bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Sophocles, Philoctetes 1. 546
Authors: Maguinness W. S.
Published: February 2009

Odysseus' man, disguised as the captain of a merchant ship, is explaining to Neoptolemus how he chanced unexpectedly to meet Neoptolemus' sailors. Jebb's note, ‘the same land (Lemnos); not, strictly, the same “spot” ’, and his rendering, ‘off the same coast’, somewhat contradict one another.
The Touch of Socrates
Authors: Tarrant Dorothy
Published: February 2009

At the end of the dialogue Theages, after a general review of the prophetic power given by Socrates quotes the words of Aristides to himself—130 d—e:

The extravagant claim here made for the influence of Socrates as conveyed through physical proximity and contact is one of the chief reasons for regarding the dialogue as spurious, giving as it does a later and a distorted development from suggestions made by Plato and Xenophon themselves.
Thucydides 2. 65. 11
Authors: Westlake H. D.
Published: February 2009

In this celebrated sentence Thucydides gives his opinion more specifically than anywhere in the narrative of Books 6 and 7 on the reasons for the failure of the Sicilian expedition. Unfortunately, however, he expresses his views with some lack of clarity, and this has led to disagreement among modern scholars who have sought to determine precisely what he means. It is also unfortunate that he does not state the evidence upon which he bases his conclusion that the expedition failed because of struggles for political leadership at Athens. The main purpose of this paper is to consider the meaning and implications of this sentence, which can, I believe, be clarified by reference to other passages in which Thucydides uses when debating the causes of past actions. A closely allied problem, that of the relationship between this sentence and the narrative of Books 6 and 7, will also be discussed. A. W. Gomme has maintained that this relationship throws some light upon the date of composition of Books 6 and 7. There is no doubt whatever that the sentence was written at or after the end of the Peloponnesian war (ibid. 12), and if there are differences of outlook, even inconsistencies, between it and the narrative which show that Thucydides cannot have written, or at any rate conceived, both at the same time, he almost certainly wrote the narrative before the end of the war.2 In my opinion there is inconsistency on one point only, but here the inconsistency is sufficiently marked to suggest not only that Books 6 and 7 were written considerably earlier than 2. 65. 11, but that they were written within the next few years after the conclusion of the Sicilian campaign.
Longinus, the ‘Philological Discourses’, and the Essay ‘On the Sublime’
Authors: Boyd M.J.
Published: February 2009

It has long been known that two medieval scholiasts, one of them called John of Sicily, the other anonymous, commenting on a passage of Hermogenes' , ascribe what looks like a passage of the de Sublimitate to ‘Longinus’. On the assumption, however, that the ‘Longinus’ referred to must be Cassius Longinus, the third-century rhetorician, scholars have tended to minimize the vweight of the evidence and attempted to explain it away. For it is now established that the de Sublimitate must date from the first century A.D. Yet, apart from the identity of ‘Longinus’, the evidence of the scholiasts looks clear and specific.
Some Fragments of the Propaganda of Mark Antony
Authors: Charlesworth M. P.
Published: February 2009

The civil war which ended in the victory of Octavian and the suicide of Antony and Cleopatra is one of the most exciting but most obscure periods of Roman history, obscure mainly because the victor succeeded in imposing bis version of affairs upon his countrymen and through them on posterity. That is not to say that his version is necessarily completely false: the danger that threatened Rome was a real one, the national feeling that resulted in the coniuratio totius Italiae of 32 B.C. and that inspired Virgil and Horace later was not an artificial growth, though it was carefully tended. But in kindling the requisite war-feeling and in rousing the necessary enthusiasm both sides had to propagand for themselves, and in ancient times propaganda often became a matter of personal abuse and mud-slinging. In this Octavian's agents were perhaps more successful, though few nowadays (save writers of sensational novels) would accept the conventional portraits of Antony and Cleopatra as anywhere near the truth. But Antony's propaganda, though not so effective, was not obliterated by Octavian's victory; indeed a great deal of it is still preserved and masquerades as fact in histories of the period, where Octavian's personal character suffers badly.
The Substructure of stasis-theory from Hermagoras to Hermogenes
Authors: Heath Malcolm
Published: February 2009

Stasis-theory seeks to classify rhetorical problems (declamation themes, or real forensic and deliberative situations) acccording to the underlying structure of the dispute that each involves. Such a classification is of interest to the practising rhetor, since it may help him identify an appropriate argumentative strategy; for example, patterns of argument appropriate to a question of fact (did the defendant do what is alleged?) may be irrelevant in an evaluative dispute (was the defendant justified in doing that?).
Paralipomena: Tibullus.
Authors: Postgate J. P.
Published: February 2009

That the hiatus in 33 is inadmissible in an Augustan poet has long been recognised by the critical. Of the three other examples, Prop. II xv. 1 ‘o me felicem! o nox mihi Candida et o tu,’ ib. xxxii. 45 ‘haec eadem ante illam (add iam) inpune et Lesbia fecit,’ and Manil. I 795 ‘emeritus caelum et Clausi magna propago,’ only the first can claim any excuse, on the ground of the speaker's excitement and the pause after felicem, but, metre apart, even there ‘nox, o’ seems a better order. But the corruption has had perforce to be retained in our texts through lack of a reasonable correction. The line is perfectly sound Latin as it stands and, though not poetry, is sense.
The Place of Arbitration and Mediation in Ancient Systems of International Ethics
Authors: Matthael Louise E.
Published: February 2009

