bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Reform of Apartheid and Continued Destabilisation in Southern Africa
Authors: Kibble Steve , Bush Ray
Published: November 2008

Continuous pressure against the South African Government has led to what previously seemed unthinkable: the reform of apartheid. Strikes from 1973 onwards, the Soweto revolt in 1976, the increasing resistance from school and consumer boycotts, the strengthening black trade-union movement and mass political organisations, and the unceasing campaign by the African National Congress, have led the State President, P. W. Botha, to declare in early 1986 that apartheid in its present form cannot be maintained, despite strong reactions from sections of Afrikaner interests. Many of the structures thought essential to racial segregation are to go: the pass laws controlling the movement of African men and women, the fiction that the ‘Bantustans’ are ’independent’ or ‘national’ states, and that urban blacks are citizens of other countries. There is even the promise of political representation for Africans. These measures appear to mark the end of Botha's attempt to create a divided black working class — some with residence rights in white-only areas, and others, notably unskilled migrants, without. The specific shape of the more racially-integrated South Africa which Botha promises remains unclear. It is not surprising in a recession that the President appears to have recognised the inappropriateness and disproportionate cost which maintaining structures of black recruitment to white employers has on the state's exchequer — not including the cost of policing influx control.
Military-Inspired Anti-Bureaucratic Corruption Campaigns: an Appraisal of Niger's Experience
Authors: Amuwo Kunle
Published: November 2008

The French colony of Niger gained republican status on 18 December 1958 and political independence on 3 August 1960. This vast country, twice the size of its ex-metropole, and which figures amongst the 25 least-developed countries in the world, was under the political direction of the Parti progressiste nigérien for over 15 years. The P.P.N. had come to power in September 1958, after capturing 78 per cent of the votes cast in favour of continued membership of the now defunct French Community, and was headed by Hamani Diori, the leader of the local section of the Rassemblement démocratique africain, the more or less common platform for French-speaking West African politicians after World War II. However, President Diori formed his first cabinet only after the independence constitution had been promulgated on 8 November 1960.
Aid from the Federal Republic of Germany to Africa
Authors: Hofmeier Rolf
Published: November 2008

THE Federal Republic of Germany is one of the major pillars of the group of western industrialised capitalist countries, and this largely determines its rôle in international financial institutions, and its attitudes to the global economic system and market structures. The F.R.G. is second in the world, behind the United States, expressed by its share of the monetary volume of total international trade, but the proportion of exports relative to G.N.P. is much higher than in America and slightly more than in Japan.
Marketing West Africa's Export Crops: Modern Boards and Colonial Trading Companies
Authors: Laurens van Der Laan H.
Published: November 2008

The establishment of marketing boards in British West Africa in the 1940s was heralded at the time as a drastic, perhaps revolutionary change in the produce trade. The political implications were undoubtedly great: public enterprise (the marketing boards) had replaced private enterprise (a number of trading companies), and the ongoing debate on their relative merits made a colourful excursion to West Africa in the 1950s because this region offered a clear-cut case for comparison.1 The differences between the organisations were thus inevitably highlighted.
Soviet Policy in Sub-Saharan Africa: the Final Phase
Authors: Webber Mark
Published: November 2008

The transformation of Soviet foreign policy during the Gorbachev era was truly seismic in nature. Re-evaluations were effected in all areas of policy, resulting, most visibly, in the fundamental reordering of relations with the United States and fellow N.A.T.O. countries, and the demise of the Warsaw Pact and communist régimes in Eastern Europe. Equally sweeping were alterations in approach to the Third World and, more specifically, sub-saharan Africa, where changes in policy Soviet retreat.
Kenya: Income Distribution and Poverty–an Unfashionable View
Authors: Hazlewood Arthur
Published: November 2008

Kenya has a bad image among those who see themselves as ‘friends of the people’, who for many years must have thought of it as the land where it is always 1788. But although some years ago we were informed by a reliable authority that ‘Africa is ripe for revolution’, in Kenya up till now – though who dares predict what will be in the newspapers tomorrow? – it is still not 1789: the revolution has not arrived.
Labour Mobilisation in Morocco
Authors: Andriamananjara Rajaona
Published: November 2008

The shortage of capital has always been viewed as one of the crucial bottlenecks in the process of economic development, although recently the emphasis seems to have shifted to the shortage of skilled manpower. Whether it is defined to be only physical or also human – i.e. training, education, and health – capital formation still constitutes the cornerstone of the theory of, and plans for, economic development. Almost by definition, underdeveloped countries are short of capital.
The Myth of the Expanding Centre —Politics in the Ivory Coast
Authors: Cohen Michael A.
Published: November 2008

