bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Invitation to $H$-systems in higher dimensions: known results, new facts, and related open problems
Authors: Schikorra Armin , Strzelecki Paweł
Published: May 2017

In this paper, we discuss two well-known open problems in the regularity theory for nonlinear, conformally invariant elliptic systems in dimensions

n ≥3

, with a critical nonlinearity:

H

-systems (equations of hypersurfaces of prescribed mean curvature) and n-harmonic maps into compact Riemannian manifolds.

For

n = 2

several solutions of these problems are known but they all break down in higher dimensions (unless one considers special cases, e.g. hypersurfaces of constant mean curvature or manifolds with symmetries). We discuss some of the known proofs and hint at the main difficulties.

We also state a few new results (such as positive answers for all solutions of class

W^{n/2,2}

for even

n

, instead of

W^{1,n}

and list some open questions of independent interest — including specific endpoint variants of the Coifman–Rochberg–Weiss theorem, addressing the boundedness of commutators of fractional and singular integrals with multiplication by bounded functions of class

W^{1,n}

— that would lead to solutions of these two problems.
Only One Side Is Right
Authors: Ward Stephen M.
Published: May 2017

This chapter describes Correspondence’s writing in support of Robert F. Williams, president of the Monroe, North Carolina chapter of the NAACP. Correspondence becomes less focused on documenting workers’ self-directed activism and more focused on documenting african american insurgency. The paper declares its support for student protestors as the sit-in movement commences.
The American Revolution
Authors: Ward Stephen M.
Published: May 2017

This chapter describes James and Grace Lee Boggs’s activities amidst the events of 1963. James Boggs publishes his disagreements with C.L.R. James in The American Revolution: Pages from a Negro Worker’s Notebook. James and Grace Lee Boggs work to encourage the incipient black power movement.
Minorities Combine
Authors: Krochmal Max
Published: May 2017

This chapter describes the formation of a coalition between African Americans and Mexican Americans in San Antonio. The experiments in San Antonio in the fifteen years after World War II laid the foundation for future collaboration across the color line.
We Shall Be Heard
Authors: Krochmal Max
Published: May 2017

This chapter describes the growing demonstrations during the 1960s, as the sit-in movement spreads to Texas. Elder activists join the young in expressing their demands. In less than three years after the first sit-ins, the revived African American civil rights movements would succeed in desegregating public accommodations in urban areas throughout Texas and the South, counting a major coup on the road to their larger goals of equal treatment, improved economic opportunities, and real political power.
New Power for Texas Minorities
Authors: Krochmal Max
Published: May 2017

This chapter describes how the assassination of John F. Kennedy sapped the energy of the Democratic Coalition. Disagreements within the multiracial alliance over goals and strategy and the pressure of its participants’ ongoing, unconscious white supremacy would produce interracial acrimony and suspicion that gradually displaced the hard-won mutual trust of the previous years and decades. Still, despite its gradual coming apart, the Democratic Coalition and its members would win their right to a remarkable degree. Their massive voter registration campaign in 1964 would break down the doors of the Democratic Party and would forever transform Texas politics.
Introduction
Authors: Matthew Patricia A.
Published: May 2017

The introduction argues that although the academy has a spoken (the written) commitment to diversity, the same attitudes (the unwritten) that kept faculty of color out of predominately white institutions in the 1940s works against them during personnel reviews. It highlights examples of the current climate where meritocratic language is used as if it’s neutral, discusses how the work of program building that many scholars of color are called upon to do is undervalued, and argues that personal narratives about tenure process are vital to a clearer understanding of the system’s weaknesses. In addition to including quantitative data, the introduction offers a historical and contemporary context for the stories included in the anthology.
Tenure in the Contact Zone
Authors: Chabram Angie
Published: May 2017

Angie Chambram charts her negotiations of higher education, her own brand of cultural politics, and her interdisciplinary path toward bilingual Chicana/o studies and interdisciplinary cultural studies to winning tenure. Rather than overpersonalizing her story or providing celebratory closure, she invites readers to consider how the language and tenure struggle that intersect in higher education reflect the struggles of everyday people in different geopolitical and educational venues. Chambram discusses the challenge of building a new program while on the tenure track while making claims for the importance of diversity within Spanish literature and language departments. The essay provides glimpses of these negotiations which begin early on in the lives of many assistant professors of color (most of whom are untenured) and continue well beyond tenure, as these individuals negotiate points of entry and articulation and seek to redress longstanding social injustices.
Talking Tenure
Authors: Echavez Sarita
Published: May 2017

Written in the wake of her tenure case at the University of Michigan, Sarita See's essay reflects the various subject positions she has held in the academy from untenured, and therefore vulnerable, assistant professor to a powerful advocate and organizer calling for institutions to closely interrogate what is at stake when faculty of color face tenure battles. Reflecting the challenges of writing about the unwritten record of racism and sexism in the United States academy, this essay documents and juxtaposes two radio segments with the radio collective "Asian Pacific American (APA): A Compass"—a rant and an interview—that See did as part of two national tenure justice campaigns on behalf of women of color academics that she helped organize.
Contingent Diversity, Contingent Faculty
Authors: Santos Wilson
Published: May 2017

