bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Tube Shunt Related Complications in Pediatrics
Authors: Geloneck Megan M. , Feldman Robert M.
Published: November 2020

Although medical therapy is usually an excellent therapeutic option in the adult population, in children it is often ineffective or associated with an undesirable risk:benefit ratio. Therefore, surgical intervention is frequently required for adequate control of glaucoma in young patients. The initial surgical approach for management of glaucoma in children includes goniotomy and trabeculotomy, each with a high success rate. When these interventions fail or have a high likelihood of failure (i.e., in patients with Sturge-Weber syndrome, aniridia, anterior chamber dysgenesis, or congenital glaucoma), tube shunt procedures are often required. Tube shunts were first used in the pediatric population by Molteno and colleagues in 1973 and have since grown in popularity and secured an integral role in the treatment of refractory glaucoma in infants and children. Possible complications and causes for failure of tube shunt devices in children are very similar to those in adults; however, issues such as tube migration and retraction must be anticipated in the child’s growing eye. One of the most frustrating, and unfortunately the most common, complications is tube malposition. While tube malposition is not entirely specific to the pediatric population, it occurs far more frequently in children than in adults. (See Chapter 30 for information about tube malposition in adults.) Incidence of tube malposition in pediatric patients ranges from 3% to 35%. In infants and young children, the tube tends to retract from the eye and/or migrate towards the cornea in the anterior chamber. The initial presentation of tube migration is often tube-cornea touch at the proximal end of the tube near the insertion site. In severe cases, tube migration can lead to transcorneal extrusion of the tube. Secondary complications, including corneal decompensation, cataract, iris abnormalities, and endophthalmitis, can result from these initial insults if tube malposition is not identified early and appropriately addressed. The cause of tube migration and retraction is likely multifactorial, but there are 2 basic mechanisms thought to be at fault: 1) somatic growth causing concomitant tube migration and 2) elasticity of the buphthalmic eye, allowing shrinkage as intraocular pressure (IOP) decreases and tube straightening due to “memory.”
Nationalism
Authors: Baldwin Peter
Published: November 2020

Americans Are Patriotic And Nationalist, but not more than some Europeans (figure 173). Unsurprisingly, Germans are least proud of their nation, and rather unexpectedly and cheerily, the Portuguese—not the Americans—are most proud, with the Irish tied for second place. A 2007 survey reveals that a larger proportion of Italians consider their culture superior than any other nationalities surveyed, including the Americans. Another survey finds that only the Irish feel more uniformly proud to be of their nation. Proportionately more Austrians, Irish, French, and Danes claim they feel very close to their nation than do Americans. Americans are more likely than any Europeans to think that their country is better than most others. But proportionately more Portuguese, Danes, and Spaniards feel that the world would be improved if other people were like them. And any U.S. tendency to boosterism is tempered by the finding that a larger fraction of Americans admits that certain aspects of their country shame them than do the Germans, Austrians, Spanish, French, Danes, or Finns. No country more robustly projects its own nationalist aspirations in the products it sells abroad than the supposedly postnational Swedes. Swedish manufacturers, or at least their advertising agencies, seem convinced that the sheer fact of being Swedish is a selling point. Ikea’s walls are adorned with musings on the preternaturally close relationship between Swedes and nature that allegedly sets them apart from the rest of humanity, as are packets of Wasa crispbread. Asko’s slogan, “Made In Sweden,” is festooned prominently on its products. Though it does not necessarily inspire confidence that the company’s dishwashers are better than the competition, it certainly makes clear Asko’s national origins. Absolut Vodka’s tag—in uncharacteristically unidiomatic English—“Country of Sweden,” does much the same. Saab hawks its cars as “Born from Jets,” an unsubtle allusion to the company’s standing as a pillar of the Swedish military-industrial complex.
Assimilation
Authors: Baldwin Peter
Published: November 2020

