bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Marius And Fortuna
Authors: Gilbert C. D.
Published: February 2009

In his treatment of Marius in the Bellum Jugurthinum Sallust lays considerable stress on fortune2 and Marius' belief in divine assistance. I shall offer an analysis of these concepts in two sections: (I) their use by Sallust himself in relation to Marius; (2) their use in the earlier tradition about Marius.

I. Though he is frequently mentioned in the earlier chapters of the B.J., our first formal introduction to Marius is in chapter 63. This chapter is of crucial importance. For it is the response given by the haruspex to Marius when he chances (forte) to be making a sacrifice at Utica that prompts him to ask for leave to go and stand for the consulship, an office for which he has an ingens cupido. Because of the aristocratic superbia of his commander Metellus he is ‘snubbed’ by him and thenceforth ‘cupidine atque ira grassari; neque facto ullo neque dicto abstinere quod modo ambitiosum foret' (64. 5).
The ‘Leges Iudiciariae’ of the Pre-Sullan Era
Authors: Griffin Miriam T.
Published: February 2009

Mommsen invented the notion that the ancient sources provide clear evidence for placing the pre-Sullan laws affecting the iudicia publica in two distinct categories, i.e. laws affecting courts in general (leges iudiciariae) and laws affecting one court (leges repetundarum, maiestatis, etc.). Fraccaro demolished it, arguing that the term lex iudiciaria had no such precise meaning in the ancient authors and that all the laws to which it was applied, before the Lex Aurelia of 70, were, in fact, leges repetundarum.
Problems in Ovid's Fasti
Authors: Alton E. H.
Published: February 2009

IGM form a unified group and we denote their consensus by the sign Z; in the absence of I we signify the consensus of GM with £. It will be seen that in the earlier part of Book I this family is reduced to M. Here one may sometimes call on the help of Harleianus 2564 saec. xv, which we call h; this manuscript, though overlaid with the vulgate text, shows a number of striking readings which reveal a source closely related to G. At the end of the poem we lack the guidance of A, which, though not free from interpolations, is by far the most sincere witness; here the testimony of Cantabrigiensis Pembrokianus 280 saec. xii, which we call F and which in the earlier books shows more fidelity to the A-tradition than any other manuscript, is sometimes useful, though it cannot be relied on without grave reservations. Editors usually quote Monacensis 8122 (D) as if it were a primary witness; it is nothing of the sort, but rather a much corrupted and interpolated offshoot of the A-tradition diluted by some contamination from Z. We use ω to indicate the mass of the vulgar manuscripts and ς to indicate some of them
Heroic Haircuts
Authors: Boardman John
Published: February 2009

In C.Q,. xxii (1972), 199 Professor R. G. Austin has drawn attention to the short at the front, unusually long at the back. It must be related to that other heroic ‘long back and sides’, the Theseis, which is described by Plutarch (Thes. 5) who compares Homer's Abantes Il. 2. 542, and adds by way of explanation that the custom was not learnt from the Arabes, as some think, nor from the Mysians (which incidentally explains Hector), but because the Abantes liked close combat and short front hair denied their adversaries a hand hold. The same explanation probably serves the Hectorean hair style.
Sappho Fr. 111
Authors: Killeen J. F.
Published: February 2009

Dr. G. S. Kirk suggested (C.Q.xiii [1963], 51–2) that the last line here referred to ‘a fantastically ithyphallic bridegroom’. Professor Lloyd-Jones (C.Q,. xvii [1967], 168), while professing uncertainty as to the rightness of this suggestion, thought it ‘quite likely’, and adduced in support of it a story from Tzetzes on Lycophron 1378 (ed. Scheer, ii. 381 f.), a story told also, but in different words, in the Etymologicum Magnum s.v. (ed. Gaisford, 153, If.), and containing in this second version the words ‘used in just the sense which Dr. Kirk ascribed to it in Sappho’.
Penology and Eschatology in Plato's Timaeus and Laws
Authors: Saunders T. J.
Published: February 2009

The eschatological myth in the tenth book of the Laws (903 b–905 d) contains a paragraph which purports to explain why, in the next world, efficient treatmentof souls according to their deserts is ‘marvellously easy’
Aequabilitasin Cicero's Political Theory, and the Greek Tradition of Proportional Justice
Authors: Fantham Elaine
Published: February 2009

This inquiry starts from two passages in book 1 of Cicero'sde Re Publica, both concerned with the failings of democracy as a political form. The first occurs in Scipio Aemilianus' opening criticism of the three unmixed constitutions. The weakness of democracy is that (1. 43)

cum omnia per populum geruntur quamvis iustum atque moderatum, tamenipsa aequabilitas est iniqua, cum habet nullos gradus dignitatis:
Bicolor Membrana
Authors: Johnson Richard R.
Published: February 2009

ALL classical palaeographers are familiar with Persius' roster of writing materials:

Now we take the book to hand, and the two-coloured parchment purged of hair, and papyrus, and a knotty reed.

Of the items mentioned, only ‘two-coloured parchment’ presents any difficulty.I hope in this article to present at least a possible solution to this problem.

