bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Reaction of Selenium with Bromine in the Presence of Methyltriphenylphosphonium Bromide: Syntheses and Crystal Structures of [PMePh3]2[Se2Br6] and [PMePh3]2[SeBr6(SeBr2)2]
Authors: Janickis Vitalijus , Klinga Martti
Published: February 2009

The brown crystals of [PMePh3]2[Se2Br6] (1) and red crystals of [PMePh3]2[SeBr6(SeBr2)2] (2) were obtained when selenium and bromine reacted in the solution of acetonitrile in the presence of methyltriphenylphosphonium bromide. The crystal structures of 1 and 2 has been determined by the X‐ray methods and refined to R = 0.0373 for 2397 reflections and 0.0397 for 3417 reflections, respectively. The salt 1 crystallizes in the monoclinic space group P21/n with the cell dimensions a = 13.202(5) Å, b = 11.954(4) Å, c = 13.418(6) Å, β = 93.08(4)° (193(2)). The crystals of 2 are triclinic, space group $P{\bar 1}$ with the cell dimensions a = 10.266(3) Å, b = 11.311(3) Å, c = 11.619(2) Å, α = 108.87(2)°, β = 105.72(2)°, γ = 99.40(2)° (193(2) K). In the solid state structure of 1 the dinuclear hexabromo‐diselenate(II) anion is centrosymmetric and consists of two distorted almost square planar SeBr4 units sharing a common edge through two μ‐bridging Br atoms. The terminal SeII–Br bonds are 2.3984(11) and 2.4273(11) Å, whereas the bridging μBr–SeII bonds are 2.7817(11) and 2.9081(12) Å. In the solid state the trinuclear [SeBr6(SeBr2)2]2− anion of 2 is centrosymmetric too and contains a nearly regular [SeBr6] octahedron where the four equatorial bromo ligands each have developed bonds to the SeII atoms of the SeBr2 molecules. The contacts between the bridging bromo and the SeII atoms of the SeBr2 molecules are 3.0603(15) and 3.1043(12) Å, and can be interpreted as bonds of the donor‐acceptor type with the bridging bromo ligands as donors and the SeBr2 molecules as acceptors. The SeIV–Br distances are in the range 2.5570(9)–2.5773(11) Å and the SeII–Br bond lengths in coordinated SeBr2 molecules – 2.3411(12) and 2.3421(10) Å.
New Nitriminotetrazoles – Synthesis, Structures and Characterization
Authors: Fischer Niko , Klapötke Thomas M. , Stierstorfer Jörg
Published: February 2009

The reactions of 5‐nitriminotetrazole (4) with 1‐methyl‐5‐aminotetrazole (2) as well as 2‐methyl‐5‐aminotetrazole (3) were investigated. In the first reaction 2 was protonated yielding 1‐methyl‐5‐aminotetrazolium 5‐nitrimino‐1H‐tetrazolate monohydrate (7). In the latter case no protonation could be observed and a co‐crystallization of 5‐nitraminotetrazole and 2‐methyl‐5‐aminotetrazole was obtained. In this compound a new tautomer of 4 could be found. Both products were determined by low temperature single crystal X‐ray diffraction, IR, Raman and multinuclear (1H, 13C, 15N) NMR spectroscopy, elemental analysis as well as differential scanning calorimetry. In addition the heats of formation were calculated using experimentally obtained heats of combustion. With these and the X‐ray densities several detonation parameter were computed using the EXPLO5 software. In addition the sensitivities towards impact, friction and electrostatic discharge were determined. Further, two crystal structures of the important starting materials in energetic research 5‐nitriminotetrazole monohydrate (4·H2O) and 1‐methyl‐5‐nitriminotetrazolemonohydrate (5·H2O) are presented and compared with the water‐free compounds. The heats of formation of 4, 4·H2O, 5, 5·H2O have been calculated by the atomization method using the CBS basis set. Inclusion of crystal water decrease heats of formation about 265 kJ mol−1. Also the influence of crystal water on sensitivities (impact, friction, electrostatic discharge) but also performance is discussed.
Hyperbolic Cation Diffusion Paths in α‐RbAg4I5 Type Superionic Conductors (Z. Anorg. Allg. Chem. 2008, 634, 2156–2160)
Authors: Chang Jen‐Hui , Zürn Anke , von Schnering Hans Georg
Published: February 2009

on Page 2158:

The distances Δ and Δ′ from the Ag+ positions to the three adjacent I3 triangles have to be multiplied by the lattice parameter a. The correct values are Δ = 0.086(1) × a (in Å) and Δ′ = 0.084 × a (in Å), respectively.
Combined hyperlipidaemia as a presenting sign of cholesteryl ester storage disease
Authors: Decarlis S. , Agostoni C. , Ferrante F. , Scarlino S. , Riva E. , Giovannini M.
Published: February 2009

