bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Giangiacomo Feltrinelli Institute
Authors: de Grazia Victoria
Published: December 2008

The Feltrinelli Institute was founded in 1949 by the Milanese publisher Giangiacomo Feltrinelli – its aim “to promote the knowledge and study – carried out in accordance with strictly scientific criteria and complete ideological autonomy – of the history, the political and economic thought and the social ideas of the modern and contemporary eras; particular importance is to be given to Italy and to the economic phenomena, political doctrines and more historically important social movements of the country.” Feltrinelli's initiative, which began with the library and a rich collection of materials on French socialism, was an important first step toward filling the vacuum in documentation and research on the Italian working class and socialist movements left by two decades of Fascist government. In the following years, the library and research activities of the Institute played a leading role in the reconstruction of intellectual life and political debate in Italy. Its publications, especially Movimento Operaio (1947–1955) and the Annali (1958-) contained some of the most important contributions to the study of the Italian working class and peasantry, and socialist movements made in the postwar period.
Research Note on the Study of Socialism and Labor History in Paris
Authors: Miller Martin A.
Published: December 2008

Scholars interested in European socialism and labor history have made frequent use of the rich collections in the International Institute for Social History in Amsterdam. The Institut Français d'Histoire Sociale, a comparable institution though on a more limited scale, has not been utilized to the same extent and deserves far more attention from researchers than it has received.
Linguistics and the Study of French Socialism: A Bibliographic Essay
Authors: Robert  , Baker Patricia
Published: December 2008

Patrice L.R. Higonnet has recently written that “history… implies both the selection of facts and the integration of concrete events in some theoretical setting.” Such a statement is worthy of quotation only because of its banality; today historians are constantly exhorted to use coherent theory in their selection and sorting of “facts.” Yet even a cursory survey of historical analyses of French socialism reveals that historians have often used the fuzzy logic of uncritical empiricism, which describes but does not adequately explain, or the rigid logic of dogmatic theory, which explains on the basis of inadequate description.
Recent Articles on English Working-Class History
Authors: Kemnitz Thomas Milton
Published: December 2008

English labor and working-class history increasingly is becoming a respectable occupation for middle-class historians, and much of the recent work reflects middle-class bias and assumptions. One clear indication of this is the use of middle-class terminology. Much of the work noticed here – and some of it is very good – is about “the lower class.” A “lower class” can be identified only from a middle-class perspective; in the 1830s and 1840s, working people contemptuously rejected terms such as “lower classes” and “humbler classes”, insisting instead that they be referred to as the working or industrious class. Middle-class men anxious for working-class support learned the lesson quickly; historians are proving more insensitive over a century later.
“We Can't Get Them to Do Aggressive Work”: Chicago's Anarchists and the Eight-Hour Movement
Authors: Nelson Bruce C.
Published: December 2008

In the last month before the Haymarket Riot, Chicago's labor movement staged two grand demonstrations as it prepared to inaugurate the Eight Hour Day on May 1. The Knights of Labor and the Trade and Labor Assembly arranged the first on April 10, the International Working Peoples' Association (IWPA) and the Central Labor Union (CLU) arranged the second, two weeks later, on Easter Sunday, April 25. The two demonstrations shared a common purpose—to rally the city's labor movement around shorter hours—but they could not have been more different.
And They Sang the “Marseillaise”: A Look at the Left French Press as It Responded to the Haymarket
Authors: Murphy Marjorie
Published: December 2008

This is a tale of two cities: Chicago and Paris. They were different worlds, one the gem of western Europe, the other the gem of the prairies, yet both had a working-class movement in the 1870s and 1880s that produced a unique set of historical events which have served a symbolic function of communicating between one side of the globe and another. To illustrate these events as they appeared to one continent from the other I will begin with Chicago and demonstrate how the Paris Commune served as a symbolic event which gave meaning to local political struggles in the Windy City. Then, as the Haymarket Affair of 1886 unfolds, I will shift to Paris and the left-wing press as it tried to translate Chicago events into something meaningful for French workers. If these were the best of times and worst of times for workers in the late nineteenth century, then it is worth exploring the uses of these events in the creation of a working-class language of internationalism.
Misguided Martyrdom: German Social Democratic Response to the Haymarket Incident, 1886–87
Authors: Sun Raymond C.
Published: December 2008

One day after the execution of the Haymarket anarchists, the German Social Democratic leader August Bebel penned a terse commentary to his friend Friedrich Engels: “So in Chicago the execution has been carried out. Abominable (scheusslich). This murder will have the best consequences for the movement. It will bring the anarchists to their senses while again revealing the class state in its nakedness to the workers and destroying any illusions. Such excesses must occur if things are to advance more quickly.”
Worker and the Welfare State in Imperial Germany
Authors: Steinmetz George
Published: December 2008

