bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Political Science of Political Science
Authors: Mackenzie W. J. M.
Published: April 2007

PROFESSOR LAZARSFELD ONCE REFERRED TO SOCIOLOGY AS BEING IN A sense a residuary legatee, the surviving part of a very general study, out of which specializations have successively been shaped.

The same might be said of political science. In the West the first deliberate and reflective studies of political life were made in Greece at the end of the th century BC, and in the succeeding century. The histories of Herodotus and Thucydides, some of the pamphlets attributed to Xenophon, above all the normative and empirical studies of Plato and Aristotle were among the direct ancestors of contemporary political science. Parallel examples are to be found in the intellectual history of China, India and Islam. It seems that at certain stages in the development of great societies questions of legitimacy, power and leadership assume supreme importance; and intense intellectual effort, using the best analytical tools available, is devoted to the study of man as brought to a focus in the study of politics.
The New Politics of European Integration
Authors: Ionescu Ghiţa
Published: April 2007

EXACTLY FIVE YEARS AGO THIS JOURNAL PUBLISHED A SPECIAL ISSUE devoted to ‘The Politics of European Integration’. British-European relations were then at one of their lowest ebbs and our endeavour might have seemed singularly untimely. Yet the issue has been exhausted, and the demand for it continues. But, when faced with the decision to reprint, we thought that the subject matter had evolved so much that we preferred to prepare a new collection of studies. Hence this issue on the new politics of European integration.

But there is continuity between the two numbers of the journal. Our subscribers will not fail to notice that many of the articles which appeared in 1966 on basic historical and political aspects of European integration have not been superseded. Indeed the historical articles from the previous issue, together with the political articles of the present issue, supplemented by two historical surveys of British, and British Labour attitudes to the EEC, by Stephen Holt and Michael Wheaton respectively, are to be published in book form in the near future by Messrs Macmillan.
The European Parliament: the Significance of Direct Election
Authors: Steed Michael
Published: April 2007

THE POSSIBILITY THAT THE PARLIAMENT OF THE ENLARGED EUROPEAN Community may, wholly or in part, be elected directly within the next few years must excite both advocates of European unification and students of that curious political phenomenon, the European Community. The event is still exceedingly problematical; no attempt is made here to assess just how much so. But the demand for direct election, and specific proposals to that end, have been actual for just over a decade and are worth analysing both as they relate to the possible future event and as they relate to other known factors – the existing state of organized political forces in Western Europe and the role of elections in the political life of member-states.
The Impact of the European Communities on National Policy‐Making
Authors: Wallace Helen S.
Published: April 2007

THE NOW FAIRLY EXTENSIVE LITERATURE ON THE EUROPEAN Communities, much of which sets out to analyse ‘the European decision-making process’, has tended to concentrate on how this process looks from the perspective of the Community itself and of its institutions. National governments and actors in the six political systems have been discussed primarily in so far as they are participants in the Community system. However, if we are to reach an understanding of the impact of the Communities on national processes, then some attention must be given to how the Communities are viewed from the national capitals, to the extent to which Community business impinges on the governmental systems in the member states and to the importance given to European matters among the competing issues which vie for prominence in national politics. Any analysis of the politics of European integration which looks from the Communities outwards makes the assumption that European issues are the only ones that count; but if those same issues are examined from a national perspective, we need to ask whether they represent simply one bundle of issues among many, or whether they have come to add a new dimension to the full range of governmental business and political debate. In other words, has the advent of the European Communities changed the political configuration of the six national systems, and, if so, marginally or fundamentally?
Aspects of the EEC Influence of European Groups in the Decision‐Making Processes: The Common Agricultural Policy
Authors: Nielsen Terkel T.
Published: April 2007

ONE HIGHLY SIGNIFICANT ASPECT OF THE PROCESS OF INTEGRATION in the European Community is the transfer of social sectors from the national political systems to the Community system. One such sector is agriculture. This article will focus on a limited, but significant part of the activities performed by the Community institutions: the collective decision-making process with reference to the common agricultural policy.
The Dangers of Tolerance
Authors: Gellner Ernest
Published: April 2007

COMPARED WITH THE 19TH CENTURY, OURS IS AN AGE OF intellectual dishonesty. The 19th century did not invent the modern vision of the world, nor did it work out its implications. All that was already done in the 17th and 18th centuries. But it was in the 19th century that the awareness of these implications became widespread, partly through the sheer lapse of time, and more significantly, through the emergence of a large literate middle class which possessed the means, in various senses, for contemplating the new vision. The consequences of this are well known. The 19th century satisfied the demand and produced the secular prophets who wrestled, heroically, with the problem of finding a new meaning for life, honestly acceptable in the light of new critical standards and of the new knowledge.
Opposition, and Government, by Violence
Authors: Friedrich C. J.
Published: April 2007

