bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Nestor's War Effort (Stat. Ach. 1.422)
Authors: Williams Rachel
Published: February 2009

Here in the Achilleid Statius catalogues the contributions of Greek towns to Agamemnon's expedition against Troy. Every item of equipment is appropriate to its origin. There is one puzzle, however: why is it that murorum tormenta are the peculiar contribution of Pylos and Messene? O. A. W. Dilke (1954) suggests that the proximity of classical Messene to Mt Ithome would have reminded Statius of the siege of that place by the Spartans in 464–59 b.c., when they were aided by the Athenians, experts in siege warfare. This solution is undoubtedly ingenious but, based as it is upon association, it places this last entry in a quite different category from the previous entries: all the preceding items have been very definite products of their places of origin. K. von Barth (1664), while noting the not unparalleled anachronism, attempts to account in another way for the siege-engines: ‘quia ibi silvae crassissimas arbores habent’. But there is no evidence to support this: Messenia features neither in the pages of Theophrastus (Περ⋯ Φυτ⋯ν Ἱστορία) or Pliny (N.H. 16) as a source of quality timber, nor in the poets as an area which is characterised by the stoutness of its trees.

These theories pay insufficient attention to the verb tendunt, the vox propria for exerting a strain on rope, making it taut (cf. Stat. Sil. 3.2.26f.: ‘stuppea tendite mali | vincula’).
Plato's Use of Quotations and Other Illustrative Material
Authors: Tarrant Dorothy
Published: February 2009

Plato's use of illustrative material, in the widest sense, is very varied. Parts of the field have had some study—his use of metaphor and simile (still capable, no doubt, of yielding more meaning in relation to his thought) and his use of proverbs, at least as regards subject-matter and sources. The object of the present article is to consider in general what may already have been catalogued somewhere—his quotations from other writers (mainly from poets) and his references to myths and to other stories.
The Kingship of Agamemnon
Authors: Shewan A.
Published: February 2009

What was Agamemnon's political position in Greece? Was he only king of Mycenae and territory adjoining it, or had he in addition a suzerainty over the rest of the Peloponnesus? Was he sovereign in the whole of the Peloponnesus? Did he exercise any supremacy over, and especially can he be described as king or emperor of, Mycenaean Greece and its islands? In regard to the expedition against Troy, did he command it by virtue of a dominion over the whole of Greece, or was he selected for the position for some special reason, as his relationship to Helen or his pre-eminence in power over the other Achaean princes?
Adnotanda in Latin Prosody
Authors: Postgate J. P.
Published: February 2009

The statement in the second-and-third edition of Sommer's excellent Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre (1914), p. 462, that the oldest scansion is diūtius, to say nothing of the unqualified assertion in our current grammars and dictionaries that the u in it and in diutissime is long or the regrettable silence of the principal editors of Plautus upon the subject, is of itself sufficient warrant for a brief discussion. The relevant facts are these:

1. Though diu is common enough in verse of all kinds, the comparative is not attested for any but writers in iambics, while the superlative appears to be confined to prose.
Marriage Regulations in the Republic
Authors: Ferguson A. S.
Published: February 2009

The ideal city of Plato could only come true if three great and unlikely changes were made in the state. Neither Plato's contemporaries nor later generations have been able to breast the second of these ‘waves,’ which brings in a new order of marriage for guardians. The scheme is condemned as not only not good or possible—the Platonic tests—but as inconsistent with itself and with the account given in the Timaeus. The parts under censure are the so-called table of prohibited affinities and the sanction of infanticide. It would be strange to find discrepancies in a proposal so important for Plato's state that details cannot well be left to some Damon, and I hope to show that difficulties arise only when critics do not place themselves exactly at Plato's point of view. He conceived a certain problem with sharp outlines, and his answer is precisely adapted to that. The first wave left the guardians as a family of men and women living in common. How was it possible to preserve this communal life and provide for the future of the guardian class? If the rulers failed to choose aright here, an oracle foretold the decay of the city (415b-c). Therefore Plato's rigid preoccupation in the second wave is to secure for the archons entire control over the birth of guardian children. Otherwise the community will sink into mere promiscuity and the stock will degenerate. In short, Plato tries to ensure that, apart from the necessary getting of children for the state, the guardians shall be friends and not lovers. Our special problems arise from the two questions—πως παδοποιήσονtαι, καì γεκομÉνους πως θρÉψουσι; (449c). Let us begin with the first of these.
Clement of Alexandria's Protrepticvs and the Phaedrvs of Plato
Authors: Butterworth G. W.
Published: February 2009

A very slight reading of Clement of Alexandria is enough to prove how deeply he is indebted to Plato both in respect of language and of thought. Quotations from Plato are to be found throughout Clement's works, and in many cases acknowledgment is made of their origin. In addition there are frequent allusions, which for the most part the student of Plato can easily recognize. Clement invariably shows a profound respect for the Greek philosopher, whom he looks upon as a seeker after truth and as an authority, we may almost say, second only to the Scriptures. A careful comparison of the Protrepticus with the Phaedrus, results of which are given below, will furnish a striking illustration of the close dependence of Clement upon Plato. The Protrepticus is a short work, occupying in space not more than one–twelfth of Clement's extant writings, while the Phaedrus is even smaller in proportion to the whole of Plato. It is remarkable that so much inter-connexion should be found in so small a field, especially when we remember that the references to the Phaedrus represent by no means the whole of Clement's drawing upon Plato in the Protrepticus. There are allusions also to the Theaetetus, Republic, Charmides, Laws and Epistles, and possibly to the Politicus, Cratylus, Philebus, Symposium and Apology.
The Poet's Defence (I)
Authors: Rudd Niall
Published: February 2009

In A.J.P. lxxvi 1955 I attempted to show that, contrary to the theory of Professor Hendrickson, Horace's fourth satire is what it purports to be, namely a defence against hostile criticism. The aim of the two present articles is to examine how that defence is handled.

