bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Fatal impact? The effects of emotional arousal and weapon presence on police officers' memories for a simulated crime
Authors: Hulse Lynn M. , Memon Amina
Published: July 2006

Purpose. (1) To investigate the effects of emotional arousal and weapon presence on the completeness and accuracy of police officers' memories; and (2) to better simulate the experience of witnessing a shooting and providing testimony.

Methods. A firearms training simulator was used to present 70 experienced police officers with either a shooting or a domestic dispute scenario containing no weapons. Arousal was measured using both self‐report and physiological indices. Recall for event details was tested after a 10‐minute delay using a structured interview. Identification accuracy was assessed with a photographic line‐up.

Results. Self‐report measures confirmed that the shooting induced greater arousal than did the other scenario. Overall, officers' memories for the event were less complete, but more accurate, when they had witnessed the shooting. The recall and line‐up data did not support a weapon focus effect.

Conclusions. Police officers' recall performance can be affected both qualitatively and quantitatively by witnessing an arousing event such as a shooting.
Measuring criminal attributions with a normative instructional set: Is there a difference?
Authors: Kroner Daryl G. , Hemmati Toni , Mills Jeremy F.
Published: July 2006

1Purpose. The purpose of this study was to evaluate the utility of the Criminal Attribution Inventory's (CRAI) normative instructional set (respondent's perception of the average type of crime) in assessing criminal attributions.

Methods. To determine the role of the CRAI's instructional set, a content‐equivalent, personal instructional CRAI set was created. Correlations with an established criminal attribution scale (Blame Attribution Inventory [BAI]) and a measure of socially desirable responding (Paulhus deception scales [PDS]) were calculated. Partial correlations between the CRAI and BAI, controlling for the personal instructional CRAI, were calculated. Partial correlations were also calculated between the personal instructional CRAI and the BAI, controlling for socially desirable responding.

Results. The normative instructional CRAI assessed similar domains as the personal instructional CRAI and made an additional contribution to criminal attributions. Socially desirable responding was minimally related to the normative instructional CRAI and could not account for the differences between the normative and personal instructional CRAI sets.

Conclusions. The CRAI's normative instructional set assesses personal criminal attributions within the external blame domain assessing unique attributional variance. Such an instructional set has utility in assessing criminal attributions among those offenders who deny their offences.
Domestic violence and panic attacks – common neural mechanisms?
Authors: Mitchell Ian J. , Gilchrist Elizabeth
Published: July 2006

Purpose. This paper combines material from domestic violence, animal aggression and neuropsychology research to construct a model to account for some domestic violence offending. The basic hypothesis is that some incidents of domestic violence can be understood in terms of the operation of primitive defence mechanisms, which are also implicated in panic attack. Perceptions of threat from an intimate partner could potentially trigger these same neuronal circuits thus releasing violent and emotionally charged responses at the spouse.

Arguments. The hypothesis is based on:

the marked anatomical/physiological overlap of the neural substrates underlying defensive aggression and those implicated in panic attack,

reports of panic attack‐like symptoms experienced by perpetrators during domestic violence assaults,

experimental evidence that demonstrates that standard physiological challenges can elicit panic/anger attacks in some domestic violence offenders (George et al., 2000).

Conclusions. Panic/anger attack represents inappropriate activation of affective defensive responses due to inappropriate control of critical midbrain sites by the amygdala and/or prefrontal cortex. Panic attacks could be potentially suppressed by increasing the capacity of the prefrontal cortex to inhibit the midbrain affective defence mechanisms. However, learnt associations between stimuli and panic responses are difficult to extinguish and panic responses typically show sensitization overtime. The same may be true of the behaviour of domestic violence offenders. There is a need to establish the typology of the subgroup of offenders who perpetrate panic attack related domestic violence.
Effect of an Aromatase Inhibitor on BMD and Bone Turnover Markers: 2-Year Results of the Anastrozole, Tamoxifen, Alone or in Combination (ATAC) Trial (18233230)
Authors: Eastell Richard , Hannon Rosemary A , Cuzick Jack , Dowsett Mitch , Clack Glen , Adams Judith E
Published: July 2006

Aromatase inhibitors reduce estrogen levels in postmenopausal women with breast cancer. Residual estrogen is an important determinant of bone turnover. Adjuvant anastrozole was associated with significant BMD loss and increased bone remodeling, whereas tamoxifen reduced bone marker levels.

Introduction: In the Anastrozole, Tamoxifen, Alone or in Combination (ATAC) trial after a median follow-up of 68 months, a significant improvement in disease-free survival was observed with anastrozole treatment (hazard ratio [HR], 0.87; 95% CI, 0.78–0.97; p = 0.01). Anastrozole was also associated with tolerability benefits compared with tamoxifen, but with higher fracture rates. The HR of anastrozole compared with tamoxifen after 60 months of treatment was 1.49 (95% CI, 1.25–1.77).

Materials and Methods: This prospectively designed subprotocol (n = 308) of ATAC assessed changes in BMD and bone turnover markers in postmenopausal women with invasive primary breast cancer receiving anastrozole 1 mg/day, tamoxifen 20 mg/day, or combination treatment with both agents for 5 years. Patients with osteoporosis were excluded (osteopenia permitted at the investigators discretion). Lumbar spine and total hip BMD was assessed at baseline and after 1 and 2 years; bone turnover markers (serum C-telopeptide, urinary N-telopeptide [NTX], free deoxypyridinoline, serum procollagen type-1 N-propeptide, bone alkaline phosphatase [ALP]) were assessed at baseline and after 3, 6, and 12 months. Results were expressed as median percentage change.

