bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
African conflicts
Authors: Lee Sabine
Published: January 2018

The chapter investigates the experience of children born of war in late 20th century sub-Saharan Africa by exploring the fate of children conceived during the Rwandan genocide and the children born of forced conjugal associations during the LRA war in Northern Uganda. Using extensive fieldwork in Northern Uganda, the analysis focusses on the impact of the ethnic undertones of the conflicts and the role of kinship in determining what guides the integration of CBOW into volatile post-conflict societies. It reflects on the gendered societal norms and their role in shaping the communities into which CBOW and their mothers have to settle and explores healing mechanisms and their limitations for affected children.
Unintended consequences …
Authors: Lee Sabine
Published: January 2018

The final case study explores children fathered by members of peacekeeping forces. It investigates the specific nature of peacekeeping societies and the gendered power relations within those, which have led to numerous more or less exploitative relations with significant numbers of so-called peace babies being conceived. The chapter critically analyses UN attempts at both regulating military-civilian relations in its zero-tolerance policies and at recognising the need for troops under UN flag to take responsibility for children fathered peacekeepers.
Epilogue
Authors: Lee Sabine
Published: January 2018

The final chapter concludes that national militaries and governments, for centuries, have ignored the offspring of their soldiers conceived in frequently exploitative relations. Governments only deviated from this approach, if those children born of war could be used for political purposes or as part of a nation-building process in which they had the potential of strengthening their paternal home. Yet, despite a multitude of challenges, many CBOW in a variety of post-conflict societies demonstrate considerable resilience.
Introduction
Authors: Marinopoulou Anastasia
Published: January 2018

Critical Theory and Epistemology is a comparison of the major epistemological concerns in the twentieth century with critical theory of the Frankfurt School. I focus on modern epistemology as a theory of and about science that also addresses the social and political aims of scientific enquiry.The critique that the book deploys on the epistemological tendencies of late modernity suggests that the main distinction between Kant and the critical theorists lies in their understanding of rationality. Such a critique can be characterized as the ‘battle’ of modern epistemology for or against the scientifically, socially and politically rational. Thus, arguments of modern epistemology, as articulated by phenomenology, structuralism, poststructuralism, modernists and postmodernists, systems’ theory and critical realism, can certainly be considered ‘modern’ in historical terms, but in essence their concerns are of a pre-modern and pre-scientific nature. In such a manner, we come closer to understanding what constitutes the scientific, philosophy, truth, and whether modern epistemology paves the way for a political epistemology in the twenty-first century.
Critical realism
Authors: Marinopoulou Anastasia
Published: January 2018

Critical realism attempted to ground dialectics in realism.Roy Bhaskar insisted on presenting the epistemological validity of mechanisms which, as he maintains, encompass both perception and the laws that guide science towards predictability. Bhaskar’s conception of dialectics is already apparent in his A Realist Theory of Science, and it governs all his work until his Dialectic, which is probably one of his final contributions to the issue of science and epistemology. In the present chapter I argue that his idea of predictability in science through mechanisms is of a pre-critical character and that he fails to acknowledge that norms generate rationality.Although Bhaskar claims to place dialectics within reality, he fails to grasp that his claim is not enough for an ‘other’ epistemology over which he also claims jurisdiction. He grounds an epistemological ontology that renders dialectics testable but not accountable, which leads him to form more an epistemological methodology and less an ontology of science, as he initially wished. My critique focuses on the issue that while his dialectics might generate a methodological testability, it neither signifies a commitment for science to theorize and act rationally, nor renders it accountable to the consequences of science within social conditions.
Conclusions
Authors: Marinopoulou Anastasia
Published: January 2018

This book has aimed to examine dialectics in modern epistemology and to compare it with critical theory, not ‘in order to’ but ‘because’ the latter can offer innovative means of dialectical theorizing. In this way, critical theory has the potential to advance twenty-first century epistemology.The book attempted to avoid old and traditional modes such as ‘biographies’ of scientific terms or historical elaboration or evaluation of epistemological arguments. I also challenged the de-scientification and pre-modern approaches that have returned to the epistemological fore. It is essential for a critical theory of the twenty-first century that it can articulate a political epistemology through the dialectical potential. The book attempted to present and ground the argument that a retreat to de-theorization for the sake of the partiality of empiricism, as well as the post-modern approach, signifies not a space of post-modernity, but rather the process of de-modernization that begins with the instrumentalization of the sciences and extends to the social and the political. In order to avoid social and scientific instrumentality and pre-modern positions, the construction of scientific politics has to be criticized under the perspective of a political epistemology.
Introduction: when ideas travel: political theory, colonialism, and the history of ideas
Authors: Hendrix Burke A. , Baumgold Deborah
Published: January 2018

