bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Organization for Internal Control and Coördination in the United States Army
Authors: Marion John H.
Published: May 2006

Woodrow Wilson long ago recognized the value of the comparative approach in studying public administrative processes. Moreover, in recent years the recognized scope within which fruitful comparisons may be made has been considerably broadened, and public administration has benefited from studies of the experience of large-scale industrial, commercial, and other enterprises. Thus far, however, relatively little attention has been paid by students of public administration to the administrative experience of armies. Military organizations have long dealt with the problem of combining men and materials to produce coördinated and effective action. Out of centuries of experience have emerged certain doctrines, forms, and methods concerning control and coördination which are recognized and accepted by all modern armies. Details and applications change rapidly, but these basic concepts, which have virtually achieved the dignity of principles in their own sphere, change slowly, if at all.
The Committee of the Whole in the Reign of James I
Authors: Zebel Sydney H.
Published: May 2006

The origin of the English committee of the whole has evoked much conjecture from historian and political scientist alike, but no conscientious scholar has as yet found the subject worthy of exhaustive study. A scrutiny of the parliamentary sources for the period by the present writer shows, however, what the difficulties are. The meagreness of the records, especially for the sessions of 1604 and 1610, render a thorough examination of the problem almost impossible. In Professor Notestein's The Winning of the Initiative by the House of Commons, we find the best treatment of the committee of the whole house. But the discussion is short and fails to satisfy the more curious student of parliamentary procedure. Professor Notestein tells us that, about 1607, “there appeared, rather accidentally, the Committee of the Whole House, a Committee at its beginnings so little different from the ‘General Committee’ of late Elizabethan days that its appearance excited little comment…. By 1610 it was becoming customary to refer many matters to it; by 1614 the House went into such a Committee on the least occasion; by 1621 there were four several Committees of the Whole House, which met on different afternoons, and the House went often into Committee in the afternoon about any matter in hand.” All this is undoubtedly true, but that authority is unable to assign any definite reason for the development of this practice and spends most of his time discussing the effects, which are undoubtedly more important to the historian. The problem of origins remains, however, unanswered.
American Democracy—After War
Authors: Ogg Frederic A.
Published: May 2006

More than once in its history, the American Political Science Association has met in a period of national emergency. Our Philadelphia gathering of 1917 (the thirteenth in the series) found the country occupied with a major conflict overseas for which it still was arduously preparing more than eight months after the declaration of a state of war by the Congress. Our Detroit meeting of 1932 (the twenty-eighth, and one of the most thinly attended in a decade) took place at a time when two and a quarter years of industrial depression and social disintegration had cast a pall of pessimism and despair over a national scene so recently—and so deceptively—effulgent, and when there was much shaking of heads over the outlook for our entire political and economic system. Twenty-three years ago this week, indeed, the continuity of our annual conventions was broken by the omission altogether of a meeting which was to have been held in Cleveland, a request having been made by our own sixth president—then in the White House—that railroads groaning under the task of transporting fifty thousand tons of supplies every twenty-four hours for the use of two million soldiers in France (even though no longer actually fighting when our meeting-time came round) should not be burdened with carrying people to gatherings that could be dispensed with or postponed.
The Experts on Five Federal Commissions
Authors: Herring E. Pendleton
Published: May 2006

What are the qualifications of the more responsible and more or less permanent professional and technical officials on our federal regulatory commissions? In seeking an answer to this question, data were collected concerning 500 federal officials drawn from the Interstate Commerce Commission, the Federal Trade Commission, the Federal Power Commission, the Federal Communications Commission, and the Securities and Exchange Commission. The commissioners themselves were not considered.

Where possible, the records of all staff members receiving $5,000 or more a year were examined. This could not be done on every commission, however. The Federal Trade Commission answers were confined to about 80 of the higher administrative and professional employees. In order to get a larger group, a lower salary limit was adopted for the Federal Power Commission.
Recent Restrictions upon Religious Liberty
Authors: Rotnem Victor W. , Folsom F. G.
Published: May 2006

Within the last five years, the Supreme Court of the United States has added decisions of greater importance to the case law of religious freedom than had been accumulated in all the years since the adoption of the Bill of Rights. The importance of two of these recent decisions rests upon the subordination of freedom of action based on sectarian beliefs to the restrictions of society as a whole. In one of the two cases, the law of society was a board of education order that school children participate in the flag salute exercise on pain of expulsion from the public schools; in the other, it was peddlers' license tax ordinances. Because neither of these decisions has been accepted as a firmly rooted precedent, it will be well to examine them in the light of the history of the federally secured right of religious freedom and in the light of the immediate public reactions to them.

