bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Draining the Black Majority
Authors: Grego Caroline
Published: May 2024

White supremacists had caught a glimpse of what Jim Crow could look like on the South Carolina coast after the hurricane: formerly independent African Americans forced into conditions of deprivation. In the wake of the Red Cross alliance with Black residents, white Democrats realized that the consolidation of white supremacy in South Carolina mandated a shift in the balance of power from the local to the state level. This chapter shows how white Democrats launched a new attack on coastal African Americans during South Carolina’s 1895 Constitution Convention. But the elite in the state turned to other, less conventional methods to consolidate Jim Crow as well. In the ten years after the hurricane, whites challenged the mere existence of the landed Black majority in the Lowcountry. They advocated for white immigration into the Lowcountry, Black emigration from the region, and methods of environmental management (often built using Black convict labor) that would drain the region of its wetlands and its Black majority. Rather than maintaining the antebellum African American-populated landscape that yielded profit to whites, white supremacists maneuvered to forge a new environment that would supplant coastal African Americans to benefit white health and wealth.
Jim Crow Lowcountry
Authors: Grego Caroline
Published: May 2024

The Great Sea Island Storm of 1893 gradually–though not inevitably–coalesced with the pressures of white supremacy to force an out-migration of African Americans from the Lowcountry. As a force that undermined Black livelihoods and a flashpoint that many coastal residents, both Black and white, remembered as a significant turning point in Lowcountry history, the hurricane’s destruction signaled the slow demise of the coast’s agrarian nature. Many African Americans moved to cities in the early Great Migration. Conversely, the white elite turned their attention from the material to the memorial, forging a modified Lost Cause narrative about the beauty of Lowcountry agriculture that cast a glossy veil of moonlight and magnolias over the brutalities of enslavement.
Introduction
Authors: Haumesser Lauren N.
Published: May 2024

This chapter lays out the subject of the book: gender, race, the Democratic Party, and the coming of the Civil War. It sets out the main argument: that Democrats used gendered issues and gendered rhetoric to win the election of 1856, but that those gender tactics ultimately split the party in 1860 and contributed to the coming of the Civil War. And it explains how that argument builds on and contributes to the historiography on women, gender, and antebellum politics; gender theory; the origins of the Civil War; and the antebellum Democratic Party.
Free Women, Free Land, Free Love, and Frémont
Authors: Haumesser Lauren N.
Published: May 2024

During the election of 1856, Democrats painted Republicans as illegitimate and sectionalist. This chapter explains that Democrats did this by using gender in three ways. They pilloried Republican John Frémont’s appearance and his wife Jessie Frémont’s independence. They associated the Republican Party with the women’s rights and free love movements. And they argued that abolitionism was the source of Republican gender radicalism. These tactics defined Republicans as the party of women’s rights, free love, abolitionism, and disunion, and the Democrats as the party of patriarchy, conservatism, and Union, and contributed to the election of President James Buchanan.
For the Safety of Their Firesides
Authors: Haumesser Lauren N.
Published: May 2024

This chapter explores the secession of the southern states in the winter of 1860-61. For four years, Democrats had caricatured Republicans as social radicals who wanted to impose women’s rights, free love, and abolition on the South. After Lincoln won the election, northern Democrats tried to walk back this rhetoric to save the Union and forestall secession. But Deep South Democrats had come to believe that their slave society was different from, superior to, and under threat by northern free society. They began to construct a southern national identity that idealized white womanhood, and white women lent their support to the cause. Finally, after the firing on Fort Sumpter and Lincoln’s call for troops, Upper South Democrats quit the Union and decided to fight for slavery, white southern women, and white southern homes.
Daniel and the Scotts
Authors: Hutchins Zachary McLeod
Published: May 2024

Most black Africans whose stories were excerpted in colonial newspapers remain anonymous, and those whose names are not recorded were anonymous even to contemporaries. But a few black Africans won a form of local fame or infamy through their repeated attempts to escape captivity. Their stories can be traced through a series of recurring runaway slave advertisements. This chapter surveys the field of serial runaways from 1705 to 1730 and reconstructs the narrative of a young man named Daniel, who ran away from his Quaker enslavers, Edward Wanton and John Scott, in 1714. Daniel was part of black African communities in Scituate, Massachusetts and Newport, Rhode Island that taught him how to claim his freedom, using the skills he learned as a ship carpenter to claim a new life.
Remains
Authors: Stein Michael
Published: May 2024

This chapter focuses on anatomy class, the first class of medical school, as the first experience with deep, uncomfortable emotions that doctors will encounter during their careers. From the start, the medical curriculum does not adequately broach the complexity of emotional reaction to suffering and the body and can produce uncaring doctors.
Losing Control
Authors: Stein Michael
Published: May 2024

This chapter discusses the contract between patient and doctor around self-care. What happens to that contract when the patient is self-destructive, which feels to the doctor like an undermining of authority as well as the loss of ability to help? Do difficult patient visits cause medical unkindness?
Accidental Kindness
Authors: Stein Michael
Published: May 2024

