bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Absorption by Atmospheric Gases
Authors: Goody R. M. , Yung Y. L.
Published: November 2020

Digital archives offer the investigator an up-to-date analysis of an extensive and specialized literature. Periodic revisions are reported in the open literature and it seems unlikely that future investigators will attempt to use any other source where archives can provide the required data. For this reason, we shall confine our comments on permitted vibration-rotation transitions to describing the AFGL tape contents, but we shall add two areas not contained in it: first, electronic bands, and second, the related topics of forbidden transitions, collision-induced transitions, and polymer spectra. The AFGL tape lists data on one important set of electronic transitions, those giving rise to the near-infrared atmospheric bands of molecular oxygen. These bands behave in the same way as vibration rotation bands, except for the frequency displacement caused by the change in electronic energy and the symmetry conditions imposed by the electronic wave functions. Other electronic transitions usually involve larger differences between energy levels and cannot be understood as completely as the lower energy, vibrational and rotational transitions. Fortunately, visible and ultraviolet bands of importance for atmospheric problems are less complicated than vibration—rotation bands and they are usually less affected by state parameters. Atmospheric absorption calculations in the visible and ultraviolet spectrum are commonly made on the basis of empirical data without requiring the level of understanding developed in Chapters 3 and 4 for vibration-rotation bands. The altitude of unit optical depth for ultraviolet atmospheric bands is illustrated in Fig. 5.1. The intensity of solar radiation falls off rapidly with decreasing wavelength in the spectral region shown (the irradiance at 2000 Å compared to that at 3000 Å is 10-2 whereas at 1000 Å it is 10-5, see Appendix 9). For heating rate calculations at altitudes less than 100km, only O2 and O3 are important, except under special conditions when the atmosphere contains large amounts of volcanic aerosols, or polar stratospheric clouds at high latitudes. All of the absorptions shown in Fig. 5.1 are important for other reasons that do not directly concern us here.
Extinction by Molecules and Droplets
Authors: Goody R. M. , Yung Y. L.
Published: November 2020

The formal theory developed in Chapter 2 assumed the Stokes parameters to be additive. The sufficient condition for additivity is that the radiation fluxes in the atmosphere shall have no phase coherence. Thermal emission from independently excited molecules is necessarily incoherent with respect to phase. Atmospheric scattering centers are widely and randomly spaced, and they can be treated as independent and incoherent scatterers. The situation differs, however, when we consider details of the scattering process within a single particle, and in order to derive the extinction coefficient and the scattering matrix (see § 2.1.3) we must make use of a theoretical framework that involves the phase explicitly. The problem of the interaction between an electromagnetic wave and a dielectric particle can be precisely formulated using Maxwell’s equations. For a plane wave and a spherical particle, Mie’s theory provides a complete solution (see §7.6). But the general problem is complicated and our understanding is rendered more difficult by preconceptions based on the approximations of elementary optics. This chapter provides a brief survey of the important results and the underlying concepts. The geometry of the problem is illustrated in Fig. 7.1. An isolated particle is irradiated by an incident, plane electromagnetic wave. The plane wave preserves its character only if it propagates through a homogeneous medium; the presence of the scattering particle, with electric and magnetic properties differing from those of the surrounding medium, distorts the wave front. The disturbance has two aspects: first, the plane wave is diminished in amplitude; second, at distances from the particle that are large compared with the wavelength and particle size, there is an additional, outward-traveling spherical wave. The energy carried by this spherical wave is the scattered energy; the total energy lost by the plane wave corresponds to extinction; the difference is the absorption. The properties of the spherical wave in one particular direction (the line of sight) will be considered. This direction can be specified by the scattering angle 6 (see Fig. 7.1) in a plane containing both the incident and scattered wave normals (the plane of reference), and the azimuth angle ϕ) between the plane of reference and a plane fixed in space.
Academia's Golden Age
Authors: Freeland Richard M.
Published: November 2020

This book examines the evolution of American universities during the years following World War II. Emphasizing the importance of change at the campus level, the book combines a general consideration of national trends with a close study of eight diverse universities in Massachusetts. The eight are Harvard, M.I.T., Tufts, Brandeis, Boston University, Boston College, Northeastern and the University of Massachusetts. Broad analytic chapters examine major developments like expansion, the rise of graduate education and research, the professionalization of the faculty, and the decline of general education. These chapters also review criticisms of academia that arose in the late 1960s and the fate of various reform proposals during the 1970s. Additional chapters focus on the eight campuses to illustrate the forces that drove different kinds of institutions--research universities, college-centered universities, urban private universities and public universities--in responding to the circumstances of the postwar years.
Emergence of the Modern Research University: Harvard and M.I.T., 1945–1970
Authors: Freeland Richard M.
Published: November 2020

