bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Mille Collines and Kigali at War
Authors: Gutekunst Marc Daniel
Published: May 2006

As the tragic events of Rwanda started unfolding on April 6, 1994, I was in Kigali setting up a Postwar Rehabilitation and Development Program we had developed in collaboration with the Rwandan Ministries of Health and Defense, and ORTPN (the Rwandan Office of Tourism and National Parks). This program, implemented by a local NGO, included four components. The first consisted in the physical rehabilitation of institutions damaged in the war between October 1990 and March 1993, primarily hospitals, health centers and dispensaries in the Prefectures of Byumba and Ruhengeri. The first phase of this component had been completed by March 25, 1994, with funding from the Canadian Government and the EEC. Subsequent phases were intended to be program-oriented and to provide institutional support to these health facilities.
The New Geostrategic Situation in Central Africa
Authors: Reyntjens Filip
Published: May 2006

The war that brought Laurent-Désiré Kabila and the AFDL (Alliance of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo/Zaire) into power in Kinshasa must be placed in the broader context of three conflicts—that of the Great Lakes, of course, which is the most immediately obvious, but also those of Sudan and Angola. The proximity of these unstable locations and the game of alliances (every actor uses the “my enemy’s enemy is my friend” logic) brought these conflicts together, creating a potential war zone from Asmara to Luanda. Zaire is the connection among these three wars: Mobutu’s government supported Khartoum’s regime against the South Sudanese guerrillas, in particular the SPLA, who are supported in turn by Asmara, Addis Ababa, and Kampala. Zaire’s territory served as a rear base for attacks by the diverse armed movements against Uganda, Rwanda, and Burundi.
The “Friends of the Congo” and the Kabila System
Authors: Willame Jean-Claude
Published: May 2006

After at least five years of international isolation— almost 10 years in Belgium’s case—the Congo (formerly Zaire) is once again “visitable.” The “friends of the Congo” conference sponsored by the World Bank last December 3-4 sanctioned the beginning of normalization. Those attending were cautious since the meeting did not take place at the ministerial level and since the only help considered urgent concerned currency, transportation, and health. The Congolese government obtained a total of $120 million, the majority from the European Union (E.U.). This represents only about 10 percent of Kinshasa’s assessed reconstruction needs. For the rest, there will be another meeting in six months.
The Political Militia in Brazzaville
Authors: Bazenguissa-Ganga Rémy
Published: May 2006

From June 5 to October 15, 1997, three years after the first urban guerrilla battles, conflicts reignited in Brazzaville. The recurrence of confrontation is an appropriate time to examine the social background of the most virulent actors in these battles, the militia. The first guerrillas were principally youths born in Brazzaville, while those of 1997 came from secondary cities. This being the case, it is legitimate to wonder about the dissemination of political violence in the Congo. This paper will reconstitute a chronology of the confrontations, analyze the militia, and explain the entry of Congolese youths into political violence.
State Power in Mozambique
Authors: Mittleman James H.
Published: May 2006

After winning a war of national liberation, FRELIMO faces the vexing question of
whether socialism now can be established. With respect to Guinea-Bissau, Amilcar
Cabral emphasized: ‘This depends on the instruments used to effect the
transition to socialism; the essential factor is the nature of the state....“
No doubt his statement was premised on the belief that socialism begins with the
conquest of the state by the producing classes. They must seize the state apparatus
to defeat the ruling class whose power is concentrated there. Both the means of
coercion and the forces that reproduce the system itself are part of this domain. It
is only by gaining control of state power, which is a political act, that the working
classes can subsequently organize a socialist economy.
Mozambique: Dynamizing the People
Authors: Collins Carole
Published: May 2006

On June 25, 1975, following ten years of armed struggle by the Mozambican people against Portuguese colonialism, the People’s Republic of Mozambique was born. Led by the Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO), which was formed out of the merger of three nationalist organizations in 1962, the Mozambican people had seen many social, political, and economic changes come to the liberated areas in northern Mozambique long before the formal declaration of national independence. FRELIMO, even during the struggle, had begun to confront the legacy of over 400 years of Portuguese colonialism and systematic exploitation and underdevelopment of Mozambique’s human and natural resources.
Transforming Mozambique’s Rural Economy
Authors: Isaacman Allen
Published: May 2006

On June 25, 1975, Mozambique became independent. The transfer of power from Portugal to FRELIMO (The Mozambican Liberation Movement) marked the first phase of national liberation. FRELIMO, unlike many nationalist movements whose exclusive concern was to capture the colonial state, emphasized that independence marked only the beginning of a longer process to dismantle exploitative institutions and transform basic economic and social relationships. The new era of “People’s Democratic Revolution” based on socialist principles envisioned “the construction in Mozambique of a society ... where the material living conditions of the people are constantly improving and where their social needs are increasingly satisfied.”
Creating a National Culture: An Overview
Authors: Barnes Barbara
Published: May 2006