In this chapter, a patient must make a life decision that could worsen her medical condition and put her life at risk. How can doctors help patients choose between differing advice?
Forgiveness
Authors: Stein Michael
Published: May 2024

A surgeon injures a patient during an operation. This chapter explores how doctors and patients overcome medical mistakes and reach some tentative level of understanding.
Cross-Border Cosmopolitans
Authors: Adjetey Wendell Nii Laryea
Published: May 2024

African American history from 1900 to 2000 cannot be told without accounting for the significant influence of Pan-African thought, just as the story of twentieth-century US foreign policy cannot be told without accounting for fears of an African World. In the early 1900s, Marcus Garvey and his followers perceived the North American mainland, particularly Canada following US authorities' deportation of Garvey to Jamaica, as a forward-operating base from which to liberate the Black masses from colonialism. After World War II, Vietnam War resisters, Black Panthers, and Caribbean students joined the throngs of cross-border migrants to denounce militarism, imperialism, and capitalism. In time, as urban uprisings proliferated in northern US cities, the prospect of coalitions among the Black Power, Red Power, and Quebecois Power movements inspired US and Canadian intelligence services to collaborate, infiltrate, and sabotage Black organizations across North America. Assassinations of "Black messiahs" further radicalized revolutionaries, rekindling the dream for an African World from Washington, D.C., to Toronto to San Francisco to Antigua to Grenada and back to Africa. Alarmed, Washington's national security elites invoked the Cold War as the reason to counter the triangulation of Black Power in the Atlantic World, funneling arms clandestinely from the United States and Canada to the Caribbean and then to its proxies in southern Africa. By contending that twentieth-century global Black liberation movements began within the US-Canadian borderlands as cross-border, continental struggles, Cross-Border Cosmopolitans reveals the revolutionary legacies of the Underground Railroad and America's Great Migration and the hemispheric and transatlantic dimensions of this history.
Conclusion
Authors: Adjetey Wendell Nii Laryea
Published: May 2024

Long before globalization and cosmopolitanism became buzzwords, diasporic Africans saw advantages in borderless communities and nations. Twentieth-century transnationalism remained integral to the self-determination of African North Americans, shaping the ways that they imagined freedom within the context of empires, states, and colonies. The absence of effective firewalls allowed infiltration, counter-subversion, and counterintelligence measures to undermine Black liberation. So long as these geopolitical forces continue to subjugate the Black masses and disembowel the African continent, Pan-Africanisms will live.
Circulating Specters
Authors: Allred Mason Kamana
Published: May 2024

In Smith’s most polished account of his “first vision,” where God and Jesus Christ appeared to him in the woods when he was a young man, Smith stressed over and again he had “actually seen” what was understood by others to be impossible. For Smith it was “actual” and material. Both stimulating and instructive, Smith’s ghost stories also coincided with the founding Mormon media project of making visions material and repeatable through the repro- duction of print media. In the wake of optical media’s tricks and possibilities, trusting vision required new attention and training. From the publication of the Book of Mormon to sundry revelations, being Mormon meant learning and adopting specific techniques of reading (text) and seeing (visions), again looking at something to see something else. It meant becoming a visionary observer by turning natural vision into spiritual vision, or “hallucinating” between the lines.
Introduction
Authors: Purkiss Ava
Published: May 2024

The introduction provides an overview of African American women’s engagements with fitness – as an idea, civic endeavor, and physical pursuit - in the first half of the twentieth century. It grounds the book in two theories of citizenship – citizenship as “desirable activity” and embodied citizenship. The introduction explains that Black women aspired toward “fitness” despite socio-political mandates that told them otherwise and created definitions of Black womanhood that confounded mainstream ideas about Black embodiment and physicality.
Epilogue
Authors: Purkiss Ava
Published: May 2024

The epilogue uses 3 “sites” of inquiry – the civil rights movement, the welfare queen trope, and Michelle Obama’s Let’s Move! Campaign – to consider the possibilities and limitations of Black women’s fitness after 1950. By exploring the requisite exercise of civil rights walking protests, the corporality of the so-called welfare queen, and the racial and gender politics of Let’s Move!, the epilogue asks new questions about Black women’s health, physicality, and bodies. It explores the idea of “aspirational fitness” – the difficulties, fantasies, and practices of Black women’s fitness endeavors.
Aztlán in the Pacific Northwest
Authors: Johnson Diana K.
Published: May 2024

This chapter investigates the 1972 Chicano-led takeover of Beacon Hill Elementary in Seattle. This chapter discusses the migration of Chicanx residents to Seattle and the subsequent lack of social services for this community. This chapter chronicles how Chicano activists responded through direct land and property reclamation, partially inspired by the takeover of Fort Lawton. This effort also relied upon Seattle’s growing network of multiracial collation builders.
From Seattle to Mozambique
Authors: Johnson Diana K.
Published: May 2024

