bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Culture and Moral Evaluation
Authors: Jeske Diane
Published: August 2018

Cultural norms and pressures often act as an impediment to effective moral deliberation. In seeing why disagreement about moral norms and a commitment to toleration do not provide us with reasons for accepting cultural relativism, we have less reason to view cultural norms as constitutive of moral norms. Even if moral norms are not constituted by cultural norms, some philosophers have argued that being raised in a particular culture can affect the degree to which one is subject to various kinds of moral evaluation. Examination of our case studies shows, however, that the kinds of cultures envisioned by these philosophers are rarely realized in practice. Nonetheless, we need to be sensitive to when ignorance is not culpable and, thus, to when actions resulting from that ignorance are not culpable. Moral disagreement should also cultivate in us an appropriate humility.
Do the Ends Justify the Means?
Authors: Jeske Diane
Published: August 2018

Moral deliberation, like deliberation in general, almost always involves some appeal to the consequences of the actions available to the agent. The case studies of Franz Stangl, Ted Bundy, and Charles Colcock Jones provide examples of an appeal to consequences to attempt to justify action. In order to see what is wrong with the way that these men reasoned, the chapter examines the competing moral theories of consequentialism and deontology, and the nature of intrinsic versus instrumental value. By doing so, the author shows how to isolate errors in appealing to consequences such as failure to identify the full array of options, the effects on all people, and the overweighting of one’s own interests and of the interests of one’s loved ones.
Lineages
Authors: Gamble Ruth
Published: August 2018

Chapter 2 examines lineages in Tibetan society and the Buddhist tradition and explains how they influenced the development of Tibet’s reincarnation lineages. It begins by explaining the role of family lineages in thirteenth-century Tibet, describing how lineages helped form identities, created links between people, and served as a mechanism for inheritance. It then examines the three main forms of Buddhist lineages—monastic, Mahāyāna, and Tantric—and shows how these lineages were often intermingled with Tibetan family lineages and inheritance practices. The chapter ends by outlining how lineages associated with manifestation, particularly lineages associated with Avalokiteśvara, underpinned claims by Tibetans to be the manifestation of this bodhisattva and other celestial beings. This chapter also explains how the Karmapas’ reincarnation lineage, traditions, and institutions were presented not as a break from other lineages but as an extension of them, and it highlights the close relationship between lineages and specific places.
Communities
Authors: Gamble Ruth
Published: August 2018

Chapter 3 describes the various communities within which the traditions and institutions of reincarnation lineages developed. It begins by examining a subtle but influential shift in the discourse around reincarnation that occurred during Rangjung Dorje’s lifetime from “manifestation” to “rebirth.” The focus on reincarnates being born again enabled a more ordered succession between members of a reincarnation lineage and evoked familial lines. Belief and support for rebirth were tied closely with the process of recognition; reincarnates themselves, their predecessor’s students, authoritative gurus, and political elites all sanctioned the recognition of one being as the rebirth of another. As this chapter explains, this recognition underpinned the community support that maintained reincarnates’ traditions and institutions. These communities ranged from local Tibetan monasteries and villages to larger political entities like the Mongol empire. Eventually, imperial support for the Karmapa reincarnates conferred an otherwise unattainable intensity of prestige on the Karmapa reincarnation lineage.
From Death to Childhood
Authors: Gamble Ruth
Published: August 2018

Chapter 5 tells Rangjung Dorje’s version of his consciousness’s interlife journey from the second Karmapa’s death to his birth and childhood. It begins by analyzing his recollections of Karma Pakshi’s death in the Liberation Story of the In-between State, and his subsequent aborted attempt to enter the body of a nearby corpse. It then follows as he journeys to heaven and is convinced by a group of earth guardians to take rebirth as a human; he later endures the horrors of a human womb. As it tells this story, the chapter highlights the importance of this kind of storytelling to the reincarnation tradition and how this story has been altered over the centuries. The chapter ends with Orgyenpa’s recognition of Rangjung Dorje as Karma Pakshi’s reincarnation, and then describes his early training.
Introduction
Authors: Graves Margaret S.
Published: August 2018

The introduction outlines the art of the object in medieval Islam and introduces several of the book’s key concepts. It aligns architecture and the plastic arts, and shows how points of commonality between these “arts of the third dimension” are drawn allusively in the medieval Islamic context, relying not on direct morphological likeness but on indirect models of representation. It also discusses the implications of miniaturization and draws distinctions between the allusive artworks under discussion and representational objects like architectural maquettes or votive models. The introduction tackles head-on the unique issues of medieval Islamic portable artworks: the mobility of the objects and the problems this raises for traditional taxonomies, the role of the art market in the formation of the extant corpus, and the reductive effects of museum display and photographic reproduction on objects that were originally designed to be held and moved in the hands.
The Stakes of Overseas Colonialism in the Weimar Republic
Authors: Sandler Willeke
Published: August 2018

