bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Teaching Strategies for Performers with Special Needs
Authors: Hammel Alice M. , Hourigan Ryan M.
Published: November 2020

Because of previously discussed changes in philosophy and policy, the demographics of our performing ensembles are constantly changing. Many school districts have moved toward a policy of full inclusion of students with special needs. This has led to an increased number of students with special needs in performing ensembles and has challenged many conductors to find ways to include many students with disabilities who were not previously a part of performing ensembles. In addition, this has forced many conductors to reexamine their underlying philosophy of what it means to be a successful ensemble conductor. The purpose of this chapter is to offer techniques for choral and instrumental conductors who teach performers with special needs and to suggest ideas for consideration for those who are preparing to conduct performing ensembles. These strategies come from extensive work researching, consulting with ensemble conductors, and working with parents of performers with special needs. This chapter is designed to alleviate any anxieties conductors and conducting students may have and to provide confidence when teaching students with disabilities. Typically the percentage of students with disabilities in performing ensembles is far less than the overall percentage of students with disabilities in a school. This is anecdotal data, however; the open challenge exists to those who teach performing ensembles to truly examine this phenomenon throughout their school system (Pre-K through 12). Band, choir, and orchestra directors can inadvertently discourage participation of students with special needs in their ensembles in many ways. For example, many band and orchestra programs have an entry point in or around fifth grade. However, after that point, students are not allowed to join. Unfortunately, many students with special needs are not developmentally ready to join an instrumental or choral ensemble in fifth grade. Many of these same students would be extremely successful if given another point of entry later in their school career. Small curricular nuances such as a floating entry point to beginning band, choir or orchestra can make a meaningful difference in developing an inclusive performing ensemble program in a public school.
Teaching Music to Students Who Are Intellectually Gifted
Authors: Hammel Alice M. , Hourigan Ryan M.
Published: November 2020

There are students like Hannah in our public schools. They are inquisitive, questioning, exceptionally interested, and have a distinct look about them as they learn new information. They are the students who learn difficult concepts instantly and completely. They are the students who can comprehend an entire scope and sequence of a topic, seemingly in an instant. They are also at great risk in our classrooms that are often designed for the average student and offer accommodations for students with other types of special needs. The special needs of students who are intellectually gifted are often delayed, ignored, and denied. For these students, the promise of tomorrow and a teacher who will finally challenge them begins to fade. This reality often sets in during the late elementary and middle school years. While the philosophy of this text has placed importance on encouraging “label-free learning” for students with special needs, there are times when a distinction is necessary. One of these distinctions is in the cognitive area. Most often, music educators adapt teaching to accommodate students who learn at a slower rate; however, it is important to also consider adapting our teaching for those students who learn at a faster rate than their peers. These students are often identified as being gifted. The philosophical premise that students learn best and teachers are most prepared when a label-free environment is established remains a hallmark of this book. We (the co-authors) consider the decision to briefly digress as we discuss students who are gifted as necessary to understand the specific special needs of students whose cognition capabilities are vastly increased. We will return to our label-free approach at the end of the chapter as we summarize the information gleaned from this area of students with special needs. The identification of students who are gifted has had a long and circuitous journey. Alfred Binet was the first to develop a measure for judgment or mental age to screen and provide educational barriers for children not considered intelligent enough for a formal education (Binet, 1894).
Resources for Music Teachers and Music Teacher Educators Regarding Teaching Students with Special Needs
Authors: Hammel Alice M. , Hourigan Ryan M.
Published: November 2020

The majority of this text has been built around the concept of teaching students with special needs in an inclusive, label-free, environment built around the five areas of music teaching and learning. As mentioned in chapter 1, music teachers must also learn about the challenges a student might be facing in their general or self-contained classroom. This is equally important in learning to teach a student who might be faced with the challenge of a disability. This chapter will consist of three sections. Section 1 is a comprehensive list (as of the publication date) of the standard Internet-based resources for students with a variety of special needs. Section 2 is an up-to-date resource list of practitioner articles, books, and research in the field of teaching students with special needs. The following web-based resources follow the IDEA (2004) categorization of disabilities. Each URL has been tested and reviewed by the authors and editors. http://www.ability.org.uk/autism.html This site has over 150 links to other autism-related resources. The Internet resources are wide in scope and include sites from countries all over the world. This site is a great resource for learning more about autism. http://www.autismone.org/ This site contains many media images and links regarding various aspects of autism. You will also find current articles on related topics including research, treatments, awareness, and social networking for parents and teachers. Links to several notable autism sites are included as part of the A+ Autism Collaboration. http://www.autism.com/ari/ Although this site cites current autism research as the main topic, it also includes concise information about autism, treatment options, and frequently asked questions. Triggers for autism and dietary treatment as well as several links to articles on many topics related to autism treatment and recovery are embedded in this interactive site. http://www.autism-society.org/ This site offers basic information about autism and signs for early identification. Treatment options, education laws, family issues, and links to the autism community are also provided. This site offers access to current research on autism, resources for parents, and a link to a very large database called Autism-source, which contains sources for autism-related services and support.
Copernicium
Authors: Keats Jonathon
Published: November 2020

