bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Federalism and the Shifting Nature of Fiscal Relations
Authors: Nathan Richard P.
Published: March 2007

General revenue sharing is the best example of shifting governmental relationships as a result of the "New Federalism" agenda advanced by former President Nixon. What is occurring, in essence, is a sorting out and re arranging of governmental functions. Using this framework, this article considers the rationale for general revenue sharing and other New Federalism programs, with the main emphasis on the decentralizing proposals of New Federalism. A concluding section considers the importance of govern mental structure to New Federalism. The emphasis has been on increasing the autonomy of local general purpose units of government and decreasing the federal government's role in administrative decisions. The Brookings' monitoring revenue sharing project will provide necessary insights into the distributional, fiscal and political impact of general revenue sharing.
The Developing World in the Fifth Kondratieff Upswing
Authors: Rostow W.W.
Published: March 2007

The current world economic situation seems to fit the cyclical 40- to 50-year commodities pricing pattern first identified by N. P. Kondratieff. If the pattern continues as it has for the past two centuries, the world, after the price surge of 1972-75 in foodstuffs, energy and raw materials, will experience a high and erratic protracted plateau for perhaps 20 years and then return to relatively low levels. How ever, we may be in the early stages of a major confronta tion between man and the physical limits of growth on this planet. Conventional Keynesian economics no longer suffice in this context. Research and development must be given highest priority, nationally and internationally, and new patterns of investment must be created. This will require international attitudes of solidarity and communal action policies to balance inequities in life quality for the benefit of both developed and developing nations. Cooperation in resource expansion and conservation, technological develop ment, food production, birth control and trade relationships, to name a few major areas, is essential. An international partnership is a minimum condition for the survival of modern industrial civilization.
Suburbia and the Metropolitan Turf
Authors: Lineberry Robert L.
Published: March 2007

As the nation suburbanizes, the definition of sub urbia becomes ever more confused. There is a useful distinc tion, however, between a cultural or life-style approach and a demographic-legal approach to suburbs and suburbia. From a political perspective, the most critical element of metropolitan conflict is its sociospatial character, and suburban politics epitomizes this tendency. There are useful parallels between metropolitan conflict and international relations, because both involve competition for dominance of space. In both, a com mon concern is that the rich grow richer at the expense of the poor; this article examines that process within the metropolis. The question of how to deal with this "immiseration" of the central cities is answered differently by metropolitan re formers and by public choice theorists.
A Theoretical Structure for the Study of Suburban Politics
Authors: Zikmund Joseph
Published: March 2007

Suburban politics, while being subjected to more and more empirical research, often is studied in a theoretical void. This article attempts to provide a general theoretical structure for the study of suburban politics which focuses on three inherent developmental factors: the developmental stage of the surrounding metropolitan area; the circumstances of origin of the suburb; and the developmental phase of the particular suburb. Also related are a number of descriptive factors pertaining to the character of the suburban community. These independent variables are used to predict three ele ments of suburban politics: political style, kinds of issues, and kinds of relations with neighboring communities.
Dilemmas of Suburbanization and Growth Controls
Authors: Hughes James W.
Published: March 2007

The decentralization of every facet of American life and the shifting age contours of its population structure have increased the pressures for residential diversity in subur bia. As a reaction to these geographic and demographic forces, new attitudes toward community growth are synthesizing in the form of "growth controls"—attempts by suburban communities to limit the numbers and types of residents allowed within their borders. These reactions run counter to the new responsibilities that have accompanied the benefits of suburbanization. While their justification is embedded in a matrix of environmental and "quality of life" arguments, the complex set of motivations includes a powerful socioeconomic dimension having clear implications for the metropolitan re gion as a whole. Moreover, the myth of suburbia—of isolated family-raising environments—is being increasingly chal lenged by the reality of its participation in an urbanizing re gion, and growth controls may be interpreted as an attempt to preserve the older ideals. The overall issues emerging are not going to fade away quietly, and since they involve so many diverse and competing interest groups, they will not be re solved easily.
Racial Segregation: The Persisting Dilemma
Authors: Taeuber Karl E.
Published: March 2007

