bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
On the Formulation of Empirical Models in Dynamic Econometrics
Authors: Hendry David F. , Richard Jean‐François
Published: October 2003

Investigates the constructs of innovation errors, invariance, encompassing, and data admissibility, relates these to exogeneity and progressive research strategies, and introduces the notion of designing models to satisfy certain criteria to extend the manual of ‘good empirical practice’ through delineating more rigorous quality‐control procedures. Empirical models derive from the data generation process by reduction operations (such as marginalizing and conditioning), which induce transformed parameters and corresponding disturbance terms, which together determine the quality of an empirical model. A taxonomy of information sets exhaustively partitions available data into the six disjoint sets of the (relative) past, present, and future of the investigators own data, theory and measurement information, and evidence from rival models. Specific concepts correspond to each of the six elements in that partition, namely, innovation processes, exogeneity, invariance, theory consistency, data admissibility, and encompassing, These characterize the primary null hypotheses against which tests of different alternatives are conducted. Dynamic simulation is shown to be an inadequate model evaluation criterion.
Real Freedom for All
Authors: Parijs Philippe Van
Published: October 2003

What is a just society? It is a society in which the real freedom to do whatever one might wish to do is fairly distributed among all. This conception of social justice combines freedom, equality, and efficiency. It justifies granting to each citizen an unconditional basic income at the highest sustainable level consistent with two conditions: respect for everyone's formal freedom and an appropriate level of resources target at the less able. Is such an unconditional basic income not a recipe for exploitation of the hard workers by the lazy? Not in any sense that makes exploitation intrinsically unjust. Can a higher unconditional basic income be sustainably achieved under capitalism than under socialism? There are empirical and theoretical reasons to think so. But only the effective presence of such a powerful and liberating distributive mechanism can justify capitalism.
The Highest Sustainable Basic Income
Authors: Van Parijs Philippe
Published: October 2003

As a first cut, how close a society's institutions are to the ideal of a free society is determined by how high an unconditional basic income it manages to sustainably give to all its members. There are good reasons to give this income in the form of a demogrant rather than of a negative income tax, to distribute it in the form of regular instalments rather than as a one‐off capital grant, and to give part of it in kind, in particular, in the form of free education and health insurance rather than as a cash benefit.
Undominated Diversity
Authors: Van Parijs Philippe
Published: October 2003

Can one really claim to give as much real freedom as possible to those with least real freedom by giving to all the same basic income? What about those with less talents than others? What about the handicapped? This challenge can only be met by introducing a constraint under which the maximization of the basic income needs to operate: undominated diversity. Targeted transfers and other measures must make sure that no person's lifetime internal endowment is regarded by all as inferior to that of someone else.
Decline and Revival
Authors: Viroli Maurizio
Published: October 2003

The mid‐sixteenth to seventeenth centuries in Europe saw a general decline in republican patriotism due to the emergence of the modern state, which was disassociated with civic virtue and common liberty. Neo‐Stoicism also criticized patriotism as an illusory passion, which subordinated the higher life of the mind. On the other hand, the republican spirit was revived wherever there was a struggle for liberty, as in the English Revolution. Thinkers like Milton, Shaftesbury, and Bolingbroke contemplated the tension inherent in questions of patriotism, between particular, natural attachments, and universal, political principles.
Patriotism and the Politics of the Ancients
Authors: Viroli Maurizio
Published: October 2003

Explores the contrast between the ‘politics of the moderns’ and the ‘politics of the ancients’ in eighteenth century republican thought. Montesquieu and Rousseau are two great thinkers who attempted to revive ancient patriotism within a modern context. The question for both was how to make modern patriotism compatible with individuals’ private interests, given that modern men are incapable of the ancients’ heroic self‐sacrifice for their country.
The Nationalization of Patriotism
Authors: Viroli Maurizio
Published: October 2003

Discusses the development of patriotism and its relationship with nationalism in the nineteenth century. Guiseppe Mazzini criticized the narrowness of German patriotism and argued that, while national culture is important, it must serve as an instrument for the liberty of humanity across national boundaries. Meanwhile, patriotism was increasingly associated with loyalty to the monarch and Conservative nationalist ideology in England, France, and Germany. Despite the dominance of the ‘patriotism of the right’, however, thinkers like Renan carried on the spirit of political patriotism as the will of the people.
The Value of Life
Authors: Viscusi W. Kip
Published: October 2003

