bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Courtly Love in Perspective: The Hierarchy of Love in Andreas Capellanus
Authors: Kelly Douglas
Published: August 2016

A constant thorn in the side of those who try to understand courtly love is Andreas Capellanus' De Amore. This disconcerting treatise provides us with the only true art of courtly love that we possess, but it also contains a very harsh attack against love. The antithetical attitude towards love is all the more astonishing because Andreas, although a churchman, devoted far more space to the instruction on how to love and the praise of love than to the attack on it. Explanations for this anomaly have ranged from one extreme to the other: Andreas was sincere only in the section devoted to the praise of courtly love (Books I and II), whereas the third book represents a later—forced or willing—recantation; or, Andreas had been obliged for unknown reasons to compose a treatise on love, and appended the third book to correct any misunderstanding regarding his personal opinion on the matter. Recently some scholars have tried to find explanations for the treatise that deny in effect the existence of a conflict between the two parts. D. W. Robertson, Jr., for example, finds ironic overtones in Books I and II that betray Andreas' disapproval of courtly love; the third book is a forthright condemnation. I shall return to Robertson's thesis below. In the most thorough analysis to date of Andreas' treatise, Felix Schlösser has come to the conclusion that there is in fact no compromise between the two parts, and that Andreas did not really try to find one; the type of love attacked in the Reprobatio is totally different from the courtly love described in the rest of the treatise. Schlösser concludes that Andreas did not seek to reconcile courtly love with the teachings of the Church, but rather let the world of courtly love and the world of Christian dogma stand side by side, each absolute in its own sphere; both are confined to predetermined areas and do not overlap. Thus the attack from the point of view of the Church in Book III is directed against the same type of love Andreas condemns in Book I when he considers peasants, prostitutes, gold diggers, and the like.
Rotrou of Perche and the Aragonese Reconquest
Authors: Nelson Lynn H.
Published: August 2016

Early in the twelfth century Alfonso I ascended the throne of the young Aragonese kingdom. His brother, Pedro (1096–1104), had already established the momentum of the Aragonese reconquest by overpowering the Moorish kingdom of Huesca. With the accession of Alfonso, however, the movement of expansion was greatly accelerated. Although the early years of his reign were marked by a paralyzing conflict with Castile-León, by 1118 his career of conquest was fairly launched. The Moorish kingdom of Zaragoza fell near the end of that year, and its neighbor, Tudela, followed two months later. Calatayud and Daroca were conquered in 1120. During the winter of 1125–1126 Alfonso's troops ranged freely through the Moslem lands of Valencia, Córdoba, and Granada. Near the end of Alfonso's reign, the kingdoms of Lérida and Valencia were menaced by Aragonese arms, and their end appeared imminent. The king's sudden death in 1134 inaugurated a period of confusion in which many of his advances were wiped out, but his activities had already made him a legend and had made Aragón a major power in the Peninsula.
An Introduction to the Study of the Hymns on St. James as Literature
Authors: O'Malley Jerome F.
Published: August 2016

The importance of Santiago as the brother of Christ and as a supernatural force, ‘invincible and victorious,’ served as a point of support for the impetus of the Reconquest. The course of life intensified the belief, … and it gave rise to forms of worship which today would be judged heterodox.

Américo Castro

The subject of this study is all the hymns written for the cult and liturgy of St. James the Greater that are published in theAnalecta hymnica medii Aevi. While this source is not exhaustive, it does represent an important part of the hymnological material devoted to this saint. This study is relevant since St. James was a powerful force in the Middle Ages and especially in Spain. Indeed, Américo Castro considers this cult as an ‘axis’ of Spanish history, because the shrine at Compostela not only opened up Spain by bringing pilgrims from all over Europe, but also gave it an identity as a nation which it lacked during the Visigothic era.
Ὅλβoς, Κόϱoς, Ὕβϱις and Ἄτη From Hesiod to Aeschylus
Authors: Doyle Richard E.
Published: August 2016

One of the commonplaces of criticism with regard to Greek thought is that there existed a canonical tetralogy, ὄλβος, ϰόος, ὕβις and ἄτη which was inexorably operative in human lives. Thus, Basil Gildersleeve in his comments on Pindar's thought wrote:

The next point suggested by the first Olympian is the representative position of Pindar as the expounder of Greek ethics. Is Pindar speaking for himself or for his people? Many of his thoughts are not his own. They are fragments of the popular Hellenic catechism, and they became remarkable in Pindar partly by the mode of presentation, partly by the evident heartiness with which he accepts the national creed. So in v. 56, and P. 2, 28, we find a genealogy which was as popular with the Greeks as Sin and Death in the Christian system. Oλβος — Kόος — Ὕβις — Ἄτη. The prosperity that produces pride and fulness of bread culminates in overweening insolence and outrage and brings on itself mischief sent from heaven.
Un nouveau manuscrit du ‘De ordinationibus’ d'Auxilius
Authors: Balberghe Émile Van
Published: August 2016

Lors de son étude sur la Collectio XII Partium, P. Fournier n'avait pas identifié tous les textes qui précèdent cette collection dans le manuscrit Troyes, Bibliothèque Municipale, 246.
Glossenapparat zur Compilatio prima aus der Schule des Petrus Brito in St. Omer 107
Authors: Weigand Rudolf
Published: August 2016