SITUATIONS IN WHICH VIOLENCE IS THE RESULT OF THE USE OF massive force in international conflicts is not the primary concern of what follows. It should be kept in mind, however, that war constitutes the outer limit, quantitatively, of political violence. However, internal war, that is organized, large scale armed conflicts between groups within a political system or order, manifesting the breakdown of such an order, is part of our concern. Violence is related to the maintenance of political power, although this sort of violence is more usually spoken of as ‘force.’
Comparative Politics Today
Authors: Roberts Geoffrey K.
Published: April 2007

COMPARATIVE POLITICS IS EVERYTHING – OR IT IS NOTHING. Superficially, these appear to be the only logical positions that can be maintained when considering the relationship of comparative politics to the various areas and divisions of the discipline of political science. The now old-fashioned use of the title to indicate either a small number of country studies loosely linked by structural comparison, or a somewhat broader field of institutional comparison, whatever the pedagogic arguments of coherence or convenience, possesses neither logical boundary nor scientific integrity. Yet once that treacherous one step further is taken in the directions of functional comparison, or, further, consideration of the ‘comparative method’ itself and the distinctions between comparative politics and, say, political theory, political sociology or political analysis disappear completely.
Oppositions in France: An Interpretation
Authors: Macridis Roy C.
Published: April 2007

IN A RECENT TALK GIVEN BEFORE THE STUDENTS OF THE SCHOOL OF Commerce in Paris Monsieur Michel Debré identified three forms of political oppositions : programmatic opposition typical of the ‘Anglo-Saxon countries’ opposition to the regime, prevalent in the Third and Fourth French Republics and revolutionary opposition, directed against the social and economic order. Unless the French Communist Party, he noted, accepts the republican regime based on peaceful alternations of the government and unless, he added for good measure, it ceases to be influenced by an outside power, it cannot become an ‘opposition’. The only opposition that is acceptable, he concluded – and nobody who knows Mr Debré's political career under the Fourth Republic can miss the irony – is the one that recognizes the legitimacy of the institutions and acts for the purpose of replacing the government.
Why Chile?
Authors: Medhurst Kenneth
Published: April 2007

THE ELECTION OF SALVADOR ALLENDE AS PRESIDENT OF CHILE IN 1970 awoke world-wide interest. He obtained executive power at the head of an electoral coalition whose chief members were the Chilean Socialist and Communist Parties and he entered upon his term of oflice dedicated to finding a ‘Chilean Way to Socialism’ that would entail a continuing observance of Chile's well established constitutional traditions.

The peaceful election of a government led by a self-styled ‘Marxist-Leninist’ and containing two strong avowedly Marxist parties was in itself the cause of comment. Still more interest was aroused by the government's declared intention of conducting a revolution within the framework of a ‘liberal-constitutional’ system of government.
Anti‐Parliamentary Themes in Chilean History: 1920–70
Authors: Bicheno H. E.
Published: April 2007

A SURVEY OF THE HEADLINES IN THE CHILEAN PRESS DURING THE first year of the Unidad Popular (UP) government might give the unwary observer the impression that the period has been characterized by a succession of subversive plots. Conspiracy theories have abounded and dramatic public announcements (like modern ceremonies of exorcism), have marked the official recognition of each theory while presaging its prompt disappearance from the front pages of the newspapers and from the view of an increasingly sceptical populace.

Events over the past year more than justify the alarm of the UP. The ‘peaceful road to socialism’ has been obstructed by the activities of groups of the extreme left and the extreme right which have each committed one major political assasination.
The Institutional Problems of the Enlarged Community
Authors: Noël Emile
Published: April 2007

ON THE EVE OF THE ENLARGEMENT OF THE COMMUNITIES, THE problem of the institutions, their functioning and their development assumes particularly great importance.

In the twenty years since the European system was established, it has gone from one crisis to the next, thanks to extraordinary efforts or fits and starts of determination which enabled the difficulties to be overcome at the last moment and the Communities to be put in a position – once again – to respond to the hopes entertained around them.

This difficult life cannot be a normal state of affairs. After the enlargement of the Communities, when they will have reached their ‘cruising regime’ as regards their composition, it will be essential to give them structures which are equal to what is expected of them in our countries and outside our countries.
Death and the Vanity of Politics
Authors: de Lacharrière René
Published: April 2007

DEATH IS A CONCISE, YET FAIRLY ACCURATE EXPRESSION TO DESCRIBE all that is unbearable in man's existence. In his youth a man may hardly realize that time has its limits. At this stage his destiny may seem to him too narrow rather than too short; as well as trivial, dull and monotonous. These causes of discontent persist, but as the years roll by with a speed which astounds each man in turn, the even more desolating prospect of the approaching end looms up. These two aspects of human finiteness are moreover linked, since perpetual youth would enable man always to appeal to the future, whereas the approach of death limits his destiny to its present mediocrity.
Gaullism Mark II: the Elections of 1973
Authors: de Lacharrière René
Published: April 2007

