bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Basic Constitutional Rules: The Rules of Succession
Authors: Bogdanor Vernon
Published: October 2003

Constitutional monarchy is a form of monarchy governed by rules. In Britain, these rules are of two kinds—non‐statutory rules governing hereditary succession and statutory rules laying down certain conditions that the holder of the throne must meet. Although descent is the main criterion of succession, the great constitutional struggles of the seventeenth century, culminating in the Bill of Rights of 1689 and the Act of Settlement of 1701, confirmed that the succession could be regulated by parliament. The British monarchy is a parliamentary monarchy. Indeed, the succession can only be altered by Act of Parliament. Provision is also made by Act of Parliament for cases when the sovereign is incapable or a minor, where a Regent acts in place of the sovereign. The rules regulating the royal consort and the heir to the throne and the Royal Marriages Act of 1772 are analysed. The rules of succession, being a product of the religious struggles of the seventeenth century, are now ripe for reform. So also is the Royal Marriages Act.
Hung Parliaments and Proportional Representation
Authors: Bogdanor Vernon
Published: October 2003

Despite Britain's first past the post‐electoral system, which generally produces single‐party majorities, Britain has become more politically fragmented in recent years. This makes a hung parliament—a parliament in which no single party has a majority—much more likely. Hung parliaments pose a dilemma for the sovereign. For, it will often not be obvious in such a situation who is the most appropriate Prime Minister; nor whether a dissolution requested by a Prime Minister should be granted—there may well be an alternative combination capable of governing within the existing legislature. These problems can be illuminated by analysis of past hung parliaments—1923–24, 1929–31, and 1974. The problems would be exacerbated with the introduction of proportional representation, for this would mean that nearly every parliament would then be a hung parliament.
The Financing of the Monarchy
Authors: Bogdanor Vernon
Published: October 2003

The financing of the monarchy has always had constitutional implications. Indeed, control of finance was the crucial issue in the battles between the king and the parliament in the seventeenth century. Today, the financing of the sovereign and the Royal Household is complex. It is designed to ensure that the sovereign is largely, though not wholly, dependent upon Parliament for money. A careful balancing is needed. But the presentation of the royal accounts is far too opaque and more transparency is needed.
The Future of Constitutional Monarchy
Authors: Bogdanor Vernon
Published: October 2003

Until 1914, monarchy was the prevalent form of government in Europe. Only three European states—France, Portugal, and Switzerland—were republics. Today, by contrast, there are just eight monarchies in Europe. They comprise, however, some of the most stable and well‐governed states in the Continent. Monarchy has lost much of its magic, but retains support on utilitarian grounds as a practical solution to the problem of sustaining constitutional and democratic government. If the conjunction of monarchy and democracy might seem a contradiction, it would be as well to bear in mind Freud's dictum that it is only in logic that contradictions cannot exist.
Stochastic Specification in an Aggregate Demand Model of the United Kingdom
Authors: Hendry David F.
Published: October 2003

Empirical modelling is analysed and illustrated for a small system of aggregate demand relationships in the UK, using estimators specifically developed to tackle the problems of autocorrelation and simultaneity. The tests discriminate between cases where (vector) residual autocorrelation arose from autoregressive errors, or from mis‐specification of the dynamics of the observed data series. Tests also check if the dynamics of the pre‐specified model were adequate, but these should not be used constructively: that a null hypothesis is false does not imply that the postulated alternative must be true. Thus, generalizing initial simple models after test rejections does not provide a valid modelling strategy, partly because a later rejection invalidates all earlier inferences, and to correctly interpret any of the empirical evidence, one must account for all results. The final estimates seek to do that for a range of earlier specifications.
On the Time‐Series Approach to Econometric Model Building
Authors: Hendry David F.
Published: October 2003

The ‘time‐series’ approach to econometrics is critically evaluated, and analytical test power response surfaces presented. Non‐stationarity, differencing and ‘error‐correction’ models (though not yet named) are discussed. Residual autocorrelation is reinterpreted using Sargan's common factor approach, and embryonic ideas presented on how to explain competing models’ findings to reduce the proliferation of conflicting results. Finally, the respective roles of criticism and construction are considered.
An Empirical Application and Monte Carlo Analysis of Tests of Dynamic Specification
Authors: Hendry David F. , Mizon Grayham E.
Published: October 2003

COMFAC is employed as a sequential simplification device in empirical analysis. Analysis of the finite‐sample statistical properties checked the power when a COMFAC representation of economic agents’ behaviour was valid. Improved test power response surfaces were proposed. Combined, the findings suggested using other model reduction devices, retaining COMFAC as a destructive testing device for invalid ‘autocorrelation correction’ claims. Diagnostic testing of the initial model was emphasized. Model selection (lag length, choice of simplification, and parameter) is investigated for highly seasonal data.
Monetary Economic Myth and Econometric Reality
Authors: Hendry David F.
Published: October 2003

