bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Danaid Trilogy of Aeschylus
Authors: Winnington-Ingram R. P.
Published: May 2006

The Supplices was the first play of a trilogy. It was followed by the Aegyptii and the Danaides, and the satyr-play was the Amymone. Single plays that formed part of trilogies are at once tantalising and challenging, and it is natural that scholars should use their ingenuity in the attempt to recover at least the general trend of the lost plays. But their speculations often diverge widely. The most prudent course is doubtless to refrain from speculation altogether. Yet, in the case of the Danaid trilogy, one is haunted by a feeling that the necessary evidence is at our disposal, if only we could use it rightly. In what does the evidence consist?

There are the fragments attributable to the missing plays. With one important exception, these do not amount to much. But fr. 44 N from the Danaides gives us seven famous lines on the universal power of love in nature, and we know that they were spoken by Aphrodite herself. There is the mythographical tradition—Apollodorus and Hyginus; Pausanias; certain scholia. The constant feature—that the Danaids killed their bridegrooms—is known to us already from the Prometheus Vinctus. Apart from this, it is clear that both before and after Aeschylus there were different versions of the story in circulation. We must have independent reasons for saying that any particular late account depends upon him; and it is only Aeschylus himself who can give us these reasons. It is Aeschylus who provides the primary evidence.
Gordion Cups from Naucratis
Authors: Robertson Martin
Published: May 2006

In JHS XLIX, 265 ff. Beazley and Payne, in their important publication of Attic b.f. fragments from Naucratis, put together a number of pieces from Little Master cups of the same special form as that in Berlin from Gordion, with the names of Ergotimos and Kleitias as potter and painter. In JHS LII, 186, Beazley included these fragments in his list of ‘Gordion Cups’. Working over the pottery from Naucratis in the British Museum and the Fitzwilliam I have identified other fragments of the same class. Altogether there are now over thirty separate fragments, which I have tentatively grouped as belonging to fourteen cups. Not all the associations are certain, but all are I think probable. Some of those suggested by Beazley and Payne appear to me impossible, and I have noted where I differ from them; but this paper is only an elaboration of a theme from their larger work—τέμαχος τῶν Ὁμήρου μεγάλων δείπνων.

I have divided the material into three groups:

I. Cups of exceptionally small and delicate make, some bearing the names of Ergotimos and Kleitias.

II. Slightly sturdier cups, some bearing the name of Sondros.

III. Miscellaneous fragments which cannot be closely associated with either of the other groups.
Notes on the Homeric House
Authors: Wace Alan J. B.
Published: May 2006

The critics and commentators who read these notes will probably object that I have not paid sufficient attention to the earlier literature on the subject. I must admit that I have not read Gerlach's paper, which is not accessible in Alexandria, but I have read at one time or another most of the recent papers on the Homeric house from Myres' paper in the Journal of Hellenic Studies to that of Palmer lately published in the Transactions of the Philological Society.* I think that practically all of what was written on the Homeric house before the excavations of Schliemann at Tiryns should now be disregarded. Further since most of that written since the excavation of Tiryns follows the erroneous or ‘traditional’ interpretation of the two megara at Tiryns as a men's and as a women's megaron, it also need not now be taken into account. Palmer's paper makes a great advance, but he did not have the opportunity of knowing the House of Columns at Mycenae. I have therefore as regards earlier literature confined myself to Homer himself and standard editions like those of Monro, Leaf, Merry, and Stanford, and have read the newer translations of the Odyssey, the Loeb version and those of T. E. Shaw and E. V. Rieu. If I have missed anything of importance I can only plead that Alexandria of to-day does not possess the same library facilities as Ptolemaic Alexandria.
An Inscribed Marble Portrait-Herm in the British Museum
Authors: Haynes D. E. L.
Published: May 2006

Pl. V and figs. 1–3 illustrate a small inscribed portrait-herm recently acquired by the Trustees of the British Museum, to whom thanks are due for permission to publish it here. It was discovered in 1948 in the lumber-room of a Kentish antique-dealer, but nothing more is known of its history. The material is a coarse-grained, rather grey marble which resembles specimens from Proconnesus. The total height of the herm is 22 inches (56 cm.); from the top of the inscription panel to the top of the head measures 8 ½ inches (21.5 cm.). The tip of the nose part of a cloak thrown over one of the shoulders, more probably the left, since this is the shoulder over which the cloak is normally draped. The notch, to judge from its position, was part of the lowest linea transversa on the left flank. In its general pose the figure must have been close to the type of the Belvedere Hermes. From shoulder to fork it measured roughly 21·5 inches (541·5 cm.), from which we may estimate that the complete figure stood just over 4 feet high (11·20 m.).
The Borchardt Measure
Authors: Oakeshott W. F.
Published: May 2006

The subject of this note is a bronze measure bought at Sotheby's in 1948. It was catalogued simply as ‘A Byzantine bronze grain measure of cylindrical form, the exterior horizontally grooved and with four lines of inscriptions round the rim, dark patination, with malachite green encrustation, 5¼ in., 7th/8th Century, fitted case’. I bought it partly because the lettering was a rounded uncial somewhat similar to that of a manuscript in which I was then interested; partly because the longish. inscription seemed to offer a possibility of finding out something of the circumstances of its production; partly because it was in itself a pleasant object. After puzzling for some time in moments of leisure over the inscription, I wrote to Professor Bernard Ashmole about it. He pointed out that if I had been using the up-to-date Liddell and Scott—a failure just slightly less unpardonable then than it would be now—I would have found that the measure had already been published. As the articles indicated to which he referred me (AA 1923–24 153–64, in JdI xxxviii–ix) Borchardt, who first brought the measure to notice, was shown it in Alexandria by a dealer who told him that it came from Antioch. There seems, however, to have been doubt in Borchardt's mind as to whether he had understood what the dealer said on this point.
The Song of Thyrsis
Authors: Ogilvie R. M.
Published: May 2006

