bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
On some Academic theories of mathematical objects
Authors: Mueller Ian
Published: May 2006

In his critical study of Speusippus Leonardo Tarán (T.) expounds an interpretation of a considerable part of the controversial books M and N of Aristotle's Metaphysics. In this essay I want to consider three aspects of the interpretation, the account of Plato's ‘ideal numbers’ (section I), the account of Speusippus’ mathematical ontology (section II), and the account of the principles of that ontology (section III). T. builds his interpretation squarely on the work of Harold Cherniss (C.), to whom I will also refer. I concentrate on T. because he has brought the ideas in which I am interested together and given them a concise formulation; he is also meticulous in indicating the secondary sources with which he agrees or disagrees, so that anyone interested in pursuing particular points can do so easily by consulting his book.
The Bowshot and Marathon
Authors: McLeod W.
Published: May 2006

In a searching analysis of ‘The Campaign and the Battle of Marathon’ (JHS lxxxviii [1968] 13–57) Professor N. G. L. Hammond has paid me the compliment of mentioning my discussion of the range of the ancient bow (17 n. 27). The evidence had suggested to me that the bowshot was ‘at least 160–175 metres, but not as far as 350–450 metres’. These results, in Hammond's words, fail to

‘take into account the nature of the target. For instance his lower figure is based on the firing of incendiary arrows (his T1 = Hdt. viii 52.1), which needed no power of penetration, and the higher figure is based on unarmoured horses at that distance being out of range (his T2 = Hdt. ix 22–23), which is almost equivalent to the extreme range because a horse is easily stung into action by an arrow.’

The near equivalence of ‘out of range’ and ‘within extreme range’ may raise an eyebrow; but let it pass. On the essential point we agree: in Herodotus ix 22–23, two stades is beyond effective bowshot.

So far as the terminus a quo is concerned, the Persian fire arrows shot from the Areopagus must have had some power of penetration; for they were useless unless they stuck to the wooden wall. Moreover, the target was twenty-eight metres higher than the launching-point; if the line of flight were projected downwards to the level of the archers, the cast would have been greater. Again, Herodotus says that the Persians wound hemp around their arrows. Hollow heads for incendiary arrows (JSA-A iii [1960] 22–24) were apparently a later invention; at any rate piles from this assault on the Acropolis are all typical Iranian war-heads (Hesperia ii [1933] 341–342; iv [1935] 114–117). The tinder binding—bulky enough to keep a spark through the trajectory, and then to kindle the barricade—would interfere with the smooth flow of air past the shaft and curtail the range. It follows that, if a fire arrow from the Areopagus could reach the Acropolis 155 metres away, a war arrow from the same bow would carry even further. There are uncertainties, admittedly, but it seems unwise to jettison the testimony of Herodotus viii 52.1 on these grounds.
The Great Dionysia and civic ideology
Authors: Goldhill Simon
Published: May 2006

There have been numerous attempts to understand the role and importance of the Great Dionysia in Athens, and it is a festival that has been made crucial to varied and important characterizations of Greek culture as well as the history of drama or literature. Recent scholarship, however, has greatly extended our understanding of the formation of fifth-century Athenian ideology—in the sense of the structure of attitudes and norms of behaviour—and this developing interest in what might be called a ‘civic discourse’ requires a reconsideration of the Great Dionysia as a city festival. For while there have been several fascinating readings of particular plays with regard to thepolisand its ideology, there is still a considerable need to place the festival itself in terms of the ideology of thepolis. Indeed, recent critics in a justifiable reaction away from writers such as Gilbert Murray have tended rather to emphasize on the one hand that the festival is a place of entertainment rather than religious ritual, and on the other hand that the plays should be approached primarily asdramaticperformances.
The Arabic version of Galen's De Sectis ad eos qui introducuntur
Authors: Wilkie J. S. , Lloyd G. E. R.
Published: May 2006

In this study we have compared an Arabic translation with a well-edited Greek text, in the preparation of which, moreover, the editors have found no evidence of any major lacunae in their MSS, and which we may suppose to correspond closely with Galen's original composition. It was, consequently, from the first improbable that we should make any very striking discoveries: nothing was to be expected at all comparable with the indubitable evidence for the inversion of a leaf in the codex from which are derived our Greek manuscripts of Galen's An in arteriis natura sanguis contineatur (Furley and Wilkie, CR xxii [1972] 164–7).