Although moderate to high social and economic heterogeneity are typical of suburbs as well as central cities, the black population has become highly segregated residen tially. This segregation has little economic base, but is based primarily on racial discrimination. The military images used to describe black "invasion" of neighborhoods and white "flight" from central cities express racial conflict and distort our per ception of metropolitan trends. As a one-in-eight minority na tionally, blacks are not numerous enough to "take over" many central cities. The high concentration of blacks in a couple dozen cities ensures that blacks will remain a small minority in 200 other metropolitan areas. Demographic data since 1970 indicate a reversal of the centuries-long process of increasing metropolitan concentration and a sharp diminution in the flow of black migrants to large cities. To date, there is no evidence of sharp shifts in the residential isolation of blacks. Black suburbanization in some metropolitan areas has followed the central city pattern of segregation. The altered demographic circumstances of the 1970s and 1980s hold out prospects for change, but those prospects depend on the nation's efforts to reduce continuing discrimination in the sale and rental of housing.
Aging Suburbs and Black Homeownership
Authors: Sternlieb George , Lake Robert W.
Published: March 2007

The 30 years since rapid post-World War II suburban residential development began have seen an in creasing diversification in the characteristics of the suburbs. The principal dimensions of diversification include the age of housing, age of the population, and distance from the central city. Since suburbanization proceeded outward from the central city, the signs of this aging process are most pronounced in the inner suburbs, with densities and an aging population. As first-round suburbanites progress through the life cycle, their housing preferences can be expected to change, resulting in a large supply of older housing on the market. The primary source of demand for these units in the inner suburbs appears to be the upwardly mobile black middle class seeking to leave the central city. While black suburbanization is in creasing in some localities, however, black demand appears to be below the level expected based on income. In suburban home purchase, the availability of equity associated with previ ous homeownership may be a better index of buying power than current income. Historical limitations on black home ownership thus continue to limit black suburban home purchases. Public policy initiatives are needed to counteract these trends, facilitate middle class black migration, and contribute to the viability of the inner suburbs.
The Press and the Local Candidate
Authors: Rosenbloom David L.
Published: March 2007

The 1975 mayoral election in Boston was waged by—as well as through—the press. This article draws on this recent event to examine the role of the press in local politics. Two principal hypotheses are proposed. The press is a major political force that seeks to amass and use its own political power; and the press is an important but selective means of communication between candidates and their voters. The elements of these hypotheses combine to sug gest why the press so often opposes the development of strong and continuing political organizations. If they do not have their own organizations, candidates must either rely on the news organizations or buy their own time and space from the media.
The President and the Press: Struggle for Dominance
Authors: Reedy George E.
Published: March 2007

The relationship between the president of the United States and the American press is very much a function of his personal style. President Lyndon B. Johnson never understood the functioning of the press or its role. For him it was just a public relations outlet for whatever individual or group that was astute enough to manipulate the system. His penchant for trying to outwit the press or to "buy" it created problems for him and led to the credibility gap that dogged him to the end. Yet he was a consum mate politician who won his political victories despite his poor relations with the press.
Media Costs and Effects in Political Campaigns
Authors: Napolitan Joseph
Published: March 2007

The Federal Election Campaign Act of 1974, although modified by the Supreme Court, set the tone for campaign spending in the 1976 elections. The original limitations of the act caused candidates and their managers to design campaigns within the spending ceiling. Presidential campaigns receive the most attention from the press but actually are atypical. The best campaigns being conducted in the United States today are for senator and governor. Candidates in these contests do not receive the heavy concentration of publicity that presidential candidates get, and thus are much more dependent upon electronic media to get their message to the voters. Defining the candidate's message is one of the most difficult decisions in structur ing a campaign. Paid electronic advertising permits a candi date to communicate his message directly to the voter without filtering it through a news editor. Despite criticisms, the 30-second and 60-second television spots are the best means available to reach the voters. Television production costs vary little from state to state, but the cost of time varies considerably. Radio can have an important impact on the electorate, but frequently its importance in politics is underestimated.
Recent Theory on Mass Media Potential in Political Campaigns
Authors: Martin L. John
Published: March 2007

Scientific study, especially since the 1940s, has shown that the conventional wisdom regarding the power of the press requires qualification. For about 20 or 30 years before 1960, communication researchers studied the effects of the mass media in their laboratories, but they were disappointed by the contradictory findings and their inability to replicate them in natural, uncontrolled surroundings. A reversal of their model, so that it is not the communicator but the audience that decides on the messages that are re ceived, resulted in greater consistency in research findings. The new "uses and gratifications" or "information-seeking" theory requires that we distinguish between the informa tional and persuasive role of communication. The mass media are generally unsuccessful in persuading; however, they not only are eminently successful in informing, but on many topics and for most people they are also the sole source of information. This is the underlying principle of the agenda- setting model that is being used in much current research on the effects of mass communication. The mass media not only tell people what to think about, but they are a powerful determinant of the relative importance of the issues they choose to discuss. In this regard, newspapers appear to have an edge over television.
Political Structure of Rural America
Authors: Knoke David , Henry Constance
Published: March 2007

