bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Policy and Political Implications of Foreign Indebtedness In Mexico
Authors: de la O Rogelio Ramírez
Published: March 2007

This Article Will Discuss some of the implications of Mexico's indebtedness, particularly those which derive from the connection between the foreign debt and the rapidly growing domestic debt. The debt of developing countries is one of the great barriers to the recovery of the world economy: it cancels markets which would otherwise be open to the exports of industrialized countries, and it relegates a very large portion of the world to a situation of low growth or stagnation. Without doubt, Latin America is the region worst hit by the world debt, a continent which, only two decades ago, offered one of the most promising areas for expansion: it had a relatively advanced industry and urban sector, with political democracy and a large middle class. All this seemed to fall apart after the debt crisis of the 1980s, but the problems which led to this crisis began back in the late 1960s, when democratic governments began to be supplanted by military ones.
Mexico's Foreign Policy in 1990: Electoral Sovereignty and Integration with the United States
Authors: Chabat Jorge
Published: March 2007

Mexico's Foreign Policy of 1990 was marked by an acceleration of trends that began a few years ago, producing a pattern of relationships that would have been almost unimaginable only a decade ago. On the one hand, its most obvious characteristic — begun during the de la Madrid sexenio and heightened during Salinas's first year in office — was that economic recovery became the focal point of government strategy: i.e., there was an “economization” of foreign policy. On the other hand, and reflecting the weight given to economic issues, the movement toward integration with the United States — a trend already apparent in the previous administration — picked up speed and acted as a direct complement of the development strategy. This move became more concrete as preliminary talks got under way preparatory to signing a joint free trade treaty.
Military Politics and Counter-Insurgency in Peru
Authors: Mauceri Philip
Published: March 2007

Eleven years after the start of an insurgent war, Peru's military appears no closer to defeating the two insurgencies that have plagued the country since 1980. The promise of greater political stability and a reduced role for the military in politics, which the the return to civilian rule held out, have largely been dashed. The war has meant a new active role for the military in politics which, under emergency decrees, directly rules over half of the country and maintains an influential voice in national policymaking. Under the previous two elected governments and the current Fujimori administration, the military institution has largely designed and implemented counter-insurgency strategy, leaving civilian policymakers aside in the decision-making process. What is more important, military officials have remained largely unaccountable for their decisions due to the lack of any civilian oversight capacity or alternative strategies. More than a decade after the start of the war, civilians have yet to devise methods that can increase military accountability.
United States Andean Drug Policy: Background And Issues For Decisionmakers
Authors: Perl Raphael F.
Published: March 2007

In September 1989, President Bush outlined a comprehensive, multi-faceted drug control strategy with both national and international dimensions. The strategy focused on reducing both the demand and supply of illicit drugs. Treatment, prevention/education, research, law enforcement, and international efforts are major components of the strategy. An important goal of the strategy was to reduce the amount of illicit drugs illegally entering the United States by 15% within 2 years and by 60% within 10 years. The president refined the strategy and forwarded it to Congress on 25 January 1990 (US-ONDCP, 1990: 49-52, 120-121). The following year, in February 1991, policymakers modified goals to a 20% reduction by 1993 and a 65% reduction by the year 2001 (US-ONDCP, 1991: 15).
The Bush Administration and Latin America: The Pragmatic Style and the Regionalist Option
Authors: Pastor Robert A.
Published: March 2007

After 8 Years of United States unilateralism in Central America and ideological confrontation on Capitol Hill, by 1989, newly-elected leaders in Latin America and Democrats in Congress yearned for a US president who would listen to their concerns, not just lecture them on the contras. George Bush's pragmatic style was therefore a welcome departure from the ideological intensity of his predecessor. With the democratic and pragmatic leaders of Latin America, Bush grappled with debt, democratic transitions, and drug trafficking, and together they sought new ways to relate the Hemisphere to a rapidly changing world.
Argentina: Deepening Alignment with the West
Authors: Russell Roberto , Zuvanic Laura
Published: March 2007

In July 1989, as Carlos Menem awaited his inauguration as president, Argentina was experiencing a situation very different from that of the early days of the Alfonsín administration. Much water had passed over the dam since the transition. The crunch of economic crisis — and the failure of the Radical administration to overcome it even minimally — had brought economic questions to center stage and relegated political claims to second place. In this setting, Argentina's new foreignpolicymakers put aside the practice, set by their predecessors, of standing on principle. From the beginning, their rhetoric emphasized three keywords realism, pragmatism, and “normality,” — as the basis of a policy which focused on the economy (Argentina, 1989a: 1).

