bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Freelance Writing
Authors: Brown Kathryn
Published: November 2020

Living on the outskirts of Washington, D.C., I often encounter that classic cocktail party question, “And what do you do?” When I say I'm a freelance writer, people tend to respond in one of two ways. Some lean forward, suck in their breath, and marvel at how romantic and free my days must be. Others cluck, tilt their heads, and mutter that life must sure get bleak, scratching out a living on words. The truth lies somewhere between. Among freelancing's perks, flexibility ranks high. I might write about bio-defense one day and mental health the next. I might work in the library, on the porch—or, yes, in my gym clothes. My time is my own. The price for this luxury? Responsibility. Freelances are entrepreneurs. It's our job to find work, negotiate that work, and handle all the business details, from taxes, insurance, and retirement accounts to business cards and printer paper. If you're starting—or nurturing—a freelance science writing career, here are some practical tips to consider along the way. From cloning and stem cells to space exploration, food, and the environment, the visibility of science in society is strong. That's good news for freelances. Don't limit yourself to a handful of poorly paying publications, when you might be growing and learning (not to mention earning a better living) by diversifying. Today's successful freelances often go beyond writing straight magazine articles to writing trade books or projects for nonprofits, Web Sites, corporations, government agencies, and public relations agencies. As you diversify, hunt for one or more anchor clients—those who will hire you repeatedly. Also, consider following the tried-and-true technique of trading up. If you need experience, there's nothing wrong with freelancing for a city paper or tiny nonprofit (not big money-makers). Afterward, you can build on that experience—returning to those clients, while also using your clips to pitch other, bigger projects elsewhere. Diversifying doesn't mean you have to write everything. What if you have a passion for one field, in particular—say, physics? Just as staff writers cover a beat, some freelances feel most comfortable specializing in something they can learn top to bottom.
Science Editing
Authors: DiChristina Mariette
Published: November 2020

Let's be honest. Editors, as any writer will tell you, aren't all that bright. They may say they're looking for stories that will teach something important about the way the world works, but mostly they want to be entertained. They can't follow leaps of logic. They get distracted by elaborate prose, and they have no patience for boring factual details. They get confused by too many characters in a narrative, or they're easily irritated by extraneous quotes. And they don't like big words very much, either. In other words, we editors are a lot like the readers that we—and you—are trying to reach. In fact, we're a special kind of reader, in that our livelihood depends on our ability to think like the audience of our publications. This is the case for any kind of editing, not just science editing. Writers may shift tone or approach for different markets, but editors live and breathe our readers' way of life. We must internalize their interests, who they are, and what they expect from our magazines, newspapers, or Web Sites. Editors know what level of scientific language our readers will understand and what they won't. Each one of us also deeply understands our publication's unique mission. Many people say that to be a good editor you first have to be a good writer and reporter. We editors like to think so, too. Having had experience as a writer helps inform good editing, and gives the editor a firmer appreciation of the reporter's point of view. And it's certainly true that, if necessary, an editor must be able to step in and complete the reporting and revisions on an article. But more than being good writers, editors must be good critical thinkers who can recognize and evaluate good writing—or can figure out how to make the most of not-so-good writing. Especially when the subject is science, which can be complicated and convoluted, a good editor needs a sharp eye for detail. We need to be organized, able to envision a structure for an article when one does not yet exist, or to identify the missing pieces or gaps in logic that are needed to make everything hang together.
Deadline Writing
Authors: Cook Gareth
Published: November 2020

The moment I walked into the newsroom, I could tell that something was wrong. A group of editors were huddled around the city desk, talking. The televisions were on. People didn't just look tense; they looked genuinely worried. As I walked over to my desk, I saw the image of a burning building. It was the World Trade Center. I was standing there when the second tower fell. I had the same thought that I'm sure a lot of people had: How could this be happening? But I'm also a newspaper reporter, and I realized that there was a science story to be done: Why did the towers fall? Six or seven hours later, I needed to have a finished story that answered that question. It is hard enough to successfully translate the arcane jargon of science into a story for the general reader. A ticking clock makes it that much more difficult—the words “exciting” and “terrifying” come to mind. For a science reporter, this type of breaking news situation doesn't happen very often. One of the great surprises when I moved to science writing a few years ago was that many of the news stories that appear in daily papers were not, in fact, written on deadline. I used to be in awe that someone had the ability to boil down some complex journal article on human origins or supernovas, reach all the important people, and write a clear, elegant article in a day. Many of the big journals, of course, operate on an embargo system, in which reporters are given advance copies and allowed to report ahead of time on the understanding that they won't publish a story until the journal appears in print. But there are still times when science news must be delivered on a daily deadline, either because news breaks or because you have a scoop you don't want to lose. In these cases, I think that everyone who does this for a living develops his own set of tools for coping. Success requires a ruthless attention to where you are in the process, where you are in the day, and what you still need.
Technology and Engineering
Authors: Chang Kenneth
Published: November 2020