For anyone interested in the Arabic translations of Galen's works there was, however, a compensatory advantage in the possibility thus presented of assessing the quality of the Arabic version. The reputation of the translator, Hunain ibn Isḥāq, has, indeed, already been long established; and we were prepared to find his translation at the least respectable; it is safe to say, however, that we have found it uniformly excellent.
Gods and emperors: the Greek language of the Roman imperial cult
Authors: Price S. R. F.
Published: May 2006

The Greeks under Roman rule suffer from a double prejudice. On the one hand, Hellenists lose interest in the Greeks after the classical period; on the other, Roman historians find it hard to avoid a Romanocentric perspective. This double prejudice becomes particularly acute when the issue is the religious language used by the Greeks to refer to the Roman emperor. For example, the Greeks called the living emperor boththeou huios(‘son of god’) and alsotheos(‘god’). The language looks odd from the perspectives both of classical Athens and of imperial Rome. One way to make sense of it is to treat it as a translation out of Latin. Thus the bizarre practice of calling the emperortheou huiosis seen as perfectly natural because it is simply the translation ofdivi filius. Why natural? Because, as the heirs of Rome, we can attempt to ignore the cultural differences between us and the ancient world. But the tactic of treating Greek as a translation out of Latin does not always work. Calling the living emperortheoscannot be seen as a translation ofdivus, a term which applies only to dead emperors. Modern scholars are therefore forced to treat the usage as ‘deviant’, the product of either folly or flattery. In fact the failure oftheosto translatedivusundermines the first assumption thattheou huiosis a translation ofdivi filius.
‘Honestius quam ambitiosius’? An exploration of the Cynic's attitude to moral corruption in his fellow men
Authors: Moles John
Published: May 2006

Two important studies have recently appeared of the career and philosophy of the celebrated first-century Cynic Demetrius—an article by J. F. Kindstrand and a monograph by M. Billerbeck. Both scholars discuss Demetrius' defence of P. Egnatius Celer in AD 70. The purpose of the present paper is threefold: (i) to argue that Kindstrand's and Billerbeck's interpretations of this incident, different as they are, must, like all previous interpretations, be rejected; (ii) to offer a new perspective, in the hope of showing that Demetrius' action can be understood as thoroughly honourable; (iii) to demonstrate that Demetrius' action can be understood as not only thoroughly honourable, but also profoundly Cynic. It may be objected that investigation of motive in such a case is intrinsically misguided. The only evidence is a short notice in Tacitus, and it is of course true that we shall never be able to say for certain what Demetrius' motives were. Some modern historians, moreover, deprecate on principle analysis of motive, in the ancient world especially. It seems, nevertheless, both legitimate and worthwhile to attempt to understand the reasons why Demetrius, a Cynic philosopher of (on the normal view) high moral character, should have defended Celer, a Stoic philosopher who (again on the normal view) had revealed himself to be a complete scoundrel. The exercise may also serve to bring out some fundamental points about the Cynics' conception of man and their interpretation of human weakness. For reasons which will become clear below Cynicism was vulnerable to misunderstanding and misrepresentation. Demetrius' defence of Celer, I shall argue, provides an instructive paradigm for the correct interpretation of Cynicism.
‘Archaic thought’ in Hesiod
Authors: Rowe C. J.
Published: May 2006

It is ‘commonly asserted’, says G. S. Kirk, and ‘almost universally assumed’, that Hesiod came ‘at the point of transition from mythopoeic to rational modes of thought’. H. Diller gives this ‘common assertion’ a more precise meaning: Hesiod represents ‘a bridge from mythical to philosophical thought (my emphasis). This view of Hesiod is justified in various different ways. Diller himself stresses the contrast Hesiod makes in the prooemion to the Theogony between what is true and what is false but resembles the true; this he interprets as the type of self-conscious rejection of rival accounts which is echoed in the work of the earlier Presocratics like Heraclitus. For O. Gigon this passage in the Theogony has a specific reference to Homer: Hesiodic ‘truth’ is there opposed to Homeric myth, Logos to Mythos. The Theogony is also philosophical both in so far as it is concerned with a search for beginnings, and because of the universality of its scope. In addition to these formal features, both Diller and Gigon find philosophical elements in the content of the poem, though on this point their conclusions differ sharply. Diller attributes to Hesiod himself that discovery which is often regarded as one of the main contributions of the Presocratics: the discovery that the world operates in accordance with impersonal laws. Gigon, by contrast, suggests that things in the Hesiodic world are seen as products of will, analogous to the products of human activity.
The pagan holy man in late antique society
Authors: Fowden Garth
Published: May 2006

A Love and desire, to sequester a Mans Selfe, for a Higher Conversation … is found, to have been falsely and fainedly, in some of the Heathen; AsEpimenidesthe Candian,Numathe Roman,Empedoclesthe Sicilian, andApolloniusof Tyana; And truly and really, in divers of the Ancient Hermits, and Holy Fathers of the Church.

