bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Imprisonment in Classical Athens
Authors: Allen Danielle
Published: November 2004

Nineteenth–century scholars assumed that the Athenians as a community punished citizens with death, exile,atimia, and fines and used imprisonment only to hold those awaiting trial, those awaiting execution, and those unable to pay fines.1As they saw it, brief imprisonment in the stocks occasionally supplemented these penalties, but always as additional penalty–never as a penalty on its own. Barkan saw in the use of imprisonment as an additional penalty the likelihood of general penal imprisonment and used evidence from the oratorical corpus to make an argument therefore.2 His argument seems to have been largely ignored–the nineteenth–century interpretation continuing dominant; and the issue, largely unexplored but for a few glancing references in recent scholarship.3 The issue remains, thus, sufficiently vexed to make worthwhile a restatement of the argument for the use of punitive imprisonment. Also, the evidence provides clues worth setting forth as to why and when punitive imprisonment developed. Indeed, these are sufficient to make an argument about the relevance of the development to Athenian political history. For the introduction of penal imprisonment in Athens proves an extremely important historical moment, marking as it does both the completion of a general will institutionalized (in a punishment of consumption of the wrong–doer within, rather than of expulsion from, the community) and a significant point in the establishment ofisonomia.
The meaning of Republic 606a3–b5
Authors: Mastrangelo Marc , Harris John
Published: November 2004

If you would reflect that the part of the soul that in the former case, in our own misfortunes, was forcibly restrained, and that has hungered for tears and a good cry and satisfaction, because it is its nature to desire these things, is the element in us that the poets satisfy and delight, and that the best element in our nature, since it has never been properly educated by reason or even by habit, then relaxes its guard over the plaintive part, inasmuch as this is contemplating the woes of others and it is no shame to it to praise and pity another who, claiming to be a good man, abandons himself to excess in his grief; but [he] thinks this vicarious pleasure is so much clear gain, and would not consent to forfeit it by disdaining the poem altogether.
The books of Phaedrus requested by Cicero(Att.13.39)
Authors: Summers Kirk
Published: November 2004

Around 16 August of 45 B.C. Cicero wrote a brief letter to Atticus (Alt. 13.39) in which he reminds Atticus to send the books of the Epicurean scholarch Phaedrus that he had requested. The Greek words in the text of his request have been corrupted through the centuries
Themistokles and Ephialtes
Authors: Lewis R. G.
Published: November 2004

On any view, the Aristotelian account of Athens' constitutional history between victory over the Persian invaders and Ephialtes' reforms of the Areopagus and indeed beyond must be regarded as factually grudging and difficult to follow. Worse, current orthodoxy1 convicts it of a major chronological blunder for assigning a part in those reforms, which it places securely and beyond doubt correctly in the archonship of Konon (462/1), to Themistokles, who had been ostracized from the city perhaps as early as 473/2 and in any case by 467/62.
Lysias III and Athenian beliefs about revenge
Authors: Harris W. V.
Published: November 2004

It has recently been argued by Gabriel Herman that fourth-century Athenian citizens, or at least the majority of them, believed that even under the impact of serious private aggression a man should not pursue revenge. The general ideal, so it is maintained, was to avoid not only violent revenge but also revenge through prosecution. Herman recognizes that other Athenian texts of the same period take the propriety of exacting revenge for granted, and he explains this in part by reference to a supposed ‘double standard’—a rather strange expression in this context, because it suggests that the propriety of revenge in classical Athens depended on the status of the victim of the revenge—which is not in fact the burden of Herman's doctrine.
Saving the ϕαινόμενα: a note on Aristotle's definition of anger
Authors: Harris W. V.
Published: November 2004

In hisRhetoricAristotle gives six definitions of emotions in approximately the following form, with the word(Rhetoric ii.2.137830–1). Does he mean ‘Let anger be a reaching-out, accompanied by pain, forconspicuousrevenge for someconspicuousslight to oneself or one's own, the slight not having been deserved’, or should ϕαινομένηςίην be taken to mean ‘manifest, plain’, or (a third possibility) should it be translated ‘perceived, apparent’? Since this is his fullest definition of anger, the question deserves discussion, even though a number of scholars, including such an expert on Aristotle's philosophy of the emotions as W. W. Fortenbaugh, have previously answered the question in what I think is the right way.
Friendship, politics, and literature in Catullus: poems 1, 65 and 66, 116
Authors: Tatum W. Jeffrey
Published: November 2004