How and why did Daphnis meet his end? The story of Daphnis was in origin Sicilian and its most popular and consistent form goes back at least to the Sicilian writers, Timaeus and Stesichorus (Aelian, Vera Hist. 10.18). It occurs also in Diodorus Siculus (4.84) and the scholia on Vergil (Servius, ad Ecl. 5.20, 8.68; Philarg. ad Ecl. 5.20). According to this version Daphnis, who was the son of a Nymph and had been exposed under a laurel bush from which he took his name, was a herdsman. He was loved by a Nymph and plighted his troth to her, promising γυναικὶ μὴ πλησιάζειν. He was, however, seduced by a beautiful princess and, as a punishment, was blinded and, in some accounts, fell to his death from a cliff.

Opinion has long been divided whether in his treatment of Daphnis Theocritus follows the popular version or elaborated an original story of his own (or, it may be, followed a version otherwise unknown to us). We know of other such original versions, by Hermesianax and Sositheus so that a striking departure from the old tradition would not be unprecedented. His casual allusions to Daphnis are all ambiguous or uninformative (5.20, 81; Epigr. 2, 3, 5) while Idyll 8 must be discounted since it is certainly not from his pen. We are left, therefore, with Idyll 7.73–5 and Idyll 1.64–142. Thyrsis' song is, however, far from being a straightforward narrative. It is throughout allusive, seeming to assume from the listener familiarity with the story. The salient points of it may be summarised: Daphnis is languishing with love (66, 78). The gods visit him. Hermes comes first from a hill, which is a feature of the landscape (77, πράτιστος ἀπ' ὤρεος), and asks with whom Daphnis is in love. He receives no reply. Then Priapus, who also is unanswered, teases Daphnis with his love and reveals that the maiden wanders the countryside looking for him. Finally Aphrodite comes and Daphnis at last breaks out into a tirade against the miseries brought on mankind by Love. He ends by taking leave of his surroundings and, despite an attempt by Aphrodite to revive him, dies.
Magna Moralia and Nicomachean Ethics
Authors: Allan D. J.
Published: May 2006

In what relation the Magna Moralia stands to the genuine works of Aristotle, and to what phase of Peripatetic doctrine it belongs, are questions which have been discussed with a fair measure of agreement by living scholars. Jaeger described the revolution within the Peripatos which, within two generations, led Dicaearchus to reject the ideal of the contemplative life, making human happiness depend on moral virtue and the life of action. Walzer showed beyond reasonable doubt that the M.M. was influenced by Theophrastus's terminology and statement of problems, and was led to infer that the writer, in his treatment of phronesis and sophia, had formed an uneasy compromise between the views of Theophrastus and Dicaearchus (p. 191). Brink proved from the terminology and style of the treatise, and in amore general way from the structure of its argument, that the author was expounding, probably at an interval of several generations, a received doctrine which he failed to think out properly for himself. Building upon their results, Dirlmeier boldly tried to fix the absolute date of the work within half a century. He argued that it must have been in existence before the first century B.C., since it was used as an authoritative text by the Peripatetic writer from whom Arius Didymus took his compendium of Peripatetic ethical doctrine. On the other hand, a terminus post quem can be obtained from 1204a23, where we read that ‘some persons either equate happiness and pleasure, or regard pleasure as essential to happiness; others, unwilling to reckon pleasure as a good, nevertheless add absence of pain (sc. to ἀρετή in their definition of happiness). Who then were these others? Cicero provides the answer: Diodorus, eius [Critolai] auditor, adiungit ad honestatem vacuitatem doloris (de Finibus V 5, 14, cf. Tusc. Disp. V 30, 85). Now this Diodorus lived in the second half of the second century B.C., and the M.M. mustbe nearly contemporary with him. In confirmation of this, Dirlmeier showed that the writer uses without comment terms which are unquestionably of Stoic origin, such as προθετικός, ἐπιτευκτικός, κατόρθωμα, ἀποκατάστασις, which are coinages not of the earliest Stoicism but of Chrysippus or his followers. Both Walzer and Dirlmeier have called attention to the fact that the writer shows himself to be wholly without understanding of Aristotle's theology, and actually becomes polemical, refusing to contemplate a God who contemplates himself (1212b37–13a10).
Timaeus 38A8–B5
Authors: Cherniss Harold
Published: May 2006

In a recent article written by Mr. G. E. L. Owen to prove that contrary to the general current opinion the composition of theTimaeusmust have antedated that of theParmenidesand its dialectical successors, it is contended that when theTimaeuswas written the analysis of negation given in theSophistcould not yet have been worked out. ‘For’, Mr. Owen writes, ‘the tenet on which the whole new account of negation is based, namely thatτὸ μὴ ὄν ἔστιν ὄντως μὴ ὄν(Soph.254D1), is contradicted unreservedly by Timaeus' assertion that it is illegitimate to sayτὸ μὴ ὄν ἔστι μὴ ὄν(38B2–3); and thereby theTimaeusat once ranks itself with theRepublicandEuthydemus.'After brushing aside Cornford's attempt to reconcile this passage of theTimaeuswith theSophist, Mr. Owen concludes his treatment of it with the words: ‘So theTimaeusdoes not tally with even a fragment of the argument in theSophist.That argument is successful against exactly the Eleatic error which, for lack of the later challenge to Father Parmenides, persists in theTimaeus.’

