bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Acropolis and Persepolis
Authors: Lawrence A. W.
Published: May 2006

Two of the greatest monuments of the ancient world date from the fifth century B.C. and they embody respectively the ideals of the Persian and of the Athenian Empire. There had been nothing in all Asia as sumptuous as Persepolis; the Acropolis of Athens, a quarter its size, was given a magnificence absolutely unprecedented in Greece. A comparison between the two schemes must reflect the divergence between the Persian and the Greek outlook but also reveal some elements in common, if only because of an inevitable resemblance in ways of thinking among contemporaries when confronted with rather similar problems. But it must not be taken for granted that every parallel between them is fortuitous. There is reason to think that the sculptors employed at Persepolis were largely Greeks—conscripted subjects of Persia, no doubt; the sculptors of the Acropolis were by no means all Athenian but came also from other Greek states, and surely there must have been talk among them of the tremendous project from which many of their colleagues had returned to cities east of the Aegean. Persepolis was built steadily from about 500 to 460, by which time the reconstruction of the Acropolis had begun; its earliest Periclean building, the Parthenon, was commenced in 447. It is conceivable that some particular sculptor may have carved figures in the friezes of both Persepolis and the Parthenon; workmen who could attain the requisite standard must have been in demand. At any rate one Greek artist from the Persian service seems to have gone as far west as Delos, to judge by imitation there of the Persepolis type of column-base, in the Thesmophorium, a building datable about 480–460.
Un Frammento di Douris nel Museo Gregoriano-Etrusco
Authors: Nogara Bartolomeo
Published: May 2006

Il frammento è conosciuto, ma non è altrettanto conosciuto come sia entrato, uscito e ritornato nella collezione vascolare del Museo. Ne mancano inoltre riproduzioni a base fotografica complete nel diritto e nel rovescio. A queste lacune intende riparare lo scritto dedicato qui alle onoranze di un maestro insigne, che allo studio della ceramica antica, nelle sue innumerevoli manifestazioni grandi e piccole, ha dedicato una parte cospicua della sua attività scientifica. Esso appartiene ad uno stamnos del Museo Gregoriano-Etrusco, descritto dal Helbig nel I° volume del Führer (ed. 3̂, p. 313, n. 503), che si trova ora nella sala VI, vetrina K, n. 22, e che misura cm. 38,4 di altezza e cm. 16,6 di diametro alla bocca.

In una delle facce, quella secondaria, si vedono due figure ammantate ritte ed affrontate; quella a destra è un giovinetto in ascolto, quella di sinistra, forse un maestro di palestra, ha i capelli annodati con un semplice nastro e stringe un alto bastone a nodi con manico ricurvo. Vedi Fig. 1. Nell'altra faccia, la principale, si vede Eracle con le mani protese in avanti verso una donna in atto di fuggire, la quale doveva tenere con la destra uno scettro. Vedi Fig. 2. Ma la scena, così come risulta ora, è opera prevalentemente di restauro moderno. Nell'originale alla figura di Eracle dovevano mancare le mani ed anche la clava, se pure questa esisteva; e della seconda figura rimaneva ben poco: la parte inferiore della persona, da sopra le ginocchia in giù, e la testa nel tratto superiore alla bocca, tanto che, invece di una donna fuggente, il Beazley (loc. cit.) vi ravvisa Nereo; e al loro posto, nella curvatura tra il collo e la pancia dello stamnos, fino dall'antichità era stato inserito un frammento di tazza attica, contrassegnato col nome di Douris e fermato al corpo del vaso con quattro grappe di bronzo, di cui sono ben visibili i fori. Vedi Figg. 2, 3, 4.
AreteandBiain Euripides'Herakles
Authors: Chalk H. H. O.
Published: May 2006

Despite the discussions of a hundred years, the unity of Euripides'Heraklesremains a problem. Most scholars have distinguished in the play three parts whose limits are marked by the apparition of Lussa with Iris (814) and by Herakles' recovery from madness (1088): but over the relationship of these three parts to each other and to the whole there has been little agreement. It is this relationship which I propose to consider.

The problem is baldly stated by Müller who contented himself with complaining of the lack of unity involved in the ‘combination in one piece of two actions so totally different as the deliverance of the children of Herakles from the persecutions of the blood-thirsty Lykos, and their murder by the hands of their frantic father’. Wilamowitz, followed with elaborations by Verrall, sought to diminish the shock by looking for some continuity between these two events and suggested that the madness developed naturally and gradually, and is already discernible in the earlier utterances and actions of Herakles. This view—Herakles the Megalomaniac—finds its way into Murray's Oxford Text and is accepted apparently by Dodds and certainly by Grube. But this shock of inconsequence is essential to the drama, and later scholars—Parmentier, Kitto, Ehrenberg—have quite rightly repudiated the megalomania theory. Müller was wrong in the first place to consider the relationship of two parts of a drama without the third. This sort of procedure leads to conclusions like that of Murray who in his discussion begins with part iii, alludes briefly to part ii and not at all to part i: he pronounces the play ‘broken-backed’. Kitto on the other hand looks for ‘one unifying idea’. But though he suggests one, he does not satisfactorily solve the difficulties he himself finds in part i (‘Dramatic feebleness like this … the scenes are flat … dramatising a negative’, etc., 240–2), and of Stasimon ii he concludes that it is ‘neither itself a unity nor has it any connexion with the action or the thought’ (265cf.244); and it is understandable that Norwood is unconvinced and reverts to the verdict of Murray.
The Date of the Fall of Ithome
Authors: Reece David W.
Published: May 2006

The problem of the date of the surrender of the Messenians blockaded by the Spartans at Ithome has been subjected to considerable discussion in recent years. From this discussion two main attitudes have emerged:

(a) The majority hold the view that the surrender took place round about 460, and that the phrase ‘δεκάτῳ ἔτει’ in Thucydides' account (i 103.1) requires emendation, though they are not agreed on what the text should be.

