bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
An investigation into the transition from forest dwelling pigs to farm animals in medieval Flanders, Belgium
Authors: Ervynck Anton , Lentacker An
Published: November 2020

There is ample evidence to show that in medieval Europe, unlike today, pigs (Sus scrofa f. domestica) were herded in woodland (see for example ten Cate 1972; Laurans 1975; Mane 1997). For England, this statement has been contested (Rackham 1976, 1980, 1986), but a recent re-evaluation of the historical data indicates that pig husbandry traditions there were the same as in continental Europe (Wilson 2003). Nowadays, pigs have almost everywhere become farm animals, at best living outdoors in semi-confinement near farmhouses, or, at worst, being reared in intensive indoor units with very limited freedom of movement. At some point in time the animals thus made the transition from forest dwellers to farmyard inhabitants, a process that is hardly documented by historical data, or at least little investigated by historians. The aim of this chapter is to investigate whether the analysis of animal remains from archaeological sites can recognize this transition by identifying changes in the characteristics of diachronic pig populations, indicative of differing animal husbandry regimes. Flanders (in present-day Belgium) was one of the most densely populated regions in medieval Europe, and as such, represents an appropriate case study area where the transition from forest to farmyard pigs can be explored. Historical data from Flanders confirm that deforestation was already very advanced towards the end of the High Medieval period (10th–12th centuries AD), so much so that reforestation campaigns were implemented (be it not always successfully) during Late Medieval times (13th–15th centuries AD) (Verhulst 1990; Tack et al. 1993; Tack & Hermy 1998). Deforestation, together with overhunting, resulted in the local extinction of wild woodland mammal species such as brown bear (Ursus arctos) in the 12th century, and wild boar (Sus scrofa) and red deer (Cervus elaphus) towards the end of the Middle Ages (Ervynck et al. 1999). In fact, in Flanders, virtually no parcel of land has been continuously under forest since medieval times, a phenomenon illustrated, for example, by the poverty of the carabid beetle fauna (an insect group with poor (re-)colonizing capacities) in present-day woodlands (Desender et al. 1999).
Summary
Authors: May Robert
Published: November 2020

Energy . . . Beyond Oil is important and timely and should be understood within the wider context of global climate change and future energy demands. In the 1780s John Watts developed his steam engine and so began the Industrial Revolution. At this time, ice-core records show that levels of CO2 in the atmosphere were around 288 parts per million (ppm). Give or take 10 ppm, this had been their level for the past 6,000 years, since the dawn of the first cities. As industrialization drove up the burning of fossil fuels in the developed world, CO2 levels rose. At first the rise was slow. It took about a century and a half to reach 315 ppm. The rise accelerated during the twentieth century: 330 ppm by the mid-1970s; 360 ppm by the 1990s; 380 ppm today. This change of 20 ppm over the past decade is equal to that last seen when the most recent ice age ended, ushering in the dawn of the Holocene epoch, 10,000 years ago. If current trends continue, then by about 2050 atmospheric CO2 levels will have reachedaround500 ppm, nearly double pre-industrial levels. The last time our planet experienced such high levels was some 50 million years ago, during the Eocene epoch, when sea levels were around100 m higher than today. The Dutch Nobelist, Paul Crutzen, has, indeed, suggested that we should recognize that we are now living in a new geological epoch, the Anthropocene. He sees this epoch as beginning around 1780, when industrialization began to change the geochemical history of our planet. Even today, there continues to exist a ‘denial lobby’, funded to the tune of tens of millions of dollars by sectors of the petrochemical industry, and highly influential in some countries. This lobby has understandable similarities, in tactics and attitudes, to the tobacco lobby that continues to deny smoking causes lung cancer, or the curious lobby denying that HIV causes AIDS. This denial lobby is currently very influential in the USA.
Introduction
Authors: McLean Angela R. , May Robert M.
Published: November 2020

In this introductory chapter, we indicate the aims and structure of this book. We also indicate some of the ways in which the book is not synoptic in its coverage, but rather offers an interlinked account of some major developments in our understanding of the dynamics of ecological systems, from populations to communities, along with practical applications to important problems. Ecology is a young science. Theword ecology itself was coined not much more than 100 years ago, and the oldest professional society, the British Ecological Society, is less than a century old. Arguably the first published work on ecology was Gilbert White’s The Natural History of Selborne. This book, published in 1789, was ahead of its time in seeing plants and animals not as individual objects of wonder—things to be assembled in a cabinet of curiosities—but as parts of acommunity of living organisms, interacting with the environment, other organisms, and humans. The book has not merely remained in print, but has run steadily through well over 200 editions and translations, to attain the status of the fourth most published book (in the sense of separate editions) in the English language. The following excerpt captures White’s blend of detailed observation and concern for basic questions. Among the many singularities attending those amusing birds, the swifts, I am now confirmed in the opinion that we have every year the same number of pairs invariably; at least, the result of my inquiry has been exactly the same for a long time past. The swallows and martins are so numerous, and so widely distributed over the village, that it is hardly possible to recount them; while the swifts, though they do not all build in the church, yet so frequently haunt it, and play and rendezvous round it, that they are easily enumerated. The number that I constantly find are eight pairs, about half of which reside in the church, and the rest in some of the lowest and meanest thatched cottages.
How populations cohere: five rules for cooperation
Authors: Nowak Martin A. , Sigmund Karl
Published: November 2020