An examination of the other arguments put forward by Mr. Owen in support of his thesis concerning the relative chronology of theTimaeusI reserve for another place. Here I propose to consider only the meaning of this one passage and whether it really does imply that theTimaeusmust have been written before Plato had conceived the doctrine enunciated in theSophist.It is a question not now raised for the first time. More than half a century ago Otto Apelt asserted that this passage of theTimaeusis enough to prove that work earlier than theSophists.His assertion did not go unchallenged; and Apelt himself appears to have lost his original confidence in it, for in his later writings on the relative chronology of the two dialogues he did not again refer to it.
A Proof in the ΠΕΡΙ ΙΔΕΩΝ
Authors: Owen G. E. L.
Published: May 2006

In his lost essay περὶ ἰδεῶν Aristotle retailed and rebutted a number of Academic arguments for the existence of Ideas. Several of these, together with Aristotle's objections to them, are preserved in Alexander's commentary on A 9 of the Metaphysics. The first object of the following discussion is to show the sense and the provenance of one, the most complex and puzzling, of these surviving arguments. For several reasons it seems to deserve more consideration than it has yet had. 1. Its length and technicality make it singularly fitted to illustrate the sort of material on which Aristotle drew in his critique. 2. Moreover, Alexander reports it by way of amplifying Aristotle's comment that, of the more precise arguments on Ideas, οἱ μὲν τῶν πρός τι ποιοῦσιν ἰδέας , ὧν οὔ φαμεν εἶναι καθ᾿ αὑτὸ γένος (Met. 990b15–17 = 1079a11–13); condensed and allusive form of this remark and its immediate neighbours in the Metaphysics can be taken to show that here Aristotle is epitomising parts of his περὶ ἰδεῶν that are independently known to us only through his commentator. We shall not understand the objection if we misidentify its target; and another purpose of this discussion is to show that the objection is not the disingenuous muddle that one recent writer labours to make it. 3. But Alexander's report of the argument is a nest of problems, and the same recent writer brands it as almost incredibly careless. To this extent, the success of our explanation will be a vindication of the commentator. But on all the heads of this discussion I am well aware that much more remains to be said.
Ein vergessenes Aristoteleszeugnis
Authors: Theiler Willy
Published: May 2006

Bei dem seit 25 Jahren wogenden Streit um die Entwicklung der aristotelischen Gotteslehre, in den auch mit wohl abwägendem Urteil Sir David Ross (Aristotle's Physics, 94 ff.) eingegriffen hat, ist eine Stelle aus Sextus Empiricus hyp. 3, 218 nicht verwertet worden. Um aus dem Schwanken der Theologie in die skeptische ἐποχή zu führen, gibt Sextus einen kurzen Katalog der Gottesauffassungen, wobei er wie ‘Aetios’ Doxogr. 297a13 ff. anlässlich eines ausführlichen Kataloges mit den Atheisten beginnt und folgende Lehrmeinungen aufzählt: ᾿Αριστοτέλης μὲν ἀσώματον εἶπενεἶναι τὸν θεὸν καὶ πέρας τοῦ οὐρανοῦ Στωικοὶ δὲ πνεῦμα διῆκον καὶ διὰ τῶν εἰδεχθῶν, ᾿Επίκουρος δὲ ἀνθρωπόμορφον, Ξενοφάνης δὲ σφαῖραν ἀπαθῆ Deutlich ist, wie sich zwei Paare gegenüberstehen. Der aristokratische Gott des Aristoteles, unkörperlich und uns entrückt, und der gemeine, körperliche und auch durch das Hässliche hindurchgehende des Stoikers, weiter der menschenförmige und der in idealer Kugelgestalt gedachte Gott. Die stoische Meinung ist gut wiedergegeben, höchstens dass in διὰ τῶν εἰδεχθῶν ein leiser polemischer Ton mitschwingt; ein frühes Zeugnis bietet Megasthenes, der in seinem Indienbuch für einen Zug der brahmanischen Philosophie die stoische Formulierung übernimmt (bei Strabo 713) ὁ διοικῶν τὸν κόσμον . . . θεὸς δι ᾿ ὅλου διαπεφοίτηκεν αὐτοῦ Der menschengestaltige epikurische Gott ist vielfach bezeugt, z.B. fr. 355 Usener.
The Relation of Anaxagoras and Empedocles
Authors: O'Brien D.
Published: May 2006

In the earlier years of the nineteenth century a few scholars questioned whether there was any direct relation between Anaxagoras and Empedocles. Since then these doubts have been voiced but rarely. Instead, opinion has been divided principally on which thinker was dependent on the other. Most scholars, following Zeller and Burnet, have thought that Anaxagoras was dependent on Empedocles. A minority, including Tannery, has held the opposite view.

