bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
8 The Class Politics of Swedish Welfare Policies
Authors: Svallfors Stefan
Published: October 2003

The second Scandinavian chapter picks up on the emphasis on the welfare state. The main interest here is in class divisions in attitudes to welfare redistribution. It finds that the changes that appear to have occurred in the region do not appear to have led to other cleavages becoming more important than that of class. Again, politics is emphasized as the key to understanding the social bases of partisanship rather than vice versa.

In contemporary Central and Eastern Europe, the debate about class politics takes on a very different form to that in the West: it concerns not whether class divisions have declined with the transition from industrialism to post‐industrialism, but whether they have increased as the former communist countries—with their former ideology of classlessness—undergo the uneasy transition from command economy to free market democracy.
9 The Politics of Interests and Class Realignment in the Czech Republic, 1992–1996
Authors: Mateju Petr , Rehakova Blanka , Evans Geoffrey
Published: October 2003

The first chapter studies a relatively ‘Western’ country, the Czech Republic during the early‐ and mid‐1990s. Over a four‐year period there is clear evidence of class‐based political polarization along the ‘classic’ left‐right axis. The differential costs and benefits of marketization would appear to have become increasingly apparent to classes within the Czech electorate.
The Road To Maastricht
Authors: Dyson Kenneth , Featherstone Kevin
Published: October 2003

Structuralist explanations have dominated attempts to explain the process of European integration. However, as the negotiation of Economic and Monetary Union shows, policy leadership has been critical in launching, shaping, and sustaining this process. This leadership goes beyond policy entrepreneurship in setting the agenda to include the management of institutional venues in the pursuit of particular objectives.

The Franco–German relationship emerges as a key venue that defines the scope and limitations of policy leadership and that was crucial in binding in the Bundesbank and EU central bankers to the process. At the domestic level, the political drive from Kohl and Mitterrand was decisive. Delors was a key driving force, at certain stages, both within the European Commission and as chair of the Delors Committee. Together, they acted as animateurs and ingénieurs of Economic and Monetary Union. The strategic aspect of leadership in the cases of Britain and Italy was altogether different. The Thatcher and Major governments repeatedly misjudged the commitment of their partners to proceed, and the inflexibility of their positions prevented them from building countervailing coalitions. For Italy, EMU was a test of external credibility: domestic weakness limited her overall influence on the progress of the initiative, whilst EMU was seized upon by a small leadership group as a new vincolo esterno (external constraint) to secure otherwise difficult domestic reforms. This latter strategy was replicated more widely as member states endeavored to meet the entry criteria for participation in the single currency.

The outcome of the Maastricht Treaty was an imperfect agreement that generates serious future challenges for policy leadership. These challenges include cognitive gaps in EMU, institutional innovation, and imperfect legitimation.
Introduction: An Historical Overview
Authors: Dyson Kenneth , Featherstone Kevin
Published: October 2003

The negotiation of EMU is situated in an historical context, notably the mounting tensions in the post‐war Bretton Woods system, the Hague Summit of 1969, the eventual collapse of Bretton Woods and the creation of the European Monetary System in 1978–79. An account is given of the relaunch of EMU in 1988, of the start of the detailed negotiations, of the nature and significance of the Maastricht Agreement, and of the end game in 1991.
Challenging the ‘D‐Mark Zone’: Agenda‐Setting on EMU and the Strategy of Indirection Under Mitterrand, 1981–1989
Authors: Dyson Kenneth , Featherstone Kevin
Published: October 2003

Mitterrand's beliefs about Europe and EMU and his governing style are analysed. The history of his engagement with this issue is traced from the ERM crisis of 1983 and the issue of reconciling socialism to the ERM through to the Balladur Memorandum and the French management of the Delors Committee in 1988–89. The hesitations of Bérégovoy are examined, alongside the role of presidential leadership in taking an active role after the Delors Report, especially through Guigou.
Negotiating EMU Around the German Model: Agenda‐Setting Under the Kohl Chancellorship, 1982–1989
Authors: Dyson Kenneth , Featherstone Kevin
Published: October 2003