Let Us Move, now, from the otherworldly to the extraterritorial. Until recently, the assimilation of foreigners would not have been considered part of a comparison between Europe and America. America was a land of immigration; Europe was not. That is no longer the case. Overall levels of the foreign-born remain higher in the United States than in all European countries other than Switzerland and Luxembourg (figure 185). The difference is diminishing, however, as increasing numbers of foreigners make Europe their home. But the politics of counting foreigners is curious in Europe. In nations with virulent and powerful anti-foreigner political parties (Denmark, Austria, Norway, the Netherlands, France, and Switzerland) civil servants might wish to downplay the presence of those who could be regarded as an alien element. Bureaucracies in other countries might prefer to upscale the number of foreigners, perhaps to burnish their own multicultural qualifications. Consider the differences between two sets of OECD accounts of foreigners, from 2005 and 2007. The figures in these reports come respectively from 2003 and 2005, though numbers for a decade earlier, i.e., 1993 and 1995, are given as comparisons. As might be expected, in all European countries the number of foreigners increased between 2003 and 2005. But in some nations, the reported number of foreigners grew so startlingly over a two-year period that it must be due to a rejiggering of the figures rather than to any actual inflow. In many cases, too, the numbers for 1995 given in the later publication are higher than those given for 2003 in the earlier one. For example, the Austrian figures for the foreign part of the population in 1995 presented in 2007 are 11.2%, while those for 2003 presented in 2005 are only 9.4%. Similar discrepancies hold for Belgium, France, Ireland, the Netherlands, Norway, and several other nations. The mystery only deepens if we look at what precisely the OECD claims to measure. In 2005, it was Europe’s “foreign population.” Of the nations we are looking at, only the numbers from the United States are for “foreign-born.” In 2007, however, also the European figures are for “foreign-born,” except those for Greece, Italy, and Spain, which are for “foreign.” “Foreign-born” is, of course, a narrower and more precise category than “foreign.” Excepting only lapses of record keeping, “foreign-born” can be determined by standard-issue statistics.
Separated at Birth?
Authors: Baldwin Peter
Published: November 2020

To Return To The Bulk of our material in this book, what absolute differences separate the United States from Europe? The United States is a nation where proportionately more people are murdered each year, more are jailed, and more own guns than anywhere in Europe. The death penalty is still law. Religious belief is more fervent and widespread. A smaller percentage of citizens vote. Collective bargaining covers relatively fewer workers, and the state’s tax take is lower. Inequality is somewhat more pronounced. That is about it. In almost every other respect, differences are ones of degree, rather than kind. Oft en, they do not exist, or if they do, no more so than the same disparities hold true within Western Europe itself. At the very least, this suggests that farreaching claims to radical differences across the Atlantic have been overstated. Even on violence—a salient difference that leaps unprompted from the evidence, both statistical and anecdotal—the contrast depends on how it is framed. Without question, murder rates are dramatically different across the Atlantic. And, of course, murder is the most shocking form of sudden, unexpected death, unsettling communities, leaving survivors bereaved and mourning. But consider a wider definition of unanticipated, immediate, and profoundly disrupting death. Suicide is oft en thought of as the exit option for old, sick men anticipating the inevitable, and therefore not something that changes the world around them. But, in fact, the distribution of suicide over the lifespan is broadly uniform. In Iceland, Ireland, the UK, and the United States, more young men (below forty-five) than old do themselves in. In Finland, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and Norway, the figures are almost equal. Elsewhere, the older have a slight edge. But overall, the ratio between young and old suicides approximates 1:1. Broadly speaking, and sticking with the sex that most oft en kills itself, men do away with themselves as oft en when they are younger and possibly still husbands, fathers, and sons as they do when they are older and when their actions are perhaps fraught with less consequence for others. Suicide is as unsettling, and oft en even more so, for survivors as murder.
Analytical Methods and Bench Scale Preparative Bioseparations
Authors: Harrison Roger G. , Todd Paul W. , Rudge Scott R. , Petrides Demetri P.
Published: November 2020

The development of efficient and reliable processes for bioseparations is dependent on the availability of suitable analytical methods. This means it is important that work on analytical methodology for the bioproduct of interest starts at the very beginning of process development. Analytical studies are important throughout the development and scale up of the process, as changes can occur either to the product or to its associated impurities from what may be thought of as minor changes in the process. This chapter gives access to the vocabulary and techniques used in quality control and analytical development activities, starting with a description of specifications typically set for a pharmaceutical and the rationale behind them. Then, before discussing the assays themselves, we describe assay attributes, which can be measured and used to help not only the assay developer but also the biochemist and engineer responsible for developing downstream processes determine the usefulness and meaning of the assay. Finally, we turn to assays that are commonly applied in biotechnology, as they apply to biological activity, identity, and purity. These assays are the ultimate yardsticks by which the process is measured. Purification methods are developed for their ability to remove a contaminant from the product of interest, whether it is a related molecule, a contaminant related to a host organism, such as DNA or endotoxin, or a process contaminant, such as a residual solvent or water. Critical to understanding process performance is an understanding of how the assays that measure these contaminants have been developed, what the assay strengths and limitations are, and what they indicate and why. Electrophoresis and magnetic separation are two methods that are now used for the bench scale preparative purification of bioproducts, including living cells. The electrophoresis systems with the highest capacity are free-flow electrophoresis, density gradient electrophoresis, recycling free-flow isoelectric focusing, and rotating isoelectric focusing, and the principles of operation of these are discussed. The physical principles of magnetic separations are presented, as well as magnetic reagents and applications of magnetic separators.
Laboratory Exercises in Bioseparations
Authors: Harrison Roger G. , Todd Paul W. , Rudge Scott R. , Petrides Demetri P.
Published: November 2020