Subsequent chapters in this volume deal with populations as dynamic entities in time and space. Populations are, of course, made up of individuals, and the parameters which characterize aggregate behavior—population growth rate and so on— ultimately derive from the behavioral ecology and life-history strategies of these constituent individuals. In evolutionary terms, the properties of populations can only be understood in terms of individuals, which comes down to studying how life-history choices (and consequent genefrequency distributions) are shaped by environmental forces. Many important aspects of group behavior— from alarm calls of birds and mammals to the complex institutions that have enabled human societies to flourish—pose problems of how cooperative behavior can evolve and be maintained. The puzzle was emphasized by Darwin, and remains the subject of active research today. In this book, we leave the large subject of individual organisms’ behavioral ecology and lifehistory choices to texts in that field (e.g. Krebs and Davies, 1997). Instead, we lead with a survey of work, much of it very recent, on five different kinds of mechanism whereby cooperative behavior may be maintained in a population, despite the inherent difficulty that cheats may prosper by enjoying the benefits of cooperation without paying the associated costs. Cooperation means that a donor pays a cost, c, for a recipient to get a benefit, b. In evolutionary biology, cost and benefit are measured in terms of fitness. While mutation and selection represent the main forces of evolutionary dynamics, cooperation is a fundamental principle that is required for every level of biological organization. Individual cells rely on cooperation among their components. Multicellular organisms exist because of cooperation among their cells. Social insects are masters of cooperation. Most aspects of human society are based on mechanisms that promote cooperation. Whenever evolution constructs something entirely new (such as multicellularity or human language), cooperation is needed. Evolutionary construction is based on cooperation. The five rules for cooperation which we examine in this chapter are: kin selection, direct reciprocity, indirect reciprocity, graph selection, and group selection. Each of these can promote cooperation if specific conditions are fulfilled.
Metapopulations and their spatial dynamics
Authors: Nee Sean
Published: November 2020

The study of metapopulation dynamics has had a profound impact on our understanding of how species relate to their habitats. A natural, if naïve, set of assumptions would be that species are to be found wherever there is suitable habitat that they can get to; that species will rarely, if ever, be found in unsuitable habitat; that they will be most abundant in their preferred habitat; that species can be preserved as long as a good-size chunk of suitable habitat is conserved for them; and that destruction of a species’ habitat is always detrimental for its abundance. We will see that none of these reasonable-sounding assumptions is necessarily true. Metapopulation biology is a vast field, so to focus this chapter I will be guided partly by questions relevant to conservation biology. There are two important kinds of metapopulation. The so-called Levins metapopulation idea (Levins, 1970) is illustrated in Figure 4.1. It is imagined that patches of habitat suitable for a species are distributed across a landscape. Over time, there is a dynamical process of colonization and extinction: the colonization of empty patches by occupied patches sending out colonizing propagules and the extinction of local populations on occupied patches. This extinction can occur for a number of reasons. Small populations are prone to extinction just by the chance vagaries of the environment, reproduction, and death—environmental and demographic stochasticity (May, 1974b; Lande et al., 2003). An example of a species for which this is important is the Glanville fritillary butterfly (Melitaea cinxia), which has been extensively studied by Hanski and colleagues (Hanski, 1999). This Scandinavian butterfly lives in dry meadows which are small and patchily distributed. Another reason for local population extinction is that the habitat patch itself may be ephemeral. For example, wood-rotting fungi will find that their patch ultimately rots completely away (Siitonen et al., 2005) and epiphytic mosses will ultimately find that their tree falls over (Snall et al., 2005). The second type of metapopulation consists of local populations connected by dispersal, but without the extinction of the local populations.
Plant population dynamics
Authors: Crawley Michael J.
Published: November 2020

