bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Laser-induced fluorescence measurements of buoyancy driven mixing in tilted tubes
Authors: Séon T. , Hulin J.-P. , Salin D. , Perrin B. , Hinch E. J.
Published: May 2006

The front of a light fluid rising into a miscible heavier fluid inside a long tilted tube has been analyzed by laser-induced fluorescence. Both the local concentration field and the front velocity Vf have been studied in the inertial flow regime as a function of the tilt angle θ for a constant density contrast (At=4×10−3). We demonstrate experimentally that the velocity Vf is directly related to the local density contrast Cf by the relation Vf∝(Cf)0.5. This relation reflects a local instantaneous equilibrium between inertia and buoyancy; it is valid in the transient relaxation phase as well as in the quasistationary regime reached thereafter.
Efficient Broadcasting in Self-Organizing Sensor Networks
Authors: Mitton Nathalie , Busson Anthony , Fleury Eric
Published: May 2006

Multi-hop wireless networks (such as ad-hoc or sensor networks) consist of sets of mobile nodes without the support of a pre-existing fixed infrastructure. For scalability purpose, ad-hoc and sensor networks may both need to be organized into clusters and require efficient protocols to perform common global communication patterns like the broadcasting operation. During a broadcasting task, a source node needs to send the same message to all other nodes in the network. Some desired properties of a scalable broadcasting are energy and bandwidth efficiency, i.e., message retransmissions should be minimized. In this article, we present scalable broadcasting schemes that take advantage of the clustering structure. In this way, we only build one structure to perform both self-organization and broadcasting in clusters and in the entire network. It appears that our broadcasting scheme presents the best trade-off between the number of retransmissions and transmitters (for energy saving) and reliability, when compared to existing solutions.
DAWDLE, a Forkhead-Associated Domain Gene, Regulates Multiple Aspects of Plant Development
Authors: Morris Erin R. , Chevalier David , Walker John C.
Published: May 2006

Phosphoprotein-binding domains are found in many different proteins and specify protein-protein interactions critical for signal transduction pathways. Forkhead-associated (FHA) domains bind phosphothreonine and control many aspects of cell proliferation in yeast (Saccharomyces cerevisiae) and animal cells. The Arabidopsis (Arabidopsis thaliana) protein kinase-associated protein phosphatase includes a FHA domain that mediates interactions with receptor-like kinases, which in turn regulate a variety of signaling pathways involved in plant growth and pathogen responses. Screens for insertional mutations in other Arabidopsis FHA domain-containing genes identified a mutant with pleiotropic defects. dawdle (ddl) plants are developmentally delayed, produce defective roots, shoots, and flowers, and have reduced seed set. DDL is expressed in the root and shoot meristems and the reduced size of the root apical meristem in ddl plants suggests a role early in organ development.
Influence of La2O3, SrO, and ZnO Addition on PZT
Authors: Banerjee Ashis , Bandyopadhyay Amit , Bose Susmita
Published: May 2006

Effect of ZnO, SrO, and La2O3 additions on properties of lead zirconate titanate (PZT) nanopowder were investigated. Our objective was to densify PZT near 900°C to reduce lead loss and increase processing compatibility of these materials with IC fabrication technique for micro‐electro‐mechanical systems (MEMS). PZT nanopowders were synthesized using citrate nitrate autocombustion method. ZnO was used as sintering aid, which promoted liquid phase sintering. With only 2 wt% ZnO addition, 93% theoretical density was achieved after sintering at 900°C for 1 h. SrO and La2O3 were used as A‐site dopants in PZT to improve dielectric properties. Different amounts of SrO, La2O3, and a combination of both were added in 2 wt% ZnO‐doped PZT. Between 93% and 95% of theoretical densities were obtained in all cases after sintering at 900°C for 1 h. X‐ray diffraction analysis revealed that increase in SrO content increased tetragonal phase formation. However, addition of La2O3 stabilized both tetragonal and rhombohedral phases. Increase in SrO content increased the dielectric constant of PZT with a maximum dielectric constant of 1800 for 1 wt% SrO and 2 wt% ZnO sample. It was observed that an increase in La2O3 up to 2 wt% increased dielectric constant, and the highest dielectric constant obtained was 1500. Combination of both SrO and La2O3 addition showed even higher dielectric constant than their individual contribution. Highest dielectric constant of 2100 was measured for 2 wt% La2O3, 1 wt% SrO and 2 wt% ZnO‐doped PZT which was sintered at 900°C for 1 h. This is one of the highest dielectric constant reported for PZT ceramics that was sintered below 1000°C.
Compositional Dependence of Piezoelectric Properties in NaxK1−xNbO3 Lead‐Free Ceramics Prepared by Spark Plasma Sintering
Authors: Zhang Bo‐Ping , Li Jing‐Feng , Wang Ke , Zhang Hailong
Published: May 2006

