bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Contexts of Cultural Change in Insular California
Authors: Arnold Jeanne E. , Colten Roger H. , Pletka Scott
Published: April 2006

Archaeological and ethnohistorical researchers in California are reaping the rewards from a wealth of new information about precontact and early historical cultural diversity, technologies, and marine and terrestrial ecosystems. Our recent investigations into the later prehistory of the island groups of southern California have centered on processes of sociopolitical evolution, including the emergence of status differentiation, evidence for intensification of craft production, and associated changes in human uses of animal resources as societies became more complex. We have linked some specific changes in diet, labor organization, and exchange to documented climatic disturbances, suggesting that opportunities created by such disruptions may have accounted in part for the timing of changes, but were not their cause in any mechanistic or simplistic sense. A recent American Antiquity report overlooks the primary results of this research and isolates the environmental data from a broad multidimensional model of cultural change in coastal California. We provide an update on the status of Channel Islands archaeology and identify the fundamental problems with approaches that extract and decontextualize environmental processes from cultural processes by assessing limited faunal data sets.
Bigger Boats, Crowded Creekbanks: Environmental Stresses in Perspective
Authors: Arnold Jeanne E.
Published: April 2006

While new data about drought cycles are informative, patterns of ill health and violence and the origins of sociopolitical complexity in southern California are best understood through a broad consideration of multiple conditions and processes. These include various kinds of environmental and demographic conditions, changes in social and economic strategies, and changes in the organization of labor.
Social Archaeology in Latin America?: Comments to T. C. Patterson
Authors: Oyuela-Caycedo Augusto , Anaya Armando , Elera Carlos G. , Valdez Lidio M.
Published: April 2006

The published paper by Patterson (1994) gives the impression that Latin American archaeology has a significant orientation toward social archaeology. We present evidence, however, that indicates the restricted nature of social archaeology in time (1970s and early 1980s) and space (Cuba, Mexico, Peru, and Venezuela). Social archaeology developed only in a political context where the model pursued by the state was sympathetic to marxist ideology during a specific historical period. Further, at the academic level, social archaeology gradually lost appeal to students in those countries where it developed because of the politicization of the archaeological discourse at universities and the lack of a relationship between practice and theory (epistemological theory). The practical aspects of social archaeology have never passed beyond those of cultural history produced under the schema of a national state archaeology. Consideration of the realities under which archaeology developed in each Latin American country leads to a broader understanding of the context in which social archaeology exists in Latin America today.
Raw-Material Availability and the Organization of Technology
Authors: Andrefsky William
Published: April 2006

Ethnographic examples of stone-tool makers in Australia and archaeological examples from three different areas in the western United States indicate that the availability of lithic raw materials is an important variable conditioning stone-tool production technology. Attributes of availability such as abundance and quality of lithic raw materials condition the production of formal- vs. informal-tool types. Poor-quality raw materials tend to be manufactured into informal-tool designs. High-quality lithic raw materials tend to be manufactured into formal-tool designs when such materials occur in low abundance. When high-quality materials occur in great abundance both formal- and informal-tool designs are manufactured. Other factors, such as residential mobility or sedentism, are found to be less-important determinates of lithic-production technology.
The Significance of New Faunal Identifications Attributed to an Early Paleoindian (Gainey Complex) Occupation at the Udora Site, Ontario, Canada
Authors: Storck Peter L. , Spiess Arthur E.
Published: April 2006

Analysis of calcined bone from the Udora site in south-central Ontario, Canada, indicates that the subsistence of Early Paleoindian (Gainey complex) peoples in the lower Great Lakes region included a mix of both large and small mammals: caribou, hare, and arctic fox. The presence of arctic fox and other paleoecological data indicate that the Paleoindian occupation at Udora occurred in a spruce parkland environment between 10,000 and 10,500 years ago, the minimum age of that habitat, or earlier. Evidence that Paleoindian peoples in northeastern North America also hunted caribou suggests that the concept of a “northern” adaptive zone in the greater Northeast (including the Great Lakes region) has some validity; however, the presence of both parkland and forested environments in this zone and presumed caribou behavioral responses to those environments indicate that Paleoindian adaptations to caribou may have been quite variable.
Field Methods in the Study of Modern Culture Contacts
Authors: Schapera I.
Published: April 2006

Opening Paragraph

Previous contributors to this symposium have described in some detail the problem of culture contact as it appeared to them in their own fields, and the methods they employed in studying it there. I do not propose here to cover similar ground, particularly as I have already published a short statement of the lines along which I have been attempting during the last five years to inquire into the presentday culture of the Kxatla in Bechuanaland Protectorate. My purpose is rather to set down briefly what appear to me as the essential elements to be considered in any field study of modern culture contacts, as reflected, shall we say, in the relations between the European and Native inhabitants of South Africa.
La Lutte contre les Maladies Sociales au Cameroun en 1934
Authors: Millous
Published: April 2006

Dès les premiers temps de l'occupation du Cameroun les autorités françaises entreprirent un vigoureux effort sanitaire et médical. Déjà un important réseau de postes médicaux était établi lorsque la maladie du sommeil se répandant avec une violence inouïe au centre même du pays, il fallut lutter contre ses trop rapides progrès avant de songer à toute autre œuvre médicale, et le Service de Santé du Territoire porta son principal effort à combattre la trypanosomiase.

