bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Agenda of the Local Élite
Authors: Rives J B
Published: November 2023

Discussions of local élites in the Roman empire often focus on their complicity with the ruling powers, and for a very good reason. The decentralized type of administration favoured by the Roman rulers was only made possible by the willingness of the local é seen, the Carthaginian lites to assume much of the job of government. Their collaboration was basic to the success of the empire. As I argued in Chapter I, this was just as true in matters of religion as in anything else. Nevertheless, it is important to keep in mind that the elite were not merely agents of Rome. They certainly chose to act on behalf of the central government in a variety of ways and for a variety of reasons. Yet they remained independent actors with their own agendas. It is not surprising then that they used their control of public religion on their own behalf as well as in the service of the empire. Indeed, I would argue that they used it to serve the empire only to the extent that they served their own needs at the same time. But local elites also had interests which were not necessarily identical with those of Rome, and they could use their control of public religion for these purposes as well. As Guy Rogers has shown in his stimulating book on Ephesus (1991), the elite of that city used religious traditions about the birth of their great goddess Artemis to crystallize a civic and religious identity that maintained yet transcended its Roman elements. As we have seen, the Carthaginian élite could claim a great goddess of their own. It is true that the history of Ephesus was largely continuous, whereas Carthage had been destroyed and refounded as a different city. The religious identity of its new inhabitants was at first strictly Roman. But as its élite changed, so too did the religious identity that they shaped.
The Failure of the Civic Model
Authors: Rives J B
Published: November 2023

In a very perceptive paper, John North (1992) has identified the growth of voluntary religious systems, i.e. groups or beliefs to which an individual might adhere independently of civic circumstances, as one of the most significant religious developments of the imperial period. The reasons for this development are numerous and complex, but I would argue that one important factor was the fact that religious identity had ceased to be politically charged. As a result, the institution of a new public cult had much less significance for the or do of Carthage than it had had for the Senate in republican Rome. More importantly, the élite had less reason to interfere with the private religious activities of those who lived in their city. As I suggested in the introduction, however, people in a cosmopolitan society, unless they are subject to some external restraints, inevitably define their own religious identities in increasingly diverse ways. As a major port city in the Roman empire, Carthage was very cosmopolitan, and not surprisingly its inhabitants engaged in an extremely broad range of private religious activities. The ordo did virtually nothing to restrict these activities, and the imperial government did little more. Consequently, individuals were to a large extent able to define their own religious identities as they pleased. This is not to say that the collective identity shaped by the sacra publica of Carthage was of no importance, or that cults which symbolically linked the participants to the emperor and the empire were meaningless. Both phenomena were indeed significant. It is rather to say that ultimately there was no control of religious identity in the empire, and that in its absence there was nothing that we can truly describe as official religion.
Even Dogs have Erinyes:1 Sanctions in Athenian Practice and Thinking
Authors: Hall Margaretha Debrunner
Published: November 2023

In the conclusion of their seminal book on the history of punishment from the Middle Ages to the earlier twentieth century, Rusche and Kirchheimer emphasize: ‘The penal system of any given society is not an isolated phenomenon subject to its own special laws. It is an integral part of the whole social system and shares its aspi rations and its defects’ (1939: 207, cf. 57). A penal system, that is a network of sanctions intended to cover all possible offences which have themselves been clearly defined, did not exist in ancient Greece. Nevertheless, the study of the preoccupations and short comings of existing penal regulations is an interesting angle from which to understand the Greek mind. In particular, threats of sanctions can shed light on the values considered worth protecting.
Preface
Authors: Huskinson Janet
Published: November 2023

This first part of the book comprises the catalogue of selected examples. This follows the subject classification adopted by Koch and Sichtermartn inRomische Sarkophage (KS), which is an arrangement also followed by recent major catalogues of sarcophagi such as those of the Louvre (1985) and the British Museum (1990). Schemes like this allow individual subjects to be discussed in tum, but they are often too rigid to make the most of the multilayered imagery of later Roman funerary art; some flexibility is needed, involving cross-referencing of material. Cupids, as we will see, are particularly resistant to compartmentalization in such schemes, given their varied relationship to human activities, so that a more flexible approach to their classification has been taken here than in some of these other volumes. This is also true for some other motifs and decorative schemes which have both ‘pagan’ and Christian examples.
Suitable Representations on Christian Sarcophagi
Authors: Huskinson Janet
Published: November 2023

Turning to scenes on Christian child sarcophagi, we need to adjust to the different perspectives on life and death and on the child which Christianity entailed.1 The human experience of bereavement obviously continued, but it was set within a new ideology and a new artistic iconography which retained some pagan motifs but also developed biblical and generic images of its own.
Gods and men
Authors: Lyne R O A M
Published: November 2023

When I talked of Venus, Vulcan, and Allecto in the previous chapter, I may seem to some to have made assumptions about the gods of the Aeneid that need to be justified. Other scholars have very different views in this respect, as I shall shortly acknowledge. In this chapter, therefore, I shall present my view of the religion of the Aeneid in a more orderly fashion, but with the intention of focusing particularly on Jupiter: Jupiter and his relationship with other gods, Fate, and man. At the same time I shall be illustrating the workings of further voices in the text of the Aeneid.
Hippolytus 88-9
Authors: Diggle James
Published: November 2023