The only accolade that American chemist Glen T. Seaborg cared for more than winning the Nobel Prize was having an element named in his honor. In 1994 his colleagues gave him that distinction, elevating the Nobel laureate to the status of helium and hydrogen. Over the next fifteen years, six more elements followed seaborgium onto the periodic table, bringing the total to 112. The last, enshrined in 2009, pays homage to Nicolas Copernicus. Unlike Seaborg, Copernicus never sought such a tribute. Having already scored ample name recognition with the Copernican Revolution, he didn’t really need it. If anything, by the time copernicium was recognized as an element, the periodic table needed him. Copernicium is one of twenty elements containing more protons than the ninety-two naturally found in uranium. All twenty are made artificially in laboratories by colliding preexisting elements such as zinc and lead in a particle accelerator or cyclotron. In some ten billion billion bombardments, two protons will fuse to make one atom of a new super-heavy element. Typically the atom is unstable, lasting perhaps a millisecond before decaying into lighter elements again. All of which makes element fabrication a tricky enterprise, nearly as miraculous as alchemy and considerably more contentious. Who synthesized the first atom of an element, and therefore gets to name it? Seaborg’s UC Berkeley laboratory was the only one in the business through the 1940s and 1950s, netting him ten elements, including plutonium, for which he won the 1951 Nobel Prize in Chemistry. By the 1960s, however, there was competition from the Soviets, resulting in the so-called Transfermium Wars. For several decades the periodic table became a political battlefield rather than an intellectual commons. Nothing could have been further from the table’s Enlightenment origins. The product of empirical research and intended to disseminate universal knowledge, a table of presumed elements was first published by the French chemist Antoine Lavoisier in 1789, arranging thirty-three substances, including silver and sulfur and phosphorus, based on observed attributes (such as “Oxydable and Acidifiable simple Metallic Bodies”) rather than according to philosophical precepts.
In Vitro Meat
Authors: Keats Jonathon
Published: November 2020

According to the eminent seventeenth-century botanist John Parkinson, one of the plants that grew in the Garden of Eden was the vegetable lamb. Also known as the borametz, this creature resembled a young sheep in every important respect, except that it grew from a seed planted in the ground. Reports of it date back at least as far as Herodotus, and the fourteenth-century explorer John Mandeville claimed, in his notoriously unreliable Voyages and Travel , to have tasted one “although it were wonderful.” Only in the 1800s was the legend debunked, largely on the initiative of the British naturalist Henry Lee. (He convincingly speculated that borametz rumors began with the spread of the cotton plant, which to an untutored eye looked as woolly as a sheep.) Yet the dream of cultivating meat off the hoof, of growing muscle without the animal, was not so easily dismissed. In his 1931 book, Fifty Years Hence , no less a figure than Winston Churchill anticipated a time when “we shall escape the absurdity of growing a whole chicken in order to eat the breast or wing, by growing these parts separately under a suitable medium.” He didn’t live to see it happen. Half a century passed and vegetable meat remained as elusive as the Garden of Eden. But the technologies necessary for cultivation were evolving, quietly developing as researchers studied subjects as far afield as organ transplants and stem cells. Gradually a few laboratories, some of them funded to develop tastier astronaut cuisine for NASA, began growing potentially edible animal tissues in a bioreactor. Then everything changed again in 2008, when People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA) announced a prize of $1 million to the first person to produce “an in vitro chicken-meat product that has a taste and texture indistinguishable from real chicken flesh to non-meat-eaters and meat-eaters alike.” Almost overnight in vitro meat, or at least the idea of it, was headline news: The ancient dream, newly named, went prime time.
Flog
Authors: Keats Jonathon
Published: November 2020

