bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Disticha de Mensibvs
Authors: Housman A. E.
Published: February 2009

The twenty-four lines of this poem have been preserved only by the cod. Sangallensis 878 (variously assigned to saec. IX or IX-XI or XI-XII), whence it was edited in 1863 by K. SchenklSitzungsb. d. phil.-hist. Cl. d. kais. Akad. d. Wissensch. (Vienna) XLIII p. 71. A single line, the last, exists also in the cod. Bernensis 108 saec. IX. Fifteen survive in a MS of the 17th century now divided into two parts, Barberinus (or Barberinianus) XXXI 39 and Vaticanus 9135, the former containing the hexameters 3, 5, 15, 17, 19, 21, 23 and a spurious hexameter in lieu of 1, the latter the pentameters 2, 4,14,16,18, 20, 22, 24. The eight consecutive lines 6-13 are therefore missing from both ; and in this imperfect and interpolated form the poem was edited by Mommsen with Haupt's assistance inC.I.L. I p. 411.
Diminutives in Augustan Poetry
Authors: Gow A. S. F.
Published: February 2009

In the course of his dispute with Conington on the comparative merits of Catullus and Horace, Munro taxed the Augustans with having made the lyric of the heart impossible in Latin by their virtual exclusion of diminutives from the language of poetry; and, whether that is the result or no, the general fact that diminutives are rare in the serious poetry of the Augustan age is well known. The details, however, are less easy to come by. Stolz (Hist. Gr. d. lat. Spr., p. 574) and Stolz-Schmalz (hat. Gr., p. 834) devote a few unilluminating lines to the Stilistik of diminutives: otherwise the grammars and the treatises on diminutives known to me concern themselves only with forms and meanings. Except for a note by Professor Housman which, at 4. 927, sets out Manilius's diminutives, I know of no collections for any Augustan poet, and it is perhaps worth while therefore to state the facts. I have not indeed read through Augustan poetry for the purpose, but for some time past I have been in the habit of noting such diminutives as I have come across in the course of reading, and these lists I have now checked and amplified from the indexes to the authors concerned. My lists are probably not complete, but I hope they are sufficiently near it to present a true picture of the position.
The Date of Ctesibius
Authors: Kenny E. J. A.
Published: February 2009

Tsc question of the date of Ctesibius has been much obscured of late years by those German scholars1 who assert that Ctesibius the pneumatic and hydraulic engineer mentioned by Vitruvius IX. 8. 2 is distinct and separate from Κτησίβιος Κτησίβιος μηΧανικός who is mentioned by Athenaeus Mechanicus (Βελοπιικά, p. 8, Thevenot), Philo of Byzantium (pp. 56, 67, 72, 77, Thevenot), and Hedylus ap. Athenaeum Naucratitam Deipn. XI., p. 497, d-e = Anthologia Graeca ed. Cougny, Paris (Didot), 1890, Vol. III., p. 298, n. 67.
The dating of Pliny's latest letters
Authors: Syme Ronald
Published: February 2009

When announcing the first instalment, the author made a firm declaration: ‘collegi non servato temporis ordine’. The note of elegant disdain suitably echoes a poet: ‘postmodo collectas, utcumque sine ordine iunctas’;. In fact, care for balance and variety predominates.

Nevertheless, when Pliny came to recount public transactions, he had to respect a ‘temporis ordo’, as many signs indicate. Mommsen in his classic study was able to work out the chronological framework, of the nine books, from 97 to 108 or 109. In general, his scheme stands the test — that is, apart from the notion of a rapid publication in separate books. Indeed, no argument avails to prove that the first instalment saw the light of day earlier than the end of the year 105.

Pliny was expert in finance and an alert contriver everywhere. Persons of that quality may succumb to inadvertence, although not very often. Licinius Nepos, praetor in 105, comes twice into action (4.29; 5.4), before his edict gets a mention (5.9). Again, in a letter the context of which points to 105, a consulship for Minicius Fundanus is divined ‘in proximum annum’ (4.15.5). Fundanus entered office in the early summer of 107. By contrast, Valerius Paulinus, consul suffect in the pair that followed that consulship, does not come up until 9.37. An extremely late point in the collection. It imposes a salutary warning when a number of letters in the final triad are put under scrutiny.

The exposition of Mommsen ran into criticism, sometimes hasty or even perverse. Moreover, various attempts were made to modify the dates of certain prosecutions in the Senate. The emergence of a consul on the Fasti Ostienses demolished an elaborate reconstruction that concerned two proconsuls of Bithynia. More accruing, a number of fairly close dates can now be established.
A Hesiodic reminiscence in Virgil, E. 9.11–13
Authors: Zanker G.
Published: February 2009

At W.D. 202–12 Hesiod relates his αἶνος for the edification of the recalcitrant βασιλ⋯ες, who must themselves admit the truth of the fable's moral (ɸρονέουσι κα⋯ αὐτοῖς). A hawk has seized a nightingale, and crushes her cries of misery by saying that she is in the claws of one who is πολλ⋯ν ⋯ρείων and who is therefore at liberty to dispense with her as he pleases: anyone who tries to resist κρείσσονες is mad, for he has no chance of winning and merely adds physical pain to the shame of defeat.