To the extent that one subscribes to the proposition, by now a virtual principle of criticism (at least in some circles), that literary texts constitute sites for the negotiation, often vigorous, of power relations within a society, the reader of Catullus can hardly avoid some consideration of the poet's attitude toward contemporary political matters. It is a subject on which two principal lines of thought can be traced. Mommsen argued that Catullus responded to the enormities that followed the reinvigoration of the First Triumvirate at the conference of Luca in 56 by occupying a thoroughly optimate position. Wilamowitz, on the other hand, insisted that Catullus' lyrics reflect only moments of the author's individual experience, amongst which expressions of personal distaste for certain public figures naturally appear but nothing which can appropriately be taken as indications of a political stance. The approach of Wilamowitz has proved more influential, followed in spirit if not in specifics by numerous commentators. To the degree that Catullus has been assimilated to the Augustan elegists, whose poems have been deemed by a scholar of the stature of Veyne to be anti-political in nature, it has been all the easier to reject the idea that Catullus adopts a political position, an assessment strongly maintained in a recent study by Paul Allen Miller, for whom the rejection of all political engagement is thesine qua nonof true lyric poetry. Mommsen's optimate Catullus has lately found his champion, however, in a careful article by H. P. Syndikus. Although Miller and Syndikus, like Wilamowitz and Mommsen, draw diametrically opposed conclusions concerning politics in Catullus' poetry, they are agreed nevertheless that politics can be regarded as a relatively straightforward term: it refers to statecraft, matters of government, and party strife. Other readers, however, have been more self-conscious in their theoretical concerns, a salutary consequence of which has been a shift by some to a less narrow conception of the field of reference appropriate to discussions of ‘the political’ in Latin literature.
The Senate, the courts, and theSC de Cn. Pisone patre
Authors: Richardson J. S.
Published: November 2004

The origins and nature of the judicial role of the senate in cases which under the republic were the business of the permanentquaestioneshave been the subject of long debate, and a satisfactory explanation has yet to be found for the change that had undoubtedly taken place by the reign of Tiberius. The discovery and publication of the senatorial decree which concluded the investigation into the charge brought in A.D. 20 against Cn. Piso following the murder of Germanicus,2 in addition to the wealth of new material it provides for the political history of the period and the understanding of the methods of the historian Tacitus, allows an insight into the relation of the senate to thequaestio maiestatiswhich may prove useful in unravelling some of the puzzles which have troubled scholars hitherto.
A note on Euripides, Hecuba 1054F
Authors: Korenjak Martin
Published: November 2004

The manuscripts attribute these lines with 1049–53 to Hecuba. This is accepted by all editors. But the fear of Polymestor as revealed in the sentence does not fit the death wishes Hecuba expresses e.g. in 167f., 231–3, 383–7, 391–3, 396; nor is it consistent with her scornful description of the blind king as in 1050.
Violets and violence: two notes
Authors: Jacobson Howard
Published: November 2004

Servius was surely not the first to show discomfort with Vergil's choice of the word violaverit. Observing that the simile in lines 67–8 derives from Homer (Il. 4.141), he seems to be apologizing for Vergil when he explains that the poet's violaverit translates Homer's νι⋯νη. And discomfort there should be. The notion of ‘tainting, spoiling, damaging, defiling’ that violare should carry seems out of place both for the ivory-image and for the picture of the beautiful girl. Modern commentators have been no less troubled than Servius. Unwilling, however, to see Vergil as blindly enslaved to Homer, they have offered another explanation: violare here is tied to the violentia of her lover Turnus. ‘Vergil connects the violentia of Turnus with the staining of the ivory in the simile used to describe Lavinia's blush.’ should like to add a third explanation for Vergil's choice of violare.
Facta impia(Virgil,Aeneid4.596–9)
Authors: Casali Sergio
Published: November 2004

Dawn. Aeneas has just left. As soon as Dido notices that the Trojan fleet is sailing far away from Carthage she is overcome by despair and launches into an enraged monologue(Aeneid4.590–629), which climaxes in her curse against Aeneas and all of his descendants (607–29). In the first part of the monologue (590–606) Dido reproaches herself for how she has dealt with Aeneas:
Homer, Odyssey 17.221
Authors: Jacobson Howard
Published: November 2004

In the discussions and debates about the precise nature of Melanthios’ abuse of Eumaios and Odysseus at Od. 17.215–32 and especially the meaning of μoλoβρóν at 219, an important point appears to have been missed.
The Thucydidean Tetralogy (1.67–88)
Authors: Lang Mabel B.
Published: November 2004

A new look at Thucydides’ account of the debate at Sparta motivating the Spartan declaration of war (1.67–88) may provide a footnote to valuable past discussion. Chief concerns about the debate have always been (1) the uniqueness of the four-speech set-up; (2) the oddity of an Athenian embassy in attendance at a Peloponnesian League meeting; and (3) the unlikelihood that any detailed report of speeches made to the Peloponnesian League or Spartan assembly came to Athens. Thucydides' judgement concerning the cause of the Peloponnesian War is far more likely to have been based on his knowledge of past and present relations between Athens and Sparta and members of the Peloponnesian League (Ξυμπ⋯σα γνώμη) than on any information about an actual debate (τ⋯ ⋯ληθ⋯ς λɛχθ⋯ντα). But for τ⋯ δ⋯oντα he needed a confrontation which would not only dramatize both opposition I and characters of Sparta and Athens but also put them in historical context, that is, in their Persian War roles as recorded by Herodotus. Only in this way is it possible to explain peculiarities of this confrontation which appear to duplicate characteristics of the Herodotean debate involving Athens and Sparta before the battle of Plataea. Thuc. 1.67–88 is like Hdt. 8.140–4 in comprising four speeches of which the first (A) 1 is answered by the third (Cl) and the second (B) is answered by the fourth (C2). In each case Cl and C2 are spoken by representatives of a single people: with the Athenians in Herodotus’ debate answering two different peoples, and with two different Spartans in Thucydides answering two different peoples.
An Emendation in Calpurnius Flaccus
Authors: Winterbottom Micheal
Published: November 2004