Kohl's beliefs about EMU and governing style are examined, along with the policy ideas of Stoltenberg and the power of the Finance Ministry and of the Bundesbank over EMU. Particular attention is paid to attempts to fend off challenges to develop the EMS. Crucial to this account is the role of Genscher and then of Kohl in preparing the Hanover European Council and in sustaining the political initiative by binding in the Bundesbank through Pöhl's role in the Delors Committee. The role and impact of German unification was central to the reframing of EMU in 1989–90 and to Kohl's leadership role.
Italy and the IGC: Negotiating External Discipline, Avoiding Exclusion, 1990–1991
Authors: Dyson Kenneth , Featherstone Kevin
Published: October 2003

Italy's maximalist negotiating positions—of a binding timetable, strong central institutions for the transition, and flexible entry conditions—were soon confronted in 1991 by the realization of a bargaining weakness. The latter stemmed from the domestic economic position, but also from the shift of the Mitterrand administration towards the negotiating positions adopted by the German–Dutch policy coalition. This context explains the successes and failures of the Italian negotiators in the IGC. Some technical influence was achieved. There was little scope for them to obtain a more favourable outcome, given that they were outside the Franco–German axis and an alternative coalition was not available. Above all, Italian negotiators had to avoid the risk of exclusion from EMU, which would have constituted a profound domestic shock.
The British Political Tradition and EMU: Policy Legacies, Beliefs, and Co‐Ordination
Authors: Dyson Kenneth , Featherstone Kevin
Published: October 2003

Few issues have caused as much domestic turbulence for so long in recent decades as those associated with Britain's role in the European integration process. EMU challenged traditional concerns of British policy on Europe: nationhood, sovereignty, and gradualism. It also conflicted with core Thatcherite policy beliefs about the sensitivity of monetary policy to market conditions. EMU appeared on the agenda as the Conservative Government wrestled with the question of ERM entry, and a cleavage appeared between ‘Europhiles’ and ‘Eurosceptics’. Mrs Thatcher was intent on asserting a more strident leadership on ‘Europe’, whilst her Chancellor was acting as a policy entrepreneur. Her government was thus ill‐prepared strategically for the EMU negotiations. After the surprise of the Delors Committee outcome, the Whitehall machine established tight policy coordination. Given the political context, however, it remained vulnerable to a narrowness of vision.
John Major: Between the Party and the IGC
Authors: Dyson Kenneth , Featherstone Kevin
Published: October 2003

With the failure to delay or block the EMU initiative, Major was left to bridge the unbridgeable, caught between a divided party and European credibility. Party divisions prevented any radical shift of policy. More constructive rhetoric did not disguise essential policy continuity. Major's instincts were for pragmatism, but any scope for building alternative coalitions (e.g. with the German–Dutch bloc) were not exploited, despite compatibilities in policy belief (on monetary policy and on free markets). Thus, the end game became dominated by the technical design of an opt‐out from EMU and a weakening stage 2. The ‘victory’ on the opt‐out was somewhat hollow: not least because Britain's partners had all but given up on her. The problems of reconciling Britain's interests were graphically portrayed by its exit from the ERM in September 1992. The irony of Major's leadership was that, despite him giving priority to party unity, the Conservative Party was left in almost terminable decline and he failed to ease the constraints on his successor.
Jacques Delors as Policy Entrepreneur and Ingénieur of the EMU Negotiations: Agenda‐Setting and Oiling the Wheels
Authors: Dyson Kenneth , Featherstone Kevin
Published: October 2003

Delors policy beliefs and strategy for EMU are analysed, in particular his role as animateur and ingénieur of the negotiations. His leadership before and during the Delors Committee is seen as central, especially in producing a unanimous report that bound in the EU central bank governors. Thereafter, his role is less significant. His role is considered in the context of his larger vision of European unification and his past experience as French Finance Minister. Within the European Commission, EMU is a case of informal presidentialization.
The Amsterdam Treaty: The Blueprint for the Future Institutional Balance?
Authors: Falkner Gerda , Nentwich Michael
Published: October 2003

