bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
On Causal Otan
Authors: Laird A. G.
Published: June 2019

In A.J.P. XXXIII., pp. 426–435, Mr. A. C. Pearson attempted to prove that ὅТαѵ ‘not infrequently bears a causal signification … and that in such cases the temporal meaning is more or less evanescent, and sometimes entirely disappears.’ The use of ὅТαѵ where the verb refers to future time is not discussed, the purpose being ‘to establish that the classification which sums up the other occurrences of the construction as necessarily expressing “indefinite frequency” is incomplete; and that a rigorous insistence on its universal applicability has vitiated the interpretation of numerous passages.’ In the question of ‘causal implication’ I am not particularly interested. It is useless to attempt to deny that our English since is a satisfactory translation of ὅТαѵ in many instances, though it is not, perhaps, an easy matter to state what is the exact force of since in such cases. As to ‘causal implication’ I shall merely point out that a cause, strictly speaking, precedes in time that of which it is the cause, whereas a ὅТε-clause properly defines a situation that is of the same time as the principal clause. The question I wish to raise is whether the implication of ‘indefinite frequency’ has disappeared so completely in certain passages as Mr. Pearson thinks it has. Some of his examples are very interesting. It is not easy to see repeated action in them, and we may admit that critics have not ‘seriously pondered the results which flow from their adherence to established convention.’ But has Mr. Pearson seriously pondered the results which flow from his own conclusions ?' So far as I can see, he makes no distinction at all between cases of ὅТαѵ with the subjunctive, ‘where no other relation than that of causality appears to exist between the subordinate and principal clauses’ and cases of ‘causal’ ὅТε with the indicative.
Terence Glosses in the Abolita Glossary
Authors: Weir Robert
Published: June 2019

These glosses have already been dealt with in a dissertation by H. Gnueg, De Glossis Terentianis Codicis Vaticani 3321 (Jena, 1903). This would seem to render a re-opening of the subject unnecessary; but it does not require a very close examination of Gnueg's work to show that his treatment of these glosses is unsatisfactory. That must be the excuse for this paper. I do not propose, however, to attempt to re-write the dissertation or to treat all the Terence glosses in ‘Abolita’ as fully as Gnueg has done, but I wish to show that he has been working on wrong lines, and that, as a consequence, we must revise our estimate of the Terence glosses to be found in this glossary.
Simonidea
Authors: Garrod H. W.
Published: June 2019

The notes which follow are concerned almost entirely with questions of metre and rhythm; and since the lyric forms of Simonides are, nearly every-where, ‘systematic’ and not stichic, it is not easy to speak of these without involving oneself—and the reader—in problems of a nature somewhat controversial. In particular, it is impossible to avoid the use of the terms ‘logaoedic’ and ‘dactylo-epitritic’; and it is impossible to use these without explaining what sense one attaches to them. I will begin, therefore, by discharging this necessary, but tiresome, duty. I call it tiresome, because in the country of Bentley and Porson and Elmsley and Gaisford no one any longer cares to scan Greek verse. The history of metrical study in England in the last century begins with Jebb's Sophocles (which popularized a German metric already discredited in Germany), and ends with chapter VI. of Mr. Norwood's Greek Tragedy. People ask why the classics are dying. It is because the wrath of God is coming upon the children of Jebb and Mr. Norwood.
Attamen and Ovid Her. I 2
Authors: Housman A. E.
Published: June 2019

What the nineteenth century knew of attamen or at tamen it did not learn from dictionaries. The two last revisions of Forcellini, Corradini's and De-Vit's, provided eight examples between them, of which three were false. Klotz added one, Georges two, Smith two: one of these five was false, and two more lie under much suspicion. Freund gave no instance whatsoever. In preparing his first volume, which appeared in 1834, he turned, like a good compiler, to the first volume of Hand's Tursellinus, published in 1829. What he found there, on p. 450, was ‘de at tamen uide in tamen’; so he sat down quickly and wrote ‘attamen adv., s. tamen’. But Hand's Tursellinus, which never reached tamen, had proceeded no further than multum when Freund in 1840 produced the last volume of his dictionary; so he did not redeem his promise, and when you got there the cupboard was bare. This perfidy was faithfully imitated by the English and American dictionaries of Andrews, White and Riddle, Lewis and Short. To all intents and purposes one was left to depend on one's own reading and on the observations of Madvig at Cic. de fin. pp. 286 and 425 and opusc. I p. 491.
Heracleia Trachinia
Authors: Cary M.
Published: June 2019

In a past number of this journal Mr. E. Harrison has raised an interesting problem in connexion with the Corinthian War. According to Diodorus, the fortress of Heracleia in Trachis passed out of the hands of Sparta into those of Thebes and her allies in the spring campaign of 394 B.C. Yet in the summer of that year the Spartan king Agesilaus made his way through the adjacent pass of Thermopylae without let or hindrance. Since it is hardly credible that the Thebans should have let Agesilaus through of set purpose, the question arises whether Diodorus can be right in asserting that Heracleia had already been lost to Sparta at the time of Agesilaus' passage.
A New Fragment of Latin Comedy?
Authors: Mountford J. F.
Published: June 2019

In a recent article (C.Q. XV. 192–194) attention was drawn to those quotation items (labelled DE GLS) in the Liber Glossarum which cannot be traced to any one of those authors, such as Isidore and Augustine, whose work formed the basis of the Lib. Gloss.
The Papyri of Thucydides and the Translation of Laurentius Valla
Authors: Powell J. U.
Published: June 2019