Plants exhibit an extraordinary range of sizes and generation times, from single-celled algae with body sizes of the order of 5 mm and generation times of the order of 1 day, to massive forest trees more than 50 m tall that can live for over 1000 years. Diatoms and trees have the virtue of being easy to count, so it is natural to seek to model the dynamics of changes in numbers. On the other hand, many herbaceous perennials (like clonal herbs or turf-forming grasses) are difficult or impossible to count, and for these plants it is natural to model the dynamics of fluctuation in biomass or proportional space occupancy. The theory of plant population dynamics is linked to the rest of plant biology through a series of fundamental trade-offs, reflecting the fact that individual plants are constrained in what they can do. There are important trade-offs in reproduction because a plant could produce many small seeds or a few large seeds, but it is not an option to produce many large seeds. Other trade-offs involve investment decisions: for instance a plant can invest in growth or defence and this leads to a trade-off between competitive ability and palatability to herbivores. Alternatively, high growth rate in full sun may trade-off against a high death rate in low light (the cost of shade tolerance). An important set of trade-offs involve competing demands for resource capture. Thus a plant could invest in its root system to forage for phosphorus, or in its shoot system to forage for light, but it cannot maximise investment in competitive ability for light and soil nutrients. Finally, there is an important trade-off between competition and colonization because good dispersers tend to be inferior competitors; this is exemplified by the r-K continuum where colonizers (r strategists) have a set of traits like rapid generation time, small seeds, wind dispersal, and high light requirements, whereas late successional species (K strategists) tend to live longer, produce fewer, larger seeds, and to have more shade-tolerant, slowergrowing juveniles. Underpinning the theory of plant population dynamics is the invasion criterion, which states that all persistent populations must exhibit the tendency to increase when rare.
Finding Time for the Old Stone Age
Authors: O'Connor Anne
Published: November 2020

Finding Time for the Old Stone Age explores a century of colorful debate over the age of our earliest ancestors. In the mid nineteenth century curious stone implements were found alongside the bones of extinct animals. Humans were evidently more ancient than had been supposed--but just how old were they? There were several clocks for Stone-Age (or Palaeolithic) time, and it would prove difficult to synchronize them. Conflicting timescales were drawn from the fields of geology, palaeontology, anthropology, and archaeology. Anne O'Connor draws on a wealth of lively, personal correspondence to explain the nature of these arguments. The trail leads from Britain to Continental Europe, Africa, and Asia, and extends beyond the world of professors, museum keepers, and officers of the Geological Survey: wine sellers, diamond merchants, papermakers, and clerks also proposed timescales for the Palaeolithic. This book brings their stories to light for the first time--stories that offer an intriguing insight into how knowledge was built up about the ancient British past.
Arguments over the Ice Age
Authors: O'Connor Anne
Published: November 2020

The acceptance of human antiquity in the mid-nineteenth century fed a desire to know more about the age of these chipped stone tools from the drift. In 1863, Canon William Greenwell (1820–1918), the antiquary, archaeologist, and collector from Durham, declared: ‘The great question which has yet to be settled is this—at what period was the drift in which the flints are found deposited? And side by side with this was another important query—down to what time did these now extinct animals occupy any part of our continent?’ This chapter seeks to untangle the web of time that was spun around the stone implements of Britain over the last four decades of the nineteenth century. Greenwell’s great question was a popular one, and ‘what period’ was often answered by connecting the implementiferous drifts to the Glacial epoch. The mid-glacial submergence, entertained by geologists like Ramsay and Phillips, provided a convenient division between pre-glacial and post-glacial times. On each side of this great division, detailed patterns were being drawn in stratigraphy and bones. As decisions were made about the pre-glacial or post-glacial date of sediments from river drifts and caves, rich in tools and bones, the glacial chronology was, meanwhile, being revised and subdivided too. During the latter decades of the nineteenth century there was great activity and little agreement about the order of events in these distant times. Researchers immersed in different material, gathered from different geographical areas, and asking different questions would not find it easy—or even desirable—to mesh their findings into a single coherent sequence. Attempts to date the stone tools of Britain entered a contentious arena. The chronological indicators scrutinised by these researchers—river drifts, glacial drifts, and bones—offered few clear answers to Greenwell’s question. The sands, gravels, clays, and brickearths of Quaternary times were so scattered, patchy, and variable that even Prestwich found it diffcult to understand their sequence.
Geological Re-shuZing and the Growth of Suspicion
Authors: O'Connor Anne
Published: November 2020