GENERAL ELECTIONS WERE HELD IN FRANCE ON 4 AND 11 MARCH 1973 for the renewal of the National Assembly which had been elected in June 1968. The interesting fact about them was that the public opinion polls had forecast some weeks before the date set for the elections that there was a very real possibility of a victory for the alliance concluded between the united socialists and communists, and some left-wing radicals, on a common platform of reforms and of government. This socialist-communist coalition did not, in fact, win, but the majority party's share fell from 372 to 275 seats, out of 487, while the total number of votes cast for it was less than that cast for the left.
The Politics of Consultation
Authors: Dion Léon
Published: April 2007

THE DIVERSIFICATION IN THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC ORGANIZATION AND the growth of the political system have increased the number of instances of decision-making and intensified the relations between social and political forces. Parties and pressure groups are not enough in themselves to channel the interests, ideologies, and stresses, originating in the social system, into the political system. Nevertheless, during the last forty years, other, less familiar channels have broadened considerably and of these it is what we call the consultative councils which have made the greatest impact. So much has their importance grown in recent years that they must be considered as a mechanism of systemic interaction, comparable in weight to those of the pressure groups or parties. The consultative councils have, in fact, become a major cog in the political system and any attempt to exclude them is doomed to failure.
Reorganization and Reform in Congress—Legislative Responses to Political and Social Change
Authors: Lees John D.
Published: April 2007

ANY ASSESSMENT OF THE PERFORMANCE AND VIABILITY OF THE contemporary Congress presents formidable problems. This is because criticism of Congress has been an almost constant feature of American political discussion, long before current political tensions produced wider comment on the institutional structure as a whole, and also because such an assessment must consider not only the existing capacity and will in Congress to respond to contemporary demands but also the nature of the relationship of Congress to other branches of government, and in particular to the executive. One further difficulty is that there has been, and remains, wide disagreement among observers as to the virtues and defects of Congress.
Interests and Pressures
Authors: Gould Julius
Published: April 2007

ALL POLITIES ARE PRESSURE COOKERS. THEY DIFFER IN ALL SORTS OF ways – and many of the differences between them reflect the differences in the pressures they contain, in the way the ‘cooker’ has been designed or has found a durable shape, and in how they respond to the changing force and direction of the pressures. It is no longer fashionable to look with disdain at the special historical importance of such pressures within the American polity: we know all too well that comparable processes exist elsewhere. It remains true, however, that, within a changing context of society and culture, interest groups both public and private, are peculiarly alive and well within the American system.
Between Sovereignty and Integration: Introduction
Authors: Ionescu Ghiţa
Published: April 2007

WHEN KARL DEUTSCH STARTED TO PREPARE THE ‘SECOND THEME’ OF the IXth World Congress of the International Political Science Association held in Montreal in August 1973, entitled ‘Key Issues in International Conflict and Peace Research’ he asked me to organize the Commission which was to deal with the problem: Pathways to Peace: National Sovereignty or Supranational Integration.

The task of trying to disentangle all the questions linked in this rather formidable subject seemed to me to require first of all a working defhition of its various aspects, then a great number of papers* to examine at least those aspects which I considered essential in the light of the working definition; and a good discussion to wrap them together again.
The Political Crisis of the European Nation‐State
Authors: Beloff Max
Published: April 2007

THE CRISIS OF THE EUROPEAN NATION-STATE IS OBVIOUSLY A subjective notion. Objectively it would mean a complete breakdown in the capacity of the state to provide the minimum assurances for individual and collective endeavour and a situation in which the choice was between total anarchy and external intervention. Such situations have been known in some states outside Europe; it was at the origin of the Congo crisis of 1960–61. No Western European state has been in this situation since the re-establishment of selfgovernment in West Germany. Even when there has been a challenge to a regime verging on the revolutionary as in France in 1958, the only question was what alternative force of order would emerge to enable the life of the French state to continue.
The Erosion of External Sovereignty?
Authors: Goodwin Geoffrey L.
Published: April 2007

‘EXTERNAL SOVEREIGNTY’ IS THE CONCERN OF THIS PAPER, AND THE extent to which it has been eroded, in substance if not in form, by the pressures of the modern world. The formal distinction between external sovereignty and internal sovereignty needs to be emphasized at the outset. Externally, sovereignty connotes equality of status between the states – the distinct and separate entities – which make up our international society. Internally, it connotes the exercise of supreme authority by those states within their individual territorial boundaries. From Bodin who, in De La République (1577), saw souveraineté as the exclusive right ‘to give lawes unto all and everie one of its . . . subjects and to receive none from them’ to the Permanent Court of International Justice which, in the Wimbledon Case (1922), held that the sovereign state ‘is subject to no other state and has full and exclusive powers within its jurisdiction without prejudice to the limits set by applicable law’, the concept of the sovereign state has implied both supremacy within and equality of status without.
Internal Order and Peace: An Integrated Europe in World Affairs
Authors: Puchala Donald J.
Published: April 2007

