bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Kwang‐Ju Uprising (Korea)
Authors: Kim Sun‐Chul
Published: September 2022

Also known as the 5.18 Kwang‐ju people's struggle (Kwang‐ju minjung hangjaeng), the Kwang‐ju massacre, or officially as the 5.18 Kwang‐ju democratization movement (5.18 Kwang‐ju minjuhwa undong), the Kwang‐ju uprising refers to the Kwang‐ju citizens' ten‐day resistance to the newly emerging military leadership of South Korea from 18 to 27 May 1980. The uprising was first triggered by the military's brutal repression of what might have been an ordinary demonstration, and evolved into an armed resistance and a brief period of self‐governance analogous to the Paris Commune of 1871. In the end, the uprising was put down by special army units, producing many casualties. The Kwang‐ju uprising served as a turning point in the pro‐democracy movement and left a deep imprint on South Korean politics and society. With the establishment of electoral democracy in 1987, the uprising gained official recognition as a democratization movement and is commemorated every year.
Land Movements (Africa)
Authors: Derman William
Published: September 2022

The recent surge in large‐scale land acquisitions in Sub‐Saharan Africa has greatly increased emphasis upon land tenure and ownership and resistance movements. Driven by ecological changes, commercial agriculture, ethnic conflict, and population increase, access to land has become a major issue in multiple countries. New land movements have emerged which are focused on food sovereignty, indigenous crops, climate change, and resistance to the expansion of large‐scale farming and mining. Resistance movements quickly become politicized because African states claim ultimate ownership of their lands and water, enabling investors to gain access through the state with claims that lands are undeveloped. Many land‐tenure systems are embedded in kinship and hierarchical systems which had previously provided land security without titles. The enduring importance of land has led to oppositional movements and new framings of the value of African farming. Several movements have affiliated with La Via Campesina to establish new visions for food sovereignty, food self‐reliance, adaptations to climate change, and good nutrition. However, land movements have been defensive, and their priority is to protect local access to, and control of, land and other resources rather than future visions. With the great diversity of rural people's production, agricultural commodification, and threats to their social reproduction, sustained and successful opposition will be difficult.
Lukang Anti‐DuPont Movement (Taiwan)
Authors: Ho Ming‐sho
Published: September 2022

Originating as a seaport in the eighteenth century, Lukang is a commercial city and center of religious worship in central Taiwan. In March 1986, local residents launched a movement against the multinational DuPont company's project to set up a titanium dioxide plant. The prospective investment was welcomed by government officials and viewed as a major boost to stimulate the economy out of a recent recession; however, Lukang residents, who knew of the 1984 Bhopal tragedy in India, were worried about the toxic hazard posed by another American chemical company. Under the leadership of a newly elected city mayor, who ran on an anti‐DuPont stance, opponents organized the Changhua County Nuisance Prevention Association and staged a series of protests, including a local demonstration and a petition, in front of the presidential residence in Taipei, which was unprecedented because Taiwan was still under the rule of martial law, which prohibited unauthorized mass gatherings. Despite conducting a media campaign to showcase its safety commitment, as well inviting local politicians to tour its US facilities, DuPont failed to win the confidence of the people of Lukang. In March 1987, the company announced the decision to suspend this controversial project. Upon receiving the news, Lukang residents celebrated their victory by staging a religious festival to express their gratitude to their patron goddess, Mazu. Two years later, DuPont finally established their delayed plant in northern Taiwan.
Mandate of Heaven (China)
Authors: Zhao Dingxin
Published: September 2022

After conquering the Shang dynasty (c. 1600–1045
bce
), the rulers of the Western Zhou dynasty (c. 1045–771
bce
) claimed that they were able to come to power because Heaven had taken away the mandate of ruling China from the bad Shang king and passed it onto the virtuous Western Zhou rulers. The concept of “Mandate of Heaven” was created for a clear propaganda purpose, in part to suppress the resistance of the conquered population. Yet the lessons that the Western Zhou rulers learned from the demise of the mighty Shang state also compelled them to use the same message to educate their own people on the importance of being a good ruler. For instance, in an early Western Zhou document, it is stated that: “We should use the people instead of water as mirrors. Now that the Shang rulers have lost their mandate bestowed from Heaven, why should not we treat history as mirror and learn a hard lesson from the demise of the Shang state?” (Book of Documents,
Jiugao
). A similar message appeared in another document: “It is all contingent upon human conduct whether or not mistakes and evils will occur … Heaven cannot be trusted. Heaven will not take away the mandate that King Wen had received if only we carry on his virtuous conduct” (Book of Documents,
Junshi
). The Western Zhou rulers saw the heavenly mandate as precarious and believed that the only way to hold on to it was by governing well. In other words, while the Western Zhou rulers propagated the Mandate of Heaven concept, it was right conduct that they actually emphasized. This way of thinking later entered the teachings of Confucius and his followers during the Spring and Autumn (770–481
bce
) and Warring States (480–221
bce
) eras, and gradually became the single most important political concept in Chinese history.
Media Activism
Authors: Mattoni Alice
Published: September 2022