Harvard and M.I.T. were ideally positioned to exploit the advantageous possibilities for development that arose after World War II. Both did so, pursuing routes that reflected their different histories, stages of development, organizational characteristics, and current priorities. Both became, in the process, contrasting versions of a modern research university, together helping to define a new institutional model for the nation’s academic community. For most universities, World War II continued the difficult circumstances of the Depression, but the wartime role of academics also fostered hopes for recognition and growth in the postwar years. This optimism prompted organized planning for institutional development well before the end of the war. As Conant put it in 1943: “The period immediately following the cessation of hostilities ... will be a time when [Harvard’s] educational house can be put in order, when changes perhaps long overdue can be made most readily.” The leaders of M.I.T. anticipated even more dramatic gains. Referring in 1944 to the Institute’s contributions to the war effort, Compton observed that “the value, effectiveness and prestige of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology have never been at so high a level; this is certainly a strategic vantage point from which to initiate the next advance.” The prewar years at Harvard had left little doubt about the “changes ... long overdue” on which Conant would focus. From the beginning of his presidency, he had insisted that Harvard’s goal should not be expansion but “intensification”: the raising of intellectual standards within established programs and the reducing of concern with the social, localistic values associated with Harvard’s Brahmin traditions. The two major expressions of these policies prior to 1940 had been the efforts to tighten scholarly standards for promotion in the Faculty of Arts and Sciences and to attract more able undergraduates by recruiting in public and non-northeastern secondary schools. As Conant anticipated the postwar years, especially in the context of the veterans’ program, he was aware that the new popularity of higher education might support a level of growth that had not been possible during the Depression, but he continued to oppose expansion. If demand for admission increased, Conant argued in the mid-1940S, Harvard should raise standards, not increase in size.
Teaching Nineteenth-Century Women Writers
Authors: Lauter Paul
Published: November 2020

During the last twenty years the opportunities and challenges to teach nineteenth-century American women writers have widened almost beyond the comprehension of those trained in previous decades. When I was in graduate school in the 1950s at Indiana and Yale, we read Emily Dickinson. Period. Today, that would be considered a scandal. The changes have been great, and good, but they have not been without problems. In this chapter I address a number of what I perceive as significant issues in teaching nineteenth-century American women writers. These I have named the problem of texts, the problem of history, the problem of context, the problem of subject, the problem of form, the problem of difference, and the problem of standards. As will be plain, the names are occasionally arbitrary and the categories somewhat overlap, but they may provide frameworks useful not only for those of us who were expected to know no more than Dickinson, but for those expecting to teach no less than Frances Ellen Watkins Harper and Lydia Maria Child. As recently as five years ago, a comprehensive course on nineteenth-century American women writers could only be taught by copious use of the copying machine. For if you wanted your students to know anything by Harper or Child—or even anything about them—you had no choice. That is, beyond the brief anthology selections of seventeen writers (including Harper) one finds in Gilbert and Gubar’s Literature by Women, the nine (spread over two volumes) in the Norton Anthology of American Literature, or the twelve in the recent Harper American Literature, few texts were available. The only piece of Child’s writing then in print was an excerpt from Hobomok (1824) in Lucy Freibert and Barbara White’s useful volume called Hidden Hands. Apart from that book, only Judith Fetterley’s pioneering 1985 collection, Provisions: A Reader from 19th-century American Women, had resurrected such women, and others like Caroline Kirkland, Fanny Fern and Alice Cary, from oblivion.
State, Society, and the Elementary School in Imperial Germany
Authors: Lamberti Marjorie
Published: November 2020

The much admired school system of 19th-century Germany served as a model for the educational systems of many other countries, including Britain and the United States. In this illuminating study of German primary schools, Lamberti examines an educational tradition that was the object of wide emulation, but which was often misinterpreted by its admirers. Lamberti also explores the political significance of German educational policies in the Kulturkampf, in the suppression of Polish nationalism in the eastern provinces, and more generally in the struggle between the competing strands of liberalism and authoritarianism in the German state.
Introduction
Authors: Gordon Robert B. , Malone Patrick M.
Published: November 2020

