bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
British Politics and the Demise of the Roman Republic: 1700–1939
Authors: Turner Frank M.
Published: June 2009

During the past quarter century scholars from several disciplines have established the central metaphorical function of the demise of the ancient Roman Republic for both literary and political discourse in eighteenth century Britain. But the reverse side of that inquiry – the impact of the analogy between Britain and Rome on the modern historical interpretation of the ancient republic – has received virtually no attention. This oversight has concealed a remarkable modern British historiographical phenomenon that did not end at the close of the eighteenth century. Rather, for over two hundred years modern British political ideologies and preoccupations determined not only how the collapse of the Roman republic would be interpreted but also in large measure even whether it would receive historical examination. The various shifts of historical interpretation from the age of Queen Anne through that of Chamberlain illustrate with stunning and disturbing clarity the relentless manner in which contemporary political concerns can shape, revise, and eventually overwhelm modes of historical understanding without discovery of significant new evidence or the application of new methodology. By the twentieth century methodology itself, in the form of prosopography, in part served the ends of political commentary.
Economic Advice at the Centre of British Government, 1939–1941
Authors: Booth Alan
Published: June 2009

Like other advanced countries in the twentieth century, Britain has witnessed a remarkable expansion in the size and functions of government. Increasing public intervention has necessarily been accompanied by a vigorous expansion in the number of specialists and professionals employed in the public service. In recent times there has been increasing academic interest in the role of one particular category of specialist, the economist. We have the definitive account by Howson and Winch of the economic advisory council and its committee on economic information, the purely advisory bodies of academic economists and representatives of producer interest groups which encouraged officials and ministers to take a longer, broader look at trends in the national and international economies in the thirties. From the post-1945 period we have a number of studies of specific departments and a growing collection of memoirs written by disenchanted or self-justifying economists on leaving government service. For the crucial period of the second world war, however, when administrators and politicians seemed to accept the need for professional economic advice from within the bureaucracy, comparatively little systematic research has been undertaken. There are memoirs, but many have been written long after the event and tend to be discursive and occasionally unreliable as to detail. Fortunately the state papers relating to the war are available and should be a reliable source from which to make judgements about the work and effectiveness of economic advisers in this crucial period.
Conscience and reason: the natural law theory of Jean Barbeyrac
Authors: Hochstrasser Tim
Published: June 2009

Jean Barbeyrac is best known as the leading eighteenth-century translator in French of the major writings on natural law by Pufendorf, Grotius and Cumberland. This article attempts to expound and assess Barbeyrac's independent contribution to the natural law tradition as it may be recovered both from these editions of the works of others and also from other writings. It is argued that Barbeyrac's intellectual context in the Huguenot diaspora and his distinctive reading of Locke, Bayle, and Pufendorf led him to develop an original equation of the authority of conscience with the authority of reason. The rationalist natural law theory he developed inevitably identified the role assigned to God within it and the scope of resistance to legal civil authority as central issues for debate which remained problematic for Barbeyrac throughout his career. These important ethical subjects remained unresolved in the general development of natural jurisprudence in the early eighteenth century, as exemplified in Barbeyrac's attempt to refute Leibniz's telling critique of Pufendorf.
Business, corporatism and the crisis of the French Third Republic. The example of the silk industry in Lyon, 1928–1935
Authors: Passmore Kevin
Published: June 2009

The main purpose of this case study of an abortive entente in the Lyon silk industry in 1935 is to show that corporatism, often depicted by historians as a vague intellectual doctrine with little or no appeal to real business, was in reality a key category, linking business, politics and ideology. It is suggested that the problems of the silk industry must be seen in the context of a crisis of the Lyonnais liberal tradition and of the economic and ideological contradictions of French society as a whole. These tensions help in turn to explain the authoritarian potential of corporatism in the 1930s and the attraction of many business people to anti-parliamentary political movements. The example of the silk industry also reveals that corporatism cannot easily be categorised in terms of a traditional/modern dichotomy and that the impetus for the transformation of the French economy originated as much in the ideas of business people themselves as in the actions of the elite groups emphasised by some historians.
William III'sDeclaration of Reasonsand the Glorious Revolution
Authors: Claydon Tony
Published: June 2009

The paper considers reactions to William III'sDeclaration of reasons,the manifesto issued by the prince of Orange on the eve of his invasion of England in 1688. It questions recent historiography, which has argued for the importance of this document in William's success by claiming that it achieved a virtual hegemony of English political discourse in the period of the Glorious Revolution. The paper first shows that James II's supporters mounted an effective challenge to the OrangeDeclarationby reversing its claim that liberties were in danger under the existing regime. It then suggests that William lost control of his manifesto over the winter of 1688–9 by making moves to secure power and authority which were unadvertised in the document. Once this had happened, various groups opposed to Orange ambition were able to adopt the rhetoric of theDeclarationand quote it back at the prince in attempts to block his advance. The paper concludes with the irony that the ubiquity of the Declaration in 1688 may have been a result of its failure as publicity for the Orange cause; and by suggesting that scholars should look in places other than the manifesto for an effective Williamite propaganda.
Liberalism and the Progressive Alliance in the Constituencies, 1900–1914: Three Case Studies
Authors: Bernstein George L.
Published: June 2009

