bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Impact of Demographic Factors and Comorbidities on Distal Radius Fracture Outcomes
Authors: Wilson Kenneth , Heyde Rebecca von der , Sparks Megan , Hammerschmidt Kathryn , Pleimann Derek , Ranz Erin , Rector Jessica , Sniezak Daniel
Published: October 2013

Background

Despite the prevalence and consequences of distal radius fracture (DRF), there is limited research that analyzes the effects of demographic factors and comorbidities as they relate to pain, perceived disability, and functional outcomes.

Methods

All data for this study were examined retrospectively within an established clinical database. Patients with DRF were evaluated during their first and final visits with a criterion-based numeric pain scale (CR12), the Disability of the Arm, Shoulder, and Hand (DASH) questionnaire, and a global rate of change scale to assess outcomes of pain, perceived disability, and function, respectively.

Results

The number of days between injury and initial therapy evaluation were inversely correlated with changes in perceived pain and perceived disability ( r = −0.315, p =0.000; r =–0.348, p =0.000). In addition, moderate and statistically significant correlations were noted between work status and average CR12 and DASH scores at final re-evaluation ( r =0.392, p =0.000, r =0.473, p =0.000). No significant relationships were noted between additional demographic factors or comorbidities and pain, perceived disability, or function during statistical analysis.

Conclusions

Patients without diabetes, hypertension, or depression and those who were not smokers had better outcomes in terms of pain, perceived disability, and function in this study. In addition, earlier timing of initial evaluation after injury and full duty work status were significantly related to improvement in pain and perceived disability. Timing of initiation of therapy and return to work are suggested as avenues for future research.
Dupuytren's Disease: Current State of the Art
Authors: Henry Mark
Published: October 2013

Background

This review article critically examines the current literature for Dupuytren's disease.

Methods

Five procedures are considered: dermofasciectomy, limited fasciectomy, segmental aponeurectomy, needle aponeurotomy, and collagenase injection. Studies regarding the efficacy of these treatments focus primarily on the initial degree of correction, rate of recurrence, and complications.

Results

No one treatment has been declared superior and substantial controversy exists. Comparison between studies has been hampered by the absence of uniform definitions for clinical success and measurable disease progression. Traditional postoperative care includes formal therapy and night splinting, but recent studies have questioned the value of these adjuncts.

Conclusion

The extent of involvement at which the surgeon should intervene was previously well accepted by convention, but as the paradigm shifts towards less invasive procedures, treatment may be offered at an earlier stage. Future research should be structured to recognize the value-based decision making used by patients when selecting treatment.
Making a difference in adult–child relationships: Evidence from an adult–child communication intervention in Botswana, Malawi, and Mozambique
Authors: Schwandt Hilary M. , Underwood Carol
Published: October 2013

Girls are vulnerable to HIV in part because the social systems in which they live have failed to protect them. This study evaluates a program aimed at strengthening adult–child relationships to reduce girls' vulnerability to HIV in Botswana, Malawi, and Mozambique. In addition to an extensive process evaluation, a cross‐sectional post‐intervention survey was conducted in the three countries. The total sample size was 1418 adolescent girls (ages 11–18). Bivariate and multilevel, multivariate analyses were conducted to assess the association between adult program exposure and adult–child relationship improvement. In Botswana, Malawi, and Mozambique, girls whose mothers and fathers participated in the program, as compared to those whose parents did not participate in the program, were significantly more likely to report that their relationships with their parents had improved. Research has shown the important role that adults can play in the mitigation of youth risk taking behavior.
Foreign Medical Teams: What Role Can They Play in Response to a Catastrophic Disaster in the US?
Authors: Hanfling Dan , Bouri Nidhi
Published: October 2013

Hurricane Katrina demonstrated that a catastrophic event in the continental United States (US) can overwhelm domestic medical response capabilities. The recent focus on response planning for a catastrophic earthquake in the New Madrid Seismic Zone and the detonation of an improvised nuclear device also underscore the need for improved plans. The purpose of this analysis is to identify the potential role of foreign medical teams (FMTs) in providing medical response to a catastrophic event in the US. We reviewed existing policies and frameworks that address medical response to catastrophic events and humanitarian emergencies and assess current response capabilities by a variety of FMTs. While several policies and plans outline the role of the US in providing medical assistance during foreign disasters, further planning is necessary to identify how the US will integrate foreign medical assistance during a domestic catastrophic event. We provide an overview of considerations related to federal roles and responsibilities for managing and integrating FMTs into the overarching domestic medical response to a catastrophic disaster occurring in the continental US. (Disaster Med Public Health Preparedness. 2013;7:555-562)
Characterization ofDicrocoelium dendriticumhaplotypes from sheep and cattle in Iran based on the internal transcribed spacer 2 (ITS-2) and NADH dehydrogenase gene (nad1)
Authors: Gorjipoor S. , Moazeni M. , Sharifiyazdi H.
Published: October 2013

