bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Some Greek Portraits
Authors: McDowall Katharine A.
Published: May 2006

Since the Capitoline ‘Aeschylus’ was discredited as a portrait of the tragedian there has been a curious blank in our knowledge of Greek iconography; yet his portraits in antiquity were famous and it seems certain that they must, like those of Sophocles and Euripides, have been widely reproduced. Those known to us from literary evidence are that in the Στοὰ Ποικίλη, where he appeared as one of the warriors of Marathon, that erected by Lycurgos in 340, and (probably) another of earlier date, inferred from the words of Diogenes Laertius that the Athenians Ἀστυδάμαντα πρότερον τῶν περὶ Αἰσχύλον ἐγίμησαν εἰκόνι χαλκῇ; now Astydamas, nephew of Aeschylus, won the prize in Ol. 95. 2, and Bernoulli suggests that if a statue were erected at that date to one of his followers, one of the great tragedian was probably in existence, i.e., one erected before the end of the fifth century. That set up by Lycurgos was, however, by far the most famous, and of its style we get clear evidence from the Sophocles of the Lateran.
On the Topography of Cyzicus
Authors: Hasluck F. W. , Henderson A. E.
Published: May 2006

The site map of Cyzicus reproduced in this number (Pl. VI) represents the results of Mr. A. E. Henderson's survey in the summers of 1902—3. The first season's work, of which alone I can speak at first hand, accounted for the coast line, prominent remains (including the city walls), and main roads: the limits of the marsh land on the isthmus were also ascertained with considerable exactness with a view to the recent discussion of the original nature of the Cyzicene Peninsula: these limits, however, are subject to a certain amount of variation with the season, and cultivation is yearly encroaching upon them. The maze of walls within theenceinte—some of them modern vineyard boundaries, others doubtless resting on ancient foundations—was added by Mr. Henderson and Mr. Peet in 1903: contouring was found impossible in the time at their disposal, and indeed the general levels of the site are fairly adequately shown on the excellent Admiralty Chart of Artaki Bay (of which a section is here reproduced in miniature in Fig. 1) and on the sketch maps of Perrot and De Rustafjaell.
Two Heads related to the Choiseul-Gouffier Type
Authors: McDowall Katharine A.
Published: May 2006

I. In spite of much discussion, the question of Apollo versus Athlete in this famous group of monuments remains undecided. Though there is considerable difference in detail, the rendering of the hair as a purely athletic coiffure is common to all the replicas, but an additional feature in an unpublished head in the British Museum seems to have escaped notice, and the light it throws on the subject is such as perhaps to justify a fresh consideration of the evidence.
Vases added to the Ashmolean Museum
Authors: Gardner Percy
Published: May 2006

I have already published in the pages of this Journal some of the vases acquired by the Ashmolean Museum since the catalogue of Ashmolean vases appeared in 1893.

In vol. xviii, p. 136 is published a late Attic vase with a representation of the carrying off of Oreithyia by Boreas. In vol. xxi, p. 1 is published a red-figured vase representing Pandora rising out of the ground. In vol. xv, p. 325 two sepulchral lekythi are published. Two other papers (xiii. 70 and 137) comment upon vases already included in the Ashmolean catalogue, Nos. 211, 275, one concerned with the myth of Cacus, one with that of Tithonus and Eos.
Aegosthena
Authors: Benson E. F.
Published: May 2006

Aegosthena, now more generally known as Porto Germano, lies on one of the easternmost bays of the Corinthian gulf, and on the northern frontier of the Megarid. Its remoteness from ordinary routes—for between it and Velia, itself an ultima Thule, rise 2,000 feet of pine-clad mountains—accounts for the fact that it is to this day practically unknown, and also perhaps for the very scanty mention of it in ancient literature. There was a shrine of Melampus there, the Spartans passed it in their retreat from Leuctra, and that is all. But the same remoteness has preserved for us a Greek fortified town in better condition and greater completeness than any other, not even excepting Messene.

The town was divided into two parts, the Acropolis defended on all sides by a line of walls and towers, and the lower town fortified on the north, from the Acropolis down to the sea, by a similar line, still remaining in good condition. We are, I think, both by the exigencies of its position and also by certain scanty remains bound to assume the existence of a corresponding south wall, of which mention will be made later. The style of building both in the Acropolis and the long wall is the same.
Corpus Inscriptionum Neo-Phrygiarum.—II
Authors: Calder W. M.
Published: May 2006

The present paper is a continuation of my article in vol. xxxi, of this Journal (1911), pp. 161–215, and it contains the inscriptions promised on the final page of that article. The sixth inscription (No. LXXII.) was recopied by Sir W. M. Ramsay and myself in 1912, but we added little to Professor Callander's copy. Several further texts discovered in 1912, and careful revisions of many of the known inscriptions, are reserved for treatment in another place. The inscriptions in my former paper are referred to as Nos. I., II., etc.
Inscriptions from Thessaly and Macedonia
Authors: Woodward Arthur M.
Published: May 2006

