bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Role of Peroxisome Proliferator-Activated Receptors in Pulmonary Vascular Disease
Authors: Nisbet Rachel E. , Sutliff Roy L. , Hart C. Michael
Published: June 2007

Peroxisome proliferator-activated receptors (PPARs) are ligand-activated transcription factors belonging to the nuclear hormone receptor superfamily that regulate diverse physiological processes ranging from lipogenesis to inflammation. Recent evidence has established potential roles of PPARs in both systemic and pulmonary vascular disease and function. Existing treatment strategies for pulmonary hypertension, the most common manifestation of pulmonary vascular disease, are limited by an incomplete understanding of the underlying disease pathogenesis and lack of efficacy indicating an urgent need for new approaches to treat this disorder. Derangements in pulmonary endothelial-derived mediators and endothelial dysfunction have been shown to play a pivotal role in pulmonary hypertension pathogenesis. Therefore, the following review will focus on selected mediators implicated in pulmonary vascular dysfunction and evidence that PPARs, in particular PPARγ, participate in their regulation and may provide a potential novel therapeutic target for the treatment of pulmonary hypertension.
DNA Binding and Photocleavage Studies of Cobalt(III) Polypyridine Complexes: [Co(en)2PIP]3+, [Co(en)2IP]3+, and [Co(en)2phen-dione]3+
Authors: Nagababu Penumaka , Satyanarayana S.
Published: June 2007

In this paper, three complexes of type[Co(en)2PIP]3+(PIP=2-phenylimidazo[4,5-f][1,10,] phenanthroline)(1),[Co(en)2IP]3+(IP=imidazo[4,5-f][1,10,] phenanthroline)(2), and[Co(en)2phen-dione]3+(1,10 phenanthroline 5,6,dione)(3) have been synthesized and characterized by UV/VIS, IR,1HNMR spectral methods. Absorption spectroscopy, emission spectroscopy, viscosity measurements, and DNA melting techniques have been used for investigating the binding of these two complexes with calf thymus DNA, and photocleavage studies were used for investigating these binding of these complexes with plasmid DNA. The spectroscopic studies together with viscosity measurements and DNA melting studies support that complexes 1 and 2 bind to CT DNA(=calf thymus DNA) by intercalation mode via IP or PIP into the base pairs of DNA, and complex 3 is binding as groove mode. Complex 1 binds more avidly to CT DNA than 2 and 3 which is consistent with the extended planar ringπsystem of PIP. Noticeably, the two complexes have been found to be efficient photosensitisers for strand scissions in plasmid DNA.
Schur Algebras overC*-Algebras
Authors: Chaisuriya Pachara , Ong Sing-Cheong , Wang Sheng-Wang
Published: June 2007

Let𝒜be aC*-algebra with identity1, and lets(𝒜)denote the set of all states on𝒜. Forp,q,r∈[1,∞), denote by𝒮r(𝒜)the set of all infinite matricesA=[ajk]j,k=1∞over𝒜such that the matrix(ϕ[A[2]])[r]:=[(ϕ(ajk*ajk))r]j,k=1∞defines a bounded linear operator fromℓptoℓqfor allϕ∈s(𝒜). Then𝒮r(𝒜)is a Banach algebra with the Schur product operation and norm‖A‖=sup{‖(ϕ[A[2]])r‖1/(2r):ϕ∈s(𝒜)}. Analogs of Schatten's theorems on dualities among the compact operators, the trace-class operators, and all the bounded operators on a Hilbert space are proved.
Immune Response Regulation byLeishmaniaSecreted and Nonsecreted Antigens
Authors: Santarém Nuno , Silvestre Ricardo , Tavares Joana , Silva Marta , Cabral Sofia , Maciel Joana , Cordeiro-da-Silva Anabela
Published: June 2007

Leishmaniainfection consists in two sequential events, the host cell colonization followed by the proliferation/dissemination of the parasite. In this review, we discuss the importance of two distinct sets of molecules, the secreted and/or surface and the nonsecreted antigens. The importance of the immune response against secreted and surface antigens is noted in the establishment of the infection and we dissect the contribution of the nonsecreted antigens in the immunopathology associated with leishmaniasis, showing the importance of these panantigens during the course of the infection. As a further example of proteins belonging to these two different groups, we include several laboratorial observations onLeishmaniaSir2 andLicTXNPx as excreted/secreted proteins andLmS3arp andLimTXNPx as nonsecreted/panantigens. The role of these two groups of antigens in the immune response observed during the infection is discussed.
The Application of Resonance Light Scattering Technique for the Determination of Tinidazole in Drugs
Authors: Jiang Xin Yu , Chen Xiao Qing , Dong Zheng , Xu Ming
Published: June 2007

