bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Date of the Athena Rospigliosi Type
Authors: Waldhauer Oscar
Published: May 2006

The great number of replicas of the youthful Athena known as the Rospigliosi type proves that the original was a famous statue. The bad state of preservation as well as variations in the different copies have made it difficult to date the original; the lack of good reproductions has also caused misunderstandings and has led astray the scholars who have dealt with the type. I think it necessary, therefore, to publish here a Hermitage fragment of very good workmanship, which is untouched and unrestored by any modern master. I shall not here undertake to explain the strange attributes—stars on the aegis, sea-monster in the Rospigliosi statue; the present purpose is merely to fix the date of the original.

The fragment reproduced here for the first time in fairly good photographs (Plates VII., VIII.) was found in 1823 in the so-called Vigna del Collegio Inglese on the Palatine at Rome, and formed part of the Museo Campana until 1861. The Emperor Alexander II bought a part of this collection for the Hermitage; among these marbles the fragment of the Athena statue found its way to the then newly-arranged Museum of Ancient Sculpture. Being only a fragment it was exhibited in a rather dark corner and could not be sufficiently well studied. A rough drawing in Gerhard's Antike Denkmäler and a very small illustration in Kieseritzky's Catalogue of 1901 were the only accessible publications.
Poet Or Law-giver?
Authors: Reinach Theodore
Published: May 2006

Few Greek statues are so famous as the draped marble figure, somewhat larger than life, known under the name of ‘Sophocles,’ which has been for many years the chief attraction of the Lateran Museum (Figs. 1, 2). Indeed it was on account of this statue, and on the occasion of its discovery, that Pope Gregory XVI ordered a part of the Lateran Palace to be converted into a Museum, wishing to provide the gem with a worthy shrine of its own.

Nor is such fame undeserved.

The calm and dignified attitude, the high-spirited head, the clever and harmonious arrangement of the drapery, the careful, broad and supple workmanship—everything combines to make our statue not only a masterpiece of Greek art, but the classical type of an Athenian gentleman shown in the bloom of full manhood, as he may have been met with sauntering about the theatre or agora in the fifth century B.C.

Though all do not agree that we have here, as has been often said, the finest lifesize portrait which has come down to us from Hellenic sculpture, at any rate, since the first day of its appearance, artists and archaeologists have been unanimous in its praise.
M. Jean Gennadius
Authors: Macmillan George A.
Published: May 2006

By the death of M. Gennadius in September the Society has lost one of its oldest and most devoted friends and supporters, and indeed in a sense one of its founders, for, as I have stated in my History of the Society, it was in conversation with M. Gennadius, then Greek Chargé d'Affaires in London, that in 1877 the idea of founding such a Society arose when he told me of the recent foundation in Paris of a Société pour l'Encouragement des Études Grecques. We were agreed that the French lead might well be followed in this country, and when, in the autumn of 1878, the co-operation of Professor Sayce made it possible for me to take the preliminary steps for carrying out the idea, M. Gennadius was helpful in suggesting the names of Englishmen whom he had known to have travelled in Greece, for it was to these in the first instance that our appeal was addressed. The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies was founded in June 1879, and, in recognition of the active part he had played in its inception, M. Gennadius was included in the first list of Vice-Presidents and attended many meetings of Council, for a time also serving on the Library Committee. From 1882 he was enrolled as an Honorary Member, and during the half-century which has since elapsed he never ceased to follow the progress of the Society with constant and sympathetic interest. I have before me the eloquent address which he delivered when, in 1904, the Society celebrated the twenty-fifth anniversary of its foundation.
The constitution of Theramenes
Authors: Stevenson G. H.
Published: May 2006

There can be little doubt that, as Eduard Schwartz points out, the problem of the political sympathies of Thucydides can only be properly approached if it is remembered that his history in its present form was revised and possibly rewritten after the end of the Peloponnesian War. He was living in an atmosphere of défaitisme. Many of his contemporaries tended to glorify Sparta and her institutions, and to regard Athenian imperialism as a disastrous mistake. As a man of the older generation Thucydides felt it his duty to counteract this tendency by drawing attention to the real idealism which had inspired the Machtpolitik of the Periclean age, and by pointing to the benefits which the rule of Athens had conferred on the Greek world. The Preface to Book I may be regarded as a veiled apologia for the Athenian Empire, which had secured for Greece the freedom of intercourse which the writer holds to be essential alike for economic prosperity and for cultural development. Similarly the contrasts which Thucydides draws between the Athenian and the Spartan character, and the glorification of Athens which is the main subject of the Funeral Oration are inspired by the hope that the disillusioned Greeks of the early fourth century might come to realise that the ideals of Pericles and other Athenian imperialists had been not sordid but noble, and that Greece as a whole had derived benefits from the rule of Athens.
An Illustration of Bacchylides
Authors: Pryce F. N.
Published: May 2006

Plate V represents a small Attic bell-krater in the collection of Mr. Edward Armytage, who has kindly permitted its publication. The subject is novel: it appears to be the arrival in Attica of Theseus, and shews in detail a close correspondence with our main literary source, the seventeenth ode of Bacchylides. The two youths on the left are the two companions of Theseus, Peirithoos and Phorbas—δύο (F)οι φῶτε μόνους ὰμαρτεῖν λέγει (l.c. line 45). They are
in travelling costume, booted and cloaked, wearing ephebic fillets and bearing pairs ofspears—ξεστοὺς δὲ δύ᾿ ἐν χέρεσς᾿ ἀκοντας (1. 49, though said of Theseus himself, not of his comrades).
Inheritance by adoption in Phrygia: an inscription
Authors: Guthrie W. K. C.
Published: May 2006

