bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Countless Deeds of Valour: Bacchylides 11
Authors: Garner Richard
Published: February 2009

There was a time when the detractors of Bacchylides singled out his eleventh ode as inept even by Bacchylidean standards: it was like the unfortunate tenor who was so stupid that even the other tenors noticed. The time of such criticism is gone, and the unfavourable verdict against Bacchylides' ode has nearly disappeared as well. The mythical journey in time which proceeds from the building of Artemis' altar back to the madness of Proetus' daughters and back further to the quarrel between Proetus and Acrisius is no longer seen as rambling. Instead the ode's structure has been revealed as an elegant set of concentric rings. Proetus' unhappy daughters are no longer unwanted, for Bacchylides has woven images into and around their story which suggest the integration of young women into the structure of the Greek city: the girls' resistance to marriage (Hera) is overcome through the mediation of Artemis, and they are returned to their father at last fit to be wed to the men of Tiryns. The entire ode has now been described as a fitting song for a city delighting in a victory gained with the aid of Artemis.4 The ode's images have been analysed and found coherent. Epithets, once scorned as too plentiful and various to bear true meaning, have now been defended. And finally, for a wonder, the song has been singled out as an example of that very thing so routinely denied to Bacchylides: Pindaric style. But even the most complimentary treatments of the poem seem somehow to fall short of explaining how this song serves as proper and sufficient praise for Alexidamus, the boy from Metapontum who wrestled his way to victory at the Pythian games.
Bion I, Lines 25–7
Authors: Reed Jay
Published: February 2009

These important lines have not yet received an adequate discussion. Aphrodite has been told that her beloved Adonis is dying on the mountainside; she rushes to him in grief, letting down her hair and calling for him.
Fuscus the Stoic: Horace Odes 1.22 and Epistles 1.10
Authors: Harrison S. J.
Published: February 2009

Our information on Horace's friend Aristius Fuscus, whom he addresses in Odes 1.22 and Epistles 1.10, is neatly summed up by Nisbet and Hubbard: ‘he was a close friend of Horace's (serm. 1.9.61 ‘mihi cams’, epist. 1.10.3 ‘paene gemelli’). He wrote comedies (Porph. on epist. 1.10) and seems to have had a sense of humour: it was he who refused to rescue Horace from the ‘importunate man’ in the Sacra Via (serm. 1.9.60ff.). Horace says elsewhere that he was a town-lover, who disliked the countryside (epist. 1.10); here he amuses him with an account of the perils of his Sabine estate. Fuscus was a schoolmaster by profession (Porph. on serm. 1.9.60 ‘praestantissimus grammaticus illo tempore’); in epist. 1.10.45 Horace teases him for his stern discipline (‘nee me dimittes incastigatum…’: cf. CQ 9 [1959], 74f.). Fuscus is mentioned with Asinius Pollio and others as a critic who approved of Horace's poetry (serm. 1.10.83ff.). He may also have written on grammar; cf. gramm. 7.35.2 ‘Abnesti Fusti (Aristi Fusci Haupt, Aufusti Usener) grammatici liber est ad Asinium Pollionem’. The purpose of this note is to add a further piece to this picture, consonant with Fuscus' grammatical interests, namely to argue that Fuscus was also a Stoic, and that his philosophical loyalties are played on in the two poems addressed to him by Horace.
The Manuscript Tradition of Seneca'sNatural Questions: Addenda
Authors: Hine H. M.
Published: February 2009

Two new manuscripts have come to my attention since I made a study of the MS. tradition of Seneca'sNatural Questions. The first is Munich, Bayerische Staats-bibliothek, Clm 18961, part ii (foll. 25–46v), which I shall call Y, a late-ninth-century manuscript from Brittany or the lower Loire. It contains a short collection of theological and philosophical excerpts from a variety of authors, a collection emanating from the circle of Alcuin, probably from the generation after Alcuin himself. Included in the collection are three extracts from the preface of Book 1 of Seneca'sNatural Questions. Since the earliest surviving manuscripts of the Seneca work hitherto known are from the twelfth century, it is of considerable interest to see how the text of theNatural Questionsin these excerpts relates to the later MS. tradition.
Seneca's Horrible Bull: Phaedra 1007–1034
Authors: Furley W. D.
Published: February 2009

When Seneca comes to describe the appearance of the monstrous bull which appears out of the sea to kill Hippolytus in answer to his father's curse, he uses (among other things) a metaphor of birth: the sea's wave is said to be ‘heavy with burdened womb’ (1019f.: onerato sinu / gravis unda portat). If line 1016 is genuine – it was athetized by Leo – the sea is said to be ‘pregnant with a monster’ (tumidumque monstro). The metaphor has not passed unnoticed in modern commentaries but it has not been fully appreciated. I want to examine further linguistic aspects of the metaphor, and to consider its significance in its literary context. Seneca is a writer who likes – as he himself acknowledges – to re-work tradition: all the more significant, then, when he introduces a conspicuous metaphor into his text which does not appear to have literary antecedents.
The Preface to Tacitus' Annals: More Sallust?
Authors: Woodman A. J.
Published: February 2009

Commentators on the Annals naturally observe that the famous first sentence of Tacitus' preface (‘Urbem Romam a principio reges habuere’) alludes to the preface of Sallust's Bellum Catilinae (6.1 ‘Urbem Romam, sicuti ego accepi, condidere atque habuere initio Troiani’). But it seems that none of them has observed a further allusion to Sallust's preface in the last sentence of Tacitus', which is almost equally famous (1.1.3)
Quisque with Ordinals
Authors: Howard C. L.
Published: February 2009