Some uncertainty has always surrounded the translation of Thucydides made by Laurentius Valla in 1452 at the desire of the Humanist Pope, Nicolas V., because its source was unknown. It is recognized that the translation is of unequal value, because, excellent Latinist as Valla was, he was less at home in Greek, and often fails, even when the Greek is not particularly difficult; but his text, whatever its origin and history, is a primary authority. In the Oxford text of Thucydides, edited by Principal Stuart Jones, I have counted sixteen places for which Valla is the only authority, and there are a few more which might perhaps well be added. The view both of the Principal and of Hude is that Valla's readings in these places were due to his own ingenuity.
The Hymn to Hermes
Authors: Agar T. L.
Published: June 2019

Perhaps for ώς ἔθελ' as there is no real contrast of persons, but only an intimation of the extent or degree of power exercised, ώς ἓθελ' αὔτως, ‘just as he liked’ (cf. note on 211), should be read. I make no doubt λύρην (MS. Mosc.) should be preferred to the rival λαβών, which appears to be an import from 499, and for έέαριστερ Χειρός I would recommend π ριστέρέ ργων' ργων (cf. 153). The omission of Χειρός leaves nothing to regret, especially as it must mean in 418 the left hand, and in 419 the right hand (v. Sikes and Allen, ad loc.)
The Comedian Vatronius
Authors: Lindsay W. M.
Published: June 2019

All that we know of this writer comes from an item in the collection of pseudoPlacidus, who, like Nonius Marcellus, collected scholia from MSS. of Republican authors, and with laudable accuracy recorded the exact phrase used by the author as well as the scholium which explains the phrase. The great Latin Thesaurus (cf. Journ. Phil. XXXIV. 258) now makes a practice of distinguishing these valuable items (by the label ‘ps.-Plac.’) from the worthless Placidus items (labelled ‘Plac.’). A phrase labelled ‘ps.-Plac’ in the Thesaurus may, as a rule, be accepted as the ipsa uevba of a Republican writer; and the next editor of fragments of Republican Dramatists, etc., must bear this in mind. The Oxyrhynchus Papyri enable us to see the kind of MSS., provided with a very few short (or long) marginal scholia, from which pseudo-Placidus (I wish we knew his real name) made his apparently haphazard collection, a collection of which only a part, possibly a very small part, has survived.
‘Equites’ of Senatorial Rank
Authors: Hill H.
Published: June 2019

There has always, apparently, been a strangely persistent belief among scholars in the existence of Knights of Senatorial rank, and though the definition of these has varied from time to time, their existence seems to be universally accepted.

The first form of this idea is to be found in the view that the phrase ‘equitesillustres’ used by Tacitus refers to Knights possessing Senatorial rank. In a recent article the writer has dealt with this question, and tried to show how Mommsen definitely disposed of this theory. But in spite of his masterly refutation of it, it has found acceptance among more recent scholars, such as Furneaux, Pelham, Cagnat, and others.
Virgilian Assonance
Authors: Austin Roland G.
Published: June 2019

In the Classical Quarterly for April, 1927, I tried to show how Virgil, in his fourth Eclogue, introduced assonance and even rhyme to contribute in part to the ‘Sibylline’ atmosphere of the poem. Since then I have further investigated this question of assonance in Virgil's poetry, with what appear interesting results.
More on Donatus' Commentary on Virgil
Authors: Savage J. J.
Published: June 2019

The spirit of Aelius Donatus must be uneasy of late years; so many scholars have attempted to evoke his ghost. Professor H. J. Thomson professes to see in the additional notes to Servius (S) an image once removed from the true Donatus. ‘The question’, he writes, ‘how far we can assume that the words of Donatus are directly reproduced [in the additions first published by Daniel (D)] can hardly be satisfactorily answered.’ That Donatus was not the immediate source of D, Thomson endeavours to show from three instances, in two of which (on Geo. II. 139 and Aen. IX. 675) we know for certain, either from the Glossaries or from Servius himself, the substance of a part, at least, of the note of Donatus on these passages. In the other (on Geo. I. 260) the argument rests on the comparative meagreness of the note in the enlarged Servius. In all three cases, according to this theory, we have a rehandling of the D comment. The note on the passage from the Aeneid has already been discussed by Professor Thomson in his study of the Virgil scholia in the Abstrusa glossary. The conclusions reached there (“Donatus has been revised; and not by the combiner') are repeated, though perhaps not so positively, in the article under discussion. I hold with Professor Rand that we have in Servius auctus substantially the voice of Donatus, though in a fragmentary form, due to the work of a compiler (or compilers) who, with Servius as a basis, has worked in with more or less success explanatory matter which departed from, or was an addition to, the information supplied by an interpreter who himself derived most of his material from Donatus.
Some Ennian Phrases in the Aeneid
Authors: Bowra C. M.
Published: June 2019

Vergil's plagiarism has been a theme for critics ever since Perellius Faustus made an anthology of his ‘furta’ and Quintus Octavius Avitus com-piled eight volumes of Оμоιóτηɛσ, giving both the original passages and Vergil's adaptations of them (Suet. Vit. Verg. 45). Much of this literature has survived in the commentary of Servius and in Book VI. of the Saturnalia of Macrobius. The study of his imitations and plagiarisms throws much light on Vergil's methods and aims of composition, and has frequently been attempted in editions of his works. But one class of his plagiarisms differs considerably from the rest. Often in the Aenèid he incorporates phrases, either intact or slightly altered, from the Annales of Ennius. These differ from where he imitates Homer, because in them he does not have to translate from Greek into Latin and so remake the original into something new, and they differ, too, from his adaptations of some other earlier Latin poets, because Ennius was his only important forerunner who had written on the same heroic themes of war and the growth of Rome.
A Crux in the Poetics
Authors: Lobel E.
Published: June 2019

