bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Population Ecology and Social Movements
Authors: Minkoff Debra
Published: September 2022

The population ecology of social movements takes as its starting point theories of organizational evolution. First elaborated by Hannan and Freeman, what came to be known as organizational ecology provides a research paradigm for scholars interested in understanding how diversity in organizational forms develops and changes over time. Drawing on evolutionary models, organizational ecologists focus on competition and environmental selection as the central mechanisms driving the creation and institutionalization of new organizational forms. In addition to competition over scarce resources, processes of legitimation are also important in explaining how new organizational models become established. A central theoretical principle is that the development of organizational populations is “density‐dependent”: early on, increases in the number, or density, of successful organizations improve the legitimacy of the forms and provide a template for action that creates resources and incentives for organizational formation; as the population expands, however, competitive pressures drive down the founding rate and increase the failure rate of existing groups.
Postmaterialism and Social Movements
Authors: Miller Peter
Published: September 2022

Postmaterialism is a general theory of value change, developed in large part by Ronald Inglehart. It describes a shift in individual and societal priorities from survival‐based needs to needs related to self‐expression. Two hypotheses describe the underlying logic of this change in values. First (the
scarcity
hypothesis), an individual's priorities reflect the larger context insofar as the individual places the highest value on those things which are in short supply. Second (the
socialization
hypothesis), there is a time lag between the context and the individual's value priorities, largely because one's basic values reflect the context of one's pre‐adult years. Consider each of these hypotheses. First, scarce resources form, to a large degree, an individual's perspective on the world. Consider the lengths a starving man would go to to acquire food. We would expect him to not be dissuaded by laws banning theft if his life was on the line. However, we would expect a man who has no fear of starvation to have a contrasting view of the world, due to the latter's material security. Second, the shift in priorities is not immediate. Giving a starving man a single loaf of bread will probably not cause the man to turn his attention away from an all‐consuming search for food, but a sustained trajectory toward material security may cause the man to shift his attention away from the search for food. Conversely, reducing one's material security can, over time, lead to a reversal in value priorities away from postmaterial needs for self‐expression. Thus the cultivation of postmaterialist values is dependent upon contextual factors including the level of material security during one's upbringing, but also the economic conditions during the time of a survey measuring the prevalence of postmaterial values.
Quotidian Disruption
Authors: Borland Elizabeth
Published: September 2022

Quotidian disruption refers to the breakdown or interruption of everyday practices, routines, and expectations which leads to a heightened likelihood of the emergence of collective action. The word “quotidian” means the routines of daily life, and encompasses the everyday practices we all take for granted. A modern variant of breakdown theory, the central argument of the quotidian disruption model, proposed first by Snow and colleagues, is that actual or threatened disruption of the quotidian is the key element which connects social breakdown to movement emergence.
Revolutions
Authors: Rojas Rene , Goodwin Jeff
Published: September 2022

In common parlance, “revolution” has come to mean virtually any fundamental change. Transformations of ways of thinking, technologies, and even fashions and consumer goods are often described as “revolutionary.” Social scientists, however, generally define revolution in one of two ways. For some, a revolution refers broadly to any extralegal overthrow and transformation of a political regime or state by a popular rebellion, whether by violent or nonviolent means. (Although some state officials may support revolutionaries, a revolution differs from a coup d'état, which refers to the overthrow of a government by political elites, often led by military officers, with little if any popular support or active participation by ordinary people.) Others define revolutions more narrowly as only those historical episodes in which the overthrow of a regime or state is accompanied by or facilitates fundamental changes in a society's economic institutions and class structure (e.g. the French, Russian, and Chinese revolutions). This latter type of revolution is often called a “social revolution” (or “great revolution”) in order to distinguish it from those revolutions (or “political revolutions”) that entail new political orders, but little, if any, change in economic or class structures (e.g. the English and American revolutions). Of course, what begins as a political revolution may end up being a social revolution.
Situational Analysis and Social Movements
Authors: Cefaï Daniel , Trom Danny
Published: September 2022

The notion of situational analysis has different origins. The most relevant, historically, are Max Gluckman's ethnography of a conventional crowd, that met at the “inauguration of a bridge in Zululand,” and Goffman's innovative ecology of public encounters and gatherings, as exposed in
Behavior in Public Places
(1963). In the first case, the situational analysis was highlighting the link between face‐to‐face relationships and exchanges, and the macroprocesses of the colonial society in Rhodesia; in the second case, it intended to discover an “interactional order,” meaningful in itself, “loosely coupled” with social structures. Both meanings can be found in the literature on social movements.
Social Change and Social Movements
Authors: Andrews Kenneth T.
Published: September 2022