The challenges ahead for Mozambique as it engages in cultural transformation as well as in other areas of fundamental change are enormous. But the record of conquests and victories over the last 15 years has been equally enormous and remarkable. The Mozambicans are determined and confident in their ability to build a new and revolutionary people’s culture, based on the worker-peasant alliance, transforming antiquated and exploitative culture into one which allows for a rich blossoming of the human personality and potential. In this confidence and determination, there may be lessons for us all.
Cultural Change and Literary Expression in Mozambique
Authors: Hamilton Russel
Published: May 2006

The problem of cultural change in the People’s Republic of Mozambique can be reduced to the question: how can certain indigenous traditions, values, customs, and art forms be combined with other domestic or imported values and modes of cultural expression and brought into line with new social structures?
The Resettlement and Rehabilitation of Refugees in the Umtali Area
Authors: DeWolf Shirley
Published: May 2006

During the armed struggle for the nation’s independence, the Eastern border provinces of Rhodesia became the center of intense military activity. Accordingly, it was from this region that entire villages were evacuated, as families crossed into Mozambique to escape enclosure by the Smith regime into “protected villages.” The Tangwena people of the area, long pursued by the white power structure in an attempt to disperse them, moved en masse across the border. It was also from this region that vast numbers of school students and other frustrated youth left to answer the call to swell the ranks of the liberation forces. It was natural then that the resettlement of returning refugees from Mozambique camps between January and September 1980 was concentrated in the general Umtali-Fort Victoria area.
Decolonization and Development in Kenya and Zimbabwe: A Comparative Analysis
Authors: Gordon David F.
Published: May 2006

In late February, readers of the New York Times read of a pragmatic Planning Minister in a newly independent African state issuing his country’s first development plan whose strategy was based upon building on the existing economic structures. That same day, readers of the Wall Street Journal read of a revolutionary new African state issuing its guidelines for the radical transformation of its economy toward a new socialist order. The casual reader might not even have of noticed that the two stories were commenting on the same by event: the announcement in Salisbury by Economic Planning Minister Bernard Chidzero of the newly independent Zimbabwean Government’s first development guidelines.
The South African Connection: From Polaroid to Oppenheimer
Authors: First Ruth
Published: May 2006

Press exposures of starvation wages paid by British firms in South Africa have prompted an official House of Commons inquiry, but one which was dismissed by a columnist in a leading weekly (the New Statesman) as “an exercise, at the lowest, in hypocrisy and, at the highest, in evading an issue. For the issue is surely not what wages firms pay in South Africa but whether the firms should be there at all.” This robust view apart the case for withdrawal of foreign capital investment or its restriction, or the freezing of further flows, gets short shrift in business circles. Yet faced with growing pressures to disinvest, these circles have been casting around for arguments to placate the total-withdrawal lobby. Two initiatives are most frequently cited as proof that left to itself, business will reform apartheid. These are the Polaroid experiment and the Oppenheimer phenomenon.
The Black American Reaction to Apartheid
Authors: Nagan Winston P.
Published: May 2006

This article concerns the problems connected with the Black American reaction to apartheid in South Africa reaction which appears to have been largely ignored by social scientists, opinion poll samplers, opinion leaders, and even the distributors of foundation grants. A discussion such as this one is, perforce, impressionistic. Hopefully, however, it will contribute to the construction of sound hypotheses about the character of the Black American reaction to apartheid.

The reader should perhaps be warned that I do not subscribe to the doctrine of intellectual neutrality. The perspectives from which I write are informed by clearly articulated value postulates or preferences.
South Africa in 1998: Trends and Developments During the Next Twenty-Five Years
Authors: Keppel-Jones A. M.
Published: May 2006

Prophecy is one of the simplest ways for an historian to destroy his credit and reputation. Having been persuaded to take this risk, I shall partly cover it with one small insurance policy: I shall set forth what seem to me to be the relevant facts, but not be too dogmatic about the conclusions to be drawn from them.

Where will South Africa stand twenty-five years from now? What will have happened during those years? In theory there are, I think, only four possibilities: (i) that the status quo will remain essentially unchanged; (ii) that radical changes, involving or at least leading to the abolition of all racial discrimination, will come about peacefully, by constitutional means; (iii) that the regime will be overthrown by invading foreign forces; and (iv) that it will be overthrown by revolution within the country, with or without foreign support. As there are strong reasons for believing that none of these alternatives is really possible, some factor seems to have been overlooked. Perhaps it will appear as the four alternatives are examined.
National Security Study Memorandum 39 and the Future of United States Policy toward Southern Africa
Authors: Lockwood Edgar
Published: May 2006

For observers of U.S. policy toward Africa, this has been the fall of the "Nissem."

