bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Maori and Pakeha English: Some New Zealand social dialect data
Authors: Holmes Janet
Published: March 2009

Aspects of the extent and nature of the influence of the Maori language on English in New Zealand are explored here within a broad sociolinguistic framework. The current sociolinguistic distribution of Maori and English in New Zealand society is described, and typical users and uses of the variety known as Maori English are identified. Characteristics of Maori English are outlined as background to a detailed examination of the distribution of three phonological features among speakers of Pakeha (European) and Maori background. These features appear to reflect the influence of the Maori language, and could be considered substratum features in a variety serving to signal Maori identity or positive attitudes toward Maori values. Moreover, Maori English may be a source of innovation in the New Zealand English (NZE) of Pakehas, providing features which contribute to the distinctiveness of NZE compared with other international varieties. (Social dialectology, ethnic identity, Maori English, New Zealand English, language change)
Communication of respect in interethnic service encounters
Authors: Bailey Benjamin
Published: March 2009

Divergent practices for displaying respect in face-to-face interaction are an ongoing cause of tension in the US between immigrant Korean retailers and their African American customers. Communicative practices in service encounters involving Korean customers contrast sharply with those involving African American customers in 25 liquor store encounters that were videotaped and transcribed for analysis. The relative restraint of immigrant Korean storekeepers in these encounters is perceived by many African Americans as a sign of racism, while the relatively personable involvement of African Americans is perceived by many storekeepers as disrespectful imposition. These contrasting interactional practices reflect differing concepts of the relationship between customer and storekeeper, and different ideas about the speech activities that are appropriate in service encounters. (Intercultural communication, respect, service encounters, African Americans, Koreans)
Shifting contexts: The sociolinguistic significance of nominalization in Japanese television news
Authors: Maynard Senko K.
Published: March 2009

This article examines nominalization in Japanese television news programs with the aim of identifying its sociolinguistic meaning as it relates to context. Given that such programs create shifting contexts available for observation, approximately five hours of news programs (aired in Tokyo in 1992) are examined. The study finds that the use of nominalization varies between two related but different speech contexts identified as “TV Talk” and “TV Announcements.” The significance for the use of nominalization in Japanese is explored, adopting an interdisciplinary approach, by appealing to the critical socio-cultural concepts ofuchi‘inside’ andsoto‘outside’. (Context, Japanese, nominalization, media discourse, sociocultural concepts)
“I only listen to one person at a time”: Dissonance and resonance in talk about talk
Authors: Gomes Barbara A. , Martin Laura
Published: March 2009

Close examination of a segment of classroom discourse permits definition of a set of linguistic devices and rhetorical structures that characterize the primary speaker's repertoire. As the discourse moves from dialog to monolog, and the teacher's roles and ideological assumptions come into conflict, these discourse patterns are seen to reveal the shifting contexts of talk and social personae that the teacher must use language to reconcile. The analysis claims that, under such conditions of discourse stress, opposing contexts can be temporarily harmonized through discourse structure, even though propositional content is contradictory. (Linguistic anthropology, education, coherence, discourse analysis)
Lexical acculturation, areal diffusion, lingua francas, and bilingualism
Authors: Brown Cecil H.
Published: March 2009

This study continues an investigation of lexical acculturation in Native American languages using a sample of 292 language cases distributed from the Arctic Circle to Tierra del Fuego (Brown 1994). Focus is on the areal diffusion of native language words for imported European Objects and concepts. Approximately 80% of all sharing of such terms is found to occur among closely genetically related languages. Amerindian languages only distantly related, or not related at all, tend to share native labels for acculturated itemsonlywhen these have diffused to them from a lingua franca, such as Chinook Jargon (a pidgin trade language of the Pacific Northwest Coast) or Peruvian Quechua (the language of the Inca empire). Lingua francas also facilitate diffusion of terms through genetically related languages; but sometimes, as in the case of Algonquian languages, these are neither familiar American pidgins nor languages associated with influential nation states. An explanatory framework is constructed around the proposal that degree of bilingualism positively influences extent of lexical borrowing. (Amerindian languages, bilingualism, language contact, lexical acculturation, lexical diffusion, lingua francas)
When cultural maintenance means linguistic convergence: Pennsylvania German evidence for the Matrix Language Turnover hypothesis
Authors: Fuller Janet M.
Published: March 2009

Research on languages in contact has shown evidence of structural convergence, as well as internally motivated language change; one language which has been frequently studied in this light is Pennsylvania German (PG). Myers-Scotton 1993 posits that convergence involves a change in the selection of the language which sets the morpho-syntactic frame involved in language production. This is called a turnover in the Matrix Language (ML). Data from PG collected in the 1940s, as compared with data collected in the late 1970s and 1980s, indicate that an ML turnover is underway in the sectarian communities; the language can be characterized as having a composite ML. The primary features of convergence in these data are English lexical-conceptual structures in the tense system, English morphological realization patterns in verb phrases, and the increased syntactization of word order in PG. There is only weak evidence for the introduction of English system morphemes at this stage. The loss of case-marking does not conform to English patterns; this indicates that much of the influence of language contact occurs at the lexical-conceptual level. (Pennsylvania German, convergence, Matrix Language Frame Model, code-switching, borrowing, language contact)
Being interrupted
Authors: Bilmes Jack
Published: March 2009