Do movements matter? The impact of movements on patterns of social change is one of the most enduring topics in the study of protest and social movements, and it has gained considerable attention in recent years. Understanding this complex topic requires careful attention to several interrelated issues including conceptualizing social change and appraising whether movements matter and, if so, how. Debates continue regarding how significant movements are for explanations of social change, the conditions under which movements matter, and the movement characteristics associated with greater or lesser impact.
Ainu Indigenous Rights Movement (Japan)
Authors: Tsutsui Kiyoteru
Published: September 2022

Social movements by Ainu, an indigenous people in Japan, started in earnest in the 1970s, influenced strongly by the expanding global indigenous rights movement, and have achieved some significant successes since then. Ainu today are descendants of populations that have inhabited northern parts of Japan for thousands of years but have been pushed northward by mainland Japanese governments throughout history. As the Meiji Restoration (1868) established a modern state in Japan, the Meiji government incorporated northern islands in Japan as the Hokkaido prefecture in 1869, making official Ainu's subjugation to mainland Japanese. The government encouraged mainland Japanese to move to Hokkaido and implemented policies to assimilate Ainu populations into the Japanese mainstream. This policy, symbolized by the 1899 Hokkaido Former Aborigines Protection Act, destroyed the traditional Ainu ways of life and their communities and threw them into severe poverty. Although the Japanese government took remedial measures to improve their living conditions, these measures were not a result of Ainu activism. Some Ainu associations emerged during the democracy movement in Japan (mid‐1920s to early 1930s), but Ainu's ethnic/indigenous identity was confined primarily to cultural spheres, such as in novels and poetry. Heavily reliant on government welfare, their political voice was largely muted, especially as Japan entered World War II.
American Revolution
Authors: Griffin Patrick
Published: September 2022

The “American Revolution” has confounded historians since the late eighteenth century. It still does. The term, usually unbounded by quotation marks, is freighted with a great deal of baggage. It always has been. In their famous debates on the eve of the Civil War, Abraham Lincoln and Stephen Douglas portrayed the revolution as the touchstone of American identity, the event that made Americans exceptional. The freed slave turned abolitionist Frederick Douglass also saw the revolution as an event that made Americans exceptional, but in his eyes, exceptionally hypocritical. For Americans today, it still conjures up all sorts of images ranging from muskets and Betsy Ross, to the states' rights and the pursuit of happiness. More critically, it still serves as focus for the basis of civil life. It still frames debate of who Americans are and what they would like to become. The modern Tea Party movement is a vivid example. So too those who argue that the Tea Party gets the revolution wrong. They have, critics suggest, picked the right event to understand what makes Americans American, but they have interpreted it incorrectly.
Anti‐Witchcraft Movements (Africa)
Authors: Bonhomme Julien
Published: September 2022

Movements aimed at the eradication of witchcraft periodically sweep across Sub‐Saharan Africa. One of the best documented is the Mcape, which has been observed in different parts of Eastern Central Africa throughout the twentieth century by anthropologists such as Audrey Richards, Max Marwick, and Roy Willis. As opposed to witchdoctors who provide individual protection against witchcraft, these movements operate on a larger scale and aim at more radical objectives: they offer protection for the whole community and claim to root out all evil once and for all. Witchcraft is addressed as a general and collective threat, rather than being related to interpersonal conflict stemming from the family. The excessive ambition of anti‐witchcraft movements explains their transient and recurrent nature. New movements are constantly emerging, rapidly gaining, then losing popularity when they fail to fulfill their promise, hence paving the way for the next movement to appear on this highly competitive marketplace. Compared to more structured cults, anti‐witchcraft movements have little formal organization and rely on their leaders' charisma and reputation. They are deterritorialized movements, often led by itinerant witch‐finders who cross ethnic and national boundaries. Anti‐witchcraft movements are centered on mass cleansing (and must therefore be distinguished from more brutal witch‐hunts). When the witch‐finder arrives in a village, he authoritatively lines up all the inhabitants and proceeds to identify the witches by divination. He then asks the alleged witches to confess their evil deeds and surrender their harmful “fetishes” or “medicines.” These paraphernalia are publicly destroyed or piled up at crossroads as a demonstration of the witch‐finder's supremacy. The accused are sometimes “branded” with razors, but are not put to death nor banned from the community. Finally, all villagers are administered a witch‐cleansing treatment, which is said to protect the innocent and kill those who will attempt to revert to witchcraft.
ANUC (Colombian Peasant Movement)
Authors: Zamosc Leon
Published: September 2022

