bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Habitation Features
Authors: King Arden R.
Published: June 2018

The excavation of the Cattle Point site brought to light several features and structures of man-made origin, or natural features utilized by man. Some of these structures are of such a nature that they present completely unique aspects of culture in the Gulf of Georgia-Puget Sound region. Their use and purpose in some instances is obvious; in other cases it is unknown.

In the East Bluff area a series of stone slab structures of unknown use arouse the greatest curiosity since, as will be described below, they are of such a nature that only descriptions can be given; no conjecture as to use finds parallel in the ethnographical or archaeological literature of the Northwest Coast. Also in the East Bluff area was a series of clay and stone slab bowls associated with a thin, floor-like stratum which suggests cooking structures associated with a house floor. However, as will be seen below, this is not at all certain.
Burial Features
Authors: King Arden R.
Published: June 2018

During the excavation of the West Bluff area in 1946, two cairns with burials were discovered in the upper levels of the heavy shell stratum of the Maritime phase. One of these had been disturbed by plowing, and, consequently, whatever pattern of stone arrangement had been made around and over the burial had been completely disarranged (Fig. 25, 4). The second cairn however, had been constructed before the shell mound in the West Bluff area had stopped accumulating. Consequently, it was buried beneath shell deposits and beyond the reach of the plow. At the time of discovery, the cairn lay one foot below the surface. The burial was encompassed by a rectangular wall of stones measuring 4.2 x S.4 feet (Fig. 25, 5). The wall was not completely closed, but enough of the stones remained to give the shape of the burial structure. Some stones lying near and directly over the burial give some indication of cap-stones, but the presence of a disassociated human mandible atop the largest of these possible cap-stones makes the identification of the stones as such questionable.
Elliptical Analysis: An Heuristic Technique for the Analysis of Artifact Clusters
Authors: Dekin Albert A.
Published: June 2018

Perhaps the most neglected aspect of archaeological research in the Arctic has been the within-site dimension of archaeological data. Few archaeologists have “attempted to see their material as remains left by social groups” (Anderson 1968:397) and fewer still have attempted to infer patterns of social organization and the within-site organization of activities. One measure of the degree to which Arctic archaeologists have failed to contribute to contemporary archaeological method and theory is the fact that the 37-page bibliography of Contemporary Archaeology: A Guide to Theory and Contributions recently edited by Mark Leone (1972) contains not one reference to Arctic archaeology. In part, this is because much of the contents of this collection of papers considers data from the southwestern United States and Mesoamerica, but it also demonstrates that Arctic archaeologists have contributed little to discussions of archaeological method and theory.

In a recent chapter on the development of Arctic archaeology (Dekin 1973), I expressed optimism regarding the potential theoretical contributions of archaeology in the Arctic, but this will not occur without a renewed emphasis on precise excavation, analytic sophistication, and a revitalized sense of “problem.”
Paleoeskimo Cultures of Northern Labrador
Authors: Tuck James A.
Published: June 2018

This paper limits itself to a description of four complexes revealed by our excavations at Saglek Bay, northern Labrador, during the years 1969, 1970, and 1971. A “Pre-Dorset” complex and three phases of a considerably longer Dorset Eskimo occupation are examined and some comparison within the Saglek sequence and a few comparisons with nearby geographic areas are offered. No attempt is made to generalize about Paleoeskimo cultures in the entire Canadian Arctic, especially as regards causative relationships, since such attempts seem premature given our present lack of control over basic cultural and environmental data.

Over two dozen Paleoeskimo components were excavated or surface-collected during our three years at Saglek Bay. Analysis is now nearly complete and four representative components from these sites have been selected to illustrate four more or less distinct cultures or culture phases in this little known region of eastern Canada.

As sites were discovered at Saglek Bay they were given consecutive letter designations. The three sites considered herein are Upernavik Island Site K, a Pre-Dorset station, Rose Island Site E, which contained early and middle Dorset components, and Rose Island Site W, a late Dorset station. Each site location, the artifacts found therein, and evidence for chronology are summarized briefly below.
Paleoeskimo Occupations of the Labrador Coast
Authors: Fitzhugh William
Published: June 2018

Paleoeskimo archaeology has a peculiar history in that it is best known by its more distinctive regional and chronological variants. Thus, we have had rather full reports from such edge-areas as Greenland (Knuth 1952; Larsen and Meldgaard 1958), Southampton Island (Collins 1956a, 1956b, 1957), and Newfoundland (Wintemberg 1939, 1940; Harp 1964). More recent fieldwork at Igloolik (Meldgaard 1960b, 1962), and full publication from northwestern Quebec (Taylor 1968a) and Lake Harbor (Maxwell 1973) have begun to close the information gap for the geographic core area of the Central Arctic. However, the continuing research by Taylor, McGhee, and Müller-Beck in the peripheral regions of Coronation Gulf, Banks, and Victoria Islands, by Nash and Harp in southern Hudson Bay, by McGhee on Devon Island, and by Tuck, Plumet, Fitzhugh and Linnemae in Labrador-Ungava and Newfoundland has made it even more necessary to tie these regions to developments in the demographically more stable central regions. A large number of questions, such as relationships with a fluctuating environment, population shifts, and regional interrelationships, hinge on more complete information for the Dorset core area.

