bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Origin of the Greater Alcibiades
Authors: Bluck R. S.
Published: February 2009

The arguments usually propounded to show that the Greater Alcibiades was not written by Plato seem to me, by themselves, inconclusive. I believe that it would be better to begin by arguing (whether we retain the doubtfully authentic lines at 133 c or not) that we are given (1) a suggestion of a generic or universal likeness between one innermost ‘self’ and another, and (2) a method of acquiring wisdom and of apprehending God that are hardly in keeping with Plato's dialogues. My present purpose, however, is to draw attention to a striking parallelism between the Alcibiades and early works of Aristotle, as well as certain other compositions that probably belong to the same period as the latter.
Aeschylus, Agamemnon 146 ff.
Authors: Lloyd-Jones Hugh
Published: February 2009

The last few words involve a difficulty which only Wilamowitz has perceived. The adjective could do either of two jobs: it could mean ‘without a feast’ or it could be part of an expression like meaning ‘a feast that is no feast’ and made on the model , etc. If it is being used in the former way, follows oddly upon .
Terentiana
Authors: Phillimore J. S.
Published: February 2009

From the paper in which the Interrogatives were treated, by an inadvertency an was omitted. As there was every reason to expect, an is found to shorten a sub-joined hoc, id, etc.

Ad. 337 an ŏc proferendum tibi uidetur usquam? Ge. Mi quidem non placet. (So the vulg. since Bentley; but A has usquam esse, and the Calliopians have esse usquam. Room could be found for both words by a transposition, thus: an hŏc tibi uidetur proferendum esse usquam? etc.)
The Iovilae-Dedications from S. Maria di Capua
Authors: Whatmough J.
Published: February 2009

A Famous group of heraldic dedications, with inscriptions in the Oscan dialect, the iovilae-inscriptions as, in the uncertainty that prevails as to their real character, scholars have generally been content to call them (from the recurrence of the word d i u v i l a- or [in a later form] i ῧ v i l a-, presumed to be the name of the object dedicated, in all or nearly all of the dedicatory inscriptions), have long been a standing puzzle to students of the Italic dialects. A visit made in the spring of 1922 to the Museo Nazionale at Naples, where a number of the iovilae are now preserved, provided an opportunity of reconsidering, with the actual objects before me, a new explanation of these most interesting dedications which I now venture to publish.
Notes on Statius (continued)
Authors: Ker Alan
Published: February 2009

This is the reading of the manuscripts with the punctuation given it in the Delphin, Loeb, and Teubner editions. But the future (adfore) does not give the sense required. Adrastus is gazing with horror at the two young men who have arrived on his doorstep, realizing that they are the lion and the boar of Apollo's oracle (cf. 395–7 ‘cui Phoebus generos … fato ducente canebat saetigerumque suem et fulvum adventare leonem’). The whole force of the blow lies in the fact that they have actually arrived. The Delphin editor solves the problem by saying that adfore means adesse, the Loeb by translating ‘that they had come’. Gruter suggested ac fore, and Garrod accepted this, putting a comma after ductos. But I do not see how this helps. I suggest that the reading of the manuscripts is correct, provided that we take adfore with quos … ediderat; i.e. put a comma after ductos and supply esse. The presence of three verbs, adfore, portendi, and ediderat, may seem a little clumsy, but each has its point; and the future is now natural, depending upon portendi: ‘he realized that the clear will of heaven had brought to his house the sons-in-law of whom Apollo had announced that their future arrival was destined by fate.’
More Notes on Euripides' Electra
Authors: Kells J. H.
Published: February 2009

Orestes has returned to Argos, (89). For him to brandish at his father's murderers is natural there, where he is delivering a sort of general manifesto as to his aims, and where the strong word is justified and alleviated by the jingle with juxtaposed (‘to requite them murder as they murdered my father’). But there is no reason for Orestes to go on insisting on the bloodthirstiness of these aims, and reads oddly in 100, where he is explaining soberly his plan of campaign.
Herodas 4
Authors: Cunningham I. C.
Published: February 2009

The fourth of Herodas is entitled in the papyrus —a title which very well describes the beginning and end of the poem, but disregards the middle, the most important part. The poem divides naturally into sections as follows: (i)1–20a;(2) (i)20b–38, (ii) 39–563, (iii) 56b–78; (3) 79–95.

In (1) we hear one of the women of the title carrying out the offering to the god. This section has been examined in detail by R. Wünsch, ‘Ein Dankopfer an Asklepios’, Arch. Rel. Wiss. vii (1904), 95 ff., who shows that it corresponds closely to the form of prayer used in real life, starting with the invocatio of the god, comprising greeting () and mention of his dwelling-places (Trikka, Kos, Epidauros), family (parents, Koronis and Apollo;
The Enclosing Word Order in the Latin Hexameter. I
Authors: Pearce T. E. V.
Published: February 2009

In poem 64 Catullus, as Fordyce points out in his edition (p. 275), often has lines enclosed by a noun and its adjective, e.g.:

5 auratam optantes Colchis avertere pellem

Very often, but not always, a syntactical unit is enclosed as well as the line. This is perhaps not surprising, considering the prevalence of punctuation at the end of the line in this poem. Nevertheless, an examination of the lines will show that when a noun and adjective1 enclose both line and syntactical unit the fact that they enclose a syntactical unit can be regarded as a determinant of the word order.
Tò πλẽθος in a Treaty Concerning the Affairs of Argos, Knossos and Tylissos
Authors: Merrill William P.
Published: February 2009

