bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Choice of Instruments for Technical Co-operation
Authors: Glick Philip M.
Published: March 2007

The choice of suitable instruments for giving technical and economic assistance is crucial to the success of the bilateral and multilateral programs. Here, choice is con trolled not alone by the needs of the immediate task but also by the characteristics of public administration in less-developed countries and by the current status of agriculture, industry, health, and education. In the last eighteen years the programs have developed eleven instruments. Classified by principal function, these are: (a) preparation for program planning— the economic survey; (b) advice and instruction within the host country—the advisory mission; the visiting professor; seminars, conferences, and workshops; the training center; (c) fellowships for study and training abroad; and (d) joint operations—the Servicio; the operating mission; the university contract; other private contracts; the proposed international administrative service. The instruments for joint operation must form the backbone of the co-operative programs because technical assistance, to be effective, must go beyond advice and demonstration. Only in joint operations can the intro duction and the administration of the new technology be ade quately taught. Even without joint operations the programs can perform many useful tasks—but that is to fall short of the announced goal: Aiding the host countries to develop economies of self-sustaining growth.
The Central European Crisis: A Proposal for Western Initiative
Authors: Warburg James P.
Published: March 2007

There can be no yielding to force on the question of Berlin; but, before eventual force is met with force, any interference with Western access to West Berlin should be laid before the court of world opinion in the United Nations. There can be no satisfactory solution to the problem of a divided Berlin except in the broader context of a solution to the problems of a partitioned Germany and a divided Europe. The first steps toward such a solution consist of military and political disengagement in Central Europe. Military disen gagement means the gradual, carefully controlled withdrawal of foreign forces, a limitation of indigenous armaments within the evacuated area and the debarment of any state or states within the evacuated zone from military alliance with East or West. Political disengagement means an East-West hands-off agreement—that is, a renunciation by the Western powers and the Soviet bloc of any interference in the political or economic future of the militarily neutralized states. Without such mili tary and political disengagement there can be no reunification of Germany and no gradual liberation of Eastern Europe from coercive domination. The process envisaged will necessarily be slow, with each step tested by experience. The important thing is to get it started.
Narrowing the Gap
Authors: Chan Yang You
Published: March 2007

Two sources of ideas on international affairs are the scholars and newspapermen, and the diplomats. The for mer offer judgments which are arrived at freely and objec tively ; the latter test the practicality of an idea or solution. There should be a balance between the ideal and the practical. In order to avoid war, we should try to find ways to bridge the gap between the Communists and the Free World; but we should also be aware of the dangers inherent in compro mises and conciliations. The ways of free people cannot be sacrificed. Korea exemplifies in a practical way the gap which divides the world today. The reunification of the country is a vital problem; and the right to free elections is the inalien able right of all Koreans—North or South. The Communist fear of encirclement is not a valid one since in all its long history Korea has never been an aggressor. To narrow the gap in the world today, we must determine "which side repre sents a tolerable way of life." The West cannot sacrifice its principles of freedom for "to do so would be to eliminate the gap by being swallowed up in it."—Ed.
The Confrontation of Influences in Indonesia
Authors: Notowidigdo Moekarto
Published: March 2007

Indonesian society as it exists today is the result of many diverse influences: Hinduism and Islam have both been absorbed in a way which is uniquely Indonesian. The result, until the Dutch conquest, was a country where the basic values were those of co-operation, tolerance, and the avoidance of strife. Under the Dutch, Western culture arrived, but it arrived in the form of economic exploitation for the vast ma jority of Indonesians; education in the Western heritage was possible only to a few Indonesians in the latter part of Dutch rule. With the coming of independence Indonesia faces many problems, problems which are complicated by the cold war. As a young and growing nation, she has no desire to make any military alliance, but this does not mean that she is predominantly Communist or unsympathetic to Western ideas. In the future, the best possible thing for both Indo nesia and the United States would be an exchange of students. The future leaders of Indonesia must be given the time in this country to learn about America as a state of mind as well as about American medicine and engineering. In return, Ameri can scholars are welcomed in Indonesia in the hope that they will gain a similar understanding of the Indonesian culture. Indonesia cannot be expected to absorb all of Western culture, but she can gain much by assimilating those parts which she finds most valuable.—Ed.
Social and Economic Growth Without Inflation
Authors: Colm Gerhard
Published: March 2007