One area that until recently remained completely unknown was the Labrador coast (Taylor 1964a). This 800-mile stretch of coastline carries a strip of tundra environment south from Hudson Strait to Newfoundland, and its rich marine resources, including a large seasonal harp seal population, provided a suitable habitat for early Eskimo culture, as well as the only feasible migration route from the northern regions into Subarctic Newfoundland.
The Arctic Small Tool Horizon: A Behavioral Model of the Dispersal of Human Population into an Unoccupied Niche
Authors: Dekin Albert A.
Published: June 2018

There can be little doubt that the majority of the area through which the Arctic Small Tool horizon spread was unoccupied by human populations. This is particularly true of the Eastern Arctic, with the exception of the southern fringes where they may have come into contact with Archaic peoples near the ecotone between the tundra and the taiga.

In the Western Arctic, it is apparent that there had been earlier human populations in many areas, but these later migrants appear to have occupied a previously unoccupied ecological niche. Geographically, they spread along the Arctic coasts until they had reached the maximum extent of seasonally frozen coasts, usually with adjacent tundra. While it may be that the rising sea level had flooded earlier evidence of such a coastal occupation arid that this habitat had not been unoccupied as it now appears, the present data support the inference that Arctic Small Tool populations were the first to accomplish a successful adaptation to these particular conditions in the American Arctic. For the present, I wish to focus on this coastal aspect of Arctic Small Tool peoples, ignoring (or not modeling) the expanded distribution of sites in interior Alaska which also occurred at this time.
An Assessment of Certain Nevada, California, and Oregon Radiocarbon Dates
Authors: Heizer Robert F.
Published: June 2018

Three separate dates were determined by Arnold and Libby from materials submitted by L. S. Cressman from Oregon (samples 247, 428, 430). Because of the significance of the date of the Mt. Mazama (Crater Lake) eruption to archaeological dating due to Mazama pumice having covered certain archaeological cave deposits, the eruption date of 6453 ± 250 (based upon an average of four runs of sample 247 ranging from 5938 ± 400 to 7318 ± 350) is important. Williams (Cressman and Williams, 1940, p. 76. See also Hansen, 1942, p. 105; Cressman, 1942, pp. 135, 24) estimated this eruption as occurring not less than 4000 nor more than 10000 years ago. Williams (1942, pp. 212-4) later revised this estimate to approximately 5000 years with a minimum of 4000 and maximum of 7000 years.
Radiocarbon Dating on Samples from the Southeast
Authors: Webb WM. S.
Published: June 2018

While the sites of the Archaic manifestation (shell middens) in the Southeast are numerous and extensive, in general they do not furnish clean specimens of wood or charcoal suitable for radiocarbon dating. The use of shell or deer antler, which occurs in great quantity, for carbon dating is justified only by experimental proof of their ability to give consistent results. With the exception of sample 180, four other assays from three other samples, 116, 251, 254, three of antler and one of shell, yielded results which differ from the average by less than the range of assigned error and may thus be regarded as consistent among themselves. This places the age of the Archaic of Green River, Kentucky, at from 4900 to 5300 years, which, while greater than was anticipated, may be considered reasonable, particularly since it agrees well with the age of the Archaic manifestations in New York State, where the assays were made from charcoal.
A Brief Discussion of the Relation of Some Radiocarbon Dates to the Pollen Chronology
Authors: Deevey Edward S.
Published: June 2018

In the 31 dates of specific interest to palynology contained in Table I there are some surprises for the student of pollen chronology, although there are only three (349, 433, and 450) that must be regarded as unacceptable. For two of these, the list itself contains evidence that the stratigraphic position of the samples was incorrectly determined; we are left with only one sample (433) suggesting that the radiocarbon assay is subject to errors of an unknown nature. It follows that the new method of dating has been placed on a firm footing, and that it will amply justify the high hopes originally held for it.

To say this, however, is not to say that the entire list of dates will or should meet with unqualified acceptance. All degrees of palatability are represented, some apparent contradictions are evident, and in nearly every case a certain amount of special pleading is required to harmonize the results with what was previously known or believed. While the difficulties are not considered at present to be serious, it would be most unwise to minimize them, and the fact is that confirmation is required at every point if the newly acquired dates are not to make postglacial stratigraphy more controversial than it was before.
An Outline of Japan's Prehistoric Cultures
Authors: Kraus Bertram S.
Published: June 2018

Until quite recently the cultural prehistory of Japan has been, like many other areas of Asia, very inadequately known to most American and European students. There is now enough material available to enable me to present to you an outline of the prehistoric cultural development of Japan with a high degree of reliability in its essential validity. Much remains to be done, however, both in the sphere of “dirt archaeology” and in the field of analysis, synthesis, and foreign relationships.