Ideas travel. The history of political thought as it has generally been studied is deeply interested in these forms of travel and in the transformations that occur along the way. Ideas of a social contract first crystallize in the England of Hobbes and Locke, and then travel in branching ways to Jefferson’s North America, Robespierre’s France, Kant’s Prussia, and elsewhere. In their travels, these ideas hybridize with others, are repurposed in new social contexts, and often take on political meanings deeply divergent from what their originators intended. Students of the history of political thought are acutely aware of these complexities in the development of European political ideas during the early modern and modern eras, given the centrality of such ideas for shaping the political worlds in which we now live....
Troubling appropriations: Pedro Paterno’s Filipino deployment of French Lamarckianism
Authors: Thomas Megan C.
Published: January 2018

This chapter traces the unsettling ways that racial thought sometimes travelled in colonial contexts. In the late nineteenth century, Filipino intellectual Pedro Paterno wrote creatively about the ethnology and history of the Philippines, arguing that history revealed that particular qualities were inherent to certain races and racial mixtures, and further arguing that one such group of the Philippines was doomed to extinction whereas another was destined for a bright future. His arguments derived from contemporary French political and intellectual debates about race in the context of (increasingly anti-Semitic) nationalism, which themselves creatively appropriated the conclusions of the earlier Lamarck. But the connections are not as straightforward as they might seem: Paterno used arguments that opposed each other in the French context to support his claims about the contrasting qualities, and so destinies, of these two groups in the Philippines.
Colonial hesitation, appropriation, and citation: Qāsim Amīn, empire, and saying ‘no’
Authors: Idris Murad
Published: January 2018

This chapter examines the complex and ambiguous thought of Egyptian jurist Qāsim Amīn. Amīn’s work is fraught with issues of gender and freedom, which are occasioned by ideas about the sociological conditions of modernity that include the premise of natural selection in the competition between societies. Amīn worried that Egypt had made itself unable to compete fully in the evolutionary conflict between societies and linked the competition to normative questions about individual freedom and, especially, the position of women in society. At the same time, Amīn also sought to counter the universalist claims of certain interpreters and critics of Islam. Thus he sought to navigate unsteady terrain in describing the meaning of a progressive society without simply reproducing European ideas. Idris’s chapter demonstrates the difficulty of writing in ambiguous and profoundly asymmetric colonial circumstances. Seeking both to defend and reform Islamic societies – and both admiring and fearing colonial power – Amīn wrote divergent texts for different audiences: in French, he made defensive arguments; in Arabic, reformist. The conclusion of the chapter powerfully illustrates the ways in which the strategy would misfire: European commentators would in the end deploy Amīn’s Arabic language work as support for further imperial entrenchment.
America’s emerging citizens: realities and perceptions
Authors: Matto Elizabeth C.
Published: January 2018

This chapter provides context for the consideration of the political engagement of young adults. The Millennial Generation’s place in history is marked by laying out the succession of generations preceding it. By comparing such generational milestones as reaching the voting age to the corresponding top news events, the historical context in which this age cohort has matured also is offered. Using multiple sources of secondary data, the key demographic features of the Millennial Generation are outlined including current and projected size, ethnic diversity, educational attainment, and social media habits. This consideration of the realities of the generation is then juxtaposed against perceptions of young adults through content analysis of a database of over 300 news articles regarding the Millennial Generation. The media frame through which Millennials are viewed depicts young adults as forceful when it comes to business and entertainment but elusive and uncertain politically with little evidence of their impact.
Citizen now: responding politically
Authors: Matto Elizabeth C.
Published: January 2018

This chapter addresses the nature of the featured groups’ activities, the targets of their actions, the context out of which these actions arise, and the effects of these efforts. This qualitative approach is appropriate when theoretical frameworks aren't doing an adequate job of explaining, predicting and understanding a phenomenon - youth political participation in this case. Although shaped by their missions, structures, and resources, this research suggests that the groups engage in a variety of actions meant to raise awareness, serve the public, and influence the political process. Although they make use of the technological tools of their generation, their actions are in line with traditional conceptions of political action with attention to their outcomes and impact.
Introduction: from the Cold War to the Crimea: a bumpy road
Authors: Peterson James W.
Published: January 2018

The Introduction will present key themes of each of the ten individual chapters to follow, in an effort to highlight the twists and turns of the Russian-American relationship in each. There will be particular importance placed on five analytical models as well as five theories that illuminate the key aspects of this evolving relationship. To what extent do the case studies, models, and theories explain either the convergence between the two powers or the erosion of good feeling between them? The images of their two symbolic eagles and parallel anthems will make memorable the analysis.
Theoretical approaches: models of power, systems theory, critical junctures, legacies, realism, and realism revised
Authors: Peterson James W.
Published: January 2018