Evaluates and replicates an improved specification of the transactions’ demand for money model, and shows that some empirical econometric equations which appear to ‘break down’ out of sample, had already ‘broken down’ but had not been rigorously tested for constancy. New observations can highlight pre‐existing failure, so regime changes help evaluation. Congruence defines the null of model validity (matching the evidence in all salient respects), but the nature of destructive testing reveals that there are no sufficient conditions for model validity in an empirical social science. However, a stringent list of necessary conditions exists. Personal computers with powerful, friendly software (PcGive) facilitated a leap in productivity: model evaluation could be undertaken at home in one evening. The M1‐demand equation did not exhibit predictive failure on data, which included the new 1979 policy on monetary control.
The Structure of Simultaneous Equations Estimators
Authors: Hendry David F.
Published: October 2003

Optimal estimation is necessary for empirical modelling, but can be summarized in an estimator generating equation (EGE). The EGE reduces a vast literature on estimating individual equations and linear simultaneous systems to a single, simple expression based on the ‘score’, namely, the first derivative of the log‐likelihood function for full information maximum likelihood (FIML). The EGE also reveals how to generate new estimators and whether any given estimator is consistent and/or efficient. Consequently, the computation of maximum likelihood estimators is related to the properties of numerical optimization algorithms: estimators are numerical algorithms for approximating the solution of the score, classified by their choice of initial values, numbers of iterations and approximations to the Hessian of FIML. Different statistical approximations must be distinguished from alternative numerical optimization methods, which implement FIML, but some estimators are just different optimization algorithms, emphasizing the inter‐dependence between computational considerations based on numerical analyses and on statistical analyses.
The Econometric Analysis of Economic Time Series
Authors: Hendry David F. , Richard Jean‐François
Published: October 2003

This overview proposes a general framework linking economic analysis to a reduction‐based statistical methodology based on parameter change, expectations and contingent plans, conditioning and weak exogeneity. Both long‐run economic theory and dynamic adjustment are discussed and general‐to‐specific modelling is linked to the theory of reduction to clarify modelling and model‐related concepts. The statistical analysis extends the estimator generating formula to `incomplete’ linear models. A sequence of six expository themes interprets time‐series econometrics: models are derived as reductions from the process which actually generated the data, inducing parameter transformations which affect their constancy, invariance and interpretation; conditioning and weak exogeneity are linked to contingent plans of economic agents; an EGE covers estimation theory for linear sub‐systems; a typology of linear dynamic equations elucidates their relative properties; the efficient score describes diagnostic testing; and encompassing inter‐related empirical models.
Postscript: The Econometrics of PC‐GIVE
Authors: Hendry David F.
Published: October 2003

The model class is summarized in terms of the properties of specific linear models, including cointegration and equilibrium (error) correction. Model evaluation is based on the associated information taxonomy, for sequential conditioning, exogeneity, invariance, constancy and recursivity, and encompassing. The theory of reduction provides a basis for general‐to‐specific modelling. Test types, modelling strategies, and system estimation are also briefly discussed.
Capitalism, Socialism, and Freedom
Authors: Van Parijs Philippe
Published: October 2003

Freedom is not to be contrasted with justice: a just society is a free society. But a free society is one that provides as much real—not just formal—freedom as possible to all, and not just to a few. There is no a priori reason why either pure capitalism or pure socialism should be optimal according to this conception.
Jobs as Assets
Authors: Van Parijs Philippe
Published: October 2003

By giving to all as high an unconditional income as possible, is one not violating liberal neutrality by favouring leisure and sanctioning consumption? One would be if the taxation needed to fund the basic income could legitimately be seen as the extraction of part of the outcome of nothing but the workers’ effort. But it cannot. Reflecting on the message of efficiency‐wage theories of unemployment leads one to view it instead as a fee on the appropriation of assets very unequally divided between us: jobs.
Exploitation versus Real Freedom
Authors: Van Parijs Philippe
Published: October 2003

By providing a modest income even to those who do not want to work, is one not institutionalizing the exploitation of hard workers by free riders? There would definitely be ‘Lockean exploitation’, and hence violation of the ‘Creators Keepers’ principle, and there would be ‘Lutheran exploitation’ and hence lack of proportionality between effort and reward. But neither of these conceptions of exploitation makes normative sense. By contrast, ‘Roemerian exploitation’, or asset‐based inequality, does make normative sense. But it does not endorse an ethical indictment of an unconditional income. Quite the contrary.
Capitalism Justified?
Authors: Van Parijs Philippe
Published: October 2003

