bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Supramolecular Complexes Based on [M(CN)8]4– (M = Mo, W) and Aliphatic Amine CuII Tectons
Authors: Dong Wen , Wang Chao , Ouyang Yan , Liao Dai‐Zheng
Published: February 2009

Three heterometallic supramolecular complexes [Cu2(pn)4(Mo(CN)8)·4H2O] (pn = diaminopropane) (1), [Cu2(pn)4(W(CN)8)·4H2O] (2) and [Cu2(1,2‐pn)4(H2O) (W(CN)8)·3H2O] (3) have been synthesized and structurally characterized by single‐crystal X‐ray diffraction studies. Complexes 1–3 exhibit three different networks. In 1, the copper(II) ion is pentacoordinate with a distorted square‐pyramidal arrangement and the network is formed by the incorporation of coordinative linkage between the μ2 bridge of [Mo(CN)8]4– and copper(II) ions and hydrogen‐bonding interactions. In 2, the copper(II) ion exhibits a distorted square‐pyramidal arrangement and the network is formed by the hydrogen bonded trinuclear complexesof [Cu2(pn)2(W(CN)8)]. In 3, the copper(II) ions show twodifferent distorted octahedral arrangements. The network structure of 3 is formed by the hydrogen‐bonded complex chains of [Cu2(1,2‐pn)2(W(CN)8)].
Si@Al14(N(Dipp)SiMe3)6: A Si‐Centered Metalloid Aluminum Cluster and the Reinvestigation of Si@Al14Cp*6
Authors: Huber Michael , Hartig Jens , Koch Katharina , Schnöckel Hansgeorg
Published: February 2009

The preparation and X‐ray structure of Si@Al14R6 (R = Cp*, N(Dipp)SiMe3; Dipp = 2,6‐iPr2–C6H3) are described via the disproportionation and substitution reaction of a metastable AlCl solution. One silicon atom occupies the center of an Al8 cube. This central unit is stabilized through capping of six AlR moieties above the faces of the cube. These findings open the door for a reinvestigation of Si@Al14Cp*6 through MALDI, DFT and X‐ray investigations: Caused by the preparation procedure a small part of the Si@Al14Cp*6 clusters are partially oxidized by chlorine and one of the eight aluminum atoms of the cube is substituted by a Si atom: Thus, within the crystal about 1/3 of the SiAl14Cp*6 clusters are Si2Al13Cp*6Cl species causing a more unsymmetrical arrangement of all cluster species than those observed in crystalline SiAl14(N(Dipp)SiMe3)6. The serious problems during the solution of the crystal structure of Si@Al14Cp*6 caused by only slightly modified cluster species may be a strong hint at being careful with the interpretation of any nanoscale species: Even very small modifications (e.g. a single silicon atom i.e. neighbor element of aluminum containing only one more electron and proton substitutes one aluminum atom) cause drastical structural changes and consequently also different e.g. electric properties can be expected.
Infinite and Finite Boron Carbon Branched Chains: The Crystal Structures of New Ternary Boride Carbides RE10B7C10 and RE4B3C4*
Authors: Babizhetskyy Volodymyr , Mattausch Hansjürgen , Simon Arndt
Published: February 2009

New ternary rare earth metal boride carbides RE10B7C10 (RE = Gd, Tb, Dy Ho, Er) and RE4B3C4 (RE = Tb, Dy, Ho, Er, Tm, Yb, Lu) were prepared from the elements by arc‐melting followed by annealing in silica tubes at 1000°C for one month. The crystal structures were investigated by means of single‐crystal X‐ray diffraction data. In the structures of both compounds the boron and carbon atoms form two different types of nonmetal arrangements: one‐dimensional (BC)∞ branched chains and finite CBC units. The branched chains and finite units are differently oriented in both structures. The new ternary rare earth metal boride carbides RE4B3C4 (R = Tb, Dy, Ho, Er, Tm, Yb, Lu) are isotypic to Gd4B3C4, the first characterized member of the rare earth metal borocarbide series in which both one dimentional (BC)∞ branched chains and finite CBC units coexist. Tb10B7C10 is the second characterized member of this family. The compounds RE10B7C10 (RE = Gd, Tb, Dy Ho, Er) are isotypic.
Atomic actions, and their refinements to isolated protocols
Authors: Banach Richard , Schellhorn Gerhard
Published: February 2009

Inspired by the properties of the refinement development of the Mondex Electronic Purse, we view an isolated atomic action as a family of transitions with a common before-state, and different after-states corresponding to different possible outcomes when the action is attempted. We view a protocol for an atomic action as a computation DAG, each path of which achieves in several steps one of the outcomes of the atomic action. We show that in this picture, the protocol can be viewed as a relational refinement of the atomic action in a number of ways. Firstly, it yields a ‘big diagram’ simulation à la ASM. Secondly, it yields a ‘small diagram’ simulation, in which the atomic action is synchronised with an individual step along each path through the protocol, and all the other steps of the path simulate skip. We show that provided each path through the protocol contains one step synchronised with the atomic action, the choice of synchronisation point can be made freely. We describe the relationship between such synchronisations and forward and backward simulations. We relate this theory to serialisations of system runs containing multiple interleaved transactions, showing how the clean picture of the refinement of an isolated atomic action to an isolated protocol becomes obscured by the details of the interleaving. In effect, the fact that protocols are typically executed by a number of co-operating agents, not all of which embark on executing the protocol at the same moment, results in ‘ragged starts’ and ‘ragged ends’ to protocol instantiations, leading to potential overlaps between unrelated protocol instances that the theory must handle. We show how existing Mondex refinements embody the ideas developed, and describe a mechanical verification of the results presented.
Predicting Properties of Biodiesel Fuels using Mixture Topological Index
Authors: Yuan Hong , Yang Bolun , Yang Jiming
Published: February 2009