Dès 1903 Brumpt, suivi quelques années plus tard par Martin, Lebœuf et Roubaud avaient, en Afrique Équatoriale Française, étudié de près la maladie, sa transmission et son traitement; au Cameroun c'est en 1910 que les Allemands entreprirent vraiment la lutte. Il semble, à ceux qui ont vu la trypanosomiase endémique et somme toute bénigne de la Basse Sangha gagner la Haute Sangha sous forme d'épidémie meurtrière, que le commerce du caoutchouc ait été en Afrique équatoriale une des causes les plus certaines de la dispersion de la trypanosomiase humaine.

Dans les pays où elle existait de tout temps les habitants se contaminèrent en beaucoup plus grand nombre en faisant la récolte du latex qui se pratiquait surtout en saison des pluies au moment où les glossines abondent et sont plus agressives. Le portage, le pagayage, surtout la montée des fleuves à la perche tout le long de ces gîtes à tsé-tsé que sont les rives des fleuves équatoriaux ont causé un chiffre innombrable de contaminations. La maladie évoluait sur ces populations jusqu'ici saines avec une violence inconnue chez les tribus depuis longtemps parasitées. Il est probable que la guerre et le portage que nécessitaient les opérations militaires ont aussi beaucoup répandu la trypanosomiase humaine.
La Science du Destin au Dahomey
Authors: Bertho Jacques
Published: April 2006

Mawu, dieu le créateur, n'est pas le seul à intervenir dans les affaires de ce monde, tous les esprits inférieurs sont capables d'y jouer un rôle eux aussi. Il y a en particulier des esprits qui président à la vie des nations, des villages, des families; chaque homme a aussi durant toute sa vie un esprit tutélaire qui préside à son existence. Il est done tres important pour l'homme de connaître l'esprit tutélaire qui préside à sa destinée, ainsi que la manière de s'en faire un ami et un soutien. C'est cette connaissance que prétendent acquérir les devins, et nous allons nous appliquer à exposer leur méthode de divination d'après les renseignements qui nous ont été fournis par des devins eux-mêmes.
Social Science and the Sources of Policy: 1951–1970
Authors: MacRae Duncan
Published: April 2006

“… [T]here is no necessary conflict among these three desires of the American social scientist: to be a scientist like physical and biological scientists, to provide useful technical services, and to be significant at the level of policy. The chapters of this symposium are intended to illustrate their compatibility.”

This statement indicates a major theme of The Policy Sciences – a volume that marked, as of 1951, the aspirations of a group of leading American social scientists for the policy applications of their disciplines. The harmony of goals that it suggests is no longer evident today.

The possible incompatibilities among the goals of pure science, applied science, and policy can be seen by examining The Policy Sciences in two decades' perspective. They are of three major kinds:

1. To provide intelligent advice on practical problems, the social science disciplines need to include systematic valuative discourse in a way that natural science does not.

2. Applied social science (like applied science generally) differs from pure natural science in stressing valuative dependent variables that may not be closely related to the conceptual schemes of pure science, and independent variables related to alternative choices open to the actor.

3. Different roles and channels of influence are appropriate for pure and applied science; and for applied social science in democratic regimes, participation and consent on the part of those influenced are of vital significance.
Some Additional Data on Dissertations in Political Science, 1960 and 1970–72
Authors: Sackmann Peter J.
Published: April 2006

In the fall '72 issue of PS, Walfred H. Peterson, Stephen Blank, and William C. Yoels have drawn some interesting data and interpretations from APSA's annual listing of completed political science dissertations. Their focus on data related to Ph.D. output, interest distribution within sub-fields, and “the fate of the Ph.D.” clearly reflect the concern of the advanced scholar who is interested in the general development of the discipline.

However, it may not be astonishing that one type of data, that may be of particular interest to the beginning student of political science or the Ph.D. candidate has been neglected. This is the question of how long it actually takes to earn the desired degree.

