bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Lloyd George Government and the Strickland Report on the Burning of Cork, 1920
Authors: Seedorf Martin Frederick
Published: November 2007

The burning of the city of Cork on the night of 11-12 December 1920 —a “truly staggering reprisal” — was one of many outrageous acts by British forces in Ireland in the late autumn of 1920 and indeed during the entire Anglo-Irish War. Known in Ireland at the time as “the troubles” and in Éire today as “the war of independence,” or “the war of liberation,” the Anglo-Irish War lasted two-and-one-half years from January, 1919, until the truce in July, 1921. Not only did that struggle mark the end of 750 years of Irish subjection under Britain; it served as a warning of the eventual collapse of British and Western imperialism throughout the world.

Throughout the first eight months of 1919 the British government's policy was simply military suppression of the Republican Movement. Repeatedly, it misjudged Sinn Féin and the rising Irish Republican Army (I.R.A.) as nothing but a “murder gang” terrorizing the mass of the Irish people. Not until the Fall of 1919 did Lloyd George finally conceive a policy — one combining force with appeasement. The latter was offered to Ireland in the Fourth Home Rule Bill though it was to be rejected by a majority of the Irish press and people. From the fall of 1919 until the summer of 1920, Lloyd George stepped up coercion, not only by strengthening the military, but by introducing “Black and Tans” into the Irish police force and establishing a new administration at Dublin Castle in the spring of 1920.

When, in late July, 1920, it became evident to the British cabinet that police action was losing to the I.R.A.'s guerilla tactics, they broadened the struggle even further by choosing, not appeasement along Dominion lines, but a policy of war. Though never officially declared, war was first implemented under the guise of restoring order in Ireland and later by martial law. Accompanying Lloyd George's war policy between the summers of 1920 and 1921 were systematic reprisals against Irish civilians and their property by British forces retaliating for the I.R.A.'s killing of their own men. These reprisals, which became official and regulated under martial law in 1921, were unauthorized — although not officially condemned — in 1919 and 1920. Unauthorized reprisals reached a peak in the fall of 1920 at Balbriggan, Groke Park, and in the burning of Cork.
The Un-Englishness of the Secret Ballot
Authors: Kinzer Bruce L.
Published: November 2007

“Disguise in all its forms is a badge of slavery.” That J.S. Mill, at one time an ardent advocate of secret voting and later its equally ardent opponent, should have included this sentiment in his attack on the ballot may strike one as rather odd. Yet the expression of sentiments of this kind was not an uncommon feature of the debate provoked by the ballot question during the mid-Victorian period and before. Although Mill himself did not explicitly stigmatize the ballot as “un-English,” the emotional content of his condemnation strongly resembled a considerable number of written and verbal assaults on secret voting which attached that label to the proposed reform. Such denunciations of secret voting as un-English were taken seriously at the time, and should be treated seriously by historians of early and mid-Victorian England.

It is, however, necessary to place this un-English aspect within a broader context. The opponents of the ballot were motivated by a number of considerations, and different opponents attacked the measure for different reasons. The formulation of the case against the ballot incorporated several diverse elements: the self-interest of an aristocracy nervous about the potential impact of secret voting on the existing distribution of political power; intellectual convictions concerning the nature of the franchise; and emotional commitments which rejected secret voting as un-English. To ignore the first two of these elements would be to obscure the relative significance of the last. Thus it is perhaps best to begin with the emergence of the ballot as a practical political issue.
Patterns of Violence in Early Tudor Enclosure Riots
Authors: Manning Roger B.
Published: November 2007

Enclosure riots were a prominent manifestation of social tension in England in the 1530's and 1540's. Although enclosures of land for pasturage and tillage had been undertaken since the beginning of English agriculture and did not usually cause social conflict, the rapid increase in population of the sixteenth century pressed hard on the available supply of land. The necessity of increasing the food supply speeded up the process of enclosure. The supplies of corn and meat could not be increased significantly without the year-round use of enclosed and consolidated plots of land, which was inconsistent with communal access to common and waste land and the stubble remaining after the harvest on arable lands. Other causes of friction in agrarian society included the greater fluidity in the land market resulting from the dissolution of the monasteries together with revolutionary methods of exploiting the land. The social relationships existing among great landlords, small holders and tenants could not remain unaffected.

The main purpose of this essay is to analyze the early Tudor enclosure riot as a primitive or pre-political form of social protest. This will necessitate: (1) describing the forms and extent of violence employed; (2) distinguishing between those riots that accompany the Pilgrimage of Grace and the rebellions of 1548-49 and those riots that occur outside of the years of rebellion; and (3) modifying the assumption that the typical enclosure riot was perpetrated by an exasperated peasantry venting their rage upon the hedges and ditches of a commercially-minded, grasping gentry.
Thanksgiving in Seventeenth-Century Poetry
Authors: McFarland Ronald E.
Published: November 2007

