bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Anti-Japanese Sentiment among Chinese University Students: The Influence of Contemporary Nationalist Propaganda
Authors: Zhou Min , Wang Hanning
Published: February 2019

This study looks at the sources of anti-Japanese sentiment in today's China. Using original survey data collected in June 2014 from 1,458 students at three elite universities in Beijing, we quantitatively investigate which factors are associated with stronger anti-Japanese sentiment among elite university students. In particular, we examine the link between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)'s nationalist propaganda (especially patriotic education) and university students’ anti-Japanese sentiment. We find that nationalist propaganda does indeed have a significant effect on negative sentiment towards Japan. Reliance on state-sanctioned textbooks for information about Japan, visiting museums and memorials or watching television programmes and movies relating to the War of Resistance against Japan are all associated with higher levels of anti-Japanese sentiment. The findings suggest the effectiveness of nationalist propaganda in promoting anti-Japanese sentiment. We also find that alternative sources of information, especially personal contact with Japan, can mitigate anti-Japanese sentiment. Thus, visiting Japan and knowing Japanese people in person can potentially offset some of the influences of nationalist propaganda.
Dancing to China's Tune: Understanding the Impacts of a Rising China through the Political-Ecology Framework
Authors: Tan-Mullins May
Published: February 2019

China has become a great power and it is time for us to take centre stage in the world. (President Xi Jinping, 18 October 2017)
Nuclear (Geo)Political Ecologies: A Hybrid Geography of Chinese Investment in Namibia's Uranium Sector
Authors: DeBoom Meredith J.
Published: February 2019

Namibia's Husab uranium mine is the Chinese government's largest investment in Africa to date. This article develops a theoretical framework of hybridity to analyse the (geo)political and ecological implications of China's rising global influence in uranium mining. Drawing on multiple-methods fieldwork, the article explains how Husab has resuscitated Namibia's uranium industry and facilitated the political goals of both Chinese and Namibian leaders. Husab's materialisation of “South–South solidarity,” however, also appears to be deepening the marginalisation of minority communities near uranium mines. Far from paradoxical, this uneven distribution of benefits and costs is as intertwined with nuclear geopolitics as it is with the materiality of uranium mining.
Burmese Refugee Transnationalism: What is the Effect?
Authors: Brees Inge
Published: February 2019

Burmese refugees in Thailand maintain economic, social and political links with their country of origin, but these transnational activities are influenced by the politics and level of development of the country of origin and the host country. Through transnational activities, refugees can have a positive impact on the home country by contributing to peace-building and development or they can enhance conflict, as the discussion on community engagement and political transnationalism will illustrate. Clearly, the increased capacity and networks of the Burmese diaspora have bestowed it with a large (future) potential to influence peace-building, development and conflict. Therefore, it is argued here that the various civil, political and military groups in exile should be included in the peace-building process initiated by international actors, next to stakeholders inside the country.
Singapore: The Politics of Inventing National Identity
Authors: Ortmann Stephan
Published: February 2019

This study wants to shed new light on the politics of Singapore's national identity invention. Since independence in 1965, the Singaporean government has tried to generate a sense of national identity in Singapore. While at first, the priority was on pragmatic values to promote the economic development, this changed in the late 1980s when the government became concerned with the widespread materialism within the society. As an alternative, so-called Asian values sought to provide an ideological alternative and a new basis for a stronger national identity. At the same time, average Singaporeans have developed their own unique conceptions of the city-state's national identity, which sometimes contradict the official nation-building efforts and thus constitute a subtle form of opposition. Many Singaporeans demand greater participation in the negotiation of their Singaporean identity, which demonstrates the difficulty of constructing a sustainable authoritarian civic national identity.
The Politics of Reform: Political Scandals, Elite Resistance, and Presidential Leadership in Indonesia
Authors: von Luebke Christian
Published: February 2019

While Indonesia's democracy has received much acclaim for institutionalizing fair, free, and peaceful elections, many important challenges still lie ahead. The “politics of reform,” which has consumed much of the government's time and energy, are a mixed blessing. Interest collisions – between those who seek change and those who resist it – have caused government paralysis and aversion and, at the same time, sparked promising forms of public participation and resilience. Meanwhile, the Yudhoyono administration has reached a critical juncture that will define political and economic trajectories for upcoming years. Now that two controversies (Bank Century and KPK debacles) have tarnished the government's credentials, the president will need to make continued efforts to sustain support in his cabinet, coalition, and electorate. In order to steer the country toward calmer political waters and higher socio-economic development, President Yudhoyono will be challenged to form flexible policy coalitions and reinstate the momentum for change.
Malaysia's 2008 General Election – Transition from Single-party Dominance?
Authors: Case William
Published: February 2019