Chapter 1 asks how colonialists dealt with the end of their personal and professional involvement in overseas colonialism after the loss of these territories in the Treaty of Versailles. Colonialists after 1919 sought to convince the German public through their propaganda that this colonial loss was a national tragedy. In the Weimar Republic, they also had to adapt to the context of mass politics and to confront both colonial skepticism and anti-imperialism (particularly among Socialists and Communists). To maintain their continued agitation, colonialists increased their attempts to attract the support of the masses through the General German Colonial Program of 1928. They also sought new political alliances, including with the nascent Nazi Party in the early 1930s.
Gleichschaltung and the Beginnings of a Mass Movement, 1933–1935
Authors: Sandler Willeke
Published: August 2018

This chapter examines colonialists’ response to the Nazi takeover. Many saw the new Third Reich as fertile ground both ideologically and organizationally, and quickly adapted to their new reality. For these colonialists, the Nazi Party’s ostensible support for overseas colonialism, expressed through the 1920 Party Program, encouraged their belief that the Third Reich would also bring the reclamation of the overseas empire. In order to ensure public support for this goal and facing the Nazi regime’s drive to coordinate society through Gleichschaltung, the colonialist organizations underwent Selbstgleichschaltung (self-coordination) in 1933 and created the Reichskolonialbund as their new umbrella organization.. Between 1933 and 1935, German colonialists also established the organizational structure and goal of a mass movement (Volksbewegung) that would continue throughout the Third Reich.
Locating Germanness, Locating the Colonial
Authors: Sandler Willeke
Published: August 2018

Many colonialists had believed that the Nazi regime established in 1933 would ease cooperation between colonialists and the Nazi Party, but conflicts between colonialists and Nazi officials continued over the next decade. This chapter examines these continuing tensions through two categories: organizational rivalry and ideological competition. Organizations such as the NS-Frauenschaft, the Hitler Youth, the Auslands-Organisation, and the Volksbund für das Deutschtum im Ausland competed with colonialists for access to sectors of German society and for control over discussions about Auslandsdeutschen (Germans beyond Germany’s borders). Colonialists also had to assert the relationship between their focus on Africa and the Nazis’ focus on Eastern Europe as a territorial goal. These competitions at times hindered colonialists’ publicity work, yet also brought discussions of the former overseas colonies into broader sectors of society through these other organizations.
Introduction
Authors: Reny Marie-Eve
Published: August 2018

In China, religious practice is protected under the law only insofar as it is supervised by the state. In reality though, many Protestant churches are unregistered and informally tolerated by local public security bureaus. The empirical starting point of the book is to explain why local public security bureaus tolerate unregistered churches in Chinese cities. It discusses and refutes explanations in the study of Chinese politics and international relations that might address parts of this question. Those focus on the impact of international pressure on autocratic behavior, the principal-agent dilemma, the political economy of religion, social networks, and consultative authoritarianism. It finally introduces the argument, the methodology of the book, and its structure.
Conclusion
Authors: Reny Marie-Eve
Published: August 2018

This chapter summarizes the argument of the book. It also puts Chinese and comparative cases into perspective. It delves into the way containment sustains authoritarian rule not only in China, but also in Jordan and Egypt. Like public security bureaus that tolerate house churches to contain the long-term influence of informal Protestantism, state security actors in Jordan and Egypt have contained informal religious groups they anticipate might threaten political stability if left unmonitored. The conclusion ends on a note that is more specific to China. It discusses containment’s impact on societal agency and the circumstances in which it might lead to the legalization of informal religious organizations as autonomous.
Rights Dynamism
Authors: Zick Timothy
Published: August 2018

Chapter 1 explains one of the book’s central concepts, Rights Dynamism. Rights Dynamism is the process by which constitutional rights—including free speech and other rights discussed in the book—encounter and interact with one another. The chapter situates Rights Dynamism within current modes of constitutional analysis, including intratextualism, common law approaches, and broader theories of constitutional change. It explains the basic elements and mechanics of Rights Dynamism, and how they influence the interpretation and meaning of constitutional rights. Finally, the chapter previews how Rights Dynamism relates to the interactions between free speech and other constitutional rights that are discussed in the remainder of the book.
Religion
Authors: Zick Timothy
Published: August 2018