An obvious supposition would be that Persius is merely referring to the natural differences in colour between the two sides of a piece of parchment.
Phaethon in Ovid and Nonnus
Authors: Knox Peter E.
Published: February 2009

Among the artifacts produced by nineteenth-centuryQuellenforschung, few have exerted more influence or endured more censure than the lost Hellenistic epyllion which, as reconstructed by G. Knaack, told of the journey of Phaethon to the palace of the sun-god and his disastrous ride in the solar car. Relying chiefly upon the two versions of the story told by Ovid in hisMetamorphoses(1.747–2.398) and Nonnus in theDionysiaca(38.105–434), and applying techniques comparable to the stemmatic method of textual criticism, Knaack traced every shared feature of these two accounts to the inevitable lost Hellenistic ‘original’. Details from Lucian (Dial. Deor.25) and Philostratus (Imag.1.11), who were also presumed to have read this lost poem, helped to fill in the blanks. Knaack's thesis illustrates the extremes of which source criticism was capable at a time when it was naively assumed that Roman poets were capable of little more than literal translation of their Greek models. In the early part of this century, a reaction set in against Knaack's method, when it was alleged that there was no common source for the two poets and that Nonnus derived his account of Phaethon directly from his reading of Ovid. The case was first made by J. Braune, who examined four episodes common to both works – Phaethon, Cadmus, Actaeon, and Daphne – and argued that correspondences between the two are due to imitation of Ovid by Nonnus. Braune's arguments did not win complete acceptance; it is noteworthy that even his supporters were not entirely convinced by three of his four test passages, for which abundant evidence survives of sources earlier than Ovid.
A Misunderstanding about Roman Divorce Law: the Meaning of ‘Praeter’ in Digest
Authors: Noy David
Published: February 2009

The extract from Paul's second book de adulteriis which is quoted at Digest 24.2.9 has been the source of much discussion about its implications for Roman divorce procedure. The text reads:

nullum divortium ratum est nisi septem civibus Romanis puberibus adhibitis praeter libertumeius qui divortium faciet. libertum accipiemus etiam eum, qui a patre avo proavo et ceteris susum versum manumissus sit.
Four Testimonia on the Academy
Authors: Dorandi Tiziano
Published: February 2009

’ɛχεδημία ἢ νῦν ’ακαδημία καλοɛμένη.

Latte's obelization is unnecessary. The form finds confirmation in a text from which I this one may itself derive, a fragment of Dicaearchus' βίος ϳελλάδος preserved by Plutarch:

ὁ δἑ Δικαίαχος ’ɛέμοε φησὸ καί ναράθοɛ σɛστρατεɛσάντων τίτε τίῖς τɛνδαρίδαις ἐξ ’ αρκαδίας, ἀφ’ οὖ μέν ’ɛχεδημίαν προσαγορεɛθῆναι τήν νἑν ’ακαδήμειαν, ἀφ’ οὐ δέ ναραθῶνα τὸν Δῆμομ, ἐπιδιδίντοντος ἐπιδιδίντὸν ἑκɛτσίως κατά τι λίγιον σφαγιον σφαγιάσασθαι πρὸ τῆς παατάξɛως.
Again Klytaimestra's Weapon
Authors: Sommerstein A. H.
Published: February 2009

Malcolm Davies, CQ 37 (1987), 65–75, has argued strongly for the view, almost universally discarded since Fraenkel's Agamemnon appeared, that Aeschylus envisaged Klytaimestra as killing her husband with an axe. He succeeds in establishing a strong probability that, among the various pre-Aeschylean versions of the story of Agamemnon's death, those which had him killed in his bath with the help of an entangling robe always made Klytaimestra use an axe, not a sword, to strike the fatal blows; and Sophocles and Euripides when they specify the weapon invariably specify it as an axe. All that this proves, however, is that if Aeschylus did make Klytaimestra kill Agamemnon in his bath with a sword, he was innovating. We have still to determine whether he did in fact so innovate. It is fair to treat the pre- and post-Aeschylean evidence as establishing a presumption in favour of the axe, but a presumption only: if there is unambiguous evidence in the text of the Oresteia that the Aeschylean Klytaimestra used a sword, it must be taken as outweighing any amount of external evidence which can show only that other Klytaimestras, imagined by other poets and artists, did not use one.
Gulielmius and the Erfurtensis of Cicero: New Readings For Pro Sulla
Authors: Berry D. H.
Published: February 2009

The Erfurtensis (E), now lat. 2°.252 in the Staatsbibliothek Preuβischer Kulturbesitz at Berlin (West), was assembled by Wibald of Corvey in the mid twelfth century, and is the most comprehensive medieval manuscript of Cicero, containing nearly half of what was eventually to survive. The manuscript as it exists today has lost one or more folios at several different points, but in some of these places readings were recorded by sixteenth and seventeenth-century scholars before the mutilations occurred. There is, however, only one lacuna where early collations survive and where, also, E is a manuscript of primary importance for the reconstruction of the text. The omission in question, caused by the removal of folios at some unknown date between the beginning of the seventeenth century and the early nineteenth century, comprises the end of pro Caecina (beginning after vincula, § 100) and virtually all pro Sulla (ending before- tundis Catilinae, §81). No readings are known to have been taken from the end of pro Caecina, but from the bulk of pro Sulla, before the manuscript as we have it resumes, a sizeable number of readings has fortunately been preserved. The tradition of pro Sulla takes the form of two branches, one consisting of Munich, Bayer. Staatsbibliothek, Clm 18787, olim Tegernseensis, (T) and all the deteriores (to), the other consisting of just two manuscripts, E and its twin, Vatican, Pal. lat. 1525 (which will be referred to as V). V comes to a halt at §43; the early collations of E are therefore of the highest importance for pro Sulla until §81, especially from §43 onwards where they comprise our only record for one of the tradition's two branches.
Augustus, the Poets, and the Spolia Opima
Authors: Harrison S. J.
Published: February 2009

