bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Monetary Dependence in Africa: the Case of Sierra Leone
Authors: Dixon-Fyle S. R.
Published: November 2008

The exchange rates of several African countries have historically been specified as units of certain ‘master currencies’ of former imperial powers, notably the pound sterling and the French and Belgian francs. The fact that these countries might notionally be said to have belonged to ‘common currency areas’, the Sterling Area and the French and Belgian franc zones, has variously been commended and criticised. To some observers, the break-up of such monetary groupings, following the establishment of national currencies by some African governments shortly after independence, was a retrograde step. This process had offered no alternative basis for rationalising regional monetary and economic co-operation. Others have emphasised the limitations under such arrangements as regards national freedom of initiative in managing exchange rates – even though they would accept that some restrictions may not be inconsistent with the logic of common currency arrangements.
Survival Politics: Afrikanerdom in Search of a New Ideology
Authors: Adam Heribert
Published: November 2008

IN his thorough sociological study of Afrikaner ideology, Dunbar Moodie has shown that the civil theology most adequate to the exigencies of the 1930s was an interpretation ‘which was tight enough to unite Afrikaners and yet loose enough to allow considerable difference of opinion on practical matters’.2While the same functional needs for a proper ideology remain for the 1970S and 80s, ‘civil theology’ can no longer fulfil this task. This is mainly due to increased secularisation and value changes in an urbanised life, which has diluted traditional culture with the corruptive spoils of affluence. Moodie aptly concludes that the exigencies of Afrikaner power have changed the debate from one between rival metaphysical interpretations of Christian-Nationalism (Kuyperianism, neo-Fichteanism,Volkskerk) to that of ‘the very continuance of ideology itself’.3Such considered findings are confirmed by similar observations of ‘outsiders’ who have returned after a lengthy exile. In the assessment of Ezekiel Mphahlele:
Manufacturing Industry in Nigeria's Third Development Plan
Authors: Wolgin Jerome M.
Published: November 2008

Nigeria's Third National Development Plan is based on the proposition that judicious use of current oil revenues to build social and economic infrastructures, and to radically transform the nature of economic activity, represents the quickest and most effective means of development.1 Top priority is to be given during the period 1975 to 1980 to manufacturing in the belief that an industrial base is the firmest foundation for self-sustained growth.
The ‘New Woman’ and Traditional Norms in Tanzania
Authors: Mbilinyi Marjorie J.
Published: November 2008

Tanzania is engaged in a struggle to become a democratic socialist and developed nation. The implications of socialist ideology for actual policy planning and implementation still have not been fully clarified. Certain questions concerning the economic base are especially important, in particular the desirable relationship of every citizen to the production processes of the country. The possibility of further alienation of the worker from the process of production in the context of nationalisation and state-controlled industrialisation has already been identified by several observers.1 The pervasive nature of the dual economy in the ‘development of under-development’ has also been analysed with respect to Tanzania.2 What is consistently disregarded, however, is the peculiar place of women in the midst of change and counter-change.
Urban Unemployment in Africa
Authors: O'Brien Rita Cruise
Published: November 2008

The Institute of Development Studies organised an international conference on this topic at the University of Sussex, Brighton, from 12 to 16 September 1971. A background paper prepared by the convenors, Richard Jolly and Rita Cruise O'Brien, outlined the purpose as follows:

Urban unemployment in Africa is a theme on which much has been written in recent years but which is still ‘in fashion’ and of considerable importance to a broad range of scholars and policy makers…there is a great risk of dissipating one's efforts over that whole field. In planning this conference, we have tried therefore to be guided by three dominant principles: (a) to restrict the topics for discussion so as to focus on what seem to us important issues, on which further understanding could be generated by a bout of concentrated thought, analysis of data and discussion; (b) to invite a limited number of people engaged in current research or involved on the spot with investigation or policy-making; (c) to request authors of papers to start at what might be called the current conventional wisdom among specialists and to build their analysis from there… It will be assumed that persons attending the conference are generally in touch with recent literature on the subject.
The Modern Dual Economy—a cost-benefit analysis of Liberia
Authors: Miller Robert E.
Published: November 2008

Even now, in the last third of the twentieth century, the nineteenth-century dual economy still exists, in effect if no longer in name, over much of the developing world. Although nationally independent — in Latin America for the past 100 years, and now in Africa and Asia — many of the developing nations are still economically dominated by their past colonial masters.
On the Advantages of a No-Party State
Authors: Ojigbo A. Okion
Published: November 2008

