bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Green tea extract selectively activates peroxisome proliferator-activated receptor β/δ in cultured cardiomyocytes
Authors: Danesi Francesca , Di Nunzio Mattia , Boschetti Elisa , Bordoni Alessandra
Published: December 2008

Hypoxia/reoxygenation is one of the causes of the increased expression of inducible NO synthase in cardiomyocytes. In a recent study we demonstrated that a single, high dose of green tea extract (GT) supplemented to the medium of cultured cardiomyocytes just before hypoxia/reoxygenation is able to prevent the increased expression of inducible NO synthase, therefore reducing NO overproduction. In the present study we investigated the mechanism by which GT reduces NO production. Since a molecular mechanism for polyphenol activity has been postulated, and PPAR activation is related to the transcription of the inducible NO synthase gene, we evaluated the activation of PPAR by GT. A moderate GT concentration, supplemented to the cardiomyocyte medium since the initial seeding, selectively activated the PPAR-β/δ isoform. Furthermore, we observed a reduction in NO production and an increase in total antioxidant activity, indicating that GT components may act on both reactive oxygen species, via an antioxidant mechanism, and NO overproduction. PPAR-β/δ activation could represent the key event in the reduction of NO production by GT. Although PPAR activation by GT was lower than activation by fenofibrate, it is very interesting to note that it was selective for the β/δ isoform, at least in neonatal cardiomyocytes.
On the hierarchy of naturalness principles in inflectional morphology
Authors: Wheeler Max W.
Published: December 2008

1. This article proposes a criticism and elaboration of the theory of Natural Morphology as it relates to inflection and to inflectional change. The theoretical framework I start from is that set out at length in Mayerthaler (1981/1988), Wurzel (1984/1989), Dressler (1987) and Kilani-Schoch (1988). The concept ofnaturalnessinvolved here combines Prague School notions of markedness (see Andersen, 1989) with more recent typological approaches and a semiotic framework which derives from the work of C. S. Peirce. The goal of naturalness theories in historical linguistics is to identify some constraints on language change (for example, on sound change, analogy and grammaticalization) which are, broadly speaking, functionally motivated, that is, motivated by the nature of human psychology or of human communication. Naturalness theories offer an approach to explanation of Weinreich, Labov & Herzog's (1968; 102, 186)actuation problem. Among other things, Natural Morphology proposes explanatory principles and constraints foranalogy.
English stress, vowel length and modularity
Authors: Burzio Luigi
Published: December 2008

The evolution of phonological theory over the past fifteen years or so mirrors in important respects that of syntactic theory. The common evolutionary characteristic is the emergence of modularity. As is frequently noted following Chomsky (1986: ch. 3), in syntax, rich systems of rules have been supplanted by a relatively small number of discrete sub-theories, such as the theories of thematic relations, Case, Binding, Government, and the theory of empty categories. Characteristically, each sub-theory regulates one specific aspect of syntactic structure, at one or more levels of representation, for example the distribution of overt noun phrases at S-structure. The emergence of the sub-theories reflects a natural shift in investigative focus. Just as studying the facts of language from a systematic and formal perspective led to the discovery of generalizations of fact, originally expressed as ‘rules’, so the study of the rules themselves led to the discovery of higher-order generalizations, expressed by the various conditions or principles that make up the contemporary sub-theories. Although Chomsky (1986:70ff.) lists several important contributors to the development of the new perspective, in the mind of most syntacticians, a watershed event in this evolution was Chomsky's own ‘Conditions on transformations’ (1973). To the extent that this development of syntactic theory is a natural one towards deeper understanding, a comparable one is expected in phonological theory. Although the ‘modularity’ of phonology is less frequently noted and identification of a single watershed event is perhaps more difficult, there are clearly several ‘modules’ or sub-theories that have emerged in post-SPEhistory – three in particular.
Javanese adversatives, passives and Mapping Theory
Authors: Davies William D.
Published: December 2008

Relational Grammarians have proposed Union analyses for adversatives many languages. An odd asymmetry in base predicates contrasts Japanese (Dubinsky 1985), in which adversatives may not be formed on unaccusatives, and Indonesian (Kana 1986), in which adversatives may only be formed on unaccusatives. A close examination of adversatives in Javanese (a language closely related to Indonesian) resolves this asymmetry, revealing that Javanese adversatives (and by implication Indonesian adversatives) are best analyzed not as Unions but as passives. However, the passive analysis violates Perlmutter & Postal's (1984) I-Advancement Exclusiveness Law, which figures crucially in Dubinsky's elegant account of the distribution of Japanese adversatives. Gerdts' (1993a) Mapping Theory, rooted in an RG tradition, provides a solution, in which it is possible to capture the similarities of adversatives and other Javanese passives and at the same time preserve the insights of Dubinsky's analysis of Japanese.
Clause structure in Old English: evidence from Negative Concord
Authors: Haeberli Eric , Haegeman Liliane
Published: December 2008

This paper deals with the clause structure of Old English. In the main body of the paper we adopt the ‘traditional’ analysis of the West Germanic languages in which it is proposed that VP is head-final. We will argue (contra Van Kemenade 1987, pace Cardinaletti & Roberts 1991, Pintzuk 1991, Tomaselli 1991) that the clause structure of Old English contains a head-initial functional projection whose head can be the landing site of verb movement in subordinate clauses. This claim is based on evidence related to the distribution and interpretation of negative elements in Old English and West Flemish. We will show that differences between these two languages with respect to Negative Concord phenomena can be accounted for straightforwardly in terms of an Old English clause structure which is different from the one traditionally proposed for the modern Germanic SOV/V2 languages.

