bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Natural Rights and Distributive Justice: Nozick and the Classical Contractarians
Authors: Replogle Ron
Published: November 2009

Robert Nozick seeks to extract a substantive theory of distributive justice (“the entitlement theory”) from what he takes to be the formal properties of natural rights (or rights-based) theory. The unsoundness of his arguments supports the longstanding suspicion that all such theories are conceptually confused and ideological biased. Yet upon examination, the classical (chiefly Lockean) views that Nozick regards as a prototype of natural rights theory withstand that suspicion precisely in so far as they lack the formal properties of his own theory. I conclude that theories of the classical form are better equipped to resolve political arguments.
The Strange Case of a Provincial Constitution: The British ColumbiaConstitution Act
Authors: Sharman Campbell
Published: November 2009

Provincial constitutional documents have not usually been the subject of scrutiny by those concerned with the governmental process at the provincial level. It has been assumed that the major characteristics of provincial government have been shaped by constitutional rules derived from theBritish North America Actand from the conventions of British-style parliamentary government. A case study of the British ColumbiaConstitution Actshows that such assumptions are only partially true. The powers of the provinces to shape their governmental structures through constitutional adaptation are extensive and have been used in the case of British Columbia to make broad modifications to the style of constitutionalism in the province since its entry to Confederation in 1871. It is not that the term provincial constitution should become a household word but that the investigation of the operation and potential of provincial constitutions should be seen as an essential component to an understanding of the provincial governmental process.
Intergenerational Transfer of Canadian Partisanships
Authors: Martinez Michael D.
Published: November 2009

This note derives hypotheses about the intergenerational transfer of Canadian partisanships from a social learning model, which posits that the adoption of attitudes is affected by the homogeneity of cues in the environment. As hypothesized, data from the 1974 Canadian national election study show that the rate of adoption of parental partisanships is affected by the consistency of each parent's federal and provincial party identifications. The second hypothesis, which posits that transfer rates are affected by provincial-federal party system correspondence, is also supported in three of four regression equations.
Le syndicalisme des fonctionnaires du Québec, 1943–1964: l'histoire du Conseil général des employés de la Province de Québec
Authors: Gow J. I.
Published: November 2009

In 1944, two civil servants' associations formed the General Council of Employees of the Province of Quebec for the collective defence of the interests of their members. This movement met with the opposition of Premier Duplessis, who disarmed it by a strategy in which formal recognition and consideration disguised the absence of any real concession. The Council soon gave up its attempts at collective action and its member associations continued to function as social and recreational organizations. After 1960, the Council, although first in the field, was unable to resist the rise of the Syndicat des fonctionnaires provinciaux, a more militant group sponsored by the Confédération des syndicats nationaux.
Consociation and Federation: Conceptual and Empirical Links
Authors: Lijphart Arend
Published: November 2009

Des liens conceptuels et empiriques entre « consociation » et fédération

« Consociationalisme » et fédéralisme sont étroitement liés conceptuellement et empiriquement. Une société pluraliste « consociationaliste » est également une fédération (1) s'il y a concentration géographique des « segments » de la population, (2) si les frontières des Etats membres recouvrent celles des « segments » et (3) si l'on retrouve les principes du fédéralisme, le partage des pouvoirs, le bicamérisme et la sur-représentation de la minorité. La théorie du fédéralisme rassemble tous les principes de base du « consociationalisme », au moins d'une manière embryonnaire surtout si l'on définit le fédéralisme d'une façon compréhensive qui englobe le fédéralisme non-territorial ou le fédéralisme « corporatiste ». Une fédération est également une « consociation » (1) si elle est démocratique, (2) si elle est pluraliste, (3) si on y retrouve les principes de la « grande coalition », du « veto » et de la « proportionnalité », (4) si elle est décentralisée, (5) si elle est asymétrique et (6) si elle renferme des Etats relativement nombreux et relativement petits. Il y a neuf modèles empiriques de fédéralisme et de « consociationalisme »: (1) les fédérations « consociationales », (2) les fédérations « non-consociationales », (3) les « consociations » non-fédérales, (4) les fédérations « semi-consociationales », (5) les « consociations » semi-fédérales, (6) les « semi-consociations » unitaires, (7) les « consociations » qui ne sont pas des fédérations « non-consociationales », (8) les « consociations » semi-fédérales à l'égard d'un clivage et unitaires à l'égard d'un autre et (9) les « consociations » qui combinent le fédéralisme territorial et « corporatiste ».
The Political Culture of Canadian Foreign Policy
Authors: Stairs Denis
Published: November 2009

On prétend souvent que les élites politiques du Canada, plus qu'ailleurs, établissent leur leadership, guidées par une combinaison conjugueé de principes et d'adaptation aux circonstances. Cette thèse est fort étayée par la politique étrangère canadienne; l'on trouve des exemples dans l'approche d'Ottawa à la formation des Nations Unies, dans la manière de résoudre les conflits internationaux et dans l'administration des relations bilatérales avec les Etats-Unis. Dans ces trois contextes, on note une méfiance envers le dogmes, la peur des extrémismes, le respect de la diversité, la crainte du conflit, la croyance en la necessité du compromis et le souci de résoudre les divergences de façon ordonnée.

