bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Corrigenda: Inscriptions on two Vases
Authors: Smith Cecil
Published: May 2006

A Remarkable instance of the injury that may be done by the so-called restoration of broken or marred works of art is afforded in the case of two Greek vases in the British Museum which have lately been cleaned. It is obvious that the chances are very much against the probability of a vase arriving in an entire state at its final place of deposit in a museum or collection; and that it is to the advantage of an unscrupulous dealer to hide, as far as possible, all traces of fracture or restoration: unfortunately, therefore, it is too commonly the case that a vase while undergoing repairs is treated with a wash of modern paint which, while it hides the fractures, dulls the glaze and mars the fresh metallic gleam, the peculiar charm of Greek pottery: frequently also the imagination of the modern artist is drawn upon in supplying missing details of the design, with the effect, at any rate, of misleading the student; and sometimes, as in the case of both the vases to which I refer, of completely obliterating important inscriptions. The most mischievous error of all is when a part of one vase is used to supply a missing portion of another: a vase which I have lately seen taken to pieces, was found to be made up from fragments of no less than three different vases. Restoration of this kind necessarily involves a certain amount of hacking the materials into shape, whereby portions of the original design are irretrievably ruined.
The Battle of Marathon
Authors: Lloyd W. Watkiss
Published: May 2006

Military history proper must begin with the battle of Marathon; it is the first battle of which history preserves for us even a moderately detailed account in respect of the relative numbers and equipments of the contending armies, the precise situation and local peculiarities of the conflict, the positions of the armies before the battle, the circumstances of the actual collision, and the decisiveness of the result. There are uncertainties as to the maps which should illustrate the far later battles of Pharsalus and Philippi, that determined the fate of the empire of the world, but we have a perfectly satisfactory ground-plan, from the country as it still exists, of the first great collision of Hellenic and Asiatic power on the western coast of the Aegean. Herodotus, to whom we are chiefly indebted for an account of it, was not a contemporary, having been born about six years later, 484 B.C. His account, no doubt, is meagre where information would be most valuable, and he is anything but a skilful military critic, and, like many others of the most successful historians, he neglects details that might be dry to make room for others not rigidly authenticated that are pointed and picturesque. Still, even so he supplies us with many circumstances which he might value simply for the sake of sparkle, but that enable us by comparison with other stray notices to divine some very critical facts about the battle, which he himself either did not fully know, or, not duly appreciating, failed to set down. If after study of all subsidiary information duly compared and combined it seems possible to recover a very fairly authentic account of the battle, it will be no doubt at the cost of some reduction of what is most marvellous in the account of Herodotus; but the story will still be sufficiently romantic, no moderate remainder of marvel will be left, and there is full compensation for the sacrifice in certified credibility and historical instruction.
Historical Notes on Certain Modern Greek Folk-Songs
Authors: McPherson Florence
Published: May 2006

The historical interest and value of many of the folk-songs of Modern Greece has been often acknowledged, and historians have not disdained to quote them as evidence either of facts or of popular feeling. It is therefore desirable in the case of any ballad supposed to relate some historical event to determine as exactly as possible to what event it really refers.

In Passow's most valuable work, as was inevitable in so large a, collection of popular traditional poetry, a few errors seem to have been made in naming, dating and classifying the pieces. Some apparent cases of such error I propose here to examine.

Three ballads numbered by Passow cxciv., cxcv., cxcvi. are headed Literally translated they run as follows:—
Two Cylices relating to the Exploits of Theseus
Authors: Harrison Jane E.
Published: May 2006

The subject of the exploits of Theseus as seen on Greek vase-paintings has recently been treated by Professor Milani in a long and interesting paper in the Museo Italiano di antichità classica (iii. 1, p. 236). I propose therefore to set aside all general consideration of the myth and its typography, and to confine myself to the discussion and elucidation of two hitherto unpublished vases (plates I., II.), one of them included in Professor Milani's list, one entirely unknown to him, and both, as I hope to show, having strong claims on the attention of archaeologists. They are (1) a red-figured vase, which for convenience sake I shall call from its owner the Tricoupi cylix; (2) the fragments of a red-figured cylix from the De Luynes collection in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris.

1. The Tricoupi cylix, plate I. When I was in Athens in the spring of 1888, Miss Tricoupi with her accustomed kindness, so familiar to all visitors to Athens, allowed me to examine at my leisure her brother's collection of antiquities. I found to my surprise that it contained a vase which I have reason to believe is from the hand of Duris, and of which, so far as I am aware, no mention has been made in the numerous discussions of vases dealing with the exploits of Theseus, and which therefore, I suppose to be entirely unknown. I record here my grateful thanks to Miss Tricoupi for her kind permission to publish the vase, and for her goodness in facilitating its exact reproduction. The drawing from which plate I. is facsimiled was made for me by M. Gilliéron under my own personal supervision, and I can therefore vouch for its perfect accuracy. I was specially anxious to secure its.immediate publication as, though the vase is at present in such safe hands, the security of antiquities in private collections is always precarious.
The Judgment of Paris: Two Unpublished Vases in the Graeco-Etruscan Museum at Florence
Authors: Harrison Jane E.
Published: May 2006

My object in the following paper is two-fold; first, to comment on two hitherto unpublished vases relating to the myth of the Judgment of Paris; secondly, to discuss the typography of the myth generally, and in particular to offer some suggestions as to the origin of its early art form.