This chapter begins to explore the late-1970s and 1980s, chronicling how Seattle coalition builders shifted their work over multiple decades. In doing so, this chapter contextualizes the evolution of multiracial coalitions against the backdrop of neoconservatism. This chapter chronicles how members of the United Construction Workers Association and allies moved abroad to Mozambique to engage in anti-apartheid activism and circumvent some of the constraints of the 1980s political climate.
Reading Territory
Authors: Walkiewicz Kathryn
Published: May 2024

The formation of new states was an essential feature of US expansion throughout the long nineteenth century, and debates over statehood and states' rights were waged not only in legislative assemblies but also in newspapers, maps, land surveys, and other forms of print and visual culture. Assessing these texts and archives through a literary studies analysis, Reading Territory theorizes the logics of federalism and states' rights in the production of US empire, revealing how they were used to imagine states into existence while clashing with relational forms of territoriality asserted by Indigenous and Black people.  Reading Territory centers its analysis on statehood movements to create the places now called Georgia, Florida, Kansas, Cuba, and Oklahoma. In each case, it shows that Indigenous dispossession and anti-Blackness scaffolded the settler-colonial project of establishing states' rights. But dissent and contestation by Indigenous and Black people imagined alternative paths, even as their exclusion and removal reshaped and renamed territory. By recovering this tension, we more fully understand the role of state-centered discourse as an expression of settler colonialism. We also see the possibilities for a territorial ethic that insists on thinking beyond the boundaries of the state.
Introduction
Authors: Goodman Carly
Published: May 2024

These pages introduce the Diversity Visa lottery and its importance in facilitating African immigration to the United States in recent decades. While positioning the United States as an appealing destination for immigrants, the lottery’s history reveals much about interconnections between the United States and the world, limits on US generosity, and the endurance of anti-Black racism. The importance of luck at the center of the lottery’s operation is situated in a global context of austerity and restriction speaks to a world that has given up on collective capacities for change. The symbol of the Statue of Liberty, so central to debates about immigration and the creation of the Diversity Visa lottery, evokes powerful ideas about the United States as a “nation of immigrants” and place of liberty, but recent history shows the ambivalence and contradictions in this symbolism.
Getting Legal
Authors: Goodman Carly
Published: May 2024

Undocumented Irish immigrants sought to address their plight through legislative action. In the midst of a broader debate about immigration reform and “illegal” immigration, policymakers helped allocate a small number of visas so that the United States could admit “independent immigrants”—those without family or employer sponsors—through a one-time program. The visas, known as Donnelly visas, would be distributed to people from countries “adversely affected” by the Hart-Celler Act—those that had once sent many immigrants to the United States, but that sent far fewer after the 1965 reform.
Immigration Act of 1990
Authors: Goodman Carly
Published: May 2024

Key policymakers worked on reforming the legal immigration system, culminating in the Immigration Act of 1990. They included Ted Kennedy, Alan Simpson, Bruce Morrison, Chuck Schumer, and Joe Moakley. In the final legislation a temporary program allocated “Morrison visas” to people from adversely affected countries, reserving the most for the Irish. Although policymakers largely ignored the aspirations of Black immigrants, they also crafted a permanent Diversity Visa lottery, open to countries around the world that sent few immigrants to the United States. This program ultimately facilitated significant immigration from Africa, a region historically excluded from the immigration system.
Winds of Change
Authors: Goodman Carly
Published: May 2024

The Morrison visa lottery was popular and inspired large-scale participation, in part because immigrants’ legal status had greater importance in an era of mounting restrictions and enforcement. A new wave of nativism, exemplified by the Proposition 187 ballot initiative in California, took root in US politics, fueling harsh language and harsh policies shaping the treatment of immigrants. Even as the United States prepared to operate the first permanent, global Diversity Visa lottery, a new restrictionist attitude shaped US immigration.
Green Card Lawyers
Authors: Goodman Carly
Published: May 2024

The popular appeal of the visa lotteries sparked the interest of enterprising immigration attorneys, who entered the fray even though the lottery was designed to be easy to enter without assistance. Two attorneys, Laurence Canter and Martha Siegel, got into the green card lottery business, and used the burgeoning Internet to try to drum up business. They launched an early example of Internet spam when they posted their commercial advertising about the green card lottery across Usenet, spamming all kinds of discussion groups not remotely interested in immigration issues. Their action violated community norms and drew severe backlash. But it served as a breakthrough moment in which commercial interests came to rule cyberspace and its frontiers.
Luck
Authors: Goodman Carly
Published: May 2024

That the Diversity Visa program was operated as a lottery helped make it easy to enter and popular. The proliferation of lotteries in places like Ghana as well as the United States in the late 20th century spoke to the way states and municipalities were using games of chance to raise public funds in an era shaped by tax cuts, slim public budgets, and veneration of markets. In Ghana, these conditions fueled new ways of imagining emigration, and more people began to believe they needed to seek “greener pastures” abroad in order to thrive. Speaking to the neoliberal moment, enterprising visa entrepreneurs peddled visa-related services, helping fuel interest in the green card lottery.
419 and Scams
Authors: Goodman Carly
Published: May 2024

