bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
A Letter of Murad III to the Doge of Venice, of 1580
Authors: Wittek Paul
Published: January 2010

Thanks to the kindness of Dr. Andreas Tietze I have at my disposal the illustrated catalogue recently issued by the Istanbul antique dealer Nurettin Yatman (“Eski Istanbul”, Meşrutiyet cadd. 185, Beyoǧlu). It shows among others, in a reproduction just readable by a practised and self-sacrificing eye, an Ottoman document (wrongly ascribed to the fifteenth century) with a richly decorated, wonderfully executed ṭurā(apparently in various colours) of Murad III (1574–1595). An “imperial cypher” of such splendour may, indeed, be expected in an “imperial letter” (nāme-i Tumāyūn) to a foreign sovereign, for such is this document of March 1580, addressed to the Doge of Venice. On the other hand, the eleven lines of the text are written in ordinary dīvānī without calligraphic pretensions; this may be due to the fact that the letter was, as we shall see, to be presented not by a messenger of the sultan but by an agent of the person in whose favour it was issued.
Notes on Ptolemy
Authors: Vogel J. Ph.
Published: January 2010

It has been recognized long ago that Ptolemy's topography of Cis-Gangetic India was based on trade-routes. Nearly a century ago Vivien de Saint Martin spoke of “the almost exclusive employment of itineraries of merchants and caravans indicating on each route the series of daily stations”. We may compare the lists of stations inserted in books on India of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. One of the earliest examples we find in Joannes de Laet's little volume De Imperio Magni Mogolis (Leiden, 1631), p. 57. The author evidently derived his lists from the itineraries of the English merchants Richard Steel and John Crowther. The French jeweller and traveller Jean-Baptiste Tavernier has included full lists of stations along the principal trade-routes in his Indian Travels (ch. iv–xii). In the first place he deals with the two routes from Surat to Agra, all-important to European traders, the one by the Tāptī valley and Mālwā, the other by way of Aḥmadābād and Rājpūtānā. If we keep in mind that Ptolemy must have used similar lists, it will go far to explain the disconcerting fact that so many among the localities in his tables are not known from indigenous sources, either literary or epigraphical, whereas famous towns have been omitted. His tables are fundamentally lists of stages, and this must be our guiding principle in unravelling the riddle of Ptolemy's topography. The present note is an attempt to demonstrate this in some detail.
Ibn al-Ṭiqṭaqā and the Ta'rīkh-i-Jakān-Gushāy of Juvaynī
Authors: Boyle J. A.
Published: January 2010

Had Ihn al-Ṭiqṭaqā direct access to the Ta'rīkh-i-Jahān-Gushāy ? He twice quotes it by name and there are two other passages for which it must have been his source; but the question is whether he made use of Juvaynī's work at first hand. That he knew Persian is evident from his twice quoting Persian verses. Of these the following are also in Juvaynī:

“O king, what will come of (drinking) strong wine ?

And what will come of continual drunkenness ?

The king drunk, the world in rums and enemies before and behind— It is plain to see what will come of this! ”

These verses were, according to Ibn al-Ṭiqṭaqā, addressed to Jalāl al-Dīn Khwārazmshāh by his court poet, whereas all that Juvaynī says is that they were composed by some unspecified person à propos of Jalāl al-Dīn's conduct. But the discrepancy is not an important one, and it seems not unreasonable to suppose that Ibn al-Ṭiqṭaqā copied these verses from Juvaynī and that, in consequence, he examined the latter's work in the original.
L'Ērān-vēž et l'origine légendaire des Iraniens
Authors: Benveniste Par E.
Published: January 2010

Dans la tradition religieuse de l'Iran mazdéen, la région dénommée airyanәm υaēǰõ en avestique, Ērān-υēž en pehlevi, jouit, au long des siècles, d'une notoriété consacrée par de nombreuses légendes. C'est la première des régions qu'Ahuxa Mazda a créées et destinées à l'établissement des Iraniens (Vd. i, 2); le dieu suprême y fait apparaître le premier couple animal (Bd. xiv, 3; Zāt-spr. ix, 8), et Yama y a établison paradis (Vd. ii, 21 sq.), après qu'Ahura Mazda lui a dicté les mesures qui assureront la subsistance des êtres devenus trop nombreux sur une terre trop étroite. Zarathuštra y est né (Bd. xx, 32); c'est de là qu'est parti son message (Bd. xxxii, 3); c'est là qu'il sacrifie aux dieux (Yt v, 104; ix, 14, 25; xvii, 45), et que la tentation l'a assailli (Vd. xix, 4, 11).
The nature of the Persian Language written and spoken in India during the 13th and 14th Centuries
Authors: Borah M. J.
Published: January 2010

It has often been said that the Persian language written and spoken in India does not possess that flavour which is generally found in the writings of the Iranian authors. There is an element of truth in the foregoing charge so far as the literature produced in India during the later period of Muslim rule is concerned. But the Persian literature produced in India from the middle of the thirteenth to the middle of the fifteenth century may be favourably compared with the writings of many an indigenous Iranian scholar. The works of Amīr Khusrau and Hasan of Dihli and Badr-i-Chāch, who flourished during this period, are highly esteemed by Iranian scholars and are placed next to Sa'dī and Jalāl ul-Dīn Rūmī. The early immigrants who made India their permanent home retained the purity of their tongue in a much larger measure than their successors. But with the growing influence of the Hindu scholars who began to study Persian to qualify themselves for the service of the State, the difference in the style of India and Persia proper became more marked.
Beiträge zu einer Milindapañha-Bibliographie
Authors: Behrsing Von Siegfried
Published: January 2010

