bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Political Participation and Attitudes in the Church of England
Authors: Moyser George , Medhurst Kenneth
Published: April 2007

It seems to be part of the conventional wisdom of British political science that English religious institutions and values do not demand much attention from the discipline's practitioners. It appears to be tacitly assumed that the process of secularization, and the relative absence of serious religious cleavages, have left such phenomena with minimal political significance. Nevertheless, Churches, and above all the Church of England, have traditionally occupied a position in English society that must leave some question marks against such assumptions. Mass politics, in an age of widespread indifference to institutional religion, no doubt has left Churches with considerably diminished scope for the exercize of political influence. On the other hand, these bodies still dispose of resources that, potentially at least, make them pressure groups of some weight. The politicization of moral issues, of particular interest to the Churches, may add credence to such a view.
Party and Federation in Germany: A Developmental Dilemma
Authors: Lehmbruch Gerhard
Published: April 2007

CONTEMPORARY WEST GERMAN FEDERALISM IS FACING A DILEMMA generated by the transformation of the party system after the second world war. Since the late nineteenth century highly complex political and administrative structures have developed in Germany and for most of the time federalism has been one of their important elements. Because of their complexity effective policy-making depended largely upon strategies of accommodation, bargaining and repartition of influence between rival groups and organizations. This has been the rationale of federalism as well as of multi-party coalition government.
Ecology Politics and Liberal Democracy
Authors: Lauber Volkmar
Published: April 2007

OVER THE LAST TEN YEARS, ECOLOGY HAS MADE ITS ENTRANCE INTO politics. At first the main concern was with pollution; but soon it broadened, and today the watchword is energy. In both cases the underlying phenomenon is that of economic growth. Not that all growth is incompatible with ecological balance; but over the last few decades normally there was a conflict, and industrial and urban growth in particular have led to a significant deterioration of the environment. Hence the importance of the controversy surrounding industrialization and economic growth, which has taken on an increasing importance in the politics of several Western European countries.
Peru before the Election for the Constituent Assembly: Ten Years of Military Rule and The Quest for Social Justice
Authors: Gorman Stephen M.
Published: April 2007

ELECTIONS FOR A CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY ARE SCHEDULED TO TAKE place in Peru in 1978. In view of this event and of the changes which it might bring about, it would be useful to examine the tenyear record of the military revolutionary government in that country.

If the road to hell truly is paved with good intentions, it is of little solace to those who must walk it. So it is that after nearly a decade of revolution in Peru we can no longer concern ourselves with ferreting out the motives of the military officers who have led it, but must turn instead to an assessment of the damage that has been done. Peru's Revolutionary Government of the Armed Forces has attracted considerable attention and even admiration within and without Latin America since its inception through a bloodless coup on 3 October 1968. In subsequent years the military junta, in which the Army dominates over the Air Force and Navy, has passed through three perceptible stages. The first corresponded to the presidency of General Juan Velasco Alvarado, architect of the coup and leader of the revolution until he was ousted in August 1975. His tenure, now referred to officially as the ‘First Phase’ of the revolution, was responsible for dramatic and far-reaching reforms which eventually over-taxed the financial and political resources of his government and forced him from office. The so-called ‘Second Phase’ of the revolution began with Velasco's replacement by his more conservative Prime Minister, General Francisco Morales Bermddez. Attention turned to consolidating the gains of the revolution during this period but the inability of the government to shore up the economy and rationalize the programmes of the Velasco era resulted in the imposition ofa severe austerity programme in July 1976. Violent political upheavals within the popular classes in July, and the backlash of the conservative factions within the military, caused a purge of most of the remaining liberal officers in the government. It is fair to speak of a ‘Third Phase’ of the revolution since the latter part of 1976 in which President Morales has been pressured into systematically dismantling many of the popular reforms of the Velasco era. Official announcements in 1977 clarified the military's intention to withdraw from direct management of the state over the next two to three years. Thus, it is appropriate now to begin assessment of the Institutional Revolution of the Armed Forces and its legacy for Peru.
Syria under Asad, 1970–78: The Centres of Power
Authors: Dawisha A. I.
Published: April 2007

NO OTHER MIDDLE EASTERN COUNTRY COULD MATCH THE TURBULENT post-independence history that Syria has experienced. Gaining its independence from France in April 1946, Syria moved uncertainly through the bewildering web of inter-Arab politics until the first military coup in March 1949 propelled it towards the long period of instability that was to follow. Indeed, the coup of November 1970, popularly known as the ‘Corrective Movement’, which installed the Asad regime in power constituted the twenty-first change of government in the twenty-four years of the country's independence. This persistent political turmoil, particularly during the fifties and sixties, contrasts sharply with the stability that Syria enjoyed in the first eight years of this decade.
Plaidoyer pour une Libéralisation Manquée
Authors: Gellner Ernest
Published: April 2007

