bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Use of the Singular Nos by Horace
Authors: Hancock Elsie
Published: June 2019

The object of this paper is to enquire how far we can trace in the works of Horace the use of the plural forms of the first person which have been pointed out by Professor R. S. Conway in his essay on The Use of the Singular nos in Cicero's Letters (Camb. Phil. Soc. Proc., Vol. V., Part I., 1899), from which it appeared that the idiom throws valuable light upon the inner workings of Cicero's mind.
The Alphabet of Vaste
Authors: Whatmough J.
Published: June 2019

All students of Greek epigraphy are familiar with the abecedarium discovered in 1805, ‘prope Bastam (the modern Vaste) ruri quodam dicto Melliche,’ by Luigi Cepolla, amongst whose papers (still preserved at Lecce in the Biblioteca Provinciate, Misc. Castromed. D. 29. 18) Mommsen found and published it in his Unteritalische Dialekte (1850). Cepolla's copy, though inaccurate, is not so bad, as I hope to show, as has usually been supposed. To be sure, he proposed to interpret an alphabet as a complete inscription, and actually ‘translated’ it! Nor, I think, could it be properly deciphered until more Messapic inscriptions than were known to Mommsen had been collected and their alphabet more closely studied. It has, however, long been recognized that the Vaste alphabet should be rightly regarded as essentially a Messapic (rather than a Greek) alphabet, although, as is well known, the alphabet of the Messapic inscriptions agrees in the main with the Tarentine-Ionic variety of the Western Greek alphabet; but the proposed explanations of Cepolla's transcript of the Vaste alphabet have been most diverse, not to say perverse—certainly they have been largely arbitrary. They may be sought in the places cited in the footnote below.
The Relation of Aeneid III. to the Rest of the Poem
Authors: Saunders Catharine
Published: June 2019

From the time when Friedrich Conrads published1 the first systematic study of the method of composition employed by Vergil in the Aeneid it has been recogmzed that Bk. III. is especially involved in the contradictions existing between the various parts of the poem. It is not my purpose in this paper to attempt an exhaustive study of this aspect of Bk. III.; the industry of classical scholars in the last half-century renders needless further repetition of this sort. I wish merely to present a few suggestions which may help to reconcile the passages generally regarded as hopelessly contradictory.
‘Evil Communications’
Authors: Rose H. J.
Published: June 2019

Mr. P. H. Ling's suggestion that the famous line ϕθε⋯ρουσιν ἤθη χρ⋯σθ' ⋯μιλ⋯αι κακα⋯ stood at the beginning of a play of Euripides seems to me to lack anything like cogent proof. A gnomic verse of this sort—to take the characteristics of the line in the order given by Mr. Ling—may indeed begin a play, as in the fragment of the Stheneboia (Nauck, 661) which he quotes; but it may also begin a speech, as Hec. 864; or come early in a speech, cf. Heracl. 2; or alone in stichomythia, as Alc. 540; or late in a speech, as Med. 561; or at the end of one, as Supp. 510. In other words, there is no position which it may not have. As to its lack of ‘any particle or conjunction to connect it with what preceded or followed,’ how does Mr. Ling prove that it was not preceded by γιγνώσκων ὅτι, cf. Med. 560; or that the previous line did not end in γάρ, like Hec. 551, Supp. 361; or that this line is not the end of a longer sentence, like Alc.
The Chronology of Eusebius
Authors: Richardson G. W.
Published: June 2019

Mr. Norman H. Baynes thinks that the conclusions which I reached in my essay on the ‘Chronology of the Ninth Book of the Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius’ are ‘difficult to believe.’ That is due, he says, to the fact that I based my reconstruction ‘on one of the most doubtful sections of that book’—that in which Eusebius states that the Emperor Maximin wrote his letter to Sabinus after he received the ‘Edict of Milan.’ From it I inferred that the letter was dispatched early in 313. No doubt Eusebius' assertion raises difficulties. But when a contemporary witness of high authority speaks it may be wise not to reject his evidence before the difficulties which seem to overthrow it are scrutinized. In the present instance the difficulties seem to me to vanish on examination. But Mr. Baynes appears to have overlooked my attempt to deal with them. His own view of the date of the letter is expressed in a single sentence ‘In November of 312 Maximin would receive news of Constantine's victory [at the Milvian Bridge], and as a result he issues the letter to Sabinus permitting Christian worship late in 312.’ But where is his evidence? All I can find is that in his edict of toleration Maximin affirms that ‘last year’ he wrote the letter. ‘This passage proves that that letter dates from the year 312.’ Yes, if Maximin's year began in January. But is that certain? In the East, New Year's Day was not uncommonly in September.
Cicero, Cato Maior II. 4.
Authors: Nutting H. C.
Published: June 2019

Deinde qui minus grauis esset iis senectus, si octingentesimum annum agerent quam [si] octogesimum ?

This sentence has to do with people who complain that the evils of old age have come upon them all too soon. Cicero rejoins that they would be of exactly the same mind, even though they had a life ten times as long to look back upon.
Etymologies
Authors: Mckenzie R.
Published: June 2019

According to Walde's Etymological Dictionary, Latin spēs is cognate with spatium and with Old Church Slavonic spěchĭι. Under spatium he refers us to Skt. sphāyati, ‘swells out,’ ‘grows out,’ sphīta, ‘fat,’ ‘flourishing,’ and a number of Baltic-Slavonic and Germanic words, from which I will select O.E. spēd, ‘speed,’ and Lith. spēti, ‘have time for something,’ ‘to be quick enough.’ In place of this etymology I venture to suggest that spēs must be connected with another Lithuanian spēti, which is duly recorded in Lalis's Lithuanian-English Dictionary. It means ‘guess,’ ‘conjecture,’ or ‘suppose,’ and occurs not only uncompounded, but also in the compound , ‘guess,’ ‘divine,’ ‘solve’ (a riddle). The Lat. spes means no doubt ‘hope,’ but it also means ‘expectation,’ which comes nearer to the meaning of the Lithuanian words.
Euripides in Macedon
Authors: Ridgeway William
Published: June 2019