The theme of the second declamation of Calpurnius Flaccus is ‘Matrona Aethiopem peperit. Arguitur adulterii’. In one of the excerpts (ed. L. Håkanson [Stuttgart, 1978], pp. 2, 6–10), the accuser is arguing that for a white woman with a white husband to produce a black child is certain proof of adultery, for individual races have fixed physical characteristics to distinguish them. I give the text as argued for by W. S. Watt (Eranos 94 [1996], 123).
ἡ τοῦ κάλλος ἀπορροή: A Note on Achilles Tatius 1.9.4–5, 5.13.4
Authors: Bychkov Oleg
Published: November 2004

The phrase combining the terms κάλλ0ς and ἀπoρρoή to my knowledge does not occur anywhere else in the Greek Corpus in the context of contemplating a beautiful beloved. Achilles Tatius (second centurya.d.) therefore must be making an allusion to Plato. This can hardly come as a surprise considering thatPhaedr.251, which describes the influence of the appearance of beauty on the soul of the lover, is one of the most famous and widely known Platonic passages. However, the context within which these two allusions to Plato are introduced deserves attention. Adding a certain learned touch to the description of erotic episodes in his novel, Achilles Tatius presents a ‘scientific’ explanation of the mechanism of visual perception. The consistency of both accounts suggests that he draws on some scholarly theory of vision which was part of his general educational background. But, unlike the above mentioned allusions, this theory is hardly Platonic.
The wounds inIliad13–16
Authors: Saunders K. B.
Published: November 2004

The wounds inflicted by Homer's warriors fascinate readers, since they are vividly described and often curious or even grotesque. Commentators have struggled to explain some of them since commentaries began: some of the explanations are more curious than the wounds. Not surprisingly, the commentaries have not usually been graced by a high standard of anatomical or, especially, physiological background knowledge, and are often misleading in these respects. When such knowledge is applied, some wounds which have appeared problematic become realistic, but some which have been accepted as straightforward become problematic.
The Cyclops of Philoxenus
Authors: Hordern J. H.
Published: November 2004

Philoxenus of Cythera's dithyramb,CyclopsorGalatea, was a poem famous in antiquity as the source for the story of Polyphemus' love for the sea-nymph Galatea. The exact date of composition is uncertain, but the poem must pre-date 388 B.C., when it was parodied by Aristophanes in the parodos ofPlutus(290–01), and probably, as we shall see below, post-dates 406, the point at which Dionysius I became tyrant of Syracuse (D.S. 13.95–6). The Aristophanic parody of the work may well point to a recent performance in Athens, perhaps the first, and it is hard to identify any more significant reason for mentioning the poem. Previous accounts of the poem have concentrated on two main points, its supposed satirical purpose, and the possibly dramatic nature of its performance, but there has been no attempt to consider these two points in relation to each other, or to assess in detail the value of the source-material. I argue that although there is some evidence to support the satirical reading of the poem, the main value of this tradition is that it reveals Philoxenus' comic treatment of his subject, and that while the Galatea motif has previously been considered the essential element in this comic treatment, it was probably a small part of the plot, perhaps only briefly alluded to. Finally I provide reasons for doubting the prevalent view that the performance included dramatic elements.
The AtticGenos
Authors: Lambert S. D.
Published: November 2004

Over twenty years since the influential revisionist studies of Roussel and Bourriot, agreement on a satisfactory theory of the Atticgenosseems as elusive as ever. Although they differed on details, these two scholars were agreed in their rejection of the old monolithic account of thegenosas aristocratic family whose institutionalized control over state cults and phratry admissions in the historical period was a relic of a wider political dominance. Roussel and Bourriot instead proposed a tripartite model according to which the formalgenos-kome—a more or less localized community similar to the later deme, with hereditary but socio-economically diverse membership, and enjoying, as a tighter community well placed to regulate its own admissions, automatic access to the wider phratry—was distinguishable both from aristocratic families, such as the Peisistratidai or Alkmeonidai, and priestly houses, such as the Kerykes and Eumolpidai of Eleusis. Subsequent discussion has moved in several directions. My analysis of the relationship between phratry andgenosfollowed a broadly revisionist line. I found no good evidence forgenecontrolling the access to phratries of persons who were notgenosmembers and presented a new interpretation of the crucial Demotionidai decrees in which, contrary to prevailing theories, neither of the two groups mentioned in them—the Demotionidai and the House (oikos) of the Dekeleieis—was a privileged subgroup dominating the whole. Rather, I suggested that the Demotionidai were a phratry in process of fission, the Dekelean House a product of this process. Others, however, have taken the debate in the other direction, as it were reprivileging thegenos.
Hooking in harbours: Dioscurides XIII Gow-Page
Authors: Slater W. J.
Published: November 2004