A considerable proportion of the early emigration to the thirteen original colonies was undoubtedly due to a desire to escape religious persecution in England and on the Continent. Those colonists, however, were as insistent that their own particular form of religion be adhered to as their oppressors had been. The story of Roger Williams, who was expelled from the colony of Massachusetts because of his non-conformist views and who established the colony of Rhode Island as a sanctuary of religious tolerance, and that of Ann Hutchinson, who also was exiled from the Bay Colony for a like reason, are monuments to the intolerance of the Puritans.
Universalism versus Regionalism in International Organization
Authors: Potter Pitman B.
Published: May 2006

One of the issues likely to become more acute than many others as we move into the period of post-war international reorganization in the next few months is that of regionalism versus universalism. This is the conflict between the view that international organization should proceed upon a regional basis—leaving definition of the proper region or regions aside for the moment—and the view that it should proceed upon a world-wide basis. The partisans of these two views are vigorous in their support, and the problem in itself is extremely important from both a theoretical and a practical standpoint. It has so far not received anything like the attention it deserves.

The problem is, of course, not unknown in the national and local spheres of government. Here it is formulated as the question of the proper area of government, or even the ideal size of the state, and this slightly different formulation carries its own implication concerning the treatment of the problem. The issue also arises on the border-line between national and international political problems when the formation of federal unions is under consideration, together with the question of the proper allocation of powers to the central government. We shall later draw upon experience in all of these matters for aid in solving our own problem.
The Future of Western Dependencies in South Eastern Asia and the Pacific
Authors: Mills Lennox A.
Published: May 2006

The future of South Eastern Asia and the Philippines is one of the most complicated problems with which the peace settlement will have to grapple. There is a certain broad similarity between the countries concerned which is likely to be a trap for the unwary. It seems so simple to set up free and democratic governments, to equip and train citizen armies to defend their independence, and to raise the standard of living. It also seems reasonable to assume that if the 145,000,000 people of South Eastern Asia and the Philippines could be federated, their combined resources would go a long way towards enabling them to maintain their independence.

Unfortunately, deep-seated differences based on race, religion, and history are the dominating influences, and overshadow the similarities of strategic and economic weakness and lack of independence. Disunion bids fair to increase as a result of the nationalism which is beginning to appear. The Burmese regard themselves as a master race, and have an inflated sense of their own power and superiority because of their former conquests in Thailand and Assam. The Thais have something of the same feelings towards the Malays and the Cambodians of Indo-China. One reason why the Malays asked the British to establish a protectorate over the peninsula was to safeguard their independence against Thai ambitions. This fear and hostility have been strengthened by Thai annexation in 1943 of four of the nine Malay States, and a claim to most of the others. The Malays, Indonesians, and Filipinos come from the same racial stock, but so far as the latter are concerned, centuries of divergent development have made the differences more important than the similarity in racial characteristics which is noticeable among the three peoples.
Constitutional Law in 1937–1938: The Constitutional Decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States in the October Term, 1937
Authors: Cushman Robert E.
Published: May 2006

During the 1937 term, the Supreme Court underwent the first changes in its personnel since Mr. Justice Cardozo succeeded Mr. Justice Holmes in March, 1932. On June 1, 1937, Mr. Justice Van Devanter retired and was succeeded at the opening of the new term in October by Mr. Justice Black. On January 18, 1938, Mr. Justice Sutherland retired and was succeeded on January 31 by Mr. Justice Reed. During a substantial part of the term, Mr. Justice Cardozo was absent on account of illness, and his death occurred July 9, 1938. Mr. Justice Black, whose appointment had attracted much public comment, threw himself into the work of the Court with unusual vigor. During the term, he wrote the opinion of the Court in fifteen cases. He dissented in fourteen cases, in nine of which he wrote dissenting opinions. He concurred without substantial opinion in eleven cases, and wrote a concurring opinion in one other case. Mr. Justice Reed participated less actively, first because of the lateness of his appointment, and second because his prior service as Solicitor-General of the United States disqualified him from sitting in a considerable number of cases. These changes in the membership of the Court have altered the almost even division on the bench between the so-called conservatives and the so-called liberals. Without attempting to speculate as to the course of future decisions, it is significant that the irreconcilably conservative block of justices, consisting of Justices Van Devanter, Sutherland, McReynolds, and Butler, has been broken up.
The Rôle and Management of the Federal Statistical System
Authors: Rice Stuart A.
Published: May 2006

The profusion of American statistics is a frequent source of astonishment to statisticians of other nations. Statistics are assembled and published by official agencies at all levels of government; by trade and industrial associations; by individual business concerns; by the church, universities, and the press; by professional research organizations; by a multitude of societies and associations with innumerable aims and programs; and sometimes by the plain citizen himself. Collectively, the statistical activities of the nation comprise a system in the same sense that the activities of four and one-half million business units comprise a national economic system.