Leading theories of transitions from single-party dominant systems begin with economic crisis, the party's loss of patronage resources, and elite-level defections. The multiparty elections that are then held exert no independent effect, but instead register neutrally the party's decline and the democratization of politics. This paper, however, shifts attention from the dominant party to citizens and elections in non-crisis conditions. It argues that on key dimensions citizens assess the dominant party's legitimacy or worthiness of support. Further, where they grow critical of its policy outputs, they scrutinize more closely its conformity to procedures. And as they anticipate that their voting preferences will be thwarted by electoral manipulations, they vote in protest, perhaps producing a “liberalizing electoral outcome.” Elections, then, do not simply indicate the dominant party's decline. By deepening alienation, they help citizens to cause it. Analysis is set in Malaysia, long an exemplar of single-party dominance, but recently a case in which the government was dealt a striking electoral setback.
ASEAN's Preferential Trade Agreements (PTA) Strategy
Authors: Leu Guanyi
Published: February 2019

This paper provides a diversification explanation in order understand the development of PTAs in Southeast Asia. I argue that an important reason why ASEAN states participate in PTAs has been to diversify existing trade ties and to reduce overdependence on a narrow range of export markets. Southeast Asian countries have formed PTAs with markets with which they had weak or unexplored economic relations, as demonstrated by three case analyses: the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA), the ASEAN-China Free Trade Agreement (ACFTA) and the ASEAN-Japan Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (AJCEP). To maximise the economic gains and the diversification effects of PTA participation, ASEAN countries have pursued a strategy of strengthening economic unity while keeping external economic linkages as diversified as possible. Although East Asia, and especially China, was an important alternative market to reduce ASEAN's dependence on trade with America, ASEAN countries have also pursued PTAs with a number of other trading partners. This paper explains how PTAs have helped ASEAN states to develop more policy autonomy in their trading environment.
The Nature and Management of Myanmar's Alignment with China: The SLORC/SPDC Years
Authors: Haacke Jürgen
Published: February 2019

Recent research has focused increasingly on the strategies that Southeast Asian countries have adopted vis-à-vis a rising China. This article aims to contribute to the literature by discussing Myanmar's alignment posture towards China under the post-September 1988 military regime. In particular, the purpose is to specify and explain the nature and management of this alignment. The argument is as follows: first, during the two decades of SLORC/SPDC (State Law and Order Restoration Council/State Peace and Development Council) rule, Myanmar sought only limited alignment with China, focused primarily on diplomatic support and protection, with only a moderate record of bilateral defence and security cooperation. Second, Myanmar's alignment with China after 1988 was shaped by at least three important factors: the core principles of the country's previous foreign policy after colonial rule, a deeply embedded sense of nationalism among the military elite, and Burma's Cold War interaction with China. Third, in managing its alignment with China over the last decade, the SPDC avoided compromises perceived as unpalatable in return for the promise of diplomatic protection and instead ‘rewarded’ Beijing by consenting to economic and infrastructure projects that were considered to advance the regime's interest in either generating state revenue or contributing to the consolidation and expansion of control over state territory. The SPDC also pushed Beijing into reconsidering its position on the sensitive issue of armed ethnic groups in the Sino-Myanmar border region. The Myanmar case thus shows that lesser powers can obtain security benefits from a major power without this necessarily requiring more than limited alignment or entailing a serious erosion of political autonomy, particularly when the former possesses valuable natural resources and enjoys considerable geo-strategic significance for the latter.
China's Economic Relations with Indonesia: Threats and Opportunities
Authors: Booth Anne
Published: February 2019

The paper examines the development of China's economic ties with Southeast Asia over the last two decades, culminating in the inauguration of the ASEAN-China Free Trade Agreement (ACFTA) in 2010. Particular reference is made to China's trade ties with Indonesia. Although two-way trade between China and Indonesia has grown rapidly since 2000, Indonesian exports to China are dominated by primary products, while imports from China are dominated by manufactures. While this pattern might reflect short-term comparative advantage in both economies, it is causing some concern in Indonesia. The paper assesses these concerns, and possible political reactions.
Skilled Migration, Knowledge Transfer and Development: The Case of the Highly Skilled Filipino Migrants in New Zealand and Australia
Authors: Siar Sheila V.
Published: February 2019

This paper provides evidence that highly skilled migrants continue to remain connected with and deeply committed to their home country. These connections challenge the notion of knowledge and skills loss from high-skilled migration. Highly skilled migrants are also involved in remittance giving, which, although of the noneconomic type, offers new possibilities for building wealth. These are the so-called ‘knowledge transfers’ which consist of the flows of knowledge, skills and ideas to the home country. This paper analyses these knowledge transfers through the highly skilled Filipino migrants in New Zealand and Australia.
China–Myanmar Energy Cooperation and Its Regional Implications
Authors: Hong Zhao
Published: February 2019