According to Domingo Cavallo:

The national interest, in the kind of historical circumstances now prevailing, is most dramatically manifest by economic and social demands. Thus, foreign policy will be realistic and seek to create a better political relationship with the friendly countries of the world in order to resolve Argentina's urgent economic and social problems (Argentina, 1989b: 2)
Coca, The State, and the Peasantry in Bolivia, 1982-1988
Authors: Healy Kevin
Published: March 2007

Polttical Conflicts between Bolivia and its peasantry over the production and distribution of the coca leaf during the 1980s is the focus of this essay. The first section describes several of Bolivia's comparative disadvantages (among Andean producer nations) for waging effective coca leaf control programs. Following is an analysis of the interplay and results of specific statepeasant conflicts during the 1982-1988 period of civilian democratic rule. To give a Bolivian contextual backdrop to these conflicts, aspects of the national political culture which shape the terms and conditions of the struggle over controversial drug-related issues are explained. A final section presents a brief analysis of the Chapare region's prospects for a successful coca leaf eradication program.

Explanations for the Bolivian government's ineffectual campaign against the coca leaf and cocaine industry range from its status as a weak state to its fragile and deteriorating economy (Healy, 1986). Bolivia's political system holds the world record for changes in government by way of the coup d'etat.
The Republican Agenda for US Policy toward the Western Hemisphere in the 1990s
Authors: Perry William
Published: March 2007

The Purpose of this essay is to outline, at least in part, the Latin America agenda of the Republican Party for the 1990s as it appears to me. The subject is both timely and important. However, I can claim no special insight in this regard and, given the nature of the two parties, no one has, or really could, authorize my effort. Such an endeavor probably requires roughly equal measures of analysis, and speculation with respect to the future course of events here in the United States, within the region and around the globe. Given these caveats, I am pleased to try to lay out the Hemispheric policy agenda which I believe that the Republican Party should, and will, follow during the decade to come. Although my partisan sympathies will undoubtedly shine through, I can only hope that my viewpoints will not diverge too greatly from those of my esteemed friend and colleague, Ambassador Ambler H. Moss.
Perspectives on Canada and Latin America: Changing Context... Changing Policy?
Authors: Schuyler George W.
Published: March 2007

For too long, Canada has seen this Hemisphere as our house; it is now time to make it our home... That is the purpose of our policy.

Joe Clark, Secretary of State for External Affairs (1990)

Canada, Long-Oriented toward Europe and the Commonwealth, seeks to expand its involvement in Latin America. The development of a coherent Canadian policy for Latin America will depend on a variety of domestic and external factors, among them the Canada-United States relationship, rapid global change, and North American economic integration. Such a policy must reflect Canadian values and concerns — the importance of the collective welfare as well as individual good, the peaceful negotiation of disputes, and the acceptance of cultural, political, and ideological diversity.
Elections and Democratization in Nicaragua: The 1990 Elections in Perspective
Authors: Williams Philip J.
Published: March 2007

The February 1990 elections in Nicaragua were hailed by the popular media and the US administration as signaling the country's rejection of authoritarian rule in favor of Western-style democracy. Most commentators interpreted the results in Nicaragua as part of a worldwide trend triggered by events in Eastern Europe. According to the conventional wisdom, as long as the Sandinistas handed over power, including control of the military and security forces, democracy would flourish in Nicaragua.

While competitive elections may be a necessary condition for democracy, they certainly are not a sufficient one. Throughout history, countless elections have been held, yet relatively few have contributed much of anything to the consolidation of democratic rule. Elections can serve a number of functions other than the public contestation of power. For example, they can be used to legitimize an incumbent regime, diffuse political opposition, or respond to foreign pressure.
After Miami: The Summit, the Peso Crisis, and the Future of US-Latin American Relations
Authors: Wiarda Howard J.
Published: March 2007

As the Miami Summit of Western Hemisphere heads of state concluded on 11 December 1994, excessive optimism — even euphoria — seemed to be everywhere in the air. For once, the United States and Latin America seemed to be in agreement on basic policy, rather than, as so often in the past, in each other's hair/face or at each other's throats. There was general agreement about the goals of democracy, free trade, and open markets; the vexatious Cuba issue had been skillfully shunted aside.

However, more than that, the Miami Summit appeared to augur a new era in US-Latin American relations based on consensus and a common agenda of human rights, democracy, transparency, the environment, government reform, social equity, and a free market environment.
Popular Representation and Political Dissatisfaction in Chile's New Democracy
Authors: Posner Paul W.
Published: March 2007

The constraints imposed on Chile’s democratic transition by the military regime, plus the impact of structural reform and the political renovation of the dominant parties of the center and left, have made the traditional party allies of the popular sectors unable or unwiIIing to represent those constituents in the political arena. This argument is substantiated through an overview of pacted democratic transitions, an analysis of the evolution of party-base relations in Chile, and a consideration of the institutional impediments to further democratic reform.
Ecuadoran Foreign Policy Since 1979: Ideological Cycles or a Trend towards Neoliberalism?
Authors: Hey Jeanne A.K.
Published: March 2007