The present study assessed whether the genetic variation among different hosts (sheep and cattle) and geographical isolates (n= 28) ofDicrocoelium dendriticumfrom Iran is present based on mitochondrial (nad1) and ribosomal (ITS-2) DNA markers. Molecular analysis revealed the presence of at least ten and two distinct haplotypes in the NADH dehydrogenase gene (nad1) and internal transcribed spacer 2 (ITS-2), respectively. Thenad1 and ITS-2 sequence data were deposited in GenBank under accession numbers, JX050110–134 and JQ966972–3. According to the results of our study, ND-D and ITS-A are established as being the predominant haplotypes ofD. dendriticumin Iran. The Iranian isolates showed a higher intraspecific genetic diversity of 0–0.97% fornad1, compared to 0–0.42% for ITS-2. The alignment and comparison ofnad1 and ITS-2 sequences revealed eight and one polymorphic sites, respectively. In thenad1 sequences, six were silent and two nucleotide substitutions were responsible for amino acid alterations. A phylogenetic analysis of the sequence data revealed that host associations and geographic location are not likely useful markers forD. dendriticumhaplotype classification. Consequently, sequencing results obtained from thenad1gene as a mitochondrial marker for the first time in this study would provide a valuable tool to analyse further molecular details ofD. dendriticumworldwide.
Prayer, Politics and the Trinity: Vying Models of Authority in Third–Fourth-Century Debates on Prayer and ‘Orthodoxy’
Authors: Coakley Sarah
Published: October 2013

This article presents a theory about a distinctive, but still neglected, approach to trinitarianism in the early church which was founded explicitly in demanding practices of prayer and personal transformation. The central thesis of the article is that this approach (with its characteristic appeal to Romans 8, and its Spirit-initiated prayer of an elevated or ascetic sort) was set on a course of almost inevitable tension with certain kinds of episcopal authority, and particularly with post-Nicene renditions of ‘orthodoxy’ as propositional assent. The theory is not to be confused, however, with a rather tired sociological disjunction between institution and ‘charisma’; the matter is spiritually more subtle than that, and implies vying perceptions of theological power, ‘orthodoxy’, and the nature of the ecclesial body. In this article I opt for a focus on the relation between Origen'sDe oratione(one of the finest discussions of the implications of Romans 8 for Christian contemplation), the suggested influence of Origen on early Antonite monasticism, and the still-mysterious motivations for Theophilus’ first attack on Origenism and the monks of Nitria in 399. The picture that emerges, once this distinctive prayer-based approach to the Trinity is clarified, is one of a late fourth-century crisis of simultaneous rejection, domestication and attempted assimilation of this elite spirituality of intra-divine incorporation.
The Theological and the Political: A Philosophical Critique
Authors: Graham Gordon
Published: October 2013

The aspiration to find a theological perspective from which to view political life is a very old one. The converse – seeking to view theology from a political perspective – is new. It is one indication, perhaps, of an important cultural reversal of religion and politics. In what, retrospectively, has come to be known as ‘Christendom’, people subjected political philosophies to the test of faithfulness to biblical truth because, they supposed, the ways of politics are, and should be, subservient to the ways of God. In the long shadow of the French Revolution, however, democratic consensus and human rights have become the touchstones by which religious practices, and even Christian doctrines, are commonly assessed and regulated. In short, the content of anything called a ‘Christian’ political philosophy is judged acceptable or unacceptable by secular standards.
Recruiting a nonlocal language for performing local identity: Indexical appropriations of Lingala in the Congolese border town Goma
Authors: Büscher Karen , D'hondt Sigurd , Meeuwis Michael
Published: October 2013

This article describes discursive processes by which inhabitants of the Congolese border town Goma attribute new indexical values to Lingala, a language exogenous to the area of which most Goma inhabitants only possess limited knowledge. This creative reconfiguration of indexicalities results in the emergence of three “indexicalities of the second order”: the indexing of (i) being a true Congolese, (ii) toughness (based on Lingala's association with the military), and (iii) urban sophistication (based on its association with the capital Kinshasa). While the last two second-order reinterpretations are also widespread in other parts of the Congolese territory, the first one, resulting in the emergence of a Lingala as an “indexical icon” of a corresponding “language community,” deeply reflects local circumstances and concerns, in particular the sociopolitical volatility of the Rwandan-Congolese borderland that renders publicly affirming one's status as an “autochthonous” Congolese pivotal for assuring a livelihood and at times even personal security. (Lingala, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Goma, orders of indexicality, language community, autochthony, Kiswahili)*
§ I.—Les Recherches archéologiques de l'Armée Française en Macédoine. 1916–1919
Authors: Picard Ch.
Published: October 2013

Les travaux exécutés par le Service archéologique de l'Armée française en Macédoine ont déjà fait le sujet d'une communication adressée par M. G. Mendel à l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres.

Il a paru bon qu'un compte-rendu complété fût aussi publié par l'Annual of the British School at Athens, auprès des articles où sont exposés les résultats de même ordre obtenus par l'Armée britannique, dans les régions macédoniennes qu'elle occupait.
The Macedonian Era
Authors: Tod Marcus N.
Published: October 2013

The question of the era used in the Roman province of Macedonia is one which has given rise to considerable discussion, but may still be regarded as unsettled. If I attempt briefly to review the principal arguments which have been brought forward and to support a theory which has of late been abandoned by a number of scholars of high authority, my justification must lie partly in the interest of the question itself, partly in the discovery and publication during recent years of some fresh evidence, the value of which appears to me to have been overlooked.
An Early Minoan Sacred Cave at Arkalokhóri in Crete
Authors: Hazzidakis J.
Published: October 2013