Results: After 2 years of anastrozole treatment, BMD was lost at lumbar spine (median 4.1% loss) and total hip (median 3.9% loss) sites; increases of 2.2% and 1.2%, respectively, were observed with tamoxifen. After 1 year of anastrozole treatment, increased bone remodeling was observed (NTX, +15%; 95% CI, 3–25%; bone ALP, +20%; 95% CI, 14–25%); decreased bone remodeling was observed with tamoxifen (NTX, −52%; 95% CI, −62% to −33%; bone ALP, −16%; 95% CI, −24% to −11%).

Conclusions: Anastrozole is associated with significant BMD loss and a small increase in bone turnover, whereas tamoxifen (and the combination) is associated with increased BMD and decreased remodeling. These data may explain the increased fracture risk observed with anastrozole treatment in the ATAC trial. The impact of anastrozole on bone should be weighed against its overall superior efficacy and tolerability as observed in the main ATAC trial.
Ion Channel Function of Aquaporin-1 Natively Expressed in Choroid Plexus
Authors: Boassa Daniela , Stamer W. Daniel , Yool Andrea J.
Published: July 2006

Aquaporins are known as water channels; however, an additional ion channel function has been observed for several including aquaporin-1 (AQP1). Using primary cultures of rat choroid plexus, a brain tissue that secretes CSF and abundantly expresses AQP1, we confirmed the ion channel function of AQP1 and assessed its functional relevance. The cGMP-gated cationic conductance associated with AQP1 is activated by an endogenous receptor guanylate cyclase for atrial natriuretic peptide (ANP). Fluid transport assays with confluent polarized choroid plexus cultures showed that AQP1 current activation by 4.5 μmANP decreases the normal basal-to-apical fluid transport in the choroid plexus; conversely, AQP1 block with 500 μmCd2+restores fluid transport. The cGMP-gated conductance in the choroid plexus is lost with targeted knockdown of AQP1 by small interfering RNA (siRNA), as confirmed by immunocytochemistry and whole-cell patch electrophysiology of transiently transfected cells identified by enhanced green fluorescent protein. The properties of the current (permeability to Na+, K+, TEA+, and Cs+; voltage insensitivity; and dependence on cGMP) matched properties characterized previously in AQP1-expressing oocytes. Background K+and Cl−currents in the choroid plexus were dissected from AQP1 currents using Cs-methanesulfonate recording salines; the background currents recorded in physiological salines were not affected by AQP1–siRNA treatment. These results confirm that AQP1 can function as both a water channel and a gated ion channel. The conclusion that the AQP1-associated cation current contributes to modulating CSF production resolves a lingering concern as to whether an aquaporin ionic conductance can have a physiologically relevant function.
Modulation of h-Channels in Hippocampal Pyramidal Neurons by p38 Mitogen-Activated Protein Kinase
Authors: Poolos Nicholas P. , Bullis James B. , Roth Miranda K.
Published: July 2006

Hyperpolarization-activated cyclic nucleotide-gated ion channels (h-channels;Ih; HCN) modulate intrinsic excitability in hippocampal and neocortical pyramidal neurons, among others. WhereasIhmediated by the HCN2 isoform is regulated by cAMP, there is little known about kinase modulation ofIh, especially for the HCN1 isoform predominant in pyramidal neurons. We used a computational method to identify a novel kinase modulator of h-channels, p38 mitogen-activated protein kinase (p38 MAPK). Inhibition of p38 MAPK in hippocampal pyramidal neurons caused a ∼25 mV hyperpolarization ofIhvoltage-dependent activation. This downregulation ofIhproduced hyperpolarization of resting potential, along with increased input resistance and temporal summation of excitatory inputs. Activation of p38 MAPK caused a ∼11 mV depolarizing shift inIhactivation, along with depolarized resting potential, and decreased input resistance and temporal summation. Inhibition of related MAPKs, ERK1/2 (extracellular signal-related kinase 1/2) and JNK (c-Jun N-terminal kinase), produced no effect onIh. These results show that p38 MAPK is a strong modulator of h-channel biophysical properties and may deserve additional exploration as a link between alteredIhand pathological conditions such as epilepsy.
Prehistoric Chronology of the Common Bean in the New World: The Linguistic Evidence
Authors: BROWN CECIL H.
Published: July 2006

Glottochronology and the comparative method of historical linguistics provide a linguistic approach for dating the common bean (Phaseolus vulgarisL.) that both complements and supplements archaeological dating techniques such as accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS). For example, the comparative approach reveals that prehistoric languages of eastern North America having glottochronological dates earlier than 700 B.P., such as Proto‐Iroquoian (2700 B.P.), lacked words for bean. Protolanguages of the region with glottochronological dates younger than 700 B.P. had bean terms. These linguistic results accord with the AMS finding that beans do not become archaeologically visible in the region until around C.E. 1300. The earliest AMS date for beans of Mesoamerica is around 2300 B.P. This date is considerably younger than glottochronological dates for prehistoric languages of the area, such as Proto‐Mayan (3400 B.P.), for which bean terms are posited. Linguistic findings for protolanguages of Mesoamerica suggest that the regional bean chronology is considerably older than that indicated through archaeological dating.
Violence and the Body: Somatic Expressions of Trauma and Vulnerability during War
Authors: Henry Doug
Published: July 2006

