bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Export of Attic Black-Figure Ware
Authors: Bailey B. L.
Published: May 2006

It was suggested to me by Mr. T. J. Dunbabin that the question of Attic B.F. export might be treated by grouping chronologically—as far as possible, for the sake of convenience, in twenty-year periods—the Attic B.F. ware hitherto found at various sites. This method of grouping differs slightly, of course, from that of Payne, and I have not found it possible to adhere strictly to it throughout (e.g., for the middle of the sixth century), but it perhaps serves as well as any other for the purposes of what aims at being an economic rather than a purely archaeological survey.

Throughout the paper only the earliest finds from any one site are listed. Although this method may well seem to give an undue importance to certain sites which were apparently but scant importers of the ware, it would be impossible—within the scope of such a paper—to give exhaustive lists of the finds of every date.
New Statues by Bryaxis
Authors: Jongkees J. H.
Published: May 2006

Passing through the rotunda of the Berlin museum before the war, many visitors have probably paused to look at a graceful statue of a young woman in a pose of adoration. Much of its elegance the statue owes to the graceful attitude of the hands, which are modern, and to the small head, which does not belong; but even if we think away these and other features which do not appear original, it remains a statue of quality. This femina orans does not stand alone, and more than one scholar has given lists of replicas.
The North-West Stoa of the Athenian Agora
Authors: Wycherley R. E.
Published: May 2006

The stoa investigated by the Americans in the N.W. corner of the agora of Athens has won with good reason a notable place among ancient monuments, both as a subject of topographical controversy and as an interesting architectural type. I should like to turn to it again for a short time and in particular to examine at greater length than was possible in a brief review C. Anti's theory of its genesis, given in Chap. IX of his Teatri Greci Arcaici. As the non-committal name given to it in my heading shows, I should like for the present to steer clear as far as possible of the difficult problem of its identification. Anti confidently assumes that the building was the Stoa Basileios; indeed his theory of the origin of the type depends partly on the correctness of this assumption. But the identification has been the subject of a good deal of dispute; even H. A. Thompson, while putting forward with sober confidence his view that the stoa is both the Stoa of Zeus Eleutherios and the Basileios, admits in the end that ‘an element of uncertainty must persist’. I accept Thompson's view, but certainly not with sufficient confidence to use it as a corner-stone in building up any theory. It is very distracting when one finds that whereas Anti links up his Royal Stoa with oriental palaces, A. Rumpf looks the other way in space and time and regards his Royal Stoa (a building of very different type—the spacious hypostyle hall west of the North-West Stoa and north of the temple of Hephaestus) as the Stammutter of the Roman basilica. ‘They ran away in opposite directions, and vanished to the east and to the west.’ Both of course use the name Basileios to support their identifications. One may perhaps be excused for giving up the riddle for a while and concentrating on the architectural form of the North-West stoa as we undoubtedly have it.
An Inscription from Hierokepia, Cyprus
Authors: Philippou Loizos
Published: May 2006

The following inscription was found by me on a dry wall in the yard of Kyriakos Sava of Yeroskipou. It comes from the locality known as ‘mitzi’, which is supposed to have been the necropolis of Hierokepia, a town mentioned by Strabo: Geographica, XIV, 6: ‘A short distance from the sea is Hierokepia. Then Paphos built by Agapenor’.
Some Features in the Style of Aeschylus
Authors: Earp F. R.
Published: May 2006

In this paper I propose to concentrate on some few features in the style of Aeschylus. A clear and very readable account of his style in general has already been given by Prof. Stanford in the book published recently, but in that he deals lightly with the things with which I propose to deal now, the variations of style between the plays and the reasons of them.

But before we come to them, a word about the reasons for the character of his style in general. That, as all readers know, is full of ‘grandiloquence,’ or as the Greeks called it, ὄγκος, of various kinds, mouth-filling words and bold mixed metaphors, and so on. Prof. Stanford suggests incidentally that this may be due to convention, but that is hardly likely. There is little ὄγκος in the very scanty fragments of his predecessors in Tragedy, and it is probable that Aeschylus elevated the style, as, according to tradition, he elevated the staging of the plays.
Naval Operations in the South Channel of Corcyra 435–433 B.C.
Authors: Hammond N. G. L.
Published: May 2006

Such attention as the battle of Sybota has received has resulted rather in criticism of Thucydides than in clarification of the battle; yet, as the greatest naval battle between Greek and Greek before the Peloponnesian War, it is of some interest to the naval historian. My attempt to reconstruct the battle is based on the belief that Thucydides' account is accurate, though cursory in some respects, and contains enough topographical clues for my purpose. In interpreting these clues I have drawn upon the results of travels in Epirus, which I hope to publish elsewhere; the relevant data are adduced here in brief. The paper falls into two parts, a topographical introduction and the study of Thucydides' narrative.

