bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Annulment of Marriage
Authors: Hartman Morris N.
Published: June 2007

There are three categories of dissoluble marriages and three corresponding remedies provided by law. The first category includes marriages void from their inception. The remedy in this case is a declaration of nullity which voids the marriage as of the date of its inception, thereby erasing it completely from the records. In the second category are marriages which are voidable, that is, valid until objected to. The remedy for a voidable marriage is also a decree for nullity, the difference being that the marriage is not voided from the beginning, but from the time that the annulment decree is issued. The final category consists of those marriages which are valid when entered into but, because of marital offenses, subsequently become dissoluble. Here the remedy provided is divorce. The traditional remedy of annulment is too valuable a legal device to be discarded. Divorce has become so controversial that it is not unlikely that something will supplant it. Originally, the basis for divorce was the fault of one spouse, while the other remained legally "innocent." Today, in some states, there are grounds for divorce which are based not so much on fault as on misfortune. It may well be that divorce may come to be based on grounds of failure. But, through all this, the need for annulment would remain.
The Family Court—Evolving Concepts
Authors: Zukerman Jacob T.
Published: June 2007

The first sixty-eight years of the twentieth century have seen the development of and, in some states, great improvement in the services offered by the juvenile court. At the same time, there began to emerge the so-called family court, dealing in various communities with varying types of husband-and-wife cases. There have been some attempts at consolidation into one integrated family court, more often abortive than successful. There have been, and there still are, differences of opinion about the extent of jurisdiction of the combined court. Questions have been raised concerning whether it should be a separate court or a division of the court of general trial jurisdiction. There is conflict about whether these courts require "specialized" judges. The trend today seems to be toward an all-encompassing family court, with complete jurisdiction in all children's and family matters; a court which might well be a division of the highest court of original jurisdiction; a court which is manned by specialized judges who have the assistance of helping professionals, such as case-workers, psychiatrists, psychologists, and marriage counsellors. With the ever increasing incidence of delinquency and family breakdown, this movement is likely to gain additional momentum.
American Armed Strength and Its Influence
Authors: Yudkin Richard A.
Published: June 2007

Two questions arise in dealing with this issue: (1) To what extent is our existing military power relevant? (2) What forms of power are needed to enable the United States to achieve its objectives? The process for developing a relevant military posture can best be described as a rational, iterative method involving the interaction of four elements: (1) policy objectives which are derivatives of more transcendent national goals, (2) environment, (3) strategy, and (4) military capabilities. To the degree that we can control and utilize the interaction of these elements, we can begin to formulate positive responses to the two questions posed. Our social and political heritage weighs heavily against military power ever becoming an end in itself. A goal-oriented military force structured according to this process, while still responding to the realities of the environment, acts against such an eventuality. Military power remains relevant to the attainment of both domestic and international goals, since security from external threat is a precondition for internal development and progress. Until substantive changes in the international environment occur, our military power should take those forms which enable it to (1) deter nuclear attack on the United States; (2) contain the level of potential conflict with another nuclear power; (3) insure our national survival should nuclear war occur; (4) protect United States interests; and (5) promote the cause of peace abroad.
Are Our Military Alliances Meaningful?
Authors: McGovern George S.
Published: June 2007

Between 1945 and 1949, motivated by fear of world communism, the United States negotiated pacts which tied its defense posture to the military security of forty-two other nations. World conditions have changed radically since that time. The Sino-Soviet dispute and East European developments have shown that a monolithic Communist bloc does not exist. West Europe and Japan have recovered economically and are now capable of sharing the burden of their own defense and of assistance to others. A technological revolution has occurred in weaponry, resulting in emphasis on ICBM's and mobile striking forces, rather than local security forces. Our NATO commitment should be reduced from six to one or two divisions, symbolizing our continued interest in defending West Europe. This would ease tensions between the United States and the Soviet Union, especially in the confrontation over Germany. SEATO has always been an unrealistic treaty. Its signatory nations have never exhibited unified motives or policies. SEATO left the United States with an open-ended commitment to maintain Asian stability; our efforts to do so have endangered our relations with strategic allies and have lessened the likelihood of our ever reaching an understanding with Mainland China. American dissent and protest to the Vietnam war have demonstrated that a democracy can conduct a war only with the wholehearted support of more than a bare majority and with belief of those fighting the war in the justice of its purpose and the wisdom of its policy-makers. Any commitment of troops to combat should be considered war, and should require prior congressional legislation. We should emphasize arms and alliances less, and an international system for maintaining peace more, in our efforts to ensure American security and world peace.—Ed.
America's Moral and Ethical Stature Abroad
Authors: Martindale Don
Published: June 2007