Klaus Alpers has recently recovered from the obscurity of Byzantine lexica the fragments of what appears to be a novel dating from c. A.D. 100, and notable to us, as it was for the Byzantine excerptor, for the elegant verbal borrowings from ancient comedy, always a favourite source of good Attic Greek for the atticists of imperial times. One of these glosses gives occasion to look again at fishing metaphors for erotic business, a subject discussed often enough by scholars, but still perhaps capable of revealing new nuances. These hunting and fishing metaphors are used as one would expect in many non-amatory contexts, but in both love poetry and its allied genres they occur throughout antiquity in such quantity that the metaphorical complexity reaches into very allusive language. Long ago Preston had already pointed out that ‘Figures from hunting, fowling and fishing as parallel to the arts of the meretrix, are very frequent, and are developed at unusual length.’ There was undoubtedly a realistic side to all of this metaphorical hunting. ‘The lover is a fish to be baked, as long he has juice in him’, says the bawd at Plautus, Asinaria 177, and one needs little imagination to realize what plays can be made on such a theme, and indeed were made at all levels throughout antiquity.
Drusus and thespolia opima
Authors: Rich J. W.
Published: November 2004

According to Suetonius, Nero Claudius Drusus, the younger of Augustus' two stepsons, was said to have aspired to winspolia opima, that is, spoils taken from an enemy commander killed in battle. The aim of this paper is to consider what substance there may be in this claim and what light it may throw on Augustus’ relationship with the princes of the imperial family.
Agriculture, underemployment, and the cost of rural labour in the Roman world
Authors: Erdkamp Paul
Published: November 2004

On many important aspects of the economic life of the rural population there is little that can be said. The complaint about the lack of secure data regarding the rural population of the ancient world has often been repeated, and there is no reason to restate the remarks about the lack of interest in the ancient sources for this topic. There is a danger, however, that absence of information may lead to an over-simplified picture of what actually happened. It is generally assumed that 80 or 90% of the ancient population was engaged in agriculture and that, conversely, only a small part of the population was engaged in non-agricultural work. Ancient historians have a tendency to treat the various sectors in the economy—commercial farming, subsistence farming, industries, and services (especially transport)—as strictly detached from each others. This is too simplistic a picture. We should not underestimate the importance of the employment of various economic strategies by the ancient farming population. This means that a peasant might also have been from time to time a charcoal maker, muleteer, or textile worker. If so, then agriculture and the non-agricultural sectors were indissolubly connected.
Anthropology and the classics: war, violence, and the statelesspolis
Authors: Berent Moshe
Published: November 2004

I. INTRODUCTION

It has become a commonplace in contemporary historiography to note the frequency of war in ancient Greece. Yvon Garlan says that, during the century and a half from the Persian wars (490 and 480–479 B.C.) to the battle of Chaeronea (338 B.C.), Athens was at war, on average, more than two years out of every three, and never enjoyed a period of peace for as long as ten consecutive years. ‘Given these conditions’, says Garlan, ‘one would expect them (i.e. the Greeks) to consider war as a problem …. But this was far from being the case.’ The Greek acceptance of war as inevitable was contrasted by Momigliano and others with the attention given to constitutional changes and to the prevention ofstasis: ‘the Greeks came to accept war like birth and death about which nothing could be done …. On the other hand constitutions were men-made and could be modified by men.’

Moralist overtones were not absent from this re-evaluation of Greek civilization. Havelock observed that the Greeks exalted, legitimized, and placed organized warfare at the heart of the European value system, and Momigliano suggested that:

The idea of controlling wars, like the idea of the emancipation of women and the idea of birth control, is a part of the intellectual revolution of the nineteenth century and meant a break with the classical tradition of historiography of wars.
The subjection of muthos to logos: Plato's citations of the poets
Authors: Halliwell S.
Published: November 2004

According to Aristotle,Metaphysics(a) 2.3, 995a7–8, there are people who will take seriously the arguments of a speaker (including, it seems, those of a philosopher) only if a poet can be cited as a ‘witness’ in support of them. Aristotle's passing observation sharply reminds us that Greek philosophy had developed within, and was surrounded by, a culture which extensively valued the authority of the poetic word and the poet's ‘voice’ from which it emanated. The currency of ideas, values, and images disseminated through familiarity with poetry had always been a force with which philosophy, in its various manifestations, needed to reckon. As a mode of thought and discourse which proclaimed its aspiration to wisdom, philosophy could not easily eschew some degree of dialogue with an art whose practitioners had traditionally (and for much longer than anyone had been called a ‘philosopher') been ranked prominently among thesophoi. Even Aristotle, who keeps aloof from the assumption that philosophical contentions stand in need of poetic support, cites and quotes poetry regularly in his own writings in ways which indicate the influence on him of a prevailing mentality that regarded poets and philosophers as pursuers, up to a point at least, of a common wisdom.
Satyr and image in Aeschylus'Theoroi
Authors: O'Sullivan Patrick
Published: November 2004