When my home state of New Jersey deregulated its power utilities several years ago, my dad said, “Huh? How can I buy electricity from another company? It's all still the same power lines, so how can another power company send electricity to my house?” I said, “I don't know.” Maybe you know better than I did, and the answer is obvious. Or maybe you don't know either. In either case, think about how you would try to explain this to someone else. I'll come back to the electrical grid in a bit. This chapter is not about covering the technology beat. I've never done that. I don't write about Intel's latest chips or the iPod, and I can't tell you how to tell a bona fide hot biotech from one spewing hot air. I'm a newspapering science writer who gets to loll around in the stratified airs of Wonder and Joy of Human Knowledge much of the time, writing about galaxies or neutrinos or dinosaurs. I gleefully tell PR people pitching some techy gizmo, “I'm sorry. That sounds way too useful for me to write about.” But, of course, there is an important technology side to science writing, explaining how the science of stem cells, superconductors, nanotechnology, and so on, will impinge on everyday life—the “what does this mean to the person on the street” angle. This part of an article can be done perfunctorily and badly. Example: Almost every article written about high-temperature superconductors—materials that can carry current with virtually no electrical resistance at relatively warm temperatures—includes the phrase “could one day lead to levitating trains.” That sounds cool. In a superficial way, it answers the question, “What are the practical applications?” But it provides little context about what scientists and engineers find intriguing about these materials, what their advantages and disadvantages are, what the hurdles are for making useful devices out of them. Plus, high-temperature superconductors were discovered in 1986. Have you seen Amtrak levitate recently? (And the one commercial magnetically levitating train in the world, in Shanghai, does not use high-temperature superconductors.)
Museums
Authors: Miller Mary
Published: November 2020

Science writers at a museum, zoo, or aquarium are in a powerful position. We provide the first line of information that visitors receive about the place. The reading public comes eager to be inspired or entertained and maybe learn something about science and nature in the process. One of the most important jobs for a museum science writer is producing the text that accompanies exhibits. Exhibit writing was once the province of scientists or specialist curators, who felt no guilt about putting up dense technical prose for the visitor to either plod through or ignore. As long as the label didn't misidentify a dinosaur or a physical law of nature, all was well. Thankfully, the last 20 years have seen an evolution in museum exhibit writing. Curators and museum directors began to take pity on the visitor and started hiring professional writers to make the museum experience less mystifying. Museum developers have become aware they are not talking to themselves, but to an audience that might need some help understanding the physics exhibit, stuffed animal, or strange deep-sea jellyfish swimming in front of their eyes. It can be a challenge, especially at a museum like the Exploratorium, where successful interactive exhibits must be both operated and understood by the visitor. Few writers have so many functions to serve in so few words. A title and a tag line might call on the kinds of skills an advertising copywriter has, pulling people in before they know what they're going to be doing. Then a set of instructions helps a visitor build, experience, or do something that may or may not “work.” After that, you get to be a narrative science writer, explaining what just happened and why, translating, for instance, from the point of view of a biologist, physicist, or exhibit builder. Next, you might turn into a social commentator or a science historian, connecting the experience to the real world or pointing out the exhibit's historical significance. All in no more than 100 words, shorter than this paragraph. It's a tough job, but it can be rewarding when all the pieces come together.
Double Restoration: Rebuilding Berlin after 1945
Authors: Ladd Brian
Published: November 2020

As in any city recovering from disaster, Berlin, following World War II, had the opportunity to reconnect with its local traditions. The restoration of political, social, and cultural forms offered a kind of reconnection, and so did the tangible reconstruction of buildings, streets, and utility lines. Any revival of tradition was, however, enormously complicated by two problems of continuity, one temporal, one geographical—and both of them political and philosophical. First was the question of historical continuity. On the one hand, there was a desire to rebuild: to repair a damaged but extant city or, more broadly, to continue the best local traditions in architectural style, social policy, and economic development. On the other hand, everyone in charge was determined to break demonstratively with the immediate past, that is, with the Third Reich, but they did not agree about which cultural, architectural, or urbanistic traditions were the Nazi ones. The second complication arose from the fact that the city was soon divided between East and West, governed by two ideologically opposed regimes, each determined to claim the legacy of pre-Nazi Berlin, to display the clearer break with Hitler, and to prove its cultural and political superiority. Under these complicated circumstances, the rebuilding of Berlin became one of the most visibly contested venues of the early Cold War, even as it remained a matter of basic comfort and prosperity for ordinary Berliners. The fact of Berlin’s destruction in the Second World War is well known, but merely to ask the question of what caused that destruction is to plunge into contested territory. In the Soviet-occupied East, for example, the official line at first informed Germans that the destruction of their land was the legacy of Hitler and the Nazis. Later, as the Cold War heated up, they were more likely to hear blame cast upon the “Anglo-American terror bombers” (with no mention of the secondary role of Red Army artillery in the battle of Berlin). In theWestern zones of occupation, a version of the former story remained the official one, with perhaps more emphasis on the collective responsibility of the German people as a whole for the deeds of the Nazis.
From the Moon to Mars: The Search for Extraterrestrial Life
Authors: Gaines Susan M. , Eglinton Geoffrey , Rullkötter Jürgen
Published: November 2020

