bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Inside The Turner Diaries: Neo-nazi Scripture
Authors: Ball Terence , Dagger Richard
Published: May 2006

At 9:02 on the morning of April 19, 1995, a powerful fertilizer bomb exploded in front of the Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City. One hundred sixty-eight people, including twenty children, were killed. More than 500 people were badly injured. Federal authorities at first suspected foreign terrorists. The trail, however, led elsewhere—to two (and possibly more) self-styled American “patriots” with ties to the neo-nazi “militia” movement. One of the suspects, Timothy McVeigh, carried a copy of The Turner Diaries, the “bible” of various radical right, neo-nazi militia groups. At his trial in Denver, the prosecution made numerous references to The Turner Diaries. McVeigh himself chose not to speak during the trial in which he was found guilty and sentenced to death. If we are to understand the thinking of McVeigh and other home-grown terrorists, we must understand the contents of this book.

The Turner Diaries is a work of fiction. It purports to be the diaries kept by Earl Turner, a militant member of a neo-nazi group called the Organization which in the “Great Revolution” of the late twentieth century overthrew the Jewishled “System” (i.e., the U.S. government) and in the twenty-first century inaugurated an all-white, racially pure New Era. During the Old Era, the System discriminated against patriotic white Americans by confiscating their guns, promoting policies of affirmative action, encouraging non-white foreign immigration and interracial marriage, and putting Jews, African-Americans, and other minorities in positions of authority in schools and universities, the mass media, the FBI, and other governmental institutions.
If It Ain't Broke Bad, Don't Fix It A Lot
Authors: Evans C. Lawrence , Oleszek Walter J.
Published: May 2006

The House of Representatives is one of the most dynamic of governmental institutions. Formally and informally, the House regularly revises its rules, procedures, practices, and structures to adapt and adjust to, among other things, membership and workload changes. Absent its capacities for reform, the House would soon find itself unable to meet the diverse challenges of the day. Generally, the House's reorganization imperative is driven by the constant influx of new lawmakers who bring fresh perspectives on how the House should work; typically, they want to make changes in the status quo.
Too Much of a Good Thing: More Representative is Not Necessarily Better
Authors: Hibbing John R. , Theiss-Morse Elizabeth
Published: May 2006

Reform sentiments are much in evidence on the American political scene as we approach the end of the century, and improving the way public opinion is represented in political institutions is often the major motivation of reformers. This is clear from the essays in this collection, from the activities of contemporary political elites, and from the mood of ordinary people. Gross dissatisfaction exists with the nature of representation perceived to be offered by the modern political system.
Studying Substantive Democracy
Authors: Jacobs Lawrence R. , Shapiro Robert Y.
Published: May 2006

Within the last decade, the amount and quality of research on the relationship between public opinion and policy making has taken a dramatic step forward. This research contributes to the development of democratic theory and to the (re)organization of political science as a profession. Further development of opinion-policy research, however, will require addressing several critical limitations.

What Has Been Done

Statistical analyses and interpretative case studies have reported (both in the United States and Western Europe) a systematic relationship between public opinion and decision making on a range of issues—from national security to social security (for a review see Shapiro and Jacobs 1989 and Shapiro and Young 1989). These results have emerged from several distinct research designs.

The first relies on in-depth investigations of public opinion's impact on formulating specific policies. These case studies rely on closely examining public opinion as gauged through polling results and policy decisions. Many of these studies offer cross-national studies; they discuss issues central to international relations, American politics, and comparative politics (Jacobs 1992a, 1992b, and 1993; Risse-Kappen 1991; Deese 1994 for essays by Shapiro and Page, Graham, and Bennett; Jasper 1990; Eichenberg 1989; Russett 1990; Graham 1989; Kusnitz 1984; Burstein 1985; Sobel 1993; Mattes 1993). For instance, Jacobs (1993) uses interviews and archival evidence to investigate the formulation of American and British health care policy.
The End of the Cold War, Attitude Change, and the Politics of Defense Spending
Authors: Russett Bruce , Hartley Thomas , Murray Shoon
Published: May 2006

Throughout the Cold War, United States national security policy, and the public attitudes that supported it, seemed anchored in the great ideology and power rivalry with the Soviet Union. A basic component of that policy, the ups and downs of American military spending, was largely predictable by changes in the level of Soviet military spending and by public preferences, as expressed in opinion surveys, for increases or decreases in American military spending. Public beliefs about the appropriate level of military spending, moreover, appeared firmly rooted in a larger set of foreign policy beliefs. Attitudes toward the Soviet Union, toward the circumstances justifying the use of military force internationally, and toward cooperating with other countries were all part of a stable and well-defined system of beliefs. In turn, foreign policy attitudes frequently were predictable from a reasonably coherent set of attitudes toward domestic policy.

