bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Official Social Philosophy of the French Third Republic: Léon Bourgeois and Solidarism
Authors: Hayward J. E. S.
Published: December 2008

At the turn of the century, the authoritative political theorist Henri Michel had this to say of the characteristic approach in France to all problems, and in particular to political problems. “We are infatuated withisms, it is part of the national temperament. It is significant that a large number of our fellow-citizens like them so much, that every time they are presented with a new one, they greedily seize upon it, without asking themselves whether it can be accomodated alongside the one with which they were previously enamoured.”; The accuracy of this observation has not substantially diminished over the last half-century, the parties left of centre being particularly addicted to doctrinaire formulations of their political philosophies and programmes and to the consequent verbal fetishism and pompous dogmatism. The rise of Socialism in the late nineteenth century overshadowed the contemporary crystallisation of Radical attitudes and aims into the doctrine of Solidarism. Solidarism, however, played a major part in galvanising and rallying the protagonists of state intervention and voluntary association; uniting them in the task of building, by a series of piecemeal reforms inspired by a simple principle and a multiplicity of imperative needs what has come to be known as the “Welfare State”. Despite the doctrinal fragility of Solidarism, its practical programme was inspired by and was appropriate to the social and political needs of a society in transition from individualist and non-interventionist liberalism to associationist and statist socialism, just as liberal economism had secured the transition from corporativism and mercantilism to private enterprise, laisser faire and laisser passer. To-day it is Gaullism that dominates the political scene, but the tenacious Radical tradition of the Third and Fourth Republics may yet reassert itself, transforming in retrospect the tidal wave of to-day into a ripple, as it has so frequently done during the last eighty years of France's tormented history.
Militancy and Inter-Union Rivalries in British Shipping, 1911–1929
Authors: Mogridge Basil
Published: December 2008

The aim of this paper is to trace two processes, interconnected in a large measure, in the labour relations of the British shipping industry from 1911 to 1929. One is the gradual transformation of the policy of the Sailors' and Firemen's Union under Havelock Wilson from aggressive militancy to one of accommodation to the shipowners' point of view. The other process to be considered is the rise and fall of four rival organisations: the Cooks' and Stewards' Union, the British Seafarers' Union, the Amalgamated Marine Workers' Union, and finally the seamen's section of the Transport and General Workers' Union.
Les Arabes Israéliens et les élections a la quatrième Knesset
Authors: Landau Jacob M.
Published: December 2008

Aux élections à la quatrième Knesset (tel est le nom du Parlement de l'Etat d'Israël), le 3 novembre 1959, 7 Arabes ont été élus sur un total de 120 législateurs, répartis Comme suit:

C'est le résultat d'un tableau intéressant de participation de la population arabe en Israël ainsi que de l'influence exercée sur cette population par les partis juifs. L'étude des modalités de cette participation nous permettra aussi à connaître les préoccupations et les attitudes politiques de la minorité arabe d'Israël. En raison du secret du vote, les possibilités de pression ou de captation perdent en efficacité, et les conditions socio-économiques ainsi que les attitudes politiques de cette minorité se réflètent avec une asse grande clarté. Chaque membre des minorités est en mesure d'influer sur le résultat des élections générales israéliennes, puisque le système electoral adopté par Israël est la représentation proportionnelle, et que le pays tout entier forme une seule circonscription électorale.
Republicanism in Nineteenth Century England
Authors: Gossman Norbert J.
Published: December 2008

To one familiar with the attitude of “near devotion” accorded the monarchy by the majority of Englishmen today, it may come as a shock to discover a lack of this devotion in mid-Victorian England. A sampling of comments from the radical press is a striking example. The regular arrival of Victoria's progeny evoked this impious suggestion in the Northern Star: That, rather than reciting national prayers of thanksgiving, congregations should sing “hymns of despair for their misfortune in being saddled with another addition to the brood of royal Cormorants.” The National Reformer referred to “our good kind, and dear Queen, who…could easily dispense with the allowance which her loyal subjects make her…unless she desires to be the last of England's monarchs…”
„Massenpsychologie” bei den Junghegelianern
Authors: Hertz-Eichenrode Dieter
Published: December 2008

Wir haben uns heute so sehr an die Tatsache gewöhnt, in einer Massengesellschaft zu leben, daß es uns schwer fällt, die besonderen Gefühle, die das Stichwort „Masse” jahrzehntelang ausgelöst hat, nachzuempfinden. Das „tiefe Erschrecken vor dem Auftreten der Massen auf der Bühne der Weltgeschichte” ist inzwischen abgeklungen und einer sachlicheren Einstellung zu den Problemen der modernen Gesellschaft gewichen. Dennoch erfreuen sich, abgesehen von der nun schon beinahe legendären „Psychologie der Massen” des französischen Gelehrten Gustave Le Bon, solche einseitigen Darstellungen wie José Ortega y Gassets „Aufstand der Massen” noch einer großen Verbreitung, so daß es nicht ganz belanglos sein dürfte, sich zu vergegenwärtigen, welche Ansichten ursprünglich über den Charakter der Massen bestanden haben und welche Traditionen sich hierfür anführen lassen.
La fondation du Parti Ouvrier Belge et le ralliement de la classe ouvrière à l'action politique 1882–1886
Authors: Sztejnberg Maxime
Published: December 2008