A new topological index for individual components based on the information of molar mass, bond length and bond energy was established to reflect the molecular structure of fatty acid methyl esters (FAME). Combined with the modified Grunberg–Nissan or Hind equation, the two series mixture topological index values of the biodiesels (mixture of FAME) were calculated, respectively. Some basic properties such as the density, viscosity, flash point (FP), high heating value (HHV) for biodiesel were correlated with these mixture topological indexes to find the relationship of structure and properties. The results show that the topological index can reflect the information of the molecular structure for FAME, such as the size of molecule, unsaturated bond, intensity of bond and branch degree. The modified Grunberg–Nissan equation has a higher precision of predicting for the properties of biodiesel studied than the Hind equation.
Greek Colour-Perception
Authors: Platnauer Maurice
Published: February 2009

No one who has read the classics with any attention can fail to have been struck by certain oddities in both the Greek and Latin usage of epithets denoting colour. How really strange their application often is may have escaped general notice for three reasons: partly, it may be, because custom has staled their surprising character—phrases such as ‘the wine-dark sea’ having become, so to say, ‘household words’; partly because a natural and on the whole commendable diffidence prevents our attributing, at least to the Greeks, anything that seems in the least derogatory from an artistic point of view; and partly because these instances of curious usage are scattered and so have no cumulative effect on our judgement.
Lucan VII 460–465
Authors: Housman A. E.
Published: February 2009

463 ante 462 VGP et ante corr. ut uidetur U, item adnotator super Lucanum ed. Endtii p. 276 et Statii scholiastes ad Theb. VI 760, qui 462 et 464 coniunctos legerunt.

462 ante 463 MZ et ex corr. U.

463 quam MZPGV, qua ex corr. U.

462 manum VGP, lemma schol. Bern., Statii schol., manus Z et ex corr. U de M non liquet.

tempus quo noscere possent VGP et ut uidetur M, adn. sup. Luc, Z (pos), Statii schol. (possint), tempus = q.t.i.r.n.p. lemma schol. Bern., uultusque agnoscere quaerunt ex corr. U, Z2 G2, uultus etiam V2.
Metrical Correspondence in Pindar—I
Authors: Bowra C. M.
Published: February 2009

In his Works of Pindar, Vol. II, p. xxiii, Dr. L. R. Farnell discusses the admission of metrical licences into Pindar's text, and pronounces that ‘the “Responsion-law” should not be pressed with over-strained severity.’ In general he agrees with Wilamowitz and Schroeder and disagrees with the stricter school of P. Maas. But none of these scholars have formulated the principles by which long syllables may be equated with short in Pindar's text, or even those by which two short syllables may take the place of one long and vice versa. Such attempts were made by great scholars of the past, notably by Erasmus Schmid, Hermann and Boeckh, but recent developments in metric and textual criticism have created a new attitude towards metrical problems and provided a new vocabulary. It is time that Pindar's practice was re-examined. Only from it can we deduce what his rules of composition were and find out what licences he allowed and what not. The question is important both for the textual critic and for the student of Greek metric. If we can discover the principles on which Pindar used such metrical licences, we shall be more qualified to consider emendations which involve them and to understand the rules which he set before himself when composing an ode.
Technical Terms in Aristophanes
Authors: Denniston J. D.
Published: February 2009

Every living science, especially in its early stages, is compelled to devise fresh terms, either by coining new words or by giving new meanings to old ones. Unless and until these fresh terms become absorbed in the vocabulary of everyday speech, their unfamiliarity makes them a target for the shafts of the humourist. There can be no doubt that in the late fifth century B.C. literary criticism (using the expression in its widest sense, to include all methodical investigation of literary technique) was still a new science. We can trace its beginnings in the treatises of the Sophists, many titles of which have been handed down to us. Strepsiades' lesson in metric, though of itself amusing enough, would certainly gain in topical appropriateness if enacted at a time when such investigations were not only much in the air, but were still novel. And the whole ‘Agon’ of the Frogs, the character of which is forecasted in lines 796–802, depicts in the strongest colours the contrasted views of technician and inspirationist. We should therefore naturally expect a play of such a kind, written at such a time, to be full of technical jargon, barely understood by the ‘man in the street,’ and forming the object of his half-contemptuous amusement. That is, I believe, exactly what we do find, to an extent insufficiently recognized. Professor Radermacher, in his recent edition of the Frogs, has rendered valuable service by pointing out the frequent occurrence in that play of technical terms which meet us later in Dionysius of Halicarnassus and other critics. But I believe that technical language lurks unsuspected in many other passages, though the precise meaning may often be beyond recovery.
The Toledo Ms. of Plutarch's Moralia
Authors: Fletcher G. B. A.
Published: February 2009

It seems worth while giving some account of this MS., because in recent years it has been said to contain certain pieces of the Moralia which it does not, and not to contain others which it does.