The background of Christian thanksgiving in prayer and liturgy is in the Jewish berakah, a term which refers to thank-offerings made prior to meals, at the annual harvests or in-gatherings, and upon such special occasions as a military success against the Philistines. David's song of deliverance in 2 Samuel 22 is an exmple of the latter, and numerous examples of other subjects of thanksgiving are recorded in the Psalms. Psalms 66, for example, represents the sort of thanksgiving offered at the annual “Feast of Weeks” or “Feast of Ingathering” (specifically of grain), the Jewish harvest celebration of Pentecost (see also Exodus 34:22). The New Testament records several occasions upon which Jesus celebrated the berakah at meals, the most notable being at the feeding of the multitude in Matthew 15:36 and at the Last Supper (Luke 22:17); and on his way to Rome Paul offers thanks at the breaking of bread during a storm at sea (Acts 27:35). In the Greek of the New Testament the berakah is translated as eucharistia (“thanksgiving”), and it is the Eucharist that becomes the central rite of Christian worship. In his “Treatise on Good Works” Martin Luther observes that “praise and thanksgiving will follow with a pure heart, from which the mass is called eucharistia in Greek, that is, thanksgiving.” Friedrich Heiler affirms that “The Thanksgiving Prayer in public worship, the direct expression of the living consciousness of salvation, is always a calling to mind of the history of redemption.” In effect, the Jewish offering of thanks for deliverance from generally immediate, tangible enemies (the Philistines, the Moabites, unfavorable crop conditions) becomes the Christian offering of thanks for deliverance from sin and death through the redemption of Christ. The sacrificial lamb of the Old Testament becomes Christ the lamb in the New Testament, and for the Christian “the Eucharistic action is first and foremost a sacrifice of thanksgiving.” Any study of Christian thanksgivings, however, will demonstrate that the occasional and specific nature of the Jewish thank-offering remains in Christian practice.
Some Economic Aspects of Parochial Churches in the Diocese of Bath and Wells in the Seventeenth Century
Authors: Stieg Margaret F.
Published: November 2007

Recent historical literature has posed certain standard questions about the economic problems of the church. They cluster around the specific issues of impropriation, simony, valuation of benefices, and the income of the clergy. What proportion of benefices were impropriated and to whom? What kind of consequences resulted from impropriation? What was an acceptable income? How did a clergyman obtain a living?

These questions, which are usually raised about the Church of England as a whole, are now being asked in the specific context of the diocese of Bath and Wells. The diocese is, with only minor exceptions, coterminous with the county of Somerset. In the seventeenth century it had something over 400 parishes. Camden gave the number as 385. An eighteenth century county history gives 482. Given the casual attitude of the seventeenth century toward statistics, it is impossible to be any more precise.

These parishes were divided principally between rectories and vicarages. Rectories were differentiated from vicarages on the basis of the tithes they received. A rector received all tithes, great and small, but a vicar might receive only small tithes or none at all. If he received none, he was dependent on the generosity of the rector who did receive them. One writer of a handbook on tithes attempted to comfort vicars by informing them that the generous custom of England allowed them small tithes not allowed vicars on the Continent. He was at that point discussing hops and woad, but the income from hops and woad would scarcely have allowed the vicar of Mudford, annual income £30, to compete with the rector of North Cadbury, annual income £300, especially since Somerset has never been noted for its production of either hops or woad.
Medical Opinion and the First Year of National Health Insurance in Britain
Authors: Eder Norman R.
Published: November 2007

In late 1912 British domestic social politics were dominated by the noisy dispute between David Lloyd George and the British Medical Association over the details of the national health insurance act. Led by the B.M.A., doctors bitterly opposed the insurance scheme and threatened to boycott panel medical service. The profession's inept political maneuvers and the skillful gamemanship of Lloyd George have been well documented by Bentley Gilbert, as well as Alfred Cox and William Braithwaite, two participants in the controversy. Yet, the story of the medical profession's relationship with the insurance act remains unfinished. Almost nothing is known about what followed the political collapse of the B.M.A. after medical benefit became a reality in January 1913. The post-January period, however, was nearly as tumultuous as 1912, and certainly more important to the efficient working of the insurance act which was for the next thirty-five years to provide health care to Britain's laboring poor. This essay will examine the conditions and politics of medical practice during the initial year of national health insurance in Britain.
The Fall of Lord Chancellor Wriothesley: A Study in the Politics of Conspiracy
Authors: Slavin Arthur J.
Published: November 2007

In the autumn and winter of 1546-1547 there was a major change in the distribution of political power in England. A group of leading councillors linked by conservatism were driven from court and council. Some forfeited office, others their freedom, and the Earl of Surrey his life. Bishops Gardiner and Bonner went to gaol. Tunstal suffered the loss of much of his vast liberty of Durham. Great Norfolk lay under sentence of death, in the Tower. Lord Chancellor Wriothesley, the Earl of Southampton, was deprived of his office, allegedly for acts ultra vires, and was under house arrest in Ely Place, his London palace. He had also been fined 4,000 pounds, under the sentence given on the 6th of March and the additions to it made on June 29th.