Barrett translates: ‘Lord-(1 address you thus because) it is the gods whom one should call master.’ M. L. West ( CR 15 (1965) 156) objects: ‘Why should the slave abstain from using the word “master” in its proper, everyday sense? No reason. What is more appropriate about “Lord”? Nothing.’
Bacchae 68-70
Authors: Diggle James
Published: November 2023

This passage has been universally misunderstood. The chorus of Lydian Bacchants enter the orchestra and, according to the commentators, preface their hymn with the following questions and instructions: ‘Who is in the road? Who is in the road? Who is in the house? Let him make way; and let every man hush his lips to holy silence.’
Cyclops
Authors: Diggle James
Published: November 2023

The plural Kŵ  μol is inapposite, since Kŵ  μol applied to a band of revellers is a collective noun and, however many times the band accompanied Dionysus, it is still the same Kŵ  μol and not a plurality of Kŵ  μol. Dobree’s and Bothe’s Kŵ  μol must face the same objection.
Electra
Authors: Diggle James
Published: November 2023

‘Go to my aged tutor of a dear father.’ This lopsided sentence admits of two easy corrections, between which editors have found that the choice is not easy.
Heraclidae 147-50
Authors: Diggle James
Published: November 2023

The Argive herald is dissuading the king from championing the cause of his petitioners. ‘It is either because they have detected some stupidity that they have come here to you, or because, being in a hopeless position.
P. Hibeh 179 and Heracles
Authors: Diggle James
Published: November 2023

Professor Richard Kannicht has cleverly identified certain fragments published as P. Hibeh 179 with lines from the Heracles of Euripides (ZPE 21 (1976) II7-33). His presentation of the papyrus evidence (aided by W. E. H. Cockle) is admirably thorough, and I have little to add to it. In several places the papyrus diverges from our sole manuscript, L. In some of these places its readings may be rejected; in one place it confirms an existing conjecture; and there is one further place where I believe, unlike Kannicht, that the papyrus is right and L is wrong.
Iphigenia in Tauris 159 ff.
Authors: Diggle James
Published: November 2023

In his article ‘Euripides, Friederich Bothe and Mr. Diggle’ ( QUCC 1 (1979) 157-9) David Sansone claims that in my ‘Notes on the Iphigenia in Tauris of Euripides’ (PCPS 22 (1976) 42-5 [above, pp. 148-51]) I ‘offended against the shades of Euripides, Friederich Bothe and ( quod minoris refert) Frederick Blaydes, by misunderstanding the poet and slighting the scholars’.
Supplices 508-9
Authors: Diggle James
Published: November 2023

In Studies 13-14 I defended the text as printed above, arguing that alternative punctuations, and Orelli’s vÉoc for vEÉwe, were to be rejected.
The Manuscripts and Text of Medea:I The Manuscripts
Authors: Diggle James
Published: November 2023

Murray’s edition of Medea (1902) made use of five manuscripts: BAVLP. Page (1938) added a sixth, the Jerusalem palimpsest, H. But Medea is preserved in six more manuscripts (I do not count apographs ), which Murray and Page cite rarely or never.
The Relationship between L and P in Heraclidae
Authors: Diggle James
Published: November 2023

In 1965 G. Zuntz published his brilliant demonstration of the working methods of the corrector ofL (Laur. 32. 2), whom eight years earlier A Turyn had identified as Demetrius Triclinius, in the ‘alphabetical’ plays of Euripides. Zuntz showed that Triclinius had made his corrections not on one occasion only but on three separate occasions.
The Prophet of Bacchus: Rhesus 970-3*
Authors: Diggle James
Published: November 2023

The Muse foretells the final resting place of Rhesus. ‘He shall lie, hidden, in caves of the silver-veined land, a man-god, beholding the light.’ There is nothing to surprise us here: with subterranean heroes we are not unfamiliar. She proceeds with a comparison:’... just as the prophet of Bacchus took as his abode the rock of Pangaeum, an august god for those who know.’ Who is the prophet of Bacchus whose name the Muse denies us?
Phoenissae
Authors: Diggle James
Published: November 2023

These notes should be read in conjunction with my review of the Teubner edition by D.J. Mastronarde (1988) in CR 40 (1990) 6-11 [below, pp. 353-61]. I cite the following selection of manuscripts, which give an adequate picture of the tradition: HMBOVACCrFGLPRRfSWXZT.
Review of Mastronarde, Eun’pides: Phoenissae
Authors: Diggle James
Published: November 2023

A substantial Praefatio gives an account of the manuscripts and their relationships and discusses orthographical and other editorial matters. The Praefatio is followed by a Conspectus Editionum Potiorum and a Conspectus Librorum, which lists everything that has ever been written on the text of the play. The text is followed by an Appendix Coniecturarum (updating and where necessary correcting Wecklein), a Conspectus Versuum Suspectorum (recording the proposer, and most of the supporters, of every deletion), and a Conspectus Metrorum, accompanied by occasional metrical notes. M.’s command of the literature on the play, and of scholarly work on tragedy in general, is very impressive.
Orestes
Authors: Diggle James
Published: November 2023

I cite manuscripts from my own collations. I shall discuss the affiliations and the relative value of these manuscripts on a later occasion. [The Textual Tradition of Euripides’ Orestes (1991).] For the present no knowledge of these matters is needed.
Review of Gunther, Euripides: Iphigenia Aulidensis
Authors: Diggle James
Published: November 2023

