bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The ‘Sophocles’ Statue: A Reply
Authors: Reinach Theodore
Published: May 2006

I trust I may be allowed to answer briefly the long criticism which Professor Fr. Studniczka has devoted, in the first part of this volume, to my essay ‘Poet or Lawgiver.’ The views expressed in that criticism are not new to me. As soon as my paper appeared, I sent a copy of it to Dr. Studniczka; he answered me by a long letter giving his reasons for dissenting from my theory. Indeed—to use a phrase of his own—my learned contradictor felt so ‘confident’ in the strength of his arguments, that he proposed I should make use of them to write myself, in this Journal, a recantation of my essay—a liberal offer which I was unable to accept, not out of any personal feeling, but simply because a careful study of Dr. Studniczka's case has utterly failed to shake my well-founded conviction.

At the beginning of his paper, Dr. Studniczka remarks that, of all the arguments brought forward by me, the only one which might have decided the question ‘turns out to be a worthless relic from the dead stock of E. Q. Visconti's Greek Iconography.’ This is not stating the case fairly. I never pretended to upset the traditional theory by any sensational revelation of unknown material. I simply contended—and contend—that the existing documents had been wrongly interpreted, and some of them badly published; therefore, to facilitate a more correct interpretation, I collected them once more and laid them before the eyes of the reader, in accurate reproductions; as, for instance, the Florence herm of Solon, hitherto only known to archaeologists by the untrustworthy print in Visconti.
The Constitutive Act of Demetrius' League of 303
Authors: Tarn W. W.
Published: May 2006

The important inscription from Epidaurus, published in Aug. 1921 by M. Cavvadias, raises many questions beside those dealt with in the very full commentary. Cavvadias attributes the document to 223 and the Achaean League. It is, I think, certain that it cannot belong to the Achaean League, and almost certain, as I hope to show, that it belongs to 303 and the revived League of Corinth of Demetrius I. The last few lines of the inscription have long been known (I.G. iv. 924), and have been exhaustively studied by A. Wilhelm, who placed the fragment which in I.G. is marked β; Cavvadias does not refer to Wilhelm's study, and unfortunately omits any mention of β from his restoration. The document contains no proper names.
Asklepios by Bryaxis
Authors: Six J.
Published: May 2006

In the Museum of Alexandria is to be seen a colossal head of fine workmanship which has its face curiously surrounded by rough planes where curly hair would be expected, and where this must have been added originally in coloured plaster (Pl. I. a). It has been taken for a head of Sarapis or Zeus, and I must confess I have accepted the former name unsuspiciously, so great is the similitude in style to the various copies of the Sarapis of Bryaxis, of which the Egpytian museums possess several by far exceeding in artistic merits the more generally known head of the Vatican. On the other hand, it reminded me so much of the famous Blacas Asklepios from Melos in the British Museum (PL I.b) that I did not doubt the likeness went so far as to prove the latter to be another work of Bryaxis.
The Measurements of the Zeus at Olympia
Authors: Pfeiffer R.
Published: May 2006

‘Some writers have recorded the measurements of the image (of Zeus at Olympia), and Callimachus has made them known in one of his iambi.’ The words of Strab were the only evidence for a Callimachean poem on this subject. There is also some possibility that Pausanias, in his hit at the men who described the measurements, alludes to the same poem. Recently, considerable fragments of this iambus have emerged, bit by bit, in the course of a few years. It became evident that we had always been so fortunate as to possess at least the beginning of the first line (quoted by the Scholia to Pindar), and it is a little depressing that nobody had been clever enough to combine the words Ἀλεῖος ὁ Ζεύς, expressly attributed to Callimachus, with the iambus on the Olympian Zeus mentioned by Strabo. The complete first line and a summary of the whole poem came to light in 1934 (Pap. Milan 18, col. VII, 25–29); then scanty scraps of the first twenty-one lines turned up in 1935 (P.S.I. 1216, col. II, 79–99); and, finally, better-preserved pieces of the main part, containing the measurements and a few words from the end of the poem were published last Christmas (P. Oxy., 2171, fr. 2–5). P.S.I. 1216, excavated in Oxyrhynchus by the Italians in 1933, now in Florence (if not returned to Egypt), and P. Oxy. 21·71, found long ago by Grenfell and Hunt in Oxyrhynchus, now in Oxford, are parts of the same papyrus, probably second century A.D. This is not the only example in Callimachus of scattered pieces being assembled and taking shape; but in this, as in other cases, they are still far from forming a continuous whole.
The Last Book of the ‘Iliad’
Authors: Myres J. L.
Published: May 2006

The structure and composition of the Iliad have been discussed often: usually, however, rather with the object of identifying the component parts and tracing their antecedents, than of apprehending and interpreting the design of the poem as a whole.

