bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Ethnoarchaeology of pig husbandry in Sardinia and Corsica
Authors: Albarella Umberto , Manconi Filippo
Published: November 2020

In this chapter we illustrate, with examples, present-day traditional practices of pig husbandry in Sardinia and Corsica. The approach to this work is ethnoarchaeological, which means that its main aim is to collect modern socio-economic data that can be useful for the interpretation of zooarchaeological remains of pigs and, more in general, for our understanding of the past (cf. Schiffer 1976: 31). The analysis of modern society as an aid to understanding the past has a long tradition in archaeology, and was particularly encouraged by the innovations in archaeological methods of the late 1960s and 1970s (e.g. Binford 1978; Gould 1980). The comparison between past and present is based on the concept of analogy (cf. Gould 1980: 29), which has been much discussed and criticized in the archaeological literature (Audouze 1992). Nevertheless, analogy remains a useful tool in archaeological interpretation as long as it is used cautiously and with an understanding of context (Hodder 1982). It can also be argued that archaeological interpretation is inevitably analogical as we cannot directly observe the past, and any attempt to improve our understanding of the past is based on comparative models, whether they are drawn from ethnographic observations or not. The relation between people and animals represents a core factor in the functioning of past and modern societies. Sus hunting and husbandry in particular constitute very important activities in many different periods and areas of the world. There is a wealth of ethnographic studies on human–Sus relations in traditional societies, but this is mainly confined to the South Pacific (e.g. Rappaport 1968; Griffin 1998; Sillitoe 2003). Ethnoarchaeological studies of human–Sus relations are much rarer, though the work carried out by ethnographers has occasionally been used for archaeological interpretations (e.g. Nemeth 1998; Redding & Rosenberg 1998). The geographic bias towards South East Asia, and New Guinea in particular, is understandable when we consider the abundance of wild and domestic pigs in those regions, and the great importance that they have for local economies and societies. Conversely, most of western Asia is dominated by Muslim cultures, where pig husbandry is not practised because of the prohibition of pork consumption (Simoons 1961).
Pigs in the New Guinea Highlands: an ethnographic example
Authors: Sillitoe Paul
Published: November 2020

Although archaeologists have long shown an interest in drawing on ethnographic parallels to further understanding of their findings (e.g. Orme 1981), anthropologists proved reluctant to engage in such endeavours for most of the 20th century. This was a reaction to the excesses of 19th century social evolutionary thinking that Europeans used in part to justify colonialism in various parts of the world, which they portrayed as an inevitable process as they, the ‘fittest’, encroached on the territories of ‘savages’. We have gradually been moving towards a more constructive engagement with archaeologists, and it is in this spirit that I offer this contribution to this volume, and have cooperated with archaeologist colleagues on other projects (Shott & Sillitoe 2001; 2004 Sillitoe & Hardy 2003). Nonetheless it comes with the usual anthropological warning about the need to maintain a culturally relative frame of mind when reading this chapter with a view to illuminating any archaeological data. There is no suggestion that the practices discussed here may be taken as somehow representative of any prehistoric population. Although those who live in a subsistence economy may offer more apt, better-scale comparisons with respect to pig-keeping than those who live in a market economy, the implication is not that they are stuck in the past. One cannot assume that such practices reflect those of ancient populations in Europe or elsewhere. They are unique cultural arrangements with their own histories. One of the most valuable lessons that we might draw from a consideration of ethnographic evidence is how enormously variable are human cultural formations, in this case in relation to pig management. In the Papua New Guinea Highlands it is with respect to socio-political exchange, which is developed in this region to extraordinary lengths (Sillitoe 1998), that we have to consider pig-keeping arrangements. The exchange focus conditions attitudes to pigs in ways that are unique, even surprising, for those of us accustomed to think in market terms. Furthermore, the data presented here should not be taken as typical of the Pacific region as they come from only one valley in the Highlands. The Melanesian region displays great cultural variety with regard to pig-keeping, as in other domains, and for a representative view one needs to consult a wide range of sources.
Wind energy
Authors: Leithead Bill
Published: November 2020