Diese von Professor Fransen vorausgehend beschriebene Handschrift ist in verschiedener Hinsicht recht interessant. Der in ihr enthaltene Glossenapparat zur Comp. I. ist sehr umfangreich. Er wurde von mehreren Händen geschrieben und ist deswegen nicht immer ganz eindeutig von späteren Einträgen (aus der gleichen Schule) abzugrenzen. Im wesentlichen sind drei Schichten zu unterscheiden:

(1) Für die Haupt- und Grundschicht ist die Beobachtung wichtig, dass in ihr die Dekretalen nach der Comp. I. durchwegs als ‘extra titulos’ oder ‘extrauagans’ mit Angabe des Papstes und Incipit zitiert werden. In dem etwas näher untersuchten Teil (etwa ein Viertel des Textes) wurden folgende Allegationen gefunden: Von Alexander III. acht, Lucius III. drei, Clemens III. eine, Coelestin III. zwölf und von Innozenz III. auch zwölf, darunter Potth. 164, 185, 568, 888, 1279 und 1560. Das deutet auf eine Abfassung bald nach Beginn des 13. Jahrhunderts hin.

(2) In zahlreichen Zusätzen zum ursprünglichen Apparat, an einigen Stellen aber auch in der Hauptschicht (z. B. fol. 33r, 34r, 42r), werden Dekretalen nach einer Sammlung mit Titeln zitiert, die sich teilweise auf Gilberts Sammlung beziehen lassen (z. B. fol. 34rb ‘extra de procuratore Si matrimonii’: Gilbert 1.18.2; 2 Comp. 1.18.2; JL 17615) oder auf Alanus (z. B. fol. 33ra ‘extra tit. de iure iurando Ex tenore’: Al. [Vercelli] 2.15.8 [= Fulda W 2.13.6]; nicht in Potth. [oder ist Potth. 656 in Gilb. Anhang 8 hoc tit. gemeint?]; — fol. 34rb ‘extra tit. de officio deleg. Super questionem’: Potth. 2163 aus dem Jahre 1204, Al. 1.17.3 [W 1.13.3]; 3 Comp. 1.18.6; wahrscheinlich auch fol. 33ra ‘extra tit. de exceptionibus c.i. ubi siue renunciatum sit siue publicate sint atestationes non possunt alii testes produci’: vgl. Al. 2.11.1 [W Anh. 29]; 3 Comp. 5.2.3; Potth. 888). Teilweise lassen sie sich jedoch keiner bestimmten Sammlung zuweisen. So wird z. B. fol. 42rb zitiert: ‘extra tit. de sent. excom. Dilecti,’ was auf keine der bisher bekannten Sammlungen passt. Obwohl diese Nachträge von verschiedenen Händen stammen, scheint die zweite Schicht eine systematische Ergänzung bzw. Neuauflage des ursprünglichen Apparates zu repräsentieren, noch aus der Zeit vor 1210. In ihr kommen auch die meisten Siglen vor, abgesehen von p.b'., der in beiden Schichten häufig zitiert wird.

(3) Weitere Nachträge sind durch ihre Dekretalenallegationen, welche die Comp. II. und III. voraussetzen, leicht als eine dritte Schicht zu erkennen und als spätere (private?) Nachträge vom eigentlichen Apparat abzutrennen.
Sapiential Structure and Figural Narrative in the Old English ‘Elene’
Authors: Hill Thomas D.
Published: August 2016

The Old English Elene has generally been considered Cynewulf's most successful poem; but while critics have admired specific passages in it, they have generally either ignored or patronized the poem as a whole. Thus Kemp Malone writes that in Elene, Cynewulf ‘told his tale simply and clearly as Old English poets go. Here he doubtless owed something to his Latin source ….’ The most recent editor of the text, Gradon, remarks that apart from the descriptions of the battle and the sea voyage, ‘there is little in Elene that can be shown to be original … a glance at Holthausen's composite text shows that, poetic circumlocution apart, there is little not to be found in some version of the Acta Cyriaci.’ One recent critic to deal with Elene, S. B. Greenfield, in his Critical History of Old English Literature, argues for a more sympathetic view of the poem, suggesting that ‘the struggle between good and evil that preoccupied Cynewulf is here [in Elene] presented thematically as a contrast between darkness and light, both on a physical and spiritual level’; he goes on to argue that the central episodes of the poem (i.e. Elene's quest for the cross) have a distinct literary if not necessarily poetic power.’ But Greenfield does not develop these suggestions in detail and it would, I think, be a fair summary of his discussion of the poem to say that where previous critics have been cool, Greenfield is lukewarm.
The Source for the ‘Remedia’ of the Parson's Tale
Authors: Wenzel Siegfried
Published: August 2016

The search for the sources on which Chaucer's Parson's Tale is based reached a stage of temporary finality when, in her contribution to Sources and Analogues of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, Germaine Dempster summarized and refined the results of half a century of investigations. By then it had become clear that the outcome of Kate Petersen's earlier study had stood the test of over three decades and that, in consequence, the Parson's Tale may be considered as ultimately deriving from two Latin summae of the thirteenth century, that of Raymond of Pennafort (for the sections on Penitence) and that of Peraldus (for the treatment of the Seven Deadly Sins). At the same time, Mrs. Dempster recognized that neither summa is the immediate ancestor of the Parson's Tale, but that, for a number of reasons, the Tale must be thought of as immediately deriving from one or several intermediaries between it and the two ancestral summae. Although a number of Latin and vernacular religious manuals were suggested for such a role, none of them is really close enough to a substantial part of the Parson's Tale to be looked upon as a source or even a close analogue. Hence a mood of pessimistic resignation has settled on the whole question of sources, aptly summed up in Professor Bloomfield's account:

The parallels given by scholars do not prove any direct borrowing on Chaucer's part. When we find close similarities, we find also that they occur in the most traditional details…. Miss Petersen's argument that the section on the chief sins comes from an adaptation of Peraldus' work seems to be little justified, except in the most general sense. Her parallels are not particularly impressive. The question must, at present and possibly forever, rest in abeyance.
The Concept of ᾄτη in Sophoclean Tragedy
Authors: Doyle Richard E.
Published: August 2016

The relatively clear-cut distinction between the subjective and objective meanings of ᾄτη which appears in Aeschylean tragedy tends to disappear in Sophocles' extant work. The use and meaning of ᾄτη in Sophocles, rather, is marked by ambiguity. He shows himself conscious of the differences in meaning which Aeschylus had so sharply emphasized, but in a brilliant extension of his propensity for dramatic irony Sophocles most often employs ᾄτη in contexts where it carries the overtones of both blindness' and ‘ruin.’ This is, of course, quite consonant with so much else in Sophocles' dramatic style and way of thought.
Initienregister der Werke Heinrichs von Langenstein
Authors: Hohmann Thomas
Published: August 2016

Heinrich von Langenstein (1325-1397) gilt als einer der produktivsten und berühmtesten Theologen seiner Zeit. Eine grosse Zahl von Werken ist überliefert. Die Thematik seiner Arbeiten ist so breit, dass Johannes Trithemius schreiben konnte, es sei Heinrich von Langenstein schwerer gefallen sich zu beschränken, als neue Themen der Untersuchung zu finden. Bekannt ist Heinrich heute der theologischen Forschung besonders durch seine kirchenpolitischen Werke, den Germanisten vor allem durch sein deutsches Erbauungsbüchlein, die Erchantnuzz der sund. Daneben ist jedoch eine Fülle weiterer Werke überliefert, und in kaum einer Bibliothek werden in den Handschriftenbeständen Titel des Langensteiners fehlen.
The Concept of ‘Christus Medicus' in St. Augustine
Authors: Arbesmann Rudolph
Published: August 2016

Repeatedly in recent times attention has been called to the frequent use of the Christus medicus theme by St. Augustine. When a lucky archaeological discovery, made at Timgad in the spring of 1919, brought to light the fragment of an inscription, containing an invocation to Christ the Physician, P. Monceaux, in discussing the rare find, noted not only the popularity of the concept in Christian Africa in general since the days of Tertullian, but also its extremely frequent use by St. Augustine in particular, calling it ‘un thème dominant dans la prédication du grand évêque d'Hippone.’ He listed eight examples from St. Augustine's sermons, in which the notion of Christ the Physician, employed allegorically or metaphorically, to describe Him as the Divine Healer of mankind's spiritual diseases, occurs rather conspicuously. Monceaux's statement was repeated by J. Carcopino, H. Leclercq, and L. Olschki, all of whom refer to the texts collected by him. M. E. Keenan pointed out two allusions to Christ as the Divine Physician in St. Augustine's letters though the passages quoted by her refer rather to deus medicus than to Christus medicus. In a later study on ‘Augustine and the Medical Profession,' she excluded expressly allusions to Christus medicus ‘because of their frequency and unvarying character.’ The collection of pertinent texts has considerably been enlarged by J. Mohan who, in studying the titles applied to Christ by St. Augustine in connection with his Christological and soteriological doctrine, devotes two pages to discussing the Christus medicus metaphor, used by the great Doctor of the Church to explain the Mystery of the Redemption. The author owes the additional texts especially to Dom G. Morin's monumental edition of those of St. Augustine's sermons which have been discovered after the Maurists’ edition. P Mention must also be made of the valuable collection of texts by A. Koch in the section ‘Christus der Arzt’ of his Homiletisches Handbudi. Finally, in the list of pertinent texts given by the ThLL, s.v. medicina and medicus, St. Augustine easily holds the first place among those Patristic writers of the West who made use of the Christus medicus figure.
Some Greek and Roman Observations on the Ethiopian
Authors: Snowden Frank M.
Published: August 2016

The absence of color prejudice in the Greco-Roman world has been noted by numerous classicists, anthropologists, and sociologists. Observations on this social phenomenon, however, have been usually made only in the most general terms, unaccompanied by detailed, specific discussion of the etiology of a racial outlook differing substantially from many later attitudes which attached great importance to the color of the skin.
‘Scriptura sola': Wyclif and his Critics
Authors: Hurley Michael
Published: August 2016

A notable feature of theological studies in the past decade has been a new and widespread interest in the subject of Tradition. Long considered as a peculiarly Roman Catholic problem to be solved, as it had been created, by the theologians of the ‘post-Reformation papal communion,' Tradition has now suddenly overleaped the walls of Rome to become the concern and serious preoccupation of theologians of widely differing backgrounds and convictions. Indeed, the new interest in Tradition is so closely associated with non-Catholics that it has almost become a commonplace to contrast recent theological developments among Protestants and Catholics by remarking, with some justice if some exaggeration, that now Protestants are going back to Tradition and Catholics going back to Scripture.
Annual Report
Authors: Kuttner Stephan
Published: August 2016