All are agreed that towards the end of his long life Euripides leff Athens and went to the court of Archelaus, king of Macedon. From Plato 1 and many other sources we know that Archelaus was the illegitimate son of Perdiccas II., by Simiche, a slave girl, and had succeeded to his father by murdering his uncle Alcetas, his half-brother, and his cousin. As these events occurred in 413 or 412 B.C., the poet's visit must have been later than that date, and has with probability been placed soon after the production of his Orestes at Athens in Ol. 92. 4 (409–8).
Korybas of the Haemonians
Authors: Nock A. D.
Published: June 2019

Hippolytus, Refutatio omnium haeresium, V. 9. 8, p. 99, Wendland preserves a curious hymn to Attis: εἲτε Κρόνον γένος εἲτε ‘Pέας μεγάλης, χαῖρ’ ὦ τ κατηϕς ἂκουσμα ‘Pέας Ἄττι σ καλοσι μν’ Ασσύριοι τριπόθητον Ἄδωνιν, δλη δ' Αἲγυπτος Ὄσιριν, πουράνιον μηνς (Μηνς Wilamowitz) κέρας ‘Eλληνς σοϕία, Σαμοθρᾷκες Ἅδαμνα σεβάσμιον, Αίμόνιοι Κορύβαντα, κα οἱ ϕρύγες ἃλλοτε μν IIάπαν, ποτ δ’ αὖ νέκυν ἥ θεν… It is preceded by a long exegetical disquisition, which treats the various divine names in the order in which they occur in the hymn, and includes the remarks, 8. 13, p. 91, τοτόν, ϕησι, θρᾷκες οἱ περ τν Αἷμον οἰκοντες Κορύβαντα καλοσι, κα θρᾳξν οἱ Φρύγες μοίως… τν αὐτν δ τοτν, Φησι, Φρύγες κα IIπαν καλοσιν (after about a page of explanation). The statement here made is obviously at variance with the hymn: Αἱμόνιοι are properly Thessalians, and have nothing to do with Mount Haemus. Moreover, we have evidence for the cult of a Korybas, more commonly called a Kabeiros, at the foot of Mount Olympus, and as Mount Olympus lies on the borders of Thessaly and Macedonia, this may be designated as a cult by Thessalians. Αἱμόνιοι therefore agrees with facts, and the explanation given by Hippolytus or by the authority whom he was following can be explained as due to a confusion of place-names. It led here to the further error of θρᾷκες; the attribution of orgiastic cults to Thracians was natural, but there seems a lack of evidence for Korybas or Korybantes in Thrace.
Priscian's Quotations from Terence
Authors: Craig J. D.
Published: June 2019

Priscian tells us in his dedicatory introduction that he took his material from many Latin sources—collectis etiam omnibus fere quaecunque necessaria nostrorum quoque inueniuntur artium commentariis grammaticorum. This can hardly mean that he owed everything to his predecessors. At any rate it is unlikely that he copied all his illustrative quotations from earlier grammarians. The problem is one which, for our purpose, does not need to be solved. We can make Priscian responsible for every quotation (unless, of course, we suspect that copyists have had a hand in introducing variations), because he had the opportunity of correcting or commenting on such borrowings as he incorporated in his work. If he could acquiesce in a garbled version of a line, we must take the fact into account in appraising his value as a witness to the text of Terence. And we must assume that the Terence text of his day did not differ from the versions which he quotes. Nowhere does he hint at a discrepancy. This assumption, it will be understood, has reference only to the points of diction for which we are tolerably sure that we have Priscian's attestation, and not to minor details which did not interest him at the moment, and in which we can prove that he was far from conscientious.
Anaxagoras' Theory of Matter—II
Authors: Cornford F. M.
Published: June 2019

The earlier part of this paper yielded the result that the assertion ‘A portion of everything in everything’ has no place or function in the explanation of any sort of apparent ‘becoming’ or change. This conclusion is important because, ever since Aristotle, it has been assumed that the assertion was made in order to explain away becoming and change. But if (as I have shown), according to the best evidence, becoming and such sorts of change as Anaxagoras considered can be explained away without using the assertion at all, it follows that the motive for it must be sought, not in the processes of apparent becoming and change, but in the permanent constitution of the ungenerated and unchanging things which figure as elements in the system. A visible mass of gold or of flesh is formed by the aggregation of smaller particles of gold or of flesh, and it is infinitely divisible into parts, every one of which is gold or flesh. But what is the constitution of a piece of gold of whatever size, and how does it differ from the constitution of a piece of flesh? The proposition we have so far successfully excluded comes in here as part of the answer to this question.
The Dating of Plautus' Plays
Authors: Sedgwick W. B.
Published: June 2019

Although much has been written in the attempt to date individual plays of Plautus—too often, unfortunately, an attempt to make bricks without straw—little has hitherto been done to determine the approximate chronological sequence of the plays as a whole. Yet this appears the most obvious necessity if any advance in scientific criticism is to be made. Not till this is done can we see the bearing of the innumerable facts which have accumulated in the extensive Plautine literature of the last fifty years. No one would dream of a scientific criticism of Shakespeare which did not take into account the chronology of the plays. This is equally true (for example) of Tennyson and Browning, though the method has not yet been as systematically applied to literary as to musical criticism. Think of a writer on Bach or Mozart, Beethoven or Schumann, who mixed up indiscriminately early and later work! If we could only arrange Plautus' plays in something like chronological order, a flood of light would be thrown on details of technique which at present escape us; the utility of the Lexicon Plautinum would be doubled.
Postscript: the Casina Prologue
Authors: W. B. S.
Published: June 2019