The modern liberal is still inclined to inquire into the moral and ethical stature of nations in the manner of the eighteenth-century social critic who presupposed the rationalism of individuals and the progress of society. Such questions do not have much meaning in the relativized world of contemporary man. America's standing among the nations of the world is an endlessly varied equation determined by time, accident, and circumstance, but, in the long run, most affected by her standing as the foremost national power with the most highly developed scientific-technical plant in the world. Nationalism is the primary source of the internal and external problems of contemporary societies and is fraught with great risks when scientific-technical competition occurs in its framework. America tends always to act to preserve the international status quo, a tendency which is not only futile in the long run, but which also tends to prevent the development of a world community and the reconstruction of local society which could turn scientific-technical developments to positive account.
The War on Poverty: Experiment in Federalism
Authors: Davidson Roger H.
Published: June 2007

The war on poverty has been fought on the battleground of American federalism. Because they are designed to reorient social institutions by encouraging political activity on the part of disadvantaged citizens, the antipoverty programs will be judged as much on their political as on their economic impact. Yet, for this reason, these programs have raised "ugly problems of the political establishment." The states, though largely ignored by the enabling legislation, have played a subordinate though significant role. Local political institutions have been challenged, because antipoverty programs have made great use of private nonprofit agencies, and because they have worked to foster maximum feasible participation of the disadvantaged. The history of the first five years of the programs illuminates the basic dilemma of "creative federalism": How much localized control is feasible or desirable in federally financed enterprises?
Maximum Feasible Participation: The Origins, Implications, and Present Status
Authors: Rubin Lillian B.
Published: June 2007

Even among those who framed the Economic Opportunity Act, there is little consensus about how the phrase "maximum feasible participation" was formulated or about its intended meaning. An analysis of the social history of the idea suggests that its roots lie in community development programs for underdeveloped nations. The civil rights movement, coupled with a growing disquietude with existing welfare policy, gave impetus to translating community development notions to the domestic scene. Several demonstration projects emphasizing the need for citizen participation were precursors of CAP; some were already embroiled in heated conflicts. Yet, the revolutionary implications of what they were proposing escaped the framers of the act, in part, because of the preconceptions about poverty, race, and welfare that grip American thought and distort our vision. The struggle over defining and implementing the participation clause focused on policy-making and jobs. The most profound controversy settled around the policy-making issue because it involved a redistribution of power. Congress dealt with the conflict by both specifying the meaning of participation and limiting local initiative. While CAP may not survive current OEO reorganization in any viable form, the idea of "maximum feasible participation" has captured the imagination of the urban poor, with the force of an idea whose time has come; it will not die.
Co-ordinating the War on Poverty
Authors: Sundquist James L.
Published: June 2007

As originally planned, the war on poverty was to be co-ordinated at the Washington level by the Office of Economic Opportunity and in each community by a community-action agency (CAA). But neither institution succeeded in that purpose: Sargent Shriver chose to make OEO an operating rather than a co-ordinating agency; in the communities, the CAA's lacked the power to enforce co-ordination among community institutions and, in any case, like OEO, became absorbed in operating programs—and sometimes in organizing protest. To fill the vacuum, the federal government created a new co-ordinating structure for urban programs—Model Cities—that has proved successful to a promising degree. The federal government needs to conceive a single system for co-ordination of intergovernmental programs, extending from the Executive Office of the President to the neighborhood. In the cities, it should be built upon the Model Cities mechanism; in nonurban areas, upon multicounty organizations created by the states. The entire system should be overseen by a unit of the Executive Office of the President, created or designated for that purpose. It should have regional staff that would, among other things, develop their roles in the intergovernmental system on an individualized basis with the states.
The Community Action Program: A Strategy to Fight Poverty
Authors: Levitan Sar A.
Published: June 2007

Initially, the Community Action Program (CAP) of the Economic Opportunity Act (EOA) meant different things to different people, but few fully understood its theoretical underpinnings and its future directions could not be predicted. Since then, CAP has evolved into an "umbrella" for a collection of social, educational, political, and welfare-type programs. Half of CAP's funds for the first four years went to prepackaged national programs such as Head Start or Legal Services; the rest were spent largely on "local initiative" programs governed by broad federal guidelines, such as the neighborhood service centers. The cornerstone of community action was participation in the planning and implementation of programs by the poor or by their neighbors living in poverty areas. Local governments often left the community action programs alone, but in many cases the Establishment played a major role in the formulation of agencies and programs. On the whole, CAP monies were spread too thinly over too many areas to have a discernible impact on poverty; but, still, CAP can be thought of as an innovative program in that it gave a voice to the poor.
The Politics of Evaluation: The Case of Head Start
Authors: Williams Walter , Evans John W.
Published: June 2007