One of the most important issues of political development and nation building in Africa is national integration. One major political institution which the new nations have employed in the pursuit of this goal is the political party. Ironically and unfortunately, political parties stand for division and cleavages. Thus as Seymour Lipset and Stein Rokkan have noted, in Cleavage Structures, Party Systems, and Voter Alignment: an introduction (Glencoe, 1967), ‘“Party” throughout the history of western government stood for division [my italics], conflict, opposition within a body polity. “Party” is etymologically derived from “part” and since it first appeared in political discourse in the late Middle Ages has always retained this reference to one set of elements in competition or in controversy with another set of elements within some unified whole’ (p. 3). These indeed have been the main characteristics of political parties in most parts of Africa. That is, most of them are fragmentary, and thus contribute to national disintegration rather than fostering national integration. In other words, many political parties in most African nations have not functioned efficiently for the good of their respective countries.
Party Allegiance among Europeans in Rural Rhodesia — a research note
Authors: Hodder-Williams Richard
Published: November 2008

The racial cleavage has understandably dominated most studies of Rhodesian politics. Cohn Leys claimed in the late 1950s that the European community maintained ‘a type of one-party system’ that sustained itself by uniting on race against all foes, rather than splitting along class or social lines.1 The centrality of race has been challenged recently by Giovanni Arrighi, who argued that the policies of consecutive Rhodesian Governments could be explained by orthodox Marxism,2 and by David Murray, whose study of the 1923–53 period revealed a classically pluralist model of competing economic groups.3
The Meaning of the Working Class in Africa
Authors: Allen V. L.
Published: November 2008

The purpose of this article is largely methodological, in that it aims to sketch an analytical approach to the question of differentiation rather than to provide an empirical analysis. There are clear reasons for approaching the issue in this way. We need to know what the term ‘working class’ means, whether there are divisions within it which significantly influence the behaviour of those affected by them, and the forms which these divisions take. In other words we want to know whether it is stratified. To assume that it is so is to take as given the answers to questions which should be asked. We need to know whether social relationships in any situation are arranged into strata and, if they are, whether they have consistent relationships and are ranked in terms of superiority according to some pre-selected criterion. It is because these questions are not usually asked that studies of social stratification largely consist of fitting empirical data into a predetermined mould. To start by questioning the existence of differentiation is a very modest, cautious approach.
The Effectiveness of Foreign Aid
Authors: Meerman Jacob
Published: November 2008

Controversy continues as to the effectiveness of foreign aid and hence whether it is a suitable activity for public financing. Frequently the discussion is in general terms, and country studies are uncommon. Thus, Dr Ozay Mehmet's appraisal of the ‘Effectiveness of Foreign Aid- the case of Somalia’, in this Journal, IX, I, May 1975, pp. 35–47, is Very welcome, particularly since lessons from Somalia's experience are probably applicable elsewhere in Africa. Nevertheless, some of his conclusions mislead on important and au courant issues. Hopefully this commentary will help set the record straight.
Farming Co-operatives in the Development of Zambian Agriculture
Authors: Lombard C. Stephen
Published: November 2008

Most of the co-operative societies registered up to s 964, the year of Zambia's constitutional independence, were producer marketing organisations. By that date, 220 societies of all types were on the official register, claiming a total of 43,697 members and a paid-up share capital of K1.7 million.1

After independence the ruling United National Independence Party made it clear that the majority of Zambians should be involved more fully in economic and social development than they had been hitherto. Co-operative organisation was seen as a strategic way of bringing more Africans into industry, commerce, and non-subsistence farming; ten or more people could apply for registration as a society, and thus qualify for financial assistance from the Government. President Kaunda launched this ‘revitalised’ postindependence co-operative movement personally in January 1965, and called on the unemployed to put their various skills to work on planned agricultural and construction projects: ‘The money is there and the know-how…You an form these co-operative societies anywhere in Zambia and we shall assist you in getting on’.2 He specifically encouraged the formation of vegetable, egg, beef, milk, and road-making co-operatives.
The Relevance of Education for Employment
Authors: Rado Emil R.
Published: November 2008

The 19605 can be justly described as the decade of great expectations about the developmental potential of education. It started with the historic 1960 Ashby report on education in Nigeria,1 and the equally widely quoted 1961 Addis Ababa conference of African ministers of education; 2 before it expired, over 40 manpower-education plans had been published, not to mention a host of commissions of inquiry and academic studies. In the first five years alone, school enrolment in Africa rose by almost a half; the average proportion of the government budget spent on education jumped from one seventh to over one sixth— the highest for any continent except North America— and the proportion of national income devoted to education increased from 3 per cent to 43 per cent, exceeded only by Europe.3 These rates of growth were almost certainly sustained in the second half of the decade.4
Incomes, Employment, and Political Power in Rhodesia
Authors: Harris Peter S.
Published: November 2008