IT IS A GREAT HONOUR TO PROVOKE NOT ONE BUT TWO sustained reactions from Raymond Aron, and I can only hope that his prediction of the initiation of a vaste débat concerning this issue will indeed be fulfilled. For my own part, I have few if any serious disagreements with what he says in his article, notwithstanding the fact that it has the form of a critical examination of my own position. The differences are matters of stress, interpretation and perhaps temperament, rather than genuine disagreements of fact or argument.
Gramsci, the Via Italiana, and the Classical Marxist‐Leninist Approach to Revolution
Authors: Femia Joseph V.
Published: April 2007

IT IS NOW COMMON (AND QUITE CORRECT) TO PRAISE ANTONIO Gramsci as the first Marxist theorist to understand that the revolution in Western Europe must deviate sharply from the strategic path taken by the Bolsheviks in Russia. With characteristic disdain for old and rigid formulae, he pointed to the crucial differences between advanced capitalist countries and the Russian Empire of 1917, and he attempted in his prison notebooks (Quaderni) to develop criteria of orientation and action appropriate to modern circumstances. What he offered was a new What is to be done? for the developed West, a fundamental reassessment and revision of the accepted Marxist approach to revolution. The nature of this enterprise has prompted many – critics and admirers alike – to lay emphasis on the tie between Gramsci and Togliatti-ism. Gramsci put forward ideas, it is claimed, whose logic is manifest in the ‘Italian (read “constitutional”, “parliamentary”, “democratic”, “pacific”) road to socialism’. It is now casually assumed in many circles that he was the ideological progenitor of what has come to be known as Eurocommunism, the increasingly influential body of doctrines that purports to marry liberalism and Marxism. In the following pages, this assumption, and other related ones, will be closely examined and evaluated.
Dependent Africa?
Authors: Austin Dennis
Published: April 2007

IN THIS AND SUBSEQUENT ISSUES IT IS PROPOSED TO PURSUE A common theme under a general title: Dependent Africa?. The question mark is needed to qualify the assumption. The assumption is based on a loose array of arguments which are often rehearsed and which run, very roughly, as follows.

No sooner, it seems, has an end to colonialism been proclaimed than it appears in other forms. Imperium expellas furca tamen usque recurret? So many now argue in relation particularly to Africa, the most colonial of continents. The ghosts of the Berlin Conference, it is said, must surely be returning to watch the re-enactment of their play. Is Africa not being repartitioned - parcelled out once again by forces external to the continent? Even the old colonial dominance once exercised by European powers now looks as if it has been given a new framework, in a post-independence setting, through treaty arrangements.
Four African Constitutions: Two Models
Authors: Panter‐Brick S. K.
Published: April 2007

EVENTS CONSTANTLY DRAW ATTENTION TO APPARENT IDEOlogical differences among the African states. Yet the precise nature of these differences is not always easy to discern, and still less obvious is the degree to which particular policies, internal or external, are grounded in some underlying articles of political faith. There are, however, occasions when the connexion is explicitly made, notably when there is a change of regime or a constitutional consolidation. A number of African countries have recently provided themselves with new constitutions. Unless one takes the view that this is pure ‘window-dressing’, the activity merits the attention not merely of the constitutional lawyer for whom constitutions are his daily bread but also of the political scientist who has other fish to fry. I propose therefore to look at four of the African countries: Madagascar and Algeria, where new constitutions have been in operation from 1976, and Nigeria and Ghana, where new constitutions are due to come into force in the second half of 1979. In the case of Ghana, I shall be referring to a draft still under consideration but also to an earlier Constitution, that of 1969. Although it was abrogated in 1972, when the military reintervened, many of its provisions and its underlying philosophy are being reasserted in the 1979 draft. My comments are concentrated on three matters: i) the basic character of the constitution; ii) the provisions relating to parties; iii) control over those in authority.
The European Parliament before and after Direct Elections
Authors: Nord Hans , Taylor John
Published: April 2007

POLITICAL SCIENTISTS HAVE ARGUED AND WRITTEN AT LENGTH on theories of integration and their application to the European Communities, in particular whether its development sùpports the tenets of functionalism, neo-functionalism or inter-governmentalism, and how far each of these theories has lain behind the Community's progress. Whatever views may be held on this, one feature of the European Communities is undeniable and that is its basis of parliamentary democracy. In fact, a system of government involving responsibility to a parliament elected by direct universal suffrage, is perhaps the only indispensable criterion for membership of the European Communities. Negotiations ma take place to cope with economic, social or demographic diffiulties, often very considerable in countries applying for membership, but if the applicant is not a parliamentary democracy, as this term is understood in Western Europe, then in practice negotiations cannot even begin. This is illustrated by the attitudes which have been adopted by all the Communities’ institutions and member-governments towards the applications of Greece, Spain and Portugal first to become associated with and later to join as full members. These a pli cations were only considered after dictatorships in each of the countries concerned had ended.
Notes Towards a Sociology of the June 1979 European Electons
Authors: Dreyfus François G.
Published: April 2007