Media activism can be understood in three different ways, moving from broad to narrower interpretations: activism
through
the media, activism
in
the media, and activism
about
the media. Today, media activism is undergoing a profound change, especially concerning activism through the media and, in particular, the production and diffusion of media contents. Overall, in times in which social movements entangle deeply with all kinds of media, scholars wonder how we should interpret media activism today. The permeable boundaries of media activism in contemporary societies require a redefinition of the very concept of media activism.
National Liberation Sandinista Front (Nicaragua)
Authors: Puig Salvador Martí i
Published: September 2022

In July 1961 a group of young, radicalized Nicaraguans inspired by the experience of Cuba founded a guerrilla organization, the National Liberation Front (FLN), in order to take up arms against the Somoza regime. Later, after the first guerrilla campaigns, Carlos Fonseca, one of its founding leaders, added the epithet “Sandinista” to the organization's name, making it the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN), as of 1962. The main inspiration for the FSLN – as was the case with other Latin American guerrilla organizations – was the Cuban Revolution and the foco theory of guerilla warfare (
foquismo
). Yet, in the case of the FSLN, the nationalist and anti‐imperialist tradition started by Augusto César Sandino (1927–1933) also had an important influence.
NIMBY Movements
Authors: Driscoll Adam
Published: September 2022

The acronym NIMBY stands for “Not In My Backyard.” It is a term that has been used to characterize local, grassroots movements and organizations that are endeavoring to resist the siting of an unwanted land‐use in a particular neighborhood, community, or region. NIMBY movements have formed to oppose a wide array of undesirable entities that include environmental hazards (landfills, waste incinerators, polluting industries), perceived social hazards (homeless shelters, prisons, mental health facilities), and aesthetic offences (wind turbines, airports, cell‐phone towers). When viewed collectively, the general tendency of local residents to resist the siting of unwanted entities within their community has been described as the “NIMBY phenomenon” or the “NIMBY syndrome.” Critical perspectives emphasize that the term can be applied in a pejorative, dismissive sense, where the motivations behind the movement are viewed as selfish and exclusionary. While NIMBY movements themselves have a tendency to be narrowly focused, small in scale, and relatively short lived, some do evolve into more broadly focused NOPE (“Not On Planet Earth”) movements that can achieve large size and complexity as well as extended longevity. This entry explores the history behind the use of the NIMBY label, the various movements that have been characterized by it, and some of the unintended consequences of those movements' efforts.
Nuclear Freeze Movement
Authors: Meyer David S.
Published: September 2022

The nuclear freeze movement was an American campaign against nuclear weapons based around an ostensibly moderate demand with radical implications: a negotiated and bilateral end to the testing, production, and deployment of nuclear weapons. Neither the freeze idea, nor opposition to the arms race more generally, was new in 1980 when the freeze emerged, amid resurgent allied anti‐nuclear weapons movements across Western Europe. Astute activist opportunism, in conjunction with a series of more aggressive foreign policies from the US government, aligned to produce unusually heightened attention to national security policy in general, and nuclear weapons in particular. In this regard, the nuclear freeze movement loudly echoed previous periods of mobilization and concern, including anti‐nuclear campaigns following the first use of weapons at Hiroshima and Nagasaki (1945–1947), surrounding the long debate about a ban on testing (1954–1963), and in opposition to the deployment of anti‐ballistic missile systems in the US (1968–1973). Although some activists are constantly trying to draw public attention to the costs and dangers of nuclear weapons, they only succeed episodically. The cyclic mobilization against nuclear weapons reflects more vigorous institutional debates about nuclear weapons strategy.
Otpor
Authors: Nikolayenko Olena
Published: September 2022

Otpor (“resistance” in Serbian) is a Serbian social movement that played a prominent role in removing Slobodan Milošević from power in October 2000. The movement articulated three major demands: (i) the depoliticization of universities, (ii) press freedom, and (iii) free and fair elections. More broadly, movement participants called for a handover of power and the dismantling of the current regime. Otpor grew from a small group of university students in Belgrade to a social movement with 70,000 members and 130 cells across Serbia. Though young people formed the core of Otpor members, the movement enlisted the support of various segments of Serbia's population. The challenger organization employed methods of nonviolent resistance, including graffiti, stickers, street performances, and rock concerts.
Poor People's Movements
Authors: Zorn Annika
Published: September 2022