It is essential to distinguish two questions. Who wrote first? Did he, whichever of the two it was, influence the other? Both questions are answered by a piece of external evidence, which since Zeller's second edition has been largely neglected: Alcidamas is reported by Diogenes to have said that Empedocles ‘heard’ Anaxagoras. This should imply both that Anaxagoras wrote earlier than Empedocles, and that he influenced him. Examination of passages in Aristotle and in some later writers, notably Plutarch, confirms the priority. Internal evidence may be applied to the question of influence. I shall seek to argue in particular that Anaxagoras' and Empedocles' theories of vision are such that they imply the influence of whichever is the earlier philosopher on the later.
A Corinthian Cup and a Euboean Lekythos
Authors: Ure A. D.
Published: May 2006

In Volume lxix of this Journal I drew attention to three little vases in Reading University belonging to the group published by Wide in AM xxvi (1901) 143 f., at that time regarded as Boeotian and connected by Wide with Mykalessos. They are now known to be Corinthian, since vases and fragments in the same style have been found in the Potters' Quarter at Corinth and are now displayed in Corinth Museum. The general appearance of the vases from this workshop is far removed from that of normal Corinthian, which in the fifth century was decorated largely with floral or linear patterns. When compared with Corinthian red-figure and other vases with outline drawing the childish aspect of many of the figures, their long heavy eyelashes, dimples, chubby limbs, feet with toes on the side facing the spectator, all combine to set them in a field apart. Some of the subjects too are unusual. Among the divinities there is Demeter enthroned with torch, corn and poppies on a plate in Athens; bearded Herakles with club and bow inside cups in Reading and Athens; a youthful Herakles, weary and thirsty, leaning on his club as he fills his cup at a fountain, on a pyxis in the British Museum; Dionysos as Liknites, Winnower, horned and wearing a fawn-skin, holding fork and shovel, on a pyxis in Reading. Among the mortals we find a slinger, a girl playing kottabos and a centaur watching a tortoise inside cups in Athens, London and Leningrad. An unpublished cup in Athens, formerly in the Empedocles collection, shows a warrior advancing with his spear at the ready; another unpublished in Oxford, on loan to the Ashmolean Museum, has Oedipus and the sphinx. The only floral subject that I know is seen in the Reading cup with a rosebud between sprays. There is a replica of this (but with the bud black instead of red) in a cup with a tall foot in Corinth Museum.
Cleon's Orders at Amphipolis
Authors: Anderson J. K.
Published: May 2006

How Cleon issued his fatal order to retreat from before Amphipolis does not seem to have been discussed by the commentators. But it would appear that he violated correct military procedure, and that this violation was in itself the cause of much of the subsequent confusion in the Athenian ranks. Thucydides says that both a signal and a verbal command were given—the signal conveying the definite meaning ‘Retire’, while the verbal command explained how it was to be done; and signal and command were issued together.

Signals are divided by Arrian into three groups. Verbal orders, being most readily intelligible, are preferable when they can be heard above the din of battle. Visual signals may be obscured in the dust and confusion. Finally, the trumpet is useful in overcoming ‘atmospheric disturbances’ (τὰ ἐκ τοῦ ἀέρος ἐμπόδια).

Visual signals are found in Greek warfare from at least the fifth century B.C. onwards, but they are generally prearranged, either to convey the news that some foreseeable event has actually occurred or to coordinate the operations of two bodies of troops who are widely separated but in sight of each other. Everybody concerned must be instructed in advance that after certain developments a certain signal will be displayed, upon which certain movements will be carried out. In this way Croesus in theCyropaediadirects the evolutions of his vast army, Antigonus plans to coordinate the separate attacks at Sellasia, and Gorgidas ends the feigned retreat of the Sacred Band. But the signals used—the display of a red cloak or a white; the raising of a helmet on a spear—are all obviously arranged for the occasion. There does not seem to have been any code by which the commander of a Greek army, at any rate in the classical period, could convey orders to his men on the spur of the moment by visual signals. In the army described by Arrian each battalion (σύνταξις) had its own standard bearer, and the rank and file could at least have conformed to the movements of the standard.
The Dictaean Hymn to the Kouros
Authors: West M. L.
Published: May 2006

K. Latte,De saltationibus Graecorum44, notes the possibility thatκορεwas originally written, representingκῶρε. There are instances in the hymn ofεandοrepresenting secondaryε̄andο̄(cf. on 5, 30, 38, 50), though we also findκατῆχεin 38. This orthography must go back to the original written text, and helps to date the composition, being found in a few Cretan inscriptions of the third century B.C. but not later (Bechtel,Gr. Dial, ii 680 ff.). Before the fourth century,ηand ω were not used at all in Crete, so that if the hymn were as early as the fifth century, as Wilamowitz asserts (Griech. Verskunst502) without giving his reasons, we should expect eitherεandοthroughout or a uniform transliteration, not the distinction that is actually apparent betweenη, ωfor originalη, ω(also forη<αεandεα, ω<εο) andε, οfor the contraction ofεε,οο, and forε, οlengthened by compensation. The usual dating of the hymn to the fourth or third century thus receives confirmation.
The Greek Kitchen: Addenda
Authors: Sparkes B. A.
Published: May 2006