The chief and very considerable merit of Dr Gunther’s edition lies in his painstaking reports ofL and P, and in particular of the activities in L of Triclinius. He not only assigns each of Triclinius’ corrections to the first, second, or third stage of his activities, wherever that is possible, but he also reports all of Triclinius’ metrical annotations and colometric alterations.
Further Notes on Helen
Authors: Diggle James
Published: November 2023

Helen contemplates suicide, ‘as a sacrificial offering to the triple team of goddesses and to the son of Priam who once ... near the ox-stalls’.
Bacchae
Authors: Diggle James
Published: November 2023

This (except for a few details irrelevant to my discussion) is the text of LP. Dihle deletes lines 14-19, claiming that they reflect the geographical knowledge of the Hellenistic age and the eastern expedition of Alexander the Great, and lines 21-2, because they presuppose lines 14-19.
Rlzesus
Authors: Diggle James
Published: November 2023

I cite (from my own collations) the following manuscripts: 0 (Laur. 31. 10, late 12th cent.), V (Vat. gr. 909, c. 1250-80), L (Laur. 32. 2, early 14th cent.), P (Pal. gr. 287, early 14th cent.), Q (Harl. 5743, late 15th or early 16th cent.); and, where Vis missing, its apograph Va (Pal. gr. 98, 14th cent.).
Text and Translation
Authors: Dodds E R
Published: November 2023

For suppose a manifold in no way participating unity. Neither this manifold as a whole nor any of its several parts will be one; each part will itself be a manifold of parts, and so to infinity; and of this infinity of parts each, once more, will be infinitely manifold; for a manifold which in no way participates any unity, neither as a whole nor in respect of its parts severally, will be infinite in every way and in respect of every part. For each part of the manifold—take which you will—must be either one or not-one; and if note-one, then either many or nothing. But if each part be nothing, the whole is nothing; if many, it is made up of an infinity of infinites.
The Lifespan of the Hellenic Polis
Authors: Hansen Mogens Herman , Nielsen Thomas Heine
Published: November 2023

This investigation covers only a segment of the lifespan of the Hellenic polis, viz. the Archaic and Classical periods. We have deliberately not attempted to search for the origin of the polis during the Dark Ages or investigate the life of the polis during the Hellenistic and Roman periods (see 10 supra). But our analysis of the polis in the periods we cover is of course related to our views about the full time-scale of the polis. Therefore we have an obligation in this introduction briefly to expound our views about the history of the polis from its emergence to its demise.
The Inventory of Poleis
Authors: Hansen Mogens Herman , Nielsen Thomas Heine
Published: November 2023

To counteract the Athenocentric studies of the polis, one of the main objectives of the Copenhagen Polis Centre has been to build up an inventory of all poleis of the Archaic and Classical periods. The principal purpose of this investigation is to find out what the Greeks thought a polis was, and to compare that with what modern historians think a polis is (Hansen (1994a) 14–17). The concept of polis found in the sources ought, of course, to be the same as that in modern historiography. But this is far from always the case. Let us adduce just one example.
The Concept of Patris
Authors: Hansen Mogens Herman , Nielsen Thomas Heine
Published: November 2023

If asked what his “fatherland” is, a citizen of a modern state would hardly be in doubt about the answer. His fatherland is the “community of laws and institutions with a single political will” of which he is a member. This community is, as the family metaphor implies, “something to which one is naturally tied” and it has the emotional power to “inspire love, and often profoundly self-sacrificing love” as well as the right to ask for sacrifices.
Ethnics as Evidence for Polis Identity
Authors: Hansen Mogens Herman , Nielsen Thomas Heine
Published: November 2023

A prominent aspect of the Greek polis was its name, and the huge onomastic material preserved in literature and on stone is probably the richest source we have for the fragmentation of the Hellenic world into poleis. Whenever citizens from different poleis gathered together, the obvious way of identifying an individual was to call him by his polis and to use an adjectival form of the name of his polis as a kind of surname to be added to his name. Moreover, since the polis in the sense of “state” was a community of citizens rather than a country, the usual way of naming a polis was to use the nominative plural of an adjectival form of the name of the city as the o¶cial name of the community itself and to use the toponym as the name of its urban centre.
Polis versus Chora—The Settlement Pattern
Authors: Hansen Mogens Herman , Nielsen Thomas Heine
Published: November 2023

There are two basic forms of settlement: nucleated and dispersed. The opposition is clear in principle; the crucial question is where to draw the line in practice, and that is a problem which stands out clearly as soon as we move from an abstract to a more concrete form of analysis. In modern studies of the settlement pattern of ancient Greece and its colonies a distinction is usually made between three forms of habitation: first-order sites (called towns or cities), second-order sites (called villages or hamlets) and third-order sites (called farmsteads or homestead farms). In all investigations, towns and villages are grouped together as nucleated settlements and opposed to isolated farmsteads, which are seen as the characteristic form of dispersed settlement.
A Typology of Dependent Poleis
Authors: Hansen Mogens Herman , Nielsen Thomas Heine
Published: November 2023

One of the objectives of the Polis Centre has been to dissociate the concept of polis from the concepts of independence and autonomia, and to introduce the concept of the dependent polis. This concept, however, is very complex: dependent poleis existed in many different shapes and sizes, and certain types of dependent poleis were common in some regions but virtually non-existent in others. We have isolated the following fifteen different types of dependent polis.
Theorodokoi as Evidence for Polis Identity
Authors: Hansen Mogens Herman , Nielsen Thomas Heine
Published: November 2023

