bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
False Alarm: Why the Greatest Threat to Social Security and Medicare is the Campaign to “Save” Them. By Joseph White. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001. 320p. $42.50.
Authors: Simmons James R.
Published: May 2008

Few public policy issues have drawn more popular attention, generated more media commentary, or produced more books than the national debate over the dark fate of Social Security and Medicare. In a new book, noted policy scholar Joseph White argues that the “entitlement crisis” and the future insolvency projected by so many experts, politicians, and opinion makers are myths that badly need exploding. White insists that although we should be very concerned about the viability of each of these two essential government programs, we should not be carried away by the hysteria amplified by radical reformers and saviors of every political coloration. Rather, we should attempt to formulate a clear-eyed analysis of the purposes and constraints of social insurance that will produce genuine programmatic solutions that do not radically weaken the nation's social safety net.
The East European Gypsies: Regime Change, Marginality, and Ethnopolitics. By Zoltan Barany. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. 384p. $70.00 cloth, $25.00 paper.
Authors: Kristof Ladis K. D.
Published: May 2008

Whoever has spent some time in the Indian state of Panjab and is to some extent acquainted with the East European Gypsies must have concluded that this was their original home. But as in Europe, so also in Panjab, even at the local Chandigarh University where an international conference debated the problem, little is known and understood about Gypsy ethnopolitics or ethnoculture. European interest in the Gypsies at the university level goes back at least to the middle of the nineteenth century, but it focused on regional languages and folklore as, for instance, can be seen in the correspondence between Bogdan P. Hasdeu (Ghijdeu), a Romanian academic, and Franz Miklosich, an Austrian philologist.
Rethinking Representation
Authors: MANSBRIDGE JANE
Published: May 2008

Along with the traditional “promissory” form of representation, empirical political scientists have recently analyzed several new forms, called here “anticipatory,” “gyroscopic,” and “surrogate” representation. None of these more recently recognized forms meets the criteria for democratic accountability developed for promissory representation, yet each generates a set of normative criteria by which it can be judged. These criteria are systemic, in contrast to the dyadic criteria appropriate for promissory representation. They are deliberative rather than aggregative. They are plural rather than singular.
The Flawed Logic of Democratic Peace Theory
Authors: ROSATO SEBASTIAN
Published: May 2008

Democratic peace theory is probably the most powerful liberal contribution to the debate on the causes of war and peace. In this paper I examine the causal logics that underpin the theory to determine whether they offer compelling explanations for the finding of mutual democratic pacifism. I find that they do not. Democracies do not reliably externalize their domestic norms of conflict resolution and do not trust or respect one another when their interests clash. Moreover, elected leaders are not especially accountable to peace loving publics or pacific interest groups, democracies are not particularly slow to mobilize or incapable of surprise attack, and open political competition does not guarantee that a democracy will reveal private information about its level of resolve thereby avoiding conflict. Since the evidence suggests that the logics do not operate as stipulated by the theory's proponents, there are good reasons to believe that while there is certainly peace among democracies, it may not be caused by the democratic nature of those states.
The Principle of Convergence in Wartime Negotiations
Authors: SLANTCHEV BRANISLAV L.
Published: May 2008

If war results from disagreement about relative strength, then it ends when opponents learn enough about each other. Learning occurs when information is revealed by strategically manipulable negotiation behavior and nonmanipulable battlefield outcomes. I present a model of simultaneous bargaining and fighting where both players can make offers and asymmetric information exists about the distribution of power. In the Markov perfect sequential equilibrium, making and rejecting offers has informational value that outweighs the one provided by the battlefield. However, states use both sources of information to learn and settle before military victory. The Principle of Convergence posits that warfare ceases to be useful when it loses its informational content and that belief in defeat (victory) is not necessary to terminate (initiate) hostilities. Thus, the standard puzzle in international relations that seeks to account for prewar optimism on both sides may not be that relevant.
Information, Power, and War
Authors: REED WILLIAM
Published: May 2008

Ultimatum bargaining models of international interactions suggest that when conflict is costly and the actors are fully informed, the probability of conflict goes to zero. However, conflict occurs with some positive probability when the challenger is uncertain about the defender's reservation value. I employ a simple ultimatum game of bargaining to evaluate two traditional power-centric theories of world politics, balance of power, and power transition theory. The formal and empirical analyses demonstrate that as states approach power parity, information asymmetries are greatest, thus enhancing the probability of militarized conflict. Uncertainty is a central cause of conflict emergence and is correlated with the distribution of observable capabilities. Recognizing the relationship between the distribution of power and the uncertainty offers a more sophisticated interpretation of power-centric explanations of world politics.
The Political Salience of Cultural Difference: Why Chewas and Tumbukas Are Allies in Zambia and Adversaries in Malawi
Authors: POSNER DANIEL N.
Published: May 2008