There are five models that analysts have utilized in efforts to depict accurately the evolution of the Russian-American relationship from the late Cold War through the first part of the twenty-first century. While bipolarity characterized the early days of the Cold War, it yielded to a multipolar model in the last decades of that period. Post-Cold war patterns have centered on early American-centered unipolarity, re-emergence of multipolarity, and at times complex or chaotic patterms. In addition, five theories cast light on many of the details of the relationship. While legacy theory displays how some features of the communist past carry over into the post-communist period, the concept of critical junctures pulls our attention to key transitions in the political life and relationship of both powers. Debates about individual foreign policy decisions by both often center on the dialogue between realists and post- or revised-realist theoreticians.
The Cold War root of post-Cold War tension: duality of détente in the 1970s and neo-Cold War in the 1980s
Authors: Peterson James W.
Published: January 2018

During the late Cold War there was a serious effort by leaders in both capitals to defuse the tension and conflict that characterized their relationship during the 1950s and 60s. Commitments by both sides to the details of soft power approaches such as negotiating arms agreements such as SALT and the Helsinki Accords eased the climate of hostility somewhat, while the rise to power of Mikhail Gorbachev, with his emphasis on perestroika and other aspects of reform, resulted in considerable retraction of the Soviet military both in size and from various points of involvement such as Afghanistan. However, there was usually either continuing underlying neo-Cold War tension between the two or vacillation between steps forward and backward. The initial Soviet move into Afghanistan combined with emergence of Marxist forces in locations such as Nicaragua kept American leaders in a state of military readiness. Provocative moves such as the build-up of the American nuclear arsenal under President Reagan in the 1980s were combatitive in tone with regard to Soviet leaders. Thus, positive and negative features combined in an uneasy mix at the end of the Cold War.
The admission of twelve former communist states and republics into NATO and the bitter Russian reaction, 1999–2009
Authors: Peterson James W.
Published: January 2018

NATO’s admission of three classes of a total of twelve former communist states and republics took place in the years 1999, 2004, and 2009. Each of the admitted states had undergone a preparation process known as the Partnership for Peace. The Russian reaction was very negative, as they strengthened their own military in response and also complained that NATO had now moved to their doorstep. At the alliance’s Bucharest Summit in 2008, NATO made the strategically important decision to deny admission to both Georgia and Ukraine. This denial may have strengthened the Russian resolve to invade the first in 2008 and the second in 2014. After the Russian absorption of Crimea, NATO tactics bolstered the position of other vulnerable states but also angered Russian leaders.
Russia and America confront terrorism, 1994–2004: a foundation of understanding
Authors: Peterson James W.
Published: January 2018

In the 1990s, Russia’s wars in Chechnya alientated the officials in the Clinton administration, for they deemed the response by the Yeltsin government to be an overreaction to the acts committed by Chechnyan terrorists. However, the Twin Towers attacks in 2001 created a certain common understanding between the two powers. In spite of the contrasting attitudes of the two towards bin Laden and al Qaeda during the Russian invasion of Afghanistan in the 1980s, responses to global terrorism put them on the same page in the new century. With the support of NATO’s Article 5, the American decision to invade Afghanstan and dislodge the Taliban met with allied approval and support. However, there was considerable controversy between Moscow and Washington over the Iraq war that America commenced with the Coalition of the Willing in 2003. Russian leaders condemned this invasion as an illustration of an American overreach as well as an inappropriate response to the 9/11 attacks. One commonality in the effort to contain terrorism was considerable administrative centralization within both political systems.
The Missile Shield proposal by the U.S. in 2007–9 and the Arab Spring of 2011: contrasting priorities
Authors: Peterson James W.
Published: January 2018

Both Russia and America perceived critical events in the 2007-09 period in different ways. President George W. Bush made the Missile Shield proposal in an effort to defend against rogue states that were developing a nuclear capability. Both the Czechs and the Poles were keystones in implementation of that proposal, bud Russian reactions were highly negative. They responded in many ways and threatened to build up defensive capabilities in their enclave of Kaliningrad. However, in fall 2009, President Obama cancelled the U.S. backed proposal and called for a substitution. The Arab Spring of 2011 created more controversy between Russia and America, for American support for revolutionary forces clashed with Russian anxiousness about popular demonstrations in Arab Spring states that were similar to the flower revolutions in former Soviet republics in the 2003-05 time frame. The war against Khadaffy in Libya was an allied engagement that provoked sharp Russian criticism. Further, both the uprising in Egypt and the civil war in Syria pushed Russian and American leaders apart and created misunderstandings that percolated into their future relationship.
The Ukrainian crisis to the center of the stage in 2014 and after: a game-changing earthquake in the relationship
Authors: Peterson James W.
Published: January 2018

