bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Natural History of Non-Muscle-Invasive Transitional Cell Carcinoma of the Bladder
Authors: Colquhoun A.J. , Kockelbergh R.C.
Published: May 2009

Non-muscle-invasive (NMI) transitional cell carcinoma (TCC) of the bladder is a common disease that recurs frequently and may progress to more sinister invasive disease. In the absence of a molecular tool that can accurately predict an individual's propensity to tumour recurrence and/or progression, urologists utilise prognostic factors to predict patient outcome. To ascertain the value and ranking of known prognostic factors we performed a MEDLINE search using the MeSH heading bladder neoplasm, with classification, epidemiology and mortality as subheadings. Papers describing significant cohorts of patients (>100) were identified and reviewed to ascertain tumour recurrence and progression rates, along with overall and bladder cancer-specific mortality. Factors affecting tumour recurrence, progression and survival were determined. Tumour recurrence and progression rates varied between 46–70% and 6–56% respectively. Multifocality, previous high tumour recurrence rate, positive 3-month check cystoscopy and tumour size were predictive of tumour recurrence. Tumour grade, multifocality and tumour size were predictive of tumour progression. Overall and bladder cancer-specific survival varied between 8–85% and 56–99.4% respectively, and clearly related to duration of patient follow-up. Grade, stage and previous high tumour recurrence rates predicted patient survival. The data obtained regarding prognostic factors are used to describe a rationale follow-up schedule for patients with NMI TCC of the bladder.
Temperature monitoring in Bakchar bog (West Siberia)
Authors: Dyukarev E.A. , Golovatskaya E.A. , Duchkov A.D. , Kazantsev S.A.
Published: May 2009

We report the results of continuous temperature monitoring (812 days, from 28 June 2005 to 26 September 2007) in a 80 cm layer of peat soil in Bakchar bog (West Siberia), at sampling rates of 60 min in wintertime and 15 min in summertime. Both annual and daily temperature patterns are controlled by water table position and weather conditions. Wintertime soil temperature patterns are disturbed by the formation of a seasonal frozen layer with its thickness (freezing depth) depending on the time when steady snow cover sets up and on soil moisture. During the period of frozen layer thawing, the temperature of peat becomes sensitive to peat moisture and water table position as well as to the air and peat surface temperature. The warm-season soil temperature patterns bear effects of peat warming by rainwater percolation, both in nightand daytime. The patterns with soil warming during rainfall and phase change during seasonal freezing-thawing cycles record disturbances to conductive heat transfer.
An electromagnetoacoustic method of measuring electric conductivity and ζ-potential
Authors: Dorovsky V.N. , Dorovsky S.V.
Published: May 2009

A nonsteady filtration theory combined with electromagnetism by means of common physical principles of hydrodynamic description of condensed media is constructed. Based on the linear version of the theory, an electromagnetic method for measuring ζ-potential is suggested.
Euripides and the Puritan Movement: A Study of ‘The Bacchae’
Authors: Mead L. M.
Published: May 2009

TheBacchae is acknowledged to be the most difficult to interpret of all Euripides' plays, and the difficulty of understanding it is increased by the fact that it is in many ways unlike his other works. The human characters are not so clearly drawn, nor are they of such heroic calibre. The manifestation of Dionysus' power and the adoration of him at the end are, moreover, in contrast to Euripides' usual ‘sceptical’ tone.
The United Nations and the Environment
Authors: Strong Maurice F.
Published: May 2009

In these closing decades of the twentieth century modern man is a paradox of extremes. He possesses untold knowledge and wealth, but these have brought no universal end to the indignity of poverty and ignorance. He has conquered space, but on earth he is unable to overcome conflicts and inequities. His mastery of science and technology gives him unprecedented power, but his living world is threatened as at no time since his planetary home first gave him warmth and shelter.
Population, Resources, and Technology: Political Implications of the Environmental Crisis
Authors: Choucri Nazli , Bennett James P.
Published: May 2009

Virtually eveyone reconizes the existence on an environmental crisis in the world today, but may uncertianties remain concerning the precise nature of this cirsis and its domestic and interational implications. This much is clear: The world's popu;lation is continuing to grow at an alarming pace; finite resources are being utilized at exponential rates; and technological advances are contributing to negative ecological outcomes. These trends have been documented extensively. Their political significance, however, has received little attention if only because the visibility of the problem is such a recent phenomenon. This article is addressed to some of the political consequences and international implications of the environmental crisis.
International Institutions for Environmental Management
Authors: MacDonald Gordon J.
Published: May 2009