To end the Colombian civil war known as La Violencia (1948–1957), the Conservative and Liberal parties agreed in 1958 to reconcile under the National Front, a 16‐year coalition regime based on administrative power‐sharing and presidential alternation. In 1961 Congress passed an Agrarian Reform Law but, bowing to the landowners' interests, the first two governments of the National Front took no serious steps to redistribute land. Determined to implement the reform, the next president, Liberal politician Carlos Lleras (1966–1970), promoted legislation granting land rights to tenants and sharecroppers and boosted the capabilities of INCORA, the Institute of Agrarian Reform. In 1967, he also launched an initiative to establish ANUC, the National Peasant Association of Colombia, as a state‐sponsored organization that would promote peasant involvement in the provision of rural services and in the agrarian reform program. From the start, it was clear that Lleras expected that, as a peasant force pushing for land redistribution, ANUC would exert the pressure that was needed to overcome the landowners' opposition and facilitate INCORA's work. In the organizational campaign, promoters from the Ministry of Agriculture scoured the countryside instructing peasants about their rights, forming local and regional peasant associations, and grooming promising activists into a national leadership. When ANUC's national congress met in 1970, the number of registered members was about one million. The response had been especially strong in the areas of traditional
haciendas
(large estates), where tenants and sharecroppers wanted land of their own; and in the piedmont forest frontiers, where peasant colonists demanded infrastructure and services.
Buraku Liberation Movement (Japan)
Authors: Davis John H.
Published: September 2022

During the roughly nine decades since its inception, the Buraku Liberation movement (Buraku Kaihō Undō) has worked to eliminate the social prejudice and structural inequities that characterized life for many
burakumin
, residents of former outcast districts. Although official caste designations were abolished in 1871, many
burakumin
continued to be targets of discrimination. The Buraku Liberation movement emerged as a national phenomenon in 1922 with the establishment of the National Levelers Association (Zenkoku Suiheisha). This organization adopted a strategy of direct confrontation known as
tetteiteki kyuū dan
or “thoroughgoing denunciation” against individuals accused of discriminating against
burakumin
. The focus of the group gradually expanded beyond critiquing the actions of individuals to scrutinizing systemic discrimination manifest in institutions such as the military, police, school, and government administrations. The activities of the organization came to a close in 1942 as one of several organizational casualties resulting from domestic pressures stemming from the intensification of the ongoing war effort. Following the end of World War II, the Buraku Liberation movement was rekindled in 1946 with the establishment of the National Committee for Buraku Liberation (Buraku Kaihō Zenkoku Iinkai), which changed its name in 1955 to the current Buraku Liberation League (Buraku Kaihō Dōmei). The movement continued to focus its attention on systemic manifestations of discrimination and ratcheted up pressure on governmental entities to accept responsibility for eradicating prejudice against
buraku
residents. During the postwar years, much of Japan experienced improvements as the country went through a period of rapid economic growth. Progress rarely extended to
buraku
areas, however. National surveys revealed significant gaps between the general population and
buraku
residents, who experienced higher levels of poverty exacerbated by high unemployment and low educational attainment. Moreover, social prejudice against those residing in
buraku
districts continued to manifest itself in areas such as marriage and employment discrimination.
Recyclable Materials Collectors Movement (Brazil and South America)
Authors: dos Santos Maria Cecilia Loschiavo
Published: September 2022

Increasing joblessness and homelessness in Brazil in the last 20 years has led to the development and spread of a new strategy of income generation among some poor and homeless individuals: collecting and recycling discarded mass‐produced objects and materials.
Central America Solidarity Movement
Authors: Nepstad Sharon Erickson
Published: September 2022

The Central America Solidarity movement emerged in the early 1980s when US citizens sought ways to support Nicaraguans, Salvadorans, and Guatemalans who were fighting for human rights, economic justice, and democratic freedoms. Solidarity activists also worked to obstruct US political, economic, and military intervention in Central America.
Chinese Communist Revolution
Authors: Xu Jin , Zhao Dingxin
Published: September 2022

The communist revolution of China was led by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), which was founded in 1921 in the wake of the May Fourth movement. The CCP began as a very small Marxist‐inspired left‐wing intellectual club, with little political influence prior to its alliance with the Chinese Nationalist Party (GMD) in 1924. The GMD were motivated to ally with the CCP in order to obtain support from the Soviet Union in their fight with the northern warlords. With the help of the CCP, the GMD was remodeled from a loose organization into a Leninist party, and the GMD also received financial and other support from the Soviet Union. Meanwhile, the CCP also developed quickly by infiltrating the GMD‐controlled army and by expanding its organizations in the urban and rural areas of southern China. While the alliance between the GMD and CCP brought great success for both parties, tensions also grew as the parties pursued different agendas. After the initial military success against the warlords during the Northern Expedition, a growing number of the GMD's leaders and generals became very unhappy about the CCP's infiltration into the GMD‐controlled army as well as about the CCP's radical property redistribution policy, which was implemented in the territories recently occupied by the GMD's Northern Expedition army. As a result they no longer wanted to share power with the CCP. In early 1927, shortly after Northern Expedition troops occupied Shanghai, the GMD started to purge the CCP‐controlled organizations in the city and labeled the CCP an illegal organization. The purge soon spread, with hundreds of thousands of CCP members and their sympathizers arrested and killed. In response, the CCP staged several military uprisings in late 1927 in places where they had strong influence. While all these uprisings were easily suppressed by the GMD army, the surviving members of the CCP were able to retreat to mountain areas and conduct guerrilla warfare.
Earth's Color March (Mexico)
Authors: Amparán Aquiles Chihu
Published: September 2022

