bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Face Values: Visible/Invisible Governors on the Board and Organisational Responses to the Race Equality Agenda
Authors: Turner Lewis
Published: May 2006

This article explores institutional responses to the race equality agenda in the context of further education (FE) and sixth form colleges. More specifically, it examines the experiences of black and minority ethnic governors within the environment of recent legislative changes to improve the representation of black and minority ethnic people in governing bodies and senior management within the sector. Using data from interviews with black and minority ethnic governors and diversity managers, the article explores the negotiations that participants made within these institutions as black and minority ethnic people. This exploration is framed by a problematic of visibility and invisibility – a ‘double bind’ which can restrict the role that black and minority ethnic governors are able to undertake within some college environments. The author claims that the modalities of these informal dynamics inform and affirm a conceptualisation of colleges as the ‘proper’ location of white male subjectivity.
Diversity in the Academy? Staff Perceptions of Equality Policies in Six Contemporary Higher Education Institutions
Authors: Deem Rosemary , Morley Louise
Published: May 2006

The article is based on recent research involving qualitative case studies of staff experiences of equality policies in six English, Scottish and Welsh higher education institutions (HEIs). Recent changes to UK legislation (e.g. on ‘race’ and disability) and a series of European Union employment directives (including on religion and sexual orientation) have caused more attention to be paid to equality policies and their implementation in higher education. The wider context for equality policies has also changed, from a predominant focus on individuals and redistributive equality policies to viewing inequality as a generic and relative concept which can be policy-mainstreamed, with greater concentration on organisational cultures and diversity and a focus on recognitional rather than redistributive approaches to inequality. The article uses the authors’ recent research findings to consider how higher education institution employees who participated in the study understood notions of equality and diversity. There is a particular focus on whether different forms of inequality are seen to be interconnected, whether diversity is seen as desirable by most employees interviewed, the potential tensions and conflicts between equality policies applying to students and those concerned with staff and the visions of equitable HEIs of the future held by senior managers. It is suggested that whilst all HEIs studied had equality policies and senior managers who have benefited from equality training, nevertheless the shift away from redistributional notions of inequality (except in respect of occupational inequality) towards greater emphasis on recognitional forms, the tensions between student and staff equality issues, and the pursuit of organisational diversity may reflect a relative depoliticisation of the staff equality agenda in higher education.
The New Prussian Constitution
Authors: Shepard Walter James
Published: May 2006

To the student of comparative constitutional law the new Prussian constitution of November 30, 1920, is of scarcely less interest than that of the reconstituted German Empire itself. In sharp contrast to American state constitutions, the instrument is of moderate length, about four thousand words, and is limited to the bare outlines of a frame-work of government. All doctrinaire elements are lacking. There is even no bill of rights.
Pluralism: A Point of View
Authors: Sabine George H.
Published: May 2006

It is unfortunate, in my opinion, that the terms monism and pluralism have been injected into the discussion of political theory and doubly unfortunate that they have been put forward as rival theories between which we are expected to choose. Both words are in fact very general, both are capable of many meanings and both have about them the connotations of centuries of philosophical dispute. And yet the one clear lesson from these disputes is that both monism and pluralism are inescapable aspects of our world and as such can neither of them be neglected. An effort to set the two in opposition, to picture them as incompatible, and to force a choice between them is surely wasted. The truth is that monism and pluralism are not theories but points of view or modes of attack, and any reasonable political theory will have to take account of both and both will have to be interpreted in such a way that they can be joined in one theory. It is not the purpose of this paper to undertake so large a task as this final reconciliation; but merely to state as exactly as may be what is connoted by such phrases as “a monistic theory of the state” and “a pluralistic theory of the state,” in order that the different points of view may be made as clear as possible and may be compared.

By political monism I understand a theory which holds that the state is ultimately a single indivisible authority, not subject to any other authority and therefore able itself to fix the limits and the content of the obligations to which it gives rise.
The Present State of the Study of Politics
Authors: Merriam Charles E.
Published: May 2006

The original plan of this paper included a general survey and critique of the leading tendencies in the study of politics during the last thirty or forty years. It was intended to compare the methods and results of the various types of political thought—to pass in review the historical school, the juridical school, the students of comparative government, the philosophers as such, the attitude of the economist, the contributions made by the geographer and the ethnologist, the work of the statisticians, and finally to deal with the psychological, the sociological, the biological interpretations of the political process.