There can be no doubt that the Romans were very much influenced in their use of interstate arbitration by the Greeks. This statement can be made without affecting the question as to whether the actual principle of arbitration was known to them before their contact with the Greeks. Either the practice sprang up independently in Italy and Greece owing to similarity of conditions, or else it was part of the same stock of political and social ideas inherited by each race alike from common ancestors. It would be improbable if two nations of such close relationship and such similar civilisation could not have inherited so natural an idea or developed it along similar lines, and indeed the very widespread practice of arbitration in private law at Rome has none of the signs of an imported idea.
Varia Graeca
Authors: Allen T. W.
Published: February 2009

As the apparent variant is in the text, Ludvvich alters the scholion into , which has not been found in any MS. so far. The only noticeable point prima facie about is that it (of I pers. pi.) is an (we have and ). Therefore I would read . Ludwich's index to his A.H.T. gives cases of the omission of ov or OVK in the scholia. We need not restrict There is too much tendency to restrict usage in matters of language. At one time it was believed that μ⋯ποτε was the property of Didymus! ‘passage’ does not occur (apparently) in the scholia we possess, τόπος however does (Ludwich, Index). Compare the note on H 96

⋯ν ἄλλῳ ὑβριτα⋯. We must supply in sense χωρ⋯ῳ, for the reference is to Callim. Del. 69, where this is the meaning of ⋯πειλητ⋯ρες.
Catullus: Notes and Conjectures
Authors: Tucker T. G.
Published: February 2009

I have always found it a sore trial of my faith to regard suam ipsam as = suam dominant, and can only join ipsam with matrem. This leaves suam stand alone, as = suam dominam. That use is doubtless defensible of a wife or mistress in the case of a lover; but it is hardly possible of a sparrow, to whom the lady does not ‘belong’ in that relation. That one who is not lover or husband may know suos is no proof that he may know suum or suam alone.
Horatiana
Authors: Postgate J. P.
Published: February 2009

Among the multitude of commentators by which an Horatian crux is surrounded it is reasonable to suppose that one or two at least have seen some vestiges of the truth, and I will therefore preface my remarks upon the meaning of this ode and its ultimate stanza by quoting first from an annotation by Dean Wickham.
Sophoclea
Authors: Platt Arthur
Published: February 2009

I need scarcely say that I do not propose to disturb Jebb's celebrated emendation of this passage in so far as the construction of is concerned. But I do think that there is yet a difficulty left. How can Oedipus fee said to have ' taken Iocasta as a gift out of the city' ? Or how can the Greek mean ' receive her from the city ' ? would be right for ' to choose out from among many possessions' (cf. Aesch. Ag. 975), but I desiderate examples of such a phrase as in the sense here required. The suggested correction ⋯πωφελ⋯σας strikes me as harsh without an accusative. Might it not then be better to read ⋯π’ ὠφελ⋯σει π⋯λεος, ‘on the strength of having served the city’ ? The change is scarcely, if at all, more violent; others might prefer ⋯π’ ὠφελε⋯ᾳ. That this phrase can also mean ‘with a view to help’ does not seem to me to matter.
Notes on Passages in Cicero
Authors: MacInnes John
Published: February 2009

In Brutus § 274 Cicero writes: The style of M. Calidius was pure and limpid; he used no word that was ‘ durum aut insolens aut humile aut longius ductum. Erant autem et uerborum et sententiarum ilia lumina quae uocant Graeci …(§ 275) “ Qua de re agitur” autem illud quod multis locis in iuris consultorum includitur formulis et ubi esset uidebat.’ In the last phrase, which I give in the MSS reading, editors have adopted for et ubi the suggestion of Corradus id ubi. There seem to be two objections to it: (I) poor sense, (2) doubtful syntax. Impelled by these objections but pressing overmuch the relevancy of a somewhat similar phrase (De Fin. V. 26. 78: si est quisquam qui acute in causis uidere soleat quae res agatur is es profecto tu) one editor proposed ‘ acutissime uidebat.’ But the context shows that Cicero is describing the language of Calidius, not his mental powers; so a reference to keenness in perceiving the subject of dispute is not relevant. In § 276 the passage proceeds to enumerate the formal qualities of his style:. ‘ accedebat ordo rerum plenus artis, actio liberalis, totumque dicendi placidum et sanum genus.’
The Etruscans and the Sicilian Expedition of 414-413 B.C.
Authors: Caspari M. O. B.
Published: February 2009

It has usually been held, on the strength of several passages in Thucydides, that the Athenian army which was besieging Syracuse in 414–413 b.c. contained a contingent of Etruscans desirous of retaliating upon the Syracusans for losses inflicted upon them in past days—e.g., in 474 at Cumae and in 453 at Elba.
ΟΡΩ ΜΕΝΟΣ ΠΝΕΟΥΣΑΝ
Authors: Harry J. E.
Published: February 2009

No tragic poet uses the phrase μ⋯νος πν⋯ουσαν, except Aeschylus, who employs it in describing the Erinyes, not a Greek maiden. Similarly Homer of his ‘Mut-schnaubende’ heroes and of the savage steeds of Diomed. Hence, in the Sophoclean passage, some scribe may have mistaken the familiar ΜΕΝΟCΠΝΕΟΤCΑΝ for the more unusual ΜΕΝΕΙCΙCΤΝΟΤCΑΝ. Initial C attached itself to the preceding word, and ΤΝΟΤCΑΝ became ΠΝΟΤCΑΝ, which was promptly changed to πν⋯ουσαν.
On the Text of the Stromateis of Clement of Alexandria
Authors: Postgate. J. P.
Published: February 2009

The germ of the following paper is as old as the previous century, when in the year 1898 my attention was accidentally drawn to one of the passages discussed below. But progress was impossible until the facts of the MS.tradition of the Stromateis were properly presented–a service for which we are indebted to the excellent edition of Clement by Dr. O. Stählin (Leipzig 1906–1909).
Maës, Qui et Titianus
Authors: Gary M.
Published: February 2009