In the appendix to the paper we briefly turn to the recent alternative approaches to the phrase structure of SOV languages in terms of a universal base hypothesis where all projections are head-initial (see Kayne (1993), Zwart (1993), Roberts (1995) for a discussion of Old English).
Problems of selection in transformational grammar
Authors: Matthews P. H.
Published: December 2008

This paper is concerned with two related problems. Briefly: how can we best handle, in a transformational grammar

(i) Restrictions on the collocability (Simon, 1953; Firth, 1957; Mitchell, 1958) of one word with another.
The inflectional component of a word-and-paradigm grammar
Authors: Matthews P. H.
Published: December 2008

The termword-and-paradigm grammar(Hockett, 1954; Robins, 1959) may be used of any grammar which preserves the traditional distinction between morphology and syntax. This distinction is usually drawn as follows. Following the classical formulation (Dionysius Thrax in Uhlig, 1883:22, line 4; Priscian in Keil, 1855: 53, line 8), any sentence is said to have as its minimal elements a set of [grammatical] words. Such words are of two main types. Some are invariable: examples are the Latin conjunctionsetandatqueor the prepositionsperandin. Others, for example the verbamoor the noundominus, are variable: they appear in a variety of forms (amo, amabas, amatus, ….;dominus, domino, dominorum, ….) with different syntactic properties. The ‘function’ and distribution of these variants, in relation to each other and to the invariables, is handled by the syntactic sections of the grammar; their phonological or graphological ‘shape’, on the other hand, is stated by the morphology. It is, for instance, a syntactic rule which states that the prepositionpermust govern a noun in the ACC [usative]2 case, but it is a subject of morphology thatdominum, terram, etc. are ACC forms of their respective nouns. The field of grammar, as opposed to phonology, semantics, etc., is thus divided into two separate but interconnected sub-fields: one dealing with what may be called the ‘external’, the other with the ‘internal’ characteristics of grammatical words.
Towards a generative phonology of Daco-Rumanian dialects
Authors: Vasiliu E.
Published: December 2008

The purpose of this paper is to outline a classification of Dacorumanian dialects, according to certain morphophonemic particularities chosen as criterial. This classification is (to be sure) only a first step, a kind of first approximation to a more detailed specification of diverse dialectal morphophonemic and phonemic structures occurring in this area.
On non-distinctive voicing in Russian
Authors: Shapiro Michael
Published: December 2008

In his illuminating article for the Max Vasmer Festschrift, Jakobson (1956) gave a concise description of the implementation of the voicing feature in Russian obstruents. In addition to stating well-known facts about the pronunciation of contemporary standard Russian, Jakobson brought to the attention of students of Russian phonetics a fact which had been completely overlooked in previous investigations, namely the determinative role of the segment FOLLOWING the morphonemes {v} and {v,} in the distribution of voicing, rather than these sounds themselves. With respect to the feature of voicing, obstruent clusters containing medial {v} or {v,} were demonstrated to be entirely composed of voiced segments or unvoiced segments, depending on the value of the last obstruent in the cluster. Thus it was pointed out that voiceless obstruents were assimilatively voiced not only in Πρосьба [-z, b-] ‘request’, сдача [zd-] ‘submission’, ĸ жене [gž-] ‘to one's wife’, трехДнеВньІЙ [-γd-] ‘3-day’, but also in ОТ ВДоВьІ [-dvd-] ‘from the widow’, с вДовоЙ [zvd-] ‘with the widow’, к вДове [gvd-] ‘to the widow’, оΤ взгляДов [-dvzg-] ‘from the glances’, к взДохам [gvzd-] ‘to the sighs’; not only in зтот гороД [-d | g-] ‘this city, купец бьІЛ [-3|b-] ‘the merchant was (there)’ здесь же [ž-|ž-] ‘but here’, Лечь бьІ [-3|b-] ‘go lie down’, хоть дома [-d,|d-] ‘at least at home’, так зЛо [-g|z-] ‘so maliciously’, запах дьІма [-γ|d-] ‘smell of smoke’, бЛиз берега [-z,|b,-] ‘near the shore’, сквозь доску [-z,|d-] ‘through the board’ but also in как вдова [-g|vd-] [like the widow’, хоть вздохнуЛ [-d, | vzd-] ‘at least he rested’, вот в детстве [-d|vd,-] ‘but in childhood’, чтоб взять, [-b|vz,-] ‘in order to take’, поев вдовоЛь, [v |:d-] ‘having eaten one's fill’, против вдовьІ [-v|:d-] ‘against the widow’, уж в вдовах [-ž|v:d-] ‘already among the widows’, воЛхв же [-γv|ž-] ‘but the sorcerer’, без жертв бьІ [-dv|b-] ‘without sacrifices’, от моЛитв-де [-dv|d,-] ‘supposedly from prayers’, ветвь даже [-d, v,|d-] ‘even the branch’. This treatment of the voicing feature provided the basis of Halle's discussion (1959: 63–5). For some inexplicable reason, the facts brought to light by Jakobson apparently went completely unacknowledged in the Soviet Union (and elsewhere, for that matter, outside the United States) and were not reflected in the works on Russian phonetics which appeared after 1956. Thus, for instance, one notes no revision of the appropriate section in Avanesov (1958); nor in Avanesov & Ožegov (1959).
Ergative and nominative in English
Authors: Anderson John
Published: December 2008

