bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Pandora's Box
Authors: Harrison Jane E.
Published: May 2006

No myth is more familiar than that of Pandora, none perhaps has been so completely misunderstood. Pandora is the first woman, the beautiful mischief: she opens the forbidden box, out comes every evil that flesh is heir to; hope only remains. The box of Pandora is proverbial, and that is the more remarkable as she never had a box at all.

The myth of the making of Pandora we may reserve for the present and focus our attention on the famous ‘box.’ ‘Jupiter gave her a beautiful box,’ says Lemprière (p. 543). ‘In the house of Epimetheus was a closed jar;’ says the last edition of Smith's Classical Dictionary, but a little further down we read: ‘later writers relate that the box contained all the blessings of the gods.’ The reference given for this statement is Hyginus, Fab. cxlii., in which there is no mention whatever of any jar, casket or box, only an account of the creation and descendants of Pandora.
Excavations of the British School at Melos: the Site of the ‘Three Churches’
Authors: Mackenzie Duncan
Published: May 2006

The field bearing the name of is one of several small sites which Mr. R. C. Bosanquet and I examined in April 1896. It is marked E in the map, J.H.S. xvi. p. 348. We were afterwards joined by Mr. C. R. R. Clark, architect to the British School, to whose skill and diligence is due the plan which accompanies this paper. In describing the course of the excavation I have had the free use of Mr. Bosanquet's day-book. The inscriptions from our site are Nos. 21, 39, 40, 41. of Mr. Cecil Smith's ‘Inscriptions from Melos,’ published in the present number of this Journal. Our inscription 4 will appear in a second series. Some remarks on the early cruciform font which came to light here will be found in the British School Annual ii. p. 161, 168, in a paper on tne Churches of Melos, by Messrs. H. M. Fletcher and S. D. Kitson. The ‘Three Churches’ field was early included in our list of likely sites. Its prominent position, and ancient retaining walls, as well as the reports of frequent finds of ancient masonry and marble, all pointed to an important public place having existed on the site, which thus afforded exceptional inducements to excavation.
On Old Greek Tachygraphy
Authors: Foat F. W. G.
Published: May 2006

The history of tachygraphic writing in classical and post-classical antiquity remains still, to a certain degree, involved in obscurity, so that many problems still present themselves for final solution. What is the significance of the fact that while we have complete and certain knowledge of the Roman system, the notae Tironianae, the very existence of a corresponding Greek system is with difficulty proved? Were there three distinct systems of Greek shorthand, or only one in successive phases? How were they related to the ‘Tironian’? Are there any elements of method or of form which are common to all the ‘systems’ of antiqtiity known to us? In what degree was the Greek a genuine tachygraphy, i.e. a means of writing at a much greater speed than in the common hand? Or was it only a method of secret writing, or to economise space and labour?
Three Attic Lekythoi from Eretria
Authors: Sellers Eugénie
Published: May 2006

The three lekythoi with black figures on a white ground, now published for the first time on Plates I., II., and III., were found in 1888 in the excavations carried on by the Greek Government on the site of the ancient Eretria. They are now in the Central Museum at Athens, and have been catalogued and briefly described by M. Staes in the Δελτίον ἀρχαιολογικόν for 1889 (pp. 99 and 139). The vases are of almost unique interest: two of them belonging to the cycle of the adventures of Odysseus, subjects from which have proved so curiously rare in vase-painting, while the third gives an episode in the story of Herakles and Atlas, of which the solitary monumental instance up to now had been the famous metope of Olympia (Friederichs-Wolters, 280). The beauty of the vases, the perfect state of their technique and of their preservation, no less than the interesting problems connected with mythography which they raise, have already won for them considerable celebrity; I therefore wish to record my special thanks to the Ephors of Antiquities in Athens for allowing me the publication of the vases—so graciously accorded to me during my studentship at the British School at Athens in 1891. Mr. Ernest Gardner, Director of our School, had the kindness to supervise the drawings which have been executed by M. Gilliéron. It had been my intention to make the publication of these lekythoi the occasion for a discussion of white-faced ware in connection with the whole subject of Greek painting proper, but I have unfortunately been prevented from collecting the necessary material in time for the present number of the Journal.
Cyzicus
Authors: de Rustafjaell Robert
Published: May 2006

Whilst travelling in Asia Minor in 1900 I paid a cursory visit to the peninsula of Cyzicus on the Propontis, in ancient Mysia, and had the opportunity of examining the site of the ancient city, and the canal that has been the subject of considerable controversy in bygone ages, and about which the facts are still only partly ascertained. As the site appeared to promise results of peculiar interest, I applied for a concession to excavate it. I had the good fortune to obtain an Imperial Iradé in February, and began tentative operations in May.

From the Admiralty Chart it will be seen that Cyzicus lies on the 30° long. east of Greenwich, and 40°22′ N. lat. and within easy reach of Constantinople. To Panderma there is practically a daily service of steamers, which leave Constantinople at sunset and arrive at about four o'clock the next morning. At Panderma a sailing-skiff takes one in about an hour across the bay to Yeni-Keui, the landing stage immediately outside the walls of the city.
A Foundation-Deposit Inscription from Abydos
Authors: Petrie W. M. Flinders
Published: May 2006

While excavating on the temenos wall of the great temple of Sety I at Abydos in Upper Egypt, Mr. A. St. G. Caulfeild found the foundations of a stone pylon, a fragment of a great lintel, inscribed by Ptolemy IV, Philopator, and a small limestone block here figured.