La fondation du Parti Ouvrier Belge en 1885 ne se réduit pas à la seule histoire des efforts laborieux poursuivis depuis 1875 par les socialistes belges en vue de constituer un parti politique de la classe ouvrière. Ce point de vue engagé, adopté par les historiographes socialistes, n'a pas permis de comprendre que le Parti Ouvrier Belge fut en 1885/1886 l'organisation qui favorisa le ralliement de la classe ouvrière à l'action politique. Si l'événement de 1885 eut une telle portée, c'est en effet parce que le Parti Ouvrier Belge réalisa la fusion du mouvement socialiste, déjà constitué en parti depuis 1879, et du mouvement syndical des ouvriers de la petite industrie et des petits métiers, alors que ces derniers, abandonnant leur abstentionnisme politique traditionnel, recouraient enfin à des méthodes d'action politique.
Late-Victorian Sexual Respectability and the Social System
Authors: Cominos Peter T.
Published: December 2008

In the process of establishing continence as the norm of gentlemanly sexual behaviour, continence became a Victorian gospel. The mere narration of the process under Section II in the previous issue of this journal did not in itself yield the historical meaning of the gospel of thrift in semen. To understand the process historically is to ascertain the function of continence in a comprehensive system of relationships. More specifically the gospel of continence reveals its meaning when it is related to (1) the dynamic quality inherent in the structure and functioning of the Respectable Economic System, the compulsion to accumulate and reinvest capital, (2) Respectable thought about the purpose of political economy, and (3) the degree of integration of the virtue of continence into the Respectable Social System.
The Front Populaire: Views from the Right
Authors: Osgood Samuel M.
Published: December 2008

To this day, the mere mention of Léon Blum and the Front populaire in French rightist circles can instantly transform a quiet conversation into a fine display of Gallic political passion. Startling at first, such violent reactions, so many years after the fact, become more intelligible when viewed in proper perspective. For, to the many Frenchmen who remain convinced that they lived under communism from June, 1936, to June, 1937, l'expérience Blum was indeed a “Nightmare in Red”.
Une Lettre Inedite De Pierre Kropotkine a Max Nettlau
Authors: Novak Derry
Published: December 2008

La lettre de Pierre Kropotkine à Max Nettlau, l'historien distingué de l'anarchisme, que nous publions ici fut écrite dans la première partie de l'année 1902. Elle traite surtout de l'individualisme et ainsi jette de nouvelles lumières non seulement sur les idées politiques de Kropotkine mais aussi sur les idées morales qu'il développa en grande partie dans La Morale anarchiste, L'Entr'aide, L'Ethique et Spravedlivost' i nravstvennost' [Justice et moralité]. Parlant de l'individualisme et critiquant l'étroitesse de l'individualisme bourgeois (qu'il met en contraste avec son propre conception d'individuation), Kropotkine touche inévitablement d'autres problèmes – révolution, liberté, syndicalisme – qui intéressent non seulement ceux qui étudient ses idées mais aussi tous ceux qui s'occupent de questions sociales.
Willi Münzenberg: Propagandist for and against the Comintern
Authors: Gruber Helmut
Published: December 2008

Brief notices in French newpsapers of October 22, 1940 announcing the death of Willi Münzenberg failed to attract the attention of the international press occupied with reporting the progress of the Second World War. Münzenberg's body had been discovered in the woods of Cagnet in Southwestern France with a wire garrote around the neck. The cause and macabre circumstances of death were shrouded in mystery. More than twenty years have blurred and obscured the career of the most exceptional propagandist of the communist movement.
L'Interpretation belge des decisions de L'Internationale sur le ministerialisme (1909/1911)
Authors: Sztejnberg Maxime
Published: December 2008

Refuge traditionnel des exilés politiques au XIXème siècle, trait d'union géographique et historique entre le socialisme allemand et le socialisme français, la Belgique socialiste fut choisie, en 1900, par considération pratique, comme centre officiel de la IIème Internationale. Le Comité Exécutif Permanent du Bureau Socialiste International, qui assurait l'existence de l'association entre ses congrès, était exclusivement composé de Belges. Grâce à cette situation privilégiée, Émile Vandervelde, son président, et Camille Huysmans, son secrétaire depuis 1905, jouàrent sur le plan international, un rôle appréciable. La publication récente de la correspondance échangée entre Huysmans et Lénine vient encore, s'il le fallait, de le mettre en lumière.
Worker Opposition in the Russian Jewish Socialist Movement, from the 1890's to 1903
Authors: Mendelsohn Ezra
Published: December 2008

The emergence of nineteenth century socialism as a mass political movement required the cooperation of two distinct elements – a radical intelligentsia, and a working class whose interests the former purported to represent. In theory these two elements were to fuse into a harmonious whole, but in fact certain tensions arose, whether between trade union and party or between workers and intellectuals within the same organization. It is my intention to consider this problem within the context of the Russian Jewish socialist movement. Specifically, this entails an examination of the various forms of worker opposition to the leadership of the socialist “circles” of the 1880's and 1890's and to the leadership of the “General Jewish Labor Union in Russia and Poland” (the “Bund”), founded in 1897.
The Bourgeoisie in Southwestern Germany, 1500–1789: A Rising Class?
Authors: Liebel Helen P.
Published: December 2008