A COMMON premise in the study of central–local relations in new states is the belief that governments attempt to extend their authority into most areas of socio–economic and political life. By exerting influence within a variety of distinct spheres of activity throughout the national territory, central authorities are supposed to create connections between national institutions and potential arenas for the exercise of central power. These ‘structures’, such as local administration, political parties, schools, and programmes as diverse as agricultural extension and family planning, are intended to be the orgartisational skeleton of the new state. Their success in relating central authority to specific localities, political movements, and development problems is supposed to indicate the degree of institutionalisation of a regime and its level of development.1 Observers of this process examine the ‘penetration’ of public policy into local areas, the expansion of the influence of central authority on traditional political and administrative arrangements, and the gradual incorporation of the ‘periphery’ into the process of decision-making at the ‘centre’. While differing in form and content across national boundaries, the ‘crisis of penetration’ is understood to be a common experience in the political development of new states.2
Art, A Simulacrum of Reality — Problems in the Criticism of African Literature
Authors: Iyasere Solomon O.
Published: November 2008

Of all works of literature, the novel is the most referential, the most discursive, and the most elusive. According to Philip Stevick's analysis, the novel, more than any other genre, is capable of containing large, developed consistent images of people, and can give form to a set of attitudes regarding a particular society, history, or the general culture of which it is an important part.1 David Daiches is accurate in pointing out the closeness of this relationship between the novel and its milieu: ‘Civilization is the attitudes and actions of people, and fiction uses these… as the raw material out of which to construct the kind of pattern we call a novel. No other art does this quite so directly.2
The Economic Impact of the Nigerian Civil War: a Reply
Authors: Nafzier E. Wayne
Published: November 2008

I am grateful to Dr F. S. O'Brien for pointing out my error in interpretation of Nigerian gross domestic product (G.D.P.) during the war. His correction also helps to resolve a contradiction between my treatment of Biafran territory and my statement that ‘Other factors accounting for the slow growth were the drop in oil and manufacturing output in the secessionist East.’
African Traditional Socialism — a Semantic Analysis of Political Ideology
Authors: Sprinzak Ehud
Published: November 2008

Almost every student of the ideologies of the developing nations is familiar with the thesis regarding African socialism. It is held that village society was traditionally communal, and that consequently the introduction of socialist régimes in the newly established African states might not be expected to pose major difficulties. For many years it has become almost commonplace to comment on this hypothesis in a casual manner, to argue for and against it on the basis of one's own normative commitments, or simply to describe it as a political fact. Rarely has any systematic attempt been made to examine it analytically.
Growth Point Problems—the Case of Babelegi, Bophutatswana
Authors: Rogerson Christian M.
Published: November 2008

Jobs and their location provide the key to an understanding of the contemporary thrust of South Africa's ‘separate development’ policy. Within the country's present space economy, dominated by the four metropolitan complexes of the Southern Transvaal, Cape Town, Durban, and Port Elizabeth, this policy seeks to mould a new geography of employment opportunity for the blacks of South Arica. In this process, public policy-makers are attempting to decentralise some economic activities, particularly in the manufacturing sector, away from the nation's metropolitan hubs, and concomitantly to promote new work centres in, or on the borders of, the designated ‘Bantu Homelands’. The current emphasis in the Republic is upon the generation of industrial employment for Africans at selected sites in these Homelands. This short note explores the immediate problems and long-term prospects of this policy with reference to the Bophutatswana growth point of Babelegi.
Administrative Stucture, Ethnicity, and Nation-Building in the lvory Coast
Authors: Tice Robert D.
Published: November 2008

Nation-Building implies integration on a variety of levels, but the converse is not true. Integration may result in a dependency, but does not imply the mental awareness of unity. Because of the ethnic interaction that has taken place over the centuries before and during the era of colonialism, there exist greater and lesser degrees of functional integration in Africa. Because of this interaction, Ronald Cohen and John Middleton have stated that ‘ethnic units as clear-cut entities are sociological abstractions ’1 However, one would be hard pressed to find anything approaching the breadth and depth of integration so necessary for us to ignore ethnic identity and diversity within any modern African state. Nation-building indicates a movement from simple interaction, through varying degrees of systems integration, to an ultimate awareness of membership in a common polity.
The Provisional Secretariat of the O.A.U., 1963–4
Authors: Polhemus James H.
Published: November 2008

The creation of an international secretariat is ‘the innovation that transforms a series of conferences into an organization’1 The signing of the Charter of the Organisation of African Unity by representatives of 30 independent states in the early hours of 26 May 1963 at Addis Ababa was certainly intended to transform a multiple series of international conferences—including rival meetings of the ‘Monrovia’ and ‘Casablanca’ states in particular—into a permanent regional organisation whose membership embraced all independent African states. To this end the O.A.U. Charter provided for a General Secretariat, to be directed by an Administrative Secretary-General and one or more Assistant Secretaries-General.
A Genealogy of Francophone West and Equatorial African Regional Organisations
Authors: Mytelka Lynn K.
Published: November 2008