The following is from my notebook of an Anatolian journey made in 1932. The text is from a copy on the spot subsequently checked by impression and photograph:—

In a fountain about 2 km. South of Salir (i.e. at the North end of L. Karalis), limestone stele broken above. In the field, two eagles, below them two female figures, below them a standing lion facing 1., with his r. forefoot on the head of an ox. Inscription on the moulded base. H. 1.29 m., W. 0.53–0.56, Th. 0.33–0.16, Letters 0.015–0.02.
Attic lekythi in the Beaney Institute, Canterbury
Authors: Cook Godfrey G.
Published: May 2006

H 113 is a red-figured lekythos, the head, neck and handle missing: present height 18.5 cm. Its subject is Nike standing before a small altar; on this is a bowl into which she pours a libation.

H 124 is a red-figured lekythos, entire; height 25.4 cm. Nike, in running attitude, before an altar, holds a torch in each hand; the left raised, and with the right kindling a flame on the altar. The wing is different in design from that in H 113, and is detached.
Studies in Attic Treasure-Records
Authors: Woodward A. M.
Published: May 2006

The Attic Treasure-records of the fourth century B.C., or more strictly speaking those subsequent to a change in the system of administration which took place shortly before the archonship of Euklides (403/2 B.C.), afford a much more complicated subject of study than the Treasure-records of the fifth century. There is, in the first place, a far larger number of inscriptions, covering nearly a hundred years; the objects dedicated are incomparably more numerous, and are constantly increasing; and the frequent changes in the method of recording the treasures, and in the system of their administration, add to our difficulty,, and furnish many problems of which a final solution is probably unattainable. The task of workers in this field has, however, been much simplified by the recent republication of all the material in the latest part of theEditio Minorof the AtticCorpus(Inscriptiones Graecae, Vol. ii.–iii.ParsII.,Fasc.i., 1927), and it would be hard to exaggerate the importance of this publication, thanks to Kirchner's masterly handling of the texts concerned.
The Congress at Athens (October, 1931) on the Preservation of Monuments
Authors: Smith C. H.
Published: May 2006

The International Conference on the Protection and Preservation of Monuments of Art and History took place in Athens from October 21st, 1930. Part of the time was taken up in visits to Daphni and Eleusis, and in a cruise to Nauplia (for Epidauros, Tiryns and Mycenae), Crete (Knossos, Phaestos and Malea) and Delos.

About three days only were available for the reading of papers and discussions, which ranged over a large field, covering monuments of all periods, the chief aim being to collate evidence as to methods already adopted in different countries, and to discuss the possible advantage to be derived from centralised study or action by the International Museums Office. As a result, the Conference passed a series of resolutions which, though for the most part of a somewhat generalised order, will, it is hoped, enable the Office to prepare measures with the view of implementing at least some of the agreed principles.
Two Notes on Seleucid History
Authors: Tarn W. W.
Published: May 2006

I have long suspected the 500 elephants of Ipsus, as the number is too remote from anything else known. Omitting these, the largest force of elephants which Greeks ever saw in action was the 200 of Porus; the largest force which any Greek ever commanded was the 120 or there-abouts which Eudamus brought to Eumenes; the largest force which any king is recorded on good authority to have possessed is the 150 of Antiochus III. The number which Alexander (who never used them in battle) collected in India cannot be ascertained; but the uniformly modest numbers which, Eudamus' force apart, figure in the history of the Successors before Ipsus show that he cannot have brought away from India anything approaching 200. The vast figures attributed by various writers to Indian kings and peoples may be neglected, though doubtless Chandragupta, reckoning in the forces of his vassal kings, did control a large number. I have now by accident stumbled on something which certainly will explain the number 500 attributed to Seleucus; it remains to be seen whether the explanation be the correct one. I am not claiming to give an exact proof that it is, but there is a very high degree of probability. I had better indicate the proposed explanation first before coming to the Greek evidence about Seleucus.
Vases from Odos Pandrosou
Authors: Karouzou Semni Papaspyridi
Published: May 2006

The showcases of the antique-dealers in Odos Pandrosou are full of little lekythoi which were painted for the tombs of humble men of the people, and which to-day are destined for modest purchasers or for the Inspectors of the Archaeological Section of the Ministry of Education, while for more important purchasers there are hidden away somewhere else works of much greater value. It is seldom that we are stopped by the art or the subject of one of these lekythoi.

In 1943 when I was making an inventory of the stock of one antique-dealer—that which was on show—I picked out one lekythos which the owner gladly presented to the National Museum (Plate IVa, Figs, 1 and 2). From the funeral pyre the surface of the vase has taken a brown-grey colour, and the many joins show that it had been thrown to be broken and burnt with the dead body.