At the foot of the first page of the text the MS. carries the pontifical shield with the arms of the Medici, and from this it is reasonable to suppose that there was a time when it belonged either to Leo X., who was Pope from 1513 to 1521, or to Clement VII., who was Pope from 1523 to 1534. This being so, 1534 is established as the terminus ante quem of its writing. Towards the end of this century, about 1598, it was acquired by the Spanish Cardinal Saverio de Zelada. In 1801 the Cardinal Archbishop Antonio de Lorenzana bought in Rome a certain number of Greek and Oriental manuscripts which had formerly been in the collection of Cardinal Saverio de Zelada, and placed them in the Chapter Library at Toledo. Included with these was this MS. of the Moralia, which remains there to this day.
Servivs Avctvs and Donatvs
Authors: Thomson H. J.
Published: February 2009

Probably few scholars would now doubt that at least the bulk of the matter both of Servius' commentary on Virgil (S) and of the additions to it which were first printed by Daniel (D) descends from Donatus. The problem of these additions has been approached by a number of writers from different directions, and different lines of evidence have been found to converge on one conclusion. An important contribution to the discussion has recently been made by J. J. Savage in a thorough study of the multifarious scholia contained in the well-known Bernensis 165 and some other Virgil manuscripts.1 He shows that some of these scholia go back to a commentary which was fuller than that of Servius, and which moreover was related both to S and to D.2 Other fragments of such a commentary are to be found by those who have the patience to sift the rubbish of the Latin glossaries,3 and also, among other sources, in Isidore, who is all the more useful for his habit of verbal transcription.4 When material of this kind is found, there is a strong temptation to say ‘Here is Donatus,’ and one can hardly doubt that that is where much of it ultimately comes from; but the question how far we may assume that the words of Donatus are directly reproduced can hardly yet be regarded as satisfactorily answered. I have before ventured to doubt whether Donatus was the immediate source of D.5 Professor Rand and Mr. Savage think that he was, that the compiler of SD supplemented S with material which S had not reproduce from Donatus the statement to which S had objected.
Some Problems in Propertius
Authors: Sandbach F. H.
Published: February 2009

Cynthia will leave Rome for the country: how fortunate that there will be no one there to seduce her—provided there is no visitor from the outside world! Propertius will himself go hunting. If Cynthia has any temptations, let her remember that in a few days he will be with her:
Democritus, Fragment 156
Authors: Matson W. I.
Published: February 2009

Received interpretation. As far as I have been able to determine, all scholars who have dealt with this fragment have followed Plutarch (to whom the preservation of the fragment is due) in holding (i) that and are synonyms for ‘body’ and ‘void’ respectively, and (ii) the purport of the pronouncement is simply that ‘even void has a nature and substantiality of its own’ (). But (i) is included in Aristotle's dictionary of Atomist jargon, while (ii) is put better in the celebrated Fragment 125 . In consequence, Fragment 156 has been deemed more curious than important. Despite the extreme scarcity of Democritean fragments other than moralizings, Kirk and Raven do not even print it. No doubt this assumed unimportance explains why it has not been noticed how unsatisfactory Plutarch's exegesis is.
On Nicander, Oppian, and Quintus of Smyrna
Authors: West M. L.
Published: February 2009

Otto Schneider, the first editor to use II, wrote , and he has been followed by Gow-Scholfield. The form is used by Antimachus, though not elsewhere by Nicander. Nicander uses tetrasyllabic forms from the stem ; he also uses
Crater Cratera Creterra
Authors: Clausen Wendell
Published: February 2009

The article on crater cratera creterra in T.L.L. iv. 1108–10 is imperfect: several examples are omitted and no clear and coherent account of these forms is given.

crater appears first in Ennius' Annales (511 Vahl.); and very likely it was Ennius who, finding cratera too ordinary for poetry, transliterated . For several centuries crater remained a poets' word. It may have been introduced into prose by the elder Pliny, who affects poetic vocabulary; in later prose it is found more frequently than either cratera or creter
L.S.J. and Cicero's Letters
Authors: Bailey D. R. Shackleton
Published: February 2009

Cicero's use of the term is hardly a joke, and has to do with medicine, not logic. He says that his predecessor as governor of Cilicia, App. Claudius Pulcher, is like a doctor whose patient has been transferred to another practitioner, and who takes offence when the new man alters the treatment.
Three Presocratic Cosmologies
Authors: West M. L.
Published: February 2009

A Papyrus commentary on Alcman published in 19571 brings us news of a poem in which Alcman “physiologized”. The lemmata and commentary together witness to a semi-philosophical cosmogony unlike any other hitherto known from Greece. The evidence is meagre, but it seems worth while to see what can be made of it; for it is perhaps possible to go a little farther than has so far been done.
Athenian Foreign Policy and the Peace-Conference at Sparta in 371 B.C.
Authors: Ryder T. T. B.
Published: February 2009

The purpose of this article is to discuss at greater length two problems raised by Mr. D. J. Mosley towards the end of his discussion of the Athenian Embassy to Sparta in 371 published in Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society N.s. viii (1962), 41 ff. The first of these problems concerns the policy pursued by Callistratus at this peace-conference, the second the effect on their audience of the divergent speeches of three of the Athenian ambassadors, Callias, Autocles, and Callistratus, which Xenophon reports.
Virgil's Birthplace Revisited
Authors: Rand E. K.
Published: February 2009

This second visit to the place of Virgil's birth was made partly in actuality—for my wife and I, before taking part in the Virgilian Cruise of last summer, spent two delightful days at Pietole with our hosts, the Signori Prati, and our guest and friend Bruno Nardi—and partly in a renewed pondering of the arguments presented by my friend Professor Conway both in his earlier article and in his recent review of the question, to which, as he says, I had urged him to return. I promised him at the time that if he should not speak the last word on the subject, I would still further defend the view commonly accepted until he bestowed an extraordinary publicity on Calvisano and Carpenedolo. He declares that I maintain the traditional site at Pietole, ‘though not perhaps with very great confidence.’ He further implies that I ‘do not want to accept the evidence of Probus because “I prefer” to believe a mediaeval tradition.’ Let me assure him and the reader that I do not regard a mediaeval traditionper seas better proof than the certain statement of an ancient authority. I have been led, by studies in various fields, to respect tradition in general until it is disproved, and to lay the burden of the argument on those who would disprove it. But the mere sight of something hoary and mediaeval does not prompt me to exclaim, ‘Media Aetas locuta est; causa finita est’ I relish the attempts of an iconoclast to destroy rigid error, and accept his destruction if it is accomplished. In the present case, however, I have ‘very great confidence’ that Conway's assault on the tradition has come to naught. Possibly some new and unexpected evidence may yet be discovered, showing that Virgil was born at Calvisano, or Carpenedolo, or at some other site than Pietole—but nobody has presented it yet.
Prose-Rhythm and Prose-Metre
Authors: Broadhead H. D.
Published: February 2009

