bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Organizing Medical Education to Meet Health Needs
Authors: Bane Frank
Published: March 2007

The increasing demand for medical services neces sitates an immediate expansion of medical education. The present ratio of 141 physicians per 100,000 persons is the minimum for adequate health protection, and that ratio has been maintained only because of a substantial influx of for eign-educated physicians, an influx not to be counted on in the future. A 50 per cent increase in the number of medical graduates must be produced by 1975 just to keep pace with population growth. Such problems as the supply and qual ity of students, the supply of faculty, and the length and com plexity of the curriculum are very serious, because they repre sent obstacles to expansion. Continual re-evaluation of the medical school curriculum in terms of content and organiza tion is one effort which should have far-reaching effects. Con stant attention to administrative and organizational relations, especially the relations between the medical school and the university, will alleviate many problems. Expansion of the organizational setting and the administrative apparatus of the medical school will solve some problems and create new ones. Finally, sufficient funds for medical education will provide the sine qua non for meeting America's future health needs.
Organizing Preventive Health Programs to Meet Health Needs
Authors: Deuschle Kurt W.
Published: March 2007

Despite impressive progress in the field of preventive medicine, we are desperately lagging in the applica tion of known preventive measures for many disease problems in our society. While the utopia of optimum health for all people may never be realized, fuller utilization of existing knowledge of preventive medicine should be anticipated. The achievement of this, however, requires recognition by indi viduals, families, and communities that this type of medicine is an enormous challenge. Unless we are willing to commit ourselves to the development and organization of preventive medical services, our energies and investigative efforts will be consumed in restoring health that was lost because prevention was not carried out.
Comprehensive Prepayment Plans as a Mechanism for Meeting Health Needs
Authors: Somers Anne Ramsay
Published: March 2007

The comprehensive prepayment plan occupies an anomalous position in current health insurance developments. Long supported by leading medical educators, it has received the repeated protection of the courts, including the United States Supreme Court. In 1959 it obtained unenthusiastic but official endorsement of the American Medical Association House of Delegates. National press has been highly favor able, and, in those areas where plans operate, the local press has usually been friendly. Nevertheless, comprehensive pre payment has not kept pace with the general increase in health insurance enrollment. The larger plans have continued to grow, but, as a general mechanism for meeting health needs, comprehensive prepayment remains limited to a few geograph ical areas and probably covers no more than 2 to 3 per cent of all health insurance enrollees. There appear to be two main reasons for the slow growth: the opposition of organized medicine and slow public acceptance. Industry and labor have been the most open-minded sectors of the community on the issue, and from them comes much of the financial support required for the building of clinics and hospitals. One con clusion seems clear. If comprehensive prepayment does not establish itself as a generally available method of providing medical care for the American people, a principal alternative to increasing government intervention in medical care will have been eliminated.—Ed.
Teen-Age Culture in Contemporary Britain and Europe
Authors: Mays John Barron
Published: March 2007

Youth culture of Western Europe shows marked similarities with the United States and is almost cer tainly a product of similar social and economic influences. In the postwar years, new problems have arisen partly as a result of the comparative affluence and security now enjoyed by greater numbers than heretofore and partly because of the pace at which these changes have occurred. Uncertainty of role and status results sometimes in an acute alienation be tween the generations. Repudiation of traditional values has produced rebellious behavior of an unprecedented kind, and there has been a sharp increase in violence and hooliganism among certain sections of the community. At the same time, a tendency toward political apathy, distrust of officialdom, and the pursuit of short-term hedonistic goals are further indication of youth's fundamental dissatisfaction. In all countries, com mercial interests have exploited this situation by providing a specialized teen-age market, and this has further emphasized the differing attitudes of young and elders. The literary field has witnessed a corresponding protest against "the Establish ment," whereby many of the frustrations and, also, the stifled idealisms of youth have been given expression. The mingled hostility and confusion of young people presents educational agencies with a vital challenge and opportunity for constructive work.
Negro Teen-Age Culture
Authors: Himes Joseph S.
Published: March 2007

