bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
De staatshervorming van 1980 als niet-oplossing
Authors: Ceuleers Jan
Published: July 2021

The 1980 state reform is unsatisfactory for two main reasons.  It remained unfinished on crucial points, e.g. the definitive settlement for the Brussels region and the transformation of the senate into a chamber for regions and communities. As the preparations for a revision of the constitution, necessary for such a change in the senate's assignment, have not even started, the independance of regions and communities has remained a dead letter.Secondly, the laws which should have executed the state reform concerning the competence-division between central, regional and communal government, remain obscure on many instances.  No homogeneous policy-packages have been transfered to the communities or to the regions ; moreover in the transfered policies certain parts were reserved for the central government and finally the limits between the several fields of competence are far from clear-cut.The result is policy-dispersion, endless competence-conflicts and immobility.  The fundamental question remains whether the equivalence of central laws and regional and communal laws is a correct decision, or whether one should return to a hierarchy between the different policy-levels.
De evolutie van het communautair gebeuren op economisch vlak : evaluatie en alternatief
Authors: Maton Jozef
Published: July 2021

The Belgian conflict can be compared with a game theoretical model with two groups (Flemish and Walloons) and a negative sum-game. Within each of the groups there is hierarchisation, role playing and formation ofcoalitions. On the Flemish side the main actor is the CVP, on the Walloon side it is the PS.The main objectives of the communities in the economie field are:  temporary boarding employment in depressed industries and, simultaneously, the creation of high tech industries. Policy instruments to attain those goals are : general economie measures (such as wage level, interest-rate and exchange rate); selective-protective measures ( with respect to depressed industries); selective-innovative measures (with respect to high techindustries).Why is the sum-game negative or at least suboptimal?1. Mentioned policy instruments are spread over an incoherent set of institutions on the national and regional level, with rules that are partly centralist, partly federalist, partly confederalist. This leads to a complicated, unstable set of game rules in which the financial implications of decisions are shifted from the regional to the national level and vice versa.2. Selective-protective measures are of such large size that they offset and erode the beneficial effects of general policy measures regarding wages, taxes and exchange rate.Federalism or confederalism would and should establish a new set of rules between the two regions and between regional and (con) federal state. Since a return to the ancien régime is politically unfeasible, this is the only logical way out of the present chaotic decision making process. Federalism would, inter alia, shift the financial responsibility of decisions in the field of industrial policy, education, health and public works towards the regions.This political reform requires a new constitution and therefore an agreement between the two communities. The chances for a new «talk» are presently not very high. Among the many reasons, one in particular strikes the eye : the major partner on the Flemish side, namely the Christian Democrats, have a multi-dimensional utility function, which not only is «concealed» for the others, but also undefined and unclear for the party itself.
Het gebruik van de voorkeurstem bij de Europarlementsverkiezingen van 17 juni 1984
Authors: Deweerdt Mark
Published: July 2021

At the European elections the Belgian voter has, as at the general elections, the possibility to bring out either a vote for a party or a vote for a candidate of the party (a preferential vote) . At the European elections of June 17, 1984 the voters have voted for half by preference, whereas in 1979 more than half of them have done so. There is a great difference between the Dutch speaking and the French speaking voters: the first have voted for less than half by preference, the second for more than half. There is also a difference from one politica! party to another. The highest percentage is obtained by the socialist parties (almost sixty percent for the French speaking and the same percentage for the Dutch speaking socialists), the lowest by the «green» partyAgalev (almost twenty-one percent). The preferential votes of individual candidates differ widely, pointing out not only their popularity but also to a certain extend their political power.
Het kortstondig bestaan van De Nieuwe Wereld : democratisch dagblad
Authors: Ceuleers Jan
Published: July 2021

From November 16, 1945 tilt ]anuary 8, 1946, the Flemish wing of the UDB (Unie der Democratische Belgen ; Fr. : Union Démocratique belge; E. : Union of Democratie Belgians), a newly founded political party, published a newspaper in Dutch «De Nieuwe Wereld».An analysis of articles and columns indicates the options the UDB intended to follow : rather leftist but rejecting the traditional party system and religious adherence as a lawful issue for political discussion and action, solliciting people's union as an acquisition earned during World War II by opposing the German occupation.Presumably due to financial shortcoming, the newspaper subsisted only two months.
De evolutie van de uitgaven van de Belgische gemeenten sinds 1974 : Analyse in functie van het inwonersaantal en van de regionale ligging
Authors: Coens Johan
Published: July 2021