Mr. Shewring's recent articles on ‘Prose-rhythm and the Comparative Method’ (C.Q. XXIV, pp. 164 sqq.; XXV, pp. 12 sqq.) are gratifying in that they betoken a growing interest in the problems of a comparatively modern and fascinating study, and also an appreciation of the methods followed by different investigators. His estimate, however, of De Groot's services seems to me somewhat extravagant; his estimate of Zielinski's contributions unduly belittling (as I shall show below, he cannot have read Zielinski's Der constructive Rhythmus); while his references to my own work cause me to doubt whether he has grasped even the main contention of my book. I shall deal with all these points presently.
Virgil's Birthplace Revisited
Authors: Rand E. K.
Published: February 2009

We may now consider this ancient evidence that Andes lay three miles away from Mantua in connection with Conway's remaining arguments and with Virgil's ‘own statement’ in his Bucolics.

In the matter of the inscriptions, Conway's ‘impenitence’ does nothing to strengthen his case. All the points that he raises in an apparent refutation had been met by me. I had distinguished between public and private inscriptions, as Conway had not done in his earlier article, where he declared the period of the two monuments to be ‘Virgil's own,’ the inscriptions being ‘cut in the style which marks the best work between 50 B.C. and A.D. 50.’ I had not, as he asserts, failed to notice the point that caps the climax of his recent article, that ‘the P. Magius who wrote the inscription of Casalpoglio … was related to Virgil's mother.’ I was inclined to date both inscriptions, with the approval of Professor Egbert, somewhere in the third quarter of the first century of our era, but ‘even allowing for them both a date as early as the end of the first century B.C.,’ which is apparently as far back as Conway means to stretch their date, I clamored for an inscription of the time of Virgil's birth if it were to serve as evidence for his birthplace. This point is not met by Conway. If Virgil was born at Pietole, his fame and his family could certainly have extended as far north as Casalpoglio and Calvisano at the time of his death in 19 B.C. Supposing that we knew on other evidence that he was born at Calvisano, the presence of an inscription with the name of Magius or Vergilius would corroborate that evidence.
A Mediaeval Excerptor of the Elder Pliny
Authors: Campbell D. J.
Published: February 2009

Editors of Pliny's Naturalis Historia have not had to deplore the paucity of the MS. tradition, but rather its value; while MSS. belonging to the ordo recentiorum are numerous and fairly complete, those of the ordo uetustiorum are very few, and never contain more than a few books, often with considerable gaps. They are A ii 196–vi 51, M xi–xv, P and H parts of xviii, I xxiii, xxv, B xxxii–xxxvii (end). There are also some scattered fragments. Detlefsen indeed claimed that the restoration of the original text of the N.H. is more difficult than that of any other Latin author owing to the mutilated and defective transmission of considerable parts.
Some Problems in Anaximander
Authors: Kirk G. S.
Published: February 2009

This article deals with four almost classic problems in Anaximander. of these the first is of comparatively minor importance, and the second is important not for what Anaximander thought but for what Aristotle thought he thought. Problem i is: Did Anaximander describe his as ? Problem 2: Did Aristotle mean Anaximander when he referred to people who postulated an intermediate substance ? Problem 3: Did Anaximander think that there were innumerable successive worlds? Problem 4: What is the extent and implication of the extant fragment of Anaximander? Appended is a brief consideration of the nature of Theophrastus' source-material for Anaximander; on one's opinion of this question the assessment of the last two problems will clearly depend.
Xopoy in The Plutus: A Reply To Mr. Handley
Authors: Beare W.
Published: February 2009

In an interesting article entitled ‘XOPOY in the Plutus’ Mr. E. W. Handley questions the accuracy of some observations of mine on this subject, and complains of my ‘failure to state facts’. He quotes my remark that ‘the editors freely insert () in the Plutus; but, according to Weissinger (p. 51), the only example afforded by the MSS. is after 770; and here there is no lapse of time’. I added in a footnote that R inserts XOPOY after line 801, according to the Oxford text. Handley's own researches have shown him that R has KOMMATION XOPOY between 770 and 771, and that R has inserted XOPOY between 801 and 802.
Three Conjectures in Euripides, Helena
Authors: Zuntz G.
Published: February 2009

A lyrical variation on vv. 27–30, the present passage is, at the same time, a new version of Hec. 631–7. A comparison is instructive in various respects, but Hel. 27 f. will not be quoted in justification of what L gives in vv. 236 f. This wording raises the following objections: (a) the last word, , is outside the metre and not easily attached to the following colon, the beginning of which naturally coincides with the new sentence and new idea If, then, is obelized—and this seems unavoidable—the words
Plutarch and Alexander
Authors: Wardman A. E.
Published: February 2009