All students of the classical languages are aware that, in referring to intervals of time, the Greeks and Romans often employed a method of reckoning which was inclusive and consequently different from our own. The Greeks, for example, refer to the period between two celebrations of the Olympic games (e.g. 776–772 B.C.) as a though we should call it a four-year interval. One instance of this kind of usage in Latin is the stereotyped formula employed in expressing a date: ante diem quintum Id. Mai. is 11 May, though we should say that there was an interval of four days only between 11 and 15 May. Another instance is the use of tertiana and quartana as applied to fevers which recur on alternate days and on every third day respectively. The ramifications of this mode of expression are extensive, but I am only concerned here with one, namely the use of quisque with ordinals.
The Relation between the Terms ΕΝΕΡΓΕΙΑ and ΕΝΤΕΛΕΧΕΙΑ in the Philosophy of Aristotle
Authors: Chen Chung-Hwan
Published: February 2009

In a paper where we tried to show in how many different meanings the term is chiefly used in the philosophy of Aristotle, we discussed the relation between and , but neglected the relation between and , which seems to be yet more important. The neglect, however, was purposeful; for to answer the question what the latter relation is requires a special research. This we are now going to carry out.
The Text of the Pseudo-Ciceronian Epistula Ad Octavianum
Authors: Watt W. S.
Published: February 2009

The pseudo-Ciceronian Epistula ad Octavianum enjoys the unmerited distinction of being preserved not only in most of the manuscripts which contain the AdAtticum letters but also in some of those which contain the second half of the Ad Familiares letters; the former tradition is usually designated Ω, the latter I shall designate X. It was on the Ω tradition that the earliest printed texts were based. In the sixteenth century Cratander (1528) and Turnebus (1565) introduced a number of readings from the X tradition; some of these were incorporated in the vulgate, but the printed editions from that of Lambinus (1565) to that of Purser (1902) still continued to be based mainly on Ω. In 1913, in an article in Eranos, xiii. 136–46, Sjögren set himself to prove that the value of Ω had been overrated in the establishment of the text, and that greater importance should be attached to X than to Ω; and in accordance with this view, in his 1914 Teubner text, Sjögren follows X, as against Ω, about twice as often3 as Purser does. This view of Sjögren's, I believe, will not stand examination, and to disprove it is the purpose of the present article.
The Purpose and Method of ‘The Pentckontaetia’ in Thucydides, Book I
Authors: Walker P.K.
Published: February 2009

A Principle of fundamental importance, if it is valid, for the interpretation of the Pentekontaetia is laid down by the authors of A. T.L. iii in its most rigorous terms: it is that Thucydides has set events ‘in proper order … without any deviation whatever’. The conclusion appears to the present writer to be founded ultimately on a false assumption about Thucydides' purpose in these chapters (89-118. 2), namely that he set out to write an outline history of the period of fifty years to which he refers in 118.2 and, in effect, in 97. An examination of these passages reveals that it is not the outline of a period as a period that is offered, but rather the account of a particular theme or process falling within the period: his purpose in presenting the theme there defined is to be seen from the setting of the excursus as a unit in Bk. I rather than from the statement in 97.2: the due significance of this last, and of the demarcation of a period in 118. 2, is to be seen only in this wider context.
Remarks on the Manuscript Tradition of Statius' Silvae
Authors: Thielscher Paul
Published: February 2009

The article of Dr. Wasserstein, ‘The Manuscript-tradition of Statius'; Siluae’, C.Q. N.s. iii (1953), 69–78, causes me to revert once again to the question I treated twice in Philologus Ixvi (1907), 85–134; lxxxii (1927), 167–180. In the first place I must refer to a frequent slip of the pen which occurs, for example, in the 414 verses of the Culex thrice, viz.:
The Prosody of Greek Proper Names–A Reply to a Reply
Authors: Skutsch O.
Published: February 2009

MR. MARTIN seems to have misread my table. He professes to summarize its last two rows, but he has got the last but one all wrong, and the last he omits altogether. My last row but one signifies: In the matter of a following disyllabic thesis Phaedria, Pamphilĕ, and Parmenō behave exactly alike: no argument here either for or against Phaedriā. The last row speaks plainly: If Phaedria were a cretic, we should expect to find it used as a cretic at least six times. Mr. Martin had found it so used once, and I noted that this one example was in fact an ablative–a strange coincidence. But this was not, as Mr. Martin says, the only ‘error’ of which I ‘convicted’ him. I also, and primarily, pointed out that what he called ‘the significant thing’, viz. that the scansion Phaedriâ was never inevitable, held no significance whatever, since all dactylic words were in the same case.
A Critical Note on Demosthenes' First Philippic
Authors: Herbert Musurillo S.J.
Published: February 2009

Despite the long controversy on the date and composition of the First Philippic, we are no nearer, it would seem, to a satisfactory solution. F. Focke, apparently following a suggestion in Gercke-Norden, developed what is perhaps the most reasonable presentation of the view that the speech was delivered in the spring of 350 B.C.; but what vitiates his argument in the long run is Focke's constant presumption that all the various datable references must belong to one and the same speech or stratum of composition. For although the view of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, that the First Philippic really comprises two distinct speeches, has not in its extreme form won acceptance with modern scholars, other more moderate solutions are not impossible; and it would seem that Blass's revision theory (for which Werner Jaeger has expressed sympathy) suggests a more subtle way of handling the various inconsistencies between the first (§§ 1–29) and the second (30–50) parts of the speech.
Mumiceps, II
Authors: Pinsent John
Published: February 2009

A Previous article made a linguistic study of municeps. The present examines the Roman discussions of the word. I hope further to discuss the definitions of Verrius Flaccus, the history of the ius, and the juridical concept.