This block was probably a foundation-deposit; the inscription is incised; the surface has been gilded. It seems probable that it refers to the building by Philopator.
A Kylix with a New ΚΑΛΟΣ Name
Authors: Smith Cecil
Published: May 2006

The vase figured on Plate XIII. is an Athenian cup in the possession of a member of the Hellenic Society, Mr. C. W. Mitchell, who acquired it in Athens. It is of the heavy, somewhat squat form, with thick handles and in-set lip, such as Brygos, for example, specially affected, and measures ·194 m. in diameter, ·096 m. in height. The design, occupying the centre of the interior only, is in the red colour of the clay, enclosed within a thin line, against the brilliant black glaze: unfortunately the parts of the surface which were not protected by the glaze have slightly suffered from the effects of acid or ignorant cleaning, so that the sketch-marks and the finer inner-markings have almost entirely disappeared: these latter were probably not extensively employed, but faint traces still remain at the lower part of the abdomen, and on the cheek, where the whiskers (, cf. Xen. Symp. iv. 23) are indicated by brushmarks in thinned black. The outline of the hair against the black background is indicated by a wavy engraved line; and where it shows against the neck and face, by a row of minute dots fringing the sharply defined edge of the black paint. The wreath of vine, the ties of the flute and mouthpiece case, and inscription () are in purple.
A Vase in Form of a Bust of Athene
Authors: Smith Cecil
Published: May 2006

In the latter part of 1893 the British Museum acquired the Attic vase which is represented in Plate V. (E 716 of the new Catalogue). The photographic reduction barely serves to convey a summary impression of this finely conceived work, but can give no idea of the subtler refinement of modelling and surface, nor of the delicate colouring which is still fairly preserved, and which would defy reproduction in any process. It belongs to the class of vases which in the latter part of the fifth century came greatly in vogue in Attic pottery, and in which the front part is usually pressed in a mould, in the technique of terracotta statuettes, the back part is varnished and coloured like a red-figure vase of the period: the whole form is usually based on that of the aryballos or acorn-alabastron.

The present instance is an aryballos in the form of a bust of Athene: it is nearly intact, the only part broken away being the calix-form lip of the vase. The height as it stands is 20 cm., and perhaps 2 more should be added for the missing lip. The bust, cut off immediately below the lower base of the breasts, rests on a plinth about 1 cm. high, which is varnished black in front, and at back is painted with a band of egg moulding. It is modelled entirely in the round, but the plain surface of the drapery falling from the crown of the head down the back, and the back of the helmet, are treated as the back of an ordinary red-figure vase, and are decorated with the patterns usual in this class of aryballos: the neck of the vase rises vertically out of the crown of the helmet, at the point where the support for the crest would naturally be attached, and the ribbed handle, springing from the upper part of it, broadly suggests the lines which the back part of such a crest would follow. The true crest has been treated in the conventional manner which is not unfrequently found in fifth century art adapted to helmets intended to be seen from the front; that is, it is bisected longitudinally, and the two sides are turned outwards to the front in such a way that they form a continuous crest extending from ear to ear; in this case they serve the double purpose of a screen to mark the neck and handle of the vase, and a division between the polychrome and varnished portions of this part of the vase.
A Flying Eros from the School of Praxiteles
Authors: Bienkowski P.
Published: May 2006

The terracotta reproduced on Plate VIII. with the kind permission of Mr. A. S. Murray was acquired by the British Museum in the course of this year from Eretria, where it was found in a tomb. It measures together with the wings 1 ft. 9⅝ in. in height, and is composed of a greyish, fine-grained, well baked clay, which, as may be seen on the broken fingers of the left hand, shows a purplish tint when fractured.

It is in perfect preservation, and the wings form an organic whole with the body. The delicacy of the modelling is especially conspicuous on the head and wings; at the same time it has suffered from a yellowish incrustation of some thickness. The whole statuette was covered in the first place with a lustrous white engobe; in addition the hair was painted red-brown, the wings green on the front side, the chlamys rose-colour, and the sandals purple; further, the tongue (lunula) of the sandals is yellow, or rather gilt.
A Marble Head from Cyprus
Authors: Markides M.
Published: May 2006

The marble head which is described in the present paper, and which is represented in the accompanying Plate, was lately acquired by the Cyprus Museum, and now forms part of the collections which have at last found in the new building a home worthy of their great archaeological importance.