“Poor people's movements” describes contentious collective actors that are considered to be particularly powerless or weak in resources compared to other members of a community. Often, the term is used to describe spontaneous mass protest by members of social groups that are at the lower end of a socioeconomic scale or in a particularly marginalized position in a society, such as the homeless or the unemployed. Research into poor people's movements has shown, however, that these movements share similar organizational and coordinated social action to other movement activity. This entry examines the shared characteristics of these movements, how studies of poor people's movements over the past decades have changed, and the insights we have gained from studies on social movement activity of the poor for social movement theory.
Pro‐life/Pro‐choice Movements
Authors: Rohlinger Deana A.
Published: September 2022

The contemporary pro‐life and pro‐choice movements disagree about the status of legal abortion in the United States. The pro‐life movement opposes elective abortion on ethical and moral grounds. Pro‐life advocates argue that an “unborn child” has a right to life and they strive to get these rights legally recognized. The pro‐choice movement contends that women have a constitutionally protected right to abortion and works to keep abortion safe and legal. While contention over abortion has a long history, it did not always center on issues of rights. Initially, abortion was a medical concern and physicians were the arbiters of its administration. Throughout most of the nineteenth century, there were no licensing laws regulating who could practice medicine. This, coupled with the lack of a traditional guild structure, meant that trained physicians had to compete directly with other medical sects (such as homeopaths) for patients. Physicians saw abortion as an issue through which they could distinguish themselves from other practitioners and push for industry regulation. They claimed that their scientific training gave them superior knowledge regarding if and when a woman should have an abortion. The campaign was a success; all but “therapeutic” abortions were outlawed and licensed professionals were charged with deciding whether an abortion was performed.
Quebec Nationalist Movement (Canada)
Authors: McRoberts Kenneth
Published: September 2022

Quebec nationalism is based upon the French‐speaking population of Quebec, Canada's largest province by territory and second largest by population. Within Canada as a whole, French‐speakers (or Francophones) have long been in the minority; they now constitute 21.0% of the Canadian population (based on language used at home). However, in Quebec Francophones have always been in the majority, currently constituting 81.2% of the province's population.
Suffrage Movement, International
Authors: Mead Rebecca J.
Published: September 2022

Voting is considered an inherent right of citizenship in modern democracies, an idea originating in Enlightenment ideology but not automatically achieved in practice. In the past, proposals to expand the franchise to include nonproperty‐holding white men were quite controversial, so the concept of suffrage for women and people of color was an even more radical suggestion given their putative lack of rational capacities. Dominant gender roles confined women to the domestic sphere while husbands or other male kinfolk represented their political interests, and challenging these ideas was difficult. Even when women gained voting rights, these were frequently partial (allowing participation in some elections but not others), restricted by marital status, education, property qualifications, and race, and did not automatically grant other civil rights. Winning full suffrage required hard work by determined women – it was never a “gift” – and success was the result of multiple factors. These include: (i) educational advances; (ii) the growing presence of women in the workforce and trade unions; (iii) the increasing political sophistication and mobilization of women in clubs and reform organizations; (iv) affiliations between suffragists and progressive reform movements; (v) fluid political environments in territories, provinces, and colonies; (vi) the adoption of direct action techniques; and (vii) transnational activism, although these relationships could be problematic.
Sendero Luminoso/Shining Path (Peru)
Authors: McClintock Cynthia
Published: September 2022

Sendero Luminoso or “Shining Path” was an unforgiving Maoist rebellion that emerged in Peru's remote, impoverished southern highlands and began violent attacks in 1980. Led by Abimael Guzmán, a former philosophy professor in the southern highlands town of Ayacucho, the Shining Path expanded across vast swathes of Peru and by the late 1980s and early 1990s was active in the capital, Lima. The conflict between the Shining Path and Peru's security forces was the most violent in the country's twentieth‐century history; it was estimated that, by 2000, 69,200 people had been killed; 75 percent of the victims spoke the indigenous language, Quechua.
Temperance Movements
Authors: Oselin Sharon S.
Published: September 2022

The temperance movement in the US encompassed a long and tumultuous historical period spanning from the 1820s to the passing of National Prohibition in 1919, and, some argue, has reemerged more recently. In studying this movement, scholars are able to examine how a confluence of political and social goals fuels and sustains mobilization. The temperance movement was a morality‐based movement, focused on issues of vice among the American population, which activists felt were indicative of the demise of a collective moral fiber. Wagner proposed that this perspective underscored a national ideology that was embedded within a specific cultural and political context. Those who comprised this movement were largely upper‐ and middle‐class Protestants, with a strong base in the Midwest and New England. Through the social construction of actions that constitute vice activities, seen as a “social problem,” powerful groups also designated a target population for the many social ills assumed to be connected to these behaviors. The growing numbers of immigrants – Irish, Germans, and Italians – were held particularly responsible for the pervasiveness of vice practices. They were also groups who were slow to support temperance movement agendas, which further demonized them.
Transnational Zapatism
Authors: Olesen Thomas
Published: September 2022