Two inscriptions, one (A) found at Tylissos on Crete, the other (B) found at Argos, both dated about 450, concern relations between Argos and the Cretan towns of Knossos and its smaller neighbour, Tylissos. The close relationship between the treaties of fragment A and fragment B – and therefore the interconnection among Argos, Knossos, and Tylissos – seems generally recognized by scholars. The articles of the agreement lay down a diverse and complex set of arrangements among the three parties, but as a whole, the treaty has been interpreted in two ways: (1) the three πóλεις have entered into some sort of federal union; (2) only Argos and Knossos are signatories to the treaty, while Tylissos is a dependency of Argos. The former interpretation has gained wider acceptance than the latter, and if it is correct, just such a federal union would represent a remarkable advance in the development of Greek political institutions. In this paper we shall press a philological point based upon the information we have both from the treaty and from contemporary sources, and in so doing, we shall attempt to show that a federal union is unlikely. We shall then offer our own interpretation of the regulations governing the insular cities with regard to the formation of alliances and the declaration of friends and enemies.
Euripides, Medea 1–17
Authors: Kovacs David
Published: February 2009

The text and apparatus below are Diggle's. At the end of the article I give, for the sake of the curious, an expanded version, for 11ff., of Wecklein's ‘Appendix coniecturas minus probabiles continens’, with references where they are known to me.
Six Greek Verbs of Sexual Congress
Authors: Bain David
Published: February 2009

There existed in Greek a multitude of words denoting or connoting sexual congress. The list of verbs given by Pollux (5.92) only skims the surface. In what follows I discuss words which with one exception (ληκ) are absent from this list and belong, as will be seen from their distribution, to the lower register of the Greek language. They are all demonstrably direct expressions, blunt and non-euphemistic. Only one of them, κιν, is at all common in non-sexual contexts. As for the rest, if they originated through metaphor like many more respectable verbs of intercourse, this had long since been forgotten by native speakers. They rarely undergo any significant weakening, retaining their basic sexual denotation.
‘Death’, Doxography, and the ‘Termerian Evil’ (Philodemus,Epigr. 27 Page =A.P. 11.30)
Authors: Thomas Richard F.
Published: February 2009

The text of this poem, already corrupt in the Palatine, has had a turbulent history over the last two centuries. Here is Page's version, the translation in Gow–Page, and my own somewhat expanded apparatus: I who in time past was good for five or nine times, now, Aphrodite, hardly manage once from early night to sunrise. The thing itself, – already often only at half-strength, – is gradually dying. That's the last straw. Old age, old age, what will you do later when you come to me, if even now I am as languid as this.
Discordia Taetra: The History of a Hexameter-Ending
Authors: Harrison S. J.
Published: February 2009

In Latin Hexameter Verse, his 1903 manual for composers of Latin hexameters which is still useful as a guide to Vergil's metrical and prosodic practices, S. E. Winbolt states that a hexameter ‘must not end with an adjective preceded by a noun with a similar short ending, e.g.…flumina nota’ unless the adjective is emphatic, ‘i.e. strongly distinctive, predicative or antithetical’. Whether or not his distinction between emphatic and non-emphatic adjectives in this position is wholly workable (predicative adjectives are clearly distinguishable, but it is not clear that the other types are), Winbolt here rightly detects a strong tendency in Vergil and other Latin poets towards avoiding endings of this general kind, which we can conveniently call the ‘Discordia taetra’ type after one of its earliest and best-known instances in the Annales of Ennius (225–6 Skutsch ‘postquam Discordia taetra/Belli ferratos postes portasque refregit’). The rarity of this type of line-ending is clear in Vergil; there are only 16 examples, regardless of whether the adjective is emphatic or not, in the 9890 lines of the Aeneid. Such a select and easily-defined phenomenon might prove a yardstick of some interest in the history of the Latin hexameter, for it seems to raise a number of questions to which the answers would be significant and useful. Is this type of ending avoided equally by all poets? Is there an increasing tendency to avoid it as time goes on? Is it associated with any particular genres of hexameter poetry? Do poets tend to use in it the same words or phrases as their predecessors? To discover the answers, this article will look at the ‘Discordia taetra’ phenomenon in Latin hexameter poetry, defining it as the instance where a noun ending in a short vowel (in practice, in ‘-a’) is immediately succeeded by an adjective of similar ending and in agreement at the end of the hexameter, and where such a noun is not a substantivised adjective and such an adjective is neither predicative nor a participle.
Conversing After Sunset: A Callimachean Echo in Ovid's Exile Poetry
Authors: Williams Gareth D.
Published: February 2009

In his note on lines 27–8 Luck gives two Ovidian parallels for conversation outlasting the day, P. 2.4.11–12 and P. 2.10.37–8, but he makes no reference to lines 2–3 of Callimachus' epigram on Heraclitus of Halicarnassus (Epigr. 2[Pf.] = A.P. 7.80)
Notes on Quintilian
Authors: Murgia Charles E.
Published: February 2009

These notes result from a seminar on Quintilian which I gave at Berkeley in the spring of 1989, and have benefited from discussion with students in the class, David Silverman, Shadi Bartsch, and Andrew Riggsby. Their individual contributions are noted when appropriate.
Acidalius on Manilius
Authors: Reeve M. D.
Published: February 2009

