bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
La traduction au quotidien et l’impact de l’anglais ambiant sur le lexique des jeunes Franco-Manitobains : interférence ou alternance codique ?
Authors: Rodriguez Liliane
Published: July 2012

Au Canada, en milieu bilingue, la traduction est un mode de vie : on y échappe rarement au cours d’une journée, que ce soit par la lecture ou par la parole. Cela se produit à tout moment, et à tout âge. Ce phénomène peut se mesurer par la statistique lexicale, comme le démontre cet article, fondé sur des extraits de textes de Gabrielle Roy et sur des indices de « disponibilité lexicale », calculés sur les données d’une enquête auprès de jeunes Franco-Manitobains. Nous dégagerons trois pratiques traductives quotidiennes. La première consiste en traduction proprement dite : elle a lieu dans le discours, quand un mot en une langue est aussitôt suivi de sa traduction, dans la même phrase, prenant (ou introduisant) la fonction de commentaire métalinguistique. La deuxième est la traduction partielle : le mot anglais n’est traduit qu’en partie, ce qui donne lieu à des mots hybrides, des anglicismes. La troisième, traduction mentale, est liée à l’alternance des langues (ou alternance codique où le locuteur passe d’une langue à l’autre dans le cadre d’un même énoncé). Nous verrons que ces trois pratiques sont observables dans les textes de Roy, tout comme dans le vocabulaire disponible des 336 témoins de l’enquête.
Multiethnicité ou ghettoïsation ?
Authors: Lemay-Hébert Nicolas
Published: July 2012

Plus de vingt ans après la chute historique du mur de Berlin, plusieurs villes demeurent divisées par des murs et des barrières qui imposent une division spatiale et, bien souvent, politique du territoire. Cette contribution entend revenir sur la question de la partition de la ville de Mitrovica au Kosovo depuis l’intervention de l’otanen 1999, partition emblématique d’une partition plus large du territoire en deux entités distinctes. Le projet de mur proposé par l’otanà Mitrovica en 2001 reprend tout le paradoxe de la présence internationale sur le territoire : la politique internationale dite de la promotion d’une multiethnicité kosovare s’est révélée être en fait une politique de ghettoïsation progressive des diverses communautés, renforçant le repli identitaire qu’elle était censée combattre.
De la Grande Muraille à la cybermuraille
Authors: Pozzar Marie-Hélène
Published: July 2012

Cet article présente les facteurs qui ont amené les dirigeants chinois à ériger la cybermuraille, de même que les fonctions remplies par cette barrière immatérielle. La conception défendue ici est celle d’une barrière comme moyen de préservation d’un régime autoritaire à la légitimité précaire car essentiellement basée sur une croissance économique rapide. Dans cette perspective, l’objet de la grande muraille électronique n’est pas tant d’interdire l’accès à Internet que de limiter la diffusion d’idées occidentales perçues comme une menace à la stabilité du régime.
Poésie et musique : L’Horizon chimérique, de Jean de la Ville de Mirmont à Gabriel Fauré
Authors: Molino Jean
Published: July 2012

Dans cet article, l’auteur retrace la genèse deL’Horizon chimériquede Fauré, depuis sa première rencontre entre le musicien et le poète jusqu’au terme de la mise en musique et finalement le problème de l’exécution. Il attache une importance particulière aux caractéristiques formelles du poème (prosodie, rythme, métrique) et essaie de montrer l’importance qu’elles revêtent tout au long du parcours créateur jusqu’aux plus petits détails de la mise en musique.
Vers de nouvelles solidarités : Développement et Paix en Afrique
Authors: Lachance Gabrielle
Published: July 2012

Le mandat d'éducation et de développement de Développement et Paix confère à cet organisme une spécificité puisque cela l'a obligé à doubler l'institution d'un mouvement de bénévoles. Répandu à la grandeur du pays, ce mouvement social s'avère une force de changement dans son milieu d'implantation et au sein de l'organisation. Dès l'origine, l'organisme a basé son travail de développement sur le partage des responsabilités. Cependant, cet idéal de solidarité a trouvé difficilement une pratique concordante. Ce n'est que dernièrement qu'il s'est concrétisé dans un partenariat qui demande encore à être précisé.
Les ONG au Togo : bilan et défis des années à venir
Authors: Gogue Tchabouré  Aymé
Published: July 2012

Les organisations non gouvernementales jouent un rôle important au Togo. Après avoir dressé un bref historique du développement de ces organisations, l'auteur présente leurs interventions, les principes qui les orientent, les moyens d'action dont elles disposent de même que les relations qu'elles entretiennent entre elles et avec l'État.
Syntactic Analysis and Semantic Processing
Authors: Salkoff Morris
Published: July 2012