Historians seeking an explanation of the political earthquake have often adopted a simple but attractive thesis. As Henry VIII's life ebbed the balance tipped toward the “Protestants,” perhaps because it was the king's own wish or because there was a secret pact, in fact a conspiracy, between Sir William Paget and Sir Edward Seymour. The chief historians of the transit of power have provided direct evidence supporting the idea of a pact between Paget, the ‘master of Practices,’ and the king's brother-in-law, the military hero Hertford who was also the uncle of Prince Edward.
Protest and Punishment in Nineteenth-Century Britain
Authors: Rudé George
Published: November 2007

What is “protest”? Who is a protester and who is not? This is a problem that has bothered me ever since I began, about ten years ago, to try to sort out the social and political protesters from the rest of the convicts transported to Australia from the late 18th century to the 1860s. To some this is no particular problem at all. Criminologists and writers on crime and punishment - such as Leon Radzinowicz, J. J. Tobias and Nigel Walker (to cite the most recent) - have tended to place protest, when they have dealth with it at all, under such omnibus labels as crimes against property and crimes against persons. Others have eluded such refinements altogether and have argued that if protest is a social phenomenon, so is crime, and how can one sensibly draw a distinction between the rebel against society and the man whom society drives, or appears to drive, to crime? So it has been claimed that all convicts, whether they were transported or hot, were the victims of a society that left them out in the cold; and there is some justice in the claim (was it made by the Hammonds?) that in a society like Britain's in the early nineteenth century there was a large measure of culpability in common between the cattle-maimer or urban thief and the magistrate or High Court judge who sent them to a penitentiary at home or to the convict-jails of Van Diemen's Land or Sydney Cove.
The Conflict Within: Sir Stephen Tallents and Planning Propaganda Overseas Before the Second World War
Authors: Cole C. Robert
Published: November 2007

Propaganda overseas was vital to Britain in the Second World War. She could not easily confront her enemies alone and survive, much less win. It was imperative to keep her allies united, her empire and the commonwealth loyal, and neutrals benevolent—or perhaps, even, to get them committed to her side. These were the objectives of British propaganda overseas in war time. Despite foreign-office objections, the Committee of Imperial Defense (CID) in the mid-1930s gave responsibility for this work to the Ministry of Information (MOI), which was to be established on the outbreak of war. Meanwhile, ministry machinery had to be planned, and the policies which would govern its work had to be determined. These responsibilities were given in 1936 to Sir Stephen Tallents, public relations controller for the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) and Britain's leading expert on advertising publicity. Yet, neither the machinery nor a policy was ready when the war began in September 1939. The ministry and the country, as Phillip M. Taylor has indicated, was inarticulate, if not quite speechless, at the start of the “war of words.” Britain was able only to conduct propaganda to enemy countries, because plans for that work earlier had been removed from MOI control.

Conflicts in the planning process created this situation in which two factors stand out. MOI planners were hampered at the start by departmental and personal feuding, which was permitted because no war emergency existed, and, after 1937, by the adherents of appeasement policy who dominated Whitehall. Stephen Tallents stood on the firing line most visibly as the government, led by an economy-minded treasury, discouraged planning any propaganda machinery for war time which might even hint at serious propaganda deployment in peace time.
Scottish Prisons Under the General Board of Directors, 1840–1861
Authors: Smith David F.
Published: November 2007

Despite recent interest in both the administration and conditions of prisons in England during the Victorian Period historians have neglected the study of Scottish prisons. It is the intention of this article to redress this omission by assessing the administration of the Scottish penal system between 1840 and 1861 as it developed under the supervision of the General Board of Directors. This Board was equipped with considerable powers over local prisons by the Prisons Act of 1839, and by the time it was replaced by the Managers of Scottish prisons in 1861, it had overseen the completion of an extensive building program to implement the separate system. Working in conjunction with county prison Boards, which had raised the necessary assessments, the Board of Directors attempted to impose uniformity and efficiency in local jails while separately maintaining sole responsibility for the management of the general prison at Perth. This form of administrative structure was unique, and differed from England where local prisons were not brought under close central supervision before 1865.

South of the border the Home Office possessed no authority to enforce sanctions, but through the efforts of the prison inspectors appointed in 1835, it persuaded a number of local authorities in England to remodel or rebuild their prisons in conformity to the separate system. Some magistrates resisted the official adoption of designs and rules which often involved large expenditures they were unwilling to impose on the rate payers. Consequently, throughout the period 1835 to 1865, in contrast to the situation in Scotland, local prisons in England were marked by a lack of uniformity in construction, diet, and discipline as standards were often dictated by the views of each prison governor appointed by the magistrates. This “quest” for uniformity continued in 1865 when a Prisons Act required local jails to provide separate cells commensurate with the highest number of prisoners held there, to follow a uniform code of rules, and to enforce hard and unproductive labor. Many magistrates were still able to avoid these regulations and the victory of uniformity came only in 1877 when legislation centralized all prisons in the country and placed them firmly under the control of the Home Office. Scottish prisons had, however, since 1839 experienced some degree of centralized control that had attempted to bring uniform standards to all the jails in the country.
Changing Thegns: Cnut's Conquest and the English Aristocracy
Authors: Mack Katharin
Published: November 2007