A wind turbine or even a wind farm, i.e. a group of wind turbines, is becoming an increasingly familiar sight in the countryside today. The wind turbine converts the power in the wind to electrical power and consists of a tower, rotor, typically with three blades as in Fig. 5.1, and a nacelle containing the power converter. From its rebirth in the early 1980s, wind power has experienced a dramatic development. Today, other than hydropower, it is the most important of the renewable sources of power. With an installed capacity equivalent to that required to provide electricity for over 19,000,000 average European homes and annual turnover greater than £5,500,000,000, wind energy has exceeded its year-on-year targets over the last decade. This growth in the contribution to electricity generation from wind power in Europe is likely to continue over the next few years, since the EU Commission has set a European target for 2010 of 12% of electricity generation from renewable sources. In the long term, the achievable limit to the contribution of wind power is estimated to be30%of the total European demand, an amount almost equal to the installed nuclear capacity. In the UK, wind power is the fastest growing energy sector. Over 4,000 people are employed by companies working in the wind sector , and it is estimated by the UK Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) that the next round of offshore wind development could generate a further 20,000 jobs. In a 2003 Energy White Paper, the UK government aspired to achieving a 60% reduction in UK CO2 emissions by 2050. In order to do so, it has set targets for UK electricity generation from renewable sources of 10% of electricity demand by 2010 and20% by 2015. Since it is the most mature of the renewable energies, much of these near term targets must be met by wind power . Irrespective of whether these targets are achieved, the potential for increase in the UK is substantial. The prospects for wind power development in the UK are dependent on the available wind resource, public acceptance, and technical development. Each of these issues is discussed below.
Unanswered questions and why they matter
Authors: May Robert M.
Published: November 2020

The earlier chapters in this book could be thought of as travel notes from an intellectual journey across the landscape of ecological science. In particular, the previous five chapters, 10–14, implicitly or explicitly indicate some of the unintended consequences of the growth in numbers of people and in their environmental impacts. In this final chapter, I begin with a survey of some quantitative measures of the scale of human impacts. Emphasizing the many lamentable uncertainties in our knowledge base, I focus especially on the rising rates of extinction of plant and other animal species. Why should we care about such impoverishment of our planet’s biological diversity? I outline three kinds of possible reasons, under the headings of narrowly utilitarian, broadly utilitarian, and ethical. Each of these is then discussed, with emphasis on ways in which current lack of knowledge—lack of data and/or lack of theoretical understanding—is a handicap. In places, this carries the discussion into areas not commonly found in ecology texts (ethical, economic, and political questions, for instance). In other places, there is the more familiar exhortation for more research on this or that topic. Contrary to some impressions, human population growth has been far from simply exponential. Broadly speaking, humans have been around for a couple of hundred thousand years (Deevey, 1960; Cohen, 1995). For essentially all this time, they were small bands of hunter-gatherers, with the total human population being variously estimated at around 5–20 million people. With the benefits of the invention of agriculture, roughly simultaneously in various parts of the world around 10 000 years ago, things started to change. Denser aggregations of people became possible, and villages began their journey to cities. Following the advent of this agricultural revolution, human populations arguably grew more rapidly in the first 5000 years than in the more recent 5000, up to the beginning of the Scientific- Industrial Revolution around the 1600s. This relative slowing of population growth is almost surely associated with infectious diseases which were not sustainable at the low population densities associated with hunter-gatherers.
The Earth After Us
Authors: Zalasiewicz Jan
Published: November 2020

Geologist Jan Zalasiewicz takes the reader on a fascinating trip one hundred million years into the future--long after the human race becomes extinct--to explore what will remain of our brief but dramatic sojourn on Earth. He describes how geologists in the far future might piece together the history of the planet, and slowly decipher the history of humanity from the traces we will leave impressed in the rock strata. What story will the rocks tell of us? What kind of fossils will humans leave behind? What will happen to cities, cars, and plastic cups? The trail leads finally to the bones of the inhabitants of petrified cities that have slept deep underground for many millions of years. As thought-provoking as it is engaging, this book simultaneously explains the geological mechanisms that shape our planet, from fossilization to plate tectonics, illuminates the various ingenious ways in which geologists and paleontologist work, and offers a final perspective on humanity and its actions that may prove to be more objective than any other.
Tectonic Escalator
Authors: Zalasiewicz Jan
Published: November 2020

How does it work, this engine that produces the world’s strata, those storehouses of an almost infinite history? Our future explorers might be sorely puzzled, for the Earth’s motor is quite specific in its mechanism. There is nothing else like it in the solar system, and even reasonably close duplicates of it may be rare among planetary systems generally. A problem is immediately encountered in any attempt to construct a history of the Earth’s life and environments from the stratal archives. For the question will extend beyond simply explaining why the strata that formed on ancient sea floors happen to be present high up on land. Any explorer, in trying to construct a coherent history of the Earth, will find anything but coherence in those rock layers, once they try to put them back into their original order. For in many regions of the earth the strata are tilted, or are upside down, or are crumpled into huge folds, or have been sliced into segments in which the primary stratal layers are markedly off set from one another. Some layers show signs of having been recrystallized by heat and pressure, showing that they must have somehow been carried down to great depths below the Earth’s surface, and then carried back up again to lie exposed at the surface. The strata of neighbouring Mars, by contrast, have nothing like the richness of the Earth’s—but neither do they possess such formidable structural complications. These crazy Earthly stratal geometries, just as much as earthquakes or volcanoes, are indisputable signs of an active planet, in which the seemingly solid and stable crustal surface is, in reality, highly mobile. Our future explorers should take it for granted that strata are essentially made of sediment that was eroded from topographic highs (say, mountains) and was carried down to topographic lows (say, the floor of a lake or of a deep sea). This is straightforward. It has happened, say, on Mars. But on Mars it essentially happened as one cycle, a long time ago, where the highlands represent the eroded areas and the flatlands are an accumulation of the sediment derived from them.
High Water, Low Water
Authors: Zalasiewicz Jan
Published: November 2020