As I had rejected en bloc references to Bacchanalia as indications of date, it was a mere chance which led me, after the above had left my hands, to look up Cas. 980 ‘ nunc Bacchae nullae ludunt,’ quoted in Schanz, R. Lit.3, p. 78 (q.v.). As this affords an excellent opportunity of testing my conclusions, perhaps a word or two will not be out of place.
Mythological Scraps
Authors: Rose H. J.
Published: June 2019

The Gods and Typhon.—The story of how the gods took bestial shape to hide from the fury of Typhon is several times told in Hellenistic and Latin authors. There seems no room for doubt that it is an aetiological myth, intended to explain the cult of beasts in Egypt, and also, in one or two versions, the sacredness of fish in Syria. That in one form, that given by Antoninus Liberalis, it goes back to Nikandros (presumably the Ετεροιούμενα) is reasonably certain. The doubtful point, to my mind, is whether it can be traced much further, and, in particular, whether it was known to Pindar, as is commonly assumed. The authority for supposing that he knew and referred to it is a single passage of Porphyry, de abstinentia III. 16 (= Pindar, frag. 91, Bergk). It runs: Πίνδαρος δὲ ἐν προσοδίοις παντας τοὺς θεοὺς ἐποίησεν ὃτε ύπὸ Τυϕῶνος ἐδιώκοντα οủκ ἀνθρώποις όμοιωθέντας ἀλλὰ τοις ἂλοις (ἀλόγοις Wesseling) ζῴοις έρασθέντα δἐ Πασιϕάης Δία γενέσθαι μἐν ταῦρον νῦν δὲ ἀετὸν και κύκνον.
The Callimachus Prologue and Apollonius Rhodius
Authors: Edwards W. M.
Published: June 2019

In making the following suggestions I have assumed the chronological possibility of allusions in the Aetia Prologue on the one hand to the quarrel with Apollonius Rhodius, and on the other to Arsinoe II. (obiit 271–270 B.C.). That such a combination is possible is maintained by Rostagni in Rivista di Filologia, 1928, pp. 1 sqq. The textual supplements offered here, while intended to support the double hypothesis, differ from his in some points; notably in regard to the question of where the allusion to Arsinoe is to be introduced into the text of Callimachus (see below). It need hardly be said that the supposed allusions to the queen and to the rival poet do not necessarily stand or fall together. In the case of the former it might not be altogether incredible (pace R.) that such an allusion should have been made after her death; whilst the most obvious consequence in regard to Apollonius would be that, if a date before 270 B.C. be accepted for the Prologue, his birth would have to be placed as early as possible—say, 295–290 B.C. However this may be, it is here sought to complete, in the above sense, certain passages in the Prologue (P.) with the aid of the British Museum Scholiast (S.). In regard to the latter a fresh study of the original text by the editor (Mr. H. J. M. Milne) has been utilized, to say nothing of his valuable suggestions and criticisms; in the case of P. the facsimile in Ox. Pap. XVII. is depended upon. The silence of S. on some of the supposed points may fairly be adduced in objection to them; but it may be noted that he does not comment on Πυγμαίων (P. 14), and that his exposition, where it can be checked, seems to be somewhat hasty and unbalanced. Further, we do not know what may have preceded the portion of his work which has survived.
The Seventh and Eighth Platonic Epistles
Authors: Post L. A.
Published: June 2019

The recent paper of J. Harward (Classical Quarterly, XXII., pp. 143–154) on the seventh and eighth Platonic Epistles deserves an answer. He suggests that Plato's statement at the beginning of the seventh Epistle, that he had received a communication from the friends of Dion, is a literary fiction. Supposing then that this suggestion is correct, he maintains the view that Plato, having no knowledge of the death of Dion's son before his father's assassination in 354 B.C., refers to him as Hipparinus without qualification in the seventh Epistle (324a), and as Dion's son, giving no name, in the eighth Epistle (355e).
Further Considerations on the Site of Vergil's Farm
Authors: Conway R. S.
Published: June 2019

Since the publication of a lecture called ‘Where Was Vergil's Farm?’ in the John Rylands' Library Bulletin in 1923, and its appearance in a fuller form as Ch. II. of my Harvard Lectures on the Vergilian Age, no hostile criticism has appeared except from writers in Mantua itself (who naturally cling to the local tradition for its own sake), until the book of my friend Prof. E. K. Rand, In Quest of Vergil's Birthplace. This describes in a delightful way his travels in the region of Mantua and Carpenedolo, in the summer of 1929, and re-examines the question in the light of his experience. It also includes several valuable photographs and a map of the Provincia di Mantova, from all of which I have been glad to learn much. The reproductions of pages from the three manuscripts and two editions of the Life by Probus are particularly welcome.
Eupatridai, Archons, and Areopagus
Authors: Wade-Gery H. T.
Published: June 2019

I argued in § II. (Ion and Theseus) that in the lost chapters of the Ἀθηναίων Πολιτεία Aristotle recorded (in connexion with the Synoikisis) the creation by Theseus of the Eupatrid Order, from whom the Archons were chosen: that this tallies with Thuc. II. 15: that Thucydides further suggests that the continuous existence of the Areopagus Council dates from the same time: that finally Council and Order stand to each other as patres and patricii did in Rome.
The Boy, the Grapes, and the Foxes
Authors: Campbell A. Y.
Published: June 2019

τυτθòν δ' ὅσσονἄπωθεν ἁλιτπὐτοιο γέροντος

γενναίαις σταφυλαîσι καλòν βέβριθενἀλωά

τὰν ὀλίγος τις κῶρος ἐφ' αἱμασιαîσι φυλάσσει

ἣμενοσ' ἀμφ· δέ νιν δύ' ἀλώπεκες ἃ μὲν ἀν' ὂρχως

φοιτῆ σινομένα τὰν τρώξιμον, ἂ δ' ἐπὶ πήρᾳ

πάντα δóλον τεύχοισα τò παιδίον οὐ πρὶν ἀνησεῖν

φατὶ πρὶν ἀρίστοισιν ἐπὶ ξηροῖσι καθίξη.