A curious male figure wrapped in a himation up to the top of the head, so that only the -eye and the upper part of the head remain free, walks rapidly to the left, raising one leg vigorously. He lifts his himation with his hand to help him move. High boots cover his legs to a point just below the knee. The hanging wreath does not appear to be related to the interpretation of the picture, but is taken from the commonplaces of funeral lekythoi, especially white ones.
Archaeology in Cyprus, 1939–45
Authors: Dikaios P.
Published: May 2006

During the war organised archaeological excavations in Cyprus were suspended. The Pennsylvania University Expedition to Curium continued at work during the early years of the war and then closed down. The Department of Antiquities staff was reduced and therefore could not undertake systematic excavations. Accidental discoveries, however, which were multiplied by digging operations by the Army, were attended to, and any excavation necessary for the safeguarding of the remains uncovered, carried out.
Alcibiades, Agis and Spartan Policy
Authors: Westlake H. D.
Published: May 2006

Athenaeus quotes from Satyrus a passage in which is described the remarkable facility shown by Alcibiades in adapting his way of life to his environment (FHGIII, 160 = Athen. XII, 534b): I. The Archaeological Report, λέγεται, φησίν, ὅτι ἐν Ἰωνίᾳ μὲν ὢν ‹Ἰώνων› ἐφαίνετο τρυφερώτερος, ἐν Θήβαις δὲ σωμασκῶν καὶ γυμναξόμενος τῶν Θηβαίων αὐτῶν μᾶλλον Βοιώτιος, ἐν Θετταλίᾳ δὲ ἱπποτροφῶν καὶ ἡνιοχῶν τῶν Ἀλευαδῶν ἱππικώτερος, ἐν Σπάρτῃ δὲ καρτερίαν καὶ ἀφέλειαν ἐπιτηδεύων ἐνίκα τοὺς Λάκωνας, ὑπερῆρεν δὲ καὶ τὴν τῶν Θρᾳκῶν ἀκρατοποσίαν. This chameleonlike quality of Alcibiades is also stressed by other writers, who, however, in cataloguing the localities in which he displayed his adaptability, differ somewhat from one another and from Satyrus. Plutarch (Alcib.23, 5) mentions Sparta, Ionia, Thrace, the court of Tissaphernes; in another passage (Mor.52e) Athens, Sparta, Thrace, the court of Tissaphernes; Nepos (Alcib.11, 2) gives Athens, Thebes, Sparta, Thrace, the Persian Empire; Aelian (V.H.IV, 15) gives Sparta, Boeotia, Thessaly, the court of Pharnabazus. Now Athenaeus, in the passage where he quotes the above fragment of Satyrus, is evidently following a collection of anecdotes about Alcibiades (XII, 534–5, where he cites several other authors), and very probably Plutarch, Nepos, and Aelian derive their material from similar compilations, which were extensively used by writers of the Roman period; but, sinceflorilegiaon Alcibiades must have been numerous, it is not to be assumed that all are copying from the sameflorilegium.
Archimedes and the Design of Euryalus Fort
Authors: Lawrence A. W.
Published: May 2006

The argument of this paper is that the fort on the Euryalus at Syracuse was modernised by Archimedes, who is recorded to have been the chief military engineer or scientific adviser to his native city before and during the siege by the Romans.

The fort lay outside the populated area of Syracuse though within the walls. The town had originally been confined to an island between the two harbours, but soon extended on to the mainland of Sicily; the ground to the west was swampy, hence the suburbs necessarily spread up the Epipolae hill to the north. This hill forms a tilted plateau, 3½ miles long, which slopes towards the island, but is surrounded elsewhere by a cliff, except at the inland extremity where it joins on to higher country. Since the cliff afforded a strong line of defence, the town walls were eventually carried all round the edge of the plateau, making them 17 miles in circuit. This great extension was the work of the tyrant Dionysius I, in the year 402 and later; the need for it had been demonstrated twelve years earlier, when the Athenians captured the plateau and almost starved the town into surrender. The strongest part of the fortifications was necessarily at the inland extremity of the plateau, the one place where nature provided no obstacles. Here the highest ground runs off to the west in a ridge that rises into two gentle mounds, one of which was called Euryalus, meaning the ‘wide nail’ (or wart). The town-walls included only one of these summits, and upon it stands the fort in question, overlooking one of the main gateways of the city.
The Excavations of Al Mina, Suedia. IV. The Early Greek Vases. A Postscript
Authors: Robertson Martin
Published: May 2006

In my publication of this material in JHS LX 2-21, I stated that no East Greek pottery had been found of a date later than about 600 B.C. (certain fragments of ’Rhodian’ B from levels 5-7), and that this left a gap in the Greek contacts of the site, since the next appearance was the Attic of level 4, the earliest piece of which is dated by Professor Beazley (JHS LIX 1) to about 525 B.C. Sir Leonard Woolley, discussing this gap in JHS LVIII 20 ff., concluded that it was accidental and did not imply that relations had actually ceased during that time. Mr. Sidney Smith, in a most interesting article in the Antiquaries' Journal, XXII, 87 ff., contended that the absence of finds was no accident but represented a real break. While working recently over some of the unpublished fragments, I found one which does something to support Sir Leonard Woolley's view.
The Progress of Greek Epigraphy, 1937–1938
Authors: Tod Marcus N.
Published: May 2006

In the following pages I summarise briefly the work published in the past two years relative to Greek inscriptions, following the same system as hitherto; I mark with an asterisk all books or articles which I have not personally consulted. Once again I tender my warmest thanks to those scholars who have lightened my task by sending me copies of their works.