The 1996‐97 intergovernmental conference (IGC) aimed, inter alia, at solving the most pressing institutional issues in order to prepare the ground for the next wave of enlargement. The paper first contrasts this IGC's mandate with the outcome of the Amsterdam Treaty. It then analyses the four most significant reform steps with a view to democratic governance at the EU level: they concern the issue of ‘appropriate representation’ in the European Parliament; the appointment of the Commission President; the latter's powers concerning the internal organization of the Commission; and, finally, the new powers and competences of the EP. The authors conclude that the incremental institutional changes during the two decades since the first direct European elections amounted to a fundamental reform and that, in the future, this new inter‐institutional balance would be refined rather than fundamentally challenged.
The Slow March of European Legislation: The Implementation of Directives
Authors: Azzi Giuseppe Ciavarini
Published: October 2003

The job of the EU in the years ahead is likely to consist more of implementing existing policies than of creating new ones. In addition, the future enlargement of the EU will entail problems of implementation for the new member states. In this context, we need to ask two crucial questions: How effectively are Community directives being implemented? And how effective is the control exercised by the Community institutions? Political science has rarely considered these questions together, and while a number of multidisciplinary studies have been carried out on these subjects, they need to be qualified. This chapter attempts to do so. To that end, questions about the implementation of directives in the EU member states are raised. For example, the member state must first take the necessary measures to transpose the directive, and these must then be notified to the European Commission. Is there effective monitoring? How does monitoring work? The chapter offers extensive empirical material on these issues. In concluding, recommendations for policy implementation based on the instrument of directives, especially with a view to enlargement, are offered.
Beyond Amsterdam: Regional Integration as Social Process
Authors: Kohler‐Koch Beate
Published: October 2003

The future of European integration will not be decided by Intergovernmental Conferences. Political integration is a social process that can best be analysed by taking a bottom‐up approach. We have to explore the societal forces that shape the living constitution of the EU and contribute to the emergence of a European political space. The chapter presents the theoretical argument and empirical findings on the basis of own research. Investigation of the involvement of regions and interest groups in EU affairs provides strong evidence that the EU is a political region in the strict sense. For a multitude of actors, it is a privileged arena for pursuing their interests. By their acceptance and support, transnational problem‐solving strategies become a shared concept of governance. Nevertheless, the Europeanization of belief systems and of political organization still has a strong national bias. The EU will not become a substitute for the nation‐state but will remain a ‘Europe with states’.
Executive Selection in the European Union: Does the Commission President Investiture Procedure Reduce the Democratic Deficit?
Authors: Hix Simon
Published: October 2003

Discusses the issue of accountability. Argues that the holders of political power in the EU institutions must be made more accountable. The so‐called ‘permissive consensus’, in which Europe's leaders can build a European polity without requiring a priori consent from their voters, no longer exists. The challenge for the EU institutions is that a central element of the practice of democracy in all political systems is the ability of citizens to ‘throw out’ the holders of executive office through the process of competitive elections. The EU has, however, a ‘dual executive’. On the one hand, national governments possess long‐term executive power; on the other hand, in the everyday making of EU social and economic policies, the EU Commission exercises considerable executive power. In the exercise of these powers, moreover, whereas the Council is a true ‘collegial executive’ with a rotating president, the Commission is more like a national cabinet, where the Commission President is the primus inter pares, the ‘first among equals’. Prior to the Maastricht and Amsterdam Treaties, neither of these branches of the dual EU executive was accountable via the classic indirect or direct methods. In concluding, the chapter suggests that the Maastricht and Amsterdam Treaties have increased the democratic accountability of at least one part of the EU executive. However, critical questions remain to be addressed, e.g. has this quasi‐parliamentary model of EU executive selection really allowed Europe's voters to choose the EU executive? Can European citizens throw out the Commission President? Or is more fundamental institutional reform needed?
Political Representation in the European Union: A Common Whole, Various Wholes, or Just a Hole?
Authors: Neunreither Karlheinz
Published: October 2003