There is no clear correlation between the rate of economic growth and price developments. Very rapid ex pansion is usually associated with price rise, a business slump with price drops. In the wide range between these extremes, growth may be associated with rising, stable, or falling prices. This is explained by the great variety of factors influencing prices, often working in opposite directions. Since there are multiple causes of price rises, there are also several policies which should be combined to combat price rises. They in clude: positive policies designed to increase productivity and to overcome obstacles to greater production; more effective credit policies to combat demand inflation; and arrangements designed to articulate the public interest in price and wage de velopments as a means to restrain cost increases.
What Would Labor Do About Inflation?
Authors: Meany George
Published: March 2007

The major needs of our time are adequate na tional defense, public services for a growing population, com prehensive economic and technical aid for the uncommitted peoples of less-developed areas of the world who are emerging from colonial domination and social and economic adjustments to rapid technological change. These needs must be met for national survival and the continued progress of our free society. They can and should be met by economic expansion of at least 5 per cent a year. Restrictive economic policies that curtail economic progress and growth must be abandoned. The "tight money" policy should be halted if growth is to be stimulated. Continuing wage and salary increases should be encouraged if growing consumer markets are to be attained. The govern ment's budget policy should aim at balancing the budget in times of full employment from an expanding economy rather than restricting government expenditures and retarding eco nomic growth. Full employment and economic growth of 5 per cent a year should be established as basic national objec tives, to be implemented by government policies. To achieve these major requirements, there should be an end to the inces sant propaganda campaign about runaway inflationary pres sures that have not existed in the past eight years. Solutions for the type of price changes of recent years have to be devel oped on the basis of the facts in each separate part of the economy. The main task of the day is more rapid economic expansion to sustain full employment and meet the nation's needs. This will do more than anything to stabilize the price situation.
Taxation and Business
Authors: Schmidt Emerson P.
Published: March 2007

It is not obvious that taxes in themselves are a significant element in inflation. When taxes reach a level that is regarded as unduly high by a broad spectrum of taxpayers, protective and defensive reactions are likely to take place. Al though the primary cause of inflation is the growth in the money supply resulting from deficit financing, even a balanced budget under certain circumstances can be inflationary. The corporation income tax is probably largely shifted forward to the consumer; but its level tends to defer new investment, and therefore has a price-lifting effect which, however, is not cumu lative. A shift toward a tax system emphasizing direct rather than indirect taxes might help encourage opposition to govern ment expenditure increases.
The Payroll Taxes and Social Security
Authors: Craig Paul G.
Published: March 2007

The social security system encompasses a broad group of compulsory public and negotiated private quasi insur ances which protect workers against the economic risks of death, old age, disability, and unemployment. The various parts of this system cover from 25 per cent to 95 per cent of all workers. And the combined revenues of the public and private programs are around 25 billion dollars per year. There are two ap proaches to an analysis of the economic stability effects of this system, a cash flows approach and a tax incidence approach. Analyzed on a cash flows basis, social security has had very slight influence on economic stability. Analyzed from an inci dence point of view, social security programs have been slightly inflationary. But because of the similarity of the propensities to consume in the various income strata, this influence is negli gible. Hopes that alternative methods of financing might make the social security system into an effective instrument of coun tercyclical fiscal policy are largely groundless for several rea sons. The institutional complexity of the system, the basic purposes which it serves, and the size of the federal budget all preclude significant changes in financing.
Congress and Research: Experience in Atomic Research and Development
Authors: Anderson Clinton P. , Ramey James T.
Published: March 2007

Congress has delegated much of its work in rela tion to atomic research and development to the Joint Congres sional Committee on Atomic Energy. The Joint Committee has certain advantages for dealing vigorously with atomic re search, including its ability to act for both Houses as a unit, its right to be kept fully informed by the Atomic Energy Commission, and its legislative jurisdiction including annual authorization legislation. The role of the Joint Committee has been evolving from an interest primarily in the weapons program and security to an equal emphasis on peacetime re search and development, international co-operation, and de classification. Recently the Joint Committee has tended to stress its informational function through the conduct of various public hearings and dissemination of reports. Of particular importance in recent years has been its policy-making function in atomic power development, basic research facilities, and research in atomic hazards.
What Federal Funds Mean to the Universities Today
Authors: Weaver John C.
Published: March 2007

