bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Federal Government's Weapons to Fight Inflation and Economic Instability
Authors: Maxwell James A.
Published: March 2007

The federal government has never explicitly de clared that prevention of inflation is its responsibility, and only recently has a strong opinion arisen that such a declaration should be made, possibly by amendment of the Employment Act of 1946. Some of those who desire price stability believe that, to achieve it, the federal government should add control over installment purchases and over major wage contracts to its repertoire. They feel that fiscal policy, depending upon Congress, is untrustworthy and that a tight monetary policy does not quickly reach important sectors of the economy. Op position to federal assumption of responsibility for price sta bility comes especially from those who fear that its implemen tation will slow up economic growth. In their view, the "cost- push" is chiefly responsible for our recent inflation and for the prospect that creeping inflation lies ahead. It should be ac cepted as a fact of economic life, with some effort to miti gate its inequities through widespread extension of escalation. Such a step is, however, to be opposed both on grounds of equity and of theory. Widespread escalation is not feasible, and creeping inflation, if accepted as policy, will create eco nomic disorder rather than accelerated growth.
Should We Accept Inflation?
Authors: Shanks Carrol M.
Published: March 2007

Under conditions existing in the American econ omy today, there are periods when it is extremely difficult to achieve simultaneously the two major goals of high employ ment and stable prices. Abandonment of the goal of price stability is not an acceptable solution to this problem—first, because reasonable price stability is essential to a just distribu tion of output, and second, because it would be even more diffi cult to maintain high employment under a conscious national policy of inflation than under a policy directed toward stable prices. Under every assumed rate of inflation, the monetary and fiscal authorities would again be faced with exactly the same dilemma. The goal of stable prices would have been sacrificed only to find that nothing had been gained with re spect to employment and output. As in the case of most di lemmas, the solution is found by restating the problem: it is not stable prices and high employment which are incompatible; it is unrestrained monopoly power and high employment which are incompatible. The acceptance of inflation will not solve the problem. High employment and an equitable distribution of output can be maintained only by taking steps to restrain monopoly power, wherever it may exist in the economy.
Excise and Sales Taxes as Anti-inflationary Measures
Authors: Due John F.
Published: March 2007

Sales and excise taxes are in all likelihood typi cally shifted forward in the form of higher commodity prices. Their anti-inflationary influence arises from their effect in re ducing real purchasing power by raising commodity prices rela tive to factor incomes. Unlike other price increases, this type does not have a spiraling effect because it does not generate additional income. Sales and excises have some relative advan tage over income taxes so far as inflation control is concerned. They place a heavier relative burden on persons spending high percentages of their incomes and compel them to reduce con sumption. They give some incentive to spend less and save more. In addition some persons may tend to spend the same dollar sum, including tax elements, as before. If persons at tempt to maintain their old consumption levels of goods and services, they increase their tax liability by so doing. On the other hand, much of the greater anti-inflationary advantage of the sales and excise taxes will be lost if they generate wage increases. The sales and excise taxes may also offer some limited advantage from the standpoint of production incentives, but this can easily be exaggerated. The principal objections to the sales and excise taxes are equity ones; the levies conform much less closely with accepted standards of equity in taxation than the income tax. Sales and excise taxes, as well as the income tax, are greatly inferior to the expenditure tax as anti- inflationary measures, and the latter is more equitable than the commodity taxes.
Managing the Public Debt
Authors: Ratchford B.U.
Published: March 2007

Debt management includes decisions about the composition and terms, but not about the amount, of the public debt. The heart of the countercyclical debt management theory is that short-term obligations provide liquidity and in duce spending while long-term obligations do the reverse. The effects of such management are indirect, uncertain, and weak and may be redundant if monetary policy is adequate. Debt management is less flexible than monetary policy, and its effects may persist after a change of policy is required and thus become an obstacle to the effectiveness of monetary policy. In a reces sion, short-term financing tends to raise short-term interest rates and may delay a resumption of spending by offering at tractive returns on funds. In recent years the average maturity of the debt has been declining, thus increasing the possibilities of inflation. The only two recent occasions on which the debt was lengthened moderately were in periods of recession; appar ently the lengthening did not delay recovery. The potentiali ties of countercyclical debt management have been overempha sized in recent years, especially if an effective monetary policy is assumed. At least one competent student of the problem advocates substituting cost for economic stabilization as the proper criterion for debt management.
Financing Business and Consumer Needs Without Inflation
Authors: Ellis Howard S.
Published: March 2007

