bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Developmental Pressure and Political Limits: a Tunisian Example
Authors: Rudebeck Lars
Published: November 2008

Sincethe original draft of this article was completed during the early summer of 1969, the attempt at radical co-operative agricultural reform initiated in Tunisia in January 1969 has been abandoned, and its main promoter, the former Minister of Planning and of the National Economy, Ahmed Ben Salah, has been deprived of all political influence, excluded from the party, and finally arrested in March 1970.
Arabism, Africanism, and Self-Identification in the Sudan
Authors: Al-Rahīm Muddathir'Abd
Published: November 2008

Physically, culturally, and ethnically the Republic of the Sudan is a microcosm of Africa. Its achievements, problems, and potentialities are in many respects typical of those of other African or Afro-Asian countries—particularly the belt of ‘Sudanic’ states which runs across the continent from the Horn and the Red Sea in the East to the Atlantic Ocean in the West. Thus, like the great majority of Afro-Asian countries, the Sudan has been subjected to alien rule for considerable periods during its modern history; its existing boundaries, administrative institutions, and cultural outlook have been largely moulded by its colonial masters; it developed a nationalist movement whose primary objective was the achievement of independence; and, since the fulfilment of that objective, it has been faced with a host of problems, chief amongst which is the erosion of nationalism, in the sense of loyalty to the homeland as a whole, and the resurgence or development of a variety of particularistic tendencies, loyalty to which has in some cases equalled or even surpassed loyalty to the nationalism under whose banner independence was won.
Rural Development in Zambia: a Spatial Analysis
Authors: Siddle David J.
Published: November 2008

Rural development in tropical Africa is taking place on two broad fronts. First, there are the major schemes of improvement inspired by the economic planners of government or international agencies. These range in size from a few massive resettlement projects, such as those associated with major dams (the Kariba or the Volta), to the medium-scale exercises in improved agriculture, co-operative farming and village regrouping which are common in most of the newly independent African states. There is a second type of rural development, however, which is much less obvious and goes largely unrecorded. This involves the apparently piecemeal diffusion of minor services—shops, clinics, schools, agricultural demonstration units, transport and marketing facilities—little of which is planned. Even the co-ordination between public and private sectors, and between the government departments involved in the extension of these services, is limited and frequently ineffectual.
Democracy and Economic Growth: the role of the I.L.O.
Authors: Jenks C. Wilfred
Published: November 2008

Throughout the developing world today the accent is upon economic growth. No reasonable man can question this emphasis while inequalities among nations, and inequalities within nations, remain so glaring. Inevitable and healthy as this may be, it raises one fundamental question, Growth for what? Growth for growth's sake? Growth for those astute enough to profit from it? Or growth as an essential concomitant of political stability and social justice for the whole community? There are other searching questions. Is democracy compatible with economic growth? Are human rights and civil liberties, free enterprise and free trade unionism, compatible with growth? Where they conflict, which comes first? or what reasonable compromise can be made?
Dag Hammarskjöld Seminar on the Development and Promotion of Tourism in Africa
Authors: Montén Christer , Popovic Vijislav
Published: November 2008

Faced with declining earnings from the export of agricultural products, with rising population, and with an urgent need for accelerated economic growth and structural change, many African countries are today searching for new channels through which they can supplement their foreign-exchange earnings. One source of rapidly growing importance is tourism, which already plays a decisive role in the economic development of some countries.
The Case for a New Federal Capital in Nigeria
Authors: Adejuyigbe Ọmọlade
Published: November 2008

Lagos, the capital of Nigeria since 1914, was in 1954 declared Federal Territory under the direct administration of the central Government, in order to satisfy demands that it should not, like some other federal capitals, be controlled by any of the constituent units. But, when new States were created in 1967, this Federal Territory was merged with neighbouring areas to become Lagos State, with headquarters in Lagos, which was retained as the Federal capital. This development raises again the issue of protecting Nigeria's capital from control by any of the constituent units of the Federation; should this be done by declaring Lagos Federal Territory again? or by choosing another site? These questions involve a consideration of the process by which Lagos was chosen as the Federal capital, of its effectiveness under present conditions, and of the location of a possible alternative, neutral capital of Nigeria.
Conference on African Armies in Politics and Nation-Building
Authors: Samuels Michael A.
Published: November 2008

This two-day conference, co-sponsored by Georgetown's Summer School and Center for Strategic and International Studies, was attended by 150 people interested in this important subject. Directed by Dr William H. Lewis and Dr James D. Farrell, the conference brought together authorities on African political and military affairs for an open discussion of the present and possible future roles of the military in African politics.
Planning for Plenty in Africa: F.A.O.'s Indicative World Plan
Authors: Tristram Uvedale
Published: November 2008