The Zapatista uprising on 1 January 1994 in the Mexican state of Chiapas immediately posed a challenge to observers of Mexican politics. The impact of the uprising, however, quickly spread beyond Mexico's borders. The transnational interest generated by the Zapatistas is matched by no other comparable movement in the post‐Cold War period. Despite the obvious physical, social, and cultural obstacles, an extraordinarily large number of civil society actors, mainly in Europe and the US, have initiated solidarity efforts in support of the Zapatistas, leading to the formation of a transnational Zapatista solidarity network. The network was at its most active in the latter half of the 1990s when dramatic events in Chiapas – such as the Mexican army's invasion of Zapatista territory in 1995 and the paramilitary massacre in the village of Acteal in 1997 – garnered massive attention abroad. Yet the Zapatistas continue to be a source of inspiration for activists outside of Mexico to this day – as testified by an ongoing scholarly interest in the transnational dimension of the movement.
Urban Movements
Authors: Pasotti Eleonora
Published: September 2022

The definition of urban movement is contested and has changed over time. Urban movements were and continue to be often referred to as urban social movements. The reasons are not explicitly articulated, but can be attributed to the emphasis on noninstitutional politics and protest rather than associations, which was privileged by early path‐setting work in this field.
Industrial Workers of the World (IWW)
Authors: Martin Andrew
Published: September 2022

The way in which social movement groups organize themselves has considerable, and often unforeseen, ramifications. Among scholars, much of the debate regarding the degree of formalization centers on issues of tactics, with bureaucratic movement organizations charged by critics as too conservative. Yet there the implications for adopting a less formalized structure may play out in other ways as well. During the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, opposition by business elites and their allies in the state to unionization efforts, particularly among unskilled workers, often took the form of extreme repression, and bloodshed was not uncommon during this period. Nowhere was this more evident than in the case of the Industrial Workers of the World, whose radical goals and loose organizational structure provided considerable opportunities for repression.
Framing and Social Movements
Authors: Snow David A.
Published: September 2022

Framing, within the context of social movements, refers to the signifying work or meaning construction engaged in by movement adherents (e.g. leaders, activists, and rank‐and‐file participants) and other actors (e.g. adversaries, institutional elites, media, social control agents, countermovements) relevant to the interests of movements and the challenges they mount in pursuit of those interests. The concept of framing is borrowed from Erving Goffman's
Frame Analysis
and is rooted in the symbolic interactionist and constructionist principle that meanings do not naturally or automatically attach themselves to the objects, events, or experiences we encounter, but arise, instead, through interpretive processes mediated by culture. Frames contribute to this interpretive work by performing three core functions. First, like picture frames, they focus attention by punctuating or bracketing what in our sensual field is relevant and what is irrelevant, what is “in‐frame” and what is “out‐of‐frame,” in relation to the object of orientation. Second, they function as articulation mechanisms in the sense of tying together the various punctuated elements of the scene so that one set of meanings rather than another is conveyed, or, in the language of narrativity, one story rather than another is told. And third, frames often perform a transformative function by reconstituting the way in which some objects of attention are seen or understood as relating to each other or to the actor. Examples of this transformative function in the context of social movements are illustrated by the transformation of routine grievances or misfortunes into injustices or mobilizing grievances, and by the reconfiguration of aspects of one's biography as commonly occurs in both political and religious conversion. Given the focusing, articulation, and transformative functions of frames, it is arguable that how we see, what we make of, and how we act toward the various objects of orientation that populate our daily lives depends, in no small part, on how they are framed. Applied to social movements, the idea of framing problematizes the meanings associated with relevant events, activities, places, and actors, suggesting that those meanings are typically contestable and negotiable and thus open to debate and differential interpretation. From this vantage point, mobilizing grievances are seen neither as naturally occurring sentiments nor as arising automatically from specifiable material conditions, but as the result of interactively based interpretation or signifying work. The verb framing conceptualizes this signifying work, which is one of the activities that social movement leaders and participants, as well as their adversaries, do on a regular basis.
Recruitment
Authors: Barkan Steven E. , Cohn Steven F.
Published: September 2022

Social movements have long been an important basis of political participation in democracies and have achieved major political, social, and cultural changes. Although the influence of social movements depends largely on their ability to recruit members, it is by no means obvious why people choose to participate in them. Because congruence with a movement's ideology is a necessary but not sufficient condition for joining a movement, other factors matter for inducing joining. This entry reviews the literature on the factors that seem to matter for movement recruitment.
Rights and Rights Movements
Authors: Skrentny John D. , Patnode René
Published: September 2022