This paper explores the conditions under which cultural cleavages become politically salient. It does so by taking advantage of the natural experiment afforded by the division of the Chewa and Tumbuka peoples by the border between Zambia and Malawi. I document that, while the objective cultural differences between Chewas and Tumbukas on both sides of the border are identical, the political salience of the division between these communities is altogether different. I argue that this difference stems from the different sizes of the Chewa and Tumbuka communities in each country relative to each country's national political arena. In Malawi, Chewas and Tumbukas are each large groups vis-à-vis the country as a whole and, thus, serve as viable bases for political coalition-building. In Zambia, Chewas and Tumbukas are small relative to the country as a whole and, thus, not useful to mobilize as bases of political support. The analysis suggests that the political salience of a cultural cleavage depends not on the nature of the cleavage itself (since it is identical in both countries) but on the sizes of the groups it defines and whether or not they will be useful vehicles for political competition.
Extending Offensive Realism: The Louisiana Purchase and America's Rise to Regional Hegemony
Authors: ELMAN COLIN
Published: May 2008

John Mearsheimer suggests that, whenever possible, great powers are constrained to seek regional hegemony, the safest feasible situation for a state. This objective is hard to achieve because other great powers want to block the attempt, but it is doable because buck-passing and other hurdles make balancing inefficient. Contra Mearsheimer, I argue that it is the absence of balancers, not balancing inefficiencies, that best explains when states can hope to dominate their neighborhoods. Regional hegemony is only achievable when it is easy. I use property space techniques to develop an extended version of offensive realism that clarifies why states will sometimes prefer not to block a hegemonic bid. In particular, I argue that local considerations will often prevent a continental great power from responding to a rising state in another region. I test my argument by process tracing the U.S. purchase of Louisiana and show that France's decision to sell is best explained by its pursuit of its own territorial ambitions. My extended version of offensive realism suggests that its single success story of the last 200 years, U.S. dominance of North America, provides no encouragement to contemporary states contemplating a bid for regional hegemony.
The Political Economy of IMF Lending in Africa
Authors: STONE RANDALL W.
Published: May 2008

Why has IMF lending achieved such poor results in Africa? Is it because the Fund imposes the wrong conditions, or because it fails to enforce them? Analysis of monthly data on 53 African countries from 1990 to 2000 shows that the IMF's loans-for-reform contract lacks credibility because donor countries intervene to prevent rigorous enforcement. Countries that have influence with developed-country patrons—as measured by U.S. foreign aid, membership in postcolonial international institutions, and voting profiles in the UN—are subject to less rigorous enforcement (shorter program suspensions). They have more frequent program suspensions, because they violate their conditions more often. The IMF will have to become more independent in order to become an effective champion of reform.
Does the Organization of Capital Matter? Employers and Active Labor Market Policy at the National and Firm Levels
Authors: MARTIN CATHIE JO , SWANK DUANE
Published: May 2008

Does the organization of business matter for social policy development in the advanced capitalist democracies? Conventional welfare state analysis has given this significant question scant attention. We argue, however, that the representational power of business, coordination across business interest units, and integration of associations in corporatist policy-making forums, or what we call thesocial corporatist organization of business, should result in greater support and participation by employers in social policy formation and implementation. We test our arguments with models both of 1980–98 pooled time-series data on within- and across-country variation in spending on active labor market programs and of extensive firm-level survey data from Denmark and the United Kingdom. We find that the centralization and coordination of employers as well as the integration of employer organizations in corporatist policy-making forums are strongly associated with shares of national income devoted to active labor market policy. We find, moreover, that the degree of employer organization conditions active labor market policy responses to “de-industrialization” and increases in general unemployment. At the firm level, membership in an employer association has a significant positive effect on employer participation in active labor market programs in corporatist Denmark but not in the pluralist United Kingdom.
The Possibility Principle: Choosing Negative Cases in Comparative Research
Authors: MAHONEY JAMES , GOERTZ GARY
Published: May 2008

A central challenge in qualitative research is selecting the “negative” cases (e.g., nonrevolutions, nonwars) to be included in analyses that seek to explain positive outcomes of interest (e.g., revolutions, wars). Although it is widely recognized that the selection of negative cases is consequential for theory testing, methodologists have yet to formulate specific rules to inform this selection process. In this paper, we propose a principle—the Possibility Principle—that provides explicit, rigorous, and theoretically informed guidelines for choosing a set of negative cases. The Possibility Principle advises researchers to select only negative cases where the outcome of interest is possible. Our discussion elaborates this principle and its implications for current debates about case selection and strategies of theory testing. Major points are illustrated with substantive examples from studies of revolution, economic growth, welfare states, and war.
Political Preference Formation: Competition, Deliberation, and the (Ir)relevance of Framing Effects
Authors: DRUCKMAN JAMES N.
Published: May 2008

