bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Civil Society, Fifth-Column Perceptions, and Wartime Deportations
Authors: Zeynep Bulutgil H. , Erkiletian Sam
Published: June 2022

Why do politicians perceive certain ethnic groups as fifth columns in some contexts but not others? What is the role of civil society organizations in this process? This chapter offers a two-step argument on why and how political leaders come to view certain groups as fifth columns. First, in democratic and semi-democratic contexts, one of the key determinants of this outcome is the extent to which there are influential civil society organizations that are devoted to the exclusion of the potential fifth-column group. Second, the emergence of these exclusionary organizations depends on the sequence between the development of civic associations and the timing of when the group in question has access to these associations. We evaluate this argument through a comparative analysis of three cases: German Americans during World War I, Japanese Americans on the West Coast during World War II, and Japanese Americans in Hawaii during World War II.
No Collusion! Or Is There?
Authors: Radnitz Scott
Published: June 2022

This chapter explores the dynamics of collusive fifth-column politics, in which political oppositions and independent critics accuse heads of state and their entourages of clandestinely advancing the interests of an external adversary. It examines episodes from Russia in the 1990s, when President Boris Yeltsin’s government was accused of colluding with Western powers to weaken Russia; and the United States around the 2016 election, when detractors of Donald Trump asserted that he was a Kremlin “puppet.” It argues that a key factor in both cases was the opposition’s belief that a defiant stance toward the external power would be unifying and mobilizing, given that public opinion toward the (former) geopolitical rival was broadly unfavorable. The unlikely parallels between accusations in the two countries indicate how residual Cold War logics produced similar discursive dynamics in distinct political settings and highlight how narratives about subversion can be refashioned into claims of collusion.
External or Internal Enemies?
Authors: Ciancia Kathryn
Published: June 2022

Using the case of the Polish consulate in the French city of Lille, this chapter explores the Polish interwar state’s shifting approach toward allegedly subversive citizens who lived abroad. During this period, state officials tried to suppress communist influence on industrial workers, prevent “suspicious” citizens from physically returning to Poland, and denaturalize those whom they argued had forfeited their right to citizenship. The chapter makes two main arguments. First, it claims that although the definition of fifth columns is generally centered on supposedly disloyal internal elements that are assisted by external forces, the case of Polish citizens abroad encourages us to more precisely historicize and contextualize the fluctuating meanings of “internal” and “external.” Second, it shows that while state officials removed citizenship from some ethnic Poles, they were more inclined to target non-ethnically Polish citizens, particularly Jews, based on claims about their collective national disloyalty.
Imagined Treason and Post–Lavender Scare Politics
Authors: Anabtawi Samer M.
Published: June 2022

The framing of sexual minorities as a fifth column is ubiquitous. In many parts of the world, LGBTQ people have been associated with betrayal and accused of being easy prey for recruitment by foreign enemies. But how do LGBTQ groups respond to damaging narratives that constitute them as threats to national security? And what consequences do various responses have on the viability of LGBTQ rights movements? This chapter explores how target groups make framing choices vis-à-vis political homophobia and their stigmatization as fifth columns. It posits that LGBTQ groups’ claim-making is a major determinant of a movement’s viability in the long run and its ability to withstand populist episodes and backlash. To understand variation in group response, the chapter leverages a paired comparison between the LGBTQ movement’s response to the Lavender Scare in the United States and the Palestinian LGBTQ movement’s response to a strikingly similar “scare” episode.
When Fifth Columns Fall
Authors: Fabbe Kristin E. , Balıkçıoğlu Efe Murat
Published: June 2022

This chapter investigates the role that fifth-column claims play in authoritarian politics. Specifically, it examines how fifth-column claims against the Gülen Movement have transformed the relationship between the Turkish state and both official (state-sanctioned) and unofficial Islamic actors in Turkey since July 2016. Erdoğan’s government reconfigured collusive claims about the alleged Gülenist fifth-column into subversive ones. In doing so, it expanded the scope of guilt-by-proximity and gave rise to loyalty-signaling dynamics within Turkey’s broader community of political Islamists. Documenting the shift from collusive to subversive fifth-column claims in this case reveals the extreme form of political pragmatism often guiding autocratic rule. Although Erdoğan’s regime has long been viewed through the prisms of de-secularization, Islamic political revival and neo-Ottoman ambition, these analytical frameworks obscure the fact that his political project is first and foremost about eliminating competing sources of domestic authority.
Bulldozers, Violent Thugs, and Nonviolent Brokers
Authors: Ong Lynette H.
Published: June 2022

