounine
Authors: Lehning Arthur
Published: December 2008

Lorsque la guerre franco-allemande éclata, Michel Bakounine, rentré en Europe le 27 décembre 1861 après onze ans de prison et d'exil, avait, depuis cinq ou six années, donné une forme définitive aux idées qui sont restées pour toujours associées à son nom.
Un Manuscrit de «L'Internationale»
Authors: Brecy Robert
Published: December 2008

C'est quelques mois avant sa mort qu'Eugène Pottier remit à son éditeur le texte de L'Internationale destiné à être publié parmi les Chants révolutionnaires (Paris 1887). Il le date alors: Paris, juin 1871. Ce poème étant devenu, avec l'appoint de la musique de Pierre Degeyter, le plus célèbre de tous ceux de Pottier, il semble étonnant que celui-ci ait attendu seize ans pour le rendre public alors qu'il en a publié tant d'autres pendant son exil et surtout après l'amnistie. Il est certain que cet étonnement est surtout fonction de l'importance prise par L'Internationale bien après sa publication et la disparition de son auteur; le fait est que Pottier n'a pas inclus L'Internationale parmi ses Poésies d'économie sociale, éditées en 1884, et qu'il ne l'a pas plus proposée à son ami Argyriadès à qui il a remis plusieurs poèmes inédits pour publication dans La Question Sociale.
The New York Afro-American's Struggle for Political Rights and the Emergence of Political Recognition, 1865–1900
Authors: Bloch Herman D.
Published: December 2008

In this periodical, in a previous article covering the period 1777–1865, it was revealed that many New York Afro-Americans had refused to view with apathy, or even equanimity, their changed political status following the end of the American Revolution. Under New York State's 1777 Constitution, freed Black Americans had held equal suffrage rights with whites, but shortly thereafter discovered that most of these voting rights were to be whittled down, initially by the Democratic-Republicans. Many New York Afro-Americans, individually and in concert reacted to the watering down of their political rights by consistently petitioning the New York State Legislature to restore their political rights as held under the 1777 Constitution. However, the dominant group's stereotype of the Colored American prevailed since petition after petition failed to convince, first the legislators and later the white voters that they should restore equal political status to Afro-Americans in New York.
Education and Politics in the British Armed Forces in the Second World War
Authors: Summerfield Penelope
Published: December 2008

Several eminent Conservatives, including Winston Churchill, believed that wartime schemes of education in the Armed Forces caused servicemen to vote Labour at the Election of 1945. For instance, R. A. Butler wrote: “The Forces' vote in particular had been virtually won over by the left-wing influence of the Army Bureau of Current Affairs.” So frequently was this view stated that ABCA became a scapegoat for Tory defeat.
Custom, Job Regulation and Dock Labour in Liverpool, 1911–39
Authors: Bean R.
Published: December 2008

It has been said that no other British industry, with the possible exception of coal mining, can claim such a rich or conflict-prone history of labour relations as the docks. In fact the major issues of more recent years in port transport concerning the nature of employment, strike activity and restrictive practices can only be fully understood within a historical perspective. The main focus of interest, however, of the plethora of public inquiries and research studies relating to the docks over many years has inevitably been the nature of employment – especially the effects and reforms of the casual system. Far less attention has been devoted to methods of job regulation and control over work as tools of analysis, now regarded as core elements in the study of industrial relations.
Karl Marxens Smithkommentar von 1861/62 im Heft VII
Authors: Schrader Fred E.
Published: December 2008

Der im folgenden erstmals vollständig publizierte Kommentar Marxens dokumentiert eine Wende in seiner Beurteilung der Arbeitswerttheorie Adam Smiths. Diese ist ihm seit dem Beginn seiner Beschäftigung mit der politischen Ökonomie präsent und provoziert ihn zu wiederholten Selbstverständigungen. Dabei steht das Verhältnis zwischen Smith und Ricardo im Mittelpunkt. Nach der prinzipiellen Übernahme der Arbeitswerttheorie läßt sich Marx zunächst von der Argumentation Ricardos gegen Smith leiten. Erst im vorliegenden Smithkommentar lÖst er sich von dieser Beurteilung und versucht, eine zentrale Problemstellung Smiths, die von Ricardo ausgeblendet wird, immanent nachzuvollziehen und begrifflich weiterzuentwickeln. Dies wird in das Manuskript von 1861–63 übernommen und findet schließhich im Kapital von 1867 seinen systematischen Ort in der Abhandlung des „Lohnfetischismus”.
The Miners and Nationalisation, 1931–36
Authors: Taylor Andrew J.
Published: December 2008