One of the most contested questions in the social sciences is whether people behave rationally. A large body of work assumes that individuals do in fact make rational economic, political, and social decisions. Yet hundreds of experiments suggest that this is not the case. Framing effects constitute one of the most stunning and influential demonstrations of irrationality. The effects not only challenge the foundational assumptions of much of the social sciences (e.g., the existence of coherent preferences or stable attitudes), but also lead many scholars to adopt alternative approaches (e.g., prospect theory). Surprisingly, virtually no work has sought to specify the political conditions under which framing effects occur. I fill this gap by offering a theory and experimental test. I show how contextual forces (e.g., elite competition, deliberation) and individual attributes (e.g., expertise) affect the success of framing. The results provide insight into when rationality assumptions apply and, also, have broad implications for political psychology and experimental methods.
How Deliberation Affects Policy Opinions
Authors: BARABAS JASON
Published: May 2008

Theorists argue that deliberation promotes enlightenment and consensus, but scholars do not know how deliberation affects policy opinions. Using the deliberative democracy and public opinion literatures as a guide, I develop a theory of opinion updating where citizens who deliberate revise their prior beliefs, particularly when they encounter consensual messages. A key aspect of this model is that opinion strength moderates the deliberative opinion change process. In two separate propensity score analyses using panel survey data from a deliberative forum and cross-sectional surveys, I show how deliberation and discussion both affect opinions toward Social Security reform. However, deliberation differs from ordinary discussion in that participants soften strongly held views, encounter different perspectives, and learn readily. Thus, deliberation increases knowledge and alters opinions, but it does so selectively based on the quality and diversity of the messages as well as the willingness of participants to keep an open mind.
The Founding of the American Political Science Association: Discipline,
Profession, Political Theory, and Politics
Authors: GUNNELL JOHN G.
Published: May 2008

In the evolution of the social sciences, disciplines (forms of research,
training, and instruction) preceded professions (distinct occupational
identities). Although professionalism has often been viewed as a
conservative force, what was arguably the most prominent transformation in
the history of political science was the result of a professional challenge
to the discipline. The founding of the American Political Science
Association represented not only an ideological break with some of the
principal voices in the discipline but a reformulation of the reigning
vision of the relationship between political science and politics. Despite
the markedly different circumstances, the dissenting claims emanating from
the subfield of political theory during the behavioral era reflected, in
many respects, a similar form of confrontation.
Revolutions Without Enemies: Key Transformations in Political
Science
Authors: DRYZEK JOHN S.
Published: May 2008

American political science is a congenitally unsettled discipline,
witnessing a number of movements designed to reorient its fundamental
character. Four prominent movements are compared here: the statism
accompanying the discipline's early professionalization, the pluralism of
the late 1910s and early 1920s, behavioralism, and the Caucus for a New
Political Science (with a brief glance at the more recent Perestroika). Of
these movements, only the first and third clearly succeeded. The discipline
has proven very hard to shift. Despite the rhetoric that accompanied
behavioralism, both it and statism were revolutions without enemies within
the discipline (other than those appearing after they succeeded), and
therein lies the key to their success.
Patricians, Professionals, and Political Science
Authors: PARENTI MICHAEL
Published: May 2008

This essay sketches the strictures put on political scholarship from the
early days of patrician amateurs to modern academic professionals, with
special attention given to the emergence of political science and the
methodological and ideological issues that developed within that discipline.
It is argued herein that although some degree of ethno-class variety was
eventually achieved in academia, there has been a lag in ideological
diversity. Political heterodoxy often has been discouraged and suppressed.
Nevertheless some modest democratic advances have been made in academia in
the last half-century.
“Far from Ideal:” The Gender Politics of Political Science
Authors: TOLLESON-RINEHART SUE , CARROLL SUSAN J.
Published: May 2008

Political science has mirrored the political culture even as it has
explained it, and at critical times the gendering of political science has
left it unprepared to explain notable changes in political life. Here, we
examine political science as a gendered institution across three critical
time periods: the founding era of the discipline, the 1970s and 1980s, and
the present. For each period, we assess the presence, position, and
experiences of women in the profession; the norms of gender within the
discipline; and the way political science deals with women and gender as
subject matter. In general, the position of women in the discipline has
improved dramatically over the course of the discipline's first century, and
gender-related research has become more institutionalized. Nevertheless,
political science has not yet developed a full appreciation of gender as an
analytical construct.
Su Casa Es Nuestra Casa: Latino Politics Research and the
Development of American Political Science
Authors: FRAGA LUIS R. , GARCIA JOHN A. , HERO RODNEY E. , JONES-CORREA MICHAEL , MARTINEZ-EBERS VALERIE , SEGURA GARY M.
Published: May 2008

