bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Converting the soundscape of women’s rituals, 1470–1560: purification, candles, and the Inviolata as music for churching
Authors: Hatter Jane D.
Published: May 2017

There was only one ceremony or blessing in the late Medieval Catholic rite that was reserved for laywomen -- the ritual purification or churching of a woman after childbirth. Despite the vulnerability of the traditional ceremony to charges of superstition, churching was retained in or reintegrated into early Protestant practices, including Lutheran, Calvinist, and Anabaptist ceremonies. Although churching provides a rare opportunity to connect music to a central aspect of early modern women’s lives, there has as yet been no study of the soundscape of churching ceremonies nor any exploration of how this soundscape was converted for early Protestant practice. This chapter explores how these ceremonies and rituals were adapted, with controversial elements, like blessed candles, expunged or reinterpreted. How can blessed candles illuminate the gradual conversion of the churching rite and the process of negotiation? And what can study of the persistence, use, alteration, and reuse of settings of the plainchant sequence Inviolata, integra et casta es Maria contribute to our understanding of the struggle of women for continuity in ritual and musical expressions of female reproductive power?
‘I wish to be no other but as he’: Persia, masculinity, and conversion in early-seventeenth-century travel writing and drama
Authors: Houston Chloë
Published: May 2017

In classical descriptions, Persians and their rulers are seen as being given to both tyranny and femininity; early modern Europe thus inherited a view of Persia in which the performance of religious identity, political power and gender were inter-connected. Given the complex relationships between Islam, tyranny and gender, early modern European interest in the possible religious conversion of Persia and its people marks a moment at which contemporary anxieties about religious and gender identities converge. This chapter argues that European writers’ interest in the prospect of Persian conversion became tied up with their ideas about the links between Persian effeminacy and tyranny. The prospect of the conversion of Persian Shahs in early modern travel literature and drama gives rise to particular anxieties about masculinity, both in Persian figures and in the Christian European travellers and dramatists who portrayed them. Despite the tradition of viewing Persia as feminised and luxurious, the sources betray an underlying concern that Muslims’ gender and religious identities might in fact be more ‘fixed’ than those of Christian travellers, who experienced their own conversions to Islam and to Persian identities in ways that were troubling to them both as Christians and as men.
Whatever happened to Dinah the Black? And other questions about gender, race, and the visibility of Protestant saints
Authors: Lynch Kathleen
Published: May 2017

In The Exceeding Riches of Grace, “Dinah the Black” is listed among the witnesses who can attest to the veracity of Henry Jessey’s account of Sarah Wight’s prophetic trances in the spring and summer of 1647. The designation “Dinah the Black” stands out in a list of persons of “esteeme amongst many that fear the Lord in London”, yet what is extraordinary about Dinah’s appearance is that it is not especially marked as extraordinary. This chapter takes Dinah’s appearance as indicative of the experience of black converts, arguing that her case marks some limits of acceptance into the godly communities of English visible saints. This chapter explores the valences of visibility and godliness, singularity and universality, race and religion as they informed or are illustrated by the practices of the English Protestant saints within the context of large-scale conversions of indigenous people in the East Indies.
Agency, autonomy and compliance in (post-)conflict situations: perspectives from Jammu and Kashmir, Cyprus and Bosnia-Herzegovina
Authors: Stavrevska Elena B. , DasGupta Sumona , Vogel Birte , Behera Navnita Chadha
Published: May 2017

Chapter 4 looks into ways in which agency is exercised within civil society with particular focus on manifestations of compliance and resistance. The authors claim that despite the power imbalances, the agency still manages to find its way in both active and post-conflict zones. They identify different ways in which this agency is manifested in the three settings that they discuss: Jammu and Kashmir, Cyprus and Bosnia-Herzegovina. In Jammu and Kashmir they give examples of youth protesting against the police, and parents’ associations which use constitutional rights to introduce the change. In Cyprus, they discuss non-compliance to the EU trade regulations which were meant to foster interdependence on a divided island. In case of Bosnia, they examine acts of everyday resistance to ethnic segregation which was imposed by the peace accord. The authors stress the important role that power politics play in such settings and conclude that it is necessary to analyze how power is shaped and perceived through interactions of various actors in the setting.
Everyday resistance to conflict resolution measures and opportunities for systemic conflict transformation
Authors: Galvanek Janel B. , Giessmann Hans J.
Published: May 2017

This chapter examines alternative perspectives on conflict resolution in chapter 7. The authors attempt to broaden the debates beyond the liberal peace and examine the issues which could shape responses to conflict in a different way. They focus on experience, traditions and culture, as well as interaction between actors in a given setting. The authors look at different types of resistance and analyze how and which of those are manifested in Bihar and Jharkhand, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Cyprus. They conclude that everyday resistance can be manifested in a violent, non-violent, short or long-term, sporadic and constant forms, proactive and offensive; it can come as a result of social dissatisfaction; directed and intentional, but also undirected and unintentional.
Introduction
Authors: Webster Anthony , Shaw Linda , Vorberg-Rugh Rachael
Published: May 2017

