bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Patara
Authors: Fant Clyde E. , Reddish Mitchell G.
Published: November 2020

In ancient times Patara possessed one of the best harbors on the Lycian coast. Modern visitors will be forced to use their imaginations to visualize the port of Patara, since the harbor eventually fell victim to the effects of silting from the Xanthos River. Today a beach and sand dunes cover the mouth of the ancient harbor, while the inner part of the harbor is now a marsh. Patara served as the port city for Xanthos, the leading city of the region of Lycia, which was located about 6 miles up the Xanthos River. Patara is located on the southwestern shore of Turkey, due east from the island of Rhodes. It is situated about halfway between Fethiye and Kale, near the present-day village of Gelemiş, about 3.5 miles south of the modern road (highway 400) that runs along Turkey’s Mediterranean shore. Patara is approximately 6 miles east of the mouth of the Xanthos River. A stream from the Xanthos flowed into the sea at Patara and deposited the river’s silt there. Important in the past because of its harbor, the area around Patara is known today for its 11 miles of excellent, sandy beaches. Supposedly named after Patarus, a son of Apollo, the city was famous in antiquity for its Temple of Apollo (no archaeological evidence of the temple has yet been found) and the oracle of Apollo. According to ancient tradition, Apollo liked to spend the winter at Patara and thus the oracle of Apollo was operative only during the winter months. Pottery finds at Patara provide evidence for a settlement here as early as the 6th century B.C.E. In 334–333 B.C.E. Patara, along with several other Lycian cities, surrendered to Alexander the Great. During the subsequent Hellenistic period, the city came first under the control of the Ptolemies and then the Seleucids. Ptolemy II Philadelphus (r. 282–246 B.C.E.) expanded the city and renamed it Arsinoe in honor of his wife, but the new name never took hold. In 196 B.C.E., the Seleucid ruler Antiochus III of Syria captured several Lycian cities, including Patara.
Pergamum
Authors: Fant Clyde E. , Reddish Mitchell G.
Published: November 2020

Pergamum is unquestionably one of the most impressive archaeological sites in all of Turkey. Pergamum’s attractions are hard to surpass—the breathtaking view from its theater carved out of the side of the acropolis, the magnificent restored Temple of Trajan, the foundations of the Great Altar of Zeus, the ancient healing center of Asclepius, the Temple of Serapis (the Red Hall), and the archaeological museum. A visit to Pergamum should not be rushed. There is much here to reward the patient visitor who will explore the riches of this ancient city. The site of ancient Pergamum is scattered in and around the modern town of Bergama, located in the western part of Turkey, approximately 65 miles north of Izmir. According to ancient mythology, Pergamum was founded by Telephus, king of Asia Minor and the son of Hercules (and thus the grandson of Zeus). Archaeological evidence indicates that Pergamum was settled as early as the 8th century B.C.E. Xenophon, the Greek historian who was involved in a mercenary expedition against the Persians, mentions that in 399 B.C.E. he and his soldiers spent some time at Pergamum. Little is known about Pergamum until the Hellenistic period, when Pergamum and all of Asia Minor came under the control of Alexander the Great. After the death of Alexander in 323 B.C.E., Lysimachus, one of Alexander’s generals (the Diadochoi) involved in the struggle for Alexander’s kingdom, eventually gained control of all of Asia Minor. He deposited a considerable amount of wealth in the treasury of Pergamum and placed one of his officers, Philetaerus, in charge. Philetaerus eventually turned against Lysimachus. After Lysimachus’ death, Philetaerus (r. 281–263 B.C.E.) used the money to establish a principality, with Pergamum as its capital. Unmarried (and supposedly a eunuch due to an accident), Philetaerus adopted his nephew Eumenes I as his successor. Eumenes I (r. 263–241 B.C.E.) was successful in defeating the Seleucid king Antiochus I at Sardis and expanding the rule of Pergamum throughout the Caicus River valley and all the way to the Aegean Sea. Upon his death, he was succeeded by his adopted son Attalus I Soter (r. 241–197 B.C.E.).
Thyatira
Authors: Fant Clyde E. , Reddish Mitchell G.
Published: November 2020