Lysosomal acid lipase (LAL) deficiency results in Wolman disease and cholesteryl ester storage disease (CESD), a more benign form. CESD is a recessive disorder characterized by hypercholesterolaemia, hypertriglyceridaemia, low blood HDL and variable phenotype, while hepatomegaly is usually evident during childhood or adolescence. An 11‐year‐old girl was referred to our department for combined hyperlipidaemia (total cholesterol 323, triglycerides 259 mg/dl). All family members had normal lipid profile and liver function tests. At 8 years she was admitted for acute Epstein–Barr virus infection, with hepatosplenomegaly and elevation of liver enzymes. Liver‐spleen enlargement resolved, but serum alanine aminotransferase and aspartate aminotransferase were persistently twice the upper limits, with other liver function tests within the normal range. Ultrasonography showed normal liver and spleen size and minimal hepatic steatosis. Infectious, autoimmune and metabolic causes of elevated liver enzymes were ruled out, including glycogen storage disease. Dysbetalipoproteinaemia was also ruled out (ApoE phenotype: E3E3). In the following 2 years the girl was symptom‐free, BMI was at the 50th–75th centile for age and lipid profile was unchanged despite a low‐fat diet. At 13 years of age, low acid lipase activity was demonstrated in leukocytes (10 nmol/h/per mg protein, normal 140–380) and cultured skin fibroblasts (181 nmol/h per mg protein, normal 1100–2400), leading to diagnosis of CESD. CESD usually progresses to hepatic fibrosis, with high risk of premature atherosclerosis. CESD prevalence may be underestimated in the general population. The diagnosis may be considered in all subjects with atypical combined hyperlipidaemia (usually dominant in transmission or related to metabolic syndrome) and atypical ‘fatty liver disease’, in the absence of overweight.
Comparisons of Biodiesel Produced from Unrefined Oils of Different Peanut Cultivars
Authors: Davis J. P. , Geller D. , Faircloth W. H. , Sanders T. H.
Published: February 2009

Biodiesels were prepared according to standard procedures from unrefined oils of eight commercially available peanut cultivars and compared for differences in physical properties important to fuel performance. Dynamic viscosity, kinematic viscosity and density were measured from 100 to 15 °C, and differences (p < 0.05) in these physical properties occurred more frequently at lower temperatures when comparing the different cultivars. Unlike data for the oil feedstocks, no meaningful correlations among biodiesel fatty acid profiles and either fuel viscosity or density were observed. Low temperature crystallization of the peanut biodiesels was measured via differential scanning calorimetry. Increased concentrations of long chain saturated fatty acid methyl esters (FAME) were associated with an increased propensity for low temperature crystallization, and the single FAME category most associated with low temperature crystallization was C:24. Tempering at 10 °C followed by analysis of the soluble fractions (winterization), improved crystallization properties and confirmed the importance that long chain saturated FAMEs play in the final functionality of peanut biodiesel. Peanut data is also compared to data for canola and soy biodiesels, as these feedstocks are more common worldwide for biodiesel production. Overall, this work suggests that minimizing the concentration of long chain saturated FAMEs within peanut biodiesel, either through processing and/or breeding efforts would improve the low temperature performance of peanut biodiesel.
SV channels dominate the vacuolar Ca2+ release during intracellular signaling
Authors: Pottosin Igor , Wherrett Tim , Shabala Sergey
Published: February 2009

Vacuoles have long been suggested to mediate a rise in the cytosolic free Ca2+ during environmental signal transduction. This study addresses the issue of the control of vacuolar calcium release by some of the known signaling molecules such as IP3, cADPR, ABA, ATP, cAMP, cGMP, H2O2 and CaM. Over 30 concentrations and/or combinations of these signaling compounds were studied in a series of electrophysiological experiments involving non‐invasive ion flux measurements (the MIFE) and patch‐clamp techniques. Our results suggest that calcium, calmodulin and nucleotides cause calcium release via SV channels.
Evaluation of cervical screening in rural North India
Authors: Bhatla Neerja , Gulati Arti , Mathur Sandeep R. , Rani Sangita , Anand Krishnan , Muwonge Richard , Sankaranarayanan Rengaswamy
Published: February 2009

Objective

To assess the accuracy of cervical screening with visual inspection and cytology testing, and the cure rate of cervical intraepithelial neoplasia (CIN) after treatment, in a rural population in North India.

Methods

A cross‐sectional study evaluated the detection rates of CIN 2 and CIN 3 lesions by cytology testing and by visual inspection of the cervix following the application of 5% acetic acid (VIA) or Lugol's iodine (VILI). It also evaluated the cure rates following treatment of CIN.

Results

Of 5050 women approached in 17 villages, 3000 (59.4%) participated (range, 41%–91%). Of these, 14.2% were positive by VIA, 15.6% by VILI, and 5.4% by cytology testing at ASCUS threshold, and 37 women were diagnosed as having CIN 1 and 20 as having CIN 2 or CIN 3. Detection rates of CIN 2 or 3 using VIA, VILI, and cytologic findings of ASCUS and LSIL were 3.7, 3.3, 4.5, and 4.2 per 1000 women, respectively, and 91.4% of the treated women were cured.

Conclusion

Both VIA and VILI were found to be accurate screening tests and the cure rates for CIN were satisfactory.
ΝΕΠΟΔΕΣ ΚΑΛΗΣ ΑΛΟΣγΔΝΗΣ Od. δ 404.
Authors: Powell J. U.
Published: February 2009

There is a general agreement among English scholars as to the meaning and derivation of these strange words: Merry and Riddell ad loc., the admirable article in Liddell and Scott, and Dr. Giles, agree in connecting ѵ⋯ποδες with nepos, neptis, ⋯νεψιóς. The short ο in the declension has come from false analogy with τρíπουε and τετρ⋯ποѵς, 'Aλοσύδѵη is probably for 'Aλοσύνδη ‘salt water.’ Other derivations of ѵ⋯ποδѵς refute themselves. ‘Brood’ is the rendering now approved, but although this gives the general sense, it does not quite hit the centre; and no critics have seen the reason for the choice of this peculiar word.
Iepa Pezein
Authors: Powell J. U.
Published: February 2009