(b) A minority view, put forward by Scharf, and independently and in greater detail by Hammond, agrees in putting the surrender early, round about 460, but keeps ‘δεκάτῳ’ in the text of Thucydides, and supposes that his calculation was made not from the revolt that followed hard upon the famous earthquake (which is the usual view), but from an alleged earlier rising dated to 469/8. In a rather different form this view is also held by Sealey.
Notes on Some Manuscripts of Plato
Authors: Dodds E. R.
Published: May 2006

‘Critical work on the text of Plato, which in the second half of the nineteenth century had taken an all too easy but mistaken path, had to make a fresh start in the last years before the war (of 1914–18) and is still in its beginnings.’ Thus Pasquali in 1934; and as regards the text of the first seven tetralogies the subsequent twenty years have not produced any marked progress—certainly nothing comparable in precision and thoroughness to the work of Sir David Ross and other contemporary scholars on the text of Aristotle. This has been due in part, I suspect, to the prevalent impression that Burnet's text is, if not final, at any rate firmly based on trustworthy and sufficient foundations. And this impression has in turn been encouraged by the paucity of fresh collations: I think I am right in saying that to this day only two manuscripts of this part of Plato's work, B and T, have been accurately collated in their entirety. In this situation it seems worth while to publish the following notes, which are based on fresh collations made in preparation for an edition of the Gorgias. I am well aware of the danger of founding any general judgement of a manuscript upon a study of one part of it; but I hope that scholars interested in the text of other dialogues may be induced to check and revise my provisional conclusions.
Hephaistos Rides Again
Authors: Seeberg Axel
Published: May 2006

A small Corinthian phiale mesomphalos of which a few joining sherds were found at Perachora, had been decorated outside with animals in a rather perfunctory style, and inside with a figure-scene, a frieze with the figures' feet towards the centre of the bowl (plate XXIIIa). The surface was finished differently inside and outside, a striking instance, as J. K. Brock points out, of variation in technique without chronological implications. Surface-finish and painted decoration together also exemplify how a change in the entire approach of Corinthian artists—both potter and painter, in this case—will often accompany a change of subject-matter. The filling-ornaments enhance the difference: outside, a rather dense filling of the usual solid shapes; inside, a dot-rosette only.

The subject of the inside picture is described as ‘three padded dancers, the one in the middle holding a horn’. Padded dancers are undoubtedly present, the best-preserved figure (on the right) is wholly typical, except for his excited gesture indicating that something unusual is afoot. But his neighbour is different. Nude, slim-waisted, strong-limbed, he comes striding in from the left, turning his head towards the quarter whence he came. He too has lively arms, their length expressively exaggerated; in his right hand he holds what could certainly be a misdrawn horn, though it should be said that padded dancers take better care of their drink.
A stop in the Strassburg papyrus
Authors: Sealey Raphael
Published: May 2006

InJHSlxxxiii (1963) 108 B. D. Meritt and H. T. Wade-Gery write as follows about P. Strassburg 84 verso line 8: ‘In earlier studies of this papyrus (we include our own studies, inATLi and ii and elsewhere) it has been assumed that these words start a new clause and are preceded by a heavy stop. On this assumption, no credible restoration has yet been found: the difficulties disappear whenμετ' ἐκεῑνοis taken to qualify the preceding verb [ὰναφέρ] ειν εἰς τὴν πόλιν μετ̕ ἐκεῑνο. This, we believe, restoresμετ' ἐκεῑνοto a natural place in its own sentence and gets rid of a long-standing obstacle: and if we are right, this ties line 8 firmly to what precedes.’
Notes on the Panathenaea
Authors: Davison J. A.
Published: May 2006

According to this account, the original name of the festival was Ἀθηναῖα, but this name had already been replaced by Παναθήναια in what we can regard only as having been still mythical times. Since Harpocration does not attempt to explain the nature or the purpose of the reforms which he ascribes to Erichthonius, the questions who really founded the Panathenaea and why do not arise on his account. All that need be said here is that the name Παναθήναια may mean one of two things: (a) a festival celebrated by ‘all-Athenians’ (cf. Πανιώνια) or (b) a festival in honour of Panathena (cf. Πάνδια). The most important point in Harpocration's statement, however, is the care with which he distinguishes between the two types of Panathenaic festival, that καθ' ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτόν and that διὰ πενταετηρίδος, ‘which they also called μεγάλα.’ The accuracy of his information on this point is demonstrated by official inscriptions, which speak of Παναθήναια τὰ μεγάλα (first in the Erythrae decree of 453–2—ATL ii. D10.3) and of Παναθήναια τὰ κατ' ἐνιαυτόν (IG ii–iii2. 334.31); the epithet μικρά describing the annual festival is found only in literature (Lysias 21.2, 4, referring to the celebrations of 409 and 403; Menander fr. 428 Körte). Even in official documents Παναθήναια can be used alone; but this usage is not so ambiguous as it appears, since, with the possible exception of IG i2. 302.58 (= Tod 75.61) of 415, which will have to be discussed later in this paper, I have not found a single case in which Παναθήναια alone necessarily, or even probably, refers to anything but the great Panathenaea.
Aristophanes' Speech in Plato's Symposium
Authors: Dover K. J.
Published: May 2006