The degradation of the human environment is a worldwide problem which has increasingly led to worldwide concern. All countries, whether rich or poor, young or old, irrespective of political and economic institutions, are finding that they must understand and improve the relationships between man's activities and the total environmental system. The recognition that the planet's resources and its capacities to absorb waste are definitely limited raises important questions as to how to approach solutions in a way that not only safeguards legitimate national interests but in the long run protects and enhances those resources essential to the future welfare of all states.
Weighted Voting in International Organizations
Authors: McIntyre Elizabeth
Published: May 2009

The idea of weighted voting is not new. In 1849 Sir George Cornewall Lewis stated that “history affords instances in which opinions have been weighed instead of counted”, and the subsequent unfolding of a system which finds notable contemporary expression in the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development and the International Monetary Fund has seen various manifestations. While it would be extravagant to assert that weighted voting is a crucial issue of the present day, or even a hotly-contested one, its potentialities as a means toward more effective international procedure merit discussion.
Pan Americanism and Regionalism: A Mexican View
Authors: Castañeda Jorge
Published: May 2009

The existence of regional arrangements rests on two assumptions: First, the recognition that world unity, based on a common way of life and common values, is still very distant; and second, the increasingly inescapable conviction that, in our time, the great majority of national states are political and economic units illequipped to develop fully and even survive on solely national bases. Politically, most states have lost ground in a world which has had its centers of power radically diminished in the course of a generation. Economically, they are units too small to develop fully their natural resources and overcome their poverty unless they work together. The modern world needs to create regional units as a bridge between the isolated national state and a sufficiently integrated world collectivity of the future.
The United Nations Administrative Tribunal
Authors: Friedmann Wolfgang , Fatouros Arghyrios A.
Published: May 2009

The development, in size as well as importance, of the international civil service is a relatively recent phenomenon in the international scene. One of its consequences is an increase in die number of problems that may and do arise between an international organization and the members of its staff. Such problems exist in all civil services, national as well as international; they arise in relation to the legal position of the service officials, to their dismissals and promotions (or lack of them), to disciplinary measures against any of them, to their salaries, leaves of absence and other such administrative “details”. On all such questions, the views on which the organization, as represented by its higher administrative officers, bases its actions, may differ from the views of the officials concerned. The facts in each case may be in dispute, or the meaning of the terms and provisions of the contracts of employment and the regulations of the service, may be understood in different ways by die parties concerned.
American Policy Toward the UN—Some Bureaucratic Reflections
Authors: Bloomfield Lincoln P.
Published: May 2009

Students of international organization, like students of domestic government, usually focus their attention on problems of formal organizational structure and arrangements and quite often neglect the substratum of informal operations and relationships. The study of public administration, in its quest for greater depth of perception, has in recent years gained rich insights through analysis of the informal and human aspects of policymaking. But international organization, still a parvenu from the American standpoint, has scarcely felt the scalpel of this particular form of dissection.
A Political Re-Examination of SEATO
Authors: Ball W. Macmahon
Published: May 2009

It is now three years since the Southcast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) was rather hastily established after the French military collapse in Indo-China. What is its present effectiveness, and what are its prospects, as a security organization for Southeast Asia? There has never been any doubt or obscurity about SEATO's over-riding purpose to resist the extension, by whatever means, of communist rule in Southeast Asia. At die Manila Conference diere was some clash of opinion on how the purpose of die proposed body should be officially proclaimed. The United States wanted to limit it to resistance against communist aggression, while the United Kingdom and some odier countries diought it would be more politic to refer to aggression in general terms, since this might make SEATO less unpalatable to the Colombo powers. The United States then agreed to refer to aggression in general terms in the body of the Treaty, but announced its "Understanding" that its own military obligations were limited to die resistance of communist aggression. At the same time Australia insisted on its own proviso diat nothing in the Treaty must be construed as an obligation to intervene in any possible conflict between Asian members of the Commonwealth. Australia diereby sought to make it clear that SEATO was in no way concerned with the dispute between India and Pakistan over Kashmir. These verbal skirmishes only made it the more evident diat in fact, if not in form, SEATO was concerned solely widi stemming the advance of communism.
Sanctions for Political Change—The Indonesian Case
Authors: Perkins Whitney T.
Published: May 2009

In the Indonesian case, involving contention before the Security Council between Asian nationalism and a western democracy, the UN was a significant influence in a process of political change. The Netherlands, having resorted with apparent success to the use of force, finally agreed to withdraw from Indonesia. Despite the fighting, this case illustrates the perennial problem of peaceful change—how is legitimacy transferred? What non-military pressures and inducements are required to bring about the renunciation of a position which is legally and militarily defensible?
The Five-Year Experience of the European Coal and Steel Community
Authors: Sanderson Fred H.
Published: May 2009

