bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Objectives of an Agricultural Price Support Policy
Authors: Drummond W. M.
Published: June 2006

While there is nothing unusual about the practice of giving special price assistance to particularly needy producers in times of emergency, the provision of agricultural price support as a matter of general policy is a comparatively recent development. Despite this fact the circumstances surrounding the adoption of the policy have indicated a considerable variation in objectives. The diversity of aims can perhaps best be shown by a few specific examples.

The agricultural price support provided in the United Kingdom during the past decade or more was designed to achieve several purposes. It was supposed to bring about a very definite improvement in the net income and purchasing power position of farmers generally. It was intended to act as a stimulant to production so that the country could become, agriculturally, more self-sufficient and foreign exchange could be conserved. In addition there was the hope that, by increasing the profitability of farming, it would make it financially possible to take advantage of the latest technological developments and thereby increase productive efficiency. All these results were expected to flow from guaranteed prices based on costs and announced well in advance of production.
Proudhon and the Theory of Modern Liberalism
Authors: Watkins Frederick M.
Published: June 2006

The ideological weakness of modern liberalism has long been recognized as one of the more striking features of contemporary politics. Although constitutional democracy has on the whole proved rather more successful than totalitarian government in satisfying the ordinary needs of men, its achievements have generally failed to arouse a great deal of enthusiasm. In comparison with the aggressive self-confidence of communists and fascists, the attitude of contemporary liberals is notoriously defensive and pessimistic. What are the causes underlying this curious failure of liberal morale? To what extent can it be attributed to deficiencies in the theoretical structure of modern liberalism? These questions must be of interest to anyone who is concerned with the problems of contemporary political thought.

When substantial accomplishments fail to evoke enthusiasm, it is reasonable to suppose that those accomplishments are being measured against standards which in some way or other are alien to their nature. A good deal of the weakness of modern liberalism arises out of the fact that it insists on judging the achievements of constitutional democracy, an essentially pluralist system, in terms of standards which are still largely absolutist in character. Liberal government depends in practice on the existence of a multi-myth, multi-group society. Policy is determined not, as in totalitarian countries, by imposing the will of a homogeneous ruling group upon the rest of the community, but by a process of parliamentary negotiation between the supporters of widely varying points of view. In a society of this sort, the coercive functions of government are necessarily limited by the claims of rival individuals and groups.
Ministerial Control of the British Nationalized Industries
Authors: Milligan Frank
Published: June 2006

In Britain the public corporation has for some time been almost universally regarded as the appropriate form of organization for publicly-owned commercial undertakings, but the only common article of faith underlying this agreement is the negative proposition that such undertakings cannot be run efficiently by organizations on the lines of government departments, staffed by civil servants. Beyond that there is nothing approaching unanimity, either between or within the political parties. And now that the nationalization programme of the Labour party is substantially completed (and, with the important exceptions of road transport and steel, substantially accepted by the Opposition) attention centres increasingly on those questions which remain in dispute.

Foremost among these is the question of public control: how much control? and by whom? The scheme adopted by the Labour Government rests on two premises: first, that by eliminating the motive of maximizing profits, nationalization eliminates much of the need for external controls, since the industries may now be expected to devote themselves wholeheartedly to public service; and, second, that the equity interest which passes from the shareholders to the general public can only be exercised by a minister of the Crown, answerable for his actions to the public's representatives in Parliament. Thus, while the various nationalized industries differ from each other in a number of respects, all may be classified together under the general description: “public corporations, strong minister type.”
The Present System of Local Government in Canada: Some Problems of Status, Area, Population, and Resources
Authors: Callard K.
Published: June 2006

The limitations imposed upon the central and provincial governments by the Canadian federal system have been discussed elsewhere in some detail. But almost no attention has been paid to those difficulties of maintaining an efficient structure of local government which arise from the prior existence of two superior tiers of administration. This does not imply that there has been no interest in local government, but that interest has been partial and spasmodic. Many theories have been formed concerning the role of the provinces, but few have examined the proper role of municipalities. There could be no constitutional argument to focus opinion: local government lies unequivocally within the realm of provincial power, and in an age and a country where legal dispute and politics have gone hand in hand, the affairs of roads and sewers, dog-catchers and relieving officers have seemed prosaic and uninteresting. Education is in a class of its own, for it has been elevated to the arena of constitutional conflict. Outside that arena educational administration has been the concern of only a few interested groups.

