bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Economics of Low-Rent Housing
Authors: Marsh L. C.
Published: June 2006

A chemist who either discussed his subject, or worked in his laboratory, on the assumption that all elements were equal, or that matter was composed of single homogeneous units called “molecules,” would not remain long in his profession. Force of ridicule, or of some even more drastic happening, would remove him. But the economics of many practical and pressing problems is continually bedevilled by discussions, and even on occasion policies, which involve a sort of stubborn simplification quite unworried by the facts. It is certainly understandable that, in the field of housing, this complaint has arisen frequently from those who have tried to deal with the subject from a social rather than a particularist viewpoint, and in its full dimensions rather than within the limits of some familiar phase. In the effort to get low-rent housing into its proper perspective, there are two obstacles which are particularly troublesome. One is the assumption that all housing “units” are the same, the kind of view which leads to the belief that “one thousand houses built” is the same contribution to national need, no matter what kind of houses they may be. The other is the argument or belief which really involves the assumption that peoples' incomes are broadly equal, and all comfortably above the average. The most frequent version is that most people, or at least a majority, can afford to own their own home, or should be encouraged to do so. A more valid but troublesome one in its “all-or-nothing” form is that cheapening the cost of construction is the “real” problem; and there are other variants. Another version, less frequently heard in these days of pressure, is that people live in slums because they like it.
Industrial Relations Research and Social Theory
Authors: Hart C. W. M.
Published: June 2006

The aim of this paper is to consider the connexion between social theory and research in the field of “industrial relations,” drawing particularly upon the empirical data which have been acquired by a sociological investigation of the city of Windsor, Ontario. Even a cursory investigation of a city like Windsor indicates certain tendencies to be at work in highly unionized towns which do not seem to be adequately encompassed by the existing literature of industrial relations. We are concerned here to define what these tendencies are, to suggest some of the inadequacies of existing theory to handle them and to indicate a more adequate theoretical basis for the discussion of them.

The traditional academic and research approach to trade unionism has always been that of economics, and it is usually within an economic framework that unionism is discussed. A sociologist, however, who approaches the subject for the first time, begins immediately to wonder why trade unions should have become, in our universities and research institutions, so exclusively matter for study by economists, whereas other social groupings in which men live and to which they give their time and their loyalties—churches, for example, or gangs, or families—have not excited the slightest interest on the part of that discipline. The answer to this question has its roots, it would seem, in the classical view that since everything in the market is a commodity, and labour is in the market, therefore labour is a commodity, and as such, has to be treated and studied by the academic discipline whose job it is to analyse market factors, of which labour costs are one.
The Role of the Union Nationale Party in Quebec Politics, 1935–48
Authors: Quinn Herbert F.
Published: June 2006

The basic characteristics of Quebec parties and politics have always been somewhat of an unknown quantity in the rest of Canada. The average English-speaking Canadian finds it difficult to appreciate the significance of the issues on which electoral battles are won and lost, the underlying ideology of Quebec parties, and the relationships existing between these parties and those of the rest of Canada. This difficulty is particularly apparent when he focuses his attention on the political developments of the last fifteen years which have resulted in the emergence of the Union Nationale party of Mr. Maurice Duplessis as the dominant party in the province.

It is proposed in this paper to throw some light on this little-known area in the field of Canadian politics by presenting an analysis of the nature of the new party, the factors which have resulted in its rise to power, its relationships with federal parties, and finally the future role it may be expected to play in Quebec politics.

In order to understand the nature of the Union Nationale, and the reason for the dominant position it holds in the political life of the province today, we must analyse its growth against the background of the Nationalist movement which swept the province in the early thirties, and which still is the most important factor in the thinking of the French Canadian. This Nationalist movement had two phases, the first from around 1930 up to 1939, and the second from 1939 to 1948. Examination of the first phase will show the reasons for the birth of the Union Nationale and the nature of the policies for which it stood. Consideration of the second phase will reveal the further stages in the evolution of the party after its defeat in the provincial election of 1939, and the factors entering into its slow but steady progress towards the smashing victory of 1948.
Principles and Facts in the Teaching of Social Sciences
Authors: Lévesque G.-H.
Published: June 2006

The Canadian Political Science Association is doing Laval a great honour in holding its annual meeting here and in asking some of us to contribute to its scientific discussions. We thank the Association very warmly indeed and we are happy that this occasion affords us the opportunity for new and fruitful contacts.