Lead‐free piezoelectric NaxK1−xNbO3 (x=20–80 mol%) ceramics were fabricated using spark plasma sintering at a low temperature (920°C). All the NaxK1−xNbO3 ceramics showed a similar orthorhombic phase structure, while the corresponding lattice parameters decreased from the KNbO3 side to the NaNbO3 side with increasing Na content. A discontinuous change in lattice parameter close to composition of 60 mol% Na indicated the presence of a transitional area that is similar to the morphotropic phase boundary (MPB) in NaxK1−xNbO3 ceramics. The sintered density of the NaxK1−xNbO3 ceramics decreased with increasing Na content, from a relative density of 99% for the K‐rich side to 92% for the Na‐rich side. The piezoelectric constant d33 and planar mode electromechanical coupling coefficient kp showed a maximum value of 148 pC/N and 38.9%, respectively, due to the similar MPB effects in the PZT system.
VEGF-induced relaxation of pulmonary arteries is mediated by endothelial cytochrome P-450 hydroxylase
Authors: Jacobs Elizabeth R. , Zhu Daling , Gruenloh Stephanie , Lopez Bernardo , Medhora Meetha
Published: May 2006

The cytochrome P-450 metabolite 20-HETE induces calcium-, endothelial-, and nitric oxide (NO)-dependent relaxation of bovine pulmonary arteries (PA). VEGF is an NO-dependent dilator of systemic arteries and plays a key role in maintaining the integrity of the pulmonary vasculature. We tested the effect of VEGF on PA diameter and tone and the contribution of cytochrome P-450 family 4 (CYP4) to vasoactive effects of VEGF. Bovine PA rings (1 mm in diameter) relaxed with VEGF (0.1–10 nM) in an endothelial- and eNOS-dependent manner. This response was blunted by pretreatment with the CYP4 inhibitor dibromododecynyl methyl sulfonamide (DDMS) as well as a mechanistically different CYP4 inhibitor N-hydroxy- N′-(4-butyl-2-methylphenyl)formamidine. PAs also increased in diameter by 6–12% in the presence of VEGF (10 nM), and this increase was attenuated by DDMS. In contrast to that shown in PAs, 20-HETE constricted bovine renal arteries and did not increase intracellular Ca2+ in renal artery endothelial cells as observed in bovine pulmonary artery endothelial cells (BPAECs). VEGF-evoked increases in intracellular Ca2+ concentration ([Ca2+]i) in BPAECs were blunted by treatment with DDMS. Both VEGF (10 nM) and 20-HETE (1–5 μM) stimulated NO release from cultured BPAECs, and once again VEGF-induced increases were attenuated by pretreating the cells with DDMS. We conclude that CYP4/20-HETE contributes to VEGF-stimulated NO release and vasodilation in bovine PAs. Given the unique expression of 20-HETE-forming CYP4 in BPAECs vs. systemic arterial endothelial cells, CYP4 may be an important mediator of endothelial-dependent vasoreactivity in PAs.
Revolutionary Russia
Authors: Litman Simon
Published: May 2006

From tyrannical autocracy to a most radically socialistic régime, from an empire oppressing subjugated peoples to a country proclaiming the principle of “self-determination of nationalities”—such has been the remarkable record of Russia during the past year. These changes, which have come to many as a surprise, were to those acquainted with the ferment permeating Russian life but the logical outcome of Russia's historic development.

In order to be able to interpret the trend of recent events there, events which since the overthrow of Tsarism have been moving with such bewildering rapidity, it is necessary to know what have been the forces that have shaped the life of the country. Russian evolution has come through periods of subjugation, through century long struggles for self-assertion against invaders, through many internal uprisings and through successful wars of expansion. Beginning as a small principality in the interior of a plain, Russia spread to the north and to the south, to the west and to the east until she became a world empire, in area the greatest compact country on the face of the earth, occupying 8,505,000 square miles, or larger in size than all of North America, and having a population of over 175,000,000 people.
The Second Session of the 66th Congress
Authors: Rogers Lindsay
Published: May 2006

The session of Congress which began on December 1, 1919, adjourned on June 5, 1920, to permit the members to attend the presidential nominating conventions and to participate in the campaign. It came to an end with a remarkable interchange of telegrams between President Wilson and the heads of seventeen railroad workers' unions. The chief executive expressed himself in no uncertain terms. During the nine months that the Sixty-sixth Congress had been in session, he said, no attempt had been made to deal with the cost of living, or to revise the tax laws. The railroad legislation was "so unsatisfactory that I could accept it, if at all, only because I despaired of anything better.”
Military Power and Constitutional Development in China
Authors: Vinacké Harold M.
Published: May 2006

