bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
US Foreign Policy and the War on Drugs: Analysis of a Policy Failure
Authors: Bagley Bruce Michael
Published: March 2007

US Chief Executive Ronald Reagan Declared WAR on drugs in February 1982, and pledged his administration to the task of curtailing the burgeoning drug epidemic in the United States. To accomplish this urgent “national security” objective, the federal government rapidly increased expenditures for narcotics control programs during the ensuing seven years of his two-term presidency, reaching $4.3 billion annually in 1988. Enthusiastically backing the president's initiative, the US Congress approved tougher national drug legislation, widened the US military's involvement in the war, supported the administration's drive to intensify interdiction efforts along US borders, and expanded USdesigned eradication, crop substitution, and law enforcement programs in foreign source and transit countries. First Lady Nancy Reagan launched her “Just Say No” campaign, flooding the American educational system and the public media with anti-drug messages. Ostensibly, all sectors of American society enlisted in the war on drugs and the country began mobilizing for battle.
Defense Policy in Barbados, 1966-88
Authors: Phillips Dion E.
Published: March 2007

When barbados became the fourth English-speaking Caribbean country to achieve its constitutional independence, in November 1966, one of its prime responsibilities was to assume defense of the new state. How Barbados approached this problem of defense planning and policy-making in its first 22 years of nationhood (1966-1988) will be the focus of this study. No previous study devoted exclusively to this subject has been published in all this time, a most surprising omission.

Barbados defense policy may be divided into three phases which correspond, roughly, with the periods during which its two major parties — the Democratic Labor Party (DLP) and the Barbados Labor Party (BLP) — have alternated in power.
Free Trade Area or Common Capital Market? Notes on Mexico-US Economic Integration and Current NAFTA Negotiations
Authors: Ros Jaime
Published: March 2007

This Article addresses some of the key issues involved in understanding current trade negotiations between Mexico and the United States, as well as their significance for the process of economic integration in North America. These issues derive from the new setting produced by (a) Mexico's trade and investment liberalization in the 1980s, (b) the incentives which underlie the drive towards integration, as well as (c) those factors which will condition the final content of the current negotiating process.

A free trade agreement (FTA) with the United States could be seen as the logical conclusion of the process of trade and investment liberalization carried out by the Mexican government ever since the mid-1980s. At the same time, it also represents a shift in Mexico's initial trade strategy, from multilateralism to bilateralism, or from globalization to regionalization, as a consequence of the global trend, toward the end of the 20th century, to create large regional economic blocs.
The Impact of Privatization on the Latin American Debt Problem
Authors: Ramamurti Ravi
Published: March 2007

This Study will explore the extent to which state-owned enterprises (SOEs) were responsible for creating the Latin American debt problem and, more importantly, the extent to which the present privatization of those enterprises may help to resolve that problem. In some quarters, privatization has been viewed as an essential reform needed to restore creditworthiness and growth in the region after the “lost decade” of the 1980s. Other quarters have been more skeptical, viewing it more as the latest fad to strike the region. The conclusion that will be expressed here falls somewhere in between: privatization can indeed play a part in solving the debt crisis and restoring growth, but, like all solutions, it may also create unintended problems down the road if not used carefully.
The Emerging New Politics of Liberalizing Paraguay: Sustained Civil-Military Control without Democracy
Authors: Sondrol Paul C.
Published: March 2007

The Process of the transition from authoritarianism to more representative forms of government has become a major subject of the scholarship on Latin American politics today (O'Donnell,et al,1986; Malloy and Seligson, 1987; Stepan, 1989; Diamondet al,1988-1990; Lowenthal, 1991). Given this interest, as expressed by the growing literature in this area, little attention has been paid to the transition process now going on in Paraguay, which is now emerging from one of Latin America's most long-standing authoritarian regimes.

A number of studies testify to the authoritarian nature of Paraguay's government and society. Johnson indicates that Paraguay ranked either 18th or 19th—out of 20 Latin American nations ... in 9 successive surveys of democratic development, carried out at 5-year intervals from 1945 to 1985 (Jonnson> 1988). A longitudinal study of press freedom found that Paraguay was invariably placed in the category of “poor,” or even “none,” between 1945-1975 (Hill and Hurley, 1980). When Palmer applied his 5 indicators of authoritarianism (nonelective rule, coups, primacy of the military, military rule, executive predominance) to the countries of Latin America, Paraguay consistently ranked first in its degree of authoritarianism (Palmer, 1977).
Colombian Capital Flight
Authors: Gunter Frank R.
Published: March 2007

Why is it that when an American puts money abroad it is called "foreign investment" and when an Argentinean does the same it is called "capital flight"? Why is it when an American company puts 30% of its equity abroad it is called "strategic diversification" and when a Bolivian businessman puts only 4% abroad it is called "lack of confidence"?