At the beginning of the Poetics Aristotle has these words: έποιìα δn` καì τσ τραγωιδίασ ποίησισ τι δ κωμωιδία καì διθυραμβοποιητικ καì τσ αλητικσ πλɛίστη καì κιθαριστικσ πσαι τυγχάνουσιν οσαι μιμήσɛισ τò σνολον. διαøρουσι δ άλλήλων τρισίν. ρ τι ' ν τέροισ μιμɛίσθαι τι τɛρα τι τέρωσ καì μ τòν αὐτòν τρόπον. Then, expounding ν τέροισ: ᾰπασαι μν ποιονται τν μίμησιν ν p'υθμι καì λόγωι καì ρμονίαι, τοτοισ ' η χωρìσ ἤ μɛμιγμένοισ οἶον ρμονίαι μν καì p'υθμι χρῴμɛναι μόνον ἤ τɛ αὐλητικ καì κιθαριστική … αὐτι δ τ'υθμι χωρìσ ρμονίασ τν ρχηστν. Here I omit the crucial sentence; he proceeds: οὐδν γρ ἂν ἔχοιμɛν νομάσαι κοινòν τ ὺσ σøρονος καì Ξɛνάρχον μίμουσ καì τοὺσ σωκρατικοὺσ λόσουσ, οὐδɛἴ τισ δι τριμέτρων ἤ λɛγɛiων ἤ τν ἄλλων τινν τν τοιοτων ποιοῖτο τν μiμησιπλν οἱ ἂνθρωποi γɛ συνπτοντɛσ τι μτρωι τò ποιɛῖν λɛγɛιοποιοὺσ τοὺσ δ ποποιοὺσ νομζουσιν. He develops this point about the use of the word ποιητσ to denote all writers who write in verse and finally, before ending his exposition of ν τροισ, says: ισ δ τινɛσ οἳ πσι χρνται τοῖσ ɛἰρημνοισ, λγω δ οἶον p'υθμι κα μλɛι καi μτρωι, ὢσπɛρ ἤ τɛ τν διθυραμβικν ποiησισ καῖ ἤ τν νჲμων καῖ ἤ τɛ τραγωιδiα καῖ κωμωιδiα.
Ictus and Accent in Early Latin Dramatic Verse
Authors: Sonnenschein E. A.
Published: June 2019

That accent as well as quantity plays a certain rô1e in the structure of early Latin dramatic verse is no new doctrine. It has been present in some form or other to the minds of most writers on Plautine and Terentian prosody since the time of Bentley, who in hisSchediasma de metris Terentianis(1726, second edition 1727) laid the foundations of modern research into this somewhat thorny subject. Unfortunately, however, the question has been complicated from the very first by the introduction of a third term into the discussion, viz. the termictus, with the result that the fundamental issue has been obscured and to some extent side-tracked. Bentley was himself responsible for this result; for it was he who introduced into his text of Terence those ictus-marks which have figured in most texts of Plautus and Terence down to the present day. And his whole theory of Terentian verse was dominated by the postulate that it was delivered on the stage with a stress of the voice falling rhythmically on the ‘rise’ (or, as he called it, the ‘arsis’) of each foot: e.g.

Malúm quod ísti dí deaéque omnés duínt.
Sophoclea II
Authors: Pearson A. C.
Published: June 2019

Clytaemnestra describes her anxious presentiment of coming evil, but ό π ροστατν Χρθνος bears no obvious meaning. The schol.'s πιενόμεος —corrected to πιινπιγ by Papageorgios from Suidas—is meant to interpret the phrase as merely a periphrasis for the future. So the schol. on Pind. ol. X. 9 glosses πιγν πιγ with ιγενόμε&ngr;ος. Jebb practically agrees, but thinks that strictly ό πρ. Χρόνος is ‘the time which stands in front (of the present).’ Kaibel, rightly in my opinion, regards έμοṽ as the necessary complement of προστάτης, but understands the latter as Time personified leading the queen by the hand continuously forward. She does not know her goal, but fears it is death. None of these views is convincing; and if we would seize the metaphor which the words are intended to convey, we shall do better to follow the indication afforded by Aesch. Ag. 976 τιπτε μο τς μπςως |δείμαπ ροατατατηριον| καρδιας τερασκόπον ποτται where the speaker is labouring under the burden of apprehension, whose image hovers over his heart. The future casts its shadow beforehand as a danger to be encountered. So here Clytaemnestra cannot rest for the persistent image which ever obtrudes itself upon her mental vision (scil.έμοṽ). Meineke preferred προσ-στατν just as Blaydes conjectured προσ-στατ ριον in the Agamemnon.
Demetrius, De Elocutione
Authors: Lockwood J. F.
Published: June 2019

In the Classical Quarterly, Vol. XXIII. i, pp. 7–10, Mr. Denniston attempts to revive the ancient and once honoured sport of gloss-chasing. But the day of that perilous pastime has gone, and this latest effort is perhaps less successful than some of its predecessors. In his notes on the De Elocution of Demetrius he hunts and traps the unwary ‘gloss’ in his net of criticism, but unfortunately the snare is faulty, and the ‘catch’ escapes. I propose to discuss each of his suggested ‘glosses’ in his order, basing my arguments against his conclusions—(a) on probabilities; (b) on the usage of Demetrius in this work:

§ 271. καθλου δ νς λEεως τ σϰματα κα ὑπκρισιν κα γνα παρϰει τῷ λοντι, μλιστα τ διαλελυμον, τοτ' στι δειντητα.
Three Words of Ennius
Authors: Mountford J. F.
Published: June 2019

In Corp. Gloss. Lat. V. 435–490 Goetz published excerpts from the A A glossary. Further interesting items were published by C. Theander in Eranos XXIII (1925) 51–61, 167–176. The complete glossary is now being prepared for the press, and Professor W. M. Lindsay has kindly communicated to me some of the new items which may possibly contain quotations from classical authors. The most interesting of them is the following:

MA 2 ‘Mabortia res quae ad pugnam pertinet unde moenia funduntur vel res Martia.’
Inscriptions from Magrè and the Raetic Dialect.
Authors: Whatmough J.
Published: June 2019

The discovery of upwards of a score of fragments of stagshorn with inscriptions in a North Italic alphabet closely resembling the Venetic, but also in the use of some symbols (a and h) showing affinities with the ‘North-Etruscan’ alphabet, was reported in a careful record of the excavations in which the fragments came to light (excepting the first piece of horn, which was accidentally discovered by a carpenter), written by Pellegrini for the Notizie degli Scavi for 1918, pp. 169–207. Some account of the excavations, with a description of the horn fragments and suggestions concerning the possible nature of the deity to whom they were offered, I attempted to give in a paper read before Section H of the British Association at Hull in September, 1922, reserving for the present article notes on the alphabet and text of the inscriptions, as well as all discussion of dialect. My chief object here is to deal with the forms which the inscriptions show, and to attempt to provide answers to the questions: (1) Is the language of these inscriptions Indo-European or not? (2) To what people or race are they to be assigned?
The Copa
Authors: Drew D. L.
Published: June 2019

Like most of the other poems contained in the Appendix Vergiliana, the Copa still arouses controversy with respect to authorship and date. While the tendency of contemporary criticism may fairly be summarized as favourable to acceptance of the tradition which ascribes this poem to Virgil, nevertheless there are not wanting respectable voices to declare the Copa a post-Virgilian imitation of the Eclogues; nor are the pro-Virgilians decided as to the period to which it should rightly be assigned.
Notes on the Greek Anthology
Authors: Agar T. L.
Published: June 2019

The numbers prefixed are those of Dr. Mackail's Select Epigrams, edit, iii., 1911. Those subjoined, enclosed in parentheses, refer to the Anthologia Palatina.
On the Sallustan Sv Asoriae
Authors: Last Hugh
Published: June 2019

The Sallustian Suasoriae are far from being works whose origin and authenticity can be claimed as matters of earth-shaking importance. As forms of composition their interest is mild; linguistically they are less valuable than bizarre; and as historical records theysuffer from the defect of most Suasoriae—that the author cannot advise about the past and is compelled to deal chiefly with the potentialities of the future. But in spite of this it is not without reason that in Germany much attention has been paid to these few pages of Latin during the last twenty years. If they are what they seem to be, their evidence, such as it is, must at least be taken seriously. And this evidence is not without promise; for not only do these pieces contain several scraps of otherwise missing information largely about the prosopography of the last century B.C., but in general they purport to express the views of Sallust—a man who was no fool, even if his ability was not so great as has some-times been alleged—on the political and economic difficulties of Rome during the closing phase of the career of Julius Caesar. Material of this kind cannot lightly be neglected; but at the same time the significance, both of the author's suggestions and of his casual references to events inthe past, will depend to a great extent on the author having been Sallust himself, and not a member of some rhetor's establishment writing perhaps a hundred years or more after the events with which he pretends to be contemporary. So though there may be no welcome for yet another addition to the literature of a subject whose bibliography is already long, it may still be worth while to make some observations which will perhaps help to show that, wherever the true conclusion about the authenticity of these pamphlets may lie, at least it does not lie in the direction which has been taken in recent years by several scholars—in particular by Pöhlmann and Eduard Meyer.
On Plavtvs, Miles Gloriosvs 18
Authors: Hall F. W.
Published: June 2019

These are the facts about the manuscript tradition of this line. The history of the interpretation is as follows. The early editors, knowing that penicillus tectorius in Pliny, N.H. 28. 235, means ‘a plasterer's brush,’ assumed that peniculus tectorius in Plautus meant the same, since there is no ascertainable difference in meaning between penicillus and peniculus. They accordingly translated, ‘as wind scatters the leaves or scatters the hairs of a plasterer's brush.’ About 1560 Turnebus saw that it was not likely that the wind could have much effect upon a brush made, as Pliny tells us, of bristles (saetae), and was the first to darken counsel by emending peniculumt. to paniculam tectoriam, ‘ut paniculae leuissimae arundinis, qua integi uillaticae domus solent, intellegantur.’ He quotes Plin. N.H. 16. 158 for a description of the reed used for thatching, and doubtless has in mind, though he does not quote it, Rudens 122, quin tu in paludem is exicasque hanindinem qui pevtegamus uillam. The difficulty about this interpretation is that the panicles or tufted heads of reeds were no more likely to have been used in the ancient mode of thatching than in the modern. If any were left in the completed thatch it would be by an accident, and they would not be a marked feature of the countryman's roof. Pareus thought that Tumebus had acted ‘too dictatorially’ in departing from the manuscripts. He therefore restored the established text, and took it to mean ‘a brush made of a horse's tail.’ But this did not dispose of the difficulty, and succeeding editors—Lambinus, Dousa, Taubmann—all followed Turnebus.
‘Asinvs Germanvs’
Authors: Cary M.
Published: June 2019

It is a familiar story that on April 5, 56 B.C., Cicero made a motion in the Senate concerning Caesar's Campanian land law, and that this action of his was one of the reasons for the conference of Luca. Query: What were the terms of the motion?
Pvncto Tempore Again
Authors: Lindsay W. M.
Published: June 2019

Some time ago in this journal (XIII. 19) I asked for light on this common phrase of Lucretius, quoting three of its occurrences, and being especially interested in the last (where the final syllable of tempore is elided):

6, 230 Et liquidum puncto facit aes in tempore et aurum.
Anchises and Aphrodite
Authors: Rose H.J.
Published: June 2019

This ancient tale has naturally been recognized by modern scholars for what it is—a story of the Great Mother and her paramour; but several features appear to me to have been given less examination than they deserve, in view of their own peculiarity and the obvious antiquity of the myth.

