bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Amphora-Handles from Antiparos
Authors: Gardner Percy
Published: May 2006

Mr. Bent has brought from Antiparos, and the British Museum has acquired, several of those stamped handles of diotae which have been the subject of numerous papers by various savants, and of a special work by M. Dumont (Inscriptions Céramiques).

To record the find-spots of the several classes of these handles is a matter of some importance, because they furnish us with archæological evidence in a matter of great complexity, where archæological evidence is rare and desirable—in the matter of ancient Greek commerce, its marts and its course. The stamped handles which bear the names of Rhodian magistrates and potters are, as is well known, found in all parts of the Levant from Kertsch to Egypt and Sicily; those which derive from Cnidus are also found in many places; Thasian handles are found chiefly on the shores of the Euxine sea, but at Athens and elsewhere also. Why Rhodes, Cnidus, and Thasos should in Hellenistic times have almost monopolized the trade in wine, or why these states should have monopolized the custom of using stamps for handles of wine-jars, we do not know. But the latter statement at all events must be true: there are but very few other known sources of stamped handles.
The Processes of Greek Sculpture, as shown by some Unfinished Statues in Athens
Authors: Gardner E. A.
Published: May 2006

There are several unfinished statues now in the National Museum at Athens which seem not to have attracted as yet the attention they deserve. Whatever be the reason which has led the ancient sculptor to leave them unfinished, they are full of instruction to the modern student. In them we almost seem to see the artist at his work, and to be admitted to his studio. Even if they were given up because of a flaw or a mistake, that very mistake may teach us more as to the methods of the artist than many a completed statue. Fortunately, also, these unfinished statues in Athens illustrate various periods, from the archaic to one which is certainly later than the finest; and thus we are able to see what changes, if any, took place in the technique of sculpture during this interval, and, above all, we are not forced to generalize as to Greek sculpture from isolated examples of only one place or period.

Our first example (Fig. 1) is a statue about ⅔ of life size, which was seen by Ross (Inselreise, I. p. 41) lying just below the quarries at Naxos, where he saw also the well-known colossal unfinished statue. There can therefore be little doubt as to the place where it was made; it was evidently never finished, perhaps because the sculptor saw his proportions would not come right, and so remained where it was, until it was transported to the National Museum at Athens. It happens most fortunately that this statue is—or was going to be—a typical example of the first period of Greek sculpture.
Excavations in Caria
Authors: Paton W. R.
Published: May 2006

Mr. Newton in his History of Discoveries, p. 583, gives the following account of an excursion to the peninsula which lies to the west of Budrum (Halikarnassus) where he was then excavating:—

We next proceeded to examine the hill with the level top. This hill is called Assarlik.

Ascending from this gateway we passed several other lines of ancient walls, and on gaining the summit of the hill found a platform artificially levelled. There are not many traces of walls here. The sides of the hill are so steep on the north and east that they do not require walls. The platform terminates on the north-east in a rock rising vertically for many hundred feet from the valley below. The top of the rock is cut into beds to receive a tower. The view from this platform is magnificent.

[After brief mention of several tombs passed in the way down, Mr. Newton proceeds:]

The acropolis which anciently crowned the rock at Assarlik must have overlooked a great part of the peninsula and commanded the road from Halicarnassus to Myndus and Termera. From the number of tombs here, and their archaic character, it may be inferred that this was a fortress of some importance in very early times.
A Suggested Restoration of the Great Hall in the Palace of Tiryns
Authors: Middleton J. Henry
Published: May 2006

In his very minute and accurate description of the Tirynthian Palace, Dr. Dörpfeld has almost wholly confined himself to the discussion of what actually exists or can with certainty be inferred from existing evidence, and has not committed himself to a conjectural restoration of any part of this most interesting building.

I venture therefore to offer to the Hellenic Society a proposed restoration of the Great Hall—the Homeric Megaron as Dr. Dörpfeld and other able archaeologists hold it to be.

This restoration is based partly on the evidence of the existing remains, partly on what may be called structural necessity, and partly on the analogy of other buildings or ancient sculptured reliefs.

Fig. 1 shows the front of the Hall, the αἴθουσα δόμου opening from the Great Court. The conjectural parts are the exact heights of the structure, including the pillars, antae and doors, and the form of the roof. The clearest proofs exist of the diameters of the antae and pillars, the width of the doorways with their double doors on revolving pivots. The steps are in perfect preservation, and so is part of the very carefully formed concrete floor with its incised and coloured pattern in red squares separated by blue bands.
Sepulchral Customs in Ancient Phrygia
Authors: Ramsay W. M.
Published: May 2006

