bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Movement Society in Comparative Perspective
Authors: Dodson Kyle
Published: April 2020

Recent scholarship argues that citizens in advanced democracies are turning to protests as a means of voicing political preferences. Advocates of this perspective claim that individuals now live in a "movement society," where protest activity stands alongside more traditional forms of political participation. However, despite the theoretical advances associated with the movement society approach, comprehensive evaluations of the underlying claims are lacking. This study remedies the empirical gaps by assessing three arguments. First, are more individuals participating in protest activities? Second, are protest activities expanding to more democratic countries? Third, have protest activities become "institutionalized," as indicated by a shift to nonconfrontational tactics? Analyses based on cross-national data provide mixed support for the movement society thesis. More individuals are becoming involved in protests, and this trend is observed in a large number of advanced democracies. Yet, there has not been a discernable shift toward the use of nonconfrontational tactics; indeed, confrontational tactics are becoming more popular.
The Study of the Consequences of Armed Groups: Lessons from the Social Movement Literature
Authors: Bosi Lorenzo , Giugni Marco
Published: April 2020

Despite the development of the political violence and terrorism literature, which has moved strongly forward in the past decade, scientific works on the consequences of armed groups are still rare. This article encourages cross-fertilization between the sparse studies of the consequences of political violence and the growing body of research on how social movements matter. First, we show the variety of potential outcomes of armed groups' violent repertoires. We then review works on the consequences of social movements and highlight lessons for the study of armed groups. Specifically, we urge scholars to look for the interplay of internal and external factors in studying the impact of armed groups. We call for a comparative focus that dwells less on conditions and more on the processes and mechanisms affecting the impact of political violence. At the same time, we acknowledge that the literature on political violence and terrorism can inform social movement scholarship. In particular, students of social movements should pay more attention to the potential economic consequences of protest activities, the international factors constraining their impact, and the life-course patterns of movements' targets.
Relational Dynamics and Processes of Radicalization: A Comparative Framework
Authors: Alimi Eitan , Bosi Lorenzo , Demetriou Chares
Published: April 2020

We propose an explanatory framework for the comparative study of radicalization that focuses on its "how" and "when" questions. We build on the relational tradition in the study of social movements and contentious politics by expanding on a mechanism-process research strategy. Attentive to similarities as well as to dissimilarities, our comparative framework traces processes of radicalization by delineating four key arenas of interaction—between movement and political environment, among movement actors, between movement activists and state security forces, and between the movement and a countermovement. Then, we analyze how four similar corresponding general mechanisms—opportunity/threat spirals, competition for power, outbidding, and object shift—combine differently to drive the process. Last, we identify a set of submechanisms for each general mechanism. The explanatory utility of our framework is demonstrated through the analysis of three ethnonational episodes of radicalization: the enosis-EOKA movement in Cyprus (1950-1959), the Provisional Irish Republican Army in Northern Ireland (1969-1972), and the Fatah-Tanzim in Palestine (1995-2001).
There are Weeks When Decades Happen: Structure and Strategy in the Egyptian Revolution
Authors: Holmes Amy
Published: April 2020

This article analyzes the 2011 uprising in Egypt in order to understand how an entrenched autocratic ruler could be toppled in a mere eighteen days. Refuting arguments that focus on the role of the social media, or divisions among the elite, and the alleged neutrality of the Egyptian military, I argue that a revolutionary coalition of the middle and lower classes created a breaking point for the regime. Key features of this mass mobilization included the refusal of protesters to be cowed by state violence, the creation of "liberated zones" occupied by the people, as well as "popular security" organizations that replaced the repressive security apparatus of the state, and strikes that crippled the economy in the final days of the Mubarak era. My research is based on participant observation in and around Tahrir Square as well as dozens of interviews with Egyptian citizens.
Activist Human Capital: Skills Acquisition and the Development of Commitment to Social Movement Activism
Authors: Van Dyke Nella , Dixon Marc
Published: April 2020

Social movement scholars have long recognized that participants in one campaign often develop a commitment to activism that inspires continued participation for years, even a lifetime. Scholars have identified a number of factors that inspire the development of commitment, including consciousness raising, empowerment, social ties and the development of a shared collective identity. In this article, we highlight another factor that the movement literature has thus far neglected: skills acquisition. Using data from interviews with participants in the AFL-CIO's Union Summer student internship program, we elaborate on the processes through which participation generates a feeling of empowerment, specifically showing that participants in an intensive movement campaign can learn concrete organizing skills which empower and inspire them to sustain their involvement in activism. In addition, we find that social ties are important not only because of the information and support they provide, but also because they transmit human capital. We demonstrate that those who come to an activist campaign with less experience, and those who participate in a better-organized campaign are more likely to gain activist human capital through their participation.
The Social-Psychological Origins of the Montgomery Bus Boycott: Social Interaction and Humiliation in the Emergence of Social Movements
Authors: Shultziner Doron
Published: April 2020