In the fall of 2006 a typical American couple named Jim and Laura drove an RV from Nevada to Georgia, blogging about their encounters with Wal-Mart employees and customers. Because Wal-Mart was one of their favorite stores, they found plenty to praise, including the morale of clerks and corporate health care benefits. Yet there was another reason their excursion reflected so well on the notoriously ruthless company: the trip was financed, and their blogging paid for, by Wal-Mart’s public relations agency. Less besotted by big box stores than were Laura and Jim, other bloggers soon began taunting them, publicly questioning whether WalmartingAcrossAmerica.com was a sham. The backlash threatened to go viral. The site was hastily dismantled, and the PR firm brusquely apologized. Yet the incident was immortalized on the strength of a word that perfectly embodied the flacks’ marketing folly. Walmarting Across America became the first big flog. Flog is not an unusual coinage for the web, where words are routinely mashed up to accommodate intersecting ideas and high-speed typing. Films combining porno and gore are sometimes dubbed gorno, and the proliferation of girdles for men has begotten the mirdle. Even flog has had several other incarnations, including abbreviations for family blog, food blog, photo blog, and For the love of God. What distinguishes the current example is the cunning play on words, the sly (if less than subtle) reference to flogging, old slang for selling goods of dubious merit, derived from cant for flagellation. Used in reference to flack blogs such as Walmarting Across America, flog sounds like what it is: a term for PR chicanery. Flog has much to recommend it linguistically, not least its appropriation of blog, one of the most successful neologisms in Internet history. Yet despite its mix of pedigree and wit, flog is well on its way to oblivion. Flog has foundered for many of the reasons that blog has flourished, and their apparent similarities reveal their real differences. Both words originated as contractions, yet blog was almost as arbitrary as flog was deliberate.
Lifehacker
Authors: Keats Jonathon
Published: November 2020

At the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in the 1950s, some of the brightest students seldom attended classes. Instead they loitered around the Tech Model Railroad Club. The most brilliant were tapped to join the Signals and Power Committee, which rigged ever more elaborate systems of programmable track switches using nothing more sophisticated than telephone relays. Taking pride in their ad hoc wiring, which ignored all conventions of electrical engineering, they referred to themselves as hackers. Nothing was impossible for them; nothing was off limits. When MIT acquired its first computer in 1956, they infiltrated the control room, where they coerced the electronics to do tricks unintended by the manufacturer, using sine and cosine routines to code the first digital computer game. As computers became more common, so did hacking. To program home computers in the 1970s no longer required the imaginative genius of the MIT Signals and Power Committee, and by the 1980s self-professed hackers ranged from professional software developers to adolescent cyberpunks. The latter proved considerably more interesting to the public, riveted by their ability to torment corporations and governments from their bedrooms. “A hacker—computer jargon for an electronic eavesdropper who by-passes computer security systems—yesterday penetrated a confidential British Telecom message system being demonstrated live on BBC-TV,” reported the Daily Telegraph in a typical news story of 1983, the year that War Games hit the big screen. Old-school Signals and Power hackers fought valiantly against this linguistic turn, insisting that the young punks were crackers rather than hackers, but the media ignored the distinction, leading most new-school professionals to head off confusion by blandly presenting themselves as computer scientists or software engineers or information technology specialists. Aside from the occasional insider reference—ITs who troubleshoot security systems were sometimes known as “white-hat” hackers— the criminal connotation seemed permanent. Then in 2004 a Silicon Valley technology writer named Danny O’Brien gave a forty-five-minute lecture at the O’Reilly Emerging Technology Conference titled “Life Hacks: Tech Secrets of Overprolific Alpha Geeks.” Within a year technophiles worldwide, from computer scientists to iPhone addicts, were striving to become hackers again.
Plutoed
Authors: Keats Jonathon
Published: November 2020

On August 24, 2006, the ninth planet in our solar system was plutoed by the International Astronomical Union. The scientists did not phrase their decision in those terms. Indeed almost nobody used pluto as a verb until January 5, 2007, when the American Dialect Society voted it Word of the Year, prompting worldwide headlines. “Pluto is finally getting some respect,” reported the Associated Press, and CNN noted, “Pluto may no longer be a planet, but it has a new claim to fame.” It was a good story for a slow news day, which is to say that the brouhaha over plutoed was a classic case of truthiness. Truthiness was the American Dialect Society’s Word of the Year for 2005, a term made up by the comedian Stephen Colbert on his satirical TV news program, The Colbert Report, to denote something one believes is true based on a desire to believe it even if contradicted by factual information. His primary satirical target was President George W. Bush, but Colbert also meant the word to be a commentary on the media and the American public. While immeasurably less consequential than Bush’s tortuous foreign policy, the anointment of plutoed by the American Dialect Society, and the widespread coverage of the selection, can also be explained as a product of wishful thinking. The word was appealing because it was timely. Yet timeliness alone cannot account for its selection, especially given some of the other timely words with far more legitimate usage, such as waterboarding, also nominated. Whereas waterboarding was a battle-hardened military euphemism, plutoed was mere wordplay, a clever turn of phrase coined for the amusement of language lovers. One of the rare appearances of the term not referencing the American Dialect Society was an article published in the Montreal Gazette on January 10, 2007 (a date that nevertheless almost guarantees Word of the Year influence): “The feeling among some was that the ever-maligned Rona Ambrose, who was moved from being environment minister to minister of intergovernmental affairs, really got plutoed in last week’s federal cabinet shuffle.”
Quid
Authors: Keats Jonathon
Published: November 2020

