bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Origins of Rectification: Inner–Party Purges and Education before Liberation
Authors: Teiwes Frederick C.
Published: March 2009

Rectification as an approach to inner–Party discipline emphasizes persuasive methods and education, but it does not eschew coercive measures including the purge. As students of Chinese politics are well aware, this form of coercive persuasion was comprehensively developed in the early 1940s as Mao Tse–tung consolidated his leadership, rectification theories were expounded, and the first rectification campaign of 1942–44 was carried out. Official histories and much scholarly analysis identify rectification with Mao while asserting that other leaders advocated sharply contrasting approaches. Thus CCP leaders before 1935 purportedly pushed coercive disciplinary methods – dubbed “ruthless struggles and merciless blows “ – while Mao attempted to foster systematic education. Mao's undoubted contributions to rectifi cation notwithstanding, the following analysis argues that this view both overstates actual differences and overlooks the developing nature of Mao's position.
Energy in China: Achievements and Prospects
Authors: Smil Vaclav
Published: March 2009

The sudden emergence of a sellers' market for world hydrocarbons, the Arab oil export embargo after the Yom Kippur War and the sharply increasing price of all forms of commercial energy have affected the very foundations of advanced economies. While the west and Japan are struggling to keep their technological societies, built on an uninterrupted flow of cheap energy, smoothly afloat, the People's Republic of China (P.R.C.) is watching with uninhibited satisfaction and derision. “ Energy crisis ” is for Peking just another proof of the ultimate crisis of the capitalist system, something that could not happen in China.
The Dilemma of Mao Tse-tung
Authors: Ito Kikuzo , Shibata Minoru
Published: March 2009

The Cultural Revolution is a struggle for power, but at the same time it is the most extraordinary coup d'état in history in the sense that the dictator is trying to destroy with the help of outside forces the existing Party, which is his own creation and the very foundation of his power, in order to produce a totally new power structure.
The Position of Tibet in International Law
Authors: Rubin Alfred P.
Published: March 2009

The activities of the Communist Government of China in Tibet have been the object of international attention for some years. This attention has centred mainly around the occupation of parts of Tibet in 1950, which precipitated a discussion in the General Committee of the United Nations' General Assembly, and the continuing suppression of the civil unrest in Tibet which came to world attention in 1959 when the Dalai Lama fled from his capital and sought political asylum in India.
Psychiatric Concepts and Treatment in China
Authors: Kety Seymour S.
Published: March 2009

There is practically no knowledge in the west regarding the status of psychiatry in the People's Republic since the time of the Cultural Revolution. The three publications on Chinese psychiatry that I was able to find, all of which are based largely upon the primary literature, terminate abruptly at the Cultural Revolution. At that time the Chinese Journal of Neurology and Psychiatrystopped publication and has not been reinstituted. The only medical journal which has begun publication, the China Medical Journal, carries occasional papers in neurology but thus far there have been none in psychiatry. A group of American psychiatrists who had been hoping to participate in an exchange visit to China under the auspices of the National Institute of Mental Health and the American Psychiatric Association had not succeeded in making the necessary contacts, and were in fact unable to give me the names of any Chinese psychiatrists in responsible positions.
Liang Shu-ming and Chinese Communism
Authors: Chi Wen-Shun
Published: March 2009

In the name of thought reform in Mainland China, there have been many campaigns against the ideas of non-communist Chinese thinkers. For the scale and vehemence of the campaigns against them, two targets have been conspicuous: Hu Shih and Liang Shu-ming. The former was an exponent of western liberal ideas; the latter of Chinese traditional values. One must assume that the influence of their ideas was still strong in the minds of the Chinese people, since only this can explain such extensive and intensive criticism.
Fascism in Kuomintang China: The Blue Shirts
Authors: Eastman Lloyd E.
Published: March 2009

The Blue Shirts during the 1930s became one of the most influential and feared political movements in China. To both contemporaries and historians, however, the Blue Shirt movement has been a shadowy force, known mostly through hearsay, with little solid information regarding its doctrine or its activities. Now, on the basis of memoirs, interviews, and especially Japanese intelligence reports of the 1930s, a rough picture of this secret organization can be pieced together. And the image that emerges is not simply a terrorist organization, but a political faction that reflected the concerns and ideals of many Chinese during the troubled Nanking decade. This study will, it is hoped, not only provide an insight into the nature of Kuomintang rule, but will shed light on a previously unexamined species of the political genus, fascism.
Kremlinology and the Chinese Strategic Debate, 1965–66
Authors: Yahuda Michael
Published: March 2009

The object of this article is to take a new look at what has been called the “great debate” between Chinese leaders during 1965 and the first half of 1966 arising out of American escalation in Vietnam.
The Guiders and the Guided
Authors: Watson Andrew J.
Published: March 2009