The village of Arkalokhóri in central Crete lies a short distance to the south-west of Lyttos. To the east of the village is an eminence to which the ruined church on the top has given the name of Prophetes Elias. Below the summit on the western slope is a cave, the mouth of which is shewn in Fig. 1. Many years ago the peasants found bronze objects and potsherds at this point, and began an excavation of the cave in the hope of finding buried treasure. On entering the cave they found more and more pieces of bronze, described as blades of knives and lances, as well as some beads, and in order to get more quickly to the bottom of the cave, where they supposed that the treasure would be, they broke up the greater part of it with dynamite. They say that they collected eighteen okes of bronze objects, for the most part rusted blades, and sold them in Candia as old metal. No report of this had ever reached me, but last year a peasant from Arkalokhóri brought some blades to the Candia Museum from this cave, and thus led me to go and make an examination of the place.

The mouth of the cave was then choked with large boulders which had fallen down from above; these I broke up and rolled down the slope. Beneath and amongst them I immediately began to find blades of swords and knives and double-axes, all of bronze with the exception of a small axe which was of silver. The area thus cleared after rolling away the boulders in front of the present cave, is about 4 metres in length, and in width from 1 to 2 metres, and seems to have been the floor of the original cave.
Note on Haidar, Khodja Achmet, Karadja Achmet
Authors: Hasluck F. W.
Published: October 2013

The local account of the Saint Haidar at Haidar-es-Sultan is given by Crowfoot as follows: ‘Haidar was the son of the king of Persia and came from a town named Yassevi; he was also called Khodja Akhmed and was the disciple of the famous Hadji Bektash. With the latter he travelled to Caesarea, and there took a Christian named Mēnĕ to wife, and together they came to the place of his tomb, where they begat children and died—the whole village claiming descent from him.’

The last clause makes clear the identity of Haidar as far as the village is concerned: he is their sainted ancestor. Whether, as Crowfoot suggests, he is confused with Haidar the father (not the son) of Ismail, the founder of the Safi dynasty in Persia, is for present purposes immaterial.

The Bektashi addition to the local legend consists, as we shall see, in the identification of Haidar with Khodja Achmet Yassevi, who seems himself confounded with the Bektashi saint Karadja Achmet: both Achmets have been adopted into the Bektashi cycle.
Notes on the Text of Strabo, V. iii
Authors: Van Buren A. W.
Published: October 2013

Dr. Leaf's article J.H.S. xxxvii. 1917, 19–30, shows the nature of some of the vicissitudes through which the text of Strabo has passed in transmission, and illustrates the possibility of restoring it through the elimination of extraneous marginalia. My own studies in this author's account of Latium have brought to my attention two instructive instances of the other class of marginalia to which Dr. Leaf refers on p. 19 of his article, namely, those due to the author himself, who in revising his manuscript appended, we must suppose, the passages in question, which subsequently became inserted in the text at a wrong point.

The first of these two instances occurs in V. iii. 8, in the enthusiastic description of Rome; and failure to realise the transposition which has taken place has impeded full appreciation of the effectiveness of this, one of the few rhetorical climaxes in our author's description of Italy. The existence of the transposition was, however, noted, and properly explained, some years ago, by P. Meyer.
Excavations in Macedonia
Authors: Casson S.
Published: October 2013

The place known as Chauchitsa lies some sixty kilometres to the north of Salonika (Fig. 1). It was identified first as an ancient site at the end of the year 1917, during military operations. During the digging of trenches and other works antiquities were discovered which were recognised as belonging to the various stages of culture of a period extending from Neolithic to Roman times. The majority of the objects so discovered I published in the Annual of the British School for 1918–1919.

On April 15th this year I paid a preliminary visit to the site. While considerable damage had been done by the cutting of trenches, I felt satisfied that sufficient of the original ground remained undisturbed to justify excavation. I therefore commenced excavation on the 28th of April, 1921. As the isolation of the site made the conditions of a small test excavation of this nature somewhat difficult I decided to continue only, for such time as would enable me to ascertain the general nature of the site.
A new Inscription of the Deme Halimous
Authors: Hondius J. J. E.
Published: October 2013

Early in 1921 the Neuchâtel Asphalte Company, in beginning the construction of the new coast road from Old Phaleron to Vouliagmene(see map, Fig. 1), found not far inland from the small promontory of Hagios Kosmas some ancient foundations, and by them the inscription, which is here published. The discovery was communicated by Mr. Bottomley, Manager of the Company, to the British School, and to him I am indebted for permission to publish it, and also for the sketch plan of the ancient foundations here shown (Fig. 2). On the top of a low hill the line of a wall (about 1·50 m. thick) of the late fifth or fourth century B.C., built of rectangular blocks of poros, appeared, and on the top of this the inscription was found as indicated in the plan (Fig. 2). Slightly north of the inscription was a large block running out westwards at right angles to the main wall. If the main wall is the boundary of the Shrine of Dionysos mentioned in the inscription, it is possible that this big block formed part of the shrine itself. In any case it seems likely that we should recognise in these remains, scanty though they are, the ruins of the Dionysion in which the inscription was to be erected. On the south side of the road a double tomb came to light (Fig. 2). In the upper tomb, which was covered by a large tile so curved that it was in section half an ellipse, a small aryballos with a simple anthemion ornament in a very late red-figure style was found with a few much-decayed bones, perhaps those of a child; but in the lower tomb, which was made of two shallow rectangular troughs of terra-cotta, there were only a few bones. The tomb, which cannot be earlier than the late fifth century B.C., would not be likely to have any connection with the Dionysion, and was in any case outside it.
§ XII.—Hagios Elias
Authors: Wace A. J. B.
Published: October 2013