In this paper I publish the remainder of the inscriptions gathered by Messrs. A. J. B. Wace and M. S. Thompson in the course of their journeys in Thessaly and Macedonia during the years 1910–12. All except the last belong to ancient Thessaly (including Perrhaebia), though several were found to the north of the frontier of modern Greece as it was prior to the events of 1912–13. Seven of the first eight texts come from Eastern Thessaly, the other (No. 7) from Tirnavos; Nos. 9–11 are unpublished stones from Elassona, Nos. 12 and 13 are substantial, and Nos. 14 and 15 trifling, additions to texts of manumission-records from the same place already published in the Thessalian volume of the Corpus (I.G. ix. 2). Nos. 16 and 17 are long and well-preserved decrees of respectively the Thessalian city of Phalanna and an unidentified city of Upper Macedonia situated in the region called Orestis, the former belonging to the second century B.C., the latter dated to A.D. 194.
Archaeology in Greece (1912–1913)
Authors: Droop J. P.
Published: May 2006

Last year was not remarkable for any sensational archaeological discovery in Greece, but much good work was done, and the amount that was accomplished by the Greek authorities in spite of the interruption of the Balkan War is very creditable to their zeal and enthusiasm. It is perhaps fitting to offer them the congratulations of all interested in Greek archaeology on the amount of new ground that is now available for scientific study.

In the minds of those who have known Athens in past years this season will perhaps be best remembered as the first after the definite retirement of Dr. Dörpfeld from his position as First Secretary of the Imperial German Institute in Athens. It is hard to estimate what his loss means not archaeologically only but also socially to Athens and to the students who go there, but happily through his work in Corfu his connexion with Greece is not yet severed.
The Chigi Athena
Authors: Finn D. J.
Published: May 2006

The Chigi Athena (Fig. 1 and Plate I.) or, to give it a better known name, the Dresden ‘archaistic’ Athena, is one of a class that has only recently come to its rights—the ‘archaistic’ statues. In them the old and the new are blended wihout either losing its identity, but the motive of the mixture has long been disputed; is it the new masquerading under a fictitious archaism, a Chatterton in marble, or is it an honest but not too precise transcription of the ancient archetype? The answer of modern archaeologists is in most cases for the honest transcript.
Details of the Olympian ‘Treasuries’
Authors: Dyer L.
Published: May 2006

In a preceding article (J.H.S. vol. xxv, pp. 294–319) the attempt was made to fix chronologically the order in which the Olympian ‘treasuries’ were founded, and conclusions were summarily presented in connexion with a general consideration of the origin and function of ‘treasuries’ at Olympia and elsewhere. Now it is necessary to test these conclusions by a detailed examination of the architectural remains found on the terrace at Olympia, and in so doing to pass in review the successively founded Olympian communal houses called treasuries, taking them in the order thus theoretically arrived at, i.e. XII, X, XI, VII, VI, V, IX, IV, II, III, and I.

The Geloans' House, No. XII.—The foundations of this fabric were identified at the eastern verge of the terrace in 1877–78, in which year various parts of its superstructure came to light at the opposite corner of the Altis; but not till 1881–83 was this superstructure—entablature-stones of several kinds and fragments of terracotta (painted and unpainted) belonging to the treasury-chamber, as well as triglyphs, metopes, columns, and capitals belonging to the porch—completely recognised and convincingly distributed between the old treasury-chamber and the later porch.
Sodoma's Collection of Antiques
Authors: Hill G. F.
Published: May 2006

While the painter Sodoma was lying ill at Florence, in 1529, his pupil, Girolamo Magagni, nefariously removed from his master's studio a number of objects, a list of which is set forth in a document formerly in the Archivio Notarile at Siena, but now lost. The document, which is an acknowledgment of the return of these objects, was printed by Milanesi, and is repeated by Mr. R. H. H. Cust in his exhaustive work on Sodoma. But as it is nevertheless likely to escape the notice of the classical archaeologist, it seems worth while to extract from the list the descriptions of those objects which were certainly, or may possibly have been antiques. It is perhaps incorrect to speak of the objects as a collection; they were rather a few odd pieces picked up as useful models by a painter who owed more of the qualities of his style than is generally recognized to his appreciation of antique sculpture.
Terracottas from Boeotia and Crete
Authors: Forster Edw. S.
Published: May 2006

It is proposed in this paper to deal shortly with five terracottas in the possession of the writer, which seem of sufficient interest to be illustrated. The first three are from Boeotia, the last two from Crete.

As is well known, the most primitive Greek standing figures in terracotta frequently take one of two forms—the columnar form, derived probably from the tree trunk, and the flat broad form (σανίς), taken apparently from the shape of a board of wood. These forms confirm the literary evidence that the most primitive statues were made of wood. The first three terracottas illustrate the latter type; in the second of them the boardlike form has been adapted by a singular device to a seated figure.
A Sarcophagus of the Sidamara type in the Collection of Sir Frederick Cook, Bart., and the Influence of Stage Architecture upon the Art of Antioch
Authors: Strzygowski Josef
Published: May 2006

In the collection of Sir Frederick Cook at Doughty House, Richmond, are nine fragments of a large sarcophagus of surpassing interest for the modern scientific history of art. They were identified some two years ago by Mrs. Arthur Strong, who is engaged upon a new illustrated catalogue of the Richmond antiques which is shortly to appear in this Journal. Mrs. Strong at once communicated to me the existence of a sarcophagus of so much importance for the studies I had initiated in my book Orient oder Rom, and, by the courtesy of the owner, I at the same time received a set of photographs of the nine fragments.
Instrumental Music in the Roman Age
Authors: Tillyard H. J. W.
Published: May 2006

The cultivation of instrumental music remained in a backward state among the Greeks in the fifth and fourth centuries, B.C. This was certainly not due to any want of taste for music as a whole, for no race ever valued it higher than did the Greeks. The reasons seem to have been, first, the bondage of the instrument to the voice, second, the unsettled state of the musical scale, and thirdly, the dislike of the Greeks for over-elaboration in music.