F.A.O.'s Indicative World Plan for Agricultural Development is an effort to analyse the major problems which will confront agriculture in the developing countries in the 1970s and early 1980s, and to suggest the most important ways in which national and international action can solve them.
Negotiations About What in South Africa?
Authors: Adam Heribert , Moodley Kogila
Published: November 2008

Widespread scepticism prevails that the proper conditions for negotiations do not as yet exist in South Africa. Yet, most major parties to the conflict (with the exception of the Pan-Africanist Congress) flaunt negotiations as the magic formula for settling a seemingly intractable dispute. From the western governments to the Soviet Union, from the African National Congress to the National Party, all advocate negotiations. In 1989 the N.P. fought a successful election campaign to receive a mandate for talks. The A.N.C. issued a lengthy policy document that aims at preparing its constituency and setting wellknown preconditions (lifting of the emergency, release of political prisoners and return of exiles, free political activity). Even the Conservative Party admits that it eventually will have to negotiate the boundaries of a Boerestaat when it ‘opts out’ of an increasingly integrated, undivided one-nation state.
Competitive Transition to Civilian Rule: Nigeria's First and Second Experiments
Authors: Koehn Peter
Published: November 2008

Few Decisions exert a greater impact upon the polity and the pattern of public policy-making than those defining the nature of the political system itself. Transitions from military to civilian rule constitute a dramatic type of institutional change which is encountered with increasing frequency in the Third World. One type of ‘planned withdrawal’ initially involes little alteration in the distribution of power. This approach, which has been employed in Zaïre and Ethiopia, typically yields new nomenclature – for example, the military ruler assumes the title of civilian head of state – and a political structure dominated by a single individual and/or party, closely tied to the same ideology embraced by the military predecessors.
Floating Exchange Rates in Developing Countries: the Case of Zambia
Authors: Wulf Jürgen
Published: November 2008

When Zambia introduced weekly foreign-exchange auctions in October 1985 in order to determine the value of the kwacha vis-à-vis the dollar, together with other measures aiming at liberalising external and internal trade and at restructuring the pattern of production, they were widely acclaimed as a model for reforms elsewhere in the continent. The Economist praised Zambia for ‘taking one of the bravest economic gambles that any African country has taken’,1 implying that even in the view of liberal commentators the Government ran a considerable risk in trying to implement this reform programme. The new measures enabled Zambia to reach a fresh stand-by agreement with the International Monetary Fund in early 1986, the previous one having broken down in 1985 because the authorities failed to meet the I.M.F.'s economic targets.
The Case for Promoting the Nigerian Pidgin Language
Authors: Ndolo Ike S.
Published: November 2008

Nigeria is a nation of tremendous socio-cultural diversities – in historical background, ethnicity, religion, belief, and especially language, which more often than not is the strongest factor giving identity, harmony, and continuity to ethnic groups, shaping the perceptions of their members. John Paden sees language as ‘a major mechanism of social communication between sub-systems …and… of expressing values, culture and ethnicity within a sub-system’.1 It is easy to see, in this light, how the most difficult problems of the entire political fabric of Nigeria are related to its great diversity of language.
South Africa: Prophetic Christianity and the Liberation Movement
Authors: Walshe Peter
Published: November 2008

The struggle against racial discrimination in South Africa, as many have argued, is theological as well as political. This is so, in the words of Ben Marais, because ‘Apartheid erodes the very basis of humanity’. It is also because the great majority of South Africans have some Christian identity and church affiliation, yet their faith commitments are heavily conditioned by class interests and particular ideologies. Consequently, prophetic Christianity, in relating biblical values to the analysis of society and the search for justice, has divided Christian communities by confronting the established churches as well as the state.
Railway Workers and the P.N.D.C. Government in Ghana, 1982–90
Authors: Haynes Jeffrey
Published: November 2008

This article looks at the railway workers of Ghana in the context of a struggle for domination between their own union and the Workers' Defence Committees created by the state after the coup d'etat of 31 December 1981, organised by Flight-Lieutenant Jerry Rawlings. The conflict between what might be called ‘moderate’ and ‘militant’ workers mirrored the disputes at the national level during 1982 between the political pragmatists, including Rawlings, and such socialist-oriented individuals as Chris Atim.1
Structural Adjustment, Human Needs, and the World Bank Agenda
Authors: Stein Howard , Nafziger E. Wayne
Published: November 2008

The economic crisis of the 1970s in sub-Saharan Africa led to a critical evaluation of the rôle of government policies by international agencies, including two contrasting views of the problem by the Economic Commission for Africa/Organisation of African Unity and the World Bank. The E.C.A./O.A.U. largely placed the blame on the deteriorating external environment, emphasising the reduction of income inequality, poverty, and unemployment through a continuation of the state-led introverted development strategy of the previous decade. The World Bank responded in the opposite direction, mainly blaming the inappropriate state policies of the post-independence period, while encouraging a re-focus on economic growth through a structural reversal of the state-imposed impediments to the efficient operations of markets.
Incomplete Engagement: Reagan's South Africa policy Revisited
Authors: Thomson Alex
Published: November 2008