Roman historical and legal discussion of municeps is to be found in the Digest (50. 1. 1, Ulpian), in the Attic Nights of Aulus Gellius (16. 13), and in the De verborum significatu of Sextus Pompeius Festus (p. 126 L.) and its epitome by Paulus (pp. 117 and 155 L.). It comprises legal definitions, which must have had at least contemporary validity, historical definitions of what the word meant at different periods in its history, and the citation of precedents with or without historical detail. Of these the last two are the most important.
Notes on Plavtvs
Authors: Lindsay W. M.
Published: February 2009

Egypt has not yet given us a Greek original of Plautus, unless the paltry Hibeh fragments (I, p. 24) belong to the original of the Aulularia. (For the pro and con, see Blass, Rhein. Mus. 62, 102; Leo, Herm. 41, 629.) If they do, then Plautus departed widely from the Greek. And that is what one would expect. Read any ‘sermo’ in Plautus (in sermonibus Plautus poscit palmam) and see how recklessly he abandons himself to the vagaries of his humour. Clearly no ‘icily regular’ Greek is his guide there. Still a ray of light has come from Egypt that illumines one dark spot in Plautus, the end of the first Scene (or rather Act) of the Bacchides. The two sisters retreat into the house after a line which appears in our editions in this form (v. 107):
Pisistratus and Homer.
Authors: Allen T. W.
Published: February 2009

An aspect of Pisistratus, which has not hitherto been utilized in this question (see p. 50), appears to justify another presentment of the evidence which connects him with the Homeric tradition. I shall endeavour to be brief and not to repeat what is common property or irrelevant. The literature and the bearing of the controversy are given with his usual clearness by P. Cauer, Grundfragen der Homerkritik,2 pp. 125 sqq. Cauer's private doctrine, that Homer was for the first time written down by Pisistratus, I consider sufficiently refuted by C. Rothe, Die Was als Dichtung, pp. 5–13. Fantastic views lately promulgated in England are1 dealt with conclusively to my mind by Mr. A. Lang, The World of Homer, pp. 281 sqq., to whose account nothing for controversial purposes need be added. On looking back over the literature I find myself most in agreement with Hans Flach, whose treatise, Die litterarische Thdtigkeit des Peisistratos, 1885, has been unduly depreciated. I shall have to repeat my own views expressed in the Classical Review, 1901, p. 7; 1907, p. 18; and in the Classical Quarterly, 1909, p. 84
Plato and the Art of his Time
Authors: Steven R. G.
Published: February 2009

In this study it is proposed to illustrate Plato's statements about painting from what we know of contemporary artists and styles, and more particularly to show his condemnation of Athenian art of the late fifth century and his appreciation of Peloponnesian art of the early fourth century.
The Development of Aristotle's Theology—I.
Authors: Guthrie W. K. C.
Published: February 2009

The work of Professor Jaeger on the Aristotelian metaphysics, and its modification by the late Hans von Arnim, have raised many new points of the greatest interest, and may, I hope, be considered as having opened up a large and fascinating new field for discussion rather than as having closed the matter. It is a subject which must be considered as a whole. There would be little profit in writing short notes on isolated points in the arguments of the two scholars. Anyone who, possessed of some previous acquaintance with the Aristotelian corpus, reads their work is inevitably stimulated to return to Aristotle with his mind full of fresh ideas. If after a re-examination of the texts he feels he has a different story to tell, he must tell it for himself. That is my excuse for an account which must include much which was always known and much which (as I would gratefully acknowledge) has arisen out of the work of Jaeger and von Arnim. My conclusions are not the same as theirs, and the argument must stand or fall as a consistent whole.
On the Egyptian Expedition of 459-4 B.C
Authors: Caspari M. O. B.
Published: February 2009

It appears to be a generally accepted opinion among modern historians that the expedition which the Athenians led up-Nile in 459 B.C. in support of the Egyptian insurrection against Persia was an exceptionally large one, numbering no less than 200 sail. Modern authors also seem to imply, though they may not say so explicitly, that the whole of this armada was involved in the catastrophe which overtook the rebels in 454 B.C.
Syntax and Etymology
Authors: Fay Edwin W.
Published: February 2009

In the school study of syntax the results of etymology, however highly they may be valued in theory, are in effect neglected. I called attention to this, and specifically to the construction of credo with the dative, in an article in the Classical Quarterly, v. 193 (§ 25 sqq.)
Academic probabilism and Stoic epistemology
Authors: Allen James
Published: February 2009

Developments in the Academy from the time of Arcesilaus to that of Carneades and his successors tend to be classified under two heads: scepticism and probabilism. Carneades was principally responsible for the Academy's view of the latter subject, and our sources credit him with an elaborate discussion of it. The evidence furnished by those sources is, however, frequently confusing and sometimes self-contradictory. My aim in this paper is to extract a coherent account of Carneades' theory of probability from the testimony with a further end in view, namely to understand better the uses to which that theory was put by the Academy in its debate with the Stoa. Though it is not its principal object, the investigation should also help make clear how the Academy's scepticism and its probabilism were related to each other as parts of a single consistent practice of philosophy.
Valerius' FlavianArgonautica
Authors: Taylor P. Ruth
Published: February 2009