The winning of the ultimate military honour of spolia opima, spoils taken personally from an enemy commander killed by a Roman commander, traditionally occurred only three times in Roman history, the winners being Romulus in the legendary period, A. Cornelius Cossus in either 437 or 426 and M. Claudius Marcellus in 222 B.C.1 The dedication-place of these special spoils was the temple of Jupiter Feretrius on the Capitol, traditionally founded by Romulus for the purpose, and considered the oldest temple in Rome (Livy 1.10.7): the god was said to draw his name either from the fact that the spolia opima were carried (ferre) up to the Capitol by the victorious general in person, or from the fact that the general had to strike down(ferire) his opposite number before such spoils could be won.
The Myth of the First Sacred War
Authors: Robertson Noel
Published: February 2009

In the history of Archaic Greece no event stands out so clearly as the First Sacred War. The War took place in the years round 590 B.C., and ended with the capture and destruction of the great city of Crisa at the hands of a coalition of powers which included Sicyon, Athens, and Thessaly. Our sources provide a wealth of detail–the causes of the War, the names of half-a-dozen commanders and champions, the stages of the fighting, the victory celebrations and dedications which ensued, certain Delphic oracles and Amphictyonic decrees.
Women and Sacrifice in Classical Greece
Authors: Osborne Robin
Published: February 2009

There is no doubt that a person's gender could make a difference to their role in Greek sacrifices. But did it normally make a difference in Greece? And why did it make a difference? Two inscriptions from the island of Thasos neatly illustrate the problem. First, one dated to around 440 and found in the sanctuary of Herakles:

[Ἡρα]κλεῖ Θασῖωι

[αἶγ]α οὐ θμισ, οὐ–

[δ] χοῖρον οὐδ γ–

[υ]ναικ; θμισ οὐ–

[δ]' νατεεται οὐ–

δ γρα τμνετα–

ι οὐσ' θλται1
A Roman Hecale: OvidFasti3.661–74
Authors: Harrison S. J.
Published: February 2009

This is one of the identities offered by Ovid for the goddess Anna Perenna, whose festival falls on the Ides of March. Ovid's lines give us the following information about this version of Anna: she was a poor but industrious old woman living in the suburbs of Rome, her benevolent baking and distribution of cakes provided much-needed sustenance for theplebsduring theirsecessioon the Mons Sacer, and theplebsrepaid this service when peace was restored by dedicating a cult-statue to her, so founding the cult of Anna Perenna. This Anna is thus a minor character, otherwise unknown, associated with a cult of obscure origin and with a major historical event, the firstsecessio plebisto the Mons Sacer usually dated to 494 B.C. This alone would make it likely that Ovid is inventing her here as circumstantial detail. When we consider that wo are told that she lived at Bovillae, some twelve miles south-east of Rome (orta… Bovillissurely indicates residence as well as place of birth), and that the Mons Sacer was located three miles north-east of the city, any probability of Ovid's story being a fully historical report vanishes; Anna of Bovillae was simply in the wrong place to purvey cakes to theplebson this occasion, unless she ran a modern-style delivery service over a thirty-mile circuit. The possibility remains that there was an otherwise unknown cult of Anna Perenna at Bovillae to which Ovid refers, since the association of Anna with Bovillae must have come from somewhere, especially as it here seems to introduce an unwanted inconsistency.
Hydra Redundans (Ovid, Heroides 9.95)
Authors: Casali Sergio
Published: February 2009

Deianira complains that Hercules, as a slave of Omphale, did not refrain from telling to the Lydian queen his famous labours; among them, the Hydra:

quaeque redundabat fecundo vulnere serpens

fertilis et damnis dives ab ipsa suis (Ov. Her. 9.95f.)

‘It will be admitted that redundabat, which usually means to “overflow”’ can only be applied to the Hydra by a very strong metaphor; but it is not only a strong one, it is quite unexampled: so A. Palmer in The Academy 49 (1896), 160. But his own emendation rebellabat has not convinced anybody – rightly, as I think. Still, his remark was not otiose: redundabat refers to the ‘growing again’ of Hydra's heads, that seem to ‘spring’ from the wounds like water's spurts; it is not impossible, but nevertheless it is strange. Why does Ovid use this metaphor ‘a fluctibus desumpta’ (Burman) here? I suggest that there is a precise reason: Ovid does not mention the name of the serpens, but of course his reader knows it and also knows why the Hydra is so called: πò τν ὐδτων.
The Destruction of Limits in Sophokles' Elektra
Authors: Seaford Richard
Published: February 2009

Greek tragedy is full of rituals perverted by intra-familial conflict. To mention some examples from the house of Atreus: the funeral bath and the funeral covering, normally administered to a man's corpse by his wife as an expression of ɸιλία, have in Aeschylus' Oresteia become instruments in the killing of Agamemnon; the pouring of libations at the tomb, normally a θελκτήριον for the dead, becomes in the Choephoroi an occasion for his arousal; Euripides has Klytaimnestra ‘sacrificed’ while performing the sacrifice for her (fictitious) newly born grandchild. On the important question of why it is that tragedians pervert ritual I hope to shed some light in future publications. The purpose of this paper is to examine the radical form taken by the perversion of mourning in Sophokles' Elektra.