Newspaper and magazine articles by Tad Szulc and Jack Anderson, based on the text of National Security Study Memorandum 39 of 1969 (NSSM 39), have popularized an alleged Nixon " tilt " toward Southern Africa's white regimes, stemming from a preference for protection of U.S. economic interests over ideals of democracy and decency. The State Department, embarrassed and flustered by the leak of another secret document, has tried to downplay its significance (calling it merely a preliminary study), and has disclaimed any change in policy.
Southern African Pressure Politics in the U.S.
Authors: Janosik Robert J. , Lawrence Barbara E.
Published: May 2006

Southern Africa earns little press coverage in the United States. Issues which relate to this part of the world are, newsmen feel, of minimal interest to the American news consumer. But the lack of coverage reflects another phenomenon: the nature of the activities of Southern African agents and allies in the U.S. These pressure groups, unlike those of the splashier (domestic) labor, medical and legal lobbies, do not concern themselves with grassroots activity or extensive media attention. Like the Nixon Administration at least until the Watergate debacle the Southern Africa-oriented pressure groups foster and consciously maintain a low profile.
South Africa in the Contemporary World
Authors: Legum Colin , Legum Margaret
Published: May 2006

Two great changes have been brought by twenty-five years of apartheid rule in South Africa. Its internal contradictions have been sharpened by the simultaneous attempts to divide the country along even more rigid color lines and to stimulate more rapid economic growth; and its external relations have declined to the point where the Republic today has become the “polecat of the world.” These two developments are inextricably linked so that it makes little sense to try and describe the South African situation without focussing on their interrelationship.
United States Policy Towards Africa: an A.S.A. Roundtable
Authors: Johnson Willard , Crocker Chester , Wolpe Howard , Scott Thompson W. , Otunnu Olara
Published: May 2006

The size and intensity of this audience bespeaks the great concern that exists about the current drift of U.S. policy towards Africa, especially southern Africa. Our government has come to have close relations with South Africa, along with the business community. Why the shift in policy direction if that is indeed what has happened and if so, what is it based on? Last night, Professor Magubane said it seems to be based on the profit motive. Perhaps we are more generally accustomed to think that it must be based upon racism. Crocker has written at one point in Foreign Affairs that perhaps it is based upon temerity, that is to say, we must dare in southern Africa.
Update South Africa; Cooptation Versus Confrontation
Authors: Carter Gwendolen M.
Published: May 2006

May 1983 saw two diametrically opposed efforts to change some fundamental features of contemporary South Africa. On May 3, Prime Minister Botha’s new Constitutional Bill was introduced in the House of Assembly providing for the first time for the inclusion of Coloured and Indians in the previously all white national legislature. Minor as the role of these two minorities will be should the new structure be adopted, the provisions signaled two white objectives: to split the black front, such as it is, and to underline the permanent exclusion of the majority Africans from any share in making national decisions.

On May 20, what might be considered the response to that formal exclusion came with the use for the first time by the seventy-year-old African National Congress of a new and deadly tactic when it exploded a car bomb outside airforce headquarters in Pretoria, killing eighteen people.
Labor Reform and Security Repression in South Africa: Botha’s Strategy for Stabilizing Racial Domination in the 1980s
Authors: Marsh Pearl-Alice
Published: May 2006

South Africa’s white minority government faced a severe crisis in the 1970s as it attempted to support major industrial expansion and a dynamic economy while maintaining its separate development policies. During the late 1960s and early 1970s, the South African economy had been described as ready to “take off” as manufacturing moved to the dominant position in the economy. At the same time, the economy suffered from labor shortages, suppressed wages, restricted product markets, and inflation, as a direct result of the government’s restrictive labor policies. In a speech to industrialists and academics, Harry Oppenheimer of the Anglo-American industrial group stated that these industrial and economic problems were a direct result of governmental policies which limited the use of African labor and therefore throttled back the entire economy.
Political Violence in South Africa: The Role of Youth
Authors: Cooper Saths
Published: May 2006

A meaningful understanding of the causes of political violence in South Africa and youth’s role in its dénouement must consider some of the historical background to the national struggle for human rights and youth’s specific involvement thereof. The phenomenon of adolescent marchers and activists who characterized the resistance to Apartheid over the last decade has had sequelae and antecedents that reflect the core of the South African dilemma.
Lesbian Activism in Zimbabwe
Authors: Clark Bev
Published: May 2006

“I don’t believe they (lesbians and homosexuals) have any rights at all.”

President Robert Mugabe, 2 August 1995

I remember that it was a Monday. I had been running with my partner over lunch time and we had just returned to my office in town. The doorbell rang and standing outside were about nine policemen and women. Demanding entry, one of the senior officers brandished a search warrant for “pornographic material.”