Just what were the βασιλ⋯ες to have made of this? Hesiod's most recent editor (and champion) claims that ‘Hesiod does not manage to make it [the αἶνος] into a lesson for them [the kings]’, and ‘can only proceed by saying “Well, don't you behave like that” (213, with Perses replacing the incorrigible kings)’.
Aeschylus, Agamemnon 555–62
Authors: Beattie A. J.
Published: February 2009

Tr.: If I were to tell of suffering and bad billets, of scanty provisions ill set-out—but what was there we did not complain of when we did not get the day's ration? But, as for (lying on) the dry ground, there was an even greater abomination in that; for our beds were close to the enemy's walls—for from heaven and earth they (sc. the gods) drenched us with the moisture of meadows, a constant affliction, making the wool of our cloaks foul.
The Family of Orthagoras
Authors: Hammond N. G. L.
Published: February 2009

The reconstructions of the Orthagoras genealogy are so numerous and so different that it is rarely used for chronological purposes. The aim of this paper is to show that there is clear evidence on this subject, and that it has chronological value.
Notes on Euripides' Bacchae
Authors: Campbell A. Y.
Published: February 2009

Since 1944, attempts at progress in the interpretation of the text of the Bacchae must inevitably express themselves mainly in terms of respectful disagreement with Professor Dodds's edition published in that year.

20–24. Dodds's text was justly called in question by Kitto (C.R. lx (1946), 65), but there is only one available remedy for this complex; those who work it out for themselves will find that they had been anticipated by Wecklein in his text (1898) and school edition (ed. 2, 1903; see further the Anhang).
Ἄn with the Future in Lucian and the Solecist
Authors: MacLeod M. D.
Published: February 2009

As shown by Goodwin (Moods and Tenses, § 197, 208, and 216) and corroborated by A. C. Moorhouse (C.Q. xl (1946), 1), with the future whether indicative, infinitive, or participle is proved by manuscript authority to be a permissible, though comparatively rare, Attic usage. Moorhouse's case, moreover, is strengthened, rather than weakened, as he supposed, by the usage of Lucian, for, though the construction may be condemned in Solecist, §§ 2 and 8, there are considerably more examples of with the future in Lucian than Asinus
A Note on Lugian
Authors: MacLeod M. D.
Published: February 2009

Harmonides, speaking to his teacher Timotheus, says, (Harmonides init.)

I suggest that should be emended to (or possibly ) for the following reasons:

1. The phrase is, in any case, very difficult indeed after , but becomes virtually impossible in view of the order, as we have as the subject of the first four infinitives, as the subject of , and then a reversion to as the subject of
Some Uses of Primus in Naval Contexts
Authors: Lacey W. K.
Published: February 2009

ALL Roman historical writers use a naval terminology based on military parlance. Ships on the move in line ahead (or astern) are an agmen navium, positions in the line are ordines (like ranks in a marching column), ships in a single file are said to move tenui agmine—in two columns are said to be birds in ordine navibus. In one passage the three posts in the column are described as prima navis, media classis, extremum agmen. To bring up the rear is agmen cogere.
Observations on The ‘Cornelia’ Elegy
Authors: Hamilton J. R.
Published: February 2009

The text of lines 39–40 is open to three main objections: stimulantem pectu Achilli cannot be construed in its context; to refer tuas to Persen would involvi difficult, though not unexampled, change of person; and thirdly, and most serious, it is scarcely possible to believe that Cornelia could appeal to a king of Macedon to testify to the soundness of her morals.
The Date of Livius Andronicus
Authors: Mattingly Harold B.
Published: February 2009

There can be no doubt of the primacy of Andronicus in Roman literature, but there is an interesting and unorthodox ancient tradition concerning his date. Modern scholars incline to place Andronicus' birth about 285 B.C. and to postulate either that he came to Rome as a slave from Tarentum in 272 B.C., or that the story of his captivity is a fiction. His first play was produced in 240 B.C.
The Cave and the Source
Authors: Luck Georg
Published: February 2009

In his recently publishedPropertiana, Mr. D. R. Shackleton Bailey has given what I believe to be the correct interpretation of the first two lines. He maintains thatsacrahas no direct connexion with poetry, that it may be virtually synonymous withManesor possibly signify the rites paid to the dead, or that it can be taken in the sense of their physical relics, the ashes in the urn. He reminds us thatnemusis more than a ‘poetic grove’; it must be a ‘consecrated grove’.
Manilius 1. 466–8 and 515–17
Authors: Campbell A. Y.
Published: February 2009

Astronomy has been known to profit on occasion from the observations of amateurs; and so perhaps, in its less technical passages, could the Astronomica. I venture to dispute the emendations of Mr. Shackleton Bailey (hereinafter S.B.) in the first two items of his learned Maniliana (C.Q., N.S. vi. 81).
The Modification of Plan in Plato's Republic
Authors: Hackforth R.
Published: February 2009

In a recent number of the Classical Quarterly Mr. F. M. Cornford argues against the commonly accepted view, according to which the tripartite social structure of the Republic is a corollary, in Plato′s mind, to the tripartition of the individual Soul. In the present paper I propose to examine the general plan of the dialogue, in the hope of showing that Plato′s conceptions of State and Soul were not, as generally assumed and as assumed by Mr. Cornford, ready-made and clearly formulated in his mind before he began to write the Republic: that, on the contrary, we can detect profound and vital modifications of his original views as the argument proceeds: and that the conceptions of the Ideal State and the rightly constituted human soul grow out of one another and react on one another in such a way that it is impossible to give a simple answer, affirmative or negative, to the question ‘ Which is prior, the tripartition of State or the tripartition of Soul ?’
Lvcretivs Iv. 1223—1228
Authors: Platt Arthur
Published: February 2009

Inde Venus uaria produdt sorte figuras

maiorumque refert uoltus uocesque comasque,

1225 quandoquidem nilo magis haec de semine certo

fiunt quam facies et corpora membraque nobis.

