bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Enlightened Despotism and State Building: The Case of Austrian Lombardy
Authors: Grab Alexander
Published: March 2009

It was said that Count Kaunitz, the Austrian chancellor under the enlightened despots Maria Theresa and Joseph II, settled Belgian and Italian affairs every morning while putting on his stockings. The thick volume of correspondence between Vienna and Milan in the second half of the eighteenth century and the wide reform program which the Austrian rulers launched in Lombardy during those years demonstrate, however, that this Italian dominion was much more important to the Habsburgs than the ironic anecdote implied. Indeed, research over the last fifteen years on the reform policy of the enlightened despots in Lombardy has shown that this province was highly significant for the Viennese rulers, who made considerable efforts to integrate it into their empire. Lombardy had both strategic and economic value for the Viennese authorities; strategically, it served as the northern gateway to Italy, thus helping the Habsburgs to maintain their influence in the Italian peninsula. Economically, Lombardy possessed a highly developed agriculture, which provided Vienna with a rich source of revenues.
The Habsburg Monarchy and Balkan Revolution
Authors: Fischer-Galati Stephen
Published: March 2009

The profound involvement of the Habsburg monarchy in various revolutionary manifestations in the Balkans since the subjugation of that peninsula by the Ottoman Turks has generally not been deemed worthy of investigation by historians. Only a handful of specialized articles and a few pages in the scant existing studies on Habsburg foreign policy have been devoted to the study of Austrian relations with actual or potential revolutionary elements. There has been a general neglect of Balkan studies by Austrian scholars and of Austrian studies by Balkan scholars.
An Absence Explained: Archduke Ferdinand of Austria and the Battle of Mohács
Authors: Fichtner Paula Sutter
Published: March 2009

On April 23, 1526, Suleiman, the Turkish sultan, left Constantinople at the head of an army numbering around 120,000 men. He marched in a northwesterly direction, his apparent purpose being the conquest of the Kingdom of Hungary. The Magyars and their subjects had once been a formidable barrier to the westward expansion of the Ottomans, but they were now badly weakened by the ineptness of their youthful king Louis and the rapacity and shortsightedness of their nobility.
The Movement toward Parliamentary Government in Austria since 1900: Rudolf Sieghart's Memoir of June 28,1903
Authors: Ableitinger Alfred
Published: March 2009

Among the many difficult problems which Minister-president Kasimir Felix Badeni's government (1895–97) bequeathed to all the regimes which followed it the most serious arose from the fact that, as a consequence of the confusion caused by his policies, the tradition that the imperial-royal government in Austria had to collaborate with parliament broke down. The filibustering tactics practiced in the representative bodies of the Austrian half of the empire during the brief period of the Badeni ministry, though they were certainly not unprecedented, nevertheless, assumed a proportion and form hitherto unknown. The obstructionists succeeded in destroying the most fundamental principle of parliamentarianism—the idea that the will of the majority must prevail in the legislative body—and in overthrowing the only constitutional system which had existed in Austria since the laws dealing with ministerial responsibility and imperial representation were passed in 1867. Any government selected by the sovereign without formal consideration of the political opinions of the members of parliament in the long run could operate effectively only if a majority of the members of that body at least tolerated it—provided, of course, that the state was not to surrender to a barely concealed absolutism. Apart from the political tensions which a resort to absolutism would have engendered in Austria and the fact that it would have endangered the rather tenuous relations which Austria had with Hungary, paragraphs 10 and 14 of the law on imperial representation were so worded as to create an effective legal barrier against such a hazardous step in the direction of absolutism.1
American Books on Austria-Hungary
Authors: Schroeder Paul W.
Published: March 2009

American scholarship on Austria-Hungary, at least so far as it concerns published books, got under way only at the end of the First World War. A fair number of books were written during the previous century, but few made any pretension to serious scholarship and fewer still had any permanent value. The prewar literature consisted of a few history texts;2 some polemical works on the Hungarian Revolution of 1848–49, most of which were ardently pro-Kossuth;3 descriptive and travel accounts designed to acquaint Americans with the native homes of the newer wave of immigrants (books which were usually well-intentioned but were also sentimental and superficial);4 and tracts on Austria-Hungary and the World War, which were at best one-sided and at worst sheer propaganda.5
The Habsburg Army and the Nationality Problem in the Nineteenth Century, 1815–1914
Authors: Rothenberg Gunther E.
Published: March 2009

Historians are generally agreed that until the very end of the Habsburg monarchy the army constituted one of the main pillars of the multinational empire.2Even so, the view that the armed might was always a reliable instrument of the established order and that it was largely unaffected by the nationality problem cannot be accepted. On the contrary, throughout the period from 1815 to 1914 the nationality problem was constantly present in the army. On occasion, as in 1848–49, it actually divided the army against itself; at other times it corroded the loyalty of some contingents, and it often influenced political, administrative, strategic, and even tactical decisions. After 1867 the status of the Hungarian forces within the Dual Monarchy became one of the most crucial, and at the same time one of the most vexing, problems of the empire.
The Rise of Nationalism in the Habsburg Empire
Authors: Sugar Peter F.
Published: March 2009