1. , kürzere Fassung in 2 Kapiteln (). Im Shangliaier Tripitaka (Ausgabe des -Klosters in Shanghai, vollendet 1913. Abkürzung: S.T.) und im Tōkyō'er Tripitaka (vollendet 1885. Abkürzung: Tōk.T.) findet sich das Sūtra in Abteilung 24 (), Heft 8, fol. 43 recto-52 verso. Im von Takakusu und Watanabe herausgegebenen japanischen Tripitaka (Taishō- Ausgabe, 1924 ff. Abkürzung: T.T.) unter No. 1670 A im 32. Band, Seite 694a-703c. Kyōto'er Tripitaka, xxvi, 9, 769 recto-777 recto.
The Kadus of Burma
Authors: Brown R. Grant
Published: January 2010

The pepole distinguished by the name of Kade, because they speak a language differing form those of their neighbours, live mostly in the Katha district of Upper Burma, and inhabit a tract of country lying roughly between 95° E., and 24° and 24° 30′N.
Notes on the Nestobian Monument at Sianfu
Authors: Giles Lionel
Published: January 2010

‘[Raban] consulted the omens in the sky and carried with him the true Scriptures; he observed the winds in their relation to the musical tubes, and quickly passed through difficulties and dangers.’

being defined in the dictionaiy as the plain sense of the passage is that Raban tried to forecast the weather by means of divination before starting on his journey; our translators, however, probably because they had an uneasy feeling that this was not quite the right thing for such an eminent Christian to do, have one and all fought shy of this obvious rendering. It is not necessary, of course, to assume that Raban actually did resort to such practices, for we have already seen that the author of the inscription suits his language to the taste of his audience; the second clause, indeed, alludes to a form of divination which is peculiarly Chinese.
Indo-Abyan Vernaculars
Authors: Grierson George
Published: January 2010

47. We have completed our geographical survey of the Indo-Aryan Vernacular and their dialects. It has been seen that they have been divided into three families, a Midland, an Intermediate, and an Outer. We shall now consider the mutual relationship of these families, and it will be more convenient to consider their growth downwards from the source than to folloAv their course upstream. The treatment must necessarily be historical, but the portion dealing with those stages which preceded that of the Indo-Aryan Vernacular lies outside the frame of the present work, and my account of them will be as brief as is consistent with gaining a clear idea of the whole subject.
A New Study of the Śaka-Kuṣāṇa Period
Authors: Basham A. L.
Published: January 2010

Among the most difficult unsolved problems of Indian history and archaeology are the chronology of the dynasties generally called Śaka and Kuṣāṇa and the dating of the art of Gandhāra. Writing of the former in 1919, Dr. Vincent Smith declared: ‘definite progress towards a conclusive solution of the problem based upon solid facts has been made.… and … the uncertainty as to the chronology has been reduced to a period of forty years in round numbers. Or to state it otherwise, the question is, “Did Kanishka come to the throne in A.D. 78, or about forty years later?”’ But Dr. Smith's optimistic faith in progress has not been realized, and the last thirty years have rather added to our uncertainty than lessened it. Confusion was made worse confused by the many theories, continually revised, of the late Professor Konow, who grappled with the problem until the time of his death, but produced no chronology to obtain general assent. A few years ago Dr. Ghirshman devised a new chronological scheme, which had the advantage of simplicity and was widely accepted, especially on the other side of the Channel; but this has not by any means passed unquestioned, and authorities are now perhaps further from unanimity than ever.
Some Notes on the Authorship of the Lii Ling/Su Wuu Letters—I
Authors: Whitaker K. P. K.
Published: January 2010

A. The Story of Su Wuu and Lii Ling

As is well known, the authorship of the Lii Ling/Su Wuu letters is disputed. Before embarking on the re-examination of this question which is the main purpose of the present paper, I wish to recall the story of Su Wuu and Lii Ling as it can be gathered from the relevant material embedded in Ban Guh's Hann Shu, in order to provide appropriate data for comparison with what is stated or implied in the letters. I limit myself to the Hann Shu in preference to either the Shyyjih or the Chyan Hann Jih because the relevant material in the two latter histories is practically identical with the data given in the Hann Shu, whereas a great deal more of such material given in the Hann Shu has not been included in the other two histories. As regards other sources, it is obvious that for the present purpose I must ignore the body of legends which has grown up around the historical figures of Su Wuu, the fearless and faithful envoy of Hann Wuu-dih to the court of the Shiongnu , and the much lamented, hapless general Lii Ling, ever since their exploits in the ‘Far North’ became known to the empire. Su Wuu, the paragon of loyalty and perseverance, whose survival in the inhospitable clime was even attributed to supernatural interference and whose service was later rewarded with great honour and material wealth, formed a contrast to Lii Ling, who was unfortunate enough to be given an almost impossible task for ‘political’ reasons, and subsequently became a victim of professional jealousy and low treachery.
Strung Pearls: A Poem from the Swahili-Arabic Text
Authors: Harries Lyndon
Published: January 2010

The Swahili poet, Sayyid 'Umar bin Amin bin 'Umar bin Amin bin Nadhir al-Ahdal, Kadhi of Siu, c.a.d. 1856, left a number of poems upon religious themes. These include the best acrostic poems in traditional Swahili literature, e.g. Waji-waji, written in takhmis verse-form.