The South Channel of Corfu is contained between the almost parallel coasts of Corfu and Epirus. The Corfu coast between Cape Lefkimo and Cape Bianco is low-lying with sandy beach and shallow water inshore; but south of St. Theodoro Point sunken rocks make approach dangerous, especially off Cape Bianco, where the Bianco Shoal stretches both south and east into the Channel. Thus in modern times the only area suitable for beaching is between Cape Lefkimo and St. Theodoro Point. There is no evidence of any general change since antiquity in the coastline or sea-level; and as this coast is sheltered from heavy seas the extent of the Bianco Shoal and the sunken rocks is likely to have been more or less constant. The stretch of coast between Cape Lefkimo and St. Theodoro Point is alluvial and may therefore have encroached slightly on the sea since antiquity. The Cape Leukimme of Thucydides should be identified with Cape Lefkimo; apart from the persistence of the ancient name, it alone affords the beaching facilities required for a naval base.
The Epic of Kumarbi and the Theogony of Hesiod
Authors: Barnett R. D.
Published: May 2006

The Epic of Kumarbi is the latest of a number of epic works which have been recovered and restored to us by patient scholarship from the wreckage of the royal library of the Hittite Emperors at Hattušaš (Bogaz-köy). This particular text, however, is doubly noteworthy: for the sake of the story which it tells, and because it is evidently in essence not merely a piece of Hittite literature, but, in the form of a translation, a glimpse of another, more remote and virtually lost literature. For although this text is written in the normal Hittite language, the names of the divinities who play the chief roles in the drama are in fact not Hittite at all. A few are Babylonian, the rest Hurrian. That is to say, they are the gods of an important people or group of peoples who dwelt in south-eastern Anatolia, north Syria and north Mesopotamia, and spoke a language akin neither to the Indo-European speech of the Hittites nor to the Semitic languages. During the fourteenth and thirteenth centuries B.C. many of these people were incorporated into the Hittite Empire, and their gods were received into the hospitality of the Hittite Pantheon. This text is evidently the translation of a Hurrian saga, and it is even reported that fragments exist (or existed) of the Hurrian original, but they have not been published. The present text originally extended over several tablets, many of which now survive, if at all, only in very battered form. The resultant lacunae make it very difficult for us to follow with certainty the meaning and sequence of action in the surviving fragments. The saga appears to be in three parts: The Struggle for the Kingship of Heaven, The Song of Ullikummi and Kumarbi and the Hero of the Flood. We shall be content for our present purpose with giving a summary of this poem. And a strangely primitive and barbarous story it is, doubtless of very great antiquity.
Recent Ptolemaic Finds in Egypt
Authors: Wace A. J. B.
Published: May 2006

Alexandria. —At Kom esh Shuqafa the Graeco-Roman Museum under the direction of Alan Rowe carried out in 1941-2 supplementary investigations in the catacombs. These reveal that the catacombs and other tombs were cut out in a great semicircular rock plateau which originally rose to a height of fifty feet above the surrounding area. This had been obscured by the great mass of debris which had accumulated over and around the rock.
Archaeology in Greece 1938–39
Authors: Robertson Martin
Published: May 2006

Thanks are due to all those who have contributed towards this summary—in particular to Dr. Marinatos and other officials of the Greek Archaeological Department, and to various members of the American, French, German and Italian Schools of Archaeology at Athens. The material was collected by the Director of the British School, but other duties prevented him from writing it up.

The year was one of exceptional achievement, and held promise of more to come. The palace of Nestor at Pylos, the treasure at Delphi, the further finds at Olympia, Dendra and Mycenae, the ashlar beehive tomb at Isopata, the Mycenaean tomb on the slope of the Areopagos, and the exploration of Thermopylae are all discoveries of unusual interest and importance, and the further development of some of them would, in normal times, have been eagerly awaited.
Early Paestan Pottery
Authors: Trendall A. Dale
Published: May 2006

The main lines of the development of South Italian pottery from its beginnings shortly after the middle of the fifth century to the period about 380 when provincialism or local characteristics began to make themselves felt have already been laid down by the researches of Beazley, Moon, Watzinger and others, but a detailed study of the great bulk of South Italian pottery which falls after that date and its division into its several fabrics has yet to be made. Patroni blazed the trail, and Macchioro tried to map out the new territory, but his frontiers have so often been proved inaccurate or arbitrary that a new map is badly needed.

One of the most clearly defined of all the local fabrics is that attributed to Paestum. Walters was the first to recognise a style of Asteas, Patroni extended this to Paestum, and since then it has been generally accepted as rightly named. The evidence of recent finds in a necropolis at Spinazzo Sta. Venere near Paestum helps to confirm this attribution, which I am taking for granted here, though I hope to go more fully into the question later in a paper on Paestan pottery after Asteas, with which the new finds are mainly concerned.
The Growth of Athenian Imperialism
Authors: Meiggs Russell
Published: May 2006

By 446/5 the Delian League had become the Athenian empire. Peace had been made with Persia, but Athens had firmly retained her hold over the allies. More important, Sparta recognised the Athenian claim in the Thirty Years' Peace. ‘We will allow the cities their independence,’ Pericles could say on the eve of the Peloponnesian War, ‘if they were independent when we made peace.’ So much is clear, but the chronology and nature of the development of Athenian imperialism are both uncertain. We are coming to know or reasonably to guess considerably more of the decisive transition to empire following the Peace of Callias, but the imperial measures of those crowded years can only be appreciated in true perspective if we have a right understanding of the preceding period. The main purpose of this study is to re-examine the development of Athenian imperialism in the fifties.