The term “Jomon” has become entrenched as the designation for the entire period of Japanese culture preceding the entrance of the Yayoi people with their bronze-age culture from Korea and the adjacent areas into Kyushu. This migration must have commenced at least as early as the second century B.C. since it is known that Yayoi centers were flourishing in Kyushu and southwest Honshu in the first century B.C. Absolute dates for the earliest cultural manifestations in Japan are lacking but my guess would be about 3000 B.C.
Recent Developments in the Dorset Culture Area
Authors: Collins Henry B.
Published: June 2018

The Dorset culture was first recognized and described by Jenness (1925), on the basis of materials in the National Museum of Canada that had been excavated by Eskimos at Cape Dorset on Hudson Strait and on Coats Island in Hudson Bay. Since then Dorset material has been found at many sites in the eastern Arctic from Newfoundland in the south, along the coasts of Labrador and the northern Canadian islands to Inglefield Land in Northwest Greenland. Though some of the Dorset sites have been excavated carefully and systematically, there are many points about the culture that remain obscure. It is somewhat exasperating to realize that we actually know little more about the Dorset culture than we did when Jenness first described it 26 years ago.

While recent excavations in Canada or Greenland have not added significantly to our knowledge of the origin of the Dorset culture or the role it played in the eastern Arctic, some of the earlier evidence, if reexamined and reappraised, is seen to have important implications in connection with recent discoveries in Alaska.
A Preliminary Statement on the Pottery from Cape Denbigh, Alaska
Authors: Griffin James B.
Published: June 2018

This Brief Paper will serve as an introduction to an examination of the ceramic material excavated by Giddings at the site of Iyatayet on Cape Denbigh in Norton Sound in northwestern Alaska. Norton Sound is located in the northeastern Bering Sea. The site has become well known because of the Cape Denbigh flint complex which occurred in the lowest level of the site and which was separated from the pottery levels above by a sterile zone of varying thickness, from 2 to 18 inches, made up of laminated, sandy clay (Giddings, 1949, 1951). This sterile zone was contorted and has been tentatively interpreted as indicating a colder climate than the present.

The upper sections of the excavated area at Iyatayet give every indication of having been intermittently occupied from relatively recent times back through Eskimo history to approximately 2000 years ago. The top layers of the site contain the same artifacts and ceramic materials as those found on the neighboring Nukleet site which is thought to date roughly around 1500 to 1600 A.D. Other materials from the upper zone are suggestive of Early Punuk.
4. Archaeological Sites in the Galápagos Group
Authors: Heyerdahl Thor , Skjölsvold Arne
Published: June 2018

The principal site discovered by the expedition is on the northwest coast of James Bay, Santiago Island. The local conditions for primitive settlement are conspiciously better in this bay than in any other coastal area visited by the expedition in the Galápagos. To a passing craft James Bay opens up wide and impressive, well sheltered by forest-clad mountains sufficiently withdrawn from the coast to leave space for a large and level plateau lifted up like a terrace above the fine sand beaches of the bay (Fig. 3). In the rainy season glittering streams of water appear on the sides of a cone-shaped volcano (Sugar Loaf) and reveal from far out at sea the likely location of waterholes. Even in the dry season there are one or 2 dependable waterholes a couple of miles inland at the foot of this hill.
5. Identification of Artifacts
Authors: Heyerdahl Thor , Skjölsvold Arne
Published: June 2018

The identification of the archaeological material from the Galápagos islands is naturally dependent on the state of knowledge of the mainland archaeology. It should therefore be remembered that the archaeology of certain areas on the coast of Ecuador and Peru is still very little known. Thus, for instance, the far north of Peru, with such principal aboriginal ports as Piura and Tumbez, is virtually unknown, and the situation is not very much better with regard to the main Ecuadorian navigation center of the Guayaquil Bay area. Archaeologically, the best known section of the mainland immediately east of the Galápagos is the central part of the North Peruvian coast with such valleys as Moche, Chicama, and Virú. Organized archaeology in this area, with a chronological approach, first began with Uhle in the early part of this century, and continued with the work of Kroeber, Bennett, Larco Hoyle, and others, all of whom confined their chronological research almost entirely to burials, and especially to the classical types of funeral ceramics. Before Uhle, a number of publications on prehistoric art of the North Peruvian coast had appeared, but nearly all of them were based on the rich museum collections of funeral goods that had accumulated in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
2 Major Structures
Authors: Roys Lawrence , Shook Edwin M.
Published: June 2018