In view of a better comprehension of the current bad situation of the municipal finances, the evolution of the expenses of the Belgian municipalities has been investigated.  Although the attention is focussed on a descriptive analysis, some explanatory indications are also given by analysing the expenses in functionof the number of inhabitants and of the geographical situation (i.c. belonging to the Flemish, Walloon or Brussels region). Special attention was given to the evaluation of the potential inffoence of the amalgamation of the municipalities, which in 1976 reduced their number from 2 359 to 596.The global municipal expenses have increased by circa 25 % (in real terms). The pattern of expenditures (i.e. the relative share of the different earmarks) remained fairly stable. There was a positive - although not rectilinear, and important exceptions exist - correlation between the population number and the level of expenses. The number of inhabitants also infiuences the destination of the revenues in a significantway.  The amalgamation process seems to have only an indirect repercussion on the expenses, particularly by the change in the spreading of the municipalities over the different categories.Especially the remarkable and relevant inter-regional differentiation of the expenses - W alloon municipalities spend more money per inhabitant and following other priorities - needs further research.
Opinion publique et politique extérieure en Belgique de 1945 à 1962 : Orientation des études et perspectives de la recherche en Belgique
Authors: Dumoulin Michel
Published: July 2021

There are very few publications concerning the history of the foreign policy of Belgium. Those concerning the relation between public opinion and international relations are even less frequent. Based on publications of the results of public opinion polls organized by the Universitary lnstitute for Economic and Social Information (INSOC), and a limitedchoice of other written sources, it is possible to prove that the call on the public opinion concerning the history of international relations, and even more for the decision making, must be treated very carefully.  In fact, there doesn't exist just one but several public opinions. The reactions in Belgium on the resolution of the United Nation concerningthe division of Palestine may be a clear example of the latter.
De la classification des partis politiques
Authors: Seiler Daniel-Louis
Published: July 2021

This article is concerned with the epistemological and methodological problems related to the taxonomy of political parties whett based on noorganizational criteria.The study of parties represents a starting point for modern Political Science : i.e. the seminal researches of Bryce, Ostrogorski and Michels.  However this important field of knowledge hasn't known that much progress since the classical Duverger's Political  Parties. Why?Two kind of approaches are used in order to classify parties: individualistic versus holistic.  «Individualistic classifications» often suffer from a lack of theoretical background. Same of them use a spurious criterium like party names : i.e. Radical means extreme-left in the USA and conservatism in Switzerland, secularist activism in Italy and evangelical left in the Netherlands etc.Some classifications are based on political platforms which is a meaningless criterium: «A general election campaign is about a choice between organizations, not ideas.» (Richard Rose) The third criterium is far better: policies really implemented by political parties. However when properly used it gives a typology of countries, not parties.«Holistic classifications» either functionnalist or marxist opposed each other : the first stressed on equilibrium, the latter on class warfare.  One suggests Rokkan's four cleavages paradigm to classify parties : each side of a cleavage should correspond to a definite «Political Family».Which items to use in order to assess a party to a permanent cleavage line ? ( 1) The historical function performed by the party at its creation.  (2a) The sociological structure of the party's : electorate, membership and inner group; (2b) The linkage structure between the party and a given network of pressure groups, movements and  associations.
De niet-aanwezige burger midden de jaren zeventig
Authors: Cleymans Anne
Published: July 2021

The object of this article is to focus on a survey on political participation in Belgium in the mid seventies. By political participation, the author refers to a set of political  activities - conventional and less conventional, electoral and pre-electoral - which are hierarchical structured on a Guttman scale.Although the research is more or less unique - in Belgian terms - in this respect, the results are at first glance compatible with earlier findings. Most Belgians are rather passive citizens; 30 % of the survey sample performs none of the activities integrated in the scale.A closer look learns that male, middle aged citizens with some education and a decent job are most involved in polities, but it reveals also that gender, age, socio-economie class and educational attainment are not the one and only reliable predictors of political  activity.
De politieke economie van de overheidsuitgaven in België (1960-1983)
Authors: De Grauwe Paul
Published: July 2021

How is the growth and the structure of government spending in Belgium related to the political composition of the successive governments ?  A distinction is made between center-right and center-left governments.We find that during 1960-83 bath the growth and the composition of government spending has been unrelated to these two types of governments. There is one major exception. Spending for social security increases significantly faster during periods of center-right governments, even after correction for business cycle variables. These results are interpreted in the framework of the median-voter model.
Het gebruik van de voorkeurstem bij de parlementsverkiezingen van 13 oktober 1985
Authors: Verminck Mieke
Published: July 2021