"Needs" for short-run inventory credit formed the basis of a particular school of thought regarding monetary policy early in the nineteenth century in England, and this phi losophy imbued the Federal Reserve in the United States at its inception. In the early 1930's, a swing of the pendulum in the opposite direction brought into dominance the Quantity Theory, which denied any relevance of business and consumer needs to desirable credit policy. The state was supreme in these matters and could, through appropriate central bank op eration, control the quantity and availability of bank credit and hence—it was thought—the evolution of prices and production. Nowadays the position is less simple. Nonbank financial or ganizations and firms can create near moneys, and the needs of producers for credit may be satisfied outside the banking sys tem. This may reduce the efficacy of Federal Reserve control of inflation; but the control exercised by the Federal Reserve over money may be sufficient to master the situation in all money and credit markets. On the other hand, effective control of inflation does in fact seem to be jeopardized by monopoly pricing by industries and by labor unions; a "need" for money is thus created which is not easily denied by the monetary authority. Some types of direct control of monopoly practices may become unavoidable.
Research and Development, Economic Growth, and National Security
Authors: Barnett Harold J.
Published: March 2007

Vital interest exists today in government research and development. Thinking people will discuss the underly ing causes for the new interest. They may question, as Dr. Barnett does, the prevalent belief that research and develop ment can be equated with economic transformation or that an increase in economic growth necessitates only an increase in government-sponsored research and development efforts. Ac cepting the fact that a correlation exists between research and development and economic growth, it is necessary to examine the paths open to the government in selecting its policy. Does not the uncertainty involved in research for future military innovations demand a recognition that multiple paths must be tried to achieve the desired results? The ends may best be achieved if government policy indicates only the objectives and allows the decisions for research-in-particular to be made by the separate research organizations. In the nonmilitary fields of research and development, it may be useful for the govern ment to allocate funds to the universities for their research candidates and for the equipment to be used. Though research and development efforts do not necessarily cause economic transformation, there have been some demonstrable positive results, such as the revision of the negative premises for eco nomic growth of natural scarcity theory.—Ed.
Budgeting for Science: Presidental Responsibility
Authors: Carry William D.
Published: March 2007

"Science," as it is categorized without verbal exactitude, is a new and troublesome concern of the Presidency. Executive oversight of science as it impinges on public policy is in part exercised, and can be appraised, in the context of budgetary decision-making. Political scientists will find it re warding to ponder the adequacy of the Presidential machinery for evolving science policy and balancing priorities within the discipline of the federal budget. Can the scientific community reasonably look to the federal government for the degree of sufficiency, stability, and venturesomeness of support which it seeks, given the competition of other urgent public needs for budgetary sustenance? Upon reflection, the institution of the Presidency for choosing priorities and tackling vexing techno logical questions is found to contain reassuring strengths. At the same time, preoccupation with the snarled traffic of relent less decision-making leaves unresolved a number of basic, long- term problems in the design of the relationship of science to government.
Research Planning and Control in the United States Department of Agriculture: The Experience of an Old and Well-established Research Agency
Authors: Shaw Byron T.
Published: March 2007

Our publicly supported agricultural research has been a joint responsibility of the Department of Agriculture and the state land-grant colleges since 1862. Methods evolved for its planning and control are based on voluntary co-operation be tween the states and Department agencies, with assistance from farmers, industry, and other groups. This system, nearly as com plex and diverse as agriculture itself, has been very successful. Today it involves some 13,000 scientists at hundreds of loca tions throughout the country. It is financed by nearly $238 million in public funds, about half from the states and half from the federal government. The work concerns all phases of pro duction, marketing, utilization, and consumption of farm and forest products. It is organized generally around specific prob lems and includes about 14,700 projects. However, more than a fifth of the federal funds support basic studies. Advisory committees, composed of members who represent users of re search results, aid extensively in planning. Control procedures, including thorough project review and co-ordination, permit a well-integrated and dynamic program. In the administration of this research, encouragement of creative contributions by individual scientists is a prime consideration.
Historical Review
Authors: Eckler John
Published: March 2007

The problem of congested dockets and delay of justice has been witnessed invariable times in past history. The real and ever present delay in the legal remedies afforded the people has permeated the public consciousness and has in stilled an awareness of responsibility among the servants of the judiciary. Those ministering justice have instigated legis lation in various states to accelerate the judicial process. Con cern for the civic effects of delay in our courts and for the legal effects on our judicial system has fostered conferences, commit tee studies, and projects on congestion and delay in the admin istration of justice. A determined public, bar, and judiciary can implement positive programs and methods enabling the judges to grant speedier trials.—Ed.
Judicial Manpower Problems
Authors: Johnsen Roger A.
Published: March 2007