— Stephen C. Kanitz (1984)

Despite the Great difficulty in separating "good" international diversification from "bad" capital flight, the size and variance of these capital exports from developing countries have become a matter of increasing concern. According to some analysts, this capital flight has contributed to the sharp increase in foreign debt of developing countries, undermined the tax base, and — in extreme cases — even resulted in a net real capital transfer out of the country (Khan and Ul-Haque, 1985). This perception that capital flight might be undermining development efforts has led to a series of studies which have attempted to estimate the volume of capital flight. The best summary of this work is the conference proceedings edited by Lessard and Williamson (1987).
Electoral Campaigning and Latin American Democratization: The Grancolombian Experience
Authors: Martz John D.
Published: March 2007

Does electoral campaigning in Latin America make a difference, and does it merit the attention of scholars? This was at the core of an extensive bibliographic analysis, published nearly two decades ago, which noted the paucity of literature on the subject, extending throughout the Third World and even including Western Europe (Martz, 1971). However, the rising tide of military authoritarianism dramatically reduced the relevance of the question in the region, and students of Latin American politics turned away, understandably, from concerted attention to campaigns, elections, and parties. Only with the reemergence of democratic regimes in recent years has interest turned back toward older emphases (Martz, 1990). Once again, theoretical developments have been colored by the events of the day, reorienting scholarly attention “from the military overthrow of civilian regimes and Latin American authoritarianism toward the prospects and processes of redemocratization” (Malloy, 1987).
Castro and “New Thinking” in Latin America
Authors: Kline Michael
Published: March 2007

This article will argue that general agreement between Cuba and the Soviet Union on their foreign policy toward Latin America is likely over the long run, despite (a) Fidel Castro's condemnation ofperestroikaandglasnost, and (b) his obvious attempt to embarrass Soviet Secretary-General Mikhail Gorbachev during the latter's state visit to Cuba in April 1989. Serious obstacles — such as differences over Cuban domestic policy and Castro's personal ambitions — remain to be overcome, but foreign policy disagreements between the two countries are likely to prove less intractable than is frequently assumed.

This article will start with (1) an overview of Cuban Latin American foreign policy since the 1970s; then proceed to (2) an interpretation of Soviet “new thinking;” and finally (3) argue that this particular interpretation of “new thinking” is consistent with, andnotcontradictory to, Castro's foreign policy.
Political Reformism in Mexico: Salinas at the Brink
Authors: Morris Stephen D.
Published: March 2007

Despite the Mexican regime's track record of adaptiveness, the 1980s seemingly altered the nature of political reform there. Secular, conjunctural, and policy trends attenuated traditional reformist mechanisms (i.e. the regime's capacity to co-opt, or corruption's “lubricating” potential), exposing a series of wrenching political dilemmas and potentially zero-sum equations. The watershed presidential election of July 1988 and the continuing challenge posed by Cuauhtemoc Cardenas Solórzano's PRD (Parttdo de la Revolutión Democrática) both reflected and crystallized these quandaries, magnifying the need and inherent dangers of reforming the one-party system. Yet during the ensuing years, and contrary to unwieldy predictions and scenarios, the regime neither unraveled (see Wiarda 1988/89), capitulated before a Cárdenas-led electoral or revolutionary front, nor stagnated. Instead it rebounded, raising new questions about Mexico's political future.
Public Opinion and the Future of U.S.-Panama Relations
Authors: Pérez Orlando J.
Published: March 2007

Using survey data and interviews, this study examines Panamanian attitudes toward the United States and toward the central issues in US.- Panama relations. It also compares Panamanian attitudes with opinions toward the United States in the rest of Central America. The study finds that nationalism, system support, anticommunism, and, for the mass public, ideology are the most important variables in determining support for the United States. Elites are more nationalistic and less accommodationist toward the United States than the mass public. Concern about the politicization and misuse of the Panama Canal and adjacent lands has led many in the general public to support a continued US. military presence on the Isthmus of Panama.
Churches as Winners and Losers in the Network Society
Authors: Berryman Phillip
Published: March 2007

This essay argues that Manuel Castells’s explorations of networks and the emergent network society in his recent trilogy The Information Age: Economy, Society, and Culture may offer useful clues to recent religious developments in Latin America. In this regard, Pentecostalism, by adopting a logic of horizontal integration, rapid response, and flexible production, might be more successful than the Catholic Church in attracting followers.
No Land of Milk and Honey: Women CEB Activists in Posttransition Brazil
Authors: Drogus Carol Ann
Published: March 2007

Brazil’scomunidades eclesiais de base(CEBs) forged a generation of women leaders from poor communities who helped rebuild civil society and spurred the democratic transition. Fifteen years later, the CEBs and their women leaders have largely disappeared from politics. This study examines the reasons for their eclipse and the chances for their reemergence. New alliances with other Catholic progressives, Pentecostals, and feminist groups may enable these women to resume their activist role and may again help revitalize Brazilian civil society.
State Interests and the New Industrial Policy in Brazil: The Privatization of Steel, 1990–1994
Authors: Montero Alfred P.
Published: March 2007