Drawing on ethnographic research conducted along the Sierra Leone–Guinea border during wartime, this article explores the contested nature of the body and bodily illness during times of spectacular political violence. For both perpetrators and survivors of conflict, the body and bodily illness became tools over which each sought to control definitions of Self and identity. Finally, the article considers emic interpretations and contested meanings of the local illness hypertension, or haypatɛnsi, that occurred among the displaced. I document how discussions of haypatɛnsi allowed horrific subjective experiences to become mediated, enabling conflict survivors to understand and express the pain of their trauma and vulnerability, and begin recourse toward reestablishing order and control over their lives. Even these discussions of illness, however, involved competition over control of meanings and prescriptive models with medical practitioners. Haypatɛnsi thus reveals how lived, traumatic experiences and their cultural representations within illness are linked.
Huber's Eyes: The Art of Scientific Observation Before the Emergence of Positivism
Authors: SINGY PATRICK
Published: July 2006

ABSTRACT How could a blind man be an observer in the eighteenth century? This essay offers a historical solution to this enigma by reconstructing the regime of perception of eighteenth-century observers.
Benzidine transformation processes in natural sediments
Authors: Harden Joel , Jewell Amy , Donaldson Francis P. , Nyman Marianne C.
Published: July 2006

Aromatic amines, such as benzidine and 3,3′-dichlorobenzidine, are chemicals used in the pigment and dye processes. Release of these compounds into the environment is important because of their carcinogenic and toxic nature. In the present study, the sediment and water samples were collected from Lake Macatawa (Holland, MI, USA) and subsequently spiked with benzidine. The grain size distribution of the sediment samples investigated here ranged in composition from sandy to silty-clay sediment types. The sediment–water systems spiked with benzidine were incubated under anaerobic conditions at 4, 15, and 23°C for 211 d. Degradation of benzidine was observed over the time-course analysis of the sediment–water mixtures. Three possible metabolites (aniline, 2-ethyl-1-hexanol, and 1-amino-2-hexene) were observed during this investigation as a result of gas chromatography/mass spectrometry and liquid chromatography/mass spectrometry. No metabolites were observed in autoclaved bottles, suggesting that the transformation of benzidine in the sediment–water mixtures was the result of microbial activity. From sediment–water distribution experiments, benzidine demonstrated higher sorption affinity for the different sediment phases than its degradation product, aniline. Therefore, microbially mediated transformation of benzidine to aniline is expected to yield a greater total concentration of the more mobile compound, aniline, in the water phase and a greater possibility for transport of aniline in the water phase.
Polychlorinated biphenyl load, aryl hydrocarbon receptor, and cytochrome P4501A1 induction in a wild population of Atlantic salmon (Salmo salar) from the Baltic Sea
Authors: Hansson Maria C. , Persson Maria E. , Larsson Per , Kjellman Christian , von Schantz Torbjörn
Published: July 2006

The toxicity induced by several environmental pollutants is mediated by the aryl hydrocarbon receptor (AHR), which controls the expression of many biotransformation genes, such as cytochrome P4501A1 (CYP1A1). Previous studies have indicated that fish populations can evolve tolerance to persistent chlorinated pollutants by down-regulating the AHR pathway. Here, we measure to what extent tissue loads of polychlorinated biphenyl (PCB) congeners and AHR genotypes contribute to biotransformation capacity in wild, foraging Atlantic salmon (Salmo salar L.) from the Baltic Sea. In muscle, the sum of the 21 most common PCB congeners (ΣPCB) was correlated with three extracted AHR agonists (PCBs 77/110, 118/123/149, and 105/132/153). Both the AHR agonists as well as ΣPCB were correlated with lipid content. The ΣPCB, controlled for the effects of sex and lipid content in muscle tissue, did not predict mRNA transcript levels of the measured AHRs (AHR2α, AHR2-γ, and AHR2δ) or CYP1A1 in liver. However, all AHR2 mRNA transcript levels were positively correlated with CYP1A1 level. In turn, the CYP1A1 level was negatively correlated with concentration of the muscle-tissue antioxidant astaxanthin, suggesting that astaxanthin is depleted when biotransformation processes (CYP1A1) are activated. No correlation was found between ethoxyresorufin-O-deethylase activity and ΣPCB, CYP1A1, or antioxidant levels. In 5′-flanking regions of the AHR2 genes, we identified multiple allelic variants that were used for genotyping. The mRNA transcript level of AHR2α was significantly associated with the AHR2α 5′-flanking region genotype and with the interaction of the genotype and individual PCB level. These results suggest that in wild Atlantic salmon from the Baltic Sea, active production of AHR2 mRNA by means of PCB exposure may be affected by genetic polymorphisms at the AHR2 loci.
Pharmaceutically active compounds in Atlantic Canadian sewage treatment plant effluents and receiving waters, and potential for environmental effects as measured by acute and chronic Aquatic Toxicity
Authors: Brun Guy L. , Bernier Marc , Losier René , Doe Ken , Jackman Paula , Lee Hing-Biu
Published: July 2006