A complex relationship existed between working-class formation and the development of the welfare state in Imperial Germany between 1871 and 1914. In the 1880s, the Social Democratic party voted against the three major national social insurance law's, and many workers seemed to spurn the incipient welfare state. But by 1914, socialists were active in social policy-making and workers were participating in the operations of the welfare state. Tens of thousands of workers and social democrats held positions in the social insurance funds and offices, the labor courts and labor exchanges, and other institutions of the official welfare state. Hundreds of workers had even become “friendly visitors” in the traditional middle-class domain of municipal poor relief. This shift is interesting not only from the standpoint of working-class orientations; it also challenges the received image of the German working class as excluded from the state —an interpretation based on an overly narrow focus on national parliamentary politics.
Work, School, and Reform: A Comparison of Birmingham, England, and Pittsburh, USA, 1900–1950
Authors: Cohen Miriam , Hanagan Michael
Published: December 2008

Of all state social provisions, education is among the most important. It also shows the greatest amount of variation among Western industrial nations. England and the United States, countries with many common intellectual and governmental traditions, with longstanding commitments to individualism and democratic forms of government, exhibit great disparity in education. Even today, the United States is by far the leader in the field of mass education while England occupies a position in the bottom ranks.
The Transforming Power of the Machine: Popular Religion, Ideology, and Secularization among Polish Immigrant Workers in the United States, 1880–1940
Authors: Bukowczyk John J.
Published: December 2008

In the last fifteen years or so, a generation of European social historians, armed with an integrated understanding of society, class, culture, and politics, has demystified the history of religion. In particular, they have probed the complicated relationship between institutional and popular belief in the time when Roman Catholicism formed the ideological mainstay of landed power in the precapitalist European countryside. Even apart from the Reformation, they have shown that orthodox religion faced a raft of powerful popular challenges. Superstition, magic, and other “pagan”—or folk—carryovers still survived. Even when accepted, orthodox religion often underwent subversive transmutation at the hands of supposedly docile and devout underclasses who reinvested its practices with new meanings, reappropriated its symbols for their own ends, and sometimes thereby used it as a resource against the predations of society's rulers. In the process, they transformed the Church's own religion from a theology of subjugation into an arena for popular struggle, resistance, expression, and assertion.
Religion and Trade Union Politics in the United States, 1880–1920
Authors: Fones-Wolf Ken
Published: December 2008

More than three decades have passed since Marc Karson analyzed the Catholic church's critical role in impeding the growth of socialism in the American labor movement. He was not the first to make the argument; Progressive Era socialists were acutely aware of Catholics' outspoken opposition, and David Saposs outlined Karson's arguments as early as 1933. However, the evidence marshaled by Karson, first in a 1951 article and later inAmerican Labor Unions and Politics, 1900–1918, so clearly detailed facets of Catholic antisocialism that his thesis has become the conventional wisdom. With few exceptions, historians depict the church as a potent enemy of socialism, heartily welcomed by trade union leaders.
Proletarians by Fiat: The Compulsory Ural Metallurgical Work Force, 1630–1861
Authors: Hudson Hugh D. , DeHart Bruce J. , Griffiths David M.
Published: December 2008

Buried within the bowels of Russia's Ural Mountains, some sixteen hundred kilometers east of Moscow, lay huge deposits of the invaluable raw material iron. If exploitedon a large scale, they would provide the Russian state with one of the chief ingredients of an early industrial economy. A prospering iron industry, in its turn, would expand immeasurably Russia's hitherto-limited war-making capacity—no small consideration in the early eighteenth century, an age in which war-making was still deemed the major function of the ambitious ruler. Appropriately, no Russian was more alert to the potential of Ural iron than Peter I, whose reign of some thirty-five years (1689–1725) would be distinguished by only one year completely free of war.
Japanese Labor in World War II
Authors: Rice Richard
Published: December 2008

Apart from the intrinsic value of understanding the fate of Japanese workers during the war, Japanese labor history in World War II also gives us a non-Western point of comparison for studies of wartime labor in the West. To facilitate that comparison, we should consider government policy, the response of the labor movement, and the conditions of workers during the war. In Japan, labor and economic history periodization of World War II does not conform to the European and American conceptions. For the Japanese, the war began with the outbreak of the “China incident” in 1937; Pearl Harbor, traumatic as it was for the United States, only marks the beginning of a new stage the Japanese call the “Pacific War.” It is not surprising, then, that Japanese labor history begins its wartime phase in 1937. In fact, to comprehend changes during the 1937–45 war, at least brief mention must be made of earlier developments.
Signs of Crisis, Fin-de-Siècle Doldrums, of Middle Age?
Authors: Field Geoffrey
Published: December 2008