It would have been an interesting and perhaps a useful task to compare the scope and method of such thinkers as Jellinek, Gierke, Duguit, Dicey and Pound; the philosophies of Sorel and Dewey, of Ritchie and Russell, of Nietzsche and Tolstoi; to review the methods of Durkheim and Simmel, of Ward and Giddings and Small; of Cooley and Ross; and to discuss the developments seen in the writings of Wallas and Cole.

It would have been useful possibly to extend the analysis to the outstanding features of the environment in which these ideas have flourished, and to their numerous and intimate relations and interrelations.
Responsible Government in the British Colonial System
Authors: Leacock Stephen
Published: May 2006

The present paper deals with the circumstances under which the right of self-government was acquired by the province of Canada. It is concerned chiefly with the period that elapsed between the presentation of Lord Durham's report, in which “responsible government” was recommended, and the passing of the Rebellion Losses Bill of 1849, whose sanction by Lord Elgin indicates the final and complete adoption of this principle. Special emphasis is laid upon the constitutional crisis that occurred under the administration of Sir Charles Metcalfe with a view to placing in its proper historical perspective the influence exercised by the colonial reform party in the evolution of the imperial system. It is the aim of the paper to show that the interpretation of the principle of responsible government now prevailing was not present in the minds of imperial statesmen at the time of the adoption of the Act of Union of 1840, commonly assigned as the date of the inception of self-government. The essay is based upon the papers of Lord Sydenham and Lord Metcalfe, the collection of Baldwin pamphlets in the Toronto Public Library, certain official documents of the Canadian archives, and other original sources which the writer has had occasion to consult in preparing his biographies of Baldwin, LaFontaine, and Hincks in the Makers of Canada Series.
The German Doctrine of the Budget
Authors: Shepard Walter James
Published: May 2006

The evolution of parliamentary government in Germany proceeds apace. The virtual admission of Chancellor Bülow, on the occasion of the publication of the Kaiser's interview with the retired English diplomat in October, 1908, that the government's defeat by the reichstag would necessarily involve his resignation will be at once recalled. This promise has been now actually fulfilled, and that suave and genial statesman's retirement, upon the defeat of his budget, advances Germany one step farther toward a modern system of ministerial responsibility to the people's representatives. The appointment of a successor who promises a continuation of Bülow's policy indicates that there are other important steps yet to be taken, but does not obscure the significance of this change of ministers. Within no distant period it is altogether likely we shall see a full-fledged system of political ministerial responsibility to the legislature, with its corollary of effective votes of lack of confidence,—a system in which the reichstag will control the appointment of the incoming ministers as well as force the resignation of those with whom it is no longer in accord. It may therefore not be without a timely interest to review the German doctrine of the budget as a means of control over the executive.
Constitutional Law in 1909-1910: The Constitutional Decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States in the October Term, 1909
Authors: Wambaugh Eugene
Published: May 2006

It is indeed a substantial grist that the Supreme Court of the United States at the last term of court has ground for students of political science. The first opinion was delivered on November 1, 1909, and the last on May 31, 1910, and the court decided no less than sixty-five constitutional cases. Notice that with caution it is merely said that the court decided no less than that number; for it is often somewhat a matter of opinion whether a case should be classed as constitutional, and it may well be that there are readers who will find that the court exceeded sixty-five. And how were those sixty-five divided? Many turned on more constitutional points than one, and thus an enumeration of the cases bearing on the several clauses of the Constitution will reveal a total exceeding sixty-five. The enumeration, subject to amendment in accordance with each student's views, gives the following results: The Fourteenth Amendment, twenty-four cases; the Commerce Clause, twenty-one; the Obligation of Contracts Clause, eight; whether cases arise “under the laws of the United States,” eight; Full Faith and Credit Clause, five; and sixteen other clauses, from one to four cases each, aggregating twenty-seven.

Through these dull figures some important facts shine distinctly. The Fourteenth Amendment and the Commerce Clause clearly took a vast part of the court's energy, and each of these provisions has to do with the curtailment of functions which prima facie belong to the several states. In other words, the chief feature of this term, as of every recent term, has been a more or less successful attempt of litigants to overthrow state statutes as denials of due process and equal protection or as interferences with interstate commerce.
Growth of American Theories of Popular Government
Authors: Hart Albert Bushnell
Published: May 2006