The introductory chapter succinctly summarizes a theory about outsourcing repression, in which the state engages nonstate actors—violent thugs-for-hire and nonviolent grassroots brokers—to implement unpopular policies. Outsourcing violence to thugs-for-hire allows for plausible deniability and the evasion of political accountability. Grassroots brokers mobilize the masses, using persuasion as a tool to extract citizen compliance while keeping state legitimacy largely intact. Outsourcing repression to nonstate actors enhances the presence of everyday state power throughout society. These arguments are illustrated in a study of the Chinese state’s efforts to spearhead urbanization as an engine of growth. Taken together, they address the way in which states simultaneously extract compliance and minimize backlash while pursuing an inherently redistributive growth policy.
Brokers in Harmonious Demolition
Authors: Ong Lynette H.
Published: June 2022

Drawn from thick case-study evidence, Chapter 6 demonstrates repression-legitimating social brokers in action. Their use of persuasion as a control instrument, underpinned by long-term relationships, or guanxi, and its attendant emotions, or ganqing, helps to reduce citizen resistance to state policy. In practical terms their social standing legitimates their repressive acts and lowers the cost of state repression. This chapter also illuminates how economic brokers help resolve state‒society disputes by bringing disgruntled citizens and government officials to negotiation and facilitating an agreement. This prevents disputes from becoming protracted and contributes to maintenance of social stability. These nonviolent repressive measures have gained prominence as the costs of violent coercion escalate over time particularly in metropolitan cities, yet as the case studies illustrate, even though they are nonviolent in nature, they are not necessarily less coercive than violent repression.
Why Do People Really Rally? Context, Actors, Meaning, and Emotions
Authors: Feinstein Yuval
Published: June 2022

This chapter presents the theoretical framework used for the analysis of rallies in this book. It opens with the assertion that at the most elemental level, the rally phenomenon occurs because most people are fundamentally committed to maintaining the positive symbolic value of their nation. A section discussing honor and prestige as the two components of the perceived collective symbolic value of the nation is followed by a section discussing how military confrontations turn into struggles for national honor and prestige. The next section discusses the emotions that drive individuals to rally around the flag and describes the meaning-making that evokes these emotions. The following sections discuss the role of three actors that jointly steer emotions in the public during rally periods: the media, national enemies, and the US president.
A Plan for Solving the Rally Puzzle
Authors: Feinstein Yuval
Published: June 2022

This chapter outlines the comparative-historical research framework that subsequent chapters apply to detect the conditions that have led to the emergence of rally-round-the-flag outcomes in the United States since 1950. Three analytic principles distinguish the investigation from other attempts to explain the rally phenomenon. First, rally periods are distinguished from periods in which presidential approval ratings increased only slightly. Second, no single characteristic of an event can explain why a rally followed or did not follow the event, because this inevitably leads to a probabilistic argument that leaves some cases unexplained; thus, the best approach is to identify clusters of conditions that have jointly produced a rally outcome. Third, no single explanation fits all seemingly similar outcomes (i.e., multiple pathways may have led to the emergence of rallies). The chapter explains the comparative historical research method applied in this book, how cases were selected, and how “rally” was coded.
Standing Up Proudly
Authors: Feinstein Yuval
Published: June 2022

This chapter discusses the emergence of rally-round-the-flag reactions in the aftermath of two major foreign attacks against US civilian targets: the Iran hostage crisis and the September 11 attacks. The chapter compares these events to two other events that did not generate significant rally effects: the 1993 World Trade Center bombing and the 1998 bombing of the US embassies in Kenya and Tanzania. The chapter demonstrates that attacks against US civilian targets, even when they cause a great deal of damage and claim the lives of many Americans, do not necessarily lead the public to rally behind the president. Instead, the emergence of rally depends on a presidential decision to use rhetoric that propagates the public feeling of collective humiliation while also outlining a way to increase national honor and gain more respect from other nations through military action.
War That Feels Good
Authors: Feinstein Yuval
Published: June 2022

This chapter analyzes survey data collected during the presidency of George W. Bush to detect individual-level mechanisms of rally-round-the-flag effects. The results show that a rally effect emerged when a majority in the public embraced a national framework that reaffirmed collective identity and generated positive feelings about going to war against national enemies, which temporarily trumped the effect of partisanship on people’s assessment of the president. In contrast to prominent arguments about public opinion in the United States, the findings further demonstrate that rallying around the flag is not motivated by a rational assessment of military policies or security concerns.
The Nature of Tyranny
Authors: Al-Kawakibi Abdul Rahman
Published: June 2022

The Nature of Tyranny was written and published at the dawn of the twentieth century by Abdul Rahman Al-Kawakibi, one of the pioneering thinkers of the Arab world. More than a century later, another Arab awakening exploded, led by a new generation of youth who chanted Al-Kawakibi's words in revolutionary cries from Aleppo, his hometown, to Cairo's Tahrir Square. Today this seminal text appears in English for the first time, with a foreword from Leon T. Goldsmith offering an overview of Al-Kawakibi's intellectual contributions. The first chapter of the text provides a definition of tyranny, presenting it as akin to a sickness or malaise that seeps into all classes of society, leaving behind decay. The following seven chapters apply this conception of tyranny to what Al-Kawakibi sees as society's crucial elements: religion, knowledge, honor, economy, ethics and progress. Having laid a theoretical framework for understanding the centrality of tyranny, its characteristics and its devastating effects, Al-Kawakibi concludes by setting forth a brief program for remedying the "disease" of tyranny. The final chapter outlines another book in which he had planned to elaborate upon his ideas, but, ultimately, his fate arrived too soon.
Introduction
Authors: Al-Kawakibi Abdul Rahman
Published: June 2022