IF POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC ORGANIZATION BEYOND THE NATION-state is to prevail in the future, as it well might, what is to be the nature of relations between and among supranational units or regional blocs? Will such relations buttress or endanger world peace? To such broad questions there are no answers. But to a derivative set of more specific questions, which probe the same kinds of concerns, we can attempt answers. We can ask, and hope to discover, for example, how newly integrated units behave in their external relations, and we can also ask why they behave as they do. From this we can postulate a world of super-units successively entering the international system, and then perhaps say something about the impacts that such entrances are likely to make. While an exercise of this nature could be carried out simply for the sake of expanding theoretical knowledge, it could also be put to very practical and immediate use in lending perspective on the external relations of the European Communities and the impacts of the EEC on world affairs. This last, and most practical concern, is the object of this paper.
The French Socialist Party in 1973: Performance and Prospects
Authors: Wright Vincent , Machin Howard
Published: April 2007

IN JUNE 1971, FRANÇOIS MITTERRAND WAS NARROWLY ELECTED, after a bitter contest, to the leadership of the French Socialist Party. By the end of 1973 he was in command of the party. There is nothing new about an ambitious politician taking over and attempting to transform an existing party. Mendts France in the 1950s and Servan-Schreiber, more recently, tried to reshape a weak and divided Radical Party. They failed as a result of their own tactlessness and because of the perverse obduracy of the party's opportunistic notables who saw little virtue in ideological purity and disciplined organization. Nor is there anything new about a party of the left being dominated by a strong personality. No study of the French Communist Party would be complete without an analysis of the commanding roles played by the tight-lipped Thorez, the jovial Waldeck-Rochet or the circumspect Marchais. The Socialist Party has been no less immune to the cult of personality; it would be impossible to write the history of the party without constant reference to the dynamism of Jaures, the moral persuasiveness of Blum and the organizational genius of Mollet, three men who dominated long periods of the party's history.
Parliamentary Control over Foreign Policy in The Netherlands
Authors: Baehr Peter R.
Published: April 2007

THE SUBJECT OF PARLIAMENTARY CONTROL OVER FOREIGN POLICY IN the Netherlands has increased in importance in recent months following the latest Arab-Israeli war and the ensuing reduction in Arab oil production. In addition to their general cutback of oil production, the Arab states singled out the United States and the Netherlands as ‘friends of Israel’ to whom oil supplies were to be limited even further. While the United States seemed an obvious target for such an embargo because of its open political and military support of Israel, opinions still differ as to why the Netherlands received this dubious distinction. The most obvious explanation - the traditional political and moral support for Israel by all Dutch governments, whatever their political composition - has not been universally accepted. Some commentators, including Foreign Minister Van der Stoel, have assumed that the Arab states wanted to put pressure on the entire Western European economy by hitting the important oil retining capacity of Rotterdam. This it was hoped would lead to a demand from economic circles to support the Arab cause. Whatever the underlying reasons, the oil embargo has had important consequences for the economic life of the Netherlands.
The Economic Approach to the Analysis of Power and Conflict
Authors: Barry Brian
Published: April 2007

‘POWER’ AND ‘CONFLICT’ ARE BOTH TERMS WE DO NOT SEEM TO BE able to do without, however much we may be worried by what methodological purists say. We tend to feel that if we could understand the distribution of power and the lines and amounts of conflict we would have the key to the explanation of political events in the world as a whole, a particular society, or some group - some association or organization - within a society.

This feeling is in my view quite justified, but only in this sense: that if we had an analysis of the state of a society (etc.) that was sufficient to enable us to talk confidently about the distribution of power and the lines and amounts of conflict, we would already be in a position to be able to explain political events. In other words, as a means to being able to describe the situation in terms of power and conflict, we would have to build up information and ways of analysing that information, so good, that we would indeed be able to explain political events. But the logical relationship among the elements would be, not that because we could talk about power and conflict we could explain political events but rather that because we could explain political events, we could talk about power and conflict.
The Shortcomings of the Soviet Economy as seen in Communist Ideologies
Authors: Šik Ota
Published: April 2007

WHEN DISCUSSING COMMUNIST IDEOLOGY IT IS NECESSARY TO DIFferentiate between two varying - indeed opposite views. Firstly there are the parties, organizations and institutions in countries within the Soviet sphere of influence (including parties in the West which are identified politically and ideologically with the USSR). Secondly the large number of parties and groups, which claim to be communist, and derive their ideology from Marx, Engels and Lenin, but which are highly critical of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and its ideology. Although these fundamentalist groups are numerous and splintered they can be categorized into two mainstreams of thought: Maoist and Trotskyite. The Maoist ideology is not only the ideology of the Chinese Communist Party but also that of smaller, so called Maostic groups in the West.
The World of the West European Planner: A View from Inside
Authors: Dyson K. H. F.
Published: April 2007

EXISTINGTH EORIES AND METHODS OF GOVERNMENTAL PLANNING are incomplete. They neglect very often, for instance, the full range of factors which shape the behaviour and effectiveness of central government planners in liberal democratic regimes. It is essential, therefore, to refine the basic paradigm upon which analysis and evaluation of the activities of central planners is typically based if the major problems of their work are to be clearly understood.