Although Myanmar is among the world's oldest oil-producing countries, Chinese oil and gas companies did not start their oil and gas exploration projects there until recently. The most recent and significant China–Myanmar energy cooperation project is the oil and gas pipelines which got started in 2009. This paper will discuss the reasons and driving forces for this pipeline project and its broader objectives, and testify whether pipelines can deepen regional economic integration and strengthen bilateral relations. This paper concludes by saying that China might use the China-Myanmar pipeline construction as an opportunity to play a more constructive role in Myanmar's domestic reforms, thus improving its image in Southeast Asia and strengthening its relations with Myanmar.
Cambodia's Façade Democracy and European Assistance
Authors: Karbaum Markus
Published: February 2019

Although Cambodia adopted a modern democratic constitution in 1993, Prime Minister Hun Sen has consolidated an autocratic regime in which elections are the only way political competition plays out, and even that competition is limited. Freedom of expression, horizontal and vertical control mechanisms, and civil participation have been reduced to almost zero by the Royal Government of Cambodia. Irrespective of the deinstitutionalization of liberal principles, the European Commission and some EU member states still perceive Cambodia as moving toward democratization. In the case of Cambodia, the difficulty of external democracy promotion is compounded by the limited impact of formal state institutions, which are completely undermined by kinship relations, personal networks, clientelism and nepotism. However, one can observe not only non-effective efforts toward European democracy promotion, but also increasing human rights violations due to trade facilitations, namely the EU's “Everything But Arms” initiative.
China's Strategic Misjudgement on Myanmar
Authors: Sun Yun
Published: February 2019

Yun Sun argues that China's policy failures on Myanmar in 2011 are rooted in several strategic post-election misjudgements. Following President Thein Sein's inauguration in March 2011, the Sino–Myanmar relationship was initially boosted by the establishment of a “comprehensive strategic cooperative partnership,” and China sought reciprocation for its long-time diplomatic support in the form of Myanmar's endorsement of China's positions on regional multilateral forums. A series of events since August have frustrated China's aspirations, however, including Myanmar's suspension of the Myitsone dam and the rapid improvement of its relationship with the West. Several strategic misjudgements contributed to China's miscalculations, including on the democratic momentum of the Myanmar government, on the U.S. –Myanmar engagement and on China's political and economic influence in the country. China's previous definition of Myanmar as one of China's “few loyal friends” and the foundation of its strategic blueprint has been fundamentally shaken, and China is recalibrating its expectations regarding future policies.
Democratic Dawn? Civil Society and Elections in Myanmar 2010-2012
Authors: Lidauer Michael
Published: February 2019

While the general elections in Myanmar in November 2010 were widely condemned, both national and international actors approached the by-elections of April 2012 as a political rite-de-passage to improve relations between the government and the opposition inside, and between the former pariah state and the international community outside the country. An undercurrent of the government-led transition process from an authoritarian to a formally more democratic regime was the development of a politically oriented civil society that found ways to engage in the electoral process. This article describes the emerging spaces of election-related civil society activism in the forms of civic and voter education, national election observation, and election-related agency in the media. Noting that, in particular, election observation helps connect civil society to regional and international debates, the paper draws preliminary conclusions about further developments ahead of the general elections in Myanmar expected to take place in 2015.
China's Potential for Economic Coercion in the South China Sea Disputes: A Comparative Study of the Philippines and Vietnam
Authors: Ravindran Madhu Sudan
Published: February 2019

With tensions rising in the South China Sea, China's use of its economic leverage over Southeast Asian countries has recently come into focus. With increasing economic and trade ties between China and Southeast Asia, the question being asked is whether China can successfully impose economic sanctions to gain policy concessions in the South China Sea disputes. This paper examines China's relations with the Philippines and Vietnam and analyses the possibility of a successful economic sanction by China against these two countries in future disputes. The article concludes that Vietnam may be more vulnerable economically to Chinese sanctions than the Philippines. However, political factors would offset that vulnerability in the case of Vietnam and amplify it in the case of the Philippines, making the Philippines more likely to concede to modest political demands.
Myanmar on the Move: An Overview of Recent Developments
Authors: Rieffel Lex
Published: February 2019

This paper examines the remarkable political transition underway in Myanmar/Burma since the inauguration of President Thein Sein at the end of March 2011. It begins with the historical background and the political context and then addresses the main features of the economy, highlighting current performance, major reforms, and key issues. It concludes by characterising the progress to date as verging on the miraculous, while stressing that future progress is highly uncertain. The next two years leading up to a national election in 2015 are unlikely to be as easy as the past two. Outsiders can be most helpful by giving senior officials more space to concentrate on policy formulation and implantation.
China and the Changing Myanmar
Authors: Sun Yun
Published: February 2019

