bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Alcaeus of Messene, Philip V, and Rome
Authors: Walbank F. W.
Published: February 2009

From what has already been said it will be clear that Alcaeus of Messene, like the anonymous author ofAnth. Pal.xvi. 6, was a supporter of Philip V at least until 201 B.C., that is, until the Second Macedonian War. The view that his breach with Philip followed the Messenian events of 215–214 has, however, been so frequently upheld that it deserves consideration. It appears to be based on one or more of the following assumptions. Philip's activities in Messene resulted in driving that state into the Aetolo-Spartan camp: Alcaeus, as a loyal Messenian, will have followed the official Messenian policy. Further, Alcaeus wrote a poem (Anth. Pal.ix. 519) accusing Philip of poisoning his guests: this is to be connected with the death of Aratus, in which the Achaean himself professed to see the hand of Philip. Finally, it is assumed that Alcaeus had already started his literary career at the time of the Messenian events of 215–214, since he has left an epigram celebrating the threefold victory at the Isthmus of the famous Cleitomachus of Thebes, whosefloruit, it is claimed, was 216–212 (Anth. Pal.ix. 588). None of these arguments is really cogent: a very good case can be, and has been, made out for dating Cleitomachus’ success towards the end of the third century; the poisoning referred to is undoubtedly that of Callias and Epicrates (cf.Anth. Pal.xi. 12) which, being itself undated, cannot be used as a chronological index; and politically Alcaeus, as we shall see, was far from being an orthodox Messenian.
Hesychiana
Authors: Thompson D'Arcy W.
Published: February 2009

βρυχεδαν⋯ς (of a locust's greed, cf. βρο⋯κος, βρο⋯χος): πολυφ⋯γος, οἰ δ⋯ μακρ⋯ς. For μακρ⋯ς read μ⋯ργος.

ζ⋯γγος· ⋯ τ⋯ν μελισσ⋯ν ἦχος, κα⋯ τ⋯ν ⋯μο⋯ων. L. and S. translate literally, ‘humming of bees, etc.’; but to buzz or hum is not a common property of insects, it is peculiar to a few. For τ⋯ν ⋯μο⋯ων I suggest τ⋯ν μυι⋯ν. ζ⋯γγος refers especially to the buzz, or ‘ping’, of a mosquito (μυῖα), LL. zanzara; cf. Cassiodorus (cit. Forcellini, ed. De Wit) ‘Ciniphes genus est culicum, fixis aculeis permolestum, quas vulgus consuevit vocare zinzalas’; and in the Appendix, De Wit adds: ‘zinzala; parva musca, id est culex; unde zinzalarium, conopeum ad eas arcendas, Gloss. Ugut. (Hinc vulgo apud nostrates la zenzaliera)’—i.e. a mosquito-net. Culex, by the way, is an interesting and a homely word; we lack mosquitoes in Scotland, but we know the angry bite of a ‘horse-fly’ and call it a ‘cleg’.
Notes on Ovid's Poems from Exile
Authors: Bailey D. R. Shackleton
Published: February 2009

I would refer to the introductory paragraphs of J. Diggle's ‘Notes on Ovid's Tristia, Books I-II’ (CQ n.s. 30 (1980), 401–19). His list of modern editions does not include F. Della Corte, I Tristia (Genoa, 1973), which I too have not seen. For Book IV we have an edition (not without merit) by T. J. de Jonge (Groningen, 1961).
Apuleius and the Art of Narration
Authors: Dowden Ken
Published: February 2009

Anyone who wants to understand the very considerable art which Apuleius displays in narrating the stories of the Metamorphoses must naturally first describe the various modes of narration which he employs. Such description can scarcely be photographic: it requires its own language of categories and concepts – a language which Apuleius might, or might not, have understood. A valuable modern addition to the vocabulary has been the concept of ‘Point of View’: this concept is used to categorize modes of narration according to the relationship which they set up between reader, narrator and the narrated. The narrator may be more or less involved in the events he narrates; he may know everything about them, or very little; he may relate them as present or as past. The reader may be told much or little of what the narrator knows; he may be made to view the story from the point of view of the narrator, of one of the characters, or even, I suppose, ‘objectively’. This whole sort of categorization has been dear to many authors and critics of this century, but has only recently been taken up by critics of the ancient novels: Chariton, Xenophon, Achilles 1971 (Hägg); Petronius 1973 (Beck); Apuleius 1972 (W. S. Smith), 1978 (van der Paardt).
Plato on Perception and ‘Commons’
Authors: Silverman Allan
Published: February 2009

On the face of it, Plato's treatment of aisthesis is decidedly ambiguous. Sometimes he treats aisthesis as a faculty which, though distinct from all rational capacities, is nonetheless capable of forming judgments such as ‘This stick is bent’ or ‘The same thing is hard and soft’. In the Theaetetus, however, he appears to separate aisthesis from judgment, isolating the former from all prepositional, identificatory and recognitional capacities. The dilemma is easily expressed: Is perception a judgmental or cognitive capacity, or is it a non-judgmental, non-cognitive capacity? If the former, how does perception differ from belief? If the latter, is perception a faculty of the rational or irrational soul? Not surprisingly, the topic has received much scrutiny over the years. And equally unsurprisingly, the debate has turned as much on what it means for a capacity to be judgmental, cognitive, non-judgmental or non-cognitive, as on whether Plato says that it is of either kind.
Two Notes on Catullus
Authors: Powell J. G. F.
Published: February 2009