I. Homeric Epics as Works of Art

Some critics have argued, or assumed, that there was in fact little or no design; that the cantos or lays somehow fell into their present places like the books of the Old Testament, or at most, as Anaximander might have said, κατὰ τὴν τοῦ χρόνου τάξιν in accordance with a traditional sagatheme, which may, or may not, have had historical background or mythical meaning. As to that historical background, again, opinions differ; and whether the myth was solar or sociological.
Herakles and Eurystheus at Knossos
Authors: Benton Sylvia
Published: May 2006

By kind permission of Sir Arthur Evans and of the British School at Athens, I am allowed to publish a marble relief found in 1903 at the Villa Ariadne, near Knossos (pl. III). Height ·69 m., width ·72 m., depth of relief ·05 m. It was discovered face downwards on a Roman drain, west of the tennis court. The drain carried a road, also of Roman date. The marble is so badly weathered that I cannot determine its origin. Both top corners missing and a break right across. The surface of Herakles is destroyed below the crack, except at the sides. Above the crack, the surface is worn. The boar's hind feet were not on the relief, its fore feet, ear, and snout are broken. Its head hangs sideways. Part of the lion skin in front of Herakles, and an object between it and the boar, probably the club, are also broken.

Herakles carries the boar on his left shoulder, on the folded lion skin. The mask and the mane hang in front, while folds appear before and behind Herakles and between his legs. His right hand grasps the boar's shoulder. His left hand does not appear, but it holds the club, the end of which shows below the boar's crest: so the hand is fairly low down, balancing the boar before dumping it on Eurystheus.
The Neutrality of Delos
Authors: Kolbe Walther
Published: May 2006

The problem of the neutrality of Delos has been the subject of a searching investigation by W. W. Tarn published recently in this Journal. The argument turns mainly on a purely epigraphical question, namely, the interpretation of the formula for the setting-up of a stele in the decrees of the Island League. Its historical importance is great, because, if Tarn is right, we should be justified in utilising the Delian Royal festivals for the reconstruction of the political history of the third century, which has rightly been styled the darkest period of Hellenism. As in the fourth Excursus of his large work Antigonus Gonatas, the distinguished scholar maintains the thesis that Delos became a member of the Island League, and that the varying history of this League is reflected in the establishment of festivals in turn by the Ptolemies, by the Seleucids, and by the Antigonids. The evidence for his theory he finds in the argument that the Islanders, if they wished to set up an inscribed stele in Delos, were not obliged to address a petition to the Commune of Delos, requesting the grant of a site in the sanctuary; the Islanders therefore controlled the site and ground of Delos, which implies that Delos belonged to the League. Although I raised objections to Tarn's thesis, as did Roussel at an earlier date, I would gladly be the first to agree with him, had he succeeded in bringing forward convincing proof of this theory. As this has not been the case, in view of the wide significance of the problem I think it advisable to break silence and to expose my objections to the criticism of experts.
Sardanapalus Again
Authors: Ashmole Bernard
Published: May 2006

The fragment illustrated above was offered for sale in London last summer. It should belong to the new replica of the Sardanapalus from Castel Gandolfo, which was kindly shown me by Commendatore Paribeni in 1926, soon after its discovery. The broken surfaces correspond pretty exactly, if my memory serves me aright; the execution is similar, and does not belie Curtius' date, the end of the first century A.D., though I should prefer to think it some years later.

Less vapid than the replica of the Sala della Biga, and free from retouching and restoration.
The Date of the Adonia
Authors: Gow A. S. F.
Published: May 2006

When discussing the date of the Adonia at Alexandria I stated, on the authority of Dr. F. Heichelheim, that an unpublished papyrus in the Rylands collection connected Adonis with the late-Ptolemaic month Gorpiaios. P. Petrie 3.142, which Glotz had shown to relate to the Adonia, gives the 7th of an unnamed month as the date, and, assuming the month to be supplied by the Rylands papyrus, I placed the festival on one of the first days of September. After further study of the Rylands papyrus Dr. Heichelheim now thinks that it contains no mention of Adonis, and this combination therefore falls to the ground. A date in the late summer or early autumn is in my opinion sufficiently established by the other evidence, and as my argument is therefore not much affected, I had intended to withhold this correction until publication of the Rylands papyrus enabled me to supply a precise reference to it. In the present circumstances, however, it seems desirable to place it on record now.
Αμασις μεποιεσεν
Authors: Cook R. M.
Published: May 2006

Amasis is one of the celebrated names of Attic pottery in the mid sixth century B.C. He signed only as ‘maker’. Stylistic study has shown that the signed vases were painted by a single painter, who also painted other vases that are not signed: he is conventionally named the Amasis painter.
The Progress of Greek Epigraphy, 1941–1945
Authors: Tod Marcus N.
Published: May 2006

Early in 1941 I attempted to compile a short account of the progress made in the field of Greek epigraphy during 1939 and 1940 (JHS lxii. 51 ff.), though fully conscious of its shortcomings, due in part to conditions caused by the war. The European phase of that war ended in May, 1945, and in the following pages I fill some at least of the gaps which remained in my last survey and report briefly on the works published between the beginning of 1941 and the summer of 1945, so far as they came to my knowledge, directly or indirectly, before the close of August, 1945. Many books and periodicals published on the Continent during that time are not yet accessible to me, but down to the early months of 1943 my record is, I hope, fairly complete, owing to the invaluable aid received from the ‘Bulletins’ of J. and L. Robert; to these I owe such knowledge as I have of most of the items marked with an asterisk to denote that I cannot myself consult the works in question. Again I offer to all authors who have facilitated my task by sending me copies of their publications this expression of my heartfelt thanks.
Archaeology in Greece, 1932–1933
Authors: Payne H. G. G.
Published: May 2006