Historical rural American political behavior has revolved around the three themes of radicalism, conservatism, and apathy. Post-World War II research on urban-rural differ ences reveals little support either for contemporary rural radicalism or greater political apathy in rural areas. However, rural citizens, particularly farmers, exhibit more conservative political orientations than metropolitan populations. The reapportionment revolution of the 1960s, which proponents thought would reduce rural advantage in state and national government, has not noticeably altered social policy outputs of state legislatures or the Congress in a more liberal, urban- oriented direction. The Electoral College currently under- represents rural influence in electing the president, although various alternatives tend to discriminate in reverse. Future trends suggest a diminishing political difference between rural and urban populations. Exposure of rural residents to mass media and the interchange of populations between geographic areas imply a gradual homogenization of social, cultural, and political values which will ultimately render country and city indistinguishable in terms of political behavior. Other social dimensions play a more central role in political conflict than the rural-urban dimension. Leaving aside the possibility of an unforeseen crisis, rural interests are unlikely to capture national political attention.
The Quality of Life in Rural America
Authors: Dillman Don A. , Tremblay Kenneth R.
Published: March 2007

Attempts to measure quality of life (QOL) in rural America have gone through three stages, focusing first on economic well-being, later on a broad array of so-called ob jective indicators, and finally on subjective evaluations. All remain important to gaining a comprehensive understanding of the QOL in rural America. An analysis of objective con ditions points to several areas of deprivation among rural people, especially economic well-being and the receipt of institutional services, but suggests they are better off than urban Americans with respect to their material and social environment. Rural people's subjective assessments are strik ingly consistent with the objective conditions of their environ ment. However, they evaluate their overall QOL more positively than do urban Americans, possibly because they give greater weight to the relatively intangible aspects of their environment. A cautious look at the future suggests the current population turnaround and prospects of resource scarcity are critical factors likely to affect the QOL enjoyed by rural Americans.
Nuclear Proliferation and World Politics
Authors: Dunn Lewis A.
Published: March 2007

Varying technical deficiencies are likely to characterize the nuclear forces of many new proliferators. Regional interactions within a proliferated world probably would include increased nuclear arms racing, inadvertant or calculated nuclear-weapon use, and outside involvement in domestic nuclear coups d'état. In turn, the possible global repercussions of local proliferation are likely to include: a partial erosion of existing alliances, or, to the degree that present superpower ties remain unchanged, the risk of escalating conflict; growing nuclear "black and gray marketeering"; the spread of nuclear terrorism; a corrosion of political authority and legitimacy; and, ulti mately, even growing global anarchy. Whether or not this initial assessment proves accurate will depend upon the difficulties of designing and implementing a proliferation- management strategy. Such a strategy might attempt, on the one hand, to affect which proliferated world emerged and, on the other, to influence Nth countries' nuclear postures, contribute to regional stability, and circumscribe the global repercussions of local proliferation. The gap between the gravity of a proliferated world's varied threats and the probable effectiveness of politically acceptable policy responses supports the fear that the initial depiction may be more than a nightmare scenario.
Arms Control in a Nuclear Armed World?
Authors: Gray Colin
Published: March 2007

Beyond a continuing effort to inhibit further nuclear proliferation, the proper shape and direction of arms control policies for a nuclear-armed world are not at all apparent. Many of the more popular arms control ideas that are discussed in the hypothetical context of a nuclear-armed world do not fare well under close critical examination. Specifically, the arms control value of attempts by well- established nuclear-weapon states at nuclear deemphasis, of issuing broad nuclear guarantees of the security of non- nuclear states, and of proffering advanced conventional weaponry in lieu of nuclear weapons are not viable save under very restricted conditions. Probably the most challeng ing arms control question for a nuclear-armed world will pertain to the area of nuclear weapon safety. Technical assistance to new nuclear-weapon states could greatly reduce the risks of accident or the anxieties that must attend recognized first-strike vulnerabilities, but such assistance would also, unfortunately, remove an important argument discouraging proliferation and render a crude capability more ready—for a wide variety of possible policy ends. The arms control challenge in a nuclear-armed world will be a need to accommodate some nuclear use and a readiness to exploit the reactions to such use for the end of greater international stability.
The "Reform of the Enterprise" in France
Authors: Delamotte Yves
Published: March 2007