Events in Southern Africa during the early 1990s have re-opened a debate over the effectiveness of the Reagan Administration's policy of ‘Constructive Engagement’. This was a controversy that had previously been laid to rest with the US Congress passing its Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act in October 1986, since the ensuing punitive sanctions imposed by the enactment of this legislation scuttled Ronald Reagan's strategy of using friendly persuasion to encourage the South African Government away from its practice of apartheid. Yet, with hindsight, it may appear that the President's method of drawing the Pretoria regime into the international community, through offering recognition and encouragement in exchange for reform, has been triumphantly vindicated. After all, has not the African National Congress (ANC) come to power via a democratic process, thereby avoiding a bloodbath on the scale that so many had predicted?
South Africa, SADC, and the European Union: Matching Bilateral with Regional Policies
Authors: Holland Martin
Published: November 2008

These comments by South Africa's Minister for Trade and Industry, Trevor Manuel, were made in November 1994 in a speech to the African-Caribbean-Pacific (ACP)—European Union (EU) ministerial meeting in Brussels. Words, of course, can be interpreted in various ways. Contrary to the seeming clarity of Manuel's request, the underlying sub-texts illustrated both the past prevarication of the South African Government and the continuing uncertainty on the part of the EU as to the appropriate shape of a new long-term relationship.
The Emergence of Lingala in Bukavu, Zaïre
Authors: Goyvaerts Didier L.
Published: November 2008

Ever since independence Lingala has been gradually spreading throughout Zaïre to the extent that nowadays in Bukavu, a traditionally Swahili-speaking city near Rwanda and Burundi, about 70 per cent of the population has some knowledge of the language. This holds true for all layers of society: youngsters, students, teachers, civil servants, businessmen, petty traders, soldiers, and prostitutes. The advent of Lingala raises an important question: how do we explain the presence of this new language in a city where already three lingua francas exist, namely French, Swahili, and Indoubil.1
Whither Nigerian Fiction? Into the Nineties
Authors: Wright Derek
Published: November 2008

Adewale Maja-Pearce is an iconoclastic Nigerian critic who has dethroned a number of literary reputations, and his 1992 book, on Nigerian fiction of the 1980s, is only a few pages old when some venerated literary figures come into the sights of his polemic. Chief among these are Chinua Achebe and Elechi Amadi, whose early novels are seen to construct nostalgic traditional world-views on discredited superstitions and ‘degraded fetishism’. Maja-Pearce's real target in A Mask Dancing, however, is not the first wave of anglophone Nigerian novelists of the 1950s and early 1960s, but the writers of his own generation, and his concern is as much with the manner as with the matter of the writing.
Civil Society and Democratisation in Francophone Africa
Authors: Monga Célestin
Published: November 2008

When analysing the implosion of political space and the rupture of social stability which has characterised the course of African history in recent years, there has too often been a tendency to focus attention on institutions, structures, and politicans. Whilst these are obviously important, such an approach tends to obscure the groundswell of new and yet barely understood social changes. Yet given that the ‘politicians’ seem unable to advance the process in which so many people have invested so much, many observers feel the need to explore alternative sources of dynamism. This is largely the reason for the current interest in the notion of ‘civil society’ which has recently become fashionable in the often cloistered world of African studies.
Responsiveness in Botswana Politics: Do Elections Matter?
Authors: Danevad Andreas
Published: November 2008

Prospectsfor political change figure prominently on the research agenda in sub-Saharan Africa, and in current debates within individual countries. Democracy is advocated not only as a goal in itself, since it is also frequently argued that elections and openness are required to make governments really responsive to the needs of the population and properly accountable for their actions. In addition, greater transparency is held to be necessary in order to make the public service behave in accordance with bureaucratic norms. Although the general principles of responsiveness, accountability, and transparency are embraced by a large number of scholars and observers of the African scene as a means of countering the detrimental effects of clientelism and personalistic rule, important nuances are found in the literature with regard to the way in which democracy is perceived to facilitate economic development in general, and presently needed reforms in particular.
Guinea's Economic Performance Under Structural Adjustment: Importance of Mining and Agriculture
Authors: Campbell Bonnie , Clapp Jennifer
Published: November 2008