Post-World War II French colonial reforms, most notably those of the 1956 loi-cadre, began the process of decentralising political authority to the territorial components of the Fédération d'Afrique occidentale française (A.O.F.),1 and the Fédération d'Afrique equatoriale française (A.E.F.).2 By 1958 most of these French colonies had become autonomous Republics within the Communauté franco-africaine. Although only Guinea had opted for complete political independence in the Gaullist referendum held that year, pressures were clearly mounting in that direction for other members of the now defunct Federations.
Comparing Régime Performance in Africa: the Limitations of Cross-National Aggregate Analysis
Authors: Ravenhill John
Published: November 2008

The continuing prominence of coups d'état in the political life of the Third World has sustained interest in the question of whether, and in what circumstances, the armed forces are capable of making a positive contribution to modernisation. During the 1960s, a number of scholars began to take a favourable view of the military's modernising potential based on ideal-typical conceptions of armed-force organisations which, in Henry Bienen's felicitous phrase, were ‘unencumbered by empirical detail’.1 A second dimension of support for the positive image was perceived in the attitudes and class background of the officer corps.2 Critics of this viewpoint questioned the accuracy of these characterisations given the impact that transfer to a different socio-economic and political context has on institutional performance. Case-studies of Third-World militaries found that many lacked a single corporate identity, suffering from factionalism along cleavages of age, ethnicity, and regionalism; organisational cohesion was undermined by a proliferation of patron-client relationships.3 The motives for staging coups also were questioned, the military being perceived as particularly well-equipped to defend and pursue its corporate interests.1
Dilemmas for Anti-Western Patriotism: Slavophilism and Négritude
Authors: Vaillant Janet G.
Published: November 2008

The idea that Russia was the first underdeveloped country has begun to gain currency among political scientists. It implies that social processes in Russia may be profitably compared with more recent developments in the Third World. In this article I would like to test this hypothesis with respect to an important ideological controversy which took place in Russia during the nineteenth century by examining it alongside discussions among French-speaking West Africans in the period after World War II. More particularly, I would like to compare what might be called the neo-traditional themes and anti-western patriotism of the Slavophiles with the intellectual position taken by the early spokesmen of négritude.
Seaport Development – Multi-National Co-operation in West Africa
Authors: Ogundana Babafemi
Published: November 2008

Integragation has been a topical issue in inter-state relations in post-independence Africa.1 The most radical of the three suggested strategies is to bid for immediate continental economic and political integration.2 A more popular view is to seek a gradualist approach to pan-African unity via regional economic co-operation;3 this could range from a free trade area, customs union, common market, and economic community, to ultimate political fusion.4 The third, less-studied strategy is for African states to lay the basis for regional economic integration, and even ultimate continental unity, through functional co-operation, for example, in transport, industrial development, trade, and monetary policy.5 This article examines the prospects and problems of co-operation on a regional basis, with particular reference to West Africa, in a specific economic field – namely, seaport development. See Map I, page 399, below.
The Malian Cattle Industry: Opportunity and Dilemma
Authors: Stryker J. Dirck
Published: November 2008

After many years of poverty and neglect, Mali is today faced with a unique opportunity to develop its rural economy. The rapid expansion of demand for beef in some of the coastal regions of West Africa has recently caught up with the available supply from the interior, and cattle prices have increased dramatically. This price rise has been accentuated by the effects of recent drought which seriously depleted the herds. Consequently, there is enormous incentive for interior regions to find new ways of increasing production which, at the same time, take pressure off their overburdened range-lands. Mali is fortunate in having a resource endowment which has considerable potential in this respect.
Educational Expansion or Change? — Some Choices for Central and Southern Africa
Authors: Colclough Christopher
Published: November 2008

The English-speaking independent countries of Central and Southern Africa, with widely different economies and natural resources, face at this stage in their development very similar manpower and educational problems. Shortages of skilled technical workers are still acute in Botswana, Lesotho, Swaziland, Zambia, and Malawi; and shortages of educated people, particularly those with professional or degree-level qualifications, are obvious. Most of the countries in this region, therefore, are still at a stage where the output from schools and universities has not yet been sufficient to localise many skilled posts, particularly those in the private sector. So although unemployment is beginning to appear at the junior secondary levels, the crucial questions as seen both by ministries of education and by planning units still tend to revolve around the central dilemma of ‘How fast ought we to expand?’ In this sense the priorities are different from many countries further north in Africa where surpluses of secondary and higher educated workers have been apparent for some time.
Zambia and the Liberation of South Africa
Authors: Good Kenneth
Published: November 2008