In this Wilson Santos, a relative newcomer to the academy, discusses how he came to understand the exploitative nature of contingent faculty. Santos' narrative is more about class than race, though his writing and teaching reflect his experiences as a man of color. Folded into Santos' stories are the experiences of two other adjunct faculty. Doctoral Candidate X, a queer Black woman, who talks about how the intersection of class and sexuality shape her choices as she considers whether or not to continue her academic career, while Dionne Bensonsmith discusses how she has fashioned a scholarly community for herself so that she can forward her research agenda even though she doesn't have the resources enjoyed by tenure-track and tenured faculty. One thing this essay shows is how important research is lost when faculty most cobble together academic careers.
Black Rio
Authors: Dunn Christopher
Published: May 2017

Chapter Four examines the specifically black urban counterculture associated with the so-called Black Rio movement. Black Rio was a cultural phenomenon that brought together predominantly black, working-class youth from Rio’s north zone for dance parties, called bailes soul featuring recorded music from the United States. The author discusses in particular the work of Dom Filó, a black activist and baile soul promoter. At the same time, local Brazilian artists, like Tim Maia and Gerson King, forged a distinctly Brazilian soul music sung in Portuguese. Largely dismissed by critics as a passing fad, the Black Rio movement can be understood as a cultural response to dominant racial discourse, which celebrated Brazil as a racially democratic mestiço nation largely free from racism. Though not overtly or stridently political, the Black Rio movement created conditions for Afro-Brazilian youth to affirm a distinct ethnic identity. This chapter places these black cultural movements in the context of countercultural discourse, seeking to explore points of dialogue and discord with other social movements.
Masculinity Left to Be Desired
Authors: Dunn Christopher
Published: May 2017

Chapter Five explores social and cultural practices that challenged traditional conventions of gender and sexuality in Brazilian society. In the late 1970s, emergent feminist and gay movements succeeded in expanding the range of leftist political debates to include discussions around gender roles, sexual desire, corporal pleasure, and other issues previously regarded as personal or private and therefore outside the realm of the political. These activists sought to link political repression to diverse forms of sexual repression such as the maintenance of male dominated gender relations, the policing of female sexuality, or the violent suppression of homosexuality. Here the author draws on the alternative press, especially the largest gay journal Lampião da Esquina. He examines here the influential work by performers who subverted gender norms, like former tropicalists Caetano Veloso and Gilberto Gil, the gender-bending troupe Dzi Croquettes, and gay icon Ney Matogrosso. The author also discusses left-wing intellectuals, including former guerillas such as Fernando Gabeira, who sought to redefine notions of masculinity during the final phase of military rule.
Epilogue
Authors: Dunn Christopher
Published: May 2017

In “Os sobreviventes” (The survivors), a short story by Caio Fernando Abreu, a couple takes stock of a decade while chain smoking and sipping on vodka. To the sound of Angela Ro Ro, a lesbian torch singer who was popular in the late 1970s, the couple reflect on their past struggles, their shifting sexualities, and their intellectual passions. They are survivors of the long period of military rule who nurtured utopian dreams and indulged their passions and senses, but they have now been left disillusioned just as the country is returning to democratic rule....
Introduction
Authors: Rosen Richard A. , Mosnier Joseph
Published: May 2017

The Introduction provides a brief summary of the life of Julius Chambers. Born in rural North Carolina in the middle of the Great Depression, Chambers would overcome numerous obstacles to become the nation's foremost civil rights litigator in the generation after Thurgood Marshall. Chambers built the nation's first enduring racially integrated law firm in Charlotte, North Carolina, and, working closely with the NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund, he and his partners brought landmark civil rights suits that pushed federal civil rights law to its high-water mark by the early to mid-1970s.
Julius Chambers in New York
Authors: Rosen Richard A. , Mosnier Joseph
Published: May 2017

Chapter 3 describes Chambers's two years in New York 1962-1964, the first at Columbia Law School and the second as the first-ever civil rights intern at the NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund ("LDF"). Earlier the LDF, under the leadership of Charles Hamilton Houston and Thurgood Marshall, pioneered systematic strategic litigation for social change and led the legal campaign that culminated in the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision, which signalled the beginning of the end of state-sponsored apartheid in the American South. In 1963 LDF director-counsel Jack Greenberg selected Chambers as the first intern for a new program designed to offer prospective civil rights attorneys front-line experience at LDF headquarters in New York City plus three years of subsequent modest funding to support the establishment of new Southern law practices as allies in civil rights litigation. Chambers found the year at LDF exhilarating. Working with LDF's highly-motivated and exceptionally talented staff attorneys, Chambers traveled the South to assist with LDF cases, gaining experience and a clear vision of his professional future.
Fighting the Uneven Battle
Authors: Rosen Richard A. , Mosnier Joseph
Published: May 2017