The goal of many social movement organizations (SMOs) seeking political change is some kind of right. Rights‐based movements have been the signature form of political movement since at least the mid‐twentieth century in the West and are increasingly common in other parts of the world.
Labor Movement
Authors: Fantasia Rick , Voss Kim , Eidlin Barry
Published: September 2022

The labor movement is a broad, multidimensional social formation that is generated from the social structures of work and industry in a society. It may comprise both legally recognized and formally sanctioned institutions (like trade unions, political parties, and works councils), as well as less formal groupings of workers and their allies (industrial actions, organizations of strike supporters, workers' centers, dissident movements within unions, cultural forms, etc.). Labor movements operate at the intersection of economic practice, civil society, and the state. They are more or less firmly institutionalized in any given society in any given historical period, and can be partly characterized by the extent to which extra‐institutional practices are permitted and have been incorporated into the routine operations of industrial and labor relations. The social and organizational composition of a labor movement, as well as the degree to which its practices have been institutionalized, are thus two important analytical axes through which the social logic of a labor movement can be discerned.
Attac
Authors: Uggla Fredrik
Published: September 2022

Founded in France in 1998, Attac (Association pour une taxation des transactions financiers pour l'aide aux citoyens) has been one of the most prominent groups in the so‐called global justice (also known as the anti‐globalization or the alter‐mondialization) movement, with tens of thousands of members in its country of origin, and national chapters in dozens of other countries. The group has mixed a critique of liberal economic policies in general with a very specific demand: the introduction of a tax on financial transfers as a method to restrain financial markets and raise revenue for development projects.
Citizen Peacebuilding Movements
Authors: Wehrenfennig Daniel , Aiken Nevin T.
Published: September 2022

Citizen peacebuilding movements have been around for centuries but have gone through many transformations. They have had to deal with similar issues to other social movements, such as the challenge of keeping people involved long term and sustainably changing society. However, citizen peacebuilding movements face additional challenges which other social movements may not have to deal with.
Consciousness, Conscience, and Social Movements
Authors: Snow David A. , Lessor Roberta G.
Published: September 2022

Few concepts and/or processes have so intrigued and perplexed philosophers, theologians, social scientists, and, more recently, neuroscientists, as that of consciousness and the cognate concept of conscience. Both concepts figure prominently in theorizing and analyzing social movements and the dynamics of their mobilization. This entry provides an overview of key dimensions of the concepts, and an introduction to the scholarly arguments over their conceptualization and functioning with respect to class and oppositional consciousness, false consciousness, consciousness raising and transformation, and, in relation to conscience, prisoners of conscience, moral convictions and incentives, and conscience constituents.
Islamic Women's Movements
Authors: Moss Dana M.
Published: September 2022

The study of Muslim women is one of the most challenging and contentious topics of inquiry in political and social movement studies. Muslim women have long been stereotyped as oppressed, passive recipients of patriarchy, religion, and politics, rather than as active figures in their own right. Motivated by the overwhelming absence of women as subjects in the literature, the last two decades have witnessed an upsurge in critical scholarship exploring women's roles as organizers of and participants in movement activity in various locales across the globe.
QCA and Fuzzy Set Applications to Social Movement Research
Authors: Ragin Charles C. , Sedziaka Alesia Alexandrovna
Published: September 2022

Social scientists are drawn to the study of social movements and collective action because they represent significant departures from routine social life. A related feature that makes them an important object of inquiry is that the conditions for their realization are often conjunctural in nature. That is, for these phenomena to occur at all, a number of conditions typically must be met or satisfied in some way. It is useful to think of these conjunctures of conditions as “causal recipes.” To complicate matters a bit, there are often multiple recipes – different combinations of conditions – linked to the same general outcome. A central goal of research on social movements and collective action is to unravel the relevant causal recipes and to specify their various ingredients. This interest in studying the “causal recipes” linked to “qualitative outcomes” dovetails with key features of qualitative comparative analysis (QCA). QCA builds on the logic of qualitative, case‐oriented research as it is practiced in comparative sociology and comparative politics. By formalizing the logic of this type of analysis, QCA makes it possible to bring some of the empirical intensity of qualitative approaches to studies that embrace more than a handful of cases.
Slave Rebellions
Authors: Peterson David K.
Published: September 2022

Slavery has existed in various places and times throughout human history. So too have slave rebellions. Some of the most well‐known and compelling stories of all time have depicted these rebellions. Moses led a revolt against the enslavement of Hebrews in ancient Egypt, demanding of Pharoah to “Let my people go!” This episode is important, if not central, to the Abrahamic spiritual traditions – Christianity, Judaism, Islam, and others. Spartacus, during the Third Servile War in the first century, led a rebellion of slaves against their Roman captors. The tale of this revolt is especially beloved in the Western political tradition. In ninth‐century Iraq more than 500,000 East African slaves rose up against their Arab masters in what is known as the Zanj Rebellion. Rebellions have occurred in other places and times and have similarly become the stuff of legend. Because slave rebellions emerge from the site of the most extreme dispossession, in the face of the most terrifying odds, they are paradigm cases of resistance to oppressive power; they represent, in the words of Herbert Aptheker, the preeminent historian on the subject, “the highest form of protest.”
Strikes within the European Context
Authors: Richards Andrew J.
Published: September 2022