This chapter provides an overview of recent trends in the global co-operative movement’s development, noting that after many years at the margins there is now a more promising climate for co-operative ideas and practices. It outlines the themes of the book and summarises the contributions of subsequent chapters.
Mainstreaming co-operatives after the global financial crisis
Authors: Bajo Claudia Sanchez , Roelants Bruno
Published: May 2017

This chapter discusses the mainstreaming of co-operatives against the background of the global financial crisis of 2008. It defines the concept of mainstreaming, examines the ‘debt trap’ which many organisations experienced following the crisis, notes the greater levels of resilience among co-operative and mutual organisations, and proposes an initial framework to monitor the mainstreaming of co-operatives.
A continuing challenge: women and leadership in co-operatives
Authors: Rawlings Barbara , Shaw Linda
Published: May 2017

This chapter seeks to address the lack of academic research into the role of women in co-operative leadership, and surveys the current situation across the global movement, in both the developed and developing worlds. It explores the current literature on women and leadership, and points out that co-operatives offer dual paths to leadership, through participation in operational management or democratic membership structures. The chapter highlights the need for further data collection and research, and notes strategies used by co-operatives in promoting women’s participation, including affiliated women’s organisations and gender mainstreaming activities.
Introduction
Authors: Raboin Thibaut
Published: May 2017

The introduction succinctly describes the process of claiming asylum in the UK. It then offers a streamlined explanation of the methodology: the corpus, the tools of critical and French discourse analysis used, and the notion of the social problem. The central concepts of the manuscript’s argument are critically defined (queerness, sexual citizenship, nationhood, hospitality), in order to ask a series of questions about asylum, such as: how does it produce subjectivities, not only for asylum seekers, but also for British liberal queers? How do asylum debates hinge on the relationship in contemporary public discourse of queerness with normativity and liberalism?
Narrating LGBT asylum
Authors: Raboin Thibaut
Published: May 2017

This chapter considers the narrativisation of seventeen asylum cases in British newspapers between 2003 and 2014 in around 150 press articles, a BBC Two documentary, documentation produced by NGOs and some international legal documents. The chapter unpacks three aspects that are crucial for the problematisation of asylum: firstly, the way narratives produce a specific temporality allowing for the exposition of happier futures in the UK, and the expression of colonial imaginaries. Secondly, the importance of LGBT human rights in the way the social problem is perceived, and consequently, can be solved. Finally, the way LGBT asylum cases serve to powerfully stage the position of the British state and its liberal subjects in an LGBT-positive state: they are a site for the negotiation of what it means to uphold sexual rights.
Imagining a queer haven
Authors: Raboin Thibaut
Published: May 2017

Looking at how the UK is imagined as a queer haven, this chapter contends that homonationalist discourses need victims to actualise their narrative opposing barbarism abroad to modernity at home. It also means that LGBT asylum becomes an important strategic space for social actors to invest in, as it allows for the deployment of axiological discourses using sexual modernity as a criterion: political credit can be won by claiming to save those queers that are persecuted in their home countries. Finally and most importantly, considering that homonationalist discourse works on the assumption that queerness and race are fragmented, where one is the enemy of the other, and where queer migrants and queers of colour are either exceptions or victims, the chapter concludes by looking at how homonationalism has become a regime of justification for public action, and is used strategically by advocacy groups to call the state to account.
The biopolitics of recognition
Authors: Raboin Thibaut
Published: May 2017

This chapter is dedicated to the analysis of the state management of refugees. It looks at credibility as a central part of the biopolitics of LGBT asylum, and argues that as a mode of veridiction, credibility is based on a series of sexual ontologies, affects and modes of projection that (re)produce as ‛true’ certain forms of liberal queerness. It suggests that the recognition apparatus not only has the function of excluding (or not) claimants, but also of strengthening the hegemony of liberal queerness as a universal way of being queer in the world. Looking at the debates and criticisms around credibility, the chapter then shows how (1) the assessment of credibility involves a neoliberal discipline of self-presentation that assumes autonomy and self-governance on the part of asylum seekers. It also examines how (2) in the debates around how to best recognise truthful claimants, the state and its critics are engaged in a collective work of gradual improvement of the biopolitical machinery of asylum.
Feelings of sympathy
Authors: Raboin Thibaut
Published: May 2017