There is, in fact, a functional relationship between the national statistical system and the socio-economic order of which it is a part. The primary functions of social and economic statistics are to illuminate practical problems, to assist in the determination of policies, and to aid in arriving at administrative decisions. No sharp line can be drawn in these respects between public and private affairs. Statistics find their raison d'etre as tools, to be used by public officials and by all manner of private interests, and in each case to make some part of the socio-economic system work more effectively.
The Suez Canal and the Outlook for Egypt
Authors: Hoskins Halford L.
Published: May 2006

The Suez Canal has been regarded at times and uncritically as one of Egypt's great assets. It is so considered by many of the political leaders of Egypt, as their attitude on Canal issues bears witness. In the sense that the Suez waterway, both as a project and as an achievement, has brought the land of Egypt prominently into the world scene during the past century, it has been a factor in the trend of development of that country second in importance only to the Nile River itself. This is no indication, however, that the Canal has had a beneficent influence on Egyptian life. Actually, a careful estimate of the changes it has wrought, both economic and political, leads inescapably to the conclusion that, with respect to tangible effects, the waterway thus far has worked to the distinct disadvantage of Egypt. It is impossible to bring the intangible balance sheet to totals, but it is safe to say that an Egyptian patriot more concerned with his country's national security and a balanced budget than with its prominence in world affairs might well deplore the fact that the Canal ever progressed beyond the stage of discussion.
VI. The Roosevelt Court: Votes and Values
Authors: Pritchett C. Herman
Published: May 2006

In No. 78 of The Federalist, Alexander Hamilton wrote: “To avoid an arbitrary discretion in the courts, it is indispensable that they should be bound down by strict rules and precedents, which serve to define and point out their duty in every particular case that comes before them…” Whatever acceptance this view of the judge as automaton and of the judicial process as a ministerial function may once have had, little trace remains of it today, after ten years of experience with the “reorganized” Supreme Court. The Roosevelt Court was not, of course, the first on which judicial decisions were influenced by the personal values of its justices. Throughout the history of the Court, the autobiographical element in its output has been as important as when Justice Holmes bluntly told his colleagues in 1905 that “this case is decided upon an economic theory which a large part of the country does not entertain.” But the prevailing theory was that judges did not make law, they merely found it.

The constitutional revolution of 1935–37 changed all that. The public, as Max Lerner says, “began to see that judicial decisions are not babies brought by constitutional storks, but are born out of the travail of economic circumstance.” For two terms, the Constitution meant what Justice Roberts said it meant. After the consummation of the revolution, the forces which had been most ardent in picturing earlier conservative courts as demonstrating the workings of a government of law could only explain the strange phenomenon of a liberal court as the triumph of a government of men. Additional recent factors serving to underline the personal basis of judicial decisions have been the tossing of barbed phrases on the bench, Justice Jackson's ill-tempered public attack on one of his colleagues, and the mounting tide of dissenting opinions.
The Revival of Organic Theory
Authors: Wilson Francis G.
Published: May 2006

Theories of the nature of the political community vary with conditions. Just as political pluralism was a phase of the late mellowness of liberalism, so the organic theory of the state is suited for more heroic moments. When integral nationalism was discovered in the United States after the defeat of the South, it was not inappropriate that organic theories should have been supported in order to explain the place of the American nation in history. Nor can it be surprising that today some of the leaders of the United States are looking at the nation as a kind of social organism.

If one reads with attention the words of President Lincoln during the early days of the Civil War, it can be seen that the Union was more than just a voluntary association of political communities. The states had their being within the Union, and the Union itself had given birth to the states. Even the history of Texas and its relation to the Union did not impress Lincoln as simply consensual, for if there was consent it was all on the side of Texas. Whatever liberty and authority the states possessed they derived from the Union, and not from any original powers of their own. When the Union became a symbol of organicity in the mind of the North, the earlier individualistic theory of the state was remote enough. The social contract, the consent of all to government, was suitable in the American Revolution, since protest was being made against the specific, arbitrary actions of the British government, animated it would seem by a total conception of Empire. To Lincoln, states, like individuals, were a part of the Union, and the Union might be broken neither by citizens nor by states.
State Supervision in New Jersey over Municipalities in Unsound Financial Condition
Authors: Marion John H.
Published: May 2006