The farthest east on the transcontinental road to China which ancient travellers from the Mediterranean borderlands are known to have attained was reached by a party that made its way as far as the Stone Tower, a station in the region of the Pamirs, not far from the watershed between the Mediterranean and the Yellow Seas. This expedition was organized by a member of an old business family, namedand described asThe only reference to Maes in ancient literature is in a brief notice by Ptolemy (i. II. 7), which he derived from his main source, the geographer Marinus of Tyre. Can we find out anything more about this great entrepreneur?
Phanias: Notes and Queries
Authors: Gow A. S. F.
Published: February 2009

The last epigrammatist named by Meleager as contributing to his Garland is Phanias, who, with Meleager's customary irrelevance, is said to be represented there by cornflowers . No inferences can be drawn from his place in the catalogue, which is neither chronological nor topographical in arrangement, and with one possible exception the epigrams give no hint of his home or date. In A.P. 6. 299.
The Metaphorical Vocabulary of Dionysius of Halicarnassus
Authors: Lockwood J. F.
Published: February 2009

The method of approach to detailed criticism of prose-writers and poets adopted by Dionysius is in a large measure comparative. The procedure of comparison is threefold: firstly, the bringing together of passages from authors to elicit points of resemblance or of difference between their styles secondly, the assumption of the existence of common critical standards for all works of art, whether literature, painting, or sculpture thirdly, the use of metaphor and simile to illustrate matters of criticism which need the assistance of some visual or mental image to make clear the exact meaning of the point of criticism. The metaphorical vocabulary is the richer for the greater preoccupation of Dionysius with aesthetic appreciation than with philosophical analysis; and any seeming differences in technical vocabulary are compensated by the freedom with which his vocabulary in general draws on the Greek of his own and earlier times. The following list gives some of the more interesting metaphorical expressions used in the rhetorical works, with notes on their meaning and, in some cases, with illustrations of the use of the same or similar terms in other Greek critics and in the volumes of scholia.
The Date of the Hesiodic Shield
Authors: Cook R. M.
Published: February 2009

In attempting to date the Shield several complementary methods are possible. Roughly these may be classed as literary, historical and archaeological. The literary method indicates that the Shield comes late in the Hesiodic corpus: in particular the use of the F is careful. The historical method suggests a preciser upper limit. Wilamowitz believed that the point of lines 393–401, which give the season in which the combat between Herakles and Kyknos took place, can only be that a commemorative festival was held—at the temple of Apollo at Pagasae, since the scene is laid in Apollo's sanctuary. Mazon continues that the reputation of the temple dates from the end of the Sacred War and the establishment at Pherae of a dynasty with close connections with Delphi (which Kyknos was in the habit of defrauding): he therefore sets the terminus post quern at about 590. This argument is attractive and possible. Several scholars have attempted to secure a lower limit from the last sentence in Hypothesis A: κα⋯ Στησ⋯χορος δ⋯ φησιν ' Hσ7iota;⋯δου εἶναι τ⋯ πο⋯ημα. But as Wilamowitz observes, we do not know whether the poem in which this mention came (plausibly a Kyknos) was a genuine work of Stesichoros. Certainly it need not make the Shield much earlier than the Stesichorean poem, since our ‘Hesiod’ wrote his epyllion for incorporation in the Ehoiai which was attributed to the genuine Hesiod, and an insertion into such a work could have been very quickly accepted. Mazon's lower limit of 560 is then on insecure grounds. Thirdly there is the possibility that analysis of the decoration of Herakles' shield might give useful comparisons to the conclusions of archaeologists on the chronology of Greek art. It is this method that I shall attempt.
TheLysison Loving One's Own
Authors: Glidden David K.
Published: February 2009

Cicero,Lucullus38: ‘…non potest animal ullum non adpetere id quod accommodatum ad naturam adpareat (Graeci idοỉκεῖονappellant)…’

From earliest childhood every man wants to possess something. One man collects horses. Another wants gold. Socrates has a passion for companions. He would rather have a good friend than a quail or a rooster. In this way, Socrates begins his interrogation of Menexenus. He then congratulates Menexenus and Lysis for each having what he himself still does not possess. How is it that one gets a friend, Socrates asks?

Since the nineteenth century many who have read these lines have found them repulsive. Scholars have damned theLysisfor its selfish egoism, for regarding persons as personal belongings. At the turn of the century some sought to discredit the dialogue as a forgery and a calumny. Others debated the dating of the dialogue as Socratic or Platonic, seeking whom to blame rather than whom to credit. And those who have regarded the dialogue as Platonic have tried to redeem it by detecting hints of Plato's theory of Forms. A few have attempted to salvage reputations by understanding the argument of theLysisas areductioof egoism, or else by invoking the loyalty of Socrates' friends and the history of Plato's friendship for Dion of Syracuse to speak up for their defence. Guthrie has condemned the dialogue as a failure of method and presentation (‘even Plato can nod’), and Vlastos has pronounced it a failure of love: ‘The lover Socrates has in view seems positively incapable of loving others for their own sake, else why must he feel no affection for anyone whose good-producing qualitieshedid not happen to need?’