Consider the following two sentences: (i) a. This man cut the bread b. This man fell In both cases, many traditional accounts (e.g. Zandvoort, 1961: 236–240; Scheurweghs, 1959: 1–19; Chomsky, 1962: 138–140, 1965: 63–64; etc.) would say that we have a single clause (or sentence) which consists of two parts, a subject and a predicate. And the two examples differ in the constitution of the predicate. This distinction between the two is usually described as having to do with transitivity. In (i.a) the verb is said to take an object, and is therefore transitive; in (i.b) this is not the case, and the verb is intransitive.
Transformational theory and semantic analysis
Authors: Thompson Richard A.
Published: December 2008

Schools of thought concerning the study of language in anthropology and in linguistics proper have developed historically along lines that are sometimes convergent, but too often divergent because of a certain gap in communication between the two disciplines. It is the purpose of this paper to suggest the existence of an area of common interest which is at present unrecognized in the literature. I submit that recent work in what anthropologists refer to as ‘formal’ semantic analysis, when considered in the light of transformational linguistics, provides a potentially fruitful point of interdisciplinary interaction which should result in the formulation of a more adequate theory of meaning in the study of language than exists at the moment.
Two critical problems in accent rules
Authors: Bierwisch Manfred
Published: December 2008

Beginning with the paper of Chomsky, Halle & Lukoff (1956) a theory of accent has been developed which attempts to explain by certain fairly simple rules the complex pattern of degrees of prominence assigned to any given sentence. In the present paper I will not be concerned with those rules which specify the main stress for stems (or, more precisely, for words containing only one stem), but only with the rules which introduce degrees of prominence in compound words and phrases. Let me call these latter rules Phrase-Accent-rules, or for short, PA-rules. The general conditions on the form and the manner of operation of PA-rules may be stated as follows:
(i) PA-rules apply cyclically, beginning with the innermost, or lowest constituents of given final derived phrase markers, proceeding ‘upward’ until the topmost constituent is reached.
(ii) PA-rules pick out one of the several primary accents of a constituent to which they apply, and make it the main accent of that constituent, thereby lowering all other accents by one degree.
(iii) Formally, PA-rules are strictly local transformations whose structural descriptions recognize only three factors: first, the constituents, or bracketing, of a sentence; second, the categorization of the constituents; and third, the previously assigned accents.
On wh-words in English
Authors: Koutsoudas Andreas
Published: December 2008

1. It is a well-known fact that in English wh-words occur both in interrogative sentences and in certain complex sentences (e.g. in relative clauses), and that whenever this is the case, the members of each such set of wh-words found are identical in form and have related meanings. For example, the interrogative pronoun in sentence (1) is identical in form to the relative pronoun in sentence (2); furthermore, these pronouns have a related meaning in that both refer to ‘human (subjects)’:
(1) Who cut the pie?
(2) The man who came yesterday cut the pie
The semantics of modal verbs
Authors: Boyd Julian , Thorne J. P.
Published: December 2008

In this paper we propose an analysis of the semantic structure of modal sentences in English. Central to this analysis is the notion of ‘speech act’. The notion of speech act derives principally from the work of J. L. Austin (cf. especially Austin, 1962). Austin is particularly concerned with the use of sentences like I promise to go, I bet you sixpence and I name this ship ‘Queen Elizabeth’. One of his main purposes is to show that it is a mistake to class these sentences with sentences like John is running as statements. To utter the sentence I promise to go is not to make a statement about or to report some inner condition of mind or consciousness. It is to perform the act of promising, just as to say I bet you sixpence is to perform the act of betting. Indeed, in the case of these kinds of acts (promising, betting, naming, etc.) it is difficult to see how one could engage in them without using sentences of this kind. Austin calls verbs like promise, bet and name ‘performative’ verbs. It follows from this account that verbs like say, state and assert are also performative verbs. So that the mistake involved in classing I promise to go with John is running is not that in uttering the first sentence one is performing an act and in uttering the second one is not (ignoring the uninteresting fact that the act of vocalizing is common to both), but that the speaker is performing a different act in each case—in the one case promising and in the other stating. The fact that in the case of the utterance John is running the performative verb state does not occur, so that what Austin terms its ‘illocutionary force’ is not explicitly marked in the way in which the utterance I promise to go is explicitly marked as having the illocutionary force of a promise by the words I promise, while giving rise to certain difficult problems,2 does not affect Austin's main point, which is that a complete account of the meaning of a sentence cannot be restricted to semantic analyses as these are usually understood and that they must be extended to include information about the kind of speech act involved in uttering the sentence – that is, its illocutionary force.
The phonological status of the Russian ‘labial fricatives’
Authors: Andersen Henning
Published: December 2008