The author argues that the democratic reform in Myanmar is rooted in profound internal and external factors. Since the beginning of the reform, the changes in Myanmar have taken tolls in a series of China's existing interests inside the country. Economically, Chinese investments have come under increasing scrutiny, criticism, and even oppositions, threatening the viability of strategic projects such as the oil and gas pipelines. Politically, the initial success of the democratic reform in Myanmar raises questions about Beijing's continuous resistance to reform. Strategically, the changes in Myanmar undercut China's original blueprint about the strategic utilities of Myanmar for China at ASEAN, in the Indian Ocean and more broadly in the region. In light of the changes, China has adjusted its policy toward Myanmar. Not only has Beijing dramatically reduced its economic investments in Myanmar, it also cooled down the political ties while established relations with the democratic oppositions. At the same time, China also launched massive public relations campaigns inside Myanmar aimed at improving its image and relations with the local communities.
The Kra Canal and Southeast Asian Relations
Authors: Sulong Rini Suryati
Published: February 2019

This paper is a conceptual study that attempts to analyse the possible effects of the development of the Kra Isthmus Canal on ASEAN relations. The Kra Canal would constitute a mega-project, a passageway that would connect the Andaman Sea and the Gulf of Thailand at the Isthmus of Kra, Thailand. Although the proposed Kra Canal is projected to provide many economic and trade benefits to Thailand, and to the region as a whole, steps toward its development have yet to be taken. There has been much debate over the costs for trade, the costs for the environment, national and regional security concerns, as well as major concerns related to political and economic relations in the region. Therefore, one of the main purposes of this study is to contribute to the debate on the possible impact of the development of the Kra Canal on ASEAN's regional relations. In particular, it proposes that the development of the Kra Canal could threaten regional solidarity as it would physically divide maritime Southeast Asia from mainland Southeast Asia, which would ultimately result in an economic, cultural and political divide of ASEAN itself.
Agrarian Transitions, Rural Resistance and Peasant Politics in Southeast Asia
Authors: Drahmoune Fabian
Published: February 2019

In light of the recent revival of agrarian studies in the scholarship of Southeast Asia, this paper reviews three recent publications that are concerned with specific aspects of what has been framed as “agrarian transition”, “agrarian change” or “agrarian transformation”. It seeks to identify new perspectives and fresh approaches to the analytical challenges that arise from the multi-faceted and intertwined nature of agrarian change in the region. Further, it considers the implications of these processes – specifically in social, political and economic terms – for the rural population and examines their ways of embracing and resisting these changes. By emphasising the explanatory potential that linking approaches, theories and methodologies of different research traditions and disciplines in an integrative fashion has, it will be argued that – in order to enhance our understanding of people's responses to rural change – it is essential to recognise their agency and perceptions as interconnected across multiple scales within broader structural conditions.
Towards a More Democratic Regime and Society? The Politics of Faith and Ethnicity in a Transitional Multi-Ethnic Malaysia
Authors: Hamayotsu Kikue
Published: February 2019

The rising antagonistic attitudes and tension between the Malay majority and ethnic and religious minorities in Malaysia since 2007 is intriguing because it has occurred when society experienced an unprecedentedly large-scale and assertive multi-ethnic pro-democracy movement. This article argues that precisely these assertive and confident civil and political societies -and their emphasis on equal rights and equitable development for all Malaysians – have put the traditional Malay and religious elites on the defensive. The pro-democracy movement and the prospects of regime change have threatened not only the party-dominant regime but also – and more importantly – the constitutional and institutional foundations of ethnic exclusivism and privileges. Moreover, two Malay-based parties, the United Malays National Organization (UMNO) and the Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS), are viewed as giving too many political concessions to the non-Malay communities to gain an electoral advantage, making the traditional Malay and religious elites even more defensive of their position and power. As a result, religious issues are excessively politicised, further deteriorating the already complicated inter-ethnic relations of the country. The prospects for achieving a democratic regime and society appear grim, although hopes have run high since the electoral rise of the multi-ethnic opposition.
Documentation: International Legal Human Rights Framework
Authors: Rathgeber Theodor
Published: February 2019

While the ASEAN Charter of 2007 heralded an era of improved democracy, human rights protection and good governance in accordance with the rule of law, the reality on the ground tells a different story. While all of the trappings of a human rights mechanism are in place, the normative and protective capacity of the regime is ambiguous at best. The adoption of core international human rights treaties by ASEAN member states presents an ambiguous picture, one which reveals significant variations between the ten countries. The purported institutionalisation of international human rights standards since 2007 in the region via the creation of an ASEAN human rights mechanism in that year is betrayed by the poor condition of actual protection of human rights at the national and regional level. The article analyses the situation on the ground in light of the normative obligations and aspirations of the states.
The United States and Myanmar: From Antagonists to Security Partners?
Authors: Haacke Jürgen
Published: February 2019

This article provides an overview both of the considerable makeover that relations between the United States and Myanmar have undergone since Naypyidaw ushered in a programme of wide-ranging reforms, and of the main policy areas in relation to which Washington remains keen to induce further change. The article also aims to explain why, notwithstanding the significant improvement in bilateral relations and the Obama administration's interest in also pursuing military engagement, progress in this field has remained rather limited. Focusing on the politics of US policymaking on Burma, the article argues that while the Obama administration was able to take the initiative on recalibrating US Burma policy, congressional resistance in particular, amid wider concerns shared by non-governmental organisations, has so far constrained the administration vis-à-vis US–Myanmar military-to-military relations.
New Developments in India–Myanmar Bilateral Relations?
Authors: Gottschlich Pierre
Published: February 2019