In 1848–49 Austria could have introduced reforms which conceivably might have insured her continued existence for many generations and possibly might have finally made a true state out of the Habsburg domains. … [In] the course of the two [subsequent] generations until 1918 there never appeared an equally promising opportunity for the empire to carry out reform without risking its disintegration. This is not to say that Austria should not have taken this risk, which was smaller at the time of the compromise in 1867 than it was in 1905 and smaller in 1905 at the height of the Hungarian crisis than it was in 1917, when Engels' ominous prediction finally came true that with the victory of the Russian Revolution Austria would disintegrate.
The Germans as an Integrative Force in Imperial Austria: The Dilemma of Dominance
Authors: Whiteside Andrew G.
Published: March 2009

During the past hundred years a vast literature ranging from scholarly analyses of a high order to crudely polemical disputations has been devoted to analyzing the question of why all attempts to consolidate the Habsburg monarchy ended in failure. Since 1945 it has become increasingly possible to investigate and explain the causes of failure without national or other partisan bias. The dissolution of the empire in 1918 was, after all, the result not of defeat on the battlefield but of a long organic process.
Comments
Authors: Deak Istvan
Published: March 2009

I hope I will meet with sympathy if I state here that my task as a discussant is a difficult one. Faced with four lengthy, excellent, and basically different essays, I am now expected—and within twenty minutes at that—to criticize, to laud, to summarize, and to incite further discussion. Let me therefore take the bull by the horns and challenge the very topic of this discussion. It is my contention that the subject of this debate is neither justified nor valid and that it is precisely because of the contradiction inherent in the topic that our four participants used widely divergent methods and arrived at widely divergent conclusions. I would argue that there were no dominant nationalities in the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. There were only dominant classes, estates, institutions, interest groups, and professions. True, German and Magyar nationals formed the majority of these dominant strata of society, but the benefits they derived from their privileged position were not shared by the lower classes of their own nationality. If the Austrian Germans-but not the Magyars–generally enjoyed a relatively high living standard, this was due to their geographic position and their industry and not to legislation or to the allegedly dominant position the Germans as a whole occupied in the monarchy. While Profs. Barany, Hanak, and Whiteside were very much aware of the distinction between class privilege and national privilege, they could not, directed as they were by the title of their discourse, fully develop this distinction.
The Friends of Progress: Learned Societies and the Public Sphere in the Transylvanian Reform Era
Authors: Török Zsuzsanna
Published: March 2009

This essay addresses the political roleof nationally defined scholarship in multiethnic milieus. The focus is on Transylvania, one of the marginal provinces of the Habsburg Empire without stable, state-funded institutions of higher learning and research. The time frame is the Hungarian Vormärz, known as the Reform Era, which extended from the 1830s until the revolution of 1848 and was a pivotal moment in the maturation of the national perspective in scholarship and politics, challenging the traditional order of the composite monarchy. The liberal and national impetus of the period was manifest in the foundation of numerous regional voluntary associations intended to serve the public good, and further education, scholarship, and “national improvement.”
Obtaining History: The Case of Ukrainians in Habsburg Galicia, 1848–1900
Authors: Zayarnyuk Andriy
Published: March 2009

The golden age of history as an academic discipline was the era of nationalisms, because modern social science history was created in the form of national historical narratives. This is particularly true of Ukrainian nationalism and Ukrainian history. Mykhailo Hrushevs'kyi, who created the most compelling Ukrainian grand narrative, did it under the influence of late-nineteenth-century social theory, and he is still considered to be the greatest Ukrainian historian. Modern history appeared in the nineteenth century not just as an academic discipline, but also as part of the identity of the modern individual; therefore, it figured prominently in all projects aimed at the creation of stable collective identities. Ukrainian history was entailed in the construction of a Ukrainian national identity, and had to respond to the challenges this construction faced.
Minority Building in the German Diaspora: The Hungarian-Germans
Authors: Swanson John C.
Published: March 2009

Issues concerning the statusand rights of ethnic minorities in Central and Eastern Europe have become significant in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. A focus on co-nations in neighboring states, “others” in so-called nation-states, and questions of immigration dominate the media in many areas in Europe. Even though ethnic minorities and ethnic identity are part of modern conversation, the subject of ethnic minorities needs to receive serious scholarly attention to demonstrate its nuanced sense of meaning. Like nations, ethnic minorities are not static entities; they are not primordial. They are constructed or imagined in the same way nations are, even though there has been little scholarly attention devoted to minority building. In order to understand the complex meaning of an ethnic minority, one needs to view the creation of a minority—minority building—on different levels, and understand it as members of the minority understand it and as others perceive it.
Commentary: Some Reflections on the South Slav Diaspora
Authors: Biondich Mark
Published: March 2009