Examines the peculiarities of political representation in the EU. Who represents whom in the European Union? Member States are represented via their governments in the Council, the peoples of the same Member States are represented in the directly elected European Parliament, the regions in the Committee of the Regions, and finally various economic and social groups in the Economic and Social Committee. But is there a political representation of the EU as a whole? The article argues that this is not just a purely theoretical question, but has important practical effects, among others in differentiated integration including the Eurozone arrangements. The European Parliament is directly affected by this situation in which several scenarios are possible. A forward EP strategy would consist in defending its right to represent the whole of the EU, not just its composing parts. This would be close to a federal option. Other scenarios include a strengthening of national parliaments, or––in the worst case––a weakening of political representation both in the Member States and the EU with possible substantial damages for the existing democratic systems.
Flexibility: A Tool of Integration or a Restraint on Disintegration?
Authors: Wallace Helen
Published: October 2003

’Flexibility’ emerged as one of the key words in the practitioners’ discourse during the Intergovernmental Conference leading to the Treaty of Amsterdam in 1997. The term became part of the new Eurospeak of the process, and shorthand for a broad‐ranging debate on the institutions and politics of the EU. It surfaced much as 'subsidiarity’ had done in the negotiations leading to agreement at Maastricht in 1991. Subsidiarity had then appeared to provide both a rationale and an operating tool for rearranging the division of labour between the European and national policy arenas. This chapter argues that similarly flexibility, according to its proponents, promised a new principle and a new tool for responding to differences in the enthusiasms and capabilities of the member states of the EU to take on new tasks of policy integration. In the period following Maastricht, it had become evident that subsidiarity was both a contested concept and a muddled guide for practice. In the aftermath of Amsterdam, flexibility needs to be examined both for its role as a potential principle in the integration process and for the scope it might offer for resolving problems of practice. This chapter develops this proposition more in detail. To that end, it puts the development of the principles of subsidiarity and flexibility in historical perspective.
Precedents and Present Events in the European Union: An Institutional Perspective on Treaty Reform
Authors: Sverdrup Ulf
Published: October 2003

The 1996‐7 intergovernmental conference was convened to prepare the European Union (EU) for the challenges of the twenty‐first century, for which a radical review and reform of the EU's institutions was considered to be of paramount importance. This chapter investigates and maps the organizational factors that constrained and facilitated institutional reform in the EU. It challenges the liberal intergovernmental perspective, which argues that the preferences and power of the member states are the key explanatory factors for such reform. On the basis of empirical investigation of the 1996‐97 IGC, it suggests that an institutional perspective on governance reveals important aspects of political reform that have previously been neglected. It demonstrates that a careful analysis of the constraints and possibilities created by the path‐dependent development of the EU, the internal dynamics and the decision‐making procedures in the IGC, and a distinct temporal location help increase our understanding of the EU.
A Blairite Treaty: Neo‐Liberalism and Regulated Capitalism in the Treaty of Amsterdam
Authors: Pollack Mark A.
Published: October 2003

The EU's founding Treaties have been characterized by political contestation along two dimensions: a centre‐periphery dimension in which centralization to Brussels is opposed to national sovereignty, and a left‐right dimension pitting a center‐right project of market liberalization against a center‐left project of ‘regulated capitalism’. From the Treaty of Rome through the Maastricht Treaty, the fundamental thrust of the treaties has been neoliberal, focusing on the creation of a unified European marketplace, while side agreements have secured some elements of the regulated capitalism project. In this context, the Treaty of Amsterdam represents an outlier: a Treaty that addresses the central concerns of the regulated capitalism model (e.g. employment, social policy, and the environment), but does so primarily through new regulatory instruments and comparison of best practices rather than binding EU regulations. For good or ill, this ‘Blairite Treaty’ reflects the ‘Third Way’ governing philosophy of British Prime Minister Tony Blair.
The Embedded Acquis Communautaire: Transmission Belt and Prism of New Governance
Authors: Wiener Antje
Published: October 2003