What is tyranny? A brief historical review, and summary of main ideas about it, including types of governments and their various politics.
What is Tyranny?
Authors: Al-Kawakibi Abdul Rahman
Published: June 2022

This chapter defines tyranny in linguistic and political terms and discusses main various forms of governments.
Tyranny and Knowledge
Authors: Al-Kawakibi Abdul Rahman
Published: June 2022

The author describes the distortion of knowledge and learning in a tyrant regime to support its unopposed rule and oppression. Tyrants do not fear language, religion, and technical studies, but it is strongly against human rights activities, human and social studies, and law. Tyrants encourage ignorance in society.
Tyranny and Progress
Authors: Al-Kawakibi Abdul Rahman
Published: June 2022

Tyranny may harm a nation to a point where its natural intent to improve is reversed to desire regression. History shows how tyranny and corruption lead to deterioration of a nation until it falls, and tyranny crumples with it.
Battles Around Legal Education Reform in India
Authors: Dezalay Yves , Garth Bryant
Published: June 2022

This chapter covers battles around legal education reform in India. Such battles have long played a strategic role in law and development efforts around the world whether promoted from abroad or from local importers. The chapter employs the theoretical concept of a “legal revolution” developed by Harold Berman in his famous books on law and revolution. Berman highlighted how the learned capital of relatively marginal scholarly groups is linked with emerging political movements. The theoretical approach illuminates the so far relatively unsuccessful efforts of Indian legal modernists—who draw on US and global law firm approaches—to challenge the entrenched power of a very conservative Indian legal elite embodied in the senior advocates and high court judiciaries. Corporate law firms, think tanks, and especially new private and public law schools have in part taken up the challenge, relying on a reinvestment in globally-inspired legal scholarship and technology, but so far have not been able to modernize the grand advocates, who rely more on familial capital than scholarly and meritocratic capital. The grand advocates are essential for major cases, control the governance of the National Law Schools, and, with a few notable exceptions, resist the modernization inspired from abroad.
Asian Legal Education’s Engagement with Policy
Authors: Taylor Veronica L.
Published: June 2022

This chapter examines what Terence Halliday has called “the knowledge mandate” of the legal profession, as it is reflected in public policy engagement by law schools in Asia. Using policy engagement examples from China, Japan, Indonesia, Myanmar, and the Philippines, this chapter observes the ways in which altruistic or liberal legal values are at issue; transnational or global influences are visible; and multiple stakeholders are using the law school as a site for developing or thwarting norms in order to influence public policy. This chapter explains how such normative contestation has been managed in each case and draws attention to policy engagement as an understudied element of legal education institutions in Asia. In each case, the state seeks to use law schools as repositories of knowledge and expertise, and to regulate research and engagement behaviors that it deems desirable. Law schools and their academics are not passive in the face of such initiatives; they exert their own agency. The examples in this chapter show that some regulatory relationships between public policy actors and law schools result in more policy engagement than others. The knowledge mandate for the profession widens or narrows accordingly.
Who Wants the Global Law School?
Authors: Davis Kevin E. , Zhang Xinyi
Published: June 2022

This chapter examines factors that influence student decisions about whether to participate in globally oriented legal education drawing on recent experience with a study abroad program at NYU School of Law. Calls for the globalization of US legal education often rest upon an unstated presumption that there will be significant demand for globalized legal education from students motivated by economically defined career goals. The case study suggests that the conventional view neglects the potentially confounding influences of imperfect information, on the parts of both employers and students, as well as social and cultural factors that influence students’ decision-making. The potential career impact of participation in a study abroad program was only one of several factors in students’ decisions. Other factors included the desire to have fun, influences from their peers, and general perceptions of the study abroad sites.
Who Rules the World?
Authors: Madsen Mikael Rask
Published: June 2022

While the proliferation of international courts Cs has been described in details, we know surprisingly little about who the actual judges sitting at the helm of contemporary judicialized international law are. What was once been termed the “invisible college of international law” remains to a large extent invisible to this day. What is certain, there are today many more international judges than previously Currently, more than three hundred men and women hold the office of international judge. Most are found in Europe, at the two regional courts of the Court of Justice of the European Union and the European Court of Human Rights, but many other regional and global courts also employ a significant number of international judges. Besides some mainly descriptive studies of the international judiciary, we have very little analysis of who these people are and what commonalities they have, for example in terms of education, knowledge, and know-how. This chapter seeks to remedy this gap and presents a first systematic study of the configuration of the international judiciary as concerns the legal educational capital of international judges.
International Law Student Mobility in ContextUnderstanding Variations in Sticky Floors, Springboards, Stairways, and Slow Escalators
Authors: Silver Carole , Ballakrishnen Swethaa S.
Published: June 2022

