bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Revolution and World Order
Authors: Armstrong David
Published: October 2003

This study examines the impact of revolutionary states upon international society. These states have always posed major problems for the achievement of world order: revolution is often accompanied by international as well as civil conflict, while revolutionary doctrines have proven to be highly disruptive of the existing structure of international politics. Conversely, the prevailing international order presents fundamental difficulties for some revolutionary states. The belief system on which its revolution was founded and which legitimized the assumption of state power by the revolutionary elite is certain to run counter to the prevailing political doctrines of many other states. David Armstrong asks whether revolutionary states are ‘socialized’ into adopting acceptable patterns of international behaviour, or whether it is the international society that is forced to change when these new states appear. He looks in detail at the French, American, and Russian revolutions and at several post‐1945 revolutionary states. He also examines the relationship between revolutionary states and the principal ordering devices of an international society: international law, diplomacy, and the balance of power. His book is a significant contribution to the ‘English School’ literature, whose central concept is that of an international society. It shows how the interaction between revolutionary states and the established norms, rules, and institutions of international society works to produce change in both the revolutionary state and international society itself. As such it elucidates the dynamic aspects of international society.
Introduction
Authors: Armstrong David
Published: October 2003

To what extent do revolutionary states succeed in altering the international society of which they find themselves members, and to what extent does it succeed in ‘socializing’ them? On what basis can international order be built in a world where revolutionary states may even deny the very existence of a society of states with common interests, rules, and institutions? These are the central questions considered in this book, and the Introduction considers in more detail what the four key terms that are employed throughout the book—‘revolutionary state’, ‘world order’, ‘international society’, and ‘socialization’—mean. It also suggests some of the implications of the book for theoretical aspects of international relations, particularly the concept of an ‘international society’.
The Westphalian Conception of International Society
Authors: Armstrong David
Published: October 2003

‘International society’ is a term that has been used in several different senses, three of which are considered here: ‘universal society’, ‘great community of mankind’ (as elaborated by Grotius), and ‘society of states’ as elaborated by Hedley Bull in Anarchical Society. The approach adopted here draws upon the last of these conceptualizations but sees sovereignty as the fundamental shared norm of the society of states and consent as the basis of the principle of obligation in a society of states. Variants of the ‘universal society’ idea may be found in the Chinese and Roman empires and early Christendom. The ‘great Community’ idea is to be found in natural law doctrines and in the writings of jurists such as Suarez and Vitoria. The notion of a ‘society of states’ and the various institutions (notably ‘balance of power’ and the principle of non‐intervention) are associated with the Peace of Westphalia of 1648.
State and People the American Revolution
Authors: Armstrong David
Published: October 2003

While there are important differences between the American Revolution and other revolutions, there are also some striking similarities. The basic ideas of the American outlook on international affairs emerged in the hundred years before the revolution. Central amongst these ideas was the need to build and secure a republic in North America. A fundamental debate took place after the revolution between the different views of Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson as to the most appropriate American posture towards the rest of the world. The essential elements in this debate have continued to affect the US foreign policy.
State and Nation the French Revolution
Authors: Armstrong David
Published: October 2003

The question of the origins of the French revolutionary wars is controversial, with some seeing them as fundamentally ideological, others as power‐political. The Revolution undermined in some significant respect the central assumptions of the Westphalian conception of international society by advancing a new understanding of international legitimacy, through its cosmopolitan aspects, through its challenge to international law and diplomacy, and through its transformation of warfare. The vigour of the counter‐revolutionary response, particularly from Prussia and Austria, derived in large part from a perception that the Revolution posed a challenge to the international system as a whole. Napoleon also threatened the balance of power in Europe.
State and Class the Russian Revolution
Authors: Armstrong David
Published: October 2003

International society in the nineteenth century witnessed the assertion of special rights for great powers and some strengthening of the Westphalian bases of international order in the Concert of Europe. The system collapsed with the First World War and faced its strongest challenge to date from the Russian Revolution. The ideological challenge of Marxism and the Russian Revolution stemmed from its claim that class was the motive force of history and that the Communist Party possessed a unique insight into the laws of history. However, revolutionary internationalism in Soviet foreign policy was soon accompanied by more cautious policies, amounting to a partial socialization. This process reached a peak under Mikhail Gorbachev who brought to a crisis point the central paradox of the Soviet state: that its legitimacy rested upon its claim to be the ‘socialist fatherland’ but it could not avoid an identity as an orthodox state.
Diplomacy
Authors: Armstrong David
Published: October 2003

Revolutionary leaders tend to dislike and distrust diplomacy. Diplomacy may be defined as the dialogue that takes place between sovereign states that are members of an international society. Revolutionary leaders object to several aspects of it—the formality, the secrecy, and the possibility of ‘revolutionary diplomats’ being ‘contaminated’ by contact with foreigners. In the early years of their revolution they sometimes cause embarrassment by too open a discussion of confidential diplomatic affairs. But within a short time they also find advantages in conventional diplomacy, which is an important aspect of their ‘socialization’ process.
Statecraft and the Balance of Power
Authors: Armstrong David
Published: October 2003