Labor unions have always been, and remain, the principal agents of strike mobilization and organization. However, any assessment of strikes in contemporary Europe has to be placed in the context of the general decline of union power since the 1980s. During the last two decades of the twentieth century, the proportion of workers belonging to unions (or union density) fell across Europe, and continued to do so into the twenty‐first century, albeit more slowly. While long‐standing cross‐national differences in union density remained entrenched, the general trend everywhere was downward.
Visual Analysis of Social Movements
Authors: Doerr Nicole , Teune Simon
Published: September 2022

Visual analysisis the development of concepts and methods to study visual elements of the mobilization, framing, diffusion, and resonance of protest and social movements. In the early 1990s, the “visual turn” in the humanities and cultural studies inspired a theoretical debate about the “power of images” in political conflict. This debate also resonated among social movement scholars who have studied visual aspects of the performance of social movements, their use of visual media such as posters and photos, and the representation of protests in linear mass media. Visual analyses typically rely on multidisciplinary approaches ranging from in‐depth studies of individual images that use methods from art history to quantitative content analysis leaning on communication studies.
Afro‐Brazilian Movements
Authors: Caldwell Kia Lilly
Published: September 2022

Scholarship on Brazil's black movements has examined their development from the early twentieth century to the present, highlighting challenges black activists have faced in their efforts to confront Brazilian racism. During the 1970s, Brazilian sociologists explored how the Brazilian ideologies of racial democracy and
mestiçagem
(race mixing) stymied efforts to recognize and challenge racism, with scholar‐activist Abdias do Nascimento critiquing the Brazilian whitening ideology as a form of genocide that sought to extinguish the black population. These critiques departed from influential studies published by Brazilian and US researchers during the mid‐ and late twentieth century that promoted Brazil's image as a nonracist society, a tradition dating back to the 1933 publication of
Casa Grande & Senzala
by Brazilian sociologist Gilberto Freyre.
Afro‐Colombian Movements
Authors: Oslender Ulrich
Published: September 2022

Colombia has the second largest black population in Latin America, after Brazil. Roughly 11 million Afro‐Colombians make up 26 percent of the national population today. While black resistance can be traced back to the early days of maroonage, Afro‐Colombian social movements began to significantly change the political landscape in Colombia with the passing of the country's new Constitution of 1991, which provided a new political opportunity structure for black mobilization. This entry uses a framing perspective to review the changing contexts for Afro‐Colombian mobilization, from an initial focus on social justice and racial equality, via ethnic‐territorial and human rights, to the implementation of Colombia's peace accords in the 2000s.
Anonymous
Authors: Deseriis Marco
Published: September 2022

Anonymous is a social movement that emerged from the convergence of hacker culture and grassroots political movements. The movement has undergone three distinct phases: an incubation phase in which it was strongly influenced by the anonymous online culture of the internet forum 4chan; a politicization phase, during which it was involved in the organization of global campaigns for internet freedom against the Church of Scientology and in solidarity with Wikileaks; and a phase of transnational diffusion in which chapters of Anonymous appeared in dozens of countries around the world to support local issues such as denouncing government corruption, police brutality, and human rights abuses. Recently, media and cultural studies scholars have engaged in a lively debate over the political significance of Anonymous within the broader context of the online culture wars that have marked the first two decades of the twenty‐first century.
Vigilante Self‐defense Organizations Against Cartels (Mexico)
Authors: Trevizo Dolores
Published: September 2022

Organized vigilante movements mobilized in Mexico in the context of the significant increase in violent crime following President Felipe Calderón's (2006–2012) declaration of a war against drug cartels. Within a few years of the intensification of this war, over 20,000 civilians organized what they called
autodefensas
, or “self‐defense” groups, against violent criminal cartels. By 2012, there was a sharp rise in the number of their collective actions and, by 2014, 9 of 32 federal entities (all but Mexico City are states) had at least one such group. The vast majority of the mobilizations, however, took place in just two Pacific southern states: Michoacán and Guerrero. The main protagonists of this movement were rural men, and while most in Guerrero were indigenous, the vast majority of Michoacán's vigilantes were not. Some women and children also participated in the movement in both states, and newspaper reports indicate that a few migrants living in the US returned to Mexico to help rescue towns from the cartels. At first the vigilantes armed themselves with sticks, machetes, and hunting rifles, but by the movement's heyday in 2013 and 2014, many activists especially in Michoacán carried assault rifles. Movement activity declined in 2015, though there remain pockets of organized vigilante activity in 2021.
Asian American Feminism
Authors: Fujiwara Lynn
Published: September 2022

