bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Herodotus and the Reconstruction of History
Authors: Chrimes K. M. T.
Published: May 2006

In selecting for the purpose of illustrating Herodotus' conception of the proper relation of ἀπὀδεξις to ἱστορίη his account of the Lydian emigration to Italy, I have not had in mind the requirements of the Etruscologist alone. The Lydian setting of the story raises the whole question of the sources for the reconstruction of the Dark Ages of Aegean history which Greek historians, at the time of Herodotus and earlier, had at their disposal.

It is well known that from the point of view of Etruscologists this migration story, which is usually accepted by them as a genuine tradition of origin, is dated five centuries too early; and although the arguments of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, which mainly stress the total dissimilarity of Etruscan and Lydian culture, are insufficient reason for discrediting Herodotus after the lapse of so many centuries and in an age when philology was not a science, to suppose without further investigation a mistake of 500 years is not only unfair to Herodotus, but may remove whatever basis of fact the tradition originally contained.
The Home of the Keftiu
Authors: Sayce A. H.
Published: May 2006

Mr. Wainwright's article on the Keftiu in the last number of J.H.S., coupled with the introduction to it in J.E.A., has brought back to my memory his article in the Liverpool Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology in 1913 which converted me to his view that the Keftiu of the Egyptian monuments were to be located somewhere in Cilicia. Maspero had suggested Northern Syria for their home; English scholars were inclined to place them in Krete. I am still on the side of Mr. Wainwright, but there are one or two statements in his articles which require to be supplemented, if not corrected.
Plato and the Irrational
Authors: Dodds E. R.
Published: May 2006

The purpose of this paper is to enquire into Plato's attitude towards a group of related problems which at the present time have assumed an unusual importance. By ‘the irrational’ I mean that surd element in human experience, both in our experience of ourselves and in our experience of the world about us, which has exercised so powerful—and as some of us think, so perilous—a fascination on the philosophers, artists, and men of letters of our own day.

That contemporary problems and interests should determine the questions which we address to the great thinkers of the past is entirely natural and proper. But he who uses this approach needs to be alive to its dangers. Such contemporary interests have very frequently determined not only the questions which scholars have asked, but also the answers which they have put into the mouths of the defenceless dead. Too often we unconsciously identify a past thinker with ourselyes, and distort his thoughts to make him the mouthpiece of our own preconceptions; or else, unconsciously identifying him with our opponents, we belabour him with gusto, serene in the assured knowledge that he cannot hit back.
ΦΙΑΙΠΠΟΣ ΤΡΑΓΩΙΔΟϒΜΕΝΟΣ
Authors: Walbank F. W.
Published: May 2006

‘The story, which ends with the poisoning and suffocation of Demetrius, has reached us in a form which suggests, as do also certain other features of the later life of Philip and of the reign of Perseus, that some author or authors wrote tragedies or historical novels dealing with the ruin of the Macedonian royal house.’ Such is the startling, if cautiously phrased conclusion of a recent historian, discussing the last years of Philip V in a standard work; it is a conclusion which deserves careful consideration, for if it can be substantiated, it will be necessary to revise seriously our usual estimate of Polybius' merits as a historian. And since no discussion of the problem can be fruitful until Polybius' own attitude towards tragedy and its relations to history has been considered, it is from this aspect that Benecke's suggestion must be approached.
The Monetary Reform of Solon: a Correction
Authors: Milne J. G.
Published: May 2006

When discussing the monetary reform of Solon, I adopted the view that he obtained his supplies of silver for his new coinage from Corinth: it was obviously necessary for the success of his scheme that he should get silver from some market other than Aegina, and Corinth appeared to be the only place that would ‘ fill the bill’: she had a coinage on a standard independent of Aegina, with the same unit of weight for the stater as that adopted by Solon, and it seemed probable that the stations established by Periander on the Illyrian coast would enable her to procure silver from the mines in the interior. But recent research by Mr. John May has shown that these mines were situated much further from the Adriatic than had been inferred from Strabo's account : the centre of the mining region was Damastium, and the site of Damastium, on the evidence of coin-finds, was clearly near Scupi (Skoplje) and the upper valley of the Axius.
The Prometheus
Authors: Kitto H. D. F.
Published: May 2006

DR. Farnell's article on the Prometheus (JHS. liii, 40) demands serious attention, not only for the sake of the play and of Aeschylus himself, but also because it raises a question of fundamental importance to criticism.

Dr. Farnell divided the critics of the Prometheus into two groups. There are those who have surveyed the soul and mind, not to mention the language, of the poet to the last square yard, and have proved that Aeschylus never wrote the play at all. These heroes of scientific criticism, to whom Dr. Farnell has done curt justice, need not detain us; οὐ γὰρ φοβερὀν οὐδὲἐλεεινὸν τοῦτο, ἀλλὰ μιαρόν ἐστιν. Then there are the ordinary commentators on the play, who ‘through their lack of familiarity with Greek or Comparative Religion’ have missed its real significance. ‘Ο μεταξὺ ἄρα τούτων λοιπός, and he is Dr. Farnell, whose knowledge of Comparative Religion told him that Aeschylus could not have written this play, while his literary sense told him that Aeschylus did. The impasse is complete, and it is the signal merit of Dr. Farnell's article that it brings the dilemma into the open and states it with a fullness and a force almost worthy of the first play of an Aeschylean trilogy.
Homeric Words in Cyprus
Authors: Bowra C. M.
Published: May 2006