Death has claimed in the period under review a number of men who have rendered notable service to epigraphical studies, among them A. Brueckner, R. Cagnat, J. Chamonard, P. Dareste, C. C. Edgar, P. Graindor, E. Loewy, P. Perdrizet and S. Ronzevalle; but some of the veterans continue in full vigour, such as F. Cumont, who attained his doctoral jubilee in 1937, and J. Zingerle, who celebrated his seventieth birthday in 1938. Mention must also be made of the successful International Epigraphical Congress, held at Amsterdam in August and September, 1938, with W. Vollgraff as President and J. J. E. Hondius as Secretary.
The Apology of Plato
Authors: Hackforth R.
Published: May 2006

I wish to reply to the attack on my book, The Composition of Plato's Apology, which you have seen fit to publish over the signature G. T. in the last issue of JHS. (liv, p. 225). The general purport of the review is that I have invented a non-existent problem, and that the solutions of it, in general and in particular, which I have offered are misconceived and can be lightly dismissed. The writer's view, I gather, is that the Apology is throughout a substantial reproduction of Socrates' actual speech, from which nothing has been subtracted and to which nothing has been added; this at least appears to be meant by the words ‘ When he wrote the Apology, his motive was—why not?—to tell the truth.’ Now it is perfectly legitimate to believe that: what is illegitimate is to represent it as a fact which no one but a fool could question. Any well-informed student of Plato must know that competent critics from the days of Dionysius of Halicarnassus to those of Wilamowitz, J. B. Bury and Gilbert Murray, have been unable to accept it; there have been, indeed, as I pointed out in my preface, all shades of opinion expressed on this question. To disregard this fact, which is surely a material fact for a reviewer, betrays either astonishing ignorance or an arrogant and impudent dogmatism.
The Religion of Greece in Prehistoric Times. The Sather Lectures, XVII. By Axel W. Persson. Pp. 189; pl. 11 + 29 text figs. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, and Cambridge University Press, 1942. 12s.
Authors: E. J. F.
Published: May 2006

Dr. Persson's account of prehistoric Greek religion is based upon precise observation of his archaeological material and general inference from cults in the nearer ‘Afrasian’ countries. There is also a chapter on its survivals in classical Greek religion and another on comparisons with that of the Nordic Bronze Age. His archaeological evidence consists mainly of twenty-eight engraved signetrings from Crete and the Greek Mainland, rather more than have hitherto been counted among religious documents ; their subjects are excellently reproduced in enlarged photographs and are very fully, ingeniously and plausibly described. A twenty-ninth illustration shows the elaborate design of the ‘Ring of Minos’ convincingly analysed into three subjects which have been copied with inadequate knowledge from other rings. The ‘Ring of Nestor’ and those of the ‘Thisbe Treasure’ are more discreetly bypassed. Dr. Persson's conclusion is that Minoan–Mycenaean religion as shown in the pictorial series of the signets, even in the bull-fighting scenes, was principally concerned with the annual vegetation cycle, in which human death and burial were involved. He finds here a single goddess and a young god whom he identifies or compares with the divine consorts of fertility cults in Asia Minor, Syria, Babylonia and Egypt. The multiplicity of deities apparently persisting from prehistoric times, in later Greek cult and mythology, is reasonably explained by the adoption of invocatory epithets as proper names, partly through the ignorance of the Hellenic population, partly through their inclination towards definite ideas and persons in religion.
The Monetary Reform of Solon
Authors: Milne J. G.
Published: May 2006

As a preliminary to the consideration of the changes introduced by Solon into the currency system of Athens, it will be well to review the situation which he had to face. He had found the farmers of Attica in a condition of hopeless insolvency owing to the burden of borrowed money, and had relieved them by a summary process of cancelling their debts: in effect, he had adjudged them bankrupt and then given them their discharges, so that they could start afresh with the moral guarantee of the State to support their credit, like any modern trader who has similarly gone through the courts. But it would have been of little use to do this unless he had at the same time provided some safeguard against the recurrence of the trouble: this had been so widespread that it must have been due to some cause which operated throughout the industry, not to the shortcomings of individuals; and, as the step which Solon took was to reform the currency, it is clear that in his view it was the currency which had been at fault.
Some Cave Chapels of Southern Italy
Authors: Robinson Gertrude
Published: May 2006

There are few things in history more illusive and at the same time more persistent than the tradition that the Hellenistic language and culture did not cease to be part of the life of Southern Italy when Magna Graecia ceased to be anything but the shadow of a great name. It is a fact that the Hellenism of South Italy has a habit of being lost sight of. It hides itself, as it were, from the end of the Punic wars till the time of Justinian. After the end of the Byzantine domination it again burrows into the earth, and it is only now when it is indeed disappearing that we begin to realise that it has been there all the time. There have always been signs of its presence for those who will look for them.
The Prometheus
Authors: Malden R. H.
Published: May 2006