This chapter focuses on international students across degree programs in US law schools and uses their navigation of American legal education as a tool to unpack the everyday experience of legal globalization. While graduate degree programs still account for the largest segment of international students studying law in the United States, there has been a concurrent rise in the number of international students who pursue a JD—the more mainstream US law degree. In this Chapter, we make the case that while prominent, these paths to assimilation are not seamless for many students. In tracing these students and their mobility contexts, this Chapter makes three main contributions. First, it maps the changing demographics of international law student participation and explores the factors shaping students’ preferences, including the relative importance of access to training opportunities, language, immigration status, prior work experience, and lawyer regulation and licensing (at home and abroad). Second, it offers a set of four metaphorical categories to help think about these empirical processes: sticky floors, springboards, stairways and slow escalators. Using each of these broad categories, we suggest that students find different sources of persuasion and pushback as they navigate their respective paths within law schools. Students’ decisions are molded at different stages by different actors and institutional constraints, with ultimate choices (and, therefore, tracks) reflecting a range of interactions between each of these constraints and capacities. Finally, the pathways provide a framework for theorizing about malleable social capital and recursive transnational theory.
How Is It to Be Done?
Authors: Bohrer Ashley J.
Published: June 2022

This chapter highlights competing options for movement activists weighing prefigurative and harm-reduction approaches to social movement work. It reflects on the trade-offs between reformist efforts to work within the political system and those seeking deep transformational change through a more confrontational posture, even while remaining peaceful. Moving beyond the standard academic (and often reductive) frame of “reform or transform,” the chapter explores how both approaches can be used strategically, depending on circumstances, while also noting the inherent tensions that this draws out. It also discusses how the path to a politics that can galvanize movements into seeing the radical possibilities of a more just and liberated world is paved by the contrasting ideas of Audre Lorde and Serene Khader. Where Lorde provides a philosophy that helps activists avoid replicating oppressive structures, Khader suggests resistance strategies should be assessed on their efficacy. From these two contrasting visions of feminist theory, the chapter then extracts a set of provocative and invaluable questions that movement leaders must ask themselves about institutions that have largely been built by and for men from dominant classes, castes, ethnicities, and religions.
The Ones Who Walk Away to Stay and Fight
Authors: Gamaghelyan Philip
Published: June 2022

This chapter explores another angle to the challenges of leadership and activism. Drawing on the work of science fiction authors Ursula K. Le Guin and N. K. Jemisin, who have long engaged with justice issues in their work, it identifies a range of political actors. These include those who acquiesce to injustice, those who leave, and those who stay and fight. The last group often faces significant challenges, including the dilemma of navigating both domestic pressures from a repressive state and well-meaning but overwhelming influence from outside allies. The chapter uses experiences from across the South Caucasus to explore the ethical trade-offs in alliance building in these complex situations.
Establishing an Ethics of Post-Sanctions Peacebuilding
Authors: Lopez George A. , Geaghan-Breiner Beatrix
Published: June 2022

This chapter assesses the normative issues surrounding the contemporary uses of economic sanctions in international politics, which raise complex ethical questions because of their often profound economic impact on civilians. In principle, sanctions are used to compel repressive states to change their violent behavior. However, as this chapter notes, shorn of specific and clear evaluative criteria and benchmarks, sanctions can exacerbate civilian suffering. At its most basic, the wicked problem is whether it is worth inflicting new harms in order to end ongoing harms. The chapter uses the case of U.S. sanctions on Venezuela to develop a norm of the “responsibility to restore” targeted economies in critical areas. It concludes by outlining the various practitioner and scholarly tasks needed to bring this to fruition.
Interests That Abide
Authors: Poling Gregory B.
Published: June 2022

The introduction provides a brief geographic and political overview of the South China Sea disputes. It presents the frequently raised question of whether the United States has “lost” the South China Sea and notes that a proper answer requires first establishing what winning and losing would mean. It explains that the United States has been drawn to the South China Sea by two long-standing interests: freedom of the seas and alliance credibility. The first results in a brief history of U.S. commitment to maritime freedoms and how that helped drive it to Asia in the first place. The second requires a particular focus on the Philippines as the last U.S. ally in the South China Sea disputes.
Seeds of Discord
Authors: Poling Gregory B.
Published: June 2022