The history of the head is somewhat obscure. According to the information I received, the head was lying for more than twenty years in the storehouse of a certain dyer in Nicosia, and was lately sold to a coffee-house keeper, from whom it was secured for the Museum. From the same dyer were bought about twenty years ago by Mr. E. Constantinides two marble statuettes, the provenance of which was given at the time as the site of the ancient Lapethos. It is therefore most probable that our head, as sharing with the two marble statuettes the imprisonment in the dyer's cellar, may have come from the same place, though of course this suggestion is by no means certain.
The Master of the Dutuit Oinochoe
Authors: Beazley J. D.
Published: May 2006

The pretty vase figured at the head of this paper passed from Prince Louis Napoleon's possession into the hands of the late Auguste Dutuit, who bequeathed it along with his other treasures to the city of Paris. The same subject, a winged woman holding bow and arrow and bending to touch a fawn, is repeated with very slight variations on an unpublished lekythos in Syracuse. To judge from her weapons, the woman must be the winged Artemis who is familiar to us from primitive Greek art: but small, brisk, and dainty, she is greatly changed from the strong-armed Potnia Theron. Although it may often be observed that hunters love in a curious sort the fleet or violent people of the woodland whom they pursue and destroy; yet no one could think that this little lady ever used the weapons she carries to hurt or kill: borne on wings, she overtakes the swift feet, but the chase is not in earnest and ends not in death but in a caress: she is kindly to the rough young of fiery lions, and delightful to tender forest creatures that love the breast.
The Cup in The First Idyll of Theocritus
Authors: Gow A. S. F.
Published: May 2006

The cup which the goatherd in the first Idyll of Theocritus gives to Daphnis as a reward for his song has not attracted very much attention either from commentators or archaeologists. Legrand is content to regard the description as a phantasy composed of reminiscences of various works of art strung together at random. Theocritus, he thinks, not only had no actual cup in his mind, but was even at no pains to visualise the work he describes; hence many of the details mentioned are unintelligible when the work is regarded as a whole, and it is useless to try to reconstruct a cup from the description.

This is an extreme view. Brunn allows that the poet had some actual cup in his mind, but believes him to have transferred to it descriptions of other works of art, and to have confused the whole by the addition of decoration invented ‘nach seiner eigenen Phantasie.’ Stripped of these additions, the vessel was a bowl decorated on one side with the woman between her suitors, on the other with the boy in the vineyard, and in the interior with the fisherman.
On the Origin of the Province of Kommagene
Authors: King L. W.
Published: May 2006

The object of this note is to examine the earlier history of this North Syrian province, and incidentally to suggest a cause for its political independence, of which we have striking evidence in the establishment of a kingdom of Kommagene when the power of the later Seleucidae had declined. In spite of lying in the more immediate neighbourhood of Antioch, the province had already won its independence in the time of Antiochus IV. Epiphanes; at the beginning of the first century King Mithridates Callinicus obtained recognition of his dynasty from the Seleucid house; and even after the kingdom had become a Roman province it reverted for a time to its independent status. Hitherto, the need for an inquiry into the cause of so decided a tendency to break away from its surroundings has not been apparent. The descent of the Seleucid province from a Persian satrapy of the same area has served as a bridge to Assyrian times; and the continual ‘revolts’ of ‘the land of Kummukh’ from the end of the twelfth century onwards have furnished sufficient analogies to its history during the later period.
Dascylium
Authors: Munro J. A. R.
Published: May 2006

The identification of the lakes of the Cyzicene and the determination of the site of Dascylium, the seat of the Hellespontine satraps, are problems which have worried every scholar who has had to deal with the history or geography of the district. They are inseparable, because not only the names themselves, but also the statements of our ancient authorities, prove that Dascylium involves the neighbourhood of a Dascylite lake, and the Dascylite lake the neighbourhood of a Dascylium. Investigators have generally adopted one of two theories. Those who, like Dr. Richard Kiepert, have started from a place Dascylium, have fixed it at Daskeli or Diaskeli (Yaskil, Eskil Liman), a roadstead and village on the coast midway between Mudania and the Rhyndacus, and have conjured up a vanished lake in the valley of the Ulfer or Nilufer a few miles to the south. Since the publication of Heinrich Kiepert's large map this view has become an accepted tradition, and still holds the field. Those on the other hand who have started from a lake have usually found it in Lake Manyas, 10 or 12 miles south of Panderma, and have cast about for a site for Dascylium in its vicinity. Mr. F. W. Hasluck discusses the problems in his scholarly book on Cyzicus and the country adjacent to it, and regards this latter solution as the more probable of the two, but hazards a conjecture that Dascylium is perhaps to be sought farther eastward near Brussa. Some new evidence which has lately accrued from the recently published Hellenica Oxyrhynchia and from archaeological discoveries justifies a fresh examination of the questions.
The Owl of Athena
Authors: Douglas E. M.
Published: May 2006

In the Archaeological Seminar at Upsala is a vase, presented by Dr. Nachmanson, the design on which is illustrated in Fig. 1. I forbear to discuss it in any other respect than that of the design, as Prof. Sam Wide, to whose kindness I owe the permission to use the illustration, reserves to himself the right of dealing with the vase fully in a subsequent publication.