The nine member-states of the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (S.A.D.C.C.) – Zimbabwe, Zambia, Angola, Mozambique, Botswana, Tanzania, Malawi, Lesotho, Swaziland – are notable for their collective weakness relative to South Africa, and their very wide economic and political heterogeneity.1Only four, or at most five, have economies whose annual G.D.P. exceeds $2,000 million: two of these, Angola and Mozambique, are under more or less constant attack from South Africa or its surrogate forces, while Tanzania is actually the most remote, physically and economically. At the same time, Malawi, Swaziland, and Lesotho – who are not in the so-called ‘Frontline’, unlike the other six – have rather close political relations with Pretoria, Malawi most substantively since as early as 1966 and Swaziland since 1982.2Botswana is more independent politically, with a modest G.D.P. and very small population.
Funding the African-Development Multiplier
Authors: Schatz Sayre P.
Published: November 2008

There is broad international agreement on Africa's need for enhanced external financing. The United Nations unanimously adopted an unprecedented Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development in 1986, which entailed, on the African side, explicit recognition of significant responsibility for poor economic performance and of the need for policy reform, and on the Northern side, an acceptance of responsibility for greater funding.
Participation in Social Research in Rural Ethiopia
Authors: Pausewang Siegfried
Published: November 2008

A world conference on agrarian reform and rural development came to the conclusion a decade ago that since real progress could only be achieved in these fields if the peasants participated in both the necessary planning and practical work, the prerequisites were democratic organisations for local self-administration and self-reliance.
The Status of Women in the Sudan
Authors: House William J.
Published: November 2008

The Sudan is the largest country in Africa and ranks as one of the poorest, with an estimated income per capita of U.S.$400 in 1983.1 It is predominantly rural and sparsely inhabited, with an estimated total population in 1985 of 21.6 million, of whom as many as almost half are younger than 15 while only three per cent are aged 65 and over.2 The crude birth rate approaches 50 per thousand and the annual growth rate of the population is likely to be about three per cent.3 Harsh environmental and poor sanitation conditions contribute to a relatively high incidence of morbidity and infant mortality, with severe diarrhoeal diseases as a major cause of ill-health and child death. Life expectancy at birth is currently estimated to be only 48 years, while the infant mortality rate is put at 118 per thousand live births.4
The Other Side of Sanctions: Positive Initiatives for Southern Africa
Authors: Holland Martin
Published: November 2008

In 1977 the member-states of the European Community (E.C.) adopted a collective strategy designed to and apartheid and to encourage the economic independence of South Africa's less-developed neigh-bours. The respective foreign-policy instruments used to achieve these goals were the Code of Conduct and the Lomé Convention, through which assistance was provided for the Frontline states. The scope of the Community's Southern African actions was enlarged in 1985 to include a range of sanctions against Pretoria similar to those adopted by other governments.
The World Bank and African Poverty, 1973–91
Authors: Gibbon Peter
Published: November 2008

Since 1987–8 the World Bank, together with other donors, has been engaged in a programme of activities known as ‘Social Dimensions of Adjustment’ (S.D.A.). This is the latest in a line of ‘pro-poor’ initiatives which the organisation has sponsored over the last two decades. This article analyses the Bank's succession of policies against the background of the changing political and economic world situation, as well as alternative policy agendas.
Mauritania's Foreign Policy: the Search for Protection
Authors: Pazzanita Anthony G.
Published: November 2008

Of the 21 members of the Arab League, the Islamic Republic of Mauritania has received perhaps the least attention, ranking far behind other North African states, much less those closer to the Arab—Israeli fault-line or the recent Gulf conflict. Mauritania's desperate economic condition (a G.N.P. per capita of only $446 in 1984) has been occasionally publicised, as well as advancing desertification (reaching even into the centre of the capital, Nouakchott), and the tensions between the ruling Beydane (‘white’) Arabs, supported by their cultural/political allies, and the black African tribes concentrated in the Senegal River valley that erupted into violence in April 1989, and which led to a near-war between Senegal and Mauritania.
State Politics and Social Domination in Zimbabwe
Authors: Moyo Jonathan N.
Published: November 2008

Few can doubt the proposition that there is an important difference between information and knowledge, and that more of the former does not necessarily lead to the latter. Whereas a great deal has been written from all manner of perspectives about the situation in Africa both before and since independence, the resulting corpus of literature has seldom yielded a mainstream understanding of basic aspects of state politics. Doubtless many feel that the more they read about the continent, the less they known about what is going on and why.
Building Independent Mass Media in Africa
Authors: Martin Robert
Published: November 2008

The 1980s were a terrible time for Africa. The decade began auspiciously enough — Nigeria had returned to civilian rule, the Tanzania People's Defence Force had sent Idi Amin packing, and the liberation struggle in Zimbabwe was about to win independence. But this promising beginning was quickly transformed and Africa sunk into its ‘lost decade’.
The Rule of Law and Lawyers in Kenya
Authors: Ross Stanley D.
Published: November 2008