Professor paul robert magocsishould be commended for his article, “In Step or Out of Step with the Times? Central Europe's Diasporas and Their Homelands in 1918 and 1989.” It provides an important overview of a significant but hitherto generally neglected topic, and represents an essential contribution to our discussion of diasporas. One can only hope that by framing the issue as he has done and posing the questions mentioned in the article, our attention will be drawn to this subject with renewed interest. I find myself agreeing, for the most part, with his general observations. As such, the commentary that follows is intended largely to provide accentuated remarks and, where needed, some points of constructive criticism.
“Every Czech a Sokol!”: Feminism and Nationalism in the Czech Sokol Movement
Authors: Nolte Claire E.
Published: March 2009

TheSokol(Falcon), the Czech gymnastic organization, was a major component in the transformation of Czech nationalism into a mass movement. It was also one of the few organizations to mobilize women for the national cause, and their involvement in the club forms a major chapter in the history of women in Czech society. There are few sources on Czech women's history, in part because historians have tended to focus on the more advanced feminist movements of Western Europe or the United States to the detriment of the smaller nations of Europe's borderlands, where the complex ethnic composition created a special context for the emergence of the “women's question.” In the Czech lands, the rivalry between Czechs and Germans defined the conceptual framework of Czech feminism and lent the national struggle an overriding importance that served both to inspire and to limit the campaign of Czech women for expanded rights and opportunities. This convergence of feminism and nationalism is evident in the changing role of women in the Sokol from the founding of the organization in 1862 until World War I, a time when the Sokol emerged as a leading force in the Czech national movement, and when Czech women began to challenge traditional attitudes and demand equality with men. In manifesting these broader processes, the history of women in the Sokol exemplifies their larger effort to define their role within an evolving national community.
Polish Lords and Ukrainian Peasants: Conflict, Deference, and Accommodation in Eastern Galicia in the Late Nineteenth Century
Authors: Hryniuk Stella
Published: March 2009

Some aspects of the relationship between the Polish aristocracy and the Ukrainian peasantry in Eastern Galicia in the last quarter of the nineteenth century have been treated by many scholars over the years. This relationship has been seen primarily as one of class and then national conflict, played out in the economic and political spheres of Galician life. The traditional picture has been one of discrimination against and exploitation of the peasants by the numerically small class of Polish magnates and gentry. The emphasis has been on forced peasant labor, on inequities in the size of landholdings, on the brutality of the landlords and oppression by their stewards, on beatings, on the illegal annexation of peasant lands, and on the expected and automatic obedience and subservience of the peasant to the manorial lord. All of these elements were certainly part of the relationship in pre-1848 Galicia, though even in this respect one may ask questions about the growing number of Ukrainian village schools, and so on.
The Schwarzenberg Bank: A Forgotten Contributor to Austrian Economic Development, 1788–1830
Authors: Freudenberger Herman
Published: March 2009

The supposedly authoritativeÖsterreichisches Staatswörterbuch (1905 edition) states unequivocally that the only joint-stock bank that existed before 1850 was a land bank founded in 1841 by the Galician estates. März, who has written the definitive work on the Credit-Anstalt, also found no place in his otherwise excellent study for the Schwarzenberg Bank, asserting that the Credit-Anstalt was founded simply on the model of the Crédit Mobilier of contemporary France. The only publication that concerned itself with the Schwarzenberg Bank, formally known as the Wiener oktroyirte Commerzial-, Leih- und Wechselbank (Chartered Commercial, Loan, and Exchange Bank of Vienna) in some detail was written in 1918, with the observation that it strongly resembled the Crédit Mobilier type of bank. This work was obviously ignored both in Austria and elsewhere where the history of banking and banks has been discussed.
The Jews of Galicia under Austrian-Polish Rule, 1869–1918
Authors: Wróbel Piotr
Published: March 2009

Gaucia occupied animportant place in the history of the Jewish Diaspora. Galician Jews made up a majority of Habsburg subjects of Mosaic faith and formed a cultural bridge betweenWestjudenandOstjuden. Numerous outstanding Jewish political figures and scholars, such as Isaac Deutscher, Karl Radek, and Martin Buber, were born or raised in Galicia, where Zionist and Jewish socialist movements flourished at that time. The unique atmosphere of a Galician shtetl was recorded in Hassidic tales, in the books of Emil Franzos, Manes Sperber, Bruno Schulz, Andrzej Kuśniewicz, and others. Scholarly works on Jewish Galicia are, however, mostly outdated and relatively short. Consequently, scholars who use information on Galicia only as supplementary data often make numerous errors, and even for an educated American or West European Galicia remains a land of mystery. Marsha Rozenblit is absolutely right when she concludes a review essay, “The Jews of the Dual Monarchy,” with the following observation: “Indeed, it would be nice to know more about the traditional Jewish population of Moravia, Galicia and Hungary.” The present article is a contribution to filling that gap with regard to Galicia.
Economic Factors in Nationalism: The Example of Hungary at the Beginning of the Twentieth Century
Authors: Berend Iván T. , Ránki György
Published: March 2009