“But did anyone really expect to find anything?” I ask Geoff, as he shows me the canister that had contained his sample of moon dust from the 1969 Apollo 11 mission. “Well, no,” he replied, “we didn’t think there’d ever been life on the moon. But we didn’t know. We thought there might be organic compounds.” And why not? People had been finding organic compounds in meteorites for more than a century, and no one was quite sure where they’d come from or how they’d formed. In 1834, the Swedish chemist Jöns Jakob Berzelius noted the high carbon content of a meteorite that had fallen in southern France a couple of decades earlier. Meteor showers in Europe were described as early as 1492, and their extraterrestrial provenance had been documented in 1803, when the distinguished French physicist Jean-Baptiste Biot featured among the scores of citizens who witnessed the stones falling from the sky above the village of l’Alsace. But the source of the carbon compounds Berzelius and others found in meteorites would remain controversial far into the next century. Another carbonaceous meteorite fell in Hungary in 1857, and the eminent chemist Frederick Wöhler—Berzelius’s student, and the first to show that one could create carbon compounds like those made by organisms from inorganic substances in the lab—found organic compounds that he was convinced were of extraterrestrial biological origin. A decade later, Marcellin Berthelot found what he called “petroleum-like hydrocarbons” in a meteorite that had fallen near Orgueil, France, in 1864. He postulated that the hydrocarbons had formed abiotically from reaction of metal carbides with water, but in the next few years there was a spate of meteorite treatises in which the fossils of an astounding assortment of exotic extraterrestrial creatures were described in minute detail. Louis Pasteur had just presented his famous experiment showing that a protected, sterile medium remained devoid of life ad infinitum and debunked the popular theory that life could burst spontaneously into being from nonliving matter, but now the debate shifted to the possibility that life on Earth had originated with live cells or spores delivered by meteorites from space.
Microbiologists (Finally) Climb on Board
Authors: Gaines Susan M. , Eglinton Geoffrey , Rullkötter Jürgen
Published: November 2020

In the half century since paleontologists began finding putative microfossils in Precambrian sedimentary rocks, it has become apparent that not only is most of life’s history absent from the visible fossil record, but huge sectors of extant life remain to be discovered. Until the early 1980s, the only way to identify and study species of microbes—many if not most of which are morphologically indistinct from each other—was by growing them in the laboratory, isolating the separate colonies of organisms that developed as they reproduced, and then noting differences and similarities in what they consumed and produced. But the capacity to read the information in microbial genes that was developed in the 1980s and 1990s opened an entirely new world for study—much as the invention of the microscope had in the eighteenth century—and laid bare the unnerving fact that the vast majority of microbes on the planet had been boycotting the microbiologists’ carefully prepared cultures. Microbiologists had spent almost a century painstakingly cultivating, isolating, and classifying microorganisms, and yet they had failed to identify the most abundant microbes in natural waters, sediments, and soils. Indeed, it now appears that the hundreds of thousands of microbes named and maintained in the world’s bacteria zoos, or “culture collections,” invaluable as they are, comprise but a tiny and somewhat random sampling of the microbial world. These microbial cultures provide the only means by which biologists can directly manipulate and study the biochemistry and physiology of this huge sector of life in the laboratory—but they are distinguished more by their ability to prosper under laboratory conditions than by their importance in natural ecosystems. In the past few years, application of new techniques from molecular biology has resulted in the discovery of thousands of strange new types of microorganisms, and there is the implication of countless more: in the twenty-first century we find ourselves unexpectedly gathered at the threshold of a new world, looking not to Mars or Jupiter or to some distant galaxy, but gazing awestruck at the mud beneath our feet and the water in our seas.
Analyzing Search Algorithms with Physical Methods
Authors: Cocco Simona , Monasson Rémi
Published: November 2020