Domestic policy inadequacies have been targeted by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) as the main reason for poor economic performance in sub-Saharan Africa generally.1 The structural adjustment programmes (SAPs) sponsored by these international financial institutions (IFIs) over the past decade have sought to rectify such policies. But many countries following their advice have continued to experience economic decline, albeit according to the World Bank, as a result primarily of their failure to properly implement the recommended reforms. It was argued in the late 1980s and early 1990S that governments pursuing strong adjustment programmes, even in the face of inhospitable world economic conditions, still outperformed weak reformers.2 This analysis does not hold with the same weight for all African countries. In the case of Guinea, external factors have been equally important in explaining its economic record under adjustment.
From Berlin 1884 to 1989: Foreign Assistance and French, American, and Japanese Competition in Francophone Africa
Authors: Schraeder Peter J.
Published: November 2008

In October1884, the major European colonial powers of the era were invited to a conference in Berlin by the German Chancellor, Otto von Bismarck.1The United States also attended the proceedings as an observer nation, and its representative, John A. Kasson, signed the Berlin Convention, one of the primary purposes of which was to regulate escalating imperial conflict by officially delineating the territorial boundaries of colonial possessions. Although warfare between colonial armies in Africa during World War I underscored the failure of negotiators to avoid yet another global military conflict, the Berlin conference none the less consecrated the creation of formal European empires and ‘spheres of interest’ throughout the continent. Except for the unique cases of Ethiopia and Liberia, independent Africa eventually ceased to exist.
Devaluation of the CFA Franc in Senegal: the Reaction of Small Businesses
Authors: Creevey Lucy , Vengroff Richard , Gaye Ibrahima
Published: November 2008

The devaluation of the Communauté financière africaine (CFA) franc occurred on 12 January 1994. Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Chad, Central African Republic, Comoros, Congo, Côte d'Ivoire, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, and Senegal were immediately affected as the value of their currency decreased by 50 per cent. One French franc now became worth 100 instead of 50 CFA – in reality a 100 per cent increase in the cost of goods purchased on the international market with the CFA franc.
Self and Nation in Kenya: Charles Mangua's ‘Son of Woman’
Authors: Greenfield Kathleen
Published: November 2008

In this 1971 novel by Charles Mangua, and in his sequel 15 years later, Son of Woman in Mombasa (Nairobi, 1986), Dodge Kiunyu is a self-made man, ‘son of woman’. He believes that he was ‘conceived on a quid’ by ‘one of the scores of men who took [his mother] for a bed-ride’ (1971, p. 7). Raised first by his prostitute mother until her death and then by her prostitute friend, Dodge is sent away to the countryside as an 11-year-old orphan, educated by a mission, and eventually graduated from Makerere University College. His adult life has been spent working ‘with Ministry of Labour, Kenya Shell, Ministry of Lands and Settlement and lastly with the Ministry of Home Affairs as an insider of Kamiti prison–blast them cops!’ (1986, p. 2).
Affluence and Underdevelopment: the Nigerian Experience
Authors: Joseph Richard A.
Published: November 2008

There is a well-known story that is regularly acted out in many countries of the world. An individual suddenly wins a large fortune – from a lottery or horse race – and is catapulted from rags to riches. After a few years of dissipation, the money has been squandered, the physical and mental health of the nouveau riche broken, and the glorious future of unlimited possibilities constricted into a bleak vista of regret and recrimination. At the moment of exhilaration, what the person concerned – understandably enough – failed to recognise was that the danger such sudden wealth represented was no less great than the dazzling promise.
The Migration to the Cities of West Africa: Some Policy Considerations
Authors: Riddell J. Barry
Published: November 2008

National governments, politicians, policy-makers, and planners have become increasingly concerned with the manner in which human populations have been distributed among the component parts of many nations in the Third World, and especially with the three key processes of mobility, fertility, and mortality. As alterations in birth and death rates tend to have far stronger national than regional components, and as such changes can only affect relative population distribution over a very long period of time – in the absence of catastrophic wars and famines – the regulation or influencing of migration is the most effective way of changing the distribution of people between regions or between rural and urban sectors. Such alterations may be seen as desirable for a variety of reasons, including the need to overcome present (or future) imbalances between the distribution of population and resources, and to assist in the implementation of certain national socio-economic goals.1
Regional Organisations and African Underdevelopment: the Collapse of the East African Community
Authors: Mugomba Agrippah T.
Published: November 2008

For better or worse, Africa is coming of age. The golden epoch of high hopes for pan-African co-operation and unity has passed. In its place is coming a new era of confrontation, ideological conflict and even ‘African imperialism’ that threatens everything pan-Africanists believed in and were crusading for… at the dawn of [the] continent's independence from colonial rule. The change in the nature of pan-African politics from lofty idealism to hard-nosed realpolitik is nowhere more evident than in the present paralysis of the Organisation of African Unity. The Angolan crisis and now the Spanish Sahara dispute have laid bare the new realities of the African continent in a revealing and even devastating manner. – The Montreal Star, 16 March 1976.
Rumour and the Buganda Emergency, 1966
Authors: Tanner Ralph E. S.
Published: November 2008