In the first decade of this century the comparative anthropologists Hertz and van Gennep discovered as a widespread feature of the period of mourning its character as participation in the transitional state of the recently dead, to be ended by the incorporation of the dead person into his or her proper destination and the reincorporation of the mourners into the flow of everyday social life. The mourning relatives in a sense share the condition of the dead.
The Reunion Duo In Euripides' Helen
Authors: Willink C. W.
Published: February 2009

So begins one of the most engaging, and variously controversial, musical scenes in Euripides. The Messenger's narrative of the Phantom Helen's disappearance has proved to Menelaus that the Helen standing before him is the real Helen, altogether innocent of elopement to Troy, from whom he has been sundered for seventeen laborious years. The ensuing embrace is developed in a duet (Hel. 625–59) which is followed without a break by the so-called ‘Interrogation’ (660–97), the two together constituting the so-called ‘Recognition Duo’.
The Kallias Decree, Thucydides, and the Outbreak of the Peloponnesian War
Authors: Kallet-Marx Lisa
Published: February 2009

It has become necessary to enter any discussion of the date of the Kallias decrees,IGi3.52, armed with apologies and justifications merely for bringing up the matter again; such is the result not so much of the quantity of articles and chapters written on the subject as of the belief that the orthodox date, 434/3, has been proved, despite reliance on circumstantial evidence and some forceful objections levied against it.1 Indeed, that the case is considered closed can find no better reflection than the assignment of the date 434/3 inIGi3without even a question mark.
P. Oxy. 2463: Lycophron and Callimachus
Authors: Livrea Enrico
Published: February 2009

The present paper concludes that P. Oxy. 2463 contains remnants of a commentary on the Aitia of Callimachus. Identifying the commentary makes it possible to reconstruct the missing part of Heracles' conversation with Molorchus (SH 256–7), confirming its place in the Victoria Berenices and settling the latter's relationship to the Aitia. The argument takes its departure from a vexed passage in Lycophron.
Plautine Elements in the Running-Slave Entrance Monologues?
Authors: Csapo Eric
Published: February 2009

Despite a growing body of evidence to the contrary, the running slave (‘servus currens’), and particularly the often lengthy entrance monologue of the running slave, is generally considered a distinctly Roman phenomenon, an exuberant growth of the Latin soil, albeit from Greek seed.1 There are two reasons for this. One reason is the frequency with which the motif appears in the comedies of Plautus and Terence, in sharp contrast with the absence of any single undisputable New Comic example. The second reason is Eduard Fraenkel'sPlautinisches im Plautuswhich, sixty-five years after its publication, remains the most authoritative scholarly work in the field of Roman comedy. In this book Fraenkel argues that Plautus' running-slave scenes, particularly the monologues of theCurculio(280–98) and theCaptivi(790–828), are a veritable nexus of original Plautine traits.
The Manuscript Tradition of Seneca's Natural Questions
Authors: Hine Harry M.
Published: February 2009

A. The Problem:

Since A. Gercke's fundamental work, there has been no complete reappraisal of the manuscript tradition of the Natural Questions, yet a reappraisal is long overdue. Gercke divided the manuscripts into two branches, Δ and Φ but this division has been seriously undermined from two quarters. First, H. W. Garrod questioned the status which Gercke assigned to Δ, arguing, quite rightly, that in every case where Δ has the truth against Φ, Δ's reading can reasonably be attributed to conjecture, which is known to be rife in Δ Certainly nothing is proved about Δ's integrity by the passages which Gercke adduced, such as the following (Δ's reading first):3
Two Imitations in Lucan
Authors: Zetzel J. E. G.
Published: February 2009

The subject is in both cases the voyage of the Argo, and therefore the use of the same words is not likely to be coincidental, even though the words themselves are scarcely uncommon. One would hesitate to deny, however, that such reminiscence might be unconscious; that Lucan had famous tags in his head is suggested by another allusion to famous opening lines:
Gnomologium Vatopedianum: The Euripidean Section
Authors: Longman G. A.
Published: February 2009

Spranger's Preliminary Skeleton List of the Manuscripts of Euripides (C.Q. xxxiii [1939], 98–107) mentions four gnomological manuscripts:

The first and the third of these manuscripts contain miscellaneous excerpts of many classical and scriptural authors, arranged under various subject headings; though some of the excerpts are Euripidean, these manuscripts have no more right to be classified as Euripidean than have the manuscripts of Orion or Stobaeus. They are, therefore, wrongly included in Spranger's list.
Lucretius 5. 979
Authors: Molyneux J. H.
Published: February 2009

As generally interpreted this line leaves much to be desired because of its unwieldy construction. It is true that est ut plus a form of possum is a common periphrasis in Lucretius (for examples v. Munro, 4th edition, note on 1. 620). Quite common also is Lucretius' use of the infinitive as a nominative substantive (examples cited by Munro, note on 1. 331). But the combination of fieri mirarier with the already periphrastic erat ut posset results in ‘a very clumsy phrase.… The line should be regarded as one which Lucretius might have improved on revision’ (Bailey).
Dieuchidas of Megara
Authors: Davison J. A.
Published: February 2009

It is immediately evident that the second sentence in this passage is incomplete; as it stands is fails to tell us what it was that Dieuchidas said execept in so far as it implies some connexion between either Solon of Peisistratus and the lines which we now reat at Iliad 2.558 ff. Many scholars have striven to fill the lacuna in accordance with their own views of what Dieuchidas ought to have written, and some have sought to use the resulting text as a substantive argument for Dieuchidas' knowledge of the so-called ‘Peisistratean recension’.
Connotations of ‘Macedonia’ and of ‘Macedones’ until 323 b.c.
Authors: Hammond N. G. L.
Published: February 2009