Is there any reason to expect some form of socialism to do better than any form of capitalism in terms of securing a high sustainable level of basic income? None of the familiar arguments against capitalism—from market failures to cyclical crises and the reserve army of the unemployed— can justify the presumption that it will do worse than socialism in terms of efficiency. On the contrary, the fundamental fact that, unlike what happens under socialism, capitalist firms have to submit to the ruthless rule ‘Innovate or perish’ justify the presumption of capitalism's superior dynamic efficiency. But in a globalized capitalist economy, the sovereignty democratically exercised over this larger wealth keeps eroding, to the point that capitalist societies become unable to sustainably turn part of it into a higher basic income than would be possible under the best version of feasible socialism?
For Love of Country
Authors: Viroli Maurizio
Published: October 2003

In scholarly literature and common language, patriotism is often conflated with nationalism, which is associated with an exclusive, intolerant, and irrational attachment to one's nation. As the history of Fascism and Nazism shows, patriotism understood as nationalism can have disastrous consequences. Nevertheless, this book argues that the language of patriotism must be distinguished from that of nationalism. While nationalism values the cultural, religious, and ethnic unity of a people, patriotism is the love of a people's common liberty, which gives us the strength to resist oppression by the selfish ambitions of particular individuals. In addition, patriotism is a rational love, since civic virtue is instrumental to the preservation of law and order, which is the prerequisite of our liberty. The question we must address is how to make our particular love of one's own country compatible with the universal principles of liberty and justice. Through a historical interpretation of patriotism from classical antiquity to contemporary debates, Viroli explores the possibility of patriotism without nationalism; i.e. one that emphasizes political unity based on the republican commitment to the common good, rather than cultural, religious, or ethnic homogeneity.
Introduction
Authors: Viroli Maurizio
Published: October 2003

While nationalism is an attachment to the ethnic, cultural, and spiritual homogeneity of a nation, patriotism refers to the love of the republic and the political institutions that sustain it. The language of patriotism avoids the dangers of intolerance inherent in a nationalistic conception of civic virtue by appealing to the non‐exclusive love of common liberty that is nevertheless rooted in the concrete culture and history of a particular people. The project of the book will be to explore the possibilities of political patriotism as an alternative to the rhetoric of nationalism through a historical interpretation of the evolution of patriotism.
The Legacy of Republican Patriotism
Authors: Viroli Maurizio
Published: October 2003

Surveys the conception of republican patriotism from Classical Greece and Rome to the civic humanism of the fifteenth century Italian city‐republics. In the classical Roman tradition, the love of the patria was a sense of compassion as overcoming private selfishness to respect the common good. Later, medieval thinkers like Aquinas and Ptolemy of Lucca combined patriotism with the theological virtue of charity. For Machiavelli, who admired Roman republicanism, patriotism is the source of honour and glory for the citizens, as well as of law and order, which maintains the liberty of the people.
Epilogue
Authors: Viroli Maurizio
Published: October 2003

Argues for the possibility of patriotism without nationalism. Contemporary debates on patriotism have focused on how to uphold patriotism after the disasters of the nationalistic patriotism of Fascism and Nazism. While Habermas disconnected the universal political principles from nationality, communitarians like MacIntyre have emphasized the importance of shared pre‐political identities. Instead of extreme, contemporary pluralistic societies require political unity based on the values of the republic in the tradition of Tocqueville, Walzer, and Taylor.
Rational Risk Policy
Authors: Viscusi W. Kip
Published: October 2003

Ideally, individual risk‐taking decisions and government risk policies should be based on a rational balancing of risk and cost. Unfortunately, private decisions are subject to a number of biases including overestimation of small probabilities and alarmist responses to ambiguous risks. Hazard warnings can potentially be effective, but are not always ideal, as the people now overestimate the risks of smoking. Labour market estimates of the value of life can provide a rational reference point for benefit‐cost tests of risk regulations. The pressures exerted by irrational public responses to risk often lead to regulations that impose inordinately high costs per life saved. Excessive regulation potentially makes society worse off from a health and safety standpoint as shown by the risk–risk analysis methodology developed in this book. Similarly, liability rules and social insurance systems also should be structured to reflect an efficient balancing of risk and cost.
Introduction
Authors: Viscusi W. Kip
Published: October 2003

This chapter introduces the linkage between economic behaviour and risk regulation policies. Analysis of individual behaviour often reveals the nature of private market failures and provides guidance with respect to the appropriate forms of intervention. However, irrationality in behaviour can also generate the impetus for misguided government policies to the extent that policies are responsive to citizen preferences even when they are irrational.
Risk Beliefs and Individual Rationality
Authors: Viscusi W. Kip
Published: October 2003