Scams seemed to thrive in the conditions of structural adjustment in West Africa, although no country was more associated with fraud than Nigeria in the 1990s. Advance fee fraud, known as 419 for the section of Nigeria’s criminal code, involved Nigerian princes requesting money up front in exchange for a portion of a much larger fortune later on. The scam thrived in conditions of global inequality, where it seemed plausible that individuals might have amassed a large but inaccessible fortune. Meanwhile emigration took on greater importance for a broad swath of Nigerians. The visa lottery generated some scams and false promises, but as it became clear that the lottery was a real US program, more people played, and more people won.
Coda
Authors: Goodman Carly
Published: May 2024

In July 2018, Therese Patricia Okoumou, an immigrant from the Republic of Congo, climbed up the base of the Statue of Liberty to protest cruel immigration policies. Her brave act came in the context of an immigration system that simultaneously increased Black immigration through the Diversity Visa lottery and expanded restrictions and nativism that affected Black immigrants. Although debates about immigration, diversity, and enduring racism were prominent during the 2020 presidential election, President Joseph Biden extended many of the restrictionist policies that preceded him. Such policies flew in the face of how the United States portrayed itself through the lottery, as a “no-man’s land” and place of relative tolerance and diversity. Despite politicians’ efforts to close the gates, the lottery continued to operate, bringing new people to the United States, new dreams, and new chances to see our fates as interconnected.
Tuberculosis as Statecraft
Authors: Urban Kelly
Published: May 2024

When Batista began his political career as an authoritarian leader in need of popular support, he strategically expanded the state’s antituberculosis campaign, founding the National Tuberculosis Council (Consejo Nacional de Tuberculosis, or CNT) in 1936. His use of tuberculosis as statecraft constituted a key plank of his populist platform, contributed to state-building, and tightened the link between the disease and national politics throughout the Second Republic. The CNT expanded health citizenship through its growing network of services. Medical professionals, however, expressed frustration over the Batista administration’s unwillingness to confront patronage in the health sector and thus further expand outpatient tuberculosis services through reformed local health units. To explore these processes in depth, this chapter analyzes the CNT’s Tuberculosis Survey of 1937–38 and the activities of the International Health Division of the Rockefeller Foundation, which was active in Cuba from the mid-1930s through the mid-1940s. Tuberculars and their allies also voiced critiques of Batista’s CNT, including its narrow medical focus. Although Batista attempted to silence radical forms of health activism that could challenge state power, visions of broad health citizenship circulated among the population at large, a process that intensified in the democratic opening of the early 1940s.
A Shuttered Laboratory
Authors: Urban Kelly
Published: May 2024

This chapter historicizes the tuberculosis policies implemented in the early years of the Cuban Revolution. The Health Ministry (MINSAP), under the direction of veteran tuberculosis experts like Gustavo Aldereguía, carried out two radical experiments: devolving some power in the antituberculosis campaign to local communities and providing economic subsidies to tuberculars. However, by 1961, as part of the government’s authoritarian turn and in a difficult economic context, the MINSAP shut down these experiments. The chapter also analyzes an important discursive shift, as people began to speak about tuberculosis as a disease of underdevelopment, which relocated blame away from the state and promised that socialism would eventually eradicate the disease’s social roots. At the same time, the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (CDR), a mass organization tied to the revolutionary government, incorporated local tuberculosis efforts, which removed the spatial and institutional framework for tuberculosis protest. Together these changes depoliticized the disease as a means of critiquing state health policy in the public sphere. A radical tubercular subculture of activism no longer existed, informing the inertia in tuberculosis policy in the 1960s. However, the MINSAP did ease access to health care (e.g., BCG vaccination) and publicized its achievements to consolidate power.
Inside ELIJAH
Authors: Delehanty Jack
Published: May 2024

This chapter provides a closer look at ELIJAH, the book’s focal case organization. Weaving rich description with ethnographic vignettes, it walks readers through the organizational structure and cultural contexts of ELIJAH’s work, discussing key attributes and tensions along the way. The analysis demonstrates how faith-based organizers must navigate a range of internal and external dilemmas as they carry out their work. Determining how to balance short-term minor campaigns against more ambitious long-term struggles; broad recruitment against intensive leadership development; sticking to principles against strategic political expediency; and technical political maneuvering against sweeping moral framing is a constant undercurrent to faith-based community organizing.
Crimmigration Entities in North Carolina
Authors: Arriaga Felicia
Published: May 2024

Chapter 1 provides an overview of the 287(g) partnership between local law enforcement and ICE in five counties throughout the state. This chapter is organized into two parts. First, it focuses on the process whereby these communities and local law enforcement entities have become crimmigration (criminalization of immigration law and procedure) entities through the use of a specific intergovernmental program, in order to respond to a racialized immigrant threat. Second, it describes the adoption and implementation of one of these intergovernmental agreements across five counties.
Off-Post Discrimination
Authors: Bailey Beth
Published: May 2024