These three points are well illustrated in the Republic of Plato. In opening the discussion on the admissibility of certain modes, Socrates is made to say that a musical composition is made up of three things, the ‘words,’ the ‘harmony,’ and the ‘rhythm,’ and that the musical ‘words’ are in themselves in no way different from the words of common speech.
A History of the Pelasgian Theory
Authors: Myres J. L.
Published: May 2006

Few peoples of the ancient world have given rise to so much controversy as the Pelasgians; and of few, after some centuries of discussion, is so little clearly established. Like the Phoenicians, the Celts, and of recent years the Teutons, they have been a peg upon which to hang all sorts of speculation; and whenever an inconvenient circumstance has deranged the symmetry of a theory, it has been safe to ‘call it Pelasgian and pass on.’

One main reason for this ill-repute, into which the Pelasgian name has fallen, has been the very uncritical fashion in which the ancient statements about the Pelasgians have commonly been mishandled.
The Holkham Head and the Parthenon Pediment
Authors: Dickins Guy
Published: May 2006

Before accepting Sir Charles Waldstein's amazing theory that the colossal female head at Holkham Hall belongs to the East Pediment of the Parthenon, we have the right to demand from him some evidence on the following points :—

(1) That there is reason to connect the head with Athens and the Acropolis,

(2) That the material is identical with the other pediment marbles,

(3) That the style is Pheidian, or at any rate fifth-century Attic, and

(4) That it is an architectural and not an independent piece of sculpture.
A Silver Dish from the Tyne
Authors: Gardner P.
Published: May 2006

In the Journal of Roman Studies for last year Professor Haverfield gives an account of certain silver vessels of the late Roman age found on the banks of the Tyne, near Corbridge, in the eighteenth century. I wish to discuss in some detail one of these vessels, which has great importance for the history of late Greek art. This is the remarkable dish or lanx found in 1735 on the north bank of the Tyne, now belonging to the Duke of Northumberland, and kept at his castle of Alnwick.

Other vessels of silver were found, not with it, but near the same spot: a two-handled cup, a bowl bearing the Christ monogram, a silver basin, a small silver vase. Professor Haverfield has figured these, so far as he could. That all these vases belonged together is probable though not certain. Only one of them bears a clear indication of date, the Christian monogram, in the form which it takes on coins of the Constantine period. This particular vessel one would naturally give to the time of Constantine, that is, to the earlier part of the fourth century. It does not follow that all the vessels are of this date: but as we shall see presently, it is a date not unsuitable for the dish which we are considering.
The Bazzichelli Psykter of Euthymides
Authors: Hoppin J. C.
Published: May 2006

The number of vases which have disappeared in the last twenty years since they first were published is all too large, as a cursory glimpse of the pages of Klein's Meistersignaturen will show. Consequently it is a cause for gratification when from time to time one of their number is rediscovered and finds shelter within the confines of a good museum, its wanderings over. To this list we may add the psykter signed by Euthymides formerly in the collection of Signor Bazzichelli at Viterbo, which after being lost for several years is now in the Archaeological Museum in Turin (Fig. 1).

The credit for its discovery belongs to Professor G. E. Rizzo of the University of Turin, who has with extreme generosity resigned his claims to publication in my favour, and to whom I am greatly indebted for the facts connected with its discovery as well as numerous technical details, a personal examination by me having proved impossible.
The Throne of Zeus at Olympia
Authors: Evelyn-White H. G.
Published: May 2006

The title of this paper may appear too wide, since its main object is to establish, if possible, the position of the paintings by Panaenus; but discussion of this one point necessarily involves consideration of certain others —themselves far from unimportant—and thus a more comprehensive designation is needed. It need hardly be said that no theory of reconstruction of the Throne as a whole is here attempted.

It may be convenient to state at the outset the evidence used, and to comment generally upon it. In the first place we have the literary evidence, the account by Pausanias: careful, detailed, and, in my opinion, the work of an eye-witness. Its great shortcoming is that it leaves undecided the relation of the parts and details to one another. Secondly, there is numismatic evidence, which is of high value.
Mursil and Myrtilos
Authors: Hall H. R.
Published: May 2006

Seven years ago I wrote: ‘to claim the Pelopids as “Hittites” is really to appeal too much to the imagination as an aid to the writing of history.’ But it is dangerous to be too unimaginative.

The name of Oinomaos' treacherous charioteer, whom Pelops afterwards cast into the Myrtoan sea, and to whom as the ταράξιππος Pelops thereafter made offering at his grave and cenotaph, was Myrtilos. The same word, in the form Myrsilos, was not uncommon as a personal name in Asia Minor. Herodotus mentions it as a name for Kandaules; and the tyrant of Mytilene is well known.