F. Bacon,Of friendship

The holy men of Greco-Roman paganism will never inspire either the reverence or the fascinated horror that the ascetics and monks of early Christianity have commanded ever since they first impinged on the common mind in the time of Antony and Athanasios. Writing for a Christian audience, Francis Bacon could dismiss the semi-mythical Epimenides and Numa, and notorious exhibitionists like Empedokles and Apollonios, as self-evident imposters; while in our own less devout times the abundance of the hagiographical literature ensures that the Christian saint will preoccupy scholars for the indefinite future, if only as the unwitting patron of a mass of historical and sociological data that is only just beginning to be analysed. Yet this is poor excuse for neglecting the pagan holy man, who came in the later Roman empire to play a conspicuous part in his own religious tradition, and also affords instructive points of comparison with his Christian competitors. This paper offers a first orientation towards such wider perspectives, by investigating the social and historical consequences entailed by the distinctive pagan concept of personal holiness. It will be suggested that a tendency to associate holiness with philosophical learning (Section I) determined the essentially urban (II) and privileged (III) background of the pagan holy man, and also encouraged his gradual drift to the periphery of society (IV).
The narrative of Herodotus vii and the decree of Themistocles at Troezen
Authors: Hammond N. G. L.
Published: May 2006

In this paper an attempt is made to establish the chronology which Herodotus intended to convey for events in Book vii on the basis of his arrangement of topics for a listening audience. The relationship of the Decree to those events is then discussed. The question of the authenticity of the Decree's contents is considered with special reference to the arrangements for manning the fleet. Thus the paper falls into three parts. An Appendix on the later tradition is added.
The import of Attic pottery to Corinth and the question of trade during the Peloponnesian war
Authors: MacDonald Brian R.
Published: May 2006

Throughout the Peloponnesian War, no state remained as aggressively hostile toward Athens as Corinth. Following the affairs of Corcyra and Poteidaia, Corinth successfully argued that war be declared against Athens. After ten years of fighting, when Sparta agreed to the Peace of Nikias, Corinth refused to accept its terms and make peace with Athens. We know that Corinth and Athens were directly engaged in hostilities in 419 and 416 and were on opposing sides in the fighting between Epidauros and Argos in 418. After Athens sent forces against Sicily in the summer of 415, Corinth voted independently to support Syracuse and encouraged Sparta to increase hostilities against Athens in both Greece and Sicily. When the Peloponnesian War came to an end in 404 with the final Athenian defeat, Corinth continued to oppose peace with Athens and urged that the city be destroyed.
The old temple terrace at the Argive Heraeum and the early cult of Hera in the Argolid
Authors: Wright James C.
Published: May 2006

A recent article by Dr H. Plommer (‘Shadowy Megara’, JHS xcvii [1977] 75–88) has once again brought to our attention one of the many unresolved architectural problems at the Argive Heraeum—the date of the megalithic terrace on which the archaic temple was built. This terrace has been variously assigned to the Mycenaean, Geometric and Archaic periods and its role in the foundation of the cult has never been ascertained. In view of this continuing lack of consensus among modern scholars and the murkiness of the history of the origins of the Hera sanctuary, a restatement and re-examination of the evidence are in order. In this article I will first consider the date of the terrace and then attempt to place it in the perspective of early cult activity in the Argolid. This will require a survey of the proposed dates for the terrace and a close look at the remains of the Archaic Hera temple and its stratigraphic and architectural relation to the terrace. An inquiry into the form of the terrace will lead to an explanation of its unique architectural form and to a hypothesis for the reason for its construction. Inspection of the remains and a reconstruction of the original form of other early cult centers, notably Mycenae and Tiryns, will provide a context for understanding the origin and architectural form of the early Heraeum. In conclusion I will suggest that the presence of Mycenaean monuments in the Argolid, more than elsewhere, played a crucial role in the formation and architectural organization of the principal cults.
Onesimos and the interpretation of Ilioupersis iconography
Authors: Anderson Michael J.
Published: May 2006

The Ilioupersis cup of Onesimos in the J. Paul Getty Museum offers a unique opportunity for the study of Ilioupersis iconography (PLATES la and lb). The tondo in the cup's interior features the murder of Priam, and the surrounding circular zone contains eight further scenes of the sack in all, nine scenes decorating a single surface. In his recent article on the cup, Dyfri Williams has discussed the iconography of each of these scenes individually. In this paper I hope to complement Williams' acute observations by drawing attention to the visual and thematic interaction among the nine scenes when viewed in combination.
ΚΥΡΙΕ, ΔΕΣΠΟΤΑ,Domine. Greek Politeness in the Roman Empire
Authors: Dickey Eleanor
Published: May 2006

Why did the Greeks of the Roman period make such extensive use of the vocative κύριε, when Greeks of earlier periods had been content with only one vocative meaning ‘master’, δέσποτα? This study, based primarily on a comprehensive search of documentary papyri but also making extensive use of literary evidence (particularly that of the Septuagint and New Testament), traces the development of both terms from the classical period to the seventh century AD. It concludes that κύριε was created to provide a translation for Latindomine, and thatdomine, which has often been considered a translation of κύριε, had a Roman origin. In addition, both κύριε anddominewere from their beginnings much less deferential than is traditionally supposed, so that neither term underwent the process of ‘weakening’ which converted English ‘master’ into ‘Mr’. δέσποτα, which was originally far more deferential than the other two terms, did undergo some weakening, but not (until a very late period) as much as is usually supposed. These findings in turn imply that Imperial politeness has been somewhat misunderstood and suggest that the Greeks of the first few centuries AD were much less servile in their language than is traditionally assumed.
Anankein Herodotus
Authors: Munson Rosaria Vignolo
Published: May 2006