The New Labor History has, unexpectedly but inevitably, become middleaged. The mirror shows the same basic form, though more capacious and less taut than before. But the energy level is definitely lower; some of the enthusiasm is gone; newer, younger groups on the street have more “élan and purpose,” and are more fired up and politically engaged. There's pride in past achievements, of course, and plenty of consolation that the stuff now being turned out is better than ever.But the air contains a whiff of panic, an infectious sense that the best days are gone. Even the “oldfashioned” history, once so disdained, now seems to have redeeming points. Like Lord Melbourne in his dotage, labor historians wish they could be as sure of anything as they once were of everything. Marxism down the tubes, class stripped of its explanatory force, Lefebvre's French Revolution gathering dust, E. P. Thompson under attack. Where will it all end? Some blame an excess of theory for making the mind spin and the stomach queasy; they prescribe a strong dose of exercise in the archives. Others have begun to pin their hopes on the state or counsel premature retreat into institutions.
From Scientific Socialism to Political Science?
Authors: Montgomery David
Published: December 2008

Ira Katznelson has proposed that we labor historians can recover our lost élan by engaging the agenda of liberalism. Although he acknowledges that today's writings on working-class history are variegated and richly rewarding, he regrets that they have become uncoupled from controversies over public policy and social change and run the risk of becoming little more than “sentimental reminders of times lost and aspirations disappointed.”To revitalize our sense of engagement he recommends that we call a halt to “the continuing flight within labor history from institutional-political analysis.” We should focus our attention on historical relationships between the state and civil society, and we should inform our analyses with the political theory that historically has assumed its shape around those relationships: liberalism.
Intellectual Crisis or Paradigm Shift?
Authors: Rabinbach Anson
Published: December 2008

Ira's paper begins with an apparent paradox: He agrees with William Sewell's statement that labor history is not in crisis, and yet, the remarkable historical occurrences and the powerful methodological and epistemological challenges of the past decade have produced nothing less than “labor history's loss of élan, directionality, and intellectual purpose.” These developments are so serious that labor historians are encouraged to undertake a dramatic departure from the well-trod methodological and thematic pathways of labor history.Marxism, which in varying guises was hegemonic in our discipline for at least two decades, has all but collapsed under the double pressure of events and theoretical challenges. Its political project is undermined by a disappearing working class, a declining welfare state, and the end of European communism, its theoretical preeminence shaken by new deconstructive and Foucauldian approaches. These approaches have questioned the timelessness and solidity of Marxist categories, arguing that the “historical subject” of the theory—the working class—is not a sociological given or an ontologically secure phenomenon; it is a category that is not merely undifferentiated, but constituted in such a way as to obliterate its constitutive “other,” most preeminently “woman.” Poststructuralist historiography undercuts the teleological and triumphalist assumptions of Marxist philosophy of history, just as the aforementioned events have shown them to be counterfactual, if not “sentimental reminders of times lost and aspirations disappointed.”
History's Noncrisis
Authors: Tilly Louise A.
Published: December 2008

Ira Katznelson's evocative and stimulating essay is an effort to chart how we got from there to here and to point to new directions in which labor history might fruitfully move. By some irony of coincidence (or, more likely, by a logic that easily could be traced) I was at all the events he mentions (except the recent “ambitious talk by a political theorist”—I was out of town that day), even the founding meeting of the European Labor and Working-Class History group and newsletter convened by Robert Wheeler at the American Historical Association 1971 Annual Meeting.I also read most of the key articles and books he cites at about the same time he did. My reading of this history and the present situation of labor history differs from his not because I disagree with the facts about labor history, but because I disagree with the scope of the epistemological debate behind its “loss of elan, directionality, and intellectual purpose.” Thus the fact that labor history is not in crisis, as he insists, must be extended to history in general, with the caveat that an epistemological debate is going on not just in labor history, but throughout the discipline of history, including women's history.
Prospectus for International Colloquium on Tradition and the Working Class
Authors: Tilly Louise , Gérôme Noëlle
Published: December 2008

Tradition is understood as a subset of a central historical concern: social and cultural discontinuities in time and space. The historical study of social tradition is an important contribution to knowledge; it seeks to understand the ways in which groups (states, classes, communities, families) formalize, symbolize, and interpret the past—and how such visions shape the ways in which people interpret, accept, or resist present conditions and influence behavior in the future.
Producing Visual Traditions Among Workers: The Uses of Photography at Pullman
Authors: Peterson Larry
Published: December 2008

