bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Die Borghese-Handschriften der Biblioteca Vaticana
Authors: Maier Anneliese
Published: August 2016

Die Sammlung Borghese gehort unter manchen Gesichtspunkten zu den wichtigsten und interessantesten Handschriftenfonds der Vatikanischen Bibliothek. Ihrem Umfang nach ist sie relativ klein: sie umfasst ungefahr vierhundert Codices, von denen die meisten Pergamenthandschriften des 13. und des 14. Jahrhunderts sind. Aber unter diesen vierhundert Banden befinden sich kostbarste Schatze, insbesondere auf philosophisch-theologischem und juristischem (oder kanonistischem) Gebiet, die schon aile in geniigen wurden, um diesem Fonds seinen Wert und seine Bedeutung zu geben. Doch was daruber hinaus dieser kleinen Handschriftensammlung ihren besonderen Reiz und ihre Ausnahmestellung verleiht, ist ihre Geschichte. Habent sua fata libelli: wohl von kaum einer andern Bibliothek der Welt gilt dieses Wort in gleichem Mass wie von der unseren.
Beobachtungen zu den Wettspielen in der Thebais des Statius
Authors: Kytzler Bernhard
Published: August 2016

Wie wohl alle grossen Epen der europäischen Antike, so enthält auch die Thebais des Statius eine ausführliche dichterische Darstellung von Wettspielen. Wie wohl alle grösseren Partien der Thebais, so hat auch diese in der Forschung der letzten Generationen Kritik und Tadel gefunden. Man meinte zu sehen, dass hier nicht die Poesie, sondern gelehrte Tradition bestimmend gewesen sei. Man meinte, den Passus als unselbständige Imitation ablehnen, als unoriginale Nachahmung abtun zu können. Natürlich handelt es sich bei der Schilderung der Spiele, die zu Ehren des ersten Toten auf dem Zuge der Sieben gegen Theben, des Opheltes/Archemorus, veranstaltet wurden (Theb. 6.249–946), um eine offenkundige Nachahmung der Darstellung der Leichenspiele, von denen im dreiundzwanzigsten Gesang der Ilias und im fünften Buch der Aeneis berichtet wird. Natürlich genügt dieser Bezug allein aber nicht, um ein Verdammungsurteil zu rechtfertigen. Ist doch gerade Wiederaufnahme und Neugestaltung überlieferter Motive eine tragende Gegebenheit antiken Dichtens. Die Aufgabe, durch Einzelvergleich mit den Vorbildern die wesentlichen Eigenschaften dieser statianischen Dichtung zu bestimmen, kann im Rahmen dieses Aufsatzes nicht in Angriff genommen werden; das genauere Studium einer so umfangreichen Partie mit 700 Versen muss einer Monographie vorbehalten bleiben. Hier können darum nur einige wichtigere Sonderfragen erörtert werden, die jedoch von grundsätzlicher Bedeutung für den Passus selbst wie auch für die dichterische Technik des Statius zu sein scheinen.
‘Enquêteurs-Réformateurs’ and Fiscal Officers in Fourteenth-Century France
Authors: Henneman John B.
Published: August 2016

In the mid-thirteenth century, Louis IX of France established the enquêteur, a roving commissioner whose assignment was to hear complaints against the local officers of the crown and take remedial action. This new official, known variously as the enquêteur-réformateur or (later) simply as réformateur, was an outgrowth of Louis' desire to protect the rights of his subjects against all encroachments. Although they were originally intended as a check upon royal fiscal officers, historians have long agreed that these enquêteurs were employed quite differently under subsequent French kings. By the reign of Philip IV (1285–1314) their assignments often stressed the investigation of alleged usurpations of royal rights. Perverting the function envisioned by St. Louis, they now sought to remedy abuses by the king's subjects as well as those by royal officials. They became another arm of the fiscal administration, searching for new or neglected sources of revenue for the crown.
Roland's Christian Heroism
Authors: Hieatt Constance
Published: August 2016

It is an anomaly that most readers of the Chanson de Roland seem to side with the villain, not the hero. Improbable as it is that the poet would have sympathized with this condemnation of his hero, the usual verdict seems to be that of Ganelon–that Roland is guilty of overweening pride. For example, the introduction to a new translation speaks of Roland's ‘presumptuous folly,’ and regards him as a ‘tragic’ hero who sins through pride and ‘impetuosity,’ barely redeeming himself by admitting his error (‘three mighty blasts of Roland's oliphant … proclaim his admission of error’) and dying in sanctity because he is penitent. The translator seems to agree, noting in her preface that ‘Roland's words of repentance [are] so convincing that he, who might well have sinned the same way again, can be carried off to heaven with angelic and human rejoicing’ (p. x). But an odd note creeps into the same sentence, for, she says, his ‘words of repentance are imprecise enough to leave his heroic stature untouched.’ Is heroism, then, incompatible with repentance? Perhaps this depends on what the hero repents. If Roland must repent because he has wickedly caused the slaughter of his own men, then he would seem to be more villain than hero.
A Middle English Prayer to St. Mary Magdalen
Authors: Robbins Rossell Hope
Published: August 2016

In the recent massive sweep of in-depth research on the hymns and prayers to St. Mary Magdalen, one little Middle English poem of the second half of the fourteenth century has been overlooked. It should now be added to the total European corpus as the English representative, the sole versified prayer to this saint before 1500. The poem is written as prose on a blank page (fol. 100v) in Harley MS 667, a collection of over eighty Latin (and French) statutes and charters, local as well as national, likeCustume de Gavelkynde(fol. 84r, in French),Tractates de Bastardia(fol. 213r),Statutum de Scaccario(fol. 248r), orOfficium Senescalli sive Ballivi(fol. 275v), and is followed by a Latin collect and a Latin rubric for a pardon.
Some Newly Discovered Wall-Paintings at Madley, Herefordshire
Authors: Kaske R. E.
Published: August 2016