The computational effort needed to deal with large combinatorial structures varies considerably with the task to be performed and the resolution procedure used [425]. The worst-case complexity of a decision or optimization problem is defined as the time required by the best algorithm to treat any possible input to the problem. For instance, the worst-case complexity of the problem of sorting a list of n numbers scales as n log n: there exist several algorithms that can order any list in at most ~ n log n elementary operations, and none with asymptotically fewer operations. Unfortunately, the worst-case complexities of many important computational problems, called NP-complete, are not known. Partitioning a list of n numbers in two sets with equal partial sums is one among hundreds of known NP-complete problems. It is a fundamental conjecture of theoretical computer science that there exists no algorithm capable of partitioning any list of length n, or of solving any other NP-complete problem with inputs of size n, in a time bounded by a polynomial of n. Therefore, when trying to solve such a problem exactly, one necessarily uses algorithms that may take exponential time on some inputs. Quantifying how“frequent” these hard inputs are for a given algorithm is the question answered by the analysis of algorithms. We will present an overview of recent work by physicists to address this point, and more precisely to characterize the average performance—hereafter simply called complexity—of a given algorithm over a distribution of inputs to a computational problem. The history of algorithm analysis by physical methods and ideas is at least as old as the use of computers by physicists. One well-established chapter in this history is the analysis of Monte Carlo sampling algorithms for statistical mechanics models. It is well known that phase transitions, that is, abrupt changes in the physical properties of the model, can imply a dramatic increase in the time necessary for the sampling procedure. This phenomenon is commonly known as critical slowing down. The physicist's insight comes from the analogy between the dynamics of algorithms and the physical dynamics of the system. That analogy is quite natural: in fact many algorithms mimic the physical dynamics.
A Brief Review of Methodology for the Analysis of Biochemical Reactions and Cells
Authors: Ross John , Schreiber Igor , Vlad Marcel O.
Published: November 2020

All cellular activities and responses to environmental stimuli are determined by a complex interplay of genes, RNA, proteins, and metabolites. As the observed phenotype is the result of all reactions occurring in the cell and with the environment, a comprehensive analytical representation of the biological system is required. The ideal analytical platform should identify and quantify, over time and in space, all possible species in a live cell and those trafficking with the environment. In addition, we expect the analysis not to interfere with the target. Because of the heterogeneity and number of species participating, such a platform does not exist yet. Nevertheless, the last decade has witnessed considerable technological advances, and a few systems have progressed sufficiently to support the understanding of cellular dynamics at a systemic level. The goal of this review is to provide the reader with a short survey on the instrumentation and techniques that are mostly contributing to this cause, and to elucidate their principles and applications. The experimental deduction of reaction mechanisms relies on the precise and accurate measurement of concentration changes of reacting species. With increasing system complexity, and thus number of analytes, separation methods are preferred to classical enzymatic assays, primarily for their capacity to analyze simultaneously a few to hundreds of compounds in one experiment. When considering a whole cell, this task is very challenging because thousands of different species, the metabolome, coexist, with very different chemical and physical characteristics. Generally, targeted methods are designed to quantify specific species within a class of related intermediates, such as sugar phosphates, hexosamines, purines, amino acids, and lipids. Since targeted methods are tailored to the specific chemical or spectral properties of a given class, they lead to improved resolution and detection limits. To date, most studies of cellular dynamics have focused on subsystems with a limited number of reactions or linked pathways. Analytes of interest typically belong to the same class and, thus, are accessible by a single analytical system. A prominent example are the intermediates of the central carbon metabolism, which comprises glycolysis, the pentose phosphate pathway, and the Krebs cycle.
Intellectual Disability
Authors: Harris James C.
Published: November 2020

It is estimated that 7.2 million people in the United States have mental retardation or associated impairments - a spectrum now referred to as "intellectual disability." This book provides professionals with the latest and most reliable information on these disabilities. It utilizes a developmental perspective and reviews the various types of intellectual disabilities, discusses approaches to classification, diagnosis, and appropriate interventions, and provides information on resources that may offer additional help. Case examples are included in each section to highlight specific diagnostic and treatment issues. The emphasis in this book is on the development of the person, the provision of interventions for behavioral and emotional problems associated with intellectual disability, and the positive support necessary for self-determination. It discusses the facilitation of transitions throughout the lifespan from infancy to maturity and old age. Additionally, the book reviews evaluations for behavioral and emotional problems, genetic factors, appropriate psychosocial, medical, and pharmacological interventions, and family and community support.
Understanding and Evaluating Emotional and Behavioral Impairment
Authors: Harris James C.
Published: November 2020