That it is pre-Greek is fairly clear from the names of the principal actors. Anchises yields no tolerable meaning in Greek, and we do not know to what speech it belongs—possibly Phrygian. Aphrodite is, of course, no Greek goddess at all. The tale was known to Greek saga-men about the tenth century B.C., and is fully told for the first time, so far as our surviving records go, in a document possibly of the seventh century—the Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite. Connected as it is, though loosely, with the Troy-saga, it may quite possibly go back to Minoan-Mycenaean times, as that does. The features which I think worthy of further investigation are the fate of Anchises after his enjoyment of the goddess' favours, and in particular the effect upon him of the thunderbolt with which he was smitten.
Philip V. and Phthia
Authors: Tarn W. W.
Published: June 2019

Contemporary inscriptions prove practically beyond doubt that Philip V. was the son of Demetrius II. and of the Epeirot princess Phthia. But historians have always started from Eusebius' statement (1,237 Schoene) that he was the son of Chryseis, a Thessalian captive whom Demetrius married and who afterwards married Doson, and have tried to fit other things in with Eusebius. Now it does not much matter to us which of two unknown women was Philip's mother; but it does matter how we approach our evidence, and wemuststart from the contemporary evidence and work downward, notvice versa. I need not here go through all the different theories based on the late evidence; what I am going to do is first to examine the inscriptions, which has not yet been done in this connexion, and then explain how Eusebius' blunder arose; for even if a definite statement be certainly wrong, we want to know how it got there.
Etymologies
Authors: McKenzie Roderick
Published: June 2019

The generally accepted explanation of the -πλος (−πλóος) in these words, that it comes from the root pel- ‘to fold’ (Boisacq, Diet. Etym. s.v. διπλóος), fails to account for the presence of the double ο in -πλóος. May not this -πλóος be identical with πλος [πλó(F)ος] [voyage]? In other languages a word for [voyage] or [journey] has faded into a word for [time] ([mal,] [fois])—e.g. Serb. jedan put [once] (lit. [one journey]); Lett,vien-reiz [once] (lit. [one journey,] reiz being borrowed from Low German, in which reise had already suffered this change of meaning, cf. Endzelin, Bezzenberger's Beiträdge 29. 179 note).
Enniana
Authors: Steuart Ethel Mary
Published: June 2019

The notorious line, ‘O Tite tute Tati tibi tanta, turanne, tulisti,’ is assigned to Ennius by Priscian, Isidore, and the Explanator in Donatum, as well as by Pompeius in his second quotation of it. In the first, however (287 K), he, like Auctor ad Herennium, Charisius, Donatus, Martianus Capella, and Plotius Sacerdos, gives no author's name. There is thus some reasonable doubt whether the attribution is correct; and this doubt is greatly increased by the remarks of our earliest authority, the Auctor ad Herennium (IV. 12. 18): ‘Vitabimus eiusdem litterae nimiam adsiduitatem, cui uitio uersus hic erit exemplo, nam hic nihil prohibet in uitiis alienis exemplis uti O Tite e.q.s.; et hic eiusdem poetae Quicquam quisquam e.q.s.’ This clearly indicates:

1. That it was unusual for this author to borrow his illustrative examples (cf. IV. 2. 4 sqq., where he states that he prefers to make up his own examples instead of quoting from the best prose authors and poets as most rhetoricians do).
Cvm and Cvmvlvs
Authors: Richmond O. L.
Published: June 2019

In 820 the corrections of Buecheler and Scaliger are accepted. In 822 the MSS. have quom penes me potestas; quom for quos from v. 823, lacuna supplied by Klotz, met , by Leo, mei . I conceive an intermediate stage: quom penes mei  potestas, which would account for the lacuna by haplography, as well as for the change of mei to me (posita pot- is, of course, a proceleusmatic foot).
Macrobii: Aithiopians and Others
Authors: Halliday W. R.
Published: June 2019

Mr. Last's very interesting note (Class. Quart. XVII., pp. 35–36) is so ingenious and the Egyptian evidence falls so pat that it deserves to be right, but I very much doubt if it is. In fact the Aithiopians do not stand alone, and the context of their longevity deserves consideration. If that context is recalled, it may appear that ‘to say that the legend was attached by the Greeks to the Aithiopians through their remoteness from the Mediterranean world is no explanation’ is itself a hard saying.
Euripides' Alcmaeon and the Apollonivs Romance
Authors: Krappe Alexander Haggerty
Published: June 2019

The genesis of the Greek prose romance is still in large part shrouded in darkness, in spite of the researches of Erwin Rohde, one of the greatest scholars of the last generation. The reasons are evident; the material at our disposal is far too scanty, the loss of early specimens of this literary form is far too great to allow of a flawless reconstruction of the history of the Greek romance. The same lacunae have also prevented us from obtaining as complete an insight into the sources of the extant romances as would be desirable. Rohde conjectured that the genre was the result of a skilful combination of mythological narrative and adventure novel; Warren thought that the Greek prose romance had about the same origin and took the same development as the old French prose romance—that is, it developed out of the epic. At all times scholars have been aware of the fact that the great role which love plays in the Greek romance has a parallel in the tragedies of Euripides, who may be considered the first tragic poet to introduce the love theme on the stage. But so far as I am aware, it has not been pointed out that Euripides was drawn upon for whole episodes in order to enrich the plot of the novel. Yet such seems to have been the case for one of the best-known passages of the Apollonius Romance, as I shall endeavour to show in the following pages.
Terentiana
Authors: Phillimore John S.
Published: June 2019

In this paper it is proposed to be argued that the tendency in Latin known as the ‘Iambic Law’ is actuated by one cause, and one only—viz., the intensity of the prior syllable of the two. ‘Intensity’ means higher tone and increased force of utterance (plus sonat, Keil, 4, 426; acuto accentu elatum, as Charisius (K. I, p. 227) says of ut exclamatory). It is of three kinds:

(1) Initial—proper to the first syllable of a disyllabic, tetrasyllabic, or pentesyllabic word of a sentence or (as Bentley first noted) of a verse.