One of the most frequent questions one is asked on returning from a visit to China is whether the tour was guided or whether one could do what one liked and forage for oneself. The question worries both academics and non-academics, whatever their particular interests. The assumptions behind the question would appear to be that one can only really discover anything of value by working as an individual and that a guided tour is only a propaganda exercise. While both assumptions contain an element of truth, they certainly do not express the full reality. The academic aim of extended field work in China is a practical impossibility at the moment and, even were it possible, it would require the assistance and guidance of large numbers of Chinese. The interpretation may belong to the academic but his data depend on the co-operation of others. Similarly, the extent to which a guided tour is a propaganda exercise is a function of one's previous experience and knowledge. The more Chinese one can speak and read, for example, the less likely it is that one can be misled.
Prosperity and Conflict in Post-Mao Rural China
Authors: Zweig David
Published: March 2009

In 1980 thePeople's Dailyreported that 200 million Chinese peasants were living below the poverty line, while in 1982 Vicepremier Wan Li admitted the “for many years in the past, more than 150 million peasants had not solved the problem of not having enough to eat.” To enrich the rural economy, Party leaders called on peasants to pursue numerous private roads to prosperity. The new policy, highlighted by the phrase “permit some peasants to get rich first” (rang yixie nongmin xian fuqilai), allows households who are more industrious, more innovative and, of course, those with better personal and economic ties, to utilize their skills, personal relationships, excess labour power, and comparative advantages to accrue wealth quickly.
The Radio and Television Universities and the Development of Higher Education in China
Authors: McCormick Robert
Published: March 2009

The Radio and Television Universities of China, better known there asdianda, are now well established and growing rapidly.Diandahave been the subject of a number of articles, but, although the amount of comment on their operation has grown over the years, the focus has been on describing this operation. No attempt has been made to relate in detail the developments to the whole of higher education in China.Diandawarrant detailed consideration, not only because of their importance to the development of higher education in China, but also because they form the largest distance education system4 in the world. The size is indicated in the figures for student enrolment in three-year full-time degree programmes (at zhuanke level) since the founding ofdianda, shown in Table 1. These programmes are offered in all provinces except Tibet, relying mainly on television lectures, backed up by text-books and face-to-face teaching. It is an extremely decentralized system, largely confined to urban areas, with local centres being responsible for student administration. (The central administration in Beijing has no individual student records.) The degree programme in the first four years was offered only by the science and technology department and included electrical and mechanical majors, and less commonly physics and mathematics. In 1982 over 78,000 students graduated. Social science courses in economic management started in 1983 and in future years it is hoped to introduce a wide variety of courses, shifting the balance away from science and technology.
Reassessing the Cultural Revolution
Authors: Pye Lucian W.
Published: March 2009

Two decades after Mao Zedong ignited the Great Proletarian Revolution there is still no satisfactory accounting for the upheaval which Beijing now says caused millions of deaths and left some 100 million people scarred victims. Ordinary imagination cannot grasp what took place during those “10 bad years of great disaster” (shinian haojie) as the Chinese now call them. Since so much at that time defied conventional theories of politics, outsiders quickly put the phenomenon out of mind once the turmoil ceased. For the Chinese, however, it has not been so simple. Those who personally suffered have tended to summarize the story according to their individual tragedies. Chinese seeking a larger perspective are caught between the inexplicableness of its causes and the incalculability of its consequences.
A Province at War: Guangxi During the Sino-Japanese Conflict, 1937–45
Authors: Hutchings Graham
Published: March 2009

On the 18 April 1936 General Li Zongren gave a stirring, patriotic interview to theCanton Gazette. In the current situation argued Li, China must stand and resist the Japanese since, “despite sacrifices, a war of resistance may pave the way for the regeneration of our nation.” He was later even more emphatic, ”… a war of resistance is essential for national regeneration.” These seem rather prescient remarks in the light of subsequent events; a new type of society did emerge in parts of China during the war against Japan. Perhaps it should be noted in passing that the form of regeneration expedited by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was nevertheless hardly what Li Zongren had in mind in 1936. Indeed, he felt able to endorse it only late in life.
Peasant Mobilization in North China and the Origins of Yenan Communism
Authors: Dorris Carl E.
Published: March 2009

The outbreak of war in North China during the summer of 1937 was the watershed in the growth of the revolutionary movement in China. Seemingly overnight the Communist Party made rapid new gains in strength and territory. From a small, isolated soviet in the desolation of North-west China on the Shensi-Kansu border, the Party enlarged its territories, and by the end of the war communist-backed resistance governments ruled huge portions of North and Central China. In the same period Party membership grew from a little over 20,000 members in 1936 to nearly 1,250,000 members at the Seventh Party Congress in April 1945, and the Red Army, which had dwindled to a mere 30,000 men in the course of the Long March, swelled to over one million men by the war's end. This new political and military framework formed the structural backbone which enabled the Communists to come to power four years later.
Policy Oscillations in the People's Republic of China: A Critique
Authors: Nathan Andrew J.
Published: March 2009