In his Economic Opportunity Message to the Congress on February 19, 1969, President Nixon mentioned briefly that the preliminary results of a Westinghouse Learning Corporation-Ohio University evaluation indicated that "the long-term effect of Head Start appears to be extremely weak." This terse announcement triggered a major public controversy that ranged over the Congress, the executive branch, and the educational research community. Much of the debate focused on the esoteric techniques of modern statistical analysis, but the issues were far larger than the particular study. In conflict were two basic premises—one concerned with how to start programs and the other concerned with how to analyze them— that emerged independently in the mid-1960's. For the notion underlying much of the war on poverty—that effective programs could be developed quickly and launched full-scale (and Head Start was a prime case)—was being called into question by the type of evaluative analysis that lay at the base of the Planning, Programming, Budgeting System initiated in late 1965. The outcome of the clash will have profound implications for governmental procedures for developing new large-scale programs and measuring their results. This paper traces both the events that led up to the controversy and the controversy itself in order to look at the implications for future policy.
The Radical Turn in Theology and Ethics: Why It Occurred in the 1960's
Authors: Ahlstrom Sydney E.
Published: June 2007

The decade of the 1960's has been marked by revolutionary changes in theology and ethics as well as in re ligious attitudes and moral standards. The over-all ecclesiasti cal situation has also been profoundly altered, for Protestants, Catholics, and Jews alike. Radical theology, powerful counter cultural movements, a search for new life styles, serious dis satisfactions with traditional modes of religious expression, and widespread questioning of long-accepted views on the church, the university, and the state have put the 1960's into sharp contrast with the postwar period of affluence and religious re vival. This relatively sudden transition is by no means easily explained, especially since the underlying intellectual and social issues have been slowly maturing for hundreds of years. There are certain half-coincidental convergences and a number of es pecially catalytic events, however, that have given a powerful popular base to anxieties and doubts that were once more restricted. Especially critical were the demographic and tech nological developments that led, almost simultaneously, to both an urban crisis and a racial crisis. At the same time that his toric religious convictions and ecclesiastical loyalties were being severely tested, moreover, the long-accepted grounds for confi dence in and allegiance to the American system were being undermined by the diversion of governmental concern and resources from the works of peace and reconstruction to the prosecution of the war in Vietnam. What might otherwise have been a difficult but gradual transition thus became sudden, traumatic, and disruptive.
Black Consciousness and the Black Church: A Historical-Theological Interpretation
Authors: Cone James H.
Published: June 2007

Black consciousness as expressed in Black Power is the most significant reality of the black community. Though the phrases "Black Power" and "black consciousness" are rela tively new, the reality that they symbolize is rooted in the past. Black consciousness is the black community focusing on its blackness in order that black people may know not only why they are oppressed, but also what they must do about that op pression. Because there always have been black people who have resisted the white definitions of blackness, it is appropriate to say that black consciousness is as old as black slavery. It is not possible to enslave a people because they are black and ex pect them not to be aware of their blackness as the means of liberation. It is Black Power's emphasis on liberation that makes it unquestionably a manifestation of God's work in America. The Christian Gospel is a gospel of liberation. The pre—Civil War black churches recognized this, and that was why they refused to accept an interpretation of Christianity that was unrelated to civil freedom. Unfortunately, the post— Civil War black churches forgot about this emphasis and began to identify religion with piety. But the rise of Black Theology in the black churches is a renewal of the pre—Civil War empha sis. It is not certain whether the major black denominations will respond positively by reordering their structures in the light of Black Power. What is certain is the black commu nity's awareness of its blackness as the only tool for liberation. And unless the black churches redefine their existence in the light of the fathers who fought, risking death, to end slavery, the judgment of God will descend upon it in the persons of those who affirm with Brother Eldridge Cleaver: "We shall have our manhood. We shall have it or the earth will be leveled by our attempts to gain it."
Fundamentalism and American Identity
Authors: Sandeen Ernest R.
Published: June 2007

