bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Marine Style Pottery of LMIB/LHIIA: Towards a Corpus
Authors: Mountjoy P. A.
Published: September 2013

This article presents a corpus of all the published marine style material known to the author, and references to a proportion of material known but not yet published. It is arranged by site, and within each site by shape in the same order of motifs. A descriptive analysis of shapes is presented.
Island Towers: The Case of Thasos
Authors: Osborne Robin
Published: September 2013

Towers on the island of Thasos are discussed, to determine how they relate to the Thasian countryside. It is unlikely that there is any single explanation for their existence. Defence does not appear to be a normal purpose. Some may have served as signals of danger to sailors, others were primarily agricultural, providing safe, if temporary, bases for farming and herding. Some may have been strong rooms associated with normal village dwellings for storage and protection of goods as well as people in times of danger or as a display of wealth. It is noted that village settlements are infrequent on Thasos. A catalogue of the towers is given in an appendix.
Early Cycladic Pottery from Akrotiri on Thera and its Chronological Implications
Authors: Sotirakopoulou Panayiota
Published: September 2013

Early Cycladic pottery from the lower levels of the site at Akrotiri, especially from the pits dug to bedrock to support the modern roofing, is described and discussed. This demonstrates that Akrotiri was occupied as early as the EC period. Evidence from this for relations with the rest of the Cyclades and the Aegean in general is discussed, together with the possible chronological equations. Most of the pottery belongs to the advanced phases of the Early Cycladic. There is, as yet, no certain evidence for Neolithic.
Excavations at Assiros Toumba 1986. A Preliminary Report
Authors: Wardle K. A.
Published: September 2013

The principal discoveries in 1986 at this prehistoric settlement in Macedonia were two Iron Age apsidal buildings and a late Bronze Age storeroom with masses of cereals and other crops preserved by charring.
Ancient Deities and Tortoise-Representations in Sanctuaries
Authors: Bevan E.
Published: September 2013

Though tortoises are not objects of value, and unlikely to have been used as sacrificial victims, Pausanias describes representations of them in conjunction with a deity in a few sanctuaries. The reasons for this, and the part played by tortoise shells in cults is discussed.
Unexplored Mansion, Knossos: Note I
Authors: Evely D.
Published: September 2013

This note is the first in an occasional series to add and expand the Unexplored Mansion report (the Other Finds section): the first part records the identification of pieces of emeryore(s) of a heavier calibre than previously recognized (LM II predominately); whilst the second draws together items of stone and clay pulled out from the Post-Minoan levels – personal ornament, vases, a ‘ritual’ hammer, a mould, and a ‘firestand’.
Excavations at Palaikastro, 1987
Authors: MacGillivray J.A. , Sackett L.H. , Driessen J. , Macdonald C. , Smyth D.
Published: September 2013

A second season of new excavations was undertaken at Palaikastro in 1987 in the area of Building 1, partially revealed last year, and in the adjacent fields to the south. Two new structures were denned, Buildings 3 and 4, and most of the plan of Building 1 traced. Features suggesting that Building 1 was public and played a role in the religious life of the town in LM I are the high quality of its construction, a possible grandstand with stone horns of consecration, a large well-built drain at the entrance, its unique orientation, and the discovery of the torso and arms of a male chryselephantine statuette fallen from an upper storey into an open area near the building. The other buildings are not yet well-defined. Building 3 was constructed in LM I and re-occupied in LM III, but no inner partition walls have been found. An area with pier-and-door partitions and mudbrick walls was built against the southwest wall of the building and destroyed in LM IB. Building 4 seems to belong to the LM III period, although we have not yet investigated below the floors of the re-occupation period. Destruction deposits of the LM IIIA2/B period suggest an earthquake.
An Archaic Sphinx from Siphnos
Authors: Sheedy K. A.
Published: September 2013

The head of an archaic marble statue was removed from the wall of a private house on Siphnos in 1936, during the excavations of J.K. Brock and G. Mackworth Young. It was placed in the local museum. It is argued that the modelling of the head dates it to the middle of the sixth century BC. The hair shows that it comes from a sphinx, probably one of the earliest examples of the type, of Cycladic origin, and it has the head turned to one side. It probably comes from the acroterion of a temple.
Mikre Vigla: a Bronze Age Settlement on Naxos
Authors: Panagiotopoulou E. , Barber R.L.N. , Hadjianastasiou O. , Morrison Ian A. , Vaughan Sarah
Published: September 2013

The results of a surface survey of the site are described. Mikre Vigla was a small coastal settlement, occupied from EC I or II until some time in LC III (perhaps the equivalent of mid-LHIIIC). There is a minimal amount of later material, of Geometric to Frankish date. The closest external relations in the Bronze Age, as indicated by the pottery, seem to have been with Melos, and Protopalatial Crete. Apart from building remains, pottery and some domestic and other objects (two fragments of marble artefacts, obsidian, painted plaster), the finds include an important series of small terracotta figurines, unique in the Cyclades. Some of these seem to be Early Cycladic, others related to Cretan pieces, mainly of the Protopalatial period.
Water-birds and the Olympian Gods
Authors: Bevan Elinor
Published: September 2013