Chapters 3 to 11 of this text are organized around the study of various unit operations in the approximate order of their customary application to bioseparations. In this chapter, five of these operations are singled out for further exploration in the laboratory. These are flocculant screening (Chapter 3), crossflow filtration (Chapter 4), centrifugation of cells and lysate (Chapter 5), aqueous two-phase partitioning of a protein (Chapter 6), and gradient-elution ion exchange chromatography of test proteins (Chapter 7). Each section of this chap­ter is thus an independent laboratory exercise. The instructions can be applied flexibly to the materials and equipment available at a particular laboratory or department. The calculations, reporting, and scale-up applications are applicable to any experiment that follows the generic paradigm of each of the sets of lab instructions. The pattern to be followed consists of becoming acquainted with the equipment and describing it as a unit operation in a report, execution of a predesigned experiment, recording of appropriate data, analysis of the data in the context of this textbook, presenting reduced data in a report, critically analyzing the quality of the results, and, finally applying the actual numerical results to a scale-up to production scale. Process economics may be applied where appropriate. In this laboratory exercise, a flocculant will be evaluated for its ability to flocculate cells or lysate particles. Lysate particles are smaller and require, typically, higher concentration of flocculant than that required to flocculate whole cells. The flocculant concentration required will be determined by observing the persistence of flocculation and clarity of supernatant, measured as a function of flocculant concentration. Flocculants are usually polymers with properties, such as charge, that cause them to interact with cells or lysate particles and bind them together. Their effectiveness depends on molecular weight, charge, solubility, and other properties, and their interactions with cells and particles depend, therefore, on pH, ionic strength, temperature, and dry solids concentration. Unless a great deal is known about the suspended material of interest, or extensive experience has been published, the choice of flocculating conditions usually depends on educated trial and error.
Hope at the End of Our Tether
Authors: Orr David W.
Published: November 2020

We like optimistic people. they are fun, often funny, and very often capable of doing amazing things otherwise thought to be impossible. Were I stranded on a life raft in the middle of the ocean with the choice of an optimist or a pessimist for a companion, I’d want the optimist, providing he did not have a liking for human flesh. Optimism, however, is often rather like a Yankee fan believing that the team can win the game when it’s the bottom of the ninth and they’re up by a run with two outs, a two-strike count against a .200 hitter, and Mariano Rivera in his prime on the mound. That fan is optimistic for good reason. Cleveland Indian fans (I am one), on the other hand, believe in salvation by small percentages (if at all) and hope for a hit to get the runner home from second base and tie the game. Optimists know that the odds are in their favor; hope is the faith that things will work out whatever the odds. Hope is a verb with its sleeves rolled up. Hopeful people are actively engaged in defying the odds or changing the odds. Optimism, on the other hand, leans back, puts its feet up, and wears a confident look, knowing that the deck is stacked. “Hope,” in Vaclav Havel’s words, “is not prognostication. It is an orientation of the spirit, an orientation of the heart; it transcends the world that is immediately experienced, and is anchored somewhere beyond its horizons . . . Hope, in this deep and powerful sense, is not the same as joy that things are going well, . . . but, rather, an ability to work for something because it is good” (1991, p. 181). I know of no purely rational reason for anyone to be optimistic about the human future. How can one be optimistic, for example, about global warming? First, as noted above, it isn’t a “warming,” but rather a total destabilization of the planet brought on by the behavior of one species: us.
In the Beginning
Authors: Fisher David
Published: November 2020

I was formally introduced to the noble gases in high school chemistry class, but they were a boring lot and we mostly ignored them. I don’t remember them even being mentioned during college or graduate school. My real affair began in the fall of 1958 at the Brookhaven National Laboratory. I had taken a postdoctoral appointment there to work with one of the foremost nuclear chemists in the country. In 1958 there was Glenn Seaborg in California, Nate Sugarman at the University of Chicago, and Gert Friedlander at Brookhaven. I had finished my PhD work on nuclear reactions at Oak Ridge, and applied to both Chicago and Brookhaven—California was just too far away—with Brookhaven as my clear favorite: it had the world’s biggest atom smasher, the Cosmotron, with 3 Bev of energy, while Chicago had only a few-hundred-Mev machine. So in the spring of 1958 I set off on my first interview trip, hitting Brookhaven first. One of the staff scientists took me around the lab, introducing me to the others. Whenever someone tried to ask me about my research, he shut them off, which I thought strange. And then at eleven o’clock we walked through a door and suddenly there was a room filled with the entire chemistry department looking at me, and my host stopped at the lectern just long enough to say, “Our speaker today is David Fisher, who will tell us about his work on the nuclear reactions induced by nitrogen on sulphur.” Everyone clapped politely, my host sat down, and I stood there like an idiot. I hadn’t had any idea I’d be expected to give a formal lecture to the greatest scientists I had ever met. I hadn’t prepared anything. I quickly considered my options. I could turn and flee through the door I had entered. I could drop dead. I could— There wasn’t anything else. Those were my only options. Or, oh yeah, I could begin to talk.
Meanwhile, Back at Brookhaven
Authors: Fisher David
Published: November 2020