The end of the Cold War brought remarkable changes in both policy and attitudes. The major anchoring point for the rivalry—the Soviet Union itself—has ceased to exist, and Russia no longer poses the same level or kind of military threat. Rationales for U.S. military spending, for the use of military force abroad, and for international cooperation have likewise changed. But in some respects they have not changed so greatly. These historic events present us with an extraordinary opportunity to study the structure of Americans' foreign policy beliefs and the dynamics of attitude change. They also provide a chance to speculate about how changed and stable attitudes may affect national security policy.
The Comparative Politics of Eastern Europe
Authors: Nelson Daniel N. , Bentley Samuel
Published: May 2006

During 1989, as Eastern Europe's communist regimes abdicated power in the face of popular coups, Daniel Nelson was asked by a journalist if such changes meant a career change for scholars of communist systems. He answered affirmatively: if such scholars had examined these regimes only as communist systems; yet, for scholars who had studied politics in the arena of Eastern Europe, he said, a full and challenging career lay ahead.

This speculation has since given way to certainty. Comparative communism as a subfield of political analysis passed away during 1989, while the comparative politics of Eastern Europe was rejuvenated.

The Birth and Death of Comparative Communism

Within a few years after Mikhail Gorbachev inaugurated changes that he could not control, practitioners of comparative communism were confronted with new conditions for their research and analysis. Notwithstanding the continuation of communist rule in China, Cuba, North Korea, and Southeast Asia, the subfield lost its raison d'etre. Most of the premises that had generated a subfield of comparative endeavors, no matter how rudimentary they may have sometimes been, became moot.

Comparative communism had come and gone. But, what had comparative communism sought to accomplish? How well did scholars and policy-analysts succeed? Was there any lasting contribution to political studies?

In the late 1940s when communist parties gained power in Eastern Europe, China, and North Korea, the impression was that a single form of totalitarian government had been imposed from Moscow. The “Soviet bloc” aggregated all states' and leaders' behavior within the image of rigid uniformity. Consequently, broadly comparative analyses and rigorous tests of hypotheses were unnecessary. Most scholarly attention appeared to be driven by Western foreign policy interest.
Leo Strauss and the Straussians: An Anti-democratic Cult?
Authors: Smith Gregory Bruce
Published: May 2006

In both scholarly and popular venues, the political philosopher Leo Strauss has emerged as the alleged father of an anti-democratic cult at odds with the principles of American democracy. The relative suddenness and uniformity of this recently evolving sentiment is intriguing. Certainly, Strauss's name and those of his self-avowed “followers” have surfaced in public before recent years. That Strauss was a controversial and iconoclastic scholar during his lifetime is certainly true, but primarily on issues such as how to read Machiavelli or the appropriate way to approach the study of the social sciences. His recent public impact, especially since his death, was therefore hardly predictable. Strauss simply was not a public man. He seldom declaimed in public, and despite a sense of professional obligation to his university and his students, clearly preferred the withdrawn, quiet, contemplative life. He showed no desire to have a public persona.

It is difficult to explain, therefore, how Strauss could occasion such intemperate remarks as those printed in the New York Times, under the heading “Undemocratic Vistas: The Sinister Vogue of Leo Strauss.” Author Brent Staples stated that “Leo Strauss contended that the Philosopher-kings (himself included) were born to rule, servants were born to serve and that only disaster came of letting the rabble get above its station. Strauss, then, was unapologetically elitist and anti-democratic. His ideas have survived him and crept into vogue in American politics.”
The Electoral Lock Thesis: The Weighting Bias Component
Authors: Berthoud John E.
Published: May 2006

In the September 1996 issue of PS, I.M. Destler analyzes the supposed “electoral lock” that Republicans have on the Presidency due to the dynamics of the Electoral College. Under Destler's analysis, there turns out to be no great advantage in the system for either party. Destler speculates that the reason is that there are offsetting effects. On the one hand, Republicans do well in smaller states which because of the weighting bias of the electoral college system are disproportionately represented (each state, of course, has one vote for each U.S. Representative and one vote for each Senator, the latter element giving a disproportionate voice to the smaller states). Democrats, on the other hand, have been doing better in the bigger states where the winner-take-all principle helps boost their electoral college totals.

The electoral college is of course a perennial target of reformers who see it as unfair and confusing. While defenders of the electoral college argue its merits on many grounds, there are many significant problems, and few are as serious as the small state bias. Figure 1 shows this bias by comparing the actual votes that each state gets during elections in the 1990s (and 2000) with the votes each would get if the 538 electoral votes were allocated on a strictly proportional basis (the states are sorted by their non-biased electoral votes). Certainly, giving extra weight to one state over another—violating the one person-one vote principle—is more problematic than the second issue raised by Destler: the winner-take-all aspect.
Party Government and the Contract With America
Authors: Riley Russell L.
Published: May 2006

American voters issued mixed signals in November 1994 about the preferred role of party in the nation's governing structures. Accordingly, those political scientists who advocate party government for the United States—disciplined parties committed to coherent governing programs consciously patterned on the parliamentary model—were left to debate whether the midterm election results were a glass half empty or half full.