This study advances a new explanation of the Montgomery bus boycott, the constitutive event of the U.S. civil rights movement. It introduces new findings to demonstrate that Montgomery, Alabama, was unique in its segregation system, and that unrest among blacks emerged in the narrow time period between late 1953 and 1955. I trace the motivational origins of the boycott in worsening social interactions that caused a sense of abuse and humiliation in black passengers due to three main factors: changing ratios of black and white passengers on the public buses; labor-related issues that frustrated the bus drivers; and the impact of the 1954 Brown decision on the bus drivers. This study calls for a framework that conceptualizes and connects lived experiences and real contentious social interactions with the emergence of protest motivations and social movements. Accordingly, I stress the importance of distinguishing between causes that explain the emergence of movements and factors that explain the momentum and success of movements.
Moral Economy Redux: Social Protests in Turkey After the 2001 Economic Crisis
Authors: Gemici Kurtuluş
Published: April 2020

This article examines social protests following the collapse of an IMF-backed anti-inflation program in Turkey by people who lacked the associational bases to voice their political claims. Based on the pattern of protests following a similar economic crisis, one would expect protests by organized labor against the government. Yet it was largely shopkeepers and artisans who took to the streets in response to the 2001 crisis. I argue that the Turkish shopkeepers' ground-level understandings of economic processes—their moral economy—were at the origins of these protests. Furthermore, I demonstrate that organized labor's failure to mobilize resulted from the decline of associational capacity and strength of trade unions. The investigation of the Turkish shopkeeper protests shows that where capitalist production relations and a market economy threaten institutions of livelihood, moral economies can be the determining factor of a particular group's mobilization to contest rules and relations governing economic life.
Trust Your Boss or Listen to the Union? Information, Social Identification, Trust, and Strike Participation
Authors: Born Marieke , Akkerman Agnes , Torenvlied René
Published: April 2020

We investigate two questions regarding the effect of information on participation in labor strikes: First, how are social identification and trust used as filters for information? Second, we investigate how cross-pressures affect willingness to participate. Using a dataset of 468 union members, we test hypotheses about the relationships between information, identification, trust, and participation with structural equation modeling. Specifically, we find that information from and identification with the union are highly important determinants of participation. Regarding information from management, trust is the most important determinant for preventing workers from participation. We also find a difference between workers who have previous strike experience and those who do not. These findings indicate that workers use different mechanisms for filtering information, depending on the source of information. This is a new discovery in mobilization research.
Beyond the Usual Suspects? New Participants in Anti-Austerity Protests in Greece
Authors: Rüdig Wolfgang , Karyotis Georgios
Published: April 2020

In light of the emergence of mass protest against the austerity measures taken by the Greek government in 2010, we investigate whether these protests mobilized just the "usual suspects" of left-wing trade union activists, or if a new protest generation emerged. Using a general population survey carried out in December 2010, we find that almost one-third of the adult Greek population had taken part in anti-austerity protests, but less than one in five had been first-time protesters. Comparing new protesters with veteran protesters and nonprotesters, we find that new protest recruits do not fit the expected pattern in many respects. In particular, new demonstrators are less left wing than veterans and do not differ significantly from nondemonstrators, thus fitting the model of "apprentice" protesters. For the recruitment of new strikers, on the other hand, factors such as trade union membership and support for left-wing parties are more important.
A Strategic-Interaction Analysis of an Urgent Appeal System and Its Outcomes for Garment Workers
Authors: den Hond Frank , Stolwijk Sjoerd , Merk Jeroen
Published: April 2020

Within the global garment industry the term "urgent appeal" is used to describe a request for action to Western activist groups for support in a specific case of labor rights violations. The urgent appeal system has become an important strategy for the transnational antisweatshop movement. It is distinct from the movement's other strategies because it directly supports garment workers in their struggle for improved labor conditions while simultaneously informing and mobilizing Western consumers about substandard labor conditions in the garment industry. This article explores how reflexivity in the use of this particular strategy, strategic choice in its implementation, and interaction with allies and targets affect outcomes for garment workers. It confirms the relevance of the emerging strategic-interaction perspective in explaining movement outcomes.
The Emergence, Development, and Future of the Framing Perspective: 25+ Years Since "Frame Alignment"
Authors: Snow David , Benford Robert , McCammon Holly , Hewitt Lyndi , Fitzgerald Scott
Published: April 2020