Fundamentalism's continued vitality raises ques tions about the validity of traditional historical interpretations of the movement. The explanations which focus upon the 1920's and concentrate upon socioeconomic factors in account ing for the rise of Fundamentalism have tended to discourage research into the nineteenth-century background to the move ment, and customarily forecast the quick demise of the group as members accommodate themselves to the urban indus trial environment. Contemporary Fundamentalism, which has, during the last decade, experienced an unexpected efflorescence, can be better understood if it is defined as the name applied to certain millenarians during one phase of their history, which stretches back, at least, to 1870—when they were usu ally called premillennialists—and continues to today, when they prefer to be known as Evangelicals. The unity of this movement over the past century is discussed in terms of its thought, leadership, and social structure. It is argued that Fundamentalism lives in symbiotic relationship with other forms of religion and with cultural trends, leading the Funda mentalist, paradoxically, to affirm both his despair over the world and his identification with much of the world's culture. He has resolved this tension through the creation of innumer able parallel institutions which, though completely Fundamen talist, affirm essentially worldly values. Fundamentalism rep resents a relatively rare example of an authentic conservative tradition in American history. The study of its history and structure ought to prove significant outside the limits of the history of religion.
Eastern Religions: A New Interest and Influence
Authors: King Winston L.
Published: June 2007

There is now in America a considerable scholarly and existential interest in Asian religions. A number of fea tures in the contemporary cultural scene suggest the possibility of a genuine openness to Eastern religious influences : break down of militant Christian missionary attitudes; uncertainty concerning the classical Christian teleology of a coming King dom of God on earth, as well as concerning that belief's secular form—confidence in present progress toward an American utopia; distrust of the cerebral-intellectual, and a leaning toward the visceral, values and powers; and alienation from the natural environment. The Eastern flexible (nonliteral) use of religious language, sense of organic relationship with nature, and emphasis upon the visceral-intuitive apprehension of truth by direct experience thus have a strong appeal. However, the question of whether potentiality will become actuality remains. Eastern religiosity has now become one possible option for Americans, and its study is probably a permanent part of the academic scene. But it would seem that both those supporting the dominant Christian tradition and those rejecting it still find Eastern religiosity too strange to be relevant. And it may well be that before any genuine cross-fertilization of Eastern and Western religio-cultural styles can take place, traditional East ern religiosity will have been destroyed.
The Intelligence of Congress: Information and Public-Policy Patterns
Authors: Schneier Edward
Published: June 2007

Proposals for improved information systems for legislatures have become a standard feature of the literature on legislative systems. Most of these proposals, however, either fail to take account of political realities or have a centralizing bias which is likely to prove incongenial to most legislators. Given the functionally fragmented structure of American politics, the methods that congressmen use to gather information are essentially rational, and likely, therefore, to prove highly resilient to change. But the form of rationality which the legislative intelligence system now favors is ill-suited to the policy needs of the society, particularly in those instances where the need for establishing orders of priority is most urgent. It may, thus, be particularly important to develop new intelligence systems in the executive branch, and in the private sector, to supplement, challenge, and engage the entrenched system of legislative intelligence.
Environmental Threat and Social Organization
Authors: Krader Lawrence
Published: June 2007

The neutral approach of the natural scientist to the study of the physical environment contrasts with the social science approach. The unit of study is the same: in both cases it is the society, but instead of value-free adapta tions (of the natural sciences), the social sciences tend to evaluate environmental relations as beneficent or dangerous to man. American society has its adaptive niche on the North American continent, but in its brief history, we note a change in attitude from the first settlers' confident belief that nature will provide for man's wants, to our present sense of the threat to social existence generated by environmental problems. This is coupled with a growing conviction that past policies of uncontrolled depletion have brought about the change from an ecology of abundance to an ecology of scarcity. In order to comprehend our present strait, compare the civilizations of olden Central Asia, where water was in scarce supply. There, however, water was not a threat, but a positive value; its scarcity was dealt with by practical legal and technical means. Thus, there is no necessary connection between scarcity and a given set of attitudes. We are passing through a climacteric at present regarding quantity and quality of water supply, and as we change our philosophy of natural resources generally, so do we change our management policies toward them in particular. We are making up our minds that what was cheap or free will now become expensive. The pills of rising costs and taxes are a bitter dosage.
Adaptation under Extreme Environmental Conditions
Authors: Ruff George E.
Published: June 2007