At the end of the Nineteenth century William Ramsay, searching for minerals that might concentrate argon or helium, wrote, “One mineral—malacone—gave appreciable quantities of argon; and it is noteworthy that argon was not found except in it (and, curiously, in much larger amount than helium), and in a specimen of meteoric iron. Other specimens of meteoric iron were examined, but were found to contain mainly hydrogen, with no trace of either argon or helium. It is probable that the sources of meteorites might be traced in this manner, and that each could be relegated to its particular swarm.” Finally, sixty years later, this is what Ollie Schaeffer and I now set out to do. Meteoritic iron has been used since prehistoric times: necklaces of the metal beads interlaced with gold are found in the tombs of Egyptian kings, and an inventory of a Hittite temple, describing where on earth their gold and silver came from, lists their iron as having “fallen from the sky.” Yet as late as the early nineteenth century, the reality of meteorites still was not accepted by men of good will. For after all, how could heavy stones and chunks of iron fall out of the sky? And then in 1803 a huge shower of meteorites fell at L’Aigle, France, just at the time that the French Academy of Sciences had convened a meeting to discuss the question. In America no one paid much attention, until on December 14, 1807, at 6:30 in the morning, a bright fireball suddenly blazed through the sky over Vermont and Massachusetts. It was reportedly nearly as bright and big as the moon, until it suddenly exploded and disappeared over the town of Weston, Connecticut, showering the area with stone fragments, as the local media reported. In those days it took a while for the news to travel a few tens of miles, and so it was a few days before Yale’s new professor of chymistry (sic) and natural history, Benjamin Silliman, heard of it. Grabbing his hat and a colleague, Professor James L. Kingsley, he galloped across the state to Weston.
Deposit-Density Models
Authors: Singer Donald , Menzie W. David
Published: November 2020

A key function of many forms of quantitative mineral resource assessments is estimation of the number of undiscovered deposits. In any given region, there is some fixed but, in most cases, unknown number of undiscovered deposits of a given type—the number could be zero or a larger integer. Many quantitative resource assessments that are based on a common three-part form of assessment (Singer, 1993a) have used expert judgment to estimate the number of deposits. Estimates of this unknown number are presented in a probabilistic form to reflect the uncertainty associated with the estimate. Ideally, estimates of number of deposits should rely on analogies with similar well-explored geologic settings, just as grades and tonnages of well explored deposits serve as analogs of the qualities and sizes of undiscovered deposits. Estimates of the number of undiscovered deposits can be derived from counts of known deposits per unit area in explored control regions. Number of deposits per unit area of the control regions can be used in histograms to show variation of densities by deposit type. Some research has been conducted on densities of several deposit types so that these ratios can be more widely used as a guide for number-of-deposit estimates (Bliss, Orris, and Menzie, 1987; Bliss, Menzie, Orris, and Page, 1987; Bliss and Menzie, 1993; Bliss, 1992b; Root, Menzie, and Scott, 1992). Most of these studies provide point (i.e., single) estimates of the number of deposits per unit area. Singer et al. (2001) summarize the ideas behind these mineral deposit density models and provide individual estimates for twenty-seven combinations of deposit types and control locations. Many of the specially selected areas they describe provide standards to identify what should be considered high estimates of number of undiscovered deposits in most situations. Thus, many published mineral-deposit densities provide guides that suggest upper limits to estimates but are not necessarily useful in providing estimation guides for more likely situations.
Ethics and Global Climate Change
Authors: Gardiner Stephen M.
Published: November 2020