Since the 1970s, Latino politics research has evolved, alternately
responding to real-world political events and demographic changes, embracing
new and emerging trends in the broader discipline, and offering new insights
of its own that contribute to the development of political science. In so
doing, there have emerged both an intellectual foundation and a growing body
of empirical results, each of which challenges long-held theories and
findings in the discipline more broadly. Thus, Latino politics research is
central in refining and broadening our understanding of American politics.
Immigration, social marginality, and their uncertain status as a racial or
ethnic minority make this population unique and raise important obstacles in
applying existing interpretations and orthodoxies from the discipline's
other traditions to this emerging and rapidly growing segment of American
society. The major contributions of this line of inquiry are identified in
five key areas: pluralism, group identity and mobilization, political
participation, institutions and representation, and assimilation. We
conclude with some thoughts regarding how the evolution of American society
and its Latino population will pose important questions for future
generations of political scientists.
Getting Religion: Has Political Science Rediscovered the Faith
Factor?
Authors: WALD KENNETH D. , WILCOX CLYDE
Published: May 2008

To judge by the absence of religion from the pages of the
American Political Science Review in its
first century, most political scientists have embraced a secular
understanding of the political world. We explore the evolving status of
religion in the discipline by examining patterns of scholarly inquiry in the
discipline's flagship journal. After finding religion an (at best) marginal
topic and rejecting some plausible hypotheses for this outcome, we examine
the major reasons religion has received so little attention—the intellectual
origins of the discipline, the social background of practitioners, the
complexity of religious measurements, and the event-driven agenda of
political science. Despite the resurgence of scholarly interest in religion
during the 1980s, the status of the subfield remains tenuous because of the
intellectual isolation of research on the topic.
The Political Theory Question in Political Science, 1956–1967
Authors: KETTLER DAVID
Published: May 2008

Despite the postwar rise of behavioralism in political science, the
Review gave surprising prominence to
traditional political theory during Harvey C. Mansfield's ten-year term as
editor (1956–1965), all the more striking for the prominence of Leo Strauss
and his students during the first half of this period. This article
considers several factors that help explain the surprising recognition given
this subfield and its unexpected bargaining power.
The Forgotten Lindsay Rogers and the Development of American Political
Science
Authors: FRIED AMY
Published: May 2008

Now largely forgotten, Lindsay Rogers addressed public and scholarly
audiences, crossed intradisciplinary boundaries, and wrote about
developments in political science. His career illuminates key changes in
American political science, including a turn away from traditional
institutionalism and engagement as a public intellectual and toward
quantification and the academy, and a separation of political theory from
empirical research. Understanding why his work was left behind reveals
important events and mechanisms that produced disciplinary change. Rogers's
work was lost from the canon because of political and institutional
developments in political science, including academic survey researchers'
efforts to maintain polling's legitimacy after the 1948 election; efforts by
proponents of the behavioral revolution that oriented the discipline toward
hypothesis-testing but also made it more internally segmented; and the
scholarly entrepreneurs' creation and cultivation of institutions,
curricula, and networks of scholars, which developed and promulgated
empirically oriented quantitative approaches.
Building the Chicago School
Authors: HEANEY MICHAEL T. , HANSEN JOHN MARK
Published: May 2008

The Chicago School of Political Science, which emerged at the University
of Chicago in the 1920s and 1930s, is widely known for its reconception of
the study of politics as a scientific endeavor on the model of the natural
sciences. Less attention has been devoted to the genesis of the school
itself. In this article, we examine the scientific vision, faculty,
curriculum, and supporting institutions of the Chicago School. The creation
of the Chicago School, we find, required the construction of a faculty
committed to its vision of the science of politics, the muster of resources
to support efforts in research and education, and the formation of
curriculum to educate students in its precepts and methods. Its success as
an intellectual endeavor, we argue, depended not only on the articulation of
the intellectual goals but also, crucially, on the confluence of
disciplinary receptiveness, institutional opportunity, and entrepreneurial
talent in support of a science of politics.
The Study of Political Parties, 1906–2005: The View from the
Journals
Authors: REITER HOWARD L.
Published: May 2008

A review of party-related articles in major political science journals
over the past century reveals an increase in the incidence of such articles
during the behavioral revolution and a decline in the proportion of studies
that view parties holistically or in their organizational aspects and an
increase in research on mass and legislative behavior. The essay calls for
scholars of American parties to merge empirical findings with the generalist
and normative concerns of an earlier age, to assess the recent advent of
parties as ideologically focused instruments of policymaking.
Transformations of the Concept of Ideology in the Twentieth
Century
Authors: KNIGHT KATHLEEN
Published: May 2008

Ideology has been the subject of a surprising amount of attention during
the last half of the twentieth century. Although it has been argued that the
term has been “thoroughly muddied by diverse uses” (Converse 1964, 207), an
empirical investigation of the pages of the
Review reveals substantial convergence among
political scientists over time on a core definition. This essay traces the
use of the concept in the Review since its launch
in 1906. It reveals changing fashions in the connotation of the term, but
suggests an underlying agreement on the essential components—coherence,
stability and contrast—and underlines the centrality of the concept of
ideology in political science.
The Growth and Development of Experimental Research in Political
Science
Authors: DRUCKMAN JAMES N. , GREEN DONALD P. , KUKLINSKI JAMES H. , LUPIA ARTHUR
Published: May 2008