Individual trade‐offs between risk and money provide the economic basis for assigning a value of life to the benefits of mortality risk reduction associated with government policies. Compensating wage differentials for job risks provides the most common empirical basis for such assessments, and a survey of these values of life estimates is reported. Use of these values for policy purposes raises a variety of challenging issues, particularly regarding heterogeneity in the value of life. The value‐of‐life estimates differ by income group and by age, for example, but how these differences should be reflected in policy decisions remains controversial.
Risk Analysis and Regulatory Policy
Authors: Viscusi W. Kip
Published: October 2003

Analysis of carcinogen regulations implies that regulation is often not driven by the magnitude of the risk, but by whether the chemicals involved are synthetic chemicals. Risk assessments are often based on conservatism in which worst‐case scenarios are used. These biases in risk assessment are illustrated with examples from the US hazardous waste cleanup effort. The cost per life saved of US regulatory policies often exceeds any reasonable estimate of the value of life. Safety levels have improved over time, but these gains are largely attributable to greater societal wealth.
Bulgaria
Authors: Ganev Venelin I.
Published: October 2003

The semi‐presidential regime in Bulgaria is of recent origin: it was established in July 1991, when a Great National Assembly adopted a new constitution, which proclaims that ‘Bulgaria shall be a republic with a parliamentary form of government’; the emphasis on ‘parliamentary’ highlights the subordinate role of the president, who is elected directly by the voters for period five years. Even though the framers of the constitution deliberately created a dual structure of the executive branch, the text of the fundamental law envisages a mode of distribution of prerogatives that is heavily skewed in favour of the legislature and a cabinet accountable to the deputies. It is difficult, however, to sustain a claim that a general pattern of leadership is beginning to emerge under Bulgarian semi‐presidentialism, since the country has only had two presidents under its new constitution; the closest to a valid generalization which may be ventured in the light of the evidence is that, while parliament enjoys supremacy over law‐making and the government remains the primary site of executive decision‐making, the rapports between these two institutions and the presidency have varied dramatically, with the influence of the head of state running the gamut from almost complete exclusion to a palpable ability to shape agendas. The purpose of this chapter is to identify and analyse the ways in which constitutionally designed patterns of institutional interaction shift in response to changes in the social and economic environment rather than to chronicle events—the analysis is conceived as a chronology of the successive problems with which political actors had to cope. The three sections of the chapter are: Constitutional Balance of Power; Presidential/Parliamentary Relations; and Conclusion.
Romania
Authors: Verheijen Tony
Published: October 2003

Romania emerged from one of the darkest periods in its history in December 1989, when Ceauşsescu's regime was overthrown, leaving Romania with a traumatized population and a devastated economy, and the gradual establishment of a democratic system of government during the last seven years has been painful and not without setbacks. The new institutional system established in Romania is semi‐presidential in the sense of the definition used in this book: it has a directly elected fixed‐term president alongside a prime minister who is responsible to parliament. The semi‐presidential system of government was established gradually, initially on the basis of the Electoral Law of 14 Mar 1990 and the rules of procedure of parliament adopted after the May 1990 elections. The institutional provisions of the Electoral Law and the rules of procedure of parliament subsequently formed the basis of the semi‐presidential system of government established under the new constitution, which was approved in a referendum in December 1991. It is important to note that there is no historical precedent for the establishment of a semi‐presidential system of government in Romania, and the inheritance of the whole period between independence (in 1878) and the fall of the Ceauşescu regime generally provides an unsuitable basis for the development of a democratic system of government. The chapter is divided into three main parts, organised according to the three factors identified by Duverger as determining for the leadership style in semi‐presidential systems: the events surrounding the formation of the system; the constitutional powers of the president, prime minister, and parliament; and the nature of the parliamentary majority and the relationship between the president and the majority.
Russia
Authors: White Stephen
Published: October 2003

The Russian presidency is of recent origin, although there was always a prime minister, or (in the Soviet period) a chairman of the Council of Ministers. The prime minister and his colleagues were elected by the Soviet parliament, the USSR Supreme Soviet, and in addition, there was a collective presidency or Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, with the chairman of that body carrying out the functions of head of state—although there was still no presidency as such. Neither the chairman of the Presidium nor the prime minister was accountable in any meaningful way to the parliament, or (still more so) a mass electorate; rather, decisions on matters of this kind were taken by the party leadership and routinely ratified. All this began to change in the late Soviet period: a presidency was approved with some haste in March 1990, and Gorbachev was elected as its first incumbent with the support of 71% of the Congress of People's Deputies who voted (there was no popular vote). The next president was Yeltsin, who had been elected chairman of the Russian parliament in May 1990, and in June 1991 was elected Russia's first‐ever president in a direct popular election against five other candidates. The presidency, as it was established by this time, was normally an elective office, and it was a position of executive authority, but its powers extended under Yeltsin. The four sections of this chapter look at the experience of the Russian presidency under the following headings: The Context of Semi‐Presidentialism in Russia; Constitutional Powers; Presidents, Prime Ministers, and Parliaments; and Yeltsin and the Russian Semi‐Presidency.
Slovenia
Authors: Cerar Miro
Published: October 2003