In his concise summary of Athens' rise to power, Thucydides emphasises the significance of the reduction of Naxos: to contemporaries Athenian action may have seemed less questionable. The Persian danger was still serious, and history had shown that the largest of the Cyclades might be a menace to the Greek cause, if it got into the wrong hands. Certainly the League was still popular after the collapse of Naxos, as Cimon's Eurymedon campaign clearly shows. From Caria to Pamphylia the Greek cities welcomed freedom from Persia and gladly entered the League: only at Phaselis was the show of pressure needed.
The Causes of Greek Decline
Authors: Walbank F. W.
Published: May 2006

In one of the most popular anthology passages in Latin, Servius Sulpicius, writing to console Cicero for his daughter's death, describes how, as he reached Greek waters, sailing from Asia, he began to look about him at the ruins of Greece. ‘Behind me was Aegina, in front of me Megara, on the right the Piraeus, on the left Corinth, cities which had once been prosperous, but now lay shattered ruins before my sight.’ Oppidum cadavera he goes on to call them—corpses of cities! The picture, it will probably be objected, is overdrawn; certainly the ruin of Greece was, by Cicero's time, already a rhetorical commonplace, to be echoed by Horace, Ovid and Seneca in turn. But it was based upon an essential truth. The Saronic Gulf, once the centre of the world, was now, for all that Greece meant, a dead lake lapping about the foundations of dead cities. In that tragic decay—which was not confined to mainland Greece—we are confronted with one of the most urgent problems of ancient history, and one with a special significance for our generation, who were already living in an age of economic, political and spiritual upheaval, even before the bombs began to turn our own cities into shattered ruins.

This, then, is my reason for reopening a subject on which there is scope for such diverse opinion: adeo maxima quaeque ambigua sunt. If any further justification is required, then I will only add that the recent publication of Professor Michael Rostovtzeff's classic study of the social and economic life of the Hellenistic Age is at once an invitation and a challenge.
A Note on the Topography of Syracuse
Authors: Parke H. W.
Published: May 2006

(1)The Location of Trogilus. The starting-point for this note is the able reinvestigation of the topography of Syracuse made by Knud Fabricius (Klio, Beiheft XXVIII, 1932). It is accepted here that he has proved his main thesis—that Epipolae was not part of the inhabited city at the time of the Sicilian expedition, and remained unoccupied even after it had been enclosed for strategic purposes inside Dionysius' wall. This view, conflicting with those generally held previously, involves considerable changes in the identification of various localities named in our ancient authorities. It is the purpose of the present note to suggest one further change, not considered by Fabricius, which will serve, however, to reinforce his general position.
The Poseidon Isthmios by Lysippos
Authors: Zadoks-Jitta Annie
Published: May 2006

From an old Italian collection there has come to Holland the bronze statuette here published, representing Poseidon as he is known to us from several marbles and bronzes and numerous Hellenistic and Roman coins. The god is shown leaning forward on his raised and bent right leg, his right forearm resting on his thigh, his left hand raised high. The statuette, which measures 17½ cm. in height, is in an excellent state of preservation; only the tops of the thumb and of three fingers of the right hand are missing; too vigorous cleaning has removed much of the patina; on the right side of the neck is a hole, probably a vent. The statuette is of very fine quality and excellent workmanship. In spite of its small size it is impressive and monumental, and strongly recalls a life-sized original; evidently this was a modelled, not a sculptured one; we have to think of a bronze statue. Coins of Demetrios Poliorketes, the figure on which shows exactly the same posture as our bronze, tell us that the right leg rested on a rock and the left hand held a trident.

The most famous of this well-known type is the Lateran statue, which has been much discussed as to the authorship of its original. Unfortunately this is rather a bad example of a Roman copy, made in a very classicist taste, probably in the first half of the second century A.D.; moreover, it has been much restored. Helbig tells us that nose, left arm, both legs up to the knee, ship, dolphin and plinth are restored, while parts of the hair and beard are new.
Trebizond, a mediaeval citadel and palace
Authors: Rice D. Talbot
Published: May 2006

Recent research is making us daily better acquainted with Byzantine religious buildings. Saint Sophia is a byword in architectural history and the Byzantine style has been drawn on in the West perhaps more than any other. But of the secular buildings of Byzantium, of the great palaces so famous in history, few examples have been spared. Accounts tell us of the great palace at Constantinople, but of this vast collection of buildings little more than a single stair remains above ground. Of the palace of the Hebdomon, situated on the Sea of Marmora to the south of the capital, even less is to be seen, though further excavations would probably prove fruitful, and of the mediaeval palace of the Blachernae on the Golden Horn, which served as the Imperial residence after the eleventh or twelfth century, only a single building, the Tekfour Serai, survives.
The Athens Modern-Greek Lexicon
Authors: Koukoules Phaidon
Published: May 2006