Ten acidic and two neutral pharmaceuticals were detected in the effluents of eight sewage treatment plants (STPs) from across Atlantic Canada. Concentrations varied between nondetectable and 35 μg/L. The analgesic, nonsteroidal anti-inflammatory drugs ibuprofen and naproxen were predominant. Carbamazepine, a neutral compound used as an antiepileptic drug, was observed consistently at a median concentration of 79 ng/L. Acetaminophen was found in the effluents of the three largest mechanical STPs at a median concentration of 1.9 μg/L, but not in the lagoon treatment systems. The substantially longer hydraulic retention times may have contributed to more effective removal of acetaminophen in the lagoon treatment systems. Drugs generally were not detected at significant concentrations in the larger bodies of receiving water (Saint John River, Hillsborough River, and Bedford Bay, Canada). However, drug residues in the small receiving streams were 15 to 30% of the effluent median concentrations. Six compounds (caffeine, naproxen, salicylic acid, carbamazepine, metoprolol, and sotolol) were found to persist in a small stream for a distance of at least 17 km, suggesting that small stream exposure to pharmaceutically active residues may be relatively greater than that in large bodies of water. Bioassays assessing acute and chronic effects on four organisms were conducted on four high-use drugs: Acetaminophen, ibuprofen, naproxen, and salicylic acid (metabolite of acetyl salicylic acid). Results indicated no negative effects except for the chronic algal (Selanastrum capricornutum) growth test on ibuprofen (no-observed-effect concentration, 10 μg/L; lowest-observed-effect concentration, 32 μg/L). Effects of these four compounds on invertebrates and plants in the receiving environments are unlikely based on the concentrations measured.
Variations of chemical compositions in coarse aerosols and fine aerosols in two successive episodes
Authors: Kuo Chung-Yih , Lin Chuan-Yao , Chiang Wan-Fu , Ko Li-Chin , Wu Chia-Wen , Shang Wen-Ling
Published: July 2006

Particulate matter with diameters less than 2.5 μm (PM2.5) and ranging between 10 to 2.5 μm (PM10-2.5) were simultaneously collected at four air-quality monitoring stations in the Taichung area of central Taiwan during the period of February 12 to 22, 2004. Two different types of PM10 episodes, a nonlocal dust-storm episode and a local episode, were observed in the present study. High concentrations of coarse aerosols occurred during the dust-storm episode, whereas high concentrations of fine aerosols were present during the local episode. Relatively high levels of Na+, Mg2+, Ca2+, and Cl− in coarse aerosols were observed during the dust-storm episode. Very high concentrations of secondary aerosols (NH+4, SO2−4, and NO−3) in fine aerosols were observed during the local episode. The nitrate ion demonstrated the greatest increase in the ratios of ionic species to PM2.5 and ionic species to PM10-2.5 during the local episode. Significantly high ratios (0.444) of NO−3 to NO2 in fine aerosols were present during the local episode, indicating that the relatively high formation rate of NO−3 was one of the important factors leading to the increase of the NO−3 to PM2.5 ratio during the local episode. Results also showed that an abundant quantity of fine ammonium nitrate was formed during the local episode, and chloride depletion probably was the major pathway to form coarse NaNO3 during this episode.
Contrasting uptake routes and tissue distributions of inorganic and methylmercury in mosquitofish (Gambusia affinis) and redear sunfish (Lepomis microlophus)
Authors: Pickhardt Paul C. , Stepanova Maria , Fisher Nicholas S.
Published: July 2006

High Hg concentrations in freshwater fish are a concern for human health, yet we lack a clear understanding of the mechanisms that produce high Hg concentrations in fish. Controlled studies in natural surface waters that quantify the uptake and retention of Hg in fish tissues following exposures from the aqueous phase and from invertebrate prey diets are rare. Using 203Hg, we contrasted the accumulation of inorganic Hg (HgI) and methylmercury (MeHg) from the dissolved phase and from invertebrate food in mosquitofish (Gambusia affinis) feeding on Daphnia pulex (representing a pelagic food chain) and in redear sunfish (Lepomis microlophus) feeding on amphipods (Hyallela sp., representing a benthic/macrophyte-based chain). Experiments were conducted with environmentally realistic Hg concentrations in two freshwaters from the San Francisco Bay Delta (CA, USA) with significantly different dissolved organic carbon (DOC) concentrations. Mercury uptake rates following aqueous exposures were consistently higher for fish in the water with lower DOC, whereas efflux rates were similar for both water types. Approximately 50% of the ingested HgI associated with invertebrate prey was lost from mosquitofish, and 90% or more from sunfish, within 48 h. Assimilation efficiencies for ingested MeHg for both fish were 86 to 94%, substantially higher than those for HgI regardless of water type. Biokinetic modeling using the parameters determined in these experiments accurately predicted Hg burdens for fish in the San Francisco Bay Delta system. Despite considerable accumulation of HgI from both aqueous and dietary exposure routes, the high assimilation efficiencies and slow loss of MeHg from dietary sources are the principal determinants of predicted Hg burdens in both fish species.
Tropospheric Ozone and Interspecific Competition between Yellow Nutsedge and Pima Cotton
Authors: Grantz D. A. , Shrestha Anil
Published: July 2006