The bad news for advocates of a “more responsible two party system” was that the voters rejected at their earliest opportunity the necessary precondition for party government in the United States: single party control of the nation's elected institutions (Committee on Political Parties 1950). By turning Congress over to the Republicans, the electorate terminated an experiment in which the entirety of the elected federal policy-making structure had been entrusted to the Democrats. That exercise of single party control was brief—and increasingly rare. In the half century since the end of World War II, one party has held the White House and both chambers of Congress just 21 years. In the last quarter century only Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton have presided under these conditions. American voters, then, apparently returned in 1994 to comfortable form in restoring divided government, commensurately discomforting those who see in parties the remedy for a host of ills associated with separated institutions sharing powers.

Yet there were also promising developments in 1994 for party government advocates. At the top of the plus side of the ledger was the way in which House Republicans shed their status as a “permanent minority.”
Political Science Then and Now: Thoughts on Henry Jones Ford
Authors: Hargrove Erwin C.
Published: May 2006

I remember an afternoon graduate seminar in 1958 at Yale when Bob Dahl asked a question: “How would we best go about ‘testing’ the insights of Alexis de Tocqueville in Democracy in America?” Two answers were offered. “Survey research can do it all,” many argued. I put my hand up and offered an alternative. We would do well to study American history, the culture of politics, and political sociology, then and now. One does not “test” Tocqueville all at once, and never fully. One continually matches his insights against what one knows and understands about our politics. Dahl accepted both answers and we then went on to other things. I recalled the question when I recently reread Ford.

Ford, along with James Bryce, was one of the first political scientists to attempt an analysis of the central dynamics of American political institutions. In The Rise and Growth of American Politics (1898), he set a model followed by Arthur Bentley, Arthur Holcombe, Wilfred Binkley, Pendleton Herring, D.W. Brogan, and Clinton Rossiter, all leaders in American political science. The art was to write a perceptive book about U.S. politics that was grounded primarily in historical materials and analyzed the connections among society, politics, and government.
South Carolina: The Christian Right Wins One
Authors: Guth James L.
Published: May 2006

Early in the 1994 campaign, South Carolina Democratic humorists quipped that only two skills were required to win a Republican gubernatorial nomination—speaking in tongues and handling snakes (Carney 1994). The reference, of course, was to the expanding role of conservative Protestants in the state's Republican Party. Unfortunately, Democratic strategists understood the dynamics of conservative Protestantism no better in South Carolina than elsewhere, and on November 8, the joke was on them.

David Beasley, a born-again Southern Baptist (but converted in an independent Fundamentalist church), received strong backing from Pentecostal and Charismatic activists and votes from conservative Protestants of all stripes, first winning the GOP gubernatorial nomination and then defeating a popular Democratic lieutenant governor for the state's top post. Beasley's success proves that identifying with a Christian Right movement organization is not an insuperable barrier to political success. His victory also brings into focus the broader role of conservative Protestants in South Carolina's continuing development into one of the nation's most Republican states.
Public Support for Environmental Protection: Objective Problems and Subjective Values in 43 Societies
Authors: Inglehart Ronald
Published: May 2006

Policies designed to solve environmental problems are unlikely to succeed unless they have broad public support, but the motives for mass support are poorly understood. The problem is global in scope, but most of the relevant public opinion research done so far has been carried out in advanced industrial societies, usually Western democracies. Moreover, much of this research is limited to the tip of the iceberg, focusing on what people think about environmental problems without probing into why they think it or how deeply they are committed.

The analysis of mass attitudes toward environmental problems in this article uses evidence from representative national surveys of countries representing the entire developmental spectrum, from rich to poor nations, including not only Western democracies but authoritarian regimes and recently emerging democracies from the former communist bloc. The data come from the 1990–93 World Values survey, carried out in 43 countries containing 70% of the world's population. Our goal is to determine why given publics are—or are not—sufficiently concerned about environmental problems that they are willing to make financial sacrifices and undertake other actions in order to help protect the environment.
Why Americans Hate Politics and Politicians
Authors: Nelson Michael
Published: May 2006

Do psychiatrists still use word-association techniques with their patients? I sometimes do word association with my students, usually on the first day of my introductory American government classes at Rhodes College. The first word I say is “politics,” and here is what they come back with: corrupt, dirty, games-playing, ego trip, a waste. (The nicest thing I heard the last time I did this was “boring”.) Here is what they say in response to “politician”: selfish, ambitious, mediocre, unprincipled.

