bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Herzen, Alexander Ivanovich (1812–1870)
Authors: Le Blanc Paul
Published: September 2017

Alexander Ivanovich Herzen, one of Russia's foremost revolutionary intellectuals, was born in Moscow, the “illegitimate” son of a wealthy nobleman and a young woman of German background and humble social origin. Inspired by the revolutionary conspirators who plotted the ill‐fated Decembrist uprising of 1825, when he entered Moscow University a few years later Herzen was also profoundly influenced by the utopian socialist ideas of St.‐Simon and Fourier. No less important to him were the development of the natural and social sciences, the historical example of the French Revolution, and the revolutionary ferment filtering through Europe in the 1830s.
Heywood, Ezra (1829–1893)
Authors: Wilbur Shawn P.
Published: September 2017

Ezra Hervey Heywood was an American speaker, writer, publisher, and activist associated with the abolitionist, labor, feminist, and individualist movements. His advocacy of free speech on sexual issues earned him three arrests and two terms of imprisonment under the Comstock laws.
H
indu Nationalism,
H
indutva, and Women
Authors: Marik Soma
Published: September 2017

The attempt of the British colonial state to establish a centralized administration in India ended in heightened tensions between Hindus and Muslims. At the same time, British rule defined itself in a gendered manner, seeking to justify itself in part by reference to the plight, real and supposed, of Indian women. Consequently, responses to colonial rule also had to confront gender issues, especially in the context of growing Hindu cultural nationalism in the late nineteenth century, when a number of early nationalists, in their search for definitions of Indianness, identified Indian with Hindu. Having accepted British rule in the public sphere, nationalists decided that battle must be given on the terrain of the private, claiming the illegitimacy of colonial interference in domestic issues and redefining community by modernizing patriarchy.
Hitler, Adolf (1889–1945) and German Nazism
Authors: Carney Amy Beth
Published: September 2017

Nazism was a political movement and mass ideology that developed in Germany following the country's defeat in World War I. As a form of fascism, Nazism did not have a single founder or ideological theory but drew upon many ideas and philosophies that originated in the nineteenth century, including a racial history of civilization, the “science” of eugenics, and notions of crowd psychology. It was also influenced by nationalism, which was on the rise throughout Europe by the last third of the nineteenth century. Nazism differed from other forms of fascism by its devotion to the ideal of the “blond‐haired, blue‐eyed” Aryan race. The perception of Germans possessing these physical attributes derives from the work of the first‐century Roman historian Tacitus, who erroneously depicted ancient Germans in such terms.
H
itler, Assassination Plot of July 20, 1944
Authors: Schmidt Ingo
Published: September 2017

On July 20, 1944, on his way to a military briefing, general staff officer Claus Schenk Graf von Stauffenberg placed a bomb in Hitler's head‐quarters in East Prussia. By pure chance, Hitler survived the assault. Later that day, Stauffenberg, along with a number of co‐conspirators, was arrested and executed without a trial. The goal of this attempted coup was to replace the Nazi regime by a military dictatorship and to enter a coalition with Britain, France, and the US that could have continued the war against the Soviet Union. The conspirators realized that Nazi Germany's defeat was imminent when they planted the bomb in 1944, but their reasons for wanting to oust Hitler went deeper than a desire to prevent Germany's humiliating defeat.
Hô Chi Minh (Nguyen Tat Thanh) (1890–1969)
Authors: Huei Pang Yang
Published: September 2017

Hô Chi Minh (alias Nguyen Tat Thanh) was an anti‐imperialist communist revolutionary who worked determinedly throughout his life for the goal of independence and unification of Vietnam. His revolutionary leadership was a leading factor in the defeat and expulsion of French and US occupying forces in the Indochina Wars from 1946 to 1974. He went on to become the president of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV). A native of Kim Lien village, Nghe An province (central Vietnam), Hô was born on May 19, 1890 to a minor government functionary, Nguyen Sinh Sac. The patriotic elder Nguyen regarded the Vietnamese Imperial household with contempt as it was functioning as a French protectorate. He only reluctantly worked for five years before he was dismissed from the government in 1910. Hô inherited from his father that same stubborn patriotism. He studied at the National Academy (Quoc Hoc) in Hue, but he was expelled when he took part in peasants' protests (May 1908). He fled south to become a schoolteacher in Phan Thiet and later studied for a little while in a vocational institute in Saigon.
Hobbes, Thomas (1588–1679)
Authors: Kepple‐Mamros Deborah
Published: September 2017

Thomas Hobbes was one of England's most prominent philosophers and political theorists during the age of the Enlightenment, as well as one of the most vilified personalities in the early modern period. He can generally be seen as part of two distinct revolutions. Politically, he was part of the English Revolution of the mid‐seventeenth century, writing tracts that supported a strong sovereign entity and opposed interference from either parliament or the church. Unlike a typical authoritarian figure, Hobbes's theoretical sovereign authority rested upon a covenant made between the sovereign and the people, an idea that was a precursor to John Locke's social contract. Intellectually, he was a part of the scientific revolution, corresponding with the likes of René Descartes and Marin Mersenne, and commenting in scholarly circles on the work of Galileo and Baruch Spinoza. His writings sometimes showed outright hostility toward both religion and the church.
H
olbach,
B
aron d'(1723–1789)
Authors: Bailey Melanie A.
Published: September 2017