At the genera! elections in Belgium, the voter bas the possibility to bring out a vote for a party or a vote for a candidate of the party (a preferential vote). At the general elections of October 13, 1985, for the House of Representatives, the voters have voted for 48 % by preference, whereas, for the Senate 38 % of them have done so.  The use of preferential votes is varying from one electoral district to another: from 66 % in the district of Oudenaarde to 34 % in Mechelen.There is also a difference from one politica! party to another. The highest percentage is obtained by the christian-democratic parties : 58 % ; the lowest by the ecologists: 22 %.The preferential votes individual candidates obtain differ widely, pointing out not only their popularity but also to a certain extend their political power.
Juridische mechanismen van conflictbeheersing in België : het onderwijsprobleem
Authors: Reyntjens Filip
Published: July 2021

Political and sociological research indicates that the use of consociational techniques has been a major means of ensuring peace and stability in a divided society like Belgium. This paper attempts to cast a first look at another component: what are the legal mechanisms of confiictmanagement in Belgium ? This question is studied on the basis of the case of the school-confiict, which is one aspect of the ideological dividing line ; this was indeed the first to be institutionalised in Belgium. The drafting of the 1831 Constitution was the first great exercise in consensus-seeking and the same approach prevailed over much of the 19th century. It was interrupted, however, during the first «School War» which was waged from 1879 to 1884. After the First World War a number of issues in the educational dispute were settled by way of package-deals, which were an attempt to replace zero-sum games by more-or-less choices. However a second School War erupted from 1950 to 1958. After the 1958 elections the balance of power was such that compromise showed necessary again : this situation led to the «School Pact» which tried to institutionalise consociational solution-seeking in this field. The Pact system was later applied in numerous other fields where mere majoritarian decision-making was discarded.White in the School issue these solutions were not as yet legalised, in later agreements they were.The paper argues that the main aim of these approaches is to avoid adjudication on these issues by third confiict-solvers, such as courts and tribunals. Instead allocation is arranged between the participants to the deal ; these partners are the political parties who claim to represent the whole range of public opinion. In this way «soft law» is created : this development represents a creeping undermining of the Rule of Law.
Management Reforms in Belgian and British Governments : A comparative perspective (1982-1985)
Authors: De Visscher Christian
Published: July 2021

This comparative study of management reforms in the United Kingdom and in Belgium between 1982 and 1985, focuses on the incentives to these reforms, on the objectives pursued by the governments of both countries in undertaking them and on the results which have been already obtained.The need to reduce severely public expenditure by improving efficiency and effectiveness in government is recognized in both countries, but the governments diverse on the contents of the reforms and on the methods used to realize them. The British opted for a radical reform conducted with much politica! backing, white the Belgians preferred to apply a strategy of gradual improvements of the budgetary process.
Vingt-cinq ans de recrutement d'universitaires par le secrétariat permanent de recrutement
Authors: Hondeghem Annie
Published: July 2021

During the last two decades, the yearly number of university graduates has more than doubled. Many of those graduates have been employed in the public sector. In the recruitment policy of the Belgian ministries, some tendencies can be discovered. First of all, the recruitment of university graduates increases, while as the number of internal promotions decreases. Like in other employment sectors, the public sector as well is asking for higher educational qualifications. Secondly, the central administration is recruiting more and more for specific grades instead of general grades. This reffrcts among other things the growing complexity of administrative practice. Thirdly, the recruitment philosophy is changing.While as in earlier times knowledge was emphasised, nowadays the learning capacity of people is stressed. Finally, since the eighties, a lot of university graduates are employed in non-academic jobs. T his, of course, is due to the effects of economic crisis on the labour market.
La politique belge vis-à-vis du Zaïre dans les années 1970
Authors: Simonet Henri
Published: July 2021

During the seventies, the Belgian-Zairese relations are characterized by a series of crises and reconciliations.Many facts had an important effect on those relations : the « Zairianisation » of foreign, especially Belgian, companies; President Mobutu's request for economic aid; the Shaba-invasion of 1977; the presence of Zaïrese opponents in Belgium and the hostility against Kinshasa and especially against President Mobutu from the part of particular Belgian circles.All these facts make it very difficult to Belgium to draw a coherent policy in this case.
Werkloze jongeren : links, rechts of apathisch? : Een onderzoek naar de invloed van werkloosheid op de politieke en maatschappelijke opvattingen van jongeren
Authors: De Witte Hans
Published: July 2021