The ancient city of Thyatira, known for being one of the cities named in the book of Revelation, continues today as the modern city of Akhisar. A wealthy commercial city in antiquity, the city today is a modern one with a population of more than 80,000. Agriculture is a large part of the economy of the area, with major crops of olives, olive oil, wheat, cotton, grapes, melons, and raisins. The region is especially famous for its tobacco production. Akhisar is located in western Turkey, approximately 30 miles from the Aegean coast and 50 miles northeast of Izmir on highway 565. Situated on the broad Akhisar Plain, the city was in the northern part of the ancient kingdom of Lydia. Because of its location in the center of the large level plain, the city had few natural defenses. Archaeological evidence demonstrates that a settlement existed here as early as 3000 B.C.E. During the 5th century B.C.E., the Persians gained control of the area, followed by Alexander the Great toward the end of the 4th century. At the beginning of the 3rd century, the Seleucid ruler Seleucus I Nicator refounded the city and apparently settled Macedonian soldiers in the city. Serving as a military outpost, Thyatira became a part of the Pergamene kingdom under the Attalid rulers by 189 B.C.E. (if not earlier). After Attalus III bequeathed his Pergamene kingdom to the Romans in 133 B.C.E., the Romans established the province of Asia in 129 B.C.E., and Thyatira came under Roman rule. Located at the crossroads of the major routes leading northwest to Pergamum, southeast to Sardis, and southwest to Magnesia and Smyrna, Thyatira became an important trade, industrial, and commercial center. Inscriptional evidence indicates that the city was host to numerous trade guilds, which functioned as social, civic, and religious clubs or organizations. Among the guilds represented at Thyatira were the guilds of coppersmiths, tanners, leatherworkers, dyers, wool workers, and linen workers. The wool and textile industries were particularly strong in Thyatira, as was also the production of purple dye. During the Roman era the city prospered. Inscriptions discovered in the city mention the existence of three gymnasiums, a colonnaded portico of one hundred columns, stoas, shops, and shrines to the sun god Apollo Tyrimnaeus and to Artemis Boreitene.
Northern Cyprus
Authors: Fant Clyde E. , Reddish Mitchell G.
Published: November 2020

When the island of Cyprus was divided and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus was formed, the majority of the finest tourist facilities and beaches were in the north, as was much of the best farming land. Today Northern Cyprus is a beautiful and hospitable country not visited enough by Western tourists, but highly rewarding to those who do visit there. Ancient Salamis is the most impressive and extensive site in Northern Cyprus, and the most visited. More than any of the other archaeological sites on Cyprus, north or south, Salamis reveals the nature of Roman life on the island. Salamis is only 6 miles north of Gazimagusa/Famagusta, some 40 miles east of Girne, and 30 miles east of the Ercan airport. Follow the signs to Gazimagusa, then to ancient Salamis. A small road turns off to the right toward the sea; the entrance to the site is behind a small restaurant overlooking the fine beach and beautiful water beyond, a delightful place for a cooling drink after touring the ruins. In the summer it is likely to be quite hot at the site (and dehydrating), so it is best to arrive early. Perhaps plan on viewing the St. Barnabas monastery and church during the heat of the day. Salamis took its name and its Mycenaean culture from the Greek island of the same name (close to the Athenian port of Piraeus). By the 8th century B.C.E. it was already the leading city-state of the ten others on Cyprus. The city led in the rebellion against the Persians at the battle of Salamis (5th century B.C.E.), which was lost largely because of the defection of the city-state of Kourion. Salamis later supported Alexander the Great in his wars with the Persians, and it subsequently prospered for a brief time. But when Ptolemy I, one of the successors to Alexander, besieged the city, its last king, Nicocreon, committed suicide rather than surrender. His remaining relatives did the same, burning down the palace in the process. During the Roman period Salamis remained an important trading center, though Paphos was the new capital and developed a large Jewish population.
Ecosystems in Zones of Conflict: Partial Responses as an Emerging Management Regime
Authors: van Eeten Michel J. G. , Roe Emery
Published: November 2020

Many of the most expensive and important ecosystem management initiatives under way today are in “zones of conflict” between increasing human populations, resource utilization, and demands for environmental services. The four cases in this book—the San Francisco Bay-Delta, the Everglades, the Columbia River Basin, and the Green Heart of the western Netherlands—are no exception. Each combines the need for large-scale ecosystem restoration with the widespread provision of reliable ecosystem services. As seen in chapter 4, case-by-case management is the regime most suited for such contentious issues in zones of conflict. It is no small irony, therefore, that these ecosystem management initiatives are often presented as showcases for adaptive management (e.g., Gunderson et al. 1995; Johnson et al. 1999). This showcasing is understandable when we realize that here the paradox is at its sharpest. Consequently, the initiatives are unique in the considerable amount of resources made available to adaptive management or ecosystem management, precisely because the ecosystems are in zones on conflict. Much of the funds come not from natural resource or regulatory agencies, but from the organizations that produce and deliver services from these ecosystems, such as water-supply or power-generation companies. In southern Florida, the Army Corps of Engineers (ACE) and the South Florida Water Management District (SFMWD) estimate the costs of their proposed ecosystem restoration plan to be $7.8 billion; in the Bay- Delta, the CALFED Program expects to spend about $10 billion during this implementation having already spent more than $300 million on ecosystem restoration in recent years; and in the Columbia River Basin, the Bonneville Power Administration (BPA) alone provides some $427 million per year for fish and wildlife measures. As a senior BPA planner remarked, “We are the largest fish and wildlife agency in the world.” Contrast these millions and billions to the funding problems often reported by “purer” forms of adaptive management for ecosystems towards the left of the gradient in figure 4.1. In short, although important services are derived from these ecosystems, the services do not override ecosystem-functions, thus raising the resource demands of ecosystem management.
The Impact of Animals on Species Diversity in Arid-Land Plant Communities
Authors: Wilby Andrew , Boeken Bertrand
Published: November 2020