The monument represented on the accompanying plate (No. XLIV.), is situated near the village of Liyen, and is familiar to the natives of the surrounding district underthe name Arslan Kaya, Lion Rock. It is about seven miles west-north-west of the cluster of monuments at Ayazeen, described in this Journal, 1882, p. 1 ff, and several less important archaic tombs exist at Bei Keui and other places between Liyen and Ayazeen, so that this whole series may be grouped together and distinguished from the other series which surrounds the tomb of Midas. It is probable that the two groups belong to two distinct Phrygian cities of great antiquity—two of those cities whose former existence was known to Strabo (p. 567), but which had ceased to exist long before his time. It will be convenient, in want of the ancient names, to distinguish these two ancient cities by reference to the Roman towns which stood near them—Meros at Kumbet, near the Midas-tomb, and Metropolis south of Ayazeen.
The Greek Treatise on the Sublime: its Modern Interest
Authors: Roberts W. Rhys
Published: May 2006

A few months ago the authorities of the British Museum announced the discovery of some of the lost odes of Bacchylides, the contemporary of Pindar. Hitherto Bacchylides has been known only in fragments, none of them exceeding a dozen lines in length. Now we are promised over a thousand lines, of which as many as two hundred belong to a single ode. The discovery is, thus, one of considerable importance. Directly, it will reveal Bacchylides himself more fully; indirectly, it may be expected to throw light on many points of collateral interest. One such point is the relation of Pindar to the poetry of his time, another is the value of the literary judgments of some of the ancient critics. By both the links just mentioned the subject of this paper associates itself with the discovery.

The author of the Treatise on the Sublime frames an estimate of Bacchylides which seems likely to be confirmed by a fuller knowledge of his poems. He ranks him below Pindar for the same reason that he ranks Hyperides below Demosthenes. Correctness is not to be compared, says he, with genius: flawlessness is no match for inspiration. It is not a little remarkable that, in the case of Hyperides no less than in that of Bacchylides, the preservation of papyrus manuscripts in the sands of Egypt has enabled the modern world to test and verify this estimate.
Notes on Hellenism in Bactria and India
Authors: Tarn W. W.
Published: May 2006

How far can the kingdoms in Bactria and India, ruled by kings with Greek names, be called Hellenistic, and how far were they simply native? These pages were put together with this question in view; they have no claim to be more than an attempt to get certain problems stated, to which some day some further answer may be given by the spade. The series of these kings stretches from the revolt of Diodotos, about 250 B.C., to the final merger of Indo-Greek rule in that of the Indo-Scyths in 26 B.C. The period is bisected by the conquest of Bactria by the Yue-tche, which probably took some little while to complete, but with respect to which our information centres on the year 128 B.C. By the time of Augustus, a number of merchantmen were sailing directly from the Red Sea to India, a rare event under the Ptolemies; and this traffic increased later, when in the reign of Nero was made that discovery, or rediscovery, of the monsoons which is associated with the name of Hippalos. To arrive, therefore, at any ideas about the kingdoms of Alexander's successors beyond Parthia, it is necessary to distinguish as carefully as possible the information with regard to India, and the traces of western influence on things Indian, which can be dated later than (say) the Christian era, (and which belong rather to the history of Rome), from information which can be, or may be, dated prior to 26 B.C., or I might almost say prior to 100 B.C., (the time between these two dates being for my purpose a blank); and only to make use of the former sources when they clearly refer to something that falls within the period under consideration. The general result appears to be, that one meets with more of the Iranian and less of the Greek than one expected.
The Megalithic Temple at Buto: Herodotus II. 155
Authors: Verrall A. W.
Published: May 2006

‘In this city of Buto there is a sanctuary of Apollo and Artemis. The particular temple of Leto, which was described as the place of the oracle, is itself, I found, large and has a stair ten fathoms in height. But in what was visible to me, the most astonishing thing was this: there is in the enclosure there a temple of Leto, wrought from a single stone in respect of height as well as of length, and each wall equal to these [stones]. Each of these [stones] is of forty cubits. And for the covering in of the roof there is another stone imposed, having a supertecture (?) of four cubits’.
Some Observations on the Persian Wars: 3. The Campaign of Plataea
Authors: Munro J. A. R.
Published: May 2006

Mardonius reoccupied Athens, Herodotus tells us (ix. 3), in the tenth month after Xerxes had taken it, that is to say not earlier than June of the next year. The pause in the war lasted therefore far beyond the winter. Both parties were no doubt anxious to gather the new harvest, but there were also other reasons for their delay.

Mardonius had been left in a difficult situation. The forces at his disposal were, it is true, still formidable. First, he had his own division, which we have seen reason to suppose was one of the six Persian corps ď armée, 60,000 strong. In confirmation of that estimate it may be noted that Herodotus assigns to him one sixth of Xerxes' army, which he conceives to have been the levy of the whole empire; and that if we compare the details of Mardonius' division (viii. 113, ix. 31.) with the catalogue of Xerxes' host (vii. 61–5), and reckon a myriad for each contingent of infantry (Immortals: θωρηκοφόροι: Medes: Sacae and Bactrians: Indians), we get 50,000 infantry, which with 10,000 cavalry gives the exact composition conjectured for a Persian army corps. The small drafts incorporated according to Herodotus from other contingents may be assumed, to have filled up the gaps made in the ranks by the first campaign. Second, Mardonius had his Greek auxiliaries, say 20,000 men, including the valuable Thessalian and Boeotian cavalry. Herodotus (ix. 32) estimates the Greek contingents at 50,000 men, but he expressly says that he has no authority for their numbers, and both probability and analogy (e.g. vii. 185, viii. 66) are against so high a computation.
On two Terracotta Figurines
Authors: Hutton C. A.
Published: May 2006

Among the recent additions to the collection of terracotta figurines in the British Museum are two which I am permitted to publish by the kindness of Mr. A. S. Murray.