The teacher in me wants to despair when students associate words like these with politics. I know, as did Aristotle, that politics is a vital and sometimes noble human activity. I know that politics was at the heart of our birth as a nation. (As John Roche [1961] has pointed out, the founding fathers may be described in many ways, but no description is accurate that leaves out the word “politician.”) I know that politics was the vehicle that integrated generations of our immigrant ancestors into the mainstream of American society—the job on the city road crew that my German grandfather got from the Frank Hague machine in Jersey City is the reason that my father and then I were later able to build careers of our own in the private sector. And I know that it is politics that secures the basic freedoms that allow my students to say critical things about politics.
The Size and Composition of the Anti-Nazi Opposition in Germany
Authors: Almond Gabriel A. , Krauss Wolfgang
Published: May 2006

Data concerning the existence, size, and significance of an anti-Nazi opposition within Germany are forthcoming from two primary sources. The first source is the direct testimony of opposition leaders still surviving after the occupation; the second source consists of official German intelligence reports or interrogations of interned Gestapo and Sicherheitsdienst officials. The direct testimony of opposition leaders is, of course, subject to the qualification that it is to the interest of the leader and his group to represent the activities of his movement during the war years in the best possible light. Estimates of the size and scope of activities provided by such leaders may be viewed as more or less exaggerated. However the experience of Bombing Survey Field Teams also suggests that such estimates may in some cases be low rather than high because of the extreme secrecy in which such movements were forced to operate. For example, a number of Communist leaders knew in general terms that other Communist groups and cells were operating in their area, but because of the absence of any connection they were unable to estimate the size of the group. Throughout the opposition movement it was an elementary principle of safety, confirmed by repeated experience with Gestapo terror and torture, never to know more about the personnel and activities of the movement than was absolutely essential. In evaluating the information from this source it is also necessary to keep in mind that the best informants in a great many cases had been executed in the last wave of terror. Frequently the knowledge of the survivors was fragmentary; many of those who had occupied central points in the organization had fallen.
Two Perspectives on Tenure
Authors: Pilant Denny E. , Ellison Brian A.
Published: May 2006

Here, two college professors explore the dilemma of tenure, and ultimately argue for a change in the way tenure is promoted and perceived within the academy. One professor—an associate dean and former department head—has over 35 years of experience with the academy and has observed the best and worst aspects of tenure. The other, currently teaching his third semester of classes, has a perspective on tenure based more on expectations than experience. The perspectives differ, but at the same time provide insight into the two sides of tenure—one that views tenure as a public good needed to protect academic freedom and the other which sees it as a menace that protects incompetence.

As a young professor, I was a vocal opponent of the Vietnam War at a university in very conservative section of the Midwest. My public stand against the war was criticized on local radio, television, and in the newspaper. In that Midwestern city, the war could be seen in two ways: through the eyes of the patriotic American or those of the traitor. The community made clear its attitude toward opposition to the war. Being an untenured assistant professor, I was most fortunate that the department head and academic dean were devoted defenders of academic freedom. If these academic administrators had not held their respective positions during the Vietnam War, there is no doubt my contract would have expired without renewal.
Tenure and the Constitution of the University
Authors: Turner Stephen
Published: May 2006

Should university professors be exempt from the job insecurity that afflicts much of the population? As businesses become leaner and meaner, shouldn't universities do the same? After all, Universities have become expensive. Wouldn't abolishing tenure make change possible—especially by eliminating deadwood?

These are fair questions. One answer is that a great many savings of the same kind that have become commonplace in business are already extensively employed by universities. For example, much of the teaching at our universities, is done by poorly paid part-time employees or graduate students, and as older faculty retire, they are often not replaced. So universities HAVE been part of the larger trends. In many respects, universities were, in fact, leaders in shifting work to part-timers.

Why shouldn't university presidents be like corporate CEO's and (as they were in the 19th century) able to hire and fire at will? Wouldn't a workforce responsive to changing organizational goals be good for universities? These questions look like two parts of the same question, and surely many people outside the university do not see the two questions as distinct. Indeed, perhaps precisely because of the way in which organizational change is occurring in business presently, the two problems seem to be one.

The two issues are not the same, and separating them is crucial to understanding the role of tenure in universities.
Survey of Vote-by-Mail Senate Election in the State of Oregon
Authors: Southwell Priscilla L. , Burchett Justin
Published: May 2006

The special Senate election in Oregon, held during January 1996, was the first time in which a federal election was held using a vote-by-mail format. The purpose of this survey was to address most of the relevant issues and concerns involving vote-by-mail elections and to provide an assessment of this electoral method at a crucial time in the political process.
Rating the Rating: An Analysis of the National Research Council's Appraisal of Political Science Ph.D. Programs
Authors: Jackman Robert W. , Siverson Randolph M.
Published: May 2006

Not surprisingly, the ratings of doctoral programs in the United States by the National Research Council (NRC 1995) are controversial. Some interpret the ratings as an indicator of relative program quality; others view them as little more than a gauge of the size and age of graduate programs, and still others deem them to be simply a popularity barometer.

