bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Communication Rights
Authors: Milan Stefania
Published: January 2013

The notion of communication rights encompasses a set of human rights as they apply to the contemporary communication environment. Communication rights represent an evolution of Article 19 of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which provides for freedom of opinion and expression. They include the right to privacy, the right to participation, the right to speak one's own language, the right to access and share knowledge and information, and the right to self‐determination (CRIS 2005). They are believed to “support people's capacity to communicate in their general interest and for the common good” (CRIS 2005: 13).
Cuban Revolution
Authors: Pedraza Silvia
Published: January 2013

The triumph of the Cuban revolution in January 1959 was one of the most popular political events of the twentieth century. A social movement that the majority of the Cuban population initially applauded, and for which many risked their lives, the Cuban revolution captured the imagination. Romantic in its execution, expressing a call for social justice, it also had vast international support. Yet by the end of the century, 40 years later, around 15 percent of its population had left Cuba as a result of their process of political disaffection, disappointment, and sense of betrayal. Among those who sought refuge in other lands, many had once been ardent supporters of the revolution.
Cultural Revolution (
C
hina)
Authors: Wu Lili
Published: January 2013

The Cultural Revolution, the full name of which was “the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution,” was a political movement launched by Mao Zedong, the supreme leader of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Its goal was to rectify the CCP, which Mao considered to have become over‐bureaucratized since it took power in 1949. Mao also wanted to revive the revolutionary spirit of the war period in order to maintain his personal charisma and domination within the CCP. The movement, however, took on a momentum of its own as a large number of the Chinese masses participated in it and became entangled in factional fights.
Defending Diaoyutai Islands Movement and Pan‐Chinese Nationalism (
T
aiwan)
Authors: Hsiau A‐chin
Published: January 2013

It was not until the 1970s that the authoritarian rule of the government of the Republic of China (ROC) controlled by the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) in postwar Taiwan met significant challenges and major political and cultural changes occurred. The “Defending Diaoyutai movement” (
Baowei diaoyutai yundong
) launched by college students in northern Taiwan in the spring of 1971, which was originally started by Taiwanese students in the United States, was part of the turning point.
Earth's Color March (
M
exico)
Authors: Chihu Amparán Aquiles
Published: January 2013

The Earth's Color March was the name of the journey made by 24 leaders from the Zapatista Liberation Army (EZLN), including Subcommander Marcos. The Zapatista delegation was accompanied by Mexican men and women from various ethnic groups, members from domestic and international civil organizations, and celebrities such as Portuguese writer and Nobel Prize winner José Saramago. The delegation departed in a convoy of over 60 buses from Chiapas on February 24, 2001, and arrived in Mexico City on March 11. The marchers were pushing for a reform to the Constitution to have the rights of the indigenous peoples of Mexico recognized, the establishment of an autonomous government, and power over the resources in the areas where they live.
Equal Rights Amendment (UnitedStates)
Authors: Mansbridge Jane
Published: January 2013

The movement for the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) to the constitution of the United States promoted a policy change central to the liberal branch of “second wave” feminism in the United States. That movement illustrates several dynamics, including those of abeyance structures, communicative distrust, the politics of contingency, the role of moral incentives in collective action problems, “deafness” in social movements, decision by accretion, participatory decentralization, and movement/countermovement interaction.
FARC
(The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia)
Authors: Avilés William
Published: January 2013

The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarios de Colombia, or FARC) is the largest guerrilla army in Latin America and has waged a military campaign against the Colombian state since 1964. The tactics involved in their guerrilla war have ranged from the defense of isolated rural communities from military assaults, ambushes of military and police patrols, and militarily complex offensives destroying entire military bases, to the planting of landmines to protect coca crops or militarily sensitive areas. Since the mid‐1960s FARC has expanded from a few hundred combatants in a few departments to a military presence in more than half of the country and approximately 20 000 combatants by 2002. As of this writing their numbers have declined from this height to estimates of 8000–9000 combatants. Neither the end of the cold war, the demobilization of guerrilla armies in Central America nor the relative democratization of the Colombian state with the 1991 constitution have led FARC to give up its armed struggle. FARC's commitment to take power to establish a socialist society remains an officially stated goal. However, a specific political and social agenda short of a socialist revolution has been clear for some time. In different failed peace processes during the 1990s and 2000s FARC has demanded agrarian reform that eliminates large landholdings, the earmarking of 50 percent of the national budget toward welfare, education, health, and housing, a moratorium on the foreign debt, alternative development in the “war against drugs,” and the substantial reduction in the size of the Colombian armed forces (Kline 2007: 72–73). In almost five decades of war its military strategies have thus far been unable to bring these reforms about, let alone take national power.
First Nation Sovereignty Movements (
C
anada)
Authors: Wilkes Rima
Published: January 2013