The first section of this article argues for an approach to interruption as a participant's, not an analyst's, phenomenon. For analysts, interruption is best treated as a topic, not a resource. The second section examines how participants go about making interruptions OBSERVABLE events in the flow of interaction - in particular, the ways in which they claim violations of speaking rights. The third section considers some of the ways in which such claims are responded to. In the final section, it is suggested that there is a general need for a more systematic approach to the methods through which acts are constituted in terms of the responses they receive. (Interruption, conversation analysis, interaction)
Early Heimwehr Aims and Activities
Authors: Edmondson C. Earl
Published: March 2009

The riots that took place in Vienna in July, 1927, and the unsuccessful strikes that followed them came to be regarded almost immediately as a turning point in the history of Austria's first republic. In a flash, the Social Democratic Party, which had made the best relative showing in the parliamentary elections in April of that year, was thrown on the defensive, while within a few months the governing anti-socialist groups dominated by the Christian Social Party began to gather their forces for a vigorous political offensive. In the forefront of the anti-socialist drive stood the various paramilitary Heimwehren, which had played a leading role in foiling the nationwide strikes in July. Capitalizing on the widespread fear that the socialist leaders were preparing to wage violent class warfare, the Heimwehr leaders rapidly expanded their provincial organizations and used them as militarized pressure groups. They sought to depict the Heimwehr as a popular movement that would save Austria's traditional social order by enabling—or forcing—the “bourgeois” parliamentarians to stand firm against the socialists.
Professionalizing the Senses: Art and Music History in Vienna, 1890–1920
Authors: Marchand Suzanne L.
Published: March 2009

Since about 1880 there has been a significant change in the way we talk about art and music, and, in particular, the way art and music are spoken about in academic institutions. We now largely undertake studies of art and music under the rubric of historical style and use the category of style as a limiting concept, both temporal and technical, to explain, evaluate, and understand the work of art. One particular sense of style, which may be described as the structural-historical, came to prominence at the end of the last century as the result of attempts by art and music historians to carve out for themselves an interpretive, social, and institutional space atop that Olympus of academia, the German—here specifically the Viennese—Universität.
Catholic and Marxist Paradigms: Ignaz Seipel and Otto Bauer in the First Austrian Republic1
Authors: Alder Douglas
Published: March 2009

History becomes most fascinating when cosmic ideas clash. The lull between the two world wars in Europe was such a time. Old systems were dying and new ones struggling for birth. Life-and-death contests between cosmologies moved to front stage.

Not surprisingly, Vienna continued to be a fulcrum of change then as it was prior to the war as Carl Schorske has depicted it. Here the mass society had emerged during thefin de siécleand here those movements, Catholic and Marxist especially, wrestled for dominance. But the Vienna of the 1920s was no longer the capital of the Habsburg empire of fifty million subjects, rather it was the overlarge head of a truncated remnant counting seven million inhabitants. Nonetheless, it was the scene of the classic post-war ideological drama.
Central Europe: Birthplace of the Modern World?
Authors: Beller Steven
Published: March 2009

It is not very often that the lands of Central Europe are uppermost in the historical consciousness of Western public opinion. Chamberlainesque ignorance has been the norm. In recent years, however, this situation has been at least partially remedied by two events: the dramatic series of revolutions in Eastern Europe, and—the topic of this essay—the perception of, and fascination with, Central Europe as the place from which our modern world sprang.
A Secret Austro-Hungarian Plan to Intervene in the 1884 Timok Uprising in Serbia: Unpublished Documents
Authors: Lackey Scott W.
Published: March 2009

IN DECEMBER 1883, Habsburg political and military leaders met in crisis session to discuss the situation in Serbia. Serious rioting threatened to. topple the friendly government of Prince Milan Obrenović, which two and a half years earlier had concluded a secret agreement in Vienna that made the country a dependency of the Habsburg Monarchy. The Serbian war ministry had rushed troops from the large Belgrade garrison to the troubled areas and had placed the two battalions that remained in the capital on a war footing in an attempt to ensure continued calm. Alarmed by these drastic measures, an Austro-Hungarian crown council, although not obligated to do so under existing treaties with Belgrade, authorized the commitment of Habsburg military forces should unrest escalate to revolution in Serbia.
Bismarck on Austrian Parliamentarianism, 1867–1890
Authors: Hayes Bascom Barry
Published: March 2009