There are over three million Negro teen-agers in the United States, three-fourths of whom live in the South. Their position in the American social structure is decisively conditioned by race, inferiority, deprivation, and youthfulness. Within Negro society, they are differentiated into high-prestige and low-prestige categories on the basis of contrasting cultural heritages. Negro teen-age culture is a melange of general adolescent patterns and unique ethnic practices. Two modes of aggression tend to distinguish this group of teen-agers. Low-prestige youths exhibit unusual personal aggression; the college teen-agers have created the racial protest movement. Racial protest takes several forms and constitutes one of the most positive elements of current American teen-age culture. Negro teen-age behavior is an indigenous part of the American cultural heritage. Future developments, like current mani festations, are likely to be conditioned by social trends already in evidence. Among other things there will be measurable increase of the protest theme. It is to be hoped that the protest will continue to be disciplined and constructive.
Crime and Delinquency in the United States: An Over-All View
Authors: Sellin Thorsten
Published: March 2007

To describe the scope, nature, and trends of criminality in any country, it is necessary to rely upon crimi nal statistics. The task is made difficult in the United States by the multiplicity and diversity of jurisdictions, each state as well as the federal system having its own criminal legislation, its own police, courts, and correctional agencies, and its own methods of compiling and publishing criminal statistics. The most important national series of criminal statistics is pub lished by the Federal Bureau of Investigation. It was claimed that 89 per cent of the United States population resided in the areas covered by those reports in 1959. There exists the general limitation that statistics are based on crimes known to the police. Also, the picture of criminality will depend on the stage in the law enforcement process at which statistics are gathered, because a process of selection operates at each stage between offense and sentence. As traditionally constructed and published, criminal statistics are deficient in a number of respects. They do not, for example, reveal occupation, em ployment status, or social class of offenders, nor do they show the existence of organized crime or gang, even juvenile gang, activity. The social and financial costs of criminality are great enough to warrant information sufficiently detailed to provide an improved basis for preventive action and repressive meas ures.—Ed.
Police Authority and Practices
Authors: Donnelly Richard C.
Published: March 2007

Law enforcement requires a sensitive and wise discretion in police decisions whether or not to invoke the criminal process when law violators are uncovered. As an administrative and moral necessity, the policeman informally judges and settles more cases than he takes to court. There are many rules of law limiting the power of arrest and impos ing duties on police officers after arrests are made. Arrests with and without warrant raise constitutional questions as to probable cause and reasonable cause respectively. After ar rest, appearance before a magistrate must follow without un necessary or unreasonable delay, requirements variously de fined by the different jurisdictions. Police practices sometimes depart from prevailing rules of arrest, and the courts must exer cise particular vigilance, especially in such matters involving individual liberties as search and seizure, wire tapping and eavesdropping, use of informers, interrogation of suspects, and the like. Generally, the federal courts tend to be stricter than the state courts about the admissibility of evidence, giving rise to wide divergencies and ambiguities. Technological sophisti cation has increased in scope and reliability the means of ob taining evidence. In the use of these techniques, controls must be exercised to protect individual and other democratic guaran tees at the same time that civil order is maintained.—Ed.
The Trial of Offenders
Authors: Knowlton Robert E.
Published: March 2007

American criminal trials derive from the Eng lish pattern as modified through the frontier experience of the United States. The adversary concept and the aloof judiciary in criminal procedure reflect a concern for the proper relation ship of government and individual. Generally, criminal trials go through the following steps: arraignment and plea; selec tion of the jury; prosecutor's and accused's opening state ments; presentation of the state's and the accused's evidence; prosecutor's and accused's arguments to the jury; prosecutor's rebuttal; judge's instructions on the law; rendition of jury verdict; sentencing by the judge. Some lesser offenses are tried before a judge sitting without a jury. Depending upon defense's evaluation of tactical advantage, jury trial may be waived in other cases. Also, the opening statement and the presentation of evidence by the accused may be waived, and the defendant may or may not testify in his own behalf. After the verdict, the defense may move for a judgment notwith standing the verdict, for a new trial, or to arrest judgment. After sentencing, the case may be appealed to a higher court, or denial of due process may be charged in order to litigate further. Particularly in close cases, great responsibility de volves upon counsel. Also, the defense is handicapped in in vestigating facts. But, the government cannot appeal a case which it has lost.—Ed.
The Application of Information Technology
Authors: Diebold John
Published: March 2007

Since World War II, rapid advances in theory and hardware have given us a significant new technology of information processing with widespread applicability. Elec tronic computers are the most common manifestation of this new technology. Today, about 5,000 general-purpose com puters are in use in the United States, but more than 7,000 computer systems are on order. Computers are coming into use in such fields as machine teaching, language translation, medical diagnosis, air and ground traffic control, and weather forecasting. Prototypes of newer information systems promise pattern-recognition devices and self-programing machines. The most obvious advantages of automatic data processing are not likely to be the most important long-run effects of the tech niques. The most critical issues that arise out of the poten tialities of automation of information processing are not yet generally recognized.
Policies for Automation: A Labor Viewpoint
Authors: Reuther Walter P.
Published: March 2007