Like other racially identified feminist formations, Asian American feminisms emerged as women of color challenged the racism they experienced in the white‐dominant women's movement. The pattern of exclusion and invisibility experienced by Asian American women in local and national feminist organizations is well documented in texts such as
This Bridge Called My Back: Writings by Radical Women of Color
, first published in 1981. Mitsuye Yamada's now famous piece “Invisibility is an unnatural disaster” named the problem of invisibility, silence, and the erasure of Asian American women as impacted by patriarchy, racism, and classism, as well as agents of change as activists and community organizers. In Yamada's second piece in
This Bridge
, “Asian Pacific American women and feminism,” she confronts the marginalization and tokenization Asian American feminists experienced in white women's organizations, women's studies programs, and political events. In response to these systematic experiences, Yamada notes that by the 1970s Asian American women formed writing collectives resulting in the publications of Asian American feminist writing, and the mass organization of Asian American women's conferences in places like New York, Hawai‘i, and San Francisco.
Bersih Movement (Malaysia)
Authors: Hooi Khoo Ying
Published: September 2022

The right to vote in free and fair elections has long been a disputed issue in Malaysia. Elections are marred not only by partisan constituency delineation and polling irregularities, which misconstrue the voters' choice, but also by election campaigns that are tainted by bribery, abuse of government machinery, and biased behavior by the supposedly independent public institutions. In response to these recurring problems, an electoral reform movement gradually emerged in the new millennium that came to be known as the Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections or Bersih, meaning, “clean” in Malay.
Care and Social Movements
Authors: Santos Felipe G.
Published: September 2022

We have witnessed a growing number of movements in which activists mobilize for the rights of others. Locals who organize in support of refugees, white people who join black justice struggles, collectives who fight for animal rights, and many other groups follow a different logic than strictly self‐interested motivations. They are guided by a logic of care. While affected groups may have certain institutional, economic, social and/or cultural uncovered needs that prevent them from being able to confront their oppression, nonbeneficiary constituents may empathize with their struggle and take action in their support. Moreover, a logic of care may also guide relations among members of any collective. As a type of interactions among activists, care refers to the exchanges among social movement participants aimed at addressing the needs that prevent the mobilization and internal solidarity of certain groups and individuals. This entry briefly explores how a logic of care may motivate contentious mobilization as well as different types of caring exchanges among activists.
Charlie Hebdo
Attacks and Social Movements
Authors: Gattinara Pietro Castelli , della Porta Donatella , Felicetti Andrea
Published: September 2022

The
Charlie Hebdo
attacks refer to the shootings that took place on 7 January 2015 at the offices of the satirical magazine in Paris. The perpetrators, Saïd and Chérif Kouachi, were French citizens of Algerian descent who self‐identified as belonging to al‐Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula. They planned the attack as a revenge for the magazine's lampooning of the Islamic prophet Mohammad. In total 12 people were killed and 11 were injured, but the victims increased two days after, as four customers in a kosher supermarket and one police officer were murdered in a related assault by a third attacker, Amedy Coulibaly who had pledged allegiance to the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL).
“Dissident” Irish Republicans
Authors: White Robert W.
Published: September 2022

“Dissident” Irish Republican is a generic term used to describe activists who disagree with the political and military direction taken by the two lead organizations of the Irish Republican Movement, that is “Provisional” Sinn Féin and the “Provisional” IRA – the Provisionals. “Dissidents” reject the term and argue that it is the Provisionals who have dissented from traditional republicanism. During the Irish War of Independence era (1916–1923), Irish Republican Army (IRA) rebels complemented by Sinn Féin politicians and members of Cumann na mBan, a women's organization, established an all‐Ireland revolutionary parliament, Dáil Éireann. The British did not recognize this parliament and it was disestablished in 1922 when Dáil Éireann representatives ratified by a slim margin the Anglo‐Irish Treaty. The treaty confirmed the partition of Ireland and the creation of separate parliaments in Belfast for Northern Ireland, which remained a part of the United Kingdom, and Dublin for the quasi‐independent Irish Free State (later, the Republic of Ireland). A minority of activists remained committed to the all‐Ireland Dáil Éireann, rejected the Dublin and Belfast parliaments, and held fast to the claim that Irish people have the right to include armed struggle in their collective action repertoire as they pursue a reunited Irish Republic. And these activists maintained the IRA, Sinn Féin, and Cumann na mBan. A key reason the “Provisionals” split from the leadership of the republican movement in 1969/1970 was that the “Officials” endorsed taking seats in the Belfast, Dublin,
and
London parliaments.
Global Pentecostal Movement
Authors: Calvillo Jonathan
Published: September 2022