This chapter describes Chambers's efforts to enforce Title II of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which prohibited discrimination in restaurants, motels, and other places of public accommodation, against attempts to circumvent the new law's broad reach, confirmed by an earlier U.S. Supreme Court ruling. The Charlotte YMCA argued for a "private club" exemption under Title II, but quickly abandoned that claim and agreed to desegregate when Chambers filed suit. Chambers also sued the Raleigh YMCA, which sought to prevent desegregation of its exercise facilities on a similar claim notwithstanding that the YMCA's officers had desegregated their cafeteria and rental lodging. After a loss at trial before an unsympathetic U.S. District Court judge, Chambers and LDF won an unqualified victory on appeal before the Fourth Circuit. Chambers also prevailed in a suit to open Moore's Barbecue Restaurant in New Bern to black customers despite Moore's claim to have arranged his business affairs so as to be free of any connection to "interstate commerce," a key element of the Supreme Court's basis for upholding Title II. Here, Chambers overcame a hostile federal judge who willingly ignored a fundamental judicial canon by repeatedly communicating privately about the case with Moore's attorney.
Creating LDF South
Authors: Rosen Richard A. , Mosnier Joseph
Published: May 2017

This chapter describes Chambers's creation of a black-led and racially integrated law firm, for all intents the first such institution in the United States. In 1967, Chambers recruited two junior attorneys to his office: Adam Stein, a white George Washington University Law School graduate who had interned with Chambers in the summer of 1965, and James Ferguson, an African American from Asheville, North Carolina, who had just graduated from Columbia Law School. The three would form the nucleus of a powerful civil rights law practice for years to come. In 1968, after recruiting a young white Legal Aid attorney, James Lanning, Chambers formally created Chambers, Stein, Ferguson & Lanning. In 1969, African American attorney Robert Belton, a North Carolina native who was LDF's leading Title VII litigator, also joined the firm. So highly reputed was Chambers as a civil rights litigator, and so central was his firm to the wider LDF campaign in these years, that the firm was informally acknowledged as "LDF South."
Securing the Foundation
Authors: Rosen Richard A. , Mosnier Joseph
Published: May 2017

This chapter describes the growth and consolidation of the Chambers law firm in the first half of the 1970s. As the firm hired new lawyers, it maintained a roughly equal balance of white and black attorneys. Growth gave rise to certain tensions, including those between the all-female staff and the firm’s all-male lawyers as a consequence of the firm's inattention to the issue of gender equity. The firm suffered some financial pressure, the result of diminished reimbursements from the LDF, waning fees as Title VII litigation wound down, and Chambers's continuing reluctance to prioritize financial gain over the firm's core mission of service to the African American community. Racial violence rocked the firm when, in February of 1971, an arsonist largely destroyed the firm's offices. No arrests are made. After the firm relocated to temporary quarters in an aging Charlotte motel, Chambers, several of his partners, black physicians, and other black professionals collaborated to build finance and build East Independence Plaza, a multi-story office building that opened in March of 1973, the first building of its type in North Carolina owned and operated by African Americans.
Signal
Authors: Bronfman Alejandra
Published: May 2017

The book opens with an account of Frank Butler’s journey to Guantánamo, Cuba to build the region’s first wireless station. This introductory chapter frames the advent of both cables and wireless communication technologies through their encounters and difficulties with nature, and uses these anecdotes to situate the book’s analysis within histories of technology and of empire. It places the research as engaged with the work of scholars of radio and colonialism, language and politics and the creation of listening publics, including Frantz Fanon, Kamau Brathwaite, Michael Warner and Kate Lacey.
Resistors
Authors: Bronfman Alejandra
Published: May 2017

This chapter relies on Anna Tsing’s suggestion that global phenomena are underwritten by the “sticky materiality of practical encounters” to refer both to the increased presence of wires, cables and electronic material in the environment and ways those materials animated certain repertoires of political action. The public spheres in urban settings such as those in 1930s Port au Prince and Santiago were fundamentally shaped by this dynamic. In Santiago, Cuba, rebels regularly cut wires or sabotaged transmitters, but they also seized radio stations as a first step in political activism. In Port au Prince, anti-imperialists criticized the proliferation of public loudspeakers while local businessmen built radio stations in order to wield influence. As the power of telegraphs, telephones and wireless became increasingly evident, historical actors from all sides of the ideological spectrum came to comprehend electronically transmitted sound as the idiom through which politics could be conducted.
Ears
Authors: Bronfman Alejandra
Published: May 2017