Labor has no quarrel with technology itself. Its criticism goes to the quality of social imagination brought to bear upon problems created or aggravated by technological change. Technology has lately aggravated an already seri ous imbalance between productive capacity and effective de mand. It has contributed to a decline in manufacturing em ployment which has not been made up by rising employment in other sectors. The situation will deteriorate still more with further automation and increases in the potential labor force, in the absence of private and public policies which assure a na tional growth rate commensurate with full employment of our physical and human resources. Industrial workers have borne the brunt of automation's impact. The transitional problems of displaced workers must be solved by the whole community, because the whole community benefits from the process of technological development and because the losses resulting from unemployment are social as well as personal. Solutions must come both from collective bargaining and from public programs. Labor and management have only begun to deal with the problems of wage-earners in an environment of rapidly changing technology. Even at best, however, collective bar gaining can bring only partial solutions. Federal action is needed in a variety of fields. Also needed is revision of the ground rules governing corporate behavior in the matter of ad ministered price increases and plant relocation.
The Role of Government
Authors: Goldberg Arthur J.
Published: March 2007

Automation and increased productivity must be encouraged in the United States to the fullest extent if its eco nomic growth and position in the world is to be maintained. Evidence is mounting, however, that the private sector of the economy, particularly management, labor, and education, cannot successfully cope with all the complex problems that technological change and automation have been causing. It is vital to minimize the effects of this growing technology on the individual and upon the established means of production. For the individual, the effect has tended to be unemployment, caused by lack of skills and training. For the physical means of production, the effect has tended to be decreasing industrial productivity, caused by obsolete and obsolescent technology and administrative concepts. High employment and full pro duction and purchasing power cannot be achieved in the United States today without special and co-ordinating assistance on a national scale. Only government can provide the final im petus and over-all impact necessary to accomplish this. Initial steps have been taken.
Antiguerrilla Operations
Authors: Bohannan Charles T.R.
Published: March 2007

The four basic approaches to antiguerrilla opera tions are extermination or resettlement of the civilian popula tion which includes supporters of the guerrillas, with concurrent military or police action against the guerrillas; military action against the guerrillas with incidental attention to civilians; surrender to the guerrillas; and co-ordinated political, psy chological, welfare, and military actions designed to convince both civilians and guerrillas that their legitimate aspirations can best be achieved by co-operation with the government and that continued guerrilla activity will be increasingly unpleasant, un successful, and ultimately fatal. All approaches have been employed repeatedly, but only the fourth has succeeded in achieving the objectives of the antiguerrilla forces while re specting the human rights of the civilian population. Mag saysay in the Philippines, having experienced the first three approaches, successfully employed the fourth, dramatically offering the Communist-led guerrillas, the Huk, their sup porters, and the civilian population as a whole the choice of all- out force or all-out friendship. This approach requires nearly the same energy, intelligence, resourcefulness, and dedication as a successful guerrilla movement. Like such a movement, success is in large measure dependent on the behavior of troops in contact with civilians, and forceful, dynamic leadership seems an essential.
Unconventional Warfare : Strategy and Tactics in Internal Political Strife
Authors: Knorr Klaus
Published: March 2007

The analysis of unconventional warfare and its strategy and tactics in internal political strife presents problems of definition arising from the frequent involvement of foreign powers in the internal war of a country and from the fact that secession is often the rebel's object of internal war. The mili tary strategy and tactics of guerrilla war have been highly developed, notably by Clausewitz and Mao. It is generally recognized that, in the conduct of internal war, the political competition between the belligerents plays a major, and often decisive, role in determining the outcome. However, the theory of the political struggle, and of the interdependence of military and political capabilities and actions, is as yet rudi mentary. The following paper indicates a number of prob lems concerning political structures and processes. These problems may lend themselves to generalization. The next step is an empirical effort to obtain the relevant data, not now available, for the comparative analysis from which fruitful hypotheses may be derived. There can be developed, however, a conceptual framework and a list of questions and tentative hypotheses which can give direction to the empirical effort.
Unconventional Warfare as a Concern of American Foreign Policy
Authors: Marshall Charles Burton
Published: March 2007