Risk beliefs often reflect systematic biases, such as the overestimation of small risks and underestimation of large risks. The prospective reference theory model explains these and other anomalies and in many instances predicts these patterns of behaviour. Precautionary behaviour is subject to a paradox since people will tend to undervalue marginal decreases in risk but will overvalue improvements that completely eliminate the risk. Risk ambiguity aversion, as reflected in the Ellsberg Paradox, affects public responses to dimly understood risks such as Mad Cow disease and many carcinogens. Many other biases in risk beliefs are evident, such as overreaction to risk increases, overestimation of risk decreases that eliminate the risk, and overestimation of highly publicized risks.
Hazard Warnings and Risk Information
Authors: Viscusi W. Kip
Published: October 2003

Hazard warnings can potentially play a constructive policy role by providing risk information when people are not informed of the risk. Cigarette warnings are a principal example of how the public can be informed adequately of the risk and can form risk beliefs comparable to the actual product risk. Warnings can potentially alter discrete decisions, such as whether or not to use a product or take a job, as well as precautionary behaviour with respect to a product or a job. In Bayesian learning contexts, effective warnings are those that provide accurate new information in an effective manner.
Risk–Risk Analysis
Authors: Viscusi W. Kip
Published: October 2003

Regulatory policies create a variety of risk–risk trade‐offs. People may engage in more risk‐taking behaviour in response to regulations that reduce the risks of their behaviour, as seatbelt use may encourage drivers to go faster and safety caps may create a ‘lulling effect’ whereby people are lulled into a fall sense of security regarding product risks. Regulations also entail resource expenditures that in effect make society poorer, which will increase risk levels, given the positive linkage between wealth and health. The resulting risk–risk trade‐offs can be linked theoretically to the value of life, implying that expenditures with a cost per life saved of more than ten times the value of life may in fact decrease individual health.
Liability and Social Insurance
Authors: Viscusi W. Kip
Published: October 2003

The estimates of the value of life provide a basis for assessing the appropriate level of safety but not for providing compensation to victims. The proper use of value‐of‐life estimates is illustrated using the Ford Pinto as a case study. Tort liability for risks imposes substantial costs, particularly for mass toxic torts. Calculations of the social costs of cigarette smoking indicate that smokers on balance pay their own way but do generate substantial health cost externalities. Workers’ compensation plays an effective role as social insurance both in providing compensation to victims as well as creating substantial incentives for safety.
Toward a Rational Basis for Regulation
Authors: Viscusi W. Kip
Published: October 2003

Various forms of irrationality often provide the rationale for intervention to address market failures. However, in a democratic society, these forms of irrationality often provide the impetus for government policy. The policy task is to develop risk regulation policies that would emerge if the public responded rationally to risk.
Austria
Authors: Müller Wolfgang C.
Published: October 2003

Since the constitutional reform of 1929, Austria comes under the rubric of semi‐presidentialism as defined in this volume: alongside the chancellor (prime minister), who is fully responsible to parliament, there is a directly elected president, who appoints the government and can dismiss it, although in practical terms the president has very little accountability. Nevertheless, Austria is generally considered as a parliamentary system by leading comparativists, and indeed it is parliamentary elections rather than presidential elections that decide the distribution of power. This chapter concentrates on the post‐war period, although the interwar years are also important for understanding the gap between the large constitutional powers and limited role that presidents have actually played. It draws on the literature on the Austrian presidency, original archival work, and interviews with political actors. The different sections of the chapter are: The Historical Legacy of Introducing Semi‐Presidentialism; Constitutional Powers and Their Practical Relevance; The Presidency and Party Politics; and Conclusion.
Finland
Authors: Arter David
Published: October 2003

Since the retirement of President Kekkonen in 1981, a process of piecemeal constitutional reform has strengthened the core concept of parliamentary government at the expense of the old quasi‐monarchical elements in the Finnish political system; this modernization process has been propelled by a concern to avoid the possibility of a recurrence of the ‘enlightened despotism’ of the Kekkonen era, and has been aided by the collapse of the Soviet Union. Recent constitutional changes have also enhanced the involvement of the prime minister and government in the performance of the federative (foreign policy) function; above all, the institutional adaptation required by membership of the EU has emphasized the bicephalous character of the Finnish political executive in a way reminiscent of interwar practice. Political factors, notably the ability of the party system to deliver stable majority coalitions, have worked in the same direction, and indeed arguments have been made in favour of the abolition of the whole institution of the presidency. With parliament having recently accepted the main findings of the Nikula Committee's report and restricted the president's involvement in the process of coalition‐building, as well as vesting the government with powers jointly to manage foreign policy, it is clear that Finland is en route to becoming an orthodox parliamentary democracy: the head of state has lost his exclusive charge of the federative function; his involvement in the legislative process is limited and exceptional; and even his executive powers—particularly his powers of appointment—have been restricted in recent years. The different sections of the chapter are: Constitution‐Making 1917–1919: A Monarchical Republic?; The Shift to a President‐Dominant System, 1940–1987; From President‐Dominant to Pluralist Foreign Policy‐Making, 1987–1998; and Towards a Ceremonial Presidency?
Iceland
Authors: Kristinsson Gunnar Helgi
Published: October 2003