There is general agreement among historians that Otto von Bismarck never really approved of the principles of parliamentary government advocated by the nineteenth century progeny of the French Enlightenment, even though he could tolerate particular parliamentary institutions when he considered it practical to do so.1 Thus, while he looked upon political theorizing about natural laws of society and the natural rights of man—the philosophical bases of modern parliamentarianism—as futile efforts to oversimplify the complex nature of social and political organization and regarded revolutionary attempts to implement such rationalizations as sinful and arrogant intermeddling in the divinelyordained, hierarchical social order, he, nonetheless, rejected the rigidly legitimist anti-liberal concepts espoused by the post-1848 Metternichian reactionaries. While the latter called for a total repression of all revolutionary movements, Bismarck, perceiving the futility of sheer negativism, sought to capture revolutionary forces and enlist them in the service of the traditional ruling circle wherever it was possible to do so.
The Presidents of the United States in the Eyes of Austro-Hungarian Diplomats: 1901–1913
Authors: Sterne Margaret
Published: March 2009

The interpretation of unpublished political documents in the light of known historical events resembles Penelope's efforts to convince her many suitors of the necessity of her avowed goal, namely to fabricate a new garment out of old material. The Austro-Hungarian diplomatic reports from Washington written in the first two decades of the twentieth century will not necessarily provoke a re-evaluation of the events leading to World War I. However, as in Penelope's case, their craftsmanship will arouse interest; they may well serve as a new source of study, and they certainly shed new light on old material.
The Political-Geographic Bases of the Austrian Nationality Problem
Authors: Hoffman George W.
Published: March 2009

The breakup of the Habsburg monarchy was perhaps the most exceptional change made in the political geography of the European world of our times. It would be too much to say that the shot fired at Sarajevo destroyed the Austro-Hungarian empire. But it is hardly an exaggeration to suggest that the young assassin was a living embodiment of the principle of nationalism in the South Slavic lands and that the shot which he fired was a deliberate blow at the political-geographic structure of the Habsburg monarchy. Those competent to discuss the question are almost unanimous in their verdict: the dissolution of the empire was brought on by a combination of external forces and an internal disintegration. The internal disintegration actually impelled the state to expose itself to the external forces. The works of scholars from many countries and disciplines2who have carefullyanalyzed the structure and function of the Habsburg empire have been scrutinized with the view of studying the regions which formed this empire, their different characteristics and associations, and their connections with each other and to the state in order to ascertain to what extent the area of the empire constituted a state in the modern sense and to note any weaknesses in its morphology and physiology that helped to account for its collapse. The contribution of political geography to this critical evaluation of nationalism as a disintegrating force of the Habsburg empire lies in an analysis of the major problems of the internal situation of that empire.
Hungary in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy: Preponderancy or Dependency?
Authors: Hanák Péter
Published: March 2009

It is not an easy task for a historian to give an objective picture of the internal relations of the multinational empire. This is especially true with regard to Hungary's part and position in the monarchy. Was Hungary's status in the empire one of preponderancy or dependency? Did Hungary play a disintegrating role in the Dual Monarchy or was she the pillar of dualism? These are difficult questions to answer. Wherever he turns the historian finds articles and books dealing with the monarchy which are replete with arguments and counterarguments. The most common feature of studies thus far is that historians have approached these questions concerning Hungary's role with traditional sympathies or hostilities. Detailed objective accounts based on up-to-date methods for studies on Hungarian political, economic, and social development are missing.
Austria on the Path to Western Europe: The Political Culture of the Second Republic
Authors: Konrad Helmut
Published: March 2009

LikeRobertA.Kann, I too am a historian by profession. Despite the close links between their subject and disciplines such as sociology land political science, historians on the whole avoid attempting to analyze contemporary politics. This lecture will therefore concentrate on the first twenty-five years of the Second Republic. Yet I am well aware that in the Kreisky era (notably as a result of the reforms introduced by Hertha Firnberg and Christian Broda) Austria's progress toward Western Europe took on a new character, and the country underwent what was, for the time being at least, its final major modernization. But it was an analysis of the wholly different steps taken toward the West between 1945 and 1970 that laid the foundation on which the single-party Social Democratic (SPÖ) government of the 1970s was able to build. It therefore seems legitimate to focus upon that first half of the history of the Second Republic, and to see the turning point marked by the student movement of 1968 and the election results of 1970 as a natural cutoff point for this discussion. Broadly speaking, the main concerns of the new state in its first two and a half decades were to provide a framework of order for the very disparate elements that it had inherited and to deal with the immense problems now confronting it. NaCenter for Austrian Studiestional Socialism, by its policies and the effects of all-out war, had left behind a country in ruins in every sense—not only materially through the destruction of housing, infrastructure, and industrial plant, but also intellectually and culturally. Most of the leading figures in Austria's cultural and intellectual life had been driven into exile or murdered.
Count Leo Thun: A Conservative Savior of Educational Reform in the Decade of Neoabsolutism
Authors: Wozniak Peter
Published: March 2009