War, strictly speaking, is armed conflict between or among organized groups having or aspiring to have a monopoly of coercion—an attribute of statehood—in a par ticular region. When acknowledged, war becomes conditioned by conventions related to the culture shared by states. When clandestine, it is disjoined from these conventions. Those raising unconventional war as internal aggression character istically and usually aspire to make it conventional and to take over state authority. The beset regime must try to keep the threat unconventional and, then, to stamp it out. To succeed requires political initiative—generally deficient in states sus ceptible to internal aggression. Political weakness is pervasive in the contemporary world—whence rise the Communists' opportunity and a core problem of world order of basic concern to United States foreign policy. An asymmetrical element of the situation is that the initiative in internal aggression rests with the adversary side. The difficulties and risks of redressing this asymmetry are considerable.
Aids and Obstacles to Political Stability in Mid-Africa
Authors: Williams G. Mennen
Published: March 2007

The emergence of twenty-three independent nations in mid-Africa is a major event of the twentieth cen tury. The attitude of United States foreign policy toward them is that we want for the Africans what they want for themselves. Four major regional groupings have appeared in mid-Africa: the Union Africaine et Malgache, the Casablanca group, the East African Common Services Organization, and the Lagos group. These groupings overlap and may appear confused, but they are responsive to African needs. There is a body of common interest at all levels and a feeling of the need for co-operation to develop Africa. Substantial co-operation has been achieved in economic and technological development and in cultural relations. Movements which are Pan-African in scope are underway. So far, the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa and the Commission for Technical Co operation in Africa South of the Sahara are the agencies in which virtually all mid-African nations have been most active. All the nations and groupings are fiercely proud of maintaining their purely African personality. They realize, at the same time, their dependence not only on each other but also on outside assistance, especially in the form of capital and ex pertise, to accomplish their plans and purposes. Mid-Africa affords us excellent opportunities to revitalize our dedication to the American revolutionary heritage and democratic tradi tion.—Ed.
The Conflict Involving Communism in Mid-Africa
Authors: Udochi Julius Momo
Published: March 2007

Western fears of a Communist take-over in Af rica are based on two misconceptions, that African leaders would be willing to escape the imperialism of the West only to submit to that of the East and that African contact with the East would automatically mean the importation of its eco nomic and political system. Where there has been political contact with the Communists, there has been no permanent commitment. Africa has not only accepted economic aid from Communist countries but also, in great amounts, from the West. The policy of nonalignment is not anti-West. Nor is the use of one-party systems in some new states antidemo cratic. The new countries of Africa are trying to forge a line suitable for their own development. They are bound to make use of the valuable experiences of both East and West, to ob tain assistance from whatever quarter it comes. They cannot afford, at this stage, to become involved in the cold war; they must fight illiteracy, poverty, and disease at home. Even partisan politics and many of the trappings of democracy may be too expensive luxuries. The essence of democracy, how ever, is present and is firmly rooted in African history. The basic concepts of communism are alien to Africa. There does not exist today in any of the newly independent countries of mid-Africa the core of rigidly disciplined and tightly organ ized Marxist-Leninists on which has usually depended the propagation of Communist ideas.—Ed.
The United States and the Far East
Authors: Harriman W. Averell
Published: March 2007

After its failure to penetrate western Europe after World War II, communism looked to the East. Like other developing areas, the countries of the Far East have many and diverse needs. Capital investment is essential; their economies are so poor that it is difficult for them to save. One advantage the Communists have is that they can enforce savings by keeping down consumption and using capital for industrial development. At the same time, Asians demand a better and fuller life. The task for the United States and the West is to show that our system of freedom not only provides for human dignity but also for food, housing, education, and other fruits of the twentieth century. Motivated, perhaps, by their own failures compared with the successes of the free coun tries in the Far East, the Communists have been on the march, especially in Southeast Asia. The United States can do much to assist freedom and prosperity in the Far East through liberal trade policies and by helping the people of the free countries to resist Communist aggression and, at the same time, to improve their living conditions. The Communist force is a reactionary one, denying the right of independence of thought, the dignity of the individual, values men have considered worth struggling for through the generations. The United States does not in tend to leave an open road for despotism. In this dangerous and exciting period, the American people must develop stamina to stay with the struggle as long as necessary to achieve the objectives of freedom throughout the world.—Ed.
Prudent Limits to an American Commitment on European Political Union
Authors: Streit Clarence K.
Published: March 2007