Very few moral philosophers have written on climate change. This is puzzling, for several reasons. First, many politicians and policy makers claim that climate change is not only the most serious environmental problem currently facing the world but also one of the most important international problems per se. Second, many of those working in other disciplines describe climate change as fundamentally an ethical issue. Third, the problem is theoretically challenging, both in itself and in virtue of the wider issues it raises. Indeed, some have even gone so far as to suggest that successfully addressing climate change will require a fundamental paradigm shift in ethics (Jamieson 1992, p. 292). Arguably, then, there is a strong presumption that moral philosophers should be taking climate change seriously. So why the neglect? In my view, the most plausible explanation is that study of climate change is necessarily interdisciplinary, crossing boundaries between (at least) science, economics, law, and international relations. This fact not only creates an obstacle to philosophical work (since amassing the relevant information is both time-consuming and intellectually demanding) but also makes it tempting to assume that climate change is essentially an issue for others to resolve. Both factors contribute to the current malaise—and not just within philosophy but in the wider community, too. My aims in this survey, then, are twofold. First, I try to overcome the interdisciplinary obstacle to some extent, by making the climate-change issue more accessible to both philosophers and nonphilosophers alike. Second, by drawing attention to the ethical dimensions of the climate change problem, I make the case that the temptation to defer to experts in other disciplines should be resisted. Climate change is fundamentally an ethical issue. As such, it should be of serious concern to both moral philosophers and humanity at large. The interdisciplinary nature of the climate-change problem once prompted John Broome to imply that a truly comprehensive survey of the relevant literature would be impossible (Broome 1992, p. viii). I do not attempt the impossible. Instead, I present an overview of the most major and recent work relevant to philosophical discussion.
The Insula: Position, Terrain, Layout
Authors: Ling Roger , Arthur Paul , Clarke Georgia , Lazer Estelle , Ling Lesley A. , Rush Peter , Waters Andrew
Published: November 2020

The insula del menandro (pompeii I 10) is one of a number of large and slightly irregular blocks lying between the presumed old part of the city (the Altstadt, roughly equivalent to the area south of Via delle Terme and Via della Fortuna and west of Via Stabiana) and the regular rectangular grid which occupies the eastern part of the final walled city (the Neustadt) . It has traditionally been believed that the Altstadt was the original settlement, dating perhaps to the seventh or sixth centuries BC, and that this expanded during the fifth or fourth centuries to accommodate a massive rise in population; but research since the early 1980s has suggested that there was a circuit of walls on the present line as early as the sixth century BC, in which case the Altstadt should perhaps be regarded as a religious or commercial enclave marked off within the city—a ‘kind of acropolis’, as Kockel describes it. None the less, it is clear that the development of the walled area did not take place in one fell swoop but represents a series of successive phases spread over a period of time. A crucial phase In the process was the laying out, perhaps in the early third century BC, of the city’s three major streets: the principal cardo, Via Vesuvio/Stabiana, and the two main decumani, Via delle Terme/della Fortuna/di Nola and Via dell’Abbondanza. The creation of our quarter ought logically to have come soon after, since It is predicated upon the existence of the new thoroughfares. The positions of Via di Nola and Via dell’Abbondanza were determined by dividing the length of Via Stabiana into three; the divisions so created were then bisected by further decumani aligned upon the towers of the eastern defences, and the central and southern zones were further subdivided to establish a series of rhomboidal blocks roughly 60 m. wide and deep. This phase extended only a couple of blocks east of Via Stabiana, and our insula is one of those on the eastern periphery. The rectangular grid to the east is clearly later.
Excavation and Restoration
Authors: Ling Roger , Arthur Paul , Clarke Georgia , Lazer Estelle , Ling Lesley A. , Rush Peter , Waters Andrew
Published: November 2020

Like most parts of pompeii, I 10 was explored and plundered by tunnellers before the modern excavations. It is important, in this respect, to distinguish the activities of the victims of the eruption from those of later intruders. A number of victims were trapped in the insula. Two skeletons were found in room 9 of the Casa del Fabbro, two more in room 8 of the Casa degli Amanti, and a total of eighteen In the Casa del Menandro — an adult and child in room 43 of I 10, 16 (see p. 117), two adults and a child at a high level, perhaps in the roof space, above the stable, three equipped with a pick and drag-hoe just inside the entrance of room 19, and a further ten equipped with a lantern about 2.50 m. above the floor in the adjacent corridor Pl. Some writers have suggested that the last thirteen, at least, were not, as Maiuri believed, occupants of the house trying to escape but later tunnellers who had been trapped or overcome by fumes. The presence of digging implements certainly indicates that the people in question had dug through, or were planning to dig through, the volcanic material; but it Is less certain that they had broken any of the holes visible In the neighbouring walls, since their tools were singularly inadequate for this task; and the fact that the dead Included women and very young children (Appendix F) makes it unlikely that this was a party bent on salvage or pillage. There is no reason, therefore, to question Maiuri’s original view that they were victims of the eruption. But that the insula was extensively explored by tunnellers is clear from the Innumerable breaches (Pl 120). Almost all the enclosed rooms—that is, spaces which had not been open to the air so were not completely blocked by volcanic debris—show breaches In at least two walls—and frequently two breaches in each wall, one at a higher level and one at a lower. It is scarcely credible that all of these were made by victims trying to escape.
Structural History of The Insula
Authors: Ling Roger , Arthur Paul , Clarke Georgia , Lazer Estelle , Ling Lesley A. , Rush Peter , Waters Andrew
Published: November 2020