The recent discoveries of Dr. Winckler at Boghaz Kyöi have revealed to us an archive of cuneiform tablets, consisting of letters, despatches, and royal decrees of the well-known Hittite kings of the fourteenth century B.C. whose names have hitherto been known to us, on the authority of their Egyptian transcriptions, as ‘Seplel’ or ‘Saparuru,’ ‘Maurasar,’ ‘Mautenro,’ and ‘Khetasar.’
Some more unpublished fragments of Attic Treasure-Records
Authors: Woodward Arthur M.
Published: May 2006

This paper contains some further results of my studies of unpublished fragments of Attic Treasure-records in the Epigraphical Museum, and deals with three small fragments from lists of the fifth century B.C., of which the first belongs to the Pronaos-records, and the second and third to those of the Hekatompedon. They are of interest as giving us contributions to a more exact text of this important class of documents, for the first establishes definitely the exact number of silver ϕιάλαι in the Pronaos each year during the period 434/3–431/0, and the third sheds fresh light on the arrangement of the first eight records of the sacred objects in the Hekatompedon. At the end is appended a note containing some further information as to the last of the three inscriptions published recently by myself in this Journal (J.H.S. xxix. pp. 182 foll.). It remains to acknowledge the kindness of Mr. B. Leonardos, Ephor of the Epigraphical Museum, in permitting me to study and publish these fragments, and of Mr. M. N. Tod in reading the proofs of this paper with his usual care.
The Greek Drama in Crete in the Seventeenth Century
Authors: Mavrogordato John
Published: May 2006

In the history of Greek literature, as regarded by the general reader, there are two remarkable intermissions. The first occurs when ancient Greek literature comes to an end with Lucian in the second century after Christ; or perhaps when the hexameter itself begins to dissolve in the hands of Nonnus in the fourth. The second break naturally follows when Byzantine literature is cut short by the fall of Constantinople in 1453—after which it is commonly and wrongly supposed that hardly a Greek put pen to paper, save in the way of commerce or grammar, until the revolutionary songs of Eegas heralded the revival at the beginning of the nineteenth century. It is, however, one of the fascinations of Greek studies that they introduce us to a language that can be traced in an unbroken descent from Homer to the present day: and wherever the Greek language has been spoken the art of literature has never quite perished, though its traces are sometimes rather faint and its beauties rare. But for the complete study of a language second-rate authors must not be neglected where masterpieces are few and far between. Unfortunately it is only in the last fifty years that scholars have turned their attention to publication of the obscure works that carry on the literary tradition from Byzantium to modern Greece. Of these authors ‘of the Turkish period’ the learned Sophocles, in the introduction to his Lexicon, remarks (1860) : ‘It is unnecessary to inform the reader here that, with very few exceptions, they are beneath criticism.’
Notes on the Imperial Persian Coinage
Authors: Hill G. F.
Published: May 2006

The rulers of the Persian Empire, during whose reigns the Persian Imperial coinage was issued, were the following:—

Dareios I., s. of Hystaspes ... ... ... ... 521-486

Xerxes I., s. of Dareios I. ... ... ... ... 486-465

Artaxerxes I. Makrocheir, s. of Xerxes I. ... ... 465-425

Xerxes II., s. of Artaxerxes I. ... ... ... ... 425

Ochos = Dareios II. Nothos, s. of Artaxerxes I. ... 424-405

Arsakas = Artaxerxes II. Mnemon, s. of Dareios II. ... 405-359

Cyrus the Younger, s. of Dareios II. ... ... ... 401

Ochos = Artaxerxes III., s. of Artaxerxes II. ... ... 359-338

Arses, s. of Artaxerxes III. ... ... ... ... 338-337

Kodomannos = Dareios III., s. of Arsanes, s. of Artostes or Ostahes, s. of Dareios II. ... ... ... ... 337-330

The Persian Imperial coinage consisted of gold coins, generally known to the Greeks as Darics (Δαρϵικοὶ στατῆρϵς), with smaller denominations, and silver coins, generally known as sigloi (σίγλοι, σίκλοι, σίκλα, the same word as Hebrew shekel), which also had smaller denominations. The word Δαρϵικός was sometimes also used by the Greeks of the silver coins. The Persian name for the gold coins is not known; there can be little doubt that the word Δαρϵικός is ‘a pure Greek formation from the Greek form of the Persian name Darayavaush; just as “fanciful” is a pure English formation from the English form “fancy” of the Greek ϕαντασία.’
Postscript to Paper on Diadumenus Head
Authors: Gardner P.
Published: May 2006

Since finishing this paper I have observed a serious omission in it. I have not given any exact reproduction of the pattern on the headband produced by the inlaying of silver. This defect I now remedy. Mr. E. H. New has made for me a careful drawing from the original, in natural size.

The pattern is of a familiar type, the alternate lotus and bud: but it is a very interesting variety, to which I have not found any exact parallel. The form, indeed, is much more like a palmette than a lotus. The base from which the leaves spring is boat-shaped, not oblong, and there seems to be in the drawing some attempt at perspective. We know, in fact, that the principles of perspective were applied, not to landscape but to architecture, as early as the middle of the fifth century. On the central leaf of one palmette there are traces of a pattern.
Notes on the Persae of Aeschylus
Authors: Gow A. S. F.
Published: May 2006

As some of the following notes bring to the illustration of Aeschylus material gathered from Persian sources, they may seem to require a word or two of preface.