Cette conception de bonne pratique politique semble être bien adaptée au contexte international, mais, comme style de leadership, elle est fréquemment attaquée au niveau domestique.

Dans le contexte d'une population hétérogène et dans un système de démocratie parlementaire, l'adoption d'une approche plus cohérente et moins ad hoc dans les prises de décisions gouvernementales constitue un problème de taille. Cependant, les récentes tentatives pratiques de le régler ont déplacé le vrai problème en se concentrant dans les changements de la machine administrative. Ces transformations ont été accompagneées de la création d'une nouvelle classe de fonctionnaires séniors et de l'affaiblissement de la pratique politique. Malgré ses défauts, la pratique politique avail toutefois l'avantage de créer un certain'degré de solidarité dans une population où les raisons de conflit sont très nombreuses. Dans cet aspect, le « vieux » correspondait peut-être mieux au Canada que le « nouveau ».
State Enterprise and Partisanship in Provincial Politics
Authors: Chandler Marsha A.
Published: November 2009

L'intervention directe et massive dans l'économie aussi bien du gouvernement fédéral que des gouvernements provinciaux, constitiie line partie importante de la scène politique canadienne. Malgré le fait que l'entreprise publique est, depuis longtemps, un instrument politique significatif il n'y eut, curieusement, que peu de recherches systématiques tournées vers l'explication du phénomène.

Cette étude s'intéresse à l'impact de la partisannerie et de l'idéologie politique sur le développement des entreprises d'Etat provinciales. Le point de départ est une question: les gouvernements de gauche utilisent-ils l'entreprise d'Etat plus souvent et avec d'autres objectifs que les gouvernements d'autres tendances? Les résultats de cette étude soulèvent des liaisons intéressantes entre la politique et les moyens politiques. Les partis de gauche se servent des sociétés de la Couronne en tant qu'instruments politiques plus fréquemment que les autres tendances. Plus encore, il ne s'agit pas simplement d'une différence quantitative, mais surtout d'une différence quant aux objectifs et fonctions de ces entreprises.
On Retrieving Macpherson's Liberalism
Authors: Seaman John W. , Lewis Thomas J.
Published: November 2009

This article contends that the ethical principle underlying C. B. Macpherson's attempted retrieval of liberal democracy embodies two ontologies, a liberal ontology of self-governance and a humanist ontology of developmental man. The presence of the latter ontology is shown to reveal a fundamental weakness in Macpherson's thought: it justifies a type of political authority destructive of what he values in liberal democracies. The article concludes that, contrary to Macpherson's understanding, his radical effort to rescue liberal democracy from capitalism could dispense with the humanist ontology and be sustained on the basis of the liberal ontology alone.
Les femmes dans les structures urbaines—aperçu d'un nouveau champ de recherche
Authors: Masson Dominique
Published: November 2009

Students of urban politics have in the past tended to neglect the question of gender in their research. Since the early 1970s, however, this question has generated a significant number of studies. Investigation of the role of women in cities, in relation to the various components of urban structure such as transportation and housing, shows that women have a variety of relations with the organization of social space. The results of research to date allow us to define the main aspects of these relationships, and to assess the relevance of these kinds of enquiries. Several trends can be discerned in the literature in this emerging field. These indicate that the strengths and the weaknesses of future research will be at two levels: that of theory-building in the area of gender politics, and that of continuing investigations of this question in the context of more traditional approaches to urban politics.
The Concept of Province-Building: A Critique
Authors: Young R. A. , Faucher Philippe , Blais André
Published: November 2009

In the discourse of Canadian political science, the term “province-building” has gained wide currency. Although not often defined explicitly, it denotes the recent evolution of more powerful and competent provincial administrations which aim to manage socioeconomic change in their territories and which are in essential conflict with the central government. In this analysis, the generalizations which constitute province-building are examined and most are found not to be adequately supported by the evidence now available. Some lines of research are indicated and it is suggested that this emotive and misleading concept be abandoned.
The Canadian Cabinet in Comparative Perspective
Authors: Lammers William W. , Nyomarkay Joseph L.
Published: November 2009