The beginning of the seventy-sixth poem of Catullus appears to cause some modern readers considerable dismay. One may instance the reactions of R. O. A. M. Lyne: ‘Our first reaction to the beginning of this poem may be one of incredulity’ (The Latin Love Poets [Oxford, 1980], p. 31); ‘The effect of such language is to imply an outrageous and implausible self-righteousness’ (ibid. 32); of K. Quinn: ‘a self-righteousness that makes us feel a little uncomfortable’ (The Catullan Revolution [Melbourne, 1959], p. 77); or of G. Williams: ‘this is sheer melodrama, a deft and surprising reversal of “count your blessings”’(Tradition and Originality in Roman Poetry [Oxford, 1968], p. 410); and, further down, on ‘si vitam puriter egi’: ‘This could be simply priggish or outrageous or both, but he does not mean it as a general statement’ (ibid.)
Vergil, Aeneid 4.543
Authors: Dyson M.
Published: February 2009

In his vigorous analysis of Dido's soliloquy J. Henry confronts the problem of line 543: ‘How comes it that, having just decided that she will not go with the Trojans, that they would not even receive her if she went, she so immediately inquires shall she go with them, alone or accompanied?’ He suggests that the words introduce ‘a new category of objections’; hitherto the issue has been between herself and the Trojans, but now she reflects that the Trojans are not the only people she has to deal with. To go alone is but to run away from her own people, and she cannot in the circumstances of their recent arrival at Carthage ask them to sail with her. ‘Even more impossible to leave Carthage than to go with Aeneas.’
‘Purpureos Spargam Flores’: A Greek Motif in theAeneid?
Authors: Brenk Frederick E.
Published: February 2009

The interplay of Greek and Roman motifs in the Marcellus eulogy at the end of the Sixth Book of theAeneidpresents a complicated study in literary history. The association of roses with the dead is more Roman than Greek, but perhaps not so much so as one might imagine. Roses are not entirely absent from the Greek milieu, and in fact Vergil apparently drew on Greek rose motifs for the eulogy. Archaeology reveals that roses were an important symbol on tomb stelai, along with the epigraphical references to roses. In general the rose in Greek inscriptions was reserved for girls, but at least one is for a boy, and another for a youth of twenty-two. Moreover, Vergil may well have been alluding to Bion's (?)Lament for Adonis, where the rose motif has striking importance.
Ovid's Theban History: The First ‘Anti-Aeneid’?
Authors: Hardie Philip
Published: February 2009

The magnificence of Augustan Rome is the indispensable setting for Ovid the urbane love poet,rusticitasis the one unforgivable sin. Yet in Ovid'sperpetuum carmencities are for the most part invisible, at best incidental backdrops; the countryside, present in many vividly drawn landscapes, constantly thrusts itself on our attention, a place where mysterious powers menace the individual's identity. This neglect of the city makes a striking, and deliberate, contrast with theAeneid, a ktistic epic whose meaning is governed by constant reference forward to the ‘altae moenia Romae’. Ovid, whose main epic time-scale does include the foundation of Rome, devotes five words to the making of those walls. The one major exception to this indifference to the central theme of Virgilian epic is the Theban episode inMetamorphoses3.1–4.603. The story of Cadmus and his family forms a self-contained unit within the flux of Ovid's epic of transformation. It tells of aktisisthat goes wrong: Cadmus obeys Apollo's injunction to found a city (3.13 ‘moenia fac condas’), but in the end the exile who had founded a new home is driven into a second exile: ‘exit | conditor urbe sua’ (4.565f.).
Myrmidons, Dolopes, and Danaans: Wordplays in Aeneid 2
Authors: Moskalew Walter
Published: February 2009

As Aeneas begins his story of Troy's fall he wonders if in relating it even her enemies, such as the Myrmidons or Dolopes or the soldiers of Ulysses, could refrain from tears (Aen. 2.6–8). The reference to a weeping soldier of Ulysses is a subtle allusion to Vergil's Homeric model, but why are the Myrmidons and Dolopes mentioned? The usual explanation that these were the soldiers of Neoptolemus, who plays a central role in Aeneas' account of Troy's fall, is not entirely satisfactory.

In Homer the Myrmidons inhabit Phthia (cf. Il. 2.683–4) and are thus naturally linked with Achilles and Patroclus, but the Dolopes seem to play no role at all in the fighting. Their name occurs only once in the Iliad (as the people ruled by Phoenix) and not at all in the Odyssey.
A Palaeographical Corruption in Ovid, Ex Ponto 4.6
Authors: Akrigg Mark
Published: February 2009

In lines 35–8 Ovid compliments the poem's recipient Brutus on his skill as a forensic orator. The transmitted text is as follows:

hostibus eueniat quam sis uiolentus in armis

sentire et linguae tela subire tuae,

quae tibi tam tenui cura limantur ut omnes

istius ingenium corporis esse negent.
Ringing Welkins
Authors: West M. L.
Published: February 2009

The paradoxographer Apollonius (Mirab. 40, p. 53 Keller) preserves the memory of a singular occurrence which Aristoxenus (fr. 117 Wehrli) had recorded as having happened in southern Italy in his own time. A strange insanity afflicted women. They would suddenly leap up in the middle of dinner, hearing the call of a voice, and rush out into the country.μαντενομένοις δ⋯ τοῖς Λοκροῖς κα⋯ ‘Ρηγίνοις περ⋯ τ⋯ς ⋯παλλαγ⋯ς το⋯ πάθους εἰπεῖν τ⋯ν θεόν, παι⋯νας ἄιδειν ⋯αρινοὺς †δωδεκατης† ⋯μέρας’
Periplus Maris Erythraei, Remarks on Chapter 47
Authors: Palmer J. A. B.
Published: February 2009

Chapter 47 contains a sentence which has been the subject of a good deal of controversy and is manifestly corrupt. In the codex it reads as follows: κα τοᾁτων πνω μαϰιμᾃτατον ἒθνος Bακτριανν ὑπ βασιλα οὖσαν ἴδιον τπον κα 'Aλξανδρος ρμηθες π τν μερν τοᾁτων ἂϰρι τοȗ Γγγον διλθε κτλ.