The end of the Cold War raises many questions about the role of Third World states in the emerging “New World Order.” During the “old” world order, however, Latin America played a crucial role in the US sphere of influence. This alone merits study of its recent foreign policy behavior, not only because the region is home to many of the newly industrializing states, but also because it will undoubtedly be an important player in regional and global politics into the 21st century (Brysk, 1992; Lowenthal, 1993). How will Latin Americans respond to a Hemisphere dominated by the United States? Will they resist or endorse the trend towards open markets and economies? This article investigates this question with regard to Ecuador, exploring whether Ecuador's foreign policymakers are in the process of shifting towards embrace of a US-dominated Hemisphere governed by free-market economic ideals or, rather, are developing policies in accordance with their own ideological predilections.
Thrust Together: The Netherlands Relationship with Its Caribbean Partners
Authors: Hoefte Rosemarijn
Published: March 2007

In December 1942, the Dutch Queen Wilhelmina announced, in a radio address, that the Netherlands was revising its relationship with its colonies, employing the famous words: “Relying on one’s own strength, with the will to support each other” [Steunend op eigen kracht, metde wil elkander bij te staan] (Schenk and spaan, 1945: 56). Some 52 years later, her granddaughter, Queen Beatrix, returned to this theme in a televised speech delivered to mark the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the Charter of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, when she referred to relations betweenThe Netherlands and its Caribbean partners as one of “a genuine relationship and mutual commitment” (een echte verwantschap en onderlinge betrokkenheid). This Charter, signed in 1954, had been drawn up to establish that henceforth the Kingdom of the Netherlands would be comprised of three equal partners: the Netherlands itself, Suriname, and the Netherlands Antilles. Back in 1954, when it was signed, the Charter was widely viewed as constituting a first, major step towards eventual independence for the Dutch partners in the Caribbean. Nor could anyone have foreseen that, 40 years later, only Suriname would have achieved independence, while the islands of the Netherlands Antilles were renouncing that option and expressing a desire to remain Dutch.
“Fujipopulism” and The Liberal State in Peru, 1990–1995
Authors: Kay Bruce H.
Published: March 2007

A few weeks before the April 1995 elections, President Alberto Fujimori paid yet another visit to Puno, the southernmost department in Peru’s highlands. On the agenda of this visit, the 20th trip that the president had scheduled to this region in less than a year, was a series of events designed to remind skepticalPuneñosof the tremendous scope and variety of public works and infrastructural projects which the Presidential Ministry was coordinating throughout the department. By this time, every comer of the department had witnessed the construction of a new school or clinic, the repair of some strip of highway, or the renovation of some municipal park. Evidence of new construction was everywhere, along with the black-and-orange signs announcing each project as another initiative sponsored by the main social development agencies linked to the Presidential Ministry. During the visit, the president would inaugurate a few large-scale projects for good measure: a hydroelectric dam, a social security hospital, an ambitious scheme to pipe drinking water from Lake Titicaca, and a project, in partnership with Russian investors, for extracting the region’s untapped oil reserves.
From Havana to Miami: U.S. Cuba Policy as a Two-Level Game
Authors: LeoGrande William M.
Published: March 2007

For thirty years, Cuba was a focal point of the Cold War. Before the demise of the Soviet Union, Cuba’s close ideological and military partnership with the communist superpower posed a challenge to U.S. foreign policy, especially in the Third World (see, e.g., Domínguez 1989). With the end of the Cold War, Cuba retrenched, ending its aid programs for foreign revolutionaries and regimes. Without the Soviet Union’s sponsorship, Cuba could no longer afford the luxury of a global foreign policy exporting revolution. Instead, its diplomats focused on reorienting Cuba’s international economic relations toward Latin America and Europe, building friendly relations with former adversaries.
El Salvador's Negotiated Transition: From Low-Intensity Conflict to Low-Intensity Democracy
Authors: Stahler-Sholk Richard
Published: March 2007

Like the reports of Mark Twain's death, the claims of a wave of democratization sweeping Latin America may be exaggerated. Yet the resurgence of electoral politics and the receding of military rule since the 1980s are trends that hold significance both for the future of Latin America and for inter-American relations. The transitions from bureaucratic-authoritarian rule in South America, and from the oligarchy-military alliances in Central America, have been a major focus of recent US policy attention. From the human rights approach of the Carter administration to the Reagan rollback doctrine, US policy became more actively engaged in controversial attempts to define and impose “democracy” in the region. After the end of the Cold War, US action or inaction remained key factors in the events surrounding the 1989 elections in Panama and the 1990 elections in Haiti and Nicaragua.
Trade Liberalization and Growth: Recent Experiences in Latin America
Authors: Agosin Manuel R. , Ffrench-Davis Ricardo
Published: March 2007

In recent years, many Latin American countries (LACs) have embarked upon trade liberalization drives. This article reviews the radical changes in trade policy which this has entailed, together with the current and foreseeable results, and offers some policy recommendations regarding complementary measures.