First as to the unpublished vases. Both the amphora and the pinax are now in the Graeco-Etruscan Museum at Florence. The drawings and photographs were executed under the kind supervision of the Director of the Museum, Sig. Milani; he was however unable to tell me where the vases were found: they are manifestly both of Attic work. It is fortunate that they both are now in the same Museum, as they present certain well-marked analogies in treatment, evident at the most cursory glance.

A detailed description of the two vases is superfluous, as accurate reproductions lie before the reader, but I would call attention to one or two points. The amphora (Plate LXX. and Fig. 1) I should class as belonging to very early black-figured manner—before the regular B. F. Attic style is fully established—with reminiscences of the so-called ‘Chalcidian’ and of the ‘Corinthian’ styles. We note especially the curiously cut cloaks of the women, which appear frequently on Corinthian vases, of which there are numerous examples in the Louvre; and we note also the rosettes on the animal frieze and the very ‘Chalcidian’ horror vacui, e.g. the little owl between the feet of Hermes.
The Works of Pergamon and their Influence
Authors: Farnell L. R.
Published: May 2006

The questions concerning the art of Pergamon, its characteristics and later influence, depend partly for their solution on the reconstruction and explanation of the fragments in Berlin. Much progress has been made in the work during the last year. The discovery which decided what was the breadth of the staircase, and what were the figures which adorned the left wing and the left staircase wall, has been already mentioned in the Hellenic Journal. It is now officially stated that the staircase was on the west side of the altar, although Bohn, in his survey of the site, at first conceived that this was impossible. Assuming that this point is now settled, we may note what is certain, or probable, or what is merely conjectural, in the placing of the groups. We know that the wing on the left of the staircase, and the left staircase-wall, were occupied by the deities of the sea and their antagonists: by Triton, Amphitrite, Nereus, and others which we cannot name. Among them, also, we may perhaps discern the figure of Hephaestos, and in their vicinity we must suppose Poseidon. On the right wing of the staircase, and around the south-west corner, we have good reason for placing Dionysos, with Cybele and her attendant goddesses, although the order of the slabs on which these latter are found is not the same as was formerly supposed.
C. Julius Theupompus of Cnidus
Authors: Hirschfeld Gustav
Published: May 2006

‘Es ist das schoene Vorrecht der historischen Forschung, die Verstorbenen in der Erinnerung der Nachwelt wieder aufleben zu lassen. Erscheint es billig, dass die Namen derer, welche sich hohe Verdienste um ihr Volk erworben, der Vergessenheit nicht anheimfallen, so ist es menschlich, denen überhaupt nachzuforschen, welche einst in weiten Kreisen von der Mit- und Nachwelt genannt und gefeiert worden sind.’

With these words, used by Dr. Koehler in regard to the once famous ‘condottiere,’ Diogenes, in the third century B.C., I beg to introduce to the reader a personage who, although perhaps of limited interest, was once celebrated and powerful and had the honour of calling himself the friend of Julius Caesar. His son moreover did his best to prevent a deed, the failure of which would probably have changed the direction of the history of the world,—the murder of Caesar.

The passages in ancient writers which relate to the man of whom I speak are well known, but they have not hitherto been rightly connected with one another, or thoroughly understood.
Early Seleucid Portraits
Authors: Macdonald George
Published: May 2006

The following enquiry has been undertaken in the hope that it may assist in clearing away some of the difficulties that surround the identification of the royal portraits occurring on silver coins that bear the simple inscription ‘Incerta omnia et ambigua’ was the verdict with which Eckhel dismissed his discussion of the question. Since that judgement was pronounced, not a little light has been thrown on the dark places of the Seleucid series. This particular problem, however, still awaits a final solution. Under present conditions, most numismatists will be ready to admit that their own opinions are not undeserving of the description applied by Eckhel to those of Vaillant—‘vaga, fluctuantia, et saepe secum ipsis pugnantia.’ My experience in connection with the Hunter Cabinet has convinced me that what I may call the method of general attack is not likely to carry us far beyond the point that has been already reached. If there is to be further progress, there must be a change of tactics.
The Bronze Statue from Cerigotto
Authors: Gardner E. A.
Published: May 2006

In February, 1901, M. Kabbadias very courteously sent to the Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies, of which he is an honorary member, some photographs and a brief description of the remarkable series of bronze and marble statues found in the sea off the north coast of Cerigotto. In view of the great interest that had been excited by this discovery, M. Kabbadias' communications were at once laid before the Society at an open meeting, and were also published in this Journal. But the fragmentary state of the figures and the corrosion of their surface prevented the possibility of any final judgment as to their general effect or the details of their modelling. If this was the feeling even of those who had seen the originals, it was far more so with those who could only judge from somewhat unsatisfactory photographs of them; and such opinions on them as were expressed at the time would be admitted by the authors to be subject to revision in the light of a more complete and careful study. A certain amount of misunderstanding was due to the general interest taken in the discovery, and the consequent demand for some authoritative and generally intelligible information about it; for example, the claim put forward by M. Kabbadias for the Cerigotto statue ‘to rank as high among statues of bronze as does the Hermes of Praxiteles among those of marble’ probably led to its comparison with that masterpiece, to which its resemblance is only superficial.
Exploration in Galatia cis Halym. Part II
Authors: Anderson J. G. C.
Published: May 2006