L’auteur examine diverses difficultés qu’on rencontre lors de l’analyse automatique d’une langue naturelle. Il montre qu’une analyse syntaxique détaillée permet de détecter et d’écarter des analyses incohérentes du point de vue de la syntaxe sans devoir recourir à la sémantique. Ensuite, certaines analyses syntaxiquement bien formées, mais incohérentes sur le plan sémantique peuvent aussi être écartées en incorporant la sémantique directement dans la grammaire, sans construire un composant sémantique indépendant. Ceci peut être fait au moyen de règles de sélection verbales fines et d’une classification lexicale détaillée basée sur ces règles de sélection. Si les difficultés qui subsistent ne peuvent pas être traitées par ces deux méthodes, elles ne peuvent non plus l’être au moyen d’un composant sémantique autonome.
… « C’est pourquoi votre fille est muette », ou l’analyse sémantique d’un connecteur argumentatif
Authors: Forget Danielle
Published: July 2012

Le connecteur c’est pourquoi semble mettre en oeuvre une sorte de démonstration dans le langage, en présentant dans la première proposition un argument en faveur d’une conclusion qui serait explicitée dans la deuxième proposition. Une analyse approfondie des propriétés sémantiques et argumentatives révèle la complexité de ce connecteur. La présence d’éléments présupposés dans la proposition suivant le connecteur oblige à prendre en considération le rapport de causalité entre les propositions et à repenser la notion de « conclusion ». Les propriétés sémantiques du connecteur sont mises en rapport avec celles des connecteurs fak, ça fak et c'est pour ça que, à l’oral, en québécois.
Un modèle pour l’alternance de langue sous la contrainte d’équivalence
Authors: Sankoff David , Mainville Sylvie
Published: July 2012

Comment peut-on combiner les grammaires de deux langues afin de construire un modèle du comportement des bilingues? Plus spécifiquement, est-ce possible de trouver un modèle de l’alternance de langue qui est soumise à la contrainte d’équivalence sur l’ordre des mots? Nous répondons à cette question au niveau formel, en nous servant de grammaires indépendantes du contexte qui rendent compte du comportement unilingue et du comportement bilingue. Notre solution satisfait à plusieurs conditions qui portent sur l’identification de la langue à assigner aux constituants de la phrase. Nous montrons comment adapter la théorie des grammaires probabilistes à la prédiction de la fréquence de points d’alternance possibles dans une situation donnée de bilinguisme et nous l’appliquons à quelques paires de langues qui diffèrent entre elles par rapport à l’ordre des mots.
Le comportement terminologique et les attitudes face aux langues en contexte de changement planifié : une analyse comparative de deux milieux de travail
Authors: Daoust Denise
Published: July 2012

L’évaluation du travail de la francisation des termes techniques en milieu de travail, dans le contexte de la politique dL’aménagement linguistique du Québec, pose des problèmes particuliers pour l’analyse du choix des langues. En 1983, nous avons recueilli des données auprès de 453 employés d’une entreprise de transport qui ont rempli notre questionnaire. Nous avons identifié certains facteurs sociodémographiques, occupationnels, organisationnels et psychosociaux qui pèsent sur l’utilisation des langues en contexte de concurrence et de changement linguistiques, et plus particulièrement sur le choix de langue (l’anglais ou le français) pour une dizaine de termes spécifiques. Dans le présent article, nous confrontons les résultats obtenus en 1983 à des données comparables receuillies en 1986 auprès de 361 travailleurs de deux entreprises du secteur manufacturier. Afin de vérifier le bien-fondé de certaines hypothèses retenues suite aux analyses du corpus de 1983, nous examinons le rôle de deux facteurs sociodémographiques et occupationnels importants, le sexe et le poste, en regard du comportement terminologique et de certaines attitudes.
L’industrie de l’amiante
Authors: Dauphin Roma
Published: July 2012

This study is comprised of two parts. The first is essentially descriptive and seeks to define with greater precision the nature of the Western world's asbestos fiber needs, account being made currently-known technology and the existence of substitutes. Asbestos ore reserves are then examined with a view to evaluating the constraints conditioning current asbestos fiber production. With the exception of that carried out in the U.S.S.R., this production is highly concentrated in Quebec whose surplus output is exported to every continent at prices that have experienced a staggering increase since 1973 even though international trade in asbestos fibers is conducted via multinational firms.

The second part of the study contains a cost-benefit analysis of Quebec's new policy as well as a brief consideration of the political forces that have induced the Government of Quebec to adopt it.
Du projet stratégique sino-soviétique au projet stratégique sino-américain : la Nouvelle Chine en quête d’une stratégie d’accès à l’influence planétaire
Authors: Cadart Claude
Published: July 2012

« From the Sino-Soviet strategic project to the Sino-American strategic project » is a purposely schematic interpretative essay on the evolution of Chinese foreign policy from 1949 to 1979 with emphasis on, the latter phase of that evolution, that of the 1969—1979 period, and more particularly on the last year of that decade, 1979.

