bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Recent Discoveries in Roman Britain from the Air and in the Field
Authors: Richmond I. A.
Published: May 2006

It is now some twenty years since an audience at St. John's College, Oxford, heard Mr. O. G. S. Crawford describe, with illustrations, some of the pioneer results in the application of air-photography to archaeology. The impression made was that he had not only cleared the air but conquered it; and for a brief hour we looked upon our old world through new spectacles of undreamt power. An entirely new point of view had been gained, and it was evident that we were upon the brink of a revolution in method and attitude in field-research. As time has passed, however, the limitations of the new instrument have become more apparent. Even at first the most striking results were obtained in southern England, and upon prehistoric material. But it is still true that results elsewhere, while often striking, are comparatively meagre. There are, in fact, specific conditions attached to successful archaeological photography from the air; and for everyone, airmen included, the question is first best studied from the ground, since the strongest limitations are imposed by factors on the ground itself.
Roman Colonisation from the Second Punic War to the Gracchi
Authors: Salmon E. T.
Published: May 2006

The following list of the colonies planted in this period can be made (a name in italics indicates that the colony was of the Latin type):

194 Puteoli, Salernum, Buxentum, Liternum, Volturnum, Sipontum, Tempsa, Croton (Livy xxxiv, 45; cf. xxxii, 29, 3). ca. 194 Pyrgi (see below, p. 28).

193 Copia (Livy xxxv, 9, 7; cf. xxxiv, 53, 1).

192 Vibo Valentia (Livy xxxv, 40, 5; cf. xxxiv, 53, 1).

189 Bononia (Livy xxxvii, 57, 7; cf. 47, 2).

184 Pisaurum, Potentia (Livy xxxix, 44, 10).

183 Mutina, Parma, Saturnia (Livy xxxix, 55).

181 Gravisca (Livy xl, 29, 1), Aquileia (Livy xl, 34, 2; cf. xxxix 55, 4).

177 Luna (Livy xli, 13, 4).
Trade between the Roman Empire and the Free Germans
Authors: Brogan Olwen
Published: May 2006

The campaigns of Caesar and Augustus gave Italian merchants an opportunity of establishing relations with the free Germans. Intercourse was maintained after the withdrawal of the legions to the west of the Rhine, and literary references to the trade which grew up, though few in number, testify to its continuance throughout the time here to be considered. The conception of an illimitable forest primeval stretching unbroken from the borders of the empire into the furthest recesses of barbarism is very far from the truth. Great as were the forests, there existed open or lightly-wooded areas suitable for the settlements of primitive man, and communication between such inhabited regions can be traced from very early times.
Celtic Rock-Carvings in Northern Italy and Yorkshire
Authors: Jacobsthal P.
Published: May 2006

Since 1932 rock-carvings have been coming to light in the Val Camonica, the valley through which the Oglio flows before debouching into the Lago d'Iseo; they were published by Marro and Battaglia and recently, thanks to the initiative of Leo Frobenius' ‘Institut für Kulturmorphologie,’ their number has been considerably increased. F. Altheim in two articles has tried to connect them with Scandinavian rock-carvings and has drawn from them weighty conclusions for the history of early Europe.

I must leave it to competent scholars to check Mr. Altheim's results where Scandinavia, Pre-Italic dialects, runes, terremare and many other interesting subjects are concerned which are hors de ma vitrine. I should only like to draw attention to some pictures which are more or less closely connected with the Celts.
The Nerva Inscription in Beroea
Authors: Cormack J. M. R.
Published: May 2006

The Nerva Inscription in Beroea still lies, where Delacoulonche first reported it, on the right hand of the entrance to the Orta Cami. During a visit to Beroea in 1936, in the company of Mr. C. F. Edson of Harvard University, I was enabled to gather some fresh information about this dedication.

The slab of marble which bears the inscription is embedded in the ground on its side, so that the left half of the inscription has not been seen since the building of the Mosque, the raising of the heavy marble flags of the entrance being a formidable task without some mechanical aid. A rough-surfaced margin surrounds the smooth inscribed field. The lettering is elaborate Imperial, with many ligatures. H. 116 m. Exposed W. at top 0.53 m. Exposed W. at bottom 0.50 m.
Notes on the Curatores Rei Publicae of Roman Africa
Authors: Lucas Christian
Published: May 2006

The creation of curatores rei publicae is a very important factor in the history of local government in the Roman Empire. For it cuts across the division of administration into the central and professional on the one hand and the local and amateur on the other. It brought an imperial official into the heart of that local governing body which presided over the affairs of its community, and gave to him the supervision of its property and financial arrangements. That this interference was caused not by a doctrinaire desire on the part of an emperor for the enlargement of the sphere of the central service, but by the needs of the communities themselves, is indicated by the varying times at which curatores appear in the various provinces. The first known curator in Africa belongs to A.D. 196—nearly a century after the office was initiated.
Octavian after the Fall of Alexandria
Authors: Wilcken Ulrich
Published: May 2006

When I received the welcome invitation to take part in this tribute to Sir Henry Stuart Jones, I realized, to my great regret, that other pressing obligations would not leave me time to prepare a paper worthy of the occasion. But, as altogether to miss this opportunity of expressing my respect and admiration would have been most distasteful, I have ventured to offer him the notes which follow, slight and modest though they are.