There are many mechanisms whereby animal activity can directly or indirectly influence the species diversity of plant communities. Most obviously, herbivory can influence the species composition directly through plant mortality or indirectly by changing the outcome of interspecific competition (Hulme 1996). Animals may also affect plant species composition by modifying the physical structure of the environment such that the flow of resources required for plant growth is altered. Such physical effects mediated by the physical structure of the environment have been termed ‘ecosystem engineering’ (defined in table 11.1; Jones et al. 1994, 1997, Lawton 1994, Lawton and Jones 1995). Animals may have other functions that influence the persistence of populations (e.g., pollination) or the colonization of new sites (seed dispersal). In this chapter we aim to provide an overview of how these diverse effects of animals influence plant species diversity, and to this end, we propose community assembly theory as a conceptual framework. Community assembly theory provides us with a schematic representation of the vital steps involved in the determination of species presence or absence at a particular site. By asking how might animal activity influence each of the steps of assembly, we ensure a comprehensive outlook on how animals affect plant species diversity. That said, we restrict ourselves in this chapter to ecological mechanisms and we do not consider evolutionary effects that are of undoubted importance at higher levels of spatial and temporal scales. Following our discussion of animal effects on community assembly, we highlight two case studies of herbivores arising from recent research in Israel. We use insights provided by these examples to suggest mechanisms that are likely to be of particular importance in arid ecosystems. For example, we suggest that since the flow of water, the primary limiting factor in these systems, is so easily influenced by structural changes in the environment, physical ecosystem engineering may be a relatively important, though previously neglected, interaction type in arid ecosystems. The processes governing which species occur in a particular plant community can be summarized very simply.
Introduction: What We Hope To Do
Authors: Goldstein Inge F. , Goldstein Martin
Published: November 2020

The movie Erin Brockovitch, starring Julia Roberts, opened in the spring of 2000 to excellent reviews and immediate popular success. Advertised as being “based on a true story,” it describes how an uneducated but feisty young woman discovers a cluster of diseases in a small California town, including uterine and breast cancer, Hodgkin’s disease, brain cancer, colon cancer, asthma, heart disease, and disorders of the immune system, which she attributes to contamination of the town’s drinking water with chromium, a toxic metal, due to negligent waste disposal practices of a large corporation. She then initiates a class-action lawsuit on behalf of the victims, which is settled for $333 million, the largest sum yet won in such a suit. The true story on which the case was based involved the Pacific Gas and Electric Corporation, which really did settle the lawsuit by paying out $333 million. Whether the willingness of the corporation to settle for this amount proves that the chromium did cause all the diseases claimed is an interesting question, which this book may shed some light on, but not directly answer. The movie is one of a number of recent films reflecting a widespread fear that the environment is being polluted by hazardous chemicals and harmful radiation that cause cancer and other diseases, and a need to identify and seek restitution from whoever is responsible. People living in the advanced industrialized countries of the world suffer from mixed feelings about their high standard of living. They are fully aware of its advantages, both for health and for the quality of life generally: greater freedom from infectious diseases, better medical care, longer life span, a higher standard of living, more choice in work and play. But there is a sense of disadvantages as well: concerns about a loss of community and of cultural diversity, about an obsession with material possessions, about pollution and destruction of the environment. In this book we will open only one of these Pandora’s boxes: the problem of environmental pollution and human health.
Power Lines, Magnetic Fields, and Cancer
Authors: Goldstein Inge F. , Goldstein Martin
Published: November 2020

We are old enough to have had iceboxes in our kitchens when we were children. Every few days an iceman came through our neighborhoods, in Jerusalem leading a donkey cart and in the Bronx in a truck, each full of blocks of ice. Housewives would put a sign in the window or call out to him to let him know how big a piece to leave. We were very proud of our first home refrigerators; not everyone in the neighborhood had one. Refrigerators were easier to use: we did not have to worry about missing the iceman, the food stayed fresh longer, and ice cream could be kept in the freezer compartment. We cannot imagine modern life without electric power, and not just for the convenience of keeping ice cream. When a study published in 1979 suggested that magnetic fields from the electric wiring in homes and from outside power lines might cause leukemia in children, it was taken seriously, and not only by scientists. Public awareness and concern grew rapidly as these results were publicized in the media, and today they are one of the more controversial suspected environmental hazards. On the one hand, claims have been made that they are responsible for clusters of various cancers, birth defects, and neurological disorders, which are covered up by power companies and government agencies. On the other hand, there have been contemptuous dismissals of such claims with the counterclaim that they could not possibly hurt anyone and that irresponsible journalists are creating a panic. Some examples of extreme positions give the flavor of the controversy. A series of articles written by the journalist Paul Brodeur for the New Yorker magazine, followed by two books, Currents of Death and The Great Power- Line Cover-up, describe health problems in a number of neighborhoods and schools in which there was reason to believe high magnetic fields were present.
Asthma, Allergy, and Air Pollution
Authors: Goldstein Inge F. , Goldstein Martin
Published: November 2020