In France, the "reform of the enterprise," a more common term than "industrial democracy," became an acute question in 1974-1975 with encouragement from Presi dent Giscard d'Estaing. He appointed a commission chaired by Pierre Sudreau to investigate the matter and make appropriate recommendations. The commission's report was published early in 1975. This essay is divided into four sections. First, it provides a brief outline of the most relevant institutions in the labor field to set the frame work for examining the problem of the reform of the enterprise. The second section outlines germane develop ments prior to the appointment of the Sudreau Commission and notes that, before 1974, reform of the enterprise con sisted mainly of a steady enlargement of the functions of plant committees (comités d'entreprise). The third section summarizes the chief proposals of the Sudreau Report. The final section reviews the still very modest follow-up to the report.
Smallholder Agriculture in Africa Constraints and Potential
Authors: Krishna K.G.V.
Published: March 2007

Peasant farming is the backbone of the African rural economy. In the predominantly agrarian societies of Africa, smallholder farming plays a major role in producing food for both rural and urban populations and in providing incomes, employment, and export earnings. However, these farmers have received a disproportionately small amount of available developmental resources. Few people in Africa live in wholly subsistence economies. Peasant farmers are steadily increasing their share of marketed output and, in the process have belied the myth that rural societies are stagnant. Extend ing effective support to widely dispersed farming populations requires financial and manpower resources on a scale which few African countries can afford. Few technical packages exist, extension services are scanty, and marketing and credit services are deficient. These are formidable problems the resolution of which will take much time, effort, and resources. But the potential for improvement is so considerable, and the social implications so immense, the national agricultural policies should articulate the needs of smallholders far better than they have so far. Given proven and comprehensible technical packages and advice, and attractive prices for their products, peasant farmers have shown a capacity to increase their contribution to the economy in a quick and efficient manner.
China's Role in Africa
Authors: Yu George T.
Published: March 2007

Over 2 decades have passed since China made its first formal presence in Africa in 1955, and since then China has become a major actor with vital interests in the continent. The greater part of Chinese-African interaction oc curred from 1960—65—a high point of African decoloniza tion and a time of Sino-Soviet conflict. From 1965-70 Chi nese-African interaction coincided with the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. It was post-independence for most African nations and a time of Chinese retreat. Since 1970, China has reemerged as a major actor in Africa. There are 3 major components of China's role in Africa: the Chinese model, the superpowers, and China's Third World policy. The call to liberation struggles has long been a hallmark of Chinese policy. The Chinese model also relates to China's developmental experience. China has stressed struggle against the superpowers, the U.S. and Soviet Union, identi fying with the Third World against them. There can be no doubt that Africa occupied a central place in Chinese foreign policy and the U.S. and Soviet Union were important factors in it. China can expect to retain its presence in Africa if it responds to Africa's changing situation.
Ethnicity and Politics in Socialist Yugoslavia
Authors: Bertsch Gary K.
Published: March 2007

The multi-ethnic composition of contemporary Yugoslavia grows out of the diverse and complex history of this South Slavic region. Attempting to avoid the interwar Royalist government's policies which exacerbated ethnic differences, the post-World War II socialist leaders established a genuine federation which provided consider able autonomy to the ethnic groups inhabiting the different republics and provinces. Although initially supporting a movement toward "Yugoslavism" and the dissolution of ethnic, religious, and cultural differences, the Yugoslav leaders have more recently emphasized decentralization in political and economic affairs. The guiding principle is that a united community of Yugoslav peoples can best be ensured through governmental respect for ethnic diversity. The political structure, ethnic representation within the government, army, and League of Communists, and the policies of the federal government reflect this guiding principle.
Ethnic Relations in China
Authors: Dreyer June Teufel
Published: March 2007

Due to their strategic location and their occupation of some of China's most valuable lands, the ethnic minorities of the Chinese People's Republic have occupied the attention of the central government to a far greater degree than would be expected from their relatively insignificant 6 percent of the CPR's total population. The Chinese Communist party inherited an ethnic cleavage pat tern of some salience from prior governments and has been trying to deal with it through alternating policies of tolerance for ethnic particularism with policies repressive of these particularities. The tension between these two policies forms an ongoing theme in China's leadership struggles and can be traced to two different statements by Mao Tse-tung on the proper handling of ethnic problems. The debate be tween proponents of the two different policies can be ex pected to go on, though domestic and international con straints seem to portend a continuation of the moderate measures presently in force. The leadership's dissatisfaction with the status of nationalities relations should not be allowed to obscure the CCP's successes in dealing with its ethnic minorities.
Ethnic Conflict and the Kurds
Authors: Harris George S.
Published: March 2007