The accomplishments of higher education, re gardless of their local significance, have been justifiably swept into the public consciousness as matters of grave national con cern. As a result, federal aid to our universities and colleges has arrived, and clearly arrived to stay. Neither theoretically nor practically is there anything basically wrong with the concept of such federal aid; indeed, it has become prerequisite to the future growth and attainments of higher education. As things are presently constituted, federal aid is in a position to influence directly the conduct and development of higher ed ucation along two basic lines. One of these is through the powerful range of support flowing into our institutions under the multifarious arrangements of sponsored research; the other is through fellowship and loan aid to students, and other pro visions of the National Defense Education Act. There can be little argument that our universities and colleges need this help, but it is bringing with it a whole new way of academic life, and there are a variety of influences calling for thoughtful caution and wary appraisal as the transforming tide rolls over our scholarly community.
The Role of the National Science Foundation
Authors: Waterman Alan T.
Published: March 2007

The National Science Foundation was established as an independent federal agency by Act of Congress in 1950. The general purpose of the Foundation is the support of basic research and education in the sciences. Its significance lies chiefly in the recognition by the federal government of the continuing need for the support of science as a peacetime measure, following the striking demonstrations of the applica tions of science to warfare.

The National Science Foundation is expected "to develop and encourage the pursuit of a national policy in support of the sciences." It holds the view that such policy must be devel oped with the co-operation of the scientific community, with due regard to governmental interests. Sound bases for policy development are laid by periodic surveys of research and devel opment among colleges and universities, industry, government, and other research organizations. Recommendations combin ing national policy and the role of the federal government in the support of science are made to the President.

The major programs of the Foundation comprise support of basic research by grant, the award of fellowships, both pre- and postdoctoral, to senior scientists and science faculty, and sup port of student and teacher training.
The Bar, The Court, and The Delay
Authors: Kalven Harry
Published: March 2007

The trial bar has often been made the whipping boy for the court congestion problem. The trial bar is often blamed for contributing to the congestion of the courts by pro viding an insufficient number of trial lawyers and by deliberate delay tactics. An investigation of these charges reveals that while much civil trial work is indeed concentrated in a few law offices, this concentration is not big enough to cause conges tion, if trial schedules are well laid out and adhered to. Nor need delaying tactics, while then affecting the individual case, increase congestion. If the courts assume a sufficiently firm policy of scheduling and refusals of last minute delays, the trial bar will be forced to respond by enlarging its ranks.
Pre-Trial Procedure
Authors: Murrah Alfred P.
Published: March 2007

A departure from traditional procedural concepts was launched by the adoption of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure. One of the major innovations instituted which diminishes the time required for litigation is the pre-trial con ference. This conference between the adversary lawyers and the judge delimits the issues in an action, disposing of un contested issues, fixing the essential points, and thus often pre paring a case for settlement. Though a practical and effective procedure, the full rewards have yet to be reaped. The rela tive newness of the pre-trial conference and the unequal impact of the expanded litigation have limited its country-wide adop tion. Pre-trial procedure recognizes the current conception of a lawsuit: one free from surprise, with all triable issues exposed prior to the courtroom.—Ed.
Bilateral Channels: Activities in the Social Field
Authors: Schottland Charles I.
Published: March 2007

Since World War II, "social" programs have expanded rapidly throughout the world and there has been in creasing recognition that in the economic development of less- advanced nations, social development must keep pace if nations are to avoid social dislocations frequently associated with in dustrial and urban expansion. Bilateral programs have not given adequate attention to the social aspects of economic development. The United States has made its largest contri bution in the social field in the area of technical assistance to "community development," a movement with broad political, social, and economic implications which is spreading through out the world and is aimed at improving village life. The International Co-operation Administration (ICA) has also en gaged in training of personnel and direct service in the social field but has instructed that social programs must contribute to economic development. Other countries have likewise en gaged in bilateral programs in the social field, but, as in the United States program, they have minimized activities in the social field as compared to economic development programs. Increased attention to social factors can minimize the social problems associated with rapid economic development and in dustrialization and this is urged for future United States pro grams since the United States has the largest bilateral program in the world.
UNICEF in Central America
Authors: Shaffer Alice C.
Published: March 2007