One night in early October 1997, Felipe G., a nine-year-old child of Dominican immigrants to New York City living in East Harlem, woke up struggling for breath. Felipe had had asthma attacks before, and his parents knew, or thought they knew, what to do: they called for an ambulance, which rushed him to the emergency room of Harlem Hospital nearby. But this time he stopped breathing on the way to the hospital, and could not be revived there. His younger sister Ana also has asthma, but so far has never had to go to the emergency room. The tenement building in which Felipe’s family lives is three blocks from the Harlem River Drive, a highway on which thousands of cars travel each workday, emitting, in spite of their catalytic converters, large quantities of oxides of nitrogen, carbon monoxide, and incompletely combusted gasoline. Several blocks north is a parking garage for the diesel trucks of the New York City Department of Sanitation. The drivers of the trucks that use the lot often keep their motors idling, so that great quantities of diesel exhaust particles are emitted to the surrounding area. The Harlem district of New York City, inhabited mainly by African-Americans and Hispanics, is shielded to a large extent from the prevailing west winds by higher areas on the west side of Manhattan. Hence, air pollution produced within Harlem—for example, by cars, diesel trucks, and buses, and by an electric power generating plant located there—tends to remain longer than in other areas of the city. The New York City Department of Environmental Protection operated a network of air monitoring stations from the 1940s to the 1970s, during which time Harlem was consistently found to be the most polluted area in the city. It had then, and still has, one of the highest rates of hospitalization for asthma in the city. In most countries, asthma is more common among children of higher social class. In the United States this pattern is reversed: people living in the inner cities of the United States, mostly low-income minorities, have higher rates of asthma than other Americans.
Summary: Lessons From A Disaster
Authors: Goldstein Inge F. , Goldstein Martin
Published: November 2020

We have told a number of stories in this book about environmental health hazards. To summarize the main messages, we will briefly tell another. There is one common pollutant, a product of human activity, that is responsible for many millions of deaths each year, most of them among small children. Human feces contaminating the water supply is the means by which cholera, dysentery, typhoid fever, and a number of parasitic diseases are spread. These diseases were killing people even in Western economically advanced countries throughout most of the nineteenth century, and are still among the most serious threats to the health of the majority of the people of the world. They can be prevented, as they are in the industrialized world, by rather simple measures, but measures that are beyond the economic resources of many of the less developed countries. Recently the United Nations has been providing funds and technological help in controlling them by improving access to uncontaminated drinking water. One such program in Bangladesh involved digging tube wells to get access to deep groundwater sources, so that the people would no longer have to drink surface water from ponds and streams contaminated by human and animal wastes. Bangladesh has had more than its share of misfortune. It is a low-lying country subject to floods and other natural disasters, which has not been spared disasters of human making as well. Originally part of Pakistan when British India was partitioned, it is cut off from the rest of Pakistan by a thousand miles of Indian territory. The people of Bangladesh, although Muslim in religion, were ethnically distinct and spoke a different language from the rest of Pakistan. Their attempts to gain greater autonomy for their region led to a brutal suppression by the Pakistan army in 1971, in which over 1 million people were killed. Indian military intervention led to the defeat of Pakistan and the creation of an independent country of about 150 million people, with the highest population density in the world and one of the lowest per capita incomes, under $300 a year.
Perturbation Methods
Authors: Dyall Kenneth G. , Faegri Knut
Published: November 2020

Perturbation theory has been one of the most frequently used and most powerful tools of quantum mechanics. The very foundations of relativistic quantum theory—quantum electrodynamics—are perturbative in nature. Many-body perturbation theory has been used for electron correlation treatments since the early days of quantum chemistry, and in more recent times multireference perturbation theories have been developed to provide quantitative or semiquantitative information in very complex systems. In the beginnings of relativistic quantum mechanics, perturbation methods based on an expansion in powers of the fine structure constant, α = 1/c, were used extensively to obtain operators that would provide a connection with nonrelativistic quantum mechanics and permit some evaluation of relativistic corrections, in days well before the advent of the computer. This seems a reasonable approach, considering the small size of the fine structure constant—and for light elements it has been found to work remarkably well. Relativity is a small perturbation for a good portion of the periodic table. Perturbation expansions have their limitations, however, and as well as successes, there have been failures due to the highly singular or unbounded nature of the operators in the perturbation expansions. Therefore, in recent times other perturbation approaches have been developed to provide alternatives to the standard Breit–Pauli approach. This chapter is devoted to the development of perturbation expansions in powers of 1/c from the Dirac equation. In the previous chapter, the Pauli Hamiltonian was developed using the Foldy–Wouthuysen transformation. While this is an elegant method, it is probably simpler to make the derivation from the elimination of the small component with expansion of the denominator, and it is this approach that we use here. Another convenient approach is to make use of the modified Dirac equation in the limit of equality of the large and pseudo-large components. This approach enables us to draw on results from the modified Dirac approach in developing the two-electron terms of the Breit–Pauli Hamiltonian. We then demonstrate how the use of perturbation theory for relativistic corrections requires that multiple perturbation theory be employed for correlation effects and for properties.
Do Trophic Interactions Cause Population Cycles?
Authors: Berryman Alan A.
Published: November 2020