The difficulty of transcribing words written in the Cypriote syllabary makes our acquaintance with the Cypriote dialect precarious and faulty, and in many cases leaves us uncertain about the exact form of a word, but in spite of this uncertainty it is clear that Cypriote, both in inscriptions and in glosses, shews in its vocabulary a notable similarity to the language of the Homeric poems. Inscriptions discovered since Hoffmann's day have enabled us to increase his already long list of such similarities (Die Griechischen Dialekte, I, pp. 278–283), and it is time to examine the evidence and see what bearing these have on the question of the nature of Homeric vocabulary. The problem presented by Homeric words in Cypriote is similar to that presented by their existence in Arcadian, but, though the meaning of Cypriote words is sometimes uncertain, Cyprus is richer in inscriptions than Arcadia and the ancient lexicographers and scholiasts have preserved a singularly large number of Cypriote glosses. The problem is simply stated: how far are we justified in believing that Homeric words in Cypriote are independent of the Homeric poems ? Are they indigenous words, naturally used, or are they ‘literary’ imitations of a well-known poetical style, used for effect in defiance of local dialect usage?
A Link between Lord Byron and Dionysius Solomós
Authors: Jenkins R. J. H.
Published: May 2006

On pl. VI a and b are photographs of a pair of flint-lock pistols, dating from the end of the eighteenth century. On the top of the barrel, near the rear sight, they bear the inscription: H. W. Mortimer & Son, London. Gun Makers To His Majesty; and the maker's name is repeated, without addition, on the side, below the cock. The maker's address, 89, Fleet St., is engraved on the outside of the trigger-guard. The pistols are in good order: the springs of the cocks are as strong as ever, and the original flints and ramrods survive. There is, however, nothing remarkable about the pistols as pistols, either in design or execution. They are a good, sound brace, neither fine nor expensive. And when we have said that Mortimer is known to have been in business at this address in Fleet Street in or about the year 1780, we have given all necessary details regarding the weapons themselves.

Their interest lies in a short inscription on an oval brass plate screwed into the wooden stock of each pistol above the trigger, on the side remote from the cock (pl. VI c). This inscription runs: ‘Lord Byron's Pistols, given to me by Count Dionysius Salomos [sic] of Zante. 1834.’ The recipient of the gift, who composed the inscription, was Lord Nugent, Lord High Commissioner of the Ionian Islands from 1832 to 1835. The donor was Dionysius Solomós, author of The Hymn to Liberty.
The Greek Inscriptions in the Fitzwilliam Museum
Authors: Heichelheim F. M.
Published: May 2006

The collection of Greek inscriptions in the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, has been much increased during the last four decades. It will therefore be useful to give a complete list, and, where it seems to be advisable, a full description of these sixty-four texts in stone, bronze and wood, twenty-four of which are unpublished, as far as I am able to ascertain, or have been published without full transcription.
The Progress of Greek Epigraphy, 1945–7
Authors: Tod Marcus N.
Published: May 2006

In the following pages I present a brief survey of those works in the field of Greek epigraphy which have come to my notice, directly or through reviews or bibliographies, between September 1945 and the close of 1947, marking by an asterisk those which I have been unable personally to consult. Among them are some books and articles published previously, but omitted from my last bibliography because still unknown to me when that was compiled. Even now I fear that many inevitable gaps remain, for the libraries to which I have access are still far from possessing all the relevant books and periodicals issued during and since the War. To all authors who, by sending me offprints of their works, have greatly lightened my task I express my cordial gratitude.

Greek epigraphical studies have suffered severe losses in the period under review. The death, on 10th December 1944, of the eminent Director of the Inscriptiones Graecae, U. Wilcken, was followed, on 25th October 1947, by that of the veteran epigraphist and indefatigable worker F. Hiller von Gaertringen, who had celebrated his eightieth birthday on 3rd August 1944. Other serious losses are those of A. S. Arvanitopoulos, L. Bizard, P. Collart, F. Cumont, E. Groag, J. Hatzfeld, A. E. Kondoleon, G. Lafaye, N. Pappadakis, and P. Roussel. The report of the deaths of M. Feyel and M. Segre has unhappily been confirmed. Appreciations of the characters and achievements of J. Kirchner, P. Foucart, M. Holleaux, W. Otto, and T. Wiegand have appeared from the pens of F. Hiller von Gaertringen, P. Mazon, M. Roques, H. Bengtson, and C. Watzinger respectively. The astonishing volume and quality of the work recently published, despite almost insuperable obstacles, by A. Wilhelm, now in his eighty-fourth year, evokes the admiration and delight of his many pupils and friends.
Tal Atchana
Authors: Woolley Leonard
Published: May 2006

In the spring of 1935 I was commissioned by the Trustees of the British Museum to examine the possibilities of excavation in North Syria. The object which I had in view was the discovery of any links that might exist between the civilisation of Minoan Crete and that of the Asian mainland, and to a large extent therefore the search was conditioned by the geographical nature of the country. If such connexion existed it would require trade-routes, and it was only along those that material evidence of inter-communication could be found; therefore the first requisite was a harbour as a terminus for the oversea traffic and easy communications between the harbour and the interior, i.e., communications not merely with the immediate hinterland, but also with the known cultural centres of the Near East. By the latter consideration the southern coast sites were ruled out; Palestine was never other than a poor country; South Syria was not likely to be profitable, for, in spite of its importance, Damascus is difficult of access from the sea, and from it the caravan route to Mesopotamia has to make the big detour round the north end of the Syrian desert.
Grey Wares from Lesbos
Authors: Lamb W.
Published: May 2006

The north-west corner of Asia Minor, Lesbos and, in particular, Mytilene, have long been recognised as the home of these grey wares called Lesbian or Aeolic bucchero. With remarkable tact, citizens of Mytilene resident in Naukratis proved the point by inscribing their names and place of origin on the grey vases they dedicated. Their evidence was, however, supplemented by the discovery of grey pottery like their own in towns as near Lesbos as Larissa and Troy VIII.