Chapter 4 addresses the relationship between the Free Speech Clause and the Free Exercise Clause. It explains that although these provisions have a collaborative and synergistic history, beginning in the 1980s, the Free Speech Clause began to dominate the relationship. This important shift also affected, to some extent, interpretation of the First Amendment’s other religion clause, the Establishment Clause. The course of the free speech/free exercise relationship has also complicated several free speech doctrines, including those relating to public forum, content neutrality, and government speech. In addition to explaining these relational dynamics, the chapter advocates reinvigorating the Free Exercise Clause and reconnecting it with the Free Speech Clause in ways that recover the mutually facilitative relationship that once existed between the two. To illustrate, the chapter considers the respective functions of the Free Speech and Free Exercise Clauses as they relate to claims involving worship in public buildings and application of anti-discrimination laws to religious speakers.
Arms
Authors: Zick Timothy
Published: August 2018

Chapter 7 addresses the relationship between the Free Speech Clause and the Second Amendment’s right to “keep and bear Arms.” Relative to the other non-speech rights examined in the book, recognition of an individual right to keep and bear arms occurred relatively recently (the Supreme Court recognized the right in 2008). As a result, the relationship between free speech and Second Amendment rights is still developing. The chapter focuses primarily on two aspects of their intersection. The first is the extent to which the nature and scope of Second Amendment rights ought to be modeled on Free Speech Clause doctrines and principles. The chapter considers the pros and (mostly) cons of “borrowing” the Free Speech Clause for this purpose. The second aspect of the relationship between the Free Speech Clause and the Second Amendment relates to potential conflicts between them. The chapter addresses two tension points—the effect on free speech of openly carrying firearms at public protests and demonstrations, and the effect on academic freedom and inquiry from the presence of firearms in university classrooms. The chapter argues that the future of the Second Amendment will not be determined by explicit borrowing of Free Speech Clause doctrines. However, in terms of constructing the modern right to keep and bear arms, there is much we can learn from the nation’s long experience with free speech rights.
Trade Battles
Authors: Kay Tamara , Evans R.L.
Published: August 2018

How did activists create a dynamic broad-based movement during NAFTA negotiations that politicized trade, making it a contentious issue for the first time in history? And how did their NAFTA mobilization influence trade policy and set the stage for future battles over trade? Trade Battles answers these questions using data from over 200 in-depth interviews, contributing to a vibrant and burgeoning literature that tries to understand how civil society shapes state policy. Trade Battles shows how activists created a new set of institutionalized and disruptive strategies around trade that leveraged broader cleavages across state and nonstate arenas. Activists exploited these leverage points by mobilizing across them, which enabled them to politicize trade policy and influence the content of the agreement itself. So powerful was activists’ pushback against NAFTA that future administrations closed many state institutional channels in order to thwart public opposition, curtailing public access, participation, and input. This forced activists to try to kill many subsequent trade agreements whole cloth rather than improve them, as they did during the NAFTA struggle. The analysis in Trade Battles therefore shows that the NAFTA battle was less about trade policy than the role of democratic state institutions in policymaking. By exposing the linkages between institutional opportunities and democratic practices, Trade Battles reveals how critical state institutions are for activists’ efforts to shape not only trade policy, but a plethora of international policies from climate change to migration. When the state closes institutions, it effectively severs policymaking from democratic intervention.
Theorizing Social Movement Influence on the State
Authors: Kay Tamara , Evans R. L.
Published: August 2018

This chapter lays out the book’s theoretical contribution to a growing literature that synthesizes organizations and social movements ideas by theorizing the dynamics of organizational fields and by introducing the concept of field overlap. The focus on inter-field dynamics—meaning dynamics across overlapping political arenas—offers a framework for understanding how social movements influence state policy. The chapter emphasizes how field overlap is key to understanding social movement success and failure. Although field theory has previously focused on interactions within a particular field, this chapter argues that the structure of overlap between fields creates unique points of leverage that render particular targets more vulnerable and strategies more effective for activists. The chapter also highlights how this new theoretical framework provides the underpinning for an integrative mapping of routine and contentious politics at national and international levels.
Trade Politics prior to NAFTA
Authors: Kay Tamara , Evans R. L.
Published: August 2018

Chapter 3 explores key political and economic conditions in North America that led to NAFTA’s negotiation and examines the relations between labor unions and environmental organizations in the years prior to its proposal when trade policy was dominated by a political elite. It begins with a discussion of trade in the 1930s, then moves into the 1970s when trade policy was not contested by activists. It then tracks the shift to trade liberalization policies, an erosion of legislative consensus around trade, and growing discontent among labor environmental activists leading into the late 1980s. Finally, the chapter examines the history of emerging labor-environmental coalitions in response to maquiladoras.
Using Institutional Leverage to Influence the Side Agreements
Authors: Kay Tamara , Evans R. L.
Published: August 2018