‘[Valerius']Argonauticais a story of high adventure, not a poème à thèse’: so stated Garson in 1965. Strand later added that the essential nature of this poem and the choice of subject-matter was determined by poetic inability; he describes the prooemium to Valerius'Argonauticaas ‘arecusatio: the theme of the fall of Jerusalem is beyond his powers, and it would instead be treated by Domitian who was fit for such an arduous task; Valerius had to content himself with the theme of an old myth’. It is these two opinions that I wish to question in this article. Indeed, alarm bells immediately sound at Strand's interpretation of the poet'srecusatio. It has long been recognized that the original Callimacheanrecusatiowas twisted by the Augustan poets. Gordon Williams analyses their practice thus: ‘They sadly regret that their poor talents will not rise to great subjects – and the subjects to which they will not rise are not the old mythological tales but the great affairs of contemporary Roman history and, in particular, the deeds of Augustus. It is clear, however, that they are using this form of poem to enumerate and praise the great deeds of Augustus, under the guise of proposing their own inability.’ No-one hesitates to agree that Valerius was well versed in the Augustan poets. It is dangerous, therefore, to assume without question that he was deceived by their insincerity. There is in fact good reason to examine the alternative possibility, namely that Valerius understood well the practice of his literary predecessors, that he dared to tread in their footsteps and that he succeeded in the supreme duty of a poet, that is to say, the business of ensuring thatars celavit artem.
Two Problems in Ancient Medical Commentaries
Authors: Sluiter Ineke
Published: February 2009

Thirty years ago, H. Flashar discussed the introduction to an anonymous commentary on theAphorismsof Hippocrates. The text contains an interesting picture of Hippocrates as a culture hero, who saved suffering humanity by the introduction of systematic medicine. The first section of this introduction offers some complicated problems. It ends with an extremely long and difficult sentence, which, has not yet been explained quite satisfactorily, and it contains a curious use of the verb σαρκόω, combined with τν ϕύσιν, which has led Flashar to suspect Christian influence. These two points are the subject of the first part of this paper.
The MSS. of the Interpolated (A) Tradition of the Tragedies of Seneca
Authors: Stuart C. E.
Published: February 2009

‘Der Text der Tragodien des Seneca ist in zwei Rezensionen iiberliefert.Die bessere (E) ist vertreten durch die Haupths. Laur. 37, 13 (Etruscus) s. xi/xii.… Zu der schlechteren, stark verfalschten Rezension (A) gehoren die iibrigen Hss., von denen keine iiber die Mitte des 14. Jahrhunderts zuriickgeht.’
Notes on Isidore's Etymologiae
Authors: Lindsay W. M.
Published: February 2009

The narrow limits of the apparatus criticus in the new Clarendon Press edition have excluded these suggestions, which may find a place here:

I xxix, 4 Quaedam (nomina) etiam facta sunt ex nominum deriuatione, ut a prudentia ‘prudens ’; quaedam etiam ex uocibus, ut a garrulitate ‘garrulus.’ Although garrulus is the traditional reading, the derivation elsewhere (X 114) of garrulus from graculus, ‘a jackdaw,’ suggests that we may read here ut a garrulitate ‘graulus.’ For the jackdaw's name in Late Latin developed from gragulus to graulus (Fr. grolle).
The Augment in Homer
Authors: Drewitt J. A. J.
Published: February 2009

Though the problem of the Homeric augment eventually needs a rather intricate handling, it can at first be stated quite simply. Briefly, the facts are these:

A. True present-aorists, such as are seen in the similes and gnomes, take the augment idiomatically. In the whole of the similes there are only sixteen unaugmented aorists; three of the instances are difficult (4, Δ 279, O 682), but the rest could be emended by slight changes.

B.Iteratives do not take the augment; ν 7 is the only certain exception.
Ennivs Annales 567 (Vahlen)
Authors: Lindsay W. M.
Published: February 2009

The line is preserved in a passage of Consentius ‘De Barbarismis et Metaplasmis’ (Keil's Gramm. Lat. v. p. 400, 9): sicut Lucilius ‘ore corupto’; dempsit enim unam litteram per metaplasmum, r; et Ennius ‘huic statuam,’ etc.
Could Ancient Ships Work to Windward?
Authors: Holmes T. Rice
Published: February 2009

When Caesar sailed to Britain in 55 b.c. he was obliged to leave behind eighteen transports which had his cavalry on board and had been prevented by adverse winds from joining the rest of the fleet. These vessels, like those which carried the infantry, were of native Gallic build, and were doubtless sailed by Gallic seamen, who were familiar with the conditions of navigation in the Channel. On the fourth day after Caesar landed in Britain they set sail with a light breeze. All went well until they were approaching the British coast and were descried from the Roman camp when, as Caesar says,

‘such a violent storm suddenly arose that none of them could keep their course, but some were carried back to the point from which they had started, while the others were swept down in great peril to the lower and more westerly part of the island. They anchored notwithstanding, but as they were becoming waterlogged, were forced to stand out to sea in the face of night, and make for the continent.’
Argos in Homer
Authors: Allen T. W.
Published: February 2009

This paper is an attempt to elucidate the senses in which this place-name is used in Homer; to assign meanings to the Homeric terms Achaean, Iason and Pelasgic Arge, to ‘Argive’ as a synonym for Greek, and to establish the nature of the Argos over which Agamemnon ruled. I take the Homeric poems as the unity which they profess to be, and which they must be for historical enquiry. Whatever liberties Homer took with his materials (and I credit him with as free a hand as any one has allowed to Pisistratus)it is plain he was careful to respect events. The effort to distinguish between old and new in the Iliad and Odyssey has caused needless and fruitless encumbrance to the official historians, such as Busolt; the Unitarian position has given us the remarkable results of Professor Myres' (paper on the Pelasgians, J.H.S. 1907, 170 sqq.). The consistency of Mr. Myres' account, and I venture to hope of mine, allows a fresh inference back to the homogeneity of the poems which are their source.
Ad Epictetvm
Authors: Kronenberg A. J.
Published: February 2009