It is now nine years since the outbreak of the Chinese revolution. It is fifteen years since the Manchus attempted to maintain their control by introducing representative institutions into China. The development toward constitutional and representative government under the Manchus was checked in 1911 by the revolutionary movement. When the Chinese Republic was established as the successor to the alien Manchu Empire it was felt that the problem of modernizing China bade fair to be solved, and that in an orderly way her political institutions would be brought into harmony with western standards. Unfortunately that orderly progress has not come. Parliamentary government under the Nanking (provisional) Constitution was replaced by the dictatorship of Yuan Shih-kai under the arrangements of the so-called constitutional compact, which in turn was followed by the attempt to reëstablish the monarchy. The failure of the monarchy movement brought back parliamentary government, but before a permanent constitution could be adopted Parliament was again dissolved, and a government controlled by a military clique set up in its place. Since this military government was unacceptable to the southern provinces, the country became divided. So far it has not been possible for the country to reconcile its differences. Instead of an ordered constitutional progress, has come apparent failure in the effort to establish representative government. The name of a republic has been maintained, it is true, and the forms of constitutional government have been retained, but a permanent national government has not been set up, nor has popular government replaced the paternal despotism of the past.
Organization of Public Employees
Authors: White L. D.
Published: May 2006

Bills defining the relation of public officials and employees to the state have recently been presented to the legislatures of Great Britain, France, and the United States. Great Britain has already enacted an important statute regulating the status of the police forces of England, Wales, and Scotland. The general intent of the law is to establish an official police organization, known as the Police Federation; to forbid its alliance with any trade union or other body outside the police service; and to furnish opportunity to make its influence felt in matters relating to the government and conditions of service of the police force.
Opposition to Home Rule
Authors: Turner Edward Raymond
Published: May 2006

Local self-government has so long prevailed in English constitutional practice, and in recent times has been so generously extended to colonies and dominions, that it might seem an anomaly for Home Rule to be ardently desired in Ireland, yet bitterly contested and thus far withheld. Many favorable generally to the idea of autonomy without special reference to the condition of Ireland have believed this to result from a stubborn obstinacy and blind perverseness, perpetuating in tragic fashion a tragedy of olden times. But it might be suspected that such reluctance arose in part from circumstances of a great while ago, which continue or have bequeathed consequences not to be neglected; and an examination of the controversial literature which appeared just before the war reveals many objections which, in so far as they were actual and honestly held, were undoubtedly valid and potent. Certainly a great many people believed that Home Rule was not only unnecessary for the interests of Ireland, and really to the detriment of the Irish people, but that whatever might be the results with respect to that country, without doubt self-government, so far as it tended to separation and the erecting of an independent or hostile government, would be fatal to some of the largest interests of England and the British Empire.
The Southern Slav Question
Authors: Harris Norman Dwight
Published: May 2006

“For my part,” exclaimed Mr. Asquith at the great Guildhall meeting in September, 1914, “I say that sooner than be a silent witness, which means in effect a willing accomplice of this tragic triumph of force over law and of brutality over freedom, I would see this country of ours blotted out of the page of history.” In giving utterance to these remarkable words, the British Premier was thinking not only of the tragic fate of valiant little Belgium, but also of the life and death struggle for liberty and independence of another small state whose history and position are much less understood by Europe, or by the world in general—Servia. “Give a dog a bad name and hang him,” runs the old adage, which applies with peculiar force to the attitude of public opinion in this instance toward the Servian kingdom. For years the press of Austria-Hungary, copied unthinkingly by that of Germany and other European countries, has been at work deliberately giving Servia a “bad name.” Unfortunately there have been too many dark pages in Servian history—pages stained by violence, intrigue and crime—especially in political circles, not to give just cause for grave criticism. Yet it is manifestly unfair to pass a final judgment upon an intelligent and courageous people by looking only at one side of the shield.
The Executive Council, with Special Reference to Massachusetts
Authors: Holcombe A. N.
Published: May 2006

The Massachusetts constitution of 1780 provided that there should be a council “for advising the governor in the executive part of the government.” The governor was authorized to convene the council at any time at his discretion “for the ordering and directing the affairs of the commonwealth.” Without the advice and consent of the council, the governor was declared to be incapable of exercising any of his powers of convoking, adjourning, or proroguing the legislature, of making appointments to office, of pardoning criminals, or of authorizing by warrant the expenditure of public moneys. The governor was not made dependent upon the advice and consent of his council in exercise of his legislative powers. He might at discretion recommend measures to the legislature and veto legislative enactments, but no executive authority whatsoever was entrusted to him alone, to be exercised without his council's advice and consent, except the command of the armed forces of the commonwealth. In short, the governor, though declared to be the supreme executive magistrate of the commonwealth, without the consent of his council was impotent in the conduct of state administration.