αὐτὰρ ὃ γ' ἀνθερίκοισι καλὰν πλέκει ἀκριδοθήραν

σχοίνϕ ἐφαρμóσδων· μέλεται δέ ο· οὒτε τι πήρας

οὒτε φυτῶν τοσσῆνον, ὅσον περὶ πλέγματι γαθεῖ.
The Plotinian Logos and its Stoic Basis
Authors: Witt R. E.
Published: June 2019

The purpose of the present article is to examine the use of Logos as an ontological term in the Plotinian system and to seek to trace its connexion with Stoicism. Although at first the fact that the fundamental meaning metaphysically of Logos for Plotinus is a spiritual activity due, both as created and as creator, to the desire for contemplation may appear to be an obstacle to a close resemblance with the Spermatic Logos of Stoicism, the creative aspect of the elemental Fire, nevertheless abundant and striking similarities in other respects seem to furnish conclusive evidence that the title which I have selected is not mistaken. The full importance of the Plotinian Logos cannot indeed be grasped until the development of the term has been studied not merely in Stoicism but in Philo and early Patristic Literature; for then the common function of Logos in every system, the reconciliation of the transcendent and the immanent views of God, is clearly manifested. But here only a brief indication of the evolution of the Logos doctrine between the diffusion of Stoic thought and the emergence of Neoplatonism is possible. Chief interest will be directed to the use by Plotinus of the spermatic conception, fundamentally Stoic, of a creative Nature which informs and pervades the Cosmos as its immanent Logos.
The Epigram on Pindar's Death
Authors: Rose H. J.
Published: June 2019

There is an epigram preserved in two lives of Pindar, that in the scholia Ambrosiana and the rambling biography of the poet by Eustathios. It is perhaps most conveniently accessible in von Christ's larger edition of Pindar, pp. ci and cii, and runs as follows:

ἦ μάλα ρωτμάχτε καὶὔμητισ λιуὑφωνιινδάρ‘nu; ἓκλατ θуατέρεσ πινταί, αρуθεν ἦμoσ ἴκντκμίζσ ἔνδoθι κρωσσῦ λειψαν' ἀπ' ༀπὺ ξεινησ ἀθρόα πρκαïῆσ.

IIρωτμάχη Eustathius. 2. Éκλαταὶ ινδάρ θуατέρεσ East. et Ambr., corr. Gerhard.
Hiatus in Homeric Verse
Authors: Shewan A.
Published: June 2019

There is a division of opinion on this subject which is perplexing to the ordinary student of Homer. The extremists on one side hold that hiatus was all but absolutely barred, while the more thoroughgoing among their opponents believe it was freely tolerated. A notable paper by the eminent philologist, Karl Brugmann, Zur Geschichte der hiatischen (zweisilbigen) Vokalverbindungen in den indogermanischen Sprachen, in Berichte üb. d. Verhandlgn. d. königl. sachs. Gesells. d. Wissensch. zu Leipzig, philol.-histor. Klasse, 1913, 139 sqq., might well, it seems, be taken as a starting-point for further investigation.
Socrates' Diagram in the Meno of Plato, Pp. 86e–87a.
Authors: Farquharson A. S. L.
Published: June 2019

I desire to invite the attention of students of Plato and of Greek mathematics to a solution of a passage which has long been a field of controversy for critics. For brevity's sake I shall take for granted an acquaintance with the two solutions which at present dispute the field, and further adopt certain positions which previous enquirers have established beyond reasonable doubt.
The Platonic Theory of Evil
Authors: Chilcott C. M.
Published: June 2019

Plato nowhere deals systematically with the problem of the origin of evil. And yet no system of philosophy which proposes to explain the mysteries of existence can leave untouched the undeniable and perplexing fact of warps and imperfections in the fabric of our life, seemingly inherent in the very tissue of which it is woven. It is difficult to believe that Plato could shape his scheme without taking this into account—somewhere, one feels, he must offer an explanation. He does, indeed, in various dialogues drop scattered hints which apply to the matter in hand, without throwing light on the problem as a whole. The following are typical instances. In the Republic he says that evil may be a punishment for sin in a former life, or, if not that, may be good which we cannot recognize: Оȕτως äρα ύποληπτέον περι τοΰ δικαον νδρός ὲάν τ' ν πενϭ γγνηϒαι ν τ' ν νόσοιας ἥ τινι δδλѱ τών δοκούντων κακŵν, ώς τούτψ ταûτα ες γαθόν τι τελεντήσει ξѾντι ἥ καί ποθανόντι. ‘Then this must be our notion of the just man, that even when he is in poverty or sickness, or any other seeming misfortune, all things will in the end work together for good to him in life and death’ (Jowett's translation).
Qvaestiones Herodeae
Authors: Rose H. J.
Published: June 2019

The sumptuous edition of Herodas by Headlam-Knox, while it throws welcome light on many dark places, is perhaps hardly adequate in a few points where ancient religious ideas are involved. I venture, therefore, to offer the following suggestions:

I. II and 66, μà τàς Моίρας. IV.30, πρòς Моιρέων.

I. 32,μà τήν Αϊδεω (?) Κούρην.

I. 69, μà … τήν Φίλην δήμητρα.
Thucydides and Sphacteria
Authors: Gomme A. W.
Published: June 2019

Professor V. Wilamowitz-Moellendorf has recently published a paper in which he argues, firstly, that the very remarkable topographical errors in Thucydides' account of the Pylos and Sphacteria campaign, shown so clearly in Grundy's and Burrows' articles in the Hellenic Journal, can only be accounted for on the supposition that he had none but Athenian sources of information, and secondly, that as later— after 421—; he had access to Peloponnesian sources, his account of this campaign was written before 421; we have, therefore, an early example of Attic prose comparable with the oligarchic Constitution of Athens. Now seeing that the incident of the campaign which interested the contemporary Greeks most was the surrender of the Spartans, and that Thucydides goes out of his way, more Herodoteo rather, to give an anecdote (with explanation) to illustrate this interest, it would be sufficiently remarkable if he had not been to the trouble of getting the Spartan version of the affair; the more especially as Spartan sources were easily available in the prisoners themselves, who seem to have received at Athens the common treatment of that time, compounded of cruelty and freedom, which is so foreign to our own method, and to whom Thucydides could have had ready access. It is therefore worth while seeing if there is any reason for supposing Wilamowitz' view to be true.
Silvia, Aetheria, or Egeria?
Authors: Mountford J. F.
Published: June 2019

When Gamurrini first published the Peregrinatio ad loca sancta (Rome, 1887), the narrative by an abbess of a pilgrimage undertaken to the Holy Land in the last quarter of the fourth century, he identified the authoress with Silvia, the sister of Arcadius' minister Rufinus. Heraeus, however, in his edition (Sammlung vulgärlateinischer Texte, Heidelburg, 1908) lends the weight of his authority to the view that the work was written by a certain Aetheria, and in his preface gives solid reasons for his preference. He also states that a thirteenth-century catalogue of the Limoges Cathedral Library mentions the book under the title Itinevarium Egenae abbatissae, but he regards the form Egeria as a mere corruption.
The MSS. of Callimachvs' Hymns
Authors: Smiley M. T.
Published: June 2019

S is Madrid, Biblioteca Nacionale, gr. 24; foll. 136 (paper); size folio, with thirty-two lines usually to the page; dated 1464. Contents: f. 2, a Life of Musaeus (differing from Suidas), followed by' AντƖπά⋯pou σƖδωτíον (sic, for Өɛσσαλο⋯ɩƙέως) ɛĺς ἠƿὠ καĺ λέα⋯ծpoδ (Anth. Dübner, VII. 666) and Musaeus, Hero and Leander. 7v, two poems by Marcus Musurus, viz. a version of Musaeus' poem in ten hexameter lines and four elegiac couplets ɛĺς μονοαîo⋯. 8r, three epigrams on Orpheus (Anth. Düb. VII. 8–10), written as one. 8v, Constantine Lascaris ɛĺς Ƭձ πpoλɛƳòμɛ⋯α ƬoȖ σoϕοȖ òpϕέως 10v, πɛpìπolŋroÛ on the life and writings of Orpheus (quite different from Suidas' Life). 11r, úπóƟɛσɩς ƬoȖ πλoȖ Ƭὦ⋯ ⋯pƳo⋯α⋯ Ƭlκѽѵ (sic). 11v, úπóƟɛσɩς ƬoȖ ծέpo⋯ς 12, Orpheus, Argonautica, with frequent marginal notes, and corrections in red ink, in Lascaris' hand. 35, Orpheus, Hymns, prefaced by the invocation to Musaeus, 'Opɸɛùς πρòς μo⋯σαîo⋯ ɛùƬνXὦς Xpὦ έƬαîρɛ (M⋯⋯Ɵɑ⋯ɛ ծέμονσαîɛ Ɵυɳπоλíŋ⋯ πɛpì σɛμ⋯ήν κƬλ); of the Hymns are given (Abel) II.; VI.; VIII.; XXXII.; XL.
Adnotativncvla Plavtina
Authors: Sonnenschein E. A.
Published: June 2019

To discuss Professor Lindsay's doctrine of ‘Breves Breviantes’ would involve writing a long article, for which there is no space in the April number of the Class. Quart. But it would be wrong in me to pass his treatment of Plaut. Bacch. 1106 by without comment. What he calls ‘a sane view of the law of B.B.’ (Class. Quart, for January, p. 50) involves the emendation of a number of lines which are in other respects quite above suspicion. In these circumstances would it not be the wiser course to reconsider the supposed ‘sane law’ rather than to attempt to alter the text so as to make it fit a law which is not admitted by some of the most eminent of modern critics (e.g. Seyffert and Skutsch)? Emendation is particularly unfortunate in this instance, because the metre is anapaestic, and the suggestion of Professor Lindsay that the word Philoxene may be ‘a gloss to indicate the speaker or a misinterpretation of some marginal indication of a speaker’ is surely ill-considered; for the speaker is Nicobulus, and the speakers of adjacent lines are given correctly, so far as I see, in the MSS. Such a gloss would, then, be meaningless. Professor Lindsay's attempt at emendation of this line is, in fact, striking evidence of the bankruptcy of the ‘sane view‘ of iambic shortening to which he has unfortunately committed himself.
Παλίοντονον and Eὐθύτονον
Authors: Barker E. Phillips
Published: June 2019

Great advances have been made of late years in the understanding of ancient artillery, but the difference between the παλíντινιν and the εὐθ⋯τινιν seems to remain a riddle still inviting solution. In tentatively accepting the invitation, we are met at the outset by a certain amount of fog due to the fact that ancient guns were classed by two methods which produce a cross division. It will pay us to dispel this fog, or at any rate to find our bearings in it as exactly as may be, before going further.
Notes on the Abstrvsa Glossary and the Liber Glossarvm
Authors: Thomson H. J.
Published: June 2019