In 1938, New Jersey established a State Department of Local Government which, although not as far-reaching in the scope of its authority as its name suggests, possesses extensive and, in some respects unusual, powers of control over municipal finance. The powers given to the Department then and subsequently include supervision of municipal accounting, fiscal administration, funding operations, budgeting, and auditing. Particular interest, however, in New Jersey and elsewhere has centered on the authority given the Department over municipalities in or approaching serious financial peril. Such municipalities were made subject to supervision administered with considerable discretion by the Department which, it was hoped, would not only check the course of localities headed for financial wreckage but also salvage and repair areas where the crash had already occurred. The experience of the Department thus far indicates that much has been accomplished on both scores, but also that there are clear limits to the possibility of restoring financial health to all of New Jersey's existing assortment of municipalities by virtue of the present treatments.
Case Studies in Public Administration
Authors: Mosher William E.
Published: May 2006

A special committee on research materials has been set up by the Committee on Public Administration of the Social Science Research Council. As the title indicates, this Committee is sponsoring a program for the “collection of data limited in time and place, including the statement of relevant facts involved in an administrative problem, the decision taken with reference thereto, and results arising therefrom.” This program is worthy of the backing and coöperation of all political scientists interested in the field of public administration, and having faith in the possibility of developing a science of public administration.
The Law and Procedure of War Crime Trials
Authors: Levy Albert G. D.
Published: May 2006

In the preparation of the trials for “war crimes” committed during the present global conflict, students of international law will indeed recognize that a milestone in the development of legal science has been reached. As will become apparent from some of the facts to be presented in this study, we are about to see a new legal principle adopted in international relations: Impossibile est quod universitas delinquat. In consonance with various plans for general postwar reconstruction, the principle so succinctly phrased by Pope Innocent IV, in times no less perturbed than the present, is finally defeating the entrenched adherents of its counterpart, first enunciated by the skilled Bartolus of Saxeferato. Individual criminals and their accomplices are to be held responsible, not “nations” or peoples.
The Federal Loyalty Program: Background and Problems
Authors: Abbott Roger S.
Published: May 2006

Since the promulgation on March 21, 1947, of Executive Order 9835 “prescribing procedures for the administration of an ‘employees’ loyalty program in the executive branch of the government,” there has been widespread discussion concerning the nature of disloyalty, its probable extent in the federal service, and the desirability of the loyalty program.

One point of view, among some members of Congress and elsewhere, is that this loyalty program does not go far enough to meet what is regarded as the serious menace of foreign (that is, Russian) directed or inspired subversives in the government. A sharply contrasting attitude, also voiced by a few Congressmen and by others, is that the menace is exaggerated for various reasons and that the program constitutes a “witch hunt” aimed at liberals generally and a dangerous attack upon civil liberties. Between these two extremes are gradations of opinion accepting the principle of the program but with reservations of varying intensity as to some of its standards and procedures, and with a watchful eye on its operation and on its effect within the federal service and outside.
The Tenure of Cabinet Officers
Authors: Brown Everett S.
Published: May 2006

Section 202(a) of Public Law 253 of the 80th Congress, 1st Session, approved July 26, 1947, provides that “there shall be a Secretary of Defense, who shall be appointed from civilian life by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate.” Section 311 of the same act amends the Presidential Succession Act, approved July 18, by striking out “Secretary of War” and inserting in lieu thereof “Secretary of Defense,” and striking out “Secretary of the Navy.”

The effect of these changes is to elevate the Secretary of Defense to a position in the President's cabinet and to provide for his possible succession to the presidency. The law gives authority for his appointment, but says nothing about his term of office. This raises a question concerning which there is considerable confusion and lack of information. Specifically, what is the term of office of heads of the executive departments, i.e., those who compose the President's cabinet?

If one turns to the more recently established executive departments—those of Commerce and Labor—he reads that in each case the Secretary's “term and tenure of office shall be like that of the heads of the other executive departments.” Further research discloses the interesting fact that only one of the other executive heads has a legal term. This is the Postmaster General. In his case, the law provides that “the term of the Postmaster General shall be for and during the term of the President by whom he is appointed, and for one month thereafter, unless sooner removed.”
The Need for Better Executive-Legislative Teamwork in the National Government
Authors: Kefauver Estes
Published: May 2006

The United States must assume leadership among the nations of the world if peace is to be maintained. If, after the present holocaust, we do not create a better world, in which justice and neighborliness shall supplant tyranny and war, the sacrifices being made by our fighting men will have been in vain.