Since the signing and ratification of the treaties establishing the European Economic Community and the European Atomic Energy Community (Euratom), there has been renewed interest in the organization which pioneered die European effort toward economic integration under supra-national institutions. The European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) commemorates this year two anniversaries which are of more dian usual significance. February 10 and May 1, 1958, mark die completion of die first five years of die common market for coal and iron ore, and for steel and scrap, respectively. February 10 also marks die end of die “period of transition” provided by die treaty to cushion die impact of competidon on weak industries and to facilitate their adaptation to die conditions of the common market. During this period, some member countries were authorized to continue certain customs duties (e.g., on Italian imports of coke and steel), subsidies (e.g., for Lorraine coal and coke), and odier protective devices; and in some cases, provision was made for financial assistance by the Community itself (e.g., in favor of coal mines in Belgium and Sardinia). But unlike the escape clauses included in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), diese exemptions and supports were limited to five years, widi die possibility, in some cases, of a further extension of two years. Also during this period, measures were to be taken to eliminate discriminatory practices and to harmonize the conditions of competition, particularly in transport, and a common tariff was to be worked out vis-à-vis non-member countries.
United States Attitude Toward Domestic Jurisdiction in the United Nations
Authors: Rajan M. S.
Published: May 2009

The United States has played a dominant role in the establishment of international organizations since World War I, especially with respect to the League of Nations and the UN. However, the United States is also largely responsible for some vital limitations on the functioning of these organizations. One, perhaps the most important, is the subject of this study.
The Future Composition of the Trusteeship Council
Authors: Bailey Sydney D.
Published: May 2009

So fast has been the development of trust territories toward self-government or independence that a situation will arise in 1960 that seems not to have been foreseen by the founding fathers of the United Nations. Togoland and the Cameroons under French administration and Somaliland under Italian administration will, according to present plans, cease to be trust territories during the course of 1960. Italy's automatic membership in the Trusteeship Council will thus cease, but France, as a permanent member of the Security Council, will remain a permanent member of the Trusteeship Council. This will have both short-term and long-term implications for the balance of membership in the Council, which according to the Charter should be divided equally between states which administer trust territories and states which do not administer such territories.
Some Reflections on the International Trusteeship System, with Particular Reference to its Impact on the Governments and Peoples of the Trust Territories
Authors: Fletcher-Cooke John
Published: May 2009

The purpose of this study is not to describe the principles and procedures upon which the International Trusteeship System is based—for these are set out in Chapters XII and XIII of the Charter of the United Nations. Rather will an attempt be made, on the basis of three years' personal experience (1948–1951) of the workings of the Trusteeship Council and three years' service (1956–1959) in Tanganyika, the largest of the trust territories, to assess the real impact of the system on the governments and peoples of the trust territories themselves.
Politics and Change in the Security Council
Authors: Padelford Norman J.
Published: May 2009

It was generally appreciated when the United Nations was created that changes would occur in the international scene and chat over the years these would affect the functioning of the world organization. The UN was indeed constructed for the purpose of dealing with problems of change and for channeling these along peaceful lines. It was expected chat the relationships between the powers would vary, that the membership would grow, and that the issues of peace and security would not be static.
Australia and Seato
Authors: Modelski George
Published: May 2009

Australia is a nation small and vulnerable enough to need great power guarantees of territorial integrity, yet at the same time strong and stable enough to constitute an asset in any joint undertaking. The quality of being a small power dependent on the support of the great powers Australia shares with the countries of Southeast Asia, and in particular with the Southeast Asian states linked up with the Southeast Asian Treaty Organization (SEATO). But it is less exposed to immediate dangers, is more modern and industrialized than its near-northern neighbors, and hence is also capable of serving as an independent source of strength and of assuming a role somewhat akin to that of the great powers in SEATO. Australia's membership role in SEATO is, in effect, defined by these two basic conditions.
The Curriculum of Imco
Authors: Padwa David J.
Published: May 2009