Diss. III 1 23 Si ita locutus esset E., profecto Stoicus esse desiisset oblitus (I 20 16), i.e. quid esset inter naturam meam et naturam. Scio me uocatum iri ad III 1 30 ; sed ego audacter affirmo et teneo non magis hie quam illic ferri posse pronomen (σον, μον); aut quid, rogo, est ‘Quid habes quod accuses naturam tuam, quod natura tua marem te genuit ? Num feminas omnes natura tua gignere debuit?’? Vide quod ex Athenaeo (XIII 565 c) citat editor.
Latin Word Studies
Authors: Fay Edwin W.
Published: February 2009

I. Latin interpres, miles etc. and the confix -et-, ‘errans,’ cf. -etum ‘allee.’

In Am. Jr. Phil. 28, 413 I derived the suffix in Gothic fram-aps ‘alienus’, Latin com-et- ‘socius– and Greek τ (from εται) ‘comites’ (cf Lith. svetis ‘hospes’) from the root et- ‘errare, ire’; and I proposed the name ‘confix’ for a suffix whose origin could be traced back to an original compounding element. I now find further evidence for the confix -et- in Latin interpret-, ‘go-between’; and I explain pr-et- as a fusion-product (‘blend’) of the synonymous roots PER-(in English fares) and ET- ‘errare, ire’. Nor is this explanation in conflict with the current comparison between interpres and Gothic frops ‘klug, verstandig’: it is simply that ‘go-between’ is nearer the meaning. The wisdom attributed to the wanderer, to the traveller in far lands,–an idea forever embalmed for English folk in Shakespeare's counter-turn.
Notes on Longinvs, De Svblimitate
Authors: Tucker T. G.
Published: February 2009

I propose . It may be noted that Longinus does not avoid hiatus after the vowels ν and ι, which possess an easy ‘glide’ accompaniment.
The ‘Codex Leidensis’ of Livy
Authors: Dobson J. F.
Published: February 2009

For the purposes of the new text of Livy which Professor Conway and Professor C. F. Walters are preparing for the Oxford Series of Classical Texts, I undertook in 1908 to examine the Codex Leidensis, which contains Livy's first decade.
Cicero's Post Reditvm and Other Speeches
Authors: Peterson W.
Published: February 2009

The last volume of Cicero's Orations, as published in the Oxford Bibliotheca Scriptorum Classicorum, was lately entrusted to me, and will be published in the course of the present year. Meanwhile I desire to record in this paper some of the more important results of my study of the MSS., and, following on this, to indicate several places where our current texts seem to be susceptible of correction and improvement.
A Note on Callimachvs, Hymn I. 23.
Authors: Smiley M. T.
Published: February 2009

The identity of the river is even more obscure than that of the (1. 22). Strabo and Dionysius Periegetes alone mention a Peloponnesian river of the name.
A Line of Lvcilivs
Authors: Lindsay W. M.
Published: February 2009

Lvcilivs 11191 (Ma.) is preserved for us in Isid. Etym. XIX, iv, 10, where, amongst the articles of a ship's equipment, the plummet (catapirates, the ) of Herodotus is mentioned, with this illustration (I give the reading of the Archetype) from Lucilius:

Hunc (hanc ?) catapiratem puer eodem deforet unctum,

plumbi paucillum rudus linique mataxam.
Varia Latina
Authors: Richards Herbert
Published: February 2009

Liv. II. 5. 2: Ager Tarquiniorum qui inter urbem ac Tiberim fuit consecratus Marti Martius deinde campus fuit.

Surely Livy had too nice an ear to finish two clauses close together with fuit. Rather than that he would no doubt have written qui… fuerat, which would indeed have been more regular and proper with the fuit following. But should not the second fuit be fit, a historic present like res integra refertur just before ? The two words are so much alike that it was easy to identify them.
A Collation of Codex Lovaniensis
Authors: Holmes T. Rice
Published: February 2009

Codex Louaniensis, or L, the best MS. of Caesar in the British Museum (Add. MSS. 10,084), which is assigned to the eleventh century, has been collated by Alfred Holder for his edition of the Bellum ciuile and by Mr. R. L. A. Du Pontet for his edition of the Bellum Alexandrinum and the Bellum Africanum; but for the Bellum Gallicum no collation has hitherto been available. Last year I made one, which I sent to Dr. Meusel. He urged me to publish it, remarking that it would be very useful, as ‘wir haben nun ein sichereres Urteil über die Familie φ.’ Relying upon Holder's collation, he had described L in his own edition of the Bellum ciuile (1906, p. viii) as ‘a twin-brother of Ashburnhamianus’ (S); and so it is in the Bellum ciuile, but, as he acknowledged after reading my collation, not in the Bellum Gallicum. The first folio, comprising i, I–6, §3 (… bono animo in), is by a later hand. The MS. is described in the Catalogue thus: ‘c. Jvlii Caesaris commentariorum libri. Desinit cum verbis “res eis suppeteret” in libro de Bello Africano, cap. 33. Codex membranaceus, sec. XL, sed folium primum a manu recentiori suppletum est. Folio [10,084.].’
Textual Notes
Authors: Powell J. U.
Published: February 2009

