bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The wounding of Philip II of Macedon: fact and fabrication
Authors: Riginos Alice Swift
Published: May 2006

This paper, concerning one element in the ancient biographical tradition of Philip II of Macedon, demonstrates the manner in which facts—that the Macedonian monarch was gravely wounded in the right eye, in the collar bone, and in the leg—become the basis of fictitious fabrications entered into the biographical tradition and accepted as elements of Philip's ‘life’. A diachronic analysis of the complete literary testimonia which convey information concerning these traumata attempts to determine when and how the biographical facts were altered and embellished over the centuries following Philip's death. Since the stunning discovery by Andronicos at Vergina in 1977 of the tomb designated Royal Tomb II, identified by the excavator as the tomb of Philip II, considerable interest has been focused on the wounds of Philip II in linking items recovered from the tomb and the physical remains of the male decedent with the great king of Macedon. A diachronic review of the literary traditions regarding Philip's injuries, useful to those arguing the identification of the occupant of Royal Tomb II, reveals a great deal about ancient biographical practices. Particularly in the case of the blinding wound to Philip's right eye, it is evident that the facts are very soon obscured by an overlay of fictitious embellishments, frequently amusing, which were created to heighten interest in an occurrence of lasting impact on Philip and became stock items in his βίος.
The Ideology of Genocide
Authors: Des Forges Alison
Published: May 2006

Mobilizing thousands of Rwandans to slaughter tens of thousands of others required effective organization. Far from the “Failed State” syndrome that appears to plague some parts of Africa, Rwanda was too successful as a state. Extremists used its administrative apparatus, its military, and its party organizations to carry out a “cottage-industry” genocide that reached out to all levels of the population and produced between five hundred thousand and one million victims. Those with state power used their authority to force action from those reluctant to kill. They also offered attractive incentives to people who are very poor, giving license to loot and promising them the land and businesses of the victims. In some cases, local officials even decided ahead of time the disposition of the most attractive items of movable property. Everyone knew who had a refrigerator, a plush sofa, a radio, and assailants were guaranteed their rewards before attacking. But even with the powerful levers of threat and bribe, officials could not have succeeded so well had people not been prepared to hate and fear the Tutsi.
The 1999 Presidential Elections in Nigeria: The Unresolved Issues
Authors: Ihonvbere Julius O.
Published: May 2006

One can say with certainty that all the contradictions that had bedeviled previous democratic experiments in Nigeria were present and magnified in the February 27, 1999 election: divided loyalties, manipulation of primordial identities and loyalties, corruption and other election malpractices, lack of political discipline, and limited attention to serious structural questions.

Why did Chief Olu Falae lose the election to General Olusegun Obasanjo? Several reasons can be advanced. First, Obasanjo’s People’s Democratic Party (PDP) clearly had more money. Obasanjo was able to donate N 130 million and several cars to his party.
Trajan's First Dacian War
Authors: Davies G. A. T.
Published: May 2006

In the early summer of 1914. I undertook to perpare for the Journal of Roman Studies an abstract of a paper read at a meeting of the Roman Society in the March of that year on the subject of Trajan's second Dacian campaign in A.D. 102. This manuscript was sent from Munich in the last fateful days of that July, and for obvious reasons never came to hand. The sketch which follows should be regarded as merely an outline of this abstract.
Asia Minor, 1924.: II.—Monuments from Cotiaeum
Authors: Buckler W. H. , Calder W. M. , Cox C. W. M.
Published: May 2006

The objects here described were seen at Kutahia in June, 1924; too often, owing to their situation, no photograph could be taken by us, and in such cases we have tried as best we could to represent them by measured drawings; the interest and variety of their designs makes it desirable that before they disappear they should all be adequately photographed. For the notes on nos. 128, 161–168 Buckler is responsible, for those on nos. 125, 150–155 Calder, and for the remainder Cox; but we are all three indebted to each other and especially to Dr. Josef Keil, who placed the resources both of the Austrian Archaeological Institute and of his own learning at the disposal of Cox during the winters of 1924–1925 and 1925–1926.
Another note on the Vandal occupation of Hippo Regius
Authors: Dennis Holmes V. M.
Published: May 2006

It is usually held that Hippo Regius, after successfully resisting a siege by the Vandals in 430–1 A.D., was abandoned by its inhabitants and burned by the invaders, and that it was afterwards reoccupied by the Romans. There are, however, certain difficulties involved in the acceptance of this view, which is based on the following passage in the Life of St. Augustine by Possidius: ‘Of the innumerable churches he [St. Augustine] saw only three survive, namely those of Carthage, Hippo and Cirta, which by God's favor were not demolished. These cities too still stand, protected by human and divine aid, although after Augustine's death the city of Hippo, abandoned by its inhabitants, was burned by the enemy.’