Our review of the literature shows that only a minority of youngsters shifts to a more extreme (leftist or rightist) political position because of their experience with unemployment. Unemployment deepens the political apathy of the majority of the youngsters. Unemployment isolates youngsters, so they cannot develop any involvement in polities. The"learned-helplessness" experience of unemployment also contributes to their political apathy.In 1985, 536 employed and 220 unemployed were surveyed on their political, socio-economical and religious attitudes, and their voting behaviour. Because the majority of the respondents were militants of the Christian Labour Movement, we expected the unemployed to shift to the left, rather than to become politically apathetic. The results confirm this hypothesis : the unemployed described themselves as "center left", were more radical on socio-economical issues and favored a more leftist vote that the employed. Surprisingly, the unemployed were also more sceptical about religion and more permissive in sexual ethics.
Naar een alternatieve Senaatsfunctie
Authors: Swaelen Frank
Published: July 2021

The federalisation of the Belgian state requires a rethinking of the legislature, especially of the Senate. A 'Second Chamber' seems a necessary prerequisite for a federal system. It usually serves as a forum of representation of the different components of the federation, deliberation and national cohesion. In the future the Senate could also become closer involved into European politics.As far as the specific redrawing of the powers of the new Senate concerns, opinions differ considerably. Firstly, nearly all parties agree the Senate should have the same powers as the House of Representatives to revise the Constitution and laws on the political institutions. Secondly, there is far less unanimity on the question whether the control powers of the Senate should be as extensive as the House of Representatives. In the current state reform the Senate retains its right of investigation. Thirdly, the role that the Senate and the House of Representativesin the 'ordinary' legislative work can play has to be well defined. There are many ways to redistribute the legislative power. Whatever the principle will be, it is essential to work out a reasonable arbitration procedure between the two chambers.  Fourthly, the Senate should retain its power to propose candidatures for the high courts and to act together with the House of Representatives in matters of the monarchy. Fifthly, the Senate should grow into the principal body of mediation for conflicts between the different components of the federal state. The last point of discussion in the reform of the Senate is its future composition. Guiding principles should be : a certain allegiance between the councils of regions and communities and the national Senate, an expression of political experience, no increase of the total number of representatives and a fair representation of the minorities.
De gemeenteraadsverkiezingen van 9 oktober 1988 : Analyse van de resultaten
Authors: Ackaert Johan
Published: July 2021

In the Flemish region the greatest losers are the Flemish nationalists VU and the Socialist Party, followed by de christian-democrats of the CVP. The liberal party PVV, the ecologist AGALEV and the extreme right-wing Vlaams Blok (particularly in the city ofAntwerp) are the winners. The results of the Walloon region show a gain for the socialists (PS), christian-democrats (PSC) and the ecologists (ECOLO) and a sligtly liberal (PRL) recede. The high number of winners is caused by the disapearrance of the socialist-Walloon nationalist alliances and the anti-tax party UDR T. Another important factor is the fall in of the walloon nationalist party RW.The elections in the Brussels region are characterized by the further set-back of the once so strong French-speaking party FDF. The three traditional political families and the ecologists benefit by this decline.In Flanders the christian-democrats and the socialists profit by their participation in the boards of mayor and aldermen (the local majorities), in the Walloons the socialists. The data concerning the profits by this participations show no evidence for the other parties.
La Belgique : responsable ou bouc émissaire de l'échec des négociations Fouchet?
Authors: Vanhoonacker Sophie
Published: July 2021

On 17 April 1962, Genera! de Gaulle's proposal to establish a political union between the six EC Member States, better known as the 'Fouchet Proposal', was vetoed by Belgium and The Netherlands who made their further support dependent on British participation in the negotiations on a political union.This article examines the position of Belgium, represented by its Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr. P-H. Spaak and more particularly its evolution from a rather favourable position to a rejection of the project. The contradictory Belgian demand for a more supranational political union at the same time as British membership can be considered in the light of Belgium's wish to promote both the process of European integration and the principle of Atlantic solidarity, the basis of its security. The article describes how the final deathblow to the negotiations was not given by Belgium and The Netherlands but by the French veto of British accession to the EC and the signing of the Franco-German Cooperation Treaty of Elysee in ]anuary 1963.
La face cachée de l'unionisme : crise alimentaire et conflits d'intérêts entre forces économico-politiques (1844-1845)
Authors: Delfosse Pascal
Published: July 2021

This article concerns the study of the agricultural policy of the Belgian State in the period of 1844-1845. Behind the technical formulations of diverse and even contradictory laws and regulations, the interest is to reveal the political and economical interests and strategies of the main political actors. This period is at the end of the well-known belgian "Unionism" that means the alliance of the dominant farces, catholics and liberals. The study shows that this period is not exempt of conflicts between those farces, with behind them respectively agricultural and industrial interests, with a more predominant wheight of the latters than the usual theory of modernization usually had assessed.
Vrouwelijke en mannelijke kandidaten bij de verkiezingen van 24 november 1991 in Vlaanderen
Authors: Van Haegendoren Mieke
Published: July 2021