Departmental Ph.D. programs indicate generally that an approximate term of four years is suggested as being necessary but also sufficient for the successful completion of the entire Ph.D. program. A tabulation of data derived from our annual listings, however, easily reveal that — at least in practice — such an approximation is far from reality. As indicated in table I, more than twice that time lies actually on an average between graduation and the successful completion of the dissertation.
The Post-Behavioral Revolution in Community Power: A Brief Note from a Frontier of Research
Authors: Clun Arthur
Published: April 2006

Now that American political science is safely launched into its post-behavioral era, the study of community power has at long last been pried loose from the suffocating embrace of a mode of thought sometimes referred to as “pluralist.” This is liberating for pluralist and antipluralist alike; the former can no longer be sneered at for embodying or expressing or fomenting “conventional wisdom.” Indeed, on some campuses, it takes quite a lot of courage, not to say eccentricity, to harbor, let alone utter, a vagrant pluralist thought. Anti-pluralists are faced with the golden opportunity of themselves offering explanations of social and political behavior. Already, in fact, little tendrils of creativity are sprouting up, like the spring's first dandelions through the cracks of a disused sidewalk. It is, I think, too much to think of these as more than preliminary attempts at establishing a fresh new Consciousness of things political. And so it is not my thought to subject any of the major propositions that have so recently emerged to the increasingly irrelevant tests of outmoded paradigms, such as obedience to rules of logic, agreement with the preponderance of evidence, accuracy and contextual aptness of citation to earlier work, and so forth.
The Professional Status of Women Political Scientists: Some Current Data
Authors: Finifter Ada W.
Published: April 2006

For the past few years, women political scientists have been working for measures to improve their professional status and increase opportunities available to them in the discipline. The national and regional political science associations have demonstrated their willingness to explore existing situations disadvantageous to women by the appointment of Committees on the Status of Women (CsSW). The regional committees have recently collected a variety of information on the employment status of political scientists in each of three regions. The availability of their reports prompted the Editor of PS to ask me to prepare a summary statement on the current status of women in the profession. In order to provide a more comprehensive discussion I have also assembled some additional data and indicators and the APSA national office kindly provided some data from the 1972–73 Department Chairmen's questionnaire.
The Practitioners' Perspective
Authors: Nagel Stuart , Neal Marian
Published: April 2006

This article is designed to summarize the findings of a questionnaire directed to APSA members who indicated they held government positions when they completed a form for the 1973 APSA Biographical Directory. The questionnaire was designed to determine how political science has been and can be used in federal, state, and local government agencies and in administrative, legislative, and judicial positions.

A. The Respondents and the Questions

In January, 1975, the questionnaire was mailed to the 425 APSA members who held government positions as of 1973. These persons were chosen as a good group of people to ask about the relevance of political science to government work since they are likely to be knowledgeable about both political science and government work, and are likely to be responsive to such a survey.
Is Political Science Alive and Well and Living at NSF: Reflections of a Program Director at Midstream
Authors: Leege David Calhoun
Published: April 2006

The Political Science Program of the National Science Foundation is the primary source of support for basic research conducted by university-based political scientists. While the scientific progress of the discipline depends on what happens in the minds, the fields, the laboratories, the libraries, and the typewriters of scholars across the country, there is little question that the size of the Program budget and its usage affects the type and quality of research done by political scientists.

This article offers a public accounting to an interested clientele. In no way is it an officially sanctioned statement from NSF. It is a set of personal reflections with some analysis, parts of which my superiors at the Foundation find objectionable. Some of the arguments will not please important sectors of the discipline's intellectual and political leadership as well. I offer it in hopes of stimulating reaction and change. It is limited to basic research support, primarily through the Political Science Program, and does not extend to support for applied research funded typically through RANN-NSF. Finally, the Foundation is effecting a major reorganization which may have far-reaching consequences for the Division of Social Science of which the Program is a part; thus what is said here is subject to change over the next few years.
From Public Law to Public Policy, or The “Public” in “Public Law”
Authors: Shapiro Martin
Published: April 2006

In a self-consciously forward looking survey recently published in PS, Glendon Schubert continues to employ the phrase “public law” as roughly synonymous with the legal concerns of political science. The recent publication of Murphy and Tanenhaus' The Study of Public Law also reaffirms that, in spite of the movement toward “judicial behavior,” which it might have been anticipated would change the boundaries of the field, the “public” in public law is still very much with those political scientists particularly concerned with things legal. There does not seem to me to be any valid reason why political scientists should maintain the public law—private law distinction and then proceed to exclude themselves from the “private” law sphere.
Some Facts About Values
Authors: de Sola Pool Ithiel
Published: April 2006

Leading articles in both the current issue of APSR (Winter 1969–70) and of PS (Fall 1969) attack an identical quotation from my chapter in “The Public and the Polity” in Contemporary Political Science. In reply to Professor Sheldon Wolin's article in APSR, I wrote a short reply for he clearly misinterpreted the quotation in an otherwise serious article. Professor Surkin's piece, “Sense and Non-sense in Politics” in PS frustrates all my attempts at a short reply, for the issue is not the text of a particular quotation that has become a minor cause célebre, but rather the central thesis of his article that is in error. His is an error that has become sufficiently widely diffused these days that it needs a serious reply.