Most of British Columbia is Aboriginal territory. It is Aboriginal territory because indigenous peoples have never ceded their land or rights via treaties. According to the 1763 Royal Proclamation, treaty‐making is the only way the crown (or government) can acquire territory. Despite this legal rule, the government in British Columbia has sold Aboriginal land, and rights to the resources contained on this land, to third party interests, with the justification that this land is “crown” land. The ongoing situation in British Columbia provides one example of the grievances of First Nations peoples in Canada. Elsewhere in the country, both federal and provincial governments have also sold indigenous people's land and resources to third‐party interests, expropriated land for roads, military bases, and military training exercises, failed to provide adequate compensation for land use, as well as failed to provide sufficiently for housing, health, and education as spelled out in the terms of the Indian Act. Indeed, since 1973 although hundreds of claims have been formally submitted to the federal Claims Commission, an average of only four per year are settled (Ramos 2006).
Free Speech Movement
Authors: Glass Pepper G.
Published: January 2013

The Free Speech Movement (FSM) was a protest by students at the University of California, Berkeley during the 1964–1965 academic year. The events, an early instance of sixties student activism, were the first case of large‐scale unrest on a college campus.
French Revolution
Authors: Wernick Andrew
Published: January 2013

In the cascade of uprisings that followed Louis XVI's reluctant convening of the Estates General to address a fiscal and political crisis precipitated by imperial overreach, failing harvests, and the bankruptcy of the French state, the monarchical, feudal, and ecclesiastical pillars of what was immediately dubbed the
ancien régime
were swept away. By the end of 1789, spurred on by great popular enthusiasm, the Estates General had transmogrified into a unicameral National Assembly, the privileges of the nobility and clergy had been abolished (willingly for some), and an interim body had been set up to draft a new constitution, to be modeled, at first, on that of post‐1688 England. As well, the Assembly had proclaimed a charter of Rights and Duties of Man and Citizen, including religious freedom, and formally ended feudalism and serfdom. While Paris was the center of these activities the revolution had spread to other urban centers like Lyons and Marseilles, and the rural poor had taken matters in their own hands, refusing taxes, tithes, and seigneurial dues, and looting chateaux and religious houses. The capital itself was awash with section committees, political clubs, agitational newspapers, and, beginning with the July Days and the storming of the Bastille, the increasingly radical actions of the laboring and artisanal
sans‐culottes
.
Gandhi, Mahatma (1869–1948)
Authors: Kurtz Lester R.
Published: January 2013

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, often known as Mahatma Gandhi, is widely cited by contemporary activists as a source of inspiration and strategies. Gandhi was arguably unparalleled at mobilizing resources, taking advantage of—and creating—political opportunities, and effectively framing such messages as justice, equality, and independence or freedom (
Swaraj
, self‐reliance). His legacy has almost become a cliché among movement organizers worldwide.
Land Movements inAfrica
Authors: Derman William
Published: January 2013

Land has become a major issue in Africa. However, the enduring importance of land has, for the most part, not been matched by social movements organized around land issues. Despite the vast dispossession that occurred due to colonial conquest, especially in the establishment of plantations in Central Africa and colonial seizure of land in eastern and southern Africa, anticolonial movements were based far more on the themes of independence and dignity in urban and union‐based political parties. As noted by Bernstein there is little experience in modern African history of popular rural political organization centered on land and agrarian issues (Bernstein 2005: 88), This situation is distinct from that that in parts of Latin America and Asia. This was less true of the later liberation movements struggling to end Portuguese, Rhodesian, and white South African domination where land was central to rural protests. As has been demonstrated by Isaacman, rural protests in Africa were an important part of political struggles but peasants engaged in subterranean protests, not social movements (Isaacman 1993: 263).
Landless Workers Movement (
MST
)
B
razil
Authors: Hammond John L. , Rossi Federico M.
Published: January 2013

The Landless Workers Movement (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais sem Terra, or MST), for many years the largest and most active social movement in Brazil, organizes unemployed and landless farmworkers to take over idle, absentee‐owned farmland. It challenges landowners and authorities and agitates for a broad agrarian reform. It grew out of land occupations beginning in 1978 in Brazil's southernmost state of Rio Grande do Sul, led by activists from the Catholic Church's Christian base communities and some Protestant churches under the inspiration of liberation theology. The movement was formally founded in 1984 near the end of a 21‐year military dictatorship. It acts nationwide in a huge country with a great variety of local social, economic, and agricultural conditions, so its practice varies from place to place. Typically, however, the movement's collective action can be described in three phases: occupation, camp, and settlement.
Liberation Theology/Base Communities (
S
outh
A
merica)
Authors: Sean Mackin Robert
Published: January 2013

Liberation theology is a radical, predominately Catholic movement of theologians, bishops, priests, nuns, and laity that emerged in the 1960s and 1970s across Latin America. Bishops, gathering in regional conferences, called for the church to abandon long‐standing alliances with the rich and powerful and instead take the side of the poor and oppressed. Theologians, who wrote books and presented papers using Marxian concepts, put forward a new way of doing theology—from the perspective of the poor. It was the poor, gathering in small groups to discuss the Bible, known as base ecclesial communities (CEBs), which offered a new interpretation of scripture based on their experiences, leading to unprecedented grassroots activism. In the 1970s and 1980s CEB members were actively involved in revolutionary movements in Nicaragua and El Salvador, and in other parts of Latin America they played important roles in democratization movements.
M
arch
F
irst
M
ovement of 1919 (
K
orea)
Authors: Shin Gi‐Wook
Published: January 2013