This paper examines Herodotus' use of words of the ἀνάγκη family in order to determine which external or internal constraints the historian represents as affecting the causality of events. M. Ostwald's Ἀνάγκηin Thucydides(1988) provides a foundation for examining the more restricted application of these terms in Herodotus (85 occurrences vs. 161 in Thucydides). In Herodotus, divine necessity (absent in Thucydides) refers to the predictable results of human wrongdoings more often than to a force constraining human choices. This represents an especially ambiguous Herodotean category, however, and is expressed by a wider range of terms than those with ἀνάγκη-stems. The analysis of natural ἀνάγκη yields more clear-cut results. (1) In Herodotus (and not in Thucydides) ἀνάγκη often qualifies an aggressive compulsion applied by a personal agent. (2) Victims of this despotic ἀνάγκη are partially excused, but those who resist it earn Herodotus' praise. (3) Most importantly, Herodotus (unlike Thucydides) never in turn applies ἀνάγκη words to circumstances that motivate imperialistic actions, especially starting a war. (4) Whereas in Thucydides agents are ‘compelled’ to act also by fear and other internal impulses, the only psychological factor to which Herodotus applies ἀνάγκη words (and this time mostly in a positive sense) is moral obligation.

Herodotus' concept of ἀνάγκη is moralistic, and consistent with his unwillingness to justify imperialism, his practice of assigning responsibility, and his high regard fornomos, on the one hand, and freedom on the other. The narrator's involvement in these principles is reflected in Herodotus' use of ἀνάγκη terms in self-referential statements of the type ‘I am compelled/not compelled to say x.’ These statements represent the narrator as the opposite of an imperial subject and analogous to the most admirable of his characters on the receiving end of compulsion. He is a free agent, who disregards political pressure and is exclusively compelled by the rules that apply to him as researcher and truthful recorder.
Philochorus, Pollux and thenomophulakesof Demetrius of Phalerum
Authors: O'sullivan Lara
Published: May 2006

A board of ‘law-guardians’, ornomophulakes, has long been associated with the Athenian regime of Demetrius of Phalerum (317-307 BC). The duties of Demetrius' officials have been surmised from an entry onnomophulakesin theAtthisof Philochorus (FGrHist328 F64), which lists their central functions as the supervision of magistrates and the prevention of illegal resolutions by the assembly and council. This understanding of the fourth-centurynomophulakesstands in contradiction to the explicit testimony of Pollux (8.102), who asserts that Demetrius changed the name of thehendeka, the eleven Athenian gaolers, tonomophulakes. A case is made here for the acceptance of Pollux, a case based on textual grounds and on comparison with other reforms associated with Demetrius. It is further argued that Philochorus' description applies – as the sole excerpter of the Atthis to give a temporal context, theLexicon Cantabrigiense, indeed states – tonomophulakescreated in the aftermath of Areopagite reform in the mid-fifth century, and that Demetrius' officials were linked to these earlynomophulakesthrough their inheritance of different aspects ofnomophulakiaassociated with the early Areopagus.
The Apobates Reconsidered (Demosthenes lxi 23–9)
Authors: Crowther N.B.
Published: May 2006

References to theapobateshave been collected by Reisch, Gardiner, Patrucco, Kyle and others, but the exact nature of this specialized event remains obscure. Patrucco in particular laments the scarcity of literary sources which he suggests provide little information. Yet the fullest account of theapobatesappears in a lengthy passage in the corpus of Demosthenes (lxi 23-29, the Erotikos or Erotic essay) which strangely is not mentioned by any of the above scholars. I propose to update our knowledge of this contest, particularly as it relates to the fourth century B.C., in the light of this ‘new’ evidence. Because of the romantic nature of the essay, the reader should perhaps observe caution and allow for exaggeration on the part of Demosthenes, but even so several important observations can be made.
Homer's sense of text: Homeric ‘Text’, Cyclic ‘Text’
Authors: Dowden Ken
Published: May 2006

In this article I am concerned to form a view of the interaction of Homer'sIliadwith other texts prior to his. This is an issue whose legitimacy, particularly in English-language scholarship, has been rather obscured by scholarly discourse in terms of oral poetics, an issue I shall discuss presently. Yet, unless they are completely new fictions, the Cyclic epics do show us some of the material with which Homer was bound to be interacting, and it has been the achievement of the Neoanalysts to detail that interaction. In the following I do not claim to add greatly to the repertoire of neoanalytic data, but I do hope to build on it some sense of Homer's achievement in this area and to make clear our entitlement to respond to Homer's intertextuality.
Philosophy and rhetoric in the Menexenus
Authors: Coventry Lucinda
Published: May 2006

Plato's Menexenus opens with a scene of typical Socratic interest in the young, as Socrates questions Menexenus about his activities and intentions. This scene, however, I would suggest, is not simply an illustration of Socrates' characteristic behaviour, forming a suitable introduction to this or any other dialogue. Its relation to the work as a whole is closer than this: it raises a question with which the Menexenus may best be understood as being essentially concerned.
Ateas and Theopompus
Authors: Gardiner-Garden John
Published: May 2006

