bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Theatre at Megalopolis
Authors: Loring William
Published: May 2006

The following is the principal part of a letter published in the Athenaeum of August 5th last, explaining my change of view with regard to the scenic arrangements of the theatre at Megalopolis:—

‘In order to [explain my change of view] I must recall as briefly as possible the main point at issue between Mr. Gardner and Prof. Dörpfeld.

‘Before the theatre at Megalopolis stood a large building—the “Thersilion”—whose portico served as the background or frons scenae, in front of which the actors in the theatre played. The original level immediately in front of this portico—i.e. the level at which the actors originally stood—was 3 ft. 3 in. above the original level of the orchestra of the present theatre; but the level immediately before the portico was afterwards lowered, to precisely this extent, by the addition of three steps to its stylobate. So far all parties are agreed. Then arises the question on which the whole controversy turns—To what period, relatively to the “Thersilion,” is the theatre to be assigned? Is it contemporary with the portico in its original form? or is it contemporary with the lower steps of the portico? Mr. Gardner holds the former view, and thence draws the inevitable conclusion that there was either a terrace or a platform, some 3 ft.
Sematography of the Greek Papyri
Authors: Foat F. W. G.
Published: May 2006

The conclusions stated in the following pages are based upon the examination of the Greek documents of about three hundred papyri, the large majority belonging to the British Museum. For reference to authorities, I have principally used the following: Kenyon, Greek Papyri in the British Museum; Mahaffy, On the Flinders Patrie Papyri, 1891,1893; Grenfell, Hunt, and Hogarth, Fayum Towns and their Papyri; Grenfell and Hunt, The Oxyrhynchus Papyri I. and II., 1898, 1899. Also the facsimiles and lists published by Schow, Karabacek, Wessely, Thompson, Montfaucon (Book V. of the Pal. Graec.) Wilcken (Observationes ad Historiam Aegypti Prov. Rom. depromptae e pap. Berol. ined. 1885); as well as other works by the authors above-named, viz., Kenyon, Class. Texts, &c.; Grenfell and Hunt, Gk. Pap. Ser. I. and II.; Rev. Laws of Ptol. Phil.; and lastly the ostrakon-literature dealing with the same symbols, especially Wilcken's many publications (esp. Griech. Ostraka, 1899); Revillout and Wilcken in Rev. Egypt.; Birch and Sayce in Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch.
Pylos and Sphacteria
Authors: Burrows Ronald M.
Published: May 2006

It is with some diffidence that I publish the following paper. It is indeed the result of considerable study of the literature of the subject, and of the best of a week's work on the spot last autumn. But unfortunately I never expected, when I went to Pylos, that I should have so much to say about it, and I took with me neither leave to excavate, nor appliances for measurements and photography. I feel therefore that my views can scarcely in the nature of things carry with them the same weight as those which Mr. Grundy has based on the detailed survey which he conducted under the auspices of the University of Oxford a week or two before my visit. I am afraid our conclusions on certain points may prove to differ. My documentary evidence is at present non-existent, and my measurements are one and all rough and approximate. I can only ask Mr. Grundy and the reader to remember that I spent more than forty hours exploring the ground, and that, as survey work was unhappily out of the question, I had thus ample time to form an opinion on the topography of what is after all a very limited area.
I.—A Stone Tripod at Oxford
Authors: Gardner Percy
Published: May 2006

The tripod represented in Pl. XII. and in Fig. 1 is 26½ inches (m. 0·66) in height; the diameter is at the bottom 21½ inches (m. 0·54) and at the top 14 inches (m. 0·36). The material is limestone of a kind common in most parts of Greece, especially the Peloponnesus.

The tripod was presented to All Souls' College in 1771 by Anthony Lefroy. The stand bears an inscription recording the gift, which contains a curious phrase in which the tripod is spoken of as ‘aram tripodem olim matri deum in templo S. Corinthi consecratum.’ I know not what the S before Corinthi may stand for. But the important thing is that the monument comes from Corinth. This is again asserted in the lettering of a print of it published by Gori in the Numismata Lefroyana, and repeated in a Magazine called The Topographer (November, 1789, p. 514), where Gori writes ‘Trovato a Corinto.’ It may be doubted whether Lefroy had any solid reason for supposing that the tripod came from a temple of the Mother of the Gods. Such a temple did exist at Corinth on the slope of the Acropolis Hill, as we learn from Pausanias. But, so far as I know, no remains of that temple have been observed in modern times. It can scarcely be regarded as likely that Lefroy had any reason to suppose that the tripod came from the actual site of that temple: it is far more probable that the figures of women standing on lions were to him a sufficient proof that the monument came from the temple of the Mother of the Gods which is mentioned by Pausanias.
Further Notes on the Greek Jump
Authors: Gardiner E. Norman
Published: May 2006

In my last article I tried to show that there is no adequate evidence for the statement that the Greek frequently jumped fifty feet or more, and still less for the theories of a ‘triple jump’ or a ‘hop, skip, and jump,’ which have been suggested simply to explain such a record. Other misconceptions are due to the same cause. The old idea, that the rods which so frequently occur in vase-paintings of the palaestra are jumping-poles, has been long since abandoned, and they are now recognised as akontia, or possibly measuring rods (κανόνες).
A Counter-Protest
Authors: Furtwängler A.
Published: May 2006

Dr. Charles Waldstein, in his article entitled ‘The Bronze Statue from Cerigotto and the Study of Style,’ which appeared in vol. xxiv, pp. 129–134 of this Journal, published a protest against the methods and results of my research.