The project, both defensive and offensive, of American and Chinese co-leadership of the planet that Mao had undertaken to carry out in 1971-1972 with the encouragement of Nixon had to be more or less put aside from 1973 to 1978 because of the seriousness of the domestic crises that were successively shaking both China and the United States during those years. In 1978—79, it was able to be reactivated by Deng Xiaoping who sought, with the benediction of the White House, to add an economic and a cultural dimension to Us diplomatic and strategic dimension.

It is unlikely however in the near future that the United States will consider China as other than an auxiliary aspect of the fundamental game of their relations with the most powerful of their adversary-partners, the U.S.S.R. As in the case of the Sino-Soviet strategic project that China promoted from 1949 to 1959, the Sino-American strategic project that China has sought to « sell » the United States since 1969 has not, therefore, much chance of success.
Pétro-puissance et système mondial : le cas de l’Arabie saoudite
Authors: Korany Baghat
Published: July 2012

Despite Us increasing weight in the global System, the international repercussions of Saudi petro-power are very under-researched. This study starts with a critical evaluation of the literature on the underdeveloped study of underdeveloped countries. The author then elaborates his research framework, defines and operationalizes his main concepts, and explicits two main hypotheses concerning the international status and the political role of Saudi Arabia. The study proceeds then to empirical verification. Eight tables, data analysis of recent Saudi international initiatives, and some interviews with Saudi and U.S. policy makers support the author's thesis : Saudi political elite works actively to maintain the basic structures of the contemporary global System.
Le traité canado-américain des eaux limitrophes et la Commission mixte internationale
Authors: Cohen Maxwel
Published: July 2012

The general character of Canada-U.S. relations would have been sharply different in the past 65-70 years had there not been established the International Joint Commission under the Boundary Waters Treaty of 1909.

That Treaty anticipated in a remarkably prophetic way the lively and sometimes dangerous disputes that arise over shared water resources, boundary and trans-boundary. By providing a mechanism for the settlement of disputes over boundary and trans-boundary water courses, lakes, rivers, etc. and by providing also an investigative mechanism for all other disputes that' may take place along the boundary, the framers of the Boundary Waters Treaty created perhaps better than they knew. For the International Joint Commission has proven to be an instrument of flexibility and high utility. For almost 70 years it has issued Orders of Approval in over 50 cases involving the construction of works affecting the levels and flows of boundary waters as well as causing trans-boundary waters to rise at the boundary and therefore, requiring the approval of the Commission. The whole question of water use/water allocation between neighbouring states sharing common river basins or having rivers and lakes as boundaries is involved in this exercise.

It could not have been foreseen, however, that the pioneer language of the pollution provisions of the Boundary Waters Treaty should have moved the Commission with ease into the environmental era. While the Commission was investigating pollution of water questions as early as 1912, and while it recommended a Canada-U.S. Great Lakes Pollution Treaty as early as 1920, it was a great achievement of both countries in signing the Great Lakes Water Quality Agreement in 1972 and again in 1978, which created the massive environmental role as monitor, co-ordinator and advisor that the Commission now plays in relation to both governments in the Great Lakes basin, and also, in the other watersheds along the 5 500 mile frontier of both countries.

With the rise in the knowledge of air pollution, and the interfacing between air, water and land use, there is now a whole complex that is ecologically at the basis of the concerns of Canada and the United States and is of prime interest to the Commission, and has become a fundamental aspect of its work.

The future of the Commission is vital to the future of both countries as its successful past has been in maintaining reasonably friendly relations despite the tensions which disputes over water resources can cause. It is the thrust of this paper to describe and demonstrate the processes in dispute avoidance and dispute settlement, in shared resource-planning, for which the Boundary Waters Treaty, the Great Lakes Quality Agreement and the work of the Commission now stand.
Le Canada et le développement du droit international : La contribution de l’Affaire de la fonderie de Trail à la formation du nouveau droit de la pollution atmosphérique transfrontière.
Authors: Fitzgerald Gerald F.
Published: July 2012

The purpose of this article is to indicate how the decisions of the Trail Smelter Arbitral Tribunal, rendered in 1938 and 1941, have made a contribution to the development of international law, including, in particular, the emerging international legal rules relating to transboundary air pollution. Of particular importance was the Tribunal's enunciation of the principle of the international liability of a pollution-source state.

The influence of the Trail Smelter case is examined in the light of the Corfu ChannelCase, the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (1963), the Helsinki Rules (1966), the Stockholm Principles (1972), the Nuclear Test Cases (1973-74), the OECD Principles concerning Transfrontier Pollution (1974 and 1976), and the Joint Statement on Transboundary Air Quality by Canada and the United States (1979).

Two of the most difficult problems for solution in the case of transboundary pollution are: (1) equal access and non-discrimination with respect to remedies, and (2) liability and compensation. Canadian law has certain gaps in this regard. These and other problems of transboundary pollution pose a challenge for the 1980s and the TrailSmelter principle could make a contribution to their solution.
L’apport du Canada en matière de responsabilité internationale pour les dommages d’origine spatiale : l’Affaire du satellite Cosmos 954.
Authors: Farand André
Published: July 2012

The nuclear satellite Cosmos 954 was launched by the Soviet Union in September 1977. Due to some difficulties in functioning, Cosmos 954 made an unscheduled return to earth and its debris scattered over a large portion of Canadian territory on January 24, 1978.