From 1880 to 1980 the Pullman Company repeatedly turned to photography to shape the attitudes and behavior of its workers. It built the Pullman Car Works and adjoining town on the fringes of Chicago as a model industrial community with the goal of resolving the endemic conflict between capital and labor. However, despite its claim that the model town was intended as purely “practical” philanthropy—that is, that sanitary and beautiful conditions would increase profits by improving workers' performance and preventing strikes—Pullman could not achieve its goal without also creating affective bonds with workers.
Response: Beyond Time and Money
Authors: de Grazia Victoria
Published: December 2008

Next to the extinction of communism, nothing has disconcerted labor historians as much as the proliferation of cultural studies about mass consumption. By contrast, the critique of economism begun two decades ago under the influence of E. P. Thompson was a snap, for workers and themakingof the working class remained the main focus, even as emphasis shifted from workplace to community contests over pub life, public parks, and other arenas of popular culture. Cultural studies of mass consumption, however, challenge whether it is still valid, much less possible, to focus uniquely on workers, except perhaps to deal with theirunmakingas a class. Some are influenced by the “linguistic turn” associated with poststructuralism and deconstruction, putting pressure on labor historians to relate complex processes of signification to the changes in strategies and structures that are the meat and potatoes of the labor-history field.
Gender and Jobs in Early Twentieth-Century French Industry
Authors: Tilly Louise A.
Published: December 2008

Recent studies of women's employment in the United States, recognizing that the past has shaped – and constrained – the present, have turned to historical evidence for answers to pressing questions about gender inequality in the economic arena. These carefully designed and methodologically sophisticated projects, often based on newly discovered primary sources, have greatly illuminated the processes, institutions, and social groups which have interacted to produce persistent inequality despite substantial change.
Subordination, Authority, Law: Subjects in Labor History
Authors: Tomlins Christopher
Published: December 2008

In the first section of this essay I discuss alternative ways of interpreting an eighteenth-century anecdote about employment relations. This serves to introduce a series of arguments that advocate altering our conception of labor history (with special reference to American labor history) in ways that center it on the study of household relations. Asserting that law is the primary site upon which authoritative social relations are constituted, I also argue that legal history—in this case the history of domestic relations law—is of fundamental importance to the labor history the essay recommends.
Domestic Service Revisited: Private Household Workers and Employers in a Shifting Economic Environment
Authors: Turbin Carole
Published: December 2008

In 1993, Nannygate, one of the many predicaments of the Clinton administration, highlighted a trend that has been many years in the making. Nannygate captured the nation's attention not only because it represented another example of the misuse of economic and political privilege but also because in recent years so many Americans have had first-hand experience employing private household workers.
Introduction: Workers' Choices, Company Policies, and Loyalties
Authors: Montgomery David
Published: December 2008

The history of industrial paternalism is full of paradoxes. Although depictions of the entrepreneur as provider and guiding spirit for numerous families gathered under his wing are readily associated with the cultural legacy of preindustrial life, companies have frequently introduced employee benefits in conjunction with innovations in technology and work relations. Imagery and practices featuring the personal solicitude of a familiar boss have been articulated by huge enterprises with elaborate managerial hierarchies. While trade unionists have routinely denounced company welfare plans as “A pocket full of tricks/To soothe the weary worker/When he groans and kicks,” more than one employer has echoed the lament: “Everything we give them for nothing makes them a bit lazier, and a little harder to deal with, and more prone to find fault.”
Patronage, Paternalism, and Welfare: Masters, Workers, and Magistrates in Eighteenth-Century England
Authors: Hay Douglas
Published: December 2008

Paternalism is a construct that continues to be used by historians of eighteenth-century English society. As an explanatory or exploratory term it does resonate with some of the inflections in the sources, particularly those dealing with the mediation of class relations by the prototypical country gentleman justice of the peace, that denizen of countless novels, and the subject of much historical research over the last thirty years. Paternalism, in the sense of a putative concern for the welfare of the working poor, provided they kept within bounds, was certainly the announced creed of many better- and lesser-known philanthropic gentlemen of the period, and we can find (apparent) plebeian celebrations of the belief:

God bless Lord Dudley Ward

He knows as times been hard.

