bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Equality, Community, and the Scope of Distributive Justice: A Partial Defense of Cohen’s Vision
Authors: Choo Dong-Ryul
Published: March 2016

Luck egalitarians equalize the outcome enjoyed by people who exemplify the same degree of distributive desert by removing the influence of luck. They also try to calibrate differential rewards according to the pattern of distributive desert. This entails that they have to decide upon, among other things, the rate of reward, i.e., a principled way of distributing rewards to groups exercising different degrees of the relevant desert. However, the problem of the choice of reward principle is a relatively and undeservedly neglected issue among luck egalitarians. The main goal of this paper is to highlight the importance and difficulty of this problem, and to elaborate upon G. A. Cohen's community-oriented response to it. In the last section, I provide a taxonomy of distributive pluralism, contrasting Cohen’s view with other (not so genuine) pluralisms - especially with all-things-considered varieties - while trying to motivate readers to adopt the more robust form of pluralism.
‘Pulling the Monster Down’: Interview with William K. Carroll
Authors: Coburn Elaine
Published: March 2016

William K. Carroll is one of Canada’s foremost sociologists. His research and teaching focus on the contemporary capitalist political economy and transformative social movements, as well as Marxist and post-Marxist theories, particularly those informed by Gramsci. His empirical work investigates central actors within the Canadian and world political economy, including social democratic governments, right wing think-tanks and the for-profit and alternative media. He is the author of more than a hundred books, articles, chapters and reports, making important contributions on many subjects, including globalization, neoliberalism and critical research methods.
Aronsen, Lawrence. 2010. City of Love and Revolution; Mills, Sean. 2010. The Empire Within
Authors: Nesbitt Douglas
Published: March 2016

Aronsen, Lawrence. 2010. City of Love and Revolution: Vancouver in the Sixties. Vancouver: New Star Books. ISBN 978-1-55420-048-1. Paperback: 24.00 CAD. Pages: 208. Mills, Sean. 2010. The Empire Within: Postcolonial Thought and Political Activism in Sixties Montréal . Montréal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press. ISBN 978-0-7735-3965-1. Paperback: 29.95 CAD. Pages: 302.
Webber, Jeffrey. 2011. From Rebellion to Reform in Bolivia.
Authors: Larrabure Manuel
Published: March 2016

Webber, Jeffrey. 2011. From Rebellion to Reform in Bolivia. Chicago: Haymarket Books. ISBN: 978–1–60846–106–6. Paperback: 21.50 CAD. Pages: 281.
The “New Saskatchewan”: Neoliberal Renewal or Redux?
Authors: Enoch Simon
Published: March 2016

The release of Naomi Klein’s Shock Doctrine has popularized the notion that neoliberalism has relied on the rhetoric of crisis and emergency to persuade citizens to accept its economic dictates. How then does one “sell” the neoliberal vision when there can be no recourse to crisis rhetoric, particularly to a population steeped in a social democratic political culture? It is this question that this essay attempts to resolve by investigating the discourse of the “New Saskatchewan” that has been a favourite and recurrent meme of the Saskatchewan Party since the 2003 electoral campaign. This paper will argue that rather than relying on the rhetoric of crisis, the “New Saskatchewan” puts forward a discourse of prosperity that promises to unleash the full economic potential of the province through neoliberal economic policy. Moreover, the “New Saskatchewan” (NS) discourse has been specifically tailored to advance this neoliberal project in Saskatchewan by taking special care to address the local specificities unique to the politics of the province, while drawing upon historical narratives and themes that have been emblematic of Saskatchewan political history. La parution du livre The Shock Doctrine par Naomi Klein a popularisé l’idée que le néolibéralisme dépend d’une rhétorique de crise et d’urgence afin de persuader les citoyens d’accepter ses préceptes économiques. Comment peut-on vendre la vision néolibérale lorsqu’on ne peut pas recourir à une rhétorique de crise, en particulier vis-à-vis d’une population imprégnée d’une culture politique social-démocrate? Cet article s’adresse à cette question en examinant le discours de la Nouvelle Saskatchewan qui a été un mème favori et récurrent du parti Saskatchewanais depuis la campagne électorale de 2003. Cet article soutient que, plutôt que de se baser sur une rhétorique de crise, la Nouvelle Saskatchewan propose un discours de prospérité en promettant de déclencher le potentiel économique de la province par l’entremise d’une politique économique néo-libérale. Qui plus est, le discours de la Nouvelle Saskatchewan (NS) a été spécifiquement ajusté pour avancer le projet néo-libéral en Saskatchewan en abordant le caractère unique de la politique de la province, tout en puisant dans les récits historiques et thèmes qui ont été emblématiques de l’histoire politique de la Saskatchewan.
Marxism, Feminism, and Epistemological Dissonance
Authors: Bakan Abigail
Published: March 2016