In Slovenia the power of the state is divided along classical lines into a legislature, an executive and a judiciary: legislative power is exercised by the parliament, comprising a National Assembly, which is the general representative house, and a National Council, which is a body representing various interests and has very limited powers; executive power is divided between the president and the government; judicial power is exercised by the ordinary courts and the Constitutional Court, which rules on the conformity of legal enactments with the constitution and the law and decides constitutional complaints and certain other matters. It is generally accepted that Slovenia has a parliamentary system in which the focus of political decision–making lies with the parliament and the government. As in most other Central and East European countries in transition, in Slovenia the formal powers of parliament remain very strong, but, unlike the pure parliamentarism that certain countries opted for, the Slovene arrangements belong more to a group that could be characterized as parliamentarism with a directly (popularly) elected (or semi‐presidential) president. The role of the president is relatively small, and is to act as the head of state, whose function or powers are mainly of a representative, initiative, and protocol nature. After an introduction discussing whether Slovenia has a parliamentary or semi‐presidential system, this chapter focuses on the actual nature and features of the position and role of the president in the context of the constitutional and political system of the Republic of Slovenia, in six further sections: National Independence and Establishment of the First President of the Republic, Parliament and Government; Historical Factors and the Events Surrounding the Formation of the Regime; The Constitutional Powers of the President, Prime Minister, and Parliament; The Nature of the Parliamentary Majority and the Relationship Between the President and the Majority; and Conclusion.
Ukraine
Authors: Wilson Andrew
Published: October 2003

Ukraine can be said to have a semi‐presidential system insofar as it has direct presidential elections combined with a prime minister and a government answerable to both president and parliament. Since winning independence in 1991, Ukraine has also gained a reputation for political gridlock: both of the presidents elected since independence disappointed the initial hopes of their supporters, building up an impressive array of powers on paper, but proving unable to match this in practice. Conflict between presidents, prime ministers, and the chairmen of parliament has been an endemic feature of Ukrainian politics, as have the frustrations of a weak and fractious post‐communist party system. This chapter seeks to explain why semi‐presidentialism has nevertheless provided an attractive form of political compromise in Ukraine's ethnically, linguistically, and regionally divided society, despite the problems of political stasis that it has both reflected and helped to promote. The aim is to explain why circumstances have made it difficult for Ukraine to choose any other regime type, despite the residual enthusiasm of the Ukrainian Left for a Soviet (i.e. parliamentary) republic. The chapter first examines how semi‐presidentialism was established in Ukraine and then looks at Duverger's other key criteria of semi‐presidentialism: the constitutional powers of the key political actors, the nature of the parliamentary majority, and the relations between the president and that majority.
Liberalism, Justice, and Markets
Authors: Macleod Colin M.
Published: October 2003

This book presents a systemic and definitive critique of Ronald Dworkin's highly influential theory of liberal equality. Focusing on the connection Dworkin attempts to establish between economic markets and liberal equality, the book examines Dworkin's contention that markets have an indispensable role to play in the articulation of liberal ideals of distributive justice, individual liberty, and state neutrality. The book also examines the issues concerning individual responsibility and entitlement as well as the nature of justice with respect to persons with disabilities. The author argues that Dworkin's attempt to establish deep affinities between the market and equality is unsuccessful and his proposed solutions to some central controversies in political theory are seriously flawed. This powerful examination of the work of America's leading public philosopher reveals some timely lessons about the hazards and limitations of the market as a device for the articulation and realization of egalitarian justice.
Introduction
Authors: Macleod Colin M.
Published: October 2003

Provides an overview of the nature and importance of Ronald Dworkin's influential account of liberal equality expressed in theory of equality of resources. Special emphasis is placed on the novelty and power of Dworkin's theory in comparison to other recent works on justice.
Initial Equality
Authors: Macleod Colin M.
Published: October 2003

Examines Dworkin's claim that what justice requires by way of an initial distribution of resources can be established by considering the operation of an ideal market. The special auction device used by Dworkin to articulate his theory of equality of resources fails because it does not display adequate sensitivity to the conditions under which preferences for goods expressed in even ideal market settings assume ethical significance.
Equality through Time
Authors: Macleod Colin M.
Published: October 2003

Examines Dworkin's use of the market to track how considerations of individual responsibility should affect entitlement to resources over time. Liberals should favour a responsibility sensitive theory of income and resource distribution, but the account offered by Dworkin's theory of equality of resources does accurately track the relationship between entitlement and choice.
Unequal Talents
Authors: Macleod Colin M.
Published: October 2003