This chapter explores the early history of the South China Sea disputes and the reactions of the United States to those claims. It focuses particularly on French, Japanese, and Republic of China jostling over the Spratly and Paracel Islands from the 1910s through 1930s. It also explores the early determination of the United States that Scarborough Shoal was U.S. territory as part of the Philippines. It examines early Philippine interest in annexing the Spratlys in the lead-up to World War II and U.S. concerns about keeping Japan out of the “Dangerous Ground,” as the uncharted eastern portions of the Spratlys were known. The chapter then explores operations in the South China Sea during World War II, Japanese use of the islands, and the scramble by France and the ROC to claim them in the immediate postwar years.
America and the Free Seas, Part I
Authors: Poling Gregory B.
Published: June 2022

This chapter examines the challenges to the colonial-era norms governing freedom of the seas, including from the United States, which eventually led to the Truman Proclamations on the continental shelf and fishery management. It explores the unforeseen consequences of those proclamations and the unsuccessful post-Truman efforts to control the fallout, which eventually led to the first two United Nations Conferences on the Law of the Sea. The chapter examines how those conferences formalized many concepts of modern maritime law, including the continental shelf, but left key disagreements unresolved. Throughout, the chapter examines the role of the various Southeast Asian claimants in these debates.
America and the Free Seas, Part II
Authors: Poling Gregory B.
Published: June 2022

This chapter explores the tensions in the regime of maritime law that led to the start of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. It examines the evolving positions of the United States and other powers in these debates, including the role of China, the Philippines, and the other South China Sea claimants. It explores those concepts that emerged in UNCLOS which are most relevant to the South China Sea disputes, and the new claims made in the disputed waterway as a result. It also takes a detailed look at where the conference landed on contentious issues involving innocent passage and military activities in the exclusive economic zone, which are major points of tension between the United States and China today.
Introduction
Authors: Fabian Mark
Published: June 2022

The study of subjective wellbeing has grown substantially in recent decades and is now seeking to influence public policy. The complexities of this new application have revealed weaknesses in the foundations of the field. Its operationalist epistemology was appropriate given its historical context, but undermines its ability to explain the mechanisms by which policy can improve subjective wellbeing. Likewise, the field’s deliberate avoidance of the evaluative element of “wellbeing”—what is “good for” somebody—leaves it poorly equipped to engage with the ethical and political complexities of policymaking. The present volume provides the theoretical depth that the field of subjective wellbeing is lacking by integrating psychological, philosophical, economic, and political perspectives on wellbeing. The end result is a rich and ethically sensitive theory of subjective wellbeing that can underpin scholarly research, inform therapy and self-help, and guide wellbeing public policy
The Capabilities Constraint
Authors: Fabian Mark
Published: June 2022

Capabilities are, broadly speaking, the options available to an individual in terms of what sort of life they can lead. They are typically conceptualized as causes (or even constitutive) of wellbeing. This chapter argues for an alternative perspective, namely that capabilities are a constraint on rather than cause of wellbeing. While the capabilities constraint is binding, as in poverty, the life that would maximize someone’s subjective wellbeing is not available. Consequently, capabilities appear to cause ill-being. But once the constraint is relaxed, high subjective wellbeing does not necessarily eventuate. This is because people must know what life would best suit them to actualize. This is an information problem. The coalescence of being, outlined in chapter 9, is a model of the iterative process by which individuals learn the values most appropriate to them and thereby alleviate this problem.
The Success-Failure Dichotomy
Authors: Beck Colin J. , Bukovansky Mlada , Chenoweth Erica , Lawson George , Nepstad Sharon Erickson , Ritter Daniel P.
Published: June 2022

This chapter explores the dichotomy of successful versus failed revolutionary outcomes by examining the 1989 revolutions in Central and Eastern Europe. Initially, these revolutions were declared a success as Soviet-style regimes were toppled and democratization programs implemented. However, weak democratic institutions failed to achieve revolutionary hopes and aspirations. Inequality deepened as neoliberal economies took root and economic development that would benefit the broader population was thwarted by intra-oligarchic competition and corruption. As a result, the 1989 movement for democracy, civil liberties, and human rights gave way to a populism that has scapegoated immigrants for failures by elites to realize the hopes of the revolutions. These developments help to show the ways in which a dichotomy of success or failure is problematic: all revolutions fail in that they do not, indeed cannot, fully meet the expectations of those who wage them. In this way, all revolutions are unfulfilled projects. But not all fail in the same way, for the same reasons, or to the same degree. And some revolutions have achieved significant change and notable improvements in the lives of their citizens. This chapter explores whether there is a link between revolutionary means and ends: is there a relationship between the tactics of revolutionary movements and post-revolutionary outcomes? While many armed struggles have created a dynamic of violence, counter-revolution, and war, many unarmed struggles have suffered from a “moderation curse.”
The Difficult Politics of Peace
Authors: Clary Christopher
Published: June 2022