Pentecostalism has existed for little more than a century as an identifiable movement, and yet represents 8.3 percent of the world's population and 23,000 denominations globally. Pentecostal enumeration is complicated, given intra‐group diversity and contestations of its key identity markers. Generally, Pentecostalism emphasizes the work of the divine, biblical personage of the Holy Spirit. The movement's emphases are revivalistic in that they hearken back to scriptural portrayals of the early Christian church. This desire to capture the vibrant, expressive elements of the early church fuels the movement's growing edge and informs modes of adaptation, even as it undergirds the movement's rootedness. While the movement has given birth to established institutions such as churches, educational institutions, and nonprofit organizations, it continues to exhibit social movement characteristics, with a shared ethos and theological commonalities dispersed across distinct religious institutions and social networks. The ongoing negotiation between “routinization and revival” within Pentecostalism is one of the distinct, primary engines by which the movement maintains its vitality. While many religious bodies vacillate between revival and routinization, this negotiation plays out distinctly in Pentecostalism due to its propensity for speaking to the needs of diverse, marginalized classes of people, even as it internally negotiates its boundaries.
Global Salafism
Authors: Meijer Roel
Published: September 2022

Salafism is a strict and powerful Sunni Islamic doctrine that during the past decades has acquired a strong appeal in the Muslim world and has become an international movement that provides answers to complex modern questions not only concerning correct religious doctrine, rituals, morals, and duties, but also for everyday conduct in religious, nonreligious, or even anti‐religious environments.
Health Movements (Europe)
Authors: Christou Stella
Published: September 2022

The intersections of medical history and sociology, health policy, and social movement studies have become the focus of scholarly attention in recent years, culminating in insightful and novel contributions concerning health movements in the United States. Health movements have recently been conceptualized as a distinct category of social movements, that mobilize for change in medical practice, health policy, and beliefs about health and illness. This entry proposes a framework for the study of health movements in Europe, through the delineation of some central features of health policy and politics and the institutional characteristics of healthcare systems. The framework is used to organize a historical overview of the emergence and evolution of collective struggles in the name of health in Europe to date.
Indignados Movement (15M) (Spain)
Authors: Romanos Eduardo
Published: September 2022

The Indignados movement was a protest movement that emerged in Spain in May 2011 as part of an extensive cycle of contention against austerity policies, the corruption of political authorities, and the democratic deficiencies of the Spanish political system. In turn, the mobilization of the Spanish Indignados was set in the context of a transnational wave of protest against austerity and for democracy, in which diffusion they played an important role. The massive mobilization of the Indignados attracted international attention and their demands obtained overwhelming public support. The movement consequences have been important at different levels. The rise of the Indignados caused a change in the domestic field of social movements with the emergence of new contentious actors and the strengthening of existing ones. Participation in the movement contributed to the spreading of values linked to deliberative democracy among the citizenry. Mobilization also contributed to a symbolic reframing of the causes and consequences of the economic crisis. The emergence over time of new political parties linked in some way to the movement has led to an important change in the Spanish party system.
Indigenous Protest in Bolivia Against Evo Morales
Authors: Fontana Lorenza B.
Published: September 2022

In 2005, Evo Morales won a historic election, leading a political movement which merged indigenous activism with opposition to neoliberal reforms. While the approval of a new constitution and a second landslide victory for Morales in 2010 seemed to set the basis for a revitalized phase of his political project, new tensions emerged within the coalition of popular forces that supported it. The tipping point in the relationship between the government and indigenous groups was marked by an internationally famous dispute around the construction of a road cutting across the Isoboro Sécure National Park and Indigenous Territory (TIPNIS). The plan was supported by campesino migrants of Aymara and Quechua origins but strongly opposed by some lowland indigenous groups based on environmental concerns and the lack of prior consultation, as mandated by Bolivian and international law. This conflict not only marked a turning point in the political alliance between the Morales government and large sectors of the Bolivian indigenous movement, but it also revealed a nuanced picture of pan‐rural relationships and the challenges of conciliating urgent and conflicting demands: identity revitalization, environmental protection, economic development, and political participation.
Indigenous Movements (Ecuador)
Authors: Becker Marc
Published: September 2022

The success of Indigenous movements in Ecuador was predicated on their ability to build alliances with other movements, navigate the intersection of class demands with ethnic identities, and employ a variety of strategies to mobilize support for their concerns. We learn from their experiences and struggles that there are no such things as magical solutions or simple answers, but rather that advancing a political agenda is a matter of experimentation that can result in reversals and losses as well as occasional victories. In this way, Indigenous movements in Ecuador provide a fascinating case study of how to navigate multiple issues and factors on the road to success.