Thomas Marshall, who became Rector of Lincoln College in 1672 and died in 1685, left to the Bodleian his collection of books and manuscripts. Two lists of the manuscripts appear in Edward Bernard's Catalogi librorum manuscriptorum Angliae et Hiberniae (Oxford, 1697), i (1). 272–3, 373–4, but both omit what is now called MS. Marshall 140, which F. Madan in the Summary Catalogue describes as follows
Apollonius, Argonautica 4.167–70 and Euripides' Medea
Authors: Knight Virginia
Published: February 2009

The study of Homeric echoes and allusions in the Argonautica has overshadowed the influence of other literature, even when, as with tragedy, such influence is clear. The easiest framework for studying allusions to tragedy in Apollonius is comparison with the different types of allusion to Homer. Situations in the epic may recall situations and relationships in tragedy, and verbal similarities to passages in tragedy are also identifiable, despite differences of dialect and metre. The latter are often enhanced by rare words, as Homeric hapax legomena and other Homeric rarities establish allusions to the Iliad and Odyssey.
Apollonius Rhodius,Argonautica4.12
Authors: Nelis Damien P.
Published: February 2009

AtArgonautica4.12–13, Medea, frightened and on the point of fleeing her home, 2 is compared to a young deer:
Turnus and his Ancestors
Authors: Mackie C. J.
Published: February 2009

In Book 6.88–94 of theAeneidreference is made by the Cumaean Sibyl to the fact that there will be terrible wars on the Trojans' arrival at Lavinium. The details given by the Sibyl evoke the war at Troy; there will be a Simois, a Xanthus, and a Greek camp. Moreover, there will be another Achilles in Latium and the war will again be fought over a woman. Aeneas, when he hears this, has just arrived in Italy after the war at Troy and a gruelling seven-year journey. The prophecy is therefore the last thing that he wants to hear, but he responds very stoically and then proceeds to ask the Sibyl's permission to enter the Underworld (6.103ff.). Aeneas' filialpietasis therefore stressed by his determination to meet with his father's shade in the face of forthcoming adversity.
Nero on the Disappearing Tigris
Authors: Dewar Michael
Published: February 2009

This is the only undisputed fragment of Nero's poetry which is longer than a single line. It is preserved for us by the scholiast on Lucan 3.261, who gives us the additional piece of information that it belongs to Nero's ‘first book’. It is overwhelmingly likely that this refers to the first book of Nero‘s epic Troica, his most famous work and the only one, as far as we know, to have been comprised of several books.1 Since the fragment is the most significant surviving, but this attribution to the Troica cannot be quite certain, Morel and Büchner list it as fragment 1 with the simple heading ‘E libro primo’ and scrupulously keep it entirely separate from Servius’ two testimonia (frr. 9 and 10) on the content of the poem. This entirely sensible procedure, however, may trap the unwary reader into assuming that not a word of Nero's epic actually survives.
Sea-Monsters at Sunrise
Authors: West Stephanie
Published: February 2009

It is hard to avoid the suspicion that the time appointed for the arrival of Lucian's leviathan was intended to bring to the reader's mind Nearchus' account of an alarming encounter with a school of whales in the course of his famous voyage from the Indus to the Persian Gulf (Arrian, Ind. 30.1−3 = FGrHist 133 F 1 (c. 30)):
Enniana III
Authors: Skutsch O.
Published: February 2009

Groundless assumption in scholarship is generally soon swept away. Seldom does an interpretation which has little to commend it survive as long as that which I here propose to refute.
Some Palaeographical Notes
Authors: Wilson N.
Published: February 2009

The writer recently examined the two palimpsest folios of the manuscript Parisinus gr. 107B, otherwise known as the Codex Claromontanus, which contain most of the surviving passages of Euripides' Phaethon. Despite the damaging effects of the chemical reagents used in the nineteenth century the text is not wholly illegible and a collation was made where possible. A comparison of this with the standard texts published by Nauck, von Arnim, and Volmer revealed some puzzling discrepancies; it looks as if recent editors have not examined the manuscript, basing their work on their predecessors' false reports of the collation by Blass. Nauck writes (p. 599): ‘quoniam vero programmata academica in paucorum manus perveniunt, haud gravabor quae Blass legit hoc loco repetere’. von Arnim shows in his preface (p. 2) that he copied from Nauck, and Volmer says (p. 9): ‘J. de Arnim omnia tragoediae Euripideae fragmenta contulit in Supplemento Euripideo, quem librum prae aliis commentationibus in fabula restituenda adhibeo’. In future scholars who turn their attention to the Phaethon would do well to go back to the collation by Blass, but this too seemed faulty to me at certain points.
Labour and Status in the Works and Days
Authors: Nussbaum G.
Published: February 2009

The total surviving output of the Hesiodic school of Greek Epic is too little, in point of sheer quantity, to afford an insight into social life and outlook comparable with that offered by the Homeric poems. Worse still, it is too heterogeneous a collection to form a meaningful social document.
[Demosthenes] De Halonneso 13
Authors: Harrison A. R. W.
Published: February 2009

This passage has been very frequently discussed, but the deductions drawn from it have been so various and the exact meaning of the Greek has often been left so vague that it seemed to merit one more attempt at analysis.
Sophocles, Oedipus Rex 1271–4
Authors: Parry Adam
Published: February 2009

In an article in the July 1959 issue of the American Journal of Philology, Mr. William Calder III offers two suggestions for the interpretation of 11. 1271–4 of Sophocles' Oedipus Rex, one concerning the reference of wv in 1271, and the other, the reference of in 1273 and 1274.
Polyclitus and Pythagoreanism
Authors: Raven J. E.
Published: February 2009