This article deals with the differences that exist between the profile of Flemish male and female political candidates placed on election-lists. The survey, held amongst all female and male political candidates, shows that male candidates find themselves in a more favourable position due to the accumulation of small gender differences in education, professional and domestic life.Male candidates more often have university degrees and leading functions resulting in more important relations. They are better represented both in the party structure and in corporate life.Child care and domestic tasks seem to be (usually) their partner's responsability.  Female political underrepresentation is a result of a generally weaker position of women in society. Notwithstanding the enormous progress made over the last five decades, the problem of female underrepresentation in politics remains a structural one. Hence, the question is wether a solution should ask for structural measures by the government.
De beleidsagenda en het 'wereldbeeld' dat Vlaamse media aanreiken
Authors: Janssens Peter
Published: July 2021

Given the two important functions of the media, offering a world image and setting the public agenda, the main question in this article is : "What is the image of society offered by the media ?" For that purpose three years of the radio programme "BRT-Aktueel" are analyzed on the basis of a printed index. A distinction is made between home news, news on states, news on groups of countries and international organizations. The main conclusions are :1. Most of the coverage concerns foreign issues ;2. Within each category there is a clear influence of temporary events. This influence seems more important for foreign topics ;3. The news coverage is strongly concentrated on a relatively small number of issues. This conclusion applies on all categories ;4. Social and domestic policy dominate the home news ;5. The coverage of international issues deals mostly with Europe, then with the USSR, and the United States. Other countries are part of the periphery and get attention when a major crisis occurs.The question rises which factors determinate the selection of issues. Within the limits of this research a few factors can be mentioned : geographical proximity, the structure of the media, the role of press agencies, the international status of a country, the selection by the journalist. It is quite clear that this problem of objectivity ofthe media is a major problem which is linked to the role of the media in a democratie society.
De politieke strijd rond de invoering van de ecotaks : Een getuigenis
Authors: Aelvoet Magda , Steenwegen Chris
Published: July 2021

Agalev and Ecolo (the green parties in Flanders and Wallonia) consented to supporting the institutional reform of Belgium. Product-policy will be assigned to the federal government. Ecotaxes, fiscal instruments that fit in a product policy, are introduced. Three criteria are defined: 1) the primary goal is to bring about a change of behaviour, 2) the revenues are allocated towards environmental policy and 3) alternative products should be available. Whoever wants to know society, must try to change it. The enormous resistance of industry cannot only be explained by economic considerations. Much more, it is a matter of pure power : who has something to say about what. But resistance and desinformaton also came from consumers' organisations, thewritten press in its comments and even from some 'environmental scientists'.Authors wonder what farces will be unleashed when the discussion on 'reducing consumption ' starts.
L'engagement des intellectuels dans la France des années trente : entre culture et politique
Authors: Bradfer Philippe
Published: July 2021

Because of the extent and evidence of political participation of intellectuals in France of the thirties, the latter may be considered as full actors of the political life and debates of these years.  The historical circumstances are however not sufficient to explain the political role they then assumed. More precisely, the article is intended to show that in order to explain the peculiarity of the phenomenon, one must necessarily turn to the cultural data, i.e. the set of values and representations that found the social recognition of intellectuals in France and that account for the believe according to which those who, because of their intellectual activity, arenotorious, have an authorized opinion on political matters.  In this perspective, one may conclude that the commitment of intellectuals in France of the thirties may not be reduced to a political fact. It also constitutes a cultural fact, resulting from the combination of a value crisis and the system of political attitudes attached, in this country, to the status of intellectuals.
Retour sur les arguments fondant la demande d'une représentation accrue des femmes en politique
Authors: Degauquier Catherine
Published: July 2021

Given the under-representation of women in the elected assemblies, women politicians argue in favor of a higher representation of their gender in the political realm. Their claim is based on different kinds of arguments. We present and discuss the four following arguments: proportional representation and parity, interest representation, ressource utilisation and the argument of a different women 's voice.
Van anti-climax naar langzaam herstel : de Europese Unie in 1993
Authors: Kerremans Bart
Published: July 2021

After the disappointments of 1992, however a year that engendered a lot of expectations, it was not difficult for the European Union to perform better in 1993. But even then, the European Union has not been spared from serious difficulties. The economic recession raged through the old continent as never before and the stability and the survival of the ERM came under severe pressure. Only the last three months seemed to provide the first indications of a slow recovery. The Maastricht Treaty came finally into force, monetary stability came back and the first signs of the end of the recession showed-up. In the light of the serious political and institutional burdens of the enlargement of1995, one can only hope that this recovery will continue further.
De sociale verkiezingen : betekenis en knelpunten van een inspraakmechanisme
Authors: Dejonckheere Henk
Published: July 2021