TheLysisappears to make no positive contribution to the Greek tradition on friendship when compared to theSymposiumor thePhaedrus. And in the subsequent tradition, whatever Aristotle might have borrowed from the dialogue he uses for his own purposes. Aristotle too is quite critical of specific points raised in theLysis. Now it might seem that Aristotle made a place for the selfish love of theLysisin his own theory, as an inferior grade of utility love. But even this cannot be so, if we are to agree with recent studies of Aristotle's ethics. According to Aristotle, if a client is friendly to his benefactor because of the latter's usefulness, this utilitarian motive must accompany a genuine concern (εὔνοια) for the benefactor's own interest in that relation, if they are to be friends. Inferior and genuine friendship may differ in purpose but not in regard for the well-being of the beloved. This respect for the object of one's love has no parallel in theLysis, according to the standard reading of the dialogue.
Vergil's Res Romanae
Authors: Frank Tenney
Published: February 2009

Donatus, after enumerating Vergil's early poems, proceeds (Vita Verg. 19): ‘Mox cum res Romanas inchoasset, offensus materia, ad Bucolica transiit.’ We have learned to distrust such statements about Vergil's early life, having discovered that an all too literal interpretation of the Bucolics provided a large part of Suetonius' data. The line quoted above may be nothing but an inference from Eclogue VI. 3:

cum canerem reges et proelia, Cynthius aurem

uellit et admonuit, etc.
Some ‘Past Optatives’
Authors: Hulton A.O.
Published: February 2009

Greek literature embodies a number of instances of the optative in main clauses that are acknowledged either definitely or probably to have a reference to past time. These are mostly well known, but the object of this article is to reconsider them and to attempt an explanation. They are certainly commonest in the Homeric period, but later examples are by no means wanting.
More Colloquialisms, Semi-Proverbs, and Word-Play in Plato
Authors: Tarrant Dorothy
Published: February 2009

THE following further instances and parallels, and additional usages, may supplement the colloquialisms, &c, in Plato's dialogues which were listed and studied in a former article.

1. Colloquialisms

(a) More examples and parallels for usages previously noted:

Charm. 154 b 4, Crat. 418 b 8, Phaedo 92 d 4, Parm. 126 c 6, 127 b 1, Polit. 290 d 7, Laws 630 b 7.
Cretan Eileithyia
Authors: Willetts R. F.
Published: February 2009

The links between Eileithyia, an earlier Minoan goddess, and a still earlier neolithic prototype are, relatively, firm. The explanation is as simple as it is important. The continuity of her cult depends upon the unchanging concept of her function. Eileithyia was the goddess of childbirth; and the divine helper of women in labour has an obvious origin in the human midwife. To Homer she is ‘goddess of the pains of birth’. When Leto gave birth to Apollo in Delos, was in attendance, and so were a number of other goddesses who bathed the god-child and wrapped him in his swaddling-clothes.
Seeing Weasels: The Superstitious Background of the Empusa Scene in the Frogs
Authors: Borthwick E. K.
Published: February 2009

Every Greek scholar knows the celebrated lapsus linguae committed by the tragic actor Hegelochus at the Great Dionysia of 408 B.C., when he faltered in his enunciation of line 279 of Euripides' Orestes and gave the impression to the mirthful audience of having said I am surprised, however, that the commentators on this line (and on Ar. Ran. 303, the most notable of the references in the comic poets to Hegelochus' lapse) have only partially explained the reason for its having seemed exceptonally funny.
Redistribution of Land and Houses in Syracuse in 356 b.c, and its Ideological Aspects
Authors: Fuks Alexander
Published: February 2009

The story of Dion of Syracuse was told by ancient writers, and is still being told by modern historians, in the main as a story of ‘freedom versus tyranny’. The liberation of the greatest state in the Hellenic world from the rule of the most powerful tyrants' house in Greek experience fired the imagination and aroused the admiration of contemporary and later writers. There is, however, another side to the story of Dion.
Split Resolution in Greek Dramatic Lyric
Authors: Parker L. P. E.
Published: February 2009

It is well known that when resolution occurs in the stichic iambics and trochaics of tragedy word-end is not found between the two shorts so produced: w or, more accurately, that the first short of resolution must not be the last syllable of a polysyllabic word. Moreover, the syllables in resolution most often form part of the same word as the following short or anceps, e.g.: Ion 1143:
Two Friends of Clodius in Cicero's Letters
Authors: Wiseman T. P.
Published: February 2009

It is the almost unanimous opinion of modern scholars' that this man is M. Licinius Crassus. Manutius's explanation, thatex Nanneianisis a reference to Crassus' profiteering in the proscriptions and in particular to the property of one Nanneius, to be identified with the Nannius named as a proscription victim inComm. Pet. 9, is accepted without hesitation.
Propertiana
Authors: Hubbard Margaret E.
Published: February 2009

It seems to be becoming a fable convenue that Propertius opened his most elaborate book with a poem of hopeless illogicality. Shackleton Bailey complains on 3. 1. 25, ‘nam quis perhaps = quisnam as in Virg. Georg. 4. 445; see on 3. 11. 27. Even so, the absence of logical sequence from the theme of 21–4 (pascitur in uiuis liuor, post fata quiescit) to that of 25–32 (uixere fortes ante Agamemnona) is noteworthy and characteristic… In 33 the poet becomes conscious of having lost his way and uses Homer as a bridge back to the earlier motif.’
Seneca on Cato's Politics: Epistle 14. 12–13
Authors: Griffin Miriam T.
Published: February 2009

In the fourteenth letter to Lucilius, Seneca explains how to avoid physical danger and discomfort: the worst threats to the body come not from nature but from men in power; therefore safety lies in not giving offence. Ad philosophiam confugiendum est (11): the study of philosophy incurs neither envy nor contempt, provided that the philosopher pursues it peacefully and without ostentation.
Cicero, Brutus 304–5
Authors: Hamilton J. R.
Published: February 2009