Since the publication of ‘The Greek Kitchen’ inJHSlxxxii (1962) 121–137, fresh material for the Appendix (pp. 132–137) has come to light, mainly in the shape of terracottas which were unknown to me at the time, and I take this opportunity of correcting and adding to the original list. A number of pieces listed below were brought to my notice by Dietrich von Bothmer, of the Metropolitan Museum, New York (nos. 14, 15A, 30A, 33A, 33B), with whom I had two valuable discussions; for knowledge of no. 53B, I am indebted to Mademoiselle V. Verhoogen, of the Musées d'Art et Histoire, Brussels. Others to whom I am indebted for information and help with photographs, are: Madame Lilly Ginouvès, of the Louvre; Miss Elaine Loeffler, of the Museum of Art, Rhode Island School of Design, Providence; Signorina Paola Pelagatti, of the National Museum, Syracuse; Jean Balty, of the Brussels Museum; Bernard von Bothmer, of the Brooklyn Museum; P. Devambez, of the Louvre; R. Noll, of the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna; A. Oliver, of the Metropolitan Museum, New York; N. Raumschüssel, of the Staatliche Kunstsammlungen, Dresden. Miss Alison Frantz took the photographs of nos. 45 and 74, here plate XXIX.2, for which many thanks are given, Mrs A. D. Ure was assiduous in lending rare books, and Miss Lucy Talcott made valuable suggestions on the subject of the Vienna lekythos.
The Bromley-Davenport Vases
Authors: Charlton J. M. T.
Published: May 2006

The vases published here are part of the collection belonging to Lt.-Col. W. H. Bromley-Davenport, of Capesthorne Hall, Macclesfield, Cheshire. As far as is known, they all come from Lucien Bonaparte's estates at Canino near Vulci, and were brought to Capesthorne by Edward Davies Davenport (1778–1847), the great-grandfather, and Walter Davenport Bromley (1787–1862), the great-uncle of the present owner.

A black-figure neck-amphora (Plate VII (a), (b)) is by the Antimenes Painter. It is complete with lid, has no restoration and measures 38½ cm. to the mouth; the handles are triple. On one side Herakles is about to slay the Nemean lion; on the other Dionysos stands between two capering satyrs. The added red and white is clear from the photographs. The attribution is of course certain; note the vertical lines on the outside of the legs, the arc describing the calf on the inside of the legs, the knees and elbows, the lines on arms, and the long mouths. But dating is less certain. The drawing is careful and appears at first sight to be rather late. The large strong figures and the feeling for space, the folds of Dionysos' chiton compared with the lack of chiton folds on a neck amphora in London and on one of similar period in Munich, and the elaboration of Herakles' foldless chiton compared with that on the Villa Giulia, Northwick Park, and Naples neck-amphorae, all suggest a late date. But there is no trace of double curve on terminal fold or knee, nor of wavy lines on drapery, as on the late neck-amphora in London.
Inscriptions from Pamphylia and Isauria
Authors: Hereward Daphne
Published: May 2006

Sillyon. Note on an inscription already published

CIG iii. 4324c = SGDI 1268. This inscription is carved in a panel on a rock to the west of the city, near the modern village. Height ·16 m., breadth ·175, letter and space down ·026, letter and space across ·019

Perhaps [Όλυμ]πιακοῦ, since ἱαρός can be used in connexion with the Games, as in Lanckoroński, Städte Pämphyliens und Pisidiens, i, p. 66; but the meaning is uncertain; ἱερά generally means ‘a dead-heat’ (LSJ ἱερός iv. 7).

Sillyon. New inscriptions

(1) A statue-base, near the Byzantine wall. Grey stone, the top and the lower part of the left side are preserved. The bottom is buried and the back is very rough, but may be original. Height over ·7, breadth c. ·65, thickness ·33+, letter height c. ·058, letter and space across ·056. Roman date.
Buboes in Thucydides?
Authors: Hooker Edna M.
Published: May 2006

In his article on The Sickness at Athens Mr. Watson Williams gives strong reasons for identifying the sickness with bubonic plague, and then goes on to say regretfully, ‘Thucydides, it is true, does not mention buboes’. But are we so sure that he does not? What are the ἕλκη which he mentions along with φλύκταιναι (ii. 49.5) as the outward manifestations of the disease? We have had no adequate explanation of these. Liddell and Scott render them as ‘plague-ulcers’, but this is obviously a conventional translation not based on any serious study of the symptoms of the sickness. Professor Page has given us a detailed discussion of Thucydides' medical vocabulary, but has shed no light on the word ἕλκος. He begins by telling us that ‘ἕλκος is a term of general reference, most commonly signifying a lesion of the soft parts of the body (the context must decide whether “sore”, “ulcer”, “wound”, or what else is intended)’; then, without any discussion of its context, we find him translating the word as ‘sores’ and finally he seeks to persuade us that the phrase ϕλυκταίναις μικραῖς καὶ ἕλκεσιν ἐξηνθηκός is equivalent to ‘crimson or dusky red spots covering the greater part of the body’. Sir William MacArthur, arguing persuasively for typhus, and Professor Shrewsbury, pressing the claims of measles, approach the problems from the medical standpoint, without any serious discussion of vocabulary, and neither offers any comment on the meaning of ‘ἕλκος. Other theorists appear to ignore it completely and concentrate on those symptoms which may be made to fit any infectious fever and particularly on those which are sufficiently vaguely described to allow of a little discreet distortion of the evidence. But surely we cannot hope to identify the sickness until we have decided what the ‘ἕλκος are, for, in the absence of laboratory tests, it is after all mainly by the skin eruptions and other external manifestations that we distinguish one infectious fever from another.
Ship-shape andSambuca-fashion
Authors: Landels J. G.
Published: May 2006

In Book viii ch. 6 Polybius describes the structure and use of a siege-engine, theσαμβύκη, so called from its resemblance to a musical instrument of that name. The purpose of this article is to review the evidence for the shape of the musical instrument, and for the structure of the siege-engine, and for possible points of similarity between them.