As if such creatures were cheaper by the dozen, the family of UN specialized agencies celebrated the nativity of its twelfth and most recent member on March 17, 1958, when the Convention of the Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative Organization (IMCO) entered into force after ten long years of anxious gestation. The organization has from the first been a child of suspicion, its fortunes subject to the various styles of amour propre indulged in by its parents. The government of Greece, for example, having disavowed paternity by withdrawing its original instrument of ratification when IMCO was yet unborn, underwent still another change of heart and reinstated its ratification in time to attend the baptismal ceremonies of the opening session at the organization's headquarters in London. To make public its doubts, however, that instrument bore an undisguised caveat that, in the event “the Organization extends its activities to matters of commercial and economic nature, the Greek Government may find itself bound to reconsider its acceptance” and have recourse to the withdrawal procedures in Article 59 of the Convention.
Politics and the Future of ECOSOC
Authors: Padelford Norman J.
Published: May 2009

Economic and social cooperation through the United Nations seems destined to face new challenges and alternatives in the coming years as a result of the changed composition of the United Nations membership, the increased bargaining power of the African, Asian, and other states seeking economic and technical assistance, and the precedent of UN operations in the Congo.
The United Nations and Colonialism: A Tentative Appraisal
Authors: Jacobson Harold Karan
Published: May 2009

Colonialism, at least as it is generally defined in the United Nations as Western rule of non-metropolitan areas, is rapidly being brought to a close. As a consequence, within a few years some of the activities of the United Nations will be reduced to almost insignificant proportions. Seven of the eleven territories that were once included within the trusteeship system have already achieved self-government or independence, and another, Ruanda-Urundi, will soon attain that goal. Unless new territories are added, only Nauru, New Guinea, and the Pacific Islands will remain under trusteeship. The list of territories which according to the General Assembly are subject to the provisions of Chapter XI of the Charter has not been cut as drastically, but in terms of the number of people involved, the reduction is equally impressive. Even with the high rate of population growth and the addition of the Spanish and Portuguese dependencies, the number of people living in such areas is about one-fifth of the 1946 figure of 215,000,000. With a few important exceptions such as Kenya, Uganda, Nyasaland and the Rhodesias, and Angola and Mozambique, the territories which in the UN's view “have not yet attained a full measure of self-government” are small and have populations of less than one million. It has already been recommended that the future of the Department of Trusteeship and Information from Non-Self-Governing Territories and the possibility of allocating its duties to other departments be reviewed in the light of these developments.
Geographical Distribution of the Staff of the UN Secretariat
Authors: Goodrich Leland M.
Published: May 2009

One of the perennial questions before the General Assembly and its Fifth Committee is that of the geographical distribution of the staff of the Secretariat. With the admission of sixteen new African members in 1960 and the sudden interest of the Soviet Union in filling its “quota,” the question took on special interest and urgency in the fifteenth and sixteenth sessions. The Committee of Experts, set up by the General Assembly in 1959 to review the organization and activities of the Secretariat, was asked to consider and make recommendations on certain aspects of the problem. The Fifth Committee spent much of its time during the sixteenth session in discussing the matter, and ended by inviting the Secretary-General to take into account the two draft resolutions introduced and views expressed in the Committee on the question, and to present to the General Assembly at its seventeenth session “a statement of his considered views on how to improve the geographical distribution of the staff of the Secretariat.” The question is, therefore, one which directly and immediately concerns the present position and future development of the Secretariat.
Immunities and Privileges of Delegations to the United Nations
Authors: Gross Leo
Published: May 2009

In the sixteen years since the United Nations on the invitation of the United States established its principal headquarters in New York, there have been remarkably few incidents and little publicity in connection with the immunities and privileges of Members' representatives. This is no doubt due not to the clarity or quality of the relevant juridical instruments but to the tact and understanding of all concerned: the United Nations and more particularly its Secretaries-General, the representatives of the Member States and in a very large measure the Department of State and the United States Mission to the United Nations. It was the violent reaction of Chairman N. S. Khrushchev, attending the fifteenth session of the General Assembly as head of the Soviet Union delegation, against the restrictions imposed upon his movements in the United States by the Department of State which drew attention to the question of the rights and privileges of delegations to the United Nations. For the first time the head of the delegation of a great power and a permanent member of the Security Council was subjected to such restrictions. Speaking in the General Assembly, Mr. Khrushchev referred to “the various restrictions of the rights of representatives of States in the United Nations” and the “instances … of the representatives of young African and Asian States being subjected to racial discrimination.” He raised the question “whether or not thought should be given to the choice of another location for the United Nations Headquarters which would better facilitate the effective work of this international organization.”The nature and extent of these restrictions will be discussed below but it may be well to begin with a survey and analysis of the bewildering array of instruments which govern this matter.
Centralization and Decentralization in the United Nations Economic and Social Activities
Authors: Malinowski W. R.
Published: May 2009

