bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Albrecht Dürer
Authors: Smith Jeffrey Chipps
Published: February 2012

Albrecht Dürer (b. 1471–d. 1528), of Nuremberg, enjoyed great fame in his lifetime and, occasionally, a cultlike status in later centuries. He remains the most renowned German artist. Because of his prodigious production, especially of prints, Dürer was the first Renaissance artist whose works were known firsthand throughout Europe. It has been estimated that approximately 100,000 impressions of his prints circulated during his lifetime. His practice of monogramming most of his paintings, prints, and even drawings created a recognizable brand, or identity. Trained first as a goldsmith by his father, Albrecht the Elder, and then as a painter, draftsman, and woodcut designer by Michael Wolgemut, Dürer completed his early education by working as a journeyman along the Rhine in 1490–1493 and then traveling to Venice in 1494–1495. He first achieved international recognition with The Apocalypse, which he created and published as a book in 1498. The size of his oeuvre is immense. Although an exact count is impossible, owing to scholarly differences of opinion concerning attributions, he produced approximately 949 surviving drawings, 189 paintings, and 277 prints, excluding separate book illustrations. He authored three published treatises. Dürer’s technical experimentations, his compositional and narrative innovations, his often-novel iconographies, his fascination with the human body, his internalized grasp of contemporary Italian art, and his theoretical explorations permanently transformed and modernized German art. Dürer’s unprecedented corpus of self-portraits, including his prominent inclusion in four altarpieces, coupled with surviving letters and other texts, demonstrates his conscious efforts at self-fashioning. He actively cultivated what he hoped would be a lasting reputation as an artist and author. Dürer’s art, avidly collected in his lifetime, has been much sought after ever since. It inspired the so-called Dürer-Renaissance in Nuremberg and at the courts in Prague and Munich c. 1600. The cult of Dürer, including elaborate jubilee celebrations in 1828, peaked but did not end in the nineteenth century, as he is still touted as the quintessential German artist. As a national standard-bearer, Dürer—his person, and his art—have been creatively appropriated but also less benignly politicized over the centuries. Most of the literature on Dürer is written in German; however, many excellent surveys and specialized studies are available in English. This summary bibliography stresses books and catalogues but includes some important articles as well.
17th-Century Dutch Art
Authors: Atkins Christopher
Published: February 2012

Artistic production in the long 17th century in the Dutch Republic radically reenvisioned the forms of visual culture and its consumption. In the wake of the Dutch Revolt of 1579 that severed the formerly conjoined Low Countries into the largely Catholic regions of Flanders, controlled by the Spanish Habsburgs, and the predominately Protestant Dutch Republic, which fought for the political independence that it officially achieved in 1648, Dutch art developed a distinctive, if not revolutionary, character. During the period, there was a multifaceted and unprecedented flowering of diverse secular genres, from still life to landscape to genre image to portrait. Each of these types of subjects had historical precedent, but they had not existed as independent genres complete with individuals who specialized in the creation of just one category of art. Many artists employed a highly naturalistic mode of representation when crafting these secular genres, as did those who produced the histories and biblical narratives that also remained popular. In paintings and prints, artists largely strove for naturalistic representations of space, volumetric renderings of objects, seemingly accurate depictions of light, and unidealized formulations of the human body, especially the face. As a result, audiences have frequently labeled 17th-century Dutch art as “scenes of everyday life.” The seemingly truthful appearance of these images has led to a complex body of literature that has proffered myriad interpretive schemata to understand the meanings of individual pictures, the genres of representation, and the aesthetics of naturalism. Like the new forms, art was consumed in way that it had not been previously. The relatively wide distribution of wealth in the Dutch Republic led to more people, and people of different social levels, buying art than had occurred previously in Europe. In turn, the consumption of art operated on an unprecedented scale. Several million new paintings were created in the region in a little over one hundred years. Aside from portraiture, few of these objects were created on commission. Rather, various indirect methods of exchange emerged, creating an open art market.
Ethnicity
Authors: Lachenicht Susanne
Published: February 2012