Several centuries before Lesbian bucchero flourished, the same district produced a distinguished grey ware of which the home was in the sixth city of Troy. This pottery left descendants in the seventh city—side by side with the Buckelkeramik—and these descendants would seem to be the direct ancestors of the bucchero of Troy VIII, Lesbos and other Aeolic sites.

Returning to Troy VI, we find that some of its grey wares are unmistakably Minyan, which enables us to carry the pedigree further back still. Minyan ware is found in the second Minoan period, about 1900 B.C. Nor can it be denied that the fabrics of Troy VI are derived ultimately from those of Troy II and Troy I.
The Tithe of Apollo and the Harmost at Decelea, 413 to 404 B.C.
Authors: Parke H. W.
Published: May 2006

Xenophon (Hellenica, III, v, 5) records some reasons why the Spartans in 395 B.C. were particularly hostile to Thebes. First among these causes (apparently mentioned in chronological order) stands the Theban claim to the tithe of Apollo at Decelea: πάλαι ὀργιʒόμενοι αὐτοĩς (the Thebans) τῆς τε ἀντιλήψεως τῆς τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος δεκάτης ἐν Δεκελείᾳ, κτλ. This allusion to Decelea does not seem to have been understood by the editors. For instance, Breitenbach wished to get rid of it by the emendation ἐκ τῆς λείας. Underhill in support of the MSS. quoted Justin, V, x, 12: Thebani Corinthiique legatos ad Lacedaemonios mittunt qui ex manubiis portionem praedae communis belli periculique peterent, etc.: and Plutarch, Lysander, XXVII: τῆς τε ἀντιλήψεως τῆς τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος δεκάτης ἐν Δεκελείᾳ, κτλ. for references to the claims made by Thebes to a share of the booty of the Peloponnesian war. Now, both these passages are apposite, and probably refer to the same occasion which Xenophon means; but they do not mention Decelea. So Underhill preferred to abandon the reference to it as inexplicable.
The Amathus bowl
Authors: Myres J. L.
Published: May 2006

The masterpiece of Oriental craftsmanship reproduced in Plates I—III is said by General L. P. di Cesnola to have been found in April 1875, in a rich but partially despoiled chamber-tomb at Amathus in Cyprus. Cesnola's account of the discovery exaggerates the depth at which chamber-tombs are found in Cyprus, but his plan corresponds fairly well with that of a large tomb (still accessible in 1894, and probably to-day) in the low ground north of the acropolis of Amathus. The silver bowl, already broken, and other objects, are said to have been found in a ‘copper cauldron,’ as if discarded by an earlier tomb-robber.

The ‘Amathus Bowl’ and a bronze shield-boss (rondache) said to have been found with it were published by G. Colonna-Ceccaldi in 1876 and republished in 1882 in his collected papers. The copper-plate illustration is signed S. Dardel, and was printed by Ch. Chardon ainé in Paris. If the ‘patère et rondache’ were brought separately to Paris, this may account for their alienation from the main Cesnola Collection. Dardel's engraving does not include the long ends of the rim, and is inaccurate in several details, as appears from the reproduction in fig. 1. It was reproduced on a smaller scale in Helbig, Homerisches Epos, 1884, Plate I, and repeatedly elsewhere.
An Epidaurian stemma
Authors: Box H.
Published: May 2006

In IG. iv. fasc. i, which comprises the inscriptions of Epidaurus, H. von Gaertringen published on p. xxv of the prolegomena a revised version of the stemma published by Fraenkel on p. 264 of IG. iv.
Manners and Methods in Archaeology
Authors: Ashmole Bernard
Published: May 2006

Professor G. E. Rizzo, in his Saggi Preliminari su L'Arte della Moneta nella Sicilia Greca—a book beautifully produced, and ennobled by Bar Pennisi's wonderful photographs—has done me the honour of quoting several passages from a lecture delivered before the British Academy in 1934, and published in volume XX of its Proceedings under the title Late Archaic and Early Classical Greek Sculpture in Sicily and South Italy.