The reasons for the decline of the Liberal party in Britain, and its replacement by the Labour party as the representative of the left, continue to be the subject of debate among historians of twentieth-century British politics. An important point at issue has been whether or not the Liberal decline had irreversibly set in prior to World War I; or if the war itself with the strains it placed on liberal ideology and the relationship among the party's most prominent leaders, and with the stimulus it provided for a more militant working class, was the catalyst for decline. There can be no question that the Liberal party was critically dependent upon the support of working-class voters for its viability as an alternative party of government.1 Thus, a major issue of contention among historians of Liberal politics has been the party's success or failure before August 1914 in retaining the allegiance of this crucial electoral base.
Instinct and Organization: Intellectuals and British Labour after 1931
Authors: Dare Robert
Published: June 2009

In the years between the end of the First World War and the end of the Second, the estimate outside Britain of the status of intellectuals in the British Labour movement grew to prodigal dimensions.
IV. Great Britain and the Bay Islands, 1821–61
Authors: Waddell David
Published: June 2009

In 1852 a new British Colony, the Colony of the Bay Islands, was set up by Letters Patent. In 1859 Great Britain signed a Treaty, subsequently ratified in 1860 and put into effect in 1861, recognizing the Bay Islands as part of the Republic of Honduras. These facts are well known in the diplomatic history of the Central American question, and in the history of Anglo-American relations. The diplomatic historians have not, however, been able to find any convincing diplomatic explanation for the creation of the Bay Islands Colony in 1852; and, while they have fully explained the diplomatic reason for the cession of the islands in 1859, they do not seem to have considered it necessary to inquire how such a rare event in the history of the British Empire as the peaceful cession of a regularly constituted British colony to a foreign nation was brought about. This article seeks to explain the history of the Bay Islands Colony by showing that the colonization was effected by the Colonial Office without the Foreign Office being informed, and that the cession was effected by the Foreign Office without the Colonial Office being informed.
Nation, Duty, Character and Confidence: History at Oxford, 1850–1914
Authors: Soffer Reba
Published: June 2009

Modern history, introduced to Oxford in the 1850s, was a subject that was hardly ‘modern’. The governing bodies of the university, as well as its teachers, intended history to strengthen and perpetuate the traditional values of liberal education. Beginning with the fall of Rome and concluding in the eighteenth century, history was not an innovative or experimental study of recent, let alone contemporary, issues and events. Instead, the study of history began and continued as an epic illustration of the qualities required of England's governing elite. Within a rapidly changing society that found the future more compelling than the past, modern history organized history, politics, economics and law as testaments to the enduring qualities of individual character and national institutions. All the liberal disciplines at Oxford, as well as those at Cambridge and subsequently at the new civic universities, reflected a national consensus about moral progress and social order which was reinforced by the content of those disciplines. The general frame of mind and expectations could not be attributed uniquely to Oxford. But there can be little doubt about the powerful influence Oxford exercized upon those graduates who left the university to assume careers of considerable national importance. It may be argued that among the various disciplines, none made so earnest and sustained an attempt to produce the right kind of men, fit for any undertaking, as did the Honours School in Modern History.
The Earl of Northampton, Merchant Grievances and the Addled Parliament of 1614
Authors: Peck Linda Levy
Published: June 2009

S. R. Gardiner, the doyen of English historians, wrote of the earl of Northampton's oration, delivered at a conference between the two houses of parliament in 1607, that it was ‘a speech which hardly any other man in England would have allowed himself to utter. In him was combined the superciliousness of a courtier with the haughtiness of a member of the old nobility. He treated the Commons as if they were the dust beneath his feet.’1 Furthermore, Northampton was accused by some contemporaries and most later historians of engineering the abrupt dissolution of the Addled Parliament in 1614, an abortive two-month session that was the last for seven years. For both, Northampton epitomized the authoritarian and anti-parliamentary views which came to dominate the early Stuart court.
Bureaucracy and Nobility in Russia at the End of the Nineteenth Century
Authors: Mosse W. E.
Published: June 2009