England was conquered twice in the eleventh century: first in 1016 by Cnut the Dane and again in 1066 by William Duke of Normandy. The influence of the Norman Conquest has been the subject of scholarly warfare ever since E.A. Freeman published the first volume of his History of the Norman Conquest of England in 1867—and indeed, long before. The consequences of Cnut's conquest, on the other hand, have not been subjected to the same scrutiny. Because England was conquered twice in less than fifty years, historians have often succumbed to the temptation of comparing the two events. But since Cnut's reign is poorly documented and was followed quickly by the restoration of the house of Cerdic in the person of Edward the Confessor, such studies have tended to judge 1016 by the standards of 1066. While such comparisons are useful, they have imposed a model on Cnut's reign which has distorted the importance of the Anglo-Scandinavian period. If, however, Cnut's reign is compared with the Anglo-Saxon past rather than the Anglo-Norman future, the influence of 1016 can be more fairly assessed.
Women and the Glorious Revolution
Authors: Schwoerer Lois G.
Published: November 2007

The role of women in revolutions has recently excited a good deal of scholarly interest. Innovative studies have appeared on women in the English Civil War, the French Revolution and the Russian Revolution that have not only rescued women from oblivion but also modified and enlarged understanding of the revolutions themselves. But for the English Revolution of 1688-89 there has been, aside from biographical studies of the two future queens, Mary and Anne, very little published work on the role of women. My purpose is to remedy that situation, and to broaden the inquiry by addressing four major questions: (1) what role did women from all social groups, lower, middle, aristocratic and royal, play in the Revolution: (2) why, in view of customary restraints, did they enter the public arena; (3) what influence did they have on the Glorious Revolution; and (4) what influence did the Revolution have on women? Underlying these queries is the basic question of what are the contextual conditions that encourage or even make possible women's participation in revolutions?

Such a topic requires changes in the questions customarily used in studying political history. If politics is defined in traditional terms simply as the competition for and exercise of power by individuals through their office, voting, and decision making, then there is nothing to say about women in the Glorious Revolution. Women, whatever their social status, had no direct access to the levers of conventionally-defined politics. They did not vote, sit in either house of Parliament, or hold office on any level of government, unless they were queens. In a predominantly patriarchal society, females, except for widows, were customarily subordinate to their fathers or husbands and confined to the sphere of the family and household.
British Overseas Banking in Latin America and the Encroachment of German Competition, 1887–1914
Authors: Young George F. W.
Published: November 2007

In January 1912 in an article on “British Banking Interests in South America,” theSouth American Journaladvised its readers that while British banks were unquestionably profitable investments they did not have the field entirely to themselves, “for they not only had to face the competition of local, in many cases State-owned banks, but also the competition of several very successful and strong German banking companies, such as the Deutsche Bank, etc.” Nevertheless, British banks had the advantage of considerable experience in the business, an experience at that time dating back nearly fifty years. This statement gives direct expression to the theme of this paper, namely, the continuing prosperity of the British overseas banks in Latin America despite the competition of the more recently established, but nonetheless very successful, German overseas banks. Moreover, aside from the inevitable competition from local Latin American banks, it is to be noted that the only foreign competitors mentioned are the German banks. This was because the several Spanish, French, and Italian banks in the region had much more the structure and character of Latin American institutions based on investment and support from the local immigrant communities of those nations rather than the structure of overseas banks run from Europe.
Leonard Woolf and Kingsley Martin: Creative Tension on the Left
Authors: Leventhal F. M.
Published: November 2007

In 1965 Kingsley Martin, who had recently retired as editor of the New Statesman, published an article in Encounter entitled “Arguing with Keynes.” Although the self-serving memoir acknowledged Martin's admiration for “the swiftest and most powerful intellect that I have ever met,” it did little to enhance Keynes's reputation, revealing him as an apologist for Chamberlain's appeasement policy. Despite mutual respect, Keynes, the most active and certainly the most vociferous member of the New Statesman board of directors, regularly censured Martin for self-righteousness, complaining on one occasion that he was “perpetually engaged in conducting an indignation meeting.” After a dinner in 1945 at which Keynes castigated him for losing his “intellectual integrity,” the outraged editor retorted that he was “never again going to subject [himself] to [Keynes's] insults,” adding, “I understand now why people hate Maynard so much.”
The First Restoration Crisis: Conscience and Coercion in London, 1667–73
Authors: Krey Gary S. De
Published: November 2007

The years between 1667 and 1673 marked a crisis in the English Restoration. This crisis was produced by parliamentary consideration of an act to replace the expiring Conventicle Act of 1664. Hoping for relief from the provisions of the first act, dissenters in London and elsewhere were described by late 1667 as “mighty high and…expect[ing] to have their day now soon.” But having briefly experienced de facto religious freedom, the English nonconformists met with disappointment in 1670 when parliament adopted a second Conventicle Act. The act of 1670 reaffirmed the settlement of religion in an established Church protected by a coercive and persecuting state. Indeed, it offered the Church even greater security than the act of 1664. It provided for the distraint of the goods of those convicted of attending conventicles, and it established fines for justices and magistrates who failed to carry out its provisions. In renewing the policy of persecution, parliament also repudiated arguments made in public and in the prints, since the fall of the Earl of Clarendon, for such other ecclesiastical options as comprehension, toleration, and indulgence. The result of parliament's decision was a crisis—a period of confrontation, throughout the country, between the defenders of conscience and many magistrates charged with the enforcement of religious policy.
Private Women, Public Needs: Middle-Class Widows in Victorian England
Authors: Curran Cynthia
Published: November 2007