Modern scholars have been concerned with the hostility shown to Alexander by the Hellenistic schools of philosophy. Two literary portraits have been distinguished, the Peripatetic and the Stoic, the former deriving from Theophrastus' book on Callisthenes, or starting with this work the Peripatetics worked out a theory of and applied it to Alexander, in order to belittle his achievements. It was a case of giving sophisticated expression to the kind of crude resentment expressed by Demades.
Notes on Statius
Authors: Ker Alan
Published: February 2009

The Silvae of Statius have had good editing, in particular from Phillimore in the Oxford text. There is also the large commentary of Vollmer, which is very useful from the historical point of view, though not from the literary. But the most consistently valuable aid to the student seems to me to be the London Delphin edition of 1824 (Valpy), which not only gives most of the comments of the two best critics of Statius, N. Heinsius and Markland, but also offers the most consistently reliable translation of the work that I know.
Cicero: Ad Atticum 2. 24
Authors: Brunt P. A.
Published: February 2009

In a recent article on the Vettius affair (Historia, i. 45–51) Professor Lily Ross Taylor has tried to show that this letter should be dated to mid-July 59, and that it is therefore antecedent to 2. 20, 21, and 22. According to the hitherto accepted view the letters 2. According to the hitherto accepted view the letters 2. 18–25 are given by the manuscripts in the right chronological order, and since 21 is certainly later than Pompey's contio on 25 July (21. 3), 23 and 24 must fall later in the year; a terminus ante quem for the description of the Vettius affair in 24 is to be found in in Vat. 25, which shows that L. Lentulus, one of the persons Vettius implicated, was then a candidate for the consulship and that the letter is therefore antecedent to the consular elections, postponed by Bibulus' edict to 18 October (cf. ad Att. 2.20. 6). The purpose of this note is to defend this view and show that Professor Taylor's new dating is wrong.
The Interpretation of ΚΑΛΟΙ ΚΑΓΑΘΟΙ in Thugydides 4. 40. 2
Authors: Gomme A. W.
Published: February 2009

The interpretation of in this context raises some nice problems. (i) It is a term, a very flattering one, which had been appropriated to themselves by a certain class, in many cities at least (cf. 8. 48. 6 ), and by Dorians in relation to ‘Ionians and islanders’; it had thus become a cant phrase in current usage, the kind of phrase which when used tauntingly, as here, or ironically should be given inverted commas.
The Manuscript Tradition of Statius'Silvae
Authors: Wasserstein A.
Published: February 2009

It is the purpose of these notes to make a contribution towards solving a problem the difficulty of which has inhibited all modern editors of theSilvae: the apparent impossibility of establishing a satisfactory relation between the Madrid manuscript and the readings noted by Politian in his copy of the first edition now in the Corsinian library in Rome. It is the task of the editor to draw up a stemma that would reconcile the evidence of our text with the testimony of the great humanist.
Sophocles, Ajax, 961–973
Authors: Pearson A. C.
Published: February 2009

The object of this paper is twofold: in the first place, to expound afresh a passage of Greek tragedy which has been mauled by recent criticism; and, more particularly, by recognition of the light which it throws upon the development of the action, to vindicate the dramatic unity of the play.
The Date of Philodemos de Signis
Authors: Last H. M.
Published: February 2009

In discussions of the date at which Philodemos wrote the treatise περ σημείωѵ κаί σημεɩώσεωѵ there is general agreement on one point ‘that for this purpose our best evidence is a passage from col. 2, II. 11 sqq., of the papyrus. The author is there explaining the difficulties of induction in allowing for unobserved variations, and in taking Man as an instance he quotes first ‘the Kretan giant’ and then οѷ)ς έѵ՚ Акώρεɩ π∋γμα∕ονς δ(εικνύ)ονσιν νλει δ՚ ν∕α(λ)óγο(νς τος οѷς)’ Aντώνιος νûν ∕ κ Ʃụρία(ςκο)μσ(ατ. In the last line the letters of the papyrus are ΕΞϒΡΙΑΣ, which equally well may represent either § 'ϒρας or κ Σνρας but κ Σνρας has held the field since it was first suggested by Gomperz.
Propertivs IV. iii. 7 sqq., III. iii. 5
Authors: Cameron A.
Published: February 2009

Propertivs IV. iii. 7 sqq.:

7 Te modo uiderunt iteratos Bactra per ortus,

te modo munito Neuricus hostis equo,

hibernique Getae, pictoque Britannia curru,

10 ustus et Eoa discolor Indus aqua.

8 munito Beroaldus, munitus O., Neuricus Jacob, hericus NFL, hernicus D. 10 ustus MSS., uastus Palmer, pastus Otto, tunsus Housman, discolor MSS., decolor Passerat.
Some Questions About Historical Writing in the Second Century B.C.
Authors: Balsdon J. P. V. D.
Published: February 2009

Of the early Roman historians who wrote in Greek, A. Postumius Albinus was not necessarily alone in realizing that his Greek was not the best Greek; while, on the other hand, Cato and those who followed the new fashion of writing in Latin would have resented, we may assume, could they have foreknown, the statement of Q,. Catulus in Cicero's De Oratore that they had no literary or rather ‘oratorical’ merit; though Cato might have approved Catulus' caustic comment on Roman historical writing, ‘Satis est non esse mendacem’. That an historian should not, consciously and deliberately, lie all second-century historians would no doubt have agreed; and they would have endorsed Polybius' condemnation of masquerading as history in a story whose falseness was self-evident, because it assumed, on the part of the young sons of senators at Rome, a gravitas such as no young boy could possibly possess.
A Grasshopper's Diet—Notes on an Epigram of Meleager and a Fragment of Eubulus
Authors: Borthwick E. K.
Published: February 2009