The analytical relationship between Marxism and feminism has engaged critical scholarship and leftist practice since the time of the foundational contributions of Marx and Engels. Socialist feminist analysis has profoundly advanced contemporary Marxism. However, some strands in Marxist theory and left practice continue to be resistant to feminist contributions. It is this resistance that animates this paper, which is theorized as epistemological dissonance. While not in any way universal, such dissonance is pervasive and suggests an epistemological framing. This is suggested to include four dimensions, regarding: (i) temporality; (ii) idealized masculinities; (iii) specific views of totality in relation to class, race and gender; and (iv) the relationship between activism and the academy. Collectively, these elements maintain and advance not only certain tenets understood as “knowledge”, but also generate a kind of problematic left common sense that can inhibit constructive Marxist and socialist feminist investigation.
Creative Socialist-feminist Space: Creating Moments of Agency and Emancipation by Storytelling Outlawed Experiences and Relational Aesthetic
Authors: Changfoot Nadine
Published: March 2016

This article argues that creative socialist-feminist spaces, where art-based knowledge is created, can provide opportunities for creating new knowledge with emancipatory moments for those who are marginalized and have had marginalizing experiences. In so doing, commodified existence (Hennessey 2002) becomes disrupted through the emergence of new knowledge entwined with emotion. The outcome of this kind of endeavor includes transformational knowledge of self, relations of power, and a vision of alternative possibilities in relation to that knowledge. A relational aesthetic emerges where meaning for political change is co-created through the exploration of personal experience using an arts-based medium that itself creates community and political vision. These claims are made based on personal experience creating a digital-story (short 3-4 minute self-reflexive film) exploring the first memories of having a racialized body constituted by racist slurs and from a discourse that disidentifies one from Canadian citizenship and belonging.
Rosa Luxemburg’s ‘Accumulation of Capital’: New Perspectives on Capitalist Development and American Hegemony
Authors: Schmidt Ingo
Published: March 2016

The article begins with a cri tique of a variety of Marxist theories on capitalist development and the hegemony of the United States. These theories either see capitalism in stagnation and American hegemony in decline since the 1970s or understand neoliberalism as the American way to permanent hegemony. The former fail to explain accumulation during the era of neoliberalism, the latter can’t explain the current crisis of neoliberal capitalism. As an alternative a Luxemburgian approach is suggested, which proceeds in two steps. One, core concepts of Rosa Luxemburg’s Accumulation of Capital are introduced and the Marxist debate about her work reviewed. This is necessary because of the absence of any tradition of Luxemburgian political economy. Second, from a Luxemburgian perspective post-war capitalism developed in two phases, each of which was possible because class-struggles and international conflicts had opened non-capitalist environments for capitalist penetration. The first phase gave rise to consumer capitalism and neo-colonialism; the second was characterized by accumulation by dispossession that rolled back welfare states in the North and developmental states in the South, while also integrating formerly state-socialist countries, notably China, into the capitalist world-system. Cet article commence par une critique de plusieurs théories Marxistes sur le développement capitaliste et l’hégémonie des Etats-Unis. Soit ces théories constatent un capitalisme en stagnation et une hégémonie américaine en déclin depuis les années soixante-dix, soit elles décrivent le néolibéralisme comme la voie américaine vers l’hégémonie permanente. Celles-ci ne peuvent pas expliquer la crise actuelle du capitalisme néolibéral, tandis que celles-là échouent à expliquer le processus d’accumulation du capital pendant l’ère néolibérale. Comme alternative, l’auteur propose une approche inspirée par Luxemburg, en deux temps. Premièrement, il introduit les concepts clés de l’Accumulation du capital de Rosa Luxemburg et résume les débats Marxistes autour de ses œuvres. Ce temps est nécessaire du fait de l’absence d’une tradition d’économie politique à la suite de Luxemburg. Deuxièmement, dans une perspective issue de Luxemburg, le capitalisme d’après-guerre s’est développé en deux phases, dont chacune était possible parce que les luttes de classes et les conflits internationaux ont ouvert des brèches dans des sociétés non-capitalistes pour la pénétration du capitalisme. La première phase a permis l’émergence du capitalisme consumériste et du néo-colonialisme ; la deuxième se caractérise par l’accumulation par dépossession de l’état-providence dans le Nord et des états en développement dans le Sud, ainsi que par l’intégration des nations auparavant socialistes, notamment la Chine, dans le système-monde capitaliste.
Review: Smith. Everything You Know About Indians is Wrong
Authors: Baker Norma Jo
Published: March 2016

Smith, Paul Chaat. 2009. Everything You Know About Indians Is Wrong. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. ISBN 9780816656011. Cloth: 21.95 US. Pages: 193.
Reconstructing the Normative Foundations of Socialism
Authors: Noonan Jeff
Published: March 2016

In this paper I argue that underlying the different historical permutations of socialism is the normative idea of the life-ground of value.  I attempt to reconstruct the normative basis of socialism on the basis of this life-ground.  The aim is to make explicit the generalizable value of socialism as in everyone's human life-interests.  In the context of a growing crisis of life-conditions across the globe, the hope is to revive political interest in a broad based socialist alternative to an increasingly life-blind global market system. 
From ‘Here’ to ‘There’: Social Movements, the Academy and Solidarity Research
Authors: Brem-Wilson Josh
Published: March 2016