Since his quotations embody some variants from what I wrote, he will perhaps allow me to correct the more ingenious, leaving aside those where only his English is at fault and any reader interested in accurate scholarship can compare my original text with his rendering of it. But after disposing of this personal matter, and ignoring the frequent abuse which serves to add bulk and save reasoning, I shall quickly pass to a consideration of certain features of his archaeological method; not doubting the prolonged, profound and silent studies here proclaimed, but attempting to judge them rather by their results than by their advertisement.
Archaeology in Greece, 1953
Authors: Cook J. M. , Boardman John
Published: May 2006

The pace set in the last three years has been maintained. Golden Mycenae and Nelean Pylos again outshine the rest, but Eleusis has come to the front with the acclaimed Tombs of the Seven. Olympia has yielded the helmet of Miltiades and Argos amazing discoveries of eighth-century armour in a two-drachma burial. Important finds have been made in the islands, and among notable discoveries in Athens is a first-class fragment of an archaic boxer's stele and the epitaph of a Carian prince whose son fought with the Persian fleet at Salamis. The terrible earthquakes in the western islands wrecked the museums—not least those in Ithaca, which were filled with the rich finds from British excavations of recent years; much has been retrieved, but the tasks of reconstitution will be slow and costly. Work is progressing at the Acropolis Museum, and new galleries are due to open in the National Museum. There is again good progress to report from the provincial museums, especially in Crete. The indefatigable Prof. Orlandos and his associates continue their work of repair and restoration around the Acropolis, at the Aphaia temple, and among the Early Christian and Byzantine monuments; among the objects of their attention this year may be recorded the monasteries of Osios Loukas, the Meteora, and the Holy Mountain.
Palladas and the Nikai
Authors: Cameron Alan
Published: May 2006

Palladas' attitude to Christianity has been much discussed in recent years. It is not of purely academic interest whether he was a pagan or Christian, for Christianity did not remain ‘the beggars' religion’, and it is the conversion of just such a figure as Palladas, a schoolmaster steeped in the classics but scornful alike of the traditional gods and the Platonism that had taken their place for the intellectual pagan of his day, that marks a vital stage in the christianisation of the Roman Empire. For nowhere did the traces of paganism linger longer than in the University circles of Alexandria. However the arguments adduced by P. Waltz to show that it is ‘infiniment probable que Palladas était chrétien’ carry but little conviction, and it seems much more likely that Palladas was and remained a pagan. The following poem, though overlooked or misinterpreted in most recent discussions, can perhaps be made to cast a little more light on the matter:

φιλοχρίστῳ Planudes (Marcianus 481): φιλοχρήστῳ Lascaris (editio princeps, 1494), edd. plerique. ‘Here we are, Victories, the laughing maidens, bearing victories for the city that loves Christ (?). Men painted us who loved the city, carving the symbols that are proper for Victories.’
A Group of East Greek Bronzes
Authors: Haynes D. E. L.
Published: May 2006

The six bronzes which it is convenient to take as our starting point have already attracted a certain amount of attention, partly because of their enigmatic subject and partly because they provide a good illustration of an early type of plough. All six bronzes are substantially identical (Plate I). Each represents a naked ploughman standing with feet apart, his left hand on the plough handle, his right behind his back. All are bearded and give the appearance of being bald, though this may not be intended. The ploughs consist of stock, tail with handle, beam, pole, and double yoke. No joints are shown between stock, tail, and beam, which are perhaps all three to be thought of as formed from a single piece of wood. The joint between beam and pole is carefully indicated by a slanting incision or by making them overlap each other. On all but one plough the yoke joins the pole without any suggestion of how it would be attached in real life. On the exception (no. 2) it is fastened by a rivet which allows a small turning movement checked by a lug on the pole. Like the ploughmen the two oxen of each team are standing still. They are yoked by their horns, one (sometimes the right, sometimes the left) facing forwards, the other reversed to face the ploughman. No satisfactory explanation of the reversed ox has been suggested. As Drachmann points out, it can hardly represent the turning of the plough at the end of the furrow; this is usually done by lifting the plough up by the tail and carrying it round. Possibly the reversed ox symbolises in a more general way the boustrophedon process of ploughing. But ploughing is so often part of fertility cult that an explanation is perhaps more likely to be found in ritual or magic.
Two Oriental Bronzes. A Correction
Authors: Hill Dorothy Kent
Published: May 2006

Our illustration (Fig. 1) shows two bronze rein or belt guides which belong to the Walters Art Gallery in Baltimore. There can be no doubt, I believe, that the one at the left is the one published by Richard W. Barnettin JHS LXVIII (1948), 12 and n. 68, and pl. V, a. Mr. Barnett believed the piece to have been in the museum in Berlin, where, it seems, he purchased the photograph. However, that museum was well supplied with photographs of objects which had passed through the market only to end in other museums or in private collections.
Stout and Slender in the Late Archaic Period
Authors: Bloesch Hansjörg
Published: May 2006

In his work Potter and Painter in Ancient Athens Sir John Beazley proposes a more detailed study of the shapes of vases in order to obtain a better knowledge of the relations between potters and painters. By this article, written in honour of his sixty-sixth birthday, I hope to contribute to the discussion of the problem.

It is well known that the development of Greek vase-shapes follows a regular course, from heavy and plump forms to slender and more elegant ones. The illustrations in Richter and Milne, Shapes and Names of Athenian Vases, will confirm this opinion, and Miss G. Richter maintained it lately in her Attic Red-figured Vases 1946, 18. The chronology of vases of the fourth century B.C. depends mainly upon this development (Buschor, FR III, 152; Schefold, Untersuchungen zu den Kertscher Vasen, passim), R. Zahn calls it a rule (FR III, 204), and W. Technau used this rule as a firm starting-point when dealing with the chronology of the works of Exekias.