The title of the present work is given in the last verse: ya dura mandhuma, a Swahili form of the Arabic al-Durr al-Manẓum, or ‘Strung Pearls’. The manuscript copy, pasted on two pieces of cardboard, was written by Muhammad Abubakar bin 'Umar al-Bakariy, better known as Muhammad Kijuma, the well-known Swahili poet and scribe at Lamu, who produced most of his best work in the first two decades of the present century.
The Young Egypt Party
Authors: Landau J. M.
Published: January 2010

The scarceness of published material renders difficult a true estimate of the development of political ideas in Egypt in the nineteenth century. Nor is it any less difficult to trace the origins of the first political parties.

The Arabi Rebellion of 1881-1882 was preceded by a long period of unrest, which finally crystallized in a self-styled National Party. This faction, led by army officers and civilians, kept its secret character for a few years, coming into the open only at the beginning of the Arabi Rebellion. Its importance in the anti-foreign struggle, however, has drawn attention to its humble but interesting origins. Research has provided us with fairly adequate, if still incomplete, material on this point. But hardly anything has been published, on the other hand, about another secret organization of that time, called ‘Young Egypt’.
Sinhalica
Authors: Barnett L. D.
Published: January 2010

In Professor Geiger's new Grammar of the Sinhalese Language there is so much that is admirable and instructive that one is loth to dissent from any of his statements. When, therefore, I find myself unable iurare in verba magistri in respect of a few of his etymologies, I do so with regret, and hope for pardon.
Dravidian Studies II
Authors: Burrow T.
Published: January 2010

It is well known that in a great number of words e and o in Kanarese, Tuḷu, and Telugu correspond to i and u in Tamil and Malayalam, With reference to this interchange K. V. Subbayya in his “Primer of Dravidian Phonology ”, published in the Indian Antiquary, lays down the following rule: “ i before cerebrals and liquids and followed by a becomes e in Classical Canarese, Tuḷu and Telugu and also in New Tamil and New Malayalam.” Likewise with respect to u and o he says: “Pr. Drav. initial u becomes o when followed by a and before cerebrals and liquids. This change is found in classical Can., Tel. and Tuḷu, and also in New Tamil and Malayalam.” This formulation is faulty in as much as there is no restriction on the consonants intervening between the i or u and the following a-vowel.
Bājalānī
Authors: MacKenzie D. N.
Published: January 2010

Between the River Tigris at Mosul and the first Kurdish villages some 20 miles to the east there is a strip of territory, extending approximately 40 miles from north to south, inhabited by a variety of peoples professing many religions. The least known of these are three extreme Muslim sects. The first to study them was Father Anastase Marie, in an article concerning the Šabak, the Ṣārlī, and the . These , ‘ Kurds … calling themselves Allāhī’, he places in the villages of ‘Umarkān, Topraq-ziyāra, Tell Ya℈qūb, and Bašpīta. He names ‘Alī-raš, , Xazna, and Tallā;ra as Šabak villages but is clearly wrong in ascribing them to the district. They are, in fact, due east of Mosul, in the same nāḥiya of Ḥamdāanīya (= Bartallā) as Topraq-ziyāra and the other villages.
Indo-Arica III
Authors: Turner R. L.
Published: January 2010

Whatever was the original meaning of IE *sneigwh-, it is clear that it already meant ‘snow’ in the time of Indo-European community. Words of that group are to be found in all branches of Indo-European except Hittite, Albanian, Armenian, and Tocharian (of which in any case the recorded vocabulary is small).
Word Classes in Vietnamese
Authors: Honey P. J.
Published: January 2010

The phonological structure of the Vietnamese word as used in the system of Vietnamese word classes established in this paper may be stated in terms of syllables. The syllable is denned as the element of Vietnamese having the prosody of one, but not more than one, of the system of six tones set up for the analysis of the Vietnamese language at the phonological level. The syllabic unit is used to refer to an element of text at the grammatical level of analysis corresponding to the syllable at the phonological level. A study of Vietnamese texts enables the following statements to be made:
Observations on Normal Classes in Bantu Languages
Authors: Guthrie Malcolm
Published: January 2010

Since Bleek first introduced the method of classifying nominals in Bantu languages by means of their concord prefixes, and of assigning a number to each class so constituted, this has been the accepted practice in Bantu linguistic studies.

The numbering of the classes is, however, more precisely a means of labelling the different sets of concord prefixes that operate the grammatical agreement in any given language. Nevertheless, as it is in one type of word only, the independent nominal, that the class is an integral characteristic of the word, it is in respect to these nominals that the assorting into classes is important.
Five Yurok Songs: A Musical and Textual Analysis
Authors: Robins R. H. , McLeod Norma
Published: January 2010

Certain parallels between musical structure and linguistic structure have been insisted on by Professor J. R. Firth in several publications. This is an attempt to illustrate a parallel musical and linguistic analysis within a strictly limited field, and in a ‘restricted language’, and thereby to exhibit in this field a congruence of musical and linguistic structuring. It is hoped that the material employed will be of interest as being the first published, examples of songs from the Yurok community.
Arabic Literature Since the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century
Authors: 'Abd Al Raziq Shaykh M.H.
Published: January 2010

The biography of this great Egyptian scholar and organizer was published in one volume in 1894 by Dr. Durry Pasha (1841–1900). It was mainly taken from the ninth volume cf in which 'Alī Pāsha had described his early studies at village schools and higher education at government institutions. Finally he was sent-to Paris in company with the sons of Mohammed Ah Pasha to complete his education. This life-story reveals to the reader the social and political conditions of Egypt and the introduction of the refo
The Dīwᾱn attributed to Ibn Bᾱjjah (Avempace)
Authors: Dunlop D. M.
Published: January 2010