In an otherwise convincing article Mr. T. P. Wiseman argues that this passage ‘seems to mean (a) that L. Memmius and Q. Pompeius were principes, i.e. outstanding orators, and (b) that they were not among those who spoke in their own defence in 90 B.C.’. But he rightly refuses to believe that Cicero can have intended this, since, apart from other considerations, it is clear from Cicero's previous references to Memmius and Pompeius that he did not consider them to be outstanding orators.
XPHΣΤοΥΣ ΠοΙΕΙΝ (Aristotle fr. 592 R.)
Authors: Jacoby F.
Published: February 2009

Plutarch, Aet. Graec. 5, p. 292 B: “Τ⋯νεσ οἱ παρ' ‘Αρκ⋯σι κα⋯ δακεδσιμον⋯οισ χρηοτο⋯;” δακεδαιμ⋯νιοι Τεγε⋯ταισ διαλλαγ⋯ντεσ ⋯ποι⋯σαντο συνθ⋯κασ κα⋯ στ⋯λην ⋯π' 'αλΑει⋯ι κοιν⋯ν ⋯ν⋯στησαν, ⋯ν ἧι μετ⋯ τ⋯ν γ⋯γραπται Μεσσην⋯ουσ ⋯κβαλεῖν ⋯κ τ⋯σ χὠρασ κα⋯ μ⋯ ⋯ξεῖναι χρηστοὺσ ποιεῖν. ⋯ξηγο⋯μενοσ οὖν ⋯ 'αριστοτελησ τοὖτο πησι δυνασθαι το μ⋯ ⋯ποκτινν⋯ναι βοηθε⋯νασ χ⋯ριν τοῖσ λακωνιζονσιν τ⋯ν Τεγεατ⋯ν.
Aristophanes and Kallistratos
Authors: Macdowell Douglas M.
Published: February 2009

The purpose of this article is to explain what I believe to have been the nature of the relationship between Aristophanes and the producer of his earliest plays, Kallistratos. My view was indicated in my edition of Wasps (pp. 124, 263–4) without full explanation. It is much the same as the view taken by Rennie in his edition of Akharnians (pp. 11–21), but I think that it can be given more cogent support than Rennie gave it. Recently the whole matter has been discussed afresh by G. Mastromarco (QuadernidiStoria 10(1979), 153–96)andS. Halliwell (CQ n.s.30(1980),33–45).1 This has enabled me to make my article briefer; I need not repeat the full bibliographical references to other views which Mastromarco and Halliwell have given, and I can, for the most part, confine my comments to the points on which I disagree with them.2 Everyone accepts the statements of the Hellenistic scholars that the earliest plays of Aristophanes (Banqueters, Babylonians, Akharnians) were produced δι⋯Καννιστρ⋯του. Consideration of what this meant may begin from his own justification of the arrangement, given in the parabasis of Knights.
How Terence's Hecyra Failed
Authors: Sandbach F. H.
Published: February 2009

It is often repeated that at the unsuccessful productions of Terence's Hecyra the audience left the theatre in order to see, on the first occasion, boxers and a tight-rope walker, on the second, a gladiatorial contest.1 The other view, that the spectators remained but demanded other entertainment, is to my mind clearly correct and deserves restatement since the mistaken one is so widespread.
The Misunderstanding of Cassiodorus Institutiones 1. 17. 2
Authors: Croke Brian
Published: February 2009

Among the many codices carried by Cassiodorus when he returned to Italy from Constantinople in the early 550s was a copy of the chronicle of Marcellinus, an Illyrian who had lived for many years in Constantinople before writing his chronicle in A.D. 518/519. The chronicle covered events from 379 to the death of Anastasius (518) and was later continued by Marcellinus to 534.1 That the chronicle is preserved at all is due partly to the fact that Cassiodorus recommended it in his reading guide for monks, the Institutiones (c. 555), where it is included under the heading ‘Christian Historians’ (Inst. 1. 17). If you want to know which chroniclers to read, says Cassiodorus, then begin with Jerome's translation of Eusebius and his own continuation of Eusebius to 378. Of all the continuators of Jerome Cassiodorus recommends Marcellinus and Prosper, but in mentioning Marcellinus he digresses slightly to include some valuable and unique information which he had picked up while in Constantinople on Marcellinus' public career.
Gallus and Euphorion
Authors: Keefe D. E.
Published: February 2009

The editors of the new fragment of Gallus draw attention to line 6, ‘fecerunt carmina Musae’. They say ‘“fecerunt” is unusual in such a context, and to a Roman reader would inevitably suggest (not used of poets in early Greek); the Muses of Gallus provided craftsmanship as well as inspiration’. It is possible to be more precise: cf. Euphorion fr. 118 Powell
Pliny on Icarian Shores
Authors: Cook J. M.
Published: February 2009

SOME suggestions are here made for improvement of the text and understanding of Pliny's Eastern Aegean geography. The editions studied for the purpose are Detlefsen's special edition of the geographical books (Sieglin's Quellen und Forschungen, vol. ix, Berlin, 1904) and Mayhoff's Teubner vol. i (1906).