Old rules tend to lose their efficacy if they are not periodically endowed with new vigour, and thus enabled to keep their activity throughout the next stage of development. In the field of Attic vase-shapes one of the most decisive renewals of this kind took place about 510 B.C. at the time of the fall of the tyranny and the institution of the Kleisthenic democracy. A new impetus revealed itself not only in the invention of new shapes, such as the stamnos, the pelike, and the kalpis (Beazley, ABS 24), but also in the modification of long-established forms.
Portraet der Tetrarchenzeit
Authors: Curtius Ludwig
Published: May 2006

Das grossartige Portraet, das auf Taf. XXIII–XXIV und in den Abb. 1–3 erscheint, defindet sich in Privatbesitz. Ich habe dem Eigentuemer, fuer die Liebenswuerdigkeit, mit der er das wertvolle Kunstwerk fuer diese Festschrift zur Verfuegung gestellt hat, herzlich zu danken.

Der lebensgrosse Kopf ist mit dem Halse 0, 175 m. hoch. Das Gesicht vom Ende des Kinns bis zum Ansatz der Haare misst 0, 185 m. Der kleinchristallinische Marmor ist griechisch, wahrscheinlich pentelisch.

Auf den ersten Blick wird jeder das Bildnis als spaetantik, aber vorkonstantinisch erkennen. Es ist in der Tat das bedeutendste Werk der Tetrarchenzeit, das wir besitzen, und wird uns viel Neues lehren.

Vielleicht kennen wir seinen Helden schon aus einem anderen Werk. Denn seine Aehnlichkeit mit dem von L'Orange, der um die Geschichte des spaetroemischen Portraets die groessten Verdienste hat, entdeckten und wiederholt behandelten ueberlebensgrossen Kopf des Togatus in der Villa Doria in Rom (Abb. 4) ist so gross, dass sie ernsthaft geprueft werden muss.
Notes on Noses
Authors: Gow A. S. F.
Published: May 2006

When we first began to read Homer we learnt with surprise that Zeus nodded with his eyebrows, and the expressiveness of the ancient eyebrow has been noted and, as I think, exaggerated by modern scholars. Ancient noses have, so far as I am aware, received less attention. The modern Englishman turns up his nose in contempt or disgust, and he produces with it the sniff and snort which denote similar emotions; otherwise it plays a somewhat passive part in our lives. We follow or are led by it; fail to see what is underneath it; poke it into things and pay through it; have it pulled, or bitten off; cut it off to spite our faces, or keep it to the grindstone; and we put our fingers to it—one, if we are sententious, to enjoin attention, more, if we have not been nicely brought up, in derisive contempt; but by itself it reacts little to our moods. The ancient nose was more responsive. Ironists wore the Attic or Socratic nose. Contempt, in Greek more specifically associated with the nostrils (μυκτηρισμός), derision, and disgust, were naturally at home there, but so were anger, distress, and terror. Mustard mounts to the nose of an angry Frenchman and Italian, and an Englishman, though he does not think of his nose in that connexion, may be conscious of a slight dilation of the nostril when he loses his temper, and according to Darwin the same effect may be produced by terror, but the evidence suggests that violent emotions produced in ancient noses sensations stronger than in ours and sometimes foreign to them.
A New Pontic Amphora
Authors: Ure P. N.
Published: May 2006

The amphora here published (Plates XLIII–XLIV) was acquired for the Reading University collection on the London market in 1947. Nothing is known of its provenance. A detailed description with full illustrations will be given in the first Reading fascicule of the Corpus Vasorum, but so notable an addition to the Pontie series (to keep this convenient and generally used name for these vases which are now universally agreed to have been made in Etruria) calls for more comment than is desirable in a Corpus publication. The vase has a triple interest: it has unique pictures of scenes from the Troilus story, it affords new material for the study of the Pontic series, and it helps to connect Etruscan vase paintings with the wall paintings of Etruscan tombs. It thus provides a new item in a group of monuments which I have long believed to have been the source of a whole series of statements about the history of the Tarquin family which were dismissed by historians of the last century as obvious inventions, but which are in all probability the only statements about them which are in fact based on contemporary sources, that is to say, the archaeological material of which we can now speak with some assurance thanks to the work of Beazley and members of his school.

To begin with the pictures on our vase. When I first saw it the gaily coloured pictures at once recalled the painting of Achilles lurking behind the fountain on the wall of the Tomba dei Tori at Tarquinia. The interpretation of the actual scene I owe to Beazley, who has described it with his usual pregnant brevity in Etruscan Vase Painting2 as ‘a unique representation, in a furious style, of Achilles carrying Troilos to the altar of Apollo’ (Plates XLIII, b and XLIV, a). This final scene of the Troilus tragedy appears comparatively seldom on vase paintings, and, where it does occur, never, as far as I am aware, depicts this precise moment. Generally Achilles has reached the altar and Troilus is either being killed or has been killed already.
Some Thoughts on the ‘Helena’ of Euripides
Authors: Griffith John G.
Published: May 2006

The ‘Helena’ remains a strangely misunderstood play. Although it has attracted rather less than its fair share of editorial attention in recent years, it has come in for some incidental judgements of marked asperity; otherwise it generally escapes with nothing better than qualified praise, and indeed one may suspect that it is remembered by many more for the exegetical extravaganza which Verrall built round it than for its own content. In antiquity, however, the play does not seem to have given such offence; though in later times overshadowed by the notoriety of the Andromeda, produced in the same year, we know that the Helena made a sufficiently striking impression on its first appearance in 412 B.C., for in the following year Aristophanes drew freely on both these plays in his Thesmophoriazusae for material for as sustained and lively a passage of parody as any to be found in his extant works.