In a well-known quotation from Speusippus in the Theologumena Arithmeticae (82.10 de Falco), said to have been derived from Pythagorean sources, especially Philolaus, occur the following sentences: And again a little later: Similarly Sextus Empiricus (Math. 10. 279–80), drawing evidently on a relatively early Pythagorean source, writes as follows: And Aristotle himself writes of the Pythagoreans (Met. 1036b12): There were, in fact, certain Pythagoreans who equated the number 2 with the line because they regarded the line as ‘length without breadth extended between two points’; and likewise the number 3 was equated with the plane and 4 with the solid.
Two Notes on the Text of Aristophanes
Authors: Platnauer M.
Published: February 2009

So Hall and Geldart's text and critical note. The latter needs a correction and an addition: R gives (so, too, ΣR, which has ; γ is found only in B and the Aldine edition, R and V omit it.

What is the object of Van Leeuwen says ‘mente suppl.xwhich seems to me inconsequent if not nonsensical. Starkie, printing a dash after the word, notes ‘as the sentence is interrupted by Philocleon, it is impossible to know what was meant to be the object of this verb’. This does not seem very satisfactory. Rogers apparently takes the verb as used absolutely and translates ‘you'll strike by and by’. Coulon, not unnaturally dissatisfied with these explanations, reads and translates ‘tu vas te faire lapider’, adding a note ‘on jetait des pierres aux fous; cf. Otseaux 524’. Starkie also mentions this possibility and attributes its origin to the scholiast—wrongly, for the gloss shows that the scholiast did not take as meaning ‘will be pelted as a madman’. In any case all this is very far-fetched. And there is a further point: the strange future active, is found elsewhere only at line 222 of this same play and nowhere else in Greek. It is therefore rash to postulate an entirely unparalleled middle form of this, and that, too, in a passive sense. Had he intended this meaning Aristophanes would surely have written.
Ancient Italian Beliefs concerning the Soul
Authors: Rose H. J
Published: February 2009

No one has as yet done for Italy what Rohde's Psyche did for Greece, and the reason is not far to seek. Rohde had at his disposal a large amount of literary material, of which no one could doubt that it represented Greek feeling and practice of various ages; but the investigator of the corresponding Italian field is met with a twofold difficulty. He must in the first place discard a great deal of the written records, because they clearly reflect, not native ideas, but those which were common to the ancient world in Hellenistic times. He is then left with a very few scanty documents, which refer, not to Italy as a whole, but practically without exception to Rome, or, at any rate, to districts strongly Romanized. To add to his perplexities, he has a great mass of archaeological evidence for all ages, from the palaeolithic onwards, which, as it is unwritten, he must interpret as best he may, bearing in mind the very wide margin of error in all such attempts, and reconcile, if he can, with what the classical authors tell him.
Prose-Rhythm and the Comparative Method
Authors: Shewring W. H.
Published: February 2009

In writing on a subject in which the most significant words have been used in quite different senses by modern authors, I think it most prudent to begin by defining my terms. By rhythmical prose I mean all prose in which the writer consciously follows a definite scheme in order to obtain particular cadences at the close of the period or within it, and this whether the favoured cadences are marked by quantity or by accent. I subdivide rhythmical prose into metrical and accentual. The latter term explains itself. In spite of Aristotle's familiar opposition of ṕÅθμóσ and μτρ¿ν, I use the word ‘metrical’ of quantitative prose, both because the term ‘quantitative prose’ seems to me cumbrous, and because to the speakers of any modern language metre is the natural opposite of stress accent, whether in prose or in verse; and Aristotle's terminology, which takes no account of stress accent, may reasonably be displaced by the modern distinction. (For the beginnings of this later usage in post-classical theoreticians cf.
Penelope's EEΔNA Again
Authors: Perysinakis I. N.
Published: February 2009

M. Finley in a well-known and influential article, established the theory that the bridegroom (or the potential suitors) offered gifts to the bride's father, which had their recompense in a counter-gift or dowry to the groom and the bride; these gifts must be equal in value.
Royal Succession in Heroic Greece
Authors: Finkelberg Margalit
Published: February 2009

This article is about the rules of succession in Bronze Age Greece as reflected in Greek tradition. The question as to whether or not the figures dealt with by this tradition are historical is of little relevance to the present discussion: what I seek to recover is not the history of one royal house or another but rather the recurring patterns according to which the members of these houses – no matter whether real or fictitious – were expected to behave when it came to the question of accession to the throne and transmission of the kingship to their successors.
Notes on Sophocles'Antigone
Authors: Brown Andrew
Published: February 2009

My recent edition ofAntigone(Warminster, 1987) was not intended primarily as a contribution to textual criticism. I did no work on the manuscripts, and little work on tracing the sources of old conjectures. Nevertheless, some of my thoughts on the text may merit fuller discussion than I was able to give them in a beginners' edition. And there have been more recent developments: in particular we now have a new Oxford Text of Sophocles with a companion volume ofSophoclea, and I have benefited from stimulating discussion with Dr David Kovacs, who has kindly allowed me to see a draft of some forthcoming notes of his own.
TheApology: The Beginning of Plato's Own Philosophy
Authors: Kato Shinro
Published: February 2009