The United States has for some time been com mitted to European political union. The policy was and is to federate western Europe in a union about equal in power to our own federal union and to link the two so that they would balance each other yet, without separating, exercise their combined weight in world affairs. This has been known in State Department circles as Operation Dumbbell. The ex pression is apt, also, in the slang sense, for the policy is self- defeating and dangerous. The United States commitment to European political union is so deep that the only way to limit it prudently is to replace Operation Dumbbell with a policy of Atlantic federal union. A policy of Atlantic federal union would recognize that any other bond—alliance or confedera tion—would be too frail to be depended upon to hold such heavyweights together. Time is working against eventual union slowly achieved by degrees; everything in our time moves at revolutionary speed. What the United States is aiming to do in western Europe can be done on an Atlantic scale by transforming NATO as it is into a federal government, by transferring to the Atlantic union power over foreign policy and defense, by establishing a common market, a common cur rency, and a common citizenship, and by doing so in the way that has been shown to be successful, the pattern of federation as achieved through the United States Constitution.—Ed.
The United States Faces Economic Unity in Europe
Authors: Hauge Gabriel
Published: March 2007

The United States is directly associated with members of the European Common Market through NATO and OECD. The United States is affected by Common Market policies both directly and through Latin America, Japan, and other countries to which the United States is tied. The European Economic Community is an agency for con tinental economic integration, eventual political unity, and, hopefully, continental power and peace. Questions of dis crimination, neutrality, and alliance arise. The Common Market must make decisions on whether to dilute its political unity by admitting neutrals, its geographic unity by accepting non-European countries, its economic unity by accepting underdeveloped nations. In NATO and OECD, the Common Market members must determine whether to speak with one voice or several. As these decisions are made, the United States is in the position of having to strike a balance between co-ordination and integration, between retaining national dif ferences in economic, political, and defense matters and build ing a common instrument and single strategy. Depending upon the degree of unity achieved in Europe—and in Africa and other areas where multinational regional economic unity is dreamed of—the monopoly of decision will pass from the two present great powers. The American response to the challenge can do much to shape the future for generations to come.—Ed.
''Philosophies of Management" in Philosophical Perspective
Authors: Gluck Samuel E.
Published: March 2007

Although any view of the social role of manage ment can be shown to have assumptions about the nature of man and society, it is necessary to create such views with philosophical criteria in mind from the beginning. This last has not been done, and the consequences are that the decision- making manager is isolated from general theories about social values. Social responsibility is defined in terms of conformity to the mores of the society in which the businessman—manager —is operating. This truncates his thinking just below the level where philosophical decisions must be made, because it eschews the role of management in guiding social change and totally ignores the classical content of social philosophy and the methods of ethical analysis. There is an analogous fallacy of reducing ethics to psychology, which is a common con ceptual failing of management as well as of managerial "philos ophers" such as Mayo and Drucker. These failings, combined with a reluctance to face a reassessment of the ethics of profes sionalism, decrease the ability of management to cope with basic disagreements among systems of values. The foregoing can be illustrated by reference to three problems: social respon sibility, the destructive reduction of ethics to psychology, and the conflict between the ego and the ethics of professionalism.
Forms of Irresponsibility
Authors: Ferry W.H.
Published: March 2007

Freedom and justice are regarded as by-products of the American way of life. This erroneous viewpoint is nourished by corporations, and it leads to irresponsibility. There is no adequate theory of the corporation or compre hension of the economic order, and the intellectuals are cul pable. Irresponsibility assumes many forms. The seductions of public relations and advertising serve unethical ends. Dis trust of government is encouraged by the corporation, which at the same time plays a clumsy and backward political role. The steady advance of technological unemployment is dismissed by managers as someone else's responsibility. For-profit enter prises are ill-suited to development of the emerging nations, partly because of earlier histories of irresponsibility. The de pendence of the economic order on the cold war is seldom criti cized by managers, who display no enthusiasm for disarmament or peace. Corporate life is seen as a species of neofeudalism which results in passivity and political nonparticipation. The essential problem is discovering a theory of economic order and purpose, and a theory of corporate responsibility adequate to the acceleration of contemporary technological society.
The Corporation and the Rank-and-File Employee
Authors: Oberer Walter E.
Published: March 2007

What is the measure of ethics in the employ ment relation? The ethical obligation of the corporate em ployers of consequence—those whose activities affect interstate commerce, thus subjecting them to federal law—is equated with their legal obligation. The legal obligation is (1) to rec ognize the rights of their employees to organize and to bargain collectively, (2) to honor the collective agreement produced by such bargaining. The resulting reapportionment of bargaining power between employer and employees provides the means for achieving continuing reconciliation of the conflicting inter ests involved. Freedom of contract, a cornerstone of the free society, is thus made viable in the employment relation. The ends it produces are ethical, as between the parties, by the most meaningful test available in a democratic context: they have been reasoned, argued, bargained out. In this process, the constantly evolving consensus of the community is brought to bear upon the collective agreement reached and upon the en suing judicial interpretation of that agreement. The legal and ethical focus of the free society, in the employment relation as elsewhere, is upon means rather than ends, upon a process for catalyzing constantly changing and maturing social compro mises.
Organized Crime: A Business Enterprise
Authors: Sellin Thorsten
Published: March 2007

