bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
A Suggested Characteristic in Thukydides' Work
Authors: Grundy G. B.
Published: May 2006

The matter of this paper has been a subject of consideration with me for some time past, and I venture to put forward the conclusion I have arrived at, not because I consider it to be a certain one, but as possibly affording a working hypothesis providing an explanation of what has been to me, and may have been to others, an obscure and difficult point. That the subject demands the earnest attention of those who study Thukydides will, I think, be generally admitted, and this, together with the fact that I have formed the conclusion on a certain amount of first-hand experience, may afford some excuse for the publication of my views.

The vast majority of the incidents in the Peloponnesian War are treated by Thukydides with great brevity, in some cases with a brevity disproportionate to their importance. There are, however, according to the ordinary acceptation, three incidents into which he enters with a peculiar and striking amount of detail.
Inscriptions from Lycia and Pisidia copied by Daniell and Fellows
Authors: Hill G. F.
Published: May 2006

The Library of the Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities in the British Museum possesses a manuscript volume containing a large collection of notes on the antiquities of Lycia made at different times by Samuel Birch. A considerable part of the volume appears to be a transcript from the papers of E. T. Daniell, the scholar who accompanied Spratt and Forbes on their travels in Lycia in 1842. Daniell copied a large number of inscriptions in Lycia, the Cibyratis, Pisidia and Pamphylia, some of which were published by his fellow-travellers in the second volume of their journal. It is particularly unfortunate that Daniell did not live to publish the results of his labours, as they have clearly suffered very seriously at the hands of others. What became of his original MS. is not known, only one page apparently in his hand remaining incorporated in Birch's volume. Birch's copies must be received with a considerable amount of caution, particularly as regards the forms of the letters. At the same time there is much that is worth publishing, and I have to thank the Keeper of the Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities for his permission to publish what follows.
The Text of the Homeric Hymns: I
Authors: Allen T. W.
Published: May 2006

This article is a sequel to the text of the Homeric Hymns published by the Clarendon Press in the year 1893. For that edition it was my duty to write a preface, which under the circumstances did no more than enumerate the manuscripts and summarize the views as to their relations held by the principal writers. Since that time I have studied the subject of the tradition of these Hymns at greater leisure, and I now present such conclusions as I have been able to attain.

The reviewers of Mr. Goodwin's edition, while indulgent to the book as a whole, took exception to our neglect of modern criticism, the few conjectures that had been inserted in the text, and the scanty record of others, usually accepted, in the notes. As this circumstance, so far as it depended on myself, was the fruit of conviction, and since I have followed out the principle upon which I then acted more at length in this article, I may be allowed to spend a few words in explanation of the position which in these matters I take.
A Statue of a Hellenistic King
Authors: Edgar C. C.
Published: May 2006

The statue reproduced on Pl. II. was found two years ago in the village of Atfih which lies about forty-five miles south of Cairo on the edge of the eastern desert. Atfih preserves the name and occupies the site of the ancient Per nebt tep aht, the city of the cow-headed goddess Hathor. The Greeks, who identified Hathor with their own Aphrodite, translated the name into Aphroditopolis. The ruins of the town are covered by the modern village, but in the adjoining desert is a large cemetery, mainly of the Ptolemaic period, which Mr. Johnson has recently excavated in search of Greek papyrus.

The statue was found accidentally by a labourer digging in the village and was secured for the Cairo Museum by the local Inspector of the Antiquities Department. It is made of a block of rather soft limestone and is considerably more than life size, the height of the figure without the plinth being 2·5 m. Both forearms are missing. The right leg from knee to ankle and parts of the left leg are restored in plaster. The features are badly damaged. There are no remains of paint or gilding on the surface of the limestone.
Wrestling. II
Authors: Gardiner E. Norman
Published: May 2006

The attitude adopted by the Greek wrestler before taking hold, as described by Heliodorus, and frequently represented in art, was very similar to that in use at the present day. Taking a firm stand with his feet somewhat apart and knees slightly bent, rounding (γυρώσας) his back and shoulders, his neck advanced but pressed down into his shoulder blades, and his waist drawn in (σφηκώσας), he tried to avoid giving any opening (λαβή) himself, while his outstretched hands were ready to seize any opportunity offered by his opponent.

Various methods of attack are enumerated by Plutarch. Symp. ii. 4. μόνους δὲ τοὺς παλαιστὰς ὁρῶμεν ἀλλήλους ἀγκαλιζομένους καὶ περιλαμβάνοντας καὶ τὰ ολεῖστα τῶν ἀγωνισμάτων ἐμβολαὶ παρεμβολαίσυστάσεις παραθέσεις συνάγουσιν αὐτοὺς καὶ ἀναμίγνυνται ἀλλήλοις These terms, arranged in contrasted pairs, denote the various positions and movements of wrestlers before they take hold.
Euphronios and his Colleagues
Authors: Radford Evelyn
Published: May 2006

The Euphronios problem is more than twenty years old: in 1893; Hartwig, in his Meisterschalen, first attributed to the painter imos the Troïlos kylix in Perugia bearing the single signature Ἐυφρόνιος ἐποίησεν. Since then the question has been considerably extended and modified, and the moment has perhaps come for some sort of summary of results.