In English property law, intellectual disability and mental illness were differentiated in the thirteenth century. By 1690, John Locke’s An Essay Concerning Human Understanding had clarified differences between intellectual disability and mental illness. Locke wrote: . . . The defect in [intellectual disability] seems to proceed from want of quickness, activity, and motion in the intellectual faculties, whereby they are deprived of reason; whereas mad men seem to suffer by the other extreme. For they do not appear to me to have lost the faculty of reasoning: but having joined together some ideas very wrongly . . . they argue right from wrong principles. . . . But there are degrees of madness as folly; the disorderly jumbling of ideas together is in some more, and some less. In short, herein seems to lie the difference between [intellectually disabled] and mad men, that mad men put wrong ideas together, and so make wrong propositions, but argue and reason right from them: but [those with intellectual disability] make very few or no propositions, but argue and reason scarce at all. (Scheerenberger, 1983, p. 41) . . . Thus, Locke is often credited with establishing the dichotomy between mental illness and intellectual disability that influenced social policy for people with intellectual disability. But he did not appreciate the capacity persons with intellectual disability do have to reason with adequate supports, nor did he consider that persons with intellectual disability are also at risk for mental illness and behavior disorders. Historically, intellectual disability and mental illness were regarded to be mutually exclusive conditions. Affective and behavioral disturbances in individuals with intellectual disability generally were regarded as manifestations of maladaptive learning and adverse psychosocial experiences rather than as indications of a psychiatric disorder. This view has been shared by both intellectual disability and mental health professionals. Health professionals typically fail to consider the diagnosis of a psychiatric disorder among persons with intellectual disability despite the presence of signs and symptoms that would be readily ascribed as psychiatric disturbance among typically developing persons within the general population. This diagnostic bias may be an outgrowth of several factors.
Family, Psychoeducational, Behavioral, Interpersonal, and Pharmacologic Interventions
Authors: Harris James C.
Published: November 2020

The capacity to adapt to disability and assist others with disability may have an evolutionary origin. De Waal (1996) describes assistance to an injured group member among primates as evidence of altruistic behavior. Mother monkeys will provide additional care to compensate for injuries, and other members of the group may “babysit” injured infants, as do other young of the group. If the risk of predation is low and food is adequate, handicapped animals may live to adulthood. In human evolution, Berkson (1993) described an adult Neanderthal male with severe arm and head injuries that occurred at an early age. Apparently, this individual adapted to the injury by using his teeth to hold objects. Other conditions, such as disabling arthritis, were found in Neanderthals as well. Thus, individuals with minor or even significant impairments in primate and human societies before the evolution of modern humans, in some instances, received adaptive assistance from other members of the group. Drawing on these possible evolutionary origins of assistance to others in need, this chapter reviews the historical background of care for persons with intellectual disability and discusses environmental provisions and supports, education and skill development, normalization and self-determination, and interventions for those with co-occurring mental and behavioral disorders (psychotherapy, behavioral interventions, and psychopharmacologic treatments). The modern developmental approach to understanding learning and development began with Jean Itard, at the end of the eighteenth century. As a member of the medical staff at the Institute for Deaf Mutes in Paris, he considered the link between deafness and learning. Because of this background, he was asked to study a feral child discovered living alone in the wild in southern France. It was thought that this boy might approximate “man in the state of nature.” Because the child was mute, he entered a school for the deaf in Paris although he was not deaf. Pinel (1809), the leading psychiatrist of the time, proposed that the boy, named Victor, was not teachable. Yet Itard, during the next five years, sought to instruct Victor, using approaches established for deaf persons.
Labor Movement
Authors: Bauder Harald
Published: November 2020

Throughout the industrialized world, international migrants serve as nannies, construction workers, gardeners and small-business entrepreneurs. Labor Movement suggests that the international migration of workers is necessary for the survival of industrialized economies. The book thus turns the conventional view of international migration on its head: it investigates how migration regulates labor markets, rather than labor markets shaping migration flows. Assuming a critical view of orthodox economic theory, the book illustrates how different legal, social and cultural strategies towards international migrants are deployed and coordinated within the wider neo-liberal project to render migrants and immigrants vulnerable, pushing them into performing distinct economic roles and into subordinate labor market situations. Drawing on social theories associated with Pierre Bourdieu and other prominent thinkers, Labor Movement suggests that migration regulates labor markets through processes of social distinction, cultural judgement and the strategic deployment of citizenship. European and North American case studies illustrate how the labor of international migrants is systematically devalued and how popular discourse legitimates the demotion of migrants to subordinate labor. Engaging with various immigrant groups in different cities, including South Asian immigrants in Vancouver, foreigners and Spätaussiedler in Berlin, and Mexican and Caribbean offshore workers in rural Ontario, the studies seek to unravel the complex web of regulatory labor market processes related to international migration. Recognizing and understanding these processes, Bauder argues, is an important step towards building effective activist strategies and for envisioning new roles for migrating workers and people. The book is a valuable resource to researchers and students in economics, ethnic and migration studies, geography, sociology, political science, and to frontline activists in Europe, North America and beyond.
International Segmentation of Labor
Authors: Bauder Harald
Published: November 2020