In the course of the Classical period it became standard procedure that Panhellenic festivals were announced by theoroi sent out from the community responsible for the festival to all the communities which could be expected to participate in the celebration (Boesch (1908) 7–11). The technical term for the theoroi’s announcement was epangelia (Thuc. 5.49.2–3; 8.10.1; SEG 12 373.28Rigsby (1996) 26.11 (242/1)).
The Polis as an Urban Centre
Authors: Hansen Mogens Herman , Nielsen Thomas Heine
Published: November 2023

What kind of urban centre did a Greek of the Classical period picture to himself when he heard the word polis? Modern historians’ immediate answer to this question is often restricted to quoting Pausanias’ reluctant classification of Panopeus as a polis in spite of the absence of administrative o¶ces, a gymnasion, a theatre, an agora and a fountain house But Pausanias’ account misses the mark by 500 years. If we focus on contemporary sources and want to avoid a too Atheno centric picture, the best we can do is to read Aineias the Tactician’s treatise, How to Survive under Siege.
Colonies and Indigenous Hellenised Communities
Authors: Hansen Mogens Herman , Nielsen Thomas Heine
Published: November 2023

Most accounts of the history of Greece in the Archaic period highlight an opposition between self-grown poleis in Hellas (or Greece) as against emigrant polities founded outside Hellas and mostly in the Archaic period c.750–500 Most of the colonies, called apoikiai, were independent poleis; some were just trading stations (emporia). This picture of the Greek world is not wrong, but it is not true either. It is much too clear-cut in the distinctions on which it is based.
Italia and Kam Pania
Authors: Fischer-Hansen Tobias , Nielsen Thomas Heine , Ampolo Carmine
Published: November 2023

In antiquity, two different names were used to designate (most of) the area under consideration in this chapter: Italia and Megale Hellas. Neither of them, however, regularly included the Greek communities (Kyme, Neapolis and Pithekoussai) in Kampania ( Καμπαν{α (Ps.-Skylax 10)) which are included here as well. Whereas Italia was certainly used in the Classical period, Megale Hellas may be a post-Classical formation.
The Adriatic
Authors: Wilkes John , Fischer-Hansen Tobias
Published: November 2023

The long arm of the Adriatic Sea extends for c.800 km northwards with an average breadth of 175 km. In the south at its narrowest point the Straits of Otranto are 75 km wide, while further north the screen of islands along the east (Dalmatian) shore reduces the width of open space to c.150 km. The east coast is rocky with long sections of steep cliffs, but it has many inlets and bays, while on the west the Italian shore is low and generally devoid of safe anchorages. In the north the delta of the river Po, whose silting has advanced the coast several miles since antiquity (cf. already Strabo 5.1.7), is flanked by marshy lagoons.
Epeiros
Authors: Funke Peter , Moustakis Nikola , Hochschulz Barbara
Published: November 2023

The many different ways of recording the ethnikon testify to the variety and development of the ethnic and political structure of Epeiros. The tremendously complex organisation of the Epeirote tribes is difficult to analyse due to lack of sources (cf. Franke (1955);Hammond (1967); Larsen (1968); Cabanes (1976); Hammond (1994)). A high number of ethnics is attested; but they do not form an unambiguous pattern, due to the often multi-levelled hierarchical organisation of the Epeirote tribes. Accordingly, it is impossible to draw a clear line between “tribal ethnics” indicating membership of the overriding tribal structure and “city-ethnics” in the proper sense.
Aitolia
Authors: Freitag Klaus , Funke Peter , Moustakis Nikola
Published: November 2023

Already in the Homeric period (Hom. Il. 2.638) Αlτωλ{α (Hecat. fr. 15; Thuc. 3.96.1; Xen. Hell. 4.6.1) was a region north of the Corinthian Gulf bounded to the west by the river Acheloos and to the east by Cape Antirrhion. In the north Aitolia bordered on the tribal territories of the Perrhaibians, the Athamanians, the Ainians and the Oitaians (Strabo 10.2.21). Of the coastal cities Homer and Hesiod mention only those connected with mythology (Hom. Il. 2.638–40; Hes. fr. 10.a63).
West Lokris
Authors: Rousset Denis
Published: November 2023

The Lokrian settlements were scattered along the north coast of the Corinthian Gulf and in the mountainous hinterland, which no doubt explains the region’s lack of political unity in the Classical period and later. In C4m, as well as after 167, the centre of the Lokrian Federation was Physkeis, a mountain town near the Aitolian border (infra).
Boiotia
Authors: Hansen Mogens Herman
Published: November 2023

Apart from major extra-urban sanctuaries, our written sources provide us with information about sixty-six named Boiotian sites of the Archaic and Classical periods. Of these sixty-one have been identified, most beyond reasonable doubt, some with a certain degree of probability only. Five ancient toponyms, however, remain unlocated, and, conversely, we have remains of two fairly small ancient settlements which cannot be convincingly matched with any of the toponyms found in the written sources.
Arkadia
Authors: Nielsen Thomas Heine
Published: November 2023

The earliest source for the extent of Arkadia is probably the Homeric Catalogue of Ships (Il. 2.603–14), which describes the eastern plain and Parrhasia as Arkadian, in addition to Rhipe, Stratie and Enispe, communities that are otherwise unknown. The northern border with Achaia is not very well attested in Archaic and Classical sources, but Herodotos includes Nonakris (no. 285) and Pheneos (no. 291) in Arkadia (Hdt. 6.74.2).
Messenia
Authors: Shipley Graham
Published: November 2023