The Major structures include: the large colonnaded platform recorded by Stephens and Charnay (Str. 1), a terraced pyramid with later Puuc-like remains (Str. 2), the Akabná with its intact corbeled vaults (Str. 11), a large superstructure on a high masonry platform (Str. 19), a superstructure on a platform (Str. 3), a very large pyramid (Str. 6), a high pyramid with a summit building (Str. 10), an acropolis complex (Str. 14), another high pyramid with a building on top (Str. 15), and an oblong platform with superstructures (Str. 24). The first four of these structures were studied in the field in as great a degree of detail as was possible without extensive excavation. The other structures received less attention in the field and are presented here in less detailed and less well illustrated form.
4 Architectural Miscellany
Authors: Roys Lawrence , Shook Edwin M.
Published: June 2018

Accounts of the monumental architecture occupy much of our text because features of lesser magnitude have suffered deterioration from weather, agriculture, and quarrying for recent building activity.

A number of terrace façades are observable on some pyramids. The clearest of these appear in the north side of Str. 2 where the staircase is Hanked by terrace walls embellished with four large panels recessed nearly a half meter into the wall (Figs. 13, 15, 16). The recessed panel is broken into an upper and a lower plane by a carefully planned offset in the masonry that is evidently decorative. The simplest interpretation of these bold lines, executed through the medium of hewn slabs 30 cm. thick, is that they form a geometrical base for further ornamentation of either painting on flat plaster, or molded stucco.
5 The Sacbe System
Authors: Roys Lawrence , Shook Edwin M.
Published: June 2018

When Shook was able to join the project, he immediately began to scout the outlying terrain and to investigate the background that allowed the development of so pretentious a city. Water supply was a point of interest, and of course pottery collection was in our minds at all times.

The Indian laborers reported a cenote called Xtompul, some distance to the east, where pottery fragments were plentiful, and Shook promptly visited it, obtaining a good collection. His route lay over one of the well-leveled modern tranvia roadbeds. About a kilometer out, it cut diagonally through a long, low platform with the exposure showing ancient floors which have been plastered, raised, and replastered (Fig. 58).
4 Chipped Stone Tools
Authors: Greenwood Roberta S.
Published: June 2018

The chipped stone artifacts comprise a full tool kit. Ranging in size from the largest of the choppers to the tiniest of the flake scrapers, they conform to a characterization of generalized implements shaped with a minimum of modification. The broad and shallow flaking, unifacial percussion technique, use of flawed lithic material, re-working of artifacts from one kind to another, and the great number of tools retaining cortex and bulb of percussion are typical of the basic simplicity of all classes. Something of a paradox exists between the wide variety of shapes and sizes of the tools, which do tend to fall into groups, and the elementary technology of their manufacture. The major classifications include projectile points and blades, flake knives, drills, gravers, choppers, hammerstones, scrapers, picks, crescents, cores, and flakes.
Chapter 6: Model Fertility Schedules
Authors: Weiss Kenneth M.
Published: June 2018

Before the stable population can be fully characterized, the age-specific fertility rates needed to satisfy equation (1-4a) must be determined. For most anthropological data (and certainly for archaeological data) this information is not available. A method must be devised to estimate the rates of B(X), based on the assumption of a growth rate r and the mortality information.

The relative amount of fertility in females at each age during the childbearing period follows a generally similar pattern for most human populations: fertility begins at a relatively low rate at the age of menarche—in fact, there is generally a period of adolescent sterility (Montagu 1957), then it rises rapidly to a maximum from age 20 to age 30, after which it falls gradually to a minimum just before menopause. This general pattern is virtually universal among human females. We can use this degree of similarity to model our anthropological fertility rates.
IV. The Results of the Experiment
Authors: Mueller James W.
Published: June 2018

The data generated by the methods described in Chapter III are summarized in this chapter in terms of the problem of this paper. As stated by Lloyd, the problem concerns the validity of conclusions based on a discontinuous intensive survey. In this study, 326 discontinuous intensive surveys are simulated on paper, and the results are interpreted in terms of the 3 aspects of the sampling process–sampling scheme, fraction, and unit. Which alternative of each aspect of the sampling process is more likely to produce valid conclusions? I hope that an empirically based answer to this question will assist archaeologists who want to survey complete regions, but are forced to sample because of temporal and financial limitations.