Of the many challenges facing tourism in space, one of the least obvious is the problem of intergalactic monetary exchange. Far more pressing to the nascent industry are issues such as extraterrestrial transportation and gravity-free accommodations. Charles Simonyi’s twelve-day trip to the International Space Station in 2007 cost him $25 million, more than the budget of an average family vacation. Yet years before even the most optimistic technophiles expect space tourism to be more than a fifteen-minute suborbital joyride on Virgin Galactic, a currency has been established, initially trading on Travelex for $12.50. It’s called the quid. Quid is an acronym for “quasi-universal intergalactic denomination.” Of course it’s also an appropriation of British slang for the pound sterling, and it is this association with the common term for a familiar item that gives it resonance, an evocative word for a provocative concept. One might have expected the new space money to repurpose the official name of an existing currency. The British and French have preferred that strategy when they’ve colonized other countries, and even Douglas Adams, for all his creativity, fell upon the formula when he coined the Altairian dollar in The Hitchhiker’s Guide to the Galaxy. But colonization robs a place of its exoticism. And if space tourism has any purpose, it’s escapism in extremis. Unlike the pound or the dollar, the quid has no inherent allegiances. The word has also been used at various stages as slang for the shilling, the sovereign, and the guinea, as well as the euro and the old Irish punt. Even the origin is “obscure,” according to the Oxford English Dictionary, which cites a characteristic early use of the word in Thomas Shadwell’s Squire of Alsatia: “Let me equip thee with a Quid.” The 1688 publication date of Shadwell’s play overrules one popular folk etymology, which claims that quid is short for Quidhampton, location of a mill that produced paper money for the Bank of England. The Bank of England wasn’t established until 1694.
Panglish
Authors: Keats Jonathon
Published: November 2020

“I am of this opinion that our own tung should be written cleane and pure, unmixt and unmangeled with borowing of other tunges,” wrote Sir John Cheke in 1561, defending English against the deluge of language imported from French and Italian. The first professor of Greek at Cambridge University, Cheke did not object to foreign phrasing out of ignorance, but rather argued from principles so fastidious that his translation of the Gospel According to Matthew substituted the word crossed for crucified and gainrising for resurrection. Proud of his heritage, unbowed by European cultivation, Cheke refused to be indebted to other cultures in his expression, “wherein if we take not heed by tiim, ever borowing and never paying,” he warned, “[our tung] shall be fain to keep her house as bankrupt.” Nearly half a millennium has passed, and Cheke’s disquiet seems ridiculous, not only because English has been incalculably enriched by mortgaged non-Germanic words such as democracy and education and science, but also because our own tongue has so flourished as to be seen on the European continent and around the world as the sort of cultural threat that Classical and Romance languages were to Cheke’s countrymen. The predominance of English is staggering. An estimated 1.5 billion people speak it, a number that the British Council predicts will increase by half a billion by the year 2016. Moreover fewer than a quarter of these people speak English as a first language; there are nearly twice as many nonnative speakers in India and China as native speakers on the planet. As might be expected given these statistics, few of the world’s 1.5 billion English speakers are fluent. Most get by with a vocabulary of a couple thousand words, as compared to the eighty thousand familiar to the average American or Briton. Pronunciations are often simplified, especially in the case of tricky consonant clusters. (For example, cluster becomes clusser.) Rules of grammar are frequently streamlined, irregularities dropped.
Mineral Resources and Society
Authors: Singer Donald , Menzie W. David
Published: November 2020

Modern society cannot live without electric and electronic products, concrete, glass, fertilizers, ceramics, motor vehicles, airplanes, refrigerators, stoves, and medical equipment, all of which are made with products of mining. In the 1950s and again in the 1970s there was serious concern about whether we would run out of mineral resources. This recurring theme is driven largely by the increasing amounts of mineral material produced from mines and used by society over time. One of the most striking aspects of the increasing quantities of mineral materials produced has been that prices of many minerals have been declining for more than 100 years. Historically, prices of nonfuel mineral materials have declined relative to consumer goods and wages (Barnett and Morse, 1963). The declining prices have had a positive influence on general economies of mineral users by reducing prices of the factors of production of finished goods. Because mineral commodities are the building blocks of so many industries and products, the declining prices reverberate throughout the economy. Declining mineral commodity prices have largely been due to the successes of mining engineers in repeatedly lowering mining and processing costs and of geologists in lowering discovery costs of mineral deposits. Demonstrating the variability of commodity prices, between 2003 and 2008 prices have dramatically increased, and in 2008 they declined again. Understanding how it is possible to have both increasing production and decreasing and more recently increasing and then decreasing prices of minerals is important to assessors and to decision-makers. Decision-makers, whether concerned about regional development, exploration, or land management, are faced with the dilemma of obtaining new information, or allowing or encouraging others to obtain it, and the possible benefits and costs of development if mineral deposits of value are discovered. The intent in this chapter is to provide decision-makers and assessors a modern perspective on the geologic controls of mineral supply and demand and on the importance to supply of different kinds of mineral deposits and occurrences.
The Future of Quantitative Resource Assessments
Authors: Singer Donald , Menzie W. David
Published: November 2020