In German history the concept of a “rising middle class” has been applied to three major periods of development in three different ways. Traditionally, German historians have been concerned with describing (1) the development of towns and an urban bourgeoisie during the Middle Ages; then (2) the rise of a bourgeois class of university trained jurists during the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries; and finally, (3) the rise the modern middle class common to an industrialized society.
Karl Kautsky und die Abrüstungskontroverse in der Deutschen Sozialdemokratie 1911–12
Authors: Ratz Ursula
Published: December 2008

In seinem Anfang 1914 erschienenen Buch über den politischen Massenstreik betont Karl Kautsky, daß die Parteimehrheit, die seit 1899 stets gegen die „staatsmännische Ungeduld” des rechten Flügels vorgehen mußte, sich seit dem Magdeburger Parteitag von 1910 fast ausschließlich gegen die „rebellische Ungeduld” der äußersten Linken zu wenden hatte. Damit liefert er ein bezeichnendes Stichwort der innerparteilichen Diskussion am Vorabend des Ersten Weltkrieges. Die offizielle Ideologic der deutschen Vorkriegssozialdemokratie, die zu Recht mit dem Namen ihres Schöpfers Kautsky etikettiert wird, konnte sich zwar als Element der Integration einer heterogenen Massenpartei im taktischen, organisatorischen und psychologischen Bereich bis 1914 unbestritten behaupten. Insbesondere aber seit der preußischen Wahlrechtsbewegung hatte sie starke Belastungsproben zu bestehen, die von dem linken Parteiflügel ausgingen, der nun mit eigenständiger politischer Kraft und größerem Führungsanspruch auftrat. Der Attentismus des „marxistischen Zentrums”, das unter der theoretischen Führung Kautskys und der politischen Leitung Bebels das Bild der Gesamtpartei prägte, war für die in zahlreichen Nuancierungen sich herauskristallisierende Linke Anlaß zunehmender Unruhe und harter Angriffe. Die Debatten um die Marokkopolitik des Vorstandes dokumentieren dies eindrucksvoll. Die dazu parallel laufenden Bestrebungen eines Teils der Radikalen, die auf eine Reorganisierung der Parteileitung drängten, wurzelten im Boden derselben Kritik
Structures d'organisation et mouvement des effectifs du Parti Communiste Français entre les deux guerres
Authors: Kriegel Annie
Published: December 2008

Jusqu'en 1924, du point de vue de sa structure interne – la structure fédérale traditionnelle –, le Parti communiste français, bien que déjà section française de l'Internationale communiste, ressemblait, tel un fils à son père, au Parti socialiste unifié d'avant la scission. A son 3ème congrès national de Lyon (20–23 janvier 1924), tous les termes anciens sont encore en usage: à l'échelon local, la section rassemble les adhérents d'un même village ou d'une même ville (à Paris, d'un même arrondissement); la fédération englobe toutes les sections d'un même département; enfin, à l'échelon national, les délégués des 90 fédérations départementales, réunis annuellement en congrès, élisent un Comité directeur qui, s'appuyant sur des sous-commissions, a la responsabilité de la vie du Parti entre deux congrès.
Agrarian Anarchism in Andalusia
Authors: Lida Clara E.
Published: December 2008

In 1883 the Spanish public became acquainted with a series of crimes committed in the provinces of Cádiz and Sevilla by the Mano Negra. Rooted in the agrarian South, this organization was accused of attempting to bring down the Spanish government and to sweep away the landed aristocracy of Andalusia, even by resorting to the most extreme and violent means.
Leonard Horner: A Portrait of an Inspector of Factories
Authors: Martin Bernice
Published: December 2008

Leonard Horner was the most impressive and influential of the first English factory inspectors. For 26 years from 1833 to 1859 he administered the Factory Act mainly in the textile district of Lancashire. His work and that of his colleagues in the Factory Department made a success of this major experiment in legislative intervention in industry and despite the gloomy predictions of their early opponents they did not ruin the British economy in the process. The first generation of Inspectors laid the foundation for successive extensions of the Factory Act so that by the end of the 19th century working conditions and hours of labour for women and children were under legal regulation in all the major branches of manufacturing industry. Horner was acknowledged by his contemporaries to be the major figure among the early Inspectors; he even had the singular honour of being praised by Marx inCapital. This short biography will concentrate on Horner's work as Inspector of Factories since this is undoubtedly his major achievement. However it will also be concerned with other aspects of his life and interests, both because these have some importance in their own right and also in order to examine the extent to which Horner's life and thought form a coherent whole. Finally, an assessment will be made of Horner's place in social reform and in the development of English economic and social policy in the 19th century.
Der Fall Eichler Zur Frühgeschichte der deutschen Arbeiterbewegung
Authors: Na'aman Shlomo
Published: December 2008