In almost everybody’s natural lifetime, the sea is one of the great unchanging certainties of life. There is land; there is sea; and in between is that magical place, the seaside, which is sometimes knocked about a bit by the waves, but always manages to recover for that next idyllic summer. There are, one remembers, those faintly disquieting legends, about a remarkably well-organized and ecologically aware person called Noah, and about a Deluge. But these, of course, should not be taken seriously. They were a jumpy and superstitious lot, our ancestors, always prone to making up scary stories. It was a good way to keep the children in order. With a longer perspective, things seem a little different. Take any one location on the globe, for instance. Track it over millions of years. At that one location, there may be a change from deep ocean, to shallow sea, to a shoreline, and thence to terrestrial swamps and flood plains. And then, perhaps, to the absence of evidence, a horizon of absolutely no thickness at all within a succession of rock strata, in which a million years or a hundred million years—or more—may be missing, entirely unrecorded. It is that phenomenon called an unconformity, all that is left of the history of a terrestrial landscape pushed up into the erosional realm. On that eroding landscape, there may have been episodes of battle, murder, and sudden death among armoured saurians, of fire, flood, and storm, and of the humdrum day-to-day life of the vast vegetarian dinosaurs, chewing through their daily hundredweights of plants. Of this, no trace can persist. Only when that landscape is plunged again towards sea level, and begins to be silted up, can a tangible geological record resume. The Earth’s crust, as we have seen, is malleable, can be pushed downwards or thrust upwards by the forces that drive the continents across the face of the globe. Many of the sea level changes that can be read in the strata of the archives are of this sort, and mark purely local ups and downs of individual sections of crust, with no evidence that global sea level was anything other than constant.
Traces
Authors: Zalasiewicz Jan
Published: November 2020

What fossils did you make today? If you imagine a fossil to be a dinosaur skeleton in the grand entrance of a museum, you might think that you would not have the opportunity to become a fossil until the day of your funeral. However, your fossil-making capacity is far greater. You may, for instance, be making a contribution to the potential fossil record each Wednesday evening, as you leave the wheelie-bin out at the end of your drive. Humans have the capacity to make fossils all the time: each time, for example, that one defecates, or walks through the park. Evidence of past life comes in two main varieties: the actual bodily remains of a once-living organism and any traces left of the activities performed by that organism. Humans, clearly, produce both types, termed ‘body’ and ‘trace’ fossils respectively. Future palaeontologists, though, trying to characterize life in the Human Period will undoubtedly produce an incomplete and perhaps hugely misleading reconstruction. The fossil record of human beings, like the fossil record that we study today, has inherent biases. How will future palaeontologists categorize human trace fossils? It is first necessary to emphasize that there will not be one type of human trace fossil, because humans have not one but many types of behaviour. This is a first principle of trace fossils: a single type of organism can make many different traces. Let us choose an example and follow him through the course of a day. We may call him Robinson. Robinson is on a cruise when—catastrophe!— his boat capsizes in a storm and he washes up on a deserted island. He crawls up on the beach, and lies there for a while, catching his breath, leaving an imprint of his body where he lay on the sand. He walks around a little on the beach, leaving a trail of footprints (he lost his shoes in the swim for the island), looking for food. Robinson remembers that beaches are a good place to find shellfish. He decides on this as a strategy for lunch.
When to use remote sensing
Authors: Horning Ned , Robinson Julie A. , Sterling Eleanor J. , Turner Woody , Spector Sacha
Published: November 2020

Remote sensing technologies can benefit a large number of environmental conservation and management tasks. However, understanding the limitations is as important as understanding the benefits. While appropriate use of remotely sensed data can increase knowledge and expand understanding, inappropriate use can be expensive and create products that mislead, rather than inform. In this chapter we present the benefits as well as technical and practical limitations of remote sensing, emphasizing the importance of clearly understanding the accuracy of remote sensing data and analyses. The chapter concludes with practical advice on how an organization can assess its remote sensing capabilities and, if necessary, work with collaborators to add remote sensing expertise to projects. There is no doubt that satellite and aerial remote sensing has greatly improved our ability to map land cover and to monitor a range of environmental phenomena. Still, there are fundamental limitations of remote sensing that are often understated or overlooked in the professional literature. We want to alert you to some of the limitations as well as highlight the trade-offs between limitations and benefits, some of which may not be intuitive. Throughout the book we present trends in remote sensing research and development to give a sense of how these issues evolve over time. In other chapters, we discuss a number of limitations such as problems related to accurately aligning different imagery with a map base (Chapter 3); recording usable images in areas that are cloudy or hazy (Chapter 4); and recording data beneath a vegetative canopy (Chapter 4) or water surface (Chapters 6 and 7). The issues discussed in this chapter focus on the applicability of remote sensing imagery and its derived products. Some of these issues are technical in nature such as the different qualities that affect how well a feature can be resolved in an image or factors related to image classification. Other limitations are more practical and may depend on the location of a particular project or available resources (financial, time, and human).
Measuring and monitoring land cover, land use, and vegetation characteristics
Authors: Horning Ned , Robinson Julie A. , Sterling Eleanor J. , Turner Woody , Spector Sacha
Published: November 2020