Mr. Mulvany in the Journal of Philology, XXV. 136, in discussing the meanings of ⋯ερ⋯ς, and trying to find something which might be a link between the uses of the word in the sense of ‘strong’ and ‘sacred,’ finds it in the phrase ⋯ερ⋯ ῥ⋯ζειν, which he would translate ‘to act strenuously in a god's service.’ But his argument may be strengthened by the translation, to which the analysis of ancient religion points, ‘to act strongly upon’; ‘to put pressure upon,’ as we should say. Both ἔρδειν and ῥ⋯ζειν are used with a dative of the person, as well as with an accusative, in the Homeric poems. And with this sense we might well align ἱερ⋯ς ⋯κατóμβας.
Some Emendations in the Fragments of Theophrastus
Authors: Forster E. S.
Published: February 2009

While translating the pseudo-Aristotelian Problems for the Oxford translation of Aristotle, I have frequently found it necessary to refer to the Fragments of Theophrastus (as collected by F. Wimmer in Vol. III. of the Teubner text), which are obviously the source of many of the Problems, in particular in books II., V., XX., XXIV., and XXVI. The condition of the text of both the Problems and the Fragments of Theophrastus leaves much to be desired, but considerable improvements are possible in those passages where the compiler of the Problems is adapting or copying from Theophrastus.
‘A Wilful Exaggeration’
Authors: Arnold E. V.
Published: February 2009

In the whole theory of the Latin tenses there is no more popular item than this explanation by Roby (Latin Grammar, 1574a) of the use of the pluperfect indicative in unreal conditional sentences. Far the most familiar instance is that in Horace (C. II. 17), ‘me truncus illapsus cerebro sustulerat, nisi Faunus ictum dextra leuasset.’
On the Oldest Extant Ms. of the Combined Abstrvsa and Abolita Glossaries
Authors: Lowe E. A.
Published: February 2009

As a contributory step toward a new edition of Du Cange's Glossarium mediae et infimae latinitatis, planned by the International Association of Academies, the British Academy has undertaken to publish a critical edition of mediaeval glossaries. The most important of these glossaries, because it constitutes the parent-compilation from which subsequent compilers of glossaries drew their material, is that pair known as Abstrusa and Abolita, found combined in the Vatican MS. 3321, which is the oldest extant MS. of purely Latin glossaries. It is with the date and home of this MS. that the present note is concerned.
Some Quotations in the Liber Glossarvm
Authors: Mountford J. F.
Published: February 2009

In response to a suggestion in the Class. Rev. (XXXIII. 106), the two MSS. of the Liber Glossarum preserved at Tours have recently been examined. Since they had not been seen by Goetz when he published his excerpts, the following short descriptions may be added to the introduction of Vol. V. of the Corpus Glossariorum Latinorum:

1. Tours, Bibliothèque de Ville, MS. No. 850; end of the ninth century; foll. 493, of which 1, 491, 492 are mere corners; cmm. 49 by 29. The last item is an Isidore gloss, Zatenen.-gemmam. Gaps due to loss of folia occur between Abiectus and Abdolet; Dextera manus and Dialogus; Faber and Impulitum; Res diuinae and Samsacus. There are no corrections except between folia 197 and 300, where a thirteenth-century hand has checked the MS. by means of another copy of the Lib. Gloss. The items are drawn up in two columns, and the alphabetical arrangement agrees for the most part with that of Vat. Pal. lat. 1773. Marginal indications of the sources of the items are numerous except between Profanum and Remeantes; where two or three neighbouring items come from the same source, the marginal mark is repeated; and towards the end of the MS., where the scribe takes to writing two items in the same line, the indication is also carefully transferred. This is important in view of Goetz' theory that the source of an unlabelled item is that given by the last preceding label.
Socrates and the Myths
Authors: Tate J.
Published: February 2009

In Plato's Euthyphro two suggestions are offered to account for the accusation of impiety brought against Socrates. The first comes from Euthyphro (3b), who takes it that the accusation is directed primarily against Socrates' ‘divine sign.’ The second is made by Socrates himself (6a), who puts forward the view that he is being brought to trial because he refuses to accept such tales about the gods as Hesiod told regarding the maltreatment of Uranus by Cronus and of Cronus by Zeus—tales which Euthyphro not merely believes but regards as justifying his action in prosecuting his own father. Both these suggestions used to be taken at their face-value, as, for example, by Grote (Plato I, chap. IX). But according to J. Burnet (notes on Euthyphro 3b 5 and 6a 8), followed by A. E. Taylor (Plato, chap. VII), neither is meant to be taken seriously.
The Athenian Hoplite Force in 431 B.C.
Authors: Gomme A. W.
Published: February 2009

There is still something to be said about these figures for the Athenian hoplite force, the more so as the most reasonable discussion of them, Meyer's, is spoilt by some unsound inferences and has in consequence not found support. Their difficulty is apparent: a muster πανσημει in 338 meant calling up all classes up to the age of 50 (Lycurg. c. Leocr. 39), and since Socrates fought at Delion and Amphipolis when he was in his late forties, and not at Mantineia when he was over 50, we may assume that it meant the same in the fifth century; we also assume (though this is by no means proved) that ‘the youngest’ are those in their nineteenth and twentieth years, as in the fourth century, certainly after the reform of the Ephebeia, perhaps earlier (Aeschin. II. 167); military service ceased at 60. But how could the number of men in these twelve classes, 19-20 and 51-60, stand in the proportion of 13: 17 (16,000 less 3,000 metics, 13,000 plus 1,000 cavalry and 3,000 metics) to the men between 21 and 50 ? They could not be more than a third, and might be less. (Beloch, 1923, tries to make the problem more difficult by the arbitrary assumption that the 13,000 citizen hoplites are all the men of 21-60, instead of 21-50. Meyer, who accepts Thucydides’ figures, forgets that there must have been ‘oldest and youngest’ metics, besides the 3,000 who marched into Megara. Busolt and Meyer also argue that the classes 51-60 will have suffered specially heavy losses in the battles of 459-445, while the eight youngest classes would have seen no fighting;
An English Commentary on Ovid.
Authors: Hall F. W.
Published: February 2009