The Church of the Nativity of the Virgin at Madley (about six miles west of Hereford), widely admired for its architecture, its unusual crypt, and the rich stained glass of its east window, houses another piece of medieval art which to date has remained virtually unknown: a sizable group of paintings on the upper part of the wall above the chancel arch. So far as I am aware, the existence of such paintings at Madley has been acknowledged only in a vague and rather inaccurate notation by C. E. Keyser in 1883: ‘Over the chancel arch; Our Lord in Glory, and in Humiliation. Traces of painting elsewhere throughout the church. Probably about 1300.’ W. E. H. Clarke, writing in 1916, refers to Keyser's description and adds, ‘It is very much to be regretted that restorations have removed every trace of these mural paintings.’ The inventory of the Royal Commission reports simply, ‘Painting: Over chancel-arch, traces of large figure-subject, probably a Doom’ — a reference which seems to underlie Nikolaus Pevsner's ‘painting. Traces above the chancel arch.’ The inclusive volumes of E. W. Tristram on English medieval wall-painting, and the more recent ‘Selective Catalogue’ compiled by A. Caiger-Smith, make no mention whatever of Madley. This continuing unawareness of a substantial group of paintings not hidden under whitewash or plaster, during a time of increasing general interest in the discovery and preservation of medieval wall-painting, must be blamed partly on the condition of the paintings themselves, which are rather faint and can be fairly described as dilapidated. A more important factor, however, is the exceptional height and narrowness of the nave, particularly above the clerestory; an inevitable effect of this architectural feature is to bury the upper part of the wall over the chancel arch in permanent deep shadow, which—together with the distance from which the paintings must be viewed, and an incidental visual obstacle created by the easternmost tie-beam of the nave and its shadow — makes them normally impossible to see (Fig. 1).
The Unpublished Life of Euthymius of Sardis: Bodleianus Laudianus Graecus 69
Authors: Papadakis Aristeides
Published: August 2016

A Byzantinist today would not attempt to investigate any area of the Byzantine landscape without a thorough consideration of the hagiographic evidence. And yet, hagiography, which admittedly does not always make for entertainment, is not as well plowed a field as one might hope. We may point, by way of example, to the manuscript of theVita Euthymii Sardensis, Bodleianus Laudianus Graecus 69, fol. 306v-324v, written by the monk Metrophanes. The text has been entirely ignored and neglected, although Krumbacher had noted some seventy years ago that it was easily accessible in the Bodleian Library, Oxford. Of course, the neglect may be due to the unwarranted assumption that the text's value is meagre if not wholly negligible. And yet, Euthymius' personality should certainly have aroused the interest of historians.
The Assassination of Conrad of Montferrat: Another Suspect?
Authors: Williams Patrick A.
Published: August 2016

On 28 April 1192 Conrad, marquis of Montferrat and lord of Tyre, husband of the last royal princess of Jerusalem and newly-elected king of that embattled state, was assassinated. The persons immediately responsible for that deed were captured and summarily executed, but there was and remains some doubt about who was to blame ultimately for the crime. A new analysis of the evidence may shed some light on that unidentified culprit.
Medieval Latin Aristotle Commentaries Authors: Johannes de Kanthi — Myngodus
Authors: Lohr Charles H.
Published: August 2016

These pages continue the inventory of Medieval Latin Aristotle Commentaries published in Traditio 23 (1967) 313-413, 24 (1968) 149-245, and 26 (1970) 135-216. The commentaries have been arranged alphabetically according to the author's first name, with a brief bio-bibliographical note and indication of manuscripts and editions.
Experimental Science and Mathematics in Roger Bacon's Thought
Authors: Fisher N. W. , Unguru Sabetai
Published: August 2016

It has been some years since any attempt has been made at a comprehensive re-evaluation of the work of Roger Bacon, although he is perhaps as alluring and mystifying as ever, and more or less creditable studies of various aspects of his work continue to emerge at regular intervals. For the most part, these do little to dispel the myths and countermyths that have always surrounded Bacon's work. The main source of this confusion must obviously be Bacon himself. By diligent searching in his various works and fragments of works, he can be made to say practically anything the commentator wants him to say.
Hippocrates Latinus: Repertorium of Hippocratic Writings in the Latin Middle Ages (II)
Authors: Kibre Pearl
Published: August 2016

In these pages, the Repertorium of Hippocratic writings in the Middle Ages begun in Traditio 31 (1975) 99-126 is continued, with the works listed alphabetically by the first significant word of the commonly used title. As in the earlier installment, I am indebted to others, but I may under the circumstances be permitted to restrict my acknowledgments: to express in words, however inadequate to the occasion, my sincere appreciation for the encouragement and assistance of the late Father Edwin A. Quain, who gave these so generously even when he was grievously ill. His kindly presence will be sorely missed but the inspiration he provided will continue to sustain us.
Dix plaidoiries inédites du XIIesiècle
Authors: Silvestre Hubert
Published: August 2016

Sauf erreur, on ne possède aucune publication intégrale de plaidoiries médiévales, et la littérature savante qui les concerne est aussi mince que vieillie. Nous espérons que la présente édition contribuera à ranimer ces études, d'un intérêt incontestable pour l'histoire du droit et des mœurs du moyen âge.
The Spanish Word ‘Matiz': Its Origin and Semantic Evolution in the Technical Vocabulary of Medieval Painters
Authors: Bulatkin Eleanor Webster
Published: August 2016