Contents: Annual Report, by S. Kuttner. —Un fragment d'une collection systématique de décrétales antérieure àla ‘Compilatio prima,' by A. Vetulani and S. Kuttner (p. 534). —The ‘Poenitentiale' of Robert of Flamborough, by F. Firth, C.S.B. (p. 541). —Mitteilungen aus Handschriften, by R. Weigand (p. 556). —Select Bibliography 1959-1960 (p. 564). —Microfilms and Photostats Acquired in 1960 (p. 571).
The ‘Poenitentiale' of Robert of Flamborough: An Early Handbook for the Confessor in its Manuscript Tradition
Authors: Firth Francis
Published: August 2016

The Poenitentiale or Liber Poenitentialis of Robert of Flamborough, canon penitentiary of the Abbey of St. Victor at Paris, is a practical manual which made available to the ordinary confessor of the early thirteenth century the fruit of the speculation of canonists and theologians as well as the jurisprudence of popes — all of which had been accumulating during the latter half of the twelfth century. It applied the canon law of the time to such matters as marriage, ordination, simony, usury and feudal contracts. Such a work is of obvious interest to the scholar, and two recent articles, one by Stephan Kuttner in Traditio in 1944 and the other by Pierre Michaud-Quantin in Recherches de Théologie ancienne et médiévale in 1959, have dealt with it at some length. Some features have come to my attention which apparently had escaped the notice of others.
Unde versus
Authors: Thorndike Lynn
Published: August 2016

Before the invention of printing and of easy multiplication of copies of a text, memory inevitably played a greater part in education, and basic textbooks were often expressed in verse in order to aid the memory. Of such works a number by named and known authors has come to us entire: in the field of elementary Latin grammar, theDoctrinaleof Alexander of Villa Dei, written in 1199; in arithmetic, theCarmen de algorismoin 284 hexameters by the same author, who further wrote on computus; in botany andmateria medica, the post-Carolingian poem of ‘Macer,’ consisting of 2269 lines on 77 herbs; on gems, the eleventh-centuryLiber lapidumof Marbod, in which sixty stones are described in 734 hexameters. Some of these texts were added to by succeeding generations, as in the case of theRegimen sanitatisascribed to the medical school of Salerno. For the most part this last is in rhymed hexameters:Hec bona sunt ova — longa, parva, quoque nova;Et gallinarum tibi sint et non aliarum.Boni sunt pisces, si cum vino bene misces;Quod si non misces, forsan damnum adipisceris.Salvia cum ruta faciunt tibi pocula tuta;Adde rosam florem, minuit potenter amorem.

But sometimes not, as when a pick-me-up is advised for the morning after:Si nocturna tibi noceat potatio vini,Hoc tu mane bibas iterum et fuerit medicina.

Sometimes the practice of versification was extended to indicating the author of the text. A copy of the exposition of theMicrotegniof Galen which Urso of Todi delivered at Avignon in 1198 says at the start:… Quare Ursus vocetur indicat versus,Laudensis medicus medicisque fidelis amicus,Quos super hanc partem Avenione duxit in artem.
Franciscan Education and Monastic Libraries: Some Documents
Authors: Jones W. R.
Published: August 2016

A strong attachment to education and scholarship very early distinguished the orders of friars established in the thirteenth century. Although Francis of Assisi had made no provision for such activities in the new religious movement which he founded, nevertheless, not long after his death in 1226 the Franciscans had already begun to show a pronounced intellectualist bent. In a sermon delivered in 1229, Odo of Châteauroux noted the influx of scholars into the Order and the prominence of the Franciscans in the Paris schools. Subsequently, some of the finest minds in Europe were converted to the Franciscan style of Christian life; and the enthusiasm and aptitude of the friars minor for teaching became very apparent — transforming them into almost a separate universitas.
The Figure of Constantine the Great in Cynewulf's ‘Elene’
Authors: Whatley Gordon
Published: August 2016

The first two hundred lines of Cynewulf'sElenedeal not with Elene's finding of the Holy Cross but with the events that lead to the conversion of her son, the emperor Constantine. They recount the invasion of his kingdom by a horde of Goths, Huns, and Franks; his fear and despair at the prospect of doing battle with such a vastly superior force; his nocturnal vision of the cross with its famous promise of victory; the crushing defeat he inflicts on the invaders the next day; his triumphant return to Rome, where he learns from his counsellors that the cross is the sign of God; his evangelization by a group of Christians; and his subsequent baptism. Only after all this does the quest for the True Cross get underway, at Constantine's bidding. Although the fifth-centuryInventio Sanctae Crucis, Cynewulf's principal source, narrates these events in a few lines of bare, prosaic Latin, the Old English poet has turned them into the most extensive piece of amplification in the whole work, chiefly, but not entirely, by providing detailed descriptions of the invading and defending armies, and of the battle itself, in recognizably formulaic style with much skillful repetition and variation.
A New View of William Durant the Younger's ‘Tractatus de modo generalis concilii celebrandi’
Authors: Fasolt Constantin
Published: August 2016