§ 7. Savatra.—There is another important site in this district now called Ak-Ören (‘White Ruins’), which represents savatea or soatra (Strabo, p. 568), as Prof. Ramsay has rightly recognised, though he does not seem to indicate its position quite correctly when he speaks of ‘the ruins, four hours south-west of Eskil.’ Five hours west-south-west of that village is a fairer estimate. It is placed approximately in our map, but we did not revisit it. The remains must formerly have been very conspicuous: weeks before we arrived in this district we were told about the site as the sort of place people in search of ruins should not fail to visit. There is no village (as I understand) beside the ruins, and, to all appearance, the ancient name has migrated to Suwarek, which lies some distance to the west. Thither also great part of the remains has been transported. During a compulsory halt of an hour at Suwarek we copied a few inscriptions. Doubtless there are more, for the village was a place of some importance in Seldjuk times (cf. Sarre, Reise, in Kleinasien, p. 104–5 and Taf. XLIV.); but we imagined they must have been published already and we copied them mainly to amuse ourselves!
The Argive Hera of Polycleitus
Authors: Waldstein Charles
Published: May 2006

Of all the renderings of the goddess Hera, the gold and ivory statue by Polycleitus in the Heraeum near Argos was the most famous, and was considered by the ancients one of the most beautiful works of Greek art. It certainly held its place beside the masterpieces of Phidias, and is even called by Strabo the most beautiful of all.

As in the case of the Zeus and Athene of Phidias, and the Cnidian Aphrodite of Praxiteles, it is most natural that numerous attempts were made in the past to identify this Polycleitan Hera with some extant monument. And, as the most beautiful Aphrodite extant, the Melian Aphrodite in the Louvre, was at once singled out as representing the most famous statue of which there is record in ancient authors, so the famous colossal mask of Hera, known as the Juno Ludovisi, was the first to be identified with the great Polycleitan statue. This identification has been abandoned. Then followed the so-called Farnese Hera, the claims of which were powerfully upheld by Brunn.
The Double Axe and the Labyrinth
Authors: Rouse W. H. D.
Published: May 2006

In the paper on ‘Mycenaean Tree and Pillar Worship,’ (above, pp. 99 foll.) and in the various discussions of the Cretan discoveries, several theories and interpretations are put forth which have been too hastily accepted. I do not propose to deal with the whole question here, but to call attention to the fact that a great part of the evidence has been overlooked. It is not unnatural that, in the enthusiasm of a great discovery, the happy discoverer should be taken by an interpretation which is ingenious and in many respects alluring, since it offers a key to mysteries long unexplained. Nevertheless there are other facts to be reckoned with.

The theories I refer to are these: (1) that the double axes carved in the Cnossian palace have a religious significance; (2) that they are the symbol of Zeus; (3) that the pillar upon which several of these signs are carved was worshipped; (4) that the Labyrinth derives its name from the word the Carian name for an axe of this kind, and (5) that the palace of Cnossos was the Labyrinth, which means the House of the Double Axe. These theories are supported by the following evidence: (1) that the statue of Zeus at Labranda in Caria was described as holding in his hand a double axe, the local name for which was (Plutarch, Quaest. Gr. 45); (2) that double axes of bronze were found in the Dictaean Cave, where Zeus was worshipped; (3) Mr. Evans also collects a large number of facts to illustrate the worship of pillars, and apparently of axes also.
The Greek House
Authors: Gardner Ernest
Published: May 2006

The prevalent notions about the Greek house, however much they have varied from one another, have usually agreed on certain essential characteristics; indeed, it may almost be said that there is a general consensus of opinion among archaeologists in favour of a normal plan such as that given in P. Gardner and Jevons' Manual of Greek Antiquities. According to this plan the Greek house consists of two courts; the first, which is entered through a vestibule from the street, is called the ἀνδρωνῖτις it is the court of the men, and is surrounded by colonnades, out of which open the living and sleeping rooms of the male members of the household. Behind this is a passage, closed by the μέταυλος or μέσαυλος θύρα leading into a second court called the γυναικωνῖτις or court of the women. At the back of this second court is the deep recess known as the παστὰς προστάς on the other sides are colonnades; and around the court are the living and sleeping rooms of the women, the largest and most important, the θάλαμος and ἀμφιθάλαμος being on either side of the παστάς
The Σχῆμα Τριαίνης in the Erechtheion
Authors: Nilsson Martin P.
Published: May 2006

The two cultus monuments whose existence is bound up with the solid rock on which the Erechtheion stands have always been eagerly sought for in the hope that they might be used as fixed points from which to determine the complicated plan of the temple.