It was a characteristic of Macedonian custom that a name was used in a special and in a general sense. For example, ‘Foot-Companions’ was the name of a Bodyguard of Philip and also of the men of the Phalanx-Brigades from Lower Macedonia, and ‘Hypaspists’ was the name of Infantry-Guardsmen of Alexander and also of the men of three Hypaspist Phalanx-Brigades. Geographical names were repeated: there were at least two regions and two cities called ‘Emathia’, two or three regions called ‘Doberus’, four cites called Philippi or Philippopolis, and Alexandrias galore. To a modern mind this makes for confusion. That is certainly the case with the names ‘Macedonia’ and ‘Macedones’, which I shall treat separately in this article.
The speech of Pythagoras in OvidMetamorphoses15: EmpedocleanEpos
Authors: Hardie Philip
Published: February 2009

Ovidians continue to be puzzled by the 404-line speech put into the mouth of Pythagoras in book 15 of theMetamorphoses.Questions of literary decorum and quality are insistently raised: how does the philosopher's popular science consort with the predominantly mythological matter of the preceding fourteen books? Do Pythagoras' revelations provide some kind of unifying ground, a ‘key’, for the endless variety of the poem? Can one take the Speech as a serious essay in philosophical didactic, or is it all a mighty spoof, as intentionally laughable, perhaps, as the imperial panegyric with which the narrative of book 15 concludes? Or should we beware of imposing modern tastes on Ovid's original audience, and respect the Hellenistic and Roman predilection for scientific poetry? This article seeks to establish further contexts for the evaluation of the Speech of Pythagoras through a study of Ovid's allusive practice within the Greco-Roman tradition of hexameterepos.The figure who provides a foundation for Ovid's construction of his own poetic genealogy turns out to be the Greek philosophical poet Empedocles. The resulting reflections on Ovid's manipulation of generic conventions may be timely in the light of the recent appearance of sophisticated and fresh approaches to the question of whether theMetamorphosesis, or is not, an epic.
Sophocles, Antigone 2–3
Authors: Jones D. Mervyn
Published: February 2009

The duplication ο τι…οποιν has caused much trouble. However, schol. on explains ο τι by αντι τον οποιον. The οποιον may well have begun life as an intramarginal gloss written against the beginning of 2–3, which the next scribe mistook for the first word of 3 in the text, and dropped the original first word, which on this hypothesis would not necessarily bear any literal resemblance to οποιον. As for what this word was, there are obviously many possibilities; if for instance it was οανοντος, that would make explicit the contrast between the dead Oedipus and νωνπωοαιν, in a manner helpful to the context.
A trireme for hire(Is. 11. 48)
Authors: Casson Lionel
Published: February 2009

In the extensive cast of characters named in Isaeus'On the Estate of Hagniasare two brothers, Chaereleos and Macartatus. The speaker, their brother-in-law, is anxious to impress upon the members of the court that neither was a rich man. ‘You are all my witnesses,’ he asserts, ‘that…they were not in the class of those who perform liturgies but rather of those who possess a modest estate.’ Chaereleos on his death left land worth no more than 3000 drachmas. Macartatus left nothing at all. ‘For you know,’ the speaker reminds his audience, ‘that he sold his land, bought a trireme, manned it, and sailed off to Crete, (you know it) because it was by no means a covert act—indeed, it furnished a topic for discussion in the Assembly, namely that he might cause a state of war instead of peace between us and the Spartans.…It turned out…that he died along with this property of his that he sailed off with. For he lost everything, both the trireme and his life, in the war’.(Is. 11.48–9)
Statius' Altar of Mercy
Authors: Burgess John F.
Published: February 2009

A. W. Verrall (The Altar of Mercy, Literary Essays Classical and Modern, Cambridge, 1913) considers rightly that the scene at Thebaid I 2. 481 ff. is ‘the cardinal point of the whole poem’. I hope to show that Statius has portrayed the goddess Clementia as a force which functions in a way very different from that which his readers would expect from their experience of the usage of the word clementia and that his new portrayal is closely related to a theme of the poem. I shall suggest that his redefinition of the concept was inspired by the political situation in which he found himself. The Altar of Mercy focuses Statius' thoughts on the position of man in the universe and of the individual in society, and coming as it does after eleven books of disaster offers some comfort to man in his suffering. Statius is concerned in the Thebaid with man as a tragic victim, and the Altar of Mercy affords him comfort precisely in that area in which he most seeks it.
The Language of the Later Books of Tacitus' Annals
Authors: Adams J. N.
Published: February 2009

The demonstration by E. Wölfflin that between theHistoriesandAnnalsTacitus progressed towards a more archaic and artificial style is well known. From the outset Tacitus adhered to the traditional Roman view that history should be composed in an archaic language remote from everyday usage ; but he was apparently at first not fully aware of the possibilities of the archaizing style. New archaisms and artificial usages suggested themselves as he advanced ; and others, which he had used sporadically even early in theHistories, were allowed to oust ordinary alternatives completely.
The Years 375 to 371 Bc: A Case Study in the Reliability of Diodorus Siculus and Xenophon
Authors: Gray V. J.
Published: February 2009

Neither the chronology nor the interpretation of the history of the years 375 to 371 BC is yet settled. The date of the peace that followed the Athenian naval victory over Sparta at Alyzeia in Scirophorion 375 is put variously in the second half of 375 or 374 or even in spring 374. The status of the Boeotian cities at the time of the peace as well as the role of the King and the participation of Thebes are controversial, and this affects the interpretation of the peace itself.
The Aedui, Troy, and the Apocolocyntosis
Authors: Braund D. C.
Published: February 2009