The poet had, it seems, to contend with two main charges, one relating to spirit and the other to form. The first said in effect ‘Your work reveals a malicious nature’; the second ‘Your verses are meagre and prosaic’. Let us take these charges separately. In reply to the former Horace answers:

1. ‘The writers of Old Comedy and Lucilius branded criminals’ (1–7). As I hope to show later, Horace is not finding fault with their practice; on the contrary he is by implication claiming the same right for himself.
The Poet's Defence (2)
Authors: Rudd Niall
Published: February 2009

In examining what Horace says about the style of Lucilius I would like to leave aside for a moment the controversial question regarding poetae in v. 1, and go straight to vv. 8–13. Here everything is clear and explicit: Lucilius was witty and keen-scented, but he was harsh in his versification, partly out of carelessness, partly owing to his enormous productivity. It has been suggested that these lines were simply ‘a chance remark’ which Horace ‘happened to make in the course of his argument’.
The Greater Alcibiades
Authors: Clark Pamela M.
Published: February 2009

The Greater Alcibiades has been dismissed as spurious by a great many scholars including most of the major Platonists, and for a variety of reasons. Many of these reasons are to my mind extremely weak, and would apply with equal force to some of the undoubtedly genuine dialogues: Bluck has argued that nearly all can be met by supposing that Plato wrote it for some special purpose, for instance as a reply to Polycrates' attack on Socrates. It is noteworthy that several scholars, while rejecting die work, do so with reluctance and a hint of misgiving. Shorey, for instance, sees touches worthy of Plato himself, and de Strycker thinks the work may actually have been revised by Plato.
The Indefinite Dyad and Intelligible Matter in Plotinus
Authors: Rist John M.
Published: February 2009

The role and precise significance of Intelligible Matter in the philosophy of Plotinus has been neglected or dismissed with many questions unanswered. In view of the fact that, unless this role can be properly understood, the whole doctrine of the procession of the Second Hypostasis must remain mysterious, this paper is intended to shed light on two important aspects of that Hypostasis: the nature of Intelligible Matter itself and the relation of that Matter to the Forms.
Aeonta Tekein
Authors: Dyson G. W.
Published: February 2009

In his recent pamphlet on Herodotus the Historian, Friederich Focke has discussed the lion-portent which accompanied the birth of Pericles: έκ δἐ Ίππоκπἁτεоς Μεγακλἑνσ τε Ξλλоσ καὶ ᾈγαπίоτνς, ὶ;ϰλ· ίλπ ταὶ ᾽Αγαριστŋς ίхоυσα τò о;νоѵоνα. ῆ σооνικńσασί τε ξανθίππψ τῷ᾽ Απιφρоνоς καὶ ἔλκυоς éоûα είδε ὄψℓν ἐν τῷ ὕπνῳ. ἐδὁκεε δἐ λἑοντα τεκεῖṿ καὶ υετ᾽ ợλίγας ἡυἑρας τίκτει Пερικλἑα ξανθίππψ. As this is the only occasion on which Herodotus mentions Pericles by name, those critics who are concerned to show that Herodotus was ‘Pericles' man’ have made much of the passage, and have deduced therefrom that Herodotus here means to express all his pent-up admiration for Pericles, which otherwise the scope of his work did not give him an opportunity of displaying. This admiration is at least conveyed in cryptic form, and Focke, following up a hint of Nissen that Pericles is here called a lion ambiguously, combats the view that Herodotus is expressing great reverence for him; and after examining fifth-century parallels, comes to the conclusion that Herodotus was repeating (whether as a mere marvel or with some personal arrière pensée he cannot decide) a tradition that had been set afoot as a purposely ambiguous and derogatory reference to Pericles as a ‘tyrannical man of might.’ After an examination of Focke's evidence, however, I remain unconvinced. It seems possible to account for most of thes quotations which Focke makes by bringing them into line with the ordinary Greek use of leonine symbolism, which, as I shall try to show, was complimentary, not derogatory
A Greek Inscription from Gallipoli
Authors: Norwood Gilbert
Published: February 2009

During the British occupation of the western extremity of the Gallipoli Peninsula, a brief Greek inscription was discovered by Sergt.-Major R. S. Jones, 136 Company, Royal Engineers. A copy of this he sent to his relatives in Cardiff, and it was by them put before the Western Mail for explanation. Ultimately it came into my hands. I at once wrote asking what had become of the stone, and what was its position—whether above or below ground—when discovered But Sergt.-Major Jones had been killed by a shell on December 27, 1915, eleven days after writing his letter, and only two days after he had been recommended for the Distinguished Conduct Medal. Further information, therefore, was not obtainable; but the inscription appears to have been hitherto unknown. It is a splendid thought that we owe this new historical information to the interest and care of a soldier in the midst of perilous and toilsome duties. His commanding officer wrote that he was ‘my right-hand man ever since the company was formed at Buxton.’
The Fates, the Gods, and the Freedom of Man's Will in theAeneid.
Authors: Matthaei Louise E.
Published: February 2009

Vergil has a strong idea of personal fate. A certain fate becomes attached to a certain person (or community) and follows him all his life; then the fates are spoken of as the fatesofthat person. As a parallel one might quote the idea in Maeterlinck's essay ‘La Chance’ (in the volume,he Temple enseveli, 1902, pp. 229 sqq.). For both Maeterlinck and Vergil men are marked out, one might almost call it annexed, by good or bad fortune; yet both authors refuse to endow this good or bad fortune with personality: they deal with personal fates which yet lack personality.
The Professiones of the Heraclean Table
Authors: Hardy E. G.
Published: February 2009

In an interesting article in the Journal of Roman Studies (Vol. V., Part I.) Prof. Jefferson Elmore reopens the vexed question as to the nature and object of the ‘declarations’ provided for in lines 1 to 19 of the Heraclean Table, and claims to have discovered a fresh clue more satisfactory than any so far propounded. As I have recently committed myself in opposition to the hypotheses of Hirschfeld, Legras and Nap, to what is at least a partial reaffirmation of Mommsen's explanation, and as I find Prof. Elmore's suggestions contrary to the evidence, and seriously wanting in cohesion and consistency, I shall venture to subject them to some examination and criticism.
‘Ancient Notae’ and Latin Texts
Authors: Lindsay W. M.
Published: February 2009

The abbreviation-symbols of the Romans, found in ancient uncial MSS., may be roughly divided into three classes:

(1) Those peculiar to juristic writing, e.g. R.P. ‘res priuata’ (any case), Q.D.R.A. ‘qua de re agitur.’ They are properly called ‘notae iuris.’ They abound in the famous Verona MS. of Gaius(uncial, ‘fifth century’).