1227 et muliebre oritur patrio de semine saeclum

maternoque mares existunt corpore creti…
Dislocations in the Text of Thucydides
Authors: Richards Herbert
Published: February 2009

All sorts of views have been held as to some editors even thinking that in a corrupt form it contains a reference to the or peers of Sparta. It really belongs to the first words of the passage and should be placed before or after . Both parties alike, Sparta in particular, were inclined towards an agreement. does not necessarily imply exactly equal degrees. Cf. for instance Arist. Poet. 4. 1448 b 13
The Political Element in the Heracleidae of Euripides
Authors: Spranger J. A.
Published: February 2009

The political situation in Hellas in the early part of 419 B.C. was extremely promising for the Athenians.

Alcibiades had succeeded in 420 in concluding an alliance with Argos, Mantinea and Elis, and although the Fifty years Truce of Nicias had not yet been formally denounced and the alliance with the Argives and their allies was purely defensive, yet the star of Lacedaemon was to all appearances on the wane. Alcibiades had brought off successfully his first great coup and had begun his ascent towards the principal place in the leadership of Athens.
‘Evil Communications.’
Authors: Knox A. D. , Ling P. H.
Published: February 2009

Others must have shared my surprise at reading the two articles on this subject in the Classical Quarterly (XIX., pp. 22 sqq., 92 sq.), one by Mr. P. H. Ling, writing ‘in the light of our present knowledge,’ and one by Professor H. J. Rose. Among the Hibeh Papyri (I. 7) is a fragment of an anthology which hereabouts contains quotations from Tragedy and Epicharmus. It gives four verses, the last of which was rightly identified by the editors Grenfell and Hunt. Of the lemma only a spot of ink on a loose fibre remains.
Names and Naming in Aristophanic Comedy
Authors: Olson S. Douglas
Published: February 2009

One of the ironies of literary history is that the survival of Aristophanic comedy and indeed of all Greek drama is due to the more or less faithful transmission of a written text. Reading a play and watching one, after all, are very different sorts of activities. Unlike a book, in which the reader can leaf backward for reminders of what has already happened or forward for information about what is to come, a play onstage can be experienced in one direction only, from ‘beginning’ to ‘end’. Nor can a play be put down and picked up again at one's leisure or interrupted while the audience puzzles over a difficult or intriguing passage. Live theatre is an ephemeral and essentially independent thing, which must be experienced in its own time and on its own terms or not at all, and as a result we modern readers, dependent on the written page, are at a marked disadvantage in understanding ancient drama. Taplin's study of staging in Aeschylus has shed considerable light on the dramatic technique of Athenian tragedy. Stage-practice in Aristophanic comedy, and in particular the ways in which names and naming are used there, has received much less attention.
Aristophanes, Amphiaraus, Fr.29 (Kassel-austin): Oracular Response or Erotic Incantation?
Authors: Faraone Christopher A.
Published: February 2009

A hexametrical couplet from Aristophanes' lost Amphiaraus has in the past been interpreted as a fragment of an oracular response
Athens and Tenos in the Early Hellenistic Age
Authors: Reger Gary
Published: February 2009

Some recent work on the history of Athens and Tenos in the third centuryB.c.has brought to light new evidence and new interpretations of old evidence for this notoriously shadowy period of Greek history. Reflection on this material has suggested to me solutions to a few minor puzzles (Sections IA, IB, III), a contribution to a long-standing problem in the history of Athens in the early third century (Section IB), and a new explanation for the entry of Rhodos into the war with Antiokhos (Section II).
Philoponus,in De Anima III: Quest for an Author
Authors: Lautner Peter
Published: February 2009

It has been strongly disputed that Philoponus is the author of the commentary on the third book ofDe Animaprinted in vol. xv ofCAGunder his name, and Stephanus of Alexandria has been taken to be its real author. The evidence for the authorship of Stephanus is as follows: (I)Codex Parisinus gr. 1914, written in the twelfth century, has an adscript by a later hand saying βιβλ⋯ον τρ⋯τον ⋯π⋯ ϕωνης στεϕ⋯νου (‘third book from the voice of Stephanus’), and the same appears in the fifteenth-centuryCodex Estensisiii F 8. (II) In 543.9 there is a clause saying ὡς ⋯ν τῷ περ⋯ ⋯ρμηνε⋯ας ⋯μ⋯θομεν (‘as we learnt in theDe Interpretatione’), which was taken by M. Hayduck to be direct reference to Stephanus' commentary on theDe Interpretatione, edited also by Hayduck in vol. xiii/3 ofCAG. (III) The third book, says Hayduck, is short (brevis) and jejune (jejunus), in contrast to the verbosity of the preceding two books. (IV) The commentary on the third book ofDe Animais divided into lectures (πρ⋯ξεις), but the first two books are not. (V) Some locutions are used constantly in the third book and in Stephanus' inDe Interpretationeas well. (VI) In theCodex Vaticanus gr. 241 fol. 6 (fourteenth century) we are told that Stephanus also wrote a commentary on theDe Anima.
The Luck of the Draw: AR, ECC. 999
Authors: Sens Alexander
Published: February 2009

In the penultimate scene of the Ecclesiazusae, the young man who has come to see his lover is accosted in succession by three old women, each insisting that the new legal code requires him to sleep with her first. In lines 999–1000, the first of these old women, faced with his refusal to cooperate sexually, swears by Aphrodite
The Origin of Molorc[h]us
Authors: Morgan J. D.
Published: February 2009

In his exemplary edition of the papyrus fragments of Callimachus' Victoria Berenices, P. J. Parsons briefly considered the spelling of the name of Hercules' host, who played such a major role in Callimachus' αἴτιον on the founding of the Nemean games. At B iii 2 the papyrus has M⋯[λ]ορκοϲ. On this Professor Parsons noted ‘elsewhere M⋯λορχοϲ: the unusual spelling, which no doubt comes from the text, reappears in Apollodorus, Bibl. 2.5.1 (Mολ⋯ρκῳ, but later M⋯λορχοϲ), Nonnus, Dion. 17.52 and Stephanus of Byzantium s.v. Mολορκ⋯α (above p. 2f)’.
Livy and Clodius Licinus
Authors: Oakley S. P.
Published: February 2009