“Ethnicity” is a term that we owe to the 20th century. It first appeared in W. Lloyd Warner and Paul S. Lunt’s The Social Life of a Modern Community (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1941). In 1972, it found its way into the Supplement of the Oxford English Dictionary. “Ethnicity” is a sociological concept. It is meant to replace older, tainted terms such as “race,” “nation,” or “minority.” In North America, terms such as “nation” or “national origin” did not include African Americans and American-born descendants of first-generation immigrants. A new term had to be found: “ethnicity.” However, “race” cannot be replaced by “ethnicity.” Most researchers agree today that the distinction between “race” and “ethnicity” is not the distinction between the “cultural” and the “natural/physical,” because “racial” distinctions are culturally made. “Race” and “ethnicity” cannot substitute for each other. They play, as Stuart Hall put it in his W. E. B. Dubois lecture in 1994, “hide-and-seek” with each other. It has become clear that “race” remains an important category, especially for all historical analysis. In the 1960s, “ethnicity” was often used to describe minority groups, groups of distinct cultural tradition and origin that coexisted with a larger majority group. Today, “ethnicity” tends to describe any group that is characterized by a distinct sense of difference owing to culture and descent. Especially in North America, less in Europe, “ethnicity” means general peoplehood (shared by all Americans) and otherness, deviation and norm. In the Atlantic world, new ethnicities started forming, at the very latest, from the age of the discoveries onward. To talk about “ethnicity” from a historical Atlantic perspective means to apply a modern, 20th-century term to encounters—the (often violent) merging of different cultures, nations, and religions; and the appearance of new “races,” “nations,” “religions,” and/or “ethnicities.” It is important to know how ethnic groups surrounding the Atlantic basin and historians of Atlantic ethnicities apply the terms “ethnicity,” “nation,” and “race.” Atlantic ethnicities as they started forming from the late 15th century still have an impact on modern nation-states as evidenced by the question of the “Métis” and their land claims in present-day Canada, the civil rights movement of African Americans in the United States of the 1960s, or the 2007 UN declaration for the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (including the Métis). The following sections provide, in addition to general overviews, bibliographies, reference works, primary sources and journal titles, an overview of the sociological and anthropological concepts of “ethnicity,” “race,” and “nation”; and sections on historians’ work on Atlantic ethnicities. The former invite young and established scholars to think about the terminologies (and how they are used) in descriptions of Atlantic ethnicities from a historical perspective.
Governance in Africa
Authors: Baker Bruce
Published: February 2012

Definitions of governance in Africa in the early 1990s emphasized public sector management, efficiency, and organizational and technical questions. This narrowed governance to the conduct of state institutions, and it depoliticized governance. Later definitions added normative overtones and spoke increasingly of “good” governance. Over time, key indicators have come to focus on government effectiveness, political stability, voice and accountability, rule of law, control of corruption, and regulatory quality. Governance, however, is broader than “government” or the relationship between the state (and its leadership) and society. It relates to all power relationships, including nonstate, substate, and suprastate relations. Essentially, governance concerns the exercise of authority. It may be through structures (e.g., rule systems of governments) or social functions and processes (e.g., by nonstate entities). Persons may have authority because of who they are (their formal role is authoritative, such as government officers distributing grants according to rules); because of what they do (their informal action is authoritative, such as patrons distributing gifts as they choose); or a mixture of the two, where they use formal authority in informal ways (e.g., government officers distributing state resources to clients, supporters, or family members). In other words, governance entails overlapping spheres of authority, each with a set of norms, principles, and decision-making procedures that control how power is allocated. Those exercising governance may be politicians, civic institutions, media, religious and cultural organizations, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), as well as government agencies. With the widely held recognition by the late 1980s that many of Africa’s development problems were due to poor governance, the focus of national and donor programs turned to seeking to achieve good governance, which is understood to be the allocation and management of resources to respond to collective problems. It is characterized by participation, transparency, accountability, rule of law, effectiveness, and equity. Good governance is critical for Africa for two principal reasons: economic and social. Economically, it lies at the heart of economic development, helping to harness and develop weak economies. It promotes economic efficiency through equitable rules, by promoting fair and well functioning markets, and it curtails corruption and ensures the fair delivery of services. Socially, it prevents exclusion, promotes peace, and encourages welfare programs.
Democratic Citizenship
Authors: Altundal Ugur , Valelly Richard
Published: February 2012