Increasing numbers of social movement scholars now advocate participatory and collaborative research approaches. These are often premised upon the assertion of a convergence between movement and researcher that implicates the latter in the struggles of the former. Naming this approach “solidarity research”, in this article I identify the components that provide the rationale for its pursuit. As well as affirming movement-researcher solidarity, this rationale also comprises a situated epistemology that asks academics to think reflexively about their research practice, the roles they play, and the interests they serve. This reveals the diverging positionality, of knowledge and interests, that often exists between movements and academics. Such concerns give rise to specific methodological and ethical principles that indicate the importance of negotiating this positionality to successful collaboration. Reflecting on my own experiences trying and sometimes failing to conduct participatory research with transnational agrarian movements, I identify dynamics that enable and constrain the pursuit of such collaborative research within commitments to broader methodological and ethical principles of solidarity.
G.A. Cohen’s Influence on Chinese Academia
Authors: Zhongqiao Duan , Yang Li
Published: March 2016

This research note surveys G.A. Cohen’s influence on Chinese academia by looking at four of his contributions, namely: applying analytical methods in Marxist studies; providing a sober understanding of the relationship between markets and socialism; defending and upholding socialist egalitarianism; and summoning Marxists to engage in moral justification of socialism. Cet note de recherche offre un aperçu de l’importance de G.A. Cohen dans le monde universitaire chinois en regardant quatre de ses contributions:en utilisant des méthodes analytiques dans des études marxistes; en offrant un éclairage sobre des relations entre les marchés et le socialisme; en défendant et en soutenant l’égalitarisme socialiste; et en demandant aux marxistes de s’engager dans les justifications morales du socialisme.
Compulsory “White” Heterosexuality: The Politics of Racial and Sexual Loyalty.
Authors: Deliovsky Katerina
Published: March 2016

I argue that compulsory “white” heterosexuality, the highly regulated and ritualized practice of channelling European women’s sexuality toward monogamous unions with men of the same race2, is one of the primary ways they are compelled to perform “white” feminine sexuality. Consistent with gender, ethnic and race expectations, and at times across class divisions, European women are expected to demonstrate their loyalty to whiteness and patriarchy. Animus toward interracial unions, particularly between European women and African men, reveal the hidden heteronormative expectations of compulsory “white” heterosexuality. If European women are perceived to challenge these expectations and are therefore seen as disloyal to whiteness and patriarchy, disciplinary regimes are employed to elicit and even coerce compliance. I do not argue that all European women in interracial unions are actively challenging European patriarchal power. Rather, their actions are perceived as a violation of whiteness regardless of the women’s intention or level of politicized consciousness.
Livingstone, David; Dorothy Smith and Warren Smith. 2011. Manufacturing Meltdown: Reshaping Steel Work
Authors: Duffy Ann
Published: March 2016

Livingstone, David; Dorothy Smith and Warren Smith. 2011. Manufacturing Meltdown: Reshaping Steel Work. Halifax: Fernwood. ISBN 978-1-55266-402-5 Paperback: 27.95 CAD. Pages: 218.
Engineering Barriers: An Empirical Investigation into the Mechanics of Downward Mobility.
Authors: Slade Bonnie
Published: March 2016

This paper explores the regulation of professional engineering and how the licensing process itself impacts the labour market position of immigrant engineers. Guided by the social ontology and method of inquiry of institutional ethnography, this paper provides a map of the licensing process for engineering in Ontario and shows how immigrant engineers are constructed as exceptions to the process, despite the fact that immigrant engineers outnumber Ontario engineering graduates. Having to first go though individualized academic and work experience assessments, they also require one year Canadian work experience. Research has shown that it is difficult for immigrant engineers to successfully complete the licensing process. This paper details the administrative work processes that cause delays and difficulties for immigrant engineers, and discusses the labour market implications of not having a professional licence.
Family Policy, Women’s Employment and Supranational Organizations.
Authors: Baker Maureen
Published: March 2016

In the past thirty years, a number of states have joined together to create trade alliances designed to compete more effectively in a global economy. These supranational organizations (such as the European Union and the International Labour Organisation) expand into the realm of ‘family policy’ when they make policies or pass legal judgments on such matters as the rights of migrant workers and their families, pay equity between part-time and full-time workers, and parental benefits. This paper discusses the impact of these policies and decisions on women workers, explores their underlying assumptions about women and family, and questions whether these supranational policies affect national autonomy in the area of family policy. The paper concludes that national politics remain a strong force influencing state responses to globalization and pressures from supranational organizations to harmonize social policy.
Doves Devoured, the Serpent Remains: On the Need for a Scientific Critique of Ethics
Authors: Gray Paul Christopher
Published: March 2016

Doves Devoured, the Serpent Remains: On the Need for a Scientific Critique of Ethics
Social Activism Among Some Early Twentieth-Century Baha’is
Authors: Van den Hoonaard Will C.
Published: March 2016