The first (Fig. 1, Plate IV.) was found at Myrina in Asia Minor and represents a youthful winged male figure, leaning on a pillar and burning a butterfly over the flame of a small altar at its base. This statuette is of very good workmanship, every line has been carefully retouched, and drapery, wings and hair are so disposed as to form a background for the figure, which is entirely nude with the exception of a chlamys fastened on the right shoulder and thrown back over the left. The full soft face is framed by long curls; the wings, each feather carefully indicated, are as usual placed high on the shoulder and serve to throw the head into high relief, while the curves and pose of the body are further emphasized by folds of drapery added, for greater effect, behind the right side and thigh, after the figure was taken out of the mould, as is shown by a similar figure of very rough workmanship which has no drapery on that side and has not been retouched.
Coinage of the Athenian Empire
Authors: Gardner P.
Published: May 2006

The ordinary silver coinage of Athens from B.C. 480 to 400 is almost unvaried. By the former date a head of Athena and an owl of fixed and conventional archaic type had been adopted for the coin (Pl. XIII. 1). The olive-wreath which adorns the helmet of the goddess seems to have been adopted during the glow of triumph after Marathon. At the end of the century there were certain issues of gold coins, of which we shall speak later. But the great mass of the coinage was in silver. The Athenians obtained silver in abundance from the mines of Laurium and those of Thrace, and it was part of Athenian policy to circulate the coins as widely as possible, and to make them the standard currency of the Aegean. Silver was to Athens what gold was to Persia, the backbone of the finance of the state, and, together of course with the tribute of the allies, the source whence came the plentiful wealth which Athens used for great building-works at home and for expeditions abroad.
Some Sculptures at Turin
Authors: Wace Alan J. B.
Published: May 2006

During a visit to Turin last autumn to photograph the so-called ‘Diadumenos,’ which is here published, I believe for the first time, I took the opportunity to photograph one or two other works which seemed to be interesting. The photographs of these are published with the ‘Diadumenos’ in this paper. The discussions added to the descriptions of them are not intended to be complete, nor are they, I fear, perfect. My excuse is my desire to make interesting sculptures accessible to those better fitted to criticize them. In preparing this paper I have received much kind help from Dr. Amelung, who has most generously placed at my disposal many of his notes, especially as regards the list of replicas of the Praxitelean Athena, which is entirely his own.
Three New Vases in the Ashmolean Museum
Authors: Beazley J. D.
Published: May 2006

The Ashmolean Museum has recently acquired three. Attic vases with subjects of uncommon interest. The first (Pl. XXX.) is a b.-f. pelike with framed pictures. Each picture is bounded by a band of ordinary lotus-bud-pattern above, at the sides by net-pattern, and below by a clay line. A red band runs right round the vase immediately below the pictures, and a thinner red line, as is usual in panel-amphorae, surrounds the neck at the level of the handles. Red is also used for the beards and wreaths on side A, and on B for the beards, the front hair of 1 and 2, and patch on the goat's neck, the brim of 3's hat and the curved parts of his boots: white for the block and the joints of the folding-stool on A, and on B for the lines on the rock (which has also incised markings), and the chiton of 3 and the crown of his hat. The height of the vase is 40·6 cm., the width at the widest part 29·4 cm. and at the rim 18·4 cm.
Archaeology in Greece (1907–1908)
Authors: Dawkins R. M.
Published: May 2006

If the famous sites on the mainland of Greece have been largely exhausted—and the only great classical cities now being excavated are Sparta and Corinth—the outlying parts of the Greek world continue to yield a harvest of discoveries, increasingly interesting as they are added to a constantly increasing body of archaeological knowledge. Thus Crete, Delos, Rhodes, and the great cities of Asia such as Miletus and Pergamon continue to give up fresh treasures, and the neolithic and bronze age remains of north Greece and the island of Leukas are adding a new chapter to the book of Greek prehistoric archaeology.