Papyri, ostraka, inscriptions and printed texts, some ancient, some mediaeval, and some subsequent to the Fall of Constantinople, bring to light almost daily a multitude of hitherto unknown words; words which complete or enrich our knowledge of the language, history, life, and civilisation of the Greeks throughout the ages. The discovery of a single word indeed may throw light upon much that was unknown or doubtful, and provide a key for a wide range of connected problems. Of the importance of collecting these words there can therefore be no doubt. Many scholars have from time to time set their hands to this work; sometimes, like S. Koumanoudis and Van Herwerden, by publishing supplementary dictionaries, sometimes by appending glossaries to their editions of texts. Stuart-Jones and Mackenzie's new edition of Liddell and Scott records new words, to the obvious advantage of those who consult it.
Two Notes on Ptolemaic History
Authors: Tarn W. W.
Published: May 2006

Ptolemy I, son of Lagos and Arsinoe, is usually supposed to have belonged, through his mother, to a cadet branch of the Argead house and to have been a third cousin of Alexander. But a fragment of Euphantus, so far unexplained, leads up to the conclusion that his mother was not of the blood royal and that he had no connexion with the royal house at all. Hellenistic literature was full of fictitious relationships, which often found their way into history as facts; and we seem to have here another case of the same sort.

Euphantus is contemporary evidence for the period during which Ptolemy I was king. He was a pupil of Eubulides and the first philosophic teacher of Antigonus Gonatas; supposing he went to him when Antigonus was thirteen, as Aristotle did to Alexander, he was a known man in 307 or 306, while Ptolemy took the crown in 305. As he wrote a treatise on Kingship for Antigonus he was alive in or after 276, after Ptolemy's death; he wrote a history of his own time, and died of old age.
The Castle Ashby Apollodoros
Authors: Beazley J. D.
Published: May 2006

The name of the vase-painter Apollodoros was discovered by Hartwig, who combined the incomplete inscriptions on two works so close in style that they must be by a single hand: the cup-fragment in the collection of the Marquess of Northampton at Castle Ashby (Pl. VI, 1) gives … odorosegraphsen, the fragmentary cup in the Louvre Apollod… The Castle Ashby fragment has been taken to represent actual fighting; but comparison with a fragment in the Villa Giulia suggests another interpretation. The Villa Giulia fragment shows, inside (Pl. VI, 3), the lower right quarter of a warrior moving to right, the shield on the left arm, the spear carried in the right hand. The device on the shield was the face of a satyr in full relief: what remains is the long beard. The shield-rim is inscribed [καλ]ϵναι. An apron hangs from the rim—a piece of felt or leather folded in two and fastened at the fold to the shield. On the outside of the cup (Pl VI, 2) we find the lower parts of two warriors moving quickly yet cautiously to the right: chiton, greaves, shield, spear carried low. To the right of the leader came the handle. On the other's shield-rim […να]1. Now I take the Castle Ashby fragment to have come from just such a scene. What we see there is head and shoulders of a young warrior moving to right, bending; helmet, chiton, wrap, spear carried, shield charged with a satyr's face in high relief; on the right, crest-tip and spear-butt of a second warrior moving in the same direction.
The “Aphrodite” of Lyons
Authors: Payne H. G. G.
Published: May 2006

The photographs of Pl. XII. shew a cast which is now in the Acropolis Museum at Athens. The upper part of the figure (minus the two fragments of the left arm) is usually known as the Aphrodite of Lyons or of Marseilles: the lower part and the fragments of the left arm are in the Acropolis Museum (the lower part, Dickins no. 269). As the photographs shew, these fragments are all parts of a single statue: the lower part joins the upper over a small area on the right side, the arm-fragments join over the whole of the inner broken surfaces. The join on the right side is not visible in the photographs here reproduced, but the relation of the two pieces is sufficiently clear from the correspondence of the folds of the drapery. The Lyons fragment was first mentioned in a work published in 1719, and must have reached France at the end of the seventeenth or at the beginning of the eighteenth century.
Threatening, Abusing and Feeling Angry in the Homeric Poems
Authors: Adkins A. W. H.
Published: May 2006

At other times and in other places I have tried to show, by means of a study of the manner in which Homer uses words, the nature of the Homeric field of values. I have also tried to show the effect of that field of values on the concepts of punishment, honour and friendship. In this paper I wish to develop the enquiry in a rather different direction, but using the same tools and method of approach. I shall begin by discussing some peculiarities of behaviour of certain Homeric words, leave, at first, the questions I shall ask hanging in the air, and then attempt at the end to show how these peculiarities fit together into a pattern, a pattern imposed (or encouraged) by Homeric values and the structure of Homeric society.

I begin with the word νεικείειν. LSJ renders this as ‘quarrel, wrangle with’ or transitively ‘chide, rail at, upbraid’, Ebeling, Lexicon Homericum, as increpo. Ebeling's rendering I find unhelpful, since I am as unsure of the implications of increpo as of νεικείειν. I understand the words LSJ uses, but (as presumably we all do) regard wrangling with someone as a different activity from chiding or rebuking him, and each as distinguishable from railing at him. What induced Homer to use the same word in Greek was presumably that he saw a resemblance between these activities stronger than their differences: at all events, the likelihood that this was the reason is strong enough to make it worth while to look for the resemblances by studying some examples of the usage of νειείειν.
Mycenae, 1953
Authors: Wace A. J. B.
Published: May 2006

The British excavations at Mycenae in 1953 had the following main objectives: the further exploration of the Prehistoric Cemetery outside the Cyclopean walls to the west of the Lion Gate, the area south of the Perseia Krene where a fine wall of ashlar poros was discovered in 1952, the houses to the north and south of the House of the Oil Merchant, and further investigation of the Cyclopean Terrace Building. At the same time work was begun on the excavation of the area within the Acropolis between the South House and Tsountas' House. The excavations were supported by a research grant from the American Philosophical Society, with contributions from the Universities of Cambridge and Oxford, the British Academy, the Bollingen Foundation, and the British School at Athens, under whose aegis the work was conducted.