This article discusses the socialist involvement of three of Canada’s earliest Bahá’ís, namely Paul Kingston Dealy, Honoré Jaxon, and Rose Henderson. Given that the Bahá’í Faith had an authentic interest in economic and social justice from its earliest days, a number of these early Bahá’ís were involved in socialism. This paper seeks to explain such an engagement despite the Bahá’í proscription of involvement in partisan politics. Because of the paucity of Bahá’í core writings until the early 1920s, a number of early Bahá’ís fit what they perceived to be Bahá’í teachings to their personal views, which led a number of them to engage in political activism. These views stand in sharp contrast to the Bahá’í teachings forbidding such involvement. Moreover, the porous membership boundaries in the early days of the Bahá’í community did not allow members to be consistent about criteria of Bahá’í membership. However, by the 1920s, membership in the Bahá’í community had become formalized and the prohibition against engaging in political affairs became a sine qua non for such membership. As a result, these early Bahá’ís either formally relinquished their membership or withdrew from active participation. At the current time, the Bahá’í Community of Canada numbers approximately 33,000 adherents. It is a religion that was founded in 1844.
Reconsidering the Underground Railroad: Slavery and Racialization in the Making of the Canadian State
Authors: Bakan Abigail
Published: March 2016

The Underground Railroad is commonly understood as a defining moment in the ideology of the Canadian state regarding the legacy of racism and anti-racism. This paper attempts to recast the narrative of the Underground Railroad through the lens of an anti-imperialist, anti-racist political economy, departing from the view of Canada’s anti-racist rescue of fugitive slaves from racist America. The Underground Railroad was in fact the product primarily of the struggle for self-emancipation of American black slaves. The central place of these actors as agents of their own freedom struggle needs to be recognized and restored, taken as a theoretical and historical starting point in explaining the pre-history of Confederation. The British North American colonies served as a safe space for fugitive slaves as a result of realpolitik; racism and a culture of hegemonic whiteness were endemic to the early origins of the Canadian state. This analysis is placed in the context of current and historical discussions of anti-racism and anti-imperialism.
The Transnational Capitalist Class, the Trilateral Commission and the Case of Japan: Rhetorics and Realities
Authors: Takase Hisanao
Published: March 2016

Although the Japanese elite are now part of neoliberal globalization, this elite's rise within the transnational capitalist fraction has escaped the attention of social scientists outside Japan, with some exceptions including Stephen Gill’s (1990)’s work on the Trilateral Commission (TC) and Leslie Sklair’s (2001) book on multinational corporations and banks. The paper addresses this relatively underwritten case, by describing the transformations represented by transnationalisation of production and ownership and the historical and international context of Japanese capitalism. In addition, it examines the important role of the TC in supporting the creation of a transnational capitalist class. Throughout, I highlight the rhetorics used by the TC that emphasize the importance and benefits of neoliberal forms of economic transnationalization. In addition, I trace Japanese elite support for neoliberal forms of transnational integration in a series of Japanese economic Reports written in the 1990s. And, I examine quantitative evidence, as well as suggestive qualitative evidence around network ties of increasing transnationalization involving Japan. The article concludes that Japan’s elite is rhetorically and economically align with Western transnational capital fractions and increasingly acting as a transnational capitalist bloc, including through participation in the TC.
Strategy, Meta-strategy and Anti-capitalist Activism: Rethinking Leninism by Re-reading Lenin
Authors: D'Arcy Stephen
Published: March 2016

Whereas Marxism is a theory, or rather a cluster of theories, Leninism is something else: a political strategy. And as Lenin himself pointed out, strategies are neither true nor false, but only effective or ineffective, depending largely on the context within which they are carried out. In the context of today’s North America, however, the adoption by radical activists of the standard Leninist norms for anti-capitalist organizing would be counter-productive. What is needed now is a very different approach: a strategy of attrition, as Lenin would have said, rather than a strategy of overthrow. This article concludes by sketching an attrition strategy for contemporary anti-capitalist activism. Tandis que le marxisme est une théorie, ou plutôt un agrégat de théories, le léninisme est autre chose: une stratégie politique. Et, comme Lénine lui-même l’a souligné, les stratégies sont ni vraies ni fausses, mais seulement efficaces ou pas efficaces, en fonction du contexte dans lequel elles sont mises en œuvre. Toutefois, dans le contexte de l’Amérique du Nord d’aujourd’hui, l’adoption par des activistes radicaux des normes léninistes habituelles pour des mobilisations anti-capitalistes serait contre-productive. Une approche très différente est désormais nécessaire: une stratégie d’usure, comme Lénine l’aurait dit, au lieu d’une stratégie de renversement. Cet article conclut en esquissant une stratégie d’usure pour l’activisme anti-capitaliste contemporain.
Staying Afloat on Social Assistance: Parents’ Strategies of Balancing Employability Expectations and Caregiving Demands
Authors: Gazso Amber
Published: March 2016