Central America has been one of the pioneer areas for the United Nations Children's Fund assisted pro grams. When the United Nations Children's Fund, under a broadened mandate from the United Nations, shifted the emphasis of its aid from emergency to long term and from war-torn countries to those economically less developed, Cen tral American governments immediately requested its assist ance to strengthen and extend services to children and mothers. As one of the first areas in the world to aim at the eradication of malaria and to have engaged in an inten sive campaign against malnutrition on a regional basis, the Central American experiences in these fields have become known, watched, and studied by people from many countries. Against this background, international and bilateral organi zations are working together with governments as they broaden the scope and the extent of their programs. Ten years of co-operative action have highlighted the need for train ing of personnel, both professional and auxiliary. This period has also made clear the value of more integrated programs with wider collaboration both within the ministries of government and between the international organizations.
Formulation of American Foreign Policy
Authors: Bowie Robert R.
Published: March 2007

American foreign relations are determined through a series of complex policy-making decisions. In the analysis preliminary to a policy decision the external environment, the broad objectives of our foreign policy, and the means available for its implementation must be evaluated, interrelated, and ap praised. This analysis is but one of the stages leading to the final conduct of foreign affairs. Enlisting the support and re sources for a specific policy and the operation or execution of that policy are two further distinguishable stages. Though in the normal order they would follow the policy decision, they too must be predicted and appraised in the original analysis and thus also affect the outcome of the actual policy. To cope with the difficult task of formulating foreign policy, several government organizations were created after World War II: The Department of Defense, the National Security Council, the Central Intelligence Agency, and the Policy Planning Staff of the Department of State. This policy-making machinery has greatly enhanced United States capacity for coping with the complex process of foreign affairs, but its operation can and should be further improved.—Ed.
New Trends in United States Economic Foreign Policy
Authors: Martin Edwin M.
Published: March 2007

United States economic foreign policy has two major functions: to protect and advance public and private economic interests and to promote American political interests abroad. A complex decision-making process is necessary to formulate economic foreign policy. To decide any specific issue, the government must consider the multitude of varied interests involved. The final policy decision will necessarily be a compromise, rarely satisfying all the interested parties. Recent developments in two areas of economic foreign policy— foreign trade and foreign aid programs—have required, in or der to continue the policy objectives in these fields, the formula tion and execution of new measures. One important change is the deficit in the United States balance of payments. Meas ures have been taken by the government to counteract this deficit. The rapid rate by which countries are becoming in dependent poses a new problem for foreign aid programs. The government will continue its share of technical and material as sistance to these countries and, in addition, will co-operatively seek to augment the assistance offered by the other industrial ized countries.—Ed.
Our Reaction to Communist Infiltration in Latin America
Authors: Whitaker Arthur P.
Published: March 2007

The United States plays a difficult role in Latin America. Our activities are curtailed by the commitment since 1936 to the dictum of nonintervention, yet we must attempt to counter the influence of communism in Latin America. The present status of Castro's regime in Cuba highlights this di lemma. Although, at this time, Castro's government is not directly aligned with the Communist bloc, there are indica tions of increasing proclivities in that direction. A "hands- off" policy must continue to be employed by our State Depart ment in Cuba as well as in other troubled areas to create a favorable climate of opinion towards our long-term interests. Although the actual membership in the Communist parties of Latin-American countries has decreased, both the Soviet Union and Communist China are attempting to penetrate the leading intellectual and labor groups through the means of propaganda and the well-known tactic of the "popular front." Our reac tion to the Communist infiltration in Latin America must not lead to hasty measures. The United States must in the future attempt to combat Communist actions in Latin America by helping establish political democracy through fostering eco nomic development and social reforms in its various govern ments.—Ed.
Toward Better Understanding Between United States and Latin America
Authors: Rubottom Roy R.
Published: March 2007

The long-standing relations between the United States and Latin America rest on a firm foundation. Yet, cer tain misunderstandings have arisen which seem to cloud the relations in the Western hemisphere. Nonintervention in the internal affairs of another state is the fundamental principle that has guided the relations in the hemisphere. Since World War II, this doctrine has been supported by the principle of collective security agreed upon at Rio de Janiero in 1947 and enforced by the Organization of American States. The mis conceptions which exist relate to various subjects in military, political, and economic affairs. In military relations misunder standings arise over the extent of the United States military assistance to the Latin-American countries and over the United States export-of-arms policy. In the political sphere, the United States is condemned for its continued support of the doctrine of nonintervention with respect to dictatorial governments in Latin America. The contentious subjects in economic affairs relate to United States development assistance programs and to commerce in primary products. It is indeed necessary to clear up these misunderstandings so that the channels can be open to continued constructive relations between the twenty-one republics.—Ed.
The Problem of German Reunification
Authors: Morgenthau Hans J.
Published: March 2007