The Russian ruling elite, by the end of the nineteenth century, could be seen as being composed of three loosely defined elements, representing respectively the interests of the hereditary landed gentry, of a bureaucracy that was fast becoming hereditary and of emerging capitalist groups. Each of the three was a significant component of the old regime in Russia in its final decades, each fulfilled important social functions and each was, and was perceived to be, of importance for the Autocracy. It was their balance and interaction which helped to sustain the ancien régime in the reigns of Alexander III and Nicholas II.
‘Collaboration Strategy’ and the French Pacification of Tonkin, 1885–1897
Authors: Munholland J. Kim
Published: June 2009

Decolonization has had a significant impact upon the way that historians explain the process of Europe’s late nineteenth-century imperial expansion. Assumptions about superior technology now appear insufficient in themselves to account for the ability of relatively small armies to gain control over sizeable territory and populations in Africa and Asia. Although, as has recently been argued, advances in weaponry and medicine enabled Europeans to operate in tropical climates against less sophisticated opposition with devastating effect, differences in technology cannot explain the ability of less well-endowed national resistance movements to defeat colonial armies in the mid-twentieth century.1 Since 1945 various wars of national liberation have demonstrated that advanced technology, an impressive commitment of manpower, and an enormous expenditure of money cannot guarantee military success against a nationalist resistance in a colonial setting. If anything, this discrepancy in technological advantage between colonialist powers and anti-western resistance movements was as great or greater in the post-World War II era than in the late nineteenth century. Historians thus must seek additional explanations for the rapid advance of European conquest during the heyday of imperialism.
I. The Brewing Industry, Temperance and Politics
Authors: Mathias Peter
Published: June 2009

THE development of any major industry has, either more or less directly, important political repercussions. Its history therefore has a political aspect. The brewing industry's changing relationships with Parliament provide an apposite, even if an atypical, story to illustrate how one segment of the business world of the eighteenth century, with its appropriate set of political alignments, gave way to very different orientations in the nineteenth century. This article seeks to plot developments over a long period of time in a field which has received less detailed attention from political and economic historians than others which are more obviously the preserve of each. Width of survey of necessity limits the depth of evidence: the consequences of the changes which took place between 1830 and 1870 have here been explored in much less detail and in less personal terms than the parliamentary representation of the industry in the previous century.
II. Carlyle and the French Revolution
Authors: Ben-Israel H.
Published: June 2009

Carlyle entered the field of Revolutionary studies when the Revolution was transforming itself from politics to history, and he himself played an important part in this transition. His older contemporaries belonged to the Revolutionary generation and his younger friends, like John Mill, were products of it. William Smyth was at that time lecturing on the French Revolution in Cambridge and looking out upon it ‘as from a College window’. Smyth was extricating himself from the spirit of the pamphleteers through wide reading and a conscious training in academic impartiality. John Wilson Croker, from the midst of the political scene, was fighting the phantom of the Revolution, and at the same time delving deep into the Revolutionary sources. For him the Revolution had become a subject of historical inquiry only in the sense that he was able to investigate it from records. Alison's book came out after Carlyle had begun his studies. It stole Croker's thunder but left Carlyle unmoved. Alison knew the sources but not how to use them. His bibliographical prefaces are now the best part of his book, which Carlyle had not read when Mill asked whether it was worth reviewing.1 Carlyle glanced at it, saw that the ‘margin bears marks of great enquiry’, knew that Alison had been to France, and advised Mill to review it but to tell his own story, without fear or favour.2 ‘It is a thing utterly unknown to the English and ought to be known.’ When Mill read the book himself, he found that Alison was ‘inconceivably stupid and twaddling...has no research’,3 and that the references were to compilations. Alison's book, pervaded by political principle, tried to throw ‘ true light’ on the Revolution, was tremendously successful and is now forgotten. His sort of history is soon superseded. As he modestly realized, his success was due to his being first in the field.
II. The Nineteenth-Century Revolution in Government: A Reappraisal Reappraised
Authors: Parris Henry
Published: June 2009

By his ‘attempt to formulate a general notion’ of the nineteenth-century revolution in government, and ‘to construct an ancillary, explanatory “model”‘ of its operation, Dr MacDonagh has initiated a discussion of great importance.1 For general notions are what we lack in the field of administrative history since 1832:
‘The inevitable end of a discredited system’? The Origins of the Gladstone Committee Report on Prisons, 1895
Authors: Harding Christopher
Published: June 2009

According to several contemporary observers, the British prison system at the end of the nineteenth century was in a savage and deplorable state. A series of articles in The Daily Chronicle in January 1894 referred to these prisons as ‘our dark places’. They were managed by a man a few years later accredited with a ‘barbaric philosophy’. The severity of this prison system was said to be legendary even in Russia. This school of observation then developed the view that the penal system was rescued by the recommendations of an influential home office report published in 1895. Named after its chairman, the then under secretary at the home office, Herbert Gladstone, this report was welcomed as ‘the beginning of a beneficient revolution’. Upon its publication, the man vilified in The Daily Chronicle, the chairman of the prison commissioners, Sir Edmund Du Cane, resigned his post; the newspaper greeted this event as ‘the inevitable end of a discredited system’. How correct was this perception of the late nineteenth-century British prison system?
Colonel Claus von Stauffenberg in the German Resistance to Hitler: Between East and West
Authors: Hoffmann Peter
Published: June 2009