The American excavations in the Athenian Agora were resumed in February 1933, and continued till the middle of July. An account of the work up to May 1 has been published in AJA. 1933, 305 ff. The work is being carried on in four sectors (see AJA. pl. 35)

The wells and cisterns cleared during the latter part of the summer of 1932 are described by Homer Thompson in AJA. 1933, 289 ff. These provide clear evidence of the existence of houses where all traces of walls and foundations have disappeared, notably along the north foot of the Areopagus and north-east of the Theseum, and their contents shew that the inhabitation of this area goes back at least to the early sixth century B.C. In some cases (wells closed in the late sixth and early fifth centuries) the pottery found in the wells seems to indicate the proximity of potters' workshops or warehouses, and pots have been found which had contained miltos. This is further proved for the fourth century by the presence of misfired vase-fragments and lamps. Several pieces of archaic pottery found in these wells are illustrated in the article mentioned above— notably a large one-piece amphora of the earliest class, decorated with a massive sphinx (loc. cit. fig. 3), and from the same shaft an exquisite plastic vase (loc. cit. fig. 5, here Pl XVI)—Ionian, or Ionising, work of about 540 B.C., and without question one of the finest of all existing plastic vases.
ΙYΓΣ, ΡΟΜΒΟΣRhombus, Turbo
Authors: Gow A. S. F.
Published: May 2006

The student of Theocritus who wishes to know what is the ῥόμβος plied by Simaetha at l. 30 of the second Idyll will find it identified in the scholia with the ἲυγξ of the refrain; and of all the modern commentators who express an opinion, Legrand is alone in questioning the identification. And yet to the attentive reader it should seem more than questionable. It will be well to begin with an examination of the passage.

The incantation of Simaetha, who might say, with Tibullus (1. 5. 16), uota nouem Triuiae nocte silente dedi, consists of nine terms, each of four verses, framed and articulated by the intercalary verse, ῖυγξ ἔλκε τύ τῆνον ἐμόν ποτὶ δῶμα τόν ἄνδρα of which there are therefore ten occurrences. The type to which the terms of the incantation in the main conform is given in the first two quatrains—(1) Strew barley-groats on the fire and say, ‘I strew the bones of Delphis.’ (2) I burn bay-leaves: so may Delphis burn. It consists, that is, of a magic act, accompanied by a prayer or by a statement equivalent to a prayer.
Archaeological Discoveries in Sicily and Magna Graecia
Authors: Zanotti-Bianco Umberto
Published: May 2006

In my previous report (JHS, 1938, p. 247) I spoke of the work being carried on at Syracuse to bring to light the remains of the temple of Apollo. The east, north, and west sides had been freed by then, whilst the southern side was still hidden under seventeenth- and eighteenth-century houses, so that it had never been possible to dig trial trenches through their foundations to ascertain if any part of the temple was preserved there. The demolition of the houses and the excavation under the modern ground level beginning from the south-west angle have fully satisfied our hopes. Five columns of the southern flank of the peristasis have appeared, preserved to a height of over 2 metres, with the stylobate beneath them (Fig. 1): only the angle column had been destroyed during the building of the walls of the Spanish barracks. The cella is equally well preserved, and a third of its total length has already been liberated, although the work is in temporary suspense owing to unsettled disputes with the owners of the houses. The southern flank of the archaic Syracusan temple appears to be in much better condition than the others.
The Bronze Athena at Byzantium
Authors: Jenkins R. J. H.
Published: May 2006

1. A Bronze statue of Athena, armed, stood in the Forum of Constantine at Constantinople. This fact is witnessed by three well-known passages:

(a) Arethas, bishop of Caesareia (ninth to tenth centuries), commenting on a passage of Aristeides, wrote: ‘I believe this (i.e., the Pheidian χαλκῆ Ἀθηνᾶ of Aristeides, Κατὰ τῶν Ἐξορχουμένων, p. 408) is the one set up in the Forum of Constantine, at the porch of the council-chamber, or senate, as they call it now; facing it, on the right-hand side of the porch as you go in, is Thetis, the ⟨mother⟩ of Achilles, with a crown of crabs. The common folk of to-day call the Athena “Earth” and Thetis “Sea”, being misled by the marine monsters on her head.’ (Cf. Kougeas in Laographia IV, 1913, 240, 241.)