If I reply to Dr. Waldstein's statements by a counter-protest, I do so only in deference to the high scientific position occupied by this Journal, the organ of a Society which has conferred on me the distinction of honorary membership. As to the general question of Dr. Waldstein's scientific work, on which the value of his criticism depends, I have already expressed my opinion in my notice of his ‘Argive Heraeum’ written for the Berliner philologische Wochenschrift, July 1904.
The Legend of Cadmus and the Logographi. I
Authors: Gomme A. W.
Published: May 2006

In an article in the Annual of the British School at Athens. I have endeavoured to show that the geography of Boeotia lends no support to the theory that the Cadmeans were Phoenicians. Yet from the fifth century onwards at least, there was a firmly established and, as far as we know, universally accepted tradition that they were—a tradition indeed lightly put aside by most modern scholars as unimportant. If the arguments from geography are sound, then this tradition must be learned theory, and theory only. That this is so cannot of course be proved; for the authors by whom it was established, if it was established, are lost to us. We cannot even show, for this theory itself, that it is probable; for the methods even of Herodotus, and his reasons for his theories, are often obscure. But if we can show that it is a possibility—and not a bare possibility, but a very natural one—then the arguments brought forward in the Annual can be allowed their full weight.
The Growth of Spartan Policy.—A Reply
Authors: Dickins Guy
Published: May 2006

I contributed to the first number of the J.H.S. for 1911 an article on the development of Spartan foreign policy, to which Dr. Grundy replied in the following issue. Inasmuch as my article was the promulgation of a new theory running counter to the views already published by Dr. Grundy, I looked forward to a reply from him which would establish on clearer grounds of evidence the views of that section of his Thucydides which deals with Spartan foreign policy; or, at any rate, if he did not care to work over old ground again, to an attempt definitely to controvert my evidence and conclusions. If his reply had at all conformed to my expectations, I should not have ventured to make any further demands upon the space of the Journal, since I cannot see that journalistic controversy adds anything either to learning or to the amenities of life. But Dr. Grundy's answer consists of little else than a repetition of ipse dixits, and a somewhat intolerant arraignment of my conclusions, supported by a wholly insufficient and even misleading representation of my arguments.
The Growth of Sparta
Authors: Toynbee Arnold J.
Published: May 2006

If you walk out of modern Sparta by the Tripolis road, and take the first branch road to the right after crossing Eurotas, you find yourself moving parallel to the river, with a line of red bluffs on your left hand. The bluffs grow higher and steeper as you go south, and the river edges closer to their foot, till opposite the junction of the Magoula river there is barely room for the cart-track between hillside and Eurotas-bed: but here the line of the bluffs is suddenly broken by a dry ravine converging on the course of the Eurotas at an acute angle from the N.E. The flanks of this ravine are at first as steep as the western face of the bluffs: but after about ten minutes' walk up it, several bays open on the left, affording an ascent to the bluff's summit by an easier gradient. When you reach the top you find yourself on a narrow ridge crowned by a chapel of the prophet Elias, and clearly marked off from the other summits to N. and S. Just N. of the chapel is the shrine of Menelaos, where the citizens of ‘historical’ Sparta used to offer lead figurines. But under the ‘historical’ stratum are the vestiges of a ‘Mycenaean’ city.
Note on the Boston Counterpart of the Ludovisi Throne
Authors: Gardner Ernest A.
Published: May 2006

I regret that an acknowledgment of the courtesy of the Director of the Museum of Fine Arts at Boston, in supplying the excellent photographs from which the illustrations of the Boston relief were produced, was accidentally omitted from my previous article.

Since the appearance of my article on this relief in the last number of the Journal, I have to thank Dr. Eisler for calling my attention to the very interesting and suggestive paper published by him in the Transactions of the ‘Kunstwissenschaftliche Gesellschaft’ of Munich in the Münchener Jahrbuch für bild. Kunst, 1912. Whatever, view one may take of the artistic problems involved, the interpretation of the reliefs is extremely difficult, and is not satisfactorily solved in Prof. Studniczka's discussion. Dr. Eisler suggests that we should recognise in the Boston relief a duplication of Aphrodite— the sorrowful and the rejoicing—as well as of Adonis, and regards the whole as representing a Babylonian and Phoenician symbolism of astronomical import—the balance recalling the constellation libra and the equilibrium of night and day at the equinox, and the figures in the scales the approach of the winter and summer half-year with the elevation and depression of the sun.
The Chariot Group of the Maussolleum
Authors: Preedy J. B. Knowlton
Published: May 2006

The following paper represents the results of a dissertation recently submitted for the M.A. degree at London. The whole question of the Maussolleum is of an exceedingly complex nature, while the composition of the Chariot Group, though only incidental to the reconstruction of the building, has been the subject of much controversy.