Using a feminist political economy lens, this paper explores the balancing of work and family by parents on social assistance in British Columbia, Alberta and Saskatchewan. In all three provinces, restructuring of policy has made parents' entitlement to assistance increasingly contingent on their employability efforts (e.g. mandatory job searches, participation in welfare-to-work programs). This entitlement relationship is implicated by simultaneous and contradictory processes embedded in neo-liberal restructuring - gendering and familization - that problematically affect parents' ability to balance their actual or potential employability expectations with family caregiving demands. Drawing on qualitative data from 46 interviews, this paper reveals the strategies that parents then utilize to manage these competing demands so that they can maintain their family's survival- or ";stay afloat"; - while living on social assistance. In terms of thematic areas, these intricately inter-related coping strategies include: learn the system; play the system; social support; pawning. The significance of these findings for feminist challenges of neo-liberalism and for meeting social justice goals (i.e. economic security; equality) is discussed.
Socialism and Democracy in Latin America’s Left Turns
Authors: Burron Neil
Published: March 2016

Maxwell A. Cameron and Eric Hershberg, eds. 2010. Latin America’s Left Turns: Politics, Policies and Trajectories of Change. Boulder: Lynne Rienner. ISBN: 978-1-58826-739-9. Paperback: 27.50 USD. Pages: 320. James Petras and Henry Veltmeyer. 2009. What's Left in Latin America? Regime Change in New Times. Farnham: Ashgate. ISBN: 978-0-7546-7797-0. Cloth: 99.95 USD. Pages: 266. Eduardo Silva. 2009. Challenging Neoliberalism in Latin America. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN: 9780521705721. Paperback: 29.95 CAD. Pages: 336.
Book Review: I am not a Man, I am Dynamite! Friedrich Nietzche and the Anarchist Tradition
Authors: Day Richard
Published: March 2016

Review of I am not a Man, I am Dynamite! Friedrich Nietzche and the Anarchist Tradition, by John Moore and Spencer Sunshine (Eds.)
Canada, Empire and Indigenous People in the Americas
Authors: Gordon Todd
Published: March 2016

This article argues that Canada is an imperial power in the global order, and that more traditional notions of Canada as a rich dependency or arguments that call for a project to defend Canadian sovereignty fail to properly account for this. Central to the Canadian state project, both in its historical and contemporary manifestations, is an agenda of accumulation by dispossession, in which Indigenous nations are a central target. In the period of neoliberalism, Canadian capital, facilitated by the state, is searching out new spaces of accumulation in Canada and abroad, particularly in Latin America, and Indigenous land and labour are crucial to its success. Instead of defending Canadian sovereignty, the Left must respond by developing a sharp anti-imperialist analysis of Canada’s role in the global economy. This article will draw on the policies and strategies of Canada’s mining industry, which is a powerful actor at home and abroad, as one important example of the imperialist dynamics it is tracing.
Making Change From Below
Authors: Smith Dorothy
Published: March 2016

In this paper I've tried to spell out what I think we're confronting in attempting to make change in the context of global capitalism. I've used the notion of making change from below because the kind of government organization that made taking it over appear practicable has largely disappeared in a fragmentation of the state at many levels both within Canada and at international levels. Moreover the terrain of struggle has shifted from the directly physical to the contemporary text-mediated relations that pervade our societies. Right now we are also going through a rapid reorganization of governance replacing bureaucratic and professional organization with new managerial forms that subordinate both government and public institutions to the service of global capital. We can, however, find models of making change from below that have been effective. I look first to the Women's Movement, proposing that in addition to the specifics of its achievements, women in Canada are recognized and recognize ourselves as political subjects and agents. I then introduce more current examples of change initiated by non-governmental organizations, including unions. While specific objectives may be achieved, in the longer run these forms of organizing to make change are also important in building people's experience of acting and organizing, in extending connections among activists, and in grounding people's capacities to experience themselves as political subjects. 
Landsberg, Michele. 2011. Writing the Revolution.
Authors: Reiter Ester
Published: March 2016

Landsberg, Michele. 2011. Writing the Revolution.
Book Review: Ecological Ethics: An Introduction
Authors: Richardson Mary
Published: March 2016

Review of Ecological Ethics: An Introduction, by Patrick Curry
Stuart Hall: An Exemplary Socialist Public Intellectual?
Authors: Pimlott Herbert
Published: March 2016

Most assessments of the influence of scholars and public intellectuals focus on their ideas, which are based upon an implicit assumption that their widespread circulation are a result of the veracity and strength of the ideas themselves, rather than the processes of production and distribution, including the intellectual’s own contribution to the ideas’ popularity by attending conferences and public rallies, writing for periodicals, and so on. This concise article offers an assessment of the late Stuart Hall’s role as a socialist public intellectual by connecting the person, scholar and public intellectual to the organisations, institutions and publications through which his contributions to both cultural studies and left politics were produced and distributed. This article includes an emphasis on Hall’s ‘Thatcherism’ thesis and his public interventions via the periodical, Marxism Today, during the 1980s.
The Kahnawá:ke Standoff and Reflections on Fascism
Authors: Bedford David , Cheney Thomas
Published: March 2016