Democratic citizenship is membership in a political democracy. The unit for democratic membership does not have to be a nation-state: it can also be a city or some other subnational jurisdiction (a canton, province, or state) or a supranational order (as in the case of a regional compact, such as the European Union). There can be dual, external, and transnational citizenship, increasingly common in a globalized world. Wherever it can be found, democratic citizenship features a bundle of enforceable rights and liberties, policy benefits, enforceable obligations to the jurisdiction (such as being law-abiding), affective attachment to some degree to the democracy, weaker or stronger capacities of citizens for active membership (such as cognitive evaluation of public debate and policy choices and participation), better or worse appreciation by the citizen of widely discussed relevant norms (such as toleration), and stronger or weaker awareness of collective memories that partly define the meaning and history of membership in the political unit. Because people live their lives in a democratic jurisdiction, citizenship is a life course experience over time. But democracies coexist with free markets and societies, so the activity of involvement in democratic citizenship is hardly full-time. Instead, it is—perhaps desirably—undertaken only episodically, typically before, during, and after a range of civic acts, such as paying attention to public events, paying taxes, collecting policy benefits, voting, or flag commemoration. Democratic citizenship is not a constant or burdensome activity or experience, not least because democratic government is periodically accountable representative government performed by elected and appointed officials as opposed to continuous popular control and management of government. Democratic citizenship requires fundamental principles (e.g., equal rights and duties, and universal inclusion). In practice, however, these principles have not been fully realized in many democratic societies until recently. Moreover, increasing mobility and migration practices reveal the limits and the weaknesses of democratic citizenship. Contemporary challenges not only encourage revisiting traditional understandings in light of nonideal practices, but they also enable new ways of constructing democratic citizenship. The works included here are drawn principally from Anglo-American and western European cases, but this is done without any implication at all that these cases exhaust the topic.
Asian Americans
Authors: Lee Jennifer C. , Lu Alexander
Published: February 2012

Asian Americans currently make up about five percent of the US population and are one of the fastest growing racial/ethnic groups in the United States. The history of Asians in the United States spans more than 200 years. The term “Asian American” covers over twenty nationality groups. It covers a wide variety of identities, languages, cultures, and experiences, yet this diversity has been masked with the assumption of homogeneity and the model minority image. Research within sociology on Asian Americans often focuses on dispelling the model minority myth through the empirical analysis of heterogeneity within the Asian American population, particularly in regard to educational and socioeconomic outcomes. Other sociological research examines contemporary stereotypes and discrimination against Asian Americans as well as the racial stratification of Asian Americans in relation to other racial/ethnic groups in the United States. However, it is important to note that Asian American Studies is an interdisciplinary field, and much sociological work is informed and influenced by multi- and interdisciplinary work. Therefore, although focused primarily on sociological works, this article will include books and articles from other disciplines that have important implications for sociological research.
Family
Authors: Warner Lisa M. , Powell Brian
Published: February 2012

Family is among the most important social institutions—if not the most important. Sociologists recognize the centrality of families in providing their members with valuable resources, both economic and noneconomic, in creating and shaping self and collective identities, and in the rearing and socialization of children. There is no doubt that family relationships and processes affect individual well-being in profound ways. Families also interact with other social institutions and contribute to social stability and change. Sociologists—both those who self-identify as family sociologists and those who do not—have written extensively in these areas. They also have explored the precursors to and consequences of major demographic changes over time and place. In addition, they increasingly have moved away from a monolithic view of “the family” and instead recognize, and in many cases embrace, the diversity that exists in family forms.
Gerontology
Authors: Lanford Daniel , Quadagno Jill , Rote Sunshine
Published: February 2012

Social gerontology is a subfield of gerontology. It is concerned mainly with the social, rather than the biological, aspects of aging. However, social gerontologists do study how biological processes influence the social conditions of aging. Societal aging is one of the most important social trends of this century. It affects the major political, social, and economic institutions as well as the nature of interpersonal and familial relationships. Key issues concern how population aging influences retirement patterns, income security, health care, and politics, and how these trends, in turn, affect the policy options available. Social gerontologists recognize, however, that old age is just one life stage and that the quality of later life is determined by events, opportunities, and decisions made earlier in life. Thus, many studies in this field adopt a framework that emphasizes the life course as a way to make sense of long-term trends and to explain differences among groups on the basis of race, gender, class, and ethnic origin. The life course perspective also provides a roadmap for thinking about how health, social relationships, and socioeconomic status change over time and across life stages.
Social Movements
Authors: della Porta Donatella
Published: February 2012