The evidence put forward in this article cannot be regarded as entirely conclusive, but I hope to show that the margin of probability which lies on the side of those who do not think that the statues occupied the chariot is rather broader than has usually been supposed.

The attitude in which I have approached the question is quite unbiassed and this will account for the fact that I appear in some parts of the paper to be arguing against both sides in turn. In reality, however, I have endeavoured to examine the evidence impartially and then to form a conclusion from those arguments only which have stood the test of examination. The conclusion I have reached on the matter is the same as that of Prof. Percy Gardner, but I do not entirely agree with him as to the grounds on which that view is to be based.
On the Γῆς Πϵρίοδος of Hecataeus
Authors: Caspari M. O. B.
Published: May 2006

The article by Mr. J. Wells in a recent number of this Journal, in which he endeavours to disprove the genuineness of the Γῆς Πϵρίοδος commonly ascribed to Hecataeus, comes as a timely warning against the prevalent tendency to treat Hecataeus as if his contribution to the scientific development of Greek thought could be estimated with any degree of certainty. The poverty of content of the extant fragments purporting to be from Hecataeus, and the scantiness of allusions to this author by other ancient writers, leave but a precarious basis for generalisation on the scope and value of his work; and they certainly do not suffice to determine his influence upon Herodotus and the chroniclers of the fifth century. Furthermore, they quite bear out Mr. Wells' contention that the claims recently made out on behalf of the scientific eminence of Hecataeus have been exaggerated.
Early Seleucid Portraits
Authors: Macdonald George
Published: May 2006

In a recent number of the Journal I had occasion to indicate some of the difficulties surrounding the identification of the royal portraits that occur on silver coins accompanied by the simple inscription ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΑΝΤΙοχοΥ The object of the article in question was to advocate a change of tactics in dealing with the problem,—to urge the desirability of concentrating attention on well-defined groups which should be subjected to a close and comprehensive scrutiny. As an illustration of the line of treatment proposed, there was selected for detailed examination the set of coins composed of tetradrachms on which the diadem worn by the king is furnished with wings. While certain of the inferences tentatively suggested on the strength of this examination have not been universally accepted, the more positive and important of the conclusions reached remain uncontroverted.
Two Notes on Pylos and Sphacteria
Authors: Compton W. C. , Awdry H.
Published: May 2006

Thucydides (iv. 36) describes the last phase of the long contest which led to the surrender of the 292 surviving Spartans on Sphacteria.

They had gradually retired to the summit of the hill at the north end of the island,—an altitude of something under 500 feet, and were making their last stand in the neighbourhood of the παλαιὸν ἔπυμα mentioned by Thucydides, which had once defended this summit, and of which small fragments are yet to be seen. These fragments are still there, for since prehistoric times this practically waterless island has probably never had inhabitants except a few nomad goatherds.

The ground,—working round west, north, east, south,—is as follows, and, the photographs reproduced will help to make it clear (Fig. 1, and Plan) To the S.W. is the long slope up which the Spartans had been slowly retiring from their camp on the low level in the centre of the island. To the west the hill falls, not very steeply, to a saddle; and from this and all sides except (as they thought) the east, the Spartans were exposed to attack; then comes a shoulder before the ground slopes away westward to the open sea.
A Bronze Statuette in the British Museum and the ‘Aristotle’ of the Palazzo Spada
Authors: Esdaile Katharine A.
Published: May 2006

Among the most important bronzes in the British Museum is the statuette of a philosopher, said to have been found in dredging the harbour at Brindisi, which was acquired in 1865 (Pl. II). It measures 20 inches (50·8 cm.) in height, and represents a bearded man seated—though the original seat has disappeared—and resting his chin on his right hand; his left arm, muffled in his only garment, the himation that passes over his left shoulder, lies across his lap and supports the right arm; the right foot is drawn back behind the left, and he wears sandals elaborately tied. The thoughtful and interesting head (Pl. III.) suggests in type and period the pleasanter portraits of Aeschines and the newly discovered Aristotle; hair and beard are cut close, the features are small and well shaped, the whole effect in singular harmony with the reflective pose of the figure. The surface has suffered from the action of water, and there is a large hole on the left shoulder, and a crack running down the arm.
A Cup signed by Brygos at Oxford
Authors: Herford M. A. B.
Published: May 2006

A complete drawing is reproduced in Plate IX. of a kylix in the Ashmolean Museum, signed on the handle ΒΡ∨↾ΟΣ ΕΓΕΣΕΝ. Apart from the interest of its signature, the vase is important for its subject, which appears to be rare if not unique. I have, however, been unable to determine with certainty either subject or authorship, and shall content myself with trying to establish a sound basis for further investigation, and suggesting features of probable significance.

The kylix is large, with a comparatively small design in the interior. The chief measurements are: height, 12 cm., diameter, 33 cm., breadth across handles, 41 cm., diameter of inner circle, 14 cm. The cup is fragmentary, but the existing surface is well preserved, and the black, which is laid on rather thickly in parts, is deep and glossy throughout.

The interior scene has a border of stopped maeander in sets of 2, 3, or 4 broken alternately by chequer squares and saltire squares with dots at the ends of the cross-arms. The two scenes on the exterior have no border but a reserved red line above and below. There is a fragmentary palmette design beneath one handle.