Chi square and economy are useful for evaluating each simulated sample and for comparing each sample to the population. As outlined in the previous chapter, the experiment generated 326 samples. For each sample, a chi-square value for each of 5 variables and 1 number representing economy are calculated. Thus, the data used to answer the question of this study consist of 1,680 chi-square values and 326 values of economy.
Social Dimensions of Mortuary Practices in a Mesolithic Population from Wadi Haifa, Sudan
Authors: Saxe Arthur A.
Published: June 2018

Assuming an individual's treatment at death is a reflection of the position occupied in a status system in life, and that differences between individual interments reflect the type of status system participated in (e.g., egalitarian versus ranked), the outlines of extinct status systems should be ascertainable. This paper will present the results of such an attempt using data collected from the mesolithic occupation and burial site of Wadi Haifa, northern Sudan. These data include age, sex, pathology, treatment of the body, and mode of interment. The evidence argues for an egalitarian status system with differences in disposal associated with differences in age, sex, and personal achievement. Differences in mortality rates are examined in light of constraints placed on hunting and gathering societies. There is also evidence of post-marital residence favoring the husband's agnates.
Chapter 7: Description of the Model Life Tables
Authors: Weiss Kenneth M.
Published: June 2018

The model life tables for stationary populations, together with the mortality and fertility schedules, are presented in Appendix C. This chapter annotates all of the elements in the tables: the names are given as they appear in our tables together with their standard denotation in the demographic literature, all elements are defined, and the formulas or algorithms for their derivation are presented. Since the tables apply only to stationary populations, the calculation of the table elements for growing populations is also outlined. Our notational format is somewhat different from standard notation to allow for computer printout and to better fit the goals of this work. For further details on the life table elements, the reader should consult Barclay (1958) or Shryock and Siegel (1971).
4 Cultural Features
Authors: Binford Lewis R. , Binford Sally R. , Whallon Robert , Hardin Margaret Ann
Published: June 2018

It should be pointed out that, in general, cultural features are types of facilities representing a major investment of a social unit and as such are extremely important indicators of the nature of the activities conducted at a given location. For this reason we planned our recovery program so as to obtain as much information about cultural features as possible. The following analysis has been conducted with the aim of maximizing information on functional and temporal differences between the formal variants of the recovered sample.

One of the most significant aspects of the 1963 field season in the Carlyle Reservoir was the discovery of a housetype previously unknown in the Middlewest. There were four such structures located in the southernmost end of the West Field of Hatchery site. They were “keyhole” in shape, and consisted of a round, semi-subterranean floor and an extension, subrectangular in shape, which angled off toward the east-southeast.

A detailed description of the structures follows. The description will in turn be followed by a comparison between and an interpretation of the four structures. The order of description does not proceed on the basis of feature numbers or inferred chronology of occupancy. The descriptions follow the order of completeness of information, beginning with the structure about which the most data was obtained and ending with the least well known.
Comparative Analysis of the Components: Form and Spatial Arrangement of Classes of Features
Authors: Binford Lewis R. , Binford Sally R. , Whallon Robert , Hardin Margaret Ann
Published: June 2018

We are dealing here only with the data from cultural features; our analysis and conclusions cannot be considered final until the information from plant and animal remains and the analysis of cultural items are complete. We have attempted to isolate differences attributable to functional variability in the range of activities represented by the cultural features; we have also attempted to delimit those particular features representing different historical episodes in the occupation of the site. The results of this analysis were the delineation of 4 major discrete occupations to which the vast majority of cultural features could be referred. Each occupation can be structurally defined in terms of its composition in functionally differentiated types of features.

We now turn our attention to the analysis of these components as units to be compared in terms of a limited number of attribute classes, each largely dependent upon the taxa resulting from the analysis discussed above. With respect to cultural features, we can compare the components with respect to the following broad attribute classes: 1) form, spatial arrangement, and history of domestic structure; 2) form, spatial arrangement, and history of burials; and 3) form and spatial arrangement of classes of pits.

Utilizing these criteria, we shall compare the communities recognized in the hope of arriving at some insights into the settlement systems of the socio-cultural units represented and into the correlated forms of social organization.
3. The Method of Procedure
Authors: Thompson Raymond H.
Published: June 2018

The design for the present experiment calls for 2 different presentations of the fairly large number of vessels which have been collected from the Yucatecan Maya over the past 75 years. First, the vessels are separated from their ethnographic context in order to create a hypothetical archaeological situation. The collection is described in terms of its new context, that is, according to a standard archaeological procedure. The description then constitutes the material percepta of an archaeological pottery techniculture. These percepta are examined for suggestions as to what the related social or behavioral percepta might be, and the indicated inferences are made whenever they seem both plausible and probable. Then the vessels are returned to their original context and presented as a unit according to an accepted ethnographic method. (Compare Kroeber and Harner 1955; H. S. Colton 1956.)
Chapter 11: Confronting Field Data: Aging and Sexing Problems
Authors: Weiss Kenneth M.
Published: June 2018

This and the following chapters will deal with the practical application of our life tables to anthropological data. In order to fit field data to a model, one must be confident that the data are as accurate and reliable as possible. This is difficult with anthropological data, especially if one is working from the literature. In this chapter the methods and common problems associated with the aging and sexing of anthropological populations are discussed. This discussion may help the reader to recognize questionable aspects of his data and to correct them prior to fitting a model table.