Of over 1000 images of birds found in sanctuaries, approximately 300 may be interpreted as water birds: they are found in sanctuaries of female rather than male deities. The cult and ritual reasons for bird offerings and representation are discussed.
Excavations at Palaikastro, 1988
Authors: Sarpaki A. , Weingarten J. , Macgillivray J.A. , Sackett L.H. , Driessen J. , Bridges R. , Smyth D.
Published: September 2013

A third season of excavations at Palaikastro was concentrated on the central area of the new site where four main structures have been identified; Buildings 1, 3, 4 and 5. This report highlights the more interesting finds, including the head of the ivory statuette, the torso and arms of which were found last year, and the first evidence for the LM II reoccupation of east Crete in the form of a Palace Style sherd and part of a central Cretan Ephyraean goblet.
The theatre of Aitolian Makyneia
Authors: Stiros Stathis C. , Psimoulis Panos A. , Kolonas Christos L.
Published: September 2013

Remains of a recently excavated small theatre at the foot of a fortified hill, identified with Aitolian Makyneia, were studied on the basis of electronic surveying, CAD, graphical and analytical approximation techniques. This theatre, of the 4th or 3rd century BC, partly excavated on the hillside and built of large sandstone slabs, has an unusual shape, with its koilon consisting of a curvilinear wing of 14 rows of seats and an adjacent linear wing of three rows of blocks forming a single-row proedria. Geometric modelling of the theatre remains on the basis of graphical, and especially of analytical techniques, indicates that the circular wing of the koilon consists of equidistant, concentric rows of seats based on a design arc of 90° for the 1st row, with the corresponding chord normal to the linear wing. Possible poor remains of a skene were found oblique (81°) to the linear wing.
Knossos Medical Faculty site: Late Antique graves and other remains
Authors: Sweetman Rebecca , Becker Marshall Joseph
Published: September 2013

The perception of Late Antique Knossos has changed in recent years from one of a city in desertion to one of a flourishing innovator. Within this context of renewed theories regarding the Late Antique city, this article provides a contribution to the further understanding of the nature of society during this period. Of the Late Antique remains at the Knossos Medical Faculty site, only the Basilica building itself has been published in detail. As such, the aim of this work is to complete the publication record for the Late Antique and other features at the Knossos Medical Faculty site. To this end, the evidence of the entire Basilica complex is discussed and a full account of the mortuary data including the skeletal remains is presented. In addition to the religious architecture and mortuary data the secular material dating to the Venetian and Ottoman periods is considered. Consequently, this overview of the history and function of the KMF basilica complex adds to the expanding knowledge of Late Antique Knossos with particular regard to the religious and burial practices.
Between Necessity and Extravagance: Silver as a commodity in the Hellenistic Period
Authors: Panagopoulou Katerina
Published: September 2013

The remarkably high numbers of silver items (traded goods and coins) found around the Mediterranean during the Hellenistic period, compared to the earlier periods, is inextricably bound with the increase in the amounts of silver extracted and with the wider recognition and acceptance of this metal in the Hellenistic world. Not least, the fact that silver, through its dual role as money and as a commercial commodity, binds use value with exchange value in Hellenistic societies, challenges one to explore the economic behaviour of this metal within the broader economic picture.

The present article offers a multidisciplinary approach to the role of silver in Hellenistic economies along these lines. Through the study of literary, epigraphical and archaeological evidence, it embarks on a survey of the ways in which mining, the function of metal workshops, trade and population movements, wars regulated or influenced the spread of silver commodities around the Mediterranean. The construction of a theoretical model regarding the economic behaviour of silver enables us to identify broadly the mechanisms of (re)distribution of silver items in Hellenistic micro- and macroeconomics.
A Late Helladic IIIC Vase in Birmingham
Authors: Catling H. W.
Published: September 2013

I publish illustrations here of a Mycenaean vase that has for long been in the possession of the Department of Archaeology in the City of Birmingham Museum. It entered that collection in 1885 as part of a group of pottery found in Cyprus, without further details of source. All the rest of the material is certainly of Cypriot origin, and there must be a very strong presumption that our vase was found there, too. Since it belongs to a class of Mycenaean pottery of which very little has been reported from Cyprus, and is also of some little intrinsic interest, it seems appropriate that it should be more widely known. The vase may be described as follows:

Birmingham accession no. 1369/85. Stirrup jar, complete and intact. Ht. 0·25 m., diam. 0·203 m. Furumark would call the shape ‘globular-conical’ and ‘perked-up’. Shoulders and belly are spherical, but the lower walls straighten somewhat toward the foot. The clay is light buff in tone, with some inclusions, well fired, and has a smooth yellowish surface finish. The paint is rich brown to dark brown in colour, matt, and rather streaky on the solid areas; brush strokes are very evident. The spout is of concave profile, with wide mouth that has a well-formed bead lip; it just tops the disc of the false-neck, almost touching it. The broad handles are rather narrowly set on the shoulder. In the middle of the disc of the false-neck is a prominent plastic nipple, pierced before firing, that acts as air-hole. The bevelled foot is well proportioned. There is paint on the lip of the spout, whose root, as well as the root of the false-neck and the roots of the handles, is outlined with paint.
Bibliography of urban history 2013
Authors: FRENCH GERVASE
Published: September 2013

The present bibliography is a continuation of and a complement to those published in the Urban History Yearbook 1974–91 and Urban History from 1992. The arrangement and format closely follows that of previous years. The list of abbreviations identifies only those periodicals from which articles cited this year have been taken, though many other journals are also checked. There is an index of towns on p. 775.
Globalizing the Social Sciences
Authors: Lyons Gene M.
Published: September 2013

For two years, 1971 and 1972, I was on leave from Dartmouth College to serve as Director of the Department of Social Sciences of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). What I am about to say, therefore, comes from that experience, as well as a continuing concern over a longer number of years with the problems of international cooperation among social scientists. My principal aim is to explain how the UNESCO social science program seeks to respond to these problems in the period of social science development through which we are passing.
A Report of the APSA Confidentiality in Social Science Research Data Project
Authors: Carroll James D. , Knerr Charles R.
Published: September 2013

Does a researcher have a legal right not to reveal the identity of sources or subjects and not to reveal information obtained in confidence in the course of research, when asked to do so by a grand jury or other investigatory body? Should a researcher have such a right? Under what circumstances, if any, does a researcher have an ethical obligation to promise a source of information not to reveal the identity of the source and the content of what is learned? What position should the various social science associations take, if any, on questions of the ethical responsibilities and legal rights of researchers concerning the confidentiality of research sources and information?

The above questions, among others, are believed to be of fundamental importance to the social science community. Under the initiative of the American Political Science Association, a research project was conceived to investigate these questions and others, and to recommend alternative solutions. A grant was secured from the Russell-Sage Foundation and co-sponsorship arranged through the Consortium of Social Science Associations, of the various national social science associations, including the American Anthropological Association, the American Economic Association, the American Historical Association, the APSA, the American Psychological Association, the American Sociological Association, the Association of American Law Schools, and the Association of American Geographers. In addition, liaison relationships were established with the American Statistical Association, the American Association for Public Opinion Research, the American Psychiatric Association, and the Oral History Association.
The Political Science Profession in 1970: Basic Characteristics
Authors: Baker Earl M.
Published: September 2013

The number of political scientists registered in the National Register of Scientific and Technical Personnel increased 25% from 1968 to 1970, from 5,176 to 6,493. This reflects a “natural” growth of perhaps 15–20%, over the two years while the remaining increase can be attributed to the greater scope of the American Political Science Association survey of political scientists in 1970. This growth in the political science section of the Register occurred despite a more restrictive definition of “professional political scientist” than had been used in 1968. Insofar as the APSA membership list can be used to gauge the completeness of the response, it would suggest that the Register is substantially complete for political science, allowing for the non-professional members of the Association and a probable residue of non-respondents. Political scientists comprise 2% of the total number of United States scientists (313,000 in 1970) in both years. More than half of National Register scientists are in three disciplines, chemistry, biology and physics.
On Book Reviews
Authors: Stegenga James A.
Published: September 2013

Like any nervous author, I anxiously awaited and carefully scrutinized each of the reviews of my book (The United Nations Force in Cyprus, Ohio State University Press, 1968). It's been a sobering experience reading the fifteen or so reviews that appeared. I suppose I should be pleased and hold my tongue, since nearly all the reviews are “favorable,” a few even embarrassingly gushy; but if my experience is typical, it seems to me that book reviewing as a form of intellectual communication is in such a poor state that we all ought to be concerned, if not alarmed. So I offer my personal observations and proposals to promote the time-honored purpose of stimulating the consideration and discussion that must precede reform.
The Status of Women in the Profession: Tokenism
Authors: Jaquette Jane
Published: September 2013

The woman who is now entering (or contemplating entry) into the political science profession confronts a field that is biased against her (“political science is no place for a woman”) and which admits her only grudgingly and accords her limited status. The following is a summary of the data now available on the status of women in the profession.