In this contribution, different elements which clarify the influence of the four yearly social elections on workers'participation are brought together. The author explains that representatives of only two advisory bodies on company level are elected. Nevertheless the social elections have an effect on a broader scale. The elections play a part in the protection of representatives in the trade union delegation, a third representative body on company level. Furthermore the elections can affect the relations which are situated above the company level (relations inside a trade union, between different trade unions and possibly hetween trade unions and the world of politics). Moreover a growing package of powers is granted to the workers' representatives. There is however an important difference between the social and the political elections. Political elections can cause a genuine change of power, social elections on the other hand can never change the postwar basic compromise: the employer preserves most of the decision power.The author outlines furthermore the battle necks of this participation mechanism. The most important bottleneck certainly is the low turn out of candidates for the social elections. For the first time this problem is analysed sectoraly over a longer period of time. It is concluded that there are great differences not only between the economic sectors and the non-economic sectors, but also between the economic sectors themselves. The author also indicates that the decline of active participation in the economic sector since 1975 is mainly situated in seven sectors, which deliver altogether 60% of the mandates in the profit sector. Finally the author touches upon two more bottlenecks, which are already discussed before but which remain nevertheless very important: the low presence of women as candidates and likewise in the distribution of seats, furthermore the relatively great amount of invalid votes in the electoral colleges of workers and young people.
La crise du système politique italien par des observateurs socio-politiques nationaux
Authors: Rossetti Di Valdalbero Domenico
Published: July 2021

In the last five years, the Italian political system registered its most important crisis. All parties, existing since the second world war, disappeared or were greatly transformed.  The main purpose of this article is to analyse the deepest causes of the first Italian republic's collapse, following some specific interpretations of ltalian political observers.L. Ricolfi bases his theory on the emergence of "Lega" and the return of laïque culture in Italy. The old christian democratic and communist parties will suffer the most from these changes.A. Sofri emphasizes the identity of northern regionalism between the "Lega" and the "Pool of Milan" ('Clean hands operation"). A real opposition emerges between the judges of Milan and the politicians of Rome.S. Romano and M.L. Salvadori prefer the historical approach: for them, the events of1990-1994 are very similar to what happened in 1922-1926and in 1943-1945. The absence of a pacific alternative and the "ideological war" among political forces produce the effect that every change in Italian politics implies an end of regime.L. Ornaghi and V.B. Parsi deal with the "values" of citizens which, very often, do not correspond to the values of old politicians. For them, a democracy for the political parties -as structured in the last 45 years- must give priority to a democracy for the citizens.
De Europese lobby's en de Europese instellingen
Authors: Bursens Peter
Published: July 2021

The amount of European level organized interest groups has dramatically increased since the Single European Act came into force in 1987. In 1995 approximately 3000 lobby-groups, employing 10.000 lobbyists, are based in Brussels. This has resulted in a complex arrangement of European interest intermediation and caused important constraints on decision making procedures and institutional actors. The first part of this article offers a discription and evaluation of this proliferation and diversification of European interest groups. It alsosuggests a classification of all European interest groups including professional lobbyists and actors that defend their interests by themselves. The second part gives a discription of the way in which both European Parliament and Commission have dealt with this proliferation and assesses the differences in approachbetween both institutions.
De emancipatie van de ministerraad onder druk van de Tweede Wereldoorlog
Authors: Vandeweyer Luc
Published: July 2021

Since the creation of the Belgian state in 1830, the kings, head of state, always tried to expand their political  influence. Part of this strategy was the treatment of the ministers as individuals, not as a council. The process of democratisation and the development of political parties pushed back this royal influence. In the meantime, as a result of the fact that coalitions were necessary to establish a government, the Council of Ministers was developping more and more as an institution. That was necessary to gain some governmental stability. Thispermanent Council was not stated in the constitution of 1830. King Leopold III did the same during the thirties as his predecessors and tried to block this evolution. The Second World War established the circumstances to expand his power. The Council ofM inisters choosed for the western democracies. Leopold III did not. Nevertheless the dynasty was not treathened but Leopold, who was not able to adapt, had to forsake the throne. After the war, the Council of Ministers was acknowledged as one of the most important institutions of the Belgian political system.
Change in the Italian party system
Authors: Bardi Luciano
Published: July 2021