Examines Dworkin's analysis of, and proposed solution to, the problem for egalitarian justice by natural differences in individual talent. Egalitarians seek a distribution that is ambition (or choice) sensitive but endowment insensitive. Dworkin's diagnosis of the nature of the problem posed by unequal natural endowment is flawed and his attempt to develop a theory of redistributive taxation on a complex hypothetical insurance market scheme faces many serious objections.
The Basic Mechanisms
Authors: Blanchard Olivier
Published: October 2003

Chapter 2 focuses on the basic mechanisms behind the initial decline in output and the later recovery. I argue that there have been two main mechanisms at work. The first is reallocation. Some sectors, such as manufacturing, need to decline; others, such as trade and services, need to expand. I argue that this reallocation process, and its many dimensions, can explain the initial output decline and the initial increase in unemployment. The second mechanism is restructuring. If they are to survive, existing firms need to change their product lines, to close old plants and build new ones and so on. I show how restructuring can explain both the recovery of output and the continuing high rate of unemployment.
The Modern Laws of War from 1874 to 1949
Authors: Nabulsi Karma
Published: October 2003

This is the first of three chapters that set out the differing contexts through which the dilemma in the laws of war over the distinction between lawful and unlawful combatants can be viewed: political and diplomatic (this chapter), social (Chapter 2) and intellectual (Chapter 3). The narrative begins by summarizing the diplomatic history of the conferences at Brussels in 1874, at the Hague in 1899 and 1907, and at Geneva in 1949. While the negotiations of the laws of war proved successful in many respects, they consistently failed to agree on a common legal understanding of a lawful combatant.
Staking Out: The Distinctiveness of Analysing Ideologies
Authors: Freeden Michael
Published: October 2003

This is the first of three chapters on theorizing about ideological morphology. It looks at the challenges awaiting the student of ideology, what can be gleaned from the most salient theories and views in circulation, and where the state of the art raises questions and leaves gaps to be filled. The material presented demonstrates that there are manifold ways of answering the question ‘what is an ideology?’ There are eight sections: (a) The Conceptual histories of ideology; (b) In search of a single concept; (c) Analytical misconceptions; (d) Rival epistemologies; (e) Philosophy [political philosophy] and ideology: the unholy alliance; (f) Unconscious and rhetorical components of ideology; (g) Ideology and the limits on logic; and (h) The ubiquity and specificity of ideology.
Assembling: From Concepts to Ideologies
Authors: Freeden Michael
Published: October 2003

The previous chapter examined some of the conflicting approaches to the analysis ideology and explored several boundary problems of ideology and philosophy, and in the wake of that examination, this chapter starts in the realization that ideologies are, in terms of their forms and the meanings they contain, relatively untouched. It has been a feature of the ‘black box’ approach to suggest what objects of research can do, even to predict their behaviour accurately, while remaining agnostic as to what they are, and what the inside of the box looks like. That reticence or quiescence often reflects apprehension in the face of the great complexity of both the structure and the mechanisms assumed to prevail inside the black box. This chapter is an endeavour to open the black box of ideology and assess its contents. There are six sections: (a) Political words and political concepts; (b) Reassessing essential contestability; (c) The morphology of political concepts; (d) Logical and cultural adjacency; (e) The morphology of ideologies; and (f) The escape from strong relativism.
Applying: The Contexts of Ideological Meaning
Authors: Freeden Michael
Published: October 2003

Explores further the consequences of conceptual contestability and determinacy in conjunction with questions of ideological meaning. The eight sections of the chapter are: (a) The inevitability of [the contribution of] history [to the meaning of ideology]; (b) Contextual history and intentionality; (c) Ideology and hermeneutics; (d) The contribution of Begriffsgeschichte [the school of conceptual history]; (e) Competing viewpoints and the path to integration; (f) Structure and morphology; (g) Meeting some objections; and (h) Ideologies as vehicles of political theory.
The Challenge of Philosophical Liberalism: Contextualizing the Contemporary American Variant
Authors: Freeden Michael
Published: October 2003