It has often been assumed that Plato'sApologyis a faithful recreation of Socrates' speech on the final day of his trial in 399b.c.; that it contains almost nothing of Plato's own philosophy; and that it therefore represents rather the position of the historical Socrates on how to live and how to philosophize. In this belief, Schleiermacher relegated theApologyto an appendix to his translation of Plato, along with (among others) some spurious works. His view was followed by Zeller and Grote in the late nineteenth century, and further popularized in the 1920s by Burnet's edition of theApology.
The Universality of Poetry in Aristotle'sPoetics
Authors: Heath Malcolm
Published: February 2009

In chapter 9 of thePoeticsAristotle states that poetry is concerned with the universal (τ καθλου 1451b6–15). In this paper I shall consider three questions arising out of this statement. First, what does it mean? Secondly, what constraints does it impose on the construction of (in particular) tragic plots ? I shall consider this question with special reference to the possible role of chance in tragedy. Thirdly, why is poetry concerned with the universal – that is, why is poetry such that these constraints are appropriate ?
The Unexpected Guests: Patterns of Xenia in Callimachus' ‘Victoria Berenices’ and Petronius' Satyricon
Authors: Rosenmeyer Patricia A.
Published: February 2009

Much of the fascination that Petronius' Satyricon holds for its readers originates in the work's gleeful violation of traditional categories of classical genres. Critical terminology makes explicit the issue of unconventionality, as it is reduced to the neutral word ‘work’ in describing the Satyricon, which, as far as we can tell, belongs to no single category (e.g. novel, romance, satire), but appropriates elements from many sources in both poetry and prose. Perhaps if we had more evidence with which to compare the work, such as a greater selection of Menippean satire or proto-novels from antiquity, we might be able to identify it more accurately. But the suspicion remains that the intense variety of its evocations, allusions, and parodic passages differentiates it clearly from its component genres without allowing it to settle firmly in any one established genre. A certain amount of ‘Kreuzung der Gattungen’ is, of course, typical of both Alexandrian and consequently Roman texts. But the Satyricon seems to revel in its generic instability; it plays with the notion of ‘literariness’ by revealing impulses from non-literary forms such as mime and subliterary prose fiction, raising this material to an unfamiliar level of literary sophistication even as it debases other traditional genres (e.g. epic) through parodic techniques. One of the results of this open experimentation with style and decorum is an extremely dense fabric of literary (and sub-literary) allusion which some would label ‘literary opportunism’. The reader quickly learns to expect intertextual pyrotechnics, swift changes from the sublime to the ridiculous, and humorous incongruities in plot and form, as the stylistic disorder of the text reflects the topsyturvy Petronian world. The modern reader's response to this profusion of referents is to explore the recognizable categories and sources embedded in the work, to tease out the familiar elements in the hope of gaining a better understanding of the whole. Since a great deal of the allusion in the Satyricon functions parodically, there is yet another step necessary in the interpretation, namely taking into account the effect of the decontextualization of language and events from the source material and their recombination and transformation into the new text.
Aspects of the Vocabulary of Chariton of Aphrodisias
Authors: Ruiz-Montero Consuelo
Published: February 2009

There has been little research on the vocabulary of the Greek novelists. Gasda studied that of Chariton in the last century. He compared some of his terms with those of other authors and he concluded he should be placed in the sixth centuryA.D.Then Schmid considered that Chariton's language was not Atticist, and dated his novel in the second century or beginning of the third. In 1973 Chariton's language was studied by Papanikolaou. His research dealt above all with several syntactic aspects and the use of some vocabulary, which led him to conclude that this language was closer to thekoinéthan that of the other novelists. But Papanikolaou went further in his conclusions: finding no trace of Atticism in Chariton, he considered him a pre-Atticist writer and, using extra-linguistic data, such as the citing of the Seres, the Chinese (6.4.2), placed him in the second half of the first centuryB.C.This chronology has been accepted by some, but already Giangrande has observed that this lack of Atticisms could have been intentional, in which case that date would be questionable.
The Sources of Justin on Macedonia to the Death of Philip
Authors: Hammond N. G. L.
Published: February 2009

In this article I am making what is, as far as I know, the first systematic analysis of Justin books 7, 8 and 9. The method is that which I employed in analysing the sources of Diodorus 16 in CQ 31 (1937), 79ff. and 32 (1938), 137ff. Previous scholars had looked for similarities between the fragments of ancient historians and details in the text of Diodorus, and they had taken any such similarity as proof of a particular source being followed. They had carried their method to extremes: A. Momigliano, for instance, had concluded that Diodorus changed his source 12 times within 23 chapters, and R. Laqueur 18 times within 4 chapters in book 16. My system was to define separable Groups of narrative on the basis of fullness, accuracy, military and political detail, and attitude to the general theme, and to see how far any one Group could be attributed to an ancient author. I begin, therefore, with separable Groups of narrative.
John of Alexandria Again: Greek Medical Philosophy in Latin Translation
Authors: Nutton Vivian
Published: February 2009

It is a brave scholar who ventures into the murky world of Late Antique medicine in search of information on earlier theories. Not only may the opinions of a Herophilus or a Galen be distorted by their distant interpreters, but frequently the texts themselves present serious challenges to understanding. Nowhere is this more apparent than in the Latin versions made from Greek philosophical and medical commentaries, which interpose an additional linguistic barrier before one can make sense of sometimes complex arguments. Yet as R. J. Hankinson has shown in his recent note on John of Alexandria, there is much to be gained from these forbidding works. But while he has succeeded in elucidating much of the technical terminology and argument that lies behind one of these translations, his lack of familiarity with the textual basis of the relevant commentary has both led him into error and prevented him from resolving still more of its difficulties. His ignorance is easily pardonable, for, as will be shown, modern editors have unwittingly conspired to block the way to the truth, and the essential secondary literature has been published in journals and theses rarely accessible to the classicist.
A Note on the Stag: Odyssey 10.156–72
Authors: Alexander Caroline
Published: February 2009