In the Prehistoric Cemetery several tombs of the Middle Helladic period were discovered. On the northern edge of the cemetery an interesting group of graves was found, one of the latest Mycenaean period, L.H. IIIC, and two of the developed Geometric period. With the larger of the latter, a cist grave, nineteen vases were found which included undecorated vases of excellent fabric and a shallow bowl of ‘Pie Ware’ which demonstrate the contemporaneity of these styles. These vases, together with two others from a Proto-Geometrie grave dug into the ruins of the House of Shields, form a series illustrating the gradual evolution of culture at Mycenae from the end of the Bronze Age into the Iron Age. They show that there was no sudden break in its development, but only a slow evolution as in Attica. The ‘Dorian Invasion’ was not a cultural revolution.
Homer in Arabic
Authors: Tritton A. S.
Published: May 2006

It is notorious that the Arabs knew almost nothing about Homer beyond that he was a poet. In a book entitled siwān al-hikma (the cupboard of wisdom) by Muhammad b. Tāhir b. Bahrām al-Sijāzi (†c. A.D. 980) a chapter is given up to him. It says that Aristotle relied on his poems continually and all praised him for his skill as a poet, his solid knowledge and excellent counsel. One Stephen (probably the son of Basil) translated some of his poems into Arabic. To the question, ‘Who is the greatest Greek poet?’, Diogenes replied, ‘Each one of them—in his own estimation; but most say Homer’. A brief dialogue is quoted:

Homer. I wonder that men, who can copy God, do not do so but copy animals.
The Tombs of the Byzantine Emperors at the Church of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople
Authors: Downey Glanville
Published: May 2006

One of the most impressive manifestations of the majesty and the antiquity of the Byzantine Empire must have been the great series of imperial tombs in the mausoleums of Constantine and Justinian which were attached to the Church of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople. Beginning with the burial of Constantine the Great (d. 337), the mausoleums served as the resting-places of most of the emperors (often with members of their families) who reigned during the next seven centuries, the last emperor to be buried there being Constantine VIII (d. 1028). The mausoleums then became full, and the emperors began to be buried in other churches and monasteries in Constantinople, often in establishments which they themselves had founded. There are not many comparable series of royal burials, and the presence of these tombs, as a visible record of the greatness of Byzantium, was one reason why the Church of the Holy Apostles enjoyed a celebrity only second to that of St. Sophia.

The emperors, beginning with Constantine the Great, understood very well the importance of placing the imperial burials in a worthy setting. The significance of the burials is illustrated by a report of a speech of Leo V, the Armenian (813–820), in which Leo is supposed to have remarked that the orthodox emperors were all buried respectably at the Holy Apostles, while the others died in exile or on the field of battle. In reality most of the emperors who reigned before the time of Leo V were buried at the Holy Apostles, and nearly all of those who reigned between his time and the beginning of the eleventh century were buried there.
Prometheia
Authors: Fitton-Brown A. D.
Published: May 2006

This paper is a much revised version of that read to the Classical Association at Bangor on April 11, 1956; here I intend to concentrate on the development of the trilogy with particular reference to the Prometheus Purphoros, on the meaning of the trilogy and (in an excursus) on the questions of authenticity and date.

The Medicean Catalogue records three Prometheus plays by Aeschylus—our surviving Προμηθεὺς Δεσμώτης , the much-cited Προμηθεὺς Λυόμενος and the Προμηθεὺς Πυρφόρος Pollux ix 156, x 64 (with citation) adds a Προμηθεὺς Πυρκαεύς The Luomenos followed on the Desmotes and included the actual release of Prometheus. Pollux' citation of the Purkaeus has an anapaest in the fourth foot, suggesting that the play was satyric and therefore probably to be identified with the satyric Prometheus recorded as accompanying the Persae group of plays; with it should probably be associated the verse in Plutarch: τράγος γένειον ἆραπενθήσεις σύ γε (TGF 207: τοῦ δὲ σατύρου τὸ πῦρ ὡς πρῶτον ὤφθη, κ.τ.λ. ) and also the long fragment recovered from Pap. Oxy. 2245. These last two items go some way to show that the Purkaeus dealt with the original discovery or bestowal of fire; with regard to its omission from the catalogue, it should be borne in mind more constantly than it has been that the other plays which accompanied the Persae—the Phincus and the Glaukos of Potniai—have been omitted too; and while it is hard to imagine what particular misfortune can have befallen a number of plays of the same group, it would be rash to assume that there can have been none.
The Progress of Greek Epigraphy, 1948–9
Authors: Tod Marcus N.
Published: May 2006

The present bibliography, which relates to the years 1948 and 1949, follows the same general lines as its predecessors. Books and articles not accessible to me are marked by an asterisk. Once again I ask all scholars who have facilitated my task by sending me copies of their works to accept this expression of my heartfelt thanks.