A resonance light scattering technique to determine tinidazole in drugs was developed by tetraphenylboron sodium (TPB). Tinidazole was found to bindB(C6H5)4−anion and transformed to tinidazole-TPB aggregate which displayed intense resonance scattering light. Effects of factors such as wavelength, acidity, stabilizers, and interferents on the RLS of tinidazole TPB were investigated in detail. The RLS intensity of the tinidazole-TPB suspension was obtained in sulfuric acid solution(pH=1.44). The resonance scattering light intensity at the maximum RLS peak of 569.5 nm was linear to the concentration of tinidazole in the range of 10.0–30.0μgmL−1with a detection limit of 5.0μgmL−1. Good results were also obtained with the recovery range of 95.13–106.76%. The method was applied to determine tinidazole in injections and tablets, showing high sensitivity and accuracy compared with the high performance liquid chromatography method (HPLC) according to Chinese Pharmacopoeia.
DNA Vaccines against Protozoan Parasites: Advances and Challenges
Authors: Dumonteil Eric
Published: June 2007

Over the past 15 years, DNA vaccines have gone from a scientific curiosity to one of the most dynamic research field and may offer new alternatives for the control of parasitic diseases such as leishmaniasis and Chagas disease. We review here some of the advances and challenges for the development of DNA vaccines against these diseases. Many studies have validated the concept of using DNA vaccines for both protection and therapy against these protozoan parasites in a variety of mouse models. The challenge now is to translate what has been achieved in these models into veterinary or human vaccines of comparable efficacy. Also, genome-mining and new antigen discovery strategies may provide new tools for a more rational search of novel vaccine candidates.
Is There a Crisis in the American Trade-Union Movement? Yes
Authors: Townsend Edward T.
Published: June 2007

The American trade-union movement reached a high plateau of growth and achievement in 1956. Since then, it has made few significant gains and, in some areas, has slipped back. Although the fact of the survival of unions is not in doubt, the quality of that survival is in serious ques tion. The union-movement crisis is one of uncertainty and conflict over what must be done—if anything—toward resum ing the dynamism and militancy of the 1930's and early 1940's, directed into new channels. The crisis is a conflict between the insistence that things be done as they always have been and the emphasis upon flexibility in forms and structure, updating recruiting techniques, rejuvenating leadership, and reasserting the basic purpose of organized labor. So far, there is little evidence that labor is prepared to make the evolutionary changes required to meet the different and pressing challenges of today. That is the problem, not the increasing role of gov ernment in industrial relations or public impatience with the effects of union activities or pressure from tougher, more resist ant employers. The first problem is to reawaken the fighting interest of members and to stop the breakaway of new workers from unionism. The second problem is working out a success ful approach to white-collar and technical employees. The re quirements are self-analysis, self-criticism, and action.—Ed.
Is There a Crisis in the Labor Movement? No
Authors: Taft Philip
Published: June 2007

Although a number of writers have claimed that organized labor faces a crisis, there is agreement neither on its symptoms nor on remedies among those who have noted its existence. This is not the first time that organized labor was supposed to be facing a crisis; in a number of other situations, observers believed that organized labor faced serious and insol uble difficulties. The belief in a crisis in organized labor today is based upon evidence which is inadequate. Changes in oc cupational composition and the increased importance of profes sional and clerical employment are not serious obstacles to the future prosperity of organized labor. Examination and evalua tion of the available evidence supports a conclusion that the American labor movement fights harder, better, and more suc cessfully for its members than any in the world.
AFL-CIO: A Confederation or Federation? Which Road for the Future?
Authors: Raskin A.H.
Published: June 2007

The merger of the American Federation of Labor and the Congress of Industrial Organizations entailed a sub stantial alteration in the concepts of union autonomy that animated Samuel Gompers and the other founders of the AFL. The constitutional powers granted to the central federation in such fields as the eradication of corrupt influence, communism, and racial discrimination have put meaningful curbs on the freedom of affiliates to exercise their sovereignty in ways that bring discredit on all labor. The problem for labor now is to find ways, through increased authority for the AFL-CIO, to overcome the lag in organizational activities. This need transcends such issues as the availability of money and man power. It requires changes in union structure to parallel the rapid changes technology and corporate mergers are bringing in industry. It also means new types of union involvement in politics and in bargaining strategy through the assignment of more power to the central body.
The Outlook for Union Growth
Authors: Shister Joseph
Published: June 2007

The probability is very small indeed for a sig nificant spurt in trade-union membership in the near future. The principal forces capable of generating such growth are largely beyond the control of the unions, and there seems to be very little likelihood that these forces will, on their own, assume a form conducive to rapid growth in the foreseeable future. The one element which is within the control of labor —the strategy and tactics of organizing—cannot by itself insure a wave of unionization. Moreover, much of the labor leadership does not seem to have displayed adequate drive and ingenuity in this activity.
The Role of Government in Union Growth
Authors: Ross Philip
Published: June 2007

