Grave 22 of the Belgrade necropolis in Karaburma: Retrospective and perspective
Authors: Blecic-Kavur Martina , Kavur Boris 
Published: June 2011

Almost four decades after its discovery was initially announced, the Celtic
necropolis in Karaburma, a suburb of Belgrade, is still one of the most
important archaeological sites for the interpretation of the historical,
economic, and cultural processes taking place in the central Balkans from the
4th to the end of the 1st centuries B.C. Most of all, it represents a
wide-ranging source for explaining the chronology of the oldest Celtic
presence in this area, also illustrating cultural exchanges in the network in
which they were included. In this necropolis, belonging to the regional
military elite, there are several graves in which, in addition to standard
offerings relating to the regional material culture, items originating from a
wider cultural area were found. Amongst these, grave number 22, the subject
of our research, is especially important. In this grave were found objects
mainly made of bronze and iron, with a smaller fragment of pottery. The iron
items represent the attire of the deceased and his offensive weapons, while
bronze items are characteristically imported vessels and a smaller bronze
ring (figs. 1, 2). The imported vessels are represented by the well-known
situla and cup. According to the basic typological scheme, we can classify
the situla within the large group of ovoid situlae with the leaf-shaped or
the so-called heart-shaped ornament under the attachment (figs. 1, 9; 2; 3,
7). According to the typological scheme here suggested, the situla found in
Karaburma belongs to the first group, namely to its variant b (Ib), which is
characterized by situlae with a leaf-shaped ornament on the attachment,
separately cast and then pinned down or soldered to the body of the vessel
(fig. 3, 7). Also belonging to this group are situlae from Skillountia, Goce
Delcev (fig. 3, 8), V?rbica (fig. 3, 9) and from Chirnogi (fig. 3, 10).
Situlae from Budva (fig. 3, 11) and Belgrade (fig. 3, 12) should also be
included here, probably the one from Bitola as well. According to the
analysis here presented, we have attributed the situla to the work of
Macedonian workshops of the 4th century, to which other situlae, initially
recorded in the contexts of Celtic provenance, have finally been included,
and which ended up in the graves of Celtic dignitaries as exclusive imports
of particular social conditions and ideological features. The other bronze
vessel, considering its size, metric relations, technical and stylistic
execution, we interpret as a cup, or at least as some kind of transitional
form, since it is somewhat more shallow when compared to actual cups, and
significantly taller compared to phiale (figs. 1, 10; 2). The context in
which it was found indicates that it must have been used as a drinking cup in
a set, together with the ovoid situla. Similar phiale were a very popular
form in Thrace in the 4th century (fig. 7, 2-3), but the greatest resemblance
can be seen in the phiale from Peretu, from the Thraco-Getian area to the
north (fig. 7, 1). Characteristics of the form and style of the cup from
Karaburma enabled its classification among the later variants or transitional
forms of cups, seen in the context of the bronze production of Northern
Greece, i.e. Macedonia. It is important for the period of the midto late 4th
century, in other words, it completely matches with the chronological
background and location of the ovoid situla with the leaf-shaped ornament
under the attachment. In the analysis of weapons belonging to a Celtic
warrior buried in grave 22, an iron sword with preserved fragments of a
scabbard made of iron sheet (fig. 1, 1-2) stands out. Comparative analysis
has characterized the sword as an exceptionally late form of the group Kosd
D, attributed to the phase Lt B2. However, the slightly accentuated biconical
shape of the scabbard?s end also points to certain elements of the group Kosd
C. In the Carpathian basin the group Kosd C represents a rather rare form,
which as a cultural innovation spread westwards, thus the Karaburma
necropolis in Belgrade represents their southeastern, furthest point of
expansion. To this same time frame also belongs the sword belt chain set
(fig. 1, 5-6). Typological and spatial analysis has shown that chain belts
with single figure-ofeight links, exactly the same as the ones found in grave
22, are relatively rare in that region. Asimilar sword belt set was found in
the Benacci necropolis in Bologna, also containing a sword inside a scabbard
decorated with a pair of dragons of the II type according to Jose-Maria De
Navarro. Alongside it was also found a spear-butt with a spike which by its
workmanship, closely resembles precisely the spear-butt with a long spike and
the massive conical lower part from grave 22 (fig. 1, 4). Unlike the complete
sword belt chain set and the sword, the spear-butt was isolated, but perhaps
we can connect the bronze ring with it (fig. 1, 3). Given its size, it was
probably the grip which was strengthening the spot at which the spear-butt
was inserted into it. Aspecial feature of grave 22 are two highly fragmented
remains of fibulae (fig. 1, 7-8). The spring of the larger fibula stands out,
with two winders on each side, and with an external arch (fig. 1, 7), which
dates from the late Lt B2 phase and the transitional horizon B2/C1. It has
long been accepted as fact that the Celts inhabited the area between the
rivers Sava and Danube from as early as the second half and towards the end
of the 4th century, while the Scordisci, as such, formed only after the
defeat at Delphi. However, the process of the Celtic expansion was already
happening at the beginning of the 4th century, and it spread along the main
communication routes, the rivers, with strategic points first to be settled.