Several practices serve the balance of power as an institution in international society: alliances, spheres of influence agreements, guarantees, compensation, and arms control arrangements. A balance of power may be seen as a tendency in international affairs or as a deliberate contrivance. Revolutionaries have an ambivalent attitude towards it, since it is something that may be exploited for their own self‐preservation.
Freedom
Authors: Miller David
Published: October 2003

Libertarians defend a narrow version of negative freedom. Hayek defines freedom as the absence of coercion, but this position is shown to be untenable. A more common view is that laws and other such deliberately imposed obstacles restrict freedom, but a lack of economic opportunities, for instance, does not. Against this, it is argued that any obstacle for which human beings can be held morally responsible should count as a constraint on freedom. Furthermore, contrary to Steiner, a constraint does not have to prevent an action, it can merely make it ineligible.
Procedural Justice
Authors: Miller David
Published: October 2003

Libertarians such as Nozick and Hayek define justice in procedural terms. Nozick takes for granted the liberal idea of property, but in fact this is historically contingent and other conceptions of property are equally valid. He also relies on Locke's theory of property acquisition, but Locke's account is best understood as grounded in desert, which does not yield a proprietary theory of justice. Hume's view of justice and property avoids the problems of Locke's, but has conservative implications. Hayek defines justice in terms of rule following, but fails to explain satisfactorily what should guide the choice of rules. Finally, the idea of social justice is defended against several libertarian objections.
Market Neutrality
Authors: Miller David
Published: October 2003

Liberals often claim that the state should be neutral between individual conceptions of the good life, and use this claim to defend economic markets. Neutrality can refer to the reasons offered for institutions and policies, or to their effects. The view defended here is that an institutional framework is neutral when under its auspices people's success at realizing their conceptions of the good depends only on natural factors such as their tastes and talents. Co‐operatives competing in the market with capitalist firms face difficulties in generating sufficient investment because of the incentives their members face. For neutrality to obtain, the market must be counterbalanced by public institutions that support non‐commodity‐based conceptions of the good.
Consumer Sovereignty
Authors: Miller David
Published: October 2003

Economic markets are often defended on the grounds that they are the most effective mechanism we have for satisfying the desires of consumers. This defence can apparently be undercut by pointing out that markets often generate the desires that they then proceed to fulfil. The chapter explores different ways in which people's wants can be less than optimal from the point of view of their welfare, and concludes that attempts to intervene politically to prevent this happening are unlikely to succeed. The claim that production should respond to needs rather than wants is also considered.
Exploitation
Authors: Miller David
Published: October 2003

How can exploitation—in the sense of taking advantage of other people—occur in market settings? Marx understood exploitation in terms of unilateral transfers of value. Steiner and Roemer understand it in terms of exchanges made against the background of an unjust distribution of resources. In opposition to these views, it is argued that exploitative transactions are exchanges made at non‐equilibrium prices, due to asymmetries of information or of bargaining power. This view of exploitation allows us to understand why capitalism is inherently exploitative, whereas under market socialism, exploitation would only occur in specific circumstances.
Alienation and Communism
Authors: Miller David
Published: October 2003

Socialists have attacked market economies on the grounds that they create personal relationships that are alienating rather than communal. Taking Marx's theory of alienation as its main point of reference, the chapter explores various possible sources of alienation, isolating those that are specific to the market. However, Marx also praised capitalism for freeing individuals from the social engulfment they had experienced in pre‐capitalist societies. The challenge for those who follow him is to show how individuality can be preserved in a communist society. In market socialism, economic relations can take on a double character—instrumental, competitive, and spontaneous at one level, ‘human’, co‐operative, and planned at the second—and thus overcome alienation.
Community and Citizenship
Authors: Miller David
Published: October 2003

The radical socialist vision of community associated with thinkers such as Marx, Morris, and Kropotkin sees it as unitary, egalitarian, and all‐embracing. Although this vision is flawed, socialists must hold on to the idea of an encompassing community, since they must rely on it to achieve their other goals, including justice. In practice, this means embracing nationality as the form of community relevant to modern societies, and (active) citizenship as the practice that prevents national identities from becoming merely traditional. Although national identities are ‘imagined’ and typically contain elements of myth, they can be defended in terms of the functions they serve.
Politics as Dialogue
Authors: Miller David
Published: October 2003