The Canadian government, informed that the satellite had radioactive material on board, immediately began urgent operations to reduce the actual damage and to return the territory affected to its normal condition. Considering that the costs incurred during the operations should be claimed from the Soviet Union, the Government of Canada prepared a claim based in particular on the Convention on International Liability for Damage caused by space objects. The claim was presented to the Soviet representative on January 23, 1979.

The Canadian government alleged that Canada sustained damage from the return on earth of the Cosmos 954 satellite. The Soviet Union, as the launching State, is absolutely responsible and should pay an appropriate amount of compensation. The amount claimed is slightly over 6 million dollars.

Canada, subsequent to the incident, has proposed to the United Nations the adoption of a new regime for the use of nuclear energy in outer space.
Le rôle du Canada dans le développement du droit en matière de conflit armé
Authors: Green Leslie C.
Published: July 2012

This paper is concerned with examining the role Canada has played in the development of the law of armed conflict. It makes the point that, while it is generally assumed that the Canadian courts followed the practice of those in the United Kingdom, this is too simple an approach. From the early years of the nineteenth century, the Vice-Admiralty Court in Halifax was making a contribution to the law of prize and maritime war law that might be compared with that of Lord Stowell in England. Moreover, even then, it was applying principles that have only recently been generally accepted — that armed conflict is as much a question of fact as of law, and that naval officers, at least, must be taken to know the law. It is hardly believable that as long ago as 1814, Dr. Croke was upholding the immunity from capture of "the arts and sciences... as the property of mankind at large, and as belonging to the common interests of the whole species. " In addition to these early decisions in maritime war law, the Canadian courts have stood almost alone in the English-speaking world in explaining the criminal liability of escaping prisoners of war, in terms which to some extent formed the basis of what appeared in the Geneva Convention of 1949. At the same time, a Canadian war crimes tribunal made an important contribution to the exposition of the nature of a commander's liability for the offences of his subordinates, while others added to the jurisprudence concerned with the nature of the defence of superior orders.

In so far as an actual innovative contribution is concerned, it must not be forgotten that the enunciation by Daniel Webster in 1842 of the concept of self-defence as understood in international law resulted from the actions of loyalists during the 1837 Rebellion. More recently, Canada played a concrete role in the drafting of the 1977 Protocols additional to the 1949 Geneva Conventions for the development of humanitarian law in armed conflict. In fact, Protocol II relating to non-international conflict is almost entirely based on a Canadian draft expressing Canada*s concern to see principles of humanitarian law observed as widely as possible, regardless of the nature of the conflict. As a result of tracing Canada 's role one is led to the conclusion that itconstitutes a record of achievement that merits wider appreciation.
Les partis politiques et les élections européennes un an après : bilan et perspectives
Authors: Seiler Daniel L. , Duquette Michel
Published: July 2012

This study covers the one-year period since the first election of the European Assembly by universal suffrage, the results of which were rather misleading. The authors attempt to elaborate a conceptual framework capable of analyzing empirically the programs and ideological stands of the parties in the Strasbourg Chamber as they have evolved since the election. As a point of reference, the analysis has recourse to three socio-political cleavages which were observable throughout late European history or tend to appear in the modem context of political life; these include the divisions between 1) "bourgeois" and working class parties; 2) europeanist versus nationalist parties, and 3) industralist (or productivist) as opposed to "ecological" party formations. A detailed examination of both the interventions of euro-deputies in Assembly debates, and data recorded in several interviews with some deputies during this first year of their mandate, reflects not only the existing constellations of power and party alliances within the Assembly that reaffirm themselves on specific issues, but also the potential coalitions which may arise due to the rapidly changing political scene. These new coalitions, which tend to form more easily among members of different parties who share common interests with regard to social and economic issues, may eventually serve to overcome the traditional ideological divisions among parties. In terms of the near future, it doesn't matter so much whether the Euro-right or the Euro-left will succeed in imposing its majority in the Assembly, but whether the European Parliament itself, as an institution, will be able to demonstrate that it can have an effective and more representative voice in the formulation of EEC policies.
L’Australie : Le déclin relatif de l’agriculture depuis 1970
Authors: Stent William R.
Published: July 2012

The present article begins by describing the institutionnal framework of Australian agriculture, recent aspects of evolution in agricultural production, exports, costs and in comes. Ii shows how since 1967 agricultural policy is becoming more and more selective, while at the same time its influence on economic policy is decreasing. This change is attributed to industrialization of the country and to the growing participation of agriculture in the international market. This new form of growth, even less than the old one, cannot solve the issue of rural poverty in Australia nor that of hunger in the world.
La France : Les difficultés d’une réussite
Authors: Coulomb Pierre , Delorme Hélène
Published: July 2012