During the Vietnam era, Black soldiers often faced discrimination off post, not only in the US South, where Jim Crow segregation was legal well into the 1960s and its practice persisted thereafter, but in West Germany, Korea, and other sites where US soldiers were stationed. In addition, racial violence often spilled into the surrounding communities, sometimes creating international diplomatic incidents. Within the US, based on clearly articulated principles of civil-military relations, the authority of military leaders did not extend to civilian communities; in West Germany, racial discrimination was differently defined and protected in some forms by local laws. This chapter traces the consequences of off-post discrimination in housing, restaurants and bars, and public venues for Black soldiers, as well as the impact of US Army racial conflict and violence in South Korea and West Germany. It analyzes US Army efforts to combat off-post discrimination and the limits of military authority, both domestically and internationally.
Country Capitalism
Authors: Elmore Bart
Published: May 2024

The rural roads that led to our planet-changing global economy ran through the American South. That region's impact on the interconnected histories of business and ecological change is narrated here by acclaimed scholar Bart Elmore, who uses the histories of five southern firms—Coca-Cola, Delta Airlines, Walmart, FedEx, and Bank of America—to investigate the environmental impact of our have-it-now, fly-by-night, buy-on-credit economy. Drawing on exclusive interviews with company executives, corporate archives, and other records, Elmore explores the historical, economic, and ecological conditions that gave rise to these five trailblazing corporations. He then considers what each has become: an essential presence in the daily workings of the global economy and an unmistakable contributor to the reshaping of the world's ecosystems. Even as businesses invest in sustainability initiatives and respond to new calls for corporate responsibility, Elmore shows the limits of their efforts to “green” their operations and offers insights on how governments and activists can push corporations to do better. At the root, Elmore reveals a fundamental challenge: Our lives are built around businesses that connect far-flung rural places to urban centers and global destinations. This “country capitalism” that proved successful in the US South has made it possible to satisfy our demands at the click of a button, but each click comes with hidden environmental costs. This book is a must-read for anyone who hopes to create an ecologically sustainable future economy.
I Thought It Would Be Profitable in the Country If I Could Only Get It There
Authors: Elmore Bart
Published: May 2024

This chapter explores the early history of Coca-Cola and shows how business leaders inside that Atlanta soft drink company sought to service the countryside, focusing on rural regions in the American South and beyond by expanding the firm’s extensive soda fountain and bottling network in the late-nineteenth century and early twentieth century. That decision to focus on making cold Coca-Cola “within arm’s reach of desire,” even in rural markets, would have major implications for the firm’s environmental footprint in the years ahead.
Brutal Campaign
Authors: Fleegler Robert L.
Published: May 2024

At 8:00 p.m. eastern standard time on election night 1988, NBC news anchor Tom Brokaw informed the country that they would soon know more about the outcome of “one of the longest, bloodiest presidential campaigns that anyone can remember.” It was a landslide victory for George H. W. Bush over Michael Dukakis, and yet Bush would serve only one term, forever overshadowed in history by the man who made him vice president, by the man who defeated him, and even by his own son. The 1988 presidential race quickly receded into history, but it was marked by the beginning of the modern political sex scandals, the first major African American presidential candidacy, the growing power of the religious right, and other key trends that came to define the elections that followed. Bush’s campaign tactics clearly illustrated the strategies and issues that allowed Republicans to control the White House for most of the 1970s and 1980s, and the election set the stage for the national political advent of both Joe Biden and Donald Trump. Robert L. Fleegler’s narrative history of the 1988 election draws from untapped archival sources and revealing oral history interviews to uncover just how consequential this moment was for American politics. Identifying the seeds of political issues to come, Fleegler delivers an engaging review of an election that set a template for the political dynamics that define our lives to this day.
The Stage Is Set 1984–1986
Authors: Fleegler Robert L.
Published: May 2024

The Democrats dominated American politics from the 1930s until the 1960s, when the turmoil of that decade broke up the New Deal coalition forged by FDR. As a result, Republicans won the White House in 1968, 1972, and 1980. In 1984, former vice president Walter Mondale tried to move the Democrats back to the center by embracing a message of fiscal responsibility, calling for tax increases to combat the Reagan-era budget deficits. However, this strategy backfired and simply reinforced his identification as a traditional liberal. President Ronald Reagan defeated Mondale by 49 states to 1, marking the GOP’s third victory in the last four elections. Reagan’s successor seemed to be in strong position until the Iran-contra scandal broke in the fall of 1986, potentially damaging Vice President Bush’s path to the GOP nomination and the White House. Meanwhile, former Colorado senator Gary Hart—who finished second to Mondale in 1984—seemed to be the frontrunner to win the Democratic nomination and even led Bush in polls for the general election.
Introduction
Authors: Giddens Elizabeth
Published: May 2024