"Organized crime," as commonly understood today, is synonymous with economic enterprise organized for the purpose of conducting illegal activities and which, when in pursuit of legitimate ventures, uses illegal methods. These illegal business enterprises exist to cater to human vices- gambling, drinking, sex, narcotics-proscribed by law. Financial profit is their goal, and they subscribe to the tenets of American entrepreneurship. Like legitimate enterprises, they must have capital, physical plant, managerial personnel, and employees of various kinds. In hierarchical structure, table of organization, and the distribution of duties among components, an illegal business enterprise is essentially like a legitimate one-in the case of gambling, like banking. The basic difference lies in the fact that the illegal nature of the business creates problems that must be solved by means legal firms do not have to employ. Both, however, hope for continuity and survival. The prevalent and well-known numbers racket is a clear illustration of continuity in illegal business enterprise and of the manner in which an illegal business must operate to survive. Findings from the investigation of numbers and gambling in Buffalo indicate that the numbers racket, among syndicated underworld operations, is one of the most highly organized, well staff ed, and thoroughly disciplined. Playing the numbers and gambling in general, like participation in other vices, survive because large portions of the population enjoy them, see no harm in them, and do not regard them as immoral, even when they are illegal.-Ed.
New England: The Refined Yankee in Organized Crime
Authors: Strong Dwight S.
Published: March 2007

Today's organized crime in New England, as it has developed during the last thirty years, with attendant influence on politics and law enforcement, was forecast in a 1933 Massachusetts Special Crime Commission report. Its findings went unheeded. Corruption has increased. The studies by the United States Senate Crime Committees and legislative crime commissions in California, Illinois, New York, and Massachusetts reveal the pattern and extent of organized crime based on illegal gambling as its major but not exclusive activity. Makers and enforcers of law have opposed strength ening of the laws. They have blocked proposals for co- ordinated efforts to deal with this new private government of crime. The participating public has accepted illegal gambling as harmless. The public which is not part of organized crime cannot be labeled as apathetic, as is so easily done, for it is usually unaware of the activity and resultant problems and the costs to individuals and society as a whole. An aroused public has the ability to act more effectively, and consistently, through independent citizens' crime commissions. But the public does not become aroused except through shock from exposure to the facts—something today's criminal leaders and their advisors fear and work to avoid at all costs. The Yankee pattern of organized crime may be said to be different from that found elsewhere: It is more refined. Nevertheless, it exists and requires constant attention from all thoughtful and concerned citizens.
Local and State Action against Organized Crime
Authors: Lumbard Eliot H.
Published: March 2007

Organized crime is a major problem but not a major concern. The public is interested but not alarmed. The traditional structure of relationships between local, state, and federal levels of government places obstacles in the way of effective assault on the national problem of organized crime. To combat organized crime, good government is required, dedicated to good law enforcement, at all levels. Specific suggestions for local and state action concern: mechanisms for co-ordination of investigative efforts and findings; minimum standards for operations and personnel; correction, with a view to co-ordination and professionalization, of the fragmen tation of law enforcement into inadequate and obsolete units; specialist criminal-intelligence units to collect information on a wide scale, to assimilate and co-ordinate on a narrow scale, and to disseminate findings broadly and take direct action; several legal requirements; disposition of cases in lower crimi nal courts; some types of licensing and regulatory activities; improvement of information; general upgrading of police- personnel training, career incentives, supervision, administra tion, and salary. In addition to these substantive efforts, strong public support is necessary for a meaningful and effec tive campaign against organized crime.
Western Europe and the American Balance of Payments
Authors: Griffith Johnson G.
Published: March 2007