In the beginning the Massachusetts council was chosen by the legislature, and constituted one of the chief agencies relied upon by the revolutionary “fathers” to protect the people against the menace of executive usurpation and tyranny. Similar bulwarks of liberty were established in most of the other states.
The “Dictatorship” in Yugoslavia
Authors: Graham Malbone W.
Published: May 2006

The coup d'état, so-called, which, on January 6, 1929, brought into being a new form of government and established a new type of constitutional régime in the kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, marked the end of exactly a decade of experimentation with the traditional principles of parliamentary government. That this “critical period” had not been an unqualified success is admitted by statesmen, diplomats, and politicians alike; that it was abruptly ended by the personal intervention of King Alexander and the supercession of the Vidov-dan constitution is equally a matter of fact. From Zagreb to Belgrade the passing of the political order which had obtained in the triune kingdom since 1918 has brought general rejoicing; outside the country, however, the queries have been raised: Is the change indicative of the future fate of all democracies, and have not the doctrines of fascism, of military dictatorship, of camarilla government, simply been transplanted to the Yugoslav capital from Rome and Madrid respectively?

The situation is not to be understood merely by drawing hasty conclusions as to the prospective demise of democratic or parliamentary government everywhere, nor is it possible to speak, with any scientific accuracy, of the new régime in the Serb-Croat-Slovene state as a Balkan adaptation of the Italian and Iberian dictatorships. The occurrence of this constitutional change in the life of the Yugoslav people has its own distinctive raison d'être and does not flow from mere facile imitation of dictatorial practices in other countries.
The Juristic Theories of Krabbe
Authors: Willoughby W. W.
Published: May 2006

The doctrines of H. Krabbe, professor of public law in the University of Leyden, are to be found in his Die Lehre der Rechtessouveränität, published in 1906, and his Die moderne Staatsidee, the second edition of which appeared in 1919.

The political theory of Krabbe resembles that of Duguit in that it denies law-making power to the state, and recognizes law (as defined by himself) as the ruling power in human society, as sovereign, and, therefore, as above the state. However, as will presently be seen, Krabbe places the state upon a much higher plane than does Duguit. To Duguit, political rulership is nothing more than the bald fact that, in a given community certain persons, for some reason or other, possess and exercise, actual power of control over the actions of the other persons of a group. It is, as it were, an objective fact which cannot, and need not be, ethically justified. To Krabbe, upon the other hand, the state is, in essence, a community of persons unified by the general agreement of its members as to the valuation of public and private interests, and possessing organized instrumentalities for clarifying and formulating these common convictions, and, when necessary, enforcing them. To Krabbe, the state thus plays a necessary part in the declaration and enforcement of law, if not in investing it with essential validity as such.

We find, however, in Krabbe, and also in his translators, as will be later pointed out, that same mistaken idea which is to be discovered in Duguit, that an inquiry into the idealistic or utilitarian validity of law, as determined by its substantive provisions and the purposes sought to be achieved by its enforcement, has a relevancy to, and that its conclusions can affect, the validity and usefulness of the purely formalistic concepts which the positive or analytical jurist employs.
Minority Governments in Sweden
Authors: Janson Florence E.
Published: May 2006

The outstanding aspect of the Swedish parliamentary system in recent years has been a series of minority governments. Six ministries since 1920 have been able to muster only a minority support in the Riksdag. This inability of any party to obtain a majority may be attributed in part to the fact that six parties, four major and two minor, are represented. A brief review of party history may assist in understanding the present situation.

The parliamentary reform of 1866 which abolished the four estates of the old Riksdag and established a two-chamber parliament substituted parties for classes. The organization of the two houses resulted in Conservative control of the first chamber and Agrarian (Lantmannapartiets) domination of the second. The practice of voting jointly on bills rejected by one house saved the situation from becoming a deadlock. In 1888 the issue of protection temporarily split the Agrarian party, but it reunited in 1895 on a moderate protectionist platform. This party represented the rural communities of the kingdom and was by nature conservative. As the cities grew in population, a party more representative of the middle class in the urban communities, the Liberals, gained strength. In 1903 the Liberals captured 102 seats in the second chamber; and, in opposition to the Conservatives, they organized their first ministry under Staaff in 1905. The increasing industrialization of Sweden resulted in the emergence of a fourth party, the Social Democrats, composed largely of the laboring classes. Hjalmar Branting, editor of the party's official organ, Socialdemokraten, was elected to the Riksdag in 1896; but for a number of years the Social Democrats controlled only a few seats. The franchise reforms of 1911 and 1921 resulted in great accessions of strength, and since 1919 this party has been the strongest single group in both houses. It now lacks only twelve of having a majority in the lower house, thirty-five of having a majority in both houses. Its adherents hope to close this gap at the elections of next autumn.
Public Law in the State Courts in 1927–1928
Authors: Cushman Robert E.
Published: May 2006