The issue is the role of value judgments in political science. The common error is the assertion that modern political science has been non-normative and value-free, or at least has aimed at being so. The statement is usually made in criticism of so-called behavioral political science and in favor of a supposed post-behavioral revolution, which is alleged to be seeking a new concern for relevance. Professor Surkin's article is a particular variant on that theme. He states that his purpose is to show that a particular social science methodology, namely, “claimed objectivity and value neutrality” leads to a “non-objective role for social science knowledge in the service of the dominant institutions in American society”. Here is an important set of allegations.
The Patient Needs All the Blood He Has
Authors: Lowi Theodore J.
Published: April 2006

Life is paradoxical. The more responsive the public has been in providing and expanding educational opportunities the more the universities seem to be threatened by hostile forces and instability. The faster the educator and the education-oriented politician run after their constituencies, the more their constituencies seem to feel alienated. So clear has been this relationship between the expansion and the instability that one is tempted to say that the effort was the cause.

This is a distinct possibility. Our remarkable ability to provide physical plant, teachers and quality courses for higher education is admired and emulated the world over. Compared to Europe, the quality is high even as measured by access to professors, despite the complaints one hears. The crunch does not come, therefore, from insufficient response or poor quality. The crunch comes from the change in substantive outputs of the university. That is to say, higher education in America has been undergoing a revolution in the character of its activities.

This revolution in substance or output cannot be attributed to the demands for more education. Demands on the scale of thousands and millions are simply not that specific. Changes in the nature and function of the university were made by donors, legislators, and college administrators. But the primary influence has been that of educational philosophers and educational policy-makers located in the college presidencies and the upper regions of the large bureaucratized philanthropies. Surprisingly enough, business executives have not been that specifically influential.
The Proposed New Association Constitution: A View from the Committee
Authors: Hawkinson Robert E. , Rosenblum Victor G.
Published: April 2006

The members of the Constitutional Revision Committee of the APSA were predominantly in agreement over the proposed text, though their reasons for supporting the text of the draft may have varied in particular instances. The authors of this article, in presenting their views in support of the draft, obviously claim to speak only for themselves. Hopefully, sufficient time and agenda space will be available at the business meeting during the 1971 Convention so that all the members of the Constitutional Revision Committee will feel encouraged to develop their particular arguments in behalf of the document in full detail.

In many respects the proposed new Constitution speaks for itself and needs no explanation. It seemed pointless and wasteful to us, for example, to specify the cost of annual dues as was done in the original Constitution. A Constitutional amendment was necessary, pursuant to the original document, each time the dues structure had to be altered. It is more consonant with the nature of a Constitution as a general framework of governance to leave such detailed items for careful deliberation by the assembly rather than to freeze them into the Constitution.
China in Transition: A Travel Memoir, May-June, 1984
Authors: Lipset Seymour Martin
Published: April 2006

Basic to an understanding of China is the fact that it is a Third World nation. The country is clearly very poor. Eighty percent of the population is rural and a large number of the urban dwellers are engaged in low-status, unskilled jobs. There are many involved in trade and selling for artisans and small shop-keepers. While there, I was on occasion surrounded by peddlers, including children, imploring me to buy trinkets and other small items.

The most common form of transportation, by far, is the bicycle. It is omnipresent, particularly in the cities. People ride bikes everywhere. During the times when people are going to or coming from work, it is often hard to pass because of the density of bike-riders. On the roads between the cities, every form of transportation known to the human race may be seen with the exception of the rickshaw. Since the rickshaw is symbolically associated with exploitation in pre-Communist days, it is now outlawed. The current range of road transportation varies from Mercedes to women pulling carts with ropes around their necks, as well as wagons pulled by donkeys or water buffalo.