The first sustained experience with trade liberalization in recent decades was in Chile, which launched a process in the 1970s that, by the end of that decade, had made its economy one of the most open in the world.
Institutions and Inequality in Latin America: Text and Subtext
Authors: Glade William
Published: March 2007

The production of inequality has been one of the most enduring features of Latin American economic and social systems, and one in which the institutional structure has perhaps exhibited the greatest consistency over time. In a very real sense, inequality is what the Mexican Revolution was all about, as was the Bolivian Revolution of the early 1950s. So, too, with the rise, in the middle decades of this century, of assorted populist political parties and movements. By the 1960s, participatory development had become almost a Zeitgeist, and distributional concerns had ostensibly come to suffuse many of the development programs launched during that first United Nations Development Decade, including the Alliance for Progress. It is relevant to recall that, quite early in the postwar flowering of development studies, Viner (1952) had suggested that the chief aim (and test) of development should be the reduction of mass poverty.
Democratizing the Democracy? Crisis and Reform in Venezuela
Authors: Crisp Brian F. , Levine Daniel H.
Published: March 2007

Venezuelan politics presents a puzzle to students of Latin America, and to anyone concerned with the comparative analysis of democratization and democracy. As the major countries of Latin America (and the majority of scholars) worked their way from authoritarianism through “transitions”to democracy and hopefully toward democracy’s consolidation, Venezuela moved in the opposite direction. After decades of political stability and social peace, beginning in 1987 Venezuela’s democratic order was shaken by widespread unrest and citizen disaffection, the decay of key parties and state institutions, attempted coups, and the impeachment and removal of the president in 1993.
Assessing Democracy in Puebla: The Opposition Takes Charge of Municipal Government
Authors: Vanderbush Walt
Published: March 2007

Debates about democratization in developing countries have generally emphasized competitive elections, broad participation, and the protection of civil and political liberties. A survey of the first two years of PAN administration in the city of Puebla, Mexico, assesses government capacities and policy responses to social and economic demands. It suggests that excitement over the election of opposition party officials should be tempered pending evidence of the accommodation of such demands.
Hemispheric Relations in the 21st Century
Authors: Tulchin Joseph S.
Published: March 2007

The key to understanding Latin American relations with the United States as the century, and the millennium, draw to a close is to realize that all of the nations in the Western Hemisphere are still caught up in the transition from the Cold War. That transition, which began nearly a decade ago, is proceeding more slowly, and with greater confusion, than most observers had anticipated. The issues that constitute the framework, or infrastructure, for Hemispheric relations in the coming century emerge from the efforts of each nation in the Hemisphere, including the United States, to effect their insertions into the emerging world order. Given the priority accorded commercial and economic questions in the insertion of most Latin American nations, those are the questions that dominate the discourse. However, questions of governance — and what I call the international code of good behavior — are rapidly assuming greater salience in inter-American relations. It is my judgment that they will dominate relations among the nations of the Hemisphere in the 21st century.
Latin American Trade Relations
Authors: Christian Shirley
Published: March 2007

There has always been a certain attitude in Washington having to do with Latin America. It is that Latin America is not quite a grown-up place and, therefore, is worthy of intense US interest only when the region, or part of it, falls into a crisis that crosses paths with one of the US hot-button issues of the moment: drugs, immigration, human rights, communism (until recently) and, farther back, fascism. In other words, Latin America has been worthy of attention only when the United States decided to “do good” (e.g., human rights crusades), incorporate the region into efforts at solving US domestic problems (e.g., drugs), or needed firm support from the region in some international effort (e.g., the Cold War and World War II).
The US - Cuba Agenda Opportunity or Stalemate
Authors: Falk Pamela S.
Published: March 2007

With the passage by the 104th Congress of the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act of 1996 (Helms-Burton), signed into law by the president on 12 March 1996, relations between the United States and Cuba became the subject of quietly intense international discourse. Whether this multinational concern serves simply to strain US relations with its European and Latin American allies or to precipitate fundamental change in Cuba depends largely on the actions of President Clinton and, of course, on those of his nemesis, Cuba’s President Fidel Castro.
Provincial Participation in Canadian Foreign Relations
Authors: Rutan Gerard F.
Published: March 2007

We do not feel that it is dangerous or harmful to the federation if provinces enter into relationships with other nations to develop for example educational or similar programs.

Hon. Harry E. Strom, Premier of Alberta, in a letter to the author

Within the past decade a perennial and intriguing problem concerning Canadian foreign relations has gained new prominence. Can the government of Canada as empowered under Heading VI (Section 91) of the British North America Act (1867) conclude contractual relations with foreign states when the terms of such contractual relations can be given legal implementation only by legislation of the provinces in areas reserved to them under heading VI (sections 92 and 93) ? Or more precisely, since certain classes of legislative subjects are specifically reserved to the provinces, can the individual province then engage in “foreign relations” vis-á-vis those reserved subjects?