The difference between the ideas presented by Allais (1957) fifty years ago and those presented in this book reflect a significant growth in knowledge since his work, and the recognition of the value of, and ways to capture, geologic information. We now can use geologic maps to divide large regions into parts that could contain different kinds of mineral deposits, and we know that these different kinds of mineral deposits are significantly different in the amounts and qualities of minerals of interest to society, which affect chances that the deposits will be sought, found, and exploited by society. It is important to remember that our goal is to provide unbiased estimates of undiscovered mineral resources and then to minimize the uncertainty associated with the estimates. Here we point out where there are opportunities to improve the three-part form of quantitative mineral resource assessment. Many of these opportunities come from identified sources on uncertainties in present assessments of all kinds, such as assessing resources under cover. Some of the improvements can be made in parts of the present assessments that are not completed such as economic filters. Additional opportunities come from the possibilities of harnessing the power of new technologies such as probabilistic neural networks to well-designed applications in these kinds of assessments. Future quantitative assessments will be expected to estimate quantities, values, and locations of undiscovered mineral resources in a form that conveys both economic viability and uncertainty associated with the resources. Uncertainties about undiscovered resources can be addressed and reduced through improved mineral deposit models, better economic filters and simulators, and application of new technologies to integrate information and by better dealing with geographic uncertainty due to covered terrains (Singer, 2001). Finally, all of these possible ways to improve assessments rely on careful applications of the tools. Research opportunities in quantitative resource assessment could be identified in at least three ways: (1) by listing unfinished or flawed parts of assessment tools, (2) by pointing to new technologies that could improve assessments, and (3) by focusing on tasks that could most significantly reduce uncertainties in assessments, and here we consider each.
When Utilitarians Should Be Virtue Theorists
Authors: Jamieson Dale
Published: November 2020

1. I begin with an assumption that few would deny, but about which many are in denial: human beings are transforming earth in ways that are devastating for other forms of life, future human beings, and many of our human contemporaries. The epidemic of extinction now under way is an expression of this. So is the changing climate. Ozone depletion, which continues at a very high rate, is potentially the most lethal expression of these transformations, for without an ozone layer, no life on earth could exist. Call anthropogenic mass extinctions, climate change, and ozone depletion “the problem of global environmental change” (or “the problem” for short). 2. Philosophers in their professional roles have by and large remained silent about the problem. There are many reasons for this. I believe that one reason is that it is hard to know what to say from the perspective of the reigning moral theories: Kantianism, contractarianism, and commonsense pluralism. While I cannot fully justify this claim here, some background remarks may help to motivate my interest in exploring utilitarian approaches to the problem. 3. Consider first Kantianism. Christine Korsgaard writes that it is “nonaccidental” that utilitarians are “obsessed” with “population control” and “the preservation of the environment.” For “a basic feature of the consequentialist outlook still pervades and distorts our thinking: the view that the business of morality is to bring something about.” Korsgaard leaves the impression that a properly conceived moral theory would have little to say about the environment, for such a theory would reject this false picture of the “business of morality.” This impression is reinforced by the fact that her remark about the environmental obsessions of utilitarians is the only mention of the environment in a book of more than 400 pages. It is not surprising that a view that renounces as “the business of morality” the question of what we should bring about would be disabled when it comes to thinking about how to respond to global environmental change.
Wars and War Epidemics
Authors: Smallman-Raynor Matthew , Cliff Andrew
Published: November 2020