In the Romance languages of the Iberian peninsula, the French wordnuancein the meaning ‘a gradation, a barely perceptible degree of difference in a color’ is translated today by the wordmatiz(Catalanmatis),a term which has enjoyed continuous usage since the early fifteenth century. Until now, the origin of the wordmatizhas remained unsolved: none of the several etymologies which have been suggested for it are convincing, and no comprehensive attempt has ever been made to analyze its meaning or to trace its semantic evolution. It is the purpose of the present work to determine the etymology of this word and to describe its history.
War Guilt in the History of Thucydides
Authors: Fliess Peter J.
Published: August 2016

The fact that the question of war guilt has frequently followed in the wake of major wars has contributed little, if anything, to a clarification of the concept. The perplexing difficulties raised by it are amply illustrated by the unsuccessful attempts, made periodically at various ages and on various levels of civilization, to arrive at criteria permitting a differentiation between the bellum justum and the bellum injustum. States, unlike individuals, are not confronted with simple choices between obeying or violating the law. Determination of the initial violation of existing covenants sheds little, if any, light on the responsibility for commencing war. Nor is such responsibility necessarily incurred by launching the first attack. Nothing could be more futile than to equate this act with aggressive and unjust war. The initial attack may be a legitimate response to an existing situation, and a war of aggression, as St. Augustine already pointed out, a just war; nor is there any reason to assume that the party forced into the defensive is invariably innocent. If war guilt is to be more than a specious pretense for inflicting punishment upon the vanquished, it can be measured only in terms of the alternatives available to a state, and the choice has to be viewed in the light of historical, ethical, and political factors. The assessment of such guilt is a problem of extraordinary complexity. To confine it to formal legal considerations would result not only in gross injustice, but would tend to perpetuate international tensions.
Magni Aurelii Cassiodori senatoris Liber de anima: Introduction and Critical Text
Authors: Halporn James W.
Published: August 2016

It is now almost three hundred years since Dom Garet published as part of the complete works of Cassiodorus the last printed edition of Cassiodorus' treatise On the Soul. The present edition is intended to offer a critical text of the work based on a study of the manuscript evidence. The restrictions of this publication make it impossible to give an explanation of the entire history of the text transmission. The apparatus criticus does, however, represent the readings of the best specimens of the various manuscript families which constitute the major evidence for the text. It is my hope that it will be possible at some future time for me to defend in greater detail my choice of the MSS used here, and to outline the history of the transmission from the ninth through the twelfth century.
The Medical Motif in the Kontakia of Romanos the Melodist
Authors: Schork R. Joseph
Published: August 2016

The use of the figure ‘Christ the Physician' and of related medical analogies has quite frequently arrested the attention of scholars investigating patristic literature. There is no need of tracing the ultimate origin of this motif, or of documenting its appearance in numerous writings of the Fathers, both Eastern and Western, since recent study has treated both of these aspects in some detail. In spite of this rather specialized research, however, one seeks in vain to locate the name ‘Romanos' in lists of those authors who have pictured Christ as the Divine Physician of body and soul. This article, then, will have as its specific purpose an analysis of the use of the medical motif in the kontakia of Romanos the Melodist (d. 556). Such an addition to the literature on this topic is warranted by the importance of the Romanos corpus in the history of Christian Greek letters and the corresponding importance of the ὁ Χϱιστòς ὁἰατϱóς theme as an illustration of the Melodist's poetic technique.
Mitteilungen aus Handschriften
Authors: Weigand Rudolf
Published: August 2016

Bei den Vorarbeiten für eine Dissertation über die bedingte Eheschliessung im kanonischen Recht, die vor allem die Entwicklung dieses Rechtsinstituts in der Zeit von 1140-1234 aufzeigen wird, hat der Verfasser unter anderem einzelne bisher unbekannte Handschriften verschiedener kanonistischer Werke aufgefunden oder bereits bekannte Handschriften näher identifiziert. Da die Drucklegung der Dissertation wohl noch einige Zeit in Anspruch nehmen wird, möchte der Verfasser die wichtigsten Ergebnisse vorläufig kurz anzeigen. Der Einzelnachweis wird in der genannten Dissertation folgen.
The Source of Chaucer's Seven Deadly Sins
Authors: Wenzel Siegfried
Published: August 2016

In the following I offer a sequel to an earlier article on the source for the Remedia sections in Chaucer's Parson's Tale. There I presented extracts from a Latin treatise on the virtues referred to as Postquam, which treats seven virtues in the same order as the Parson's remedies against the Seven Deadly Sins and furnishes precise verbal parallels to a large portion of the relevant passages in the Parson's Tale, passages for which no convincing source had previously been suggested. I also noted that in several manuscripts Postquam is preceded by a similar treatise on the vices and that the latter provides interesting parallels to Chaucer's treatment of the Seven Deadly Sins. The relation between this Latin treatise and Chaucer's text, however, is unfortunately not as simple as it was in the case of the Remedia. It is complicated, first of all, by the fact that much material concerning the Seven Deadly Sins in the Parson's Tale derives — as has been known for some time — from Peraldus's Summa de vitiis. Hence, my pointing at a different Latin treatise on the vices and claiming for it a greater closeness to the Parson's Tale than Peraldus has will involve a comparison between this treatise and Peraldus in their relation to the Parson's Tale. In addition, the discussion grows even more complicated because of the fact that not one but two new treatises on the vices must be considered. I shall refer to them by their initial words, Quoniam and Primo respectively. They are both abbreviations of Peraldus's Summa de vitiis, clearly made in England in the third quarter of the thirteenth century. Quoniam rearranges the Seven Deadly Sins found in Peraldus (Gula — Luxuria — Avaritia — Accidia — Superbia — Invidia — Ira — Peccatum linguae) in the more normal order (Superbia — Invidia — Ira — Accidia — Avaritia — Gula — Luxuria, with several sins of the tongue distributed among other chief vices), selects material from Peraldus, and adds much material not found in Peraldus, including several English verses. Primo in its turn appears to be a revision of Quoniam. It reduces the Peraldian as well as the non-Peraldian material found in Quoniam. Despite slight changes in the wording, it contains no significant material which is not also present in Quoniam. The English origin of both works is shown by the English verses in Quoniam, by several references to England, and by an interesting exemplum against greed and the overly zealous pursuit of the law, which is preserved in both treatises.
The Rite for Taking the Cross in the Twelfth Century
Authors: Pennington Kenneth
Published: August 2016