That Chinese policy since 1949 has been characterized by a pattern of left-right oscillations is one of the most widespread, but least examined, assumptions among analysts of Chinese politics. In the popular press, we often read of a “return to a moderate phase” or a “resurgence of radicalism,” while in academic writing, we frequently find contemporary Chinese history set in periods according to the alternate ascendancy of “bureaucratic” or “mobilizational” “models” or of “realist” and “visionary” groups of leaders. Of course, to some extent the policy oscillations model is only a kind of shorthand, convenient for summarizing the content of policy and its changes. We all understand that there have been secular changes in China both in what has been accomplished and in the terms of policy debate. Thus, it has become increasingly common to describe the pattern of policy change in China in terms of a combination of cyclical and secular patterns, to refer to policy oscillations in passing while presenting a chronology which actually indicates secular change, to offer the oscillations model explicitly as just a convenient simplification; or to ignore oscillations entirely in discussing the development of policy.
Income Distribution in Small Rural Chinese Communities
Authors: Blecher Marc
Published: March 2009

The issue of equality has become the focus of increasing attention in both China and the west in the past several years. But the empirical basis for analyzing the extent and nature of equality in modern China remains weak, relying as it has on impressions and scattered statistics brought back by visitors. The most systematic summary of available data on one form of equality – income distribution – is Professor Martin Whyte's recent article in The China Quarterly (No. 64) entitled “Inequality and stratification in China.” Whyte's measure of inequality is the ratio of the income of the highest earner to that of the lowest. In his treatment of rural income, Whyte reports intra-team ratios for 18 communes visited by Keith Buchanan as around 3:1, a ratio of 14:1 for Liu-lin village visited by Jan Myrdal in 1962, and 3:1 or 4:1 for villages in his own interview research. On the basis of this kind of data, Whyte concludes that income inequality within China's production teams is relatively low but not outstandingly so in comparison with pre-1949 China or with other Asian countries. He suggests that the “modest” level of income inequality in rural China today may be as much the result of a relatively equal distribution before 1949 as of post-Liberation agricultural development and redistribution of the means of production.
Mao Tse-tung, Ch'en Po-ta and the “Sinification of Marxism,” 1936–38
Authors: Wylie Raymond F.
Published: March 2009

Mao Tse-tung's proposal in 1938 for the “Sinification of Marxism” remains one of the most intriguing issues in the ideological history of 4 the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Strangely, although this concept is given passing treatment in any number of studies of the Chinese Communist movement, little attempt has been made to subject it to a more detailed historical or theoretical analysis. Broadly, the concept has two interrelated, though distinct, dimensions. In its political aspect, it refers to the specific ways in which the foreign theory of Marxism-Leninism can be adapted to the concrete historical realities of modern China, including the under-development of capitalism, the absence of a large urban proletariat, the central role of the rural peasantry, and so forth. These are difficult problems of political theory, and they have not yet been resolved satisfactorily either in Chinese or western scholarship. Whether Marxism has been truly Sinified in this sense – and whether it has survived the process intact – are highly controversial issues, and I do not propose to deal with them here.
The Road to Urumchi: Approved Institutions in Search of Attainable Goals During Pre-1968 Rustication from Shanghai
Authors: White Lynn T.
Published: March 2009

An old saw of administrative theory holds that the structure of any institution should be generated from the goals for which it was established. This is an ideal, a means by which leaders explain programmes to followers, and thus also a road to understanding for outsiders.

The dispatch of urban people to rural places in China is a plan that has often been analysed in terms of its aims, and it may throw light on the limits of usefulness of this approach to policy programmes in general. Rural resettlement, which contravenes the usual patterns of increasing urbanization in the economic development process, is not unique to the People's Republic of China. Cambodia and Vietnam have recently established major rustication schemes. Other examples can be traced back to earlier days in the Soviet, German and even the old Roman and Chinese empires. Israel has its kibbutzim. The philosopher Berkeley advised young men to go west, where large cities had not yet grown. The very breadth of the possible comparisons suggests a question: is this one institution or several?
Press Accounts and the Study of Chinese Society
Authors: Walder Andrew G.
Published: March 2009

Students of contemporary Chinese society must confront early in their training a problem that has become a dominant feature of their area of interest: the scarcity and crudity of useful information. Most successful efforts to cope with this central problem have been based on the sound strategy articulated by such practitioners as Michel Oksenberg and Martin Whyte: intimate familiarity with the variety of sources available, and a careful cross-checking between them for consistency. Good research on China, as a result, is often a function both of total immersion in existing sources and of an active sociological imagination. The field has apparently been blessed with people who have both of these attributes in abundance: not only is there a large body of sound descriptive and analytical work, but there also exists a number of competing, theoretically-important hypotheses about social processes in China since the Revolution.
Peasant Grain Marketing and State Procurement: China's Grain Contracting System
Authors: Oi Jean C.
Published: March 2009