On 24 November 1971 the British and Rhodesian Governments agreed on a set of proposals designed to bring to an end the constitutional dispute between their two countries.1A final endorsement of the proposals by ‘the people of Rhodesia as a whole’ would result in the lifting of British economic sanctions,2and the recognition of Rhodesia as an independent state and the present régime as the legal Government. The terms of this settlement have been widely publicised and will therefore not be reproduced here. However, the essential features of the constitutional mechanism as far as they may have been affected by economic trends are as follows:
Agricultural Policy and Production in Africa: the Aims, the Methods, and the Means
Authors: Hinderink J. , Sterkenburg J. J.
Published: November 2008

The general pattern of agricultural performance in Africa south of the Sahara is rather bleak. Various publications sketch a picture of decreasing output, food shortages, rising imports, soil erosion, famine, and even mass starvation. The annual rate of change of the total agricultural and food production for sub-Saharan Africa compares unfavourably with the already disquieting figures for the developing world in general. The data reflect a serious situation which is all the more alarming because of the enormous importance throughout the continent of the farming sector. Indeed, this is the single largest contributor to G.D.P. in many African economies: more than 80 per cent of the labour force in almost half of these countries are employed in agriculture, and for most of them it provides over 50 per cent of their export earnings.
Government Revenue Stabilisation in Primary-Producing Countries: a Model for Zambia
Authors: Bell Michael W.
Published: November 2008

A common problem in primary-producing countries is that commodity price instability causes substantial variation in government revenues. A conceptually simple yet rarely used domestic policy measure intended to smooth annual fiscal receipts is the establishment of a development stabilisation fund. The need for such a fund in Zambia and itsmodus operandiare discussed in the context of a review of budgetary performance since 1965. A simulation suggests that substantial smoothing could be achieved, but that the fund could not overcome a prolonged depression of copper prices such as occurred in the years after 1975.
Consociationalism in South Africa: the Buthelezi Commission and Beyond
Authors: Southall Roger J.
Published: November 2008

The widespread perception that South Africa is moving inexorably towards violent confrontation has led to increasing attention being paid to consociationalism as providing a potentially workable framework whereby the White minority's present monopoly of political power could be nudged towards a democratic form of rule in a reasonably just, evolutionary, and non-violent manner. Not surprisingly, most such speculation has been undertaken by those of either a liberal or a genuinely conservative (as opposed to reactionary) bent who, whilst certainly evincing some apprehension that racial polarisation could result in the overthrow of the existing capitalist order, register rather more concern that any prolonged violent conflict would entail not only the sheer human misery that is the inevitable accompaniment of war, but would also be massively destructive of any long-term prospects for political stability, economic growth, racial harmony or, more simply, any form of reasonably decent society.
Communication and Ward Development Committees in Chipata: a Zambian Case-Study of Administrative Inertia
Authors: de Jong Lammert
Published: November 2008

A consultant is not expected to report that he cannot explain why things are the way they are. Such a conclusion tends to undermine belief in the expert as well as on the part of the client. It can, however, be the true state of affairs. In our opinion there is ample reason to admit to ignorance as regards the causes of widespread administrative inertia in the Third World, where bureaucracies often just do not function: letters are not replied to, appointments are kept haphazardly, and rules are either absent or referred to in the extreme. Bureaucratic behaviour is, as a result, often highly unpredictable for citizens. This is especially painful when it concerns necessities. In Zambia, for example, it is virtually impossible to travel or look for work without identification documents, but in the rural areas, people may have cycled for 20 or 30 kilometres to the headquarters of the District in order to get a National Registration Card only to find that the civil servant responsible is away for an undetermined period.
The National Union of Namibian Workers: Background and Formation
Authors: Melber Henning
Published: November 2008

[Windhoek, 1977]…fellow-workers…the weak point we have [to remedy] in order to change the system is unity and co-operation. And we must not distinguish whether some workers are sleeping in a compound and some are staying in the single quarters and some in the so-called locations. All of us who are exploited, we blacks, we must know that we are all workers. We workers want to be in unity. We workers in Namibia, we want to unite. It doesn't matter what kind of work he is doing, each and every worker should come into that union. After such unity and co-operation have been established, it is only then that it will be possible to campaign for better working conditions, for higher wages and to embark on any other action which will change the working conditions.
The Changing Nature of Dependence: Economic Problems in Lesotho
Authors: Cobbe James
Published: November 2008

In 1967, shortly after Lesotho's political independence from the United Kingdom, Michael Ward desribed Lesotho in this Journal as ‘the economic hostage of South Africa’:

it is clear … that Lesotho will become more and more economically dependent upon South Africa … in the short run it has virtually no hope of becoming economically viable or independent of South Africa and foreign aid.