‘Quid vero fit, quod poeta hanc plantam, tanquam munus locustae inprimis gratum, commemoret, nemo dixit; nee ego dicere possum’—so Jacobs in his note on the seventh line of this epigram (vol. 6, p. 123). Among later commentators, Mackail thinks ‘can hardly mean “leek” here’ and he assumes it to be ‘groundsel’; Dain in the Budé edition is satisfied with the rather prosaic explanation that it is an ‘observation très juste … la cigale ne se nourrit que des sues des plantes’. I hope to show that the diet of leeks and dewdrops from the mouth is promised by the love-sick swain of Meleager's poem for the same specific reason—to refresh the grasshopper's ‘voice’ for a new day's beguilement by song and persuasion to the sleep which will again free him from the cares of love. Although the ancients were aware of the means by which such insects produced their incessant sound, they remained faithful to the poetic tradition, which made them drink dew as a prelude to their singing, first found in Hesiod, Scut. 395, and clearly expressed in a couplet of Antipater of Thessalonica (A.P. 9. 92):
The Theme of Liberty in theAgricolaof Tacitus
Authors: Llebeschuetz W.
Published: February 2009

TheAgricolaof Tacitus differs from other surviving biographies of antiquity. It exhibits some features more characteristic of an oration, yet the preface and composition of the biography as a whole recall Sallust'sIugurthaandCatiline. Then, the central biographical section of the work is interrupted by an excursus on the geography and peoples of Britain, and an historical outline of the Roman occupation of the island. It has been argued that the style of these chapters would be more appropriate to history than to biography, and this same historical style recurs in the pair of commanders' speeches which precede the account of the battle of Mons Graupius.
Iphias: Apollonius Rhodius,Argonautica1.311–61
Authors: Nelis Damien P.
Published: February 2009

As an Apollo-like (1.307–9) Jason leaves home to start the long journey in quest of the Golden Fleece a strange incident occurs: The first thing to be said about this scene is that it is almost certainly an invention of Apollonius Rhodius.
Sulla and Smyrna
Authors: Lewis R. G.
Published: February 2009

Discussion starts from Tac. Ann. 4.56, where in a.d. 26 ambassadors from Smyrna, with those of other communities in Asia, present their city's case for selection as the site of the province's cult of Tiberius, and plead a lengthy record of loyalty and past officia to Rome, dating back to the foundation at Smyrna of a temple to Urbs Roma in 195 B.C. amid the tensions with Antiochus III of Syria. Tacitus proceeds:
On the Mushroom that Deified the Emperor Claudius
Authors: Grimm-Samuel Veronika
Published: February 2009

From Pliny the Elder, who was his contemporary, to the present, the unhappy ending of the fourth Julio-Claudian emperor's life is often and uncritically retold. Thus Agrippina's poisoned mushrooms have become proverbial through the writings of Pliny, Juvenal and others. Historical evidence surrounding the circumstances of his death is, however, vague, contradictory, and open to alternative explanations. In the present note I shall argue for the simplest of these: that the emperor Claudius died after having ingested – either through criminal intent, or by sheer accident – the most W poisonous of mushrooms, Amanita phalloides or Death Cap.
Procopius on the Economy of Lazica
Authors: Braund David
Published: February 2009

Procopius states that the Colchian Lazi had neither salt nor grain nor any other good thing; for this reason they always engaged in trade with the Romans around the Black Sea:
A Note on ‘Vis Abdita Quaedam’ (DRN 5.1233)
Authors: Too Yun Lee
Published: February 2009

The curious phrase ‘vis abdita quaedam’ has traditionally divided commentators into two camps. One group cautiously ensures that 5.1233–5 is kept consistent with the poem's overall scientific perspective and pre-empts any reference on the poet's part to a supernatural force. Munro, for instance, glosses the phrase as ‘the secret power and working of nature’. He supports this interpretation by finding in Book 6 a passage that he believes refers to the same disruptive and destructive physical force (6.29–31). Along the same lines Minadeo proposes that we regard ‘vis abdita quaedam’ as ‘the principle of destruction in the universe’. He understands the phrase to refer to a force which balances the creative or generative force in nature, just as Strife counters Love in the Empedoclean cosmology. It can be said in favour of this interpretation that the words ‘vis abdita quaedam’ must refer most immediately to lines 1226–32. Certainly, vis recalls the phrase ‘vis violenti… venti’ (1226), the violent force of the wind which destroys a naval effort, by sweeping a general, his fleet, his legions and his elephants into the sea.
Propertius' Talking Horse
Authors: Matthews Victor J.
Published: February 2009

All editors and translators of Propertius seem convinced that the Roman poet has endowed the horse Arion with the power of speech. I present a few sample translations of the two lines:
The Names in Horace's Satires
Authors: Rudd Niall
Published: February 2009

The methods of assessing a writer's spirit vary in usefulness according to his genre. If he is a satirist much may often be learned through an examination of his names. This is certainly true of Horace, and one might have thought that in recent years a fair amount of attention would have been paid to this aspect of his work. Yet to the best of my knowledge no special study has been published in the present century. Certain points have been well noted by scholars like Vogel, Becher, and Marouzeau, and a few editions contain summaries of the material. The last detailed discussion, however, was that of Cartault, and one must admit that it was not wholly unbiased. So it seems reasonable to review the evidence again, making use of the work done by Marx, Cichorius, Münzer, and others. We do not have to inquire about all the characters in the Sermones; only satirical references need be considered, and even here there is room for selection, because some of the figures are so obscure that nothing helpful can be said about them.
The Interpretation of Res Gestae Divi Augusti, 34. 1
Authors: Adcock F. E.
Published: February 2009

In consulatu sexto et septimo postquam bella civilia exstinxeram per consensum universorum [potitus rerum own]ium rem publicam ex mea potestate in senat[us populique Romani a]rbitrium transtuli.