The citations of MSS. readings given below are normally taken from Mayhoff's apparatus, which (though not necessarily more accurate) gives a fuller coverage than Detlefsen's. The MSS. are cited by the letters given them in Mayhoff's edition and the Budé Pliny book i (1950), pp. 37 f. One further MS., hitherto not collated in the geographical books, is here cited. Following Campbell, who first drew attention to it, I cite it as c. This MS., formerly in the Phillipps collection in Cheltenham and now in the Pierpont Morgan Library (M. 871), is assigned to Lorsch and said to be of the first half of the ninth century. It seems thus to be somewhat older than A and E, and in that case is the oldest known surviving MS. of the geographical books.
Who is Soteira? (Aristophanes, Frogs 379)
Authors: Haldane J. A.
Published: February 2009

The parodos of the Frogs is one of the most controversial passages in Aristophanes. Was it intended to parody the Eleusinian Mystery procession—or some other ritual? A writer wishing to discuss any part of the parodos must first outline his position with regard to this basic problem. I shall therefore as simply and briefly as possible state my own view and the reasons for it before dealing with the specific question posed by the title of the article.
Epigraphica
Authors: Henry A. S.
Published: February 2009

One of the clearest phonological developments of the language of Attic inscriptions of the Hellenistic period down to the end of the second century B.C. is the change . I have studied this phenomenon with particular reference to the period 323–146 B.C., taking into account also the trends before 323 (i.e. between 403 and 323) and after 146 B.C. down to the end of the pre- Christian era. The object of this article is to draw attention to the fact that in only one instance, the relative pronoun, is there not a marked progressive increase in the frequency of at the expense of .
Manilivs, Avgvstvs, Tiberivs, Capricornvs, And Libra.
Authors: Housman A. E.
Published: February 2009

‘The date of the poem has been canvassed with merciless prolixity for the last four-and-twenty years, but the pertinent facts are few.’ So I wrote in 1903 on p. lxix of my edition of the first book of Manilius; and in two octavo pages and a half I collected all those facts, said all that I could find to say on both sides of the questions in dispute, and drew the conclusion that books I and II were written under Augustus and book IV under Tiberius. Ten years have passed, and the prolixity has continued, but the prolix have added no pertinent fact to those which I collected: some of them have even subtracted one, by suppressing the numismatic evidence, which I duly recorded, that Tiberius had Libra for his star.
Pause and Period In The Lyrics of Greek Tragedy
Authors: Stinton T. C. W.
Published: February 2009

It has long been accepted as a principle by editors and writers on Greek metre that brevis in longo and hiatus in tragic lyrics often coincide with some kind of sense-pause. The object of this inquiry is (i) to determine the incidence of pause in such places, and show that it is significantly high; (ii) to show that there is a comparable incidence in the corresponding places in strophic systems; (iii) to show that period-ends determined by criteria other than brevis and hiatus are attended by similar conditions. It might seem that if all this were true it would have been recognized long ago, particularly as the connection between sense and metrical structure, and symmetry of sense in strophe and antistrophe, has often been pointed out.
Spartan Austerity
Authors: Holladay A. J.
Published: February 2009

Excavations at Sparta early in this century seemed at the time to have provided a fairly clear-cut and decisive answer to questions about the character of Spartan life in the archaic and classical periods. In the seventh century B.C. and the beginning of the sixth century, it was thought, life was comfortable and even luxurious but thereafter comforts and luxuries disappeared from among the offerings at the temple of Artemis Orthia and so, it was held, from Spartan life.
Ariobarzanes, Mithridates, and Sulla
Authors: Sherwin-White A. N.
Published: February 2009

The widely accepted redating of the praetorship and propraetorship of Cornelius Sulla from the conventional years 93–92 to the years 97–96 B.C., proposed by E. Badian in an ingenious paper, involved the rearrangement of the story of the Cappadocian succession between c. 101 B.C. and 90 B.C. Badian proposed a much simpler reconstruction of the events recorded in the summary narratives of Justin, Appian, and Plutarch, than the version established by Th. Reinach which has hitherto held the field.
The Ancestor of the Arabic Translation of the De Generatione Animalium of Aristotle
Authors: Huby Pamela M.
Published: February 2009

The Arabic translation of the De Gen. Anim., made at the beginning of the ninth century by Yahyā ibn al-Bitrīq from a Syriac version, contains seven long omissions, noted by Drossaart Lulofs in his edition. Six of these represent approximately 110 letters or a multiple thereof in the Greek: 728b33–729a2 (226, or 224 with Z), 761a9–25 (658, or 661 with Z), 762a6–8 (112, or 106 with Z), 762b34–763a2 (107, or 101 with Z), 768a18–20 (110) and 781a7–12 (225, or 223 with Z). The seventh omission (787b22–788b30) is too long to be useful, as the scope for accidental errors is too great.
Two Notes
Authors: Benton S.
Published: February 2009

This passage concerns the bird-colony on the Diomedean islands, now called Tremiti, off Gargano in Italy; it is said to have been formed by the companions of Diomede, when they became birds. ‘They shall hunt fish-spawn with their beaks, dwelling in an island bearing their leader's name they shall fashion the streets for their close-packed nests with firm blows (of their beaks), on an earth-covered slope, tiered like a theatre, imitating Zethos’ (i.e. building to music, the birds are noisy when breeding). ‘They shall set out to hunt and return to the hollow, together and at night. They shall flee all together from a crowd of barbarous men, but on the way home to their accustomed bivouacs they will take offscourings of bread and after-dinner fragments of barley-cake from the hand, provided they come from the pouches of Greek robes; they will murmur softly. in friendly fashion, sadly remembering, poor birds, their former way of life.’ In [Aristotle]'s account the birds dive-bomb the heads of barbarians. That passage does not describe shearwater but it may easily refer to other birds on the Tremiti. Evidently the observers did not drag the shearwater out of their burrows, which is the only way to be certain of their appearance. The Lockleys tell us of gulls marauding round the Skokholm colony. Black-headed gulls feed from the hand on the Embankment, and dive-bomb intruders near their eggs.
Cleon and the Spartiates in Aristophanes' Knights
Authors: Borthwigk E. K.
Published: February 2009

