bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Eros: in early Attic Legend and Art
Authors: Seltman C. T.
Published: October 2013

The Greek Love-god of the fifth and fourth centuries before our era may perhaps be looked upon as an amalgamation of three distinct divine entities. Eros was Love, the creative desire of nature, and as such the soul within god and man; Eros was the love-child, son of Aphrodite-Cypris; Eros was the idealisation of human beauty beloved.

In the ancient cult centres of Thespiae and Parium the god was apparently not so much the personification of human love as a great physical and elemental force of nature. As such he ranks among the three primaeval Forces in the Theogony of Hesiod, who opens with these words his tale of creation (116 ff.): ‘Verily at the first Chaos came to be, but next wide-bosomed Earth, the ever-sure foundation of all the deathless ones who hold the peaks of snowy Olympos and dim Tartaros in the wide-pathed earth, and Eros, fairest among the deathless gods, who unnerves the limbs and overcomes the mind and counsels within them of all gods and all men.’ This is apparently the Eros who figured in the earliest Orphic Theogony, concerning which A. B. Cook has collected a wealth of material. He reconstructs partially the contents, which possibly told that in the beginning was Nyx. Black-winged Nyx laid an egg from which ‘sprang golden-winged Eros. Apparently heaven and earth were regarded as the upper and lower halves of the vast egg.’
Excavations at Sparta, 1924—25: § 2.—The Theatre
Authors: Woodward A. M.
Published: October 2013

The scanty references preserved from the ancient writers who alluded to the Theatre at Sparta include no description of its shape, size or appearance, with the single exception of the passage in which Pausanias tells us (iii. 14. 1) that it was of white marble (λίθου λευκοῦ, θέας ἄξιον) The other authorities make mention of it only in reference to festivals or other events which took place in it. These allusions cover a long period, but do not help us to gain any idea either of the history of the building or of its form or size at any given date. They may be advantageously cited in chronological order, thus:—

Herodotus, vi. 67. (The quarrel of Demaratos and Leotychidas in the Theatre on the occasion of the Gymnopaidiai, ca: 491 B.C.)

Xenophon, Hell. VI. iv. 16. (The news of the battle of Leuktra arrived on the last day of the Gymnopaidiai, τοῦ ἀνδρικοῦ χοροῦ ῦνδον ὄντος That ἔνδον means ‘in the theatre’ is confirmed by Plutarch's account, Ages. 29, which repeats Xenophon's, adding ἐν τῷ ′θάτρῳ.)

Athenaeus, xv. 631 c. (Quoting Aristoxenos (Aristotle's pupil) for the celebration of the Gymnopaidiai in the Theatre); and iv. 139 e (quoting Polykrates (date unknown) for the procession of boys on horseback passing through the Theatre on the occasion of the Hyakinthia.)
Excavations at Sparta, 1924—25: Note on the Coins found in 1924–25
Authors: Woodward A. M.
Published: October 2013

In the various regions of the Theatre we found during those two seasons a total of 1199 coins and 16 Byzantine the first season yielding 526 and the second 673. These have not all been cleaned, and many still require identification. Hopelessly indecipherable pieces were more numerous in the first year's finds.

The first classification has given us the following particulars:—

These were mostly found singly, but three hoards occurred among them:—

(a) 28, in lamentable condition, apparently Imperial Æ 1 and 2, probably of the late second and early third centuries; found near footings of column-bases in front of centre of Scenae Frons.

(b) 60 Byzantine, copper, extending from Leo VI (886–912) to Manuel I (1143–1180); found, about one metre below modern surface, behind the S. wall of later Skenotheke, just south of the blockedup doorway.

(c) 14 small Byzantine, copper, in poor condition, mostly of twelfth century, from Byzantine house-floor ca. 2·50 m. above front seats in E. of cavea.
Excavations at Sparta, 1924—25: § 3.—The Inscriptions
Authors: Woodward A. M.
Published: October 2013

The yield of inscriptions from our two seasons' work at the Theatre would not have been extensive but for the fact that the marble facing-blocks of the East Parodos-wall proved to be almost covered with a series of texts, for a distance of some fifteen metres from its west end (adjoining the Orchestra). When we had finished excavating this wall, past the point where the inscriptions ended, we had before us an inscribed monument, second only, among monumental inscriptions of the Greek mainland, to the great Terrace-wall at Delphi. Our documents consist of lists of Magistrates, and the cursus honorum of individual Spartan officials, dating from the first half of the second century of our era. Twenty-eight separate documents are recorded on the wall as it stands, and other twenty-four are contained, in whole or part, on fallen blocks and fragments, some of the latter very small, which came to light in front of the wall, or a short distance away from it. In addition, three fragments of similar records, Nos. 1 E 25–27, were discovered close to the east end of the corresponding West Parodos-wall, which has had its marble facing-blocks almost all stripped away, and none of the inscriptions, which we may presume it bore, have survived in situ.
Aryballos
Authors: Beazley J. D.
Published: October 2013