Aristophanes' encomium on Eros (Smp. 189c 2–193d 5) is a story with a moral. Once upon a time, all human beings were double creatures, each with two heads, two bodies and eight limbs. Then, by the command of Zeus, each double creature was cut in half, and so humans as we know them came into being. Every one of us ‘seeks his other half’, and this search is Eros. If we are pious, we may hope to be rewarded by success in the search; if we are impious, Zeus may cut us in two again, and each of us will be like a flat-fish or a figure in relief.

The story is amusingly told, and the comedies of the real Aristophanes are also amusing; but when Sykutris says that the story ‘reminds us of the plot of a comedy’ and when Robin constructs a hypothetical comedy out of it, they are confounding essence and accident. The affinities of Aristophanes' story do not lie with his own comedies or with those of his contemporaries, but elsewhere.

The extant plays of Aristophanes are firmly rooted in the present, and each of them explores the possibilities of a fantasy constructed out of the present. Mythology was exploited by the comic poets—rarely by Aristophanes himself, more extensively by some others—in order to present humorously distorted versions of the myths which were the traditional material of serious poetry. Some comic titles point to theogonic myths (e.g. Polyzelos, Birth of the Muses and Birth of Dionysos) or to myths about the era before the rule of Zeus (e.g. Phrynichos, Kronos, and the younger Kratinos, Giants and Titans).
Parmenides and Er
Authors: Morrison J. S.
Published: May 2006

The aim of this paper is to explore the suggestion that Parmenides's poem, or at any rate some of it, has light to throw on the difficulties of the myth of Er in the Republic. Parmenides descends to the underworld as a shaman-poet in search of knowledge, Er goes there by the fortuitous circumstance of his death-like trance; but both katabaseis share a common setting, and in both the hero is shown a glimpse of the real shape and mechanism of the universe. In the case of Parmenides the exhibit is two-fold, both ‘the unshakeable heart of rounded truth’ and ‘the opinions of men in which there is no true belief’. Interest has been mainly concentrated on the former, metaphysical, section, from which the greater part of our fragments derive; but the latter contained, in the system of stephanai, an account of the appearance of the universe, which is interesting, both on its own account and in view of the light it throws on the difficulties of Er's myth. I shall consider first (I) the setting of Parmenides's poem as it appears in the opening lines, then (II) propose an interpretation of the system of stephanai, and (III) seek support for some of its main features in the general tradition of cosmological speculation from Homer downwards. Finally (IV), I shall proceed to examine the myth of Er and offer an interpretation of some of its difficulties which will take account of this body of earlier thought.
Chariot Groups in Fifth-Century Greek Sculpture
Authors: Vermeule Cornelius C.
Published: May 2006

Some of the most magnificent representations of chariots in mid career are seen on the coins of Sicily and Southern Italy toward the close of the fifth century B.C. There are two major theories concerning the appearance of these striking compositions in Sicilian numismatic art. One theory is that dies for these coins are the independent products of local, native artists of highest competence. The other is that the dies for these pieces are the work of Attic artists who migrated to the prosperous cities of Sicily to take up new careers as workers in the minor metallic arts, as gem cutters, and as die sinkers for the various local rulers. We lack positive evidence. We cannot identify any artist who left Attica to pursue work of this type in Southern Italy or Sicily. Scholars have produced a mass of conjecture and speculation on this subject.

The treatment of space and depth in the chariot compositions seems to the writer to provide a new possibility for grouping and relating the representations of chariots in the late fifth century—both those on the major monuments in sculptured relief and those on the Tetradrachms and Dekadrachms of Syracuse and Akragas. From a restudy of the methods of relief representation and from a survey of information derived from such connecting links between major sculpture and coinage as silverware, gems, and vases further light may be thrown on the problems of the artistic derivation of the renowned die compositions of later fifth-century Sicily.
Boeotian Haloa
Authors: Ure A. D.
Published: May 2006

Reading University has recently acquired two fresh examples of the group of small vases with outline drawing first discussed by Wide, who tentatively connected them with Mykalessos. One is a kylix, formerly in the possession of Mr. John Fothergill and most generously presented by him to the University, showing Herakles with his club (Figs, 1 and 2b). The second is a pyxis, damaged somewhat in an air raid of 1945, with a subject on the lid that is less easy to recognise (Figs. 2a and 3). Reading has also a third vase, belonging to this series but standing rather apart from the rest. It is a kylix of the same kind as the first, but decorated inside with a rosebud between sprays (Fig. 4). These three vases with Wide's original five and one other kylix published in the Russian Compte Rendu de la Commission Impériale Archéologique 1901 (1903) p. 131 Fig. 229 (reproduced here in Fig. 5) bring the total of vases of this class up to nine. Nothing is known of the provenance of any of the three vases in Reading and the kylix in Russia is published in a list of chance finds and acquisitions in the government of Cherson with no information as to how it was acquired.