My motivation in editing this book has been to present as compelling and credible a story as possible. Although I am personally convinced of the soundness of our argument, that food web architecture plays a key role in the cyclic dynamics of many animal populations, I am not sure that others will be so convinced. In this final chapter, therefore, I exercise my prerogative as editor to have the last word, a final attempt to convince the skeptics and to answer the critics.Perhaps the most compelling case comes from the Mikael Münster-Swendsen monumental study of a needleminer infesting Danish spruce forests (chapter 2). Mikael is the only person I know of who has, almost single-handedly, and with considerable precision, measured all the variables suspected of affecting the dynamics of a particular population over an extended period of time (19 years) and in several different localities (seven isolated spruce stands). Others have longer time series from more places, but none has been so complete in terms of the number of variables measured. This exhaustive study enabled him to build a model of the complete needleminer life system, and use this model to home in on the factors responsible for the cyclical dynamics. However, the story would not have been complete without multivariate time series analysis, which led to the discovery of parasitoids as the cause of the key feedback process, density-related reduction in fecundity. The lesson from Münster-Swendsen's work is clear: If we want to understand population dynamics, we need long time series for all the variables likely to affect the dynamics of the subject population(s). In other words, we need to consistently monitor ecological systems over long periods of time and in many different locations. If there is a weakness in his study, it is the absence of the final definitive experiment. Such an experiment would be relatively easy and cheap to do (relative to those described in other chapters), because isolated spruce stands are common in Denmark and parasitoids emerge from the soil a week or two after the needleminer. Thus, parasitoids could easily be excluded by spraying the ground with an insecticide after needleminer emergence.
Nutrients for Healthy Vines and Good Wines
Authors: White Robert E.
Published: November 2020

The fertility of a soil refers to its nutrient supplying power. It is one of the most important soil factors affecting vineyard productivity, which is measured in tonnes of grapes per ha (or sometimes tons per acre). For viticulture, soil physical prop­erties, notably structure, aeration, and drainage are also very important determi­nants of productivity, as discussed in chapters 3, 6, and 7. Because vines are grown in permanent rows, and there are many cultural operations, soil physical prob­lems are often more difficult to ameliorate than problems of soil fertility. Soil fertility is assessed either by observing the condition of vines growing on a particular soil or by measuring the nutrient supplying power of the soil itself. The assessment should include recommendations on how to correct any problems identified. Thus, assessment of soil fertility can be made in two parts: 1. Diagnosis of nutrient deficiencies or excesses. The aim here is to identify which nutrients are deficient or in excess and the degree of deficiency or excess. An excess of a nutrient, which may create an imbalance with other nutrients, often leads to a nutrient toxicity. 2. Estimation of nutrient requirements. The goal here is to estimate how much of a limiting nutrient is required to achieve optimum growth or how to remedy a toxicity problem. Nutrient amendments can be made with fertilizers, manures, and composts, or by growing cover crops that include legumes. Visual symptoms are the signs that indicate a deficiency or excess of one or more essential elements in a plant. In the case of grapevines, such symptoms include chlorosis, stunted growth of shoots, necrosis of leaf margins, irregular fruit set, and small berries. Chlorosis is a generic term for leaf yellowing due to loss of chlorophyll. N deficiency typically causes an overall chlorosis of the leaves, but in other cases chlorosis occurs between the leaf veins (interveinal chlorosis). Some examples of visual symptoms are given in table 5.1 and figure 5.1.
Once and Future Trees
Authors: Wilshire Howard G. , Hazlett Richard W. , Nielson Jane E.
Published: November 2020