The sixteenth session of the General Assembly on December 19, 1961, adopted two complementary resolutions, one on the “Decentralization of the Economic and Social Activities of the United Nations and Strengthening of the Regional Economic Commissions” and the other on “Planning for Economic Development.” The latter, inter alia, recommended the establishment of regional development and planning institutes “closely linked to the respective regional economic commissions.” As in many national administrations, the forces for centralization and for decentralization of the administration of the United Nations programs in the economic and social fields will no doubt continue to operate in the years to come. But the adoption of the resolutions referred to above tips the scale in favor of decentralization. It means recognition of the ascendancy of forces which have become increasingly apparent in the world organization, particularly since the recent strides towards universality of membership.
Dag Hammarskjöld's Conception of His Office
Authors: Lash Joseph P.
Published: May 2009

In one of his first declarations as Secretary-General, Dag Hammarskjöld said that no part of his task was “more challenging than the one which consists in trying to develop all the potentialities of that unique diplomatic instrument which the Charter has created in the institution called the Secretary-General of the U.N.”
Federation in the Caribbean: An Attempt That Failed
Authors: Springer Hugh W.
Published: May 2009

Ever since World War II the United Kingdom has been engaged in the process of withdrawal from the Caribbean—indeed the beginnings were made before the war ended. The clearest and most recent evidence has been the advance of Jamaica and Trinidad from colonial status to independent membership in the British Commonwealth and the United Nations. But this was not quite what had been intended. The aim originally had been to make one federal union of all the British colonies in the region. The attempt, however, failed. British Guiana and British Honduras withdrew from the scheme at an early stage, and the federation of the islands foundered after a four-year period of trial.
The Organization of African Unity
Authors: Padelford Norman J.
Published: May 2009

Inthe period since the publication of the special number of this journal devoted to Africa and international organization, one development of potentially considerable importance in this connection has transpired within Africa. This is the launching of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and its embarcation on the task of forging a measure of peaceful collaboration out of the multitude of mixed aspirations and competing, indeed conflicting, interests of the African states.
The United Nations: Then and Now
Authors: Finkelstein Lawrence S.
Published: May 2009

“We do not want to entrust to five great Powers or to two great Powers the task of deciding … what our common destiny will be…”.

To anyone who attended the great assemblage gathered at San Francisco in 1945 to write the Charter for the United Nations, these words have a familiar ring. Indeed, they might have been uttered (and no doubt were ad nauseam) by small-power representatives during the seemingly interminable debates over the rule of unanimity—the veto—in the Security Council. In fact, these words were spoken in February 1965 by the Mauritanian delegate explaining, on the final day of the “abortive” nineteenth session of the General Assembly, why he voted with Albania in protest against the “basis of consensus” which had governed the session.
Changing Patterns of Constitutional Development
Authors: Russell Ruth B.
Published: May 2009

At the end of its twentieth year the United Nations is in the midst of a constitutional crisis the outcome of which is still in doubt. During its lifetime it has survived other profound changes, some no less constitution shaking than the present one. Other developments were absorbed chiefly through a process of informal Charter interpretation and institutional adaptation; whereas the current financial crisis was allowed to reach the stage where formal confrontation of conflicting Charter interpretations could be avoided only by adopting a procedural device to evade decision that, unfortunately, also brought the Assembly to a halt.
The Maintenance of International Peace and Security
Authors: Goodrich Leland M.
Published: May 2009

It is a truism that the text of the Charter gives a quite misleading picture of the United Nations as it is today. In no respect is this more true than in the working of the Organization in the maintenance of international peace and security. Those provisions of the Charter which were claimed by its authors to provide the new Organization with teeth that the League of Nations did not have either have never been used or have in practice been of little importance. New emphases and new methods have been developed through the liberal interpretation of Charter provisions. These have not always been equally acceptable to all Members, however. The process of adaptation and development continues, with great present uncertainty as to what the future has in store.
Colonialism, Political Development, and the UN
Authors: Emerson Rupert
Published: May 2009

The United Nations two decades after San Francisco is a very different body from the one which its creators fashioned, and it is a reasonable presumption that there were none or virtually none who presided over its creation who foresaw even dimly what it would become in the short span of twenty years. In particular, few could have believed at that time that the tidal wave of anticolonialism would sweep so drastically over the domains of the imperial powers and leave behind in its wake an organization so largely populated by the new Asian and African states which emerged from the deluge. It is also one of the significant elements in the situation that few could have imagined that the process of decolonization could be carried through with so little needed in the way of violent struggle by the colonial peoples and so much conceded in peaceful acquiescence by their colonial masters. One of the world's great revolutions has been accomplished with a minimum of revolutionary action and sacrifice.
The Administration of United Nations Operational Programs
Authors: Sharp Walter R.
Published: May 2009