If politics is a process whereby collective decisions are reached from an initial position of disagreement, there are two conceptions of how this should happen. Politics as interest‐aggregation looks for a procedure whereby pre‐existing preferences can be fairly aggregated (e.g. majority voting). In contrast, politics as dialogue emphasizes the giving of reasons by participants, which allows even those who disagree with the final outcome to regard it as legitimate. Arendt and Habermas present sharply opposed, but unacceptable, versions of the latter view. A more realistic alternative would involve narrowing the scope of political debate, and focusing on the conditions under which citizens are willing to set aside their personal interests in order to represent the public as a whole.
Toleration
Authors: Miller David
Published: October 2003

Should socialists encourage or discourage the expression of cultural diversity, especially ethnic diversity? Because they believe in grounding citizenship, in a common national identity, socialists must try to integrate ethnic groups into such an identity. They should not intervene in the area of private culture, but they should be prepared to design both political and education systems so as to discourage narrow sectional identities and foster a strong sense of citizen identity.
Conclusion
Authors: Miller David
Published: October 2003

Explores the contemporary relevance of market socialism as a political ideal. It asks whether the benefits market socialism offers are benefits that people actually want, and whether it imposes requirements that are incompatible in practice. There is evidence that most citizens do attach value to control of their workplaces, to achieving greater economic equality, and to more active political participation. There is no reason to think that employees who are more directly exposed to market forces are less likely to perform well as democratic citizens.
Introduction
Authors: Femia Joseph V
Published: October 2003

Sets out the purposes of the book, the main one being to explore the gross disparity between Marxism's emancipatory ambitions and the systematic repression carried out in its name. Also previewed is the book's central thesis: that Marxist ‘holism’, which reduces the individual self to the ‘ensemble of social relations’, is the underlying cause of communist totalitarianism. By way of preliminaries, the terms ‘Marxism’ and ‘democracy’ are discussed and defined.
Marxist Democracy?
Authors: Femia Joseph V
Published: October 2003

Examines what Marxists would put in place of liberal democracy as presently constituted. Different types of Marxists propose different kinds of solutions. Three distinct models of democracy are defended in Marxist literature: the participatory model (favoured by Marx himself), the parliamentary model (espoused by ‘liberal’ Marxists), and the vanguard model (devised by Lenin and implicitly endorsed by his Communist descendants). Each of these models contradicts one or more important axioms of Marxism.
Marxism and Despotism
Authors: Femia Joseph V
Published: October 2003

The central thesis of this chapter is that Communist despotism was a logical consequence of Marxist theory. This ‘genetic’ explanation is contrasted with the ‘environmental’ explanation, which views the totalitarian degeneration of communism as the contingent result of unfavourable circumstances. The genetic explanation can take several different forms. Some commentators argue that Marxism's inherent flaw is its consequentialism; others focus on its ‘messianism’ or its contempt for private property. This chapter lays the blame on Marxism's holistic conception of human nature.
Really Existing Nationalisms
Authors: Benner Erica
Published: October 2003

It is widely thought that Marx and Engels lacked a coherent understanding of nationalism. With the collapse of communist regimes and the resurgence of national and ethnic conflicts after the Cold War, the belief has spread that all forms of ‘Marxist’ thought – starting with that of its founders – were doomed by their insensitivity to national claims. This book questions these assumptions. Rejecting the tendency to read what Marx and Engels wrote through the prism of later events, it situates their writings on national issues in their original nineteenth‐century context. A close, contextual re‐reading of their writings shows that the two men had a far more perceptive understanding of national identity and conflict than is usually supposed. Their rigorously anti‐idealist approach was not the by‐product of a dogmatic ‘materialist’ or class‐centred theory, but a deliberate reaction against the rise of romantic and ethnocentric nationalism in their native Germany and beyond. By comparison with contemporaries such as Mazzini or John Stuart Mill, Marx and Engels had a clear grasp of nationalism's ethical ambivalence, particularly in the context of international relations. They recognised that although many national movements had liberating aims, they also had the potential to become a new cause of war, and thus to set back the reforms supported by liberals and republicans as well as communists. These elements of their thinking can be developed to criticize present‐day accounts that exaggerate the independent force of nationalism in history or contemporary politics. One need not be a ‘Marxist’ to appreciate the continuing relevance of such ideas.
Nationality in the Divided State
Authors: Benner Erica
Published: October 2003

The roots of Marx's thinking on national issues can be traced back to his pre‐communist critique of Hegel. Marx's early, radical republican concept of nationality was modified but not abandoned in his and Engels’ first accounts of their ‘materialist’ theory of history. The role of this concept in the action‐guiding theory sketched in the Communist Manifesto is essential for an understanding of Marx and Engels’ internationalist policies.
Explaining Nationalism
Authors: Benner Erica
Published: October 2003