It was suggested that this paper should put forward our ideas relating to the teaching of social sciences. I will do so as simply as possible, without the slightest intention of imposing it upon anyone. In order to be more concrete and more concise, I shall try to set forth, as objectively and as unassumingly as possible, what is being done at Laval and why it is done. It must be kept in mind, at the outset, that the institution I want to report upon is still very young, still in a formative stage, still involved in initial experiments and, hence, still far from having found its final shape.

It is then my intention to put before you our conception of social studies and, at the same time, to describe the faculty which has been set up according to this conception. Since any systematic study always involves two things: a subject-matter and an aim for which it is studied, my remarks will simply follow this sequence pattern.
The Parish as an Institutional Type
Authors: Falardeau Jean-C.
Published: June 2006

There is already a good amount of scientific literature on the parish in French Canada. But this literature is almost exclusively concerned with the parish as it existed historically in the rural society of Quebec. Since the parochial structure was the main organizational frame of rural life and since the parish was identified with the local rural community, these studies have inevitably tended to be “community” monographs. The concept of the “parish” itself has been indiscriminately used to mean either an ecclesiastical structure, a type of social organization, an ecological unit, or a local social group.

The main intent of this paper is to offer a sociological clarification of the institutional nature of the parish. Our leading assumption is that the parish as an institution can be adequately understood only if it is, first of all, seen as an organizational element of the larger Catholic Church. Given this, one must start by analysing the essential features of the parish as it is conceived ideally by the Church. Having elucidated its ideal type as well as its written constitution, one can then evaluate more meaningfully the modalities of its functioning in varying concrete situations—its working constitution, as it were—and draw the line between its formal organization and the patterns of informal relationships that crystallize around it. Our analysis of the parish will be restricted to its structural aspects, viz. the established roles and the reciprocal hierarchical statuses which it implies, and this, in three main directions: the relationships of the parish official functionaries with their ecclesiastical superiors, with the members of the group within which they immediately operate, and with the total society. Only through such an approach can one succeed in our secondary purpose which is to compare the changes that the traditional parochial organization of rural French Canada has been undergoing in the new context of swiftly industrialized and socially heterogeneous cities. Since the larger part of the Canadian sociological literature on religion has been concerned with the non-institutional aspects of protest or erratic religious groups, such a study may bring a contribution to our knowledge of the social organizational value of established churches while incidentally also enabling us to re-focuss our theoretical thinking concerning social institutions.
The Political Theory of Social Credit
Authors: Macpherson C. B.
Published: June 2006

This paper is concerned with the political theory developed by Major C. H. Douglas, the English founder and leader of the Social Credit movement, and not specifically with the ideas of the Canadian Social Credit movement, although the English theory has had a continuous, if not always a decisive, influence on the Canadian movement. Since the Douglas political theory stems from the Douglas social critique we shall begin with the latter.

The frustration of the engineer by the business control of industry may be seen as the starting point of Major Douglas's social thinking. Deeply impressed by the waste of industrial capacity and potential, Major Douglas developed a sweeping critique of industrial civilization. A man of broad sympathies and with a professional view of his engineering calling, he saw that whatever held back the progress of science in industry made it impossible for the technologist to serve the people and give them the benefit of their heritage. He saw further that the concentration of power in the control of industrial production was only a part of a trend toward concentration of power in government, in trade unions, and in every institution which affected the life and opportunity of every individual both as worker and consumer. In his earliest writings his main concern was to expose this trend toward the submergence of the individual, to establish its pervasive nature, and to warn that it must be defeated if the human quality of civilization was not to be destroyed. His case was presented with restraint and with telling effect. His recommendation of a monetary device, which later became commonly identified with social credit, as the most probable direction in which a solution might be found for freeing men from the tyranny of concentrated power, was also presented with restraint in the writings of the first few years, and was subordinated to the main analysis. His point was that men could not be free in any other way until they had secured a freedom of choice, both as producers and consumers, and a level of material well-being which the existing system of production and distribution denied them. The economic system must therefore first be reformed. Socialism was not the answer, since it would mean still further centralization of economic and political power. Monetary reform was the answer because it could destroy the mechanism by which economic power was being increased and by which the material well-being and the freedom of the individual were being diminished. Always Major Douglas presented monetary reform merely as a means toward the end of establishing a new society in which human beings would be free to develop their individuality in a way that had never been possible before.
Patterns of Economic Growth
Authors: Hoselitz Bert F.
Published: June 2006

Much of the current discussion of theories of economic growth is coloured by one of two factors which repeatedly crop up in the pertinent literature. The theoretical treatment of economic growth is either too strongly policy-oriented, or it is stated in an overly general form whose results are applicable only with difficulty, and often with grave reservations, to actual cases of economic growth.