The Abstrusa glossary consists to a great extent of glosses extracted apparently from the margins of a Virgil MS., which contained not merely explanations of difficult words but many long scholia taken from ancient commentators such as Donatus and Servius. In its original form it was probably much larger than it appears in C.G.L. IV. The process of curtailment is visible in the MSS. we possess. Moreover, the Liber Glossarum and other glossaries borrowed freely from it, and often show its glosses in a fuller form. It is reasonable to suppose that many glosses of the kind described above, which are found in the Liber Glossarum (with the sign DE GLS., i.e. ‘taken from glossaries’) and sometimes elsewhere, belonged to the Abstrusa glossary, though they do not appear in the edition of it which has survived. (See Lindsay, C.Q. XI. 120 sqq.) Some of the following notes will show how these principles help to clear up difficulties which arise in the investigation of individual items.
Plato and Allegorical Interpretation
Authors: Tate J.
Published: June 2019

It is clear, then, that Plato's strictures on Homer ought not to have given any encouragement to allegorical interpretation. The eulogists of Homer ought to have sought other grounds for the defence which he invited them to make; while the allegorizing philosophers, if they persisted in treating interpretation of the poets as an instrument of knowledge, ought to have answered Plato not by multiplying allegories but by producing a defence of the allegorical method. The question with which we are concerned is, of course, not what ought to have been done, but what actually happened. But the foregoing considerations ought to warn us against assuming without evidence that all those who allegorized after Plato did so in order to answer his attack on the poets, and were directly incited by that attack to engage in allegorical interpretation. The fact that the early Stoics were prolific in such interpretations is in itself no proof that they intended in this way to answer Plato's criticism of the myths. Other evidence is required to prove that it was the desire to answer Plato which impelled them to wallow in allegory.
The Latin for Ass
Authors: Housman A. E.
Published: June 2019

In English, down to the 19th century, the beast which carried Balaam was generally and almost universally, both in speech and in writing, denominated the ass. It is so no longer: the name ass, except in metaphor as a term of contempt or insult, has disappeared from conversation and from most kinds of print, and survives only in serious poetry and in prose of some solemnity. The name donkey, first printed in 1785 in a dictionary of slang, has usurped its place.
Theocritea
Authors: Platnauer M.
Published: June 2019

There are two ways in which the text as it stands has been construed: (1) Cypris came sweet and smiling (i.e. taking ἁδ. καì ἁ K. as=ἁ K. ἁδ. καì); (2) sweet Cypris also came smiling (i.e. taking ἁδ καì K. as=καì ἁ ἁδ. K.). Of these (1) is at least grammatical. The order of words, too, can be paralleled (Hiller cites 10. 34; 11. 58; 15. 79; 17. 93; 22. 25 and 68). But what I think cannot be paralleled is this curious conjunction of adj. and partic. (2) is frankly ungrammatical. Yet Legrand (Étude sur Théocrite, p. 309) adopts it, adding: ‘Il faut reconnaitre une construction incorrecte au moins dans ces quatre passages: 1. 95…; 1. 109 ὠραîος ξὤδωνις (=καì ό ὡραîος Aδωνις); 4. 49 ῥοικον τὸ λαγωβΌλον (=τò ῥοικον); 29. 33 τàν γένυν ἀνδρειαν (= τὰν ἀ. γένυν). Of the last three we can with confidence say that ὡραîος (if the line be genuine) and ἀνδρειαν are to be taken as predicative; in 4. 49 Legrand himself now (in his Budé edition) accepts the emendation τι for τΌ, as he does in the similar 15. 145 passage. There is not, in fact, sufficient, or indeed any, evidence to convict Theocritus of this solecism. Emendation has been rife, but unhappy. ‘Nescio an ipse rem acu tetigerim, legens ᾖνӨέ γε μὰν, ἀνíα δὲ, καì ἁ K. γ.,’ writes Briggs. We think he has not.
The Year of the Armistice, 423 B.C.
Authors: Wade-Gery H. T.
Published: June 2019

This paper is (as will be sufficiently evident) a by-product of two systematic inquiries: one into the Strategia and Strategoi of the fifth century, the other into the military expenditure during the Peloponnesian War. The two inquiries cannot be kept distinct, and both have largely to depend on a minute study of the financial inscriptions.
Ennoia and Πpoahψiσ in the Stoic Theory of Knowledge
Authors: Sandbach F. H.
Published: June 2019

The starting-point of Plutarch's dialogue de communibus notitiis is a claim made by the Stoics that Providence sent Chrysippus to remove the confusion surrounding the ideas of ἔννοια (conception) and πρόληψισ (preconception) before the subtleties of Carneades were brought into play. Unfortunately our surviving information on the subject is so much less full than could be desired that it has again returned to an obscurity from which there are only two really detailed modern attempts to remove it. The one, by L. Stein (Erkenntnistheorie der Stoa, pp. 228–276), is most unsatisfactory; the other, by A. Bonhöffer (Epiktet und die Stoa, pp. 187–232), though of the greatest value in many ways, is vitiated by the fact that it constructs a system from the use of the words by Epictetus and then attempts to attach this system to the old Stoa in the face of the evidence of the doxographers, which is emended or violently interpreted to suit Epictetus. Even if Epictetus were in general a good authority for the technicalities of Chrysippus—and in the opinion of H. von Arnim he is not— this would not be a sound method of procedure. The only safe way is to take first the statements which can be attached to the Old Stoa, and having obtained our results from these, to see whether Epictetus does in fact agree.
Nonius Marcellus II.–IV
Authors: Lindsay W. M.
Published: June 2019

In the small Teubner edition (p. 2) a warning is given that the alphabetical arrangement of these books may be medieval. Our MSS. of the Compendiosa Doctrina all come from one archetype, which had a misplaced leaf, many gaps, many ‘doctored’ passages, and a large number of scribal errors. And that archetype I believe to have been preserved in some English monastery library.
Latin Lugeo
Authors: McKenzie R.
Published: June 2019