Central planners are concerned with the improvement of the intellectual dimension of public policy-making at both national and increasingly supranational levels in Western Europe by longer-term perspectives, forward co-ordination and more sophisticated discussion of alternatives. They seek to guide or control the activities of a group of agencies, a particular governmental system or even of society as a whole.
National Aptitudes for Planning in Britain, France, and Italy
Authors: Hayward Jack
Published: April 2007

THE COMPARATIVE STUDY OF NATIONAL ECONOMIC PLANNING WAS fashionable in the 1960s at a time when the French model had become extremely popular in Western Europe. However, analyses of planning experience were then generally inhibited by a preoccupation with descriptions of the formal planning procedures rather than with any serious attempt to assess anything but the economic consequences of planning. (Andrew Shonfield's classic study of Modern Capitalism was a conspicuous exception to this criticism.) Attention was focused on plans as official documents rather than upon a set of planning practices that might be only remotely related to any formal statement of public policy. Planning was viewed too much from the forecasting end rather than the implementation end and the rationality of objectives became more of a preoccupation than the practical problems of translating them into reality. A normative model of efficient decision-making was all too often assumed to be readily transposable because of a wholly unrealistic notion of the ways in which organizations work.
Empires and Nations
Authors: Beloff Max
Published: April 2007

THE QUESTION OF THE SIZE AND ESSENTIAL NATURE OF POLITICAL communities, that is to say of areas in which political power is exercised, has often been neglected by writers on politics in favour of an examination of power itself, or of the institutions through which it is exercised. In recent years interest in the topic has been revived by the discussions about ‘integration’ sparked off by the advent of the European Economic Community and other attempts at the creation of supra-national institutions. In the period before the second world war the issue had arisen in a different context, namely in relation to the strains encountered by imperial systems faced with the growing forces of nationalism.
The SPD after Brandt’s Fall–Change or Continuity?
Authors: Paterson William
Published: April 2007

THE RESULT OF THE FEDERAL ELECTION OF NOVEMBER I972 APPEARED to many as a turning point in the post-war history of the German Social Democratic Party. For the first time in the history of the Federal Republic, the SPD. was the largest party winning 45.9 per cent of the list votes (230 seats in the Bundestag) to the CDU/CSU's 44.8 per cent (225 seats). In 1957 the Christian Democratic Union/Christian Social Union had enjoyed a lead of 18.4 per cent over the SPD. This lead was steadily whittled away after the party adopted the moderate Bad Godesberg Programme in 1959. The SPD gained 4.4 per cent in 1961,3. 1 per cent in 1965, 3.4 per cent in 1969 and 3.2 per cent in 1972
The Politics of Inflation
Authors: Parkin Michael
Published: April 2007

‘INFLATION IS ALWAYS AND EVERYWHERE A MONETARY PHENOMENON resulting from and accompanied by a rise in the quantity of money relative to output.’ ‘We face a new inflationary problem. Its origins are social and political, not economic or monetary.’ These two quotations summarize briefly, but well, the two most widely held yet sharply conflicting views on the causes of inflation. Which view is correct? Is it possible, perhaps, that.in a paradoxical sense both are? These are the central questions which are addressed in this paper. First an analytical framework is presented within which it is possible to pose the major relevant questions about the causes of inflation, concentrating articularly on the possible interactions between political, soci af and economic factors. That fiamework is then used to present the two most commonly advanced and yet sharply distinct views about the causes of inflation and, by implication, what would have to be done to stop it. These two views are then evaluated on the basis of the empirical evidence. This evaluation is more impressionistic and historical than econometric and technical though the two approaches do in fact tell the same story. Finally, the policy implications which follow from the analysis are examined. This policy evaluation is conducted in broad political, rather than narrowly technical, economic terms.
A Comparative View of Democratic Centralism
Authors: von Beyme Klaus
Published: April 2007