It had long been known that in Egypt under Augustus dates were given, in accordance with age-old custom, by his regnal years; but the papyri have revealed, as I was able to show with the help of two examples in 1895, that side by side with this system there existed another method of dating by the years τῆς Καίσαρος κρατήσεως θεοῦ υἱοῦ, both systems alike reckoning from the Egyptian New Year's day in 30 B.C. ( I Thoth = 29 August).
Some Notes on the Legions Under Augustus
Authors: Syme Ronald
Published: May 2006

A papyrus dated to the year 8 B.C. attests the existence of the legion XXII Deiotariana and, indirectly, that of the other legions as well in the series with numbers running from XIII to XXII. It is therefore no longer necessary to say anything about the theory of Mommsen, that eight of them were raised all at once at the time of the Pannonian Revolt, and the other two after the disaster of Varus, or about the milder form in which Hardy served it up. Nobody could now wish to depart very far from the estimate of Emil Ritterling, that Augustus began his Principate with twenty-six or twenty-seven legions, or from that of Mr. Parker, that in 15 B.C. he had twenty-eight. But a general acquiescence does not preclude debate about details which, if they appear small, are never to be despised when they cast light upon imperial principle, or at least practice, and add coherence to a narrative or harmony to a picture.
Some Aspects of the Structure of Aeneid vii
Authors: Fraenkel Eduard
Published: May 2006

On Aeneid 7, 37, ‘Nunc age,’ Servius observes : ‘hinc est sequentis operis initium; ante dicta enim ex superioribus pendent.’ This is obviously correct. That ll. 37 ff. are to be regarded as the prelude to the whole second part of the Aeneid follows from the contents of these lines and also from the fact that the opening words ‘nunc age … Erato’ are a quotation from the beginning of the second half of Apollonius's Argonautica (3, 1) εἰ δ᾽ ἄϒε νῦν, Ἐρατὠ. It is with this exordium, then, that ‘l’Odyssée finit, l'Iliade d'Énée commence’ (Sainte-Beuve, Étude sur Virgile, 2nd edition, 174). We might expect to see the solemn introduction to Part II coincide with the beginning of the Seventh Book. If ever a poet was sensitive to the effects of symmetry and clearly marked arrangement, it was Virgil. And yet here, at one of the most conspicuous points of the Aeneid, he allows himself a glaring asymmetry. An attempt to remove the stumbling-block by means of violent textual criticism has been made, but is now justly forgotten. The difficulty, however, has still to be faced. Instead of pretending that everything is normal when it is not, we should try to answer the question why Virgil has here avoided what seems to be the most natural arrangement.
Roman Garrisons and Soldiers in Asia Minor
Authors: Ramsay W. M.
Published: May 2006

The following corrections and additions are required in Section III of this article (J.R.S. xviii, p. 187, the last nine lines). Any reader is requested to delete the last nine lines, and to substitute the following.

The important inscription published by Buckler and Calder in J.R.S. xvi, p. 74 shows that cohors I Sugambrorum came from Moesia to Eumeneia somewhere about A.D. 130: apparently Eumeneia was the goal of this march, and vows became payable on arrival. It has elicited valuable comments from Atkinson (loc. cit.) and Ritterling (J.R.S. xvii, p. 28), who have, however, not exhausted the evidence. This coh. I Sug. quing. was intended to replace another cohort, which was moved up to the East, probably coh. I Raet.
Vasa Murrina again
Authors: Harden D. B.
Published: May 2006

A reassessment of the problem of Vasa Murrina based upon a study of a fluorspar vase in A. Loewental's possession was recently published in this Journal (XXXIX, 1949, 31 ff.) by Loewental and myself. The late C. E. N. Bromehead very kindly added a ‘Mineralogical Note’, afterwards elaborated in Antiquity (XXVI, 1952, 65 ff.), supporting his view that the true Murrines were fluorspar. But even by 1952 Bromehead was unable to cite any actual fluorspar vase of Roman date whose present whereabouts is known, other than the two which Loewental and I had published. He did, however, refer to Corsi's mention (1845) of ‘two antique fluorspar vases found in Rome, one in the Museo Kircheriano… another in the possession of Signor Gillet-Laumont’. This Kircheriano specimen is also mentioned by Middleton as late as 1892. Bromehead also cites independent statements by Egglestone and Sheppard that ‘Blue John’ vases had been found at Pompeii and Herculaneum respectively.
The Roman Civil Service (Clerical and Sub-Clerical Grades)
Authors: Jones A. H. M.
Published: May 2006

The first and indeed the only Roman clerical officer to achieve historic fame was Gnaeus Flavius, a scriba of the aediles, who published the secrets of the ius civile and of the calendar and was himself elected aedile in 304 B.C. From this incident some interesting facts emerge on the status and organization of the early Roman civil service. Scribae, if one may generalize from Gnaeus Flavius' case, were, unlike the public γραμματεĩς of the Greek cities, professional clerks who normally made the civil service their life's career, and were therefore experts at their job—sometimes considerably more expert than their annually changing masters. On the other hand, they were not, like the δημóσιοι who often performed similar work in Greek cities, public slaves, but citizens, though of rather humble standing. Flavius was the son of a freedman and, when he stood as aedile, the returning officer refused to accept his name until he formally renounced his profession. Servi publici were not unknown at Rome, particularly in the service of the priestly colleges, but the greater and more important part of the civil service consisted of salaried citizens.
Forerunners of the Gracchi
Authors: Taylor Lily Ross
Published: May 2006