He called back the sodgermen,

And we'll never riot again,

Na boys, no boys, no the brave Dudley boys.
Paternalism in Indian Labor: The Tata Iron and Steel Company of Jamshedpur
Authors: Kling Blair B.
Published: December 2008

The most celebrated case of paternalism in India is that of the Tata Iron and Steel Company (Tisco) and its company town, Jamshedpur. In the context of India, Jamshedpur is a marvel: a relatively clean, spacious, and prosperous city where more people live in middle-class neighborhoods than in slums. With a population of 650,000, Jamshedpur is certainly the largest company town in the world, and, because it is still controlled and administered by the private company that founded it in 1909, it is probably the oldest extant company town. Aside from the town, the steel company itself holds a special place in Indian industrial history. It was founded and capitalized in the colonial period by the Indian business community of Bombay in 1907, began production in 1911, and thereafter took its place as the largest private company in India and the largest integrated steel mill in the British Empire. It has survived revolutionary political changes, near-bankruptcy, and nationalization attempts, largely because its directors convinced the British that it was an essential defense industry and the Indian nationalists that it was a national treasure run by men of integrity for the benefit of the nation.
The Birth and Consequences of Industrial Paternalism in Monterrey, Mexico, 1890–1940
Authors: Snodgrass Michael David
Published: December 2008

For as long as the people of Monterrey, Nuevo León could remember, class harmony had characterized their preeminently industrial city. Local residents attributed this aura of industrial peace to the unique character of the region's workers and the inherent benevolence of their employers. They took special pride in both. Like all northerners, Monterrey's workers had a reputation for hard work, industriousness, and staunch independence. They manifested the last through their celebrated autonomy from Mexico's national labor federations. The industrialists, in turn, earned local renown for having built their companies with Mexican capital. Furthermore, such pillars of local industry as the Cuauhtemoc Brewery and the Fundidora Iron and Steel Works provided fringe benefits unique by contemporary Mexican standards. Since the 1920s, local boosters claimed, company paternalism had established the basis for Monterrey's industrial peace and prosperity. Then, just as General Lázaro Cárdenas assumed the presidency in 1935, class struggle seemingly engulfed the city. In a startling development, the steel workers broke from the Independent Unions of Nuevo León and affiliated with the national Miner-Metalworkers Union. Two weeks later, the operatives of Monterrey Glassworks, a Cuauhtemoc subsidiary, voted in support of militant unionism.
Front Populaire, Front National: The Colonial Example
Authors: Wall Irwin M.
Published: December 2008

The popular front strategy, by which the French Communist party (PCF) came to mean a tactical alliance of the left including the Socialists and the left-leaning elements of the petty bourgeoisie represented by the Radical party, was pursued only briefly by the PCF in the 1930s, from 1934 to 1936. This is ironic, since it is by the slogan of theFront Populairethat the period of the 1930s in French history was to be subsequently known and remembered. The popular front was actually a transitional strategy between the famous (or infamous) “Third Period” of Comintern history from 1928–34, characterized in France by the class-against-class policy, and the policy ofFront National, in which the PCF pursued a policy of alliance with anyone, including the right, against fascism at home and abroad. The PCF launched the national front in August 1936, and although the slogan did not catch on and was withdrawn, the party pursued that strategy for the remainder of the period until the war. But it was the popular front that would be remembered as having resulted in a wave of social legislation following the Blum government's assumption of power in June 1936 and which has ever since become a point of reference for the PCF. The wage increases, rights to unionize, paid vacations, forty hour week and nationalizations remain accomplishments for the party, to be built upon in each successive experience of participating in, or supporting the French government.
The Popular Front in the American South: The View from Memphis
Authors: Honey Michael
Published: December 2008

When I started organizing the CIO I was called a Communist anyhow, and one thing I noticed was that the Communists were the most dedicated union supporters. In 1939, I wasn't a Communist, just a militant young guy caught up in the class struggle … But I became acquainted with the Communists and I found myself defending them because they were the best organizers. I got caught up in the struggle, and at that time the big issue was black and white unity. I could see from experience that there was no way to achieve union organization without unity between black and white. It was a question of self interest on the part of whites, and the other white workers saw that too.
Worktime between Haymarket and the Popular Front: An International Perspective
Authors: Cross Gary
Published: December 2008

The quest for an eight-hour day was the central issue of the struggles leading to the Haymarket massacre of 1886. It also was at the heart of a widening scope of labor activity in the 1880s. The AFL's call for national eight-hour demonstrations on May 1, 1890 encouraged admiring European labor movements to join the Americans in an international strike for eight hours, the event which partially inspired the organizing of the Second International. Given these often-noted facts, it is ironic that the history of the hours issue after 1890, and especially between World War I and the popular front, when the major reductions in worktime occurred, has been largely neglected by American and European labor historians. In the half-century between Haymarket and the popular front worktime particularly dominated the attention of international labor and produced the forty-hour week standard and the ideal of the annual vacation.
Structure, behavior, and function of complex systems: The structure, behavior, and function modeling language
Authors: Goel Ashok K. , Rugaber Spencer , Vattam Swaroop
Published: December 2008