The fourth century BC Scythian King Ateas is mentioned in no contemporary, or near contemporary extant classical work, yet he is the subject of numerous stories in the works of such later writers as Trogus Pompeius (as epitomised by Justin), Satyrus (as quoted by Athenaeus), Polyaenus, Plutarch, Strabo, Frontinus, Lucian, Clement of Alexandria and Jordanes (in the sixth century AD). These stories all refer to events which might be dated to a period beginning a year or two before Philip's siege of Perinthus and ending the year after the siege. They would have fallen outside the scope of Ephorus' ‘Ιοτορίαιwhich seem to have come to a sudden end with Philip's siege of Perinthus in 341/40, but would not have fallen outside the scope of Theopompus’ work, Books xlvii–l of which contain many references to Thrace in this period (F217-26). The present paper is an investigation of the historical and historiographical significance of these stories. It will be argued that the various stories dealing with Ateas are historically reconcilable with each other, offer insights into the progress of a Scythian migration into the region south of the lower Danube and are compatible with, perhaps derived from, Theopompus' account of events in that period.
The Stranger's Stratagem: Self-Disclosure and Self-Sufficiency in Greek Culture
Authors: Most Glenn W.
Published: May 2006

The literary stock of Achilles Tatius has been increasing steadily in value since 1964, when an article about his romanceLeucippe and Cleitophonin an encyclopedia of world literature began, ‘Das Werk weist alle Mängel seines Genres samt einigen zusätzlichen eigenen auf.’ To be sure,Leucippe and Cleitophonremains among the last and probably least read of the Greek romances; yet in the last decades critics have begun to draw attention to original and effective aspects of its composition. As is usually the case, this revaluation has been accompanied not so much by the discovery of new virtues which had previously been neglected, but rather by the redescription as virtues of what had always counted as vices. Thus Cleitophon's lack of heroism can now be welcomed as comic realism, the implausibly melodramatic twists of the plot praised as selfconsciously theatrical ironies, and the baroque frigidity of the style counted as loony metaphysical wit or as BrechtianEntfremdung seffekt.
Athenian oligarchs: the numbers game
Authors: Brock Roger
Published: May 2006

By the last quarter of the fifth century it was generally agreed that there were three basic forms of government: monarchy, democracy and oligarchy, and this basic division continued to the end of the classical period. For the Athenians, this choice was for practical purposes reduced to one between democracy and oligarchy: kings might appear on the tragic stage, but in contemporary Athens sole rule was synonymous with tyranny, a form of government which had been beyond the pale since the expulsion of the Peisistratids. Indeed, in the late fifth century it was the object of a public hysteria which affords Aristophanes much scope for satire, particularly in Bdelycleon's speech in Vesp. 488 f.
Odysseus on the Niobid Krater
Authors: McNiven Timothy J.
Published: May 2006

The Niobid krater in Paris (Louvre G341) is not one of the masterpieces of Greek vase painting. The vase is not even one of the best works of the artist, who receives his name, the Niobid Painter, from the rare depiction of Apollo and Artemis killing the children of Niobe on the reverse. The vase is, however, one of the touchstones of the history of ancient Greek art. The Niobid krater has this distinction because it is the earliest contemporaneous witness to the new developments in mural painting in the Early Classical Period, developments best understood from the descriptions of the traveler Pausanias six centuries later. The actual quality of the Niobid krater is therefore secondary to its documentary value.

Since the krater's discovery in 1881, most discussion has focused on the iconography of the scene on the obverse, showing a group of warriors with Athena (PLATE IIa). The ambiguity of the scene comes from the large number of figures and the lack of action or iconographical evidence to help in their identification. Of the 11 figures, only Herakles (figure 6 on PLATE IIb), with his club and lionskin and Athena (4) in her aegis and helmet are clearly identifiable.
Narrator Interventions in Thucydides
Authors: Gribble David
Published: May 2006

The main narrative of Thucydides is characterised by a third person ‘objective’ style where signs of the narrator are concealed. But this predominant narrative mode is punctuated by passages (2. 65, 6. 15, etc.) where the narrator interrupts the main account, referring to himself in the first person and/or to time outside that of the main narrative. These rare intrusions of the voice of the narrator-historian—‘narrator interventions’—are the most quoted and discussed in the whole History. Reaction to them has been of two sorts. They have either been seen as later additions and used as the centrepiece of analyst interpretations of the History, or they have been treated as expressions of the ‘judgement’ of the historian, providing the key to the History's meaning. The result of these approaches is unsatisfactory. The interventions are either bracketed as foreign to the original plan of the historian, or given special status as the exclusive source of his meaning. The effect is to cut them loose from the reading of the rest of the work, as intrusions of another stage of composition or of another voice which no longer narrates, but gives judgement. Worse still, such interpretation compares the decontextualised ‘judgements’ it has isolated from the narrative and declares them inconsistent with each other. Such ‘extrinsic’ approaches to the interventions risk reducing Thucydides’ text to a patchwork of differing and competing voices and opinions.
Sophocles At Patavium (fr. 137 Radt)
Authors: Leigh Matthew
Published: May 2006