Are we prepared to assume this necessary leadership? Can we chart the course for a better world when we do not agree on our own international postwar program? Congress and the Executive must work together in our international relations if we are to have a long-range foreign policy. Some method must be found to enable the Executive and Congress to have a better understanding of the facts and closer unity on international problems. Moreover, on the home front, there is a desperate need for more direct liaison and for a clearer understanding between the executive and legislative branches of our government.
County and Township Government in 1947
Authors: Snider Clyde F. , Garvey Neil F.
Published: May 2006

Rural local government received considerable attention during 1947 at the hands of state legislatures and the general public. The legislative sessions in many states were the first regular meetings since the end of the war, and therefore afforded the earliest opportunity to deal at length with various postwar problems and with certain problems of a peacetime nature on which action had been deferred during the war period. Perhaps the most significant phase of the year's developments was the conferring upon counties and townships, or special districts serving unincorporated areas, of numerous powers of a regulatory or service nature traditionally possessed only by municipalities. Another subject which received major attention was that of finding new and increased revenues to finance expanded programs of local services at rising price levels. Widespread interest was also displayed in such matters as areal readjustments, the modernization of local-government structure in the interest of efficiency and economy, and intergovernmental coöperation in the performance of local functions. In reviewing the events of the year, a topical arrangement similar to that used in previous summaries will be followed.

I. Areas

New Areas. State legislation authorizing the establishment of special-purpose districts was more extensive in 1947 than for several years past. Problems of water supply, sewerage, and refuse disposal frequently overlap political boundaries and sometimes involve suburban and rural areas as well as incorporated communities. Several states authorized the creation of special districts to deal with these and related problems. In some instances the districts are permitted to include only unincorporated territory, while in others they may embrace two or more municipalities or both incorporated and unincorporated areas. Nebraska and South Dakota authorized the organization of sanitary districts to provide sewage-disposal facilities in areas outside municipalities. Boards of county commissioners in Utah were empowered to establish improvement districts to provide water supply and sewerage for unincorporated areas. Special districts for supplying water, sewerage, or both, were authorized in Idaho. A Nevada law permits the establishment of districts for supplying water, sewerage, and garbage disposal, singly or in any combination.
III. Undergraduate Training for the Public Service
Authors: Fesler James W.
Published: May 2006

Along with its obligations to train men and women to serve as useful citizens, to carry on the cultural heritage of the past, and to take their places as productive members of private professions and occupations, the American university recognizes a responsibility to train students for service in federal, state, and local governments. The dimensions of this responsibility are best illustrated by the finding in 1939 that of the men graduates of the University of Minnesota between 1928 and 1936, 41.3 per cent either were or had been in government employment; for the women graduates, the proportion was 66 per cent.

A relatively small proportion of students find their way into the judiciary through the avenue of law-school training and practice of the law. Another small proportion become legislators through a variety of avenues, but with the law schools again predominant in the training. The bulk of university graduates who are public servants will be found in administrative agencies. Consequently, undergraduate training for the public service places its principal emphasis on the training of students to contribute effectively as officers and employees of administrative agencies. The university, therefore, is obligated to acquaint students with the opportunities for administrative service and to guide them into courses that will prepare them for such service.
Legal and Economic Factors Affecting Soviet Russia's Foreign Policy, I
Authors: Prince Charles
Published: May 2006

This study attempts to appraise the dynamic forces at play in the shaping of Soviet foreign policy and to discuss some of the recent problems of international law and diplomacy as viewed by the U.S.S.R. In order to place Russia's recent tortuous foreign policy in its proper perspective, it is essential to begin with a résumé of the changing Soviet concepts of law, followed by a consideration of the economic factors influencing these concepts. The shifting line of recent Soviet foreign policy will be discussed in a later part of the article.

Originally, the Soviet concept of law was predicated on transitional socialism; Soviet theorists argued that proletarian revolution has for the first time in history created a socialist state of workmen and peasants. “This is the highest type of state—that of the dictatorship of the proletariat.” Having emerged victorious, the working class destroyed the oppressive, bourgeois state machinery and built a new state apparatus of its own. The new form of state, discovered by Lenin, is the Soviet Republic. The task of the workers is further to strengthen the dictatorship of the proletariat.
How Congress Functions Under its Reorganization Act
Authors: Thomas Elbert D.
Published: May 2006

There is no subject on which all human beings agree; but in the political field in the United States an almost universal tendency exists to blame Congress for everything undesirable in the life of the nation. That is not so about the President; for always there is a large group who think of the current President as “that man” and another to whom he is a hero. As for the Supreme Court, whether it be made up of the “Nine Old Men” or the “Nine Young Men,” a certain veneration is attached to its activities which makes all-inclusive attack seem a little sacrilegious.