The citadel of Mycenae owes much of its impressiveness to the fact that it lies at the foot of and between the twin heights of Hagios Elias to the north and Zara to the south. These two bare peaks of limestone rise very steeply, and seem to stand like two sentinels specially posted by nature to add to the dignity of Mycenae. Their mountain wildness is in strong contrast to the smiling fertility of the Argive plain, which stretches away to the south-west. Zara is some 659 m. high, and has no remains of antiquity on its summit. Hagios Elias is higher, some 807 m., and has been known, since the days of Schliemann, to be crowned by the ruins of ancient fortifications.

We made an expedition to the summit on the evening of June 18th, 1922, camped for the night there, and spent the next day in planning the walls and making trial excavations within them. The view from the summit is magnificent (Fig. 96). To the south the whole of the Argive plain lies at one's feet; Argos itself, Lerna, Tiryns, Mideia, Nauplia and Asine are all visible.
Excavations at Sparta, 1926: § 3.—The Inscriptions
Authors: Woodward A. M.
Published: October 2013

The campaign of 1926 was rewarded by no very important discoveries in the department of epigraphy, but interesting documents of many different periods came to light. The completion of the task of excavating the East Parodos brought to light several more complete blocks which had fallen from the inscribed portion of the wall, and more than a dozen small fragments, some of which, as will be seen, prove to join blocks or fragments found previously. We found, moreover, that the wall of the bastion carrying the outer staircase bore four inscriptions in situ, of which the longest (F 3) is also for its contents the most valuable of all the inscriptions from the wall. At the south-west corner of the bastion we also found in situ a rough columnar statue-base bearing an elegiac epigram, inscribed over the remains of an earlier text, also metrical, but almost entirely erased (No. 35). Two decrees of Hellenistic date, from each of which substantial portions have survived, an incomplete archaic dedication by an athletic victor (No. 37) and two statue-bases of Imperial date (Nos. 33, 34) are the most interesting of the miscellaneous finds. A few small additions to our—by now considerable—number of inscribed blocks from cornices and architraves will be published later, in conjunction with a study of the architectural marbles as a whole, for which further work on the site is still required.
Report on Excavations at the Toumba and Tables of Vardaróftsa, Macedonia, 1925, 1926: Part II.—The Tables
Authors: Cuttle W. L.
Published: October 2013

The writer assisted at the excavation of the upper strata of the Toumba in 1925, and in 1926 excavated upon the High Table. The results obtained in 1925 by Miss W. Lamb are here incorporated with those of 1926, from notes furnished by her. The remarks on the pottery are based in detail upon the 1926 finds, supplemented by a general study of the material obtained, both from Table and Toumba, in 1925.
Early Greek Vases from Crete
Authors: Hartley M.
Published: October 2013

Most of the vases and fragments here published are from North Central Crete—Episkopi and Arkhanes in the province of Pedhiadha, Fortezza and Kephala near Knossos, various parts of the Palace and Little Palace at Knossos; a few pieces are added from Eleutherna, further west.

The Fortezza vases were found by Mr. Payne in 1927 in an almost completely destroyed chamber tomb of the type described in B.S.A. xxix. p. 226, Fig. 2, in the side of the hill about a mile from Knossos. They are of the protogeometric, geometric, and orientalising periods.

The type is found in some numbers at Knossos, Fortezza, Anopolis and Episkopi; there is an example in Candia Museum from Kavousi, the only specimen from Eastern Crete; the shape does not occur anywhere in the protogeometric period. In these pithoi from Fortezza, the clay varies from light yellow to buff and brown, the varnish is black, the decoration is arranged in panels; the lower part of the body is decorated with broad and narrow bands; there is a small ring foot.
Part II. The Perseia Fountain House
Authors: Wace A. J. B. , Holland M. R. , Hood M. S. F. , Woodhead A. G.
Published: October 2013

In 1892 Tsountas in the course of exploration on the top of the ridge between the ‘Tomb of Clytemnestra’ and the Lion Gate found a painted circular cap of poros (o·61 m. in diameter), which from the cuttings in it clearly seems to have been connected with some form of installation for water (Plate 14, b). It bears an inscription which as restored refers to Perseus. This inscribed cap Tsountas says he found among later ruins, but he did not specify the exact position. In 1922 therefore we investigated the ruins of apparently Hellenistic date which lie directly to the south of the modern carriage road on the top of the ridge to the north of the ‘Tomb of Clytemnestra’. A long terrace wall of ashlar work in poros was found running in an east-west direction along the south side of the modern road. In front of it, against its north side, lie two cement-lined basins (Plate 14, a). When these were first found and partially examined in 1922 it was suggested that they might be part of a gymnasium of Hellenistic date. At the same time a trial trench XIa by side of the steps was dug down about 0·25 m. into the soft rock below. In 1939 further trials were made behind (to the south of) the western part of the main terrace wall. Trench VII, which was dug to rock, was part of this work. At the same time the curved wall was exposed and part of the ‘votive deposit’ was excavated. The pottery then found, which was lost in the Nauplia Museum during the war, was of the same character as that found in 1952 and described below. In 1952, as part of the programme of exploration on the top and sides of the ridge which runs westward from the Lion Gate, it was decided to clear these ruins completely and study and plan them afresh.
A Political Sherd
Authors: Woodhead A. G.
Published: October 2013