The article deals with bilateral relations between India and Myanmar. It argues that the current transformation processes offer a unique opportunity for a major readjustment of India's foreign policy towards Myanmar. In taking on India's perspective, it assesses the history, current state of and prospects for the relationship between New Delhi and Naypyidaw in six policy areas: democratization and stability; security in India's Northeast region and illegal migration; trade and infrastructure; energy security; development cooperation; and the role of China.
Russia and Myanmar – Friends in Need?
Authors: Lutz-Auras Ludmila
Published: February 2019

To date, few political scientists have researched the political, economic, and social relationships between Russia and Myanmar. The two countries, which at first glance may seem to have little in common, have intensified their cooperation in recent years. This article explores the ties between the two countries, not only the historical development and the dimensions of the relationship, but it also examines the current advantages and disadvantages of the relationship. Is Myanmar Russia's open door to the region in order for it to become a significant player in the Asia-Pacific region? Can Russia provide a ‘counterbalance’ for the smaller Southeast Asian countries against the great powers such as China and India? Will this relationship be a pivotal one for both countries in the future, or will it remain a limited partnership, restricted to particular interests?
Myanmar's Foreign Policy under the USDP Government: Continuities and Changes
Authors: Myoe Maung Aung
Published: February 2019

Myanmar's foreign policy under the USDP government is historically consistent in terms of fundamental principles of being independent, active, and non-aligned, as promulgated in the Constitution. However, the USDP government has pronounced a new foreign policy objective of reintegrating Myanmar into the international community. This objective is not in conflict with the existing ones nor does it seek to replace them, but rather endeavours to supplement them to make Myanmar's foreign relations more active, dynamic, and international. This is by no means a major change in foreign policy orientation. It is merely an adjustment within the context of the fundamental principles of Myanmar's foreign policy to cultivate friendly and balanced relations with all major powers active in the Indo-Pacific region. The change is mostly in terms of how the foreign policy is implemented and diplomacy is conducted. Since it came to power in 2011, the USDP government has pursued a foreign policy strategy that delicately balances the strategic interests of major powers in the country, that primarily maintains friendly relations with countries both near and far, and that applies multilateralism with an emphasis on regional cooperation or regional institutions. The foreign policy adjustment under the USDP government is leadership-driven, and it appears that the president is a prime mover and the Tatmadaw is a lead institution.
Bloodied Democracy: Duterte and the Death of Liberal Reformism in the Philippines
Authors: Thompson Mark R.
Published: February 2019

Since assuming the presidency, Rodrigo R. Duterte has “stuck to his guns” in carrying out his campaign pledge to launch a violent anti-drug campaign. Duterte's presidency was preceded by six years of political stability and high growth under the relatively liberal and supposedly reformist administration of President Benigno “Noynoy” S. Aquino, III. What did voters find so appealing about Duterte given that drugs and criminality were not a major national concern until he launched his candidacy? Unlike previous populist politicians in the post-Marcos Philippines, Duterte's strongest support did not come from the poorest voters but rather from the elite and the middle class who most feared for their personal security. Although Aquino was widely perceived to be personally honest, his administration had become “systemically disjunctive” and vulnerable to replacement by violent illiberalism because its narrative of “good governance” had been undermined, its strategic allies were weakened, and liberal institutions discredited. Duterte is an illiberal populist who changed the prevailing political order into an illiberal one through a new law-and-order governing script, new key strategic groups (the communist left and the police), and the quick removal of remaining liberal constraints (particularly in Congress and the Supreme Court). Duterte constructed a strongman political model at the local level before “nationalising” it after his election as president.
The Myth of a Centralised Socialist State in Vietnam: What Kind of a Myth?
Authors: Gainsborough Martin
Published: February 2019

Through a case study of Vietnam, the article explores the view that there is a tendency to overstate the degree to which there is a coherent central body, namely the state, directing the country. Exploring this myth, it argues that there is a tendency to reify the state, even in writing which is attentive to localism and the diversity of societal actors at play in Vietnamese political life. The article argues that the myth of the central state endures because there are domestic and foreign political interests that depend on it. However, more fundamentally, the myth endures because of the power of the state to colonise our minds such that even when the empirical data does not fit with the idea of the state, we make it fit. The article's findings have implications for the study of politics far beyond the Vietnamese case.
Hybrid Pathways to Orthodoxy in Brunei Darussalam: Bureaucratised Exorcism, Scientisation and the Mainstreaming of Deviant-Declared Practices
Authors: Müller Dominik M.
Published: February 2019