It is generally accepted that Contemporary Standard Russian (CSR) has four labiodental fricatives, f, f', v and v'. Most descriptions of Russian phonetics note that two of these, the voiced v and v' differ from all other Russian obstruents in one important respect. While as a general rule obstruent sequences are either voiced throughout or voiceless throughout depending on the voiced or voiceless character of the last member of the sequence, v and v' do not effect assimilative voicing in a preceding obstruent; cf. otbój [-db-], otdát' [-dd-], otgón [-dg-], otzýv [-dz-], otžít' [-dž-], but otvál [-tv-].
Local accents in England and Wales
Authors: Wells J. C.
Published: December 2008

1. Dialectologists in England have concentrated on the speech of small and relatively isolated rural communities (see, for example, Orton and Dieth, 1962: Introduction, 14). Other linguists and phoneticians concerned with the English of England have almost without exception described Standard English and the form of pronunciation they call, using an established but less than happy term, ‘Received Pronunciation’ (Jones, 1967:xvii). Yet the English of most English (and English-speaking Welsh) people is neither RP Standard English nor a rural dialect. The vast mass of urban working-class and lower-middle-class speakers use a pronunciation nearer to RP, and lexical and grammatical forms much nearer to Standard English, than the archaic rural dialects recorded by the dialectologists. Yet their speech diverges in many ways from what is described as standard. The purpose of this article, which must be regarded as preliminary and tentative, is to sketch the principal phonetic variables among such local, mainly urban, forms of English.1 It is the task of anyone concerned with the description of these ‘accents’ of English to investigate whatever phonetic variables can be identified and to establish their correlation with the non-linguistic variables of age, social standing and education, and geographical provenance. (For discussion of some of the problems of urban dialectology, see particularly Wright, 1966.)
Constraints on movement transformations
Authors: Schwartz Arthur
Published: December 2008

1. The development of transformational theory has been marked by a considerable shifting about of powers allotted to the various constructs. As a theory of lexicon arose, for example, some of the function of the context-sensitivity of the phrase-structure rules was rendered unnecessary; correspondingly, when the rewrite system was tightly confined to a context-free nature, the transformational component took up part of the burden of providing for certain dependencies and concord phenomena. A fair estimate of the history of that component would have to concede that its powers – in spite of the cycle, and some scattered efforts (Emonds, 1969; Postal, 1971; Ross, 1969; Sanders, 1970)–have grown significantly. For example, Emonds's work aside, no general principles of derived constituent structure have developed (as originally anticipated, say, in Lees, 1957b: 400–401); quite the contrary, the particular elementary operations at the root of transformational relationships have been extended, so that at the moment, in addition to sister-adjunction and daughter-adjunction, we have at our disposal Chomsky-adjunction – a range of moves allowing just about any sort of bracketing relation to be developed. Similarly, the recent suggestion that a transformation be considered, most generally, a relation holding between P-markers (not necessarily ‘adjacent’ and not necessarily paired) engenders an enormous increase in power – all the more so since the so-called local and global constraints that are intended to offset the magnification of power are only promissory (Lakoff, 1970).
Distinctive features and natural classes in phonological theory
Authors: Wheeler Max W.
Published: December 2008

1. I want in this paper to draw attention again to the theoretical basis of the use of distinctive features in generative phonology, and with that in mind, to consider what improvements can be made. One function of distinctive features is to provide a formal means of expressing the notion of a NATURAL CLASS (cf. Harms, 1968: 26), such that a phonological rule which applies to a natural class of segments may be expressed in a simpler way than a rule applying to some other class of segments. Distinctive features, and notational devices and conventions, are intended to capture this notion of simplicity so that by examining a formalized rule one may discover, counting the symbols in it according to a set of values provided, at least whether the rule is simpler than a comparable rule, if not its simplicity in any absolute sense. It is also intended that the set of features should be a substantive universal of language, though, as Harms' examples (1968: 23–38), drawn from various people's analyses of various languages, show, it cannot yet be seen that there is a tendency towards agreement on which these might be, as Harms himself (38) is aware. He sees the problem, however, in these terms:

The basic set of features can be viewed as a hypothesis about language, subject to empirical validation. Arguments for adding new features to the list or for altering the basic features must demonstrate the inadequacy of the basic hypothesis. Such arguments, however, cannot be based upon an appeal to the simplicity metric, for the features themselves are elements in the simplicity metric. Phonemic solutions that do not assume the same set of features cannot be compared in terms of simplicity. The claim must be that one solution provides a more reasonable hypothesis of the phonological structure of the language in question.
Remarks on directionality
Authors: Zwicky Arnold M.
Published: December 2008