Since 1970 the government brings differrenciated pressure to bear on production prices but this policy goes with the emergence of France as a big world food exporter. However since 1974 the instability of external trade and the sensible drop in agricultural income has led, 20 years after the i960's laws, to a new agricultural policy. Despite the large current debates, the definition of this new policy seems to have to await the post-crisis phase.
La CEE : Les normes réelles de la politique agricole commune
Authors: Eversley Judith T.
Published: July 2012

The paper attempts to describe and explain developments in European Community agricultural policy in the last decade in the light of the political considerations underlying national and supra-national behaviour. Suggestions for reforms are made, but the main emphasis is on the need for the real objectives and hopes of the Community's members to be made explicit and then reconciled.
La politique industrielle dans la Communauté économique européenne : Crise et changement
Authors: Courtis Kenneth S.
Published: July 2012

The ultimate goal of industrial policy is to allow constant improvement in both the quality and standard of living. Necessary conditions to such improvement are full employment at both high, real wages and at increasing rates of productivity. For the European Economic Community, productivity must not only increase absolutely but also relatively, in comparison to other international competitors. Yet during the 60's and early 70's, Europe's competitive position in a number of major industrial sectors weakened, such that the energy shock, when it did come, signaled a reversal in established terms of trade. Suddenly, the Common Market was confronted with new problems of adjustment and decline.

It is within this context that both the role and the focus of EEC industrial policy have changea and that come to play the underlying dynamics that shape European industrial policy formulation. In these new economic conditions, traditional policies of demand management, of counter-cyclical measures and of monetary control have proved inadequate to restore real growth, full employment and ordered structural change. While purely national solutions appear to be no longer possible in many sectors, member countries have become increasingly locked into competitive rather than the complementary industrial strategies. New and intense political strains have emerged.

Political legitimacy and a clear mandate are critical to the formulation and implementation of industrial policy. Although the essential economic logic of the Treaty of Rome is clear, its political dimensions are less evident. Indeed there is nothing in the Common Market treaty about industrial policy. Yet as the question of industrial development moves to the centre of political debate, the future evolution of the community will be increasingly linked to EC industrial policy. This article analyzes European industrial policy as we enter the 80's. It begins with an analysis of the economic realities and the social and political forces behind the changing focus of European industrial policy and examines briefly the context of industrial policy formulation at the European Community level. Subsequently it turns to the new sectoral pattern and emphasis of European industrial policy. Finally, the article evaluates the evolution of European industrial policy in the latter part of the 70s and considers emerging trends.
Le système monétaire européen à la lumière de l’expérience et de la théorie monétaires
Authors: Dehem Roger
Published: July 2012

In the light of monetary experience and theory, the EMS appears to be unsustainable. Monetary history of the past sixty years shows that every attempt to stabilise the international monetary System has been frustrated as a consequence of divergent egocentric monetary policies. The breakdown of the rules of the gold standard game in the twenties, as well as the use of money as an instrument in national macroeconomic policies under the Bretton Woods regime have ultimately led to the demise of the fixed exchange rates System. In the sixties, European views on monetary policies were quite divergent, but in the seventies institutional attempts were made to bring them apparently into line. The "snake" arrangements, initiated in 1972, soon degenerated. The more ambitious attempt of 1979, the institutionally more elaborate EMS, suffers from the same basic weakness as all the previous ones. It lacks a common monetary standard, such as the one proposed in the 1975 Ail-Saints Manifesto. Such a standard is a necessary and a sufficient condition for a sustainable common monetary System.
Vers une théorie du système monétaire international
Authors: Woehrling Francis
Published: July 2012

The idea of an international monetary System comprised of a number of countries (monetary zones) linked together by an exchange rate mechanism controlled by the I.M.F. - the system's center - is the basis of the vast majority of the analyses and reform schemes respecting the System.

This idea does not correspond to international economic and monetary reality which is organized around one or several international currencies (or key currencies) with regard to which the Central Bank(s) exercise(s) the de facto role of the System's monetary authority. This fact raises two theoretical questions : How is a Central Bank led to exercise such a role ? How, in fact, does the System function ?

It is significant that the textbooks rarely treat the first question other than from an historical perspective. It would nevertheless appear that the explanation for the development of Euromarkefs employs a number of analytical tools that allow for a theoretical framework for the evolution of the I.M.S. based on the idea of competition among financial institutions and banks.

On the one hand, this theory anticipates the long-term integration process of markets characterized by the erosion of regional markets and the growth of a new dominant market and therefore by the coexistence of regional authorities and a central authority sharing monetary power. On the other, it advocates the mix of unification and macroeconomic management policies that these authorities must adhere to in order to optimize the process.