Only after several decades of consolidation, or only upon the return from the
military expedition to the south of the Balkan peninsula, was the whole area
inhabited by the Celts by the end of the 4th century. This historically
suggested claim always necessarily led to the question of chronological
positioning and the distance between phases Lt B2 and Lt C2. Most authors
dealing with this matter have held that phase Lt B2 was supposed to have
finished after the Celtic invasion of the southern Balkans, i.e. some time in
the 3rd century. However, this assessment does not seem entirely correct,
since most objects of La T?ne cultural provenance found in the Aegean region
and Asia Minor stem from the initial Lt C horizon, which means that the
expedition to Delphi cannot represent an absolute chronological border
between the Lt B2 and C1. The absence of indicative elements of the material
culture of the Lt B horizon in the Aegean area and Anatolia indicates that
they already had to be completely out of fashion by the time of the
expedition. In brief - after the dissolution of Lisimachus? kingdom and the
murder of Seleucus I in 281 B.C., there was a military and political power
vacuum in the region of Macedonia and Thrace. The opportunity was seized by
Celts from the region of the lower Danube, who set out towards ?the South?.
In 279 B.C. one of the three groups, led by Bolgios (i.e. Belgius), defeated
the Macedonian royal army, and Ptolemy Ceraunus himself got killed. In the
summer of the same year, Brennus reached central Greece, i.e. Delphi; having
suffered a defeat, the larger portion of the army was stationed in the region
of Thrace, after a logical retreat. There they received an offer from
Nicomedus I of Bythinia who hired 20,000 of them as mercenaries, hence their
penetration into Asia Minor in 278 and 277 B.C. On the other hand, the
archaeological findings from the mentioned area, connected with these events,
indicate that it can and must be classified within the Lt C1 phase. An
additional argument in favour of an earlier dating is also offered by a pair
of two-part anklets, with eight hollow semispherical bosses with no
ornaments, found in the Spanos well in the vicinity of Poseidon?s sanctuary
in Isthmia. Previously, Rupert Gebhard had held that these findings should be
brought into connection with the incursion of 279 B.C., dating from his
horizon 5, i.e. between c. 290 and 260 B.C. However, Isabelle Raubitschek
demonstrated the opposite, pointing to several details: firstly, since the
remnants of the Celtic army after their defeat withdrew through the
Thermopylae, it is unlikely that on the way back anyone would pass through
Isthmia; secondly, similar anklets were also found in the Heraion of
Perachora, and finally and most importantly, that they were found in an
enclosed context, together with the kylix-krater, meaning that they must date
from the third quarter of the 4th century. To her conclusions we can now add
two other possible perspectives: 1. - regarding the chronology, the most
important fact is that the pair of two-part anklets is evidently much older
than previously thought. From the historical perspective, the information on
the enclosed context, i.e. that similar findings were also found in the
complexes of Greek sanctuaries, is of great importance. 2. - dating clearly
shows that these anklets cannot be connected with war or looting, i.e. cannot
be seen as spoil from the expedition to Delphi to be sacrificed by the
victors. In fact, that context points to a small, but recognizable segment
from the range of diplomatic gifts which circulated between the Greek world
and the Celtic aristocrats from the region of the middle course of Danube. On
the other hand, among the graves of the La T?ne cultural provenance
containing findings which originated from Greek, i.e. Macedonian workshops,
and which predate the time of the military expedition to the south of the
Balkan peninsula, apart from the finding of a bronze cup from the end of the
4th century found in Szabolc in Hungary, only Karaburma grave 22 stands out.