Teleological modeling is fundamental to understanding and explaining many complex systems, especially engineered systems. Research on engineering design and problem solving has developed several ontologies for expressing teleology, for example, functional representation, function–behavior–structure, and structure–behavior–function (SBF). In this paper, we view SBF as a programming language. SBF models of engineering systems have been used in several computer programs for automated design and problem solving. The SBF language captures the expressive power of the earlier programs and provides a basis for interactive construction of SBF models. We provide a precise specification of the SBF language. We also describe an interactive model construction tool called SBFAuthor.
A dynamic knowledge modeler
Authors: Harrison Robert , Chan Christine W.
Published: December 2008

This paper presents the development and application of a software tool for modeling knowledge to be used in knowledge-based systems or the Semantic Web. The inferential modeling technique, which is a technique for modeling the static and dynamic knowledge elements of a problem domain, provided the basis for the tool. A survey of existing knowledge modeling tools revealed they typically failed to provide support in four main areas: support for an ontological engineering methodology or technique, support for dynamic knowledge modeling, support for dynamic knowledge testing, and support for ontology management. Dyna, a Protégé plug-in, has been developed, which supports the Inferential Modeling Technique, dynamic knowledge modeling, and dynamic knowledge testing. Protégé and Dyna are applied for constructing an ontological model in the domain of selecting a remediation technology for petroleum contaminated sites. Dynamic knowledge testing in Dyna enabled creation of a more complete knowledge model.
Ontology-based modeling and integration of morphological characteristics of assembly joints for network-based collaborative assembly design
Authors: Kim Kyoung-Yun , Chin Seongah , Kwon Ohbyung , Ellis R. Darin
Published: December 2008

This paper presents our research on developing an ontology-based framework that can represent morphological characteristics related to assembly joints. Joints within the physical structure of an assembly are inevitable because of the limitations of component geometries and the associated, required engineering properties. Consequently, a framework is needed that can capture and propagate assembly design and joint information in a robust assembly model throughout the entire product development processes. The framework and model are based on an understanding of the morphological characteristics of an assembly and its different physical effects. The morphological characteristics are consequences of the principal physical processes and of the design intentions. Therefore, the morphological characteristics should be carefully represented while considering the geometry and topology of assembly joints. In this research, assembly joint topology is defined by a mereotopology, which is a region-based theory for the parts and associated concepts. This formal ontology can differentiate often ambiguous assembly and joining relations. Furthermore, the mereotopological definitions for assembly joints are implemented in Semantic Web Rule Language (SWRL) rules and Web Ontology Language triples. This process provides universality to the mereotopological definitions. Two geometrically and topologically similar joint pairs are presented to describe how the assembly joints can be defined in mereotopology and be transformed into SWRL rules. Web3D is also employed to support network-enabled sharing of assembly geometry. Finally, the proposed modeling framework is demonstrated using a real fixture assembly. This case study demonstrates the usability of the proposed framework for network-based design collaboration.
IfcOWL: A case of transforming EXPRESS schemas into ontologies
Authors: Beetz Jakob , van Leeuwen Jos , de Vries Bauke
Published: December 2008

Ontologies have been successfully applied as a semantic enabler of communication between both users and applications in fragmented, heterogeneous multinational business environments. In this paper we discuss the underlying principles, their current implementation status, and most importantly, their applicability to problems in the building information modeling domain. We introduce the development of an ontology for the building and construction sector based on the industry foundation classes. We discuss several approaches of lifting modeling information that is based on the express family of languages for data modeling onto a logically rigid and semantically enhanced ontological level encoded in the W3C Ontology Web Language. We exemplify the added value of such formal notation of building models by providing several examples where generic query and reasoning algorithms can be applied to problems that otherwise have to be manually hard-wired into applications for processing building information. Furthermore, we show how the underlying resource description framework and the set of technologies evolving around it can be tailored to the need of distributed collaborative work in the building and construction industry.
Mirror Images: Political Structure and Early Railroad Policy in the United States and Prussia
Authors: Dunlavy Colleen A.
Published: December 2008