The Earth's Color March was the name of the journey made by 24 leaders from the Zapatista Liberation Army (EZLN), including Subcommander Marcos. The Zapatista delegation was accompanied by Mexican men and women from various ethnic groups, members from domestic and international civil organizations, and celebrities such as Portuguese writer and Nobel Prize winner José Saramago. The delegation departed in a convoy of over 60 buses from Chiapas on 24 February 2001, and arrived in Mexico City on 11 March. The marchers were pushing for a reform to the Constitution to have the rights of the indigenous peoples of Mexico recognized, the establishment of an autonomous government, and power over the resources in the areas where they live.
Ethnic Movements
Authors: Okamoto Dina
Published: September 2022

Organized by groups whose distinctiveness is based on national origin, culture, language, religion, territory, race, or phenotype, ethnic movements are enacted with the purpose of promoting or resisting social change. Ethnic groups express grievances or claims on behalf of the larger collective through organized efforts directed at institutions, political elites, or other ethnic groups. The target of an ethnic movement can vary depending upon its goals, which include improving the status of minority groups, influencing policy, or demanding independence. Like other social movements, ethnic movements are enacted, in part, outside of institutional channels and may threaten the status quo. While many ethnic movements are peaceful, those associated with secessionist and separatist movements may engage in ethnic violence. No matter what tactics and strategies are used, the emergence of ethnic movements within multi‐ethnic states – the vast majority of countries around the world – presents a challenge to democratic nations and civil societies.
Hamas (Palestine)
Authors: Gunning Jeroen
Published: September 2022

The Islamic Resistance Movement, better known by its Arabic acronym HAMAS, was founded at the start of the first Palestinian Intifada between December 1987 and January 1988. It began as the resistance wing of the Palestinian Muslim Brotherhood, established in the mid‐1940s as the Palestinian branch of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood. By the mid‐1990s, Hamas had eclipsed its parent organization and had become the main opposition party to Fatah. Since 2006, it has been in government.
Hizb ut‐Tahrir
Authors: Karagiannis Emmanuel
Published: September 2022

Hizb ut‐Tahrir al‐Islami (the Islamic Liberation Party) was founded in 1953 by the Palestinian Islamic scholar Taqiuddin an‐Nabhani. It gradually expanded to become a truly international movement with many branches in the Muslim world and the West. Hizb ut‐Tahrir has developed an ideological framework that emphasizes Muslim political unity. It has campaigned for the restoration of the caliphate since the 1950s without resorting to violence. Hizb ut‐Tahrir has functioned as a transnational social movement organization, forging a new identity for its members.
Homeless Protest Movements (United States)
Authors: Cress Daniel M. , Snow David A.
Published: September 2022

Protest activity by homeless people was arguably the most significant social movement by poor people in the United States over the three‐decade period 1980–2010. Newspaper accounts of homeless protests were reported in over 60 cities during the 1980s with more than 500 protest events reported in 17 of those cities between 1984 and 1990. Beyond its empirical importance, homeless protest provides theoretical insight into social movement activity because of the seemingly unlikely possibility of homeless people being able to sustain ongoing mobilization or achieve significant concessions. This entry examines the emergence, organization, and outcomes of homeless protest and concludes with a discussion of how protest by the homeless influences our understanding of social movements more broadly.
Korean Residents Movement (Japan)
Authors: Chapman David
Published: September 2022

In early 1945 approximately two million Koreans were living in Japan. At the end of World War II almost one and half million returned to Korea and around 600,000 remained in Japan. In late 1945 the newly formed League of Koreans (Zainippon Chōsenjin Renmei) called for the eradication of imperialism and militarism, the abolition of Japan's Emperor System, and the independence of Koreans in Japan. The first postwar large‐scale protest of resident Koreans in Japan ensued, with a rally of many thousands held in Hibiya Park on 28 December 1945. Many of the protesters expressed grievances and demands relating to the protection of property, personal safety, salary payments, benefits, and the prosecution of those responsible for the massacre of Koreans during the 1923 Great Kanto earthquake.
Movement Toward Socialism (MAS–IPSP) (Bolivia)
Authors: Albro Robert
Published: September 2022

The Movement Toward Socialism (Movimiento al Socialism, hereafter MAS) began as the political instrument of Bolivia's president Evo Morales. The story of Morales is well known. He grew up poor in a rural Aymara‐speaking community of miners and migrated to the lowland coca‐growing Chapare region upon completion of his military service. In the early 1980s Morales became active in his local union of coca growers, and beginning in 1988 was primary leader of the Six Federations of the Chapare, the region's coca grower movement. He continued as the titular head of the coca growers through three presidential terms between 2006 and 2019. Since 2019 Morales's control over the MAS has diminished.
National Organization for Women (NOW) (United States)
Authors: Gilmore Stephanie
Published: September 2022