Although it cannot be denied that the primordial manifestations of nationalism can be traced back to the pre-capitalistic age, it has long been obvious to scholars who have investigated the economic and social factors involved in nationalism that its development has been closely connected with that of modern capitalism. It is just as apparent that economic developments in Eastern Europe have differed fundamentally from those in the western part of the same continent.2 These differences in development can be detected as far back as the fifteenth century, and they have become more and more evident during the course of the succeeding centuries. The relationship between social and economic factors and nationalism has consequently been entirely different in Eastern Europe from what it has been in the countries of Western Europe, which have more advanced economies as well as populations constituting a more or less homogeneous nationality.
Habsburg Studies in Europe
Authors: Fellner Fritz , Gottas Friedrich
Published: March 2009

At this moment I understand how Ludwig August von Benedek must have felt in the late spring of 1866 when charged with a task for which he felt inadequate, because find myself in a similar situation. In no way can my remarks meet the standard set in the paper which Prof. Schroeder has presented to the conference. The reason for this difference partly to be found in the topic itself, for in a certain way. I think, Mr. Schroeder's assignment to examine the American literature was an easy one. He had to read a huge number studies published in the past years by American scholars specializing in research on the Habsburg monarchy; his task was to select and to organize. My task turned out to be completely different. When I tried to find studies of the Habsburg monarchy published in Western Europe after 1945, instead selecting from a plethora of material, I had to determine whether there actually was as little material available as there appeared to be. When, at my request, Dr. Friedrich Gottas, of the Historical Institute of the University of Salzburg, checked my findings through a careful search of bibliographies and periodicals, his research supported my theory that after 1945 the history of the Habsburg monarchy was not a favorite topic among historians in Western Europe. Given this circumstance, I thought it best to concentrate my informal observations on certain trends which in my opinion have been noticeable in Western European historiography since 1945.
Ferenc Deák during the Vormärz Era
Authors: Király Béla K.
Published: March 2009

The 1840's were a decade of dynamism for Hungarian liberals. Two important developments had produced a measure of unity in the liberal camp. As the Habsburgs increased their colonial treatment of Hungary, the Hungarians attempted to counter that policy with an economic program and, simultaneously, drafted a political platform. This collision between Habsburg reactionary policy and Hungarian liberalism made it imperative that the liberals unify, clarify their ideology, and shape a political strategy. More than anything else, the liberals needed a resolute leader who could consolidate the various reform factions into a united body. Ferenc Deák was considered the figure of greatest stature among all the liberals and the natural head of the nascent liberal party. Yet he was at his most undecided stage during this prerevolutionary period of ferment.
Vivat Kossuth—Faute de Mieux?
Authors: Bak János M.
Published: March 2009

It would certainly be rash to attempt to correct anything that Béla Király has written about Ferenc Deák or to try to add anything important to what he has to say, since his biography of Deák is the most recent and, in English, the most detailed assessment of the life of the “sage of the Fatherland” that has thus far been published. It would be even more temerarious for someone who, like myself, has never engaged in original research on that particular period to attempt to do so. Therefore, I will only raise a few general questions about Kiraly's article.
Lajos Kossuth's Nationalism and Internationalism
Authors: Deak Istvan
Published: March 2009

The purpose of this brief presentation is to show that Lajos Kossuth was both a sincere nationalist and a sincere liberal and that these convictions did not contradict but strongly reinforced each other. It is also my intention to demonstrate that Kossuth was not a revolutionary but a reformer who in 1848 was forced by events beyond his control to promote revolution at home as well as to seek alliances with revolutionary circles outside Hungary. His ambition was not to accomplish a drastic reorganization of Europe but, by peaceful means, to make Hungary a great country. A great Hungary, he believed, would benefit all the inhabitants of the lands of the Crown of St. Stephen and contribute to peace, progress, and liberty in Europe.
István Széchenyi, Miklós Wesselényi, Lajos Kossuth and the Problem of Romanian Nationalism
Authors: Deak Istvan
Published: March 2009

It is no secret that during the first half of the nineteenth century Hungarian nationalism changed from quiescence to fierce agitation, from relative indifference to extreme preoccupation, from an aristocratic prerogative to a mass movement, and from a disregard of the lower classes to a sincere endeavor to make everyone who lived in the lands of the Crown of St. Stephen happy. Among the most conspicuous promoters of this modern, aggressive nationalism were István Széchenyi, Miklós Wesselényi, and Lajos Kossuth. All three nurtured identical hopes for the future of the nation, but they advocated very different methods for attaining the fulfillment of these expectations. They were contemporaries or near-contemporaries; yet their successive rise and decline reflected important shifts in the evolution of Hungarian nationalism as it gradually moved into an all-encompassing doctrine requiring total personal commitment and integration.
The Marshaling of Copper: An Index of Austro-Hungarian Economic Mobilization during World War I
Authors: Wegs J.Robert
Published: March 2009

