bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Phayllus and the long jump record
Authors: Howland R. L.
Published: April 2013

This epigram, which tells us that Phayllus jumped 55 feet and threw the discus 95 feet, has caused difficulty because it is clear that no man can or could jump 55 feet. But this difficulty only arises if we consider a foot to be an absolute, or nearly absolute, measure of distance, as in our own linear measurement. However, the flea that jumped from the head of Chaerephon to the head of Socrates (Aristophanes, Clouds 150) had its jump measured in terms of its own feet, so the feet in which Phayllus's jump was measured may have been less than normal human feet—perhaps the feet of his small son. We may like to assume that some wag composed the epigram for the amusement of those who knew what happened and the baffling of those who did not, which includes ourselves. This explanation would also help to clarify his apparently equally phenomenal performance in throwing the discus. If we may judge from the account of the chariot-race at the funeral games of Patroclus in Iliad XXIII δίσκουρα was a distance not much more than the length of a chariot and horses, perhaps 40 or 45 feet. In this case, then, Phayllus' performance in both events is represented as being about double that which might be expected from an athlete— or, if my explanation is accepted, his distances were measured in feet rather less than half the length of a normal foot.
(i) Conjectures. (ii) Plato and the problem of Evil
Authors: Bury R. G.
Published: April 2013

Plato Rep. 538A.

Read

Plut. Mor. 825 c.

Read .

ib. 841 E. Amyotus.
Two Synods of the Delian and Peloponnesian Leagues
Authors: Jones A. H. M.
Published: April 2013

In their speech dissuading the Athenians from the Corcyraean alliance the Corinthians are represented by Thucydides (1, 40,5) as saying:

The significance of this passage for Corinthian policy has often been noted, but its bearing on that of Sparta seems to have been ignored. The occasion to which allusion is made is evidently a formal congress of the Peloponnesian League; the language is explicit—the Peloponnesian cities are divided in their vote, Corinth does not record her vote against Athens, but speaks on her behalf. From the detailed account of the preliminaries of the Peloponnesian war we know the procedure of the League. A complainant first applied to Sparta (1, 67), the Spartan assembly voted (1, 87), and if its vote were favourable, the Spartan government summoned a congress of the allies (1, 119), whose vote was taken (1, 125). If this vote were also favourable, the League took action. The machinery was evidently so designed that Sparta could not be committed to a war without her prior consent, nor could she commit the League to a war without the agreement of the majority of its members.
On the date of the ‘Timaeus’ of Plato
Authors: Skemp J. B.
Published: April 2013

In an article in the Classical Quarterly (January and April 1953), Mr G. E. L. Owen sought to show on grounds of style and content that the Timaeus and Critias probably precede the Phaedrus and certainly precede the Parmenides and the Theaetetus. His arguments need to be balanced by certain considerations which may be stated here very summarily:

1. ‘Stylometry.’ It is true that Cornford took no account and Taylor little account of Billig on Platonic clausulae (Journal of Philology, 1920) or of Kaluscha's work (Wiener Studien, 1904). But the most that either of these scholars can be said to have established is the priority on ‘stylometric’ grounds of Timaeus and Critias to Sophistes, Politicus and Philebus. They do not prove (and Kaluscha does not support) the priority of Timaeus and Critias to Parmenides and Theaetetus.
The Melian Dialogue and Perikles' Last Speech
Authors: Andrewes A.
Published: April 2013

The Melian Dialogue is too eccentric to be explained solely in terms of its immediate context. It will here be maintained that it represents primarily a stage in Thucydides' struggle to reconcile his admiration for the Athenian empire with his feeling that empire was somehow immoral. This essay is thus necessarily concerned with his general views on empire; for which the last speech assigned to Perikles is important evidence.

I. THE DIALOGUE AND ITS CONTEXT

The Dialogue falls into two parts which overlap. The first, dealing with the reasons why Athens found it necessary to suppress the independence of Melos, ends roughly at v, 105, 2: it is this part that seems so remote from real life and raises the main problems. The second, roughly from v, 102, dealing with the prospect that Melos might be saved by Spartan help or by mere luck, is comparatively plain sailing: the possibility of Spartan intervention is a real topic, in no sense out of place at such a conference.
Two Passages in the ‘Ciris’
Authors: Goodyear F. R. D.
Published: April 2013

In vv. 129–62 the author of the Ciris is trying to explain why Scylla, the daughter of Nisus, fell madly in love with Minos. In places the text is gravely corrupt and consequently the sense is very obscure. As far as can be made out with any probability the gist of what is said is as follows. Long ago, probably while still a little girl, Scylla was taking part in a sacrifice in Juno's temple. More interested in her own sports than in the solemnity which is going on she runs here and there playing with a ball. The ball drops from her hands. Without thinking where she is and with clothes flying to the wind she chases the ball and in so doing has the misfortune to touch (and ipso facto to violate) the shrine of the goddess (sacraria divae, v. 154). There is some uncertainty amongst those present as to what has happened and Scylla is able to take an oath by the name of the goddess that she did not in fact touch the shrine, thus adding perjury to sacrilege. Slow and tortuous indeed is the vengeance of the gods and it is Cupid who is its instrument and prompter. Apparently Cupid is always ready to punish an indiscreet word (vv. 158–9), Cupid it is who sharpens the anger of Juno (v. 138), and Cupid volunteers his services when the time comes to punish Scylla (vv. 160–2). The punishment is that she should fall in love with Minos, the enemy of her country, with all the disasters thereby entailed. Such is an outline of this curious story.
Conjectures in Sophocles' ‘Philoctetes’
Authors: Page D. L.
Published: April 2013