THE VAGUE AND CONTRADICTORY FORMULA OF ‘DEMOCRATIC centralism’ has never been understood as a static device independent of historical circumstances. Though it has been dogmatized, despite the opposition of other non-revisionist tendencies in the international labour movement such as Rosa Luxemburg and the Worker's Opposition in Russia during the 9th Party Congress in 1920, the formula always had to be reinterpreted according to the needs of different phases of class struggle. In every phase of development, the relation between the components ‘democracy‘ and ‘centralism‘ has been defined in a different way.3 Since the 3rd Party Congress centralism was considered to be the basic organizational principle of the party, whereas democracy had to be adapted to the changing circumstances and to the political conditions of different countries. Certainly Lenin was right in arguing in his pamphlet Chto delat (1902) that, under the circumstances of tsarist autocratic rule, ‘democratism’ within the party would have been ‘an empty and dangerous game’. Also the Menshevik leaders - in spite of their controversies with Lenin - still admitted at that time that a centralized and disciplined party organization was of the highest importance. Thus Schapiro is probably right when he sees little difference between Bolsheviks and Mensheviks on the question of democratic centralism at the time of the conflict in Iskra.
British Membership of the European Communities: the Question of Parliamentary Sovereignty
Authors: Taylor John
Published: April 2007

AT THE TIME OF WRITING (APRIL I975), THE REFERENDUM ON WHETHER or not Britain should stay in the European Communities is imminent. Originally is seemed as if the Referendum was going to be mainly about whether the terms of membership, renegotiated by the British government in fulfilment of its election pledge, were acceptable or not. However, more and more the actual terms, agreed after prolonged discussions and considerable heart-searching on all sides, seem to be fadin into the background and the central issue is revolving around the question of sovereignty and whether or not British membership of the Communities involves Britain in an unacceptable loss of it.
Responsibility and the Official: Forms and Ambiguities
Authors: Ridley F. F.
Published: April 2007

AMBIGUITIES OF MEANING ARISE IN ALMOST ANY DISCUSSION OF comparative politics. In talk about the political responsibility of public officials it seems even harder than usual to be sure that one is not slipping from one meaning of responsibility to another oneself, harder yet to be sure that others are talkin about the same thing. Responsibility is a term used in politics, philosophy and law, and though there may be links between, for example, the debate about free will and individual responsibility and certain legal concepts, the philosophers' and the lawyers' discourse is quite different. The study of politics, for its part, involves many disciplines. Here, among other things, we may find ourselves concerned with the broad ideological and constitutional principles upon which the political system rests, with an institutional examination of the machinery of government, with the laws that regulate administrative practice, with the beliefs and behaviour patterns of administrators, and with broader philosophical questions about the nature of ‘good’ government. Given these different approaches, the word responsibility is bound to be used in a variety of senses and, within each, because our vocabulary is not legislated for us, there are bound to be shades of meaning that vary with the user.
Capital and Labour in Italy
Authors: Pasquino Gianfranco
Published: April 2007

GOVERNMENTAL DECISIONS AND NON DECISIONS AFFECT THE LIVES AND interests of their citizens. More so with the expansion of governments’ role in modern industrialized societies. In every society, therefore, the citizens have found it necessary to organize groups according to different membership criteria in order to defend and/or advance existing interests or simply to articulate emerging interests in the face of governmental resistance and/or societal opposition. Organized groups may compete among themselves not only in order to catch government's attention and favours but also in order to obtain a more favourable distribution of societal resources from each other.
The Swiss and their politics
Authors: Sidjanski Dusan
Published: April 2007

THE SWISS AND THEIR POLITICS: THIS TOPIC HAS ALREADY BEEN AND still is of concern to many citizens as well as to social scientists. Although it has been the subject of several studies, it has however never generated any empirical research using opinion polls. This has now been done. This study is part of a series based on the results of an opinion poll – the first in Switzerland – carried out in the spring of 1972. The survey was designed to elicit the Swiss citizens’ image of the country's democratic system as well as their attitudes toward important issues. It consisted of a questionnaire lasting about one hour and it was given to 1,917 male and female voters selected by scientific methods which guarantee their representativeness.
European Security after Helsinki: Some American views
Authors: Campbell John C.
Published: April 2007

INTERPRETATIONS OF THE MEANING AND THE EFFECTS OF THE CONFERence on Security and Cooporation in Europe (CSCE) and its product, the Final Act signed at Helsinki in August 1975, are of sufficient variety to suit anybody's taste. Governments on both sides have hailed the Final Act as a great landmark, the opening of a new era of international relations in Europe based on high principle. Some of the same governments and their spokesmen, mainly on the Eastern side, have also called it the ineluctable result of the changed balance of forces in Europe; and among observers in the West who have agreed with that proposition some have argued that the Soviet Union has by Helsinki prepared the way for the domination or ‘Finlandization’ of the nations of Western Europe, and that the latter are too stupid or too complaisant or too scared to do anything about it. Then there are those in the West who feel neither satisfaction nor alarm but see the whole negotiation as much ado about nothing, changing neither the existing balance nor the outstanding differences.
West Germany and the Politics of Centrality
Authors: Smith Gordon
Published: April 2007