Le Cabinet canadien dans une perspective comparative

L'analyse comparative du profil de carrière des membres du cabinet canadien jette un éclairage à la fois sur les forces systèmiqiies affectant la politique canadienne et sur la nature des changements majeurs à l'oeuvre dans tons les pays industrialisés. Cette étude des changements dans la carrière des membres des cabinets au Canada, en France, en Grande-Bretagne et aux Etats-Unis a pour but de préciser si des changements similaires se produisent dans les nations industrialisées afin de répondre aux besoins de ces sociétés à technologie avancée. Les carrières des membres des cabinets sont étudiées en fonction des dimensions de la spécialisation, de la nationalisation et de la bureaucratisation. Ces données sur la carrière ont été codées pour chaque pays sur une période de cent onset elles ont été analysées enfonction de cinq périodes de développement. A quelques exceptions près, les principales hypothèses sur la croissance de la spécialisation, la nationalisation et la bureaucratisation ont été confirmés dans chaque pays. Les changements les plus import ants an Canada se sont produits dans le domaine de la nationalisation et les moins importants dans celui de la bureaucratisation. Même si les niveaux atteints sur certaines composantes spécifiques des dimensions étudiées sont encore plus faibles que dans les trois autres pays considérés ici, le Canada se caractérise par des changements paniculièrement rapides aux cours des dernières années.
Businessmen and Politics in the Process of Economic Development: Argentina and Canada
Authors: Teichman Judith
Published: November 2009

Les hommes d'affaires et la politique dans le processus du développement économique: L'Argentine et le Canada

Cet article est centré sur les stratégies économiques des élites d'affaires au Canada et en Argentine dans la première phase de leur histoire; il étudie l'inter-relation des processus internes et externes du développement économique. Si on aborde l'histoire économique du Canada et de l'Argentine en termes de producteurs périphériques, on réalise que ces deux pays présentent maintes similarités. Cependant, un examen plus attentif révèle que l'Argentine fut plus complètement insérée an phénomène de la division internationale du travail. Alors que les objectifs de la politique britannique en Argentine visaient à assurer la domination des élites foncières, le relâchement des liens impérialistes a permis aux élites commerciales canadiennes d'assumertrès tôt le contrôle des exportations et d'élaborer une stratégie nationale pour la création d'une certaine forme d'industrialisation. Ces stratégies économiques différentes des élites d'affaires argentines et canadiennes influèrent non settlement sur le moment de l'industrialisation mais aussi sur sa structure. En Argentine, l'industrialisation, à laquelle les élites foncières résistèrent longtemps, montra des discontinuités marquées et a généré des forces sociales qui empêchèrent l'élaboration de politiques qui auraient pit engendrer un taux de croissance plus stable au cours de la période qui a suivie la Deuxième Guerre Mondiale. Alors que les circonstances favorisèrent le maintien de la stratégie de l'exportation des matières premières élaborée par les élites d'affaires canadiennes, les élites commerciales canadiennes furent aussi capables de s'adapter rapidement aux changements que se produisirent au centre. De plus, la consolidation précoce du processus d'industrialisation au Canada, en plus de l'apport des investissements étrangers, a permis aux élites d'affaires canadiennes de maintenir leur hégémonie et de poursitivre leur stratégie économique sans qu'elle soil contestée.
The Concept of the Self in Political Thought
Authors: McCormick Peter
Published: November 2009

Le problème du moi dans la philosophie politique

L'individualisme est un aspect essentiel de la modernité, c'est pourquoi une étude du concept de l'individu nous fait connaître un point de vue important de l'époque moderne. Le but de cet article est, en premier lieu, de mettre en évidence cinq conceptions différentes de l'individu: la conception grecque, la conception libérate, le moi« caché »,le moi« essentiel » et le moi « fabriqué ». En deuxième lieu, cet article cherche à élucider la logique de ces conceptions, celle-ci suppose une dynamique interne à la notion de l'individu qui marque toute l'histoire de la pensée politique post-médiévale. L'individualisme n'est pas une solution au problème du politique mais une indication des problèmes importants et du langage à travers lequel on doit chercher une solution. Notre typologie de cinq éléments n'est pas complete mais elle montre que le concept de l'individu n'est pas simple et qu'il est fructueux d'en examiner la complexité.
Acteurs et stratégies dans le processus d'intégration économique en Amérique latine
Authors: Ducatenzeiler Graciela , Fuente Manuel De La
Published: November 2009

Actors and Strategies in the Economic Integration Process in Latin America

This article examines two forms of economic integration in Latin America: the Latin American Free Trade Association (LAFTA) and the Andean Pact. Although inspired by the work of the Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA) and, theoretically, having as the principal actors in the integration process both the industrial bourgeoisie and the State, these two forms of integration have had different results.

LAFTA was created in the early 1960's at a time when the most developed countries of the region began policies of import substitution of essential goods. The analysts of ECLA expected that the dynamism of the industrial bourgeoisie would lead the integration process. The state would only subsidize the “deficiencies” of private enterprise, and would intervene only at the level of joint planning. But for the industrial bourgeoisie, it was not the appropriate time to begin creating integrated economies, either at the national or regional levels. Their primary concern was to develop the connections with the bourgeoisie of the western industrial countries.