There is very little doubt about the reading of the Latin text, except that the Greek has suggested to Schönbauer that ‘compos’ should be read for ‘potitus’. He urges that ‘compos’ has a ‘milder meaning’ than ‘potitus’ and has no connotation of the use of force. The change to ‘compos’ is worthy of consideration, but suggests that the Latin ran ‘compos factus’ if ‘compos’ was used, and the phrase ‘compos factus’, though good Augustan Latin, is perhaps too retarding in rhythm to fit this place, though to that stylistic feeling too much weight should not be assigned.
The Thesis in the Roman Rhetorical Schools of the Republic
Authors: Clarke M. L.
Published: February 2009

Ancient rhetoric divided the questions which concerned the orator into the definite and the indefinite, quaestiones finitae and quaestiones infinitae, the former concerned with particular persons and occasions, the latter without any such reference. To take a simple example from Quintilian, ‘Should one marry?’ is a quaestio infinita, ‘Should Cato marry?’ a quaestio finita. The distinction was introduced, or at any rate first clearly formulated, by Hermagoras in the second century B.C., and became an established part of rhetorical theory. The Greek term for the indefinite, or general, question was none of the various Latin equivalents used by Cicero attained general currency, and the Greek term prevailed.
The Law of Libel At Rome
Authors: Smith R. E.
Published: February 2009

The development of the law of libel at Rome during the second and first centuries B.C. is important for an understanding of the changing attitude on the part of society towards public criticism. This article attempts to trace the development from Naevius to Augustus, by bringing together the scattered references in our literary and legal sources, and, by setting them in their historical perspective, to make the attitude of society towards criticism more easily discernible.
Miscellanea: VI. Theognis
Authors: Allen T. W.
Published: February 2009

οὐδ γρ εδεης νδρ νον οὐδ γυναι

πρν πειρηθεης ὥσπερ ποζγου,

οὐδ κεν εκσσαις ὥσπερ ποτ’ ς ὥριον λθών.

πολλκι γνώμην ξαπατσ’ δαι.

ς ὥριον A (Par. suppl.gr. 388), σώριον the rest.
Plotinus and Posidonius
Authors: Witt R. E.
Published: February 2009

Probably no philosopher of antiquity has occasioned more daring speculations and the expression of graver doubts than Posidonius. On the one hand it has been argued that he was purely a man of science and hardly a Stoic philosopher at all. On the other hand he has been called the first and greatest Stoic mystic who under Oriental influence spurned the body as vile and earthly. Reinhardt has of late years resolutely maintained that the importance of Posidonius in the history of thought lies in his having originated a completely new Vitalism, and that his conception of the world is one in which ‘Subjekt und Objekt, Geist und Wissen, Mensch und Gott, νος und ζω durch eine im Bewusstsein neu erwachte Kraft sich einen und durchdringen: durch die “Sympathie.”’ Among other German scholars Geffcken holds that Plotinus borrowed much from Posidonius, and Jaeger roundly declares that if Posidonius had but found a place for the Platonic Ideas, there would have been nothing left for Plotinus to find. Schmekel and Bréhier have both stated that modifying the Platonic Theory of Ideas Posidonius established an identification between the Ideas and the Spermatic Logoi of Stoicism.
Sophocles' Electra 1074 SQQ
Authors: Viljoen H. G.
Published: February 2009

As far as I know, Kaibel is the only champion of the soundness of our text in this passage. In his edition of the Electra he has the following note : ‘Zu τòν ⋯ɛ⋯ πατρóς ist, wie Haupt gezeigt hat (Op. II. 301), der Nominal-begriff (wie στɛναγμóν) aus dem Verbum zu ergäanzen, genau wie in μ⋯ανδικ⋯ζɛιν, διττ⋯ν παῖσαι u. a. statt des Adjektivs steht das durch den Artikel gestützte Adverbium, vgl. Arist. Ran. 191 νɛναυμ⋯χηκɛ τ⋯ν πɛρ⋯ τ⋯ν κρɛ⋯ν und das sprüchwörtliche τòν πɛρ⋯ ψυχ࿆ς (δρóμον) τpεXειv. So ist auch der Komikervers (fr. adesp. 104 K) ganz in Ordnung εγω Tov αλλov, αvδρεs, εTεθvηkη πáλaι aπavθ', ôv εζηv, wo zu εζηv und also auch zu ετεθvηkη sich ein Nominal-begriff wie βιóv oder χρóvov von selbst ergánzt; denn auf ein bestimmtes Nomen kommt nichts an, da kein Grieche thatsáchlich ein Nomen ergánzte, sondern den Begriff aus dem Verbum heraushörte.’ He concludes: ‘So unzweifelhaft richtig Haupts Erklärung ist, so pflegt man sie neuerdings doch wieder zu ignoriren oder zu verwerfen und die allerungläublichsten “Emendationen” zu bevorzugen.’ With the latter part of his assertion I fully agree, and am prepared to throw all emendations that have been so far suggested overboard. But with due diffidence I beg to try my hand once more at emending this passage, as I firmly believe that Sophocles has not written it as handed down to us. τóv aεì…στεváχovσ' is intolerably weak. It is far more likely that we have here a case of the wrong division of words. In uncials we should have read: HAEKTPATON, which ought to have been transcribed ΉHλεkτρ’.
The Uses of Laughter in Greek Culture
Authors: Halliwell Stephen
Published: February 2009