The tribunate of the plebs, according to a statement that Marcus Cicero puts into the mouth of his brother Quintus, was an office born in sedition and destined to create sedition (‘in seditione et ad seditionem nata,’ Leg. III, 19). There were two major periods of sedition. The first, the time of strife between patricians and plebeians, lasted from the birth of the tribunate in the early fifth century to the Lex Hortensia of 287 B.C. The second is usually dated from the tribunate of Tiberius Gracchus in 133 to the dictatorship of Caesar, a time when the tribunate was repeatedly an instrument of revolution, now accompanied by violence. The general view is that in the century-and-a-half between these two periods the tribunes, except in the time of Gaius Flaminius, were in accord with the Senate and were indeed agents of senatorial rule.
The Army and the Land in the Roman Revolution
Authors: Brunt P. A.
Published: May 2006

The Roman revolution, which transformed an oligarchic Republic into the Principate of Augustus, had its origin, as Sallust (BJ, 41–2) saw, partly in the misery of the poor, in a social crisis, whose origins I cannot discuss here; it began with the Gracchi and with agrarian reform, and agrarian reform remained a leitmotiv in the turbulent century that followed. I need only mention the laws or bills of Lucius Philippus, Saturninus, Sextus Titius and the younger Drusus, the settlement of the Sullan veterans, the proposals of Plotius, Rullus and Flavius, the agitation of Catiline, and the land allotments of Caesar, the Triumvirs and of Augustus himself. Modern accounts tend to obscure or even deny the unity of this theme throughout the period. It is true that in the earlier phase reformers were more concerned to find remedies for social distress as such, and in the later to provide homes for veterans. But the Gracchan settlers and the veterans had two things in common: they were mostly countrymen, and they desired to obtain a secure livelihood by owning their own land. According to Appian (BC 1, 27), whose testimony we have no right to reject, the work done by the Gracchi was not lasting (cf. n. 1). Hence, the distress they had tried to alleviate persisted or revived; the governing class remained indifferent. Unorganized and unarmed, the followers of the Gracchi could save neither their leaders nor their own interests; men of the same class, with arms in their hands, were the essential instruments for bringing down the Republic.
A third-century Inscription relating to angareia in Phrygia
Authors: Frend W. H. C.
Published: May 2006

During a brief visit to Afyon Karahisar in central Anatolia in September, 1954, my attention was drawn by Bay Süleiman Gökce, Curator of the Vilayet Museum, to a large inscription which had recently been brought to him. It had been found at Sulmenli (Eulandra ?) some nine miles away, and salvaged by local officials. Thanks to the Curator's kindness I was able to make a copy on the spot and take a squeeze and photograph. The latter was improved upon considerably by Mr. Michael Ballance, former Fellow of the British Institute at Ankara, who visited Afyon in September, 1955, at my request, with the result that many of the difficulties in reading a battered and incomplete text have been resolved.

The inscription (pls. VII and VIII) had been carefully cut on a large slab of greyish-yellow marble with a moulded edge. It had been broken on the left-hand side and below. There was a hole in the right side approximately 0·64 m. from the top for a dowel about 2 cm. square in section. There were two more holes in the back, and it is clear that the inscription had been originally fixed to a wall, perhaps in the village which won the case. Height, 0·82 m.; width at widest point, 0·69 m.; thickness, 0·12 m.; letters, 1·4–1·5 cm. for the first twenty-nine lines, and thereafter approximately 1·6 cm. The greater part of the first forty-one lines have survived, the surviving portion containing between forty-eight and fifty-six letters on each line.
The Imperium of Augustus
Authors: Jones A. H. M.
Published: May 2006

There has been a tendency among some modern scholars to regard the constitutional position of Augustus as of negligible importance. This is a natural reaction from the excessive legalism of Mommsen and his school, and has had valuable results in elucidating extra-constitutional elements in the position of the first Princeps, such as his outstanding auctoritas and his huge clientela. I do not think however that we can lightly brush aside the constitutional basis of his power. I do not wish to suggest that the restored Republic was intended to be genuine, or even that Augustus meant to share his power with the Senate and People: never for one moment did he part with his control over the great bulk of the legions. But I would suggest he would not have created the elaborate facade of Republican legitimacy, and moreover have subjected his original scheme to at least one radical revision, unless there had been some important element in the State to which the constitution mattered, and mattered so profoundly that its dissatisfaction would endanger the stability of the régime.
A. Platorius Nepos as Tribunus Plebis
Authors: Gordon Arthur E.
Published: May 2006