Public policy has always played a critical role in union growth. Historically, marked changes in union mem bership have been associated with prounion legislation. Simi larly, unions have failed to expand even under favorable eco nomic conditions—such as those during the 1920's—in the face of government hostility. However, the stagnation of union growth in the past decade is not attributable to the effects of the Taft-Hartley Act. Taft-Hartley can be seen as a minor amendment of the protection extended to organized labor by the Wagner Act. The impact of political change has been felt not so much by changes in National Labor Relations Board doctrine as in the varying administrative practices of the NLRB's independent General Counsel. The present role of the NLRB is one of substituting a legal forum for economic warfare in an atmosphere which is hostile to continued union growth. The source of this inimical climate, basically, is the existence of persistent unemployment in the recent past. Al though favorable legislation is essential to the expansion of unionism and perhaps even more so to its survival, in its present form and with its present numbers, it is insufficient by itself to lead to further growth.
Economic Dilemmas of Collective Bargaining
Authors: Rothbaum Melvin
Published: June 2007

Two characteristics of collective bargaining make current economic problems difficult to resolve. First, many of these problems arise at the national or industry level, whereas collective bargaining generally takes place at the plant, com pany, or regional level. Unable to deal with basic causes, the parties adapt, as best they can, to symptoms. Given the cur rent institutions, government attempts to make national eco nomic policy relevant to private bargaining may create new inequities and risks within the private sector. Second, even when the level of decision-making coincides with that of the problem, current bargaining practices often prevent effective solutions. Pursuing separate rather than mutual goals, each party tends to measure his progress by the concessions won. But this system encourages the other party to react by minimiz ing the cost of his concessions through adjustments in vari ables outside the bargaining process. This routine of conces sions and reactions tends to frustrate problem-solving. How ever, recent experience also includes cases in which the parties, pursuing mutual goals, have been willing to increase the number of bargaining variables sufficiently to permit effective mutual commitments to the solution of specific problems.
The Sino-Soviet Conflict in Perspective
Authors: Scalapino Robert A.
Published: June 2007

Three issues divide Russia and China: organiza tion, decision-making, and leadership in the Communist world; revolutionary tactics and strategy in mid-twentieth century; content and form of intrabloc assistance. The Chinese, to protect their minority status and advance their political power, emphasize the sovereignty and independence of each Com munist party and advocate a commonwealth theory of inter national Communist organization. The Soviet Union pays homage to the equality and independence of each party but believes that power must go with responsibility and does not intend to relinquish international Communist leadership to Peking. The Chinese, dissatisfied and unable to compete nation-to-nation with the United States, advocate pushing global revolution, particularly in the non-Western world. The Soviet Union bases its strategy on nation-to nation competition with the United States and unification of the total Socialist camp. The Russians reject any equal-development theory that might disperse Soviet resources too widely. They insist upon the validity of economic co-operation among Communist states. The Chinese, resentful of Soviet preoccupation with Russian power and development, attack Soviet imperialism, the use of aid for political pressure. Thus far, the dispute has passed through five tactical phases. This escalation has been delib erate, after repeated failures of agreement. The underlying cause of the Sino-Soviet conflict is the basic paradox between pluralism in the Communist world and monolithism in Com munist ideology.
India after the Chinese Attack
Authors: Hart Henry C.
Published: June 2007

The Chinese invasion of October-November 1962 shocked the Indian masses as no event since 1947. However, it did not draw them into increasing their agricultural yields or even stepping up their industrial output to the planned rate. India is not fulfilling her plan of preparedness combined with general economic growth. Leadership is diffuse and does not reach the ultimate farm and factory producers. Yet the shock of invasion did sufficiently activate new strata of the voters so that they can now resist some of the mobilization measures adopted since the Chinese withdrawal. This accelerates the crisis in leadership which had already, even before 1962, been looming for a future decade.
The Southeast Asian Cockpit
Authors: Gange John
Published: June 2007

There has been struggle and warfare in South east Asia for many centuries. The deeply rooted tensions and old hostilities which underlie many of the current conflicts in this ancient cockpit will persist regardless of the outcome, or even the existence, of the Cold War between the Communist and the actively anti-Communist nations. This internal intra- Asian strife is often separate from the much more publicized struggle for Southeast Asia by the great-power leaders in the Cold War which we follow closely. As old European empires die out in Southeast Asia, new Asian empires rise. The clash be tween "Greater Indonesia" and the Federation of Malaysia is a kind of flash back to ancient imperial wars and also a preview of the future. China's resurgence as a great power promises to make her thrust back into areas she once dominated for centuries. The long drawn-out wars in Vietnam have involved the United States more and more deeply without correspond ingly rewarding efforts either to eliminate guerrilla attacks on South Vietnam or to foster a stable and progressive society in South Vietnam. Neutralization of all Vietnam, as for Laos, may be the least undesirable alternative that remains after more than a decade of great effort to stave off Communist domination of former French Indo-China. Co-operative free Asian resistance to communism is a remote possibility.
Cuba: Issues and Alternatives
Authors: Williams William Appleman
Published: June 2007