Perhaps the ‘salt spring’ has attracted less attention than the ‘trident-mark.’ Boetticher supposed it to lie at the lowest part of the middle chamber, where a hollow in the rock, communicating with a still deeper cleft, even now collects water after a shower. As Pausanias states that the ‘spring,’ was ἔνδον this is perhaps the most likely spot, unless we prefer to locate it in the West Hall, and to suppose that it was destroyed when the cistern was built. It is true that J. Fergusson placed the ‘spring’ in the north-west angle of the West Cella, but this is quite an arbitrary hypothesis, and appears untenable, because the rock has here a fall towards the outside through the opening which pierces the north wall and leads into the crypt under the north porch.
The Bronze Fragments of the Acropolis
Authors: Bather A. G.
Published: May 2006

It is a misfortune almost necessarily incidental to the excavation of any site so rich in ancient remains as the Acropolis at Athens, that smaller objects and such as have a less obvious archaeological value, are sadly neglected: and the fate of the bronze fragments excavated during the seasons 1885—9 affords the strongest proof of this fact. At the time of the excavation the Greek authorities selected those objects in bronze which had any obvious archaeological interest, and placed these in the larger Museum on the Acropolis. All the other bronze remains were indiscriminately and somewhat carelessly packed in several large boxes and stored in the small Museum. The evil results of this are twofold: in the first place, owing to careless storing and the piling of heavy objects on the top of light, a large number of fragments have been further broken up; and secondly, there is absolutely no record of the place or depth at which any of these were found. How important such a record would have been, will be well realized by any student of Dr. Furtwängler's great work on the Olympia bronzes, though this same also does much to lessen the gravity of our loss.
Aurae. The Xanthian Heroon and an Attic Astragalos
Authors: Six J.
Published: May 2006

It is a generally accepted opinion that the marble figures which adorned the intercolumniations of the most magnificent amongst the Xanthian sepulchral monuments, now in the British Museum, represent the chorus of the Nereids, though there is as general a discord amongst those who have treated the question as to the meaning of their presence there. This seems a sufficient reason for questioning the accepted theory.

Let us state in a few words the subject: young maidens, clad in the thinnest garments, sailing by aid of their mantles over sea and shore, indicated by a fish, a dolphin, a waterfowl, a crab and a shell. They do not soar as high as the Nike of Paionios, who leaves the eagle beneath her in her flight, but they hover over the water without touching it, as is especially to be seen by the swimming waterfowl beneath one of them.
The Gong at Dodona
Authors: Cook Arthur Bernard
Published: May 2006

The Greeks had a proverb which compared talkative persons to ‘the gong at Dodona.’ Menander (342–291 B.C.) in his Arrephoros made one of his characters remark:

‘Give this creature Myrtile the merest touch or simply call nurse, and there's no end to her talking. To stop the gong at Dodona, which they say sounds all day if a passer-by lays a finger on it, would be an easier job than to stop her tongue; for it sounds all night as well.’

A fragment of Kallimachos (c. 310–c. 240 B.C.) implies the same proverb:

… ‘lest it might be said that I was but awakening the echoes of the bronze at Dodona.’
A Proto-Attic Vase
Authors: Smith Cecil
Published: May 2006

The term Proto-Attic, which is our equivalent to the German Frühattisch, and is formed on the analogy of Proto-Corinthian, is of course only a loose definition, intended to apply exclusively to a small class of Attic vases which fall between the periods represented on the one hand by the Dipylon, and on the other by the vases of the stereotyped Attic black-figure style.

For this later limit the François vase would naturally be the typical representative, were it not that, as we now know, the white on that vase is laid direct upon the clay instead of in the true Attic manner upon a prepared black surface. Within these two limits we should strictly speaking place the Vourva, Marathon, and the Menidi vases, as well as the large series of ‘Tyrrhenian amphorae’; and possibly yet other classes of the same kind may be found among the Acropolis fragments; but for our purpose these may be regarded rather as tributaries of the main stream, and not as proto-Attic in the limited sense.
An Inscribed Basis from Cyzicus
Authors: Hasluck F. W.
Published: May 2006

In the course of a visit to Cyzicus, made last December at the invitation of Mr. de Rustafjaell, Mr. Bosanquet and I had the opportunity of copying and taking impressions of two inscriptions from a marble pedestal (Fig. 1), known to the peasants as ‘Balik Tash’ or ‘Fish Stone’ from the reliefs carved upon it.