The attempted answer to the particular question does not profess to be a solution of the whole problem of ἔγραψεν and ἐποίησεν. Dispassionate analysis of style tends more and more to separate potter from painter in most well-known workshops. Makron was in all probability directly or indirectly responsible for the painting of all Hieron's vases, Brygos a potter solely. It is, however, impossible to generalise on the subject. In the black-figure period there is the notable exception of Exekias: there is no difference of style between the vases signed Ἐξήκιας ἐποίησεν and Ἐξήκιας ἔγραψε κἀποίησε με. Again in the strong red-figured period we have the instance of the Gotha kylix (F.R.H. iii. Abb. 7), with its inscriptions ασιαδες (retrograde) and a dubious inscription ending εσεν (left to right)—i.e. a potter's signature, The painter's name is clearly that of Pasiades, the style of the exterior unmistakeably that of his other vases; but these are signed with ἐποίησεν. Here, then, is a contemporary of Euphronios whose ἐποίησεν includes ἔγραψεν.
Anthropometry of Greek Statues
Authors: Foat F. W. G.
Published: May 2006

Note.—The illustrations which I have given are not to be regarded as finished drawings, but rather as the best results that could be obtained from the records of my working note-books, and of measurings made in the midst of the statues. The whole purpose is to submit a practicable method.

It is strange that it should be believed by many artists and critics of art that no doctrine of human proportions was known in the schools of the great masters. For the contrary would seem to be the true case, if we are to judge by the practice and the comments of the artists and their friends. Egyptian and early Greek, and indeed all symbolic art is obviously based on measured proportions. The remark of Diodorus (I. 98) about the twentyone parts by which the body was measured in Egyptian sculpture may not be enough for a theory of an Egyptian canon, but it agrees well enough with the plainly systematic treatment of the sitting and the standing figures. It is more difficult to believe that the Egyptian sculptor had not a set of ratios which he used in his work.
Two Notes on Hellenic Asia
Authors: Sayce A. H.
Published: May 2006

In the Journal of Hellenic Studies, xxxv. 1 (1915), Mr. Ellis Minns has given an interesting account of three documents found at Avroman, west of Hamadan, and has deciphered two of them which are in Greek. The third is written in an Aramaic alphabet which has hitherto remained undeciphered. Mr. Minns was good enough to send me a photograph of it, but I postponed an examination of this until I could have an opportunity of seeing a second text, also in Aramaic letters, but attached to one of the Greek documents and therefore presumably relating to the same transaction. When a photograph of this second text arrived, however, it was not distinct enough to be of any use; the ink of the original had been too much rubbed to allow the forms of the letters to be fixed with certainty.
The Site of Isaura Nova
Authors: Calder W. M.
Published: May 2006

An article in J.R.S. xii. 1922, p. 44, stated, on the authority of J.H.S. xxv. 1905, p. 163 ff., that Isaura Nova has been located with certainty at Dorla. My friend Professor Ormerod, the writer of the article, assures me (confirming my own recollection) that I had no responsibility either for the emphasis of this assertion or for its form. Another friend, who speaks with high authority, but who adduces no evidence, has maintained the contrary opinion, not only in J.H.S. xlviii. 1928, p. 49, but even—flectere si nequeo superos Acheronta mouebo—in Klio, Beiträge zur alten Geschichte, xxii. 1928, p. 382. I am content to leave the question of responsibility open; if I had any part in the assertion that Isaura Nova was at Dorla, the more pressing becomes my duty to correct it.

The village of Dorla consists of fifty houses, which lie on either side of a small stream flowing northwards from the Isaurian hills (the general direction of the valley at Dorla is 5° E.). About thirty of the houses lie on and around a hillock on the western side of the stream, about twenty lie on the rising ground near the eastern bank. The ancient site, covered in part by the eastern half of the modern village, extends from the stream for some 500 or 600 yards towards the east and north-east; it probably also extends to the western side of the stream, on the south of the hillock.
Athens and Hestiaea; Notes on two attic Inscriptions
Authors: Cary M.
Published: May 2006

I. Among the Attic inscriptions of the fifth century which require further study are two fragments with στοιχηδόν lettering of date 450–425 B.C. These were printed separately in the original Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum, but were brought together in the second edition and partly closed up with restorations so as to form the nucleus of a running text. The fuller restoration of the more legible parts given below is highly problematical, for the left edge of the two stones has been broken off completely, so that the number of missing letters at the beginning of each line cannot be ascertained. Fortunately the key words of the text have survived in the extant portions, and these at least give the clue to its general sense, though the details may remain uncertain.
Two Athletic Bronzes at Athens
Authors: White Hugh G. Evelyn
Published: May 2006

While I was staying for a few weeks in Athens during the early summer of 1912, my interest was particularly engaged by two figures (Nos. 6614, 6615) among the Acropolis bronzes in the National Museum. Though by no means equal in artistic value, both deserve to be more widely known than they have become through catalogue notices, being apparently the work of one school which, as I believe, has not yet been accurately identified. Dr. Staïs was kind enough to allow me to examine the figures closely and to photograph them, and has now courteously given me permission to publish my impressions.
De Mensium Nominibus
Authors: Mountford J. F.
Published: May 2006