Der erste Organisator grossen Stils in der sich neu konstituierenden deutschen Arbeiterbewegung der Jahre 1862–63 war ein aus Mecklen-burg-Strelitz stammender Lackierer Casimir Eichler, der seit einigen Jahren in Berlin wohnte und bei der v. Unruhschen Fabrik zur Herstellung von Eisenbahnwagen angestellt war. Dieser Eichler stand schon im Herbst 1862 in stetiger Verbindung mit Regierungsstellen und empfing noch vor Weihnachten desselben Jahres geldliche Unterstiitzung von Bismarck, wie sich aus dem Nachlass Zitelmann nach-weisen lässt. Man darf ihn daher als “Agent Bismarcks in der Arbeiterbewegung” bezeichnen, wie es im Personenverzeichnis der von Koch, Schleifstein und Höhle besorgten Neuausgabe von Mehrings Geschichte der deutschen Sozialdemokratie heisst. Im Index der vom Institut für Marxismus-Leninismus herausgegebenen Minutes der Londoner Kon-ferenz der “Internationale” heisst es, Eichler habe als “agent-provo-cateur” in der Arbeiterbewegung gewirkt und sei als solcher später “entlarvt” worden. Beide Angaben harmonisieren, wenn wir an-nehmen, dass die Charakterisierung Eichlers als “Agent” sich auf den Beleg des Zitelmann-Nachlasses stützt, während die der Minutes auf Bismarcks Geständnis im Reichstag zurückgeht, Eichler habe allerdings längere Zeit der Polizei Informationen gehefert, wenn auch nicht über die Arbeiterbewegung, so jedenfalls über den Nationalverein. Bismarck ist zu seinem Geständnis durch Aussagen Bebels iiber die Beziehungen Bismarcks zu Lassalle gezwungen worden, uber die ihm die Grafin Hatzfeldt Einzelheiten mitgeteilt hatte.
The British Prohibitionists 1853–1872
Authors: Harrison Brian
Published: December 2008

In his famous study of attitudes to the state in nineteenth-century England, Dicey described the period 1825–70 as “the period of Benthamism or Individualism”. Evangelicalism and Benthamism, he argued later, “represented the development in widely different spheres of the same fundamental principle, namely, the principle of individualism”. Only later did laissez faire fall into eclipse: “somewhere between 1868 and 1900 … changes took place which brought into prominence the authoritative side of Benthamite liberalism.” Dicey's interpretation has come under sustained attack during the last twenty years, and historians now pay more attention to the continuing momentum of state intervention from the 1830s, and to the collectivist aspect of Bentham's teaching. Yet Dicey's critics have ignored a movement which in some ways lends more support to their case than any other mid-Victorian development, and which draws attention to hitherto unappreciated virtues and defects of Dicey's account.
Profit-Sharing and Labour Relations in England in the Nineteenth Century
Authors: Church R. A.
Published: December 2008

An examination of the history of profit-sharing and co-partnership in England in the nineteenth century serves two purposes. One is to add to the growing body of evidence which contradicts the generalization that in the third quarter of the nineteenth century trade unionists were beginning to espouse the capitalist ethic; the other aim of this paper is to draw attention to one of three innovations in the history of labour relations in this period. Of these, both arbitration and conciliation, and cooperation have received considerable attention from historians, but profit-sharing and labour co-partnership schemes, which were forcefully canvassed by such prominent contemporary figures as G. J. Holyoake, respected veteran chartist, and George Potter, the influential labour leader, have not attracted the attention they deserve. The Royal Commission on Trade Unions in 1868 was chiefly concerned with the legal status of trade unions, yet in addition to their discussion of arbitration and conciliation the commissioners took evidence on the progress and achievements of profit-sharing and co-partnership. This reflected the existence of considerable interest in this subject at that time, which in turn provides evidence of the search by contemporaries for a solution to the growing problem of conflict between capital and labour, a matter which generated an extensive literature in the 1860s. The historical failure of profit-sharing, in terms of its limited growth and its lack of success as a method of improving labour relations, even compared with the progress of arbitration and conciliation, does not excuse the historian from neglecting a subject about which a number of influential contemporaries evidently felt strongly – though as it subsequently proved with excessive optimism. This article sets out to describe briefly the origins of the profit-sharing movement of the nineteenth century, proceeds to analyse the course of development, and finally examines its significance within the context of labour relations in England in the period 1850 to 1914.
The London “Crimp” Riots of 1794
Authors: Stevenson J.
Published: December 2008

Though in recent years there has been a growth of interest in the subject of riot and disorder in eighteenth century England, little attention has been paid to anti-recruiting riots. These were, however, one of the most common forms of riot and disturbance in some areas; and in this study of the London riots of 1794 I hope to illustrate some of their features, particularly in the London context.
The Works of Marx and Engels in Ethnology Compared
Authors: Krader Lawrence
Published: December 2008