In 204 B.c. Pleminius, after perpetrating appalling atrocities at Locri, was sent back to Rome, and his fate is described at Livy 29.22.7–10
Two Conjectures in Ovid's Metamorphoses
Authors: Hendry Michael
Published: February 2009

In 4.621–6, Ovid describes Perseus' flight over the known world
The Nautical Imagery inAnthologia Graeca10.23
Authors: Casson Lionel
Published: February 2009

In this poem, ascribed to Automedon, Nicetes' way of orating is compared first to a light breeze that strikes upon the rigging of a sailing vessel and then, when the breeze has increased to a wind, to the vessel itself as it runs over open water under full sail.
Berlin Latin Manuscripts Now in Cracow
Authors: Holford-Strevens Leofranc
Published: February 2009

In L. D. Reynolds (ed.), Texts and Transmission: a Survey of the Latin Classics (Oxford, 1983), it is stated by J. G. F. Powell (p. 122) and by M. D. Reeve (p. 327 n. 4) that MS. Berlin, Deutsche Staatsbibliothek Lat. 4° 404 (s. ix), containing Cicero, De amicitia, and Publilius Syrus, Sententiae, is missing. Not so: it is currently held with numerous other Berlin MSS., including humanistic and musical autographs, at the Jagellonian Library in Cracow, where I saw it on 5 May 1992. Other classical MSS. from Berlin now held in Cracow are Lat. 4° 1 (Eutropius, Breviarium, and Victor Vitensis, Historia persecutions Africanae prouinciae, s. xi), 257 (Vergil, Bucolics 3.107–4.47, s. ix), 590 (Boethius, opuscula, s. xii), 939 (Boethius, Cons. Phil. with Remigius' commentary, s. x/xi; till 1935 Schloβ Maihingen, Fürstlich Öttingen-Wallensteinsche Bibliothek, I 2, lat. 4° 3), and 8° 102 (Statius, Achilleis, 1.375–513, 2.120–257, s. xiv).
Notes on the Text of the Commentariolum Petitionis
Authors: Watt W. S.
Published: February 2009

It is not my purpose to discuss the authorship of this work; I shall only say that I do not believe it was written by Quintus Cicero. The question of authorship cannot be brought into a discussion of the problems raised by the text, because, even if it were the product of Quintus' pen, it would obviously be unjustified to apply to Quintus the same canons of Latinity as can be applied to his brother.
Propertius 4. 7. 26
Authors: Laughton E.
Published: February 2009

Cynthia's apparition is upbraiding Propertius ior having forgotten her so soon. In spite of their former love, he had not been present at her death, and, because of his neglect, her funeral had been a mean affair, lacking not merely any signs of affection, but any semblance of ordinary decent feeling. In a succession of couplets tracing the regular stages of a Roman funeral from the deathbed to the final rites of the cremation, this lack of respect and affection is particularized: no loving voice had been heard in her dying moments (23–24); her body had been laid out to await the funeral with little thought for what was seemly at such a time (25-26); on the day of the funeral Propertius had not put on mourning or shown signs of grief (27–28); the funeral procession had moved with indecorous haste to the city gate (29–30); Propertius had not been present at the cremation, and no perfumes had been poured on the flames (31–32); no customary final offerings had been made to the ashes (33–34).
The Flying Snakes of Arabia
Authors: Hutchinson R. W.
Published: February 2009

Herodotus has told us some queer tales but it is always unsafe to discredit them merely because they seem strange to us. Who would have thought that his story of the bald-headed Argippaioi who sat under trees judging the Scythians was literally true until the recent discovery in Russia of a felt wall hanging providing a contemporary illustration of these queer tribunals ?
Notes on Sophocles' Antigone
Authors: Lloyd-Jones Hugh
Published: February 2009

Jebb renders the last clause as follows: ‘The warrior of the white shield, who came from Argos in his panoply, hath been stirred by thee to headlong flight, in swifter career.’ ‘In swifter career’ is a discreet rendering of ., Jebb says, ‘does not mean (1) “in flight swifter than their former approach“ nor (2) “the reins are shaken ever faster on the horses' necks”.’ ‘The Argives’, he writes, ‘began their retreat in the darkness (cf. 16): when the sun rises, the flashing steel of their bridles shows them in headlong flight’. Cf. P. Mazon, R.E.G. xxv (1951), 13. This view is shared by all modern scholars, except that Dain and Mazon put commas after and translate accordingly; which I do not think is an improvement.
The Offer to Achilles
Authors: Watson Williams E.
Published: February 2009

Probably no part of the Iliad has given rise to more discussion than the apparent contradiction between Books 9 and 16. In the former, Agamemnon's embassy offers Achilles the restoration of Briseis and ‘handsome gifts’ in recompense for taking her: in the latter Achilles tells Patroklos to obey his battle-orders exactly, ‘so that you may win me great renown and glory from all the Danaans, and they shall restore the lovely damsel and also give splendid gifts’ —just as though he had not refused precisely these things only the night before
Notes and Suggestions on Latin Authors
Authors: Tucker T. G.
Published: February 2009

On this Dr. Gow, in his excellently businesslike school edition, remarks: ‘The MSS are divided between publicum, Apulicum, and Ponticum. Of these readings, the first is nonsensical; the second unmetrical; the third incredible,’ and he therefore adopts Palmer's sublicis. To that alteration there are strong objections: (1) the position of the merely conjunctive et: (2) the fact that sublicae do not suggest wealth: (3) the technical improbability of the termination in -is being converted into one in -um.
The True Cause of the Peloponnesian War.
Authors: Grundy G. B.
Published: February 2009