With the signing of the Franco-Quebec Agreements of 15 September 1967, which provided for increased cultural, scientific, and technological cooperation between France and Quebec, and the developments leading up to and flowing from this Accord, the problem of the role and extent of provincial powers in regard to foreign relationships again came to the fore.
Venezuela's Land Reform: Progress and Change
Authors: Kirby John
Published: March 2007

The reform of Venezuelan land tenure dates from the overthrow of Perez Jiménez in 1958. Acción Democrática, which assumed power after the elections of that year, had already promulgated an Agrarian Reform Law during its short-lived interlude between military governments, 1946-1948. In 1959, it continued its previous policy of subdividing public lands through the agency of the Instituto Agrario Nacional (IAN), established by the earlier law. But the full-scale reform began with the new “Ley de Reforma Agraria” in March 1960. It permits expropriation of lands which are not being adequately used, with the object of replacing the “latifundio system by a just system of property, land tenure and production, based on the equitable distribution of the farmlands, the proper organisation of credit, and the provision of full-scale assistance” (Instituto Agrario Nacional, 1969).
Housing Policies or Housing Politics
Authors: Kusnetzoff Fernando
Published: March 2007

The policies developed to face the critical housing problems in Chile by the last formally democratic administrations (Alesandri, 1958-1964; Frei, 1964-1970; Allende, 1970-1973), and their relative failures, constitute an important experience to be carefully considered by the underdeveloped world. First, it confirms the existence of the almost insuperable material as well as structural constraints inherent within a conventional treatment of the housing problem in societies of dependentmonopoly capitalism undergoing an intense period of urbanization. Second, the Chilean experience permits us to understand the complexity of social and political actions rooted in the unsatisfied demands for a plot of land or a house in metropolitan areas, with the upwelling of conflictive processes that may be beyond the usual mechanisms of governmental control.
La Virgen de las Mercedes en la Isla de Santo Domingo
Authors: Lovatón Ramón Lugo
Published: March 2007

En aquella remota época, cuando la mayor parte de España estaba en poder de los árabes, cuando bajo el yugo de los sarracenos innumerables fieles cristianos sufrían en tierras moras amarguísima esclavitud, con grave peligro para la salvación de sus almas y seguridad de sus vidas, la Augusta Reina de los Cielos, atenta a tan graves males, ocurrió en su infinita caridad para redimir a los cautivos.

Como el célebre San Agustín, famoso Obispo de Hipona, autor de las Confesiones, en sus fecundos Soliloquios, el bienaventurado Pedro Nolasco, cuyo corazón estaba lleno de piedad, meditaba en los medios a escoger para librar a los cristianos cautivos o disminuir las penas de su cautividad. Y se consagró de tal manera, que la Santísima Virgen, apareciéndosele, expresóle que tanto Ella como su unigénito Hijo, aceptaban se fundase una orden de religiosos que se encargara de la liberación de los cautivos cristianos del poder otomano simbolizado por la Media Luna y guiado por los principios de Mahoma.
Colombian Parties and Political Development
Authors: Peeler John A.
Published: March 2007

Colombia remains one of a very small group of countries in Latin America which retain competitive, liberal-democratic political institutions at this writing. Indeed, Colombia's civil government, recognizing a modicum of individual liberties and conducting periodic elections, has been shattered on relatively few occasions since the mid-nineteenth century, a record equalled or surpassed by few other Latin American countries. The Colombian political system is still dominated by the two traditional political parties (Liberal and Conservative) which arose in Colombia and elsewhere in the region in the nineteenth century. In almost every other country they have long since passed into oblivion or insignificance. This continued dominance by the traditional parties is commonly attributed to their successful mobilization of mass support, especially among the peasantry. The Colombian parties (unlike their counterparts elsewhere) early moved beyond being mere elite factions by using traditional authority relationships, clientelistic exchanges and ideological appeals to develop durable bases of mass support.
Terminal Loyalties in a Mexican Community
Authors: Wilk Stan
Published: March 2007

The psychological development of most human beings leads to the emergence of feelings of “belongingness” vis-à-vis certain social groupings. I shall denote such feelings by the term “loyalties.” With the emergence of the state, and increasingly on into the contemporary era, an attempt has been made by these maximal-sized, territorial-based political units, to develop a state-focused civic sense within their respective societies. According to Geertz (1963: 156), the civic sense involves “a definite concept of the public as a separate and distinct body and an attendant notion of a genuine public interest, which though not necessarily superior to, is independent of and at times even in conflict with both private and other sorts of collective interest.” However, within the confines of already existing states may be smaller territorial units who view themselves as political communities with their own publics.
Costa Rica and the 1920-1921 Union Movement: A Reassessment
Authors: Salisbury Richard V.
Published: March 2007