The unification of Germany is at present im possible because of the irreconcilable interests of the United States and the Soviet Union. The Berlin issue, as it was raised by Khrushchev in November 1958, is the symbolic man ifestation of the real issue which has separated the United States and the Soviet Union since the beginning of the cold war, that is, the permanence and legitimacy of the territorial status quo in Europe. The substance of the Berlin issue, by virtue of its symbolic character, is not negotiable, while the modalities of the Western presence in Berlin are. The Western presence in the former capital of a unified Germany symbolizes the provisional character of the division of Germany; by nego tiating about its right to be in Berlin, the West would put into question the right itself and, with it, the provisional character of the division of Germany. The Western position is endan gered by the Russian advantage of being able to satisfy the German national aspirations whenever it wishes by uniting Germany and restoring its eastern provinces to German rule. It is therefore imperative for the West to reconcile itself to the continuing division of Germany, while at the same time convincing the Germans that their hope to see their country united on tolerable terms lies in co-operation with the West.
How Useful Is NATO?
Authors: Warburg James P.
Published: March 2007

The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) was originally conceived as an alliance between the United States, Canada, and Western Europe for the purpose of guaranteeing their mutual defense. The assurance the alliance provided for the defense of Western Europe was ben eficial and necessary in the face of the mounting Soviet threat. More and more the "shield" that NATO forces were to provide has become nothing more than a "tripwire," because the NATO military forces in Europe, according to the calculated estimates, are and have been since the inception of NATO inadequate to restrain a Soviet westward movement. Apart from the military co-operation provided for in the alliance, there were provisions for political and economic co-operation. These were left aside from the beginning, mainly because there were other organiza tions better suited to deal with them effectively. For these reasons, it seems that NATO has become an outmoded instru ment for the pursuit of free-world interests. Perhaps, NATO could be used as a bargaining counter for an eventual peace settlement in Europe, but it may already be too late to use NATO for even this purpose.—Ed.
Land-Grant Institutions, the Public, and the Public Interest
Authors: Renne Roland R.
Published: March 2007

The land-grant institutions constitute a revolu tionary concept in education. Each state, by passage of the Morrill Act of 1862, was given a grant of public land. Later acts appropriated federal funds to pay part of the operating costs of these institutions and established agricultural experi ment stations and the Co-operative Agricultural Extension Service to be operated by these institutions. These institutions fulfilled the need for educating the youth of the farming and "industrial classes." From "colleges of agriculture and me chanic arts" these institutions have broadened their curricula and have become for the most part universities. Although cur ricula have undergone great changes in number and in special ized content there is now a great need for further adaptation to the vast complexities of present-day national and interna tional realities. The urgency for widespread understanding of peoples will require much less specialization at the undergradu ate level and much more synthesis of material which will cut across rigid, traditional course lines. Establishment of divisions or centers for international problems and policies should be accelerated. To develop consumer understanding of agricul tural programs and problems, the land-grant institutions should consider the development of more educational programs among workers and their families.
Overhauling United States Farm Price Policy
Authors: Brandow G.E.
Published: March 2007

Production from American farms is overflowing commercial markets not because high prices have pulled re sources into agriculture but because rapid technological prog ress has pushed productivity ahead faster than the slow expansion of markets and the withdrawal of land and labor from agriculture could accommodate. Substantial adjustment of farm resources is needed, but adjustment as it occurs in free markets cannot prevent chronic farm depression when tech nology is advancing rapidly nor are severely depressed in comes essential for adjustment. The case for control of market supply as the mainstay of domestic farm policy has become dominant in recent years. The means proposed include (1) a revised and gradually expanded program to retire voluntarily the poorest cropland and (2) direct controls, involving compul sory retirement of land, on the large-acreage field crops. Such a policy need not impair the future productivity of agriculture, but the amount of government intervention required remains an important obstacle to farmer support.
Cotton
Authors: Horne M.K.
Published: March 2007