The overriding fact in any study of judicial man power is that the American judiciary is undermanned. There fore, it is increasingly important to use more efficiently the existing judicial manpower. Closer supervision of the number of days worked per trial-term and the number of hours worked per day may increase the amount of time spent in court by judges. Other suggested improvements include a more even distribution of the work-load through the use of the central case assignment system, fuller utilization of nonjudicial personnel not only for clerical matters but also for the hearing of routine motions where consent of counsel is obtained. Furthermore, to utilize fully the judicial manpower of. America, a central authority in each court system should have the power to re assign judges to districts with overcrowded calendars. Lastly, certain courtroom measures could be taken to expedite the trial of cases and thereby to permit each judge to hear more cases per term. These measures are designed to use more fully the supply of judicial talent. They are not a cure for the shortage of judges which is now a problem in many of the courts in America.
A Proposed Automobile Accident Compensation Plan
Authors: Hofstadter Samuel H.
Published: March 2007

Automobile accidents have kept pace with the steadily rising highway use. In a real sense these are not caused by man but by the automobile itself. When the blow strikes, the complainant can obtain redress only by proving the opera tor careless. But if his own negligence contributed in any way, he may not be recompensed, whatever the fault of the operator. These rules are so harsh that juries circumvent them, trial of these cases is largely a matter of chance, the courts are jammed, justice is delayed, and many accident victims are denied reim bursement. Alternative theories predicated on fault are more sound but miss the heart of the problem. The solution lies in granting compensation on a prearranged schedule regardless of fault—as in workmen's compensation. If immediate adoption of such a plan is not possible, automobile cases should in the interim be assigned to special tribunals consisting of a judge, a layman and a physician, with apportionment of damages sub stituted for the rule of contributory negligence. In the era of the automobile, no victim of its thrust should be required to carry the burden of his pain and suffering alone.
The Refugee Problem: Joint Responsibility
Authors: Rees Elfan
Published: March 2007

The refugee, a victim of political events, a man uprooted from his homestead and country, finds himself in a strange land where he is homeless, often stateless, and poverty- stricken. The refugee in Hong Kong, for example, who faces this predicament can find his fellow exiles dispersed globally in such countries as The Republic of Korea, India, Syria, West Germany, and Finland. The dimensions of the refugee prob lem in the postwar era estimated to include at least forty mil lion persons are indeed frightening. Yet the enormity of the figure cannot describe the individual misery and human tragedy that have befallen these people. Moreover, neither the end of political upheavals nor the concomitant movement of peoples— the unabated dynamism of the refugee problem—are in sight. This situation demands global recognition. The United Na tions is concerned with the problem but has been able to give support and succor only on a limited basis. The neighboring nations, who have been obliged to bear the brunt of the imme diate crises, must not be left alone to alleviate the misery of these millions.—Ed.
National Efforts in the Field of Social Development
Authors: Davidson George F.
Published: March 2007

First, a working definition, or description, of social development is attempted in order to distinguish it from economic or community development. Next, reference is made to factors which have created the tremendous postwar upsurge of interest in social development, particularly in the United Nations and its related agencies. This leads to consideration of problems faced by national governments, particularly in newly independent, underdeveloped countries, as they attempt to meet their responsibilities—often written into their consti tutions—in the field of social development. Each country faces the difficult problem of priorities. Some, like India, frankly recognize the necessity of giving priority to economic and industrial development. Others, like Pakistan and the Philippines, attempt, not always successfully, to strike a bal ance between economic and social development. In still others, certain kinds of social development programs—for example, in health or education—may actually be a precondition of suc cessful economic development. Seldom can less-developed countries give high priority in their social development plans to social security or insurance programs. The article concludes that each nation must resolve the problem of priorities for itself: international or bilateral advice, technical assistance or even financial aid cannot substitute for national effort in the field of social development.
Intergovernmental Channels: Activities in the Social Field
Authors: Branscombe Martha
Published: March 2007

While the principle of intergovernmental co operation in the field of social welfare was well established prior to World War II, the current widespread activity and proliferation of channels have developed in direct response to the postwar social upheavals and the rising tide of newly in dependent nations. Present intergovernmental co-operation is conducted through a multifarious network of international or gans. There are those linked to the United Nations as well as a more diffuse group of intergovernmental organs with an independent existence. The Economic and Social Council, an organ of the United Nations, which bears the main responsi bility for United Nations social policy is also the co-ordinator of the specialized agencies' social welfare programs. In addi tion to the complex structure of intergovernmental organiza tions, their efforts encompass all facets of the social field. In such an enormous undertaking the major problem is the co ordination of these activities and the channels through which they move.—Ed.
Voluntary Agencies and Foundations in International Aid
Authors: Hoskins Lewis M.
Published: March 2007