Carlos Pereyra (as quoted in Herrarte, 1955: 187) has written that “the entire history of Central America has been a struggle between union and separatism.” While this may be somewhat overstated, it is undeniable that the unionist-separatist syndrome has provided a major theme for nineteenth- and twentieth-century isthmian interrelationships. Indeed, from the collapse of the original Central American Federation in 1838 to the recent failure of the Central American Common Market, isthmian leaders have made numerous attempts to achieve some form of Central American integration. At times the threat of a forceful imposition of union, posed by such men as Guatemala's Justo Rufino Barrios and Nicaragua's José Santos Zelaya, tended to discredit the unionist cause. Central American unionists, however, have been, if anything, resilient, and, despite temporary setbacks, the ideal of union has remained a constant in isthmian affairs.
Canada in Caribbean America: Technique for Involvement
Authors: Harbron John D.
Published: March 2007

The Canadian involvement in Caribbean America—and by this I automatically include the Hispanic Caribbean, French, and Dutchspeaking places, as well as the English-speaking Commonwealth Caribbean—has followed two traditional streams.

The first is Canada's private sector involvement—substantial Canadian commitments in some countries like Jamaica, Guyana, and the Dominican Republic, typically concentrated in extractive industries and banking. The second is with the public sector, in Commonwealth Caribbean islands, but with a mix of Canadian private/public roles in some important cases.

More diffusely spread, the public sector side includes capital grants and loans made through governments or international banks to develop new private industry, as well as for genuine public sector and social development schemes. The latter would include government-to-government aid, for example, assistance to the University of the West Indies, Mona, Jamaica or the University of Guyana, teacher training programs, CUSO (Canadian University Service Overseas) community work, the missionary role of the various Canadian churches, chiefly the Roman Catholic.
“The Human Comedy” in El reino de este mundo
Authors: Pontiero Giovanni
Published: March 2007

Critics have written at some length about the “magic realism” in Alejo Carpentier's novels and his original treatment of historical material and peculiar concept of time. Without wishing to ignore the importance of these aspects in a close examination of Carpentier's vision of life in a New World setting, something more can be said about his ingenious choice and use of source material.

In a novel like El reino de este mundo (1949) the extraordinary liveliness of the narrative depends, ultimately, upon a subtle interweaving of historical and fictional material and the care taken in selecting the former. Carpentier has a scholar's eye for the interesting source, and the narrative techniques he develops here prompted an accurate judgment from Juan Marinello who described his recent novels as “casos cumplidos de sabiduría y creación.”
The International Significance of the Lunar Landing
Authors: Kohler Foy D. , Harvey Dodd L.
Published: March 2007

The most pervasive themes that marked world reaction to the first manned landing on the moon on July 20, 1969, related to its meaning for man as man. The United States itself deliberately chose this emphasis, as witness the plaque left behind, “We came in peace for all mankind”; Neil Armstrong's “one small step for a man, one giant leap for mankind”; and the dramatic high point of President Nixon's earth to moon exchange, “For one priceless moment in the whole history of man, all the people of this earth are truly one.” But no amount of suggestion by the United States can possibly explain the universality and the evident wholeheartedness of the thought that man generally—as distinct from men of one nation, or of one political alignment, or one social system—had achieved a historic triumph and one that must change his future condition and his future international relationships.
O Barroco Literário Menor
Authors: Martins Wilson
Published: March 2007

Éno estudo dos escritores brasileiros modernamente chamados de barrocos e, em particular, no estudo dos barrocos menores, que se verifica a justeza da observação de Curtius segundo a qual seria preferível evitar, em teoría literaria, o emprégo dessa expressão, dadas as numerosas confusões que tem suscitado. Realmente, apenas a falta de rigor intelectual permite transpor, das artes visuais para as artes da palavra, coneitos e fenômenos que só têm sentido e significado enquanto interpretações plásticas da realidade. Em literatura, o que boje se chama de “barroco” é, muito simplesmente, o que sempre se denominou de maneirismo, êsse fenômeno que, em tôdas as épocas (assinala, aida, o especialista alemão), revela-se complementar dos diversos classicismos que se sucedem. A mudança de terminologia só teria justificação se correspondesse, por um lado, a urna apreensão mais sutil ou mais correta de tal estilo e, por outro, se se tornasse indispensável para enquadrar peculiaridades estilísticas de que os contemporâneos não tivessem tido consciência.
National Planning, University Autonomy, and the Coordination of Higher Education: Latin American Points of View
Authors: Waggoner George R.
Published: March 2007

In the United States in recent years in almost every state there has been a strong move toward more centralized coordination and control of higher education, a movement growing out of the rapidly rising costs of higher education as well as, perhaps, some public disillusion with the universities. This move toward centralized control means, of course, a shift of power away from individual universities.