187 βαρεῖα δ᾿ ἀθυρόστομος codd. In the corresponding place of the strophe (176–7) we observe interlinear hiatus, ἀντέχει / ὦ: at this point of the antistrophe, therefore, a metrical period must be marked; there can be no run-over from βαρεῖ to -α δ᾿ ἀθυρόστομος. ἁ δ᾿ ἀθυρόστομος is absolutely required by the metre, and we are left with βαρεῖ- at the end of the preceding sentence. Taken as an adjective with λιμῷ, it is called ‘awkward and feeble’ by Jebb: harsher terms are appropriate, for we must emphatically deny that this adjective can be separated from its noun by the plump participial phrase ἀνήκεστα μεριμνήματ᾿ ἔχων.
The Puzzles of Size and Number in Plato's ‘Theaetetus’
Authors: Bluck R. S.
Published: April 2013

In the Theaetetus, after identifying Theaetetus' conjecture that knowledge is perception with Protagoras' theory that man is the measure of all things, Socrates associates this view with what he suggests may have been a ‘secret doctrine’ of Protagoras. What we say ‘is’ really is only in process of becoming: nothing is really of any definite sort. What is called white colour simply arises between the eye and the ‘motion’ which it encounters and is something peculiar to each several percipient. At this point (154b) Socrates goes on to say that ‘the thing which measures itself against the object or touches it’, like ‘the thing that we measure ourselves against’, is constantly undergoing change, for otherwise ‘when a different thing came into contact with it or were somehow modified, it, on its side, if it were not affected in itself, would not become different’. He continues, ‘For as things are we are too easily led into making statements which Protagoras and anyone who maintains the same position would call strange and absurd’, and he instances the case of six dice, which are said to be more when compared with four and fewer when compared with twelve, and himself, who is now taller than Theaetetus, but within a year will be shorter, without having lost in height (because Theaetetus is growing).
Notes on the ‘Aetna’
Authors: Goodyear F. R. D.
Published: April 2013

ll. 21–3. quis non periurae doluit mendacia puppis,

desertam vacuo Minoida litore questus,

quicquid in antiquum iactata est fabula carmen?

23 in C β et C (supra lin.) et in S.

I have yet to see a satisfactory explanation of l. 23 above. Scaliger's crimen has been unjustly ignored. If combined with the variant et it gives a good sense: ‘and whatever ancient crime is now a hackneyed tale’. For antiquum crimen Gorallus compares Mart. Lib. spect. VII, II, vicerat antiquae sceleratus crimina famae. For quicquid adjectival cf. Hor. Carm. II, 13, 9–10, et quidquid usquam concipitur nefas / tractavit, for iactata fabula cf. Ov. Am. III, 1, 21, fabula, nec sentis, tota iactaris in urbe, for quicquid et introducing a generalizing statement to end a list cf. l. 84.
Antiphon
Authors: Morrison J. S.
Published: April 2013

Galen, in the second century A.D., refers to Antiphon three times in his commentary on Hippocrates. On the first occasion, Gloss. Hippocr. Prooem. V, 706 Bas., XIX, 66, 77 K., he says (after mentioning Aristophanes' Daitaleis): . A conversation follows between a son who has just acquired a city education and his father. The son keeps using new words, which are identified by the father each time as borrowed from Lysistratus, ‘the rhetores’, Alcibiades, and Thrasymachus. On the second occasion, in Hippocr. de offic. XVIII, B., 656 K., Galen cites two fragments from the first book of Antiphon's Truth (). And on the third occasion, in Hippocr. epid. XVII, A., 681 K., he refers to a passage in the second book of the same work, which explains how hail is formed in the atmosphere.
Who ‘Signed’ Treaties in Ancient Greece?
Authors: Mosley D. J.
Published: April 2013

Treaties of course did not come into force by the appendage of signatures to documents, but after each of the contracting parties had sent envoys to administer the oaths of ratification to the authorities of the other state. In the Journal of Hellenic Studies for 1957 Andrewes and Lewis in an illuminating article on the Peace of Nicias wrote that in the early part of the fourth century B.C. it was the regular practice for Athenian treaties to specify the authorities who were to swear the oath on either side, and that although the fifth-century evidence is more scanty three clear instances suggested the habit was already established by 425.
The Dream of Cicero
Authors: Coleman Robert
Published: April 2013

Before Angelo Mai's publication of the Vatican Palimpsest in 1822 the de Re Publica was known to modern scholars only from the tantalizing fragments and paraphrases scattered about in Late Latin authors, ranging in extent from the Somnium Scipionis, the famous definition of uera lex preserved by Lactantius and the portion of Cicero's preface to Book v quoted by St Augustine to the incomplete sentences gleaned from Nonius, Priscian, and Isidore. Although the Palimpsest enabled men to form a better picture of the plan and scope of the whole treatise, it has nevertheless remained fragmented, and this for several reasons.
S.E.G. IX, 63 again
Authors: Lloyd-Jones Hugh
Published: April 2013

In the last number of these Proceedings (no. 189, n.s. 9, p. 2) Miss Joyce Reynolds discussed this well-known inscription, which is dated in A.D. 2/3 and is incised below a relief of a man reclining on a couch, cup in hand. It was found in the Sanctuary of Apollo at Cyrene in 1925; for a bibliography, see Miss Reynolds's article. The text she prints at the beginning reads as follows:

(ἔτους) λγ´ ἐπὶ ἱερἑως Παυσανἰα Φιλίσκω φύσει δὲ Εὐφάνευς

vacat παυσαμένων πάντων τῆς ἀνείας Λούκιος ᾿Ορβιος Λουκίου πυλοκλειστὴς τὸν

λυσιπόλεμον

ἡνίκα Μαρμαρικοῦ λῆξεν πολέμοιο κυδοιμὸς γήθησεν Βάττου πολλὰ πόλις μερόπων

τῆμος ἀν[α]

γλύψας κατακείμενον ἡδυπο 〈πο〉 τοῦντα Λεύκιος εἰνοδίωι θῆκε παρὰ προθύρωι

κλεῖ[δα] πύλης διέπων 'ωραι φίλαι οὗ χάλις ἔοχεν Παυσανίαν ίερῆ καιρόθ̣ι παυσάμενον

The last sentence raises acute difficulties. It has driven Adolf Wilhelm and Louis Robert to the desperate assumption that we have here one of the rare cases of a spondee standing in place of the penultimate dactyl of a pentameter. Wilhelm read καιρούς and Robert καιρῶν both imagined that the words meant the same as ἀνιῶν παυσάμενον. The authority of these two eminent scholars should not prevent us from seeing that the suggestion is ridiculous.
Marriage and Kinship at Gortyn
Authors: Willetts R. F.
Published: April 2013

Much valuable work on the Gortyn Code, which will be my chief source of evidence for this paper, was done in the 80's and 90's of last century, under the stimulus of the discovery of the complete inscription in the summer of 1884. The most extensive contributions were made by continental scholars, but one article appeared in the Journal of Hellenic Studies for 1892 which remains an essential guide in the exploration of the procedural technicalities of the Code. It was written by J. W. Headlam, who prefaced his study with some remarks which made his standpoint of interpretation quite clear:
Intestacy in Roman Society
Authors: Crook John
Published: April 2013

The purpose of this paper is to defend a sound old doctrine against a brilliant, amusing and superficially plausible attack by Professor Daube. The doctrine is that propounded – admittedly in an extreme form – by Sir Henry Maine, that Roman society had a ‘singular horror of intestacy’, a ‘passion for testacy’; in his Gray Lectures of 1966, summing up a rather fuller case made in Tulane Law Review, 1965, Professor Daube claimed to demonstrate that the evidence for this doctrine was ludicrously inadequate and the notion in any case a priori absurd. His judgement has been endorsed, with some corroborative arguments, by Professor Watson, and has achieved the approval of Professor Brunt.

According to Daube the case in favour of the view that Romans usually made wills and had a dread of dying intestate consists of the following ‘chief’ arguments: that in the Twelve Tables a person who has not made a will is called intestatus, and the negative form of the word implies that it is the exception; secondly that, in Plutarch's famous story, the elder Cato said that one of the three things he regretted in life was to have spent a single day ἀδιάθετος, and finally that in Plautus' Curculio a man is cursed with the words intestatus vivito. With these three arguments Daube has – and gives – a good deal of fun, claiming, in the upshot, to have blown them all sky-high and thus to have demolished the entire positive case for the old view.
Stesichorus: The ‘Sack of Troy’ and ‘The Wooden Horse’ (P. Oxy. 2619 and 2803)
Authors: Page Denys
Published: April 2013

A. Frr. 1+47

col. i

The poem represented in P. Oxy. 2619 is self-evidently the work of Stesichorus, presumably his Iliou Persis. From the fragments as originally published not a single complete line or sentence could be reconstructed; the style and structure were, as Mr Lobel said, ‘quite unrecognisable’. There was really nothing to be done; it was a great disappointment.

To this gloomy picture Mr Barrett, with extraordinary ingenuity and skill, succeeded in restoring two quite substantial patches of bright and clear colour. He joined fr. 47 to the second column of fr. 1, and frr. 30 and 31 to fr. 15(b), in each place creating an intelligible context for seven consecutive lines. The texts of these two pieces as restored by Barrett read, with only slight modifications, as shown on pp. 47 and 50.
Tibullus and the Alexandrians
Authors: Bulloch A. W.
Published: April 2013

Horace once described Tibullus, in a letter addressed to the elegiac poet, as ‘silently strolling through the healthy woods, pondering on the problems that matter most’ (Ep. 1. 4. 4–5 taciturn silvas inter reptare salubris ∣ curantem quidquid dignum sapiente bonoque est), and this is a view of Tibullus which underlies, in some form or another, most modern approaches to his poetry. After all, Tibullus is singularly dedicated to his concerns of love and the countryside, expressed with directness and simplicity in a style which is, as Quintilian says (x 1. 93), particularly ‘polished and elegant’ (elegia quoque Graecos provocamus, cuius mihi tersus atque elegans maxime videtur auctor Tibullus).