Episodes and experiences of such inclusive in volvement and extreme intensity as the crises arising from the Cuban revolution occur only when long-range and short- run considerations converge in and upon the same event. The long-range factors are defined by the fact and nature of Amer ican power in Cuba since 1895 and by the inability of Cuban society, operating within those limits, either to fulfill the American vision or to translate its own traditions into ongoing institutions and practices. The result was a social and colonial revolution initiated and led by indigenous radicals. Con fronted by this product of its own policies, the United States compounded the crisis by denying the right of the Cubans to carry through such a revolution within Western Hemisphere society. That forced the Cuban radicals to choose between abandoning their revolution or turning elsewhere for assistance. The only meaningful short-run alternative in the resulting im passe is for American leaders to initiate and carry through the first stages of an ideological revolution that will revitalize the tradition of responsible and imaginative upper-class leader ship that was established by the Founding Fathers.
Can a Nuclear World War Be Avoided?
Authors: Graebner Norman A.
Published: June 2007

Most political leaders of the world have agreed for a decade that a nuclear war could not serve the interest of any nation. Yet the constant admission by spokesmen of the major powers that war must be avoided has had no counterpart in the acceptance of diplomatic positions at any point of conflict which would permit a negotiated settlement. The assumption that nuclear weapons have rendered war irrational has en couraged the practice of brinkmanship. That there have been no serious conflicts, despite the absence of any significant cold- war compromises, suggests the existence of several stabilizing factors in world politics. Of these, the most important are the general appreciation of the costs of a nuclear war and the relative nonexistence of vital interests, on one side or the other, in the great cold-war issues. Many of the Western objectives, for example, are anchored to the abstract principle of self- determination and thus transcend the genuine interests of the nations that pursue them. The postwar world has been marked by great material and political achievements which illustrate the enormous stake which all nations have in its perpetuation. The challenge to big-power diplomacy is that of eliminating the abstract and unachievable goals of the Cold War and accepting as a measure of success the stability which past decisions have accomplished.
The Turn toward Peace
Authors: Fleming D.F.
Published: June 2007

Several cumulative forces produced the test-ban treaty. There was mutual realization that we are in the final arms race and that neither side can "win" it. A deep rift between Russia and China and growing polycentrism in East Europe made it impossible to believe longer in the myth of an overhanging Red monolith, while understanding grew that Russia's position since 1945 has been basically defensive. We remembered at last what World War II had done to her, as the power stalemate enforced a growing acceptance of the con sequences of that war. This long-delayed mood was unex pectedly and powerfully accelerated by the epochal work of Pope John XXIII, who moved the Roman Catholic church into accommodation with the postwar world and toward a true world community. All of these great forces focused on President Kennedy, and he voiced them magnificently in three historic addresses, proving again that both vision and courage are essential to world leadership. But can he really succeed in making the long-delayed peace? The records of 1955 and 1960, when President Eisenhower's initiatives for peace were frustrated in Washington, are not likely to be repeated by Kennedy's associates. The tactics of the great forces which profit from the Cold War are also now fully known. Kennedy has demonstrated a capacity for greatness in world leadership, but his place in history could be reduced from eminence to mediocrity, or worse, by failure to extricate us from the quagmire in South Vietnam or by carrying on a long, drawn-out struggle with China for control of her harbors, islands, and small neighbors. The nuclear age requires peace with China, too.
Social-Welfare Planning
Authors: Wood Elizabeth
Published: June 2007

Social welfare is being forced by the activities of urban renewal to take on new dimensions and a new defini tion. The old apparatus of social-welfare planning has been able to disregard totalities of need, to avoid accountability for failure or gaps, and to function without discipline. Urban renewal cannot do this because its ultimate objective is a wholly sound city. It has been demonstrated that physical improve ments will not produce net gains unless accompanied by ap propriate and adequate social-welfare programs. Thus, social- welfare planning should be a function of the agency responsible for physical planning; plan and strategy for both must be developed together. Because discipline or conformity to plan cannot be imposed on voluntary agencies, both plan and implementation must be derived, primarily, from public sources. The concept now developing is based on two principles: first, priority must be given to the amplification and modification of those systems which operate naturally as the dynamics of upward mobility—namely, employment, income, education, and housing; second, social-welfare services should be focused first on the areas or projects of urban renewal so that problems of the city can be attacked at a feasible rate and that full use be made of "society" or social structure as an instrument of social rehabilitation.
Organized Labor and the City Boss
Authors: Friedland Louis L.
Published: June 2007