Rumour and gossip have been noted in a wide range of sociological studies as performing significant functions: for the informant and the recipient, and for the relationship between them, as well as for the society in which they live.1 Although many items often appear to be insignificant, they may be part of a complex web of information and speculation which is a vital element in a particular community. Social scientists might be described as ‘scandal mongers’ par excellence since they live professionally off the minutiae of gossip which they manage to gather: they read political memoirs or listen to uninformed discussion and random recollection, because this material may contain important information about social behaviour.
The New International Economic Order: an Overview
Authors: Singer H. W.
Published: November 2008

The term ‘New International Economic Order’ – often referred to as N.I.E.O. – suggests two immediate thoughts: the first is related to ‘New’ and the second emphasises ‘Order’.

The New Versus The Old International Economic Order

If there is to be a new order, then presumably it must be contrasted with an old order, an O.I.E.O., namely the Bretton Woods system which was established at the end of World War II as a result of Anglo-American negotiations, with an absorbing interplay between the intellect of Keynes, subtly representing British interests, coming up against the hard facts of U.S. power and economic supremacy.
The Impact of the United Nations Upon Africa
Authors: Gareau Frederick H.
Published: November 2008

Observers have been intrigued by the relationship which has developed between the United Nations and Africa, a continent that now houses one-third of the membership of the world institution. Investigators have been seduced by subjects such as African frustration with the world organisation,1 African cohesion on Assembly roll-calls,2 African co-operation with Latin America in New York,3 or the impact of Mother Africa's offspring upon the United Nations.4 A few authors have sensed the magnitude of the impact which the world organisation has had upon the continent5, and several have detailed discrete instances of what has happened. What we have not seen is a general assessment of this impact with supporting data. My aim is to fill this gap in the literature, and to determine to what extent the existence of the United Nations has made a difference for Africa.
Food Aid: Good, Bad, or Indifferent?
Authors: Stevens Christopher
Published: November 2008

Is food aid an effective means of assisting the needy, or a cynical response to inefficient agricultural policies in the rich countries? The second view is increasingly being heard, particularly in the main donor countries;2 yet the World Food Council, on which the developing countries are strongly represented, has called for even greater efforts so that at least 10 million tons of grain are available for food aid each year. This brief article outlines the scope and major conclusions of an O.D.I. research project that has studied the impact of food aid in four African countries in order to answer the question posed in the title.3
Empirical Tests of Dependency Theory: a Second Critique of Methodology
Authors: Kleemeier Lizz Lyle
Published: November 2008

Dependency theory has sometimes been called a perspective, rather than a theory, due to the multiplicity of often contrasting arguments attributed to it. Nevertheless, the theses of such well-known authors as Samir Amin and Cohn Leys have gained general recognition as representative of the theory. Both attempt to explain the general causes of underdevelopment, notably those factors underlying the poor sectoral articulation, skewed demand profile, and uneven economic growth of many Third-World countries. They argue that their long-run development is stifled by certain domestic class formations and relationships with international capital, thereby producing dependent economic structures.
The Political Economy of Private Investment in Nigeria
Authors: Ekundare R. O.
Published: November 2008

The traditional and basic economic philosophy of private investment is best expressed by Adam Smith: Every individual is continually exerting himself to find out the most advantageous employment for whatever capital he can command…every individual…endeavours so [to employ his capital]…that its produce may be of the greatest possible value…He generally, indeed, neither intends to promote the public interest, nor knows how much he is promoting it… By pursuing his own interest he frequently promotes that of the society more effectually than when he really intends to promote it.1
Southern African Student Exiles in the United States
Authors: Baron Barnett F.
Published: November 2008

The only official United States contact with the liberation movements of Southern Africa has been the educational programmes administered by the African–American Institute under contract to the U.S. Government. In addition to providing education and scholarships to refugee students in Africa, the A.A.I. has since 1962 administered the Southern African Student Program (S.A.S.P.) for refugees in the United States at the college and graduate levels.
Praetorianism in Commonwealth West Africa
Authors: Welch Claude E.
Published: November 2008

Within five years, some of the cadets to whom these remarks were addressed helped overthrow Kwame Nkrumah. Despite the warning, ‘Politics are not for soldiers’, the armed forces in Ghana – as in 14 other African states – assumed full political control. The military thus changed in Africa from relatively insignificant relics of colonial administration into prime arbiters of political disputes – settling arguments, in many instances, by the direct seizure of power. Praetorianism had reached south of the Sahara.
The Economic Impact of the Nigerian Civil War
Authors: Nafziger E. Wayne
Published: November 2008