Attempts have been made to connect this sentence with the rulers of the Kushan dynasty. It has even been suggested that οὖσαν represents Kονσαν (Kennedy, J.R.A.S. 1913, p. 127): the suggestion naturally won no acceptance, but one may point out that in any case it failed to attack the real difficulty, which lies in the words (or word) ἴδιον τπον On that essential point, the views of recent editors have both varied and combined.
Isocrates and Recitations
Authors: Hudson-Williams H. Ll.
Published: February 2009

Little has been said as to how Isocrates' λγοι were published. It is commonly assumed that they were written for a reading public but for greater effect were given a fictitious dramatic setting. Such a generalization, although partly true, needs qualification. This article attempts to prove the following points:

(a) Isocrates wrote for a listening, as well as for a reading, public.

(b) Failure to recognize indications of this in his works has led to misinterpretation and mistranslation, especially of certain words used in a semi-technical sense.

(c) There has been a tendency to confuse references to a real audience who will actually be listening to the λόγος with references to a fictitious audience introduced as a picturesque literary device.

(d) The Panegyricus provides an example of this. It is not, as is generally supposed, addressed to an imaginary audience in Olympia or some other πανγυρις but to real audiences in Athens, as well as to an Athenian reading public.
The Later Comic Chorus
Authors: Maidment K. J.
Published: February 2009

The history of Attic comedy after the fifth century is not simple. The comic fragments are obscure, because they are fragments: and the ancient interpreters, because they are determined to interpret. But the subject still remains interesting and important, especially in so far as it is concerned with Middle Comedy, which filled the gap between Aristophanes and Menander. Formally and materially, Menander was a modern, while Aristophanes was not: and it was during the fourth century that the ground was being prepared for the change. Now one of the most noticeable differences between Old and New Comedy was the altered position of the chorus; and although the very mixed assortment of facts available makes coherent conclusions difficult, I think it worth enquiring how much can be known of the chorus after Aristophanes.
The Gerundive as Future Participle Passive in the Panegyrici Latini
Authors: Maguinness W. S.
Published: February 2009

Panegyric IV (Nazarius), 24, 2: diducta acie inreuocabilem impetum hostis effundis, dein quos ludificandos receperas reductis agminibus includis.

Acidalius' correction ludificando is accepted in both the Teubner editions. The addition of the s would, of course, be an easy error, and quite characteristic of the MSS, of these authors. But there is no need for the correction, in view of the frequency; in the Panegyrici Latini, of the Gerundive as a Future Participle Passive, an unquestionable example of which occurs, in fact, in the last sentence of the chapter in question. ‘Quos ludificandos receperas’ means ‘whom you had admitted with the intention that they should be tricked,’ is equivalent in sense to ‘quos ludificaturus receperas.’ The Gerundive used as Future Participle Passive gives an appropriate picture of the purpose with which the manoeuvre described by receperas was carried out.
The Greek Novelists, Miscellanea
Authors: Jackson John
Published: February 2009

A word of apology may be due for the loose arrangement of this paper; but, as an orderly progress through the 600 odd pages of the Didot Scriptores Erotici was out of the question, I have simply taken a number of passages on which I had corrections to propose, appending to each a few lines of comment, and adding, where feasible, a selection of texts amenable, in my judegment, to the same or an analogous treatment. A reading cited with no mark of orgin may be taken as the consenting manuscript tradition (trivialities excepted); an asterisk denotes a conjecture of my own.
The Authorship of the Hellenica of Oxyrhynchus
Authors: Jacoby F.
Published: February 2009

In re-opening the case of the authorship of the Hellenica of Oxyrhynchus I am afraid I must state at once that you will find that there is not much in it, at least nothing new. The few pages, recently published by Vittorio Bartoletti, from a papyrus book which evidently contained the same work as P. Oxy. 842 (whether they belong to the same papyrus is therefore a secondary question) have not changed the state of the problem. They confirm (which is important, though not surprising) the two primary facts known about the author in question: (1) that he is a continuator of Thucydides—a fact which was inferred at once from the very exceptional use of Thucydides' war-year, and which, incidentally, does not allow of the further inference that he intended merely to complement Thucydides, ending his work with the fall of Athens, as it is often assumed that Xenophon originally did; (2) that he was the main source of Ephoros for the period for which Thucydides was no longer available. But, unfortunately, they do not contain a title-page or subscription; and it does not help that in the remains of col. ii the anonymous author seems to quote Thucydides. Quotations of prose writers by name are extremely rare in the fifth and even in the fourth century, but they do occur: Herodotus quotes Hekataios for a special point, and Thucydides quotes Hellanikos for a special period, though it is worth while mentioning that both quotations are polemical.
Some Explanations and Emendations of Martial
Authors: Ker Alan
Published: February 2009

The text of Martial is fairly good, though not as good as many editors seem to think. We have three separate sources from which our manuscripts are derived, which are called by Lindsay in the O.C.T. AA, BA and O.1 All three sources seem to have suffered from editing, AA less than the others. In A.D. 401 one Torquatus Gennadius seems to have emended the text (feliciter as the ‘puff’ in some of the BA MSS. puts it). We do not know whether all three sources were affected by this recension: all we know is that the BA family are the only manuscripts that mention it. But there are many signs of recension discernible in the readings of the other families too, e.g. pas-sages which have evidently had grammar or syntax thrust upon them—and in these I do not include the now obscure allusions and the dead jokes past recall.
The Chronology of Antiphon's Speeches
Authors: Dover K. J.
Published: February 2009