Living systems tend to maintain in equilibrium variables associated with their continued existence. Environ mental conditions which force these variables beyond their normal ranges produce stress within the system. Feedback mechanisms then seek to restore equilibrium. Stress arises from overloads or underloads of energy and information, as well as from inputs which have threatening implications. The process of adapting to stress depends partly on the nature of the stress-producing agent and partly on the mechanisms available to the system. Exposure to heat, for example, involves dilation of blood vessels, reduction of body activity, and sweating to reduce body heat. At the same time, the system undergoes neurophysiological and endocrine changes which are found in many other types of stress. When the system is subjected to extreme environmental conditions for an extended period of time, adaptive responses may become increasingly costly. A possible outcome is one of the "dis eases of adaptation" described by Selye. Eventually, adap tive mechanisms may fail and the system may collapse. The stress encountered by most individuals arises from the symbolic, rather than the physical, aspects of their environ ment. Among the exceptions are groups such as antarctic explorers, mountain-climbers, prisoners of war, and crews of space vehicles. Although problems arise under these condi tions, most studies of men under stress reveal a remarkable capacity for adaptation to extreme environments.
The Social and Personality Correlates of Outdoor Recreation
Authors: Ferriss Abbott L.
Published: June 2007

The sociocultural system, through rewards such as status, sociability of group activities, value orientations, attitudes, and the like, evokes outdoor recreation preferences, as is revealed by actual participation rates. Physical activ ity associated with many forms of outdoor recreation leads to more vigorous health. Physical activity groups, such as athletes engaged in a particular sport, exhibit personality traits that are different from those of nonathletes. However, it has not been demonstrated that personality traits are altered through participating in physical exercise or sport. Persons with different socioeconomic characteristics exhibit different recreation participation rates. From 1960 to 1965, these rates have been changing. Major increases in passive recreational activities have occurred, but participation rates in activities that require large allocations of natural resources have increased very little. Active forms of recreation, chiefly characterizing youth, have increased notably, while backwoods activities have increased only slightly.
Environmental Problems and Legislative Responses
Authors: Oppenheimer Jack C. , Miller Leonard A.
Published: June 2007

No one national legislative policy on environ mental problems emerged from the Congress at the end of 1969. Congress has reacted to environmental problems in much the same manner in which it has reacted to urban- industrial problems: it has reacted to crises. Legislative assessment of environmental problems from the late 1940's to the present arose out of, but differs from, that of earlier legislative conservationists. Early "conservationists" sought primarily the preservation, development, and use of natural resources. Contemporary "environmentalists," however, are chiefly concerned with the protection and quality of man-made and natural environments for human health and welfare. The legislative environmentalists are working toward the pro tection of the quality of human life in our urbanized society from all sources of pollution. Some legislation has been passed for programs of research and development; for tech nical and financial assistance to states and localities; for fed eral action when other governmental levels fail to act; and for the elimination of some water, air, solid-waste, noise, and pesticide pollution. Numerous congressional committees and their executive-agency counterparts have become involved in making and administering multiple environmental policies which, at times, overlap or are in conflict. All this has given rise to executive and legislative action to co-ordinate and unify environmental policies, plans, and programs.
The American Territorial Presence in Asia
Authors: Badgley John H.
Published: June 2007

The system of states that has evolved since World War II has not resolved the basic political problems facing Asia. Furthermore, American efforts to sustain, and hopefully stabilize, the non-Communist regimes have entangled the United States unnecessarily in the domestic political processes of several Asian countries. Resurgent forces of ethnic and local identity increasingly challenge the authority of central governments and bring into question the efficacy of anti-pluralist, nationalistic schemes.

The foreseeable future appears laden with struggles by these classic forces, which dominated pre-colonial Asia and now underlie ideological and nationalist conflicts. Regional competition between traditional ethnic enemies, as well as between larger Asian powers, is reasserting itself, calling into question the efforts by the superpowers, and the United Nations, to play dominant roles in the settlement of these conflicts. More certain is a constant secondary role by the United States, due to its technological superiority, economic abundance, and cultural vigor.

The kind of American presence in Asia over the next two decades will be significantly modified. While military assistance may, in many cases, continue, termination of alliances on mainland Asia may eventually follow the withdrawal from Vietnam. The major motive for the American desire to disengage flows from domestic pressures. However, the quest for relaxation of tension with China will help account for the new American tolerance of political change in Asia.
The Presence in Southern Asia of Outside Powers
Authors: Wriggins W. Howard
Published: June 2007

In considering the presence of outside powers in South and Southeast Asia, this discussion covers a spectrum of phenomena included in the often-used but highly ambiguous concept of "presence." It examines the major different forms of outside "presence" in Pakistan, India, Burma, Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, and the Philippines.