It is difficult to argue with success. Brazil’s public steel firms—once the crown jewels of a state-led model of development—were, by the late 1980s, heavily indebted, unproductive, and dependent on the financial support of a state in fiscal crisis. As if by a wave of the proverbial magic wand, their privatization in the period 1990–94 made them exponentially more productive, financially sound, and competitive. Of the eight major Brazilian steel enterprises, seven were returning profits by the end of 1994. One of the seven, Usiminas, became the most profitable private firm in Brazil in 1993, two years after it was privatized.
The Latin Caribbean and Regional Cooperation: A Survey of Challenges and Opportunities
Authors: Lewis David E.
Published: March 2007

The central thesis of this paper is that the resources and conditions, both external and regional, for the continuation of traditional Caribbean subregionalized cooperation and integration processes no longer exist. Whereas in the past there existed a number of rationalizations and justifications for restricting and limiting the scope of regional initiatives, the scenario of the 1990s — regional, Hemispheric, and global — is one in which neither regional actors nor external hegemons can affordnotto cooperate beyond the limitations of the past.

Moreover, the impetus for this change of direction is not only regional but sectoral: it includes civil society (business, labor, non-governmental organizations or NGOs) in a way never seen before.
Democracy, Market Economics, and Environmental Policy in Chile
Authors: Silva Eduardo
Published: March 2007

Chile’s return to democratic rule with sustained economic growth provided the opportunity for some much-welcomed political space that, it was hoped, would permit the country to attend, at long last, to a number of pressing issues which had been long deferred, if not ignored, by the previous military government. Some of those issues, such as the consolidation of democracy, poverty, and human rights, had been the subject of considerable study by scholars. Much less studied, however, although also on the agenda, was the promise to address Chile’s environmental problems, which had become much exacerbated under the laissez-faire economic model favored by the military regime. Because the new democratic administrations have followed through on that promise, the Chilean example lends support to that hypothesis which holds that environmental concerns in developing countries can be addressed more effectively under economically stable democratic regimes than by authoritarian political systems.
The Latest IMF-Sponsored Stabilization Program: Does It Represent a Long-Term Solution for Mexico’s Economy?
Authors: Ramírez Miguel D.
Published: March 2007

On 20 December 1994, the newly inaugurated government of President Ernesto Zedillo shattered Mexico’s façade of modernity by finding itself, first, forced to devalue the currency by 14% (in real terms), and then, only a few days later and under intense pressure from speculators (sacadolares), to allow the peso to float freely against the dollar. By the end of December, the value of the pesovis-à-visthe dollar had dropped by more than 30%, and the country had lost between $7 and $8 billion in foreign exchange reserves.
Cuba's Transition: Institutional Lessons from Eastern Europe
Authors: Radu Michael
Published: March 2007

An emerging consensus holds that Cuba's communist regime is moving away from Fidel Castro's brand of orthodox Marxism-Leninism and toward — something else. Cuban officials now publicly profess their indifference to labels such as “socialism” and “communism,” referring, instead, to some vague “Cuban way” of social and economic organization. Even Castro himself claims that his hostility to multiparty politics stems less from an adherence to Marxism and owes more to the calls of José Martí, Cuba's national hero, for national unity of purpose and organization.

All of this may point to a growing belief in Havana that communism cannot long endure as a legitimizing factor for the regime and a corresponding attempt to locate a new source of legitimacy in the alleged uniqueness of Cuba's socialist system. The implication of such an attempt would be: (1) that the Cuban regime differs fundamentally from the collapsed Eurasian communist regimes, and (2) that its future is therefore likely to differ also — and fundamentally. In other words, it has a future.
Nontraditional Export Promotion in Costa Rica: Sustaining Export-Led Growth
Authors: Clark Mary A.
Published: March 2007

In many Latin American countries during the 1980s, domestic elites joined with international development institutions to advocate structural adjustment policies as the solution to the region's “lost decade.” Proponents of such policies sought economic rejuvenation based on export-led growth (ELG) strategies. The new ELG programs were to replace importsubstituting industrialization (ISI) schemes and complement traditional primary commodity exports with new agricultural and industrial exports (nontraditionals). It was hoped that these Latin American nations would replicate the spectacular growth patterns of the East Asian “dragons” by exploiting comparative advantages to build nontraditional export industries.