As conventional thinking once had it,VormärzPrussia and the antebellum United States mapped out opposite ends of a “strong-state, weak-state” spectrum. But several decades of research have rendered both images increasingly untenable. Revisions began on the American side in the 1940s when a group of scholars set out to re-evaluate the state governments' role in antebellum American industrialization. These studies of state legislation and political rhetoric—the first to take federalism seriously, one might say—collectively laid to rest the myth of laissez-faire during the antebellum period. Since then scholars of the antebellum political economy have examined the American state from another angle, shifting attention to the role of the state and federal courts in economic growth. Others, mean-while, have taken a closer look at the federal government's role before the Civil War and discerned interventionist tendencies in the federal legislature and executive as well. The cumulative effect is clear: it has become impossible to speak of laissez-faire in the antebellum American context. On the Prussian side, too, historians have begun to rethink the state's role in industrialization as mounting evidence has undermined the conventional image. Initially, few historians questioned the extent of the state's involvement in economic activity during the first half of the 19th century; instead, they debated its consequences—beneficial or not, intended or not. On balance the first round of revisions judgedVormdrzPrussian policies to have been rather contradictory in nature, some encouraging industrialization but others either hampering economic change or proving irrelevant.5 Historian Clive Trebilcock has gone a step further, however, debunking what he labels “myths of the directed economy” in nineteenth-century Germany.
The Legitimation of the Administrative State: Some Aspects of the Work of Thurgood Marshall
Authors: Tushnet Mark
Published: December 2008

The judicial role in the construction of the twentieth-century state was decisively structured by the interaction of developments in jurisprudence and by changes in the organization of the regulation of economic activity. Individual judges brought their backgrounds and political predispositions to the task as well, and we will gain a full understanding of the judicial role in structuring the state only by integrating biography, jurisprudence, and political economy. This article examines the work of Justice Thurgood Marshall in constructing the post-New Deal settlement of the relations among people in their capacity as consumers, people in their capacity as workers, and capital. That settlement was expressed in legal forms that departed from the common law doctrines that had for two centuries provided one of the legitimating ideologies of social relations. With the construction of the administrative state came the need to reconstitute not only the legal structures that supported the agencies of government, but also the ideological structures that explained the legitimacy of these innovations. While legal academics articulated carefully thought out defenses of the administrative state, judges provided the citizenry with less developed but, perhaps, more easily understood ideologies. Justice Marshall's work in areas of labor law and civil procedure provides insight into the dimensions of the legal legitimation of the administrative state, while his unique experience as a lawyer and his place within the Court illuminate the importance of biographical factors in a full explanation of the construction of the legal structures of the administrative state.
Response to Sklar
Authors: Hahn Steven
Published: December 2008

Near the end of his important and challenging essay, Martin J. Sklar briefly considers an alternative path of development to the corporate-liberal reorganization that he identifies with the era between the 1890s and 1916. “A statist resolution might have taken hold,” Sklar writes,

had the American capitalist class, or its corporate sector, been less developed in its market powers and proficiencies and hence more dependent on the state for its wealth and power; had the liberal republican tradition of the supremacy of society over the state (the sovereignty of the people) been weaker; had the working class been less imbued with that republican ideology, less developed, and hence more inclined to statist rather than associative-constitutional ideas and principles; had the corporate sector of the capitalist class sought and found alliance with a statist-oriented sector of the working class or a statist-oriented petty bourgeoisie, especially in the farm and rural population; had the corporate sector of the capitalist class sought and found alliance with civilian or military professionals, technicians, administrators, and managers—or a “managerial class”—looking to the state as a base of power. (p. 210)
Why Negative Campaigning Is Rational: The Rhetoric of the Ratification Campaign of 1787–1788
Authors: Riker William H.
Published: December 2008

Electoral campaigns are a distinguishing feature, worldwide, of modern representative democracies. For most citizens in most polities, campaigns provide a compelling incentive to think about government. So campaigns thus are a, perhaps the, main point of contact between officials and the populace over matters of public policy. If, as democratic theorists postulate, rulers are responsible to the ruled, the nexus of responsibility, the time and place that we impose it, is during campaigns and the elections in which they culminate.
Comment: Riker's Rhetoric of Ratification
Authors: Tulis Jeffrey K.
Published: December 2008

Over the past decade, William Riker has written a series of articles that reinterpret the founding of American politics in light of insights gleaned from theories of rational choice. In the course of these efforts, he has invented a new subject, “heresthetics,” having “to do with the manipulation of the structure of tastes and alternatives within which decisions are made.” With Evelyn C. Fink, for example, he has shown more systematically than previous analyses how the federalists structured the the ratification process by attaching an informal promise of future amendment to a formally unconditional ratification. In the present essay, Riker moves from heresthetics to rhetoric: “Rhetoric and heresthetic are both techniques of winning. But they are different kinds of techniques. Rhetoric is persuasion.… With heresthetic, on the other hand, conviction is at best secondary or not involved at all.” Riker describes federalist and antifederalist ratification rhetoric in an effort to display the persuasiveness of “negative” campaign appeals for those who wish to attract the support of marginal voters.
Political Culture and American Political Development: Liberty, Union, and the Liberal Bipolarity
Authors: Greenstone J. David
Published: December 2008