Most World War I belligerents, including Austria-Hungary and Germany, experienced severe copper shortages because of insufficient domestic ore deposits and the extensive use of the copper alloys, brass and bronze, in the munitions industry. Both Germany and the Dual Monarchy, their foreign sources of copper limited because of the British blockade, were forced to use substitute metals and to curtail the use of copper even in the armaments industry. In 1913 Austria-Hungary's domestic production amounted to only 4,052 tons of pure copper. Austrian industrial demands were met only with the importation of 36,500 tons of the metal. Consequently, when the Allied blockade cut off most of her copper imports at the same time that military needs sharply increased demand, Austria-Hungary faced a dilemma. Moreover, before Austria-Hungary was able to develop substitutes for copper, brass, and bronze, domestic supplies had been seriously reduced.
Othmar Spann and the Quest for a “True State,”
Authors: Haag John
Published: March 2009

The Austrian scholar and social theorist Othmar Spann (1878–1950) was a major figure in the “conservative revolution” that fired the imagination of many Central European intellectuals after World War I. Born in the Habsburg monarchy as it was disintegrating under the pressures of nationalism and industrialization, Spann seemed destined for a conventional academic career until war, revolution, and economic collapse destroyed the social and ideological foundations of the old order in 1918. A series of lectures delivered at the University of Vienna soon after the war quickly made Spann a major spokesman for the “war generation”—young men whose roughhewn idealism found few outlets in the grim world of postwar Central Europe.
Reflections on Austrian History
Authors: Kohn Hans
Published: March 2009

Defining and writing the history of Austria from the Carolingian frontier marches to the Second Austrian Republic presents a unique problem. In this period, covering more than 1100 years, Austria formed neither a geographic nor an ethnic or national conceptual unit. In fact, except for the brief periods of 1804–1867, 1918–1938, and from 1945 on, there has been no political constitutional entity which could form the undisputed object of a Gesamtdarstellung of Austrian history. The only cohesive factor was provided by the existence of a politicogeographic center, whether one defines it as the Middle Danube or, perhaps better, as Vienna. No other great country possessed similarly ever changing frontiers; nor did the capital city of any other land play a similar formative role as one of the very few centripetal attraction-forces enduring over the centuries.
Karl Renner and Austria in 1945
Authors: Houston Douglas W.
Published: March 2009

That Austria escaped permanent sovietization and achieved political stability in 1945 was the result of many factors, but none was more important than the political skill of the man whom the Red Army picked to play the role of Trojan horse, Dr. Karl Renner. By a combination of adroit political opportunism and stubborn adherence to a single goal, that of Austrian independence, Renner outmaneuvered his Soviet benefactors and acted as midwife to the birth of a new Austria which was independent, neutral, and politically viable. In order to achieve this goal, Renner had to harmonize the often conflicting interests of the Russians, the Austrian politicians, and the Western Allies.
Recent Czech and Slovak Literature on the History of the Habsburg Monarchy: A Bibliography
Authors: Burian Peter
Published: March 2009

The bibliography listed below is a continuation of the review of recent Czech and Slovak literature on the history of the Habsburg monarchy which appeared in the fourth issue (1963) of the Austrian History News Letter (pp. 77–90). It is based on the additions recently made to the collection in the J. G. Herder Institute at Marburg. It includes books and articles which deal with the period between 1815 and the present that were published up to June, 1964.
Warfare and Society in the Carolingian Ostmark
Authors: Bowlus Charles R.
Published: March 2009

The relationship between military and social organization has long been a topic of major concern and debate among scholars specializing in the history of the European middle ages. It is a topic of importance, for, as we who live in the modern world are aware, the ways in which any government organizes its people for warfare have many implications that go well beyond the strategy of a particular campaign or the tactics employed at a decisive battle. The rudimentary nature of the economies and governments in medieval Europe probably made the relationship between military and social organization more direct and, hence, more obvious than it is today. Peasants may have been illiterate, but they were cognizant of their obligation to serve in local levies and to provide food, fodder, and transport facilities for armies on campaign. Magnates who kept a retinue with them at all times and who garrisoned private fortresses were dependent on surpluses produced by the peasantry for the maintenance of these forces.
Vae Victis! The Austro-Hungarian Armeeoberkommando and the Armistice of Villa Giusti
Authors: Hanks Ronald W.
Published: March 2009

In terms of lessons to be learned from history, World War I remains a nearly unparalleled example of how not to do things. The origins and conduct of the war, as well as the major peace treaties ending the conflict, have become monuments to ineptitude. The circumstances surrounding the end of the war on the Austro-Italian front can take their rightful place in this panoply of bungling. Neither the Austrians in defeat nor the Italians in victory displayed attributes worthy of emulation, and, if anything is to be learned from these events, it is that haste to extricate oneself from a war can be as dangerous as haste to enter a war and that, contrary to popular belief, it takes two sides to make a peace.
The Allgemeines Verwaltungsarchiv
Authors: Goldinger Walter
Published: March 2009