Four elements are common in social science definitions of social movements: a network structure, the use of unconventional means, shared beliefs and solidarity, and the pursuit of some conflictual aims. Once a marginal area in the social sciences, social movement studies grew into a main field of study in sociology and a significant one in other proximate disciplines, such as political science, anthropology, geography, history, and psychology. This growth was accompanied by significant shifts in the ways in which social movements have been addressed. Before the 1970s, especially (but not only) in the United States, social movements were conceived of as forms of collective behavior, different from “normal” behavior because of high emotionality and, often, anomic syndromes; in Europe instead, especially the main historical social movement, the labor movement, was addressed within a Marxist perspective, with attention paid to the structural conditions for its development. Since the 1970s, both approaches were shaken by the spread of new forms of protest. First of all, in the United States, studies on the civil rights movement showed that it was neither irrational nor anomic, being instead guided by strategic behavior and strong normative systems. Social movement organizations started therefore to be seen as actors that mobilize resources in their environment for collective action. In Europe, the emergence of the student, the women’s, and the environmental movements were considered as examples of new social movements, bound to substitute for the increasingly institutionalized labor movement. Class-based approaches were therefore supplanted by an attention to emerging collective identities. Social movement studies in the 1970s and the following decade focused mainly on macro-level political opportunities for protest and organizational forms and strategies at the meso level, with only limited attention to social structures and individual commitment. Since the 1990s, this structural bias was then challenged by a renewed attention to various cultural aspects, as well as to the causal mechanisms that intervene between structure and action in a field redefined as contentious politics and covering social movements as well as revolutions, democratization, and other contentious phenomena.
Status
Authors: Sauder Michael
Published: February 2012

Social status is a central dimension of stratification, making up one leg of the traditional “class, status, power” division among the bases of societal inequality. Originating in the work of Max Weber, this division, by asserting the independent influence of status groups and interests, represented a key departure from Karl Marx’s insistence on the primacy of economic or class relationships. Despite the long-established prominence of this concept in the field of sociology, status has been variously defined and employed. Some definitions, following Veblen, focus on the individual aspects of status, referring to the rank, prestige, or esteem of one’s position in a social hierarchy. Other definitions focus on status groups or communities defined by shared lifestyles; these groups use these common status identities to gain access to valuable resources, privileges, and entitlements and defend those they already possess. Contemporary empirical research on status has focused primarily on socioeconomic status or experimental studies of small groups, although there is a burgeoning literature on the role that status plays in structuring markets and determining organizational outcomes.
Curriculum Design
Authors: Shawer Saad
Published: February 2012

Curriculum design (also curriculum organization) refers to the ways in which we arrange the curriculum components. Regardless of the underpinning curriculum model, all curriculum designs endeavor to address four curriculum components: Why do we initiate instruction or aims? What should we teach to realize our set aims and objectives (content or subject matter)? How can we communicate target learning experiences (pedagogy, instruction)? What have we realized and what actions should we take accordingly in relation to the instructional program, learners, and teachers (evaluation)? Although most, if not all, curriculum designs include these four components, they significantly differ in how they address these elements, because of the curriculum philosophy and model on which a design is based. For example, subject-matter-based designs, which overemphasize the logical organization of content, and the learner-centered ones, which focus on the learners and their needs, entail different treatments of the four curriculum components. The following sections very briefly highlight the process of curriculum design. This will involve general overviews of major related sources, curriculum conceptualization and curriculum design stages, in addition to recent issues of classroom-level teacher curriculum design and classroom-level teacher professional development.
Educational Technology
Authors: Sims Pearl , Stone Steven
Published: February 2012

The theoretical foundations for modern-day educational technology were laid by the early Greeks, arguably the creators of the world’s first computer. The emerging field of educational technology has been intimately intertwined with the growth of learning and human development theories and research throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. The rapid creation and field deployment of military and industrial technology during the world wars marked the marriage of technology and education. Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, research and development regarding the use of technology to develop skills and competencies was driven by businesses and industries seeking higher productivity. In more recent years, the boom in communication and collaborative and social media has propelled and responded to contemporary problems of human learning. Educational technology as an academic domain is relatively new, and much debate exists as to how to clearly define the discipline (see Lowenthal and Wilson 2010, cited in Definitions and Overviews). The debate, at its core, is a discussion about how to incorporate studies regarding the ethical practice of facilitating learning and improving performance by creating, using, and managing appropriate technological processes and resources (Richey 2008), cited in Definitions and Overviews) with the ongoing and constantly changing development of software, hardware, and Internet applications that can be used to improve teaching and learning. The selections of citations for this topic were determined partially in response to Walter B. Waetjen’s paper, “Shaping the Future of a Profession” (Waetjen 1992, cited in Definitions and Overviews), which has challenged technology educators who have been helping to shape this emerging field to remember the four core elements common to all disciplines: domain, history, mode of inquiry, and instructive capability. The section Definitions and Overviews recommends articles related to the difficulty of defining educational technology as a domain. This section includes prominent journals, textbooks, and associations related to both education and technology. History and Pioneers offers a brief history of educational technology and of the early pioneers of technology in education and training. The Research and Methodologies section presents sources of quality information regarding models of inquiry into the field and introduces some of the researchers that have significantly influenced this evolving field. The sections on Teaching and Learning address how technology is currently being used in education to enhance teaching and learning. The section on Assessment puts forward a few examples of articles pertaining to the tools and the infrastructure necessary to use technology in the service of teaching and learning. The Educational Tools, Implementation and Integration, International Perspectives and Impact of Educational Technology in the Future sections provide glimpses, from international and futuristic viewpoints, of the potential impact of educational technology.
Administrator Preparation
Authors: Hoyle John R. , Hoy Colleen
Published: February 2012