It then notes the shifting preponderant foreign presence in Pakistan, the diminishing American presence in both Pakistan and India, the rising Soviet military assistance presence in India, and the lack of foreign presence in Burma. There is an expectation that the American presence in Thailand will decline and growing anxiety there about likely Vietnam presence in the future, particularly among ethnic minorities on Thailand's frontiers. A Japanese presence, in the form of commercial activity, at the very least, is growing rapidly—in Thailand and Indonesia, particularly—and will grow further. The Chinese presence is more a problem for the eighties than for the seventies, except in countries with Chinese minorities, where anxieties persist and may increase. The Soviet presence is also widely expected to grow, both militarily and in terms of economic activity over the decade.
The Role of Japan and the Future of American Relations with the Far East
Authors: Johnson U. Alexis
Published: June 2007

American interest and involvement in Asia is not a recent aberration, but a continuing phenomenon going back to the days of the China Clippers and extending through the period when the United States followed a policy of isolation in other areas.

Today Japan is the leading nation in Asia, vastly superior economically and technically to other states in the area. Linked to the United States by a Mutual Defense Treaty, Japan has substantial armed forces capable of assuring the country's immediate conventional defense.

In his State of the Union message, President Nixon recognized this primacy, stating "Japanese-American friendship and coöperation are the linchpin for peace in the Pacific."

Japan is contributing to the development of the free states of Asia through increasing economic and technical coöperation. We welcome this policy and will not ask Japan to assume security responsibilities inconsistent with the felt concerns of the Japanese people.

Looking at the region as a whole, the ultimate ideal is a community of the free states of Asia coöperating for their common interests in the political, economic, and security fields, with which we are associated only to the degree that these states desire our association. Japan must play a major role in any such community.
Interpreting Collective Violence: An Argument for the Importance of Social Structure
Authors: Grimshaw Allen D.
Published: June 2007

The collective violence of the last decade has been accompanied by a marked increase in scholarly attention to social violence; a marked decline in a previously dominant a-historicism; an increase in borrowing across disciplines in theoretical interpretations. This paper focuses on two of many available explanatory perspectives: that focusing on the individual and that associated primarily with sociology. Psy choanalysts look for violence-proneness as a characteristic of the individual personality; psychologists attend to the dynam ics of the individual's interaction with his environment; social psychologists search for an explanation of social violence in the acting out of prejudice (as an attitude located in the indi vidual). Sociologists who favor explanations oriented toward groups in the social structure emphasize structural features of society, particularly insofar as that structure is related to the distribution of power and its exercise. Two conclusions emerging from the structural perspectives are reviewed: (1) superordinate/subordinate relationships in which parties are social categories are fundamentally unstable and social violence is likely to occur when such an accommodative struc ture loses its viability; (2) social violence is more likely to occur when there is a belief that control agencies (institutional structures within the society which have a legal monopoly of force) are weak, or partisan, or both.
The Paradox of American Violence: A Historical Appraisal
Authors: Graham Hugh Davis
Published: June 2007

This paper is interpretive rather than empirical. It attempts to explain the paradoxical conclusion, advanced in Violence in America and sustained by cross-national com parative data, that America's history has been replete with violence, but that our vital public institutions have remained remarkably stable. Four relatively unique aspects of the American experience are adduced to explain, first, why Amer ican violence has been largely deflected from our vital public institutions, and second, why the American social structure and processes have been particularly conducive to violence. These four are: (1) the liberal-federal political structure and capi talistic economic structure; (2) unparalleled racial and ethnic pluralism; (3) affluence; and (4) the national character and values, especially as reflected in the commitment to equality, the taboo on authority, and the conflict between liberty and equality. It concludes with a brief critique of two recently popular yet contradictory theories that purport to explain collective violence: on the ideological right, the notion that human aggression is an instinctive consequence of evolution; on the new left, the moral indictment that elites have conspired repressively to defend privilege.
The Psychology of Political Activity
Authors: Levy Sheldon G.
Published: June 2007

This study examines the attitudes of citizens to actions that might be taken under hypothetical conditions of governmental oppression. A technique called Polarized Sub group Analysis (PSA) was used to divide a national sample of adults into groups that varied in the amount of systemic pun ishment that they had experienced. Those who had experi enced greater amounts of systemic punishment were less politi cally active and more rigid in the modes of action that they had utilized. They were more rigid psychologically and had higher levels of endorsement of official internal and international uses of force.