It has been more than twenty-five years since publication of David Snow, Burke Rochford, Steven Worden, and Robert Benford's article, "Frame Alignment Processes, Micromobilization, and Movement Participation" in the American Sociological Review (1986). Here we consider the conceptual and empirical origins of the framing perspective, how its introduction fundamentally altered and continues to influence the study of social movements, and where scholarly research on social movement framing is still needed.
The Impact of Political Opportunities on Interorganizational Networks: A Comparison of Migrants' Organizational Fields
Authors: Eggert Nina
Published: April 2020

This article analyzes patterns of collective action in the field of immigration by looking at relational dynamics in two different local political settings. Drawing on a relational approach to the study of collective action, the general assumption is that the specific political opportunity structure (POS) in the field of immigration shapes the logics of interaction of migrants' associations. To test this hypothesis, we compare migrants' organizational networks in two cities characterized by two different opportunity structures—Lyon and Zurich. We thus apply network analysis to examine the density, the structural patterns, and the distribution of ties amongst organizations in the two cities. Results suggest that specific opportunities in the two contexts, by providing differential institutional access to migrant associations and publicly recognizing different collective identities, partly shape the relational patterns in the field and thus the modes of coordination of collective action adopted by migrants' organizations.
Three Patterns of Power in Technology-Enabled Contention
Authors: Bennett W. , Segerberg Alexandra
Published: April 2020

Technology-enabled networks of contention differ from physically co-present networks in that communication more saliently structures relations among actors. Technology platforms may even take on some roles of organizations in providing information, distributing resources, and coordinating action. Although many observers claim that online networks tend to concentrate public displays of attention and recognition in power-law hierarchies, we propose that technology-enabled contentious networks may seek or avoid concentrated hierarchies as reflections of the participants' underlying values and technology preferences. The article identifies three ideal type power signatures in technology-enabled networks—highly concentrated, moderately concentrated, and dispersed. Different power signatures can result in similar political outcomes, suggesting that none of them represents a generally more effective way to organize power in networks. However, in particular situations, different power configurations can affect how action is framed, how individuals become engaged, and the degree of fit between mobilizations and political contexts.
Mobilization Forum: Response to Mcadam, Tarrow, and Tilly. Contentious Maps of Contentious Politics
Authors: Lichbach Mark
Published: April 2020

This essay responds to McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly's synthesis of the field of contentious politics (Mobilization I: 17-34). My intention is to stimulate a dialogue between two competing approaches—the rationalist's collective action research program (CARP), which I favor (Lichbach 1994; 1995; 1996) and the structuralist's synthetic political opportunity theory (SPOT), which McAdam, Tarrow and Tilly advocate. After outlining the basic presuppositions of SPOT and CARP, I criticize the possibility of a grand synthesis in the field of conflict studies or contentious politics by demonstrating the specific tensions of a CARP-SPOT consortium and the general problems of any synthesis. I conclude that we should take McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly's call for contention in the field of contentious politics more seriously than their call for cumulation in a single crowning achievement, SPOT: We need creative confrontations, which should include well-defined and historically specific combinations, rather than a grand theoretical synthesis of the competing and conflicting research communities in the field.
Elite Identification in Collective Protest Movements: A Reconsideration of The Reputational Method with Application to The Palestinian Intifada
Authors: Schou Arild
Published: April 2020

Identifying and studying the role of political leaders in low-intensity collective protest movements with informal leadership structure poses extraordinary challenges. This article argues that the procedures associated with the reputational school of power are useful, particularly when the procedures are made more reliable and sophisticated. By selecting a panel of judges according to specific criteria it is possible to ensure that presumably knowledgeable persons are included, to explore whether the panel design is biased, and even to test whether the perceptions of the judges are accurate. It is also possible to identify the leaders using additional indicators ofprominence than reputed influence. The article is based on the author's experience ident65 ing the "spokespersons" of the Palestinian intifada
Structural Tensions in The Nineteenth Century Women's Movement
Authors: Rosenthal Naomi , McDonald David , Ethier Michele , Fingrutd Meryl , Karant Roberta
Published: April 2020

The organizational affiliations of four groups of nineteenth century women in New York State provide the basis for an exploration of tensions between local and national level organizations within a social movement. Information about overlapping membership among women's organizations over a period of almost seventy years is used to map the geography of connections between organizations affiliated with the early women's movement and other voluntary groups. In particular, we explore the connections of the movement's organizations to non-insurgent voluntarism in each setting, describing the range and patterning of organizational ties, the factors that determined the movement's niche in each location, and the differential consequences for national and local organizations within the same movement. Based on this analysis, we propose an ecological model of movement heterogeneity, suggesting that organizational niche differences are a significant source of tension in successful social movements.
Framing Puerto Rican Identity: Political Opportunity Structures and Neighborhood Organizing in New York City
Authors: Schneider Cathy
Published: April 2020