The liturgical ceremony for the taking of the crusading cross did not develop until well into the twelfth century. Texts which reveal how the cross was bestowed are relatively rare from the period 1095 to 1200. It was not until the thirteenth century that pontificals commonly contained such a ceremony. It is not clear why the rite for taking the cross took so long to develop, but two twelfth-century Italian pontificals from the Graz University library shed some light on how the liturgical ceremony evolved on the continent.
‘Céphalologie’: A Recurring Theme in Classical and Mediaeval Lore
Authors: Colledge Edmund , Marler J. C.
Published: August 2016

In the whole field of mediaeval hagiography, one of our most urgent needs is the establishment of trustworthy critical texts of James of Voragine's Legenda aurea, and of the Latin's various vernacular translations. Very soon after its first publication, the Legenda began to be copied throughout Western Christendom at a great rate, very often by professional scribes working for stationers who would expect them to write at speed while reproducing this encyclopaedia of the saints' deeds and marvels. Thus, from the beginnings of its manuscript tradition, corruptions and errors were introduced; and we still lack the means to correct them. For want of anything better, scholars must still refer to the edition of the Latin by Johann G. T. Graesse; but this cannot be used with any confidence. As Jacobus J. A. Zuidweg has observed in a summary of his findings, ‘Force nous était donc de nous servir de l’édition … quelque défectueuse qu'elle fût. Le texte de cette édition, qui fourmille de fautes se rapportant tant au texte même qu'à la ponctuation, est basé sur un exemplaire imprimé, datant du 15e siècle.’ Elsewhere, Zuidweg points out that Graesse's edition is incomplete, without, for example, James's chapter 73, dealing with Bede. The preparation and presentation of such critical texts would be a vast undertaking, more, probably, than could be achieved by any one person. Several gifted and zealous scholars have announced preliminary studies towards it, but have in the end found themselves defeated by the scope of the task and by its complexities. Not long ago, Konrad Kunze announced the inauguration of a card-index catalogue at Freiburg, which is to comprise all the Latin and vernacular manuscripts and printed texts of the Legenda aurea. This would now be indispensable for any proposed critical editions; but it does not seem that such editorial work is intended (Analecta Bollandiana 95 [1977] 168).
The Latin and Old English Glosses in the ‘Blickling’ and ‘Regius’ Psalters
Authors: Pulsiano Phillip
Published: August 2016

In hisStudien zum Psalterium Romanum in England und zu seinen Glossierungen, Karl Wildhagen writes of theBlickling Psalter(MS Pierpont Morgan Library m.776): ‘Dass es gegen Schluss des 10. oder Anfang des 11. Jahrhunderts im Süden und zwar in der bischöflichen (über Canterbury?) oder königliehen Kanzlei zu Winchester gewesen sein muss, beweisen die zahlreichen in ihm befindlichen jüngeren ae. Glossierungen aus dieser Zeit, die durchaus mit der damals in Winchester befindlichen Regius-Glosse übereinstimmen und z. T. sicher aus ihr kopiert sind.’ Helmut Gneuss reiterates Wildhagen's claim for the direct dependence ofBlickling(M) uponRegius(D) in his description of the psalter inLehnbildungen und Lehnbedeutungen im Altenglischen:‘Die spätws. Glossen sind vorwiegend und wohl direkt von Ms. D. abhängig.’ Kenneth and Celia Sisam, in their edition of theSalisbury Psalter, significantly qualify the suppositions of Wildhagen and Gneuss on the relationship between the Old English glosses of M and D: ‘Nearly all these later glosses are of type D; those that are not are either commonplace or, like 118.139tyrging= “zelus” and 129.3hwa acymϷ= “quis sustinebit,” they are found earlier in the psalms in D. There seems to be no means of defining the exact relation of this derivative to the extant D.’ All three of these statements are unsupported by a systematic and detailed examination of the Old English glosses in M and D to determine whether the later glosses in M derive directly from D or from an indeterminate D-type gloss.
From Roman to Frankish Gaul: ‘Centenarii’ and ‘Centenae’ in the Administration of the Merovingian Kingdom
Authors: Murray Alexander Callander
Published: August 2016

Merovingian and Carolingian sources refer to a subordinate official, called acentenarius, and his jurisdiction, called acentena.In the Carolingian period, thecentenariuswas selected by the count (comes) to exercise administrative, police, and judicial functions within thecentenaor hundred, a subdivision of the county (pagusorcomitatus). Other terms for the count's deputies and their jurisdictions are also attested; in the southvicariiadministered districts calledvicariae, and in the far west the subdivision of the county bore the namecondita, a word probably of Celtic origin. For most of the kingdom, however, the principal officials of the count were calledcentenariiand their jurisdictions,centenae.In the Merovingian period also, thecentenariusacted as a subordinate of the count, and like his Carolingian namesake exercised judicial and police duties; the termcentenais attested in sixth-century Merovingian sources but probably acquired clear territorial significance only in the late Merovingian or early Carolingian periods.
A Guide to the Medical Manuscripts Mentioned in Kristeller's ‘Iter Italicum’ I–II
Authors: Durling Richard J.
Published: August 2016