The Kurds seem further from autonomy or independence today than in the past. In part, the cause lies in their disunity in language, religious behavior, and es pecially tribal structure. The division of their core area among Turkey, Iran, and Iraq after the First World War assured Kurdish nationalism major opponents. In Turkey, the govern ment has attempted to deny the very existence of Kurds as a separate people. While Kurdish leaders can exploit the multi-party system to establish local power bases; they must eschew overt ethnic agitation. In Iraq, the military move of the Barzanis was ultimately squashed by a determined, well- equipped central government. Only minor dissidence seems possible to continue here. In Iran, once the USSR's wartime occupation of the northern part of the country ended in 1946, the Kurdish Republic of Mahabad which the Soviets had stimulated and facilitated collapsed. The shah has since maintained tight political control, while permitting the Kurds some cultural expression. Although there is, thus, little prospect of a renewed Kurdish military bid for autonomy or independence in these three states, economic grievances are likely to continue to foster a sense of ethnic identity among the Kurds.
Majorities and Minorities: A Comparative Survey of Ethnic Violence
Authors: Hewitt Christopher
Published: March 2007

Although violent conflict between ethnic groups occurs in many societies, its severity varies consider ably. Some societies, such as Lebanon or Cyprus, have experienced protracted conflict which has taken many lives. In other societies, such as Switzerland or Finland, ethnic conflict has been of little importance in recent decades. The political, economic, and demographic situation in 19 multi-ethnic societies is examined to see whether any pattern of majority-minority relations is associated with high or low levels of violence. It is concluded that there is a difference in the characteristics of high violence and low violence societies. Violent multi-ethnic societies are marked by severe political and economic inequality, constitutional differences, and demographic instability. Peaceful multi ethnic societies are characterized by economic parity between the ethnic groups, adequate political representation of the minority, and political decentralization. The existence of several "deviant" cases, with lower levels of ethnic violence than expected, is noted.
The Economic Basis of Indian Life
Authors: Sorkin Alan L.
Published: March 2007

This paper focuses on trends in the economic position of the American Indian and discusses programs to spur Indian development. The rapid growth in Indian income and occupational status in comparison to blacks and whites is indicated. However, these gains have been made primarily by urban, as opposed to reservation, Indians. Despite economic progress, 50 percent of reservation Indians and 20 percent of urban Indians obtained incomes below the poverty level. The biggest economic problem on Indian reservations is unemployment which has averaged 40 percent of the labor force for the past 20 years. Manpower and industrial de velopment programs, while bringing benefits to a few, have done little to make the reservations economically viable. Moreover, the manpower programs operated by the Bureau of Indian Affairs and Department of Labor overlap and should be coordinated to prevent duplication of effort. Agricultural development has lagged partly due to inadequate technical assistance and financial aid and the fractionated nature of Indian land. The most productive acreage is often sold or leased to whites. Indian centers may hold the key to the inte gration of native Americans into the social and economic life of urban America.
Indian Education Since 1960
Authors: Havighurst Robert J.
Published: March 2007

Since 1960 there has been a growing policy of Indian self-determination in the field of education of Indian youth. Two major federal government laws have put money behind this policy—The Indian Education Act (1972) and the Indian Self-Determination and Educational Assistance Act (1975). This leads to a policy of local self-determina tion for Indian tribes and Indian communities, and to greater responsibility of Indians as teachers and administrators. Dur ing this same period there has been a rapid expansion of the number of Indian students in college, most of them aided by government scholarship funds. There has also been a growth of schools on reservations, which are operated by local native school boards, with government funds. There remains the question of the basic goal of the educa tion of Indian youth—assimilation into the Anglo society or separate economic and social activity, based on tribal culture and tradition. Some form of cultural pluralism will be worked out, located between these two poles. The American Indian Policy Review Commission, estab lished by Congress for the 1975-77 period, has recommended a maximum of self-determination for Indians in their eco nomic, social, and educational life. For the next 20 years, it appears that the Indian tribes and communities will be finding their places in a permissive American society. How ever, the fact that more and more Indians are moving to large cities and trying to find a place in urban society, will tend to favor a degree of assimilation in the mainstream of economic and social life.