A song written for the last day of the 1973 conference on Quaternary geology held at Burg Wartenstein, Austria, offers an unintentionally accurate description of the atmosphere that surrounded British geological research in the 1930s. The words were intended to be sung to the tune of Clementine: . . . In a valley in die Alpen in neunteen-hundred neun Oh, there werkte Penck and Bruückner, carving up the Pleistoceun. They had Günzes, they had Würmses in the Stages on their list, But the biggest and the Grösstest—Interglacial Mindel–Riss CHORUS (repeat after each verse) Correlation, constipation. Oh, now what are we to do? All these bedses without dateses. Oh we’re really in the stew! . . . In the archives of British geologists who were working about four decades before this song was written, lie scraps of paper covered with scribbled suggestions about geological correlations. They testify to an intense interest in the connections between boulder clays, river terraces, and stone tools; and the great question of how they could all be correlated to the master-sequence of Alpine glaciations established by Penck and Brückner. This was a complicated problem. In 1930 Chandler, who had been examining the Clactonian industries at Swanscombe, confessed to Dixon of the Geological Survey: I once (before the War) was impertinent enough to try & apply Penck’s classification to Raised Beaches & Terraces inland but I read & read & took notes till I could not see the forest for trees & gave it up. Now, I don’t see why we should not work out our own glaciations without reference to what happened on the Continent. [...] Stratification is the key, I believe & palaeontology may be helpful or, it may be a bloody nuisance, as we have seen. E. Anglia is the place, but very difficult, & I confess I have never been able to read S.V. Wood & understand him. Chandler’s peers would return with vigour to the task of Alpine correlation as the 1930s drew on.
Informal Imperialism beyond Europe: The Archaeology of the Great Civilizations in Latin America, China, and Japan
Authors: Diaz-Andreu Margarita
Published: November 2020

This chapter examines two very different examples of informal imperialism. The first takes place in Latin America, an area colonized by the Europeans for three centuries and politically independent from the 1810s and 1820s (see map 1). There the ancient Great Civilizations were mainly concentrated in Mexico and Peru, extending to a limited extent to other countries such as Argentina, Belize, Bolivia, and Ecuador. These countries provide the focus for the following pages, whereas a description of developments in the others is reserved for the discussion of internal colonialism in Chapter 10. As mentioned in Chapter 4, after an initial use of monumental archaeology at the time of the Latin-American independence, the emergence of racism led to a process of disengagement: elites only extended their interest in the origins of the nation back to the period of the arrival of the Europeans in the area. The local scholarly pride for the pre-Hispanic past re-emerged, mainly from the 1870s, timidly at first but soon gained sufficient strength to allow indigenous elites a novel rapprochement with their native monuments. Only when this happened would the tension between the national past and the discourse of inferiority advocated by the informal colonial powers be felt. The latter had been formed by explorers, collectors and scholars from the Western world. These were, to start with, mainly French and British, and later also scholars from the US and Germany. A few of them would diverge from the line taken by the majority, and Mexico City was chosen, in the early twentieth century, to undertake a unique experiment: the creation of an international school to overcome the effects of imperialism. The political circumstances, however, unfortunately led to the failure of this trial. The other case discussed in this chapter is located in East and Central Asia, in China and Japan and, by extension, in Korea. These countries had been able to maintain their independence in the early modern era mainly through the closure of their frontiers. In the second half of the nineteenth century, however, they were politically compelled to open up to the Western world.
Classical versus Islamic Antiquities in Colonial Archaeology: The Russian Empire and French North Africa
Authors: Diaz-Andreu Margarita
Published: November 2020

This chapter revisits the connection between nationalism and religion in a very different setting to that seen in the biblical lands (Chapter 6) and, to a certain extent, in Central, South, and Southeast Asia (Chapters 7 and 8). It analyses how religion is able to induce the creation of alternative historical discourses to those formed on the basis of the remains of the classical civilizations. On the one hand, the historical account about the Greeks, the Romans and other contemporary peoples influenced by them such as the Scythes still maintained their powerful allure as symbols of civilization and of one’s own empire. On the other, however, the weight religion had in the nineteenth century allowed for the search of the national origin in other periods with special significance for particular churches. Thus, the Byzantine period became appropriated as a Golden Age in the Russian Empire. In contrast, the Islamic past never acquired a similar status in the French colonies of North Africa. The religious undertones of particular archaeological periods were also used to undertake a racial reading of modern populations, and therefore had a direct impact on the colonization of the area. Yet, during the nineteenth century the effect of all this in archaeology was only limited, for the search for ancient remains stubbornly maintained a focus on the classical past. A comparison between the archaeology of the Russian colonies and of French North Africa reveals several similarities and differences which shed light on the processes guiding the development of archaeology in each of these areas. In both of them the historical narrative produced by the colonizers was one in which the classical periods were better regarded and valued more positively than others, following a hierarchy from classical to Byzantine, and then to the prehistoric and Islamic periods. Also, in both colonial areas archaeology was practised by many different actors: individuals from a breadth of occupations, and professionals belonging to many institutions, colonizers settled in the colonies as well as others coming from the metropolis. Nevertheless, this diversity was much more marked in North Africa than in the Russian colonies.
The Early Search for a National Past in Europe (1789–1820)
Authors: Diaz-Andreu Margarita
Published: November 2020