WHEN MANY COUNTRIES IN WESTERN EUROPE ARE EXPERIENCING A flux or even a teeming confusion in their party systems, West Germany stands out as a case of almost aberrant cohesion. The ageold yearning for ‘the German synthesis’ finds its apparent modern fulfilment in the party system. The uncomfortable extremes of left and right have for long hovered around virtual electoral extinction, and the rise of new movements – such as forms of neo-Poujadism in Scandinavia or the rediscovery of the territorial dimension of politics as in Britain – has left the Federal Republic untouched. The two major contenders for power, the SPD and the CDU, dominate the electoral scene, and in so doing seem to be locked in an embrace from which neither is able to escape.
The Crisis of the European Idea
Authors: Aron Raymond
Published: April 2007

WHAT DOES THE EUROPEAN IDEA, THE IDEA OF EUROPEAN UNITY MEAN today? In the Christian era, a kind of unity was born of a common faith. It found expression in the Church and in the universities. It excluded neither ethnological diversity nor multiple and autonomous centres of power. From time to time, it enforced the truce of God, but it imposed neither lasting peace nor obedience to the same laws.
Some Reflections on the Preparation, Development and Repercussions of the Meetings between Heads of Government (1974–75)
Authors: Noel Émile
Published: April 2007

THE MOMENT EUROPEAN POLICY BECAME AN ESSENTIAL ELEMENT IN the external and internal policies of our countries, it could not ignore the use of the ‘Summit’, which in itself was an outcome of technological advance and of the personalization of power. The first meeting between the heads of government of the Six took place in 1957, in order to speed up the conclusion of the Treaty of Rome. Later, it was France which was most insistent that these meetings should be repeated. The reason behind this insistence was, broadly speaking, the nature of the French constitutional system and the osition of the President of the Republic, whose task it is to take t e main res onsibility for foreign affairs.
The Dilemma of Credibility: The Spanish Communist Party, the Franco Regime and After
Authors: Preston Paul
Published: April 2007

IT IS REPORTED THAT WHEN ALVARO CUNHAL CAME OUT OF PRISON IN the late 1950s, he initiated a purge of the leadership of the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP). Their crime was apparently españolismo – or a sympathy with the broad reformist policy of ‘national reconciliation’ adopted by the Spanish Communists in 1956. The Spanish leaders were aware of this implied slur on their revolutionary seriousness, but as both parties battled for survival against repressive dictatorships, it was not an issue over which to break openly the fundamental solidarity between them. Yet a decade and a half later, with Cunhal seemingly leading his Party down the highroad to socialism and his Spanish comrades probably within sight of their immediate goal of the collapse of Francoism, the theoretical discrepancies have re-emerged. Santiago Carrillo, Secretary-General of the PCE, has been sufficiently critical of Cunhal's attempt to create an Eastern European-style socialism in Portugal to earn Soviet accusations of lack of solidarity. Carrillo has described Cunhal's policy during the last year as ‘a good example of how not to make a revolution’. In doing so, the Spanish leader has not only incurred the displeasure of Moscow, something which he has learned to live with since his stand against the 1968 invasion of Czechoslovakia, but also risked serious internal division inside his own party.
Politics First: The Economy after Franco
Authors: Schwartz Pedro
Published: April 2007

DURING THE LAST TWENTY YEARS, SPANIARDS HAVE BEEN LED TO concentrate their attention on economic affairs. ‘Enrichissez-vous’ has been the cry of the government to all classes. World prosperity, a modicum of business freedom, some well-timed reforms, a great. deal of enterprising spirit have spelt economic success and an end to persistent underdevelopment.

The repression of political activities imposed a political and social consensus conducive to economic growth. However, the time is fast approaching when the enforced political moratorium will come to an end. Groups of varyin ideologies will contend for power. A backlog of problem will have to be attended to. In this article, while avoiding prophecy, I wish to evaluate the foreseeable effect of some of these variables on the Spanish economy after Franco disappears.
Students and Politics in Contemporary Spain
Authors: Maravall J. M.
Published: April 2007

THE ORGANIZATION OF SPANISH UNIVERSITIES AFTER THE CIVIL WAR put them under the control of Falange and the Catholic Church. The Ley de Ordenaciόn Universitaria (Law of University Organization) of 1943 established this Falangist/Catholic control over the recruitment of academic staff, the content of teaching and the appointment of Rectors. In 1940, a pre-war Falangist student union, the SEU (Sindicato Español Universitario) was converted into a state-controlled, single and (since 1943) compulsory student union, the officials of which were appointed by the government.
Political Positions and Opposition in the Spanish Catholic Church
Authors: Bardaji Alfred Fierro
Published: April 2007

THIS STUDY HAS BEEN WRITTEN DURING THE STAGE OF BROAD political transition inside the Spanish State, following the death of General Franco, in November 1975. The new monarch, Juan Carlos I, has already carried out some acts that will define Spanish politics in the near future, by confirming the men who governed during Franco's last years: but what attitude the political system will take under the monarchy is still unforeseeable; and, although everyone is waiting for a certain liberalization of the regime, the real scope that liberalization will have in the short and medium term remains problematical.
Socialism in Portugal: Was it a Revolution?
Authors: Pimlott Ben
Published: April 2007