Local government has no deep historical roots in Canada. It was discouraged by the French administration, and no counterpart to the New England town meeting appeared. After the Revolution, British policy was hostile to any local demonstrations of independent action. Lord Durham regarded this as a major weakness, and Lord Sydenham set about remedying the deficiency.
The Origin of the Social Welfare State in Canada, 1867-1900
Authors: Wallace Elisabeth
Published: June 2006

The welfare state—as a term of abuse or approval, depending on the point of view—is a phrase which has only recently come into common use, although contrasts between the so-called “negative” and “positive” state have been frequently drawn during the past two decades. The idea that the primary function of government is to make a good life possible, is, however, as old as Aristotle, and political theorists in democratic countries have long been agreed that the state exists for the well-being of its citizens, and not vice versa, although their views of what constitutes the welfare of the people have been markedly divergent. The expansion of government activities, which is conveniently summarized under the term “social welfare state,” in this country as in others is usually considered a twentieth-century phenomenon. Its origins in Canada, however, may be traced to the first thirty years after Confederation, when the proper function of government was a matter of general concern and wide debate. During this early period public opinion as to what the state ought to do for the social well-being of its citizens developed rapidly, and underwent a marked transformation.

Present-day critics of the British North America Act are given to pointing out that, as a nineteenth-century document drawn up when laissez-faire theories were at their height, it has become increasingly ill-adapted to further social welfare by state action. Yet contemporary historians have shown that in both Great Britain and the United States, during the past century, the classical doctrine of laissez-faire, interpreted as government abstention from interference with individual or group action, was more honoured in theory than in practice. This contention is supported by illustrations of early factory, mines, public health, and education acts in England, and of such American intervention in economic affairs as tariffs and grants to individual industries. There is much evidence that similar developments took place in Canada, which lends support to similar conclusions concerning the mythical nature of laissez-faire.
Some Aspects of Rural Municipal Finance
Authors: Stewart Andrew , Hanson E. J.
Published: June 2006

This paper is concerned with rural local government, and particularly with the equalization feature of grants to local governments. Reference is made to the Alberta situation.

Significant Differences between Urban and Rural Municipalities. The position of the rural municipality is significantly different from that of its urban counterpart. The basic difference is in fiscal capacity. Fiscal capacity is financial ability, within the taxing powers provided, to perform the functions for which the municipality is responsible.

All taxes are ultimately paid out of income. Rural per capita income is relatively low; disparities in income are less pronounced; production and income are more variable and uncertain; and income produced in rural areas is largely spent within urban jurisdictions. Consequently taxable capacity is lower; and certain forms of taxes (for example, income taxes, sales taxes, and amusement taxes), efficient and appropriate under urban conditions, would be unproductive and uncertain sources of revenue under rural circumstances. The fiscal capacity of rural units is further affected by population dispersion so that the costs of some services, frequently sources of net revenue to urban governments, are high or prohibitive in rural areas.
Supplement to Statutes, Orders, and Official Statements Relating to Canadian War-time Economic Controls
Authors: Stewart Sheila I.
Published: June 2006

A Bibliography on Canadian war-time economic controls appeared in the February, 1947 issue of the Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science. This bibliography covered the period from 1939 to 1946 during which the war-time controls were introduced and brought to full development. The following supplement has been prepared to record the principal statutes, orders, and official statements relating to the period since 1946, which coincides approximately with the period of decontrol.

In the earlier bibliography, there were few references to war-time controls relating to grain marketing and grain prices. In the present supplement, in response to a number of requests, this deficiency has been remedied by including references to the principal legislation and official statements in this field throughout the period since 1939.
External Determinants of the Canadian Upswing, 1921-9
Authors: Malach Vernon W.
Published: June 2006

In a previous paper on the Canadian upswing, 1921-9, it was discovered that the general level of activity in Canada rose only gradually, in the main, from 1921 to 1924 while a sharper rise occurred in the latter half of the upswing. It was also seen that the accelerated rise of both domestic investment and consumption expenditure contributed to the rapid expansion of national income in the latter half of the upswing, the decline in absolute consumption being an important factor explaining the relative lethargy in the first half of the upswing.