Since theCounter-Reformation, education in Catholic Europe was in the hands of the church. Over the course of the eighteenth century, various rulers attempted to break this monopoly by increasing secular control over schools. Their record was very uneven. In Habsburg lands, the first significant reforms occurred during the reign of Maria Theresa (1740–80), who stated that “education is, and shall remain for all time, aPoliticum,” that is, the business of the state.
Early Modern Urban Immigration in East Central Europe: A Macroanalysis
Authors: Miller Jaroslav
Published: March 2009

Most surveys of urban growthin the long sixteenth century stress the comparatively high level of early modern population mobility encouraged by the emergence of qualitatively new phenomena in the spheres of economics, culture, and religion. There is also a prevailing consensus among historians referring to “natural decrease theory.” Historical demographers have suggested that, because of the high mortality rates caused by epidemics, wars, natural catastrophes, and continual problems with hygiene, the natural increase of the urban population was either moderate or nonexistent. Therefore, it was primarily immigration that either produced the rise or compensated for population losses.
Beyond the Walls: The Beginnings of Pest Jewry
Authors: Lupovitch Howard
Published: March 2009

Historians have conventionally presented the beginnings of Pest Jewry as a function of legal developments. According to this approach, Jews were denied entry until 1783, when Joseph Us Patent allowed Jews to settle freely in Pest and other royal free cities. “Only in 1783,” wrote historian Nathaniel Katzburg, “did the situation [for Jews] improve when Emperor Joseph II nullified the discriminatory laws directed against Hungarian Jewry, and the gates of the ‘free’ cities, including Pest, opened to Jewish settlement.” This privilege was sharply curtailed by Law 38 of 1791. This law, enacted by the National Diet following the nullification of Joseph II's Patent, barred royal free cities from evicting Jews wholesale, but allowed these cities to evict all Jews who had not obtained legal residence by 1 January 1790. As scholar Vera Bácskai pointed out: “After the death of the emperor, the Pest council wanted to expel [the Jews] and only a special order by the palatine made possible Law 38 of 1790, according to which Jews who had settled before 1790 could not be expelled from the city.” Law 38, the argument concludes, defined the parameters of Jewish settlement in Pest and other royal free cities until 1840, when the National Assembly enacted Law 29, allowing native-born and naturalized Hungarian Jews to settle freely in Pest and other royal free cities.
In Step or Out of Step with the Times? Central Europe's Diasporas and Their Homelands in 1918 and 1989
Authors: Magocsi Paul Robert
Published: March 2009

In the course of the twentieth century, two years stand out as symbolic turning points in the historical evolution of Europe as well as of much of the rest of the world. Those years are 1918 and 1989. The first marked the end of World War I and the beginnings of the political reconstruction of Europe and the Middle East. The second marked the end of totalitarian-like communist rule throughout half the European continent and the rest of Soviet political space stretching across northern Asia to the coasts of the Pacific Ocean.
Ostarrîchi Revisited: The 1946 Anniversary, the Millennium, and the Medieval Roots of Austrian Identity
Authors: Pohl Walter
Published: March 2009

In1996,Austriawill celebrate its millennium. As in many other cases, the chronological justifications for the anniversary are open to question. Austria has never been “founded,” and certainly not one thousand years ago; its independence is the result of a process that took centuries and cannot be symbolized by a date like July 4 in the United States. Austria's national holiday, October 26, marks the date in 1955 when the Austrian parliament voted permanent neutrality and the last of the Allied occupation troops left the country. Nobody, it is true, would doubt that Austria's history stretches back considerably before 1955, 1945 (the foundation of the Second Republic), 1918 (the birth of the First), or even 1804 (when the Habsburg emperor Francis I declared himself emperor of Austria after the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire). Nothing comparable happened in 996. In a charter dated November 1, 996, Emperor Otto III granted some land at Neuhofen, in the west of the modern province of Lower Austria, to the bishop of Freising. Even the exact date of the charter—whose original has survived—has not always been accepted, for the seal it carries was Henry II's, whose reign began in 1002. Recently, some scholars have even tried to prove, although not very successfully, that it was a forgery.
Stjepan Radić, Yugoslavism, and the Habsburg Monarchy
Authors: Biondich Mark
Published: March 2009

The idea that the South Slavs constituted a single ethnic whole has long received considerable support in Croat intellectual circles. Ljudevit Gaj's Illyrian movement of the 1830s and 1840s, which represented the initial stage of the Croat national awakening, recognized this idea and attempted to construct a common culture for all South Slavs under the neutral Illyrian name. Given the increased pressure of Magyarization in the first half of the nineteenth century, the linguistic and regional particularisms of the Croats resulting from the breakup of Croat lands in the medieval and early modern periods, and the presence of a considerable Serb minority in the Croat lands, the Illyrian idea became a necessity. It enabled the “awakeners” to overcome the particularisms that complicated the creation of a national consciousness among the Croats and deeply implanted in this consciousness the commonality of the South Slavs. Illyrianism eventually became a political force that found expression in the revolutions of 1848–49, but it was largely rejected by the Slovene intelligentsia and the Serbs of the Serbian principality and the Vojvodina. It remained a force and retained its significance only in the Croat lands.
Beyond Nation, Confession, and Party: The Politicization of Professional Identity in Late Imperial Austria
Authors: Bograd Peter M.
Published: March 2009