Paul‐Henri Thiry, Baron d'Holbach, participated in the Enlightenment and thereby the intellectual stirrings that fueled the French Revolution of 1789 both as a patron and as a controversial writer. He wrote articles on chemistry and geology for the
Encyclopédie
, along with several influential philosophical works. He also provided a meeting place for the important thinkers and writers who passed through Paris in the mid‐eighteenth century.
H
onduran
G
eneral
S
trike of 1954
Authors: Brett Edward T.
Published: September 2017

Virtually all historians agree that the Great Strike of 1954 was the most important episode in Honduran labor history. Following the long dictatorship of Tiburcio Carías Andino (1933–49), Juan Gálvez Durón became president of Honduras. Although he had previously been a lawyer for the Boston‐based United Fruit Company (UFCO), the most powerful and richest corporation in the country, he began his presidency by courting labor in an attempt to build a populist base for his presidency. An 8‐hour workday law was passed, which also stipulated that employees were to be paid on holidays. UFCO and the Standard Fruit Company, however, chose to ignore these reforms.
H
ong
K
ong Democracy Protests
Authors: Chun Michael H. C.
Published: September 2017

Hong Kong democracy protests, and the democracy movement as a phenomenon, have their origins in the colonial period. As the debate on democracy continued into the post‐1997 period, when Hong Kong was faced with a series of challenges, both economic and political, the democracy movement gained new momentum. Democracy protests became part of Hong Kong people's lives, in the form of a mass rally held every year since July 1, 2003. These large‐scale protests of the 1980s and the post‐1997 period are historic milestones of the Hong Kong democracy movement, which has its origins in the 1980s when the 1997 Question emerged.
H
ong
X
iuquan (1814–1864)
Authors: Lubitz Leonard H.
Published: September 2017

Hong Xiuquan was born on December 10, 1814 to a literate peasant Hakka family in Guangdong. Following the contemporary path toward social mobility, Hong sought to enter the national civil service. In 1827 he took the exam and failed miserably. A second attempt followed with dismal results. In 1837, after failing the exam for the third time, Hong fell deathly ill, with ailments now assumed to be triggered by his mental collapse. During the subsequent days he had what he described as a mystical vision in which he was visited by an ancient figure with a beard of gold. This man told him that the world was filled with evil spirits, provided Hong with a sword and seal, and instructed him to use these as weapons to destroy them. A second man came to him during these delusional days and taught him how to use the instruments he was provided with by the old man. Hong recovered from his despair and returned to his village, before returning to Guangzhou in 1843 one more time to attempt the exam. The result was his fourth failure.
H
ouse,
C
allie (1861–1928)
Authors: Linch Amy
Published: September 2017

Born a slave, Callie House was an early advocate for reparations for African Americans, founding the Ex‐Slave Mutual Relief, Bounty and Pension Association in 1894. She raised five children working as a washerwoman before moving to Nashville, where she was first drawn to the movement by Henry Vaughn's pamphlet
Freedmen's Pension Bill: A Plea for American Freedmen
. She allied with Isaiah Dickerson in organizing a new movement that would both respond to the immediate health and monetary needs of ex‐slaves, and organize politically to seek pensions and slavery reparations on their behalf. While Vaughn, a white democrat, sought reparations as a source of much needed funds to boost the South's economy, House and Dickerson based their claim on equality for blacks, demanding: “We deserve for the government to pay us as an indemnity for the work we and our foreparents was rob[bed] of from the Declaration of Independence down to the Emancipation.” While white supremacy was being codified in Jim Crow laws and violence against African Americans was at its highest point since the end of slavery, House and Dickerson built a 300,000‐member organization that accused the United States government of facilitating the theft of black labor and demanded monetary compensation.
H
oy,
S
enna (1882–1914)
Authors: Cohn Jesse
Published: September 2017

Adopting the
nom de guerre
of “Senna Hoy” (a reversal of his first name), Johannes Holzmann, a German Jew, made a brief but definite mark on the German anarchist movement, imparting to it a distinct concern for sexual liberation that would grow after his untimely death. In a 1903 pamphlet,
Das dritte Geschlecht. Ein Beitrag zur Volksaufklärung
(The Third Sex: A Contribution to Popular Enlightenment), and especially through the influential Berlin journal that he published between 1904 and 1905,
Kampf: Zeitschrift für gesunden Menschenverstand
(Struggle: Journal for Common Sense), Hoy linked homosexual rights and feminism to a broad anti‐authoritarian politics. In so doing, Hoy politicized bohemian artists and intellectuals such as Erich Mühsam, Peter Hille, Paul Scheerbart, Else Lasker‐Schüler, Ludwig Rubiner, Benedikt Friedländer, Herwarth Walden, and Franz Pfemfert. The sexual politics of
Kampf
were disdained by some anarchists, however, including Max Nettlau and Gustav Landauer. The government banned 11 of its 25 issues, driving Hoy into exile in Switzerland in 1905. In Zurich, he befriended labor activist Margarethe Hardegger and contributed to another anarchist journal with an anti‐militarist focus,
Der Weckruf
(The Dawn). In 1907, inspired by contacts with Polish and Russian insurrectionaries, Hoy joined an anarchocommunist group in Russia, taking part in robberies to finance the cause. Caught in 1908, jailed and tortured, Hoy languished in a Warsaw prison, dying of kidney disease and tuberculosis in a Russian insane asylum in 1914.
H
uk
R
ebellion, 1946–1954
Authors: Rousset Pierre
Published: September 2017