We are familiar only with the highlymoralised version which appears in Genesis. There it has been moulded by the teaching of the Hebrew prophets as to the nature of God and His relation with mankind. In Genesis the myth is used as the vehicle of a meditation on the origin and nature of sin, the permanent value of which is not in dispute. But what was its original form before it had undergone this moralising process ? I do not know whether any information is available. But it is not impossible that in the original form of the myth, common to all the Semitic peoples, the moral character of God was not beyond criticism from the Christian standpoint; which every modern writer does, in fact, adopt instinctively. An a-moral or immoral deity may be a contradiction in terms to us. But only to us. Such a being might well be defied by man, and perhaps eventually defeated by him. The Babylonian version of the story of the Flood, which is older than the one in Genesis, shews that the idea of a deity hostile to mankind presented no difficulty to the Semitic mind. This conception, with Prometheus in the role of Adam, might help to solve the problem of the relations between Prometheus and Zeus which Mr. Kitto regards as the heart of the difficulty (p. 14).
A Sybarite Himation
Authors: Robertson D. S.
Published: May 2006

Dr. Jacobsthal's learned and ingenious discussion of the himation described by Pseudo-Aristotle in de miris auscult. 96, 838a (JHS lviii, 1938, 205 ff.) is not wholly satisfying. In general it remains strange that so splendid a work should belong to one of the later revivals of Sybaris, and in detail the use of зῴδια for views of cities is unnatural, while the interpretation of Πέρσαι as Persepolis, though just sufficiently attested, is hardly convincing.

The difficulty centres in Σούσοις. Apart from this word everyone would translate Πέρσαις ‘ Persians, ’ and it is easy to imagine for the lower border a processional composition of Oriental warriors. Heyne's Σούσοις is not plausible, since no Greek is likely to have differentiated Susians from Persians.

I would suggest that Σούσοις is a corruption of Σκύθαις. We need not press the ethnic names: it is enough to suppose two friezes of distinguishable barbarians. The assumed corruption is easy, since C and Θ are notoriously similar in uncials, while K is often confused with IC, I is often lost, and C is often confused with O. A little illegibility in an uncial ancestor would account for all the misreadings, and the names Σούσων and Περσῶν occur only two lines apart in c. 27 supra, and may have been running as a pair in the scribe's head. The tendency of manuscripts of this treatise to miswrite proper names is illustrated by their disagreement over Alkisthenes in this passage and by other corruptions, such as Μηδικὴν for Μαιδικὴν (c. 1), κύὴνπρῳ for Γυάρῳ (c. 25), and Κολούσοις for Λουσοϊς (c. 125).
Interstate Juridical Agreements in the Athenian Empire
Authors: Hopper R. J.
Published: May 2006

Thucydides i, 77: .

It has been said of this passage, ‘The words of the Athenian orator in Thucydides i, 77: are a familiar puzzle, and any new attempt to discuss them is apt to excite a smile.’ The whole of the chapter in which they stand has received much attention from editors of Thucydides, and from those concerned with the judicial organisation of the Athenian Empire. The problems which present themselves are four in number: (a) the identity of the allies whose complaints are the subject of this passage; (b) the correct division, if division is necessary, of the sentence ; (c) the interpretation of the term ai ξυμβόλαιαι; (d) the extent to which conclusions on a–c are borne out by other literary references and by the epigraphical evidence.
Hero's and Pseudo-Hero's adjustable siphons
Authors: Drachmann A. G.
Published: May 2006

In the first book of Hero's Pneumatics, chaps. 4–6, there is a description of a way in which it is possible to make water flow at a constant and adjustable rate. This is the old problem of the water-clock, in which the flow of water has to be constant during the day, but must be adjusted from day to day to suit the unequal length of the hours, which were reckoned from sunrise to sunset, and so were long in summer but short in winter. Hero solves the problem in the following way :—

In the container he places a siphon, through which the water flows ; this siphon he places on 2 float, which sinks down slowly as the water drains out. The rate of the flow depends upon the depth of the outer end of the siphon below the surface of the water of the container; as the float follows the surface, the depth is constant, and so is the rate of the flow.
Again the temples of Ephesus
Authors: Löwy E.
Published: May 2006

Whoever advances a theory in opposition to the common opinion cannot expect to meet at once with consent. Therefore I value it highly that the review of my paper Die Artemistempel von Ephesos (JHS. 1932, 130) inclines to accept my chronology of the Ephesian archaic finds, this chronology having been the main object of the paper. I would welcome the statement that ‘few would nowadays be unwilling to follow Rumpf in bringing the ivory figurines down into the sixth century’ (I myself indicated this date in AM. 1925, 30, note 4); but this assertion seems rather optimistic, considering the widespread approval extended to V. Müller's Frühe Plastik.
Archaeological Discoveries in Sicily and Magna Graecia
Authors: Zanotti-Bianco Umberto
Published: May 2006

At Syracuse, in the area between Neapolis and south Achradina, where Landolina found the famous Venus in 1804 and where Prof. Orsi later investigated some Greek tombs (NSc 1925, pp. 176–208; 296–321), the digging of trenches, 4 m. deep, for the foundations of a new hospital brought to light an archaic Greek cemetery. The tombs are for the most part excavated in the rock, and are covered with thick slabs in several pieces. In one of the trenches five large sarcophagi were discovered; they were each cut from a single block of stone, and their covers are in one piece. Two have been brought to the Museum, while three remain buried under the foundations. Their contents were unimportant. The pottery found, mostly fragmentary, is Corinthian, Rhodian and archaic Attic of the seventh and sixth centuries B.C. The most interesting of the vases, now undergoing restoration, and not yet exposed in the Museum, is an amphora showing a warrior killing a monster with a human head.
A New Fragment of the Parthenon Frieze?
Authors: Gomme A. W.
Published: May 2006

The story of the fragmentary head illustrated in fig. 1 is, in the words of Colonel Charles Healey, C.M.G., as follows:

24 Sussex Mansions,

London, S.W. 7.