The scene in the interior (Plate IX.) is practically complete except for a gap at the bottom of the circle, which, though it leaves the figures intact, possibly deprives us of some clue to the interpretation of the subject. All that is certain is that the two figures are kneeling on some level surface, the horizontal line of which marks off a reserved segment of the circle with depth equal to about a quarter of its diameter. The horizontal border of egg and tongue suggests, though it does not invariably denote, a definite part of the scene, such as an altar.
The Holkham Head.—A Reply
Authors: Waldstein Charles
Published: May 2006

In the last number of the Journal of Hellenic Studies (vol. xxxiv. p. 122) Mr. Guy Dickins begins his article on the Holkham Head and the Parthenon Pediment by saying that, before accepting my own arguments as contained in my article (J.H.S. vol. xxxiii, p. 276), ‘we have the right to demand from him [myself] some evidence on the following points:—

(1) That there is reason to connect the head with Athens and the Acropolis,

(2) That the material is identical with the other pediment marbles,

(3) That the style is Pheidian, or at any rate fifth-century Attic, and

(4) That it is an architectural and not an independent piece of sculpture.'

I will not needlessly occupy space by repeating what I have already written fully in my article, and I will merely take Mr. Dickins's four objections seriatim and deal with them as concisely as possible; but I must ask my readers, after they have read Mr. Dickins's exposition of his views, again to read my article carefully in order to appreciate the relative value of the evidence furnished.
Notes on the Lycian Alphabet
Authors: Arkwright W.
Published: May 2006

On page 68 of the Jahreshefte of the Austrian Archaeological Institute for 1899, Band II., I discussed the value of the letter Χ, and with considerable hesitation decided in favour of Schmidt's opinion that it represents θ. The conclusion was based on the only direct evidence available, namely the rendering of the Persian Mithrapata by the Lycian ΜΕΧΡΡΓΡΤΡ. This was greatly discounted by the fact that Mithrapata is also rendered by Mizrppata (T.A.M. 64), and that Mithra appears also in Lycian Mizretije (84) and the Cilician Μισραιος, which rather suggested that the letter was a sibilant closely akin to the Lycian z. It now appears certain that the last conclusion is correct.
Recent Additions to the Parthenon Sculptures
Authors: Smith Cecil
Published: May 2006

Members of the Society will remember that we have been endeavouring at the British Museum to make our collection of the Parthenon sculptures as complete as may be for purposes of study: our object has been to supplement the series of originals in the National Collection with casts of the marbles and fragments wherever these are known to exist. With this view, when I was last in Athens I went through the whole of that portion of the Frieze preserved in the Acropolis Museum, and subsequently Professor Bosanquet did the same with the Metopes and Pediments. Through the kind offices of Mr. Cavvadias, the Greek Government had casts made of all those which we needed, and generously presented them to the British Museum; so that I think we may say that we now possess a collection in which the sculptures of the Parthenon may be for the first time studied with reasonable completeness. The only series which is still wanting consists of those metopes still in position on the building which, chiefly because of their fragmentary condition, have never yet been moulded.
The Population and Policy of Sparta in the Fifth Century
Authors: Grundy G. B.
Published: May 2006

It is, perhaps, somewhat venturesome to attempt to say anything upon a subject which demands full treatment from anyone who would write a History of Greece, and which has, therefore, been discussed at considerable length by many great historians. Still the research of the last twenty years has led to such material modifications of the views which formerly prevailed as to the exact significance of various important factors in the history of the Greek race, that the learned world has become emancipated from the tyranny of stereotyped tradition, and has ceased to regard deviation from the accustomed views as necessarily fanciful and untrue.
Lost Fragments of the Iphigeneia Group at Copenhagen
Authors: Studniczka F.
Published: May 2006

In the Anzeiger of the Arch. Jahrbuch 1904, pp. 224 ff., the discovery and reconstruction of a life-size marble group, now in the Ny-Carlsberg Museum, is briefly reported: it is described as an original marble work, approximately contemporary with the Niobids, and representing Artemis substituting the hind for Iphigeneia.

The complete investigation and publication of this fine work have been up till now retarded by the disappearance of two important fragments, originally found with the rest at Rome in 1886, in the Gardens of Sallust, on the Spithöver Estate. Towards the end of the last century these fell into the hands of Roman dealers, and in spite of much searching have not so far been rediscovered. They were, however, known from brief written memoranda (supplemented by oral statements), and in particular from a photograph taken by Herr Joseph Haass at the time of their discovery. This photograph is here reproduced. The circular altar with the figures of seasons which is so conspicuous thereon does not belong to the group, but was at one time in the hands of a dealer at Florence.
Minoan Fayence in Mesopotamia
Authors: Hall H. R.
Published: May 2006