Of his own activity as a poet, and how he saw himself in relation to other writers, he says very little. At 2. 4. 13 ff., in one of love's despairs, he exclaims:

nec prosunt elegi nec carminis auctor Apollo:

illa cava pretium flagitat usque manu.

ite procul, Musae, si non prodestis amanti:…

ad dominam faciles aditus per carmina quaero:

ite procul, Musae, si nihil ista valent.
Aeneas and the twins: the development of the Roman foundation legend
Authors: Cornell T. J.
Published: April 2013

It is often observed that the familiar story of the origins of Rome appears to combine two distinct and incompatible legends: that of Aeneas, and that of Romulus and Remus. The first of these was in origin a development of a Greek story, with its roots in the epic tradition. Aeneas, the son of Venus and Anchises, escaped from Troy with his family and friends and after a series of adventures arrived in Italy where he founded Rome. The other story, that of Romulus and Remus, was localised in Latium. Romulus and Remus were the twin sons of the god Mars and Rea Silvia, daughter of a king of Alba Longa. On the orders of their grandfather they were cast into the Tiber. The river happened to be in flood, and when the waters receded the boat containing the infants was left high and dry at the foot of the Palatine, under a fig tree later known as theficus Ruminalis. There they were suckled by a she-wolf, whose den was the near-by cave of theLupercal. Rescued by shepherds, the boys grew up and after the death of Remus in suspicious circumstances Romulus founded a city on the Palatine, where his original dwelling, thecasa Romuli, was preserved in later times.
Jeremiah Markland, 1693–1776
Authors: Collard C.
Published: April 2013

‘It is probable that Englishmen are right in counting Porson the second of English scholars, but many judges on the Continent would give that rank to Markland. He is the only one except Bentley who has been highly and equally eminent in Greek and Latin; and I believe that Bentley did him the honour, extravagant I admit, to be jealous of him.’

No judgment of Markland's scholarship will be better founded than this, written by A.E.Housman in 1920. The surmise of Bentley's jealousy gives it special colour, but there is little record of what passed between the two men. In 1718 Markland, then a newly elected Fellow of Peterhouse, represented the Regent Masters when the Caput of the University voted to deprive Bentley of his degrees. It is not known whether Markland himself thought Bentley's conduct contumelious, and within a few years, when Markland published his first book, he was writing with proper deference to the age's greatest scholar.
Ovidius Prooemians
Authors: Kenney E. J.
Published: April 2013

In noua fert animus mutatas dicere formascorpora:di, coeptis (nam uos mutastis et illa)adspirate meis primaque ab origine mundiad mea perpetuum deducite tempora carmen.illa P.Lejay ex Erfurtano Amploniano 1 saec. xii: illas codd.

In spite of several valuable contributions to the understanding of this proem that have appeared in the last few years, it does not seem to me that modern exegesis has as yet taken all the points that Ovid has contrived to pack into it. This is an astonishingly brief introduction to an epos over 12,000 lines long; and that very brevity ought to put us on our guard. We should expect that not a word will be wasted; and with so little sea-room we should further expect that the reader, though he may be playfully tantalized, will not be actually misled. That was a risk Ovid could not afford to take. Unfortunately his editors have taken it for him by printing and justifying the nonsense which his copyists have made of the second verse of the poem. By so doing they have set a stumbling-block before the feet of the reader on the very threshold, just where the going should be smooth and the omens fair.
Ausoniana
Authors: Kenney E. J. , Diggle James
Published: April 2013

1. talis Atlantiaco quondam ballaena profundocum uento motuue suo telluris ad oraspellitur.

Mosella 144–6

In his exceptionally flattering notice of The classical text (C.P. 71 (1976) 185–7) Professor Shackleton Bailey questions my approbation of what might be called Madvig's Principle: that the transmitted text must be demonstrably faulty before a critic ventures to emend it. His reservations are just; and this passage of the Mosella neatly exemplifies the point on which he puts his finger. I see no way of proving that Ausonius did not write what the manuscripts offer; yet I think it more than probable that ‘uento’ is a corruption due to the adjacent ablatives and that the original reading was the more exquisite and euphonious ‘uenti’. If so, we have a pleasingly recherché, though hardly obscure or difficult, instance of the ἀπὸ κοινοῦ construction: a hybrid, it would seem, of the two kinds discussed by Housman at Manil. 4. 726, that in which ‘substantiuum ad duo adiectiua pertinens secundo demum adiungitur’ and the slightly commoner sort in which ‘duorum genetiuorum medium nomen ponitur’. This is one of those cases in which one cannot possibly be sure that one is not, as even Heinsius was apt to do, offering to improve the author rather than his copyists, but–utrum in alterum abiturum? (There is, after all, something to be said on occasion for rules of thumb.)
Aristarchus or a Sophist?
Authors: Wilson N. G.
Published: April 2013

Mr A.G.Lee's acute consideration of my remarks on the maxim (PCPS n.s.21 [1975] 63—4) arrives at an important conclusion. This maxim, one of the basic rules of ancient and, with suitable qualification, modern scholarship, was first formulated in the fifth century B.C. I should be happy to believe that he is right, and that credit for a valuable idea should be given to a sophist whose identity can no longer be ascertained (cf. Dr N.J.Richardson, ibid., 65ff.). My reason for venturing to raise the matter again is a feeling that the premisses of his argument are not quite beyond dispute.