The Huk Rebellion, a major rural guerilla peasant movement, began in 1946 in the months following the Philippines' declaration of independence and was quelled only in the 1950s, after deeply marking the history and popular consciousness of the country. The Hukbalahap/Communist Party (Partido Kommunista ng Pilipinas, PKP) armed struggle was an act of self‐defense in response to escalating levels of savage repression by government forces. As the insurrection grew, the movement ascended from a protective strategy of defense to a moment of revolutionary liberation.
H
ungary, Anti‐Communist Protests, 1945–1989
Authors: Neumann Caryn E.
Published: September 2017

In early 1945, the Soviet‐backed secret police and people's courts began to arrest and imprison Hungarian supporters of democracy in a campaign of repression that continued for several decades. Many Hungarians were nonetheless determined to establish democratic governance. Under the control of the Independence Front, national councils were elected to administer municipal governments nationwide. Meanwhile, communists began to take control of trade unions and destroy opposition political parties. They undermined party leaders by declaring them anti‐democratic reactionaries and forcing their resignation. The leaders of the governing Smallholders' Party met this fate at the end of 1946. Bela Kovacs, secretary general of the party, was arrested on Soviet orders for allegedly plotting to overthrow the government. Ferenc Nagy was compelled to resign from his post as prime minister in 1947 after the communists kidnapped his son. The party subsequently dissolved. Later that year political leaders were told to conform to the communist agenda or leave the country. Organized democratic opposition was largely eliminated by 1948. Over the next five years under Rákosi as the general secretary of the Hungarian Workers' Party, an estimated one million people – one tenth of the population – suffered arrest, prosecution, imprisonment or deportation (Judt 2005: 192).
H
ungary, Protests, 1815–1920
Authors: Maxwell Alexander
Published: September 2017

Hungary underwent tremendous social and political transformations during the nineteenth century, the most significant of which was the development of a more socially inclusive idea of the nation. In 1815 most Hungarians equated the nation with the nobility – a large segment of society relative to other European countries but still only 10 percent of the Hungarian population. The French Revolution inspired reform‐minded nobles to support a more modern and socially inclusive idea of the Hungarian nation. Specifically, they supported the abolition of serfdom and other feudal taxes, and promoted economic modernization. They sought to open the civil service to those without an expensive classical education by promoting popular education in Hungarian, and replacing Latin with Hungarian as the language of government administration. Finally, they wanted the Hungarian frontier expanded to include Transylvania, a province with a significant Hungarian population.
Hunt,Henry “Orator” (1773–1835)
Authors: Jakobsson Pia K.
Published: September 2017

An English radical orator and activist who advocated universal suffrage and annual parliaments, Henry Hunt was born in Wiltshire, the son of a gentleman farmer. He was educated at the local grammar school and then returned to work on the family estate, taking it over when his father died. In his late twenties he met the radical lawyer Henry Clifford and his circle of friends. Through them he became involved in politics and soon established himself as a supporter of House of Commons independent Francis Burdett. An excellent public speaker, he was asked to speak in front of large groups across the country. He advocated annual parliaments, universal suffrage, and secret balloting – positions he also espoused when he stood, unsuccessfully, as the radical candidate for Westminster in 1818.
Hutterites
Authors: Goff Richard
Published: September 2017

One of the longest lasting utopian communities, the Hutterites are a communal, Anabaptist religious group that trace their history to the theological disputes of the Protestant Reformation and have a shared history with the Amish and the Mennonites. Founded by Jakob Hutter in 1528, the sect established the communal sharing of goods outlined in the New Testament as a model. Initially an itinerant group, they settled in Moravia in the late 1500s. Fusing communal property ownership with paternalistic privilege, the group flourished through the 1500s. Over the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, warfare and religious persecution made life in Europe difficult for the pacifistic group, producing migrations to Transylvania and the Ukraine. In 1874, in response to a new Russian law requiring military service, the group sent members to the United States to search for new land. The Hutterites eventually set up multiple communities in South Dakota, Montana, and Alberta, Canada.
I
brahim,
M
irza (ca. 1906–2000)
Authors: Sulehria Farooq
Published: September 2017