This little pot—two and a half inches high, something less across—is said to have been found in Athens (Pls. III, IV, and Figs. 1-2). It is an oil-pot of the shape now known as a round aryballos. Whether an Athenian would have called our vase an aryballos is doubtful: he would have called it a lekythos or lekythion, for an Attic vase of the same shape and period, found in an Athenian grave, bears the legend A sōpodōrou hē lēkythos, ‘the lekythos belongs to Asopodoros.“ But lekythos is a wide term, covering not only that slender vase (in its numerous varieties) to which we usually confine the word; but also the squat, stable version of the same; and the so-called protocorinthian aryballos of the seventh century; and perhaps, at a pinch, even the alabastron.
Excavations at Sparta, 1924–1928: I.—The Theatre: Architectural Remains
Authors: Woodward A. M.
Published: October 2013

The two following articles dealing with the finds from the excavations of 1924–28 at Sparta bring nearly to a conclusion the publication of the results of that undertaking. The first (pp. 151–240) comprises a description of the architectural remains from the Theatre, including the architectural inscriptions and the stamped bricks and tiles. The second (pp. 241–254) is merely an illustrated inventory of the inscribed pot-fragments and other dedications from the site of the Sanctuary of Athena Chalkioikos on the Acropolis: many of the latter have been published or referred to in previous Reports, but it seems worth while to group all the inscribed votive objects together as I have done here. I take this opportunity also of publishing on Plate XIX a revised version of that portion of the original General Plan, undertaken in 1906–7, which covers the principal sites excavated during 1924–28. The additions have been inserted from his own measurements by Mr. Piet De Jong, to whose co-operation throughout the five seasons' work carried out by the School at Sparta I cannot sufficiently express my indebtedness.
Journeys in Crete, 1934
Authors: Pendlebury J. D. S. , Money-Coutts M. B. , Eccles E.
Published: October 2013

The following is an account of some expeditions made from Knossos by members of the British School. It is hoped in time to make a complete register of all ancient sites on the island (more than six hundred are already known). How much is still to be done is shewn by the fact that over thirty-five new sites were found during the course of the journeys here described.

The names of the sites here given must be taken with reserve. Pronunciation varies so much from one district to another that accuracy is exceedingly difficult. Moreover, the Turkish names are hard to reproduce, since the Turkish č is written and pronounced ts by the educated, and written ki, while pronounced as English ch by the peasants. The n is liable to be dropped in Crete: thus Alexadros for Alexandros.
The Flowers of Lasithi
Authors: Davis Peter H.
Published: October 2013

In the past the inaccessability of the Lasithi district of Crete has made a thorough botanical survey difficult. Its flora is still imperfectly known, but as far as can be ascertained at present, it is definitely not as rich in rare plants as several other Cretan districts. Even so, it contains well over a dozen of the island's most spectacular endemics.

The Lasithi plain itself is too well cultivated to allow many plants to grow, but the annual Crepis rubra, with flowers like clear pink Dandelions, is a weed on many of the banks. During late summer the grey spiny hummocks of Cichorium spinosum are none too lavishly dotted with their soft sky-blue flowers of typical Chicory shape, and in the walls at the western end of the plain Aristolochia sempervirens is firmly established. The leaves are shaped like arrow-heads, of a dark and glossy green, and among the long twining stems hang down the flowers. Their bent tubular shape is weirdly fantastic and their colour equally so, being dark brownish maroon with a startling golden blotch on the lip.
New Fragments of IG II2 10
Authors: Hereward Daphne
Published: October 2013

Of the three new fragments of IG II2 10 here discussed, the two most important (Plate 27, a–b, Fig. 1) were identified in 1948 by Mr. George A. Stamires. The third fragment is the inscription published as IG II2 2403.

IG II2 10 (EM 8147; Fig. 2) was found on the Acropolis and published by Ziebarth, AM XXIII 27–34. The two contiguous fragments identified by Mr. Stamires had been used as the impost of a column in an early Christian church and ornamented with a cross between two acanthus leaves (Plate 27, c). Professor Soteriou, of the Byzantine Museum, Athens, dated the sculpture, from a drawing, to the early part of the fifth century after Christ. In November 1947 the fragments were in the museum at Aigina, and Dr. Gabriel Welter informed me that he had found them on the slope of Kolonna Hill, near the so-called Temple of Aphrodite, in August 1942.
The Dedication of Callimachus. A Postscript
Authors: Shefton B. B.
Published: October 2013

I wish to add some points to the description of IG I2 609 which I gave in BSA XLV (1950), 140 ff. The plate number and page references in the following will refer to that article.

(1) I do not now think that the traces reported by Wilhelm on the right edge of fragment ƒ (p. 144 and Plate 11 a) are definite enough to suggest a particular or indeed any letter. The bracketing in my version (p. 160) should therefore be amended to:

ὄ[νομ᾿ ἐστεφάνοσεν⋮]

Mr. M. Mitsos and Mr. E. Vanderpool have kindly checked this point for me on the stone and agree.
Part I. Preliminary Report on the Excavations of 1952
Authors: Wace A. J. B.
Published: October 2013

The British excavations at Mycenae in 1952 were conducted with a research grant from the American Philosophical Society assisted by contributions from the Universities of Cambridge and Oxford, the British Academy, the Leverhulme Trustees, and the British School at Athens under whose aegis the work was carried out.