One of the most interesting of the myths concerning the migration to the West of those Trojan heroes who survived the destruction of their city is that of Antenor and his sons. That Antenor and his family received the embassy of the Greeks, saved them from attack by a group of Trojans and consistently urged peace and the return of Helen is already established in Homer. The consequent decision of the Greeks to spare the Antenorids at the sack of Troy is almost certainly present in the epic cycle. Somewhat later, two further traditions emerge: first the claim that Troy was betrayed by the Antenorids; second, that Antenor and various of his sons travelled overseas and settled in distant lands, notably Cyrene in Libya and Patavium in the Veneto. For anyone concerned with the development of the myth, it is therefore deeply frustrating that so little should remain of what must have been a crucial text: the Antenoridae of Sophocles. The aim of this paper is to demonstrate that there is far more to be known about this play than has hitherto been perceived.
Tragic Money
Authors: Seaford Richard
Published: May 2006

Tragedy was a product of the classical polis, but took its themes (with very few exceptions) from an imagined earlier age, the heroic age that is also the subject of the Homeric poems. The result, it has been argued, is a creative tension, notably between the spirit of heroic autonomy and the rule of law characteristic of the polis. The institutions of the polis make themselves felt, anachronistically, in the tragic representation of heroic myth.
The hunting frieze from Vergina
Authors: Reilly Linda Collins
Published: May 2006

The tombs at Vergina in Macedonia continue to produce more questions than answers. At the 1990 Annual Meeting of the Archaeological Institute in San Francisco a colloquium entitled ‘The royal tombs at Vergina: continuing issues’ was presented on these tombs, their dating, and their possible inhabitants. The participants in this colloquium were not in agreement about the identity of those laid to rest in the tombs, or when these burials took place, or the nature of the grave goods which accompanied the funerary rituals. We must continue to anticipate and hope for progress in the debate over these crucial questions.
Civic ideology and the problem of difference: the politics of Aeschylean tragedy, once again
Authors: Goldhill Simon
Published: May 2006

There have been few issues in the contemporary analysis of Greek tragedy as hotly debated as what I shall call ‘civic ideology and the problem of difference’. By this I mean a nexus of interrelated questions concerning the political import of tragedy both for the fifth-century Athenians and for subsequent generations: how does the festival of the Great Dionysia—its rituals and dramatic performances—relate to the dominant ideological structures of democracy? How should critical or contestatory discourse be located within the dramatic festival and within the polis? How should the texts of tragedy be related to the society in which they were produced—and to the societies in which they are still being read and performed? The problem is not merely essential to our understanding of the genre of tragedy, but is also intimately connected to the history and theory of democracy and its discontents. To what degree can democracy respond to criticism and what space can it allow, in theory and in practice, for alternative viewpoints or opposition? In its most aggressive form, such questioning of the exclusions and repressions of democracy is sometimes articulated as a challenge as to whether the costs of (ancient) democracy outweigh its benefits.
Wandering philosophers in Classical Greece
Authors: Montiglio Silvia
Published: May 2006

The wandering philosopher is best known to us as a Romantic ideal that projects one's longing for physical and mental withdrawal. Rousseau's ‘promeneur solitaire’ does not cover great distances to bring a message to the world. His wanderings, most often in the immediate surroundings, rather convey spiritual alienation. But the ‘promeneur solitaire’ is not the only kind of wandering philosopher known in Western culture. Itinerant philosophers existed already in antiquity. During the Roman empire, many sages wandered all over the Mediterranean world. They went about for the sake of intellectual and spiritual enrichment, but essentially to spread their teaching and to intervene in local quarrels as religious consultants. Wandering connoted their ambiguous status in society—both in and out—and thereby enhanced their charisma and endowed them with an aura of superior power.
Not the tomb of Gyges
Authors: Ratté C.
Published: May 2006

Describing the approach toward Sardis in the spring of 1699, the British antiquary Edmund Chishull wrote: ‘We continue our journey through a spatious and fertile plain, curiously beset on each side the road with [a] variety of round hillocks, which from their number, figure, and situation, in so level a campaign, appear plainly to be artificial’. The tumuli or burial mounds so described by Chishull still dominate the Hermus river plain opposite Sardis. Their modern name is Bin Tepe, or ‘Thousand Mounds’.
The Traditional Healer in Tanzania
Authors: Beck Ann
Published: May 2006

I shall deal with a limited number of aspects of the traditional healer in Tanzania. A more expanded treatment will be presented in a larger study on health policy and development in Tanzania since 1930. Traditional medicine has been discussed by anthropologists, sociologists, and geographers in ever increasing numbers in this country, probably because research in their fields brought them into close contact with the rural population. Historians and political scientists have been slow in examining the role of the native doctor in the colonial period and since 1961. This does not mean that material on the existence and activities of the African practitioner of medicine was not available. It was the medical doctor who became aware of the existence of African medicine when he found that his treatment was not accepted or was supplemented by visits to the African medicine man.
Life, Death, Reincarnation, and Traditional Healing in Africa
Authors: Okwu Austine S. O.
Published: May 2006