Employing data assembled in the NRC report, we examine whether the political science program ratings reflect two general sets of characteristics—the size and the productivity of faculty.

All other things equal, program quality should vary directly with faculty size, and indeed size is emphasized as a key explanatory factor in the NRC report. The logic is straightforward. Very small departments lack the means to field a range of graduate courses of sufficient breadth to form the basis of a serious program. Larger departments enjoy the increased resources that allow for greater program depth and breadth. In addition, holding quality concerns constant, larger programs should on average receive higher ratings simply because they include more faculty.
Schematic Politics
Authors: Roelofs H. Mark
Published: May 2006

Can philosophically inclined political scientists, as well as quantifying behavioralists, use diagrams? Of course … and have at least since Plato depicted Socrates drawing lines in the sand below the walls of Athens. Nothing will more quickly or comprehensively convey the relationships between the elements within a complex idea than a carefully constructed, skillfully rendered schematic diagram.

A few years back, I published a book on American politics (Roelofs 1992b). Some readers found it interesting, but others seemed unable to credit—much less to critique— its central claim: to have presented a detailed, integrated, and comprehensive account of the American political system as a conceptual whole. Apparently, for these readers, my argument was so extended, the elements to be connected within it so numerous (and sometimes individually so strange), they simply lost sight of my overall intent.

In a phenomenological perspective, the American political system, viewed comprehensively, is an Idea, extraordinarily complex, and filled with ingenious devices as well as major contradictions and paradoxes. Yet it is still a single system, as the diagram I have now developed to illustrate the argument of my book (Figure 1) attempts to show.
Fair Division: A Format for the Debate on the Format of Debates
Authors: Lax Jeffrey R.
Published: May 2006

In 1960, a televised presidential debate, four of them in fact, occurred for the first time. This came to seem, despite initial expectations, a mere blip in electoral history until the debates of 1976. During the intervening era, strategic political maneuvering was limited almost solely to the question of whether to debate, the answer always being resoundingly negative. In 1964, 1968, and 1972, the front-runner declined the invitation to debate to preserve his status as such (Alexander and Margolis 1978, 19). By 1980, the simple tactical choice of whether to debate had matured into an intricate series of strategic decisions—a yes/no question had been transformed into a debate on debates and their format. Concerns ranged from the number of debates and their timing to the use of props. By 1984, debates had become a campaign staple, and, by 1996, the debate over debate format had become a “campaign ritual” (Lewis 1996a). No current commentator is surprised, as was one of the panelists in one of the 1980 debates, by “how much the format is the debate” (Golden 1980). An editorial described the situation one year (and, without context, it is difficult to tell which) as follows:

A standard was set for participation by minor candidates—and then faithlessly abandoned. The major candidates maneuvered … baldly for advantage…. There was endless bickering about format and bargaining over the questioners. All of which produced wide public cynicism. There has to be a better way. (“Repair” 1980)

I will argue that there is indeed a better way to handle this metadebate.
An Effective Congress and Effective Members: What Does it Take?
Authors: Sinclair Barbara
Published: May 2006

What are the skills needed to serve effectively in Congress and how do politicians acquire them? Learning to be a member of Congress is unlike learning to be a plumber or a brain surgeon; there is no prescribed course of study and no certification process. The criteria by which we judge whether a brain surgeon or a plumber is good at his or her job are relatively clear and uncontroversial; there is less consensus about what constitutes doing a good job as a member of Congress. Thus, the question that begins this essay cannot be answered simply and directly.

The question can be approached by examining the job of Congress, how Congress has organized itself to do its job and then considering the skills members need to function effectively in that environment. First, however, we must decide what we mean by effectiveness. Members can be considered to function effectively when their behavior furthers their individual objectives. Alternatively, effectiveness can be defined relative to the objectives of the institution, and members can be considered to function effectively when their behavior furthers the Congress's capacity to do its job well. These two different ways of defining effectiveness lead to another important question: are the skills needed to get to, remain in, and get ahead in Congress the same ones needed to make Congress institutionally effective?
Accentuate the Negative: Contemporary Congressional Campaigns
Authors: Elving Ronald D.
Published: May 2006

Campaigning in the final days before Oregon's special Senate election in January 1996, Democratic nominee Rep. Ron Wyden was introduced at each event with a song written in 1944 and recorded by Bing Crosby and the Andrews Sisters: “Ac-cent-tchu-ate the positive … E-lim-in-ate the negative…”

The sudden enthusiasm with which Wyden embraced his new theme song struck more than a few Oregonians as ironic. Wyden had adopted his positive campaign posture after reading polls that showed a plurality of voters more concerned about the negative tone of the campaign than about any other issue. That negative tone had largely been established by Wyden himself (Wells 1996).

The Wyden campaign—both on the attack and on the defensive, in repentance and in victory—offers a microcosm for the state of campaigning for Congress in the mid-1990s.