When Congress is discussed, party affiliations and liberal or conservative views are surmounted in the general condemnation. Oddly enough, this national whipping-boy happens to be the nearest thing to the voice of the American people in our country. Under the Constitution and by the almost untrammeled votes of our citizens, the men and women who sit under the dome of the Capitol have been assigned the function of interpreting the desires of those citizens and of making the policies which supposedly carry them to fruition.

My words must not be taken to indicate disagreement with or resentment of the popular attitude toward Congress. First, any Congress that fails to carry out the desires of the American people deserves all of the criticism it may receive.
The Status of Croatia under International Law
Authors: Sereni Angelo Piero
Published: May 2006

On April 7, 1941, while the Axis Powers were invading Yugoslavia, Ante Pavelik, the well-known Croat terrorist, broadcast from Italy an appeal to the Croats to secede from the Serbs and to support Germany and Italy. Three days later, when the German troops entered Zagreb, Sladko Kvaternik, another Croat leader, proclaimed there an independent Croat state, and on April 12, a national committee declared Pavelik, who was still abroad, head of the new state. The following day he entered Zagreb, and two days afterwards he took effective power, receiving the title of Poglavnik, the Croat equivalent of Führer or Duce. Immediately upon his telegraphic request of April 15, Germany and Italy granted recognition of Croatia, subject to their joint determination of the new state boundaries. Pavelik at once dissolved the old political parties and on April 17 formed the first Croat government, in which he became president of the council of ministers and minister of foreign affairs; Kvaternik, his substitute and supreme commander of the armed forces; and a Dr. Kulenovich, vice-president of the council. An upper council of the Croat state was designated to function with the government.
V. Party Politics in the New Japanese Diet
Authors: Williams Justin
Published: May 2006

Internal Procedures. Unschooled in the history and theory of Occidental parliamentarism, the old political factions, with new names, naturally try to adapt the new order of things in the Diet to the normal Japanese pattern. Their modus operandi during the first and second sessions—by way of adjusting to the Diet as the “highest organ of state power”—is an eventful chapter in the development of popular government in Japan.

Basic is the fact that political parties manage the Diet: every action is a party action, every vote a party vote, every decision a party decision. The individual member stands for nothing. Bills and resolutions, motions of any kind, speeches, interpellations, filibustering, even heckling and rowdyism, in committee and House sessions—all are products of political parties.

The primary agency through which political parties collectively manipulate the Diet is an entirely new piece of legislative machinery, the “Steering Committee,” one of 21 standing committees in each House.
Neutralization and the Balance of Power
Authors: Greene Fred
Published: May 2006

Since the outbreak of the Korean War, the free world has made erratic but continuous progress in its effort to achieve military parity with the Communist bloc. Success in this enterprise and the realization of a “situation of strength” would bring to the fore the problem of serious negotiations with Soviet Russia. Several analysts, including Winston Churchill, have already made strong pleas for reviving the “lost art” of diplomacy as a means of obtaining some settlement of the Cold War.

Speaking in a somewhat different military context, before the U.S.S.R. developed the atomic bomb but prior to the Western rearmament effort, Churchill observed:

We may be absolutely sure that the present situation cannot last…. It is not only here in Europe that there are these iron curtains, and point s of actual collision… I believe it right to say that the best chance of avoiding war is … to bring matters to a head with the Soviet Government, and, by formal diplomatic processes, with all their privacy and gravity, to arrive at a lasting settlement.
A Note on Treaty Ratification
Authors: Marcy Carl
Published: May 2006

On June 13, 1952, with two senators on the floor, the Senate of the United States gave its advice and consent to the ratification of three treaties which thereby became a part of the supreme law of the land. One of the senators did not vote. The other voiced his “aye” while serving as presiding officer.

The conventions approved by the voice vote of one senator were the Consular Convention with Ireland; a Protocol Supplementary to the said Convention; and the Consular Convention with the United Kingdom.