Death has deprived Greek epigraphical studies in recent years of some of their outstanding exponents. Among these I name K. M. Apostolides, C. Blinkenberg, G. F. Hill, P. Jouguet, E. Kalinka, O. Kern, A. Körte, A. Rehm and J. Zingerle. G. Klaffenbach pays a warm tribute to the character and work of F. Hiller von Gaertringen, and H. Bengtson to that of E. Ziebarth.
Archaeology in Greece, 1951
Authors: Cook J. M.
Published: May 2006

This year, like the last, has been an exceptional one. The Archaeological Society and the Foreign Schools have been engaged in widespread excavation. Among the spectacular discoveries of the season are richly furnished Late Minoan tombs at and near. Knossos, and a new shaft grave—somewhat earlier than those inside the Lion Gate—alongside the Tomb of Clytaemnestra at Mycenae; attention will be focused on Pylos in the coming spring now that the arrangements for the resumption of work there are completed. The German Institute has been re-established with Dr. Kunze as its new director. The reconstitution of the museums is proceeding at a measured pace: but the most manifest achievement this year has been the restoration of monuments in the field, which has been carried out on an unprecedented scale under the direction of Prof. Orlandos with the help of an exceptionally large allocation—unfortunately not to be repeated—from Marshall Aid. The Tomb of Clytaemnestra has been restored, and great improvements have been made at the Temple of Aphaia in Aegina and among the houses of Delos. At Knossos and Phaistos, despite the delay in the transmission to Crete of the sums made available, Mr. de Jong and Dr. Levi, in conjunction with the Ephor, Dr. Platon, have made great progress with the conservation of the two great palaces.
Sense and Common-sense in the Development of Greek Philosophy
Authors: Kirk G. S.
Published: May 2006

This paper forms a brief and synoptic study of the use made by Greek thinkers of explanations and causes that lie outside immediate sense-perception; and of the extent to which these unperceived causes outstripped not merely sense but also common-sense, so as to become, simply judged in themselves, unexpected, improbable, or paradoxical. I propose first to examine the main Presocratic philosophers and their predecessors, to discover how far their theories exceeded the range of sense-perception on the one hand and common-sense on the other; then to assess more briefly the reaction of the Sophists, Socrates and Plato, with some consideration of Aristotle and his successors and special attention to the concept of teleology. The aim of this survey, from which much will inevitably be omitted, is to direct from a fresh angle a slender ray of light on the nature of Greek speculative thought—on the character of its dogmatism and the character of its assumed clarity.

If philosophy is the search for causes, then it must soon concern itself with the unseen, with what lies beyond perception. Proximate causes of particular sensed events may be found in other sensed events; but the philosopher's attempt to explain man's experience as a whole requires the inference of causes and relationships outside the immediate range of direct physical experience.
Armillae
Authors: Rumpf A.
Published: May 2006

Every schoolboy knows the legend of Tarpeia, who betrayed the Capitol to the Sabines. She demanded what they carried on their left arms: quod vulgo Sabini aureas armillas magni ponderis brachio laevo … habuerint (Livy, I, II). The enemy pressed in and treacherously fulfilled their ambiguous promise by throwing their shields on her instead of the golden ornaments and so killed her. In later years the antiquarian remembers the story when before the Mons Tarpeius in Rome. The historian justifiably disregards the tradition. The mythologist is interested in parallels from Greek or folk-lore. The archaeologist is only concerned when dealing with the denarii of L. Titurius Sabinus or of P. Petronius Turpilianus with the representation of Tarpeia dying under the shields.

At the date of these coins, first century A.D., the story, told most fully in Livy I, 11, Dionysius of Halicarnassus II, 38, and Plutarch, Romulus, 17, was naturally well known. Its oldest form is more important than its alteration to serve Roman patriotism or the desire for a romantic novel. According to Dionysius, who enters most carefully into the question of sources, it was already noted by Q. Fabius Pictor and L. Cincius Alimentus, and was therefore current in the last half of the third century B.C.
The Burgon and Blacas Tombs
Authors: Corbett P. E.
Published: May 2006

There are in the British Museum two groups of Greek vases, from two burials, which may for convenience be called the Burgon and Blacas tombs, after their finders. The present article gives the evidence for their discovery and an account of the individual vases; for those which have already been published in theCatalogue of the Greek and Etruscan Vases in the British Museumand in theCorpus Vasorum, I confine myself to major additions to the bibliography and to supplementary comment, while the unpublished pieces receive fuller treatment.

Thomas Burgon (1787–1858), a Turkey merchant who lived in Smyrna till 1814 and returned to the Aegean on various occasions after that date, made good use of his opportunities for excavating and collecting antiquities; he was no dilettante but a knowledgeable and careful worker, and when his business failed in 1841 he and his collection found a refuge in the British Museum. His name has long been familiar to the student of Greek vases from the Burgon amphora, the earliest known Panathenaic amphora, which is conspicuous both for its own merits and for its importance for the chronology of black-figure vase-painting; very conveniently, the Burgon amphora came from the Burgon tomb, in which it was associated with six much smaller vases.
The Seal of Posidippus
Authors: Lloyd-Jones Hugh
Published: May 2006

My business is with a poem preserved on two wax tablets from Egypt in Berlin (Inv. no. 14283), dating from about the first century A.D., and first published by Hermann Diels in 1898. Here is a bibliography:

(1) H. Diels,S.B. der Berl. Akad.1898 847 f. (with photographs of both tablets).