8 July, 1935.

This fragment from the frieze on the Acropolis was given to me about the year 1890 by my father-in-law, Baron Ernst von Poellnitz. He was an officer in the Bavarian army when Prince Otto of Bavaria was placed on the throne of Greece. Baron Poellnitz' company was camped on the Acropolis with strict orders that no one should carry away any relics. On the long march back to Bavaria my father-in-law noticed one of his men obviously hampered by the weight of his knapsack, which contained this fragment. After making numerous efforts without success to return it to Athens, Baron Poellnitz retained the fragment, which he gave to me.

Colonel Healey has in turn given it to me, with this note of its origin.

The head is in low relief, facing right, with the lower part of the face broken away. The back of the marble has been knocked off, probably to lighten it. The upper side is preserved; and on it is to be seen the edge of the raised section behind. The distance from this edge to the face of the marble (the background of the head) is ·013 m.
A New Fragment of Greek Music in Cairo
Authors: Mountford J. F.
Published: May 2006

The papyrus numbered 59533 in the Catalogue Général of the Cairo Museum is a mere scrap (13 cm. × 12 cm.), on one side of which is written a fragmentary text with suprascript musical signs:

The writing is along the fibres, that is to say, on the recto if the scrap originally formed part of a roll; the verso is blank; and the papyrus has been folded horizontally. The right-hand and the top seem to be the original edges of a sheet or roll; the left-hand is clearly defective, and though the bottom edge may be the original edge of a sheet, it is not the bottom of a roll. The writing is carried to the extreme right-hand edge, without a margin. Below the text there is some scribbling which seems to have no particular significance and is probably to be taken as a probatio pennae rather than as a signature.
Kleomenes, Marathon, the Helots, and Arkadia
Authors: Wallace W. P.
Published: May 2006

Plato says that the Spartans arrived one day late for Marathon because they were at the time engaged in a war against Messene, and he hints that they had other difficulties too. As there is no mention of this revolt of the Messenians in Herodotos or Thucydides, or in any later historian, it is generally supposed that Plato (whose historical references are notoriously inaccurate) was simply mistaken about it. Nevertheless, two curious facts seem to support him: Zankle was seized about this time by Anaxilas of Rhegion and renamed Messene because, says Pausanias, Messenians fleeing from the Spartans after an unsuccessful revolt formed the bulk of his forces; secondly, Strabo says that the second Messenian War was the one in which Tyrtaios was engaged, and that there were two later wars between Messene and Sparta—the last of these, the fourth, was presumably the one which followed the earthquake of 465; the third may then be Plato's war in 490. These two supporting indications have not convinced most historians, for Thucydides gives a different explanation of the renaming of Zankle, and Strabo does not clearly and definitely refer to a revolt in 490. It has also seemed surprising that no authors earlier than Strabo and Pausanias should have preserved the tradition of the war. The question has often been discussed, most recently and fully by Jacoby, who decides that the revolt is a fiction.
Two Archaic Terracottas
Authors: Higgins R. A.
Published: May 2006

The British Museum recently bought by auction a number of terracottas in a lot together, of which two (1953, 4–10, 1 and 2) are of more than usual interest (Fig. 1). These are virtually identical and must have been made in the same mould. They are hollow, moulded front and back, and open underneath; there is no vent in the back. The modelling of the front is summary but careful: that of the back is sketchy in the extreme; this is due not to careless moulding, but to the cursory treatment of the back of the model from which the mould was made. The clay is rather coarse but homogeneous, pale orange in colour, and contains a fair amount of mica.
A Greek Vase from the Thames
Authors: Boon George C.
Published: May 2006

The Attic red-figure kylix (Figs. 1–2) which is the subject ο this note was acquired by the Reading Museum prior to 1896. It is mentioned in Stevens, Descriptive Catalogue of Reading Museum, 1896, p. 41, as having been dredged from the Thames. Closer provenance is not recorded, but the vessel was most probably found near Reading.

The kylix, which measures 5·95 in. across the rim, bears a fairly heavy deposit of lime, a feature characteristic of many river finds. The lime has been removed in order to expose the painting, which is a figure in the coarsest style of the ‘Pithos’ painter (Beazley, ARV, pp. 116–17, 952), representing a reclining, naked youth wearing a tiara, seen from behind. Typical of kylikes with decoration of this type is the large drinking-horn splashed across the lower part of the figure. Close parallels to the painting occurred at Al Mina (Beazley, JHS LIX, 1939, pp. 2–3, nos. 6–14) and are ascribed to the late sixth century B.C.
Religious Propaganda of the Delian League
Authors: Barron John P.
Published: May 2006