In terrestrial biomes, ecologists and conservation biologists commonly need to understand vegetation characteristics such as structure, primary productivity, and spatial distribution and extent. Fortunately, there are a number of airborne and satellite sensors capable of providing data from which you can derive this information. We will begin this chapter with a discussion on mapping land cover and land use. This is followed by text on monitoring changes in land cover and concludes with a section on vegetation characteristics and how we can measure these using remotely sensed data. We provide a detailed example to illustrate the process of creating a land cover map from remotely sensed data to make management decisions for a protected area. This section provides an overview of land cover classification using remotely sensed data. We will describe different options for conducting land cover classification, including types of imagery, methods and algorithms, and classification schemes. Land cover mapping is not as difficult as it may appear, but you will need to make several decisions, choices, and compromises regarding image selection and analysis methods. Although it is beyond the scope of this chapter to provide details for all situations, after reading it you will be able to better assess your own needs and requirements. You will also learn the steps to carry out a land cover classification project while gaining an appreciation for the image classification process. That said, if you lack experience with land cover mapping, it always wise to seek appropriate training and, if possible, collaborate with someone who has land cover mapping experience (Section 2.3). Although the terms “land cover” and “land use” are sometimes used interchangeably they are different in important ways. Simply put, land cover is what covers the surface of the Earth and land use describes how people use the land (or water). Examples of land cover classes are: water, snow, grassland, deciduous forest, or bare soil.
Protected area design and monitoring
Authors: Horning Ned , Robinson Julie A. , Sterling Eleanor J. , Turner Woody , Spector Sacha
Published: November 2020

Researchers interested in remote locations have developed monitoring schemes, sometimes called “Watchful Eye” monitoring, that use a time series of remotely sensed images to assess changes over time to a protected area or habitat. For instance, the European Space Agency (ESA) and UNESCO have set up repeat analyses of satellite imagery for World Heritage sites. The first area for which they developed this technique was the habitat of the critically endangered mountain gorilla (Gorilla berengei berengei) in the Virunga Mountains in Central Africa, including the Bwindi and Mgahinga National Parks in Uganda, the Virunga and Kahuzi-Biega National Parks in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and the trans-boundary Volcanoes Conservation Area. The project developed detailed maps of these inaccessible zones so that protected area managers can monitor the gorilla habitat. Previously, available maps were old and inaccurate (at times handmade), did not completely cover the range of the gorillas, and did not cross national boundaries. Because there was no systematic information from the ground regarding changes over time, researchers also used remotely sensed data to complete change detection analyses over the past two decades. Using both optical (Landsat series) and radar (ENVISAT ASAR) satellite data, researchers were able to quantify rates of deforestation between 1990 and 2003 and relate these rates to human migration rates into the area resulting from regional political instability. Researchers constructed the first digital base maps of the areas, digital elevation models (DEMs), and updated vegetation and land use maps. They faced significant problems in both field and laboratory activities, including lack of existing ground data, dense vegetation cover, and fairly continuous cloud cover. They therefore used a combination of ESA ENVISAT ASAR as well as Landsat and ESA Medium Resolution Imaging Spectrometer (MERIS) optical data. The radar images allowed them to quantify elevation and distances between trees and homes. Landsat and MERIS data helped identify forest cover types, with Landsat providing finer-scale images at less frequent intervals and MERIS serving lower-resolution images more frequently.
The Construction of Prehistory: Copenhagen to 1836
Authors: Rowley-Conwy Peter
Published: November 2020