(2) Appropriate to the sense of interrogatives (which therefore must normally stand first) and other words of natural emphasis, such as ego, or the expletives pol, malum, or imperatives, or words like at and sed, before which there is a pause in Latin.

(3) Attaching to particular words in a particular context because of the meaning of the sentence (cf. Donat. ad Phorm. 341, acuenda uox in eo quod ait, ‘tibi’).
A Note on the First Sallustian Svasoria
Authors: Last Hugh
Published: June 2019

In discussing the authorship of the first suasoria preserved in Cod. Vat. Lat. 3864 I said that an argument against its Sallustian origin had been found in the words ‘paulo ante hoc bellum’ of 4, 1. By this phrase the author marks an interval of twenty-seven years, and I suggested, as had been done before, that perhaps this is hardly the way ‘in which a man still under forty would refer to so long an interval which had ended only four years before he was writing.’ The elasticity of Latin words indicating number and magnitude is familiar, but by the kindness of Dr. Rice Holmes I have been reminded of a place where some of the more interesting examples have been collected. Dr. Postgate, on p. lxxiv of his edition of Lucan VIII., mentions among other Caesarian passages B.C. 3, 106, 1, where the few days concerned in ‘Caesar paucos dies in Asia moratus’ are something like three weeks; and B.G. 3, 20, 1, where ‘paucis ante annis’ dates an event which probably happened either twenty-one or twenty-two years before the time with which the narrative is concerned. To these Dr. Holmes would add Cic. in Cat. 3, 1, 3, and, by way of contrast, Caesar B.C. 3, 25, 1. In the former the ‘eruption’ of Catiline on the night of November 8–9 is described by Cicero on December 3, twenty-four days later, as having occurred ‘paucis ante diebus’: in the latter a period of scarcely three months is ‘multi menses.’
The Manuscripts of the Metamorphoses of Apvleivs. II.
Authors: Robertson D. S.
Published: June 2019

In my previous article I argued that certain of the later MSS. of the Metamorphoses of Apuleius, and especially those which I call Class I., are to a large extent descended from a lost copy of F, made before the rent was torn in Book VIII., and therefore before the writing of ϕ; and I inferred that it was likely that the evidence of these MSS. would prove a valuable addition to that of ϕ in places where F is now illegible. In the following pages I shall prove that this hope has been fulfilled.
Three Notes on Appian
Authors: Tod M. N.
Published: June 2019

These words occur in Appian's account of the riot which led to the death of Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus in 133 B.C. The tribunician elections had been adjourned from the previous day, and Gracchus, who irregularly sought re-election, had with his supporters taken possession of the temple of Jupiter on the Capitol. The assembly broke up in disorder amid wild rumours that Gracchus had deposed all his colleagues or had declared himself tribune for the following year without election or had actually demanded the diadem. The Senate meanwhile had been in session in the temple of Fides, and upon receipt of the news from the Capitol Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica Serapio urged the consul, Publius Mucius Scaevola, to crush the tyrant. When he declared that he would not put any citizen to death without trial, Nasica, calling loudly upon those who desired the safety of their country to follow him, mounted the Capitol at the head of a considerable body of Senators and led the attack on Gracchus and his partisans.
The Character of Zeus in Aeschylus' Prometheus Bound
Authors: Todd O. J.
Published: June 2019

‘A foolish consistency is the hobgoblin’ not only ‘of little minds,’ but of some classically trained minds as well. And it is surprising to see how this has caused certain unevennesses in ancient authors to be trued up. Aristophanes, for example, we are toldby a late venerable scholar, never permits a change of meter in a single speech directed to the same person; and to get rid of the two deviations from this rule, the framer of it cut down the seemingly good trochaic tetrameters in the Peace(299 sq.) to iambic trimeters, and then put line 555 before line 553 and took the three lines 555, 553, 554 from Trygaeus and assigned them to the coryphaeus. It is conceivable that if we possessed the thirty-three lost comedies of Aristophanes the editor might have had more and harder surgery on his hands.
Purification in Homer
Authors: Gillies M. M.
Published: June 2019

The religious value which we are entitled to attach to instances of purification in the Homeric poems is extremely small. It is important at the outset of the inquiry to get away from pre-conceived ideas founded on later religious practice, in the light of which the Homeric examples are instinctively interpreted. Chapter and verse from fifth century and later parallels is not necessarily authority for reading a religious significance into the account of an apparently secular act in Homer.
Repetitions and Obsessions in Plavtvs
Authors: Hall F. W.
Published: June 2019

It would add greatly to our interest in the plays of Plautus if we knew more about the order in which they were produced. As it is, our knowledge of the dates of the plays is pitifully meagre and uncertain. Miles Gloriosus appears to have been produced soon after 206; Cistellaria about 201; Stichus (the only play that can be dated with certainty) in 200; Trinummus soon after 194; Pseudolus probably is 191, and Truculentus about 189. The date of the remaining seventeen plays is unknown. We can only infer their relation one to another from the internal evidence of language, metre, and structure. The results of an examination on these lines, if they converged, might be useful in enabling us to arrange the plays roughly in a number of well-defined groups. Mr. Sedgwick 1 has recently made an interesting attempt to approach the problem from the side of metre. I think that a more intensive study of the plays from the side of language might lead to profitable results. My immediate concern is, however, only with a small corner of this vast field—viz., the frequent coincidence of thought and phrase which is so marked a feature of these plays.
Celtis Again
Authors: Laistner M. L. W.
Published: June 2019