In his Gallic War Caesar tells us that the Roman Senate had frequently recognized the Aedui as ‘brothers and kinsmen’. This statement, though prima facie rather odd, is fully supported by Caesar's contemporaries, Cicero and Diodorus Siculus, and a number of later authorities. Ihm was of the opinion that the Aedui were recognized as ‘fratres consanguineosque’ because they were the first tribe in Gallia Comata to enter into alliance with Rome. However, no ancient authority supports this view and it is hardly sufficient to explain the notion of blood relationship implied by these titles.
Minor Emendations in Pliny and Tacitus
Authors: Syme Ronald
Published: February 2009

Under cover of gentle rebuke Pliny lent encouragement to an author still reluctant to publish, although hendecasyllable verses from the versatile consular had announced the book. Ever considerate and helpful, he confesses to Suetonius Tranquillus that he is himself prone to be dilatory:

Sum et ipse in edendo haesitator, tu tamen meam quoque cunctationem tarditatemque vicisti. proinde aut rumpe iam moras aut cave ne eosdem istos libellos, quos tibi hendecasyllabi nostri blanditiis elicere non possunt, convicio scazontes extorqueant (5.10.20).
Some Astronomical Manuscripts
Authors: Reeve M. D.
Published: February 2009

These H, British Library Harl. 647, was written in Lorraine but crossed before AD 1000 to England, where it later belonged to St. Augustine's Canterbury; Cicero's verses in minuscule occupy the foot of each page, and the rest is given over to the appropriate illustration, painted only at the extremities and filled out to the requisite shape with scholia from Hyginus in small capitals. D, Dresden Dc 183, left France not before 1573; illustrations and scholia occur only in a preceding work, thescholia Sangermanensia.
The Career of Corippus Again
Authors: Cameron Averil
Published: February 2009

Among other recent attempts to correct what he takes to be Cameronian misconceptions, Barry Baldwin has reopened the question of a difficult passage in the panegyric to Anastasius the quaestor prefaced to Corippus' In laudem Iustini. His discussion perfectly correctly emphasizes the fragility of our knowledge of Corippus' life and background, but unfortunately it introduces certain misconceptions itself which make a rejoinder inescapable, especially since new arguments may be adduced.
Athens' First Intervention in Sicily: Thucydides and the Sicilian Tradition
Authors: Bosworth Brian
Published: February 2009

The first Athenian intervention in Sicily is one of the most opaque episodes in Thucydides. The historian for once dispenses with a full record and confines himself explicitly to the major events of the campaign. What then emerges is a disconnected narrative of geographically separate actions, most of them trivial. There is no attempt to give a synoptic picture or explain the problems of strategy, and the lack of coordination has (not surprisingly) impressed many critics. The episode is remarkable for another reason. For once we have that rarest of rare birds, an independent control source for Thucydides. Since 1930 there has been available a brief fragment of papyrus, usually ascribed to Philistus, which provides an extraordinarily detailed, if fragmentary, report of a portion of the campaign. The fragment has become a standard reference, and it is reported, not always accurately, in the more recent scholarship on the Peloponnesian War. But there has been little attempt to come to terms with the historiographical problem it poses. Not only does the fragment give a large amount of detail which has no counterpart in Thucydides, but its narrative, as it is usually interpreted, is formally inconsistent with Thucydides' chronology. The new fragment is most probably the work of a Sicilian historian, well acquainted with the events of 427/6, and it is – to put it mildly – disturbing to find a contradiction in what should have been an easily verifiable sequence of events.
Prose Usages of Ἀκογειν ‘To Read’
Authors: Schenkeveld Dirk M.
Published: February 2009

When we encounter the following words: ‘A few moments ago, I think, you heard Plato saying that there is no specific name for the art which deals with the body’, it is easy to put these into a literary context. We may imagine some kind of fictional dialogue, in which out of two or more partners one reminds another of what a few minutes ago Plato had said to them about a particular subject. Whether Plato is still present or has left the room, we do not yet know, and we hope to get this information from the rest of the book. The book might be an historical novel by, say, Mary Renault. So much is clear, and with our knowledge of the Classics we are sure that the book is not by a Classical author.
Helvidius Priscus, Eprius Marcellus, and Iudicium Senatus: Observations on Tacitus, Histories 4.7–8
Authors: Pigoń Jakub
Published: February 2009

‘E veramente quella sentenzia di Cornelio Tacito è aurea, che dice: che gli uomini hanno ad onorare le cose passate e ad ubbidire alle presenti, e debbono desiderare i buoni principi, e communque ei si sieno fatti, tolleragli’ – so Niccolò Machiavelli in 1531. Some four hundred years later a young Oxford scholar remarked: ‘that bad man, Eprius Marcellus, could have turned out a fine speech on the necessity for monarchy and tolerance, if we believe Tacitus – “ulteriora mirari, praesentia sequi; bonos imperatores voto expetere, qualescumque tolerare” (Hist. 4.8.2)’. It may be asked, however, to what extent the opinions of Eprius Marcellus (‘that bad man’) can be regarded as those of Tacitus himself; this is, beyond doubt, a part of a major question, i.e. to what extent the utterances of historical personalities can be seen as a means of conveying Tacitus' own judgements. It is not my intention here to deal with this large problem; rather, I think it useful to look more closely at the Tacitean passage as a whole: not only the speech of Marcellus but also that of Helvidius (to which it is a response) as well as the historical context of the affair. It is to be hoped that such examination will render the quest for the historian's own opinions a little less difficult.
The Gifts of the Gods: Pindar's ThirdPythian
Authors: Robbins E.
Published: February 2009