This discussion purports to review some of the more significant developments that have marked the management of UN operational programs during recent years. The emphasis of the commentary is on the highlights of field administration since 1960 when the research for the present writer's more extensive study on this subject was completed.
Latin America and the United Nations
Authors: Wood Bryce , M. Minerva Morales
Published: May 2009

When the governments of the Latin American states were taking part in the negotiations leading to the founding of the UN, they could hardly have done so with nostalgic memories of the League of Nations. The League had provided no protection to the Caribbean countries from interventions by the United States, and, largely because of United States protests, it did not consider the Tacna-Arica and Costa Rica-Panama disputes in the early 1920's. Furthermore, Mexico had not been invited to join; Brazil withdrew in 1926; and Argentina and Peru took little part in League affairs. The organization was regarded as being run mainly for the benefit of European states with the aid of what Latin Americans called an “international bureaucracy,” in which citizens from the southern hemisphere played minor roles. The United States was, of course, not a member, and both the reference to the Monroe Doctrine by name in Article 21 of the Covenant and the organization's practice of shunning any attempt to interfere in inter-American affairs against the wishes of the United States made the League in its first decade a remote and inefficacious institution to countries that were seriously concerned about domination by Washington.
Africa and the United Nations
Authors: Karefa-Smart John
Published: May 2009

At the beginning of its nineteenth session the General Assembly of the United Nations decided by acclamation that Alex Quaison-Sackey, the permanent representative of Ghana, should preside over the session. This was only the second time in eighteen years that this, the highest honor in the Organization, was accorded to a representative of an African state, and the first time that a Negro African was thus chosen.
The Evolution of Rising Responsibility
Authors: Cleveland Harlan
Published: May 2009

As the United Nations stands on the threshold of its third decade, every Member of the Organization will do well to think about the kind of UN it wants, for that is what may well be achieved.
Implications and Questions for the Future
Authors: Claude Inis L.
Published: May 2009

Undertaking to write about the future of the United Nations may well be regarded as a risky if not a downright foolhardy enterprise, particularly in 1965, between the tragicomedy of the nineteenth General Assembly and the great uncertainty of the twentieth session. For many people, the question is whether the United Nations has a future, and for some of them this question is purely rhetorical. I think that it has, or that, at any rate, general international organization has a future. Whatever may happen to the United Nations, I find it difficult to conceive that the men who conduct the foreign relations of states will ever again consider that they can dispense with a comprehensive institutional mechanism or that they will, in the foreseeable future, contrive a global mechanism fundamentally different in character from the United Nations. Objectively, the operation of the international system requires an organizational framework virtually coextensive with the system; just as education requires schools and universities and medicine requires hospitals and clinics, so international relations require at least as much organizational apparatus as the United Nations system provides. Moreover, there is evidence that this objective need has penetrated the consciousness of most statesmen. The questions that they have asked about international organization in the last twenty years have not included the question of whether it is sensible to equip the international system with a general institutional structure.
Patterns and Catalysts in Regional Integration
Authors: Nye J. S.
Published: May 2009

Is it possible to integrate states into larger unions without the use of force? Should we think of a continuous “federalizing process” in which economic integration is a first step? Are there certain conditions under which economic integration of a group of nations automatically triggers political unity?
Collective Legitimization as a Political Function of the United Nations
Authors: Claude Inis L.
Published: May 2009

As the United Nations has developed and as its role in world affairs has been adapted to the necessities and possibilities created and the limitations established by the changing realities of international politics, collective legitimization has emerged as one of its major political functions. By this I mean to suggest that the world organization has come to be regarded, and used, as a dispenser of politically significant approval and disapproval of the claims, policies, and actions of states, including, but going far beyond, their claims to status as independent members of the international system. In this essay I shall undertake to refine and elaborate this rough definition of collective legitimization and to discuss the performance of this role by the United Nations. It is essential in the beginning, however, to provide a foundation by offering some observations about the general problem of political legitimacy.
Scandinavia, NATO, and Northern Security
Authors: Örvik Nils
Published: May 2009

The present strains on the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) alliance have far-reaching implications for members as well as nonmembers. In the current Scandinavian debate on security the year 1969 has become almost a magic number. In Norway there has even been talk of a national referendum on whether to continue membership in NATO. While recent polls show a majority in favor of the alliance, the margin is not large enough to preclude a change during the next three years. Parties, politicians, and pressure groups are already bracing themselves for a major campaign.
Alignment, Nonalignment, and Small Powers: 1945–1965
Authors: Rothstein Robert L.
Published: May 2009