THE CHANGE OF REGIME IN LISBON IN 1974 STIMULATED THE imagination of the far Left from Madrid to Santiago. For a brief period Lisbon was a political laboratory, attracting militants from every continent to test and analyse for future home consumption. What aroused this interest — unprecedented for a European upheaval since the Paris events of May 1968 — was a feeling that here was a rare example of history being made, not just by governments, but by the people themselves. How justified was this feeling, and how docs the Portuguese Revolution look now that it is, apparently, all over?
Ministers and their Mandarins
Authors: Allen Douglas
Published: April 2007

TYPICAL STATEMENTS ABOUT THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CIVIL servants and ministers include the following which I have come across myselc ‘it is the Civil Service mandarins who really run the country’, ‘a strong minister must frequently reject his department's advice to prove he is master’; ‘all decisions by government are based not on the merits of the case but whether they are likely to attract votes at the next election’. The first of these implies that a minister is powerless in the grip of his department and the last that a minister ignores all departmental advice unless it suits his short-term political objectives. The actual relationship between politician and civil servant cannot be explained in such simple and extreme terms. It is also in most cases a relationship which develops and improves as those concerned get used to working together. This is fortunate because if any of the above statements was entirely true, it would be difficult to have much confidence in the future of our particular democratic system.
The European Alternatives: The Community Energy Policy: Oil
Authors: de Carmoy Guy
Published: April 2007

THE ENERGY POLICY OF A COUNTRY OR OF A GROUP OF COUNTRIES IS simply the optimal use of resources, which are limited although essential to all branches of the economy and to the well-being of the people. The volume of energy consumption at a given time is in direct relation to the degree of industrialization and the increase in the consumption of energy is in direct relation to the increase in overall demand, in other words, of the gross national product.
The Canadian Police: a Survey
Authors: Chapman Brian
Published: April 2007

THE CANADIAN POLICE SYSTEM IS VERY MUCH A LAW UNTO ITSELF. It does not have the authoritarian traditions of European countries and their successors in Communist regimes. It does not have the same societal involvement of the Japanese and Chinese arrangements. Since Canadians, unlike their southern neighbours, believe it is possible to be whole without being powerful, it does not have the American style cop. It shares many of the attitudes and disciplines of the British, but in institutional terms they are vastly different from each other.

To some extent these institutional peculiarities are matters of history, although not all of them are. Before Confederation each area had its own specific policing characteristics depending upon the time of settlement, the racial origin of the settlers and the characteristics of the country. In the cast the Maritime provinces (as they were to become) largely relicd upon military and naval patrols with provost marshals in the garrison towns, with some nightwatchmen on the civilian side. The countryside was little policed, although some local militias existed who could be called out if neccssary.
The Changing Relations Between Trade Unions and the Social Democratic Party in West Germany
Authors: von Beyme Klaus
Published: April 2007

In western democracies different patterns of cooperation among working class organizations have developed. The three ‘pillars’ of the working class movement in Britain, the trade unions, the party and the cooperative movement, have no equivalent in the history of Germany, for two reasons.
The Troubled Partnership: Trade Unions and Working-class Parties in Italy, 1948-78
Authors: Farneti Paolo
Published: April 2007

The problem of ‘tutelage’ of trade unions by political parties in italy must be seen against a background of: the structural conditions of the labour market (where trade unions are active) and those of the ‘political market’ (where parties are active) as masses for manoeuvre used to attain certain aims; the characteristics of the leadership of the trade unions and those of the political parties; the ‘styles of leadership’ (including the conduct of conflict) by trade union and party leaders.
The Party Connection: Divergence and Convergence in the British Labour Movement
Authors: Minkin Lewis
Published: April 2007

The consultations which led to the Social Contract of 1973 are understood to have been initiated as a result of a proposal by Jack Jones made to a Fabian Society meeting held at the 1971 Labour Party Conference. At that meeting Jones told the story of a man who having completed fifty years of marriage was asked if he had ever contemplated divorce. He replied, ‘Divorce—never. Murder—often’.

In the past two decades the relationship between the unions and the labour party — the central feature of labour politics in Britain — has undergone some remarkable changes. It has passed through severe crisis: reinforcing tensions which built up in the 1960s became so great at the end of the decade that the alliance appeared ‘threatened as never before’. One scholar of labour movement politics suggested at the time that there might be a life-span to ‘Labour’ parties. To the Left of the Labour Party some revolutionary critics looked to a militant union break with ‘the immense contradiction’. To the Right of the Labour Party some social democratic critics looked to a realignment which would facilitate the emergence of a new radical centre party.