Whereas ELG strategies have proven to be sustainable over the long-term in East Asia, research on the evolution of such policies in Latin America is only beginning. The problem of sustainability bedevils all ELG programs, particularly in those countries which relied on external actors to design the new policies and fund supporting institutions.
Toward a Biregional Agenda for the Twenty-first Century
Authors: Crawley Andrew
Published: March 2007

In the wake of the 1999 Rio Summit and its focus on biregional cooperation, this article reviews the background and development of European-Latin American relations over the past two decades, the political and economic context, the current state of transatlantic links, and the shortterm prospects for the relationship. Among its several premises is that the EU and Latin America constitute the bulk of the West, and the ways they work together will therefore condition the role of each of them on the international stage.
The European Union as a Global “Civilian Power”: Development Cooperation in EU-Latin American Relations
Authors: Freres Christian
Published: March 2007

The European Union’s attempts to strengthen ties with Latin America relate to a broader international strategy of demonstrating that it is a “global player” and attaining the image of a “civilian power.” Yet many observers suspect that European aid is simply instrumental to trade and investment promotion and other interests. They question whether the EU’s strong position as a donor in Latin America means that Latin America is strongly important to the EU. This article reviews the history, context, and latest trends in EU aid to Latin America, then looks at the prospects for a biregional partnership.
Romancing Civil Society: European NGOs in Latin America
Authors: Grugel Jean
Published: March 2007

European NGOs have reoriented their Latin American aid policy to embrace the notion of building citizenship, developing civil society, and promoting democratization as the keys to long-term development. Stimulated partly by the new aid policy agenda, this shift also reflects a sea change in the thinking that shapes European NGO strategies. This article explores the significance of the new emphasis on civil society for EU policies toward Latin America and as a contribution to democratization.
Gender Equality and Electoral Politics on the Left: A Comparison of El Salvador and Nicaragua
Authors: Luciak Ilja A.
Published: March 2007

Cuando una mujer llega a la políticacambia la mujer;pero…

cuando las mujeres llegan a la políticacambia la política.

“Poder feminino,” FMLN election pamphlet

The long-drawn-out military conflicts in Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Guatemala have finally ended. Following the demobilization of the Nicaraguan resistance in 1990, the Salvadoran and Guatemalan guerrilla forces signed peace accords in 1992 (El Salvador) and 1996 (Guatemala) with their respective governments. In the wake of these agreements, Central America presents a new reality. The focus has shifted from war strategies to the consolidation of emerging democratic structures. The revolutionary Left, one of the main protagonists in the conflict that ravaged the region during the 1980s, now confronts a new challenge: it must demonstrate to its supporters and the general public that it indeed presents a viable political alternative.
Is the Chilean “Miracle” Sustainable?
Authors: Sunkel Osvaldo
Published: March 2007

In recent years, Chile has arrived at a significant consensus regarding a number of subjects central to the country's development; and, notwithstanding certain important differences between the Concertación government and its opposition, there is considerable agreement regarding certain basic aspects of economic growth which will doubtless continue to be maintained in the mid-to-long run.

The official policy, as laid down by the government, is that Chile's economy is now oriented toward achieving growth with social equity, and that the way to reach those goals is by strengthening the country's insertion into the international economy, since the world is now moving towards a globalization which no country can afford to ignore. Given this new reality, the Chilean economy is also moving to take part in this process in a strategy that has proved fairly successful in recent years.
New Global Financial Trends: Implications for Development
Authors: Griffith-Jones Stepbany , Stallings Barbara
Published: March 2007

One of the most dramatic political-economic changes over the last 15 years has been the shift in patterns of international finance. At the beginning of the 1980s, a select group of prosperous Third World nations had privileged access to an enormous volume of commercial bank credit. They could also attract fairly important levels of direct investment. For all practical purposes, finance was no longer a binding constraint on the development strategies of this group of countries. Although poorer developing nations could not rely on private credit or investment, many of them had access to substantial amounts of fundsviabilateral donors and the multilateral institutions.
Global Forces and Regime Change: Guatemala in the Central American Context
Authors: Booth John A.
Published: March 2007

Drawing on theories of regime change, revolution, and democratization, this paper proposes a process theory to account for the 12 major regime transformations that have occurred in Central America since 1970. Political regimes, coherent systems of rule established among a coalition of dominant political actors, change when their prevailing political rules and their ruling coalitions undergo transformation. External forces are important to this process. The focal case is Guatemala and its prospects for democratic consolidation.
Economic Development and Social Equity: A Latin American Perspective
Authors: Altimir Oscar
Published: March 2007

Although the different phases of each country's development are far from being synchronous, in general Latin America's growth in the postwar period began to change pace and pattern around the mid- 1960s, then again following the oil crisis of 1973, which ushered in a slowdown of the world economy, only to plunge into crisis anew early in the 1980s.