(b) Cedrenus (eleventh to twelfth centuries), after a note on the senate on the north side of the Forum, continues: ‘On the open square of the Forum stand two statues; to the west, that of Athena of Lindus, wearing a helmet and the monstrous Gorgon's head and snakes entwined about her neck (for so the ancients used to represent her image); and to the east, Amphitrite, with crabs' claws on her temples, which was also brought from Rhodes.’ (Cedrenus, ed. Bonn., I, p. 565; cf. Kougeas, loc. cit. sup.)
Ada Tepe Again (Sancaklı Kalesi)
Authors: Bean G. E.
Published: May 2006

Pausanias, in a number of familiar passages, has given us the names of certain ancient monuments associated with Tantalus and Pelops, and visible in his own day on Mt. Sipylus; he speaks as a native of the district. In the problem of identifying these with the various monuments known today in the Smyrna-Magnesia region, there is still no agreement; opinion, after much discussion, has divided itself into two main camps, one of which finds them in the immediate vicinity of Magnesia (Manisa), while the other locates them in the hills north of Smyrna, near the old ‘Aeolic’ acropolis of that city.
An Attic Gravestone
Authors: Robertson D. S.
Published: May 2006

This inscription on an Attic gravestone (Conze, Die altischen Grabreliefs II , 887, pl. 172) is so printed, with trivial differences, by Kaibel, after Kumanudis, and by Koehler, but their rival attempts to explain 1. 2 defy both grammar and sense and need not be discussed.
An Inscription from Lampsacus
Authors: Cary M.
Published: May 2006

This excerpt out of a recently discovered inscription from Lampsacus introduces us to a naval battle of which no other record exists. Can the date and occasion of the battle be determined? The editor of the inscription, M. G. Daux, concludes that any such attempt must be mere guesswork; but in telling us that the letter-forms of the new text are such as one would expect in a document of c. 300 B.C. he has given us a clue which invites exploration.

At this time Lampsacus was no longer in a position to maintain an independent navy in support of its own war-policy. Hence it may safely be assumed that the Lampsacenes captured in ‘the sea-battle’ were serving under one or other of the Diadochi.
The Pythais of 355 B.C. and the Third Sacred War
Authors: Parke H. W.
Published: May 2006

In the seventh speech of Isaeus (§27) there occurs one of the few references to the Pythais, the occasional sacred pilgrimage from Athens to Delphi. This allusion used to be misinterpreted as a reference to the Pythian games, and was used to date the speech. Elsewhere (§38) the same speaker alludes to the system of trierarchies organised in symmories, and as this was established by the law of Periander, dateable to 357–6 B.C., it is clear that the speech was delivered after that date. Hence it was taken that the Pythian games intended were those of 354 B.C., as it seemed unlikely that Isaeus' speech was written as late as the subsequent festivals of 350 B.C. or thereafter.

In 1918 Boethius (Die Pythais, pp. 19 ff.) showed conclusively that the reference was not to the celebration of the Pythian games, but to the special form of sacred pilgrimage known as the Pythais. In the fourth century B.C. this procession used to be dispatched from Athens in response to certain omens of lightning-flashes which were looked for on certain days during the three summer months. The priestly observers were stationed at the precinct of Zeus Asteropaeus near the Pythion, and watched in the direction of Harma on Mount Parnes. Only if the proper omen was reported, was the Pythais prepared and sent off. But the irregularity and infrequency of the manifestation had become proverbial.
A Group of Plastic Vases
Authors: Robertson Martin
Published: May 2006

(JHS lviii, pp. 41 ff.). Fragments of two vases in the form of dead hares were found at Lindos (Blinkenberg, nos. 1934–5, pl. 85). These are certainly not Corinthian; Blinkenberg describes the fabric of 1934 as ‘ terre rouge fine ’ and that of 1935 as ‘ terre d'un chamois rougeâtre,’ and compares the Copenhagen vase, my no. 12. If these fragments belong to the group, the theory of an Italian origin cannot stand. On the other hand, I pointed out that the dead hare in Berlin (no. 13) has a vase-mouth differing in form and decoration from those of the rest of the group, and also lacks the distinctive colouring of the ears. It is therefore possible to detach it from the group, and suppose that vases of this type were made in two centres besides Corinth. The Lindos fragments lack ears and vase-mouth, and so cannot be definitely placed. If they go with the Berlin vase, the Italian origin of the rest of the group can still be supported. The Lindos head, however, looks in illustration more like those of the vases in Copenhagen and the Vatican (no. 11) than of that in Berlin, while the latter was found at Vulci, and so formed part of the balance of evidence for an Italian origin. The question remains open, but the probability is that the Lindos fragments belong, and so that the group was not made in Italy.
A New Join in the Amazon Frieze of the Mausoleum
Authors: Ashmole B.
Published: May 2006

The join is between the right end of 1008 and the left end of 1010, (plate Ia, b). The reason why it has escaped notice is that the Knights of St John, when building the reliefs into the walls of the Castle of St Peter at Bodrum, hacked the slab in two clumsily, destroying several inches of the front surface in doing so. Once the two pieces had been set up in the British Museum, with slab 1009 interposed, and catalogued in that order, the join was unlikely to be recognised, for the subjects do not at first sight appear to connect, and the join even now is not obvious from the front, because of the rough way in which the block was split in two; but when the fractured surfaces further back in the slab are brought together, the correspondence of the contours leaves no doubt whatever that they fit, and thus produce a single, very large, slab, nearly nine and a half feet long, as against the seven feet odd of the next longest survivor, 1022.