Two firm points in the chronology of Antiphon's speeches are VI περ⋯ τοὖ χορευτοὖ in 419/81and theDefence(περ⋯ τ⋯σ μεταστ⋯σεωσ) in 411/02. Speech V περ⋯ τ⋯σ 'Hρῷδου is now generally dated between these two; only the vaguest attempts have been made to date I κατ⋯ τ⋯σ μητρυ⋯ασ; there is no general agreement on either the date or the authorship of the Tetralogies. The main purpose of this paper is to adduce linguistic as well as external evidence for the dating of V in the neighbourhood of 414 and to show grounds for dating I between VI and V. Its secondary purpose is to apply some of the results gained in this inquiry to the fragments and the Tetralogies.
Greek Record-Keeping and Record-Breaking
Authors: Tod Marcus N.
Published: February 2009

The celebration of the revived Olympic games in London in the summer of 1948 gave to ‘records’ an unusually prominent place in men's thoughts and in their speech and writing, and we instinctively turn back to the ancient Greek world, which witnessed the foundation of the Olympic festival and its long history of wellnigh twelve centuries, to seek traces of any similar phenomenon.
Aeschylea
Authors: Broadhead H. D.
Published: February 2009

In this article I have been concerned to show that some commonly accepted readings or interpretations are inadequate, to offer what I believe to be the correct interpretations, to justify these by a careful consideration of the context, and to-propose corrections that give the required sense and are in accordance with well-established palaeographical canons.
South Italian Vases and Attic Drama
Authors: Webster T. B. L.
Published: February 2009

In The Theatre of Dionysus in Athens Dr. Pickard-Cambridge includes a most useful and convenient collection of south Italian vase-paintings which have been held to throw light on the stage-settings of Greek tragedy. He concludes that they give no evidence for Athens in the fifth century and in particular do not justify the assumption that interior scenes were played in a porch in front of the central door. The second conclusion is true, but some of the vases do show that the central doors could be thrown wide open to display an interior scene. The first conclusion is formally correct, but it should be remembered that the “plays came from Athens, and it is at least possible that the south Italian producers modelled themselves on Athenian producers. In any case these vases are worthy of further consideration.
On Negativing Greek Participles, Where the Leading Verbs are of a Type to Require μή
Authors: Moorhouse A. C.
Published: February 2009

It is one of the attractions of Greek syntax that it provides an abundance of usages which require careful discrimination, if we are to appreciate their value; and which at the same time present problems of interpretation which have not been completely solved. This is particularly the case with the use of the negatives, and it is one of these constructions with which we are concerned here.
Aristotle's Teleology and Uexküll's Theory of Living Nature
Authors: Weiss Helene
Published: February 2009

The purpose of this paper is to draw attention to a similarity between an ancient and a modern theory of living nature. There is no need to present the Aristotelian doctrine in full detail. I must rather apologize for repeating much that is well known. My endeavour is to offer it for comparison, and, incidentally, to clear it from misrepresentation. Uexküll's theory, on the other hand, is little known, and what is given here is an insufficient outline of it. I do not maintain that either doctrine is right. I am fully aware that the problem of the essence of living nature by no means admits of an éasy solution. In offering for consideration the comparison contained in this paper I would go no farther than owning my belief that the two authors here discussed, both thinkers who combine an intensely philosophical outlook with a wide biological experience, are worth the attention not only of the historian of science and philosophy, but also of the student of philosophical biology.
Mousers In Egypt
Authors: Gow A. S. F.
Published: February 2009

When Erysichthon, son of Triopas, persisted in felling trees in a grove sacred to Demeter the goddess inflicted on him an insatiable appetite, the consequences of which are brilliantly recounted by Callimachus in his sixth Hymn. Among them is a vain appeal from Triopas to his father Poseidon either to cure or else to feed his grandson, who has devoured the mules, the heifer which his mother was rearing for sacrifice, the racehorse, and the charger,
Do Line Totals in the Aeneid Show a Preoccupation with Significant Numbers?
Authors: Dilke O. A. W.
Published: February 2009

The idea of structural analysis of the Aeneid has been attacked recently by some who believe that too complicated mathematics are involved in line totals involving a golden mean. The object of the present article is to investigate whether simpler numerical effects are discernible in the poem, and whether these effects were deliberately inserted by Virgil.

The significant numbers to be examined in this connexion are 3, 7, 12, and 30. The first three of these are among the ritualistic numbers whose use in the Aeneid was discussed by C. P. Clark, while 30 is among other things part of the series 3, 30, 300 (total 333) which we encounter in Aen. I. 261–96.
Two Horatian Problems
Authors: Giangrande Giuseppe
Published: February 2009

This is one of the Horatian passages most tormented by the critics. Four points, I think, may now be safely regarded as established.