There may be little hope at this interval of time of discovering what the ancients may have seen in the piece that apparently escapes us, but a sympathetic attempt to see what Euripides was trying to do may lead to some modification of the prevalent opinion, and a juster estimate of the play.
The Cost of the Parthenon
Authors: Stanier R. S.
Published: May 2006

The budget of Perikles can be reconstructed only by studying numerous pieces of evidence, of varying importance and varying reliability. Neither the importance nor the reliability of any piece of evidence can beproperly assessed except by a scholar who can carry all the evidence in his head, which I am far from capable of doing, but it is safe to say (a) that the cost of Perikles's building programme forms an important element in the total budget, and (b) that considerable uncertainty exists about the cost of these buildings. When we find Cavaignac estimating the cost of the Propylaea at 400 talents, whereas Kolbe, Wilamowitz, and Busolt put it at over 2000, it is clear that the target area is large; and I hope it may be of some service if a figure for the Parthenon can be arrived at whose margin of error is at any rate less than 400 per cent.

An obvious starting point is the Parthenon building accounts, of which considerable fragments survive. These fragments show various sources of income, the treasury of the Goddess, the Hellenotamiai, the Trieropoioi, the baths, the Xenodikoi, the Teichopoioi, the mines at Laureion, and (towards the end of the work) the sale of surplus materials. But in no case do the actual sums involved survive with sufficient fullness to prove what the total expenditure was, even for one year. The most that can be proved is that in 444/3 the income was at least 38 talents, and that the out-going board handed over to their successors something more than 33 talents in 446 and a similar sum in 441.
Where was Attila's Camp?
Authors: Browning Robert
Published: May 2006

Many scholars who have studied Priscus' account (frg. 8, pp. 289 to 323 in L. Dindorf, Historici Graeci Minores, vol. 1, to the pages and lines of which reference will be made throughout) of his visit to the court of Attila in summer 449, have concluded that the Hun king's camp was on the North-eastern part of the Hungarian plain, between the Theiss and the Körös, and all whose works I have been able to consult have stated, or implied by their narrative, that it was somewhere in Hungary.

That Attila usually made his headquarters in the plain of Hungary is true and early became a commonplace. It is perhaps as a result of this that scholars have been so ready to assume that in 449 he was there, and have even ‘emended’ the text of our one and only eye-witness to accord with their views. Let us begin by a fresh examination of Priscus' narrative.
The Dating of Documents to the Mid-Fifth Century—I
Authors: Meritt B. D. , Wade-Gery H. T.
Published: May 2006

In his paper ‘The Athenian Coinage Decree’, in Historia x (1961) 148–88, Mattingly proposes to date this decree (Tod 67: ATL ii D14: the ‘Decree of Klearchos’) to 425/4. This involves two important principles, historical and epigraphic. Historically, he contends that a measure of this coercive sort is out of place in the middle of the century (it is dated in ATL to 449/8) and finds its proper context in the time of Kleon's ascendancy, in the latter part of the Archidamian War. Epigraphically, since one copy in which this decree is preserved (the only copy which uses the Attic alphabet) writes sigma always with three bars Mattingly is led to challenge the current epigraphic doctrine, namely, that in Attic inscriptions this form of sigma is not used (at least in the ‘chancery style’, for a public decree) later than 446.

The epigraphic doctrine about three-bar sigma is not self-evidently true, and it is fair and right that it should be called in question. We believe it is true in fact, and that the use of three-bar sigma in the Kos copy of D14 creates a strong presumption that Mattingly's date is too low. We deal with the documents alleged by Mattingly to run counter to this doctrine, and hope to show (in each case) that they do not. We deal with these and other documents under three heads: first, the two from which Mattingly starts, the decree of Klearchos about coinage and the decree of Kleinias about the collection of tribute; next, some other decrees concerning Athens' allies; last, those which are concerned with building projects.
Four Lekythoi in Chalcis
Authors: Ure A. D.
Published: May 2006

There are in Chalcis Museum four black-figured lekythoi of sixth-century date. Two, nos. 567 and 569, were mentioned by Professor Haspels in Attic Black-figured Lekythoi 28 f., but the others have not, as far as I am aware, been noticed. None of them fits neatly into any Attic group, though three can be loosely connected with the Dolphin class. One is certainly from Styra. The finding-place of the others is not recorded, but there can be no doubt that they are from sites in Euboea. The close resemblance between Attic and Eretrian vase-painting makes it difficult to distinguish Atticising work made in Eretria from Attic imports, while so far black-figured vases of the archaic period from workshops in Chalcis have not been recognised. Nevertheless a study of the four lekythoi now in Chalcis reveals affinities with the few vases that are already known to be of Euboean origin and indicates that they should be classed with them rather than with Attic.