In The Journal of Roman Studies (vol. xiv, pp. 257–8), Mr. E. C. Howard published ‘A Note on the Vandal Occupation of Hippo Regius’, in which he suggests that ‘Hippo,’ in the passage quoted above, refers not to Hippo Regius, now Bona, but to Hippo Diarrhytus (or Zarytus), now Bizerta. That his suggestion is impossible will be shown below. But first, in order to facilitate an understanding of the whole question, it will be necessary to review briefly certain portions of the history of the period, to state the problem, and to outline Mr. Howard's arguments.
A note on the promotion of the centurions
Authors: Parker H. M. D.
Published: May 2006

When the cohort took the place of the maniple as the tactical unit of the Roman army, the legion was divided into ten cohorts, each of which contained six centuries. Each century was commanded by a centurion, and these officers were classified as pili, principes and hastati in such a way that there were two centurions of each grade, distinguished as prior and posterior, in each cohort. These names originally referred to the three lines of maniples in the acies, and their retention as titles for the centurions, when their former significance had become obsolete, suggests that it was a convenient way of denoting seniority. It is of interest to try and discover on what principle promotions were made.
Tesserae gladiatoriae sive nummulariae
Authors: Cary M.
Published: May 2006

What was the purpose of the small bone tags, mostly found near Rome, with legends usually containing the following elements: (i) a name in the nominative; (ii) a name in the genitive; (iii) ‘sp.,’ ‘spectavit’ or ‘spectat. num.’; (iv) a date specifying the day, month and year?
The troops quartered in the Castra Peregrinorum
Authors: Reynolds P. K. Baillie
Published: May 2006

New light has been thrown during the last year on the question of the date of the Castra Peregrinorum owing to the discovery, by French excavators in Tunis, of an inscription of the reign of Trajan, wherein a Princeps Peregrinorum is mentioned. In view of this fresh evidence, it seems desirable to complete the account of the remains of the Castra Peregrinorum itself by re-assembling all that is known about the body of troops quartered in those barracks.
Topography and the Trajan Column
Authors: Davies G. A. T.
Published: May 2006

The opinion of those historians and archaeologists who regard with scepticism or incredulity the possibility of extracting from the reliefs of the Trajan Column at Rome a continuous and detailed narrative of the Dacian wars of that Emperor has not been developed, so far as I know, in any reasoned and elaborate argument. Their general statements and obiter dicta represent one of two distinct points of view (though occasionally confusion of thought leads to a ‘contamination’), the first, that although we have in the reliefs a repertory of Roman warfare of inestimable value, yet since the pictures there chiselled stand for little more than conventional scenes of Roman frontier warfare, all or almost all exactitude of historical narration is entirely to seek. The second view concedes that the reliefs were designed to be an historical record of the Dacian wars, but contests the possibility, or lays deterrent stress on the difficulty, of winning from their study any results of historical value. It reminds us further how freely oblivion has scattered her poppy over the vast contemporary literature of these wars, leaving us with little more than the ‘glimmerings of an abridgment.’ This view, in short, may be regarded as pithily summarised in Benndorf's description of the reliefs as a ‘book with seven seals.’
Two Roman Hoards of Coins from Egypt
Authors: Milne J. G.
Published: May 2006

The two hoards of fourth-century Roman bronze coins here described were obtained in Egypt by Professor Petrie: and, as they cover a period on which not much work has been done, a detailed account of their contents may be of value.

The classification adopted is by means of reverse types and mints. It does not seem necessary to refer at length to the obverse types, which exhibit little variation in most reigns concerned: any points of interest are mentioned in the notes prefixed to each list. The types are arranged in what appears to be their chronological order: the earlier issues, mainly of Constantinus I and his sons, which are represented only by stray specimens, are grouped together.
A note on two Roman sepulchral reliefs
Authors: Strong S. Arthur
Published: May 2006

Few people probably have noticed a Roman sepulchral slab with the portrait-busts of a man and a woman (plate XXIV), which is embedded in the wall of the Hall of Busts at the British Museum, just above two portraits of Tiberius (nos. 1830, 1881). It was transferred to its present more dignified position within the last five years, after a period of inglorious seclusion in one of the museum basements. The only modern publication of it appears to be that in a little book called Römische Kultur im Bilde, by Dr. Hans Lamer, published at Leipzig in 1910. His plate (no. cxxviii) is taken from a photograph, the source of which is said to be unknown.
The Augustan Palatium
Authors: Richmond O. L.
Published: May 2006

The following paper attempts to fix the position of the house or houses of Augustus on the Palatine and of the temple of Apollo Palatinus. In the enquiries which led up to it, I have to acknowledge effectual help from Miss E. Van Deman, Dr. T. Ashby, Mrs. Strong, Mr. H. Stuart Jones, Professor Giovanni Pinza, author of a theory from which I have appropriated much, and last, but not least, Commendatore Boni and his assistants. Sr. Moggi, Mr. F. G. Newton, and Mr. J. W. Rodger of Cardiff have contributed the plans which accompany this paper.
Roman and Native Remains in Caledonia
Authors: Curle James
Published: May 2006

The written history of the Roman operations in Caledonia is incomplete and shadowy. In the Agricola the legions march across the stage fighting victoriously, but the natives, except in the battle of Mons Graupius, hardly emerge from the forests and the marshes. In recent years not a little has been done to shed clearer light on the Roman campaigns. Roads have been traced, remains of forts have been recovered and laid bare, periods of occupation have been worked out, and the collection of relics becomes daily larger and of greater importance. Looking over the material which has been gathered together in the past ten years, the question naturally suggests itself: has the investigation of Roman sites in Scotland resulted in any corresponding increase in our knowledge of the native population against whom these campaigns were directed? To this, it seems, the answer must be in the affirmative.
Military forces in the senatorial provinces
Authors: Ritterling E.
Published: May 2006