(2) R. Ellis,American Journal of Philologyxxi (1900) 76 f. (irresponsible conjectures on the text; utterly worthless).

(3) W. Crönert,Archiv für Papyrusforschungi (1901) 517 f. (brief general comments).

(4) W. Schubart,Papyri Berolinenses(1911) no. 17; photograph of the first tablet with transcript of that part of the text which it contains (all except the last five lines).

(5) W. Schubart,Symbolae Philologicae O.A. Danielsson octogenario dicatae(1932) 290 f. (new transcript, account of the manuscript, brief commentary and critical discussion).

(6) D. L. Page,Greek Literary Papyrii (Loeb Classical Library, 1942; reprinted 1950) no. 114, p. 470 f. (brief discussion, text and translation).

(7) C. A. Trypanis,Classical Reviewn.s. ii (1952) 67–8 (note on authorship with brief remarks on text).

(8) W. Peek,RExxii 1 (1953) 430, 440 f., s.v. ‘Poseidippos’ (general discussion).

(9) E. Heitsch, ‘Die griechischen Dichterfragmente der römischen Kaiserzeit’,Abh. der Ak. der Wiss. in Göttingen, phil.-hist. kl., dritte folgeno. 49 (1961 1) 21 (text and apparatus criticus based on Schubart).
A note on αὐτοματίζω in Connexion with Prophecy
Authors: Parke H. W.
Published: May 2006

In his carefully balanced and analytical investigation of the ὅρκιον τῶν οἰκιστήρων of Cyrene (JHS lxxx 94–111), A. J. Graham seems to me to have been somewhat misled in his treatment of the verb αὐτοματίζω by the not very exact entry in LSJ Add. et Corr. 2055. Under the original entry in LSJ the meanings are correctly enough given. The fourth-century B.C. authors quoted used it either of persons—‘to act of oneself, act off-hand or unadvisedly’ (X. Cyr. 4.5.21) or of things—‘to act spontaneously’ (Arist. GA 715–27). But when after the publication of the Cyrene inscription the entry was amended and amplified to cover the activity of the Pythia, the editors rather unfortunately chose simply to translate it to ‘deliver an oracle’. Hence Graham following them writes that ‘contemporary (i.e., fourth-century) uses of the word which have been recorded are quite different in meaning’, and concludes that ‘it is an unusual word and χράω would be expected in its place’.
Le Texte d'Aristote Physique H, 1–3 dans les versions Arabo-Latines
Authors: Mansion Augustin
Published: May 2006

Dans un travail déjà anciennous avons attiré l'attention sur l'intérêt que présentait pour l'histoire de la constitution du texte de la Physique d'Aristote latraduction arabo-latine de ce traité attribuée à Michel Scot ou à son école, et jointe, dans les éditions du XVIe siècle, comme dans les mss., à la version latine du Commentaire d'Averroès. En conclusion de cette étude nous avons appuyé—peut-être unpeu trop—sur la parenté du texte dont dérive la version arabo-latine avec celui du cod. E, le meilleur des mss. de Bekker. Sir David Ross, à qui ces pages sont offertes en hommage, a repris les données fournies par notre travail, mais a été amené par une étude plus minutieuse des leçonsen présence, à modifier ou à redresser nos conclusions. Il juge que le texte auquel remonte la version se trouve à peu près à mi-chemin entre celui de E et celui du groupe des autres mss. principaux de la Physique.

Notre travail antérieur ne portait que sur les quatre premiers livres de la Physique. Nous voudrions entreprendre ici un travail analogue sur une base à la fois plus étroite et plus large. Nous nous limiterons tout d'abord aux trois premiers chapitres du texte secondaire du livre VII de la Physique. Mais au lieu d'en examiner une seule version arabo-latine, nous en rapprocherons les deux versions médiévalesfaites sur l'arabe, lesquelles remontent respectivement au XIIe et au XIIIe siècle: dans la mesure où elles convergent elles pourront nous renseigner ainsi en même temps sur certaines caractéristiques du texte arabe dont elles dépendent et par là sur la teneur du texte grec dont dérive en dernière analyse ce texte arabe.
Sidelights on Greek Philosophers
Authors: Tod Marcus N.
Published: May 2006

When, towards the close of 1897, I, a freshman of St. John's College, Oxford, first met David Ross of Balliol in the room of a common friend, I little dreamed how long and how closely we should be associated in the life and work of another Oxford college and how immeasurably I should be enriched by his example, his help and his friendship. So I welcome wholeheartedly this opportunity of acknowledging, since I cannot repay, my debt by making a contribution, however slight, to the tribute of admiration, affection and good wishes embodied in this volume. Much of his time and ability has been devoted to the study and elucidation of the works of the Greek philosophers, and I offer him,γλαῦκ᾽ εἰς Ἀθήνας, some notes, which lay no claim to completeness, on the light thrown on that study by Greek inscriptions.