Administrator preparation refers to leadership education graduate programs in universities, granting master’s and doctoral degrees in educational administration or educational leadership. These programs usually include completing requirements for state licensure to serve as school principals, superintendents, and other central office administrators. Students’ degree programs include a plethora of courses including educational finance, organizational theory, leadership processes, education law, education policy, instructional management, research methods, program evaluation and data management, systems planning and analysis, and human resource management. The two most prominent professional associations for individuals engaged in administrator preparation and related research efforts are the National Council for Professors of Educational Administration (NCPEA) and the University Council of Professors of Educational Administration. Researchers for NCPEA reveal that more than 370 graduate programs in educational administration include approximately 3,000 professors and nearly all programs offer the master’s degree and courses leading to administrative licensure, many with an online option. The terminal degree—PhD or EdD—is viewed as a necessity for candidates competing for central office jobs or principalships in many school districts. The historical context and evolution of theory within the field has been important in generating research and change in administrator preparation programs. The American Association of School Administrators (AASA) and the Interstate School Leaders Licensure Consortium (ISLLC), now called ISLLC 2008 Leadership Education Policy Standards, are the primary standards in place for administrator preparation programs. This standardization has raised significant criticism within the field, spurring best-practice research and efforts to reform existing programs. “Interdisciplinary” administrator preparation is a newer movement promoted by growing criticism of traditional administrator preparation. These new degree programs blend graduate-level courses in financial, entrepreneurial, and innovation skills in business administration, public administration, and public affairs with courses in departments of educational administration. In addition to new courses, the popularity of online courses and degrees increases each year. This new program content and the new mode of delivery require research to be conducted to compare the quality of credentials awarded online and through the traditional model.
Performance Objectives and Measurement
Authors: Brown Courtney L. , King Mindy Hightower
Published: February 2012

Performance objectives, often referred to as performance measures, are written statements that quantitatively describe the products, services, and outcomes of programs, agencies, or interventions. Most often, performance objectives/measures serve as a tool to help understand, manage, and improve how programs or organizations operate and the extent to which they effect desired change. Performance Measurement and Evaluation: Definitions and Relationships (US General Accounting Office 2011 [GAO-11-646sp], cited under General Overviews) provides the following definition: “Performance measurement is the ongoing monitoring and reporting of program accomplishments, particularly progress toward pre-established goals . . . Performance measures may address the type or level of program activities conducted (process), the direct products and services delivered by a program (outputs), or the results of those products and services (outcomes). A “program” may be any activity, project, function, or policy that has an identifiable purpose or set of objectives.” Performance measurement is an important practice in the public and nonprofit sectors of the United States and in many countries around the world. Executive and legislative initiatives require program administrators, contractors, and grantees to identify performance measures, set performance targets, and report on their progress toward meeting performance goals. As a result, program administrators and mangers frequently seek help in designing and implementing performance measurement strategies and systems. Often this support is provided by program evaluators, who bring stakeholders together to clarify program goals and determine how best to report results. Many of the citations included in this article are intended to provide readers with the skills to develop and implement “performance-measurement frameworks,” although the terms performance objectives, performance measures, and performance indicators are used interchangeably by different authors. A review of the literature in this area demonstrates that although there is some variation in the terminology used across different fields, performance measures or performance objectives always include a number and a unit of measure. In some cases, they may also be associated with goals (sometimes referred to as objectives, too). The citations in this article are intended to direct readers to works that define performance measurement and provide instructions on how to apply these constructs to individual programs or interventions. This article concludes with a brief section on tools and techniques related to the development of performance objectives/measure; this final section provides citations on examples and instructions for creating logic models, part of the performance-measurement framework, as well as specifics on writing performance objectives and measures.
Linguistic Anthropology
Authors: Pagliai Valentina
Published: February 2012