There is always the problem of the representativeness of the sample. If there is no direct evidence to suspect one’s sampling, the sample of skeletons or the census of a living population are usually assumed to be representative of stable processes. This is necessary to the application of our models. If a skeletal series is taken from a biased sample of burials, then of course it is not representative of the population from which it came. This is often true for juveniles (Schwidetzky 1965), and some means have been developed to make up for this deficiency. Where an unbiased, representative sample or census cannot be assumed, further demographic analysis is not likely to be productive.
4 Dating the Issaquena Phase
Authors: Greengo Robert E.
Published: June 2018

Many of the postulated connections between the Issaquena phase and the preceding, contemporary, and succeeding phases in the Lower Mississippi Valley have already been mentioned in the foregoing portion of this work, but now we shall try to integrate these observations into a coherent summary. As we have seen, our present picture of the culture history of the region in question is primarily based upon inferences drawn from intensive analyses of the ceramic remains of these prehistoric people.

In the Lower Mississippi Valley there is a distinctive ceramic tradition which consists of a combination of at least three modes that are constant from the earliest known pottery of the Tchefuncte and Tchula phases down to the historic phases. These modes are found in the claytempered fabric, the coiling method of forming pots, and a tendency to embellish vessels by incision and punctation.
2 Cultural Processes
Authors: Wauchope Robert
Published: June 2018

Hypotheses on the nature and processes of culture can be framed from rough observation and general knowledge of cultural situations, or even from logic and imaginary situations, but to test these assumptions one must have more than theory. Thus, although the archaeologist's raw data are for the most part artifacts, from which his deductions about ancient culture are largely inferred and his discipline's role in contributing to culture theory is correspondingly limited, nevertheless this limitation has its advantage in that it forces this particular branch of anthropology to conclusions via data that, for the very reason that they are objects, can usually be dealt with quantitatively. Linguistics, physical anthropology, and certain aspects of ethnology share this characteristic with archaeology, but only linguistics, genetics, anthropometry, and a few of the ethnological studies (for example, kinship) have taken full advantage of it.
2 Background of the Work
Authors: Taylor William E.
Published: June 2018

The 1957–58–59 archaeological reconnaissance in northwestern Ungava and adjacent islands sought to find sites of the Dorset and Pre-Dorset occupations and to test them extensively. I hoped to collect data that would contribute to a solution of two questions — first, the origin or origins of the Cape Dorset culture, and second, the chronological development of that culture. This meant the work must produce large enough site samples from very early Dorset stations for comparison with the other areas, and enough site samples from throughout the Dorset time span for seriation analysis. Unfortunately the eastern Arctic is only in rare cases archaeologically prolific, either in number of sites or abundance of artifacts in a site. Also anyone working in Arctic prehistory must resign himself to a lavish expenditure of time on travel, camp maintenance, and poor weather.
8 The Arroyo
Authors: Wheat Joe Ben
Published: June 2018

The Olsen-Chubbuck Site, properly speaking, consisted of a bone bed contained in an ancient arroyo (Fig. 1). As previously mentioned, this arroyo did not follow the locally normal, north-to-south drainage pattern. Rather, it had its origin near the center of a small catchment basin and flowed eastward through and across the ridge which formed the eastern side of the basin, to debouch on the eastern slope of that ridge (Fig. 7).
9 The Bone Bed(Lam)
Authors: Wheat Joe Ben
Published: June 2018

The Bone Bed was composed of the skeletons, parts of skeletons, and isolated bones, of about 190 bison (Fig. 1). During our excavations, we recorded a total of 143 skulls. While Olsen and Chubbuck kept no record during their excavations, they estimate that they found about 50 skulls, a figure which appears reasonable in view of the volume they dug and the area in which their excavations were centered. Hence the suggested total of about 190 animals.

Five hundred three bone units were recorded during our 2 seasons of excavation at the Olsen-Chubbuck site (Table 1). A proportionate number of units must also have occurred in that part of the site dug by Olsen and Chubbuck, so that, using the ratio estimated above, somewhere near 670 units probably comprised the total bone bed.

As previously explained (see Recording), each articulated skeleton or segment of a skeleton was recorded as a single unit. In addition, skulls were also recorded as units. We did this because, from early in our first season of excavation, we believed that most, if not all, such articulated segments represented those parts that had been cut off by the Indians during the butchering. That is to say, that the Indians followed a fairly standard procedure in cutting up a bison, and that when the meat had been removed, the bones were discarded, still held together by sinews. We believed that an analysis of such units would provide direct information on the butchering techniques of the Indians, on the selection of choice parts, and perhaps on the use made of the parts. To a large extent, these hypotheses have been validated.
Chapter 3. General Remarks on the Model
Authors: Williams B. J.
Published: June 2018

The postulates set forth in preceding chapters lead to a view of hunting-gathering society which, if correct, means that the mating system of paleolithic man varied little in different regions of the world. With the aid of some additional elaboration on this model, to be given in this chapter, we should be able to specify the effects of this mating system on cultural and genetic processes. Further, some consideration will be given to the expected results of relaxing some of the conditions underlying the model presented.