Rejection of assistance from the European Union (EU) and reliance instead on increased Russian connections, by the Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych led to the 2014 crisis in Ukraine. As a result, the Russian ethnic group that held majority status in the Crimean Republic pushed for a referendum that led to its detachment from Ukraine and attachment to Russia. Russia held continuing military exercises along its border with Ukraine, and that activity fed the instability in the eastern border region of Ukraine. Western responses included a range of steps that entailed both diplomatic and military dimensions. Diplomatic contacts centered on two four-party Minsk Summits that resulted in an agreement called the Minsk Protocol. NATO led the military response that included relocation of western troops from southern Europe to the jeopardized area of northeast Europe. In addition, NATO also created a Spearhead Force of 5,000 troops that could quickly move into any threatened area in the future. Finally, western nations imposed economic sanctions on Russian personnel and institutions in an effort to bring about changed policies.
Conclusion: theoretical approaches and a path from the Crimea to stability
Authors: Peterson James W.
Published: January 2018

In terms of the ten theoretical approaches presented in Chapter One, the balance of power model carried the most explanatory force in tracing the evolution of the Russian-American relationship. The multipolar model also was strong in depicting the impact on Russian-American relations by other interested states, and it also is useful in studying the impact of that relationship on other nations and their leaders. Further, realism is the best theoretical tool in characterizing motives behind many policy initiatives of the two states. As a result, there were many points at which erosion in the relationship occurred. Their very different reactions to the Syrian civil war was one major example, but so also were continuing military provocations. Russians carried out numerous military exercises in very sensitive border regions, while the West was able to use NATO capabilittes to set up deterrents to Russian ambitions. However, convergence between the two did occur in some ways. Russian-American diplomatic tactics were minimal but meaningful, while President Putin also reached out in unexpected ways to nations such as Iran and Greece. American contacts were those of reassurance to Ukraine and the anxious states in the Baltic region as well as Poland.
Introduction: ‘What’s she like?’
Authors: Chaplin Felicity
Published: January 2018

The introduction provides an overview of the origins of the Parisienne type in nineteenth-century French art and culture. It traces these origins to specific works of art and literature, including the novels of Balzac, Flaubert, Zola and Dumas fils; the paintings of Renoir, James Tissot, Toulouse-Lautrec; and the numerous physiognomies written on the type. The origin of the term la Parisienne is examined and two key features of her mythology are identified: visibility and mobility. A provisional definition of la Parisienne as ‘a figure of French modernity’ and ‘more than just a female inhabitant of Paris’ is then offered. Both the technological (railways, printing press, fashion plates, photography) and cultural (art, literature, advertising, print media) developments in nineteenth-century France which provided the basis for the emergence of la Parisienne as a dominant cultural figure are then discussed. Also introduced here is the main theoretical approach of the book: iconography.The iconography of la Parisienne can be categorised according to the following concepts: visibility and mobility (both social and spatial); style and fashionability, including self-fashioning; artist and muse; cosmopolitanism; prostitution; danger; consumption (the consumer and the consumed); and transformation.
Conclusion: ‘Look, let’s start all over again. What’s she like?’
Authors: Chaplin Felicity
Published: January 2018

The conclusion offers the following provisional definition of la Parisienne: a type of which atypicality is the dominant feature; a type whose identity is continuously displaced or deferred, simultaneously reaching back to her earliest manifestations in the nineteenth century and forward to future manifestations which will both affirm and rework the iconography of the type. The further turn of the screw for the difficulty of defining la Parisienne as a type is that this difficulty is not in spite of her iconography but is in fact built into it. This apparent contradiction is accounted for within iconography itself as a methodology, the two aspects of which are stability and mutability. Since a type is only a type because of recognisable motifs, certain motifs must be established which have both universal, and particular or historical validity. One of the ways iconography may respond to its dual imperatives of stability and mutability is by constructing a cycle of films featuring a certain type, and the conclusion reveals that this book goes some way toward constructing what might be called a cycle of Parisienne films.
Leprosy and Colonialism
Authors: Snelders Stephen
Published: January 2018

Leprosy and colonialism investigates the history of leprosy in the colony of Suriname in the Dutch Caribbean within the context of colonial power and racial conflict - from the plantation economy and the age of slavery to its legacy in the modern colonial state. The book traces the origins of the modern stigmatization and exclusion of people affected with leprosy to the political tensions and racial fears of colonial slave society, tensions exerting their influence up to the present day. Leprosy was framed in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Surinamese slave society as an economic and racial problem and a social and political threat to the functioning of the slave economy, a danger to European dominance. Sufferers were attributed with an inferior racial and/or social status and the solution was to segregate and isolate them, and leave them to their fate. After the abolition of slavery, interest in the problem of leprosy diminished for a time in Suriname; however, compulsory segregation received new impetus in the early 20th century in the context of a modernizing colonial state. Modernization included ‘medicalized’ leprosy politics that made more humane treatment possible, but at the same time increased the detection and segregation of sufferers. This colonial management of leprosy was contested: by sufferers who evaded segregation, by Afro-Surinamese and other non-white population groups who kept to their own belief systems such as the importance of taboo violations, and by patients in the asylums who kept their own an agency.
The making of a colonial disease in the eighteenth century
Authors: Snelders Stephen
Published: January 2018