In the nineteenth century, the allure of the past of the Great Civilizations was soon to be contested by an alternative—that of the national past. This interest had already grown in the pre-Romantic era connected to an emerging ethnic or cultural nationalism (Chapter 2). However, its charm would not be as enticing to the lay European man and woman of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, who were much more under the influence of neoclassicism (Chapter 3). The Western European nations had no monuments comparable to the remains of Greece, Rome or Egypt. Before the Roman expansion into most of Western Europe in antiquity, there had been few significant buildings, apart from unspectacular prehistoric tombs and megalithic monuments whose significance was unrecognized by the modern scholar. Roman remains beyond Italy were not as impressive as those found to the south of the Alps. Because of this it seemed much more interesting to study the rich descriptions the ancient authors had left about the local peoples and institutions the Romans had created during their conquest. Throughout the eighteenth century the historical study of medieval buildings and antiquities had also increasingly been gaining appeal. In Britain their study instigated the early creation of associations such as the Society of Antiquaries of 1707, but even this early interest did not lead to medieval antiquities receiving attention in institutions such as the British Museum, where they would only receive a proper departmental status well into the nineteenth century (Smiles 2004: 176). In comparative terms, the national past and its relics were perceived by many to be of secondary rate when judged against the history and arts of the classical civilizations. During the French Revolution and its immediate aftermath, for example, the national past would not be as appreciated by as many people and antiquarians as that of the Great Civilizations (Jourdan 1996). This situation, however, started to change in the early nineteenth century. There were three key developments in this period, all inherited from Enlightenment beliefs, which were the foundation for archaeology as a source of national pride. The effects of these would be seen especially from the central decades of the century.
Wetlands—estuaries, inland wetlands, and freshwater lakes
Authors: Horning Ned , Robinson Julie A. , Sterling Eleanor J. , Turner Woody , Spector Sacha
Published: November 2020

Two major disasters, the Indian Ocean Tsunami of December 2004 and the flooding of New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina in August 2005, have heightened global awareness of the importance of wetlands for reducing wave energies and negative impacts of floods on coastal communities (Danielsen et al. 2005). Both situations have also led to research that uses remote sensing to help understand changes in coastal wetlands over regional scales. These types of studies would be difficult to complete with classic field methods because of the breadth of their spatio-temporal scopes. Remote sensing helps scientists to identify the most beneficial approaches to reduce wetland losses, and to target restoration programs. Remote sensing can increase understanding of wetland change and provide an evidence base for policy makers. We will start with an example of a major analysis of the historical conversion of mangrove habitats prior to the Indian Ocean Tsunami, seeking insights into whether intact coastal wetlands provide protection. We will have a related example for the Louisiana coast and hurricane vulnerability later in the chapter. Giri et al. (2008) used more than 750 Landsat images to map tsunami-prone coastal areas of Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, Burma (Myanmar), Bangladesh, India, and Sri Lanka. Imagery was centered on four different time periods (as close as possible to the central calendar year, given cloud cover in many images): mid-1970s, 1990, around 2000, and 2005. Because of the size of the study area, they resampled data to the Albers equal area map projection, normalized for solar irradiance, and produced maps for each time period. The authors used supervised classification to map the water bodies and unsupervised classification (isodata cluster analysis) to classify the remaining images as mangrove, non-mangrove, or barren lands. Field data and high-resolution satellite images (QuickBird, IKONOS) were the source of map validation. They then produced post-classification change maps by subtracting the classifications of pairs of wetland maps, comparing 1975–90, 1975–2000, 1975–2005, 1990–2000, 1990–2005 and 2000–5.
Human interfaces and urban change
Authors: Horning Ned , Robinson Julie A. , Sterling Eleanor J. , Turner Woody , Spector Sacha
Published: November 2020