In several recent articles the issue of directionality in transformational grammar has been treated, rather unsatisfactorily to my mind. The question is this: are the relationships among the various levels of grammatical description (semantic structure, deep structure, surface structure, phonetic structure) such that certain levels are descriptively prior to others? That is, is there an inherent ‘direction’ to the relationship between two levels of description (say deep structure and surface structure)? Recent treatments suggest that the question is pointless, or that the answer is no. I maintain that this impression results entirely from the way previous discussions have been worded, and that the issues have yet to be approached properly.
Transitive and causative in Gorum
Authors: Zide Arlene R. K.
Published: December 2008

This paper takes up various problems of Gorum verb morphology and, more important, of its semantic categories. These relate specifically to the interconnections found between so-called causativization and transitivity. The notion ‘intransitivity’, is shown to be inadequate to characterize the data, and can be replaced by a semantic feature – which we call affectedness – of the subject NP of a primary verb in a tree. Higher sentence construction is not adequately handled by the ambiguous – or various – notions of causativity. What happens in Gorum can be more adequately described in terms of displacement of the head NP in a sentence, and this is shown to be directly related to transitivity, causation and perhaps volition. For, an additional distinction operating in the Gorum verbal system is that of internally motivated action versus the absence of such motivation. This distinction – and its correlation with the feature affected – is also touched on.
Rice in a grammar of T'in
Authors: Filbeck David
Published: December 2008

1. The T'in are a small tribe located in Nan Province in the north of Thailand and in adjacent areas of Sayaboury Province of Laos. They are mountain dwellers engaged chiefly in slash and burn farming, planting rice on steep mountain sides; however, a few villages are located in low areas where it is possible to grow wet rice. Each T'in village is an autonomous and endogamous unit having few strains of relationships extending out to other villages. There is no tribal consciousness among the T'in, nor are there any clans or lineages that call for supra-village loyalties. For this reason the tribe is fragmented into several dialects, customs and religious traditions. A few villages are in the process of discarding their language and religious traditions and becoming assimilated with the lowland Thai. The government of each T'in village in Thailand is structured along the same lines as any Thai village of the same area; indeed the lack of any tribal unity among the T'in has made it easy for the Thai Government to administer these villages directly from the District level.
A note on order
Authors: Huddleston Rodney
Published: December 2008

1. In a recent historical survey of work in morphology, Matthews claims that in the 1940s and early 1950s the question ‘What are the basic units of morphological structure, and what are the relations which obtain between them?’ received a comparatively simple answer, namely that the units were morphemes and the relation between them one of linear succession (1970: 97–98). This seems to me inaccurate in two respects. Firstly, some linguists (notably Harris) recognized ‘morphemic components’ as well as morphemes; secondly, and more generally, explicit provision was made (following Bloomfield) for a statement of the order of elements in a grammatical construction – and simple succession, with X preceding (or following) Y was not the only order relation recognized. Allowance was also made, implicitly or explicitly, for (a) simultaneity, with X and Y occurring at the same time; and (b) discontinuity, with Y interrupting X. It will be convenient to discuss morphemic components in the larger context of simultaneous ordering; I shall then return to discontinuity in 3.
Interpreting certain adverbs: semantics or pragmatics?
Authors: Lehrer Adrienne
Published: December 2008

Charles Morris' division of signs into syntactics, semantics, and pragmatics has been handed down to linguists and philosophers of language, who have more or less accepted the validity of the categories. However, the generative semanticists have argued, persuasively in my opinion, that the line between syntactics and semantics is not sharp (cf., e.g. Lakoff, 1971). By examining a small but important class of adverbs, I will try to show that the line between semantics and pragmatics is also not sharp and that no non-arbitrary line can be drawn. What is needed for an adequate description of language is a theory that can predict and explain borderline cases without forcing them into pre-established categories arbitrarily.
Roman Jakobson's verbal analysis of poetry
Authors: Werth Paul
Published: December 2008

I. …any noticeable reiteration of the same grammatical concept becomes an effective poetic device. Any unbiased, attentive, exhaustive, total description of the selection, distribution and interrelation of diverse morphological classes and syntactic constructions in a given form surprises the examiner himself by unexpected, striking symmetries and antisymmetries, balanced structures, efficient accumulation of equivalent forms and salient contrasts,… by rigid restrictions in the repertory of morphological and syntactic constituents used in the poem, eliminations which… permit us to follow the masterly interplay of the actualized constituents. Let us insist on the strikingness of these devices (Jakobson, 1968: 602–3).
On the functional diversity of phonological rules
Authors: Brasington R. W. P.
Published: December 2008

The primary aim of this paper is to show by the analysis of an extended example that a phonological description which recognizes the functional variety of phonological description which recognizes the functional variety of phonological rules is more illuminating than one in which the data are handled merely as the output of a set of completely undifferentiated processes. In particular I hope to emphasize the value of distinguishing MOTIVATED and UNMOTIVATED processes in phonology.
On the boundaries of morphology and phonology: a case study from Modern Greek
Authors: Warburton Irene P.
Published: December 2008