Leprosy became a visible problem among African slaves in Suriname in the 1750s, and seemed to threaten to return to Europe. This chapter argues that, driven by the needs and interest of Surinamese slave society and economy, Dutch colonial medicine framed the disease with negative connotations: originating among slaves in Africa, caused by unhealthy living conditions, and related to disreputable sexual morals - a danger to European dominance. The sufferers of the disease who threatened this dominance had a supposedly inferior racial and/or social status. By the end of the century, the solution was to compulsorily segregate and isolate them, and leave them to their fate. Leprosy management became an important aspect of slave labour management in the colony.
‘Battleground in the jungle’: the Batavia leprosy asylum in the age of slavery
Authors: Snelders Stephen
Published: January 2018

The Batavia leprosy asylum served to segregate the poor and the slaves among the Surinamese leprosy sufferers. Here the colonial government entered into a working relationship with the Catholic Church, in which the church had an essential role in maintaining some kind of moral and social order in the asylum. The Church was also allowed to use the asylum as an important recruiting ground for new converts. In the asylum, Catholic priests attempted to establish a ‘Christian leper identity’ on the sufferers, who had to shed their former heathen cultural identity to receive the care of Catholic compassion. But not all of the sufferers went along with the establishment of this new identity: Batavia was a place with its own infra-politics of non-compliance and contestation that was not so much evident in open resistance as in a cherishing of autonomy in everyday life.
Colonial medicine and folk beliefs in the modern era
Authors: Snelders Stephen
Published: January 2018

The on-going adherence of the Afro-Surinamese and of new British Indian and Javanese migrants to their own folk beliefs and practices necessitated a response from Dutch colonial medicine. If modern leprosy politics were to succeed, some degree of cooperation and compliance from the population was necessary. Folk beliefs were not seen as a possible alternative to Western science and medicine on a conceptual level; however, Dutch colonial medicine found elements in folk beliefs useful for its own health propaganda and communication, while at the same time emphatically rejecting the folk medicine practitioners’ worldview underlying these beliefs. In this sense Dutch colonial medicine did not limit itself to the interventions from above based on biomedical knowledge that historians have found typical of ‘Imperial Tropical Medicine’, but actively sought the compliance of the population.
Darwin, Du Chaillu and Mr Gorilla: the lions of the season
Authors: Horrall Andrew
Published: January 2018

This chapter explores how Charles Darwin’s 1859 book On the Origin of Species and the explorer Paul Du Chaillu’s almost simultaneous encounters with gorillas in West Africa focussed popular fears about evolution. Gorillas were a frightening suggestion that apes and humans were related, and that ancient hominids might still inhabit the unexplored parts of the Earth. Scientists and theologians publicly and angrily confronted each other, providing satirists with the basis for cartoons, songs, plays, stage sketches, acrobatic routines and literary fantasies about gorillas. These reflected a generalised knowledge about evolution. Cartoons, poems and jokes in humorous magazines adopted the gorilla’s voice, making the animal quasi-human and having it comment directly on the contemporary world. The almost invariably humorous tone in which gorillas were invoked in British popular culture deflected unease about the animal’s relationship to humans. Such ideas were far more threatening in the United States, where debates about the future of slavery were plunging the country into Civil War. Americans had little interest in comic depictions of simian prehistoric humans.
He of the auburn locks: George Robey, the Edwardian cave man
Authors: Horrall Andrew
Published: January 2018

This chapter focuses on how George Robey, one of the most popular Edwardian comedians, created a sketch in 1902 based on E.T. Reed’s prehistoric peeps cartoons. The sketch, which Robey performed for years, firmly established the cave man as a theatrical character and inspired many professional and amateur imitators. Reed’s cartoons remained very popular and widely imitated. They were invoked to describe conditions in the empire and scientific evidence of the ancient past, while comic cave men were used to advertise a wide variety of commercial goods. The second part of this chapter explores how Reed’s cave man character was transferred to the cinema screen in 1905 with the first film ever set in prehistory. British cave man films inspired American filmmakers who initially eschewed comedy for action, supposed scientific truth and an alignment with national myths about rugged individualism.
The Politics of Attack
Authors: Loadenthal Michael
Published: January 2018