Although political scientists have long expressed skepticism about the
prospects for experimental science, an analysis of the first hundred volumes
of the American Political Science Review reveals
that randomized experiments have grown in impact and prominence. We document
how thinking about experimentation has evolved over the century, and
demonstrate the growing influence of laboratory, survey, and field
experiments. A number of experiments have transformed how political
scientists think about causal relationships in specific substantive areas.
There are limits to the kinds of questions that experiments can address, but
experiments have made important contributions in an array of political
science subfields.
Game Theory, Political Economy, and the Evolving Study of War and Peace
Authors: DE MESQUITA BRUCE BUENO
Published: May 2008

James Russell and Quincy Wright suggested in theReviewin 1933 that the danger of conflict could be diminished by looking within states to discern what contributes to the risk of war. Revolutions in game theory technology and political economy modeling are helping to advance those goals. The combination of non-cooperative game theory as an analytic tool and the assumptions of political economy models about leaders' domestic interests and incentives offer a different explanation of international relations from that suggested by realist theories and other state-centric viewpoints. Together with more macro-level theorizing we gain insights into what makes some polities more prone to international conflict than others. By adding the micro-level, game theoretic investigation of domestic factors to the analytic repertoire we have now supplemented the aspects of received wisdom that are consistent with the record of history with explanations for puzzling facts about conflict that no longer seem anomalous.
From Opposition to Accommodation: How Rockefeller Foundation Grants
Redefined Relations between Political Theory and Social Science in the
1950s
Authors: HAUPTMANN EMILY
Published: May 2008

In this essay, I rely primarily on unpublished documents from the
Rockefeller Foundation Archives as well as the annual reports of the Ford
Foundation and the Social Science Research Council (SSRC) to show that
rather than being in a torpor, political theory in the 1950s was a large and
eclectic field, marked by contest and rapid change. I focus on the
Rockefeller Foundation's policy making for its program in Legal and
Political Philosophy (LAPP), the largest grant program for political theory
in the 1950s, both to see how the Foundation justified the creation of the
program and how it defined its scope. I argue that when faced with the task
of settling on a working definition of “political theory” for the purpose of
awarding grants, the Foundation's officers and the academics who assisted
them opted, after prolonged debate, for an eclectic definition of political
theory. I read the emergence of this eclectic definition of political
theory, however, not as evidence of pacific pluralism but as an attempt to
contain some of the new challenges to the field by incorporating them into
it, albeit in a subordinate position.
The Review's Evolving Relevance for U.S. Foreign Policy
1906–2006
Authors: BENNETT ANDREW , IKENBERRY G. JOHN
Published: May 2008

We review the relevance of the international relations articles
published in the first 100 years of the Review
for American foreign policy. We define a spectrum of “policy relevance” and
give a brief overview of the Review's changing
relationship to American foreign policy as the journal, the profession, and
the foreign policy process evolved over the last century. We then look at
the Review's role in key periods in American
foreign policy, focusing in particular on the example of the democratic
peace literature. We conclude that although the content of the journal has
moved away from early aspirations to near-term and direct policy relevance,
the journal has evolved toward basic research that influences American
foreign policies by affecting what scholars teach students, publish in
policy journals, write in newspaper op-eds, say on the media, advise
political leaders, and do when they are themselves in public
office.
5. Warren E. Miller and Donald E. Stokes. 1963. “Constituency
Influence in Congress.”American Political Science
Review57 (March): 45–56 Cited 457 times.
Authors: Erikson Robert S.
Published: May 2008

In just 13 pages, Warren Miller and Donald Stokes's “Constituency
Influence in Congress” established the agenda for the next half-century of
research on congressional representation. Along with its sister paper,
“Party Government and the Salience of Congress” (Stokes and Miller 1962),
“Constituency Influence” famously documents the general impoverishment of
voters' knowledge of Congress and its members. Of at least equal importance
is its analysis of congressional behavior as a response to oft-ambiguous
constituency views, incorporating rich interview data of the sort not seen
since. It is no wonder that Miller and Stokes' paper is among the most
heavily cited—and influential—of all papers that have graced the pages of
the Review.
6. James G. March and Johan P. Olsen. 1984. “The New Institutionalism:
Organizational Factors in Political Life.”American Political
Science Review78 (September): 734–49 Cited 456
times.
Authors: March James G. , Olsen Johan P.
Published: May 2008