The new join is of interest partly because it prolongs a continuous run of the frieze (1007 plus 1008) by several feet (plate Ib), giving a sequence of eleven figures, if we include the two legs at the right edge; but chiefly because the composition thus produced regains a significance which the separation of its parts had obscured. The figure on 1008 who wields a club and wears a lion's skin must surely be Herakles: the addition of 1010 on the right shows that this important figure is balanced by another Greek who ought to be equally important, and who is engaged with an Amazon on horseback. Would this not be Theseus? On Athenian vases of a century earlier, a composition not unlike this, of the duel between Theseus and an Amazon, each using a spear, was already established (plate Ic): its prototype may have been in some famous wall-painting, and the designer of the Mausoleum frieze may have drawn his inspiration directly from that or from some version of it in another work of art now also lost to us. The identity of the two Amazons is a separate problem.
ΓΝΩΣΙΣ and ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΗ in Socrates' Dream in the Theaetetus
Authors: Lesher J. H.
Published: May 2006

It has been alleged by many commentators that Plato never developed a precise philosophical vocabulary, and this view is strengthened when one investigates the employment of many of Plato's key terms: εἶδος, ἰδέα, αἴσθησις, δόξα, to name but a few. In the early and middle dialogues, Plato uses these terms in a variety of contexts without giving the slightest indication of which of the many possible senses is to be understood. Indeed, in the Euthydemus, Socrates is represented as ridiculing those who attempt to draw precise distinctions for they ‘… would only be able to play with men tripping them up and oversetting them with distinctions of words’ (Jowett, 278). Yet one must be cautious in simply assuming that Plato never attempted to clarify the meaning of his central philosophical terms; in particular, one must note that the Theaetetus contains several attempts to mark off various senses of λόγος, and that the entire dialogue is directed toward a precise account of what is, or ought to be meant by ‘knowledge’. Thus while it is true to say that Plato usually fails to mark off distinctions between various senses of the same term, the Theaetetus shows that this is not always the case.

In this paper, I shall argue (1) that Plato attempts to separate two distinct senses of the comprehensive Greek term for knowledge, εἰδέναι, reserving γνῶσις for what we should term ‘knowledge by acquaintance’ and employing ἐπιστήμη for ‘intellectual knowledge’ or ‘knowledge that something is the case’, and (2) that the statement and refutation of Socrates' dream theory in the Theaetetus show this.
The Family of Argyrius
Authors: Norman A. F.
Published: May 2006

There are in the literary sources few examples of curial life extending over three generations with such a continuity of detail as is provided by Libanius in his references to the family of Argyrius. Yet in the more accessible works of reference, the student of the social life of the later Roman Empire will discover merely a shortened version by Ensslin (PW. Suppl. VII, 680) of Seeck's note on Obodianus (Briefe, 222). In addition, the index of the Teubner edition of Libanius presents much confusion between grandfather and grandson.

Towards the end of his life, Libanius addressed to the Emperor Theodosius an open letter upon the parlous state of the curiae at the time, contrasting their present hard lot with the state of things which had prevailed earlier in the century. In dealing with the recruitment of fresh blood into the curia, he cites as an example of previous practice the conduct of his own grandfather (Or. xlix. 18). He, some years before his death in 324, had been instrumental in securing for a young foreigner named Argyrius an introduction into the curia of Antioch. This he had succeeded in doing, despite Argyrius' alien birth, his youth, and lack of property, even against the opposition of the then governor and the then sophist of the city, Zenobius. Oddly enough, there was a family relationship between Zenobius and Argyrius, which Libanius mentions at a later time (Ep. 101).
A Bronze from Dodona
Authors: Fraser P. M.
Published: May 2006

The bronze piece here studied is in the possession of Sir John Beazley, and it is at his invitation that I publish it. I must thank him both for his invitation and for enabling me to study the object repeatedly and at leisure. It was acquired in Paris.

The object is a thin, ovoid piece of bronze with a projection, representing the head of a snake, within the circle. The whole object is doubtless thought of as a coiled snake. The dimensions of the whole are: inner diameter from Α of ΝΑΙΩΙ to Ω of ΑΝΕΩΗΚΕΝ, 0·065 m.; distance from tip of snake's head to opposite inner edge, between Σ and Τ of ΕΣΤΡΑΤΟΥ, 0·050 m. The bronze is of a regular width, save that it widens slightly behind the projecting head; normal width, 0·008 m.; width behind head from outer edge to base of head, 0·010 m. Length of snake-head, 0·027 m. Average thickness, 0·003 m.; max. thickness of head, 0·005 m.

The piece, which is covered with a green patina, is perfectly preserved save for a narrow strip where the surface has been removed, which appears as a black streak on the photograph. This may be original, and due to a flaw in casting, since the dots of the inscription, which are in its path, appear to be undamaged by it.
A Lakonian Krater at Corfu
Authors: Callipolitis D. C.
Published: May 2006

This has been put together recently from many fragments in the Corfu Museum (Inv. no. 235, found before 1914 in Corfu itself). It is of Chalcidian shape, very near to that of the example in the Villa Giulia (Mingazzini, I vasi Castellani, no. 428, pl. 43, 5), but with the upper handle more arched and a light moulding under the foot. Height 313 mm., diameter of lip 305 mm., brownish-red clay, paint of poor quality, surface damaged. Several fragments of body are missing. For the type cf. Lane, BSA XXXIV (1933–4), 49.