This chapter explores how activists used institutional channels to influence the side agreements. It reveals, through documented interactions, the cat-and-mouse game between activists and the state as they responded to each other’s maneuvering and changed their strategies in relationship to each other. It shows how activists and their legislative allies applied pressure on negotiators, who ultimately succumbed to pressure by strengthening environmental and labor protections at multiple points during negotiations. The chapter also analyzes the unexpected ability of environmentalists to push for and obtain stronger protections in the environmental side agreement than labor activists achieved in the labor side agreement. This is particularly surprising because unions were stronger and had substantially more political and financial resources to draw upon than did environmentalists.
On How and Why Theology Changes
Authors: Massa Mark S.
Published: August 2018

The Introduction provides an overview of the argument of the entire book. The author introduces the essential questions explored in the book concerning how theology changes over time. Also discussed is Thomas Kuhn’s Structure of Scientific Revolutions, the work in the history of science that this book utilizes to understand changes in theology. The author draws on Kuhn’s term, “paradigm shift,” to explore ideas about theological paradigm change. The concepts of micro-traditions (specifically, natural law) and macro-traditions in theology are examined. This author explains that the book proceeds in an analogously historical fashion, moving from earlier paradigms of natural law to later ones.
“A Period of Crisis”
Authors: Massa Mark S.
Published: August 2018

Utilizing Thomas Kuhn’s argument that a “period of crisis” always follows the discovery that the accepted model of science no longer is useful, this chapter examines the famous critique of the 1968 encyclical by theologian Richard McCormick. The author notes that at the time the encyclical was released, the older micro-tradition of neo-scholastic natural law was already acknowledged by the specialists trained to pass it on as no longer useful, and the period of crisis that always followed such a recognition had arrived. The most basic model undergirding the arguments of the pope was now rendered obsolete, and a newer paradigm was needed to take its place.
Jean Porter and the Historical Project of Robust Realism
Authors: Massa Mark S.
Published: August 2018

This chapter provides an extended examination of the ideas of Jean Porter of the University of Notre Dame, who sought a more “realist” retrieval of the thought of thirteenth century theologian St. Thomas Aquinas. Her academic project is usually termed “robust realism,” and offers an excellent example of what Thomas Kuhn termed “paradigm revolution” applied to Catholic theology. Porter adumbrates a “Thomistic recovery”: a “historical”—and “historicist”—recovery of the natural law tradition. The author explains that part of this historicist recognition of the differences between the present world and that of Aquinas is the presumption that all ideas are imbedded in the stream of history, and thus need to be approached as historical artifacts shaped by intellectual and cultural presuppositions about which we are sometimes conscious, but often not.
Ainu
Authors: Tsutsui Kiyoteru
Published: August 2018

This chapter starts with an examination of the long history of Ainu’s subjugation to mainland Japanese and their quiet acquiescence until the 1970s, when the Hokkaido Utari Association began to engage in international exchange. The international experiences from the 1970s gradually transformed Ainu leaders’ movement actorhood, leading to much more assertive collective mobilization by Ainu that leveraged international human rights forums with help from transnational activists. Their international activities exerted significant pressures on the Japanese government, prompting legislation of new laws to protect and promote Ainu culture and an official recognition of Ainu as an indigenous people. Ainu activists also contributed to the consolidation and expansion of international human and indigenous rights forums, legitimating the issue of indigenous rights outside typical settler colonies such as the United States, Canada, and Australia, and bringing in some resources to international indigenous forums.
Zainichi (Korean Residents in Japan)
Authors: Tsutsui Kiyoteru
Published: August 2018

This chapter examines the complicated history of Zainichi, Korean residents in Japan, who came to Japan during the colonial era. After 1945, Zainichi lost all citizenship rights and had to fight for many rights, but the division in the Korean peninsula cast a shadow over Zainichi communities, hampering effective activism for more rights in Japan. Focusing on the issue of fingerprinting—the most salient example of rights violations against Zainichi—the chapter demonstrates how, since the late 1970s, global human rights principles have enabled Zainichi to recast their movement as claims for universal rights regardless of citizenship and to use international forums to pressure the Japanese government, leading to the abolition of the fingerprinting practice. Zainichi achieved similar successes in other areas of rights except for political rights, where international norms do not clearly support suffrage for noncitizens. Zainichi also contributed to global human rights by advancing rights for noncitizen minorities.
Burakumin
Authors: Tsutsui Kiyoteru
Published: August 2018