THE JUNE 1979 EUROPEAN ELECTIONS MARK A VERY IMPORTant date, not only for the members of the European Community, but also for all the European countries, since for the first time, almost simultaneously, the representatives to the parliamentary Assembly of the Community were chosen democratically in the nine countries.
Trans‐European Party Groupings: Emergence of New and Alignment of Old Parties in the Light of the Direct Elections to the European Parliament
Authors: Claeys Paul‐H. , Loeb‐Mayer Nicole
Published: April 2007

TWO QUESTIONS ARISE WHEN CONSIDERING THE CHANGES that might be brought about by direct elections and by developments in the new European Parliament. One concerns institutionalized cooperation between political parties. To what extent can the three existing European party federations – Socialist, Christian Democrat, Liberal – be considered as a step towards the formation of genuine European political parties? Are they anything more than alignments of traditional parties coordinating their action at European level? The other question is related to parties or groups which have not until now created close-knit ad hoc structures. A special case is that of the Communist parties, which have not organized specific links at Communit level. Another problem is raised by non-traditional parties and groups that have in most cases little or no parlia mentary representation at either national or European level. Will some of them take advantage of the European sphere of action to make more impression than they have been able to do at domestic level, in cooperation with similarly oriented partners in other member countries?
Europe Elects a Parliament: Cognitive Mobilization, Political Mobilization and Pro‐European Attitudes as Influences on Voter Turnout
Authors: Inglehart Ronald , Rabier Jacques‐René
Published: April 2007

In June 1979, 110,968,000 citizens of the nine European Community countries voted to select representatives to the European Parliament - the fvst directlyelected supranational parliament in history.

Representatives from nine nations sit together as members of transnational party federations that have, in varying degrees, worked out joint political programmes. As a democratically elected body, the new European Parliament possesses a political legitimacy that the former, appointed, Parliament never had. By itself, this does not automatically give it a more influential role in decision-making at the European level, but it certainly strengthens the Parliament's potential to do so.
The Moscow Discourse: Fundamental Rights in a Democratic Order
Authors: Dahl Robert A.
Published: April 2007

DOES THE DEMOCRATIC PROCESS NECESSARILY ENTAIL CERtain rights, and if so, what are they? Do democratic assumptions exclude the possibility of rights that are superior to the democratic theory and practice?

These are the two sets of questions that I propose to explore in this essay.
The European Community and the European Convention on Human Rights
Authors: Paulin Bernard , Minch Mary
Published: April 2007

ON 2 MAY 1979, THE COMMISSION OF THE EUROPEAN COMMUNIties adopted a Memorandum on the accession of the European Communities to the ‘Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms’ signed in Rome on 4 November 1950 by the Member States of the Council of Europe and which entered into force on 3 September 1953. This memorandum which constitutes a document aimed at stimulating thought on the problems posed by the accession of the EEC and which concludes in favour of such a step, has been sent to the other institutions and organs of the European Communities. It is intended to start a debate within these institutions and organs and in all interested circles within the Member States.
Reflections on the State of the European Community at the End of the Seventies
Authors: Noël Emile
Published: April 2007

The ‘Reflections’ which follow were written in October 1979. The months in between have been rich in developments within the Community and in the world. This brief introduction is an attempt, not to take stock of them completely – space for this is lacking – but simply to tie them in with the analyses and orientations worked out some months ago.

The two significant events for the Community were the setback at the European Council in Dublin (29–30 November 1979) and the European Parliament's rejection of the 1980 budget (December 1979). I shall try to assess how the Community and its member-states reacted to two events which tested its cohesion: the new ‘oil shock’ after the OPEC meeting in Caracas and, politically, the Soviet military intervention in Afghanistan.
Founding Coalitions in Southern Europe: Legitimacy and Hegemony
Authors: Palma Giuseppe Di
Published: April 2007

ULTIMATELY, POLITICAL PARTIES ARE FOR GOVERNING; BUT who shall govern? In some countries the decision rests by broad agreement on the normal waxing and waning of electoral sympathies. Not so in Southern Europe today. Hopes or fears ofcontinuismo, have combined since the mid-1970s to raise divisive issues about the governing credibility of many parties, as Portugal and Spain inaugurated a party system after decades of no-party politics, Greece reinstated party competition after a briefer military rule, and Italy's parties underwent the most complicated electoral and coalitional test in thirty years of democracy.