The commentary on the notable inscription of Hadrian's time from Ishekli (J.R.S. xvi, 1926, p. 74, no. 201) does not, it would seem, give adequate consideration to the fact that under the Empire permanent military garrisons were regularly stationed even in proconsular provinces administered by the Senate, although such garrisons consisted of no more than one or several auxiliary regiments. A few instances that I happen to have at hand may be mentioned here by way of illustration.
Ancient Italy and Modern Borneo: a Study in Comparative Culture
Authors: Fowler W. Warde
Published: May 2006

The valuable work of Messrs. Hose & McDougall on the ‘Pagan Tribes of Borneo“ was published in 1912, and contains an account of the methods of divination practised by some of these peoples. In compiling it the authors had been led to consult Smith's Dictionary of Classical Antiquities, so striking did the parallelism appear between the augural practices of Borneo and those of ancient Italy. And they were not mistaken; the parallelism is even stronger than they suspected, and induced me to write a notice of the book in the Journal of Roman Studies, in order to call the attention of students to the subject. Since then I have again gone carefully through the work, and noted a number of other points in which the habits of the one people remind me of the other. It seems worth while to bring these together.
Niall ‘of the Nine Hostages’ in connexion with the treasures of Traprain Law and Ballinrees, and the destruction of Wroxeter, Chester, Caerleon and Caerwent
Authors: Ridgeway William
Published: May 2006

In 1914 the Scottish Antiquaries began excavations on the hill of Traprain Law, 20 miles E. of Edinburgh, about 2 miles from the sea and overlooking the Firth of Forth. Here in 1919 was made one of the most notable discoveries ever known in Britain, the hoard of Roman silver plate, now in the National Scottish Museum, and admirably described by Mr. Alex. Curle, Director of the Royal Scottish Museum. There are remains of 10 flagons or flasks, 5 wine cups, 50 bowls, deep and shallow, 22 flat circular dishes, 6 square dishes, 5 cylindrical vessels, 9 spoons, a wine strainer, part of a funnel, 2 lids, a toilet box, 2 handles in animal forms, etc., packets of cut-up pieces ready for smelting [or to pass by weight as money ?], a fibula, 2 buckles, a hand-mirror, an earring, and 4 silver coins—one each of Valens (364-78) and Valentinian II (379-93), and 2 of Honorius (395-423). These last named ‘were in good condition,’ and it was therefore evident that the deposit was made in the reign of Honorius ‘probably in the commencement of the fifth century, or at least shortly thereafter.’
Seviri Equitum Romanorumand municipalSeviri: A Study in Pre-Military Training among the Romans
Authors: Taylor Lily Ross
Published: May 2006

Thepompa circensis, the solemn procession that marched to the Circus Maximus on the occasion of theludi magni, was headed by the boys and young men of the state, those whose fathers had thecensus equestergoing on horseback and the others on foot. The object of the procession was, Dionysius says, depending on Fabius for his account, to show to strangers how numerous and powerful were the youths about to come to man's estate. The martial ceremony must have been a stirring preparation for the military service that in early times was the duty of every Roman citizen. There was further preparation for such service at Rome. Cicero tells us that in former times, for a year after the taking of thetoga virilis, the youngtirowas trained at Rome inexercitatio ludusque campestris. This preliminary training was restored for the young noble by Augustus who felt its importance as a preparation for the military service insisted upon for all who sought political preferment. Indeed, the oldtirocinium, as Rostovtzeff has shown, seems to have been lengthened from one to two years.
The Aes Grave of Central Italy
Authors: Milne J. G.
Published: May 2006

The legendary nature of early Roman history as given by the writers of the Augustan age has been generally recognised; but, rather curiously, this recognition has not been applied to the consideration of the Italian and Roman monetary systems. The result is that even in the monumental work of Haeberlin on the aes grave the, chronological arrangement has been hopelessly confused by what is virtually an antedating of the predominance of Roman influence in Italy. There are doubtless kernels of truth in some of the traditions, such as the account given by Pliny of the origin of Roman currency, which was presumably an article of popular belief at Rome in his time: but a sharp distinction must be drawn between such traditions and the details which he and Livy give about the developments of money and circulation in the period for which they could find documentary evidence.
High Priests and Macedoniarchs from Beroea
Authors: Cormack J. M. R.
Published: May 2006

I. Beroea, in the church of ἡ Μακρὴ Kυριώτισσα, a marble plaque acting as a window sill within the ἱερόν. The plaque has been built into the structure of the church in such a way that the lower half of the inscription is now beyond recovery, while the upper half which projects has in its present position to be read upside down. To this fortunate accident of choice on the part of the builder we owe the preservation of the upper and, no doubt more important part of one of the most interesting inscriptions relating to the Macedonian Koinon yet reported. The inscribed surface is surrounded by a well-cut moulding varying in width from 0·085 to 0·10 m.
Roman Registers of Births and Birth Certificates
Authors: Schulz Fritz
Published: May 2006