In 394 most editors of the Knights read , cited uniquely from this passage in the lexica, in the sense ‘dry up, parch’ (the simple is said to mean , Hdn. Gr. 2. 132, although it nowhere occurs in extant literature; but cf. avos, etc.), referring, for the condition and appearance of the prisoners after long captivity and privations, to Nub. 186, where the allusion is to the squalor and emaciation of the Socratics. Now Aristophanes' skill in maintaining allusively an image, once a keyword has been supplied, makes me wonder how line 394 was intended to complete the metaphor of the harvest and the crop in 392–3.
Erinna's Distaff
Authors: Averil  , Cameronm Alan
Published: February 2009

Suidas tells us that Erinna wrote a poem of 300 lines, in Aeolic and Dorian dialect, called. There happens to be preserved on papyrus part ofa hexameter lament for Erinna's friend Baucis, the subject of two epigramsalso by Erinna,AP7. 710 and 712. ‘Distaff’ is a strange title for a lament, it would seem, and there have been various attempts both to explain it and to explain it away.
The Verb AYω and its Compounds
Authors: Borthwick E.K.
Published: February 2009

In a recent article Mr. D. A. West investigated the meaning of haurire, haustus, showing how the primary sense ‘to take by scooping, to draw’ is present in a number of passages which have been incorrectly interpreted in the light of extensions made only later of this usage. He noted in passing that ‘this sense may well survive in , the cognate of haurire’. In this article I hope to show that the recognition of this as the basic sense of and its cognates and compounds helps to clear away a number of errors arising from the misunderstanding of the fact that the action of scooping, or drawing, is at the root of Gk. , as of Lat. haurire.
Notes on the History of the Fourth Century
Authors: Cary M.
Published: February 2009

In the opinion of Aristotle and Plutarch the growth of latifundia and consequent decline of the citizen population at Sparta were due to the absence of restrictions on gifts and bequests of land. According to Plutarch this freedom of gift and bequest, so far as it applied to the κλ⋯ροι or entailed estates, was introduced by the ῥ⋯τρα of an ephor named Epitadeus, who removed the ban on gift and bequest imposed by Lycurgus.
Note on Terence, Andria 532
Authors: Craig J. D.
Published: February 2009

The traces of real, that is, ancient, rival versions of Terence's lines are not so pronounced as of Plautus' lines. Professor Lindsay has drawn attention to a possible instance at Hec. 468 (‘Notes on the Text of Terence,’ C.Q. Vol. XIX., No. i, p. 33). Another seems to be Andr. 532 (‘atque adeo in ipso tempore ecce ipsum [obuiam] Cbremem’), if I am right in supposing that the text used by Donatus had ipsum Chremem. A trace of the variant survives in the unmetrical δ-setting ipsum obuiam Chremem DGL. The text of the other minuscule MSS. has ipsum obuiam. A is not in evidence for this part of Andria. Had it too ipsum Chremem ?
Studies in the Structure of Attic Society: II. The Laws of Kleisthenes
Authors: Wade-Gery H. T.
Published: February 2009

As a preliminary to an estimate of the work of Kleisthenes, I have sought in this paper to constate certain facts about the nature of the evidence.
Some Remarks on Ion of Chios
Authors: Jacoby F.
Published: February 2009

For the life of the poet Ion we have more certain dates than for most of the Other writers of the fifth century. He produced his first tragedy in the 82nd Olympiad, 452–448 B.C., another in the year of the archon Epameinon 429/428 B.C. —after the death of Perikles and when the revolt of Lesbos was imminent—and his death is fixed for us by a passage in thePeaceof Aristophanes, which we may well call an obituary, in summer 422 or even in winter 422/421 B.C. The approximate date of his birth we learn from his own words in a story preserved by Plutarch, and deriving no doubt from the book to which later librarians gave the title 'Επι7dgr;ημίαι or 'Υπομνήμαтα:5συδειπν⋯σαι δè т⋯ι Κίμωνί ϕησιν ⋯ Ἴων πανάπασιν μειράκιον ἢκων εἰς 'Aθήνας Χίου παρà Ααομέδονтι. Hence he was about fifteen years of age when he first came to Athens, apparently in order to get his higher education there—a fact which seems significant of the position which Athens had won for herself by the foundation of the Delian League. At the same time this fact clearly indicates that his father Orthomenes, whom they called Xuthos, had whole-heartedly espoused the cause of Athens. He bequeathed his loyalty to his son Ion, who adhered to Athens through all vicissitudes of fortune, and he in his turn bequeathed it to his son Tydeus, who paid for it with his life.
The First Greek Triremes
Authors: Davison J. A.
Published: February 2009

The introduction of the trireme into Greek navies was an event of great political importance, which may fairly be compared to the introduction of the ‘all-big-gun’ battleship into the British Navy in 1907. Heavier, more powerful, and capable of carrying more ⋯πιβ⋯ται, but making greater demands on timber supplies and manpower, the trireme not only rendered obsolete all existing Greek line-of-battle ships but gave a decisive advantage to those States whose resources in materials and men enabled them to create and maintain adequate fleets of the new type of warship.1 It is a mark of the insufficiency of our sources for early Greek history that we nowhere find an explicit statement of the date at which this revolution occurred, or of the identity of the person responsible.
Plants in Plato's Timaeus
Authors: Skemp J. B.
Published: February 2009