This chapter argues that the production of queer liberalism is central to the affective politics of LGBT asylum: discourses on suffering and sympathy are central in the self-representation of queer liberals as sexual citizens with a claim to the state; and discourses on potential happiness are catalysts in the representation of refugees as an exhortation of happiness, and a cruel optimism. This analysis shows how the homonationalist configuration of public discourses is hinged upon representation of queer happiness (as an objective) and sympathy (as an affective relational mode).This chapter distinguishes between two affective modes of identification for liberal queers: the first is through the politics of sympathy and the potential identification of liberal queers with refugees; and the second works through a reconfiguration of discourses on sexual citizenship, nationhood and the appropriation by liberal queers of the wound of being queer embodied by refugees.
The queer optimism of asylum
Authors: Raboin Thibaut
Published: May 2017

This chapter starts by concentrating on the question of optimism and shows that asylum is based on a cruel optimism that cannot but fail in its promise of happiness. Optimism in LGBT asylum is a combination of discourses on neoliberalism, sexuality and rights-based aspirations which imagines futures for asylum seekers and simultaneously closes them off to render them unachievable. The chapter shows how the impossibility of reaching these happy futures turns asylum into a site for the contestation by advocates and asylum seekers themselves not only of asylum policies, but also of certain forms of queer liberalism. Such critiques are examined in detail in a second part, which analyses three art projects and performances that give rise to dissident voices and new imaginings of how asylum seekers and liberal queers can be engaged collectively in sexual politics in the UK. Challenging the cruel optimism of asylum, the analysis proposes to liberal queers to engage with LGBT asylum by looking at how their experiences differ in relation to migration, access to markets and mobility.
Introduction: Shakespeare shaping modern movie genres
Authors: White R. S.
Published: May 2017

The introduction surveys theories of genre as they pertain to drama and to movies. Shakespeare, it is argued, innovated hybrid dramatic kinds by incorporating different traditions, in this context most pertinently, comedy and romance. Film history has generated its own repertoire of genres but the hybrid model of Shakespeare is at the heart of the process, and gave an initial model of genre development which early movie-makers tacitly adopted – scenes from his plays were among the first cinematic experiments, and continued to shape cinema history. The nature of influence is equally important. Shakespeare was influenced by earlier writers, a process which is examined here, and his indirect cultural influence (distinguished from sources and direct adaptation), especially on movies, is analogous and is traced here.
Raising an ‘industrial army’: the policy of reservation in the First and Second World Wars
Authors: Pattinson Juliette , Mcivor Arthur , Robb Linsey
Published: May 2017

This chapter provides an examination of the policy of reservation in the two world wars. In total war, industry was in direct competition with the military for a limited supply of men. The state needed to mobilise labour just as much as it did combatants to fill the ranks of the armed services. Both wars witnessed increased government control to direct manpower to where it was needed. Despite attempts to retain men with essential skills on the home front during the First World War, too many skilled men were able to enlist into the forces. Those men who remained on the home front were derided as shirkers and cowards. Civilian men therefore had to negotiate their relegation to the subordinate status of unmanly ‘other’. Whereas errors were made during the First World War, with the government lurching from one manpower crisis to another, a more systematic approach was adopted in the Second with a Schedule of Reserved Occupations. The raising of an ‘industrial army’, which was merely rhetoric in the First World War, became a reality in the Second.
Forgotten: the missing legacy of Britain’s reserved occupations
Authors: Pattinson Juliette , Mcivor Arthur , Robb Linsey
Published: May 2017

Chapter seven examines two aspects crucial to the construction of post-war official memories of reserved workers: public memorialisation and cultural representation. It discusses several memorials to civilian workers, including the Merchant Navy and the fire service, and analyses a range of literary, filmic and televisual depictions, including A Family at War (1970-2) and Goodnight Sweetheart (1993-9), in order to illustrate how reserved workers have been largely forgotten despite their crucial wartime contributions. The emasculation thesis appears to be confirmed by their omission in cultural memory.
Introduction
Authors: Murray Peter , Feeney Maria
Published: May 2017

Underlying the institutional politics of the Irish university question was the clash between scientific rationalism a papal-championed revival of the scholastic philosophy of St. Thomas Aquinas. But in social science, as the growth of a Catholic social movement and a succession of Irish-published sociology textbooks illustrate, a natural law perspective long went unchallenged by secular alternatives. It was Catholic clerical academics who first embraced an empirical approach to social science in the Ireland of the 1950s but in the succeeding decade they found themselves marginalised by a new breed of state technocrats who perceived empirical social research as a useful tool for their planning project.
Sociology and the Catholic social movement in an independent Irish state
Authors: Murray Peter , Feeney Maria
Published: May 2017

A key reason why the Irish Catholic social movement failed to realize its project of reconstruction was because a conservative Hierarchy baulked at the radicalism of some of its proposals. Critiques of banking and finance capital formulated within the movement were particularly divisive and on these issues ecclesiastical disciplinary mechanisms were invoked to silence some of its radical voices. During the Second World War/Emergency period communist influence became the movement’s overriding concern and Catholic adult education initiatives were launched to counter this threat. To provide such education a number of new institutions with a social science focus – the Catholic Workers College and the Dublin Institute of Catholic Sociology – were created alongside the colleges of the National University of Ireland.
Conclusion
Authors: Murray Peter , Feeney Maria
Published: May 2017