Few events alter the socio-economic structure of a country as radically as the convulsions and displacements concomitant with war and political upheaval. In Nigeria the two coups d'état of 1966 and the civil war of 1967–1970 have had a profound effect on economic activity, and in turn have been affected by economic variables. In this study the political variable will generally be treated as independent and the economic variable as dependent, despite the fact that in the period after independence in 1960, tendencies towards political and economic disintegration reinforced each other.1
The Organisation of Senegal River States
Authors: Bornstein Ronald
Published: November 2008

In the early 1960s pan-Africanism was thought by many scholars and leaders of government to be the force which would bring political harmony coupled with rapid economic development. During the last decade a number of regional and sub-regional organisations were developed as first steps towards greater African unity. In English- speaking Africa the East African Community formed by Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda exemplified, with all its frustrations and aspirations, this type of grouping. In French-speaking Africa the limited success of the Union douanière et économique de l'Afrique central, its successor the Union des états d'Afrique centrale, and the Union douanière de l'Afrique occidentale has raised serious questions of whether these organisations, at this point in history, can attain their goals of regional economic integration and development.
Beyond Growth Rates and Plan Volumes–Planning for Africa in the 1970s
Authors: Helleiner G. K.
Published: November 2008

During the first decade of independence for the tropical African states, economic planning has moved through several stages. Before and at the time of independence the development literature still featured debates as to whether or not to plan, and what the role of the government should be in economic development. In Africa these debates were won, hands down, by the planners and by ‘African socialists’ of various types. Within a few years there appeared a host of plan documents responding to the perceived requirements, leading one analyst even to characterise Africa as ‘the continent of economic plans’1 articles on ‘comprehensive economic planning’ and simple econometric models were at that time in fashion. These plans were typically prepared by foreigners with relatively little experience of the countries concerned, and were based upon the scrappiest of data and analysis. While not as elaborate in their technique, or as far removed from reality, as many of their counterparts of the period in Asia and Latin America, these plans tended to be just as lacking in real content, political support, or potential for implementation. Their authors usually departed for home shortly afterwards, leaving the hardpressed decision-makers on the scene (many of whom were themselves expatriates newly arrived in the country) little the wiser.
The Politics of the 1969 Somali Coup
Authors: Lewis I. M.
Published: November 2008

In the lives of nations, as of men, reputations all too often achieve their widest currency when they are already out of date. The Somali Republic is no exception to this general rule. Although the real circumstances had already significantly altered before the military brusquely seized power in October 1969, Somalia was still generally known for democracy at home and trouble abroad. The first of these characterisations referred to the striking persistance of a vigorous and effective multi-party parliamentary system, and the second to the seemingly uniquely intractable nature of the ‘Somali Dispute’ which committed the Republic to supporting the secessionist claims of the contiguous Somali populations of Kenya, Ethiopia, and French Somaliland, at the price of severely strained relations with these neighbouring states. These and other attributes unusual amongst the new states of sub-Saharan Africa appeared to be closely connected with the Republic's exuberant sense of national identity, a quality all the more remarkable in being firmly grounded in a long-standing and entirely traditional cultural nationalism.
Underdevelopment and Dependence in Black Africa — Origins and Contemporary Forms
Authors: Amin Samir
Published: November 2008

Contemporary Black Africa can be divided into wide regions which are clearly different from one another. But it is more difficult to analyse these differences – and to study their nature, origin, and effects – than to see them.
The Administrative Service of Malawi — a Case Study in Africanisation
Authors: Baker Colin
Published: November 2008

Malawi has her origins, as a separate state, in the British Central Africa Protectorate, declared in 1891 to prevent the Portuguese from claiming the Lake Malawi region. In 1907 the Protectorate was renamed Nyasaland, a title which was retained until independence in 1964. It is with the few years before independence, and the eight years since, that this article is concerned, and it deals with the Africanisation of the Administrative Service during this period.
Education for Rural Development: a Discussion of Experiments in Botswana
Authors: Ward Jennifer C.
Published: November 2008

Botswana, a country of some 648,000 people unevenly distributed over more than 600,000 square kilometres, is an extremely poor nation whose estimated income per capita is less than $100 per annum. It is land-locked and dependent upon transport routes through neighbouring South Africa and Rhodesia. Frequent droughts cause major losses in Botswana's cattle herds, whose meat provides the country with its major export earnings. According to the 1964 census, almost 228,000 of the 250,000 workers were in agriculture, forestry, hunting, and fishing, and a 1967–8 survey found only 28,148 in salaried employment. During 1967 an additional 22,735 Batswana were working in the mines of South Africa. Of the present number of jobs (estimated at 2,000) requiring the minimum educational standard of School Certificate, less than one-quarter are currently filled by Botswana citizens. In 1967 some 258 students – 55 per cent of those who sat for the examination – received the Junior Certificate (after three years of secondary education) and 66 students - 80 per cent of those who sat – received the Cambridge School Certificate (after five years of secondary education).
Liberia's External Debts and their Servicing
Authors: Curry Robert L.
Published: November 2008