The office of Icelandic president was created in 1944 to take over the functions of the Danish monarch, which were largely ceremonial at that time, and is non‐party political. Although the president is directly elected, political power in Iceland lies with the parliament and a government that is responsible to it. This chapter explores the actual and potential powers of the Icelandic presidency in the light of Duverger's concept of semi‐presidential government, arguing that traditional interpretations of the Icelandic constitution have overlooked the distinctiveness of semi‐presidential government, and noting that the powerlessness of the presidency is less a fact of law than of politics. An attempt is also made to account for why the presidency has developed in the manner of a powerless figurehead rather than as an effective political leader. The three sections of the chapter are: The Presidency and Political Leadership in Iceland—formation of the regime, constitutional powers, parliamentary majorities; The Presidency and the Political Forces—presidentialism in Iceland, the choice of a president; and Conclusion.
Republic of Ireland
Authors: Gallagher Michael
Published: October 2003

The Irish presidency is usually seen as one of the weakest in any liberal democracy, certainly as the weakest presidency to be filled by direct election. This chapter does not argue that this characterization is necessarily wrong, but it does raise questions about the nature of the presidency: is it really as weak as it seems, and, if so, is this because of written or unwritten constraints; is the presidency weak at all times, or has it been in the past—or could it be in the future—more significant under some circumstances than others? The Irish political system is based very much on the Westminster model, and although it deviates from it in some important respects (e.g. it has a proportional representation electoral system, a written constitution, judicial review, and much experience of coalition government), the central role of the government in the political process is unquestionable and largely unquestioned. Within this overall framework of executive dominance, however, there is scope for some variation according to circumstances: parliament might be a little more effective vis‐à‐vis government during periods of minority government, or at times when the ever‐changing committee system is in one of its more productive modes; within the government, the Taoiseach (prime minister) is more likely to be dominant during periods of single‐party government than in coalitions; it is fair to say, though, that no one looks to the president for political leadership. The first section of the chapter considers two factors that have a strong influence upon the role of the president—the formation of the regime, and the provisions of the constitution; the next section examines relations between the president and other political actors; and the final one draws conclusions.
Lithuania
Authors: Urbanavicius Dainius
Published: October 2003

The Republic of Lithuania is known as a semi‐presidential state, and while it has some basic similarities with other semi‐presidential states, this chapter looks at the main peculiarities of the regime and describes the status of presidential power. The first section explains the reasons why the citizens of Lithuania voted for a semi‐presidential regime, while those in the other two Baltic states (Latvia and Estonia), preferred to adopt a parliamentary form of government where the presidency has little constitutional power; some of the peculiarities of the Lithuanian political system are explained with particular reference to the historical background which had such an impact on the creation of the system. The second section defines the constitutional, or de jure, power of the Lithuanian presidency and clarifies its relationship with the de jure power of the Seimas, or parliament, and the government. The third section analyses the political ‘triangle’ of the president, parliament, and the government, and also presents the political realities of the last six years in Lithuania. The fourth section focuses on the personality of the president with an analysis of the period from 1993 to 1998, and the last section sets out the main conclusions of the chapter and provides a prognosis for the development of the future political system in the country.
Poland*
Authors: Van Der Meer Krok‐Paszkowska Ania
Published: October 2003

The eight years of post‐communist democratic rule in Poland have been marked by a struggle between rival constitutional agendas, and although the institutional set‐up has remained the same as under the 1989 Roundtable Agreement (a dual executive and a dual legislature), the formal competencies and effective powers of these institutions have changed over time. There were two stages in the constitution‐making process: the round table negotiations leading to constitutional amendments, and the regular constitution‐making process. The transition to democracy was to have been gradual and controlled with a new constitution being passed before the first fully competitive parliamentary elections in 1993. Instead, democratic institutions emerged in a stepwise and piecemeal manner with political events overtaking constitutional initiatives. Minor amendments were made to the 1952 constitution in anticipation of a completely new constitution being passed relatively quickly, but when it became clear that the two houses of parliament would be unable to agree on a common draft, a stopgap constitution was passed which dealt only with executive–legislative relations. The often ambiguous provisions of this 1992 Little Constitution were interpreted by various political forces in ways that bolstered their respective institutional powers, and its passing did not lead to a less heated debate between those who wanted a ‘governing’ president and those who favoured a figurehead president with weak powers. A semi‐presidential system is in place, but its nature has been the source of institutional squabbles throughout the period considered here (1989–97), with the balance of power moving very much in favour of the prime minister. The constitution‐making process was formally completed in the summer of 1997 with the passing of the full constitution by a legislature dominated by parties with roots in the former communist regime. Its confirmation by referendum was by a narrow majority, and the numerous political parties and organizations not represented in the 1993–97 legislature have vowed to reopen negotiations on certain constitutional provisions in the next parliamentary term. The different parts of this chapter discuss the historical context, constitutional powers under the Little Constitution, political practice, and the writing of the second constitution.
Disabilities
Authors: Macleod Colin M.
Published: October 2003