Considerable expectation has been raised by the announcement from Turkey that the Dīwān or collected poems of the famous 12th-century author Ibn Bājjah (Avempace) has been discovered. Nowadays when Ibn Bājjah's name is mentioned we think of him as a prominent figure of what may be called the Spanish school of Arabic philosophy. But in his own time and later Ibn Bājjah's reputation as musician and poet, cultivator inter alia of the new poetical style of muwashshaḥāt, was, it appears, scarcely less high than his philosophic fame. The biographers have preserved for us a score or two of his verses, some of which have been englished by A. R. Nykl. In general however, we are short of material to form a judgment on what was evidently a very characteristic part of Ibn Bājjah's activity. His complete Dīwān has till now apparently never been heard of, but the news that it had been brought to light was not on that account less welcome.
Studies in Islamic Metal Work
Authors: Rice D. S.
Published: January 2010

Being rather inconspicuous among the many beautiful and important exhibits of the Benaki Museum in Athens, the small bowl described in the present paper has so far received but scant attention and has not been published before.
The Transmission of Abū Dāwūd's Sunan
Authors: Robson James
Published: January 2010

Abū Dāwūd Sulaimān b. al-Ash'ath al-Sijistānī (202–275/817–889) was the author of the Sunan which has come to be recognized as one of the six authoritative books of tradition accepted by Sunnīs. Ibn Dāsa is frequently quoted as authority for the statement that Abū Dāwūd selected the 4,800 traditions in this work from a mass of 500,000 traditions which he had collected, those given a place in his book being ‘sound traditions, those which seem to be so, and those which are nearly so’. But he adds that only four traditions are necessary for one's religious guidance: (1) Deeds are judged by intentions; (2) To abstain from what does not concern him is a part of a man's good observance of Islam; (3) A believer is not a believer till he likes for his brother what he likes for himself; (4) What is lawful is clear and what is unlawful is clear, but in between are dubious matters.
The Moon-God on Coins of the Ḥaḍramaut
Authors: Walker John
Published: January 2010

In 1937 the present writer published some new South Arabian copper coins, brought back from the Wādī Maifa'at in the Ḥaḍramaut by Miss Freya Stark, on which the Ḥaḍramī moon-god, Sīn, figured for the first time. These pieces, of various sizes and weights, had all the same types and legends. Parts were obliterated or missing, but a composite drawing (fig. 1), based on a comparison of all specimens, shows on the obverse the beardless male head, wearing long ringlets of the moon-god, Sīn, whose name in the South Arabian script is on the right, with the letter (m) of uncertain significance, perhaps the initial of the mint, on the left behind the head. The reverse shows an eagle standing, to right, with open wings, the first occurrence of this representation of the moon-god on coins from this part of the world. To the left downwards is the name [reversed, as are all the legends on this first group, since these particular coins have all been cast from a series of moulds; the join in the mould, for example, is clearly visible on the right-hand side and at the bottom of the coin illustrated], i.e. ŠḲR, about which more will be stated later; to the right, downwards, , i.e. YŠH, a legend which has occasioned some speculation. Professor G. Ryckmans, in a private communication, drew my attention to the numerous examples of triple proper names amongst Sabæan rulers, e.g. Šahar Hilāl Yuhar'im, and suggested that the enigmatic letters on the coins might be the initials of one such. Unfortunately, as A. F. L. Beeston has recently pointed out, triple royal names are not attested at all in Ḥaḍramī. He suggested that the letters should be read upwards, HŠY, i.e. ‘minting (a verb with the causative prefix h) of Šmr Yhr'š’, the latter being the Sabæan king into whose realm the kingdom of the Ḥaḍramaut was assimilated towards the end of the 3rd century A.d. This would agree quite well with the date suggested in the above-mentioned Num. Chron. article (p. 279) from a study of prototypes as being ‘at the earliest the second century A.d.’.
Ttāgutta
Authors: Bailey H. W.
Published: January 2010

For the meaning ofttāgutta, listed inBSOS., VIII, 138, further evidence has now been found to replace the conjectural meaning there assigned. It is necessary for this purpose to quote, however reluctantly, from still unpublished texts, but it is time to make the correction. It will be seen that not all the quoted passages can yet be translated in full.
A Zervanite Apocalypse II
Authors: Zaehner R. C.
Published: January 2010

Owing to service in H.M. Forces it has been impossible to check references in all cases. The reader's indulgence is therefore sought for any errors which may have slipped into the text.
The Nanda Couplet
Authors: Master Alfred
Published: January 2010

The Nanda couplet occurs in the Legend of Sthūlabhadra, which relates to the time of the Nine Nandas, who preceded Candragupta the Maurya. This Legend is recounted by Hemacandra in his Sthavirāvalī Carita, and Jacobi has made a full English abstract of it in his Bibl. Ind. edition of the work (p. 50 foll.). L. Alsdorf has given an account of this Legend in German (Kumārapāla Pratibodha, p. 19 foll.) to accompany the Apabhraṃśa version of his text and in an Appendix has supplemented it with extracts from other works on the subject. The couplet is recorded in Skt., Pkt., Apa., and Gujarati; and as most of the versions can be dated, they are of great linguistic interest. Their value would be still greater if the unknown element of copyists’ errors and emendations could be eliminated. Those which can be detected will be noticed in due course.
De Vovlton's Noticia
Authors: Lockhart Laurence
Published: January 2010

The full title of this little work, which occupies 19 pages in 8vo, is as follows:—

Verdadeira e exacta Noticia dos progressos de Thamas Kouli Khan Scach da Persia no Imperio do Gram Mogô, Escrita na lingua Persiana em Delhy em 21 de Abril de 1739, e mandada a Roma por Mons. Voulton.