Both findings were included by Miklos Szab? among those which preceded the
expedition to Delphi, although it is possible that they reached the Celtic
world after that event. He also mentioned that it was becoming increasingly
evident that this was more than just a case of military spoil or loot, which
he concluded on the basis of the presence of less valuable items. This claim
led M. Szab? into a trap: if the items, mostly from the 4th century,
presupposed contacts of the Celtic inhabitants with the Aegean world, it
would be necessary to date their settlement, i.e. the phase Lt B2, in the 4th
century, and thus in the period significantly earlier than the expedition to
Delphi. Furthermore, a bronze lekythos was found in a slightly younger grave
18/64 on the Hurbanovo site, in the same cultural and historical context.
This is a lekythos of the Talcot type, frequently found in Greece, Thrace and
Macedonia, dating back to the end of the 4th and the first half of the 3rd
century. On the mentioned site it was chronologically classified in the
transitional horizon Lt B2/C1, which according to Jozef Bujna was the period
after the military expedition to the Balkans. The same researcher held that
the grave 22 from Karaburma should also be included in that time frame.
However, what if J. Bujna was wrong on this matter, given that he opted for a
conservative dating of the set of vessels? Based on the above, we might
actually consider placing the absolute dating of the Lt C1 phase in the 4th
century - the century during which the production of such lekythoi
flourished, as did their laying in Macedonian graves. Implicitly, such dating
is also confirmed by the items of the La T?ne provenance, found in the region
of the southern Balkans, i.e. the Aegean area. They all exhibit formal
characteristics typical of the Lt C. Consequently, it can be concluded that
the beginning of the Lt C horizon must be sought in the period immediately
preceding the expedition to ?the South?. In connection with that, it was
precisely J. Bujna who demonstrated that certain graves in the necropolises
of the Lt C were found on the periphery, which he interpreted as a possible
clue for recognizing the newcomers, i.e. those who returned from the Balkan
expedition. Aurel Rustoiu also came to a similar conclusion, having
systematically analyzed the equipment of the warrior elites, the socalled
mercenaries from the Aegean world. The declining number of male graves in the
period between Lt B1 and Lt C1, among other things, also led Peter Ramsl to
hypothesize that numerous warriors hired as mercenaries never returned to
their homes. Related to this, significant data in the analysis of the share
of warrior graves in the necropolises of the Carpathian basin was provided by
A. Rustoiu. He showed that the share of warrior graves, i.e. graves with
weapons in Lt B2 phase, is higher than of those in the Lt C1. However, the
Karaburma necropolis is an exception also in this respect, since the share of
the warrior graves is significantly higher than in the other necropolises
belonging to both phases. Thus in the Lt C1 it is 48%, while in the Lt B2 it
is as high as 70%. On the basis of the collected data, he hypothesized that
there were two types of societies in the Carpathian basin: agricultural
communities with reduced military elites, and military communities which
represented social aristocracy and which formed the core for military and war
expeditions, and also constituted the basis for the recruitment of
mercenaries. The latter transcended ethnic bounds, given that they were
selected on an individual basis, which is clearly reflected in the
changeability and different origin of the equipment of warriors. Findings of
bronze vessels tie in with this neatly, if we interpret them as a result of
contacts and a substitute for the traditional late La T?ne pottery set,
consisting of a ceramic bowl (phiale), and a vessel for liquids (situla-like
pot or lenticular bottle). Both situla and phiale are standard items,
frequent, widespread, and the most indicative parts of solemn ritual banquets
and feasts, as shown by numerous and explicit findings from the rich graves
of Thracia and Anatolia. However, they were still an essential part of the
Greek culture, commonly used in religious, mystical ceremonies. Although we
frequently encounter them in hoards and, of course, temples, with rare
exceptions mostly due to insufficient knowledge on the item?s context of
finding, those situlae and phiale were, almost as a rule, part of luxury
sets, indicating rich graves of those belonging to the highest social and
political strata of the society. This is the reason why they were often