The connections between ideas of political culture and political development are intrinsically problematic. The termdevelopmenttypically refers to change, contingency, and the impact of causal forces in reshaping a social or political order. The concept draws on the powerful intuition that no feature of human experience, including language itself, is exempt from change and transformation. By contrast,culturetypically refers to the framework of symbols, norms, assumptions, and expectations with which a people make sense of their experiences and formulate appropriate courses of action. At least for long periods, this interpretive framework molds the process of social change and limits the extent to which it occurs. Here, the controlling intuition is that without some stable set of meanings no complex human discourse can be really coherent—for there is no stable marker against which change itself can be measured. It is easy enough, of course, to assert that a particular political regime exhibits both a distinctive culture and a particular pattern of development. But it is another matter to indicate the precise relationship between the two.
‘The Early Nationalization of Political News in America’: Comment
Authors: Silbey Joel H.
Published: December 2008

This is the beginning of a journey that promises to be eventful for students of American political development. Samuel Kernell is on to some-thing. The speculative and substantive implications of his findings, especially if they can be expanded and replicated, seem to be very great indeed.
Polity and Rights Values in Conflict: The Burger Court, Ideological Interests, and the Separation of Church and State
Authors: Kahn Ronald
Published: December 2008

I seek to counter a view commonly held by scholars that the Burger Court is pragmatic in its constitutional choices in contrast to the Warren Court, which is viewed as ideological. I propose a methodology to study the effects of process values and rights values held by members of the Burger Court on their decision making. To view its decision making as pragmatic, without awareness of underlying values of process and rights, results in an oversimplified view and leads to the unwarranted conclusion that the Burger Court is case-specific in making constitutional choices. I limit my discussion to separation of church and state cases, primarily in the area of aid to parochial education, because traditionally scholars have emphasized the pragmatic nature of Burger Court choices in this area. A finding of consistency of values in justices' orientations in this area suggests that the methodology reported here might have general utility in the study of Supreme Court decision making.
Party Constraints on Leaders in Pursuit of Change
Authors: Sykes Patricia
Published: December 2008

Since the late nineteenth century, dissatisfaction with the U.S. party system has led political scientists to look across the Atlantic for ”responsible parties,” cohesive teams with leaders who articulate and promote distinctive programs for public policy. Yet U.S. political scientists have been misguided when they have searched for a different, superior set of parties in the United Kingdom. British parties have never possessed the internal cohesion characteristic of the responsible-parties model. Nor have they, for that matter, empowered their leaders to pursue change. When parties prove significant, influence operates in the British environment much as it does in the U.S. context—as a commodity bargained for among groups within the two major parties.
DuBois's “Double Consciousness”: Race and Gender in Progressive Era American Thought
Authors: Reed Adolph
Published: December 2008

After the Egyptian and Indian, the Greek and Roman, the Teuton and Mongolian, the Negro is a sort of seventh son, born with a veil, and gifted with second-sight in this American world,—a world which yields him no true self-consciousness, but only lets him see himself through the revelation of the other world. It is a peculiar sensation, this double-consciousness, this sense of always looking at one's self through the eyes of others, of measuring one's soul by the tape of a world that looks on in amused contempt and pity. One ever feels his two-ness,—an American, a Negro; two souls, two thoughts, two un-reconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark body, whose dogged strength alone keeps it from being torn asunder.
Conference Panel: On Political Identity
Authors: Ryan Mary P. , Norton Anne , Shulman George M.
Published: December 2008

In May, 1990, a conference was held at UCLA on the theme of “American Politics in Historical Perspective.” Panels were organized on political institutions and social history, on periodization, and on political identity. The panel presentations on political identity are printed below, along with some of the exchanges among the conference group. Slightly edited for clarity, they are offered to readers in the interest of conveying some of the intellectual ferment currently surrounding the focus on political identity and its use as an approach in historical study. The editors of Studies in American Political Development do not endorse any of the views or interpretations expressed.
A Party System Perspective on the Interstate Commerce Act of 1887: The Democracy, Electoral College Competition, and the Politics of Coalition Maintenance
Authors: James Scon C.
Published: December 2008

The literature on the Interstate Commerce Act of 1887 is curiously at odds with our understanding of the politics of the Gilded Age. Labels like “the party period” and phrases such as “the triumph of organizational politics” and the “full flowering of the American party state” attest to the vibrant partisan life of the late 19th century. Stephen Skowronek offers one important reason for this state of affairs: The nature of electoral competition in these years further extended the hegemony of party concerns over governmental operations. More than ever before, the calculations of those in power were wedded to the imperatives of maintaining efficiency in state and local political machines and of forging a national coalition from these machines for presidential elections.