Otherwise said, the complexity of coalitional preferences does not reflect a generic situation of competitive multi-party politics. It reflects a specific situation of crisis of founding coalitions, and therefore points to a lingering issue of legitimation. Who then, shall govern in Southern Europe, and with what legitimacy? The question admits no easy answer.
The Strange Death of Political Philosophy
Authors: Barry Brian
Published: April 2007

ALL INVITATIONS TO WRITE SOMETHING THAT COME WITH FAR distant deadlines are a subtle exercise in entrapment (and I speak here from experience as both hunter and quarry) resting on the usual tendency to discount the future. How could anyone resist the temptation to talk about everybody's favourite subject – themselves – when it is enhanced by the flattery implicit in the suggestion that other people might be interested? So easy too: just a few thousand words about changes in the discipline in the last twenty-five years and the way in which one sees it.
The British Way
Authors: Crick Bernard
Published: April 2007

ONE HAS TO BE CAREFUL ON THESE OCCASIONS. THERE IS SO much accident about it. Personally, as a latedeveloper at school, I did not have matriculation Latin but if I had I would have read History at Oxford. Instead I began in Economics at London University, at University College, by the way, not LSE – I had not heard of either, but LSE looked like the office blocks of Croydon in which my father worked in insurance and UCL looked like a university, as I had seen them in the cinema. But I moved out of Economics when my tutor at the beginning of the third year gave me a very high mark on an essay on ‘Value Theory’, but said: ‘Get out. I advise you to get out. You plainly don't believe in the subject. You will be a brilliant critic of it if you go on. But you don't believe that economic theory is an thing else but an analytical card-castle. If you go on, youdend up by hating your subject, hating yourself, and feeling like I do that you've wasted your life.’ I said that as I was taking Finals that summer, it was a little late to switch. ‘Nonsense’, Alfred Stonier replied, ‘not if you really want to get out of Economics. You are going dong to LSE for Laski's lectures for subsidiary. Government's easy, just reading books. Switch to that till you're clear what to do.’
Itinerary
Authors: Freymond Jacques
Published: April 2007

WE ALL APPROACH THE POST-WAR PERIOD THROUGH THE PERspective of our own pre-war experience and, for those who lived through it, of the war itself. We approach it, with a country as a starting point, on the basis of the experiences and books which formed our vision of Europe and the world and made us aware of the problems facing contemporary societies. For me, the country is Switzerland: a federal state which has remained fundamentally a confederation of sovereign states, linked by an alliance, the framework of which has been filled in by the successive adaptations imposed upon it, but which have not led to anything which could be called integration. The political structure has been built by delegation from the grass roots, through crises which, although they have sometimes been violent, have never called into question the fundamental principle of cantonal sovereignty. Each canton has preserved its originality which, although it may not immediate1 strike the passers-by, is expressed in the different shades of accent and in the variations in daily life, even more than in the folklore, touching and sometimes almost a caricature, which surrounds it.
Recollection in Anxiety: Thought and Change Revisited
Authors: Gellner Ernest
Published: April 2007

DESPITE EVERYTHING, THE DECADES BETWEEN 1945 AND THE oil crisis will in retrospect be seen as a new belle époque. The basic features of our social and ideological landscape have not changed since, yet somehow the sky has become darker, lowering and menacing. There is a sense of civilization, liberty, decency being in a state of siege, more deeply precarious than before, more fragde, and also more rotten and betrayed from within.

Why, all in all, had things seemed so good? Indeed, we had never had it so good, in a variety of senses. Now it feels as if we were going to pay for it.
If the Devil Rules, What Can Political Science Achieve?
Authors: Ridley F. F.
Published: April 2007

IT WAS ONLY WHEN I CAME TO REFLECT ON WHAT I MIGHT write that I realised the folly of my acceptance. The shock of the exercise, indeed, was that I could make no list of developments in political science to trigger off this article; clearly, no thoughts on the important books of the past generation were stored at the back of my mind, awaiting this invitation for their release. Having little to say, and most of that negative, all I can offer is some fragments of an intellectual autobiography.
Reflections of a Learner
Authors: Seton‐Watson Hugh
Published: April 2007

MY DOMINANT INTELLECTUAL CONCERNS HAVE BEEN WORLD politics and history, with strong but subsidiary passions – engaging the mind not less than the body – for watching wild creatures, looking at paintings and buildings and walking and (in my younger days) climbing on mountains. These are not gregarious pursuits; and though I have been a fiercely, and perhaps parochially, loyal member of various small groups at various times I have mostly been a lone magpie, picking up small things from many places.