The expression "Keep politics out of the union and the union out of politics" indicates the minor concern with the political process that has long been considered a distinguish ing feature of the American labor movement. Political action on the part of labor picked up during the Depression years of the 1930's and the advent of the New Deal. The nonpartisan approach first employed by the American Federation of Labor has been the dominant pattern of American labor in politics. The powers exercised by political machines and political bosses had dwindled by the time organized labor got around to political action at the local level. Labor's preoccupation with strictly economic goals and its increasing concern for a better civic posture produced sufficient internal conflicts to generate in many cities an antipathy between union leaders and municipal re formers. Yet labor was frequently skeptical of alignments with existing political machines or their fragments and so failed to support these waning institutions. Labor views depended on American Federation of Labor or Congress of Industrial Organi zations affiliation in many instances, with the former more apt to line up with the political boss or his henchmen. The craft nature of the American Federation of Labor unions tied them more closely to local affairs.
Urban Leadership during Change
Authors: Kammerer Gladys M. , Degrove John M.
Published: June 2007

Bosses, and their followers and apologists, peren nially inquire how alternative sources for leadership may be developed in lieu of a boss. A boss is the principal but not the sole leader of a political clique or faction at the top of a monolithic power structure in a community with a monopolistic political style. Alternatives to a boss are a clique or faction, a popularly elected mayor, a city manager, or a political party. Some Florida communities exhibit a monopolistic political style; others, a competitive style. Towns with a monopolistic style show a narrow set of economic interests; the entrance of competing economic interests leads to competitive politics. Ruling cliques are of varying kinds and can exist in either a monopolistic or competitive situation. A popularly elected mayor also can function as the leader in either situation. A manager is a source of policy leadership, but several factors condition his leadership. The elected mayor often inhibits the manager. The manager's scope may also be greatly restricted in a monopolistic setting, for he usually has no political base of his own in such a situation. He will often have more scope when competition is the style. A few managers succeed by forming their own bases, as, for example, that composed of city employees. Party participation is a concomitant of competi tive politics in a few Florida cities, but the rise of the Republi cans may lead to some local monopolies. Alternative sources of leadership are enhanced by competition.
The Decentralized Politics of Los Angeles
Authors: Carney Francis M.
Published: June 2007

Under the same formal governmental arrange ments, characterized chiefly by nonpartisanship and decentrali zation, Los Angeles has known both good and bad municipal government. Undoubtedly, the decentralized politics together with the demographic and geographic diversity of the city have helped to keep Los Angeles from coming under the control of a political boss or a covert ruling elite. With abundant room to grow and a benign natural environment, Los Angeles has not suffered from the more obvious problems of urban density. One possible consequence of this is a low visibility for politics. Now, as the margin of safety against the problems of urban density diminishes, some observers doubt that the diffuse and decentralized politics and government are adequate to the problems facing the city. Proposals to change the charter in the direction of centralization and integration have not drawn impressive support. Informal integration of city politics through particular private groups, or even through a comeback of political parties, does not seem to be immediately forth coming. Probably until acutely pressed by obvious civic needs, Los Angeles' citizens will not consider her decentralized politics too great a price to pay for an unbossed and scandal-free city.
The Soviet Union and African Countries
Authors: Fedorenko Nikolai
Published: June 2007

Africa is no longer a silent continent but, rather, a continent of great expectations. In the 1960's, partici pation of the new African states in the solution of interna tional problems, large and small, is a fact of international life. It has been the policy of the Soviet Union throughout the pe riod of the emergence of independent states in Africa to sup port, especially in the United Nations, anticolonial struggles and decolonization proposals and resolutions. The Soviet Un ion, aware of the discrepancies between former colonial coun tries and their ex-possessions in matters of trade, industrial de velopment, education, and medical care, is pursuing a policy toward Africa calculated to assist the African countries in at tacking and ending backwardness. This policy supports na tionalization of the properties of foreign monopolies, develop ment of local industry, creation and strengthening of a state- owned sector of the economy, and radical agricultural reforms. The Soviet Union is convinced that practical measures must be taken to mitigate the damaging effects of world-market price-and-demand fluctuations on African economies. These measures include equal trade agreements, low-interest credits, guaranteed market, supplying necessary equipment, and train ing local African personnel. The Soviet Union feels that the African nations' position of positive neutralism fully corre sponds to African needs and interests and permits freedom of choice in social and economic development.—Ed.
Africa vis-à-vis the Western Powers
Authors: Guellal Cherif
Published: June 2007