The work which is the subject of this article marked a major advance in the history of medieval political thought. Its significance, although perhaps not widely enough perceived, is well known to scholars specializing in the origins of conciliarism. This is not to suggest that William Durant the younger's contribution to the nascent conciliar theory has been exhaustively interpreted. On the contrary, it is probable that the systematic legal and political argument underlying his pointed demands has never been as fully understood as would have been possible or desirable. But Durant's theories lie beyond the scope of this article. It is instead addressed to the more fundamental question whether the available texts of the treatise are sound. It is somewhat surprising that this question has never been studied before, since the early modern printed editions, on which all previous work on Durant has relied, do not give the impression of being trustworthy. Upon inspection of the extant manuscripts it must be concluded that the unsuspecting faith put in these editions was ill-advised, to say the least. It is the thesis of this article that every known printed edition of the Tractatus de modo generalis concilii celebrandi is seriously flawed, and, furthermore, that the deficiencies have prevented scholars from arriving at an adequate interpretation of the nature and the scope of Durant's plan for reform.
The ‘Somnium’ of John of Legnano
Authors: Donovan G. M. , Keen M. H.
Published: August 2016

The Somnium of John of Legnano, the great Bolognese lawyer of the fourteenth century, was first properly brought to the attention of scholars by G. W. Coopland in 1926. Professor Coopland's chief concern was with the relationship between this work and the much more famous Somnium Viridarii, composed about 1375 at the court of King Charles V of France, whose author made some substantial borrowings from John's slightly earlier work. Though he supplied a synopsis of its content, Coopland gave it as his opinion that John's work was not in itself of any great interest, apart from the section in it which is devoted to a defence of papal monarchy, a section which, as the author makes clear, incorporates into the Somnium a tract on this matter which he had composed previously. This probably is the most interesting part of John's much larger and more ambitious work, which seems to have been written in 1372, but our opinion is that the other sections have rather more in them to reward the reader than Coopland suggested. This is the justification for an attempt to describe the work in more detail than he did and to discuss briefly some parts of its content and arguments.
The Bedraggled Cupid: Ovidian Satire in ‘Carmina Burana’ 105
Authors: Elliott Alison Goddard
Published: August 2016

Ovid's exceptional popularity in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries is past dispute; the exact nature of his influence, however, is somewhat less clear. The medieval student first read Ovid early in his career at cathedral schools such as Orléans and Chartres, where his teacher taught him that the classical poets were wise and learned authorities who could offer a Christian much profitable instruction (in Ovid's case, this interpretation involved a considerable distortion, to which we shall return). The student also learned that imitating the Roman authors was a safe and respectable course to follow. As far as Ovid is concerned, medieval poets learned their lessons well. Whether writing in classical, quantitative meters or in medieval, accentual ones, the poets, when they turn to love, sing in the Ovidian vein.
The Evisceration of Bródir in ‘Brennu-Njáls Saga’
Authors: Hill Thomas D.
Published: August 2016

One of the most memorable and hideous scenes in Njáls saga is the death of the apostate viking chief Bróðir. According to the account of the battle of Clontarf in the saga, after the Irish forces had won the victory most of Brian Boru's bodyguard left the king in order to pursue the survivors. Bróðir, who had been hiding in the woods near the battlefield, saw that the king was relatively unprotected, and took the opportunity to break through the line of men who were protecting King Brian and kill him.
The Medieval Allegorization of the ‘Aeneid’: MS Cambridge, Peterhouse 158
Authors: Baswell Christopher
Published: August 2016

The development of sophisticated and complex techniques of literary interpretation was among the greatest achievements of those twelfth-century thinkers who have come loosely to be called ‘Chartrian.’ Chartrian literary allegoresis grew from a reawakened interest in the natural sciences, and a spiritual optimism about man's rational capacity to understand the Creator through his creation. These literary commentators made a habit of encyclopedic digression, using single words or brief passages from their texts to introduce whole chunks of allegorically or literally relevant information from the trivium, the quadrivium, mythology, and natural philosophy. They thus sought to find in their books the whole world of knowledge and the course of spiritual development, even as they had learned to see their world itself as a book. Intimately connected to this was the idea of the arts as a discipline for regaining lost knowledge of divine truths, and education as part of a symbolic spiritual pilgrimage.
Bald Jonah and the Exegesis of 4 Kings 2.23
Authors: Friedman John B.
Published: August 2016

In recent years, a good deal of attention has been paid to the place of typology in late medieval art. This way of thought so characteristic of the Middle Ages, in which Old Testament persons and events are seen to have a prefigurative relationship to those of the New, was a popular teaching device. It is nowhere better seen than in the Biblia pauperum or picture Bible, which originated in a mid-thirteenth-century Dominican milieu and was probably inspired by the altar piece of Nicholas of Verdun, made in 1181. The pages of these books contain drawings that show the typological relationship between Old and New Testament events by means of a center roundel depicting some episode of Christ's life, known as the anti-type, flanked by two Old Testament scenes, the types, which were thought to prefigure it. Appropriate Bible prophecies in banners heightened the visual impact of the drawings for the literate. From its inception, the Biblia pauperum was of enormous importance for northern European art, and its influence can be seen well into the Reformation.
A Catalogue of Early Medieval Hiberno-Latin Biblical Commentaries (I)
Authors: Kelly Joseph F.
Published: August 2016

The study of Hiberno-Latin exegesis is a young medieval discipline. As the name suggests, it deals with the exegesis of the Bible by Irishmen writing in Latin. In practice, this discipline is confined to the period from the coming of Christianity to Ireland in the fifth century to the Carolingian Renaissance in the ninth. Furthermore, it deals almost exclusively with texts from Irish circles on the continent because so few texts survive from Ireland itself. Scholars had long known of Irish exegetes like Sedulius Scottus and Aileran the Wise who were usually well-known or at least unquestionably Irish. The works of many Hiberno-Latin exegetes simply languished in anonymity — until 1954.
A Twelfth-Century Treatise on ‘Dictamen’ and Metaphor
Authors: Camargo Martin
Published: August 2016