Plant competition may be altered by ongoing climate change, including rising tropospheric O3This may depend less on the O3tolerance of isolated species than on O3effects on the mechanisms of competition. To explore this possibility, we investigate the growth and gas exchange responses of a crop–weed system in partial additive competition in open‐top chambers (OTCs). Yellow nutsedge (Cyperus esculentusL.) and Pima cotton (Gossypium barbadenseL.) were grown in pots in ratios of 0:1, 1:1, 2:1, and 3:1, plus 1:0 to contrast with 0:1. O3concentrations (12‐h means) were 12.8 nL L−1(low O3, LO3), 79.9 nL L−1(medium O3, MO3), and 122.7 nL L−1(high O3, HO3). Cotton was more sensitive than nutsedge to O3(reduction at HO3: 75 vs. 20% in shoot growth, 33 vs. 20% in assimilation). Cotton was inhibited by O3and by competition and the interaction was significant for leaf properties of cotton and tuber production in nutsedge. A coefficient of competition (slope of inverse cotton shoot biomass vs. nutsedge density) was significantly increased at HO3. The species were mutually inhibitory to similar extents. Root respiration declined with O3in nutsedge but increased in cotton, though both species reduced allocation below‐ground. Nutsedge tuber production increased inconsistently with O3Rising tropospheric O3may decrease the current C4advantage of nutsedge in water use efficiency (WUE) and stomatal avoidance of O3, but appears likely to increase the competitiveness of nutsedge with respect to cotton.
Molecular Genetic Resources for Development of 1% Linolenic Acid Soybeans
Authors: Bilyeu Kristin , Palavalli Lavanya , Sleper David A. , Beuselinck Paul
Published: July 2006

Advanced plant breeding will incorporate the most efficient methods available to introgress new traits and develop improved crops. Molecular markers that are specifically targeted to desirable alleles are important molecular genetic resources for selection of traits. Reducing the amount of linolenic acid in soybeans [Glycine max(L.) Merr.] is a desired breeding objective so that oxidatively stable soybean oil can be produced without the production oftransfatty acids. The objective of this work was to determine the molecular genetic basis for soybeans containing 1% (10 g kg−1) linolenic acid in the seed oil fraction and to develop molecular markers specific for identified alleles. Utilizing the soybean homologs ofArabidopsis FAD3as candidate genes, mutations were discovered in all threeGmFAD3genes in the soybean line A29. The mutations were associated with the linolenic acid phenotype in segregating populations. Molecular markers specific for the mutant alleles enabled capture of the phenotype. Novel combinations of mutant alleles at the threeGmFAD3loci allowed the development of new germplasm containing 1% linolenic acid in the seed oil along with SNP‐based molecular markers that can be used in a backcross breeding strategy.
Using Orchardgrass and Endophyte‐Free Fescue Versus Endophyte‐Infected Fescue Overseeded on Bermudagrass for Cow Herds: II. Four‐Year Summary of Cow‐Calf Performance
Authors: Coblentz W. K. , Coffey K. P. , Smith T. F. , Hubbell D. S. , Scarbrough D. A. , Humphry J. B. , McGinley B. C. , Turner J. E. , Jennings J. A. , West C. P. , Popp M. P. , Hellwig D. H. , Kreider D. L. , Rosenkrans C. F.
Published: July 2006

A 4‐yr trial was initiated in January 2000 to evaluate cow‐calf performance on mixed‐species pasture systems consisting of (i) endophyte‐infected tall fescue (E+; Festuca arundinacea Schreb.) diluted by approximately 50% with common bermudagrass [Cynodon dactylon (L.) Pers.] and other forages; (ii) endophyte‐free tall fescue (E−) overseeded into dormant common bermudagrass; and (iii) orchardgrass (OG; Dactylis glomerata L.) established under the same conditions as E−. The E− and OG pastures were grazed with either twice weekly (2W) or twice monthly (2M) rotation schedules, while pastures with E+ were grazed with 2M only. Actual weaning weights tended to be greater (P = 0.096), and age‐adjusted 205‐d weaning weights and average daily gain from birth to weaning were greater (P ≤ 0.035) for calves raised on low‐toxicity (E− or OG) pastures compared to those raised on E+. Over 4 yr, calves raised on low‐toxicity pastures exhibited 22‐ and 24‐kg advantages in actual and 205‐d adjusted weaning weights, respectively, compared to those raised on E+. Cows grazing OG and E− pastures exhibited greater (P ≤ 0.021) body weights and body condition scores (BCS) at calving than cows grazing E+ pastures. Furthermore, reductions in body weight and BCS between calving and weaning tended to be greater (P ≤ 0.088) for cows grazing E+ pastures. Calf performance was improved consistently by these low‐toxicity pasture systems, but management requirements may limit adaptation by producers.
Occupational Community and the Creation of a Self-Styled Elite: Railroad Workers in Argentina
Authors: Horowitz Joel
Published: July 2006

During the 1930s Argentina's two railroad unions were the dominant labor organizations in the country. Their members considered themselves the elite of the working class. Through collective contracts and the efforts of the unions, the workers had gained favorable conditions for themselves, so that they were in many ways an elite, despite the harsh reality that the industry in which they worked was in decay.