In the huge mediaeval storehouse of miscellaneous fragments, compiled not later than the eighth century and now known by the title Liber Glossarum, there are not a few items dealing with the names of the months in various parts of the ancient world. Some of them (such as Helul in Macchabaeorum libro Augustus, qui apud nos mensis sextus, vocatur) come from the second book of the Instructiones of Eucherius (p. 153, ed. Wotke); some (such as Februarius nuncupatur a Februo, id est Plutone, cui eo mense sacrificabatur) are excerpts from Isidore's Etymologiae (v. 33); while a few (such as Aprilem vero, nullo deorum suorum nomine, sed de re propria, quasi Aperilem nominaverunt eo quod tunc plurimum germinis aperiatur in florem) can be traced to Isidore's De Natura Rerum (cap. 4). Among the remainder, however, which cannot be found in any of the definitely recognisable sources of the Liber Glossarum, there are 116 forming by themselves a distinct group. In these items a curt formula gives us the names by which the months were known in eleven different parts of the world, e. g.:—
A Greek Taurobolic Inscription from Rome
Authors: Rose H. J.
Published: May 2006

The following interesting inscription, recently found at Rome not far from the Piazza di S. Pietro, and probably belonging to the Phrygianum which is known to have existed in that region (the XIVth), was published by Comparetti and Marucchi in Not. d. Scav. xix. (1922), p. 81 sqq. It occupied one side (broken, unfortunately) of an altar, on two other sides of which are Metroac symbols (see Marucchi, l.c.). As, after careful examination of a plaster-cast of the inscription which Dr. Ashby very kindly procured for me from the original (now in the Museo Profano Lateranese), I disagree with some of Comparetti's readings, and differ widely from him as to the meaning, I re-edit it, at Mr. M. N. Tod's suggestion.

It is in elegiac verse, of which six complete lines and a few letters of a seventh survive. The lettering is fairly regular, the characters of v. 4 being perhaps a shade larger than in the other lines. The date is about the third century A.D. I give it in ordinary type with the usual epigraphical signs. The supplements are Comparetti's, unless otherwise stated in the critical notes.
Sigillata from Lesbos
Authors: Lamb W. , Pryce F. N.
Published: May 2006

During a fortnight's trial excavation, which I made at Methymna in 1929, certain fragments of sigillata came to light. These obviously required treatment by an expert, and Mr. Pryce most generously undertook to examine and publish them. As a prelude to his paper, I add a short note on the circumstances of their discovery.
Pulvis Et Umbra
Authors: Lorimer H. L.
Published: May 2006

That cremation is unknown in the Mycenaean world, even in its latest phases, and inhumation equally foreign to the Homeric poems is a curious, if familiar, fact, and at once raises the question of the length of the interval which separates the fall of Mycenae from the appearance of cremation in the Aegean area. To fix an absolute date for either event is impossible; but the increasing number of carefully excavated sub-Mycenaean and proto-Geometric tombs makes it possible to note certain features in the rise, spread and, in certain regions, the dominance of the practice, and slightly to narrow the chronological limits.

At Mycenae cremation does not appear at all, not even among those depositions in chamber tombs which were accompanied by pottery of the ‘Granary’ class and therefore belong to the latest period of the city or may even be slightly later than its fall. Similarly, two of its ordinary concomitants are lacking, the arched fibula and iron as a useful metal.
Two ‘Naucratite’ Chalices from Marium
Authors: Dikaios P.
Published: May 2006

These two remarkable chalices come from surreptitious diggings in the eastern necropolis of Marium and were acquired by the Cyprus Museum, the first in 1944 and the second in 1947. The first of the two has been summarily described and illustrated in my Guide to the Cyprus Museum (Nicosia, 1947) 54, pl. XIV, 1, but I avail myself of this opportunity to describe both of them in greater detail in honour of the author of A History of Cyprus, to whom the Island owes a great debt of gratitude.

As already stated, the two chalices come from the eastern necropolis of Marium. We know that this town possesses two necropolises, the eastern and the western, both of which have been repeatedly the scene of intensive excavation: by Ohnefalsch-Richter (1885–6), the Cyprus Exploration Fund (1889–90) under the direction of Messrs. Munro and Tubbs, the Cyprus Museum under the direction of the late Curator M. Markides (1916) and, finally, by the Swedish Cyprus Expedition (1929). Since then no scientific work has been undertaken in this area, although, as already hinted, surreptitious diggings, mostly in the eastern necropolis, have taken place periodically.
A Tour in Cyprus, 1934
Authors: Buckler W. H.
Published: May 2006

A journey is only worth describing if the traveller's work has some exceptional significance. This condition was fulfilled when Sir George Hill and Sir Charles Peers toured Cyprus in 1934. On 18th March Hill first saw that island, the ‘Princesse lointaine’ of his studies thirty years before, and unlike Rostand's story the coming of Sir George as Rudel and Sir Charles as Bertrand had an outcome both happy and useful. The origin and purpose of the tour can be briefly stated.