I do find this life so hard to bear. It is so dead & [Aunt] M so dictatorial yet I see nothing better could happen. Oh! for a home of my own….[A] wet day and oh! so dreary. [Aunt] Maria & I have fought like two tigers. How I hate it all, this dreary weary life. Oh! for a nice change or money to leave here. [Thursday, May 15, and Tuesday, May 20, 1879].

So read a typical entry from the diary of the widowed Mrs. L.M. Simpson, born in 1839. The continuing refrains of a lack of money, a sense of not belonging and an unwilling dependence reverberate throughout her diary. She celebrated (if that is not too cheerful a term for such a morose notation) her fortieth birthday while writing in this journal, and noted the passing of her former wedding anniversary and the birthdays of each of her deceased parents. The most important entries dealt with persons who are no longer with her and happy events that took place long ago. This lamentation from Mrs. Simpson provides a startling contrast with the picture presented by a large group of historians.
The Growth of Political Stability Reconsidered
Authors: Roberts Clayton
Published: November 2007

It has been twenty-seven years since Professor Plumb, now Sir John Plumb, delivered the Ford lectures at Oxford University. In a prose that was elegant, spirited, at times colloquial, always luminous, he offered a persuasive explanation for the growth of political stability in eighteenth-century England. Later published as The Growth of Political Stability in England, these lectures were widely read and the explanation offered in them widely accepted. Professor Plumb's thesis became and remains the orthodox interpretation of the political stability that England enjoyed in the eighteenth century.

During the past twenty-seven years, however, a considerable literature has appeared concerning the growth of political stability, some of it occasioned by Professor Plumb's own fertile suggestions. Historians such as J. V. Beckett, Lloyd Bonfield, Christopher Clay, Linda Colley, Norma Landau, John Owen, John Phillips, and Nicholas Rogers have studied the rise of the great estates, the decline of party, the role of patronage, and the politics of deference. The appearance of this literature offers a useful occasion for looking once again at the growth of political stability. In particular, it offers an opportunity to ask how valid is the Plumb thesis, and, if found not to be valid, what alternative explanation can be given for the growth of political stability in eighteenth-century England.
“Our Lot is Fallen Into an Age of Wonders”: John Spencer and the Controversy Over Prodigies in the Early Restoration
Authors: Burns William E.
Published: November 2007

England during the early Restoration is a fascinating case of the cultural fertility of counterrevolution. The problem of the reimposition of authority following the destruction and revival of such traditional institutions as monarchy, bishops, and nobility led to a variety of new expedients, rather than simply the return to old verities that one might expect from the somewhat misleading term “Restoration.” Historians such as Jonathan Scott and Richard Greaves have remarked upon the continuing challenge posed by oppositional ideologies dating back to the Revolution, republican and/or radical Protestant, in the England of the Restoration. Historians such as James Jacob, Margaret Jacob, Patrick Curry, and Steven Shapin and Simon Schaffer, have traced the ways in which the new science and Baconian ideology participated in the effort to find new bases for authority in the still unstable England of the time following the Civil War and Interregnum. John Gascoigne, in his recent history of Cambridge University in the eighteenth century, refers to the nexus of establishment politics, rational religion, and natural philosophy that originated in the Restoration and dominated the eighteenth century in England as the “holy alliance.”

This article will examine two important, and largely neglected, documents of the early Restoration, theDiscourse Concerning Prodigies(1663) and theDiscourse on Vulgar Prophecies(1665), both by the Anglican clergyman and scholar John Spencer. These works, produced in response to a specific challenge to the Restoration state, contributed to the creation of a Baconian scientific ideology in the 1660s, and its “holy alliance” with Latitudinarian religion. This article also examines, in turn, Spencer's political, religious, and natural-philosophical arguments. By demonstrating the connections between them it demonstrates that the “holy alliance” predated the development of Newtonian physics, and that Spencer, neither a natural philosopher nor one of the well known Latitudinarian divines, contributed to it.
Junius, Philip Francis and Parliamentary Reform
Authors: Bowyer T. H.
Published: November 2007