Alternatively called linguistic anthropology or anthropological linguistics, this subfield of anthropology is dedicated to the study of the contextual impact of language on society and culture. The preference for one term or the other often reflects the theoretical leaning of the speakers or their training. The form “anthropological linguistics” is older, while the form “linguistic anthropology” was adopted in the seventies and has become the most common since then. Linguistic anthropology is one of the four subfields of anthropology and has important intersections with the other subfields, namely, sociocultural anthropology, biological anthropology, and archaeology. For example, it shares with biological anthropology an interest in the origin and evolution of human language and in the study of primate forms of communication; with archaeology it shares an interest in the study of the relationships among languages and their speakers in the past as well as in the study of past writing systems. It is, however, with sociocultural anthropology that linguistic anthropology overlaps the most, given its interest in culture and society and the use of ethnography as one of its methods of inquiry. Because of this, linguistic anthropology has been considered at times part of sociocultural anthropology rather than a separate subfield. However, linguistic anthropology also deploys distinguishable methods that allow close attention to language structure and use and focuses on discipline-specific questions, such as the intersection of language, mind, culture, and society. Its wide-ranging theoretical and methodological tool kit is necessary because linguistic anthropology is comprehensive in nature. Rather than limiting itself to the study of just one component of communication, it intends to be holistic. This means that linguistic anthropology is interested in all aspects of language, not only its use in social encounters but also its history; its structure; and its poetic, affective, and reflexive sides; as well as the study of the theories themselves that humans have created (both in the West and elsewhere) in their attempt to describe and understand language. Thus, while being part of anthropology, linguistic anthropology is at the same time a highly interdisciplinary endeavor that borrows from other disciplinary approaches. Its work partially overlaps with such fields as applied linguistics (dedicated to offering solutions to language-related issues in the wider world), linguistics (the scientific study of the structural elements that compose language), the philosophy of language (the reasoned inquiry on language), sociolinguistics (the study of the effect of society on language from a structural perspective), sociology of language (the study of the effects of language on society from a sociological perspective), and communication studies (mass-mediated forms of communication). Scholars in linguistic anthropology, accordingly, often work in departments outside of anthropology, such as linguistics, sociology, and folklore studies, as well as literature and area studies.
Margaret Mead
Authors: Shankman Paul
Published: February 2012

Margaret Mead (1901–1978) was the best-known anthropologist of the 20th century. At the time of her death, she was also one of the three best-known women in the United States and America’s first woman of science. Born in Pennsylvania, Mead attended college at DePauw and Barnard before receiving her PhD from Columbia University, where she studied under the direction of Franz Boas. After completing her dissertation, Mead conducted fieldwork in American Samoa (1925–1926) and published her best-selling book Coming of Age in Samoa in 1928. In 1926, she became a curator at the American Museum of Natural History in New York City, her professional home for her entire career. Between 1928 and 1939, Mead conducted fieldwork in seven more cultures, including five in New Guinea—Manus, Arapesh, Tchambuli, Mundugumor, and Iatmul—as well as in Bali and on the Omaha reservation, publishing professional and popular work on almost all of these cultures. Mead pioneered fieldwork on topics such as childhood, adolescence, and gender and was a founding figure in culture and personality studies. She advanced fieldwork methods through the use of photographs, film, and psychological testing, as well as the use of teams of male and female researchers. Her books from this period, such as Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies and Growing up in New Guinea, continue to be read today. During World War II, Mead supported the war effort by working on several applied projects, including national character studies and, later, the study of culture at a distance. She would become a founding member of the Society for Applied Anthropology and spent much of her career addressing important domestic issues in America. Mead was also an interdisciplinary scholar, networking broadly across disciplinary boundaries and organizing conferences. She became the head of the American Anthropological Association and the American Association for the Advancement of Science. As the public face of anthropology for much of the 20th century, she appeared in popular magazines like Redbook and on radio and television, as well as authoring books such as Male and Female and Culture and Commitment. Mead’s ethnographic work has been subject of criticism, especially as the result of anthropologist Derek Freeman’s critique of her Samoan research. Her reputation was tarnished as a consequence, despite flaws in that critique. Nevertheless, Mead’s pioneering research and writing laid the foundation for work by other anthropologists; her tireless efforts on anthropology’s behalf put the discipline on the map; and her ability to reach the public remains unparalleled among anthropologists.
Cultural History
Authors: Wood Andrew Grant
Published: February 2012