Through the kindness of Dr. Charles Seltman I am enabled to publish an inscribed sherd in his possession, the singular character of which has not hitherto been noticed. Its history is obscure; it was bought, so Dr. Seltman informs me, from a dealer who said that it had been found on the North Slope of the Athenian Acropolis. This provenance may well be correct; the sherd is certainly Attic, and the dealer made no financial gain from his statement; nor, apparently, did he regard the inscriptions as more than a curiosity. The sherd measures 11·6 cm. at its greatest length, and is 4·8 cm. wide at 1. 22 of the inscription on the upper surface. It apparently forms part of the rim and body of a plate of the type known as a fish-plate, of which a considerable number exist, both Attic and South Italian, in a complete or fragmentary state, though they have not received much attention from scholars.
A Greek Gunner's Manual
Authors: Morgan G.
Published: October 2013

Recent years have seen the publication of two demotic Greek craft-manuals from the Middle Ages; or perhaps we might say from the Renaissance, for in both books the connections with Western European ideas and practices are clear. The first is a Portolano, a mariner's guide in the tradition stretching back at least to Hellenistic times, and brought up to date by successive generations of sea-captains until its form was crystallized in sixteenth-century Venetian editions. The other is a Shipwright's Manual dealing with the rigging of a sailing-ship, with the names and measures of all its sails and cordage.

To these is now added a third, a Gunner's Manual, shorter than the other texts, but in some ways more interesting. For although, as in the others, the material forces it to be repetitive and tabular, it is not so forbiddingly technical; and the beginning and the end have a greater freedom of matter which brings the language very close to the style and cadences of ordinary speech—a rarity in Renaissance Greek.

The manuscript in which it is found is catalogued as number 23 of the collection once formed by Archbishop Laud, and now in the Bodleian Library. The paper is uniform throughout, and the contents are as follows:

(i) foll. 1r–26r, A Shipwright's Manual. I hope to deal on another occasion with its relationship to the texts used by Delatte. The work is very corrupt and presents great difficulties. At the beginning are the words: ‘κύριε κατευόδωνε τὸν δοῦλόν σου Νικόλαον Σκούρα’.
Painted Votive Plaques and an Early Inscription from Aegina
Authors: Boardman John
Published: October 2013

This article is intended to serve as an introduction to the study of painted votive plaques; not that such a study is by any means novel, but since Otto Benndorf's published work on them the amount of material known has increased, and further consideration of them both as painted objects and as dedications seems desirable. As well as a general survey of their nature, name, and decoration, a more detailed account of eighth- and seventh-century examples is included, and I hope at another time to be able to extend the study to the rich later series, as well as to the Corinthian and funerary plaques which are not discussed here in detail.

An inscribed fragment from Aegina is published below for the first time. Its finding did not suggest the study of plaques, in which I was already engaged, and I attribute and acknowledge its timely appearance to the Ἀγαθὴ Τύχη, who occasionally smiles on the archaeologist.
The Patrai of Kamiros
Authors: Andrewes A.
Published: October 2013

IG xii. 1. 695; T. Cam. 1. In the British Museum, from Kamiros. Early third century B.C.

Guarducci, Mem. dei Lincei vi. 8 (1938/9) 124, no. xxix bis; T. Cam. 2. Kamiros.

These lists present an organization at three levels:

(a) The smallest units are patrai, with names ending either -δαι or -ειοι, rather more of the latter than the former; the only exception is II 14 Ἀμφινεῖς.

(b) These are grouped under headings, Χυτριείων πάτραι (I 28, II 19), Βουκολείων πάτραι (III 18), &c. The general term for the bodies named Χυτρίειοι, &c., is not given.

(c) The heading Ἀλθαιμενίδος at I 19, II 11, embraces several of these second-level groups. At two removes above the patrai, Ἀλθαιμενίς must be a large body, something like a tribe, and the termination -ίς is common in tribe-names.

Among the puzzling features of the list is the repetition of certain names, either consecutively in the same group or from one group to another, thus:

⊖ωιάδαι: I 23–26 under Ἀμφινήων πάτραι.

Βουκολίδαι: I 30–32 under Χυτριείων.

Κρητινάδαι: I 29 under Χυτριείων; II 24, 26 under Χυτριείων; III 19 under Βουκολείων; T. Cam. 2. 2 in a different sequence with no heading preserved.
Part V. The Chronology of Late Helladic IIIB
Authors: Wace A. J. B.
Published: October 2013

The sequence of styles in the evolution of Late Helladic pottery is now well recognized. A sequence dating of finds is thus archaeologically possible. Absolute dating of finds, however, is another and more difficult question. Nothing Late Helladic has any absolute date of its own. We can, however, arrive at approximate absolute dates from Late Helladic pottery found in datable contexts in Egypt or from Egyptian objects found in Late Helladic deposits in Greece. But we cannot always be sure that Egyptian objects found in Greece are contemporary with the Helladic objects with which they are associated. For instance, in Tomb 518 at Mycenae, which is of L.H. I–II date, was found part of an Egyptian porphyry bowl which dates from the First or Second Dynasty. No one would for a moment believe that this Egyptian bowl and the tomb could be contemporary. There are similar cases from Asine and Knossos. It is logical that an early object can be found in a late context, but no one could ever accept that a late object can be found in an early context, unless there has been much disturbance of the stratigraphy.