This paper is concerned with some of the external factors which may have been partly responsible for the peculiar pattern of the Canadian upswing. For instance, was the slowness of the Canadian recovery in 1923-4 partly due to depressed conditions abroad and a consequent depression of Canadian export industries? As a prerequisite to testing such hypotheses, the relative strengths of the British, American, and Canadian upswings must be determined.
Progress, Poverty, and Inter-Regional Disequilibrium
Authors: Fowke V. C.
Published: June 2006

The phrase “Progress and Poverty” in this title is borrowed from Henry George, but in this paper it is applied to a geographic paradox much broader than the one the famous single-taxer had in mind. For Henry George the principles implicit in the expression were universal; but the paradox of the inevitable survival of poverty in spite of economic progress existed within the limits of each nation or even of its smallest community. Progress and poverty as Henry George saw them were ubiquitous and inseparable companions. The progress and poverty referred to in the present paper are, it is true, inseparable companions in history; but the contrast is not between classes within one country or region, but, more generally, between different countries, between different regions of the world.

As for the disequilibrium mentioned in this title, it is broader than that about which so much has been written recently and which is sometimes referred to as “the Dollar Problem.” The condition referred to here is not merely a condition of the present day; it is very old. It embraces the dollar problem and many others. It is not exclusively economic but has implications of equal importance for political and social life. It is the disequilibrium which arises from the persistent disparity in rates of technological progress between different areas or regions of the world.
Economics and Human Relations
Authors: Bladen V. W.
Published: June 2006

This paper is the product of the rather unusual experience of interdisciplinary collaboration which I have had during the last two years. It will, I believe, be more intelligible if it is prefaced by a brief indication of the character of that experience. After a long residence in the ivory tower of economic theory I was thrown, some two years ago, into the muddy field of industrial relations, being appointed director of a new Institute of Industrial Relations in the University of Toronto. Though an economist by profession, I had for a long time subscribed to the view that economics is but a part, albeit an important part, of social science. It was therefore not too difficult for me to decide to put a good deal of the new Institute's resources into the study of what has come to be known as “Human Relations in Industry,” where the contributions of anthropology, psychology, and sociology appear to be more valuable than does that of my own specialty, economic theory.

My interest in the work on human relations of Dr. Elton Mayo and his colleagues at Harvard had been stimulated by Professor Hart, whose article on the “Hawthorne Experiments” in this Journal stressed their methodological importance as “steps towards a unified social science.” “The experiments,” he wrote, “started with, continued with, and ended with, attention focussed exclusively on one thing and one thing only, what people do. This was the new procedure and it was revolutionary.”
Electoral Corruption and Controverted Elections
Authors: Ward Norman
Published: June 2006

Corrupt electoral practices and controverted elections are topics which might normally be expected to go hand in hand, for the latter usually result only from the former. To some extent, the number of controverted elections is a useful criterion by which to measure the prevalence of electoral corruption; but it may be a highly misleading one, as the corruption must be discovered and proved before any election result can be affected. The criterion is therefore trustworthy only in so far as the relevant legislative devices are effective. To the degree that laws providing for the investigation of electoral malpractices are operative, bribery and personation are discouraged; weakness in these laws, on the other hand, will inevitably stimulate unscrupulous candidates and election agents to utilize any opportunities which may be turned to their advantage.

No one who has even a nodding acquaintance with the tolerant attitude taken towards political behaviour generally in the years immediately after 1867 will be surprised to hear that for some time after Confederation the whole problem of corrupt practices and controverted elections was handled in a haphazard fashion. The four provinces which came together in 1867 agreed in general terms on a definition of corrupt practice: it included the giving and receiving of bribes, whether of money, employment, or anything else; the real or threatened use of violence; treating; personation; and in some cases payment for the hauling of voters to the polls. They also had similar views as to how action for corrupt practice should be begun (by a simple petition signed by either an elector or candidate), and had adopted somewhat similar ways of trying the actual election cases, though their procedures varied in detail. Thus the Assembly of the province of Canada had a general committee of elections, appointed by the speaker subject to the sanction of the House, which was charged with preparing two panels of chairmen and members from which election committees consisting of a chairman and four members were finally chosen. Nova Scotia and New Brunswick sent controverted elections directly to a select committee. Manitoba and British Columbia, when they entered the federation, used the ordinary judicial system and tried election disputes like other cases. In the provinces where committees of the assembly were used, the procedure was similar to that of a court: the committee members were sworn to uphold justice; witnesses were examined under oath; and the parties concerned were represented by counsel. It is to be feared, however, that judicial impartiality was noticeably absent in the rendering of verdicts.
Administration and Primitive Economy
Authors: Hawthorn H. B.
Published: June 2006

It has become an accepted fact that the mode of livelihood of a people is related in a number of ways to other parts of their culture and to some elements of their character. Anthropologists have contributed, from their relatively simple data, the clearest statements of these relationships. They have also shown that the goals and motivations in primitive economy are usually multiple and complex ones, and are as distinctive of each culture as are personality, social life, art, and religion. This demonstration has a very direct bearing on the work of those charged with planning or carrying out a programme for the welfare of a primitive people, and because of the distinctiveness of each situation, the most fully satisfactory programme can result only from an. inspection of the actual nature of the people, their culture and their resources.