Since the practical needs of policy-makers in the United Nations and its specialized agencies and in national governments concerned with developmental policies or colonial development have provided a strong impetus for the recent study of economic growth it is not surprising that the literature on this subject should have taken on a strong policy-oriented coloration. What the practitioners needed and continue to need are general guide-lines for their work. What they ask from the theorist, therefore, is to prescribe for them a series of relatively simple formulas which make up the basic equipment of the tool-kits they can take to the four corners of the world and from which they can select, as the situation demands, the appropriate item for application. The result of this situation has been the elaboration of a large amount of knowledge, the parts of which are little integrated. This is especially unfortunate since the concept of technical assistance has tended to embrace knowledge in many fields of social science and has brought together scholars and administrators in various fields and with varied technical competence.
Nationalization of British Industry
Authors: Murphy Mary E.
Published: June 2006

No topic has evoked so much discussion in all parts of Great Britain, and indeed in the world outside, as the Labour Party's programme to nationalize 20 per cent of the economy. Nationalization is recognized by all as the most important domestic issue facing the nation because the industries brought under public ownership are vital to Britain's economic recovery at home and a key to her future role in foreign affairs. As the Conservatives will continue the programme as conceived by Labour, except in the case of the iron and steel industry which will probably be returned to private ownership, an analysis of British nationalization is as pertinent today as it was during the Labour Party's tenure in office.

The Labour Party defined its nationalization plan in a 1945 electoral document titled Let Us Face the Future which stated in part:

There are basic industries ripe and over-ripe for public ownership and management in the direct service of the nation. There are many smaller businesses rendering good service which can be left to go on with their useful work.

There are big industries not yet ripe for public ownership which must nevertheless be required by constructive supervision to further the nation's needs and not to prejudice national interests by restrictive anti-social monopoly or cartel agreements, caring for their own capital structures and profits at the cost of a lower standard of living for all.
Human Society and Scientific Law
Authors: Geiger Th.
Published: June 2006

The idea that scientific laws might apply to man and his society is not much more than one hundred years old, and even today many historians and other students of the so-called humanities fiercely deny the possibility of ascertaining sociological or historical laws similar to the laws of nature. In this sense, Anglo-American epistemology makes a distinction between the sciences proper and the humanities, as German and other European scholars distinguish between Natur- and Geisteswissenschaft, the natural sciences and the knowledge of cultural phenomena. Such distinctions are due, in part to an outmoded conception of the scientific law, but primarily to an even more obsolete conception of man, his society, culture, and history.

(1) Until the end of the nineteenth century, a scientific or natural law predominantly meant a law of causality, and such a law implied that the same cause always and invariably “produced” or “evoked” the same effect. The natural law, in this context, was not even a product of scientific cognition, but allegedly inherent in nature itself. The scientist merely “discovered” actually prevailing laws. This was the viewpoint of the so-called realistic school of thought. In a twofold way this concept of a law has been shaken.
National Savings and Changing Employment in Canada, 1926–54
Authors: Maywald Karel
Published: June 2006

It is a rather puzzling historical coincidence that in many countries attention is being paid once more to inflationary tendencies at the very moment when the international situation suggests the possibility of relaxation of world political tension. If the East has, or ever does, come to the conclusion that the only way to keep the consequences of the Paris agreements under control is to act in time, the quickest form of diplomatic retreat reconcilable with exigencies of an inconspicuous negotiation-technique is the most probable. Correspondingly rapid demobilization in the West accompanied by inflexible pursuit of anti-inflation measures might produce a demobilization crisis that would fulfil Communist hopes for economic and social difficulties in the democratic world. Whether the immediate danger is inflation or deflation, an analysis of the recent history of savings, including periods of unemployment and overfull employment, should be enlightening.

The development of national savings is recorded by Canadian statistics for the last three decades in a very informative way. They offer historical examples of all the typical combinations of factors that are important for a balanced economic development: what is commonly accepted as normal or full employment is followed by years of high unemployment and then comes a period of over-employment during the war years. An examination of the survey in Table II can tell more than lengthy theoretical disputations.