In the second part of the text the operation of a monetary zone such as the dollar standard of the last thirty years is examined. The organization of that zone provides an example of the distribution of monetary power as between the Federal Reserve System and the central banks of other countries. A consideration of the operation of an International Monetary System having two key currencies completes the study.
L’administration Reagan et le régime castriste (janvier 1981-juillet 1982)
Authors: Granjon Marie-Christine
Published: July 2012

Because of the Cuban presence in Africa (Angola), President Carter put a stop, in November 1978, to the normalization procedures started with Cuba at the commencement of his mandate. The Reagan administration, far from redressing the situation, has worsened it by incessantly accusing and threatening the Cuban government. At the rime of General Haig's resignation as State Secretary on June 26, 1982, his policy of intimidation towards Cuba had failed to keep the Castro's regime in step. Moreover, the American policy has been thwarted by external obstacles — the attitudes of the Cuban and Soviet leaders, the change in the political climate in Latin America (the conflict in the Malvinas) - and by internal causes - blunders, conflicting announcements, incoherent strategies, fluctuating and equivocal appraisals of the situation by the Reagan administration. This administration has alternately advocated a military solution to the Cuban problem and an essentially economic approach to neutralise the castrist influence in the region. Cuba has been at rimes referred to as a sovereign State to be dealt with on a bilateral basis, and at other rimes as a soviet satellite to be handled with the framework of East-West relations. Under the Reagan administration, Cuba has remained more than ever the ideal scapegoat of American leaders faced with a reassessment of the "pax americana" in Central America and in the North-South relations.
« Plus c’est la même chose, plus ça change » : Réflexions sur les nouvelles dimensions de la crise atlantique
Authors: Hassner Pierre
Published: July 2012

The atlantic crisis is as old as the Alliance itself, but is has now acquired a critical nature in that in affects deeply the relations of the two major countries : The United States and the Federal Republic of Germany.

This crisis lies at the crossroads of an evolution in the international context which has stirred up doubts regarding American protection, and of a change in generation which expresses itself in different ways on either side of the Atlantic.

The concepts of "comparative vulnerability" and of "mutual fear of decoupling" are used in an attempt to apprise the situation. A study of the search for a German and a European identity and of the Western responses to events in Poland has led the author to make a few recommendations regarding a new policy of the Atlantic Alliance towards Eastern Europe.
Les données fondamentales du dvenir de la politique étrangère canadienne : Essai de synthèse
Authors: Soldatos Panayotis
Published: July 2012

This paper proposes to grasp the main issues of Canadian foreign policy in the eighties by using an analysis framework based on the concepts of fragmentation, continentalism and diversification, considered as the intervening variables in the process of explaining Canada's international behaviour. Emphasizing the explanatory variables of the three phenomena (fragmentation, continentalism, diversification), the study demonstrates their complexity, namely the multiplicity of their causes, and underlines some of their basic characteristics, such as the structural sources of Canadian fragmentation in foreign policy - closely relate d to the nature of the country's economy and its links with the United States -, the ambiguity and shortcomings of the continentalist option, and the contradictions of the diversification policies. Beyond that, the paper attempts to indicate the interrelation of the three phenomena, their constant and circular interaction, and their future directions. Finally, the text deals with the question of a general theoretical framework for the study of these main issues in Canadian foreign policy.
L’UNESCO et la promotion des politiques scientifiques nationales en Afrique sub-saharienne, 1960-1979
Authors: Davis Charles H.
Published: July 2012

In the last two decades many African states established science policy institutions inspired, directly or indirectly, by the promotional activities of UNESCO. This paper examines certain aspects of UNESCO's science policy assistance activities in Africa and describes the science policy devices that are proposed to African states inapproximately 45 mission reports. While the principal function of science policy is supposed to be to increase the utility of national scientific and technical resources, science policy assistance takes place within contexts that lend other kinds of significance to it. Three factors that have contributed to the expansion of UNESCO-promoted science policy bodies in Africa are discussed: entrepreneurial initiatives on the part of UNESCO, the volontarist-managerial approach to domestic political decision-making offered by the UNESCO science policy paradigm, and assistance relations between donors and African clients.
Un, deux, ou quatre… : Les écoles de relations internationales
Authors: Korany Bahgat
Published: July 2012

The thesis of this paper is that despite the so-called breakthrough in the study of International Relations following the behavioral revolution of the 1960s, this field is still Anglo-saxon, particularly American-centered. The paper's emphasis then is on the widening of International Relations as a field of analysis and the bringing in of differing approaches so that this field becomes truly universal as its name indicates.