Special Session—Power to Propose Constitutional Amendments Not Included in Governor's Call. In 1926 a special session of the Pennsylvania legislature proposed an amendment to the state constitution in the form of a new section, although the subject-matter of this amendment was not referred to in the governor's proclamation calling the session. In a taxpayer's action to prevent the submission to the people of this proposal it was alleged that the proceeding was in violation of Art. 3, Sec. 25, of the constitution of Pennsylvania, which provides: “When the General Assembly shall be convened in special session, there shall be no legislation upon subjects other than those designated in the proclamation of the governor calling such session.” In Sweeney v. King the state supreme court held that a resolution proposing a constitutional amendment is not “legislation” within the meaning of this clause. In reaching this conclusion it relied heavily upon its earlier decision in Commonwealth v. Griest in which it had held that a constitutional amendment is not “legislation” which must be submitted to the chief executive for his approval, a doctrine well established both in state and federal courts. An opposite result on the principal question was reached by the supreme court of California in People v. Curry. Here the restriction upon a called session of the legislature was held to preclude the proposal of a constitutional amendment. The purpose of the restriction was declared to be to regulate the duration of the session and keep down expenses, and this purpose, it was held, ought not to be defeated by a strained or highly technical interpretation.
Safeguarding the Petition in the Initiative and the Referendum
Authors: Coker F. W.
Published: May 2006

As Ohio's first experience with the statewide initiative and referendum drew attention of students of direct legislation from all parts of the country and led to carefully worked out legislation for safeguarding petitions, I shall confine my attention in this discussion to the operation of safeguards in that State. The initiative and referendum were established by constitutional amendment in 1912. The amendment provides that only electors of the State are entitled to sign petitions, that each person must sign for himself, and that each part petition must contain an affidavit of the canvasser, stating that each of the signatures on such part was made in the presence of the affiant, that to the best of his knowledge and belief each signature is a genuine signature of the person whose name it purports to be, that he believes the persons who have signed it to be electors, and that they signed the petition with knowledge of its contents. The legislature in its first session following the adoption of the amendment passed a law prohibiting the giving or receiving of money for signing petitions, and requiring the circulators of petitions to file with the secretary of state, after election, a detailed statement of receipts and expenditures, with names and addresses of contributors and of persons receiving pay for circulating petitions, with amounts contributed or received by each. Neither the constitution nor the statute established further practical means to facilitate the prevention or detection of fraudulent practices in making or soliciting signatures.
Reconstruction Agencies
Authors: Newell F. H.
Published: May 2006

Reconstruction of things, of men, and especially of ideals was demanded as soon as the world awoke to the magnitude of the destruction being wrought by the great war. As time went on and more and more peoples were drawn in, with ever widening ruin to property and institutions, the need for devising far-reaching plans for rebuilding became more pressing. While every possible effort was being made to win the war quickly, yet at the same time certain far seeing men recognized that if peace came without having adequate plans for reconstruction much of the fruit of victory might be lost. Thus it was that many of the nations, even during the height of the war, created organizations whose duty it was to prepare plans and especially to conduct researches into those matters which, with the reëstablishment of peace, would have prime importance.

Many a statesman of Europe and each propagandist the world over has seen the opportunity. He has had his vision of what may be accomplished at the golden moment in the world's history when so much that is old and bad has been weakened and so much that is idealistic may become real if only this opportunity is grasped.
Governmental Regulation of Insurance in Canada
Authors: Bishop Avard Longley
Published: May 2006

On the first of January, 1910, the total amount of life insurance in force in Canada, exculsive of that on the assessment plan, amounted to over 780 millions of dollars. Of this, all, excepting a little less than 68 millions of industrial insurance, represented what we may properly style as ordinary or old line business. The policies to the number of upwards of a million were distributed between 53 different companies of which 23 were Canadian, 16 American, and 14 British. The British companies carried risks amounting in the aggregate to less than 47 millions and they seemed to be, on the whole, inactive in the matter of securing new business. In 1909, 8 of the 14 British companies carrying risks in Canada wrote no new Canadian business at all. On the other hand, the American companies make a much better showing; the sum total of their policies was nearly 218 millions of dollars, of which approximately one-fifth represented industrial insurance. The rest of the business, amounting to over 515 millions, was carried by the Canadian companies themselves. From these figures, it is evident that the home companies are now strongly entrenched within their own field. A comparison of the present situation with that of thirty years ago would show that the risks of the Canadian companies have increased much more rapidly than have those of their American rivals. In 1879, the amount of the policies of each in force in Canada was less than thirty-four millions. In the noteworthy expansion of life insurance which has since taken place, a number of causes have combined to swell the aggregate business of the Canadian companies. Not the least important factor here to be considered is that of sentiment—a desire to develop Canada for the Canadians and to promote and foster home enterprises. Moreover, on the more popular forms of policies, the premium rates offered by the home companies have been, as a rule, lower than those of their neighbors across the border.
The Parliament Act of 1911
Authors: Dennis Alfred L. P.
Published: May 2006