Economists have argued that the compulsory procurement policy has been an important cause of China's past agricultural problems. Political scientists have seen administrative evasion, under-reporting, and other forms of “corruption” in villages during the Mao era as the result of state pressures for larger grain sales. The Chinese themselves now openly criticize the system of unified purchase (tonggou) for being coercive and inefficient; for forcing quota sales by administrative fiat, rather than utilizing market demand and incentives. In April 1985 the government abolished the system of unified purchase, the keystone of China's grain control policy since the early 1950s; in its place is a system of contract procurement (hetong dinggou).
Mao's Strategy for Revolutionary Change: A Case Study of the Cultural Revolution
Authors: Lee Hong Yung
Published: March 2009

This paper analyses Mao's revolutionary strategy as revealed in the Cultural Revolution. Defined as an analysis of ends and means, strategy stands between objective reality and action, linking one event to another in a chain of social causation. Since one's attitudes and ideology influence one's definition of the situation and one's selection of means and goals, these subjective elements constitute a large part of any strategy. This study of Mao's strategy therefore raises the following questions: what was Mao's role in the Cultural Revolution; what faults did he attribute to the pre-Cultural Revolution Chinese political system; what were his objectives in the Cultural Revolution; how did he actually lead themovement; and was there any discernible pattern in his leadership?

Mao's Role in the Cultural Revolution

The Cultural Revolution was certainly one of the most complex political events in the entire history of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). It involved a large segmentof the general population and all ruling groups, both the government and the Party, from the Central Committee down to Party branches in the schools and factories. Moreover, a wide varietyof issues were raised, discussed and debated: broad ideological and political questions and more specific questions of economic, cultural and educational policy. To complicate matters further, the mass movement lasted more than two years, passing through a number of different stages. At each stage, new political groups emerged, leading groups changed, and tactics shifted, only to produce a new configuration in the next stage. Each stage, therefore, exhibited its ownunique features in terms of the dominant actors, issues and coalitions, and each stage forced the individual actor to reconsider his choice of tactics and coalition partners.
The 1959 Tibetan Rebellion: An Interpretation
Authors: Norbu Dawa
Published: March 2009

Tibet in 1950 was an isolated, working theocracy, possibly unique among the various political systems of the modern world. She might earlier have been colonized by Britain had the prospect been economically attractive. Instead she was doomed as a result of conflicting British, Chinese and Russian imperialist interests in Central Asia and the manoeuvrings arising therefrom to a virtually complete isolation, reinforcing the natural mountain-bound isolation of her geography. Both the Anglo-Tibetan Convention of 1904 and the Anglo-Russian Convention of 1907 were basically aimed at making Tibet an area free from any struggle for spheres of influence and colonization. In so doing, they indirectly denied Tibet any alternative source of social change.
The Revival of China's Musical Culture
Authors: Brook Tim
Published: March 2009

Between 28 January and 9 February 1978, the Toronto Symphony orchestra visited the People's Republic of China. This was the first time since the 1973 tour of the Philadelphia Orchestra that a western symphony orchestra had performed for concert hall audiences in Peking, Shanghai and Kwangchow, and for television audiences throughout China. The Canadian musicians gave China an impression of orchestral music abroad; they also took their own glimpse of the musical world in China. It was an unprecedented opportunity to see at first hand the state of China's musical culture since the repudiation of the “gang of four,” and in particular, to see the revitalization of China's national orchestra, the Central Philharmonic Society.
Researching Agnes Smedley in China
Authors: Mackinnon Stephen R.
Published: March 2009

In writing a biography of Agnes Smedley (1892–1950), the writer-activist and long-time friend of China, the need to collect materials in China is obvious. In March of last year co-biographer Jan MacKinnon, myself and our two children arrived in Peking for a month of research work on Agnes Smedley. Our purpose was to examine archival materials (papers and possessions which were sent to Peking with her remains after her death in England) and to interview Chinese comrades who knew and worked with her in the 1930s and 1940s. Our host organization (although we were economically self-supporting) was the Chinese Association for Friendly Relations with Foreign Countries. Beforehand they had checked on the feasibility of what we wanted to do and thereafter were enormously helpful in facilitating all aspects of our work. It was they who were most responsible for the success of our trip. In the course of three weeks in Peking and a further four days in Shanghai, we conducted long interviews with 13 Chinese comrades of Smedley, and examined in detail the relevant holdings of three history museums and one library.
Mao Tun and The Wild Roses: A Study of the Psychology of Revolutionary Commitment
Authors: Chen Yu-Shih
Published: March 2009