MS. 124 in the library of St. John Baptist College, Oxford, is a quarto of 154 pages, written in two or more hands of the fifteenth century. Its provenance is unknown, and, as it has been carefully and ruthlessly rebound at some time in the nineteenth century, it is impossible to derive any information from the binding. After an unusually elabbrate alphabetical index it bears on folio 11 an inscription in a seventeenth-century hand as follows: ‘Libellus Thomae de Walsingham De generacione naturaque deorum simul cum interpretatione Ouidii Metamorphoseon Simoni Priori Sancti Albani dedicatus.’
The Problem of the Hecuba.
Authors: Spranger J. A.
Published: February 2009

AugustWilhelm vonSchlegel, who did so much to rend the already torn artistic reputation of Euripides in the early nineteenth century, is singularly lenient in his criticism of the Hecuba.

His adverse comment is limited to three points only: The first, that ‘the two actions of this piece—the sacrifice of Polyxena and the revenge on Polymestor on account of the murder of Polydorus—have nothing in common with each other but their connexion with Hecuba’; the second, that ‘the second half destroys the soft impressions of the first in a highly repulsive manner’; and the third, that it is ‘not very suitable that Hecuba should display such presence of mind in her revenge.’ In this leniency he differs from one of the latest modern English critics, Professor G. Norwood,2 who does not hesitate to condemn the play as ‘on the whole poor and uninteresting,’ ‘far below the best of Euripides' work’; and from his great predecessor, J. J. Reiske, who condemned the play on ten distinct counts, all different from those that form the basis of SchlegeFs own argument.
Herippidas, Harmost At Thebes
Authors: Parke H. W
Published: February 2009

In Plutarch's two narratives (Vita Pelopidae XIII. and De genio Socratis) of the recapture of the Cadmea by the Thebans, 379/8 B.C. (winter), he speaks of three harmosts as in command of the Spartan garrison. This is the only instance in Spartan history where more than one harmost is mentioned as exercising authority in the same city, and it suggests the question: Was Thebes for some reason receiving different treatment from the other cities where we hear of harmosts in residence ?
Notes on Sophocles and Thucydides
Authors: Powell J. U.
Published: February 2009

Sophocles, Antigone 853–856, Jebb's text:

προβᾶσ' ἐπ' ἔσχατον θράσους

ὑψηλὸν ἐς Δίκας βάθρον

προσέπεσες, ὦ τέκνον, πολύ.
The Composition of Aristotle's Politics
Authors: Stocks J. L.
Published: February 2009

In considering the question as to the order of composition of different portions of Aristotle's works it is necessary to start (as Jaeger did in his study of the genesis of the Metaphysics) with some idea as to his method of composition.

On looking at the surviving works one sees at a glance that at some date and by some hand they have been carefully arranged as a continuous series. Internal references forward and backward are frequent. The author refrains as carefully as Euclid does from anticipating ‘earlier’ discussion the answer to a question which will arise ‘later.’ The forward references are merely promises that a question will be discussed. These multitudinous cross-references are so interwoven with the thought and the argument that there is little doubt that in the main they are due to Aristotle himself. On the other hand, the short transitional statements with which the ‘books’ as we have them close must always be accepted with some reservations. The book is a device of the ancient bookseller, not the unit of composition. Of course, where they could, the editors have made the ends of books correspond with important breaks in the argument; but wholly artificial book-endings do occur. There is, e.g., the end of N.E. θ, which corresponds to no important stage in the thought; and here the editor or bookseller has merely emphasized the artificiality of the division by inserting the wholly inappropriate clause, περὶ μὲν οὖν τούτων ἐπὶ τοσοῨτον εἰρήσθω
The so-Called Peisistratean Edition of Hesiod
Authors: Sinclair T. A.
Published: February 2009

Inthe Classical Quarterly for July-October, 1924, the late Mr. H. G. Evelyn White sought (1) to establish that the vulgate of Hesiod is a conflation of two or more versions; (2) to point out the inference to be drawn, and to suggest a date for the formation of the received text. To establish his first point in respect of the Works and Days he gives a list of eighteen passages where he suspects the hand of a conflator.
The History of a Proverb
Authors: Sedqwick W. B.
Published: February 2009

In the Classical Review (1925, p. 118) I quoted, for Petronius 77. 6 ‘assem habeas assem valeas,’ a proverb (from Mayor on Juv. 3. 143, addenda) unnoticed as far as I know by other scholars—‘quantum habebis tantus eris; frange lunam et fac fortunam’—and suggested that we should invert and correct—‘frange lunam [et] fac fortunam; quantum habebis tanti eris’—thus getting an accentual trochaic tetra-meter, with rhyme in the first half (the type dealt with by Usener, Kl. Schriften 2. 256, and Lorenz, preface to his edition of the Pseudolus, p. 39), which could be added to the popular trochaics collected in Baehrens' Poet. Lat. Fragmenta.
Notes on the Persae
Authors: Quincey J. H.
Published: February 2009