(2) A few used in histories, etc., e.g. R.P. 'respublica' (any case), Q. ‘Quintus’ (any case). Valerius Probus, who compiled a manual of ancient Notae, calls this class ‘notae publicae’. They appear in such MSS. as the codex Puteanus of Livy (uncial, ‘fifth century’); and since they have been transferred into modern editions of the Latin historians, etc., no one is at a loss to interpret them nowadays, although they puzzled mediaeval scribes.

(3) Symbols of ordinary words of frequent occurrence in any type of literature, e.g. Q. ‘que.’ It is this class which is the subject of this article.
The Thyestes of Varivs
Authors: Housman A. E.
Published: February 2009

One day towards the end of the eighth century the scribe of cod. Paris. Lat. 7530, a miscellany to which we owe the carmen de figuris (anth. Lat. Ries. 485, P. L. M. Baehr. III pp. 273–85), began to copy out for us, on the 28th leaf of the MS, the Thyestes of Varius. He transcribed the title and the prefatory note, which run thus: INCIPIT THVESTA VARII. Lucius Varius cognomento Rufus Thyesten tragoediam (traged … cod.) magna cura absolutam (absoluto cod.) post Actiacam uictoriam Augusti (aug … cod.) ludis eius in scaena edidit, pro qua fabula sestertium deciens accepit. Then he changed his mind: he proceeded with a list of the notae employed by Probus and Aristarchus, and the masterpiece of Roman tragedy has rejoined its author in the shades.
Leaders of Men? Military Organisation in the Iliad
Authors: Van Wees Hans
Published: February 2009

At a time when the Greek army is on the verge of annihilation, the Iliad tells us, two warriors have detached themselves from the fight. Idomeneus, having accompanied a wounded man back to the ships, and Mērionēs, on his way to fetch himself a new spear, meet at the former's hut. They stand and talk for a while, assuring one another that they are afraid of nothing and no-one, and finally decide to plunge into battle again, though only after discussing at some length whether to go to fight in the centre or at the left of the front line. At first sight their behaviour might not seem particularly strange, but when one realises that the poet has told us more than once that these two are the leaders of the Cretan contingent, some four thousand warriors strong, one may begin to wonder. How could a poet, if he had even the slightest notion of what armies and battles were like, let these men behave as if they were alone on the field, leaving the fight for trivial reasons, re-entering it when and where it suits them, not even bothering to return to their own leaderless countrymen? Such doubts have led scholars to argue that, in fact, the poet did not have the slightest notion of what he was talking about.

Some seek to show that epic society is vague and unreal — ‘Homeric kings are like the king and the prince in Cinderella — they reveal nothing about any social structure in the real world’ — and have suggested that the historian may dismiss it as literary fiction.
Notes on the Text of Aristophanes' Peace
Authors: Sommerstein A. H.
Published: February 2009

Cobet, in his second discussion of ⋯γορεύω and its compounds, maintained that these verbs in Attic formed all tenses except present and imperfect from ⋯ρ⋯, εἶπον, εἴρηκα, εἴρηµαɩ, ⋯ρρήθην, save that forms with -αγορευ- were optionally used to distinguish certain alternative meanings. Thus ⋯πηγόρευσα etc. (Dem. 40.44, 55.4) could be used in the sense ‘forbid’, but not in that of ‘weary’ or ‘give up’; προηγορευµένα (Xen. Mem. 1.2.35) could be used in the sense ‘proclaimed’, but not in that of ‘foretold’ ‘or’ ‘said previously’; προσαγορε⋯σαι etc. (Pl. Phd. 104a, Polit. 288c; Xen. Mem. 3.2.1; Anaxilas fr. 21.4; Dem. 39.38, 40.1; Lyk. Leokr. 9, 18; and several other fourth-century instances, to which add one much earlier, [Aesch.] Prom. 834) could be used in the sense ‘call, name’ but not in that of ‘greet’. These distinctions, he believed, did not break down until about the time of Alexander. Hence his rejection of the aorist καταγορεύσῃ offered by the MS. tradition in Peace 107.

But καταγορεύειν too is a verb with two clearly distinct ranges of meaning: ‘tell, declare’ (as here, Clouds 518, Eur. Med. 1106) and ‘denounce, accuse’ (as Hdt. 3.71.5, Pl. Rep. 595b).
Land tenure and Inheritance in Classical Sparta
Authors: Hodkinson Stephen
Published: February 2009

‘The problem of Spartan land tenure is one of the most vexed in the obscure field of Spartan institutions.’ Walbank's remark is as true today as when it was written nearly thirty years ago. Controversy surrounding this subject has a long tradition going back to the nineteenth century and the last thirty years have witnessed no diminution in the level of disagreement, as is demonstrated by a comparison of the differing approaches in the recent works by Cartledge, Cozzoli, David and Marasco. Although another study runs the risk of merely adding one more hypothesis to the general state of uncertainty, a fundamental reassessment of the question is required, not least because of its significance for the historian's interpretation of the overall character of Spartiate society. Through the introduction of a new perspective it may be possible to advance our understanding of the subject.

In Section I of this essay I shall attempt to review several influential scholarly theories and to examine their feasibility and the reliability of the evidence upon which they are based. Section II will begin to construct a more plausible alternative account which is based upon more trustworthy evidence. Finally, Section III will discuss a comparatively underemphasised aspect of the topic, the property rights of Spartiate women, which suggests a rather different interpretation of the character of land tenure and inheritance from those more usually adopted.
The word of the Muses (Plato, Rep. 8.546)
Authors: Ehrhardt Edit
Published: February 2009

Ever since Proclus wrote his commentary on Plato's Republic, repeated attempts have been made to find a hidden number of cosmic significance in Rep. 8.546. For the Neo-Platonist it was natural to look for esoteric secrets in ancient works; among the men of the New Learning at the end of the Middle Ages there were enough astrologers and necromancers to ensure respect for the proposition; we are now again enamoured of irrationality. But the scholars who attempted such calculations around 1900 must have considered Plato himself a mystery-monger.