Desiring advice as to the best means of improving the island's law of antiquities and of assisting the Nicosia Museum, H.M. Secretary of State for the Colonies arranged that Sir George, then Director of the British Museum, should visit Cyprus. Shortly before this, Sir Charles, Late Chief Inspector of Ancient Monuments in H.M. Office of Works, had accepted an invitation from the ‘Cyprus Committee,’ an unofficial Association formed in 1933 by Viscount Mersey, to investigate the methods of caring for the ancient monuments of Cyprus and to suggest such changes as might seem desirable. By fusion of these missions into one, duplication of work was avoided.
An Attic Inscription of the Archidamian War
Authors: Wade-Gery H. T.
Published: May 2006

These three numbers in the Corpus are parts of one inscription, which evidently contains the expenditure of Athena's Treasurers for some portion of the years 432/1–427/6. 294 is in two pieces, of which fragment a had not apparently been seen since Lolling's time, and I.G. I2. gives it from Lolling's not quite correct copy: Bannier had observed with great acuteness from the published copies that fragments a and b of 294 join.
The Aeschylean Universe
Authors: Knight W. F. J.
Published: May 2006

The best start in the attempt to understand Aeschylus is Professor F. M. Cornford's clearsighted explanation of his method. On the stage of Aeschylus, great forces are broadly symbolised, working, according to the Pythagorean scheme, through antagonism to a new harmony. It is also important to see the life-work of any great poet as a single process; Aeschylus solves problems in early plays, and afterwards surpasses them in more complex problems, which find their solutions in their turn. His material is a great range of political, moral, intellectual, and religious conflicts, all active in his own world. By symbolising them on the stage, he found a way from small things such as party quarrels to a sublime comprehension of the work of God and man, interacting together, within the framework of time. This is not so strange as it appears. The grandest and truest achievements of humanity often look like by-products.

I suggest that a poet may, and perhaps always does, first assimilate his world in time, and next create from that world a universe not limited to time and known actuality. A great poet's world is like ours, full of everyday things, but he likes them more, fascinated alike by the good and the evil. What he makes is not an everyday affair, but something more eternal. The transition from the poet's world to the poet's universe is like a transition from politics to religion and mysticism.
A Jewish Gold Medallion
Authors: Barnett R. D.
Published: May 2006

The object in Fig. 1 is a circular medallion of sheet gold embossed with Jewish symbols recently presented to the Jewish Museum, Woburn House, Upper Woburn Place. In the centre is the seven-branched candlestick familiar on Jewish monuments of antiquity. With it are associated, as usual, the Shofár or Trumpet of horn, and the luláb or ritual sheaf of palm leaves, etc., used on the Festival of Tabernacles. The representation of the luláb here is somewhat angular, so that it is not easy to recognise. For such medallions cf. Reifenberg, Denkmäler der Jüdischen Antike pl. 56 and for the symbols, Frey, Corpus Inscriptionum Judaicarum.

Above the symbols is inscribed in Greek letters of late date: |ΠΙΝΝωΝΑ. ‘ Ex voto of Jacob the Leader (?) the setter of pearls.’ The word ἀρχηγὁς may perhaps be used in the sense of , the president of the community, but such a use is unfamiliar; indeed the word does not seem to occur in Byzantine Greek. Mr. Tod has kindly suggested that it might be the dedicant's alternative name, like Dorcas—Tabitha, since such a name as “ΑρΧων is possible, πιννωνᾶ will be the genitive of a word πιννωνᾶς, also an unexampled word, but one which appears correctly formed. The strange genitive in -ᾶ follows correctly a usage in Byzantine Greek in names of trades ending in -ᾶς.
Dates in Early Greek History
Authors: Burn A. R.
Published: May 2006

The purpose of this article is somewhat ambitious. It is proposed to adduce evidence in support of the thesis, which the writer has already briefly maintained elsewhere, that the majority of the dates, earlier than the period of the Persian Wars, which pass current in our Greek history text-books, are wrong, and should be ‘scaled down’ by a certain proportion of their distance from 500 B.C. The virtue of 500 B.C. as a base-line lies simply in the fact that it falls in the middle of the generation that saw the beginnings of Greek historical prose writing in the hands of Hekataios of Miletos and others.

The genius of Herodotos, the considerable amount of contemporary information gleaned by later Greek scholars from the early elegiac, lyric and iambic poets, the vivid personalities of these poets themselves, and the systematising labours of generations of logographers and historians, ultimately reduced to order by Eratosthenes and transmitted to us by Eusebios—all these conspire to obscure from us the fact that the whole Archaic period in Greece is not an historic but a proto-historic age; an age known to us, not from contemporary historical writings, but through a synthesis of archaeology, references to historic events in a literature still exclusively poetic, references to our area in historical documents from a more mature adjacent region (such as Assyria), and genealogies and oral traditions that survived long enough to be written down later.
The Dedication of Aristokrates
Authors: Lewis D. M.
Published: May 2006