ὡς … ⋯ξειργ⋯σατο of MSS. is generally corrected to the third person plural, but it would be more like Thucydides to ⋯ξε⋯ργαστο write: this would then be another instance of the corruption of pluperfects, such as into ἠγγ⋯λλετο and the like, of which many instances are given by Cobet in Nov. Lect. 422, Var. Lect. 253. In the old edition of Poppo, 1826, vol. ii. pt. ii. p. 297, ⋯ξ⋯πγαστο is given as contained in Cod. Bas. ex emend., but it is not noticed by Poppo-Stahl or recent editors. Ως with the pluperfect is Thucydidean: Mr. Marchant on ii. 59 refers to iii. 23, 1; 26, 4; 27, 1; 69, 2. See the remarks of Poppo in vol. i. part ii. p. 44 sq. on this MS.
Some ‘Vexed Passages’ in Latin Poetry
Authors: Anderson W. B.
Published: February 2009

The passage is thought to refer to the efforts of the Macedonians to honour the memory of their dead king. Who are meant by reges is not at all clear, and summa nituntur opum ui, as we may infer from other passages where the same or a similar expression is used, can hardly refer to anything but the labour of the hands. Probably we ought to read regis, i.e. Philippi. The lines will then refer to the work of the people.
The Latin Dative: Nomenclature and Classification
Authors: Fay Edwin W.
Published: February 2009

It must have been shortly after I entered college in my middle ̓teens that I first heard of the grammatical doctrine that psychological opposites take the same construction. As a mnemonic, alone, the doctrine is immensely worth while and practically helps with categories like (damnare)(absoluere, meminisse)(obliuisci, cedere)(resistere, similis)(alienus (dissiniilis)—which rouses a literary interest by recalling Thackeray's use of different to as a counter term to equal to, similar to, like to. And, to get back to grammar, for English folk it clarifies prope ab to counter it with procul ab. By the doctrine of opposites we clarify even so elusive a matter as the ‘subjunctive of repudiation’ which I once sought to explain by partial obliquity (Cl. Rev. XI. 344 sq.), not mistaking therein, I am fain to believe, the valuable stylistic note of echo. In this subjunctive I now see a clear opposite to the concessive. It is a survival, on the cold page, of a speech form that owed its meaning to the speaker's mood (⋯ ψυχικ⋯ δι⋯θεσις, the pitch of his voice, all the things that manifest and betray emotion, and so far forth is ‘polemic’ It is often introduced by ut, utne, egone ut, where ut is exclamatory and interrogative at once, and the tone converts the concessive to an anticoncessive, indicating repudiation, disavowal.
Notes on Lucan VIII
Authors: Anderson W. B.
Published: February 2009

In recent years important contributions to the interpretation of the eighth book of Lucan have been made by Professor Postgate (C.Q., vol. I., pp. 75–79, 216–222), and by Mr.J.D.Duff (Journ.of Phil., vol. XXXII., pp.125–135).The following notes make a further attempt to solve some of the many problems presented by the book.
The Caesvra in Virgil, and its Bearing on the Authenticity of the Pseudo-Vergiliana
Authors: Butcher W. G. D.
Published: February 2009

IN the heroic Latin hexameter, after the essential alternation of long and short syllables, by far the most important feature is unquestionably the caesura. Nevertheless, ancient writers on metre dismiss it with the most cursory notice; all we get from them is that the chief caesura is the penthemimeral, the trochaic and hephthemimeral coming next; the fourth trochaic and the bucolic are usually rejected, and the trihemimeral is mentioned only by Ausonius, Modern writers, among whom are Müller and Winbolt, deal with the question at greater length, but do not agree even on fundamental points, and often base their statements on an insufficient analysis of the extant remains of Latin hexameter verse. The purpose of the following paper is to attempt a more complete analysis, at least in the case of Virgil, the acknowledged master of the Latin hexameter. But before we proceed further there are two preliminaries which must be settled—what are the main types of caesura, and how many caesurae are admissible in one verse?
Notes on Ovid's Ibis, Ex Ponto Libri, and Halievtica
Authors: Owen S. G.
Published: February 2009

IBIS 131-132

quam dolor hie umquam spatio euanescere possit,

leniat aut odium tempus et hora meum.

Here “spatio” means “lapse of time” : it is illustrated by A. A. II. 113

forma bonum fragile est, quantumque accedit ad annos,

fit minor et spatio carpitur ipsa suo.

As regards the whole couplet, besides at this place, it is found also after line 40 in all the MSS. except the Galeanus Vaticanus and Phillipps MS. There, though it fits in with the context, it is not required: here (after 130) it is indispensable. It should therefore be omitted from the text after line 40, where its presence is due to that species of interpolation which consisted in the insertion of other portions of a writer's work kindred in meaning, on which see Mr. Hall's Companion to Classical Texts, p. 198.
Clavdivs and the Primores Galliae:
Authors: Hardy E. G.
Published: February 2009

In the April number of the Classical Quarterly, Mr. H. J. Cunningham calls in question my interpretation of a passage in the speech of Claudius on the claims of the Gallic chieftains, which I will follow his good example by quoting in full. It forms the first legible sentence of Column II.
The Paean of Philodamos of Scarpheia
Authors: Powell J. U.
Published: February 2009

Lines 53 to 56 stand thus in Weil, Bulletin de Corr. Hell. xix. 393 sqq., and Weir Smyth's Greek Melic Poets, p. 525:
Double Scansion in Early Greek Lyric
Authors: Davison J. A.
Published: February 2009