Philosophical liberalism poses a challenge for the ideological analyst since it illustrates the divide between ideology and political philosophy discussed in Part I of the book, even though at least one of its most representative formulators (R. Dworkin) refers to its distinct ideological features. It is almost entirely ahistorical despite superficial allusions to the historical liberal tradition, and adopts the conceptual purism of some philosophers in its attempts to isolate the synchronic constitutive principles of liberalism ‘as such’; it is formalistic and rule bound. It is currently the most carefully argued and academically the most widely discussed liberal theory, and moreover, follows the academic trend of resurrecting major ideologies—Marxism is the best‐known example—within the confines of philosophical discourse and, like twentieth‐century Marxism, it exhibits the scholastic tendency of relatively circumscribed circles to focus detailed and often repetitive debate on a small number of texts, so that liberal principles are stated in such a way as to blur the distinctions between the theory and the ideology. Significantly, American philosophical liberalism is both similar to and different from other American liberal counterparts and a comparison between the two is therefore of some interest. Philosophical liberalism, it is contended, has borrowed a false horizon for American liberalism, stretching back to Kant but unrelated to the thought‐behaviour of American liberals; the hitherto existing horizons of those liberals, whether accumulative or diminishing, and whether compatible or incongruous, hark back instead to Locke, to progressivism and the New Deal, and to the civil rights movement of the 1960s.
Mistaken Identities and Other Anomalies: The Liberal Pretenders
Authors: Freeden Michael
Published: October 2003

The last three chapters have examined a number of examples of liberal ideology, including an American version, which contains considerable departures from what has normally been identified as liberalism; there is now sufficient evidence to confirm the hypothesis advanced in Ch. 4 that J. S. Mill's morphology is central to the liberal family. However, there is a further category—libertarianism—which is addressed in this chapter and claims to be part of the liberal family, but which on closer observation appears to be seriously attenuated, lacking many of the attributes that bestow on the liberal profile its distinctive contours. It is etymologically related to liberalism through the concept of liberty, but eschews the unique configuration of concepts that typifies liberalism, preferring instead to overemphasize heavily one concept (liberty) at the expense of the others. In some of its variants, libertarianism can lean towards anarchism, when the core concept of power as dispersed (or, if centralized, accountable) is replaced by the absence of any centralized power; in others, organized political power is retained, but as the guarantor of individual liberty alone, and the question of accountability diminishes in importance. Libertarianism may also differ from liberalism in surrounding liberty with adjacent concepts drawn from a political culture that displays conservative characteristics, without itself being wholly conservative.
Theorizing About Conservative Ideology
Authors: Freeden Michael
Published: October 2003

Both conservatism and liberalism have, on one dimension, been accorded similar treatment by some of the salient schools of ideological analysis, in that they have been denied the status of a fully fledged ideology by those who would restrict the phenomenon to total, closed, and cohesive views of human beings in society. However, whereas liberals challenge, most conservative ideologists, as well as most exponents of conservative ideology, go out of their way to dispel any suspicion that theirs is an ideology. Obviously, if the notion of ideology is confined to an a priori, abstract, closed, and total system of mass‐consumed political thinking, then a creed that claims (as conservatism usually does) to be experiential, concrete, and delimited is not an ideology. Consideration of conservative thought, however, may query whether conservatives escape the features of that very definition of ideology, and it could not escape categorization within the approach that this book has already advanced: that of presenting ideology as a structural configuration of political concepts. After asking why there is such a dearth of capable and sophisticated enquiry into the nature of conservatism, this chapter addresses the issues outlined here in three sections: (a) [Michael] Oakeshott: conservatism à la carte; (b) The chameleon contra the status quo: two discarded theories; and (c) The conservative core: resolving a morphological puzzle.
The Chimera of Conservative Dualism
Authors: Freeden Michael
Published: October 2003

From the mid‐nineteenth century, conservatism found itself in acute competition with the rising ideologies of the left, liberalism, and then socialism. By the end of that century, the struggle was one of political survival on the institutional level, though the late nineteenth century provides an excellent example of the ill‐fitting relationship between party and ideology. This chapter starts by looking at the multiple counter‐defences of British conservatism, in which it is commonplace to discern a dual British conservative tradition (an older paternalist Tory tradition and a newer anti‐statist stand) from the end of the nineteenth century. It then goes on to examine the cases against socialism, the parrying of liberal advances, Hugh Cecil's book Conservatism, and American conservatism. Lastly, it reappraises libertarianism, and discusses conservatism and public debate.
Forward to the Past—The Conservative Revival
Authors: Freeden Michael
Published: October 2003