This article examines three decades of Puerto Rican social movement organizing in three New York City neighborhoods. It begins with a look at Puerto Rican nationalist movements in the late sixties and early seventies, moves to the housing movements in the mid-seventies to early eighties and concludes with the AIDS activist movements from the mid-eighties through the nineties. It argues that mobilizing frames and trajectories of these neighborhood movements were determined by differences in the local political opportunity structure, in particular (1) the distribution of political power among competing ethnic groups, (2) the opportunity to form political coalitions, and (3) the divergent trajectories and frames of previous movements. These different frames shaped the way organizers responded to new issues, influencing in particular activists' selection of targets, alliance partners, tactics, and discourse.
Persistent Challengers: Repression, Concessions, Challenger Strength, and Commitment in Latin America
Authors: Franklin James
Published: April 2020

One of the most perplexing issues in contentious politics is whether political repression deters future contentious challenges. In order to understand this effect, it is important to look more broadly at what explains the persistence of contentious challengers. This study examines specific contentious challenges and assesses whether the challenger involved persisted by taking part in any subsequent challenges over the following twelve months. The results do not provide strong evidence of a direct, consistent impact of repression on persistence. However, the results consistently show that challengers are more persistent when they include organized groups, when they have staged previous challenges, when they seek regime change, when they oppose authoritarian regimes, and when they have mobilized more participants in protests. A key argument presented is that repression filters out less committed challengers, so that contentious challenges that emerge in more repressive situations are more persistent.
A Study of Perceived Protest Atmospheres: How Demonstrators Evaluate Police-Demonstrator Interactions and Why
Authors: van Leeuwen Anouk , Klandermans Bert , van Stekelenburg Jacquelien
Published: April 2020

Using a multilevel dataset of seventy-five European street demonstrations (2009-13), we assess how demonstrators evaluate the interactions between the police and other demonstrators. In doing so, we study demonstrators' perceptions of the protest atmosphere. Understanding these atmosphere assessments is relevant, as demonstrators and other protest actors (e.g., police and the media) widely refer to the atmosphere (i.e., mood or climate) of protest events. To the best of our knowledge, scholars have not yet studied this aspect of protest participation. We start our study with a conceptualization and operationalization of protest atmosphere. Subsequently, we assess how demonstrators perceive atmosphere. Our analyses reveal that four types of protest atmospheres can be distinguished: harmonious, volatile, tense, and chaotic. We describe examples of these atmospheres and study why they are perceived. We find that the perception of atmosphere by demonstrators is influenced by individual characteristics (e.g., age) and demonstration characteristics (e.g., police repression).
Organizational Opportunity and Social Movement Mobilization: A Comparative Analysis of Four Religious Movements
Authors: Kurzman Charles
Published: April 2020

When do nonactivist organizations become committed to social movement goals? Building on critiques of the "iron law of oligarchy," this article develops and tests the concept of organizational opportunity, analogous to political opportunity. It divides the concept along two dimensions, the attitudes and authority of organizational leaders. The article examines organizational opportunity in four religious organizations and the social movements that challenged their political quiescence: the civil rights movement in the National Baptist Convention, U.S.A., Inc.; Liberation Theology in the Latin American Roman Catholic Church; the Iranian revolutionary movement in the Shi`i Muslim ruhaniyat; and prodemocracy activism in the Burmese Buddhist sangha. Activist mobilization of these organizations since the 1950s and 1960s appears to be strongly related to variation in organizational opportunity.
Dreadlocks: The Hair Aesthetics of Cultural Resistance and Collective Identity Formation
Authors: Kuumba M. , Ajanaku Femi
Published: April 2020

Growing dreadlocks, a hair practice usually associated with the Rastafarian movement, has become increasingly popular among people of African descent globally. In concert with other "makers," dreadlocks became symbolic accompaniment to oppositional collective identities associated with the African liberation/Black Power movements. Its spread among African liberationists, womanists, radical artists of African descent reflects counterhegemonic politics. From a combined new social movement and African cultural studies perspective, this research traces the sociopolitical and historical phases of "locking." On the microsociological level, the role that dreadlocks are perceived as playing along three main dimensions of collective identity formation: boundary demarcation, consciousness and negotiation, are explored. The study combines data from fifty-two dreadlocked persons' responses in surveys, interviews, and a focus group with historical documents and sources. Dreadlocks, as contemporary hair aesthetics, can be considered an example of culturally contextualized everyday resistance.
The Return of The Repressed: The Fall and Rise of Emotions in Social Movement Theory
Authors: Goodwin Jeff , Jasper James , Polletta Francesca
Published: April 2020