InDecember1896 the Industrial Action Committee, a small group of Viennese industrialists, sent a memorandum to all Chambers of Commerce in the Cisleithanian halfof the Habsburg monarchy. Arguing that two decades of internecine ethnic and party strife had allowed agrarians, small artisans, and workers to eat away at the material well-being of the “productive classes” (Stände), the committee asked Austrian industrialists ofeveryethnic and political persuasion to advocate a proindustry platform at all party nominating conventions. Appended to the appeal, which was printed in German, Czech, Polish, and Italian, was a proposal to found a Bund österreichischer Industrieller (League of Austrian Industrialists, henceforth BöI), an organization that would unite industrialists “without regard to nationality, confession, or party affiliation” in concerted economic-political(wirtschafts-politisch)activity.
The Internment Camp at Terezín, 1919
Authors: Huebner Todd
Published: March 2009

Although the fortress at Terezín attained a dubious international distinction during World War II as the Nazi concentration camp. Theresienstadt, it already possessed a gloomy history as a place of imprisonment, having held Austrian political offenders since the first half of the nineteenth century. Gavrilo Princip had been confined there along with his fellow conspirators after assassinating Archduke Francis Ferdinand at Sarajevo; the young man ultimately died in the garrison hospital. During World War I, Terezín became the largest prisoner-of-war camp in Bohemia, housing its mostly Russian prisoners in makeshift subcamps scattered outside the fortress. In 1919 the new Czechoslovak state employed some of these same facilities to intern various “suspicious elements” from Slovakia. Unfortunately the zeal with which the authorities took people into custody produced a flood of internees for which Terezín was ill prepared, and conditions in the debilitated Austrian camp soon threatened to provoke a public scandal. The circumstances of this rather unpleasant episode provide a revealing—though ambiguous—glimpse of the sterner side of the Czechoslovak First Republic, and by extension, post-Habsburg Central Europe.
Foreign Policy and the Nationality Problem in Austria-Hungary, 1867–1914
Authors: Wank Solomon
Published: March 2009

The theories on foreign policy and international relations which have emerged in the last decade stress the interaction between foreign policy and internal social structure. Contemporary analysis of this interaction has benefited from refined social science methods and concepts developed since the end of the Second World War, but awareness of the connection between foreign policy and internal policy is not new. For instance, as long ago as the eve of the First World War Rudolf Goldscheid wrote that “nothing is more Utopian than the belief that substantial alterations in internal policy can be realized without simultaneous corresponding changes in foreign [policy] and vice versa.” The interaction between Austro-Hungarian foreign policy and the nationality problem in the monarchy from 1867 until 1914 is a striking example of Goldscheid's general thesis.
The Final Disintegration of the Habsburg Monarchy
Authors: Holborn Hajo
Published: March 2009

Enormous as the problems of the Habsburg empire had become by 1914, war, for that matter even a victorious war, was unlikely to solve any of them; on the contrary, it was bound to make their solution even more improbable than before. When before approving the war against Serbia Count István Tisza demanded assurances from Count Leopold von Berchtold that it would not lead to the incorporation of substantial numbers of Serbs into the Dual Monarchy, his demand should have raised doubts in sober minds about the practicability of war as a means of improving the stability and power of the Habsburg monarchy. Most of the Austrian policymakers believed that Austria-Hungary was forced to go to war in order to retain her reputation as a great power, but after Serbia had accepted practically all the demands of the Austrian ultimatum, Austria-Hungary could have been reasonably certain that it would emerge from the crisis sufficiently respected. A radical policy of prestige, such as that which the German government urged upon the Austrians during the July crisis, can, however, easily produce a neglect of reality.
Destruction, Revolution, or Reform: Hungary on the Eve of 1848
Authors: Deak Istvan
Published: March 2009

The national movement to foster the social, political, and economic rejuvenation of Hungary began in earnest some twenty years before the Revolution of 1848. There was a direct line of development from the first reform diet of 1825, which demanded the redress of national grievances but no economic or social reform, to the last diet of feudal Hungary in 1847–1848, which demanded and obtained national sovereignty, the emancipation of the peasants, and the codification of basic human rights. During these years Hungary's political climate definitely changed, and every political group, even the court circles in Vienna, moved in what can be called a generally progressive or leftist direction. The court, the Hungarian chancellery in Vienna, the royal administration in Budapest, the conservative, liberal, and radical parties in the diet, and the extra-parliamentary opposition in the streets and the cafés—all assiduously planned, advocated, and introduced reform programs.
Nationalism and Cosmopolitanism among the Hungarian Radicals
Authors: Deme László
Published: March 2009