The objective of this article is to examine how these views hold up 15 years later, and to argue that although in summary form Ward seems to have been very accurate, the nature of Lesotho's dependence has changed in ways few would have foreseen at the time of independence. In addition, the contrast between the rhetoric of the Government and what has happened, and the prospects for the future, will be explored.
The Return of Malawian Labour from South Africa and Zimbabwe
Authors: Christiansen Robert E. , Kydd Jonathan G.
Published: November 2008

This article examines an unusual phenomenon in the context of modern African labour migration. It explains how Malawi, which had long been a significant source of migrant workers for its neighbours, managed to withdraw over one-half of its international labour force from abroad in the first six years of the 1970s, and to integrate these individuals into the domestic economy within a very short period of time. Traumatic movements of large numbers of migrant workers have been all too common in contemporary Africa, usually manifested as expulsions from host countries during periods of economic stress. A recent notable example was the exodus of about a million foreign workers from Nigeria in the course of one month in 1983. What is unusual about the reduction in international labour migration from Malawi is that it was induced mainly by economic opportunities rather than by coercion.
Botswana Votes: Parties and Elections in an African Democracy
Authors: Polhemus James H.
Published: November 2008

During 1984 the citizens of Botswana will return to the polls for their fifth national election, the fourth since independence in 1966. While not an unusual exercise in Botswana, this will be a significant occurrence in an independent Africa where elections themselves have become increasingly rare and problematic, and still more so within a multi-party system which amounted to more than simply rubber-stamping party decisions. While other states in Africa concern themselves with the establishment of one-party régimes or with the need return to civilian rule, Botswana has had a successful series of multiparty elections uninterrupted by military coups. This article explores Botswana's experience, with attention to parties, the electoral system, voting trends, and prospects for the future.
Soldiers, Ex-Servicemen, and Politics in the Gold Coast, 1939–50
Authors: Killingray David
Published: November 2008

Much has been written and assumed about the impact of World War II on the political consciousness of African soldiers. It has been stated that as a result of their military service the veterans developed a new political awareness, and that consequently they played a singnificant rôle in the nascent nationalist movements of the post-war period. This argument has been presented more persuasively for East Africa, although some of the evidence produced to support the thesis appears at times rather thin. It has been strongly contested for West Africa.
The Tanzania-Zambia Railway: the Chinese Loan and the Pre-Investment Analysis Revisited
Authors: Mwase Ngila
Published: November 2008

The idea of a railway from the Zambian Copperbelt to the Indian Ocean via Tanzania had long been considered. But although the first serious report was published in 1952 by a consultant from the British Colonial Office, it was not until 1964, the year of independence, that further studies were commissioned, all of which eventually found such a railway uneconomic. The World Bank mission erred in tying the cost estimates to the trans-shipment of goods (due to gauge differences), and ignoring the option (actually taken) of constructing a direct line to Dar es Salaam. The U.N. team argued that the reasons for the project were too speculative, that the existing railways had spare capacity, and that the likely development benefits were invalid, unless an iron and steel complex emerged. In 1965 the authors of the Brookings Institution study felt that the project was an unnecessary duplication of existing facilities, and that transport matters in the region should be depoliticised, an idealistic proposal since there are external benefits and costs involved in the operation of railways.
What is The Problem About Corruption?
Authors: Leys Colin
Published: November 2008

The systematic investigation of corruption is overdue. There are three main types of literature in English on the subject: historical studies of corrupt practice in Britain; inquisitional studies, mainly of the U.S.A. and the English-speaking West African and Asian countries; and sociological studies which deal with corruption incidentally. So far as I know no general study in English has appeared.1 One reason for this seems to be a widespread feeling that the facts cannot be discovered, or that if they can, they cannot be proved, or that if they can be proved, the proof cannot be published. All these notions seem dubious. There are nearly always sources of information, some of them—such as court records—systematic in their way, and some of them very circumstantial (like privileged parliamentary debates). Many of the people involved are quite willing to talk. And commissions of enquiry have published large amounts of evidence, obtained by unusual powers of compulsion.
Four African Development Plans: Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, and Tanzania
Authors: Green Reginald H.
Published: November 2008

Since 1950, the rise of African national movements and the attainment of independence has been paralleled by an equally rapid growth in the number and scope of national development plans. Such a plan is viewed by almost all African states as one of the standard attributes of sovereignty.1

True, economic planning preceded independence. Indeed Ghana (then the Gold Coast) had its first, 10-year economic plan in 1919, and the British adoption of colonial economic development planning as a desired standard policy dates back to 1939–40. However, the rapid postwar surge of colonial public expenditure plans was closely related to attempts first to counter the popularity of the nationalist movements and later to strengthen the economic infrastructure during the terminal colonial phrase prior to independence.2
East African Institute of Social and Cultural Affairs, Nairobi
Authors: Ogot Bethwell A.
Published: November 2008

This Institute is one of those rare projects which both look good on paper and, once initiated, far exceed the hopes of their originators. Starting in Nairobi in October 1963, in a single office, with the publication of a journal and the sponsorship of seminars, it today has five separate departments, all of which are growing rapidly.