This chapter opens with an exploration of audience research techniques and the ways that even those conducting the research acknowledged the impossible nature of their task. This sets out the paradox that structures the chapter: even while there was no guarantee that listening publics were listening, they came to occupy a central position in the political struggles of the late 1950s and early 1960s. The notion of fidelity runs through the chapter as it traces the mediated strategies with which institutions and entities vied for the loyalty of listeners and laid the ground for the media battles of the anti-Batista struggle in Cuba. The “radio wars” that erupted in the Caribbean, a series of clandestine broadcasts urging the overthrow of Castro, Trujillo, and Duvalier in the early 1960s, speak to the centrality of mediated interventions in the changing geopolitics of the Cold War. The chapter ends with an emphasis on silence, as it attends to the ways that Jamaican broadcasting continued to speak only to limited publics and tendered a deaf ear to the creole-inflected sounds of politics on the eve of decolonization.
Introduction
Authors: Blankenship Anne M.
Published: May 2017

The forced mass evacuation … creates a special responsibility for us to help preserve the ideal of brotherhood and of political and religious freedom in our country.

—“A Message to the Society of Friends and Our Fellow Christians”

While purportedly fighting a war against ideas of racial supremacy propagated by fascist regimes, the U.S. government incarcerated nearly 120,000 legal residents and American citizens of Japanese descent on the sole basis of their ancestry....
Building Churches behind Barbed Wire
Authors: Blankenship Anne M.
Published: May 2017

Chapter Three focuses on Seattle’s Japanese American and white pastors who worked at Minidoka incarceration center. They fashioned sacred space in bare, overcrowded barracks, helped Nikkei resettle outside of the camp, and tried to raise the camp’s morale in addition to their usual pastoral duties. Catholic priests protested the limits of religious liberty in the camps, while Protestants attempted to form ecumenical churches. Some men and women in the camps revelled in what they believed was a spiritually superior united church, while others refused to redefine denominational boundaries as dictated by white authorities. Generational barriers, a constantly shifting population, and material limitations challenged pastors to develop innovative strategies.
The End of Japanese Ethnic Churches?
Authors: Blankenship Anne M.
Published: May 2017

As Japanese Christians left the camps, white church leaders instructed them to join established churches and prevented them from re-forming their prewar ethnic congregations. This final chapter analyzes attempts to mend the nation’s racial divisions by ending the segregation of white and Japanese Protestant worship. Efforts to drastically restructure the racial divisions within American Protestantism incited extensive debate about the role of racial minorities within the church. Like the decision to form ecumenical churches, leaders thought the long term benefits of fewer divisions in the church outweighed the temporary challenges to the subjects of their experiment. Most Japanese Americans formed ethnic fellowship groups or left the church rather than join predominantly white churches. The results of this experiment revealed the limited extent to which American Christians were interested in, capable of, and willing to reform definitions of race in order to unite the Christian church.
Myths and Origins
Authors: Campbell Marne L.
Published: May 2017

Chapter 1, “Myths and Origins” considers the earliest period of settlement in California (1781 – 1848) and the peculiar role of race during that time. It also examines the ways settlers of Afro-Latino descent affected the lives of African Americans a century later. Most importantly, this chapter explores California as an important landscape for establishing a racial hierarchy not only under Mexican rule, but also after it became United States territory (1848), by examining the ways in which African American settlers and other racial minorities in this early period contributed to defining race on the city’s frontier.
Conclusion
Authors: Campbell Marne L.
Published: May 2017

Most histories that have been written about black Los Angeles center on the community that developed after the Great Migration. After all, the amount of newer arrivals dwarfed the small numbers who had settled in the city before. These histories take advantage of a richer historical record than what remains of the earlier period of settlement, where migrants’ experiences were virtually unknown. But that does not mean they were non ex is tent. In fact, when one looks closely, one finds a small, thriving black community that worked closely with other racial and ethnic communities in order to maintain itself. This early black community, made up almost entirely of working-class people, together with a very small elite class, created black Los Angeles....
The Man Don’t Need Me Anymore
Authors: de Jong Greta
Published: May 2017

This chapter describes the extreme hardships facing plantation workers as a result of agricultural mechanization and economic reprisals against people who were involved in civil rights activism in the 1960s. Southern welfare and economic development policies were designed to encourage black out-migration from the region, enabling wealthy white families whose fortunes were built on exploiting black labor to avoid responsibility for those workers once they were no longer needed. At the same time, reducing the number of African Americans living in the plantation counties helped minimize the threat posed by black political empowerment. By the mid-1960s, these policies had forced hundreds of thousands of African Americans to leave the region and generated rising unemployment and poverty rates for those who remained.
They Could Make Some Decisions
Authors: de Jong Greta
Published: May 2017