In an article in the Classical Quarterly of October, 1911, Mr. Guy Dickins criticized certain views put forward by Mr. Cornford, by the writer of the article on Greek History in the Encyclopaedia Britannica, and by myself, on the statements made by Thucydides as to the cause or causes of the Peloponnesian War. Mr. Dickins makes three statements as to the views which he supposes me to hold. Not one of the three statements is even approximately correct.
Further Emendations in the Fragments of Theophrastus
Authors: Forster Edward S.
Published: February 2009

A short article was published in the Classical Quarterly in 1921 (Vol. XV, pp. 166–8) entitled ‘Some Emendations in the Fragments of Theophrastus,’ which sought to show that several passages of Theophrastus could be improved by a comparison with certain of the Pseudo-Aristotelian Problems where the author of the latter is obviously deriving his material from Theophrastus. A further comparison of the Problems and Theophrastus, carried out in the course of preparing an edition of the former, has led to the discovery of more parallel passages and makes it possible to suggest further improvements in the text of several passages of Theophrastus.
M. Vinicius (Cos. 19 B.C.)
Authors: Syme R.
Published: February 2009

I. The New Inscription from Cales.

II. The Date of the Operations Recorded by the Inscription Dessau 8965.

III. The Identity of the General.

I. The following inscription (Not. Scav. 1929, p. 31) was recently discovered at Cales:

M. Vinicius P.f., M.n., L.pron., cos. II, VII vir [epu]lonum, sodalis Augustalis, thriumphalibus ornamentis, quinq(uennalis) viam ab angiporto aedi[s] Iunonis Lucinae usque [ad] aedem Matutae et [clivum] ab ianu ad g[isiarios portae] Stellatin[ae et viam patulam] ad portafm laevam et ab foro] ad port[am domesticam sua pecunia stravit].
A Test of the Spirensian Sources of Livy's Text in Books XXVI–XXX
Authors: Johnson S. K.
Published: February 2009

It may be of interest to supplement the latter part of Professor Conway's article by a note applying the same standards to estimating the value of the other sources on which (together with Rhenanus' incomplete record) we have to rely for our knowledge of the Spirensian tradition. Apart from ‘L’ and Harl. 2684 (which is Spirensian only from xxix. 3. 15 to xxx. 21. 12) Luchs used for this purpose three partially Spirensian sources: (a) the one fourteenth-century and four fifteenth-century MSS whose archetype he called ‘R’ (to be called θ in the Oxford Text) (b) V, the fifteenth-century Vat. Pal. 876, and (c) the fifteenth-century Flor. Laur. lxxxix. inf. 1. The last mentioned may be dismissed as practically valueless and as supplying little more than new corruptions from an unusually contaminated intermediary. In addition to these deteriores Luchs used the Agennensis (Harl. 2493), but only for the Spirensian supplement in Book xxvi' (where the omission in N is not supplied by any corrector) and for the last part of Book xxx (where A like N contains a supplement). He did not deal at all with the Spirensian textual correctors in A.
Eba Poon (Theocritus, Id. I. 139, 140).
Authors: Prescott Henry W.
Published: February 2009

The mystical part of Reitzenstein′s interpretation of the song in Theocritus′s first idyll has not been generally accepted;it is somewhat surprising to find a new interpretation of the legend of Daphnis, and a new explanation of the genesis of pastoral poetry, introduced by the statement, referring to Reitzenstein: ‘ Nicht zu kiihn war er, sondern noch nicht kiihn genug.’ Starting from Reitzenstein′s contention that the pastoral was developed from a cult-song, Fries elaborates the theory that Daphnis is a Greek Krishna; that the maiden of Theocritus′s first idyll is the counterpart of the heroine of the Song of Songs; that astral mythology, Oriental in origin, supplies the clue to Theocritus′s handling of the legend. On the basis of this and other material Fries constructs further theories affecting the development of other literary types than the pastoral, and leads us ultimately to a novel interpretation of the Phaeacian episode in the Odyssey.
The Dream of Ennivs
Authors: Hardie W. R.
Published: February 2009

The dream related by Ennius in the first book of his Annales, in which the ghost of Homer appeared to him, has been the subject of much discussion. There are various pieces of evidence about it from which inferences can be drawn; sometimes, I think, too much has been inferred, sometimes too little. My chief object in this paper is to consider what exactly was the view held or expounded by Ennius regarding the nature of the soul and the conditions under which a ghost appears. But I propose in the first place to review the evidence and to contemplate the dream as a poetic product, a thing which has its place in the history of poetry and its affinities with similar passages in other authors.
Lineage-Boasting and the Road not Taken
Authors: Lang Mabel L.
Published: February 2009

There are in the Iliad nine examples of individuals, either human or divine, who recount their ancestry in some detail. The overlap of situation, assertion and vocabulary among these nine examples seems to be sufficient to constitute a theme of lineage-boasting.
Alcman's Partheneion: Legend and Choral Ceremony
Authors: Robbins E.
Published: February 2009

The papyrus text of the Partheneion, discovered in 1855 and now in the Louvre, consists of 101 lines in three columns. Of these the first 34 lines (column i) are badly mutilated owing to the disappearance of the left-hand side of the column, whereas lines 35–101 (columns ii and iii) can be restored with almost complete confidence. Of a fourth column nothing is legible, though a coronis opposite the fifth line of column iii shows that the poem ended only four lines after our text runs out. The lengths of the existing columns are 34 lines (i), 34 lines (ii), 33 lines (iii). If a full column of 35 lines has been lost before our column i—a pre-eminently reasonable hypothesis—the entire poem will have consisted of 140 lines. Since each strophe consists of fourteen lines, we may thus imagine the whole to have consisted of ten strophes. By a curious coincidence the part of the poem which is almost intact and which deals with the occasion consists of five strophes or seventy lines: it seems to be the case, thus, that the lost or damaged part also consisted of five strophes or seventy lines of choral lyric and dealt with myth: what we can make out, certainly, appears to be exclusively myth and attendant moralising.
Cleon's Ethopoetics
Authors: Andrews James A.
Published: February 2009