This chapter questions the view that Marx and Engels dealt with national issues in an inconsistent or untheoretical way. Once we abandon the notion that any true ‘Marxian’ account must be framed in terms of an economic theory of capitalist development or a ‘ruling class’ theory of ideology, it becomes easier to identify elements of a distinctive political theory that informed their diverse writings on nationalism. This theory avoided many of the shortcomings attributed to most textbook ‘Marxist’ approaches.
Rescuing Internationalism
Authors: Benner Erica
Published: October 2003

After the defeat of the 1848 revolutions, Marx and Engels turned their attention to two developments that forced them to rethink their approach to national issues: colonial expansion outside Europe and the rise of working‐class movements displaying a variety of dispositions to nationalism. In revising their policies towards national movements in Ireland, India, and China, the two men upgraded the role of national self‐determination within their internationalist strategy. At the same time, their work in the First International led them to clarify distinctions between hegemonic and defensive nationalism, enlightened patriotism, and uncritical support for national leaderships.
The Revenge of Nations, 1870–?
Authors: Benner Erica
Published: October 2003

This chapter reconsiders the view that the bankruptcy of Marx and Engels’ national thinking was exposed by working‐class nationalism in the First World War, and revealed time and again by the superior appeal of national over class or internationalist loyalties. After reappraising their explanations of militarism and its effects on popular nationalism, the continuing relevance of their approach is assessed. Against critics who denigrate Marx and Engels’ refusal to explain nationalism as an independent political force and national identity as a source of intrinsic moral values, the book concludes that these features of their approach should be seen as strengths, not weaknesses.
A Political Theory of Rights
Authors: Ingram Attracta
Published: October 2003

This book presents a conception of rights as a type of political claim, justified by a Kantian ideal of autonomy. This justification provides a moral basis for rights independent of law and custom, and tied to an image of citizenship which is appropriate to the practice of pluralist liberal democracy. The book is divided into two parts. Part 1 discusses the concept of self-ownership and the proprietary conception of rights. Part II explores the concept of self-government and the political conception of rights.
Introduction
Authors: Ingram Attracta
Published: October 2003

This introductory chapter begins with a discussion on propositions of moral rights. It then explores the importance of individuals, misgivings about rights, natural law and natural rights, and the principle of self-ownership. This is followed by an overview of the chapters included in the volume.
What Is Self‐Ownership?
Authors: Ingram Attracta
Published: October 2003

Several writers have argued that there is flexibility in the meaning of property, which allows for a sense of proprietary rights or self-ownership, that is non-libertarian. This chapter argues against non-libertarian self-ownership. Libertarian self-ownership is favoured over other possible conceptions because any partial ownership is inadequate for the task of the doctrine, which is to deny us any ownership of each other. Self-ownership is not very impressive in its response to slavery or political despotism, and has become the main source of the current power problem — the distribution of effective equal power to be in command of our own lives.
Self‐Ownership and World Ownership
Authors: Ingram Attracta
Published: October 2003

This chapter attempts to lessen the appeal of self-ownership by showing how it counters well-entrenched moral positions. It argues that welfarists should not believe that libertarianism offers either: a compelling case for dismissing welfare rights; or the possibility of an economic constitution which is consonant with the underlying impulse of welfarism. It examines various types of moral ownership of the natural world in relation to self-ownership, the two best known Lockian routes to individual acquisition of resources, and Steiner’s approach which combines self-ownership and equal distribution of raw resources.
Proprietary Rights and Self‐Command
Authors: Ingram Attracta
Published: October 2003

This chapter discusses the conceptual inadequacy of the whole proprietary approach to rights. It argues that the concept of a right cannot be reduced to the conception of rights under capitalism, i.e., property conception. The proprietary conception cannot be the favoured interpretation of rights because it fails to explain the possibility of a transition from capitalism to a form of socialism that embeds individual rights in its social structure. A system of proprietary rights cannot be agreed upon by all in a modern democracy.
The Moral Basis of Rights
Authors: Ingram Attracta
Published: October 2003

This chapter advocates a Kantian conception of autonomy that emphasises the connection with self-imposed moral law. Autonomy is viewed as a complex ideal of positive freedom with personal and political aspects. The complexity suggests an interplay of personal and political aspects which operates to preclude their separate development in ways that undermine political allegiance or personal choice.
Constructing a Theory of Rights: Ideal Conversations
Authors: Ingram Attracta
Published: October 2003

This chapter develops a method for assessing proposed schemes of rights. It argues that the way to get from some value or interest to rights to securing it should be viewed in terms of a process of social dialogue rather than social contract. Discursive argument must observe certain norms of discussion; the norms proposed by leading advocates of a discursive model of legitimation are not neutral norms of rational discussion. The liberal conception of the person which underlines what is called Ideal Discourse, Ideal Convention, or Constrained Conversation may be held in a non-perfectionist way by a political conception of this as a basis of voluntary political agreement in pluralist democracies.
Constructing a Theory of Rights: Building in Conversational Constraints
Authors: Ingram Attracta
Published: October 2003