In the first hours of the revolution in Budapest on March 15, 1848, a young radical historian, Pál Vasvári, warned a crowd of demonstrators that the strength of the absolutistic government of Vienna lay in its ability to set one people against another. Referring to the Italians, Austrians, Czechs, and Magyars, he stated: “We are all brother nations. By ourselves we are weak, but together, strong, powerful and invincible. … Therefore, long live brotherhood among the nations!
The Restoration and Crisis of Capitalism in Hungary, 1919–1944
Authors: Ránki György , Lackó Miklós
Published: March 2009

The process of gradual transformation from a traditional feudal to a modern economy, which had been going on for over half a century in all of Europe, and at a slower pace in southeastern Europe, came to a temporary halt with the First World War. The economic structure of East-Central Europe which took shape after the end of the war and the revolutions that immediately followed cannot be regarded simply as a continuation of that of the prewar period. Postwar alterations such as the disappearance of former regional economic units, the enormous decrease or increase in the size of various territorial entities and in the number of inhabitants of a given state, and the creation of new states out of lands that had belonged to different empires and which represented different levels of development produced basic changes in the economy of the area.
Recent Hungarian Literature on the History of the Austro - Hungarian Monarchy, 1849–1918. A Historiographical Survey
Authors: Hanák Péter
Published: March 2009

Since World War II Hungarian historians have expressed great interest in the period between the revolution of 1848 and 1918. In studying this period, however, they have not been able to take advantage of an extensive heritage or of solid earlier works. Earlier Hungarian historians paid scarcely any attention at all to this era. Believing that the writing of contemporary history was a job for journalists and not for scholars, they kept away from it in most instances. Moreover, at that time it was ticklish for historians to touch upon the problems of the monarchy. As a consequence, they devoted their attention mostly to medieval history, which provided richer material for Hungarian nationalism.
Recent French Publications on the Habsburg Empire and the Succession States (1952–1962)
Authors: Tapie Victor L.
Published: March 2009

Not many works have been published during the past decade that deal with Austrian history or with that of the states which once formed an integral part of the Habsburg empire.
Schwarzenberg versus Nicholas I, Round One: The Negotiation of the Habsburg-Romanov Alliance against Hungary in 1849
Authors: Rock Kenneth W.
Published: March 2009

“Our intervention in Hungary will prove to be an event which, at the present moment, will overshadow all other problems in Europe,” Russia's Chancellor Karl Robert Nesselrode noted in May, 1849,2 while the last major drama sparked by the upheavals of 1848 was being staged in Hungary's towns, undulating plains, and cholera-ridden valleys. Europe's liberals were captivated and Europe's conservatives aghast as Magyar irregulars, in mid-April, 1849, hurled the Habsburg imperial soldiery backwards from their positions encircling Buda and Pest in central Hungary to within forty miles east of Vienna. Would an independent, national Hungarian republic arise in the central Danubian basin? Would nearly six hundred years of Habsburg hegemony along the Danube be rent asunder? Such questions were decided by the clash of arms amid the alternating heat and thunderstorms of the Hungarian summer of 1849.
The DollfuΒ Ministry: The Demise of the Nationalrat
Authors: Rath R. John
Published: March 2009

The demise of Parliament in March 1933 was the most significant single act in the march to semifascism in Austria, which began with the formation of the Heimwehr in the early days of the First Republic and was well under way when significant changes were made in the government on September 21,1933, and a concentration camp was established at Wöllersdorf a few days later. Traditional democratic means were employed to abolish Parliament. Dollfuβ, the Heimwehr, and the Christian Social Party only did what parties in power in democracies do when under attack. They used all the means at their disposal to protect their government from being overthrown. The Social Democrats and Greater Germans, likewise, employed only democratic means in their effort to overthrow the Dollfuβ regime and to preserve a democratically elected Parliament. Dollfuβ and the leaders of all but the National Socialist Party in Austria were well aware of the great danger to Austria that stemmed from the intensification of National Socialist efforts to overthrow a democratic form of government in Austria after Hitler came to power in Germany and knew that the German National Socialists were providing financial support to the Austrian Greater German Party to support them in their efforts to take control of Austria.
Austro-American Relations during the Era of the American Civil War
Authors: Kaufman Burton Ira
Published: March 2009