This chapter first examines the history of Burakumin activism to combat discrimination against them based on their former outcaste status, which by the 1970s had established them as an influential group that had secured some successes. However, social discrimination against Burakumin persisted, and Burakumin activists explored different ways to fight it. Global human rights emerged as a prominent source of legitimacy for their activism and they began engaging with international human rights institutions. Initially intended to advance their own issues, their international engagement developed into a new pillar for their activism that focused on protecting minority rights across the globe, resulting in the establishment of a new international NGO with a UN consultative status, the International Movement against All Forms of Discrimination and Racism (IMADR). Through IMADR, they expanded global human rights by establishing a new rights norm against discrimination based on descent and work.
Torture
Authors: Sanders Rebecca
Published: August 2018

Despite its universal and absolute prohibition in international human rights and humanitarian law, torture has persisted even in liberal democracies. This chapter traces how changing national security legal cultures have shaped justifications for torture in the United States, culminating in an extensive torture program in the global war on terror. A culture of exception helped legitimize slave torture, lynching, and colonial torture through much of the United States’ early history, while a culture of secrecy facilitated covert and proxy torture during the Cold War. After 9/11, American authorities operated in a culture of legal rationalization. Rather than suspend or ignore the torture prohibition, the Bush administration sought legal cover for torture. As evidenced by the torture memos, lawyers reframed practices such as waterboarding as lawful enhanced interrogation techniques. These attempts to construct the plausible legality of torture effectively immunized Americans from prosecution for grave human rights violations.
The Fate of Human Rights in the Global War on Terror
Authors: Sanders Rebecca
Published: August 2018

American officials attempted to construct the plausible legality of torture, indefinite detention, targeted killing, and mass surveillance in the global war on terror. These efforts were largely successful, foreclosing prosecution and ensuring impunity for human rights violations. Moreover, with the exception of torture, many of these counterterrorism practices persist and enjoy widespread acceptance. Around the world, international human rights and humanitarian law have been weakened by American efforts to erode and reinterpret constraints on state violence. This has created space for more overt attacks on legal norms by the Trump administration, which has signaled its intent to shift American national security legal culture toward the politics of exception. At the same time, international law advocates are pushing back. The chapter concludes by reflecting on possible pathways for promoting a culture of human rights in the United States.
Political Obligation(s)
Authors: Delmas Candice
Published: August 2018

The introduction uses the Freedom Rides to set up the book’s discussion of our responsibilities in the face of injustice. It highlights the following gap between theory and practice: on the one hand, philosophers concerned with the rights and duties of citizens often defend a moral duty to obey the law, and consider civil disobedience in terms of permission or right only. On the other hand, activists from Henry David Thoreau to Black Lives Matter have long appealed to a responsibility to resist injustice. The introduction takes seriously both the traditional notion of political obligation and activists’ appeals by outlining a duty to resist injustice, and insisting it is among our political obligations. This chapter also presents the book’s key concepts: injustice, oppression, ideology, legitimacy, resistance, principled disobedience, and civil and uncivil disobedience.
Justice and Democracy
Authors: Delmas Candice
Published: August 2018

Chapter 3 uses the natural duty of justice—which requires supporting just institutions—to defend a duty to resist injustice in basically legitimate states. It develops a typology of injustice ranging from democratically sanctioned violations of basic rights to official abuses, in order to better understand the implications of the duty of justice as it applies to the unjust conditions that can prevail within otherwise-legitimate, democratic societies. The chapter defends a series of political obligations corresponding to the contexts of injustice identified: obligations to engage in education efforts, protest (including by means of civil disobedience), covert disobedience, vigilante self-defense, and whistleblowing. The chapter concludes by sketching potential political obligations with respect to illegitimate states.
Political Association and Dignity
Authors: Delmas Candice
Published: August 2018

Chapter 6 is devoted to associative political obligations. After presenting the lay of the associativist land, the chapter focuses on Ronald Dworkin’s liberal, dignity-based associativist account of political obligation, defended in his 2011 book Justice for Hedgehogs. From this account, the discussion derives political obligations to resist injustice, understood as violation of or threat to dignity. Dignitary political membership, under certain circumstances, justifies even violent and undignified resistance. The chapter also defends an associative political obligation to assert one’s dignity even when there is no hope of achieving anything else. Finally, dignitary political membership supports a political obligation of solidarity among and with the oppressed.
North America
Authors: Shushan Gregory
Published: August 2018