The politics of attack is an exploration of insurrectionary anarchist praxis, with a particular focus on the rhetoric, discourse, and theory found in communiqués. This book challenges the reader to consider the marginalized ideas put forth by those political actors that communicate through bombs, arson, and broken windows, and who are rejected through the state’s construction of terrorism. When a police station is firebombed, the subsequent discussions focus more on the illegality of the act rather than the socio-political critique the actor put forth. What if we were to embrace the means through which the militant, ‘organic intellectual’ acts, and consider the communiqué’s content, the way one would consider any political text? This inter-textual analysis is presented within a political and historical context, with the hopes of elevating the discussion of insurrectionary praxis beyond notions of terrorism and securitization and towards its application for intersectional challenges to structural violence and domination.
In the social war being waged by insurrectionary anarchists, small acts of violence are announced and contextualized through written communiqués, which are posted online, translated, and circulated globally. This book offers the first contemporary history of these post-millennial, digitally-mediated, insurrectionary anarchist networks, and seeks to locate this tendency within anti-state struggles from the past. Through an examination of thousands of movement documents, this book presents the discourse offered by clandestine, urban guerrillas fighting capitalism, the state, and the omnipresent forces of violence and coercion.
Concerning method and the study of political violence
Authors: Loadenthal Michael
Published: January 2018

Chapter 1 begins by discussing the central object of analysis—the communiqué—as a method for delivering critical analysis typically reserved for more formalized texts. This approach begs the question: ‘Can one read a claim of responsibility (i.e. a communiqué) in the same formalized manner as one would read The Communist Manifesto or The Federalist Papers? This discussion surveys the available literature focused on the study of communiqués, identifying weaknesses and necessary corrections to this reading. Secondly, this chapter identifies initial difficulties arising from the study of these objects, specifically problems relating to verifiability, triangulation, determining credible authorship and the inherent subjectivity in historical interpretation. Finally, this chapter presents two central claims examined throughout the subsequent chapters: 1.) Modern insurrectionary networks are informed by and act to constitute an ‘insurrectionary canon’, and 2.) Due to the poststructural influence on the modern insurrectionary critique, the milieu will resultantly carry forth an expanded understanding of structural violence and inequality.
Insurrection as history from Guy Fawkes to black blocs
Authors: Loadenthal Michael
Published: January 2018

This chapter develops the pre-modern history of insurrectionary methods, pursued through a genealogical account of history and discourse. Beginning with a discussion of the genealogical approach as presented by Michele Foucault, this is followed by an exploration of insurrectionism as a form of guerrilla warfare. After affirming that insurrectionary action is indeed within a militant tradition, the reader is led through several hundred years of history that traces the roots of those advocating direct, unmediated attacks on the state—latter termed “propaganda of the deed.” Through examples drawn largely from Europe and North America, special attention is paid to those engaged in theatrical, public attacks, as well as the networks surrounding Luigi Galleani and the Bonnot Gang. Finally, this history is brought into the twenty-first century, linking the anti-globalization movement of the late 1990 and early 2000s, to the decline of that movement following the attacks of September 11, 2001. In its conclusion, the chapter considers whether the decline of the anti-globalization, counter-summit movement emboldened the formation and internationalization of clandestine cell networks promoting insurrectionary attack.
Popular Virtue
Authors: Scriven Tom
Published: January 2018

Popular virtue is the first in-depth study of the complicated and shifting trajectory of the moral politics of working-class Radicalism between 1820 and the 1860s. During this period popular Radicalism shifted from an engagement with moral, sexual and gender heterodoxies and a festive political culture towards a more austere and ascetic moral politics following the repression of the early Chartist movement. In highlighting this transition and the tangled legacy of this politics after the decline of Chartism, this book uncovers important traditions within nineteenth-century working-class politics and challenges dominant notions of continuity throughout the century. Scriven looks at the lives, work, and intellectual influences on a number of key but under-researched Chartist leaders, from the foundation of the movement in the ‘freethought’ culture of the 1820s to the development of social-democratic Chartism in the 1850s. From the outset these figures drew from Enlightenment thought to challenge orthodoxies and develop a Radical movement which sought wholesale political, social, economic, and moral change. Following the failure of Chartism’s early revolutionary strategy in 1839, these activists reformulated their political ideas to emphasize unified physical, mental, and moral improvement so as to peacefully challenge political corruption and social deprivation. This new strategy, intended to produce more organized, united, and intelligent Chartists, was widely popular within the movement, before being rejected once again after 1848 when a new leadership once again emphasized revolutionary politics and socialism. However, the legacy of the moral improvement culture of the 1840s was present in the mid-Victorian worlds of alternative medicine, Popular Liberalism, and self-help.
Introduction
Authors: Scriven Tom
Published: January 2018