Copenhagen lies on the eastern shore of Zealand, Denmark’s most easterly island. Scania, the southernmost province of Sweden, lies opposite; the city of Lund is just a few kilometres inland. They are separated only by the Sound, a body of water narrower than the English Channel, which narrows further to just 5 kilometres at a point some 40 kilometres north of Copenhagen. Lund and Copenhagen both have old universities, and an archaeologist travelling from one to the other can now make the journey via the new bridge over the Sound in less than an hour. In the early nineteenth century it took a little longer, but even in those days academic exchange was not dificult. For example, on 21 June 1830 the Swedish archaeologist Bror Emil Hildebrand embarked at 2 p.m. across the narrowest part of the Sound, and after spending that night in a hotel on the Danish side, reached Copenhagen on the afternoon of 22 June. Returning home on 17 August, he took a ferry direct from Copenhagen which departed at 8 a.m., but due to contrary winds he did not reach the Swedish side till that night (Hildebrand and Hermansen 1935). By 1842, steamships had speeded this up; the Danish historian Christian Molbech, visiting Lund, noted in his diary that he could be home in Copenhagen in just four hours (Molbech 1844a). Not surprisingly, the academic community of Lund was therefore much more closely linked to Copenhagen than it was to the Swedish capital, Stockholm, which is getting on for 600 kilometres from Lund as the crow fiies. Molbech left Lund early on 9 June 1842 and travelled overland to Ystad, from where he took a steamship to Stockholm. This journey took him four days, and he doubted that even the introduction of steamships would bring Copenhagen and Stockholm into close connection (Molbech 1844a: 274). (What Hildebrand learned during his visit, and how Molbech had contributed to prehistory, we shall see below). The Three Age System emerged from the Copenhagen–Lund academic axis in the early nineteenth century. This chapter will examine the initial developments, which took place mainly in Copenhagen and culminated in Thomsen’s publication of the artefactual scheme in 1836.
Aftermath
Authors: Rowley-Conwy Peter
Published: November 2020

We have followed the story of the Three Age System a very long way indeed. We saw how it emerged in Copenhagen and Lund, how it was received there, and how Worsaae fought to establish it there. We then saw how it came to Britain, and followed in Worsaae’s footsteps from London to Edinburgh to Dublin and back to London again. In each of the three capitals in which it was considered, accepted or rejected, the academic context was quite different from the others. In London the archaeologists were safe sheltering under the dominant ethnological paradigm, and for some time saw no reason to venture out from beneath it. In Edinburgh the Four Stage Theory and long links with Denmark made the Scandinavian story much easier to swallow rapidly. In Dublin the historical elite was so blinded by the glory of their ancient history that there was no place for the archaeological theory, and it had to be carried into the capital by an originally provincial archaeological movement. Back in London, the safe ethnological chronology was jolted out of alignment by the discovery of human antiquity, and alongside this—and on the back of high-quality archaeological excavation—the Three Age System finally won the day. Some aspects of the story have long been well known. The roles of C. J. Thomsen, of J. J. A. Worsaae, of Daniel Wilson, and of John Lubbock have all received much exposure in discussions of the history of archaeology. But in following this story we have also sometimes looked beneath stones that have seldom if ever previously been lifted in this connection, at least in the Anglophone literature. It has for example rarely been understood that Thomsen’s ‘idea of prehistory’ was not simply forging back into hitherto uncharted chronological territory, but was to begin with leaning on the elaborate ancient historical structure of Peter Frederik Suhm. It was only when Christian Molbech kicked away this structure in the 1830s that the Three Age System had to stand on its own. Fortunately it was rapidly supported by three other chronologies employing physical evidence, and they acted as supports in its very earliest days of independence. When Worsaae hastened ancient history into its grave in the 1840s, the Three Age System was therefore able to stand on its own four feet (archaeology, economy, ecology, and craniology).
Bourges in the Earlier Iron Age: An Interim View
Authors: Ian Ralston
Published: November 2020

Berry in central France figures frequently in assessments of the level of complexity in western temperate Europe at the annexation of Gallia comata in 52 BC. Information from a number of sites, particularly Levroux (Indre: e.g. Büchsenschütz et al. 1988; 1992; 2000; Krausz 1993), contributes to what is now a tolerably well-understood pattern, contrasting markedly with the poorly known settlement record for the earlier Iron Age of the area. One site forms a conspicuous exception. For the end of the Hallstatt Iron Age and the initial phase of its successor—broadly the decades either side of 500 BC— Bourges (Cher) is now known to be of critical importance, not only in regional terms, but also as a variant of the elite phenomenon known as the Fürstensitze that occurs widely across west-central temperate Europe. It will come as no surprise that the first English-language author to recognize the emerging importance of this site was Barry Cunliffe in The Ancient Celts, and it is thus with pleasure that this interim statement on Bourges and its immediate hinterland at the time of the transition from the Hallstatt to La Tène Iron Age has been prepared. Since 1995, with Jacques Troadec, the municipal archaeologist, Olivier Büchsenschütz, Pierre-Yves Milcent and others, the author has been excavating within and on the periphery of Bourges—by the first century BC certainly Avaricum of the Bituriges—as part of a long-term rescue project on that site and its surroundings. A few, selected aspects of this are considered below. The pace of development, and evolving legislative arrangements for rescue archaeology, mean that other important sites in the commune have been examined by Alexis Luberne and colleagues in the State Archaeological Rescue Service, INRAP, and reference to some of their work is included below. The rate of change in and around the city, particularly as military establishments—many initially set up at the time of the 1870 Franco-Prussian war—are redeveloped for light industry, and new housing, transport and other infrastructure is constructed, provides much scope for new discoveries; what follows is thus by necessity provisional.
British Potins Abroad: A New Find from Central France and the Iron Age in Southeast England
Authors: Gruel Katherine , Haselgrove Colin
Published: November 2020