For the first time in human history, more people live in urban areas than in rural areas, and the patterns of suburbanization and urban sprawl once characteristic of North America are now present globally (Obaid 2007). As conservation biologists seek to prioritize conservation efforts worldwide, urbanization and agricultural development emerge as two of the most extensive processes that threaten biodiversity. Suburban and rural sprawl are significant drivers of forest fragmentation and biodiversity loss (e.g., Murphy 1988; Radeloff et al. 2005). Data on human impacts is often averaged across political boundaries rather than biogeographic boundaries, making it challenging to use existing data sets on human demography in ecological studies and relate human population change to the changes in populations of other species. Remotely sensed data can make major contributions to mapping human impacts in ecologically relevant ways. For example, Ricketts and Imhoff (2003) assigned conservation priorities (based on species richness and endemism) for the United States and Canada using several different types of remotely sensed data. For mapping urban cover, they used the map of “city lights at night” from the Defense Meteorological Satellite Program (Imhoff et al. 1997) to classify land as urbanized or not urbanized. For mapping agricultural cover, they used the USGS North America Seasonal Land Cover map (Loveland et al. 2000), derived from the Advanced Very High Resolution Radiometer (AVHRR), lumping five categories to create an agricultural land class. For ecological data, they used a compilation of ecoregion boundaries combined with range maps for over 20,000 species in eight taxa (birds, mammals, butterflies, amphibians, reptiles, land snails, tiger beetles, and vascular plants; Ricketts et al. 1999). Analyzing these data, Ricketts and Imhoff (2003) identified a strong correlation between species richness and urbanization. Of the 110 ecoregions studied, 18 ranked in the top third for both urbanization and biodiversity (species richness, endemism, or both); some of the ecoregions identified as priorities were not identified by a previous biodiversity assessment that did not include the remotely sensed mapping of urbanization (Ricketts et al. 1999).
Integrating field data
Authors: Horning Ned , Robinson Julie A. , Sterling Eleanor J. , Turner Woody , Spector Sacha
Published: November 2020

While the savannah elephant (Loxodonta africana) is listed by the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) as “vulnerable” because of declining abundance in some regions of Africa (Blanc 2008), populations in some protected areas of South Africa are growing rapidly (van Aarde and Jackson 2007). These populations can cause extensive modification of vegetation structure when their density increases (Owen-Smith 1996; Whyte et al. 2003; Guldemond and van Aarde 2007). Management methods such as culling, translocation, and birth control have not reduced density in some cases (van Aarde et al. 1999; Pimm and van Aarde 2001). Providing more space for elephants is one alternative management strategy, yet fundamental to this strategy is a clear understanding of habitat and landscape use by elephants. Harris et al. (2008) combined remotely sensed data with Global Positioning System (GPS) and traditional ethological observations to assess elephant habitat use across three areas that span the ecological gradient of historical elephant distribution. They explored influences on habitat use across arid savannahs (Etosha National Park in Namibia) and woodlands (Tembe Elephant Park in South Africa and Maputo Elephant Reserve in Mozambique). The researchers focused on three main variables—distance to human settlements, distance to water, and vegetation type. The authors used Landsat 7 ETMþ imagery to create vegetation maps for each location, employing supervised classification and maximum likelihood estimation. Across all sites, they recorded the coordinates of patches with different vegetation and of vegetation transitions to develop signatures for the maps. Elephants do not use all vegetation types, and it can be expedient to focus on presence rather than both presence and absence. Accordingly, the researchers used GPS to record the locations of elephants with the aim of identifying important land cover types for vegetation mapping. The authors mapped water locations in the wet and dry seasons using remotely sensed data and mapped human settlements using GPS, aerial surveys, and regional maps. They tracked elephants with radiotelemetry collars that communicated with the ARGOS satellite system, sending location data for most of the elephants over 24 h, and then remaining quiescent for the next 48 h to extend battery life.
Global conservation
Authors: Horning Ned , Robinson Julie A. , Sterling Eleanor J. , Turner Woody , Spector Sacha
Published: November 2020

On 24 December 1968, as they watched the half-illuminated earthrise over the surface of the moon, the crew of the Apollo 8 lunar mission captured an image that changed humankind’s view of our planet and our place on it. The earthrise image and other iconic global images like the “blue marble” photo taken by the crew of Apollo 17 in 1972 gave us, for the first time, a global view of our fragile home within the vastness of space. These early global images helped promote environmental awareness around the world and were instrumental in the development of the field of remote sensing (Lowman 1999). However, it would take some time for the research community to compile and use global-scale imagery from space in the ecological sciences. Improvements in passive and active remote sensing systems placed in orbit by national governments and the growing commercial satellite sector have given us an “end-to-end” remote sensing capability that allows us to make measurements of important environmental phenomena from very local to global spatial scales (of course, airborne remote sensing systems have long enhanced our ability to capture information at local scales). Data depicting the social and economic drivers of biodiversity loss are also available globally from a variety of sources. These different data sets can now be brought together with powerful, affordable, spatially referenced computing technologies, e.g., GIS and GPS, which were unimaginable when the Apollo missions sent back their images. The entire Apollo spacecraft’s computing power was less than that of today’s mobile phone. Taken together, these advances have made it possible to grapple with the complexities and scale of addressing conservation challenges at the global level. This chapter elaborates the role of remote sensing as one among several catalysts driving the development of new approaches to ecology and conservation biology at the global level. In the early 1980s, NASA initiated its Global Habitability program (NASA 1983; Waldrop 1986; Running et al. 2004). This program sought to answer the big question of how the biosphere partitions its energy and mass.
Meeting Ana Petrovna and Others
Authors: Pallot Judith , Nefedova Tat'yana
Published: November 2020