Within a few months of Hitler's appointment as Reich chancellor (30 January 1933), opposition was driven underground. Illegally organized opposition was on the whole destroyed by the Gestapo (secret state police); opposition within the establishment (vice-chancellor von Papen, SA chief of staff Röhm) was suppressed in a round of murders; the rest was gradually intimidated, as in the case of the churches. The opposition surviving underground could not act effectively to change the regime. It became clear that in the Nazi police state opposition could not be effective without support from the principal non-Nazi force in the nation, the army.
The Scottish Campaign against the Test Act, 1790–1791
Authors: Ditchfield G. M.
Published: June 2009

On 10 May 1791 the British house of commons was divided on an unsuccessful attempt to move the repeal of the Test Act as it applied to Scotland. Since then this has been one of the more neglected of the many religious issues which were deeply embedded in late eighteenth-century British politics. It might be described as the ‘Scottish sequel’ to the movement in 1787–90 for the general repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts. Yet it had its own distinctive features and reverberations which were by no means confined to Scotland. It is proposed here to examine the background, nature, progress and outcome of the Scottish application, to consider how it differed from the events of 1787–90, to investigate the role of its sponsor and leading parliamentary advocate Sir Gilbert Elliot and to look closely at the voting on the subject of the Scottish M.P.s. The aim will then be to consider the episode against the background of contemporary parliamentary politics.
The Nature of Popular Heresy in France, 1520–1542
Authors: Nicholls David J.
Published: June 2009

Ever since Lucien Febvre, in his classic essay on the origins of the French Reformation, characterized the sixteenth century as ‘ a long period of magnificent religious anarchy’, the nature of this ‘anarchy’ has remained somewhat puzzling. The question posed by Febvre - if Calvinist churches were only organized in the late 1550s, who were the protestants before this date?-retains all its interest while inevitably raising other problems. Can one make sense of this anarchy? When, if at any time in the sixteenth century, did it come to an end? Professor Mandrou has recently situated the period of anarchy between the first French manifestations of the Lutheran revolt in the early 1520s and the affair of the placards in 1534, with Calvinism bringing order to the general confusion between 1536 and 1540. But it is now established that Antoine Marcourt's placards, though important in the popular and official reactions they provoked, did not reveal protestant organization or doctrinal unity. Nor was Calvinism in a position to impose such uniformity until a much later date if at all. The rigours of Calvinist theology may have represented the logical culmination for the spiritual odyssey of a Farel or a de Bèze, but this was not necessarily so for the lower clergymen, artisans and even peasants who were attracted by one aspect or another of reformed ideas. Febvre pointed out the confusion of contemporaries, most of whom had no idea precisely what the different varieties of protestantism were: a confusion perhaps best shown in Florimond de Raemond's characterization of Lefèvre d'Étaples, Farel and Roussel as ‘Lutheran Zwinglians’. If the evangelical humanist intellectuals of the Meaux group caused such incomprehension, then how much more bewildering must have been the unsystematic beliefs and sceptical criticisms of themenu peuple, especially before the literate among them had the opportunity to read the French edition of Calvin'sInstitutesin 1542.
Guildsmen, religious reform and the search for the common good: the role of the guilds in the early Reformation in Augsburg
Authors: Broadhead P. J.
Published: June 2009

This article examines the forces that shaped the responses of the urban commons to the Reformation in Augsburg. Developing work by Blickle and others, it considers the extent to which traditional communal ideals were reflected in measures to construct a system of ‘sacral corporatism’. An examination of the attitudes of guildsmen towards communal values and institutions shows variation in their views, even on such basic points as the identification and imposition of the ‘common good’. Case studies show how predominantly poor weavers were attracted to the call to enforce communal principles as a means of defending their status and incomes. To this end they welcomed evangelical teaching, for it provided scriptural and ethical endorsements of corporate action. In contrast, members of the butchers' guild, who were involved in a capital intensive occupation, resisted communal restraints on their freedom to trade and make profits. The butchers' opposition to the Reformation rested more on their rejection of ‘sacral corporatism’, as advocated by reformers in Augsburg, than on support for Catholicism. Augsburg shows the significance of communal values in the urban Reformation, but it demonstrates that these were neither static nor uniformly accepted. On the contrary they were themselves the subject of dispute.
Moral trespass in Georgian London: gaming,gender, and electoral politics in the age of George III
Authors: Deutsch Phyllis
Published: June 2009