Chapter 7 concludes the study by first noting how ambivalently clerical sociologists responded to the changes wrought by state planning practice in the 1960s. Demands from champions of such planning that the discipline should begin to play a different societal role are next examined. During the 1970s the Hierarchy combined failure to plan for a continuation of a significant clerical presence among practitioners of sociology with the casting of itself as the conscience of Irish society. The warding off of abortion, contraception and divorce was thereby entrusted to a highly selective but this-worldly `sociological’ empiricism rather than to theological dogmatism. Initially successful, this strategy has become progressively less effective as popular confidence in church leaders has declined dramatically. Detached from the institution the framed the working lives of their disciplinary predecessors, today’s sociologists debate the respective contributions that factors such as higher education levels, economic marginalisation of the poorly educated and the uncovering of hidden histories of the abuse of clerical power have made to this decline.
English, Scots and Germans compared: British and continental perspectives
Authors: Bueltmann Tanja , MacRaild Donald M.
Published: May 2017

The English ethnic associationalism we describe in this book was not unique; indeed, it was part of a world of associations. Providing a comparative context is therefore crucial. Chapter 6 charts the evolution and purpose of those ethnic clubs and societies established in North America by other migrant groups. We focus particularly on Scots and Germans and explore the beginnings of the associational culture of these groups. The Scots were the most active in the early phase of settlement, also anchoring their associationalism in philanthropy. St Andrew’s societies, much as those of St George, had an elite dimension, but catered for a broader migrant cohort—those in distress. Similarities in the work of the two organisations even led to concrete co-operation. From the mid-nineteenth century onwards, however, the Scots developed a second and distinct tier: an ethnic associational culture at the heart of which lay sport. This contributed to a significant proliferation in Scottish ethnic associational activity—though one that was trumped, in the early twentieth century—by the Scottish mutualist branches in both the US and Canada (Order of Scottish Clans and the Sons of Scotland respectively). We also develop non-British/Irish comparators through an examination of developments in the German immigrant community in North America to establish to what extent language was a factor in immigrant adjustment to new world realities. Examining the Germans will also permit consideration of how external developments—in this case particularly the First and Second World Wars—were watersheds that united British Isle migrants, while casting out Germans and the more militant wings of the Irish.
Conclusion
Authors: Bueltmann Tanja , MacRaild Donald M.
Published: May 2017

On Friday, 5 November 1915, members of the St George’s Society of Toronto gathered at their regular monthly meeting. Amid discussions of mundane business matters members heard the obituary of one of their more prominent and active members, the past president James Cooper. Cooper had made his way to Canada in 1845, arriving there from Gainsborough in Lincolnshire as a pioneer ‒ and at a time ‘when Canada had hardly emerged from its forest stage’. He rose to be a ‘prominent merchant’, deciding on his retirement ‘to spend his remaining years in the old Land’. Despite his return to England, however, Cooper was still ‘deeply interested in all that pertained to the well-being and progress of the city [of Toronto]’....
The national response to Robespierre’s proclamation1
Authors: Smyth Jonathan
Published: May 2017

This chapter examines the national reaction to Robespierre’s proclamation of 18 Prairial, using evidence from national, regional and local archives and other sources, such as local newspapers. It also looks at the large body of evidence from both formal responses from official bodies and the considerable number of individual communications sent to the Convention, the Committee of Public Safety and the Committee of Public Education. It shows how the national response was not only overwhelmingly positive; the number of responses from public bodies considerably exceeded anything recorded before. As well as the formal and often stilted responses from public bodies the chapter includes a detailed listing showing how individual members of the public responded to Robespierre’s proposal by sending to the Committee for Public Education their poems, prayers, hymns and speeches in support of the Festival.
After the Festival
Authors: Smyth Jonathan
Published: May 2017

What happened after the actual Festival? How the expectations of a new dawn, the possible end of the Terror and the proclamation of the Republic of Virtue were dashed by the Law of 22 Prairial. How Robespierre’s enemies in the Convention and its Committees advanced their conspiracy, finally coming to a head with Robespierre’s last speech of 8 Thermidor and the events of 9 and 10 Thermidor. The chapter also discusses how the desire for the reform of national morality did not disappear after Thermidor but continued through the post-Thermidorean and Directory periods. Despite the attempts to re-energise some form of state religion with Theophilanthropy and other cults, the idea of a Supreme Being persisted until the Napoleonic Concordat of 1801.
Introduction
Authors: Heller Joseph
Published: May 2017