The enduring fame of Aeschylus as the earliest of the ‘three great tragedians’ has made him in effect the first dramatist of the Western tradition, in chronological terms at least. At the same time it is worth noting that among the ancients he also enjoyed a reputation as a master of the satyr play, as Pausanias (2.13.6–7) and Diogenes Laertius (2.133) tell us. It is to this kind of drama, which comprised one-quarter of his output as tragedian, that I would like to turn, with particular focus on hisTheoroiorIsthmiastai, and its treatment of another visual medium, the plastic arts. Our fragments of this play begin with a figure presenting a chorus of satyrs with artfully wrought images made in their likenesses which bring them a startled delight. In the second discernible scene of the fragment the chorus receivesνεοχμᾰ… θρματα ([c] col. ii 50), usually understood as athletic equipment, which the satyrs find rather more unsettling. The following piece is primarily concerned with the first scene in which the coryphaeus urges his companions to dedicate the depictions as votives on Poseidon's temple, relishing the prospect of the comical, terrifying effect these images would have on his own mother and travellers, the latter probably on their way to the Isthmian games. At least this much is clear from the papyrus (esp. lines 1–22). This part of the fragment has attracted a good deal of attention for the evident ‘realism’ of the images that excites the satyrs so much in the first place.
Notes on the epic poems of Statius
Authors: Watt W. S.
Published: November 2004

At their first meeting Polynices and Tydeus come to blows. They are reconciled by Adrastus, who expresses the hope that their quarrel will lead to loyal friendship between them, as it did.

Esse pro fuisse dixit, says Lactantius, more ingenuously than Klotz, who tries to make the same thing more palatable by saying esse est pro imperfecti quodammodo infinitiuo. Some have taken the accusative and infinitive to be a general statement, but Heuvel is clearly right in saying that it is Tydeus and Polynices whom the poet has in mind. The most favoured solution has been Grater's conjecture isse, but (as Helm says) that produces an unnatural expression (the passages adduced by Mueller are not parallels); Mozley renders it by ‘grew’, thereby translating not what stands in his text but what ought perhaps to stand there, namely esse, a conjecture of Gil, which has been almost entirely overlooked. This contracted form is found in extant literature only at Lucretius 3.683 and (concresse) Ovid, Met. 7.416 (at 3.200 Statius flesse). The first letters of a line are particularly liable to omission; despite Hill, I do not find it at all surprising that at 1.544 perseus lost its first letter and the remnant became aureus.
Maharbal'sbon mot: authenticity and survival
Authors: Hoyos Dexter
Published: November 2004

Did the Carthaginian cavalry general Maharbal really urge Hannibal to march on Rome after Cannae, and then comment bitterlyVincere sets, Hannibal; victoria uti nescis, when his leader refused? There are two main objections: Maharbal may not have been there, and anyway Cannae was too far away to justify such a march. The whole story has been seen as one of those well-known Roman historiographical inventions. But there may well be more to the story than that, illuminating both Hannibalic history and some Roman historiographical techniques.
Developing pragmatic awareness: closing the conversation
Authors: Bardovi-Harling K. , Hartford B. A. S. , Mahan-Taylor R. , Morgan M. J. , Reynolds D. W.
Published: November 2004

Many commercially available English-language materials do not provide natural, or even pragmatically appropriate, conversational models for learners. This paper argues for increasing the role of pragmastics in English-language instruction. Classroom teachers can integrate pragmatics into the language curriculum by drawing on natural conversations, students' observations, and incomplete dialogues in textbooks. The paper provides guide-lines for pragmatically-centred lessons, as well as examples of specific activities, using closings in American English to illustrate these examples.
Compound word stress
Authors: Taylor David
Published: November 2004

Stress in English compound words poses difficult problems for foreign learners. English does not seem to be at all consistent in the way it treats compounds, either from the point of view of writing or from the point of view of pronunciation and especially stress. If we look at how this uncertainty and inconsistency arises we can perhaps understand better the difficulties. And if we look beyond the principles of word stress to the principles of accent placement, and in so doing pay attention to the information structure of compounds, we can obtain valuable guidance about stress placement in these words.
The Helvetic Republic : An Ambivalent Reception of French Revolutionary Liberty
Authors: Lerner Marc H.
Published: November 2004

In January 1798, the army of the French Republic crossed the frontier into the republican Swiss Confederation. The French did not stop at guaranteeing the freedom of the Pays de Vaud, but occupied the entire country. On 12 April 1798 a new constitution, based on the French Revolutionary model, was officially promulgated and created the Helvetic Republic. In spite of a native Swiss tradition of republicanism and freedom, the newly created unitary republic met with much popular resistance. The universalism of the French Revolutionary rhetoric and French ideas of liberty were not necessarily welcome throughout Europe even in Swiss republican and democratic enclaves. The Swiss case demonstrates that the French understandings of liberty were not the only option. The interaction between different political cultures, both based on ‘liberty’ or ‘freedom’, is examined with an eye to exploring different European understandings of republicanism, liberty and freedom.
The Most Silent Women of Greece and Rome: Rural Labour and Women's Life in The Ancient World (II)
Authors: Scheidel Walter
Published: November 2004