Next to the conception of a visible church, no abstraction has had such an effect upon the minds of men as the idea of the State as an organization. The Roman Imperium has been a regnant principle in Europe for twenty centuries, against which the church in the Middle Ages made head with its doctrine of “The Two Swords”—church and empire. To the French mind “L'Etat” is something different from the body of Frenchmen or the French nation; and the old fashioned English idea of “God and the King” expressed a conception of an abstract sovereign power. It is strange that the people who have done most to alter the world's acceptance as to what government ought to be, have furnished no political creative mind, formulated no accepted philosophical basis for their government, and justify Bryce's dictum that the Americans have had no theory of the State, and have felt no need for one. “Even the dignity of the State has vanished. It seems actually less than the individuals who live under it—the nation is nothing but so many individuals. The government is nothing but certain representatives and officials.” Or as Tocqueville puts it: “As they perceive that they succeed in resolving without assistance all the little difficulties which their practical life presents, they readily conclude that everything in the world may be explained, and that nothing in it transcends the limits of the understanding.” It is true that the Americans are people who would speak disrespectfully of the equator if they knew of its existence; yet no people is more profoundly influenced by a body of political doctrine, only their point of view is that they practice freedom, equality and self-government, and therefore suppose that there must be definite principles behind those usages. While the French with their national acuteness in analysis and generalization deduce the principles of liberty from the nature of man and then strive to work them out in practice, the American theory of government is to be sought, not in treatises on political ethics or the disquisitions of American statesmen, but in the acts of assemblies, votes of conventions, proclamations of presidents and governors, and the thousand instances of exercise of an accepted authority.
The Executive Council of Porto Rico
Authors: Willoughby William Franklin
Published: May 2006

The problem of devising forms of government for the insular dependencies that came to the United States as a sequel to our war with Spain presented, among others, this very special aspect; that the governments to be created should at one and the same time provide for a maximum of efficiency and carry with them the largest possible grant to the people governed of powers to manage their own affairs. The securing of either one of these considerations alone would have been a simple matter. Had the United States acquired Porto Rico and the Philippines under no moral obligation to extend to them the principles of self-government, the maximum of efficiency could easily have been attained by simply vesting all governmental powers, legislative, executive and judicial, in a few appointed officials, and holding them to a rigid accountability for the manner in which they might perform their duties. Or, the grant of self-government could have been attained by providing for a liberal form of government under which the islands would be left free to work out their own destinies with all of the dangers of misrule and inefficiency that the experience of other Latin-American countries has demonstrated to be present. To accomplish both, meant that means had to be devised for harmonizing these two considerations, which in their nature were more or less antagonistic, and that, in consequence, the problem to be solved was vastly more complicated and delicate than it otherwise would have been.
Public Administration, 1927
Authors: White Leonard D.
Published: May 2006

The following pages represent an experiment. They are devoted to an initial attempt to summarize the most important events in the field of public administration in the United States for a calendar year. A series of such summaries, if they could be made reasonably complete, would presumably be of substantial value, at least to the academic world; the present survey, incomplete and unsatisfactory from many points of view, may at least serve as a point of departure for later enlargements and improvements. I am indebted to many correspondents for assistance in gathering the materials on which it is based; and I acknowledge my gratitude to them, without implicating them in the result.

Administrative Reorganization. Although the movement for reorganization of public administration has slowed down, significant steps were taken in 1927. Two large-scale state reorganizations were effected, in California and Virginia, the latter following a careful survey by the National Institute of Public Administration.

In California the bulk of the state work is consolidated in nine departments, the directors of which comprise the governor's council. This is an interesting legal reconstruction of the governor's council inherited from the eighteenth century in Massachusetts, Maine, and New Hampshire. The department of finance (Chap. 251) is given general powers of supervision over all matters concerning financial and business policies of the state, including specifically authority to audit, to visit and inspect institutions, and with the governor to authorize expenditures in excess of appropriations.
Norwegian Elections of 1927 and the Labor Government
Authors: Knaplund Paul
Published: May 2006

The Labor party of Norway, organized in January, 1927, as a result of a fusion of the Social Democrats with the former Labor party, made sweeping gains in the elections to the Storting in October last and established itself as the strongest party in the country. Gains were made also by the conservative Agrarian, or Farmer's, party; while the old Conservative party suffered heavy losses; and, in proportion to its strength, the losses of the Communists were even greater. The Radical, or Left, party, which has steadily lost ground since the war, experienced a further decline.

The following tables show the votes polled by the leading parties in the elections of 1927 and 1924, and the number of their representatives in the Storting after these elections:
Time, Technology, and the Creative Spirit in Political Science
Authors: Beard Charles A.
Published: May 2006

Let us transport ourselves for a moment on the magic carpet of fancy to the year 1783 that saw the formal close of the war for independence, and listen to a few passages from an imaginary lecture delivered by a prescient professor of moral and natural philosophy in an unnamed American college to a group of boys preparing themselves for labor, achievement, and destiny in the republic so recently ushered into a chilly and doubting world.