Known as
Baba‐e‐Mehnat‐Kashan
(father of the workers), Mirza Ibrahim was a pioneer of the trade union movement in Pakistan. When he died at the age of 94 he had spent a quarter of his life behind bars, besides having lived the horror of the notorious torture center at the Lahore Fort. A committed communist and respected trade unionist, Mirza was born in 1905 in the village of Kala Googran, Punjab. He was born into a poor family and did not get the chance to attend school. Ibrahim had an early brush with politics at the age of 16 when he was arrested for his active participation in the Khilafat movement (a South Asian political campaign aimed at protecting the Ottoman Empire post‐World War II). In 1924 Mirza moved to Rawalpindi and started as a brick‐kiln worker. After briefly working as a gardener at a British household in 1926, he was employed at a railway workshop in Jhelum. His political metamorphosis occurred in 1930, when he was posted to Lahore, an important political and cultural center in British India. Here he came into contact with the trade union and left movements. He joined the Communist Party in the 1930s and became active in the trade union movement. When Mirza was elected vice president of the Railways Federation, the union's presidential slot was held by V. V. Giri, who was later elected the fourth president of India. Jyoti Basu, the longtime chief minister of West Bengal, was also involved at that time in trade union activities under Ibrahim's leadership.
Ibrahim,SaadEddin (b. 1938)
Authors: Waskey Andrew J.
Published: September 2017

Eddin Saad (Sa'd al‐Din or Sa'ad Eddih) Ibrahim was born in Mansura, Egypt. He received a bachelor's degree from the University of Cairo in 1960. In 1968 he graduated with a PhD in sociology from the University of Washington and became an American citizen. He is a human rights advocate and a 2002 Noble Peace Prize nominee for his work promoting the causes of minority rights and democracy.
Ife–Modakeke Conflict
Authors: Akanle Olayinka
Published: September 2017

The Ife and Modakeke are both Yoruba of Osun state in southwestern Nigeria. According to local ancestral myth, both are descendants of Oduduwa, the perceived progenitor of the Yoruba people. The sociocultural and political systems of the two communities are essentially identical and their geographical distribution largely overlaps. As related as Ife and Modakeke are, however, both have engaged in protracted conflict for over a century. It remains the oldest intra‐ethnic conflict in Nigeria.
Immigrant Protests,
U
nited
S
tates, 2000s
Authors: Bacon David
Published: September 2017

On Monday, May 1, 2006 over a million people filled the streets of Los Angeles, with hundreds of thousands more in Chicago, New York, and cities and towns throughout the United States. Again on May Day in 2007 and 2008, immigrant marchers and their supporters demonstrated and marched, from coast to coast. One sign found in almost every march said it all: “We are Workers, not Criminals!” Often, it was held in the calloused hands of men and women who looked as though they'd just come from work in a factory, cleaning an office building, or picking grapes. The sign stated an obvious truth. Millions of people have come to the United States to work, not to break its laws. Some have come with visas, and others without them. But they are all contributors to the society they've found here.
Imperialism, Historical Evolution
Authors: Conner Clifford D.
Published: September 2017

When the apologetics and ideological obfuscation are stripped away, the essence of imperialism is straightforward and easy to understand: It is the forced subjugation of less powerful nations by more powerful nations. It is invariably accompanied by cruelty and oppression on the part of the conquerors, and resistance – sometimes simmering under the surface but frequently bursting forth in protest, rebellion, and revolution – on the part of the victims. Since 1500, when Europeans gained control of the seas, European nations and their American offshoot have been the foremost imperialist powers.
I
ndia, Armed Struggle in the Independence Movement
Authors: Chattopadhyay Kunal
Published: September 2017

India's independence movement has widely been regarded as a prime example of a “peaceful” revolution. But the image of Gandhi's nonviolent national struggle conceals several strands of protest. Peasant and worker movements cannot be categorized as non‐violent since they were not moved by the same ideals as Gandhi. Within the British armed forces, too, there were smaller revolts well before the great revolt of 1857, which saw the direct takeover of rule over India by the British state from the East India Company. From the late nineteenth century, middle‐class youth were trying to organize the overthrow of British rule by force.
I
ndia, Civil Disobedience Movement and Demand for Independence
Authors: Chattopadhyay Kunal
Published: September 2017

The first demand for complete independence from Britain was raised in the forum of the Indian National Congress (Congress) in 1921 by Maulana Hasrat Mohani and Swami Kumaranand. But the mainstream nationalist forces, the Moderates, and the Indian capitalist class supporting them, were willing to accept self‐ government within the Empire. The reforms demanded by the Congress were not conceded by imperialism and subsequent attempts at contesting elections and wrecking the system from within, proposed by a section, did not work out. Gandhi's strategy of constructive work paid some long‐term dividends in terms of building organizations, but little more. The unilateral withdrawal of struggles in 1922 by Gandhi had angered the All India Khilafat Committee representing a large number of Muslims. Meanwhile, new forces began to rise. Socialist and communist movements developed. The influence of the Russian Revolution was also felt in circles beyond the emerging communists. The formation of the All India Trade Union Congress saw the rise of organized labor militancy. Conflicts between the bourgeoisie and the imperialist rulers had increased in the early decades of the twentieth century, but fear of popular radicalism had restrained the bourgeoisie. The rise of Gandhi had resolved this problem to a certain extent, for the Gandhian techniques involved a completely controlled mass movement and a careful eschewing of proletarian struggles. But in 1927, during Gandhi's absence, the Congress session saw an upset victory for a resolution demanding complete independence. Gandhi opposed the demand in 1928, but facing a significant militant nationalist and leftist pressure, promised that if within one year his demand for
Swaraj
(a term Gandhi never explained elaborately, but one that was roughly a demand for Dominion Status within the Empire) was not met, he would move for complete independence.
I
ndia, Great Rebellion of 1857 (the Sepoy Revolt)
Authors: Chattopadhyay Kunal
Published: September 2017