One of Barry Cunliffe’s abiding research interests has been in the character of cross-Channel interaction during the Iron Age, a topic that he has pursued and illuminated through a sustained programme of excavations and artefact studies in southern England, northern France, and the Channel Islands. Although the exchanges were undoubtedly two-way—and must also be seen in the context of a longer-term pattern of maritime contacts between Britain and its neighbours across the ocean (cf. Cunliffe 2001)— it remains true that for the late Iron Age, much of the material evidence for relations between Britain and France is in the form of continental imports found in Britain (e.g. Cunliffe 1987), rather than the other way around. We are therefore very pleased here, following a new find of British Iron Age coins in France, to be able to offer Barry a study of a relatively rare example of a group of objects moving in the opposite direction, not least because another of Barry’s contributions over the years has been to ensure that the Celtic Coin Index in Oxford has continued to develop into the unparalleled research tool for Iron Age studies that it represents today. The British exports in question are four Flat-Linear potin coins found in a mid-first-century BC context in ongoing excavations at the hilltop oppidum of Corent, in the Auvergne region of central France, over 600km from their home territory in southeast England (figure 14.1). Coins belonging to this series have been previously recorded from northern France, where there have also been a number of new finds in recent years, but never south of the Loire. We will begin by describing these new discoveries in more detail, starting with Corent, before going on to assess their implications for our understanding of the late Iron Age in southeastern England, which are considerable. In conclusion, we will offer some possible explanations as to why these coins may have been exported to France in the first century BC.
Druids: Towards an Archaeolog
Authors: Fitzpatrick Andrew P.
Published: November 2020

A comparison of the first and fourth editions of the magisterial survey and synthesis of Iron Age Communities in Britain shows how much our understanding changed, and improved, between 1974 and 2005. Many of the changes are directly due to Barry Cunliffe’s own work, published promptly and accessibly. Woven through many of those works have been the strands of the interplay between history and archaeology, and between civilization and barbarism. One area in which there has been little change, however, is in the study of religious authority, where our understanding is restricted almost entirely to literary evidence about Druids in Gaul (Cunliffe 2004: 109–11; 2005: 572–4). There are the merest of hints from the funerary data, from a consideration of which the quotation above is taken. It will be argued here that there is rather more evidence for people with religious knowledge and skills in Iron Age Britain than has been thought previously, but that there is little evidence for a specialist priesthood and these roles were combined with others. The evidence is often elusive, but the history of the study of Iron Age religious authority has also militated against its recognition. In order to appreciate this, it is necessary to review briefly the sources of the modern caricature that is the white-robed Druid at Stonehenge. During the Renaissance it was gradually realized that some monuments in the landscape had been made by the ancient inhabitants of the British Isles. With the ‘discovery’ of what were thought to be ‘primitive’ peoples or ‘savages’ in the Americas, Renaissance thinkers were provided with the physical and intellectual materials to create an image of a barbarian antiquity. This antiquity was one where little changed; the past was essentially a time either before or after the biblical Deluge. It was related to the present by origin myths that related modern nations and their mythical founders to Noah and the Garden of Eden.
The gastrointestinal system
Authors: Atkinson Martin E.
Published: November 2020

The mouth and pharynx are the first parts of the digestive system; they are the principal areas of the gastrointestinal system of interest to dental students and practitioners and are fully described in Chapters 25 and 28. The anatomy of the remainder of the system is described briefly to provide a working knowledge for applications in other aspects of undergraduate dental courses such as nutrition. In essence, the digestive tract is a long convoluted tube illustrated in Figure 6.1. It extends from the mouth, via the pharynx, oesophagus, stomach, small intestine, and large intestine to the anal canal. It is formed along most of its length by longitudinal and circular layers of smooth muscle. It is lined throughout by epithelium which shows marked structural differences from region to region to match different functional requirements of secretion of digestive enzymes, absorption of nutrients, and excretion of waste products. The liver and pancreas are large organs essential to the function of the gastrointestinal system. Food is ingested through the mouth and then prepared for swallowing by being broken up and mixed with saliva by the chewing action of the teeth. Saliva has a major lubricant and minor digestive function. The food is formed into a pellet or bolus and is then swallowed by being moved back by the tongue into the pharynx. Once food is in the pharynx, swallowing becomes a reflex mechanism designed to coordinate contraction of muscles to push the food through the pharynx and oesophagus to the stomach as well as ensuring food and drink do not enter the lower respiratory tract. Swallowing is complex, involving several sets of muscles in the head and neck and is described in more detail in Section 29.1. The passage of food along the remainder of the digestive tract is achieved by regular contractions (peristalsis) of the smooth muscle layers in its walls. The oesophagus is a muscular tube about 25 cm in length. It begins in the neck as a continuation of the pharynx and lies posterior to the trachea as it enters the thorax.
The structure of the central nervous system
Authors: Atkinson Martin E.
Published: November 2020