American voluntary agencies perform on behalf of their constituencies—the American public—extensive over seas operations in many countries throughout the world. They bring medical, educational, agricultural, relief, and refugee services to disadvantaged people wherever they have an op portunity to share their concerns and competence. They co ordinate their activities and co-operate with governmental agencies through informal arrangements such as councils and more formal agreements such as subcontracts. Their voluntary and independent characteristics permit a maximum of experi mentation and close contact with the people with whom they work and share. In so doing they help translate American humanitarian ideals in practical ways. They also bring to communities in the United States firsthand insight of the as pirations and problems of other peoples. This relationship helps the needed communication and understanding in an inter dependent world. Foundations have grown in number and scope to supplement the work of the traditional voluntary agencies. Some carry on their own programs; others prefer to work through existing organizations.
A Mass Attack on a Basic Problem: A Child Nutrition Project in Latin America
Authors: Enochs Elisabeth Shirley
Published: March 2007

In 1958 and 1959, the Inter-American Children's Institute of Montevideo, Uruguay, and the Unitarian Service Committee of the United States cosponsored four Symposia on Child Nutrition in Latin America with the co-operation of Spe cialized Organizations of the United Nations, the Organization of American States, and the International Co-operation Admin istration. Each sponsor appointed a team of experts, contrib uted by universities and governmental agencies, to conduct the symposia. The Williams-Waterman Fund helped to provide travel grants for three participants from each South American country. Different professions—medicine, agriculture, social work, education, anthropology, and so on—were represented. The multidisciplinary approach—new to the Latin Americans —proved effective in dealing with a multifaceted problem which has top priority in Latin America because of its serious effects on the general population, particularly children, and because it is recognized as a deterrent to economic development and productivity.
America and the Future of the Maghreb
Authors: Ben Aboud El-Mehdi
Published: March 2007

In the world today nations are interrelated to a greater and greater extent. There is a trend towards more uni form political, technical, and economic progress. The Arab Maghreb does not escape this trend. The prosperity desired by the peoples of North Africa is in large part dependent on the formation of the Maghreb. The foundations for such a regional group rest on various physical similarities, on neces sity, and on a common will and purpose. Unity will be an ef fective instrument to strengthen the area. The development of economic well-being is also dependent on peace in the envi ronment and international co-operation. But there is neither peace in this area nor the possibility for unified action among independent nations. The revolution in Algeria persists. Peace must first be achieved, for only then will the Maghreb come into real existence and reconstruction begin.—Ed.
An American Policy Toward Communist China
Authors: Clark Joseph S.
Published: March 2007

Security—the containment of Communist China —is one of the basic ingredients of the official United States policy in east and southeast Asia. At the same time we are attempting, with near-success, to conclude a nuclear test ban treaty that will eventually, it is hoped, become one part of a more general disarmament agreement. But is there any hope for a lasting disarmament agreement that excludes Communist China? Moreover, can a nuclear test ban treaty be effective whose control system requires inspection sites on the China mainland and yet denies the possibility to Communist China to participate in its formulation? Furthermore, how advanced is Communist China in the scientific realm? Is it not probable that she too will join the nuclear club in the foreseeable future? When the answers to these questions are faced squarely, they will of necessity indicate the unrealistic nature of the policy we are taking towards Communist China. Hopefully, before even this door is closed, we will begin to explore those contacts with Communist China which are now available to the United States to discover whether or not there is a basis on which a disarmament agreement that includes the Chinese Communists can be concluded.—Ed.
American Alliances with Asian Countries
Authors: Ahmed Aziz
Published: March 2007

Geopolitical considerations necessitate alliances with Pakistan. Pakistan borders on Russia and China, lies astride the Indo-Pakistan subcontinent, and constitutes a bridge, geographically and otherwise, between the Middle East and Southeast Asia. The alliances rest on a firm foundation of common objectives and values that are shared by Pakistan and the United States. The charge that alliances and grant of military aid have generated tension in the areas concerned lacks foundation. To wit, tension in the Middle East has not subsided despite Iraq's withdrawal from the Baghdad Pact; relations between India and Pakistan have lately improved vastly despite continuance of alliances and military aid. The basic cause of Indo-Pakistan tension is the continuance of the Kashmir dispute. Recent developments on India's northern borders underline the urgency of Indo-Pakistan co-operation to meet a common danger. Pakistan has offered to join with India in defense of the subcontinent. This can be possible only if the Kashmir dispute is settled. Economic progress of new Asian countries is not possible without the assurance of continued security. And alliances provide this assurance. They constitute a shield behind which the standard of living of the peoples of Asian allies can be raised.
Should We Reassess Our Foreign Aid Program?
Authors: Hoffman Paul G.
Published: March 2007