This chapter examines the impact of the War on Poverty in rural southern plantation counties and the threat that it posed to the people in power. Direct access to the Office of Economic Opportunity’s grant-making divisions enabled black residents to bypass racist local officials who had previously controlled access to federal assistance, bringing millions of dollars into impoverished areas. Antipoverty initiatives such as the North Bolivar County Farm Cooperative and the Tufts-Delta Health Center provided services and job opportunities for poor people, encouraging displaced laborers to stay in the South and work to improve conditions in their communities. The OEO’s mandate to include representatives of the poor in program planning enabled rural black southerners to directly influence the distribution of resources in their communities for the first time in their lives, threatening the interests of regional elites. Opponents attacked antipoverty programs, using exaggerated charges of corruption and mismanagement to paint the War on Poverty as a waste of taxpayer money and undermine public support for the effort.
Introduction
Authors: Engle Stephen D.
Published: May 2017

The American Civil War was as much a story of cooperation as it was of conflict. For all we know about why Southerners left the United States, historians still grapple over how and why Northerners restored them to the Union. Secession provided Unionists with an alarming example of just how fragile the federal system was in the mid-nineteenth century. Withdrawal in any form appeared destructive, almost madness, and it inspired loyal political leaders to demonstrate that states had more rights in the Union than outside of it. This revelation motivated loyal state leaders to unite in hopes of vindicating democracy. The ensuing war caused by the Southern departure, ironically, forged a powerful federal-state alliance that produced a Northern army powerful enough to defeat Confederates. Scholars seeking to uncover the Union’s formula for victory have therefore expanded their investigations to include the character of governments (Northern and Southern) as contributing factors....
It Is Your Business to Rise Up and Preserve the Union
Authors: Engle Stephen D.
Published: May 2017

This chapter presents an overview of Lincoln’s journey to the White House, and the governors he met along the way. In addition to introducing the main themes, the chapter also advances the cooperative federalism aspects of Civil War governance and the diffusion of the northern political culture. It sets the stage for nation-state relationship that Lincoln will use to develop armies and establish policies aimed at winning the military contest and establishing reunion.
If Blood Must Flow
Authors: Engle Stephen D.
Published: May 2017

This chapter describes the opening of the Civil War, and the role governors played in shaping the contours of Union mobilization. It also addresses the nature of border state governance and how governors sought to settle notions of secession. In addition, it examines the regional alliances that emerge during the war and how governors worked together protect northern borders from perceived Confederate invasion.
Doing the Very Best We Can
Authors: Engle Stephen D.
Published: May 2017

This chapter explores the nature of nation-state relations as seen through Washington and the northern capitals, and also explores how powerful governors became in times of war. It examines the war-time arrangement that produced a war machine capable of securing a cooperative federalism.
They are a Body of Wise and Patriotic Men
Authors: Engle Stephen D.
Published: May 2017

This chapter explores the Altoona conference held in September in Altoona, Pennsylvania, and the impact the meeting had on the Union war aims, and in pressing Lincoln to announce his emancipation proclamation. It also explores the political relationship between the governors and Stanton
Is It Well or Ill with Us?
Authors: Engle Stephen D.
Published: May 2017

This chapter examines the spring elections and the political enemies at home attempting to discourage northerners about continuing a war the Union appeared to be losing. It describes the Vicksburg and Gettysburg campaigns and the political fallout from conscription, including the New York City riots.
Introduction
Authors: Harper Matthew
Published: May 2017

This chapter introduces the book’s main arguments: that black southerners interpreted political events by discerning God’s purposes in emancipation and that they understood the entire late nineteenth century as an age of emancipation, notwithstanding political setbacks. Although most black Protestants agreed that God had intervened dramatically to free four million slaves, they disagreed in the decades that followed about what exactly God planned for their emancipated race. They placed their own experience within biblical narratives in order to predict a hopeful future. Black Protestants’ end times theology, or eschatology, defied categories of white Protestant theology and mattered in both black political decisions and black self understanding. The book brings state and local politics to the scholarship of black religion by focusing on North Carolina. The introduction argues that historians cannot understand black politics without understanding how black Protestants read different biblical stories and interpreted prophecies of the end times.
Eye of the Storm
Authors: Kurashige Lon
Published: May 2017

This chapter traces the growing consensus on hardening the restriction of Chinese labor immigrants, moving towards exclusion for merchants and other classes of Chinese. Such efforts took place amid the growing power of national labor unions as well as widespread concerns about the deleterious impact of immigrants on U.S. society. Concerns about U.S. imperialism through the Spanish-American War and the colonization of the Philippines introduced a new dimension to the debate over Chinese exclusion. Yet the egalitarian opposition to Chinese exclusion, continued to protect exempt classes of Chinese and to prevent exclusion from spreading to Japanese immigrants.
Rising Tide of Fear
Authors: Kurashige Lon
Published: May 2017