The publication in 1907 of the Berlin papyrus containing Sappho's poem τεθνάκην δʹ ⋯δόλως θέλω κτλ posed in the clearest possible form the problem, already highly controversial, of the metrical structure of the Glyconic and its associated metres; and many answers have been suggested to the question ‘What is the peculiar nature of the Glyconic line which permits of its being related to two types of line apparently constructed on quite different principles?’ What follows is an attempt to consider this problem once more, with reference to other simple types of line which seem to provide analogies for the process which I believe to have occurred.
Back to the Cave
Authors: Murphy N. R.
Published: February 2009

In Professor Ferguson's renewed study (above, pp. 190–210) of these similes he has introduced a very detailed and careful analysis of Plato's analogies in order to explain and support his interpretation. He has also attacked the view which I put forward in 1932, and I should like to say something in defence of that view, not in any polemical spirit, but from a perhaps too obstinate belief that my reading of the passage does rest on solid foundations. I will not attempt any comprehensive discussion of Professor Ferguson's theories, either in their earlier or their present form, but merely try to indicate what seems to me the real issue between us.
Pythagoras of Samos
Authors: Morrison J. S.
Published: February 2009

The influence which the Pythagorean society and its leading doctrines exercised upon Athenian intellectual and political developments in the late fifth century leads us to seek in Pythagoras a figure of greater stature and more clear-cut features than modern scholarship is prepared to allow. To us he is a great name but little more, the large body of detailed information about his life which is available in later writers being dismissed as fabulous. This scepticism was reasonable enough when the reader was faced with the garbled hotchpotch of an Iamblichus or a Porphyry. But since the task has been put in hand of determining what portions of this tradition can safely be attributed to the various authorities who concerned themselves with the Pythagorean story in the fourth century, and of considering the respective historical value of these authorities, the scepticism of, for example, Burnet's account becomes unjustified. It is now possible to present a fairly detailed account of Pythagoras' activity, which has at least as much claim to credence as a great deal of what we now readily accept as ancient history, and is furthermore consistent with the general picture of the man that emerges from a careful scrutiny of classical sources. Not only for its own sake, but in the context of the increasingly fruitful investigation of fifth-century Athenian movements, I feel that it may be useful to put together such an account of Pythagoras. It will certainly be regarded by some as mere fiction, but may nevertheless provide others with a convenient summary of what the fifth- and fourth-century writers thought and believed about a man and a movement that had profound influence upon their times. I hope at the same time to suggest some links between what Pythagoras thought and did and the main tradition of Greek social behaviour. If Pythagoras was, as I believe, not so much an innovator as a reformer and developer of some of the central institutions of Greek life, the possibility will be opened of regarding various phenomena in mainland Greece which we have been asked to call Pythagorean, e.g. the Socratic phrontisterion as it appears in the Clouds, not as deriving from Pythagoras but as a parallel growth to the Pythagorean synedria and nourished by the same root.
Some Passages in Valerius Flaccus
Authors: Howard C. L.
Published: February 2009

I Consider first line 58, though its interpretation cannot be separated from that of the ensuing lines. The editors put a comma after iuuenem and must therefore intend propiorque iubenti to be taken with conticuit. It seems more natural, however, to take it with what precedes. The obvious function of propior in such a case is to qualify or amplify an idea already stated, as in Stat. Ach. 2. 94–95:
Three Historical Puzzles inHistories3
Authors: Wellesley Kenneth
Published: February 2009

The present paper proposes to discuss three passages in Tacitus,Histories3 where current interpretations have led to difficulties which can be shown to be baseless so soon as it is realized that Tacitus is willing on occasion to sacrifice truth and clarity to stylistic effect. In each of these passages the same literary device lies at the root of the matter, a device which (for want of a better term) may be labelled ‘die grouping of participles’: the juxtaposition of participles in a sentence to die detriment of strict chronological order.
A Note on Horace and Pindar
Authors: Whitaker C. W.
Published: February 2009

Although not tenable in details, Porphyrion's interpretation seems to me generally preferable to Bentley's, despite the very wide acceptance of the latter. Horace is in all seriousness defending his claim to originality. On the Bentleian interpretation, it is a curious defence that he is made to offer:
Two Notes on Lucian
Authors: Magleod M. D.
Published: February 2009

Lucian's suggestions as to what was meant by the man who called him a literary Prometheus by no means exhaust the possibilities. This is perhaps to be expected, as Lucian's reply to this lawyer is probably a or introduction to the reading of a major dialogue, and he has merely taken advantage of the fact that he was called a literary Prometheus to do some self-advertisement as the founder of a new literary genre.
Ad Panegyricos Latinos
Authors: Kronenberg A. I.
Published: February 2009

VIII 18 6 (G. Baehrens, Lips. MCMXI p. 245 17) ‘Nee idcirco minoribus gaudiis feruntur dempti periculi [meri] quod experiundi necessitate caruerunt.’

Cum de certa emendatione nondum constet haereatque etiam nouus editor utrum ‘periculi maris’ praeferat an deleat [meri] et clausulae causa ‘pericli’ restituat, aliam uiam ingredi licebit, scilicet ut syllabam intercidisse suspicemur qua reuocata optima efficitur clausula: ‘dempti periculi merifo’ = dempti periculi causa, cf. Sittl, Lokale Verschiedenheiten p. 135, Archiv f. lat. Lexicogr. I 174, 574, VIII 590, X 539, 562.
Ad Tibvllvm
Authors: Wageningen J. Van
Published: February 2009

Inter praecepta, quae Priapus amatoribus dat ad puerorum uolutitatem sibi conciliandam, hoc quoque est (I 4, 41–44):

neu comes ire neges, quamuis uia longa paretur

et Canis arenti torreat arua siti,

quamuis praetexens picta ferrugine caelum

uenturam amiciat imbrifer arcus aquam.
Ad Varronem
Authors: van Wageningen J.
Published: February 2009