A functioning balance-of-power system, comparable to the one which existed throughout the first half of the nineteenth century, limits the ability of Small Powers to achieve their own goals. However, in compensation it provides more real security for them—in terms of the maintenance of independence—than other historical systems, all of which offered the Small Power some elements of maneuverability but to the detriment of long-range security. At first glance the contemporary political system appears to contradict this generalization: Surely, one would presume, the new status of Small Powers reflects a system in which the weaker units of international politics have finally achieved both security and influence. Nevertheless, a closer examination of actual patterns of interaction substantially qualifies this presumption: The original generalization, that is, remains basically sound.
China, the United States, and the United Nations
Authors: Bloomfield Lincoln P.
Published: May 2009

Like a chronic sore that never quite cripples, hurts most of the time, and sometimes becomes dangerously inflamed, the issue of China in the United Nations has plagued United States policy for almost twenty years.
The UNA Panel Report: A Comment
Authors: Taylor George E.
Published: May 2009

The report of the United Nations Association (UNA) National Policy Panel on China, The United Nations and United States Policy is one of the most thoughtful and responsible documents to emerge from the many discussions of this subject that have been going on all over the country in recent months.
The United Nations “Common System” of Salary, Allowance, and Benefits: A Critical Appraisal of Coordination in Personnel Matters
Authors: Meron Theodor
Published: May 2009

The salary, allowance, and benefits system common in its broad lines to the United Nations and to a number of specialized agencies (the “common system”) has its origin in the relationship agreements concluded between the UN and the agencies concerned in pursuance of Articles 57 and 63 of the UN Charter. Some of these agreements were made nearly twenty years ago, a long period in the life of rapidly growing and rapidly changing international organizations. A critical examination of the present-day validity of the common system and its justification today in light of the reality of the international organization may be timely. In the present article such an examination of this major facet of administrative and budgetary coordination of the UN with the specialized agencies is attempted.
Africa as a Subordinate State System in International Relations
Authors: Zartman I. William
Published: May 2009

Interpretationsof patterns and trends in postwar international relations have frequently noted the outmoded position of the nation-state, the shrinking nature of the world, the extension of a single international relations system to global limits, and the rising importance of superpowers and regional organizations. It was then often concluded that the coming unit of international politics was likely to be not the territorial state, as in the past, but new regional groupings of states, where the component members would collectively acquire greater power by individually giving up some of their sovereignty to a bloc or group.
An Introductory Essay
Authors: Mellikan Max F.
Published: May 2009

The essays in this volume are designed to throw light on the relations between two of the major novel and unique features of the current epoch of human history, features which distinguish the last quarter century from any other episode in the long record of man's efforts to deal with the problems of his society.
The World Bank Group
Authors: Blough Roy
Published: May 2009

The World Bank Group consists of three closely affiliated intergovernmental institutions: the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (hereinafter referred to as the Bank, IBRD, or the World Bank), the International Finance Corporation (IFC), and the International Development Association (IDA). These institutions are the chosen multilateral instruments of governments for providing external capital on a global basis to help finance the development of the world's low-income countries
Regional Development Financing
Authors: Bloch Henry Simon
Published: May 2009

Regional development banks can serve as focal points for regional and subregional cooperation, thus promoting economic integration. They are institutions whose objectives are neither national nor global and whose leadership and staffs have a regional outlook.

The first and immediate challenge confronting these regional development banks is the financing of regional projects which are beyond the reach of national development banks. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD) has devoted only limited resources to such project, with a few spectacular exceptions, especially the Indus River project. A purely national approach to planning and financing development does not make sense in most of Latin America and Africa because many nations on these continents are “minicountries,” too small to form economic units of development. Many national borders have been determined by political and diplomatic history rather than by economic factors; frequently, they cut across natural development units such as river basins or mineral deposits. Moreover, except in Europe, the very dearth of strong national institutions makes regional development banks important; they provide additional financial intermediaries to be interposed between the developing regions and the world financial centers, as well as between various national financial institutions of the member countries of the regions concerned.
The Consortia Technique
Authors: Rosenstein-Rodan Paul N.
Published: May 2009

International organization of aid presents two basic difficulties: 1) Major economic development aid should best be conceived as a supplement to total national development effort, not to single parts of it. This means that a program approach rather than a project approach should be applied in financing. Only a program can show whether projects are additional and optimal. While every program must be spelled out in projects, the sum total of individually worked out projects will not add up to a program.
The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development
Authors: Ohlin Goran
Published: May 2009