In the Classical Quarterly, XIX., pp. 192–3, in some remarks on the word celtis, I suggested that the Philoxenus gloss CE 23 (Celtis ῥνα ίΧθύοςεἷδος) was in reality a fusion of two glosses—

Celtis : ῥȋνα

Celtis (?): ίΧθύος εἶδος

and I tried to show that the former was a Bible gloss from Job xix. 24. Since the appearance of my article it has been pointed out by Professor Housman, in a communication to Professor W. M. Lindsay, that I had overlooked the kindred Philoxenus gloss SQ 4 (Squatus: ῥȋνα εἶδος ìΧθύος); and it would appear that, in view of this regrettable oversight, the division of the gloss CE 23 and the explanation of the first part as a Bible gloss is untenable.
The Text of the Epistles of Themistocles
Authors: Jackson J.
Published: June 2019

Ib. 8–16. εἱ δ&apos οὖν γὼ μν ϕυγς… οἱ δ' χθρο οὑμο λαμπρο κα μέγα ἰσχύοντες oi δ ταῖροι ὑμεῖς οὒτε αὐτΟθΙ <χρήσιμοι οὒτε ἂλλΟθΙ> οὐδαμο, δουλεία δ' ν τῷ μέσῳ παιδαρίων ρϕανν πολλν, λυναικν ρήμων τν ὑμετέρων κα τ ς μ ς, γ ο ν έ ω ν [δ] κα πρεσβυτν κα πρεσβυτίδεν (νίοις γρ αὑτν κα οἱ γονεῖς ἕτι εἰσἱν)—εἰ τατα πάντα… καταλαμβάνοι κτ.

οὑμο Hr: οὐχ οἱ P ∥ <>* ∥ οὐδαμο*: οὐδ' μο P ∥ τς μς, γονέων*: τν μν, νίων δ P.
Two more Manuscripts of Heliodorvs
Authors: Rattenbury R. M.
Published: June 2019

In a previous article I attempted to show the relationship between the most important MSS. of the Aethiopica, and to fix the basis on which the text ought to be built. The object of the present enquiry is to go more deeply into the history of the Xylander MS., which was only lightly touched upon then, and to estimate the value of another MS., which received no treatment at all.
A Source of Vergil, Georg. II. 136–176
Authors: Krappe Alexander Haggerty
Published: June 2019

This passage, which is in a way a digression from the main subject of the second book, arboriculture, and stands out from the rest of the poem, is one of the best known of the entire work, chiefly, it would seem, on account of its exquisite beauty, but partly also, no doubt, for the distinctly modern note it strikes; for it can justly be regarded as an early example of a national anthem. As a matter of fact, it has been recognized as such from the dawn of the Renaissance, and Petrarch's famous

Salue cara Deo tellus: sanctissima salue: was directly inspired by Vergil's

Salue, magna parens frugum, Saturnia tellus, Magna uirum.
Prvdentivs, Apotheosis 895
Authors: Austin R. G.
Published: June 2019

The MS. tradition of Prudentius is particularly interesting, since in the famous Codex Puteanus (Par. Lat. 8084) we have a MS. dating from the early sixth century—i.e. but little more than a hundred years after the publication of the collected poems in 405. Yet it has only been of late years that due consideration has been given to this ancient Codex, which is the actual MS. corrected by Vettius Mavortius' own hand. Mr. Winstedt has spoken (Classical Review, 1904, pp. 112 sqq.) of the neglect which it has suffered for the most part from editors, and also (C.R., 1905, pp. 56 sqq.) of the similar lack of attention paid even by Dressel to its seventh-century companion at Milan—the Codex Ambrosianus; while, later, J. Bergman shewed himself enthusiastic in its praise (Sitzungsberichte der kais. Ahad. der Wissenschaften in Wien, 1907). A confirmation is now available of a curious and generally discredited reading in this MS. (the Puteanus), from that same Arma glossary (Leyd. 67F, 1191–128r) of ‘saec. viii.-ix’ which bears witness to the readings of a lost Terence MS. of the δ-family, the best minuscule family, older than any extant MS., as I shewed in the April, 1925, number of this journal. At Prud. Apoth. 895 the reading of Puteanus is—

Agenitus genitusque deus, pater et patre natus.
On the Syntax of usus est
Authors: Nutting H. C.
Published: June 2019

The discussion of the construction with usus est is conventionally bound up with that of opus est, and comparatively little attention has been given to the problem presented by the use of the ablative case with the former phrase.

The tendency to pass lightly over this matter is due doubtless to the manifest etymological connexion between usus and utor, which leads to the assumption that the verbal noun would naturally follow the syntax of the verb.
Notes on Plotinus—III
Authors: Sleeman J. H.
Published: June 2019

Ennead VI. 4. 1 (Volkmann's edition, p. 363, 1. 7): καὶ ὅμως ἐν μὲν ταῖς ποιότησι τὸ αὐτὸ μεμερισμένον θεωρεῖται, ἐπί δὲ ψνχῆς τὸ αὐτὸ οὐ μεμερισμένον κ.τ.λ. As there is no antithesis to justify ὅμως (praeterea, Ficinus) we should read ὅλως, which neatly sums up the argument: ‘in a word, while in qualities the same thing is seen as divided, in soul the same thing is not divided,’ etc.
Historical Elements in the Story of Coriolanus
Authors: Salmon E. T.
Published: June 2019