In my forthcoming publication of the Rhind Lectures, 1923, on The Civilization of Greece in the Bronze Age I have briefly referred (pp. 225–6) to the remarkable discovery by Dr. Walter Andrae for the Deutsche Orient Gesellschaft, at Ḳala'at Sharḳat, the site of the ancient Assyrian city of Ashur, on the Tigris, of a series of objects in fayence not only of precisely the same type as the remarkable fayence vases and other objects found by the British Museum excavators at Enkomi and Maroni in Cyprus, but some of them, one would think, made by the same hand. These Assyrian objects were among those brought back to England from Mesopotamia after the war, and finally assigned to the British Museum, when eventually a division-was made of the whole between London and Berlin. Before this division was effected I had recognized these particular fayence objects as the counterparts of those already in the British Museum from Enkomi, and Dr. Andrae and I, after I had pointed out the fact to him on a visit made by him to London, agreed that we should publish them separately, he as their discoverer in their context in his full publication of his finds, I in order to emphasize their identity with the Enkomi finds and their Minoan character.
Some Balkan and Danubian Connexions of Troy
Authors: Thallon Ida Carleton
Published: May 2006

Prehistoric research shows us that in the troubled section of Europe known as the Near East there existed as early as the neolithic period several culture groups which may be classified under four heads as follows:—

(1) The Aegean, Minoan-Mycenaean group.

(2) The Thessalian.

(3) The Upper Balkan and Danubian.

(4) The South Russian and allied groups.

The first of these is so familiar that we need only emphasize its continuity from the neolithic period through the Bronze Age, and the fact that, although eventually it was widely diffused through the Mediterranean from Spain to Cyprus and the coast of Palestine, in the Aegean area itself the northern limit on the west coast was Thessaly, which it reached in the L. M. period, and on the opposite shore the single site toward the north is Troy, where L. M. is contemporary with the VIth city. The sporadic examples on the coast from Thessaly to Troy are very late and apparently had little influence.

The excavations by Messrs. Wace and Thompson in prehistoric Thessaly, which included considerably more than one hundred sites, have led them to differentiate a large number of styles of pottery, including red monochrome, red or black incised, or else painted either light on dark or dark on light in many varieties. The designs are predominantly rectilinear and more closely akin to the northern groups than to the Minoan.
The Problem of the Eumenides of Aeschylus
Authors: Livingstone R. W.
Published: May 2006

In the play of Aeschylus the problem before the first jury of the Areopagus was this. A man kills his mother at the order of a god, because she killed his father. Can he be held guilty for an act which racial custom demanded and a god sanctioned? And yet, shall matricide go unpunished, or can that man claim to escape from the Erinyes, whose right and duty to avenge a mother is no less certain than a son's right and duty to avenge his father? The jury could not make up their minds: their votes were equally divided. It is hardly easier for us to give a clear answer to the problem which puzzled those Athenians; and we have a further problem which they were spared—what did Aeschylus think? on what grounds did he acquit Orestes? what did he mean by his solution?

Editors and critics have answered these questions differently. Sidgwick holds that in the Eumenides ‘the stage is lifted from earth to heaven: it is the powers of light, Apollo and Athena, who are active to protect the morally innocent against the powers of darkness, the Erinyes and the shade of Clytaemnestra, who persecute the technically guilty. The lower view, that guilt lies in the deed, is embodied in the pursuing Furies, and here conflicts with the higher view that the innocent heart must be saved…. The gods of light fight with the gods of darkness, and overcome.’ Verrall's explanation is allied to this but more refined. He sees in the play the conflict of two Rights—of justice absolute and inexorable with the relative justice of a civic community—of the lex talionis with equity; and he sees in the reconcilement of the Eumenides a mysterious identification of Vengeance and Grace.
Aechaeology in Greece, 1927–1928
Authors: Woodward A. M.
Published: May 2006

As the twelve months which have elapsed since my last report was completed have not witnessed any very sensational discoveries, or the inception of any very important new undertakings, I have less than usual to chronicle in the present article. Most of it relates to work done in 1927, of which particulars had not reached me in time for my last report; and I must pass over, for the same reason, several of the campaigns conducted this year. The usual arrangement is followed.

American School

After a year's interval Prof. T. L. Shear this year resumed work on the Theatre at Corinth, aiming chiefly at clearing the stage and following the east parodos to its exit. Only foundations of the stage remain; there are some Greek walls, but the main structure is of Roman date. The walls of the east parodos are well preserved for their whole extent of 42 metres; about halfway along its course the parodos makes a right angle turn to the north, and then continues its course east, rising all the way by a ramp and a flight of steps. At its east end it opens on to a street running north and south, paved and with a raised side-walk. The pavement near the parodos is 5·70 metres wide and runs for a length of 62 metres, but the street continues, unpaved, southward beyond this point. To the north the street opens on to a plaza, not yet fully excavated; to the south it rises by a ramp and steps, skirting the outer wall of the east cavea. In this wall is an opening to a carefully made pit with triangular footholes in the sides; objects found in the filling of the pit date it, with the cavea wall, as early in the time of Augustus. A large number of coins, found with other small objects in a burnt layer 0·50. metre above the pavement, date from the second to the fourth century after Christ.
A Taurobolic Inscription from Rome: ΔΕϒΤΕΡΑΙ ΦΡΟΝΤΙΔΕΣ
Authors: Rose H. J.
Published: May 2006

A careful reconsideration of the above document (see J.H.S. xliii. 1923, p. 194 sqq.) has led me to the conclusion that, in common with former editors, I had utterly missed its main point, and consequently gone astray on several details. I therefore lay before readers of this Journal a recantation of my errors, expressing at the same time my warm thanks to several scholars who have helped me to a truer interpretation, and above all to Dr. L. R. Farnell for a whole series of criticisms and suggestions.