“Young gentlemen: You who hear my voice, if you cross the normal span of life, will be living when the first quarter of the nineteenth century has turned. Those among you who are blessed with the four score years of the Scriptures will approach the borders of the mid-century before the long night falls upon your path. Your children, who will learn their early lessons and derive their bias from your instruction, will be among the citizens who govern the country in 1850, and your grandchildren will face with dimming eyes the dawn of the twentieth century. These facts, we might say, to anticipate the language of a coming philosopher in this ancient college, are ‘stubborn and irreducible.’
Social Theory and the Principium Unitatis
Authors: Orton William
Published: May 2006

Complex as is the immediate situation of social theory, a general view reveals some significant continuities, both spatial and temporal. The attitude of the pluralists, whether in theory or in practice, to the sovereign nation-state has more common ground than at first appears with that of the states themselves toward the nascent organs of international government; and the dilemma underlying both controversies is in fact nothing less than a restatement, in modern ideology, of an issue fundamental to the history of the entire Christian era.

That issue, stated in the broadest terms, centers about the relation between de facto and de jure sovereignty; or, more broadly still, between political and ethical, secular and spiritual, authority; and its importance may be suggested by the generalization that security in social relations is attainable, and has in fact been attained, only when the de facto, or political, sovereign—whatsoever form it may take—has been substantially integrated with the immediate source of ethical or moral authority. The pre-modern period of history abounds in statements, both factual and doctrinal, of this issue.
The Increased Control of State Activities by the Federal Courts
Authors: Scott Robert Bruce
Published: May 2006

It has been well said that “The question of the relation of the states to the federal government is the cardinal question of our constitutional system. At every turn of our national development we have been brought face to face with it, and no definition either of statesmen or of judges has ever quieted or decided it. It cannot, indeed, be settled by the opinion of any one generation, because it is a question of growth, and every successive stage of our political and economic development gives it a new aspect, makes it a new question.”

The current discussion provoked by the apparently increasing frequency with which the federal judiciary interferes with the enforcement of the legislative will of the states aptly emphasizes the force of this conclusion. Within late years the federal courts have interposed in numerous cases involving state activities and have asserted the power to control such activities under various circumstances. A brief enumeration of some of the most recent instances of this exercise of power will best indicate the frequency and apparent freedom with which it has been resorted to. Thus it has been held that state boards and commissions, attorneys general and prosecuting attorneys may be enjoined from putting into effect a schedule of railroad rates or gas, telegraph or stockyards rates. alleged to be invalid as working a deprivation of property without due process of law or as otherwise violating the federal constitution.
Nationalism in the British Empire
Authors: Low A. Maurice
Published: May 2006

The time and the place are the fitting setting for a discussion of the nationalism of the British Empire—that Empire which is more than a State, more than a union of States, greater than a confederation, more powerful than a league; an Empire composed of so many different, diverse and, at times, seemingly antagonistic elements that it has long been predicted by statesmen and theorists it would disintegrate at the first shock. The test has been met and endured. The British Empire is stronger because of the stress.

In a few hours there will be brought to a close the most blood stained year in all history. No man dare predict what misery or happiness the mystery of the new year will reveal, how many maps of Europe will be rolled up, who will make the penitential pilgrimage to Canossa, whether thrones will be shaken in the dust or nations survive; but one prophecy can be made, and for that the vision of the seer is not necessary. The events of the last eighteen months have proved to the world that the British Empire is bound by no frail rope of sand but is linked by bonds of steel. It is no weak structure built on shifting ground. It is an Empire of many races and creeds, but one in its unity.
Special Interests and the Interstate Commerce Commission
Authors: Herring E. Pendleton
Published: May 2006

A conflict of interests is implicit in most administrative problems, and the successful adjustment of these forces within a predicated legal framework means that the purpose of the governmental agency has been achieved. This consummation is beset with difficulties. The interplay of economic and political influences must be examined in connection with the statutory and formalistic competence of a given governmental bureau if any understanding of the process of administration is to be obtained. Only if the problem is first narrowed to one field, and then focussed upon a single agency, can the component factors be brought to direct and concrete analysis. An effort will be made here to examine the Interstate Commerce Commission in terms of the group pressures that are exerted upon it in its regulatory capacity. The purpose is to discuss the nature of the relations that arise between a regulatory body and the interests touched by its authority and to call attention to the possibilities and problems inherent in such a contact. In short, What political and economic forces make up the environment of the Interstate Commerce Commission, and how does it adapt itself to this environment?
Impeachment of Oklahoma Governors
Authors: Ewing Cortez A. M.
Published: May 2006