One of the most recent writers on the early history of Rome has shown that the framework of the traditional story is perhaps to be trusted, even though there are many details, inconsistent and self-contradictory, which are obviously to be rejected. In view of this fact, it might be worth while to reconsider the Coriolanus story, the prevailing opinion concerning which is that vouchsafed by Mommsen many years ago: ‘die Erzählung ist ein spät, in die Annalen eingefügtes, darum in alien Stücken denselben ungleichartiges und widersprechendes Einschiebsel.’ The reasons for arriving at such an opinion are sufficiently obvious to warrant their receiving but the barest recital. First, it is incredible that the Volsci would either choose a renegade Roman to be their general, or, even if they did, allow him at the last minute to rob them of the fruits of victory. Secondly, inconsistencies in the version of the story which we possess induce us to suspect its historicity; for example, Dionysius of Syracuse is made to send corn to the starving Romans'—yet Dionysius lived some hundred years later; a youthful Coriolanus is represented as having considerable influence in the senate—yet in those early days the senate was essentially a gathering of venerable men; the Roman populace learns immediately the gist of Coriolanus' remarks in the senate—yet senate meetings were held in secret; Volsci are allowed to attend the ‘ludi’ and to meet at the Spring of Ferentina—yet in the fifth century none but Latini could do this; the Roman Marcius is given an honorific cognomen, Coriolanus, because of his behaviour at the capture of Corioli—yet such cognomina were not granted until the third century or even later and even then only to the general and not to the subordinate; the plebs is represented as wielding great power in the assembly1—yet we know that in the fifth century it did nothing of the kind.
A Document of the Restored Democracy of 410 B.C. (I.G. I2. 114)
Authors: Wade-Gery H. T.
Published: June 2019

Hiller vonGaertringen says of this inscription: ‘Lapis in obscuro loco collocatus est. In ectypis nihil fere dispeximus … Lectio e Koehlero et Velseno componenda est.’ I did not find the stone till my last morning in Athens: it is E.M. 6600; it is extremely illegible, and I had not time to move it to a really good light. But there are a few things to add, and the length of line can, I believe, be determined.
Anaxagoras: Predication as a Problem in Physics: II
Authors: Peck A. L.
Published: June 2019

The former part of this paper attempted to show—

1. That in Anaxagoras' scheme of physics the following substances were elements:

(a) The animal substances (such as Flesh, Bone, Marrow, etc.);

(b) The vegetable substances (such as Bark, Wood, etc.);

(c) The so-called Opposites (the hot, the cold, etc.); and

2. That there is no evidence that Anaxagoras asserted any substances to be homoeomerous, and that, even if he had done so, the word ‘homoeomerous’ does not bear the meanings often attached to it by those theories which assume he made the assertion. The meaning of is, ὁμοιομερής is, not ‘simple in substance,’ i.e. ‘elementary,’ but ‘simple in formation.’
Mysticism and Science in the Pythagorean Tradition
Authors: Cornford F. M.
Published: June 2019

We can now approach the interpretation of the famous symbol called the Tetractys or Tetrad, which is a compendium of Pythagorean mysticism. The tetractys is itself a system of numbers. It symbolizes the ‘elements of number,’ which are the elements of all things. It contains the concordant ratios of the musical harmony. It might well be described in the Pythagorean oath as ‘containing the root and fountain of everflowing Nature.’ In one of the acousmata preserved in Iamblichus it is identified with the cosmic harmony. It was also called κσμος, οὐρανς, πν. Theon says it was held in honour because it contained the nature of the universe.
AιΘιοπεσ Makpobioi
Authors: Last Hugh
Published: June 2019

The tale current in antiquity that a certain section of the people known as Αίθίοπες was peculiar for its longevity is one of whose origin a satisfactory account is still to seek. To say that the legend was attached by the Greeks to the Aithiopians through their remoteness from the Mediterranean world is no explanation; nor is it a very cogent conjecture that the fable may have arisen from misunderstood reports of an African five-month year, for which there is some evidence in modern times. With the utmost diffidence I venture to make a suggestion which, whether it carries conviction or not, is at least so obvious that it can hardly fail to have occurred to many schdiars in the past. My one excuse must be that it does not seem to be mentioned either in the more ordinary books of reference, where it might be expected to appear, or in any other works which have come my way.
Ad Senecam
Authors: Kronenberg A. J.
Published: June 2019

Ep. 2, § 3 ‘non Conualescit planta, quae saepe transfertur.’ ‘coalescit’ (‘manuscrit de Mons’) commendat P. Thomas. Conferatur tamen Ep. 121, § 15 ‘herba conualuit,’ Ep. 38, § 2 ‘conualescunt et exurgunt.’

Ep. 13, § 14 ‘pudet me i bi sic tecum loqui.’ ‘diu,’ cf. § 15 ‘nimium diu te cohortor.’
The Horse-Taming Trojans
Authors: Macurdy Grace H.
Published: June 2019

When M. Félix Sartiaux says1 of the domain of Troy that ‘sa principale industrie est l'!èlevage de chevaux,’ he touches a point that has not been sufficiently considered in its bearing on the religion of Troy and its connexions with the tribes of Thrace, the Danube, and North Greece. In his study of the Thracian proper names Tomaschek notes2 the large number compounded with ‘Aulo-,’ which he regards as equivalent to ἴππο and remarks on the fact that it is natural to have such names in Thrace, as the chief business of the ruling Thracians was the breeding of horses, their food was flesh of horses, and horse-blood and horse-milk their drink. The same tendency is seen in the Iliad in the names with ἴππος as first or second member. They are for the most part names of Trojans or Trojan allies, the greater number belonging to Trojans. Only four Greeks have these names, and in two of these cases there seems to be an oversight on the part of the poet. Hipponoos occurs in a puzzling list of Greeks slain by Hector in II. XI. 301–304, in which the names that occur elsewhere in the poem are names of Trojans. Hippasides also constitutes a puzzle when used in the thirteenth book as a patronymic for Hypsenor, who is a Trojan in the fifth book, and has himself a characteristically Trojan3 or Dardanian name in ηνωρ Hippasos is a Trojan, father of Charops and Sokos, and, according to Hyginus, a son of Priam.