The three phases of Late Helladic III pottery A, B, and C can be distinguished among themselves with reasonable certainty, although there are always examples which stand on the borderlines. We know that the later Late Helladic IIIA pottery is contemporary with the Amarna Age, because it occurred in quantity in the ruins of Akhenaten's capital. Its latest absolute date is about 1375–1350 B.C., according to the dating placed by Egyptologists on the Amarna Age. There are even a few sherds from Amarna which, if found isolated, might possibly be called L.H. IIIB. Here again another possible difficulty can be glimpsed. A borderline sherd might be called by one archaeologist A and by another B.
Inscriptions from Boeotia: A note
Authors: Schachter A.
Published: October 2013

The following inscriptions were seen in the course of two journeys; unfortunately, in neither case was it possible to measure or photograph them adequately. But since they are, to the best of my knowledge, unpublished, they are recorded here as a small addition to the prosopography and cults of Boeotia.

1.Loutsi (west of anc. Hyettos). Built into the wall of the ruined chapel of Ayios Dimitrios at the northern outskirts of the village. Block in two fragments, comprising the lower left-hand corner of the inscription.

About first century B.C. or first century A.D.

If the restoration is correct, this is the first known reference to Demeter at Hyettos.

2.Loutsi. At the church of Ayios Ioannis Chrysostomos, near the eastern edge of the village.

Upper part of a grave-stele. Fig. 1.

Third century B.C. See H. Mobius, Ornamente der griechischen Grabstelen 57, pl. 49a–b.
Notes on lettering by some Attic masons in the sixth and fifth centuries B.C.
Authors: Duncan Ursula K.
Published: October 2013

The Greeks used certain words for workmen's tools, apparently without any distinction as to whether they were employed by wood- or stone-carvers, stonemasons, metal-workers, jewellers, shoemakers, &c. It was sufficient for them that the words used described something that carved or chipped (σμίλη), something that bored (τρύπανον), something that hit (σφῦρα), or something that rounded off (τόρνος). There may, indeed, have been some distinction as regards the word κολαπτήρ, which is believed to have meant a stonemason's chisel (refs. in LSJ9 s.v.). But σμίλη seems to have been used also for a knife. For instance, σμίλης ὁλκοί is believed to mean ‘chiselled furrows cut into a wooden surface' (Aristophanes, Thesm. 779), as well as a sculptor's chisel (Anth. Pal. vii. 429), though perhaps too much reliance should not be placed on poetical usage. The word τρύπανον seems to have been originally applied to a bow-drill worked by a thong twisted round it, as in the Polyphemus story (Od. ix. 385), but later appears to have been used for any instrument that turned (τρέπειν). στάθμη was evidently a carpenter's rule (Od. v. 245, et al.), and κανών was also a rule used for making straight lines (Plato, Phil. 56b). σφῦρα was a mallet or hammer, whether smith's (Od. iii. 434, Hdt. i. 68), carpenter's, or mason's. These are the main tools used, we may presume, for the engraving of stone inscriptions. Of particular interest from the point of view of technique are the words apparently used for tools that rounded off, or perhaps carved circularly. In Homer men ‘rounded off the tomb’ (τορνώσαντο σῆμα) (Il. xxiii. 255), or a ship's hull (Od. v. 249). Compare another early allusion, in Herodotus' Scythian section (iv. 36): ‘they describe the ocean flowing round the earth which is made circular as if by a lathe’ (κυκλοτέρης ὡς ἀπὸ τόρνου).
The federal constitution of Keos
Authors: Lewis David M.
Published: October 2013

No fewer than three of the inscriptions in the second volume of Dr. Tod's Greek Historical Inscriptions are directly concerned with Keos, and this encourages me to hope that he may find interest in this investigation. It arises from an inscription from Ioulis, published by Dunant and Thomopoulos, which is a close parallel to IG xii. 5. 594 (GHI 141), the sympolity-treaty between Keos and Hestiaia. It is nearly certainly a treaty with Eretria. It raises several interesting problems, but I should principally like to draw attention to the remarkable federal constitution of Keos which the two inscriptions taken together reveal.

I repeat the new text for convenience with some slight alterations. It is stoichedon, uses ο for ου, but the letter-forms can hardly fix it closer than 390–340.

This confirms Hiller's view that thesmophylakes and not nomophylakes were mentioned in ll. 4–5 of the old inscription and makes it necessary to restore there [καὶ Χῶρον] in l. 6. Dunant and Thomopoulos give a revised text of ll. 3–11, but the unevenness of their line-length and the three later places in the old text where omission of words has been assumed make me wonder whether the whole inscription should not be restored with a rather longer line. There are, however, some lines which are hard to expand, and I offer no solution.
The Brauron aulos
Authors: Landels J. G.
Published: October 2013

This ancient instrument, which is, for the student of Greek music, one of the most significant finds of recent years, came to light during excavations at Brauron, on the east coast of Attica, in August 1961. These excavations, under the direction of Dr. I. Papadimitriou (Director-General of the Greek Archaeological Service), are still in progress, and a full report has not yet been published: so far as this item is concerned, it was found in a sacred spring near the north-west corner of the ancient temple, along with a number of objects which are dated by Dr. Papadimitriou to the late sixth or early fifth century B.C. They were perhaps in situ, buried or hidden, when the Persians sacked the site during the Salamis campaign.