This chapter examines the growing distrust of Japanese immigrants and the increasing push for Japanese exclusion against the backdrop of Japan’s rise as a global power. President Theodore Roosevelt supported Japan during the Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905) and made clear his desire that Japanese immigrants be given naturalization rights to become U.S. citizens. He also strongly opposed calls for Japanese exclusion coming from the West Coast, which included a series of legislation that discriminated against the Japanese in California and other western states. Influential private citizens like missionary Sidney Gulick and business magnet Andrew Carnegie also came to the defense of Japanese immigrants. Yet Roosevelt bowed to political pressure and got Japan to stop sending labor immigrants to the U.S through the Gentlemen’s Agreement (1908). The outbreak of World War I proved a turning point in the exclusion debate; even though exclusionist calls were calmed given that Japan was a U.S. ally, Congress passed the restrictionist Immigration Act of 1918, which restricted a broad range of Asians, although not the Japanese.
Embryo Scientists
Authors: Onion Rebecca
Published: May 2017

The Science Talent Search, started by the Westinghouse Corporation in 1942, aimed to identify and support the most scientifically talented young people in their senior classes. This chapter uses the archive of the Science Talent Search to argue that in the postwar years, the adults who ran the contest were invested in depicting scientifically interested young people as both “normal” and exceptional.
Space Cadets and Rocket Boys
Authors: Onion Rebecca
Published: May 2017

After World War II, science-fiction authors found lucrative side gigs in writing fiction for young people. Before “young adult” books were a fixed category, authors like Robert Heinlein wrote stories about space for middle-grade readers, most of whom were male. This chapter looks at Heinlein’s juvenile fiction published by Scribner’s, and shows how his work reinforced a vision of scientific masculinity.
Conclusion Looking Closer at “Kids Are Little Scientists”
Authors: Onion Rebecca
Published: May 2017

Scholars working in childhood studies are quite often confronted by what I think of as the “cuteness problem.” American beliefs about childhood—“boys like trucks”; “kids are so innocent”; “children love candy”—seem ingrained enough to feel biological, exempt from cultural analysis; they are deeply appealing. The idea that “kids are little scientists” is one of these indelible tropes, a bit of twenty-first-century folk knowledge that pleases many people. Much of my own initial interest in this topic came from the inherent cuteness of the historical archive—the covers of chemistry sets, the space cadets in their helmets, the earnest “research reports” from science clubs. So I cannot much blame people who come up to me after I give a talk about chemistry sets and want to tell me anecdotes about their uncles blowing up their basements; it can be hard, indeed, to regard this history with an analytic eye....
I Did and I Don’t Regret It
Authors: Syrett Nicholas L.
Published: May 2017

As reformers and lawmakers raised the age of consent to marriage and made it more difficult for minors to become husbands and wives, young people reacted by marrying extralegally. From the late nineteenth century through the first three decades of the twentieth, the rates of minor marriage increased, in part, this chapter argues, because marriage became one way of legaly claiming freedom and independence from parents. Marriage emancipated children, it let them escape from abusive homes, keep their wages or inheritances, and have sex without being prosecuted under newly passed statutory rape laws. It allowed them to contest their status as children, itself newly enshrined in the law in a whole host of Progressive Era reforms targeting childhod and adolescence. At the same time the legal device of marriage could also trap girls in abusive and exploitative relationships where they had little recourse to legal protection.
Are They Marrying Too Young?
Authors: Syrett Nicholas L.
Published: May 2017

Following World War II, the age of first marriage dipped to an all-century low. Numbers of teen brides and grooms soared through the early 1960s, and then quickly dissipated. While early marriage fit right into a United States bent on fighting the Cold War with domestic stability at home, experts, journalists, and academics also bemoaned the large numbers of high school students who married in these decades. This chapter argues that the uptick in early marriage, especially among white urban and suburban dwellers, was caused by conflicting messages about sex, which resulted in premarital pregnancies and shotgun weddings; a nationwide emphasis on domesticity; and by cravings by teenagers for adulthood, symbolized through marriage. While rates of early marriage for rural and nonwhite residents remained steady, the real change here was a white middle-class early marriage surge, which is what resulted in all the expert hand-wringing.
Epilogue
Authors: Syrett Nicholas L.
Published: May 2017

While most Americans oppose child marriage internationally, few realize that it is still legal to marry below the age of eighteen in all states in the U.S. There are three reasons to oppose the practice: (1) because of the health risks for those who marry as minors; (2) because it plays into the gendered dominance of an older husband and younger wife that has characterized so much of marriage history; (3) and because allowing for minor marriage buys into the fantasy that marriage itself is really capable of “solving” the problems of teenage sex and pregnancy.
An Answer to the Question
Authors: Kilgore John Mac
Published: May 2017