One and a quarter billion people in the under developed countries are in the midst of the "revolution of ris ing expectations," perhaps the most important revolution ever known. The industrialized countries have recognized the ex istence of a need for improved living standards in these coun tries and have granted substantial bilateral assistance as well as assistance through the channels of the United Nations agen cies. But the many national and international programs have not markedly affected the living standards of these people. To speed economic growth in the less-developed countries, we must reassess our assistance programs. Only by increased efforts and concerted action among the industrialized countries, in con junction with the underdeveloped countries, can a notable im provement in per capita incomes of these people be achieved. The industrialized countries must realize that their own pros perity depends on a growing and expanding world economy, that it is, therefore, in their interest to help the less-developed countries achieve a more rapid economic growth. It must be recognized that investment in the underdeveloped countries is essentially trade, and, conversely, increased trade is develop ment aid. The United States, for its part, will have to aug ment its aid program. We can afford to do more, especially when we know that our increased efforts will be creating a more prosperous world.—Ed.
Trade and Agriculture Policy
Authors: Witt Lawrence
Published: March 2007

Through trade agreements and inflation, tariff levels have been reduced to about one fourth the 1931-1934 levels. These advances toward a freer trading position have been hindered by the rapid growth in import quotas. Some sectors of American agriculture have been in the forefront of those seeking import limitations. The use of price supports in implementing American agricultural programs tends to en courage imports and discourage exports. In addition, price supports have stimulated new programs to encourage exports; such as by transferring purchasing power abroad, or by reduc ing export prices. These programs range from special loans, sales for local currency (Public Law 480), to export subsidies. Such attempts to insulate domestic agricultural prosperity from the world market divert individual attention and reduce the pressures which otherwise might strongly press for an ac tive and liberal trade policy. Similarly these programs have lowered the influence of the foreign protests, by introducing the additional opinions of those benefiting from special sales. The present complex of programs and policies has quieted the voices of many of those strongly proposing freer trade in order to lower costs.
Toward Better Use of Human Resources in Agriculture
Authors: Maddox James G.
Published: March 2007

During the last twenty years this country has seen the sharpest decrease in farm population in our history. However, American agriculture is still overstaffed. What can be done to alleviate this oversupply of labor in agriculture? Public action in several areas will be needed. A more rapid growth of the total economy would attract substantial numbers of people out of agriculture. Educational opportunities for rural people in primary and secondary schools should be en larged and reoriented to provide better training for nonfarm occupations. Farm people should be aided in analyzing and evaluating nonfarm employment opportunities of various types. Likewise, they should be provided with more adequate informa tion pertaining to nonfarm jobs, and a loan program to enable farm boys and girls to obtain specialized training for nonfarm work would be helpful. In many areas of chronic rural poverty the needed redevelopment programs should aim at: creating nonfarm jobs in these areas through industrialization; assist ing some people to move out of the areas; and providing liberal credit and farm planning assistance for those who remain in agriculture. The results of public programs of these kinds would be an increase in the efficiency of the national economy and improved incomes for the farm as well as nonfarm popu lation.
The Extension Service and Public Policy
Authors: Ogg Wallace E.
Published: March 2007

If the United States is to have a foreign agricul tural policy which is consistent with our over-all foreign eco nomic policy it may be necessary to find some simultaneous solutions to our current farm problems. The Co-operative Ex tension Service is uniquely equipped to meet the challenge of providing a firm educational base for facilitating adjustments needed in American agriculture and also for a consistent foreign agricultural policy. But meeting this challenge will not be easy. The Extension Service and probably the whole land-grant in stitution would face a major reorientation of the extension educational program. Emphasis and support would have to be shifted from preoccupation with the technology scientific re search has made possible to a much broader program of educa tion designed to help society manage social and economic change. Whether extension can rise to this challenge may determine whether the United States can have a consistent foreign agricultural policy.
Government in the Bargaining Process: The Role of Mediation
Authors: Cole David L.
Published: March 2007