Despite all its claims of good governance and ethical government, British rule in India was mainly rule by force of arms. The army was the crucial institution for the establishment, expansion, and extraction of revenue for British rule. From the mid‐eighteenth century the British East India Company started recruiting peasants, gave them training and discipline according to European military standards, and created a permanent independent Indian army. The commanders were European officers, some appointed from the British army, and others nominated by the company's directors. By 1794 the number of sepoys (Indian soldiers) rose to 82,000, expanding further to 154,000 in 1824 and 214,000 in 1856. There were distinct components of the army: the Bengal army, the Bombay army, and the Madras army. Despite its name the Bengal army, created first, mostly recruited upper‐caste elements, Brahmans, Rajputs, and Bhumihars from Awadh and Bihar. A policy of respecting caste and the dietary and other practices of the sepoys fostered a sense of caste identity in the army. As the British domains expanded, however, other communities and other types of soldiers were also recruited, such as Marathas, or Gurkhas from among the Nepalis. The Bombay and Madras armies became more heterogeneous, but the Bengal army remained relatively more upper caste. Alavi (1996) shows that the military reforms of the 1830s, creating a more uniform military culture, gave rise to discontent.
I
ndia, Post‐World War II Upsurge
Authors: Chattopadhyay Kunal
Published: September 2017

At World War II's end, the British faced a political dilemma in India. During the Quit India struggles of 1942, only the wartime special powers had enabled the British to suppress the movement. The Congress leftists were clamoring for a resumption of militant struggles. British troops were war‐weary and wanted no part in smashing popular upsurges in India. Indian army units used to help the Dutch and French recover their lost colonies in Indonesia and Vietnam were unhappy. Viceroy Wavell was apprehensive, but the Supreme Allied Commander, Lord Mountbatten, overruled him. Meanwhile, postwar problems of unemployment and high prices, exacerbated by a partial crop failure and other local factors, resulted in a ration cut by February 1946 to 1,200 calories per head, compared with wartime London's 2,800 calories (in 1943). Eventually, upsurges occurred in cities, among workers, radical youth, soldiers, and peasants, creating the potential for a mass revolution. While the British imperialists were under pressure to withdraw, nationalists pushed the country toward a compromise of freedom with partition and a conservative government.
Indigenous Radicalism
Authors: Miner Dylan A. T.
Published: September 2017

Indigenous radicalism has a long and important global tradition dating back to precolonial times. Indigenous radicalism represents an anti‐colonial response to the horrific psychological and epis‐temic rupture created by European colonization among multiple aboriginal societies throughout the world. Indigenous radicalism subsequently developed during the traumatic transition from traditional economic and kin networks to a fullblown capitalist economy. Although indigenous resistance began with initial contact, the formation of European colonies and settlements in Africa, the Americas, and Oceania produced a spike in aboriginal anti‐colonial radicalism.
I
ndonesia, Colonial Protests, 16th Century to 1900
Authors: Myrttinen Henri
Published: September 2017

The European colonial conquest of the Indonesian archipelago began in the mid‐1500s with the arrival of Portuguese traders seeking access to the spice and sandalwood trade, which at the time was mainly controlled by Arab, Bugis, Chinese, and Gujarati traders. Almost from the outset, the European traders were met with local resistance, in some instances manipulated by the competing imperial powers seeking dominance.
Industrial Workers of the World (
IWW
)
Authors: Buhle Paul
Published: September 2017

The Industrial Workers of the World, known colloquially as Wobblies, remains unique in the history of US labor and the left despite its troubled history and small size, for a number of crucial reasons. Founded in 1905 as the industrial era proper reached a new phase across much of the globe, the IWW set out to build a global labor movement, ignoring national boundaries as well as differences in race, ethnicity, and gender. The IWW also represented, from its first day, a unique perspective upon the prospects for democracy: it sought to replace not only capitalist economics but also the political state with a decentralized democracy based in the workplace. In short, unlike socialist or communist visions of the future, it did not seek to take over a state mechanism or replace it with a party‐style rule. Not ideologically anarchist, either, the IWW sought a functional as well as egalitarian answer to the question of how a modern society could govern itself.
Intifada I and Intifada II
Authors: Davidson Lawrence
Published: September 2017

Intifada is the Arabic word for “shaking off.” It is the name given to two recent popular uprisings of the Palestinian people in the Occupied Territories against Israeli occupations and oppression. Israel occupied the West Bank and the Gaza Strip following its victory in the 1967 Six Day War. For 20 years thereafter it proceeded to confiscate Palestinian land, create illegal Jewish settlements in the conquered territories, and place the Palestinian population under repressive rules that restricted their personal mobility and economic potential.
I
ran, the Mossadegh Era: Democratic Socialists and the US‐Backed Coup
Authors: Bhattacharya Nandini
Published: September 2017