The Parliament Act of 1911 received the royal assent on August 18. By the terms of its important preamble further legislation is promised, which will define both the composition and powers of a new second chamber “constituted on a popular instead of hereditary basis;” although “such substitution cannot be immediately brought into operation,” the positive provisions of the measure restrict the “existing powers of the House of Lords.” This law, therefore, is intentionally temporary, the first probably of several enactments embodying further constitutional changes.

In the mean time and briefly what does this law now provide? (1) A public bill passed by the House of Commons and certified by the Speaker of the House of Commons to be a “money bill” within the terms of the act shall, “unless the Commons direct to the contrary,” “become an Act of Parliament on the Royal assent being signified, notwithstanding that the House of Lords have not consented to the Bill,” within one month after it has been “sent up to that House.”
The Conflict Over Coördination
Authors: Leake James Miller
Published: May 2006

Any attempt impartially to analyze the issues involved in the controversy between President Wilson and Senator Chamberlain, which culminated in a victory for the former in the passage of the Overman bill, will meet with serious difficulties. An error, too common to much current journalism, and not entirely absent from the more technical and highly specialized articles when they deal with political subjects, is that of attributing a certain result to one factor when it is brought about by a plexus of causes. Most important political controversies, especially those of national import, involve numerous currents of cause and effect, which, to be understood clearly and appraised impartially, demand of the conscientious publicist careful consideration in their true relationship. Because the fight over coördination involved many prominent men, much diversity of opinion, issues both national and international, and—though indirectly—the question of universal military service, its treatment in an adequate manner is by no means easy.

What is meant by coördination? The noun is defined in the Century dictionary as “the act of arranging in due order or proper relation, or in a system; the state of being so ordered.” The verb “to coördinate” is defined: “to place, arrange, or set in due order or proper relative position; bring into harmony or proper connection and arrangement.”
“Government Contests” Before the Administrative Tribunals of the Land Department
Authors: Wells Philip P.
Published: May 2006

By administrative adjudication is usually meant the exercise of quasi-judicial functions upon and in the control of vested property rights, or personal rights secured by constitutional guaranties. It often accompanies and effectuates regulative power of a quasi-legislative nature. A large measure of this quasi-legislative power has been given to the departments and bureaus dealing with the lands of the United States, but the enforcement of such regulations, insofar as they affect rights of person or vested rights of property, is chiefly by process of the regular courts. Thus the regulation of the occupancy and use of lands reserved for national forests is entrusted to the secretary of agriculture. His regulations usually prohibit acts that were theretofore innocent and customary though not vested rights. Sometimes they restrict the use of land in which there exists a vested private right of use for a particular purpose only, but the restriction does not affect the right itself.
Swiss Referendum on the League of Nations
Authors: Brooks Robert C.
Published: May 2006

The Swiss referendum of May 16 on the League of Nations was the most important vote of its kind in the history of the republic. All other countries entering the league thus far have done so by parliamentary and executive action, that is, through purely representative means. Switzerland alone referred the question to the direct decision of her electorate. To Americans her action is of interest, not only beoause of its thoroughly democratic character, but also because we are confronting the same question as the paramount issue of our domestic and foreign politics at the present time.
What Constitutes Readiness for Independence?
Authors: Ritsher Walter H.
Published: May 2006

In the past, the principal criterion of a capacity for independence seems to have been the ability to foment such forces of violence and potential insurrection as to make the cost of maintaining external political control greater than the controlling power could bear. The real question has been, not whether the subject people were able to stand alone, but whether the efforts necessary for keeping them in subjection conformed to national policy. While the maintenance of such control has invariably been justified by reference to “the white man's burden” and a “sacred trust of civilization,” the nature of this rationalization is sharply challenged by an examination of the actual instances when the time has been found ripe for a shifting of the “burden” to more willing shoulders. It has almost invariably followed upon outbreaks of such violent disorder, if not actual insurrection, as to make it inexpedient for the controlling power to attempt to maintain the status quo. If complete independence is not granted, some concessions of local autonomy and administrative reorganization placate the disaffected elements and postpone the evil day of final settlement.
The Federal Judicial Conference
Authors: Padelford Norman J.
Published: May 2006