This article offers a critical interpretation of the state and media reactions to the crisis at Oka, Québec in the summer of 1990. Drawing on Marx’s analysis of Bonapartism, or fascism, it is argued that the Canadian state was willing to use excessive force to suppress the Mohawk dissidents. Its fascist methods also included racial demonizing and using the basest impulses of angry crowds to intimidate Natives. Mainstream media sources played an unmistakable role in channelling this racist violence against the rebelling Aboriginals. The function of competing nationalisms (Mohawk, Québécois and Canadian) in this episode is analyzed as well. It is argued that solidarity between the working class and the Mohawks may have resulted in a more positive outcome of the conflict. A renewed set of relations between the Canadian left and Aboriginals could reveal constructive ways forward for groups struggling under the weight of capitalist society and its state. Cet article offre une interprétation critique des réactions de l’Etat et des médias à la crise de Oka, Québec dans l’été 1990. Utilisant l’analyse que Marx avait faite du Bonapartisme ou fascisme, il suggère que l’Etat canadien était prêt à employer une force excessive afin de supprimer les dissidents Mohawk. Ses méthodes fascistes incluaient la diabolisation raciale et l’utilisation des pires impulsions des foules en colère afin d’intimider les Autochtones. Les médias dominants ont joué un rôle indubitable en canalisant cette violence raciste contre les Autochtones rebelles. La fonction des nationalismes rivaux (Mohawk, Québécois et Canadien) dans cet épisode est également analysée. Cet article défend que la solidarité entre la classe ouvrière et les Mohawk aurait pu aboutir à un résultat plus positif du conflit. Des relations renouvelées entre la gauche Canadienne et les Autochtones pourrait révéler des voies constructives pour des groupes luttant sous le poids de la société capitaliste et son Etat.
Fight for Your Long Day, by Alex Kudera
Authors: Potter Garry
Published: March 2016

Book Review
Securitisation as Depoliticisation: Depoliticisation as Pacification
Authors: Jackson Will
Published: March 2016

This article considers the development of the liberal state’s approach to national security in the era of the ‘war on terror’. The analysis focuses on state security strategies, considering how the state positions the politics of security historically through its representation of the current security ‘environment’. Drawing upon a critical analysis of the various layers of official strategy produced by the UK, US and Australia in this era, the article considers in the first instance the process of depoliticisation that defines the official understanding of security threats. The effects of depoliticising the issues and individuals deemed to constitute a threat to national security are subsequently considered through the theory of pacification plotting the links between securitization, depoliticisation and pacification. In doing so the analysis demonstrates how the framing of national security is pivotal to the official representation of ‘extremism’ and to the subsequent policing of protest and political activity. The article therefore suggests that the liberal state’s politics of security are defined by a pacification process that seeks to produce citizen-subjects who are unable and unwilling to resist the current social order.
On Pacification: Introduction to the Special Issue
Authors: Neocleous Mark , Rigakos George , Wall Tyler
Published: March 2016

On Pacification: Introduction to the Special Issue
Austerity and its Aftermath: Neoliberalism and Labour in Argentina
Authors: Felder Ruth , Patroni Viviani
Published: March 2016

The crisis Argentina faced in the late 1980s legitimized a diagnosis that linked the country’s poor economic performance to an inward-looking economy, excessive fiscal spending, unwarranted state regulations, a misguided set of incentives that failed to boost competitiveness and the “economic populism” that privileged political goals over economic efficiency. Alternatively, the solution was sought in policies that privileged deregulation, the free flow of commodities and capital, privatization and a selective intervention of the state in the economy. In this article we will account for the shape of neoliberal restructuring in Argentina by drawing attention to the heavy costs stabilization imposed on the country as the decade progressed. We will emphasize the costs the workers were called on to bear and the responses that emerged from them to challenge neoliberalism. La crise qui a frappé l’Argentine à la fin des années 1980 a justifié un diagnostic qui liait la faible performance économique à plusieurs facteurs : le caractère endogène de son économie, les dépenses excessives de l’État, les réglementations mal avisées, les stimulants mal ciblés qui ne sont pas parvenus à soutenir la compétitivité et le « populisme économique » qui privilégiait les finalités politiques plutôt que l’efficacité économique. En réponse à ce diagnostic, les solutions privilégiées visaient la déréglementation, la libre circulation des marchandises et du capital, les privatisations et l’intervention ciblée de l’État dans l’économie. Cet article présente la configuration des réformes néolibérales en Argentine en insistant sur les coûts élevés que la stabilisation a entraînés au cours de la décennie. Nous soulignons l’importance du fardeau imposé aux travailleurs et travailleuses ainsi que leurs réactions pour contrer le néolibéralisme.
Seeds of Resistance: Towards a Revolutionary Critical Ecopedagogy
Authors: McLaren Peter
Published: March 2016

The death throes of mother earth are imminent unless we decelerate the planetary ecological crisis. Critical educators, who have addressed with firm commitment topics of race, class, gender, sexuality, disability, and other social justice issues are casting their eyes to the antagonism between capitalism and nature to ask themselves how we can rationally regulate the human metabolic relation with nature. As the global power complex reduces human life and mother earth to mere production and consumption, critical revolutionary ecopedagogy is developing new, unalienated forms of selfpresence. Ecopedagogy is inspired by and inspires a new social arc, rooted in practices of ecological struggles by the working classes and the poor – an unabashedly utopian dreaming of a post-capitalist future.
Note on Stuart Hall’s “Cultural Identity and Diaspora”
Authors: Hussey Ian
Published: March 2016