The March First Movement (
Samil Undong
) was the first nationwide nationalist movement in Korea. The Korean peninsula was “annexed” to imperial Japan in 1910 and, despite much armed resistance, Koreans experienced a decade of minimal rights under a brutal colonial regime. In the aftermath of World War I, and specifically indicated in the Versailles peace conference, the international climate began to change, giving Korean leaders a glimmer of hope for national independence from Japanese rule. Inspired by Woodrow Wilson's idea for national self‐determination for weak nations, Korean student and intellectual leaders in Tokyo published a statement in January of 1919 demanding national liberation from Japanese colonizers. Organizers hoped to spark resistance within the Korean community while simultaneously appealing for help at an international level. Even future president of South Korea, Syngman Rhee, who resided in the US, took part in the movement by attempting to attend the Versailles conference in an effort to personally appeal to President Wilson for Korea's independence.
M
au
M
au Revolt (
A
frica)
Authors: Brinkman Inge
Published: January 2013

At the end of the 1940s central Kenya experienced the growth of a movement that came to be known as Mau Mau. People were initiated into the movement through pledging an oath, a fact interpreted as “traditional” by the British colonial authorities. Yet, people in central Kenya saw it as a novelty, since for the first time women and children were also allowed to take this oath. Initially Mau Mau received much support amongst Kikuyu squatters working on the farms of white settlers in the White Highlands. Later the movement expanded into the Kikuyu Reserve, an area designed by the colonial authorities as the homeland of the Kikuyu and into Nairobi, Kenya's buzzing capital. Much of the support came from people with little hope of a better future: poor people with little to lose.
M
ay
F
ourth
M
ovement (
C
hina)
Authors: Cadot‐Wood Antoine
Published: January 2013

The May Fourth Movement, in a narrow sense, refers to a series of student demonstrations that occurred in Beijing on May 4, 1919. The demonstrations were in response to territorial concessions made by Chinese delegates at the Paris Peace Conference that ended World War I. In a broad sense, however, “May Fourth Movement” also serves as an umbrella term for a series of political, social, and intellectual movements that began nearly ten years prior, known collectively as the New Culture Movement.
M
exican Revolution
Authors: Matute Álvaro
Published: January 2013

The Mexican Revolution started in the early years of the twentieth century and consisted of a set of events involving a number of social actors. Accordingly, the deeds and misdeeds that occurred as part of it served a variety of purposes. Some historians argue there were several rebellions, as opposed to only one revolution, and that all of them simultaneously converged in a major event referred to as the Mexican Revolution. The numerous geographical locations where actions unfolded highlight the diversity of the movement.
M
ovement
T
oward
S
ocialism (
MAS
–
IPSP
) (
B
olivia)
Authors: Albro Robert
Published: January 2013

The Movement Toward Socialism (
Movimiento al Socialism
, hereafter MAS) is the political instrument of Bolivia's president Evo Morales. The story of Morales is well known. He grew up poor in a rural Aymara‐speaking community of miners, and migrated to the lowland coca‐growing Chapare region upon conclusion of his military service. In the early 1980s Morales became active in his local union of coca growers, and since 1988 he has been primary leader of the Six Federations of the Chapare, the region's coca grower movement. He has continued as the titular head of the coca growers since 2006 while serving as Bolivia's president.
Muslim Activism inEurope
Authors: Lindekilde Lasse
Published: January 2013

For a long time Muslims in Europe, predominantly work migrants of the 1960s–1970s and their descendants, were ignored as political agents, both by authorities and academics. The sociology of religion has approached European Muslims in terms of religious identity, transformation of religious practices, and the institutionalization of Islam in different national contexts, but has largely ignored political manifestations (see Maréchal et al. 2003). Until recently, social movement studies considered religion an issue of the past (Kniss & Burns 2004) and rarely acknowledged it as a source of political activism.
N
ational
A
ssociation for the
A
dvancement of
C
olored
P
eople (
NAACP
) (
U
nited
S
tates)
Authors: Parker Chris
Published: January 2013

Barely a decade into the twentieth century, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) was founded. Its principal charge, issued by the cadre of white reformers, in addition to W.E.B. Du Bois and Ida B. Wells‐Barnett, was to secure for blacks the rights guaranteed them by the Constitution. More concretely, the organization was originally intended to help black Southerners overcome what Aldon Morris calls the “tripartite system of domination” in which whites subjected them to social, political, and economic oppression (Morris 1984). The NAACP did so in manifold ways, most of which rested upon appealing to federal authorities for legislative and legal redress.
N
ative
A
merican Movements (
U
nited
S
tates)
Authors: Apodaca Paul
Published: January 2013