The relations of the economic to the non-economic life of primitive peoples are high-lighted when a primitive group comes into contact with western culture. As a result of this contact there follows a characteristic sequence of changes in the economic life of the primitive. First of all he adopts, quite readily and often eagerly, the usually superior tools and materials, and alters some of his techniques so as to use them efficiently. The product of his labour, however, he tries to use in the same manner as before. He wants to achieve the goals which hold meaning for him, and which harmonize with his tribal system of distribution and use, its social and political organization, its religion, art, and science. He wants an axe so that he can make a canoe in a month instead of a year, a gun to hunt with or to fight the same old tribal enemies, cloth to replace the less effective barkcloth or hide.
Physical Planning in the Region—British Endeavours
Authors: Spence-Sales H.
Published: June 2006

My paper contains no theoretical aspects of physical planning; it merely recounts the progress that is being made in Great Britain in the pursuit of adequate legal and administrative measures to make physical planning a purposeful reality. The principles upon which the statutory instruments of planning have been devised are startlingly different today from the vague and somewhat superficial considerations which underlay the first planning measures enacted in 1909. In that year the purpose of planning was understood to be the preservation of amenity by regulatory control; today, planning is recognized in Great Britain to be one of the main functions of the internal affairs of government whereby the integration of public and private enterprise is to be achieved so as to insure an ordered and balanced national development. Planning is accepted as the matrix of national endeavour; as an instrument whereby positive development in the national interest may be assured.

Of the 38 million acres of land in England and Wales, about 27 million acres were embraced by planning schemes at the outbreak of the war. The schemes ranged from proposals for the safeguarding of great stretches of moorland in the interests of the preservation of natural beauty, to plans for the redevelopment of small areas of urban decay; and varied, too, from proposals of a purely advisory nature to statutory schemes operating under the planning law of the country. The operative schemes covered an area of a little over a million acres.
Adult Education and the Rural Community
Authors: Giffen P. J.
Published: June 2006

The subject of adult education has been chosen for this paper in order to provide a point of orientation for the discussion of certain related social problems of the western farming community. The conclusions are based upon field studies of several contrasting rural communities in Manitoba carried out under the direction of the Manitoba Royal Commission on Adult Education. Some characteristics of governmental institutions, farm movements, and farming conditions are peculiar to that province but basic similarities in the social structure of farming communities throughout the Prairie region mean that most of the findings have a wider application. It is necessary for reasons of space to treat ethnic communities only briefly, but this brevity may be partially justified on the grounds that the British-origin farming community represents the ideal type to which the ethnic communities are assimilating at various rates.

The difficulty of defining adult education may be avoided by noting briefly its place in the educational process. In complex societies the term “education” has commonly been used to apply to the explicit function of the formal institutions through which social groups prepare young candidates for adult participation. It is apparent that, in terms of this social function, education is part of the more inclusive processes of socialization and acculturation necessary to all social groups and carried out in many societies without benefit of formal institutions. To prepare the young for integration in social groups as adults it is necessary that they acquire and incorporate in their personalities at least a minimum of the normative behaviour patterns necessary to various social roles as well as learn such elements of the cultural tradition (systems of knowledge, techniques, value-patterns, language, art, and the other expressional forms) as the adults controlling the training deem desirable. Although an unprecedented amount of training is acquired within formal institutions in our society, these institutions provide only part of the training necessary for social participation as an adult.
The Cost-Profit-Output Relationship in a Soviet Industrial Firm
Authors: Ronimmois H. E.
Published: June 2006

The interrelationship of costs of production, profit, and output of a firm is a central problem of modern economic analysis. This problem has been so far conceived and investigated chiefly for a free market economy. The corresponding analysis of the equilibrium of a firm under the conditions of perfect and imperfect competition represents the first stage of what is known under the name of “the theory of value.” This analysis is a joint contribution of economists of many countries and a cornerstone of modern economics.