As discussed in Altimir (1994a), during the 1950s and 1960s, growth — i.e., at substantial rates, greater than 2%per capita — was either unequal (as in Brazil or Chile in the 1960s) or else involved an increase in inequality in the 1950s that was followed by a phase of inequality that remained essentially unchanged throughout the 1960s (as in Argentina, Colombia or Mexico).
Economic Reforms in Jamaica
Authors: Danielson Anders
Published: March 2007

This paper briefly discusses the economic reforms that have taken place in Jamaica for the past 15 years and argues that the reforms, at least so far, are mixed, particularly with regard to the elimination of poverty. The basic problems are (1) a slow response of exports to large, frequent adjustments in the exchange rate, which prohibits low-wage labor, in the informal sector, from being absorbed into the formal sector; and (2) the large budget deficit, with the associated demands for large cuts in expenditures, which primarily affects the rural poor. It is suggested that the principal reason that reforms have been slow is because of the political price to be paid for unpopular measures in a competitive democracy
Income and Land Distribution in Haiti: Some Remarks on Available Statistics
Authors: Lundahl Mats
Published: March 2007

The article discusses the quality of available statistics on income and land distribution in Haiti. It is demonstrated that some of the most widely quoted figures do not stand up to methodological scrutiny. Hence, no serious discussion of redistribution, let alone practical measures, can be based on these figures.
The Brazilian State in the New Democracy
Authors: Weyland Kurt
Published: March 2007

How does a country's transition to democracy affect the state? This question is of great importance, given the crucial role that the state has played in the economic, social, and political development of most countries affected by the “third wave” of democratization. Yet this topic has received insufficient scholarly attention. Indeed, definitional assumptions may make this question appear a non-issue: because the state is regarded as more permanent than a political regime, which can change with disturbing frequency, democratic transitions are often assumed to leave the state unchanged. Latin America's “politicized states” (Chalmers, 1977; Power, 1991), however, lack institutional stability. Given the fluidity of state structures in the region, democratization may have a profound effect on the state. It may help institutionalize the state and make it more autonomous from established social forces, or, by contrast, it may further corrode the internal unity and undermine the strength of the state. Because the state has assumed an enormously wide range of responsibilities in Brazil, this country constitutes an especially good case for analysis.
Organized Business Politics in Democratic Brazil
Authors: Schneider Ben Ross
Published: March 2007

In May 1996 Brazil's National Confederation of Industry (CNI) convened a meeting of industrialists in Brasilia for a mass show of unity and focused lobbying in favor of constitutional reform. Industrialists large and small heeded the call. Nearly three thousand of them from all over Brazil chartered planes and packed shuttles. Fortified by a morning of speeches demanding constitutional reforms, the industrialists fanned out over Brasilia in the afternoon to argue their case to members of the national congress. As if to demonstrate that it could not be intimidated, however, Congress chose that very afternoon to vote down a reform proposal backed by business. By the end of that year, it was clear that business had made little progress in pushing several amendments it supported.
After Pinochet: Civilian Policies toward the Military in the 1990s Chilean Democracy
Authors: Fuentes Claudio A.
Published: March 2007

Comparing the Aylwin and Frei administrations, this article probes the question of why civilian authorities did not always use the legal and political tools they had acquired to respond to the military’s institutional and political demands. Actors’ preferences, leadership style, and strategic decisions influence the way civilian leaders use those tools. Civilian responses have important and sometimes unintended consequences for the stabilization of the civil-military relationship in new democratic regimes.
Will Soldiers Follow? Economic Integration and Regional Security in the Southern Cone
Authors: Pion-Berlin David
Published: March 2007

MERCOSUR’s success as an economic bloc suggests that it could serve as a stimulus or even a model for security integration. Improved military ties among the MERCOSUR nations have grown out of a sequence of developments, from political rapprochement to economic convergence and improved civilian state control. Yet increased cooperation has not led to a regional defense system. Case studies reveal that national considerations have inhibited most MERCOSUR members from accepting the idea of a regional security alliance.
Banking on Growth: The Role of the Inter-American Development Bank
Authors: Scheman L. Ronald
Published: March 2007

Now that the nations of the Americas have emerged from the trauma of the debt debâcle of the 1980s and are well on their way to overcoming the effects of the Mexican financial crisis of 1994, it is useful to examine more closely the instruments that brought the region through this turbulent period. During this time, in which Latin America had neither direction nor resources, the policies were incubated that propelled a prodigious transformation in the economies and governance, and the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) matured into a major resource for the American nations.
Government Coalitions and the Viability of Currency Boards: Argentina under the Cavallo Plan
Authors: Starr Pamela K.
Published: March 2007

In April 1991, the Argentine government initiated the central component of yet another program to stabilize an economy still suffering from continuing bouts of rampant inflation. This effort, unlike its numerous predecessors, which had cut, but not defeated, high inflation, proved a rapid and stunning success. Designed and implemented under the guidance of the new Minister of Economy Domingo Cavallo, the “Cavallo Plan” cut the monthly rate of inflation from 11% (in March 1991) to only 1.3% in August and then to just 0.6% by December of that year. While consumer prices rose 172% in 1991, they increased only 4% in 1994 (see Table 1).
International Migration as an Issue on Today's Inter-American Agenda
Authors: Mitchell Christopher
Published: March 2007

As a frequent concern both of governments and of the public at large in Western Hemisphere nations, international migration is now more prominent than at any time since 1980. The episodic flow of seaborne refugees from Haiti since 1991 has been a key factor in spurring the inter-American community to oppose Haiti's military rulers. The flotilla of rafts leaving Cuba since early August 1994 has engendered high-profile negotiations on migration between Washington and Havana. The stream of undocumented labor migrants from Mexico to the United States has regained momentum since the late 1980s and is encountering increased public criticism, especially in the western United States.