When the imperial archives in Vienna were reorganized to form the Austrian state archives shortly after the end of the Second World War, it became clear that the former name of the archive referred to in non-archival circles after 1945 as the “second division”—Staatsarchiv des Innern und der Justiz (state archive for internal affairs and justice)—no longer accurately reflected its contents. During the decade before the war, the records of all the central offices or ministries except those for foreign affairs, finances, defense, and railways (later transportation) had been added to it. In other words, the archive had become a repository for all documents not housed in the other divisions of the Austrian state archives. Or, to put it more positively, most documents dealing with the internal administration, in its broadest sense, had been stored in the archive. Other branches, such as education and economic affairs, had been only gradually detached from the ministry of interior. For these reasons, the name of the archive was changed to Allgemeines Verwaltungsarchiv in 1945.
The Finanz- und Hofkammerarchiv
Authors: Mikoletzky Hanns Leo
Published: March 2009

Insofar as its present organizational structure is concerned, the Finanz- und Hofkammerarchiv is a new archive established in 1945. Before that year the only connection between the two archives, which had previously been administered separately, lay in the continuity of the records housed in both repositories. During the course of the years the documents stored in the two archives remained unchanged in type even though they were written in offices that bore different names. What led to their amalgamation shortly after the end of World War II was the uninterrupted continuity of the records in both archives.
The Rhetoric of Economic Nationalism in the Bohemian Boycott Campaigns of the Late Habsburg Monarchy
Authors: Albrecht Catherine
Published: March 2009

During the decades prior to World War I, the Habsburg monarchy experienced an upsurge in national conflict. Nationalism emerged both as a form of identity politics, through which individuals became increasingly aware of their own national identity as well as that of others among whom they lived, and as a political ideology, calling for increased political, social, cultural, and economic rights for each national group. Thus, the rise in national feeling in the Habsburg monarchy led to the hardening of the boundaries separating national groups. As Jan Křen, Gary B. Cohen, and other have noted, Czechs and Germans not only became staunch political opponents, they also ceased to associate with each other privately or in social contexts by the late nineteenth century.
Divorce and Remarriage in Austria-Hungary: The Second Marriage of Franz Conrad von Hötzendorf
Authors: Harmat Ulrike
Published: March 2009

In October 1915, in the middle of World War I, the chief of staff of the Royal and Imperial Army, Franz Conrad von Hötzendorf, consulted the authorities on a private matter. While “the fatherland was fighting a bloody battle for its very existence, and the army and people were turning to their generals full of alarm,” the general was contemplating marriage. However, Austrian marriage laws stood in the way of his plans. Virginia (Gina) Agujari, Conrad's “chosen one,” had since 1896 been in a Catholic marriage with the industrialist Hans von Reininghaus.
Transformations of Austrian Memory:Politics of History and Monument Culture in the Second Republic
Authors: Uhl Heidemarie
Published: March 2009

On what was the first visit of an Austrian president to Israel, Thomas Klestil spoke before the Knesset in November 1994 of “repression,” of a lack of “admission to the whole truth,” stating, “We know that we have too often spoken of the fact that Austria was the first state to lose its freedom and independence to National Socialism—but we have spoken far too rarely of the fact that some of the worst henchmen of the NS dictatorship were in fact Austrians.” With this, Klestil was reacting to the fundamental questioning of the victim theory in the Waldheim debate as had Chancellor Franz Vranitzky in his often cited declaration to the Austrian Parliament on July 8,1991, to the effect that Austria “must admit to the good and bad … sides” of its history: “We must [admit] … to our share of the responsibility for the suffering that Austria did not cause as a state but that was brought upon other people and other peoples by the citizens of this country” and “apologize to the survivors and the descendants of the dead”.
The Conflict between Count Czernin and Emperor Charles in 1918
Authors: Hopwood Robert F.
Published: March 2009

On April 14, 1918, Charles I, the last ruler of the Austro-Hungarian empire, dismissed his foreign minister Count Ottokar Czernin. The immediate circumstances of Czernin's fall from power have been known for many years, and the recently opened documentary collections in the Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv in Vienna add little of substance to what is already known. Since neither the Czernin nor the Habsburg families have opened their private papers to the scrutiny of scholars, our information is still based on contemporary accounts of high government and court officials. From the evidence at hand we know little more than that Czernin had often treated Charles in a high-handed manner and that the foreign minister's refusal to assume full blame for the Sixtus Affair so angered the emperor that he accepted his minister's resignation. Thus, according to the consensus of his contemporaries, the reasons for Czernin's dismissal were emotional: the wounded pride and momentary anger of Emperor Charles. Certainly few would contend that these factors were unimportant; the emperor had often rendered similar imprudent judgments earlier in his brief reign. Still, one should be cautious about accepting this reason as the only one without searching for other more complex causes.
The National Unity of the Romanians and the Breakup of the Austro-Hungarian Empire
Authors: Pascu Ştefan
Published: March 2009