For most of the nineteenth century prior to the American Civil War relations between the United States and Austria were characterized by rancor and ill feeling. As Protestants with strong nativist sentiments and republicans anxious to spread their political institutions to other nations, Americans generally regarded Catholic Austria and its conservative monarchy with great suspicion and distrust. An attempt by an Austrian Catholic missionary society in the 1820's to foster Catholicism in America led to sharp recriminations against the government in Vienna, which some even accused of supporting conspiracies against the United States. In 1848, when revolution swept the Habsburg empire, Americans almost unanimously supported the revolutionaries, condemning an Austria which the North American Review called a “conglomeration of dissimilar races having no principle of unity but despotism.” Secretary of State John M. Clayton ordered A. Dudley Mann to Hungary to welcome the country into the family of nations as soon as her independence was assured. When the Hungarian revolutionary leader Lajos Kossuth toured the United States, he met a hero's welcome wherever he went. In response, Austria pursued an unfriendly policy of her own towards the United States, even briefly breaking off diplomatic relations.
The History of the Habsburg Monarchy (1789–1918) in Romanian Historiography since 1945
Authors: Jordáky Lajos , Hitchins Keith
Published: March 2009

Since the end of World War II historians in Romania have given considerable attention to various aspects of the history of the Habsburg monarchy. Needless to say, their researches have been more limited than those of their Czechoslovak and Hungarian colleagues, since they have been preoccupied especially with the internal history of Old Romania, which has little connection with the history of the monarchy. Nevertheless, in tracing the development of the Principalities of Moldaviaand Walachia and, after 1859, of united Romania, they have touched on a number of problems—commercial, diplomatic, and cultural—common to both countries. Their greatestcontribution to the study of the Habsburg monarchy has beentheir work on the history of Transylvania and, to a lesserextent, the Banat, both of which, except for a brief periodduring the Revolution of 1848–1849, were under Austrian administrationup to 1867 and after the Ausgleich incorporatedinto Hungary.
The Prehistory of the Fourth Party Movement in Austria, 1947–1949
Authors: Höbelt Lothar
Published: March 2009

My article examines the prehistory of the “Fourth Party” movement in Austria after World War II. Traditionally, Austrian politics was divided into three ideological Lager (literally “camps,” but with more than a whiff of the Boer term laager, too): strongly Catholic Christian Socials, Austro-Marxist Social Democrats, and “Deutschfreiheitliche.” The latter usually consisted of a motley collection of groups that were both Pan-German and anticlerical. They were sometimes grouped together under the formal heading “Drittes Lager” (Third Camp). The three parties licensed in 1945, however, were the Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP), the Socialists, and the Communists. Thus, any attempt to resurrect the traditions of the freiheitlich strand in Austrian politics after 1945 was labeled the “Fourth Party.”
Political Culture and the Making of Tradition: A Comment
Authors: Gal Susan
Published: March 2009

For Decades, Scholars have claimed that “culture” is one important factor in shaping political processes. Individuals and groups hold fundamental values and expectations that contribute to the maintenance or collapse of democracy, nationalism, fascism, communism, and other political systems. Recently, however, the argument has been extended considerably: political culture and ritual, it is now claimed, are not simply the colorful, attitudinal, sometimes manipulative icing on the cake of the real interests and power relations that move history. More fundamentally, “interests,” “power,” “sovereignty,” the “people,” the “nation,” “tradition,” and even the “state” are being studied as ideological devices with logics, rhetorics, and effects specific to particular historical contexts. Political processes operate through such categories, which are culturally constructed and only appear to be unproblematic and self-evident.
The Migration of Galician Jews to Vienna, 1857–1880
Authors: Rabinbach Anton G.
Published: March 2009

Between 1857 and 1900 the Jewish population of Vienna grew from 6,000 to more than 146,000 as a result of the mass migration of Jews from the eastern provinces of the Austro-Hungarian empire to the capital. The largest source of the migration was Galicia, with a vast Jewish population that increased from 448,973 in 1857 to 811,183 at the turn of the century. In 1857 alone, at the outset of the migrations, some 2,000 persons left Galicia, marking the first gradual decline in the high proportion of Jews living in the part of the empire which lay within the eastern European pale of Jewish settlement. Arriving at an estimated rate of 20,000 to 30,000 per decade, these Galician Jews flowed into Vienna's second district, Leopoldstadt, and produced a shift both in the ethnic demography of the city and in that of the empire. Expansion of the Jewish population of Vienna from 1.3 percent of the population in 1857 to 12 percent by 1890 profoundly influenced the social, cultural, and political life of the Austrian capital.
Thr Dollguß Ministry: The Intensification of Animosities and the Drift toward Authoritarianism
Authors: Rath R. John
Published: March 2009

When Engelbert Dollfuss became chancellor of Austria in May 1932, no one dreamed that he would become a fascist dicator.1 Even his bitter opponents in 1933 and 1934 admitted that he was genuine democrat when he became chancellor. He had friendly relations with the leaders of the Social Democratic Party. In May 1932, the Social Democratic Party leader Otto Bauer felt that when the time was ripe Dollfuß intended to form a coalition with his party.
An End to Witch Trials in Austria: Reconsidering the Enlightened State
Authors: Kern Edmund M.
Published: March 2009