It is known from an inscription at Aquileia, of which he was a patronus, that A. Platorius Nepos, friend of Hadrian, consul suffect in 119, and legate of Britain from about 122 to 124, had been at one time tribunus plebis. Of some 16 inscriptions that name him and that are remarkable in being all exactly or approximately datable the Aquileia one is the only one that gives his name complete— ‘A. Platorius A. f. Serg. Nepos Aponius Italicus Manilianus C. Licinius Pollio’. From this it would appear (though, so far as I know, no one has previously drawn this conclusion) that his original name had been ‘C. Licinius Pollio’, but that he was adopted by one A. Platorius … Manilianus (whose name also looks like the result of adoption at some stage) and took Platorius’ name, adding at the end of it his own original name for formal completeness, as normal at this period. (Elsewhere he is named ‘A. Platorius Nepos’, ‘Platorius Nepos’ [in the same diploma, by error, also ‘Pretorius Nepos’], in the brickstamps ‘Plaetorius Nepo(s)’ or ‘Pl. Nep.’, and in the Augustan History Life of Hadrian ‘Pletorius Nepos’ or simply ‘Nepos’.)
The Limes Tripolitanus II
Authors: Goodchild R. G.
Published: May 2006

In a previous article in this Journal the writer and Mr. J. B. Ward Perkins gave a summary historical and archaeological sketch of the Roman Limes in Tripolitania, illustrated by the two sites, Ain Wif and Gasr Duib, investigated in 1948. Further evidence of the character of this Limes was obtained in the summer of 1949 when air and ground reconnaissances were made over a considerable area of the frontier zone, with the aid of the Royal Air Force and of the military authorities in Tripolitania. Since this new information relates particularly to the indigenous elements in the Tripolitanian frontier army, and to the types of fortified homesteads occupied by the limitanei—aspects which were referred to very briefly in the former article—it has seemed desirable to incorporate it in a supplementary paper, preceded by a note on the historical regio Arzugum, which is evidently to be identified, at least in part, with the Tripolitanian frontier zone.
A Legal Point about Mark Antony's Will
Authors: Crook John
Published: May 2006

‘An opportune discovery–so opportune that forgery might be suspected, though the provisions of the will do not perhaps utterly pass belief.’ So Syme, judiciously; and the remarks that follow cannot be claimed to settle anything, but merely to draw attention to one feature of those provisions which seems to have escaped notice (or at any rate specific mention), and which may have a certain weight in the scales as between genuineness and forgery.
Some Notes on Cicero's Letters to Trebatius
Authors: Fraenkel Eduard
Published: May 2006

Few scholars in our time have striven so unceasingly and so effectively as Hugh Last has done to emphasize the essential aspects of the res Romana and of its impact on the history of our civilization. So it was inevitable that he should have reminded us time and again of our debt to the man who, though not one of the greatest Romans, was to become, together with Virgil, the most influential of all, Cicero. It seems fitting therefore that when I join the scholars who wish in this volume to give a token of their gratitude to a magnificent historian, teacher, and friend, I should speak of Cicero. But I do not feel capable of making a contribution to the deeper understanding of this complex and exciting figure. So, indulging in the minute ἀκριβολογία which is inherent in φιλολογία, I shall confine myself to a few remarks on some minor points arising from Cicero's letters to Trebatius. These seventeen pieces (Fam. 7, 6–22), introduced by the delightful letter by which Cicero recommends the promising young lawyer to Caesar (Fam. 7, 5), are perhaps the happiest series in the large epistolary output of this unsurpassed letter-writer.
Mark Antony in Alexandria—A Note
Authors: Fraser P. M.
Published: May 2006

The lively interest shown by Professor Last in the study of Roman Egypt is typified not only by his active interest in the Egypt Exploration Society but also by several articles in the field, among them that recently published on the powers of the Prefect of Egypt (JEA, 40, 1954, pp. 68 ff.). I hope that this note concerning Mark Antony will be of interest to him.
Composition of the Senate, A.D. 68–235
Authors: Hammond Mason
Published: May 2006

The composition of the Roman Senate from the death of Nero in A.D. 68 to that of Alexander Severus in A.D. 235 changed in respect to both the social classes and the geographical areas from which new members were drawn. Detailed studies have been, and continue to be, made of the membership of the Senate during different reigns within these limits and it is the purpose of this paper to draw together into a general picture the results of the following such studies: —
War and Finance
Authors: Crawford M. H.
Published: May 2006

The introduction of the denarius system—gold with the types Head of Mars / Eagle, denarii, bronze of sextantal standard and victoriati—can now be dated within the brief period between early 213 B.C., when the quadrigatus was still in issue and late 211 B.C., by which time coins of the denarius system had reached Morgantina. With this dating it becomes possible to give an exact account of the breakdown of Rome's earlier coinage system and add considerably to our understanding of the financial and monetary policy of the Roman Republic.
The Plough in Roman Britain
Authors: Manning W. H.
Published: May 2006

The aim of this paper is to summarize the available information on the types of plough used in Roman Britain. There are a number of sources for such a study. Much of our knowledge of the basic structure of these early ploughs comes from the finely preserved Iron-Age examples which have been found in Scandinavian peat bogs. These also serve to supplement and clarify the most detailed surviving description of the Roman plough, which is given by Vergil in Georgics I. A few models of the Roman period have been found in Britain and Germany. Of major importance, of course, are the surviving parts of Romano-British ploughs (which are all, in fact, either shares or coulters), and material from Roman Europe can be used to amplify these. The Elder Pliny has a detailed, but difficult, section on the various types of share and occasionally he throws light on other aspects of the subject. Finally, a certain amount of information can be gained from comparisons with modern plough types.
Quintilian and the Vir Bonus
Authors: Winterbottom Michael
Published: May 2006