First of all, the lectio tradita can hardly be sound : those who have tried to defend it—their Nestor is Porphyrio himself—have encountered insuperable difficulties. Magnum—to use Kiessling—Heinze's word—is patently ‘sinnlos’. Secondly, none of the proposed conjectures really satisfies. Maga non, as Kiessling-Heinze rightly note, is excluded by metrical reasons alone, not to mention its stylistic harshness ; magica, favoured by Kiessling-Heinze, is scarcely better : the epithet is tautological after venena, and if we accept the emendation we are compelled to postulate a very awkward zeugma (cf. Kiessling-Heinze and Wickham ad loc.). Thirdly, the corruption is pre-medieval, because Porphyrio already read magnum : if we have to apply palaeographical methods for the solution of the problem, we must reason in terms of Roman cursive.
Varro and Pompey
Authors: Astbury Raymond
Published: February 2009

The purpose of this article is to consider the problem of the ascribed to Varro and to attempt to show that, despite the doubts expressed by modern scholars, the balance of the evidence does support the traditional interpretation.

Appian, dealing with the ‘Triumvirate’ of 59 B.C., tells us: The usual interpretation of this passage has been that Varro wrote a political pamphlet, possibly in the form of a Menippean satire,2 against the First Triumvirate, to which he gave the title.There are obvious difficulties in this interpretation, which appears to conflict with what we know of Varro's relations with Pompey in the period before the formation of the Triumvirate and his actions afterwards.
Demolior as a Passive
Authors: Daube David
Published: February 2009

The Thesaurus lists a number of texts where demolior appears as a passive. To these should be added Cicero, Topica 4.22: ‘Ab efficientibus rebus hoc modo. Omnibus est ius parietem directum ad parietem communem adiungere vel solidum vel fornicatum. Sed qui in pariete communi demoliendo damni infecti promiserit, non debebit prae-stare quod fornix viti fecerit. Non enim eius vitio qui demolitus est damnum factum est, sed eius operis vitio quod ita aedificatum est ut suspendi non posset.’
On the New Greek Historical Drama
Authors: Page D. L.
Published: February 2009

See Lobel, Proc. British Academy xxxv. 1 ff., June 1950.

I. col. ii. 1. γυ[ ]… εῖδον [ο]ὐκ εἴκαсμ⋯ τι

εἰκ⋯сματι = εἰκαсμ⋯ι, ‘by guessing’, seems at least as likely as εἴκαсμ⋯ τι = εἴδωλ⋯ν τι ‘[At first I could not make out who or what it was: but when] I saw Gyges [clearly,] not by guesswork, I was afraid of a plot for murder.’ For example:

ΓΓ[γην сαϕ⋯][εἰ]εῖδον, [ο]ὐκ εἰκ⋯сματι, κτλ.

For the relation of εἴκαсμα to εἰκ⋯ζω, cf. κ⋯λαсμα, κ⋯μπαсμα, ὕβριсμα, etc.
A New Gnomologium: with some Remarks on Gnomic Anthologies (I)
Authors: Barns John
Published: February 2009

This papyrus was acquired, with some others, for the Egypt Exploration Society in 1914 at Medînet-el-Faiyûm by Dr. John Johnson. It consists of five large pieces; of these four join and together measure 37 × 24·5 cm.; they contain remains of three adjacent columns. Another piece measures 5 × 13·5 cm., and a small unplaced scrap (Fr. A) 4·5 × 3·7 cm. The writing of the recto, which runs along the fibres, is large, regular, rounded, and clear, but not elegant; I would assign it to the second century B.C. The verso was written across the fibres; the hand may be the same, but seems more cursive; the surface is very damaged and no whole word is legible. A certain irregularity in the spacing of letters and lines suggests that the papyrus was used again for a document.
The Michigan Alcidamas-Papyrus; Heraclitus Fr. 56D; The Riddle of the Lice
Authors: Kirk G. S.
Published: February 2009

During the excavations of 1924–5 at Karanis a papyrus (Michigan 2745) of the second or early third century A.D. was discovered, and subsequently published by J. G. Winter (‘A New Fragment on the Life of Homer’, Trans. Am. Philol. Ass., lvi, 1925, 120 ff. and pl. A), which under its single column has a subscribed title which should almost certainly be restored as ‘Alcidamas, On Homer’. The first fourteen lines of the papyrus give most of the story of Homer's death and the riddle that caused it, which is common to all the extant Lives of Homer; the remainder is a general eulogy of Homer and a profession of transmitting his works to posterity. The interest of the discovery lies in the knowledge that it gives of a hitherto unrecorded work by Alcidamas, the rhetorician and contemporary of Isocrates, and the new fuel that it provides for an old controversy about the origins of the work known as the Certamen. The first part of this article aims at both re-examining the value of the papyrus and reopening some of the old questions on the Certamen.
Homer as Artist
Authors: Parry Anne Amory
Published: February 2009

Homeric studies today are flourishing, but admirers of Homer as poetry are a rather baffled lot. Homerists may devote themselves to Linear B, Mycenaean warfare and weaponry, formulary modifications, linguistic features, Yugoslav parallels, and other such topics; but anyone who prefers to concentrate on Homer himself and offers an interpretation of some part of the Iliad or Odyssey is liable to meet with the rejoinder that literary standards must not be applied to an oral poet.
Heraclitus: Fragment 98 (DK)
Authors: Tugwell Simon
Published: February 2009

. ‘This saying is obscure’, as Marcovich observes, and much πολυμαθίη has been expended on it, which would have amazed and dismayed Heraclitus. Perhaps, as so often, we are being too clever, and overlooking the obvious, to which Heraclitus keeps trying to bring us back (‘the sun is a foot wide’—fr. 3 DK). Why do souls smell in Hades ? Well, ‘it is death to souls to become water’ (fr. 36 DK), ‘it is death for souls to get wet’ (fr. 77 DK). It seems to be generally agreed that Heraclitus thought the soul to be, in principle, fire. And what happens when fire gets wet ? A lot of smoke. ‘And if all things became smoke, the nostrils would discern them’ (fr. 7 DK). That is to say, in a place of quenched souls (Hades), it is the sense of smell that has to come into play. And perhaps that is what we were looking for.
Heracles' Intention in His Second Request of Hyllus: Trach. 1216–51
Authors: MacKinnon J. Kenneth
Published: February 2009

Commentators on the Trachiniae, when dealing with Heracles' second request of Hyllus, normally take it that the dying hero asks his son to marry Iole, Heracles' concubine.