I recently published in this journal (41 [1985] 341–65) a guide to the medical MSS mentioned in Iter Italicum III. That volume had no index. The first two volumes of the Iter (London—Leiden 1965–67) do have indices, and it might be thought that the present guide is superfluous. But it is quite impossible to get from the indices an adequate idea of the whole body of medical literature listed in Kristeller's magnificent inventory. The Iter is devoted, above all, to theology, philosophy, law, literature, history, musicology, mathematics, and astronomy. Medicine, is, however, not neglected. I hope the present guide will stimulate research into the various genres of medical writing in the Middle Ages and Renaissance. We still have too few editions of medical texts from these two periods, which are really critical and based on all available MSS. We need more studies of plague tracts, consilia, receipts, and medical correspondence. Minor as well as major figures should be studied.
The Problem of Ascetical Fasting in the Greek Patristic Writers
Authors: Musurillo Herbert
Published: August 2016

Studies in comparative religion have shown the important role played by the practice of ascetical fasting in the history of man's religious development. But many gaps in that history still exist. We may surmise, for example, that primitive man stumbled on the practice of fasting accidentally, as a way to conserve food in time of shortage, or, again, out of revulsion for food in times of sickness, as well as under stress of sorrow or fear. On the other hand, he would find that overeating might interfere with sleep and cause a feeling of heaviness, or that certain foods could cause sickness and nausea. The lacuna between these primitive experiences and the religious-ascetical practice of fasting still remains a subject for investigation, although, from the point of view of Greece and Rome, it has been adequately treated by Arbesmann. The object of the present work is not to cover the practice of ecclesiastical fasting, either from the canonical point of view (as this has been sufficiently treated by Parra Herrera) or in its connection with prophecy and revelation (as this has again been fully discussed by Arbesmann) — but merely to treat the problem of ascetical fasting as we find it in the Greek patristic writers down to the time of John Damascene.
The ‘Canticum Amoris’ of Richard Rolle
Authors: Liegey Gabriel M.
Published: August 2016

The unedited Canticum amoris of Richard Rolle is a Latin poem of one hundred fifty-two lines addressed to the Virgin Mary. Written after he had become a hermit and while, it seems, he was still a youth, the work is of considerable interest for itself, for the light it sheds on the author as man and artist, and for a study of the confluence of the currents in the stream of English literature at the beginning of the fourteenth century. The signature, woven into the poem, leaves no doubt about its being a genuine work of one who in England was probably the most influential English writer of the late middle ages. It was listed among the Latin works of Rolle which Horstmann intended to edit, discussed by Miss Hope Emily Allen in her indispensable canon of the hermit's work, and singled out by Mr. Raby as a work that should be published.
Kaiser Friedrich II: Literaturbericht 1950–1956
Authors: Kloos Rudolf M.
Published: August 2016

Friedrich II ‘steht zwar nicht isoliert in seiner geistigen Umwelt, nicht der ‘Neuzeit’ näher; aber vieles beunruhigend Neue, was im 13. Jahrhundert auch anderwarts spurbar wird, vereint und verdichtet sich in seiner eminenten Begabung zu weithin sichtbarer Gestalt.’ Diese Worte Herbert Grundmanns in der achten Auflage desGebhardtdürfen wir aIs die dem heutigen Stand unseres Wissens entsprechende communis opimo zumindest der deutschen Forschung an den Anfang unseres Überblicks stellen. Ganz ähnlich spricht sich auch Friedrich Baethgen in seiner K.urzbiographie Friedrichs II. in der neuen Ausgabe des BuchesDie grossen Deulschenaus. Ist zwar dieses Buch vornehmlich für weitere Kreise bestimmt, so sei doch ausdrlicklich auf diese Veröffent1ichung hingewiesen, nicht nur weil es die einzige Monographie der letzten J ahre tiber Friedrich ist, sondern weil sic von der Personlichkeit des Kaiser ein allseitig abgerundetes Bild gibt, das sich durch intime eigene Sachkenntnis und Berücksichtigung der neuesten Forschungsergebnisse auszeichnet.
Manuscript Cataloging
Authors: Wilson William Jerome
Published: August 2016

The present study of the principles and methods of manuscript cataloging began in prosaic simplicity about 1951, as little more than an editorial style sheet. At that time, while reviewing for stylistic uniformity the material that had been collected for a supplement to theCensus of Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts in the United States and Canada, I noted down a number of points with respect to the abbreviating of frequently used terms, the arranging of parts of an entry, the citing of bibliographical references, and other matters of form; these, I thought, might usefully be spelled out in detail for the benefit of compilers of possible future supplements. In this there was no expectation of binding our successors to accept and follow our decisions; it merely seemed a kindness to state plainly what those decisions were, instead of leaving them to be deduced from an examination of the individual entries. Naturally, in debatable cases, along with the decisions went some indication of the reasons that had prompted them.
The Disputed Election at Langres in 1138
Authors: Constable Giles
Published: August 2016