As people in northern Europe and North America industrialized their societies, they transformed the scale and the social setting of work and created opportunities for the use of new skills. They consumed forest and mineral resources, diverted rivers, and discarded wastes on a scale previously unknown. They placed rural and urban workplaces and transportation networks on the face of the land and increasingly detached patterns of daily life from their agricultural roots. With their new transportation and communication systems, Europeans, joined later by Americans, spread the influence of Western industry worldwide, first in the exploitation of distant, natural resources for use by the industrial nations and, later, by the delivery of industrial products to traditional societies. Until about A.D. 1000, Europeans used technology in much the same way as peoples in other parts of the world, but their adoption of water power for industry was a harbinger of change. In 1086, the Domesday survey of England revealed one water-powered grain mill for every fifty households. Europeans began using mechanical power in tasks that included beermaking, fulling, tanning, and ironmaking. A conjunction of conveniently available natural resources, weak national governments, and religious beliefs that assigned dignity to work and that did not hinder technological enterprise helped Europeans to nucleate industrialization. They subsequently brought their industrial heritage to North America. In the early decades of the republic, Americans began the stage of industrialization that soon came to dominate much of the landscape and most people’s lives. The rate at which Americans created an industrial society was slow compared with the rapidity with which they are now dismantling it. Already young Americans have lost most of their opportunities to see or experience the transformation of materials into finished products or to learn about the properties of wood and steel or about the handling of tools through personal experience. During the years of industrial growth, the village smithy often stood under a spreading chestnut tree, a place where . . . . . . children coming home from school Look in at the open door; They love to see the flaming forge, And hear the bellows roar, And catch the burning sparks that fly Like chaff from a threshing-floor. . .
Coal, Canals, Railways, and Industrial Cities
Authors: Gordon Robert B. , Malone Patrick M.
Published: November 2020

During the decades after the 1820s, Americans reshaped the industrial landscape by gradually substituting coal for the wood and flowing water they were using as energy sources and iron for wood in structures and machinery. The amount of power they could obtain from wood or water at a given place was limited, but coal resources were so large that more was always available. Coal could be transported to distant consumers by the newly built canals and railways. With it, the resource constraints that had led entrepreneurs to favor small, dispersed mills and factories were less important. Production of coal was concentrated in Pennsylvania in the first part of the nineteenth century. At first, the largest markets were in the East, and as long as the Appalachians were a barrier to shipment of bituminous coal from the West, the anthracite coalfields of eastern Pennsylvania remained the principal source of industrial fuel. Ironmasters using anthracite to smelt ore mined in eastern Pennsylvania dominated American ironmaking until the last quarter of the nineteenth century. Industrialists west of the Appalachians experimented with bituminous coal and with coal converted to coke. They built furnaces around Pittsburgh and Cincinnati (where rivers provided good access to coking coal), and then through Ohio, Indiana, and, eventually, Illinois. But it was in eastern Pennsylvania that artisans and entrepreneurs established many of the economic and social practices followed by American heavy industry well into the twentieth century. Industries based on wood and water starkly contrasted with those based on coal and iron. Death and injury from mine accidents, social strife in mining communities, and environmental degradation from mine wastes were new costs of wealth created by the digging of anthracite. Because coal could be hauled long distances and still be sold at a lower cost per unit of energy than locally cut. wood, it could be shipped profitably to distant customers. They used it to make primary materials, such as iron, glass, and brick, and to convert these materials into finished, high-value-added goods. The social and environmental costs of getting the coal were left behind at the mines.
Exotic Computational Principles
Authors: Pollock John L.
Published: November 2020

Exotic computational principles are those not derivable from the theory of proportions constructed in Chapter 2. The most important of these principles are (PFREQ) and (AGREE). The purpose of this chapter is to show that these principles can be derived from a strengthened theory of proportions—what we might call ‘the exotic theory of proportions’. The principles of the theory of proportions constructed in Chapter 2 seem completely unproblematic, and accordingly the derivations of principles of nomic probability can reasonably be regarded as proofs of those principles. That ceases to be the case when we turn to the exotic theory of proportions and the corresponding exotic principles of nomic probability. Although quite intuitive, the exotic axioms for proportions are also very strong and correspondingly riskier. Furthermore, although the exotic axioms are intuitive, intuitions become suspect at this level. The problem is that there are a large number of intuitive candidates for exotic axioms, and although each is intuitive by itself, they are jointly inconsistent. This will be illustrated below. It means that we cannot have unqualified trust in our intuitions. In light of this, (PFREQ) and (AGREE) seem more certain than the exotic principles of proportions from which they can be derived. As such, those derivations cannot reasonably be regarded as justifications for the probability principles. Instead they are best viewed as explanations for why the probability principles are true given the characterization of nomic probabilities in terms of proportions. The derivations play an explanatory role rather than a justificatory role. The exotic principles of proportions concern proportions in relational sets. Recall that we can compare sizes of sets with the relation ┌X ⇆Y┐, which was defined as ┌מ(X/X∪Y) = מ(Y/X∪Y) ┐. Our first exotic principle relates the size of a binary relation (a “two-dimensional set”) to the sizes of its one-dimensional segments. If x is in the domain D(R) of R, let Rx be the Rprojection of x, i.e., {y| Rxy}. Suppose D(R) = D(S), and for each x in their domain, Rx ⇆ Sx. Then their “linear dimensions” are everywhere the same.
Introduction
Authors: Treiman Rebecca
Published: November 2020