References to the musical instrument are not uncommon in literature from the fifth century B.C. onwards; there are a number of points on which they agree. Theσαμβύκηwas a stringed instrument, and was generally thought to be of non-Greek, near-Eastern origin. The alternative view, that it was invented by Ibycus the lyric poet of Rhegium, was probably based on a fanciful etymology, and can reasonably be disregarded. The derivation ofἰαμβύκη(probably just a variant spelling) fromἰαμβόςis also fanciful.

As regards chronology, theσαμβύκηseems to have been introduced into Greece in the late fifth century B.C., and was at that time regarded as something of a novelty by the comic poets. Some later scholars, however, saw fit to correct this impression, and point out that it was in fact a very ancient instrument. Its main use was apparently to provide a musical accompaniment for debauchery: in fact, so disreputable was the instrument that the word for a female player of it,σαμβυκιστρία, was virtually synonymous withπορνή.
Greek Expressions of Thanks
Authors: Quincey J. H.
Published: May 2006

The purpose of this article is to examine the meaning and function of certain expressions used for conveying thanks in Greek. It does not pretend to be an exhaustive survey of all the expressions which are used in this connexion, but is restricted in scope to the Greek of the classical period and to those expressions which were in common use in conversation to convey thanks when an offer, gift, etc., was being accepted or declined. These expressions it will be convenient to call ‘responsive formulae’.

The ordinary expressions for feeling or conveying thanks combine χάριν with a verb such as εἰδέναι or ἔχειν, but as readers of Greek literature will have become aware, if only subconsciously, these combinations are not to be found used responsively in the prose or verse of the classical period. Before this sweeping generalisation provokes outright contradiction, let it be freely admitted that cases of the responsive use do exist.
Athens after the Social War
Authors: Sealey Raphael
Published: May 2006

The period of Demosthenes has a special interest for the student of Greek politics; more evidence exists, in the form of speeches, for the actual working of Athenian affairs in this period than in any other. It should therefore provide the starting-point in any attempt to find out the presuppositions of Athenian politics, to find what sort of behaviour is habitually expected of politicians and what motives are taken for granted as the normal motives of public men. Here the political scene at the entry of Demosthenes into politics will be examined in the hope of contributing towards answering these questions. For the ascertainable facts, preserved mainly in Speeches xx, xxii and xxiv of Demosthenes; are comparatively plentiful, and so they may be used in order to criticise current assumptions about the nature of political parties and conflicts in ancient Athens.

A preliminary question concerns the dates of these three speeches. Dionysius of Halicarnassus assigns Speeches xx and xxii to 355/4 and Speech xxiv to 353/2. It is hoped to defend elsewhere the general credibility of the Dionysian dates for the Demosthenic speeches. That for Speech xxii has been seriously questioned by Mr. D. M. Lewis.
Note on the Peace of Nikias
Authors: Andrewes A. , Lewis D. M.
Published: May 2006

In the early part of the fourth century it was the regular practice for Athenian treaties to specify the authorities who were to swear the oath on either side, and, although the fifth-century material is more scanty, three clear instances suggest that the habit was already established by 425. The notable exception is the Peace of Nikias, and with it the Spartan alliance of 421, in which not the quality but the number is prescribed, seventeen from each city. Kirchhoff suggested that this odd number might be built up, on the Spartan side, from the two kings (who in fact head the list), the five ephors (the eponymous ephor Pleistolas comes third and the next four might be his colleagues; cf. Tod, GHI 99), and a board of ten. Kirchhoff refused to speculate about these ten beyond saying that it was a normal number, but this gap in his argument can perhaps be filled from a passage in Diodorus (below) which has received no satisfactory explanation. Normal Athenian practice would not oblige Athens to conform to the Spartan number, and if Kirchhoff is right we should perhaps suppose that Sparta asked for numerical parity. The next question will be, how the Athenians made up their seventeen.
An Interpretation of AR. Vesp. 136–210 and its consequences for the stage of Aristophanes
Authors: Dale A. M.
Published: May 2006

In front of the house are two slaves, one of whom, the company's chief actor, has been commending the play to the public and explaining the situation. Bdelycleon, who has been asleep on the flat roof, wakes up and calls to the slaves: ‘One of you run round here quick; my father has got into the kitchen and he is scuttering around like a mouse inside; mind he doesn't get out through the waste-hole. And you, up against the door with you!’ Slave A, the chief actor, disappears round the side of the house, to take up position as Philocleon inside. A rapid change of mask would enable him to poke a head up through the chimney—144 —only to be extinguished by the bread-trough and log which his watchful son claps on. (How the chimney was represented, if at all, is anybody's guess.) Now comes a diversion from the ground floor, the exact form of which is unfortunately uncertain. RV give the unmetrical , (imperative): whether this is to be emended as Hermann , or whether it is a gloss on the following which has displaced the original text, it is clear that after being warned of the new situation Bdelycleon tells Slave B to press well and truly against the door—which implies that Philocleon is pushing from the inside. ‘I'll be down there in a minute myself,’ he goes on; ‘look out for the bolt, and keep an eye on the bar to see he doesn't gnaw out the pin.’ (βάλανος was edible as ‘date’, ‘acorn’.) Bdelycleon thereupon disappears down the back of the roof [there was of course a staircase or ladder giving access to the roof out of sight of the spectators, as required on occasion by tragedy too (Ag., PV, Psychostasia, HF, Or., Phoen.)] and comes round on to the stage presumably by the same way as Slave A left it. This would take one or two minutes, and of course the next few remarks in the dialogue with Philocleon are made by Slave B, not by Bdelycleon as in the Oxford Text; he would in any case not address his father as Philocleon (163). The ‘net’ which Philocleon threatens to gnaw through (164) cannot be stretched across the door, which has to open unimpeded the next minute; it is over the upper part of the house only, covering the window or windows, as we learn from 367 ff., having been put up to prevent him from hopping over the courtyard wall behind (130 ff.). 164 suggests that Philocleon is talking through a window during this exchange, which would make him more easily audible.
The Mycenaean ‘Window-Crater’ in the British Museum
Authors: Karageorghis V.
Published: May 2006