I now regard the date of the inscription, for reasons presently to be stated, as being, not ‘about the third century,’ but the latter half of the fourth, or, to be specific, the year A.D. 361. Mr. M. N. Tod informs me that the shape and style of the letters are perfectly consistent with this supposition. ‘The letters,’ he writes, ‘are crowded close together and tend to become tall and narrow in a manner which indicates the triumph of the cursive influence over properly epigraphical or monumental script. … I think it would probably be found that the writing of I.G. xiv. 1018 (dated 370) and 1019 (dated 377) is not very far removed from that of the present text—and both of these relate to Eastern cults.’
A Stag-horn Head from Crete
Authors: Forsdyke E. J.
Published: May 2006

The curious head which is illustrated, in actual size, on Plate VI., was bought by my colleague, Captain F. N. Pryce, and me from a well-known Greek dealer at Cairo in December 1918, and is now in the British Museum. It is carved in the beam of a stag's antler, the natural burr or coronet of the horn representing either a crown or curled, upstanding hair, while the longitudinal corrugations imitate hanging tresses. The smooth, round base of the shed antler very aptly resembles the top of a man's head (Fig. 1). All these features are unworked. The rest of the horn is carved in the shape of a human face wearing a full beard and turned-up moustaches. Across the forehead is a heavy ridged moulding, which runs into the edge of the beard on each side of the face. Whether this moulding represents the band of a headdress, or a ceremonial fillet, or the rim of a crown, or is simply a decorative device to help the transition from the projecting hair to the receding face, it is not possible to decide, for its details will not bear strict interpretation. The hair of eyebrows, moustache and beard is marked with close striations.
A New Portrait of Plato
Authors: Poulsen Frederik
Published: May 2006

From the Renaissance onwards efforts have been made to discover the portrait of the thinker whom even his contemporary Isocrates called the ‘prince of philosophers.’ At that period it was believed that it had been discovered in a venerable long-bearded male type, a view which Fulvius Ursinus thought to be supported by a gem inscription. According to this there was no longer anything to prevent the ascription of the name Plato to a whole series of Olympian heads, now acknowledged as being of the type of Dionysus or of Hermes. And when the bronze bust of the Indian Dionysus was found at Herculaneum in the beginning of the eighteenth century, it was greeted with enthusiasm as the most expressive portrait of the great intellectual hero, and passed as such in popular works right down to the end of the nineteenth century. Even in the beginning of this century an Italian archaeologist tried to save the name of Plato, and proposed to explain the bust as a combination of Plato and Dionysus.
The First Syrian War
Authors: Tarn W. W.
Published: May 2006

Existing accounts of this war only know what now appears to have been its second phase; but the material now available should enable us partially to reconstruct the first phase, and recover for the history of Asia something of two lost years, 276 and 275. The starting point is Mr. Sidney Smith's new readings and translation of the fragment of the Babylonian chronicle concerning Antiochus I, with which the decree of Ilium, O.G.I. 219, works in and out; overlapping them come the letter of Ptolemy II to Miletus and the Milesian decree in reply.

The Babylonian chronicle shews that in spring 276 the army of Ptolemy II invaded Seleucid Syria, and some time later in 276 Antiochus defeated it and drove it out; while heretofore it has been supposed that it was Ptolemy who defeated Antiochus some time in 274–3. On the face of it, then, Ptolemy was the original aggressor in the long series of wars between the two kingdoms. But can the war be traced back before spring 276? There had been bond enough between Ptolemy I and Seleucus I to prevent actual war so long as either lived; but once Seleucus was dead (280), Ptolemy II immediately threw down the gauntlet by recognising Keraunos as king of Macedonia, which Antiochus I claimed; while next year he damaged Antiochus considerably, for Miletus, Seleucid in 280/79, became Egyptian some time in 279/8. It does not follow there was fighting; but Ptolemy restored to Miletus a long-lost piece of territory, which must have become King's Land; and if he took King's Land from Antiochus it was an act of war.
The Tridacna Squamosa Shells in Asia
Authors: Smith Sidney
Published: May 2006

In his interesting study of these engraved shells, in Lindiaka ii., Professor Blinkenberg has compiled a list of these objects so far published or mentioned. In regard to the first section of that list, which deals with Asia, the failure to observe the late Professor L. W. King's observations on this subject have led to some errors in the list which may cause loss of time and labour to future students. The following notes, based upon the numbers in Blinkenberg's list, are intended to be of use in avoiding further confusion.