An especially important and significant situation is pro vided by the Alaska Native Land Claims Settlement, which gives Alaskan Eskimos, Aleuts, and Indians a relatively large amount of money and land in return for the oil and minerals and land which has been and will be taken by the Anglo economy. Here, in contrast to nineteenth century dealings between the United States government and Indian tribes, the native Americans are receiving a fairly large amount of money and property, which goes to them as members of native corporations, or regional resident groups. What forms of per sonal and village or communal life will emerge from this situ ation ?
Religion Among American Indians
Authors: Wax Murray L. , Wax Rosalie H.
Published: March 2007

The traditional worldview of North American Indians is outlined as a basis for explicating the central tribal ceremonials and for comprehending the tribal response to prolonged missionization from Christian denominations. The missionaries operated in a context of authoritarian superiority, and most conceived of themselves as bearing civilization, rather than a plain scriptural message; hence, there was little concern to modify Euro-Christianity to fit with native rituals and values. Today, most Indians are Christians, at least nominally; but, in many cases, the Christianity is integrated with the native worldview, and the individual participates in a variety of both Christian and neotraditional rituals. The destructive impact of the European invasions stimulated millenarian movements, such as the Ghost Dance; the continued vitality of these movements was expressed in the recent occupation of Wounded Knee, which should be comprehended as a religious, rather than a political, action. The Peyote Cult, organized as the Native American Church, constitutes a syncretism of Christian and traditional rites and attitudes, and it is widespread as intertribal and pan-Indian. Further pan-Indian, neotradi tional, revivalistic, and millenarian movements may be anticipated.
Hippocrates Was A Medicine Man: The Health Care Of Native Americans In The Twentieth Century
Authors: Mail Patricia D.
Published: March 2007

The provision of health and medical care to American Indians and Alaska Natives has undergone major changes in the 150 years during which the federal govern ment has assumed responsibility for these services. Signifi cant legislation leading to present programs and directions is reviewed to place current programs in the perspective of historic evolution. The changing patterns of disease indicate that Indian health status is rapidly approaching that of the Western world, with a reduction in infectious diseases and an increase in psychosocial problems and chronic conditions. In order to provide quality health care under isolated, rural conditions, the Indian Health Service is exploring innovative uses of paraprofessionals and the application of modern space technology to primary care settings.
The Indian Claims Commission
Authors: Lurie Nancy Oestreich
Published: March 2007

In 1946, when the Indian Claims Commission Act was passed, it was expected that the Commission would complete its work in ten years. The volume of dockets, about 650, and the time consuming methods of litigation required repeated extensions of the Commission's tenure, with the present cut-off date set for 1978. The Commission's work has been expedited somewhat by procedural reforms intro duced in the 1960s, including expansion of the number of Commissioners from three to five. Generally, the Commission has been a disappointment to Indian claimants. Despite exceptionally broad grounds for suit stated in the 1946 Act, the Commission has favored narrow construals and parsi monious settlements. Tribes must obtain congressional approval of plans for the use of their awards. The Indians' usual preference has been for per capita distributions rather than for programmed use which the government prefers, such as investment in securities or tribal enterprises. Since 1974, except for unusual circumstances warranting otherwise, tribes must program 20 percent of their awards.
France in the Communities: Presidential and Party Attitudes
Authors: Quin Joyce
Published: March 2007

The founding of the European Community was followed, shortly afterwards, by the death of the Fourth Republic in France and the establishment of the Fifth Re public under de Gaulle. Since then the attitude of France to the EC has been well known for its idiosyncratic qualities. Formerly one of the main inspirators for unity, France be came, under the Fifth Republic, the enfant terrible of the European family. However, when in 1974 the first non- Gaullist President of the Republic, Valery Giscard d'Estaing was elected—reputedly more "European-minded" than his predecessors—a different approach was expected. This article describes the way French presidential and party attitudes have evolved in recent years. While French political differences over European integration have been deep, it will be shown that, due partly to experience gained through the workings of the EC, divisions have become less marked, and occasionally pronouncements by major political spokesmen on European matters have an uncanny similarity. Where differences still exist—as they undoubtedly do—they cause as much disunion within each of the major political groupings of Right and Left as between them.
Energy Policy in the Communities
Authors: Kohl Wilfrid L.
Published: March 2007

Energy policy in the European Community has been limited, thus far, to the collection of information, the setting of objectives, support for some research and demon stration projects, and the making of recommendations to member countries. This situation is likely to continue in the near future, because the institutions of the Community were not set up to cope with the complexities of a common energy policy. More importantly, there are major differences in resource endowments and energy policies of the member states, which inhibit cooperation, since energy is an extremely sensitive area of national sovereignty. Since the 1973-74 oil crisis, more energy policy has been made at the national level than at the European level. However, on the whole, west European countries have responded more rapidly with revisions and improvements in their energy policies than has the United States. They have acted to set objectives whereby Community dependence on imported energy would be reduced by 1985, and to encourage adjustment of the mix of energy sources. Even if these objectives are achieved, the EC will remain an area dependent on the outside world for approximately 50 percent of its energy needs in the mid-1980s.
Sport and the Social Sciences
Authors: Sage George H.
Published: March 2007