It is interesting to record this find made on the route of exports towards Sicily, Calabria, Campania, and Southern Etruria.
A Bath Inscription from Osrhoene
Authors: Gough Michael R. E.
Published: May 2006

In May and June 1952, as a member of the Anglo-Turkish expedition working at Sultantepe, between Harran and Urfa, I excavated a bath building in the Roman settlement at the foot of the mound. The main hall of the bath was paved with a fine mosaic, decorated with geometric patterns, some of which had affinities with motifs current at Antioch on the Orontes during the first half of the fifth century A.D. At the northern end of the pavement, incorporated in the mosaic, was a five-line hexameter inscription in a tabula ansata (Fig. 1). The inscription was almost undamaged, except for a diagonal break at the left-hand end (which resulted in the loss of about four letters in ll. 1/2, and of about three or two in ll. 3/5), and a small hole which obliterates three letters not far from the beginning of l. 1.
Ptolemy's Map of Scotland
Authors: Tierney James J.
Published: May 2006

It has long been recognised as a puzzling fact that in Ptolemy's map of the British Isles Great Britain is turned abruptly to the east from about latitude 55° north (corresponding roughly to the area of Scotland) so as to make a right angle approximately with the southern part of the country. It may be of interest to review briefly various tentative explanations of this peculiar fact which have been advanced during the last three-quarters of a century, and to add yet another to the list.

In 1885 H. Bradley suggested that either Ptolemy or one of his predecessors had before him three sectional maps representing respectively England, Scotland, and Ireland, and that in fitting the three maps together Ptolemy or his predecessor fell into the mistake of turning the oblong map of Scotland the wrong way. T. G. Rylands next put forward his view that the error was due to a faulty observation of a lunar eclipse at Duncansby Head causing an error of longitude, together with a faulty gnomonic observation at the same place causing an error of latitude. In 1894 H. Kiepert was clearly getting nearer the truth when he wrote: ‘The only coherent, though often deficient source for the knowledge of the [British] islands that has come down to us from the most flourishing period of the Empire, is the map of Ptolemy, the result of a combination of the lines of roads and of the coasting expeditions during the first century of Roman occupation. One great fault, however, has crept into the map by his having made use also of a totally different source, namely the astronomical fixations of latitude executed by Pytheas in the time of the earliest Greek mercantile expeditions to these regions of high latitudes.’ In a footnote to this observation he added: ‘These fixations stop at a borderline at the highest point reached in the north, which according to the itinerary sources would have been crossed in a northward direction, and thus the Alexandrian scholar was forced to give the northern half of the island a bend towards the east, the only possible direction, in consequence of which all the localities of Caledonia have been shifted from their proper positions by about a quarter of a circle.’
The Institution of the Hellenotamiae
Authors: Woodhead A. G.
Published: May 2006

At the very beginning of the Delian Confederacy, in describing its organisation during the winter of 478–477 B.C., Thucydides records (i 96) that permanent arrangements were made for the collection of contributions in money from those cities which preferred to supply cash rather than ships for the furtherance of the new League's activities. These arrangements included the establishment of officials to receive, disburse, and be generally responsible for the cash funds, but Thucydides' brief account of their appointment has given rise to difficulties. He says, in the barest terms, The last four words are loosely attached to describe the office's function and are explicative of not what concerns us are the seven words before the comma.

Thucydides' phrase, with its emphatic clearly puts out of court the idea of E. M. Walker that the Hellenotamiae began when the tribute-lists began, i.e. in 454–453, when the treasury of the Confederacy was moved from Delos to Athens and Athenian control of it was more firmly secured. Walker's view was adequately refuted both by Gomme and by the authors of The Athenian Tribute Lists; it also runs contrary to the sense of Xenophon's remark (Poroi 5.5) about the acquisition of control of fleet and treasury by Athens. Since the Athenians commanded from 478, as the result of the treasurership must have been Athenian from the same date—or so, unless he be held to ignore all chronological distinctions, Xenophon clearly implies.
The Temple of Hephaistos
Authors: Wycherley R. E.
Published: May 2006

In 1930 Judeich gave his opinion strongly in favour of the identification of the ‘Theseion’ as the temple of Hephaistos, and the identification has been widely accepted. The excavators of the agora have adopted it and regard the archaeological discoveries as settling the matter. Dinsmoor wrote in 1941, ‘Now that the American excavations have brought to light the foundries, casting-pits and slag-furnaces of the metal-workers' quarter … there can no longer be any doubt as to this attribution’. Apparently there still is some doubt. H. Koch in his recent book on the building has continued to deny the identification strongly and renewed former attempts to reinstate Theseus in some way. He had already objected to the ‘Garden of Hephaistos’ discovered in the precincts of the temple and maintained that all this planting of trees and shrubs was more appropriate to Theseus, with whom were associated Phytalos and the Phytalidai (in fact the garden is appropriate to the site, an attractive setting for the temple, whoever is the occupant). Reviewers have treated his ideas with considerable respect and even favour. H. Plommer in Gnomon xxix (1957) 33 shares the doubts about Hephaistos, but sees difficulties in Theseus too, and leaves the matter open. J. F. Healy in JHS lxxvi (1956) 135 seems inclined to agree with Koch. The name ‘Theseion’ is tending to shed its well-deserved inverted commas. The impression may be given that the whole subject is in the melting-pot again; this note is an attempt to pull it out, in particular by considering the vital evidence of Pausanias.
Archaeology in Cyprus, 1951
Authors: Megaw A. H. S.
Published: May 2006

At the Sotíra Neolithic settlement P. Dikaios, working for the Curium Expedition, has followed up his trial of 1947 with the clearance of the greater part of the hill-top. A tightly-packed group of house foundations of light construction was laid bare. In form they ranged from circular to rectangular with rounded angles (Fig. 1); the upper parts of the walls were evidently of mud brick and the roofs of the rectangular houses probably flat. The topmost floors overlay a demolition layer which sealed well-preserved hearths, post-holes, andother features. These lower floors yielded an unusually rich series of implements, of flint, stone and bone, as well as bowls and jugs of the combed ware characteristic of this site.