This book offers a systematic examination of conflict and cooperation in the India-Pakistan rivalry from 1947 to the present. It draws from India and Pakistan’s complex history to identify patterns in their enduring rivalry as well as in relations commonly seen between other rival states. The book explains why and when states in rivalry pursue war-making or peacebuilding by emphasizing the unique politics that emerge within rival states, and how those politics favor the perpetuation of hostility. The book introduces an explanation, called leader primacy theory, which predicts that the degree of state responsiveness to strategic incentives will vary based on the presence or absence of concentrated foreign policy authority within a state. Through detailed case studies of India-Pakistan crises, wars, and peace processes, it shows that the presence of fractured authority often biases rival states toward conflict even in situations where powerful strategic disincentives for conflict exist. By focusing on the dysfunctional politics that can trap countries in hostile international relationships, this book offers a new framework for understanding the causes of war and peace between rival states.
Partition, the First Kashmir War, and the Origins of the Rivalry
Authors: Clary Christopher
Published: June 2022

This chapter provides an overview of the events of Partition, which created India and Pakistan out of a formerly united British India, before turning to a discussion of the emergence of the Kashmir dispute and its consequences for India-Pakistan relations. It shows that the violence of Partition, especially in the formerly united provinces of Punjab and Bengal, along with disputes over the rightful accession of three so-called princely states, caused a rapid shift in Indian and Pakistani perceptions of one another. The chapter traces the rapid evolution of the disputes over Junagadh, Hyderabad, and Jammu and Kashmir, and how those disputes devolved into violence and the first India-Pakistan war. It concludes by examining proposals floated in intrawar negotiations over Kashmir and examines why those proposals were not accepted, thus perpetuating a territorial dispute that has been a principal motivating feature in the subsequent India-Pakistan rivalry.
War Scares and the Failure of Kashmir Talks, 1948–1954
Authors: Clary Christopher
Published: June 2022

This chapter examines how Indian and Pakistani leaders were able to avoid a relapse into interstate war despite major war scares in the earliest years after independence. It focuses on the leadership role played by Jawaharlal Nehru and Liaquat Ali Khan in defusing the 1950 Bengal Crisis. It then discusses India-Pakistan negotiations after the crisis, including the role of third-party mediators and the mechanics of several demilitarization and plebiscite proposals for Kashmir. The chapter shows how the loss of concentrated executive authority in Pakistan after Liaquat’s death in October 1951 complicated the ability of India and Pakistan to find a peaceful settlement of the Kashmir dispute.
The Rise of Bhutto, Sino-Indian Conflict, and the Second Kashmir War
Authors: Clary Christopher
Published: June 2022

This chapter discusses how Jawaharlal Nehru managed India’s domestic and international politics even as his health failed him and his political control within India was weakened by India’s disastrous defeat in the 1962 Sino-Indian War. It also introduces Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who emerged in this period as a charismatic young advisor to Ayub Khan. Bhutto used his political influence to convince Ayub that Pakistan needed to intervene militarily to “defreeze” the Kashmir dispute before India could complete its post-1962 defense modernization and during a period of political turmoil in India following Nehru’s death in 1964. It discusses why fractured authority and secrecy in Pakistan made it more likely that Bhutto’s plans would fail, resulting in the debacle of the 1965 India-Pakistan War. It concludes by examining how Bhutto vetoed a more substantial postwar settlement between Ayub and Lal Bahadur Shastri at Tashkent, setting the stage for Ayub’s political downfall.
From Musharraf to Modi
Authors: Clary Christopher
Published: June 2022

Following Pakistan’s defeat in the 1999 Kargil War, the region found itself in repeated, serious crises in 2001–2002, 2008, 2016, and 2019. Yet amid this troubling environment was one of the more sustained conciliatory initiatives in India and Pakistan’s shared history. The 2003–2007 peace process involved concrete steps (most importantly the 2003 Line of Control ceasefire), overt statements, formal government-to-government talks, as well as informal and discreet backchannel dialogues. Both governments came close to resolving long-term irritants, such as the Siachen Glacier and Sir Creek boundary disputes, even as they reduced violence in Kashmir for over a decade. Manmohan Singh’s partial control of the Indian government and the unexpected collapse of Pervez Musharraf’s dictatorship prevented completion or ratification of any of the near-deals discussed during the dialogue process.
Conclusion
Authors: Clary Christopher
Published: June 2022

This conclusion reviews the major elements of leader primacy theory and how the theory explains the inability of India-Pakistan to escape from enduring rivalry as well as variation in conflict and cooperation within that rivalry. The theory implies that analysts and policymakers need to move beyond assessing strategic incentives alone in their attempts to understand the behavior of states in rivalry. The conclusion identifies limitations of the theory and avenues for further research, especially inquiry into (1) the interaction between elite influence and popular support, (2) understanding the varying degrees of political salience of different rivalries for the politics within rival states, and (3) applying leader primacy theory to other cases to identify its precise scope conditions.
Introduction
Authors: DeMeuse Eric J.
Published: June 2022