Wide associated his group with the cult of Demeter of Mykalessos whose temple, according to Pausanias, was shut every night and opened again by Herakles.
Political activity in classical Athens
Authors: Rhodes P. J.
Published: May 2006

‘Only the naïve or innocent observer’, says Sir Moses Finley in his bookPolitics in the ancient world, ‘can believe that Pericles came to a vital Assembly meeting armed with nothing but his intelligence, his knowledge, his charisma and his oratorical skill, essential as all four attributes were.’ Historians of the Roman Republic have been assiduous in studyingclientelae,factionesand ‘delivering the vote’, but much less work has been done on the ways in which Athenian politicians sought to mobilise support. There have been studies of family connections and of links between individual politicians; there have been studies of the associations known ashetaireiai; but many questions remain unanswered. W. R. Connor inThe new politicians of fifth-century Athenscontrasted an old style of politics, based on ties ofphiliawithin the upper classes, with a new style, which spurnedphiliaand appealed directly to the people. Even in his old style, the votes of the ordinary, middling-to-poor citizens counted for more in the straightforward Athenian assembly than in the Romancomitiawith their complex systems of block votes. Connor limits political friendship to the upper classes; he pours cold water on Sealey's suggestion that rich families might have brought pressure to bear on their tenants and other dependants (saying, ‘The proud and independent Athenian might be expected to resist intimidation’); but apart from general references to largesse he does not really explain how an old-style Cimon or a new-style Cleon would ensure that the assembly was full of voters willing to elect him as general or approve a motion which he proposed. J. K. Davies has tried to take the matter further inWealth and the power of wealth in classical Athens.
Laispodias Andronymios
Authors: Develin R.
Published: May 2006

Laispodias was general in 414/3 and was evidently from a prominent family. Indeed the latter fact is stressed by the first citation in his entry in PA (no. 8963), from Theognostos' Kanones as in J. A. Cramer, Anecdota graeca e codd. manuscriptis bibliothecarum Oxoniensium II (Oxford 1835), 9.22 f.: Λαιποδίας (sic) Ἀνδρωνύμιος ἑνὸς τῶν Ἀθήνῃσιν ἐπιφανῶν. Kirchner was evidently, and reasonably, puzzled by Ἀνδρωνύμιος. The only other Laispodias in PA is no. 8962, who appears on a dedication, IG i2 616. A. E. Raubitschek included this as no. 87 in Dedications from the Athenian Akropolis (Cambridge, Mass. 1949); he restored Laispodias in the genitive as a patronymic and properly supposed that the two men of the name were of the same family. As for the addition ἀνδρονύμιος (sic—with omikron) he asks us to compare ΣAr. Wasps 1239 and the lexicon in order that we should believe that it ‘means only that Laispodias was a proper name’. Indeed, in LSJ we find two references under ἀνδρωνύμιον as a noun meaning ‘proper name’, namely Theognostos and the scholiast.
The Diolkos
Authors: MacDonald Brian R.
Published: May 2006

R. M. Cook has recently pointed out that the transport of warships across the Isthmus of Corinth was not the normal use of the diolkos since there was no regular need for such transport. Rather, the diolkos from its inception served a commercial function and its use provided the Corinthian state with a source of revenue.
An early inscribed gold ring from the Argolid
Authors: Tracy Stephen V.
Published: May 2006

This paper publishes a gold ring until recently in private hands in the United States. The former owners, private persons with no scholarly background, brought the ring to the present writer's attention upon learning that he had some knowledge of Greek inscriptions. The one deplorable fact is that this ring was removed from its context, so that much of its scientific value is forever lost to us. Nonetheless, the damage was done by others years ago, and its owners deserve praise for making the ring available for study. The dedicatory inscription on it is an invaluable example of early Argive script. The details of acquisition are unclear. I have been able to ascertain only that the ring was acquired in ancient Mycenae from some Greeks who claimed to have dug it up in the area. As will be seen, in all probability it comes from the Argive Heraion.
On Early Greek Astronomy
Authors: Kahn Charles H.
Published: May 2006

In a somewhat polemical article on ‘Solstices, Equinoxes, and the Presocratics’ D. R. Dicks has recently challenged the usual view that the Presocratics in general, and the Milesians in particular, made significant contributions to the development of scientific astronomy in Greece. According to Dicks, mathematical astronomy begins with the work of Meton and Euctemon about 430 B.C. What passes for astronomy in the earlier period ‘was still in the pre-scientific stage’ of ‘rough-and-ready observations, unsystematically recorded and imperfectly understood, of practical men’ whose chief concern was to fix the seasons for ploughing, seed-time, sailing voyages and religious festivals. Ionian speculation, says Dicks, took very little note of such observation: ‘some of its wilder flights of fancy might have been avoided, if it had taken more’. In this account of the rise of Greek astronomy, the natural philosophers have no part to play. Their theories represent a speculative enterprise without a scientific future, a philosophic sideline with no impact on the development of observational science from Hesiod to Meton or the development of mathematical astronomy from Meton to Ptolemy.