Wyden, an eighth-term member from Portland, won his Senate nomination in November over another House Democrat from a more rural district who was unable to raise comparable amounts of cash. His Republican rival, state Senate President Gordon Smith, had made himself wealthy in food-packaging and won the nomination by heavily outspending two statewide officeholders (Gruenwald 1995).
The Myth of the “Electoral Lock”
Authors: Destler I. M.
Published: May 2006

For at least two decades, it has been conventional wisdom among political guras that our system of choosing presidents through electoral votes, accumulated state by state, offers Republicans a substantial edge. Representative is a comment by a Democratic strategist to Newsweek (7/27) in the summer of 1992: “It's the same map we've had to deal with for years—and the results haven't been good. You need all the breaks with a map like that….”

The notion that Republicans have an “electoral lock” on the White House has been received wisdom among pundits ever since Horace Busby, a former aide to President Lyndon Johnson, coined the phrase. The idea is that even if Democrats fare well in the popular vote, the electoral map is skewed against them.

There is only one problem with the idea. The election numbers just don't support it.

It is obvious that, in presidential contests of the 1970s and 1980s, major regions went overwhelmingly Republican. From 1972 through 1988, the Democrats did not once carry a single state among the eight of the Mountain West. They did little better in the South: Jimmy Carter dominated the region in 1976, but Democrats carried a total of just one old Confederacy state in the other four elections. Clearly these have been regions of deep Democratic weakness at the presidential level.
Kennedy and Achilles: A Classical Approach to Political Science
Authors: Nelson Michael
Published: May 2006

Has any president been harder for historians and political scientists to get a handle on than John F. Kennedy? As Fred Greenstein (1992) has noted, “In spite of the voluminous literature on Kennedy himself, the events of his presidency, his associates, image, and assassination, … his reputation remains in dispute.” Not only does “the thirty-fifth president await a satisfactory biographer,” Greenstein observes, but scholars do not seem to be getting any closer: “Recent efforts to assess him fall short even of the ‘court biographies’ of Schlesinger and Sorensen.” Was Kennedy friend or foe of the civil rights movement? A Cold Warrior or a champion of peace? Was his personal character healthily “active-positive” or pathologically reckless? Did he grow in office or remain as he began?

Kennedy's hold on Americans' political consciousness, which seems undiminished a third of a century after his assassination, poses a related puzzle for presidential scholars. Dozens of books about Kennedy and his family have appeared on recent bestseller lists. Examining the Kennedy assassination is still a growth industry. Around one-third of Americans say they think that Kennedy belongs on Mt. Rushmore, more than anyone else from U.S. history, and he regularly heads the list of greatest presidents in public opinion polls. At the much-ballyhooed April 1996 auction of Kennedy memorabilia, his possessions were bid up like relics of the True Cross—a set of the late president's golf woods fetched $772,500.
The Coming Democratic Realignment
Authors: Green Donald , Palmquist Bradley , Schickler Eric
Published: May 2006

For many years, Democrats have waited patiently to preside over good times. No Koreas, Vietnams, or Irans. No stagflation. Just nice, tranquil prosperity—the sort of happy circumstances that make not only for short-run electoral success, but also for the recruitment of tried-and-true Democrats. Since the early 1980s, the Democratic Party has been short on Democrats. In the 1970s, Democrats comprised roughly two-thirds of all party identifiers; at the close of the century, that figure stood at approximately 57%.

At long last, the Democrats seem to have their chance. By every measure, the economy has been booming. In particular, consumer confidence, which MacKuen, Erikson, and Stimson (1989) have hailed as one of the driving forces behind partisan realignment, has soared. During Ronald Reagan's “Morning in America,” the Michigan Index of Consumer Sentiment stood at 95. Clinton's mornings have been even rosier, given the 100+ scores that have been posted every quarter since the spring of 1997 (see http://www.fcnbd.com/cor/fccm/Research-Fixed/usdata/sentiment/sentiment.htm). Indeed, the Index of Consumer Sentiment has regularly achieved the highest levels ever recorded since 1953.

Another driving force behind partisan realignment, presidential popularity, has also soared. Say what you will about President Clinton's travails in office; his Gallup Poll approval ratings have always been respectable. No Nixon-, Carter-, or Bush-like scores in the 30s for him. Indeed, Bill Clinton has at times achieved Kennedyesque scores in the 60s, and his average rating easily surpasses that of Ronald Reagan.
Void formation and transport during SMC manufacturing: Effect of the glass fiber sizing
Authors: Comte E. , Merhi D. , Michaud V. , Månson J.A.E.
Published: May 2006