American political, military, economic, and financial relationships with Europe are reflected in our bal ance of payments. Surpluses were created after World War II when we gave and lent heavily for European recovery, but these have been replaced with deficits which, though they attract attention because they involve gold sales, are in a declining trend. Now that Western Europe is a potent eco nomic force, it can be expected increasingly to share the costs of defending and strengthening the free world, thus relieving some of the burden on the United States. The paradox of the situation in which the United States dollar is a "key" currency is that confidence in the dollar increases as we eliminate our deficits but the disappearance of our deficits will reduce the growth of international liquidity and could impair growth of trade and flow of capital. The present adjustment process for surpluses and deficits works slowly. To compensate, a more flexible international monetary system is required, toward which the United States has taken the initiative, chiefly with West European countries, in developing new techniques of co-operation and co-ordination. The United States welcomes European integration in the long view but anticipates mixed economic consequences in the short run because American sellers will be placed at a competitive disadvantage relative to insiders and possibly threatened competitively in third countries as well.—Ed.
The Projected European Union and American Military Responsibilities
Authors: Kintner William R.
Published: March 2007

At present, NATO is at an impasse. The problem is not so much differences between De Gaulle's and Kennedy's designs for projected unions as differences over military strategy and armaments. Europe, because of policies we are advocating and pursuing there, could turn inward militarily as well as economically. The United States, until recently, provided European security and also maintained world-wide commitments. Now, European countries have de veloped their own nuclear weapons, and we have not been able to design an operational strategic concept that will permit centralized control of their use. We should now enlist Euro pean co-operation not only to strengthen their own defensive ability but also to make greater contributions to the total security of the free world. American policy inconsistency, however, is perplexing to the Europeans. The Europeans do not believe that a primarily conventional strategy will provide deterrence in Europe. They do not believe American policy offers sufficient options between defeat and thermonuclear war so long as NATO conventional forces confront nuclear-armed Soviet forces. They suspect the United States of being more interested in detente with the Soviet Union that in maintaining Western security. The United States failure to share nuclear assets could, in time, divide the Atlantic. Nuclear-sharing could be the key to cross-Atlantic co-operation in the techno logical sphere, stimulating economic growth and political harmony, frustrating Soviet exploitation of their military power.—Ed.
The Projected European Union and American International Prestige
Authors: Wright Quincy
Published: March 2007

There are variations in the concept of prestige, but no serious injury to United States prestige is likely to result from President de Gaulle's veto of British entry into the Common Market and his plans to develop "Europe of the Six" for both economic and political purposes. The United States supported British entry into the Common Market, but it is not certain that opinion in either France or Britain desired it, and better alternatives may emerge. Many Europeans who welcomed American leadership in 1947 have come to resent it, because they are conscious of the great changes in economic and political relations in the last decade and believe that their continent can now provide for its own defense and development with United States friendship. The effect of customs unions on trade liberalization is problematical, but United States and world economic interests may be better forwarded if such unions are kept small. A strong United Nations is an American interest and may be served by the simultaneous decentraliza tion of both great alliance systems so that the Charter pro visions subordinating regional and collective defense arrange ments to collective security can be implemented. The United States has an opportunity to increase its prestige by accommo dating itself to the obsolescence of the bipolarized world and developing the potentialities of collective security under the United Nations.
European Communism and the Sino-Soviet Schism
Authors: Griffith William E.
Published: March 2007

East European communism has two subgroups: the more moderate Yugoslavs, Poles, and Hungarians and the more rigid East Germans, Czechoslovaks, Rumanians, and Bul garians—plus the pro-Chinese Albanians. West Europe has two mass Communist parties, the semirevisionist Italians and the rigid French, and many other small, sectarian ones. The effect of the Sino-Soviet schism has been decisive only in Al bania, which, out of fear of Yugoslavia, has deserted Moscow for Peking, and primary only in Yugoslavia, where it furthered but did not primarily cause the new Soviet-Yugoslav rapproche ment. Elsewhere throughout Europe, Communist parties have remained pro-Soviet. Even so, by giving party leaderships more room for maneuver, the schism has significantly con tributed to, although not primarily determined, the consolida tion of Polish moderation, the extension of liberalization in Hungary, and ideological revisionism and reformism in Italian communism. In the long run, it seems likely to further still more increasing differentiation and moderation throughout European communism.
Trends in Intergovernmental Relations
Authors: Benson George C.S.
Published: March 2007