Prehistoric Native Americans developed complex societies that include confederations, nations, and empires built upon social movements whose only record lies in myth and folklore. Social movements in the historic period are noted as regional or ethnic movements responding to social changes brought by European and American societies that became pan‐Indian movements as the US exercised uniform control over all Native Americans.
NIMBYMovements
Authors: Driscoll Adam
Published: January 2013

The acronym NIMBY stands for “not in my backyard.” It is a term that has been used to characterize local, grassroots movements that are endeavoring to resist the siting of some unwanted land use in a particular neighborhood, community, or region. NIMBY movements have formed to oppose a wide array of undesirable entities that include environmental hazards (landfills, waste incinerators, polluting industries), perceived social hazards (homeless shelters, prisons, mental health facilities), and aesthetic offences (wind turbines, airports, cell phone towers). When viewed collectively, the general tendency of local residents to resist the siting of unwanted entities within their community has been described as the “NIMBY phenomenon” or the “NIMBY syndrome.” Critical perspectives emphasize that the term can be applied in a pejorative, dismissive sense, where the motivations behind the movement are viewed as selfish and exclusionary. While NIMBY movements themselves have a tendency to be narrowly focused, small in scale, and relatively short lived, some do evolve into more broadly focused NOPE (“not on planet earth”) movements that can achieve large size and complexity as well as prolonged longevity. This entry explores the history behind the use of the NIMBY label, the various movements that have been characterized by it, and some of the unintended consequences of those movements' efforts.
Patriot/Militia Movement in the
U
nited
S
tates
Authors: Van Dyke Nella
Published: January 2013

The patriot/militia movement has waxed and waned since it first came to the attention of the public in 1995. At its peak, in 1996, there were over 800 documented patriot/militia organizations in the US (Southern Poverty Law Center 1996). The number of organizations declined dramatically after that, possibly in response to a crackdown from law enforcement (Southern Poverty Law Center 1999), and as militia and patriot groups adopted a mode of organization known as “leaderless resistance” whereby they function largely underground (Southern Poverty Law Center 1999,2002; Berlet & Lyons 2000). In 2000, there were 194 documented militia/patriot organizations, and the movement hit a low of 131 groups in 2007. What is remarkable is the movement's explosion in 2009. According to the Southern Poverty Law Center (Potok 2010), the number of militia groups increased by 363 in 2009, a growth of 244 percent. Research on the emergence of the movement suggests that this explosive growth was likely fueled by both economic and political threats. After providing information on the movement's history and ideology, the research on the movement's emergence will be briefly reviewed, and in conclusion a speculation about the reasons for the increase in documented militia organizations in 2009.
Peasant Rebellions of Imperial
C
hina
Authors: Hung Ho‐fung
Published: January 2013

China's imperial history was characterized by a dynastic cycle, in which the decay and collapse of a dynasty was often triggered by peasant rebellions. Many of these rebellions followed a similar pattern. A dynasty that prospered on the abundance of cultivable land and natural resources would inevitably encounter depletion of those resources when its population grew. Hardship inflicted by rising population–land ratio, in tandem with the concentration of landownership having developed over time, drove many to believe that the dynasty's mandate of heaven had gone and a new bearer of the mandate was about to emerge. When a new dynasty was established, the rulers usually expanded the available land by colonizing uncharted regions. They would also even out landownership. These measures, together with the relief of population pressure owing to turbulent dynastic transitions, created the foundation for the dynasty's heyday. Then resources would diminish again with rising population and the cycle would be repeated.
Peronism
Authors: Rossi Federico M.
Published: January 2013

Peronism is one of the main social and political movements of contemporary Argentina. Peronism owes its name to its founder Juan Domingo Perón—three times president of Argentina (1946–1952, 1952–1955, and 1973–1974). Peronism is a national‐populist movement related to the first incorporation of laborers into Argentina's political arena. The movement since then has evolved and diversified.
Pro‐Democracy of 1987 (
K
orea)
Authors: Sonn Jaesok
Published: January 2013

On October 26, 1979, President Park Chung Hee, a military dictator who ruled South Korea for 18 years, was assassinated. Two months later, Chun Doo Hwan led a military coup that virtually secured his position as a commander‐in‐chief. In May 1980, he declared martial law and sent special forces to the city of Gwangju to crush protest, slaughtering at least 200 civilians. This massacre has become a very important collective memory for both the movement activists and the ruling elites.
Right‐Wing Movements
Authors: Hirsch‐Hoefler Sivan , Mudde Cas
Published: January 2013

While social movements are defined as “collectivities acting with some degree of organization and continuity outside of institutional or organizational channels for the purpose of challenging or defending extant authority, whether it is institutionally based or culturally based in the group, society, culture, or world order of which it is a part” (Snow, Soule, & Kriesi 2004: 11), many authors exclusively focus on movements that “promote” change, or even more narrowly, change toward a more egalitarian society. Indeed, some scholars explicitly define social movements as those challenging the status quo (Tarrow 2011: 9), which is their implicit justification for focusing only on left‐wing or “progressive” movements.
Satyagraha
Authors: Chabot Sean
Published: January 2013