Acrecentada com outras chegadas por varias partes, com hum Mapa do Thesouro do Gram Mogôr levado a Hispahan pelo mesmo Schach. Dadas a luz na lingua Portugueza.
The Swahili Saga of Liongo Fumo
Authors: Werner A.
Published: January 2010

In the great mass of material already collected for the study of African folk-lore—to which fresh additions are daily being made— we do not find any considerable number of what may be called heroic legends. Yet some there are, as in the traditions of Kintu and other early kings of Uganda, in the tale of Mbega, current in Usambara, and probably many others, as yet unrecorded.
Deux Residents Mongols En Chine Et En Asie Centrale, De Tchinkkiz Khaghan a Khoubilai
Authors: Blochet Par E.
Published: January 2010

Le grand homme d'état des commencements de la dynastie mongole fut un personnage énigmatique auquel les Chinois donnent le nom de Yaloutchhou Thsaī; les chroniques du Céleste Empire racontent qu'il était de la race des Tatars Khitan, et qu'il appartenait à la famille impériale des Liao, laquelle avait été dépossédée par les Tatars Kin, les Altan Khagan, auxquels Tchinkkiz fit une guerre sans merci pour s'emparer de leurs possessions du Nord de la Chine.
Janakihabana XVI
Authors: Barnett Lionel D.
Published: January 2010

The School of Oriental Studies has recently acquired a manuscript containing the complete text of the Jānakīharana—twenty cantos in all—and from it I publish the following sarga. As only cantos 1–15 have hitherto been edited, the contribution here presented should be of some interest, although the lack of other MSS. makes it impossible to produce a definitive critical text.
Waman Pandit—Scholar and Marathi Poet (17th century)
Authors: Kanhere S. G.
Published: January 2010

Wāman Pandit was born in the second half of the seventeenth century (the definite date is not obtainable) at the village of Kumthe in the Satārā, district of the Bombay Presidency. According to the latest research work of the Bharata Itīhāsa Samśodhak Mandali of Poona, Wāman was a native of Bijāpore. In his early days he received some training in Sanskrit from his father, who was the village-astrologer by profession, and who had considerable knowledge of Sanskrit. When about 18 he went to Benāres, the centre of Hindu learning and also the most sacred place of the Hindus. He was accompanied by his wife, an incident which shows that his parents were dead at that time. He applied himself rigorously to the study of Sanskrit for not less than twelve years, and having completed his education, in all departments of knowledge, he returned to his native place.
The Student of Arabic
Authors: Tritton A. S
Published: January 2010

“He intends going to India as a merchant but, previous to his embarkation, wishes to give some time to the study of foreign languages, European and Asiatic, and particularly the Persian.” These words are taken from a letter of introduction which Jones wrote to be presented to Schultens; even a professor must regard a language as something to be used, not merely an object of study. Jones had begun to learn Arabic at Harrow, and at Oxford a friend encouraged him to continue this study. He met in London a native of Aleppo and persuaded him to go to Oxford, hoping that other Oxford men would be glad to make use of his services and help to pay his salary, but in this he was disappointed. The Syrian was no scholar, so Jones made him translate Galland's version of the Arabian Nights into the vernacular, and then he turned this version into literary Arabic with the help of the grammars of Erpenius and Golius. What Jones accomplished in Arabic would have been a respectable performance for any ordinary man; when added to what he did in other languages it is marvellous. He worked under difficulties; he had his living to earn, the amount of Arabic literature in print was small—a poet might be represented by one poem only—some manuscripts were badly written, if we may judge from the facsimile of the Bughyat, yet on this narrow base he raised the edifice of a sound knowledge of the language and an appreciation of its qualities. As the later historians, Bar Hebræus and El-Makīn, were the first to be known in Europe, so a late work on literature, the Shekerdan (Sukkardān al-sulṭān al-malik al-Nāṣir by Shihāb al-Dīn ibn Abī Ḥajala, written in 1356) is prominent in his pages.
Gāndhārī
Authors: Bailey H. W.
Published: January 2010

The word Gāndhārī has been chosen to head this study as a term sufficiently wide in its scope to embrace the forms of the one Middle Indian dialect of the north-west of India, centred in the old Gāndhāra region, around modern Peshawar, and which we meet in most varied sources. Under this name I propose to include those inscriptions of Aśoka which are recorded at Shahbazgaṛhi and Mansehra in the Kharoṣṭhī script, the vehicle for the remains of much of this dialect: To be included also are the following sources: the Buddhist literary text, the Dharmapada found in Khotan, written likewise in Kharoṣṭhī, of which a new reading of the text available in facsimile is given in BSOAS 11. 488–512; the Kharoṣṭhī documents on wood, leather, and silk from Caḍ'ota (the Niya site) on the border of the ancient kingdom of Khotan, which represented the official language of the capital Krorayina, K 572, 512 lou-lan <ləu-lan (lou in a series with alternation of k and l) of the Shan-shan kingdom, and of one document, no. 661, dated in the reign of the Khotana maharaya rayatiraya hinajha dheva ṿijida-siṃha. With this more copious material must be grouped the scattered traces of the same Middle Indian dialect in Khotanese, Tibetan, Agnean, Kuchean, the earlier Chinese Buddhist transliterations, as, in particular, in the Dīrghāgama of the Dharmaguptaka ṡect and the remains in Sogdian, Uigur Turkish, and in Mongol (in living use), and also in Manchu texts. The modern Dardic languages Ṣiṇā, Khowar, Phalūᵛa and others represent the same type of Middle Indian. Much material in Chinese texts, for most of us hidden and inaccessible, remains to be gathered and sifted. The preliminary studies of P. Pelliot in Les noms propres dans les traductions chinoises du Milindapañha (JA 1914. 2. 379–419), of Fr. Weller in his paper Über den Aufbau des Pāṭikasuttanta (Asia Major 5. 1928), and of E. Waldschmidt in his Bruchstücke buddhistischer Sūtras aus dem zentralasiatischen Sanskritkanon I, 1932, have hardly realized the importance of this North-Western Prakrit.
Sir William Jones, the Jurist
Authors: Vesey-Fitzgerald S. G
Published: January 2010