‘Sit ergo nobis orator quem constituimus is qui a M. Catone finitur, vir bonus dicendi peritus, verum, id quod et ille posuit prius et ipsa natura potius ac maius est, utique vir bonus.’ (Inst. XII, 1, 1). Why did Quintilian insist so strongly on the moral qualities of the orator ? The question has not been persistently enough asked. Austin, for example, thinks that it is only ‘a steadfast sincerity of purpose throughout’ that redeems the first chapter of Book Twelve from ‘mere moralizing’. And it only takes the problem a stage further back to say that this is a matter of Stoic influence. Even if Posidonius did formulate in connexion with rhetoric a maxim on the lines of Strabo's οὐχ οἷόν τε ἀγαθὸν γενέσθαι ποιητὴν μὴ πρότερον γενηθέντα ἄνδρα ἀγαθόν, we must still ask why Quintilian troubled to give this Stoic view such new prominence. After all, ‘oratori…nihil est necesse in cuiusquam iurare leges’ (XII, 2, 26). And it is clear that Quintilian realized that he was innovating. Cicero, he writes, despite the width of his conception, thought it enough to discuss merely the type of oratory that should be used by the perfect orator: ‘at nostra temeritas etiam mores ei conabitur dare et adsignabit officia.’ (XII, pr. 4). This is perhaps to schematize the contrast a little over-dramatically. Cicero had certainly written in theDe Oratore: ‘Quarum virtutum expertibus si dicendi copiam tradiderimus, non eos quidem oratores effecerimus, sed furentibus quaedam arma dederimus.’ (III, 55). But there is no doubt that Cicero was not primarily concerned with the moral aspect. As the leading orator of his day, he may have thought it indelicate or superfluous to stress that the perfect orator must be a good man. Moreover, it was not clear that the troubles of Cicero's day were the result of morally bad orators: one had to look back to Saturninus and Glaucia for examples of the evils caused by unscrupulous use of words.
The Origin of Verism in Roman Portraits
Authors: Richter Gisela M. A.
Published: May 2006

Was the verism of Roman Republican portraits due to Italic, Etruscan, Roman, Egyptian, or Greek influence? This question has been much discussed, especially of late. Of particular interest is the recent theory that late Egyptian portraits played a decisive part. In this article I want first to discuss the evidence for the various influences that have been considered potent in the creation of Roman verism, and then try from this evidence to deduce which factor, or which factors, were the most potent. I shall examine in particular the Egyptian and the Greek theories, for in these fields I may perhaps have something new to say, whereas the Italian side has been thoroughly explored.

The question at issue is an important one; for, as Schweitzer has said, the birth of Republican Roman portraiture was as momentous a happening in the history of art as was the birth of individualistic representation in Greek art. The many different views that have been held regarding the origin testify to the complexity of the question. If a convincing solution could be obtained, it would clarify, I think, our whole understanding of that great phenomenon—the origin of Roman art.

First I must define the word ‘verism’, which has only comparatively recently entered our archaeological vocabulary. Verism I take to mean a somewhat dry realism, a realism which shows the person portrayed as he really is, without idealizing tendencies, with wrinkles and warts and other physical defects, and also, what is more important, with an expression not of a philosopher or poet or visionary, but of what might be called a man of affairs.
The Commentariolum Petitionis: Some Arguments Against Authenticity
Authors: Nisbet R. G. M.
Published: May 2006

There are two formidable arguments against the authenticity of the Commentariolum Petitionis. In the first place its purpose is not clear. It is too rhetorical to be a private letter (and the last sentence actually invites suggestions for improvements); but equally it is too cynical to have been published during an election campaign (cf. especially §§ 5, 19, 35, 42, 45–7, 52). Secondly, in several passages the commentariolum bears a close resemblance to the in toga Candida, which on the face of it was written later; and there are conspicuous objections to the view that M. Cicero borrowed from his younger brother. Other suspicious circumstances can also be mentioned, notably the silence of Asconius and the transmission side by side with the undoubtedly spurious epistula ad Octavianum.
Eurycles of Sparta
Authors: Bowersock G. W.
Published: May 2006

The most notable personality in the history of Augustan Greece is the Spartan, C. Julius Eurycles. As a partisan of Octavian, he led the Spartan force against Antony at Actium, and his name reveals that his allegiance was rewarded with Roman citizenship. Eurycles enjoyed the friendship of Augustus, and abused it. The history of this man provides valuable evidence for Augustan policy toward cities and dynasts of the East. Yet most of the modern literature dealing with him is inconclusive. It will be impossible to say the final word about Eurycles, but a great deal of confusion can be cleared up. Moreover, a recently published palimpsest requires that a crucial piece of evidence be revised.
The ‘Ara Pacis Augustae’
Authors: Toynbee J. M. C.
Published: May 2006