Along the Colorado Plateau’s high-standing Mogollon Rim in northern Arizona’s Coconino National Forest stands a small patch of big trees that matured well before Europeans came to North America. Massive ponderosa pines, and even pinyon pines and western junipers, tower above the forest floor, shutting out all but the most shade-tolerant competitors. Few places like this one still exist anywhere in the United States, even on national forest lands. A tourist hoping to see all the diversity that earliest European arrivals found commonplace in the western landscape must seek out a wide scattering of isolated enclaves across the region. Western forests no longer contain the grand glades and lush thickets that our forerunners encountered because most woodlands, especially those owned by the public, largely serve a wide variety of human purposes, as campsites or home sites, board-feet of lumber, potential jobs, recreational playgrounds, and even temples of the spirit. We also rely on forests to maintain habitat for endangered species and seed banks for restoring depleted biodiversity—and to provide us with clean air and water, stable hillside soils, and flood control in wet years. Forests must perform these roles while being consumed, fragmented by roads, and heavily eroded. But there is no guarantee that these most beloved and iconic of natural resources can sustain such a burden. Federal, state, and local government agencies oversee and regulate western U.S. forest lands and their uses, trying to manage the complex and only partly understood biological interactions of forest ecology to serve public needs. But after nine decades of variable goals, and five decades of encroaching development, western woodlands are far from healthy. Urban pollution and exotic tree diseases, some brought by humans, are killing pines, firs, and oaks. Loggers have more than decimated the oldest mountainside forests—most valuable for habitat and lumber alike—with clearcutting practices that induce severe soil erosion. Illegal clearings for marijuana farms are increasing.
Routes of Ruin
Authors: Wilshire Howard G. , Hazlett Richard W. , Nielson Jane E.
Published: November 2020

The United States is more wedded to vehicles than is any other nation, and “freedom” to many Americans seemingly means driving their individual vehicles anywhere they choose. Opinion polls commonly show high proportions of U.S. citizens more concerned about gas prices, potholed highways, or restrictions on vehicle access to backcountry washes and dirt roads than about government scandals, stolen elections, or environmental damage. Unfortunately, vehicles and roads exact a huge toll on lives and health and threaten our future well-being. Driving wheeled vehicles, and constructing roads to support them, comes close to topping the list of humankind’s most environmentally damaging activities. On most soils, even foot traffic creates tracks, trails, and roads. After ancient people invented wheeled vehicles to carry their burdens and themselves, they found that running water quickly rutted and potholed the cart tracks, and gully erosion chopped them up on slopes. Rainstorms eroded the tracks, flooding the dislodged sediment into streams and creeks and burying downslope croplands. Rutted tracks prevented Roman chariots from driving as fast as they were designed to go, so the talented Roman engineers quite naturally invented paved roads—some with better staying power than asphalt highways. But Roman paving did not solve the erosion problems that roads created, and in some ways made it worse. Today, some parts of the United States contain more motorized vehicles than people. The varied vehicle uses, including military training, have vastly proliferated roads and roadlike corridors—especially numerous utility routes—across every type of American landscape. Erosional forces and their effects have not changed since Roman times, but modern engineers still fail to choose transportation routes or build roads to minimize environmental damages. The roads spread severe erosional effects everywhere, along with pervasive pollution. On top of it all, television images encourage Americans to take recreational cars, trucks, motorcycles, and all-terrain vehicles anywhere we wish. The naked ruts they create are an insidious form of road building.
Suppressing Opium and “Reforming” Minorities: Antidrug Campaigns in Ethnic Communities in the Early People’s Republic of China
Authors: Yongming Zhou
Published: November 2020

In China, the term minority nationalities is used to refer to all ethnic groups that are not Han Chinese. According to the 2000 census, a total of 55 minority nationalities numbered in total 106 million people, or 8.4 percent of the total population in the mainland (Zhu 2001). However, the size and composition of minority nationality populations in China is extremely heterogeneous. In terms of population, based on the 1990 census, the smallest, the Lhoba, numbered only 2,312, whereas the most populous, the Zhuang, were 15.5 million strong (National Statistics Bureau 2000: 38). Socially and culturally speaking, the differences among the minority nationalities are large: Some are hunter-gatherers or slash-and-burn cultivators, whereas others are highly sinicized Chinese-speaking groups like the Hui and the contemporary Manchu. Minority nationalities are spread all over China, and 90 percent of them live in mountainous areas (Li 1994: 72). Because of this geographic distribution, isolated minority areas became safe havens for poppy planting and opium production, especially after the opium suppression campaign of 1906–1911 by the Qing dynasty (1644–1911). In most cases, opium was introduced into minority communities in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century. Opium’s effects on minority communities have varied considerably. Generally speaking, there have been three possible types of effects. First, members of some minorities have become addicted to opium but relied on others to obtain the opium supply. Second, members of other minority groups have acted mainly as poppy cultivators and raw opium suppliers but have been less involved in consumption and trafficking. Last, members of yet other minority groups have become involved not only in poppy planting but also in opium trafficking and consumption. Opium has thus come to play an important role in a minority’s social and economic lives in those areas affected by the drug. By exploring how antidrug campaigns were carried out in the Jiayin Erlunchun community in northeast China and the Liangshan Yi and Aba Tibetan areas in southwest China, I will explore all three types of the effects of drugs on minority communities up to the late 1950s. The People’s Republic of China was established in 1949. To Mao Zedong and the Chinese Communists, drugs were remnants of capitalist and feudal culture and had no place in the new China to which they looked forward.
Models of Individual Decision Making in Agent-Based Simulation of Common-Pool-Resource Management Institutions
Authors: Deadman Peter J. , Schlager Edella
Published: November 2020