This chapter provides an overview of twentieth-century narratives of the history of ecclesiology. These narratives argue for the necessity of the reform in Catholic ecclesiology that was accomplished at Vatican II. The authors of these narratives locate early modern ecclesiology as the locus of the deformation requiring such a reform. However, such narratives suffer from a twofold methodological shortcoming, namely, they focus almost exclusively on only one genre (treatises de Ecclesia) and only one figure (Robert Bellarmine). Both of these methodological shortcomings truncate current accounts of early modern ecclesiology, and both are overcome in the present book, which branches out from treatises de Ecclesia to present a fuller picture of early modern ecclesiology, and also focuses on a figure other than Bellarmine (Francisco Suárez). This chapter then provides necessary biographical information on Suárez and an examination of the state of the question concerning his ecclesiology before providing an outline of the work.
The Church as a Way of Life
Authors: DeMeuse Eric J.
Published: June 2022

This chapter presents Suárez’s answer to the question: “What is the Church?” as the necessary prolegomena to reflection on unity and catholicity. Suárez defines the Church as a congregation of the faithful, or “a political body.” The notion of the Church as a political body has been much criticized in contemporary ecclesiology. Nevertheless, the author argues that, while Suárez refers to the Church as a “political body,” he does not mean by this that the Church is an “ecclesial nation-state,” as some have accused. This chapter argues that Suárez’s preferred definition of the Church has firm roots in the Christian tradition and especially St. Paul, Thomas Aquinas, Ignatius of Loyola, and Pseudo-Dionysius, and further shows the priority that Suárez gives to the interior and invisible reality of the Church lived out by human pilgrims as a religion, or a way of life. Suárez here emerges as a theologian intent on distinguishing the supernatural reality of the Church from the nation-state.
Wayward Christian Soldiers
Authors: Saiya Nilay
Published: June 2022

This chapter attempts to explain how Christians become involved in political violence. It argues that Christian violence arises in contexts of Christian privilege or from actors seeking to unite church and state. Christianist institutions and ideas thus propel violence against religious outsiders who pose a threat to the status quo or otherwise do not conform to the ideal of the Christian nation. After briefly surveying the history of Christian violence, the chapter explores Christian participation in two contemporary forms of violence: war and terrorism.
Christianizing Foreign Policy
Authors: Saiya Nilay
Published: June 2022

This chapter discusses the topic of American foreign policy in the Middle East, looking specifically at how Christianist ideas espoused by certain politically influential evangelical communities have made it more difficult for the United States to pursue its national interest in the region and worsened the plight of indigenous Christian communities. It examines three cases: Israel, Iraq, and Iran, demonstrating the harm done by the Christianization of American Middle East policy since the turn of the millennium.
Looking Inward
Authors: Saiya Nilay
Published: June 2022

This chapter takes an inward look at what political privilege means for Christianity itself. It argues that while the damage inflicted by Christianist thinking on global politics has been great, the price exacted on the church itself has been even greater. Partnership between the church and state or efforts by the state to coopt the church for political ends serve to fundamentally distort the ministry and witness of the church, insofar as its vocation becomes tied instrumentally to the goals of the state. This chapter makes the paradoxical argument that while privilege contributes to secularization by eroding the witness of the church, church-state separation enables Christians to maintain a focus on their mission to spread the gospel.
The Political Geography of High-Speed Railways
Authors: MA Xiao
Published: June 2022

Building on the findings of earlier chapters, this chapter unpacks the political geography of high-speed rails. Using an original data set on the construction of high-speed rails between 2004 and 2014, it shows that provinces and cities with leaders holding dual appointments at higher levels received preferential treatment from the central government. They were not only given faster permission to build their portion of the railway, but they were also connected to more lines and allowed to build more stations within their jurisdictions. This empirical exercise also rules out two alternative explanations, namely “loyalty purchasing” and “technocratic solutions.” Local leaders’ personal connections with top party leaders and most localities’ socioeconomic indicators are not associated with favorable treatment from the central government. These results lend support to the core argument that local bargaining power shapes the allocations of policy benefits in issue areas with fragmented central authorities.
The Islamic State in Africa
Authors: Warner Jason , Cummings Ryan , Nsaibia Héni , O'Farrell Ryan
Published: June 2022

In 2019, Islamic State lost its last remaining sliver of territory in Syria, and its Caliph, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, was killed. These setbacks seemed to herald the Caliphate’s death knell, and many now forecast its imminent demise. Yet its affiliates endure, particularly in Africa: nearly all of Islamic State’s cells on the continent have reaffirmed their allegiance, attacks have continued in its name, many groups have been reinvigorated, and a new province has emerged. Why, in Africa, did the two major setbacks of 2019 have so little impact on support for Islamic State?
The Islamic State in Africa suggests that this puzzle can be explained by the emergence and evolution of Islamic State’s provinces in Africa, which it calls “sovereign subordinates.” By examining the rise and development of nine Islamic State “affiliates,” the authors show how, having pledged allegiance to IS Central, affiliates evolved mostly autonomously, using the IS brand as a means for accrual of power, but, in practice, receiving relatively little if any direction or material support from central command. Given this pattern, IS Central’s relative decline has had little impact on its African affiliates--who are likely to remain committed to the Caliphate’s cause for the foreseeable future.
The Islamic State in Sinai
Authors: Warner Jason , O’farrell Ryan , Nsaibia Héni , Cummings Ryan
Published: June 2022