Three federal agencies engage in mediation ac tivities : the Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service, the National Mediation Board, and the Atomic Energy Labor- Management Relations Panel. Many states and cities also have such agencies. In major disputes or at critical times, however, it is customary for other officials to supplement the efforts of these agencies, and it is not uncommon to enlist the aid of outsiders on an ad hoc basis. Currently, a trend seems to be developing to use collective bargaining as a test of strength rather than as a means of resolving problems. Be cause of the danger that this will spread and produce a public demand that some form of legislative regulation be substituted for free collective bargaining, it is imperative that the most effective use be made of mediation. The prime function of mediation is to induce the parties to employ reason rather than sheer power. Since mediation is and must remain a noncom pulsory activity, mediators must be careful not to lead the parties to suspect that the mediator's personal interest has any bearing on his conduct. The judicial theory that mediation and any form of fact-finding or decision-making must be com pletely divorced should be discarded. This theory has not been followed in practice, and it deprives the mediator of a source of information and strength in his difficult task.
Law and Policy in State Labor Relations Acts: The New York Board as Innovator
Authors: Kramer Jay
Published: March 2007

The Landrum-Griffin Act permits the states to exercise jurisdiction over cases which involve interstate com merce where the National Labor Relations Board declines to proceed on the grounds that the case involved does not meet the applicable jurisdictional dollar-volume standard of the federal agency. Legislative experimentation on a state level is traditional and historic in this nation. In addition to legis lative enactments, the states can lead in developing the evolv ing law by quasi-judicial holdings of the affected administra tive tribunals. The New York State Labor Relations Board is a leader of quasi-judicial progress in labor relations and has furthered the course of collective bargaining in its state in at least three areas discussed herein: the evolution of doctrines relating to appropriate units, determinations pertaining to the proper duration of collective agreements, and, most recently, by intensifying and implementing a quasi-judicial and adminis trative program to terminate the existence of collusive organi zations posing as genuine labor organizations and to preclude their use of board processes. Meetings with employer, labor, and governmental groups, as well as publications issued by the board, have served to inform and educate on available pro cedures at the board, new policies, and the issuance of land mark decisions judicially implementing the policies involved. This socially valuable task has been accomplished, despite a 30 per cent increase in caseload in 1960, by utilizing techniques of efficient management and good supervision, with a saving of 8 per cent in budget, fewer lawyers, and, nonetheless, proc essing cases more expeditiously than ever before.
The Adequacy of Taft-Hartley in Public Emergency Disputes
Authors: Taylor George W.
Published: March 2007

The weakness of the Taft-Hartley emergency dispute provisions is that they do not operate until after a na tional emergency dispute has occurred. The point is that a satisfactory procedural substitute for a strike has yet to be found. The use of the injunction, thus far, has only added complexities to the dispute situation. Although no-strike, no lockout agreements succeeded during the war, wartime urgency is not a permanent feature of labor-management relations. Some sense of urgency to find an acceptable procedural substi tute for work-stoppage has been generated by the movement toward compulsory arbitration. In view of that movement, new approaches are being tried—in the longshore and meat- packing industries as well as between Kaiser Steel and the steel workers—to reconcile private decision-making with public in terest through exploring new possibilities in negotiation and developing means of voluntary arbitration. Two leading ques tions raised by the 1959 use of the Taft-Hartley injunction are: first, ought the disputing parties to be held accountable prior to the creation of an emergency for the manner in which they discharge their collective bargaining responsibilities; sec ond, is it wise to preclude a presidential or other board of in quiry from recommending a basis for settlement even though the parties are not close to agreement? The proposed Board of Public Accountability would provide a means of reconciling private decision-making with public interest. Certain possible shortcomings of such a board—such as its use by the disput ants for tactical purposes—would have to be gone into, but the board would represent one method for alleviating critical disputes that would be both effective and consonant with American standards.—Ed.
The Economic Influence of Big Unions
Authors: Pierson Frank C.
Published: March 2007

Organized labor in the United States is charac terized by the concentration of membership strength in a few, large unions, particularly the Teamsters, Automobile Workers, Machinists, Steelworkers, Carpenters, Electrical Workers, and Mine Workers. Unions of such large size pose certain dan gers to the nation's welfare. Economists, however, tend to minimize any effect the labor movement as a whole may have on comparative wage movements or on the pace of inflation. An analysis of the economic impact of six union groups—auto mobiles, coal, construction, railroads, steel, and trucking—f or the 1947-1959 period leads to the conclusion that the large unions possessed a substantial degree of independent decision- making power during this period and that the unions' use of their power significantly affected the industries within which they operated. During the postwar years, the six big unions —notably the coal, railroad, and steel unions—placed the in dustries within which they were operative under considerable strain. For the same period, however, the effects of union activity on the economy as a whole were secondary to other influences. The likelihood for the future is that the compara tive economic impact of unions will be more important than it was during the postwar inflationary years.
An Appraisal of the Antitrust Approach
Authors: Levitan Sar A.
Published: March 2007