5. After the praescriptio there followed the entries in chronological order, each entry under the date on which the professio had been made. Sometimes of course several professiones were recorded under one date, viz. whenever several professiones had been made on the same day. Sometimes each date seems to have had a progressive number, for in no. 5 we read the quotation loco XV, IIII Idus Iunias.
An Exchange-Currency of Magna Graecia
Authors: Milne J. G.
Published: May 2006

Amongst the coins bequeathed by Sir Arthur Evans to the Ashmolean Museum there were, in addition to the extensive series of late Roman currencies and their derivatives, on which he had been working for some years, many others of various groups which he had acquired and put aside as raising points of interest or requiring further investigation. From time to time he brought such coins down to the Museum and discussed them; and one of them may serve not only as a text for this paper, but as an illustration of his keen outlook in wide fields of archaeology. There is a well-known class of Tarentine coins which have as their obverse type the head of a nymph, in this resembling the coins of Neapolis, instead of the normal Tarentine type of Taras on a dolphin : they are struck on the standard, not of Tarentum, but of the cities on the west coast of Magna Graecia; and Evans adopted the view that they had been intended for circulation alongside of the Neapolitan coins in Campania. As no specimens of this class were found in the Beneventan hoard, buried probably about 310 B.C. in the district where they might have been expected to occur, he also concluded that they originated after that date, although he recognised that, so far as style is concerned, some of them might have been struck earlier. But the coin mentioned above, which is illustrated on Plate ii, 1, 2, doubtless suggested to him that his conclusions might require revision in some details : the types are those illustrated on Plate vii, 13, of his ‘Horsemen’ of Tarentum, except that the nymph's head is turned to the right instead of to the left; but by the head are. the letters BP ET, which indicate that the nymph represented was one known in Bruttium, not Parthenope of Neapolis, and therefore the objective of the coins was more likely to be the toe of Italy rather than Campania. If this is accepted, the absence of examples from the Beneventan hoard does not really affect the question of the date of the series, since Beneventum is well outside the area in which they were designed to circulate; and thus the consideration of style becomes more important for dating purposes.
Another Interpretation of the ‘Constitutio Antoniniana’
Authors: Jones A. H. M.
Published: May 2006

Much has been written on the ‘Constitutio Antoniniana,’ especially since the publication of Papyrus Giessen 40, but very little in English. It may therefore be useful if, before I state my own views on the subject, I briefly summarise the main stages of the controversy up to the point which it has hitherto reached.
The Genius of Mithraism
Authors: Nock Arthur Darby
Published: May 2006

Since Sir Henry Stuart Jones has included Mithraism among his many interests, it seems appropriate to offer to him on this occasion some remarks on its general significance. No phenomenon in Imperial paganism has attracted as much attention, and this is natural.

Virtus, Albine, est pretium persolvere verum

quis in versamur, quis vivimus rebus, potesse.

Let us make another provisional attempt to determine the pretium verum of Mithraism.

We see in it something of eastern worship detached from its native content and developed in a new milieu; apparently it had no oecumenical organization; certainly it tolerated other gods, and lent itself to an unchecked local diversification of forms. In all these respects it was essentially on a par with the other ‘oriental religions in Roman paganism.’ Nevertheless, it differed from them in various significant ways. The normal exclusion of women and the moral demands made of the initiate have often been remarked; but that is not all.
A Note on Suetonius, Divus Julius 56, 6
Authors: Roberts C. H.
Published: May 2006

‘Epistulae quoque ejus ad senatum extant, quas primum videtur ad paginas et formam memorialis libelli convertisse, cum antea consules et duces non nisi transversa charta scriptas mitterent.’ The form that Caesar used in writing his dispatches to the Senate is still a matter of dispute: the object of this note is to suggest that an old interpretation of this passage, to be found implicit in Lewis and Short's Latin Dictionary, s.v. ‘libellus,’ has more in its favour than recent critics have admitted and to claim for the papyrus codex, or rather for a crude precursor of that form, an antiquity reaching back to the middle of the first century B.C. The sentence in question occurs towards the end of the chapter, after the description of the literary works and before that of the private papers; consequently the position of the sentence does little to support Sir F. G. Kenyon's view that ‘the point of the passage must be that Caesar's dispatches to the Senate were in such a form that they could be enumerated among his literary works.’ The obvious meaning of the passage is that, of the contrasted methods described by ‘transversa charta’ and ‘paginas et formam memorialis libelli,’ Caesar was the first to adopt the latter in official correspondence.
The Decorated Work of the Potter Bvtrio
Authors: Oswald Felix
Published: May 2006

In the study of decorated Terra Sigillata from a chronological point of view the work of the potter Butrio occupies an important place, for it is not only typical of the Trajanic period, especially of the decade of A.D. 110–120, but in many respects the style is transitional between the characteristics of Flavian and Hadrian-Antonine potters. Most of Butrio's figure-types reveal (as will be shown) a close association with Libertus on the one hand, both potters using many types in common; whilst on the other hand the Hadrianic potters of Blickweiler and the Hadrian-Antonine potter Paternus of Lezoux have in turn utilised figure-types occurring on the bowls of Butrio. In fact, out of 97 figure-types known to have been used by Butrio, as many as 49 occur on bowls signed by Libertus.
Poseidonios on Problems of the Roman Empire
Authors: Strasburger Hermann
Published: May 2006