To be literate, people must be able to read and to write. There has been a large amount of research on the first aspect of literacy, reading. We now know a good deal about how adults read and about how children learn to read. We know much less about the second aspect of literacy, writing. One aspect of learning how to write is learning how to spell. How do children manage this, especially in a language like English that has so many irregular spellings? That is the topic of this book. In this book, I present a detailed study of the spellings produced by a group of American first-grade children. I ask what the children’s spellings reveal about their knowledge of language and about the development of spelling ability. In these days of computerized spelling checkers, is learning to spell correctly still necessary for being a good writer? I believe that it is. In her review of research on beginning reading, Marilyn Adams (1990, p. 3) states that “the ability to read words, quickly, accurately, and effortlessly, is critical to skillful reading comprehension— in the obvious ways and in a number of more subtle ones.” Similarly, the ability to spell words easily and accurately is an important pan of being a good writer. A person who must stop and puzzle over the spelling of each word, even if that person is aided by a computerized spelling checker, has little attention left to devote to other aspects of writing. Just as learning to read words is an important part of reading comprehension, so learning to spell words is an important part of writing. In the study reported in this book, I focus on a group of American first-grade children who were learning to read and write in English. These children, like an increasing number of children in America today, were encouraged to write on their own from the very beginning of the first-grade year. Their teacher did not stress correct spelling. Indeed, she did not tell the children how to spell a word even if they asked.
Conceptualization and Application: Psychological Processes in Environmental Cognition and Assessment
Authors: Weisman Gerald D.
Published: November 2020

Effective research application has always been an important but illusive goal in environment- behavior research. However, the fact that we have not been entirely successful in realizing this goal should not be a source of particular surprise or dismay. Problems of effective research utilization are not at all unique to environment-behavior studies; they are common across disciplines and professions that endeavor to link knowledge and action (Weisman, 1983). Such difficulties are a reflection of fundamentally different ideas of what constitutes effective research application. Assessment of the applicability of the models of psychological processes presented by Böök, Küller, and S. Kaplan (this volume), therefore, is not a simple or entirely straightforward task. It is necessary to first consider the quite different yet useful ways in which application has been defined. After this discussion of application, each of the models in this section will be briefly reviewed, and some conclusions drawn regarding their applicability to environmental planning and design. Throughout this chapter, particular emphasis is placed on the need to confront the physical environment in theoretically meaningful terms and the ways in which this can advance our ability to link environmental knowledge and action. Application may be viewed in many different ways. For some practitioners, research utilization is defined in terms of “instrumental application” (Weiss, 1980). This straightforward view focuses on “the direct application of a research finding in a project, program, policy or administrative decision” (Seidel, 1985, p. 50). Such instrumental application, however, is not the only nor necessarily the most significant avenue for research application. Almost 30 years ago, in a particularly thoughtful article, policy analyst Max Millikan explored the relationship of knowledge and action. Decision makers, Millikan suggested, “commit their elementary error in an inductive fallacy—the assumption that the solution of any problem will be advanced by the simple collection of fact.” “This is easiest to observe,” Millikan noted, “in government circles, where research is considered as identical with ‘intelligence’” (1959, p. 163).
Introduction
Authors: Bonner Thomas Neville
Published: November 2020