In Oklahoma, impeachment is of the soil racy. In the twenty-three years of statehood, thirteen impeachment messages have been received in the Senate from the House. Governor Williams (1914-18) has been the only one of six elected governors against whom House investigations were not ordered, and he may have been spared by the unusual House rule which declared any members guilty of perjury who swore to charges that were not substantiated in an investigation.

Backed by the farmer-labor group, John C. Walton was elected governor in 1922 in a campaign marked by bitterness and party bolting. Before he was inaugurated, rumor had it that he would be impeached. Opposition to him sprang from three main sources—disappointed office-seekers, the klan, and the school bloc. However, it was the klan that finally dragged him down. To prevent klan outrages and to punish their perpetrators, Walton attempted to employ the military forces of the state. Martial law was declared in the city of Tulsa on August 13, 1923. It was soon extended to the whole of Tulsa county, to Okmulgee county, and finally on September 1 to the whole state. Adding to the confusion, the legislature tried to convene itself in extraordinary session, under the excuse that the governor's action had made such a step necessary and essential to the welfare of the state. Walton countered by branding the legislators as klansmen and a meeting of the legislature as an unlawful klan assembly. An attempted convening was frustrated by armed force on September 16.
Federal Administrative Regions
Authors: Fesler James W.
Published: May 2006

The central problem of the administrative structure of government is that of defining administrative jurisdictions. It is only by carefully describing the spheres of activity of organization units and of their employees that responsibility for administrative errors can readily be located. If duties are clearly defined, and if the relations of particular units to other agencies are generally understood, offending units, together with their responsible personnel, may be called to task for failure to perform their assigned duties or for trespass on the spheres of others. The patency of these facts has led American students of federal administration to devote considerable attention to functional jurisdictions. During the past generation there have been a multitude of proposals for the reallocation of functions among the bureaus, departments, and independent establishments of the federal government. Intent upon these functional concerns, American students have denied or ignored the importance of the territorial definition of jurisdictions.
Supervision of Field Services in the United States Revenue Administration
Authors: Shaw Carroll K.
Published: May 2006

The two revenue-collecting services of the United States government offer interesting contrasts in the methods used for the administrative control of their respective field services. This arises in large part from the fact that the Bureau of Customs has been the more decentralized service. Ever since its establishment in 1789, and in the course of a long and continuous existence, it has built up a background of traditional decentralization which contrasts with the policy of centralization characterizing the Bureau of Internal Revenue. The latter service has a much shorter history, really beginning in 1862, although internal taxes were levied by the federal government from 1791 to 1802, and from 1813 to 1817. By virtue of the fact that Congress conferred administrative powers directly upon the commissioner of internal revenue, rather than upon the Secretary of the Treasury (as was done in the case of the customs service), a more integrated and centralized system of control has been used in the internal revenue service since the beginning of its existence.
Election Statistics in the United States
Authors: Swisher Idella Gwatkin
Published: May 2006

A valuable source of materials for the study of political behavior exists in the election returns that are lodged and compiled in the offices of state, county, and municipal authorities. An increasing number of studies have shown how fruitfully these materials can be used with a variety of types of correlations. The difficulties attendant upon anything like a complete collection of all of the electoral information for the entire country, however, have discouraged more extensive utilization of this valuable source of research data. The investigator who attempts to study political phenomena over a considerable area is now handicapped by having to devote much time and energy to the mere physical accumulation of statistical materials from a number of more or less adequate sources. The purpose of this note is primarily to show the present situation in regard to the collection and publication of election returns, and incidentally what can be obtained from each state. Secondarily, suggestions are offered regarding the urgent need for improvement in the situation and lines along which it may be sought.
Workers' Parties Show Gains in Sweden and Norway
Authors: Arneson Ben A.
Published: May 2006

Every twelve years, the parliamentary elections in Sweden, which take place quadrennially, and those in Norway, which occur triennially, fall within a few weeks of each other. In 1936, spirited contests in these two Scandinavian countries (September 21 in Sweden and October 19 in Norway) culminated in gains in each case for the workers' parties. The workers' parties of these two contiguous democracies have much in common. Both are moderately socialistic, and both are believers in the democratic parliamentary system of government. The official title of the Norwegian party is Labor, while that of the Swedish is Social Democrat.
Extraterritorial Powers of Cities as Factors in California Metropolitan Government
Authors: Crouch Winston W.
Published: May 2006