I was so angry I didn’t know what to do with myself. I had been targeted simply because I worked for the national Zimbabwean lesbian and gay organization. Furthermore, the police had no broader agenda other than to intimidate and harass me under the pretext of searching for pornography.
U.S. and Soviet Scholars on Africa
Authors: Bender Gerald J. , Whitaker C.S. , Halisi C.R.D. , Intriligator Michael D. , Lofchie Michael F. , Potter William C. , Sklar Richard L.
Published: May 2006

A week before the Reagan-Gorbachev summit in Washington, a group of American and Soviet scholars met in Moscow to explore how a new spirit of cooperation could be applied in Africa. The challenge was to find ways of transforming the well-established pattern of hostile competition between the two countries in that area of the world into one of collaboration for the mutual benefit of both countries and Africa. The results of the Moscow workshop are highly promising.
Recommendations: The Development of the Agrarian Sector, with Emphasis on Food Production and Distribution
Authors: Lofchie Michael F. , Smirnov Gleb V.
Published: May 2006

A critical problem for Africa is that of food production and distribution, highlighted by declines in food production, widespread hunger, and famine. There are several interrelated sources of this problem, both domestic and external. Among them are ecological problems, engendered by climatic and natural conditions; land fertility depletion in many regions of sub-Saharan Africa; the extreme scarcity of financial resources, accentuated by the debt burden and falling terms of trade; a deficit of investment goods and research and development facilities needed for agricultural development; and weaknesses in rural infrastructure, both economic and social. Unbalanced interaction between the rural and urban economies as well as archaic socioeconomic structures play a major role in the problems of food distribution, with consequent effects on food production.
Recommendations: Environmental Protection, Particularly Activities to Prevent Further Desertification
Authors: Goncharov Leongard , Whitaker C.S.
Published: May 2006

Another critical problem for Africa, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa is that of desertification. The crisis of desertification in the Sahel and other dryland regions of Africa increases exponentially, that is, its effects are incrementally debilitating. Each year of delay in dealing with this problem in an effective way, using available technology and resources, moves the problem further beyond our capacity to handle it. Furthermore, desertification has many direct and indirect effects on, among others, food production, land use, transport, housing, and weather patterns, further compounding the problem. The scale of the problem is enormous, and neither African governments nor international organizations organizations have mounted an effective response. The problem of desertification in Africa is, however, to a great extent, a tale of opportunities missed. The application of existing technology and resources has encountered obstacles and resistance, while potential resources have failed to materialize.
The Challenge of Democratic Pluralism in Uganda
Authors: Omara-Otunnu Amii
Published: May 2006

The clarion call for democracy that pervades the world scene has given much legitimacy to discourses on democracy in Africa. However, although the debate on democracy has gained momentum and respectability on the African political landscape, its parameters and contents are still not well defined. In Uganda, the assumption of power by Yoweri Museveni, leader of the National Resistance Army (NRA), was hailed by many as holding out a promise for fundamental change in the country. In particular, it was hoped that Museveni and his army would allow for the great majority of Ugandans to exercise their political acumen and legitimate right to shape a democratic destiny for the country.
Political Change and Political Research in Africa; Agenda for the 1990s
Authors: Keller Edmond J.
Published: May 2006

The decade between 1963 and 1973 was heralded by some observers as liberal democracy’s darkest hour in many parts of the non-Western world. During this period seven Latin American democracies collapsed; one African country after the other rejected multi-party liberal democracy in favor of either single-party or military regimes; Soviet hegemony prevailed and seemed to be growing stronger in communist Eastern Europe and parts of the Third World; and pockets of authoritarianism could even be found in Southern Europe (e. g., Spain, Portugal, Greece). Such developments led scholars to concentrate their research efforts on trying to understand why democracy had failed to either take hold or to survive in those places where it had been successfully introduced.
Burundi: Alternatives to Violence
Authors: Weinstein Warren
Published: May 2006

Burundi society has become polarized along ethnic lines. In 1972 a series of increasingly violent confrontations erupted into an ethnic civil war. The two ethnic coalitions which faced each other were the Tutsi and the Hutu. The Tutsi are the socio-politically dominant minority in control in Burundi.
A Hero’s Death: Herbert Tapfumanei Chitepo
Authors: Mudadirwa Zvobgo Eddison Jonas
Published: May 2006

When a capitalist exploiter dies, he is usually survived, apart from his heirs, by his cars, banking accounts, businesses, stocks and bonds. The victims of his exploitation do not survive him; they outlive him. Aware that the masses of the world—once beyond his predatory habits, greed and blood-sucking—are anxious to forget him, he leaves behind a will calling for the construction of a huge foundation, library or museum to perpetuate his name, a name which is usually engraved deep into the walls.
Somalia in 1975: Some Notes and Impressions
Authors: Davidson Basil
Published: May 2006