Addressing the problems of natural resources management requires an understanding of the complex interactions between human and natural systems. Modeling and computer-based simulation has been utilized increasingly as a tool to facilitate this understanding. Numerous simulations of natural systems have been developed, from global-scale general circulation models to more localized models of watersheds or fisheries. Such simulations are useful in providing resource managers with an indication of how these systems behave under different conditions. But while considerable effort has been devoted to the simulation of natural systems, the amount of effort devoted to modeling human systems, and their interaction with natural systems, has been relatively small. Recently, researchers have outlined the importance of developing a discipline devoted to the modeling and simulation of human systems. Increased efforts are now being devoted to the simulation of social phenomena (see, for example, Doran and Gilbert). The tools now exist to develop simulations that incorporate the behavior of both a natural resource and the human individuals or institutions that interact with the resource. A considerable body of work exists devoted to understanding the behavior of the institutions that people have developed to manage natural resources. Specifically, a large number of studies have been undertaken in an effort to understand how common pool resources (CPRs) have been managed in differing natural and institutional environments. Numerous field studies and laboratory experiments using human subjects have supported the evolution of a theoretical foundation for the study of resource management institutions. But while field studies and experiments have been useful tools for exploring the management of natural resources, to date little effort has been devoted to exploring the potential role of modeling and computer-based simulation for understanding the behavior of resource management institutions. This chapter seeks to combine the theoretical foundations of research on institutions for resource management, with recent advances in human systems modeling to outline a framework for modeling individual decision making in resource management environments. Starting with a brief review of social simulation and intelligent agent-based modeling formalisms, this chapter moves on to discuss models of individual decision making in the social sciences and in simulations..
Simulating Wildland Recreation Use and Conflicting Spatial Interactions using Rule-Driven Intelligent Agents
Authors: Randy Gimblett H. , Richards Merton T.
Published: November 2020

Ecosystem management, in the ideal sense, gives appropriate consideration to the complex and interdependent ecological and social systems that comprise forestlands. One prominent and growing arena where ecological and social systems interact is in the recreational use of wildlands. Recreational uses of forestlands are among an extensive array of commodities and amenities that are increasingly demanded of forest managers. An in-depth understanding of the relationships between recreational and other important uses is essential to effective ecosystem management. Within the human dimension of ecosystem management, recreation and amenity uses of forestlands and the associated benefits of those uses, constitute an important component of management decisions. Forestland recreation is a special form of leisure behavior not only because it takes place outdoors, but because it depends upon a “natural” setting. Particular environmental settings are crucial to the fulfillment of forest recreation goals, because the recreationist seeks meaningful and satisfying experiences rather than simply engagement in activities. Importantly, wildland recreation takes place in settings that result from management actions of one form or another, whether the management objective is recreation opportunity, wildlife habitat improvement, or timber production, among others. The recreation opportunity spectrum (ROS) provides a conceptual framework for relating opportunities for particular behaviors and experiences to specific settings. The ROS argues that recreator's pursuits of certain activities in specific settings reveals their demand for experiences that are satisfying and that may give long-term benefits. The ROS framework describes a spectrum of recreation opportunity classes that relate a range of recreation experiences to an array of possible settings and activities. Setting structure is composed of three components: an ecological component, a social component, and a managerial component. The ecological component comprises the physical-biological conditions of the setting. These are typically delineated by the relative remoteness of the setting, its size, and evidence of human impact (number and condition of trails, structures, or roads, alteration of vegetation, etc.). The social component is typically defined by the number of users at one time (density) in the setting, delineated by the number of encounters or sightings a recreation party has with others.
James Bryant Conant and the Meritocratic University
Authors: Keller Morton , Keller Phyllis
Published: November 2020