The Andean Pact was created at the end of the I960's among countries in which the industrial bourgeoisie was weak or virtually nonexistent. The leadership of the integration process thus devolved upon the State. The new dynamism of integration had three actors: the state, multinational corporations, and the industrial bourgeoisie. Integration should be conceived not only as a means of amalgamating the economies of the members, but also as a mechanism to strengthen the bargaining position of the main actors vis-a-vis the multinational corporations. Integration, in short, is conceived as an instrument for the renegotiation of dependency.
Social versus Political Rights
Authors: MacMillan C. Michael
Published: November 2009

In the past century, the notion of human rights has expanded significantly to include a variety of social rights. The introduction of this new category of human rights inspired a lively debate concerning the authenticity of such claims, focussing particularly on the ways in which social rights differ from political rights. This article examines the major points at issue in the debate. The important differences emphasized to date are those relating to costs, universality, and the correlativity of rights and duties. In each of these major areas of dispute, analysis indicates that the allegedly fundamental distinctions between social and political rights are in fact differences of degree, not of kind and, in fact, social rights conform both to the broad logic and the established practice of human rights.
The Effect of Incumbency in the 1984 Federal and 1985 Ontario Elections
Authors: Krashinsky Michael , Milne William J.
Published: November 2009

This note extends the authors' earlier work on incumbency in Canadian federal and Ontario provincial elections by examining riding by riding results in the 1984 federal and 1985 Ontario provincial elections. In particular, the authors test their earlier hypothesis that incumbency effects are swamped by large shifts in voter preferences. The results indicate that incumbency had a significant impact, and that this impact was not reduced by the large shift in votes in the 1984 federal election. The authors reject the hypothesis that large shifts in party allegiance reduce incumbency effects.
Reason, Revelation and Liberal Justice: Reflections on George Grant's Analysis ofRoe v. Wade
Authors: Mathie William
Published: November 2009

This article reconsiders George Grant's account of the decision of the US Supreme Court inRoev.Wadeagainst legal restrictions on abortion to support his claim that liberal contractualism here raises but cannot resolve the ontological question of what makes justice our due, while questioning his treatment of this crisis as the final triumph of technological reason, and the Biblical idea of will, over the remnants of an ancient justice based on the Platonic notion of contemplation. What provokes liberalism to question equality of right is as much its denial of the Biblical account of family and creation as its denial of classical political philosophy.
Swedish Wage Earner Funds: A Glimpse of Our Future?
Authors: Lyon Vaughan
Published: November 2009

At the end of 1983, after a long and bitter political struggle, the Swedes adopted a system of wage earner funds. The five regionally-based funds are directed by boards dominated by employees. Using funds transferred to them by government, they invest in Swedish companies, primarily by buying shares on the stock market. The fund scheme will enable employees collectively to own about 10 per cent of Swedish business by 1990. They could control far more. Only experience can determine the impact of this new form of social ownership. But possibly the Swedes have found a socially and democratically appealing means of retaining the advantages of a market system while integrating social and economic forces.
A Prologue to Structural Reform of the Government of Canada
Authors: Engelmann Frederick C.
Published: November 2009

Despite a rash of proposals for structural change in the government of Canada, the constitutional changes of 1982 did not bring it about. There continues to be pressure for change, especially on the part of those desiring regional representation in a strengthened second chamber. The argument of the article is that only some changes, at the limit a Bundesrat-type chamber, are compatible with the majority principle on which parliamentary government is based. An elective Senate creates problems for parliamentary government in Australia and is basically incompatible with majority rule; the introduction of such a chamber may well require the adoption of something like the United States or Swiss model. A constitutional mini-convention is proposed to negotiate such a chamber, if desired, with the first ministers prior to the employment of the new amending process.
Changing Strategies, Technologies and Organization: The Continuing Debate on NORAD and the Strategic Defense Initiative
Authors: Sokolsky Joel J.
Published: November 2009

The renewal of the Canada-US North American Aerospace Defence (NORAD) agreement in March 1986 will not end the debate on the relationship between NORAD and trends in American strategy, including the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI). This article reviews and explains the various strains of that debate. It points out why some in Canada argue that participation in NORAD will inevitably lead to Canadian involvement in the ballistic missile defence objective of the SDI. It also notes, however, why the military and other observers are concerned that strategic and technological trends in the US may make it difficult for Canada to remain active in North American aerospace defence, and indeed, even to provide for its own air sovereignty.
The Mother's Milk of Politics: Political Contributions to Federal Parties in Canada, 1974–1984
Authors: Stanbury W. T.
Published: November 2009

Abstract. This study provides data to answer a number of important questions concerning the financing of the three main political parties at the federal level between 1974 and 1984. It analyzes both the regulated campaign expenditures by parties and candidates and the unregulated party expenditures outside official campaign periods. The main focus is on the importance of different sources of contributions to each party: individuals, corporations, trade unions, and interest groups. New details are provided on large contributions by individuals and corporations, and on the contributions of the largest 500 nonfinancial enterprises in Canada. Finally, the study notes that despite new federal legislation concerning political contributions and expenditures in 1974 the relationship between contributions and influence remains shrouded in secrecy.
Mixed Motives Revisited: Canada's Interest in Development Assistance
Authors: Nossal Kim Richard
Published: November 2009