The request to interpret the meaning of the historical record of
citations for our article on the “New Institutionalism” is in the tradition
of asking successful entrepreneurs to explain their successes, and is
probably equally misguided. We interpret the charge as an invitation not to
describe the real mysteries of fashion in citations but rather to explore
why this article might have been cited if citation counts reflected valid
judgments of scholarly significance. The context for the article is a long
history of intellectual struggle between partisans of two logics for taking,
describing, or assessing human action. The first logic is one of
consequences. It is a logic that sees human behavior as driven by
anticipation of its consequences and evaluation of those consequences by
some kind of utility function that reflects the desires of the actor. In
discussions of political systems, scholars attracted to such a logic talk of
the pursuit of interests and rational choice. They emphasize incentives and
the complications of understanding rationality in an ecology of rational
actors.
8. Nathaniel Beck and Jonathan N. Katz. 1995. “What to Do (and Not to
Do) with Time-Series Cross-Section Data.”American Political
Science Review89 (September): 634–47 Cited 398
times.
Authors: Beck Nathaniel , Katz Jonathan N.
Published: May 2008

Much as we would like to believe that the high citation count for this
article is due to the brilliance and clarity of our argument, it is more
likely that the count is due to our being in the right place (that is, the
right part of the discipline) at the right time. In the 1960s and 1970s,
serious quantitative analysis was used primarily in the study of American
politics. But since the 1980s it has spread to the study of both comparative
politics and international relations. In comparative politics we see in the
20 most cited Review articles Hibbs's (1977) and
Cameron's (1978) quantitative analyses of the political economy of advanced
industrial societies; in international relations we see Maoz and Russett's
(1993) analysis of the democratic peace; and these studies have been
followed by myriad others. Our article contributed to the methodology for
analyzing what has become the principal type of data used in the study of
comparative politics; a related article (Beck, Katz, and Tucker 1998), which
has also had a good citation history, dealt with analyzing this type of data
with a binary dependent variable, data heavily used in conflict studies
similar to that of Maoz and Russett's. Thus the citations to our
methodological discussions reflect the huge amount of work now being done in
the quantitative analysis of both comparative politics and international
relations.
9. David R. Cameron. 1978. “The Expansion of the Public Economy: A
Comparative Analysis.”American Political Science
Review72 (December): 1243–61 Cited 387 times.
Authors: Cameron David R.
Published: May 2008

The article started as a long paper on distributional inequality in the
advanced capitalist societies that I presented at the 1976 annual meeting of
the APSA. Using OECD data on the post-tax distribution of income in 12
countries, I found that the extent of inequality varied inversely with the
extent to which Social Democratic and other leftist parties had governed in
recent years. Control of government by left-of-center parties was closely
associated with the extent of and growth in the extractive capacity of the
state, defined in terms of the ratio of all public revenues to GDP, and the
extent of and growth in extractive capacity were closely associated with the
degree of distributional equality. But there were perplexing anomalies. For
example, the Netherlands, where the Left had seldom governed, experienced
the largest increase in the ratio of revenues to GDP since 1960 and was the
most egalitarian in terms of the post-tax distribution of income. Belgium
and Ireland also experienced unusually large increases in the ratio of
revenues to GDP despite infrequent control of government by left-of-center
parties
10. Karl W. Deutsch. 1961. “Social Mobilization and Political
Development.”American Political Science Review55
(September): 634–47 Cited 380 times.
Authors: Russett Bruce
Published: May 2008

I believe that the high rank of this article both indicates its
importance for a transnational generation of scholars of comparative
politics and international relations and reflects the enormous influence of
Karl Deutsch's other writings from that time.
12. L. S. Shapley and Martin Shubik. “A Method for Evaluating the
Distribution of Power in a Committee System,”American
Political Science Review48 (1954): 787–92 Cited 360
times.
Authors: Shepsle Kenneth A.
Published: May 2008

Next to having one's book prominently displayed on the racks of every
airport bookstore in the country, receiving recognition for an article
written more than half a century ago is a close second. Indeed, for some of
us it is the very highest form of intellectual acknowledgment. The
Shapley–Shubik power index, invented more than 50 years ago, is a familiar
concept in the analytical lexicon of political science. In brief, it is a
measure of the ex ante likelihood that an individual will be
pivotal in transforming a nonwinning
coalition into a winning one. This depends on the voting or decision rule,
on the one hand, and on the number of votes or decision weight possessed by
an individual, on the other. The “power” of an individual, so determined,
may be aggregated to measure the power of a faction, party, proto-coalition,
or voting chamber (the latter in a multicameral setting)
13. Herbert McClosky. 1964. “Consensus and Ideology in American
Politics.”American Political Science Review58
(June): 361–82. Cited 345 times
Authors: Citrin Jack , Polsby Nelson W.
Published: May 2008