We regard the rise and development of philosophy as one of the supreme achievements of the Greeks, which has permanently and profoundly affected Western civilisation. Did the later Greeks share this view? Inscriptions offer some evidence which merits consideration. The author of the Parian Chronicle, who is for us, owing to the mutilation of the stone, anonymous, compiled a chronological table of the outstanding personalities and events in Greek history down to 264–3 B.C. The extant record is fairly complete from 1581–80 to 355–4 B.C. and again from 336–5 to 299–8, and if we examine the period after 1000 B.C. we are struck by the predominance of Greek tyrants and foreign potentates in the sphere of political and military history and of poets (prose authors are ignored) in the realm of culture; Terpander of Lesbos (A34) is the sole representative of music and Callippus, the astronomer (B6), of natural science, while sculptors, painters and architects are passed over in silence. Philosophy appears only in the persons of Socrates, Anaxagoras and Aristotle; a brief reference to two of these,is tacked on as an afterthought to the record (A60) of Euripides' first victory in 442–1 B.C., and the death of ‘Socrates the philosopher’ at the age of 70 is reported (A66) under the date 400–399, while in a paragraph (B11) relating to events in Asia Minor and Egypt in 321–20 B.C. occurs the phraseA fragment of another chronological table, drawn up in A.D. 15–16, survives in Rome and gives rather more recognition to philosophy; S[olon], Anacharsis, the Seven Sages and Aesop are mentioned in B2, 4 and 5, B7 tells of Pythagoras's capture by Cambyses in Egypt in 524–3, and B10 runs:where the year is unfortunately lost.
Some Psychological Terms in Greek Tragedy
Authors: Webster T. B. L.
Published: May 2006

The justification for including this article in a volume dedicated to Sir David Ross must be that the tragic poets reflect the psychological terminology of educated Athenian society during a period which corresponds almost exactly with the life-time of Socrates and includes the first twenty years or so of Plato's life. Of course the tragic poets wrote in a poetic language strongly influenced by Homer and less strongly by lyric poetry, but they were also influenced by contemporary thinkers, doctors, sophists, and philosophers. The present study is confined to the words psyche, thymos, kardia (and its synonyms), phren/phrenes, nous.

It may be useful first to note the range of usage of these words and secondly to point out very briefly the historical development. The range of usages of these words is difficult to define; in fact such definition cannot produce boxes into which instances can be sorted but may usefully mark points on the scale of meaning between which any given instance falls. Of the five words, kardia and phrenes are names for parts of the body, ‘heart’ and ‘diaphragm’. It is perhaps rash to identify psyche and thymos with the cold/moist and hot/dry components of breath, but certainly in many passages of Homer they have some such physical meaning. Nous, however, is a verbal abstract and verbal abstracts in Greek mean not only a process but also the agent or the result of the process; as a process, it means ‘appreciating the situation’ in the military sense in which appreciate involves also making a plan; as an agent, it means ‘the appreciating mind’; as a result, it means ‘the plan or thought’ which results from the appreciation. By analogy, I suspect, with nous the other words also can be used for mental processes and results as well as for agents; thymos can already mean ‘thought’ in Homer, kardia ‘courage’ in Archilochos, and phrenes ‘intention’ in Solon. The full possible range of meaning is: (a) part of the body, (b) psychological agent, (c) psychological process, (d) result of psychological process. But these meanings fade into one another and any particular instance may be difficult to classify precisely.
Island Gems Aftermath
Authors: Boardman John
Published: May 2006

This article is intended not only to record additions and corrections to Island Gems (published by the Hellenic Society in 1963 as its tenth Supplementary Volume; here abbreviated IGems), but also to discuss a class of engraved stones which was not properly distinguished in that book. The main series of Island Gems belongs to the seventh and early sixth centuries B.C. Most of the stones and a few of their devices copy Bronze Age forms, and the material is generally a distinctive, often translucent, green serpentine (‘steatite’). This series ends in the first half of the sixth century, but it was possible to identify, by their material and technique, some later gems from Island workshops which correspond in style and shape with the contemporary Greek scarabs in harder materials. The comparatively soft material had meant that the intaglio devices on Island gems could be cut without recourse to the drill or cutting wheel, and this technique was retained for the later scarabs. It is evident, however, that for a while already in the sixth century Island artists had experimented with the harder materials then being employed for engraved seals in Greece; and with some shapes which seem to compromise between the old and the new. These stones seem to belong to the middle and second half of the sixth century. A list follows:

(i) Oxford 1925.129. plate I. Green steatite tapered scaraboid with convex face. L. 20 (mm.). A lion. IGems no. 349, fig. 6, pl. 13.

(ii) Athens, from Sunium. plate I. Green steatite. Shape as the last. L. 20. Contorted bull-headed man. IGems no. 350, pl. 13.

(iii) Paris, Bibl. Nat., ex Louvre C 8514. Rock crystal plump lentoid. W. 18. Summary representation of a winged horse.

(iv) Boston 27.678 (once Bruschi, Warren), plate I. Chalcedony lentoid with domed back and shallow convex face. W. 21. Facing head of a satyr with fillet ends behind the ears and an arrow marking at the centre of the forehead.