Underlying these instances of political tension is a strong, and only partially-met, demand for migration to the United States from parts of Latin America and the Caribbean on the one hand, and a growing anxiety in the US to “control the nation's borders” on the other.
Trade and the Environment: Economic Development versus Sustainable Development
Authors: Rosenberg Robin L.
Published: March 2007

It should come as no surprise that the environmentalist community in the Americas, whose expectations were raised by the bold, global “Agenda 21” of the 1992 Earth Summit, the informal title accorded the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED), would be concerned that the forces of free market capitalism and the urgency for economic development have proven to be more powerful than the regional movement towards sustainable development. By virtue of the region's large share of the planet's environmental resources, the global environmental agenda, which includes, inter alia, such complex and daunting problems as biodiversity, global warming, and ozone depletion, should logically place the Western Hemisphere in the center of policy action. On the eve of the December 1994 Summit of the Americas in Miami, however, the general principles outlined in the “Agenda 21” and related initiatives, have not been translated into concrete or coherent intergovernmental policy actions.
Creole Nationalism and Mexican Liberalism
Authors: Brading D. A.
Published: March 2007

Absolute monarchy, military dictatorship, domination by the privileged orders, union with the United States, communism, the preponderance of the Aztecs: all these aberrations have their apostles, their writers and their conspirators. Meanwhile the government, without a policy, power or political support, survives by the general inertia and is reduced to preserving the status quo.

-Mariano Otero to Dr. Mora

Although one recent influential textbook on Latin America has characterized the decades immediately following the achievement of independence as “the long wait,” in Mexico at least, these years were marked by an intense political and ideological conflict which defined the direction of its future (Halperín Donghi, 1969: 134-206). The most perceptive student of the epoch, Edmundo O'Gorman (1960) traces within the confused welter of pronunciamientos and manifestos two great forces: the search for a providential leader and the desire for some form of democratic populism. An analysis of ideology cannot be separated from a consideration of society. The presidential power created by Benito Juárez and perpetuated by Porfirio Díaz operated outside the strict legal confines of the Constitution. At the same time, the failure of classic liberalism to express popular aspirations retarded social reform for over half a century. Without the sanction of theory, few such demands could be translated into law.
Foreign Técnicos and the Modernization of Paraguay, 1840-1870
Authors: Williams John Hoyt
Published: March 2007

How on earth came you to Paraguay?

I considered that you were still in France inventing projectiles for the annihilation of the Russians, our mutual enemies. [Anonymous to William K. Whytehead, December 12,1853. Archivo Nacional, Asuncion, Sección nueva encuademación 707.]

During the dictatorship of Dr. Francia, 1814-1840, few foreigners were permitted to enter Paraguay, and a small number of chiefly Brazilian merchants, restricted to the entrepôts of Ytapúa and Pilar, alone had an impact upon the nation and its development. The few foreigners who blundered into Paraguay uninvited were forced to remain.
Ancestor, Emperor, and Immigrant: Religion and Group Identification of the Japanese in Rural Brazil (1908-1950)
Authors: Maeyama Takashi
Published: March 2007

“The oldest,” said the ancient Aryas, “was begotten for the accomplishment of the duty due the ancestors: the others are the fruit of love.”

-Fustel de Coulanges (1901:108)

The early 1950s mark a turning-point in the history of religious movements among the Japanese minority in Brazil. Various religious groups, particularly certain Buddhist sects and the so-called “new religions” of Japan for the first time undertook active proselytization through organized propaganda and missionary activities. The following are representative types of these religious groups:

(1)

those which had been transplanted from Japan to Brazil by Japanese immigrants in the period before World War II and immediately after: Honmon Butsuryü Shü (a Buddhist sect), Tenri-kyō, Ōmoto, and ō-no-Ie (all three new religions), and the like;

(2)

Buddhist sects which began to try to organize their “potential adherents” among the Japanese on the basis of household religious affiliation, regardless of how tenuous or how thoroughly lapsed;

(3)

those which had grown rapidly in postwar Japan and extended their propagation activities overseas: new religions like Sekai Kyūsei Kyō, P.L. Kyōdan, and so on;

(4)

those which originated with the Japanese minority in Brazil on the basis of traditional Japanese folk beliefs: Nossa Senhora de Kannon (Our Lady of Kannon, or Sei Kannon Shū HakkokuKannon Dō), Kaminoya Yaoyorozu-kyō, Fudō Myōō, Shinreikyō, and the like;

(5)

Umbanda, a syncretic fusion of African cults, Catholicism, and ‘ spiritism.