Satyagraha literally means tenacity in the pursuit of truth, with the purpose of activating our capacity for moral compassion and love of humanity in struggles for personal and social liberation. Mohandas Gandhi, India's famous leader, coined the concept as an alternative to passive submission and violent extremism in the face of oppression. It implies a nonviolent yet forceful approach to resolving conflict that addresses structural causes of suffering, benefits oppressed people, and creates favorable conditions for peace and social justice. This entry reviews satyagraha's principles and methods, compares it to other forms of nonviolent action, illustrates its application during the Indian independence movement, and considers its historical and global relevance.
Science and Social Movements
Authors: Moore Kelly , Hoffmann Matthew
Published: January 2013

Scientific knowledge has been a growing subject for organized political movements primarily since World War II. Science developed as a distinctive form of social activity in the seventeenth century, and refers to the collectivities of knowledge, tools, practices, and people who create verifiable, reliable knowledge about the natural world. Scientific knowledge may be in the form of words or formulas, or it may be represented in material things, such as a weapon or a drug. The growth of movements that challenge aspects of science parallel the immense government investments in science research post‐World War II, particularly in the areas of weapons development, agriculture, health and medicine, and industrial processes. As governments have used measurable standards to characterize more aspects of their citizens' lives—race, population, crime rates—social movements have come to challenge what Jürgen Habermas in his influential workTheory and Practice(1973) called interference in the “life world” of citizens. Today, many active social movements in the US, including Creationism, the pro‐life movement, health social movements, and environmental movements and their critics, use science to frame their claims. Ironically, although scientific claims are ubiquitous in political debates, they are often highly contested and therefore have less power than they once did.
Solidarity (Poland)
Authors: Piotrowski Grzegorz
Published: January 2013

Solidarity (Solidarność in Polish) is a social movement, based on a trade union, that emerged in Poland in 1980. It was not only the biggest social mobilization in history (it is estimated that approximately 9–10 million people became members of Solidarity in a country of 38 million), but many commentators stress its leading role in overthrowing the communist regime in Poland and also in the rest of Eastern Europe.
Stonewall Riots (
U
nited
S
tates)
Authors: Armstrong Elizabeth A. , Crage Suzanna M.
Published: January 2013

Around 1:20 a.m., early on Saturday, June 28, 1969, police raided the Stonewall Inn, a homosexual bar on Christopher Street in Greenwich Village in New York City. Customers included homeless teens, drag queens, and others unwelcome elsewhere. Patrons initiated a riot that lasted into the night and resumed the next day. The Stonewall riots are often viewed as the spark of the gay liberation movement (Duberman 1993 Teal 1995; Carter 2004). This is not historically accurate: gay liberation was already well underway. The riots were not the first time gays fought back against police, nor were they the first raid to generate political organizing (D'Emilio 1983; Stryker & Van Buskirk 1996; Epstein 1999; Armstrong 2002; Bernstein 2002; Silverman & Stryker 2005; Stryker 2005). The Stonewall riots are of interest because of their symbolic importance to gay movements in the US and around the globe. The processes through which the riots acquired this salience provide insight into the creation of collective memory within social movements.
Symbolic Crusades
Authors: Morimoto Shauna A. , Worden Steven
Published: January 2013

Looking back from today's diverse and fluid society, American theorists in the first half of the twentieth century appear to have been unduly narrow in their collective action theorizing. Early studies addressed primarily instrumentally oriented forms of collective action. Specifically, research focused on those that sought mainly to advance or defend the tangible economic or political interests of their adherents. Analysts dismissed noneconomic or nonclass‐related struggles as trivial, epiphenomenal, or expressions of personal pathologies. Thus, theorists offered few frameworks equipped to analyze struggles to reform or ban noneconomic practices and preferences, especially those that did not appear to directly affect the activists themselves.
T
aiping
R
ebellion (
C
hina)
Authors: Zhang Yang
Published: January 2013

Lasting from 1850 to 1864, the Taiping Rebellion was the biggest social rebellion of China's imperial era and probably the most violent rebellion in world history, measured by the number of casualties. Led by Christian convert Hong Xiuquan, the rebels uprose in Guangxi province, next to Canton, established the Tai‐ping Heavenly Kingdom (“Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace”), and controlled large parts of southern China. The rebellion swept across most parts of the Qing Empire's 18 inner provinces, involved around 5 million troops, and killed more than 20 million people (Cao 2001: 553). The Taiping Rebellion is also well known for its charismatic leadership, Christian ideology, anti‐Manchu nationalism, and radical social reform. Despite its final failure, the rebellion directly influenced the Qing Empire's military, administrative, and fiscal structure and central–regional relationship.
T
aiwan
I
ndependent Movement
Authors: Wang Fu‐Chang
Published: January 2013