To review the evolution of this field, the paper is divided into two main parts of unequal length. The short part one review s Kuhn's scheme concerning the different stages in the evolution of science. The long part two applies this scheme to the study of International Relations and characterizes it as in a state of crisis, because of its lack of a consensual paradigm to guide analysis and research. It emphasises that the division between schools is not only methodological, but especially epistemological and ideological. Consequently, the paper analyses in detail the different arguments of four schools : Realism, Behavioralism, Marxism, and Neo-Marxism and Dependencia.
Futur des relations internationales ou relations internationales du futur?
Authors: Korany Bahgat
Published: July 2012

This last paper in the volume tries to pull the threads together and to detect trends of evolution in the analysis of international relations. The discussion is limited to three issues deemed basic to this evolution: 1) the increasing g importance of technology and its impact on the world System, and especially on one of its basic components: the nation-state ; 2) contents and characteristics of the new industry of futurology ; and 3) the rise of political economy as a basic approach to the study of international relations. It is suggested that we are growing beyond such simplistic divisions as "High" and "Low Politics", and obsession with methodologism per se, and that we are increasingly putting rigor and interdisciplinarity in the service of analysing "substantial" issues of international relations.
Les organisations internationales du Tiers Monde : Vers l’élaboration d’un nouveau cadre d’analyse
Authors: Braillard Philippe , Djalili Mohammad-Reza
Published: July 2012

The article outlines broad directions for the elaboration of a model that could be used to demonstrate the specificity of Third World international organizations. The first section deals with the specific nature of these organizations' environment. The article then define the mechanisms which are at the basis of their development. The recognition of the specific nature of Third World international organizations leads to the conclusion that political factors play an essential role in the birth, operation and sometimes failure of these organizations. In the Third World, international organizations are essentially a political phenomenon, combining powers which, because of the existence of few or none real functional needs, can hardly go beyond their immediate interests to work toward the strengthening of structures of international cooperation, which effects can only be felt in the middle or long term.
L’Union soviétique et les minerais stratégiques : Erreurs et vérités
Authors: Rezun Miron
Published: July 2012

This is an analysis of the major strategic minerals (sometimes called strategic materials), including some of the precious metals, which are vital to the Western economies. It focuses primarily on Soviet strategic minerals policies and examines the conflicting hypotheses for and against a resource war waged by the Soviet Union. The conclusions reached on the strength of the evidence so far is that Soviet policies have been chiefly economic and motivated by economic self-interest ; the Soviet Union is seen as an eager competitor for markets to acquire hard currency and not as a power eager to deprive the West of critical resources. A case is also made for the increasing importance of materials science, ocean mining and substitution, which is likely to make the West, including the USSR, invulnerable to supply disruptions in the future.
Quelques éléments sur les implications de la stratégie maritime américaine en Europe
Authors: Santos Alberto
Published: July 2012

It is generally accepted that maritime strategy, which has never ceased to be one of the main concerns of the American strategists since 1898, has contributed significantly to the changes which have occurred in strategic thought since 1981, and that it has an influence on the evolution of the Atlantic Alliance. In this study, an attempt is made to full the gaps in the thoughts on US maritime strategy by focussing on an analysis of the debate as revived by the 1982 war in the Malvinas although such debate was current under the Carter administration; a debate which has attracted very little attention, if any, from those who have been studying the question of expenditures in Europe. It opposes two of the main schools of thought in strategy, namely the maritimist and the coalitionist.
Guérilla et terrorisme en Amérique latine
Authors: Grenier Yvon
Published: July 2012

In this paper, we deal with the distinction between two specific forms of political mobilization in Latin America, guerrilla and terrorism. First, we try to identify and discuss the main historical events in the evolution of guerrilla mobilization. We emphasize the socio-political profile and the ideological dispositions which are usually related to the guerrilla mobilization. Then, we examine the two phenomenons in a comparative perspective. We argue that guerrilla is a form of political mobilization that entails a fundamental change in the political competition (which involves an internal war), whereas terrorism, by its scope, its goals and its objectives, may only affect, to some extent, one or many policies of a given government. Finally, we propose two definitions of guerrilla and terrorism, followed by some additional commentaries on their theoretical limits.
La politique internationale dans l’Arctique : une perspective américaine
Authors: Young Oran R.
Published: July 2012

The Arctic is emerging today as an international region whose importance in political, economic, and environmental terms rivals that of the world's other major regions. What remains in doubt, at this juncture, is how the Arctic states -not to mention others — will respond to this development in policy terms. Are these states likely to upgrade their capacity to handle Arctic issues by adding substantial Arctic expertise to their policy planning staffs; creating bureaux of Arctic or northern affairs in their foreign ministries; establishing effective interagency coordinating mechanisms to handle complex Arctic issues, or devising new Arctic policies to replace the policies of benign neglect they have long relied on in dealing with Arctic matters ? These are serious concerns whose resolution will take time and may differ from state to state. Just as the recognition of the Arctic as a distinctive international region has been a major development of the 1980s, the formulation of appropriate public responses to this development seems likely to become a central Arctic concern of the 1990s.
Fédéralisme, asymétrie et interdépendance : aux origines de l’action internationale des composantes de l’État fédéral
Authors: Dehousse Renaud
Published: July 2012