The parallel problem in a nationalized industry subject to complete government control (the problem of the interrelationship between controlled costs of production, controlled profit, and planned output) has so far escaped the attention of analytical economists. This gap in analysis is due partly to the fact that the dogmatic treatment of central planning in the hands of political writers has induced some authors to believe that central planning and nationalization succeed in abolishing this important problem altogether. Outputs are believed to be determined by targets and hence to be independent of profit considerations. In addition, some economists have been led to believe that the tools of modern economic theory in general, and the intellectual apparatus of the theory of value in particular, are inappropriate for dealing with what are believed to be problems of administration rather than economic problems proper.
The 1937–8 Recession in Canada
Authors: Chambers Edward J.
Published: June 2006

There have been numerous studies of Canadian cyclical experience during the Great Depression beginning in 1929. Similarly, the cyclical experiences of 1937–8 in both the United States and the United Kingdom have been fairly popular subjects for examination. However, it is interesting that no intensive analysis of Canadian experience during the 1937–8 recession has been made, but rather it has been treated as an afterthought to studies of the 1929 downturn instead of receiving the specialized attention which it merits. As a result there are doubts about its exact timing, about the magnitude of the fluctuations involved, about the influences exerted upon Canadian activity by the comparable American and British recessions, and certainly there has been a tendency in some recent works to provide a very facile interpretation.

The 1937–8 recession is a subject of interest for several reasons. It is the last pre-war cyclical movement, and roughly coincides with similar economic changes in Canada's major trading partners. Cyclical movements in Canada do not always coincide with those in the United States, as was evident in 1948–9 and 1926–7, but when they do, a close examination of what has happened in Canada and of possible interrelationships between the Canadian and American experience may improve our understanding of Canadian cyclical patterns. This paper first represents a modest attempt to single out those sectors of the economy in which the cyclical downswing was concentrated, and second offers a tentative interpretation of the causal elements at work in this particular cycle.
Morals and Politics: The Current Debate
Authors: Joynt Carey B. , Hayden Sherman S.
Published: June 2006

Bitter disputes regarding the relation of morals to politics did not begin with Machiavefli but have been almost continuous since his time. No wonder, therefore, that the conflict has broken out in our own day with specific reference to American foreign policy. Now, as in times past, the proponents of differing viewpoints utter harsh and dogmatic judgments concerning one another. This is probably unavoidable if one considers that the issue is both vital and highly controversial, but recent arguments have thrown more heat than light upon the ancient dilemma. It is therefore proposed, in this paper, to ascertain what nub of truth there is in the arguments.

Most jarring to American traditions are the central tenets of what might be called the “realpolitik school” of American policy. There are many advocates of this view, but it finds its most complete expression in the writings of Hans J. Morgenthau. Although the theories of this school have many ramifications, its central position might be stated somewhat as follows:

International politics consists of a struggle for power between nations. This struggle goes on continuously and, apparently, never ends. Since each nation is only interested in maximizing its own power, the one true guide to a successful foreign policy is “the national interest.” Idealism is sentimental and Utopian. The brute facts of power render idealism not only a luxury but a delusion.
Some Recent Developments in the Dominion Bureau of Statistics
Authors: Goldberg S. A.
Published: June 2006

In a discussion of recent developments it is well to keep in mind that the new grows out of and is founded on the old; that, in statistics as in other fields, our achievements of the present evolve from the endeavours of the past. Similarly our future gains will represent a further stage growing out of our present and past accomplishments.

In Canada we have had a well-developed statistical system for many years. The decennial population and distribution censuses, annual industrial censuses, foreign trade and balance of payments statistics, price and agricultural statistics, to mention only some of the more prominent examples, had been securely established as “going concerns” prior to the Second World War. From this substantial base, the war and events in the post-war years hastened the process of extension into new statistical fields and the qualitative improvement of our whole statistical system.

While our present achievements stem from past accomplishments, one can discern a substantially different attitude toward statistics now than in pre-war years, by public and private bodies alike. There appears to be a much more widespread awareness of the importance of quantitative data in the solution of problems of various sorts than formerly. This is a natural concomitant of an advancing industrial society. The rapid expansion of the Canadian economy, the vigorous emphasis on social welfare, the increasing complexity of our social structure, and the broader role in economic and social affairs that governments have been forced to assume, all find expression in pressing and persistent demands for more statistics of the highest quality by business, governments, and the public at large. In addition, the work of the United Nations Statistical Commission, the Statistical Office of the Economic and Social Council, and other international bodies have created new demands for statistical information.
The Implications of United States Policy for the Canadian Wheat Economy
Authors: Britnell G. E.
Published: June 2006