On the morning of the third day on Circe's island of Aeaea, Odysseus takes sword and spear in hand and leaves his demoralized and exhausted crew to seek out some sign of habitation. Eventually, from the height of a rocky point, he spies smoke rising in the distance. After debating with himself whether or not to investigate immediately, he determines first to return to his ships, in order to see about his comrades' dinner (10.144–55). Returning to the beach, he encounters an enormous stag, which he takes to have been sent by a god who pitied him (10.157–9) and which he kills, binds with a makeshift rope of brushwood and willow branches, and drags back to the camp (10.160–72).
Notes on the Parodos-Scene in Euripides' Heraclidae, 73–117
Authors: Willink C. W.
Published: February 2009

In response to Iolaus' cry for help, the chorus in Held, enter at a run (βοηδροµοντεс cf. 121), and the Parodos takes a form appropriate to that. Instead of choral song-and-dance, what follows, after an exceptionally brief non-strophic ‘entry’-passage, is an amoibaion first between the Chorus-leader and Iolaus, then between the Chorus-leader and the Herald, musical only as featuring some ‘half-chanted’ sequences in the Chorus-leader's utterances.
Three Notes on Lucretius
Authors: Clausen Wendell
Published: February 2009

To Munro's conjecture, which has been accepted by Diels (1923), S. B. Smith (1942), Bailey (1947), Büchner (1956), Martin (1959), and M. F. Smith (1982), there is a serious, possibly a fatal, objection: the genitive plural of hiems is a grammarians' figment and never occurs in classical Latin (TLL s.v. 2773.84); while Lachmann's conjecture is palaeographically improbable. Read ad gelidas rigidasque pruinas; rigidas was omitted by haplography, a fecund source of corruption, and hiemis then supplied from the context to repair the metre. Cf. 2.431 denique iam calidos ignis gelidamque pruinam, 2.521 hinc flammis Mine rigidis infesta pruinis, and, for the collocation of the two adjectives, 2.858 nec frigus neque item calidum tepidumque uaporem.
A Neronian Exclamatory Phrase
Authors: Kershaw Allan
Published: February 2009

Since Rose collected Petronius' ‘adaptions of Lucan’ found in theBellum Civile, there has been renewed contention as to whether these adaptations are real or imagined, with George, Sullivan, and now Slater leading the debate.
Bee Imagery in Plutarch
Authors: Borthwick E. Kerr
Published: February 2009

There can be few Greek prose authors who outdo Plutarch in fondness for elaborate similes, and a determination to sustain at length vocabulary appropriate to both objects of comparison within the simile, once it is embarked upon. In the essay Quomodo adulescens (Mor. 32e) he uses a favourite image, in which a young man aspiring to be educated in quality literature is recommended to follow the example of the bee, which extracts material for its honey from the most pungent plants: μν οὖν μλιττα ϕυσικς ν τοῖς δριμνττοις ἄνθεσι κα ταῖς τραχντταις κνθαις ξανενρσκει τ λειτατον μλι κα χρησιμώτατον, οἱ δ παῖδες, ἂν ρθς ντρϕωνται τοῖς ποιμασιν, κα π τν ϕαλονς κα τπους ὑποψας χντων ἕλκειν τι χρσιμον μωσγπως μαθησναι κα ὠϕλιμον. In another such essay (De recta, Mor. 41e–42b) he elaborates this theme at greater length as follows:
Some Emendations in the Text of Maximus of Tyre, Dialexeis 1–21 (Hobein)
Authors: Trapp M. B.
Published: February 2009

All surviving manuscripts of the Dialexeis of Maximus of Tyre descend from the oldest, Parisinus Graecus 1962 (given the siglum R in Hobein's Teubner text of 1910). Where they diverge, they do so as a result either of error or of attempts at correction. The history of the conjectural emendation of the Dialexeis thus begins with the second oldest manuscript, Vaticanus Graecus 1390 (Hobein's U), which dates from the third quarter of the thirteenth century. Since that time, the most significant contributions have come from two scholars, one of the fifteenth century and one of the eighteenth: Zanobi Acciaiuoli, librarian at the monastery of San Marco in Florence, many of whose corrections found their way anonymously into the editio princeps of 1557 via the manuscript used by Stephanus; and Jeremiah Markland, whose ideas are recorded as an appendix to the second, posthumous edition of John Davies's Maximus, published in 1740. J. J. Reiske's edition of 1774–5 and Friedrich Duebner's of 1840 (rev. 1877) also contain valuable material. But the field is by no means yet picked clean: witness most recently the useful articles of Professors Koniaris and Renehan. I offer the following gleanings of my own.
An Aratvs Fragment in the British Museum
Authors: Bell H. I.
Published: February 2009

With B. M. Pap. 273 (described and in part published by Kenyon in the Album Gratulatorium in honorem H. van Herwerden, Utrecht, 1902, pp. 137–142), which consists of a number of fragments from a papyrus book containing an unknown epic on the subject of Dionysus and his Indian expedition, is bound up a small fragment, evidently by a different hand. This (Pap. 273b) I have recently identified as from the Phaenomena of Aratus; and I therefore publish it here. Apparently no papyrus fragment of this poem has yet been discovered; there is, however, at Berlin (Pap. Ber. 5865) a portion of a commentary on Aratus, which has been published by Maass in his Commentariorum in Aratum Reliquiae, Berlin, 1898, pp. 556–558.
Further Notes on the Greek Comic Fragments
Authors: Richards H.
Published: February 2009