From the survey conducted by the APSA Committee on the Status of Women (1969, 473 departments responding), we have the following information on female participation:

23.2% of undergraduate majors are women

17.5% of graduates enrolled are women

14.7% of Ph.D. candidates are women

8.7% of those receiving the Ph.D. 1960-1968 are women

8.6% of assistant professors are women

6.7% of associate professors are women; and

4.1 % of full professors are women.
Government Job-Hunting in Washington
Authors: McGregor James P.
Published: September 2013

Probably the main topic of conversation at most recent professional meetings of political scientists is the job market. For graduate students and professors alike, getting a job, keeping a job, or improving one's position take precedence over traditional scholarly concerns. Statistics gathered by APSA and presented inPSby the Association's official Cassandra, Tom Mann, point to a worsening job situation despite some success in the profession's holding its ground until recently. According to Mann, “the outlook for the next decade and a half is grim” in the face of such facts as a projected 25 percent decline in the college-bound population between 1980 and 1994, the prospect that almost all demand for academic political scientists will be replacement for those who retire, die, or move out of the profession, and the possibility that the production of new political science Ph.D.s will increase despite adverse demand.
Judicial Process and Behavior during the Sixties: A Subfield, Interdisciplinary, and Crosscultural Overview
Authors: Schubert Glendon
Published: September 2013

Many of the leading contributors to the judicial process and behavior field are persons who completed an LL.B., and then moved on to a doctorate and to teaching in political science; very few persons have gone the opposite route since the end of World War II. One of that tiny minority is the author of a recentPSarticle, “Who is Listening?” in which he observed that “it may be significant that some of the older generation [of traditional public law scholars] wound up teaching in law schools jointly or exclusively.” It may also be significant that it did not occur to him how well the shoe fits.

Robert Dixon inappropriately subtitled his essay “Political Science Research in Public Law” — inappropriately because what he thereby denotes is virtually a null category. Even so, his may well prove to have been the last gasp of reactionary legalism, at least in the professional literature of political science.
Policy and Research: A Tough Combination
Authors: Shalala Donna E.
Published: September 2013

I am deeply touched by your invitation to receive the Pi Sigma Alpha Award. To be added to a list that includes Ernest Giffith, Francis Wilcox and Scotty Campbell is, of course, a great honor.

I assume that one of the reasons I have been singled out for this award is because I am on that short list of surviving political scientists in a city dominated at the highest levels by lawyers, economists and engineers.

Recently, I read Bruce Adams' article in the November/December 1979Public Administration Reviewtitled, “The Limitations of Muddling Through: Does Anyone in Washington Really Think Anymore?” In the article, Adams suggests that the political decision-making process is characterized by individuals who are “running themselves ragged on a series of marginal, short-run issues and problems.”
Fueling the Black Political Participation Movement: The Joint Center for Political Studies
Authors: Britton John H.
Published: September 2013

Black America in 1970 was weary and frustrated. Old targets of its assaults on racial injustice were becoming more elusive and were changing their shapes through disguises. Demonstrations for pure civil rights causes resulted in fewer concessions. Charismatic black leaders, once able to stir the national conscience almost at will, had gone to the mountaintop. Riots had proved ruinous. Rhetoric was boring. The voices of old allies were raised in eulogy of “the movement.”

Cynicism enveloped black America like a fog, so sure were blacks that they had been placed near the bottom of the list of national priorities. For blacks knew that their aspirations remained unfulfilled, and they knew that minority participation in the affairs of the nation was still circumscribed by a variety of hostile forces. Not the least of the latter was the notion in white America that judicial pronouncements and legislation of the sixties had lifted the black man's burden; that it was time to back away from black programs and turn with some urgency to “business as usual.”
New Orleans 1973: Scholars as Saints and Sinners
Authors: Edgerton Nancy Boland
Published: September 2013

In the Winter 1973PS, a few charts and tables, and four paragraphs of dry prose were passed off as a “Report on the 1972 Annual Meeting.” Since no one whoattendedthe meeting in Washington, D.C. would recognize the week in that report, something more descriptive seems in order.

For instance, the emphasis on program panel statistics ignores the fact that almost half of the meetings arenotpanels organized by the Program Committee. The Association, through its several committees, sponsored twenty-five meetings; these included the Annual Business Meeting, the Presidential Address by Robert E. Ward, reports of the year's activities of some committees, educational films, panels on political science education, and presentations of federal grant opportunities. Several groups not affiliated with APSA sponsored another some sixty-five meetings. Over twenty of these were cocktail parties. But in addition there were editorial board meetings, special-interest gatherings for political scientists specializing in federal studies, German politics, health politics, international studies, and transactionalism, to mention a few. The Caucus for a New Political Science and the Women's Caucus for Political Science continue to sponsor larger programs of panels and business meetings.
The Democrats
Authors: Browder Glen , Cho Yong Hyo , Cronin Thomas E. , Dubnoff Caren , Jackson John S. , Johnson Donald Bruce , Kahn Bob , Lawrence David , Rakove Milton , Ritt Leonard G. , Simon John W. , Sipress Morton , Williams J. Oliver
Published: September 2013

I must admit that, after more than a decade of teaching and researching political parties, I found being selected to and participating in the 1980 Democratic National Convention an exhiliarating experience.