Some confusion regarding the present position ot the Canadian wheat economy is inevitable if one reads the newspapers at all. One press report will suggest a temporary lull in the almost monotonous prosperity in which the prairies are said to have basked for the last ten years or more; another suggests blue ruin and a return to the hungry thirties. The Toronto Globe and Mail, viewing the essentially simple economic and social phenomena of the hinterland as from a metropolitan eminence, attempted a compromise some weeks ago in a cartoon showing a horde of embattled western farmers descending on Ottawa demanding justice and parity in a fleet of Cadillacs. Yet the gibe seems a bit unfair at a time when the wheat farmer does not know where his next Cadillac is coming from. All this may suggest that an effort is necessary to find some middle path between the unfailing optimism of the Minister of Trade and Commerce, whose department and board have in their custody and care the disposition and sale of our wheat, on the one hand, and the almost unrelieved pessimism of certain other V.I.P.'s and the Interprovincial Farm Union Council on the other.

If there are problems facing the prairie economy today they can hardly be charged either to reckless expansion of wheat acreage or to improvident gambling on high prices for wheat in the world market. Perhaps it is prairie experience with the heavy human and capital losses of prolonged depression, through the thirties and early forties, which explains why the wheat grower seems to have put so much emphasis on stability in the post-war period.
Combines Policy: An Economist's Evaluation
Authors: Stykolt Stefan
Published: June 2006

The object of combines policy is to preserve effective competition by reducing the monopolistic attributes of markets, industries, or industry-market complexes. Neither effective competition nor monopolistic attributes can be measured without ambiguity. Efforts to protect the former and dispose of the latter cannot be evaluated by the customary criterion of economic efficiency, namely, the ratio of the quantity of competition preserved–or of monopolistic elements removed–to the quantity of resources devoted to the purpose.

The following, then, is a collection of qualitative comments, rather than an evaluation. The amount of resources devoted to combines policy is taken as given. The manner in which they have been used is considered on the premise that there are always some markets in which competition can be made more effective by public intervention. The resources in question are those of the Combines Branch of the Department of Justice. While the entire policy includes also the work of the Minister of Justice, of the Attorneys General of the several provinces, and of the courts, in this paper attention is mainly directed to some of the reports prepared under the authority of the Combines Investigation Act since the end of the Second World War. The choice of markets where the threat to competition must be checked, and of remedies by which the threat is to be reduced, has a bearing on the effectiveness of combines policy.
On the Problem of Social Welfare Functions
Authors: Weldon J. C.
Published: June 2006

This paper is concerned with the “General Possibility Theorem” of Dr. K. J. Arrow. Since the theorem is certainly elegant and probably important, it is proper as well as convenient to refer to it from this point on as Arrow's theorem. The theorem deals with the problem of discovering a rule by which social preferences can be constructed from individual preferences. Such a rule, or social welfare function, gives a social ordering of alternatives of any kind for every possible arrangement of the corresponding individual orderings. Arrow's theorem declares that no social welfare function exists that satisfies those conditions that most of us would consider essential to a satisfactory rule. The outcome is something of a shock to preconceptions.

In what follows two aspects of Arrow's theorem are considered. In the early part of the paper the theorem as such is examined. A brief and informal statement of Arrow's argument is followed by a formal statement of the conditions on which the argument depends. A proof of the theorem is offered that seems to be rather more naturally constructed than the original. A set of conditions is proposed (derived from Arrow's proof) that is weaker than the original set, that seems to be at least as plausible, and that leads to the same conclusion by a short and direct route. In the later part of the paper, methods of circumventing the theorem (there seems to be no way of removing it) are explored.
Canada First: A Minor Party in Microcosm
Authors: Hougham G. M.
Published: June 2006

“If we introduce overmuch idealism into explaining the formation of either of the North American polities, the record of mankind is against us. So is our own history. The thirteen colonies came together not primarily because of the joy in making a great free American community, but because disintegration stared them in the face and men of substance saw in union salvation for their fortunes. It is no reflection on British North Americans that they too made their union under duresse.”

The establishment of a wider Canadian union had been discussed for a number of decades before Confederation but the motivation in a common allegiance to Great Britain and in intermittent flashes of national sentiment had proven wholly inadequate to overcome the obstacles of provincial particularism and cultural differences, of paucity of communication and contact among the colonies, and of the contrasting economic orientation of central Canada and the Maritime region. In the years immediately prior to Confederation these divisive elements were finally outweighed by the mounting pressures of political dead-lock, economic uncertainty, and fear and jealousy of the United States. The leaders of the Confederation movement variously gave expression to these pressures. National sentiment was still a distinctly secondary factor, however, and only a few of the leaders betrayed in their speeches evidence of a broad vision of Canadian nationhood.
Measurement of Real Output
Authors: Berlinguette V. R.
Published: June 2006

Until recently, except in the relatively limited field of industrial production, no measure, in volume terms, of the over-all output of the Canadian economy was available. The estimates of Gross National Product had been published only in current dollars. The release, since 1950, of Gross National Expenditure in constant dollars, and especially the historical series from 1926 to 1950 published early last year, provided economists, statisticians, and the business community in general with an analytical tool of unusual relevance and value.