The strategic importance of the Middle East dictated Israel’s fate in the cold war. While the USSR supported the inimical Arab attitude towards Israel, the US limited its support to Israel to economic military aid. The USSR not only regarded the Arabs as a cold war asset, it accused Israel of being part and parcel of western alliances.
The turning point in Soviet-Israeli relations was the Czech-Egyptian arms deal (1955) which changed the balance of power. The Suez war exemplified the explosive situation in the region, and Israel’s shaky position vis-a-vis the the Soviet Union. The combination of strategic weakness and constant Arab hatred put Israel continually on the brink of war. The eruption of another war was on the horizon immediately following the Sinai campaign.
Israel and the Soviet Union prior to the Suez Crisis (1953–56)
Authors: Heller Joseph
Published: May 2017

This chapter shows the inexorable deterioration of Soviet-Israel relations. The first Soviet veto demonstrated that whatever Israel did to improve relations, the Kremlin image of Israel was fixed as part of the western bloc. The height of the worsening relations was the Czech-Egyptian deal, which tipped the military balance in the Arabs’ favour. The Israeli government. Headed by Moshe Sharett, realized its ominous strategic implications. Sharett himself failed to realize to convince western statesmen to compensate Israel. Egypt’s Nasser gained crucial Soviet military and economic aid, while Israel suffered a serious strategic and diplomatic defeat. The only option for Israel was to join the Anglo-French ‘collusion’ against Egypt. The lack of American support, and joining Britauin and France in attacking Egypt, left Israel with the danger of Soviet offensive. Khrushchev’s threat to bomb Israel was taken seriously by Israel, particularly in view of Soviet support for the Arabs in their conflict with Israel.
Sharett versus Eisenhower and Dulles (1953–56)
Authors: Heller Joseph
Published: May 2017

Israel was now trapped between East and West. The East openly and fully supported the Arabs, while the west stood aloof, except for France which supplied Israel with a minimum of necessary weapons. However, Israel knew that what it needed was a security guarantee from the most powerful western power. Yet, the new administration in America, headed by President Eisenhower, was not favourable to Israel. The new secretary of state, John Foster Dulles, wanted to build a regional alliance based on Turkey and the Arab states. Although he discovered that the majority Arab states were unwilling to join a western alliance, he was far from agreeing to Israel’s need for deterrence. Together with the British he planned to reduce Israel’s territory and to convince it to accept some of the Palestinian refugees (the Alpha plan). The Czech-Egyptian arms deal did not change American policy in Israel’s favour.
The Eisenhower Doctrine and Israel (November 1956–January 1958)
Authors: Heller Joseph
Published: May 2017

Israel security remained a pawn of the superpowers’ rivalry even after its military victory in the campaign. However, if it had not won either political or a diplomatic victory. The Eisenhower administration was haunted by the nightmare of losing the middle East to the Soviets which would deny the west vital Arab oil.
Consequently, the US pressed Israel to withdraw from Sinai, to the extent of threatening economic sanctions. The Soviet Union could punish Israel by trying to expel it from the UN. Israel’s government, particularly Ben-Gurion, said that the withdrawal from the Sinai peninsula, the straits of Tiran and the Gaza strips should be conditioned on a strong security arrangement. Israel had no choice but to succumb to the pressures of the superpowers.
Was Johnson the ‘father’ of the US–Israeli alliance?: the Memorandum of Understanding (1964–65)
Authors: Heller Joseph
Published: May 2017

This chapter shows how Israel persuaded the US to initiate the ‘memorandum of understanding’ which changed Israel’s deterrent capabilities. First, Israel insisted that the balance of power had changed dramatically in terms of heavy armaments and the construction of Arab forces, due to greater Soviet support. Khrushchev’s visit to Egypt aggravated anxiety of in Israel regarding a Soviet-Arab plot to destroy Israel in a surprise attack. The visit was not merely symbolic, but rather proofof Soviet solidarity with Arab intentions, including public support for the Palestinian cause. The US promised that the Sixth Fleet was ready to react to any Arab attack, but Israel had little faith in such promises, in view of the Arab summits which bid for military escalation. The Soviet made it clear that without the removal of the western bases in Turkey and the western courting of Iran, no settlement in the Middle East was possible.
The United States and the crisis of the Six Day War (May 14–June 5, 1967)
Authors: Heller Joseph
Published: May 2017

The Johnson administration was surprised by the mid-May crisis. Israel, far less surprised, expected the US to honour the promises it made in 1957. However, when the chips were down in 1967 the Sixth Fleet failed to prevent the Arab aggression However, Washington did nothing to stop the inevitable deterioration, since any movement in Israel’s favour meaning opening a new front in the cold war, while the Vietnam war was at its height, and the German problem was still a hot issue in the cold war. The visit of foreign minister Abba Eban and General Meir Amit, head of the Mossad, to the US to warn the administration about the danger of war did not move Johnson, Rusk and McNamara. Johnson’s policy was that ‘Israel will not be alone unless it decided to be alone’. No green light was given to Israeli decision-makers, who had no choice but to treat Nasser’s challenges as casus belli..
The Soviet Union and the Six Day War (May 14–June 5, 1967)
Authors: Heller Joseph
Published: May 2017