How can these ideas be linked to the ancient sources? Focusing first of all on women's contribution to arable cultivation and arboriculture, we immediately face the first of many blanks. To the best of my knowledge, we do not have any explicit evidence of ploughing by women in the Greco-Roman world. Only two lines from Hesiod's Works and Days seem to establish a connection between women and ploughing: according to Hesiod, a proper head of a household would need ‘first of all a house, and then a woman and oxen for ploughing – a slave woman, not a wife, to follow the oxen [or: to care for the oxen]’ (405 f.). In the fourth century B.C., however, the second line that specifies the status and the function of the desired woman was apparently not yet part of the received text, since Aristotle could still regard her as a free woman (Pol. 1252a llff). Not until the first century B.C. did Philodemos of Gadara quote and defend the reading that defined Hesiod's woman as a slave labourer. Even so, the wording does not make it clear whether this woman was meant to follow the harnessed oxen, that is, to do the ploughing, or to care for the oxen in the stable.
Mons Graupius and the Role of Auxiliaries in Battle
Authors: Gilliver Catherine M.
Published: November 2004

Much recent work on the auxiliary units of the Roman army has concentrated on the cavalry, including their role and effectiveness in battle. Experimental archaeology has additionally illustrated how effective the cavalry could be with the Celtic style saddle, in spite of the lack of stirrups. As a result, the Roman cavalry is now seen by some modern commentators as something of an elite wing of the army. The auxiliary infantryman, on the other hand, is generally regarded as nothing better than foreign expendable ‘cannon-fodder’. This view, it seems, has its origin partly in Tacitus' famous commentary on the tactics of his father-in-law Agricola at Mons Graupius. There is, in fact, little other evidence to support this view, and Agricola probably had other reasons for his dispositions at the battle which his biographer does not mention. Rather than merely a piece of ‘cannon-fodder’, the auxiliary infantryman of the Principate should instead be seen as a competent fighting soldier who fulfilled an invaluable role in the Roman army.
‘Amaze Your Friends!’ Lucretius on Magnets
Authors: Wallace Richard
Published: November 2004

People wonder at this stone [the magnet]. Indeed it often makes a chain of rings hanging from itself. For you can sometimes see five or more rings hanging down one after another swaying in light breezes, when each hangs down from another, clinging underneath it, and each feels from the other the force and attraction of the stone; so much does its force penetrate and have its effect. … It also happens sometimes that the nature of iron withdraws from this stone, and will flee it and follow it in turn. I have even seen iron rings leap up, and at the same time iron filings seethe in bronze bowls when a magnet has been put underneath, so eager to escape the stone is iron seen to be.
Self-Scrutiny and Self-Transformation in Seneca' Letters
Authors: Edwards Catharine
Published: November 2004

The idea of a collection of letters from a Roman senator to his equestrian friend might encourage the reader familiar with the Letters of Cicero to expect a certain kind of self-revelation. Seneca, like Cicero, was one of the most prominent men in Rome in his own time. We might expect his letters to tell us his views on the emperor Nero, for instance, or what his motives were for retiring from public life (as he had done by the time he came to write the Letters). But readers of Seneca's Letters, at least in modern times, have often felt disappointed at his failure to provide information about himself and the world he lives in.
A Note on the Dating of the Social War
Authors: Peake Scott
Published: November 2004

The chronology of the Social War has for a long time been a source of dispute amongst historians of fourth-century Athens. The central problem has been the confusion that Diodoros, our main source for the period, got himself into. In the first of his two references to the Social War Diodoros refers to the outbreak of a ‘three-year war’ in the archonship of Cephisodotos (358/357). However, later on he refers to the closure of the war in the archonship of Elpines (356/355) after a ‘four-year war.’
Spies in Ancient Greece
Authors: Richmond J. A.
Published: November 2004

This paper is written to give some account of the part played by secret agents against foreign states. Only in the most incidental way will it mention secret agents who tried to detect internal dissent and conspiracy. Plato thought that all Greek states were in a permanent state of war, declared or undeclared. Even in modern times no two independent states have totally identical interests, and when negotiating about clashes of interests, in peacetime just as in war, any government will seek a position in which it can keep its own secrets and discern those of the opposing side. We know very little of Greek spying in time of peace. When diplomacy failed, Greek states could have recourse to war to attain their objectives. War requires some strategic plan of intended operations. In modern conditions many experts must have a hand indevisingthe plan, and it must be prepared well in advance. In the ancient world things were simpler. One wonders how many Carthaginians knew, or had to know, that Hannibal intended to march round the Mediterranean and attack Italy. Certainly he took the Romans by surprise. Theexecutionof the plan is best entrusted so far as possible to a single commander, even in modern times. We know next to nothing about how military policy was determined in peacetime, but we have a little more information about conditions in times of war.
Athenian Synoikism of the Fifth Century B.C., or Two Stories of Theseus
Authors: Goušchin Valerij
Published: November 2004