The immediate objective of the young Philip Francis in the series of pseudonymous letters signed Junius and Philo Junius, which were published at intervals in the Public Advertiser between 1769 and 1772 when the author was aged between twenty- nine and thirty-two, was to encompass the downfall of the Grafton administration and, subsequently, the North administration, in anticipation of their replacement by a ministry drawn from the opposition. Grafton went in 1770, but with the opposition falling into disarray, Junius failed to dislodge North and abandoned his campaign. No Junius letters appeared after January 1772. The letters were characterized by vituperative attacks on the personal conduct of ministers and the court. These attacks were accompanied by an acidulous commentary on political events as they unfolded. Ministers were accused of abusing the constitution, as often as not with the complicity of Parliament. Casting himself as a defender of the constitution Junius identified defects in the modus operandi of Parliament and the electoral system without himself bringing forward firm proposals for reform. It was not until he was drawn to comment on propositions advanced by the Society of the Supporters of the Bill of Rights in 1771 that Junius took up a position on parliamentary reform.
Widows, Property, and Remarriage: Lessons from Glastonbury's Deverill Manors
Authors: Gates Lori A.
Published: November 2007

In an attempt to understand the public and private roles of medieval women in the English countryside, historians have devoted growing attention to widows as villein tenants and transmitters of land in manorial communities. Villein women are often recorded in manorial sources as co-tenants and recipients of property rights on their husbands' deaths. Although in Common Law the widow's share ranged from one-third to one-half of a free husband's lands, the villein widow often received a right to life usage of the whole of the conjugal estate upon her husband's death as her “free bench.” The extensive property-holding rights of these villein widows have made them rich subjects for study of their legal, social, and economic status and activities.

Case studies based on manorial estates, however, have often focused exclusively on the widow as a transmitter of property and have subordinated the study of widows within a framework governed by considerations of land markets and property transmission. Medieval historiography contrasts with studies of early-modern and modern populations that have put elements such as age at widowhood, number of dependents, social status, personal choice in connection with widow remarriage, and provisions for widows at the forefront of study. By connecting work on widows and the landmarket with these other concerns it is possible to study medieval peasant widows within broader comparative perspective.
The Decline of Christianity in Twentieth-Century Britain
Authors: Heyck Thomas William
Published: November 2007

The history of religion in Britain—as distinct from church or ecclesiastical history—is making an impressive comeback in the consciousness of historians, with important implications for British cultural and social history. Not least affected is the history of Britain in the twentieth century. Fifteen years ago, the well-known social historian Alan Gilbert published his The Making of Post-Christian Britain, which soon became the standard account of the secularization of British society since the eighteenth century. Taking off from careful statistical surveys of Christian church membership and participation that he had done in two earlier books, and looking for explanation to a very broad range of cultural, economic, and social factors, Gilbert presented an argument that has seemed so powerful as to be an almost irresistible account of the apparent fact of the secularization of Britain. More recently, however, both religious historians and sociologists of religion have begun to question not only Gilbert's premises and argument, but also the very concept of secularization. The result of this questioning, exemplified by the books here reviewed, is a major controversy concerning the recent history of religion in Britain.
Fairfax and the Lifeguard's Colors
Authors: Heumann J. Mark
Published: November 2007

On Wednesday, 23 February 1647/8, General Sir Thomas Fairfax received a petition from his Lifeguard protesting the terms under which they were ordered to be disbanded. Finding the General unsympathetic, some of the soldiers went to the cornet's lodgings at the Bell in Gray's Inn Lane and carried away the troop colors, hiding them at the Lamb on Snow Hill. The Council of War regarded this act “as a great Disrespect and Dishonor to the General” and interrogated members of the Lifeguard. On Friday, the Council condemned one Master William Clarke to be shot to death for mutiny and disobeying the commands of superior officers. On Saturday, the Lifeguard presented another petition, begging pardon for Clarke and submitting to the General's authority in the most abject terms. Clarke himself also petitioned for pardon, asserting as his motives “the not punctually performing of the Agreement made at Windsor, and to vindicate the General's Honor therein. After some consideration, Fairfax called Clarke in, pardoned him, and set him free.
Delayed Recovery of Cognitive Function Following Hypoglycemia in Adults With Type 1 Diabetes
Authors: Zammitt Nicola N. , Warren Roderick E. , Deary Ian J. , Frier Brian M.
Published: November 2007

OBJECTIVE—Recovery times of cognitive functions were examined after exposure to hypoglycemia in people with diabetes with and without impaired hypoglycemia awareness.

RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS—A total of 36 subjects with type 1 diabetes were studied (20 with normal hypoglycemia awareness [NHA] and 16 with impaired hypoglycemia awareness [IHA]). A hyperinsulinemic glucose clamp was used to lower blood glucose to 2.5 mmol/l (45 mg/dl) (hypoglycemia) for 1 h or to maintain blood glucose at 4.5 mmol/l (81 mg/dl) (euglycemia) on separate occasions. Cognitive tests were applied during each experimental condition and were repeated at 10- to 15-min intervals for 90 min after euglycemia had been restored.

RESULTS—In the NHA group, performance was impaired on all cognitive tasks during hypoglycemia and remained impaired for up to 75 min on the choice reaction time (CRT) task (P = 0.03, η2 = 0.237). In the IHA group, performance did not deteriorate significantly during hypoglycemia. When all subjects were analyzed within the same general linear model, performance was impaired during hypoglycemia on all tasks. Significant impairment during recovery persisted for up to 40 min on the CRT task (P = 0.04, η2 = 0.125) with a significant glycemia-awareness interaction for CRT after one hour of hypoglycemia (P = 0.045, η2 = 0.124). Performance on the trail-making B task was impaired for up to 10 min after euglycemia was restored (P = 0.024, η2 = 0.158).