Disease is a head of the Hydra, War. In his classic book, The Epidemics of the Middle Ages, J. F. C. Hecker (1859) paints an apocalyptic picture of the war–disease association. For Hecker, infectious diseases, the ‘unfettered powers of nature . . . inscrutable in their dominion, destructive in their effects, stay the course of events, baffle the grandest plans, paralyse the boldest flights of the mind, and when victory seemed within their grasp, have often annihilated embattled hosts with the flaming sword of the angel of death’ (Hecker, 1859: 212). The theme is developed by August Hirsch who, in the second edition of his Handbook of Geographical and Historical Pathology (1883), was repeatedly moved to comment on the manner in which wars fuelled the spread of infectious diseases. Writing of Asiatic cholera in the Baltic provinces and Poland in 1830–1, Hirsch concluded that the ‘military operations of the Russo-Polish war contributed materially to its diffusion’ (i. 398). Similarly, Hirsch traced one of the last ‘considerable’ outbreaks of bubonic plague in nineteenth-century Europe to ‘1828–29, when the Russian and Turkish forces came into collision in Wallachia’ (i. 503–4), while the waves of typhus fever that rolled around early-modern Europe were attributed to ‘the turmoil of great wars, which . . . shook the whole framework of European society to its foundations’ (i. 549). In much earlier times, Book I of Homer’s epic poem the Iliad—which may well be based on historical fact—tells of a mysterious epidemic that smote the camp of the Greek Army outside Troy around 1200 BC. According to Homer, the fate of King Agamemnon’s legions was sealed thus: . . . Say then, what God the fatal strife provoked? Jove’s and Latona’s son; he filled with wrath Against the King, with deadly pestilence The camp afflicted,—and the people died,— For Chryses’ sake . . . . . . Elsewhere, the celebrated works of ancient Greek historians—Herodotus (?484–?425 BC) on the later Assyrian Wars, Thucydides (?460–?395 BC) on the Great Peloponnesian War and Diodorus Siculus ( fl. first century BC) on the Carthaginian Wars—all attest to the antiquity of the war–disease association. Of ancient Rome, Bruce-Chwatt notes that ‘Foreign invaders . . . found that the deadly fevers of the Compagna Romana protected the Eternal City better than any man-made weapons’ (cited in Beadle and Hoffman, 1993: 320).
Mortality and Morbidity in Modern Wars, III: Displaced Populations
Authors: Smallman-Raynor Matthew , Cliff Andrew
Published: November 2020

As a threat to life and liberty, wars and political upheavals have served to precipitate the flight of populations since biblical times (Marrus, 1985; Zolberg et al., 1989; UNHCR, 2000). Historically, the basic mechanism of flight, sometimes across national boundaries, and with no surety of safety or asylum in the new land, has operated as a device for the carriage of infectious diseases from one geographical location to another. In Chapter 2, for example, we encountered numerous instances of wartime fugitives who spread bubonic plague, typhus fever, and other war pestilences to their local ‘host’ populations. At the same time, however, fleeing populations may be forced to enter epidemiological environments to which they are unacclimatized, with the attendant risk of exposure to diseases for which they have little or no acquired immunity. The intensive mixing of the populations in refugee camps or other makeshift forms of shelter, often with poor levels of hygiene, with little or no medical provision, and under conditions of stress and malnutrition, further add to the disease risks of displacement (Prothero, 1994; Kalipeni and Oppong, 1998; UNHCR, 2000). The epidemiological dimensions of wartime population displacement—variously manifesting in the movements of refugees, evacuees, and other persons who abandon their homes as a consequence of conflict—form the theme of the present chapter. We begin, in Section 5.2, with a brief overview of international developments in the recognition and management of war-displaced populations, the legal meaning which attaches to such classifications as refugee and internally displaced person (IDP), and theoretical frameworks that have been developed for the study of such groups. International refugees, along with certain other categories of displaced person, have fallen within the mandate of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) since its inception in January 1951. Drawing on this source, Section 5.3 examines global trends in refugees and other UNHCR-recognized populations of concern during the latter half of the twentieth century, while Section 5.4 reviews epidemiological aspects of the associated population movements. The remainder of the chapter follows a regional-thematic structure.
Europe: Camp Epidemics
Authors: Smallman-Raynor Matthew , Cliff Andrew
Published: November 2020

One recurring theme of the previous chapter was the role of military assembly and training camps as sites for explosive outbreaks of infectious diseases during periods of wartime mobilization. Historically, however, the general problem of camp epidemics has extended beyond the initial massing of unseasoned recruits in barrack and tent camps on home soil to include the field camps, siege camps, and bivouacs of deployed armies, as well as temporary and makeshift military settlements such as prisoner of war (POW) and concentration camps. In this chapter, we examine the broader issue of camp epidemics (Theme 2 in Table III.A) with reference to sample wars in the European theatre. The social, physical, and environmental conditions that fuelled the spread of diseases in the military encampments of past wars, and which remain a potent threat in modern conflicts, are well known (Prinzing, 1916; Major, 1940; Bayne-Jones, 1968; Cantlie, 1974; Shepherd, 1991). As illustrated in Chapter 7 by the mobilization camps of the United States, military encampments of all kinds—often hastily erected and densely populated—provide a setting for intense population mixing, thereby increasing the likelihood of the transmission of infectious diseases. The epidemiological hazard is exacerbated by the injudicious selection of campsites and by the deleterious consequences of overcrowding, inadequate or non-existent drainage and sewerage systems, poor or contaminated water supplies, and by the failure to institute or to maintain rigid sanitary precautions. As for the occupants, they may be drawn from a variety of epidemiological backgrounds, they may possess different patterns of disease immunity, and their resistance to infection may be compromised by fatigue, trauma, mental and physical stress, exposure to the elements, and poor or inadequate diets. That there is often a high degree of spatial mobility between the constituent units of a camp system adds a powerful geographical component to the spread of camp epidemics. Against this background, the case studies presented in this chapter have been selected to illustrate different aspects of the geographical spread of camp epidemics.
War and Disease: Recent Trends and Future Threats
Authors: Smallman-Raynor Matthew , Cliff Andrew
Published: November 2020