”Consensus and Ideology in American Politics” is one of a trio of
Review articles in which Herbert McClosky
(1958; McClosky, Hoffman, and O'Hara 1960) reported on the early results of
his empirical inquiries into the ideological foundations of American mass
and elite political attitudes and beliefs. This extremely ambitious research
program engaged McClosky (who died March 13, 2006) for the next
half-century, producing, among other outcomes, two major books (McClosky and
Brill 1983; McClosky and Zaller 1984), numerous doctoral dissertations by
his students at Berkeley, and a rich course of study in political psychology
that constituted a substantial and lively subfield in his department that
attracted a great many of its most promising graduate students.
14. Arthur H. Miller. 1974. “Political Issues and Trust in Government:
1964–1970.”American Political Science Review68
(September): 951–72. Cited 340 times
Authors: Miller Arthur H.
Published: May 2008

The importance of citizen trust in government derives from its role in
democratic theory. Presumably, the decisions of trusted authorities and
institutions are more likely to be accepted as legitimate and worthy of
support than are those of distrusted leaders and institutions.
16. Michael Doyle. 1986. “Liberalism and World
Politics.”American Political Science Review80
(December): 1151–69. Cited 311 times.
Authors: Doyle Michael
Published: May 2008

“Liberalism and World Politics” had an impact because it is short and
(by my standards) well written. I am sure its brevity has attracted
anthologists. The more substantial reasons for its impact seem to me to be
the following five: First, the article addressed an important anomaly.
Traditional theories of democratic foreign policy said that democracies
would inherently be peaceful. The mainstream of the literature on war and
peace refuted that claim. A group of carefully done empirical studies
suggested that democracies were peaceful, but only with one another. This
article resolved the anomaly by outlining the logic of how states that were
both liberal and representative would maintain peace with one another, but
not reliably with nonliberal, nonrepresentative states. It argued that
although states throughout history have gone to war with one another to
advance both their rational national and nonnational governmental interests,
liberal democratic peoples have, by and large, respected one another's
sovereignty and security.
17. Nelson W. Polsby. 1968. “The Institutionalization of the U.S.
House of Representatives.”American Political Science
Review62 (March): 144–68. Cited 287 times
Authors: Polsby Nelson W.
Published: May 2008

I frequently tell my graduate students that a good indicator that a
piece of work has attained the status of a classic is the extent to which it
is cited irrelevantly. Although I have been vaguely conscious in the years
since this article was published that it has turned up in a lot of
footnotes, I have not followed its career in the literature closely enough
to be able to tell whether by this austere criterion it qualifies.
Martin Pütz & Marjolijn H. Verspoor (eds.),
Explorations in linguistic relativity. Amsterdam: John
Benjamins, 2000. Hb $88.00.
Authors: Bohnemeyer Jürgen
Published: May 2008

The past decade has seen a remarkable resurgence
of interest in the possible influences of language on
“thought” – that is, relativism, the “Whorf
Theory Complex” (cf. Lee 1996), or the Linguistic Relativity
Hypothesis (LRH). On the occasion of the Whorf centenary in
1997, a number of international conferences, workshops, and
symposia were dedicated to the topic. This volume presents a
collection of papers from the 26th International LAUD Symposium
held at Gerhard Mercator University in Duisburg, Germany, April
1–5, 1998, under the title “Humboldt and Whorf
Revisited: Universal and Culture-Specific Conceptualizations
in Grammar and Lexis.
Joan Pujolar, Gender, heteroglossia and power: A
sociolinguistic study of youth culture. Berlin & New
York: Mouton de Gruyter, 2001. Pp. xiv, 352. Pb $29.95.
Authors: Woolard Kathryn A.
Published: May 2008

This fourth volume in the series “Language,
Power and Social Process” is an excellent ethnographic
and sociolinguistic study of youth culture in Barcelona. Joan
Pujolar brings research on Catalan-Spanish bilingualism into
the post-structuralist era without pretense or puffery. The
book is a systematic exploration of bilingual practices in relation
to the variable construction and performance of gender and class
as well as ethnic identities. Drawing inspiration from Bakhtin,
Pujolar has an acute – and, as far as I know, unerring
– sensitivity to the voices of the Catalan context.
A dissociation between orthographic awareness and spelling production
Authors: PERRY CONRAD , ZIEGLER JOHANNES C. , COLTHEART MAX
Published: May 2008

In this study, two nonword spelling and two orthographic awareness experiments were used to examine people's production and awareness of sound–spelling relationships. The results of the nonword spelling experiments suggest that, in general, people use phoneme–grapheme sized relationships when spelling nonwords. Alternatively, the results of the orthographic awareness experiments suggest that, under some circumstances, people can use larger sized sound–spelling relationships when judging how frequently subsyllabic relationships occur. Together the results suggest that there is a dissociation between sound–spelling production and sound–spelling awareness tasks, and the size of the sound–spelling relationships that people use varies under different tasks and task conditions.
Differences in reading acquisition development in two shallow orthographies: Portuguese and Spanish
Authors: DEFIOR SYLVIA , MARTOS FRANCISCO , CARY LUZ
Published: May 2008