Some students of metropolitan problems have suggested that the granting of extraterritorial powers to municipalities by state legislatures may provide a temporary integration of governmental agencies within a metropolitan region. Inevitably, however, the development of such powers in any extensive fashion must lead to additional confusion in the already tangled web of jurisdictions. The problems of relationship of governmental units are simply multiplied. This is illustrated by the experience of cities in California. A wide range of power has been given by the state constitution and general laws whereby the cities may undertake public utility projects within and without their municipal boundaries as deemed necessary. The courts, for the most part, have been liberal in interpreting extramural powers of cities undertaken both (a) as municipal corporations providing service, and (b) as governing units exercising the police powers. A significant addition to municipal powers has been made by interpretation of the constitutional provision that cities shall have exclusive jurisdiction in “municipal affairs.” In an early case that established a controlling doctrine, the court said: “The supplying of water to outside territory, being necessarily a matter incidental to the main purpose of supplying water to its own inhabitants, is as much a municipal affair … as is the main purpose, which is conceded to be such, and therefore charter provisions relating thereto prevail over general laws, if inconsistent therewith.” In similar matters, the cities become free agents under freeholder charters except as they encounter the jurisdiction or interest of other cities.
Militant Democracy and Fundamental Rights, I
Authors: Loewenstein Karl
Published: May 2006

Fascism a World Movement. Fascism is no longer an isolated incident in the individual history of a few countries. It has developed into a universal movement which in its seemingly irresistible surge is comparable to the rising of European liberalism against absolutism after the French Revolution. In one form or another, it covers today more areas and peoples in Europe and elsewhere than are still faithful to constitutional government. Fascism's pattern of political organization presents a variety of shades. One-party-controlled dictatorships rule outright in Italy, Germany, Turkey, and, if Franco wins, also Spain. The so-called “authoritarian” states may be classified as belonging to the one-party or multiple-party type. To the one-party authoritarian group, without genuine representative institutions, adhere at present Austria, Bulgaria, Greece, and Portugal; while Hungary, Rumania, Yugoslavia, Latvia, and Lithuania may be classed together as authoritarian states of the multiple-party type, with a semblance of parliamentary institutions.
Reorganization—A Question of Executive Institutions
Authors: Graham George A.
Published: May 2006

Proposals for administrative reorganization continue to cause controversy. Politicians, academicians, and administrators line up for and against—with men of intelligence and experience on both sides. The temperature of the academicians sometimes rises as much in disputation as does the temperature of their lay brethren. Why such heated disagreement among scholars and scientists? The explanation is suggested by the fact that dissension in the ranks of the academicians is most pronounced when the “dogma of administrative reform” or the “science of management” (as you prefer) is discussed in the abstract. When specific proposals are discussed, differences of opinion among academicians are less extensive and less dogmatic.
Local Government in Metropolitan Chicago
Authors: Jones Victor
Published: May 2006

A balance sheet of local government in the metropolitan area of Chicago for the last five years would show that, while certain developments are tending to make government in the area more complicated, some progress has been realized toward simplified local government.

It becomes increasingly evident, for one thing, that non-governmental groups are organizing their work on a metropolitan basis. The Chicago City Manager Committee, for instance, is securing much of its support from people who do business in the city but who live in the suburbs. The Phi Beta Kappa Association of the Chicago Area, which was organized in 1935, has about one-third of its members living outside the city and about a tenth living outside the county. Consumers' coöperative stores in Chicago and suburbs are organized into a Chicago Coöperative Federation which issues a monthly “Chicagoland” paper.
The Direction of Supply Activities in the War Department; An Administrative Survey, II
Authors: Millett John D.
Published: May 2006

Interestingly enough, in the extensive consideration given to War Department reorganization immediately after World War I, almost no attention was paid to the possible value of the S.O.S., A.E.F., experience. Three thousand miles behind the A.E.F., in Washington, it may have seemed that there was little to distinguish between the Services of Supply and the Purchase, Storage, and Traffic Division of the General Staff with its accumulation of hostile reaction.