Why were they able to do this? Not because they all possessed special skills. Groups of skilled workers have often been able to secure for themselves a strong position, as have the engineers and firemen who make up La Fraternidad. In countries in which the position of labor unions is not protected by law the ability of widely differentiated groups to organize successfully is unusual. Therefore, this paper will concentrate on the members of the Unión Ferroviaria. Membership in the Unión Ferroviaria was extended all along the far-flung railroad network and ranged from craftsmen in the repair shops to poorly paid and unskilled crews that maintained the tracks.
The National Catholic Welfare Conference and the Church-State Conflict in Mexico, 1925-1929
Authors: Slawson Douglas J.
Published: July 2006

Established in 1919 to be the Catholic voice of America, to look after church interests, and to offset the political influence of the Protestant Federal Council of Churches, the National Catholic Welfare Conference (NCWC) was a voluntary association of the American hierarchy meeting annually in convention. It implemented decisions through an administrative committee of seven bishops which operated a secretariat, also known as the NCWC, located in Washington, D.C. This headquarters had five departments (Education, Lay Activities, Legislation, Press, and Social Action) each with a director and all under the supervision of Reverend John J. Burke, C.S.P., the general secretary of the administrative committee and its representative at the capital.
Customary Rightholders and Legal Claimants to Land in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, 1870-1890
Authors: Smith Naro Nancy Priscilla
Published: July 2006

The transition from slave to free labor in the Americas involved many and varied forms of internal labor and land adjustments which affected slaves, landless farmers, and large scale producers in rural areas. Unlike Haiti and the United States South, the Brazilian process of emancipation was gradual and did not involve violent structural ruptures with the past. The Land Law of 1850, the Law of the Free Womb of 1871 and the 1885 Sexagenarian Law marked fundamental phases in an ongoing process of state participation in the organization of the free labor market, which culminated in Abolition on 13 May 1888, and the onset of the Republic on 15 November of the following year. Current analyses of the late nineteenth century emphasize continuity and define the state as its own agent, embarking on a course of conservative modernization which unfolded during the process of transition from the liberalism of a nineteenth-century empire to the interventionist Republic which was ushered in, in 1889. The planter class, joined with emerging but weak Brazilian industrial and financial sectors and upheld by the military, contributed to an Estado Oligárquico, in Marcelo Carmagnani's terminology, linked by coffee production into the world economy as a flourishing dependent peripheral economy. But the process, which until recently was associated with the coffee export sector and its relation to urbanization and industrialization, has now taken on broader dimensions. A developed domestic economy, composed of a complex and sophisticated internal food supply network, operated alongside the export economy throughout the nineteenth century. Although unstudied from the political perspective of small-scale food producers who were displaced by the coffee economy, the broader issue of food provision could not be dissociated from conservative modernization, the basic issues of which would be carried forth during the course of the First Republic in the form of “Ruralismo.”
Peruvian Historians Today: Historical Setting
Authors: Bronner Fred
Published: July 2006

The prosperous state of Peruvian historiography partly reflects the parlous condition of Peruvian historians. With full professors' takehome pay just over 200 dollars a month at Lima's Pontificia Universidad Católica rather less at the University of San Marcos, and with prices not that much lower than in industrialized countries, scholars scrounge for additional support. Moonlighting as a cabby is risky though definitely known among academicians; high schools offer extra hours to about a fifth of San Marcos' lecturers; and the Católica historians staff the university's general studies program for freshmen and sophomores. But the most attractive solution lies in promoting projects for foundations. That is one way for history to be written.
Spanish Hidalgos and America: The Ovandos of Cáceres
Authors: Altman Ida
Published: July 2006

The image of the lone and footloose venturer, all but penniless, striking out for the Indies seeking immediate enrichment, has long since given way to a more balanced picture of the Spanish settlers of the New World in the sixteenth century. This revised picture suggests that the Spanish emigrants had their origins principally in a wide middle sector of social and occupational groups, ranging from hidalgos below the level of the high nobility, professionals and officials, to artisans and tradespeople of all sorts, farmers, and an impressive number of “servants.” One component of the earlier image of Spanish emigrants—the down-on-his lick hidalgo whose pride and sense of honor propelled him to the Indies in hope of improving his fortunes—survived the transition to the revised idea now accepted, his reputation somewhat rehabilitated but his presence undeniable. Stereotypes notwithstanding, the image of the cadet sons of hidalgo families and of relatively poor hidalgos going off to the Indies has considerable basis in fact; it is a reflection of the realities of Spanish family and social structure that sent the same type of individual into religious orders, universities, or the army. But while a basic truth gave rise to the longstanding cliche, we still know relatively little of what lies behind it—nor, for that matter, do we know very much about the hidalgos and provincial nobility of Spain, the sector (as opposed to the high titled nobility) that entered into the Indies venture in the sixteenth century in some numbers.
The Haitian Political Situation and its Effect on the Dominican Republic: 1849-1877
Authors: Nelson William Javier
Published: July 2006