In 1946 the School of Oriental and African Studies is celebrating the bicentenary of the birth of Sir William Jones: in 1948 University College, London, will celebrate that of Jeremy Bentham. In this there is something more than an accidental approximation of dates. All subsequent scientific English thinking about law is traceable to these two men. The English School of Analytical Jurisprudence; the great tide of law reform which swept through nineteenth-century England; the codification (the word is his own coinage) of law not only in England and India but in many different parts of the world: these things admittedly sprang from the genius of Jeremy Bentham. Sir William Jones's influence was smaller in volume, though almost as widely diffused. He had neither the apostolic fervour of reform nor the overflowing vitality which carried Bentham on with undiminished vigour to eighty-four years: he died before reaching his forty-seventh birthday. But his influence was, none the less, considerable. The first of our Orientalists who was also a lawyer, Colebrooke, Sutherland, Wynch, and other Sanskritists, the Macnaghtens and the Baillies followed in his footsteps. In particular Colebrooke, greatest of them all, and Ian Baillie came directly under his influence. But it is equally true, though less generally recognized, that he is the forerunner of the other great English school of legal philosophy, the historical and comparative school, and that the work of Sir Henry Maine and his successors might have lacked some of its most distinctive elements if Jones's translation had not rendered the Institutes of Manu available to Maine when he was writing Ancient Law. Indeed, Maine's whole career might have been different; for just as his known interest in Oriental legal systems led to Jones's appointment as a judge of the Supreme Court of Calcutta, so it was the interest in Indian ideas evinced in Ancient Law which led to Maine's appointment as law member of the Governor-General's Council, and so to all his later work on similar topics.
Sir William Jones as Sinologue
Authors: Waley A. D.
Published: January 2010

In 1767 Sir William “borrowed from Dr. Russel and copied the keys of the Chinese language, which he wished to learn” (Life, p. 78). In 1770 he wrote to Count Reviczki, “I succeeded in comparing one of the Odes with the version of Couplet and analysed every word, or more properly every figure in it.” Couplet's version (in Latin) had appeared about a hundred years previously. This is presumably the Ode that Sir William subsequently turned into Latin verse (Works, vol. x, p. 317). Reviczki replied (possibly with slight irony), “Pray inform me when you learned the Chinese language. I did not suspect that this was one of your accomplishments; but there are no bounds to your acquisitions as a linguist.” In 1771 Sir William writes to a friend, “I am sorry the characters you sent me are not Persian but Chinese, which I cannot decipher without a book which I have not at present.” It does not appear that after this period Sir William was ever able to devote time to Chinese linguistic studies. But in a “memorandum on objects of inquiry during my residence in Asia” which he drew up when on his way to India in 1783, he included “The Shi-King or 300 Odes”. The list was a very varied one, and also included “Britain discovered, an Heroic Poem on the Constitution of England. Model, Homer”. In 1790 he undertook to give the second Anniversary Discourse to the Asiatic Society of Bengal. His subject was The Chinese. His sources dated chiefly from the end of the seventeenth century. He seems to have been unaware of the Mémoires concernant les Chinois, the bulk of which had already appeared. He told his audience (Works, vol. iii, p. 147), “Their philosophy seems yet in so rude a state as hardly to deserve the appellation,” and “of painting, sculpture, or architecture, as arts of the imagination, they seem (like other Asiatics) to have no idea”. He had probably not seen the essay, “Sur les beaux Arts de la Chine et principalement sur l'Architecture” that had appeared in Lettres d'un missionaire à Pekin, in 1782. Much of the rest of the discourse seems to be still founded on Couplet.
Hvatanica, IV
Authors: Bailey H. W.
Published: January 2010

The following texts have been selected to illustrate the religion of Khotan and to supplement the material already available from other sources.
Tibetan dan, cin,kyin, yinandẖam.
Authors: Simon Walter
Published: January 2010

The words to be treated in this paper show one common aspect in their etymologies. It is suggested that they have arisen through coalescence of their etymons with the suffixna“in”—or in the case ofẖam, with the negationma(ormi)—and that after the coalescence the final vowel was lost. The latter assumption will have to be linked up with the enclitic, or in the case ofyin, at least unstressed nature of the words. In this connection we may note that the separatingshad, the Tibetan comma, will invariably be found after, never before. The same holds good of, though punctuation is much rarer after. In the case ofandkyin, the enclisis is moreover strongly borne out by the phonetic changes which their initial consonants undergo in assimilation to the endings of the preceding words. For the assumed treatment of the final vowel, I may refer to my paper “Certain Tibetan Suffixes and their Combinations” (in vol. v of theHarvard Journal of Asiatic Studies (HJAS.), where the same change has been suggested for the instrumental suffix.
The Vulgar Pronunciation of Tamil
Authors: Matthews Gordon
Published: January 2010

It is a common experience for the foreigner learning Tamil to discover to his dismay that after months of study with grammar and reader and munshi he is able to understand scarcely anything of the language spoken around him. In the villages and the fields, in the bazaars and on the highroads he hears a language spoken which he finds it hard to believe is the language of his study. The fact is that the language as it is spoken by the great majority of the Tamil people differs considerably from the language as spoken by the educated. And even the educated tend to reserve correctness for the written word and the speech of formal occasions, and lapse readily under more familiar circumstances into the dialect of the masses. The deviations of the dialect from standard pronunciation may be discussed under the two headings of omissions and substitutions—the dropping of a consonant or a syllable, and the substitution of one vowel or consonant for another.