A recent article in thisJournal, X, I, May 1972, by Robert E. Miller and Peter R. Carter on ‘A Cost-Benefit Analysis of Liberia’, examined the general cost pattern inherent in concession agreements based upon her ‘Open-Door Policy’, and noted that ‘officials of the Government of Liberia who are responsible for negotiating foreign concessionaire agreements… now recognise this pattern and hopefully plan better bargains in the future’. I wish to focus attention on Liberia's external debts, a particular cost largely resulting from that policy.
One Voice Speaking for Many: the Mau Mau Movement and Kenyan Autobiography
Authors: Neubauer Carol E.
Published: November 2008

In most traditional African societies, the relationship of the individual to the community is clearly defined from birth. Each child soon comes to understand his special relationship to his extended family, and to the historical founders of his ethnic group. Hereditary lines trace ancestral origins, and names reflect ties to past generations as well as those yet to come. From the very beginning the child understands that he is not alone, and that he is an integral member of a distinct group with traditional responsibilities and expectations. He perceives himself not as a solitary individual who must discover his own meaning in life, but rather identifies with the legendary history and social values of his clan. These inherited ties to the past, present, and future prove to be of tremendous benefit to the individual, and provide a shared sense of order and security.
Outside Influence on South Africa: Afrikanerdom in Disarray
Authors: Adam Heribert
Published: November 2008

Among the sober assessments of U.S. interests in South Africa by the Rockefeller Commission one finds a rare lapse into wishful thinking. It is the contention that the option of Major economic sanctions against the Republic ‘must be kept in the U.S. policy arsenal’. Since this distinguished body recommended against expansion and new entry into South Africa (but also against disinvestment), the commitment of American and European firms in South Africa has grown substantially. U.S. investment alone increased by 13 per cent in 1981. The 1,200 British companies, followed by 375 American and 350 West German firms, with a total foreign investment of R30 billion in 1982, seem to confirm the South African propaganda of stability and growth. These interests constitute an effective veto block against meaningful disengagement.
State Land Allocation and Class Formation in Nigeria
Authors: Koehn Peter
Published: November 2008

The distribution of land-use rights both defines and shapes African political economy. Control over land can be utilised in various ways to accumulate capital for either autonomous or comprador investments in the domestic economy. The acquisition of official titles to land concomitantly affords the holder opportunities to exploit those who do not possess this valuable resource. For these reasons, command over land offers the state a powerful means of regulating access to the dominant class. This study focuses on the ways in which allocations of statutory certificates of occupancy have affected the on-going process of class formation in two northern States of Nigeria: Kano and Bauchi. We are particularly interested in identifying, through information collected from a sample of application files, those elements of the population who were admitted and denied access to the dominant class through the land-allocation process during the late military-rule period, 1976–9.
Education and Work Preferences of African Diaspora Women in the United States
Authors: Williamson-Ige Dorothy K.
Published: November 2008

Contemporary women from technological cultures are often perceived as self- rather than family- or relationship-oriented. Whether true or false, this perception creates problems in communication between males and females in the United States, especially in communities where black women grounded in African-world views attempt to respond to conflicting western cultural orientations. Issues of marriage, child-care, economics, employment, career advancement, and race relations have often contributed to the nexus of confusion surrounding the education and work of black women in a highly industrialised society.
Food Deficits and Agricultural Policies in Tropical Africa: a Comment
Authors: Blankson Charles
Published: November 2008

The virtual collapse of the agricultural sector in tropical Africa has been the subject of great concern over the last decade. An interesting overview of the search for solutions has recently been provided in this Journal by Michael F. Lofchie and Stephen K. Commins, ‘Food Deficits and Agricultural Policies in Tropical Africa’, 20, I, March 1982, pp. 1–25. My purpose here is to suggest an alternative account, based on a somewhat different classification of the relevant theories and the policy prescriptions which are based on them.
The Politics of Boundaries in North and West Africa
Authors: Zartman I. William
Published: November 2008

Problems created by boundaries are among the more frequent causes of war, and North and West Africa has some of the strangest boundary problems in the world.1Unlike many of the world's borders, the boundaries here are not the walls and moats of history, natural defence lines whose traces mark the military conflicts and diplomatic compromises of the nation's past. The only exceptions are one-sided and even ironic: the treaty of Lalla Maghnia of 18 March 1845 defined 100 miles of the Algero-Moroccan border after the Moroccan defeat by France at Isly, and the line dividing Algeria from Mali and Niger was the result of an agreement in 1905 separating French military explorers in North Africa from rival French military explorers in West Africa. There is therefore none of the legitimacy of national history associated with the boundary lines. This has its advantages and disadvantages: the might of conquest and the right of diplomacy have not sanctified the borders, but the Schleswigs and the Alsace-Lorraines are not present either.
Contradictions in the Nigerian Political System
Authors: Sklar Richard L.
Published: November 2008