Having looked at the different units within the insula individually, we now need to review and summarize the structural history of the insula as a whole. As stated in Part One, Section 4 (pp. 19-20), the sequence has been divided into five main phases. The first corresponds to structures in opera a telaio and related techniques; the second to the First Style of wall-painting, i.e. mid-second to early first century BC (structures generally in opus incertum with a preponderance of lava and Sarno stone); the third to the Second Style of wall-painting, i.e. broadly the period from c.80 BC to the last years of the century; the fourth to the Third Style of wall-painting, i.e. broadly the period from the late first century BC to the mid-first century AD; and the fifth to the Fourth Style of wall-painting, i.e. the period from C.AD 50 to AD 79. In contrast to the preliminary report, this survey does not attempt to subdivide the phases, except in the more eventful Phase 5, since this approach now seems unduly rigid and implies a degree of precision beyond what the evidence warrants. Some of the main points in which the present analysis differs from the earlier one will be referred to in footnotes. Inevitably many aspects of the interpretation remain uncertain, particularly with regard to the early phases. Selective excavation might fill some of the gaps, but at the moment the early phase plans necessarily contain large areas of empty space or fragments of unrelated walling. Only where there is some ground for predicting missing elements have parts of plans been restored, but even then it has sometimes been necessary to choose between alternative restorations. The diagnostic features are the use of opera a telaio and inferences from the property boundaries and wall alignments. The Irregular shapes of houses 3,7, and 16 imply that they have been inserted in the gaps between pre-existing properties; we may, therefore, suggest that houses 1, 4, and 8 belong to the earliest development in the insula.
Crisis in Machinery Building: The Roots of Germany’s Economic Malaise?
Authors: Gertler Meric S.
Published: November 2020

The health and state of the German economy has been the dominant topic in the European business press since at least 1994, when the post-unification boom came to an end, and with good reason. Home to 82 million people, it is Europe’s largest economy. But it has also been the slowest-growing economy within the European Union since 1994, averaging just 1.6 per cent annually, a period in which it has also lagged behind the United States in every year except 2001. The DAX index of Germany’s top companies has experienced a sharper and more sustained downturn than the stock markets in the United States, United Kingdom, and France, indicative of a growing malaise amongst the country’s largest industrial and financial firms (Smiley 2002: 4). Inward foreign direct investment has slowed to a trickle, and a large proportion of its biggest companies are diverting their own investments to production sites abroad. The country’s share of global exports has declined from 11.8 per cent to 9.7 per cent over the decade between 1992 and 2002 (The Economist 2002a: S8). Meanwhile, the national unemployment rate has climbed to nearly 10 per cent over the same period, according to German statistics (or 8.3 per cent using European Union statistics) (The Economist 2002b: S13). There is no shortage of diagnoses for what allegedly ails the German economy these days. For many in the same business press, the answer is seductively simple: Germany is ‘stifled by a hugely restrictive and intrusive web of regulations, and weighed down by one of the most expensive, inflexible and protected labour forces in the world’ (Smiley 2002: S4). While there is undoubtedly some truth to this assessment, it is also simple-minded in the extreme. This chapter provides an alternative interpretation of the roots of Germany’s economic problems by focusing on one of its bedrock industries: mechanical engineering (in particular, its machinery and machine tool industry). Tracing the evolution of this key industry from a point early in the 1990s when it first encountered a serious competitive setback.
Land Values and the Fiscal Cadastre
Authors: Dale Peter , McLaughlin John
Published: November 2020