The Institute is the result of a meeting held in Berlin in early 1963 between representatives of foundations and a group of prominent East Africans, including Tom Mboya, who wished to establish a private organisation which could serve as a discussion forum on problems of regional public interest. From this idea emerged the East African Institute of Social and Cultural Affairs, which is fortunate to have as its patrons President Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya, President Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, and Dr Milton Obote, Prime Minister of Uganda.
The Transcription Centre, London
Authors: Speed Diana
Published: November 2008

The Transcription Centre opened in January 1962 with the primary object of designing and making cultural programmes on tape for African radio stations. It was started by Dennis Duerden because he felt that there was room for a new kind of radio service in which there would be greater opportunity for the contact and interchange of ideas between artists, writers, musicians, actors, and critics than is usually afforded by the large broadcasting organisations. It set out to be a cultural centre with a reading room and an informal atmosphere for discussion, to which recording studios were subordinate. From the beginning it worked closely with the Institute of Contemporary Arts (I.C.A.), cultural bodies, and art galleries in Britain and Africa, and was stimulated by constant visitors bringing new ideas and information from many parts of the world. It is a non-profit-making organisation supported by a direct grant from the Farfield Foundation.
The Bourgeoisie and Revolution in the Congo
Authors: Nzongola Georges N.
Published: November 2008

Theanti-colonial revolution was a great event in the lives of the Congolese people, and both the masses and their bourgeois leaders expected a lot from it. The masses had accepted the leadership of the clerks and other educated groups, who presented themselves as their spokesmen and representatives to the colonial Government. Their hope was that their living conditions would be changed after independence, and this was in fact what their leaders promised them. But this promise was not honoured after independence, for many reasons, one of which was the fact that the anti-colonial revolution had masked the conflicts of interest opposing the bourgeois leaders to the people. These conflicts became open after independence, when, instead of fulfiffing their promises, the leaders responded to popular demands either with more promises or with repression. This situation ultimately led to the emergence of the ‘second independence’ movement in the Kwilu region and in the eastern part of the new Republic.
International Law and Self-Determination in Namibia
Authors: Umozurike U. O.
Published: November 2008

Namibia, formerly South-West Africa, continues from the point of view ofinternational law to represent the symbol of violated right. Even though the United Nations has been seized of the matter for many years and the International Court of Justice has been given the opportunity to adjudicate, the problem appears to be as intractable as ever. South Africa has established her administrative and military presence and means to defend what she considers to be her right with all the forces at her command. The country does not lack friends whose direct or indirect support it counts upon. Yet the fundamental issue remains: Are the people of Namibia entitled to self-determination and how may they exercise that right? It will be necessary to refer back to the history of Namibia from the time of the mandate.
The Rhetoric of Centre–Periphery Relations
Authors: Staniland Martin
Published: November 2008

This article is an attempt to explore the frames of reference of two disciplines—political science and social anthropology—as they affect the study of relations between the national ‘centre’ and the local ‘periphery’ in African countries. It is exploratory, in that it reviews the assumptions and concepts characteristic of the disciplines, instead of trying to crystallise a new model. In the light of this comparison it then considers the status of what Clifford Geertz has called ‘the clichés of commonsense sociology’.1 It examines particularly one item in this collection of clichés, the notion of ‘tribalism’.
The Foreign Policy of Zambia: Ideology and Interests
Authors: Shaw Timothy M.
Published: November 2008

The foreign policy of any country contains a variety of values and goals, and advances several interests and concerns. This article examines the continuities and discontinuities, compatibilities and contradictions in the foreign policy of Zambia. In particular, it focuses on the emerging debate over the direction of the Zambian society and state, and over the definition of the national ideology of Humanism.
Beyond Neo-Colonialism: Varieties of Corporatism in Africa
Authors: Shaw Timothy M.
Published: November 2008

Although the essential character of Africa's dependence on the world system changes very slowly, if at all, particular aspects of it are always in flux. For whilst dependence continues to generate underdevelopment, some growth has occurred in several countries at particular periods with important implications for certain classes. The incorporation of the continent into the world system is an ongoing process that reflects shifts in (i) the nature of the world system, and (ii) the nature of Africa's political economies. The sub-structure of the periphery – the capitalist and extractive modes and relations of production – evolves slowly, but the super-structure – the politics and ideology of the state – are considerably more volatile. Given the organic links between the sub- and super-structure, the instability of the latter affects the continuity of the former.
Trade and Growth in West Africa in the 1980s
Authors: Ezenwe Uka
Published: November 2008

The classical school regards international trade as the main engine of growth. But modern empirical studies have failed to show any simple and generally consistent correlation between foreign trade statistics and macro-economic aggregates such as savings, investment, consumption, and growth. The more generally accepted view is that development through trade — where it occurred — was partly the consequence of favourable internal factors, and partly the result of a conducive external environment.
Left and Right in Africa
Authors: Wallerstein Immanuel
Published: November 2008

One of the basic concepts of modern political analysis is the dichotomy (or continuum) of left–right. It has been a fundamental element of the ideological apparatus of the modern world at least since the French Revolution.