The separation of the contributions to the theory and practice of socialism by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels was not seriously posited during their lifetimes, but only in the following generation. The separation, as opposed to the contributions of their entire working lives, of the respective quality of thinking in either case, was a matter of which Engels was conscious, for he wrote: “Marx was a genius, we others were at best talents. Without him the theory today would be far from what it is. Therefore it rightly bears his name.” The evaluation by Engels of the relation between the two was duly repeated by their biographers. Mehring wrote: “There is no doubt that Marx was philosophically the greater of the two and that his brain was more highly trained.” Mayer compared the two: “Marx was driven by the harsh goad of genius; Engels lived under the gentler domination of his rich humanity.” Ryazanov simply posited that the collaboration of the two and their mutual support proceeded in perfect harmony, with the minor thesis of Engels's supportive role. Both Mehring and Ryazanov cited Engels's own words of modesty quoted above. Auguste Cornu has written with reference to the beginning of the collaboration: “Engels' study of the origin of communism was more on the economic and social level than on the philosophical and political plane, and portrayed it as a necessary product of the development of capitalist society. This lent definition to Marx's still theoretical and abstract conception.” Cornu, who is of the orthodox school, had reference to the articles on political economy in the Deutsch-Französische Jahrbücher (1844) by Engels. While he concedes nothing to the higher intellectual attainments of one over the other, he develops the theme of the power of abstraction of Marx, of concretion of Engels. That there was identity of thought and activity of Marx and Engels is the view which seeks to establish orthodoxy of the socialist doctrines of various parties; the qualitative difference of their brain power, accordingly, implies no difference in the substance of the production in either, whether in the theory or practice of socialism resp. communism.
The 1887 Survey of the London Working Class
Authors: Cullen M. J.
Published: December 2008

For the historian of modern European society the problem of the extent and nature of unemployment at any particular time and in any particular place is a challenging and even frustrating one. It is clearly an important question to ask and yet, except for very recent times, it is almost impossible to answer satisfactorily. Where there are data they are incomplete and their reliability doubtful. This is true even of such a society as Victorian Britain, which might be thought to have a considerable amount of useful material. The early Victorian social investigators in Britain seldom dealt with the problem of unemployment, preferring to focus on educational, sanitary, and similar elements of working-class living standards. Admittedly, from the middle of the nineteenth century continuous series of unemployment figures become increasingly available relating to particular trades and from these aggregate figures have been calculated.1 But the defects of these returns, made by various trade unions and based upon the numbers receiving unemployment benefit, have been recognized almost from the time that they began to appear. As for official labour statistics in general, those for the period before 1886 have recently been described as “deficient, chaotic, and unmanageable”.2 The unemployment statistics improved little after 1886. They continued to be derived from the same sources as before, though a much greater number of unions made returns. But the very nature of the returns means that they were biassed towards the unionised workers in industries like heavy engineering.
Auguste Detoeuf, Conscience of French Industry: 1926–47
Authors: Kuisel Richard F.
Published: December 2008

“A true businessman does not waste time writing reflections about business.” Fortunately Auguste Detoeuf disregarded his own self-mocking advice. Throughout his life this thoughtful industrialist articulated the debates and dilemmas of an entire generation of businessmen, especially of other enlightened corporation managers who, like himself, were faced with the problems of industrial modernization and labor relations. The business milieu generally, preoccupied with its own affairs and not inclined to reveal them, provides but few glimpses into the minds and sensibilities which compose it. Detoeuf broke the silence; moreover, his shrewd analyses, unique moral perspective, and wide experience made him a remarkable historical witness to a time of troubles and fundamental change. He provided a rich record of the passage of French employers from the vogue of Americanization in the 1920's, through thecrise de conscienceprovoked by the depression, the Popular Front, and Nazi aggression, up to the new resolve of the Liberation era.
The Membership of the Independent Labour Party, 1904–10: A Spatial and Occupational Analysis
Authors: Hopkin Deian
Published: December 2008

E. P. Thompson expressed succinctly the prevailing orthodoxy about the origins of the Independent Labour Party when he wrote, in his homage to Tom Maguire, that “the ILP grew from bottom up”. From what little evidence has been available, it has been argued that the ILP was essentially a provincial party, which was created from the fusion of local political groups concentrated mainly on an axis lying across the North of England. An early report from the General Secretary of the party described Lancashire and Yorkshire as the strongholds of the movement, and subsequent historical accounts have supported this view.
Charles Hall, Early English Socialist
Authors: Dinwiddy J. R.
Published: December 2008

Charles Hall's importance has been recognized by a number of scholars. He has been described by C. R. Fay as “the first of the early socialists”, and by Mark Blaug as “the first socialist critic of the industrial revolution”. According to Max Beer he provided “the first interpretation of the voice of rising Labour”, and Anton Menger regarded him as “the first socialist who saw in rent and interest unjust appropriations of the return of labour, and who explicitly claimed for the worker the undiminished product of his industry”.2Menger, in his bookThe Right to the Whole Produce of Labour(first published in German in 1886), devoted three or four pages to Hall and drew attention to his early formulation of the theory of surplus value. Since then there have been several discussions of Hall's work, but almost without exception they have been quite brief: perhaps the most notable are those provided by H. S. Foxwell in his introduction to the English translation of Menger, and by Beer in hisHistory of British SocialismH. L. Beales, who also wrote a few pages about him in his bookThe Early English Socialists, lamented some twenty years ago that Hall (in common with several other pioneers of socialism and democracy in Britain) had not yet found a biographer. In fact it seems unlikely, owing to the paucity of material, that a biography will ever be possible. But it is nonetheless surprising that Hall has received so little individual attention; and the author of a recent summary of his ideas (again in the context of a general history of socialism) could describe him as “ce précurseur quelque peu oublie”. It appears that an essay may usefully be written drawing together what is known about him and attempting a fuller examination of his writings than has been provided hitherto.
The Yorkshire Miners and the 1893 Lockout: The Featherstone “Massacre”
Authors: Neville Robert G.
Published: December 2008