The United States government functions as the price leader for cotton in international trade, and as an inevi table consequence it plays the role of residual supplier on the world market. This means that United States exports of cotton fluctuate widely from season to season, while other exporting nations enjoy greater market stability. By supporting the world price level and by serving as the stabilizing factor in the world market, this country has provided a little-recognized source of strength to many weaker nations. Foreign cotton consumption passed its prewar peak in 1950-1951 and subse quently has continued to rise at an average rate of 1.5 million bales a year; but foreign production expanded even more rap idly through the season of 1955-1956, so that United States exports were threatening to disappear almost entirely. While this country cannot presently escape the role of residual sup plier, it can use its responsibility as price leader with reason able regard for the problems of foreign producers and of its own citizens as well. Since 1955-1956, an export subsidy has placed restraint on the upward trend of foreign production and has improved the outlook for United States exports. The cot ton farmer's opportunity to escape reliance on the export sub sidy lies in shifting the emphasis of production costs from la bor to constantly improving technology.
Lessons from a Comparison of United States and Canadian Farm Policy Approaches
Authors: Macfarlane David L.
Published: March 2007

Professor Johnson's unpublished paper entitled "Income and Resource Effects of Canadian and United States Farm Policies: A Comparison" demonstrates that the policies followed in Canada until 1958 were quite satisfactory compared to those pursued in the United States. Canadian costs have been far lower regardless of the method of measurement; changes in Canadian farm incomes over thirty or more years have been just as favorable; and Canadian resource adjust ments have been by economic standards more desirable than those of the United States. The last point is particularly clear in the case of the wheat economy and in the relatively greater expansion of livestock production. The emphasis in Canadian farm policy has been on production payments, for example, feed freight assistance, prairie farm rehabilitation—a farm de velopment program—prairie farm assistance—a crop insurance scheme—and premiums on high grade hogs. These contrast with parity payments and attempts at restriction of output in the United States. While desirable resource adjustments have been made in Canadian agriculture, returns per farm and per worker are substantially lower than those prevailing in the United States and only half those in nonagricultural occupa tions. Thus the challenge to farm policy is greater in Canada than in the United States, and political pressures demanding a more aggressive approach to the farm income problem become stronger each year.
Congressional Farm Politics and Economic Foreign Policy
Authors: Hardin Charles M.
Published: March 2007

The primacy of foreign policy centers attention upon Congressional politics with its wonted stress upon local and particular issues. Farm political influence is considerable in Congress where domestic farm policies, often with unfortu nate effects upon foreign policy, are strongly rooted. Farm politicians in and out of Congress must help improve the legis lative process in order to give the emergent national concern in a sound and effective foreign policy its merited support. While some adaptation of present procedures is possible, the needs of the times require a courageous examination of more sweeping proposals for change.
The Impact of Labor Force Changes on Labor Relations
Authors: Estey Marten S.
Published: March 2007

Prospective changes in the industrial, age, and sex distribution of the labor force will affect labor relations in the decade 1960-1970. A 20 per cent increase in the total labor force has been forecast, an increase greater than in any previous decade of American history. Changes in internal composition, however, will be more significant than changes in size. Employ ment in the service industries can be expected to increase its margin over employment in the production industries until, by 1970, employment in the service industries will approximate 57 per cent of total employment. The shift to the service indus tries is one factor which will tend to reduce the proportion of union members in the labor force. A collateral effect might be an increased importance for local market factors in collective bargaining and a resultant increase in the decentralization of collective bargaining with decreased economic impact for any specific settlement. As employment opportunities decline in steel and automobiles, the featherbedding problems of the rail road and other industries can be expected to extend there. The growth of three key employment groups will create spe cial problems in labor relations. These groups are persons under twenty-five years of age, women, and professional and clerical workers. Women and the young workers bear a dis proportionate share of unemployment during times of general unemployment. Women and professional and clerical work ers are the groups traditionally most difficult to unionize. Fi nally, the increase in available professional and clerical work ers may make the concerns of high-talent manpower the neces sary focus for personnel management in the years to come.— Ed.
The Changing Role of Government in Labor Relations
Authors: Goldberg Joseph P.
Published: March 2007

Collective bargaining is a continuing bulwark of American society, permitting the fusion of the principles of democracy and of free enterprise within the work place. As the scope of private action in collective bargaining has be come integrally associated with the functioning of our society, governmental scrutiny and policy consideration in labor rela tions has grown. The formulation of governmental policy in labor relations is a particularly difficult matter—continuing careful, unheated, and representative study and consultation are required for the ascertainment of appropriate balance among such factors as constructive collective bargaining, re sponsible trade unions, the rights of union members, and the public interest. Instead, under pressures to restore the bal ance between management and labor and in climatic condi tions of crisis and recrimination, legislation has been enacted which has become the continuing focus of criticism and politi cal activity. The need is for management and labor jointly to aid government to ascertain continuously the proper bal ance between legislative and administrative action and private action in labor relations. Separate pressures by management and labor in the legislative sphere will continue to produce legislation and a climate which will thwart effective collective bargaining.
A Political Science View of National Emergency Disputes
Authors: Horlacher John Perry
Published: March 2007