It is important to have a picture of the relationship of the brain and spinal cord to the bones of the skull and vertebral column that house and protect them and the protective layers of connective tissues known as the meninges that cover the CNS; these lie between the bones and brain and spinal cord. The brain is housed within the skull which will be described in much more detail in Section 4 . As you can appreciate by feeling your own skull, the top, front, sides, and back are smoothly curved. The surface of the brain is similarly curved and conforms to the shape of the bones. Note that, in reality, it is really the other way round—brain shape determines the shape of the bones of the skull vault forming the braincase. If the top of the braincase and the brain are removed to reveal the floor of the cranial cavity formed by the bones of the cranial base, it is anything but smooth. Viewed from the lateral aspect and going from anterior to posterior, it is like three descending steps. This structure is shown diagrammatically in Figure 15.1 and shows how different parts of the brain conform to these steps. The first step lies above the nasal and orbital cavities and is known as the anterior cranial fossa ; it houses the frontal lobes of the cerebral hemispheres. The second step is the middle cranial fossa and contains the temporal lobes of each cerebral hemisphere laterally and the midbrain and pons medially. The final step is the posterior cranial fossa where the rest of the brainstem and cerebellum lie. The floor of the posterior fossa is pierced by the foramen magnum through which the medulla oblongata and spinal cord become continuous. The spinal cord occupies the vertebral canal running in the vertebral column. As you can see in Figure 3.5 , in adults, the cord occupies the vertebral canal from the upper border of the first cervical vertebra, the atlas, down to the level of the disc between the first and second lumbar vertebrae.
The pharynx, soft palate, and larynx
Authors: Atkinson Martin E.
Published: November 2020

The pharynx is a muscular tube beginning behind the posterior nasal apertures and extending down to the cricoid cartilage in the neck where it becomes continuous below with the oesophagus. The pharynx is incomplete anteriorly where the nasal and oral cavities and laryngeal entrance open into it. The pharynx can thus be divided for descriptive purposes into three regions. Identify the three regions and their landmarks in Figure 28.1 : • The nasopharynx behind the posterior nasal apertures, extending down to the soft palate; • The oropharynx posterior to the oral cavity, extending from the soft palate to the tip of the epiglottis; • The laryngopharynx posterior to the laryngeal entrance between the epiglottis and level of the cricoid cartilage. Air enters the nasopharynx and passes through the oropharynx to enter the larynx at the laryngopharynx. Food and drink enter the oropharynx from the mouth, then travel through the laryngopharynx to the oesophagus and stomach. The pharynx is thus part of both the gastrointestinal and respiratory tracts. Essentially, food and air cross each other’s paths in the laryngopharynx. This anatomical arrangement requires precise control of swallowing to ensure that food and drink enter the oesophagus and not the larynx. As you can see in Figure 28.1 , the larynx, the last part of the upper respiratory tract, is situated superficially in the midline of the neck in front of the pharynx and is only covered anteriorly by skin, fascia, and the infrahyoid muscles. The laryngeal opening is just behind and below the root of the tongue. The walls of the larynx are reinforced by cartilage like the lower respiratory tract. However, instead of simple cartilage rings or plates in the walls attached to each other by fibrous tissue, the elaborately shaped laryngeal cartilages articulate with each other through synovial joints and can be moved with precision by the laryngeal muscles. The vocal folds stretch anteroposteriorly across the larynx; they can be brought together to close the larynx and protect the lower respiratory tract or tensed to produce noise, the phonation component of speech.
Radiative and Chemical Kinetic Implications
Authors: Tuck Adrian F.
Published: November 2020