In the foregoing chapters, we have focused on the intersection of war and infectious disease over the 140-year period from 1850. We have examined long-term trends in disease activity in civil, military, and displaced populations (Chs. 3–5), outlined some of the analytical approaches used to describe the spread of war epidemics (Ch. 6), and we have explored in a regional context recurring themes at the interface of war and infectious disease (Chs. 7–12). In this concluding chapter, we examine the epidemiological consequences of wars and war-like events in the years since 1990.We begin in Section 13.2 by reviewing the empirical evidence for the spread of diseases in association with three recent conflicts: the Gulf War (1990–1); the Bosnian Civil War (1992–5); and Afghanistan and the ‘War on Terrorism’ (2001–). In Section 13.3, we examine the role of war both as an obstacle to disease eradication and to disease-control strategies while, in Section 13.4, we focus on biological weapons as one of the foremost threats to global security in the modern world. Finally, in Section 13.5, we isolate a series of further war-related issues (militarism; economic sanctions; international peacekeeping; disease re-emergence; and post-combat syndromes) that—given the balance of probabilities—are likely to be of continuing epidemiological significance in the current century. As we enter a new millennium, there is an undercurrent of academic thought that nuclear weaponary and the end of the Cold War have rendered war obsolete; that war is, and will be, increasingly supplanted by economic competition between states and regions (see e.g. Black, 2000).Yet it is clear from Figure 13.1 that wars—of greater or lesser intensity—have continued to increase, rather than decrease, in number over the last few decades. This increase has remained largely focused in the less developed regions of the world (van der Wusten, 1985; Brogan, 1992; Arnold, 1995). By way of illustration, Figure 13.2 delimits the global pattern of conflict in the year 2000. As the map shows, levels of conflict intensity were highest in some of the poorest of the world’s regions—in Sub-Saharan Africa, Central and South Asia (Murray et al., 2002).
Economic Issues in Land Administration
Authors: Dale Peter , McLaughlin John
Published: November 2020

Land is of such fundamental importance that the land administration function has tended to be taken for granted. Increasingly, however, there is a debate as to how much money should be allocated to this area and with what priority. A host of concerns have been raised with respect to: 1. documenting the benefits and costs of titling and registration projects; 2. financing the construction and ongoing management of land administration infrastructure; 3. developing appropriate pricing strategies and policies for land administration services and products; and 4. examining the economic issues associated with determining the most effective roles for government and the private sector in the land administration field. Where more fundamental assessment of the role of real property has taken place, two schools of thought have emerged that are not mutually exclusive. The first has been based on traditional arguments for detailed a priori benefit/cost assessments (factoring in both quantifiable and non-quantifiable variables); the second and more recent has argued for minimal initial investment in the infrastructure, leaving it to market forces to dictate subsequent developments. The classic work of Gershon Feder and his World Bank colleagues on assessing the benefits of titling and registration has recently been reported in Feder and Nishio (1998). Feder developed a conceptual framework for the economics of land registration, initially in the context of a study on rural Thailand (Feder et al 1988). Two links between titles and economic performance were highlighted: the enhancement of tenure security and the role of titles in collateral arrangements that would facilitate access to institutional credit. Feder’s conceptual framework for evaluating landownership security and farm productivity is illustrated in Figure 11.1. Using empirical evidence from rural Thailand, Feder and his team compared the economic performance of two groups of farmers: one group was without legal titles and operated in forest reserves while the another group had legal titles and operated outside the forest reserve boundaries. Study sites were selected from four provinces, with the comparative groups operating in geographical proximity and within a similar agrarian and climatic environment.
The Urban Conquest of Water in Guayaquil, 1945–2000: Bananas, Oil, and the Production of Water Scarcity
Authors: Swyngedouw Erik
Published: November 2020