On the life of Poseidonios there is but little reliable information elucidating the theme of this paper. The probable years of his birth and death are 135 and 51 B.C. About his background nothing is known except that Apameia in Syria was his place of origin. In view of the mixed population of that country one might surmise the presence of non-Hellenic ethnical components in his ancestry, but nothing is known about this. He was a disciple of the stoic philosopher Panaitios of Rhodes, probably at Athens; afterwards he became himself the head of the stoic school in Rhodes, where he must have acquired the citizenship, for he acted as a magistrate (‘prytanis’) and as an ambassador of the city. Strabo's praise of the exemplary social-welfare work at Rhodes (14, 653) seems to be derived from Poseidonios; in any case it is characteristic of Poseidonios' interest in social problems (see below p. 48).
A Synnadic Copy of the Edict of Diocletian
Authors: Macpherson I. W.
Published: May 2006

Among a number of inscriptions which I recorded in Turkey in 1950–1951, while travelling as Wilson Fellow of the University of Aberdeen, is the following fragment of the Edict of Diocletian. Brought as long ago as 1937 from Ṣuhut ( = Soǧut Kassaba, Synnada) to the museum at Afyonkarahisar, it is, so far as I am aware, hitherto unpublished. The stone, of white marble, (H. 0.358 m.; W. 0.9; Th. 0.15), was re-used by Byzantine builders, whose diamond-and-circle decoration on the top, and channelling on the underside can be clearly seen. The stone, pitted in places, is broken at the edges, as indicated in the transcription. The inscription (pl. x, 1) is irregularly, sometimes carelessly, but clearly cut in letters 0.013 to 0.02 high, which vary considerably in slope.
The Shrine of St. Peter and its Setting
Authors: Toynbee J. M. C.
Published: May 2006

This brief and summary survey of a large and complicated problem falls into three main parts: (I) Prolegomena, or general considerations; (2) remarks on the topography and history of the Vatican zone in ancient times; (3) an account of the pre-Constantinian shrine of St. Peter beneath the high altar of the Vatican Basilica.
Consulates in Absence
Authors: Syme Ronald
Published: May 2006

Whatever the devices that operated or the forms and pageantry on public show, access to the consulate was carefully regulated by the Caesars from the beginning. History discloses no sign of any senator reaching the fasces against the will and wish of Caesar Augustus. If later writers speak of the ruler as having ‘given the consulate’, it is an abbreviation rather than a misconception.
Some Aspects of Roman Marriage Ceremonies and Ideals
Authors: Williams Gordon
Published: May 2006

In the first part of this paper, I have tried, by an examination of certain words, the ways in which they are used, their tone, and the contexts in which they occur, to infer some unknown details of earlier Roman marriage ceremonies. In the second part, I have tried to suggest solutions to two unsolved problems in Latin literature, making use of ideas from the first part and tracing further the history of certain Roman ideals of marriage, which seem immediately relevant to the solution of these problems.
A Cypriot Oath of Allegiance to Tiberius
Authors: Mitford T. B.
Published: May 2006

My friend Mr. M. R. Popham, of the Government of Cyprus, was kind enough to inform me in a letter dated 9th July, 1959, of his discovery in the village of Nikoklia, some 2 km. to the north of Kouklia, site of the ancient Palaipaphos, of this important inscription.

A slab of fine white marble, 0·545 m. high, 0·605 m. wide, and 0·08 m. thick (pl. x), found during the spring of 1959 in the renovation of a floor of the village church and removed on 3rd May to the Epigraphic Museum at Kouklia: undoubtedly transported from the famous site of the Aphrodite temple of Palaipaphos, the source of so many inscriptions alike of Ptolemaic and of Roman date, it has thus now been restored approximately to the place from which it came. The stone preserves original surfaces above, to right and left, but below it is broken away.
Capitatio and Iugatio
Authors: Jones A. H. M.
Published: May 2006

Among the many fields of Roman history which Mr. Last has illuminated the later Roman Empire is not the least, and it was he who first encouraged me to embark on its study. I hope, therefore, that he will accept this contribution to the volume dedicated to his honour both as testimony to the wide range of his interests and as a token of personal gratitude.

The problem of capitatio and iugatio has provoked much controversy and many ingenious theories have been propounded for its solution. In the limited space available it would have been impossible to traverse these theories in detail, and I have therefore thought it best simply to set out the evidence and to see how much can be deduced from it. Two general points must be premised. First, the accurate use of technical terms is not to be expected from the draftsmen of the Codes.
A Fable Recovered
Authors: Roberts C. H.
Published: May 2006

Under the title ‘Bilingual Document’ H. A. Sanders published in 1947 a small text written on the verso of a piece of papyrus in a cursive hand, consisting of three lines of Latin followed by eleven of Greek, all incomplete. On the recto was a Latin legal text, probably a record of court proceedings, ascribed to the late first or early second century A.D. It was natural to assume, as Sanders does, that the text on the verso was also legal, the more so as a combination of Greek and Latin is not uncommon in records of judicial proceedings, especially in the late third or early fourth century A.D.
Correction
Authors: Skutsch O.
Published: May 2006