Before discussing the details of the historical development in Canada, let us consider the essential components of the process in a simple arithmetical example.
Government in Contemporary Brazil
Authors: Lipson Leslie
Published: June 2006

The problems of present-day Brazil are the travail of a people in the midst of a three-dimensional renovation. Their economy, politics, and social structure are changing simultaneously, but at different speeds. Much the fastest transformation is the economic. Political alterations are slower. Social reconstruction is the slowest. The purpose of this paper is to analyse some of the contradictions that exist within the state when the economy propels it forward while the social order holds it back. What happens in politics when reform of government must be adjusted to a fast rate of economic change and a slow rate of social change? And can such reform be accomplished when foreign examples are invoked to displace ingrained traditions?

The character of Brazilian government is curiously akin to that of the new buildings which abound in the Copacabana suburb of Rio and elsewhere. The architect, a master of the modern idiom, has designed an imposing elevation to the street and an entrance of striking beauty. But, as one enters, much will be found in the finish of the interior, and in the services and maintenance, that conflicts with the external view. For periods of varying length, water will cease to flow from the faucets; electricity will be cut off; street drains may be inadequate to carry off rain and sewage; and, sooner or later, the bichos will find their way in. A building may look a thing of beauty, but without the necessary utilities it will not be a joy forever to live in.
The Principles of Federal Finance and the Canadian Case
Authors: Dehem R. , Wolfe J. N.
Published: June 2006

The essence of federalism is the division of sovereignty between two levels of government. In any system of government, there are sovereign and delegated authorities. In a unitary government all sovereign powers are concentrated in the central government, although decentralization for the purpose of administrative efficiency may result in the delegation of certain powers from the central and supreme government to the regional and local subordinate authorities. In a federal state, on the other hand, regional governments, as well as the central authority, are invested with sovereign powers. In no actual case, however, do both levels of government enjoy sovereignty in all domains, since complete concurrence of jurisdictions would lead to incessant conflicts of coordinate authorities. For this reason, federal constitutions indicate, in a more or less precise way, the special fields of absolute competence of the central and the regional authorities. Partial concurrence of jurisdictions may not be excluded, in which case the problem of bringing about agreements between the sovereign powers arises.

Administrative efficiency in a federal state requires both centralization and decentralization of executive functions, in much the same way as in a unitary state. If subordinate functions are delegated to the regional governments, these governments become subordinate to the central authority in these fields. On the other hand, administrative efficiency may require the centralized administration of certain matters in the realm of provincial supremacy, for example, the collection of provincial taxes. In this case, the central government would act as an agent of the provincial governments, and be subordinate to them. The two types of powers–sovereign and delegated–must be clearly distinguished in order to prevent unnecessary conflicts of authority.
Canadian Monetary Thought and Policy in the 1920's
Authors: Brecher Irving
Published: June 2006

During the decade of the twenties, monetary theory and policy became a major focal point in the economic literature of the Western world. Although central-banking machinery had long since been in operation in England, France, and Germany, and the Federal Reserve System had been established in the United States about six months prior to the outbreak of the First World War, it remained for the post-war world to see the emergence of centralized monetary control in a recognized and accepted form.

The experience during the war in the techniques and dangers of large-scale financial operations, together with the unprecedented post-war inflation of currency in Germany, left a vivid impression with economists, bankers, politicians, and business men. As a result, there occurred in the following years a lively discussion both of the workings of monetary and banking systems and of their implications for policy. The discussion soon became a definite controversy in terms of adherence to, and dissent from, the philosophy of “monetary orthodoxy.”

To some extent, it was a continuation of the split which had grown out of the English Bullion Report of 1810 and had centered around the Banking and Currency Schools. There was, indeed, much debate over issues which had previously inspired the able analysis of such pioneers as Thornton, Tooke, and Overton. But there was a great deal more than that. Investigation was directed towards the most challenging problems of monetary theory, and policy recommendations took on a tone of urgency matched only by their infinite variety.
Taxation and “Fair Shares” Under the Labour Government
Authors: Rogow Arnold A.
Published: June 2006

When the Labour party came to power in Britain in 1945 and again when it was returned to office in 1950, it was committed to a programme that rejected “the claims of the few to live on the labour of the many,” and demanded that “fair shares should be the national rule.” As was noted in Labour and the New Social Order, “The first principle of the Labour Party—in significant contrast with those of the Capitalist System, whether expressed by the Liberal or by the Conservative Party—is the securing to every member of the community, in good times and bad alike (and not only to the strong and able, the well-born or the fortunate), of all the requisites of healthy life and worthy citizenship.” In 1945 “fair shares” was interpreted to mean, among other things, nationalization of certain basic industries, provision of welfare services, and taxation designed to redistribute income. It was assumed that egalitarian measures would not be difficult to apply, notwithstanding the fact that the bulk of the economy would continue to be privately owned and operated. Labour leaders and voters confidently looked forward to what one Labour M.P. called “a general levelling, upward, outward, and downward.”
The Redistribution of 1952
Authors: Ward Norman
Published: June 2006