I used to think the word ‘scholar’ pompous and pretentious, but now I would accept it as a description, using it in the sense prevalent in the Middle Ages, when scholars travelled, in space and time, in pursuit of learning. A learner at least I have been and am. I once believed that I was learning in order to prepare myself for some special service to society: I long ago discovered that I could best serve, inadequately of course but still serve, by going on trying to learn. I have much of which to be ashamed in my life, but of this discovery I am not ashamed.
Club Government‐the Crisis of the Labour Party in the National Perspective
Authors: Marquand David
Published: April 2007

WHATEVER MAY BE IN DOUBT ABOUT THE CURRENT CRISIS IN the Labour Party, one thing is clear. In a sense true of no other internal crisis in the 62 years since the loose and inchoate ‘Labour Alliance’ of 1900 first became a true political party, with individual members and a distinctive claim to power, the arguments which have provoked it concern the rules of the game as well as moves within the game: the way in which party decisions are made and enforced, as well as the content of the decisions themselves. This, of course, is why the arguments are so fierce and the crisis so deep. Policy defeats can be revised later if Fortune's wheel turns again. Constitutional defeats damage the losers permanently. It is true, no doubt, that both sides in the current struggle have exaggerated the likely consequences of the changes forced through at the October party conference. The old French saying that there is more in common between two deputies, one of whom is a Communist, than between two Communists, one of whom is a deputy has not suddenly lost all relevance to Westminster merely because Labour MPs will have to face compulsory reselection between general elections, or because the party leader is elected in an electoral college. Reselection will not re-make the Parliamentary Labour Party in the image of constituency management committees, and the creation of an electoral college will not free the leader from the need to win and hold the confidence of his parliamentary colleagues. When all the necessary qualifications have been made, however, there can be no doubt that the constitutional changes will shift the balance of party power to the advantage of the Left and to the detriment of the Right — as, of course, they were intended to do. That is what the struggle has been about; and the media have been right to concentrate their attention on that aspect of it.
State, Centre and Bureaucracy
Authors: Birnbaum Pierre
Published: April 2007

THE STATE, IN THE STRONGEST MEANING OF THE WORD, IS NOT indispensable to the functioning of civil society. Indeed society can often so organize itself as to prevent the emergence of a state intent on establishing itself as an absolute power. The very existence of the state itself, the consequence of particular sociohistorical processes, upsets the whole of the social system which is henceforth ordered around it. The relationships between the nobility, the bourgeoisie, the working class or, today, the middle classes, differ profoundly according to whether these groups were confronted by a strongly institutionalized state or a centre which exercised essentially co-ordinating functions. Still today the political systems which have simultaneously a centre and a state (France) can be distinguished from those which have a weak state without a real centre (Italy) or a centre without a genuine state (Great Britain, the United States) or neither centre nor state (Switzerland). In the first two cases, in varying degrees, the state dominates and manages civil society; in the two latter, civil society manages itself. It is therefore possible to distinguish societies in which the state attempts to dominate the social system by endowing itself with a strong bureaucracy (ideal type: France; paralle development: Prussia, Spain, Italy) from those in which the organization of civil society makes it impossible for a powerful state and a powerful dominating bureaucracy to emerge (ideal type: Great Britain; parallel development: the United States and the consociational democracies like Switzerland). Without claiming to retrace methodically the history of each of these states or of their political centres, I should like to sketch a broad outline of their evolution with the object of showing that the different relations by which the many governing groups are linked together within the different social systems depend sometimes on the formation of the state and sometimes on the simple formation of a political centre.
What Kind of Europe? Support for National Independence, Cooperation and Integration in the European Parliament
Authors: Rabier Jacques‐René , Inglehart Ronald
Published: April 2007

FOR MANY YEARS PUBLIC OPINION SURVEYS HAVE INDICATED that the peoples of the European Community nations support the principle that various functions now handled at the national level should be handled by European Community institutions. Opponents of supranational political integration have pointed out quite correctly that representative democracy is not based on public opinion polls and that the democratically elected representatives of the people can and should decide such questions.

In June 1979 a European Parliament was elected by the direct vote of the citizens of the nine member–countries of the European Community. For the first time in history, a body exists that was democratically elected by the people of the European Community nations rather than simply being appointed by the respective national parliaments. Though direct election of the European Parliament does not automatically bring increased powers to that institution, it clearly has enhanced the legitimacy of its claim to represent the people of the European Community. The candidates for the Euro ean Parliament represented all significant political parties an1 all shades of political opinion, ranging from the most convinced partisans of supranational political integration to the most ardent defenders of national sovereignty. The voters have chosen among them: what is the result?
Shi'ite Islam and the Revolution in Iran
Authors: Arjomand Said Amir
Published: April 2007

BARON HOLBACH'S EPIGRAMMATIC DESCRIPTION OF RELIGION as ‘the “eau de vie” of the people’ will undoubtedly outlive the memory of its author. On the other hand, Kingsley's advocacy of Christian socialism to the masses clearly implied the presumption that religion could also be their amphetamine. This latter possibility was systematically explored by Troeltsch with reference to Christianity. Weber deepened the analysis of the revolutionary potential of religion and extended it to the other world religions of salvation. There was something thephilosophesdid not know; religioncouldbe revolutionary.
The Crisis of the State
Authors: Deutsch Karl W.
Published: April 2007