Both in their scholarly writings and at conferences such as those at Indiana University in 1966 and Bratislava in 1967, historians have expressed the opinion, which has been unanimously accepted, that the breakup of the Austro-Hungarian empire must be mainly ascribed to the centrifugal role of the non-German and non-Magyar nationalities in that empire. Relegated to the rank of second-class subjects of the Habsburg emperor by the privileged classes of the dominant German and Magyar nations, the Slavic and Latin nationalities enjoyed fewer political privileges than the Germans and Hungarians, suffered from discriminations that impeded the growth of their cultural potentialities, and were subjected to various economic measures that handicapped the development of their economies. Historians are also agreed that the lack of economic unity of the Dual Monarchy was another important reason for the collapse. Furthermore, the majority of specialists on Habsburg history attribute a considerable portion of the blame for the dissolution of the Habsburg realm to the nationality policies pursued by the government in the Transleithanian half of the monarchy. The repression of the non-Magyar nationalities by the privileged classes in Hungary stimulated the growth of national liberation movements among the oppressed nationalities and prompted them to intensify their struggle, first, for equal rights, then for national autonomy, and, finally, for self-determination.
Joseph II and the Jews: the Origins of the Toleration Patent of 1782
Authors: Bernard Paul P.
Published: March 2009

That Austria's monolithic refusal to tolerate religious minorities within its borders in an age of increasingly general religious permissiveness would not for long outlive Empress Maria Theresa must have been apparent to all but the most obtuse contemporary observers. Throughout the period of his coregency (1765–1780), Joseph II had made it plain on more than one occasion that while, unlike Frederick the Great, he did not believe that all his subjects might attain their salvation in whatever way seemed best to them, he was, nevertheless, aware that many of them would persist in assuring their damnation in spite of the best efforts of Church and crown to save them. And he was unwilling to let the obduracy of a minority of his subjects cause the state to lose their wealth, their services, and their loyalty. Dominated by such radical ideas on the place of religious minorities in a state, Joseph, State Chancellor Prince Wenzel Kaunitz, and Franz Joseph Heinke, once Kaunitz's man but now independently charged with drawing up policy guidelines for a subsequent reorganization of Church-state relations, were as early as 1769 discussing not the advisability of tolerating non-Catholic religions but ways and means of implementing such toleration.
A Turning Point in Austrian Policy in the Crimean War: the Conference of March, 1854
Authors: Schroeder Paul W.
Published: March 2009

On March 22 and 25,1854, on the eve of the outbreak of the Crimean War, a select group of Austrian ministers of state presided over by Emperor Francis Joseph met to reach some basic decisions on Austrian policy. Students of Crimean War diplomacy have paid considerable attention to these ministerial conferences, using the protocols and other documents bearing on them. The most thorough analysis, and for later historiography the most influential, is that of Franz Eckhart. This essay proposes another look at these conferences in the belief that an interpretation different from the traditional one sheds more light on the nature of the debate, the decisions made and postponed, and the fundamental nature of Austria's dilemma. It also suggests in some ways a more favorable view of the policy of Austrian Foreign Minister Karl Ferdinand von Buol-Schauenstein than the usual condemnation of it as a rash and aggressive policy of va banque, or a constant vacillation between East and West without program or goal, or both.
Austrian Exceptionalism
Authors: Pelinka Anton
Published: March 2009

Over the past few decades, Austria's specific position among other European countries has been seen from ever-changing viewpoints. In the 1970s and early 1980s, neutrality and corporatism, more than any other factors, created an academic and political interest in contemporary Austria. Neutrality and corporatism were seen as qualities linked to Austria due to its geopolitical status as well as its status as a smaller country.
The Archduke and Aehrenthal:The Origins of a Hatred
Authors: Wank Solomon
Published: March 2009

Archduke Francis Ferdinand's aversion to Foreign Minister Baron (after 1909 Count) Alois Lexa von Aehrenthal is well known. The heir to the throne's biographers cite policy differences with regard to Hungary and Italy, and the worsening of relations with Russia after the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina in October 1908 as the reasons for this antipathy. These policy differences certainly existed. However, the recently published private correspondence between the two men from the time when Aehrenthal was foreign minister (1906–12) provides clues to other causes of their estrangement.
The “National Question” Revisited: Reflections on the State of the Art
Authors: Rusinow Dennison
Published: March 2009

I am often asked, by students, colleagues, and friends, why and how I came to devote my professional life to the study of Central and Southeastern European history and current events and, in the process, how I came to spend thirty years living in the area. I have two stock answers, both of them true.
Competition, Community, and Privilege in Eighteenth-Century Vienna: The Viennese Pastry Bakers
Authors: Goedde Celia J.
Published: March 2009