I wish to apologize to the readers of this Journal and above all to my friend Professor Fordyce for an unfair statement in my review of his Catullus (JRS LIII, 246). In his comment on poem 66 he does not make it entirely clear that the Callimachean poem of the Oxyrhyncus papyrus is not the version translated by Catullus : but the fact that two versions existed and that Catullus translated the later version as incorporated in the Aitia is, of course, stated in the introductory comment on the poem. I very much regret that what ought to have been no more than a passing reference to an ambiguity arising from compression was turned by me into a charge of serious omission.
Cicero the Historian and Cicero the Antiquarian
Authors: Rawson Elizabeth
Published: May 2006

Cicero's views on history and historians, and his general conceptions of the past, have received a good deal of attention—some, most recently, in Rambaud's short bookCicéron et l' Histoire Romaine; but his historical practice has had less consideration. True, practically every passage in which he refers to an event of the past has been somewhere thoroughly elucidated, and the sources to which he turned in any particular work have been investigated by a crowd of commentators. But the general accounts of Cicero's knowledge of and relation to the historiographical tradition of his time are either antiquated or disappointing, and estimates of Cicero's scholarship range from the enthusiastic admiration displayed, but hardly justified, by most recent writers, to the contempt of older ones, most extravagantly Münzer, who stigmatized theDe senectuteas a historical fantasy, or Zingler, who even accused Cicero of inventing hisexempla. The subject is important both for Cicero's own sake, and in order to throw light on the historiographical standards and activities of his time. Advance can perhaps be made by distinguishing more carefully than has usually been done between the kinds of approach that he made to different types of historical subject at different stages in his career and in different literary genres.
Summi fastigii vocabulum: the Story of a Title
Authors: Lacey W. K.
Published: May 2006

Tacitus described tribunician power (tribunicia potestas, trib. pot. hereafter) as the title of the highest pinnacle (sc. of power) in the Roman world (summi fastigii vocabulum), and Augustus counted his years of trib. pot. from 23 B.C. So much may be stated with confidence and without dispute. In 23 B.C. however trib. pot. was introduced quietly, so quietly that the exact date of the law by which it was conferred (if it was conferred in 23 B.C.) is unknown; and the title itself made so little impact on contemporary opinion that the reaction of the common people of Rome, for whose protection Tacitus says Augustus took the power, was negative—so negative that they spent the next five years trying to re-elect Augustus to the consulate which he had resigned at or about the time that the era of trib. pot. began. We must conclude that the conferment of trib. pot. (if there was any ceremony at all in 23 B.C.) was not made the subject of a great celebration designed to win popular acclaim for this new institution (if it was a new one), nor was it immediately advertised widely as a new formula for the government of the Roman world.
The Victories of Augustus
Authors: Barnes T. D.
Published: May 2006

‘Appellatus sum vicies et semel imperator.’ So theRes Gestaeof Augustus declare (4,1), and they are echoed by two historical writers (Tacitus,Ann.i, 9, 2; Dio lii, 41, 4). The emperor received the last fourteen of these imperatorial acclamations after he acquired the title of Augustus (16 January 27 B.C.), and their dates have long been recognized to provide valuable clues towards constructing a full military narrative of his reign. In his commentary on theRes Gestae, Theodor Mommsen was able to identify the date and occasion of most of the salutations to the satisfaction of subsequent investigators. Nevertheless, both greater chronological precision and something more important may emerge from a new examination of all the evidence now available.
The Presentation and Dedication of the Silvae and the Epigrams
Authors: White Peter
Published: May 2006

In this paper I wish to discuss the evidence of certain pragmatic calculations in Martial's Epigrams and Statius' Silvae, prescinding entirely from whatever literary qualities this kind of poetry may have. Specifically, the paper is concerned with the problem of presentation, and it has two parts. Part I argues that the poets' published books represent only the last and least important means of presenting poems to patrons, and collects evidence for the ways in which the poems were primarily communicated, via recitation, impromptu performance, and private brochure. Discussion of a special form of presentation, the book-dedication, is reserved for Part II. After attempting to redefine the status of the dedication in an ancient book, I will explore a contrast that is apparent between Martial's procedure and Statius'.
The Western Part of the Via Egnatia
Authors: Hammond N. G. L.
Published: May 2006

This article arises from a visit to Albania in September 1972, when I travelled up and down the valley of the Shkumbi river, and from recent discoveries by Albanian archaeologists which have been reported in Albanian periodicals, Monumentet 1971, i, 43–59, and ii, 25–35, and Studia Albanica 1972, i, 85–106. The new evidence has confirmed some views and overthrown others which I put forward in A History of Macedonia i (1972), 19 f., based as they inevitably were on the reports of Pouqueville and other travellers down to Praschniker and Schober. I have now seen part of the scene for myself and have had the advantage of conversations with the discoverers themselves, Hasan Ceka, his son Neritan Ceka and Llazar Papajani, to whom I am most grateful. The new evidence is in Section A 1–3 of the article, and some conclusions are given in Section B.
True History and False History in Classical Antiquity
Authors: Gabba Emilio
Published: May 2006

Like all works of literature, works of history end up sooner or later with a readership quite different from that envisaged or hoped for by their authors. A subtle and polemical work such asThe Gallic Warof Caesar has become a standard text for teaching Latin in the early years of secondary education, as have the tender and sophisticated elegies of Tibullus and Propertius. In Italy, the unpopularity of ‘The Betrothed’ by A. Manzoni, a finely ironical and difficult but rewarding novel, is the result of the distaste or boredom experienced by children forced to read it at school.