The article attempts to trace the origins and to assess the extent ofparty-system change in Italy in the 1990s. It also examines some hypotheses on the possible causes of such changes. Building on research on anti-party sentiment and on changes in party organization the paper begins with an analysis of the evolution of the party system in the last 30 years which identifies organizational adaptation as a delaying factor in party system change. This is followed by a description of the party system after the 1994 elections based on generally accepted party system characteristics and indicators (volatility, number ofparties, ideological distance) . The assessment is made difficult by the, perhaps temporary, coexistence of two party-systems, respectively relevant for electoral and inter-election competition. The evidence however, suggests, that party-system transformation is under way, while it might still be inappropriate to talk about structural change. Degeneration of parties and a deep institutional crisis appear to be the factors leading to the explosion of pent-up alienation and antiparty sentiments, and to demands for institutional and constitutional change that preceded and appeared to be the immediate causes of party system transformation.
Waiting for 'The big one' : The uncertain survival of the Belgian Parties and Party Systems(S)
Authors: Deschouwer Kris
Published: July 2021

The Belgian party system is aften considered to be or to have been very stable.  This article investigates the possibility of the Belgian parties and party systems to 'go Italian ', i.e. to be confronted with a radicial change resulting from a fundamental lack of legitimacy. This problem of legitimation can be expected from the fact that Belgium is a very  consociational democracy, in which the parties play a very important role, but tend to become very entangled with the state.  The split of the national parties and the federal reform of the state have made the decision-making structures even more complex than before, and have therefore not at all reduced the 'partitocratic' nature of the system. For these reasons a future Italian-style collapse of the parties and the party systems is certainly not to be excluded.
The partitocracy of health : Towards a new welfare politics in Italy ?
Authors: Ferrera Maurizio
Published: July 2021

This article illustrates the relationships between political parties and the healthcare sector in Italy since the 1950s. The several was though which parties have "exploited" health policics are explored, ranging from the selective extension of care entitlements to the various occupational categories to the clientelistic ties with doctors, from the placement of party personnell in the various administrative posts to illegal financing. The author argues that the partitocratie exploitation of the health care sector has greatly contributed to the failure of the 1978 reform establishing a National Health Service. This failure has in its turn backlashed against the partitocratic government, accellerating its demise in the early 1990s. The article concludes with some considerations on the future of Italy's health policy and, more generally, welfare state policy.
Cognitieve en affectieve motieven van partijkeuze : De nationale verkiezingen van 21 mei 1995
Authors: Swyngedouw Marc , Beerten Roeland
Published: July 2021

The exit-poll survey of May 21, 1995, the day of the national election, contained after the question of the actual voting behaviour for the Chamber, an open-ended question asking the motives of this voting behaviour. 3547 voters were questioned in the Flemish part of Belgium. Because the exit-poll questioning was done on election day, the voters could not be influenced by the election results and the explanations given by experts in the media. Categorisation of the answers was done by content analysis. The categorisation scheme was developed on the basis of the existing theories of voting behaviour. On this basis an overview is given of the cognitive and affective spontaneous motives the voters are given for their voting behaviour. The inter rater reliability is very high (Kappa: 0.82). With a HlCLASS analysis a motive profile for every party is developed. The results indicate that party identification in a broad sense is still one of the most important explanations ofvoting behaviour. But they also make clear that the stability in voting behaviour is very unsure for an important group ofvoters. The two sources of instability are short term ad hoc motives and a-politic or anti-politie motives among a still growing group of voters.
Het moeilijke keren van een kolos de Europese Unie in 1995
Authors: Kerremans Bart
Published: July 2021

In 1995 the newly enlarged European Union has proved to be capable to handle its problems and to take decisions in a large array of issues. The EU tried to cope with unemployment, continued the preparation of the third stage of the Economic and Monetary Union, adopted its 1996 budget decisions relatively smoothly, and intensified its relations with different parts of the world. On the other hand however, enlargement itself is increasingly affecting the Union as it preparing itself for the upcoming accession of some of its Central European and Mediterranean neighbors. The northern member states look with some suspicion at the budgetary consequences and already show a lot of restraint in paying more to the EU-budget, for the sake of their southern counterparts. Some member states are looking for a balanced enlargement in which the eastern enlargement would be counterbalanced by a Mediterranean one, and for a balance in the financial support that is provided by the EU to third countries. The biggest issue is however, the institutional adaptation of the European Union to a new enlargement. The preparations of the 1996 Intergovernmental Conferencethat took place in 1995, have shown however, that this process will be a difficult one. With the 1995 enlargement, the European Union has increased the number ofmember states that perceive the process of European integration primarily as an economic one. This will make institutional adaptations more difficult and risks to paralyze the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the Union even more than it already did in the past few years. Stated differently, 1995 has left a number of question marks on the EU's future. Whether these will disappear soon, 1996 will show.
Proliferatie van lokale besturen : beleids- en beheersimplicaties
Authors: Bouckaert Beert
Published: July 2021