No change occurred before the war to moderate Soviet political behaviour. Soviet support for the Arabs was unequivocal, while Israel was subjected to an increasing number of warnings and threats. The straits of Tiran were regarded by the Kremlin as Egyptian territory, and Israel was accused of assisting the US in the Vietnam war.
Israel feeling strangled by the Arabs, launched a surprise attack which led the Soviet bloc (except for Romania) to sever diplomatic relations. However, both America and the Soviet Union were not interested in a global war. Hence a summit meeting was held in Glassboro between Johnson and Kosygin, each patron supporting its clients.
Brezhnev secretly confessed the Soviet leadership’s utter frustration with its Arab clients, particularly Egypt, which failed to use the modern Soviet weaponry the Kremlin profusely supplied. He also revealed the Soviet leadership’s contempt for Israel, which was entirely economically dependent on America.
The chemical weapons taboo
Authors: Bentley Michelle
Published: May 2017

This chapter analyses the chemical weapons taboo – the idea that chemical weapons are so abhorrent that they cannot be tolerated. In particular it engages with the work of Richard Price. It reinterprets the taboo from the perspective of Quentin Skinner and his concept of the ‘innovating ideologist.’ Instead of viewing the taboo as a social construction, this analysis argues that actors can exert significant agency over the taboo and the way in which it is employed in political discourse.
Chemical weapons and false hierarchies
Authors: Bentley Michelle
Published: May 2017

Chapter 5 analyses the ways in which the taboo has had a detrimental impact on the Syrian conflict. In particular, it focuses on the how specific weapons are perceived within a conflict, where the taboo causes chemical armaments to be prioritised over others via inappropriate hierarchies of threat. The way in which the taboo has dominated understanding of Syria has seen other threats ignored – notably the vast numbers being massacred with conventional devices, but also the significant biowarfare threat that exists in the country. This means that policymakers have focused on the wrong issues in respect to Syria, a situation that precludes ever finding workable solutions to the crisis. Simply put, policymakers are not seeing the real problems. The taboo blinds them; or rather, applies a lens through which they can only see the chemical threat and none of the other issues driving this conflict.
Escalating the crisis
Authors: Bentley Michelle
Published: May 2017

Chapter 6 demonstrates that Syria is not simply a case of misinterpretation, but one in which the taboo has intensified the conflict. The conflict is worse and more violent as a direct consequence of using the taboo as the basis of US foreign policy. It looks at the physically and politically destructive ways in which the taboo has fed the tensions underpinning the crisis, specifically where these are identified as effects that would not have occurred had the taboo not been prioritised above all other concerns. The chapter then concludes with a more comprehensive analysis of how the taboo is detrimental to international politics and whether it should even be kept as part of IR discourse.
Conclusion
Authors: Bentley Michelle
Published: May 2017

OBAMA’S FOREIGN policy on Syria put the chemical weapons taboo front and centre of international politics. This has always been a prominent feature of international discourse. But now, where the taboo constituted (a) an imperative for, and justification of, US foreign policy, and (b) the basis of key diplomatic negotiations, so the norm came to dominate the entire crisis. As such, this would seem to substantiate the inherent claim behind the taboo, i.e. that chemical weapons are so offensive that possession and use cannot be tolerated. Furthermore, that violation cannot take place without a significant and norm-driven response from the international community, and especially from its hegemon. This view, however, is far too simplistic. Specifically, it ignores two core dynamics of the taboo’s use (where these map onto the two parts to this book):...
Thomas Paine’s democratic linguistic radicalism: a political philosophy of language?
Authors: Lounissi Carine
Published: May 2017

Carine Lounissi’s premise in this chapter is that characterising Thomas Paine’s radicalism is a challenge, which she takes up by focusing on his “democratic style” as a way to make his ideas accessible to the common man. The author thus studies Paine’s “democratic style”, for which he was harshly criticised, as being part and parcel of his inherently republican and democratic radicalism. She argues that in his writings Paine sought to deconstruct the discourse of the political elite of his time, associated with the trappings of royalty, and promoted the language of common sense instead as an instrument of resistance predicated on the universality of human nature. He invented a radical linguistics whereby he wished to go back to the roots of words.
Toasting and the diffusion of radical ideas, 1780–1832
Authors: Duthille Rémy
Published: May 2017