The strong revival of conservatism in the 1980s, both as a governmental force and as a body of political thought, is frequently portrayed as a flowering of beliefs and attitudes attached to new theoretical frameworks, meriting the designation New Right or neo‐liberal conservatism, as distinct from plain neo‐conservatism. Those frameworks, it is often asserted, have substantially reformulated conservative doctrine and launched a cohesive set of positive ideas matching progressive ideologies in sophistication and breadth. The contemporary study of conservatism is thus confronted with two conundrums: is there now in evidence a new type of conservatism, breaking with its past incarnations and embarking on a programme of change so active that it may no longer be conservatism; and moreover, is there an unbridgeable rift between two concurrent conservative creeds, neo‐liberal and traditional? It is argued here that late twentieth‐century conservative thought occupies fundamentally the same semantic field as its predecessors, granted that the cultural constraints within which its network of concepts is decontested have been considerably transformed; consequently, conservatism appears to be attached to an innovatory range of substantive ideas and policies. The five sections of the chapter are: (a) Thatcherism as conservatism; (b) The subservience of economics; (c) ‘Who is the fiercest of them all?’; (d) Recent American conservatisms; and (e) The unity of Thatcherite ideology.
The Congruence of Socialist Diversity
Authors: Freeden Michael
Published: October 2003

The introductory part of this chapter discusses the internal tensions of socialism—on the basis of practical application, at the conceptual level (as conflicts in value), at the temporal level (as the dualism of a world that ought to be and can be), and as an alternative social future based on largely untested hypotheses of human nature and associated social arrangements. It points out that socialism offers a permanent reminder that political theory emanates from practice, and that practice itself is an embodiment of conceptual structures, so it is less easy to draw up an agreed cluster of core socialist concepts. The eight sections of the chapter are: (a) Pre‐ and proto‐socialisms; (b) The socialist core; (c) History: the fifth core concept; (d) Socialism and democracy; (e) Socialism and power; (f) The ‘Socialist Clause’ and the state; (g) Class and property; and (h) The socialist periphery.
Political Equality and Fair Representation
Authors: Phillips Anne
Published: October 2003

Considers whether a case for ensuring the equal representation of women and men or proportionate representation of ethnic minority groups can be extracted from the twin democratic principles of political equality and popular control. It argues that it is necessary to move beyond these to an alternative justification grounded in existing structures of political exclusion. Four key arguments are explored: the importance of symbolic representation; the need to tackle the exclusions inherent in the party‐political packaging of ideas; the need for more vigorous advocacy on behalf of disadvantaged groups; and the importance of a politics of presence in opening up a wider range of policy options.
Race‐Conscious Districting in the USA
Authors: Phillips Anne
Published: October 2003

Civil rights litigation in the USA successfully interpreted the 1965 Voting Rights Act as implying the right of minority voters to elect the candidates of their choice. This gave the impetus to ‘race‐conscious districting’, which created voting districts in which minority citizens (primarily Black and Latino) formed a voting majority. This chapter explores the success of this in raising the proportion of black representatives but also the problems this mechanism has generated. It uses this case study to argue the importance of combining a politics of ideas with a politics of presence.
Canada and the Challenge of Inclusion
Authors: Phillips Anne
Published: October 2003

Canadian politics has thrown up a complex set of issues relating to political inclusion. These include the challenge of Quebec nationalism, the self‐government claims of the First Nations and other aboriginal peoples, and the impact of more recent waves of migration in generating a multiethnic, multicultural society. A politics of presence is less obviously helpful in addressing the concerns of aboriginal self‐government or the claims of Quebec to be recognized as a ‘distinct society’. However, the importance of political presence is confirmed in the relationship of nationalism and feminism in Quebec, where the vigorous mobilization of women kept gender equality on the political agenda.
Deliberation, Accountability, and Interest
Authors: Phillips Anne
Published: October 2003

Deliberative democrats are usually opposed to group representation, criticize models of politics that rely on the aggregation of individual or group interest, and reject strict mechanisms of accountability that would make it impossible for political representatives to change their minds in the process of deliberation. This chapter argues that the success of deliberation depends on some guarantee that the heterogeneity of the citizen body is adequately represented. The literature on deliberative democracy is the right to challenge strict notions of accountability. It needs, however, to address more fully the mechanisms for ensuring that all citizens have equal access to decision‐making assemblies, and to recognize the continuing importance of group interest and group advocacy in politics.
Contemporary Social‐Capitalist Welfare States and Gender Inequality
Authors: Bussemaker Jet , van Kersbergen Kees
Published: October 2003

Focusing on Belgium, Germany, Italy, and the Netherlands, this chapter initially presents an overview of the distinctive features of the social‐capitalist or conservative welfare state regime and their influence on gender relations. The authors go on to discuss how changing gender and family relations are putting pressure on this type of welfare state and the male breadwinner model. Similarities and differences in gender inequalities in the labour market, income maintenance programmes, and social services across the four countries are mapped out.
Lone Mothers, Economic Well‐Being, and Policies
Authors: Kilkey Majella , Bradshaw Jonathan
Published: October 2003