The heuristic model commonly used to explain Canada's interests in development assistance is the mixed-motives approach. These motives are assumed to be philanthropic, economic, and politico-strategic, though there is little agreement among students of Canadian development assistance about which of the three is the most important. The purpose of this article is to examine the orthodox model; it concludes that these motives have little utility in accounting for contemporary aid policies. Instead, drawing on realist and statist theory, this study advances an alternative set of motives that it is argued more accurately accounts for the level and nature of Canada's development assistance policies. Elaborating on “politico-strategic” motives, the article suggests that the Canadian state's interests in prestige, organizational maintenance and limiting real expenditures provide a more proximate explanation of aid policy.
Waiting for Grace: Philosophy and Politics in Plato's Republic
Authors: Christian William
Published: November 2009

The traditional interpretation of Plato's Republic in the English-speaking world, expressed most sharply by Sir Karl Popper, was that it represented a serious proposal for political rule. However, Leo Strauss and Allan Bloom have argued that Plato's real concern was to protect the position of philosophy within the city. Influenced by Simone Weil, this article argues that even Strauss and Bloom do not express the extent of Plato's rejection of the political life. By examining Plato's handling of such themes as gold and nakedness, the article concludes that Plato's central concern in the Republic was to explore how a soul could strive for the Good, given that the human condition inescapably required social life.
Les parlementaires canadiens et le suffrage féminin: un aperçu des débats
Authors: Lamoureux Diane , Michaud Jacinthe
Published: November 2009

Les femmes canadiennes ont acquis le droit de vote en 1918. Soit. Cela signifie-t-il pour autant que les parlementaires canadiens se sont ralliés, à cette occasion, au principe de l' égalité entre les sexes? À travers I'analyse des débats parlementaires, on peut aisément constater que les enjèux étaient constamment masqués, que d'autres principes étaient à l'oeuvre et que le débat de fond a été soigneusement évité. Ceci se vérifie autant en 1885 et 1918, où il y a quand même eu débat, qu'en 1898 et 1917, où l'on jouait à cache-cache avec la question. Quelles conséquences cela revêt-il en ce qui concerne la citoyenneté des femmes?
Nature and Convention in Book V of the Republic
Authors: Nendza James
Published: November 2009

In Book V of the Republic Socrates appears to abandon one of the most fundamental characteristics of Socratic philosophy, that is, the attempt to understand what makes human beings distinct, in favour of an understanding of human life in terms of the activity of animals. This suggests that the purpose of Book V is not to present the best political order as Socrates understands it but rather to illustrate the dangers of any attempt to understand political life from a perspective which, in simplifying the complexities of human life, distorts that life. As the drama of Book V indicates, such proposals are dangerous because of their appeal to those whose desire for control can lead them to embrace radical but simplistic reforms.
The Social Sources of Political Knowledge
Authors: Lambert Ronald D. , Curtis James E. , Kay Barry J. , Brown Steven D.
Published: November 2009

The study explored the sources of political knowledge using data from the 1984 Canadian National Election Study. Two dimensions of political knowledge were measured: factual knowledge, in which respondents were asked to name the 10 provincial premiers; and conceptual knowledge, in terms of respondents’ abilities to define and use the concepts of left and right. The authors tested four explanations of people's levels of political knowledge; these dealt with education, political participation, media effects and region, with controls for income, residency in several provinces, age and sex. Education was significantly associated with both forms of knowledge, but especially with conceptual knowledge. Reading about politics in newspapers and magazines was strongly related to the two knowledge variables. The effects of reliance on television for political information, however, were much weaker. There were significant effects for region, with the patterns depending on the type of knowledge. The study concludes with some observations about the role of knowledge in political behaviour.
Canadian Confederation and the Influence of American Federalism
Authors: Smith Jennifer
Published: November 2009

How did the Fathers of Canadian Confederation understand United States federalism? What lessons did they presume to draw from it and how did they apply them to the Confederation project? In this article, James Madison's comprehensive test of federalism, as set out in the thirty-ninth paper ofThe Federalist, is used as a tool to examine the Canadians' views of American federalism, particularly in relation to the questions of state sovereignty and the role of an upper chamber. The article suggests that their preoccupation with the threat of state sovereignty led them to concentrate on division of powers issues and, as a result, to pay little attention to the federal possibilities of a second chamber. And it concludes that, because they were working with a parliamentary model of government, not a republican one, these possibilities were not—and are not now—as promising as some political scientists suggest.
Comment on “Mandatory Retirement: Intergenerational Justice and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms” by Samuel LaSelva
Authors: Drummond Robert J.
Published: November 2009