There are three basic contradictions in the Nigerian political system. They may be stated briefly at the outset. First, the machinery of government is basically regionalised, but the party machinery—the organisation of the masses—retains a strong trans-regional and anti-regional tendency. Secondly, the main opposition party has relied upon the support of a class-conscious regional power group in its drive against the system of regional power. Depending upon a regional section of the political class to effect a shift in the class content of power, it was really asking that section to commit suicide. This contradiction produced a crisis in the Western Region which might easily be repeated elsewhere. Thirdly, the constitutional allocation of power is inconsistent with the real distribution of power in society. The constitution gives dominant power to the numerical majority—i.e., under existing conditions, to the north—but the real distribution of power is determined by technological development, in which respect the south is superior.
African Advancement in Commerce and Industry
Authors: Pearson D. S.
Published: November 2008

The problem of African advancement has an essentially political side. Since the discussion here is concerned with the overtly economic aspects of localisation, specific mention must be made at the outset of its political implications, especially of the possibility of conflict between economic and political aims. For example, it may well happen that at a given stage of economic development, a country would maximise its rate of economic growth by leaning heavily on imports of capital and skilled personnel, but that this policy is unacceptable on political grounds. Under these circumstances, the country's leaders must decide whether to subordinate economic to political welfare, or vice versa. Economic analysis is not able to offer any guidance on how this decision should be made: except to ensure that if political considerations are to be regarded as paramount, the full economic cost of a politically-oriented decision is known and appreciated.
Economic Development Research Project, Makerere University College, Kampala
Authors: Clark Paul G.
Published: November 2008

This Project was initiated two years ago with three main objectives: (i) fundamentally, to carry out a coherent set of applied research studies of important economic development problems of the East African countries; (ii) to contribute East African readings and research experience to university teaching of economics; and (iii) to assist the East African Governments in using economic research for development planning. Organisationally, the Project is simply a group of economists working on related topics under the leadership of the director, Professor P. G. Clark. The group forms the economics section of the East African Institute of Social Research (which has similar sections for sociology and anthropology and for political science); the Institute in turn is the social sciences research department of Makerere University College. The four-year project is now in mid-course, and it can be fairly said that at least some progress has been made toward all three objectives.
Conference on the Use of Mass Media in the Education of Adults
Authors: Temu Peter
Published: November 2008

The educational problems in developing countries are immense. Not least is the shortage of teachers. This shortage is felt—in Africa certainly—not only in the schools but also in the adult education field. Can the developing countries afford to wait wishfully, in the belief that out of the womb of time a natural solution will one day emerge in the shape of enough teachers to satisfy the enormous demand?

From the very outset, the Lusaka conference on mass media was convinced that the answer to this question is an emphatic no; that the problem of adult education must be solved, not shelved—and that a serious beginning must be made now. The task of the conference was to see how the resources of the mass media could be harnessed in an all-out effort to wipe out ignorance and illiteracy. The conference was short and fruitful, its recommendations practical and to the point.
Afrikaners, Nationalists, and Apartheid
Authors: du Toit Brian M.
Published: November 2008

It seems that one of the major fallacies today is that of generalisation. We have all had our fill of the writer or speaker who refers to ‘the African and his animistic religion’, ‘the Zulu and his impi-membership’, or the ‘military syndrome’ in African politics. Every intelligent reader and student is conscious of the danger of generalisation and the tendency to lump under some uniform heading ‘the African’, ‘the Negro’, and ‘the Afrikaner’. While animism, the impi, or military coups may mark or may have marked particular groups of people at a particular time, it is as dangerous to use such generalisations as it is to use the sweeping term ‘the Afrikaner’.
Income Differentials and Unbalanced Planning—the Case of Botswana
Authors: Jackson Dudley
Published: November 2008

In the Third World the need to find solutions to the growing problem of unemployment is becoming increasingly urgent, as reflected in many recent economic development plans:

The current tempo of economic activity is insufficient to provide productive employment to all…A major objective of the Plan is to create more employment opportunities in the rural and urban sectors on an increasing scale.1
Human Rights in Ethiopia
Authors: Schwab Peter
Published: November 2008

It is the hypothesis of this article if the Provisional Military Administrative Committee, which took power in Ethiopia on 12 September 1974, is really intent on uprooting the feudal social system that has flourished for so long, then a revolution by violent means is necessary. As Frantz Fanon says, ‘if the last shall be first, this will only come to pass after a murderous and decisive struggle between the two protagonists’.