In recent years sociologists have made great strides in studying the emotions that pervade social life. The study of social movements has lagged behind, even though there are few arenas where emotions are more obvious or important. We hope to understand this lag as well as make some suggestions for catching up. To do this we examine the history of scholarship on social movements, finding that emotions were poorly specified in the early years, ignored entirely in the structural and organizational paradigms that emerged in the 1960s, and still overlooked in the cultural era of the 1980s and 1990s. Despite isolated efforts to understand the emotions of social movements, they remain today a fertile area for inquiry.
Ideologically Structured Action: An Enlarged Agenda for Social Movement Research
Authors: Zald Mayer
Published: April 2020

The conceptual definitions we use in social science often need adjusting to allow scholars to hone in on issues that are obscured under other definitions and to open research agendas. Here it is argued that a focus upon social movements as ideologically structured action accomplishes two objectives. First, it allows us to incorporate cultural/cognitive components of action into our core definition. Second, it helps us to broaden our research agenda to include a deeper and fuller view of socialization to social movement ideology and to social movement-related action that takes place in a variety of institutional arenas, including electoral competition, legislative processes, bureaucratic agencies, and executive ojfces.
Mobilizing in Black Boxes: Social Networks and Participation in Social Movement Organizations
Authors: Kitts James
Published: April 2020

Recent research has focused on the role of social networks in facilitating participation in protest and social movement organizations. This paper elaborates three currents of microstructural explanation, based on information, identity, and exchange. In assessing these perspectives, it compares their treatment of multivalence, the tendency for social ties to inhibit as well as promote participation. Considering two dimensions of multivalence—the value of the social tie and the direction of social pressure—this paper discusses problems of measurement and interpretation in network analysis of movement participation. A critical review suggests some directions for future research.
Informal Alliances vs. Institutional Ties: The Effects of Elite Alliances on Environmental TSMO Networks
Authors: Caniglia Beth
Published: April 2020

A cursory look at the ways that environmental activists seek to shape a growing global environmental agenda reveals a wide range of tactics that do not conform to traditional definitions of institutional versus disruptive politics. Zald and Diani argued in a recent Mobilization forum that our understandings of elite-movement relationships need revision to account for the variety of ways that movement actors relate to economic and political decision makers. While political opportunity analysts have shown that the presence or absence of sympathetic elites has important implications for movement outcomes, this article provides evidence about how the relationships between movement organizations and sympathetic transnational elites affect relationships within movements. By incorporating concepts and techniques from social network analysis, I derive a model to assess the effect of elite alliances on the structural positions in the network of environmental transnational social movement organizations (TSMOs). Findings indicate that elite alliances affect TSMO network positions differently, depending on the type and number of relationships the TSMO has with elites.
Guerrillas in their Midst: Armed Struggle in The South African Anti-Apartheid Movement
Authors: Seidman Gay
Published: April 2020

Echoing a general silence in social movement theory, discussions of South Africa's antiapartheid movement tend to ignore the impact of armed struggle on mobilization. The antiapartheid movement is usually described in terms of mass mobilization and civil rights struggle rather than as an anticolonial movement involving military attacks by guerrilla infiltrators and clandestine links between open popular groups and guerrilla networks. This article explores some of the reasons why researchers might avoid discussing armed struggle, including some discomfort around its morality. Then it considers how more systematic investigation of armed struggle might change our understanding of the anti-apartheid movement, including its legacies for post-apartheid politics. Finally, it suggests that these questions may be relevant for social movement theories.
Mobilizing Structures and Cycles of Protest: Post-Stalinist Contention in Poland, 1954-1959
Authors: Osa Maryjane
Published: April 2020

This article considers the conditions for protest mobilization and the creation of oppositional networks under authoritarianism. Archival data identifying membership in eighteen social action groups provide the basis for social network analysis of the opposition domain. Network development is traced during three phases of anti-Stalinist mobilization. The study finds that the opening of political opportunity in a non-democratic setting stimulates both civic association and contention. It is suggested that future research be conducted to identify the relational contents of ties in order to determine when influence in a network is likely to facilitate or to inhibit collective action.
The Interaction of State Repression, Protest Form and Protest Sponsor Strength During the Transition from Communism in Minsk, Belarus, 1990-1995
Authors: Titarenko Larissa , McCarthy John , McPhail Clark , Augustyn Boguslaw
Published: April 2020