There has been a great deal of discussion recently concerning the rôle that morphological and paradigmatic considerations play in the phonological structure of languages (e.g. Kiparsky, 1972, 1974; Anderson, 1974, 1975; Hooper, 1974; Harris, 1973; Kisseberth & Abasheikh, 1974). However, although it has generally been accepted that such factors play a part in determining the phonological properties of morphemes and words, the precise characterization of the interplay between phonology and morphology is not at present very clear. In this paper, I will examine two of the most interesting problems of Modern Greek (MG) that fall on the boundary line between morphology and phonology and thus provide a test case in the present debate. Moreover, since these problems have been previously examined both outside the transformational generative model (Householder, 1964) and within it (Warburton, 1970a, 1970b; Newton, 1972a, 1972b, 1973; Adams, 1972), the facts are fairly clear and, consequently, they offer excellent ground for arguing theoretical points.
Past Tense transportation in English
Authors: Huddleston Rodney
Published: December 2008

Poutsma (1926: 441–447) says of sentences like: (I) I could have got the money easily enough. that ‘the notion of completed action in this combination [is expressed] not in the finite verb, where it logically belongs, but in the following infinitive’. He speaks of this phenomenon as ‘tense-shifting’; I have preferred ‘past tense transportation’ (PTT) in order to make it clear that it is only the Past Tense that is involved, I and to avoid confusion with the quite different but more frequent use of ‘tense- shifting’ in accounts of the ‘sequence of tenses’ in indirect speech, etc., where a direct speech non-Past is commonly said to be ‘backshifted’ to a Past Tense (She is ill ∽ He said she was ill).
Sound symbolism in Korean
Authors: Kim Kong-On
Published: December 2008

I. In Korean, alternation between certain vowels or consonants in sound symbolic adjectives and adverbs is regularly correlated with a connotation shift in those words. The examples below illustrate such alternation and the resulting connotation shift: (i) Vowel alternation: /piŋkwl/ ‘(turn) round and round’ /pεŋkwl/ ‘round and round (the circle involved is smaller and the movement faster)’

(2) Consonant alternation: /piŋkwl/ ‘round and round’ /phiŋkwl/ ‘round and round (the movement is more powerful and faster)’ ‘ppiŋkwl/ same as /phiŋkwl/ The alternation between /i/ and /ε/ in the examples in (1) brings about a connotation shift in the speed of the movement and also in the size of the moving object and of the circle made by the circular movement. In the examples in (2), the alternation between the word initial lenis stop /p/ on the one hand, and its aspirated or tense counterpart on the other, signals a connotation shift in the speed and force of the movement, but curiously not in the size of the circle or of the moving object. These means of changing the connotation of words are highly productive in the sense that, given a basic word that belongs to the category of sound symbolic words, native speakers can predict the form and connotation of the paired member resulting from the phoneme alternation.
How to refer to one's own words: speech-act modifying adverbials and the performative analysis
Authors: Mittwoch Anita
Published: December 2008

The performative analysis claims that every sentence we utter refers, self-reflexively, to our utterance of it, that every sentence comes equipped in its underlying structure with a higher performative clause of the form I (or Speaker) + Verb of Communication + You (or Hearer) (see especially Ross, 1970; Lakoff, 1971, 1972). The self-reflexive nature of the performative clause is brought out even more clearly by the addition of hereby, which functions as a deictic instrumental adverb referring to the utterance-act. In this paper I shall deal with two sets of data that have been invoked in support of this analysis and I shall try to show that on closer scrutiny they disconfirm it, at least in its generally accepted form. Both concern sentence adverbials that modify not the propositional content of the sentence to which they are attached but what I shall provisionally call the pragmatics of the speech situation; the solutions I shall suggest as an alternative to the performative analysis will, however, differ considerably for the two sets.
Embedded clause reduction and Scandinavian gender agreement
Authors: Faarlund Jan Terje
Published: December 2008

The impetus for this paper is a curious case of gender disagreement in Scandinavian, whereby the rule assigning gender agreement to predicate adjectives is apparently violated. An analysis of the facts is provided, and it is shown that other semantico-syntactic phenomena of Scandinavian can be handled within the same explanatory framework.
Generating indirect objects in English
Authors: Allerton D. J.
Published: December 2008

It is a common experience in language study (and elsewhere) that a consideration of a few carefully chosen examples can allow us a neat, simple, even elegant solution; but that the more data we examine, the more complex the whole question becomes. In some such cases we are tempted to abandon discrete categories in favour of a ‘squish’ (Ross, 1972, 1975). English indirect object constructions seem to present this kind of problem.
Stylistic variation and underlying structure
Authors: Henderson Michael M. T.
Published: December 2008

I. In recent years, considerable attention has been paid to stylistic variation in linguistic description. Variation which used to be described as ‘free’ has lately been described as fitting within identifiable linguistic and/or social parameters. I discern three trends. In the first, variation that was previously ignored is incorporated into description in a fairly systematic way. An example of this is Harris' (1969: 7) claim that variation among the Spanish forms [esbjuðo], [ezbjuðo] and [ezβuðo] es viudo ‘he is a widower’‘not only CAN but MUST be described in terms of stylistic levels… it will be shown that careful examination of the kinds of alternation under discussion leads to some interesting questions about the form and organization of phonological rules’ (emphasis original).
Toward concreteness in the description of Early Modern English vowel alternations
Authors: Tzeutschler Harald
Published: December 2008