In 427 B.c. the Athenian assembly passed a decree bearing on the recently suppressed revolt on the island of Lesbos. All citizens in Mytilene, the city which had led the revolt, were to be executed and their women and children sold into slavery. A trireme was swiftly dispatched to Paches with instructions to execute the decree. But the Athenians had arrived at their decision in a fit of anger; and when presently their ργ subsided, they experienced grave misgivings over an action which now seemed in their own estimation cruel and excessive. They earnestly sought to reconsider the matter, and so within the space of a day they convened once more to debate Mytilene (3.36).
Notes on Livy
Authors: Oakley S. P.
Published: February 2009

These notes discuss some passages where what Livy wrote may not be printed in standard editions. In some a new reading, or new punctuation, is proposed; in others the merits of neglected conjectures are canvassed.
An Unnoticed Official: The Praepositus Saltus
Authors: Woods David
Published: February 2009

The Passio Typasii survives in only one manuscript and was published for the first time in 1890. It purports to describe the trial and death of a Mauretanian martyr, a military veteran by the name of Typasius, during the Diocletianic persecution. However as recently demonstrated its literary borrowings, from the Breviarium of Eutropius and the Vita Martini of Sulpicius Severus, suggest that it is a mere fiction and that it should be dated after c. A.d. 396. It is the purpose of this note to draw attention to its preservation of an otherwise unattested title, that of the praepositus saltus, and to expand upon the significance of this title for the interpretation of the work. This title only occurs fully in one passage, being elsewhere abbreviated to praepositus, and this passage is of some interest therefore.
The significance of ΥΓΡΟΝ ΥΔΩΡ in Anacreontic 33.22
Authors: Martlew Ian C.
Published: February 2009

The phrase ὑγρòν ὓδωρ in Anacreontic 33.22 requires more explanation than has until now been offered: the parallel passages cited by M. L. West in his edition (Carmina Anacreontea, Leipzig, 1984), namely Ovid, Ars Am. 3.224, ‘nuda Venus madidas exprimit imbre comas’ and Her. 18.104, ‘madidam…imbre comam’, present the same image, but with quite a different vocabulary, whilst Patricia A. Rosenmeyer (The Poetics of Imitation: Anacreon and the Anacreontic Tradition, Cambridge, 1992, p. 80) regards it only as an example of tautology characteristic of the Anacreontic corpus. But it is by no means unique, and, both for this reason and in the context of the nature of the whole poem, it is capable of further elucidation.
A Note on [Hippocrates], De Morbis II 1, 4a
Authors: Pendrick Gerard
Published: February 2009

In the fourth chapter of the Hippocratic treatise De mortis II 1 an unnamed illness is discussed which arises allegedly from an overabundance of blood in the vessels around the brain. The author of the chapter, however, disputes this aetiology:
MSS. of Persius and Juvenal at Valenciennes
Authors: Owen S. G.
Published: February 2009

The MS. 410 of the Bibliotheque publique of Valenciennes consists of 70 leaves of vellum, written in Caroline minuscules in the 11th century. The titles Ivvenalis liber primvs incipit and Explicit Ivvenalis. Incipit Persivs are in small rustic capitals. The MS. contains Juvenal and Persius in that order. The last leaf but one has been cut out, that containing Pers. vi. 8 dant–vi. 71 exits. Juvenal, Sat. xvi, follows at the end of Sat. xiv, fol. 56v: then Sat. xv follows on Sat. xvi, fol. 57v, after which comes Persius, fol. 60v, beginning with the Choliambi, which precede Sat. i. The MS. has usually 32, occasionally 34, lines on a page. There are interlinear glosses, but no scholia, and no titles to the Satires, with three exceptions: Pers. iv. ‘In hac satira reprehendit illos qui honores cupiebant’ Juv. v. ‘Ad trebium loquitur’ xi. ‘De uictus comparatione.’
Some Conjectures in Fronto
Authors: Dobson J. F.
Published: February 2009

The text of Fronto is in a very corrupt state, and the startling discrepancies which exist between different collations, as well as the unintelligibility of many of the readings deciphered, seem to justify a good deal of conjectural emendation. I append some attempts to complete or restore the sense in some passages of the Greek letters which seem hitherto to have been left in an unsatisfactory state. Not having had access to the MS, I have relied on the collations of Naber and others for a statement of what is to be found in the palimpsest.
The Nominative and Dative-Ablative Plural of Devs and Mevs in Plavtvs
Authors: Sturtevant E. H.
Published: February 2009

In Hermathena, vol. xiv., pp. 338–359, Professor Charles Exon attempts to prove that the nom. and dat.-abl. pi. of deus were disyllabic in Plautus. The argument upon which he lays most stress is briefly this: Plautus uses iambic words shortened by the law of breves breviantes in the thesis (i.e., the accented part of the foot) of iambic and trochaic verse about twice as often as he does in the arsis, whereas the long monosyllable cor occurs in dialogue with equal frequency in both parts of the foot. In this respect the nom. pl. of deus agrees with the shortened iambi, and should therefore, he thinks, be considered one of them.
Platonica IX
Authors: Richards H.
Published: February 2009