The conception of autonomy described in the previous chapter yields interconnected norms of Equal Respect, Reasonableness, Generality, Symmetry, Secularity, and Universality. The interpretation of these norms is led by an understanding of autonomy which precludes the possibility of any conversation constrained by them concluding in favour of self-ownership and its proprietary rights. If autonomy is our moral and political ideal, we are committed to an expressivist rather than a modus vivendi view of politics.
Principles of Self‐Government
Authors: Ingram Attracta
Published: October 2003

The previous chapter identified various norms of autonomy-regarding conversation, and applied these to criticise the doctrine that proclaims self-ownership as the basis of the state. This chapter aims to replace the unsatisfactory principle of self-ownership with the principle of self-government. It argues that each individual is the morally rightful governor of her own person and powers, and is therefore free to make her own life as long as she does not engaged in acts that hinder others from pursuing their independent lives.
Conclusion
Authors: Ingram Attracta
Published: October 2003

This chapter presents a synthesis of the concept of rights against the state discussed in this volume. It argues that the difference between a libertarian and social-democratic liberal state is not merely the differences in the packages of rights associated with each. The content of each package differs in each case because the structure of rights is different. It is a mistake to defend self-ownership on the grounds of autonomy, since the two are incompatible.
A Theory of Exchange in Industrial Relations Systems
Authors: Crouch Colin
Published: October 2003

Starting from a formal rational choice model of the employment relationship, this part goes on to develop a basic typology of forms of industrial relations system: contestation, pluralistic collective bargaining, authoritarian corporatism, and neo‐corporatism.
Rational Action, Political Space, and Historical Reality
Authors: Crouch Colin
Published: October 2003

Theoretical arguments developed in the previous chapter are related to the concept of political space and the role of the state in Western European experience.
1870–1914: On the Threshold of Organized Capitalism
Authors: Crouch Colin
Published: October 2003

Changes in relations between states, organized employers, and trade unions in western European countries are tracked through a series of 'snapshots’, concentrating on the situation reached around 1870, 1900, and 1914. At each moment there is a review, partly quantitative, of the position of trade union and employer organization, the role of the state, industrial conflict, and the development of relations among the partners. These data are used to map national cases against the theoretical scheme developed in Part I.
Organized Industrial Relations Between the Wars
Authors: Crouch Colin
Published: October 2003

Changes in relations between states, organized employers, and trade unions in western European countries are tracked through a series of 'snapshots’, concentrating on the situation reached around 1925 and 1938. At each moment there is a review, partly quantitative, of the position of trade union and employer organization, the role of the state, industrial conflict and the development of relations among the partners. These data are used to map national cases against the theoretical scheme developed in Part I.
The Post‐War Years
Authors: Crouch Colin
Published: October 2003

Changes in relations between states, organized employers and trade unions in western European countries are tracked through a series of 'snapshots’, concentrating on the situation reached around 1950 and 1962. At each moment there is a review, partly quantitative, of the position of trade union and employer organization, the role of the state, industrial conflict and the development of relations among the partners. These data are used to map national cases against the theoretical scheme developed in Part I.
Political Space and European State Traditions: The Religious Base
Authors: Crouch Colin
Published: October 2003

A major conclusion to emerge from Part II was that the diversity of national industrial relations systems could be related to wider diversity in relations between states and societies. Some states 'shared’ public space with social interests; in other cases, clear lines had been established to distinguish the two. These differences, which had very different implications at different periods, can be related to diversity in patterns of state and nation formation, and finally to different relations between state and religion from the Reformation onwards.
Pathways to Twentieth‐Century Industrial Politics:
Authors: Crouch Colin
Published: October 2003

The impact of the events of the twentieth century on the patterns described in the previous two chapters is addressed, paying attention to the impact of fascism and Nazism and, in particular, social democracy.
Reappraising Political Theory
Authors: Ball Terence
Published: October 2003

The book—the second volume of my trilogy Political Theory and the Human Sciences—is divided into two sections. The first and shorter section (Chs. 1 and 2) deals with methodological and interpretive questions and advocates a methodologically `pluralist’ and `problem‐driven’ approach to the interpretation and reappraisal of works of political theory. The second and much longer section (Chs. 3–12), applying the method outlined and defended in the first, consists of a series of reinterpretations and reappraisals of thinkers, texts, themes, and topics in political theory.
Reappraising Political Theory
Authors: Ball Terence
Published: October 2003

The opening chapter begins with a brief defence of the claim that interpretation is both inescapable and necessary. It then considers the strengths and shortcomings of several strategies of interpretation before articulating and defending a `pluralist’ and `problem‐driven’ approach to the interpretation of texts in political theory.
Whither Political Theory?
Authors: Ball Terence
Published: October 2003