In recent years, because of violent changes in prices, unadjusted value series, used in isolation, have become increasingly inadequate as indicators of economic trends. Of necessity, interest has shifted to measures of volume. For some purposes, as in studies of productivity and real growth of the economy, constant dollar series provide at least an over-all framework and some generalized magnitudes. I will attempt to describe in this paper the work now being done at the Dominion Bureau of Statistics in the field of real output. The discussion of scope, principles, methods, and problems of the projects involved is preceded by a short summary of the history and background of the work.
Seals and Symbols: From Substance to form in Commonwealth Equality
Authors: Mallory J. R.
Published: June 2006

According to the Balfour formula, enunciated by the Imperial Conference of 1926, the position of the United Kingdom and the dominions was that of “autonomous communities within the British Empire, equal in status, in no way subordinate to one another in any aspect of their domestic or external affairs, though united by a common allegiance to the Crown, and freely associated as members of the British Commonwealth of Nations.” Equality of status as a declared principle was one thing: its application in constitutional procedure was another.

For equality of status did not necessarily mean equality of function. There was a deliberate ambiguity in the 1926 declaration. The United Kingdom and some of the dominions were satisfied with the principle of equality, for an attempt to define its meaning in institutional terms would reveal the disagreement which had been so carefully glossed over. The United Kingdom did not like to think of the dominions as functionally autonomous, for if they were, the sacred shibboleth of the diplomatic unity of the Empire would be undermined, and there were not many in the dominions who were prepared to bear the full burden of the bureaucratic, diplomatic, and military structure which real independence would bring. So, on the whole, ambiguity was preferred. Today, this ambiguity has been resolved. In fact, the Commonwealth in 1926 meant something rather different than it has now come to mean, though both meanings can be covered by the Balfour formula.
St. Justin: A Case-Study in Rural French-Canadian Social Organization
Authors: Garigue Philip
Published: June 2006

St. Justin occupies a special place in the social study of French Canada. It was there that Léon Gérin began, in 1886, his pioneer study of the rural communities of the province of Quebec. It was on the basis of the data he collected there that he formulated his analysis of rural French Canada as a close causal cycle in which the dominant factors were the family, the land, and religion. The basis of his argument is the proposition that the people of St. Justin lead a life which “presents itself here as a simple juxtaposition of families which are very nearly all equal; nearly all occupied in agriculture; nearly all self-sufficient; but none of which has a higher ambition than to transmit intact the family property to one of the children, although favouring, within the limits of its resources, the settlement of the other children outside the family home.”

He elaborated this proposition into a complex of interlocking institutions which gave to the inhabitants of St. Justin a definite form of social organization, as well as a definite culture. In fact, he built a model which has remained unequalled in the analysis of French Canada. Presented as a functional entity, St. Justin was made to represent a stage in the historical, as well as the geographical, development of Quebec. According to Gérin, St. Justin had reached a balanced relationship among its various institutions. The family unit was said by him to be stable and well-integrated. The size of the farm was in direct relation to the size of the family, and the work on the land, carried out by the members of the family, was limited to their needs. The total output thus depended on the quantity of labour each family could supply for a given unit of land, and on the natural fertility of the soil. The general expectation of the members of a family was limited to the creation and maintenance of a unit of property large enough to supply their daily needs, maintain the aged, and provide for the settlement of those who would have to leave the household to go elsewhere. Such an aim demanded a high degree of personal sacrifice from all the members of a family, and tended to turn family property into a communal possession. While the stability of the family was obtained in this manner, the stability of the community had been achieved through the creation of a single broad social class.
Britain's Pro-Federation Policy in the Caribbean: An Inquiry into Motivation
Authors: Proctor Jesse Harris
Published: June 2006

The Maxim “divide and rule” has often been supposed to govern the policy of imperial powers with respect to their dependencies. The United Kingdom, however, has for many years favoured the closer association of its colonies in the Caribbean area, and since 1945 has been actively promoting their federation. As this effort approaches a successful conclusion, it is of some interest to inquire into the reasons for the adoption and pursuit of a policy which seems so much at variance with one of the classic precepts of imperialism.
The Political Ideas of Thorstein Veblen
Authors: Hodder H. J.
Published: June 2006

Partly because of the extensive range of his thought and partly because of the diffuseness of his style, Veblen is a difficult thinker to classify. Several writers have made passing references to traces of anarchism in his works but most of them consider it a minor aspect of his thought. The thesis of this paper is that Veblen's political and social thought can be most clearly understood and evaluated in terms of philosophical anarchism.