Samuel LaSelva has challenged the argument that mandatory retirement is a form of age discrimination and, as such, is unjust and unconstitutional. However, the alternative view that justice requires mandatory retirement seems incompatible with a liberal conception of justice. Moreover, the argument that liberal justice permits mandatory retirement, because of a conflict between rights of different generations, requires a balancing of those rights against one another, and hence against the consequences of their infringement. Such an assessment leads to the conclusion that mandatory retirement is neither constitutional nor just.
Left or Centre? The Canadian Jewish Electorate, 1953–1983
Authors: Laponce J. A.
Published: November 2009

The partisan preferences of Canadian Jews are compared with those of Catholics and Protestants using a sample of 218,738 electors obtained by merging 235 Gallup surveys from the period 1953–1983. The hypothesis guiding the analysis, that Jews are more likely to support left and centre parties (specifically the NDP and the Liberals), is derived from theories that seek to explain Jewish political inclinations. Controlling for the influence of education, province of residence (Quebec or not) and family union membership, this hypothesis is confirmed. Moreover, it is found that in Quebec Jews concentrate their votes to a greater degree than Protestants or Catholics and that the Liberals are the beneficiaries of that concentration; outside Quebec, Catholics and Jews have similar preferences that are markedly distinct from those of Protestants. The Jewish vote is best explained by combining left/right and centre/periphery models.
Egerton Ryerson's Canadian Liberalism
Authors: Pearce Colin D.
Published: November 2009

This article seeks to provide an overview of the political thought of Egerton Ryerson (1803–1882), the influential political controversialist and educational reformer of nineteenth-century Upper Canada. It attempts to unravel Ryerson's thought in such a way as to go beyond earlier interpretations which have insisted that, despite the presence of certain countervailing reformist tendencies in his politics, Ryerson was at bottom a thorough conservative. In contrast to this view it is argued here that Ryerson was a thoroughly modernist thinker who accepted the basic teachings of the liberal tradition. It is also suggested that Ryerson was aware of certain key problems which a society premised on these teachings must inevitably face, problems such as narrow selfishness, private individualism and vulgar materialism. The article concludes that it was Ryerson's intention to correct these strong tendencies in liberal society by emphasizing the centrality of public spirit, moral cultivation and religious belief to a free polity's well-being.
Partisan Preference and Income Redistribution: Cross-National and Cross-Sexual Results
Authors: Frohlich Norman , Boschmann Irvin
Published: November 2009

The relationships between attitudes toward income redistribution and partisan preferences are examined and contrasted in Canadian and American samples of college students. In both samples evidence is found that there is a strong relationship between the variables among males and an absence of a relationship among females. In Canada, support for income redistribution is strongly positively correlated with support for the New Democratic party, positively correlated with support for the Liberal party, and strongly negatively correlated with support for the Progressive Conservative party. In the United States support for income redistribution is strongly positively correlated with support for the Democratic party and strongly negatively correlated with support for the Republican party. Cross-national differences are also found between Canadian and American subjects, Canadian subjects having significantly lower variance among party supporters regarding this issue. Some implications of the results for research in the area of sex differences in politics and the influence of economic concerns on political behaviour are discussed briefly.
Relative Autonomy Revisited: The Origins of Canadian Unemployment Insurance
Authors: Pal Leslie A.
Published: November 2009

The concept of “relative autonomy” is now routinely used by Marxist and non-Marxist students of public policy to describe the state's independence from class forces. A rare attempt to use the concept empirically is Carl J. Cuneo's work on Canadian unemployment insurance (UI) in the 1930s. This article argues that Cuneo focusses too narrowly on class struggle, and thus misses important aspects of Canadian UI policy. Relative autonomy must be more broadly conceived in terms of the state's administrative expertise, fiscal capacity, and jurisdictional divisions. It is constituted within, not outside, the state. The article illustrates these internal forces through a re-examination of the evolution of Canadian UI in the 1930s.
Constitutional Change and Public Policy: The Impact of the Resource Amendment (Section 92A)
Authors: Chandler Marsha A.
Published: November 2009

This article examines the effect of the resource amendment (section 92A) on Canada's political economy. The analysis of the consequences of section 92A moves beyond the immediate changes in the distribution of legislative jurisdiction to examine the broader political implications. It is argued that the resource amendment is politically significant in several respects. It removes certain irritants from federal-provincial relations. By augmenting and clarifying provincial powers, the provinces' role in resource development is strengthened. The expansion of provincial legislative capacity gives the provinces more legitimacy and power at the political bargaining table.
Diffusion, Development and Democratization: Enfranchisement in Western Europe
Authors: Freeman John R. , Snidal Duncan
Published: November 2009

Diffusion, développement et démocratisation: Le processus d'admission au droit de vote en l'Europe de l'ouest

L'extension du droit de vote est un point central de la démocratisation. Mais il n'existe aucune explication « systématique » du processus d' admission au droit de vote. Cette etude expose l'amplitude de la reforme du droit de suffrage. Le tableau lustorique de l'admission du droit de vote se percoit comme un besoin pour l'elite dejustifier sa legitimite gouvernementale, cette legitimite provenant du peuple en echange du droit de vote. Le besoin de légitimité de l'elite et le support populaire à cette légitimité sont touchés, en retour, par l'expansion historique du rôle de l'Etat et par l'émergence des espoirs de démocratisation.