Dozens of Native American near-death experiences (NDEs) from the late sixteenth to early twentieth centuries are presented, ranging from across the continent. Many were accompanied by indigenous claims that they were the source for local afterlife beliefs. There were also many afterlife-related myths, and shamanic practices with NDE-like afterlife themes. In addition, numerous religious/cultural revitalization movements were claimed to have been grounded in the NDEs of their founders, and were conceptually related to the phenomenon. Near-death experiences could thus be an empowering force on a socio-cultural-political level in response to the threat of European dominance. There was a widespread acceptance and valorization of NDEs and related phenomena, and a high level of interest in the afterlife per se. Native American religions often showed a clear reciprocal relationship between shamanism, afterlife beliefs, and NDEs.
Women as Foreign Policy Leaders
Authors: Bashevkin Sylvia
Published: August 2018

What is known about women’s participation as decision-makers in international affairs? Is it fair to assume, as many observers do, that female elites will mirror the relatively pacifist preferences of women in the general public as well as the claims of progressive feminist movements? By focusing on women’s presence in senior national security positions in the American political executive, Women as Foreign Policy Leaders offers among the first systematic responses to these questions. It examines four high-profile appointees in the United States since 1980: Jeane Kirkpatrick during the Reagan years, Madeleine Albright in the Clinton era, Condoleezza Rice during the George W. Bush presidencies, and Hillary Rodham Clinton in the first Obama mandate.
Women as Foreign Policy Leaders documents the difference these four women made in a domain long dominated by men. In probing the actions taken by four appointees on matters of political conflict and gender equality, the book demonstrates that female decision-makers made diverse and transformative contributions during a series of Republican and Democratic presidential administrations. The track records of these four women reveal not just a consistent willingness to pursue muscular, aggressive approaches to international relations, but also widely divergent views about feminism. Women as Foreign Policy Leaders shows how Kirkpatrick, Albright, Rice, and Clinton staked out their presence on the international scene and provided a crucial antidote to the silencing of women’s voices in global politics.
Introduction
Authors: Bashevkin Sylvia
Published: August 2018

Chapter 1 situates the study in the context of feminist diplomatic history. It shows how women leaders in positions of international responsibility have been evaluated since the early modern period. The discussion then considers how the gender and politics field evolved within political science in recent decades, demonstrating the emphasis of that literature on institutions and especially legislatures, rather than on the actions of individuals in executive office. It examines a key theoretical pivot of the field, political representation, and suggests ways in which the concept can be reconceived for contemporary research on foreign policy leaders. The chapter concludes with an overview of the book.
Interpreting Women, War, and Feminism
Authors: Bashevkin Sylvia
Published: August 2018

Chapter 2 foregrounds the discussion of policy impact by individual foreign policy leaders. It explores the varied perspectives toward war and equality that are associated with women in Western cultures. The discussion shows how efforts to present half of humanity as a homogeneous unit have fallen short—whether those attempts portray the group as consistently pacifist, feminist, or otherwise. The chapter develops a normative proposition that in liberal democratic systems, executives should ideally carry forward disparate outlooks that roughly approximate the distribution of policy views in the general population. It argues that positions toward political conflict and women’s rights are ideally considered along a spectrum or continuum of opinion.
Taking Charge of the New World Disorder
Authors: Bashevkin Sylvia
Published: August 2018

Chapter 4 focuses on Madeleine Albright’s contributions to the two Clinton administrations of the 1990s. As UN ambassador and the first woman secretary of state, she sought practical ways to solve problems in an era that saw the disappearance of the previous Cold War order, and she held key responsibility for the only armed interventions to that point in NATO’s history. Her support for military action in Bosnia and Kosovo was consistent with an assertive outlook that pre-dated her cabinet appointments. Unlike Kirkpatrick, Albright engaged in feminist networks both before and during her time in top office. Consistent with that background, Albright supported progressive equality claims that resonated with the support base of the Clinton administration.
Conclusion
Authors: Bashevkin Sylvia
Published: August 2018

Chapter 7 addresses the ways in which women leaders have made a difference in international relations. It considers the main findings from previous chapters in light of themes from feminist diplomatic history, including the changing status of diplomatic as contrasted with military institutions in the United States. The discussion considers what personal traits assisted each leader and compares how Kirkpatrick, Albright, Rice, and Clinton dealt with matters of national security and feminism. It returns to concepts of political representation in order to juxtapose leaders’ track records with the predilections of Americans generally. The chapter speculates as to what can be expected on the terrain of international affairs from an American woman who becomes US president—whether she is already operating in the public limelight or is someone as yet unknown.
An Overview of the History of Religious Life in the United States
Authors: Wittberg Patricia , Gaunt Thomas P.
Published: August 2018