The excavations began on June 30th, and all active digging ceased on August 18th, though several days were needed to clear up everything and transport the finds to the National Museum in Athens and the Nauplia Museum. Of the finds the bronzes, the ivories, the inscribed tablets, and some pottery wanted for special study were taken to Athens and everything else taken to Nauplia and placed in a separate room. Of the pottery the archaic and classical pottery and the terracotta figurines from the sanctuary by the Causeway, from the excavations of 1950 and 1952, and most of the classical and Hellenistic fragments from the Perseia Fountain House are now in Athens. All the prehistoric pottery except for a few select pieces is in the Nauplia Museum.
Part IV. The Epano Phournos Tholos Tomb
Authors: Wace A. J. B. , Hood M. S. F. , Cook J. M.
Published: October 2013

The tholos tomb, known as the Epano Phournos (see Plan, Fig. 42 and photographs Plate 24), is one of the five tholos tombs which were known at Mycenae when modern archaeological research began there with Schliemann's excavations in 1876. The other four are: the Treasury of Atreus, the Lion Tomb, the Kato Phournos, and the Tomb of Clytemnestra. All these are marked on Schliemann's plan and that of Steffen, and the first three with the Epano Phournos were seen by Leake and Gell. Thus the Epano Phournos, especially since it stands high on the top of the ridge, has probably been known for many centuries, and has often no doubt been subject to the activities of treasure seekers. It was first excavated by Tsountas in 1892, who says he cleared it. It is not absolutely certain that the Epano Phournos is the tomb referred to by Tsountas, but it is most probable. He seems to have cleared the dromos and the front of the doorway and to have dug into the centre of the ruined tholos. He makes no mention of any finds from the tomb, and no objects from it seem to be recorded in the National Museum at Athens. In 1922 in our re-examination and planning of the tholos tombs we cleared the dromos again and excavated the doorway as far as could be done with safety.
The Neolithic Pottery of Knossos
Authors: Furness A.
Published: October 2013

This article is the result of several months' study of the neolithic pottery of the Stratigraphical Museum at Knossos, which I undertook in the hope of adding more detail to the descriptions published by Sir Arthur Evans and Dr. D. Mackenzie. Evidence obtained from such a study is not, of course, so valuable as it would have been if these excavators themselves had had the opportunity to deal with their neolithic collections with the greater attention that they devoted, for obvious reasons, to the Minoan material. But it is hoped that the present account may make the results of their discoveries available for use in connection with future excavation of the site.

The presence of neolithic pottery at Knossos was realised in the first years of excavation, and received a certain amount of attention in summary and provisional reports, concerned as these were necessarily with the startling importance of what later came to be known as the Minoan levels. Evans understood at once the nature of the mound on which his ‘Mycenaean Palace’ stood, and made soundings to virgin soil at several different points. In dealing with the pottery he was assisted by Mackenzie, who made a careful analysis of the material from two Test Pits, and was able to recognise three stages within the neolithic period, an arrangement which was followed in the definitive publication. The somewhat later discovery of neolithic houses beneath the Central Court reinforced the conclusions already reached. Subsequent discussions of the material have been based on the work of Evans and Mackenzie rather than on independent observation, with the exception of some notes in an article by Professor V. G. Childe.
Excavations near Mamousia in Achaia
Authors: Anderson J. K.
Published: October 2013

About four miles south of the modern railway station of Diakophto in Achaia, on a high saddle between the valleys of the rivers known to Colonel Leake as the Bokhusia and River of Kalavryta, just north of the modern village of Mamousia, are the remains of a small walled ancient city. Leake supposed these ruins to be those of the ancient Achaean city of Keryneia: later the French Scientific Commission in the Morea identified them with the town of Bura: Leake accepted this view, which prevailed generally until it was refuted by Professor Ernst Meyer of Zürich in 1938. I was not at first inclined to accept all Professor Meyer's arguments; he has, however, courteously answered my objections, and a re-examination of the evidence has convinced me that he is right and that the ruins are indeed those of Keryneia.

I visited the ruins at the end of 1950 and in the foundations of a small building above the theatre discovered an antique bronze in the form of the head and neck of a goose. This I took to the National Museum in Athens, where it was cleaned and found to be of such interest that a small joint excavation by Mr. Zapheiropoulos, Ephor of Antiquities, and myself, was agreed upon.

This excavation was carried out in May 1951. Unfortunately Mr. Zapheiropoulos was unable to be present himself, but I had the benefit of the guidance of his experienced foreman, Mr. Andreas Mitropoulos.
Some Protocorinthian Vase-Painters
Authors: Dunbabin T. J. , Robertson M.
Published: October 2013

Johansen in Vases Sicyoniens and Payne in Necrocorinthia and Protokorinthische Vasenmalerei isolated a number of artistic personalities, but this was, or seemed at that stage, incidental to their main object, the ordering of Protocorinthian and ‘Corinthian’ pottery by phases of chronological development. Payne left further work on painters in manuscript notes, and we and others have done something in the same line, but so far there has been no attempt to see the whole development of the style in terms of artistic personalities influencing one another (which after all it was), as has been done by Beazley for Attic red-figure and blackfigure, and by J. M. Cook for Protoattic. If such a view can be achieved it modifies the necessarily rather schematic (even Procrustean) division into chronological phases, and gives a more organic view of the development. For the ‘Corinthian’ period it is a somewhat dispiriting task, though even there we believe that it would be worth doing, if only to help our understanding of the interrelation of Corinthian and Attic. In this article, however, we are concerned only with Protocorinthian, whose general level is very high, and the principal artists of superlative quality; the isolation of painters here needs no apology.