During the last week in July 1893, the largest industrial dispute Britain had hitherto experienced was initiated when over 300,000 miners in the Federated District stopped work. The Yorkshire miners played an important part in the lockout which was the first major trial of strength which the Miners' Federation of Great Britain had to face. The significant role of Yorkshire's pitmen in the dispute was not surprising since the colliers of the West Riding had taken a leading part in the formation of the MFGB only four years earlier, and the Yorkshire Miners' Association formed the cornerstone of the new organization. The stoppage occasioned extremely little violence, except in the West Riding, where a series of turbulent incidents plunged many of the mining districts into a state of anarchy and mob rule. The climactic event occurred at Featherstone when two miners were shot dead by the army. It is the aim of this article to examine the civil disorders which resulted from the lockout in Yorkshire, and to present an analysis of the Featherstone “Massacre” together with an assessment of the way in which the authorities handled the disturbances.
The Belfast Labour Dispute and Riots of 1907
Authors: Mchugh John
Published: December 2008

Almost all studies of industrial unrest in Britain before the First World War neglect the Belfast dock strike of 1907. Yet throughout the summer of 1907 that city was convulsed by a bitter and protracted strike involving dock labourers, carters and coal carters. At its height the dispute was estimated to have involved 10,000 on strike or locked out as a consequence of the strike, and threatened to involve a further 50,000 workers employed in the flax-spinning industry. In addition the strains which it imposed on the Belfast Royal Irish Constabulary precipitated a mutiny within that force, which induced the Liberal Government to sanction the despatch of some 6,000 regular soldiers to Belfast to maintain order.
Pacifist Radicalism in the Post-War British Labour Party: The Case of E. D. Morel, 1919–24
Authors: Spear Sheldon
Published: December 2008

Edmund Dene Morel was born in Paris in 1873, the son of a French civil servant father and an English mother. Modestly educated in England, he emerged at age thirty from the obscurity of a clerkship in a Liverpool commercial firm to launch a journalistic crusade against the murderous exploitation of blacks on the rubber plantations of the Congo Free State. Largely as a result of this effort he became critical of what he considered the deviousness of the British Foreign Office, and by 1911 he was questioning the extent of the commitment to France in the Entente Cordiale. He was pro-German only in the sense that he opposed the prevalent anti-German hysteria and believed that an Anglo-German confrontation would be catastrophic for both countries. Morel was one of a number of free-trade, anti-imperialist, foreign- and imperial-affairs specialists associated with the pre-war Liberal Party; J. A. Hobson, H. N. Brailsford and E. G. Browne were others. But it was the war which made him the butt of nationalist fury and the victim of government prosecution for his advocacy of a negotiated peace and for his infuriating insistence that Germany's share of the blame for the war's origin was much less than that of Tsarist Russia or even of Britain's Liberal government.
Australian Labour and the Profintern
Authors: Farrell Frank
Published: December 2008

In common with many other countries, Australia has had, since 1920, a Communist Party, which is an obvious and continuing symbol of international reaction to the Russian Revolution of 1917. Naturally enough the formation of this Communist Party and its subsequent history has attracted a degree of attention from historians and scholars of Communist movements and Australian politics. The impact of the Profintern, on the other hand, has been completely neglected. Even at the international level no full-scale study of the Profintern and its related trade-union organisations is yet available, and though one scholar has noticed that in Australia “the history of communism in the unions is […] separate from CPA political history”, the bases of this separation have been left relatively unexplored. This article seeks to examine Moscow's links with the Australian trade-union movementviathe Profintern in the period 1920–35. It would seem that these links overshadowed the CPA as a “Communist” influence in the Australian context, at least for the first decade of the Comintern's existence. The separation of CPA history from the wider influence of Communism in the unions is discernible almost from the very start.
Kropotkin in America
Authors: Avrich Paul
Published: December 2008

It is a well-established fact that foreign immigrants and visitors played a major role in the emergence of American anarchism. During the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, European-born artisans and peasants – Germans and Czechs, Italians and Spaniards, Russians and Jews – constituted the mass base of the movement, while its intellectual leadership included well-known speakers and writers from diverse countries, who came either as permanent settlers or on extended lecture tours.
Weydemeyer in Amerika: Neues Zur Biographie Von Joseph Weydemeyer (1854–60)
Authors: Obermann Karl
Published: December 2008