Kenya has for many years enjoyed a reputation for political stability, democratic institutions, lack of corruption, and economic growth, unlike a number of other countries in Africa. The Government has sought to emphasise this image in order to retain and attract foreign investment and aid, and to maintain a booming tourist industry. But for some time a corrosion of the rule of law has been taking place behind the facade of legitimacy, a process so accelerated during 1990 and 1991 that many people have questioned the validity of Kenya's reputation.
Intelligence Agencies in Africa: a Preliminary Assessment
Authors: Pateman Roy
Published: November 2008

Theostensible purpose of intelligence collection and activity is the preservation of national security. A careful examination of what has been published in this field in recent years has convinced me that all African régimes and liberation movements have established some form of secret state-security apparatus, in many cases with considerable external assistance. As for foreign intelligence services, such as America's C.I.A., Russia's K.G.B., and Israel's Mossad, they have proved to be effective major mechanisms for influencing the internal affairs of African nations.
Destruction of State and Society in Somalia: Beyond the Tribal Convention
Authors: Samatar Abdi Ismail
Published: November 2008

One of the casualties of the gruesome nightmare that is gripping Somalia has been the capacity to think historically and systematically about the nature of the malady, and to find practical ways of controlling the present in order to build a more sustainable future. As explained by Ahmed Samatar: ‘the fullness of understanding a given situation is [not] coterminous with the immediate and experiential.Rather, any visible elements of a particular reality are usually signals that other more discrete factors could be at work’. For far too long, those opposed to Siyad Barre's régime refused to go beyond the General and his constellation of clients to identify ‘the enemy’. Their unwillingness to engage in any hard-headed analysis and their hostility to critical scholarship has undoubtedly helped to condemn the very people they ‘wanted’ to liberate.
Education and Social Inequality in Sub-Saharan Africa
Authors: Foster Philip
Published: November 2008

Fewwould disagree with the observation that the schools and universities of sub-Saharan Africa are perhaps the most important contemporary mechanisms of stratification and redistribution on the continent. They are not simply reflections of extant patterns of social and economic differentiation, but rather powerful independent forces in the creation of new and emergent groupings based on the variable possession of power, wealth, and prestige. Moreover, in using the word ‘contemporary’ we should not overlook the fact that formal educational systems are not a recent phenomenon in Africa. Schools existed on the western littoral in the eighteenth century, and their development in many parts of Africa, though slow up to the beginning of World War II, was of great significance. However, the African ‘educational explosion’ is largely a post-war phenomenon, and as a result we can no longer regard the school as an alien and intrusive institution perched precariously atop a range of predominantly ‘traditional’ societies. In most parts of Africa, the school is now as familiar a part of the local scene as the corrugated iron roof. Virtually everywhere, a whole generation would think it inconceivable to be without schools and, what is more, though Africa still remains the least formally educated of the continents, almost everyone now has a lively sense of the individual benefits that education can bring. As in other areas of social life, Africans perceive schooling in shrewd, pragmatic, and instrumental terms.
The Use of State Power to Overcome Underdevelopment
Authors: Martin Robert
Published: November 2008

It appears that in order to be a respectable Africanist, by which I mean simply a scholar whose interest, regardless of discipline, is focused on Africa, one must be a Marxist. Let me quickly add that I am, at least in the abstract, not opposed to this, particularly since I like to consider myself in some way part of that intellectual and political tradition. But the growth of the Marxism industry has not been without, to use the jargon, its contradictions.
The Somali Coup of 1969: the Case for Soviet Complicity
Authors: Payton Gary D.
Published: November 2008

The potential for superpower confrontation on the Horn of Africa in 1977 and 1978 focused world attention on Somalia. For a few brief months, the popular press published regular accounts of President Siad Barre's military campaign in the Ogaden desert against neighbouring Ethiopia. The U.S. Department of State heralded the rôle of Soviet and Cuban advisers in the conflict. When Somalia ousted the Russian forces and abrogated the Treaty of Friendship and Co-operation with the U.S.S.R., the move was interpreted as a major diplomatic setback for Moscow. Now, as quickly as it erupted, the news flow about the Horn has halted.
The Military Burden in Developing Countries
Authors: Dommen Edward , Maizels Alfred
Published: November 2008

During the 1970s, African arms imports rose faster than in any other region of the world. Indeed, military spending doubled between 1970 and 1977, albeit falling since that peak by about one-quarter by 1982,1 as may be seen in Figure 1. The expansion by developing countries of their armed forces during the 1970s, which was certainly not confined to Africa, stimulated interest among economists regarding its impact on economic growth. Our article attempts a quantitative assessment of some of the moew important factors which influence levels of military expenditures in developing countries, first in general and then in Africa specifically, by means of cross-country multiple regression analysis for the average of the years 1978–80. Although military spending is often an end in itself, providing a living for the soldiers and their suppliers, it is also justified on the grounds that it deters armed conflict or domestic unrest, despite being responsible for so many coups d'état.
Accumulators and Democrats: Challenging State Corruption in Africa
Authors: Harsch Ernest
Published: November 2008