I believe that such a dichotomy between early philosophy and early science in Greece is misguided in principle, and that it seriously distorts our picture of the initial phases of each discipline. It also imposes a considerable strain upon our credulity. Take the case of Anaxagoras who, according to Plato and Theophrastus, had given a causal explanation of eclipses of the moon a generation before Meton.
A Note on Πρηστῆρος Αὐλός
Authors: Plass P.
Published: May 2006

In a recent article J. J. Hall has argued that the mysterious πρηστῆρος αὐλός which figures in Anaximander's theory of the universe is the funnel-shaped body of a tornado or waterspout. In reviewing meteorological evidence he notes that lightning often accompanies such storms. Anaximander himself could have concluded that the funnel is actually full of fire and then could have drawn an analogy between fiery heavenly bodies seen through a hole in surrounding mist and internal fire seen through the open bottom of a cloud.

M. L. West has expressed doubt about this suggestion on the grounds that ‘a person in the uncomfortable situation of looking up such a funnel would not see fire.’ There are undoubtedly some difficulties in Hall's proposal, as he himself admits. But West's objection is oddly off the mark. What is initially at issue is what Anaximander believed to be true, not what is true.
A Note on Plato Lg. 773b
Authors: Willetts R. F.
Published: May 2006

In his article on ‘Attic Kinship Terminology’, W. E. Thompson points out that κηδϵστής is the correct term in Attic to describe any male affine and includes Pl. Lg. 773b as a certain instance of the meaning one's daughter's husband, preferring to be more precise than Liddell-Scott-Jones who are content with connexion by marriage.
On Goulet's chronology of Eunapius' life and works
Authors: Banchich Thomas M.
Published: May 2006

In the centennial JHS, R. Goulet proposed a radical revision of the chronology of the life and literary productions of Eunapius of Sardis. Briefly stated, Goulet argued that Eunapius had arrived as a student in Athens in 364, rather than 362, and identified the later date with the terminus of the first ἔκδοσις of Eunapius' History, the publication of which he placed not before 395. This date, in turn, forced him to explain references in Eunapius' other known work, the Vitae Sophistarum, to post-364 events that had already been treated in the History, as anticipatory allusions integrated into accounts of earlier affairs. Though Goulet's reconstruction has as yet gone unchallenged, its infirm foundation of hypothesis supported by special pleading collapses beneath the weight of the evidence at hand.
Persephone and Aphrodite at Locri: a model for personality definitions in Greek religion
Authors: Sourvinou-Inwood Christiane
Published: May 2006

Too often in the study of Greek divine personalities assumptions about deities' nature and development have been reflected in the methodology adopted and have thus introduced distortions, forcing the evidence into inflexible interpretative frameworks which may be logical without being correct. I believe we must aim at a ‘neutral’, bias-free approach which does not allow the operator's convictions to distort the evidence by casting it into a preconceived mould. I shall first set out the factors which, in my opinion, determine the definition and development of Greek divine personalities; these can be established by considering detectable historical developments in these personalities. I then propose an open-ended and flexible methodological framework which will take account of this model but will not depend on its validity.

The first determining factor is clearly the worshipping group and its specific realities and needs as they develop in the course of time. Deities are shaped by the societies that constitute the worshipping group and develop with them. A second factor to be taken into account is the pantheon to which they belong and the spheres of activity of its members. For a pantheon is an articulated religious system within which divine beings catering for the needs of the worshipping group are associated and differentiated; and this nexus of relationships contributes to the definition of each divine personality.
Plato's myth of the statesman, the ambiguities of the Golden Age and of history
Authors: Vidal-Naquet Pierre
Published: May 2006

In the treatisede Abstinentiathat the neoplatonist Porphyry devoted to justifying abstention from foods of animal origin, there is a long quotation fromLife in Greece(βίος τῆς Έλλάδος) by the Peripatetic, Dicaearchus (end of the fourth century B.C.), who was a direct disciple of Aristotle. This book is known to represent a sort of cultural history of Greek humanity from the very earliest times.

In its essentials, this text tells us that the Golden Age, or age of Cronos, referred to by the poets, principally by Hesiod, in hisWorks and Days(from which Dicaearchus quotes verses 116–19: ‘And they had all good things, the grain-bearing earth,ζείδωρος ἂρονρα, itself produced an abundant and generous harvest, and they lived off their fields in peace and joy, amidst countless boons…’), that this marvellous epoch was perhaps a historical reality
Two Points of Interpretation in Zeno
Authors: Booth N. B.
Published: May 2006

The relevant part of the fragment is:

εἰ δὲ ἔστιν, ἀνάγκη ἕκαστον μέγεθός τι ἔχειν καὶ πάχος καὶ ἀπέχειν αὐτοῦ τὸ ἕτερον ἀπὸ τοῦ ἑτέρου. καὶ περὶ τοῦ προύχοντος ὁ αὐτὸς λόγος. καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνο ἕξει μέγεθος καὶ προέξει αὐτοῦ τι. ὅμοιον δὴ τοῦτο ἅπαξ τε εἰπεῖν καὶ ἀεὶ λέγειν οὐδὲν γὰρ αὐτοῦ τοιοῦτον ἕσχατον ἔσται οὔτε ἕτερον πρὸς ἕτερον οὐκ ἔσται.
The Frogs in the Frogs
Authors: Campbell David A.
Published: May 2006

W. S. Gilbert's very model of a modern majorgeneral knew among other things the croaking chorus of the Frogs of Aristophanes, and their refrain is perhaps the most widely-quoted line in Greek literature. But the interpretation of the Frogs’ scene gives rise to debate, and there is no agreement on even basic questions: for example, were the Frogs visible in the theatre or did they croak unseen behind the skene? What is the nature of the competition between the Frogs and Dionysus? Is the scene simply a self-contained piece of entertainment or has it an element of literary parody which would make it relevant to the main theme of the play? Here I attempt to answer the last of these questions.
New ΝΙΣΥΡΙΟΙ from Physkos (Marmaris)
Authors: Rice E. E.
Published: May 2006