Perhaps no region of Mainland Greece can be regarded as typical in how it adopted the polis, but Messenia may be more unusual than most, for the simple reason that between C8l and C4e it had no autonomous civic communities, but was ruled by a colonial power, the Lakedaimonians. Such poleis as existed before its first, partial liberation in 369 were perioikic poleis dependent on Sparta. Four can be identified with a high degree of confidence: Aithaia (no. 312), Asine (no. 313), Mothone (no. 319) and Thouria (no. 322). A fifth, Kyparissos (no. 317), may have been perioikic, though it did not necessarily become a polis at all until after 369.
Doris
Authors: Rousset Denis
Published: November 2023

The Dorian poleis are hardly ever mentioned in the Archaic and Classical sources and have left very few physical traces of their existence. Only Kytinion has been securely identified thanks to the discovery of some Hellenistic decrees (SEG 40 440–2). The locations of the other poleis have to be deduced from the not very precise indications found in the literary sources.
Thracian Chersonesos
Authors: Loukopoulou Louisa
Published: November 2023

According to the literary tradition (Ps.-Skymnos 698–710; cf. Strabo 7 fr. 50), the Chersonesos was first colonised by Aiolians, who came mainly from Lesbos. They founded Sestos (no. 672) and Madytos (no. 669) on the Hellespontine coast, and Alopekonnesos (no. 659) at the southernmost end of the Gulf of Melas. The first colonists were followed by Milesians (no. 854), who founded Limnai (no. 668) (cf. Strabo 14.1.6), in collaboration with Klazomenians (no. 847), who founded Kardia (no. 665) (Strabo 7 fr. 50). At the southernmost end of the peninsula, opposite Sigeion (no. 791), on the site of Elaious (no. 663), archaeological remains of the same period (C7) testify to a presumably Aiolian or Athenian settlement (Loukopoulou (1989) 35 n. 2 and 68 n. 6; cf. Isaac (1986) 192–93).
The Black Sea Area
Authors: Avram Alexandru , Hind John , Tsetskhladze Gocha
Published: November 2023

The planting of Greek poleis around the shores of the Black Sea is largely a tale of two mother cities, Miletos (no. 854) and Megara (no. 225). A very few other (east Greek) states took subsidiary roles, and an occasional party of settlers (e.g. Boiotians) from elsewhere joined the founding, main group of colonists.
Karia
Authors: Flensted-Jensen Pernille
Published: November 2023

The Karian settlements were ruled by dynasts. In C5 dynasts are attested at Alabanda (Hdt. 7.195), Killareis (IG i³ 71.ii.96–97; cf. Bean and Cook (1957) 99–100), Kindye (IG i³ 71.i.155–56; an earlier one: Hdt. 5.118.2), Mylasa and Syangela (IG i³ 284.7–8). Hekatomnos of Mylasa and his family ruled Karia as Persian satraps from the 390s.
Lykia
Authors: Keen Antony G , Hansen Mogens Herman
Published: November 2023

If we shift the focus from administration to civilisation, we get a different but very clear picture of the extent of the region. An investigation of the distribution of Lykian inscriptions and tombs and of the attested Lykian mints shows that the Lykian people inhabited the region from Telemessos in the west to Gagai in the east. West of Telemessos, a few Lykian monuments have been found in the Glaukos valley, which was presumably the hinterland of Telemessos. No traces of Lykian civilisation have been found east of Gagai. Towards the north, the Elmalı plateau was probably Lykian at least from C4 (Zahle (1980)).
The South Coast Of Asia Minor (Pamphylia, Kilikia)
Authors: Keen Antony G , Fischer-Hansen Tobias
Published: November 2023

North of Pamphylia was Pisidia. A number of sites in that areas are described as poleis, largely in the context of Alexander’s invasion—e.g. Termessos (Arr. Anab. 1.27.5) and Sagalassos (Arr. Anab. 1.28.2)—but they were not Hellenic, and lie outside the scope of the present work. Selge, however, has been included among the non-polis sites listed in the introduction, even though it is regularly described as Pisidian (Arr. Anab. 1.28.1; Strabo 12.7.3), because of the Graeco–Pamphylian dialect found there.
Cyprus
Authors: Maier Franz Georg
Published: November 2023

The earliest evidence for the kingdoms of Cyprus are inscriptions of Sargon II (709) which mention seven kings of Yadnana (Kypros) paying tribute.⁶ A prism of Essarhadon (673/2) and an identical list of Ashurbanipal (664) name ten kingdoms of Cyprus.⁷ Of these, eight can be identified: Idalion, Chytroi, Salamis, Paphos, Soloi, Kourion, Tamassos, Ledroi. Qartihadast very likely equals Kition, while Nûria defies identification, although it is sometimes equated with Amathous.
From syria to the pillars Of Herakles
Authors: Austin Michel
Published: November 2023

The area considered here includes the lands stretching from the mouth of the river Orontes in Syria to the Pillars of Herakles in the far west. This is a vast and diverse area, but the common element is that, apart from the Libyan plateau and its coastline, and the special case of Egypt, it was characterised by the absence of large-scale Greek implantation in the period before Alexander and the scarcity of definite or probable poleis.
Unlocated
Authors: Hansen Mogens Herman
Published: November 2023