With the end of the war came a partial reversal of the devastating decline associated with the cocoa collapse, paralleled by a profound reconfiguration of class relations. The pre-war bipartisan political structure (Liberals and Conservatives) was replaced by a myriad of new political parties, expressing the divisions within the ruling elites, the rise of Left political parties as a result of growing proletarianization (Maiguashca 1992: 200–1) and, most importantly, the emergence and spectacular growth of populist movements. New forms of class struggle would emerge out of this maelstrom of change, each expressing itself through a mixture of new and old languages, symbols, and activities. It is not surprising, for example, to hear ‘San Lenín’ called upon for assistance alongside saints of the more traditional variety (Maiguashca and North 1991: 99–100). The ferment of this rich mix of class relations through which daily life was organized at the time the world was on fire wrought the conditions from which the post-war intensified water conquest would emerge. Indeed, the turbulent but lean years of the 1940s were followed by the banana bonanza decade of the 1950s. The United States’ fruit corporations, their plantations struck by Panama disease, moved their centre of operations from marginal Central American and Caribbean exporters to Ecuador. It was not only a cheap location, but the Panama disease had not yet moved that far south. In addition, President Galo Plaza Lasso used his excellent relationships with the US United Fruit Company to promote banana production in Ecuador (Nurse 1989). The spiralling demand for bananas from the US fruit companies converted the coastal area of the country (La Costa) into large banana planta tions with their associated socio-ecological relations (Armstrong and McGee 1985: 114; Larrea-Maldonado 1982: 28–34; see also Schodt 1987). While in 1948, banana export receipts amounted to only US$2.8 million, this figure reached US$21.4 million in 1952 and US$88.9 million in 1960, accounting for 62.2% of Ecuador’s total exports (Hurtado 1981: 190; Grijalva 1990; Cortez 1992). By the mid-1950s, the country had become the world’s leading banana exporter. This manufactured ‘banana bonanza’ was organized through a new political economic and ecological transformation.
Cultural Ecology
Authors: Bassett Thomas J. , Zimmerer Karl S.
Published: November 2020

Cultural ecology in the 1990s was a highly productive and rapidly growing specialty group within geography. The group’s scholarship has contributed to a number of core themes and concepts in geography and in related fields within the social and biogeophysical sciences and humanities (Butzer 1989, 1990a; Porter 1991; B. L. Turner 1997a; Zimmerer 1996c). This review evaluates the central research contributions—findings, themes, concepts, methods—of North American geographical cultural ecology over this decade (1990–9). The evaluation is based on the clustering of the contributions of the 1990s into eight main areas: long-term cultural ecology; resource management; local knowledge; pastoralism; environmental politics; protected areas; gender ecology; and environmental discourses (Figs 8.1 and 8.2). Notable accomplishments and characteristic approaches are reviewed in each area. Emphasis is placed on the continued evolution of the common ground of cultural ecology and its most prominent offshoot, political ecology. A nature-culture or nature-society core is central to advances of the 1990s. This core is made up of interacting dialectical processes of culture-and-consciousness and domestic-and-political economy, on the one hand, and non-human nature, on the other hand (Zimmerer and Young 1998: 5). Increased awareness of this recursive interaction has led to a historical perspective that is common to much work in cultural and political ecology during the past decade (Figs 8.1 and 8.2). Culture and society in environmental interactions are considered with new importance granted to the multiple forms and contingencies of spatial scale, from the local to the global, as well as varied temporal frames. Culture and society are conceptualized in new ways while, at the same time, the biogeophysical environments themselves are thought of as increasingly complex and less spatially and temporally predictable than was previously presumed.
Historical Geography
Authors: Colten Craig E. , Hugill Peter J.
Published: November 2020

Gazing down on the field of historical geography from a lofty vantage point, the most obvious conclusion one can draw is that it is alive and well. Despite gloomy forecasts in the 1980s (Wyckoff and Hausladen 1985), the number of significant titles published in recent years and the consistency of historical geographic scholarship testifies to the vitality of this subdiscipline. Johns Hopkins, along with Texas, California, Chicago, and other university presses have released handsome and important contributions. Recently, the second and third volumes of the highly regarded Historical Atlas of Canada (Harris and Mathews 1987–93) have appeared; and Thomas McIlwraith and Edward Muller (2001) have revised the standard 1980s text on North American historical geography. The Journal of Historical Geography has a healthy backlog of manuscripts; The Geographical Review regularly features work from specialty group members; and Historical Geography has grown in size and substance. Although the number of academic job listings for historical geography may never challenge the opportunities in GIS, a sizable and energetic corps of practitioners is hard at work, whatever their individual job titles. The decade that has elapsed since Earle et al.’s (1989) review of the field (see also Conzen, Rumney, and Wynn 1993) has been particularly productive for historical geographers in terms of theory and approach. Studies framed by colonialism, capitalist development, postmodernism, feminism, and environmental history are all inherently interdisciplinary and add to the complex intellectual current in which historical geography finds itself. This diversity poses a particular problem for the authors of a chapter with panoramic intent. Like a bird’seye view of a nineteenth-century city, the most prominent structures, or themes, stand out in the foreground. Common dwellings, or the vast body of supporting literature, blend into a less distinct background pattern. Outstanding singular efforts rise like spires above the cluttered landscape. This chapter hopes to call attention to the scholarship found both along the main thoroughfares and the back streets in the bird’s-eye view, while also pointing out unique contributions. Anne Mosher’s (1999) outline of several major trends in historical geography scholarship provides the framework for this chapter.