The National Organization for Women (NOW) was the largest explicitly feminist organization of the post‐World War II women's movement, and remains active into the twenty‐first century. NOW was founded in June 1966, at the third annual meeting of the President's Commission on the Status of Women (PCSW); at this meeting in Washington DC, delegates refused to pass a resolution mandating the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) to hear cases related to on‐the‐job sex discrimination cases. Commissioners Aileen Hernandez and Richard Graham had been pushing the EEOC to hear cases of sex discrimination, but were outnumbered by three other commissioners who denied sex discrimination as a violation of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act. Sonia Pressman Fuentes, an EEOC attorney, suggested that women needed an organization to speak on behalf of women as the NAACP and other organizations had done for African Americans; she also coined the name “National Organization for Women.” Pauli Murray, law professor at Yale and PCSW delegate, joined Hernandez, Graham, Fuentes, and others in denouncing the EEOC's decision. When journalist Betty Friedan called a meeting in her hotel room, between 15 and 20 women and men joined her and began the planning stages for what would become the National Organization for Women. Since Friedan was not formally involved with the PCSW, she was appointed the spokesperson. When the group met in October 1966 to create bylaws and a statement of purpose, Friedan was elected president of NOW.
Nazi Movement (Germany)
Authors: Brustein William I.
Published: September 2022

Out of the chaos surrounding Germany's collapse at the end of World War I sprang the German Workers' Party. This party, which would eventually become the National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP), was formed on 5 January 1919 in Munich under the leadership of Anton Drexler and Karl Harrer. One of the party's early recruits was Adolf Hitler. In a short space of time, Hitler made his presence felt, becoming the party's most popular orator. Between 1920 and 1921 Hitler established his complete authority over the party. He added the words “National Socialist” to the party's name and adopted the swastika as the party's symbol and flag, and in February 1920 the party issued its official 25‐point program. It called, among other things, for the union of all Germans within a greater Germany, repeal of the Treaties of Versailles and St. Germain, the establishment of colonies for Germany's surplus population, the exclusion of Jews from citizenship, the appointment of only competent citizens to official posts (without regard to party affiliation), state promotion of the welfare and economic activities of its citizens, an end to non‐German immigration, the improvement of national health and fitness levels through obligatory physical activities, and promotion of the common interest above self‐interest. With regard to economic issues, the party demanded the abolition of the “thralldom of interest,” confiscation of war profits, nationalization of syndicates and trusts, introduction of profit sharing in industry, improved old‐age insurance, establishment and protection of a healthy middle class of artisans and merchants, implementation of land reform by means of “confiscation without compensation,” abolition of interest on mortgages, and prohibition of land speculation. The twenty‐fifth and final point of the program called for the establishment of a powerful central government, along with diets and vocational chambers to implement the laws proclaimed by the Reich and the various German states.
Patriot/Militia Movement (United States)
Authors: Van Dyke Nella
Published: September 2022

Recent years have seen dramatic action on the part of anti‐government patriot and militia groups in the United States, including participating in the January 6th storming of the United States Capitol. The movement had been organizing for years before that, however, emerging initially in the early 1990s. This entry traces the movement's history and describe some of the largest anti‐government and militia groups, including the Oath Keepers, Boogaloo Bois, and WorldNetDaily, as well as their ideology. It then reviews research on the factors that influenced the movement's emergence and development over time, including economic grievances and political threats. It concludes by discussing factors influencing dynamics in the contemporary movement, including economic grievances and opportunities within the political environment.
Peasant Movements
Authors: SinghaRoy Debal K.
Published: September 2022

This entry summarizes the dynamics of peasant movements in both historical and contemporary terms. It highlights the nature of peasants' political actions, the conditions that produce peasant movements, and the changing dimensions of peasants' movements in the pre‐ and posteconomic liberalization world.
Piqueteros
(Unemployed Workers Movement in Argentina)
Authors: Rossi Federico M.
Published: September 2022

The
piqueteros
, or unemployed workers movement, is the main contentious actor in the resistance to the social consequences of neoliberalism and the struggle for reincorporation of the popular sectors (i.e., the poor and/or marginalized strata) into Argentina's political arena. The name
piqueteros
(picketers) is based on the type of protest that made this movement publicly known – the picketing of national roads. The origin and characteristics of the
piquetero
movement are traceable to four main processes: (i) the social consequences of the collapse of the import‐substitution industrialization model of development and the application of neoliberal reforms that produced a massive and fast deindustrialization from the 1980s; (ii) the territorialization of politics since redemocratization as a result of the dissolution of the main corporatist arrangements for solving popular sectors' claims; (iii) the adaptation to a democratic setting of left‐wing groups that had participated in armed struggle during the 1970s; and (iv) the creation of “spaces for protected contention” by some unions, human rights organizations, and Catholic Church dioceses in the 1980s and 1990s, meaning a geographical area that, due to its location within the area of influence of a strong allied institution, allows contentious politics to be played out by movements and other actors under conditions that involve less risk than elsewhere.
Popular Assembly of the Towns of Oaxaca (Mexico)
Authors: Tamayo Sergio
Published: September 2022