Dr. Stefan Weinstock's article ‘Pax and the “Ara Pacis”’, contributed to Volume L, 1960, of this Journal (pp. 44–58), has performed two signal services to archaeology. In Part I of his paper the writer has given us a full and very valuable account of the cult of Peace in the Greek and Roman worlds from the fourth century B.C. to the Flavian age; and throughout the study as a whole he most properly insists that we possess no explicit evidence, such as that of an inscription, to prove that the well-known monument excavated in the Campus Martius is to be identified with the Ara Pacis of the texts. This is a point on which all previous students of the monument, myself included, have certainly laid far too little emphasis. It is, however, not perhaps quite fair to imply that the advocates of the equation have been victims of credulity (p. 44), even if they have in their writings taken that equation too much for granted, or to state that ‘the question has never been asked why it [the monument] should be the Ara Pacis’.
Roman Private Law and the Leges Regiae
Authors: Watson Alan
Published: May 2006

According to tradition Rome was founded by Romulus in 753 B.C. and was ruled by seven kings until the expulsion of Tarquin the Proud in 509. Later writers, particularly Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Plutarch, attribute a considerable volume of legislation to these kings, especially to Romulus, Numa Pompilius and Servius Tullius.

The story of this legislation is doubted by modern scholars in two ways. First it is maintained that at such an early time law would not be created by legislation. Secondly it is claimed that law such as is described for the period could not then have existed, but is either an invention of the history writers or is the law of a later period which has been pushed back in time. The doubts are so profound that it has been said we know as good as nothing about law before the decemviri.
Further Aspects of the Tabula Contrebiensis
Authors: Birks Peter , Rodger Alan , Richardson J. S.
Published: May 2006

In this article we explore, in more detail than was possible for Richardson in his paper published last year, some of the issues raised by the tabula Contrebiensis. Since this discussion is intended to complement Richardson's article, we have not dealt with matters discussed by him upon which we feel that we have nothing fresh to add. We have modified some of the points made by Richardson, and the reader will soon notice that we raise more questions and doubts than we are able to answer or settle, so that the picture which emerges from this article may appear less clear-cut than the picture drawn by Richardson. It is hoped none the less that by drawing attention to the problems which we have encountered we may at least alert other scholars who may be able to solve them.
Tacitus: Some Sources of his Information
Authors: Syme Ronald
Published: May 2006

I. When a consular turned to the writing of history he had full years of experience behind him; and the reminiscences of elderly survivors, not missed by an alert youth, carried a man nearly a century into the past. The mass of knowledge thus accruing has not always been taken into account by adepts of Quellenforschung.

A senator's employment could hardly fail to affect his beliefs and opinions. It might be expected to leave traces here and there in his writings. For Cornelius Tacitus ascertainment comes against impediments: reticence all through. He even proclaimed a distaste for ‘iactantia’ when adducing his praetorship and priesthood on the occasion of the Ludi Saeculares held in 88. For occupations abroad he chose to reveal only the four years' absence from Rome not long after that season. That disclosure was likewise made in strict relevance to his theme. The command of a legion will be assumed without discomfort.
The Pay of the Auxilia
Authors: Speidel Michael
Published: May 2006

One of Rome's greatest achievements was the successful enlistment of her conquered peoples for the defence of her empire. How much was Roman statesmanship willing to pay for this? Part of the answer lies in the dignity, freedom, and participation which Roman rule granted to these peoples. Another part of the answer will be found in the pay of the auxilia; for although they were recruited from among the subject nations they matched the legions in numbers, fighting spirit, and efficiency at integrating the provinces into the Empire.

The pay of the auxilia and its relation to the pay of the legions is a vexing problem which has elicited the ingenuity of many scholars. Recently, however, a new reading of the papyrus P. Gen. Lat. l and a newly-found inscription have increased the scanty evidence. They may now reveal at least part of the answer.
The Procurator as Civic Benefactor
Authors: Duncan-Jones R. P.
Published: May 2006

The largest private donations to a municipality recorded in the Latin West are probably those which appear in an inscription from Castulo in Hispania Tarraconensis. The inscription, known only from a copy made in the sixteenth century, is very laconic; but its details are self-consistent, and its phraseology resembles that of another inscription from Castulo whose original survives. Huebner, who had to reject as forgeries many inscriptions from this town, accepted the text as genuine, and his judgement was endorsed by Dessau, who included it in his Inscripttones Latinae Selectae.
Housing and Population in Imperial Ostia and Rome
Authors: Packer James E.
Published: May 2006

In the accounts of contemporaries imperial Rome looms as the largest and most magnificent capital of its age, and it is only natural, therefore, that modern scholars have attempted to determine with some precision both the size of the city's population and the way in which that population was housed. The evidence relating to the two closely connected problems is both archaeological and written : the ruins of ancient houses which still exist in Rome and the literary works which deal in part with the number of inhabitants or the buildings in the capital.

The remains of several relatively well-preserved antique structures in Rome lend substance to Guido Calza's assertion that the apartment-house was the most common form of domestic architecture in the imperial capital. The ruins of one such dwelling (Plate VI, 1) are embedded in the city walls built by the Emperor Aurelian in the third century A.D. Located just south of the Porta Tiburtina, the remains comprise the garden facade of a four-storey brick building which originally contained apartments whose plans varied from floor to floor. This variation in the layout of flats within the building may be traced today in the placement of windows on each level.
Between Man and God: Sacrifice in the Roman Imperial Cult
Authors: Price S. R. F.
Published: May 2006

Because men addressed him as Augustus in view of his claim to honour they revere him with temples and sacrifices over all the islands and continents, in cities and tribes requiting him for the magnitude of his virtue and his benefactions towards them.