Early this year I spent some time in Somalia with the purpose of looking for material that could contribute to a history of political ideas in twentieth century Africa; and, as it fortunately happened, I found much more than I had expected. If I was surprised at this it may have been partly because Somalia, at least in recent years, appears to have become somewhat neglected by Western scholarship. Some preliminary notes and impressions may therefore be of interest.
Alien Settlerism and the Revolutionary Response in Southern Africa: The Significance of Recent Events
Authors: El-Ayouty Yassin
Published: May 2006

Alien settlerism in Africa may be defined as a system of colonization under which an expatriate white community has set itself up as sole possessor of power and sovereignty regardless of the usual status of a numerically inferior group as a minority. Within this definition, the settlers in Africa represent the remnants of foreign invasions from overseas (England, France, Portugal, Spain) which, having receded to their European shores, left behind distinct patterns of legal, political, economic and social oppression of the indigenous populations.
Outreach in Major American Cities
Authors: Cosentino Donald J.
Published: May 2006

The question immediately suggests itself: what constitutes a major American city? Subjectively, but with a long side glance at Jane Jacobs, I would define such a metropolitan area by several attributes. One obviously is population density, though the actual number of people that make up the city is less important than the diversity within the population that allows for a great diversity in culture. Major American cities are composed of many cultural, racial, and economic constituencies coexisting in a single polity. Thus, even though Peoria and San Francisco are dense population centers, one is a major farm town, and the other is a major city. This multiplicity of ethnic constituencies is reflected in a city’s educational, economic, religious, political, and cultural institutions which are likewise fragmented, though interdependent. Such cities with enormous and highly diverse constituencies are likely to be more self-sufficient culturally, politically, and economically than other American towns. They supply their own news and publications, stage their own cultural events, concentrate more on their own political processes, and establish autonomous norms of behavior. In fact, what happens in these cities more often creates the news, the culture, the mores, and the politics for the rest of the land. A university operating in such a milieu is not just a light on the hill. It is a constituency within a mosaic of constituencies. It is linked to those other constituencies politically, socially, culturally, and economically, just by being where it is. It must frequently act on an ad hoc basis, responding to requests and solicitations that are sometimes immediate, and sometimes imperative. The parameters of its actions are clearly traceable in the mosaic of relationships which describe the city. It is not as free as the state university in the college town to define its own program, but by its existential commitment to its locale it draws whatever important qualities it will have for itself, for its community, and for the nation.
Inservice Training: How to Reach Teachers in Sixty Minutes to Six Weeks
Authors: Bay Edna G. , Corby Richard A.
Published: May 2006

Africanists experienced in outreach generally agree that in the long run the most effective way to improve the U.S. public’s knowledge of Africa will be to reach the precollegiate school population. And by extension, the most effective means of reaching that student population is through those persons who determine the substance and scope of materials taught on the precollegiate level: teachers, administrators, librarians, and other support personnel.
Preservice Teacher Education: An Opportunity for Area Center Involvement and Leadership
Authors: Wojtan Linda S.
Published: May 2006

Preservice teachers, especially those actually engaged in student teaching, face a barrage of daily challenges. In many cases these challenges are new and unique. How does one cope with the needs and wants of thirty-plus students while simultaneously responding to the pervasive school time sequence affectionately known as “the bell”? Further, how does one maintain classroom order and harmony and inspire confidence when teaching a subject for the first time, often an unknown subject?
African Outreach Through the Arts
Authors: Crane Louise
Published: May 2006

“No, No, No! I won’t marry that ugly little spider! He’s gross!” shouted Christie, waving her hands dramatically. The rest of the fourth graders listened, spellbound. Christie’s version of an “Ananse” story she had seen another class dramatize kept the original story line, but it was clearly her own creation, with fanciful detours here and there. Face and body totally Involved, she was a true storyteller in the best African tradition. A few days later Christie produced an entirely original “Ananse” story, this time bringing the famous Ghana trickster to America to buy roller skates. Her story, accompanied by a picture of the spider on roller skates, involves a contest between Ananse and a kente cloth weaver. In the end, Ananse’s legs, all eight of them, become entangled and weave a “kente cloth.” The story ends with the traditional moral, “Sometimes when you brag about being better than anyone else, you come out the loser!”
Profile/Analysis of the Section 603 Program/Applicants
Authors: Jorgenson Dick
Published: May 2006

The Education Amendments of 1976 authorized the Citizen Education for Cultural Understanding Program under Section 603 of Title VI of the National Defense Education Act, as amended. Not until the fall of 1978, however, did there appear to be any significant support for the funding of the program; but by the time an appropriation was visible in early spring 1979, the interest level across the country appeared exceptionally high. Then in response to publicity of the program and the wide dissemination of over 10,000 application booklets in April and May 1979, the Office of Education (Division of International Education of the Bureau of Higher and Continuing Education) received 473 applications for grant awards in June 1979, from every state but Alaska, Montana, Nevada, New Hampshire, and Wyoming. In September 1979 public announcement was made of 39 grant awards in this the first year of the program commencing October 1, 1979 and funded for one year. For the second cycle, 466 applications were submitted in February 1980. There are likely to be 36 grant awards for 1980, totaling $2 million, bringing the total number of projects for the first two years to 75 and the total federal outlay to $4 million.
The Clinton Administration and Africa: White House Involvement and the Foreign Affairs Bureaucracies
Authors: Clark John F.
Published: May 2006