The find (item 1059 in the catalogue) comprises the two lower sections of an aulos: there is no apparent reason to doubt that they belong together. The central joint is of the usual type—spigot and socket—and at one end (A in the diagram) there is another socket for the attachment of the next section. At the other end (C in the diagram) there is no spigot or socket: as Hole V is manifestly a vent-hole (see below) this must have been the lower end of the instrument.
Old Smyrna: Fourth-Century Black Glaze
Authors: Cook J. M.
Published: October 2013

The classical Black Glaze pottery is a reddish ware distinguished by a uniform, lustrous black ‘glaze’—to use the term improperly—and fairly closely standardized in its forms. The main centre of production of this ware was Athens; and at the commencement of the excavations at Smyrna we supposed that the pottery of this class in the classical levels was Attic import. But it soon became clear that the bulk of the black glaze ware in the fourth-century levels (as opposed to that of the fifth century) was not Attic. It is very good imitation of Attic, so good as to be at times indistinguishable; but when the material is set side by side with Attic ware of the same period, differences become manifest. The biscuit is less consistent in colour, too frequently pink near the edges of the break and grey in the core; and not infrequently the glaze is a warm sigillata red. The ring feet tend perhaps to be heavier and the bases less delicately painted than the Attic. The favourite type of bowl with a reserved stripe on the outer wall (Figs. 4–5) cannot be matched in Athens, while conversely the ordinary fourth-century kotyle with cyma profile is not present at Smyrna; and the salt-cellars at Smyrna seem to diverge from their Attic counterparts.
Echoes from Bassae
Authors: Corbett Peter
Published: October 2013

A marble slab, built into a private chapel in a cemetery in Catania, has on it a centauromachy, carved in relief. In a recent publication the author observes that at the start of the century the chapel belonged to a Catanian antiquary, who decorated it with sculpture from various places and periods; apart from this, nothing is known about the provenience of the slab. He also comments that the whole face has been re-cut at an unknown date, but certainly in modern times, so that an exact judgement of the style is impossible, and adds that the theme was a common one in ancient art, citing in particular the metopes from the south side of the Parthenon and the frieze from the temple of Apollo at Bassae. It is possible to go somewhat further; the nine figures on the relief are all copied from the frieze from Bassae; reading from left to right, the first four figures correspond to Slab 526; the fifth one to the left-hand centaur on Slab 521; the next two to the left-hand pair on Slab 525, and the last couple to the group of a Greek and a centaur on Slab 521. It might seem impossible to decide beyond all doubt if the Catania relief is an ancient copy of the frieze, re-cut in modern times, or if it is entirely modern; the copyist has indeed taken certain liberties with his original, varying some of the details—for instance, the position of the right forearm of the right-hand centaur—and replacing the woman on Slab 521 by two figures from another slab, but these changes are perhaps not inconceivable in an ancient copy. Two other details, however, are decisive.
Two Notes on Athenian Financial Document
Authors: Mattingly Harold B.
Published: October 2013

These tantalizing fragments of an Assessment List present two unusual features. First the figures stand to the right of the names and are divided from them by two-point punctuation. This recalls the practice of the first Quota List. All later Quota Lists and the Assessments of 425 and 422 B.C. have the figures before the names and punctuation of any sort is extremely rare. Secondly there are several ionicisms in the script: two etas in col. iii. 3 and 5 and an Ionic lambda in the latter line. Meritt argued from the physical evidence of the stone that the Island column stood first. The order of districts was presumably Islands, Ionia, Hellespont and Thrace—which seems to have been invariable from 425 B.C.—and the ATL editors accordingly disposed the Hellespontine names in col. iii and placed some probable Ionic names in col. ii. Otherwise they attempted no restoration. Perhaps they were deterred by finding one new name among the very few preserved. Some speculation, however, about the Ionic panel seems legitimate.

The letters -ΕΝΙ- (line 7) could be part of Κλαӡομένιοι, Θερμαῑοι ἐν ʾΙκάρῳ, or Οἰναῑοι ἐν ʾΙκάρῳ as Meritt rightly observed. But what can be made of the remnants—ΚΟ!!!—in line 4? At first sight they baffle conjecture. The last stroke is preserved only at the base and Meritt noted that it might form a letter with the preceding upright.
91 Raccords de Fragments dans les Tablettes de Cnossos
Authors: Olivier Jean-Pierre
Published: October 2013

CES raccords, effectués entre juillet et novembre 1965, concernent 75 tablettes.

Leur publication fait suite à celle des 388 raccords qui avaient été trouvés entre l'achèvement de la troisième édition en translittération des tablettes de Cnossos et mars 1965.

La plupart de ces raccords sont l'œuvre de l'auteur de ces lignes; 150 + 7624, 193 + 7361, 8031 + 80331, (4440+) 8700 + 8702 sont de E. L. Bennett.