This article investigates the bureaucratisation of Islam in Brunei and its interlinkages with socio-cultural changes. It elucidates how realisations of state-enforced Islamic orthodoxy and purification produce locally unique meanings, while simultaneously reflecting much broader characteristics of the contemporary global condition. The article first introduces a theoretical perspective on the bureaucratisation of Islam as a social phenomenon that is intimately intertwined with the state's exercise of classificatory power and related popular processes of co-producing, and sometimes appropriating symbolic state power. Second, it outlines the historical trajectory of empowering Brunei's national ideology, Melayu Islam Beraja (MIB). It then explores social imaginaries and bureaucratic representations of “deviant”-declared practices, before illustrating how these practices become reinvented within the parameters of state power as “Sharia-compliant” services to the nation state. Simultaneously, national-religious protectionism is paradoxically expressed in thoroughly globalised terms and shaped by forces the state cannot (entirely) control. Newly established Sharia-serving practices become culturally re-embedded, while also flexibly drawing upon multiple transnational cultural registers. In the main ethnographic example, bureaucratised exorcism, Japanese water-crystal photography and scientisation fuse behind the “firewall” of MIB. These hybrid pathways to orthodoxy complicate the narratives through which they are commonly framed.
Citations, Citation Indicators, and Research Quality: An Overview of Basic Concepts and Theories
Authors: Aksnes Dag W. , Langfeldt Liv , Wouters Paul
Published: February 2019

Citations are increasingly used as performance indicators in research policy and within the research system. Usually, citations are assumed to reflect the impact of the research or its quality. What is the justification for these assumptions and how do citations relate to research quality? These and similar issues have been addressed through several decades of scientometric research. This article provides an overview of some of the main issues at stake, including theories of citation and the interpretation and validity of citations as performance measures. Research quality is a multidimensional concept, where plausibility/soundness, originality, scientific value, and societal value commonly are perceived as key characteristics. The article investigates how citations may relate to these various research quality dimensions. It is argued that citations reflect aspects related to scientific impact and relevance, although with important limitations. On the contrary, there is no evidence that citations reflect other key dimensions of research quality. Hence, an increased use of citation indicators in research evaluation and funding may imply less attention to these other research quality dimensions, such as solidity/plausibility, originality, and societal value.
Surgical Treatment of Pectoralis Major Muscle Ruptures: A Systematic Review and Meta-analysis
Authors: Gupton Marco , Johnson Jordan E.
Published: February 2019

Background:

Pectoralis major muscle (PMM) tendon ruptures are becoming more common. Multiple techniques for fixation of the avulsed tendon to its humeral insertion have been described. None of these techniques has been reviewed to compare outcomes in efforts to establish a first-line surgical technique.

Purpose:

To systematically review and analyze the data available in the literature to establish a clinically superior surgical technique and time frame in which surgery should occur.

Study Design:

Systematic review; Level of evidence, 4.

Methods:

A systematic literature review was conducted. Only studies reporting the surgical techniques and outcomes of PMM repair were included. Data including patient age, injury mechanism, type and extent of the rupture, time from injury to surgery, surgical technique, outcome including complications, steroid use, location and year of publication, and activity level were extracted from the included studies. Statistical and descriptive analyses were conducted on the available literature.

Results:

Of 259 cases from studies that provided the timing of repair, 72.6% (n = 188) were repaired acutely, while the remaining were repaired more than 8 weeks after the injury. There was no statistical difference found in the outcomes of these repairs. There were 265 cases included in the statistical analysis comparing the outcomes of surgical techniques. The odds of an excellent/good outcome were significantly better for the transosseous suture (TOS) compared with the unicortical button (UCB) technique (odds ratio [OR], 6.28 [95% CI, 1.37-28.75]; P = .018) and also for the suture anchor (SA) compared with the UCB technique (OR, 3.40 [95% CI, 1.06-10.85]; P = .039). The odds of an excellent/good outcome were not significantly different when comparing the TOS, SA, and TOS with trough techniques to one another. The probability of complications was highest with the TOS with trough technique (12.0%), although the odds of having a complication were not statistically significant for any single technique compared with the others.

Conclusion:

The low quality of evidence available limited this review. There were no significant differences observed in the outcomes of PMM repair based on the timing of repair. The TOS and SA techniques had statistically significantly greater odds of resulting in an excellent/good outcome compared with the UCB technique, but 1 study that contributed to this analysis may have statistically skewed the results for the UCB technique. Therefore, all 3 surgical techniques are accepted options, and the best technique is that with which the surgeon is most proficient and comfortable. Comparative research with a greater level of evidence is needed to determine a definitive first-line surgical technique.
Social Factors and Patient Perceptions Associated With Preventable Hospital Readmissions
Authors: Carter Jocelyn , Ward Charlotte , Thorndike Anne , Donelan Karen , Wexler Deborah J
Published: February 2019

Background:

Preventable hospital readmissions are costly and erode the quality of care delivery. Few efforts to incorporate the patient perspectives and social factors associated with readmission preventability exist.

Objective:

To identify patient perceptions and social barriers to care related to readmission.