In the late eighteenth century, the British electorate began thinking about politics and statecraft in a new way. Britons challenged the natural rights of the nation's aristocracy to rule, and actively linked the personal behaviour of individual noblemen and women to real or imagined public consequences. Aristocratic gaming provided Britons with a rich vocabulary for voicing such concerns. The noble gamester, perceived as erratic, self-interested, and without honour, personified those aspects of private aristocratic vice most likely to undermine national well-being. The 1784 Westminster election specifies two aspects of this controversy. The political unworthiness of notorious gamester Charles James Fox (a front-runner in the election) was linked early on to his personal financial mismanagement, which intimated, in the public mind, his potential abuse of public funds. Fox further contaminated his suitability for public office by allowing the fifth duchess of Devonshire, herself a gamestress, to canvass for him. Her presence in Westminster not only dramatized Fox's gamester persona, but effeminized it. Pittite propaganda stressed Fox's culpability on both counts, and emphasized a new concern with private virtue as fundamental to the moral prerogative to rule.
After the Fall: class and political language in Britain, 1780–1900
Authors: Thompson James
Published: June 2009

The fall of class in nineteenth-century British history has become a familiar tale. Its rise in the historiography of eighteenth-century Britain has been less noted. This essay explores the reasons for this divergence and emphasizes its methodological origins. It highlights the need for a comprehensive history of class society and identity to replace the confused and contradictory picture of particular classes and communities that is currently on offer. To understand better the constitution of class society, it urges historians to talk less of consciousness and more of identity and to recognize that class is an imagined community much like any other. It proceeds to use this understanding of class identity to assess the turn to political language amongst social historians interested in class. The paper offers a sustained examination of the recent work of Joyce and Wahrman in particular and argues that insufficient attention has been paid to the variety of usable political languages and to the particular discursive contexts in which they are employed. It is argued that to acknowledge that class is so constructed is not to deny its existence or its importance and that historians need to look beyond political discourse to explain how class became so central to the self and the social in the nineteenth century.
Thomas Cromwell and Ireland, 1532–1540
Authors: Ellis Steven G.
Published: June 2009

Not the least of the duties with which Thomas Cromwell was burdened during the period of his ascendancy was the supervision of the lordship of Ireland. There the changes effected in the function and powers of the Dublin administration in the 1530s proved to be quite as important for the development of early-modern Ireland as those occurring in England during the same decade were for that realm. These changes centred on the legislation of the Irish Reformation Parliament of 1536–7 and on the termination of a policy of aristocratic delegation whereby Anglo-Irish magnates, primarily the earl of Kildare, had ruled the lordship on behalf of the king. By the later 1530s the lordship was governed through an English deputy working with a reconstituted Irish council, backed by a small English garrison, and controlled more firmly from London. For all this, recent research has established the overall responsibility of Cromwell.
The Freiheit Prosecutions, 1881–1882
Authors: Porter Bernard
Published: June 2009

The minor heroes of anarchism have not been much noticed by historians. Johann Most, who was quite a celebrated anarchist in his own time, now lives chiefly in footnotes and in a few passing recollections in the memoirs of more famous contemporaries. His neglect is not altogether surprising. Anarchism must always suffer neglect while it remains (as yet) one of history's minor tributaries, an aberration, a movement with no discernible place in the mainstream of human political development. Anarchists themselves are generally of little intrinsic interest to anyone unless they are notable thinkers, like Kropotkin, or activists, like Malatesta. Johann Most was neither: not a philosopher of any sophistication, nor (so far as is known) a bomb-thrower. He came between the two: an acid-tongued propagandist for the cause of anarchy who advocated the use of violence, by others. As such he is acknowledged to have had a significant influence on the early growth of anarchist movements in Germany, the United States, and in Britain, where he lived from 1878 to 1882. He may however have been more significant for the things that were done to him than for the things he did. Everywhere Most moved he provoked reactions, persecution, imprisonment. It will be argued here that this is where the importance of the English stage of his career lay.
IV. The Nineteenth-Century Revolution in Government: A Reappraisal
Authors: MacDonagh Oliver
Published: June 2009

Part, at least, of the historian's work consists of the formulation of general notions and the subsequent refinement of these generalities. One advance is made when a notion like romanticism is conceived, another when that notion is broken down and divided, both in terms of time and region and by the clarifications of logic, and fresh categories can be stated. This paper is concerned with proposing and-distinguishing a generalization of this type, an administrative or governmental revolution in the United Kingdom in the nineteenth century. It must be granted at once that this revolution has not the standing of its industrial and agrarian cousins. It can neither match them in ‘scale’ nor present such tangible or arresting phenomena. The very words have scarcely yet entered the historian's vocabulary, except perhaps to the accompaniment of deprecatory inverted commas. And even if the fact of its occurrence be allowed, it is clearly neither the first of its race nor indisputably the foremost. Mr Elton has staked a high claim for the corresponding Tudor change,1 and it is no doubt possible to point to really critical shifts in governmental behaviour in almost every succeeding age.
II. Burke and the Ancient Constitution—a Problem in the History of Ideas
Authors: Pocock J. G. A.
Published: June 2009