Hieron of Syracuse was the most powerful Greek of his day. He was also, and the two facts are not unrelated, the most frequent of Pindar's patrons. A singular feature of the four poems for this Sicilian prince is their obsession with sin and punishment: Tantalus in the FirstOlympian, Typhoeus, Ixion, and Coronis in the first threePythians– all offend divinity and suffer terribly. But even in this company, where glory comes trailing clouds of pain, the ThirdPythianstands out. The other three odes are manifestly epinician and celebrate success, both athletic and military. The SecondPythian, for instance, is a sombre canvas, and a motif of ingratitude dominates the myth. Yet it rings at the outset with praise of Syracuse and of Hieron's victory. The ThirdPythian, by comparison, is not obviously a victory ode.
Criteria for Happiness inNicomachean EthicsI 7 and X 6–8
Authors: Curzer Howard J.
Published: February 2009

In I 7 Aristotle lays down criteria for what is to count as human happiness. Happiness for man is self-sufficient (autarkes), complete without qualification (teleion haplos), peculiar to humans (idion), excellent (kat' aretēn), and best and most complete (aristēn kai teleiotatēn). Many interpreters agree that in X 6–8 Aristotle uses these along with other criteria to disqualify the life of amusement and rank one happy life above another.
The Speaking Book: The Prologue to Apuleius' Metamorphoses
Authors: Harrison S. J.
Published: February 2009

at ego tibi sermone isto Milesio varias fabulas conseram auresque tuas benivolas lepido susurro permulceam, modo si papyrum Aegyptiam argutia Nilotici calami inscriptam non spreveris inspicere. figuras fortunasque hominum in alias imagines conversas et in se rursum mutuo nexu refectas, ut mireris, exordior. ‘quis ille?’ paucis accipe. Hymettos Attica et Isthmos Ephyrea et Taenaros Spartiatica, glebae felices aeternum libris felicioribus conditae, mea vetus prosapia est; ibi linguam Atthidem primis pueritiae stipendiis merui, mox in urbe Latia advena studiorum Quiritium indigenam sermonem aerumnabili labore nullo magistro praeeunte aggressus excolui. en ecce praefamur veniam, si quid exotici ac forensis sermonis rudis locutor offendero. iam haec equidem ipsa vocis immutatio desultoriae scientiae stilo quern accessimus respondet. fabulam Graecanicam incipimus. lector intende: laetaberis.
Herodotus 2.96. 1–2 Again
Authors: Haldane Cheryl W. , Shelmerdine Cynthia W.
Published: February 2009

As A. B. Lloyd points out, the passage from Herodotus which includes this sentence is the most important non-Egyptian commentary on Ancient Egyptian shipbuilding. In the years following the discovery of the Dynasty IV ships buried beside Khufu's pyramid at Giza (c. 2500 B.C.), J. S. Morrison suggested a change in the translation of the word (⋯ν)επ⋯κτωσαν. Traditionally, and in Lloyd's commentary, the verb ⋯μπακτ⋯ω has been interpreted as meaning ‘to caulk’. Morrison, however, believes that (⋯ν)επ⋯κτωσαν ought to refer to reinforcement of a ship's fastenings with papyrus ropes. He bases this interpretation on the evidence of the Khufu boats, which are sewn through v-shaped mortises across the hull's width (Fig. 1), and on the argument that caulking is better done from the outside. Lloyd has challenged this translation, but we would like to support it with some further evidence, in particular evidence of Egyptian shipbuilding practice.
Dating Corinna
Authors: West M. L.
Published: February 2009

In CQ 20 (1970), 277–87, 1 argued for dating Corinna to the third century B.C. In my Greek Metre (1982), p. 141, I continued to assume this date, observing that not everyone accepted it but that I knew of no attempt to answer my arguments. I must confess to having overlooked at least one such attempt, by A. Allen in CJ 68 (1972/3), 26–8; and now M. Davies has mounted another in SIFC 81 (1988), 186–94, largely repeating Allen's points but with some new touches. Allen upholds the traditional fifth-century date. Davies has yet to come to a decision, but meanwhile he is eager to discredit what he regards as an unsatisfactory case for a Hellenistic dating.
Ariadne's Mitra: A Note on Catullus 64.61–4
Authors: Tatham Gail
Published: February 2009

Among the clothes Ariadne is wearing in this scene is a finely woven headdress which Catullus terms a ‘mitra’ (1.63). Commentators have defined this mitra variously as a ‘scarf’ (Ellis, Merrill), a ‘cap or bonnet’ (Fordyce) and a ‘kind of hairnet’ (Quinn).

In Greek literature, a ‘mitra’ is any piece of cloth worn by women in various ways to tie up their hair. While the word came to be used by Latin writers, it seems to have retained its specifically Greek associations. Varro refers to ‘mitra’ as a Greek word:

mitra et reliqua ferre in capite postea addita cum vocabulis Graecisd. (de Ling. Lat. 5.130)
Julius Valerius 1.36 and Auxiliary Habeo
Authors: Jacobson Howard
Published: February 2009

In the Res Gestae Alexandri of Julius Valerius, the manuscripts at 1.36 read Tyrum enim proteri mox pedibus haberi principis respondere. The use of habeo with infinitive as a virtual equivalent of the future tense is common in late Latin. Thielmann emended our text to read habere and is followed by the standard critical edition and by TLL. “Can haberi be defended? We ought to remember that auxiliary verbs are often ‘attracted’ into the passive when the dependent infinitive is passive, in the case of some verbs regularly, with others occasionally (consider coepi, incipio, possum, desino).b It is not impossible to believe that the text at hand reflects the same phenomenon.
TheIliad, theOdysseyand their audiences
Authors: Dalby Andrew
Published: February 2009