Over the years, studies of materials about Africa, especially in the fields of religion, history, anthropology, culture, and sociology, have contributed to the reconstruction of the predominant modes of thought and reason that led to the rise of the people’s belief systems, values, and religious doctrines. Though limited in many ways and still in the most rudimentary stage, the study of African religion has helped in some ways in the understanding of the basis of thought and action which determine African cognitions and total experience, in other words, African consciousness of his universe, feeling, and understanding of the state of being. It is important that interest in the study of African religion should be sustained, for one is still confronted today–often by those who should know–with derisively cynical questions such as: Is there an African religion? What in fact is it if there is one? Isn’t it really the worship of ancestors? Is not African healing merely the practice of magic and mumbo-jumbo?
Meeting Africa’s Challenge: The Story of the American Committee on Africa
Authors: Houser George M.
Published: May 2006

In the early 1950s when the American Committee on Africa was formed, American interest in and knowledge about Africa was something of a joke. There was a Tarzan mentality in the US about the continent. Few books about Africa were known even by the reading public. Gunther’s Inside Africa, when it came out in 1956, served as a reference book for years for those Americans who wanted to get a perspective on the continent. I remember listening to Chester Bowles, who served as under secretary of state briefly in the Kennedy administration, speak about his own attempt to find relevant material about Africa in a Connecticut town. He told about his visit to the town public library, where he culled through the card catalogue. To find books on the Congo he said he had to search under “B” for “Belgium.” In searching for material on Ghana (then the Gold Coast) or Nigeria, he had to look under “Great Britain.” He found books about Liberia and Ethiopia under “Miscellaneous.” Knowledge of Africa was minimal, and the continent was on the whole looked upon as an extension of Europe.
Enhancing Female Participation in African Agricultural Transformation: The Nigerian Experience
Authors: Olusi Janet
Published: May 2006

African agriculture needs to be transformed because of the persistent low productivity of the sector. Women play a major role in agriculture but are prevented from optimizing their performance due to socioeconomic factors such as lack of access to productive resources, deforestation, and air and water pollution. But the lack of women extension workers stands out as a major limitation. This paper highlights the plight of women farmers in Africa, using research results from Nigeria. Suggestions are made for improving female participation. These suggestions, the paper stresses, are viable only if the conditions of African women’s lives are improved. A careful implementation of these suggestions will hopefully transform African agriculture.
Legitimacy and Governance: One More Year of Military Rule in Nigeria
Authors: Utomi Patrick
Published: May 2006

When the phenomenon of military rule in Africa first attracted the attention of researchers, the thrust of inquiry was the explanation of the apparent anomaly of the coup d’etat. After years of effort, epitomized by Samuel Decalo’s work on Coups and Army Rule in Africa, a consensus seemed to have emerged that a general theory explaining military intervention could not be found. Scholarship thus turned its focus to the military as policymakers. This essay shall seek to do both — explain military intervention; and evaluate the performance of the military as policymakers. Nigeria, which is into its second epoch of military rule, provides an appropriate case study.
Studies in the Roman Province Galatia
Authors: Ramsay W. M.
Published: May 2006

In this Journal, 1916, p. 96, where, in the orderly execution of a systematic study of Colonia Caesarea (Pisidian Antioch), an account of the Homanadensian war would have been in place, this was omitted on the ground that ‘the account which Cheesman has given in the Journal, 1913, p. 253 ff. of the leader of the colony in war and peace may be regarded as the execution of my plan at this point.’ In re-reading his article, however, I observe that it is devoted mainly to Caristanius himself and his family rather than to the Homanadensian war, for his subject is ‘The family of the Caristanii.’ With practically all that he says in his brief references to the war I agree; they show his opinion of that date and the general situation; but they do not constitute an account of the war (so far as this can be recovered), for that did not lie within his plan. It is therefore not without value to give here a consecutive account of the war, the circumstances which led to its outbreak, and the issue, together with a brief description of the land and the people (supplementary to what is said in H.G.A.M. p. 335, etc.).
The Mausoleum of Hadrian and the Pons Aelius
Authors: Pierce S. Rowland
Published: May 2006

The drawings (plates XII–XVIII) which accompany this article were prepared during my tenure of the Rome Scholarship at the British School at Rome; and, while they may be sufficient for the architect or the layman to obtain a better realisation of the original state of the monument, it has been thought that an attempt should be made to discuss, in greater detail than it is possible to present on the drawings, the various considerations and data upon which an essay in the restoration of an ancient building must necessarily be based. To this end the following article has been prepared.