The stone lies in a vineyard on the low ground of the isthmus in the central harbour of Panormus. Originally discovered by Mr. Tito Carabella of Constantinople, it was seen in January 1880 by Lolling, who published such copies of the inscription as it was possible to obtain without cleaning away the lichen and carbonate of lime which covered many of the letters. These imperfect copies were recently discussed by Dr. Wilhelm who had enquired for the stone at Constantinople and failed to discover its whereabouts. Last summer it was re-excavated by Mr. de Rustafjaell: we succeeded in removing the incrustation and obtained more complete readings.
Excavations at Abae and Hyampolis in Phocis
Authors: Yorke V. W.
Published: May 2006

The excavations, the results of which are described in the following paper, were conducted in the spring of 1894 by the British School at Athens. The work was under the charge of Mr. A. G. Bather and myself; Mr Ernest Gardner, then director of the School, was also present during a portion of it. I have thought it better to give first a history of the two towns, as known from literature and the evidence of inscriptions, and then to describe the sites, and the discoveries which are the result of our work. The unpublished inscriptions which we dug up or copied on or near the sites are collected in an appendix, and we give (Pl. XIV.) a sketch map of the district. A plan of the gate and a plan of the τέμενος at Abae also accompany the paper. These plans and map are the work of Mr. F. W. Green, who is an expert in such matters, and undertook to do the work for me from general directions which I gave him about the sites.
A Lecythus from Eretria with the Death of Priam
Authors: Gardner E. A.
Published: May 2006

The lecythus which is the subject of the present paper, and which is represented, after a drawing by M. Gilliéron, on Pl. IX., was bought by me at Chalcis in December 1893, and is now in the British School at Athens. It is said to come from Eretria, and this statement is doubtless true. Eretria is well known to be a mine of graves of all periods, especially the finest; and many excavations there, both authorized and unauthorized, have enriched the museum of Athens, and, by clandestine export, those of many foreign capitals also. Most conspicuous among the treasures recovered have been the lecythi with paintings upon a white ground. Our lecythus belongs to an uncommon class; a similar, but not identical variety is familiar to readers of the Hellenic Journal from the three examples published last year by Miss Sellers. Of the style and technique of the vase I shall speak later; at present we need only notice that the figures are in black or rather a rich dark brown varnish, laid on over a white ground, and that the style of the drawing, which, especially in the profiled outlines of the faces, is much finer than in the lecythi published by Miss Sellers, seems to belong to the beginning of the fifth century—a date which we shall, I think, find consistent with the results derived from more technical evidence.
Selected Vase-Fragments from the Acropolis of Athens.—II
Authors: Richards G. C.
Published: May 2006

The vase-fragments represented on Plates II.–IV. are with one exception here published for the first time and all belong to red-figured works. For the permission to publish them I am deeply indebted to M. Kavvadias, and I wish also to acknowledge help kindly given me by Dr. Wolters and Mr. Cecil Smith. Three of the works are in the early severe style, one shows the developed severe work and two belong to the advanced fine period. They are distributed on the plates merely with regard to convenience of publication. Nothing is more noticeable to any one glancing over the mass of vase-fragments from the Acropolis than the fact that while the preponderance of black-figured over red-figured works is very great (Dr. Graef puts the proportion at more than three to one), the vast majority of the former are poor in design and carelessly executed but the latter are nearly all careful and good. This seems to show—for the proportion can hardly be due to accident—that the older style continued in favour, probably because it was cheap, long after the introduction of a new method, and that the new school only produced works at the highest level of their ability, and by so doing ultimately commanded the market both at home and abroad. It is not till the second period of red-figured work that careless and hasty productions are turned out. Inferior artists seem to have contented themselves with imitations of successful masters: thus for example one seems to note imitations of Duris in museums.
Nitokris-Rhodopis
Authors: Hall H. R.
Published: May 2006

One of the most curious of the Greek stories about Egypt is that which ascribed the building of the Third Pyramid of Gîzeh to a woman, according to the usual tale, the famous courtesan Rhodopis. We find this story given in various forms by Herodotus, Diodorus, and Strabo. Herodotus would not credit it (ii. 134), but it was evidently generally accepted among the Greeks in Egypt, so much so that the native historian, Manetho, when called upon by the Greek rulers of Egypt to write the history of his country, himself attributed the building of the pyramid to a woman, an Egyptian queen, Nitokris, the heroine of another Herodotean story (ii. 100). This Nitokris Manetho places at the end of the VIth Dynasty. Thus Nitokris and Rhodopis were connected, and Professor Petrie in his ‘History’ (i.p. 105) considers, that the Herodotean Rhodopis is ‘evidently another version of Nitokris, whom Manetho describes as fair and ruddy.’ In reality however it would seem that Manetho's Nitokris was a version of Rhodopis rather than Rhodopis a version of Nitokris.
The Early Christian Art of Isaura Nova
Authors: Ramsay A. Margaret
Published: May 2006

The following paper is due entirely to the suggestion, advice, and guidance of my father. But he wishes me to say that he has given me simply the same help that he has already given to many and is anxious to give to others still.

The aim of this paper is to show by examples that there is a native and indigenous art peculiar to a certain part of Asia Minor, the only part I have yet seen, namely, the district around the city of Nova Isaura. It has already been observed both by Prof. Ramsay and by others, that certain artistic forms are characteristic of certain districts of Asia Minor. In many places these forms have persisted from ancient times down almost to the present day. Thus all the carpets and embroideries woven at the village of Ladik (the ancient Laodicea Katakekaumene), nine hours north of Iconium, until the middle of last century, when the old manufacture ceased, show a vase of particular shape, while another vase of a different form is peculiar to the carpets made at Mudjur in Cappadocia.
An Ionian Dedication to Isis
Authors: Edgar C. C.
Published: May 2006

The inscription of which a facsimile is given below is incised on the base of a bronze statuette which has lately been acquired by the Cairo Museum: The statuette itself represents Isis seated on a throne suckling the child Horus. It is an ordinary Egyptian type and there is nothing Greek about the work except the inscription. Its provenance unfortunately is unknown.