In the following pages, I argue for a new way of looking at the history of medical education. The growth of medical training, I believe, has too long been viewed in almost exclusively national terms. Changes in medical teaching seem to have come only when creative individuals or powerful centers of innovation in a single country—Leyden, Vienna, Edinburgh, Paris, Giessen, Leipzig, or perhaps Baltimore—have discovered new ideas and techniques and radiated them outward to peripheral training centers in less advanced cities and towns. Strong personalities have put their stamp on new methods of imparting medical knowledge. The periodization of historical development is marked by important discontinuities that center on large historical events. The historical focus is understandably on dramatic change, new schemes of conveying learning, the advance of science in medicine, or the travels of foreign physicians to centers of innovation. Students appear in standard accounts, if at all, only as passive and voiceless participants in an impersonal process. History becomes a tale of successive national centers of influence that wax and wane in their importance to medicine. Rarely is it clear why these centers climb suddenly to historical prominence or why they later decline. And almost always, in even the best writing on medical education, a teleological thread is visible in which nineteenth-century and earlier patterns are followed largely to reveal how they helped shape twentieth-century realities. In short, medical education, like medicine itself, is often portrayed as a story of steady and sometimes heroic progress. In this book, I seek further answers to the reasons for change in medical teaching in the social, industrial, political, and educational transformations of Europe and North America that took place between the Enlightenment and World War II. Especially important, I believe, was the differential impact on individual nations of such major shifts in Western thought and society as the eighteenth-century Enlightenment, the rapid bursts of population and explosion of cities in the Industrial Revolution, the expansion of the market for health practitioners due to educational and urban growth, the rise of an entrepreneurial spirit in education, the widespread transformation of secondary and higher education in the nineteenth century, advances in the explanatory power of observational and experimental science, and the differing roles played by nation-states, as well as by the students themselves, in matters of health and education.
Science and Medical Study: Early Nineteenth Century
Authors: Bonner Thomas Neville
Published: November 2020

The strong utilitarian impulse to make medical training more practical— the subject of the last chapter—coincided in time with a growing understanding of the human body. Indeed, the remarkable advances in anatomical knowledge of the eighteenth century were crucial to the adoption of the surgical model of teaching students in the nineteenth century. Medical educators now accepted without question the anatomical basis of disease and put increasing emphasis on anatomical studies and personal experience in dissecting the human body in their teaching. Whether in a university course, a hospital clinic, a school for practical physicians, a program for midwives, or private classes, by the early nineteenth century the study of anatomy, both theoretical and practical, was seen as the cornerstone of all medical teaching. It was by means of the study of anatomy and the routine performance of autopsy, the famed French clinicians taught, that a real understanding of disease could be ultimately gained. In their zeal to discover new means of diagnosing illness in the living body, they searched for ways to determine the presence of telltale lesions or faulty functioning in the body that were not visible to the human eye. To “see” inside the body, to “feel” the presence of disease, to hear the sounds of irregular function would enable the physician to understand the course of the disease before it was found at autopsy. If disease were local and lodged in the organs and tissues, as Morgagni and Bichat had demonstrated, then the new French technology of measurement, percussion, and auscultation would enable the physician to locate it and, conceivably, to arrest or extirpate it. The practical impulse in teaching and the new anatomical science of pathology thus worked together to create a new, more hopeful approach to the ancient riddle of how illness began, spread, and worked its mischief. The French achievement in creating a science of pathological anatomy out of the study of diseased tissue, declared the German clinician Karl Pfeufer, brought to medicine a “hitherto unknown sharpness of diagnosis.”
A Bird’s Eye View of Medical Education in 1830
Authors: Bonner Thomas Neville
Published: November 2020

The changes under way in medical training in the transatlantic world by 1830 owed much to the political and social transformations of the preceding half-century. The political revolutions of the old century, which ushered in a long period of turmoil and conflict, had been followed by a period in the early nineteenth century of reaction and consolidation, new industrial growth and the spread of cities, commercial expansion and rising prosperity, and a high degree of political turbulence in every country. No nation escaped the impact of rapid population changes, of buoyant capitalistic enterprise, of the spreading democratic tide, or of the efforts of reformers to help those most adversely affected by the urban-industrial revolution. The training of doctors was inevitably influenced by the rising power of the middle classes in Europe and America as they demanded more medical services and a higher standard of medical competence. The continued growth of industrial cities, notably in Britain, posed serious problems of public health and the medical care of the poor. By 1831, London’s population was already approaching a million and a half, and nearly half the remaining population were now living in towns of more than five thousand. The doctors most in demand in these conditions were those who joined a skill in practical medicine with a knowledge of the new practical sciences. The new studies of science, it was increasingly believed by laypeople, gave the physician a surer command of diagnosis and a better understanding of the disease process, and his practical skills assured the patient of the best possible treatment. Medicine as a practical science, in short, was seen by the public as an important advance over both the old humanistic medicine of the universities and the crude empiricism of the earlier practical schools. The triumph of the clinic and the rise of the new sciences together created a new confidence in medical education. The schools themselves were becoming more alike.
Toward a University Standard of Medical Education, 1890-1920
Authors: Bonner Thomas Neville
Published: November 2020