The Harvard that James Bryant Conant inherited when he became president in 1933 was the creation of his Boston Brahmin predecessors Charles W. Eliot (1867–1908) and Abbott Lawrence Lowell (1908–33). Under Eliot, Harvard became a university, and not just a college with some ancillary professional education. As he said of the various fields of higher education in his inaugural: “We shall have them all, and at their best.” The Law and Medical schools became world-class. Major scholars began to be more than an occasional fluke in the faculty lineup. And Eliot was the first American university president to become a significant public figure. No less revolutionary was what he did with undergraduate education. His elective system replaced the former tightly regulated curriculum, a laissez-faire approach to education in full accord with the prevailing beliefs of the Gilded Age. It was also a brilliant piece of educational politics. At one stroke it freed students and teachers from the tyranny of each other’s presence. It lulled the undergraduates into thinking that they were free to choose their curriculum when in fact most of them rushed, lemminglike, into a few massively popular courses taught by faculty crowd pleasers dubbed “bow-wows.” This freed research-minded professors to pursue their work relatively unencumbered by undergraduate obligations. At the same time the social character of Harvard College became increasingly “Brahmin,” in the sense of domination by Boston’s social and economic elite rather than by Unitarian or Congregational ministers. Much of Eliot’s Harvard was seriously intellectual; more of it was socially snobbish. Its faculty consisted of a few major figures such as the Law School’s Christopher Columbus Langdell and Philosophy’s William James and Josiah Royce, and a majority who were gentlemen first, teachers second, scholars (perhaps) third. Its student body, over whelmingly from New England and New York, stretched from earnest Jewish commuters (whom Eliot welcomed) to good-family swells who dwelt on Harvard’s “gold coast” of posh dormitories. But the latter set the social tone of undergraduate life.
The College
Authors: Keller Morton , Keller Phyllis
Published: November 2020

At the heart of Harvard lay the College. Half of the University’s students were there, as was most of the history that fueled the Harvard mystique. Undergraduate tuition and the contributions of well-heeled College alumni provided much of the income on which the University depended. But the elitist, inbred College culture posed a substantial obstacle to Conant’s goal of a more meritocratic Harvard. Admission was the first step in the student life cycle, and admissions policy went far to set the tone of the College. Eliot did not pay much attention to the matter. But his successor Lowell wanted students who would be a social elite. Catholic students were quite acceptable to him: in comportment and values they passed his entry test for the leadership class. So, too—more doubtfully—did wealthy, assimilated German Jews, though assuredly not their Russian-Jewish brethren. Anne MacDonald, executive secretary of the admissions office since the beginning of the century, was one of those women then (and now) essential to the smooth functioning of Harvard. In a 1934 memorandum to Conant, she explained the workings of her bailiwick. She and her opposite numbers at Yale (a Miss Elliot), Princeton (a Miss Williams), and the College Entrance Examination Board (a Miss McLaughlin) met yearly “to compare notes on all matters concerning admission, and the different ways in which they are treated at the three universities.” Some of her work required special handling: “The interviews with rejected Hebrews or their relatives are particularly precarious, and one needs to be constantly on the alert. . . . For the past ten years, or since the restriction [Harvard’s unofficial Jewish quota] we have been particularly fortunate in settling these cases.” But there were snakes in this admissions Garden of Eden. A substantial portion of each entering class failed to meet the academic standards of the College: 30 to 40 percent of freshmen had unsatisfactory records in the early 1930s. And the student body was too parochial: in 1931 Harvard had the highest portion (40 percent) of students from its home state among the nation’s major colleges.
The Faculty of Arts and Sciences
Authors: Keller Morton , Keller Phyllis
Published: November 2020

It was in his dealings with the Faculty of Arts and Sciences (FAS) that Conant’s attempt to create a more meritocratic Harvard met its severest test. Out of this often tumultuous relationship came one of Harvard’s most influential academic innovations: a system for the appointment of tenured faculty that became standard practice in American universities. Conant inherited a faculty that was not necessarily the nation’s best. Because of Lowell’s stress on undergraduate instruction, the number and proportion of tutors and instructors steadily increased during the 1920s. At the same time, many of the best known Harvard professors during the Lowell years—Charles Townsend “Copey” Copeland and LeBaron Russell Briggs of the English Department, Roger B. “Frisky” Merriman in History—were not world-class scholars but charismatic classroom performers. Harvard had only one Nobelist, Conant’s chemist father-inlaw, Theodore W. Richards, before 1934; Chicago had three. Nor did its social scientists compare to those at Chicago or Columbia. The rather small stable of Harvard’s scholarly stars included historian Frederick Jackson Turner and philosopher Alfred North Whitehead, whose major accomplishments, done elsewhere, were long behind them. Carnegie Corporation president Frederick Keppel reported the prevailing view in 1934: “Harvard is still princeps but no longer facile princeps; and the story is current that at one of America’s great universities [no doubt Chicago] it is considered the height of academic distinction to receive an invitation from Harvard and to decline it.” Conant warned early on that the growing appeal of other universities and Harvard’s standardized salary, teaching, and research scales made it “increasingly difficult to attract from other universities and research institutes the outstanding men whom we desire.” The dean of the Faculty of Arts and Sciences was English professor Kenneth Murdock. Though he resented Conant for having gotten the Harvard presidency, Murdock was “quite willing” to continue to be dean if Conant wanted him. Conant did not. He appointed the less assertive George D. Birkhoff (among his qualities were exceptional mathematical ability and a keen anti-Semitism), who stayed in the job until 1939, when he was succeeded by the even more unassertive historian William S. Ferguson. Weak deans meant that Conant was in effect his own dean, deeply engaged in curriculum, student recruitment, and above all the selection of faculty.