I wish to acknowledge, with many thanks, the valuable help and advice which I have received from Dr. Thomas Ashby, late Director of the British School at Rome, especially in connexion with the first section of the article, and also the suggestive criticisms which I received from Dr. Ashby and Prof. Ch. Hülsen during the preparation of my drawings.
Roman York: Excavations of 1925
Authors: Miller S. N.
Published: May 2006

In the course of last summer the York Roman Excavations Committee invited me to direct some excavations at the east corner of the Roman fortress as a preliminary to more extensive work in the future. It was supposed that the remains of a bastion—similar to the Multangular Tower in the Museum Gardens—might be found under the mound upon which the city wall is built. Before exploring that possibility, however, we decided (1) to see what evidence would be given by a section through the north-east rampart close to the east corner; (2) taking advantage of the fact that a yard off Bedern was available for excavation, to supplement our first section by cutting a trench across the south-east defences where they have parted company with the later mound, city wall and moat, and where, therefore, one might hope to get a profile of the Roman ditch; and (3), guided by the results so obtained, to examine the east corner for traces of the rounded turn and internal angle-tower of the pre-bastion type of fortification. It was after those evidences had been secured that we proposed, if there was still time, to trench outside the corner and prove (or disprove) the existence of the supposed bastion.
Note on some fragments of Imperial statues and of a statuette of Victory
Authors: MacDonald George
Published: May 2006

The three fragments of Imperial statues which I propose to discuss are all of bronze, and they have this in common that all of them were found in Britain. The first, which has long been familiar to frequenters of the British Museum, has been published on various occasions. It has indeed been described and illustrated in an earlier issue of the Journal of Roman Studies. I refer to the fine head of Hadrian (plate I), found in the Thames near London Bridge in 1834. The story of its discovery, as told in a contemporary issue of the Gentleman's Magazine, contains nothing that would help to explain how or when it found its way into its strange resting-place. That it had originally been part of a colossal statue is hardly open to question. And it is almost equally certain that the statue must once have stood in some public place in Roman London. Mr. Roach Smith was disposed to think that it had formerly adorned the poop of a Roman ship. But his suggestion, though he appeals to Virgil to support it, appears to be exceedingly improbable. In bulk and shape it is ill adapted for such a position, and other noteworthy artistic objects of bronze, which cannot possibly have served a purpose of the kind, were dredged from the river at or near the same spot in 1837. We may be sure that all alike were thrown into the water as the readiest means of getting rid of what was regarded as worthless rubbish. We cannot tell whether it was ignorance or malevolence that was responsible. The most we can safely affirm is that a statue of Hadrian is not likely to have suffered violence at the hands of loyal subjects of Rome. Whatever his idiosyncrasies, this Emperor left no evil memory behind him. The head itself, if not very good as a portrait, has considerable artistic merits. From these points of view, I have nothing to add to what has been already so well said of it by others. Nevertheless it may be permissible to draw attention to it again, partly for the sake of completeness and partly because it supplies an excuse for recalling a very apposite passage, which I do not remember to have seen quoted in connexion with it before.
A military diploma
Authors: Smith A. H.
Published: May 2006

The military diploma, which is here published, was acquired by the British Museum in 1923. It was bought from a dealer at Cairo, and was included in a purchase consisting mainly of MSS. made by the Museum jointly with the University of Michigan. No further source can be named, but the contents make it probable that it was found in or near the Arsenoite Nome.

The document conforms closely to the normal type. It consists of a pair of bronze tablets measuring 16 by 19 cm. Two holes pierced in each near the angles of a long side (one is now lost from the first tablet) served for the insertion of rings to form hinges. Two holes pierced near the centre of each long side served for the wire or string, which fastened the tablets, and was sealed by the seven witnesses who attested the certificate. On the outside of the second tablet are remains of the metal shield which protected the seals, but which has itself perished in almost every instance.
Studies in the Roman Province Galatia
Authors: Ramsay W. M.
Published: May 2006

Artemidorus, quoted by Strabo xii, 7, 2, enumerates the Pisidian cities as follows: Selge, Sagalassos, Petnêlissos, Adada, Tymbriada, Krêmna, Pityassos, Amblada, Anaboura, Sinda, Aarassos, Tarbassos, Termêssos. Some of these names are doubtful, and the list is short. Aarassos is otherwise unknown; Tityassos is a more common form of Pityassos, but variation between initial P and T through TW is characteristic of Anatolian words; e.g. Perseus was the herofounder of Tersos-Tarsos, now Tersous. It is proposed here merely to register some recent discoveries.
Publius Paquius Proculus
Authors: Corte M. Della
Published: May 2006

The theory here to be disproved may be said to have grown almost to the dimensions of a legend; and it is a legend containing certain dark implications which have won it the greater popularity. For half a century P. Paquius Proculus has been maligned, and a calumny which should never have been started has had to wait till now for the refutation it deserves. Briefly, the account of this unfortunate Pompeian given by archaeologists who had studied his career was that, thanks to manoeuvre, intrigue and other forms of electoral machination, P. Paquius Proculus, from being a humble baker, rose to the highest magistracy in the city—the duumvirate. For the moment we may ignore the less savoury details which were added in course of time.