There are few machines in the countryside. Tractors, other than one horse-power ones, are quite rare. The rural areas frequently offer a sight portrayed in many classic Chinese pictures, hundreds of peasants in the fields working by hand transplanting rice and doing other tasks. While there are many large rice fields, tiny plots of land are also common. It seems as if almost every inch of land that can possibly be farmed is, including cleared areas going up steep mountainsides. Among other crops, wheat is grown on these small mountainside plots. The contrast between these tiny hand-tilled fields and the vast, mechanized wheat farms of North Dakota or Saskatchewan is depressing.
Masculinity, Citizenship, and the Making of War
Authors: Hartsock Nancy C. M.
Published: April 2006

Citizenship is not one of the issues political scientists hotly contest. Yet perhaps we have failed to recognize the profoundly controversial issues involved in citizenship. One of the most difficult for the modern citizen is, of course, whether the classical ideal of “high citizenship” remains a possibility. But the ideal of ruling and being ruled will not be my concern here. Rather, my concern will focus on the fact that citizenship has historically been a very exclusive social category. Many groups have struggled to attain the status of citizen. In the United States to be poor, black, or female, has for the most part meant automatic disenfranchisement. Citizenship, then, concerns the question of one's position in the community of which one is a part. It is, of course, not the only determinant by far and is itself dependent on other factors. Yet given these considerations, teaching about citizenship must raise the ethical issues which, if made as prominent as they deserve to be, would indeed make citizenship the subject of controversy.

In this short essay, I can address only one aspect of these issues—that which centers on the relation of gender to citizenship. Although today many of us attempt to speak about citizenship in gender-neutral language, the connections of citizenship with manliness, established so long ago, still influence both thinking about citizenship and the conduct of rulers and ruled. Thus, the familiar gender gap on issues of peace and war should be seen as a symptom of deeper issues about politics, problems with a history traceable over several thousand years of Western history, problems defined by the overlay of citizenship, manliness, and military capacity.
Human Rights Internet: In Defense of a New Organization and an Emerging Field
Authors: Scoble Harry M. , Wiseberg Laurie S.
Published: April 2006

Over the past two years, the field of international human rights has emerged from obscurity to prominence. Indicators of the prominence are many: the fact that social science and humanities (as well as legal) journals are increasingly publishing serious and scholarly research on human rights and that more and more scholars are engaqed in such research on a aystematic basis; the fact that universities, professional schools, and even high schools and junior colleges are developing new teaching courses and materials for the field; the large number of conferences being held across the country and the increasing number of human rights panels at professional meetings; and, of course, the increasing attention given to international human rights problems in the national press.
Cancún and After: The United States and the Developing World
Authors: Wiarda Howard J.
Published: April 2006

The meetings of heads of state and foreign ministers of the eight already industrialized and the fourteen developing nations held at Mexico's lush island resort of Cancun raised high hopes and expectations among some, consternation and frustration among others. The real meaning and substance of the meeting were often obscured by the media's forced reliance on the official press briefings and, in the absence of other information, the emphasis on the food eaten, the elaborate security precautions, and the luxury of the surroundings. By now Cancún has faded from the headlines, but the issues and agendas raised are likely to be with us for a long time.

The Cancún meeting may have been a watershed. It is not that the place is so important or even that this particular gathering was so crucial. The issues have been building for years. But what Cancún did was to provide a prestigious forum and sounding board for the Third World ideas, and to bring some of these home to the American public for the first time.
Generational Change and the Future of the Atlantic Alliance
Authors: Inglehart Ronald
Published: April 2006

In 1968 a wave of student protest manifested itself throughout the Western world. Fifteen years later, a phenomenon variously described as the “Yuppies” or “Yumpies” began to be noted in the United States; a new environmentalist party entered the West German Bundestag for the first time; and a peace movement emerged in Western Europe that was able to mobilize an even larger and more mature segment of the public than did the anti-war movements of the Vietnam era.

These seemingly dissimilar phenomena have something in common: they reflect a process of intergenerational value change that is gradually transforming the politics of Western societies. This process—a shift from Materialist to Postmaterialist value priorities—has brought new political issues to the center of the stage, and provided much of the impetus for new political movements. It has split existing political parties and given rise to new ones. And it raises serious doubts about the long-term viability of the Atlantic Alliance.
The Bifurcation of American and Non-American Perspectives in Foreign Policy
Authors: Holsti Ole R.
Published: April 2006

The bifurcation of American and non-American perspectives in foreign policy analysis is a large topic to which justice cannot be done in limited space. To reduce the subject to somewhat more manageable scope, the focus here is on teaching and. more specifically, on undergraduate courses on American foreign policy. After examining some evidence that might shed light on the question, this essay will suggest some reasons, both within and outside the discipline, for this development, as well as some possible ways of avoiding undue parochialism by ensuring that non-American perspectives get some hearing.