A theory of reduced alternatives is proposed, which hypothe sizes that systemic punishment leads to a reduction in political activity as well as behavioral and psychological rigidity. It is this rigidity that leads to anxiety over complex situations and increased dependency upon and subsequent identification with authority to reduce the anxiety. This identification then re sults in greater endorsement of official uses of force, as well as reduced opposition to governmental oppression. Opposition to government requires a wide range of political alternatives, which reduces anxiety and dependence and the need for identi fication. The conditions under which withdrawal (alienation) may occur are briefly discussed. Evidence is given that non- whites in the United States do not identify with authority.
Knowledge, Power, and Democratic Theory
Authors: Lakoff Sanford A.
Published: June 2007

The union of knowledge and power, long urged by philosophers, is on the verge of full consummation, thanks to the advance of science and the indispensability of expert advice in the face of rapid technological change. Does this union spell the death of democracy? Should a sharp distinction be drawn between natural and social knowledge? Experience with natural scientists indicates that there is room for considerable disagreement when knowledge is translated into policy. Social knowledge, while admittedly less certain, is a vitally needed complement of natural knowledge. The best way of assuring that knowledge is not misused is still democracy—democracy suitably modified, however, to meet the needs of a post-industrial era.
Macro-Economics for Macro-Policy
Authors: Flash Edward S.
Published: June 2007

In influencing the content and operation of public policy at the over-all conceptual level, economics has emerged as a super-discipline among the social sciences. This influence is reflected in the American Presidency by the work of the Council of Economic Advisers, which, over the past twenty-five years, has proved to be the government's economic ideologist. The functioning of economic advice has been determined by the President's elastic demand for economic advice, the range of issues involving presidential leadership resources, the Council's participation in decision-making processes, and the institutional relationships maintained by the Council. Experience has shown that: 1) the application of economic expertise is shaped largely by political and bureaucratic factors and hence part of, rather than apart from, the political process; 2) consensus regarding basic economic theory is balanced by disagreement among economists regarding values and convictions; 3) economists work from common income, employment, and production data but different program data; and 4) the constraints of limited resources keep the Council functioning at the conceptual rather than the operating level. Application of professional macro-economic analysis to macro-policy yields a knowledge/power relationship that strengthens both presidential leadership and democratic government.
The American Dilemma in Uniform: Race in the Armed Forces
Authors: Moskos Charles C.
Published: June 2007

The transformation of the armed forces from a segregated to an integrated institution was an impressive achievement in directed social change. Yet in the present period the relationship between white and black servicemen is characterized by polarization with attendant interracial conflict. Data are presented which show an overconcentration of blacks in the combat arms as well as substantial cross-service variation in the distribution of black personnel. At the same time, service life continues to attract and retain a greater proportion of eligible blacks than whites. The special situation of black servicemen overseas is discussed along with an appraisal of the military establishment's current efforts to cope with its racial difficulties. Finally, despite the fact that racial strife has hampered the mission effectiveness of the armed forces, it may be that the military will most likely set the pace towards the alleviation of America's perennial dilemma—race.
Where Do They Go from Here?— Retired Military in America
Authors: Biderman Albert D.
Published: June 2007

As one heritage of an armed era, the United States will have for the foreseeable future a large—currently, almost one million—and growing population of retired military professionals. One resulting problem involves the sheer cost of military retired pay—$4.8 billion in 1973 and rising rapidly. These costs would be even higher save for the assumption that most retirees can sustain themselves largely by earnings from second-career jobs. In the long run, the cost could be reduced by limiting armed forces size; by having fewer persons serve until retirement; and by having even longer service from the few who do. Any major short-term—within ten to twenty years—cost curtailment requires remunerative second-career employment for those already at or close to retirement eligibility. The nature of such employment also poses problems for public policy: potential conflicts of interests, the infusion of militaristic outlooks into institutions and localities in which retirees concentrate, and some opposition to job-competition from retirees. Although there may be legitimate qualms about jobs taken by ex-military, there are equal if not greater grounds for concern if many of them fail to get jobs. Second-career employment in the past has depended heavily on a thriving economy with substantial defense and aerospace sectors and growing opportunities for public service employment. Whether the military retirement system can remain viable under markedly altered economic conditions remains untested.
The Legal Struggle to Integrate Schools in the North
Authors: Herbst Robert L.
Published: June 2007