It is an amphora of good b.-f. style to be dated about 550 B.C., and the scene is framed in a border which displays along the top the maeander pattern and at the sides a double row of dots. In the centre of the scene is an altar towards which the priest advances from the left leading the ram he is about to sacrifice. He is a youthful male figure, draped only in his himation, and crowned with a wreath of olive. Beside the altar on the r. rises a slender column surmounted by a statue, the upper part of which disappears from our ken beyond the borders of the field; evidently the statue was not of paramount importance in the scene depicted.
Wrestling. I
Authors: Gardiner E. Norman
Published: May 2006

The popularity of wrestling among the Greeks is proved by the constant use of metaphors from this sport and by the frequency with which scenes from the wrestling ring appear, not only in athletic literature and art but also in mythological subjects. Despite the changes in the spirit of Greek athletics caused by the growth of professionalism, which affected wrestling and boxing more perhaps than any other sport, the popularity of wrestling whether as a pastime or as a spectacle remained unabated. On early black-figured vases Heracles is constantly represented employing the regular holds and tricks of the palaestra not only against the giant Antaeus, but against monsters such as Achelous or the Triton, or even against the Nemean lion, and centuries later we find Ovid and Lucan describing these scenes in language borrowed in every detail from the same source.
The Greek Warship
Authors: Tarn W. W.
Published: May 2006

The evidence considered under D makes it, I think, impossible that the accepted theory can be true as regards the larger polyereis of the first three centuries B.C., which clearly were galleys a scaloccio of some sort. If what is put forward under A be true, the reason why the accepted theory was invented and has been so largely believed disappears. Nevertheless, there is still room for evidence that will support the accepted theory as to triremes generally, the quadriremes and quinqueremes of the fourth century, and the biremes of the first; and the theory may be true, even if the words thranite, zugite, and thalamite do refer to another arrangement.

For a trireme, said Cartault, the evidence is overwhelming. Unfortunately he omitted to mention what it was, and with the best will in the world I have been unable to discover it. Assmann (1610) relied solely on the monuments. Luebeck however gives Schol, on Aelian's Tactica, Schol. on Frogs 1074) (see under A), Arr. Anab. 6, 5, 2 (see under B), Pollux 1, 87 (see under A), and Frogs 1074. Let me add Livy 33, 30, Aesch. Agam. 1617, Luc. Phars. 3, 529 seq.
The Dates of the Vases called ‘Cyrenaic’
Authors: Droop J. P.
Published: May 2006

The literature dealing with the so-called ‘Cyrenaic’ vases is comparatively so huge that some excuse is needed for a fresh approach to the subject. That excuse is to be found in the new light shed on these vases through the recent excavations at Sparta by the British School at Athens, of which one result has been the discovery that Laconia was the home of the school which produced them.

At Sparta this distinctive Laconian style is presented in good chronological sequence, and its course can be traced from its rise in the early seventh century, through its development and decline in the sixth and fifth centuries, to its end in the latter part of the fourth.

It is true that the finds of pottery at the shrine of Artemis Orthia at Sparta consist of fragments of dedicated vases, the refuse, in fact, thrown out from time to time from the temple, so that what is presented by the stratification of the site is the chronological sequence not of the manufacture of the vases but of their destruction. Yet the development of the style as a whole, even when judged by the stratification, is so regular that it may be assumed that in most cases the order of destruction corresponded with that of manufacture. In any case the destruction of the older temple at the close of the seventh century gives at least one point where such correspondence is certain. Vases thrown out from the new temple must have been dedicated after the destruction of the older building. To divide the style with much certainty into six chronological periods called, and approximately dated
The Progress of Greek Epigraphy, 1913–14
Authors: Tod Marcus N.
Published: May 2006

The following summary of the more important books and articles in the field of Greek Epigraphy which have been published during the year ending with the close of June 1914 continues the series of similar reviews which have appeared in the last eight issues of the Year's Work in Classical Studies, in which it has proved impossible, owing to pressure of material, any longer to devote a chapter annually to Greek Inscriptions. My sincere thanks are due to the Editor of this Journal for offering the shelter of these pages to a waif which otherwise must have come to a speedy, but I venture to hope not altogether unregretted, end.

General.—The past year has witnessed the publication of a number of works which will prove invaluable to the Greek epigraphist and historian. Of the three new volumes of the Inscriptiones Graecae something will be said below. To the Sammlung der griechischen Dialekt-Inschriften, now nearing its completion, has been added a further section, edited by O. Hoffmann and P. Gärtchen, which contains the more important Ionic inscriptions published since 1905, addenda and corrigenda to those which appeared in G.D.I, iii. 2, 5, together with a grammar and index to the whole group.
Parchments of the Parthian Period from Avroman in Kurdistan
Authors: Minns Ellis H.
Published: May 2006

Avroman is a town in Persian Kurdistan lying close to the Turkish frontier between the sources of the Lesser Zab and the course of the Diala River some distance to the north of the highway from Bagdad (say Ctesiphon) to Hamadán (Ecbatana). Near it in a cave in the mountain called Kuh-i-Sálán, a peasant found about the year 1909 a stone jar hermetically sealed; in it were decayed millet seeds and several documents. These passed from hand to hand and some were lost, only three have survived; two, which being Greek most nearly concern us, are almost perfect, they have only suffered a certain amount from wear and from the gnawing of mice; the third written in an Aramaic script which has not yet been deciphered is said to have been much larger when found; what is left has been a good deal torn and is patched with modern leather.
On the Date and Origin of Minyan Ware
Authors: Childe V. Gordon
Published: May 2006

Mr. Forsdyke in his brilliant article on this subject was unfortunately unable to make use of the important results of Dr. Soteriadhis' recent excavations in Phocis. The site explored near Dhrakmani on the estates of Messrs. Piperis and Ghiannakopoulos has greatly increased our knowledge of the forms of this pottery, supplying just the evidence Mr. Forsdyke requires as a test of his theory. The exploration of the mound near Hagia Marina in the same district serves to supplement the unpublished results from Orchomenos in Boeotia. Now, however, by the kindness of Dr. Soteriadhis I have been able to see the material in the Chaeronea Museum. It will accordingly be interesting to review Mr. Forsdyke's theory in the light of these new finds.