The decennial redistribution of federal constituencies in Canada always reveals the House of Commons in an unusual light. Almost alone among major pieces of legislation, the Representation Bill that follows each census is not openly an embodiment of cabinet policy; for statements of policy are confined to declarations that redistribution is the business of the House, not of the government. Party discipline is thus relaxed to the extent that every member of Parliament must look out for himself, and in this self-seeking he can assume that his party colleagues, particularly those from his own province, will stand by him; and they do. A redistribution calls forth not party discipline but party cohesion, and commonly offers many illustrations of the decentralized nature of Canadian political organization. Since every member of Parliament is an expert on at least one clause in the bill and has a vested interest in one constituency, local and personal considerations enter largely into debate, so that the House of Commons during a redistribution presents a somewhat disconcerting picture of what the electorate could expect if cabinet leadership in important legislation were weak or relaxed all the time instead of once in ten years.
Productivity in Canada
Authors: Sutton G. D.
Published: June 2006

An interesting analysis of productivity in Canada from 1931 to 1949 has recently been published by Mr. A. Maddison in the Economic Journal. Mr. Maddison admits, however, that his choice of dates, which was limited by the lack of official estimates of the employed labour force prior to 1931, is unfortunate in that a strong cyclical influence colours the results. To overcome this difficulty calculations have been made of the employed labour force prior to 1931 (see Table III), thus extending the period that can be covered back to 1926. In addition this paper makes use of revised and more complete data published by the Dominion Bureau of Statistics. No attempt is made to duplicate Maddison's excellent summary of the diverse factors contributing to productivity, or his brief look at inter-industry shifts, except for the very important shift of labour from agricultural to non-agricultural employment. But more emphasis is placed on aggregate movements during particular periods and on the comparison of productivity in Canada with that in the United States. In brief, the two papers are complementary, and should be so considered.

Productivity is, of course, an elusive concept when applied to operations of more than one industry, or even to more than one line of production. Is an automobile, for example, really worth 1,000 bushels of wheat in terms of economic value, and is the productivity of a farmer low because he can produce only 2,600 bushels of wheat in a year on 100 acres, whereas the average automobile worker turns out perhaps 10 cars a year, worth 10,000 bushels of wheat or more? Yet the only way in which products can be compared is through the exchange values attached to them in the market. Any attempt to evaluate productivity on a national scale must therefore involve the weighting of goods produced according to the prices at which they were sold. The most that can be done to place production figures on a real basis is to attempt to eliminate variation in prices; and thus determine the extent to which the total volume of production of all goods in the economy, weighted according to their price relationships at some specific point of time, has grown over a period of years. In the discussion that follows, therefore, the gross national product in 1935–9 dollars is used as output. It would perhaps be better to use national income, but this is difficult to deflate in view of the inclusion of indirect taxes in price indices.
The Vulnerability of the Canadian Economy
Authors: Walton Edward A.
Published: June 2006

An architect, viewing for the first time the structure of the Canadian economy, would be impressed at the outset by its flying buttresses, that is, its external connections and supports, which appear to bulk about a quarter as large as the main edifice. On closer examination he might remark on the apparent strength of the main structure in its own right and begin to question the function and need of the flying buttresses.

Should he chance to meet another visitor, especially one who had made the pilgrimage from the south, he would probably be treated to a glowing eulogy on its details and be told that it is the soundest such structure in the world. Indeed, the intimate knowledge and unqualified approbation of another comparative stranger, who claimed to be paying his first visit, and a short one at that, might surprise this architect.