The Conference held its ninth annual meeting in Washington on October 1-3, 1931. Authorized by the Judiciary Act of September 14, 1922, the conference of the senior circuit judges with the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court and the Attorney-General has become an established part of the judicial system of the United States. The reports of these conferences are to be found in the annual reports of the Attorney-General, beginning in 1924. The 1922 and 1923 reports may best be found in the Texas Law Review, Vol. II, pages 445 and 448, and in the Journal of the American Judicature Society, Vol. VIII, pages 85 and 92. In view of the general inaccessibility of the reports of the Attorney-General to the legal profession, it has been suggested that they be published in the Supreme Court Reports. The suggestion has not as yet, however, been adopted.
The British Political Scene Since the General Election
Authors: Soltau Roger H.
Published: May 2006

A general election has been aptly compared to an instantaneous photograph of a galloping horse. It is a static representation of a public opinion that is by its very essence perpetually changing, and a newly elected House of Commons has not yet met before it is in a sense out of date and no longer fully representative. Even if a general election photograph had permanent significance, it would be open to the criticism of inaccuracy at the time of taking. Readers of this Review are aware of the misleading character of the British electoral machine—of the fact that whenever more than two candidates contest a constituency, the one elected may very well represent but a fraction over a third of the electorate; so that election statistics show a serious discrepancy between the distribution of votes and the allocation of seats.

On the eve of dissolution, the House of Commons comprised 400 Conservative, 162 Socialist, and 46 Liberal members, with seven Independents. The new House comprises 289 Socialists, 260 Conservatives, 59 Liberals, and seven Independents. This distribution of seats, we have said, does not accurately correspond to that of votes cast, since the Socialists polled 8,370,005 votes, the Conservatives 8,641,170, and the Liberals 5,295,308. The usual explanation of the discrepancy is that the Labor party had all the luck of the three-cornered contests in which a minority candidate was returned. This, however, happens to be false; that luck went to the Conservatives: of 313 successful “minority” candidates, 153 are Conservatives, 122 Socialists, and 38 Liberals; while of 291 seats held by a clear majority, Socialists have 166, Conservatives 105, and Liberals 20.
The Communist Party of the Soviet Union
Authors: Harper Samuel N.
Published: May 2006

A salient feature of the Soviet order set up in Russia by the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 is the provision for a single, mobilized political center, striving to organize all social processes to conform with its particular ideology and program. The Communist party is this political center of the Soviet Union, enjoying a monopoly of legality in respect of organization. Only an outline of the methods by which this political machine exercises its leadership is possible within the limits of the present note. The emphasis will be on the structure which the Communists have given to their party, in order more effectively to carry the responsibility of leadership assumed by them. The word “party” is used, but one has here an organization which differs sharply from political parties of parliamentary systems. Also in its relations to the formal governmental bodies the Communist party presents several features which differentiate it from the party systems of other countries.

The special methods of organization adopted and the peculiar position enjoyed by the Communist party in the Soviet Union permit of several theoretical interpretations. One of these is that the Revolution contemplated by the Communists has three distinct stages, of which only the second has as yet been reached. There was the successful seizure of power, finally consolidated after some three years of civil war. Then came the present period of transition, the length of which will depend upon the success of the party in the exercise of its leadership. Only the successful achievement of the present party leadership will bring the final triumph of the Revolution as the third and last period.
Methods of Apportionment in Congress
Authors: Huntington Edward V.
Published: May 2006

Introduction. The apportionment for this decade has now been made by Congress, and a bill has been passed which will automatically provide for reapportionment in all subsequent decades. Under this law, the size of the House will remain 435, and the method of computation will remain the method of major fractions as used in 1911 unless Congress takes the initiative in making a change. It may, however, be a matter of interest to put on record a brief description of the principal “methods” which were under discussion in the recent congressional debates. No knowledge of mathematics is required in order to understand the purpose and result of each of these methods.

The constitutional requirement. The constitutional requirement reads as follows: “Representatives shall be apportioned among the several states according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each state, excluding Indians not taxed; …. but each state shall have at least one representative.” Hence, in a theoretically perfect apportionment, the ratio of representation in any state would be exactly equal to the ratio of representation in every other state. In practice, however, perfect equality cannot be secured, on account of fractions. Hence, in the practical problem of apportioning any given number of representatives among the several states, the only way in which the constitutional requirement can be met is by making the unavoidable inequalities between the states as small as possible.
The Executive Budget Decision, in New York
Authors: Crawford Finla G.
Published: May 2006

Twenty years of discussion of budget procedure came to a conclusion with the decision of the Court of Appeals on November 19, 1929, in People of the State of New York v. Tremaine. This decision upheld the contention of Governor Franklin D. Roosevelt as to the powers of the executive in budget procedure, as provided for by Article 3a of the state constitution.