IN THIS PRESENT-DAY WORLD, THE STATE - AND THIS IS TYPIcally the more or less sovereign national state - is both indispensable and inadequate. It is an indispensable instrument to get many things done, to provide many needed services and to deal with many real problems. But it is inadequate to cope with an increasing number of other problems of life and death for many of its inhabitants. No state today can protect the lives of its citizens in the case of thermonuclear war against it, nor against the poisonous fall-out from thermonuclear war outside its borders. No national state can protect the world's ecology, the oceans and the atmosphere, nor can any one state sove the problems of worldwide population growth or lack of raw materials, energy or food. In all these respects, the first and basic promise of government - to protect the lives of its citizens - has become illusory.
Tocqueville's Democratic Man
Authors: Manent Pierre
Published: April 2007

THE MAN WHO LIVES IN A DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY, WHO MEETS and wishes to meet only his fellows and peers, does not allow himself to be influenced by others. He searches for his opinions within himself, but he finds them, or at least recognizes them, only if they are shared by his peers, if they are widely believed and are supported by the whole weight of society, His thoughts easily take an abstract cast, while his heart is freely open to pity. He is argumentative, compassionate and gentle. But being argumentative and compassionate does not fill his whole life. What does he do with his time? What principles govern his actions?
Responsible and Irresponsible Opposition: The Case of the Roman Tribunes
Authors: Maddox Graham
Published: April 2007

GIVEN THE REMARKABLE CIRCUMSTANCES OF ITS SPONTANEOUS rise to prominence, and considering the sweeping range of social and political reforms achieved, it is scarcely surprising that the Roman tribunate has aroused interest among modern political theorists. According to Karl Loewenstein, this was ‘. . . an organ of officially authorized opposition . . .’. Maurice Duverger cites the tribunate as an example of the ‘separate organization’ of opposition, established specifically to criticize and challenge government policy, while not being expected itself to take part in government. To Ghiţa Ionescu and Isabel de Madariaga the tribunate ‘came near to the modern idea of an institutionalized opposition . . .’.
Alternation in Government in the Industrialized Countries
Authors: Aron Raymond
Published: April 2007

I MUST CONFESS THAT I DID NOT CHOOSE THE SUBJECT OF this article out of theoretical or scientific interest. My dreams have not been peopled by the merits of replacing one team by another in government. It was FranGois Mitterrand's election to the Presidency of the French Republic to which I reacted in a way that I shall not conceal from you: alternation in government is not in itself a blessing. Let us admit that it is desirable in general and in the abstract that, where a country is divided between two blocs, each of them should some day come to power, one of them should not be condemned to the ungrateful role of a perpetual opposition. But having said that, we should not change government unless the new oneholds out more hope than the old.
Social Democracy in Europe: a Comparative Examination
Authors: Morgan Roger
Published: April 2007

DEVELOPMENTS IN BRITISH POLITICS BETWEEN JULY AND NOVember 1981 - Roy Jenkins's near-win in the Warrington byelection, the capture of Croydon North-West by the Liberal/SDP Alliance and Shirley Williams's triumph in Crosby - strongly suggest that the British party-system may never be the same again. Although it was possible to argue that the Warrington result reflected no more than the impact of a famous candidate on a situation of public hostility towards the two major parties in a working-class constituency, the Croydon result, which gave victory to a Liberal candidate with a long record of earlier failures, and which gave the Alliance 40 per cent of the votes in a seat where the Liberal Party's organization had been almost as non-existent as the SDP's, cannot be dismissed so easily. These by-election results, together with an impressive run of local election successes for the Alliance, and continuing evidence from the opinion polls, strongly suggest that British politics, as the SDP's leaders have proclaimed, must be entering a new phase.
The New Cambridge Economic Policy: A Critique of its Prescriptions
Authors: Minford Patrick
Published: April 2007

THE NEW CAMBRIDGE OR CAMBRIDGE ECONOMIC POLICY GROUP, (CEPG) School led by Professor Wynne Godley has received considerable attention in this country. Its policy prescriptions however are international as well as national. It is well known that it calls at regular intervals for comprehensive long-term import controls and reflation in the UK. It is less well known, and indeed a more recent occurrence, that it calls for ‘co-ordinated’ international trade - i.e. import controls for each country administered centrally by some body such as the OECD - and reflation. As protectionist pressures continue to grow throughout Europe and in the USA, the appeal of New Cambridge analysis may grow with it. We should therefore be aware of the nature of the arguments which it deploys in the attempt to make protection respectable.
The Causes of Decadence in Plato's Republic
Authors: Skemp J. B.
Published: April 2007

PLATO'S PROPOSALS FOR THE GOOD LIFE OF A COMMUNITY and of an individual are combined in his Republic. It was subtitled ‘On Justice’ and its basic premise is that ‘justice is a better thing than injustice‘. Commentators from Aristotle onwards have tended to look at his specific proposals for a philosophic élite exercizing political sovereignty and they have criticized those proposals which contravene normal social practice, like community of property and community (under strict regulation) of sexual intercourse among the governing élite. But what Plato really sought to present through these proposals was a society in which each individual and each class ‘did its own thing’ in the sense that it contributed to the whole life of the community the particular services and personal qualities it was best able to contribute.
Modern Schools of Politics Western Germany
Authors: Von Beyme Klaus
Published: April 2007

THERE IS NO SINGLE PREVALENT ‘MODERN SCHOOL OF POLITICS’ in Germany. Territorial fragmentation in the federal system and pillarization of the political subcultures and intellectual camps has had its impact on the organization of political science in Germany after the Second World War.