There have been found in Samos boundary-stones, horoi, of the temene of Athena, Ἀθηνῶν μεδέονσα, and of the Eponymoi and Ion, both Ἀθήνηθεν. All come from the great plain of Khora which runs between Tigani, the ancient city, and the Heraion. On the ground of these inscriptions alone it has been suggested, and it is commonly believed, that Athens made her conquest of Samos in 439 the occasion for seizing all or part of the plain, and that a tithe of the land seized was assigned for the benefit of the three Athenian cults represented, the remainder being occupied by a party of cleruchs from Athens. The plain of Khora is both the largest and the richest in the whole island. No doubt it was the property of the aristocratic Geomoroi, descendants of the early settlers and presumably to be identified with the oligarchs who had revolted from Athens in 441/0. That their lands should have been forfeit upon their own flight into sanctuary at Anaia would not be surprising in the context of the harsh terms which Athens imposed. Moreover, we have an obvious parallel in the confiscation and division of Lesbian territory after the revolt of Mytilene in 427, and in the allotment of a tithe of the divided kleroi to the gods on that occasion (Thuc. iii 50). Epigraphical evidence for temene confirms that similar measures were taken when a cleruchy was sent to Chalkis in 446.
Oxyrhynchus Papyrus 2390 and Early Spartan History
Authors: Harvey F. D.
Published: May 2006

In 1957 Mr Lobel published, in the twenty-fourth volume of the Oxyrhynchus Papyri, a large fragment of a commentary on the Spartan poet Alcman. It is the second column of this papyrus which I propose to discuss; lines 13 to 22 give us some information about the Spartan royal family, and lines 22 to 25 seem to be saying something about the Spartan tribal organisation. Unfortunately, however, much of the left-hand side of the column is missing at this point; and when, from line 22, we do at last have a few letters from the left-hand side, we are faced with a gap running up the right-hand side as well. Because of this, it will be necessary to spend some time in an attempt to discover what the papyrus said, what it might have said, and what it could not possibly have said. Until this is done, no historical conclusions can safely be drawn.

Before starting on an examination of the text, however, it would be as well to state what can be known about the author of the commentary. We can be certain that he had the work of previous scholars before him. In line 4 he refers to Theon, the Augustan grammarian, and in line 5 to Tyrannion; there were two grammarians of that name, and we cannot tell which he means (Lobel 54). Furthermore, in line 28, τῶν λοιπῶν is best taken as meaning ‘the other commentators’ (see p. 70). Whether or not he was an intelligent man is a question on which it is better not to dogmatise. He is capable of interpretative remarks of dubious value (lines 9–13, with Lobel ad loc.). There is certainly a muddle in the third column, which may indicate stupidity on the part of the commentator, or carelessness on the part of the scribe. We should not assume too readily that what he says is the gospel truth about early Sparta. On the other hand, we should remember that he might be working from a reliable source.
Thrasybulus, Conon and Athenian Imperialism, 396–386 B.C.
Authors: Seager Robin
Published: May 2006

The London fragment of the Oxyrhynchus historian begins with a narrative of the voyage of Demaenetus to Conon and the reaction which it provoked. This is the last incident with which P deals under the winter of 396/5, and he describes it as approximately contemporaneous with some other incident, not improbably the mission of Timocrates. With one ship Demaenetus sailed off to join Conon, lacking the authorisation of the people, but not before secretly communicating his plan to the boule. The language of the following section gives the impression that the boule was taken aback by the extent and vigour of the outcry, which might indicate that prior anti-Spartan acts had not created such a disturbance. The action of Demaenetus was less trivial than it may at first seem; it was also more concrete, less easy to excuse or minimise than what had gone before. One of the twelve ships which Athens was allowed, and which could easily be counted, was gone, and Sparta would know perfectly well where it had gone. She had recently suffered a serious reverse in her struggle with Persia, the loss of Rhodes, whilst the apparently unconcealed object of Timocrates had been the incitement to war of the cities of Greece. In the circumstances Sparta would perhaps be more likely than before to treat the least unfriendly move by Athens as an act of war, especially if it took the form of assistance to Persia, whilst at Athens meditation on the possibility of war, inspired by Timocrates' appeal, would create an acuter awareness of the likely results of defeat and so promote greater caution and respect for Spartan sensibilities among prudent men.
Kimon's Capture of Eion
Authors: Smart J. D.
Published: May 2006

Diodoros makes a notorious mistake in his dates for the Eurypontids at Sparta during the fifth century. Under the archonship of Phaidon, 476/5, he records (xi 48.2) the death of Leotychidas, after a reign of 22 years, and the accession of Archidamos, who went on to rule for 42 years. Accordingly, after these 42 years have passed, we find the death of Archidamos and the accession of Agis recorded in 434/3 (xii 35.4). In three subsequent passages, however (xii 42.6; 47.1; 52.1), Diodoros mentions activity of Archidamos during the early years of the Peloponnesian War. Three passages in Thucydides (iii 1.1; 26.2; 89.1) lead us to suppose that Archidamos died sometime in 427, probably in 427/6 (cf. Gomme, Commentary i 405). Thus, given that Diodoros is correct in the length of the reign, 42 years, then his accession date is seven years too high—476/5 instead of the correct 469/8. In consequence, his dates for Leotychidas and Agis are also seven years too high.
Professor Page's Simonidea: A Note
Authors: Davison J. A.
Published: May 2006

In the last volume of this Journal (LXXI, 1951, 133–140) Professor D. L. Page disagreed on some points with an article of mine (CQ XXIX, 1935, 85–95) on the text and metre of Simonides fr. 13 Diehl (the ‘Danae’ fragment). For most of his disagreements he made out what I may be allowed to call a convincing case, but on some points his arguments fall short of conviction, and one of these seems to call for immediate comment.
Emplekton Masonry and ‘Greek Structura’
Authors: Tomlinson R. A.
Published: May 2006