Throughout the 1960s, all these religious movements became increasingly active and gained more and more followers.
Municipal Politics and Government in Buenos Aires, 1918-1930
Authors: Walter Richard J.
Published: March 2007

Urban growth has been one of the most striking characteristics of twentieth-century Latin American history and the focus of considerable scholarly interest (Morse, 1971, 1965). For the most part the main academic concentration has been on the social and economic aspects of this phenomenon. Political considerations have been confined to speculations on the potential radicalism of slum dwellers or the spontaneous self-governing institutions of new communities. Little attention has been paid to the role of municipal politics and government in national life.

With these considerations in mind, the purpose of this paper is to trace the development of politics and the governmental process in the city of Buenos Aires, Argentina between 1918 and 1930. This discussion will focus on a period when electoral reform opened up city politics for the first time to a large sector of the electorate and allowed, also for the first time, participation in municipal government of parties representing new social and economic groups.
Student Political Activism in Guatemala: A Research Note
Authors: Petersen John H.
Published: March 2007

Scholarly interest in student political behavior has grown markedly in recent years. Among those who have done research and written on Latin American students a good deal of effort has gone into attempts to develop some generalizations about bases of student activism. A major objective of these efforts has been to try and explain why students become politically active and what differentiates the politically active from the inactive students. Several hypotheses have been advanced in this research attempting to explain high degrees of student political involvement by relating it to factors in the students’ backgrounds or environment. Some of the hypotheses which stand out in the literature have been selected for analysis here. They will be examined in relation to data gathered during recent research on university students in Guatemala.
Antecedents to Samuel Ramos
Authors: Schmidt Henry C.
Published: March 2007

In the historiography of the philosophy of Mexican history and culture one of the begging questions has been the genesis of Samuel Ramos' bookEl perfil del hombre y la cultura en México(1934). Did this work, which shifted Mexican problems from a physical base to a psychological plane (Villegas, 1960: 135-136), spring full-blown or was it a reflection of attitudes shared by other intellectuals who defined a movement in the history of ideas? Ramos is usually credited as the initiator of national self-analysis (Diccionario Porrúa, 1971, 1723), and indeed he helped perpetuate the myth of his seminal role in the philosophical and characterological study of the Mexican (Ramos, 1943: 153). Moreover, Ramos stated that his work was the first to treat the “psychology of the Mexican” (see Castro, 1951: 36), yet this very theme was anticipated by Antonio Caso in 1925 (1925a).
The Development of Urban Systems in the Americas in the Nineteenth Century
Authors: Morse Richard M.
Published: March 2007

Developing a line of thought from an earlier essay (Morse, 1973: II, 11-55), this paper examines some points of departure for a comparative analysis of urbanization in Latin America and the United States during the nineteenth century. Two assumptions guide the inquiry: first, that the “external dependency” thesis so frequently invoked to explain Latin American urban development easily leads to dogmatism; second, that geoeconomic factors must be perceived as interacting with those of the sociopolitical order.

To set broad guidelines for our effort we might construe the economic and institutional development of the United States and Latin America along the lines of two tensions or counterpoints.

United States.Here the North and West with their commercial agriculture, trading energies, and industrialization faced the commercially and financially dependent South, its socioeconomic organization conditioned by the plantation system, slavery, and export agriculture.
Migrations to Mexico City in the Nineteenth Century: Research Approaches
Authors: Toscano Alejandra Moreno , Anaya Carlos Aguirre , Urquidi Translator Marjorie
Published: March 2007

The persistence of certain migratory movements has engendered a growing interest in their historical process. In the case of Mexico City, some recent studies have called attention to the existence of structures and historical trends which help explain contemporary migration (Bataillon, 1972).

A study of the history of migrations makes possible precise observations on the mass population movements produced by great social changes. These changes, in turn, can be studied through an analysis of their effects. Historical analysis will certainly focus on migration as a phenomenon that affects social groups, because the documents—generally indirect—that record these movements throw more light on their causes than on individual motivations. This paper only points to some ways in which these movements might be analyzed, using as sources the municipalpadrones(population registers) and censuses of the nineteenth century, which include information on places of origin. (A complete list of the padrones of Mexico City in the nineteenth century is given in Aguirre and Sánchez de Tagle, 1972.)
Mexican Governors since Cardenas: Education and Career Contacts
Authors: Ai Camp Roderic
Published: March 2007

There has been little systematic research of any kind on political leadership in Latin America (Welsh, 1970). This omission is regrettable because a study of political leadership indicates what types of men govern the political system, which institutions are most important in the recruitment process, and what careers are demanded of those leaders. In the Mexican political system, where local and national leadership is dependent upon the same organizations for power, studies of local politicians indicate what qualities characterize national elites.