This fragmentary vase was discovered in 1895 in a tomb at Curium by the British Museum Expedition (Turner Bequest) and was first published in the Excavations in Cyprus. Since then references to it have been made by various scholars, chiefly because of its unusual decoration with female figures inside ladder-pattern frames; these frames have been commonly interpreted as windows', hence the name ‘window-crater’.

The same tomb in which the ‘window-crater’ had been discovered was re-excavated by the expedition of the University Museum, Philadelphia, in 1939, and thirty-five new fragments of the same vase were found. These have now been restored to the main body of the crater in the British Museum, and it has been suggested that in its more complete form it should be re-examined and published with better illustration.

A detailed description of its form and fabric is given in BMC Vases and the CVA It is probably the largest of its kind (height, 43·5 cm.; diameter, 43·2 cm.); the fabric represents Mycenaean ware at its best: buff pinkish clay, dark red lustrous paint. Each panel between the two handles is decorated with a chariot scene flanked with groups of female figures.
The Battle of Salamis
Authors: Hammond N. G. L.
Published: May 2006

This paper is prompted by a careful study of the ancient evidence and of the waters and coasts of the Salamis Channel, which has led me to a new conception of the battle. I proceed from the assumption that the ancient evidence is sound and that, if it is interpreted with respect, it provides a fairly close framework for the course of the battle. To this framework some additions can be made by means of local knowledge, whether gained at first or at second hand. The paper is divided into five sections: the topography of the Salamis Channel, the evidence for the battle, the manoeuvres of the day and the night before the battle, the day of battle, and an Epilogue with an Appendix on the new Scholia to the Persae.
Homeric Words and Speakers
Authors: Griffin Jasper
Published: May 2006

The aim of this paper is to establish the existence of a significant difference, in a number of respects, between the style of the narrated portions of Homer and that of the speeches which are recorded in the two epics; and to offer some explanations for this fact. It will require the presentation of some statistics: I suspect that not all of the figures are absolutely accurate, but I feel confident that such inaccuracies as they may contain will not affect the validity of the inferences drawn from them. The mere fact of differences in vocabulary, while not without interest, is not extremely interesting or surprising. The hope of this paper is that patterns will appear, and that the ‘reticence’ or ‘objectivity’ of Homer, more often praised than investigated, will be illuminated by them; that particular passages in the poems will be shown to be stylistically interesting or unusual; and that some general considerations will emerge which suggest that the difficulties confronting the oral theory of Homer are rather more complex than is often supposed.
Prometheus Desmotes 354
Authors: Huxley George
Published: May 2006

Prometheus, having lamented the burden of his brother Atlas, speaks of earthborn Typhos and his punishment by Zeus. The text and apparatus of lines 351 to 357 are given in Sir Denys Page's edition thus:
‘House’ and ‘Palace’ in Homer
Authors: Knox Mary O.
Published: May 2006

The interesting thing about the word for ‘palace’ in Homer is that there is no such word. All the words that mean ‘house’ (δόμος, δῶ, δῶμα, μέγαρον, οἶκος, οἰκία) may be applied to a royal palace, but all of them (and their plurals) may equally well be used of the house of an ordinary citizen, μέγαρον is often translated ‘palace’, or some other word with connotations of kingly majesty. But it too, when it is not more narrowly localised to the living-room, means just a house in general.

Just as there is no separate word to designate a palace in Homer (τὰ βασίλεια occurs first in Herodotus), so a qualifying adjective is never used to indicate that a particular house is ‘royal’ (the first occurrence of such a periphrasis is βασίλειοι οἶκοι Aeschylus, Ag. 157). In fact, to Homer there is no sharp distinction between a palace and a house, except that a king is likely to have a bigger and better home, more sumptuously furnished.

The Iliad and the Odyssey are much concerned with kings. So it is odd that no word serves to designate the king's palace and no other dwelling, especially when the poet so delights in describing the splendour of royal homes (for example, the description of Alcinous' palace and its grounds in Od. vii 81 ff.). The major archaeological sites of the Mycenaean period, in which the main stories of the poems are set, all contain a palace which is easily recognised, even in its ruinous state. Can one imagine a new arrival at a great Mycenaean site needing to be shown which was the palace, as Odysseus was shown at Phaeacia? It seems highly unlikely that the Mycenaeans should have had no special word for a palace, though there is so far no firm evidence for (or against) the existence of such a word in Linear B. If a ‘palace’ word existed, its special significance, if not the word itself, must have been forgotten by Homer's time, when a great many houses might be found within the city wall, as at Smyrna. There may, however, be traces of the ‘palace’ meaning still detectable.