In the large mound of Hagia Marina the excavator has been able to distinguish three main strata. Below the disturbed layers containing modern sherds, came a stratum one metre thick, containing Mycenean (L. M. III.) sherds mixed with Minyan ware. Immediately below this, the pottery called by Furtwängler at Orchomenos Kamares began to appear. At first apparently Minyan and ‘Early Mycenean’—by this I suppose is meant the northern variety of Mattmalerei—occur with it plentifully, but towards the bottom of the layer these disappear.
Where did Aphrodite find the Body of Adonis?
Authors: Μενάρδος Σῖμος
Published: May 2006

In ancient Cyprus no one could have hesitated to point out the spot in question. But in the present day we have nothing to guide us except a hint of the famous Καινὴ ἰστορία of Ptolemy Hephaestion, as recorded by Photius in chap. cxc of the Myriobiblos.

The mythographer deals in the seventh book with the Λευκὰς πέτρα which had the miraculous power of curing those who, when afflicted with love, dared to jump from it. It was this extreme remedy that Apollo counselled to Aphrodite, disconsolate at the death of Adonis: Μετὰ τὸνΑδώνιδός φασι θάνατον περιερχομένη καὶ ζητοῦσα ἡ Αφροδίτη εὖρεν αὐτὸνἐν Αργει πόλει τῆς Κύπρον ἐν τῷ τοῦ ἐριθίου Απόλλωνος ἰερῷ καὶ ἀνείλεναὐτόν

Whereabouts in Cyprus was this πόλις Αργος? None of the ancient geographers tells us, and, so far as I know, no modern scholar has elucidated this point. All of them mention ᾿´Αργος among the towns in Cyprus not yet identified.

A short while ago I expressed the opinion (in ᾿Αθηνᾶ vol. xviii, p. 343) that this ᾿´Αργος was ᾿´Αρσος and I now explain the reasons which appear to me sufficient to justify my conjecture.
The Fleet of Xerxes
Authors: Tarn W. W.
Published: May 2006

Two extreme views obtain as to the numbers of this fleet. Many modern writers have unaffectedly accepted, sometimes with conviction, the 1,207 (or 1,327) triremes of Herodotus. In sharpest contrast, we have Prof. Hans Delbrück's estimate of not over 300 triremes for Xerxes' fleet at the outset, or anyhow at Artemisium. Delbrück discards all Herodotus' numbers as equally worthless, and sets out to deduce the true figure from criticism of the naval battles and of probabilities; it leads to the result that at Salamis the Persians were actually outnumbered, which is the point that really matters. Several intermediate views have also been put forward; Dr. H. Welzhofer and Prof. J. Beloch have taken the figure as 1,207 ships, not warships, Welzhofer putting the warships at something over 400; Prof. J. B. Bury and Dr. J. A. R. Munro have suggested 800 triremes at the outset; while Dr. E. Meyer gives 600–800 to start with, not all triremes, and 400–500 at Salamis, the fleet being brought up by transports, etc. to the popular figure of 1,000. Naturally, most of these figures are guesses from the probabilities of the case; but Dr. Munro has recognised the crucial fact of the four divisions of the fleet.
The Marquisate of Boudonitza (1204-1414)
Authors: Miller W.
Published: May 2006

Of all the feudal lordships, founded in Northern Greece at the time of the Frankish Conquest, the most important and the most enduring was the Marquisate of Boudonitza. Like the Venieri and the Viari in the two islands of Cerigo and Cerigotto at the extreme south, the lords of Boudonitza were Marquesses in the literal sense of the term—wardens of the Greek Marches— and they maintained their responsible position on the outskirts of the Duchy of Athens until after the establishment of the Turks in Thessaly. Apart, too, from its historic importance, the Marquisate of Boudonitza possesses the romantic glamour which is shed over a famous classical site by the chivalry of the middle ages. What stranger accident could there have been than that which made two noble Italian families the successive guardians of the historic pass which is for ever associated with the death of Leonidas.
A Note on the Phaistos Disk
Authors: Hall H. R.
Published: May 2006

On p. 275 of vol. i. of Scripta Minoa Mr. Arthur Evans notes with regard to the woman-hieroglyph on the Phaistos Disk (No. 6 of his sign-catalogue; see Fig. 1) that ‘the whole aspect of this figure with its exaggerated breadth of waist contrasts strongly with the Minoan and Mycenaean female types.’ On p. 25 he says ‘still more divergent from all known examples of Minoan dress is that of the woman. It differs not only in its general broad outline …, but in almost every detail.’ This is so, yet this hieroglyph has one close Mycenaean counterpart as a representation of a woman. I refer to the little female figures in gold plate from the Third Shaft-Grave at Mycenae (Schuchhardt, Schliemann, Fig. 182; see Fig. 2), which are practically full-face views of the same squat figure which on the Phaistos Disk is represented in profile. The same curious petticoat is shewn, with its peaked edge, and even much the same unadorned shook of hair. This is perhaps a point worth noticing, as the two representations are very near one another in date, the Disk being ‘Middle Minoan III.’ and the shaft-grave ‘Late Minoan I.’
The Coinage of the Ionian Revolt
Authors: Gardner P.
Published: May 2006

In a paper published in the Proceedings of the British Academy, I tried to shew that the cities of Ionia which took part in the revolt against Persia in the years B.C. 500–494 issued an uniform coinage in electrum. So far as I am aware, this discovery has met with general acceptance. It may, however, in consequence of the place where it appeared, not have come fairly before most of those who are interested in Greek history and archaeology. I therefore propose here to state my view somewhat more in detail, and to trace certain corollaries which are as yet unpublished.