The Dominican Republic, which has once again exhibited the fragility of its political institutions by taking over two weeks to ascertain a winner in its last presidential election, is, in many ways, a land of shared commonalities with other peoples. Its merengue rhythms point to a common musical bond with West Africa; its language and cultural institutions suggest a heavy Spanish stamp and its affiliations with other regional entities such as Puerto Rico and Venezuela are well known. Unfortunately for the Dominicans, however, they share their own island with another society — a decidely unique situation, especially since this schism represents an antipathic clash between different languages, histories and racial philosophies.
Adopted Saints: Christian Images In Nahua Testaments Of Late Colonial Toluca
Authors: Wood Stephanie
Published: July 2006

The European occupation of Mesoamerica, set in motion by Columbus' voyages now almost five centuries ago, proved both enduring and pervasive. Not content simply to trade with the indigenous peoples from distant coastal forts or entirely new towns, the Spanish conquerors of Mexico moved right into Indian cities and, increasingly over time, Indian towns, villages, and their hinterlands. The conquerors' intention behind living in such close proximity was to better extract the local peoples' services and tributes and to convert them more effectively to every aspect of Hispanic culture. From the moment of their arrival Hernando Cortés and his followers sought to introduce a new king, a new god, and a new way of life into the land they called New Spain.
The Impact Of American Flour Imports On Brazilian Wheat Production: 1808-1822
Authors: Brown Gregory G.
Published: July 2006

In 1808 the Portuguese Crown ended centuries of imperial practice by opening Brazilian ports to the direct trade of friendly nations. This new royal policy caused considerable consternation among conservative Portuguese merchants and manufacturers who feared that a flood of foreign imports would drain precious metals out of the empire, and that economically stronger foreign merchants would monopolize Brazilian trade, thus ruining manufacturing in Brazil. Many Brazilian landowners, on the other hand, supported freer trade because they believed it would stimulate production and export of agricultural commodities. Ironically, one Brazilian product that did suffer dramatic decline resulting from the introduction of foreign competition was not a manufactured good, but an agricultural one, wheat.
Prescott's History Of The Conquest And Calderon de la Barca's Life In Mexico: Mexican Reaction, 1843-1844
Authors: Costeloe Michael P.
Published: July 2006

In 1843, two friends, one Scottish and one American, published books about Mexico which were to become essential reading for students of Mexican history. Much the better known of the two is William Hickling Prescott whose History of the Conquest of Mexico became an instant best-seller and remains to this day one of the classics of Mexican historiography. Less well-known but equally valuable to historians of nineteenth-century Mexico is Frances Calderón de la Barca's vivid account of Life in Mexico based on her experiences during the two years from 1840-1841 when she lived in the country as the wife of the first Spanish ambassador. By coincidence, Prescott and Sra. Calderón were close personal friends and regular correspondents and they gave each other much assistance in preparing their respective books for publication. Both their works were greeted with critical and public acclaim in the English-speaking world of Europe and North America but reactions in Mexico were markedly different. While Prescott's book was received with qualified enthusiasm, Life in Mexico was the subject of hostile reviews and its author much vitriolic, personal abuse.
Reflections on Brazilian Jacobinism of the First Decade of the Republic (1893-1897)
Authors: de Queiroz Suely Robles Reis
Published: July 2006

The study of the first decade of the Republic permits one to reflect on the numerous myths that permeate Brazil's history. These myths have served to reduce social conflict and to provide ideological foundations for the holders of power. In particular, examination of the 1890s challenges the commonly accepted notion of the peaceful character of the Brazilian historical process and the myth of consensus. The roots of these traditions, according to Henry Keith, date from the viceregal period. But the republicans were particularly active in reinforcing it by exalting the bloodless character of the change of regime in 1889. “Revolution without blood” the politicians Martim Francisco Ribeiro de Andrada of São Paulo and Karl von Koseritz of Rio Grande do Sul would say. The Correio Mercantil of Pelotas, Rio Grande do Sul agreed; the country had witnessed a “marvelous political change that Brazil brought about instantaneously without shedding a drop of blood, without firing a single bullet.”
The Monarchist Response to the Beginnings of the Brazilian Republic
Authors: de Lourdes Dra. Maria , Janotti Monaco
Published: July 2006

The economic transformations which the new exigencies of capitalism brought to Brazil at the end of the second half of the nineteenth century caused the emergence of new urban sectors, the end of slavery, the utilization of free labor and the rise of a dynamic agrarian bourgeoisie. These in turn provoked a crisis of hegemony within the dominant classes in the final moments of the Empire which reached the sphere of political domination. Their loss of hegemony resulted in administrative inertia and the impression of a power vacuum since the coffee bourgeoisie was not yet able to exercise the direction of the State alone. With the advent of the Republic, it fell to the army to temporarily occupy power and to institutionalize the new regime, while the bourgeoisie was organizing itself to take charge definitively in a hegemonic form.
The Brazilian Republic: An Overview
Authors: Meznar Joan E.
Published: July 2006