After completing his trilogy The Eclipse in the spring of 1928, a physically and mentally exhausted Mao Tun went to Japan, where he stayed from the summer of 1928 to the spring of 1930. The series of catastrophes that had befallen his party in 1927–28 continued to torment him, and party politics followed him even to Tokyo. Attacks from several groups on the left in Shanghai directed at the three novels that made up The Eclipse provoked Mao Tun to an angered defence, “From Ruling to Tokyo” (16 July 1928). A storm of polemics ensued.
Chou En-lai's Diplomatic Approach to Non-aligned States in Asia: 1953–60
Authors: Shao Kuo-Kang
Published: March 2009

In the early 1950s Chou En-lai, in his capacity both as premier and foreign minister of the People's Republic of China, strongly advocated that the non-aligned states could be employed to improve China's diplomatic position. To reduce western influence in China's neighbouring states and to maximize Peking's diplomatic flexibility, Chou began to emphasize the relevance and necessity of “winning over” the international middle-of-the-road forces. This new policy, both in theory and practice, demonstrates his political sagacity in refusing to allow dogmatic communist ideological theories to interfere with his realistic assessment of the world situation.
Capital Formation in Communist China
Authors: Hollister William W.
Published: March 2009

The present situation in China's heavy industry is a strange sequel to the programme for rapid industrialisation that took place from 1950 to 1960. Production of steel and other heavy industrial products were once proudly broadcast to show China's progress. Now the Chinese planners stress only the ways in which heavy industry can support agriculture. The priority once given to heavy industry is now a political liability rather than a basis for feelings of national pride. Behind the euphemistic description of present objectives in industry as “work to readjust, consolidate, fill out and raise standards” is a situation where the planners show little interest in maximising production in heavy industry. This serious setback to the programme for rapid industrialisation needs to be interpreted in the light of the trends in capital formation that have occurred since 1950.
China's “New Economic Policy”—Transition or Beginning
Authors: Schurmann Franz
Published: March 2009

Until a short time ago, it appeared that much of what was going on in China could be characterised by the cynical aphorismplus ça change plus c'est la même chose. Many things became manifest in the country that were reminiscent of themes centuries old. China had gone through two radical phases, one during the First Five-Year Plan period when the Chinese Communists tried to repeat the Soviet experience of industrialisation, and the second during the Great Leap Forward when they used their own mobilisational means to try to achieve economic break-through. The ninth Plenum in January 1961 called a dramatic halt to the extreme policies of the Great Leap Forward, and launched a period that bears strong similarities to the N.E.P. (New Economic Policy) period of the early 1920s in the Soviet Union. Many traditional patterns that were effaced during the years of radicalism began to reappear. There was talk of the need “to study very well traditional economic relationships.” It seemed that for a while the leadership had decided that only a truly voluntary response from below, and not coercion of any sort, could rescue China from the morass in which it found itself. But as of the time of the writing of this article, there are ominous signs that China may be approaching another “1928.” The Party drums are rolling once again, and the themes are not those of the N.E.P., but more like those which preceded the great Soviet collectivisation drive of 1928. During the last few years, the leadership made no attempt to hide the facts of China's poverty and isolation. But now a new note of defiance, of toughness has crept out. Where it will lead is hard to say.
The Ideal Local Party Secretary and the “Model” Man
Authors: Chen A. S.
Published: March 2009

In what light does the Communist Party wish to project itself to the people? Is the local party secretary presented as the remote symbol of authoritarian efficiency, a reflection of the absolute power above? Or is he supposed to be a model of the nutrient “helper,” responsive to the people's needs and governed by humanitarian considerations? The actual quality of these relationships is of course inaccessible for direct observation, but we can examine some of the Communist presentations of the image and expectations in officially approved literary publications.
China's Secret Military Papers: ‘Continuities’ and ‘Revelations’
Authors: Wilson Lewis John
Published: March 2009

China's rulers in 1961 surveyed their shattered dreams and then, with studied self-confidence, hailed the vitality of their revolutionary “mass-line” credo. This resolute re-affirmation of standard principles had a hollow ring, however, and doubts about the “real methods of control” employed during the years of retreat and readjustment coincided with angry charges that the language of the “mass-line” disguised terror and brutality on an appalling scale. In the confusion, fact has until recently seemed entwined irretrievably with propaganda and invective, but now a unique collection of the Kung-tso T'ung-hsun (Bulletin of Activities) makes it possible to disentangle the contradictory methods of control and leadership used in 1961 and to evaluate their widely varied effects in that crucial year.
China's Secret Military Papers: Military Doctrine and Strategy
Authors: Hsieh Alice Langley
Published: March 2009

Peking's pronouncements in the Sino-Soviet dispute have left the public with an image of a reckless and bellicose Chinese Communist régime. This image has been reinforced by the Soviet Union, which has exaggerated the Chinese statements and their significance to paint an over-simplified contrast between the supposed Chinese addiction to war and Soviet dedication to peace.
Modern Weapons and the Sino-Soviet Estrangement
Authors: Ford Harold P.
Published: March 2009