In the most inclusive sense, culture involves the creation and communication of meaning among individuals in any particular society. More recent thinking on the subject falls into two basic categories: (1) culture as practiced in daily life and (2) culture as taking shape in more institutionalized settings as persons engage in a creative process. No longer wedded to the notion of culture as consisting of only “high” expressions made manifest in traditional art categories such as literature, music, and the visual arts, today the practice of cultural history has expanded into a much wider and deeper appreciation of human interaction and expression. Food, fashion, film, performance, ritual, and sports—just to mention a few newer areas of inquiry—are now included in what is commonly termed “popular culture.” Furthermore, agriculture, cuisine, clothing, craft, festivals, sexuality, sports, and travel, among other undertakings, have either long or more recently been considered grist for the cultural history mill. Redefining Latin American cultural history has, in short, constituted a challenge to past approaches. Yet despite its promise, the so-called new cultural history is by no means a unified or wholly coherent field. Much ink has been spilled debating the relative merits of the discipline. Out of this has come, among other things, charges that cultural history is largely a US academic trend with little to no resonance in “Latin America.” This article’s aim is not to chime in on these controversies or necessarily compile an exhaustive listing of cultural history works both past and present. That undertaking would be impossible. The idea here is to provide a basic overview of the field both in its “high” and more “popular” registers, while leaving more precise assessment of particular methodological, epistemological, and political matters for another time, place, and more appropriate forum. For our purposes here, Latin America will be defined in a relatively traditional manner: principally those areas located across the present-day Spanish Americas, the Caribbean, and Brazil. The importance of pre-Columbian and colonial history notwithstanding, the purview here is largely concentrated on works dealing with the “modern” (i.e. national) period. Consideration of the Franco and Anglophone Caribbean then is, for the most part, excluded. Finally, with a few exceptions, this article does not include works that deal specifically with only one national context and/or any particular subculture within (i.e., Latino or Chicano studies) because to try to include something touching on every single region would prove nearly impossible. All cited sources reveal in some way or another Latin American cultural history as important, vibrant, fascinating, and diverse in its many manifestations past, present, and future.
The United States Invasion of the Dominican Republic, 1961–1966
Authors: Gleijeses Piero
Published: February 2012

On 24 April 1965, young military officers rose in revolt in the Dominican Republic. Four days later US troops invaded the country. It was the first US military intervention in Latin America in more than three decades. These dramatic events brought to center stage a small, backward Caribbean republic where until 1916 civil war and dictatorship had been the rule, democracy and honest government the fleeting exception. Then the United States invaded, and the eight-year US occupation paved the way for the dictatorship of Rafael Trujillo, which stretched from 1930 until his assassination in May 1961. The country emerged from the trauma of Trujillo at a time when the United States was haunted by the fear of a second Cuba. In December 1962 the Dominican Republic held its first free elections in almost four decades. The victor, Juan Bosch, established a government characterized by administrative probity, political freedom, and the promise of social reform, but the Kennedy administration decided that he was soft on Communism. Bosch was overthrown in September 1963, and the de facto government that replaced him indulged in an orgy of corruption. As long as it ruled, there would be no social reforms and no free elections. When young officers rebelled on 24 April 1965 and announced that they would return Bosch to the presidency, the population responded with relief and enthusiasm. Urged on by Washington, “loyalist” generals attacked the capital, the stronghold of the revolt, only to be defeated by thousands of armed civilians and hundreds of rebel soldiers. On 28 April the US embassy warned, correctly, that it was a matter of days before the rebels took control of the entire country. It also alleged that Communists had gained control of the revolt. President Lyndon B. Johnson sent in the troops. A four-month stalemate ensued in the glare of the international press, with the rebels holding out in downtown Santo Domingo while the United States and the Dominican government it had created controlled the rest of the country. Finally in September 1965 a provisional government was established. Elections followed in June 1966. Observers and scholars at the time and later have disagreed as to whether the provisional government was a fair compromise brokered by Washington’s patient diplomacy or a diktat forced by Washington on the besieged rebels, and as to whether the June 1966 elections were free. The documents declassified by the US government since the 1980s show clearly that it was a diktat and that the elections were not truly free.
Classifiers
Authors: Aikhenvald Alexandra Y.
Published: February 2012