When the Persae was produced, in 472 B.C., a large section of the Greek people was still in process of delivery from Persian rule, to which it had been subject for more than half a century. Persians may not have been very numerous on the Ionian seaboard and the islands, but they were the ruling class, and any eastern Greek would know quite well how they lived and how they behaved; some too had been privileged to study them at close quarters, for the Ionian ships in Xerxes' fleet carried as ἐπιβάται, Persians or Medes or Sacae (Her. 7. 184). In Athens itself, for many years before Plataea, Persia had been a subject of the most painful and pressing interest: every Athenian must have desired to know all about these Persians; and if he had no Ionian friends to ask, there were many of his countrymen who had visited Asia or even helped to sack Sardis, and the spoils of Marathon were before his eyes. After Plataea, if the desire to know was less pressing, the opportunity of knowledge was even greater, for Athenian fleets were busy in the work of liberation. And the very production of this play proves that the interest was alive.
A Rediscovered Caeretan Hydria
Authors: Webster T. B. L.
Published: May 2006

Through the kind permission of Mr. H. B. Walters, I am enabled to publish a Caeretan hydria, whose whereabouts has for many years been unknown and of which the only previous illustration is the drawing in Endt, Beiträge zur Ionischen Vasenmalerei, figs. 7, 8. This is the hydria with a young man in a chariot, pursued by a griffin, on the front, and two pairs of satyr and maenad, on the back: it is now in the British Museum, and bears the inventory number 1923, 4–19, 1. Before proceeding with a more detailed description of the vase, I give a list of the group, that of Dümmler (Röm. Mitt. iii, p. 166 f.), to which nos. 15–18 were added by Pottier (B.C.H. 1892, p. 254 ff.), no. 19 by Endt (op. cit., p. 1), no. 20 by Loeschcke (Ath. Mitt. xix, p. 516, n. 1.), no. 21 by Furtwängler in the text to F.R. Pl. 51. The bibliography is only intended to give the handiest illustrations: for a full bibliography and an admirable account of the group as a whole, see E. R. Price, East Greek Pottery (C.V.A. Classification, 13).
A Pre-Persic Relief from Cottenham
Authors: Cook Arthur Bernard
Published: May 2006

Early in the year 1911 a labourer working on the farm of Mr. Arthur Bull at Cottenham, near Cambridge, struck with his pick the fragmentary relief here published. Mr. Bull—to whom we are already indebted for much information and assistance in respect of the Romanised British stations in his district, not to mention many points in its more recent history—recognised at once the possible interest of the find and handed it over to me at the Museum of Classical Archaeology. The fragment came to light at a depth of some eighteen inches below the present surface of the soil, and appears to be an isolated relic, thrown out in all probability from a house formerly existing in the neighbourhood. I see from a passage in Lysons' Magna Britannia, to which my attention was directed by the Rev. Dr. H. P. Stokes, that Roger Gale, the antiquary (1672–1744), inherited a manor at Cottenham in 1728. His enthusiasm for ‘Greek and Roman bustoes’ is well known; and it is at least possible that this relief, acquired by him one cannot guess when or where, had at some later date, and by some less instructed owner, been cast away as a broken and worthless bit of marble. Be that as it may, the relief is worthy of serious study. I proceed to describe its material, shape, design, and stylistic qualities.
The Crypto-Christians of Trebizond
Authors: Hasluck F. W.
Published: May 2006

While the number of crypto-Christians among the heterodox tribes of Asia Minor has probably been considerably exaggerated, it cannot be denied that crypto-Christians exist or that cases of forced conversion affecting large sections of the population can be cited. But under the Ottoman Turks at least there is very little historical evidence for conversion on a large scale in Asia Minor.

Exceptionally in the district of Trebizond we have both a credible legend of conversion and an existent population, outwardly Mahommedan, which seems in some cases to retain something from the more ancient faith and in others to practise it in secret. Of the first category may be cited certain villages in the district of Rizeh, which, though Mahommedan by profession, preserve some memories of the rite of baptism and speak, not Turkish, but Armenian.

Crypto-Christians proper, belonging to the Greek rite and Greek by speech, also existed till recent years in the neighbourhood of Trebizond: they were known generally as ‘Stavriotae,’ from a village Stavra in the ecclesiastical district of Gumush-khane. They are said at one time to have numbered 20,000 in the vilayets of Sivas, Angora, and Trebizond: now all have returned to the open profession of their faith.
Arms, Tactics and Strategy in the Persian War
Authors: How W. W.
Published: May 2006

At all times arms, tactics and strategy must be in one sense or another interdependent. But in modern warfare I imagine it would be generally agreed that strategy was less mutable and more important than tactics or armament. Even here there are obvious and notable exceptions to the general rule. In the Austro-Prussian War, it was the superiority of the Prussian breech-loading needle-gun to the Austrian muzzle-loader which won the battle of Königgratz, and so justified the bold strategy of Moltke. In the late war, the heavy German and Austrian howitzers broke down with unexpected rapidity the resistance of the elaborate Belgian fortresses, and thus compelled the retreat from Mons; again, the use of tanks, both heavy and light, on a large scale was a decisive factor in more than one of the great struggles that led up to the final defeat of the Germans. Nevertheless in modern warfare such differences are in the main temporary and accidental; if, for instance, the Germans began the war with superior heavy artillery, before its close they were surpassed by the Allies; if they secured an initial advantage by the use of poison gas, here too the Allies in the end showed themselves superior to the inventors of this deadly instrument of war. The advantage gained by inventors is mainly that of surprise, and is therefore evanescent, not permanent. In the main the fleets and armies on either side are equipped in the same way, and (if we leave out of account the morale, numbers and resources of the nations engaged) victories are gained and wars decided most of all by strategy, the massing of troops at the right time and place, and secondarily by tactics, the best use of them in actual battle.
A Female Head of the Bologna Type
Authors: Gardner P.
Published: May 2006

This head was purchased for the Ashmolean Museum in 1920. It had belonged to the late Lord Downe, who bought it, probably at Rome, about 1800. It remained in his possession at Cowick Hall in Yorkshire until his death, when his widow removed it to her house in London. Since that, it has been in the hands of members of the family.