The more we learn about the quantity and diversity of the copies, commentaries, and adaptations of Ciceronian rhetoric that have survived from the medieval period, the more we are led to ask why these materials were preserved and how they were used. The question of practical utility has especially concerned those students of medieval commentaries on theDe inventioneandRhetorica ad Herenniumwho are faced with the task of explaining why these treatises continued to be copied and studied long after the demise of both the Roman law courts and the Roman schools. While the use to which thears dictaminiswas put is considerably more evident, there is still much to be learned about the circumstances in which it was taught. Since twelfth-century teachers ofdictamengenerally saw themselves as the heirs of Cicero, study of their works and the curricula in which they found their place often casts light on the status of rhetoric instruction as a whole. Nowhere is this complementarity so manifest as in central France, by the mid-twelfth century widely regarded as the foremost center for study of theauctores. During the second half of the twelfth century, even as the concise, functionalartes dictandifrom Italy were rapidly establishing themselves alongside the more traditional commentaries on the classical rhetorics, the French grammar masters were busy refining the synthesis ofars grammaticaandars rhetorica, of Horace and Cicero, preserved in Matthew of Vendôme'sArs versificatoria(ca. 1175).
Isidorian ‘Glossae collectae’ in Aelfric's Vocabulary
Authors: Meyer Robert T.
Published: August 2016

At first sight Aelfric'sVocabularyappears to be a well-ordered word list, topically arranged under appropriate Latin subtitles. In this it differed none from theNominale, which was really a Latin-English lexicon largely used in England to teach boys Latin during the Middle Ages. TheNominale, orVocabulary, contained Latin words together with the English meanings topically arranged: names of trades, herbs, plants, animals, etc. There was no alphabetical arrangement except in a few isolated instances. TheGlossarydiffered from theNominaleorVocabularyin that it was a collection of glosses which originated as marginal or interlinear explanations of words or phrases in the Latin authors. Any schoolboy who writes the meanings of the Latin words between the lines or on the margin of his Caesar or Vergil is perfectly familiar with the glossing process. However, the analogy stops here: the present-day schoolboy employs this gloss but momentarily. Should he forget the meaning of the Latin word when it occurs again, he is not required to go over the glossed portion of his text to find it; he turns instead to thevocabularyat the end of his book, or goes to adictionary.
Berthold of Zwiefalten's Chronicle: Reconstructed and Edited with an Introduction and Notes
Authors: Wallach Luitpold
Published: August 2016

To Barbara, Sally, Henrik

The saying of Terentianus Maurus,habent sua fata libelli, may well be applied to the Latin text here edited. Out of my studies of Berthold of Zwiefalten's Chronicle grew my thesis for the Ph. D. degree of the University of Tübingen,Studien zur Chronik Bertholds von Zwiefalten, published inStudien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktinerordens51 (1933) 83–101 and 183–195. The subsequent work on theChronicleand the relevant studies that appeared between 1933 and 1938 are described below in the Introduction. The political developments in Germany prevented me from bringing out the planned edition of the reconstructedChronicle, and compelled me to be satisfied with the presentation in theRevue Bénédictine50 (1938) 141–145, of the synopsis of my reconstruction with the first edition of 1852 in theMonumenta Germaniae Historica.In 1946–47 my fortune led me to Cornell University where the work in its present form was written. When preparing in 1953 the MS for the printer, I noticed in Wattenbach-Levison,Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen im MittelalterI (Weimar 1952) 29 note 106, the edition by Erich König and Karl Otto Müller,Die Zwiefalter Chroniken Ortliebs und Bertholds(Schwäbische Chroniken der Stauferzeit 2; Stuttgart-Berlin 1941). Upon inquiry the W. Kohlhammer Verlag at Stuttgart informed me that their stock of the book had been destroyed during the war. Professor Dr. P. Gehring of the University Library at Tübingen then kindly mailed the surviving library copy of the book to Ithaca, New York, in January 1955. The examination of both Chronicles plainly showed me,

a) that the text of Berthold'sChronicleedited by Erich König is basically the text of my first reconstruction, the MS of which I had turned over to E. König before I left Germany in August 1939, and

b) that the Introduction to Berthold by Karl Otto Müller, also his re-evaluation of Ortlieb, often follow in word and contents my Tübingen Ph. D. Thesis of 1932.
Joachim of Flora: A Critical Survey of his Canon, Teachings, Sources, Biography and Influence
Authors: Bloomfield Morton W.
Published: August 2016

One of the most significant and influential figures of the ‘renaissance of the twelfth century,’ though not mentioned by Charles Haskins in his monumental work of that title (Cambridge 1927), was the Calabrian Joachim of Flora, a man who contributed nothing directly to the revival of science, to a knowledge of Greek or Latin antiquity, or to the rise of a secular attitude. Long before the date of the appearance of Haskins' work, however, since Michelet in fact, Joachim's name was associated with the Renaissance, and in the early years of this century this link was emphasized by Burdach and his followers. He is supposed to have done more to orient men's minds towards, and to have aroused expectations of, a coming new age in the later Middle Ages than anyone else. Whether one wishes to go as far as Burdach went (and I myself certainly do not wish to do so), it is at least true that his works and the works associated with his name helped to create the ferment that was eventually, in a few centuries, to make men feel that they were in a new era of rebirth and that a period of darkness lay behind them.
Scene Division in the Manuscript Tradition of Terence
Authors: Prete Sesto
Published: August 2016