Classic economic theory holds that there are three vehicles for generating wealth in an economy—capital, labour, and land. Land is fundamental, for labour cannot live without space and capital cannot be managed without offices and the infrastructure that is built upon the land. The management of land has social, political, and economic dimensions. While the post-war land reforms were driven largely by political agendas, current reforms are primarily concerned with the development of land markets. In their study of urban land markets, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) pointed out that: . . . Land plays an important role as a financial asset. It is an important element in the portfolios of central and local government, nationalized industries, private companies and financial institutions. Financial markets and property markets are intimately connected. Land, especially seen from an historical perspective, is often considered from an investor’s point of view as a superior asset to the financial assets available on capital markets, mainly because of the potential of land to maintain its value over time and because of favourable tax treatment. The more capital and land markets are developed, the higher is the degree of possible substitution between land and other assets. Land and building values together can account for a substantial share of the market capitalization or many businesses and are often a prime consideration of corporate strategy. Stock market growth can be fuelled by rising prices in real estate markets when land is used as collateral for loans. Should land and prices fall in a volatile market place, a high level of dependency on land and property-based assets may carry the risk of serious financial disruptions. . . . The report went on to state that: Land policy cannot be effectively designed and pursued if governments do not understand how their land markets operate (OECD 1992). Land and property are important components in any market driven economy—their value is a measure of the wealth of any society and probably accounts for more than 20 per cent of GDP (UNECE 1996). In most countries, the biggest landowner is the state.
Land Information Management
Authors: Dale Peter , McLaughlin John
Published: November 2020

A key component of land administration is the management of land and property related data. Such data may be held in manual or digital form although, increasingly, all land related records are being computerized for ease of storage and retrieval. Data are raw collections of facts that, from a land administration perspective, may be gathered and written down as numbers and text, for instance in a surveyor’s field book, or collected and stored digitally through the use of ‘data loggers’ and computers. They may also be held graphically as on maps or aerial photographs. Data become information when processed into a form meaningful to a decision-maker. The usefulness of this information will depend upon the quality of the data and especially on the extent to which they are up to date, accurate, complete, comprehensive, understandable, and accessible. Even then, good data do not necessarily produce good management decisions since other factors may be involved, such as the qualities of the data user; the converse is however true, namely that poor quality data will almost certainly result in bad decision-making. Land and property related data are increasingly managed within formal land information systems (LIS). As with all information systems, LIS use a combination of human and technical resources, together with a set of organizing procedures, to produce information in support of management activities (Dale and McLaughlin 1988). Increasingly, the technologies that drive the data processing are components of geographic information systems (GIS). There has been much debate about the nature of GIS, some seeing them as sets of hardware, software, and data while others have seen them as all-embracing institutional arrangements of which the technology is only part. In the following discussion, GIS will be treated as the former and restricted to the acquisition and assembly of spatial data; their processing, storage, and maintenance; and their retrieval, analysis, and dissemination. By analogy with the motor car, GIS are the engines that power the car and data are the fuel; operating a transportation system is, however, a more complex process.
Mathematical Models and Quantitative Methods
Authors: Legates David R. , Gopal Sucharita
Published: November 2020

Although the use of mathematical models and quantitative methods in geography accelerated in earnest with the development of quantitative geography and regional science in the late 1950s, such techniques had already made their way into the mainstream of physical geography much earlier. Today, mathematical models and quantitative methods are used in a number of subfields in geography with their proliferation being aided, in part, by the widespread use of remote sensing, geographic information systems (GIS), and computer-based technology. As a consequence, geography as a whole has witnessed a new growth in the development of models and quantitative methods over the last decade, and it is this growth that we seek to elucidate here. Highlighting the advances in the use of models and methods in geography is a difficult undertaking. Such techniques are so widely used in GIS and remote sensing that many developments in these areas also could be considered in this chapter. Moreover, modeling and quantitative techniques are so strongly integrated within some geographic subfields (e.g. climatology and geomorphology, economic and urban geography, regional science) that it is often difficult to separate technique development from application. This is illustrated by the fact that many members of the Association of American Geographers who frequently use and develop quantitative techniques and models are not active participants in the Mathematical Models and Quantitative Methods Specialty Group, choosing instead to favor specialty groups with a more topical, rather than methodological, focus. In a very real sense, the quantitative revolution has been completed in many subfields of geography, with the goals and aims of the revolutionaries having long since passed into the mainstream. Furthermore, geographers who are involved with quantitative methods and mathematical models are extremely diverse in their interests and applications— they contribute to an extremely wide variety of disciplines. While they excel at spreading the geographic word to other disciplines, summarizing their multifarious contributions is nearly impossible. The rather trite statement, “Geography is what geographers do,” seems to apply strongly here. Geographers are largely a collection of individuals who, although united by their interest in spatial models and methods, are unique in the ways that they make contributions to various fields.
Values, Ethics, and Justice
Authors: Kobayashi Audrey , Proctor James
Published: November 2020