Adequate regard for basic liberties and the values of self-determination in labor-management relations requires a major modification in the usual approach to the problem of the national emergency dispute. Excessive con cern with the emergency threat has dominated thinking about this problem, has produced "emergencies," and has impaired values essential to a free society. The national emergency strike inevitably assumes a political character, generating strong political pressures which result in an undesirable politi cal settlement. This tendency is seriously aggravated by the unsophisticated notion that the strike is exclusively a un ion weapon. Progress toward solution of the problem must proceed from a recognition that the emergencies are essentially political and that preservation of free collective bargaining should be the primary objective in any policy that is formu lated. A fundamental approach requires depoliticalizing the emergency dispute, reducing the pressures on the government, and increasing the pressures on the disputants. Toward this end it is suggested that use of the partial injunction should be explored.
The Aspiration for Economic Development
Authors: Blanksten George I.
Published: March 2007

Although generalization about Latin America as a whole should be avoided, most of the countries of the area have variously underdeveloped economies. These are theaters of rapid economic development, which is defined primarily as technological change. Thus conceived, economic growth has a universal character, both as to time and as to place. However, social scientists in the United States are now especially inter ested in this change process because of the current place of the underdeveloped areas in the foreign policy concerns of this country and because of the peculiar nature of economic devel opment theory as an intellectual problem. The political impli cations of economic development in Latin America are not clear. During World War II, it was generally believed that this proc ess would strengthen the American republics as reliable wartime allies. It is likely, however, that the political significance of economic growth is more complex than that, extending to such matters as the functions performed by the political structures within the Latin-American countries, the nature of their politi cal parties and party systems, and the attitudes toward change of their governing elites.
Western Military Strength and Security
Authors: Saltonstall Leverett
Published: March 2007

Western military strength and security rely on United States defense forces. The principle of deterrence, and how to apply over-all military strategy to it, is the overriding problem for United States defense policy planners. The nature of the defense force is influenced by the fact that it is built not to be used and the fact that it will not be used until it has sustained the attack of an enemy. Two concepts of deterrence, finite deterrence and counterforce, are employed in combination by the United States. Two main issues con cerning our defense posture are related to the philosophy of deterrence: strengthening limited-conflict weapons and equip ment, and gaining dependable agreements on weapons tests, control, and disarmament. The principle of interdependence is important for military policy. It has two aspects: inter dependence with other nations of the free world partnership, and interdependence between defense policy and other aspects of international strategy. The United States is the strongest nation in the world militarily, and her joint defense establish ment maintained with her free world allies is superior to that of the Soviet bloc. The Western deterrent is effective. The continuing need is for hard reappraisal, combined mobilization of joint resources, and decisive action to make and carry out new policies on national and international levels.—Ed.
The Role of the United Nations in the East-West Dispute
Authors: Eichelberger Clark M.
Published: March 2007

The United Nations inherited the Cold War situation and has been the victim of the East-West dispute. It has adjusted remarkably well to that dispute and has played an important role in preventing the East-West conflict from turning into a third world war. The preservation and further development of its capacity to do that in the future are crucial. The great powers, around whose wartime unanimity the United Nations was built, with the partial exceptions of the United States and the United Kingdom, have proven themselves un worthy of the powers given them in the Security Council. When the Soviet use of the veto to impede action was no longer tolerable to the other nations, the locus of power in the United Nations was shifted from the Security Council to the General Assembly. Changes in the Secretariat and the General Assembly recently proposed by the Soviet Union would extend the veto to those bodies. It seems to be the overwhelming wish of the rest of the nations to prevent this; they have dem onstrated greater determination than before to support the Secretary General and to resist those changes. Inasmuch as the principal weapon of the United Nations must be moral force, it is important to prevent the crystallization in the world of blocs against which the combined forces of the rest of the nations in the United Nations could not prevail.—Ed.
Western Diplomacy Since 1945
Authors: Wright Quincy
Published: March 2007