Are not the editors rather too easy-going, when they admit on the authority of Hephaestion these spondaic endings? In the second passage nothing is easier than to invert the order of ⋯λλ⋯ντας and τ⋯κωνας, reading oὔτ' ⋯λλ⋯ντας πoιηησóμεθ' oὔτε τ⋯κωνας, for oὔτε … oὔτε seem also required. Cratinus is not quite so easily corrected, but one may perhaps suppose that he really wrote something like ⋯ να⋯ς ⋯μ⋯ν ὡς πειθαρχ μ⋯λλoν τoῖς πηδαλ⋯oισι. If it were not for the poetical character of line I (πóντoν, αὖραι, ⋯ρ⋯μαι), we should doubt whether we ought not to write ἵ να for ὡς, but it may be right, though obviously the first and second lines have no immediate connexion. The spondaic ending is made even less probable than it would otherwise be by the fact of the fifth and sixth feet also being spondees.
The Digamma, Koppa, and Sampi as Numerals in Greek
Authors: Jannaris A. N.
Published: February 2009

It is universally held and in all classical Greek Grammars taught that in their numeral system, the ancient Greeks denoted the figure for 6 by the digamma or vau, that for 90 by the koppa, and that for 900 by the sampi or sanpi. On a closer examination, however, this doctrine proves erroneous and requires correction.
The Sayings of Simonides
Authors: Richards H.
Published: February 2009

In Grenfell and Hunt's Hibeh Papyri, Vol. I, recently published, there is an interesting but obscure fragment, composed of sayings apparently ascribed to the famous poet. I submit two or three suggestions on them.
Further Notes on the Greek Comic Fragments
Authors: Richards Herbert
Published: February 2009

I do not profess to understand lines 5 and 6. It is however clear that one λέγει is due to the other, and the first seems most likely to be wrong. On that assumption, which is the usual one, I would suggest ⋯θέλεις to take its place.
On the Classification of Roman Allies
Authors: Matthaei Louise E.
Published: February 2009

Did the Romans in their dealings with other nations outside Italy know of any international laws, and did such laws ever crystallise from scattered observances into a general system? This is an interesting question, but one not easy to answer.
Ad Senecae Libros De Beneficiis et De Clementia
Authors: Kronenberg A. J.
Published: February 2009

De benef. I. i i p. i i (Hosius): Inter multos ac uarios errores temere inconsulteque uiuentium nihil propemodum, uir optime Liberalis, dixerim, *quod beneficia nee dare scimus nee accipere. Sequitur enim, ut male conlocata male debeantur; de quibus non redditis sero querimur; ista enim perierunt, cum darentur.
The Madrid Ms of Manilius and its Kindred
Authors: Housman A. E.
Published: February 2009

That family of Manilius' MSS which is now usually called the second, and is designated by the letter β, made its first decisive entrance into criticism in the year 1739. The early vulgate had shaped itself out of hybrid copies in which the tradition of the two families α and β was indistinguishably blended; one good and ancient representative of α, the Gemblacensis, was brought into employment by Scaliger in 1600: but the testimony of β was never disengaged and isolated until Bentley's edition made public the readings of the Leyden codex Vossianus 390. The next member of the family to emerge was Matritensis M 31, discovered in 1879 by Gustav Loewe and brought to general notice in the middle of 1893 by the simultaneous publication of two papers,—one by Mr Breiter in the Neue Jahrbuecher vol. 147 pp. 417–423, one by Prof. Ellis in Hermathena no. xix pp. 261–286. Two other MSS closely akin to this, Vrbinates 667 and 668 in the Vatican library, containing the first 82 verses of the poem, which the Matritensis has lost, are employed in an edition of Book i which I published in 1903.
The Epic Cycle (Continued from page 74)
Authors: Allen T. W.
Published: February 2009

I will next briefly enumerate the evidence for the separate poems, beginning with the Trojan series.
Some Differences between Speech-Scansion and Narrative-Scansion in Homeric Verse
Authors: Drewitt J. A. J.
Published: February 2009

If in the various books of the Iliad and Odyssey the speeches or personated lines are separated from the rest, the metrical phenomena will, when tabulated, be found to show a perceptible divergence from those of the narrative verse. The differences are worth some notice. They throw into sharp relief the subtle rules that control the narrative type; and, what is more important, they do to some extent suggest the principle, of which these rules are the necessary outcome. There is also involved another point of considerable interest; for the contrast between narrative- and speech-verse exactly coincides, it must be remembered, with a very remarkable difference in the use of the augment; and the more this coincidence is considered, the less easy it will be found to dismiss it as accidental.
Contributions to a New Text of the Characters of Theophrastvs
Authors: Edmonds J. M.
Published: February 2009

In the following pages the references are to the lines of Immisch's text (Teubner 1897), and the MSS and groups of MSS are indicated by his lettering.
Seneca's Letters: Notes and Emendations. (Continued from p. 43.)
Authors: Summers Walter C.
Published: February 2009

liii. 6. Seneca says that we try to conceal from ourselves the fact that we are ill, and can do this for a time. ‘Dubio et incipiente morbo quaeritur nomen, qui ubi ut talaria coepit intendere et utrosque dextros pedes fecit, necesse est podagram confiteri.’
Note on Plato, Phaedo 105 A.
Authors: Conford F. M.
Published: February 2009