Every 15 May, Mexico commemorates teachers' day. On 14 June 2006, in the southern state of Oaxaca, Section 22 of the National Education Workers Union (SNTE) sponsored, as they did every year, a routine mobilization for better wages. The teachers were assaulted by police helicopters and riot police on the orders of the state government, to stop the demonstration taking place in Oaxaca's downtown. Due to police inefficiency and the resistance of the demonstrators, the police were not able to halt the demonstration, which generated considerable citizen reaction. As a result, the Popular Assembly of the Towns of Oaxaca (APPO) was created. It was formed by teachers participating in the general strike, neighborhood and district residents, nongovernmental organizations, indigenous towns, some municipal authorities, transportation officials, youth and students, communicators, peasants, members of religious orders, small businessmen and tradesmen, academics, artists, and intellectuals. The eclectic movement demanded the removal of the governor, because of his authoritarianism and corruption.
Pro‐Democracy of 1987 (Korea)
Authors: Son Jaesok
Published: September 2022

The June Uprising of 1987 was a pro‐democracy movement that ended authoritarian rule and started a democratic transition in South Korea after almost four decades of dictatorships. Although it did not bring revolutionary changes overnight, democracy gradually consolidated after 1987 as civil society and the public sphere expanded.
Russian Revolution
Authors: Moschelkov Yevgenyi , Gubin Oleg
Published: September 2022

In search of new approaches, this entry analyzes the Russian Revolution in terms of grassroots mass mobilization, which – in one year – smashed
samoderzhavia
(the Russian tsarist regime), then attempted to create a representative liberal democracy, but culminated in the Bolshevik power seizure. In 1917, the revolutionary social movement took a quite different turn than during the barricade militant uprising and civic unrests of 1905, which advanced Russia toward constitutional monarchy and were followed by economic expansion. World War I disrupted both processes and became a catalyst for the Russian Revolution. The hard core of the Russian Revolution constituted the causal chain of collective actions and events in the year of 1917, from the fall of
samoderzhavia
to the emergence and then bolshevization of the soviets, to the power duality, and further on to the construction and failure of the liberal democracy, destroyed in the Bolshevik armed rebellion. The approach in this entry differs from conceptualizations of the Russian Revolution as a prolonged process from 1917 to the end of civil war in 1924 (the official Soviet version) and even further on to the mid‐1930s. Also, the entry breaks with the idea, perpetuated in Soviet and Western scholarship, of three Russian revolutions: the 1905 Revolution, the February Bourgeoisie‐Democrat Revolution, and the October Socialist Revolution. The Russian Revolution began in February 1917, with the overthrow of
samoderzhavia
, and ended in January 1918, with the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly.
Slow Food Movement
Authors: Bossy Sophie
Published: September 2022

This entry examines the Slow Food movement, a nonprofit, member‐supported grassroots organization with supporters in over 160 countries. The movement was founded in 1989 in response to the rise of fast food, the disappearance of local food traditions, and people's reduced interest in the food they eat, in terms of its taste, where it comes from, and its environmental impact.
Squatters' Movements
Authors: Owens Lynn
Published: September 2022

To squat is to occupy a space otherwise not in use, without the owner's permission. Squatting takes many forms, from building shantytowns on the outskirts of the megalopolises of the developing world, to claiming unused rural land for food production, to occupying vacant buildings in the city center. Squatting addresses unmet spatial needs, either indirectly, as a protest to draw attention to the vacancy and viability of alternative spaces and force authorities to intervene, or, more directly, by procuring space for the squatters themselves. Boundaries between squatting and squatters' movements are messy. They overlap, but are not the same. While all squatting is at least somewhat political – challenging property regimes and the elites benefiting from them – to squat is not necessarily to participate in a squatters' movement. The vast majority of the world's squatters do not actively take part in squatters' movements; conversely, these movements do not limit themselves simply to housing concerns, and their participants are not necessarily always squatters. When researchers study squatters' movements, these are both narrower and broader than merely squatting. Such movements are almost invariably urban, and usually in Europe. The history of these movements dates from the 1960s, peaking into the 1980s, and continuing in a smaller form to this day. The Netherlands, once numbering over 20,000 active squatters, had the largest and most influential of these movements, but other countries also experienced noteworthy squatting activity, including the UK, Germany, Italy, Switzerland, Denmark, and Spain. Squatters' movements promote a do‐it‐yourself (DIY) ethic in defending space and lifestyles against the influence of capital and state. Housing issues establish only the starting point for these movements.
State‐Sponsored Social Movements
Authors: Su Yang
Published: September 2022