Dem Namen Joseph Weydemeyer (geb. am 2. Februar 1818 in Münster/Westfalen, gest. am 20. August 1866 in St Louis im Staat Missouri, USA) gebührt ein Platz in der Frühgeschichte der deutschen Arbeiterbewegung am Vorabend, während und nach der Revolution von 1848–49, aber auch in der Frühgeschichte der amerikanischen Arbeiterbewegung ab 1852, in der Geschichte der Antisklavereibewegung und der Republikanischen Partei. Zwar hatte der Sohn eines Regierungskalkulators in Münster die militärische Laufbahn eingeschlagen, kam jedoch als Artillerieleutnant in Minden und später in Köln mit Junghegelianern und Sozialisten, namentlich im Kreis der Mitarbeiter der Rheinischen Zeitung 1842–43 in Berührung, quittierte Anfang 1845 den Militärdienst und beteiligte sich als Schriftsteller und Redakteur bei der Trier'schen Zeitung und dem Westfälischen Dampfboot an der Agitation sozialer und sozialistischer Anschauungen. Anfang 1846 weilte er etwa zwei Monate bei Karl Marx in Brüssel. Nach Ausbruch der Revolution von 1848–49 entsandte ihn der Arbeiterverein in Hamm/Westfalen im Juni zum ersten Demokratenkongreß in Frankfurt a.M. Vom Juli 1848 an bis Anfang Dezember 1850 leistete Weydemeyer zusammen mit seinem Schwager Otto Lüning als Redakteur der Neuen Deutschen Zeitung, die zunächst in Darmstadt, dann in Frankfurt a.M. erschien und sich wie die Neue Rheinische Zeitung „Organ der Demokratie” nannte, einen bedeutenden Beitrag im Kampf für eine demokratische Umwälzung in Deutschland. Gleichzeitig war er an führender Stelle im Frankfurter Arbeiterverein und im Bund der Kommunisten tätig. Um den Verfolgungen zu entgehen, sah er sich Ende 1851 genötigt, mit seiner Familie über die Schweiz und Frankreich nach den USA zu emigrieren.
La Province et la Commune
Authors: Moissonnier Maurice
Published: December 2008

Décembre 1872. Depuis sept mois, la loi Dufaure a mis l'Internationale en dehors du droit commun. Les informateurs de la police, soucieux de prouver la réalité de la grande conjuration contre l'ordre, surveillent méticuleusement toutes les organisations populaires. L'un d'eux rapporte la discussion qui s'est tenue au Cercle Fraternel de Pierre Scize, dans le faubourg lyonnais de Vaise: «Voici ce que l'on aurait dû faire et l'on [sic] aurait pas perdu», déclare l'ouvrier coopérateur Terrasse, ancien trésorier, en 1867, d'un groupe de 1'Internationale: «il aurait fallu que les grandes villes se lèvent pour protester et dire à Versailles de laisser administrer Paris seul, et s'il s'administre bien, vous serez dissous [sic]. Si l'Assemblée avait vu toutes les villes se lever pour défendre Paris, elle se serait vue obligée de céder à la Commune.»
La Roumanie
Authors: Haupt Georges
Published: December 2008

«Je n'aime guère le mot influence qui ne désigne qu'une ignorance ou une hypothèse», écrivait Valéry. Or l'étude des dimensions et des répercussions internationales de la Commune de Paris s'est le plus souvent cantonnée à cet examen élémentaire des «influences». De la sorte, toute une problématique complexe, aux facettes multiples, vaste dans ses prolongements temporels, s'est trouvée réduite à un discours illustratif, celui qui est de rigueur lors des commémorations; elle se délaie dans des exposés linéaires, truffés de citations pêchées çà et là, dans la presse, dans les écrits de quelques contemporains, pimentés par la découverte d'un concitoyen parmi les participants à la Commune, augmentés de l'évocation automatique et si facile des agitations sociales qui accompagnèrent ou suivirent la Commune; on établit ainsi une concordance sans jamais faire la distinction entre les coïncidences et les répercussions. Et cependant quelques études sérieuses et rigoureuses démontrent l'intérêt et l'importance du sujet, et par là même la nécessité d'élaborer une véritable thématique.
The Police and the Hunger Marchers
Authors: Hayburn Ralph
Published: December 2008

The use of informers and agents provocateurs by both the government and the police has not been uncommon in British history. Edward Thompson has made lengthy references to the employment of spies by the authorities in the period from 1790 to 1830. The highest levels of the London Corresponding Society were penetrated in 1794 by an informer known as “Citizen Groves”, and, following this, use was made of informers in combating the Luddite movement, and in the Pentridge Rising, the Despard and Spa Fields Affairs, and, most important of all, the Cato Street Conspiracy of 1820. The use of political spies is also known to have occurred during the First World War and immediately afterwards, and allegations were made in Parliament in this respect during the period of the General Strike in 1926. The recent opening of the files of the Metropolitan Police for the 1930's has revealed that informers were also used during the unemployed disturbances of these years, in particular in the attempt to prevent the outbreak of violence during the marches on London organised by the National Unemployed Workers' Movement (NUWM) in 1932, 1934 and 1936, and on the occasion of the National Joint Council of Labour demonstration in Hyde Park in February 1933, although in these instances it has not been possible to establish the identity of the person or persons concerned.
Urban Workers in Provincial France, February-June 1848
Authors: Fasel George
Published: December 2008

Historians of the Second Republic have long given over stage center in their accounts to Paris. Indeed, the role of the capital in most histories of the period has been so great that we often seem to be reading not about the French revolution of 1848, but the Parisian revolution. Correspondingly, the role of the provinces has rarely been recognized: Paris acts and France reacts. It is from Paris, not only the seat of government but also France's most important and most turbulent city, that all the great revolutionary stimuli proceed. Until lately, we have been accustomed to thinking of the provinces as conditioned to salivate at the sound of the Parisian bell – voting in negative response to Parisian radicalism, sending off volunteers to help crush the June insurgents, and so forth.
Unemployment and the School-Leaving Age in Inter-War Britain
Authors: Garside W. R.
Published: December 2008