In the dialects of Early Modern English (ENE) described by John Hart (c.1550) and John Wallis (c.1680), as in contemporary American and British English, a number of vowel nuclei alternate in quality and segmental composition, depending on the specification for the feature [+tense]. These alternations have motivated analyses in Chomsky and Halle 1968 (SPE) in which the abstractness of underlying representations, the arbitrariness of diacritically used feature specifications, and the limited scope of some rules, motivate a search for analyses which are preferable in terms of applicable evaluation criteria such as the simplicity metric and the Weak Alternation Condition. Furthermore, the SPE analysis of Hart's system accounts for a version of the phonetic facts which in some respects are inconsistent with Hart's descriptions. In §§ 3 and 4, we will see that, by proceeding from the phonetic facts and not, as did Chomsky and Halle, from an assumption about the underlying representations, we may indeed propose phonological subcomponents which, as § 6 concludes, are more highly valued than their SPE counterparts, described in § 5. In § 7 it will be seen that the present interpretation of the phonetic facts described by John Hart is a more faithful version of that description, and it will be concluded that this fact adds support to the present analysis of Hart's vowel alternations. Historical claims made by Chomsky and Halle will be examined in § 8.
On ‘Generating indirect objects in English’: a reply to Allerton
Authors: Hawkins Roger
Published: December 2008

I. In a recent article in this journal, Allerton (1978) calls into question the status of a transformational rule - usually called Dative Movement - which relates sentences like: (1) (a) Jim gave a present to Margaret. (b) Jim bought a drink for Margaret. to sentences where the prepositions to/for are not present, and where Margaret immediately follows the verb: (2) (a) Jim gave Margaret a present. (b) Jim bought Margaret a drink.

His argument is based in particular on the observation of those construtions involving the preposition for.
Is should a weaker must?
Authors: Rivière Claude
Published: December 2008

The modal auxiliary should, when it is used to express ‘probability’, is generally considered as a weaker equivalent of must (see for instance Leech & Svartvik, 1975: 131 and Hornby, 1962: 223). Although this informal assumption contains a fair degree of truth, this paper will show first, that it requires qualification and secondly, that it gains strength once it has been qualified. In other words, there is more truth in the assumption than is suspected by its casual users.

The method I will use is to consider the compatibilities between must and should and their environment. Though the relevant kind of environment cannot be defined in a purely syntactic way, it can be accurately specified in simple semantic terms, many of which have syntactic correlates. Verbal contexts are generally available but situational contexts will occasionally have to be used. It will then appear that the diversity of situational contexts can be reduced to very few elementary relations.
Experimental evidence for English syllabification and syllable structure
Authors: Fallows Deborah
Published: December 2008

Most phonologists regard the syllable as a unit of language. In recent years, partly in reaction to Chomsky's and Halle's neglect of it inThe sound pattern of English, much work has been done to incorporate the syllable into phonological theory (Anderson & Jones, 1974; Bailey, 1978; Hoard, 1971; Hooper, 1972, 1974, 1976, 1978; Kahn, 1976; Pulgram, 1970; Rudes, 1977; Vennemann, 1972).

Syllable theories have been based on evidence from phonetics, phonological processes, prosody, language change, child language acquisition, and language universals. The purpose of this experimental study is (a) to contribute empirical evidence about the nature of the syllable from native speakers' actual syllabifications of words and (b) to determine how this evidence reflects on the syllable theories already proposed.

Syllable studies have focused on two major questions: (1) what is the structure of the syllable and (2) how are words divided into syllables (syllabified). These questions are obviously related, and the answers to each have implications for the other. This study was designed to elicit data directly addressing both questions.
The theoretical significance of the Latin accusative and infinitive: a reply to Pillinger
Authors: Comrie Bernard
Published: December 2008

Pillinger (1980) argues that the Latin accusative and infinitive construction provides evidence against some of the current assumptions of Relational Grammar (RG) and,1to a lesser extent, the Extended Standard Theory (EST). I argue that, even if one accepts Pillinger's analysis of this construction – as I would, perhaps with less diffidence than Pillinger himself – then this analysis is completely neutral with regard to deciding between RG and EST and compatible with either.
A note on ‘Liberalism’ and the ‘New Right’
Authors: Sampson Geoffrey
Published: December 2008

The first sentence of David Lightfoot’s review (1981) of my Liberty and language (1980) refers to the recent emergence of ‘the ̏nouveaux philosophes̋ and ̏the New Right̋ ’. Later in his first paragraph he characterizes this group as people who ‘believe in the predominance of heredity over education’. His second paragraph begins: ‘Liberty and language is a contribution to this literature.’
Cross-category harmony, X-bar and the predictions of markedness
Authors: Hawkins John A.
Published: December 2008