Africa, silent and passive throughout the ages, in the past decade has been transformed from a vast colonial do main into a continent of independent states. After generations of having to accept decisions made by Europeans, African na tions feel a strong compulsion to form their own judgments, wishing to be active agents of their own history. Nationalism is the dominant social and political force. Accordingly, Af rican states will be guided in their internal and external poli cies by what is best for their people, for their development, and for their future. The African states seek to strengthen their political independence and economies, to pursue an inde pendent foreign policy and to contribute to world peace and security, and to assist the remaining African colonial territories in gaining independence. Trade and aid are critical issues, and the problem is whether the African states will be compelled to develop primarily with their own resources or whether they will benefit from the advantages of co-operating with the West. Within Africa, foreign policy is directed toward increasing unity and integration. Toward the rest of the world, it is based on nonalignment—which can be considered as refusal to prejudge issues rather than as reluctance to make judgments. In the future, Africa will be sui generis—baffling, exciting, and challenging—capable of playing a role proportionate to her size and the genius of her people.—Ed.
Africa: An African Evaluation
Authors: Rubadiri J. David
Published: June 2007

The new frontier in African history is a period in which African answers to African problems must be the basis of African development and progress—in the same way solu tions to the problems of other nations were sought within an indigenous cultural framework. The movement for independ ence in Africa had to be carried on against a backdrop of pa ternalism which denied the right of the African to enjoy basic human rights. The new African countries come to political independence already characterized by basically co-operative societies. Of the problems of political independence, economic independence is the one of most ominous proportions. Two issues which trouble the West about Africa concern the tend ency toward the development of one-party systems and the fu ture of white settlers in Africa if the rest of the continent comes to independence. The development of one-party systems will continue for lack of the bases for constructive opposition. The rest of the continent ultimately will achieve independence, and white settlers can expect to be judged by black Africans on the basis of worth and personal skill rather than color or ancestry. Other problems confronting Africa include the need to break the vicious cycle of illiteracy, poverty, and disease, to avoid the pitfalls and degradations that result from man's inhumanity to man, and to achieve perhaps a new definition of man's ability to conquer the elements and to grow technologically without sacri ficing those personal values which Africans with the rest of mankind hold in emotional and spiritual sanctity.—Ed.
The Sweep of Nationalism in Africa
Authors: Melady Thomas Patrick
Published: June 2007

The political revolution in Africa is reaching its final stages. When the United Nations was founded in 1945, there were only four states in Africa which could be classified as independent: Egypt, Ethiopia, Liberia, and South Africa. Egypt did not consider herself African; South Africa was then and continues to be dominated by a white minority group. Libya, through direct action of the United Nations, obtained independence on December 24, 1951. Since then, the inde pendence movement has swept through Africa, starting in North Africa and extending to black Africa in 1957 and 1958 when Ghana and Guinea became independent. By the end of 1964, there probably will be a total of thirty-seven independent Af rican states. The exceptions to independence then will be Portuguese Guinea, Angola, and Mozambique, Southern Rho desia, and South Africa. Unless the Portuguese, Southern Rhodesian, and South African governments recognize the just ness and pragmatic prudence of British and French positions in granting national independence to African possessions, the only alternative to a terrible blood bath may be international intervention. To date, independence has been freer of blood- shed in Africa than revolutions have been elsewhere in the past. With the political revolution nearing completion, African states must simultaneously develop their political institutions and carry out a war against the triple curse of poverty, illiteracy, and disease.—Ed.
Political Stability in the New African States
Authors: Spiro Herbert J.
Published: June 2007

The new African states, as a group, show greater political stability than older "new states" in parallel periods. In comparative perspective, this judgment seems sound if one avoids confusing political stability with stagnation, and if one recognizes the dependence of stability, in its widest sense, upon the development of politics. Among African leaders, this rec ognition is widespread. A closer comparative analysis, even of (1) establishment of one-party systems, (2) sporadic violence, including political assassination, (3) mutinies and coups, and (4) intertribal violence, can be interpreted as pointing in the direction of political stability. The development of continen tal politics in Africa also suggests that recognition of the pri macy of politics will lead to optimal political stability.
Democracy on Trial in Africa
Authors: Drake St. Clair
Published: June 2007

Africans visualize Western democracy as being "on trial" with respect to its ability to extirpate racism in southern Africa and in the United States, its willingness to al low Africans freely to determine their own social and economic goals and means for attaining them, and its capacity for mak ing adequate technical and financial assistance available in com petition with the Communist countries. The West feels that African states are in danger of sacrificing liberty to the pursuit of equality and that the burden of proof is on them to demon strate that the one-party states now prevalent can be "demo cratic," that civil liberties will be restored where they have been abridged in the case of emergencies, and that "African socialism" will not slide over into doctrinaire communism. Af ricans are sometimes accused of "abandoning" democratic pre cepts and practices bequeathed to them under colonialism. No colonial power ever tried to govern democratically. The new nations are involved in "experiments in democracy" for the first time. Some of their special problems may demand special political measures. It is probable that, as literacy levels rise and political conditions become more stable and if, and when, sustained self-generating economic growth takes place, some of the democratic values never known to the Afri can masses as well as some of those known to leaders but sacri ficed to achieve national unity and rapid modernization will emerge.
The Role of Africa in the United Nations
Authors: Hovet Thomas
Published: June 2007