The intention of this paper is to inquire into Burke's doctrine of traditionalism—as it may be termed—from a point of view not quite identical with that usually adopted. The aspect of Burke's thought thus isolated may or may not be the most important or the most characteristic, but it is the most familiar and that with which the student first becomes acquainted. Burke held—to summarize what may be found in a hundred text-books on the history of conservatism—that a nation's institutions were the fruit of its experience, that they had taken shape slowly as the result, and were in themselves the record, of a thousand adjustments to the needs of circumstance, each one of which, if it had been found by trial and error, to answer recurrent needs, had been preserved in the usages and established rules of the nation concerned. He also held that political knowledge was the fruit of experience and that reason in this field had nothing to operate on except experience; from which it followed that, since the knowledge of an individual or a generation of individuals was limited by the amount of experience on which it was based, there was always a case for the view that the reason of the living, though it might clearly enough discern the disadvantages, might not fully perceive the advantages of existing and ancient institutions, for these might contain the fruits of more experience than was available to living individuals as the sum of their personal or reported experience of the world. It also followed that since the wisdom embodied in institutions was based on experience and nothing but experience, it could not be completely rationalized, that is, reduced to first principles which might be clearly enunciated, shown to be the cause of the institutions' first being set up, or employed to criticize their subsequent workings. There was, in short, always more in laws and institutions than met the eye of critical reason, always a case for them undiminished by anything that could be said against them.
II. Josiah Wedgwood and Factory Discipline
Authors: McKendrick Neil
Published: June 2009

It is a text-book commonplace that Josiah Wedgwood was amongst the pioneers of English factory organization—the discipline of workers, the division of labour, and the systematization of production—but his work in these fields has never been examined in detail. Sixty thousand Wedgwood manuscripts, organized on a geographical basis for the sake of modern area advertisement rather than for the convenience of the historian, perhaps explain this neglect. The papers have not been ignored, but they have been sifted rather than studied in detail. Certain generalizations have emerged from this hit-or-miss investigation. In the articles of three visiting North American historians, Hower, Bladen and Schofield, and in the work of Thomas (essentially concerned with the history of the whole of the Potteries), the embryonic and incomplete skeleton of Wedgwood's methods has been laid bare, but much of the flesh has been discarded in the process.
V. Late Nineteenth-Century Colonial Expansion and the Attack on the Theory of Economic Imperialism: A Case of Mistaken Identity?
Authors: Stokes Eric
Published: June 2009

The concept of imperialism which Hobson, Lenin and the combined force of the international socialist movement forged into anidée fixeof the twentieth century was roughly handled by Western scholars long before 1945. But since then the attack has grown more precise and its character has altered. Among the first of the post-war historians (writing in English) to attempt the dethronement of imperialism as the demi-urge of the period between 1870 and 1914 was Richard Koebner. He determined on a semantic approach and put the term's linguistic history to rigorous scrutiny. On the philosophical assumption that a term's meaning is to be defined by its actual use and provenance in the political discourse in which it arose, he found that the modern concept of economic imperialism sprang out of a limited, local controversy over the nature of the Boer War. He concluded that it had been illicitly mated with other forms of militarism and economic expansion to spawn a hybrid, mythical monster that had been allowed to sprawl its length over more than half a century of world history.1
Feeding Standards for Dairy Cows
Authors: Halnan E. T.
Published: June 2009

The introduction of feeding standards for cattle coincides with the introduction of stall feeding conditions. Under pastoral conditions, cattle were fed in the meadows during the spring and summer months, and after a short time on the stubbles were wintered on straw and hay. During the latter half of the eighteenth century the practice of feeding cattle in stalls during the spring and summer months had developed, and with this development there gradually grew up a demand for a more exact knowledge on the rational feeding of farm animals. The use of roots for summer feeding, and the more extensive use during the winter months of rape cake and cereal grains as supplements to straw and hay led to a desire for knowledge. The farmer particularly wished to obtain a better knowledge of the replacement values of such feeding stuffs as were at that time at his disposal, and the scientists endeavoured to satisfy that demand. Regarded historically, the expression of the nutritive requirements of feeding stuffs for cattle developed in four distinct stages. In the first, the mutual replacement values of foods were assessed by chemical considerations and expressed in terms of “hay.” This constituted the “hay value system,” with which Thaer, Boussingault, and Emil von Wolff are associated.
Rusty Spot in Cheddar and other Cheese: II. Factors Controlling the Pigmentation of the Causative Organism
Authors: Davis J. G. , Mattick A. T. R.
Published: June 2009

It has been observed that media containing tissue extracts promote pigmentation of the organism causing “rusty spot” in cheese. Growth, but not pigment, may be obtained in a medium containing a fermentable carbohydrate and a suitable protein digest.