The letters run round the four sides of the plinth (as shown in the facsimile), those in front being bordered by two horizontal strokes. In the second line the surface is injured between the Τ and the O, but nothing appears to be lost. What ἐλύσατο means is not clear: one would naturally take the inscription to be a dedication, in which case the verb might be interpreted as ‘offered in fulfilment of a vow’ possibly, however, the words refer to some particular incident, such as the rescue of the sacred image from an enemy. The alphabet is Ionian: so too are the proper names and the genitive-ending Ἔσιος. The best known Pythermos of whom there is any record is the Phocaean ambassador who figures in a characteristic episode in Herodotus (i. 152). A Graeco-Egyptian inscription in the Alexandria Museum (Botti, Cat. p. 253) mentions another Neilon, the father of a certain Pythogeiton: in this case the family came from Samos.
On the Revolution of the four Hundred at Athens
Authors: Caspari M. O. B.
Published: May 2006

The copious discussion which has been raised in recent years on the subject of the Four Hundred at Athens has brought out at any rate one certain conclusion. Of our two main authorities for the revolution of 411 B.C. neither Thucydides nor Aristotle can be pronounced entirely right or wrong, and it is no longer admissible to settle the differences between them by canonising the one and ruling the other out of order. Both our authorities can be convicted of some palpable mistakes, but again both can be proved right by collateral evidence on many points of detail. In reconstructing the history of the movement our choice between these two sources must therefore not be made on the ground of any a priori preference accorded to the one or the other. The only safe procedure is to adjudicate each question outstanding between them on the special merits of the case. It is not to be expected that even by this method finality can be attained. But a review of recent controversy will show that only by a pragmatic method of treatment is there much chance of collecting a nucleus of agreed truth.
The Critias and Minoan Crete
Authors: Frost K. T.
Published: May 2006

The Critias after a long introduction breaks off almost at the beginning of the story. Both in form and subject it presents problems which have occasioned a vast amount of speculation. In the first place if Plato really composed it in order to shew his ideal Republic under the stress of war as illustrated by the ancient Athenians in his story, why is it that most of the introduction describes the rival state of Atlantis with a wealth of detail that is quite superfluous? Atlantis interests him much more than his ideal state, and has interested his readers in all ages to the exclusion of the Athenians. Secondly, why after a few introductory remarks does the Critias cease to be a dialogue at all? From the beginning it is an unbroken narrative on the regular lines of an Epic poem. Why, again, should the work be dedicated to Critias, of all people? The attempt to answer these questions involves a consideration of the truth of Solon's visit to Egypt, a review of the whole problem of Atlantis and a glance at the relationship between Solon, Plato, and Critias.
The Legend of Cadmus and the Logographi.—II
Authors: Gomme A. W.
Published: May 2006

Thus far I have tried to show that the fully developed legend of Cadmus the Phoenician does not appear before the fifth century. This of course leads to no certain conclusion. Apart from the possibility (which I think an unlikely one) that the fragmentary state of our knowledge of the earlier writers forbids our coming to any conclusion, however tentative, on a subject like the present, it is still possible that the fifth century writers represent an older and better tradition than the poets before them. There is no more unproductive idea than that which assumes that every story bears the date of the writer who preserves it. We find Pausanias especially citing legends which are manifestly older and truer than many told by earlier writers, and Asius the Samian—to take a parallel case—giving a better version of a Boeotian myth than the local Pindar. But if it can be shown that writers of the fifth century, Herodotus and the logographi, were less interested in local tradition than in learned theory, especially when the latter was based on researches in foreign countries, we do then get some probability for the view that a statement found in them, but in no earlier writer, may be theory and not tradition. To do this we must get some idea of their methods.
The Tekmoreian Guest-Friends
Authors: Ramsay W. M.
Published: May 2006

In a former article on the Tekmoreian Guest-Friends many difficult problems were stated relating to (1) the organization of the Imperial estates which originally were the property of the God Mê at Antioch-towards-Pisidia, and (2) the constitution and character of the Association of Tekmoreioi; and a partial solution of them was proposed. That Saghir was likely to be the best point for excavation and discovery of additional documents was pointed out on p. 350. In 1911 we camped at Kökuler for three nights, as this was the nearest point to Saghir to which waggons could reach. We spent the two intervening days in visits to Saghir; but, as nearly three hours were needed in going and two hours in returning on each day, the actual time in Saghir was very inadequate. On the third day we visited Gondane, and went on towards Oinan-Ova across the mountains. In Saghir we found a score of inscriptions, mostly small fragments, and revised one or two of those already published: this was certainly the chief centre of the Tekmoreian Association. In Gondane we found one new inscription. The need for longer study is as great as ever. That Gondane should be a sort of secondary centre for the Association is probably due to the fact that it lay on the great road from Apollonia and the west to Antioch and the east, whereas Saghir was remote and high on the slopes of Sultan-Dagh.
The Master of the Troilos-Hydria in the British Museum
Authors: Beazley J. D.
Published: May 2006