This passage from a biography of Augustus by a contemporary writer, Nicolaus of Damascus, gives a rare picture of the way in which the emperor was honoured in his lifetime throughout the provinces of the empire. The temples and sacrifices to which it refers formed part of a nexus of cultic honours, classified by the Greeks asisotheoi timai, honours equivalent to those given to the gods, which also included priests, festivals and games. This form of royal ritual stretched back in the Greek lands three hundred years to the time of Alexander the Great and beyond and constitutes a fundamental aspect of the relationship between subject and ruler in the ancient world.
Roman Terracotta Lamps: the Organization of an Industry
Authors: Harris W. V.
Published: May 2006

It should be plain that important progress is to be made in the economic and social history of the Greco-Roman world through more systematic studies of the material remains. In the field of ancient manufacture and commerce, M. I. Finley has called for ‘a more sophisticated effort to approach quantification and pattern-construction’, and other historians too are well aware of what needs to be done. Doing it, however, can be difficult, for such projects, if approached with a scholarly desire for precision, bristle with complications, and the results can often be no more than tentative. Such is the case with this study of the terracotta lamp industry. For their part, the archaeologists who have studied groups of terracotta lamps, whether from particular sites or particular museums, have not altogether succeeded in fitting the material into the known framework of Roman life (this is not to suggest a primacy of written over material sources, simply that both are indispensable in economic history).
Calpurnius Siculus: Technique and Date
Authors: Mayer R.
Published: May 2006

In 1854 Moritz Haupt, in a classic exercise of the higher criticism, established that only the first seven poems of a collection of eleven which had all passed under his name could be attributed to Calpurnius, and that the last four belonged to Nemesianus (Opuscula I. 358–406). This division and attribution is beyond question now. Haupt then went on to show that Calpurnius was active in the Neronian age. Some of the evidence was philological. Indeed, it was the very evidence which he had used to distinguish the techniques of the two poets. E. Champlin, however, claims that ‘all the traditional indications of a Neronian date are based on circumstantial details which are equally appropriate to other periods in imperial history’. This is incautious. For Champlin, unlike Haupt, fails to consider such matters as prosody and diction, which are, after all, historical data that may prove to be as useful tools to the historian as an allusion to a barbarian invasion or to a consular year. In fact, all the ascertainable evidence was not put into the balance. We now turn to that evidence.
The ancient ports of Cumae
Authors: Paget R. F.
Published: May 2006

Cumae was the first city founded by Greek colonists on the mainland of Italy. It attained pre-eminence for a time in the Bay of Naples and its influence was exercised over a wide area for more than 500 years. Yet the detailed phases of its long history are still very nebulous and patchy. References in ancient writers deal mainly with its contacts with the rising power of Rome. Little excavation has been carried out on the site (apart from the cemeteries) and the published information is mostly of a general nature, more suited to tourist appreciation than to that of serious students. Serious students do not lack interest in the problems presented by Cumae, but they may perhaps lack familiarity with its topography. Whatever its faults of scholarship may be, this present study is at least the product of eight years' residence and assiduous delving into the archaeology of the Cuma/Bacoli Peninsula.

The story of Cumae is naturally divisible into two stages; the Greek and the Roman. Most accounts begin with a discussion about the date of its foundation, and where the colonists came from. But it is not the date that interests us here in this enquiry; it is the reason why exploring sailormen not only visited here but chose Cumae as their trading station, when there were apparently more attractive sites at Misenum and other places round the Bay of Naples; to say nothing of all the sites they will presumably have passed by on their voyage from Greece.
Individuality in the Imperial Constitutions: Hadrian and the Antonines
Authors: Williams Wynne
Published: May 2006

A considerable number of texts of official pronouncements of Roman emperors (which will be referred to, rather inaccurately, as constitutions, for the sake of brevity) have been preserved on inscriptions, in papyri and in the writings of the classical jurists and the imperial Codes. Such texts provide the kind of documentary evidence which is regarded by historians of more recent periods as primary material, as narrative histories and biographies are not. Such rigour is not possible in Roman history, but it is clearly desirable to make the best use of these documents, especially in a period such as that between Hadrian and Commodus, when they are especially plentiful but, as far as literary sources go, there is not even the doubtful light of a panegyric to supplement the glimmerings of an epitome. But the kind of use to which they are put depends on the question of their authorship: are they to be treated as the work of the individual emperors in whose names they were issued, or of a civil service which continued to operate in much the same way while emperors came and went? The latter hypothesis has commonly been taken for granted until recently, even if not explicitly stated and argued for. In 1967 Millar showed that all the external descriptions of the methods of work of the emperors took it for granted that the emperors normally dealt in person with problems presented to them and produced the constitutions issued in their names themselves: hence those who wished to uphold the second hypothesis described above would have to prove that ‘vast ranges of imperial business were handled by the bureaux in private, systematically concealed from the view of our literary sources.’
The Census in the First Century B.C.
Authors: Wiseman T. P.
Published: May 2006