Among the most significant polemical fall-out of the past year has been the increasing indication that modern weapons questions lie near the heart of Sino-Soviet estrangement. Whether or not the recent Chinese Communist charge is true, that the Russians later reneged on a 1957 “advanced technology” commitment, Soviet and Chinese behaviour since 1957 testifies to considerable Russian long-range concern over a nuclear-armed China, Russian reluctance to assist China to gain this end quickly, and accumulating Chinese anger at such un-comradely behaviour. The only unique ingredient in recent polemical exchanges is added explicitness; the modern weapons messages have been there all along. This is not to say that the Sino-Soviet schism is not the product, as well, of competing revolutionary strategies, theological pretension, struggle for supreme Communist authority, and fundamental disagreement over whether Stalin should be praised or buried. Underlying such antagonisms and contributing to them, however, have been deep-seated differences over modern weapons central to the initiation and aggravation of Sino-Soviet estrangement.
Pitfalls in the use of China's Foreign Trade Statistics
Authors: Chao Kang
Published: March 2009

There has been an impression among students of China that foreign trade data published by Peking are generally more reliable and accurate than its other statistics. This confidence is based on the following grounds. First, since the early years of the régime most foreign trade has been handled by a small number of state companies under the Foreign Trade Ministry. These companies are large in size and well organised, hence they must have respectable accounting and statistical systems. The exports and imports by private firms existing in the early 1950s were recorded by the customs office. Therefore, foreign trade turnovers for the period as a whole are relatively complete and free from serious errors. Secondly, since foreign trade always involves other countries as trading partners, which usually publish their trade statistics in great detail, it is unwise, if not impossible, for the Chinese authorities to falsify their own foreign trade statistics.
A Maoist in France: Jacques Vergès and Revolution
Authors: Fejto François
Published: March 2009

What mild men revolutionaries are! That is the impression I jotted down after a talk late in March 1964 with Jacques Vergès, managing editor of the review Révolution. This periodical, No. 9 of which was published in May, is the best-produced and most effective publication of the pro-Chinese movement in France. Thanks to its English edition and forthcoming Spanish edition, the review's field of action stretches from France to Africa and even to the American continent. Révolution, with its articles contributed from all parts of the world, is looking more and more like a liaison journal for the groups and movements of the Maoist International now coming into existence.
General Aspects of Chinese Communist Religious Policy, with Soviet Comparisons
Authors: Lee Rensselaer W.
Published: March 2009

The Chinese and Russian Communists, as Marxist-Leninists, are fundamentally hostile towards religion, and are committed to its ultimate eradication. Although their attitudes towards religion are similar, their prescriptions for dealing with it are different. In essence, this difference arises from two divergent conceptions, one optimistic, the other pessimistic, regarding the progress of religion towards oblivion in a situation where the Communist Party has assumed leadership and where the “social” roots of religion have supposedly disappeared. The Chinese hold the optimistic view, a position which may be explained in part by the fact that institutional religion has traditionally been weak in China. I quote here C. K. Yang's description of institutional religion in China as it emerged in the modern period:

As an organised body, modern institutional religion had a very small priesthood, divided into minute units of two or three priests each, largely unconnected with each other. It had barely enough financial resources for subsistence for this scanty personnel. It was deprived of the support of an organised laity. … It did not participate in various organised aspects of community life such as charity, education, and the enforcement of moral discipline. There was no powerful centralised priesthood to dominate religious life or to direct operation of the secular social institutions.
The Concept of Intellectual Property in the People's Republic of China: Inventors and Inventions
Authors: Gale Barden N.
Published: March 2009

This article will examine the constitution and evolution of the concept of “intellectual property” in the People's Republic of China through an analysis of policy regarding incentives for inventive activity – which in western legal systems would be generally covered by patent law. Hopefully, such an analysis will not only enable us to understand incentives for inventive activity in China, but also to understand crucial property concepts in China, especially “private” or “individual” ownership, during its “socialist transformation.” This, in turn, may shed additional light on the debate on the nature and future disposition of “bourgeois rights.”
David Marshall and Jewish Emigration from China
Authors: Josef  , Silverstein Lynn
Published: March 2009

Although unplanned, in 1956 the residue of the Jewish community in China played a small and nearly forgotten role in the early post-Second World War history of Sino-Soviet relations. Equally unplanned, was the role of David Marshall of Singapore in helping them to leave China.
Taiwanese and Mainlanders on Taiwan: A Survey of Student Attitudes
Authors: Appleton Sheldon
Published: March 2009