Brazil came late to republican government. By 1889 Brazilians had witnessed almost a century of tumultuous politics in neighboring republics. The aspirations of the 1817 and 1824 separatists had been transformed as order and progress, the positivist creed, chased away the specter of social reform. In some ways Brazil itself had changed profoundly during the empire; yet in others it remained deeply rooted to its colonial past. The tension between tradition and change, between old alliances and new possibilities, highlighted the proclamation and consolidation of Brazil's republic. Political transition provided opportunity for widely differing groups to seek preeminence. The myth of a uniquely Brazilian peaceful transition to republicanism is shattered as we witness the power struggles that began on November 15, 1889. But one hundred years later it is the image of lost opportunity, the failure to seize the moment created by abolition, the absence of the povo from the process, that impresses those who experience another transition in Brazilian republican history.
Jesuit Wealth and Economic Activity Within the Peruvian Economy: The Case of Colonial Southern Peru
Authors: Brown Kendall W.
Published: July 2006

Muffled by the night and sobered by their unexpectedly serious task, Corregidor José Manrique y Guzmán and two squads of militia quietly approached the Jesuit college of Arequipa at four o'clock on the morning of September 17, 1767. Manrique had secretly gathered his scribe and the troops during the night after receiving an astounding royal decree from Viceroy Amat in Lima. The top-secret dispatch ordered Manrique to detain all Jesuits within the province of Arequipa in preparation for their expulsion from the Spanish empire. Similar orders had gone out to royal officials throughout Charles III's domains. In Arequipa Manrique found all but three of the local Jesuits housed within the college. He read them the royal edict, placed them under house arrest until provisions could be made for transporting them to Lima, ordered the detention of the three padres absent from the college, and confiscated all the Jesuits' properties.
The Formation of the Argentine Public Primary and Secondary School System
Authors: Hodge John E.
Published: July 2006

With the acceptance of the Federal Constitution of 1853 by the province of Buenos Aires in 1862 and the assumption of the presidency of the Nation by Bartolomé Mitre, the main constitutional problem besetting the region since independence was, in theory at least, solved. The permanent location of the capital had not been settled, but a national government was a reality. Leaders who had brought about the downfall of Rosas, negotiated an end to full-scale civil war, and organized the outline of the patria grande now faced new challenges. The spirit of anarchy, the rule of force, provincial allegiances, and a widely scattered, largely illiterate population were awesome impediments to the creation of a modern nation state. The response to these problems by the politicians, economists, scholars, technocrats, artists, and soldiers of Argentina during the last forty years of the nineteenth century, working towards the goal of a unified, peaceful and cultivated nation, is an enthralling topic.
The Struggle for the Nation: The First Centralist-Federalist Conflict in Mexico
Authors: Rodríguez O. Jaime E.
Published: July 2006

When Mexico achieved its independence in September 1821, few imagined that the country would soon become a republic, much less a federal republic. The autonomists, the members of the national elite who gained power at independence, opted for a constitutional monarchy. They initially favored establishing an empire with the Spanish king or a member of the royal family as sovereign. When Spain rejected their proposal, and faced with “popular” demands, the country's political leaders reluctantly accepted a native, Agustín de Iturbide, as Mexico's first emperor. The new monarch, a former royalist commander, had gained immense popularity when he turned against the Spanish colonial regime and proclaimed independence under the Plan of Iguala.
Some Reflections on Early Anglo-paraguayan Commerce
Authors: Whigham Thomas
Published: July 2006

Scholars of the British experience in Latin America have given considerable attention to the adventures of the two Scottish merchants John Parish Robertson and his brother William, who visited Paraguay between 1811 and 1814. The image of the taciturn Dictator José Gaspar de Francia attempting to use the two British subjects to establish commercial links with Europe has appeared in virtually all histories of the period. Francia's failure in this regard, we are frequently told, ushered in a period of self-imposed isolation for Paraguay. Few foreigners, merchants or otherwise, were permitted to breech the barriers set up by the Dictator and Paraguay quickly took on the reputation of an “inland Japan.” That these barriers were not as absolute as the traditional portrayal would suggest has been established only in the last fifteen years. With few exceptions, the historical accounts have assumed that, with the departure of the Robertsons, British merchants lost all interest in Paraguay. In fact, however, a strong desire to “open” the trade of that country characterized the British mercantile community of Buenos Aires throughout the life of the Dictator and, on one occasion at the very end of Dr. Francia's reign, a concerted effort was made by certain Britons to reintroduce British commerce to Paraguay.
Indian Women of Early Colonial Quito as Seen Through Their Testaments
Authors: Salomon Frank
Published: July 2006

By the turn of the seventeenth century a generation of Andean natives, both Inca and aboriginal, had made lifelong homes within the strongholds of the European invaders. As they entered old age they inhabited an urban landscape whose “Indian” sector had become very diverse. In Quito and other colonial cities some of them dwelled in old pre-hispanic settlements whose closeness to new Hispanic centers had turned them into multiethnic “Indian” ghettos. Quito's Añaquito and Machángara are examples. Many others had settled illegally but permanently inside the Spanish nuclear city, so much so that in the 1580s Spaniards remarked on the growth of a “big shanty town” in its midst. Notarial records show, too, that center city streets housed colonies of “Indian” artisans specializing in European arts like iron working, embroidery, and tailoring. Rich enclaves of Inca and aboriginal nobles lived close to Spanish clerics and officials. Specialist traders delegated by native lords, and native entrepreneurs in the Spanish economy, rented permanent workplaces and dwellings downtown. Finally a large contingent, especially of women, lived as servants or concubines in Spanish houses or had usufruct of separate urban houses. In 1600 there were probably more different ways to be an urban Indian than there are today.