interpreted as burial insignia, used to sanctify the burial space and to
encourage eternal deification, divine vitality and the rebirth of a deceased
dignitary; in other words, it is thought that they exhibited power and
authority in both Thracian and Getian graves. However, the Celts could also
have used these vessels at funeral feasts and banquets, just as they were
used in their country of origin, since we know that in the graves of the
Celtic dignitaries everything was laid that they possessed in their lifetime,
especially sets of dishes, for the purpose of ensuring an unbroken cycle of
rebirth. It has been further suggested that the bronze vessels were used for
the ceremonies of libation, but also for trade and exchange, while the silver
drinking cups and luxury sets made of precious metals were used for burial
feasts and diplomatic banquets during negotiations and/or when concluding
agreements, simply as keimelia or as a ritual device for expressing deeply
held and widely accepted eschatological practices and new trends. However,
both could have been quite practically used for bribing - both people and
gods! Finally, the imported vessels from Karaburma, classified as Macedonian
products from the 4th century, should now be viewed as the northernmost
findings of a complete symposiastic set, but also in the context of other
vessels imported from Macedonia found in the graves with the features of the
La T?ne culture. It is unlikely that they represent war spoils from Greece or
other parts. The idea that the situla and phiale from the grave 22 of the
Karaburma necropolis inaugurated direct contact between the Celts and
Macedonians seems more likely. The items could have reached the 4th century
Celtic dignitaries of the Danube region as keimelia - diplomatic gifts, or
could have simply arrived by a trade route from the northern parts of
Macedonia. In that sense, we should also remember those modest, but for this
case invaluable records found in the historical sources connected with this
period. It has been thought that the Celtic presence dates back to as early
as the time of the defeat and expulsion of the Ardiaei in 359/358 B.C., as
recorded by Theopompus. However, there are reliable records of their embassy
to Alexander the Great while he was engaged with the Tribali in 335 B.C., as
reported by Arrian. Precisely those could have been the points of direct
contact between the highest ranking military and political dignitaries of the
Celts and the aristocrats and diplomats of the Macedonian state. From all
this it can be concluded that the Karaburma necropolis is truly an exception,
representing the southernmost point of Celtic militarized expansion, where
the military social aristocracy was stationed. The region where the Sava and
Danube meet thus became an area where technological innovations concentrated
and developed, and also the space where the political, military and economic
contacts filtered. All this is vividly illustrated by grave 22 in the
necropolis, chosen precisely because of those features. Weapons, i.e. the
sword of the Celtic dignitary who was buried there, indicate the
technological tradition of the early La T?ne. In the same tradition were
fashioned the fibulae which, in an unchanged form, remain in the repertoire
of accessories at the beginning of the middle La T?ne period, just as, on the
other hand, the sword and the shape of its scabbard indicate the beginning of
re-fashioning of that same conservative tradition. The sword belt chain set
and the spear-butt with its spike indicate the innovations which were yet to
become the characteristic features of the middle La T?ne soldiers? equipment.
Furthermore, the intertwining of traditions and innovations is also evident
from the symbolic and semantic processes which were connected with the ritual
of this burial. At the time when the cremation became the predominant type of
burial in the Celtic world, the ritual of laying gifts in graves also
changed. Instead of the complete equipment which the deceased used during
life, only select items are found to represent the totality, which in our
example can be seen in the deposited spear-butt. Thus the suum cuique
principle was replaced by the pars pro toto principle. Based on the above,
the famous warrior from the Karaburma grave 22 both in an abstract and also
direct sense, confirms the intertwining of traditions and the circulation of
cultural elements, and thus shows that he himself was one of the carriers of
the avant-garde of the time, the forerunner of a new period in political and
economic relations in the central Balkans of the third quarter of the 4th
century.