In Table 1, which has been compiled from the concordances of Prendergast and Dunbar, I have tabulated the frequency with which each of the regular words for ‘house’ is used to denote a dwelling occupied by gods, lesser divinities, mortals or animals. Various interesting points arise from this table.

It is apparent that there is a far higher proportion of gods' houses mentioned in the Iliad than in the Odyssey. The figures for δόμος and δῶμα show this particularly clearly. But the difference is probably due entirely to the subject-matter: far more of the action is taken up with scenes among the gods in the Iliad than in the Odyssey.
Morals and Values in Homer
Authors: Long A. A.
Published: May 2006

For the lack of forty-nine drachmas Socrates was unable to attend the costly epideixis of Prodicus from which he would have learnt the truth about correct use of words (Plato, Cra. 384b). From Prodicus' ὥραι Socrates could also have learnt the concepts and characteristic words associated with arete and kakia: these compete in that work for the allegiance of Heracles, parading their respective characteristics. Thanks to Professor Arthur Adkins we have had for the past decade a book which not only confronts arete and kakia, but also analyses the meaning and usage of many Greek words for the evaluation of action from Homer to Aristotle. The importance of this book is generally acknowledged but it has not received the detailed discussion it deserves. Professor Adkins finds the social structure of ancient Greece inimical to the development of an adequate concept of moral responsibility. He shows, in a most interesting manner, how Greek values changed as the needs of society changed.
Anaximander and Dr Dicks
Authors: O'Brien D.
Published: May 2006

I am sorry to have annoyed Dr Dicks by criticising two articles of his in one of my footnotes (D. R. Dicks, ‘On Anaximander's figures’, JHS lxxxix [1969] 120: the offending footnote is in JHS lxxxviii [1968] 120 n. 44, referring to Dicks, CQ n.s. ix [1959] 294–309, especially 299 and 301, and JHS lxxxvi [1966] 26–40, especially 30 and 36). I limit myself to the four specific points raised, in the hope that Dr Dicks may one day be kind enough to substantiate his more general criticisms.

Pseudo-Galen

Five separate doxographical sources attribute to Anaxagoras the statement that the sun is larger, or many times larger, than the Peloponnese. Galen, or pseudo-Galen, notes that Anaxagoras' sun is larger than the earth. I suggested that this second formula, although it may not misrepresent the substance of Anaxagoras' theory, was ‘probably in Galen simply a random error, arising from the fact that the preceding sentence, on Anaximander, twice makes a comparison of sun and earth’ (JHS lxxxviii [1968] 124 n. 62). It is hard to know what motivates Dr Dicks to omit my reasoning and to stigmatise my conclusion as ‘curious’ and ‘eccentric’.
New Evidence for a Polyandrion in the Demosion Sema of Athens?
Authors: Clairmont Christoph
Published: May 2006

In 1967 Miss Olga Alexandri reported the discovery often trenches on the road from the Dipylon gate to the Academy. The area into which the trenches were dug measures c. five by seven meters; the individual trenches measure 1.10–1.35 m in length, 0.35–0.65 m in width, and 0.80–1.05 m in depth. They are arranged to form two pairs and two further groups each of three trenches set one behind another. In attempting to interpret the trenches, the excavator was reminded of beddings for stelai such as are attested for the archaic period. Apt as this observation is, it does not help to explain the number ten nor the togetherness of the trenches.

In the introductory chapter to the Funeral oration by Perikles, Thukydides (ii 34) describes in general terms what the patrios nomos, the ceremony for the public burial of Athenian soldiers consisted of.
The Neatherd's Progress in ‘Theocritus’
Authors: Giangrande Giuseppe
Published: May 2006

‘Theocritus'’ Idyll xxvii describes how a neatherd progressively undresses a girl and then makes love to her. The progress of the neatherd's hand is accurately and humorously depicted. First the maiden says (19)

μὴ ᾽πιβάλῃς τὴν χεῑρα καὶ εἰσέτι; χεῑλος ἀμύξω.
Musical Drinking-Cups
Authors: Seeberg A.
Published: May 2006

B. Shefton and M. Vickers recently called attention to a kind of drinking-cup having clay pellets inside the hollow rim of the foot, or inside the hollow lip, which rattle when the cup is moved. The examples noted belong in part to the beginning of the fifth century, in part to the mid-fourth.

A cup of the earlier series (Oslo University ES 36266, ex Hope) appeared in CV Norway (1) pl. 50, 2. X-ray photographs provided by the laboratory of the Historical Museum, Oslo, can now supplement the description; comparison with the published X-rays of other rattle-cups shows interesting variety in the preparation of such vases. There are nine small pellets in the channel inside the foot. They appear to be of uniform size and regular shape, so it is perhaps not likely that any got in by accident later, although there is an unplugged hole (compare the foot of the cup by Skythes in Toronto, Vickers, pl. 5, 2). In our CV publication the open hole was interpreted as a convenient solution to the combined problems of trapping the pellets and letting the air out, on the theory that the pellets had been previously fired and would not shrink in the kiln as the cup and the hole would. The X-ray reveals an unexpected second hole placed some 120° away from the other and carefully stoppered. No obvious parallel comes to mind except for the cat-hole and kitten-hole in the old story, which is not illuminating; one might cautiously conclude that in the case of one potter at least, the process of preparing a rattle-cup was still a matter for experiment.