This article deals with a problem relatively neglected by studies devoted to the foreign relations of federated states, namely the reasons that impel the member Itates of some federations to develop foreign affairs policy independently of each other. Several types of factors are taken into consideration. It appears that the growing interdependence of industrialized countries leads to both an increase and a diversification of international contacts between public authorities, thus undermining he traditional monopoly held by external affairs departments. This phenomenon, however, does not arise to the same degree in all federations, suggesting that internal factors may equally play a major role. The composite character and above all the asymmetry of some federations have, clearly enough, centrifugal effects. But the influence of institutional variables must not be neglected: the combination of a particularly pronounced asymmetry together with weaknesses n the representation accorded at the national level to different regions making up the federation probably explain the activism shown by Belgium's linguistic communities and some Canadian provinces.
Crises boursières, bulles spéculatives et raitionalité économique
Authors: Adam Marie-Christine , Szafarz Ariane
Published: July 2012

In October 1987 the stock markets across the world witnessed an unprecedent crash of which both economists and financial analysts are still trying to under-stand the origin. One of the most controversial interpretations of this event is the speculative bubble hypothesis according to which long overvalued stock prices readjusted to realistic values in october 87. This interpretation is particularly interesting given that new "bubble" theories have been developed within the framework of rational expectations models during the last ten years. This paper presents a critical analysis of these theories and evaluates their potential for our understanding of the stock market crash.
Les groupes d’intérêt et la politique étrangère canadienne : le cas de l’Amérique centrale
Authors: Mace Gordon , Roussel Michel
Published: July 2012

In the course of the 1980's studies on domestic sources of Canadian foreign policy have generated analytical propositions which, to this day, have not been submitted to empirical investigation. This paper presents the results of a case study on the domestic sources of Canadian foreign policy towards Central America for the period 1979-1987. The theoretical propositions underlying this study are taken from previous studies made by C. Pratt, J. Rochlin and S. Baranyi. By comparing the demands made by interest groups with the behavior, as observed, of the federal government, the authors show a relatively weak adequation between demands made by counter-consensus groups and governmental action towards Central America. The study also demonstrates a relatively minor interest on the part of the business groups in Canadian foreign policy towards Central America.
Les impacts de l'adhésion à la Communauté européenne sur la balance commerciale de l'Espagne et du Portugal
Authors: Éthier Diane
Published: July 2012

This paper analyzes the entry into the European Community (EC) impacts on Spain and Portugal external Trade Balance (ETE). It points out that the dramatic increase of Iberian countries ETB deficit, since their adhesion to the EC, first January 1986, is mainly due to the strong growth of capital goods imports, in particular those from EC, in a context characterized by the gradual application of Customs Union mechanisms and the rise of internal demand. Then, it examines principal short and medium term measures susceptible to adjust Spain and Portugal ETB, especially restrictive economic policies and structural programs of modernization.
Le destin n'est pas inéluctable : évaluation des effets probables du libre-échange nord-américain sur la politique étrangère du Canada
Authors: Schmitz-Le Grand Gerald J.
Published: July 2012

This article with minor revisions, was originally presented as a paper at the annual meeting of the Canadian Political Science Association in Victoria, B.C., May 27, 1990. Since then, Canada has been accused of simply following Washington's lead in sending troops to the Gulfand in seeking to join United States-Mexico free trade negotiations. These developments do not alter the paper's challenging conclusion : namely, that the current bilateral free-trade regime neither obliges nor justifies a subordinate Canadian foreign policy — however much the terms of the Free Trade Agreement may impinge on the international dimensions of some Canadian policies (e.g., on energy and investment), and notwithstanding the potential momentum (but uncertain prospects) of North American integration. Free trade, in fact seems to have increased, not reduced, the salience of the national question in Canada. As well, the Gulf crisis is a test more of United Nations resolve than bilateral solidarity. And on the trade front, Canada has been reminded of the extent to which it remains on its own. U.S. negotiators were angered by Canada's middle-ground position on agricultural subsidies - the issue over which GATT talks collapsed, increasing Canadian vulnerability. Moreover, Canadian participation in U.S.Mexico trade negotiations has been privately less welcome than the official public rhetoric suggests. More than ever perhaps, Canadian national interests depend on strong international diplomacy mode no less necessary, if arguably encumbered, by the evolving context of continental free trade.
Continuité et adaptation : Les priorités stratégiques du gouvernement de la France
Authors: Garigue Philippe
Published: July 2012

French strategic priorities have been marked since the Second World War by the need to maintain continuity in national identity while adapting to changing world conditions. This process has been successful because the French Government was able to achieve a « minimal » political consensus and prevent fondamental contradiction in goals from developing. It is now extending its priorities so as to achieve a new harmonization between national defence and the development of a European defence, while maintaining a role in the structuration of world security. However, the cost of defence is gradually demonstrating that a further adaptation is required, through the consolidation of European defence. Yet, while accepting some supranational transfers of competence, this adaptation is now raising the question of the capacity for the « minimal » consensus to be maintained while balancing national sovereignty against efficiency.