Article II, Section 2 of the United States Constitution provides that the President shall have power “to make Treaties, provided two-thirds of the Senators present concur….” Even though, under Article I, Section 5, Clause 2, “Each House may determine the Rules of its Proceedings, …” how, as a matter of law, was it possible for the Senate, with but two senators on the floor, one of whom did not vote and the other of whom was in the chair, to give its advice and consent to a treaty? And as a matter of policy was the Senate in this case properly discharging its responsibilities?
The Twentieth C.P.S.U. Congress: A Study in Calculated Moderation
Authors: Kenney Charles D.
Published: May 2006

The world listened attentively while the Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was in session in the spacious vaulted white and gold Great Hall of the Kremlin palace from February 14 to February 25, 1956. This was the first congress since the death of Stalin, and in the interim events had prompted some bewilderment and much speculation among interested observers everywhere. Specifically, outside spectators looked to the congress to illuminate the pattern underlying a series of developments between March, 1953, and February, 1956: the resignation of Georgi M. Malenkov as Premier; the ascendancy of First Secretary Nikita S. Khrushchev; Soviet assent to a peace treaty with Austria, politically “neutralizing” that country; Soviet withdrawal from bases in Porkkala, Finland, and Port Arthur; the visits of Khrushchev and Premier Nikolai A. Bulganin to India, Burma, and other countries; the announced reduction of Soviet military forces and military budget; the attempted rapprochement with Yugoslavia; initiation of an unprecedented Soviet economic offensive; and many other “unexpected,” Soviet-instigated moves.
Neo-Fascism in Western Germany and Italy
Authors: Cole Taylor
Published: May 2006

The action of the French National Assembly in the late summer of 1954 finally ended the hopes of proponents of the European Defense Community Treaty. Today the treaties and protocols of the London and Paris Conferences which proposed the creation of a Western European Union are the objects of official scrutiny. Both Italy and Germany will become members of the Western European Union after the appropriate ratifications of these documents. The restoration of Germany to a status of equality with that of other Western European states and her admission into NATO have been proposed by the Foreign Ministers of the Western powers.

But behind these actions there has lurked a fear which is reflected in many European countries, the fear of a neo-fascist rebirth in Western Germany and Italy. The image of a rearmed Germany, feeding on the industry of the Ruhr and associated with a Nazi revival, frightens many French parliamentarians. In Britain, the Bevanites have expressed left-wing Laborite fears of German rearmament and have associated it with probable fascist direction. Said their leader on November 18, 1954, in a parliamentary exchange: “Do you think the people of this Country will be safer against the prospects of war if German armies and their Nazi officers have atom and hydrogen bombs?” The neutralism prevalent among some groups in Western Europe can be interpreted in part as their reaction to similar questions. And in the United States, there has not been lacking in some quarters a belief that there is a dangerous spectre which is haunting Western Europe and the world, namely a neo-fascist revival on the north side of the Rhine.
Machiavelli's Intention: The Prince
Authors: Strauss Leo
Published: May 2006

Many writers have attempted to describe the intention of The Prince by using the term “scientific.” This description is defensible, and even helpful, provided it is properly understood. The present article is meant to prepare such an understanding.

I. The Prince combines the characteristics of a treatise and a tract for the times.

Let us begin at the beginning. In the Epistle Dedicatory Machiavelli gives three indications of the subject-matter of the book: he has incorporated into it his knowledge of the actions of great men both modern and ancient; he dares to discuss princely government and to give rules for it; he possesses knowledge of the nature of princes. As appears from the Epistle Dedicatory, from the book itself, and from what the author says elsewhere, knowledge of the actions of great men, i.e., historical knowledge, supplies only materials for knowledge of what princely government is, of the characteristics of the various kinds of principalities, of the rules with which one has to comply in order to acquire and preserve princely power, and of the nature of princes.
The Spirit of Private Government
Authors: McConnell Grant
Published: May 2006

The affairs of the Teamsters Union have suddenly loomed with an importance seldom recognized in any private association of this highly associated country. No doubt a major source of the recent interest in the internal politics of this and other unions is the fascination exerted by intimations of colorful criminality. Senator McClellan's committee, indeed, has gone far to indulge the widespread taste for this variety of sensation. Some segments of public opinion have obviously been gratified to be given ammunition useful in a campaign to weaken the economic and political power of organized labor. Meanwhile, the prospect for a few elementary reforms has suddenly improved. The American labor movement has acted to cleanse itself of some of the stain which has drawn so much attention. Legislative proposals designed to insure integrity of union elections and financial management are actively agitated.

Nevertheless, publicity and agitation have so far done little to illuminate the basic problem. The public hue and cry about gangsters quite possibly may have hindered rather than helped understanding of what is involved.
The State of the Discipline
Authors: Key V. O.
Published: May 2006

When the turn of fate brings to a man the honor of speaking on this occasion, he is likely to review the remarks of his predecessors. Their practice, I find, has been, in the main, to address themselves to one or the other of two kinds of themes. They discourse either upon a substantive problem within their own specialty or upon a matter of common concern to us as members of the same profession. As our interests have become more diverse, the second alternative seems to have been followed with greater frequency. My decision to consider in my remarks the state of our discipline has, therefore, the support of precedent if not the merit of prudence.