The image of Africa in the United Nations in the first twelve years of the life of that organization was an image of Trust Territories and colonially dominated areas. This was drastically altered by the emergence of African states to independence and membership in the world community. As they have gained increased membership in the United Nations, the African states have sought to co-ordinate their efforts on issues of self-determination, the independence of colonial areas, the elimination of racial discrimination policies. To this end, caucusing groups have developed. There is presently dis cernible a tendency toward unity even on non-African issues. Within the United Nations itself, the African states are con cerned with obtaining seats on the Security Council, the Eco nomic and Social Council, and on other committees that include less than the full membership of the United Nations. On sub stantive issues, they are concerned with eliminating Portuguese domination in Angola and Mozambique, with achieving inde pendence for South West Africa, and with ending apartheid in South Africa, with priorities assigned in that order for reasons of strategy. The impact of Africa in the United Nations has been to shift emphasis from East-West to North-South differ ences, with particular stress on moral-political issues, basic so cial and economic problems. Over-all, African states have conducted themselves in a politically responsible manner and can be expected to continue to do so.—Ed.
Apartheid and the United Nations
Authors: Malhotra Ram C.
Published: June 2007

Its official policy of apartheid makes South Af rica the only country in the world in which racial discrimina tion is a matter of governmental doctrine. The situation has been under attention in the United Nations on the grounds not only that the policy violates basic human rights but also that it constitutes a threat to international peace and security. The explosiveness of the South African situation has been increased by the forcible extension of apartheid policies to the mandated territory of South West Africa. Repeated appeals by the Gen eral Assembly and the Security Council, expressions of regret and concern, and demands that it desist from the discrimina tory racial policies and initiate measures aimed at bringing about racial harmony based on equality have elicited no posi tive response from the government of South Africa, which rec ognizes and admits its isolation from world opinion but defends the "morality of its outlook" and boasts that it is not isolated economically. A General Assembly resolution was adopted in November 1962 requesting member states to exercise economic sanctions against South Africa. Not all members are persuaded of the efficacy or feasibility of such measures. Other punitive measures, such as expulsion of South Africa from the United Nations, have been advocated. The view is unavoidable that South Africa is on a course which can lead only to conflict within the country as well as throughout the rest of the conti nent and perhaps the rest of the world.—Ed.
Child Welfare Services Today: An Overview and Some Questions
Authors: Keith-Lucas Alan
Published: June 2007

The field of child welfare is distinguished by the multiplicity and variety of programs it encompasses. These develop at very different rates and are offered under many widely differing auspices, both public and private. Co-operation and communication are both feasible and desirable, but too close a co-operation has disadvantages. Attempts have been made to distinguish public and private functions. These have been attended by some success and also by some unresolved questions. The basic philosophy of the field has never been clarified, and trends toward both family-centered work and child-centered work are observable. The problem is com plicated by the too frequent assumption that children's "rights" and parents' "rights" are of the same nature and that one must choose between them. The question has implications for society, for the training of practitioners, and for practice itself. A major need in the field is the clarification at law of the rights and responsibilities of parents, children, and agencies.
The Child-Caring Institution on the Move
Authors: Hollingsworth Hansel H.
Published: June 2007

The child-caring institution, the oldest child welfare resource in America, has developed slowly and in a complicated variety of ways. Today it has stepped up its pace, carrying with it a rich tradition of caring about and for dependent children. It has the added strength of a growing reconciliation with the community and its child welfare prob lems and the parents of the children it serves. Caring for dif ferent children today, it is often broadening its base of service to accommodate their many needs. Its goals and philosophy and its unique strengths are coming into clearer focus. It reels under the pressure of increasingly disturbed family situations and of learning how to bring its strengths to bear upon these problems. Its emerging humility and expressions of faith in people is singularly noteworthy, and continued study and demonstration is needed to help guide its use of these qualities in the coming years.
New Methods of Care
Authors: Dowling Donald D.
Published: June 2007

For many years, the major alternatives to foster care for children have been placement in a foster family or an institution. During the past fifteen years, foster-family agen cies and institutions have developed three new major forms of foster care: family group homes, agency-owned group foster homes, and agency-operated group homes. These new forms of care have emerged as important placement resources for dependent, neglected, and emotionally disturbed children who cannot use the usual foster-family home and who do not require institutional placement.
Part-Time Care: The Day-Care Problem
Authors: Hosley Eleanor M.
Published: June 2007