Nos. 1 and 2, Layard, Discoveries in the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon, p. 563, below and above, are respectively the inside and outside of the same fragment, although Layard speaks of ‘fragments.’ Registration no. 51–1–1, 176; no. 117997. Layard's woodcuts are unsatisfactory, since the right-hand side of the lower one attributes to the design on the inside part of the outside design which completes the upper edge of the top woodcut. Found by Sir W. K. Loftus at Warka (Erech).
The Evidence of Aeneas Tacticus on the ΒΑΛΑΝΟΣ and ΒΑΛΑΝΑΓΡΑ
Authors: Handford S. A.
Published: May 2006

In preparing for the press an edition of Aeneas Tacticus, which was left in manuscript form by the late Mr. L. W. Hunter, I have had to consider a good deal the details of the fastening of the Greek city gate. The general principles are familiar to everyone: a gate with two wings (σανίδες) opening inwards only, with a wooden bar (μοχλός) placed horizontally across it on the inside, secured by a metal bolt (βάλανος) which passed through a vertical hole bored in the μοχλός and into a socket (βαλανοδόκη) in the stone beneath, the top of the βάλανος, when pushed home, being well below the top of the μοχλός. The βάλανος must have been a heavy iron pin, thick enough to stand a big strain, since if anyone tried to force the gate everything depended on the resistance of the βάλανος: I imagine it something like twelve inches long and two to three inches thick. It will be remembered that at Plataea in 431 B.C. a soldier fastened one of the gates στυρακίῳ ἀκοντίον ἀντι βαλάνου χρησάμενος ἐς τὸν μοχλόν (Thuc. ii. 4. 3).
The Angora Resolution of the Stage Guild
Authors: Buckler W. H.
Published: May 2006

In the series of copies from Angora inscriptions by Mr. d'Orbeliani there are none for which we owe him a greater debt than those numbered ‘Orb. 41’ (pp. 33–36 of this volume).

They represent, first (Fig. 19), the dedication on the pedestal made for a statue of Ulpius Aelius Pompeianus, benefactor of ‘The Sacred Hadrianic Stage Guild’; secondly (Fig. 20), the full text, engraved on the same stone, of the resolution by which the Guild authorised the erection of that statue and the granting to Pompeianus of other honours. This latter document, thanks to the thirty-four lines added by the new copy, is now the most complete example that we possess of such a psephisma; except for the last three lines and for a few words and unknown names, it can, as the copyist claims, ‘be fully read.’ The text of the dedication (I.G. Rom. iii. 211) and of most of the preamble to the resolution (I.G. Rom. iii. 209) have been known since 1885, but the closeness of their connexion and the sketch of the monument (Fig. 19) are new and welcome data. In view of its importance, recently emphasised by Ramsay, the resolution seems worth repeating in revised form, with the epigraphic copy. Variations between that and the printed text are marked by the usual round brackets, but only a few of the words restored seem to require explanation.
Archaeology in Greece, 1922–24
Authors: Woodward Arthur M.
Published: May 2006

As three years have elapsed since the appearance of the last report under this heading, from the pen of Mr. A. J. B. Wace, it is only to be expected that a large amount of material should have accumulated in the interval. The present report attempts to mention all the discoveries, of other than trifling importance, made during 1922 and 1923, together with summaries of such excavations carried out in 1924 as were completed, and of which particulars were available, before the end of August in that year. Naturally it has not been possible to dwell fully on all these undertakings and finds, and where a full report has already been published, I have contented myself with only brief mention of, or at times a mere reference to, the contents. Even so, the author is probably not alone in feeling that this report is unpardonably long. To facilitate reference, the order of arrangement employed in the last report has been retained.

American School

In 1922 Dr. C. W. Blegen continued his excavations of the prehistoric mound at Zygouries near Cleonae, and his discovery of a large store of complete or at least unused vessels of L.H. III. date, and of an adjacent potter's oven, is an important contribution to our knowledge of the domestic wares of this period, as well as an indication of local origin. The other remains of houses were less interesting, but further evidence was obtained with regard to the cemeteries, belonging to almost all periods of the occupation of the site. In 1924, two other sites in the same region, but both of the Classical epoch, were partly explored: at Nemea, where the work will, it is hoped, continue for at least one more season, being financed by supporters of the American School in Cincinnati, a promising start has been made.
Cornelius Nepos: Some Further Notes
Authors: Casson S.
Published: May 2006

In an article published in the last volume of this Journal, Mr. How discusses the problems of the Parian expedition of Miltiades and the Battle of Marathon, in the light of recent views. The version given by Nepos of these events I subjected to an analysis in an article published just before the war and I came to certain conclusions in regard to the sources used by the Roman historian. Mr. How agrees with me in accepting the general view that Ephorus is the chief inspiration of Nepos. He refuses, however, to credit Ephorus with any more special knowledge than that which a student of Herodotus might acquire. Ephorus is, in fact, the rationaliser, and a poor one at that, of Herodotus.

The problem raised by Mr. How is whether we are going to accept the account Herodotus gives of Marathon and Paros or the rationalised version of Ephorus. Without hesitation Mr. How accepts Herodotus and rejects Ephorus root and branch. Here I must associate myself entirely with Mr. How in his appreciation of Herodotus but cannot help retaining a preference for some of the elements of the Ephorus-Nepos version of events at Lemnos, Marathon and Paros.
Some Vases in the Lewis Collection
Authors: Bicknell C. D.
Published: May 2006

On March 31st, 1891, died Samuel Savage Lewis, librarian of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, and one of the original members of the Hellenic Society. To his college he left a large collection of coins, gems and miscellaneous antiquities, among them the following vases:

(1) Red-figured kotyle, from Castellani Collection.

Castellani Sale Catalogue (Rome 1884), p. 12, No. 67 (not figured).