CONCLUSIONS—Following hypoglycemia, the recovery time for different cognitive tasks varied considerably. In the IHA group, performance was not significantly impaired during hypoglycemia. The state of awareness of hypoglycemia may influence cognitive function during and after hypoglycemia.
Gene Expression of Adiponectin Receptors in Human Visceral and Subcutaneous Adipose Tissue Is Related to Insulin Resistance and Metabolic Parameters and Is Altered in Response to Physical Training
Authors: Blüher Matthias , Williams Catherine J. , Klöting Nora , Hsi Alex , Ruschke Karen , Oberbach Andreas , Fasshauer Mathias , Berndt Janin , Schön Michael R. , Wolk Alicja , Stumvoll Michael , Mantzoros Christos S.
Published: November 2007

OBJECTIVE—Adiponectin receptors 1 and 2 (AdipoR1 and AdipoR2, respectively) mediate the effects of adiponectin on glucose and lipid metabolism in vivo. We examined whether AdipoR1 and/or AdipoR2 mRNA expression in human adipose tissue is fat-depot specific. We also studied whether their expression in visceral and subcutaneous fat depots is associated with metabolic parameters and whether their expression is regulated by intensive physical exercise.

RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS—We determined metabolic parameters and assessed AdipoR1 and AdipoR2 mRNA expression using quantitative real-time PCR in adipose tissue in an observational study of 153 subjects and an interventional study of 60 subjects (20 each with normal glucose tolerance, impaired glucose tolerance, and type 2 diabetes) before and after intensive physical training for 4 weeks.

RESULTS—AdipoR1 and AdipoR2 mRNA expression is not significantly different between omental and subcutaneous fat, but their expression is several-fold lower in adipose tissue than in muscle. AdipoR2 mRNA expression in visceral fat is highly correlated with its expression in subcutaneous fat. AdipoR2 mRNA expression in both visceral and subcutaneous fat is positively associated with circulating adiponectin and HDL levels but negatively associated with obesity as well as parameters of insulin resistance, glycemia, and other lipid levels before and after adjustment for fat mass. Physical training for 4 weeks resulted in increased AdipoR1 and AdipoR2 mRNA expression in subcutaneous fat.

CONCLUSIONS—AdipoR2 mRNA expression in fat is negatively associated with insulin resistance and metabolic parameters independently of obesity and may mediate the improvement of insulin resistance in response to exercise.
Prophylactic Antibiotics in Women with a History of Pelvic Inflammatory Disease Undergoing First‐Trimester Abortion
Authors: Heisterberg Lars
Published: November 2007

In a double‐blind controlled trial the effect of prophylactic metronidazole on postabortal infection in women with a history of pelvic inflammatory disease (PID) was assessed. One hundred and thirty‐five women were eligible for randomization, of whom 17 were excluded. The regimen consisted of oral metronidazole 400 mg 1 h before the abortion and again 4 and 8 h after, or else placebo. In the placebo group the rate of postabortal PID was 13.0% (7/54) and in the metronidazole group 10.9% (7/64), a nonsignificant difference (p>0.7). Women in gestational weeks 11−12 had a significantly increased rate of postabortal PID compared with women in weeks 6–10 (p<0.005), but this rate was not influenced by the treatment (p>0.2). Women with parity 1 had a significantly increased rate of postabortal PID compared with women with parity 0 (p<0.05), but again the treatment did not influence this rate significantly (p>0.2). The number of hospital days for women in the metronidazole group did not differ significantly from that in the placebo group (p<0.1). The amount of metronidazole administered for prophylactic and postabortal treatment was significantly greater in the metronidazole group (p<0.001). The amounts of other antibiotics prescribed showed non‐significant differences between the two groups (all p‐values >0.3).
International Collaborative Effort (ICE) on Birthweight; Plurality; and Perinatal and Infant Mortality: I: Methods of Data Collection and Analysis
Authors: Alberman Eva , Bergsjø Per , Cole Susan , Evans Stephen , Hartford Robert , Hoffman Howard , McCarthy Brian , Pashley judith , Hampton Barbara
Published: November 2007

This paper describes the collection and analysis of data by a group of international collaborators (International Collaborative Effort on Perinatal and Infant Mortality) interested in comparative studies on birthweight distributions and reproductive outcome. This is the first of a series of reports on the results of these studies. It gives an account of the countries or states involved, and the collection and characteristics of the data. The countries and states included sixteen of the United States, plus England and Wales, Denmark, Bavaria and North Rhine‐Westphalia from the Federal Republic of Germany, Israel, Japan, Norway, Scotland, and Sweden. The data comprised birth‐weight distributions in 500‐gram groups for all births and for singletons separately, for livebirths, stillbirths, first week deaths and, where available, late neonatal and infant deaths, from 1970 up to 1985.
Folate Intake of Older AdultsBefore and After Fortification of Grain Products
Authors: DeWolfe Judy
Published: November 2007

Purpose: To determine whether fortification allowed older adults in the Kingston, Frontenac, and Lennox & Addington (KFL&A) Public Health area to obtain adequate amounts of food folate, and the proportion at risk of consuming more than the upper limit (UL) of folic acid (1,000 mcg).