One of the most noticeable features of common speech is the dropping of the final consonant. The consonants chiefly affected are m, n, ḷ, r, and l. When m and n disappear, the vowel is nasalized. Thus nām sahhiliyar becomes sakkiliyar; nān kāvaṛlcaran becomes kāvakkarã.
Bird-nomenclature in an East African Area
Authors: Moreau R. E.
Published: January 2010

During some years study of the birds of Tanganyika, I have, as opportunity served, collected the names used by the local people. Most information has come from Wadigo (round Tanga), Wabondei (inland from Tanga), Wasambaa (inland again), Wazigua (south of Korogwe), Wakami (North Uluguru), and Wambwera (Mafia Island), tribes whose languages evidently have much in common.Discounting tribal variants (for example, mpanja for pasa) and leaving for future consideration a large number of names that await verification, there are about 450 different roots and descriptive names that I have felt to be sufficiently well-established to include in a list for publication (1). Allowing for the fact that differentiation of species cannot be so particular by the ordinary countryman as by the ornithologist, I have names for some species, as many as seven, for a large percentage of the birds found in a strip of country about fifty miles wide and extending from near the Kenya border south to the Rufiji Delta. A few names extend right through our area; at the other extreme, however, some species change their names within the boundaries of a tribe, three or four times, for example, in the space of eighty miles; and hence there is no doubt that a great many more names remain to be collected.
Rāmākathā —a Study
Authors: Pisharoti K. R.
Published: January 2010

The latest work published in the Balamanoramā Series is Vāsudeva's Rāma-kathā.

The editor has rightly pointed out that the author cannot be the famous Nārāyana Bhaṭṭatiri, the famous poet-grammarian-devotee of Kerala, as was suggested by the late lamented Mm. T. Gaṇapati Sāstri. One may not subscribe to all that he has said about Kulaśekhara, but it must be conceded that he has laid proper emphasis on the fact that our author cannot be identified with the famous Yamakapoet who wrote the Yudhiṣṭhira-vijaya. It may also be admitted with the editor that he cannot be the same as the author of Śāurikathodaya and Tripura-dahana, for their parentage differs, and the styles of the two are different. Similarly, it may well be accepted that our author is identical with the writer of Saṃkṣepa-rāmāyanṇa and Sº-bhārata. So far I agree with him; but I am not so sure that the authors of Rāma-kathā and of Vāsudeva-vijaya, the grammatical treatise to which Nārāyana wrote his supplement, cannot be identical. I cannot also agree in assigning this Vāsudeva to the seventeenth century, a view that has been induced by an incorrect reading and a wrong interpretation.
Gleanings from Early Urdu Poets.— II
Authors: Bailey T. Grahame
Published: January 2010

Qutb MushtarĪ is a MS. poem in the India Office Library. The Catalogue of Hindustani MSS. states (p. 64, No. 122) that the name and author are unknown; but Mohyeddin Qadri in his recently published Urdū Shahpāre gives the name of the poem, points out that twice in the course of it Vajhī is mentioned as the author, and adduces convincing reasons for concluding that this Vajhī and the author of the prose work Sab Ras, which was twenty-five years later, are the same person. The date of Qutb Mushtarī is A.H. 1018 ═ A.D. 1609.

Urdū Shahādre is a work of great value. It discusses Urdu authors from the earliest times down to the death of Valī and to illustrate their writings gives well-chosen extracts, many of which are taken from MSS.
Notes on a Grammar of the Language of Ongtong Java
Authors: Hogbin H. Ian
Published: January 2010

To the north-east of the Solomon Islands lies a ring of coral islands surrounding a lagoon about 100 miles in circumference. The nearest land is the northern tip of the island of Ysabel, which is some 200 miles to the south-west. This group of islands has been variously called Ongtong Java, Lord Howe's Group, Leueneuwa, Leua Niua, and Lua Niua. The three latter are more or less unsatisfactory attempts at writing the native name of the largest island, Luaniua. There is no native name for the whole atoll and it is not only misleading but also wrong to use Luaniua for the purpose. Lord Howe has already given his name to three other Pacific Islands, so that it seems best to take the name which Tasman gave and call the atoll Ongtong Java.

These islands are populated by natives with undoubted Polynesian affinities. In physical type they show a resemblance to the Samoans and their language is a Polynesian dialect, but in other respects the culture shows some marked differences from those of the central Pacific. The social organization is closely parallelled by that of Sikiana, in the south, and by that of the Tasman Islands, the Mortlocks and Fead Island (Nuguria) to the north. This organization is not characterized by rank, which is so important in Polynesia.
La théorie des Guna.
Authors: Przyluski J.
Published: January 2010

Dans la plus ancienne cosmologie védique, l'univers est partagé en deux zones: le monde d'en haut lumineux, ou monde des dieux (devaloka); le monde d'en bas sombre, ou monde des mânes (pitloka).1 Cette conception dualistique, qui remonte sans doute a la période indo-iranienne, s'est developpee dans l'lran et y a pris un aspect théologique et moral: Ohrmazd, qui personnifie la lumière et le bien, s'oppose à Ahriman qui symbolise les tèébres et le mal.