Perhaps the most frequent questions about Taiwan asked by non-specialists are those concerning the relationship of “native” Taiwanese to those of recent mainland origin. Are Taiwanese and Mainlanders one “people,” or two? How similar or different are their attitudes on a multitude of matters, especially political matters? Do they associate with one another very much socially? And how do Taiwanese fare economically and socially as compared with the Mainlanders on Taiwan?
The Role of the Military in the Formation of Revolutionary Committees 1967–68
Authors: Domes Jürgen
Published: March 2009

When, at a moment of high tide in the Cultural Revolution, the first Revolutionary Committee was established in the Manchurian province of Heilungkiang on 31 January 1967, a new type of leadership organ appeared on the Chinese scene, indicating drastic changes in the regional power structure. At the beginning, these Revolutionary Committees were supposed to act as “temporary supreme organs of power” (Lin-shih tsui-kao ch'üan-li chi-kou), in which capacity they combined the local and regional leadership of party, administration, economy and mass organizations. During the four weeks preceding the formation of the Heilungkiang Committee, violent activity by newly formed Maoist organizations in a number of Chinese provinces and cities had been answered by wide-spread popular resistance, which was in many cases instigated by the local and regional Party leadership. Facing this resistance, Mao Tse-tung, in a personal mandate to his First Deputy and presumptive successor, Lin Piao, on 17 or 18 January 1967 ordered the military to intervene in the power-struggle between Maoists and anti-Maoists. The immediate attitudinal response of the People's Liberation Army (PLA), however, was not wholly convincing. Nevertheless, this call for the military to support the faltering Maoist counterattack against “revisionist” oppositional forces marks the beginning of a definite rise in military influence on the political process in Communist China.
Party Views of Science: The Record from the First Decade
Authors: Suttmeier R. P.
Published: March 2009

When the Chinese People's Republic (C.P.R.) was established in 1949, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) appeared to understand that one of the requisites for modernization was an effective system of scientific research and development. Throughout the 1950s, numerous organizational measures were taken to establish this system. One step removed from actual decisions affecting science, however, was an identifiable and fairly coherent set of perceptions and beliefs which had policy consequences. These I call the CCP's “views of science,” the perceptual and conceptual guides to action on science policy.
Taiwan's “Cultural Renaissance”: A Preliminary View
Authors: Tozer W.
Published: March 2009

Traditional Chinese culture may be facing extinction. In the last two decades, since Mao Tse-tung's capture of the Mainland and Chiang Kai-shek's withdrawal to Taiwan, Chinese culture has been subjected to intense stress, not only in Communist China but on Taiwan as well. On the Mainland the Chinese tradition has been under attack from the government, the most recent and most violent assault being the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. The Communists under the leadership of Mao have consciously sought to destroy the old ways and to rebuild society and culture along new lines. The threat to traditional Chinese culture on Taiwan is more subtle, but none the less real. Cut off from its mainland base, Chinese tradition on Taiwan has been threatened from within by popular indifference and from without by strong western influences. The Nationalists, however, under the leadership of Chiang have inaugurated the Cultural Renaissance Movement on Taiwan for the avowed purpose of saving China's culture.
Chinese Nuclear Tests: Trends and Portents
Authors: Clemens Walter C.
Published: March 2009

A Double explosion took place in mid-October 1964, producing strong shock waves around the globe. Khrushchev fell from power on October 14, while on October 16 Communist China became the fifth nation to explode an atomic weapon. The first Chinese test (like the second and fourth that followed in 1965–66) had a yield comparable to the Hiroshima bomb in 1945—about 20 kilotons. But, as Radio Prague noted soon after, a “small bomb” can do “great evil.”
The Urban Communes and Anti-City Experiment in Communist China
Authors: Salaff Janet
Published: March 2009

Social critics and intellectuals since Sir Thomas More have subjected growing urban industrial centres to sweeping criticism. Much of city planning in the West is characterised by reassertion of rural values and rural self-sufficiency. The anti-city approach often takes the form of ‘planning Utopian communities in the country, free from the “excesses of urbanism.” However, in an industrialising country like China a different theme underlies the view of country-city relations. In predominantly rural China, and in the U.S.S.R. during early years of industrialisation, the emphasis of city planning shifts to the need to bring cities and industry to the land. The aim has been to spread industrial values and techniques to rural areas.
Serving the People and Continuing the Revolution
Authors: Pfeffer Richard M.
Published: March 2009

Western social scientists have tended to evade a central issue of the Chinese Revolution. As a consequence, our scholarship has generally misconceived and denigrated the Chinese Communist concepts and practices of mass participation. The issue evaded is twentieth-century China's need for a continuing vanguard to direct the revolutionary change that China's conditions demand. One result of that evasion has been the near-unanimous decrying of China's restrictions on democratic control, restrictions that, of course, are implicit in the very concept of a vanguard.
Chinese Education in South-East Asia
Authors: Murray Douglas P.
Published: March 2009

This article surveys the development of Chinese education within South-East Asian Chinese societies, and briefly relates it to the integration and assimilation of the hua ch'iao into indigenous societies.
Nanyang University and the Dilemmas of Overseas Chinese Education
Authors: Van Der Kroef Justus M.
Published: March 2009