JHS lxxxiii (1963) 115 n. 82 leaves reasonable cause for doubt about my views, even for those who noted that 1959 came after 1957. IG i2 772 is lost, but presumably the dedication was a fluted column with a tripod mounted on the capital. Consultation of Raubitschek, Dedications will show that no other inscription on a fluted column is known in Athens after 480. It will also show that no other Athenian fluted column had its inscription horizontally across the flutes; the 22 Akropolis pieces have vertical inscriptions. What the chronological implications of the abnormality are is anyone's guess. The eyewitnesses reported some alphas with sloping cross-bar and three-bar sigmas, which push the inscription up, and an isolated eta, which might be thought to bring it down (several cases 460–440, Raubitschek D 46, 135, 136, 166, 174; D 191 is earlier, though not perhaps as early as Raubitschek's 500). More serious is the spelling Σκελίο, with single lambda. The inscription has influenced editors into thinking the single lambda correct, but only one ms. of any author has it, G of Thucydides at viii 89.2. G, we can now see, is a recentior (cf. Dover, CR n.s. iv 76), and a study of Hude's apparatus shows that it is correcting the aberration Σικελίο.
Four Passages in Thucydides
Authors: Gomme A. W.
Published: May 2006

There are four passages in Thucydides (two of them from the same chapter) which have certain features in common: they are all of them explicitly comments by the author himself, they are all demonstrably late, that is, written a good deal later than the events to which they are immediately related (three of them certainly, the other probably, after 404 B.C., and the last named at least not long before the end of the war), and they all show, to a greater or smaller degree, a discrepancy with the narrative of those events. They are ii 65.7, ii 65.11, iv 81.2–3, and vi 15.4. The discrepancies are such that they compel, in my view, the conclusion that they were written at times different from the related narratives; this leads us to the problem of the composition of the History, a problem which has given rise to a mass of controversy, most of it barren to the last degree, but which cannot on that account be ignored. Mme de Romilly in her recent book has adequately defined the problem and described the controversy, and as well contributed most to its understanding; as she says, it is not so much a question of when passages were written, as when they were thought. But I have not seen it observed that these four passages form a group, by reason of their common features; and, because of these features, two of which are certain and the third (the discrepancy with the related narrative), as I hope to show, demonstrable, they should form a somewhat surer foundation for any theory about the composition of Thucydides' work. If the discrepancy be there, then, since the comments are late, the narrative must be early, relatively early. All four passages, it may be noted in passing, have this also in common, that they are comment on the effect of prominent individuals on the course of the war (Perikles, Brasidas, Alkibiades); and all are anticipatory in the sense that, where they now stand in the History, they point forward to future events.
The Syllabic Inscription, Hoffmann no. 106
Authors: Mitford T. B.
Published: May 2006

The British Museum has long been in possession of a limestonestelefrom the Cypriot village of Salamniou, some 12 miles north-east of Kouklia (Old Paphos). It has been published—save in one particular—very adequately (B.M. Catalogue of Sculptureno. 430). It is excellently illustrated by the photograph here reproduced (for which I am indebted to the kindness of Professor Ashmole); and I can usefully comment only upon the inscription which fills somewhat chaotically the pediment above the naked archer. TheCatalogueis content to reproduce for this inscription a text of Deecke (SGDI41) over which we need waste no time whatsoever: as Deecke himself very soon saw (Bezz. Beitr.xi 317 f.), he had read it backwards, not in the characteristic direction of the fifth and fourth century Paphian signary, but from right to left.
Homeric Ἔδνα and Penelope's Κύριος
Authors: Lacey W. K.
Published: May 2006

One of the features of the Homeric poems which has often excited comment is the marriage system, both in its apparent difference from that prevailing in classical Athens and for its own inconsistencies as they appear on the surface. Dr M. I. Finley in a paper to which my debt will be evident throughout this discussion, despite my disagreement with some of his arguments, has shown that the old theories of ‘Bride-Purchase’ will not really hold water, and that at a Homeric marriage the bride was part of an exchange of gifts or services between the prospective bride-groom and the bride's father, and that these gifts were called ἕδνα.

What this paper attempts to do is to suggest that (1) there were in fact two different patterns of marriage in Homeric, as in classical times; (2) that ἕδνα belonged essentially to only one of these patterns; (3) that ἕδνα were not δῶρα, although they had many of the facets of gifts, most particularly in that they expressed the giver's quality, and this in turn carried the assumption that to be outdone in ἕδνα, as in gifts, would incur a slur on a man's rank and quality as an ἀγαθός, and this would lead to criticism and ἐλεγχείη; and (4) (in a second part) that, if the analysis of ἕδνα attempted in the first part of this paper is acceptable, the apparent confusions and contradictions in the arrangements proposed for Penelope's second marriage disappear.
Thucydides and Oracles
Authors: Marinatos Nanno
Published: May 2006

‘Thucydides does not himself speak the language of religion.’ Thus K. J. Dover summarizes thecommunisopinioabout Thucydides' attitude towards religion. He is supposed to have been sceptical of oracles and to have rejected them as a form of superstition. This view is not, in my opinion, warranted by the evidence. The object of this paper will be to show that Thucydides accepted oracles, like his pious contemporaries Herodotus and Sophocles, and indeed that he exhibited a consistent interest in oracular puzzles and their correct interpretation.

Of the references to oracles in theHistorysome do not merit extensive discussion since they are neutral in tone, and it is evident that Thucydides reports these oracles without any intention of making a special point: no criticism is involved in any of these omitted passages.