29 de ces raccords ont eu lieu entre des fragments précédemment édités, 35 entre des fragments édités et des fragments en cours d'édition (et ayant, à ce titre, reçu un numéro d'ordre compris entre 8334 et 8751), 27 entre des fragments édités et des fragments inédits (ces derniers n'ont pas reçu de numéro d'ordre et ont simplement été appelés fr. [frr. au pluriel: en fait, jamais plus de deux]).
‘Sparta before Sparta’: report on the intensive survey at Kouphovouno 1999–2000
Authors: Cavanagh W. , Mee C. , Renard J. , Brodie N. , Froehlich F. , James P. A. , Kousoulakou M. , Karabatsoli A.
Published: October 2013

This is the final report on the intensive survey at Kouphovouno, the prehistoric settlement just south of Sparta, in 1999–2000. As well as a total collection of the artefacts on the surface, there was a magnetometer survey of the site and a programme of environmental studies, for which a series of cores was taken. The site was first occupied in the 6th millennium and covered 4–5 ha in the Middle, Late/Final Neolithic and Early Helladic periods. Occupation continued in the Middle and Late Helladic periods and there is also evidence of Classical-Hellenistic and Roman activity. As well as pottery, the artefacts included chipped and polished stone tools. An analytical programme has investigated the source of the raw materials used for the latter.
Miletos: a note
Authors: Mountjoy P. A.
Published: October 2013

The date of the final destruction of Late Bronze Age Miletos is examined in the light of new evidence from Ugarit, which has allowed the date of the destruction at that site to be more accurately assessed. A comparison of the pottery in the destruction layer at Miletos with that in the destruction layer at Ugarit suggests that Miletos might have been destroyed at an earlier date than usually thought.
Addenda toNecrocorinthia
Authors: Hopper R. J.
Published: October 2013

The work of publishing the Corinthian pottery from the sanctuary of Hera Limenia at Perachora has suggested the present attempt to offer a few observations on the styles represented in the Corinthian animal-frieze ware and to discuss the chronology of Corinthian pottery in general. There is here no suggestion thatNecrocorinthiais out-of-date and superseded. If it were, it would be beyond the powers of the present writer to supply the deficiency. Fortunately it seems clearly established that Payne's broad divisions of style and much of his detail stand unshaken by the addition of fresh material to the corpus of Corinthian pottery. There is, however, a continually developing prospect of further division and subdivision of styles and a greater understanding of the interrelation of these.
The Anavysos Kouros
Authors: Philadelpheus Alex
Published: October 2013

Early in August 1937 the fragments of a marble Kouros were conveyed in three packing-cases to the National Museum at Athens from Paris, where Greek police officials had received it from M. Roussos, an antique dealer who had been resident in that city for some time. It was subsequently confirmed that this statue had been smuggled out of Greece by sea a few years ago from Anavysos near Laurion, a district whose sparsely populated coast-line has been for years the scene of a systematic traffic in antiques.
The Vikings of the Mediterranean and the Vikings of the North
Authors: Brøgger A. W.
Published: October 2013

Properly speaking, these are only a few thoughts arising from this wonderful voyage into history and life I am anxious to put before you. Perhaps more effectively than it would have been in a more ordinary way, we have been faced on this journey by this boat with one great and important fact about the history of the Greeks: the most intimate and closest possible connection of Greek civilisation with the Greek Sea, the Mediterranean in the widest sense of the word. First and last it is the boat, the sailing-boat, that is the very foundation of all the culture in Greece. In these last few days we have seen all the islands rearing themselves from the sea, creating large isolated unities, independent geographical territories. Every one of them, where populated, simply postulates the boat as a means of intercourse. The boat it is that has been linking them together—which created a Greece in ancient times as well as in modern. And one thing more: most of the islands have difficult landing-places. There are no skerries, no small islands or islets which could shelter the coast. From this also follows the necessity of shaping strong, sea-going boats, as the ocean itself creates hard conditions.
Sur la Date Finale de la Civilisation Énéolithique du Type Gumelniţa, de Roumanie
Authors: Dumitrescu Vladimir
Published: October 2013

Parmi les civilisations préhistoriques du sud-est de l'Europe, que les fouilles et les recherches effectuées depuis la guerre nous ont fait le mieux connaître, on peut ranger aussi la civilisation du type Gumelniţa. La station qui a donné son nom à cette civilisation a été identifiée dès 1921, et fouillée par nous-même en 1925; c'est une des nombreuses stations de ce genre de la vallée inférieure du Danube roumain. A vrai dire, la civilisation identifiée dans ces stations était déjà connue auparavant, sous le nom de civilisation énéolithique des tells bulgares. Cependant, comme les fouilles méthodiques pratiquées en Roumanie ont démontré que ces tells comprennent des restes appartenant à deux et parfois même à plusieurs civilisations préhistoriques différentes, le besoin s'est fait sentir de donner à chacune des civilisations identifiées un nom différent. Aussi le nom de la station de Gumelniţa a-t-il servi pour désigner la civilisation à laquelle appartenaient toutes les stations similaires, tandis que la civilisation plus ancienne, qu'on retrouve généralement au-dessous des premières couches du type Gumelniţa—mais qui n'avait pas été exactement située, au point de vue stratigraphique, dans les fouilles bulgares—a pris le nom de civilisation Boian A, d'après la station où elle a pu être relevée isolée, et bien définie comme telle.