In this article I propose: (i) to show why such attempts are mistaken, (ii) to discuss what early writers who mention the passage say about its meaning, (iii) to provide a mathematician's translation that fits the context, and to comment on it; for the currently accepted explanation is unsatisfactory.

‘There is fairly widespread agreement that the geometrical number is 12,960,000 = 3,6002 = 4,800 × 2,700, but on the method by which this number is reached the widest divergence exists’ or, from an earlier, different guess: ‘…one can, so to speak, state a priori that Plato's number is a multiple of 19 ten thousands’, i.e. the text is approached with a ready-made answer in mind. There are three further objections to the conventional view, (a) It takes the text out of its context as if it had strayed from the Timaeus.
The composition of Callimachus' Aetia in the Light of P. Oxy. 2258
Authors: Hollis A. S.
Published: February 2009

Rudolf Pfeiffer (Callimachus, ii.xxxvi–xxxvii) believed that, as a young man, Callimachus wrote four books of Aetia. To these the poet added in his old age a Reply to his Critics (fr. 1), and a slightly revised version of his recent occasional elegy, the Lock of Berenice (fr. 110, now including a nuptial rite which has survived only in the translation by Catullus, 66.79–88); this revised Coma became the last poem in Aetia book 4, to be followed by an Epilogue (fr. 112) which may mark a transition to the Iambi. Pfeiffer's theory generally held the field until the brilliant article of P. J. Parsons, in ZPE 25 (1977), 1–50. With the help of newly recovered papyrus fragments Parsons showed that a previously unplaced elegy celebrating a Nemean victory (fr. 383 Pf.) was connected to the story of Molorchus (frs. 54–9), who entertained Heracles before that hero killed the Nemean lion and instituted the Nemean Games; thus the poem belonged to Aetia book 3. Furthermore, various pieces of evidence converge (Parsons, pp. 46–8) to make it probable, if not wholly certain, that this substantial poem (some 200 lines long) stood first in its book. So it appears that, at least in the final form of the Aetia, books 3–4 were framed by two poems honouring the wife of Ptolemy III Euergetes, namely Victoria Berenices (Parsons' title) and Coma Berenices.

Soon afterwards a further important advance was made by E. Livrea (ZPE 34 [1979], 37ff.), who perceived, on grounds of subject-matter as well as papyrology, that the poor man who sets a mousetrap in fr. 177 Pf. must be none other than Molorchus; note particularly the probable mention of Cleonae in fr. 177.37 Pf. = Supplementum Hellenisticum 259.37. Thus a new fragment of 38 lines accrued to the poem.

These discoveries have some implications for the composition of the Aetia. Addition of a Coma Berenices (94 lines in Catullus' version) to a pre-existent Aetia book 4 could be countenanced easily enough, but, as Parsons says (p. 50), it would have required a much more radical, and therefore less plausible, revision for Callimachus to have added Victoria Berenices to a pre-existent Aetia book 3. Accordingly Parsons suggested that the original Aetia contained only books 1–2, united by the conversation with the Muses; then in his old age Callimachus compiled two more books, partly at least from poems already composed, and gave them a frame of two poems honouring Queen Berenice. Parsons' view has, I think, been widely accepted; Professor Lloyd-Jones wrote in SIFC 77 (1984), 56 ‘No-one has yet argued against the simple modification of Pfeiffer's theory of the two editions of the Aetia which Mr. Parsons based on this discovery. The first edition comprised two books only.’
Lycophron on Io and Isis
Authors: Griffiths J. Gwyn
Published: February 2009

The Hellenistic poet Lycophron, who wrote tragedies and assembled the texts of comedy under Ptolemy Philadelphus for the Library at Alexandria, was probably also the author of the long poem Alexandra, which deals mainly with the theme of Troy. Recent studies by Stephanie West have appreciably advanced our understanding of this rather difficult poet. For the passages where Lycophron surprisingly presents phases of Roman history she cogently adduces a later poet, a ‘Deutero-Lycophron, …to be sought among the artists of Dionysus in southern Italy’. A theme in Graeco-Egyptian mythology is the subject of the present paper; and one of my main points is that recent Egyptological research has a clear bearing on one of the problems.
Philosophical Imagery in Horace, Odes 3.5
Authors: Harrison S. J.
Published: February 2009

The high moral tone of Horace's Reguhls ode (3.5) makes it unsurprising that the poet should employ the traditional imagery of philosophers, both in the speech of Regulus and in the final simile. I should like here to point out some instances which seem to have escaped the notice of commentators.

This passage is intended to illustrate the lost ‘virtus’ of the prisoners in Carthage, who, Regulus claims, will be of no greater use to the Romans if ransomed since they were cowardly enough to surrender in the first place. For the first image of dyeing wool Kiessling–Heinze refer the reader to Lucretius 6.1074–7:

purpureusque colos conchyli iungitur una

corpore cum lanae, dirimi qui non queat usquam,

non si Neptuni fluctu renovare operam des,

non mare si totum velit eluere omnibus undis.

This gives the first hint that the image belongs to the philosophical tradition, though it does not seem to occur in the extant remains of Epicurus. This is confirmed by a passage of Plato, who at Rep. 429d ff. has an elaborate image taken from the dyer's art. The Guardians of the ideal city are to be carefully selected and prepared like wool for the dyeing process of education; then, as good wool keeps its colour after dyeing, so the Guardians will keep right opinions when they are taught them. The image is summarized by Socrates at 430a ff.:
Hyginus, Fabula 89 (Laomedon)
Authors: Griffin A. H. F.
Published: February 2009

Neptunus et Apollo dicuntur Troiam muro cinxisse; his rex Laomedon uouit quod regno suo pecoris eo anno natum esset immolaturum. id uotum auaritia fefellit. alii dicunt †parum eum promisisse.