Such a request on the part of any Greek in Heracles' situation would be puzzling. It is specially so on the part of Heracles, who has not been notable in the drama up to this point for tenderness to his womenfolk, having given no consideration to Deianeira's sentiments in the matter of his liaison with Iole, and less to Iole's, in that he has sacked her city, slain her kinfolk, and enslaved herself. Albrecht von Blumenthal expresses the bewilderment which all who have read the passage in this light must initially have felt: ‘Warum Herakles den widerstrebenden Sohn zur Erfüllung dieses mit hellenischer Sitte unvereinbaren Vermächtnisses durch die schrecklichsten Drohungen zwingt, ist ein noch nicht enträtseltes Geheimnis des Sophokles.’ Explanations must be sought.
A Theophany in Theocritus
Authors: Williams Frederick
Published: February 2009

In a masterly study of the language and motifs of Theocritus’ Thalysia, Dr. G. Giangrande has demonstrated that what the poem relates is the mock-investiture of Simichidas, the naïve young townsman and littérateur, performed with almost malicious irony by the goatherd Lycidas, who sees through, and ridicules, Simichidas’ rustic and poetic pretensions.1 My object in this paper is to examine, in the light of Giangrande's findings, some aspects of the presentation of Lycidas; this examination will, I believe, enable us to bring the poem into still sharper focus.
Catullus, 55. 9–12
Authors: Foster Jonathan
Published: February 2009

Catullus has been looking everywhere for his friend Camerius. In Pompey's arcade he has accosted all the girls who were hanging about there, but they have calmly disavowed knowledge of his friend's whereabouts. At line 9 Catullus breaks into flagitatio, the beginning of which is desperately corrupt: attempts to emend avelte have been made, but it seems more realistic to assume that avelte is the result of some corruption of quas vultu at the beginning of line 8 (with which it has four letters, a v lt, in common, and e - - e corresponding to u - -u), and that it has ousted the original beginning of line 9. In terms of a flagitatio—the girls are pessimae inasmuch as they are allegedly withholding what is Catullus' own, his friend, from him—the sort of word one expects is redde or cedo. Hence reddatis here, merely exempli gratia, would be one conceivable way of introducing the demand. (The ellipse of the imperatives da and cedo which Fordyce alludes to is a well-known feature of colloquial Latin, but it would be most unnatural in a flagitatio to omit the most significant and forceful word, the imperative claiming the return of Catullus' friend.)
Theocritean Elements in Virgil's Eclogues
Authors: Garson R. W.
Published: February 2009

Much of the early scholarship on Virgilian borrowings from Theocritus offered mere lists of parallel passages and, where criticism was attempted at all, the Eclogues often attracted such uncomplimentary labels as ‘cento’ or ‘pastiche’. In more recent scholarship the tendency to concentrate on insoluble problems and arithmetical correspondences lingers and, while some critical works of the sixties are characterized by a welcome upsurge in sensitivity, one occasionally suspects that Virgil has had attributed to him concepts which are two millennia ahead of his time. To redress the balance, the following pages adhere to the text of Virgil and aim at being fairly conservative. Despite the volume of literature on the Eclogues, ample scope remains for differing interpretations, for the filling in of details and for a more methodical approach to the specific subject of borrowings from Theocritus.
Plutarch's Methods in the Lives
Authors: Wardman A. E.
Published: February 2009

The locus classicus for Plutarch's own views on his methods is in the Alexander He has begun by asking for the indulgence of his readers if they do not find all the exploits of Alexander and Caesar recounted by the biographer or if they discover him not reporting some famous incident in detail (); and he goes on to compare his own search for evidence which will indicate the kind of soul, with the activity of the painter, who, in order to create a likeness, concentrates on the eyes and pays little attention to the other parts. Commentators and critics have been right to take this as a key text for the purpose of understanding Plutarch's attitude towards his biographical work; nevertheless there are other passages in the Lives where we can at least glimpse his attitude to his subject, and we can only see the Alexander-remarks in correct perspective if we take these other passages into account. I propose therefore, starting with the Alexander, to see how far these critical remarks apply to Plutarch's theory and practice elsewhere in the Lives
The Manuscript Tradition of Simplicius' Commentary on Aristotle's Physics i-iv
Authors: Coxon A. H.
Published: February 2009

The following discussion' of the manuscript tradition of Simplicius' commentary on Aristotle's Physics i-iv originated in an examination of the tradition of the fragments of Parmenides. It is therefore illustrated not only from Simplicius but particularly from the texts of Parmenides quoted by him. This will not be misleading, since, though many of these texts are quoted by Simplicius more than once, there is little or no sign in any manuscript of interpolation from one passage to another and it is not likely that any scribe could have interpolated the text from an independent manuscript of Parmenides.
Characterization in Drama and Oratory—Poetics 1450a20
Authors: Pearson Lionel
Published: February 2009

It may not occur to a modern reader of the Poetics to think that Aristotle is drawing contrasts between poetry and oratory. But there is one aspect of tragedy which must have forced him to think of a contrast with oratory, especially forensic oratory, even though he seems to make no special effort to draw it to the reader's attention. This is the matter of characterization. He does not believe that it is the purpose of tragedy to illustrate character; he says that action, not ethical quality, is the of tragedy, that action and plot are what matter most and that action is not subordinate to character-representation.
Ille Ego Qui Quondam…
Authors: Austin R. G.
Published: February 2009