On 24 August 1849 the prominent Chartist publisher Henry Hetherington died aged fifty-seven, another victim of the cholera epidemic sweeping London. As the eulogy by his friend Thomas Cooper suggested, this was more likely worsened than prevented by his years of teetotalism and vegetarianism and his preference for homeopathic and botanical medicines:...
A ‘Radical Underworld’? The infidel roots of Chartist culture
Authors: Scriven Tom
Published: January 2018

This chapter focusses on the Radical print culture of the 1820s and 1830s and revises the notion that the early Chartists were austere and moralistic, highlighting instead the populist elements of their moral politics, which was heterodox, libertarian, and incorporated amusement and humour. It was at this point that the moral critique of capitalism became incorporated into working-class Radicalism, and the impact on society on individual character (and vice versa) cemented within Radical thought. This critique was largely expounded to a popular audience through humour and crime reportage.
Politics and everyday life in early Chartism
Authors: Scriven Tom
Published: January 2018

This chapter will use the itinerant activism of Henry Vincent in the west of England in the formative years of Chartism between 1837 and 1839 to establish how early Chartist activists integrated plebeian culture and everyday life into the movement. Through festivity, drinking, and often coarse humour these men found success and built up a revolutionary movement attuned to both political and economic grievances. However, these tours also revealing problematic attitudes towards sexuality and women.
Medicine, popular science, and Chartism’s improvement culture
Authors: Scriven Tom
Published: January 2018

The fourth chapter will study in detail the intellectual, political and cultural shifts within the Chartist press after 1840, in which individual moral improvement allied to a critique of capitalism became increasingly prominent. It will then outline how this led to a vibrant ideology and culture of improvement, which was particular pursued through dietary reform and quack healthcare.
Conclusion
Authors: Scriven Tom
Published: January 2018

Chartism’s moral politics and improvement culture were strategic interventions rather than dilutions of the movement’s objectives and aspirations. Those Chartist leaders who turned to the politics of improvement did so to build the movement towards a position of Radical working-class hegemony. In the process, this moral politics and its associated culture would grapple with and thereby alleviate social grievances in a way that did not incorporate the plotting and revolutionary violence which had failed in 1839. However, this approach proved to be problematic. It abandoned much of an established Radical culture that clearly was capable of enticing mass support (including, significantly, many women, not just as wives and mothers but as wage labourers), turned to regressive ideas about sexuality and the family, and opened up the dangerous possibility that the working class could be divided along lines of moral entitlement or intellectual attainment. It also possessed a degree of intellectual and strategic incoherence and circularity. Advocates of improvement in the 1840s were clear that it did ...
Crimes against the body: causing harm
Authors: Tomkins Alannah
Published: January 2018

Medical practitioners who were accused of committing violent crime against the bodies of people other than patients presented both the profession and the public with a problem. Both professional bodies and the lay public desired doctors to be social heroes, inhabiting the role of expert witness and protecting the body rather than appearing as a defendant. This study of practitioners accused of either rape or murder finds the limits of medical competition, as men accused of rape were likely to be acquitted to courtroom applause. Medical murderers, on the other hand, offered the profession viable scapegoats to reinforce the impression that the medical fraternity was willing to admit to limited instances of wrong-doing.
Mad doctors: lunacy and the asylum
Authors: Tomkins Alannah
Published: January 2018

The stresses of professional life could become so severe as to prompt an admission to an asylum. This chapter considers the propensity of practitioners to undergo admission to either a pauper lunatic asylum or a private, licensed house, and unpacks the experiences of those men whose suffering was acute, or which exemplified the issues which arose when men were treated by their former and (for some) future colleagues. It locates causes of professional stress and fears of competitive practice.
Despairing doctors: professional stress and suicide
Authors: Tomkins Alannah
Published: January 2018

Newspaper reporting of inquests reveals 285 instances of medical men who killed themselves in the period 1800-1890. This chapter considers the motives and methods of medical suicides, and uses the circumstances surrounding a minority of deaths to explore the aspects of professional pressure that proved most challenging. Once again, covert medical competition was a prominent source of anxiety.
Conclusion
Authors: Tomkins Alannah
Published: January 2018

The conclusion surveys the extent of empirical data used in this research and summarises key findings about the persistence of the medical marketplace and the challenges to medical masculinity. It highlights the 1860s as a period of transition, and reflects on the value of studying failure as a component of medical professionalisation.
Research frameworks: historical representations and formations of race and class meet neoliberal governance
Authors: Kulz Christy
Published: January 2018