As the news of President Moussa Traoré's overthrow spread through Mali in March 1991, large crowds of people poured into the streets of Bamako, Segu, Kati, and other towns to exact retribution, culminating weeks of popular unrest. They went after prominent officials, military officers, and members of the wealthy élite that had prospered during the 23 years of Traoré's authoritarian rule. Customs and tax offices, traditional centres of high-level corruption and embezzlement, were systematically burned, their files taken of scattered, their staff put to flight. Big merchants, accused of collaborating with the ousted régime and benefiting from state favours, saw their shops emptied and destroyed. Though disorganised and apparently beyond the control of any leadership, the crowds carefully spared vital economic installations — but not the Bamako offices of theCaisse centrale de coopération économique(C.C.C.E.), seemingly tainted by its rôle as the main channel for French financial aid to the Government.
Dag Hammarskjöld, the United Nations, and the Congo Crisis of 1960–1: a Reinterpretation
Authors: Gibbs David N.
Published: November 2008

TheCongo constituted the largest peace-keeping operation in the history of the United Nations, at least until recently, being only exceeded in scale by current actions in Yugoslavia, Cambodia, and Somalia. It included, during 1960–4, not only civilian advisers who helped run the central règime in Lèopoldiville, but also an army which, at full strength, comprised 19,000 troops. They intervened extensively in the politics of the country, thereby not conforming to the popular image of a passive ‘peace-keeping’ force.
Political Corruption in Nigeria Before Independence
Authors: Tignor Robert L.
Published: November 2008

Political corruption is widespread in contemporary societies, and is regarded by some analysts of the Third World as the single most important obstacle to economic development and political integration. Certainly the frequent régime changes which have occurred in Africa in the last several decades have been accompanied by charges of gross administrative malfeasance and promises to introduce honest government. Perhaps no country in the continent has devoted more attention and energy to continuing allegations of corruption than Nigeria. Indeed, from the late colonial period up until the present, critics of those in power have lamented the level of venality, and numerous published reports have catalogued a wide range of iniquities and called for reform.
The Hand on the Tiller: the Politics of State and Class in South Africa
Authors: MacDonald Michael , James Wilmot
Published: November 2008

Marxistscholarship on South Africa's political economy was born as a meta-theoretical critique of liberalism in the 1960s and matured into a rich tradition of its own by the 1980s. As Marxists became more focused empirically and conceptually, they presented compelling evidence for their key analytical claims and generally bettered their liberal rivals—as they saw and portrayed them—in the debate over the complicity of capitalist development in the officially mandated racism of South Africa. Whereas liberals either ignored, minimised, or denied an association, Marxists argued that capitalism and its dominant classes systematically promoted and actively underwroteapartheidin particular, and white domination in general.
Aid, Debt, and the End of Sovereignty: Mozambique and Its Donors
Authors: Plank David N.
Published: November 2008

By the World Bank's reckoning, Mozambique is the poorest country in the world, with a gross domestic productper capitaof approximately $80 in 1990, as well as one of the most dependent on foreign assistance, which accounts for two-thirds of measured G.D.P. Indeed, aid receiptsper capitaamounted to approximately $60 in 1990, almost double the figure for sub-Saharan Africa, as may be seen from Table I.
Democratisation of Language Use in Public Domains in Nigeria
Authors: Brann Conrad Max Benedict
Published: November 2008

Thewealth of ethno-linguistic units in Nigeria has been the object of anthropological, linguistic, historical, and political study since the country was first so named at the beginning of this century. But since independence in 1960, the federal motto of ‘Unity in Diversity’ has raised a central principle of language use which has been gradually articulated in successive constitutions and white papers on national policy in the educational and cultural spheres.
Political Barriers to African Capitalism
Authors: Kennedy Paul
Published: November 2008

Whatconstraints have so far prevented the full emergence in subSaharan Africa of strong and effective local capitalist classes capable of playing a leading rôle in the economic transformation of their societies?
How Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o Shifted from Class Analysis to a Neo-Colonialist Perspective
Authors: Gugler Josef
Published: November 2008

Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o has established himself as one of the leading second-generation African writers. His first two novels, Weep Not, Child (London, Heinemann, 1964) and The River Between (London, Heinemann, 1965), written while an undergraduate at Makerere University College, Kampala, brought him recognition as the foremost East African writer. His third novel, A Grain of Wheat (London, Heinemann, 1967), established James Ngugi, as he then called himself, as one of the most distinguished literary voices from Africa. There was a long pause before Ngũgĩ published his next novel, Petals of Blood (London, Heinemann, 1977). The change in name signalled that during the intervening years he had developed a radical new perspective on Kenya, the explicit locale of all his writing.
Managing Planned Development: Tanzania' Experience
Authors: Rweyemamu Anthony H.
Published: November 2008