Assesses the impact of policies on the economic well‐being of lone mothers. The authors present trends on the growing prevalence of lone mothers across 21 OECD countries and the routes to solo motherhood. They examine the economic well‐being of single‐mother families in relation to two‐parent families and the poverty rates of lone mothers in employment compared to those without paid work. The chapter then analyses the influence of tax and benefit arrangements on lone mothers’ employment and concludes by offering a classification of countries on the basis of the effectiveness of policies.
Gender Equality in the Labour Market
Authors: Gornick Janet C.
Published: October 2003

The topic of this chapter is women's access to paid work and its impact on their economic resources compared to men in general and within the family. It presents a cross‐national portrait of gender inequality in the labour market in the early 1990s in 15 countries. Initially, the author focuses on labour market attachment (full‐time or part‐time work) and the earnings of working‐age women as a whole; subsequently, the analysis turns to married women and the mothers of young children. The chapter explores the extent to which welfare state regimes are associated with specific labour market outcomes.
Introduction
Authors: Shiller Robert J.
Published: October 2003

In proposing macro markets, this book describes a substantial array of new markets, and attempts to indicate ways around some of the major barriers to the establishment and success of these markets. These important barriers to the establishment of macro markets—perpetual claims, perpetual futures, options, swaps, and analogous markets—are the subject of most of the book. This introduction aims to give an idea of where the book is heading, what kinds of markets might be established, and a broad sense of whether such markets are in the realm of possibility. The different sections of the chapter are: The ideal: A world market for major income risks; Hedging income risk in today's markets; Markets as inventions; and Markets as accidents of history.
National Income and Labor Income Markets
Authors: Shiller Robert J.
Published: October 2003

For the purpose of hedging risks to standards of living, the logical place to look first would be to markets for claims on total income; but such markets do not exist, and they have apparently never even been proposed. By making it possible to hedge the capital value of a stream of aggregate income, markets in perpetual claims or perpetual futures, long‐term swap markets, or retail analogues of these would facilitate management of the kind of longer‐run income risk that really matters to individuals and organizations; nations or other groupings of people could also use such markets to insure themselves against the prospect of a declining standard of living or the prospect of relative poverty. By hedging such risks, these macro markets would allow the natural tendency for convergence of incomes to reduce inequality of incomes, and might make significant progress toward equalizing wealth across nations, regions, categories of people, and individuals. There could be markets for hedging the risk of fluctuations in aggregate income, national income, or aggregate labour income for each country (or even region) of the world, and these could be divided up in different ways—although since most people's income is labour income, creating markets for claims on total income means for the most part creating markets for claims on labour income. The different sections of the chapter consider possible hedging arrangements in perpetual claims or perpetual futures markets for national incomes (market structures and associated institutions), whether income markets should be in actual or full‐employment income, and various measurement issues associated with incomes (including uncertainty).
The Problem of Index Revisions
Authors: Shiller Robert J.
Published: October 2003

Most published economic indices are revised after they are first published—information does not come in all at once, and timely publication dictates that the preliminary index numbers be later revised. The repeated‐measures indices developed in the preceding chapters are vulnerable to revisions after especially long intervals of time, since they have the property that, unless the repeated measures come sequentially (which they do not necessarily), there will be revisions in the indices after the index numbers are first produced, even if the raw data used then were perfectly accurate and complete. There are other index number construction methods, such as ordinary‐least‐squares regression‐per‐period hedonic regressions, that do not normally produce revisions; this would at first seem to be an advantage, but an index number construction method that does not produce revisions is not a virtue if new information tends to arrive that implies revisions and is just ignored. This chapter addresses the whole problem of index number revisions in the following sections: Variance components in regression‐per‐period hedonics; Interval‐linked indices; Indices that are derived by conditioning on lagged index values. The final section of the chapter draws some sort of interpretation of what has gone before.
Making It Happen
Authors: Shiller Robert J.
Published: October 2003

In attempting to carry to its logical conclusion the premise that there should be sharing, through markets, of standard‐of‐living risks, this book has proposed quite a number of new markets, although not all of the details of the methods of establishment of these macro markets have been worked out. In the absence of a complete specification of the characteristics of the markets and associated institutions, some of the proposed markets appear perhaps unrealistic or improbable, and their potential may not be fulfilled, at least for years, or even decades. However, if the development of the new markets proposed does occur, it could plausibly take place in two stages: in the first, the users of the markets would be a relatively small number of sophisticated traders who make limited use of the markets for their special purposes, promote the initial liquidity of the markets, and create a base from which use of the markets might grow; in the second stage, these markets would then be used by the general public to protect their standards of living, but this stage would not come until the associated institutions, retail markets, facilitate the use by the general public of the new markets. While the first‐stage use of some of the markets proposed might not be far off, it is the second stage, when there is broad use of the markets to protect standards of living, that is most important to achieve. To make the full potential for these new markets a reality, doubts would have to be overcome, investments made in public goods, index numbers developed, incentives and information provided, institutions changed, and the public educated about the merits of the new institutions. These matters are discussed in this chapter.
A Theory of Employment Systems
Authors: Marsden David
Published: October 2003