For nearly one hundred years miners and nationalisation have been synonymous. The miners supported a nationalisation resolution at the 1892 Trades Union Congress, and in 1893 Keir Hardie presented a brief bill to the House of Commons. This abortive excercise was repeated in 1907 and 1913. The 1914–18 war marks the demise of that form of nationalisation which sought to place the mines under a Government Department. The pre-1914 industrial unrest and the experience of the war radicalised the miners' conception of nationalisation. The ideas ofThe Miners' Next Step, of the debates within the Miners' Federation of Great Britain after 1906 and of Guild Socialism permeated official MFGB thinking on nationalisation. By 1919 and the Sankey Commission the MFGB was committed to a model of nationalisation which placed considerable emphasis upon workers' control. This model had two aims: first, to emancipate the coal industry from the wasteful exploitation of the coal-owners; and second, to emancipate the miner as a worker from his bondage. The present paper seeks to answer the question: why was this model of nationalisation abandoned by the MFGB in favour of the technocratic model of nationalisation formulated by Herbert Morrison?
The National Unemployed Workers' Movement, 1921–36
Authors: Hayburn Ralph
Published: December 2008

Between the wars, the response of the British Labour Party and Trades Union Congress to the problem of the unemployed was extremely limited. Committed to gradualist philosophies, the leaders of the labour movement were unwilling to attempt genuine socialist remedies in office, and, in opposition, to provide a militant leadership for the protest movement. The National Unemployed Workers' Movement, begun in 1921 and not finally dissolved until after the outbreak of the Second World War, was the only body which attempted to mobilise unemployed discontent. After 1926, the Labour Party Executive and the General Council of the TUC consistently refused to have any contact with this organisation on the grounds that, like the National Minority Movement and the later Rank-and-File Movement, the NUWM was merely a subsidiary of the British Communist Party. This article is an attempt to show that by a process of induction the Labour leaders branded the unemployed movement as a whole on the basis of the known Communist allegiance of a number of its leaders, and to demonstrate that they allowed themselves to become so sidetracked by the issue of whether or not the NUWM was a Communist front that their own efforts on behalf of the unemployed suffered in consequence.
A Private Welfare Agency for White-Collar Workers Between the Wars
Authors: Anderson Gregory
Published: December 2008

Despite the proliferation of studies concerned with the unemployment problem and the mechanics of welfare provision between the world wars, most historians have focused either on the difficulties facing manual workers or on the role of state services in the provision of benefits. This emphasis is not surprising given the persistence of a high level of manual unemployment in this period, which led in turn to an unprecedented demand for maintenance and a huge increase in public expenditure on unemployment relief. However, the emphasis upon manual workers has led to an unfortunate neglect of other sections of the labour-force, while the concern with the evolution of state services has diverted attention from the continuing importance of voluntary agencies in the field of welfare provision.
The Politics of Protest
Authors: Scheuerman William
Published: December 2008

On November 4, 1919, six weeks into the Great Steel Strike, the citizens of Lackawanna, New York, elected John H. Gibbons as their Mayor. Gibbons' victory was a major upset. He defeated John Toomey, the incumbent who had the support of the steel firm after which this quintessential company town was named, by forging a loosely knit coalition of native and Eastern European immigrant workers during the height of the xenophobia of the ongoing Red Scare. Gibbons' election came at a time when the Socialist Party was in decline and the various levels of American government enthusiastically used their repressive mechanisms to crush the country's “un-American” Left.
Employers, Unions, and American Exceptionalism: Pre-World War I Open Shops in the Machine Trades in Comparative Perspective
Authors: Haydu Jeffrey
Published: December 2008

In comparative perspective, U.S. employers have been unusually hostile to unions. Their labor policies varied from one time and industry to another, however, in defiance of familiar interpretations of American “exceptionalism”. It is argued that before World War I, open shops and trade agreements represented different solutions for common labor problems. The timing of changes in technology and industrial structure relative to union growth determined which strategy would be more attractive to employers. This argument is developed by comparing one open shop industry (the machine trades) with its British counterpart and, more briefly, with some U.S. industries where trade agreements prevailed.
Working-Class Attitudes to Social Reform: Black Country Chainmakers and Anti-Sweating Legislation, 1880–1930
Authors: Blackburn Sheila
Published: December 2008

Historians have recently paid serious attention to the roles of working-class groups in the creation of British social policy, but have largely ignored involvement by sweated workers. This article reveals among chainmakers long-run campaigns against sweating – successively demanding state action to abolish domestic workshops, regulate hours, restrict female work, fix rates for the job, and institute co-operative production. Failure in these campaigns led, with major initiatives from female workers, to advocacy of a statutory minimum wage. The Trade Boards Act (1909) reflected such pressures for state aid, though the form the legislation took brought only limited benefits.