Sport is one of the most ubiquitous activities of modern contemporary society. The pervasiveness of sport can be seen by the enormous amount of primary and second ary involvement in it by people of all ages and social strata. Sport penetrates into and plays a significant role in all of the social institutions. The functions of play, games, and sport is a major theme running through much of the work of social scientists. Although there is no definitive list, there are seven major categories of functions of play, games, and sport: in stinct, developmental-cognitive, mastery, social integration, socialization, social control, and personal-expressive. There is a substantial body of literature in the social sciences dis cussing the importance of each of these functions.
Sport Within the Veil: The Triumphs, Tragedies and Challenges of Afro-American Involvement
Authors: Edwards Harry
Published: March 2007

American's traditional relegation of sport to the "toy department" of human affairs conceals both its signifi cance as an institution and the seriousness of its impact upon social relations and development. Nowhere is the validity of this assessment more evident than in the situation confronting Afro-Americans. Here, sport is revealed to be neither "fun- and-games," a citadel of interracial brotherhood and harmony, nor blacks' passport to the "good life." Rather, for blacks, it emerges as a fog-shrouded, institutional minefield, even further obscured by naivete, ignorance, and decades of selec tively accumulated myth. In reality, sport not only exhibits the same structure and ideological rationalizations of human rela tions as exist in the larger society, but it plays a fundamental role in sustaining the character of those relations. Only through a thorough understanding of the functions of sport as an insti tution and the dynamics of its disproportionately powerful influence upon Afro-American life can black people ever hope to extricate themselves from what can only be termed a politi cal and cultural tragedy.
Freedom of Religion Versus Civil Authority in Matters of Health
Authors: Flowers Ronald B.
Published: March 2007

Decisions of the United States Supreme Court in 1963 and 1972 expanded the scope of the free exercise clause of the First Amendment beyond any previous inter pretation of that clause in American judicial history. Although it is still understood that government may prohibit religiously motivated behavior which represents harm to individuals or to the public welfare, civil authorities now may intervene only when the religious activity threatens a compelling state interest. The possibilities of religious activity are abundant, and government intervention is limited to only the gravest offenses of the public order. This article examines some of the areas of health, broadly defined, in which religious attitudes have conflicted with state interests: the handling of poisonous snakes and drinking of poison in religious worship, the use of prohibited drugs in worship, compulsory blood transfusions for those who have theological objections to them, and the application of public health laws to those whose theology rejects medicine altogether. In the light of these cases, as much as the American constitutional system exalts religious liberty, it can never be unfettered. But, even in this area, it is imperative that our governmental units make religious liberty the rule and its curtailment the exception.
Racism and German Protestant Theology: A Prelude to the Holocaust
Authors: Davies Alan
Published: March 2007

The success of racism in modern Europe had a great deal to do with the experience of military defeat and political collapse; France after 1870 and Germany after 1918 were similar in this respect. As a modern ideology, racism be gins in the nineteenth century but older modes of race thinking are rooted in European ethnocentrism stretching backward in time to classical antiquity and the Christian ages. Race thinking was greatly accelerated during the great age of discovery, and even the Enlightenment suffered from white ethnocentric prejudice. When the old Christian universe was replaced by modern secular ideas, racism emerged as a secular myth, the Aryan myth, that soon became a rationale for anti- Jewish feelings in Europe. The alienated European found in this myth a form of spiritual reassurance during an age that seemed disappointing and decadent. German Protestant theology during the nineteenth century was slowly colored by romantic nationalistic ideas that eventually would open the door to racism. The nation, rather than the state, became an "order of creation," and in this way racist doctrines swept into Protestant theology.
Putative Threat to National Security as a Nuremberg Defense for Genocide
Authors: Wolfe Robert
Published: March 2007

Otto Ohlendorf, SS group leader and Lieutenant General of Police, director of the Reich Security Main Office that was responsible for domestic intelligence and public opinion analysis, and lawyer and economist, was the best- known defendant in the subsequent Nuremberg trial of the Einsatzgruppen commanders (case 9) for the mass murder of Jews and others in the rear areas of the invading German armies during the first two years of the Russian campaign. Having admitted, as a witness in the precedent trial before the International Military Tribunal (IMT) at Nuremberg, that his Einsatzgruppe D operating in the southern Ukraine during one short year under his command executed some 90 thousand Jews and other civilians, Ohlendorf could not deny the charges, particularly because almost daily detailed con temporary Einsatzgruppen reports were submitted in evi dence. Nor could he claim "superior orders" because the IMT (London) Charter ruled out such a defense, except as miti gation. Ohlendorf and some of his fellow defendants in the same case contended that they were convinced at the time that Soviet Jewry was a mainstay of bolshevism and therefore constituted a direct threat to the security of the Third Reich. Ohlendorf was convicted of crimes against humanity and was executed at Landsberg prison on 7 June 1951.
Problems in Coping with the Holocaust: Experiences with Students in a Multinational Program
Authors: Carmon Arye
Published: March 2007