Methods: Dietary intake of a convenience sample of 103 healthy, active older adults (age range: 65 to 95 years) was measured using three 24-hour recalls. Dietary folate preand post-fortification was estimated.

Results: Mean dietary folate increased from pre- to postfortification, but 43.4% of women and 20% of men still consumed less than the Estimated Average Requirement of 320 mcg dietary folate equivalent. No intakes exceeded the UL. Participants whose diet met grain products and vegetable and fruit recommendations of Canada's Food Guide to Healthy Eating consumed significantly more folate.

Conclusions: Despite fortification, some older adults in the KFL&A area may not be obtaining enough folate to meet their nutritional needs, and may be at risk for health problems associated with folate deficiency. However, without concomitant serum folate measurements, the proportion is not known. Dietitians need to continue promoting foods naturally rich in folate, along with folic acid-fortified foods. While none of the older adults consumed more than the UL, some could exceed this amount if folic acid supplements were added to a folic acid-rich diet.
Philosophie et économie politique chez J.-B. Say - Remarques sur les rapports entre un texte oublié de J.-B. Say et son œuvre économique
Authors: Frick Jean-Paul
Published: November 2007

Abstract Before he was the author of the famous Traité d'économie politique of 1803. J.-B. Say was one of the Décade philosophique, the publication of the Idéologues. So was he one of those people which tried, after Thermidor, to consolidate the ideals of the Revolution. This purpose leads him to write, in 1799, an Utopia : « Olbie ou essai sur les moyens de réformer les mœurs d'un peuple. This work is to-day rather forgotten. Carrying through a point of view which was rather new in France. Say tried to think a free and harmonious society by working up the principles of political economy. So appears Olbie as a philosophical founding writing of the coming economic work of Say - a work which needs so to be readed again.
L'archéologie industrielle en France : un nouveau chantier
Authors: Woronoff Denis
Published: November 2007

Résumé : L'archéologie industrielle, telle qu'on la pratique en France, est l'étude du lien entre production et lieu de production. Ce champ de recherche comprend aussi bien la description des bâtiments que celle des infrastructures. En relèvent aussi l'analyse des postes de travail et de toutes les sortes de flux. Grâce à cette démarche, notre connaissance du tissu industriel et du travail a fortement progressé. Discipline de terrain, l'archéologie industrielle emprunte aussi bien à la géographie, à la science des matériaux qu'à l'histoire de l'art. Elle fait appel, aussi souvent que possible, aux sources écrites et à l'iconographie. L'archéologie industrielle doit faire face à trois défis : dépasser les limites des monographies, se risquer à l'étude des industries savoir se comporter à l'égard de l'offre et de la demande sociales.
Une institution originale de la France post-révolutionnaire et impériale : La société d'encouragement pour l'industrie nationale
Authors: Chassagne Serge
Published: November 2007

Résumé : Si l'existence de la S.E.I.N. est vaguement connue des historiens, sa composition sociale ne l'était pas. Or seule l'étude prosopographique de ses membres durant la première décennie de son activité permet d'en saisir l'originalité profonde. Institution privée, elle tient à la fois de la société académique de naguère et du cercle technocratique de demain, assurant par son bulletin un rôle d'information technique sans équivalent en France dans la première moitié du XIXe siècle.
Un aspect du voyage en chemin de fer : le voyage d'agrément sur le réseau de l'Ouest des années 1830 aux années 1880
Authors: Vergeade Suzanne
Published: November 2007

Résumé Le voyage d'agrément en chemin de fer fit son apparition en France le 26 août 1837, date d'ouverture de la première ligne de Paris à Saint-Germain conçue spécialement pour le transport des voyageurs. Emile Péreire, le fondateur de la compagnie voulait donner un «jouet» aux Parisiens afin de leur faire prendre goût au chemin de fer Ce fut un succès et nous pouvons le considérer à travers l'analyse du trafic, l'étude des tarifs et du confort proposé Le témoignage des passagers, des écrivains et des journalistes constitue une source de renseignements inestimable. Les passagers livrent leurs impressions à propos du nouveau mode de transport : beaucoup prirent le train par simple curiosité ou pour leur plaisir Les deux compagnies de Paris-Rouen et Rouen-Le Havre favorisèrent les voyages d'agrément dans les environs de Pans. Dès 1847, elles organisèrent des trains de plaisir vers la mer La compagnie des chemins de fer de l'Ouest, créée en 1855, reprit le système et proposa plusieurs formules de voyage en direction du littoral, des villes de Normandie et de Bretagne, et enfin en fonction de manifestations particulières telles que les comices agricoles, les régates et les courses de chevaux. La ligne de Saint-Germain a donc joué un rôle pionnier dans la mise en place du voyage d'agrément, la compagnie de l'Ouest développa ce type d'excursion et mit ainsi en gestation le tourisme ferroviaire.