The one great mainland site not yet fully excavated is the most interesting of all, but owing to material difficulties Athens for the present reserves her secrets. The excavation of the Agora, the great task before the Greek Archaeological Society, has now indeed been begun by the clearing of an area east of the Theseum, and ancient walls have been found, but they cannot be identified with any known buildings, nor do the inscriptions discovered give any topographical indications. This is, however, only a beginning, and the area ultimately to be excavated is very much larger.
The Venus de Milo and the Apollo of Cyrene
Authors: Lethaby W. R.
Published: May 2006

At the recent temporary rearrangement of the sculpture galleries of the British Museum a cast of the Aphrodite was accidentally placed by the side of the large Apollo discovered at Cyrene by the British excavating party. This Apollo has, it appears to me, suffered from an inadequate appreciation of later Greek art, especially of the Eastern schools, and it has been a victim to our poverty in descriptive terms. By this poverty Greek sculptures which are later than what has been supposed a ‘good period’ are all swept up together as ‘Roman’. Roman Art at the simplest is quite the most difficult to determine because so little of it was truly and characteristically Roman. The term is used as of local significance, then in an imperial sense and again of an undefined span of time.
Studies in the Graeco-Roman Beliefs of the Empire
Authors: Nock A. D.
Published: May 2006

We may regard Imperial religion as having two main elements, the piety of public life or of the family on the one hand, the more intense piety of the small group or of the devout individual on the other. These two, though differing, are not to be regarded as opposites; they rest on the basis of common conceptual forms and of common beliefs, deepened and enlarged in the second case. In both we findμυστήρια, in both also the intimate association of the well-being of city or Empire with the ritual. Even in its individualism this religion is not consciously individualist; the possessor of religious experience may regard what has been manifested to him as a revelation of truth that all men share. Religion in either form is distinct from magic, if we mean by that term the individual's attempt to put supernatural forces in harness for his own ends. Such magic is different from religion and can be quite divorced therefrom. Nevertheless, such isolation is not characteristic of the Empire. The religious practised magic, and it could hardly be said that in their belief they were free from magical conceptions; the later Neoplatonists, in their attempt to spiritualise and revive paganism, took magic under their protection.
The Travels of ‘Palmyra’ Wood in 1750-51
Authors: Hutton C. A.
Published: May 2006

Through the generosity of the descendants of Robert Wood (1716–71) the Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies now possesses a number of note-books, diaries, sketch-books, etc., the records of a long tour which he made in 1750–51, in the company of John Bouverie and James Dawkins, and which bore fruit in Wood's publications of the ruins of Palmyra (1753), of Baalbec (1757) and in his Essay on the Original Genius of Homer (1767).

Little is known of Wood's history before this tour; according to Horace Walpole he was originally a travelling tutor, and from scattered references in his published works and in his note-books we learn that between May 1742 and the spring of 1743 he had made a long tour which embraced Constantinople, many of the islands in the Aegean Sea, Egypt and some towns in Syria and Mesopotamia. He himself tells us it was for this reason that Messrs. Bouverie and Dawkins, with whom he had travelled in Italy, invited him to accompany them. The diaries and note-books shew that he was a bom traveller with a quick eye for the salient features of a landscape and a keen appreciation of its natural beauties. He was also an excellent classical scholar, and, as such, interested in the identification of ancient sites and in the inscriptions found there, but this interest was literary rather than antiquarian; his real interest lay in comparing the statements of ancient geographers and modern travellers with the physical conditions as he found them, above all in identifying any river he crossed and, wherever possible, tracing it to its source.
A Byzantine Musical Handbook at Milan
Authors: Tillyard H. J. W.
Published: May 2006

Professor Aug. Heisenberg, editor of the Byzantinische Zeitschrift, made a copy some years ago of a text of the Papadike or singer's manual preserved in the volume Codex Ambrosianus O. 123 supra (598 in the printed catalogue), and he has now very kindly passed this on to me for study and publication. Being at Milan in 1925, I verified his transcript, which of course proved to be quite accurate. The Papadike is the most familiar of the mediaeval treatises, and it has already been published in slightly differing versions by M. Paranikas, O. Fleischer and W. Christ. I have collated several manuscript copies, and in the present article it will only be needful to point out a few divergences in the Milan text. The number of MSS. containing the Papadike is very great, which shows it to have been the standard manual of the Round Notation; and probably the essential part was drawn up by the inventors of that notation. But the work was re-edited by many theorists, one of them, according to tradition, being John Cucuzeles (A.D. 1300), although we must reject the notion that he was the original author. Most of the copies, like ours, were made in the fifteenth century.
A Bronze Figure of a Youth in Oriental Costume
Authors: Smith A. H.
Published: May 2006

The remarkable bronze figure published on Pl. II. was exhibited, by permission of the owner, at a meeting of the Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies on Tuesday, May 8. It has not, so far as I am aware, been discussed in print, and has all the interest which attaches to an unsolved problem.