In April 1983, the inscription published below was seen outside a house among the cafes along the harbour quay in Marmaris, Turkey, near the Customs House. The block had disappeared in September 1983, and it seems therefore unlikely that the inscription will be published elsewhere.
Carians in Sardis
Authors: Pedley John Griffiths
Published: May 2006

Ten years ago an article in these pages stressed the importance of detailed analysis of the traditions involving the Carians, and archaeological evidence was used to check the assertions of the literary record. In that instance the extremer version of the tradition in question was shown to be largely inexact, while the less extreme preserved the probable truth of the Carians' habitual use of certain military devices. That the ghost of pan-Carianism should be well and truly laid is all to the good; yet I hope to show here that the literary record, such as it is, of the presence of Carians in the Lydian capital is reasonably substantiated by the archaeological and epigraphic material.

Herodotos' Carian source pointed to an old relationship between the Lydians and Carians, symbolised by the temple of Carian Zeus at Mylasa and by the kinship of the eponymous heroes Car and Lydus. According to this source linguistic affinities existed between Lydians and Carians. In Strabo's time Lydians and Carians together inhabited the plain of the Maeander, though the Carians evidently exercised sole possession of the land to the south of the river. In the late seventh and sixth centuries, however, Lydians and Carians lived cheek by jowl in Aphrodisias, and there is good archaeological and epigraphic evidence for a Lydian community in the city. Whether this means that we must attempt to redraw the boundary between Lydian- and Carian-speakers (if such a boundary is logically acceptable) or whether the Lydians represented a trading community in a foreign (if friendly) city, remains to be seen. There is some evidence to suggest that Carians were present in archaic Smyrna, and epigraphic documentation for their presence, if not in Ephesos, at any rate at Belevi. They had a natural interest in their northern neighbours.
The Boston relief and the religion of Locri Epizephyrii
Authors: Sourvinou-Inwood Christiane
Published: May 2006

The three-sided Boston relief (Plate XIIIa), which is to be dated in the second quarter of the fifth century, has been the object of a long controversy with regard both to its subject matter and to its authenticity, which has been doubted by some scholars. The authenticity of the monument will be taken for granted here, since the work of Jucker, and especially the recent exhaustive stylistic and scientific study by Ashmole and Young leave no possible room for doubting it. Another aspect of the relief which I will take for granted in this paper is the artistic milieu which created it, since it has been convincingly shown that it is of South Italian, and more specifically Epizephyrian Locrian, origin. The object of the present paper is to discuss the iconography of the monument, especially with reference to the cult and religious environment of the city in which it was produced.

The interpretation of the central scene and the two side-panels of the Boston relief is still a matter of controversy, although many hypotheses have been put forward since the monument first appeared in the antiquities market. Discussions of the iconography of this relief tend more often than not to connect the problem, in some way or other, with the subject matter of the Ludovisi throne (Plate XIIIb), another three-sided relief belonging to the artistic environment of Locri Epizephyrii, but of a much higher artistic quality. The interpretation of the scenes on the Ludovisi throne has not provoked the same amount of controversy, and it would, I think, be a fair statement that the interpretation of the central representation as the birth of Aphrodite is now generally accepted—more accurately, it is the new-born Aphrodite being assisted out of the sea, and to the shore, by the Moirai or the Horai. On each of the side-panels a female figure is shown, a naked pipe-player on one, a heavily draped young matron burning incense in a thymiaterion on the other. They have been interpreted as hetaira and young bride or wife, two contrasting figures associated with Aphrodite's Locrian cult.
The portrayal of moral evaluation in Greek poetry
Authors: Dover K. J.
Published: May 2006

Anyone who has read my bookGreek Popular Morality in the Time of Plato and Aristotle(Oxford 1974) (hereafter ‘GPM’) and has also read Professor A. W. H. Adkins' bookMerit and Responsibility(Oxford 1960) (‘M&R’) will have noticed that the two books differ substantially in their approach to the history of Greek moral values and in some of the conclusions which they reach. Adkins' critical review ofGPM, entitled ‘Problems in Greek Popular Morality’,CPhlxxiii (1978) 143–58 (‘Problems’), explains very clearly why he findsGPMin many respects inadequate or misleading, and it has greatly helped me to understand my own disquiet at the influence exercised by the presuppositions, methods and conclusions ofM&R. My purpose in this paper is not to offer a review ofM&Rtwenty years too late, nor to attempt a rebuttal, point by point, of the criticisms ofGPMcontained inProblems, but to examine one major issue: how should the portrayal of moral evaluation on the tragic stage or in epic narrative be used as evidence for the history of Greek moral values?