I need not go through the story of the Ionian Revolt, as narrated by Herodotus: it is fair to assume that every scholar is familiar with it. It may, however, be well here to mention the cities, the names of which occur in this section of the story of Herodotus, with the definite facts recorded of them, as the issues of coins would probably be civic issues. It was Miletus, under the guidance of Aristagoras, which began the revolt (v. 35). It spread rapidly to Mylasa and Termera in Caria, as well as to Mytilene and Cyme.
Archaeology in Greece (1910–1911)
Authors: Dawkins R. M.
Published: May 2006

The Season of 1910–1911 has witnessed the continuation of most of the excavations mentioned in the last of these reports, and the beginning of work in the island of Corfou (Kerkyra), which has, up to now, hardly yielded its full share of antiquities. This year, however, it has given us the most important discovery of the season, an almost complete sculptured pediment of an archaic Doric temple.

This discovery was made near the monastery of Goritsa, which lies to the south of the town of Corfou. Here the chance finding of a sculptured slab led to an excavation by the Ephor Versakis on behalf of the Greek Archaeological Society. The work was presently supported by the Emperor of Germany, Doctor Doerpfeld assisting at the excavation, and the Greek Government was represented later by the Ephor Rhomaios. The temple itself is much destroyed; the importance of the discovery consists in the almost complete preservation of the sculpture of one of the pediments.
A Minoan Bronze Statuette in the British Museum
Authors: Pryce F. N.
Published: May 2006

The bronze statuette reproduced for the first time on Pl I. and Fig. 1 has for many years past formed part of the national collections. The earliest date to which it has so far been traced is 1885, when it was included in the category of ‘unclassified or suspect bronzes.’ Beyond 1885 it enjoys at present the happiness of having no history; but as in that year it bore no mark of registration, the inference may be drawn that it entered the Museum with the ‘old collections,’ perhaps a hundred or a hundred and fifty years ago. It remained in retirement until the early years of the present century, when attention was called to its affinities with the newly discovered art of prehistoric Crete; and the publication, in 1912, of the Tylissos praying figure (Fig. 2) supplied a parallel sufficiently close to establish beyond doubt that the British Museum bronze was a work of the same school and period.
The Financial History of Ancient Chios
Authors: Gardner P.
Published: May 2006

There is at present an unfortunate hiatus between the study of Greek history and the science of Greek coins. The historians, if we except Holm have not had familiarity with Greek coins, and the numismatists have seldom gone into larger questions; they have mostly been occupied with minute details, which no doubt in their way are important. Yet coins give the investigator most exact and trustworthy information; and in matters of commerce and finance are first-hand authorities. My History of Ancient Coinage was meant to do something towards filling the hiatus; but much remains to be done.

At present I propose to treat briefly of the financial history of Chios as exhibited in the coins. I select that city for two reasons. In the first place the importance and wealth of the city, and its close connection with the main stream of Greek history, give it a claim to preference. In the second place the coins of Chios have been so fully and satisfactorily treated of by numismatists that I need not enumerate or discuss them in detail.
Cleostratus: A Postscript
Authors: Fotheringham J. K.
Published: May 2006

Since writing my paper on Cleostratus, I have received from Professor Boll a copy of his masterly treatise, Antike Beobachtungen farbiger Sterne, in which he incidentally deals with the πρῶτα σημεῖα of Cleostratus, which he identifies with the sign Libra. This interpretation is based on an excerpt from Antiochus, dealing with the pernicious degrees of the zodiac. The passage runs as follows:—

Κέντρον Σκορπίου ἀπὸ ἔως ί κράσεως ᾿ Αρεως καὶ Κρόνου καὶ <ἡ>πρώτη μοῖρα κράσεως ῾ Ερμοῦ κτλ

Professor Boll recognises that the words ἀπὸ . . . Κρόνου cannot refer to the Scorpion's sting, and supposes that after Σκορπίου the words τὸμέτωπον τοῦ Σκορπίου have fallen out. He then takes ἡ πρώτη μοῖρα as equivalent to the πρῶτα σημεῖα of Cleostratus, a traditional phrase unlike the terminology of the rest of the passage.
An Eastern Patriarch's Education in England
Authors: Marshall F. H.
Published: May 2006

In The Times of January 28th, 1925, appeared tne interesting announcement that ‘Mar Shimun XXI, the Patriarch of the Nestorian or Assyrian Christians, who is only sixteen years of age, arrived in England yesterday, and proceeded to St. Augustine's College, Canterbury, where he is to be educated.’

This is not the first occasion on which a Patriarch of an Eastern Church has received his education in England, and it may be instructive to follow the career of the Orthodox predecessor of the Nestorian Patriarch Mar Shimun XXI, especially as we possess a good deal of information about him, which is, I believe, practically unknown in England. The Greek in question was Metrophanes Critopoulos, who subsequently became Patriarch of Alexandria. He arrived in London about the middle of the year 1617.