The oracles on which I will base my argument are united by having ambiguity as a common characteristic. Oracular ambiguity was ‘an article of Delphic belief’, and was accepted as a fact by the ancients.
Literacy in the Spartan oligarchy
Authors: Cartledge Paul
Published: May 2006

Somewhere in the first half of the eighth century B.C. the ‘graphic counterpart of speech’ (Diringer's nice expression) and a fully phonetic alphabetic script were respectively reintroduced and invented in Greek lands. Thus the Greeks achieved the feat, unique among European peoples, of rediscovering (after an interval of more than four centuries) the literacy they had lost. The alphabet of course marked an enormous advance on the clumsy ‘Linear B’ syllabic script, in the sense that it made it possible ‘to write easily and read unambiguously about anything which the society can talk about’. However, as Harvey's exhaustive study demonstrated, even in Classical Athens, where popular literacy attained the highest level hitherto known in the Greek world, there were still significant areas of illiteracy or at best semi-literacy. Widespread literacy cannot simply be deduced (as it was by Goody and Watt) from the mere availability of a phonetic alphabetic script of the Greek type. Further factors must be taken into account. One of these, Harvey suggested, is the political system. For although ‘democracy and literacy do not necessarily go hand in hand’ (p. 590), the high level of literacy at Athens in the fifth and fourth centuries was perhaps ‘not entirely unconnected with the fact that she was a democracy’ (p. 623).
Rhea in Callimachus' Hymn to Zeus
Authors: Hopkinson N.
Published: May 2006

Von Jan first drew attention to the etymological play in 14, an allusion to the derivation of Ἀπιδανῆες from ἀ-πίνειν: at the birth of Zeus Arcadia was yet waterless, as we learn from 18 ff. The play gains added point from 40 f., where the Peloponnesians thirst no longer: παλαιότατον δέ μιν (Neda) ὕδωρ/νἱωνοὶ πίνουσι Λυκαονίης ἄρκτοιο.
The second temple of Hera at Paestum and the Pronaos problem
Authors: Coulton J. J.
Published: May 2006

The unusual proportions of the architrave and frieze of the pronaos and opisthodomos of the second temple of Hera (‘Poseidon’) at Paestum have long been known, and the design has been variously used as evidence for the original form of the Doric frieze and for the unsophisticated design methods of Greek architects. Full measurements of this entablature, on which to base explanations of its design, have not, however, been available. By the kindness of Prof. M. Napoli, Superintendent of Antiquities for the province of Salerno, I was enabled to take some of the necessary measurements in August 1973, and the first aim of this paper is to make them public. Standing on the abaci of the two antae and the two columns of the opisthodomos, I was able to measure the architrave and frieze which they carried, but the next course, the epikranitis, was unfortunately just beyond my reach; my rough measurement made its height 0·30 m, agreeing with that given by KP 29, fig. 28 for the corresponding moulded course behind the pteron frieze, which carried the other end of the ceiling beams. The dimensions of the various elements of the frieze and architrave of the opisthodomos are given in Fig. 1.
Julianus of Laodicea: rhetor or trader?
Authors: Anderson Graham
Published: May 2006

J. Pouilloux recently published a funerary epigram from Lyon, which he dates on palaeographical grounds to the late second or early third century A.D.; the inscription refers to one Ioulianos Euteknios of Laodicea (hereafter Julianus):
The ‘Flower of the Argives’ and a neglected meaning of ἌΝΘΟΣ
Authors: Borthwick E. K.
Published: May 2006

Along with Pindar, Aeschylus is doubtless the user of the most spectacular and colourful imagery among classical Greek authors, and like Pindar he is not afraid to mix his metaphors. These lines from the Agamemnon would probably be placed in such a category by most readers who attend to the combination of images, ἄνθος Ἀργϵίων being taken as the rather commonplace and ‘dead’ metaphor of the ‘flower of the host’, etc., found elsewhere in Aeschylus and other writers before and after him; and I have the impression that none of the commentators seems to have thought it worth asking in what sense a flower could be spoken of as ‘carded by rubbing’. Now I do not think Aeschylus chose his words so carelessly—or with such deliberate incongruity—as this, and propose that with ἄνθος he was at the same time alluding to another sense of the word which more effectively sustains the image when juxtaposed to the words τρίβῳ κατέξαινον. Although this sense is not well attested, nor recognized in the lexica, it seems that ᾄνθος might be used of the flock or nap on wool, like ᾄωτος.
Gorgias et le pouvoir de la poésie
Authors: de Romilly Jacqueline
Published: May 2006