The text of the comedies of Terence has been transmitted to us in two families of manuscripts, known as the Bembine (A) and the Calliopian (ω). The sole representative of the first is Vaticanus latinus 3226, IV-V century, in Rustic Capitals. The second family is composed of a number of manuscripts of Carolingian times and after; these have been subdivided into two groups (γ, δ) according to several characteristics which permit such a distinction, among them illustrations and lacunae. The indication of a new scene in the two families of manuscripts follows a method which seems to be diverse, and it is the purpose of this study to examine the principles involved. The investigation will not be limited to the manuscripts alone but will consider other sources of the Terentian tradition which help to clear up certain obscurities.
The ‘Institutionum disciplinae’ of Isidore of Seville
Authors: Pascal Paul
Published: August 2016

In 1912 A. E. Anspach, who was then beginning to prepare an edition of the works of Isidore of Seville for the Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum, published, from a Paris manuscript of Isidore, a short treatise, entitled Institutionum disciplinae, which he had been the first to notice. The subject of the treatise is the education of the young nobleman. It gives the immediate impression of being a series of quotations, excerpted from a variety of sources, and put together in a somewhat haphazard way. This impression turns out upon examination to be an accurate one.
Gregorian Elements in Some Early Gallican Service Books
Authors: Ashworth Henry
Published: August 2016

The late Edmund Bishop's suggestion that Merovingian liturgical circles had possibly been influenced by a ‘Gregorian’ type of Service Book seems to have remained unnoticed and unappreciated. Yet it has appeared to me to be important for the early history of the Gregorianum. Scholars have always had a sense of frustration about this Sacramentary since no manuscript earlier than that of Cambrai 164, written about 811 or 812, for Bishop Hildoard of that see, has come down to us. To get behind this text has always been their goal, and it has often been assumed that the ninth-century Sacramentary of the Chapter Library of Padua did in fact contain such a text. Whether this is so or not (and Rev. Klaus Gamber has recently shown there are grounds for rejecting it), the series of documents here examined would seem to point to the years circa 680, as marking the terminus ad quem of the Gregorianum.
Two Cruxes in ‘Pearl’: 596 and 609–10
Authors: Kaske R. E.
Published: August 2016

In the Middle English Pearl, the maiden's explanation of heavenly equality through the Parable of the Vineyard (497–588) is followed by a fresh objection of the dreamer:
Recent Views on Tragedy Ancient and Modern
Authors: Callahan Virginia Woods
Published: August 2016

In 1958 the American Council of Learned Societies devoted its thirty-ninth annual meeting to a consideration of ‘the present-day vitality of the classical tradition.’ The focal point in the two-day program was the persistent influence of certain aspects of Greek tragedy upon the arts in our time: two versions of the Antigone (Sophocles’ and Jean Anouilh's) were presented on the same evening; there were lectures on ‘the tragic sense’ in Picasso's Guernica and in contemporary painting and music; but the most striking affirmation of the theme was a lecture on ‘The Vitality of Sophocles’ by Professor H. D. F. Kitto of the University of Bristol. One of the most distinguished of modern classical scholars, Mr. Kitto is well known among American students for his book, Greek Tragedy, published in 1939. In addition to his work on tragic drama here considered there appeared in print last year a small volume by him on Sophocles as dramatist and philosopher. In 1957 Harvard University published a long-awaited, monumental study of Aristotle's Poetics by Professor Gerald F. Else of the University of Michigan, and in 1958 The Johns Hopkins Press published in book form six lectures delivered in Baltimore by Professor Richmond Lattimore on The Poetry of Greek Tragedy. That these classical scholars should have, during recent years, made such varied contributions to an understanding of Greek tragedy — a field to which each of them has devoted a major portion of his academic life — is noteworthy but scarcely surprising, since the Greek theatre and the Greek tragedians have been a perennial subject in the history of classical philology.
A Crux in Aulus Gellius: Noctes Atticae 1.15.1
Authors: Avery William T.
Published: August 2016

Our editions of Gellius' Noctes Atticae read as follows at 1.15.1:

Qui sunt leves et futiles et importuni locutores quique nullo rerum pondere innixi verbis uvidis et lapsantibus diffluunt, eorum orationem bene existimatum est in ore nasci, non in pectore, linguam autem debere aiunt non esse liberam nec vagam, sed vinclis de pectore imo ac de corde aptis moveri et quasi gubernari.
Medieval Latin Aristotle Commentaries Authors A-F
Authors: Lohr Charles H.
Published: August 2016

The history of Latin Aristotelianism reaches roughly from Boethius to Galileo — from the end of classical civilization to the scientific revolution of the seventeenth century. Whereas the early Middle Ages knew only a part of Aristotle's logic, the whole Aristotelian corpus became known in the period around 1200. From the middle of the thirteenth century to the end of the Middle Ages, and in some circles even beyond, the influence of these works was decisive both for the system of education and for the development of philosophy and natural science.
The Writings of John of Legnano with a List of Manuscripts
Authors: McCall John P.
Published: August 2016

John of Legnano (ca.1320–1383) was the foremost professor of law at Bologna in the last half of the fourteenth century. Although he has received recognition for his early study on the ethics of warfare, his importance today might better be ascribed to the breadth of his writings, to his close connections with the papal and civic affairs of his day, and to his role as the chief apologist for Urban VI at the outbreak of the Great Western Schism.
‘Legimus in ecclesiasticis historiis’: A Sermon for All Saints, and its Use in Old English Prose
Authors: Cross J. E.
Published: August 2016