The story that Neptune and Apollo together built the walls of Troy for Laomedon is well known from Homer. At the end of their year's service the perfidious king refused to pay the agreed wages. Ovid tells the familiar story in one of his transitional sections in the Metamorphoses. Hyginus' account poses the textual problem indicated above. H. I. Rose comments on ‘parum’ as follows: ‘procul dubio corruptum hoc neque arridet Schmidtii coniectura promsisse. fuitne partum equarum? hoc enim plerumque narratur, equos quos a Ioue accepisset promisisse Laomedontem mercedis nomine…sed Herculi; quod facile ad deos mercennarios transferri potuit; atque non equos sed equas fuisse tradit Apollod. II, 104’. Rose rightly rejects Schmidt's emendation ‘promsisse’. ‘Promisisse’ has every sign of soundness and the difficulty lies, as Rose sees, with ‘parum’. Rose's own conjecture ‘partum equarum’, however, will not do. Apart from the oddity of the expression, one would need a good deal more persuasion than Rose offers to accept that the well-known promise of Zeus' horses which Laomedon made to Hercules (Hom. Il. 5.648–51, Ov. Met. 11.213–15) was transferred from Hercules to Neptune and Apollo. There is no suggestion anywhere in the sources that Laomedon promised to give Neptune and Apollo the famous horses as payment for building the walls.
Suetonius' Dedication to Septicius Clarus
Authors: Morgan J. D.
Published: February 2009

The recent revival of scholarly interest in Suetonius provides a good occasion to emend a long-standing crux in Joannes Lydus' description (De Mag. 2.6) of Suetonius' dedication of his Vitae Caesarum to his friend the praetorian prefect Septicius Clarus. The codex unicus Caseolinus (Parisinus suppl. gr. 257, s. X/XI) has Τράγκυλλος τοίνυν τοὺς τ⋯ν Καισάων βίους ⋯ν γράμμασιν † ⋯ποτίνων † Σεπτικίῳ, ὃς ἦν ὓπαρχος τ⋯ν πραιτωριαν⋯ν σπειρ⋯ν ⋯πì αὐτο⋯. The conjectures ⋯ποτείνων by J. D. Fuss and ὑποτείνων by I. Bekker do little to improve the sense, and although W. Kroll's προτείνων gives the meaning required by the context (cf. Aristophanes, Plut. 1019), προ- would not easily have been misread as ⋯πο-.

For ⋯ποτίνων read ⋯νατείνων. For parallels compare BGU ii (1898), 613.3–4 'Ανέτινα ( = 'Ανέτεινα) βιβλ[ίδι]α τῷ λαμπροτάτῳ [⋯γεμόνι] in a papyrus from the reign of Antoninus Pius cited by LSJ, and several other passages, most of which I owe to the supplement to Preisigke and Kiessling's Wörterbuch der griechischen Papyrusurkunden and to Dr Francisco R. Adrados of the Diccionario Griego-Español: Sammelbuch x (1971), 10527.5–7 ['Ανέτε]ινά σοι, κ[ύριε,]…⋯ναφόρ[ιον… of a.d. 152–3, P. Fouad iii (1939), 26.5–10 (cf. Sammelbuch v (1934), 8252.5–10) Οὗ ⋯νέτινάσυ ( = ⋯νέτεινά σοι)τῷ κυρίῳ βιβλιδίου…⋯ντίγραφον ὑπέταξα of a.d. 157–9, P. Oslo. iii (1936), 80.21 οὗ ⋯νέτιναν (read ⋯νέτειναν) βιβλιδί[ου…written sometime after March 7, a.d. 161, Sammelbuch iv (1931) 7472.3 'Ανέτεινά [σοι, κύριε ⋯πίτροπε, βιβλείδιον of a.d. 164, Sammelbuch vi.3 (1961) 9339.24–7 (cf. a second copy in P. Fouad iii (1939) 13.5–7) οὗ ⋯νετείναμεν τῷ [κρατίσῳ ⋯τρχιερεῖ Oὐ]λπίῳ Σερηνιανῷ βιβλιδίου…[…⋯] ντίγραφον ὑπετάξαμεν from a.d. 178 or a little later, P. Mich. xii (1971) 616.13–14 τ⋯ δίκαιά μου βιβλειδίῳ ⋯νγράψασ ⋯νέτεινα Νεμεσιανῷ ὅπωσ τα[⋯]τα διαπέμψηται[τῷ ⋯]πιτρόπῳ from ca. a.d. 182, P. Cornell 14.2–4 οὗ ⋯νέτει[να τῷ κρατίστῳ ⋯πιστρ]ατηγῷ Κλαυδίῳ [Ξενοφ⋯ντι βιβλδίο]υ from a.d. 180–92, Wilcken, Chrestomathie (1912) 461.3–5 О[ὗ ⋯νέ]τεινα τῷ λαμπροτάτῳ [⋯γεμόνΚ]υίντω[ι] Μαικίωι λαιτίωι βιβλιδίου…⋯ντίγραφον ὑ[ποτάξασ] from the beginning of the third century, and Sammelbuch v (1934), 8246.3–4 αἱ συνηγερούμεναι λιβέλλον ⋯νέτιναν (= ⋯νέτιναν) ⋯π⋯ τ⋯ν ἔπαρχον (the author should have written ⋯παρχικ⋯ν) ⋯ξουσίαν from a.d. 340.
Ciceronian and Heraclean Professiones
Authors: Elmore Jefferson
Published: February 2009