Moreover, if he ventured inside he would immediately be struck by the great activity going on and the sense of unconcern exhibited by the inhabitants. Were he to fall into conversation with one of the many incumbents entrusted with the governance and administration of the building, he would hear the same note of confidence sounded in the security of the structure. He would likely be told that the diligent labour in progress was contributing to a steady enlargement and strengthening of the building and that this work had a momentum of its own. The flying buttresses would be pointed to with pride and their need freely admitted and even emphasized. But his attention would also be drawn to an ingenious collection of internal scaffolding, movable supports, counterweights, and other contrivances designed to protect the edifice as far as possible against adverse trade winds and against inflationary fires that might creep in by way of the buttresses. Some of these devices, it would be pointed out, are actively but not too obviously in use; others have been successfully employed in the past; all are ready for instant and judicious use in case of need.
The Canadian Balance of International Payments, 1950-2, and the Mechanism of Adjustment
Authors: Watts G. S.
Published: June 2006

The interval in the history of the Canadian balance of payments to be dealt with in this paper is a short one. Even so, it is well to emphasize at the outset that limitations of time, the unusual complexities of the period, and the fact that it is still too recent to be viewed in its true perspective, make it impossible to do much more than a reconnaissance survey, in the hope that this will enable one at least to trace and identify the principal factors involved if not to appraise them finally.

Time limitations notwithstanding, since this is the only session devoted to the balance of payments, it is appropriate to recall that Canada has recently passed the half-century milestone in balance of payments statistics. Undoubtedly this is a record for an unbroken series of balance of payments estimates. It is of course quite true that this is not a uniform series; there are three distinct sets of estimates which are neither identical in quality nor in aim. Nevertheless they are sufficiently complete and conformable to give us a fairly uninterrupted view of the main developments in the balance of payments. The gradual evolution of the estimates from a purely private effort undertaken to test theoretical assumptions down to an accepted instrument of official policy is a story in which Canadians can justly take some pride.
Problems of Adjustment in Nation Building: The Maritime Provinces and Tasmania
Authors: MacKirdy K. A.
Published: June 2006

It is the purpose of this paper to consider some of the problems which have confronted the inhabitants of Tasmania and the Canadian Maritime Provinces in fitting themselves, individually and corporately, into the Australian and Canadian federations.

If the move to federate be regarded as a leap in the dark, then the majority of the Tasmanians of the late 1890's would have to confess that they jumped, while their Maritime counterparts of the 1860's could claim, with some justice, that they were pushed. In the referenda held on the proposed federal constitution prior to the establishment of the Commonwealth of Australia, Tasmania shared with Victoria the honour of being the colony recording the highest percentage of affirmative votes. No such popular endorsement was sought for the terms of union embodied in the British North America Act. Tilley's defeat in the 1865 New Brunswick election, which was fought on the issue of federation, and the success of the “Repeal” advocates in the 1867 federal and provincial general elections in Nova Scotia, were indicative of the popular disapproval with which the proposals for federation were regarded in these two provinces which became charter members of the Dominion; while the special circumstances surrounding the belated entry of Prince Edward Island into Confederation were indicative of the attitude of the Islanders to the movement. The cause of federation in the Maritimes, unlike that in Tasmania, required tangible external “encouragement”–from the Colonial Office and from Canada–to assure its success.
Local Government in Newfoundland
Authors: Crosbie J. C.
Published: June 2006

Any study of local government in Newfoundland requires some consideration of the general historical, political, economic, and geographical background and environment which, to a great extent, have shaped its structure and dictated its peculiarities and problems.

The most startling fact about Newfoundland's local government is that apart from the capital city of St. John's, there were no local-government bodies in the island until 1938. The fisheries have been the all-important factors in the shaping of its political, economic, and social life from its discovery in 1497, determining its destiny and endowing it with its unique character.

Although various settlements were formed under a series of charters as early as the reigns of James I and Charles I, so little progress was made towards colonization that by the middle of the seventeenth century Newfoundland contained less than 2,000 inhabitants scattered along the eastern shore in tiny settlements. By that time it was considered contrary to national policy to allow fishing communities to spring up in Newfoundland or to permit seamen to winter there. The policy was formulated first on the theory that the fishing banks were “a nursery for seamen” whose return to Britain in the autumn of each year was of fundamental importance in maintaining the maritime prosperity and naval supremacy of the mother country, and second because of the influence of the West of England fishing merchants who wanted to maintain their monopoly of the fishery and resisted any attempt at colonizing Newfoundland. Thus a series of restrictive charters was issued by the Privy Council discriminating against settlers in Newfoundland. Nevertheless, by 1783, approximately 10 thousand settlers lived there, even though no indefeasible title to property existed on the island.
Industrial Concentration in Canada and The United States
Authors: Rosenbluth G.
Published: June 2006

The proportion of an industry's output concentrated in a few large firms is recognized by economists as an important characteristic of industrial structure. Economic analysis agrees with the layman's judgment that high concentration is a major factor making for monopolistic practices, and there is ample confirmation in the record of antitrust investigations.