In the waning years of the nineteenth century, despite (or perhaps because of) the inroads of laboratory science, uncertainty still hung heavy over the future shape of the medical curriculum. Although currents of change now flowed freely through the medical schools and conditions of study were shifting in every country, agreement was far from universal on such primary questions as the place of science and the laboratory in medical study, how clinical medicine should best be taught, the best way to prepare for medical study, the order of studies, minimal requirements for practice, and the importance of postgraduate study. “Perturbations and violent readjustments,” an American professor told his audience in 1897, marked the life of every medical school in this “remarkable epoch in the history of medicine.” Similar to the era of change a century before, students were again confronted with bewildering choices. Old questions long thought settled rose in new form. Did the practical study of medicine belong in a university at all? Was bedside instruction still needed by every student in training, or was the superbly conducted clinical demonstration not as good or even better? Should students perform experiments themselves in laboratories so as to understand the real meaning of science and its promise for medicine, or was it a waste of valuable time for the vast majority? And what about the university—now the home of advanced science, original research work, and the scientific laboratory—was it to be the only site to learn the medicine of the future? What about the still numerous hospital and independent schools, the mainstay of teaching in Anglo- America in 1890—did they still have a place in the teaching of medicine? Amidst the often clamorous debates on these and other questions, the teaching enterprise was still shaped by strong national cultural differences. In the final years of the century, the Western world was experiencing a new sense of national identity and pride that ran through developments in science and medicine as well as politics. The strident nationalism and industrial-scientific strength of a united Germany, evident to physicians studying there, thoroughly frightened many in the rest of Europe.
Statistical Interpretation of Entropy
Authors: Anderson Greg M. , Crerar David A.
Published: November 2020

As we have seen, thermodynamics is based for the most part on the idea of the conservation of energy (First Law) and the concept of entropy (Second Law). The conservation of energy gives little problem intuitively, but it is quite another story with entropy. Entropy can be considered from the point of view of idealized heat engines operating in cycles, or by deriving some of its inherent properties (Chapter 5). We will see how it is measured and tabulated in Chapter 7. This is all very useful, but doesn't help much in gaining an intuitive grasp of entropy, such as we have for the other thermodynamic parameters. Just what is entropy, anyway? There may not be any definitive short answer to this question. If we had to rely on classical thermodynamics for an answer, we would talk at some length about the availability of energy, e.g., the fact that in spite of the tremendous quantity of energy in the ocean, we cannot use any of it to power a ship or to do anything else; the ocean's thermal energy is unavailable unless we provide a reservoir for heat at a lower temperature. This is of course perfectly true, and many useful discussions of the meaning of entropy follow this line of thought, but somehow after all these discussions, the entropy remains somewhat elusive. There is, however, another way to think of entropy that is by far the most useful, and that is from the statistical/probability point of view. This requires that we consider matter from the point of view of the individual particles (atoms, molecules, ions) rather than as macroscopic, homogeneous bodies, and is therefore not a part of classical thermodynamics, but of statistical mechanics. In this chapter we present the rudiments of this approach, not so that the reader can become proficient in statistical thermodynamics (a considerably more thorough introduction is required for that) but to show how entropy is related to statistical considerations. Statistical mechanics does not exactly explain what entropy is, but rather provides a model, quite different from the thermodynamic model, that contains a parameter identical to the entropy of the thermodynamic model in every measurable respect.
Basic Concepts
Authors: Kraus Eric B. , Businger Joost A.
Published: November 2020

Both Cartesian tensor and vector notation will be used in this text. The notation xi means the i-component of the vector x = (x1 x2, x3). When used in the argument of a function [e.g., f(xi)], xi, represents the whole vector, so that f(xi) stands for f(xl,x2,x3). Repeated indices indicate summations over all coordinate directions, (uiui = u2i = u21 + u22 + u23). Two special and frequently used tensors are the unit tensor δij and the alternating tensor ∊ijk. The unit tensor has components equal to unity for i = j and zero for i ≠ j. The alternating tensor has components equal to +1 when the indices are in cyclical sequence 1, 2, 3 or 2, 3, 1 or 3, 1,2; equal to -1 when the indices are not cyclical; and equal to zero when two indices are the same. The vorticity vector is defined by the relation The symbol = is used throughout to represent a definition or identity. Conditions near the sea surface are usually very anisotropic. It is often desirable to distinguish between the horizontal and vertical directions. We shall do so by using an x, y, z coordinate system with the origin at mean sea level and the z -axis pointing upward. Unless otherwise specified, the x and y directions will be toward east and north. The vertical velocity will be denoted by W; the horizontal velocity by the vector U with components U and V. Unity vectors in the x, y, z directions are denoted by i, j, k. The usual vector operation symbols will be used only to represent operations within the horizontal plane. For example, In a fluid one has to distinguish between local changes and changes that are experienced by an individual fluid element as it moves about. The former can be recorded by a fixed sensor and is represented by the partial time differential. The individual change could only be recorded by a sensor that would float with the element. It is denoted by the total time differential In a treatise that covers such a variety of topics, some use of the same symbols for different properties is inevitable.
A History of Early Optical Oceanographic Instrument Design in Scandinavia
Authors: Højerslev Niels K.
Published: November 2020