Perhaps the most difficult part of the famous inscription from Heraclea (around which so many controversies have raged) is the opening section of the extant text, where from a given form of procedure it is required to determine the subject matter. A solution of this puzzling problem, which I proposed some months ago, has recently been made the subject of an interesting article in this journal by Dr. E. G. Hardy. Mr. Hardy has long been engaged in this field, and has rendered much useful service. In this article, however, he seems to be interested in my views chiefly in their relation to his own theory. This is apparent in his agreements with me. For example, one aim of my study was to identify the professiones of Cicero's letters ad Att. xiii. 33, 1, and ad Fam. xvi. 23, 1, with those provided for in the first section of the inscription. It appeared that the returns mentioned by Cicero were registrations of property, that they were to be made yearly, and that they had their prototype in the annual property census of Egypt. It also seemed clear that Caesar's recensus populi of 46 was modelled on the Egyptian kατ' oίkíαm άπoγραφήiKíαν. With these preliminary conclusions (by no means unimportant in themselves) Mr. Hardy is not unwilling to agree. He even goes so far as to say that I have made a good case for ‘a new system of professiones somehow relating to property and introduced in 46.’ He thinks too that the settlement of the frumentations as a part of a more comprehensive legislative scheme (as my view implies) would be most appropriate. So far so good, but when it comes to the vital point of admitting a connection between these matters and vv. 1–19 of the Tablet he draws back as if from some fatal step.
Phaedriana. II. The Nouae Fabvlae
Authors: Postgate J. P.
Published: February 2009

Since the time of Burman it has been amongst the aims of Phaedrian scholarship to endeavour to make good the imperfections of the direct tradition by recourse to the indirect. That losses have been sustained, one piece of evidence is enough to show. In the sixth line of his Preface to Book I. Phaedrus says that trees speak in his fables; but no trees speak in any fable now left to us, either in the five books as handed down in PR or in the Perottine Appendix.
Phaedriana. Addendvm To I
Authors: Postgate J. P.
Published: February 2009

The MS. hie tunc of V. 6 has no friends. L. Mueller's hoc tunc is weak and flat, and L. Rank, Mnemosyne 40. 51, is justly dissatisfied with the hietans of M. Havet's larger and smaller editions, to which the hians of Verg. Aen. 12. 754 lends no sufficient support, as there the dog is opening its mouth before it bites. Add to this that it is by no means certain that Phaedrus would either have used the word or used it in the simple sense of opening the mouth. Rank's own proposal, ‘heu’ tunc, fails also to carry conviction. There is however a word which belongs to our author's vocabulary (App. 23. 5) and is as near to the manuscripts as either of the above, and which hits the sense at which hietans aims. This is rictus. The word is often used of the opened mouths of dogs, Lucr. 5. 1064, Ovid Met. 13. 568. Juvenal 10. 271 sq. ‘canino latrauit rictu,’ and of other animals. That it is appropriate with dimisit ‘let go’ may be seen from the counterpart expression of Martial 1. 48. 1 ‘rictibus his tauros non eripuere magistri.’
The Authorship of Sappho β2 (LOBEL)
Authors: Page Denys
Published: February 2009

Two papyri ascribe this poem to Sappho (P. Oxy. 1232 and P. Oxy. 2076); Athenaeus (XI. 4600) attributes v. 10 to her; Philostratos (Imag. II. i, p. 62) attributes v. 30 to her. In three of these places the poem is assigned to her Second Book. Perhaps it is true that hardly any other poem of Sappho is so often ascribed to her by antiquity. This admittedly proves no more than that the poem was certainly handed down in the Sappho-book in antiquity: it does not necessarily prove its authenticity. But at least it settles the burden of proof on those who would deny that Sappho wrote it. Now it has been thought that certain arguments can be employed to justify the overthrow of ancient testimonies. If, however, these arguments should proveto be fallacious or insufficient, the poem will automatically be reascribed to Sappho.
Plotinus and India
Authors: Armstrong A. H
Published: February 2009

One of the most interesting recent attempts to interpret the peculiarities of Plotinus's philosophy is that of Bréhier in his ‘La Philosophie de Plotin’(Bibl. de la Revue des Cours et Conférences, Boivin, Paris, 1928). His thesis, contained in the last four chapters of the work, is that Plotinus, instead of being simply the continuator of the Greek rationalist tradition, is the founder of modern European Idealism, or, perhaps more accurately, Pantheism. ‘Avec Plotin nous saisissons done le premier chatnon d'une tradition religieuse qui n'est pas moins puissante au fond en Occident que la tradition chretienne …’. He is the spiritual ancestor of Spinoza and Hegel. It is interesting in passing to compare this view with that of Dean Inge, for whom Plotinus is the spiritual begetter of S. Thomas Aquinas. The divergences of modern interpreters of the Plotinian metaphysic are often both amusing and suggestive.
Some Passages of Greek Tragedy
Authors: Pearson A. C.
Published: February 2009

Evripides Rhes. 161 sqq. Dolon, having undertaken to visit the Greek lines as a spy, addresses Hector:

οủκûν πονεεîν μèν χρή, πο;νοûντα

μιαθòν φéρεαθαι. παντì γàρ προακε;íμενον

κéρρς πρòς ἔργῳ τ⋯ν χáριν τíκτει διπγ⋯ν.
Syntax and Etymology: The Impersonals of Emotion
Authors: Fay Edwin W.
Published: February 2009

The present essay, reposing on phenomena of derivation and semantics, will attempt to establish a more objective basis for the syntax of the impersonals. As a matter of syntax, the subject is of vital interest for the living Germanic tongues, and with these the essay begins. It will continue with a discussion of the phenomena of the Latin impersonals, and seek, by the help of living English usage, to establish upon a correct psychological basis the definition and derivation of the least elusive impersonals of emotion in Sanskrit and Latin.
Propertivs and the Aeneid
Authors: Richmond O. L.
Published: February 2009

Miss Gertrude Hirst's article on Aeneid VII.in the April number, 1916, of the C.Q. depends for its cogency upon dates in Propertius. Not wishing that her careful work should be vitiated by premisses which may shortly be proved false, I venture to set out the bare results of my own researches in this field of dates, results which have stood the test of several years of further examination.
Ennivs and the Punic Wars
Authors: Steuart Ethel Mary
Published: February 2009

Since the days of Merula it has been regularly assumed by editors and critics of Ennius that, despite the express statement of Cicero to the contrary, the Annales did contain some narrative of the events of the first Punic War. Familiar as the passage in the Brutus is, it must be quoted once again: “Tamen illius quem uatibus et Faunis annumerat Ennius Bellum Punicum quasi Myronis opus delectat. Sit Ennius sane, ut est certe, perfectior: qui, si ilium, ut simulat, contemneret, non omnia bella persequens, primm illud Punicum, acerrimum bellum, reliquisset”.
The Greek Adjectives Ending in -ης
Authors: McKenzie Roderick
Published: February 2009