The degree of concentration is of course not by any means the only determinant of market behaviour. In the absence of collusion or government regulation, however, high concentration is a necessary condition for monopolistic practices, while low concentration is a necessary condition for the type of competition that tends to equate price and marginal costs. Moreover, with low concentration informal collusion is unlikely and the organization of formal collusion (for example, through a trade association) becomes difficult. Government regulation is frequently the result of political pressures the strength of which reflects either high concentration or close association of the business interests involved.

It is therefore important to investigate the degree of concentration and its causes. This paper presents a comparison of concentration in the manufacturing industries of Canada and the United States. We find, first, that most industries are more concentrated in Canada than in the United States. This can be ascribed to the fact that industries are typically much smaller in Canada, while firms are of about the same size as in the United States. Secondly, we find that industries with relatively high concentration in one country also tend to have relatively high concentration in the other, though the correlation coefficient is only about 0.7. It appears that cultural and technical similarities make for similar industry-size patterns in the two countries, while the technical similarities mean, further, that industries with a relatively large average size of firm in one country also have relatively large firms in the other.
An Appraisal of the Primary Data Utilized in Canadian Penitentiary Statistics
Authors: Meltzer Bernard N.
Published: June 2006

Potentially, the most complete and accurate information concerning any broad class of law-violators is obtainable from statistics on inmates of penitentiaries. This is true because the longer term of the penitentiary convict makes possible a correspondingly more intensive study of his characteristics than can be made for the offender concerning whom we have only the information provided by the police, the courts, or the municipal jails.

The research upon which this report is based grew out of an interest in evaluating, at least partially, the extent to which one major recommendation of the so-called “Archambault Report” has been implemented. The pertinent recommendation stressed “the need for formulating definite policies in regard to the compilation of statistics and definite principles of gathering such statistics which would be observed by all authorities throughout Canada.” More concretely, it recommended (p. 174) that “there should be a close cooperation between the [Department of Justice, Penitentiaries Branch] … and the [Dominion] Bureau of Statistics, with a view to formulating definite policies….” The major statistical section (forming the Appendix) of the Annual Report of the Commissioners of Penitentiaries, is a direct result of the foregoing recommendation.
Sociological Research in a Military Organization
Authors: Solomon David N.
Published: June 2006

Varied programmes of research are now commonplace in, or in connection with, the military establishments of most of the larger countries of the world. In the United States, and to some extent in Canada, this is true also of the social sciences. The institutional setting of research is of peculiar interest to sociologists, particularly since rapid and extensive changes have recently been characteristic of military organizations. The main concern of this paper is, therefore, to describe and interpret some of the processes of change observed in the course of the work of the Defence Scientific Service with the Canadian Army during the past five years. A brief introduction notes the recent growth of the Army, the involvement in military affairs of large numbers of scientists, including some social scientists, and suggests the importance of the military as an area for the sociological study of work.
The Changing Influence of the United States on the Canadian Economy
Authors: Gibson J. Douglas
Published: June 2006

Canadians never tire, and never will tire so long as they are Canadians, of considering the influence of the United States on their economic, political, and social structure. For many years past the United States has been the most important external influence on Canada. Since the war, it has become so much the predominant external influence that the traditional Canadian practice of balancing between the influence of Britain and the United States is no longer an effective procedure. Certainly in the economic sphere the United States constitutes the only real threat to Canadian independence and it will remain our chief economic preoccupation as far ahead as one can see.

The purpose of this paper is to discuss some aspects of the economic side of the relationship between the United States and Canada. In so doing I shall attempt to outline some of the main facts with emphasis on the changes which have occurred since before the war and to offer a few reflections on the meaning of these facts in terms of Canadian interests and Canadian policies.

Even the briefest examination of the facts makes it clear that our ties with the American economy have become closer and more important during the past decade than ever before. Today 60 per cent of our commodity exports go to the United States compared with less than 40 per cent before the war. Almost three-quarters of our commodity imports come from the United States compared with less than two-thirds before the war. Though foreign trade in total has been playing a gradually decreasing part in our national economic life, our business with the United States occupies just as large a part in Canadian activity as it did in most pre-war years. Canadian exports of goods and services to the United States in 1955 were equivalent to about 14 per cent of the national production, and Canadian imports of goods and services from the United States to about 18 per cent.
Membership in a Becalmed Protest Movement
Authors: Zakuta Leo
Published: June 2006

“In politics the thing to do is build yourself an army.” The remark is attributed to the late Jimmy Hines, a successful Tammany Hall politician of the 1930's. In June, 1945, half way between the Regina Manifesto and the Winnipeg Declaration, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, at the head of the largest army in its history, prepared for the reward of virtue and patience—power in Ottawa and Ontario. The problems of building that army and then maintaining it under the adverse conditions following June, 1945, constitute the theme of this paper.