Gorgias, le sophiste, le raisonneur, ľincrédule Gorgias, lorsqu'il veut montrer la puissance irrésistible de la parole, se réfère à deux formes de paroles, qui sont les moins rationnelles de toutes. La première pourrait, à cet égard, laisser un doute, puisqu'il s'agit de la poésie; mais la seconde n'en laisse aucun, car le texte désigne bien clairement la parole magique et les sortilèges: «Les incantations sacrées qui se font par la parole apportent le plaisir, emportent le chagrin; en effet, le pouvoir de ľincantation, se mêlant à ľopinion de ľâme, ľensorcelle et la fait changer ďavis de façon magique. Car on a trouvé deux arts de magie et de sorcellerie, qui sont les fautes de ľâme et les erreurs de ľopinion trompée» (Hélène, 9). Ľaccumulation de mots comme ἐπῳδαί, θέλγείν, γοητεία, μαγεία, montre assez qu'il s'agit de magie au sens propre du terme; elle confirme aussi que la parole poétique, mentionnée en même temps, ľest, elle aussi, pour son effet puissant et mystérieux. La rencontre ďun tel thème dans un tel contexte et chez un tel auteur pourrait avoir de quoi surprendre et offre un sujet ďétude qui semble assez approprié pour un hommage adressé à ľillustre auteur de The Greeks and the Irrational. Il le paraît plus encore si, au lieu de considérer le texte lui-même, on regarde en arrière, du côté des poètes qui ont vécu avant Gorgias: un bref examen suffit alors à montrer que la tentative du sophiste pour utiliser rationnellement ces pouvoirs irrationnels de la parole est, en fait, ľaboutissement ďune longue évolution, qui a permis et facilité cette prise de position spectaculaire.

En effet, pour que le pouvoir miraculeux de la poésie et de la magie pût se trouver annexé à parole humaine en général, il fallait que celui-ci eût profondément changé de sens. Ľexemple de la magie peut servir à illustrer cette différence de valeur: c'est pourquoi il mérite ďêtre évoqué ici, dans la mesure où il éclaire ce qui concerne la poésie.
Divorce in Classical Athens
Authors: Cohn-Haft Louis
Published: May 2006

The modern literature on divorce in Classical Athens is slight, the only detailed discussion that of W. Erdmann, Die Ehe im alten Griechenland (Munich 1934; repr. New York 1979) 384–403. A rare certainty in our knowledge is the ease with which a husband could terminate marriage. He had only to send his wife away, that is, back to her paternal family, and the marriage was at an end. From this it is tempting to infer that divorce in Athens was frequent, even casual. Not surprisingly that view has had a long tradition in works on marriage and family, law, society, and ancient Greece in general. It is a view almost surely incorrect, however, as the following examination of the evidence will show.
Patterns of human error in Homer
Authors: Finkelberg Margalit
Published: May 2006

It has become habitual to approach Homeric man's mental functioning with the categories used today, only to show how different this man was from the later Greek and, moreover, from the modern individual. The studies in Homer's mental terminology begun by Bruno Snell and other German scholars before World War II illustrate this tendency. Although the scholarly value of these studies, which have led us to realize that the Homeric vocabulary lacks terms explicitly designating the person as a whole, is incontestable, in everything concerning the better understanding of Homeric man their effect has been, paradoxically enough, rather negative. Indeed, insofar as such ideas as ‘self’, ‘soul’, ‘character’ are said to be irrelevant to Homer, and what is proposed instead is a loose conglomerate of the so-called ‘mental organs’, Homeric man is turned into an incognizable entity altogether estranged from everything understood as human today or in classical Greece. At the same time, the essential humanity of Homeric man is immediately felt by every reader of Homer, and the incompatibility of this experience with the image created by terminological speculations about Homeric man is strong enough to call in question the relevance of the results obtained through the terminological approach.
Aktaion and a lost ‘Bath of Artemis’
Authors: Lacy Lamar Ronald
Published: May 2006

Aktaion's own hounds devoured him, convinced by Artemis that he was a deer. This grim reversal, the great hunter who dies like a hunted beast, was the strongest element of the mythic tradition associated with the Boiotian hero and inspired numerous scenes in Greek art. Aktaion's Offense, on the other hand, received little iconographic attention before the imperial era, and Greek literature accounted for Artemis' hostility in a variety of ways. The chronology of the extant sources suggests a neat sequence of misdeeds, and the resulting succession of versions is the object of a well-established scholarly consensus. The information which survives is actually too scant and too fragmentary to bear so straightforward a reading, but a critical approach can suggest the outlines of more plausible, if less neat, picture.
The parasol: an oriental status-symbol in late archaic and classical Athens
Authors: Miller M. C.
Published: May 2006

The parasol, whatever the conditions of use, ultimately functions as a social symbol as it satisfies no utilitarian need. The operative mechanism of that symbol varies from culture to culture but the parasol is polysemous even at its least complicated, when held by the person to be protected without allusion to foreign social systems and in the context of single-sex usage. For example, as an implement of fashionable feminine attire of over a century ago, the parasol signified the maintenance of a standard of beauty that precluded extended activities out of doors and the delicate constitution of the lady thus protected, both with further implications of ‘good breeding’ and economic inutility; and the wasteful employment of items that must be changed with the costume and discarded before unserviceable to suit the dictates of fashion. Both facets—termed ‘conspicuous leisure’ and ‘conspicuous consumption’ by Veblen—conjointly served to advertise the wealth of the individual man on the basis of whose property such extravagance and non-productive practice could be sustained.
The meaning of Arrian, Anabasis 7.9.5
Authors: Hammond N.G.L.
Published: May 2006

This passage forms the climax of the first part of Alexander's speech at Opis in which he described the achievements of Philip. In the next sentence Alexander began to compare ‘these achievements of my father’ with his own services.