The struggle to integrate public schools in the North has been conducted largely in the federal courts. While the landmark case of Brown v. Board of Education and its progeny have clearly outlawed "de jure" or state-imposed school segregation, the Supreme Court has not yet clarified whether its constitutional proscription extends to racial imbalance which results from the application of neighborhood school principles to racially imbalanced residential areas— so-called "de facto" segregation. In the early phase of northern litigation, the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) lawyers who led the legal struggle sought, largely unsuccessfully, to vindicate their theory that racial imbalance in the public schools, whether caused directly by state officials or not, unconstitutionally deprived black children of equal educational opportunity. Recently, the NAACP has changed its strategy and has attempted to prove in every case that school officials have taken at least some intentionally discriminatory actions which have helped isolate black children in black schools, and its lawyers have managed to convince a more sympathetic judiciary to grant comprehensive integration relief.
Highways as a Barrier to Equal Access
Authors: Rabin Yale
Published: June 2007

There is a widening gap between growing concentrations of blacks and other minorities in the central cities, and whites and the expanding supply of employment opportunities in the suburbs. While exclusionary zoning controls have been seen by many as the most immediate barrier to suburban opportunities, transportation facilities and the lack of them play an important role. The federal highway program in particular, while a powerful stimulus to dispersed development, has, in its implementation, failed to protect equal access to the benefits of development such as housing and employment—benefits often made possible entirely by the provision of highway access where none existed before. As a result the comprehensive planning of metropolitan areas is seriously undermined, and new barriers are erected which threaten to perpetuate the burdens and disadvantages which a long history of racial discrimination has produced. Regional planning agencies are needed with adequate authority to make and implement integrated land-use and transportation decisions based on a clearly expressed metropolitan development policy that includes the goal of eliminating all barriers to equal access. In the interim the discriminatory aspects of current transportation policies and projects should be challenged.
Black People and the Tyranny of American Law
Authors: Burns Haywood
Published: June 2007

The American legal system has not managed to escape the racism that permeates American life. Both historically and contemporaneously, the law has been the vehicle by which the generalized racism in the society has been made particular and converted in policies and standards of social control. Notwithstanding many countervailing experiences, many black Americans see their dominant experience with the law as that of the law's victim. Present efforts at using the law as an instrument of social change in order to relieve this victimization are encumbered by a lack of black direction of and control over the resources, policy, and personnel ostensibly organized to combat racism. The tyranny of a racist legal structure and the powerlessness of blacks in the face of white hegemony over most of the major legal institutions—public and private—which have been established to attempt to eradicate white racism, must both be answered by the reassertion by the black bar and the black community of their interests in shaping the decisions which so profoundly affect their lives. If leadership of this character articulates black priorities from the perspective of the community centrally affected, then all willing elements of the society can contribute usefully to the attainment of the goals of freedom with dignity for all.
Law and Race in Britain
Authors: Claiborne Louis F.
Published: June 2007

Race relations in Britain present a special challenge for two principal reasons. First, although actual contact between the races within the British Isles is very recent and the official policy at home has been nondiscriminatory for two centuries, the race attitudes of the British people were molded long ago—by English involvement in the slave trade and slavery in America and, more immediately, by the long experience of Empire in India, the West Indies, and Africa. Second, the present colored population of Britain—about two million—consists almost entirely of new immigrants from former colonies who have been arriving in relatively large numbers in a short span. Many have unrealistic expectations, and they stand out as jarring strangers in a uniquely settled and homogeneous society. The result has been massive discrimination in the private sector, which a conservative legal tradition was reluctant to tackle by law—except by way of controlling further immigration. Nevertheless, Britain enacted anti-discrimination legislation rather quickly, dealing with places of public resort in 1965 and the rest, very comprehensively, in 1968. The problem is that the law has no teeth; in the main, enforcement is attempted by persuasion, rather than coercion. This does not work, even in Britain.
Information and the New Movements for Citizen Participation
Authors: Henderson Hazel
Published: June 2007

The rise of new participatory citizen movements for consumer and environmental protection, peace and social justice are grounded in an almost intuitive understanding of the persuasive power of information. In many affluent economies, such as those of Western Europe, the United States, Australia and Japan, the overarching strategy of these citizen movements has been to manipulate information and, in turn, to change prevailing views of what is rational. Thus, their chief mode of operation consists of assembling, restructuring, deploying and amplifying well-validated information and, then, with varying success, infusing this new data with the political power to affect social and economic decisions. Since I am a participant in, as well as a chronicler of, these movements, my observations are experientially and empirically based. Therefore, I make no claim to objectivity in this review of the innovative concepts, strategies and tactics of such citizen movements and their significant contributions to the political processes in advanced, complex societies. While such movements are now gaining strength and sophistication in many countries, this paper will focus on those in the United States—which Daniel Bell has described as the first postindustrial society—where it seems that the goals and values of the citizens are undergoing the most rapid and qualitative changes.