(A) Goddess running off with youth, who holds a large lyre.

(Plate XIII.)

(B) Two youths in attitudes of alarm; one holds a double flute.

(Plate XIV.)

Under each handle is a large double palmette from which spring elaborate palmette and tendril ornaments on either side (Fig. 1).

Purple is used for the letters, the cord of the lyre on (A) and the hair fillets of the youths on (B).

Details are represented in the main by black relief lines; the less important body muscles of the youths by brown glaze lines.
Notes on Beliefs and Myths
Authors: Nock A. D.
Published: May 2006

My remarks about the Mithraeum at Capua in J.H.S. 1925, p. 100, require correction in view of Professor Minto's excellent publication of his discovery in Notizie degli scavi, 1924, p. 353 ff. It is not true that ‘the initiate … appears to be represented as a child, not as a man.’ In the stucco decorations of the podia the initiate is in fact represented as smaller than the mystagogue and the officiating priest (see figures 10–15 in Minto's article). It is possible that the officiants were supposed to act the parts of divine personages and were therefore represented as larger than human in accordance with a common artistic convention. In any case there is in the stuccos no additional evidence for Mithraic belief in the rebirth of the initiate as a child.
The Find from the Sea off Artemision
Authors: Karouzos Chr.
Published: May 2006

It is a well-known fact, of which proof in recent years has not seldom been forthcoming, that the sea, on the rare occasions on which it has revealed to us its archaeological secrets, has nearly always given us beautiful works, for the most part in bronze, far better preserved than the discoveries on dry land. That, however, it should one day have presented us with what is certainly one of the most perfect works of just the most obscure period of Greek art in the fifth century B.C., belonging to those years of the Pentekontaetia from which we should have so much desired to have an original statue, was beyond even the most optimistic of hopes. Such is the principal find made in the sea off Artemision in Euboea in October 1928 (Pl. VII).

There is no doubt that we have before us the figure of a god. That is shown not merely by its height (ca. 2·10 m.), but also by the character and spirit incorporated in it. Its stance, the manner of its movement (a movement which has also at the same time an inner balance and poise), various details of the body and the hair—all show that it is a work belonging to about 460 B.C. It is easy for us to distinguish figures spiritually and stylistically analogous on other monuments of this period (cf. e.g. a Poseidon on an amphora at Würzburg: Gerhard, Auserlesene Vasenbilder, xi. 1).
Greek Lion Monuments
Authors: Lethaby W. R.
Published: May 2006

There is in the British Museum a colossal marble lion which was found near Cnidos by Sir Charles Newton (Cat. of Sculpt., ii. p. 214, No. 1350). It is recumbent and sculptured out of one block, the underside being hollowed out to diminish the weight. Its length is 9 feet 7 inches. (Fig. 1.) In the Guide to Greek and Roman Antiquities (1908) the sculpture is thus described and discussed:—

‘A colossal lion which was found lying overturned on a lofty promontory. about three miles to the east of Cnidos. On the site where it was lying were the remains of a great tomb, which consisted of a square basement surrounded by engaged columns of the Doric order and surmounted by a pyramid.
Some Recently acquired Reliefs in the British Museum
Authors: Smith A. H.
Published: May 2006

In the following paper, certain reliefs are described and illustrated, which have been added in comparatively recent years to the collection of the British Museum.

(1) Votive relief of Zeus Stratios. This relief, which was acquired in the summer of 1914 from a private owner, is of exceptional interest as an addition to the Museum which contains the remains of the Mausoleum.

The relief is of white marble, and consists of a sculptured panel 35·5 cm. wide, and so far as extant, 21 cm. high. It is surmounted by a pediment, with acroterial ornaments. The whole subject measures 49 × 45 cm.

‘In 1868 it was in the court yard of a house at Piali (Tegea) in the neighbourhood of the temple of Athena Alea. It had been found on the spot with some other antiquities.’ So M. Foucart, who has recently discussed the relief at length in the Monuments Piot.
Apollo and St. Michael: some Analogies
Authors: Hill G. F.
Published: May 2006

On the coins of Alexandria Troas of Roman date we find certain types, which are evidently related to the story of the foundation of the Smintheion; as well as another which may refer to the foundation of the city itself. They have been discussed at length by Wroth. The most remarkable (Fig. 1, a) shows on the left a grotto, surmounted by a cultus-statue of Apollo Smintheus; within the grotto is another statue, precisely similar, but lying on the ground. Before the grotto stands a herdsman, holding a pedum in his left hand, and raising his right in a gesture which, as Wroth says, may be interpreted as expressing either adoration or surprise. ‘On the right, a bull is seen running away, as if terror-stricken, with its head turned back towards the cavern. It would seem that some local legend connected with the discovery of the statue of the god is here portrayed. The engraver appears to have naively blended two incidents of the legend—first, the chance finding in a cavern of the statue of Apollo Smintheus by a herdsman—next, the setting up of a statue for worship in a place of honour over the cavern. On other coins of Alexandria Troas a herdsman—who is evidently the same herdsman—is represented in the presence of a divinity who appears to be Apollo … and he often appears standing beside the feeding horse that occurs frequently as a coin-type of Alexandria Troas’ (Fig. 1, d).