The new discipline had some roots in German intellectual history, though even the Deutsche Hochschule fur Politik (German Academy for Politics) out of which emerged the largest political science department in Germany, the Otto Suhr-Institute in Berlin, was no equivalent to the Ecole des sciences politiques in Paris or the London School of Economics and Political Science. Nevertheless the older German Staatswissenschaften had some impact on the founding fathers of American political science (Francis Lieber, J. W. Burgess, A. F. Bentley, and Charles Merriam).
Speaking Notes With the Bishop of London on how and why the Church might be losing its nerve and its role in the modern society
Authors: Ionescu Ghiţa
Published: April 2007

THE FUTURE OF MODERN DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY APPEARS TO depend on the amount of political participation, i.e. on how much its individuals will have to participate in political interests and activities. To be sure, the way industrial society functions requires an increasing involvement of the individual in public activities. But is there a danger that the private lives and aspirations of all individuals will be increasingly absorbed by the ‘public cause’? And that the Church, the intellectuals, the artists, the trade unions, and last but not least, the media might become transmission-belts of the ideological-political organizations?

The welfare state gives in principle a due primacy to man's free choice of how to fulfil himself, for himself and not by the state and for the state. But within the welfare state, which could continue this balancing act, which is this balancing act, it is the individuals themselves who seem now to be more and more attracted, for stark economic reasons, but also because of ideological fallacies by the ‘external goods’ rather than by the ontological and interiorized raison d'être. Are we witnessing the transformation of the real man into the citizen, or comrade, of man into fan?
Liberalization by Omission: Argentina After the War
Authors: di Tella Torcuato S.
Published: April 2007

THE MALVINAS WAR HAS BEEN FOR ARGENTINA WHAT CYPRUS was for the Greek colonels. Unfortunately we lack a Karamanlis, and the Junta regime has lost the six years it has been in office without developing a political project of its own. In this sense, our situation is very different from that of Brazil, where the ruling military have had time to ‘open up’ the political system gradually.

To understand the mind of the Argentine armed forces one has to realize that they felt disappointed by the Martinez de Hoz administration (1976–81). Actually, this is putting it mildly. They felt betrayed: it is as though the Argentine economy had been bombed for the past six years. A familiar experience? Possibly, but unlike some European countries, we lack the institutional mechanisms. Besides, the Argentine military felt that while they did their part in stopping the guerrillas, the specialists they put in charge of economic matters did not do their job. The team of economists, headed by José Martínez de Hoz, was a local version of ‘Chicago boys’, backed by international finance and its world economic pundits. A contorted version of ‘liberalism’ invaded our beaches, giving us nineternth-century laissez faire plus a foolish overvaluation of the peso which made Buenos Aires the costliest city in the world, and rendered competition against imports impossible. Quite a few people thought this was necessary because, as the widely displayed sticker on our cars has it, ‘to reduce the state is to strengthen the nation’. The idea is that Argentina would finally be a real part of the Western Christian world and, inspired by European and North American examples, would throw away protectionism and all its trappings, never to look at it again.
Marxist Theory and Human Rights
Authors: Macfarlane L. J.
Published: April 2007

THE DENIAL OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN SOCIALIST STATES CAN BE seen as the natural outcome of Marxist praxis: Marxist teaching about the nature of the class struggle and the conditions necessary for the emancipation of the proletariat from bourgeois values is not only theoretically alien to the concept of universal human rights, but its implementation by Marxist revolutionaries in the circumstances expected to prevail is likely to require the denial of such rights to ever-widening sections of the society if political power is to be secured and retained.
The Problems of Political Information Processes
Authors: Wildenmann Rudolf
Published: April 2007

TODAY, GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS OFTEN SEEM TO BE IN THE position of the legendary caliph Harun al Raschid, who went about in disguise among his people in order to find out what they really thought, since he could not trust his servants to tell him the truth. This story puts in a nutshell some systematic questions:

What kind of political information is circulating in society?

What are the information ‘needs’ of government and how can they be satisified?

How is information transformed or shaped in the political process, in society, in parliament, in government?

To what degree is political information dependant on the respective structure and distribution of legitimate power Herrschuftsorganisation?

What informal and organizational networks exist?

What is the impact of the mass media? How far, if at all, do our present theories on information processes explain reality?