The laws governing the dynamical behaviour of atoms and molecules are quantum mechanical, and specify that their internal energy states are discrete, with only definite photon energies inducing transitions between them, subject to selection rules. These energy levels appear as spectra in different regions of the electromagnetic spectrum: pure rotational lines in the microwave or far infrared, ‘rovibrational’ (rotation + vibration) lines in the middle and near infrared, while electronic transitions, sometimes with associated rotational and vibrational structure (‘rovibronic’) occur from the near infrared through the visible to the ultraviolet. An important feature of these spectra in the atmosphere is that they do not appear as single sharp lines, but are collisionally broadened about the central energy into ‘line shapes’ which frequently overlap with other transitions, both from the same molecule and from others. One of the primary dynamical quantities involved in the processes broadening these line shapes is the relative velocity of the molecules with which the photon absorbing and emitting molecules are colliding. These are primarily N2 and O2 in the atmosphere; if they have an overpopulation of fast moving molecules relative to a Maxwell–Boltzmann distribution, as we have suggested, the line shapes will be affected. Molecules such as carbon dioxide, water vapour, and ozone are all active in the infrared via rovibrational transitions, with water vapour being light enough and so having sufficiently rapid rotation that it has rotational bands appearing in the far infrared rather than the microwave. Nitrous oxide, N2O, and methane, CH4, are also active, but make smaller contributions because of their lower abundances. Molecular nitrogen and molecular oxygen, because they are homonuclear diatomic molecules, do not absorb or emit via electric dipole allowed transitions in the atmospherically important regions of the electromagnetic spectrum. Molecular oxygen, having a triplet ground state, does have weak forbidden and magnetic dipole transitions which, however, play only a very small role in the radiative balance. It should be noted that the translational energy of molecules in a large system like the atmosphere is effectively continuous rather than quantized.
Non-Equilibrium Statistical Mechanics
Authors: Tuck Adrian F.
Published: November 2020

The Earth’s atmosphere is far from equilibrium; it is constantly in motion from the combined effects of gravity and planetary rotation, is constantly absorbing and emitting radiation, and hosts ongoing chemical reactions which are ultimately fuelled by solar photons. It has fluxes of material and energy across its boundaries with the planetary surface, both terrestrial and marine, and also emits a continual outward flux of infrared photons to space. The gaseous atmosphere is manifestly a kinetic system, meaning that its evolution must be described by time dependent differential equations. The equations doing this under the continuum fluid approximation are the Navier–Stokes equations, which are not analytically solvable and which support many non-linear instabilities. We have also seen that the generation of turbulence is a fundamentally difficult yet central feature of air motion, originating on the molecular scale. Non-equilibrium statistical mechanics may offer insight into which steady states a system far from equilibrium as a result of fluxes and anisotropies may migrate, without the need for detailed solution of the explicit path between the states. However, it does not seem possible to demonstrate mathematically that such steady states exist for the atmosphere. A physical view of the planet’s past and probable future suggests that the past and future evolution of the sun and its outgoing fluxes of energy may mean that the air-water-earth system may never have been or will ever be in a rigorously defined steady state. Also, to the human population, the detailed, time-dependent evolution is what matters in many respects. Nevertheless, non-equilibrium statistical mechanics is a discipline which should be applicable in principle to yield information about approximate steady states. These steady states may as a practical matter be definable from the observational record, for example the ice ages and the intervening periods evident in the geological record, or between states with two differing global average abundances of a radiatively active gas such as carbon dioxide. There has been great progress recently in non-equilibrium statistical mechanics, stemming from recent work on the concept of the maximization of entropy production.
‘Made and not born civill’
Authors: Hingley Richard
Published: November 2020

This chapter reviews the emergence of civility in Britain under Roman tuition, through writings and images, with a particular focus on the historical and geographical works of William Camden and John Speed, English antiquarians whose influential accounts helped to transform understanding during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Their works are placed in the context of their time by considering contemporary writing that addressed colonial issues and also a number of plays that referred to the ancient past. How these comprehensions of native civility fared in the new political circumstances leading up to the end of the seventeenth century is also addressed. The pre-Roman and Roman population of Britain took on a particular significance in late Elizabethan and Jacobean England. This related to changing ideas about English (and British) identity in the context of the rediscovered classical writings, and to the intellectual assessment of the value of such concepts in the context of overseas ventures in Ireland and America. New understandings of national identity explored ancient accounts of Britain, setting them in the context of dominant ideas about classical Roman character, themselves derived from ancient writing; these defined the Roman as a complex amalgam of civilized and barbaric, cruel and cultured. A particular issue emerging from this understanding of the British past is emphasized: that Roman conquest and control led to the transfer of ‘civility’ to the savages or barbarians of southern Britain. The increasing focus on classical Rome and ancient Britain by scholars in Elizabethan and Jacobean society could not be satisfied by the narrative accounts presented by the classical authors. these texts were lacking in information about issues that were significant to antiquaries at this time, the new focus on pre-Roman and Roman Britain both motivated and drew upon the results of the search for the material remains of these people in the countryside of Britain. The initial growth of interest in Roman Britain took place at a time when Rome was viewed negatively and this influenced how ideas about the ancient past were articulated. From the time of Henry VIII’s break with the Church of Rome in the 1530s and during the reign of his daughter Elizabeth (1558–1603), classical Rome was often regarded with ambivalence in England because of its associations with the contemporary city.