In view of the fact that another word for ‘mourn,’ namely Gr. ποθέω, is cognate with θέσσασθαι O. Ir. guidiu, Welsh gweddïo, Avest. jaiδyāmi, all meaning ‘beg pray,’ and with Lith. gedéti ‘mourn,’ it will perhaps not seem improbable that Lat. lugeo is cognate with Lett, lūdzu ‘I beg, pray’ (German bitten, flehen, beten, einladen, are the renderings given in Mühlenbach-Endzelin, Lettisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch, where illustrative quotations may be found). The infinitive of the Lettish verb is lūgt, and contains the same stem lūg- as Lat. lūctus (from *lūg-tu-s). The form lūdzu (Ist sing. pres. indic.) comes in the first place from *lūg-yō, but the type of present to which lūdzu (Ist plur. lūdzam) belongs in Lettish results from a fusion (cf. Endzelin, Lett. Gramm., p. 611) of earlier types which have remained distinct in Lithuanian. One of these types is that of Lith. aviù (Ist plur. ãvime, infin. avéti), which, according to Bezzenberger, BB. 26. 169 sqq., and Schulze, Sitzungsber. d. Preuss. A kad., 1904, 1439 sqq., corresponds to the second conjugation in Latin. If that correspondence is accepted it is at least possible that the Lett, form lūdzu corresponds exactly to Lat. lugeo.
Eupatridai, Archons, and Areopagus
Authors: Wade-Gery H. T.
Published: June 2019

Wilamowitz (Staat und Gesellschaft, II. 70) denies that there was ever any definite status of Nobility (‘ein rechtlich irgendwie abgesonderter Stand der Adeligen’) in Athens: his reason is, that Solon says nothing of such a thing. E silentio and very dangerous: and in fact a remnant of Privilege of Nobility survived into the fourth century at least; ϕυλοβαασιλεῖς ἐξ Eὐπατριδῶν (Pollux, VIII. in). This puts it beyond question that Eupatrid-hood (a) was capable of definition, and (b) carried privilege.
Prose-Rhythm and the Comparative Method
Authors: Shewring W.H.
Published: June 2019

The theory of the comparative method has been discussed in a previous article. I pass on to the results obtained—the actual history of prose-rhythm in the practice of particular authors. I give below the figures of normal frequency on which my statements are based. For Greek prose, as I have already said, Thucydides may be considered a practically unmetrical author, since nearly all his clausulae occur with about the same frequency as might be expected from the natural proportion of long and short syllables in the Greek language, and since there is little difference between his sentence-metre and his clausula-metre. (A slight difference between the two is natural, because there are some words, such as the article, which can scarcely be used to close a sentence.) Thus the theoretical frequency of — ∪ — is 14·19 per cent.; its frequency in Thucydides' clausula-metre is 14·2, in his sentence-metre 14·4. But there are two cases where the difference in these proportions seems too great to be due altogether to chance. Compared with the theoretical calculation and with the sentence-metre, —∪∪—— occurs in the clausula considerably more frequently (6·1 per cent, as against 2·6 per cent.) and —∪—∪ considerably less (3·7 per cent, as against 5·1 per cent.). The first form seems to be sought by Thucydides; the second seems to be avoided (doubtless as suggesting an iambic trimeter ending). For these two forms, therefore, I have considered as normal the average percentages of 2,000 cases in the sentence-metre of Thucydides and Xenophon (1,000 each), for the rest the percentages of 2,000 cases in the clausula-metre of Thucydides. For normal frequency in Latin metrical prose I have used de Groot's figures, based on 2,000 cases from nineteenth-century Latin translations of Gregory and Athanasius.
Anaxagoras: Predication as a Problem in Physics: I
Authors: Peck A. L.
Published: June 2019

The present essay is intended to supply amplification, and where necessary correction, to my previous article on Anaxagoras' philosophy. Since its publication important essays on the same subject have been written by Mr. Cyril Bailey and by Mr. F. M. Cornford, and the present essay is also an attempt to examine some of the theories put forward in them.

There are one or two points which may be stated at the outset. The conclusions which I put forward five years ago I still believe to be valid. Some of the presentation of the evidence, however, I now see to be misleading and inadequate, notably the treatment of Aristotle's evidence, which I now hope to deal with more fully, and to show that it lends even stronger support to my thesis. I should also say that my former use of ‘Elements’ as a convenient collective term to refer to the four Empedoclean Elements has proved confusing, since it was never intended to suggest that these substances were elements in Anaxagoras' system. I now refer to them by their names in full.
The Political Mission of Gorgias to Athens in 427 B.C.
Authors: Williams B. H. Garnons
Published: June 2019

The history of Athenian relations with Sicily in the fifth century is beset with difficulties; and no part of it, perhaps, is more obscure than the story of what is commonly known as the First Sicilian Expedition, which set sail from Athens in the late summer of 427 under Laches, and was reinforced under Pythodorus, Sophocles and Eurymedon in the winter of 426.
I.—Microscopic Structure of Irish Granites
Authors: Hull Edward
Published: June 2019

This granite forms an isolated mass, rising into two eminences a few miles south of Louisburg, called Corvock Brack (1287 feet) and Knockaskeheen (1288 feet). It is a greyish granite—generally fine-grained—consisting of quartz, two felspars,—one orthoclase, the other triclinic, probably oligoclase—and dark green mica. In some places there are patches in which the felspar assumes the appearance of “graphic granite.” Numerous boulders of this granite are strewn over the district to the north-west, and on the south side of Knockaskeheen; the rock is traversed by regular joints ranging N. 10 W., along which it splits off into nearly vertical walls. The position of the granite is shown on Griffith's Geological Map of Ireland, and it is surrounded by schistose beds, generally metamorphosed, and probably of Lower Silurian age. The granite itself is of older date than the Upper Llandovery beds, which lie to the southward.
III.—Notes on the Shell Structure of Eichwaldia Capewelli
Authors: Young John
Published: June 2019