The Alabama delegate-selection process was a very competitive primary with extensive activity by the Carter and Kennedy organizations and by the individual delegate candidates. In varying degrees, the delegate candidates stumped their constituencies with personal appearances, letters, rallies, sample ballots, newspaper ads, group endorsements, and assorted other campaign gimmicks.

The selection process consisted primarily of a statewide primary (1) to allocate Alabama's delegates and alternate delegates among the presidential candidates, and (2) to elect the members of that delegation. Over 500 candidates ran for the 45 delegate and 32 alternate delegate positions in that primary. The primary actually was conducted by congressional district, with 33 candidates running for four delegate and three alternate delegate positions in my CD. The ballot was structured by sex (females listed first) and the voter was instructed to vote for up to four females and up to four males. Delegates were allocated to presidential candidates according to a formula which was roughly proportional; and individual delegates were selected by an equally fair but more complex formula.
Reagan Administration Proposes Sharp Cut-Back in Federal Support for Social Science Research
Authors: Mann Thomas E.
Published: September 2013

By now most of you are aware of the severe cuts in federal funding for the social and behavioral sciences and for the humanities proposed by the Reagan Administration.

At the National Science Foundation, while support for the natural sciences is slated to increase, the proposed budget for the social and economic sciences calls for a 65 percent reduction.

At the National Institute of Mental Health (ADAMHA), the Administration proposes toeliminateall social research, which is expected to include research on the family, socialization of children, effects of separation and divorce, evaluation of prevention efforts with children, effects of mass media on behavior of children. In addition, the definition probably will include social policy research, research on race and ethnic relations, studies of community structure and change and studies of social institutions.
Chicago-The City That Works
Authors: Haider Donald
Published: September 2013

Chicago is Richard J. Daley and Richard J. Daley is Chicago—puckish, often provincial, mostly pragmatic, and above all—fiercely proud. As Len O'Connor observed of the Mayor, “Surely the nation has never seen his like before—nor is it likely to see anyone quite like him again.” The same may be said of Chicago, which Carl Sandburg called, “The City of Big Shoulders.” “Chicago has never been a genteel town,” notes political scientist Milton Rakove, author of the most recent haiography of the city's politics. “It has always been, and still is today, a lusty, brawling, sprawling city.” It is appropriate that political scientists gather in Chicago during our bicentennial celebration. Chicago is not only a significant link to our nation's past, but may well be our window to the future.

Where Chicago's toughness, unsophisticated and unreformed demeanor may offend some, the city's abundance of excellent restaurants will quickly disarm even its most vehement critics. The city is unique and perhaps unparalleled among convention cities with respect to culinary offerings—variety, ambiance, price, and accessibility. For those more timid souls whose range of gastronomic inquiry is limited to within eight blocks of thePalmer House, let me suggest three mainstays of downtown dining.Berghoff, 17 W. Adams, is a traditional favorite of convention goers. It is an inexpensive German restaurant and brauhaus which specializes in Hungarian goulash, sauerbraten, and schnitzel.The Blackhawk, 139 N. Wabash, is another favorite of Chicagoans for luncheon and dinner with excellent prime beef and the house specialty, Boston scrod. For greater variety and a touch of French cooking, I suggest you try Binyon's at 327 W. Plymouth Court, located across the street from the Dirksen Federal Office Building.
Continuity and Change, Predictability and Change, in the Politics of Presidential Selection
Authors: Shafer Byron E.
Published: September 2013

Political scientists are charged with explaining the recurrent elements in the politics of presidential selection. Journalists are charged with explaining the elements of the moment. The best political scientists are nevertheless able to apply their larger analytic framework to the specific developments of the day. Just as the best journalists are able to frame those developments in some larger theoretical context. Political history, however, has been notably unkind to political scientists and journalists alike, when it comes to predicting the specific outcome of contests over presidential nominations—and elections. Inevitably, then, the year 1984 appears as the next challenge to scholarly, and journalistic, interpretation.