‘Let me refresh your memory; there is no harm in going over what you have heard several times. Five will not admit the character of evenness, nor will ten—its double—admit that of oddness. Now, this latter term is actually itself an opposite of another term, but none the less it will not admit the character of oddness; no more indeed will 3/2 or the other terms of this series—the ‘half’—admit the character of wholeness, nor yet will ⅓ and all the other terms of that series.’
Ad Epictetvm
Authors: Kronenberg A. J.
Published: February 2009

Diss. I 1 16 —κα⋯ φαρακ⋯φτομεν συνεχ⋯ς, τ⋯ς ἄνεμος φνεἄ; ‘βορ⋯ας’.
Seneca Tragoedvs again
Authors: Garrod H. W.
Published: February 2009

After Mr. Stuart (C.Q. v. i) and Mr. Hardie (ib. v. 2) I ought to be shy of speaking upon the Tragedies of Seneca. But Mr. Stuart and Mr. Hardie have stirred the dust that lay upon notes which I have had by me for some four years: and their papers encourage the hope that there is among English scholars some revival of interest in Seneca. I am afraid that I myself read Seneca for pleasure, with admiration for the justness of his moral sentiments and with affection for his style. Yet I can hardly be blind to the opportunities which his text offers to those who practice the art of critical divination.
On the Ivratio Italiae of 32 B.C.
Authors: Caspari M. O. B.
Published: February 2009

‘Ivravit in mea uerba tota Italia sponte sua et me belli quo uici ad Actium ducem depoposcit.’ In these words the Emperor Augustus clearly meant to suggest that the war in which he got rid of Mark Antony was none of his making, but was imposed upon him by the free and self-determined action of the Italian nation. Modern historians have unanimously refused to regard Augustus as a passive instrument in the hands of the Roman people at large; yet they have generally accepted his account of the oath-taking of 32 B.C. as the outcome of a spontaneous burst of enthusiasm in his behalf, which they interpret as the reflex result of the nation's resentment against Antony's un-Roman and treasonable behaviour.
Two Passages in Aristotle
Authors: Platt Arthur
Published: February 2009

Poetica xxii. 9. 1458b 5.
Some Type-Names in the Odes of Horace
Authors: Ullman B. L.
Published: February 2009

In a recent number of the CLASSICAL QUARTERLY (viii., p. 121), under the title ‘Neaera as a Common Name,’ Mr. Postgate writes: ‘There are two undoubted instances of this use of Neaera in Prudentius which are cited by Mr. Ullman.’ This is indeed a very welcome admission, for, unless I am greatly mistaken, Mr. Postgate was formerly of the opinion that such a usage or anything approaching it was unthinkable in Latin.1 But Mr. Postgate still feels uneasy about it, for he says: ‘I imagine however that to an unprejudiced sense of Latin usage these instances will themselves seem to be strange and in need of explanation…. Now is there anything in Neaera or its history which will account for this ? Let us examine the possibilities. And first those offered by etymology…. But it may be thought that it acquired its objectionable colour through the reputed conduct of some particular Neaera of legend or history.’ We are now on common ground, for of course there can be no type-names or common names without some reason.
Ovid Ibis 512 and Tristia III 6 8
Authors: Housman A. E.
Published: February 2009

Ib. 511 sq.

lapsuramque domum subeas, ut sanguis Aleuae,

Stella Leoprepidae cum fuit aequa uiro.
Some Notes on the Text of Fronto
Authors: Haines C. R.
Published: February 2009

There are few ancient texts in a condition so mutilated and unsatisfactory as that of Fronto. Not only was the Codex containing his letters used subsequently for recording the Latin translation of the Acts of the first Council of Chalcedon, and even in one case (Cod. Vat. 227) for two writings one over the other, but there are also indications that there was an earlier writing under the Fronto text, of which Studemund found traces in Cod.Ambr1. p. 107 and Hauler on p. 251 of the same. The latter detected the name Hadrian, and supposed that a work of that Emperor might have been transscribed there. However, the Ambrosian MS. has recently been thoroughly cleaned and laboriously examined by Dr. Hauler, whose authoritative edition of Fronto has long been expected. Meanwhile Naber's edition, faulty as it is, holds the field, and the references in the following notes will be to it. The numerals indicate page and line.
Claudius and the Primores Galliae
Authors: Cunningham H. J.
Published: February 2009

In the Classical Quarterly of April, 1914, I ventured to call in question the explanation of this well-known difficulty put forward by Dr. E G. Hardy in his Roman Laws and Charters. Dr. Hardy has done me the honour of replying to my article in the October Quarterly, but his lengthy argument entirely fails to convince me.
The Oδυνήφατα Φάρμακα of Iliad V. 900, and their Bearing on the Prehistoric Culture of Old Servia
Authors: Macurdy Grace Harriet
Published: February 2009

The passage about Paeon's treatment of the wound of Ares in Iliad V. 899–904 has been neglected or misunderstood by the majority of commentators, and no one, so far as I know, has pointed out its significance for pre-Homeric culture in that part of the Balkan area in which archaeological research has shown a connection with and influence on the culture of North Greece. I refer to that part known as Old Servia, extending from Naissus, the modern Nish, at present the temporary capital of Servia, and below Skopi, modern Uskub, into northern Macedonia.