Methods:

Prospective cohort study of 202 respondents readmitted within 30 days of hospital discharge from 2 inpatient adult medicine units at Massachusetts General Hospital, Boston, Massachusetts between January 2012 and January 2016.

Results:

Few participants indicated that their readmission was due to unattainable health care after discharge. Almost half indicated that they needed more general assistance to stay well outside the hospital. Those reporting a barrier related to at least 2 measures of social determinants of health were more likely to have preventable readmissions (34% vs 17%, P = .006). Participants with a history of homelessness or substance use disorder were more likely to have preventable readmissions (44% vs 20%, P = .04 and 32% vs 18%, P = .03, respectively).

Conclusion:

Strengthening nonmedical support systems and general social policy may be required to reduce preventable readmissions.
Eosinophil-derived IL-13 promotes emphysema
Authors: Doyle Alfred D. , Mukherjee Manali , LeSuer William E. , Bittner Tyler B. , Pasha Saif M. , Frere Justin J. , Neely Joseph L. , Kloeber Jake A. , Shim Kelly P. , Ochkur Sergei I. , Ho Terence , Svenningsen Sarah , Wright Benjamin L. , Rank Matthew A. , Lee James J. , Nair Parameswaran , Jacobsen Elizabeth A.
Published: February 2019

The inflammatory responses in chronic airway diseases leading to emphysema are not fully defined. We hypothesised that lung eosinophilia contributes to airspace enlargement in a mouse model and to emphysema in patients with chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD).

A transgenic mouse model of chronic type 2 pulmonary inflammation (I5/hE2) was used to examine eosinophil-dependent mechanisms leading to airspace enlargement. Human sputum samples were collected for translational studies examining eosinophilia and matrix metalloprotease (MMP)-12 levels in patients with chronic airways disease.

Airspace enlargement was identified in I5/hE2 mice and was dependent on eosinophils. Examination of I5/hE2 bronchoalveolar lavage identified elevated MMP-12, a mediator of emphysema. We showed,in vitro, that eosinophil-derived interleukin (IL)-13 promoted alveolar macrophage MMP-12 production. Airspace enlargement in I5/hE2 mice was dependent on MMP-12 and eosinophil-derived IL-4/13. Consistent with this, MMP-12 was elevated in patients with sputum eosinophilia and computed tomography evidence of emphysema, and also negatively correlated with forced expiratory volume in 1 s.

A mouse model of chronic type 2 pulmonary inflammation exhibited airspace enlargement dependent on MMP-12 and eosinophil-derived IL-4/13. In chronic airways disease patients, lung eosinophilia was associated with elevated MMP-12 levels, which was a predictor of emphysema. These findings suggest an underappreciated mechanism by which eosinophils contribute to the pathologies associated with asthma and COPD.
The genome of the soybean cyst nematode (Heterodera glycines) reveals complex patterns of duplications involved in the evolution of parasitism genes
Authors: Masonbrink Rick , Maier Tom R. , Muppirala Usha , Seetharam Arun S. , Lord Etienne , Juvale Parijat S. , Schmutz Jeremy , Johnson Nathan T. , Korkin Dmitry , Mitchum Melissa G. , Mimee Benjamin , den Akker Sebastian Eves-van , Hudson Matthew , Severin Andrew J. , Baum Thomas J.
Published: February 2019

Background

Heterodera glycines, commonly referred to as the soybean cyst nematode (SCN), is an obligatory and sedentary plant parasite that causes over a billion-dollar yield loss to soybean production annually. Although there are genetic determinants that render soybean plants resistant to certain nematode genotypes, resistant soybean cultivars are increasingly ineffective because their multi-year usage has selected for virulent H. glycines populations. The parasitic success of H. glycines relies on the comprehensive re-engineering of an infection site into a syncytium, as well as the long-term suppression of host defense to ensure syncytial viability. At the forefront of these complex molecular interactions are effectors, the proteins secreted by H. glycines into host root tissues. The mechanisms of effector acquisition, diversification, and selection need to be understood before effective control strategies can be developed, but the lack of an annotated genome has been a major roadblock.

Results

Here, we use PacBio long-read technology to assemble a H. glycines genome of 738 contigs into 123 Mb with annotations for 29,769 genes. The genome contains significant numbers of repeats (34%), tandem duplicates (18.7 Mb), and horizontal gene transfer events (151 genes). A large number of putative effectors (431 genes) were identified in the genome, many of which were found in transposons.