It is generally assumed that every adjective ending in -ης is an s-stem like εủγενἠς (gen. εủγενοὖσ from εὖγενἐ(σ)-ος; cf. γἐνος gen. γἐνε(σ)-ος, Lat. genus gener-is, Skr. janas janas-as) or δνσμευἠς (: μἠνος; cf. Skr. dur-manās gen. dur-manas-as). Solmsen, for instance, does not hesitate (Beiträige zur griechischen Wortforschung 16) to regard ὀμ-ηγερἠς (πολμ-ηγερἠς, θνμ ηγερἠσ) as evidence for the s-stem geres which he wishes to find in ἀγοστóς (ἀγο(ρ)σ-τóς), and Bechtel (Lexilogus 274) infers a stem παγεσ - from ὐπερπαγἠς. The result of this well-nigh universal belief has been that hardly anybody has thought it worth while to examine these words carefully.
Siparvm and Svpparvs
Authors: Housman A. E.
Published: February 2009

A Student who looks out siparum in the dictionary is sent on to supparum. Forcellini: ‘sīpărum et sīpărus et sīphărum, v. supparum'; ‘suppărum, i, n. et supparus, i, m… scribitur autem et sifarus et siparum et siparus et sipharutm’. Georges: ‘sīpărum, īphărum (īphărus), s. supparum’; ‘suppărum (īpărum u. īphărum), i, n., u. suppărus (īphărus), i, m. (σíϕαρος)’. Lewis and Short: ‘īpărum or-us, i, v. supparum'; ‘suppărum (īpărum, īpărum, īphărum), i, n. u. suppărus (īphărus), i, m.’ This then is one word, rejoicing in no fewer than eleven forms (most of which I have never met anywhere outside a dictionary2): supparum, supparus, īparum, sĭparum, īpharum, sĭpharum, siparus, sifarus, īpharus, sĭpharus, sĭparium. And to this one word the lexicographers assign two meanings: (I) a topsail (or in military use a sort of banner), (2) a linen garment mostly worn by women. Similar opinions are forthcoming from all quarters: studniczka Beitr. z. Gesch. d. altgr. Tracht p. 90 ‘supparus… bezeichnet ein linnenes Obergewand der Männer und Frauen, zugleich aber ein Art Segel und segeltüchtige Vorhänge, wie sie im Theater und anderwärts verwendet wurden’; Vaniček Fremdwörter p. 79 ‘supparus m., supparum n., ursprünglicher Name eines Segels … dann ein Frauengewand’ (a description taken word for word from Hehn Kulturpfl. u. Hausth. p. 154 ed. 2); Pauli in Kuhn's Zeitschrift XVIII p. 5 ‘supparus, supparum, leinenes gewand, frauenhemde, toppsegeL’; Weise Griech. Wört, im Lat. p. 181 'nächst der Tunikaund Stolaist dasam frülhesten in der Litteratur auftretende Frauengewand das supparum. Sein Name (=σíφαρον) ist ein uraltes Lehnwort des Seewesens und bezeichnet ursprünglich ein linnenes Segel’; Marquardt Privatl. pp. 484 sqq. ed. 2 ‘das linnene Frauenkleid, welches zuerst in Mode kam, war das supparum. Das Wort ist … identisch mit siparum oder σíφαρoσ (das Segel)’; Lindsay Lat. Lang. p. 29 ‘supparum, with byform siparum’; Walde Lat. etym. Wörterb. ‘supparum, Toppsegel, Bramsegel, auch siparum, sipharum, aus gr. σíπαρoσ,σíφαρoς entlehnt’; KellerLat. Volksetym. p. 106 ‘das Toppsegel heisst lateinisch supparum und supparus, griechisch σíϕαροσ, σíπαρoς’
On Lvcretivs II. 355–360
Authors: Merrill W. A.
Published: February 2009

356 nonquit O, oinquit Q, linquit Q corr., oinquid G, noscit Lachmann. 359 adsittens OQ, adsistens Q corr.

In the summer of 1919, in the high Sierra of California, I chanced to talk with a cattleman who had driven his herd from the lower valleys to the highlands for summer pasture. When he had arrived at his destination he found a cow missing. He retraced his route, and forty miles below he found the cow by the roadside.Her calf, by reason of its weakness, had been picked up by a waggoner and brought on, and the cow was found at the identical spot where the calf had been taken from the ground; the cow had found the place and had remained there for five days. The occurrence gave rise to a general discussion by the cattlemen present concerning the habits of these animals. When a cow misses her calf she will go by memory to the place where the calf was last seen by her, and will stay there for days; but she will graze and not go hungry herself. The cow will also search by smell; she can smell a herd or the odour left on bushes or that attached to footsteps for hours certainly, possibly for days. The calf also will stay for days where the mother left it. The bereaved cow will try to find her calf first by sight, then by memory, and lastly by smell.
Pindar, Pythian Xl
Authors: Bowra C. M.
Published: February 2009

The story of Orestes in Pindar's Pythian XI presents two problems. First, there is the manner of its introduction; as Wilamowitz says, ‘ganz ausserlich ist die Verbindung mit dem Mythos.’ After praising the victory of the Theban Thrasydaeus in the Pythian Games Pindar moves with astonishing abruptness to the story of Agamemnon's death and the vengeance of Orestes. At first sight nothing could be more superficial than the way in which Pindar passes to the myth. Thrasydaeus has glorified his home

⋯ν ⋯φνεαῖς ⋯ραισι πυλ⋯δ

νικ⋯ν ξ⋯νου Λ⋯κωνος 'ο;ρ⋯στα,

τ⋯ν δ⋯ φονευομ⋯νου πατρ⋯ς κτλ.
The Aldine Scholia to Thucydides
Authors: Powell J. Enoch
Published: February 2009