At the sale of the Forman collection, a hydria with figures of Troilos and Polyxena was purchased for the British Museum. Cecil Smith, in the sale catalogue, described it as in the style of ‘Euthymides?’; but I cannot agree with him. Eight other vases by the same hand are known to me; and I beg leave to call this anonymous painter ‘the master of the Troiloshydria in the British Museum.’ He is no genius; but one of his vases, the krater in Copenhagen, is a respectable performance; and others are not without animation.
The Policy of Sparta
Authors: Grundy G. B.
Published: May 2006

In two papers published within the last year, one in the Classical Quarterly of October, 1911, and the other in the last number of this Journal, Mr. Dickins has put forward certain views with regard to the main lines of the policy of Sparta in the latter half of the sixth and in the fifth century B.C.

Inasmuch as his two articles aim at refuting certain views put forward by myself and others in this Journal and elsewhere, I should like to reply to his arguments.

In the first place Mr. Dickins, who has had and has used special opportunities for acquiring information with regard to the antiquities of Sparta, adduces a large number of new facts. For this part of his work every student of Greek History must be grateful to him. It is in the conclusions which he draws from the new evidence, and the scant courtesy with which he treats some of the old, that the main defects of his arguments lie. He uses some of the evidence of Herodotus, and ignores the rest. That of Thucydides he treats in the same way. As for that of Aristotle, he appears to regard it as wholly misleading, with regard to both Sparta in early times and Sparta in the fifth century. It seems to me that it is not unreasonable to assume that Aristotle in the fourth century before Christ had access to better evidence in support of his statements with regard to the Spartan state of the fifth century than we in the twentieth century after Christ either possess or are ever likely to possess.
A New Early Attic Vase
Authors: Richter Gisela M. A.
Published: May 2006

At a time when the history of Greek vase-painting is only gradually being reconstructed as one discovery after another supplies the necessary clues, it is difficult to assign to the various classes of pottery names which will be permanently satisfactory. This difficulty is the excuse for the many misleading terms which have crept into our study of Greek vases. Names assigned purely provisionally soon became generally accepted, and when once part of the common nomenclature, it becomes a matter of convenience that they should be retained. In many cases this retention is necessary; otherwise, in the present uncertainty of the origin of so many of the early styles, we should continually be changing names according as one theory or another appeared more plausible. In other cases, however, where our knowledge rests on firmer foundations, and where a term has become a confusing anomaly, it is time that we should revise our loose use of language. Such a case is that of the ‘Proto-Attic’ vases. These vases, connecting as they do the Attic Dipylon with the Attic black-figured style, show the continuity of Athenian ceramic art. To call a vase ‘Proto-Attic’ when it is posterior to another Attic fabric is therefore a contradiction in terms.
Tsade and Sampi
Authors: Foat F. W. G.
Published: May 2006

In my contribution on the ‘Sematography of Greek Papyri’ (J.H.S. xxii, 1902) I included the Ptolemaic symbol Τ or = 900 among those of whose origin no satisfactory explanation could be offered (p. 138); although on p. 145 I identified the symbol with the later minuscule symbol ‘sampi’ or = 900, and pointed out the improbability of any association of the latter with either Pi or San-Sigma, whether in forms or arithmetical values. For the rest, as I said, ‘we must wait until we are in possession of ante-Ptolemaic documents, or of some facts yet to be supplied by epigraphy.’

This paper is the report of a more thorough survey of the field of Greek and general archaeology on all the questions and problems involved in the explanation of the sign. These are in the best sense trivial, lying at the crossing of the ways of nob a few important theories, to which the foremost scholars have recently devoted much investigation—the composition and history of the Greek alphabet, particularly as regards its application for numeration, the enigmatical Tsade, the mutual relations of the ancient alphabets, the antiquity of S. Semitic (Arabian), Minaean, and Sabaean inscriptions, and the place of the Phoenician alphabet in the history of primitive Hellas.
The Paintings of Panaenus at Olympia
Authors: Tyler C. H.
Published: May 2006

The arrangements hitherto suggested for these pictures on the throne of Zeus are in one point open to comment. As Pausanias describes them (V. xi. 5, 6), the most natural arrangement is as follows:—

So they are taken in the last article on the subject, that of Mr. Evelyn-White (J.H.S. xxviii. pp. 49 sqq.). Professor E. A. Gardner (J.H.S. xiv. pp. 233 sqq.) has suggested that the third set on each side stood as separate figures below.

In both these schemes the point for comment is the placing of the pictures of Heracles.