This chapter traces the history of several trends and tendencies in political theory in the latter half of the twentieth century. It begins with the announcement of the `death’ of political theory and the `end of ideology’ in the mid 1950s, traces its purported rebirth in the 1970s, and its trajectory since then. The chapter concludes with several conjectures about the possible future(s) of political theory.
Machiavelli and Moral Change
Authors: Ball Terence
Published: October 2003

Machiavelli's conception of princely virtue—virtù—is entirely consistent with the brutal precepts and practices prescribed in The Prince, and for which his own and succeeding generations have roundly condemned him. Here, I recover and re‐examine Machiavelli's central concept of princely virtù and its place in his political thinking. My claim is that Machiavellian virtù shares some crucial conceptual affinities with the older Homeric conception of virtue (αρετη), or role‐related specific excellence.
Hobbes's Linguistic Turn
Authors: Ball Terence
Published: October 2003

Here, I examine and criticize the claim that Hobbes was a proto‐positivist precursor of the modern scientific study of politics. Against this view, I argue that Hobbes may be better viewed as a thinker acutely aware of the communicative constitution of human society. Because communicative distortion and breakdown are ever‐present possibilities, an all‐powerful `sovereign definer’ is needed to prevent or preclude the communicative breakdown that characterizes the Hobbesian state of nature.
Rousseau's Civil Religion Reconsidered
Authors: Ball Terence
Published: October 2003

I ask and attempt to answer three questions. First, what role or place does Rousseau's scheme for a civil religion occupy in his political theory? Second, what were Rousseau's intentions—i.e. what was he attempting to do—in devising this scheme? And third, how might we account for its placement within the text of the Social Contract, viz. at the very end? Addressing these questions from a contextual as well as internal or textual perspective, I construct a new—and decidedly non‐totalitarian—interpretation of Rousseau's religion civile.
The Survivor and the Savant: Two Schemes for Civil Religion Compared
Authors: Ball Terence
Published: October 2003

This chapter compares and contrasts the schemes for a civil religion advanced by Auguste Comte and James Mill, which contrasts the former's illiberal and priestly views with the latter's liberal and low‐church conception of the role of religion in a modern and largely secular society. The purpose of Mill's civil religion is pedagogical: it seeks to impart civically useful knowledge and to instil a sense of civic responsibility and restraint. This stands in stark contrast to Comte's civil religion, which seeks to stifle criticism, manipulate the emotions, and procure assent to an authoritarian and undemocratic system of priestly rule.
Benthamite Discipline and Punishment; Or, What Foucault Missed
Authors: Ball Terence
Published: October 2003

In this chapter, I show how James Mill reworks and recycles the argument of a classic text—viz. Plato's Republic—and uses Plato's theory of justice and just punishment to legitimize Bentham's plans for penal reform. Pace Michel Foucault, who views Bentham as the thoroughly modern doyen of the `surveillance society’, I argue that much modern political theory has classical roots and that we should therefore be wary of post‐modern genealogists’ claims about discursive continuities between discrete epistemes or systems of thought.
Utilitarianism, Feminism, and the Franchise
Authors: Ball Terence
Published: October 2003

Here, I re‐examine the sources of John Stuart Mill's feminist sympathies. After looking closely at two oft‐touted candidates—Jeremy Bentham and Harriet Taylor Mill—I conclude that neither played the role attributed to them by some modern feminists. A third and heretofore unsuspected thinker—namely his own father, James Mill—proves to be a much more plausible and probable source of the younger Mill's feminist views.
Marx and Darwin: A Reconsideration
Authors: Ball Terence
Published: October 2003

Many commentators have claimed that Marx's materialist conception of history owes something to Charles Darwin's theory of natural selection. Why else, they ask, would Marx have offered to dedicate a volume of Capital to Darwin? I argue, to the contrary, that Marx never made such an offer and that it would have been surprising if he had done so. Claims about a connection, methodological or otherwise, between Marx and Darwin are chimerical.
Constitutional Interpretation: What's Wrong With ‘Original Intent’?
Authors: Ball Terence
Published: October 2003

This chapter takes a fresh look at the interpretive strategy of `originalism’ or `original intent’ and shows that this strategy is defective for a number of heretofore unsuspected reasons. Chief among these is that a thoroughgoing originalism would require one to accept the once‐credible but now‐discredited or defunct theories and vocabularies within whose terms the Founders thought about politics and framed the Constitution.
The Myth of Adam and American Identity
Authors: Ball Terence
Published: October 2003

This concluding chapter looks at a pervasive American myth—that of the American Adam—which holds that America was originally an Eden, and Americans like Adam before the Fall: fresh, innocent, and full of hope. As R.W.B. Lewis argues in The American Adam, this myth pervades American literature. I attempt to show that it pops up in other unsuspected genres as well. I illustrate this claim by looking afresh at three thinkers—John Rawls, Gerard O’Neill, and Richard Rorty—whose work, doubtless unbeknownst to them, embodies `Adamic’ themes and imagery.
Introduction
Authors: Miller David
Published: October 2003