Only the nose is restored, but the face has been somewhat worked over, as is evident from its smoothness in comparison with the hair. Just in front of the left ear there is a trace of a curl in relief, which has been almost obliterated; and as there is a curl in the corresponding place on the Bologna head, to be presently cited, this would seem to show some rubbing down. The eyes also seem to have had some of their expression eliminated by over-working. On the other hand, there are several places on the face and ears where the surface has been only slightly abraded, and the grain of the marble shows clearly. It appears to be Pentelic, with small crystals showing here and there.
The East European Relations of the Dimini Culture
Authors: Childe V. Gordon
Published: May 2006

The second neolithic period in Eastern Thessaly is sharply severed from the first by the intrusion of a new culture which appears as something foreign and alien on the shores of the Pagasean Gulf. The pottery, for example, seems utterly different from that of the first period. The forms belong to a distinct series and are typologically older. The absence of feet and strap handles, so well developed in the A wares, precludes us from deriving Dimini ware from any of the latter. The characteristic designs, too, based on the spiral and the meander, are entirely foreign to the earlier series. Moreover, the use of fortifications beginning with this pottery (the traces of an earlier wall at Sesklo are exceedingly problematical), and restricted to its area, heightens this impression of foreignness. So too do the ‘megaron’ houses of Dimini and Sesklo, which do not seem to find their explanation in the curvilinear or square huts of the first period.

As to the provenance of this culture, the recent declaration of Sir Arthur Evans, that the origin of the spiral motive in Minoan ceramics is not to be sought in Crete itself, should dispose of the only reason for deriving it from the south; for there seems no ground for supposing that the Cycladic spirals antedate those of Dimini. Indeed I have argued in a previous paper, and my conclusion has been supported by more recent investigations, that Thessaly II. must be dated well back in the Early Cycladic Period. On the other hand, the theory of a northern origin has been strengthened by the discovery of Dimini ware in the Strymon valley. Indeed the general analogies between Dimini ware and the widespread group of painted and incised spiral-meander pottery north of the Balkans have been long recognised, and elaborate theories of an invasion, not only of Thessaly, but even of Crete itself, have been built up thereon.
The Caliph Mamoun and the Prophet Daniel
Authors: Hasluck F. W.
Published: May 2006

The circumstances attending the death of the Caliph Mamoun (A.D. 833) are thus related by Masoudi (+ c. 956), who wrote about a century after the event. On his return from a victorious raid against the Greeks the Caliph encamped in the beautiful valley of Bedidoun. Like all Orientals, he was susceptible to the charm of clear, running water, and at his orders a rustic pavilion was constructed over the spring called Kochaïrah, from which the river Bedidoun flowed. In this the Caliph sat. A silver coin was thrown into the spring, and so clear was the water that the legend of the coin beneath its surface could be read. Mamoun then noticed in the spring a fish ‘a cubit long and shining like an ingot of silver,’ which he desired should be caught for him. This was done, but the fish, when brought to the Caliph, escaped by a sudden movement into the spring, sprinkling the Caliph's breast, neck and shoulders with cold water as it did so. It was again caught, and the Caliph gave orders that it should be cooked. As he did so he was seized by a shivering fit, and when the fish was cooked he was in a high fever and unable to eat it. This was the beginning of the illness which caused his death. Before this took place he had the guides and prisoners called and asked them the significance of the name of the spring Kochaïrah. He was told that it meant ‘stretch out thy feet,’ which he took for an omen of his death. He then asked the Arab name of the country he was in: the reply was ‘Rakkah.’ As it had been foretold him that he should die at a place thus named, he knew that his hour was come. And he died then and was carried to Tarsus and buried on the left side of the mosque.
A Gold Comb- or Pin-head from Egypt
Authors: Robinson E. S. G.
Published: May 2006

I am indebted to the Curator of the City Art Gallery, Manchester, for permission to publish the object illustrated on fig. i, which was acquired some years ago with a number of other Egyptian antiquities in the John Yates Bequest. It is of gold, the maximum dimensions being 4.0 × 3.6 cm. and the weight 3.43 grms. Three figures—Demeter, Persephone and Harpocrates—are represented, standing to front on an oblong base the front of which is filled with conventional scrolls of vine sprays with bunches of grapes set in a rectangular reel-border. Demeter wears a peplos with himation, the end of which is thrown over the 1. shoulder, and a corn wreath with two ears rising diagonally from the forehead; she holds a sceptre in 1.
Some Recent Acquisitions at Toronto
Authors: Iliffe J. H.
Published: May 2006

A catalogue of the Greek Vases in the Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto, has recently been published. A number of vases have been acquired recently, too late for inclusion; and it seems desirable to publish here the more important of these additions as nearly as possible simultaneously with the catalogue. They are as follows:

(a) A Geometric Tomb Group from Athens (PI. VI. figs. 1–4)

All the objects in this group come from a single grave, in the neighbourhood of Athens. They consist of six egg-shaped vases, two pyxides, two ‘flower-pot’ vases, a fluted glass bead, a loom-weight, a decorated bronze ‘sail’ fibula, and two bronze pins.