The first, no. 960 (ht. 19·5 cm.) is seen on plate IX. 1–3 (2 is from the same negative as 1 with the red and white retouched). The shape of the vase can be seen in the illustrations and needs no comment. On the shoulder opening flowers, black with a central petal in applied white, alternate with red buds. On the body a panther faces a grazing stag with one group of four fine dots between them and another beneath the body of the stag. Though the general appearance of the vase is not noticeably unlike Attic some unusual features can be observed. First, the three gently curving brush strokes which emphasise and embellish the ribs of the panther are not accompanied by incised lines. Though it is common enough to find incision and no paint on this part of an animal, it is only very rarely that we find paint with no incision. For parallels we have to turn to two of the Eretrian grave amphorae in Athens. Both the Wedding and the Herakles amphorae show important vestiges of an earlier unincised style of painting, for on the first the whole of the back of the vase lacks incision, on the second the whole of the foot. Some scenes show a compromise between the incised and the unincised, part of the scene, or even part of a figure, lacking the usual incisions. So here, in the case of our panther, though incision is used on the head, legs and hindquarters, the ribs are merely painted, without the incised lines to which the painting is normally only an adjunct. See plate IX.2 and compare the ribs of the panther with those of the completely unincised lions on the back of the neck of the Eretrian Wedding amphora, BICS vi pl. 1.1. Further, as has already been pointed out in this Journal, the markings in red that brighten up the bodies of Eretrian animals are shapely and ornamental, generally tapering downwards. Between the incised lines on the hindquarters of both the panther and the stag we have decorative markings of this kind, broader at the top, making a gentle curve and tapering to a point at the base, while the three on the ribs of the panther, though smaller, are also well shaped.
Addendum on the Statue of a Gallus
Authors: Gow A. S. F.
Published: May 2006

In JHS lxxx go I reproduced the upper part of Montfaucon's engraving showing the statue of a Gallus, which I (and others) supposed to be lost. I am indebted to Mr C. C. Vermeule for drawing my attention to his ‘Notes on a New Edition of Michaelis’ in AJA lix, from which I learnt (p. 89) that the statue was in the Earl of Pembroke's collection at Wilton, and that it was of Severan or late Antonine date. Mr Vermeule's reference to Michaelis enabled me to trace its history a little farther back.

In 1731, twelve years after its publication by Montfaucon, Cary Creed reproduced it in a volume of etchings after sculptures in the Pembroke Collection, and inscribed the etching ‘Attis, Cybele's high Priest Cloathed as a Woman it is grav'd in Montfaucon without the Head my Lord having bought it before with ye Mazarine Collection’. It is hardly plain whether head or torso or both came from the Mazarin Collection, but the head crowned by a Phrygian cap is plainly alien. Lord Pembroke kindly told me that the head was much restored, and that with it the figure was 5 ft. 9 in. in height.
Empedocles and the Clepsydra
Authors: Furley D. J.
Published: May 2006

Empedogles' simile of the clepsydra (DK6 31B100) is a crucial document for historians of ancient science. It has been much discussed, and often quoted in evidence, in spite of formidable differences of opinion about its significance. ‘Empedocles undertook an experimental investigation of the air we breathe’ (B. Farrington). ‘The star example of a physical “experiment” in the natural philosophers, the clepsydra, was not an experiment at all, in the proper sense of the word’ (G. Vlastos). ‘All Empedocles did was to draw the explicit inference: “the vessel cannot be simply empty: the air in it cannot be nothing at all”. He did not invent the clepsydra in a laboratory’ (F. M. Cornford). The simile ‘ha tutto il carattere di una esperienza scientifica’ (A. Traglia). Now whether the fragment describes an experiment or not, it is certainly a simile, and the first step must be to understand the force of the simile. It is possible, in my view, that the differences of opinion about the fragment spring from various misunderstandings of the simile; and I propose in this article to offer an explanation of its details which I think is new and which may enable us to form a clearer picture of its place in the history of science.
Solstices, Equinoxes, and the Presocratics
Authors: Dicks D. R.
Published: May 2006

The literature is now full of references to the scientific achievements (so-called) of the Presocratics, and the earlier the figure (and consequently the less information of reliable authenticity we have of him) the more enthusiastically do scholars enlarge his scientific knowledge—a proceeding which, of course, has plenty of precedent among the doxographers and commentators of antiquity. The classic example is Thales, whom I have discussed in an earlier article; it is chastening (but hardly surprising) to find that the views there expressed have had very little influence on the traditional, vastly exaggerated estimate of Thales as the founder of Greek mathematics and astronomy and the transmitter of ancient Egyptian and Babylonian wisdom. Professor Guthrie, in a work obviously destined to be the standard English textbook on early Greek philosophy for decades to come, can still say (p. 58) ‘…according to anunchallengedtradition, [Thales] had himself visited Egypt’ (my italics), despite my demonstration that nowhere in the primary group of sources is Thales' name linked with Egypt, and that the whole story of his introducing Egyptian mathematical knowledge to the Greeks is a mere invention (probably by Eudemus) based on separate, unrelated statements by Herodotus. One must, however, be thankful that the uncritical acceptance of Thales' alleged prediction of a solar eclipse is now discountenanced.
Decision and Responsibility in the Tragedy of Aeschylus
Authors: Lesky Albin
Published: May 2006

In the paper that I read to the Third International Congress of Classical Studies in London in 1959 I tried to delimit the sphere of human reflexion and freedom of decision, as opposed to the sphere of divine intervention, in Homeric poetry. The conclusion I reached was that there was a mutual and often indissoluble fusion of these two spheres. In trying here to say something about the significance of personal decision in the dramas of Aeschylus, I am in fact continuing my inquiry in a different literary genre. But the problems are basically the same: in both cases the question is what significance the poet ascribes to the personal decisions of the human agent within the frame-work of a basically God-governed ‘Welt-bild’, how the limitations upon his freedom are defined, and what degree of responsibility is thus entailed.