The relationship between migration and labor markets can be approached from different conceptual and philosophical angles. In this chapter, I draw on labor market segmentation theory to examine how the international mobility of workers interlinks with the international segmentation of labor. In addition, I highlight two aspects of this relationship that have been sidelined in the existing literature but that are important to understanding how this relationship works. The first aspect is the notion of citizenship. Although this notion has received considerable attention in the social sciences in recent years, it has been neglected as a driving force of the segmentation of labor. The second aspect is the cultural representation of migrating populations and workers, which contributes vitally to the regulation of labor markets. The structure of this chapter follows the intention to convey a particular theoretical perspective and to highlight particular aspects of this perspective. First, I present segmentation theory as an entry point into a discussion of the relationship between international migration and labor market regulation. Second, I introduce the notion of citizenship to this discussion. Third, I present cultural representations as critical components in the international segmentation of labor markets. To explain labor market segmentation theory one may begin with Karl Marx. Marx ([1867] 2001) called labor “variable capital” and the means of production “constant capital.” Labor is variable because workers can be hired and fired in response to business and seasonal cycles. The means of production, on the other hand, are constant because they constitute a fixed investment and stay idle in periods of economic slowdown. Segmentation theory begins with the premise that the idleness of machinery and other fixed investments can be prevented or reduced by dividing production into two distinct segments. The primary segment is capital-intensive; high levels of technology ensure the efficient use of the workforce. In times of economic contraction, this primary sector keeps operating to satisfy the basic demand that still exists for products. The secondary segment, on the other hand, is labor-intensive, with only minimal investments in machinery and technology.
Kinematics and Stresses of Deformable Bodies
Authors: Han Chang Dae
Published: November 2020

The form of kinematics to be used for the description of a deformation process is largely determined by the kind of mechanical response that is being described. To describe the mechanical response of purely viscous fluids it is convenient to use coordinates, which are fixed in space, since purely viscous fluids have no past memory and therefore remain in the deformed state when loads are removed. In other words, the mechanical response of purely viscous fluids is determined solely by the instantaneous values of the time rate of deformation. However, in order to describe the deformation of a viscoelastic fluid it is necessary to follow a given material element with time as it moves to define a suitable measure of deformation that always refers to the same material element as time varies. The reason is that when a material element undergoes a finite deformation the coordinate positions of the given material element (with respect to a fixed origin) will vary. Hence, any measure of deformation defined in terms of infinitesimal deformation of fixed coordinate positions loses its physical significance since it will not always be associated with the same material element. In this chapter, we introduce some basic concepts of the kinematics and stresses of a deformable body from the point of view of continuum mechanics, and discuss various representations of a deformation process in terms of the deformation (or strain) tensor and the rate-of-deformation (or rate-of-strain) tensor. In order to help the readers follow the material in the text, the elementary properties of second-order tensors are presented in Appendix 2A. In this section, we briefly describe the motion of a body, which consists of a set of particles (or “elements”), sometimes called “material points” (or “material elements”) (Jaunzemis 1967). Let X(Xi ; i = 1, 2, 3) be the particles P of the body B in some reference configuration κ at time t = 0 (i.e., undeformed state) and then we have. . . X = κ(P). . .in which κ describes the shape of the body B in the undeformed state, which in general is known to an observer.
Plasticating Single-Screw Extrusion
Authors: Han Chang Dae
Published: November 2020