In a recent paper in this journal, Hawkins (1980), it was observed that there was considerable, but quite principled, variation both in the types and in the quantities of word order co-occurrences found in Greenberg's (1966) data (cf. his Appendix I (AI) and Appendix II (AII), reproduced here as Tables 1 and 2 respectively). We formulated two types of universal statements to account for this data: implicational universals, which define permitted versus non-permitted co-occurrences of word orders (matching the attested versus non-attested co-occurrences respectively), and which are of the form ‘if a language has some property (or properties) P, then it will also have some property (or properties) Q’; and a ‘universal of language distribution’, entitled the principle of ‘Cross-Category Harmony’ (CCH), which predicts the different quantities of languages having the permitted co-occurences.2 The present paper is intended as a sequel to the last. We now relate our universals to the cross-category, X-bar, generalizations of generative grammar and to issues of markedness, suggesting that our universals and X-bar theory can be of mutual benefit to one another.
On a class of not ungrammatical constructions
Authors: Langendoen D. Terence
Published: December 2008

Langendoen and Bever (1973) contended that both expressions in (1) are ungrammatical in English, despite the acceptability of the first to native speakers of English.

(1) (a) a not unhappy person

(b) a not sad person

We came to this conclusion because we believed, first, that all grammars of natural languages should be subject to a constraint ‘M’ that no syntactic rule is able to make use of the morphological structure of lexemes (1973:402); and, second, that we had shown that no grammar that satisfies M can distinguish the grammaticality of(1a) from that of (1b). Our exact wording of M was as follows: ‘no syntactic transformational rule is permitted to make use of the internal morphological structure of lexical items’. Since the only syntactic rules of the standard theory, within which we were operating that are not transformations are base-categorial rules, which by definition make no use of the internal morphological structure of lexical items, the word ‘transformational’ in our formulation of M is unnecessary.
Comparative rather1
Authors: Dieterich Thomas G. , Napoli Donna Jo
Published: December 2008

English rather than clauses display obvious surface similarities with comparative clause constructions. The parallelism between expressions where rather than is followed by clause remains, and such ordinary comparative expressions as better than, taller than, etc., followed by a clause or clause remains, suggests that the rather than expressions are just comparatives, derived in much the same way as the more familiar comparative forms. However, the derivation of rather than expressions as comparatives is not entirely straightforward. First, although rather has the form of a comparative adjective, rath+er (as required in comparative clause constructions), this is apparently a fossil form: in current English there is no adjective rath of which rather is the comparative. Thus, any treatment that derives comparatives from structures containing compared adjectives (e.g., -er much tall in Bresnan [1973]), would have to postulate an ajective rath, never realized in modern English, in order to give a unified treatment of rather than expressions as comparatives. Part of the purpose of this paper will be to argue for just such an account.
On the communicative function of subject pronouns in Arabic
Authors: Eid Mushira
Published: December 2008

This paper presents results of an investigation into the communicative function that the presence/absence of pronouns has within the sentence and beyond it into discourse.
Coordinate Deletion andn-ary Branching Nodes
Authors: Oirsouw R. Van
Published: December 2008

In this paper, we wish to address a class of problems connected with deletion under identity in coordinated structures; more specifically, we will endeavour to state the constraints which block deletion under identity in coordinated structures. A number of rules effecting deletion in coordinated structures have been formulated in the last two decades; the best-known ones are Gapping (Ross, 1970) and Coordination Reduction (e.g. Koutsoudas, 1971).
The Elsewhere Condition and h-aspiré
Authors: Iverson Gregory K.
Published: December 2008

The phonology of French continues to command widespread attention in the development of linguistic theory. The most recent, and most novel, contribution to the explicit description of sound patterns in this language is Anderson (1982), who demonstrates the central rôle played by syllabic structure in alternations obtaining between null and ‘e-instable’, or schwa. In expected contrast to the natural generative phonology approach advocated, for example, by Klausenburger (1978), Anderson advances the more orthodox generative position (cf. Schane, 1968; Dell, 1973) that characterizes such alternations as petit m. ‘pəti]/petite f. [pətit] ‘small’ in terms of the phonological deletion of basic word-final consonants (masculine forms) and final ‘protective’ schwas (feminine forms). This familiar, ‘abstract’ kind of account has been challenged most comprehensively by Tranel (1981), but it still represents the standard alternative within more or less traditional generative phonology, which, without further elaboration, Anderson and the comments that follow here share as a point of departure.
Vowel harmony in Manchu: a critical overview
Authors: Ard Josh
Published: December 2008

The history of generative accounts of vowel harmony in Classical Manchu is discouraging. The early treatments (Vago, 1973; Odden, 1978; Finer, 1979) assumed the wrong type of vowel harmony (front vs. back rather than relative height harmony). Hayata (1980) proposed the correct type, but was unable to justify it adequately within the generative framework. These shortcomings are due to deficiencies in the practice of generative phonologists. To demonstrate the correct type of vowel harmony in Classical Manchu requires considerations of (1) the actual surface representation and/or (2) facts in related dialects and languages. Neither type of evidence is frequently used in the practice of generative phonologists, although the former is almost always valued in theory. An implication is that attempts to improve phonology must weigh practice as well as theory.