The present study examines the role of the relative transparency of Portuguese and Spanish orthographies in schoolchildren's word recognition procedures. Both Portuguese and Spanish may be considered as transparent orthographies. However, mappings at the grapheme–phoneme level are more consistent in Spanish than in Portuguese. Four groups of Portuguese and Spanish children from grades 1, 2, 3, and 4, who had been taught to read using a phonics-based approach, were given a Portuguese and a Spanish version of three different continuous reading tasks: numeral reading, number word reading, and pseudoword reading. Reading time per item was measured and errors noted. Improvement in reading time was observed in both orthographies from grades 1 to 4. There were no errors in numeral recognition and few children made errors in reading the number words. In pseudoword reading, the Spanish children were faster and made fewer errors than the Portuguese children. Errors in pseudoword reading were scored as phonological when leading to the production of another pseudoword and as lexical when involving refusals and/or the production of a real word. Portuguese children made more phonological errors than the Spanish group, and there was no difference in the number of lexical errors. The results are discussed in terms of the role played by the differing orthographic transparency of Spanish and Portuguese in young readers' word recognition procedures.
Children's language: Interactional contributions to language development: Vol. 11. K. Nelson, A. Aksu-Koç, and C. Johnson. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum, 2001. Pp. 241.
Authors: Shiro Martha
Published: May 2008

For more than two decades, the Children's Language series has been publishing papers from the triennial meetings of the International Association for the Study of Child Language (IASCL). In this 11th volume, nine papers were selected from the 276 presentations at the seventh IASCL congress held in Istanbul, Turkey, in July 1996. Another group of seven papers, mostly on narrative development, which were presented at the same congress, were published in Volume 10 of this series by the same editors (Nelson, Aksu-Koç, & Johnson, 2001). At first glance, the title of this volume suggests that the theme that ties all the chapters together into a book is the study of children's interaction in face-to-face conversations. However, with a closer look, the reader discovers that, although some studies analyze ways in which input (either linguistic or nonlinguistic) plays a role in the emergence of language, the approach adopted in most of the chapters presupposes that no single factor can explain the processes involved in child language development. Interaction is understood as the interplay of multiple factors that combine the linguistic, cognitive, affective, or biological features on which developing abilities in the domains of grammar and the lexicon depend; this results in a broad picture of how children develop language.
Perceptual discrimination of Thai tones by naive and experienced learners of Thai
Authors: WAYLAND RATREE , GUION SUSAN
Published: May 2008

This study investigated the ability to discriminate the middle and low tone contrasts in Thai by two groups of native English (NE) speakers and a control group of native Thai (NT) speakers. The first group was comprised of NE speakers who had no prior experience with Thai, whereas subjects in the second group were experienced learners of Thai (EE). The variables under investigation were experience with Thai, discrimination of open versus closed syllables, and the interstimulus interval (ISI) of the presentation (500 vs 1500 ms). The results obtained indicated that the NT group obtained higher discrimination scores than the NE or EE groups, the EE group obtained higher discrimination scores than the NE group, all three groups of subjects found open syllables to be more difficult to discriminate than closed syllables, and subjects in the EE group obtained higher discrimination scores for open syllables in the shorter than the longer ISI condition.
Dative prepositions in children with specific language impairment
Authors: GRELA BERNARD , RASHITI LULA , SOARES MONICA
Published: May 2008

The purpose of this study was to evaluate children with specific language impairment (SLI) and their proficiency with the use of prepositions. Ten children with SLI were compared to 10 younger, normally developing children matched for mean length of utterance and 10 children matched for age. Each child was asked to produce 24 sentences containing locative (in,on) and dative (to) prepositions. Responses were coded for omission or word selection errors for the target prepositions. It was hypothesized that children with SLI would make more errors than the typically developing children. Omission errors would support a difficulty with syntax because of the role prepositions play in case marking. Word selection errors would support a deficit in the area of semantics. The results confirmed that children with SLI made more errors than the control group. The children with SLI made more errors in the selection of dative prepositions, indicating a difficulty linking the semantics of prepositions and verbs.
Interaction of lexical and sublexical information in spelling: Evidence from nonword priming
Authors: FOLK JOCELYN R. , RAPP BRENDA
Published: May 2008

In a series of lexical priming experiments we examined the interaction between spelling processes dedicated to spelling familiar words (lexical processes) and those dedicated to spelling unfamiliar words or nonwords (sublexical processes). Participants listened to lists of intermixed monosyllabic words and nonwords and were required to spell only the nonwords. In the priming condition, nonwords were preceded by real word primes that were phonologically related to the nonwords. In two experiments, we found that the spellings of nonwords could be influenced by previously heard rhyming words, replicating previous work. Furthermore, we examined the mechanism of this lexical/sublexical interaction and found that it is both phonologically and orthographically based and that word primes are most effective when they overlap in word body (vowel+coda) with the nonword. We conclude that lexical and sublexical processes interact in a manner that involves a dynamic updating of sound–spelling correspondences, which, at a minimum, are specified in terms of the word body.