We met Ana Petrovna, an elderly woman in a padded jacket and shawl, on a roadside verge with her goat. She was pleased to pass the time telling her story to the visitors to her village, one hundred miles to the west of Moscow city. Ana Petrovna has been retired from her job as a farm worker for many years and has lived alone since the death of her second husband. She receives a pension of 900 roubles a month (about £20 sterling at 2003 exchange rates) of which just under half goes on paying for utilities and other services. Were it not for the vegetable patch (ogorod) next to her house and her goat Masha, who supplies her with milk, soured cream, and cheese, it would be difficult for Ana Petrovna to live on this income. Her allotment is small—four ‘one-hundredths’ or sotki (where one sotka is 100 sq. m). It is given over mainly to potatoes, but there are also several rows of cucumbers, tomatoes, onions, and cabbages, two apple trees, raspberry canes, and redcurrant and blackcurrant bushes. On her 400 sq. m Ana Petrovna can produce enough food for the year. In early autumn much of her effort goes into salting and preserving the output of her plot to get her through the winter months, which she adds to the mushrooms and berries, gathered in the forests around her village, that she dried and bottled earlier in the summer. Ana Petrovna rarely eats meat; when she was younger she used to keep a cow and a calf for slaughtering each year, but this is beyond her now. She buys staples that she cannot produce herself in the small village shop: groats, bread, sugar, vegetable oil, and chocolate for an occasional treat. Ana Petrovna has a daughter living in Moscow who comes to the village during the potato-picking season to help with the harvest. She returns to Moscow laden with potatoes and vegetables even though, as she tells her mother, they are not expensive to buy in the city, even for a teacher on a low salary.
The Late Castro Culture of Northwest Portugal: Dynamics of Change
Authors: Reimäo Queiroga Francisco M. V.
Published: November 2020

The principal aim of this short chapter is to present some ideas and suggest possible directions of research concerning the development of the north-western Portuguese Iron Age, and in particular its late—and most dynamic—phase, that which coincided with Roman acculturation and conquest, towards the end of the first century BC. These processes of acculturation and conquest, and their impact on the Iron Age communities of the region, have long been the subject of discussion and indeed misunderstanding. Many unresolved questions and contradictions have blurred the construction of a coherent picture which is only now starting to take shape, though not necessarily providing definitive answers. If there was an effective military conquest, where is the evidence for the destruction of sites in the archaeological record? If the northwest was already conquered and pacified, why were the local communities building and reinforcing defensive walls? If the Romans were controlling this region, why were hillforts still being built in the traditional indigenous fashion? Generations of archaeologists, myself included, have attempted to answer some of these questions in the course of our research. The Iron Age cultures of northwest Iberia are broadly characterized by hillfort settlements built in stone, either granite or schist. These hillforts, known locally as ‘castros’, provide the name by which the culture is generally known: ‘cultura castreja’, in Portugal, or ‘cultura castrexa’ in Galicia. The word ‘castro’ obviously derives from the Latin ‘castrum’, in the sense of defended settlement. Francisco Martins Sarmento introduced this terminology following his major excavation work at the Citânia de Briteiros, from the 1870s onwards. Martins Sarmento’s excavation and survey work, combined with his remarkable capacity for observation and analysis, brought the Castro culture to widespread international attention, particularly after the Ninth International Congress of Anthropology and Prehistoric Archaeology, held in Lisbon in 1890. Despite this promising start, the Castro culture remained little known to most European archaeologists until the last few decades of the twentieth century, save for the contribution made by Christopher Hawkes (1971; 1984).
Wessex Hillforts after Danebury: Exploring Boundaries
Authors: Lock Gary
Published: November 2020