The principal sources of change in the contemporary politics of presidential selection, those categories of events which are the meat of working journalists, are themselves comparatively stable and would thus seem ideally suited to the investigations of working political scientists as well. These include the institutional framework for the nomination and then the election. They include the field of contenders which begins the chase for a nomination, and narrows in the conflict over final election. They include major public issues, both those which surface with some regularity and those which really are specific to one presidential year. And they include the organized interest groups, recognized constituencies, and rank-and-file individuals who participate at varying levels and in varying mixes from campaign to campaign. In the face of these regularized elements of change, of course, the strategies and tactics of elite contenders and mass participants also reliably shift. For 1984, every one of these categories shows some further evolution, or at least some new, noteworthy twist.
National Party Rules and Delegate Selection in the Republican Party
Authors: Huckshorn Robert J. , Bibby John F.
Published: September 2013

The Democratic party's quadrennial exercises in reform of the delegate selection process have caused political scientists and journalists to focus their attention on the Democratic party and to ignore the character and impact of the Republican rules. While the Democrats have been going through major revisions of their rules every four years since the disastrous 1968 convention, the Republicans have followed a quite different strategy. They have sought to maintain the basic procedures and party structure which had evolved prior to the era of the McGovern-Fraser Commission, and they have directed their efforts toward supporting federal, state, and local candidates and party organizations.
Reagan and the New Deal: Repeal or Replay?
Authors: Smith Bruce L. R. , Carroll James D.
Published: September 2013

President Reagan's success lies not in the size of federal budget cuts but in that he has been able to make cuts at all. He has a long way to go before the New Deal is repealed or even derailed.

The Reagan budget has been viewed as revolutionary, as an unprecedented break in the tradition of modern social policy. According to Russell Baker, “… in the end even the Democrats were agreeable to the death of the New Deal, which took place this week at the Capitol.” Yet this view runs up against the fact that Ronald Reagan cut his political teeth on the New Deal, admired FDR and emulated his political style, was an ardent Democrat and an early labor organizer, and has cast his political appeal to many groups who were raised up by the New Deal to non-poor status. Is the Administration of President Reagan a repeal of the New Deal or a replay? A close look at the budget, and the political context that produced the budget, gives some partial answers.

For our purposes, the New Deal is defined as the loose set of principles and policies that has developed from the 1930s to the 1970s and formed the “mainstream” of American domestic politics. For the moment we consider the Great Society to be part of that tradition. President Reagan himself apparently does not share this assumption, viewing the New Deal as having more in common with progressivism than with the Great Society of Lyndon Johnson.
Black and Hispanic Power in City Politics: A Forum
Authors: Browning Rufus P. , Marshall Dale Rogers
Published: September 2013

The number of blacks and Hispanics elected to office in American cities has grown dramatically. The media frequently report on their victories in local elections and run features on black and Hispanic mayors. From none in 1960, there are now 27 black and three Hispanic mayors of cities with populations over 50,000 (Joint Center, 1985; National Association of Latino Elected Officials, 1986).

The trend is obvious, its significance disputed. Is it likely to continue, or can we already see signs of reversal? How much power do local black and Hispanic officials have? How was it achieved? And what difference does it make in any case? Can blacks and Hispanics in office strike a better bargain with the investors and financial institutions they depend on for development than previous administrations? In a period of fiscal stringency and reduced federal spending, can they carve out a larger piece of the municipal pie for minority populations? Can minority officeholders make any headway against the growing tide of unemployment and poverty, as help from the federal level is dismantled? Although the growing number of minority officials suggests political integration and racial/ethnic succession, do the limited powers of cities in a federal system and a capitalistic society render that apparent gain more symbolic than real?
Rainbow Coalitions in Four Big Cities: San Antonio, Denver, Chicago and Philadelphia
Authors: Muñoz Carlos , Henry Charles
Published: September 2013

The election of black and Latino mayors in big cities during the past five years has provided the opportunity to critically examine the role of minority mobilization and coalitions. The focus of this study is on the election of four minority mayors, Henry Cisneros in San Antonio in 1981, Federico Peña in Denver, Harold Washington in Chicago, and Wilson Goode in Philadelphia, all in 1983. The pioneering study by Browning, Marshall, and Tabb (1984) highlights the significance of minority mayoral elections in the context of the struggle for political equality. We have placed our analysis in the context of the three central questions underscored in their theory of political incorporation: How open are urban political systems to minorities? How does minority political incorporation occur? Does political incorporation make a difference for minority interests? Although the four cities we examine are different in some respects from the Northern California cities covered by Browning, Marshall, and Tabb, their findings are generally applicable with modifications.

Chicago

How open is the system? Machine politics have dominated Chicago for over fifty years with decidedly mixed results for the city's black population. Black political power remained disproportionally small and subordinate throughout the machine's existence. Thus, Harold Washington's election in 1983 marked a structural transformation of the electoral system as well as a political coming of age for blacks. Washington inherited a city council divided along ideological and racial lines. Although Washington could not command a majority of the city council when he was first elected, the 1986 council races left him with an even split. Of the 50 council seats, 25 represent liberal votes and 25 are identified with the more conservative Democratic party machine, 16 are black and 4 are Latino. Washington, as mayor, holds the deciding vote.
Boston: The Unfinished Agenda
Authors: Travis Toni-Michelle C.
Published: September 2013

In January 1986 Bruce Boiling, a member of the Boston City Council, became the first black president in the council's 166-year history. Boiling's presidency marks the culmination of the slow, but steadily growing empowerment of blacks in Boston politics. While blacks have always been present in Boston politics they have more often been observers, rather than participants as the Yankees and the Irish have dominated the political stage. In order to understand the role of blacks in Boston it is necessary to have some background knowledge of how Yankee paternalism retarded black political development and how Irish displacement of the Yankees resulted in the exclusion of blacks from Democratic party politics.