There is a new and growing awareness that we have a national day-care problem. In 1962 Congress amended the Social Security Act making day-care services part of Title V, part 3. This broadens the range of public welfare services that have been developing under federal and state govern ments. Last year, Congress appropriated $4,000,000 for day care. This is small in relation to the need. Nine million children under twelve years of age have mothers employed outside the home. Less than one per cent of them are cared for in organized, subsidized day-care facilities. The most common plans made for the children are informal arrange ments with neighbors and relatives. Many children of six and over are on their own outside school hours. Nobody knows exactly what happens to these children. The needs of em ployers for women employees and the pressures of a material istic society lure mothers into the market. Is the public willing to support plans for the protection of the children?
Adoption: The Created Family
Authors: Schoenberg Carl
Published: June 2007

Adoption is the most advantageous solution of the problem of the dependent child for whom no home with its natural parents is possible. As well as the soundest plan for the unmarried mother, it also serves the interest of couples who could not otherwise achieve parenthood. As a child wel fare practice, it is more advanced socially and in law in the United States than in any other country. Preventive mental- health considerations are furthered by the rehabilitative processes which many emotionally upset married mothers are enabled to begin after this experience and by the opportunity for children to be raised in a constructive family environment. There is much evidence that adoption through authorized agen cies offers psychological and legal safeguards which inde pendent adoption cannot assure. Furthermore, the black market is an abuse of independent adoption. Agencies, how ever, need much more public moral and financial support to encourage and enable them to achieve adoption for the Negro child, the interracial child, the physically disabled child, and the older child. That it can be done has been amply demon strated.
Helping the Child Who Comes into Conflict with the Law
Authors: Farrow Richard G.
Published: June 2007

The errant child does not fare well at the hands of a society which professes a special status for him and a special treatment process. Confusion exists in the public mind and the public policy about the rights and responsibilities of children. We are in need of a renewed effort to clarify our concepts, strengthen our commitment to children, and fortify our helping services, including schools, social agencies, police work with juveniles, detention, courts and probation, and institution care.
Child Guidance as a Community Service
Authors: Brieland Donald , Booth Norman J.
Published: June 2007

Child guidance was originally developed as a way to deal with delinquency. Recently, clinics have been concerned much more broadly with treatment of children's behavior problems. The clinic team made up of the psychia trist, psychologist, and social worker has become more flexible, and group techniques of various kinds have been developed. Serious problems result from scarcity and maldistribution of services. Child guidance services are being provided by gen eral mental-health clinics and family agencies as well as by the traditional children's clinic. This trend has implications for organization of services in the future. There is now an increased interest in service to disadvantaged groups including, among others, the delinquent, the mentally retarded, and children in foster care.
Maternal and Child Health Problems
Authors: Yankauer Alfred
Published: June 2007

In spite of impressive declines in childhood mor tality during the first half of the century, the infant mortality rate of the United States occupies an increasingly unfavorable place among those of nations whose over-all economic develop ment is comparable during the past decade. The United States maternal and childhood mortality rates of the less- privileged segments of society occupy an increasingly un favorable place compared with those of the more privileged. These events are a reflection of the static or increasing propor tion of the population which has not participated in the post war affluence of the majority. Poverty and its attendant circumstances are sources of increased health hazards, some of which can be prevented or ameliorated by comprehensive health care services of high quality. However, the existing structure, co-ordination, and administration of such services in the United States militates against such a possibility. More attention must be given to total social planning and the philo sophical framework from which it derives. Present United States infant mortality rates should be viewed and discussed as a serious national and political problem. Concern for the prob lem should not remain, as it has during the postwar period, within the province of compartmentalized government bu reaucracies and the socially oriented professional disciplines.
The Role of the Foundations
Authors: Beckmann George M.
Published: June 2007

Foundation encouragement and support of the development of non-Western studies in American higher educa tion has been crucial if not decisive. Beginning with the modest pioneer grants of the Rockefeller Foundation in the 1930's in support of language and area programs, the foundation contribution to this revolutionary educational advance has steadily increased decade by decade and has helped universities more effectively to meet the ever-rising demand for competent personnel and for more and better knowledge. Of the many foundations, the Rockefeller Foundation, the Carnegie Corporation, and especially the Ford Foundation have contributed the lion's share in support of graduate training and research programs at major universities, of the recruitment and training of graduate students through national fellowship programs, of research by individual scholars and by groups of them, and of efforts by undergraduate colleges to add non-Western studies to the mainstream of liberal learning. The cumulative contribution of these three foundations and others has been indeed impressive, but, despite substantial progress in the development of resources, the gap is widening instead of narrowing between the demands of American society for more well-trained personnel and for new kinds of knowledge and the capacity of American higher education to supply them. The challenge to the foundations, national as well as local, is greater today than ever before.