Both continuity and change capture the evolving role of the Clinton White House in the formulation and implementation of U.S. foreign policy toward Africa. Elements of continuity are reflected in a familiar pattern of relationships between the White House and the principal foreign policy bureaucracies, most notably the U.S. State Department, the U.S. Department of Defense (Pentagon), the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and more recently the U.S. Department of Commerce. As cogently argued in Peter J. Schraeder’s analysis of U.S. foreign policy toward Africa during the Cold War era, the White House has tended to take charge of U.S. African policies only in those relatively rare situations perceived as crises by the president and his closest advisors. In other, more routine situations—the hallmark of the myriad of U.S. African relations—the main foreign policy bureaucracies have been at the forefront of policy formulation, and “bureaucratic dominance” of the policymaking process has prevailed. Much the same pattern is visible in the Clinton administration, with the exception of President Clinton’s trip to Africa in 1998. Until that time, events in Somalia in 1993 served as the only true African crisis of the administration that was capable of focusing the ongoing attention of President Clinton and his closest advisors. Given that the United States is now disengaged from most African crises, Africa has remained a “backwater” for the White House and the wider foreign policymaking establishment.
The Clinton Administration and Africa: Role of Congress and the Africa Subcommittees
Authors: Volman Daniel P.
Published: May 2006

Studies of U.S. government relations with Africa have generally focused on the role of the executive branch, specifically by examining and analyzing the views and activities of administration officials and the members of executive branch bureaucracies. This is only natural, given the predominant role that the executive branch has historically played in the development and implementation of U.S. policy toward the continent. However, the U.S. Congress has always played an important role in determining U.S. policy toward Africa due to its constitutional authority over the appropriation and authorization of funding for all foreign operations conducted by the executive branch. Furthermore, Congress enacted legislation on several occasions during the Cold War period that directly affected U.S. policy. For example, Congress approved the Clark Amendment prohibiting U.S. intervention in Angola (although it later voted to repeal the amendment) and also passed the 1986 Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act, which imposed sanctions on South Africa over the veto of the Reagan administration.
The Clinton Administration and Africa: Private Corporate Dimension
Authors: Reno William
Published: May 2006

Prior to the start of the colonial era in Africa in the late 19th century, European states conducted relations with African rulers through a variety of means. Formal diplomatic exchanges characterized relations with polities that Europeans recognized as states, between European diplomats and officials of the Congo Kingdom of present-day Angola, Ethiopia, and Liberia, for example. Other African authorities occupied intermediate positions in Europeans’ views of international relations, either because these authorities ruled very small territories, defended no fixed borders, or appeared to outside eyes to be more akin to commercial entrepreneurs than rulers of states. Relations between Europe and these authorities left much more room for proxies and ancillary groups. Missionaries, explorers, and chartered companies commonly became proxies through which strong states in Europe pursued their relations with these African authorities. So too now, stronger states in global society increasingly contract out to private actors their relations toward Africa’s weakest states. Especially in the United States, but also in Great Britain and South Africa, officials show a growing propensity to use foreign firms, including military service companies, as proxies to exercise influence in small, very poor countries where strategic and economic interests are limited. This privatized foreign policy affects the worst-off parts of Africa—states like Angola, the Central African Republic, Liberia, Mozambique, and Sierra Leone—where formal state institutions have collapsed, often amidst long-term warfare and disorder.
The Clinton Administration and Ethnic Conflict Management: Limits of Intervention in a Partially Autonomous Africa
Authors: Rothchild Donald S.
Published: May 2006

The Clinton administration and its predecessors have had a difficult time assessing the impact of ethnicity and nationalism on international conflict. They are inclined to focus on state power and individual rights considerations, downplaying the importance of the ties of communal identity and the emotive appeals of ethnic self-determination. Then, when ethnic groups do gain political significance, U.S. officials often give the communal concerns a prominence out of proportion with reality. The primary challenge for the Clinton administration is that U.S. liberalism classically has involved commitments that preclude flexibility on communally based demands for self-determination and group rights. Such perspectives can at times complicate the formulation of effective foreign policies for a region only partially integrated into the global capitalist economy, and therefore autonomous for some purposes from U.S. manipulation. What is needed is an involved but pragmatic liberalism that links U.S. conflict management objectives with what Thomas Friedman describes as a “coherent post–Cold War strategic framework.” Without that framework, he writes, “the Americans look like naive do-gooders trying to break up a street brawl.”
The Clinton Administration and Africa: A View from Paris, France
Authors: Bourmaud Daniel
Published: May 2006