For some Marxists, issues of culture, identity and representation are secondary. In this research note, I analytically reflect on Stuart Hall’s (1996) canonical essay “Cultural Identity and Diaspora,” which stresses that these are significant concerns for anyone struggling for liberation. In his essay, Hall explicates two definitions of "cultural identity." The first is an essentialist identity, which emphasizes the similarities amongst a group of people. Hall argues that this definition can and does inspire feminist, anti-colonial and anti-racist art and activism, but cannot help us comprehend the trauma of colonialism. The second definition emphasizes the similarities and the differences amongst an imagined cultural group. Hall asserts that this definition is useful for understanding the trauma of colonialism because it emphasizes the historical and social contingency of identity. By using this definition in our analysis of power and normalization, we are better able to scrutinize historical and contemporary colonial relations and to struggle against them.
The Pacification of the Favelas: Mega Events, Global Competitiveness, and the Neutralization of Marginality
Authors: Saborio Sebastian
Published: March 2016

Rio de Janeiro is preparing to host two major sporting events in the coming years: the 2014 FIFA World Football Cup and the 2016 Olympic Games. Local authorities are promoting these mega events as an opportunity to increase the global competitiveness of the city. But in order to attract private capital from the global economy it is not enough for Rio to showcase the city as capable of organizing and implementing these events. Rather, the authorities must also demonstrate that what has been considered one of the most dangerous cities in the world can now become a safe place for business. To do so, what has been promoted as a new model of ‘community policing’ the UPP (Pacifying Police Units) has been implemented since 2008 in 107 favelas. The majority of the favelas involved in the program are situated around the sites where these mega events will take place and around other wealthy areas of the city. This article analyses the relation between mega events, global competitiveness and the neutralization of local marginality.

 

Rio de Janeiro se prépare à accueillir les plus grands événement sportifs des prochaines années: la coupe du monde de football en 2014 et les jeux olympiques en 2016. Les autorités locales valorisent ces événements mondiaux comme autant d’opportunités pour augmenter la compétitivité de la ville.  Cependant, il n’est pas suffisant pour attirer les capitaux privés de l’économie mondiale que Rio soit valorisée comme une ville capable d’organiser et de gérer ces événements. Les autorités doivent aussi démontrer que, ce qui auparavant était considéré comme une des plus dangereuses villes du monde, peut maintenant devenir un endroit sûr pour les entreprises. Dans ce but, l’ UPP (Pacifying Police Units) a été mis en place en 2008 dans 107 favelas et est décrit comme le nouveau modèle de la police communitarian. La plupart des favelas intégrées dans le programme sont situées autour des lieux qui accueilleront les événements et dans d’autres endroits confortables de la ville. Pour cette raisons, cette article analyse les relations entre les événements mondiaux, la compétitivité mondiale et la neutralisation de la marginalité locale.
Cohen on Socialism, Equality and Community
Authors: Gilabert Pablo
Published: March 2016

In this article I discuss G. A. Cohen’s account of the principles animating the socialist ideal. In his book Why Not Socialism? Cohen argues that socialism is based on two principles of radical equality of opportunity and community. Although I am quite sympathetic to Cohen’s contribution, I identify what I take to be some problems in it and suggest ways to overcome them. I challenge Cohen’s claim that although the principle of radical equality of opportunity is a principle of justice, the principle of community is only a wider moral requirement. I argue that to fully account for the role and weight of considerations of community within the socialist ideal, and to justify the limitations on liberty that they would impose in practice, we have reason to see some of them as more stringent demands of justice. More specifically, I propose a construal of some of the demands of community as focused on sufficientarian concerns with basic needs and on requirements to protect equal political status and self-respect, and explain how, so construed, the demands of community relate to demands of equality of economic opportunity and to the protection of personal and political liberty. Dans cet article, je discute le point de vue de G.A. Cohen sur les principes qui animent l ‘idéal socialiste. Dans son livre ‘Pourquoi Pas Le Socialisme?’ Cohen maintient que le socialisme est basé sur les deux principes d’égalité radicale de l’opportunité et de la communauté. Même si je partage assez largement cette conception, j’en identifie quelques problèmes de mon point de vue et suggère quelque pistes pour les combler. Contre Cohen, je ne pense pas que le principe d’égalité radicale d’opportunité soit un principe de justice, alors que le principe de communauté serait seulement un impératif moral plus large. Je maintiens qu’afin de rendre compte pleinement du rôle et du poids des considérations sur la communauté dans l’idéal socialiste, et de justifier les limitations sur la liberté qu’elles imposeraient en pratique, nous avons raison de penser que certaines d’entre elles expriment des demandes fortes de justice . Plus spécifiquement, je propose de reformuler certaines demandes des communautés centrées sur des préoccupations d’autosuffisance relatives à des besoins fondamentaux et sur les conditions de protection de l’égalité politique et du respect de soi, et j’explique comment, sous cet angle, les demandes d’une communauté sont étroitement liées à des demandes d’égalité d’opportunité et de protection de la liberté personnelle et politique.
Socialist Studies, Volume 9, Number 2 (Full Issue)
Authors: Socialist Studies -
Published: March 2016