Classifiers and noun classes are basic kinds of noun categorization devices. They fall into several subtypes depending on the morphosyntactic context of their realization; for instance, numeral classifiers appear in numerical expressions, possessive classifiers in possessive constructions, noun classifiers within a noun phrase, verbal classifiers on a verb or a predicate, and locative classifiers within a locative expression. They are restricted to constructions that require the presence of a particular kind of classifier morpheme whose choice is dictated by the semantic characteristics of the referent. The continuum of noun categorization devices is broad: from large sets of lexical numeral classifiers in the languages of Southeast Asia to the highly grammaticalized systems of noun classes in Bantu languages and of genders in Indo-European languages (see Genders and Noun Classes). They have a similar semantic basis, and one can develop from the other. A considerable amount of literature has appeared over the years on individual classifier types, especially numeral classifiers, with a focus on languages of Southeast Asia, and on noun classes, with less attention paid to other types.
Grammaticalization
Authors: Miller D. Gary , van Gelderen Elly
Published: February 2012

The essence of grammaticalization is the evolution of a lexical category to a grammatical one or of a hybrid/functional category to another grammatical category. The first involves changes such as that of the verb have from “possess” to the marker of the perfect tense. The second involves changes such as that of to from a preposition (a hybrid category in English) to an infinitive marker or such as that of a demonstrative (e.g., the Latin ille ‘that’) to a definite article (the Italian il, the Spanish el, and so on). These changes have attracted attention for hundreds of years and are very well known. More recently, additional conditions and stipulations have been placed on this leading idea, but the essence remains the same.
Anaphora
Authors: Reuland Eric , Everaert Martin , Volkova Anna
Published: February 2012

Anaphora can be generally defined as “subsequent reference to an entity already introduced in discourse” (Safir 2004a; see Representing Anaphoric Dependencies). The study of anaphora spans various fields of linguistics, from formal syntax and semantics to linguistic typology and pragmatics, and from computational linguistics to language processing and language acquisition. A major divide in this field is that between intrasentential anaphora—more specifically, binding relations—and intersentential, or discourse, anaphora. The former attracted attention in the 1960s and is one of the central topics in generative syntax and semantics, but also in current typological studies. The latter has been studied extensively since the early 1990s within computational linguistics, discourse representation theory, and functional approaches such as centering theory.
Commemoration
Authors: Barbier Mary Kathryn
Published: February 2012

Societies commemorate past events in different ways, and, in many cases, decisions about how to honor those who fought and died, as well as those who survived, are contested ones. There are many manifestations of the rituals of commemoration, including monuments of varying sizes, songs such as “The Battle Hymn of the Republic,” poems and other forms of literature, parades such as those on Veterans’ Day or Memorial Day, festivals, fireworks displays on the Fourth of July and other important days, and moments of silence. The Gettysburg battlefield is littered with monuments—small, unimposing ones and large, attention-grabbing ones. Landscapes can be dominated or shaped by monuments, such as the Menin Gate Memorial in Ypres, Belgium, or the Battle of the Somme Memorial at Thiepval, France. Memorials can be both temporary and permanent. Some are stark, while others overwhelm the viewer with multiple images. Numerous factors shape commemorations. One factor that determines the ritual is the nature of the event that is being memorialized. Because battles and wars have multiple effects on society, it is perhaps not surprising that decisions about commemorating these events are frequently contentious. In some cases, major conflicts ultimately shape the future identity of a nation. Such is the case with World War I and Great Britain. The books and articles included here reflect interest in these commemorations. Authors argue that what is included in commemorations is just as important as what is omitted. While some of the authors present superficial views of war memorials, others delve deeper and seek the meaning of the images and texts used. Many endeavor to discern what the rituals and memorials say about the people who construct them and how these commemorations shape a nation’s or a people’s identity. These books and articles are about the legacy of war, about remembering and honoring the dead, about celebrating those who survived, about the emergence of battlefield tourism and what that says about a society, and about how societies mourn and recover. They make the distinction between individual and collective memory, between private and public rituals of remembrance. In sum, they are about societies: how they think, how they mourn, how they connect the past to the present, and how they incorporate the past into who and what they are.