The proposition that man is the only animal capable of laughter is at least as old as Aristotle (Parts of Animals 673a8). In a strictly physical sense, this is probably false; but it is undoubtedly true that as a psychologically expressive and socially potent means of communication, laughter is a distinctively human phenomenon. Any attempt to study sets of cultural attitudes towards laughter, or the particular types of personal conduct which these attitudes shape and influence, must certainly adopt a wider perspective than a narrowly physical definition of laughter will allow. Throughout this paper, which will attempt to establish part of the framework of such a cultural analysis for the Greek world of, broadly speaking, the archaic and classical periods, ‘laughter’ must be taken, by a convenient synecdoche, to encompass the many behavioural and affective patterns which are associated with, or which characteristically give scope for, uses of laughter in the literal sense of the word. My concern, then, is with a whole network of feelings, concepts and actions; and my argument will try to elucidate the practices within which laughter fulfils a recognizable function in Greek societies, as well as the dominant ideas and values which Greek thought brings to bear upon these practices. The results of the enquiry will, I believe, give us some reason to accept a rapprochement between the universalist assumption for which my epigraph from Johnson speaks (and which most grand theorists of laughter appear to have made) and the recognition of cultural specificity in laughter's uses for which many anthropologists would argue, as emphatically asserted, from a Marxizing point of view, in the quotation from Vladimir Propp.
The Philosopher Aquila
Authors: Schenkeveld D. M.
Published: February 2009

In hisArs grammaticaFl. Sosipater Charisius quotes long portions of text which he has taken over from books of other grammarians. One of these quotations starts at 246.18 (‘C. Iulius Romanus ita refert de adverbio sub titulo ϕορμν’) and continues up to 289.17. At 246.19–252.31 we find a long argument in which Romanus offers a sort of introduction to the theory of the adverb. This introduction is a surprise to modern readers because it is written in a very rhetorical manner. I mention this because otherwise one cannot understand why at 251.22ff. the author of a Latin treatise on grammar should quote from a Greek work on Aristotle'sCategoriesby a certain Aquila.
Sophocles,Oc1729–30
Authors: Lloyd-Jones Hugh
Published: February 2009

Antigone and Ismene know that the situation of their father's grave must remain a secret to all except Theseus; but Antigone cannot help suggesting to her sister that they make their way back in the hope of setting eyes upon the burial place of Oedipus. How, Ismene asks her, can this be right in the sight of heaven? θμις δ πς τάδ'στί; μν | οὐχ ρις;
Two Attributions
Authors: Mansfeld Jaap
Published: February 2009

The short treatise On the Cosmos, which most scholars believe to be not by Aristotle, has confidently been attributed to Aristotle by G. Reale and A. P. Bos. I do not wish to enter into their arguments for this attribution, because I believe it can be proved to be untenable.
Ariadne's Fears from Sea and Sky (Ovid, Heroides 10.88. and 95–8)
Authors: Hewig Ariane
Published: February 2009

In Ovid, Heroides 10.79ff. Ariadne starts to consider various dangers which to her mind threaten her life as that of any deserted woman (80). She lists some of these dangers in the following catalogue (83–8):
A Note on Apuleius, Metamorphoses 4.31
Authors: Harrison S. J.
Published: February 2009

Sic effata et osculis hiantibus filium diu ac pressule saviata proximas oras reflui litoris petit, plantisque roseis vibrantium fluctuum summo rore calcato ecce iam profundi mans sudo resedit vertice, et ipsum quod incipit velle, set statim, quasi pridem praeceperit, non moratur marinum obsequium: adsunt Nerei filiae chorum canentes et Portunus caerulis barbis hispidus et gravis piscoso sinu Salacia et auriga parvulus delphini Palaemon… (Met. 4.31.4ff.)
On Some Passages in Lucan Viii
Authors: Postgate J. P.
Published: February 2009

These lines conclude the speech of Pompey to Cornelia when she met him on the shore of Lesbos after the disaster of Pharsalia. This speech Mr. Heitland in his excellent Introduction to Haskins' Lucan has stigmatised as ‘abominable’.1 So far as the bulk of the speech is concerned a plea may perhaps be urged in mitigation of this judgment. Cornelia has completely broken down at the sight of her unfortunate husband, and his first object should be to restore her to herself. For this purpose, as all, not excluding Lucan, know, a tone of sharp chiding would be most effectual, and we learn from the sequel that it succeeded : ‘uocibus his correpta uiri uix aegra leuauit | membra solo’ (86 sq.). For the crude brutality of the statement in the last four words there is however no excuse. But happily it is not to be charged to Pompey or to Lucan, but to the editions. We should punctuate:

quod defies, illud amasti?

2. Vv. 155 sqq.

tanto deuinxit amore

hos pudor hos probitas castique modestia uoltus

quod submissa nimis nulli grauis hospita turbae

stantis adhuc fati uixit quasi coniuge uicto.
The Homeridae
Authors: Allen T. W.
Published: February 2009

The Homeridae bear the name of Homer, and should point a path by which we may climb to his personality. In antiquity they were known to be a γένος, a constituted family-corporation, though the accounts of the functions they fulfilled are scanty. Modern criticism, with its usual fluctuation, began by taking them at their apparent value; then adopted from a Roman grammarian a rationalistic explanation of them; invented other similar rationalistic explanations; and finally my lamented colleague Mr. Binning Monro robbed them of all significance by treating the word as an adjective, an equivalent of Ὁμηρικοí Men who are called Sons of Homer should not be lightly dismissed, and it may be worth while to go over the familiar evidence once more in the hope that this obvious avenue to Homer may not turn out a blind alley.