As would be expected, the emphasis in existing accounts of the debate over the appropriate school-leaving age in inter-war Britain has been predominantly educational. The important discussions relate to the parliamentary and administrative struggles over the relationship between elementary and secondary schooling, with all its implications for central-and local-government finance, to the conflicts over the nature of any extended educational provision in different types of school, and to the potential effects of such developments on class division within society.
August Becker am Vorabend der Revolution (August 1846 bis Ende 1847)
Authors: Bravo Gian Mario
Published: December 2008

August Becker, wegen seines roten Barts der „rote” Becker genannt, war zunächst - in den dreissiger Jahren des 19. Jahrhunderts – in der hessischen radikal-liberalen Bewegung, dann in der deutschen kommunistischen bzw. sozialistischen Bewegung des Vormärz eine führende Persönlichkeit. Bis zu seiner Emigration nach Amerika (1853), wo er im deutschsprachigen Journalismus erneut hervortrat, spielte er – nicht zuletzt während der Jahre 1848–49 – eine aktive Rolle in den wechselvollen Geschicken der deutschen Demokratie. Sein Leben war abenteuerlich, bohemienhaft und unsicher. Wenn auch sein Denken nicht immer die Kraft und Kohärenz besass, die das Denken anderer Revolutionäre aufwies, strahlte er doch immer Mut und moralische Stärke aus. Ein autobiographischer Beleg dafür ist sein in Karl Gutzkows Telegraph fur Deutschland, einem der liberalsten deutschen Blatter der damaligen Zeit, veroffentlichtes Gedicht „Bei alle dem”, in dem er seine Einstellung zum Leben darstellt.
Das Schicksal einer Bibliothek
Authors: Hunink Maria
Published: December 2008

Vor mehr als einem halben Jahrhundert suchte Arthur Lehning im Sommer 1924 auf der vielen so bekannten Adresse Lazarettgasse 32 den Geschichtsschreiber des Anarchismus und Biographen Michael Bakunins, den passionierten Sammler sozialistischer Literatur, den Historiker Dr Max Nettlau zum ersten Mal auf. Wie ein roter Faden wird sich Nettlau, der auch an der Wiege des Intemationalen Instituts für Sozialgeschichte in Amsterdam stand, bis auf den heutigen Tag durch das Leben Lehnings ziehen.
Working-Class Standards of living in Three Lancashire Towns, 1890–1914
Authors: Roberts Elizabeth
Published: December 2008

This article examines some aspects of working-class standards of living in three Lancashire towns, Barrow-in-Furness, Lancaster and Preston, in the period 1890 to 1914. By looking on one hand at a number of externally determined factors, such as real wages and the cost of living, and on the other at the strategies with which the working-class families attempted to maximise their standards of living, an assessment is made of the relative success of these various strategies, particularly at periods when wages were on or below the poverty line. Particular stress is laid on evidence from Preston, in part because it has not previously been reported, but also because there appear to be a number of significant variations between Preston on the one hand, and Barrow and Lancaster on the other, when placed in apparently similar intrinsic conditions and in comparatively close geographical proximity to each other. These variations underline the extent to which generalisations derived principally from statistical data may be misleading, and also the importance of looking at individual discrete communities before relying on theoretical models of the relationship between, for example, income from primary employment and standards of living. If it is possible to demonstrate that working-class people in some towns were more successful than their near neighbours in combating poverty, we need to identify the reasons for these differences. Factors discussed include the economy of Preston compared with Barrow and Lancaster, comparisons of wage rates, the employment of women and its effects, and diets (including the use of allotments), the effects of drinking, as well as a look at possible negative factors, such as family size, and housing and hygiene.
Urbanisation, Elite Attitudes and Philanthropy: Cardiff, 1850–1914
Authors: Evans Neil
Published: December 2008

How did philanthropy adjust to the transformation of society in the nineteenth century? What was its role in social relations and in relieving poverty? Recent writers studying these issues have suggested the need for detailed studies at local level, and in studying some English towns and cities in the earlier part of the nineteenth century they have come to varying conclusions. Roger Smith's study of Nottingham shows that philanthropy added insignificantly to the amount of relief available through the Poor Law. By contrast Peter Searby's study of Coventry shows that philanthropic funds were quite abundant and after some reforms in the 1830's even applied to the relief of the poor! Professor McCord's articles on the North-East of England in the early nineteenth century seek to establish the more ambitious claim “that nineteenth-century philanthropy provided increasing resources and extended machinery with which to diminish the undesirable effects of that period's social problems”.
“In Darkest England and the Way Out”
Authors: Bailey Victor
Published: December 2008

In the past decade a prominent theme in the historiography of nineteenth-century Britain has been the imposition of middle-class habits and attitudes upon the populace by means of new or re-invigorated mechanisms of “social control”. To the apparatus of law enforcement and to the disciplines of the factory and wage labour, historians have added the less overt instruments of social welfare, education, religion, leisure and moral reform. Philanthropists, educators, clergymen and moralizers have all become soldiers in a campaign to uproot the “anti-social” characteristics of the poor and to cement the hegemony of the elite.