The Taiwan Independent Movement (TIM) refers to collective, organized efforts to establish a sovereign Taiwan independent of China. Since the seventeenth century, Taiwan has been closely related to China. The western part of Taiwan became part of Chinese territory in 1684 after Qing troops defeated Koxinga, a Ming dynasty loyalist who drove away the Dutch colonialists in 1662 and used Taiwan as a base for his military campaign against Qing dynasty rulers. Taiwan was ceded to Japan in 1895 by the Qing dynasty in the Treaty of Shimonoseki that followed the 1894 Sino‐Japanese War and was returned to Chinese rule again in 1945 after World War II. Since the seventeenth century, many Chinese Han migrants have settled in Taiwan, constituting more than 95 percent of the island's population by 1905, according to the Japanese census. Advocates of TIM, however, claimed that after 51 years of Japanese rule the Taiwanese had evolved into a nation different from China. The TIM claim was contested by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) regime and the Kuomintang (KMT, literally “Nationalist Party”) regime, which relocated to Taiwan after the former took over the Chinese mainland in 1949. Both the CCP and the KMT claimed that Taiwan had been a part of China since ancient times.
Terrorist Movements
Authors: Gunning Jeroen
Published: January 2013

Terrorism has been a hotly contested phenomenon for centuries. The term first came to be used to describe the Terror of the French Revolutionary government of the late eighteenth century, although the principle of spreading terror through violence for political ends is much older. Since then, the term has come to focus on nonstate actors, from the anarchist militants of the late nineteenth century, through the nationalist anticolonial movements of the mid‐twentieth, to the leftist, rightist, religio‐nationalist, and religious groups of the late twentieth and early twenty‐first centuries. Since the September 11 attacks on the World Trade Centre and the Pentagon in New York and Washington DC, the term has become particularly ubiquitous. From media coverage to literary and film subgenres and academe, terrorism, terrorists, and terrorist movements fascinate as much as they appall. Why do individuals, movements, or states turn to terrorism? Under what circumstances do they move away from it? Are they driven by ideology? By political or economic exclusion?
Tiananmen Student Movement (
C
hina)
Authors: Zhao Dingxin
Published: January 2013

The Tiananmen student movement was triggered by the death of Hu Yaobang on April 15, 1989. Hu was the former general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), but was pressured to resign from the position in 1987 in part because of his lenient attitude toward the student protests in 1986. Hu became a widely respected figure among students and intellectuals after his resignation.
Transnational Zapatism
Authors: Olesen Thomas
Published: January 2013

The Zapatista uprising on January 1, 1994, in the Mexican state of Chiapas, immediately posed a challenge to observers of Mexican politics. The impact of the uprising, however, quickly spread beyond Mexico's borders. The transnational interest generated by the Zapatistas is matched by no other comparable movement in the post‐cold war period. Despite the obvious physical, social, and cultural obstacles, an extraordinarily large number of civil society actors, mainly in Europe and the US, have initiated solidarity efforts in support of the Zapatistas, leading to the formation of a transnational Zapatista solidarity network. The network was at its most active in the latter half of the 1990s when dramatic events in Chiapas—such as the Mexican army's invasion of Zapatista territory in 1995 and the paramilitary massacre in the village of Acteal in 1997—garnered massive attention abroad. Yet the Zapatistas continue to be a source of inspiration for activists outside of Mexico to this day—as testified by an ongoing scholarly interest in the transnational dimension of the movement (e.g., Bob 2005; Olesen 2005; McDonald 2006; Reitan 2007; Juris 2008; Khasnabish 2010).
Unemployment Movements
Authors: Reiss Matthias
Published: January 2013

From the nineteenth century onward, movements of the unemployed have played a significant role in constituting the workless as a distinct social group in modern societies and have helped shape the emerging welfare state. Unemployed protest—or the prospect of it—has fostered the introduction of measures to help the workless and served as a corrective to the tendency of decision‐makers to stigmatize and marginalize them.
UrbanMovements
Authors: Pasotti Eleonora
Published: January 2013

The definition of urban movement is contested and has changed over time. Urban movements were and continue to be often referred to as urban social movements. The reasons are not explicitly articulated, but can be attributed to the emphasis on noninstitutional politics and protest rather than associations, which was privileged by early path‐setting work in this field.
U
rban Riots in
E
urope, Post‐2000
Authors: Waddington David P.
Published: January 2013

Since the start of the new millennium there have been four major instances of urban “rioting” in Europe, each of which has given rise to prolonged academic and/or public theoretical speculation regarding the underlying political origins and motives of such action. The term “rioting” is often rejected as inappropriate by academic and political commentators, on the grounds that it often used to suggest “wanton criminality” or, oppositely, to imply a degree of political awareness and ambition that is actually lacking among participants. Here we shall be employing the more neutral descriptor of “disorders” in referring to such events.
V
elvet Revolution of 1989
Authors: Kalb Don
Published: January 2013