A state‐sponsored social movement refers to a popular movement initiated and endorsed by the central leadership of the state and organized by the government's apparatuses. Collective action events are peopled by citizens in their capacity as nonstate actors, but the main source of claims, leadership, and organizational resources is from within the state itself, and state actors, in their official capacities, serve as the main organizers. Examples range from a daily ritual that the government calls for its citizens to perform (such as a pledge of allegiance) to a campaign of persecutions against its minorities (such as genocide). Oft‐cited historical events, such as the Nazi persecution of Jews in Hitler's Germany and the Cultural Revolution in Mao's China, are considered to be state‐sponsored movements. Other less extreme examples also belong to the category, as will become clear when the entry clarifies the concept further.
Taiping Rebellion (China)
Authors: Zhang Yang
Published: September 2022

Lasting from 1850 to 1864, the Taiping Rebellion was the biggest social rebellion of China's imperial era and probably the most violent rebellion in world history, measured by the number of casualties. Led by Christian convert Hong Xiuquan, the rebels uprose in Guangxi province, next to Canton, established the Tai‐ping Heavenly Kingdom (“Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace”), and controlled large parts of southern China. The rebellion swept across most parts of the Qing Empire's 18 inner provinces, involved around 5 million troops, and killed more than 20 million people. The Taiping Rebellion is also well known for its charismatic leadership, Christian ideology, anti‐Manchu nationalism, and radical social reform. Despite its final failure, the rebellion directly influenced the Qing Empire's military, administrative, and fiscal structure and central–regional relationship.
Taiwan Independent Movement
Authors: Wang Fu‐Chang
Published: September 2022

The Taiwan Independent Movement (TIM) refers to collective, organized efforts to establish a sovereign Taiwan independent of China. Since the seventeenth century, Taiwan has been closely related to China. The western part of Taiwan became part of Chinese territory in 1684 after Qing troops defeated Koxinga, a Ming dynasty loyalist who drove away the Dutch colonialists in 1662 and used Taiwan as a base for his military campaign against Qing dynasty rulers. Taiwan was ceded to Japan in 1895 by the Qing dynasty in the Treaty of Shimonoseki that followed the 1894 Sino‐Japanese War and was returned to Chinese rule again in 1945 after World War II. Since the seventeenth century, many Chinese Han migrants have settled in Taiwan, constituting more than 95 percent of the island's population by 1905, according to the Japanese census. Advocates of TIM, however, claimed that after 51 years of Japanese rule the Taiwanese had evolved into a nation different from China. The TIM claim was contested by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) regime and the Kuomintang (KMT, literally “Nationalist Party”) regime, which relocated to Taiwan after the former took over the Chinese mainland in 1949. Both the CCP and the KMT claimed that Taiwan had been a part of China since ancient times.
Terrorist Movements
Authors: Gunning Jeroen
Published: September 2022

Terrorism has been a hotly contested phenomenon for centuries. The term first came to be used to describe the Terror of the French Revolutionary government of the late eighteenth century, although the principle of spreading terror through violence for political ends is much older. Since then, the term has come to focus on nonstate actors, from the anarchist militants of the late nineteenth century, through the nationalist anti‐colonial movements of the mid‐twentieth, to the leftist, rightist, religio‐nationalist, and religious groups of the late twentieth and early twenty‐first centuries. Since the September 11 attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon in New York and Washington DC, the term has become particularly ubiquitous. From media coverage to literary and film subgenres and academe, terrorism, terrorists, and terrorist movements fascinate as much as they appall. Why do individuals, movements, or states turn to terrorism? Under what circumstances do they move away from it? Are they driven by ideology? By political or economic exclusion?
Urban Riots (Europe, Post‐2000)
Authors: Waddington David P.
Published: September 2022

Since the start of the new millennium there have been four major instances of urban “rioting” in Europe, each of which has given rise to prolonged academic and/or public theoretical speculation regarding the underlying political origins and motives of such action. The term “rioting” is often rejected as inappropriate by academic and political commentators, on the grounds that it often used to suggest “wanton criminality” or, oppositely, to imply a degree of political awareness and ambition that is actually lacking among participants. This entry employs the more neutral descriptor of “disorders” in referring to such events.
War Crime Movements (Japan)
Authors: Chan Jennifer
Published: September 2022