Thus, the only thing we know is that the Erodioi were members of the Delian League and that in 450/49 they paid a phoros of 500 dr. (IG i3 263.iv.18). They are listed after Astakos in Propontis and Stolos in Chalkidike (iv.16–17) and before the islands of Tenos and Siphnos (iv.19–20). There is no foundation for the suggestion in ATL i. 485 that the Erodioi should be located somewhere in Thrace.
Toponyms and City-Ethnics in Greek
Authors: Hansen Mogens Herman , Nielsen Thomas Heine
Published: November 2023

Toponyms and city-ethnics are separated by a dash. If no toponym is attested the entry opens with a dash. (L) = Attested in Hellenistic and/or Roman texts only.
Non-Polis Settlements
Authors: Hansen Mogens Herman , Nielsen Thomas Heine
Published: November 2023

Abarnis — Propontic Coast of Asia Minor Achaiion — Troas Achaion limen — Aiolis Acharna — Crete Adana — Kilikia Adrasteia — Propontic Asia Minor Adryx — Sikelia Agathe — Spain and France Agathyrnon — Sikelia.
Polities Called Patris
Authors: Hansen Mogens Herman , Nielsen Thomas Heine
Published: November 2023

Sikelia Akragas C5 Gela C5

Himera C5m Syrakousai C5 Italia

Herakleia C5 Lokroi C4s–C3e Rhegion C5s Siris/Polieion C5.
Decision-Making Institutions
Authors: Hansen Mogens Herman , Nielsen Thomas Heine
Published: November 2023

demos = assembly, sometimes called ekklesia or halia or polis vel sim.
Proxenoi
Authors: Hansen Mogens Herman , Nielsen Thomas Heine
Published: November 2023

Rec. proxenia bestowed on citizen of polis X Giv. proxenia bestowed by polis X Sikelia Akragas Rec.
Theorodokoi
Authors: Hansen Mogens Herman , Nielsen Thomas Heine
Published: November 2023

Arg. = Heraia at Argos Delph. = Pythian Games at Delphoi Epid. = Asklepiaia at Epidauros Nem. = Nemean Games Sikelia Akragas Epid.
Major Divinities
Authors: Hansen Mogens Herman , Nielsen Thomas Heine
Published: November 2023

Massalia Artemis Ephesia, Athena

Rhode Artemis Ephesia

Sikelia

Adranon Hephaistos

Aitna Zeus

Akragas Athena Polias (Lindia?), Zeus Polieus

(Atabyrios)

Alaisa Apollo Archagetas

Gela Athena (Lindia)

Heloron Demeter?

Henna Demeter

Himera Athena? Kamarina Athena Poliaochos Lipara Hephaistos?

Naxos Dionysos

Selinous Zeus

Syrakousai Apollo, Artemis, Athena, Zeus (Olympios)
Members of the Delian League
Authors: Hansen Mogens Herman , Nielsen Thomas Heine
Published: November 2023

A, [A], B, C = polis status Ass. = attested in assessment decrees only Top. = recorded by toponym Eth. = recorded by ethnic Eth./Top. = recorded both by toponym and ethnic.
Destruction and Disappearance of Poleis
Authors: Hansen Mogens Herman , Nielsen Thomas Heine
Published: November 2023

Andrap. = Andrapodismos Destr. = Destruction of urban centre Dioik.
Temples, Theatres, Stoas, Gymnasia, Stadia, Hippodromes
Authors: Hansen Mogens Herman , Nielsen Thomas Heine
Published: November 2023

italics buildings attested in written sources bold buildings attested archaeologically Spain and France Alalie temples? C6 Emporion temples C5s.
The Marriage Of Zas And Chthonie
Authors: Schibli Hermann S
Published: November 2023

The Grenfell Hunt papyrus (F68) offers us the longest passage of Pherekydes‘ own writing:

In an archaically simple and somewhat repetitive style Phere-kydes narrates the marriage of Zas and Chthonie.
The Battle Against Ophioneus
Authors: Schibli Hermann S
Published: November 2023

In the preceding two chapters of our study we have seen how each of the three pre-existing deities, Chronos, Zas, and Chthonie, contributes to the creation of the universe and its gods. From the primary elements of the seed produced by Time, gods are born who invest their birthplaces, the 1wxo{, with reality as cosmic regions. This event we have termed the first creation, the coming-into-being of the larger cosmos and its divine inhabitants (the 1revTeµ,vxos generation). Zas next arranges to complete the creative process begun by Chronos. As a cosmic craftsman he fashions a robe embroidered with earth and the surrounding ocean and bestows it as a wedding gift upon Chthonie. To effect his union with Chthonie he becomes identified with cosmogonic Eros. The earth-principle, Chthonie, is now transformed into the actual Earth, Ge; the image of the robe upon the winged oak allows the fecund Earth to be pictured as part of a great, life-bearing tree, supporting itself in the larger, surrounding cosmos. The wedding of Zas and Chthonie-Ge not only entails the physical creation of the world but, as a lepos yaµ,os and the first marriage ever, it also becomes a prototype for the rightful customs and institutions of gods and men.
Pherekydes On The Soul
Authors: Schibli Hermann S
Published: November 2023