The present study investigates the origin of voids in sheet molding compounds (SMCs) sheets and their transport during the manufacturing steps. Paste mixing, impregnation, thickening, and molding have been performed with five different SMC sheets, one without fibers and the others with four different types of glass fiber bundles. The fiber surface energy and bending rigidity were quantified, together with the paste surface energy. Void content was then measured at each manufacturing step. Two main void origins in SMC sheets have been observed: (i) air entrapment during paste mixing and (ii) poor bundle impregnation. These voids may be largely removed during SMC manufacturing. The quality of impregnation and void elimination during the flow is found to depend on the bundle characteristics (rigidity and surface energy) conferred by their sizing and over sizing. POLYM. COMPOS. 27:289–298, 2006. © 2006 Society of Plastics Engineers
Thrust wedges and fluid overpressures: Sandbox models involving pore fluids
Authors: Mourgues R. , Cobbold P. R.
Published: May 2006

The well‐known model for the critical taper of an accretionary wedge includes overpressure as a first‐order parameter. Fluid overpressures reduce frictional resistance at the base of a wedge but they also act as body forces on all material particles of the wedge, in addition to that of gravity. By means of sandbox modeling, many workers have tried to verify the predictions of the critical taper model, but few of them have so far incorporated true fluid pressures. We have used scaled experiments, in which compressed air flows through sand packs, so as to model the deformation of overpressured wedges. A new apparatus provides for a horizontally varying fluid pressure, for example, a linear variation, as in the critical taper model. We have done three series of experiments, involving horizontal shortening of homogeneous or multilayered sand models for various gradients of fluid pressure. As predicted by the critical taper model, the apical angle of the resulting wedge depends on the overpressure gradient. In homogeneous sand at a high overpressure gradient, deformation becomes diffuse and looks ductile. In multilayered models, detachments form beneath layers of low permeability, so that thrusts propagate rapidly toward the undeformed foreland. The efficiency of a detachment and its ability to propagate depend not only on the fluid pressure but also on the permeability ratios between the various layers.
Geocenter motions from GPS: A unified observation model
Authors: Lavallée David A. , van Dam Tonie , Blewitt Geoffrey , Clarke Peter J.
Published: May 2006

We test a unified observation model for estimating surface‐loading‐induced geocenter motion using GPS. In principle, this model is more complete than current methods, since both the translation and deformation of the network are modeled in a frame at the center of mass of the entire Earth system. Real and synthetic data for six different GPS analyses over the period 1997.25–2004.25 are used to (1) build a comprehensive appraisal of the errors and (2) compare this unified approach with the alternatives. The network shift approach is found to perform particularly poorly with GPS. Furthermore, erroneously estimating additional scale changes with this approach can suggest an apparently significant seasonal variation which is due to real loading. An alternative to the network shift approach involves modeling degree‐1 and possibly higher‐degree deformations of the solid Earth in a realization of the center of figure frame. This approach is shown to be more robust for unevenly distributed networks. We find that a unified approach gives the lowest formal error of geocenter motion, smaller differences from the true value when using synthetic data, the best agreement between five different GPS analyses, and the closest (submillimeter) agreement with the geocenter motion predicted from loading models and estimated using satellite laser ranging. For five different GPS analyses, best estimates of annual geocenter motion have a weighted root‐mean‐square agreement of 0.6, 0.6, and 0.8 mm in amplitude and 21°, 22°, and 22° in phase for x, y, and z, respectively.
Interaction of turbulence and scalar fields in premixed flames
Authors: Swaminathan N. , Grout R. W.
Published: May 2006

The interaction of turbulence with progress variable, c, field in a premixed flame is studied. This interaction is characterized by the correlation c,ieijc,j¯, where the overbar denotes an appropriate averaging process, c,i is the gradient of c in spatial direction i and eij is the turbulence strain rate. The importance of this term is recognized via a transport equation for the square of the magnitude of the scalar gradient in turbulent premixed flames. It is also shown that the above correlation forms a natural part of the tangential strain rate which appears in the flame surface density, Σ, equation. It is well known that this correlation is negative signifying the scalar gradient production by incompressible turbulence via the preferential alignment of the scalar gradient with the most compressive principal strain rate. This physical picture is commonly adopted for turbulent premixed flames also. Contrary to this, analyses of direct numerical simulation data for a turbulent premixed flame having flamelet combustion characteristics show the preferential alignment of the scalar gradient with the most extensive principal strain rate. This preferential alignment is because of flame influence on the flow via dilation. The above alignment pulls the isoscalar surfaces from each other yielding positive values for the above correlation inside the flame brush. Thus the turbulence, in addition to the molecular dissipation process, dissipates the scalar gradients in premixed flames when the Damköhler number (Da) is large. These dissipation processes are counteracted by chemical reactions which produce the scalar gradients. A simple RANS model for the above correlation is obtained by decomposing it into contributions from flame front and nonflame front regions of the flow as suggested by the DNS results. The model obtained here involves Da and represents the dissipation of the scalar gradients by the turbulence when Da is larger than unity. This model also recovers the production of the scalar gradient by the turbulence when Da is less than unity. Comparison of this model prediction with the DNS data of large Da flame is reasonable. The turbulence-scalar interaction in low and moderate Damköhler number flames still needs to be explored.
Instabilities in compressible attachment–line boundary layers
Authors: Le Duc Anne , Sesterhenn Jörn , Friedrich Rainer
Published: May 2006