Critically evaluates Dworkin's use of a hypothetical insurance market scheme to illuminate the degree to which justice requires the provision of compensation to persons with significant physical or mental disabilities. The chapter argues that the hypothetical insurance market scheme is procedurally unfair, is plagued by epistemic difficulties, and is insufficiently sensitive to the importance of addressing features of the social environment in virtue of which persons with disabilities are disadvantaged.
The Place of Liberty
Authors: Macleod Colin M.
Published: October 2003

Dworkin argues that equality is the sovereign virtue of political community but he also defends a form of liberalism that prizes individual liberty. This chapter examines Dworkin's attempt to secure a place for individual liberty within the basic structure of equality of resources. The argumentative strategy—the constitutive bridge strategy—deployed by Dworkin is needlessly complex and ad hoc. A simpler, interest‐based strategy provides a better account of the relationship between egalitarianism and individual liberty rights.
Neutrality or Tolerance?
Authors: Macleod Colin M.
Published: October 2003

Takes up the relation between Dworkin's liberal egalitarianism and state perfectionism. A distinction is drawn between an ideal of liberal neutrality and liberal tolerance. The latter is compatible with a mild form of state perfectionism and is more attractive than the variety of liberal neutrality associated with equality of resource.
Conclusion
Authors: Macleod Colin M.
Published: October 2003

Provides a brief overview of the deficiencies of a theory of liberal equality that is predicated upon idealized economic markets. Some more general hazards of using artificial devices for the articulation of theories of justice are examined.
The Economics of Post-Communist Transition
Authors: Blanchard Olivier
Published: October 2003

Transition in Central and Eastern Europe has led to a U‐shaped response of output, that is, a sharp decline in output followed by recovery. Six years after the beginning of transition, most of the countries of Central Europe now seem firmly on the upside. Most of the countries of Eastern Europe are still close to the bottom of the U; an optimistic view is that they are now negotiating the turn.

This U‐shaped response of output, its causes and its implications, is the subject of this book. That transition came with an often‐large initial decrease in output should be seen as a puzzle. After all, the previous economic system was characterized by myriad distortions. One might have expected that removing most of them would lead to a large increase, not decrease in output. This is not what happened. The purpose of this book is to understand why, and to draw general lessons.
Traditions of War
Authors: Nabulsi Karma
Published: October 2003

This book examines wars and military occupation, and the ideas underlying them. The search for these ideas is conducted in the domain of the laws of war, a body of rules that sought to regulate the practices of war and those permitted to fight in it. This work introduces three ideologies: the martial, Grotian, and republican. These traditions were rooted in incommensurable conceptions of the good life, and the overall argument is that their differences lay at the heart of the failure fully to resolve the distinction between lawful and unlawful combatants at successive diplomatic conferences of Brussels in 1874, the Hague in 1899 and 1907, and Geneva in 1949. Based on a wide range of sources and a plurality of intellectual disciplines, the book places these diplomatic failures in their broader social and political contexts. By bringing out ideological continuities and drawing on the social history of army occupation in Europe and resistance to it, the book both challenges and illuminates the understanding of modern war.
Introduction
Authors: Nabulsi Karma
Published: October 2003