The European Union offers crucial insights into the gradual shift from Weberian form of modern ‘government’ towards the institutionalization of post‐Weberian ‘governance’. The article argues that the emerging ‘polity of polities’ context not only threatens the constitutional basis of democratic rule but also raises the questions of what exactly the new institutions of governance beyond the nation‐state are, and what they imply for the functioning (rules of the game) and legitimacy (democratic processes) of the political order. In an effort to elaborate on these questions, the article develops two themes. First, it raises critical questions about the conceptual boundedness of ‘governance’ in the discussion of constitutional and policy studies within the field of European integration. Secondly, it advances a methodological access point for the study of the institutionalization of governance in the Euro‐polity. It suggests situating the legal concept of acquis communautaire at the boundary of legal studies and politics. The concept is then applied to a case study of citizenship policy in the EU to demonstrate how the acquis communautaire—more precisely, the ‘embedded acquis communautaire’—facilitates methodological access to the study of the institutionalization of governance beyond the state and despite states.
Algeria
Authors: Axtmann Dirk
Published: October 2003

This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Algeria follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions, and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat; 2.2 Electoral Body 1962–1997 (data on population size, registered voters, and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7 and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1962–1997 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendums 1962–1996 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly 1962 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections 1964–1997 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1964–1997; 2.9 Presidential Elections 1963–1995 (details of registered voters and votes cast); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1962–1998.
Congo (Democratic Republic)
Authors: Schmidt Siegmar , Stroux Daniel
Published: October 2003

This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Congo (Democratic Republic) follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions (suspended), and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat; 2.2 Electoral Body 1960–1987 (data on population size, registered voters, and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7, and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1960–1987 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendums 1964–1967 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly (none held); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections 1960–1977 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1960–1987; 2.9 Presidential Elections 1970–1984 (details of registered voters and votes cast); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1960–1997.
Côte d'Ivoire
Authors: Hartmann Christof
Published: October 2003

This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Côte d’Ivoire follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions, and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat (there have been no referendums or coups d’état); 2.2 Electoral Body 1959–1995 (data on population size, registered voters, and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7, and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1959–1995 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5/2.6 Referendums/Elections for Constitutional Assembly (none held); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections 1959–1995 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1959–1995; 2.9 Presidential Elections 1960–1995 (details of registered voters and votes cast); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1960–1998.
Djibouti
Authors: Thibaut Bernhard
Published: October 2003

This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Djibouti follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions, and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat (there have been no coups d’état); 2.2 Electoral Body 1967–1997 (data on population size, registered voters, and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7, and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1977–1997 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendums 1967 and 1977 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly (none held); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections 1973–1997 (details of registered voters and votes cast nationally and regionally); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1977–1997; 2.9 Presidential Elections 1981–1993 (details of registered voters and votes cast); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1977–1998.
Egypt
Authors: Ries Matthias
Published: October 2003

This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Egypt follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions, and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat; 2.2 Electoral Body 1950–1995 (data on population size, registered voters, and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7, and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1950–1995 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendums 1956–1990 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly (the National Assembly elected in 1974 was to act as a Constitutional Assembly); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections 1984 and 1987 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1950–1995; 2.9 Presidential Referendums 1956–1993 (details of registered voters and votes cast); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1953–1998.
Gabon
Authors: Fleischhacker Helga
Published: October 2003

This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Gabon follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions, and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat; 2.2 Electoral Body 1957–1996 (data on population size, registered voters, and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7, and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1957–1998 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendums 1958 and 1995 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly (none held); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections 1957–1996 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1957–1996 (including details of elected candidates per province in 1996); 2.9 Presidential Elections 1961–1998 (details of registered voters and votes cast); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1960–1998.
Gambia
Authors: Bendel Petra
Published: October 2003

This chapter on elections and electoral systems in the Gambia follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions, and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat; 2.2 Electoral Body 1965–1997 (data on population size, registered voters, and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7, and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1966–1997 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendums 1965 and 1970 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly (none held); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections 1966–1997 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1966–1997; 2.9 Presidential Elections 1982–1996 (details of registered voters and votes cast); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1965–1998.
Ghana
Authors: Krennerich Michael
Published: October 2003