(1) These three, as types of physical feats of strength and daring, are in thought out of tone with the others. (2) The three, all dealing with the same personality, are clearly connected; yet in the above schemes they are separated. (3) On the crossbars of the throne, on the same sides as the pictures, there was sculptured another enterprise of Heracles, his battle against the Amazons. This induces the impression that the Heracles pictures were somehow connected artistically with that, and therefore had some sort of prominence in the series, which would make that connexion artistically clear.
The Pyramid of Moeris
Authors: Hall H. R.
Published: May 2006

In my paper on ‘the Two Labyrinths’ (J.H.S. xxv. p. 320) I have throughout spoken of the Pyramid of Hawara, in front of which the Egyptian Labyrinth was erected, as the pyramid of Amenemhat III (Lamaris or Moeris and have described it as his tomb. Now the southern brick pyramid of Dashur, excavated by MM. de Morgan and Legrain some years ago, also belonged to Amenemhat III, and is claimed by its excavators as the tomb of the king, the old identification, adopted by Lepsius and Petrie, of the Hawara pyramid as his tomb, being considered to be erroneous. As this fact was not mentioned in my former paper I add a short postscript on the subject.
A Note on the Cacus Vase of the Ashmolean Museum
Authors: Gardner P.
Published: May 2006

In this Journal in 1893 I published a very interesting amphora discovered by Mr. Arthur Evans in a tomb at Gela in Sicily, which I described as shewing on one side Cacus dragging the oxen of Geryon backward into a cattle-shed, while a satyr above plays the flutes, and on the other side Herakles singing to the lyre.
Notes on a Group of Medical and Surgical Instruments found near Kolophon
Authors: Caton Richard
Published: May 2006

This set of instruments and the large beaker were found about three years ago near the site of Kolophon in Ionia. The objects are thirty-seven in number. With two exceptions all are of bronze. The blades of the knives were originally of steel, but this metal has in each case been almost destroyed by oxidation. The date is uncertain—it may have been before the Christian era but is more probably the first or second century A.D. The glass beaker belongs to a type which is said to occur so late as the fourth century.
A Statue from an Attic Tomb
Authors: Gardner E. A.
Published: May 2006

The reliefs upon the tombstones of the Attic cemetery of the Ceramicus have long been among the most familiar of the products of Greek art, and have enjoyed a popularity, even beyond their artistic merit, because of their direct appeal to a common basis of human sentiment—mentem mortalia tangunt. The sculptors who made these reliefs did not probably, for the most part, enjoy any very exalted position in their profession. The artistic quality of the work varies greatly; while some of it preserves the best traditions of the school that made the Parthenon frieze, some is comparatively commonplace and mechanical. There is little reason to suppose that any of the extant reliefs are from the hands of a distinguished sculptor. We know, however, that well known sculptors were sometimes employed on works to be set up over tombs. Pliny expressly says of Praxiteles ‘opera sunt eius in Ceramico’, and Pausanias mentions a statue by Praxiteles of a soldier standing beside his horse, set up just outside the Dipylon Gate. There is therefore good reason for looking for statues of the highest artistic value among those set up as monuments over tombs. The reason why they have not hitherto attracted the same general interest as the reliefs that served the same purpose is partly their much more limited number, partly the difficulty of recognising them with certainty.
A Graeco-Roman Bronze Lamp
Authors: Marshall F. H.
Published: May 2006

The beautiful bronze lamp, of which two views are here given, was recently acquired by Mr. T. Whitcombe Greene in Frankfort-on-Main. It is 146 mm. long, 76 mm. high, and is said to have been found in Switzerland.

The lamp is in the form of a boat, the raised bow of which contains the hole for the oil. There are two projecting nozzles on each side of the boat, pierced with holes for the insertion of wicks. Their position suggests that they are intended to represent the rowlocks. A border of small circles with centre-dots is engraved round the top margin of the lamp; five waves are incised on each side of the bow, and another wave at its point. Three pairs of engraved lines run under the boat, one pair along the line of the keel, and one on each side. Within a shallow depression at the stern end of the boat is a nude figure of the infant Heracles in a half-reclining attitude, with his right leg slightly drawn up.
Hischylos
Authors: Walters H. B.
Published: May 2006

Since the publication of Hartwig's epoch-making book there has been something of a lull in the study of Greek vase-painting of the best periods; at all events few further attempts have been made to deal with individual artists or schools, and their relation to the history of the subject in general. The time has perhaps come for a revival of our interest; and though it is not claimed for the present paper that it has such ambitious aims, it may yet serve to direct attention to a class of vases not treated by Hartwig, in fact hitherto largely neglected. In dealing with the work of the artist Hischylos, I cannot claim to rehabilitate him, as Hartwig has done with Phintias, Onesimos, and other artists, chiefly owing to the fact that, whatever the interest of the vases signed with his name, we have no certain ground for crediting him with the decoration of any single specimen.
Note on the Inscription of the Mausoleum Frieze
Authors: Hasluck F. W.
Published: May 2006

The inscription (Fig. 1) on block 1010 of the Amazon Frieze of the Mausoleum has hitherto been regarded as illegible. The letters are ·03 m. high and carefully cut in three lines across the shield of one of the combatants, but have been (perhaps wilfully) defaced. The block in question is one of the twelve acquired by the exertions of Stratford de Redcliffe in 1846 from the Knights Hospitallers' Castle of S. Peter at Budrum. Of the twelve blocks three were built into the seaward wall of the castle with the arms and inscription (1506) of the Captain Constantius de Opertis: the remaining nine, of which No. 1010 is one, were placed inside Newton's ‘third gate’ five in the seaward tower and four immediately opposite.