The Latin sermon ‘Legimus in ecclesiasticis historiis’ has been considered by Anglo-Saxonists a number of times within the past two decades. In 1958 I noted the contact between Ælfric's sermon on All Saints and the only version of the Latin sermon which is printed in modern and accessible text. This version, in PL 94.452–455, unfortunately is an incomplete text with extensive omissions. In 1959 C. L. Smetana independently recorded the same source for Ælfric's sermon, while adding that the Latin sermon was included within augmented versions of Paul the Deacon's homiliary. My minor opposition to one deduction in this important paper took the opportunity of refining my previous comments by illustrating that Ælfric used a complete version of the Latin sermon such as that in the printing of Paul the Deacon's homiliary by Eucharius Cervicornus in 1539. Further contacts with the sermon over the range of Old English prose have convinced me of the general dissemination of this sermon in our period (probably within homiliaries) and, as I hope to argue here, of its value in helping to date the ‘original’ version of the Old English Martyrology.
The Exempla of ‘Jacob's Well’: A Study in the Transmission of Medieval Sermon Stories
Authors: Gregg Joan Young
Published: August 2016

The use of moral stories or cautionary tales in sermons to illustrate and reinforce homiletic doctrine was widely accepted by medieval preachers. While diffusion of suitable narratives for this purpose was sometimes accomplished by oral means, such tales were more commonly transmitted by compendia or encyclopedias of didactic stories. These compilations were circulated throughout medieval Christendom for use as reference books by the homilist composing a sermon or series of sermons to be read by his colleagues or delivered from his pulpit.
The Originality and Influence of Joachim of Fiore
Authors: Reeves Marjorie
Published: August 2016

Originality and influence are obverse and reverse of one coin. When extensive influence is claimed for any thinker the question at once arises: Were there no other sources from which these putative disciples might have drawn their inspiration? Since no thinker springs entirely unheralded out of the head of Zeus, he must have drawn on an already existing cluster of ideas and therefore, in turn, his possible influence may merge into a wider intellectual ambience. The problem of influence thus becomes one of establishing marks of originality which can be applied as a kind of ‘litmus test’ to distinguish direct dependence from general affinity. The ideas of the Abbot Joachim have lately attracted wide-ranging claims in respect of their influence in later generations. To cite only one example: Professor Roger Garaudy is quoted as saying that the ‘first great revolutionary movements in Europe’ were ‘all more or less imbued with the ideas of Joachim of Fiore.’ In the last decade or so many medievalists, including myself, have spun the Joachimist coin in order to turn up ‘tails,’ and we have perhaps found Joachimist ‘tails’ in too many quarters. By the law of probabilities it was more than time to turn up heads, and Robert Lerner in an article of 1976 slapped down a challenging ‘head study’ for which I personally am grateful since it set me off spinning the same old coin again. The purpose of this study, therefore, is to examine the background of ideas out of which Joachim's theology of history was generated, to pinpoint the original aspects of his thought, if any, and thence to define and apply criteria for claiming later individuals, groups, or writings as ‘Joachite’ or ‘Joachimist.’
The Prologue to Avitus' ‘De spiritalis historiae gestis’: Christian Poetry and Poetic License
Authors: Roberts Michael
Published: August 2016

In the dedicatory letter to theDe spiritalis historiae gestis, addressed to his brother Apollinaris, bishop of Valence, Avitus of Vienne discusses the peculiar problems raised by Christian poetry (201.16–202.15 Peiper). The implications of this passage have not, I believe, been fully grasped. Let me begin by citing the relevant section of the letter to Apollinaris (201.16–202.9 Peiper).

Quamquam quilibet acer ille doctusque sit, si religionis propositae stilum non minus fidei quam metri lege servaverit, vix aptus esse poemati queat; quippe cum licentia mentiendi, quae pictoribus ac poetis aeque conceditur, satis procul a causarum serietate pellenda sit. In saeculari namque versuum opere condendo tanto quis peritior appellator, quanto elegantius, immo, ut vere dicamus, ineptius falsa texuerit. Taceo iam verba ilia vel nomina, quae nobis nec in alienis quidem operibus frequentare, ne dicam in nostris conscribere licet: quae ad conpendia poetarum aliud ex alio significantia plurimum valent. Quocirca saecularium iudicio, qui aut inperitiae, aut ignaviae dabunt non uti nos licentia poetarum, plus arduum quam fructuosum opus adressi divinam longe discrevimus ab humana existimatione censuram.
‘Ceo Testimoine Precïens’: Priscian and the Prologue to the ‘Lais’ of Marie de France
Authors: Zanoni Mary-Louise
Published: August 2016

Like most medieval vernacular narratives, the Lais of Marie de France begin with a prologue designed to explain the proximate causes of the author's undertaking and to set the work within a recognized context of literary tradition. This literary tradition is represented, again quite typically, by appeal to an auctor, here the grammarian Priscian, whom Marie cites as witness to the stylistic habits of ancient writers:
Custume fu as ancïens,Ceo tes[ti]moine Precïens,Es livres ke jadis feseientAssez oscurement diseientPur ceus ki a venir esteientE ki aprendre les deveient,K'i peüssent gloser la lettreE de lur sen le surplus mettre.