There are two types of extruder: (1) single-screw extruders and (2) twin-screw extruders. The single-screw extruder is one of the most important pieces of equipment in the processing of thermoplastic polymers. Accordingly, during the past three decades, many attempts have been made to analyze the performance of single-screw extruders using different degrees of mathematical sophistication (Cox and Fenner 1980; Donovan 1971; Edmondson and Fenner 1975; Elbirli et al. 1983, 1984; Halmos et al. 1978; Han et al. 1991a, 1991b, 1996; Lee and Han 1990; Lindt 1976; Lindt and Elbirli 1985; Shapiro et al. 1976; Tadmor 1966; Tadmor and Klein 1970; Tadmor et al. 1967). There are two types of single-screw extruders: (a) plasticating and (b) melt-conveying. The plasticating single-screw extruder conveys a solid polymer from the feed section to the melting section, where most of the melting (or softening) occurs, and then transports the melted or softened polymer to a shaping device (e.g., dies and molds). The meltconveying extruder does not include a melting section; it simply transports an already softened polymer to a shaping device (e.g., rubber extruder). Single-screw extruders are used for various purposes, such as melting and pumping, compounding with an additive(s) or filler, cooling and mixing, removing residual monomers or solvents in polymer (i.e., polymer devolatilization), and cross-linking reactions. Single-screw extruders are simple to operate and relatively inexpensive as compared with twin-screw extruders. However, there are situations where a single-screw extruder cannot function as effectively as a twin-screw extruder. In the design of plasticating single-screw extruders, one needs information on (1) the physical and thermal properties of polymers (e.g., friction coefficient between the solid polymer and barrel wall, thermal conductivity of polymer, specific heat as a function of temperature, melting point of polymer, and heat of fusion of polymer) and (2) rheological properties of polymers as functions of shear rate and temperature. Due to the complexity involved in the design of extruders, it is highly desirable for one to establish relationships between material variables and processing variables.
Fiber Spinning
Authors: Han Chang Dae
Published: November 2020

Fiber spinning is one of the oldest polymer processing operations that have contributed significantly to our society, especially after the commercialization of polyamide (nylon) synthetic fibers in the 1940s by DuPont Company. Subsequent commercialization of poly(ethylene terephthalate) (PET) and polyacrylonitrile fibers in the 1950s made the synthetic fiber industry very prosperous. For a given fiber-forming polymer, different spinning techniques can produce fibers possessing markedly different physical and/or mechanical properties. Thus, the fiber industry made continuous efforts through the 1960s and 1970s to modify existing processes and develop new ones. One very important breakthrough from such efforts emerged in the late 1970s, enabling one to melt spin at exceedingly high take-up speeds, widely known today as “high-speed melt spinning.” While the fiber manufacturers carefully guarded their spinning techniques, the commercial developments were documented in numerous patents. Beginning in the early 1960s, some fundamental studies on fiber spinning were reported in the open literature, and they are summarized in the three-volume monograph edited by Mark et al. (1967). An understanding of fiber spinning requires knowledge of momentum, energy, and/or mass transport. In addition, knowledge of macromolecular behavior under deformation (i.e., stretching) is also necessary for understanding such complicated problems as molecular orientation under stretching, crystallization kinetics under cooling, and fiber morphology as affected by spinning conditions. In the late 1950s, and the early 1960s, Ziabicki and coworkers (Ziabicki 1959, 1961; Ziabicki and Kedzierska 1959, 1960a, 1960b, 1962a, 1962b) made seminal contributions to a fundamental understanding of fiber-spinning processes, and their efforts were summarized in Ziabicki’s monograph (1976a). In the 1970s, a new class of synthetic fibers, known as “high-modulus wholly aromatic fibers,” was developed (Bair and Morgan 1972; Daniels et al. 1971; Frazer 1972; Kwolek 1971; Logullo 1971; Morgan et al. 1974) and subsequently commercialized with the trade name of Kevlar by DuPont (Kwolek 1971). The chemical structure of such synthetic fibers consists of rigid rodlike molecules that orient easily along the stretching direction during spinning, giving rise to high modulus in the spun fibers. The chemical structure and mechanical properties of the wholly aromatic fibers are well documented in the monograph edited by Black and Preston (1973).
Stalking Risk Assessment
Authors: Resnick Phillip J.
Published: November 2020

This chapter examines the frequency of recidivism, threats, and violence in male and female stalkers. The risk factors associated with ordinary violence are distinguished from the risk factors for severe violence and homicide in stalkers. Common risk factors for ordinary violence among stalkers include substance abuse, prior criminal offenses, making threats, suicidality, and a prior intimate relationship to the stalking victim. Risk factors for stalkers committing severe violence or homicide include appearing at the victim’s home, prior violence, major depression, threats to harm the victim’s children, and placing threatening messages on the victim’s car. Celebrity stalkers have a different set of risk factors for violence. Distinctions are made between those stalkers who make threats and those who pose threats, and between affective and predatory violence by stalkers. The overlap between domestic violence and stalking is explained. An approach to evaluating stalking situations for dangerousness is offered. Increased vigilance is necessary when events humiliate or anger the stalker. Finally, the chapter discusses how to assess threats by stalkers and when to consider seeking restraining orders. Stalking and violence are two separate phenomena, but they often occur together. Because stalking is defined as a pattern of harassment that induces fear of harm in the victim, it is not surprising that some stalking victims are indeed violently assaulted by their stalkers (Meloy, 2002). The science of assessing stalkers for violence risk is still in its infancy. Because stalking has been defined as a crime for only the last approximately 15 years, a limited number of research studies regarding stalking and violence have been completed. The majority of early studies were based on referrals to court psychiatric clinics. These studies had an overrepresentation of subjects with mental illness and were more often serious cases than random stalking in the community. Of the adult participants in the National Violence Against Women Survey (NVAWS) whose experiences fulfilled their criteria of stalking, only 55% of women and 48% of men reported their experiences to the police (Tjaden & Thoennes, 1998, 2000a).
Stalking, Competence to Stand Trial, and Criminal Responsibility
Authors: Mossman Douglas
Published: November 2020