The waves of public protest events that accompanied the early years of the transition from Communism in the former Soviet republic of Belarus offer the opportunity to explore the short-term interaction between state repression and the ongoing choice of protest form by challengers. Using police (militia) records of public protest events between 1990 and 1995, we examine the evolving choice of protest form by collective actors in Belarus. We develop expectations about how the strength of social actors interacts with the extent and form of state repression in shaping protest form. Analyses show that as democratic access expanded and state repression waned during a "democratic opening" weak collective actors came to dominate the protest arena, staging mostly pickets and vigils. As state repression escalated, however, strong collective actors reentered the protest arena, but, in response to the escalating state repression, employed mostly the picket/vigil protest form that, during less repressive times, had been the weapon of the weak collective actors.
An Alliance of Interest and Identity? Explaining The Campaign Against Manchester Airport's Second Runway
Authors: Griggs Steven , Howarth David
Published: April 2020

This article examines the campaign against the construction of Manchester Airport's second runway. Articulating insights from rational choice theory within a framework of discourse theory, it provides a set of theoretical tools with which to problematize and explain the Manchester case. Attention is focused on the strategic construction of group identities and interests by leading protest brokers who organized and orchestrated the campaign. The article offers explanations of how and why conservative local residents and radical eco-warriors were able to form an unlikely working coalition to resist the expansion of the airport. The article concludes with an examination of the overall impact and significance of the campaign for local residents and green protesters.
The Labor of Diffusion: The Peace Pledge Union and The Adaptation of The Gandhian Repertoire
Authors: Scalmer Sean
Published: April 2020

The history of the Peace Pledge Union of Britain illuminates the process of social movement repertoire diffusion. In the late 1950s and 1960s British pacifists successfully used nonviolent direct action, but this was based upon a long-term engagement with Gandhism. Systematic coding of movement literature suggests that the translation of Gandhian methods involved more than twenty years of intellectual study and debate. Rival versions of Gandhian repertoire were constructed and defended. These were embedded in practical, sometimes competing projects within the pacifist movement, and were the subject of intense argument and conflict, the relevance of Gandhism was established through complex framing processes, multiple discourses, and increasing practical experimentation. This article offers methodological and conceptual tools for the study of diffusion. A wider argument for the importance of the reception as will as performance of contention is offered.
International Triggering Events, Transnational Networks, And The Development of Czech And Polish Environmental Movements
Authors: Carmin JoAnn , Hicks Barbara
Published: April 2020

This study shows how international, intergovernmental, and transnational factors influence social movement formation and evolution by examining the Czech and Polish environmental movements between 1970 and 2000. The analysis maps the ways in which these factors create conditions for movement development and demonstrates how their influence varies, depending on regime stability and type. Movement actions are more predictable in stable regimes because governments are better able to control the effects of external events. In authoritarian regimes, external influences tend to foster development by altering political opportunities, while in democratic regimes they usually bring resources directly to movements. These patterns suggest that, although the forces of globalization are promoting similarity in movement development and action, the effects of external influences on mobilization are still moderated by national political institutions and processes.
Political Identity, Territory, And Institutional Change: The Case Of Belgium
Authors: Carter Neal
Published: April 2020

This article examines the interplay of political identity, territory, and institutional change in Belgium. Political mobilization has gradually reshaped the territorial constitution of political institutions, and with it, group identities. Politicians have chosen to abandon a unitary state structure and instead establish a federation of Regions and Communities, both of which are territorially delimited but have different functions. As contention over language policy and language-use assessment has grown, Belgians have decided to favor territoriality over language use in matters of governance. This decision has not been without significant effects on identity-based politics. The analysis presented here shows how group mobilization can alter the institutional and territorial structures of group interaction and that these structural changes affect future options available to groups.
Local To Global: Transnational Networks And Indian Women's Grassroots Organizing
Authors: Subramaniam Mangala , Gupte Manjusha , Mitra Debarashmi
Published: April 2020

By focusing on grassroots groups of the Indian women's movement, we suggest that localglobal linkages often involve several intermediary levels—specifically levels below the nationstate. Grassroots organizing in India illustrates how a variety of intermediary networks are complexly intertwined within the nation state and beyond. Grassroots groups are localized, rural- or urban-based, and can be informal (such as in Bada Bhilwara and the case of MSK) or formal in character (such as Sanlaap). These groups actively build lateral and vertical networks. Austerity and structural adjustment programs have placed pressures on Third World women, forcing them to devise survival strategies to meet basic needs that combine efforts to change gender relations. Grassroots groups are built around daily needs and survival, and often challenge economic liberalization policies that have negative consequences for women—especially poor women.
Limitations and Possibilities of Transnational Mobilization: The Case of Eu Summit Protesters in Brussels, 2001
Authors: Bédoyan Isabelle , Aelst Peter , Walgrave Stefaan
Published: April 2020