Among the many disputed episcopal elections of the twelfth century, there are few that present both as many problems and as many points of interest as that at Langres in 1138. The diocese of Langres had since the time of the Carolingian emperors been among the most important in France. As early as 872 Charles the Bald, at the request of bishop Isaac, granted jointly to the cathedral of St. Mamas at Langres and to St. Stephen at Dijon the right, previously held by the local count, to coin money. In 967, the lay count was officially replaced by the bishop, although most of his rights were subinfeudated to a vidame. ‘Par Langres,’ wrote Ferdinand Lot, ‘suzeraine du Langogne, du Dijonnais et de ses annexes (Atuyer, Oscheret, Mémontois), du Boulenois, du Bassigny, du Lassois, du Tonnerrois, etc., c'est-à-dire de la moitié de la Bourgogne française, le roi pouvait exercer, à l'occasion, une grande influence en cette région.’ In 1179, the bishop recovered direct control over his rights as count and became tenant-in-chief of the crown for all his lands and powers, whereas among his own vassals he numbered the duke of Burgundy and the count of Champagne. Later, between 1179 and 1356, he rose to the rank of duke and was recognized as the third ecclesiastical peer of the realm, taking precedence over his own metropolitan, the archbishop of Lyons, at the coronation of the king. Already in the first half of the twelfth century, the diocese of Langres compared in power and size to the great ecclesiastical principalities of the Holy Roman Empire. It included practically all the present bishoprics of Langres and Dijon and extended almost to the towns of Troyes and Auxerre to the north and west and beyond Dijon to the south. Within its boundaries lay not only the great old Benedictine abbeys of Bèze and of St. Bénigne and St. Stephen at Dijon, but also Molesme, the mother-house of Cîteaux, and the newly-founded Cistercian monasteries of Clairvaux and Morimund.
Hugues de Saint-Victor: Contribution à un nouvel examen de son œuvre
Authors: Baron Roger
Published: August 2016

En présentant cette contribution à l'examen critique de l'œuvre de Hugues de Saint-Victor, nous avons d'abord à rendre hommage à B. Hauréau qui, au siècle dernier, entreprit une étude analogue, en 1859, sous le titre,Hugues de Saint-Victor: Nouvel examen de l'édition de ses oeuvres, puis, en 1886, sous le titre,Les oeuvres de Hugues de Saint-Victor.Compte tenu des travaux parus depuis lors et des résultats de nos propres recherches nous devons faire un certain nombre d'additions aux constatations faites par Hauréau, et un certain nombre de corrections aux jugements qu'il prononça. Il n'empêche que notre étude comme la sienne a un caractère provisoire et appelle à son tour additions, perfectionnements et corrections. Puissions-nous du moins être quelque peu utile aux chercheurs qui s'intéresseront à ce grand penseur du XIIesiècle.
An Unpublished Late Thirteenth-Century Commentary on the Nicomachean Ethics of Aristotle
Authors: Giocarinis Kimon
Published: August 2016

Codex 485 (213) of the University Library of Erlangen contains an anonymous commentary, by questions, on the Nicomachean Ethics of Aristotle commencing on fol. 47r and ending on fol. 80v. In 1930, M. Grabmann called attention to this commentary as one of the sources of the thesis that God cannot be the immediate source of human happiness — a thesis condemned in 1277 by Stephen Tempier along with 218 other ‘heretical’ doctrines. Professor Gaines Post of the University of Wisconsin had a photostatic copy made of the manuscript in question and Miss N. Koskenlinna, a former student of his, performed the painful task of its transliteration. The object of this article is the description and analysis of this unpublished, late thirteenthcentury exposition of the moral philosophy of Aristotle.
The Fourteenth-Century College of Aubert de Guignicourt at Soissons
Authors: Pegues Frank
Published: August 2016

The fourteenth century was the great century of college-founding in western Europe. The previous century and a half had witnessed the origins and early growth of the great studia generalia in Italy, France, England and Spain. This previous age had also seen the creation and endowment of the first colleges within the universities, a development which was to make the college system the dominant organizational characteristic of the medieval universities. The College des Dix-Huit was set up at Paris in the last years of the twelfth century; the most celebrated of all colleges, the Sorbonne, was endowed in the thirteenth. Almost at the same time, Merton College came into being at Oxford. But what had been a slow growth in the thirteenth century became a phenomenal expansion and multiplication of colleges in the fourteenth century. These colleges, vastly increased in number, were almost invariably and naturally attached to the old centers. The college founded by Aubert de Guignicourt at Soissons is almost unique simply because it was a provincial college. Because provincial colleges were so rare, this particular foundation deserves examination.
Missale Bugellense (Codex Lowe) Ein Votiv-Vollmissale des XIV./XV. Jahrhunderts aus Biella in Oberitalien
Authors: Eizenhöfer Leo
Published: August 2016

Beim Gespräch über liturgische Handschriften in den U.S.A. sagte mir Prof. E.A. Lowe eines Tages im Mai 1958 in seinem grossen Skriptorium im Institute for Advanced Study bei Princeton — ‘that “scholars' paradise” set among quiet green meadows' — wo die prächtigen Bände der Codices Latini Antiquiores das Licht der Welt erblicken, dass auch er ein kleines Missale des 14./15. Jahrhunderts besitze, und bald darauf hielt ich es in Händen. Während ich es betrachtete, meinte er: “You write a note on this book.” Da ich die alsbald begonnene Untersuchung nicht im Institut beenden konnte, liess Prof. Lowe einen Film der Handschrift hersteilen und schenkte ihn mir beim Abschied. Einige Fragen, besonders über das Alter der Hände und über schwer lesbare Stellen, beantwortete er mir später brieflich. Das hier vorgelegte Ergebnis der Untersuchung des ‘Codex Lowe' —es ist die einzige Handschrift in Prof. Lowes Besitz — möge dem hochverehrten Jubilar eine kleine nachträgliche Freude zum 80. Geburtstag bereiten (15. Oktober 1959).
‘When Military Affairs were in Leo's Hands’ A Note on Byzantine Foreign Policy (886–912)
Authors: Karlin-Hayter P.
Published: August 2016