A similar fate has dogged Thucydides. As T. P. Wiseman has recently emphasized, Thucydides and Polybius, precisely because their historical method is close to our own, are regarded as the paradigms against which to judge ancient historical writing—quite wrongly. In fact they are untypical and exceptional; and one has moreover to ask to what extent they were even properly understood in antiquity. In a famous chapter near the beginning of his work (1. 22. 4), Thucydides proudly distances it from that of Herodotus, though without naming him: his own history is not designed for passing appreciation, but is to be of permanent value. Because human nature is always the same, a critical record of past events will present analogies and resemblances when compared with future developments. Knowledge of the past is thus useful, because it improves ones judgment and understanding and even suggests how to behave in situations in which one may find oneself.
The World of the Golden Ass
Authors: Millar Fergus
Published: May 2006

Those who study and teach the history of the Ancient World suffer from a great disadvantage, which we find difficult to admit even to ourselves: in a perfectly literal sense we do not know what we are talking about. Of course we can dispose of a vast range of accumulated knowledge about what we are talking about. We can compile lists of officeholders in the Roman Empire, without our evidence revealing how government worked or even whether it made any impact at all on the ordinary person; we can discuss the statuses of cities and look at the archaeological remains of some of them (or rather some parts of some of them) without having any notion of their social and economic functions, or of whether it made any real difference whether an inhabitant of the Roman provinces lived in a small city or a large village.
Roman Inscriptions 1976–80
Authors: Reynolds Joyce , Beard Mary , Duncan-Jones Richard , Roueché Charlotte
Published: May 2006

This survey of developments in Roman Epigraphy is innovatory in being the work of a team, whose range of interests should ensure the inclusion of a wider variety of texts than heretofore. We have all made some contribution, larger or smaller, to most sections, but, in the last resort, each section represents a personal choice by its writer. It may help the reader, therefore, to know that sections I and II are by Joyce Reynolds, III, VII, part of IX, and XI by Mary Beard, IV, V, VI and part of IX by Richard Duncan-Jones, and VIII and X by Charlotte Roueché.
The Ager Cosanus and the Production of the Amphorae of Sestius: New Evidence and a Reassessment
Authors: Manacorda Daniele
Published: May 2006

This article arises from the current programme of excavation and survey of the Ager Cosanus and, in particular, of the Late-Republican villa of Settefinestre. The villa stands on a hill in the hinterland close to Cosa beside the line of the road which ran from the statio of Succosa, on the Via Aurelia, towards Saturnia. This villa is the most substantial and best preserved of a number of farms scattered over the district, all similar in plan and architectural features. The structural remains of some of these are still clearly visible: namely, the villa of Casale della Provinca which stands immediately to the north of Poggio di Malabarba, and the villa of Sughereto di Ballantino (or Valle d'Oro) which stands a few metres from the Via Aurelia opposite Succosa. Other visible remains, although clearly recognizable as villas, are in a worse state of preservation and do not allow any reasonably accurate reconstruction of their plan to be made.
TheCursus Honorumof M. Hirrius Fronto Neratius Pansa
Authors: Torelli Mario
Published: May 2006

Eleven fragments of the monumental inscription here discussed were found at Saepinum during excavations carried out over many years by the Soprintendente alle Antichità degli Abruzzi, Professor Valerio Cianfarani. My best thanks are due to Professor Cianfarani for his exceptional generosity in making the epigraphic material in his care available to Dr. A. La Regina and myself for our work on theSupplementumofCILIX. The inscription, carved on slabs of Luni marble, in all probability belonged to a building in the forum, perhaps the Basilica. The fragments were obviously re-used at a later stage as paving slabs: they may be arranged to form four unconnected portions (Fragments A–D) of a senatorialcursusof Imperial date relating to one M. Hirrius Fronto Neratius Pansa, known to us hitherto only from fragmentary and uncertain references. Previously, in fact, we only knew of him as consular legate of Cappadocia and Galatia between 77/78 and 79/80; what appear to be indirect references to his consulship are also found in an inscription from Lugdunensis and in a graffito from Pompeii.
Cyrenaican Funerary Portraits in Malta
Authors: Bonanno A.
Published: May 2006

The Museum Department of Malta possesses among its rich collection of antiquities, both local and foreign, a set of six portraits which should be appended to the remarkable series of Cyrenaican funerary busts studied and published by Miss Elizabeth Rosenbaum. Four of these busts (I–IV) are exhibited among the sculptures in the ‘Roman Villa’ Museum at Rabat and the other two (V and VI) are stored in the basement of the National Museum in Valletta.

It is not in the least surprising that Miss Rosenbaum omitted these busts in her otherwise most comprehensive catalogue of Cyrenaican portraits, which included those scattered in various European collections. The reason for this omission is that these sculptures have either been classified incorrectly or never published. The first to publish four of these portraits (I–IV) was Thomas Ashby, who gave only a short description of them without attempting a typological classification; he even called one ‘a little Phoenician in character’ and another ‘rather Etruscan-looking’. Shortly after, T. Zammit repeated, almost verbatim, Ashby's captions for I, II and IV, while omitting III.
The Enigmatic Sospes
Authors: Syme Ronald
Published: May 2006

Inscriptions found at Pisidian Antioch disclose the careers of several senators. They afford various instruction, the prime specimen being ‘] P.f. Stel. Sospes’. The stone was discovered by Hamilton, and it will be a suitable tribute to epigraphists if one reproduces the copy made by the careful and exemplary Sterrett.