Earlier work on these lines was impeded by the fact that the miniature side of Protocorinthian has been so much better preserved and published than the parallel and contemporary ‘big style’. The balance has recently been partly righted by Kraiker's publication of material from Aigina; and the other most important body of Protocorinthian pottery—the votive deposit from the Temple of Hera Limenia at Perachora—has already been prepared for publication by Dunbabin. We have made full use of the Perachora material in this article, and the substantiation of some of our conclusions will have to await the appearance of Perachora II. There is a third, unpublished, collection of Protocorinthian ‘big style’ vases in Berlin, from Aigina.
Further Excavations at Aetos
Authors: Benton Sylvia , Anderson J.
Published: October 2013

After the close of Mr. Heurtley's excavations, an attack on the site by illicit diggers showed that the deposit had not been exhausted and that there were still fine vases (e.g. 1023, Plate 22) to be found there. Moreover, some of the conclusions drawn from the facts observed at Aetos merited further investigation.

Date of Building 9: Bench mark for both excavations was the threshold of St. George's Church. Heurtley kindly allowed me to use some of his plans, so we uncovered part of Building 9, and were thus able to fit the plans of the two excavations together. I have included Building 9 on my plan (Fig. I ), also the ‘Cairns’ 1, 2, 4, and Wall 6. An undisturbed part of the foundation trench of Building 9 contained sherds of sixth-century Corinthian kotylai, so it cannot be the Protocorinthian temple as Heurtley suggested: no offerings were connected with it.
Letter-Labels in Greek Inscriptions
Authors: Tod Marcus N.
Published: October 2013

In a recent volume of this Annual (XLV 126 ff.) I discussed the alphabetic numeral system as employed in Attica; in the present article I examine the use of letters in Attica and elsewhere to identify different items, often similar in character and appearance, with a view of facilitating reference and simplifying inventories. For such a purpose letters have certain advantages over other symbols which might be devised; they are brief and familiar and they occur in a recognized order. They thus approach nearly to the use of ordinal numbers (contrasting sharply with acrophonic numerals, which are invariably used to represent cardinal numbers), though it cannot be said that they constitute a numeral system, any more than we could claim that we in English use an alphabetic numeral system because, e.g., a, b, c, d are used on p. 4 below to distinguish four items which might equally well have been numbered 1, 2, 3 and 4. The letters here under consideration were not, and could not be, made the instruments of arithmetical calculation, and the highest number expressed in this way in any inscription known to me is 106 (Inscr. Délos 1432 Aa ii 21; see below, p. 8).

Various scholars have dealt briefly with the subject, but the accumulation of a mass of new evidence calls for a fresh treatment, especially of the part played by such letters in inventories. No technical name has, I believe, been given to letters so used, and in this article I call them ‘letter-labels’, a title which emphasizes the function they fulfil in the majority of cases where they occur.
A Topographical and Historical Study of Achaea
Authors: Anderson J. K.
Published: October 2013

Among the seven nations inhabiting the Peloponnese, Herodotus counts the Achaeans third. They were, he says, natives of the Peloponnese, but no longer living in their own land. Elsewhere he says that the Ionians of Asia Minor were divided into twelve cities because formerly when they lived in the Peloponnese they were divided into twelve parts, which twelve divisions were maintained by the Achaeans who expelled them. This story was certainly believed generally by Ionians and Achaeans alike in the fourth century B.C., and is accepted by Polybius, Strabo, and Pausanias, who add that the Achaean leader was Tisamenos, son of Orestes. Perhaps when the Homeric Catalogue of Ships was composed Achaea was ruled by princes claiming descent from Agamemnon, some of whose followers

The date of Ogyges, named as the last king, is uncertain, but there is no evidence that the land was ruled by kings at the time when the western colonies were founded. The princes named by Pausanias are surely fictitious, but the tradition of a separate dynasty, that of Preugenes and his son Patreus, suggests that Western Achaea, the area not mentioned by Homer, may have formed a separate kingdom.
The Khaniale Tekke Tombs
Authors: Hutchinson R. W. , Boardman John
Published: October 2013

The material from the Khaniale Tekke tombs was excavated by me in 1940, but most of it had not been photographed, and some vases had been left still unrepaired when the Germans invaded Crete, and they were inaccessible to me when I returned to Crete in 1945.

The presence of ‘Geometric’ tombs on this site was first reported to me by the foreman at Knossos, the late Emmanuel Akoumianos, whose eagle eye for ancient remains was noted by Sir Arthur Evans. Immediate excavation was necessary, since the owner, Dr. Hatzakis, who has generously foregone his claims for compensation, was proposing to erect a house there.