How far is political information dependent on individual perception?

What processes of feedback exist and what influence do these feedback processes exercise on the content of information and decision-making?
In Search of the Forbidden Nation: Opposition by the Young Generation in the GDR
Authors: Mleczkowski Wolfgang
Published: April 2007

AN IDENTITY CRISIS HAS FOLLOWED ON THE GRADUAL Succession of the generations in the second German state. The feeling that previous ideals have lost their meaning, and the abandonment of the hope of a unified German nation have led to discontent even amongst socialists. In addition to the numerous demands for more human rights and cultural freedom, which led in the mid-1970s to an emigration movement, harassed by the police, a movement which is still taking place, the end of the 1970s gave birth to the autonomous peace movement. This movement articulates the basic opposition of the younger generation in one theme, that of peace, and unites it with another, the search for the nation believed lost.
Perspectives in the World History of Government‐ a Prolegomenon
Authors: Finer S. E.
Published: April 2007

‘VERY DEEP IS THE WELL OF THE PAST’, WRITES THOMAS MANN, as he begins his Tales of Jacob, ‘Might one not even call it bottomless?’ And indeed so it is if we search out the origins of government down, down, through its many levels in time until we reach only a misty shadow of what might have been some primitive society whose very existence we can but infer from artifacts, from myth and legend – and from an interpolation, unhistorical to be sure for it is mere hypothesis – from what we know of stateless societies still extant in this, our own day.
The Neglected‐Introduction to a New Series
Authors: Hall John
Published: April 2007

IF MARCEL PROUST'S CENTRAL PREOCCUPATION WAS THE unsettling instability of human character, an important minor consideration was the equally marked instability of intellectual and cultural life. À la recherche du temps perdu offers a series of brilliant sketches demonstrating the impact of fashion upon intellectual reputation, and these are usually scathing because of an implicit sociology condemning the frivolity and philistinism of ‘arbiters of taste’. Now whilst the sociology of the matter is, as we shall see, different, there can be no doubt that fashion has not exempted political theory from its attentions. This is obviously unsettling, but does it really matter? Is not fashion trivial, even harmless?
The West German Elections: Economic Fears and the Deployment Debate
Authors: Eisfeld Rainer
Published: April 2007

HARDLY TEN MONTHS AFTER THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC'S ELECtorate had renewed Helmut Schmidt's mandate for another four-year term in office on 5 October 1980, Time offered its readers a scenario that saw Schmidt stepping down as Chancellor by 1 September 1983: an SPD Convention had reneged on his government's commitment to deploy Pershing II and Cruise missiles on West German soil, should the Geneva arms-control talks fail. In a surprise return to the chancellorship, Willy Brandt succeeded in forming a new coalition government with the FDP. When Brandt, however, accepted a Soviet offer to negotiate a nuclear-free zone in Central Europe, Hans Dietrich Genscher's Free Democrats left the cabinet. With its economy deteriorating and the scope of its welfare system another volatile issue, the FRG was pictured as preparing for early, extraordinary elections.
The Politics of Industrial Innovation in Britain
Authors: Morgan Kevin
Published: April 2007

LITTLE NOVELTY IS NOW ATTACHED TO THE PHENOMENON OF Britain's relative industrial decline inasmuch as this had been the subject of interminable debate since well before the First World War. However, compelling reasons can be found now for examining one particular dimension of British performance, namely, industrial innovation. First, it is not too long since the ACARD reports appeared on Britain's capacity to embrace new technology. Secondly, NEDO has only recently published what constitutes the most comprehensive strategy yet devised for the UK electronics industry and, since electronics represents the core technology of the late twentieth century, the British position in this industry needs to be more widely appreciated in any appraisal of industrial innovation. Thirdly, the official level of UK unemployment (3.34 million in September 1982) suggests that without some prospect of reduction, organized labour is unlikely to endorse new technology where this leads to the widespread displacement of employment.
Capital Punishment: Objections from Principle and Practice
Authors: Lacey Nicola
Published: April 2007

THE ISSUE OF CAPITAL PUNISHMENT HAS PERHAPS BEEN MORE widely and publicly debated in this country than in any other. It has been a live political issue for well over a century, and the range of views represented by participants is as broad today as at any time in the past. Given the vast amount of literature – philosophical, legal, political and statistical – devoted to the subject, it is difficult to contribute to the debate in some more substantial way then merely by rehearsing well-known opposed positions. What I shall attempt to do in this paper is briefly to set out the positions of principle which might be taken up in arguments about the reintroduction of the death penalty, in the hope of clarifying the exact points of disagreement. Having done this, I shall argue for a particular moral position, before going on to consider some of the more specialized legal issues and the implications for constitutional theory which any form of reintroduction would raise. In the light of all these arguments, I shall finally draw some conclusions for both the debate of principle and the problem of practical politics with which the members of both Houses of Parliament are likely to be faced in the near future.