There is a revived interest in the application of antitrust legislation to unions. Those who favor this legisla tion assert that unions possess excessive power and enjoy spe cial immunities under the law. Even if the claim of the dam aging impact of unions were correct, it is rather doubtful whether the mere application of antitrust legislation would in itself provide the remedies sought by those who would weaken the power of unions in collective bargaining. The Taft-Hart ley Act already bans most union activities which were pro scribed by the courts when antitrust legislation was applied to unions during the first four decades following the passage of the Sherman Act in 1890. The sweeping application of antitrust legislation to unions would also result in confusion as to al lowable area of union activities and present obstacles to the achievement of sound labor-management relations. More over, the techniques used in trust-busting are not applicable to unions. Encouragement of competition among unions would tend to raise the cost of labor. However, the antitrust route, with its strong sanctions and ability to supply speedy relief through injunctions, may be useful as a tool to discour age specific harmful union activities.
The Political Role of the Latin-American Middle Sectors
Authors: Johnson John J.
Published: March 2007

Since World War I, politically ambitious middle sectors have developed beside those elements that historically constituted the ruling elite in Latin America. To strengthen their political positions, the middle sectors formed alliances with the "popular" elements, particularly urban labor. In the effort to serve the interests of both their own membership and those upon whom they depend for popular support, middle- sector leaders have pursued tactics and objectives which have left strong imprints upon the policies of the republics whose governments they have, at various times, controlled. The mid dle sectors, by the 1950's, had become politically moderate and, thus, exposed themselves to attack, first by the Communists and, later, by fidelistas, followers of Fidel Castro. The politi cal future of the middle sectors will be determined in the 1960's on the bases, probably, of their imaginative leadership and aggressiveness.
The Military: A Revolutionary Force
Authors: Lieuwen Edwin
Published: March 2007

An examination of the history of Latin America reveals that in all but a few of the twenty countries, the activi ties of the armed forces have long influenced national policy. The military have frequently dominated politics either directly or by assuming an Olympian role as arbiter among the civilian contestants. In economic and foreign affairs, also, the voice of the military has been strong. Indeed, so active have the armed forces in Latin America been in nonmilitary activities that their military functions of defending against outside ag gression and of preserving internal order have, oftener than not, become of secondary importance. The Latin-American military, first, led a wave of revolutions which emphasized social and economic reforms. An overlapping wave of counter- revolutions, also led by the military, has drawn Latin-American governments away from such reforms. Cuba is the only Latin- American country in which the military still supports social reform. The role of the military in Latin-American politics is crucial in United States hemispheric policy because of the choice it forces upon the United States between security and social reform.
Dichotomies in the Church
Authors: Kennedy John J.
Published: March 2007

Throughout Latin-American history certain abid ing issues of politics have arisen from the position of the Church in society and from the claims and attitudes of various sectors of Catholicism. An important basis in appraisal of these issues thirty years ago was the seeming alliance between the Church and the forces of conservatism. Appraisal today cannot be made in those terms, because such alliances have largely dis appeared. The permanent interests of the Church remain, however, and the authority that the Church claims has not changed in nature. Latin-American Catholicism has taken a realistic attitude toward social change which, in general, it is disposed to regard as not essentially antagonistic to Church interests but as offering new opportunities to influence the de velopment of society. Response to the opportunities will prob ably continue to be in terms of a diversity the limits of which are established by the authority that the Church continues to claim.
Nationalism and Social Discontent as Reflected in Spanish-American Literature
Authors: Monguio Luis
Published: March 2007

Between 1800 and 1830, the nationalistic spirit reflected in Spanish-American literature was continental in scope rather than centered about individual states. Between the middle 1830's and the 1870's and 80's, nationalism in lit erature became increasingly local, reflecting the concept of the nation-state and the political views of the rising bourgeoisie. Between the 1880's and the turn of the century, Spanish- American writers became as cosmopolitan in their writing as their more positivistic compatriots were in business affairs ruled by international capitalism. In the first years of the twentieth century, the writers, feeling that the United States, after the Spanish-American War and the interventions in Cuba and Panama, was a danger to the political and cultural independ ence of Latin America, fought back by re-emphasizing in their writings their Hispanic, Latin, and Indian traditions. By the 1920's and 30's, and up to the present day, with the emergence of hitherto submerged strata of Latin America's population, and reflecting the tenets of the Mexican Revolution and of other American and world revolutionary doctrines, many Span ish-American writers coupled continental patriotism with racial, political, social, and economic protest directed against their own ruling classes and against foreign capitalism. Discontent with their continent's present conditions has also led another group of writers into a search for national self-definition which, if successful, will, in their opinion, resolve today's frustrations and deficiencies
The Confrontation with the Political University
Authors: Harrison John P.
Published: March 2007