A very important proposition is stated inM&R127: ‘A drama is a practical work; it involves action. People appear on the stage and behave as they do in real life.’ With this proposition I agree, subject to three provisos, of which one limits its application and two amplify it. The limiting proviso is obvious.
Tabulae Iliacae in the Collection Froehner, Paris
Authors: Horsfall Nicholas
Published: May 2006

When discussing the Tabulae Iliacae in JHS xcix (1979) 26–48 (hereafter ‘Horsfall’), I followed the usual and unchallenged view in stating that the group includes twenty reliefs and that five bear the signature of the artist Theodorus (26). Both statements prove wrong. Prof. F. Jouan (Paris-Nanterre) most kindly informed me in the summer of 1979 that an unpublished Thèse de Maîtrise by one of his students, Mlle F. Legrand, (Les Tables Iliaques [1976] [hereafter ‘Legrand’]), contained new material on the Tabulae and made a copy of her work available to me. It was immediately apparent (Legrand 160 ff.) that the Tabula which I shall call 21 Froehner was unpublished and when it became clear that no publication in France was intended, I sought and was freely granted access. Examination of Tabula 20Par., also in the Froehner collection, revealed that its verso carried an hitherto neglected signature by Theodorus. Permission to publish Tabulae 20Par. (verso) and 21Fro. was unhesitatingly granted. It is a great pleasure to place on record the enthusiasm and generosity displayed by Prof. Jouan and by the staff at the Cabinet des Médailles.
On the chronology of the Samian war
Authors: Fornara Charles W. , Lewis D. M.
Published: May 2006

Unlike much else in the Pentecontaetia, the chronology of the Samian War, its antecedents included, has apparently evoked such little critical interest that an almost casual treatment of the subject is observable in modern works. Nesselhauf, for example, annotated his brief discussion of the Samian War with a reference to Busolt and Beloch ‘for the details’. Each scholar provides a radically different chronology from the other. Indeed, the range of dates postulated by modern writers is remarkable considering the relatively small span of time, two years, in which the events appear to have unfolded. Beloch and the authors of ATL date the war between Samos and Miletus, which ultimately caused the revolt, in summer 441 B.C.; Busolt set the war in March-April 440 B.C., E. Meyer a shade earlier. Some scholars fail to specify the date (Nesselhauf, Meiggs). The beginning of the revolt itself has been placed in spring 440 B.C. by Sealey, among others; Gomme and Meiggs date it in early summer, Busolt, strangely, in early July. The direct cause of the revolt, the installation of the democracy at Samos (Thuc. i 115.3), is little discussed, much less fixed in date. The democracy was not established in a day: it therefore requires consideration in any chronological reconstruction. Finally, the end of the war has been variously set in late winter, early spring and early summer 439 B.C.

Such uncertainty is surprising since our evidence is abundant and also specific enough to allow us to make reasonably firm chronological estimates. Indeed, our fortunate possession of mutually independent data—the historical tradition and the monumental evidence—provides us with the opportunity to attempt precision in a degree usually beyond our expectations. However we may separately interpret Thucydides' relative chronology or the random evidence of the stones, these data, when taken in combination, yield knowledge greater than the sum of its parts.
Stesichorus at Bovillae?
Authors: Horsfall Nicholas
Published: May 2006

The termTabulae Iliacaeis conventionally applied to twenty low reliefs scattered through museums from Warsaw to New York. The common name conceals a bewildering artistic farrago: the earliestTabula, theTabula Iliaca Capitolina(1 A; Plate II; Fig. 3), is mid-Augustan (cf.p. 48), the latest (19J) late Antonine (Sadurska 94). Five of theTabulaebear the name Theodorus and I shall argue (p. 27) that he is the craftsman responsible for their execution. Where provenance is known, it is always Rome or the Roman Campagna. The materials of theTabulaevary widely: most, but not all, are of some sort of marble, white, yellow, and Giallo Antico (Sadurska 13). Little can be said of their size, for not one survives complete. It would appear, however, that the largest rectangularTabula, the calcite 1 A, was originallyc.25 cm by 42 cm (Sadurska 14). Two, portraying the Shield of Achilles, were circular (4N and 5O) and 5O may have had a radius of 20 cm (Sadurska 47). The nameIliacaeis appropriate only in as much as eleven out of twentyTabulaeportray episodes from theIliad(Sadurska 15 + 20Par.) and six the Sack of Ilium; others, however, represent (e.g.) Alexander's victory at Arbela and the apotheosis of Hercules. What theTabulaedo display in common is a combination of low reliefs in miniature and inscriptions, often extensive and not always on the same topic as the reliefs (see Plate II). In ancient art, only the Megarian bowls (cf.p. 47) stand comparison, and their ratio of text to illustration is substantially lower.
Archaic Greek trade: three conjectures
Authors: Cook R. M.
Published: May 2006

Not much attention is given to the diolkos across the Isthmus of Corinth, nor is much known about it. There are a dozen or so explicit or probable references to it in ancient literature, one relevant inscription and some remains of its track. The remains, principally at the west and close to the modern canal, are from a paved roadway with two parallel channels about 1·50 m apart, evidently to hold the wheels of some sort of carrier; and associated pottery and inscribed letters suggest that it was constructed in the late seventh or early sixth century B.C. The written references tell us that the eastern end of the diolkos was at Schoinos, that it was said to be 40 stades long, that warships were transported across the Isthmus in 412, 220, 217, 102 and 30 B.C., that the diolkos was in use in the early period of the Roman Empire, and that some ships were too big for it: there is, though, no precise statement of the commercial use of the diolkos.