Although transnational political institutions have been around for decades, it is only recently that the wave of protest against neoliberal globalization has successfully mobilized on a transnational scale. Nevertheless, barriers to transnational participation in protests are especially difficult to overcome. By means of a survey conducted with protesters from all over Europe during the 2001 anti-neoliberal globalization demonstrations at the EU summit in Brussels, we explore the specific impediments to transnational mobilization in the European context. How do anti-neoliberal globalization movement organizations manage to overcome obstacles while other movements are only able to coordinate collective action on a national level? Special attention is given to the impact these difficulties have on the motivation and profile of foreign versus local protesters. Are foreign protesters more radical in their actions than the local participants? Do they take a stronger stance towards their protest actions against globalization? We close by speculating on the future of this movement and on transnational collective action in general.
A Strategic Approach to Collective Action: Looking for Agency in Social-Movement Choices
Authors: Jasper James
Published: April 2020

In theories of social movements, the structural models of the last thirty years may have reached the limits of their utility. Future breakthroughs are likely to arise from attention to the microfoundations of political action. The study of strategic choices may be one fruitful new path of research, especially if sociologists can develop an approach to strategy that takes cultural and institutional contexts more seriously than game theory, which has long dominated the study of strategy. As a starting point, I present several strategic dilemmas that organizers and participants face, either explicitly as choices or implicitly as tradeoffs. These choices represent agency in contrast to the structure that has interested scholars for so long. By portraying strategic players as audiences for words and actions, they are also thoroughly cultural. If we can begin to explain the choices faced and the choices made, we will go a long way toward opening up the study of social movements to strategic factors mostly ignored in the dominant models. Viewed as causal mechanisms, choices may offer the microfoundations for rethinking social movement theory.
After the Massacre: Mobilization in the Wake of Harsh Repression
Authors: Francisco Ronald
Published: April 2020

What do dissidents do after a massacre? This article uses thirty-one brutal repressions to test collective-action theory in the harshest possible context. After a massacre, dissidents are outraged at the state, but also fearful of further repression. Can dissidents mobilize backlash protests in these circumstances? The report shows that there usually is sufficient communication of the massacre to enable subsequent backlash mobilization. Also, there is sufficient continuity in leadership after the massacre to coordinate backlash protest. The massacre-event leadership either remains in tact or is immediately and effectively replaced after the event. Moreover, dissident leaders use adaptive tactics to elude subsequent repression in most cases. A Bayesian updating test for mobilization shows that repression reduces backlash protests and that no repression increases backlash. This report concludes by affirming that collective-action theory works even in this highly challenging situation.
Effect of Fungicides in Controlling Wilt Disease of Cumin
Authors: Khalequzzaman K. M. , Uddin M. K. , Hossain M. M. , Hasan Md. Kamrul
Published: April 2020

The experiment was conducted at Spices Research Centre, BARI, Shibganj, Bogra, Bangladesh during 2014-15 to find out the effective fungicides in controlling wilt disease of cumin. The treatments were five fungicides viz. Sunvit 50 WP @0.5%, Secure @0.02%, Rovral 50 WP  @0.2%, Bavistin DF @0.25%, Provax 200 WP (0.25%) and one control (untreated). Cumin line CN 026 was used in the experiment. Wilt incidence ranged from 13.45 - 37.69%, while the lowest incidence was recorded In Bavistin treated plots which was statistically similar to Provax and Sunvit, and the highest incidence was recorded in control. Bavistin (0.25%) gave the highest number of umbels/plant, number of umbel lets/plant, number of seeds/umbel, number of seeds/plant, weight of seeds/plant and seed yield (586.5 kg/ha) which was followed by Provax and Sunvit, and the lowest of these parameters were obtained from control treatment.
Morphometric and Topographic Study of Foramen Ovale in Indian Skulls
Authors: Mishra Suniti Raj , Sushobhana  , Singh Shailendra , Singh Raveena , Gaharwar Anamika
Published: April 2020