In discussing the anecdote about Agathon Mr Lee says that the use of the verb is surprising, since would be expected. Perhaps I am insensitive to nuance, but I confess to being unable to follow him at this point. ‘To cause to disappear’ seems to me at least as good as ‘to strip’ in the context of the anecdote. Certainly LSJ suggest that the verb is common in several closely related senses in Attic authors of the classical period.
The homing instinct. A folklore theme in Phaedrus, App.Perott.16 Perry / 14 Postgate
Authors: Henderson John
Published: April 2013

This paper examines a diffusionist view shared by several classical scholars and folklorists. The ‘popular theme’ cast into Latinsenariiby the fabulist Phaedrus in the early 1st century A.D. which appears in modern editions as ‘Appendix Perottina’ 16 Perry / 14 Postgage has, it is supposed, been transmitted to modern West Europe, where it is to be identified in a set of subliterary ‘versions’. The counter-suggestion made here is that (1) this supposition is methodologically dubious and (2) that a close understanding of the nature and history of Phaedrus' collection offabulaemakes it unlikely. The study is also intended to notice some of the central problems, procedural and practical, which are to be encountered in such investigations into folkloric subliterature.
Sophocles, Electra 77–85
Authors: Sandbach F. H.
Published: April 2013

In the two speeches with which the play opens the paedagogus has asked Orestes and Pylades to determine the course of action (15-16, 20-21), while Orestes has informed him of the oracle of Apollo and given him instructions about what is required of him (39ff.). In the lines reproduced above the roles are reversed: the paedagogus is asked whether it is his wish that they should stay, a question which goes back upon the words with which Orestes had just concluded his speech at 73-5: σοὶ δ᾿ἤδη, γερον, | τὸ σὸν μελέσθω βαντί φρουρῆσαι χρέος, | νὼ δ᾿ ἔξιμεν· καιρὸς γάρ. He replies decisively that Apollo's orders must come first.
Dramatic character and ‘human intelligibility’ in Greek tragedy
Authors: Gould John
Published: April 2013

Plays, we say, are about people, about people doing and saying things. What they say and do gives us access to the kind of people they are – their personalities, their individuality, their ‘character’. And we find people interesting. Simply, crudely put, this is the basis of what we call our interest in dramatic character. It is in her clear-sighted attention to this simple but central fact that Mrs. Easterling's essay on ‘Presentation of character in Aeschylus’ is at its most effective. But as we go on to ask further questions, about precisely what our interest in dramatic personality amounts to, about what it springs from and what are its necessary conditions in dramatic and theatrical form, further discriminations become necessary. I am not at all sure, for example, that it is true, as Mrs. Easterling suggests, that ‘the people and events of Aeschylean drama … convince us withthe same kindof blinding authenticity as we find in Shakespeare and George Eliot'. We may have to distinguish between very different modes of authenticity. Again, Mrs. Easterling's appeal to ‘human intelligibility’ seems to me not without ambiguity. This paper is an attempt to forward discussion of dramatic personality in the context of Greek tragedy by examining some of the ambiguities inherent in the concept and to offer some possible discriminations. It is a contribution to an argument rather than a statement of a position.
The text of Marcus Cetius Faventinus
Authors: Plommer Hugh
Published: April 2013

Some reviewers of my little book, Vitruvius and later Roman building manuals (VLMB), express the wish that I had produced my own text of the Treatise De Diversis Fabricis Architectonicae, which can now be assigned to Marcus Cetius Faventinus, instead of just reprinting the text given by Valentin Rose in his Editio Major of Vitruvius (Leipzig 1867).

On the whole, I agree with them; and having learnt about the texts of Vitruvius and Faventinus, I feel I can briefly list the handful of alterations that I would now make in the latter. The list is so short, that perhaps it could be pasted on an endpaper of my booklet.

Since 1867, as I noted, the only direct addition to our knowledge of the little treatise has come from the manuscript S, discovered at Schlettstadt in Alsace in 1871 and now put in its proper place among Vitruvian manuscripts as a fairly late copy of the text that served also as the archetype for H and for the common source (also vanished) of E and G. S not only gives us the name of the author – the only known manuscript to do so – but also the only uncial text down to a point in the thirteenth chapter corresponding to p.298, line 19 of Rose. All the manuscripts of Faventinus known to Rose in 1867 were, by contrast, in minuscule.
Augustan Elegy and Mime
Authors: McKeown J. C.
Published: April 2013

The purpose of this article is to evaluate the influence of contemporary Roman mime on Augustan elegy. I shall present evidence and arguments for believing that the elegists exploited that genre directly and deliberately, to provide themes and situations in their poetry. Before, however, considering the influence of specific mime-subjects on specific elegies, I shall show that contemporary mime is precisely the sort of literary production which we should expect to find exploited in elegy. This apologia for mime is a necessary preliminary, because of the entrenched prejudice against the genre as a trivial sub-literary form of entertainment, far beneath the notice of such highly sophisticated poets as the elegists. This prejudice arises from a simple semantic flaw: the termmimus, μĩμος, has always been used to cover a multitude of different types of production. Under this general title, works of a high literary quality have been categorised without discrimination alongside strip-tease and even less intellectual displays. In consequence of this, the higher forms of mime have suffered unfairly from the attacks directed by moralists against the corrupting effects of the lower forms.
Religious toleration in Republican Rome
Authors: North J.A.
Published: April 2013

It is a familiar fact that the religious tradition of Republican Rome did not depend on overt coercion of the citizen to maintain itself and its rituals. The censor did have powers to discipline those he found wanting in dutifulness towards thesacra; Cato once removed the public horse from one Veturius partly on religious grounds, though partly because he was too fat to ride it. In the courts, irreligion on the defendant's part was one of the most familiar themes of abuse; Cicero never underestimated the emotional impact of religious prejudice in his day. But the only formal charge of irreligion we hear of is that ofincestumwith a Vestal Virgin and, with that uncommon exception, there is nothing at Rome which corresponds even to the Greekasebeiaproceedings, let alone to the persecutions or inquisitions of later Christian Europe. This does not prove that religious obligations were not felt or imposed through other forms of social pressure, but the apparatus of the State and the State's religious authorities seem not to have been directly concerned.
Poet and painter in eighth-century Greece
Authors: Snodgrass A.M.
Published: April 2013