The aim of this article is to consider three questions which seem to me to be crucial to the understanding of the late-republican and Augustan censuses: (a) Why was only onelustrum—that of 69—performed between 86 and 28 B.C.? (b) Does this mean that there was only one census of the Roman people held in that period ? (c) Why was the figure ofcivium capitapublished in 28 B.C. (4,063,000) so much larger than that for 69 (900,000 or 910,000) ? The third question was re-opened recently when Professor Arnold Toynbee, in a long Annex on the republican census-figures in the first volume ofHannibal's Legacy, endorsed Beloch's view, which Tenney Frank had rejected, that Augustus used radically different criteria for his enumeration from those employed by the censors of the Republic. Moreover, P. A. Brunt has indicated his adherence to Beloch's view in several places, and defends it in detail in his forthcoming book on Italian manpower.
To Entertain an Emperor: Sperlonga, Laokoon and Tiberius at the Dinner-Table
Authors: Stewart A. F.
Published: May 2006

Even to-day, twenty years after its discovery in September 1957, the great corpus of sculptures from the grotto by the sea-shore at Sperlonga still retains many of its secrets. The sheer quantity and richness of the material, its clearly programmatic character, and the enigmatic personalities and affiliations of its sculptors cannot but prompt any visitor to the cave and museum, specialist or no, to ask: what was the purpose of this great complex of Odyssean themes? When were they carved and for whom? Only recently, with the preliminary publication of the major fragments and their replicas by Conticello and Andreae, have their subjects and positions been satisfactorily determined, and the groundwork laid for a solution to such problems as these.

All four major groups had, as their protagonist, Odysseus. First of all, at the mouth of the cave on the left, he was shown dragging the limp corpse of Achilles away from the battle before Troy (Pl. IX, 1), and on the right, standing thwarted of his plan to snatch the Palladion away from Diomedes (Pl. IX, 2 and 3); in the centre of the pool the scene shifted to his wanderings, with his ship, its helmsman still clinging desperately to the stern, enmeshed in Scylla's coils (Pl. IX, 4–X, 2), while in the dim light of the cavern at the rear to the right, he appeared for the last time to direct his companions in the blinding of a gigantic Polyphemus (Pl. X, 3–XI, 4; cf. Pl. XII, I).
Empire and City, Augustus to Julian: Obligations, Excuses and Status
Authors: Millar Fergus
Published: May 2006

The early Roman Empire rested on a network of cities, which were capable both of conspicuous expenditure locally, in the form of public buildings, shows and festivals, and of carrying many of the functions of government; but by the fourth century their capacity to perform these roles had drastically declined. Both the capacity and the decline depended in part on the availability or inavailability of the richer classes to undertake expenditures associated with public offices or with liturgies. These remarks are of course mere commonplaces. They have become so, in the first place, because precisely these changes were noted, and the issues relating to them consciously formulated, in the fourth century itself. So Libanius writes in his Funeral Oration for Julian:

He showed the same care also in relation to the councils in the cities, which formerly flourished in both numbers and wealth, but by that time had come to nothing, since their members, except for a very few, had switched course, some into military service, some into the Senate … The remainder were all but sunk, and for the majority of them undertaking public services (to leitourgein) ended in beggary. Yet who does not know that the vitality of its council is the soul of a city ? But Constantius, while in theory aiding the councils, in practice was their enemy, by moving elsewhere men who sought to evade them, and granting illegal exemptions (ateleiai).

Three points should be noted here: Libanius assumes an evolution which was, if not universal, at any rate general throughout the Empire; the crisis is regarded as having been caused by the availability of roles or statuses which offered an alternative to the obligations of city councillors ; and this availability itself is seen as a product of imperial actions, which (as Libanius goes on to say) Julian had taken steps to reverse.
Procum Patricium
Authors: Momigliano Arnaldo
Published: May 2006

‘The sovereign power of the dictator, theimperium, was … an unrestricted regal power, taken over ca. 504 B.C. by the 300 horsemen of the noblemen-bodyguard, who constituted then the patriciate, i.e. the closed circle of the potential holders of the imperium’. This is a quotation from A. Alföldi's latest book,Early Rome and the Latins(Ann Arbor), 1965, p. 44, and summarizes his theory of the origins of the Roman Republic. According to Alföldi the aristocracy of the monarchic period was an aristocracy of knights, and theircoup d'étatof about 504 B.C. brought about the end of the monarchy. As is well known, Alföldi developed this theory in a previous book,Der frührömische Reiteradel und seine Ehrenabzeichen(Baden-Baden, 1952) which is chiefly meant to prove that the various attributes of the senatorial order—including the special shoe for the patrician senators, thecalceus patricius—were originally characteristic of the archaic knights. To the best of my knowledge, Alföldi never says explicitly that the senators of the monarchic period must have been identical with the 300 ‘celeres’ who were the king's bodyguard according to some of the ancient sources (Livy 1, 15, 8; Plut.,Rom.26; Zonaras 7, 3, 4). But this seems to be Alföldi's implication—in fact it was already Niebuhr's hypothesis.