Trends in intergovernmental relations have not been a simple move from "layer cake" to "marble cake." There were many federal-state and federal-state-local rela tionships in the nineteenth century, although it is true that strict construction theories were held by most presidents. The responsibilities between states and localities were never clear-cut. Grants-in-aid have been the major factor in alter ing the situation in the twentieth century. The national gov ernment has also moved into the field of business regulation. The major causes of the change included the pressing nature of federal grants, professionalism, technological factors, and political factors. The grants-in-aid structure has left a num ber of unsolved problems. It does not equalize very effec tively. It probably has not improved state-local personnel ex cept in certain specific fields. It has decreased state and local responsibility and confused state and local budgeting. The future situation is somewhat in doubt. The over-all national government fiscal situation is poorer than that of states and localities. However, there are economists who feel that the national government must continue to spend. Pressure groups are continuing to operate for grants. The effectiveness of the "new conservatism" is open to question. The only technical device for preventing the development of the present politi cally irresponsible grants-in-aid system seems to be the block grant which has been advocated by leaders of both parties but has attained no official status. Political scientists are urged to try to keep the values of state and local government in mind in appraising the grant system.
Interstate Relations—Some Emergent Trends
Authors: Monypenny Phillip
Published: March 2007

In addition to formally constituted relationships among the states in the American system, there have also evolved several informal relationships. The latter supple ment the former in making co-operation effective among the states. Of the informal relationships, perhaps the oldest and among the most effective has been the movement for uniform state laws. Through this movement, now almost three-quar ters of a century old, agreement has been sought and fre quently reached on an impressive number of social and eco nomic issues deemed to require uniform treatment among the several states. This uniform treatment has been accom plished primarily through the preparation of drafts of legis lation by a conference on uniform state laws, meeting annu ally, in which all states are represented. These drafts encom pass the recommendations of technical specialists and affected private interests, and are sponsored before the state legisla tures for adoption. A broad measure of uniform agreement among a great majority of states has been accomplished by this approach in many subject-matter areas, even though some of the topics dealt with have been very technical in nature. Besides this trend in interstate relations there also have emerged closer working relationships in the field of interstate trade and in other areas. Through them a greater measure of consistency and agreement on the part of each state with respect to certain interstate problems has been effected.
Politics and Federalism: Party or Anti-Party?
Authors: Buchanan William
Published: March 2007

The American public retains a genuine affection for the idea of grass-roots government. The Republican party has failed, despite conscientious effort, to use this sentiment as a lever to strengthen state and local and limit national power. Federalism weakened political parties from the start, but the national party organization has not become stronger along with the national government. The Republican party has ap parently been too weak to brake centralization at the national level, but itself too decentralized to strengthen local govern ment. Grants-in-aid have made the subordinate level stronger, but at the same time they have depoliticized it. Can a states' rights party survive only if it advocates a federal subsidy for local government and local politics?
Urban Concentration, Agriculture, and Agrarian Reform
Authors: Eder George Jackson
Published: March 2007

Price controls and concealed taxes on everything the farmer sells, and inflationary prices for everything he buys, plus squatter sovereignty and banditry, have impoverished the small farmer in Latin America. This has caused thousands to flee to the cities, creating housing shortages and slums. There are only two legitimate goals of agrarian reform: to increase productivity, meaning increased abundance for the entire nation ; and the enhancement of human dignity, meaning the transformation of peons into proprietors. Land reform programs based on confiscation and redistribution of existing efficiently operated farms, or which permit squatters or peasants to take private property without payment, do not fulfill either objective. A true agrarian reform program should be based primarily on distribution of government-owned lands, and on more effective land taxes and inheritance taxes to induce landowners to put their properties to more efficient use, or to sell them to others who would do so. The government must, above all, maintain law and order, for if there is no security for life and limb and private property, as is the case in Colombia and as was true in Mexico after 1910, there can be no solution for the problems of agriculture, no sound program of agrarian reform, no remedy for excessive urban concentration, and no end to city slums and housing shortages.
What Will Be the Instruments of Latin-American Advancement?
Authors: Arias E. Ricardo M.
Published: March 2007

What are the elements that Latin America needs in order to achieve economic development? The process of economic development is an extremely complex one, calling for means and procedures which cannot be specified with mathematical exactitude. Examination of important and well-known points of view on the subject indicates that these elements include international co-operation, which really embraces all the others; agrarian reform, to increase and diversify agricultural output, train the farmers, and build and improve penetration roads to transport crops; rational development of natural resources such as forests; encouragement of industrialization by means of stabilized international markets and more equitable trade policies on the part of the more developed countries —especially the West European countries; and external co-operation by other nations in the form of public and private investment and technological assistance. The economic integration of Latin America would also be an effective means of furthering economic development. The Alliance for Progress is highly useful in helping the Latin-American countries to combine these elements to bring about the emergence of economic development, for example, by undertaking surveys of the needs of Latin-American countries, by evaluation of development projects and external financing, and by channeling the funds for implementation of programs.—Ed.