Historical Antecedents

Boston politics has its roots in the historical relationships among the Yankees, the Irish, and the blacks. Under Yankee domination colonial and pre-Civil War blacks experienced racial harmony in an atmosphere where they could enjoy civil and political rights. Wealthy Yankee traders viewed free blacks paternalistically, as a low income class of people (Lupo, 1977, p. 124). Since Yankees were members of the political and cultural elite they did not perceive blacks as an economic threat to their position. Consequently, blacks could freely operate businesses, buy property, and run for office (Horton, 1979).

As slavery became an increasingly important issue in the 1850s free blacks and Yankee abolitionists formed integrated organizations to end slavery. Abolitionist organizations provided an opportunity for free blacks to learn organizational and political skills. Yet, blacks often found that their efforts to become leaders were thwarted by white patrons who expected blacks to work only as obedient followers. A notable case among many was the conflict between white abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison and Frederick Douglass, a former slave, over the crucial issue of the future role of blacks in electoral politics (Quarles, 1969). Frederick Douglass broke with Garrison who felt that blacks should not be encouraged to vote in a political system where the Constitution protected the rights of slaveholders (Horton, 1979, p. 86). Douglass adamantly advocated electoral participation and pulled some black abolitionists from Garrison's ranks. Douglass felt that participation in the electoral process was a necessary step in the political development of blacks. To affirm his convictions Douglass ran on the Liberal ticket for an office in New York state.
Minority Mobilization in an International City: Rivalry and Conflict in Miami
Authors: Warren Christopher L. , Stack John F. , Corbett John G.
Published: September 2013

On March 20, 1986 many South Florida Hispanics were disappointed yet politically emboldened by the result of a close U.S. House vote on President Reagan's Nicaraguan Contra aid bill. Although the proposal was defeated in a 222–210 vote, the outcome was viewed locally as a Latin victory because Miami's moderately liberal Democratic delegation broke ranks with House leadership by voting three to one in support of the President's proposal. It is apparent that pressure felt from Miami's Cuban and Nicaraguan exile communities, as well as from the Florida Commission on Hispanic Affairs and the Cuban-American National Foundation, was decisive in compelling locally elected Democratic House members to support the President over their party.

Two days after the vote, 200 protestors gathered in downtown Miami in a demonstration against Contra aid. Alpha 66, a militant anti-Castro organization, called a counter-demonstration attended by about 2,000 angry Hispanics who threw eggs, rocks, and insults at the smaller group of protestors. Miami riot police escorted the anti-Contra demonstrators away from the scene in buses in order to prevent their injury. The fractious counter-demonstration was broadcast live by a Spanish language radio station and was attended by several local and state officials, including the three Cuban-Americans who constitute a majority on the five-member Miami City Commission. These events underscore an increasingly visible phenomenon in Miami's volatile politics.
The Paranoia of the Powerful: Thucydides on World War III
Authors: Lebow Richard Ned
Published: September 2013

In the sixteenth year of the Peloponnesian War, an Athenian expedition descended upon the small island of Melos, about 90 miles south of Athens in the Aegean Sea, and demanded that the Melians join in alliance or be destroyed. Although a Spartan colony, Melos had remained scrupulously neutral in the war. Her citizens, unwilling to renounce their independence, sought unsuccessfully to dissuade the Athenians from attacking them. The Athenians explained that an independent Melos situated in the very heart of the Athenian imperium encouraged other island allies to aspire toward independence. Their failure to put an end to the anomaly of Melian independence would therefore be seen by friend and foe alike as a sign of weakness on Athens' part.

The really intriguing question about the Melian dialogue is not the Athenian decision to invade Melos but rather Athenian toleration of Melian independence for the first sixteen years of the Peloponnesian War. For surely, if Melian independence constituted a threat to Athens in 416 B.C. it must have done so in 430 B.C., the year in which the war broke out, and in all of the years in between. Why then did Athens wait so long to impose its hegemony over the island? The answer, implicit in Thucydides' narrative history of the Peloponnesian War, contains an important insight into the nature of aggression, one, moreover, that is particularly germane to contemporary international relations.