The figure was said to have been found by Egyptian natives, in 1912, in ruins to the east of the Suez Canal, but other reports ascribed it to Alexandria; and it is clear that, unless better information comes to hand, no stress can be laid on the alleged place of origin.
Studies in the Text of the Nicomachean Ethics
Authors: Ashburner W.
Published: May 2006

Messer Giannozzo Manetti—if we may give credit to his enthusiastic biographer—was accustomed to say that there were three books which he had got by heart from long handling—Saint Paul's Epistles, Augustine's De civitate Dei, and (among the heathen) Aristotle's Ethics. There may be some exaggeration here; but there is no doubt that Manetti, from the beginning to the end of his long literary career, was deeply interested in the moral writings of Aristotle. Vespasiano tells a story of him in the early period of his studies. He used to give a Latin Ethics to somebody, and taking the original himself, would reel it off so fast in Latin that his hearer was unable to follow him.
A Black-figured Hydria of the Polygnotan Period
Authors: Waldhauer Oscar
Published: May 2006

In 1903 the Russian Archaeological Commission purchased a hydria from a dealer at Olbia which is now in the collection of ancient vases in the Hermitage (Fig. 1). Being considered by some authorities a forgery, the vase was not published in the Report of the Commission. I can assert that there is no doubt as to the authenticity of the vase. Apart from small injuries there are no important parts broken off or restored. The shape, but for some slight variations, is that of a typical late archaic hydria; sharp divisions are avoided, the shoulder being connected with the body by a soft curve and the same profile used for the foot. The ring above the foot is quite flat and not separated from the foot. On the lip of the vase there are two sharp projecting tongues instead of the “rotelle” of the archaic type (Fig. 2).

The handles are round and curved slightly upwards. The varnish is very bad and dull, being laid on very thin, so that the surface of the clay shows through. There are spots where the fire has turned the black varnish red. The clay is of a dull yellow colour, badly cleansed, with holes in the polished surface, evidently in consequence of small stones and pieces of glimmer which have broken away. The surface of the clay, in the panel reserved for the design, is of a reddish colour. The greater part of the foot, the stripes under the horizontal handles, the inner parts of all three handles and the outer part of the lip are left unvarnished. Judging from the quality of the clay and the special character of the varnish, the vase appears to be Etruscan work.
The Interpretation of Greek Music
Authors: Clements E.
Published: May 2006

Inadequacy of our Theory. To whoever may desire to understand the music of ancient Greece, I would recommend that he put away from his mind that sense of superiority which our progress in counterpoint, harmony, form and orchestration has engendered, and devote his attention to the shortcomings of our music, for they relate to those very matters concerning which Greek music has the most to teach us.

Our music has come down to us from remote ages through the Greek system. The first stage in its progress was marked by the collection of a multiplicity of Harmonies and modes, not unlike those upon which the classical music of India is based. Of the diatonic scales, some were soft, employing septimal or soft intervals, and others were hard, employing semitones, and major and minor tones, differing among themselves in the order in which these intervals were strung together. The Greeks may have added to this collection. Their chief contributions to musical progress, however, were instrumental heterophony and the science of intervals. They were driven to the use of the former by the tyranny of the ‘metrici’. Thus the long and short of Greek poetry led indirectly to the harmonic system of music, which is one of the main achievements of European civilisation. The foundations of musical science were laid by Pythagoras. The results of his labours were soon apparent in the classification of the enormous number of scales in use, the adoption of a musical notation based upon an intricate system of correlated keys, and the art of modulation. In the break-up of Roman and Greek civilisation, the subtle distinctions between the various Harmonies were the first features of the music to go under. Curiously enough, the innovations introduced by the master minds of Greece survived in the art of modulation, and the contrapuntal tradition. A new series of keys was invented. This degenerated, under the growing influence of keyed instruments, and the craze for unlimited modulation, into the musical freak of equal temperament, in which a scale, grotesquely out of focus, is set up as a standard and basis of theory. Players on the pianoforte and organ perform tempered music in tempered tones to admiring audiences.
The Orient and Greece
Authors: Roes Anna
Published: May 2006

Mr. Campbell Thompson tells us, in the Ill. London News of June 27th, 1931, that in excavating at Niniveh he discovered a Parthian settlement on the foundations of the destroyed temple of Ishtar. In some of the houses belonging to this settlement were found great quantities of ‘the blackpainted ware, the like of which is found in South Mesopotamia and Persia.’ As this kind of pottery, decorated with geometric ornaments and animals, in all the places where it has hitherto come to light, must be dated about 3000 B.C., he is much surprised by his find, and the only explanation he suggests is that there must have been some Parthian virtuoso who collected antiquities. Now this seems most improbable, for who would at that time care for ancient pottery of no great beauty or attractive appearance, supposing even that after so many centuries unbroken vases were still found in sufficient quantities to encourage collectors?
The Excavations at Al Mina, Sueidia IV. The Early Greek Vases
Authors: Robertson Martin
Published: May 2006

The material published here is the Greek pottery from levels 5 to 9. This falls into two groups: that from levels 5 to 7 and that from levels 8 and 9. Within these groups there was evidently much disturbance, and bits of the same vase are frequently found in several levels. Even between the two main groups such overlaps occur, and there are pieces which, though they do not join fragments in the other group, seem out of context; but in the main the division between levels 7 and 8 seems significant, and I have treated the two groups separately while merely recording differences of level within them. Pl. I, m and n come from level 4 with Attic red-figure pottery, which is plainly an accident. I am only able to publish a small proportion of the pottery, and have tried to combine a general conspectus of the material with the reproduction of most of the outstanding pieces. For some classes—e.g., black Ionian cups and jugs, and to a great extent bird-bowls and the like—I have relied on references to identical material published elsewhere.
Mycenae, 1939
Authors: Wace A. J. B.
Published: May 2006

The excavations were directed mainly to four points: the ruins of the Greek temple on the summit and a large Mycenaean house on the east side of the acropolis, an area outside the Lion Gate, and the Treasury of Atreus.