The first trial trench which I opened on 20th January 1940 disclosed a chamber tomb with a square chamber and a long, narrow dromos cut in the native kouskouras, that white, cretaceous marl which is so prominent a feature of the landscape in Central Crete.
The Carian Coast III
Authors: Bean G. E. , Cook J. M.
Published: October 2013

This article concludes the account of our joint researches in Caria. In ‘The Cnidia’ (BSA xlvii (1952) 171–212) we treated of the Cnidian Peninsula, and in ‘The Halicarnassus Peninsula’ (BSA 1 (1955) 85–171) of the other salient peninsula of the west Carian coast. Caunus with its environs has been treated by Bean in ‘Notes and Inscriptions from Caunus’ (JHS lxxiii (1953) 10–35, lxxiv (1954) 85–110), and the mainland territory of Rhodes in southern Caria in Fraser and Bean, The Rhodian Peraea and Islands (1954). In the present article we attempt to cover the parts of the west Carian coast not previously treated in our two joint articles, together with the islands adjacent to that coast. In the south we have retrodden some of the ground covered in Rhodian Peraea, especially around and inland from the inner part of the Ceramic Gulf; and in the north we have carried our joint researches into Ionia as far as Teichiussa on the mainland and Leros and Lepsia in the Icarian Sea. We also include some observations on the Cnidian and Halicarnassian peninsulas, supplementing our previous work. In conclusion we discuss briefly the distribution of west Carian dynasties in classical times; and extending our previous observations on Mausolus' remodelling of the habitational network of west Caria, we have tried to give a fuller account of the scope of Hecatomnid enterprise in this direction.
Neleion
Authors: Wycherley R. E.
Published: October 2013

Of the innumerable minor shrines which were scattered over all parts of the city of Athens and its suburbs, one of the most curious is the shrine of Kodros, Neleus, and Basile. Nothing of it has been found, and its site in south-eastern Athens is only approximately known, but we have a good deal of interesting and at some points puzzling information about it, mainly from an inscription, IG i2. 94, a decree of the Boule and the Demos of 418/17 B.C. Much has been written about this decree, which amongst other things has points of chronological interest and is important in connexion with the leasing of shrines, but its topographical and architectural implications have not been fully worked out, or else have been misinterpreted. E. Curtius, who first attacked the problem after Koumanoudes's provisional publication, went so far as to draw a plan of the shrine with the catchment area from which it drew the water for its olives, in relation to the neighbouring part of south-eastern Athens; but in nearly all particulars his plan is open to serious doubt. Others, including Judeich, who merely prints ‘Neleus und Basile?’ in the region of the presumed site (his Plan I, G 7), have been more vague and cautious. IG i2. 94 will repay a little further topographical study, I believe, and several more recently found inscriptions may throw a little new but uncertain light on Basile.
The tribal organization of Chios
Authors: Forrest W. G.
Published: October 2013

The economic and political development of the Greek states from the eighth century onwards left few, if any, of their tribal organizations unaffected; as these became unworkable or unpopular, the traditional divisions into tribes, phratries, and gene, based in practice, if not in origin, on kinship, were sooner or later replaced or modified. But the factors which led to reform were many; it might be the problem of a subject population, a mixed population, a shifting population, or of synoecism; it might be the need for military reform; or simply a question of political feeling, an attempt to satisfy anti-aristocratic prejudice by destroying the essentially aristocratic kinship system. More than one factor could be involved in any change; each might have a different effect on the result. Consequently the process was not simple or uniform; the new order might be wholly artificial or merely a modification of the old; the old might be discarded or retained alongside the new for some special purpose; old names, proper or generic, might still be used in the new system at the same or even at a different level. In such confusion it is essential to analyse in detail the evidence for each organization on its own before looking for any general pattern or arguing by analogy from one state's system to another.

In the case of Chios the relevant documents have often been interpreted in the light of what was known of the gentilicial system of Attica. Tribes, of number unknown, were thought to have been divided into phratries, each composed of several smaller units of two kinds, gene and thiasoi. The comparison is misleading. The constitution of the Attic phratries is far from clear, but, whatever it may have been, these documents from Chios, of which the text is given below, must belong to a very different order.
The Hellenistic inscriptions of Old Paphos
Authors: Mitford T. B.
Published: October 2013

The ruins of Old Paphos are now occupied by the village of Kouklia, some 10 miles to the south-south-east of (New) Paphos which lies below Ktima in western Cyprus. Since Old Paphos capital of an ancient city-kingdom, was alike the ecumenical centre of Aphrodite-worship and the ἰερόν of New Paphos, capital of Cyprus for the Ptolemies seemingly from the outset of the second century B.C., its Hellenistic inscriptions are relatively abundant. These I first examined in 1936. I have since then repeatedly revisited the site, to add to the unpublished and to rediscover others long lost. Finally, from 1950 to 1955 excavations were conducted in the area of the Aphrodite temple and in the outskirts of Kouklia, to make a notable enlargement of the total. Here into a handlist of the known inscriptions I incorporate the formal publication of the new material and, wherever this may call for fuller treatment, a greater emphasis on the old.

It will be seen from the preceding classification of the documents that there is numerically remarkable disproportion between their classes. Whereas the hard local limestones used for the statue-bases could be employed repeatedly as building material, the dice have been heavily weighted against the survival of the fine, white marbles: two lime-kilns which in 1888 were still squatting on the temple site explain the rarity of these.
A chariot larnax from Mycenae
Authors: French Elizabeth
Published: October 2013

The two unusual fragments illustrated in Plate 14 and Fig. I were found at Mycenae in 1950, but were not identified until 1957, when the pottery from the Cyclopean Terrace Building Area was being restudied for the publication which appears in this volume. They come from the East Trench which ran east-west immediately east of the east wall of the Cyclopean Terrace Building proper and which disclosed the drain marked in the plan. They were found at a depth of more than 2·40 m., i.e. below the level of the drain. It seems likely that the fill of this area dates mainly from the period of the building of the Cyclopean Terrace Building (when the drain also must have been built) in the early part of L.H. IIIB, but the pottery in all layers of this trench was contaminated by stray sherds of later Mycenaean, Geometric, and Hellenistic wares. Therefore, though a date in the period preceding early L.H. IIIB is very likely, it cannot be assured.