The Athenian reply to the Melians stresses the subjective nature of power; if others think of you as powerful, you are powerful andvice versa. For this reason, states must be concerned about their image abroad and must from time to time offer vivid demonstrations of their capability and resolve. The Athenian invasion of Melos, unnecessary for any strategic reason, was envisaged as such a display.
The Bifurcation of American and Non-American Perspectives in Foreign Policy
Authors: Holsti Ole R.
Published: September 2013

The bifurcation of American and non-American perspectives in foreign policy analysis is a large topic to which justice cannot be done in limited space. To reduce the subject to somewhat more manageable scope, the focus here is on teaching and. more specifically, on undergraduate courses on American foreign policy. After examining some evidence that might shed light on the question, this essay will suggest some reasons, both within and outside the discipline, for this development, as well as some possible ways of avoiding undue parochialism by ensuring that non-American perspectives get some hearing.

This is not the place to undertake extensive content analyses of foreign policy texts, but even a cursory glance at several recent, widely used volumes indicates that many students are exposed almost wholly to American perspectives. Materials cited in footnotes and as suggested readings are overwhelmingly written by American authors. That pattern also extends to three of the best recent collections of readings on American foreign policy. The first includes 32 essays, not one of which is by a non-American, all nine chapters in the second are by Americans, and only one of 12 essays in the third is co-authored by a foreign scholar. In fairness, it should be pointed out that these materials hardly present a homogeneous viewpoint on the sources, conduct, and consequences of American diplomacy; a collection of readings that includes essays by George Kennan, Carl Gershman, Henry Kissinger, and Stanley Hoffmann can hardly be accused of presenting a single outlook. Moreover, the diversity of choices among available texts provides a broad range of perspectives, from moderately hard-line to distinctly revisionist.
The Revival of Political Science in China
Authors: Baoxu Zhao , Chu David
Published: September 2013

As an independent basic social science, the study of politics occupies an important position among all the social sciences. In 1952, however, China abolished political science teaching and research. This was a mistake which is now being corrected. China has reestablished the field of political science in recent years.

When a historical event is shown to be mistaken, people often like to describe the reasons for its having taken place as very absurd and unimaginable, as though to demonstrate how confused people were at that time compared with how smart we are now. Such a simple attitude, however, will not help us in understanding the realities scientifically nor will it help us in learning from the lessons of history, and is therefore to be avoided.

This essay describes both objective conditions and the way people thought, both in the early 1950s and after 1976. It deals with two opposite events: first, the abolition of political science in China three decades ago, and second, its current revival.
Health Issues and Policy Options
Authors: DeSario Jack
Published: September 2013

The high cost and inefficiency of the United States' health care system has been widely documented. These problems, augmented by increased government financing of the health cost spiral, have led policymakers to search frantically for programs and strategies which can interject a modicum of rationality back into the health care field. There has been general agreement among health care analysts about the need to control costs and even the principal causes of these rapid increases. However, there has been less agreement on appropriate and effective solutions. The following analysis will provide an overview of current problems and proposed solutions.
Nursing Home Reform and the Politics of Long-Term Care
Authors: Hawes Catherine
Published: September 2013

Nursing home care has been described as the most troubled and troublesome segment of the American health care system. Despite the annual expenditure of billions of dollars, extensive regulation, and the emergence of an increasingly sophisticated and concentrated industry, significant problems persist. Inadequate quality of care continues to be a serious and pervasive problem. Discrimination against patients whose care is paid for by Medicaid and Medicare, as well as against those with “heavy care” or extensive needs, is rampant. Costs have escalated at a phenomenal rate and continue to represent a substantial fiscal burden, causing one state Medicaid director to refer to nursing home payments as “the black hole of state budgets.”

These circumstances are neither new nor surprising. They are, in fact, the result of rather startling failures in the public sector that are rooted in the special nature of the politics of long-term care. This article discusses the history of public policy toward nursing homes and the politics of long-term care, emphasizing problems in assuring acceptable quality of care. It also addresses the possibilities for reform during the next two years, particularly in light of new patient advocate and nursing home reform coalitions that promise to change the face of long-term care politics.
Portents and Prospects: Graduate Study and the Profession
Authors: Siffin William J.
Published: September 2013

The supply of Ph.D. level political scientists is astonishingly and ominously out of phase with prospective demand. Drastic changes in our graduate enterprises are inevitable. Some will be deliberate. Others will be forced upon us by uncontrollable events.

What Do the Numbers Show?

Concerning Supply. About 5000 new political science doctorates were granted between 1969–70 and 1975–76. In the same period 11,927 students embarked upon Ph.D. programs; 1443 were admitted in 1974–75, and another 1174 in 1975–76. 6150 graduate students were active in American Ph.D. programs in 1975–76.

Back in the 1950s and 60s, 46% of those who entered our Ph.D. programs completed their work within five to eight years. Between 75% and 85% of them sought or desired academic employment.

If the same ratios applied to the Ph.D. starters for 1969–70 through 1975–76, then as many as 5500 more Ph.D.s could appear on the scene between 1974 and 1984, more than 4000 of them seeking academic employment. A relatively high percentage would be women.