The foundations of the Greek temple were cleared, surveyed, and studied in detail. As they survive to-day they are certainly of the Hellenistic period, and it is clear that neither the Hellenistic sanctuary, nor any earlier temple that preceded it, had a peristyle. Blocks from earlier structures had been built into the foundations, and all round a great variety of tiles from early archaic to Hellenistic times was found. Pottery found below the surface of the northern terrace of the temple area shows that a sanctuary had existed throughout ‘Geometric’ times, and the tiles and architectural fragments indicate that it was succeeded by an early archaic shrine. The temple, with the massive substructures that supported it on the north, lies south and north, and it is possible that it owes this abnormal orientation to the fact that it overlies the shrine of the Mycenaean palace, which faced south. It now seems that the early archaic sculpture in relief previously found did not belong to a temple, but, since it was all found in the southern part of the temple area, may have belonged to some structure, perhaps an altar, which stood before the south front of the sanctuary.
Three Black-figured Vases in the Winchester College Museum
Authors: Oakeshott Noël
Published: May 2006

Exact records of the purchasing of the Greek vases in the Winchester College Museum are not available, but the bulk of the collection was bought in Athens with a part of the sum subscribed for the Memorial Building in 1897. That the quincentenary memorial, failing a new chapel, should take the form of a museum, was in large measure the idea and wish of the late Dr. Fearon, then headmaster, and the purchase of antiquities was further facilitated by his private generosity. Since then there have been a few additional presentations, but the vases originally acquired form the main part of the collection.

Among the black-figured pieces are three of particular merit: a skyphos and an eye-cup by the Theseus painter, and a second eye-cup of similar style. I thought this cup to be also by the Theseus painter. While differing in some respects from the other cup, it is very similar in shape and in scheme and detail of decoration to the only other cup attributed to this painter's hand, the one in Copenhagen with Hephaestos riding a horse. Prof. Beazley has, however, been kind enough to examine my photographs, and does not endorse my attribution.

The two pieces by the Theseus painter are included in Miss Haspels’ list, p. 251 no. 36, p. 252 no. 76. The skyphos had been previously recognised by Alan Blakeway as belonging to Mingazzini's white Heron Group, and the one sound painter that Prof. Beazley has differentiated from his hack colleagues in this workshop is now established by Miss Haspels as the Theseus Painter.
Olympichus of Alinda and the Carian Expedition of Antigonus Doson
Authors: Walbank F. W.
Published: May 2006

An inscription found at Demirdjidéré in Caria, and published by A. Laumonier in 1934, deals with the granting of the citizenship of some unnamed city (probably Alinda) to Dionytas and Apollas, officials in the chancery (ἐπιοτωλαγραφῖον (sic)) of Olympichus, the στρατηγὀς of a Hellenistic king, whom Laumonier very reasonably identifies with Philip V of Macedon: Olympichus he assumes to be the Carian dynast of that name, whose machinations against the town of Iasus in about 202 B.C. are recorded in three well-known inscriptions, which Holleaux published in 1899. Unfortunately, in dating his inscription to the year 202, Laumonier paved the way for certain unjustifiable conclusions about the relations of Macedonia and Caria during the last quarter of the third century B.C.; and as these conclusions have since been drawn by Lenschau, it is important, I think, to point out their tenuous basis before there is any risk of their becoming widely accepted.
The Philinna Papyrus
Authors: Maas P.
Published: May 2006

1. P. Amh. 11 and P. Berol. 7504: History of the Problem of their Relationship.

‘Too small to have more than a palaeographical interest’: thus marked, the Amherst Papyrus 11 was published by Grenfell and Hunt in 1901; they assigned it to cent. I B.C. For all its smallness, however, Wilamowitz remembered this text when he found a similar one in the Berlin Papyrus 7504, which he edited in 1907, dating the hand ‘spätgriechisch.’ But in quoting from the Amherst Papyrus he relied too much on his memory; that, and some mistakes which he made in editing the Berlin Papyrus, prevented him from making full use of his discovery.

A considerable step forward was taken by Adam Abt in 1910. He supplemented convincingly ll. 8–12 and 17–18 of the Berlin Papyrus from the text of the Amherst Papyrus. He even envisaged, and for excellent reasons, the possibility that the two papyri were parts of the same roll, but eventually decided against it because he thought that ll. 13–16 of the Berlin Papyrus could not be made to fit on to the Amherst Papyrus. Here he was wrong, as will be shown presently.
The Olbian Inscription CIG 2080 Rediscovered
Authors: Dzikowski Nicholas
Published: May 2006

In the Museum of the Society of the Friends of the Sciences in Wilno is preserved a stone thus registered in the inventory-book: ‘No. 556/4—slab with Greek inscription bequeathed in 1910 by Jan Szwański.’ The Keeper of the Museum asked me to decipher this inscription, and as I supposed that it had not been published, he kindly granted me the permission to take a photograph of it and to publish it.