This is not the place to undertake extensive content analyses of foreign policy texts, but even a cursory glance at several recent, widely used volumes indicates that many students are exposed almost wholly to American perspectives. Materials cited in footnotes and as suggested readings are overwhelmingly written by American authors. That pattern also extends to three of the best recent collections of readings on American foreign policy. The first includes 32 essays, not one of which is by a non-American, all nine chapters in the second are by Americans, and only one of 12 essays in the third is co-authored by a foreign scholar. In fairness, it should be pointed out that these materials hardly present a homogeneous viewpoint on the sources, conduct, and consequences of American diplomacy; a collection of readings that includes essays by George Kennan, Carl Gershman, Henry Kissinger, and Stanley Hoffmann can hardly be accused of presenting a single outlook. Moreover, the diversity of choices among available texts provides a broad range of perspectives, from moderately hard-line to distinctly revisionist.
Notes on the 1980 Democratic Convention from a Confirmed “Hackademic”
Authors: Kamarck Elaine C.
Published: April 2006

Upon advancement to candidacy in the political science department at the University of California, Berkeley, I joined the staff of the Democratic National Committee as Research Director for the Commission on Presidential Nomination and Party Structure. What was to be a short-term job ended up as a three and a half year commitment to the Democratic Party as I became, seriatim, program director for the Midterm Conference, executive director of the commission which established state party compliance with the delegate selection rules, and executive director of the 1980 Platform Committee.

During my first month at the National Committee I had the pleasure of meeting one Mark Siegel, a political scientist with several years of involvement in national politics. One afternoon we were discussing the experiences of academic political scientists turned practitioners. Mark coined a term I have used frequently since then—“hackademic”—or someone who is partially an academic and partially a political hack.
The Inexact Science of Congressional Redistricting
Authors: Bullock Charles S.
Published: April 2006

Incumbent politicians are understandably nervous when electoral rules are altered. In the case of the U.S. House of Representatives, members are well aware that a change in decade is accompanied by the near certainty that their own district lines will be redrawn. These incumbents know that changes resulting from the reallocation of congressional seats among states and the shift of population within states could have a shattering effect on their careers: their districts could be eliminated; they could be thrown into a district with another House incumbent; their district lines could be radically redrawn, destroying their traditional bases of support.

Incumbents' unease is transformed into serious worry by one additional fact: de jure control of redistricting is out of their hands. State legislatures and governors, the Justice Department (for those states falling under the Voting Rights Act) and ultimately the courts determine the fate of incumbents.

Of course, the ostensible purpose of congressional redistricting in accordance with the decennial census is to ensure that congressional representation reflects the changes in the geographical distribution of the nation's population and thus to ensure that the members of the House from each state represent approximately the same number of citizens. Putting that principle into practice creates opportunities for the parties to increase their strength in the House but it also causes tremendous uncertainty among incumbents.

Looking at political science research on the effects of redistricting on the fortunes of incumbents, one might wonder why they worry. In 1972 I reported findings of my study on incumbents who lost their elections after redistricting.
Sex and Politics—New Alignments, Old Issues
Authors: Frankovic Kathleen A.
Published: April 2006

The relationship between sex and political behavior has been discussed only in passing in the political science literature, if it is discussed at all. There has been little evidence from the 1940s to the 1970s that gender plays a role in determining issue positions, candidate evaluations, or candidate preference, as a quick perusal of some well-read political science works would confirm.

Berelson, Lazarsfeld and McPhee in Voting, the seminal work on opinion formation in a presidential campaign, discovered no relationship between vote preference and sex. The researchers did discover a difference in reported interest in the 1948 campaign between men and women early in the campaign, but even that difference faded as the election drew near.

Campbell, Converse, Miller and Stokes in The American Voter make no mention of either the existence or non-existence of sex difference in policy or candidate preference. They focus instead on differences in turnout, involvement and efficacy. Although they suggest that at one time opinions about Prohibition may have separated men from women, the authors conclude, “In the current era, there is no reason to believe that women as women are differentially attracted to one of the political parties.”

Pomper in Voters' Choice does find a relationship between sex and one issue dimension–the dimension of war and peace. But Pomper, Campbell and Berelson agree that any sex differences cannot, by definition, be long-lasting. Berelson cites the lack of differentiation in the way policies affect the sexes, the lack of differences in intergenerational transmission, and the lack of segregation between the sexes.
Federal Management: Pathological Problems and Simple Cures
Authors: Rosenbaum Allan
Published: April 2006

Like all of their recent predecessors, senior officials of the Reagan administration have spoken both frequently and with enthusiasm of their intention to save large amounts of taxpayers' money while making the federal government more responsive and dramatically increasing agency productivity. All of this is to be done by shaping up the federal bureaucracy.

The main activity which has emerged so far has been to implement a hiring freeze, to reduce the size of the federal bureaucracy through firings and furloughs, and to advocate a barely specified form of cabinet governance. While these actions may save money in the short run, they will not improve the actual functioning of the federal bureaucracy.