The Clinton administration’s foreign policy toward Africa arouses strong reactions in France, most notably within the French policymaking establishment. This sentiment is directly linked to the end of the Cold War and the redistribution of power on the African continent. French policymakers commonly believe that the United States seeks to dominate the African continent. Such a representation could be seen as laughable through its excessive character. It is nonetheless maintained by a disparate group of facts and events that, when combined, lead French policymakers to overestimate U.S. impulses. In fact, U.S. African policies are not immune to the uncertainties and contradictions that pervade overall U.S. foreign policy. As insightfully noted by French Minister of Foreign Affairs Hubert Védrine, U.S. foreign policy toward Africa conveys the aspirations of a “hyper-power” that, although lacking a worthy international opponent truly capable of challenging its power, remains incapable of implementing a viable African strategy—in essence conjuring up the much-acclaimed image in Gulliver’s Travels of the giant Gulliver finding himself hamstrung by hundreds of ropes tied by six-inch Lilliputians. An analysis of this policy also indirectly reveals the doubts inherent in France’s own African policy due to the inability of its leaders to accept the constraints of a transformed international system.
The Clinton Administration and Africa: A View from Ottawa, Canada
Authors: Black David R. , Adibe Clement E.
Published: May 2006

The Clinton administration’s new African policy thrust, combined with the changing contours of Canadian African policy, has brought the two governments’ approaches closer together than ever before. In most fundamental respects, their stated aims are closely congruent: They seek in general to promote stability and progress in Africa, conceived in broadly neo-liberal terms. Beyond these general objectives, however, Washington and Ottawa exhibit differences of emphasis and approach that are interesting given the especially close relationship that has long existed between the two countries. In important ways, Canada’s “kinder, gentler” approach to Africa serves to soften the face of U.S. policy priorities without fundamentally altering them, and in this respect serves as a valuable contributor to the fulfillment of U.S. hegemonic priorities on the continent and around the globe. Canada nonetheless has its own history, habits, and linkages in Africa that, although under strain, still allow it to periodically play a surprisingly prominent role on issues of concern to Africans at this historical moment of continental transformation.
Selected Arguments Against United States' Economic Disengagement from South Africa and some Alternative Measures
Authors: Hance William A.
Published: May 2006

There is very wide agreement, with which I fully concur, regarding the abhorrent and unacceptable character of apartheid and regarding the inevitable demise of minority rule in South Africa. There is, however, honest disagreement regarding the best way for Americans and others to assist in effecting change. Differing motives for recommending disengagement may also sometimes confuse the issue. Disengagement can reflect such diverse policies as neutralism, non-cooperation, dissociation, intervention, or withdrawal. It can reflect a desire to induce change by positive steps or an acceptance that little can be done, but that the disengager will at least not be implicated or involved in a detested situation. To some it is the isolation of the disengager that is the goal; others appear to be propounding as-full-as-possible isolation of South Africa.
Observations on America's Policy Problems in Southern Africa
Authors: Oudes Bruce
Published: May 2006

Southern Africa is one of the three areas of great regional tension now affecting the conduct of world diplomacy. As our obsession with Southeast Asia diminishes. Southern Africa and the Middle East assume more importance. Because of the generation of peace being negotiated with China and the Soviets (and not in spite of it), we shall grow increasingly mindful of the continuing violence in these areas. Local problems move to the fore as the threat of world war appears to subside. Matters of unfinished business will not be neglected; we have seen them sprout up in Canada with regard to language, in Britain with regard to religion, and in Southern Africa with regard to race.
Structural Adjustment in Sub-Saharan Africa: The World Bank’s Perspective
Authors: Jaycox Edward V.K.
Published: May 2006

This is an important time for Sub-Saharan Africa. First and foremost, because over half the region is actively engaged in wide-ranging programs of economic reform or structural adjustment. Second, because the donor community is in the process of deciding how these African efforts will be supported over the next several years. Lomé IV, (Europe’s major funding mechanism for Africa), its volume and how it is allocated, is a critical part of that process. So too are the current negotiations on the Ninth Replenishment of the International Development Association (IDA).
African Studies and the Study of the Future
Authors: Eleazu Uma O.
Published: May 2006

Imagine a conference of West African heads of state or government held in 1870 to discuss what West Africa would be like in the year 1900. The list of participants at such a conference might well have included Lat Dior, the darnel of Cayor (Senegal), Samouri Toure (Guinea), his enemy Tie-ba of Sikasso, the President of Liberia, Obas of Benin and Lagos, King Gezo, King Gelele, King Tofa (Porto Novo), King Ja-ja (Opobo), Chief Na-na (Itshekiri), Sultan Attahiru of Sokoto, and Asantehene Prempeh.
The African Novel in the 1970s: Basic Identity and Categorization
Authors: Madubuike Ihechukwu
Published: May 2006