All the new states in Africa have drafted economic and social development plans, for varying periods. Everywhere one sees political leaders and party functionaries singing the popular song of nation-building while crowds respond with enthusiasm. Thus national planning is increasingly becoming synonymous with nation-building throughout the developing nations of Africa. A common problem facing the leaders of the new nations is not how to draft a brilliant plan or organisational charts; this any state can do by seeking the assistance of planning experts and artists. The problem centres on plan management and implementation. This article raises some of the questions and critical problems implicit in plan execution which have arisen during Tanzania's brief experience of nationhood.
Trade Unionism in Colonial Africa
Authors: Orr Charles A.
Published: November 2008

Along with modern technology and modern forms of commerce, Europe has exported wage labour, trade unions, and collective bargaining to Africa. Before the coming of Europeans, various forms of indentured, communal, and customary labour existed, but there was no class of wage and salaried workers in the modern sense. During the nineteenth century, a wage labour class emerged, to one degree or another, in every part of Africa. As in other industrialising areas, this soon led to an organised labour movement.
The B.B.C. African Service
Authors: Copps Elizabeth
Published: November 2008

When the B.B.C. began its special service in English to Africa over 20 years ago, it was the first broadcasting organisation outside Africa to do so. Today the B.B.C. African Service provides, in addition to the daily programmes in English, daily broadcasts in Swahili to East Africa, in Somali to the Horn of Africa, and in Hausa to West Africa. Audiences in East, Central, and West Africa thus receive a total of over o hours of daily broadcasting, with many repeat broadcasts on relay stations.
Seminar on Africa in the Wider World
Authors: Crowder Michael
Published: November 2008

The Institute of African Studies of Fourah Bay College (University College of Sierra Leone) and the Committee for African Studies of the University of California, Berkeley, jointly arranged this seminar, whose sub-title was ‘the inter-relationship of area and comparative studies’.
The Limits of Federalism: and Examination of political Institutional Transfer in Africa
Authors: Rothchild Donald
Published: November 2008

While Africa was in the throes of the decolonisation process, many of its leaders considered classical federalism an effective way of reconciling unity and diversity.1 Along with their counterparts in Europe, they reasoned that federalism would compensate for the nation-state's inability to meet modern political, economic, and strategic demands without at the same time threatening the special interests of the constituent parts. Federalism would avoid the extreme of overcentralisation seemingly implicit in unitary government as well as the risks of disintegration which continually threaten multilateral economic and military communities. Such a system had worked for political craftsmen in earlier times; now it was to be extended to the needs of Africa.
Money Markets in East Africa
Authors: Newlyn W. T.
Published: November 2008

THERE was a time when it was thought, in the best places, that in order to justify the establishment of a central bank it was absolutely necessary to have a securities market and a bill market in which the central bank could perform the traditional text-book open-market operations which are so central to the history of the Bank of England's control of the British monetary system.
The Fabian Society and Africa
Authors: Boswell Jill
Published: November 2008

In 1940 the Fabian Society (founded in 1883) set up a Colonial Bureau, whose aim was to plan—and to agitate—for the liberation of Britain's colonies. Under the very able control of Dr Rita Hinden, the Bureau established a library and a press-cutting service, and became a recognised source of information and propaganda about the colonies. A battery of parliamentary questions was maintained, and many debates on colonial issues were based, on the Labour Party side, on material provided by Rita Hinden and her colleagues, and their contacts throughout Britain and the world.
The Research Liaison Committee of the (American) African Studies Association
Authors: Fischer Shirley K.
Published: November 2008

Scholars from the United States constitute the largest single national group engaged in African research. The responsibility for establishing friendly relations with their colleagues in Africa has, in the past, been assumed by the individual scholar. It has become increasingly apparent that co-operation with Africanists in Africa itself will be of the greatest importance to future research, and that the A.S.A. can play a useful liaison role.
U.N.E.C.A. Conference of Industrialists and Financiers
Authors: Gardiner Robert K. A.
Published: November 2008

The industrialists and financiers who attended this conference, from industrialised countries in Europe, America, and Asia, came to explore the possibilities of co-operation with African countries. The purpose was to consider how best to follow up industrial projects, how to put forward practical suggestions for projects, and, above all, how to reduce to a minimum delays between survey and action, bearing in mind throughout the interests of African countries.
Agriculture, the Theory of Economic Development, and the Zande Scheme
Authors: Onwubuemeli Emeka
Published: November 2008