The first chapter in the movement to improve financial procedure in the state was the passage in 1910 of a law which initiated a system requiring all requests for appropriations to be filed and tabulated for the use of the legislature and the governor in advance of the legislative session. Prior to this time, no attempt had been made to collect or compile the requests before the opening of the legislative session. This law of 1910 provided that on or before November 15 of each year each spending agency should file with the comptroller a detailed statement of all requests for appropriations to be made at the next session of the legislature. The requests were to be tabulated by the comptroller and then transmitted to the governor by December 15, and to the legislature on the opening day of the session.

The next change in budget procedure occurred in 1913, when Governor Sulzer appointed a committee of inquiry to investigate the management of state departments and institutions with a view to securing greater economy and efficiency in public service.
The Prussian Theory of Monarchy
Authors: Willoughby W. W.
Published: May 2006

During the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, when absolute monarchy was the prevailing governmental type in Europe, the principle was very generally held by the rulers, and not infrequently acted upon, that the people of a state, together with their lands and other goods and chattels, were, in a very real sense, the property of their king and constituted his patrimonium. That this view should have prevailed, is historically explainable. The entire feudal system, out of which the modern monarchy had evolved, was founded upon the idea that the ownership of land carried with it, as one of its incidents, the right of political rulership. When, then, by a process of development, the king had obtained a supremacy over his feudal lords, when his “peace” had become higher than theirs, and had extended over the whole country, and when these lords and those who in turn held of them were forced to concede that they held their lands by a conditional grant from the king, their liege lord, the idea that the monarch was the owner of the entire realm was complete. In him lay the final legal title to all land. All other persons had “tenures” rather than rights of ownership. And, as for the people themselves, the idea that one person might be another person's “man” or “woman” was universal. The influence of these ideas on recent political conceptions may be indicated by recalling that serfdom did not disappear from Germany until well into the nineteenth century.

This patrimonial conception of monarchy explains the accepted idea that the throne might be inherited, or willed away by testament, like a piece of property, and that it might be bought and sold, and acquired by marriage. It explains also the recognized right of the king to requisition, upon occasion, the goods of his subjects, and even to sell those subjects themselves to foreign powers, as, for example, was done when the Hessian soldiers were sold by their ruler to England for use against the Americans in the Revolutionary War.
State Constitutional Law in 1930–31
Authors: Field Oliver P.
Published: May 2006

The most significant case in the field of state constitutional law decided during the past year is that of State ex rel. Miller v. Hinkle, decided by the supreme court of Washington in 1930. This case held that an apportionment act is a “law,” and can be popularly initiated under the initiative and referendum provisions of the constitution of the state of Washington. The court granted a petition for a writ of mandamus to compel the secretary of state to accept a petition submitting to popular referendum a proposal to redistrict the state for purposes of representation in the legislature. The legislature had failed for many years to perform its constitutional duty to reapportion the state, and this case illustrates the most conclusive argument in favor of the use of the initiative and referendum for purposes of ordinary legislation, even though the only legislation to which it be applied be that of reapportionment. Many states are faced with a serious problem in connection with over-representation of rural districts in the legislature and under-representation of urban districts. The initiative and referendum seem to offer about the only way out of the difficulty if state legislatures refuse to correct the inequality. The only alternative is that we change our ideas as to the necessity of majority rule in the selection and composition of legislative bodies, a change which the rural districts appear already to have made.
National and International Control of Foreign Investments
Authors: Laves Walter H. C.
Published: May 2006

In the course of the last eight years, economists and political scientists in the United States have become increasingly aware of problems created by government influence on private foreign investments. For an understanding of these problems, they have turned to an analysis of the experiences of England, France, and Germany before the World War and of the United States since. But little attention has been given to the implications of control of foreign investments for international organization. It is the purpose of this paper (1) to summarize the nature of the control in each country; (2) to outline the theory underlying government control; (3) to point to the international effects of this control; and (4) to propose certain changes which are necessary to bring this aspect of state policy into line with recent developments of international organization.

In a sense, it is inaccurate to speak of government control in England, because the influence exerted by the government there was not in the nature of regulation. The relationship between government and bankers was one as different from legal control as is the theory of the common law from that of the civil law. That is to say, there was no statute on the basis of which the government influenced the outward flow of capital. Such relationship as there was, such similarity of policy as existed between finance and government, depended upon the existence of an accord which was the result of a common heritage and a common purpose.
The Wisconsin Executive Council
Authors: Gaus John M.
Published: May 2006

Chapter 33 of the Laws of 1931 of the state of Wisconsin authorized the establishment of an executive council. Chapter 361 authorized the council to appoint a committee on business economics with certain functions. These two measures (which now constitute Chapter 15 of the Wisconsin Statutes, Sections .001 to .005 inclusive) resulted from the recommendation made to the legislature by Governor Philip LaFollette in his first message, presented on January 15, 1931. The governor called attention to the need that popular representative government provide a responsible and efficient alternative to direct action in view of post-war developments throughout the world.