Indeed, ideas emerging from presidential appointees frequently tend to be irrelevant for one simple reason: most secretaries, assistant secretaries and even deputy assistant secretaries know very little about federal bureaucracy when they come to Washington and subsequently spend a remarkably small portion of their time learning about it—a fact that in itself is one of the major obstacles to improving the management of the federal government.

Few secretaries, assistant secretaries and deputy assistant secretaries in any administration can resist the call of endless meetings with their counterparts from the states, other federal agencies or the big interest groups. Even more compelling for them is the siren call of travel to Paris, Peoria, and sundry places east and west to spread both enlightenment and the gospel of their administration and to revel in the attention automatically granted many visiting federal officials.
Social Science Research at the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency
Authors: Daly Judith Ayres
Published: April 2006

The purpose of this paper is to communicate, a la Dawson (1978) and Frey (1980) the what and how of the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency/Cybernetics Technology Division's (DARPA/CTD) social science research funding. It is hoped that it will make some, who may have asked “What's a DARPA?” while perusing the Table of Contents, aware of another possible funding source and will enhance the relevance to the DARPA mission of proposals received by the Division.
Beyond the Deadline
Authors: Palley Marian Lief
Published: April 2006

Though the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) fell three states short of ratification, the women's movement seems to have learned from its mistakes and made some changes in its tactics, organization and focus. Specifically, feminist organizations—now stronger than ever—are stressing grass roots political activities and issues which are economic as well as social.

Feminist groups seem to have been most successful in influencing public policy when they have focused on role equity issues rather than role change issues. As Joyce Gelb and I explained in a recent book on women and public policy,

Role equity issues are those policies which extend rights now enjoyed by other groups (men, other minorities) to women and which appear to be relatively delineated or narrow in their implications, permitting policy makers to seek advantage with feminist groups and voters with little cost or controversy. In contrast, role change issues appear to produce change in the dependent female role of wife, mother and homemaker, holding out the potential of greater sexual freedom and independence in a variety of contexts. The latter issues are fraught with greater political pitfalls, including perceived threats to existing values, in turn creating visible and often powerful opposition.

Of course, many issues deal both with role equity and role change. When feminist groups have failed, it has often been because their opponents have emphasized the role change aspects of an issue.

Many of the issues which are primarily questions of role equity are economic. Thus, it was probably wise for the National Organization for Women (NOW) to emphasize in its ERA effort that the average female worker earns 59 cents for every dollar earned by her male counterpart.
Political Science and the Corporation
Authors: Menninger David
Published: April 2006

In 1977, Charles Lindblom concluded his study of Politics and Markets with the assertion that “the large private corporation fits oddly into democratic theory and vision. Indeed, it does not fit.” In 1983, Robert Reich envisioned The Next American Frontier as the eradication of the distinction between business culture and civic culture in the United States and the full integration of the corporation into the country's key political and social processes. Failure to achieve such a new political-economic compact could mean, Reich asserted, the end of democracy's progress in America. Between Lindblom and Reich lie six short years in time and one vast gulf in political theory and policy perspective. Their positions set the framework for a whole series of political choices confronting American politics today. They also set an agenda for political science as a discipline that studies power, authority, and social change—an agenda calling for an expansion of both intellectual focus and analytical paradigms.

Differences between the purposes and contents of Lindblom's and Reich's studies can be cited, of course. Politics and Markets presents itself as a scholarly work in the theory of political economy, whereas The Next American Frontier has a definite prescriptive flavor designed to influence current political debate. But such differences do not obscure the important element shared by the two books: recognition of the power and position of large corporations as the determining factor in the political-economic future of liberal democracy. Generated from this are several critical questions both authors confront: What is the purpose of public power and that of private economic power in advanced industrial societies today? What should be the relationship between the two as regards the preservation of liberal democracy? What is that relationship when the large corporation is taken into account? What redirection of corporate power is necessary or possible? What blending of corporate institutions and political institutions does liberal democracy allow—or demand?
The Paranoia of the Powerful: Thucydides on World War III
Authors: Lebow Richard Ned
Published: April 2006

In the sixteenth year of the Peloponnesian War, an Athenian expedition descended upon the small island of Melos, about 90 miles south of Athens in the Aegean Sea, and demanded that the Melians join in alliance or be destroyed. Although a Spartan colony, Melos had remained scrupulously neutral in the war. Her citizens, unwilling to renounce their independence, sought unsuccessfully to dissuade the Athenians from attacking them. The Athenians explained that an independent Melos situated in the very heart of the Athenian imperium encouraged other island allies to aspire toward independence. Their failure to put an end to the anomaly of Melian independence would therefore be seen by friend and foe alike as a sign of weakness on Athens' part.