Our knowledge of Greek Architecture depends almost entirely on its actual remains. Undoubtedly the Greeks themselves were much concerned with its more theoretical aspects, and in pursuit of this wrote a large number of treatises, descriptive and analytical, which are frequently referred to by our chief authority for ancient architectural theory, Vitruvius. Since, with one exception—and that only in part (Philo Mechanicus, named by Vitruvius vii praef. 14 as an author ‘de machinationibus’)—none of Vitruvius' Greek sources survives, we experience considerable difficulty in controlling the information he gives us about these aspects of Greek architecture, especially when we try to apply his various theories to the actual remains. First, for all we know, theories and techniques described with some prominence by Vitruvius may not have had a corresponding prominence in the Greek authorities, or actual practice. Secondly, a theory described by Vitruvius as apparently universal may actually have been very limited, either in scope or time. It is in fact true to say that many of Vitruvius' ideas of Greek architecture apply to the Hellenistic period only. Thus the passage on the spacing of columns (iii 3) must owe much to Hermogenes, two of whose temples are given as examples.
Attic Black-Figured Pelikai
Authors: von Bothmer Dietrich
Published: May 2006

In the summer of 1949 the Metropolitan Museum of Art acquired an Attic black-figured pelike which is published here for the first time (figs. 1–3, pl. XX). It was bought from a New York dealer, and nothing is known of its provenance. The vase is 33·3 cm. high and unbroken; its surface, however, was chipped and flaked in places (cf. figs. 1 and 2), blemishes that have since been removed by the restorer at the museum. The potting of the pelike is normal—torus mouth, spreading foot, segmental handles—and the ornamentation—palmettes lying on their sides above the panels—occurs on other pelikai. One feature, however, is unusual: the lip is reserved and two broadish black stripes run around the inside of the neck (fig. 3). A graffito appears on the underside of the foot:

The obverse of the pelike depicts a dramatic moment in the capture of Silenos. The two hunters sent out by Midas crouch in ambush near the fountain in the garden of the king. They wear white petasoi, short chitons, and chlamydes wrapped around their left arms in the manner of big-game hunters and shield-less warriors. Each of them carries two spears; in addition, the one on the rock has a sword in a scabbard suspended from a double baldrick. There was a tradition that Midas had mixed wine into the water of the fountain to lure and capture Silenos: the New York pelike shows how the ruse is about to succeed. Here Silenos approaches, sniffing the familiar odour of the wine and dancing with joy. As yet he hasn't drunk and one fears he will be cheated out of his anticipated pleasure, for the hunters will presently close in, overpower him, and bring him before the king. The vase-painters usually show the moment immediately after the capture, the bringing-in of the prisoner, and his presentation before the king. The ambush proper is represented on only three other vases.
Epigraphical notes from the Ashmolean Museum
Authors: Tod Marcus N.
Published: May 2006

It is a privilege to be allowed to take a part, however humble, in the chorus of heartfelt congratulation, sincere admiration and affectionate good wishes which will greet Professor Sir John Beazley on the occasion of his sixty-sixth birthday. Among my proudest memories is the fact that, during the tenure of my Readership in Greek Epigraphy, my duties were ‘to lecture or give instruction … under the direction of the Lincoln Professor of Classical Archaeology and Art’, and I owe much to his inspiration, his example and his friendship. Nor will it, I hope, be inappropriate if I here offer to him notes on some inscriptions presented to the University of Oxford and housed and exhibited in the Ashmolean Museum, with which the thought of Beazley, the gracious genius loci, is for me, as for many others, inseparably associated. I shall say nothing of the interesting group of Greek inscriptions in Pusey House, nor of the large collection of Latin inscriptions in the Ashmolean, and shall, in the interests of brevity, confine myself in the present article to the Greek inscriptions which were in the possession of the University in 1763, leaving to a future occasion some remarks on the considerable accessions made since that date.
Archaeology in Cyprus, 1949–1950
Authors: Megaw A. H. S.
Published: May 2006

The identification of more Neolithic sites, two on the North coast, six and seven miles east of Kyrenia, throws light on the distribution, and is suggestive of the origin, of the first known settlers on the island.

The publication of the results of the excavations in the Vounous cemetery sponsored by the British School at Athens (E. and J. Stewart, Vounous, 1937–1938. Lund, 1950) offers a wealth of material from the first stage of the Early Bronze Age, which is a valuable complement to that excavated by P. Dikaios and Dr. C. F. A. Schaeffer in the later section of the cemetery.

Several LCII tombs, accidentally discovered at Kalavassos (site Mavrovouni) were excavated by the Antiquities Department. Two of them produced white slip vases of fine quality, which with the other contents are in the Larnaca Museum.

Further campaigns by both Schaeffer and Dikaios carried forward the joint-excavation of the late Bronze Age town site at Enkomi. The grid plan of the street system is beginning to take shape and a new section of the town wall has been laid bare. But both excavators in their 1950 campaigns were mainly occupied with the further investigation of the two impressive buildings, mainly of ashlar construction, previously discovered. Schaeffer recovered evidence of re-use, after a fire, evidently in the twelfth century; and of this period found two seated bronze statuettes, one of them on a throne.