The relationship between poetry and the visual arts is seldom close and never simple. But special difficulties attend the study of it in the eighth century before Christ in Greece, when evidence is not only in excessively short supply but, when it does come, is almost by definition ambiguous. On the whole question of the interpretation of Late Geometric vase-painting and other eighth-century art, there are well-established opposing positions: each new discovery finds a different interpretation on the part of what may be called the optimists – those who seek for correspondences between the Homeric epics and the visual arts – and of the sceptics, who habitually argue that there is no evidence for anything of the kind. Each party appears to have found an outlet for the promulgation of its view, inasmuch as many general or semi-popular accounts of Geometric and other early Greek art present it as having a major mythological content derived from epic poetry; while many closer scholarly studies, deploying an array of iconographical learning and strict logic, nowadays reach the opposite conclusion, that there is little or no narrative content of any kind, mythological or otherwise, and no significant contact with epic, until the end of the Geometric period.
Ovid, Ars Amatoria III. 433–42
Authors: Tarrant R. J.
Published: April 2013

Ovid has advised his female audience to appear often in public, and to let pass no occasion for attracting admirers; now he warns that not every man who shows interest in them can be trusted. Critics have so far concerned themselves only with 439-40, and the problems of this couplet have been essentially solved. Goold's Priamo…satae is as neat a way as one could wish to introduce a reference to Cassandra, who must be the exemplar of unheeded advice to whom Ovid is alluding. The connection of these lines to their context – a question that perplexed Brandt – is also clear: they are an ironically portentous build-up to the next revelation (sunt qui mendaci specie grassentur amoris etc.).
Pindar and his reputation in antiquity
Authors: Wilson Penelope
Published: April 2013

‘Pindar was incredibly admired and honour'd among the Ancients, even to that degree, that we may believe they saw more in him than we do now.’ Abraham Cowley's rather ingenuous statement, introducing in 1656 a significantly curtailed translation of Horace,Odes4.2, retitled ‘The Praise of Pindar’, pinpoints what was to become a dominant tension in Pindaric criticism, in the attempt to reconcile the reputation (drawn largely from Horace, with Quintilian, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, ps.-Longinus and many others in support) with the reality of the extant texts. The critical debate about Pindar has often read like a literary application of the tale of the Emperor's clothes: on the one side, in the words of an eighteenth-century Frenchman, ‘le sang froid’ is a poor judge of ‘l'enthousiasme’, and on the other, in the words of John Wolcot, the English Peter Pindar, some moderns ‘suspect his reputation, concluding it all to be a fable, invented by some idle enthusiast who was incapable of distinguishing between sense and sound, noise and sublimity, the bold thunder and the rumbling wheel-barrow’. In an age which saw itself as struggling to recreate the taste of antiquity, many were prepared to make the act of faith involved in accepting the ‘Horatian’ and ‘Longinian’ Pindar as a model of unapproachable poetic sublimity.
Further notes on the ‘Heraclidae’ of Euripides
Authors: Diggle James
Published: April 2013

15-16 φεύγομεν δ᾿ ἀλώμενοιἄλλην ἀπ᾿ ἄλληϲ ἐξορίζοντεϲ πόλιν

The children of Heracles are roaming from city to city in search of refuge. But every city which at first admits them soon yields to the threats of their pursuer Eurystheus and sends them on their way. ‘We wander in exile,’ says Iolaus, ‘from city to city, ἐξορίζοντεϲ. But ἐξορίζειν is a transitive verb, ‘send beyond the frontier, banish’ (LSJ), and so cannot, according to its normal use, have the Heraclidae as its subject. Normal use is illustrated by 257 ϲὺ δ᾿ ἐξόριζε κἆιτ᾿ ἐκεῖθεν ἄξομεν (‘you send them beyond the frontier and we shall take them from there’). LSJ create a special intransitive meaning for the present passage (‘c. acc. loci only …passfrom one [city] to another’), just as they do for ὁρίζειν in a passage which Elmsley and others have compared with ours,Med.433 (‘pass between or through’), though the verb there has its ordinary meaning, as both Pearson (here) and Page (ad loc.) show.
Paradox in Plato's ‘Phaedrus’
Authors: Mackenzie Mary Margaret
Published: April 2013

A paradox is like a pun. It is also like a Delphic oracle. For in all three cases, we escape puzzlement, or spoil the joke, when we interpret, when we follow the tracks of the words and disentangle their meaning. So paradoxes are about words - either about the relation between one word and another, or about the relation between words and the world; and the punch of the paradox is delivered by its verbal content. Thus it is characteristic of a good paradox that its verbal content is vicious: paradoxes are very often self-referential, such as ‘Please ignore this notice’.