On the eve of the Peloponnesian War Athens was a great urban agglomeration. It was almost invulnerable to an enemy. So in 431 B.C. the Athenians began to migrate from the countryside into the city on the advice of Pericles (Thuc. 2.14–16). This recalled to Thucydides the time of Theseus (Thuc. 2.15). S. Hornblower regards this migration as the long-postponed physical synoikism, or synoikism in its physical aspect. He insists on the difference betweenpoliticalandphysicalsynoikism, the former being the political unification of the state and the latter mainly the migration into the city. But the Athenians did not migrate into the city for the first time in 431. At the time of Xerxes' invasion the inhabitants of Attica were to be moved into the city before being evacuated to Salamis and elsewhere, and the invasion made their vulnerability clear to the Athenians. They suffered two evacuations, the devastation of Attica and the substantial destruction of Athens. Through driving back the Persians Athens became the leader of the Delian League and acquired great naval power. The change of Athens' position in the Greek world and the damage caused by the Persians necessitated a major reconstruction of the town. The Athenians began with the town and harbour. They built the walls of the city and of the Piraeus first of all. Beforelong the Piraeus had been built on a large scale. In these years the Athenians remembered Theseus again, and he now gained honour and esteem among all the Athenians.
Achilles, Patroclus and Parental Care in Some Homeric Similes
Authors: Mills Sophie
Published: November 2004

None of these three passages from theIliadwould be classified as anything other than an extended simile, but the differences between them in subject matter and what is compared make clear how difficult it is to make any simple summary of the nature and functions of the extended simile in Homer that would gain general assent. As the immense quantity of scholarship on these similes would indicate, it is impossible either to argue convincingly that they can have only one or two main functions in the narrative, or categorically to prove or deny that a particular simile has a certain effect or significance for the narrative. To give one brief example, Stephen Nimis usefully distinguishes six major trends in interpretation among earlier scholars' views on the function of similes in Homer: (1) the presentation of the generic alongside the individual, (2) creation of atmosphere, (3) imagistic continuity, (4) characterization and foreshadowing, (5) incorporating the past into the present, and (6) allusion to antecedent literary traditions. Not all of the three similes quoted above perform all of these functions at once, but they certainly perform more than one of them. The only definition that would probably be generally accepted is the rather dry and unhelpful one that a simile functions by briefly interrupting the narrative in order to compare one element in the narrative with another, in order to illuminate something about the original element in the narrative. Moreover, an extended simile begins from an original main point of comparison, but it compares the likeness of two things that are actually not alike in many other respects.
Caligula's Seashells
Authors: Woods David
Published: November 2004

There can be no student of Roman history who has not, at one time or other, pondered the significance of the emperor Caligula's (A.D. 37–41) alleged command to his soldiers to gather seashells for transportation back to Rome as the spoils of war. It is with some trepidation, therefore, that I dare to offer yet another interpretation of an event which, as we shall see, has not lacked commentators.
Ammianus Marcellinus on the Empress Eusebia: a Split Personality?
Authors: Tougher Shaun
Published: November 2004

The Roman empress Eusebia, wife of the Christian emperor Constantius II (A.D. 337–361), owes what fame she enjoys amongst historians to her role in the life of Julian the Apostate, the last pagan emperor (361–363); in the years 354–355 the empress emerged as the saviour and advocate of her (still in the closet) pagan in-law. However in this article I wish to focus exclusively on the treatment of the empress Eusebia in the history of Ammianus Marcellinus, the great historian of Late Antiquity and himself a devotee of Julian. This treatment merits attention not just for the undoubtedly interesting fact that Eusebia is one of the few female characters to surface in the history, but also because in the history the empress is cast in seemingly different personae. She is the kind and beautiful empress, akin to the image Julian himself created of her in hisSpeech of Thanksto Eusebia, written in commemoration of his salvation at her hands; but she is also a devious player, as we find too in Zosimus' treatment of the empress, though in Ammianus her deviousness is malevolent. It is this contradictory characterization aspect of the treatment that I wish to explore here. For whilst general attempts have been made to reconcile these images in the context of political history, the repercussions for our understanding of Ammianus have been little explored. How can the historian let these contrasting images co-exist? Has he merely assembled his history clumsily, or is there a more rewarding explanation for the impression of the empress's split personality?
SSHM PRIZE ESSAY
Authors: KASSEL LAUREN
Published: November 2004

Simon Forman's astrological casebooks record thousands of medical consultations. Amidst the wealth of information in these documents, however, it is unclear to what extent Forman relied on the stars for diagnoses and therapies, or how the casebooks reflect the dynamic between Forman and his clients. This article attempts to answer these questions by reading the casebooks alongside Forman's guide to astrological physic. This approach reveals that astrology was paramount in Forman's evaluations and treatments of his patients. According to Forman, in order for him to effect a cure, he had to be trusted. It was particularly difficult to treat women because their health depended on the state of their wombs, and on their sexual activity, subjects about which women were notoriously duplicitous. The task of the astrologer was first to assess whether or not a woman was sexually active, and only then could he make a judgement about her disease. At the same time, in demonstrating an ability to discern whether or not she was being honest about her sexual activities, Forman won her confidence. By accounting for the role of astrology and the dynamics between the patient and the physician, this article provides the framework within which to read one of the most comprehensive records of medical practices in early modern England.
Impaired odor recognition memory in patients with hippocampal lesions
Authors: Levy Daniel A. , Hopkins Ramona O. , Squire Larry R.
Published: November 2004