Conclusions

This advance provides a glimpse into the host and parasite interplay by revealing a diversity of mechanisms that give rise to virulence genes in the soybean cyst nematode, including: tandem duplications containing over a fifth of the total gene count, virulence genes hitchhiking in transposons, and 107 horizontal gene transfers not reported in other plant parasitic nematodes thus far. Through extensive characterization of the H. glycines genome, we provide new insights into H. glycines biology and shed light onto the mystery underlying complex host-parasite interactions. This genome sequence is an important prerequisite to enable work towards generating new resistance or control measures against H. glycines.
Particula: A simulator tool for computational rock physics of granular media
Authors: Al Ibrahim Mustafa A. , Kerimov Abdulla , Mukerji Tapan , Mavko Gary
Published: February 2019

Granular dynamics simulations provide insights to the contact-scale physics of loose sediments. However, simulations using identical spherical grains do not reflect characteristics observed in natural sediments, such as pack sorting, grading, grain sphericity, and grain roundness. We have developed software to create 3D grain packs of a range of regular and irregular shapes with geologically realistic variations in sorting and grading. An efficient approach is used to create multiple realizations of nonspherical irregularly shaped grains using coherent noise modification of the spherical grain surface. The discrete-element method is used to assemble the grain pack with different depositional styles by letting grains fall under the influence of gravity. Characterization of various parameters of random loose and dense grain packs, and comparison with previous studies, helps to establish the validity, flexibility, and consistency of the simulator. The output of this software is a digital grain pack, including metadata such as contacts and coordinates, that can be studied further using other analysis tools, e.g., by conducting fluid flow, mechanical, or electrical simulations.
Late Morbidity and Mortality Among Medulloblastoma Survivors Diagnosed Across Three Decades: A Report From the Childhood Cancer Survivor Study
Authors: Salloum Ralph , Chen Yan , Yasui Yutaka , Packer Roger , Leisenring Wendy , Wells Elizabeth , King Allison , Howell Rebecca , Gibson Todd M. , Krull Kevin R. , Robison Leslie L. , Oeffinger Kevin C. , Fouladi Maryam , Armstrong Gregory T.
Published: February 2019

PURPOSE

Treatment of medulloblastoma has evolved from surgery and radiotherapy to contemporary multimodal regimens. However, the impact on long-term health outcomes remains unknown.

METHODS

Cumulative incidence of late mortality (5 or more years from diagnosis), subsequent neoplasms (SNs), and chronic health conditions were evaluated in the Childhood Cancer Survivor Study among 5-year survivors of medulloblastoma diagnosed between 1970 and 1999. Outcomes were evaluated by treatment exposure, including historical therapy (craniospinal irradiation [CSI] ≥ 30 Gy, no chemotherapy), high risk (CSI ≥ 30 Gy + chemotherapy), standard risk (CSI < 30 Gy + chemotherapy), and by treatment decade (1970s, 1980s, 1990s). Rate ratios (RRs) and 95% CIs estimated long-term outcomes using multivariable piecewise exponential models.

RESULTS

Among 1,311 eligible survivors (median age, 29 years [range, 6 to 60 years]; median time from diagnosis, 21 years [range, 5 to 44 years]), the 15-year cumulative incidence rate of all-cause late mortality was 23.2% (diagnosed 1970s) versus 12.8% (1990s; P = .002), with a recurrence-related mortality rate of 17.7% versus 9.6% ( P = .008). Lower late mortality rates as a result of other health-related causes were not observed. Among 997 survivors who completed a baseline survey, the 15-year cumulative incidence of SNs was higher among survivors with multimodal therapy (standard risk, 9.5%; historical, 2.8%; P = .03). Survivors treated in the 1990s had a higher cumulative incidence of severe, disabling, life-threatening, and fatal chronic health conditions (56.5% in 1990s v 39.9% in 1970s; P < .001) and were more likely to develop multiple conditions (RR, 2.89; 95% CI, 1.31 to 6.38). However, survivors of standard-risk therapy were less likely to use special education services than high-risk therapy survivors (RR, 0.84; 95% CI, 0.75 to 0.93).

CONCLUSION

Historical changes in medulloblastoma therapy that improved 5-year survival have increased the risk for SNs and debilitating health conditions for survivors yet reduced the need for special education services.
Differential regulation of the unfolded protein response in outbred deer mice and susceptibility to metabolic disease
Authors: Havighorst A. , Zhang Y. , Farmaki E. , Kaza V. , Chatzistamou I. , Kiaris H.
Published: February 2019

Endoplasmic reticulum (ER) stress has been causatively linked to the onset of various pathologies. However, if and how inherent variations in the resulting unfolded protein response (UPR) affect the predisposition to ER stress-associated metabolic conditions remains to be established. By using genetically diverse deer mice (Peromyscus maniculatus) as a model, we show that the profile of tunicamycin-induced UPR in fibroblasts isolated at puberty varies between individuals and predicts deregulation of lipid metabolism and diet-induced hepatic steatosis later in life. Among the different UPR targets tested, CHOP more consistently predicted elevated plasma cholesterol and hepatic steatosis. Compared to baseline levels or inducibility, the maximal intensity of the UPR following stimulation best predicts the onset of pathology. Differences in the expression profile of the UPR recorded in cells from different populations of deer mice correlate with the varying response to ER stress in altitude adaptation. Our data suggest that the response to ER stress in cultured cells varies among individuals and its profile early in life may predict the onset of ER stress-associated disease in the elderly.