David Miller outlines the central ideas of Michael Walzer's Spheres of Justice, focusing on the notions of political community, social goods, and complex equality. He critically examines Walzer's reliance on the interpretative method in determining the requirements of distributive justice. Miller argues that the concept of complex equality needs to be interpreted alongside that of equal citizenship.
Equality in Post‐Modern Times
Authors: Rustin Michael
Published: October 2003

Michael Rustin examines Michael Walzer's theory of justice against the background of significant currents in modern socio‐philosophical thought. He argues that Walzer's attempt to revitalize the ideal of equality for contemporary industrial societies ultimately fails to establish equality as a moral goal of post‐modern societies. Rustin examines the extent to which a theory of justice rejecting abstract universality and historicist approaches can retain normative force.
Complex Justice, Cultural Difference, and Political Community
Authors: Carens Joseph H.
Published: October 2003

Joseph Carens argues that Michael Walzer's account of the moral autonomy of political communities is not true to our shared understanding of justice. Drawing upon a wide range of cross‐cultural examples, he argues that our understanding of justice requires us sometimes to criticize institutions and policies of political communities that are culturally different to our own communities. Focusing on issues of gender and democracy, he also argues that the ‘we’ who make these judgements does not always correspond to the members of a political community but can be either wider or narrower.
Spherical Justice and Global Injustice
Authors: Barry Brian
Published: October 2003

Brian Barry examines the idea that the demands of justice in a given society can be ascertained by interpreting the shared understandings of the meanings of the goods that are to be distributed. Focusing on Michael Walzer's claims regarding the meanings of such goods as money, health, and leisure, Barry argues that for meanings to determine the uniquely right distributions, the criteria of distribution need to be built into the meanings. He criticizes the implications of Walzer's theory for thinking about global justice.
The Empirical Study of Justice
Authors: Elster Jon
Published: October 2003

Jon Elster surveys and classifies a wide range of literature that informs the study of justice. He positions Michael Walzer's theory of justice in relation to the three main categories into which he believes studies of justice fall: descriptive, explanatory, and normative. In comparing Walzer's and his own account of the relevance of empirical findings for normative analysis, Elster aims to show that the complexity of the relationship between the two is not accurately captured by Walzer.
Justice Across the Spheres
Authors: Gutmann Amy
Published: October 2003

Amy Gutmann argues that a just society could not, pace Michael Walzer, distribute social goods in accordance with the standards of complex equality. To support this view, Gutmann points to conflicts between multiple meanings of goods, which require adjudication in accordance with moral considerations that cut across distributive spheres. Drawing on the several meanings of productive employment and medical care in contemporary USA, she concludes that justice is complex, but not specific to distinct spheres.
Politics and the Complex Inequalities of Gender
Authors: Okin Susan Moller
Published: October 2003

Susan Moller Okin, drawing on a wide range of cross‐national data on politics and gender, examines the representation of women in political life in contemporary liberal democracies. She argues that Walzer's notion of complex equality can be used as a tool for feminist criticism. She suggests that women's representation can be increased if the sphere of family does not dominate other spheres of social life for women.
Blocked Exchanges: A Taxonomy
Authors: Andre Judith
Published: October 2003

Judith Andre examines the issue of the scope of the market. She offers a framework for thinking about the issue of blocked exchanges that draws upon concepts of ownership, alienation, and the impact of the market on exchanges, interactions, and market participants. She shows where Michael Walzer's notion of dominance fits into her wider taxonomy of the limits of the market.
Complex Equality
Authors: Miller David
Published: October 2003

David Miller explores and develops Michael Walzer's notion of complex equality as a way of bringing together the potentially conflicting ideas of distributive justice and social equality. He examines the empirical plausibility of the notion of complex equality and argues that Walzer's theory of the spheres of justice allows the construction of an understanding of distributive justice and social equality that is different from, and superior to, mainstream political philosophy.
Against ‘Complex’ Equality
Authors: Arneson Richard J.
Published: October 2003

Richard Arneson argues that Michael Walzer's theory of complex equality is not sufficiently egalitarian, as it permits any degree of inequality. Arneson claims that David Miller's reinterpretation of the notion of complex equality as social equality does not succeed in replacing the ideal of distributive equality.
The Sociology of Complex Equality
Authors: Swift Adam
Published: October 2003

Adam Swift examines the ways in which sociology can inform the study of distributive justice and equality, focusing specifically on the question of whether sociological literature supports Michael Walzer's normative ideal of complex equality. He argues that there are relevant sociological lessons about the role of the state and the importance of citizenship that restrict the scope of Walzer's general claim about the injustice of the conversion of goods between distinct distributive spheres.
Introduction and Preview
Authors: Femia Joseph V.
Published: October 2003