Dans l'lnde, l'ancienne cosmologie a bientôt ètè remplacèe par une division de l'univers en trois mondes: ciel, atmosphère, terre; et, comme l'a nettement ètabli Emile Senart, la thèorie des guna est en relation avec cette sèrie de trois mondes. Le problème que je me propose d'examiner est le suivant: quelles croyances, quelles conceptions ont dèterminè une nouvelle segmentation de l'univers et prèsidè à, l'èlaboration de la thèorie des guna ?
Notes on Don Juan of Persia's Account of Georgia
Authors: Allen W. E. D.
Published: January 2010

In one of the recently published volumes of the Broadway Travellers Series (Don Juan of Persia; a Shi'ah Catholic, 1560—1604, translated and edited with an introduction by G. Le Strange) is an interesting account of Georgia and of some of the events of the Turko- Persian War which endured between the years 1578 and 1587. The Persian account throws much light on the state of Georgia at the end of the sixteenth century, and it serves as a valuable supplement to von Hammer Purgstall's history of the war, based mainly on Turkish sources, and published as books 38 and 40 of his Histoire de l'Empire Ottoman (in Vol. viii of the French edition).

Neither the historian of Turkey nor the editor of Don Juan appear to have made use of the material from Georgian sources which is available for this period, namely the provincial histories of Kartli, Samtzkhé, Kakheti and Imereti collated by Prince Wakhusht of Kartli during the eighteenth century, and published by Brosset in his Histoire de la Géorgie, 2ième partie, 1iere livraison, Spb. 1856.
The Name Lahndi
Authors: Bailey T. Grahame
Published: January 2010

In the last number of the Bulletin Sir George Grierson has written a useful article on the regular, method of forming linguistic names in Indian languages. I agree with most, but not all, of it: thus the sentence “it is he who writes Lahndī for Lahndā, the latter having been undisputed for over forty years”, contains, it seems to me, five mis-statements of fact. They do not however affect the position.

It is always interesting to reflect on what one would expect words to be and to compare that with what they actually are. English, Urdu, Panjabi, and Hindi swarm with words which have rejected the line of regular development and adopted another. People's attitude to such words varies with their temperament. Some describe them as “ atrocious examples of hybridism ” or “ false analogies ’ or more briefly as ‘ impossible ’. Similarly many writers call changed words ‘ corruptions ’. Others on the other hand find that in linguistic atters what is is much more interesting than what was, and still more so than what should be.
The Text Of Sarvananda'S Tikasarvasva
Authors: Banerjee S. C.
Published: January 2010

With reference to Professor Keith's statement in BSOS., Vol. V, Pt. I, pp. 27 ff., that the Durghaṭa referred to by Sarvānanda in the Ṭikāsarvasva is the well-known Durghaṭa-vṛtti of Śaraṇa-deva, it may be pointed out that Sarvānanda clearly states in the same passage that Puruṣottama-deva is the author of the work in question: Puruṣottama-devena gurviṇītyasya durghaṭe’sādhutvam uktam. This passage has been quoted in full by Professor Keith himself, but he has apparently missed or ignored the name of the author. The Puruṣottamadeva of Sarvānanda's citation in this passage is apparently the grammarian Puruṣottama-deva. But it is not known to us whether this Puruṣottama wrote a book on durghaṭa also. But Rāyamukuṭa (Dacca University MSS. No. 985), while explaining the same word gurviṇī, refers to one Uṇādi-vṛtti by Puruṣottama: (gurviṇityuṇādivṛttau Puruṣottamaḥ). Puruṣottama-deva, however, is known to have written an Uṇādi-sūtra-vṛtti, which, as mentioned by Aufrecht (Catalogus Catalogorum, vol. i, p. 63a), is quoted by Ujjvala-datta.
A Rosette Phialē Inscribed in Aramaic
Authors: Bivar A. D. H.
Published: January 2010

The silver libation-bowl (phialē) to be described in this note was purchased in London about five years ago by the Hon. Robert Erskine, and now forms part of his collection. To the owner's most generous co-operation we owe this opportunity to publish the piece, and the excellent photograph which appears on plate I. At the time of the purchase, no information was available as to the place and circumstances in which the bowl was found. The only conclusions to be reached are therefore those based on internal evidence.
Corrections of Eggeling's Translation of the Śatapathabrāhmaṇa
Authors: Caland W.
Published: January 2010

As the Śatapathabrāhmaṇa is, among Western scholars, Sanskritists as well as non-Sanskritists, the most popular and best-known of the Brāhmaṇas, it may be of use to publish a list of corrections of Eggeling's translation in the Sacred Books of the East, vols. xii, xxvi, xli, xliii, and xliv. For previously proposed corrections the reader may be referred to the Vienna Oriental Journal (W.Z.K.M., vols. xxiii and xxvi) and the German Oriental Journal (Z.D.M.G., vol. lxxii). The accents in the citations have been neglected, except when they are required for understanding the text.
De Kāpiśī à Pushkarāvatī
Authors: Foucher A.
Published: January 2010

Nous n'apprendrons à personne que les chapitres XXII–XXIII du tome I de la Cambridge History of India abondent en faits nnouveaux et en convaincantes suggestions. M. le Prof. E. J. Eapson a notamment tiré un admirable parti des monnaies sur lesquelles il a été le premier à lire les noms des deux villes de Kāpiśī et de Pushkāravatī. Non content d'y reconnaître les devatā des deux vieilles capitales du Kapiśa et du Gandhāra, il a su deviner des allusions locales sous les emblèmes qu'elles portent.