I began the previous paper with my thanks to Bruno Snell, who was the first to clarify these problems of free human action with which we are faced in epic poetry, and I must now begin by thanking him again. Professor Snell, in his book Aischjlos und das Handeln im Drama, which appeared in 1928, emphatically placed the personal decision of the human agent in the centre of his interpretation of Aeschylus; he even went so far as to regard a decision based on free choice as the most important element in the development of a genuinely tragic conflict. I cannot enter upon the history of these problems; however, I should like to emphasise the importance of the question and the interest it has recently aroused in scholarly discussion.
Apology and Correction
Authors: Beazley J. D.
Published: May 2006

In the recently published Corpus Vasorum Ferrara I there are two errors for which I may be held partly responsible. Pl 43, 1 and p. 17, right, below. In my manuscript in the Ferrara Museum I called the artist ‘the Painter of Ferrara T.512’; but later, perceiving that I had already used the term for a minor cup-painter, I changed the name of the artist of stemmed plates to ‘Painter of Ferrara T. 13’. Pl. 43, 1 is by die Painter of Ferrara T. 13 (ARV2 p. 1306, foot, no. 1), not the Painter of Ferrara T.512. CV pl. 44, 3: this I have never attributed to the Painter of Ferrara T.101 as stated in CV, but always to the Painter of Ferrara T. 143A. Two plates were discovered in Tomb 101: one by the Painter of Ferrara T.101 (ARV2 p. 1306, top, no. 1) and one by the Painter of T.143A (ARV2, p. 1307, no. 7). I should not, however, have described the subject as head of Dionysos, but as a female head.
Archaic Literary Chronography
Authors: Miller Molly
Published: May 2006

The use of 39- and 27-year generations for dynasties of kings was common in Greek chronography, and seems to have been extended to the ‘successions’ of literary figures by Apollodoros and his school. This was made possible by wide and liberal use of thirds of generations, i.e. intervals of 13 and 9 years, and a complete system was erected on the basis of the equation 39 × 3 = 27 × 4⅓. In its final form (shown in the table below) the system consisted of: (i) eight 39-year generations divided into thirds and dated 780–468, the fifth, sixth, and seventh generations being marked by Thales' birth, akme, and death respectively; (ii) one 27-year series crosses this 39-year line at 741, 624, and 507—Apollodoros calculates 27 × 16⅓ years along this line from Homer to the Persian Wars (912–480); (iii) the second 27-year series crosses the 39-year line at 702, 585, and 468—Apollodoros calculates 27 × 12⅔ years from Hesiod to the Peloponnesian War (774–432); (iv) the third 27-year series crosses the 39-year line at 780, 663, and 546—Apollodoros uses this series only for Anaximenes, and possibly Xenophanes.
The Progress of Greek Epigraphy, 1952–53
Authors: Tod Marcus N.
Published: May 2006

Once more, and for the last time, I attempt briefly to review the epigraphical progress of the last two years, so completing a survey which began in 1906 (YWCS 1906, 69 ff.) and has appeared in this Journal since 1913 (XXXIV 321 ff.). In view of the superlative value of the annual ‘Bulletin Epigraphique’ of J. and L. Robert and of the welcome revival of the SEG under the editorship of A. G. Woodhead, my own work may well be deemed superfluous. To the successive editors of the Journal, who have treated me with unfailing generosity, to all scholars who have lightened my burden by sending me copies of their works, and above all to those who have encouraged me by their expressions of interest and appreciation I offer my heartfelt thanks. The present bibliography follows the same lines as its predecessors; books and articles which I have not seen are marked by an asterisk.

The ranks of Greek epigraphists have suffered serious losses in the deaths of F. M. Abel, J. G. C. Anderson, W. H. Buckler, R. Herzog, L. B. Holland, J. G. Milne, M. I. Rostovtzeff and A. Vogliano. Appreciations of the character and achievement of A. Wilhelm we owe to J. Keil and L. Robert, and of J. Hatzfeld to C. Picard.
False Statement in the Sophist
Authors: Bluck R. S.
Published: May 2006

Various attempts have been made to find a satisfactory alternative to Cornford's explanation of what the Sophist has to say about false statement, and in particular to his interpretation of the passage in which the statements ‘Theaetetus is sitting’ and ‘Theaetetus is flying’ are discussed. The difficulty with Cornford's view is that he wants to find the explanation of truth and falsity entirely in the ‘blending’ or incompatibility of Forms, but that in the examples Socrates chooses, while Sitting and Flying may be Forms, Theaetetus cannot be. Hence Cornford has to say, ‘It is not meant that Forms are the only elements in all discourse. We can also make statements about individual things. But it is true that every such statement must contain at least one Form’. Unfortunately, when talking about the ϵἴδων συμπλοκή at 259e, the Stranger seems clearly to envisage a blendin g of ϵἴδη with each other:. How can this be reconciled with an ‘example’ in which only one term stands for a Form?

I do not propose to discuss in detail the various solutions that have been offered, but to set forth my own interpretation of the whole passage. This may be regarded as to some extent a ‘blending’ of what has been said by Professor Hackforth and Mr. Hamlyn, but a number of points arise which deserve further discussion, and it may perhaps be hoped that such a σύνθϵσις as this may prove to be .