The burden of my argument may be stated briefly and bluntly. It is that the demands upon our profession have grown more rapidly than has the content of our discipline. We are, in a sense, the victims of our own success. The achievements of our profession arouse expectations that our discipline enables us to meet only imperfectly.
Political Parties and Decision Making in Three Southern Counties
Authors: Rhyne Edwin Hoffman
Published: May 2006

Many modern theorists of political parties see the party system not only as an adjunct to democracy but as a necessary precondition of it. In an almost complete reversal of classical doctrine, these theorists argue that competition between parties, preferably two, is the very life blood of democracy. This paper attempts an evaluation of this thesis, which may be called the “organizational theory” of democracy, as it applies to conditions in three counties in a southern state.

Three cases do not warrant conclusions extrapolated beyond our data, for any truly rigorous evaluation would require more cases in more different types of situations. This limitation particularly holds for extrapolations to national governments, since we can not assume that parties operate similarly at all levels. However, the choice of three units of local government makes possible a more intensive coverage of the events, men and patterns of politics. Furthermore, they are sufficient for present purposes, for if the organizational theory is to be accepted as completely explanatory, it should apply to all cases. Otherwise it must be viewed as partial, limited to special cases, in need of further elaboration and refinement, or, at worst, incorrect.
The Seniority System in Congress
Authors: Goodwin George
Published: May 2006

The seniority system ordinarily rates no more than two or three pages in books devoted to Congress. There is likely to be a brief description and a weighing of the arguments, pro and con, followed generally by the conclusion that the system is a poor one; occasionally an author will defend it stoutly. Regardless of the conclusions, the analyses are rarely thorough. This article attempts to fill a gap in the literature on Congress by describing and analyzing various aspects of its seniority system.

It is well to remember at the outset that very few human institutions ignore seniority entirely. Champ Clark, in his autobiography, noted that it is observed in all the affairs of life:

No sane man would for one moment think of making a graduate from West Point a full general, or one from Annapolis an admiral, or one from any university or college chief of a great newspaper, magazine or business house. A priest or a preacher who has just taken orders is not immediately made a bishop, archbishop or cardinal. In every walk of life “men must tarry at Jericho till their beards are grown.”
Foreign Aid and Social Reform in Political Development: A Philippine Case Study
Authors: Wurfel David
Published: May 2006

Writers on foreign aid policy today generally agree that technical and capital assistance from the United States government can contribute effectively to economic growth in underdeveloped areas. There is much less agreement among them, however, on the ability of the foreign aid program to contribute positively to democratic processes of political and social change. There is still less agreement on the proposal that the United States should, wherever necessary and possible, intentionally attempt to stimulate social change within the context of an aid program. Nevertheless, some general considerations not heretofore presented in juxtaposition, and a case history to illustrate them, tend to support this proposal.
The Limits of Politics: An Interpretation of King Lear, Act I, Scene 1
Authors: Jaffa Harry V.
Published: May 2006

The data for political studies are most commonly drawn from history, either in accounts of lives, events and institutions, or in the writings of earlier systematic students. But to probe the meaning and relationships of ultimate ends like justice and truth, no actual happenings are needed; imaginative fiction and drama can supply the food for thought. Why then should we not as reasonably and profitably look for lessons in political wisdom in the works of our greatest poet? In this essay I have sought to find and expound such a lesson in Shakespeare's tragedy, King Lear.

According to that profound student of Shakespeare, Abraham Lincoln, the most difficult task of statesmanship is that of providing, not for the foundation, but for the perpetuation, of political institutions. If the political institutions are the best, to perpetuate them is not only the most difficult, but also the greatest of all the tasks of the statesman.
The Coming of Age of America
Authors: Hartz Louis
Published: May 2006

The central fact of the twentieth century for America is its involvement with the world, and for a nation bred in the psychic and geographic isolation of a uniform liberal faith this has evoked the dialectic battle of a pair of impulses: the effort to intensify “Americanism,” to retreat to the comfortable womb of ancient fetishes, and the effort to transcend it, to move out maturely into a welter of national experiences where the fetishes have lost their magic. It would be comforting if we could say that this battle has been clear cut, that it has been fought out by Good Men and Bad Men, much as the battle between “conservative” and “radical” has been fought out in the nationalist histories of the Progressive scholars. But this has not been true, if only because the issue itself has been hidden from sight and the men who have grappled with it, as in some Hegelian tale, have served purposes beyond their understanding. The struggle against the constraints of “Americanism,” that peculiar blend of liberalism and nationalism that only America has produced, has been as confused as the record of the twentieth century itself.