La validite de l'explication s'établit mathématiquement à travers l'étude des implications analytiques et statistiquement dans la comparaison entre le modèle formel et les expériences de neuf pays de l'Europe de l'ouest. Le résultat principal de ces recherches montre que même si le taux de diffusion (développement) des attentes démocratiques est le même dans ces neufpays de l'échantillon, le processus d'extension du droit de vote dépend des variations dans les conditions initiates de démocratisation.
Insurance, Human Rights, and Equality Rights in Canada: When is Discrimination “Reasonable?”
Authors: Flanagan Thomas
Published: November 2009

Insurance classifications that rely on demographic information are often accused of being discriminatory. There is a strong movement, based on human rights legislation as well as the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, to abolish them. However, analysis shows that the common criticisms of these classifications are self-contradictory and also apply in large measure to the behavioural criteria most commonly proposed as substitutes. Whether current practices are “reasonable” in the sense of the Charter will be an important question for determining the scope of the “equality rights” of section 15 of the Charter.
Evolution of complex amplitudes ratio in weakly anisotropic plasma
Authors: KRAVTSOV YURY A. , BIEG BOHDAN
Published: November 2009

The equation for evolution of the complex amplitudes ratio (CAR) ζ = Ey/Ex in weakly anisotropic inhomogeneous media is derived on the basis of quasi-isotropic approximation (QIA) of the geometrical optics method. This equation is convenient for the description of electromagnetic wave polarization in magnetized plasma of thermonuclear reactors like the ITER. The equation for the CAR is in agreement with other approaches, analyzing polarization evolution in weakly anisotropic media, in particular, with the equation for complex polarization angle and, via QIA equations, with the Segre equation for Stokes vector evolution. Simple analytical solutions for the CAR, which relates to normal mode propagation in homogeneous and weakly inhomogeneous plasma, are obtained. Besides, the equation for the CAR is solved numerically to describe the phenomenon of normal wave conversion in magnetized plasma in the vicinity of the orthogonality point between the ray and the static magnetic field. In distinction to the line-averaged measurements in traditional plasma polarimetry, the phenomenon of normal wave conversion opens the way for measuring the local plasma parameters near the orthogonality point.
A post-colonial patriarchy? Representing family in the Indian nation-state
Authors: NEWBIGIN ELEANOR
Published: November 2009

That the transition to self-governance under a nation-state has not been accompanied by the greater focus on Indian citizens’ welfare which many expected, has been the source of much confusion and disappointment. Looking at late-colonial debates about property rights under Hindu personal law, this paper seeks to explain why people assumed that independence could change the relationship between the state and Indian society, and also why this has not come about. It argues that, from the latter half of the nineteenth century, economic, social, and political changes placed pressure on the very hierarchical structures of joint-family patriarchy that colonial rule had hitherto depended on. Calls for family reform seemed, at certain moments, to critique patriarchal control and social order more generally, creating the intellectual space to rethink the place of women within the family, and the state more widely. Yet, while couched in the language of women's rights, underpinning these reform debates was an interest to change men's property rights and enhance their individual control over the family. Thus, the interwar years witnessed not just a breaking down of an old colonial patriarchal order, but also the establishment of a new, post-colonial patriarchy based around the authority of the propertied husband.
THE AMBIGUITY AVERSION LITERATURE: A CRITICAL ASSESSMENT
Authors: Al-Najjar Nabil I. , Weinstein Jonathan
Published: November 2009

We provide a critical assessment of the ambiguity aversion literature, which we characterize in terms of the view that Ellsberg choices are rational responses to ambiguity, to be explained by relaxing Savage's Sure-Thing principle and adding an ambiguity-aversion postulate. First, admitting Ellsberg choices as rational leads to behaviour, such as sensitivity to irrelevant sunk cost, or aversion to information, which most economists would consider absurd or irrational. Second, we argue that the mathematical objects referred to as “beliefs” in the ambiguity aversion literature have little to do with how an economist or game theorist understands and uses the concept. This is because of the lack of a useful notion of updating. Third, the anomaly of the Ellsberg choices can be explained simply and without tampering with the foundations of choice theory. These choices can arise when decision makers form heuristics that serve them well in real-life situations where odds are manipulable, and misapply them to experimental settings.
FOUNDATIONS OF AMBIGUITY AND ECONOMIC MODELLING
Authors: Mukerji Sujoy
Published: November 2009