The pieces, which are 0·02 m. thick, are made of a heavy buff clay with considerable grit and chaff covered with a light wash through which the grit shows, giving the appearance known as ‘oatmeal’. The paint is a semi-lustrous red-brown. This fabric is similar to, though heavier than, that of the stirrup jars from the nearby House of the Wine Merchant. It is clear from the scene on the outside that the two fragments are not adjoining, but come from the opposite sides of the same vessel. The shape, fabric, and schemes of decoration seem to indicate that these are fragments of a bath larnax (FS 1).
Underwater reconnaissance off the island of Chios, 1954
Authors: Garnett Richard , Boardman John
Published: October 2013

In June and July of 1954 a team often divers spent just over four weeks exploring the east coast of Chios. The team was based on Emporio in the south-east, where the British School was excavating under the direction of M. S. F. Hood and J. Boardman, and was thus able to rely on the archaeologists there for expert guidance. Most of the underwater work took place in this area, but the team was also able to spend some time exploring the north-east coasts of the island, thanks to Mr. Tom Dupree, who put his yacht Kerynia at their disposal.

The main diving equipment consisted of three twin-cylinder aqualungs with three spare twin-cylinder air-tanks, and a compressor to recharge them with air, belonging to the British School at Athens. The purchase of this expensive equipment had been made possible by the great generosity of Lord Kelmsley and the Sunday Times newspaper. Miss Dilys Powell, as representative of the Sunday Times, joined the expedition for two weeks and took an active part in the work.
Two dedications from Cyrenaica
Authors: Fraser P. M.
Published: October 2013

I am grateful to Mr. R. G. Goodchild, Director of Antiquities, Cyrenaica, for permission to publish these two inscriptions, and also for much other assistance during a recent visit to Cyrene.

I: Rectangular altar of limestone, complete on all sides with moulding above and below, H. 0·71; W. 0·43; Th. 0·38; letters, of the fourth century B.C. c. 0·050–060. Plate 1 (a).

Seen by me, August 1961, at El-Beida.

Κωρής: This altar is now on the excavated site of El-Beida, the ancient Balagrai, the centre of an important cult of Asklepios, 16 kilometres west of Cyrene, having been found in the Italian fort at El-Beida a few years ago. It seems likely that it is the stone referred to by Oliverio as having been found at Messa, some 10 kilometres west of El-Beida, where archaeological exploration in 1918 brought to light some dedications to Demeter, Kore, and other deities, and also some rock-cut sanctuaries. It cannot therefore be used as evidence for the pre-Roman period at Balagrai.
Linear B tablets from Knossos
Authors: Chadwick John , Killen J. T.
Published: October 2013

This article is a continuation of that published in BSA lvii. 46–74, and the same principles have been followed in editing the present series of fragments. The three sections deal with the tablets found during excavations at Knossos in 1961, two small fragments preserved in the British Museum but hitherto unrecorded, and a collection of pieces in Iraklion which had previously been overlooked or thought unworthy of publication. The new numbers assigned run from 8210 to 8332.

The system of transcription has been slightly modified to conform to the latest version of the ‘Wingspread Convention’ dated 1962 and published by Professor E. L. Bennett as a supplement to Nestor. The use of hyphens between groups of letters representing Mycenaean signs has been continued, as allowing in some cases a more accurate account to be given of the state of the text. The expansions of the abbreviated names of the ideograms will be found in the index of ideographic signs on p. 88. The comma has been used as the transcription of the word-divider, as it seems inadequate, especially in fragmentary texts, to leave it to be inferred merely from the spacing.
Bronze Coinage and City Life in Central Greece circa A.D. 1000
Authors: Metcalf D. M.
Published: October 2013

In the decades around the millennium the issues of bronze coinage of the Byzantine Empire, except at Cherson, were exclusively ‘Rex Regnantium’ folles. In accordance with the theocratic political philosophy of the time, the portrait they bore was that not of the emperor but of Christ, ‘the King of those who Rule’. The inscriptions were analogous: Ἐμμανουήλ and Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς Βασιλεὺς τῶν Βασιλευόντων. Some issues were similar in size and fabric to the earlier issues of the Macedonian dynasty, but others were large, heavy coins, superior to any that had been generally available since the days of Justinian the Great. Quite probably, indeed, they were modelled on the sixth-century folles, as those of Constantine IV certainly had been, with the intention of recalling the glories of the past. The intervening period had witnessed an almost total decline in the circulation of petty currency in the provinces. It is to be seen as evidence of a corresponding decline in city life, for which, in turn, a complex of causes is to be discerned—demographic decline; the Islamic expansion into the eastern provinces and into the coasts and islands of the Mediterranean; the pressure of the Avars, Slavs, and Bulgars in the north-west; the strain imposed on the Byzantine treasury by the military effort expended in containing these threats; provincial self-sufficiency, and lowered standards which necessarily followed from the impoverishment of the state and its peoples. The revival of the Empire's fortunes began in the ninth century, and reached a climax under Basil II (976–1025), who re-established Byzantine rule firmly over territories extending from the Adriatic coasts to the upper valley of the Euphrates. By the end of Basil's reign the use of petty currency, which during the ninth and tenth centuries had still been significantly restricted to a few cities of the Aegean and Black Sea coastlands, was spreading much more widely through the Balkans and Asia Minor. Also, the reconquest of Antioch and the cities of Cilicia added to the needs that the imperial coinage had to meet.
Obsidian in the Aegean
Authors: Renfrew Colin , Cann J. R. , Dixon J. E.
Published: October 2013