New Neolithic–Chalcolithic sites have been noted by G. Eliades in the neighbourhood of Paphos, notably a large one of the Erími culture at Kissónerga. A site of the Khirokítia stage has been located near the monastery of Apostolos Andreas, not far from the point of the Karpas peninsula; and one of the Sotira period at Kouphóvounos near Kandou by J. S. Last.
Cattle egrets and Bustards in Greek Art
Authors: Benton Sylvia
Published: May 2006

There is a bird perched on the neck of a bull on a Late Bronze Age krater from Enkomi in the British Museum (plate I 1). It has long legs and a long neck, and it is much larger than any of the crow tribe, so often seen on cattle. Its long pointed bill is fixed on a point in the bull's neck probably removing a tick or something of the sort. The operation is painful and the bull tosses his head. On the other side of the vase the bird has lost his footing but still keeps the grip of his bill on the neck of the bull (plate I 2). That daggerlike bill is longer than the one on the other side of the vase. We must therefore suppose that the bill in the earlier scene has been inserted into the bull's neck to a considerable depth. No wonder the bull is plunging about to dislodge the operator.

A bird with long neck, long legs, and long beak can only be a marsh bird, and as it is hunting for insects on the neck of a bull, it can only be a Cattle Egret (plate I 4.), though its body bears some resemblance to the bodies of birds which are probably meant for geese or swans; its beak is more formidable. Presumably this insect-hunting bird is not a deity revealing him or herself; but perhaps Cypriots are more secular than Mycenaeans.
The Caputi Hydria
Authors: Green Richard
Published: May 2006

Since its publication in 1876, the scene on the shoulder of this vase has been interpreted as showing the activities of a vase-painters' workshop. The original drawing had been reproduced several times, but its inaccuracies were so numerous that the photographs were long overdue in spite of Beazley's useful notes on it in Potter and Painter.

The scene shows Athena and two Nikai crowning the artists for their skill. In the centre, Athena (plate VII 1), spear in hand, approaches with a wreath to crown the youth who is engaged in decorating a huge kantharos; before him waits a similar vessel with an oinochoe standing inside it. To the left, a boy who is decorating a volute-krater looks round in surprise at the Nike as she places a wreath about his head (plate VI 2). To the right of Athena another boy decorates a calyx-krater and does not notice the Nike who is about to crown him also. To the extreme right, a young girl on a dais begins the decoration of another volute-krater (plate VII 2).

This note is an attempt to show that the scene does not depict vase-painters at work, but rather the decorators of metal vessels.
Simonidea
Authors: Page D. L.
Published: May 2006

‘You will be unable to comprehend strophe, antistrophe or epode; it will read like a piece of continuous prose:’ the question has been long debated, whether Dionysius' claim is justified.

Experiment has proved that brute force will be required to hammer the following quotation from Simonides into the shape of a complete strophe and complete antistrophe, with or without all or part of an epode. Specimens may be seen and judged elsewhere. They need never again be repeated; they demonstrate that either the text is corrupt beyond the possibility of a scientific restoration, or there is no complete strophe and antistrophe present.

It is at least natural to suppose that when Dionysius says, ‘You will not recognise strophe, antistrophe and epode,’ he must, in this context, imply that all three of these elements are represented; not necessarily that all three are complete, but that parts at least of all three are included. It appears therefore prima facie reasonable to look for metrical correspondences between strophe and antistrophe; but of all such investigations one only has led to a result which is widely approved.
Prometheus and Chiron
Authors: Robertson D. S.
Published: May 2006

In the last long trimeter speech of the Prometheus Vinctus Hermes describes to Prometheus the future course of his punishment: he will be swallowed up in the earth, and then after a long interval of time brought back to daylight for laceration by Zeus's eagle. Hermes goes on (1026 ff.):

The only substantial variant is θεός τις F Tri. in 1027.