⋯κολούθησις which has most MS. authority, may very well be right, though it expresses an action or course of conduct rather than a condition of mind. But ⋯κολουθο⋯σα would seem possible. Is not some word lost parallel to ὑπομενητικ⋯ and governing the genitive το⋯ ὑποληφθ⋯ντος, e.g. ⋯ποτελεστικ⋯, which occurs a few lines below (πιλοπον⋯α ἓξις ⋯ποτελεστικ⋯ οὗ ἂν προ⋯ληται)? The genitive has at present no construction.
On the Text of Juvenal I. 115.
Authors: Postgate J. P.
Published: February 2009

Amongst the readings of the Parisian codex collated by Mr. Stuart (supra pp. 1–7) which he classes as interpolations is one whose singularity at once arrests attention. In the well-known passage, I. 113 sqq., where all known MSS. including P have

etsi, funesta Pecunia, templo

nondum habitas, nullas nummorum ereximus aras,

ut colitur Pax atque Fides Victoria Virtus

quaeque salutato crepitat Concordia nido,

II presents firma instead of atque.
Notes on the Philostrati
Authors: Richards H.
Published: February 2009

For the following notes, which are mainly on the Life of Apollonius, I have taken Kayser's Teubner text (1870) as the foundation, and my references are to the Olearius paging in his margin.
Ad Marcvm Antoninvm
Authors: Kronenberg A. I.
Published: February 2009

M. Antoninus Imperator ad se ipsum recogn. I. H. Leopold, Oxonii (Scriptorum Classicorum bibliotheca Oxoniensis).
Notes on Plato Laws I.–VI
Authors: Paton W. R.
Published: February 2009

In reading the last six books of Platos Laws in Prof. Burnet's excellent edition I notice some passages the corruptions in which seem to me to be due to that very common fault of copyists, false change of case usually due to the preceding word or words.
On an Inscription to Mars Found at Caerwent in 1904
Authors: Martin A. Trice
Published: February 2009

The inscribed stone, of which an illustration is here given, was found in a wall composed of large blocks, which had all formed part of some other construction. This wall, which had certainly formed no part of the original building, separated the eastern portion of House XI into two rooms numbered 5 and 6 in our plan. The text of the inscription as given by Dr. Ashby in the report published in Archaeologia is as follows:

[Deo] Marti Leno [si]ve Ocelo Vellaun(o?) et num(ini) Aug(usti) M(arcus) Nonius Romanus ob immunitat(em) collign(i) d(onum) d(e) s(uo) d(edit) Glabrione et Homulo co(n) s(ulibus) (ante diem) x k(alendas) Sept(embres) [23 August, A.D. 152].
Plato, Philebvs, 31 C.
Authors: Wilson J. Cook
Published: February 2009

The excellent article in the January number of the Classical Quarterly upon a mistaken interpretation of Philebus 31 c contains the somewhat incorrect statement that this interpretation is the general one: and the article itself is anticipated by a short note in a paper which I published in the Transactions of the Oxford Philological Society for 1881–2. I have nothing to complain of, for (as will appear) it may partly serve me right. Besides, my paper, though duly registered in the Revue de Philologie, is omitted from the index of that periodical; the aforesaid Transactions are out of print, and by some mischance my correction of the wrong rendering did not appear in the last edition of Jowett's Plato, though Jowett intended it should.
Sappho's Ode to the Nereids
Authors: Edmonds J. M.
Published: February 2009

When the first volume of the Oxyrhynchus Papyri was published in 1898, all lovers of Sappho must have been disappointed with the latter half of Blass's otherwise excellent restoration of this poem. The perusal of a recent article by J. Sitzler, in which later suggestions are discussed and fresh ones made, only serves to confirm this feeling of dissatisfaction. Sappho's extant work elsewhere combines a dignified simplicity of matter with a dignified simplicity of form. Any obscurity we find in it, is due rather to our ignorance of her dialect than to any real strangeness of thought or diction. By simple ideas, simple constructions, simple words, she produces a beauty all her own. It must be confessed that the latter half of the Ode to the Nereids, as it stands in any of the published restorations falls short of all else of Sappho's that we possess. It is just possible that in line II ⋯τοισι can stand as a feminine, but, grammar apart, nothing, surely, could be tamer than the sentence as it stands with the long relative clause beginning in line 13—‘When he heard the reproach, which used to cut him to the quick and restrain him amid the mirth of his fellow citizens, and which died away for a time only to be revived soon after.’ I hope to bring the poem a stage nearer satisfactory restoration by showing that there are grounds for rejecting some at least of the suggestions which contribute to this result.
On Silivs Italicvs
Authors: Owen S. G.
Published: February 2009

Before proceeding to consider certain passages of Silius in detail I should like to enter a protest against the undue disparagement which has been meted out to this poet. The letter of Pliny (iii. 7), containing reflexions suggested by the voluntary death by which with stoical fortitude he sought release from the agony of an incurable tumour, presents to us a character which if not great was attractive; the character of a wealthy and kindly noble, who had made no enemies; one whose house was the resort of men of letters; a devotee of poetry, who worshipped Vergil with almost religious veneration; a lover of the beautiful, who found his pleasure according to the accepted Roman fashion in amassing works of art and tasteful country mansions. Pliny's terse criticism of his poem ‘scribebat carmina maiore cura quam ingenio’ is more just than that of modern critics. Though Silius is not a great poet, a poet he is, with merits distinctly his own. His Punica (which has no real hero) is hardly an epic proper, but is rather a chronicle in verse: as such its author displays considerable skill in the clearness with which he marshals the mass of events, and in the realistic force of his descriptions, especially that of the plague (xiv. 580 ff.), and those of the numerous battles, and particularly of the sea-fights (e.g. xiv. 539–556); and in the elaboration of geographical detail, where the vividness of the topographical presentation shows a well-trained eye and no common literary power (e.g. especially xii. 518 ff.) The numerous episodes which enliven the poem, such as the legend of Pyrene (iii. 420 ff.), the killing of the monster serpent (vi. 204 ff.), the pretty description of Pan (xiii. 326 ff), are executed with much imaginative fancy which recalls the manner of Ovid's Metamorphoses. Again there is a dignity and sustained elevation of language which results not unfrequently in vigorous, well-turned phrases of no ordinary merit. Such are the expression for an echo xiv. 365 ‘clamat scopulis clamoris imago,’ or for breaking through the ranks of the treacherous Greeks xvii. 425 ‘periuria Graia resignat,’ or again the fine line describing the sobbing sound made by water rushing into a wrecked ship's hull and out again xiv. 550 ‘mox sua ponto | singultante anima propulsa refunditur unda.’
Notes On Cicero, pro Sestio.
Authors: Peterson W.
Published: February 2009