The sources for the reign of Leo VI the Wise (886–912) are numerous, but historians have been handicapped by the existence of two virtual Lives of Leo, the Logothete chronicle and the Vita Euthymii† (=VE), for the very natural result of the existence of these two apparent histories of his reign has been to form too exclusively the judgment of posterity on him and it. Both are, for different reasons, excessively restrictive: the Logothete is hostile and eliminates systematically any favorable information. The VE is favorable but, written as it is to justify the ascent of the patriarchal throne by the monk Euthymius, its almost exclusive concern is with Leo's matrimonial misfortunes and the picture it gives of him shows him always grovelling at the feet of Euthymius. The emperor as humble suppliant to the saint is a great theme of the Vita and coincides with the mosaic in St. Sophia usually considered to be his portrait. Actually, emperors were quite prone to demonstrations of humility before monks.
Chaucer's Man of Law as Interpreter
Authors: Wood Ghaungey
Published: August 2016

As Professor D. W. Robertson, Jr., has pointed out, the Man of Law's reiterated concern for the ‘fruyt’ of his story as opposed to its ‘chaf is a clear invitation to the audience both to seek the ‘sentence’ of the story and to judge whether or not the Man of Law is successful in his interpretation of his own material. Indeed, the Man of Law stands high among the Canterbury pilgrims in the degree of his involvement with his story, and he is presented to us as one who cannot simply tell a tale, but who feels obliged to react to it sympathetically, to comment on it, and even to interpret it for us. Thus, when it comes time for the Man of Law to tell a tale, he selects the story of Custance, whose humble faith in God's Providence is rewarded by numerous deliverances from death and from fates-worse-than-death, and, lest we miss the terror of impending doom or the moral of Custance's deliverances, the Man of Law intrudes repeatedly in order to emphasize and interpret. These interpretations and emphases are scarcely the serene summations of ‘sentence’ we might expect this providential tale to elicit from an educated man, but are rather a commentary on the narrator's and not the heroine's emotional reactions to the vicissitudes of the story. The Man of Law's specific and general interpretations of the story, as a consequence, become interesting both for their relevance, or lack of it, to the tale, and for their ability to disclose by their degree of pertinence much about the Man of Law's understanding of things providential.
Jean de Ripa I Sent. Dist. XXXVII: De Modo inexistendi divine essentie in omnibus creaturis
Authors: Combes André , Ruello Francis , Vignaux Paul
Published: August 2016

La Question inédite de Jean de Ripa dont Mgr. André Combes et son collaborateur au Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, Francis Ruello, apportent l'édition critique vient compléter de remarquable façon le dossier jadis établi par le regretté Alexandre Koyré sur le vide et l'espace infini au XIVe siècle. La dernière partie de ce dossier révèle chez le grand oxonien Thomas Bradwardine ‘l'affirmation d'un espace infini’ et pose le problème: Dieu et l'espace dont le měme historien, à la fois de la pensée scientifique et de la pensée religieuse, devait montrer l'importance en analysant, du xve au xviie siècle, le passage du monde clos à l'univers infini. La discussion et la solution de ce problème font l'un des principaux intérěts du texte de 1354 ou 1355 ci-dessous publié. On le retrouverait chez Nicole Oresme traitant en français ‘du Ciel et du Monde,’ parlant — au témoignage de Pierre Duhem — d’ ‘une espace vuide, incorporèle … qui est hors le ciel,’ disant de ce ‘lieu ymaginé vuit et infini: c'est l'immensité de Dieu meisme …’; immensité cependant ‘indivisible et sans extension,’ une ‘position’ de Dieu comparable à la ‘duration’ qui ‘est éternité indivisible et sans succession.’ Pareilles expressions évoquent la problématique ultérieure analysée par Koyré; il cite les Méditations chrétiennes de Malebranche. Citons les Entretiens sur la Métaphysique; au huitième, Théodore dit à Ariste: ‘je prétends vous donner quelque connaissance de l'immensité de Dieu en la comparant avec son éternité,’ et ajoute: ‘… vous n'entrez point dans ma pensée, si vous croyez que … les espaces imaginaires soient, pour ainsi dire, le lieu qu'occupe la substance infinie de la Divinité’; les formules de Jean de Ripa évoquent aussi des ‘espaces que l'on conçoit au-delà du monde’ et un Dieu ‘infini en tout sens’ n'existant ‘qu'en lui-měme’ dans ‘son immensité.’
Canonistica Hispanica (II)
Authors: García Y García Antonio
Published: August 2016

En las dos últimas entregas de esta revista di cuenta de algunos códices jurídico-canónicos encontrados recientemente en bibliotecas españolas. Trátase de textos y comentarios de derecho canónico que se conservan en códices que hasta ahora habían permanecido ignorados y cuyo contenido pertenece cronológicamente a la época clásica comprendida entre el Decreto de Graciano y las Decretales de Gregorio IX. En un recienteiter hispanicumlocalicé todavía algunos nuevos manuscritos de los que doy cuenta a continuación.
Evangelicalism as the Informing Principle of Cynewulf's ‘Elene’
Authors: Regan Catharine A.
Published: August 2016