Implicit in Postulates Five and Six is the idea that marriages will not be contracted over such distances that the bands brouglit into connubial relation cannot visit one another occasionally even if rarely. It was assumed, therefore, that these usually involved the bordering band territories. Among these bordering bands, the size of each as visualized in the model is such that each must contract marriages with most, if not all, neighboring bands to provide wives for the band males. But this is true only if they are all of equal size. As they will not often all be of equal size or exactly equal in offspring production in any given age period, there must be provisions to insure that alliances, once established, are not subject to random loss.
Age Differentials Between Spouses and Australian Marriage Systems
Authors: Williams B. J.
Published: June 2018

Over a very large area of the central desert and the Northern Territory of Australia the aboriginal populations were characterized by an unusual demographic feature, a remarkable difference in age between spouses at first marriage. Among the various dialect groups the average age of the woman at first marrage was 15 to 20 years less than that of her husband. This is a demographic feature which obviously requires explanation and there have been at least three explanations advanced to date.
The Demography of Finite Populations and the Origins of the Incest Taboo
Authors: Wobst H. Martin
Published: June 2018

During the Last Ten Years we have acquired a much better understanding of Band Society—the socio-cultural system that characterizes the behavior of most hunter-gatherers (Lee and DeVore 1968; Sahlins 1972; Williams 1974). The same decade has also added considerable detail to explanations of the evolution of Band Society into more complex socio-cultural systems (Binford 1968; Flannery 1968, 1969). Compared to its steady state and its demise, the origins of Band Society have received much less attention. This lack of concern is particularly perplexing given the rapid accumulation of paleoanthropological and archaeological data on human origins in the sixties and early seventies. In order to stimulate discussion in this area of anthropological research, this paper deals with the origins of one subsystem of band society—the mating strategies. The research reported here focuses on the effect of mating strategies and population size on age specific fertilities and on their potential role in the origins of the incest taboo.

Three areas of hunter-gatherer demography are immediately relevant to Band Society origins: population density, mating network, and population growth. Ethnographically studied huntergatherers characteristically live at population densities below one person per square kilometer (Sanders and Price 1968), the population which exchanges mates is usually not much larger than 500 (Birdsell 1968; Wobst 1974), and band societies generally show intrinsic rates of growth near zero (Weiss 1973). There is nothing in the archaeological record to suggest that prehistoric hunter-gatherers, on the average, had greater population densities, larger mating networks, or more rapid growth rates. If these factors were already operative during the Pleistocene, we can ask ourselves how they would have affected demographic processes earlier in human evolution.
The Cybernetic Analysis of Human Population Growth
Authors: Blanton Richard E.
Published: June 2018

In my view, certain critical features of current population theory in demography, anthropology, and related fields are misleading. These anomalies have been incorporated into population theories, I argue, largely because the researchers in these fields have tended to be too specialized. Demography, a science rooted in occidental economics and sociology, is oriented toward the study of industrializing and industrialized societies, societies which are by no means representative of the entire range of human societies. Anthropologists, although they have dealt with a wider range of human societies, have tended to neglect the potential theoretical contributions of population ecology, the study of the population dynamics of nonhuman animals. The theory of human population dynamics which I offer here was developed with the value of generality and broad scope constantly in mind. The roots of this theory are in General Systems Theory, population ecology, ethnology, demography, and economics. I propose this population theory largely as a means of encouraging, within all of those sciences concerned with population matters, a new round of debate regarding existing population theories.
Chapter II: The Tena Indians and Their Country
Authors: De Laguna Frederica
Published: June 2018

The material on which this report is based was gathered in 1935 on an archaeological and geological reconnassiance under the author's leadership along the lower Tanana and middle and lower Yukon valleys, between Nenana and Holy Cross. One of the main purposes of the expedition was to study the Pleistocene and Recent geology of the region, with reference to the problem of early human migrations. Dr. Eardley, our geologist, naturally assumed charge of this task. Considerable attention was also paid to more recent archaeological problems, especially to the relationship of the Indian culture to that of the Eskimo near the mouth of the Yukon. Preliminary reports have been published by the author, and Dr. Eardley has also published two geological papers. Although we visited a number of sites at which the bones of Pleistocene animals are exposed, we found no trace of contemporary man. From late Tertiary times to the present, the Yukon has experienced complicated cycles of deposition and erosion; in the valley, the land surface on which Pleistocene or early Recent man would have hunted and camped is now largely destroyed, and the present topography gives no clues to likely camping places.
Chapter III: Archaeological Sites
Authors: De Laguna Frederica
Published: June 2018

The information about archaeological sites is presented under eight regional sections, seven of which roughly correspond to seven of the tribal subdivisions listed in the third section of Chapter II. The territories of group 5 on the upper Koyukuk and of group 9 on the upper Innoko were not included in our survey. There is, however, an eighth archaeological region, the Yukon near Holy Cross, which yielded specimens of a more pronounced Eskimo character than anything found in the areas above. These sites are, therefore, tentatively listed as “Eskimo.”