The only monograph which is devoted in detail to a study of the backgrounds, origins, and recruitment of political leaders of a single Latin American country is the work of José Luis de Imáz (1970) on Argentina. However, even Imáz's (1970: 13) work makes only passing references to provincial governors, and his conclusions are based on the surprisingly small sample of eighteen governors from three states.
The Alliance for Progress and Chile's “Revolution in Liberty,” 1964-1970
Authors: Michaels Albert L.
Published: March 2007

In retrospect John F. Kennedy's foreign policy has become more and more controversial. Recent studies have stressed the dichotomy between Kennedy's idealistic rhetoric and the moves he made in carrying out an interventionist, counter-revolutionary foreign policy. He acted not only to check his two great socialist adversaries but also to stifle nationalistic revolutions in the underdeveloped world (Walton, 1972; Fitzsimmons, 1972). Under Kennedy, the United States launched a great offensive on real and imagined enemies. This offensive led to intervention in Laos, South Vietnam, Cuba, Guyana, and the Congo as well as to international confrontations over Berlin and missiles in Cuba. Idealistic-sounding programs like the Peace Corps and the Alliance for Progress were launched but they were coupled with counter-insurgency studies and the formation of the Green Berets. All had the same aims: to retrieve the deteriorating economic and worldwide political situation inherited from Eisenhower. Above all, although the United States might have to learn to live with the Soviet Union and China, she could not afford to lose the markets, raw materials, and investment opportunities in the underdeveloped world.
Traditions of Eloquence in Afro-American Communities
Authors: Abrahams Roger D.
Published: March 2007

…In the south there was the daily impact upon the white man of the effect of the Negro, concerning whom nothing is so certain as his remarkable tendency to seize on lovely words, to roll them in his throat, to heap them in redundant profusion one upon another until meaning vanishes, until there is nothing left but the sweet, canorous drunkenness, nothing but the play of primitive rhythm upon the secret springs of emotion.W. J. Cash, The Mind of the South

Both in Africa and in America the Negro seems to find a decided pleasure in altiloquent speech. Perhaps this bombast is partly due to the fact that the long and unusual word has a sort of awe-inspiring almost fetishistic significance to the uneducated person, and with the Negro, at least, it indicated a desire to approximate the white man in outward signs of learning. As it is, the Negro is constantly being lost in a labyrinth of jaw-breaking words full of sound and fury but signifying nothing.Newbell Niles Puckett, Folk Beliefs of Southern Negroes
Private-Sector Capital Mobilization and Industrialization in Latin America
Authors: Aubey Robert T.
Published: March 2007

Much of economic planning in Latin America has been oriented toward promoting industrialization. These plans have generally given a major role to government, and no doubt there is a significant role that the public sector can and must play in capital mobilization as well as in performing other functions. In most countries, the infrastructural needs alone are enormous and constitute a major challenge for the still rudimentary machinery of public administration and the generally weak fiscal systems.

Clearly, however, a very large portion of the capital requirements of industrialization has been supplied by the private sector—with important assistance from foreign enterprises, to be sure, but with the domestic private sectors supplying most of the financing needed to maintain what has been, in most countries, a relatively high rate of industrial development. The focus of this paper is on the mechanism by which this capital has been mobilized by the private sector and on the changes that appear to occur in that mechanism during the process of industrialization.
Production Controls under the International Coffee Agreements
Authors: Frederick Kenneth D.
Published: March 2007

The International Coffee Agreement (1962) culminated a long search for a comprehensive coffee price support scheme. From the late 1920s to the early 1940s Brazil had unilaterally supported coffee prices by storing and burning huge quantities of coffee. Brazil's efforts to gain multilateral price support during this period were in vain. In the mid-1950s, when it again became apparent that coffee production would soon exceed demand at any price satisfactory to producers, Brazil renewed the search for multilateral market support. Her efforts met with partial success in October 1957 when seven Latin American coffee growing nations signed the Mexico Agreement. Market support was gradually expanded in a series of annual agreements until representatives of countries accounting for over 90 percent of the world's production and consumption agreed to the five-year International Coffee Agreement (1962). This agreement was followed by another five-year pact, the International Coffee Agreement of 1968.
Henry Wadsworth Longfellow and Domingo Faustino Sarmiento
Authors: Rockland Michael A.
Published: March 2007

Domingo Faustino Sarmiento is little known in the United States, but he is one of Latin America's greatest men. Man of letters, educator, revolutionary, statesman, there was little in which Sarmiento did not excel. One writer has described him as “the most powerful brain America has produced,” and another has said that “America has not produced another man like him nor does Europe have in its history a personage who resembles him.” Sarmiento is the author of Facundo, one of the outstanding works in Latin American literature; he was the founder of public education in South America (he is often described as “the Horace Mann of South America”); and he was president of Argentina during the period of national unification (which has led one writer to call him, “The Abraham Lincoln of Argentina”).