A group in the Institute of Higher Education at Berkeley (Glenny et al., 1971) strongly favors coordination of universities; Lewis Mayhew (1972) of Stanford predicts that many states will opt for centralized control rather than coordination. The long tradition in the United States of nonacademic control of individual universities through boards of trustees made up of business and professional people rather than academic leaders probably has made the shift to centralized control by the nonacademic boards of entire state systems of colleges and universities more acceptable within and without the universities than has been true in most other countries where the legal decision-making power, the administrative and academic autonomy of the university, has been in the hands of members of the academic community.
Political Party Development in Argentina
Authors: Spencer Wellhofer E.
Published: March 2007

Many authors (for example, Ostrogorski, 1964; Michels, 1962: 175 ff.; Weber, 1946: 101 ff.; Duverger, 1967: 182-197; Schlesinger, 1965: 766-767, 1967: 268; Seligman, 1967: 315; Stinchombe, 1965: 153; McKenzie, 1963: 581-591; Epstein, 1967: 167-233, 289-314) have noted that contemporary political parties are predominantly electoral organizations engaged in public office-seeking and dominated by elected officials. While American parties have always been characterized by office-seeking, this phenomenon was not intially characteristic of socialist, labor, or communist parties which endeavored to create a working-class subculture and to whom public office-seeking was only one of several activities. In many such parties, however, office-seeking has come to dominate or even replace a previously wide range of activities.
Economic Dependence and Marginalization: Some Empirical Evidence
Authors: Tyler William G. , Wogart J. Peter
Published: March 2007

One of the more recent and interesting contributions in the field of development has been the theory of dependence. This theory seeks to explain the most pressing problems of the less-developed world in terms of the relations between the developing and developed areas. Stagnation, unemployment, income inequality, and regional disequilibria are all seen as directly related to a less-developed country's position vis-à-vis the developed and capitalist world. Unfortunately, the theory of dependence has become something of a cause célèbre. It is either eagerly accepted or scornfully rejected as a matter of faith—primarily because of its political implications and overtones. Those who accept it embrace it willfully and rally to defend it against any possible detractors. Those who reject it generally choose to ignore it as either not serious or unworthy of careful attention and consideration.
The Implications of UNCTAD III for Multinational Enterprise
Authors: Krause Walter
Published: March 2007

UNCTAD III—the most recent United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, meeting in Santiago, Chile, during April and May 1972—provided added evidence of growing world concern about “multinational enterprise.” Expressly, numerous developing countries chose the occasion for official presentations clearly aligning themselves with earlier skeptics elsewhere. Not only did these countries question the presence, practices, and impact of multinational enterprise, but many continued on in their presentations with suggestions, direct or implied, for control measures and mechanisms. Indeed, so pervasive was the undercurrent of disillusionment and disturbance that even some developed countries saw fit to recognize the mood with assorted references, conciliatory or elaborative, in their own formal presentations.
The Origins of the American Banking Empire in Latin America: Frank A. Vanderlip and the National City Bank
Authors: Mayer Robert
Published: March 2007

The world's a battle-ground for all

Go forth and conquer if you will

But if you win or if you fall,

Be each, please God, a gentleman.

With these ringing words, Colonel Henry L. Kincaide, at the 1913 Convention of the American Manufacturers Export Association, urged his fellow manufacturers into battle. The adversaries were England and Germany; the prize, world trade (Faulkner, 1924; Beard, 1934; Williams, 1959; LaFeber, 1963).

The speech came at an opportune time, because just three months later Congress was to pass the Federal Reserve Act and thus sanction a trade aid for which exporters had been lobbying for many years-the legal establishment of American branch banks in foreign countries (Chandler, 1911; Holmes, 1912; Bankers Magazine, 1913; Ring, 1913).
Post-Emancipation Race Relations: Some Caribbean and American Perspectives
Authors: Lowenthal David
Published: March 2007

To compare race relations is even harder than to compare systems of slavery. However variously slavery may be defined, it is at least systematized—that is, slave trading, labor, provisioning, punishment, rebellion, and manumission are viewed as clear-cut categories, often formally codified and self-consciously compared with conditions elsewhere.