After discussing the various definitions of democracy, the chapter laments the paucity and inadequacy of the literature on anti‐democratic thought. Hirschman's three categories of ‘reactionary’ thought—perversity, futility, and jeopardy—are then introduced and defended. The perversity thesis holds that progressive reformers will achieve the opposite of what they intended; the futility thesis claims that they will achieve nothing at all (owing to the refractory nature of reality); and the jeopardy thesis expresses the fear that any success they might have would be at the expense of cherished values. The chapter maintains that all anti‐democratic thought can be fitted into these categories, and that anti‐democratic arguments rely, in the main, on the idea of unanticipated consequences.
The Perversity Thesis
Authors: Femia Joseph V.
Published: October 2003

The perversity thesis (that democratic reform will bring despotism) is explored through a critical analysis of the thought of its main exemplars: Burke, Maistre, Hegel, and Tocqueville. The thesis is divided into two subcategories, encompassing: (1) those who despised democracy because it violated their romantic vision of an organic society, and (2) those who feared democracy because it would create an atomized, mass society. The latter group of thinkers were less ‘reactionary’, and more willing to compromise with liberal and democratic ideas.
The Futility Thesis
Authors: Femia Joseph V.
Published: October 2003

The futility thesis argues that power elites are necessary in society. Two different types of explanation are offered: psychological and organizational. The former is illustrated through a critical analysis of the ideas of Pareto; the latter, by exploring the thought of Mosca and Michels. The futility thesis is then updated through a discussion of how increasing social complexity impacts on democracy. It is concluded that the elitists were right to highlight a tension between democracy and modernity.
The Jeopardy Thesis
Authors: Femia Joseph V.
Published: October 2003

According to the jeopardy thesis, democracy will endanger or even destroy values that we hold dear: cultural excellence, freedom, and economic prosperity. The proponents of the jeopardy thesis are many and various, ranging from proto‐fascists (Nietzsche, Maurras) and conservatives (T.S. Eliot, Ortega y Gasset) through to progressive liberals (J.S. Mill) and laissez‐faire liberals (Hayek). It is concluded that they were unduly alarmist and underestimated democracy's ability to adapt to other values.
Conclusion
Authors: Femia Joseph V.
Published: October 2003

Summarizes the various arguments of the book and further explores the idea of unanticipated consequences and its significance for democratic and anti‐democratic thought. Anti‐democratic thinkers assume that their opponents ignore the unpredictable nature of reality but so do they. Most of their dire forecasts have not come to pass. Yet these ‘reactionaries’ have alerted us to the limitations of democratic thought: its indifference to the problems posed by cultural relativity and growing social complexity.
The Macroeconomics of Keynes
Authors: Phelps Edmund S.
Published: October 2003

This chapter gives a review of Keynesian macroeconomics. The particular school discussed sees John Maynard Keynes as the founder of its central theme: that the process of individual learning and market adjustment in response to altered opinion about the uncertain future is capable of going awry in the environment of uncoordinated and imperfectly informed decision‐making provided by market capitalism. This school is thus differentiated, at least in emphasis, from the neo‐Keynesian, post‐Keynesian, and New Keynesian schools.
The Monetarist Tradition
Authors: Phelps Edmund S.
Published: October 2003

This chapter gives a review of the development and theory of monetarist macroeconomics, a school that started in the 1930s. It mainly discusses the views of Milton Friedman––long regarded as the leader of the monetarist school––but also addresses the contributions of other economists to the school and looks at dissenting opinions.
The New Classical School
Authors: Phelps Edmund S.
Published: October 2003

This chapter gives a review of the development and theory of the New Classical school of macroeconomics, which entered the scene in 1972 and 1973 with two classical papers by Robert Lucas. It notes that the significance of the New Classical contribution can be gauged only against the background of what had developed before it.
The New Keynesian School
Authors: Phelps Edmund S.
Published: October 2003

This chapter gives a review of the development and theory of the New Keynesian school of macroeconomics. New Keynesian refers to a group of theorists who have sought a new wage–price model, or supply subsystem, on which to rest Keynesian tenets about the effects of aggregate demand and monetary stabilization policy.
Supply‐Side Macroeconomics
Authors: Phelps Edmund S.
Published: October 2003

This chapter gives a review of the development and theory of supply‐side macroeconomics, which made its first appearance with a provocative pamphlet on the fiscal–monetary policy mix in the USA written by Robert A. Mundell in 1971. Supply‐side doctrine holds that the prosperity of a country, as measured by current real income or aggregate employment, depends to an important degree on the mix of fiscal and monetary policies followed by the national government. The policy conclusions it reaches (or glimpses) stand in contrast to the policy recommendations that are traditional in the monetarist and Keynesian camps.