There is no proof that ancient critics saw any definite allusion here. The Medicean scholium is simply ( Paley) πεισομένου, an obscure note to which I shall return. Matthias Garbitius (1559), the first scholar quoted by S. Butler in his variorum edition of 1809, suggested that the reference was either to Hercules or, more probably, to ‘some other hero’ destined to free the human mind from darkness and doubt, perhaps a Sibylline vision of the Christian redemption. This last fancy was defended anonymously in the Gentleman's Magazine for 1796 and found a belated champion in F. A. Paley, on the eve of his admission to the Church of Rome, in 1846—‘Ceterum venturum esse Messiam et descensurum in inferos antiquitus praedictum quis hic non agnoscit?’ Later Paley silently dropped this theory.
Protagoras' Doctrine of Justice and Virtue in the ‘Protagoras’ of Plato
Authors: Kerferd G. B.
Published: May 2006

Protagoras has just been presented with a new pupil, Hippocrates, and he states what he proposes to teach him—such prudence in domestic affairs as will best enable him to regulate his own household, and such wisdom in public affairs as will best qualify him to speak and act in affairs of state (318e). Socrates asks is this the art of politics and is Protagoras undertaking to make men good citizens, and Protagoras agrees (319a). Socrates replies that he had supposed that this art could not be taught, and he gives two grounds: (1) the Athenians are agreed to be wise men, yet, while they call in experts in the assembly to advise them on technical matters, they regard all citizens alike as capable of advising them on matters pertaining to the city (319b–d); (2) the wisest and best of the citizens are not able to hand this virtue on to others. So Pericles educated his sons well in all that could be taught by teachers, but he did not try to teach them, or have them taught his own wisdom, but left them to pick it up unaided (319d–320b).

Now Protagoras, it has been pointed out, is in a difficult position. He is apparently confronted with the choice of admitting that virtue cannot be taught and that his profession is a fraud, or of declaring that the theory of Athenian democracy is false, and his patron, Pericles, is ignorant of the true nature of political virtue. His reply takes the form of a myth, followed by a set argument (Logos). Some have regarded his reply as ‘a tissue of obscure and contradictory ideas,’ while others who have recognised its skill, have regarded it as failing in one way or another to give a satisfactory answer to Socrates' objections. It is the aim of what follows to show that Protagoras' answer is perfectly satisfactory if rightly understood, and that the contrary opinions are due to misunderstandings of what Protagoras actually says in the dialogue.
A Column Krater in Dunedin
Authors: Corbett P. E.
Published: May 2006

I am indebted to the authorities of the Otago Museum, Dunedin, New Zealand, for permission to publish a column-krater which they have recently acquired. The vase is unbroken, but the main scene is badly pitted; the reverse is practically undamaged. The glaze is a good lustrous black except for an area below one handle which has fired red and dark brown. There are lotus-buds on the neck above the main scene only, and rays round the base between two bands of red. The pictures are unframed, but a third red line runs round the vase to serve as a ground line for the figures.
A Note on Thucydides iii 68.5
Authors: French A.
Published: May 2006

In hisHistorical Commentary(ii 358) Professor Gomme rejected long-suggested emendments to the text, which, as it stands, dates the Plataean alliance with Athens to 519 B.C. Difficulties in accepting this date were long ago pointed out by Grote (iv 2 94 n.), adducing the text of Herodotos v 78. It must be admitted that, if the dating is correct, the episode is quite out of keeping with all else that we know of Peisistratan foreign policy, for during the thirty-six years of the régime Athens is not credited with any other clash with a mainland power. On the fall of the tyranny Athens is involved in war with Boeotia, Euboea, Aegina, and repeatedly with Sparta.

A possible reason for the caution of the tyrants and the belligerence of the régime which followed their expulsion may perhaps be found in the nature of the defence force of which both governments disposed. Before the tyranny the Attic army had evidently consisted of the landed gentry leading the retainers from their estates; the squires (knights and hoplites) formed, with the Pentakosiomedimnoi, the only properly armed force in the state, and Peisistratos was very careful to disarm it at the beginning of his régime; there is no suggestion that the confiscated arms were ever distributed to other sections of the citizen population, nor of any organisation employed by the tyrants to mobilise any citizen militia; indeed the organisation of the latter was one of the most urgent duties later undertaken by Kleisthenes.
Xenophon and the Wall of Media
Authors: Barnett R. D.
Published: May 2006

In February of 401 B.C., Xenophon, the Athenian, set out in a contingent often thousand Greek mercenaries in the army of Cyrus, the Pretender to the throne of Persia. Cyrus, in fact, was leading the army against his brother Artaxerxes, the Great King of Persia, though the real object of the expedition was not revealed officially until the army reached Thapsacus on the Euphrates in July and crossed the river from Syria into Mesopotamia. Xenophon joined the expedition more or less as a diplomatic attaché, not a soldier. But he became an observer and critic, and, since he was a man of talents, he was driven by self-preservation and by disasters which befell them in the end, virtually to take command. His account of these events was not published or written till many years had elapsed: but it is clear that it must have been based on a regularly kept log or diary.

The geographical problems which Xenophon's report of their itinerary raises have occupied scholars and travellers for nearly two hundred years, the earliest attempt to identify the sites mentioned by him being that of d'Anville in 1779. For this long history of an unsettled problem, the reasons are that, firstly, we still know little from cuneiform sources about the ancient geography of Central Mesopotamia, and as yet no monograph exists which studies Babylonia in this period; secondly, that the record of Xenophon, though invaluable, is bedevilled occasionally by false reports or inadequate or misunderstood data, or possibly by errors in transmission of the text; and in our own time, progress has been held up by insufficient study of the ground, in particular of the ancient courses of the Euphrates and Tigris and the canals that fed them—and finally, by the inadequate use of aerial photography.