Oconaluftee Valley is located on the North Carolina side of the Great Smoky Mountains National Park and includes the Qualla Boundary, which is the land of the Eastern Band of the Cherokee Indians. The valley has offered residents bountiful natural resources and home sites for centuries. The valley’s name is derived from the Cherokee words for “by the river,” which is fitting because the valley surrounds the Oconaluftee River. Though remote, residents of the valley were always engaged with others via trade networks and external events and trends, including political, administrative, economic, and social forces. An account of the valley’s history must include all the people who lived there: white mountain farmers, Cherokees, and enslaved—and, later, emancipated—Black people. Though ethic groups were not integrated, they lived as neighbors and assisted each other in times of crisis.
Circumventing the Trail of Tears
Authors: Giddens Elizabeth
Published: May 2024

In 1835, the Treaty of New Echota committed the Cherokee Nation to move west of the Mississippi River. With William Holland Thomas’ help, the Lufty Cherokees avoided Removal though other North Carolina Cherokees were forced to leave, among them Tsali and his family. This family was captured by US soldiers while hiding in the Smokies; during an escape attempt, two soldiers were killed, and one was injured. Subsequently, Utsala (Euchella), Thomas, and Lufty Cherokees assisted in recapturing Tsali and his family; the men in Tsali’s family were executed by Utsala’s men, an act that enabled Utsala’s group to join the Lufty Cherokees. In the twentieth century, this tale became the central narrative of Unto These Hills, the outdoor drama of the Eastern Band of the Cherokee Indians. The white families and Lufty Cherokees lived separate lives but traded together at Thomas’ store, helped each other through harsh winters, and shared itinerant preachers. Thomas bought land on behalf of the Lufty Cherokees and helped improve their profile in western North Carolina and Washington DC, attempting to secure their share of subsistence funds promised in the Treaty of New Echota. The Cherokees established five towns with councils inside the Qualla Boundary.
Separate Realities
Authors: Giddens Elizabeth
Published: May 2024

In the 1870s and 80s, established white families recovered from the privations of the Civil War, and the community repaired and improved the Oconalufty Turnpike. A wave of new white families moved into the valley, occupying tracts that were upslope and rockier. Individuals emancipated from slavery by the Enloe and Mingus families either stayed as sharecroppers or employees or left the area; their stories are difficult to document completely. After emancipation, Chrisenberry (Berry) Napoleon Haynes Howell worked for the Enloe family until the late 1890s along with his wife Sarah; then they bought a succession of farms in Swain County, raised 14 children and additional foster children, became church leaders, and were able to provide their children land for their own homes. Charles Mingus Sr., the mulatto child of Clarinda Mingus and an enslaved black man, left the valley; joined the US Army; settled in Watts, California; and was the father of renowned 20th-century bassist Charles Mingus, Jr. Harrison Coleman, claimed to be half Cherokee and half black, and repeatedly applied for enrollment in the Eastern Band of the Cherokee Indians, but was posthumously denied, even though he and his wife Mourning Emaline Gibson and their children lived for decades on land provided by the Eastern Band. With the exception of the white staff at the Cherokee Boarding School and a few lodgers in homes, white, Black, and Cherokee households were not integrated.
From Birdsong to Train Whistle
Authors: Giddens Elizabeth
Published: May 2024

Large-scale logging arrived in the 1890s, bringing railroads to facilitate transport. Ravensford, on land once owned by the Enloe family, and Smokemont, on Queen family land, developed into logging towns outfitted with saw mills, stores, schools, and lodging for loggers and their families. Though logging companies were organized and folded constantly, Ravensford Lumber Company and Champion Fibre Company were in business when the national park was authorized in 1925. Removing cut timber via narrow-gage railroads, tram roads, splash dams, steam-powered skidders, and steam-powered log loaders scarred the land, caused erosion, and left brush that created fire hazards. Massive amounts of timber were cut; between 1920 and 1925, Champion Fibre sawed nearly 117 million feet of timber at its Smokemont mill. Private landowners accepted logging and leased land to the companies for rail lines, building sites, and water access. Some local men worked as loggers and mill hands while maintaining their farms and supplying food to logging companies. After logging ended at Ravensford in 1927 and at Smokemont in 1931, residents of the towns left the area, and the Park Service offered farmers buyouts or lifetime leases for their land. Some families lost the money from land sales in banks that failed during the Depression.
Rites of Passage
Authors: Sanders Johnson Grace
Published: May 2024

Using oral histories, writings of Haitian politicians, US military records, newspapers from the US Black press, and US congressional reports, the chapter traces Haitian women’s physical transformations to account for the different physical and psychological experiences of women in the “occupation generation.” The chapter demonstrates how differently classed women were drawn toward and stood in for one another in both anti-Black and antioccupation political actions. The chapter draws an image of what the occupation felt like (tactile, by touch) and how these feelings rendered literal change and in everyday moments as young women used transient encounters in the variable occupation landscape as a means to clarify assumptions about their identity. The chapter asserts that the violation of Haitian women’s flesh during the occupation marked the nation’s nonsovereignty, relocated women outside of Haitian citizenship, and propelled a postoccupation feminist politics focused on physical safety, social inclusion, and state rights.
A Bridge
Authors: Sanders Johnson Grace
Published: May 2024