The following is a description of the objects:

1. Egg-shaped vase with lid. Accession No. C. 1033. Height without lid, 0·111 m. (4⅜ ins.); with lid, 0·162 m. (6⅜ ins.). Diameter, 0·099 m. (3⅞ ins.). Two string-holes in rim, four in lid, two on either side. Decoration on lid of broad and narrow bands with double row of dots near the edge. Concentric narrow bands on knob handle. On the body, main decoration is a maeander pattern, with a chessboard pattern below, and at intervals narrow bands, zigzags, and upward-pointing ray pattern. On shoulder and point of base, a broad band.
The Early History of Corinth
Authors: Dunbabin T. J.
Published: May 2006

In his Presidential address to the Hellenic Society in 1914, Walter Leaf expressed the hope that a study of the history of ancient Corinth might be undertaken. He directed special attention to the economic history, to be interpreted mainly from the material remains of Corinth and of Corinthian industry. This task has not yet been carried out. Much has been written on Corinthian art and industry, but the historical conclusions of these archaeological studies remain still to be drawn. The Corinthians, more than other Greeks, had an individual way of life, recognised by their contemporaries, which can be used as a point from which to survey the Greek world; it is expressed by Herodotus in a single phrase, ἤκιστα δὲ Κορίνθιοι ὄνονται τοὺς χειροτέχνας. The economic approach should therefore be especially suited to the history of Corinth. But before this interpretation can be written, we must acquire a solid body of fact about Corinthian history and economic life, drawing chiefly on the material remains. What follows is the first chapter of such a study, dealing with the beginnings and early history of Corinth down to about 750 B.C. Most of my conclusions are not new, but I hope that some of the arguments are. The basis is the archaeological evidence uncovered by the Americans at Corinth, by Payne at Perachora.
The Date of al Mina
Authors: Woolley Leonard
Published: May 2006

In my publication of the al Mina excavations (JHS LVIII, 7-9) I argued that although al Mina itself, owing to the disappearance of the greater part of the ancient site, produced no remains earlier than the eighth century B.C. yet that it existed in a much earlier period could be deduced from the evidence afforded by the ‘residential’ town at Sabouni where Attic black-figured and Mycenaean pottery were found. Further evidence is now available. In 1947 we found in a pocket in the steep side of the acropolis one of the well-known ’dolly’ Mycenaean figurines; this was important because the few Mycenaean sherds previously discovered might just as well have been of the Xllth century, i.e. posterior to the invasion of the Peoples of the Sea which marked the beginning of a new era in North Syrian history, whereas the figurine is definitely earlier than that catastrophe. This year (1948) two of the peasants who cultivate the hill site brought me three seals found by them when ploughing; all are earlier than 1200 B.C. and one cylinder belongs to the first half of the second millennium. The connection between Sabouni and the port of al Mina is perfectly clear for all the periods represented on the latter site and should hold good for the earlier periods also. If Sabouni, and ex hypothesi al Mina, were flourishing at the time when Alalakh was a royal city we can be sure that al Mina was the port of Alalakh through which the Syrian town had its contacts—amply illustrated by our discoveries—with Cyprus and Crete. I originally chose the two sites for excavation on the theory that such was the case; now for the first time we have direct evidence for their being contemporary.
A Portrait of Ptolemy III Euergetes
Authors: Hinks R. P.
Published: May 2006

A small glazed earthenware portrait-head of a man, found accidentally on the site of the Middlesex Hospital, has been acquired by the Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities at the British Museum, as a gift from Mr. C. E. Grunspan. It is 32 millimetres (1 3/16 inches) in height; and is made of buff clay, covered all over with a vitreous glaze which varies in colour from brownish-green to bright blue. The neck is broken off from the nape to the base of the chin. The back of the head is cut off obliquely, but evenly, as though for attachment to a flat background; the oblique cut gives the face a quarter turn to the left. The head is hollowed out behind, and even this cavity is blue-glazed.

The man represented has a fleshy jowl, rather projecting lips, prominent eyes, and a somewhat retreating forehead, over which the straight hair is combed forward in a roll, held in position by a plain rounded diadem.
CIG. 3304 Revised
Authors: Buckler W. H.
Published: May 2006

The third word of the guildtitle συμβίωσις τῶν συππινάλων, in a well-known inscription {CIG. 3304) presumably found at or near Smyrna, has remained a riddle ever since the publication of Marmora Oxoniensia (1763). The reason probably is that any suspicions felt as to the correctness of the text would have been completely lulled by its apparent legibility; even actual inspection might leave on a visitor to the Ashmolean Museum the impression that Chandler's copy, reproduced in CIG., contains no mistake.
The Harpy Tomb at Xanthus
Authors: Tritsch F. J.
Published: May 2006

One hundred years ago, in 1842, the Lycian Marbles were exhibited for the first time in the British Museum. Sir Charles Fellows had discovered them at Xanthus, the capital of Lycia, and succeeded in procuring them for the Trustees of the British Museum. Since that time, the Lycian Marbles have formed one of the main parts of the collection of Greek sculpture in London. But their London home seems to have had the strange effect of making them more and more reticent: these Lycian sculptures have indeed been extremely successful in withstanding all attempts at explaining them or even understanding them. In spite of the immense sensation caused at the time of their arrival in England and all through the nineteenth century, there is nobody who can even nowadays assign to any of them an accurate date or supply an adequate commentary.