Hillforts have acted as a catalyst for thinking about Iron Age society in its widest sense since the earliest interests in the period. That these are the most visible and numerous reminders of that distant past across much of Europe has been a magnet and focus for fieldwork that has served as a balance to the artefact-based typological studies and occasional rich burials that dominated early and much of more recent continental European Iron Age studies. Hillforts are significant and impressive places within landscapes; they were in the Iron Age and still are now, and as such they provoke questions at the most basic level of archaeological reasoning. Avoiding the ‘why’ question as being an inevitable dead end, it can be reformulated to assess the evidence that we have for how Iron Age people used, understood, and interacted with these massive structures with which they obviously invested so much time and effort in building and maintaining. Reviewing this evidence, which is partly what I intend doing in this chapter, requires a parallel discussion of how that evidence has been brought to life through its changing interpretations over the years. European hillforts are the subject of a recent account by Ian Ralston (2006) in which he focuses on them as ‘fortifications’. The reason for this, he claims, is that although there are probably between 20,000 and 30,000 hillforts in Europe, ‘only a tiny number of sites have been the subject of extensive excavation—and this fundamentally conditions what can be said about them’ (ibid.: 20). Given that it is ‘extensive excavation’ which is likely to cover hillfort interiors, as opposed to the numerous small-scale diggings into ramparts, Ralston’s evidence-based account is understandably biased towards ramparts and, hence, ‘fortifications’. This immediately positions Barry Cunliffe’s work at Danebury as important not just within a Wessex and British context but also on the European stage. It is not just the proportion of the interior excavated and the wealth of material found but also, of course, Barry Cunliffe’s interpretation of the evidence that has enabled not only him, but Iron Age studies generally to move beyond the constraints of hillforts as defensive places.
The locomotor system
Authors: Atkinson Martin E.
Published: November 2020

The locomotor system comprises the skeleton, composed principally of bone and cartilage, the joints between them, and the muscles which move bones at joints. The skeleton forms a supporting framework for the body and provides the levers to which the muscles are attached to produce movement of parts of the body in relation to each other or movement of the body as a whole in relation to its environment. The skeleton also plays a crucial role in the protection of internal organs. The skeleton is shown in outline in Figure 2.1A. The skull, vertebral column, and ribs together constitute the axial skeleton. This forms, as its name implies, the axis of the body. The skull houses and protects the brain and the eyes and ears; the anatomy of the skull is absolutely fundamental to the understanding of the structure of the head and is covered in detail in Section 4. The vertebral column surrounds and protects the spinal cord which is enclosed in the spinal canal formed by a large central canal in each vertebra. The vertebral column is formed from 33 individual bones although some of these become fused together. The vertebral column and its component bones are shown from the side in Figure 2.1B. There are seven cervical vertebrae in the neck, twelve thoracic vertebrae in the posterior wall of the thorax, five lumbar vertebrae in the small of the back, five fused sacral vertebrae in the pelvis, and four coccygeal vertebrae—the vestigial remnants of a tail. Intervertebral discs separate individual vertebrae from each other and act as a cushion between the adjacent bones; the discs are absent from the fused sacral vertebrae. The cervical vertebrae are small and very mobile, allowing an extensive range of neck movements and hence changes in head position. The first two cervical vertebrae, the atlas and axis, have unusual shapes and specialized joints that allow nodding and shaking movements of the head on the neck. The thoracic vertebrae are relatively immobile. combination of thoracic vertebral column, ribs, and sternum form the thoracic cage that protects the thoracic organs, the heart, and lungs and is intimately involved in ventilation (breathing).
Development of the heart, respiratory, and circulatory systems
Authors: Atkinson Martin E.
Published: November 2020

The development of the circulatory and respiratory systems no longer occupies the time they once used to in dental curricula in the United Kingdom (UK). Apart from the intrinsic curiosity of knowing how two of the major body systems develop, the main reason that they were on the dental curricula was the same as any other aspect of developmental anatomy—the consequences of developmental abnormalities on the planning and execution of dental care. The diagnosis and treatment of developmental heart abnormalities has advanced so rapidly in recent years that people born with such conditions can now be treated so successfully that they can often live symptom-free for the rest of a normal lifespan. The adverse effects of heart defects on the functions of the circulatory and respiratory systems are less likely to be encountered and taken into account during dental treatment; people with problems that do impact on their general health are now most likely to be seen in specialist units. The same does not pertain in developing countries. This brief account is presented to provide an overview of the development of the two systems where knowledge of developmental defects and their consequences on the physiology of the circulatory and respiratory systems is required. The circulatory system must develop to a functional state before any other system in the body. The embryo does not need to grow very much before it reaches such a size that diffusion of nutrients from the surrounding fluids is no longer adequate to fulfil its nutritional requirements. The cardiovascular system must, therefore, be established and begin to function very early on in development. Even while the embryo is in the trilaminar stage, a primitive circulatory system is established that connects the embryo to the maternal circulation through the connecting stalk. The heart begins to develop soon after this as a single tube but an atrium and a ventricle can soon be distinguished. These chambers and the veins and arteries entering and leaving the heart are subsequently divided into two so that the right heart and pulmonary circulation and the left heart and systemic circulation are thus established.