The hydrodynamic stability of the weakly compressible attachment–line boundary layer, with a sweep Mach number ranging from 0.1 to 1.3, is studied using a temporal compressible direct numerical simulation. A flow impinging non-normally onto an infinitely extended flat plate was computed. This complements the study of Hall et al. [Proc. R. Soc. London, Ser. A 395, 229 (1984)] who investigated the linear stability of an incompressible attachment–line boundary layer under the assumption of Görtler–Hämmerlin perturbation modes. In the present work, the base flow is modeled starting from the incompressible swept Hiemenz flow. Using Rayleigh-Jansen Mach number expansions, we obtain a family of base flows parameterized with the sweep Mach number ranging from 0.1 to 1.3. The Reynolds number of the simulation is higher than the incompressible critical Reynolds number, and the plate is adiabatic. Small purely vortical stochastic perturbations are inserted in the boundary layer and followed in time. For Mach numbers up to 0.3, developed velocity and pressure modes are similar to the ones assumed by Görtler and Hämmerlin. The chordwise dependencies of the temperature mode are presented. When increasing the Mach number, the structure of the modes changes; for high Mach numbers, a significantly slower decay of the eigenfunction with wall–normal distance is observed. Above M=0.5, the perturbations are exponentially decaying. This demonstrates the strong stabilizing effect of compressibility in the moderate Mach regime. Furthermore, for the same base flow, a higher exponential growth rate of the perturbation is obtained, if an isothermal wall boundary condition is applied instead of an adiabatic one.
Upward-propagating capillary waves on the surface of short Taylor bubbles
Authors: Liberzon Dan , Shemer Lev , Barnea Dvora
Published: May 2006

Upward-propagating capillary waves are observed on the surface of short Taylor air bubbles rising in vertical pipes. The wave length distribution along the bubble surface is measured for bubbles rising in pipes of different diameters in stagnant and up-flowing water by digital image processing. It is shown that the waves are generated by bubble bottom oscillations, and their length is determined by wave-current interaction along the liquid film.
Large eddy simulation of magnetohydrodynamic turbulent channel flows with local subgrid-scale model based on coherent structures
Authors: Kobayashi Hiromichi
Published: May 2006

For turbulent channel flows with a uniform magnetic field perpendicular to insulated walls, the performance of the coherent structure Smagorinsky model (CSM) is investigated in comparison to the Smagorinsky model (SM) and the dynamic Smagorinsky model (DSM). The Lorentz force acts against a streamwise flow. The effect of the Hartmann flattening leads to an increase in the wall shear stress, so that the skin friction coefficient increases. In contrast, the turbulence suppression by the magnetic field results in a decrease of the Reynolds shear stress near the wall, so that the skin friction coefficient decreases. As the magnetic field increases, a turbulent magnetohydrodynamic (MHD) flow transits to a laminar MHD flow at a critical Hartmann number. The CSM predicts a higher transition Hartmann number than the DSM and SM, because the model parameter of the CSM is locally determined based on coherent structures and the fluctuations are reflected in the shear stress. On the other hand, the model parameter of the DSM is averaged in the homogeneous directions, so that the shear stress is somewhat underestimated for the subcritical Hartmann number. The SM with a model constant and a wall damping function of the Van Driest type reproduces the laminar MHD flow at the lowest transition Hartmann number, because the model parameter (which does not change in the magnetic field) provides significant energy dissipation. Moreover, the CSM and DSM can reproduce properly the laminar MHD flow at high Hartmann number, because the model parameters of the CSM and DSM are drastically damped near the wall and the Reynolds shear stresses are suppressed to zero. The skin friction coefficients predicted by the CSM and DSM agree with the “two-dimensional” laminar solution, whereas the SM gives higher values than the laminar solution. The coherent structures become large and align themselves along the magnetic field in the transition to the laminar MHD flow.
Object-based attention is mediated by collinearity of targets
Authors: Crundall David , Cole Geoff G. , Galpin Adam
Published: May 2006

Same-object bias occurs when tasks associated with processing a single object are faster than tasks associated with two objects. Over five experiments we assessed whether same-object bias is mediated by the collinearity of the targets. Participants decided whether two targets, presented either within a single object or across two objects, were the same or different. Results showed that same-object bias only occurred when targets appeared on the same straight line within the same object. When targets appeared in the same object but were separated by an angle or corner, within-object facilitation was eliminated or greatly reduced. In a final experiment, response times to two targets that were collinear but on separate objects were responded to faster than were noncollinear targets on the same object. This suggests that collinearity between targets mediates the effect found in this paradigm, at least to a greater extent than colour grouping.