After the accusative the names of the officers of the Egyptian contingent are given in the nominative, with no connecting particle or relative and no main verb to follow. The editors offer various supplements for the sense, e.g. Dindorf ; but what we have here is not a simple case of ellipse but a harsh change in construction which it would be hard to parallel.
ΔΕΝ in Classical Greek
Authors: Moorhouse A. C.
Published: February 2009

occurs in two classical contexts. They are: (i) Alc. 320 L.-P. (23 Diehl) (ii) Democr. 156 Diels (in Plut. Adv. Colot. 4, . Further, Diels adds two other passages showing Democritus' use of the word. Simpl. De Caelo, p. 294. 33 f. Heiberg (Diels, Frag. d. Vorsokr. ii. 93) Elm. Sec. Hipp. 1. 2 (Diels, op. cit., p. 97)
Notes on Cicero, Ad Atticum 1 and 2
Authors: Watt W. S.
Published: February 2009

Since is a good Greek word, most scholars have assumed that it must be retained, and that the corruption is confined to the unintelligible letters which precede it. Constans deleted these letters as the remnant of a gloss, Sternkopf emended them to velut; neither solution is satisfactory, since by itself, without an indication of the recipient, is hardly intelligible.
The Origin and Use of O, H, TO Δeina
Authors: Moorhouse A. C.
Published: February 2009

The question of the source of the pronominal forms (in which Seiva itself is indeclinable), and of the later fully declined forms, presents an unusual situation. It seems clear from earlier work that we should not look for the answer outside Greek, nor probably even outside colloquial Attic Greek of the fifth century. These are strong advantages, but despite them one cannot have much confidence in the solutions so far provided, and there is room for a fresh approach. In addition to this, the usage of the forms does not seem to have been explained satisfactorily, and I shall attempt to clarify it.
A Fragment of Sappho Reinterpreted
Authors: Kirk G. S.
Published: February 2009

It seems very commonly agreed that Sappho's wedding-songs display none of the ritual obscenity so frequent in the genre. Thus D. L. Page wrote of fr. i ioa (Lobel-Page) that ‘There is no trace here or elsewhere in Sappho of that ribaldry which was characteristic of the songs recited at this and other stages of Greek wedding-ceremonies’ (Sappho and Alcaeus [Oxford, 1955], p. 120). Similarly Sir Maurice Bowra asserted of fr. 111 (L.-P.) that it is ‘neither bawdy nor exalted, but playful. If the humour is a bit primitive, that is due to tradition, which expected jokes at this level’ (Greek Lyric Poetry [Oxford, 1961], p. 216). On the next page he writes of the songs sung outside the bridal chamber, as distinct from those sung in the procession thither, that ‘Here too Sappho seems to avoid bawdry but is not averse from rather elementary jokes’.
Enniana V
Authors: Skutsch O.
Published: February 2009

In 189 B.C. Ennius accompanied Fulvius Nobilior on the Aetolian campaign, which ended in the siege and surrender of Ambracia. He went as a court poet, to the indignation of Cato, and celebrated his patron's achievement in what seems to have been a fabula praetexta, the Ambraci.
A Note on Aeschylus Choephori 205ff
Authors: Burkert Walter
Published: February 2009

By presenting ‘an Arab view’ on the much-discussed ‘footprint-scene’, Aeschylus, ch. 205ff., L. A. Tregenza (Greece & Rome N.s. ii [1955], 59–61; cf. H. Lloyd-Jones, C.Q. N.S. xi [1961], 171ff.) was able to prove that, judging by Bedouin customs, this strange method of recognition is not so impossible and childish as some ancient and modern critics have believed. In addition, a specifically Greek aspect of the problem may be pointed out.
Sun, Line, and Cave Again
Authors: Ferguson John
Published: February 2009

I Want in this paper briefly to contribute two points to the elucidation of this famous passage, and apologize for the fact that my possessing the same name as one of its most illustrious interpreters may add confusion to the doxographic tradition.

The first point is not an original one. It is simply to revive an interpretation given by Henry Jackson in an article which strikes me as the most profound and pellucid which I have read on the subject, and which is in some danger of being forgotten. Raven, about ten years ago, insisted as a criterion of interpretation that the entire passage should be viewed ‘as a single and indivisible whole’. This is precisely what Jackson does, though he concentrates his attention, as indeed does Raven, on the line and the cave.
Aeschylus, Agamemnon 1227–30
Authors: Campbell A. Y.
Published: February 2009

Cassandra speaking.

The first of these lines is not in dispute; the three which follow are notorious; they are subjoined as in the manuscripts, with punctuation to mark the ostensible construction:

ε δ ἔπαρχος Ίλίοʊ τ άναστάτης

ούκ οἶδεν οἶδ уλσσα μισητς κʊѵòς

λέξασα καì κτείνασα ϕαιδρόνοʊς, δίκην

ἄτης λαθραίοʋ τεύξεται κακῇ τύχῃ.
The ‘Simile Of Light’ In Plato'S Republic
Authors: Murphy N. R.
Published: February 2009

At the end of Republic VI. Socrates compares the Good with the sun as a cause both of existence and intelligibility. Afterwards, when he continues and expands this comparison, the symbolism becomes so complex that the interpretation of almost every part of it is in dispute. We start with the contrast of light and darkness; to this is next added the contrast of image and original, and also of up and down along a vertical line; in the allegory of the Cave these three sets of contrasted terms are worked in together so as to explain the effect on the soul of the intellectual education by which we are converted from what is dark and imitative and ascend finally to knowledge of the Good.
Two Notes on Aristophanes' Birds
Authors: Higham T. F.
Published: February 2009

There are four problems to be faced in 710–12. Is πρσει correct? Who was Orestes? What is the construction of 'ρστῃ? What is the meaning of ἵνα μῥιλν ποδὐῃ? A brief review of the evidence collected on the subject of Orestes is the first essential.
Houses in The Odyssey
Authors: Gray Dorothea
Published: February 2009