The whole story of this mission of Critopoulos is extremely interesting, for it is closely bound up with the struggle between Protestantism and Roman Catholicism in the Thirty Years' War, and with the aspirations of Cyril Loucaris, that Patriarch of Constantinople who was in close touch with Western ideas, was accused of being a Calvinist, and was duly anathematised therefor by the Council of Constantinople in 1638. He is probably best known in this country for his present of the celebrated Codex Alexandrinus to King Charles I in 1628.

It is not my intention to describe the career of Cyril Loucaris, except in so far as it touches upon the story of Critopoulos; it has been presented at length by Neale, as has also the episode of Metrophanes Critopoulos as far as the information about him was then available.
The Heroic Sophrosyne and the Form of Homer's Poetry
Authors: Sheppard J. T.
Published: May 2006

An Epic is not made by piecing together a series of heroic lays, adjusting their discrepancies and making them into a continuous narrative. There is only one thing which can master the perplexed stuff of epic material into unity; and that is, an ability to see in particular human experience some significant symbolism of man's general destiny. We do not appreciate what Homer did for his time, and is still doing for all the world, unless we see the warfare and the adventure as symbols of the primary courage of life. And it is not his morals, but Homer's art that does that for us.—Lascelles Abercrombie, The Epic.

I.—The Modesty of Diomed.

Pandar has shot his arrow at Menelaus. The truce is broken, and the critics have been fretting for a display of Agamemnon's prowess ever since they heard the promise and incitement of the Lying Dream. Now, at last, they think, Agamemnon will lead the attack, and the story can develope. A king ought not to sleep all night, said the Dream: and now, with the truce broken, and his precious brother wounded, Agamemnon will surely wake up. He does. ‘Then you would not have seen Agamemnon sleeping nor shirking, but very eager to the fight. He left the horses and the chariot … and went on foot …’ To the battle? No, to review his forces.
Notes on the Text of Strabo XIII. I
Authors: Leaf Walter
Published: May 2006

There is no sort of textual corruption which cannot be abundantly illustrated from the MSS. of Strabo; but they stand almost alone in one characteristic—the multitude of lacunae. It is not a question here of mutilation on a large scale, such as the loss of most of the seventh book, nor of the omission of words or lines through such causes as homoioteleuton; these can be easily proved to exist, and probably there are many cases of them which we cannot now prove. But the peculiar lacunae of Strabo are due to a conscientious scribe, somewhere in the genealogy of the MSS., who had before him a copy in which from time to time he came across words or letters which for some reason he was unable to decipher; he has therefore left blanks corresponding in length to the missing letters. These lacunae have been recently discussed by Allen in C.Q. ix. 88. It is there shewn that they do not arise from any physical mutilation of the MS.; their cause must be left uncertain.

Gaps such as these were evidently likely to be filled up in course of time, as Allen says, ‘either by bringing the ends together or by inserting supplements.’ And in the case of Strabo such supplements were constantly at hand.
The Greek Papyrus Protocol
Authors: Bell H. I.
Published: May 2006

The recently published vol. iii. of the late Jean Maspero's Catalogue of Greek Byzantine Papyri at Cairo contains a text (No. 67316, Plate VIII.) which is of considerable importance for the study of that palaeographical crux, the Greek papyrus protocol. It may be well to recall that the protocol was the official mark placed at the top of each roll of papyrus, the manufacture of which was a Government monopoly. When the practice was first instituted we do not know, but no protocols earlier than the Byzantine period have been discovered. Justinian's Nov. xliv. c. 2 forbids notaries to use any papyrus except such as has προκείμενον τὸ καλούμενον πρωτόκολλον, φέροντὴν τοῦ κατὰ καιρὸν ἐνδοξοτάτου κόμητος τῶν θείων ἡμῶν λαργιτιόνωνπροσηγορίαν, καὶ τὸν χρόνον, καθ᾿ ο῀ν ὁ χἁρτης γέγονε, καὶ ὁπόσα ἑπὶ τῶντοιούτων προγράφεται
Ancient Marbles in the Moscow Historical Museum
Authors: Waldhauer Oscar
Published: May 2006

It has been pointed out by Minns, Rostovtzeff, and other scholars that social life in the Greek cities on the northern shore of the Black Sea was very highly developed and therefore the opportunity was given for adorning sanctuaries and public buildings with sculptured monuments. A signature of Praxiteles found in Olbia proves that even the most eminent Greek masters worked for the Far East of the ancient world. It is true, very few fragments are preserved, but among them are specimens of very high quality, worth more attention than has hitherto been paid to them. I cannot agree therefore with Minns, who thinks that ‘the few marble statues are of very little value’ and ‘would scarcely claim attention elsewhere.’ The fragments are indeed in a very bad state of preservation, but this fact must not influence the judgment upon their artistic value. It is a pity also that the remains of ancient sculpture found in South Russia are not sufficiently published. The fragments scattered in different local museums must be collected and studied anew, as there probably are works of very great importance to be discovered. Further investigations, I am sure, will offer many surprises and will compel us to change entirely our view upon ancient sculpture in the Black Sea colonies. Such a surprise was the grave-relief of the early fifth century from Olbia, published by Pharmakovski; another was the colossal statue from Kertch discovered in the depot of the Hermitage, a masterpiece of high rank closely akin to the Maussollos.
Another Note on the Sculpture of the Later Temple of Artemis at Ephesus
Authors: Lethaby W. R.
Published: May 2006

When I wrote my former notes I was undecided as to the meaning of two of the sculptured fragments. No. 1215 is described in the Catalogue as ‘Fragment of sculptured pier, with portions of two figures wrestling; one is half kneeling, and his left thigh is clasped by the hand of his opponent—perhaps the contest of Herakles and Antaeus.’ (Fig. 1.)