Paradoxes may be classified according to two main types. Firstly, there are the innocuous paradoxes which tell - or point the way to - a surprising truth. The Socratic Paradoxes, for example, are paradoxical because to say ‘No-one does wrong willingly’ is to contradict the phenomena. But deeper reflection upon Socrates' moral psychology and his account of the good life, might make us concede the truth of his dictum. Certainly it is Socrates' view that we all hold beliefs that entail his thesis. Similarly Heracleitus tells the truth that we cannot step into the same (in all respects) river twice; although if we concede that the waters may flow without damaging the identity of the river, what he says is false. Thus ordinary paradoxes tend to have two faces - their initial, paradoxical one, where they appear false, and their truth, apparent upon reflection.
Virgil's Pastoral Programme: Theocritus, Callimachus andEclogue1
Authors: Wright James R. G.
Published: April 2013

This study has a limited aim. It is to expand as fully as possible one aspect ofEclogue1. The aspect concerned covers Virgil's description of the nature of his pastoral poetry, its inspiration both by poetic predecessors and a living dedicatee, and the claims which he makes implicitly for his own poetic achievement in the volume to which this poem serves as introduction. Some of the points which I make have been picked up by others, but not, in my opinion, welded into a coherent reading of this entire aspect of the poem. I shall attempt to show that we have here a carefully composed preface to the book ofEclogues; that it establishes a programme of specifically Roman pastoral, derived from Theocritus, but with important critical allegiance to Callimachus; that this is achieved by placing at the centre of the poem a symbolic encounter of the poet with his ‘divine’ source of inspiration firmly in the tradition of Hesiod, Callimachus and many other poets (and prophets); that such a reading of the poem begets new and alternative interpretations of individual passages which help to confirm its validity; and that it is further confirmed by subsequent passages in Virgil himself and in other writers. In so doing I shall touch hardly or not at all upon the historical, political, social and legal questions which the poem raises and which have always been in the forefront of discussion of it. This is not because I consider them irrelevant to the overall interpretation of the poem. They are, in fact, crucial. I have, however, little that is new to say on these matters and to have pursued them would have deflected me from my task of trying to set the work firmly within its literary tradition and to expound its central literary content.
Three and scene-painting Sophocles
Authors: Brown A. L.
Published: April 2013

I wish to argue, firstly, that the words τρεῖς δὲ καὶ σκηνογραφίαν Σοφοκλῆς atPoetics1449a18-19 were not written by Aristotle; secondly that Sophocles is unlikely to have used scene-painting in our sense of the term. These two propositions are not interdependent, but do lend support to one another.

I

The deletion of τρεῖς δὲ καὶ σκηνογραφίαν Σοφοκλῆς was first proposed by G. F. Else. Few scholars have taken the deletion seriously (it is ignored in Lucas's edition), though it is cautiously revived by O. Taplin, who remarks that Else ‘brackets the words for a mixture of good and bad reasons’. That is my view also, but I believe that the bad reasons can be replaced with better ones.

A complicating factor is that Else also brackets the words that follow, from ἔτι δὲ τὸ μέγεθος to ἀπεσεμνύνθη, though he regards this as a largely separate issue. He may be right in this latter deletion; the difficulty of reconciling the development of tragedy ἐκ σατυρικοῦ with what Aristotle says elsewhere is certainly real enough.
Two conjectures
Authors: Heyworth Stephen
Published: April 2013

Horace, Carm. 1.12.33-40:

Romulum post hos prius an quietumPompili regnum memorem ac superbosTarquini fascis dubito an Catonis nobile letum. 35

Regulum et Scauros animaeque magnaeprodigum Paulum superante Poenogratus insigni referam CamenaFabriciumque. 4034 ac Hamacher an codd. 35 anne Curti Bentley35-7 catenis nobilitatum Regulum Hamacher

There seems little point in rehearsing at length the arguments of Bentley, Housman (CP 94-6), and others: Cato has no place amongst the ancient kings of Rome. Nisbet and Hubbard make a case for Horatian eulogy of the republican, but not for the gross disruption of Horace's poetic history. They incline towards emendation. However, Hamacher's conjecture is rejected because it ‘disrupts the pattern of three-stanza groups and substitutes a clumsy and artificial phrase for what is crisp and incisive’, and Bentley's ‘more plausible’ suggestion because ‘nobile letum is so applicable to Cato's suicide’.
The case against divination: an examination of Cicero's De Divinatione
Authors: Denyer Nicholas
Published: April 2013

Ancient divination had something of the status of modern science. Diviners, like scientists, were expected to offer public comment on all manner of subjects, from strange meteorological phenomena to proposals for military campaigns, from shooting stars to Star Wars. In both cases this public responsibility is based upon a supposed expertise in prediction. And the arguments of those ancient philosophers who attempted to justify such a status for divination run in some ways remarkably parallel to those of modern philosophers who have attempted to justify such a status for science. Thus we are told both by Stoics and by modern Scientific Realists that the world forms a single and unitary physical system, with nothing outside it to prevent the course of events from unfolding in accordance with the adamantine regularities which are the laws whereby nature operates. This determinism, and its consequence that the entire future of the world is already prefigured in the current state of things, makes it possible for us now to tell what will happen later. And that possibility is realised. Scientific predictions, we are told, may not be uniformly correct, but they are correct too often for that to be due to chance. The predictions of diviners, one must likewise concede, are not uniformly correct: nonnumquam ea quae praedicta sunt minus eueniunt (Cicero, De Divinatione, 1.24).
Homer's Reader: A reading of George Seferis
Authors: Padel Ruth
Published: April 2013

The reader I have in mind is a poet. My immediate interest is the example he provides of a writer's relationship with her or his reading. My aim is double: to suggest both that Homer illuminates the work of the later poet and that the later poetry can function as an interpretation of Homer which offers even to a scholar valuable ways of reading the epics, especially the Odyssey. Accordingly, I shall usually offer translations both of the modern and of the ancient Greek, since not all classicists know modern Greek intimately and those who study modern Greek do not always know the ancient language well.