Three contributions have been made recently to the understanding of the house of Odysseus. In 1949 Professor L. R. Palmer1 revived the theory that a door at the back of the megaron led into the womena's quarters, a two-storied building with storerooms on the ground floor and stairs leading up to Penelope's rooms. ‘If only we resist the temptation to use Mycenaean palaces as the mise-en-scène for Homer's story’ (p. III), we recognize a house type which was widely diffused over the Indo-European world from Neolithic to medieval times.
Aeschylus, Agamemnon 160-83
Authors: Beattie A. J.
Published: February 2009

Tr.: ‘Zeus, whoe'er he be, if so to be called is pleasing to him, thus do I name him—I have naught, when I weigh all things in the balance, to count their equal, save Zeus if it behoves me to strike truly this vain burden born of anxiet

‘He that at the outset was great, flourishing with all-conquering boldness, will not stay to accomplish anything; he, as soon as he was born, met his conqueror and is gone. But a man who willingly hails Zeua as victor will achieve wisdom in full measure—
Thucydides and The Pentekontaetia
Authors: Westlake H. D.
Published: February 2009

It was at one time almost universally believed, and is still believed by some scholars, that Thucydides cannot have written his account of the Pentekontaetia (I. 89–118. 2) before his return from exile because he refers in it (97. 2) to the of Hellanicus, in which an event belonging to the year 407/6 was mentioned. This argument in favour of a late date for the composition of the excursus has been disputed and is now much less widely supported. It has been suggested that the reference to Hellanicus in 97. 2, or the whole of that section, was added by Thucydides to a part of his work written much earlier, or that an edition of the including an account of the Pentekontaetia may have been published long before 406 and the work have been subsequently continued.
The Text Of Aristotle's Topics and Elenchi: The Latin Tradition
Authors: Minio-Paluello L.
Published: February 2009

The surviving textual tradition of theTopics and Elenchidown to A.D. 1503 includes, as far as we know:

Greek texts: (a) a small papyrus fragment,c. A.D. 100; (b) over a hundred Greek manuscripts, fromc. A.D. 900 onwards; (c) the Aldine ‘editio princeps’, A.D. 1495; (d) commentaries, paraphrases, and scholia; notably: Alexander of Aphrodisias onTop., c. A.D. 200; John Italos on Top. 2–4, 11th century; Michael of Ephesus onEL, 11th century; Sophonias onEL., c.,. A.D. 1300; Leo Magentenus onTop., 14th century;
A Note On The Metrical Scholia to The Agamemnon
Authors: Sealey Raphael
Published: February 2009

Metrical scholia to the Agamemnon appear in the manuscripts commonly called F (Laurentianus XXXI. 8) and Tr (Farnesianus Neapolitanus II F 31)— also in G (Venetus Marcianus 663), but these are the same as some of those in F and are of interest only at one point (see below, C). In the lyrical passages these scholia are of two types, which I shall call ‘long’ and ‘short’; Professor Eduard Fraenkel, who prints illustrative examples, has pointed out the distinction (Aeschylus: Agamemnon, 1950, i, pp. 16–21). ‘Long’ scholia give a comparatively full description of the metre of the passage to which they refer: they state adequately the number and order of the cola, classified according to the metrical system which Demetrius Triclinius learnt from Hephaestion's work.
Sun, Divided Line, and Cave
Authors: Raven J. E.
Published: February 2009

It may seem strange, in view of the spate of recent literature on the subject, that yet another article should be forthcoming on what is certainly the most familiar, as well as the most vexed, of all Platonic passages. But it is precisely this spate of literature that has impelled me to write. The time seems to have come for an article which, rather than seeking desperately for something new, sets out instead to reaffirm those facts and conclusions that even the most resolutely original of scholars could hardly venture to dispute. This article will therefore be based, not on any of the numerous modern interpretations, but on what Plato himself actually wrote. It will contain a number of tentative suggestions which, to the best of my knowledge, have not been made before. They can, and probably will, be rejected. But its primary purpose remains to restate, whenever possible in Plato's own words, a number of important facts that are at once so simple and so obvious that they seem repeatedly, and especially in recent years, to have been quite forgotten.
Two Notes on Aristophanes, Wasps
Authors: Platnauer M.
Published: February 2009

Faced with the many and grave difficulties of 1.565 Coulon in his Budé edition excises it, putting a colon at the end of 1. 564 and taking as absolute: ‘déplorent leur pauvreté et y ajoutent’. In this he follows Herwerden and Willems, and defends his action (Essai sur la methode de la critique, p. 169)
The Place of the Timaeus in Plato's Dialogues
Authors: Owen G. E. L.
Published: February 2009

It is now nearly axiomatic among Platonic scholars that the Timaeus and its unfinished sequel the Critias belong to the last stage of Plato's writings. The Laws (including, for those who admit its claims, the Epinomis) is generally held to be wholly or partly a later production. So, by many, is the Philebus, but that is all. Perhaps the privileged status of the Timaeus in the Middle Ages helped to fix the conviction that it embodies Plato's maturest theories.
Simonidea
Authors: Garrod H. W.
Published: February 2009

In what has preceded I have travelled a good deal beyond Simonides. But I have done so in order to illustrate the fact that the remains of ancient lyric cannot be interpreted in isolation. I come back now to the extant fragments of Simonides.
Mysticism and Science in the Pythagorean Tradition
Authors: Cornford F. M.
Published: February 2009