This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Ghana follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions, and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat; 2.2 Electoral Body 1956–1996 (data on population size, registered voters, and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7, and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1956–1996 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendums 1956–1992 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly (none held); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections 1956–1996 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1956–1996 (including national and regional distribution of seats); 2.9 Presidential Elections 1979–1996 (details of registered voters and votes cast nationally and regionally); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1957–1998.
Guinea‐Bissau
Authors: Clemente‐Kersten Ana Catarina
Published: October 2003

This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Guinea‐Bissau follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions, and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat (there have been no referendums); 2.2 Electoral Body 1972–1994 (data on population size, registered voters, and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7, and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1972–1994 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendums (none held); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly 1972 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections 1976–1994 (details of registered voters and votes cast nationally and regionally); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1976–1994; 2.9 Presidential Elections 1994 (details of registered voters and votes cast nationally and regionally); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1973–1998.
Mauritania
Authors: Wegemund Regina
Published: October 2003

This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Mauritania follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions, and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat; 2.2 Electoral Body 1959–1997 (data on population size, registered voters, and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7, and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1959–1997 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendum 1991 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly (none held); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections 1959–1996 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1959–1996; 2.9 Presidential Elections 1961–1997 (details of registered voters and votes cast nationally and per moughataa); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1959–1998.
Morocco
Authors: Montabes Pereira Juan , Parejo Fernández María A.
Published: October 2003

This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Morocco follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions, and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat (there have been no coups d’état); 2.2 Electoral Body 1962–1997 (data on population size, registered voters, and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7, and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1963–1997 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendums 1962–1996 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly (none held); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections 1963–1997 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1963–1997; 2.9 Presidential Elections (none held as Morocco is a constitutional monarchy); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1961–1998.
Niger
Authors: Basedau Matthias
Published: October 2003

This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Niger follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions, and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat; 2.2 Electoral Body 1965–1996 (data on population size, registered voters, and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7, and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1958–1996 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendums 1987–1996 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly (none held); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections 1965–1996 (details of registered voters and votes cast nationally and regionally); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1958–1996; 2.9 Presidential Elections 1965–1996 (details of registered voters and votes cast nationally and regionally); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1960–1998.
São Tomé and Príncipe
Authors: Fleischhacker Helga
Published: October 2003

This chapter on elections and electoral systems in São Tomé and Príncipe follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions, and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat; 2.2 Electoral Body 1990–1998 (data on population size, registered voters, and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7, and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1990–1998 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendum 1990 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly (none held); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections 1991–1998 (details of registered voters and votes cast, nationally and by electoral district); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1991–1998; 2.9 Presidential Elections 1991–1996 (details of registered voters and votes cast, nationally and by electoral district); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1975–1998.
Sierra Leone
Authors: Reynolds Andrew
Published: October 2003

This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Sierra Leone follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions, and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat; 2.2 Electoral Body 1957–1996 (data on population size, registered voters, and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7, and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1957–1996 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendums 1978 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly (none held); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections 1957–1996 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1957–1996; 2.9 Presidential Elections 1985–1996 (details of registered voters and votes cast); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1957–1998.
Tanzania
Authors: Fengler Wolfgang
Published: October 2003

This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Tanzania follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions, and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables, with data given for Tanganyika 1958–1962, Zanzibar 1957–1963, and Tanzania 1965–1995. The tables are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat (there have been no referendums); 2.2 Electoral Body 1957–1995 (data on population size, registered voters, and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7, and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1957–1995 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendums (none held); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly (none held); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections 1957–1995 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1958–1995; 2.9 Presidential Elections 1962–1995 (details of registered voters and votes cast); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1961–1998.
Togo
Authors: Stroux Daniel
Published: October 2003