The Harpy Tomb provides us with an excellent example for these (I admit) rather sweeping statements. Its place was in the middle of the Archaic Room of the British Museum. Everybody walked round it, looked at it, tried to explain it, and gave it up. Much has been written about it during these last hundred years, but the only solutions offered were of a vague mythological or symbolic character. However, I believe the time has come to attempt an explanation from a different angle altogether. It seems hopeless to continue on the well-trodden track, and to consider it simply as a piece of architecture or a piece of sculpture, in which we try to puzzle out the religious views expressed in the reliefs. In the interpretation offered in this paper, it is regarded primarily as the tomb or heroön of a certain family and as a monument of a certain historical character.
Two Athenian Marble Thrones
Authors: Seltman Charles
Published: May 2006

There are in Scotland two ancient Athenian marble thrones which I had an opportunity of studying and photographing some years ago. Both have already been published, but not so fully as to make a fresh study of them superfluous. The more important is in the Earl of Elgin's collection at Broomhall, the other is at Biel, in East Lothian, and belongs to Colonel J. P. Nisbet Hamilton Grant.

An incomplete description of this marble was published in 1837 by von Stackelberg, he having seen it in Athens about 1810 on what he called ‘the site of the ancient Prytaneion’. His description was accompanied by neat engravings of two views of the throne and a view of each relief. After a lapse of time Michaelis produced further notes about it in his ‘Ancient Marbles in Great Britain’, Supplement I, in JHS V (1884) 146 ff. (with Plate XLVIII) under the title Marble throne with reliefs. He had little to say of the chair itself, much about the relief of the Tyrannicides together with a brief comment on the second relief and the inscription.

It will therefore be best to give a fresh description of the throne which can now be illustrated by new photographs taken while it was in the Edinburgh exhibition (Pl. VI, a; VII; VIII, c).
Prehistoric Remains on Calymnus
Authors: Brown T. Burton
Published: May 2006

In March, 1947, as Antiquities Officer of the British Military Administration, Dodecanese, I examined the spoil earth from a well dug a few years before in the valley of Vathy on Calymnus; a previous visit had shown that it contained prehistoric potsherds. The well had reached, at about nine metres down, the remains of a village of late neolithic and early Bronze Age date. No trace of the strata of occupation was found in situ, but the amount of pottery in the spoil heap compared with the size of the shaft did not indicate that those strata were thick. The neolithic wares included pieces of rather thin polished pottery, silvery-grey, greyishbrown or reddish in colour, seldom of a uniform tint. Such pottery is, in surface and colours, not unlike late neolithic from Knossos, but it is less thick. A piece of a large handle of round section and polished red surface, decorated with knobs at intervals along the convex edge, was found. This type of decoration on a similar handle is paralleled in Stratum I. at Lianokladhi. The Bronze Age pottery, mostly grey or black in colour, is more or less rough in texture. Very little similar to the black polished wares of Thermi I appeared, but a few examples of striated ware, and of incised decoration, were found. There was also part of a spoon covered with red wash decoration, and sherds ornamented with the addition of a ribbon of clay, pressed flat at intervals, and with imitation rivet-heads. Simply shaped legs from tripod or other vessels were found, and flat solid handles placed rising from the rim and shaped with two points or horns. Another find consisted of part of the rim of a large vessel with internal ledge handles and a row of holes pierced just below the rim. Handles included both ribbon and round (in section) varieties, one type of ribbon handle being similar to a characteristic Cypriote type of handle. Two flat bases are paralleled in Crete and Hissarlik. A plain black single conical spindle whorl is paralleled at Thermi.
A Literary Ostrakon?
Authors: Page D. L.
Published: May 2006

Ostrakon, from Naucratis; in the Ashmolean Museum (G. 141. i ) , presented by D. G. Hogarth in 1903, and published by him in JHS XXV, 1905 p. 118 (whence Preisigke, Sammelb. I no. 222). Handwriting probably late 2nd or early 1st cent. B.C.; Mr. C. H. Roberts draws my attention to the similarity of P. Tebt. i 3 (early 1st cent. B.C.).
The Refusal of Callisthenes to drink the Health of Alexander
Authors: Macurdy Grace H.
Published: May 2006

In his recent article on The Hellenistic Ruler-Cult and the Daemon W. W. Tarn regards the story of Callisthenes' refusal to drink the cup of unmixed wine at a banquet of Alexander's as apocryphal, having its sources, as he says, only in the later literature of gastronomy. His reason for doubting the authenticity of the story is that ‘Chares in both versions (i.e. of the Banquet at Bactra, where the proskynesis was performed by all but Callisthenes) is clear that Callisthenes did drink.’ Assuming for the moment that the story is true, he says of it: ‘The Greeks as a rule disliked unmixed wine; and Callisthenes was thus able to veil his refusal to drink “The King” by saying that if he drank Alexander's health (in unmixed wine) he would be ill.’ He argues that since Chares attests that Callisthenes did drink the King's health on the important occasion at Bactra, that Chares and probably Aristobulus, who are given as sources by Athenaeus, are both wrong in vouching for this remark, and the sole remaining authority Lynceus is only a third-century writer on gastronomy.