The object of this paper is to show that, in the sixth and fifth centuries B.C., two different and radically opposed systems of thought were elaborated within the Pythagorean school. They may be called respectively the mystical system and the scientific. All current accounts of Pythagoreanism known to me attempt to combine the traits of both systems in one composite picture, which naturally fails to hold together. The confusion goes back to Aristotle, who usually speaks indiscriminately of ‘the Pythagoreans,’ though now and then the phrase ‘some Pythagoreans’ indicates that he was aware of different currents within the school.
Thucydides' Description of the Great Plague at Athens
Authors: Page D. L.
Published: February 2009

The nature of the Plague described by Thucydides in Book 2, chapter 49, has long been discussed both by medical and by classical scholars. Of numerous suggested identifications none has found general approval; and it is doubtful whether any opinion is more prevalent today than that the problem is insoluble. The classical scholar is handicapped by his ignorance of medical science; his medical colleague has often been led astray by translations deficient in exactitude if not disfigured by error. The difficulties are great enough: but there is one indispensable preliminary task which can be undertaken with some prospect of success. If Thucydides' description is to be compared with modern records, it is necessary first to determine what the Greek words mean; and that can only be done by determining how far the Greek is expressed in the technical terms of contemporary medical science. It is obvious that Thucydides required a special vocabulary for this part of his work; and in fact over forty words in chapters 49 and 50 are unexampled elsewhere in his History, and a dozen more are used in meanings unexampled elsewhere. It is certain that a number of medical treatises were in circulation in Thucydides' lifetime, and that a more or less standard vocabulary had been or was being established. Now if it can be shown that the great majority of the terms employed by Thucydides in ch. 49 recur, apparently with the same meanings, as standard terms in the contemporary doctors, our second task—the comparison of Thucydides' description with modern records—will become a more rational undertaking than it was before, no longer the doubtful speculation which many of the modern doctors suppose it to be, thinking as they do that they have to deal with a layman's generalities expressed in literary language.
Plato's Parmenides: Some Suggestions for its Interpretation
Authors: Peck A. L.
Published: February 2009

In modern work on the Parmenides it is commonly supposed that in the First Part of the dialogue Plato's main concern is criticism of his own (or Socrates') doctrine of Forms, or of some formulations of that doctrine, and that the criticisms have some sort of validity and are in some degree ‘damaging’ to the doctrine. It is thus often assumed that Plato's purpose is to make the reader ask himself, ‘Where is Plato (or Socrates) wrong? Where is his doctrine of Forms, or his statement of it, inadequate?’ This is no doubt due partly to the fact that no reply is offered to the criticisms, and partly to the fact that they are put into the mouth of Parmenides, for whom (it is alleged) Plato had a very great respect. Nevertheless, Plato can hardly have had a greater respect for Parmenides than he had for Socrates; and therefore on general grounds it is at least as likely that he intends us to ask ourselves the question, ‘Where is Parmenides wrong, or inadequate?’ It is, of course, obvious that Socrates is represented as a young man, who, in his enthusiasm for a new doctrine which he has invented himself, has not thought out all the difficulties involved in it or prepared replies to all the possible criticisms. Yet again, on general principles it is not likely that Plato would have written a dialogue primarily to represent Parmenides' position as substantially more satisfactory than that of Socrates (or himself). It is therefore of the first importance not merely to have clearly in our minds the nature and purpose of the doctrine of Forms, but also to examine carefully the basis of the criticisms which Parmenides is made to bring against Socrates, and the methods by which Parmenides conducts his arguments.
Alexander and His ‘So-Called’ Father
Authors: Hamilton J. R.
Published: February 2009

The object of this article is to examine the letter from which Plutarch quotes in the above passage from the twenty-eighth chapter of his life of Alexander; to attempt to prove, particularly by a comparison of the letter with the Sidypafifia sent in 319 B.C. by Polyperchon to the Greek cities, that it is a genuine part of Alexander's correspondence; and further to consider what light the letter, if genuine, throws upon the person of Alexander himself.
Martial Again
Authors: Ker Alan
Published: February 2009

I Wish to reply to some of the objections raised by Mr. A. Hudson-Williams in Class. Quart., vol. xlvi (1952), p. 27, to my notes on Martial in vol. xliv. In two places, on pp. 17 and 22, he corrects an error of mine, and in one or two other of his remarks he may well be right; but in many cases he does nothing more than repeat the traditional interpretation of a passage without commending it any more effectively than the editors do. I do not think there would be much profit in restating my view on all these passages, but there are some points I wish to make in reply.
AmΦIΣbhthΣiΣ TiΣ (Aristotle, E.N. 1096b7–26)
Authors: Hall John C.
Published: February 2009

E.N. 1. 6 may be divided into three approximately equal paragraphs. The first of these (A) contains four arguments against Academic positions associated with the phrase ‘Idea of the Good’. All these arguments also occur, together with others, in the Eudemian Ethics. The second paragraph (B) consists of the consideration and rejection of an objection to the whole or a part of A, and is new to E.N. The third (C), also new to E.N., consists of the putting forward and dismissal of two alternative answers to the question ;—answers different, presumably, to that or those rejected in A.