Socialist Studies, Volume 9, Number 2 (Full Issue)
Book Review: Anarchy and Art: from the Paris Commune to the Fall of the Berlin Wall
Authors: Walby Kevin
Published: March 2016

Review of Anarchy and Art: from the Paris Commune to the Fall of the Berlin Wall, by Allan Antliff
Towards the United Front: Proceedings of the Fourth Congress of the Communist International, 1922, by John Riddell
Authors: Kellogg Paul
Published: March 2016

Towards the United Front: Proceedings of the Fourth Congress of the Communist International, 1922, by John Riddell
Identificación molecular de bacterias asociadas a plantas ornamentales producidas in vitro
Authors: Ramírez-Rojas Sergio , Osuna-Canizalez Felipe De Jesus , García-Pérez Faustino , Canul-Ku Jaime , Hernández-Romano Jesús , Ornelas-Ocampo Katya , Landa-Salgado Patricia
Published: March 2016

En plantas ornamentales reproducidas in vitro en viveros del Centro de Desarrollo Tecnológico Tezoyuca perteneciente al FIRA, se detectaron síntomas de necrosamiento en hojas y tallo durante la fase de adaptación. El objetivo de este trabajo fue identificar el agente etiológico de la enfermedad en hojas y tallos necrosados de los explantes en la etapa de aclimatación, los cuales se sembraron en condiciones asépticas para detectar el crecimiento de microorganismos. Se obtuvieron doce colonias de bacterias de dichas muestras, a las que se les extrajo ADN con un kit comercial. Los iniciadores de la reacción de PCR fueron rP2 y fD1. Todos los productos de PCR se secuenciaron y se analizaron con el programa Chromas Lite®. Utilizando la búsqueda de homología por BLAST se identificaron las siguientes bacterias: Kosakonia oryzae, Pectobacterium cypripedii, Burkholderia tropica, Serratia marcescens, Pantoea dispersa, Erwinia rhapontici, Pantoea dispersa y Pantoea agglomerans. De éstas, Pectobacterium cypripedii, Pantoea agglomerans y Erwinia rhapontici son de importancia fitosanitaria. No se hicieron pruebas de patogenicidad con estos microorganismos.
Evaluación de la demanda energética de edificios no residenciales en Escocia = Energy demand benchmarking of non-domestic buildings in Scotland
Authors: Chetboula Julien , Garnier Céline , Bros-Williamson Julio
Published: March 2016

ResumenCon los años el rendimiento energético del edificio se ha convertido en una preocupación predominante para los propietarios y administradores de bienes raíces. La atención se centra generalmente en edificios de viviendas, pero en los últimos veinte años un interés en edificios no residenciales ha surgido en el Reino Unido. Los puntos de referencia general se pueden encontrar a escala del Reino Unido, aunque a menudo está restringido a Inglaterra y Gales. Este documento tiene como objetivo proporcionar puntos de referencia para el parque inmobiliario no doméstico escocés como parte del Ayuntamiento de Edimburgo. En esta investigación, la muestra seleccionada incluye datos de energía y las emisiones de carbono calculadas de 199 edificios.Los parámetros decisivos fueron la intensidad de uso de la energía (kWh/m2) y el uso y la edad de los edificios. Esto permitió la creación de seis tipos de edificios, aunque siguiendo patrones de ocupación se dividió en cuatro categorías desde el s. XVI hasta el s. XXI. Los principales resultados revelan el predominio de un clúster de edificios educativos en términos de superficie (72%), el número de edificios (70%), las emisiones de carbono (68% de los cerca de 42.000 toneladas de CO2) y el consumo de energía (61% de la 38,4 MWh de electricidad consumida, y el 73% del 117,4 MWh de gas natural que se consume). Entre estos niveles de consumo destacan el potencial de ahorro de energía para las escuelas: 186 kWh / m2 / año en promedio, en comparación con la media europea de 100 kWh / m2 / año de energía térmica de uso final. AbstractOver the years building energy performance has become a predominant concern for owners and real estate managers. The focus is usually on residential buildings but in the last twenty years an interest in non-domestic buildings has emerged in the UK. Benchmarks can generally be found at UK scale, although often restricted to England and Wales. This paper aims to provide benchmarks for the Scottish non-domestic building stock as part of the City of Edinburgh Council estate. In this research, the selected sample includes energy data and calculated carbon emissions of 199 buildings. The deciding parameters were the energy use intensity (kWh/m2) and the use and age of buildings. The last two allowed the creation of six clusters in which to group buildings of similar occupancy patterns in four age categories from the 16th to the 21st century. The main findings reveal the predominance of an educational buildings cluster in terms of floor area (72%), number of buildings (70%), carbon emissions (68% of about 42,000 tons of CO2), and energy consumption (61% of the 38.4 MWh of electricity consumed, and 73% of the 117.4 MWh of natural gas consumed). These levels of consumption highlight the energy saving potential for schools: 186 kWh/m2/year on average, in comparison with the European average of 100 kWh/m2/year for thermal end-use energy.