The first part is carefully structured. It begins with Philip's achievements in Upper Macedonia, which over many years had suffered from raids by its neighbours. It then proceeds to Thrace, Thessaly, Phocis, Athens-and- Thebes, and the Peloponnese. This sequence is not temporal, but geographical. Then comes the climax, the command against Persia which was entrusted to Philip.
The Nyktophylaxia of Delos
Authors: Schachter A.
Published: May 2006

In 426/425 BC the Athenians purified the island of Delos: they removed all the graves, and for the future forbade either dying or giving birth there; those involved were to be removed to Rheneia. They also instituted the penteteric Delia after the purification. Whatever the Athenians' initial motivation, the interdiction on burial seems to have been taken seriously, for there were few if any licit burials on the island for the rest of antiquity. It must have been very difficult for the people of Delos to conform to this law, as it affected both the burial of the dead, and the performance of the regular, customary, rites of tendance of family tombs. This paper suggests how they may have found a way to adapt normal Greek practice to fit the circumstances peculiar to Delos.
Persecution and response in late paganism: the evidence of Damascius
Authors: Athanassiadi Polymnia
Published: May 2006

The theme of this paper is intolerance: its manifestation in late antiquity towards the pagans of the Eastern Mediterranean, and the immediate reactions and long-term attitudes that it provoked in them. The reasons why, in spite of copious evidence, the persecution of the traditional cults and of their adepts in the Roman empire has never been viewed as such are obvious: on the one hand no pagan church emerged out of the turmoil to canonise its dead and expound a theology of martyrdom, and on the other, whatever their conscious religious beliefs, late antique scholars in their overwhelming majority were formed in societies whose ethical foundations and logic are irreversibly Christian. Admittedly a few facets of this complex subject, such as the closing of the Athenian Academy and the demolition of temples or their conversion into churches, have occasionally been touched upon; but pagan persecution in itself, in all its physical, artistic, social, political, intellectual and psychological dimensions, has not as yet formed the object of scholarly research.
Kleisthenes and Athenian nomenclature
Authors: Winters T.F.
Published: May 2006

In the course of discussing Kleisthenes' reforms, the author of theAthenaion Politeiamakes the following statement:

And he made those who were currently living in each of the demes demesmen of one another, so that they would not examine the new citizens by calling out their patronymic, rather they would announce them by demes; and from this practice, the Athenians call themselves after their demes.
Salvation and female heroics in the parodos of Aristophanes'Lysistrata
Authors: Faraone Christopher A.
Published: May 2006

The separate entrances of the male and female semi-choruses in Aristophanes'Lysistrataare marked by an unusual bit of stagecraft whose importance to a general theme of the play the salvation of Athens–has never been fully appreciated. The old men enter the stage at v. 254 each carrying a pair of olive-wood logs, a vine torch and a small pot of live embers. Having heard that Lysistrata and her comrades have taken control of the Acropolis, they come intent on burning down the gates of the citadel and removing the women, whom they liken to the Spartan general Cleomenes who occupied the citadel in 510. The men pile their logs before the closed gate, ignite their torches in the hot coals and then try to set fire to the logs (vv. 307-11). But after a few minutes of hilarious bumbling their plans are foiled for good by the sudden appearance of a semi-chorus of old women who rush in with water-jars on their shoulders or in their hands; these women threaten the men and then finally–with an invocation of the river-god Achelous douse them and their fire (vv. 381-82), thus effectively ending the threat of incineration. In the past, this entire choral routine has been explained in one of two ways: either it is a standard bit of slapstick humour with no importance whatsoever to the development of the comic plot, or it is part of an elaborate sexual pun of Freudian proportions in which the closed entranceway to the Acropolis assaulted by men symbolically prefigures the battle of the sexes that is about to ensue. Of course given the wonderful richness and polyvalence of Aristophanic comedy, it is extremely difficult to deny either of these interpretations. I shall argue here, however, that the staging of the parodos also reflects a very popular type of Greek salvation myth, known to the Athenians from the tragic stage, from the visual arts and from rituals associated with local mystery cults. In light of these parallels drawn from the theatrical and religious life of the city, I shall argue that when the audience saw the women rush onto the stage with theirhydriai, they would have undoubtedly seen them in a very positive light as saviours of the city–precisely the role they claim for themselves later in the play.
The Nika riot: a reappraisal
Authors: Greatrex Geoffrey
Published: May 2006

The uprising which took place in Constantinople in January 532 has long attracted the attention of scholars, the first significant contribution being J.B. Bury's magisterial article of 1897. My present aim is to re-examine the Nika riot, and to set it in its wider context: it will be argued that the significant place assigned to it in accounts of the reign of Justinian distorts the reality of late fifth-sixth century Constantinople. The riot was by no means an isolated outbreak of popular discontent, but just one in a whole series of bloody confrontations in the capital. It has engaged the interest of historians more than other disturbances for the same reason that Justinian's reign attracts such frequent biographies, while Anastasius' remains neglected: the wealth of sources available for the riot of 532 is much greater than for any other such event.