My concern is with B. This paragraph is linked with A by the words , ‘a controversy can just be seen in what has been said’. These words, referring back to arguments that appear also in E.E., suggest to me that the objection Aristotle is about to discuss is one that had actually been brought against those arguments, after they had been delivered in their Eudemian or some other earlier form, by an opponent who might have belonged to the Academy, but might equally well have belonged to the Lyceum itself. For ease of exposition, I shall in what follows assume this to be the case, and shall refer to the author of the objection as the Objector. This assumption is not, however, essential to the main argument of this article.
The Importance of Δianoia in Plato's Theory of Forms
Authors: Cooper Neil
Published: February 2009

Plato in his discussion of the Divided Line (Republic 6) introduces a distinction between knowledge of the Forms in and by themselves () and . The first distinguishing characteristic of is that it ‘is compelled to employ assumptions, while knowledge of the Forms tries to advance to a certain first principle’ (510 b 4–9). The second distinguishing characteristic of is that it employs the ordinary objects of sense-perception as images (510 d 5–511 a 1). The geometer, in order to find out about ‘the Square’ and ‘theDiagonal’, draws diagrams and makes models.
Athenian Imperialism and the Foundation of Brea
Authors: Mattingly Harold B.
Published: February 2009

The decree establishing an Athenian colony at Brea in the north Aegaean area was firmly placed by the editors ofThe Athenian Tribute Listsin 446 B.C.; they identified the troops mentioned in lines 26 ff. with the men then serving in Euboia. In 1952, however, Woodhead proposed redating the decree c. 439/8 B.C. and explained lines 26 ff. by reference to the Samian revolt. A decade later I put forward a more radical theory, which seems to have won no adherents. I cannot really complain of this, since my arguments were inevitably far from cogent. For some Thucydides' silence alone will have been decisive. I would like to think that the issue has at least been clarified by now. TheA.T.L.dating appears rather less plausible. Demokleides' generalship in 439/8 B.C. would fit excellently with his role as founder of Brea. This strongly supports Woodhead. It is doubtful whether Demokleides was general as early as 446 B.C, though conceivable that he returned to the board as late as 426/5 B.C. Woodhead may well be right in locating Brea on the inner Thermaic Gulf and, if so, this too tells against theA.T.L.dating. All our evidence suggests that real Athenian involvement in this area began in the 430's.
Anonymous Male Parts in Aristophanes' Ecclesiazusae and the Identity of the Δεσπóτης
Authors: Olson S. Douglas
Published: February 2009

The staging of Aristophanes' Ecclesiazusae is complicated considerably by the large number of individual male citizen parts in the play. These include Praxagora's husband Blepyrus (312–477, 520–727), Blepyrus' anonymous Neighbour (327–56) and his friend Chremes (372–477), the First Citizen (564–871) and the Second Citizen (746–876), the Young Man ‘Epigenes’ (938–1111; cf. 931), and the δεσπτης who leads out the Chorus (1128–83). These are not necesarily all independent characters, but the great difficulty with the play is in deciding precisely who is to be identified with whom. R. G. Ussher, the most recent Oxford editor of the text, distinguishes four separate characters, and divides the parts in the following way:
Empousa, Dionysus and the Mysteries: Aristophanes,Frogs285ff.
Authors: Brown Christopher G.
Published: February 2009

InFrogsAristophanes presents the comic katabasis of Dionysus, whose quest is to bring back the recently deceased Euripides and restore him to the Athenian literary scene. In the prologue Dionysus and his slave, Xanthias, seek out Heracles and ask his advice about the journey below. After some comic play, as they consider various short-cuts, Heracles finally gives Dionysus a serious lesson in Underworld geography (136–64). The various items on this itinerary – Charon, terrifying beasts, filth and excrement, sinners, μσται – are all encountered on Dionysus' journey, each transformed for humorous effect. Dionysus crosses the lake on Charon's barque, but is forced to row (180–270). At this point we have the introduction of the off-stage chorus that gives the play its name. In what appears to be a kind of false parodos Dionysus engages in a metrical tug-of-war with the frogs that finally spoils his rowing rhythm. After disembarking, he is joined by Xanthias, who was forced to walk around the lake, and they find themselves in the place of σκτος κα βρβορος (273), where they see the miscreants (here, comically, the audience). In place of ϕεις and θηρα μυρἱα δειτατα (144), our heroes are terrified by the figure of Empousa, who is seen by Xanthias alone (285–305). When Empousa is gone, there appears the chorus of initiates, whose song (with comic interruptions from Dionysus and Xanthias) constitutes the parodos (316–459).
The Oath-Challenge in Athens
Authors: Mirhady David Cyrus
Published: February 2009

In the 23rd book of the Iliad, Menelaus loses second place in the chariot race because of a manoeuvre by Antilochus. So, after Antilochus claims the second prize as his and dares others to fight him for it with their fists, Menelaus rises before the assembled heroes, sceptre in hand, to initiate a formal proceeding against him (571ff.). First he makes the charge: Antilochus has insulted his aretē and endangered his horses. He then calls upon the leaders of the Argives to judge fairly between them. But at this point he states that he will judge the case himself – in both instances the verb for ‘to judge’ is δικάζειν. He then calls on Antilochus to follow an involved procedure and finally to swear an oath that in running the race he did not purposefully use a trick. But despite the fact that Menelaus said during the race that Antilochus would not take the prize without swearing an oath (23.411), we do not know later what the result might be if Antilochus were to accept Menelaus' challenge and to swear the oath. Homer has him sidestep the challenge and concede the prize.
The Context of [Demades] On the Twelve Years
Authors: Worthington Ian
Published: February 2009

This speech attributed to Demades has provoked controversy on the grounds of its authenticity and the circumstances to which the piece refers. The date generally assigned to its content of about 326 is determined by ‘counting forward’ twelve years (the title of the speech) from 338, since the speech details some aspects of Demades' political career starting with his diplomacy in the immediate aftermath of the battle of Chaeronea (2 August 338). The date of 326 and its implied context merit question, but first some remarks on the authenticity of the speech may be made since this is relevant to its subject.