Parisinus suppl. gr. 256 was written, to judge from the hand, not long after 1300. As far as the end of book VI the writer copied both text and scholia from a descendant of M. At that point another MS. came into his hands. This was no other than that ancestor of J which, as we saw on p. 87, had received valuable readings from the source ω. From this MS. the scribe now corrected what he had already written, copied the two remaining books, and added the two Lives before the text and the Epistula Dionysii ad Ammaeum after it. (That he went on to copy Demosthenes‘ Philippics and other works, and bound them up with the Thucydides, is not our concern.) From 1—for so, after Dain (see p. 86 n.), I shall style our MS.—was copied the MS. from which, after it had been perfunctorily corrected from another source, was copied X (p. 91).
A Manuscript of Ovid's Heroides
Authors: Owen S. G.
Published: February 2009

I purchased in 1902 from the sale by Sotheby of 2347 manuscripts and rare books the property of Henry White, of 30, Queensgate, a manuscript of Ovid's Heroides, no. 1629 in the catalogue, the examination of which has led me to some conclusions. An account of it may be of interest. I wish to express my gratitude to Dr. E. A. Lowe, our foremost palaeographist, who has most kindly examined my manuscript with great care and fixed its date and origin. This manuscript, which I call O, written on vellum in fine large characters somewhere in northern Italy, belongs to the middle of the fourteenth century. It contains 48 pages, measuring 10 inches by 7 inches, averaging 35 or 36 lines in the page. The initial illuminated letter of the first epistle shows a female figure dressed in a vermilion coloured robe with blue cuffs, representing apparently Penelope, on a blue ground with gold stars, and with borders illuminated with lake vermilion and burnished gold. The manuscript resembles in style two figured in the Palaeographical Society's facsimiles Vol. III., plate 221, Brit. Mus. Add. 31,032 early s. xiv, and plate 227 Brit. Mus. Add. 27,428 s. xiv. Dr. Lowe writes: ‘There can be very little doubt as to the origin of the manuscript. It is north Italian. The curious errors of spelling make one think of the province of Venice. It is quite likely that it was written in the Veneto, and then migrated to the province of Lombardia. The fly-leaves contain the name of the proud owners of your manuscript in the fifteenth century. John and Peter and Anthony and Simon and Francis de Nailate owned the book. Some of them went to the school of Master Baltrami of Lucino. As the word Milan (‘civitas Mediolani’) occurs in the back fly-leaf, it seems highly probable that this Lucino is the place between Milan and Como.’ Examples of the writings on the fly-leaves are:

Iste liber Ouidi est nostrorum uidelicet Petri < et > Antonii filiorum domini Johannis de Nailate pergentium ad scolas Bertrami de Lucino, qui est bonus doctor.
Adnotativncvlae Plavtinae
Authors: Lindsay W. M.
Published: February 2009

Amph. prol. 90–91. In the Amphitruo Plautus runs great risk of giving oflence by bringing Jupiter on the stage. In the prologue (spoken by Mercury) he conciliates the audience by saying that this Jupiter is no god but a mere actor. (‘Then know that I, one Snug the joiner, am a lion fell’):

26 sqq. Etenim ille quoi(u)s hue iussu uenio Iuppiter

Non minu' quam uostrum quiuis formidat malum: (i.e. a flogging, the penalty for bad acting, Cist. 785)

Humana matre natus, humano patre,

Mirari non est aequom sibi si praetimet.
Miscellanea—VIII
Authors: Allen T. W.
Published: February 2009

I. HomericHymn to Apollo 334:

κἐκλντε νῦν μοι γαῖα καὶ οὐρανòσ εὐρὺσ ὓπερθεν,

TιτǴνεσ τε θεοιí ὑπὸ χθονὶ ναιετάοντεσ

τάρταρον ἀμφὶ μέγαν, τῶν ἔξ ἂνδρεσ τε θεοί τε.
Iolaos and the Ninth Pythian Ode
Authors: Rose H. J.
Published: February 2009

Having recently chosen to lecture on the Pythian Odes, and coming in due course to the ninth, I naturally consulted Dr. Farnell's translation and his article in the Classical Quarterly with regard to the puzzling question of the connexion in thought between lines 76–96 and the rest of the ode. Being more or less dissatisfied both with his views and with those of such other commentators as were known to me, I am now attempting to analyze the poem myself in hopes of showing that it is a more continuous whole than has been generally supposed.
Prose Rhythm and the Comparative Method
Authors: Rackham H.
Published: February 2009

MrShewring, C.Q. XXV. 14, gives statistics of the clausulae favoured in Aristotle's Ethics. I have applied them to test a few conjectural emendations that I happen to have published, with the following encouraging results: (a) Emendations that substitute a good clausula for a bad one:

96a 18 ὓστερον λέγομεν for ὓστερον ἐλέγομεν κb, ὓστερον ἔλεγον cet.

09b 5 ἑαυτοὺς ἀφέλκειν [δεῖν].

48a 14 ἀκόλαστον τίθεμεν [καὶ ἐγκρατῆ καὶ σώφρονα].

63b 13 τὴν φιλίαν [καθάπερ εἴρηται].

71a 35 αὐτῶν <ἡδονὴ εἶναι (the crasis gives – ∪ – –: some additional figures that Mr. Shewring has been good e nough to send me show that this is the second commonest clausula in normal Attic prose, and that in the Ethics its frequency is slightly above the normal).

(b) Emendations that substitute one good clausula for another:

97a 9 τὸ αὐτὸ τοῦτ for τὸ αὐτὸ τοῦτο ἀγαθόν κb, τὸ αὐτὸ or αὐτὸ τὸ ἀγαθόν cet.

25a 22 τῶν ἀγαθῶν [καὶ ἀγνοεῖν ἑαυτόν].

I may be pardoned for omitting my one or two alterations that substitute a bad clausula for a good one.

My text adopts a MS. variant, or a conjecture of another scholar, similarly supported by Mr. Shewring's test in the following places: 99b 6, 02a 20, 10b 31, 15a 8, 20a 22, 20b 2, 22a 28, 32a 11, 33a 1, 34b 33, 50b 34, 53a 1, 59a 3, 61a 2, 63a 3, 64a 23, 66a 34, 75a 6, 79a 22.