Of these lines Markland wrote in 1728 (on Statius, S. 5. 3. 8) ‘patet ignari cuiusdam et barbari interpolatoris esse’; Dr. Trapp in 1735 found them ‘in themselves flat, and improper, and altogether unworthy of Virgil’; ‘in his ipsis miror qui factum sit ut Viri Doctissimi non agnouerint orationis uim et elegantiam’ (Wagner, 1832); ‘finding in them … all Virgil's usual ease and suavity … [we] hail those verses with joy, and reinstate them in their rightful … position as the commencing verses of the great Roman epic’ (Henry, 1873); ‘uersus praeclarissimos iniuria poeta abiudicauerunt editores plerique’ (Hirtzel, OGT, 1901);
Nundinae and The Chronology of the Late Roman Republic
Authors: Lintott A. W.
Published: February 2009

In a previous article (C.Q. N.S. xv [1965], 281 ff.) I argued that the promulgatio trinundinum, regularly necessary before a vote in a legislative assembly, an election, or a iudicium populi during the late Roman Republic, was not the declaration of an interval of time (either seventeen or twenty-four days) but a publication of the proposed business which had to be made over three market-days or nundinae. These market-days occurred continuously at eight-day intervals, and no fresh start was made at the beginning of a year or other period. So the identification of nundinae near the time when a law or other piece of public business was being transacted should provide evidence for or against my view, and further, if this view is sound, suggest more precisely the dates on which certain events occurred.
The Ideal Courtier: Pindar and Hieron inPythian2
Authors: Stoneman Richard
Published: February 2009

There is some audacity in adding to the formidable list of articles onPythian2, which raise the questions of the structure or thematic coherence of the ode, of its specific occasion and of its relation to Pindar's biography. In this paper my aim is the circumscribed one of showing how a correct analysis of the final section of the poem (lines 72–end) can lead us to a better understanding of the nature of Pindar's poetry, and of the way in which he adapts his laudatory stance to the circumstances and status of the addressee.
Callimachus' Hymn to Zeus
Authors: Hopkinson N.
Published: February 2009

Recent work on Callimachus has tended to concentrate on the technicalities of his poetry. Commentaries on the Hymns have dealt exhaustively with vocabulary, metrics, Homeric allusion, historical background. What remains to be done is to use these detailed pieces of work in readings of the individual poems, showing how the commentator's minutiae can be assimilated into an overall view of each hymn. In Hellenistische Dichtung Wilamowitz attempted such an appreciation; but since his time literary approaches have changed considerably. With the thorough commentary of G. R. McLennan as foundation, it may be worth while to make a re-assessment of the Hymn to Zeus in less technical terms. In the reading which I offer here I hope to escape the tyranny of the individual word; but I hope, too, that what I have to say will not appear too loosely founded on the text.
A Further Attempt on ‘SPE Longus', Horace A.P. 172
Authors: Powell J. G. F.
Published: February 2009

…vel quod res omnes timide gelideque ministrat,

dilator, † spe longus, iners (p)avidusque futuri,

diffcilis, querulus…

I agree with Brink, and other editors referred to by him ad loe, that spe longus in Horace's description of the typical old man's character cannot be made to give sense. For earlier attempts at emendation, see Brink's note (p. 239 of his commentary). Most of those who have tried to emend the passage concentrate on longus, and are reluctant to relinquish spe: this is largely due to the parallel with Aristotle's account of the character of old men in Rhetoric 2. 13. 1389b 13ff., in which (1390a4) they are said to be, among other things it seems to me that this parallel should not be pressed too far. There is much in Aristotle that is not in Horace, and nothing to suggest close and detailed dependence. The parallel can only be relevant if spe longus can be turned into a reasonable Latin equivalent for Otherwise there is no good reason to suppose that spe is any less likely to be corrupt than longus.
Wheat in thn Roman World: an addendum
Authors: Mayerson Philip
Published: February 2009

J. K. Evans' well-documented article, ‘Wheat production and its social consequences in the Roman world’, correctly makes the point that ‘the evidence with regard to wheat yields is at once meagre and plainly contradictory’. The difficulty in assessing yields arises, of course, from the character of the available source material; namely, literary sources. The information comes from the hands of men such as Cicero and Varro who were concerned with matters other than specific data on the cultivation and production of grains, and who probably never sowed or reaped a modius of wheat. What was lacking until recently was a bona-fide document from the hands of a farmer or a community intimately concerned with the growing of wheat. We now have one such document, P. Colt 82 of the seventh century A.D., that fills a gap in the evidence for yields for both wheat and barley.
The Pseudo-Aristotelian Problems: Their Nature and Composition
Authors: Forster E. S.
Published: February 2009

TheProblems, which occupy pp. 859-967 of the Berlin Aristotle, have probably been less read and studied than any other treatise in the Aristotelian Corpus; they contain, however, a vast quantity of interesting information on a great variety of subjects, and an enquiry into their composition may be not without interest.
Hands and Scribes
Authors: Lobel E.
Published: February 2009

In pi. 48 of his Facsimilés de manuscrits grecs des XVe et XVIe Siècles M. Otnont gives a specimen of what purports to be the hand of Valeriano Albini. The MS. from which it is reproduced, Paris, gr. 1687, has at f. 158v τατην δ ββλον Οαλερίανοσ фορολɩβɩεὺσ Άλβνου Ενετὺσɩ, ν τψ το αϒοὐΕνετɩου μοναστηρψ εˣϒραΨε, εˣτη του κυρίον ᾑμων … αϕμ … (Omont, p. 15), which might be thought warranty enough. Unfortunately MS.
Miscellanea II
Authors: Allen T. W.
Published: February 2009