In race relations none of this is true. Race itself may refer to anything from a linguistic community to a genealogically isolated population, and contexts shift through time as well as across cultures. In the narrower sense, races, as distinct from ethnic elements, are not even groups; individual behavior and self-images are not congruent with external identifications. Relationships considered “racial” may be limited to certain public or legal institutions in one society, but in another may include psychological responses in most realms of life. In short, race relations can be compared only in the context of entire social systems.
Pentecostal Women in Colombia: Religious Change and the Status of Working-Class Women
Authors: Flora Cornelia B.
Published: March 2007

There has been much discussion of the role of the church in social change in Latin America (Considine, 1964; D'Antonio and Pike, 1964; Haddox, 1965; Houtart and Pin, 1965; Jimenez, 1967; Lalive, 1968; Silvert, 1967; Willems, 1967). Recent arguments contrast a view that the church is integral and innovative in the development process (Vallier, 1970) with the view that the church is reactive and survival oriented, thus incapable of playing a leadership role in the process of social change (Mutchler, 1971). Both of these arguments specify the church as an instrumental force, interacting with other bureaucracies both internal and external to the country, in the process of development. The incursion of non-Catholic churches into Latin America is seen as important in influencing the established church as an actor in the change process, as well as serving as an initiator—or retarder—of change.
An Analysis of the Consejo Nacional de Mujeres del Peru
Authors: Schipske Evelyn G.
Published: March 2007

It has been noted (Tanner, 1970: 23) that

a woman growing up under American ideas of liberty in government and religion, having never blushed behind a Turkish mask, nor pressed her feet in Chinese shoes, can not brook any disabilities based on sex alone, without a deep feeling of antagonism with the power that creates it.

And so it is in analyzing the women's movement in Latin America that one cannot tolerate any “disabilities” of women on the basis of sex, without a deep feeling of antagonism with the culture which creates them.

As de observes, “Latin countries… keep women in subjection less by the rigor of the laws than by the severity of custom.” Upon examination, one finds that Latin American culture is by nature deeply rooted in sexism and male chauvinism and is maintained by institutions such as the church and the patriarchal governments.
Bunau-Varilla, Russia, and the Panama Canal
Authors: Ameringer Charles D.
Published: March 2007

Philippe Bunau-Varilla was a Frenchman who found a place in the histories of the United States and Panama as it was largely through his efforts that the United States undertook the construction of the Panama Canal. Beginning in January 1901 he spent the major part of eighteen months in the United States lecturing in Cincinnati, Chicago, Boston, Princeton, Philadelphia, and New York and lobbying before the American Congress to secure the adoption of the Panama Canal route. When the policy of the Colombian government threatened to prevent the implementation of this decision, he helped promote a secessionist movement at Panama that enabled the Panamanians to become independent on 3 November 1903.
Active microcavity and coupled cavities in one-dimensional photonic crystal
Authors: Biallo D. , D’Orazio A. , Petruzzelli V.
Published: March 2007

The propagation of light in one-dimensional SiO2-TiO2 coupled cavity photonic crystal is investigated. In particular the potential application in light amplification is proposed considering the small group velocity that characterizes the propagation at the edge of the resonance band due to the defects. Then, by means of a transfer-matrix method and a mode matching method code, an estimation of the photon lifetime and of the field intensity in a three-coupled cavity-photonic crystal is reported comparing it with those pertaining to a microcavity photonic crystal. This calculation allows us to underline the role of the light–matter interaction time with respect to that of the number of the active medium layers in the optical amplification.
A New Model of Global Reconstructive Surgery Training With Reduced Carbon Footprint of Outreach
Authors: Burgess Jordan , Meyers Natalie , Rusin-Gomez Dora , Fox Paige M. , Chang James
Published: March 2024

This economic evaluation compares carbon dioxide emissions from air transportation for surgical mission trips vs team training trips.
Somatic mutations in four novel genes contribute to homologous recombination deficiency in breast cancer: a real‐world clinical tumor sequencing study
Authors: Huang Yongsheng , Qiu Yuntan , Ding Linxiaoxiao , Ren Shuwei , Jiang Yuanling , Luo Jiahuan , Huang Jinghua , Yin Xinke , Fu Sha , Zhao Jianli , Hu Kaishun , Liao Jianwei
Published: March 2024

Breast cancers involving mutations in homologous recombination (HR) genes, most commonly BRCA1 and BRCA2 (BRCA1/2), respond well to PARP inhibitors and platinum‐based chemotherapy. However, except for these specific HR genes, it is not clear which other mutations contribute to homologous recombination defects (HRD). Here, we performed next‐generation sequencing of tumor tissues and matched blood samples from 119 breast cancer patients using the OncoScreen Plus panel. Genomic mutation characteristics and HRD scores were analyzed. In the HR genes, we found that BRCA1/2 and PLAB2 mutations were related to HRD. HRD was also detected in a subset of patients without germline or somatic mutations in BRCA1/2, PLAB2, or other HR‐related genes. Notably, LRP1B, NOTCH3, GATA2, and CARD11 (abbreviated as LNGC) mutations were associated with high HRD scores in breast cancer patients. Furthermore, functional experiments demonstrated that silencing CARD11 and GATA2 impairs HR repair efficiency and enhances the sensitivity of tumor cells to olaparib treatment. In summary, in the absence of mutations in the HR genes, the sensitivity of tumor cells to PARP inhibitors and platinum‐based chemotherapy may be enhanced in a subset of breast cancer patients with LNGC somatic mutations.