This chapter is a dwelling space that attends to the impact of familial loss on Haitian women’s organizing during and immediately following the United States occupation. Set in the context of activist Georges Sylvain’s death in 1925, the chapter uses reports from the Sylvain funeral events alongside Suzanne Comhaire-Sylvain’s research on death space to consider the affective pull of mourning in women’s political practice in the first years of formal organizing. Considering the publication of texts like Dix années de lutte and essays in La Voix des Femmes as a conceptual wake, the chapter uses the death space to offer a reorientation for the rebirth of women’s politics after the US occupation that was informed by exclusions from the state but propelled by navigations of collective loss, longing, and creative mourning.
A Pilgrimage
Authors: Sanders Johnson Grace
Published: May 2024

This chapter is a dwelling space that attends to women organizers’ intergenerational political vision for the future of women and girls in Haiti. Told through a public letter written by Jeanne Perez to her goddaughter Marie-Madeleine Price-Mars alongside the goddaughter character in Perez’s play Sanité Bélair, the chapter observers parental care and collective mothering as a revolutionary practice of Haitian women’s politics used to imagine future configurations of citizenship.
Prophets of a Promised Land
Authors: Lorek Timothy W.
Published: May 2024

Chapter Two in Making the Green Revolution traces the convergence of three individuals and how their respective ideas contributed to the formation and research agenda of an agricultural experiment station outside the city of Palmira in the Cauca Valley. The collaboration of a regional politician named Ciro Molina Garcés, an agronomist named Carlos Durán Castro, and a Puerto Rican scientist named Carlos Chardón, defined agronomy work in the Cauca Valley and linked this region to broader scientific networks across the Greater Caribbean.
Sugarcane Genealogies
Authors: Lorek Timothy W.
Published: May 2024

Chapter Four in Making the Green Revolution traces the history of sugarcane production and sugar milling in the Cauca Valley, the most important region for sugar production in Colombia. It outlines the emergence of the early sugarcane agribusiness sector in the region, then shows how plant disease in the 1930s led to intensified public-private partnerships in plant breeding, including connections between Cauca Valley sugar producers and the United States Department of Agriculture. The connections forged during this period opened additional opportunities for the growth of industrial-scale monocultures, whose production share increased in relation to smaller scale unrefined sugar producers during the 1940s and 50s.
Fighting Wars of All Kinds
Authors: Mantler Gordon K.
Published: May 2024

Harold Washington’s victory led to some early policy changes, especially in affirmative action, and inspired Jesse Jackson to run for president in 1984. But Washington largely fell short of fulfilling his ambitious vision of a fair, just city, especially in the first years of his administration. He was stymied not just by the racial politics of councilman Edward Vrdolyak and his white ethnic allies desperately holding on to power locally, as the narrative usually goes, but also by a potent form of white supremacy and neoliberalism championed by the Reagan administration and contradictions within Washington’s own coalition. This in turn helped fuel and empower the so-called Council Wars that wracked city politics. Being mayor of Chicago was one of the great political prizes in American politics, and yet it seemed more and more like a devalued prize, thanks to the unique social, political, and economic challenges of the decade. Such was the experience, in various forms, by Washington’s fellow Black and Latino mayors across the nation in the 1980s.
The Fragility of Coalitions
Authors: Mantler Gordon K.
Published: May 2024

Washington enjoyed six months of policy accomplishments in education, development, and ethics regulation. But any mandate for his vision of the city faded after he died of a heart attack six months into his second term. Negotiations behind the scenes by the mayor’s white rivals led to Eugene Sawyer as a caretaker mayor, followed by an ineffectual seventeen months in office and the eventual victory of State’s Attorney Richard M. Daley as the new mayor in 1989. The coalition Washington and his grassroots allies had stitched together clearly showed its political fragility. It would be a mistake, however, to suggest that Washington’s passing and his coalition’s loss of most levers of power meant a return to a bygone era. Some of the reforms that Washington’s administration introduced survived, at least for a while, under a retooled machine designed for the 1990s. Changes to the city’s political culture had staying power, too. Black and Latino Chicagoans remained better integrated in city government, as they did nationally, while overall Latino political power increased. Patronage declined and gay rights, through an ordinance championed by Sawyer, were better respected. But such changes did not necessarily promise a more equitable system.
Legacies and the New Machine
Authors: Mantler Gordon K.
Published: May 2024

Richard M. Daley would serve twenty-two years as mayor and become the city’s longest serving in the city’s history, surpassing his father’s tenure. Routinely praised as one of the nation’s best mayors in the mainstream press, Daley and his reconstituted machine transformed Chicago into a powerful, vibrant but remarkably unequal global city. Chicago became a symbol of the neoliberalism that swept American policymaking in both parties at the national level, symbolized by President Bill Clinton’s politics. But it would be a mistake to credit or blame Daley and his allies for the city’s transformation entirely. Rather, many of Daley’s policies – or the seeds of them – were legacies of the Washington administration and an ironic result of the remarkable grassroots coalition that the city’s first Black mayor built. That includes the current crisis of democracy in the United States in the 21st century.
Conclusion
Authors: McQueeney Kevin
Published: May 2024