There have been two kinds of intellectual debates concerning this concept throughout modern history. One revolves around the criteria that should be used to delineate the ideal-typical poles of the concepts, and the degree to which the concept has discrete points or is a continuum. A subordinate question has always been whether it is fruitful to make the concept tri-modal and include a ‘centre’. Obviously, this debate has both moral and intellectual dimensions, and it is doubtful whether it is either possible or desirable to separate them.
Government and Indigenous Private Enterprise in Ghana
Authors: Esseks John D.
Published: November 2008

As their countries emerged from colonial status, indigenous private entrepreneurs in tropical Africa turned to their governments for what they regarded as indispensable assistance. African businessmen, hampered by strong expatriate competitors (in many cases dominating their sectors), by foreign-owned banks unwilling to provide them with necessary credits, by their own managerial weakness, and by other severe disabilities, concluded that the broad and generous patronage of the central government was essential to the realisation of their aspirations for greater wealth and economic power.
Effectiveness of Foreign Aid— the Case of Somalia
Authors: Mehmet Ozay
Published: November 2008

Somalia is one of the poorest countries of the world, with an estimated incomeper capitaof about $50.1Yet she is one of the largest recipients of foreign aid: during 1964–1969 she received an annual average of about $15 per head of her 3 million population.2This rate of aid is more than three times the figure of $4.5per capita, which represents the average annual aid to other developing countries during 1964–1967.3
From Devil to Father Figure: the transformation of Jomo Kenyatta by Kenya whites
Authors: Knauss Peter
Published: November 2008

‘Europeans are living in a fool's paradise. To base one's entire security on one old man is folly. Hero worship is an advanced form of pathology’. This is the view of a white farmer who lives in the Trans Nzoia District in the northwestern corner of the former ‘White Highlands’ and who has made Kenya his home since: 945. His opinions are not typical of the several score Europeans whom I interviewed in: 968, but they are incisive and essentially accurate.
Liberia: The Dynamics of Continuity
Authors: Wrubel Thomas P.
Published: November 2008

Social scientists studying the development of Liberian political and social institutions have frequently viewed the country as fitting the model of a plural society. M. G. Smith has defined such a society as the differential incorporation of two or more collectivities within the same society… presum[ing] significant antecedent differences of institutions, culture and ethnicity between the collectivities concerned and…restrict[ing] their assimilation by preserving or promoting the institutional distinctness.
The Ideology of ‘Tribalism’
Authors: Mafeje Archie
Published: November 2008

Few authors have been able to write on Africa without making constant reference to ‘tribalism’. Could this be the distinguishing feature of the continent? or is it merely a reflection of the system of perceptions of those who write on Africa, and of their African ‘converts’? Objective reality is very difficult to disentangle from subjective perception, almost in the same way as concepts in the social sciences are hard to purify of all ideological connotations. Might not African history, written, not by Europeans, but by Africans themselves, have employed different concepts and told a different story? If so, what would have been the theoretical explanation? Are things what they are called, or do they have an existence which is independent of the nomenclature that attaches to them? When it comes to Africa, answers vary independently of whether the observer is a liberal idealist, a Marxist materialist, or an African ‘convert’.
The Third-World Stance on Apartheid: the U.N. record
Authors: El-Khawas Mohamed
Published: November 2008

Third-World co-operation on human rights has manifested itself in many forms during the past two decades, but never more consistently and vigorously than on the South African policy of apartheid. This policy of separate development for each of the four racial groups – African, European, Asian, and Coloured – involves measures to effect a degree of purely local or spatial separation, e.g. with respect to residential zones, public utilities, education, transport, entertainments and public activities, and measures concerning political rights, e.g. separate representative councils; and also territorial separation, i.e. the reservation of specific areas for the exclusive use of one population group.1
Politics, Perception, and Development Strategy in Tropical Africa
Authors: Davies William J.
Published: November 2008

In order to depict adequately the significance of political and economic interaction in tropical Africa, it is necessary to sketch the background of recent changes in that area lying south of the Sahara and north of Angola, Rhodesia, and Mozambique. Here are some 30 states ranging in size from over 2.5 million sq.km. in the Sudan to less than 00.1 million sq.km. in the Gambia; in population from almost 80 million in Nigeria to about 400,000 in the Gambia; in density from over 120 per sq.km. in Burundi to less than one per sq.km. in Mauritania; in income per capita from over $400 in Gabon to less than $50 in Burundi, Somalia, and Upper Volta; and in G.N.P. from over $4.5 billion in Nigeria to less than $30 million in Gambia.
The Resurrection of the Warrior Tradition in African Political Culture
Authors: Mazrui Ali A.
Published: November 2008