The shift towards performance management is a key trend in pilot OECD countries. It implies that market type mechanisms are used, that managers appear inside administrations, that decentralisation results in more autonomy for organisations and policies. Flemish local governments are also subject to some of these trends. In this article a special focus is on the organisational proliferation and the related difficulties to consolidate policics and management. The development of financial instruments should facilitate this, but is not ready to cope with most of the conditions to integrate management and policies. This results in a structural problem and an element of failure for a sustainable modernisation.
La "Citoyenneté" au niveau de l'Union Européenne : prolégomènes d'une problématique
Authors: Hottinger Julian Thomas
Published: July 2021

Citizenship is a multiform concept that still needs to be cleared. This is necessary because various authors try to understand this concept so that they can define the future model of European citizenship. If there exist different forms of citizenship, one of the tasks of investigation is to determine reasons for these differences. This article redraws the history of this current thoughts in a comparative perspective to be able to deal with its meaning in the context of the European construction. This attitude obliges us to mark out the different contextual models white showing consideration for the real historical and political situations.
Mass Communication and the 'Nationalisation' of the Public Sphere in Former Yugoslavia
Authors: Walgrave Spyros A.
Published: July 2021

Although the quasi-confederal character of Yugoslavia, especially after the introduction of its 1974 constitution did not encourage the development of a genuine Yugoslavian public sphere wherepublic debate could transcend ethnic and republic divisions, it nevertheless allowed the formation of what could be called Yugoslav cultural space, a space within which social and political actors (feminist, peace movements) forged their identities regardless of the ethnic or national diversity that characterised their membership. However, the existence of this 'space' had a limited impact in Yugoslav politics partly due to the breakdown of inter-republic communication and the fragmentation of the Yugoslavian mass media. This paper traces the process of disintegration of the Yugoslav cultural space and the emergence of national 'public spheres' in the republics and provinces of former Yugoslavia and attempts to assess the role of the mass media and cultural institutions in these developments by identifying the key strategies of representation employed in the process of the fragmentation and 'nationalisation' of the public sphere of former Yugoslavia.
Mass Communications and Nationalism : The Polities of Belonging and Exclusion in Contemporary Greece
Authors: Tsagarousianou Roza
Published: July 2021

This article focuses on the ways in which the prevalence of nationalist discourse in the communication process has affected political and cultural life in Greece after the end of the Cold War. It is argued that through the emergence of scientific nationalism, the enactment of public rituals, and the creation of moral panics based on media representations of ethnic/religious difference, the 'political' is simplified allowing no room for diversity and difference within the framework of national politics. The Greek mass media have been sustaining 'official' representations of 'Greece' as a nation under threat which have been crucial in the formation and maintenance of public attitudes regarding both ethno-religious minorities within Greece, and ethnic and religious groups in neighbouring countries and have undermined the formation and maintenance of public spaces (including the mass media) for representation and identity negotiation, independent from state institutions or the party system.
Les adhérents d'Ecolo et le rapport au catholicisme
Authors: Delwit Pascal , De Waele Jean-Michel
Published: July 2021

Presumed catholic or christian influence inside the french speaking green party of Belgium is a very strong stereotype since 1981. Nevertheless no scientific work has ever proved that supposition.  Starting from a large survey among the 2 500 Ecolo's members, the authors examine and analyze the inventory of fixtures. They present the main features of the members and distinguish the outlines of catholic and non-catholic's members.
Belgian politics in 1996
Authors: Couttenier Ivan
Published: July 2021

In 1996, Belgian politics centered around three major issues: the jobs contract, the 1997 budget and political fallout of the Dutroux affair (the four girls killed by a pedophile ring).During the first months of the year, Prime Minister Dehaene attempted to win support for a comprehensive jobs contract, but the draft agreement was turned down by the Socialist trade union militants. Nevertheless, the measures contained in the agreement were later implemented by the cabinet, without the consent of the employers and organized labor. Together with adjustments made to the social security system and implementation of budgetary measures needed to reach the conditions set by the EU for joining the Economic and Monetary Union, the jobs contract was implemented by means of special powers. The cabinet obtained these special powers from Parliament before the summer recess.  After the summer, as a result ofthe Dutroux alfair, the cabinet dealt with legal reform, in the process trying to quell tensions arisen among the law enforcement agencies.