Imperialist exploitation of Iran was carried out primarily through the Anglo‐Persian Oil Company (renamed the Anglo‐Iranian Oil Company or AIOC in 1935), which played a role analogous to the East India Company in India in earlier times. The discovery of oil in 1908 by the British in Khuzestan gave rise to new interests regarding Iran in the British empire. The significance of oil as a factor in the world economy was becoming well recognized by the beginning of World War I, and as a result, Iran's occupation by Russian, British, and Ottoman troops during the war was linked to its oil.
Iran, Political and Cultural Protests, 1844–1914
Authors: Bhattacharya Nandini
Published: September 2017

Iran, the land of ancient civilization, with a history of political preeminence and rich cultural heritage, witnessed in the nineteenth century almost a clash of culture and civilization while encountering western encroachment in the realm of ideas and politics. It stood as the only country that refused to accept the western model of state and polity. Forms of protest must therefore be judged in terms quite distinct from models set by western ideas. Two distinct forms of protest can be recorded – resistance within an Islamic framework, and constitutionalist resistance.
Iranian Revolution, 1979
Authors: Bhattacharya Nandini
Published: September 2017

In 1953, a CIA‐sponsored coup d'état overthrew the nationalist government of Mohammad Mossadegh and firmly installed Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi as the dictatorial ruler of Iran. The era of martial law (1953–7) and the Baghdad Pact brought Iran closer to the West, particularly the US and its military and economic aid. The elite‐based modernization program of the government, known as the White Revolution, and the increasing arbitrariness of the Shah had alienated not only certain Islamic religious and political groups but also a number of intellectuals seeking democratic reforms. Both denounced the Shah's subservience to the United States. Throughout the late 1970s there were widespread religion‐led protests, supported by and involving as participants a vast majority of the disaffected population.
I
raq, Protest, Rebellion, and Revolution: Overview
Authors: Franzén Johan
Published: September 2017

The history of modern Iraq is often characterized as an unremitting popular struggle against various ruling constellations at the apex of power. This is due, in large part, to the inception of the modern Iraqi state as a British “mandate” in the aftermath of World War I and a range of political groups challenging its legitimacy. From the outset, British intentions in Iraq of creating a colony to be incorporated into the empire were confronted by Iraqi nationalists, and the British eventually had to settle for a “semi‐colony” in the form of an officially “independent” state. Relentlessly challenged in a series of events – the Rashid'Ali al‐Gaylani regime of 1941, the Wathbah of 1948, the Intifadas of 1952 and 1956 – the pro‐British regime eventually fell on July 14, 1958, after a carefully orchestrated military coup that was carried out by a group of army officers and a populist front.
I
raq, Revolt of 1920
Authors: Franzén Johan
Published: September 2017

At the close of World War I, Kurdish areas of northern Iraq fell under the control of Great Britain. In December 1918, the British appointed a local notable, Shaykh Mahmud al‐Barzinji, as governor of lower Kurdistan. Shaykh al‐Barzinji was an ambitious man and as such tried to spread his influence throughout Kurdistan. While the British tried to restrain him, he eventually declared Kurdistan an independent state in May 1919. This prompted the British to dispatch an expeditionary force to Kurdistan, eventually capturing Shaykh al‐Barzinji and instituting direct rule in al‐Sulaymaniyyah. Soon after, they also abolished existing Ottoman elected municipal councils throughout Iraq in favor of their own political officers. This was not a welcome change as it inspired many native uprisings that included the assassination of British political officers.
I
raq, Revolution of 1958
Authors: Chatterjee Shibashis
Published: September 2017

A watershed in Iraq's modern history, this revolution was responsible for creating the broad parameter within which the vicissitudes of Iraq's sociopolitical contradictions took shape. The advent of the Allied armed forces during World War II meant a sudden rise in market demand for commodities backed up by good purchasing power. The wreckage of the war also led to supply disruptions from the West, which gave a new boost to industrial production in Iraq. The result of this spurt in industrial activities was the beginning of a very strong working‐class movement, to be led by the Iraqi Communist Party (ICP), which had momentous consequences for political trends in the future. Despite the imposition of martial law in Iraq between 1941 and 1946, the dynamic leadership of Yusuf Salman Yusuf (more popularly known as Fahd) created a mass base for the underground ICP, established in 1934. The ICP did not work for the overthrow of the Hashemite regime, which was a puppet of the UK, an ally of the USSR during World War II. However the communists played a leading role in the 15‐day railway workers' strike in Iraq in April 1945. The striking workers got a wage hike but their union was declared illegal by the Iraqi authorities.
Ireland, Age of Revolutions, 1775–1803
Authors: Keogh Daire
Published: September 2017

In her study of eighteenth‐century Ireland, Edith Mary Johnston (1974) employs an elegant aphorism to describe the period; for the elite it was an age of elegance, and for every section of the community an age of insecurity. A great deal of that anxiety stemmed from the nature of the Kingdom of Ireland, which was at once an example of a colony and an
ancien régime
‐type society.
Irish Nationalism
Authors: Fitzpatrick Claire
Published: September 2017