Questions of ethics, values, justice, and the moral principles according to which we engage in geographical scholarship, have always been a part of geography, but for the past two decades—and perhaps even more significantly, since the events of September 11, 2001—they have become a central part of the lexicon of American and international geographical scholarship. The Values, Justice and Ethics Specialty Group (VJESG) was formed in 1997 to respond to a felt need for geographers to focus on both the ethical issues that inform our academic work, and the ways in which that work is connected to larger societal issues. The concerns of the group have been less with a particular range of topics or approaches than with the ethical questions that cut across the entire discipline, on the assumption that such questions are bounded neither by subject matter nor by theoretical constraints. The group was formed at a time when questions of whether geographers should be concerned about the moral, ethical implications of their work had long since been replaced with questions of how geographers could focus attention on these issues. Concern is with the very difficult questions that link personal commitment, or reflexivity, with larger questions of research and pedagogy. One of the best sources of evidence of the importance of such questions, and of the intellectual sophistication with which they are being asked, is the journal Ethics, Place and Environment, inaugurated in 1998. This group felt a need, therefore, for a geographical forum in which to explore the relationship between American geography and the world in which it operates. While a relatively small number of geographers works in a more narrowly defined field that might be called moral philosophy (Sack 1997; Smith 1997,1998a, 2000), for the vast majority, ethical questions connect the academic and the personal lives of geographical practitioners, in ways that influence directly the questions they ask, the methodological and theoretical choices they make, and, perhaps most importantly, their personal relations with their research subjects and their own communities. As I. Hay (1998: 73) suggests, “the place to start that process is on our [geographers’] own professional bodies.”
The Chemical Basis of Morphogenesis (1952)
Authors: Turing Alan
Published: November 2020

It is suggested that a system of chemical substances, called morphogens, reacting together and diffusing through a tissue, is adequate to account for the main phenomena of morphogenesis. Such a system, although it may originally be quite homogenous, may later develop a pattern or structure due to an instability of the homogeneous equilibrium, which is triggered off by random disturbances. Such reaction-diffusion systems are considered in some detail in the case of an isolated ring of cells, a mathematically convenient, though biologically unusual system. The investigation is chiefly concerned with the onset of instability. It is found that there are six essentially different forms which this may take. In the most interesting form stationary waves appear on the ring. It is suggested that this might account, for instance, for the tentacle patterns on Hydra and for whorled leaves. A system of reactions and diffusion on a sphere is also considered. Such a system appears to account for gastrulation. Another reaction system in two dimensions gives rise to patterns reminiscent of dappling. It is also suggested that stationary waves in two dimensions could account for the phenomena of phyllotaxis. The purpose of this paper is to discuss a possible mechanism by which the genes of a zygote may determine the anatomical structure of the resulting organism. The theory does not make any new hypotheses; it merely suggests that certain well-known physical laws are sufficient to account for many of the facts. The full understanding of the paper requires a good knowledge of mathematics, some biology, and some elementary chemistry. Since readers cannot be expected to be experts in all of these subjects, a number of elementary facts are explained, which can be found in text-books, but whose omission would make the paper difficult reading. In this section a mathematical model of the growing embryo will be described. This model will be a simplification and an idealization, and consequently a falsification. It is to be hoped that the features retained for discussion are those of greatest importance in the present state of knowledge. The model takes two slightly different forms. In one of them the cell theory is recognized but the cells are idealized into geometrical points.
Early Beginnings 500,000–35,000 Years Ago
Authors: Gamble Clive
Published: November 2020

Our understanding of the first peopling of Britain has recently undergone a transformation. On the one hand there have been fundamental advances in the investigation of Pleistocene environments and chronology, while on the other exceptionally well preserved archaeological sites of the period have now been investigated. These data are allowing us to reinterpret the society and palaeo-ecology of the people who inhabited this small corner of north-west Europe between 500,000 and 35,000 years ago. In order to put these findings into their proper context I will, however, need to roam more widely across the Palaeolithic world and consider the evolutionary changes and geographical processes that were involved over such long time-spans. One aspect I will concentrate upon in this contribution is that, although these earliest inhabitants did not dramatically transform the landscape, in the manner that either prehistoric farmers did with fields and ritual monuments (see Whittle in this volume) or, later, more complex societies achieved through trade, cities and the military machine (see Cunliffe and Härke in this volume), we can, none the less, see the beginnings of such shaping in the way they went about their daily and lifetime routines. My point is that these early hominids (a term which includes ourselves and all our fossil ancestors) were not slaves to nature, ecological creatures determined in everything by the environment, but rather creative builders of social networks that linked their daily landscapes of habit into very different social worlds. Their act of living in the worlds of half a million years ago was every bit as transformative for those environments as our acts of living are today. In other words, the idea that our earliest ancestors lived solely in a natural landscape because they had very simple technologies, smaller brains, and tiny social groupings, while we by contrast create and inhabit a complex cultural world, needs to be revised. Moreover, the second theme of this volume, population diversity and movement, is also illustrated in these early beginnings.