§ 2 Ego autem, iudices, quoniam qua uoce mihi in agendis gratiis commemorandoque eorum qui de me optitne meriti sunt beneficio esse utendum putabam, ea nunc uti cogor in eorum periculis depellendis, iis potissimum uox haec seruiat, quorum opera et mihi et uobis et populo Romano restituta est.
Emendations of the Epistles of Julian
Authors: Platt Arthur
Published: February 2009

ποιετ Heyler ' e libris suis scripsit pro says Hertlein. Neither verb looks very satisfactory; Julian probably wrote . The Celts tested, or were fabled to test, the legitimacy of children by throwing them into the Rhine; cf. Nonnus, Diunysiaca, xlvi. 54–62.
The Origin and Form of Aeolic Verse
Authors: White John Williams
Published: February 2009

The Aeolic dimeter and trimeter constitute so considerable a part of Greek lyric and dramatic poetry that the correct apprehension of their form is a matter of great moment. The Greek metricians comprehended this rightly, in the main, but in the first half of the nineteenth century the doctrine of these learned men was supplanted by a new theory that attempted to apply the principles that underlie modern poetry to the explanation of the undoubtedly complex rhythm of these clauses. Many scholars persistently maintain this theory. It is not difficult to discover why it was invented (it is absolutely new) and why it remains attractive. That the quantitative rhythms and metres of Greek poetry should seem complicated to men whose language is accentual is inevitable, whereas modern metres and rhythms are notoriously simple. The limitations imposed upon poetic form by accentual speech are extreme. No modern poet, for example, has attempted Ionic or Cretic measures. Again Greek music was simple, and both music and dance were under the control of the singers, but modern music is a complex art, and casts language in an iron mould. Nevertheless musical expression must be the basis of comparison, so far as we allow ourselves to institute it, between ancient and modern rhythms. The attempt to conform Greek lyrics to the elementary—and uncertain—rhythms of modern poetry that is merely read or recited implies a fundamental misconception of relations. Greek lyrics were melic. Agathon, in the Thesmophoriazusae, sings as he composes. These Greek songs were never intended to be read by anybody, Greek or barbarian.
Latin Word Studies
Authors: Fay Edwin W.
Published: February 2009

2. Latin annus, ‘year.’

I still hold firmly to the conviction, already expressed in the Classical Review (13,398), that annus is a derivative of agit ‘drives,’ and a cognate ⋯γών ‘dies festus,’ though I no longer think I was right in deriving it from agno-. Morphologically, the nearest parallel to annus, as I now understand it, is Skr. ájman- ‘Bahn, Zag,’ and annus is the route, path, cursus of the circling year, cf. anniuersarius, annus circumagitur, περιπλομένων (περιτελλομένων) ⋯νιαυτ⋯ν.
John of Salisbury and the Classics
Authors: Summers Walter C.
Published: February 2009

Not the least interesting feature in Mr. C. C. J. Webb's new edition of John of Salisbury's Policraticus are the references to the passages of Roman literature from which his author has quoted or borrowed. One cannot speak too highly of the thoroughness with which the editor has carried out this part of his task; that a few cases of borrowing should have passed unnoticed, and the sources of a few quotations evaded his inquiries, was inevitable.
Astrology in Dracontivs
Authors: Housman A. E.
Published: February 2009

Nec, si rationem siderum ignoret, poetas iniellegat said Quintilian of Γ ραμματική; and in the history of scholarship during the last two centuries there is much to confirm his sentence. The elements of astronomy were once part of a scholar's ordinary equipment, and astronomical allusions in the poets, if expounded at all and not left by the editor to the knowledge and intelligence of the reader, were usually expounded aright. The first three lines of Lucan's seventh book are briefly but correctly explained by the scholiast, and Oudendorp so late as 1728 was content to quote his explanation: then Cortius and Burmann and Bentley came forward to misinterpret them, and they have been misinterpreted ever since, because editors of the classics no longer know which way the sun moves.
On Ovid Fasti VI. 263 Sqq
Authors: Postgate J. P.
Published: February 2009

On November 8, 1894, I read before the Cambridge Philological Society a paper in which the reading and the interpretation of this passage were discussed at length. A brief report of the paper was published in the Proceedings of the Society, Nos. 37–39, p. 16; and the cardinal correction (in v. 274) was received into the text of the Fasti which Professor G. A. Davies published in the Corpus Poetarum Latinorum. The Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society are indeed now among the periodical publications of which the Bibliotheca Philologica Classica takes account: but an acquaintance with their earlier numbers is the privilege of the elect, and the sole mention of the correction that I have seen is an entry in the diligent summary of Ovidian literature in the Jahresbericht vol. 109 p. 282 which runs as follows ‘VI 247 ut tangat ( = Text; st. et t. unnötig).’ Whether the correction is ‘needless’ is not for me to say; but there is excuse for thinking that those who wish to form a judgment on its character will not deem it needless to have the evidence before them.