Ever since the end of the Holocaust we have been forced to confront the penetrating question, Does peda gogy have a special and unique task in the education of man in the world after Auschwitz? The program "Teaching the Holocaust as Education Toward Values" has been developed over the past three years in various educational settings in three different countries: the United States, Germany, and Israel. In order to overcome the problems in coping with this unique theme in the classroom, we have used as a guiding principle the placing of adolescents at the focal point of the educational process. Beyond the differences in the cultural backgrounds and emotional attachments, students in all three countries underwent a similar process: giving up precon ceived judgments and stereotypes and replacing them with an effort toward critical thinking. As one of the students ex pressed : "Auschwitz is the furthest end of a human con tinuum. I am obliged to do everything I can to prevent the human degeneration toward it."
The Holocaust: Rescue and Relief Documentation in the National Archives
Authors: Mendelsohn John
Published: March 2007

The National Archives is a major center for the study of the Holocaust. Records on the subject are scattered throughout its vast holdings in several locations and no gen eral finding aid exists. Researchers have explored the records of the killing and the destruction of nearly six million Jews in some detail, but have neglected records dealing with rescue and relief attempts. Hence this article focuses on the latter topic by delineating where in the National Archives one may find such documentation. Foremost are the records of the War Refugee Board, which was created in early 1944 to pro vide avenues of rescue and relief to the Jews in Nazi-con trolled Europe. Other records concern the emigration of Jews from Nazi Germany, the Evian Conference and the subse quent Schacht-Rublee negotiations, the Haavara agreements on emigration to Palestine, and the trip to Havana and return of the S.S. St. Louis. There are many other records, including those on the deals the SS was willing to make by trading Jewish lives for needed commodities. More articles that present overviews of significant segments of Holocaust records in the National Archives are needed for a compre hensive introduction of these holdings to researchers.
Perspectives on Police and Violence
Authors: Sherman Lawrence W.
Published: March 2007

Police and violence are central to our con ception of government, yet they form a troublesome paradox: in their efforts to stop violence, police must often be violent themselves. This paradox leads to the three related questions addressed in this volume. First, how can the police act more effectively and justly against violence in society? Second, how can we better understand and reduce the violence com mitted against police? Third, what accounts for the wide varia tions in police use of violence, and what can we learn from that variation to reduce police violence to the lowest possible level? The three questions are to some degree artificially distinguished, since most of what they encompass are police encounters with citizens from which violence emerges. But to understand the whole of police and violence, we need first understand its component parts.
The Police and Weapons Offenses
Authors: Moore Mark H.
Published: March 2007

To control violence committed among strangers in public locations, police departments have increasingly turned to tactics of "directed patrol" focused on particular dangerous places or activities. Arguably, a suitable focus for directed patrol is illegal carrying or possession of weapons in public locations. Questions arise concerning the methods of weapons enforcement, the effectiveness of such a focus, and its administrative feasibility. Preliminary results of em pirical investigations into police practices with respect to weapons enforcement reveal that weapons arrests typically occur as a by-product of other enforcement activities and that the most important factor determining aggregate levels of weapons arrests is the general proactivity of the police department. Further, some empirical results suggest that police departments can shift to proactive strategies—and increase the level of weapons arrests—without dramatically changing the demographic characteristics of those arrested. Crucial unanswered questions include the effectiveness of such a strategy in reducing violent crime and the adminis trative means of changing police strategies against weapons offenses.
Power Attracts Violence
Authors: Muir William Ker
Published: March 2007

Policemen frequently are called to restore order to situations in which one of the parties is fighting "for his honor" in front of a crowd. In such circumstances policemen are not likely to be able to "stop the beef" nonviolently. While the crowd looks on, a citizen may only be able to save face by attacking the officers themselves. A citizen's honor—his reputation for implacability and vengeance—is vital to him particularly in rough neighborhoods because his safety may depend upon it after the policeman departs from the scene. A policeman who attempts to restore order at the expense of a citizen's honor leaves the citizen no recourse but to attack. The only nonviolent solution to this situation is for policemen to take pains to redefine the crowd's definition of honorable conduct, and that is an unusually difficult undertaking, de manding eloquence of a high order.