This short introduction describes the approach taken by the book and gives a brief outline of its contents. The story is about wars and military occupation, and the ideas underlying them, and the search for these ideas is carried out in the domain of the laws of war by addressing the challenge posed by a particular principle in these laws: the distinction between combatant and non-combatant, a concept which has been recognized as the fundamental principle upon which the entire notion of ‘humanity in warfare’ rests (and has also been acknowledged as the most fragile). The forces underpinning this distinction (more precisely, a distinction between the lawful and unlawful combatant) are explored by presenting three ideologies, each representing a distinct political tradition of war, and each rooted in incommensurable conceptions of the good life; the overall argument of the book is that this incommensurability lay at the source of the failure fully to resolve the problem of distinction between lawful and unlawful combatants between 1874 and 1949. The book makes use of concepts and methods borrowed from a range of intellectual disciplines: political thought, history, and the ‘classical’ traditions of international theory. In the case of the latter, it examines the influence of key thinkers on war, such as Machiavelli, Grotius, and Rousseau, but differs from this orthodox approach in two ways: first, it is not seeking to ascertain the ‘true’ meaning of their philosophies, but rather to find how their political thoughts were interpreted and shaped by later generations; second, the examination is not restricted to abstract theorists and philosophers but is centrally concerned with paradigms constructed by practitioners of war, both professional and civilian.
Occupying Armies and Civilian Populations in Nineteenth‐Century Europe
Authors: Nabulsi Karma
Published: October 2003

This is the second of three chapters that set out the differing contexts through which the dilemma in the laws of war over the distinction between lawful and unlawful combatants can be viewed: political and diplomatic (Chapter 1), social (this chapter) and intellectual (Chapter 3). It explores the social history of army occupation and resistance to it in nineteenth century Europe – from the Napoleonic period to the Franco-Prussian war– and places these diplomatic failures in their broader social and political context. In particular it examines the range of army practices under occupation, and the effect that they had on civilian life. The different sections of the chapter discuss: pillaging, looting, requisitions and billeting; reprisals; hostage-taking; types of civilian behaviour –obedience to the occupier, political and armed acts of resistance, organized acts of resistance –guerrillas and franc-tireurs; levee en masse and other assorted insurrections; ideologies of resistance; religion as a source of resistance; and the influence of nationalism and patriotism.
The Conceptualization of War and the Value of Political Traditions
Authors: Nabulsi Karma
Published: October 2003

This is the third of three chapters that set out the differing contexts through which the dilemma in the laws of war over the distinction between lawful and unlawful combatants can be viewed, and explores a range of intellectual approaches to the laws of war and war itself, assessing their relative methodological value and limitations. Previous chapters have illustrated that there existed at all levels a profound disagreement about the classes of people who were permitted to engage in political violence in times of war, and by narrowing the scope of inquiry to this one aspect (lawful versus unlawful combatants) of the laws of war, these chapters have also shown that there were strong normative elements to this lack of accord. Starting with this chapter, the remainder of the book argues that these normative elements were expressions of profound ideological clashes among three contending philosophies of war: martial, Grotian, and republican. From a methodological perspective, the explanation for the failed attempt to construct a distinction between lawful and unlawful combatants will be seen to lie in incommensurable normative frameworks of war, rather than in the specialized analytical tools of legal theory, diplomatic and archival history, and international relations theory. This chapter first assesses both the intellectual contributions and limitations of the legal, historical and international relations approaches before defining the three distinct traditions of war (martial, Grotian, and republican), and highlighting their explanatory value.
High Priests of the Temple of Janus: The Martial Tradition of War
Authors: Nabulsi Karma
Published: October 2003

This is the first of three chapters on the three traditions of war, and introduces the martial tradition. The properties of this tradition are initially contrasted with realism in order to highlight its distinct values and characteristics. How this ideology operated in practice is then shown by the development of the tradition in Europe, with particular reference to Britain, chosen above all because it is normally seen as exempt from such ‘illiberal’ values. The different sections of the chapter are: The Limitations of Realism in Explaining Martialism; The Nature of Man in the Realist Tradition; The Nature of Man in the Martialist Tradition; The Realist Tradition and the Nature of War; Martialism and the Nature of War; Realism and the Nature of the State; The Martialist Conception of the State; The Nature of Liberty: The Realist and the Martialist Traditions Compared; Nationalism and Patriotism in the Martialist Tradition; Nation, War, and Patriotism; The Development of the Martial Tradition from 1874 [in Europe]; The Martial Tradition and its Development within a Liberal Democracy [in Britain]; and The Development of the Martial Tradition in Britain.
The Enigma of the Middle Way: Grotius and the Grotian Tradition on War
Authors: Nabulsi Karma
Published: October 2003

This is the second of three chapters on the three traditions of war, and introduces the Groatian tradition, which is viewed as the most dominant and powerful of the traditions presented, and had as its primary source the Dutch diplomat, lawyer, poet, mathematician, theologian, and historian, Hugo Grotius (1583-1645). The objective of the chapter is to analyse this ideology, and show how its principles came to underpin the later Grotian rationale for the legal distinction between lawful and unlawful combatants. The chapter begins by evoking the inherently enigmatic qualities of Grotius and the numerous (and often conflicting) traditions that he inspired; next the distinct properties of the Grotian tradition of war are set out and seen to consist of a singular legal discourse, a pluralist method, and a strong attachment to order and power. The core components of this ideology are then examined with reference to Grotian conceptions of human nature, government, and liberty; these elements are shown to provide the necessary foundations of Grotius’ conception of war, and in particular to inform the priority accorded to the rights of states and armies over those of civilian populations. The final section of the chapter examines how this ideology informed the practices and beliefs of the founders of the modern laws of war; these ideological changes highlight the adaptability of this tradition as it developed at the end of the nineteenth century, and defined the dominant paradigm of the laws of war.
Conclusion
Authors: Nabulsi Karma
Published: October 2003