Irish nationalism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries included various currents: the movement for self‐government, land agitation, cultural regeneration, and eventually radical separatism. For many years the discourse on nationalism in Ireland was dominated by a teleological perspective that viewed the struggle for, and achievement of, independence as inevitable – the natural result of long‐established national consciousness defined by the colonial relationship with Britain. This view has been superseded by a more complex and elaborate picture of the factors shaping Irish nationalism. Nationalism must be seen in the context of growing modernization and development in class relations and social structure. The transformation of the power structure led to the rise of rural and petty bourgeoisies as the main architects of the nationalist identity. Famine and emigration are also now recognized as important influences in preparing the ground for the flourishing of nationalism by making it more amenable to modernization and assimilation. Three variants can be discerned in the development of Irish nationalism: constitutional, cultural, and radical‐separatist.
I
rish Revolts, 1400–1790
Authors: Ruppert Kathleen
Published: September 2017

By the beginning of the fifteenth century the English colonial presence in Ireland, having reached a high point in the thirteenth century, had declined in both area and profitability. Henry IV (1399–1413) was preoccupied with a rebellion in Wales. Furthermore, with plots in England aimed at overthrowing him, he and his successors were too concerned with an ongoing struggle against France to devote significant resources to the Irish colony. Under these circumstances, powerful Gaelic lords from beyond the Pale (the area around Dublin where English law prevailed) were able to mount an almost constant threat to English rule. Unable to reassert dominion over Ireland, the government was forced to rely on Anglo‐Irish magnates to maintain law and order. When the Gaelic Irish
sept
(chieftain), O'Reilly, took up arms in a 1423 rising, for example, the intervention of the Earl of Desmond, with a large force from Munster, was required to protect the Leinster colonists. However, the presence of powerful Anglo‐Irish magnates posed its own difficulties, as disputes among leading Anglo‐Irish families (particularly between the Butlers and the Geraldines) were endemic and contributed to the unrest.
Ishikawa Sanshirō (1876–1956)
Authors: Nelson David G.
Published: September 2017

Ishikawa Sanshirō, a Japanese socialist turned anarchist theorist influenced by the works of anarchists Edward Carpenter and Elisée Reclus, was born and raised in Saitama Prefecture. Upon graduation in 1902 from Tokyo Hōgakuin (currently Chūō University), Ishikawa began his writing career with the popular newspaper
Yorozu Chūhō
. After the paper endorsed the Russo‐Japanese War, Ishikawa and fellow journalist Kōtoku Shusui resigned in protest and helped found the socialist society Heiminsha, publishing an associated newspaper that lasted for two years.
Israeli Peace Movement
Authors: Alimi Eitan Y.
Published: September 2017

Israeli scholars usually agree that the vast majority of peace groups consolidated in the wake of the Six Day War (a.k.a. June 1967 War) between Israel and a joint Arab armies front, resulting in Israel's taking over of East Jerusalem, the Golan Heights, the Sinai Peninsula, the West Bank, and the Gaza Strip and, soon after, extending its rule over these territories.
Israeli Settlers Movement
Authors: Davidson Lawrence
Published: September 2017

When Israel won the Six Day War in 1967, it found itself in control of territories that had traditionally been considered part of Eretz Israel (the Land of Israel) by the Zionist movement. As early as 1918, when Chiam Weizmann presented the case for Zionist control of Palestine to the Paris Peace Conference, he put forth a map that included the territories taken in 1967. After the Six Day War, this expansionist point of view was not just held by the conservative Likud Party – leaders of the Labor Party were also of this conviction. Thus, the idea that the conquered territories – the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, the Sinai Peninsula, Syria's Golan Heights, and East Jerusalem – would be useful as bargaining chips in negotiations that would trade land for peace has always been debatable, and historically it is a position that has never been realized.
Italian Communist Party
Authors: Ryan Peter
Published: September 2017

The Italian Communist Party (PCI) was established in 1921 through a split within the Italian Socialist Party (PSI) orchestrated by Antonio Gramsci and Amadeo Bordiga. Though outlawed by the Mussolini regime throughout the fascist period, it eventually emerged as the strongest party of the left in Italy. At its peak it was the largest Communist Party in the West. It received a great deal of funding from the Soviet Union, largely for organizational purposes, and was often the target of attacks from both far left and far right groups. It can be fairly said that much of post‐fascist politics in Italy was organized around the perceived need to keep the PCI out of power.
Italian Labor Movement
Authors: Antonioli Maurizio , Santos Jorge Torre
Published: September 2017

The first development of workers' associations in Italy dates back to the second half of the nineteenth century. Friendly societies (
società di mutuo soccorso
) spread from Piedmont, where they began to be established since 1848, to the rest of the country after Unification in 1861, and from a few hundred they rose to more than 5,000 in 1885. They gathered in annual congresses (the first in Asti, 1853), mainly for the aim of mutual assistance (unemployment, health, disability, age benefits), and in many instances also included members of the bourgeoisie and aristocracy. In some cases mutual assistance was matched with salary and working hours claims; but the transformation of those associations into local unions (
leghe di resistenza
) is more an exception than a general rule and it is highly questionable to consider local unions of the late nineteenth century as instrumental in developing socialist ideology.
Italian Socialist Party
Authors: Ryan Peter
Published: September 2017

The Italian Socialist Party (PSI) was founded in 1893 by trade unionists and socialists. It was the first political party in Italy to represent the interests of a wide spectrum of Italian society and gave political voice to many people, including the masses, for the first time. It had a profound influence on Italian reform movements in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries; most significantly it unified the many rural and urban workers' movements that were arising throughout the country.
I
taly, Anti‐Fascist Ideology
Authors: Favero Paolo
Published: September 2017