Are foundations of models of ambiguity-sensitive preferences too flawed to be usefully applied to economic models? Al-Najjar and Weinstein (2009) say such is indeed the case. In this paper, first, we point out that many of the key arguments by Al-Najjar and Weinstein do not apply to quite a few of the ambiguity preference models of more recent vintage, and therefore to that extent do not undermine the foundational aspects or applicability of ambiguity models in general. Second, we argue the focus in that paper on Ellsberg examples is an overly narrow concern; the Ellsberg examples have their uses but they are not the best context to understand why reasonable real-world agents may find acting in an ambiguity-sensitive manner normatively or prescriptively appealing. Finally, normative considerations aside, we submit that Al-Najjar and Weinstein are unduly dismissive of the power of such preferences to provide illuminating positive analyses of economic phenomena.
Vitamin D in health and disease: an insight into traditional functions and new roles for the ‘sunshine vitamin’
Authors: Borradale David , Kimlin Michael
Published: November 2009

Vitamin D is unique among the vitamins in that man can synthesise it via the action of UV radiation upon the skin. This combined with its ability to act on specific target tissues via vitamin D receptors (VDR) make its classification as a steroid hormone more appropriate. While vitamin D deficiency is a recognised problem in some northern latitude countries, recent studies have shown that even in sunny countries, such as Australia, vitamin D deficiency may be more prevalent than first thought. Vitamin D is most well known for its role in bone health; however, the discovery of VDR on a wide variety of tissue types has also opened up roles for vitamin D far beyond traditional bone health. These include possible associations with autoimmune diseases such as multiple sclerosis and inflammatory bowel diseases, cancer, CVD and muscle strength. First, this paper presents an overview of the two sources of vitamin D: exposure to UVB radiation and food sources of vitamin D, with particular focus on both Australian and international studies on dietary vitamin D intake and national fortification strategies. Second, the paper reviews recent epidemiological and experimental evidence linking vitamin D and its role in health and disease for the major conditions linked to suboptimal vitamin D, while identifying significant gaps in the research and possible future directions for research.
A spatially distributed hydroeconomic model to assess the effects of drought on land use, farm profits, and agricultural employment
Authors: Maneta M. P. , Torres M. O. , Wallender W. W. , Vosti S. , Howitt R. , Rodrigues L. , Bassoi L. H. , Panday S.
Published: November 2009

In this paper a high‐resolution linked hydroeconomic model is demonstrated for drought conditions in a Brazilian river basin. The economic model of agriculture includes 13 decision variables that can be optimized to maximize farmers' yearly net revenues. The economic model uses a multi‐input multioutput nonlinear constant elasticity of substitution (CES) production function simulating agricultural production. The hydrologic component is a detailed physics‐based three‐dimensional hydrodynamic model that simulates changes in the hydrologic system derived from agricultural activity while in turn providing biophysical constraints to the economic system. The linked models capture the effects of the interactions between the hydrologic and the economic systems at high spatial and temporal resolutions, ensuring that the model converges to an optimal economic scenario that takes into account the spatial and temporal distribution of the water resources. The operation and usefulness of the models are demonstrated in a rural catchment area of about 10 km2 within the São Francisco River Basin in Brazil. Two droughts of increasing intensity are simulated to investigate how farmers behave under rain shortfalls of different severity. The results show that farmers react to rainfall shortages to minimize their effects on farm profits, and that the impact on farmers depends, among other things, on their location in the watershed and on their access to groundwater.
Long‐term fault slip rates, distributed deformation rates, and forecast of seismicity in the western United States from joint fitting of community geologic, geodetic, and stress direction data sets
Authors: Bird Peter
Published: November 2009

The long‐term average velocity field of the western United States is computed with a kinematic finite element code. Community data sets include fault traces, geologic offset rates, geodetic velocities, principal stress directions, and Euler poles. There is an irreducible minimum amount of distributed permanent deformation, which accommodates one third of Pacific–North America relative motion in California. Much of this may be due to slip on faults not included in the model. All data sets are fit at a common RMS level of 1.8 datum standard deviations. Experiments with alternate weights, fault sets, and Euler poles define a suite of acceptable community models. In pseudoprospective tests, fault offset rates are compared to 126 additional published rates not used in the computation: 44% are consistent; another 48% have discrepancies under 1 mm a−1, and 8% have larger discrepancies. Updated models are then computed. Novel predictions include dextral slip at 2–3 mm a−1 in the Brothers fault zone, two alternative solutions for the Mendocino triple junction, slower slip on some trains of the San Andreas fault than in recent hazard models, and clockwise rotation of some domains in the eastern California shear zone. Long‐term seismicity is computed by assigning each fault and finite element the seismicity parameters (coupled thickness, corner magnitude, and spectral slope) of the most comparable type of plate boundary. This long‐term seismicity forecast is retrospectively compared to instrumental seismicity. The western United States has been 37% below its long‐term average seismicity during 1977–2008, primarily because of (temporary) reduced activity in the Cascadia subduction zone and San Andreas fault system.