On December 9, 1963, Singapore's Prime Minister, Lee Kuan Yew, in presenting a general policy statement of his government for the coming year to the Singapore Legislative Assembly, noted that in Singapore's Nanyang University “a situation is developing which if left unchecked will make it more a University of Yenan than of Nanyang,” and that “Indeed the problems of Nanyang can never be resolved until the political abuse the Communists make of it is exposed and stopped.” Lee's remarks, like his previous ones on the subject of Nanyang University, did not fail to touch on a raw nerve of the University's problems. But as in the past, the raising of the spectre of Yenan has tended to obscure the complex patterns of pride and prejudice and the dilemmas of educational policy confronting the Malaysian Chinese community and indeed the hua ch'iao (Overseas Chinese) of Southeast Asia generally, of which the University is but an expression. Nanyang University's problems today provide an index to the paradoxes and the conflicting appeals as a whole that stir the community whose interests it was originally designed to serve.
From Friendship to Comradeship: The Change in Personal Relations in Communist China
Authors: Vogel Ezra F.
Published: March 2009

The detonation of a nuclear device by the People's Republic of China on October 16, 1964, made it unmistakably clear that China attached a very high priority to becoming a militarily effective nuclear power as soon as possible. Although the effect on Chinese economic development has probably been relatively limited thus far, the Chinese are devoting substantial resources to their nuclear programme and may be expected to have militarily effective systems within this decade. The Chinese appear to be considerably further along in the development of nuclear weapons and delivery systems than had been previously anticipated.
Communist China's Attitude Towards Nuclear Tests
Authors: Chiu Hungdah
Published: March 2009

On October 15, 1957, Communist China and the Soviet Union signed an agreement on new defence technology according to which the Soviet Union would supply China with technical data for manufacturing nuclear weapons. In May 1958 Foreign Minister Ch'en Yi told German correspondents in Peking that China would make atomic bombs. On June 20, 1959, the Soviet Union, according to China, unilaterally abrogated the 1957 agreements on weapons development. On July 31, 1963, China issued a statement denouncing the Moscow Partial Test Ban Treaty as “a big fraud to fool the people of the world.” On October 16, 1964, China announced that an atomic device had been exploded in western China and proposed that “a summit conference of all the countries of the world be convened to discuss the question of the complete prohibition and thorough destruction of nuclear weapons.”
Teng Hsiao-p'ing: a Political Profile
Authors: Boorman Howard L.
Published: March 2009

Writing some four hundred and fifty years ago, the founder of the modern realist school of political analysis struck the mark. “The first impression that one gets of a ruler and of his brains,” Machiavelli observed, “is from seeing the men that he has about him.” To the student of the terrain of post-1928 Chinese political history, the prominent positions of Chiang Kai-shek's Chekiang clique in the Kuomintang and of Mao Tse-tung's Hunan faction in the Chinese Communist Party are obvious landmarks. Yet the difference in the political styles of Chiang and Mao, as revealed in the men around them, has been less emphasised. Chiang Kai-shek's trusted political and military associates, with some exceptions, have been either members of his own family or natives of his own province of Chekiang in east China. Mao Tse-tung, while revealing similar parochialism in selecting and retaining associates from his native province of Hunan, has nevertheless shown more imagination and less inflexibility than Chiang.
The Ideology of Scholarship : China's New Historiography
Authors: Kahn Harold , Feuerwerker Albert
Published: March 2009

This article is a report on the conference on historiography in Communist China convened by The China Quarterly at Ditchley Park near Oxford, September 6–12, 1964. Many of the papers will appear in forthcoming issues of this Journal and will be published in book form next year. Professor Feuerwerker served as chairman of the conference, Mr. Kahn as its rapporteur.
The Yang Hsien-chen Affair
Authors: Munro Donald J.
Published: March 2009

An exposure to Chinese Communist discussions of the nature of “struggle” leaves a curious visual image. The portrait is not of two poles with a middle ground between, but of a situation in which the middle ground has moved to one of the two sides, leaving combat of one against two. For the middle ground or compromise between opposites has become an equal if not greater menace to progress (which emerges from struggle) than the obvious enemy itself. The “either-or” polarity is nothing new in Marxism, but it has taken on new significance in Chinese philosophical discourse.
Educational Themes in China's Changing Culture
Authors: Solomon Richard H.
Published: March 2009

One of the striking contrasts between a Communist revolution and one of the “nationalist” variety lies in the differing attitudes held by the revolutionary elites towards the traditional culture. Nationalist leaders tend to come to power with a vague commitment to restore the values of the traditional society in a modern context; yet a good deal of their energy in the early years of nation-building is expended trying to relate cherished cultural doctrines to the often incompatible demands of modernisation.