By the end of the Geneva negotiations in 1949, significant progress had been made in the codification of the laws of war, although the question of the legal distinction between lawful and unlawful combatants remained essentially unresolved. The book has outlined both the conceptual and practical historical contexts within which this problem was confronted, and in doing so has offered an explanation of its intractability, its argument being that three fundamentally divergent philosophies of war that cannot be reconciled lie at the heart of the problem. A number of central and important themes have been identified: (1) the book has underlined that in situations of war or military occupation, many of the traditional dichotomies in both international relations theory and political theory are lost; (2) from the perspective of international law, in contrast with the conventional depiction of the legal arena as an exclusive instrument for advancing and reconciling state interests, the analysis has shown that legal systems are also (and perhaps primarily) the expressions of ideological norms and values; and (3) the importance of ideological traditions has been demonstrated. Finally, in its treatment of the themes of war and military occupation, a number of points have been highlighted: (1) the opaque nature of occupation in nineteenth-century Europe; (2) the existence of a powerful custom of civilian resistance to occupation, not even accounted for by the makers of the laws of war; (3) the impossibility of maintaining a distinction between the public and private spheres under occupation; (4) the incoherence of a Groatian formulation in the face of such army practices as reprisal (a martialist policy); and (5) the explicit emergence of patriotism and nationalism in these situations. These points demonstrate that it was hardly surprising that the attempt to introduce a distinction between lawful and unlawful combatants failed, and show that the essential truth oaboutwars of military occupation and conquest is captured in the opposition between martial and republican paradigms.
Ideologies and Political Theory
Authors: Freeden Michael
Published: October 2003

Provides a novel approach to the analysis of ideologies, through examining their internal conceptual morphology. The result is to interpret ideologies as particular combinations of meaning from an indeterminate range of meanings at the disposal of a society—a process identified as the decontestation of the essentially contestable. This accounts for ideological flexibility and for the overlap, continuous transformation, and regrouping of ideological families. Ideological cores are refined by the adjacent and peripheral ideas in which they are located and by their complex interrelationship with political practice. Hence, ideologies are located at the meeting point between logic (internal constraints on their permutations), culture (the impact of social practices and events over time and space) and the regularities of morphological patterning that they display. The book puts this theory into the broader context of ideology studies, as well as relating it to recent historical scholarship. Primarily, the theory is offered as an alternative method of investigating political thinking to that of political philosophy, and as a departure from Marxist perspectives on ideology. This approach is then applied to liberalism, conservatism, socialism, feminism, and green political thought, through a series of detailed historical studies ranging over the past two centuries.
The ‘Grand Projects’ Of Liberalism
Authors: Freeden Michael
Published: October 2003

From the vantage point of the end of the twentieth century, the author has selected four case‐studies of clusters of thought claiming to be liberal, in order to perform the twofold task of assembling the units of liberalism into an identifiable structure, and of testing concrete instances against whatever dominant morphological configuration may emerge. First, there is what is misleadingly known as classical liberalism, an early‐ to mid‐nineteenth‐century creed associated in Britain with J. S. Mill; some of its tenets are examined while being careful not to fall into the trap of assigning lexical correctness to its conceptual definitions and merely secondary or derivative status to its successors. Second, there are versions of reformist (or new) liberalism, such as those associated with T. H. Green, the British new liberalism, and their German and French counterparts; here, an assessment is made of both the question of family continuity and the boundary problems these permutations have, particularly with socialism; the analysis of new liberalism is taken further in the next chapter. Third, there is a recent genre of philosophical liberalism, much in fashion in the American academic world but achieving success abroad through the prominence of American political philosophy; an inquiry is made into whether this school produces a possibly innovative but stipulative model and whether it is reconcilable with mainstream American liberal traditions; the ideological elements in this philosophical position are also examined; the analysis of philosophical liberalism is taken further in Ch. 6. Finally, there is a variant broadly known as libertarianism, with both nineteenth‐century and contemporary instances; an exploration is made of its claim to be representative of a (or the) legitimate strand of liberalism, and of the extent to which it is situated within or outside the accepted boundaries of liberalism; the analysis of libertarianism is taken further in Ch. 7.