In August, 1919, the General Staff of the War Department presented its version of desirable legislation for the reconstitution of a peace-time Army. The measure provided for a General Staff Corps to consist of a Chief of Staff with the rank of General, five assistants to be detailed from the general officers of the line, five Brigadier Generals, and 220 other officers. The bill provided that the Chief of Staff should have “supervision of all agencies and functions of the military establishment” under the direction of the President or the Secretary of War; and it went on to provide that “the Chief of Staff shall be the immediate adviser of the Secretary of War on all matters relating to the Military Establishment, and shall be charged by the Secretary of War with the planning, development, and execution of the war program.
“Bill of Attainder” in the Seventy-Eighth Congress
Authors: Schuman Frederick L.
Published: May 2006

Among the numerous recent clashes between the Chief Executive and Congress, only one poses fundamental constitutional issues. This conflict has arisen from the efforts of Congress to drive three well-known liberals out of the federal service. On September 14, President Roosevelt submitted a special message to Congress, as forecast in his press conference of July 13, recording his view that the action in question was “not only unwise and discriminatory, but unconstitutional” as an “unwarranted encroachment upon the authority of both the executive and the judicial branches,” and hence not binding upon them. The following commentary is offered by a participant observer in the hope that it may help to clarify the climate of Congressional opinion and explain in some degree why defense of the Constitution and subversion of the Constitution have become confused in the national legislature.

Anti-Comintern on Capitol Hill. On February 1, 1943, Martin Dies of Texas arose on the floor of the House on a question of personal privilege to defend himself against allegations by the National Lawyers' Guild and The New Republic that he was giving aid and comfort to the Axis Powers. In the course of his two-hour address (Cong. Record, 78th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. 89, pp. 504–516), he assailed 39 named officials in various executive agencies as “irresponsible, unrepresentative, radical, and crackpot.”
Recent Voting Behavior of Some Nationality Groups
Authors: Williams Frederick W.
Published: May 2006

In continuation of a previous study, the rôle of some nationality groups in the last three presidential elections has been investigated. Whereas the previous study was based upon political behavior by counties within eight states, the present work is based upon political behavior by wards within four cities. The cities were chosen because they contained large proportions of certain nationality groups, and because in these cities it was possible to order census tract material from the 1940 census by wards. Only four cities (Buffalo, Chicago, Detroit, and Pittsburgh) were examined because of limitations of time and expense. New York City is not included because of appreciable changes in the boundaries of Assembly districts between elections.

In order that a group be amenable to our procedure, it was necessary that there be proportionately great enough concentrations within wards so that the actual voting behavior of the group could possibly induce a shift in the election results. In this respect, it must be remembered that the proportion of foreign-born is usually about one-third of the total stock of any given group in the localities. Of the fourteen nationality groups studied here, therefore, not every one could be tested by our method.
Federal Aid to the States: 1940 Model
Authors: Macdonald Austin F.
Published: May 2006

In the year 1930, before the Great Depression had unleashed its full fury, federal aid to the states totaled approximately $135,000,000. The highway grants represented more than one-half of this amount, and National Guard payments accounted for another 22 per cent. The number of subsidies did not exceed 11, even if we treat as separate grants the payments for forest fire protection and distribution of nursery stock—both administered by the Forest Service in the Department of Agriculture. Opposition to the principle of grants-in-aid was strong, and had compelled the abandonment of the grant for child hygiene. No uniform federal policy had been established concerning the purposes for which aid should be given, the bases on which it should be apportioned, or the extent to which the federal administering agencies should exercise supervision or control over state activities.

But 1940 marks the beginning of a new decade. The tragic thirties are past, and the full force of their impact on intergovernmental relations can now be observed. It is timely, therefore, to re-examine the system of federal grants-in-aid, and note the more important changes that have occurred. The most obvious fact is the increased use of the subsidy principle.
Government of “Rurban” Areas
Authors: Perkins John A.
Published: May 2006

Michigan has a metropolitan problem, but by no means confined to the one area of Detroit, commonly thought of as Michigan's only metropolitan region. Other Michigan cities also have “growing pains” as their populations sprawl beyond their formal boundaries. The Motor City continues to suffer from this ailment, but the disease has taken a new form. Not only are the urbanites moving to the suburbs, but the suburbanites are moving to the rural sections. In the smaller cities, the ever-widening circle of dispersion has been straightway from the core city to the unincorporated township. Here the migrating urbanites have not first formed incorporated suburbs, but have established themselves as that new specie, “rurbanites,” at once dependent on the unincorporated township for governmental services.