Ubi Varro (R. R. I 13, 2) de uilla rustica facienda agit, de culina haec monet: in primis culina uidenda ut sit admota, quod ibi hieme antelucanis temponbus aliquot res conficiuntur, cibus paratur ac capitur. Hunc locum legentes sponte nosmet ipsos rogamus, quid sibi uelit illud admota. ‘Prope cellam uilici,’ inquit Keilius (Comm. p. 46), de qua paulo ante sermo est: uilici proximum ianuam cellam esse oportet eumque scire, qui introeat aut exeat noctu quidue ferat, praesertim si ostianus eat nemo. Sed si locum ita interpretamur, quomodo intellegenda est sententia, quae sequitur, causalis: quod ibi hieme cet. ? Num uilicus in cella iacens uel sedens moderari debebat opera, quae mane in culina fiebant ? An idcirco culinam proximam cellae uilici esse oportebat, ut inter utramque paruum spatium interesset, si uilicus ab altera ad alteram commeare uellet ? Et hoc et illud uix credibile est Varronem significare uoluisse.
The Contest of Homer and Hesiod and Alcidamas' Mouseion
Authors: Richardson N. J.
Published: February 2009

Did Alcidamas invent the story of the contest of Homer and Hesiod? Martin West has argued that he did (CQ N.S. 17 (1967), 433 ff.). I believe that there are a number of reasons for thinking this improbable.

The stories of the deaths of Homer and Hesiod were traditional before Alcidamas. Heraclitus knew the legend of the riddle of the lice and Homer's death (Vors. 22 B 56), and the story of Hesiod's death was well known by Thucydides’ time (3. 96). The first attempt to record information about Homer's life is ascribed to Theagenes of Rhegium, in the late sixth century b.c. (Vors. 8.1). By that time it seems likely that there was already a considerable body of legends about the early poets. The pieces of hexameter verse in the Herodotean Life of Homer, some of which show detailed knowledge of the area around Smyrna in the archaic period, probably date from before 500 b.c.

In relating the stories of the poets’ deaths Alcidamas is recording the results of ἱστορ⋯α, and this is what he implies in Michigan papyrus 2754 (cf. West op. cit. 437). West's theory requires one to assume that he has incorporated with these traditions his own fiction of the contest. This seems to me to go against what we know in general about the activity of sophists such as Alcidamas. Although they were capable of inventing myths (such as Prodicus’ ‘ Choice of Heracles'), there is no evidence that they created such stories about earlier historical figures, rather than collecting popular legends about them, and using these for their own purposes. It is true that Critias (for example) used the evidence of Archilochus’ own poetry to draw conclusions about his life (Vors. 88 B 44). But this is not the same as inventing a story virtually from scratch. Hesiod's own testimony about his poetic victory (Op. 650 ff.), the original starting-point for the legend of the contest with Homer, did not on its own provide a basis from which such inferences could be drawn. It seems more likely that the legend is the product of earlier popular embroidery, at a time when speculation about these early poets’ lives was becoming common.
The Cave Revisited
Authors: Malcolm J.
Published: February 2009

In 1962 I offered an analysis of the Line and Cave which (1) maintained that the four main divisions of each are parallel and (2) interpreted the three stages of ascent in the Cave allegory as representing the three stages in Plato's educational programme: music and gymnastic, mathematics and dialectic. At that time a major portion of my task was to counter arguments which purported to show that the Line and Cave could not be parallel. The present situation is quite different since recent writers, for the most part, not only take the four main divisions of the Cave as parallel to those of the Line, but also accept the restriction of the Cave allegory to moral and mathematical education as a crucial step in the establishing of this fact. This last move, which is clearly in harmony with the form and content of the Republic, enables us to allow for the ordinary unenlightened man to be at the bottom level of the Cave without our having to suggest that he confuses the shadows of visual objects with their originals, which could well be the case if the Cave were taken to represent all sense perception as such.

Despite fairly general agreement on these basic points of interpretation there remains, however, a wide divergence of opinion as to the significance of the various levels of education or moral awareness portrayed by the Cave. In keeping with several recent papers on this topic I shall focus my attention on the bottom two stages of this allegory: the state (C1) of the prisoners viewing shadows on the cave wall and that (C2) of the released prisoners, still in the cave, but turned around and looking at the puppets which cast these shadows.
TheInsomniumof Aeneas
Authors: Michels Agnes Kirsopp
Published: February 2009

One of the major prophecies in theAeneidis given to Aeneas in the underworld by Anchises, who had ordered his son to come to him to learn of his whole race and the city which would be given to him (5.737). In the prophecy (6.756–886), which covers more than a thousand years, Anchises identifies the spirits who will be born as his descendants, from Aeneas' son Silvius to the young Marcellus, and describes how they will win glory and world dominion for Rome. Aeneas sees the spirit of each man as he will appear in life, and hears Anchises' admonition to the Roman who embodies the race, in which he tells him how to rule the world (6.851–3). The speech is stirring, and one would expect that this vision of the future glory of his race would have some effect on Aeneas, but we may ask whether in fact it does.

First, consider Aeneas' behaviour during his meeting with Anchises. At their first encounter all he asks is to embrace his father (6.697–8). Next, when he sees the spirits near the river Lethe, he shudders and asks who they are. When Anchises tells him that they are waiting to be reborn and that he is eager to point out his descendants, so that Aeneas will rejoice to have found Italy, Aeneas shows no curiosity about the spirits, but protests against the idea that they should have to leave Elysium and go back to the life of the body.