The least attentive Hellenist must have noticed that the Greek tongue contains a number of pairs of nouns of identical or nearly related meaning—one in the masculine, the other in the feminine. The subject attracted the notice of Lobeck, Pathoiogia, pp. 7 sq., Technologia, pp. 267 sq.; G. Meyer in Curtius' Studien V., p. 68; Stein in the introduction to his Herodotus, p. lx (on the variations in the MSS.); and the resultant list will be found in Kuhner-Blass I., pp. 501, 502. It is not complete (I can add one pearl of great price: ⋯ ⋯ν⋯μη from the Apophthegmata patrum, Migne, LXV. 261 B; and ⋯ν π⋯λψ E 397 was taken by Aristarchus to mean εν πύλῃ, and this may be the origin of the three πύλοι), and the question deserves investigation. The only doctrine that can be called such appears to be the remark in schol. BT on Σ 551 (which did not escape Lobeck), δρεπανας] Iωνɩκως, οủτοɩ ϒαρ τρεπουσɩ πάντα είς τ⋯φρη, ταϕρη αστραϒαλη.
The Earliest Example of Christian Hymnody
Authors: Wellesz E. J.
Published: February 2009

From Patristic writings ample evidence can be gathered about the important part which hymn-singing held in Early Christianity. Until recently, however, Early Christian hymnography was known only from documents transmitting the text but not the music. The discovery and publication of a Christian hymn in Greek with musical notation was, therefore, bound to change the whole aspect of studies concerned with the history of Early Christian music. This happened, as is well known, in 1922 when, under No. 1786 of the fifteenth volume of the Oxyrhynchus Papyri A. S. Hunt edited a fragment of a hymn, dating from the late third century, together with a transcript of the music by H. Stuart Jones. For the first time it became possible to realize what kind of music Greek-speaking Christians in Egypt sang in praise of the Lord.
False Statement in Plato's Sophist
Authors: Hackforth R.
Published: February 2009

Plato's examination of False Statement (Sophist 259 D–263 D) is, like many of his discussions in the later dialogues, a mixture of complete lucidity with extreme obscurity. Any English student who seeks to understand it will of course turn first to Professor Cornford's translation and commentary; and if he next reads what M. Diès has to say in the Introduction to his Budé edition of the Sophist he will, I think, have sufficient acquaintance with the views of modern Platonic scholars on the subject. For myself, at least, I have not gained any further understanding from other writers than these two.
TepΘpeia
Authors: Richardson L. J. D.
Published: February 2009

The word τερθρεία, which L. and S.8 derived (following Moeris) from τερατεία and translated ‘the use of claptraps’, is perhaps best known from its occurrence in Isocrates (Helen, § 4), but the new edition has spread the net more widely, citing Philo, Philodemus, Proclus, Galen, Dion. Hal., and giving its meaning as ‘the use of extreme subtlety, hair-splitting, formal pedantry’. This agrees better with the gloss / κενοσπονδία attributed to Orus of Miletus in Et. Mag. 753. 4. Aristotle, Demosthenes, and Plutarch each use τερθρεύομαι once. In the Helen Isocrates, condemning the futile ingenuity of the Sophists in writing encomia on such unworthy objects as salt and humble-bees, holds that such tours de force are immoral, as (i) tending to deceive, (ii) representing a literary form of the vice περιεργία. Τερθρεία, then, should take its place, as a recognized term for the idle over-elaboration of a banausic theme, in the vocabulary of Greek literary criticism. It does not, however, appear in Rhys Roberts's ‘Glossary of Greek Rhetoric’ appended to his edition of D.H.'s On Literary Composition. No doubt this is because τερθρεία does not occur in this or any other of D.H.'s Scripta Rhetorica. But D.H. himself uses the word in Antiq. Rom. (ii. 19). Similarly J. F. Lockwood does not discuss the term in his lists in C.Q. xxxi and xxxii, where he collects words which are used metaphorically by D.H. in literary criticism. The metaphor in τερθρεία is certainly not obvious; but the literary sense must have involved some transference of meaning, for it is not to be expected that the word τερθρεία sprang, in full panoply of critical significance, from the brain of the Muse of Rhetoric; and it is part of the purpose of this paper to point the way to an explanation, or at least to set forth some known facts about the word and its possible congeners.
Basic Greek Values in Euripides' Hecuba and Hercules Furens
Authors: Adkins Artheur W. H.
Published: February 2009

To be satisfactory, a scholarly interpretation of a Greek tragedy must enable the present-day reader to see the play, so far as is possible, through the eyes of the fifth-century audience. If it does not, if it merely substitutes the predilections of a particular scholar for those of the reader, it is useless, and indeed worse than useless; for the reader unassisted by the interpretation of others may well examine the play critically for himself, while the reader with an interpretation at his elbow is likely to make every effort to fit the ideas of the tragedian into the schema provided for him. Certainly, more and more interpretations are of the kind which assist the reader; but a significant number even of the most recent throw more darkness than light on their subject by refusing to acknowledge the whole context of value and belief in terms of which the tragedians wrote, and the audience watched, these dramas. The result of such misinterpretation is frequently, as in the case of the two I shall discuss here, to present for our admiration a more high-minded and uplifting drama than the one which (say) Euripides wrote; but our concern is presumably not to achieve this end, but to understand Euripides and his audience.