Yet transport of warships is not likely to have been the normal use of the diolkos: ancient historical writers were more interested in war than commerce, and warships cannot have needed transporting very frequently.
Plutarch's adaptation of his source-material
Authors: Pelling C. B. R.
Published: May 2006

In an earlier article, I argued that six of the Roman Lives—Crassus, Pompey, Caesar, Cato, Brutus, and Antony—were prepared as a single project, and rest upon the same store of source-material. If this is so, it affords a unique opportunity to investigate Plutarch's techniques. There are substantial variations among these six versions, both crude inconsistencies of fact and subtler differences of interpretation. It no longer seems adequate to assume that these are simply inherited from differing source-material; they must arise from Plutarch's individual literary methods. Their analysis should therefore illuminate those methods. How much licence did Plutarch allow himself in rewriting and manipulating detail for artistic ends? And what considerations would lead him to vary his treatment in these ways?

In the first part of this paper, I examine the literary devices which Plutarch employed in streamlining his material: conflation of similar items, chronological compression and dislocation, fabrication of circumstantial detail, and the like. In the second, I turn to the differences of interpretation and emphasis among these Lives. These suggest some wider conclusions concerning Plutarch's biographical practice, which are developed in the final section: in particular, the very different aims, interests, and conventions which are followed in different Lives, and the flexible nature of this biographical genre.
ΒΟΥΠΟΡΟΣ ΑΡΣΙΝΟΗΣ
Authors: Huxley G. L.
Published: May 2006

In the Coma Berenices (fr. 110.44-6 Pfeiffer) Callimachus mentioned Mount Athos and the canal dug for Xerxes at the northern end of the Akte peninsula:

ἀμνά]μῳ[ν Θείης ἀργὸς ὑ]περφέ[ρ]ετ[αι,βουπόρος ᾿Αρσινόης μητρὸς σέο, καὶ διὰ μέ[σσουΜηδείων ὀλοαὶ νῆες ἔβησαν ᾿´ Αθω

Two problems require solutions in these lines: (1) Why is Athos called the ‘ox-piercer of Arsinoe’? (2) Who is the descendant of Theia? The second of these problems, I shall argue, is solved by the solution to the first.

Arsinoe, wife of Ptolemy II Philadelphus, is here given the courtesy-title ‘mother’ of Berenike. There is no difficulty in the poet’s association of her with Mount Athos: she had formerly been married to King Lysimachos of Thrace, who won Macedonia and Thessaly from Demetrius, and her ties with the northern Aegean world were close. As queen in Thrace she had made a dedication to the Great Gods of Samothrace;’ it was to Samothrace also that she came after Ptolemy Keraunos had murdered her sons by Lysimachos. Callimachus has these northern Aegean connexions of Arsinoe in mind in another poem, the Ektheosis Arsinoes, in which Chans sees from Athos the funeral smoke of the queen’s pyre at Alexandria (fr. 228.57), having been sent from Lemnos to the mountain by the spirit of Arsinoe’s dead sister Philotera (fr. 228.44-7).
The Midnight Planet
Authors: West M. L.
Published: May 2006

Choeroboscus preserves the following notice, which came down to him from Herodian (i 45. 14, ii 743. 24 Lentz):

Μεσόνυξ Μεσόνυχος εἶς τῶν ἐπτὰ πλανήτων παρὰ τοῖς Πυθαγορείοις ὀνομάζεται. μέμνηται Στησίχορος(PMG 259).

It has been almost entirely overlooked by historians of Greek astronomy. The only published discussion known to me is a short article by P. J. Bicknell in Apeiron (Monash University) ii 2 (1968) 10-12. He observes that it is a notice of considerable significance, and he makes some important inferences from it. The only planet mentioned in Hesiod and Homer, or in early poetry generally, is Venus, under the names ῾´ Εσπερος and ῾ Εωσφόρος. Bicknell notes that the name Mesonyx must have been chosen ‘on analogy with ’ those names; I would prefer to say, by antithesis to them. Hesperos was the luminary that only appeared in the evening, Heosphoros always presaged the dawn: Mesonyx was the planet that could be seen in the middle of the night.
Fifteen Hellenistic epigrams
Authors: Giangrande Guiseppe
Published: May 2006

In the following pages I shall interpret epigrams which so far have outwitted the critics. For the sake of brevity, I assume the reader to have looked up the reassessment of the relevant problem as given in Gow-Page, Hell. Epigr. or Garl. of Phil., before proceeding to read what I have written.

1. First of all, let us examine a piece by Nicias, A.P. VII, 200 (=Gow-Page, Hell. Epigr. 2767 ff.):
Back Views of the Ancient Greek Kithara
Authors: Maas Martha
Published: May 2006

In an appendix to their article ‘Lute-Players in Greek Art’ (JHS lxxxv [1965], 62–71) R. A. Higgins and R. P. Winnington-Ingram included useful material on the shape of the kithara, with a list of representations that attempt to show the depth and shape of the back of the kithara sound-box. The list includes a mid-sixth-century metope from Delphi, back views from late fifth-century to late fourth-century coins, Hellenistic terra-cottas, and a back view on a late second- or early first-century relief, Athens National Museum 1966. These more-or-less three-dimensional objects show us a characteristic of the kithara that may affect the possibilities of playing technique, one that cannot be guessed by looking at the many front-view paintings: the back of the kithara soundbox bulges out at the top, tapering toward the base; and in examples from the fifth century and later, it rises to a vertical ridge running down the centre of the back.

To this group of objects should be added one more important item from the fifth century: the back view of a kithara which is part of the Parthenon frieze of the Panathenaic procession (447–432 B.C.).