‘A theory of Employment Systems’ explains why there are such great international differences in the way employment relations are organized within the firm. It takes account of the growing evidence of international diversity. It sets out from the theory of the firm first developed by Coase and Simon, and explains why firms and workers should use the employment relationship as the basis for their economic cooperation. The originality of the employment relationship lies in its flexibility. It gives managers the authority to organize work, but it also establishes limits on employees’ obligations. Neither Coase nor Simon dealt with these limits, yet without them, no one would be prepared to work as an ‘employee’, and so there would be no employment relationship, and firms would not exist as employing organizations.

The book argues that these limits are provided by four basic types of employment rule. Which one predominates in a given environment is the source of societal diversity in employment relations. The theory is extended to show why such diversity extends deep into key areas of human resource management, such as performance management, incentive pay, and skill development. It also explains why the open‐ended employment relationship continues to dominate work despite the growth of market‐mediated work relations. The book covers evidence from the US, Japan, France, Germany, and Britain.
The Limits of Managerial Authority
Authors: Marsden David
Published: October 2003

The work rules that delimit managerial authority have to satisfy two fundamental requirements for there to be an effective contract. They must be easily enforced by ordinary workers and their line managers, and they must match the firm's job demands with workers’ skills. These are necessary and sufficient conditions for a viable employment relationship. Combining these two constraints gives rise to a typology of work rules that is later shown (Ch. 5) to explain international (societal) diversity in employment relations. The way each of these rules deals with common forms of opportunistic behaviour in employment is explored.
Diffusion and Predominance of Employment Rules
Authors: Marsden David
Published: October 2003

The diffusion of employment rules is analysed as an evolutionarily stable strategy. The primary mechanism is that once a particular rule begins to dominate in a sector, it makes sense for others to adopt it because it is widely understood by workers and managers. They can therefore spread in the absence of action by the state and collective bargaining—essential if we are to understand employment relations in ‘non‐union’ firms. However, such rules can be further reinforced by incorporation into collective agreements and employment law.
Classification Rules and the Consolidation of Employment Systems
Authors: Marsden David
Published: October 2003

The institutionalization of work rules into employment systems arises by their incorporation into job classification systems. The ‘atomistic’ view by which simple tasks are aggregated into job categories is rejected in favour of a ‘holistic’ view, whereby the logic of a classification system shapes the elementary tasks. Job classifications reduce job idiosyncrasy and establish a language by which workers and managers can compare jobs and performance. Job classifications play a key role in enterprise management and in collective agreements.
Pluralism and the Politics of Difference
Authors: Grillo R. D.
Published: October 2003

How do political processes, working through the authoritative institutions of society (the state), shape and reproduce difference? How do societies cope with ethnic and cultural diversity? Ernest Gellner observed that culturally and ethnically plural societies ‘worked well in the past’ but not under modern conditions. Comparison of anthropological and other data on ethnic and cultural pluralism in various historical configurations of state and society (early or pre‐industrial states; modern industrial states; and contemporary, post‐modern, and post‐industrial states) is instructive. In many early states, rulers had little concern with the ethnic identity and cultural practices of their subjects so long as they paid their taxes. In some cases, such as the Ottoman empire, societies were divided into ethnic and cultural corporations, which were in large measure autonomous. Under conditions of modernity, however, many industrial nation states engaged their populations in processes of national integration, demanding the suppression of difference within national territories and the ethnic and cultural assimilation of immigrants and refugees (when they did not reject them). In the last third of the twentieth century, however, in the post‐industrial, neoliberal economies of the West, there was apparently a move towards greater acceptance of differences as societies experimented with various forms of multiculturalism. Whether contemporary states have the political and economic will to sustain non‐essentializing forms of egalitarian multiculturalism remains an open question.
Plural Societies
Authors: Grillo R. D.
Published: October 2003

There is no single crisis of the contemporary nation state, but a multiplicity of crises, one of which has centrally to do with ethnicity and cultural difference and how to handle pluralism. Pluralism itself, however, has taken many forms, and three varieties are particularly interesting from a comparative perspective. In early patrimonial societies, as Max Weber called them, those with different ethnic and cultural identities often formed separate corporations within which they had relative autonomy. Under conditions of modernity and industrialism, the emphasis is on homogeneity and assimilation, while contemporary, post‐modern, post‐industrial societies often allow considerable space for heterogeneity and difference.