In humans, impaired recognition memory following lesions thought to be
limited to the hippocampal region has been demonstrated for a wide variety of
tasks. However, the importance of the human hippocampus for olfactory
recognition memory has scarcely been explored. We evaluated the ability of
memory-impaired patients with damage thought to be limited to the hippocampal
region to recognize a list of odors. The patients were significantly impaired
after a retention delay of 1 h. Olfactory sensitivity was intact. This finding
is in agreement with earlier reports that rats with hippocampal lesions
exhibited memory impairment on an odor delayed nonmatching to sample task
(after 30 min and 1 h) and that patients with damage thought to be limited to
the hippocampal region were impaired on an odor span memory task. Olfactory
recognition memory, similar to recognition memory in other sensory modalities,
depends on the integrity of the hippocampal region.
Differential regulation of brain-derived neurotrophic factor transcripts during the consolidation of fear learning
Authors: Rattiner Lisa M. , Davis Michael , Ressler Kerry J.
Published: November 2004

Brain-derived neurotrophic factor (BDNF) has been implicated as a molecular
mediator of learning and memory. The BDNF gene contains four differentially
regulated promoters that generate four distinct mRNA transcripts, each
containing a unique noncoding 5′-exon and a common 3′-coding exon.
This study describes novel evidence for the differential usage of alternative
BDNF promoters and 5′-exons during the consolidation of learning. We
found a selective increase in BDNF transcripts containing exons I and III in
the amygdala 2 h following fear conditioning, while mRNA levels of BDNF exons
II and IV remained unchanged. These results provide the first evidence of
differential splicing and/or differential BDNF promoter usage in response to a
behaviorally relevant learning paradigm.
Olfactory fear conditioning induces field potential potentiation in rat olfactory cortex and amygdala
Authors: Sevelinges Yannick , Gervais Rémi , Messaoudi Belkacem , Granjon Lionel , Mouly Anne-Marie
Published: November 2004

The widely used Pavlovian fear-conditioning paradigms used for studying the
neurobiology of learning and memory have mainly used auditory cues as
conditioned stimuli (CS). The present work assessed the neural network
involved in olfactory fear conditioning, using olfactory bulb
stimulation-induced field potential signal (EFP) as a marker of plasticity in
the olfactory pathway. Training consisted of a single training session
including six pairings of an odor CS with a mild foot-shock unconditioned
stimulus (US). Twenty-four hours later, the animals were tested for retention
of the CS as assessed by the amount of freezing exhibited in the presence of
the learned odor. Behavioral data showed that trained animals exhibited a
significantly higher level of freezing in response to the CS than control
animals. In the same animals, EFPs were recorded in parallel in the anterior
piriform cortex (aPC), posterior piriform cortex (pPC), cortical nucleus of
the amygdala (CoA), and basolateral nucleus of the amygdala (BLA) following
electrical stimulation of the olfactory bulb. Specifically, EFPs recorded
before (baseline) and after (during the retention test) training revealed that
trained animals exhibited a lasting increase (present before and during
presentation of the CS) in EFP amplitude in CoA, which is the first amygdaloid
target of olfactory information. In addition, a transient increase was
observed in pPC and BLA during presentation of the CS. These data indicate
that the olfactory and auditory fear-conditioning neural networks have both
similarities and differences, and suggest that the fear-related behaviors in
each sensory system may have at least some distinct characteristics.
Calcium(II) selectively induces α‐synuclein annular oligomers via interaction with the C‐terminal domain
Authors: Lowe Rachel , Pountney Dean L. , Jensen Poul Henning , Gai Wei Ping , Voelcker Nicolas H.
Published: November 2004

α‐Synuclein filaments are the major component of intracytoplasmic inclusion bodies characteristic of Parkinson's disease and related disorders. The process of α‐synuclein filament formation proceeds via intermediate or protofibrillar species, each of which may be cytotoxic. Because high levels of calcium(II) and other metal ions may play a role in disease pathogenesis, we investigated the influence of calcium and other metals on α‐synuclein speciation. Here we report that calcium(II) and cobalt(II) selectively induce the rapid formation of discrete annular α‐synuclein oligomeric species. We used atomic force microscopy to monitor the aggregation state of α‐synuclein after 1 d at 4°C in the presence of a range of metal ions compared with the filament formation pathway in the absence of metal ions. Three classes of effect were observed with different groups of metal ions: (1) Copper(II), iron(III), and nickel(II) yielded 0.8–4 nm spherical particles, similar to α‐synuclein incubated without metal ions; (2) magnesium(II), cadmium(II), and zinc(II) gave larger, 5–8 nm spherical oligomers; and, (3) cobalt(II) and calcium(II) gave frequent annular oligomers, 70–90 nm in diameter with calcium(II) and 22–30 nm in diameter with cobalt(II). In the absence of metal ions, annular oligomers ranging 45–90 nm in diameter were observed after 10 d incubation, short branched structures appeared after a further 3 wk and extended filaments after 2–3 mo. Previous studies have shown that α‐synuclein calcium binding is mediated by the acidic C terminus. We found that truncated α‐synuclein (1–125), lacking the C‐terminal 15 amino acids, did not form annular oligomers upon calcium addition, indicating the involvement of the calcium‐binding domain.