‘Now that all parts and members of the mortal creature had been fashioned into one, seeing that it must be the creature's lot for reasons of necessity to spend its life in the domain of fire and air and that it was like to waste away being continually melted and emptied by their onslaught, the gods contrived reinforcement for it. Blending a being kindred to man's being but with different shapes and senses, they brought it into life, a second kind of living creature. Trees, plants, and seeds are these, and those among them which are cultivated types to-day have arrived at their mild benevolence to man only because they have been civilized by his husbandry; formerly only the wild kinds existed, for these are older than the cultivated. Now everything that is alive, whatever it be, may perfectly correctly and of right be termed ‘a living creature’. The creature now in question has at any rate the third kind of soul which our discourse told us is situated between the midriff and the navel. This kind of soul has nothing of opining or of reasoning mind, but it has sensation of pleasant and painful with attendant desires. For continually it is subject to every impression. Its manner of birth has not granted it the power to revolve by itself in itself upon itself rejecting outside motion and asserting its own and thus by beholding all things by native endowment of soull to reason out aught of its own concerns. So it has life and is not some second being other than a living creature, but it stays fixed, rooted, motionless, for it has never been granted movement of its own initiation.’
Sophoclea
Authors: Campbell A. Y.
Published: February 2009

I present first what I take to be a more interesting item than the others.

O.C 716–19. δ' εὐρετμος ἔκπαγλ' λα χερ

σ ✝παραπτομναπλτα

θρῷσκει, τν κατομπδων

νηρῄδων κλουθος.

The above is Pearson's text, except that I have transferred the last syllable of his 716 to the beginning of my 717. Careful consideration of the metre of this stasimon has convinced me that 716 is rightly regarded by Schroeder as an ionic trimeter (what Pearson's line would be I have no idea, and his in 703 looks oddly detached); further, that 717 is what (I and) most people call a glyconic, as is also 718. Naturally therefore I follow Hermann and Jebb as regards the text in 704, and have thus no use for the three conjectures mentioned by Pearson as substitutes for our admittedly corrupt παραπτομνα.
Philodemus on Ethos in Music
Authors: Wilkinson L. P.
Published: February 2009

The fragmentary columns of the Fourth Book of Philodemus' περ μονσικς were the first-fruits of Herculaneum, published in 1793, with venturesome reconstructions and learned notes, by the Academici of Naples. Fragments of the other books occur in four volumes of the Collectio Altera of 1862–5. A. Teubner Text by J. Kemke, a pupil of Bücheler, appeared in 1884, upon which Gomperz made a number of improvements in a pamphlet published in the following year. Otherwise, save for a few pages in H. Abert's Die Lehre vom Ethos in der griechischen Musik published in 1899, the work has attracted very little attention; which is scarcely surprising in view of the state of the text and the peculiar awkwardness of Philodemus' Greek.
Aristotle's Hymn to Virtue
Authors: Bowra C. M.
Published: February 2009

The remarkable poem in which Aristotle addresses ‘Αρετά and honours the memory of his dead friend Hermias is fortunate in being well preserved. The complete text is given by Athenaeus XV 696a and by Diogenes Laertius V 27, and these authorities are now supplemented by the papyrus of Didymus’ Commentary on Demosthenes, which leaves few of the textual problems in need of a solution. But the poem still raises some questions. It is not clear what kind of poem it was; its literary antecedents and affinities have not been fully studied; its contents still call for some remarks. In spite of Wilamowitz's brilliant treatment and Jaeger's acute comments it is puzzling enough to justify a few words of discussion.
Mactare—Macvla?
Authors: Skutsch O. , Rose H. J.
Published: February 2009

The very ingenious and closely reasoned article of Mr. L. R. Palmer (C.Q. XXXII, p. 57) seems to us to deserve examination, the more so as we totally disagree with his views, both from the point of view of etymology and that of Religionsforschung. To put his conclusions briefly, he supposes mactus to be derived from a hypothetical verb macio, signifying ‘bespatter, sprinkle’; mactus then would properly mean ‘sprinkled’(with wine, blood, milk or some other fluid used in sacrifice), and might also be used of the substance which was sprinkled or poured, thus accounting for the double construction of the secondary verb mactare (aliquid alicui or aliquem aliqua re). In particular, Mr. Palmer supposes that macte uirtute alludes to the blood with which the warrior thus addressed is besprinkled, and so to his tabu condition. To the whole of this construction we object, holding that the old derivation from the root MAG is correct (though a verb *mago is as hypothetical as Mr. Palmer's *macio) and that mactus signifies ‘increased’, ‘made greater or stronger’, mactare properly ‘to put someone in the condition of being mactus’, and by an easy transition ‘to sacrifice a victim’ (to a deity, to make him mactus).
Periplus Maris Erythraei: The Indian Evidence as to The Date
Authors: Palmer J. A. B.
Published: February 2009

Mr. M. P. Charlesworth seems to have been too sceptical when he remarked (Classical Quarterly, xxii, 1928, p. 93) that ‘the names of the Indian princelets given in the Periplus are unidentifiable, or rather too easily identifiable with any one, to be of any use’. Actually, the ruler mentioned in ch. 41 is identifiable beyond reasonable doubt, and (even more important) his date is practically certain.
The Spartan Rhetra in Plutarch Lycurgus VI
Authors: Wade-Gery H. T.
Published: February 2009

The Spartan Rhetra quoted by Plutarch in Lyc. vi. 2 consists of some thirty-seven words in an archaic Dorian or near-Dorian dialect: Plutarch says it was an oracle, and that later an extra clause was added by the kings Polydoros and Theopompos; he quotes this ‘added clause’ in vi. 8. I believe this Rhetra was not an oracle but an act of the Spartan Ekklesia; and I suspect that the ‘added clause’ was not added, but is an integral part of the original act. But for our first objective this opinion matters less than Plutarch's opinion. Our first objective must be to recover Plutarch's text (for his manuscripts are certainly corrupted to some extent): and to do that, we must understand his interpretation.