It was the massive and peaceful civic eruption in Czechoslovakia in November 1989 which first generated the name “Velvet Revolution”: an accelerating wave of demonstrations and strikes, initially led by a handful of young students in the performing arts, which led within three weeks to the fall of the supposedly “hard‐line” socialist regime in Prague. Subsequently, the name “Velvet Revolution” was extended to include the whole sequence of peaceful (except for Romania) revolutions in 1989 that initiated the fall of state socialism in Europe.
Victim Movements
Authors: Latté Stéphane
Published: January 2013

Over the last three decades, “victims” have become in most Western democracies one of the central figures in the field of social movements. While, in order to make their voices heard, increasing numbers of activist groups claim to be “victims,” the number of books and articles which either celebrate or denounce the advent of a “nation of victims” has been growing. Yet few sociological studies have taken the political uses of this category seriously. After briefly tracing the genealogy of victim movements, I will then identify the originality of this new contentious repertoire. Then, I will show how the study of this emerging form of protest has shed light on three blind spots of the sociology of collective action: the emotions of protest, the role of the traumatic event in the activist recruitment, and the gendered dimensions of social movements.
War Crime Movements in
J
apan
Authors: Chan Jennifer
Published: January 2013

Various nongovernmental advocacy efforts concerning Japanese war crimes have arisen in the past six decades since the conclusion of the International Military Tribunal for the Far East (hereafter referred to as the Tokyo Tribunal) and the trials at other sites throughout the Pacific. One can group these movements broadly into three periods: (1) the parole for war criminals movement (1952–1958); (2) the post‐Tokyo Tribunal war crime movements (1958–1998); and (3) the nongovernmental coalition for the International Criminal Court movement (1998–present). In this essay, the scope of war crime movements encompasses those concerning war crimes, crimes against peace, and crimes against humanity, as defined in the relevant international conventions such as the Hague Conventions, the Geneva Conventions, and the Statute of the International Criminal Court.
W
eatherman (
U
nited
S
tates)
Authors: Glass Pepper G.
Published: January 2013

Weatherman (also known as Weathermen, The Weather Underground, and The Weather Underground Organization) was a revolutionary organization that staged violent and dramatic events, especially bombings, across the US. The group formed in the late 1960s, continuing into the 1980s when it disbanded as members became increasingly isolated and smaller in number.
I
ndustrial
W
orkers of the
W
orld (
IWW
)
Authors: Martin Andrew
Published: January 2013

The way in which social movement groups organize themselves has considerable, and often unforeseen, ramifications. Among scholars, much of the debate regarding the degree of formalization centers on issues of tactics, with bureaucratic movement organizations charged by critics as too conservative. Yet there the implications for adopting a less formalized structure may play out in other ways as well. During the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, opposition by business elites and their allies in the state to unionization efforts, particularly among unskilled workers, often took the form of extreme repression, and bloodshed was not uncommon during this period. Nowhere was this more evident than in the case of the Industrial Workers of the World, whose radical goals and loose organizational structure provided considerable opportunities for repression.
Women's Movements in
A
frica
Authors: Mari Tripp Aili
Published: January 2013

African women's movements became especially visible after the 1990s. Women's organizations were increasingly characterized by their associational autonomy from the government and from the dominant political party. In contrast to the first three decades after independence, they began to acquire their own resources, selected their own leadership, and forged their own women's rights agendas in ways that were no longer dictated by the ruling party or government. Although the movements had new agendas, leaders, and funding sources, they sometimes drew on precolonial ideologies (e.g., of political motherhood) and older protest tactics (e.g., shaming authorities and grieving). They also drew on experiences of women during the independence movements and armed liberation movements and built on the experiences of women's mobilization during the earlier single‐party era.
Women's Movement inAustralia
Authors: Maddison Sarah
Published: January 2013

In many ways, the women's movement in Australia might be understood as a diffusion of women's movements elsewhere in the West. Both the so‐called “first wave” of the movement, with its focus on the struggle for the franchise, and the “second wave” of mobilization in the 1970s, bore close resemblance to similar waves of mobilization in the UK and the US. Even the more recent phenomenon of a “generation war” among feminists centered on the contested notion of an emerging “third wave” of feminist activists seemed to have its genesis in struggles far away (Maddison 2008). Such a comparison, however, misses the unique contribution that the Australian women's movement has made to both feminist repertoire generally, and, more specifically, to research and reflection on the relationship between women, feminist movements, and the state.
Women's Movement in
J
apan
Authors: Nikaido Kosuke
Published: January 2013