The marriage of Zas and Chthonie was a divine event performed in the royal palaces among the gods. Yet it also served as an ainov for human marriage (specifically the anakalypterion). Thus brought into connection with an institution at once sacred to the gods and vital for the propagation of the human race, the iepo,; yaµ,o,; becomes a v6µ,o,; ... Kat 0eoiai Kat dv0pw1roiai. It may be, then, that the wedding account led Pherekydes to write next about the mortals who came to dwell in the newly created earth and who partook in the customs established by Zas/Zeus. More likely, though, the description of the world of men followed the Battle of Kronos and Ophioneus. The aaµ,6,; after the battle would have presented a suitable occasion to speak of that portion inhabited by men and of their doings therein. The extent, however, to which Pherekydes carried this description is as unknown as its location within the narrative. None the less, a modest number of fragments indicate that Pherekydes spoke of the eternality and transmigration of human souls. This may in fact have been all that Pherekydes wrote about men, and whether it was in any sense a definable ‘doctrine‘ on the human soul needs further investigation.
The Relationship between Verses
Authors: Higbie Carolyn
Published: November 2023

Before examining the various types of enjambement in the Iliad, it is perhaps important to observe the significance of the hexameter verse as a unit. Although the caesurae and the bucolic diaeresis, points of clause and sentence division within the verse, may or may not be observed, the break between verses seems always to have been maintained by Homer. Lines in the Iliad might be joined by enjambement, but never by elision, as happens, for example, at least fifteen times in the Aeneid.
Finance and Building
Authors: Sear Frank
Published: November 2023

This chapter examines how a theatre was contracted out and how long it may have taken to build. It also investigates how theatres were paid for and who the benefactors were. Although theatre-building followed the same practices as other civic building at the periods and places concerned, theatres seem to have been a particular target for benefaction. This may have been because the audience was so carefully segregated according to rank and position.
Theatres and Related Buildings
Authors: Sear Frank
Published: November 2023

In towns where more than one building of theatrical shape has been discovered, one is often referred to as the ‘large theatre’ and the other the ‘small theatre’. Sometimes this ‘small theatre’ turns out to be an odeum or concert-hall. Other ‘small theatres’ look like odea, but have been defined as bouleuteria or council chambers. Others were cult theatres or private theatres. However, in many cases there is simply not enough evidence to know what the smaller building was used for. This then raises the problem of what should and should not be included in a catalogue of Roman theatres. If the only published information is ‘small theatre’ there is no way of knowing whether it should be included or not.
The Theatres of Rome
Authors: Sear Frank
Published: November 2023

Temporary wooden theatres had a long history in Rome. They were built for dramatic performances (ludi scaenici) held in connection with particular festivals. Ludi scaeniciwere also performed at funerals and at the dedication of temples. The first attested ludi scaeniciwere held in 364 bc perhaps as part of the ludi Romani. These spectacles were performed in various places depending upon the occasion. Polybius describes a scenic spectacle staged by the propraetor Lucius Anicius in the Circus Maximus in 167 bc: ‘Having summoned the most distinguished artists of Greece and constructed a very large stage in the circus, he first brought on the flute-players . . . Posting them at the front of the stage with the chorus, he directed them to play all together.’
The Balkans
Authors: Sear Frank
Published: November 2023

Left hand of a colossal statue in white marble,limestone torso of statue (H 0.40 m) and female head found in corridor to west of stage.only substructures visible; upper order of outer wall destroyed; only a little of very simple lower order visible. Date: Roman period.
Spain
Authors: Sear Frank
Published: November 2023

Roman town founded in 152 bc; colony in 45 bc; capital of Hispania Ulterior and later of province of Baetica. late 19th-cent. theory that Roman theatre was under church of San Nicolas y Felipe (J. Amador de los Rios) simply guesswork; theory that steps of patio of Museo Arqueologico were part of seating, doubtful; must have been a theatre at Cordoba, but location still a mystery (Knapp). Stylow’s plan of Cordoba shows theatre on south-east side of town resting against a slope and facing south-east.
Sidonius at Lyon and Aries, AD 430-455
Authors: Harries Jill
Published: November 2023

LYON Sidonius was born at Lyon on 5 November in 431 or 432. ‘ His earliest perceptions would have been conditioned by the minor renaissance in the city ‘s fortunes which marked the first part of the fifth century and which was largely due to the work of two bishops, Eucherius2 (bishop c.434-493) and Patiens. As an adult, Sidonius had extensive dealings with the latter and, although he says nothing of any direct influence exerted on him by Eucherius, the ambience of Lerins, in which Sidonius was to move from the 460s onwards (if not earlier), was already established at Lyon in his childhood through Eucherius. The civitas Lugdunensium and its church form a significant backdrop to Sidonius ‘ early career as a Christian layman but developments there, as at Aries, to be discussed below, have also a wider.
Augustan Imperialism
Authors: Carolyn Higbie
Published: November 2023

In a brief introduction the author maintains that Augustus broke with the tradition of the late Republic and adopted a fundamentally defensive policy, making annexations only when it seemed necessary for security, to round off frontiers. He then systematically reviews the allusions to foreign policy in the poets. He assumes that all were supporters of the regime and representative of public opinion. Yet before 20 B.C. all had envisaged far-flung conquests, especially of Britain and Parthia, and had supposed that Augustus would fulfil Rome’s mission to exercise dominion without limit in space or time. The Parthian settlement in that year should have undeceived them.
Conscription and Volunteering in the Roman Imperial Army
Authors: Carolyn Higbie
Published: November 2023