The inscription is engraved in 7 lines on a slab of smoke-discoloured marble, the dimensions of which are: height, 0·22 m.; breadth, 0·26 m.; thickness, 0·06 m.; height of letters, 0·02 m. The middle part of the front surface is so much worn and has become so smooth, as if by long attrition, that there remain no traces whatever of the deeply engraved letters. There is also a serious breakage at the right-hand margin which has carried away the last letter of l. 2 and damaged two letters of ll. 2 and 3. The lowest part of the stone is broken off in such a manner that only the top of the right-hand portion of l. 7 remains. All mutilations and gaps seem to be very ancient, and no damage of recent date is noticeable. The back has been left rough. The accompanying photograph (fig. 1) shows the actual preservation of the stone, while the following facsimile, based upon a squeeze (fig. 2), represents the legible letters and the remaining portions of the damaged letters.
False Doors on Tombs
Authors: Tritsch F. J.
Published: May 2006

Among all the tantalising questions relating to Lycian pillar tombs, the one that has never been touched is that concerning the top openings which are usually called doors. Yet an enquiry into their meaning may, I think, prove a crucial test. These apertures measure in width 0.20 m. (Isinda Tomb), 0.30 m. (Lion Tomb), 0.41 m. (Harpy Tomb), and 0.45 m. (Trysa Tomb). They give access to a sort of cavity the floor-level of which, however, is a good deal below the bottom of the opening, and from within they must have looked rather like windows. All these openings are high (4-6 m.) above the ground and were filled with stone slabs. No coffin could have passed through them, for their size is exceedingly small. Yet they are called doors. What was their real purpose? Were they for offerings, or for cremation urns, or for sacrifices? Is this tower-like tomb to be compared with Persian cremation towers, or with primitive granaries, or is it a survival of some legendary burial in trees?
Frescoes at Galata, Cyprus
Authors: Buckler W. H.
Published: May 2006

Cyprus has in many ages been famed for artistic achievement of many kinds, but the excellence of its mural painting from the twelfth to the sixteenth century is only now being recognised. The Asinou frescoes, probably the most remarkable of all, have recently been described, and elsewhere in the island are many others deserving attention not merely as documents but as monuments of art. Among them are the paintings here reproduced, about seven-eighths of the collection in the Theotokos church near Galata. When visiting it in October 1932 I was unable fully to note all its decoration and other features, but the present incomplete account may perhaps encourage experts to study these well-preserved examples of work in the Byzantine tradition executed by Greek artists during the period of Venetian rule (1489–1570). The church (Fig. 1) stands isolated in a grove of trees beside a mountain brook on the left of the main road leading to Galata about half a mile below that village. No houses or farm buildings are near it, but about eighty yards away is a similar and larger church (Hagia Paraskeue) erected in 1502.
ΚΟΙΤΗ ΑΚΤΑΙΩΝΟΣ
Authors: Edmonson Colin N.
Published: May 2006

Pausanias began the ninth book of his Periegesis with a brief topographical observation on the contiguity of Boeotia and Attica and specifically of the Plataiis and Eleutherai, followed by two digressions, the first legendary and toponymic, the second historical; together they occupy the remainder of the first chapter. The only topographical facts to be gathered from these digressions are: (1) that there was a direct road from Thebes to Plataia, and (2) that there was a road from Thebes leading to Hysiai in the direction of Eleutherai and Attica (cf. Thuc. iii 24; Arrian, Anab. i 7), which gave indirect access to Plataia (ix 1.6). The topographical thread is resumed at ix 2.1: Hysiai with its unfinished temple of Apollo and oracular well, Erythrai, and—closer to Plataia—the so-called Tomb of Mardonios were all located to the right of the road from Eleutherai to Plataia.
The Coins from the Ephesian Artemision Reconsidered
Authors: Robinson E. S. G.
Published: May 2006

In 1904–5 the British Museum excavations at Ephesos were resumed under D. G. Hogarth, and resulted in the discovery of what he held to be the foundations of earlier buildings beneath the great Artemision of the Croesus period unearthed by Wood. In these earlier buildings Hogarth distinguished three successive stages:

A. A Central Basis, faced with green schist, standing on virgin sand, and joined in the middle of its west side by a narrow jetty to a second rectangular platform, both of limestone; the whole built, in his view, about 700 B.C., and lasting until it was destroyed by the Kimmerians about 660.