In the 1990s, stalking emerged as a new category of criminal offense and a distinct type of disordered behavior. A substantial fraction of stalkers suffer from delusional disorders or other severe mental illnesses, and many persons charged criminally with stalking adduce irrational beliefs to explain and justify their conduct. Such beliefs pose special challenges for mental health professionals who assess or help restore an accused stalker’s competence to stand trial, or who evaluate an accused stalker’s criminal responsibility. This chapter explores the clinical and forensic problems that arise when severe psychiatric symptoms—in particular, disruptions in reality testing (e.g., erotomanic delusions)—affect legal determinations concerning competence to stand trial, mens rea, and insanity. The term “stalking” unites under a single rubric behavioral patterns that until recently might have been regarded variously as manifestations of erotomanic delusions (Esquirol, 1845/1976), harassment (Jason, Reicher, Easton, Neal, & Wilson, 1984), or quaint expressions of courtly love (Singer, 1987). Beginning in the early 1990s, a confluence of social trends and news events—including heightened fears of stranger violence, increasing fragility of interpersonal relationships, and the stalking and murder of actress Rebecca Shaeffer—led the English-speaking world to construe stalking as a major mental health problem and a new category of criminal offense (Mullen, Pathé, & Purcell, 2001a). In turn, the existence of stalking as a distinct offense led to increased public recognition of the problem and, in some jurisdictions, to the filing of an unexpectedly large number of criminal stalking charges (Nadkarni & Grubin, 2000). The acts that constitute stalking bear a superficial similarity to common (if annoying) behaviors in which “normal” people engage and that may have roots in human evolution (Brüne, 2003). Familiar examples include awkward attempts to start a dating relationship, persistent and insistent requests for attention or services, and unwanted pursuit by a former lover who hopes to rekindle a relationship (Mullen, Pathé, Purcell, & Stuart, 1999; Mullen et al., 2001a). By contrast, the types of persistent stalking toward which antistalking laws are directed involve approaches and intrusions repeated over weeks, months, or even years, in which the victim reasonably experiences fear and psychological distress.
Drugs to Kill Germs
Authors: Li Jie Jack
Published: November 2020

Surgical standards before antiseptics starkly contrasted to the surgical art today. Conditions were especially atrocious for amputations and for compound fractures in which the bones penetrated the skin and were exposed to the air. Patients who did not die from the surgery often died of postsurgical infections and subsequent blood poisoning. James Young Simpson, a Scottish surgeon and obstetrician who was the first to use chloroform as an anesthetic (see chapter 7), once said of surgical operations: “A man laid on the operating table in one of our surgical hospitals is exposed to more chance of death than the English soldier on the battlefield of Waterloo.” The mortality rate in hospitals after surgeries was 40–60%. During the American Civil War, the surgical fatalities were just as horrific as those from combat. A commonly used antiseptic in the battlefield was exceedingly corrosive nitric acid (HNO3— ouch!). However, in 1867, Joseph Lister’s use of carbolic acid, whose chemical name is phenol, as an antiseptic changed the prospect of surgery. In Greek, septic means “rotten.” Antiseptics, in turn, are substances used to treat a person to prevent the occurrence of infection. They are also known as germicides. Joseph Lister (1827–1912) was born to a Quaker family in southern England. His father, Joseph Jackson Lister, was a wine merchant and a wellknown microscopist. In his youth, Joseph Lister practiced surgery under the tutelage of James Syme in Edinburgh and married Agnes, his mentor’s daughter. He had to give up his religion because Quakers at that time did not allow marriages outside the faith. That turned out to be a worthwhile sacrifice, because his marriage brought him lifelong joy. Lister became a surgeon at Glasgow Royal Infirmary in 1860. He was acutely conscious of the appalling conditions in the infirmaries and determined to do something about postsurgical infections. In 1865, Lister was introduced to Louis Pasteur’s exploits with germs by Thomas Anderson, chair of the chemistry department at Glasgow. Afterward, he personally repeated all the experiments that Pasteur published. However, simple and direct applications of the Pasteurization process would not be ideal during surgery—after all, boiling patients would not be acceptable.