The 1780s saw the institutionalisation of radical dinners and the regular publication of toast lists in the press. Drawing upon archival evidence, in particular the minute books of the Society for Constitutional Information, Rémy Duthille analyses toasts as speech acts and as rituals of interaction, for toasting performed an integrative function in radical societies, fostering solidarity and mobilisation. He identifies the nature of these toasts, which were often used as rituals of remembrance that helped to build a sense of historical continuity with seventeenth-century England. Duthille uses examples of toast lists given in the contemporary press, including toasts drunk in France and in the United States. He analyses the linguistic structure of toasts and investigates the social values associated with toasts, in terms of what was regarded as acceptable or unacceptable social behaviour.
Stadium travels: spectatorship, territorial identity and global connections, 1900–60
Authors: Lewis Robert W.
Published: May 2017

This chapter turns to the ways in which stadia, sport and spectators both in France and elsewhere around the globe helped generate changing place-based communities and identities. French stadia created discourses about local places through the depiction of spectators within their confines. But stadium spectatorship also helped define the national collective, through literal and imaginary voyages within France and abroad to other stadia around the world. These latter voyages generated a series of comparisons that provided French men and women with convenient benchmarks for monitoring the perceived vitality and social cohesion of France in relation to its rivals on the world stage. These comparisons predominantly reinforced a sense of French inadequacy and decline throughout the interwar period, if not necessarily after the Second World War. At the same time, however, the comparisons with the wider world testified to the global character of sport itself in the first half of the twentieth century, as a mass media complex in Western Europe and North America publicised and promoted sporting competitions that helped create transnational communities of spectators invested in the same sporting events.
Conclusion
Authors: Lewis Robert W.
Published: May 2017

The construction of the Stade de France has certainly not ended the debates over stadia in modern France. Much to the surprise of many people, the French rugby federation (FFR) announced its plans in late June 2012 to build its own 82,000-person stadium south of Paris, in the suburb of Evry-Essonne, at the site of the old hippodrome of Ris-Orangis. The FFR initially projected that the stadium could be ready by 2017 at the earliest and 2030 at the latest; as of late 2015, the FFR hoped to use the projected stadium as the centrepiece for its bid to host the 2023 Rugby World Cup....
Image operations: refracting control from virtual reality to the digital battlefield
Authors: Lenoir Timothy , Caldwell Luke
Published: May 2017

This chapter examines how control in military contexts is refracted, multiplied, and circulated through the lens of the image. It looks at military developments in networking the battlefield, from visual interface technologies and recruitment games like America’s Army to the Future Combat System that aims to tie all combat forces together through graphical representation. The authors examine the development of imaging technologies that ‘dividualise’ people and tie them into circuits of power that often have little to do with the representational content of the image.
Exposing the invisible: visual investigation and conflict
Authors: Hankey Stephanie , Tuszynski Marek
Published: May 2017

This chapter looks at how artists and activists are utilising still and moving images combined with simple digital technologies to investigate political conflicts. Often working with low-tech solutions they explore, document and present complex issues through images that challenge our existing views and provoke new ways of thinking. They present views from above, afar and beyond, developing visual investigations that present slices into unknown worlds and undocumented practices. The images do not solve problems, but open new questions, expanding new possibilities for image activism and political engagement.
The visual commons: counter-power in photography from slavery to Occupy Wall Street
Authors: Mirzoeff Nicholas
Published: May 2017

This chapter explores the formation and dissemination of what the author has called the ‘visual commons’ in photography. The visual commons can be explored through photography because photography has become the medium of the commons and it is today perhaps the first universal medium. Several key moments in this history are explored, beginning with the first use of the term ‘photography’ in the Americas by Hercule Florence in Brazil in 1832. Florence overwrote the existing visual commons with photography’s scene of representation. Soon after British Chartists were photographed on Kennington Common, London, in 1848, the first such image of mass political action emerged, reclaiming the visual commons. The chapter then concentrates on the visual commons after slavery in North America, culminating in the 1968 encampment known as Resurrection City in Washington D.C. as photographed by occupier Jill Freedman. A final section notes how this legacy was important to the Occupy Wall Street movement.
Why should we care about the definition of power?
Authors: Dowding Keith
Published: May 2017

Being pluralist about the concept of power does not mean that all definitions are equally valid. Many definitions are non-rival and gain their utility from the specific contexts in which they are applied. Others are rival and their relative utility derives from how good an explanation is provided by the theory of which they are part. Such explanation is constrained by the world, because good explanation is constrained by the expectations it engenders. Some conceptions of power and related terms do similar explanatory work, but hold different normative values. The contestability of ‘power’ derives from the normative work it does in different contexts and explanations. By making our concepts as non-normative as possible, we can ensure that moral or political disagreement is brought into the open. How we define social and political power does matter in some contexts for both explanatory and normative reasons.
Agency and structure: interpreting power relationships
Authors: Dowding Keith
Published: May 2017