For a Long time, scholars of witch-hunting presented Enlightenment political reforms as a kind of ”cure” for the “craze” of witchcraft, but despite these efforts, relatively little attention was truly paid to the end of witch-hunting. Without were formulated, historians attributed changes in state policy to an emerging skepticism and rationalism within the judicial and political elites of Europe.1At times, scholars focus upon specific, local trials in which a loss of confidence emerged among those hearing witchcraft cases, but somewhat more frequently, they examine specific regions in which, they claim, scientific values and attitudes fostered skepticism among the elites formulating policies on the crime of witchcraft.2Although there is an undeniable validity to both approaches, their conclusions are not without controversy. Several scholars have pointed out that judicial skepticism toward the crime of witchcraft emerged even before widespread intellectual change, and they have noted that the centralization of judicial administrations led to a decrease in the number and intensity of trials well in advance of enlightened thinking.
Central Europe's Gentle Voice of Reason: Bílejovský and the Ecclesiology of Utraquism
Authors: David Zdeněk V.
Published: March 2009

The Utraquist Church of Bohemia was unique among the late medieval defections in Western Christendom from the Church of Rome in that it involved the separation of an entire church, organized on a national territory, not merely an underground resistance of relatively isolated and scattered groups of sectarians, like the Waldensians or the Lollards. Moreover, the Bohemian Reformation was linked with a major social upheaval, the Hussite Revolution, lasting from 1419 to 1434, which historians have viewed as an early specimen, if not a prototype or the first link in the chain, of the revolutions of the early modern period in the Euroatlantic world: the Dutch, the English, the American, and the French revolutions. Building mainly on the Bohemian Reform movement that had gathered momentum since the mid-fourteenth century, the Utraquists' defiance of Rome, leading to the Hussite Revolution, was sparked by the burning of Jan Hus at the Council of Constance on July 6, 1415.
The Politics of the Book Trade in Nineteenth-Century Austria
Authors: Bachleitner Norbert
Published: March 2009

For centuries Austria has enjoyed an enviable reputation for music and the fine arts, but not for literature. During the Enlightenment it was already widely regarded as a land devoid of books. This characterization was not totally fair. There had always been Austrian authors of high standing, but even they accepted their indiscriminate identification with a much larger German literary establishment. By the nineteenth century, it was not unusual for commentators like Ludwig Börne to characterize Austria as the “China of Europe,” where no literature could flourish. Only at the turn of this century–with the emergence of a new generation of writers who, over the past decades, have won belated recognition as important stimuli of modernism—did Austria finally shed the image of a country where dancing the waltz and eating famous cakes were foremost on people's minds.
Galicia in Vienna: Jewish Refugees in the First World War
Authors: Rechter David
Published: March 2009

The arrival in Vienna of over one hundred thousand Jewish refugees fleeing the Russian army's advance into Galicia and Bukovina in the first months of World War I had a profound impact on Viennese Jewry. The refugees became a constant and pervasive theme of wartime Jewish debate in Vienna, and their influence was felt in many areas of communal life—political, cultural, economic, and religious. Moreover, their very visible presence in the city served to highlight the always prominent “Jewish Question” in Vienna for Jews and non-Jews alike, precipitating an eruption of virulent anti-Semitism that initially targeted the refugees but was later directed at Viennese Jews in general. (Indeed, one Jewish newspaper commented in September 1917 that anti-Semitism had become a “national sport.”) As the welfare problem posed by the refugees developed into a highly charged issue in Viennese politics, welfare work also became an important arena of Jewish politics.
Was There a “Habsburg Society” in Austria-Hungary?
Authors: Bruckmüller Ernst
Published: March 2009

Was there a sensein which there existed a single, integrated society under the Habsburg monarchy–what we might call “Habsburg society,” or even “Austro-Hungarian society,” in the same way we talk of “American,” “French,” or “German” society? Anyone seeking to answer this question stands in a long, continuous line of historical and sociological discussion that reaches back at least to the era before the 1848 revolutions, when Victor Freiherr von Andrian-Werburg diagnosed with great clarity the emergence of different, language-based nations in the Austrian Empire. Andrian-Werburg spoke of a process of separation and felt that an awakening of “Austrian” national feeling was lacking. Naturally, Robert A. Kann also occupies a prominent position within this historical debate. Unfortunately, the present writer cannot claim to have been closely acquainted with Kann. Nor did I belong, unlike Karlheinz Mack, Horst Haselsteiner, and Arnold Suppan, to the circle of his card partners– Kann was a passionate and skillful player of Tarock, a card game popular in Central Europe. I can only recall one brief meeting, when Kann once came to our Institute of Economic and Social History in Vienna to look for some statistical works on the theme that he was researching. At the time, it seemed remarkable to me that such a great scholar, who was then at a fairly advanced age, should still be seeking out original, basic information. That was a typical mistake for an academic greenhorn to make, for I had yet to realize that, for certain historical problems, it is sometimes necessary to go back to the same sources to ask new questions of them and to analyze them with new methods. But let us turn back to our subject for today.