The telltale signs of the remarkable level of success that the discourse of feminism and the accompanying politico‐social movement of women's liberation have had on the society and culture in Japan are quite visible, in spite of the country's reputation as a rather patriarchal and traditional society. For instance, the Equal Employment Opportunity Act, first instituted in 1985 and considered largely symbolic and toothless then, has nevertheless been strengthened repeatedly through a number of reforms. In the twenty‐first century, the principles of egalitarianism and gender neutrality with respect to hiring, promotion and so on, are widely accepted and deeply entrenched, at least at the level of the ideal, if not always at the level of practice. The relatively small but dedicated and tireless group of attorneys, feminist activists, academics, and lawmakers who have done the lion's share of the work of prodding and pressuring the government can also in large part take credit for some other notable accomplishments, like the Domestic Violence Prevention Act of 2001 and 2004 (see, for instance, Gelb 2003, for details on the specific strategies adopted by Japanese activists to press for these policy changes).
Z
apatista Movement (
M
exico)
Authors: Estrada‐Saavedra Marco
Published: January 2013

The National Liberation Zapatista Army (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, EZLN) was formed in 1983 from the National Liberation Forces (Fuerzas de Liberación Nacional, FLN), a subversive organization formed in the late 1960s in northern Mexico, inspired by the Cuban revolution. FLN set up a guerrilla movement whose aim was the spread of socialism in Mexico. However, FLN was virtually wiped out by the federal Government in the early 1970s. Former members of the FLN managed to regroup and settle in the southeastern state of Chiapas in 1983, mainly along the hilly region of Los Altos, in the northern area of the state in the Lacandon jungle, where they pursued similar goals to those of the late FLN and created EZLN, a grassroots‐based organization. With this organizational base, EZLN was able to expand its ranks and lead the 1994 armed rebellion.
Culture and Social Movements
Authors: Williams Rhys H.
Published: January 2013

Culture encompasses the symbolic and expressive dimensions of social life. Culture includessets of symbolssuch as language,intangible, abstract “mental products”such as ideas, beliefs, values, and identity, and themeanings given to material objectssuch as clothing, decorations, art objects, buildings, and the like. A long tradition in sociological theory conceives of “culture” as a distinct dimension of social life, and embodied primarily in social institutions such as religion or the family. More recent theorizing, however, understands culture as analytically embedded in all aspects of human society. When institutionalized in organizational routines and social networks culture is tightly enmeshed in social structures, even as it can be kept analytically distinct.
Diffusion and Scale Shift
Authors: Soule Sarah A.
Published: January 2013

Social scientists use the term
diffusion
to refer to the spread or flow of an innovation across actors in a social system (Rogers 1995). When we speak of diffusion of social movements, we mean that some element of a social movement (e.g., tactic, frame, ideology, protest, repertoire, campaign) is spreading across some set of actors (e.g., organizations, networks, groups, people, communities, states) in a social system either through direct or indirect networks of communication (Soule 2004; Givan, Roberts, & Soule 2010).
Emergent Norm Theory
Authors: Lemonik Arthur Mikaila Mariel
Published: January 2013

Emergent norm theory hypothesizes that nontraditional behavior (such as that associated with collective action) develops in crowds as a result of the emergence of new behavioral norms in response to a precipitating crisis. For proponents of emergent norm theory, collective action includes all types of social behavior in which the conventional norms stop functioning as guides to social action and instead people collectively overturn or go beyond the normal institutional practices and frameworks of society (Turner & Killian 1987), and therefore new conventions must form as part of the collective action. The basic suppositions of emergent norm theory are that collective action is rational, that collective action is a response to an ambiguous precipitating event, and that new norms of behavior appropriate to the collective action situation emerge through group processes without prior coordination and planning. Originally proposed by Turner and Killian (1972), emergent norm theory has grown out of two main traditions. First, the Le Bonian tradition of thinking of crowds as normless entities and collective action as irrational behavior led Turner and Killian to think about how norms are instituted in crowds. Second, symbolic interactionist perspectives and small‐group analysis contributed a model of norms as developing through interaction.
Emotion and Social Movements
Authors: Gould Deborah B.
Published: January 2013

Etymologically, emotion and movements (in the sense of protest) are related. According to theOxford English Dictionary, emotion, meaning “a physical moving, stirring, agitation,” comes from the Old Frenchemouvoir, meaning “stir up,” and from the Latinemovere, meaning “move out, remove, agitate,” fromex‐ meaning “out” andmoveremeaning “to move.”Movementcomes from the post‐classical Latinmovementum, meaning “motion,” and earlier,movimentum, meaning “emotion,” “rebellion,” or “uprising.” The verb “to move”—which means “to affect with emotion” and “to prompt or impel toward some action”—links emotion and movements and suggests a frequent accompaniment. We might expect, then, that studies of social movements and other forms of protest politics would foreground the role of emotion in mobilization. History shows, however, that scholars of protest have been and continue to be ambivalent about emotion.
Gender and Social Movements
Authors: Whittier Nancy
Published: January 2013

Social movements are shaped by gender systems and they also are a source of social change in gender. Some social movements directly attempt to change gender relations; these movements, particularly women's movements, have been the focus of considerable scholarship. Increasingly, scholars also recognize the gendered nature of other social movements and the impact of systemic inequalities of gender on the opportunities, constraints, and forms of social movements in general.