The concluding chapter explores the transformation of health care in post-–Hurricane Katrina New Orleans, including Louisiana State University’s controversial decision to keep closed Charity Hospital closed. Aided by political allies and federal funding, Louisiana State University succeeded in their long-desired plan to replace Charity Hospital with a modern university hospital. However, Black residents continued to suffer. The new university hospital did not open for ten years after the closure of Charity Hospital. Similarly, the predominantly Black New Orleans East neighborhood waited ten years for the reopening of a hospital in that area. Both of these waits disproportionately impacted Black residents, who made up the vast majority of patients at the two hospitals, and many African Americans had virtually no access to health care. Even when the university hospital opened in 2015, its abandonment of its mission to provide care for indigent residents in favor of becoming a “destination hospital” for individuals seeking cutting cutting-edge medical practices resulted in the exclusion of many former patients. Additionally, the building of the university hospital as part of New Orleans’s expansive BioDistrict, intended to foster the growth of the city’s biomedical sector, led to further displacement of Black residents through eminent domain. Although the expansion of Medicaid funding and primary care clinics proved positive for low-income residents, racial health disparity and two-tiered health care remained, most visible in the disproportionate number of Black deaths during the city’s COVID-19ovid19 epidemic.
Vodou en Vogue
Authors: Nwokocha Eziaku Atuama
Published: May 2024

In Haitian Vodou, spirits impact Black practitioners' everyday lives, tightly connecting the sacred and the secular. As Eziaku Atuama Nwokocha reveals in this richly textured book, that connection is manifest in the dynamic relationship between public religious ceremonies, material aesthetics, bodily adornment, and spirit possession. Nwokocha spent more than a decade observing Vodou ceremonies from Montreal and New York to Miami and Port-au-Prince. She engaged particularly with a Haitian practitioner and former fashion designer, Manbo Maude, who presided over Vodou temples in Mattapan, Massachusetts, and Jacmel, Haiti. With vivid description and nuanced analysis, Nwokocha shows how Manbo Maude's use of dress and her production of ritual garments are key to serving Black gods and illuminate a larger transnational economy of fashion and spiritual exchange. This innovative book centers on fashion and other forms of self-presentation, yet it draws together many strands of thought and practice, showing how religion is a multisensorial experience of engagement with what the gods want and demand from worshippers. Nwokocha's ethnographic work will challenge and enrich readers' understandings not only of Vodou and its place in Black religious experience but also of religion's entanglements with gender and sexuality, race, and the material and spiritual realms.
Becoming the Nationalist Party
Authors: Power Margaret M.
Published: May 2024

The Nationalist Party formed in 1922. This chapter analyzes party’s political evolution through the lens of race, gender, women’s participation and attitude toward the United States. After 1930, when Pedro Albizu Campos became party president, the party adopted a more radical stance on these and other issues. One issue remained constant: the party’s emphasis on solidarity with other forces throughout the hemisphere.
Deskripsi Kesulitan Menyelesaikan Masalah Bangun Ruang Ditinjau Dari Gaya Kognitif Field Independent Dan Field Dependent Pada Siswa SMP
Authors: Jaelani Abd. Kadir , Muzaini Muhammad , Wahyuddin Wahyuddin , Ilhamuddin Ilhamuddin , Arriah Fathrul , Syamsuadi Ahmad
Published: May 2024

Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mendeskripsikan kesulitan siswa dalam menyelesaikan masalah bangun ruang ditinjau dari gaya belajar kognitif field dependent dan field independent pada UPT SMP Negeri 1 Manuju. Jenis penelitian yang digunakan adalah penelitian kualitatif melalui pendekatan deskriptif. Pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan menerapkan teknik Tes GEPT, tes kesulitasn siswa, dan wawancara. Dalam penelitian ini digunakan teknik analisis deskriptif kualitatif dengan melewati beberapa tahapan, yaitu Reduksi Data, Penyajian Data, Verifikasi Data, dan Keabsahan Data. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Subjek Field Dependent dalam menyelesaikan beberapa soal bangun ruang sisi datar, yaitu tidak mampu memenuhi 4 indikator. Sedangkan, pada Subjek Field Independent dalam menyelesaikan soal bangun ruang sisi datar, yaitu mampu menyelesaikan dan dapat memenuhi semua indikator. Implikasi dari penelitian ini adalah bahwa strategi pengajaran perlu disesuaikan dengan gaya belajar kognitif siswa. Siswa dengan gaya belajar field dependent memerlukan lebih banyak bimbingan dan visualisasi untuk memahami konsep bangun ruang, sedangkan siswa dengan gaya belajar field independent lebih mampu belajar secara mandiri dan memahami materi dengan lebih baik. Guru dapat menggunakan hasil penelitian ini untuk merancang metode pembelajaran yang lebih efektif, seperti memberikan latihan tambahan atau alat bantu visual bagi siswa field dependent, dan tantangan yang lebih kompleks bagi siswa field independent.