This chapter briefly describes the history of religious institutes in the United States. It first covers the demographics—the overall numbers and the ethnic and socioeconomic composition—of the various institutes during the nineteenth century. It next discusses the types of ministries the sisters, brothers, and religious order priests engaged in, and the sources of vocations to their institutes. The second section covers changes in religious institutes after 1950, covering the factors which contributed to the changes as well as their impact on the institutes themselves and the larger Church. The chapter concludes with a brief overview of the subsequent chapters.
The Influences of College Experiences on Religious Vocations
Authors: Do Thu T.
Published: August 2018

This chapter presents different aspects of college environment that had an impact on men’s and women’s religious vocation while they were in college. Based on CARA studies from 2012 and 2014 in which respondents entering religious life answered questions about their backgrounds, these aspects include witnessing religious vocation, Mass participation, spiritual direction, college service programs, devotional and spiritual practices, campus ministry, college roommates and friends, and encouragement and discouragement of vocational discernment while on campus. The chapter presents the differences in these various aspects between religious members attending Catholic and non-Catholic colleges and universities. It also discusses the different influences for men and women on their discernment of a religious vocation.
Runoff Amid a Plethora of Political Parties
Authors: McClintock Cynthia
Published: August 2018

This chapter explores the impact of runoff in the four nations where the number of parties averaged above 3.75 and coalitions did not emerge for presidential elections. The large number was not problematic in Colombia or Guatemala; levels of democracy improved in both countries as political exclusion of the left diminished. The large number was, however, problematic in Ecuador and, to a lesser degree, Peru. Presidents’ first-round tallies were often very low and at times presidents might not have been the Condorcet winner. Especially when presidents were unpopular, executive-legislative conflict could be severe. The weakness of political parties set the stage for the damages to democracy inflicted by the Serrano, Fujimori, and Bucaram governments. However, although levels of democracy declined in Ecuador amid the large number of parties, they declined more steeply after the election of Correa and a reduction in the number of parties.
When Political Transitions Work
Authors: du Toit Fanie
Published: August 2018

Reconciliation emphasizes relationships as a crucial ingredient of political transition; this book argues for the importance of such a relational focus in crafting sustainable political transitions. Section I focuses on South Africa’s transition to democracy—how Mandela and De Klerk persuaded skeptical constituencies to commit to political reconciliation, how this proposal gained momentum, and how well the transition resulted in the goal of an inclusive and fair society. In developing a coherent theory of reconciliation to address questions such as these, I explain political reconciliation from three angles and thereby build a concept of reconciliation that corresponds largely with the South African experience. In Section II, these questions lead the discussion beyond South Africa into some of the prominent theoretical approaches to reconciliation in recent times. I develop typologies for three different reconciliation theories: forgiveness, agonism, and social restoration. I conclude in Section III that relationships created through political reconciliation, between leaders as well as between ordinary citizens, are illuminated when understood as an expression of a comprehensive “interdependence” that precedes any formal peace processes between enemies. I argue that linking reconciliation with the acknowledgment of interdependence emphasizes that there is no real alternative to reconciliation if the motivation is the long-term well-being of one’s own community. Without ensuring the conditions in which an enemy can flourish, one’s own community is unlikely to prosper sustainably. This theoretical approach locates the deepest motivation for reconciliation in choosing mutual well-being above the one-sided fight for exclusive survival at the other’s cost.
Guns and Jobs
Authors: Norpoth Helmut
Published: August 2018

Full recovery from the Depression was the unintended consequence of FDR’s policy to prepare the nation for war in the two years leading up to the U.S. entry into it. The spending entailed by his requests for a massive buildup of the army and navy in 1940 alone surpassed anything that had been laid out for New Deal programs. A major reason why the U.S. economy made only a partial recovery from the Depression during FDR’s first two terms was devotion to the principle of balanced budgets. It was held dearly, as polls show, by the American people and was embraced by FDR as well. To incur deficits as a means of overcoming the Depression was simply unthinkable. It took the sense of national unity created by a threat from abroad to void any misgivings about debt and deficits.
The Wartime Vote
Authors: Norpoth Helmut
Published: August 2018

FDR owed his reelection in both 1940 and 1944 to wartime conditions, breeching the two-term tradition dating back to the time of George Washington. War in Europe virtually turned the 1940 presidential contest into a wartime election, although the United States was still technically at peace. The American electorate deemed it more important to keep the commander in chief than observe the third-term taboo. Responses to a hypothetical polling question show that FDR would have lost in 1940 if no war had been going on; in 1944 he would have lost if the war had been over. Each time voters also expressed more confidence in him than in his challengers to lead the nation in time of war. In contrast, the White House party has lost wartime elections under presidents Truman, Johnson, and George W. Bush.
Conclusion
Authors: Norpoth Helmut
Published: August 2018