Recently, while reading Dr. Davidson's description of his Eichwaldia Capewelli, Brit. Sil. Brach. Sup. pp. 140–1, I was much interested with that paragraph in which he states, “It had been suggested to me that the appearance of the sculpture of the surface of E. Capewelli is precisely that of certain Polyzoa one is accustomed to meet with in Palæozoic rocks, a fact that had struck Mr. R. Etheridge, jun., as well as Prof. Nicholson; but to accept the ornamentation as that of an encrusting Polyzoan we must suppose that the shell had been entirely replaced by the parasite, as sometimes occurs with Hydractinia. Sections, however, show a perfectly homogeneous structure of the whole thickness of the shell.”
I.—Note on some Silurian Lagenæ
Authors: Brady Henry B.
Published: June 2019

We are in possession of so little accurate information concerning Foraminifera of pre-Carboniferous age, that any contribution to the knowledge of the subject, however insignificant it may of itself appear, has a very distinct value. The only notices of pre-Carboniferous examples of the genus Lagena hitherto published occur in a provisional list of Microzoa drawn up by Professor T. Rupert Jones, F.R.S., and appended to a paper by Mr. J. Smith of Kilwinning, “On a Collection of Bivalved Entomostraca and other Microzoa from the Upper-Silurian Strata of the Shropshire District,” in the Geological Magazine for February, 1881; and in a brief allusion to the same specimens in the “Report on the Challenger Foraminifera” (p. 449, etc.); but iu neither case is the notice accompanied by any details.
II.— On the Discovery of the Olenellus Fauna in the Lower Cambrian Rocks of Britain
Authors: Lapworth Charles
Published: June 2019

The brief paper on the “Stratigraphical Succession of the Cambrian Faunas in North America,” communicated to Nature of Oct. 4, 1888, will have been read by British students of the Geology of the Lower Patæozoic Rocks with especial interest and satisfaction, as it puts an end to a controversy between European and American Geologists, and brings into harmony the sequence and palæontology of the Cambrian faunas on both sides of the Atlantic.
VI.—Note on the Occurrence of a Species of Onychodus in the Lower Old Red Sandstone Passage Beds of Ledbury, Herefordshire
Authors: Woodward A. Smith
Published: June 2019

During a recent visit to the University Museum at Oxford, I observed in the Grindrod Collection an interesting small fossil apparently adding to the known fauna of the Ledbury Passage Beds a remarkable type of fish, hitherto only met with in the Middle and Upper Devonian of the United States. Through the kindness of Professor Green, I have since had the opportunity of studying this specimen in London; and it is shown, of twice the natural size, in the accompanying Woodcut. It may be regarded as an imperfect example of the so-called “intermandibular arch” of the extinct ganoid, Onychodus, described by Prof. Newberry from the Corniferous Limestone of Ohio, and the Chemung Group of Delaware County, New York.
On Integration by means of Selected Values of the Function
Authors: Woolhouse W. S. B.
Published: June 2019

Mr. G. F. Hardy has contributed a valuable paper on this subject (J.I.A., xxiv, p. 95) and (p. 103) has done good service by introducing a theorem by Gauss for the accurate integration of algebraic functions limited to any stated degree, and by showing how the same may be applied to the approximate integration of other functions. Again, Mr. George King (J.I.A., p. 276) has made good use of one of the best of Mr, Hardy's formulas in his Numerical Calculation of the Values of Complex Benefits, practically elucidating the important advantages gained by its adoption. I have read these papers with much interest and have thereby been induced to investigate the matter still further, from my own point of view, in its especial relation to assurance calculations, and with results that may be considered worthy of communication.
On Legislation affecting Life Assurance Companies, more especially with reference to the Life Assurance Companies Acts, 1870 to 1872, and their Amendment
Authors: King George
Published: June 2019

When I agreed to prepare a paper for the consideration of the Institute of Actuaries, on the Life Assurance Companies Acts, 1870–72, I did not do so with a light heart. The task in any case would have been onerous, and events which have since transpired have not tended to increase my confidence. It has become a matter of public knowledge that the Council of the Institute had under consideration the laws relating to life offices, and that it was intended to take an early opportunity to debate the question. Moreover, it has been surmised that Government had in contemplation to take action in the matter, and, possibly in next session of Parliament, to bring in a Bill for the amendment of the law. I, therefore, cannot help feeling that a great responsibility rests upon me in opening a discussion of such importance, but I am emboldened to proceed, because, even if I fail to produce anything new or important, there are many here of far riper experience than myself, and a debate in such an assembly cannot but be instructive and useful.
On Mr. Makeham's Theory of Inverse Probabilities
Authors: Stabler Edward L.
Published: June 2019

In the Journal for July and October 1891 (J.I.A., xxix, 242 and 444), Mr. William Matthew Makeham published two papers “On the Theory of Inverse Probabilities.” In the first he obtained a new formula, and in the second he pointed out some applications of the formula. I desire to present some considerations which I think will show that this formula is not suitable for any application.
A Discussion of some points of Life Assurance Administration in respect of which Divergence of Practice exists: A Plea for Uniformity
Authors: Thiselton Herbert Cecil
Published: June 2019

A careful study of the prospectuses of the leading life offices discloses so great a variety of practice in minor details that the question naturally arises whether something cannot be done to secure uniformity. I propose in the following pages to discuss a few illustrations of this diversity of practice with a view to showing that the requisite combination on our part could not fail to exercise a beneficial influence by the simplification of a naturally complex branch of business, by the withdrawal of unnecessary and vexatious restrictions, as well as by the resistance which could be offered to the demands for unwise concessions.