The 1940 census indicates that Michigan cities are losing population, but that considerable growth is going on beyond their city limits. Second-class cities in Michigan display what is undoubtedly happening to corresponding cities in other states as well. While this state has in Detroit one of the much-studied and publicized metropolitan regions, it has forty-two cities with between 10,000 and 175,000 people. Notwithstanding a state-wide population gain of 8.3 per cent in the last decade, 30 per cent of the state's cities of 10,000 or more lost inhabitants, whereas only four counties out of eighty-three showed a decrease. It is significant, however, that the counties which underwent the most rapid growth were those with large urban centers. For example, Genesee county gained 7.5 per cent, whereas it county seat, Flint, which is also the third largest city in the state, lost two per cent. Jackson county showed an increase of nearly one per cent, while the city of the same name lost 11 per cent.
County and Township Government in 1945
Authors: Snider Clyde F. , Garvey Neil P.
Published: May 2006

Problems of rural local government received considerable attention during 1945 from state legislators, constitution-makers, and the public in general. There were numerous statutory enactments relating to counties and townships, and a new constitution adopted in Georgia contained significant provisions concerning local government. Regular legislative sessions in the states convened, and indeed in a majority of the states adjourned, prior to V-E Day, and in only a few instances did they extend beyond the cessation of hostilities in the Pacific. Essentially, therefore, the 1945 legislative meetings constituted another series of wartime sessions, devoting much of their attention to problems related to winning the war and those of postwar reconstruction. This fact was clearly reflected in the year's enactments concerning local government, as in other fields of legislation.
IV. Economic Mobilization
Authors: Watkins Ralph J.
Published: May 2006

Provision for national security requires planning in many fields—military, technological, political, and economic. Planning in the economic field is of special importance. The sustained striking power of our armed forces would depend to a large extent on our economic preparedness and on the speed and effectiveness with which the economy could be converted to war production.

Economic mobilization involves the marshaling and coördination of the nation's resources as an integral part of a total war effort. It means the conversion of thousands of factories from the production of civilian goods to the production of essential war items. Machine tools and other industrial equipment must be reconditioned and new machinery made and installed for the production of airplanes, ships, tanks, and guns. Facilities for the production of essential war-supporting products and services must be expanded, and the output of non-essential products must be curtailed. Allocations, priorities, rationing, and conservation measures must be imposed to assure the effective utilization of manpower, materials, production facilities, fuels, power, and communication and transportation services. These and other wartime measures must be accomplished with a minimum disruption of the civilian economy, lest they destroy the sources upon which the effectiveness of economic mobilization in a democratic nation depends.
“Contract Clause” Litigation in Colombia; A Comparative Study in Judicial Review
Authors: Grant J. A. C.
Published: May 2006

The 1910 amendments to the Colombian constitution provided:

Art. 40. In every case of incompatibility between the Constitution and the law the constitutional provisions shall be applied by preference.

Art. 41. To the Supreme Court of Justice is confided the guardianship of the integrity of the Constitution. Consequently, in addition to the powers conferred upon it by this Constitution and the statutes, it shall have the following: To decide definitively as to the enforceability of bills that have been vetoed as unconstitutional by the Government, or as to all laws and decrees accused before it by any citizen as unconstitutional, first hearing the Attorney-General of the Nation.

The first function, “to decide definitively as to the enforceability of bills that have been vetoed as unconstitutional,” was merely a restatement of the plan copied from Ecuador in 1886 and still in use, although it has proved a major disappointment.
IV. Underground Politics in Post-War Japan
Authors: Wildes Harry Emerson
Published: May 2006

Party Organization Undemocratic. Outwardly, Japan is governed by political parties working for democracy through parliamentary action. The presence of four major parties, plus some 1,250 other political groups officially recognized by the nine-member Election Management Commission, offers what appears to be corroborative evidence that Japan follows the line of Western political development.

In practice, this is sheer illusion. The 1,250 parties seem bewilderingly numerous, yet no one but the American is in the least confused. All Japanese realize that the so-called parties are, in reality, nothing more than local subdivisions of major groups, together with a swarm of wholly unimportant minor factions made up of irresponsibles with no actual following. An Oriental will form a group, dignified by a high title, at the drop of a hat. Because the law requires it, and because it satisfies his vanity, the Japanese will register his association (although actually composed of himself, his brother-in-law, and his next door neighbor) as a political party; as such, it will appear on the record as one of the 1,250 organizations. As a matter of fact, it may, and probably will, split into fragments and even disappear before the registrant has returned home; but since no procedure is provided for the erasure of a name from the list, the total snowballs into astronomical figures.