B. A rebuilding and enlargement of the same about 650, the resulting temple lasting till about 600.

C. A further building and enlargement finally superseded by the Croesus temple about 550.

Hogarth's chronology has met with strong criticism, notably from Löwy, who regarded all remains as belonging to the foundations of the Croesus temple.
Masks on Gnathia Vases
Authors: Webster T. B. L.
Published: May 2006

The following list contains all the masks on Gnathia vases which I have seen or know from illustrations or photographs. I have added (nos. 37–44) Gnathia pictures of actors wearing masks, but I have not included either the Würzburg fragment with a tragic scene or the Leningrad kalyx krater with the prologue of the Eumenides because in both, though the painter may be influenced by the masks worn, he is painting characters rather than actors. I have also excluded satyrs because here again the boundary between character and actor is not clear to me. The list is divided into hanging masks (1–36) and worn masks (37–44). All the actors except the tragic actors belong to the so-called ‘Phlyakes’ known from a large number of South Italian vases of different manufactures, which are decorated with scenes sometimes inspired by Attic Middle Comedy. There is a case for interpreting the hanging masks also as stage masks since the hanging tragic masks (3–5a) are certainly stage masks and the mask of the old man on the London krater (7) is very like a terracotta actor in Oxford; the mask on the Haileybury krater recurs on an Attic relief.
Aigina and the Delian League
Authors: MacDowell Douglas
Published: May 2006

It is usually taken for granted that throughout the first part of the fifth century B.C. until her defeat by Athens in or about 457 Aigina was a member of the Peloponnesian League and was consistently hostile to Athens and to the formation and growth of the Confederacy of Delos. I believe that the evidence for this view is weak, and that Aigina was never a member of the Peloponnesian League but probably was a voluntary member of the Delian League from its formation.

About 494 King Kleomenes of Sparta invaded the Argolid and defeated the Argives at Sepeia. For this invasion he used some ships belonging to Aigina, which he had taken by force. This implies that some kind of fight must have taken place recently between Aigina and the Spartans, or their allies. How could the Spartans, who were a land and not a sea power, capture ships from the Aiginetans, who had one of the largest fleets in Greece at that time? Only with the help of an ally whose naval power was stronger than Sparta's. Obviously this ally must have been Corinth. Corinth was always a naval power, and at this period she was hostile to Aigina, and she was undoubtedly a member of the Peloponnesian League. So the forces of the Peloponnesian League fought and defeated Aigina shortly before they defeated Argos in the middle 490s. There were, of course, traditional connexions between Argos and Aigina. Argos had assisted Aigina in a war against Epidauros and Athens long before; while after her defeat at Sepeia Argos demanded a fine of 500 talents from Aigina as an atonement for her treachery, and she could not have made this demand if she had not had, or claimed to have, some kind of alliance with her. It is therefore not surprising that the Peloponnesians should attack both Argos and Aigina at the same period.
The Book Trade in Fourth-Century Antioch
Authors: Norman A. F.
Published: May 2006

Although the papyrologist and the palaeographer have by now made the study of books in the ancient world a preserve almost peculiarly their own, it may yet be helpful to indicate literary evidence for the reading and writing habits of the educated classes in periods and places in which such modern studies have as yet been able to provide little or no material. A case in point is Antioch in the fourth century A.D., where there is considerable information embodied in the little appreciated works of Libanius, by which light is shed on the question of the writing and publication of books of various kinds. Except for some recent remarks upon copyists and book distribution in Antioch made by Paul Petit, this body of evidence has remained virtually untouched, despite its value. There are limitations, of course; Libanius has no use for any other culture than that of the Hellene and the rhetor. Syriac is mentioned only once in all his writings, and then in a contemptuous aside (Or.xlii 31); Latin, which he realised was increasingly in competition with his own educational system, he met with determined opposition (e.g.Or.i 214, 234; x 14), while he looked upon Christian literature with all the rancour of a confirmed pagan (e.g.Or.xxx 21; xviii 178).

To him, as a schoolmaster, and to his students in rhetoric, books were essential, but it is clear that some restrictions were imposed both on master and pupil by the availability of texts. The ordinary school text seems to have been obtainable, subject to the rules of supply and demand, but other works were correspondingly harder to obtain. One must not look to him for indications of purchase price. It may have been necessary for the parents of his pupils to purchase books—it certainly appears as a normal item in their budget—but he never descends to the mundane question of cost. He himself usually got his books by presentation rather than by purchase, and in any case he maintained his own copyist. His fellow rhetors, Acacius and Demetrius, did the same, and the lending of a text for the purpose of taking a copy was normal practice (e.g.Or.liv 68). There was, however, in addition to the demand which these private copyists satisfied in the establishments of professional sophists or the wealthy families, some market for books for which the professional copyist catered. That there was also some traffic in second-hand books is indicated by Libanius' account of the repeated attempts to burgle his library and of the theft and subsequent misadventures of his prized text of Thucydides. This turned up in the possession of a freshman who had purchased it on the open market (Or.i 148). The ordinary student found the purchase of books a necessity, and Libanius reproves those parents who keep their sons so short of money that they are unable to buy the texts they need (e.g.Ep.428.3).