It has been easy to take the apparently detached viewpoint of the two early Greek epics as actually objective, a window on a ‘Heroic Age’, on a ‘Homeric society’ and its values. We used to ask whether ‘Homeric society’ belongs to the poets' own time or to some earlier one. We still ask how to characterize and explain the ways in which the ‘Homeric world’ differs fromanyworld that we can accept as having existed: we answer with phrases such as ‘poetic exaggeration’ and ‘epic distance’. We have constructed ‘Homeric society’, but it remains an isolate. It can tell us nothing in return of the poets' intentions, or of the society of their time, unless we have a working hypothesis as to the place in that society that was held by the poets and their audiences.
Family ties: significant patronymics in Euripides' Andromache
Authors: Phillippo Susanna
Published: February 2009

Critical discussion of Andromache has almost invariably focused on the question of unity. As everyone who has ever read a critical account of the play knows, the action falls into three parts: the plot against Andromache by Hermione and her father, foiled by Peleus; Hermione's subsequent panicky flight with Orestes; and Neoptolemos' murder at Orestes' instigation. The play appears not to possess ‘unity of action’ in the strict Aristotelian sense: there is, for instance, no tight causal connection between the plot against Andromache and Orestes' plot against Neoptolemos. Troubled by this, critics have made a variety of attempts to find unity of another sort: unity of ‘theme’. Each has asked, ‘What is Andromache about?’, taking the question in an absolute sense; and has assumed that one must search for a single answer.
Rouge and crocodile dung: notes on Ovid, Ars 3.199–200 and 269–70
Authors: Hendry Michael
Published: February 2009

In Ars Amatoria 3.267–72, part of a longer sequence which begins in 261, Ovid advises his female readers on how to conceal various physical shortcomings. Text and apparatus are quoted from Kenney's revised OCT:

quae nimium gracilis, pleno uelamina filo

sumat, et ex umeris laxus amictus eat;

pallida purpureis tangat sua corpora uirgis,

nigrior ad Pharii confuge piscis opem;

pes malus in niuea semper celetur aluta,

arida nee uinclis crura resolue suis;…
The labour of women in classical Athens
Authors: Brock Roger
Published: February 2009

Demosthenes' clientEuxitheosis attempting to defend his claim to citizenship, and finds himself obliged to counteract the prejudice raised by his opponent Euboulides from the fact that his mother works, and has worked, inmenial wage labour.The implication is that no citizen woman would sink so low; therefore, she is no citizen, and so neither is he. His response is defensive: he acknowledges that such labour is a source of prejudice (42), but argues that people often find themselves obliged to undertake such demeaning work through poverty, which is deserving of the jury's sympathy, and in any case has no bearing on questions of citizenship (45). He does not challenge the assumptions behind the prejudice, suggesting that he expects the jury to share them, and this might encourage us to extrapolate from the passage to a setof common values held by Athenian citizens, namely that paid work by women is degrading, embarrassing and only acceptable as a temporary expedient under thecompulsion of poverty. If we then align these attitudes with the implications elsewhere in the orators that women led lives ofseclusion, usually confined indoors and largely separated from theexterior male world, we might be inclined to conclude that the labour of women was also confined to theoikosand almost entirely distinct from the labour of males, not least in having little or no monetary aspect, a point which the usual view of the economic capacity of Athenian women appears to confirm.
Philip's actions in 347 and early 346 b.c.
Authors: Hammond N. G. L.
Published: February 2009

Although much of great interest has been written recently about the period of the socalled Peace of Philocrates, little or nothing has been said of a passage which provides important information in Justin's Epitome of the Historiae Philippicae of Pompeius Trogus. This passage, 8.3.12–15, comes between the destruction of Olynthus (September, 348) and the arrival of the Athenian envoys at Pella (February, 346). In subject matter it corresponds with ‘the subjugation of Thrace and Thessaly’ (Thracia atque Thessalia subactae) in Prologue 8 of Pompeius Trogus – a topic which Justin began in 8.3.1–6 and continued in our passage, 8.3.12–15.
Res Gestae34.1 and the settlement of 27b.c.
Authors: Turpin William
Published: February 2009

Augustus' account of the events of 28 and 27b.c. is maddeningly vague. In part the problem is simply that his individual phrases are ambiguous, but a more fundamental difficulty is the very nature of theRes Gestaeitself. The idea of publishing such a self-satisfied account of one's own doings is so alien to our modern sensibilities that we tend to read theRes Gestaeas though Augustus were capable of saying almost anything. We have concluded too easily, therefore, that atR.G. 34.1 Augustus is telling an outrageous lie, or at least an outrageous half-truth. After saying that he ended the civil wars, and acquired supreme power, Augustus claims to have handed over the state to the senate and the people of Rome. On the traditional reading this last claim is seriously misleading; Augustus may have handed over the state, but he fails to mention that the senate handed it back.
Immovable Delos:Aeneid3.73–98 and the Hymns of Callimachus
Authors: Barchiesi Alessandro
Published: February 2009

In the following two passages we read Apollo's epiphany to (respectively) the Trojan leader Aeneas and Callimachus
The Lucrine Lake at Juvenal 4.141
Authors: Coleman K. M.
Published: February 2009

The solution to the problem posed by the presentation of the giant turbot to Domitian is put forward by Montanus, a gourmet well qualified to adjudicate in such matters: one bite was sufficient for him to distinguish between oysters from Circeii, the Lucrine, or Richborough (Juv. 4.140–2). The text reads