The high relief shows that the fragment indeed belonged to a pedestal, and in re-examining it more carefully I find that a portion of the right-hand return still exists. Small as the trace is, it is enough to fix the place of the fragment in regard to the angle of the pedestal together with the vertical direction. It is plain, further, that the hand which grasps the leg is a left hand.
The Ionian Confederacy—Addendum
Authors: Caspari M. O. B.
Published: May 2006

In my recent article on the Ionian Confederacy I omitted to mention an important piece of evidence relating to the League in its most critical days. It has been shown by Prof. P. Gardner that during the Ionian Revolt a monetary convention was established among a group of insurgent cities. Several Ionian towns, whose number cannot at present be shown to have exceeded nine or ten, but may be extended by further research, issued a set of electrum coins with an identical reverse pattern on the same standard of weight. The common type would appear to have been derived from Chios; the standard of weight is that of Miletus.
An Epigraphical Note-book of Sir Arthur Evans
Authors: Tod Marcus N.
Published: May 2006

Among the papers of the late Sir Arthur Evans was found a note-book, measuring 5¾ X 3⅝ X ⅝ in., bound in red leather and with a metal clasp, comprising 122 pages, inclusive of the inner sides of the cover. Sixteen of these are blank, eight contain notes on Greek coinage and numerals, a list of the Attic tribes, bibliographical references and some mathematical problems, and the remainder bear copies, in Evans' characteristically microscopic handwriting, of a large number of Greek inscriptions, with brief notes added in many cases. All are written in pencil save the mathematical section, which is in ink and appears to be in a different hand. At the request of Mr. E. Thurlow Leeds, Keeper of the Ashmolean Museum, I have examined the copies of inscriptions and find that, with very few exceptions, the originals are in the British Museum. These exceptions are IG i2. 929, 11. 1-5 (in Paris), IG iii. 1418, IG ii.2 3765 and CIG 3333 (all three in the Ashmolean Museum). Of the rest 105 appear in the Collection of Ancient Greek Inscriptions in the British Museum; 91 of them are Attic, three (Nos. 159, 160, 162) Boeotian, three (Nos. 373, 375, 376) Tenian, five (Nos. 1003, 1012, 1022-4) Anatolian, one (No. 1398) Italian, and two (Nos. 1107,1123 a) of uncertain provenance.
Review of Professor Thomson's Oresteia
Authors: Thomson George
Published: May 2006

Oresteia.—In Mr. Kitto's considerate notice of my Oresteia (JHS. LX. 110) there are a few points at which Headlam's views are, I think, not quite fairly presented.
The Mysteries and the Oresteia
Authors: Tierney Michael
Published: May 2006

As long ago as 1893, Dieterich, in a famous article on the ‘initiation’-scene in Aristophanes' Clouds, pointed out that there are a great many echoes of ritual hidden in ordinary works of Greek literature, especially in comedy and tragedy. His hint was followed up in 1900 by F. Adami, whose paper remains a storehouse of such echoes, but who has by no means exhausted the subject. G. Thomson's article in a recent issue of this Journal collects a number of instances in the Oresteia of Aeschylus in which similar echoes can be heard. The purpose of the present contribution is partly to criticise the interpretation put by Thomson on certain of the references to mystic rites which Headlam and he have noted, and partly to attempt to carry the search a stage farther.

The point in Thomson's valuable paper on which most doubt will be raised in his readers' minds is his tendency to attribute to the Eleusinia all allusions to mysteries in the Oresteia. In his zeal for the exclusive glory of Eleusis, he assumes that its mysteries involved both rites and doctrines which the general consensus of scholars has denied to them. In one place he dismisses this general agreement by lumping modern authorities together as ‘archaeologists’ (p. 22, n. 13), a title which most of them, probably, would humbly deprecate. His procedure raises an important problem in method, and for this reason I may be excused for discussing some of his conclusions.
The Defence of the Acropolis and the Panic Before Salamis
Authors: Knight W. F. J.
Published: May 2006

The Persian army, moving on Athens after Thermopylae, found the city deserted, but the Acropolis held by temple servants and ‘a few poor men’: who, remembering the oracle of the ‘wooden walls,’ ‘for a long time’ defended wooden breastworks against the Persians, but were in the end overpowered.

Dr. G. B. Grundy, having recounted thus far the Herodotean story, writes (The Great Persian War, p. 357):

‘But the strangest part of the whole story is the account of the impression created in the fleet by the news of the capture. The inconsistency between the description of the garrison and its defensive works, and the alarm created by the capture of the fortification, is so glaring as to be irreconcilable, and modern historians have naturally been led to form conjectures as to what actually took place.’