Obsidian to the Greeks was no more than a semi-precious stone, black and shiny, suitable for mirrors or exotic ornaments. But to their predecessors in the Aegean through five millenia it was an important raw material for the manufacture of tools and weapons. Sharper and more abundant than flint, more easily worked and cheaper than copper, it was not displaced entirely even by the use of bronze, which was always an expensive material, there being no source of tin in the Aegean. Only when knowledge of iron-working was brought to the Aegean coasts did obsidian fall from its position as an important raw material to that of a curiosity.

Huge quantities of obsidian are to be found lying about the surface of most prehistoric sites in south Greece—any farmer or shepherd will tell of the ‘little razors’ to be found on his land. But its occurrence in nature is very unusual since it is found exclusively in regions of recent volcanic activity, and then only when certain conditions exist, such as a high silica content in the lava of the volcano. Every single piece found in mainland Greece had to be imported from overseas, a process implying competent geological knowledge, skill in sailing and navigation, and perhaps social organization, to a considerable degree. It is the earliest trade in the world for which we have concrete evidence.
A Four-horse Chariot Relief of the Fifth Century B.C.
Authors: Waywell Geoffrey B.
Published: October 2013

Two fragments of relief, one in the British Museum, the other in the British School at Athens, have been found to adjoin.

The first piece is British Museum 814 (Plate 1). Museum Marbles ix (1842) 172 f., pl. 38. 2; A. H. Smith, BMC Sculpt, i (1892) 373; Furtwängler, Sammlung Sabouroff, text to pl. XXVI; Reisch, Griechische Weihgeschenke 50; Rouse, Greek Votive Offerings 177; W. H. Hyde, Olympic Victor Monuments (1921) 268; Rizzo, Bolletino d'Arte viii (1938) 348, fig. 25; C. C. Vermeule III, JHS lxxv (1955) 105, fig. 5.

Provenance, Athens. H. 0·70 m., W. 0·82 m., Th. 0·08 m., Depth of relief 0·03 m. Broken left and below. Above and to the right is a narrow frame of peculiar type, which comprises a flat fillet with chamfered inner margin, forming a mitred joint in the upper right corner. The marble is of fine and even crystal with a definite golden-brown patina, and is therefore likely to be Pentelic. The surface is generally very worn, and some higher features, such as the horses' heads, the face of the charioteer, and the nearside of the Nike above, are completely obliterated. Besides this, a calcareous deposit, mentioned in Museum Marbles as having damaged the stone, has at some time been lightly chiselled away. Hence the coarse appearance of, for example, the upper right corner of the frame, the background to the right of the charioteer, and the area in front of Nike's head.

The scene shows a four-horse chariot travelling at speed to the left, driven by a charioteer dressed in the usual long, sleeveless chiton, which swirls back in the wind.
Tumulus-burial in Albania, The Grave Circles of Mycenae, and The Indo-Europeans
Authors: Hammond N. G. L.
Published: October 2013

In my recent bookEpirus, published in June 1967, I have dealt with the finds from the tumuli of North Epirus at Vajzë, Vodhinë, Bodrishtë, and Kakavi which were excavated in 1954 and 1955 and reported in Albanian in theBuletin per Shkencat Shoquërore(referred to hereafter asBUSS) 1956, 1. 180 ff.; 1957, 2. 76 ff.; and 1959, 2. 190 ff. It was in 1963 that I first heard of this journal and late in 1964 that I obtained an offprint of the Vajzë report through the kindness of the excavator, Professor Frano Prendi. He dated the tumuli and their contents to the transition from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age and to the early centuries of the Iron Age, but I have advanced the view in my book that the earliest of these tumuli and the earliest burials in such tumuli date to the Middle Helladic period. When this went to press in December 1964, I was able to publish also a few objects from the tumuli of the Mati valley which were illustrated in the same journal for 1955, and appeared to be of Middle Helladic date but had been dated by the excavator to the end of the Bronze Age at the earliest. Late in 1965 I was sent by Professor Frano Prendi a copy of a new Albanian periodicalStudia Albanica, no. i of 1964. Here the same dates were given for the tumuli of North Epirus and of the Mati valley but reference was made for the first time in my experience to a Middle Helladic dating of tumuli and of objects which had been found at Pazhok. This material was too late to be included in my book. As the evidence at Pazhok is conclusive for the Middle Helladic dating, I give a summary of the brief report, which this time was in French, and I reproduce the illustrations which were not of a high standard. The reports of all these excavations have escaped the notice of scholars in the western countries, so far as I am aware. The Pazhok report runs as follows (with my numbering of paragraphs and a few comments).
A Minoan ‘Goddess’ Idol from Sakhtouria
Authors: Tzedakis Yannis G.
Published: October 2013

In the Museum at Rethymnon there is a Minoan clay idol (Mus. No. 22) of the type of the goddess with uplifted hands. This comes from the village of Sakhtouria in the eparchy of Ayios Vassilios in the Rethymna nome.