Western diplomacy since 1945 has been mainly concerned with its relations with the Communist bloc. In the period of co-operation immediately after the war, the United Nations was established, war criminals were tried, peace trea ties were made with Italy, Bulgaria, Hungary, Rumania, and Finland, and the Marshall Plan—originally designed for all Europe—was initiated. Relations, however, deteriorated by a process of action and reaction publicly manifested by Churchill's Fulton speech in the spring of 1947 in which he referred to the Iron Curtain. The Soviet take-over of European satellites, the Truman Doctrine, the formation of NATO, the Communi zation of China, the Korean war, and the initiation of atomic rivalry maintained a condition of Cold War. The death of Stalin in 1953 and the advent of Khrushchev led to more peace ful coexistence. The Korean war and the Indo-Chinese war were ended. A summit conference was held; the Asian and African countries met in Bandung, and the United States and the Soviet Union acted together to stop aggression at Suez. There was some liberalization in Poland, but Hungary was crushed when it attempted to break away from the Soviet bloc. Disarmament negotiations made little progress, and stability continued to depend on a balance of terror. Communism penetrated Asia, Africa, and Latin America. The Western policy of containment and deterrence by threats of massive retaliation had not prevented a great decrease in the Western relative power position, relative economy, and relative reputa tion in the underdeveloped world. A new policy looking to ward a world secure for all states seems in order.
World Order: The Need for a Bold New Approach
Authors: Clark Grenville
Published: March 2007

Long experience shows that domestic order within any organized society, including the nation, requires, not only the suppression of organized armed factions but also legisla tive, executive, and judicial institutions to enact and enforce definite law against violence. Until it is generally accepted that world order requires corresponding world institutions, there is no chance for any reliable peace on our planet. The requirements for such an order are: universal and complete national disarmament; an adequate world police force; a world judicial, quasi-judicial, and conciliation system; world legisla tive and executive agencies; a world development authority; and an effective world revenue system. The necessary lead ership for world order is likely to appear in the 1960's owing to the advent of ballistic missiles and their constantly increas ing power and accuracy which threaten the survival of civili zation. Leadership might come from four possible sources, the Soviet Union, a group of neutral or uncommitted nations, the British Commonwealth, or the United States. The Brit ish Commonwealth is most promising as a source of leader ship because of strong motivation, mature political capacity, and immense prestige. If two conditions are met—the emer gence of creative and dynamic leadership, and intelligent and persistent educational efforts for world peace through world law—a new world order, based on universal and complete dis armament and enforceable world law, can reasonably be ex pected within ten to fifteen years.—Ed.
Mortality and Morbidity in the United States as Basic Indices of Health Needs
Authors: Lerner Monroe
Published: March 2007

With mortality and case-fatality rates for most illnesses now relatively low, the level of health in a population is today most adequately measured if mortality rates are sup plemented by morbidity rates and other measures of social well-being. The mortality rate in the United States has gone down steadily since 1900, although in recent years this trend has halted. Declines have been greatest at the younger ages, among females, and among nonwhites. The communicable diseases have declined as leading causes of death, but they have been replaced by degenerative diseases, such as heart disease and cancer, and also by accidents. The drop in mor tality has increased life expectancy and survivorship, and this in turn has resulted in an increase in the aged population, a group often in poorer health and requiring more medical care and services. The average durations of family life and work ing life have also lengthened. Partly because of the decline in mortality, but also because of increased health consciousness, a greater awareness of illness, and decreased social and eco nomic penalties resulting from it, the prevalence of both chronic and acute illness may have increased. The rate of hospitalized mental illness has risen since earlier in the century, but since 1955 the number of patients resident in long-term mental institutions has declined.
Goals of a National Health Program for Meeting Health Needs
Authors: Folsom Marion B.
Published: March 2007

There has been great progress in medical science and health care, but many problems remain. Life expectancy at birth has increased from forty-seven to seventy years since 1900, but most of the gain has been in the younger ages. The death rate from certain chronic diseases continues to increase. Medical research expenditures must continue to expand, but more research workers must be trained. To prevent a short age of physicians and research workers, the federal government should make matching grants to expand and modernize existing schools and assist in building new medical schools. More fel lowships and loan programs should be available for medical stu dents. Hospital room rates have doubled in ten years. There is need for better utilization of hospitals. To fit the facilities to the needs of the patients, greater use should be made of outpatient services, self-care units, long-term care facilities, nursing homes, and organized home care. Each metropolitan area should form a long-range planning council to co-ordinate all the health facilities in the community. There are still large gaps in health insurance coverage, especially for the aged, and in major medical protection. The logical plan for basic hospital insurance for the retired is one tied in with the social security system.