The longest continuous expression of the revolu tion of aspirations that dominates political and social thought in Latin America today is the university reform movement. The reforms have been administrative, rather than pedagogical, with particular emphasis on the democratization of the univer sity leading to more substantial student control. Its dominant characteristic has been an attempt to define a national and, ultimately, continental culture, a process that has fostered a generally distrustful attitude toward this country. The reform movement has put forward the political university as an alterna tive and contrast to the professional university of the United States. The movement has been most influential in the large national universities. It is least prominent in universities founded or reorganized since World War II or in new faculties of older universities. The attitudes fostered by this movement must be understood by the scholarly community in the United States if it is to respond intelligently to the challenge of rapid social change in Latin America. The academic community of the United States responds typically by attention to a particu lar situation, working through the pattern of a professional discipline. The Communist response is horizontal rather than vertical, being devoted to stimulating attention to an all-per vading national problem rather than concern for its solution. The response of United States universities needs to be aug mented. It could be strengthened greatly by a continuity of concern that demands a considered long-term commitment to an institution and an area.
Mexico: A Matured Latin-American Revolution, 1910-1960
Authors: Cline Howard F.
Published: March 2007

From initially political motivations at its out break in 1910, the credos and ideals of the Mexican Revolution have broadened to include social, economic, and cultural mat ters and changes. Developments in ideologies and events have been uneven. The main focus was on political life from 1917 to 1933; from 1934 to 1940 it was on social, especially agrarian, reforms; there were major shifts toward balanced economic growth, including industrialism, from 1940 to the present. Militarism has waned. Under the Institutional Revolution, since 1940, a second generation of leaders has accepted the often utopian objectives of earlier phases but has emphasized harmony, a directed economy, and national unities rather than class struggle and state socialism as bases for policy. Goals remain autodetermination, liberal democracy, big government, nationalism. Major revolutionary hopes, summarized in Arti cles 3, 27, and 123 of the 1917 Constitution, are being imple mented, but by less doctrinaire means. Revolution has imper ceptibly passed into normal evolution. Lack of predetermined ideology, plus alternatives, compromises, and contradictions in the original 1910-1917 credos of the Revolution have per mitted a salutary flexibility and continuity of the Revolution. A main result of a half century of varied programs has been to reshape society, creating a relatively open system. One effect has been to increase the middle sectors, with a dwindling of the proletarian base from an estimated 90 per cent in pre- revolutionary days to about half that in 1960. As a process, the Revolution continues within stable frameworks.
The United States Government Responds
Authors: Barall Milton
Published: March 2007

Through the next decade or two, Latin America will be engaged in what may be the telling phase of its endeavor to achieve better living standards and social justice for its people, with economic factors playing a predominant role. Underdeveloped and rurally underpopulated, this is one region of the world where population expansion can be a positive factor in economic growth, by providing an increasing manpower to shape its considerable potential into tangible gains. Foreign capital and foreign technical knowledge can provide the help and incentive for Latin Americans to help themselves. With the many ties that exist between the interdependent countries of this hemisphere, it is natural that much of this assistance from foreign sources should come from the United States. On the other hand, Latin Americans on their own initiative must undertake internal measures where needed to curb inflation, revise tax structures, reduce armament expenditures, improve education, provide an equitable distribution of land and income, and, in general, induce a climate favorable to the necessary co-operation of foreign elements and local citizens.
United States Business Responds
Authors: Grace J. Peter
Published: March 2007

United States business abroad is a show case for the values, policies, and practices of the United States. To build friendly and profitable relations in Latin America, United States private enterprise active there has followed the practices of staying out of local politics, employing local people to the fullest extent possible, and assimilating the local customs and language. An atmosphere of mutual respect and confidence has attracted much private investment from the United States to Latin America. Recent charges by Castro and communist sources against United States enterprise in Latin America have been calculated not only to drive out United States busi ness, but also to destroy in the popular mind the image of the United States created by the business show case. Current developments prompt a re-evaluation of policies and an im perative for dynamic action to promote social and economic development. The experience of the United States in de veloping a vast and rich but uncivilized continent could con tribute importantly to the solution by Latin Americans in the problems confronting them today. The assistance which the United States can provide must come from government and private sources and will assist leaders in Latin America who believe in democracy and individual enterprise to achieve the solutions required by the twentieth century.—Ed.