P·F·STEL·SOS

TI·FETIALI·LEG·AVG

PRO·PR·PROVINC·GAL

PISID·PHRYG·LVC·ISAVR·

PAPHLAG·PONTI·GALA

PONTI·POLEMONIANI

ARM·LEG·LEG·XIII·GEM

DONAT·DON·MILITARIB

EXPEDIT·SVEBIC·ET·SARM

COR·MVR·COR·VALL·COR

AVR·HAST·PVR·TRIB·VE

XILL·TRIB·CVRAT·COLO

NIOR·ET·MVNICIPIOR·PRAE

FRVM·DAND·EX·S·C·PRAETOR

AED·CVRVL·Q·CRET·ET·C

TRIB·LEG·XXIII·PRIMIGEN

IIIVIR·A·A·A·FF·

THIASVS·LIB

The document touches large fields of imperial history, not mere dates and detail in the record of a single senator. Hence abundant debate, and it goes on. Economy and clarity counsel a direct approach to the text. The last two posts held by Sospes offer some prospect of precision.
Lex de Imperio Vespasiani
Authors: Brunt P. A.
Published: May 2006

Few Roman documents have been more discussed than the great bronze tablet which Cola di Rienzo discovered and erected in the Church of St. John Lateran, and which preserves the latter part of a grant of powers made to Vespasian by senate and people. Does it relate to his tribunician power or to his imperium, or does it merely confer on him supplementary rights? Is the grant tralatician in character, or is it specifically designed to enlarge, or to limit, the imperial power of Vespasian? Does it explain the later juristic doctrines that the emperor could himself make law and was not bound to obey the existing laws? I shall argue that the document preserves part of the senatus consultum passed when Vespasian was first recognized at Rome in December 69; that with one possible exception in the final clause it is tralatician, probably going back to A.D. 37 but incorporating additional prerogatives conferred on Claudius and emperors between Claudius and Vespasian (Part I); and that it is indeed the basis of the juristic doctrines mentioned (Part II). A few remarks are appended on its relevance to the political theory by which imperial autocracy could be justified (Part III).
The Ambitions of Quintus Cicero
Authors: Wiseman T. P.
Published: May 2006

It was in January or February of 54 B.C., to judge by his brother's extant letters, that Quintus Cicero left for Gaul to serve as a legatus in Caesar's army. By June he was already wondering whether or not to return. Cicero urbanely replied to him late in July (QF II, 15. 2–3):

‘Verum attende nunc, mi optime et suavissime frater, ad ea dum rescribo quae tu in hac eadem brevi epistula πραγματικѽς valde scripsisti. De quo petis ut ad te nihil occultans, nihil dissimulans, nihil tibi indulgens ingenue fraterneque rescribam, id est, utrum voles, ut dixeramus,  ad expediendum te, si causa sit, commorere. Si, mi Quinte, parva aliqua res esset in qua sciscitarere quid vellem, tamen, cum tibi permissurus essem ut faceres quod velles, ego ipse quid vellem ostenderem; in hac vero re hoc profecto quaeris, cuius modi illum annum qui sequitur exspectem. Plane aut tranquillum nobis aut certe munitissimum … [he goes on to refer to his own popularity, the gratia of Caesar and Pompey, and Clodius' powerlessness] … Haec ita sentio, iudico, ad te explorate scribo; dubitare te non adsentatorie sed fraterne veto. Qua re suavitatem equidem nostrae fruendae causa cuperem te ad id tempus venire quod dixeras, sed illud malo tamen quod putas magis e 〈re〉 tua; illa enim magni aestimo, ἀμφιλαφίαν illam tuam et explicationem debitorum tuorum …’
Gibbon Observed
Authors: Ghosh P. R.
Published: May 2006

The preliminary aim of this paper is documentary: to clarify and confirm the dating of Gibbon's famous essay ‘General Observations on the Fall of the Roman Empire in the West’. According to a new view, this essay may reasonably be read as if it were written in the early months of 1780. The obvious objection to this position is that, in a now familiar passage from his Memoirs, Gibbon explicitly assures us that the ‘General Observations’ were written before 1774, and thus in all probability before 1773, when he began writing his History. I argue that we should believe what Gibbon tells us. But though the discussion originates in the dry terrain of dates, important interpretative consequences follow. These stem from the interest of the ‘General Observations’ in their own right — a panoramic view of ancient and modern history as broad as the entire range of Gibbon's History — and from their insertion at the end of Volume III of that work (published in 1781). Were the ‘Observations’ so revised as to be virtually written in sequence (as the new view supposes), or do they present a more problematic case — being written before the beginning of Volume I but inserted at the end of an independent text completed eight years later? Consideration of this point raises issues fundamental to the understanding of Gibbon's compositional and intellectual processes, and is the principal justification for what follows.