On the day Franklin Roosevelt died, as reported on the front page of the New York Times, the “armies and fleets under his direction as Commander in Chief were at the gates of Berlin and the shores of Japan.”1 That very day, April 12, 1945, soldiers of the Ninth Army surged to within fifty miles west of Berlin, with the Russians closing in on the German capital from the east. In the Pacific, the First Marine Division, along with other elements of the largest amphibious task force assembled in that theater of operation, had just landed on the island of Okinawa, commencing the final battle against Japanese forces. Victory over Germany and Japan was in sight. In the last poll that probed the president’s approval before his death, he stood tall in the estimate of the American people: 71 percent approved of the way he handled his job. It is a rating that, through nearly three-quarters of a century since then, none of his successors, from Truman to Obama, has come close to at the end of his tenure. It is doubtful that any of FDR’s predecessors, except for Washington and Lincoln, and perhaps Theodore Roosevelt, left office on such a high note either....
Conceptualization as It Relates to Actual and Recommended Practices
Authors: Greenawalt Kent
Published: August 2018

This chapter explores various conceptualizations of what judges do and should do, and how these relate to understandings and evaluations. These conceptualizations, to a large degree, do help us to understand the significant differences between what judges typically do and don’t do, and also between what they should do and should not do. But unfortunately, these categorizations do not tell us exactly what judges do and whether their actions are warranted. There are two difficulties. The first is that like most moral and political concepts, the edges of coverage are not themselves precise, so there are numerous borderline instances of difficult cases for which it is arguable exactly how a particular strategy of resolution fits. The second problem is that one may conclude that a particular form of conceptualization should almost always be used to reach a result, but that in some instances it can be overridden by other considerations.
Differences in Legal Systems
Authors: Greenawalt Kent
Published: August 2018

This chapter examines how techniques of interpretation may differ among different legal systems. There are at least three basic lessons from this examination. The first, and most obvious, is that to some degree forms of interpretation are related to the basic nature of the system. This is most apparent for constitutional law. How courts handle forms of interpretation can depend on how the constitution was adopted, what significance it is assumed to have, and how easy it is to amend. The second lesson is whether things that seem difficult or misguided in one system are also to be found within others. Related to this possibility is a third matter. Grasping what is done in other countries may help one to understand how what takes place in the United States can be improved.
Other Disciplines
Authors: Greenawalt Kent
Published: August 2018

This chapter assesses other disciplines and what their concepts of interpretation may convey about what takes place and what should take place within the law. The complexities of interpretation and conceptualization are neither limited to law nor a clear indication of flawed practice. One can distinguish between theories about interpretation in other distinct areas and more general theories that claim a broader coverage. Among the more particular areas are religious interpretation, literary and critical interpretation, performance of plays and music, and informal communication. Two broader approaches are the philosophy of language and general theories of interpretation that cover all domains. Understanding how interpretation takes place in other disciplines might provide an insight into legal interpretation, without a definitive answer as to how such interpretation should take place.
Putting Donald Trump in Historical Perspective
Authors: McAdam Doug
Published: August 2018

The tumultuous onset of Donald Trump’s administration has so riveted public attention that observers are in danger of losing a historical perspective. Trump’s rhetoric and behavior are so extreme that the tendency is to see him and the divisions he embodies as something new in American politics. Instead, Trump is only the most extreme expression of a brand of racial politics practiced ever more brazenly by the Republican Party since the 1960s. His unexpected rise to power was aided by a number of institutional developments in American politics that also have older roots. In the spirit of trying to understand these historical forces, the chapter describes (a) the origins and evolution of the exclusionary brand of racial politics characteristic of the Republican Party since the 1960s, and (b) three illiberal institutions that aided Trump’s rise to power, and that, if left unchanged, will continue to threaten the survival of American democracy.
The Many Faces of Resistance Media
Authors: Karpf David
Published: August 2018

There is no understanding Donald Trump without reference to the contemporary hybrid media system. His improbable victories in the Republican primary and 2016 general election were premised on radical departures from how electoral campaigns use communications media to engage journalists, supporters, and opponents. Once in office, Trump has continued to employ new approaches to presidential communications. For the Resistance, countering Trump required tactical and strategic innovations in the media realm. This chapter discusses how both Trump and the Resistance are deploying innovative new media strategies. It explores how Resistance groups are leveraging digital media to expand the reach of their protest tactics, using social media to undermine funding of partisan conservative media organizations, and building their own new media institutions to compete against the conservative media ecosystem.