The really intriguing question about the Melian dialogue is not the Athenian decision to invade Melos but rather Athenian toleration of Melian independence for the first sixteen years of the Peloponnesian War. For surely, if Melian independence constituted a threat to Athens in 416 B.C. it must have done so in 430 B.C., the year in which the war broke out, and in all of the years in between. Why then did Athens wait so long to impose its hegemony over the island? The answer, implicit in Thucydides' narrative history of the Peloponnesian War, contains an important insight into the nature of aggression, one, moreover, that is particularly germane to contemporary international relations.

The Athenian reply to the Melians stresses the subjective nature of power; if others think of you as powerful, you are powerful andvice versa. For this reason, states must be concerned about their image abroad and must from time to time offer vivid demonstrations of their capability and resolve. The Athenian invasion of Melos, unnecessary for any strategic reason, was envisaged as such a display.
The Madness beyond MAD—Current American Nuclear Strategy
Authors: Jervis Robert
Published: April 2006

A rational strategy for the employment of nuclear weapons is a contradiction in terms. The enormity of the destruction, either executed or threatened, severs the nexus of proportionality between means and ends which used to characterize the threat and use of force. This does not mean, however, that all nuclear strategies are equally irrational. The nuclear policy of the Reagan administration—which is essentially the same as that of the Carter administration and which has its roots in developments initiated by even earlier administrations—is particularly ill-formed. As I will demonstrate, the basic reason for this is that the strategy rests on a profound underestimation of the impact of nuclear weapons on military strategy and attempts to understand the current situation with intellectual tools appropriate only in the pre-nuclear era.

American strategy for the past several years—the “countervailing strategy”—has been based on the assumption that what is crucial is the ability of American and allied military forces to deny the Soviets military advantage from any aggression they might contemplate. The U.S. must be prepared to meet and block any level of Soviet force. The strategy is then one of counterforce—blocking and seeking to destroy Soviet military power. The goal is deterrence. Although it is concerned with how the U.S. would fight many different kinds of wars, both nuclear and non-nuclear, it is not correct to claim that the strategy seeks to engage in wars rather than deter them.
Health Care in the United States: Access, Costs, and Quality
Authors: Hoadley John F.
Published: April 2006

Fact: As a nation, medical care expenditures represent 10.6% of the gross national product. The portion of the nation's medical care dollar coming from federal sources declined slightly (42.6% to 41.4%) between 1981 and 1984, but this share is more than 15 percentage points above the comparable figure from the years prior to 1965 (Anderson, 1985).

As these numbers illustrate, paying for health care is a very expensive proposition in the United States, consuming a higher proportion of our nation's resources than is true for most developed nations. While we have strongly resisted any move to a government-run system of health care delivery, the above numbers also show clearly that the federal government pays for a substantial share of all health care in this country.

Three major themes have dominated the health policy agenda during recent years: access to health care, cost containment, and quality of care. The fates of these issues have waxed and waned over the years as changes in health care delivery, federal budgetary politics, and shifting public opinion have altered the environment over time. In the 1960s, access was the key issue, as Democratic administrations used government programs to make health care more readily available to all Americans. As inflation levels soared in the 1970s, cost containment was forced onto the agenda, resulting in a series of attempts to reduce federal expenditures on hospital care. Finally, by the mid-1980s, cost containment pressures were modifying slightly; we have recently witnessed a return to access issues and the emergence of quality as a new political issue.
What Do They Know and When Do They Know It? Health Staff on the Hill
Authors: Whiteman David
Published: April 2006

“You could tell by their blank faces that most of them had no idea what the provisions really meant.” Using almost these identical words, two different congressional staff members described two separate groups: (a) the members of a congressional committee considering a Medicare reform provision at a committee mark-up and (b) the personal staff of these same members at a briefing on the provision prior to the mark-up. So what can we conclude about the level of information in Congress? Has the massive expansion of congressional information resources over the past two decades—including vast increases in the number of personal and committee staff and support agency personnel—been for naught?

During the past three years, I have been conducting a study of the approach taken by members and staff of Congress in learning about policy issues and the implications of that approach for congressional decisionmaking. In the fall of 1984, I selected several discrete health and transportation issues which seemed likely to receive significant attention over the entire two years of the 99th Congress. My strategy was to study, for each issue, a sample of congressional “enterprises”—each made up of a member of Congress and his or her staff—as they followed and became involved in the development of the issue. My interest was in communication about these issues both within each enterprise and among all the various enterprises. At this point, nearing the conclusion of the fieldwork, I have conducted over 300 interviews, including meeting with certain key staff members as often as six times in order to monitor their evolving understanding of the issues.