The substance in tissues promoting pigmentation has properties similar to those of vitamin B.

In addition to these chemical requirements, moisture and surface in a medium greatly stimulate pigmentation.

Pigment is only produced when the medium is at an oxidation-reduction potential below that at which litmus is reduced.

The following factors appear to govern the growth and pigmentation of this organism: (1) a certain range of oxidation reduction potential; (2) moisture; (3) surface; (4) a fermentable carbohydrate; (5) a minimum concentration of soluble available N; (6) a factor closely associated with, but not identical with, vitamin B1.

Certain properties of the factor are described.

The relation of this investigation to “rusty spot” in cheese is discussed.
32. A Controlled Cheese-Ripening Room
Authors: Golding N. S.
Published: June 2009

If research work in cheese ripening is to be conducted on an entirely satisfactory basis, a complete control of both temperature and humidity of the ripening room must be available.

Though temperatures are relatively easily controlled, the factor of shrinkage or loss of moisture from the cheese is a more difficult problem. Further, should such loss of moisture be an additional and variable factor due to differences in humidity of the ripening room, research work in cheese ripening is seriously handicapped. It is realised that different cheese, whether large or small, high or low in moisture, new or mature, lose moisture at different rates even though kept under exactly the same conditions of storage. Also, the identical cheese cease to remain the same due to various rates of ripening, if studied as to their loss of moisture at different temperatures.
37. Studies in Cheddar Cheese: I. The Oxidation-Reduction Potentials of Ripening Cheddar Cheese
Authors: Davis John Gilbert
Published: June 2009

1. A method is described for following the intensity of reduction (or oxidation-reduction potential) at different levels in the interior of ripening Cheddar cheese.

2. Variations in this potential throughout the course of ripening are described and mean values assessed.

3. Cheese are shown to be not homogeneous throughout their mass; outer zones of more highly oxidised condition exist near the surface of the cheese and round cracks and borings. The depth of these zones increases with the age of the cheese.

4. The values obtained can be correlated with the known bacteriological data for Cheddar cheese.

5. The significance of the data obtained in relation to cheese faults is discussed.
49. The Influence of Bacilli of the Colon Group on the Production of Acid by Lactic Streptococci in Milk
Authors: Whitehead H. R. , Cox G. A.
Published: June 2009

1. Colon bacilli grown in milk for from 3 to 16 hours partially inhibit the subsequent formation of acid by lactic streptococci.

2. The inhibition is not entirely accounted for by the increased hydrogenion concentration nor by the lactic acid produced by the colon bacilli. Other substances which have a retarding influence on the streptococci are evidently formed in milk cultures of colon bacilli. The action of these substances is not significantly modified by heating at 75°C. for one hour.

3. The possible practical significance of the phenomenon is discussed.
56. The Nutritive Value of Proteins for Milk Production. I. A Comparison of the Proteins of Beans, Linseed, and Meat Meal
Authors: Morris Samuel , Wright Norman C.
Published: June 2009

The protein requirements for maintenance and milk production are based on the well-known investigations of Kellner, Armsby, Haecker, Savage and others, who recommend feeding standards varying from 0·5 to 0·;8 lb. digestible crude protein per 1000 lb. live weight for maintenance, and from 0·52 to 0·63 lb. digestible crude protein per 10 lb. milk for milk production. A detailed study of the work of these investigations shows that in many instances nitrogen equilibrium has been obtained on considerably lower planes of protein intake: but the figures have been arbitrarily raised, partly to provide a sufficient safeguard against underfeeding, and partly on the assumption that the excess food protein could exert a stimulating effect on mammary secretion. Recent investigations, particularly those of Hills and his associates (l), Perkins (2), Buschmann(3) and Savage and Harrison (4) indicate that the existing protein standards could, in fact, be considerably reduced. The above investigations have, however, been limited to a study of the quantity of protein required for maintenance and milk production, and no account has been taken of the possible effect of variations in the quality of proteins on their utilisation.
68. The Occurrence of Coliform Bacteria in Milk
Authors: Malcolm J. F.
Published: June 2009

1. Of 21,569 samples of mixed cow's milk taken under fair conditions of cleanliness and examined by means of the coliform test, 48·3 per cent, gave negative results with 1/10, 1/100 and 1/1000 c.c. amounts; 21–4 per cent, gave positive results with only 1/10 c.c.; 14·0 per cent, gave positive results with only 1/10 and 1/100 c.c.; and 16·3 per cent, gave positive results with 1/10, 1/100 and 1/1000 c.c. It is probable that these results are better than those generally obtained.