Various nongovernmental advocacy efforts concerning Japanese war crimes have arisen in the past six decades since the conclusion of the International Military Tribunal for the Far East (hereafter referred to as the Tokyo Tribunal) and the trials at other sites throughout the Pacific. One can group these movements broadly into three periods: (i) the parole for war criminals movement (1952–1958); (ii) the post‐Tokyo Tribunal war crime movements (1958–1998); and (iii) the nongovernmental coalition for the International Criminal Court movement (1998–present). In this entry, the scope of war crime movements encompasses those concerning war crimes, crimes against peace, and crimes against humanity, as defined in the relevant international conventions such as the Hague Conventions, the Geneva Conventions, and the Statute of the International Criminal Court.
Women's Movements (India)
Authors: Desai Manisha
Published: September 2022

Indian women's movements have a long, albeit complicated, history. Avoiding the wave metaphor that often highlights one strand of women's movements and marginalizes others, this entry analyzes the complex terrain of movements over time. Beginning in the early twentieth century, women from all castes and classes worked around the freedom struggle. Yet, upper‐caste women primarily worked with the Gandhian movement around suffrage, education, and reform of Hindu personal law, while
dalit
women worked with Ambedkar to end caste and gender injustice, and women across caste and class also worked in the emerging communist women's movement. Such divisions continue today as
dalit
feminists organized to challenge the autonomous feminists who, starting in the 1980s, began to challenge violence against women, for ignoring how caste was constitutive of that violence. And LGBTKQHI (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans, Kothi, Queer, Hijra, Intersex) activists highlight how gender and sexual identities should also be central to the understanding of violence and gender justice.
Diffusion and Scale Shift
Authors: Soule Sarah A.
Published: September 2022

Social scientists use the term
diffusion
to refer to the spread or flow of an innovation across actors in a social system. When we speak of diffusion of social movements, we mean that some element of a social movement (e.g. tactic, frame, ideology, protest, repertoire, campaign) is spreading across some set of actors (e.g. organizations, networks, groups, people, communities, states) in a social system either through direct or indirect networks of communication.
Music and Social Movements
Authors: Gromis Ashley R. , Roy William G.
Published: September 2022

Recent scholarship has increasingly addressed the ways that social movements creatively use cultural products and themselves fashion new cultural creation. Because of its temporal synchronicity and its lyrical expression, music has been an especially powerful form of cultural expression. It is music's dual nature as a set of cultural objects and an activity fostering solidarity that explains its effectiveness for social movements. Music not only serves as an important resource for social movements but is also something they actively “do.”
Racist Social Movements
Authors: Blee Kathleen
Published: September 2022

Racist movements are organized, collective efforts to create, preserve, or extend racial hierarchies of power and privilege. Such movements explicitly espouse the ideologies of white supremacism and/or anti‐Semitism (anti‐Judaism or hatred of Muslims or Arabs) that were consolidated in the Western world in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Manifestations of intergroup antagonism in earlier times, even conflicts that cross what later would be regarded as racial lines, generally are not considered racial movements because these are not based in modern ideas of race as an essential, biological, polarized, and unchanging attribute of social groups. Denoting as racist only social movements that take place in Western societies is a common practice in sociological research, as most scholars regard white supremacism and anti‐Semitism as the legacy of ideologies by which European colonists sought to exonerate their brutal conquests and occupations. However, this restriction has been challenged by studies that use the concept of racist (or racial) movements to describe subnational intergroup antagonisms in a number of non‐Western societies, including China, India, Indonesia, and Russia.
Repression and Social Movements
Authors: Earl Jennifer
Published: September 2022

The repression of social movements refers to attempts by individuals, groups or corporations, or state actors (e.g. militaries, national police, and local police) to control, constrain, or prevent protest. Historically, this has often involved increasing the costs associated with social movement participation (e.g. through violence, arrest, etc.). Commonly studied forms of repression include police action at public protest events, such as arrests and police violence, military suppression of protest events, “disappearances” of activists, arrests and/or imprisonment of activists, infiltration of social movements by informants, covert counterintelligence programs, restrictions of free speech and assembly, assaults on human rights, and murders of social movement activists. In the digital age, repression may also include information control and/or disruption, blurring with censorship in states that do not allow unfettered and/or unmonitored access to the internet and adding the spread of misinformation and disinformation into the repressive quiver.
Riots
Authors: Myers Daniel J.
Published: September 2022

A riot is an unruly collective act of violence that is temporary, discontinuous from everyday routines, and results in damage to persons or property of either the participants or targets of the collective actor. Although most social scientists have an intuitive sense of what constitutes a riot, the edges of the definition are fuzzy and it can be difficult to determine whether or not some events are actually “riots.” For example, it is agreed that a riot is a collective act. That is, more than one individual must be involved and at least minimally coordinate action in order for a riot to occur. Two people acting together, however, would not constitute a riot, even though it is a collective act of violence. The lower limit for participation, damage, or duration, or a combination of the three, necessary to qualify an event as a riot is ambiguous and disputed, leading many scholars to analyze events called “civil disorders” or “collective violence.” For most, however, unless there are at least 30–50 people involved, the events last more than a few moments, and there is action that could result in property damage or injury requiring medical attention, a riot has not occurred.