At all times in the history of Rome both citizens and subjects were legally liable to military service. Th. Mommsen, who recognized this, also held that after Marius the legions were mainly composed of volunteers, except in the great civil wars of the late. Republic. This opinion has been endorsed by countless other scholars and often generalized to cover all branches of the imperial army. I have tried to show elsewhere that in the late Republic it was not only in civil wars that Italians were frequently subjected to conscription; I now propose to argue that at any rate until the second century AD conscription was far more common in the Principate than the current dogma, endlessly repeated, would allow. That it was normally employed in the fourth century I take to be accepted. It will not be denied that many recruits at all times were volunteers: only the government could not rely on a sufficient supply of such recruits; probably in certain regions conscription was usual; the evidence does not, of course, permit us to determine, however approximately, the proportions of volunteers and conscripts. In the Republic the terms dilectus, supplementum and conscribere almost always suggest resort to compulsion; this nuance persists in imperial Latin though some ambiguity must be admitted. Fronto, for instance, can write: in hello ubi opus sit legionem conscribere, non tantum voluntarios legimus sed etiam latentes militari aetate conquirimus, a text which shows both that conscribere can be used neutrally and that in the mid second century the government did not necessarily rely on volunteers alone.
The Administrators of Roman Egypt
Authors: Carolyn Higbie
Published: November 2023

Before AD 70 the prefecture of Egypt was the greatest prize in an ejuestrian career—three or four praetorian prefects were promoted to it —and thereafter it ranked only just below the praetorian prefecture to which no fewer than fourteen governors of Egypt were advanced between 70 and 235. In the other great provinces of the empire legati Augusti pro praetore could leave finance to the procurators, while proconsuls perhaps soon came to retain little of their original responsibility for the collection of taxes, and had no army to command. The prefect of Egypt combined fiscal with military and judicial functions.
Publicans in the Principate
Authors: Carolyn Higbie
Published: November 2023

The Roman Republic had few civil servants, and none collected its revenues. The property tax (tributum) paid by Romans themselves until 167 BC was collected by citizens of substance (tribuni aerarii); they doubtless discharged the task as a compulsory public service, a munus corresponding to the Greek ‘liturgy’, and their property was probably pledged to the treasury for due performance; we do not know what arrangements were made for collection of the extraordinary levies imposed on citizens between 43 and 29 BC. In some provinces Rome demanded lump sums from the local communities, presumably assessed on a rough estimate of their resources, which they were free to raise by their own imposts and through their own agents, including local publicans. For the collection of direct taxes in other provinces, of indirect taxes, and of rents or fees for the use of public domains, both in Italy and in the provinces, Rome relied on private contractors working for profit, as it did for the construction and upkeep of public buildings and the provision of supplies for armies and fleets.
The Combat Potential of the Hippeis
Authors: Spence I G
Published: November 2023

The supreme test of any military organization’s effectiveness is its performance in combat. However, success or failure in action are insufficient as a complete measure of an organization’s military value. This is because a variety of influences outside a unit or arm’s control can cause it to perform poorly in an action or series of actions. These influences include terrain, the information available, the size of the enemy, the physical condition of the force, and, not least of all, luck. For example, it is quite possible for a unit with a good combat record (or a high combat potential) to perform badly on unsuitable terrain, when overwhelmingly outnumbered or already exhausted from previous engagements, or when misused by the high command.
The Theory and Practice of Cavalry Warfare c.450-300
Authors: Spence I G
Published: November 2023

THE combat potential of Greek cavalry was relatively high: mounted troops were mobile, flexible, and capable of exerting considerable hitting power, even against heavy infantry, and the course of Greek warfare from c.450 to 300 shows that this potential was frequently realized in battle. Cavalry not only achieved some major successes against enemy troops, but there were also solid developments in the theory and practice of cavalry employment; despite this, in most Greek city-states (including Athens) it generally remained subordinate to the hoplite arm. Because of this, and as cavalry was usually employed either in support of or in opposition to hoplites, its military role can only be understood within the framework of hoplite warfare.
Minicius Fundanus from Ticinum
Authors: Birley Anthony R
Published: November 2023

What the nine Plinian books have to tell about senators exhibits a wide variety. Some of the most illustrious get few letters, sporadic at that and not very revealing. To the great Licinius Sura, Pliny imparts information about curious natural phenomena and recounts ghost stories (iv 30; vii 27). Sosius Senecio, away from Rome in 97, learns about a rich crop of poets (i 13). Next, in 103, he emerges as governor of a military province (iv 4). Then nothing more. Yet a vague allusion can prove valuable. Pliny expressed grave solicitude for Julius Servianus: ‘exspectantem in horas timentemque pro capite amicissimo’ (iii 17, 3). Servianus, it follows, was with the emperor on the Danube. The first campaign against the Dacians began in Io 1 . Sometime later Servianus is commended when betrothing his daughter to young Pedanius Fuscus (vi 26).
The Acme of Transpadana
Authors: Birley Anthony R
Published: November 2023

Adverting on the ‘iniquity of oblivion’, Sir Thomas Browne in his Hydriotaphia was moved to ask ‘whether there be not more remarkable persons forgot than any that stand remembred in the known account of time’. Pertinent examples confirm. Atilius Agricola is only epigraphically extant, and no writer names M. Cornelius Nigrinus Curiatius Maternus (suff. 83), general in the Dacian war of Domitian and honoured with a double set of military decorations. Only a dedication at Pergamum retrieves the fame of C. Julius Quadratus Bassus (sujf. 105); a ‘vir triumphalis’, then governor of Cappadocia, Syria, Dacia. Others among the illustrious earn simple and sporadic mention in a literary source. Thus the great Julius Ursus in the historian Dia; and Julius Candidus in Pliny, for remarks on the volubility of Greek orators and his employment of the word ‘loquentia’.