The bulk of what is known today as African literature began as a reaction to white colonization, oppression, and racism. The similarity of experiences throughout Africa during the colonial era created a common denominator for writing and a common identity in themes and inspirations for writers. Colonization fanned ethnocentric feelings among the colonized and the need to portray black culture as worthy and valid grew. Early African writers described in glowing details the cultural aspects and human worth of their societies.
African Literature and the American University
Authors: Priebe Richard
Published: May 2006

In a rather loose, personal way I would like to address myself to the problems of the extremely tenuous position that African literature holds in the American university, and to a step that has recently been taken towards ameliorating the situation. As much of what I will present is admittedly subjective, I hope to raise questions and precipitate discussion, having no desire to pre-empt debate with an airtight argument.
Brain Drain Controversy and African Scholars
Authors: Das Man Singh
Published: May 2006

The phenomenon popularly known as brain drain has attracted growing concern in the United States and abroad (Tulsa Daily World, 1967; Committee on Manpower... 1967; Asian Student, 1968a: 3; 1968b: 1; 1969: 3; Institute of Applied Manpower . . . 1968; U. S. Congress, 1968; Gardiner, 1968: 194-202; Bechhofer, 1969: 1-71; Committee on the International Migration . . . 1970). The notion has been expressed that the poor countries of the world are being deprived of their talent and robbed of their human resources by the exchange of scholars and students which goes on between nations (U.S. Congress, 1968: 16-25; Mondale, 1967a: 24-6; 1967b: 67-9). Implicit is the idea that many students from these less developed countries go to the more highly developed and industrialized countries for study and decide not to return to their homeland.
The Brain Drain from Zimbabwe to Canada: The Issue of Compensation Payments
Authors: Sinclair Michael
Published: May 2006

This paper discusses the complex issue of compensation payments in the brain drain as it relates to the Rhodesia/ Zimbabwe-Canada axis. It examines the available immigration figures and focuses on the circumstances and method of payment. In the contexts of the need for compensation and the numerous issues and complications in implementing such a scheme, the paper also discusses the brain drain income tax and the proposed international fund to be set up by Western governments to help facilitate the transition to majority rule in Zimbabwe. Discussion of the issue is timely because many professionals have already emigrated to Canada from Rhodesia owing to the prolonged and increasingly bloody liberation struggle, and many more may leave because of apprehension about the forthcoming Zimbabwean independence. Although most of the immigrants are likely to be whites, they could also include Asians, coloreds (persons of mixed color), and possibly Africans as well.
The Role of African Students in Technology Transfer
Authors: Aniebona Ephraim Nkwute
Published: May 2006

The term, “technology,” as used here, refers basically to: (1) the science or art of devising tools and instruments and how to use them; (2) the development of new materials and substances and their application; (3) the development of machines to supplement or replace human effort, where desirable and feasible; (4) the development of energy and power resources for running the machines; and (5) the development of efficient methods of doing work—that is, using tools, machines, and instruments. From an observation of human efforts throughout the world, it is clear that every human society is concerned with technology, for it is a proven means by which man has extended his power beyond his physical capacity and gained some control over his environment. Although technology exists in every society, it is the amount and quality of the technology that separates nations today on a scale of economic development. Whilst the developing, technologically backward countries of Africa constantly face the basic human needs of food, shelter, and clothing, the developed nations consume and enjoy a disproportionate amount of the world’s resources and wealth by reason of their technological advancement.
Justice in Africa: An Overview of Recent Injustice
Authors: Assensoh A.B.
Published: May 2006

“The fact is that detention without trial is not only a punitive act of physical and mental torture of a few patriotic individuals, but it is also a calculated act of psychological terror against the struggling millions. It is a terrorist program for the psychological siege of the whole nation. That is why the practice of detention from the time of arrest to the time of release is deliberately invested with mystifying ritualism. My arrest, for instance.”—Ngugi wa Thiong’o from Detained: A Writer’s Prison Diary.

In the quotation above, Kenya’s Ngugi wa Thiong’o sums up the anguish of many Africans, writers, and non-writers alike. Because they address a national, and sometimes international, audience, writers are particularly prone to detentions without trial.
Remarks
Authors: Moose Richard M.
Published: May 2006

I am proud to be here today because I think that, for the first time in many years, the United States has an Africa policy. Some of you may not agree with all of it, but I believe we have your support for our goals.

No regional policy exists in a vacuum. Our Africa policy forms an integral, and important, part of this Administration’s global policy which includes: respect for human rights, a commitment to work for peace and world prosperity; and a striving, increasingly in a multilateral framework, for the resolution of problems in ways which can be of benefit to all.