This chapter analyzes the broad history and philosophy of enthusiasm from the Antinomian Crisis of 1636-1638 in colonial America to the revolutionary Enlightenment at the end of the eighteenth century. From Immanuel Kant to Thomas Paine, Anne Hutchinson to Nathaniel Hawthorne, enthusiasm emerges as a discourse of “constituent power,” the notion in political theory that democracy emanates from the living will of the people and that individuals have the right, therefore, to resist or abolish governments that use the force of law to abuse them. The author argues that, in early American debates about religious antinomianism, especially women’s access to political or social power, the language of enthusiasm was a theological construct of “constituent power” that became overtly politicized in the Revolutionary era and eventually incorporated into Romantic philosophy. Finally, through short readings of Charles Brockden Brown’s Ormond and Sarah Pogson’s The Female Enthusiast, the chapter demonstrates that certain literatures of the early Republic define enthusiasm (as women’s dissent and constituent power) over/against domestic sensibility and the sentimental tradition.
Rites of Dissent
Authors: Kilgore John Mac
Published: May 2017

Against the dominant interpretation of the American Revolution as a conservative historical phenomenon, this chapter argues for a reading of the event in which enthusiastic “rites of dissent” play a constitutive role for supporters and critics alike. The author discusses both the Loyalist and Patriot view that colonial resistance in the years leading up to and during the American Revolution was a species of mobbish English enthusiasm conjuring both the English Civil War (the specter of Oliver Cromwell) and the populist revival religion associated with George Whitefield. Through readings of Mercy Otis Warren, Thomas Paine, and Phillis Wheatley, the chapter’s claim is that literatures of enthusiasm, as a discourse of the American Revolutionary event, do indeed draw upon the Puritan revolutionary and Great Awakening revival heritage. Specifically, these literatures invent an insurgent American print culture that transforms aesthetic labor into an expression of dissent—a “theatre of action” that goads the reader to participate in a sacred drama of historical transformation. However, as a result of the post-Revolutionary backlash against political enthusiasm, Warren, Paine, and Wheatley each have had a troubled and uncertain place in American literary history.
Shaking Hands with the Prophet
Authors: Kilgore John Mac
Published: May 2017

This chapter focuses on the War of 1812 era and Native American resistance to US imperialism. It documents how the politics of enthusiasm, understood as religious fanaticism, was mobilized to discredit the rise of a multi-tribal Native American confederation and its right to resistance. Tenskwatawa, or the Shawnee Prophet, figures centrally in this cultural criticism, and the author analyzes available accounts of the Prophet and his brother Tecumseh, highlighting indigenous dissent as a performance of enthusiasm. Subsequently, the chapter turns to obscure War of 1812 novels (Samuel Woodworth’s The Champions of Freedom, Don Pedro Casender’s The Lost Virgin of the South, and James Strange French’s Elkswatawa) in order to show how American literature absorbed Native American enthusiasms. In these novels it becomes apparent that a pro-American vision of the War of 1812 requires the white imagination to displace and appropriate Native America’s rightful struggle for independence. The chapter ends with a reading of the Pequot American Indian, William Apess, and his response to the War of 1812. Apess is unique for defending an indigenous enthusiastic politics in sympathy with the multi-tribal confederation, and he invents a Native American literature of enthusiasm in the process.
The Free State of Whitman
Authors: Kilgore John Mac
Published: May 2017

This chapter examines Walt Whitman’s poetics of enthusiasm in the 1860 Leaves of Grass, specifically in relationship to John Brown’s 1859 raid on Harper’s Ferry and the politics of the Civil War. The author makes a case for Whitman, not as the national bard of American Unionism and integralism who speaks for all and heals the nation’s fragmentation, but as the bard of American civil war and international sectarianism who speaks only for the enthusiast of justice in a global context and calls for political dismemberment of the Union. First, in an analysis of Civil War rhetoric and responses to John Brown, the chapter demonstrates that enthusiasm enacts a “fractured state,” a will to political dismemberment (civil disunion) in the name of justice towards the slave. Second, the chapter shows how Whitman’s composition of a dismembered self and poetry in the 1860 Leaves is meant to enact an insurrectionary form of democratic camaraderie and love. Next, the author does a close reading of Whitman’s cluster of poems, “Songs of Insurrection,” in order to tease out Whitman’s enthusiastic politics in detail, before turning to Whitman’s application of that enthusiasm while working in Civil War hospitals.
On the Road to 105
Authors: Walker J. Samuel , Roberts Randy
Published: May 2017

At the beginning of the 1973-1974 college basketball season the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA) was the dominant program in the nation. Coached by the legendary John Wooden they had won seven consecutive NCAA championships, and nine of the previous ten titles. There had never been another college team to rival their dominance. And led by Bill Walton, it looked like the 1973-1974 season would end with another championship.
Winning Shots in the Heartland
Authors: Walker J. Samuel , Roberts Randy
Published: May 2017

Although not as deeply talented as the ACC, the Midwest also had its share of outstanding teams and ambitious coaches. The University of Notre Dame, coached by Richard “Digger” Phelps, and Marquette University, coached by Al McGuire, were top-rated independents. And the University of Kansas, coached by Ted Owens, was a dark horse. But they proved that not all the great teams resided in coastal states.
The Growth of the NCAA Tournament
Authors: Walker J. Samuel , Roberts Randy
Published: May 2017