The rôle of agriculture in the theory of economic development is equivocal. Not that anyone would dispute the need for expanding the supply of food in the course of economic development, especially during the early stages characterised by high income elasticities of demand. Quite the contrary, existing theories fully recognise this need, while noting, however, its frequent conflict with any programme of rapid capital accumulation in a situation of low savings rates.1 It therefore follows, so the argument runs, that the demand for food should be met as much as possible from domestic sources, while confining the export of scarce savings to the needs of industry: i.e. for importing manufacturing skills and techniques, with their higher productivities, linkages, and externalities.
Southern Africa: Co-operation and Conflict in an International Sub-System
Authors: Shaw Timothy M.
Published: November 2008

Most attempts to explain the slowness and perversity of change in Southern Africa are deficient because not enough attention is paid to regional interactions. This review suggests that it is time to correct the over-concentration on the national or global relations of this international sub-system by the adoption of an intermediate level of analysis. We cannot understand the coexistence of confrontation and co-operation in Southern Africa without an examination of the patterns of dependence and interdependence among its black- and white-ruled states. The adoption of a regional approach here is particularly promising and suggestive as it indicates the need to revise the established conceptual framework for the study of subordinate state systems.
Ethiopia: a Survey on the Existence of a Feudal Peasantry
Authors: Cohen John M.
Published: November 2008

As towns, industries, agricultural developments, and the green revolution come to Africa, social theorists are beginning to write about the emergence of a peasant class. In addition, they are relating the concept of a peasantry to the growing patterns of capitalism and socialism which are to be found throughout the continent, albeit for the most part asserting that contemporary social systems are built on tribal rather than feudal foundations. What is remarkable from this perspective is that as Africanists turn their attention to these issues, and discuss rigorous conceptual problems regarding the terms ‘peasant’ and ‘feudal’, they continue to be almost unaware of Ethiopia.
Reflections on Political Conflict, Rebellion, and Revolution in Africa
Authors: Nkemdirim Bernard A.
Published: November 2008

The great upheavals that Africa has witnessed since the turn of the century have stimulated a flourishing variety of historical writings on revolution, rebellion, guerrilla warfare, conflict, and various other forms of collective political action. It would, therefore, be both useless and presumptuous for me to attempt to rewrite the history of these great turmoils in the light of a number of new studies, some of which are excellent. However, it is in order to recall that this ‘tearing and battering’ happened while the new states were fast transforming themselves from a ‘traditional’ to a ‘modern’ political life, when commercial expansion began to draw Africans into national and international markets, and when communal groupings gradually began to give way to broader associations.
The Rank and File of the Colonial Army in Nigeria, 1914–18
Authors: Barrett John
Published: November 2008

In the first full-scale fighting between white forces on African territory, the Boer War, Africans had been cast by the opponents in the rôle of an animated geographical background.3. When, however, the European struggle of 1914–18 was projected onto the continent, Africans were enrolled by both sides into the dramatis personae of the conflict. World War I resulted in a European mobilisation of African manpower on a scale unknown until that time,4 with the possible exception of the South African mines. The Nigerian Administration alone recruited 13,980 troops,5 and supplied approximately 10,000 carriers,6 so that the British armed forces in this period even outpaced the tin mines and railways as an employer of Nigerian manpower.7 Indeed, given the relative size of the population and degree of British administrative control it is arguable that the effect of this scale of recruitment was equivalent in its local impact to the later military mobilisation of 10,000 Nigerians during World War 11.8
Situational Identity and Ethnicity among Ghanaian University Students
Authors: Kaufert Joseph M.
Published: November 2008

A number of recent studies have challenged the concept of an ethnic grou as an absolute category and emphasised that ethnic identity is influenced by the context of the social situation in which the behaviour occurs.2 Analyst of migrant communities in both West Africa and the Copperbelt have documented the existence of situational ethnicity as a phenomenon in which individual or group identity is defined in terms of categories which vary in their level of inclusiveness. Situational factors have increasingly come to be viewed as influencing the individual's definition of his rôle as a member of more inclusive groups which allows him to relate to a more culturally heterogeneous community in terms of common elements of identity.3 Studies concentrating upon the political significance of ethnic identity in public interactions have also stressed that situational factors may play a more important role than cultural similarity in developing more inclusive identity groupings.4 Finally, analysts dealing with the problems of multiple ethnic loyalties have stressed that individuals and groups have an array of alternate identities from which to choose. They will adopt — or be perceived by others as maintaining — different ethnic identities in different situations.
Nigeria in the World System: Alternative Approaches, Explanations, and Projections
Authors: Shaw Timothy M. , Fasehun Orobola
Published: November 2008

Our country [Nigeria] is the largest single unit in Africa… we are not going to abdicate the position in which God Almighty has placed us… The whole black continent is looking up to this country to liberate it from thralldom.