Ultimately proving itself second only to the Islamic State’s West Africa Province in terms of being a durable wilaya, the Islamic State's province in Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula would leverage a combination of political turmoil, social and political exclusions of the Sinai’s populations, histories of global jihadist sympathies, and an eager Islamic State Central to become a robust, if non-governing, province. The global rise of the Islamic State Central “democratized jihad” in the Sinai Peninsula, leading an Al-Qaeda-sympathetic jihadist group, Ansar Beit al-Maqdis (ABM), fresh off its own leadership losses, to pledge allegiance to al-Baghdadi: its history of jihadist credentials already established between 2011 and 2014, ABM was quick to achieve “affiliate utility validation.” In the years following its rise to wilaya status, IS-Sinai became a persistent purveyor of violence against the state and civilians, despite extreme counterterror measures by the Egyptian state. Though it received relatively significant assistance from IS Central in its early days, evidence suggests that following its inception, it operated under its own guidance as a “sovereign subordinate” with little tangible direction or aid from IS Central for most of its lifecycle.
The Islamic State’s West Africa Province
Authors: Warner Jason , O’farrell Ryan , Nsaibia Héni , Cummings Ryan
Published: June 2022

Based in northeastern Nigeria, the Islamic State's most powerful province would emerge in March 2015, when the group formerly colloquially known as “Boko Haram” would pledge allegiance to the Islamic State, thus becoming the Islamic State’s West Africa Province (ISWAP). While Boko Haram had had, prior to its pledge to the Islamic State, interactions with Al-Qaeda’s affiliate in western Africa, Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), it never became a formal Al-Qaeda branch: thus, while IS’s global emergence did not extract Boko Haram away from Al-Qaeda, the newly "democratized" global jihadist landscape did give Boko Haram’s leader, Abubakar Shekau, another preferable option for affiliation. Given the mutual affinity between IS Central and Boko Haram, the former accepted the latter's pledge of bayah in March 2015: the process of “affiliate utility validation” was swift. Once becoming a wilaya, ISWAP dominated as the Islamic State’s largest and most deadly African province, undertaking wide-ranging violence and media productions, even as the group’s internal politics remained riven. Given its size and strength, ISWAP seemingly received more direction, assistance, and communication with IS Central than other African provinces, but fundamentally, remained a locally-driven--if globally-inspired--group, at its core, a “sovereign subordinate” until al-Baghdadi’s death.
The Islamic State’s Central Africa Province—Mozambique
Authors: Warner Jason , O’farrell Ryan , Nsaibia Héni , Cummings Ryan
Published: June 2022

The Mozambican wing of the Islamic State’s Central Africa Province (ISCAP–Mozambique) is--along with the branch in the DRC--a component of the Islamic State’s newest province. The core of the ISCAP–Mozambique insurgency, locally referred to as “Al-Shabaab,” emerged in October 2017 from a longstanding Salafist sect that had become increasingly at odds with local religious leaders tied to the Mozambican state. A June 2019 claim by the Islamic State Central of an attack in Mozambique conducted by Al-Shabaab surprised many observers. With Al-Shabaab showing no former Al-Qaeda connections or sympathies, IS had not “democratized jihad” in the same ways that it had elsewhere on the continent. Nevertheless, what Al-Shabaab offered to IS Central was enough to achieve “affiliate utility validation”: in addition to offering strategic access to the Indian Ocean and proximity to a $50 billion natural gas project, the incorporation of ISCAP–Mozambique allowed for the impression that the Islamic State Central’s own reach was expanding into new theaters. The relationship between militants and the core group has remained far murkier than that of other affiliates, yet ISCAP-Mozambique appears to remain much more sovereign than subordinate, with its ties to IS Central remaining limited to propaganda output.
Authoritarianism Reconfigured
Authors: Bank André , Bellin Eva , Herb Michael , Wedeen Lisa , Yom Sean , Zerhouni Saloua
Published: June 2022

This chapter explains how strategies and forms of authoritarian rule in the MENA have evolved greatly since the Arab uprisings. Sidestepping normative expectations for democracy and democratization, the chapter shows the primary pathways of change and persistence for many dictatorships. Many autocracies have become personalistic, bucking assumptions that rational leaders should protect themselves with hegemonic parties rather than cronies and sycophants. Most have become far more repressive since the uprisings, despite the costs of ramping up coercion. Others have catalyzed new modes of cultural domination that induce compliance through ideology. This chapter examines the shift in these different domestic practices, showing also at the external level how many regimes have also become imbricated in new networks of international support. These developments enrich prevailing theories about authoritarianism but also show how quickly regional events outpace them.