Interest in the optical characteristics and variability of the sea has grown for nearly two centuries. Most of the early work in this area was performed by European investigators. Perhaps the earliest reference to an optical oceanographic research cruise can be found in the book by Otto Krümmel (1886), in which the author refers to the Rurik circumnavigational cruise of 1817 made by Otto von Kotzebue. In these studies von Kotzebue made measurements using optical instrumentation comprised of a piece of red cloth tethered to a line and lowered into the sea. With this technique, von Kotzebue was able to crudely measure the depth of penetration of light. This technique was refined by using a white plate, and the first measurements in the Pacific (at 10°N 152°W) yielded measurements of 49 meters. It is worth noting that this work was done several decades before the famous efforts of Secchi (1866). Efforts to incorporate photographic techniques to characterize the underwater light field were also developing in the late 1800’s. In March, 1885 some experiments were made in the waters off Nice, France, in which a photographic plate was submerged to depths of several hundred meters. Additional historical information can be found in the classical textbook by Sauberer and Ruttner (1941). Theoretical treatments of optical oceanography developed somewhat later. Ludvig Valentin Lorenz published the first works on the theoretical aspects of marine light scattering. This work, originally published in Danish (Lorenz, 1890), was subsequently translated into French in 1915. Martin Knudsen (founder of International Council for the Exploration of the Sea, and developer of some of the fundamental concepts for making hydrographic calculations) also had concerns about marine optics as reflected in correspondence he sent to Professor Otto Pettersson (father of Hans Pettersson) in Sweden: . . . In studying those provinces of water and particularly of sea water, which are of importance to the organisms living therein, the study of the light contents of the water must occupy the prominent place. Light contents play in many respects a similar part to that of oxygen content but have not been so strongly investigated as the latter. . . .
Prevalence of Delinquency
Authors: Dryfoos Joy G.
Published: November 2020

The term delinquency suggests a wide range of behaviors from socially unacceptable acts performed early in childhood that parents describe as “naughty” and psychologists call “acting out” to violent and destructive illegal behaviors. The seriousness of the act and the age of the perpetrator further sharpens the definition. Acts such as robbery, aggravated assault, rape, and homicide are not age-related offenses. They are criminal acts whether committed by juveniles or adults and are categorized by the Federal Bureau of Investigation as index offenses. Other less serious offenses, such as running away, truancy, drinking under age, sexual promiscuity, and uncontrollability are categorized as status offenses, because they are performed by youth under a specified age which classifies them as juvenile offenses. States differ in their penal codes in regard to the age at which an individual moves from juvenile to adult jurisdiction. About three-fourths of the states have set age 18 as a maximum for defining juveniles, two states have set age 19 as a cutoff, seven states use 17, and four states (including New York) 16. Thus, running away from home at age 17 may be an offense in one state but not another. Almost every child at one time or another acts out, defies parents or teachers, tells lies, or commits minor acts of vandalism. Clearly, they are not all current or potential juvenile delinquents. Many of the behaviors that are considered delinquent are included in a psychiatric diagnosis called conduct disorder. The symptoms of this diagnosis include multiple behaviors extended over a six-month period; 17 behaviors are listed including truancy, stealing, cheating, running away, firesetting, cruelty to animals or persons, “unusually early” sexual intercourse, substance abuse, breaking and entering, and excessive fighting, among others. When three or more of these behaviors co-occur before age 15, and a child is considered unmanageable or out of control, then the clinical diagnosis is conduct disorder. Kazdin defines this disorder as a “pattern of antisocial behavior, when there is significant impairment in everyday functioning . . . and the behaviors are regarded as unmanageable by significant others.”
Prevention of School Failure and Dropping Out
Authors: Dryfoos Joy G.
Published: November 2020