In its first decade the C.C.F. had successfully welded a united, national organization out of a federation of parties and groups along a social-democrat and agrarian-protest spectrum. The absence of a New Deal party gave the “movement,” as its members still call it, its opportunity. Its central bond was a common hatred of capitalism, allegedly responsible for the depression and its accompanying hardships. It was, however, less than unanimous about the remedy. The Regina Manifesto of 1933, the party’s initial declaration of faith and intentions, was framed in the social democratic tradition. “No CCF government,” it concluded, “will rest content until it has eradicated capitalism.” But no statement of policy could ever avert the inevitable debate on “how far” and “how fast” socialism should be implemented.

The topography of C.C.F. beliefs can be roughly charted by identifying its closest friends and mentors and its ideological boundaries on the “right” and “left.” Its chief, though not unanimous, favourites have always been the Labour and Social Democratic parties of the Commonwealth, Scandinavia, and especially Great Britain. Its supporters ranged all the way from people who were made uneasy by talk of socialism despite endless assurances, to those drawn enviously to the glamour of revolutionary intrigue and virile, uncompromising militancy which they associated with Communism and Trotskyism. While these ‘left wingers” pressed the leaders constantly to declare themselves on the questions of “how far” and “how fast,” the great majority entrusted these matters to the leaders and concentrated instead on building the organization.
The Malthusian Model of Income Determination and Its Contemporary Relevance
Authors: Vatter Harold G.
Published: June 2006

A formal representation of Malthus' views on the short-run expansion and contraction of income and employment, as discussed in the Principles, has not, so far as I know, been published. Aside from any pedagogical usefulness inherent in the attempt made here to do this, it might also be worth while to examine the model with a view to its possible relevance for the contemporary scene.

Malthus' concern with effective demand produced a classification of the major categories of spending which has interesting implications for the advanced, mixed economies of our time.

It will be recalled that his flows of spending are set up somewhat as follows:

1. Consumption by the productive classes, consisting of

(a) spending for necessaries by labourers;

(b) spending for necessaries, conveniences, and luxuries by capitalists.

2. Investment spending (chiefly by capitalists), composed of

(a) circulating capital inputs, mainly necessaries contained in the wages fund;

(b) fixed capital inputs.

3. Spending by unproductive consumers, largely for conveniences, luxuries, and non-material personal services, that is, by

(a) private persons out of rentier incomes (e.g., rents and interest income on the public debt);

(b) government out of public funds raised through taxation or borrowing.

4. Foreign demand.
Robert Borden and the Election of 1911
Authors: Macquarrie Heath
Published: June 2006

The general election of 1911 was one of the most significant in Canadian history. Not only did it bring crushing defeat to the long-triumphant forces of Laurier Liberalism but it was also a decisive expression of Canadian sentiment on the subject of commercial relations with the United States. Success in this, his third electoral contest, saved Robert Borden from political oblivion and opened for him new vistas of opportunity and new avenues of achievement. The true measure of his ability as a party chieftain was revealed in the great struggle over reciprocity which shook the usually apathetic Canadian electorate during the summer of 1911. It is one of the ironies of history that the issue which brought down the Liberals in this election was one of their own choosing. The Conservatives who had at first feared the reciprocity issue eventually found it to contain potent emotional ingredients making for their own triumph. In his handling of reciprocity, the one decisive issue, Borden showed a masterly finesse which had not been apparent in his earlier attempts to win the support of his fellow Canadians.
The Moral Dimension in Sociological Theory and Research
Authors: Angell Robert C.
Published: June 2006

The word “moral” gets a social scientist into trouble. A few years ago a colleague of mine strongly advised against my using it in the title of a monograph. On the face of it the term seems to some people unscientific; moreover, it is ambiguous. One has to explain tediously what one means by it. These would seem to be good reasons for avoiding its use altogether. They would be, except that no other word describes what I want to discuss.

It is true of course that the term moral has to do with values. But it has reference to an aspect of human life, and one that can be studied objectively. Religious phenomena have not been thought unworthy of research just because there are strong value elements in them.