Anarchism is as old as society itself; at least it has been traced back to Zeno of Citium, the founder of Stoic philosophy. The Greek derivation of the word is “without a ruler,” not “without order.” Elements of anarchism form a more important part of many political theories than is sometimes recognized, and it has found able exponents in Bakunin, Kropotkin, Tolstoy, Thoreau, and Whitman. What distinguishes the anarchists from other political philosophers is the degree to which they carry their attack on existing institutions and believe in a principle of harmony in nature or human nature which will emerge if these institutions are eliminated. This principle, if followed, will eliminate the need for coercion and the state which they think is based on coercion. Only voluntary functional associations will remain in the anarchist's society but the principle of harmony will prevent the emergence of chaos. Quite clearly this is a philosophy of extremes and suffers the advantages and disadvantages of such a philosophy. In a unique way it forces its critics to examine their fundamental assumptions afresh. But because of the extreme assumptions made, anarchists' writings in general, and Veblen's in particular, abound in contradictions between freedom and authoritarianism.
Native Indians and the Fishing Industry of British Columbia
Authors: Gladstone Percy
Published: June 2006

Contemporary industry and society have brought major changes to the economic and social life of the Indians of British Columbia. Most tribal cultures were built upon a simple small-scale base. The tribal band was typically small and closely knit with personal relationships; the individual's status and role were clearly defined, and his activities regulated by tradition. Hunting, fishing, and gathering supplied a livelihood. Equipment and techniques were generally simple and static. Most of the output was for the local community's own use: only a small fraction was bartered for the products of other groups.

The new economic system and the way of life associated with it is almost the direct antithesis of the tribal system outlined above. Today the Indian is involved in a large-scale and increasingly complex system of production and distribution, characterized by dynamic, rapidly changing techniques, a steadily increasing use of automatic power-driven machinery, and a growing production for national or international markets rather than for local use. As worker or producer he has, with few exceptions, lost his direct ownership of, or control over, his means of production. Relationships, defined increasingly by the market rather than by custom, have become more impersonal.

Comparatively few Indians have managed to derive full advantage from the new way of life. Tribal cultures have been disorganized or destroyed, and with them has gone the whole structure of role and status that made life meaningful for individuals. Indians have faced formidable difficulties in acquiring the economic incentives of the white man's culture, and the equipment and techniques with which to meet them. The result has been, in all too many cases, deterioration of morale, apathy, and economic dependency. Indians have become a marginal labour group in many areas: living on reservations, depending upon the government for a large part of their subsistence, and employed only casually in unskilled or menial jobs of a type that other workers avoid.
Representation in the House of Commons of the Twenty-First Parliament: Party and Province
Authors: Williams John R.
Published: June 2006

Although, as Professor Norman Ward pointed out in The Canadian House of Commons: Representation, statistical studies of the personnel of Parliament are not entirely satisfactory, they are none the less valuable to the political scientist for they help him to a better understanding of legislative bodies. The nature of a parliament is partly determined by the characteristics of its members. Thus the British House of Commons, with its membership broadly distributed in many occupations and its many trade union members, has a collective approach to contemporary problems of government different from that of the American Congress dominated by lawyers; and a legislative body with a large proportion of Roman Catholics will handle legislation on divorce in a manner quite different from that of a parliament composed almost entirely of Protestants.

The present study does not consider whether the various segments of the Canadian population are represented in proportion to their size in the nation, nor question the quality of Canadian representation. It is simply an attempt to discover some of the measurable characteristics of members of the House of Commons elected June 27, 1949. An effort has been made to indicate trends by comparing the results of this study with the conclusions reached by Lionel Laing in his article on the characteristics of members of the twentieth Parliament. The major source of data has been The Canadian Parliamentary Guide. Although the information is not complete in all biographical sketches of members, the absence of only a few items does not seriously alter the final statistical picture. No attempt has been made to include information on members elected in by-elections since June, 1949.