Many debates over the ‘true’ nature of power relationships concern the importance given to agents or to structures in describing those relationships. Those who discuss the power structure or system tend to concentrate upon structures; those who write about the power of agents or power relationships tend to concentrate upon actors. The agency–structure relationship goes deep into many seemingly different issues in very different approaches to power. I argue that whilst the agency–structure divide is false, our interpretation of the world – the way in which we describe it – means we cannot fully transcend the structure–agency divide using natural language. Whether we choose to use the language of structures or of agents depends upon the questions we are seeking to answer and the commitments we wish to make in assigning responsibility. Ultimately, structural and agential accounts can describe the world in non-contradictory ways, though the choice of description demonstrates the sorts of commitments the describer has towards changing the world.
Resources, power and systematic luck: a response to Barry
Authors: Dowding Keith
Published: May 2017

Brian Barry attacks the ‘resource account’ of power, providing a set of definitions through which power should be analysed. While there might be different, equally good, ways of defining power, I argue that my formulations are superior to those of Barry, as they produce fewer anomalies and provide a better foundation for empirical research. The chapter defends the resource account against Barry’s criticisms and argues for the utility of the ideas of luck and ‘systematic luck’.
Luck and leadership
Authors: Dowding Keith
Published: May 2017

Some leaders are perceived as powerful, some as weak. Luck plays a large role in those perceptions. In strategic situations, some leaders appear stronger through luck rather than greater resources or ability. That perception then feeds back into the strategic game as reputation, which in turn gives them greater ability. The perception becomes the reality. Furthermore, context can make some appear strong and others weak. Even if the apparently weak get their way more often, that perception feeds into how leaders are regarded, further strengthening or weakening them.
Republican freedom, rights and the coalition problem
Authors: Dowding Keith
Published: May 2017

Republican freedom is freedom from domination, whereas negative freedom is freedom from interference. Proponents argue that republican freedom is superior, since it highlights that individuals can lose freedoms even when they are not subject to interference, and claim republican freedom is more ‘resilient’. I examine the debate through the ‘coalition problem’ for republican freedom. Ssince there is always a coalition of others who could dominate any agent in any sphere, all agents are subject to domination, and hence no one can ever have republican freedom. Pettit’s simple solution to this reductio ad absurdum distinguishes potential from actual coalitions: individuals are only dominated by actual not potential coalitions. The simple solution highlights moralization problems as it demonstrates that domination cannot be purely institutionally defined, but requires consideration of dispositions and expectations about others’ behaviour. I argue that the differences between the ‘free man’ and ‘unfree person’ paradigmatic to republican arguments are best captured not by the difference between domination and interference but, rather, from familiar distinctions between different types of rights and freedoms. Resilience is a practical matter that might track some of these familiar distinctions.
Social choice and the grammar of rights and freedoms
Authors: Dowding Keith
Published: May 2017

The techniques of social choice and game theory are increasingly being used to analyse concepts in political theory. Although these techniques may prove invaluable for teasing out contradictory formulations, puzzles and problems with traditional concepts, formal writers often begin their analysis with simplistic intuitive accounts rather than building on earlier traditions in analytic political theory. This is particularly apparent in social-choice and game-theory analysis of rights and freedoms. This chapter reviews these approaches and demonstrates that by ignoring the grammar of rights and freedoms, social-choice and game-theory analysis goes wrong from the very beginning. Formal writers need to take more account of the history of their subject, as developed in the analytic theory tradition.
Introduction. Corpses in society: about human remains, necro-politics, necro-economy and the legacy of mass violence
Authors: Anstett Élisabeth , Dreyfus Jean-Marc
Published: May 2017

The introduction outlines the book’s scope and addresses the central questions raised by the included chapters: when, how and why are bodies hidden or exhibited, and what is their effect, either desired or unintended, on various political, cultural or religious practices? With explicit reference to each chapter, a historic and disciplinary background will be presented, raising issues such as the increased application of forensic sciences on the discovered dead body, the emergence of debates surrounding necro-political strategies by states and political communities, and the economy and chain of custody over human remains resulting from historic and contemporary forms of violence.
The unburied victims of Kenya’s Mau Mau Rebellion: where and when does the violence end?
Authors: Anderson David M. , Lane Paul J.
Published: May 2017

This chapter outlines the circumstances by which the bodies of over four hundred and fifty individuals killed during the Mau Mau insurgency in Kenya came to be deposited in the Osteology Department stores at Kenya’s national museum in Nairobi, where they currently serve as that institution’s primary human osteology reference collection accessed by local and international researchers. The history of this collection is then discussed against the wider and ongoing context of memorialisation of the Mau Mau insurgency as a founding process in Kenya’s struggle against British colonialism and the birth of nationhood. It also explores some of the remaining divisions between Mau Mau supporters and so-called ‘loyalists’, and efforts at achieving peace and reconciliation involving these different constituencies and the role that this specific collection of human remains could play in such processes. The chapter concludes with a series of more general observations on commemorating victims of mass violence and the treatment of human remains in post-conflict situations.