Increased attention has recently been paid to the phase of ‘primary resistance’ when Africa first had to confront western intrusion. The arguments of scholars like Terence Ranger for Eastern Africa and Michael Crowder for Western Africa identify those early armed challenges by Africans against colonial rule as the very origins of modern nationalism in the continent. By this argument, Tanzania's ruling party and its function as a liberating force has for its ancestry both the Maji Maji and earlier rebellions against German rule from the 1880s onwards. African struggles against colonial rule did not begin with modern political parties and western trained intellectuals, but originated in those early ‘primary resisters’ with their spears poised against western military technology.1
Decentralisation in Planning and Economic Decision-Making in Ghana
Authors: Grayson Leslie E.
Published: November 2008

‘The general guide should be to transfer power to the smallest unit consistent with the scale of the problem.’ This quotation is based on the experience of the United States, but should be even more applicable to less-developed countries, because of their poor system of communications. In this article I shall examine the attempts to decentralise planning and economic decision-making in Ghana, analyse the rationale for such moves away from centralisation, and evaluate the Ghanaian experience against the existing body of knowledge on this subject and the special local conditions that are relevant.
Policy Studies, Development, and Political Anthropology
Authors: Owusu Maxwell
Published: November 2008

Policy research involves two acts of translation: translation of the problem from the world of reality and policy into the world of scientific method, and then a translation of the research results back into the world of reality and policy.1

Since the political scientist, David Easton, commented critically in 1959 on the state of the study of politics by anthropologists,2 many interesting changes have taken place in the analyses of African politics – in fact, of politics of non-western societies in general.
The 1974 Coup d'État in Niger: Towards an Explanation
Authors: Higgott Richard , Fuglestad Finn
Published: November 2008

In the early hours of Easter Sunday, 14 April 1974, the army, led by Lieutenant Colonel Seyni Kountché, overthrew the Government which had held power in Niger since independence. President Hamani Diori's régime became the twenty-fifth in Africa to fall to a coup d'état in eleven years, and Niger the eighth republic of former French Africa to come under the control of the military.
The People's Republic of China and Africa
Authors: Ismael Tareq Y.
Published: November 2008

Chinese involvement in Africa may be conveniently dated from the Bandung conference of April 1955, which marked the initiation of a policy of Chinese Communist co-operation with the states of Afro-Asia. Inasmuch as the movement in Africa which resulted in the independence of many states in the next decade had hardly begun at that time, the most significant African contact made by China at Bandung was with President Nasser. The development of contacts between the two states led Egypt in May 1956 to become the first African country to give its official recognition to the Chinese People's Republic (C.P.R.). Thereafter the Suez crisis served to bring the two countries still closer together.
Urban Government and Nation Building in East Africa
Authors: Vengroff Richard
Published: November 2008

Recent years have witnessed a rebirth of interest in the study of local government (or local political systems, depending on one's theoretical orientation). This has been especially true among political Scientists seeking to develop new approaches more readily applicable to the political systems of the so-called emerging nations. It has become apparent to an increasing number of research workers that grandiose macro-theory of the Almond variety, while impressive on paper, may be of very little use in the field.1 Thus an attempt is now being made to return to the micro-level in order to gain greater conceptual clarity, and an understanding of behaviour in political situations. Unfortunately much of the new thrust to develop micro-level theory has been hampered by the continuing use of old, and at least partially outdated, tools, or what I have chosen to call (perhaps unjustifiably) ‘the public-administration approach’.
Military Government in Mali
Authors: Bennett Valerie Plave
Published: November 2008

A notable imbalance exists in the literature on the rôle of soldiers in politics – far less attention is given to their rule than to their intervention. This is particularly true for the African continent, where scant effort has been made to relate patterns of military rule to patterns of demilitarisation. The policy objectives of officers are often dealt with as two opposing ideal types: broadly ideological, leaning towards ‘anticommunism’, ‘modernisation’, or ‘Arab socialism’; or fundamentally apolitical and unable to formulate reasonable policy objectives because of their narrow corporate perspectives. The logic of these two ideal positions leads to the alleged dichotomy that juntas with broad political ambitions will tend to stay in power indefinitely, while those with limited corporate interests will find it easy to turn power over to civilians who will ‘grant autonomy to the armed forces’.1
People's War in Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea-Bissau
Authors: Henriksen Thomas H.
Published: November 2008