Foramen ovale is an important foramen for neurosurgeons and used for percutaneous trigeminal rhizotomy in trigeminal neuralgia. The present study was undertaken to study anatomic variations in appearance, dimensions of foramen ovale and its location in relation to the zygomatic arch. The study was conducted on 50 dry human skulls of known sex, available in the museum of Anatomy Dept. in G.S.V.M. Medical College, Kanpur.  The shape of foramen ovale and presence of any accessory bony structure like spur, spine, tubercle or bony plate were observed on both sides. The length and width of foramen ovale and its distance from articular tubercle and the anterior root of  Zygomatic Arch was  measured on both sides.  The metric data was statistically analysed for bilateral symmetry and sexual dimorphism. The shape of foramen ovale was typically oval in most of the skulls (66%). In 40% sides any accessory bony structure was not seen while bony plate in 45% sides, spine in 6% and bridge like bony septa dividing the foramen into two compartments in 2% was observed. The mean length and width of foramen ovale in male skulls was 7.50+/-0.90 mm and 4.20+/-0.70 mm and 7.7+/-1.00 mm and 3.9+/-0.80 mm in the female skulls.  The mean distance of foramen ovale from articular tubercle on Zygomatic arch was 32.8 +/- 2.8 mm in males and 31.1 +/- 2.4 mm in females. The mean distance from anterior root of Zygomatic arch was 21.4 +/- 1.9 mm in males and 21.6 +/- 1.7 mm in females. There was no significant difference in measurements of various metric parameters between right and left sides of foramen ovale (p>0.05) but highly significant difference was observed between male and female dimensions of all metric parameters.(p<0.001). Thus the foramen ovale does not exhibit bilateral symmetry but the sexual dimorphism is evident. The data is helpful for surgical practices.
Factors Influencing Food Shortage in Mtwara Mikindani Municipality, Tanzania
Authors: Shole Robert Ngelela
Published: April 2020

Globally food shortage is still a problem for instance Africa, the most of popular region in the world still has the highest of under nourished. The probable answer to what are the factors influencing food shortage In Tanzania are not well known and documented. This study sought to assess the factors influencing the food shortage in Mtwara Mikindani Municipality by identifying factors influencing food shortage, determining the status of food availability and accessibility and finding out the possible measures to be taken in order to overcome the problem of food. Structured questionnaire, observation and Oral interview had been useful for collecting primary information in which the best recorded interviewees were analyzed supplemented by documentaries. Generally, this study concludes that food shortage in the study area is influencing by, climate change, bad tradition believe, poor government support, laziness culture, land degradation and infertility land. However, the government should not delay to implement its policies practically especially to the small producers so as to establish strong base on agriculture. Also, the government to employ as many as it can agricultural officers so as to allow farmers to get frequent visitors who will  advise them on how to produce efficiently their products by using irrigation methods and scientific methods like the use of improved seeds.
Poland’s Return To Europe
Authors: Szostak Sylwia
Published: April 2020

The changing political sphere in 1989 and the subsequent 2004 European
Union accession had a profound impact on Poland’s economic, political and
social spheres. Both events are considered to have marked Poland’s ‘return
to Europe’ and strengthened the relations with its Western neighbours. This
article examines the changing patterns of television fiction programming
flow in Poland in the post-Soviet era, exploring the impact of those two
events on Poland’s audiovisual sector. This article therefore assesses
whether, and if so – how, this metaphorical ‘return to Europe’ is manifested
on Polish television screens.
From European Identity and Media Imperialism to Public Diplomacy
Authors: Polonska-Kimunguyi Eva , Kimunguyi Patrick
Published: April 2020

Euronews can be regarded as Europe’s most experimental and successful
pan-national broadcaster. It is increasingly international in its
organisation and output. The issues covered no longer concentrate on Europe.
‘Going global’ is the channel’s new motto. This paper outlines the changing
rationale behind the creation of Euronews. It starts by discussing the
American cultural imperialism of the 1970s and 1980s and the way it ignited
European responses and counter-measures. It subsequently examines the
politics of pan-national identity building in Europe and media’s role in the
process. Finally, it demonstrates how Euronews has transformed itself into
an instrument of the European Union’s transnational public
diplomacy.
Parallel Stories, Differentiated Histories
Authors: Rueda Laffond José Carlos , Ruiz Carlota Coronado , Burnay Catarina Duff , Gómez Amparo Guerra , Pérez Susana Díaz , Santos Rogério
Published: April 2020

Integrated into an international project on the characteristics of
historical fiction on TV in Spain and Portugal during 2001–2012, the study
traces the main aspects of these productions as entertainment products and
memory strategies. Historical fiction on Iberian television channels express
qualitative problems of interpretation. Its development must be related to
issues such practices, meanings and forms of recognition, and connected with
specific memory systems. The article explores a set of key–points: uses and
topics of historical fiction; its visions through similarly proposals;
polarization in several historical times, and its convergent perspectives
about Franco and Oliveira Salazar as Iberian contemporary
dictators.
The Life and Afterlife of a Socialist Media Friend
Authors: Bloch Kinga
Published: April 2020

This paper analyses how the relationship of the Polish audience to a
series from the 1970s, Czterdziestolatek (The Fourty-Year Old) evolved
during socialism and after the Fall of the Iron Curtain. Contemporary
reactions to the original series and a new season that was produced in the
early 1990s are compared to nostalgic recollections and memories of the
programme in later periods. The study discusses how the Polish audience uses
the programme as a historical document today and whether there is a
generational difference in the perception of the audiovisual interpretation
of Polish everyday life in the 1970s.