During thecourse of the eighteenth century, Vienna, like many other European capitals, grew significantly in terms of population and economic activity. While not as large as the two urban behemoths of Paris and London, Vienna was the largest of the central European cities; including the suburbs, its population had nearly tripled since 1700 and approached 300,000 inhabitants by 1800.1This rapid growth, spurred on by the presence of the imperial court, steadily expanded Vienna's market, but the increased number of customers did not necessarily translate into increased prosperity for Viennese artisans. A shift in economic regulations at midcentury that favored increased competition over corporate privileges upset the careful balance between political and economic interests. The Viennese pastry bakers, like many other artisans, faced growing ranks of competitors battling for position within the market. The pastry market, well known and much valued in Vienna then, as now, rested as much on the public's tastes as on legal and economic privileges. Guild pastry bakers struggled to maintain their hold on the market, while nonguild bakers introduced new types of pastries that lured away guild customers and transsformed the pastry
Comment
Authors: Haselsteiner Horst
Published: March 2009

This discourse is intended to provide some supplementary, accentuated comments on Peter Sugar's highly remarkable essay. It is undeniably the case that historiographical assessments of nationalism among Magyars have ranged from predominantly to wholly negative. This fact was correctly emphasized by Sugar. It was his intention to establish the reasons for the emergence of this particular Magyar-specific form of nationalism and to categorize its permanent and determining components.
Taking It to the Streets: Czech National Socialists in 1908
Authors: Kelly T. Mills
Published: March 2009

On the night of December 1,1908, the city of Vienna was lit up like a giant birthday cake in celebration of the sixtieth anniversary of the reign of Emperor Francis Joseph I. This final night of the monarch's diamondjubilee was the culmination of an entire season of ceremonial occasionsranging from visits to Vienna by the German emperor William II to a seemingly endless series of fětes—everything from concerts by children's choirs to the most magnificent royal balls Vienna could muster. The streets of the imperial capital were filled with the myriad languages of the empire asmore than one million citizens crowded the Ringstraßre and its many side streets and alleys hoping for a glimpse of their emperor-king. That evening the streets of Prague were filled with thousands of angry Czechs, whose moodwas much different from that of the crowd in Vienna. In contrast to the Viennese festival of light, the Czech demonstrators were extinguishing the street lanterns of Prague, hoping that darkness would decrease the likelihood that they would be arrested. According to the Neue Freie Presse, the Old Town(staré město/Altstadt) district of Prague was experiencing a “schrecktlichstag.”
Political Culture in the Lands of the Former Habsburg Empire: Authoritarian and Parliamentary Traditions
Authors: Barany George
Published: March 2009

Historians and politicalscientists have already begun to explore different aspects of modern Austria's political culture. But as Helmut Konrad has reminded us, this relatively new concept is loosely defined; he considers “political culture” to mean “the values held by individuals, groups, and society as a whole that affect the behavior of peoplewithin and in relation to the political system of a country.” Lucian Pye stresses the behavioral approach in political analysis to make “more explicit and systematic” our understanding of “such long-standingconcepts as political ideology, national ethos and spirit, national political psychology, and the fundamental values of a people.”
Response
Authors: Barany George
Published: March 2009

Far from being afield of the theme assigned to me by the editor and board of the AHY, Professor Susan Gal's erudite essay admirably complements my own efforts. By approaching the topic from the point of view of historical anthropology, she adds another dimension to the discussion of a difficult problem. Indeed, I learned a lot from her, and not only about fractals, segmentary lineage systems, nested oppositions, and recursivity, intricacies that she articulates much better than I could hope in the context of traditional historiography.
The Pattern of Austrian Industrial Growth from the Eighteenth to the Early Twentieth Century
Authors: Rudolph Richard L.
Published: March 2009

The wealth of literature published in the last twenty-five years on economic growth, economic development, and comparative economic history contains little information about Austria-Hungary. Fortunately, this situation shows signs of improving as the few recent articles and monographs on the subject are beginning to be utilized in the more general literature. Although the general lack of attention to Austria-Hungary clearly indicates that serious analytical work on the economic history of the area is still in a very early stage, the relatively few studies published on the subject have already changed the views of scholars on economic developments in the Habsburg lands.
Comments
Authors: Stadler Karl R.
Published: March 2009

In recent years there has been a deplorable lack of interest in Austria in the historical role of the Jews in Central Europe. Given the general trends towards internationalization of the social sciences and the interdisciplinary method of analysis, this neglect is most distressing. Presumably this lack of scholarly interest is related to the fact that since World War II the Central European Jews no longer constitute a distinct ethnic and religious group. Apart from studies made in university institutes for Jewish studies and in occasional publications which have mainly treated various aspects of “the holocaust,” most studies have approached Jewish history only collaterally by focusing on anti-Semitism.