The idol is 33·3 cm. high, with the base 9·2 cm. in diameter. The space between the arms at its widest extent measures 33 cm. The left arm and both the hands are missing, together with parts of the chest, neck, jaw, nose, crown of the head, and base. The missing sections have been restored in plaster, except for the hands and parts of the jaw and nose (Plate 41, a, b). The idol is hollow inside, and the lower part of the trunk is tubular with a narrow splayed border round the bottom (Plate 42, a). A splayed base of this type is a regular feature of Late Helladic clay figurines.

The eyes are indicated by slight bulges, and the eyebrows by single curving lines in relief which extend down the sides of the cheeks as far as the jaw and strongly emphasize it (Plate 42, b). The ears are represented by means of a boldly rendered nearly circular fillet in relief (Plate 43, a, b). The crown of the head is filletted, but there are no traces of any attachments for ornaments or sacred symbols, and the hair must have been rendered in paint to judge from the traces of black on the back part of the head immediately below the crown. The features of the face are expressed in generalized but vigorous terms. The face is markedly triangular in shape.

According to the generally accepted view the type of the goddess with uplifted hands first appeared in Crete at the beginning of the Late Minoan IIIB period. In 1958 Professor Doro Levi excavated a Minoan villa near Gortyna, and came upon a shrine there with idols of this type which he assigned on a basis of the pottery recovered to Late Minoan I. The question of the early appearance of the type was thus revived.
The West Court at Perachora
Authors: Coulton J. J.
Published: October 2013

About 10 metres south-west of the sixth-century temple of Hera Akraia at Perachora, and nearly due west of the little harbour lies the small courtyard previously known as the ‘Agora’. Since its purpose is not known, it will here be non-committally referred to as the West Court. It was first excavated in 1932, and more fully, under the supervision of J. K. Brock, in 1933, but it was not entirely cleared until 1939, and it was at that time that the Roman house which stood in the middle of the court was demolished. The West Court is discussed briefly (under the name of ‘Agora’) in Perachora 1 and in the preliminary reports of the Perachora excavations. Short supplementary excavations were carried out in 1964 and 1966 to examine certain points of the structure.

In shape the West Court is an irregular pentagon, about 24 metres from north to south and the same from east to west (Fig. 1; Plate 91 a, b). It is enclosed on the west, north, and on part, at least, of the east side by a wall of orthostates on an ashlar foundation. For a short distance on either side of the south corner, the court is bounded by a vertically dressed rock face which is extended to the north-east and west by walls of polygonal masonry. At the south-west corner the west orthostate wall butts against the polygonal wall, which continues for about 0·80 m. beyond it and then returns north for about 8 metres behind it.
Counting pots in Early Neolithic Greece
Authors: Yiouni Paraskevi
Published: October 2013

The present paper examines the quantity and function of the pottery found at the Greek Early Neolithic sites. Review of the quantitative, technological, typological, functional and contextual data suggest that Early Neolithic pottery was most probably a regular component of material culture. Thus, in contrast with the highly favoured hypothesis that Early Neolithic pots were used mainly for cult-related or socially related prospects, it is argued that pottery had, since this early period, a variety of functions. It is very probable that some vessels were used in ceremonies or were high-status objects. The majority of vessels, however, had an active role in daily life concerning the storage and transportation of supplies, the preparation of food (most probably excluding cooking) and the treatment of other raw materials.
New pottery from the Psychro Cave and its implications for Minoan Crete
Authors: Watrous L. Vance
Published: October 2013

Recently discovered pottery from David Hogarth's 1899 excavation in the Psychro Cave is published in this study. The great majority of these vases can, on the basis of their fabric and decoration, be traced to Malia, Knossos and the Lasithi Plain. During the MM I-LM I A period most of the fine ware pottery dedicated at the Psychro came from Malia. The monumental size of the sanctuary and the large number (and the elite character) of the votives indicates that during MM I B-LM I A Psychro was the main extra-urban sanctuary for the polity centred at Malia. During LM I B-III A1/2 virtually all of the decorated vases from Psychro are Knossian. This change suggests that Mycenaean Knossos assumed control of the sanctuary during this time, and that some of these vases are those referred to in the Linear B tablet from Knossos KN. Fp 1 that lists dedications of oil sent to Dictaean Zeus.
The Toumba building at Lefkandi: a statistical method for detecting a design-unit
Authors: Pakkanen Jari
Published: October 2013

This methodological paper uses the measurements of the Early Iron Age Toumba building at Lefkandi to study whether a single design-unit can be detected in the data set. Cosine quantogram analysis is used in the initial analysis of the building dimensions and, in the second phase, the relevance of the obtained results is calculated by using Monte Carlo computer simulations. A statistically significant unit of c. 49 cm can be isolated, but because of the very limited number of precise dimensions, this result should only be accepted with caution. The case study demonstrates how the complex statistical problem of deriving the lengths of possibly used design-units in ancient architecture can be approached; metrological analyses can only gain from employing appropriate quantitative methods.