The term “anti‐fascism” today generally refers to those movements and ideological stances opposed to fascism intended as a political position and method. Yet its origins are to be found in the years following World War I in Italy, where it grew as a direct response to the fascist party's increasing influence. Anti‐fascism in Italy indicates both the social movements that were born to prevent the affirmation of Mussolini's dictatorship, the so‐called
resistenza
(resistance), as well as an ideological stance. It may be considered as the last example in European history of a fusion of bourgeoisie and the subaltern and as the historical event signaling the passage from the age of fascism and Nazism to the Cold War (Paggi 1996).
I
taly, Anti‐Racist Movement
Authors: Montagna Nicola
Published: September 2017

Modern anti‐racist movements in Italy have primarily sought to defend the rights of migrants, especially as international migration has expanded significantly in the late 1980s to 2000s. From the 1990s to the early 2000s, most anti‐racist mobilizations evolved in reaction to attacks on migrants and aimed to confront xenophobic demonstrations organized by local citizen committees and the Lega Nord (Northern League). This first phase of anti‐racist mobilizations sought to expand migrant citizenship rights. Unlike the larger presence of the more paternalistic institutional left and trade unions, independent organizations were weakly organized (Della Porta 2000). In the 1990s, the first cycle of mobilizations was primarily local, without coordination at the national level (Cousin & Vitale 2007).
Italy, Centri Sociali
Authors: Montagna Nicola
Published: September 2017

From the 1980s to the 1990s, the squatter movement flourished in Italy as activists engaged in a policy of occupying empty buildings in the country in what became known as Occupied Social Centers (OSCs), or Centri Sociali. Although the category of OSC varies in space and time, occupation of empty buildings and squatting and managing the affairs of the buildings were common features of the movement. OSCs represented a radical criticism of representative democracy, the rejection of bureaucratic hierarchy, and the adoption of political autonomy and participative forms of decision‐making processes in society. The occupied buildings were the avatar of social and decommodified spaces where activists self‐organized political initiatives, cultural events, and community services in opposition to the gentrification and decline in housing for workers and the poor.
Italy, from the Anti‐Fascist Resistance to the New Left (1945–1960)
Authors: Azzellini Dario
Published: September 2017

The Italian partisan resistance (La Resistenza) were critical in defeating fascism and the German occupying forces in northern and central Italy from 1943 to 1945. The partisan army was made up of 250,000 men and women, of whom the majority were communists, with smaller numbers of socialists, conservatives, leftist Catholics, monarchists, small leftist factions, and regional autonomists. Most partisans fought for national liberation in a civil war against Italian fascism. But beyond national liberation, partisans also struggled for a social revolution to transform the society, a view that is often denied by mainstream, liberal, and even Communist Party historians.
I
taly, from the New Left to the Great Repression (1962–1981)
Authors: Azzellini Dario
Published: September 2017

The formation of a mass independent left in Italy from 1962 to 1981 in response to the institutionalization of the traditional left and working‐class parties and mass organizations created a mass wave of popular unrest and government repression that turned to armed struggle and further suppression of freedoms. The new left was rooted in new social movements of workers, students, women, and those marginalized by Italy's postwar industrialization.
I
taly, Peasant Movements, 19th–20th Centuries
Authors: Henninger Max
Published: September 2017

The pre‐capitalist subsistence agriculture of traditional peasant societies was largely eliminated in Italy within the first decades of the nineteenth century. At Italian unification, small property in land and sharecropping (
mezzadria
) were to be found in Piedmont, Lombardy‐Veneto, the Papal States, and Tuscany; the latifundia of Latium, Naples, and Sicily employed landless agricultural workers (
braccianti
). Closer in some ways to urban proletarians than to traditional peasants with their family‐based subsistence economy, the
braccianti
gradually became modern Italy's typical agricultural workers, and the driving force behind much rural unrest. By the turn of the century the agricultural strike had largely replaced tax boycotts and food riots as the dominant form of collective action in rural areas.
Itō Noe (1895–1923)
Authors: Nelson David G.
Published: September 2017

Born to a family of landed aristocracy on the southern island of Kyushu, Itō Noe would be forced into an arranged marriage after graduating from Ueno Girls High School. In protest she ran away to Tokyo were she would become a feminist anarchist seeking to break with the social conditions of Japan. In Tokyo she joined the Seitosha (Blue Stocking Society) and in 1915 became an editor of its magazine,Seito(Blue Stocking). This gave Itō the opportunity to develop her literary, aesthetic, and political capabilities. Skilled in several languages, including English, she translated articles by the anarchist Emma Goldman.
J
ackson,
J
esse (b. 1941)
Authors: Nuruddin Yusuf
Published: September 2017

Born on October 4, 1941, Jesse Jackson was a leading US civil rights activist and leader, human rights sponsor, international mediator, and populist presidential candidate from the 1960s to the early twenty‐first century. Jackson, a controversial and charismatic figure, rose from humble origins to become the most influential African American civil rights leader in the post‐Martin Luther King era.