One inevitable result of successful insurgencies is the myth of their uniformity. Certainly, contemporary guerrillas have drawn upon the pioneering.Chinese model of a people's war and the widely-publicised military thought of Mao Tse-tung. This application has led some observers to conclude that there is imitation rather than selection by guerrilla cadres
Understanding the Causes of African Famine
Authors: Ball Nicole
Published: November 2008

In his article on ‘Political and Economic Origins of African Hunger’ in this Journal, Vol. XIII, No. 4, December 1975, Michael Lofchie argues persuasively in favour of considering economic and political processes, rather than natural phenomena, as the major determinants of famine in Africa. He correctly demonstrates that the majority of analysts, be they academics or governmentai and relief officials, continue to view the question of famine in a limited and unsatisfactory manner.
Alternative Patterns of Integration in African States
Authors: Ronen Dov
Published: November 2008

Although it has long been realised that ‘developing’ countries do not have to follow the example of ‘developed’ nations, the mere use of the terms ‘nation-building’ and ‘national integration’ implies a straight line of ‘progress’ from dispersed sub-national communities towards the integrated entity of the nation-state. Add the eagerness of political leaders in the Third World to exert effective control over the population in the absence of established institutions, if possible by becoming the focus of popular solidarity, and the reasons for this emphasis on the notion of national integration become more apparent.
Settler Colonialism: Economic Development and Class Formation
Authors: Good Kenneth
Published: November 2008

The rise and fall of the settler societies in Africa – in Algeria, Kenya, Rhodesia, and South Africa – is to be understood in relation to the global expansion and limited contraction of European capitalism, and in the light of the notions of underdevelopment and dependency. In strong contrast with the general experience of the Third World, settler societies show a capacity for independent capitalist development, built upon the heavy exploitation of African land and labour, and policies of economic nationalism externally. They thereby avoid relegation to the periphery of the world system as perpetual suppliers of raw materials, and as providers of dependent domestic markets for the manufactures of the metropole. In the process, thecolonstate assumes an ambivalent position in relation to imperialism in that it co-operates with the metropole, providing a secure and cheap occupation of a strategic area in return for political support and military aid.
Land Reform in Revolutionary Ethiopia
Authors: Brietzke Paul
Published: November 2008

The attention of the world was briefly focused on Ethiopia when Emperor Haile Selassie I, once considered the inviolable descendant of Solomon and Sheba, and the Elect of God, was deposed on 12 September 1974, and when two months later 60 public and military officials were executed without trial. The ‘creeping coup’ began in March 1974, and was undertaken by the military Co-ordinating Committee (commonly called the Dirgue, the Amharic word for ‘committee’) in the name of the peasants. Until the Nationalisation of Rural Lands Proclamation of 4 March 1975, however, the activities of the Dirgue were designed to secure an urban power base, and the peasants and the politics of numbers were tacitly irrelevant to a continuing paternal, factional, and urbanised political style. As the prologue to the Proclamation indicates, the Dirgue recognises the centrality of land reform to a broadly-based rural development:
Muslim Politics and Development in Senegal
Authors: Behrman Lucy Greevey
Published: November 2008

The Objective of this article is to reassess the influence of the Muslim brotherhoods on politics in Senegal. In 1965–6 I undertook a study of the subject, but the resultant publication was not the first, nor indeed the most in-depth, research on the topic which has attracted the attention of scholars for many years.1Beginning with the colonial administrator Paul Marty, and including the noted scholar Vincent Monteil, French observers have documented the peculiar organisation, power, and influence of the Muslimconfrérie2– thetariqaorsufiorder introduced from North Africa to Senegal during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.3Since independence in 1960, interest in the brotherhoods has intensified as the pattern of relationships became clear between modern African politicians and traditional Muslim leaders. Most notable were themaraboutsheading the Murddiyya or Mouride order,4centred among the Wolof in the productive agricultural zone of central Senegal where most of the major crop, groundnuts, is produced.
Credit for the Common Man in Cameroon
Authors: DeLancey Mark W.
Published: November 2008

Complaints are frequently heard that the African farmer, the small trader, the everyday person has no means of getting the funds needed to improve his farm, to expand his trade, or to pay his child's school fees. It is often alleged that the low-literacy peasants and workers in a partially-monetised economy have no desire to save, even if there was any surplus money, and that in any case there are no institutions in which to accumulate or to redistribute their savings. It is argued that the banks fail to meet their needs because it is so difficult to obtain loans, while the private money-lenders, often operating illegally, almost always charge exorbitant rates of interest that discourage all but the most desperate of borrowers.
Mauritius: Independence and Dependence
Authors: Houbert Jean
Published: November 2008

Mauritiusbecame independent on 12 March 1968, and was then said to be the paradigm of the small isolated, poor, dependent country, only emerging from the colonial era to fall immediately into neocolonialism – the Third World's Third World.