Let us begin by reading one of Seferis' best-known poems. He wrote it in the Thirties and many contemporary poetic influences, both French and English, are at work in it. But I want to read it now from a special perspective, which I shall argue was crucial to Seferis through all his work. I shall read it as a search for a significant but bearable relationship in his own poetry with Homer and, through Homer, with the whole ancient poetic tradition.
The ideology of the Athenian metic: some pendants and a reappraisal
Authors: Whitehead David
Published: April 2013

Nine years being nobody's idea of a significant anniversary, it will be understood that there is no celebratory intent in my returning here – with the kind permission of the Editors – to The Ideology of the Athenian Metic. Nor does it represent an author's peevish response to reviewers' nit-pickings, just or unjust. Rather, two purposes are to be served. The first is simply to bring together some of the less inconsequential addenda and corrigenda which any scholarly work (good or bad) generates, on the basis that the result might be a Nachtrag of some service to users of the book, and others; Section I comprises a series of twenty such points, listed in the order in which they arise in IAM and referred to by its pagination. Section II then re-opens a much broader issue – the Athenian metoikia in the third century – on which IAM could, and arguably should, have said more.
Lucan Revisited
Authors: Bailey D. R. Shackleton
Published: April 2013

Der Rezensent dieser Ausgabe ist fast zu beneiden. Denn die Frage nach dem Werte eines neues Buches, sonst oft mit vielem Wenn und Aber zu beantworten, macht keine Beschwer, wo ein Meisterwerk vorliegt, noch dazu eines, dessen Gehalt an spontaner Lebendigkeit so stark ist, dass es als Ausdruck gewaltiger Intensität eines ganz eigentümlichen Forschens auch dann noch dauern wird, wenn seine einzelnen Ergebnisse bereits in die Arbeiten der Nachfolger aufgegangen sind.
Phallology, phlyakes, iconography and Aristophanes
Authors: Taplin Oliver
Published: April 2013

Two highly unusual vase paintings, which may be more or less direct representations of Aristophanes, have been first published recently. They have received little attention to date, and yet both bring with them intriguing problems, which are not, in my opinion, resolved in the original publications. This double accession is all the more remarkable since up till now there has been so little that might be claimed to illustrate pictorially the golden age of Old Comedy (say 435 to 390 B.C), however loosely or tightly the debatable term ‘illustration’ is used (see note 24). The best known has probably been the attic oenochoe with a squat, near-naked figure prancing on a low stage before an audience of two. He is usually taken to be burlesquing Perseus; but presumably his stage model, if indeed the genre is comedy at all, did not really perform naked and without mask. Closer to representation of actual performance may be the four unglazed oenochoai with polychrome decoration from towards the end of the fifth century, found in the Athenian Agora in 1954. For example the two porters, who are alleged to be carrying a large Dionysiac loaf, and who may be slaves or members of a chorus, have masks which are fairly grotesque, but their bodies are not particularly so (unless the one on the left is supposed to have a long but sketchy phallus pointing diagonally down?).
Ptolemaios and the ‘Lighthouse’: Greek culture in the Memphite Serapeum
Authors: Thompson Dorothy J.
Published: April 2013

‘Lord Proteus: the saviour of the Hellenes, this watchman of Pharos, was built by Sostratos, son of Dexiphanes, a Cnidian. In Egypt there are no mountain-peaks, as in the islands: but low lies the breakwater where ships may harbour. Therefore this tower, cleaving the sky straight and upright, shines in the daytime countless leagues away: and all night long the sailor who runs with the waves shall see a great light blazing from its summit. And he may run even to the Bull's horn, and yet not miss the god of safety, O Proteus, whosoever sails this way.’

So, in Denys Page's translation, runs the contemporary commemoration by Poseidippos of Pella of the Pharos of Alexandria, the lighthouse which formed one of the wonders of the ancient world. So too, choosing as a continuing theme the most striking monuments of the new Ptolemaic regime in Egypt, the same poet commemorated the temple of Arsinoe-Aphrodite on Cape Zephyrion, east of the city ‘midway between the beach of Pharos and the mouth of Canopos’, whence the lock of Queen Berenike was soon to disappear.
Dialectal variation in republican Latin, with special reference to Praenestine
Authors: Coleman Robert
Published: April 2013

1.1 Dialectical diversity is common to all languages. It comes about when groups of speakers of the same language become isolated from one another and from the conformist pressures of an administrative or cultural centre. The tendency to local change can be accelerated by the presence nearby of another language and the growth of bilingual interaction in settled conditions over several generations. Like linguistic change in general, dialectal diversity tends to be retarded by improved communications and a universal homogeneous education system.

1.2 Modern dialect geographers go about their work with a questionnaire, a tape-recorder and a note-book, listing items of pronunciation, vocabulary, morphology and syntax that distinguish particular localities from one another. If their aim is not the purely linguistic one of establishing an underlying diasystem and the range of variation within it, but is more concerned with the sociological aspects of the linguistic data, then they will plot the dialectical variations against the ‘standard’ language, viz. the dialect which because of its association with an administrative or cultural capital has in an elaborated and artificial form acquired prestige and dominance throughout the whole speech community. If researchers find that their information is incomplete, they can simply return to the field with further questions.