The NCAA tournament had humble origins. Started in 1939 with eight invited teams it had grown and expanded over the years, replacing the National Invitational Tournament (NIT) as the leading college basketball tournament in the nation. There were many reasons for the growth, including the relationship between college basketball and television. NCAA executive director Walter Byers successfully managed the growth of the tournament. But there was heated debate among athletic directors and sports administrators, including Tom Scott and J.D. Morgan, about how much the tournament should grow.
Creating March Madness—Inadvertently
Authors: Walker J. Samuel , Roberts Randy
Published: May 2017

The 1974 NCAA Tournament demonstrated much of what was right—and wrong—with college basketball. It showcased great coaching and extraordinary athletic talent, close games and nail-biting excitement. But the twenty-five team format and the one team per conference rule excluded great programs from the “Big Dance.” The 1973-1974 season proved that Tom Scott’s call to reform the tournament was correct. In the next few years the size of the tournament would increase and more than one team from a conference would be eligible.
Health Difference, Disparity, Inequality, or Inequity—What Difference Does It Make What We Call It?
Authors: Braveman Paula
Published: May 2017

Over the past two and a half decades, distinct approaches have been taken to defining and measuring health inequalities or disparities and health equity. Some efforts have focused on technical issues in measurement, often without addressing the implications for the concepts themselves and how that might influence action. Others have focused on the concepts, often without addressing the implications for measurement. This chapter contrasts approaches that have been proposed, examining their conceptual bases and implications for measurement and policy. It argues for an approach to defining health inequalities and health equity that centers on notions of justice and has its basis in ethical and human rights principles as well as empirical evidence. According to this approach, health inequality or disparity is used to refer to a subset of health differences that are closely linked with—but not necessarily proven caused by—social disadvantage. The term “inequity,” which means injustice, could also be used, but arguments are presented for using it somewhat more sparingly, for those inequalities or disparities in health or its determinants that we know are caused by social disadvantage.
The Liberal Autonomous Subject and the Question of Health Inequalities
Authors: Kittay Eva Feder
Published: May 2017

The bioethical principle of respect for patient autonomy represents an advance over the paternalism that earlier pervaded medical practice. Yet the normative set of assumptions that accompany the autonomy principle has its own difficulties. The notion of autonomy makes assumptions about capability and capacity that are often belied when patients are in need of medical care. Patients who can compensate for their diminished autonomy tend to have more material and social resources at their disposal. The author argues that the assumption that the recipient of health care is an autonomous subject effectively skews the distribution of health resources in favor of those who are most likely to fit that norm and who, when they have diminished capacities, have their autonomy “supported” through periods of medical need. The assumption of patient autonomy thus illuminates one way in which socioeconomic inequalities result in health disparities. Analyzing a study of three heart attack victims belonging to three different socioeconomic classes, the author concludes that a better model of medical care should anticipate the needs of a patient or the patient’s home caregiver, identify what this patient needs to meet her medical needs, and promote ways for patients to make life choices most conducive to health.
Racial Health Disparities and Questions of Evidence
Authors: Rouse Carolyn Moxley
Published: May 2017

The United States Healthy People 2010 initiative, designed to focus nationally funded health research and care on achieving a set of nationwide goals, was directed toward the elimination of racial and ethnic health disparities. While racial and ethnic disparities are complex (with the health of some minority groups surpassing the national average), the health of black Americans continues to fall short of the national average. By focusing on the presumptions embedded in the design of health disparities research, this chapter addresses why Healthy People 2010 largely failed to reduce racial health inequality. Importantly, in thinking about health inequalities, researchers initially failed to consider how race is socially constructed; how data collection is never value-neutral (see King, chapter 8, this volume); and, finally, the limits of randomized control trials (deductive methods) when it comes to making sense of complex behavioral and structural data. The chapter ends by describing how ethnographic insights can help complicate the assumptions and conclusions of health disparities research.
Health-Care Justice, Health Inequalities, and U.S. Health System Reform
Authors: Keirns Carla C.
Published: May 2017

Changes in health system financing and delivery have the potential to save thousands of lives and billions of dollars. The overarching value system embedded in these new models for payment is a rough utilitarianism with origins in economic analysis. These models use financial incentives to change the behavior of physicians, hospitals, and patients. In addition, many of these policy approaches are also based in other normative approaches to medical care with links to liberal economic theory. While these utilitarian-based innovations in insurance and payment policy have often proven to improve access and quality of care in the aggregate, they have frequently been shown to have less benefit or even cause harm to vulnerable populations. This chapter demonstrates how improvements in quality of care frequently have the unintended consequence of widening disparities, either because the populations who had the worst outcomes to start with are more difficult to reach with improved-care models, or because the mechanisms designed to increase access and quality actually destabilize institutions that have long served the poor. As health reforms are implemented, attention to their impact on poor patients and the institutions that serve them will be essential.