Dreamfields describes how its disciplinarian structures liberate and transform its cohort of ‘urban children’. These children are assumed to come from unstructured, unhappy homes, where working class parenting, not ethnicity, is described as the problem. However this ‘urban child’ is inherently racialised due to the majority of students coming from ethnic minority backgrounds. The chapter shows how race and class were mutually created through historical representations rooted in the development of industrial capitalism, classificatory mechanisms and empire before showing how these historical trajectories are evident within Dreamfields’ current approach. Theoretically, the chapter discusses how processes of subjectification work to cultivate docile bodies so that ‘appropriate’ capitals can be grafted on.
Disciplining Dreamfields Academy: a ‘well-oiled machine’ to combat urban chaos
Authors: Kulz Christy
Published: January 2018

This chapter examines how Dreamfields’ professed return to more 'traditional' disciplinarian methods involves the deployment of surveillance, coercion, division, and audit to guarantee the consistent production of quantifiable outcomes. This complex of systems does not revert back to the imagined good old days when students respected authority and were proficient in the three R’s, but shows how multiple logics of power are at work on the body to create a narrow, dense web of disciplines. This ‘well-oiled machine’ works to both hold the body in place while also moving and structuring it via classed, raced and gendered neo-liberal norms.
‘Urban children’ meet the ‘buffer zone’: mapping the inequitable foundations of Dreamfields’ conveyor belt
Authors: Kulz Christy
Published: January 2018

This chapter unpicks how the inherent normality of the middle classes embedded within Dreamfields’ ethos intersects with race and is compounded by the education marketplace's demand for results. These parameters shape teacher and student negotiations, while students' social groupings are structured by institutional norms that they navigate from various positions within Dreamfields’ hierarchy. Supposedly more expressive black bodies are consistently more heavily policed in the playground, while performing 'whiter' forms of comportment is a tactic used to reduce student surveillance. Principal Culford demands a 'no excuses culture’, yet this 'no excuses' mantra divorces students from their social positioning, trivializing continued hardship, institutionalized racism and moral value judgements.
Remaking inequalities in the neoliberal institution
Authors: Kulz Christy
Published: January 2018

Firstly this chapter discusses how Dreamfields’ 'oasis in the desert' allegedly built to transform urban children is changing urban culture in unanticipated ways. Besides grafting cultural capital onto students, it actively seeks out those who already have the capitals it requires to excel in the education market. Secondly, it explores how race and class are lived out in Dreamfields’ neoliberal regime. Whiteness does not rely on the white subject to be materialised, while the racialised subject is conceptualised through the lens of class. Both pathological blackness and dirty whiteness can be 'lost' through the application of middle-class behaviours, yet this shift requires labour, loss and conformity. Thirdly, the allure of the ‘good life’ acts a powerful tool of neoliberal governance that motivates many parents, students and teachers to willingly embrace Dreamfields’ demands. Finally, the chapter reviews how recent policy developments further centralize education and curtail participation, yet suggests there are cracks appearing in this consensus.
The strange career of nation-building as a concept in US foreign policy
Authors: Suri Jeremi
Published: January 2018

The opening chapter of the volume approaches the peculiar US vocation for nation-building on a global scale from the perspective of domestic experience. Jeremi Suri uses the study of the post-Civil War South by C. Vann Woodward to provide for non-Americans a sense of the ideological interstices and remarkable longevity of this feature of American “exceptionalism”. Writing outside of the idiom but with full sympathy for its constituent parts and continuities, Suri describes a deep US civic culture that celebrates self-governance, popular sovereignty and open trade on an uninterrupted continuum from home to the rest of the globe. Denied the normal components of national identity, American elite and popular cultures have, from Washington’s Farewell Address of 1796 to Obama’s West Point speech of 2014, sustained a form of millennial conviction to universalise domestic beliefs. These ride above the particularities of culture, geography or ethnic encounters that necessarily confront a global power and which perforce cause alterations in tactics, but rarely for any length of time the broader strategic idiom. Equally, Suri, argues, the contradiction between national self-interest and the need to construct states and societies along recognisably US lines is repressed through narrow, ‘unionist’ perspectives. It is almost as if the American public imaginary cannot conceive of an allowable ‘other’, even though the efforts at self-fashioning undeniably create a multitude of victims.
Carl Schmitt and the American century
Authors: Drolet Jean-François
Published: January 2018

During the past two decades or so, the German jurist and political theorist Carl Schmitt (1888-1985) has been read both as a mediated source of intellectual influence on the American political establishment and as a vehicle for radical criticism of this same establishment. In his contribution to this volume, Jean-Francois Drolet offers an analytical reconstruction of Schmitt’s interpretation of American foreign policy on the backdrop of this apparent paradox in the reception of his legacy in America and Europe. His analysis engages with a wide range of well-known and less well-known texts, in which Schmitt reflects on some of the key pronouncements and moments in the history of US foreign policy. While working his way through these studies, Drolet draws particular attention to the philosophical prisms through which Schmitt came to conceptualise the relationship between technology, political violence and ‘values’ in the formulation of American foreign policy during the second half of the twentieth century.