2. The proportion of coliform-positive samples was much higher in summer and early autumn than during the winter and spring. This seasonal variation was largely due to atmospheric temperature, there being a well-marked direct correlation between the proportion of coliform-positive samples and the mean of the minimum and maximum atmospheric temperatures.

3. Of 21,857 samples examined, 10,458 were coliform negative and had an average bacterial content of 25,294 per c.c; 11,399 were coliform positive and had an average bacterial content of 160,577 per c.c. The coliform-positive samples contained on an average 6·3 times as many bacteria as the coliform negative.
75. The Nutritive Value of Proteins for Milk Production. III. The Determination of the Amino Acids of Various Feeds
Authors: Morris Samuel
Published: June 2009

1. A modification of the method for estimation of the amino-acid content of foods is described.

A series of analysis of the more important cattle foods is given.
On the Detection of Added Water in Milk
Authors: Davies Benjamin
Published: June 2009

The various methods tested in this work have revealed the criteria of utility, U, shown in the following table for the detection of added water as measured by for the “difference” modes, and for the ratio modes by , where M3/M4 is the ratio of the maximum and minimum seasonal values of M. All the figures are for 10 per cent, added water. Utility values equal to and less than unity in the table are useless.
98. The Use of Special Litmus Milk Media for the Diagnostic Culture of Lactic Acid Bacteria: (1) Dextrose Litmus Milk, (2) Yeast Extract Litmus Milk, and (3) Yeast Extract Dextrose Litmus Milk
Authors: Davis John Gilbert
Published: June 2009

Litmus milk is probably the most useful medium to the dairy bacteriologist, since it indicates fairly accurately what will be the action upon milk of the micro-organism under investigation. In spite of the advantages of synthetic indicators, such as brom-cresjol-purple, litmus is still used because it gives a greater variety of reactions than a synthetic indicator. Thus the reducing power of a culture is adequately indicated by litmus, the normal E being about –0·09 volt at pH 5(1). Some lactic acid bacteria, e.g. Str. lactis, readily reduce litmus, while others do not or only very slightly, e.g. Sbm. plantarum. Plain litmus milk is, however, an inadequate medium for some bacteria, which either clot the medium only after several weeks growth, or never produce sufficient acid to bring about this change (2).
150. The effect of certain metallic contaminants on the Cheddar cheese making process
Authors: Barnicoat C. K.
Published: June 2009

Traces of certain metallic contaminants (copper, iron, lead, zinc, aluminium and manganese), when added at the rate of 3 and 7 p.p.m. to milk used for the manufacture of Cheddar cheese, cause certain flavour (and colour) defects in the matured cheeses, of which, however, no indication is given when the cheese is plugged and graded at about 14 days after manufacture.

The distribution of copper, iron, manganese and lead between curd and whey during the cheese-making process is recorded and the action of traces of various metals on the acidity development in a typical "starter" culture has been followed.

The discolorations noted for copper- and iron-contaminated cheeses are considered to be due not to the formation of their sulphides (although this is the case for lead discoloration), but to the atmospheric oxidation of a colourless metal: protein complex.
159. The resistance to infection with Bact. typhi-murium of mice fed on raw and pasteurized milk
Authors: Wilson G. S.
Published: June 2009

1. In a series of virulence experiments a comparison was made between the resistance to infection of 551 mice fed on raw and 495 mice fed on pasteurized milk, each dietary being supplemented by a mineral mixture and a whiteflour biscuit. In one set of experiments the mice were inoculated intraperitoneally with about 100 or 1000 living Bact. typhi-murium and observed for a fortnight; in another set they were fed by the mouth with about 100–200 million living organisms of the same strain and observed for 4 weeks. All animals dying during, and all survivors killed at the end of the experiments were bacteriologically examined for evidence of specific infection.

2. In the intraperitoneal inoculation experiments the results obtained with the raw and pasteurized groups respectively were as follows: Proportion of animals dying of specific infection 51·83 and 51·20 per cent; proportion of all animals found to be specifically infected at death or when killed 95·29 and 91·57 per cent; average survival time of animals dying of specific infection 8·06 and 6·93 days. The proportions of animals dying of specific infection when standardized for weight distribution were 55·1 and 50·6 per cent respectively.
213. Studies in mastitis. V. Mastitis in relation to cheese-making
Authors: Davis J. G. , McClemont J.
Published: June 2009

Instances of the deleterious effect of “mastitis” on milk for cheese-making have been recorded over a considerable period. Until recently it was neither possible to define what was meant by mastitis nor to consider it in its chemical and bacteriological aspects. Many of the early reports must therefore be accepted with caution, a point emphasized in a review by Davis & Mattick(1).