TogoThis chapter on elections and electoral systems in Togo follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions, and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat; 2.2 Electoral Body 1958–1998 (data on population size, registered voters, and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7, and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1958–1998 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendums 1961–1992 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly (none held); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections 1958–1997 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1958–1994; 2.9 Presidential Elections 1961–1998 (details of registered voters and votes cast); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1960–1998.
Uganda
Authors: Schmidt Siegmar
Published: October 2003

This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Uganda follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions, and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat (there have been no referendums); 2.2 Electoral Body 1961–1996 (data on population size, registered voters, and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7, and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1961–1996 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendums 1962–1996 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly 1994 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections 1961–1996 (details of registered voters and votes cast); 2.8 Composition of Parliament (the national assembly) 1961–1996; 2.9 Presidential Elections 1996 (details of registered voters and votes cast); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1962–1998.
Recruitment into the European Parliament
Authors: Norris Pippa
Published: October 2003

This chapter continues the theme of looking beyond institutional structures and formal rules to the abilities, skills, and experiences of individuals in order to gain a fuller picture of the effectiveness and legitimacy of the European Parliament. This is placed within the framework of theories of professionalization and theories of social representation. In terms of career politicians, the EP is found to be as highly professionalized as national parliaments, which may be expected to promote continuity and cohesion in policy‐making. On the other hand, this may be argued to make politicians increasingly out of touch with the concerns of the European public, which is compounded by the fact that the profile of the MEPs largely reflects the well‐known social biases evident throughout political elites.
Which Political Competencies for Which Political Level?
Authors: Wessels Bernhard , Kielhorn Achim
Published: October 2003

Why has economic integration been followed by political integration, and what are the factors of resistance working against it? This chapter takes a rationalistic and institutional perspective on the process of shifting competencies in the EU. Drawing on the debate about globalization, the hypotheses that the globalization of problems and the globalization of the economy are of crucial importance are tested, and are found to clearly support policy shift. From the debate about institutions as constraints and facilitators of action, a further two hypotheses are derived. Vested interests are found to place an institutional constraint on political flexibility, and national institutional settings are found to account for the differences in support for shifting competencies between members of national parliaments.
Institutional Change and the Future Political Order
Authors: Wessels Bernhard
Published: October 2003

This chapter describes the current preferences for institutional change and the future political order in the EU. It is not clear which institutional means might help narrow the gap between state building and democracy, improving co‐ordination, control, and linkages. The differences and tensions in attitudes between countries, levels and ideological groups seem to be so considerable as to imply that consensus on a European political order, and thereby its construction itself, is far from feasible.
Germany
Authors: Derlien Hans‐Ulrich
Published: October 2003

The author of this chapter on the national co-ordination of European Union (EU) policy in Germany contends that, in order to arrive at a more balanced picture of the efficiency of German EU policy co-ordination, the various aspects of the term ‘Europa-Politik’ need to be distinguished more carefully than experts on the EU usually do; accordingly, the chapter draws on the polity–policy–politics distinction and other policy classifications customary in the field of policy analysis in the pursuit of four objectives. First an analysis is made of the already well documented structural arrangements in Bonn, the Länder and Brussels for co-ordinating various policy types in the multilevel decision-making system; the German co-ordination machinery is described as basically a two-track system consisting of a diplomatic track built and a sectorized expert track. Second, substantive policy interdependencies reflected and articulated within the departmental division of labour (as well as on the other two layers of the European decision-making system) are explored as to their issue salience and their bearing on the politics dimension of Europa-Politik. Third, the place of politics (and politicians) in the apparently diplomat- and bureaucrat-dominated, expert-driven German subsystem of the European political system is considered more systematically, and it is contended that the German pattern of ex post co-ordination is ultimately superior to a practice of ex ante co-ordination of all policy matters regardless of their salience. Fourth, the French and the British co-ordination systems, which emphasise ex ante central co-ordination, are considered and pronounced as less thorough than their image suggests; their emphasis on ex ante central co-ordination is explained by the more defensive nature of the two governments towards European integration in the past and, in the case of Britain, by features of the Westminster system that allow more hierarchical interministerial relations than does a coalition government, or a federal system.