In the following sections of this chapter there will be a discussion of all former village sites in the regions covered by our survey, including sites mentioned in the early literature or reported to us. For the convenience of the reader I present below a list of the sites from which specimens were obtained, grouped according to the region in which they are located; their probable age is indicated. The presence of stone adzes and the absence of trade goods of white manufacture are taken as indications that the site was prehistoric, although in most cases, especially where we did little excavating, such an assumption is based on rather inadequate information.
Chapter VI: Archaeological Collections from Tena Sites
Authors: De Laguna Frederica
Published: June 2018

The specimens recovered from the sites visited on the Yukon and its tributaries, or acquired by purchase from others who had visited such sites, comprise about eighty types. In making this count I have considered the material of which the specimens were made, for example, listing netweights of stone as a different type from netweights of bone, and I have also treated the separate parts of composite implements, like harpoons, as distinct types. If I had considered each of the design elements used to decorate bone objects or pottery as separate types, the list would have had to be still further expanded.

Such a list is given below. In the first column are given the types represented by the supposedly Eskimo material from the vicinity of Holy Cross. In the second, are types from prehistoric Tena sites; in the third, types from Tena sites of uncertain age; and in the fourth, types from historic Tena sites, to which are added in parentheses the types actually seen in use in 1935.
Chapter X Final Conclusions
Authors: De Laguna Frederica
Published: June 2018

In Attempting to analyze the various elements which belong to Tena culture we have purposely allowed ourselves to digress in order to discuss the possible origin and development of a number of traits that were only poorly represented in Tena culture, or even of those which we found no further up the Yukon than Fox Creek. But now we must return and try to place together the Tena elements in some sort of order. I must confess that my discussion has been perhaps too much from the point of view of Eskimo culture and not enough from the point of view of northern Athabaskan culture. This is in part the result of a personal bias, and in part because the literature is far fuller on Eskimo than on Athabaskan material culture and technology. On the other hand, it will by this time be quite evident that the Tena have been very strongly influenced by their Eskimo neighbors.
Beans of Wetherill Mesa
Authors: Kaplan Lawrence
Published: June 2018

Analysis of bean seeds taken from various Wetherill Mesa prehistoric Indian sites shows that all belong to thePhaseolus vulgaris(common bean) species. Of the five varieties of this species, one seems to have predominated — an “all-purpose” bean used as a string bean and as a dry, mature bean. This variety is also the most commonly occurring bean in the pre-Columbian Southwest.
Historical Background
Authors: Newell H. Perry
Published: June 2018

In view of a widespread belief1 that the mounds lying southwest of Alto, Texas, mark the site of an historic Neches village and the second location of the mission San Francisco de los Tejas, and since the archaeological evidence denies such an identification, it is necessary to review the early history of this region, pointing out certain discrepancies in the literature.

The Neches was one of nine main trihes forming the Hasinai Confederation. Detailed accounts of their names, approximate locations, and political structure have been published by Bolton, Swanton, and others. Numerous names, with variations in spelling, have been given to this group of tribes. The French called them Cenis; the Spaniards, Hasinai or Tejas. These names were usually applied to the confederacy as a whole, but occasionally to a specific tribe or village. It is sufficient here to mention only two: the Nabedache, the most southwesterly group, among whom the first East Texas mission was established in 1690; and the Neches, who lived just across a river (presumably the Neches River) from them.
Excavation of Site
Authors: Newell H. Perry
Published: June 2018

When the heavy growth of weeds, trees, and underbrush had been removed (Fig. 3, A) and the site examined preparatory to staking, it was found that either a north-south or an east-west axis would cut the mound at an odd angle, so the 0-00 line was laid down the long axis of the mound and the base line at right angles to it at Stake 0 (Fig. 4). The 0-00 line was 54° 30′ west from magnetic north. An alidade tower was built and permanently centered over a stake 5 feet back from Stake 0 in line with 0-00, and a datum plane established approximately 5 feet above the highest point of the mound. A telescopic alidade and stadia rod were used to determine all elevations, with steel tapes and hardwood rules 6 feet long used for other measurements. A portable photographic tower was also built and used whereever elevation was necessary to secure a complete photographic record. Approximately 250 photographs were taken during the excavation.