At least three different kinds of interventions are suggested in discussions of schools and high-risk children: preventing school failure, preventing school dropouts, and finding and reinstating students who have already dropped out. The first set is touched on in the effective schools literature, assuming that improving the quality of education will result in higher achievement for all children. Thus, the interventions are primarily aimed at school reform and organization. The second set is described in the dropout prevention literature, with much more attention to individual needs and support services, along with alternative school structures. Because official dropout statistics are generally calculated only for high schools, most of the interventions are directed toward older students, although there is increasing recognition of the need for early intervention. Reinstating students in school is approached largely through employment and “recovery” programs for young people over the age of 18. Because this book is focused on 10- to 17-yearolds, the third set of interventions relating to job placement and programs for older youth will not be included. That subject has been thoroughly addressed by the Grant Foundation Commission on Work, Family, and Citizenship and other sources. The public has been deluged with studies focusing on the crisis in American education. The rationale for intensified concern is that unless the quality of education is improved we as a nation will not be able to compete with foreign countries (the Japanese educational system is most often cited as a model). One source reported that more than 275 education task forces had been organized in the mid- 1980s and “reform literature [has become] a cottage industry among scholars.” States enacted more than 700 pieces of legislation between 1983 and 1985, mostly stressing a return to basics. Most recommendations directed toward raising quality call for higher standards for graduation from high school, higher college admission standards, teacher competency tests, and changes in teacher certification requirements.
Strategies for Preventing High-Risk Behavior
Authors: Dryfoos Joy G.
Published: November 2020

This book began with the hypothesis that a definable segment of America’s youth is so disadvantaged that this group will not be able to grow up into productive adults unless they receive immediate attention. An analysis of successful prevention programs has documented that enough information is now available to launch the necessary interventions to change the prospects for many of these young people. In Chapters 3 to 7, the prevalence and overlap in high-risk behavior were described and quantified; Chapter 8 reviewed the organizational structure that defines categorical programs; and Chapters 9 to 13 compiled extensive information on successful prevention programs. In this final chapter, we build on those findings to outline specific procedures that may lead to the development of more rational and effective strategies for changing the life trajectories for millions of children. These strategies rely heavily on the concept of centralized Youth Development Agencies, at the local, state, and federal levels. Such structures would be empowered to package the various program components so that they would have greater impact and efficiency. . . . Who Is At Risk? . . . It should be well understood by now that approximately one in four children of the 28 million aged 10 to 17 are in dire need of assistance because they are at high risk of engaging in multiple problem behaviors—in other words, of being substance abusers, having early unprotected intercourse, being delinquents, and failing in school. Based on current population estimates, this means that 7 million young people living primarily in disadvantaged neighborhoods are in the target population for intensive care. Minority youth have higher prevalence rates and are more visible in densely populated urban areas; nevertheless, the majority of these multiproblem youth are white (and male). Another 7 million young people—25 percent—practice risky behavior, but to a lesser degree, and are therefore less subject to negative consequences. And, it is estimated that about half of the youth population, 14 million, are not currently involved in high-risk behaviors and appear to be moving through the educational system at expected levels. However, their problem-solving skills need sharpening and they need access to a higher quality of education, as do all children.
Experimental Methods in Unimolecular Dissociation Studies
Authors: Baer Tomas , Hase William L.
Published: November 2020

The experimental aspects of kinetic studies with state-selected reactants have played a critical role in the advancement of our understanding of unimolecular processes.
Product Energy Distributions
Authors: Baer Tomas , Hase William L.
Published: November 2020

The measurement of product translational and rotational energies, and in some cases vibrational energy, is often more readily accomplished than the measurement of the dissociation rate. As a result there exists a considerable body of experimental information about product energy distributions (FED) for many classes of reactions. The only simple model for treating these FED is the statistical one; however, there is a considerable diversity in its application. In the dissociation of large molecules at moderate to large excess energies, the translational, rotational, and vibrational energy distributions can be treated as continuous functions. On the other hand, in the dissociation of triatomic molecules, it is often possible to measure the quantized rotational energy distribution for specific vibrational energy levels of the diatomic product. Just as in the determination of the dissociation rates, product energy partitioning is highly sensitive to the potential energy surface. If there is no reverse activation barrier, the product energies are often distributed statistically. That is, the distributions depend only upon the product phase space and are independent of the detailed shape of the potential energy surface. On the other hand, for reactions with a “tight” transition state located at the top of a reverse activation barrier, statistical redistribution of the product energies is often not possible. After passing through the transition-state region, the products move down the repulsive wall and rapidly dissociate with little chance to exchange and equilibrate the available energy. Often, such products are ejected with considerable translational energy. This happens in large as well as small molecules or ions. The resulting product energy partitioning is then highly nonstatistical, even though the dissociation rate is perfectly predicted by RRKM theory. That is, the dissociation rate and product energy partitioning are separate and uncoupled events. The rate is governed early in the reaction history by the structure of the transition state, while product energy partitioning is determined late in the reaction and is governed by the shape of the potential energy surface at large internuclear distances. The most effective model for treating product energy distributions (PEDs) of reactions with no reverse activation barriers is the statistical theory.