The problems of development assistance have loomed large on the OECD agenda ever since its establishment, first as the Organization for European Economic Cooperation (OEEC) and then as the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). Briefly recapitulated, OEEC was created in 1948 to provide for the joint European execution of the Marshall Plan and for the close economic cooperation that the United States' aid offer had launched. Whatever the actual contribution of OEEC, the postwar European economic recovery was remarkably quick. Few international organizations have been thus blessed with the satisfaction of seeing their objectives so amply fulfilled.
International Cooperation in Food and Population
Authors: Revelle Roger
Published: May 2009

It is characteristic of our time that its most profound problems are global, involving all men, yet the nations into which men have divided themselves have never been as numerous nor as sharply diverse. A hundred years ago poverty was the common lot of most human beings; today we find two sets of nations staring at each other across the oceans, one rich and one poor, with a growing gap between them. The technological revolution has continuously improved the levels of living in the rich countries; in the poor ones its principal effect has been to multiply human misery by causing a rise in human numbers at rates higher than ever before experienced.
The Application of Science and Technology to Development
Authors: Katz Sherman E.
Published: May 2009

The United Nations Advisory Committee on the Application of Science and Technology to Development has said:

The considered view of the Committee is that, in present circumstances, the wider and more intensive application of existing knowledge, suitably adapted to local conditions, provides the best prospect of securing rapid advancement in the developing countries.
International Agencies and Economic Development: An Overview
Authors: Asher Robert E.
Published: May 2009

Unctad I, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development held in Geneva in the spring of 1964, marked a major milestone in international concern with and approaches to the problems of less developed countries. The principal achievements of this mammoth, contentious, allegedly economic gathering, however, were in the political realm. Economic issues of great importance were raised but not resolved. Instead they were consigned for study and consideration to the elaborate continuing machinery born at Geneva, as well as to various previously established agencies, and eventually to the agenda for UNCTAD II, convened in New Delhi in early 1968.
The United States and the European Economic Community: A Problem of Adjustment
Authors: Wallich Henry C.
Published: May 2009

The movement toward a one-world economy that seemed well underway during the middle 1950's has suffered setbacks. Retrogression has been particularly noticeable where previously progress had been most promising—in the relations of the United States with other industrial countries and especially with the European Economic Community (EEC). Difficulties over the United States' payments deficit, the international role of the dollar, and direct investment by the United States, mark the trend. The outcome of the Kennedy Round negotiations, fortunately, was a success, but the very duration and the bitterness of the negotiations were symptomatic of a deteriorating relationship. And complicating these economic problems were the political difficulties arising over the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and Vietnam.
Comparative Regional Integration: Concept and Measurement
Authors: Nye Joseph S.
Published: May 2009

The decade since the formation of the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1957 has been marked by an impressive growth of theorizing about the causes of international regional integration in Europe and in other parts of the world. However, differences in approach to conceptualization and measurement of the dependent variable—integration—have led to two kinds of problems. First, it is difficult to relate the concepts of different authors to each other, and to a certain extent integration theorists have “talked past each other”. In other instances where theorists have indeed confronted each other, such as in the controversy over the current condition of the EEC (described below), differences in conceptualization have made the dispute unnecessarily difficult to resolve.
Decisionmaking in the Economic and Social Council
Authors: Sharp Walter R.
Published: May 2009

The United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) is not a diplomatic conference, or a parliament, or an executive organ, although it smacks of all three. Among international, governmental, deliberative bodies it is sui generis. As such, it engages in discussing quasi diplomatic issues, chiefly economic and social in nature, in recommending policy actions by governments, in trying to plan and coordinate interagency programs in the economic and social domain, and in innovating and supervising programs under UN sponsorship.
The United Nations and the International System
Authors: Young Oran R.
Published: May 2009

A notable gap in existing analyses of the United Nations is the relative absence of systematic treatments of the links between the Organization itself and the international system in which it operates. These links constitute a complex dual relationship, both sides of which are worthy of serious analyses. The functions and activities of the United Nations are molded by the fundamental dimensions and dynamic processes of the international system. At the same time, however, the United Nations is itself an actor in the system and it is sometimes able to influence its environment significantly. Throughout the history of the United Nations the impact of the systemic environment on the Organization has far surpassed the impact of the Organization on the system. Nevertheless, the influence of the United Nations on world politics should not be underestimated, especially in its more subtle and intangible forms.