Although more and more readers have come to recognize the literary sophistication of some Old English poems, only a very few have discussed Cynewulf'sElenein terms of this sophistication. A few studies have appeared in recent years which argue, in one way or another, for the complexity and richness of the poem, but many assumptions on which the older criticism is based remain to be challenged. Although the earlier commentators usually protested that the poem is no mere versification of its source, the Invention of the Cross-legend, they almost always discussed Cynewulf's achievement in terms of departure from or amplification of his source, and ultimately dismissed the poem as an extremely good versification of the legend.
Ὁ ϰυϱιαϰὸς ἄνθϱωπος: Eine Studie zu einer christologischen Bezeichnung der Väterzeit
Authors: Grillmeier Alois
Published: August 2016

In der Christologie der nach-nicänischen und nach-chalcedonischen Zeit findet sich eine Bezeichnung der menschlichen Wirklichkeit Jesu Christi, deren Geschichte und Bedeutung bis heute noch nicht völlig geklärt sind:ὁ ϰυϱιαϰὸς ἄνθϱωπος, in lateinischer Übersetzung:homo dominicus.Bisher wurde ihr Vorkommen am meisten beachtet im Zusammenhang der Erforschung derEpistula ad Antiochenos(hier weiterhin:EAA) oder des sogenanntenSermo maior de fide, einer Schrift, die heute Markell von Ankyra zugeteilt wird, und der pseudathanasianischenExpositio fidei(fortan:EF), die von dem eben genannten Werk allerdings nur in den §§ 3–4 abhängig ist. Vermutlich darf man Marcus Eremita und seinen Gebrauch vonϰνϱιαϰὸς ἄνθϱωπος(fortan:ϰ.α.) in dem aszetischen WerkAd Nicolaum praecepta animae salutaria(=OpusculumV) daneben stellen, während sein dogmatisches WerkAduersus eos qui dicunt sanctam carnem non fuisse unitam cum Verbo… (=OpusculumXI) einen wichtigen Schritt darüber hinaus bedeutet. Man hat auch behauptet, daß Athanasius von Alexandrien diese Bezeichnung gebraucht habe, dies unter Berufung auf einige Texte bei Severus von Antiochien. Dies ist zu überprüfen.K.α.taucht sodann auf im Schrifttum des Didymus von Alexandrien, des Epiphanius von Salamis, des Gregor von Nyssa. Im Osten reicht seine Geschichte bis hin zu Leontius von Jerusalem und (Ps.-) Pamphilus, der wohl bald nach 560, sicher aber vor 630 geschrieben hat, und schließlich bis zu Anastasius Sinaita. Von den Lateinern kennen sie Hieronymus, Papst Damasus, dann Augustinus und der Nestoriusgegner Ioannes Cassian. Wenn Augustinus in seinenRetractationesdavon Abschied nimmt, so mag dies nicht ohne Einfluß auf das Verschwinden dieses Ausdrucks in der westlichen Theologie gewesen sein, wenn er auch noch Thomas von Aquin (S. Th.III 16 3) der Erwähnung und der Diskussion für wert erschienen ist. Die Verlegenheit der Dogmenhistoriker in der Deutung dieser Geschichte dauert an bis heute. Der Grund dafür liegt darin, daß die Verwendungs- und Bedeutungsgeschichte dieses Ausdrucksϰυϱιαϰὸς ἄνθϱωπος, zu dem der andereϰυϱιαϰὸν σῶμαgehört, zu wenig differenziert untersucht und dargestellt worden ist. Die meisten Forscher haben sich mit der Feststellung einer undifferenzierten Wortverwendung begnügt oder vorausgesetzt, daßϰ.α.einen einheitlichen Bedeutungsgehalt habe. Darum führen auch verschiedene Versuche, mit Hilfe des Vorkommens dieses Ausdrucks Echtheits- oder Verfasserfragen zu lösen, kaum zu brauchbaren Ergebnissen.
Achilles and the Ghost of Aeschyles in Aristophanes' ‘Frogs’
Authors: Tarkow Theodore A.
Published: August 2016

It is a commonplace that Aristophanes' heroes stage successful revolts against whatever they perceive prevents them from attaining their goals or from fulfilling their potential. Nothing so restrictive as political obstacles, or bodily restraints, or even divine directives remains immune, so it seems, from a triumphant revolt launched so humorously and so uniquely by such splendid comic creations as Dikaiopolis, Pisthetairos, and Lysistrata, to name three of the most famous Aristophanic heroes. In the process, political and military heroes who revere their presumed control and power are mastered; there fall those natural functions which seem to exercise periodic dominion over varied phases of our lives; and even the Olympian gods are compelled to succumb to the imposing demands of comic vision, fantasy, and ultimate heroic triumph.
Reading the World Rightly and Squarely: Bonaventure's Doctrine of the Cardinal Virtues
Authors: Emery Kent
Published: August 2016

In an article concerning the seven deadly sins, Siegfried Wenzel distinguishes one model for the traditional topic of vices and virtues which he calls ‘ cosmological’ or ‘ symbolic.’ This model develops the idea that ‘ man is a septenary,’ a composite of three powers of the soul and four elements of the body. The association of the three theological virtues with the three powers of the soul and the four cardinal virtues with the four elements of the body was current in the twelfth century. In the first half of the thirteenth century, Robert Grosseteste developed the analogy in the context of a metaphysics of light, somewhat unexpectedly in a treatise on confession. The ‘connection between virtues and vices on one hand and physiology on the other,’ Wenzel remarks, ‘is an area that needs much further study.’ Perhaps the fullest development of the cosmological or symbolic model of the virtues was made in the last half of the thirteenth century by Bonaventure. Indeed, for him the cardinal virtues (the concern of this study) are the four poles of the created universe.