bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Euboia
Authors: Reber Karl , Hansen Mogens Herman , Ducrey Pierre
Published: November 2023

In the Hellenistic period Eretria was subdivided into some fifty-five to sixty demes (infra 652).Most of them are first attested in inscriptions of C3e, but several have a history that stretches back into the Classical period, occasionally even into the Archaic period. Some of them were originally poleis (Dystos (no. 369),Grynchai (no. 371), Peraia (no. 375) and Styra (no. 377)), but others were probably demes from the outset.
Lesbos
Authors: Hansen Mogens Herman , Spencer Nigel , Williams Hector
Published: November 2023

In addition to the six poleis, Barr. records seventeen sites as settlements of the Archaic and/or Classical periods, and the list of unlocated toponyms includes four which have been recorded below. However, as the evidence stands, only two of the seventeen deserve to be classified as settlements, viz. Issa and Petra, and even they can be classified as settlements of the Archaic and Classical periods only with some hesitation.
Some Greek Families at Work
Authors: Pomeroy Sarah B
Published: November 2023

All the known law codes of Greek states in the archaic period included regulations governing family relationships. The polis intruded into some areas that many contemporary societies consider private.’ The tacit goal of such legislation may have been not only to produce an orderly society, but to assure the reproduction of citizens who would be able to maintain and defend the polisSolon’s laws were the first in Athens to regulate families. One of his laws was that a father must teach his son a trade or give him some means of support, so that, in return, the son could look after his parents when they became old. Otherwise, a son was not obliged to maintain his parents. The reward for such care was the inheritance of the patrimony at the father’s retirement or death. Like so many of Solon’s laws, this one codified what must have been normal behaviour not only in Athens, but throughout the Greek world-at least under the pressure of peers, or as a result of common sense.
Introduction Veteris Reparator Eloquentiae
Authors: Harries Jill
Published: November 2023

Roman citizens born in Gaul in the fifth century could have no experience of that area as a political unity. The establishment of shifting internal frontiers by Germanic incomers, who were military and political powers in their own right, and who lived in fear both of the Romans and each other, engendered pressures which further under mined what remained of imperial control. Such pressures were at times overtly military, but of no less relevance to the process of decline were the effects of the Germanic presence on the careers and loyalties of Gallo-Roman aristocrats, who, in the fifth century, experienced a progressive narrowing of horizons, which increasingly alienated many from the government in Italy. Their economic power, such as it was, and their local influence, made them an important factor in the calculations of the Germanic kings-and in the decline of Rome. Sidonius Apollinaris was both a participant in, and a perceptive witness of, that process.
The Goths at Narbonne and Toulouse
Authors: Harries Jill
Published: November 2023

By 461, the Goths had been settled on lands round Toulouse for over forty years and the frontiers of the ‘sortes Gothorum ‘ in Aquitaine and Novempopulana were firmly established. For thirty-three of those years, they had been ruled by one king, Theoderic I. After the turbulence of the murders of Athaulf and Sigeric, the accession of Wallia, and the settlement in Aquitaine in 418, Theoderic ‘s reign had been largely peaceful, although it should not therefore be assumed that minor Gothic war lords had lost their taste for plunder and its. attendant military confrontations. Goths, or subdivisions of the Gothic forces, themselves a heterogeneous mix of peoples, had broken out against Aries in 425 and 430. These may have been no more than raiding-parties, but in 436--cJ a more prolonged period of hostilities had arisen, Narbonne had been besieged and the situation was finally resolved after the defeat and capture of Aetius ‘ general, Litorius, and the diplomatic activity of the praetorian prefect, Eparchius Avitus.
Consecration
Authors: Harries Jill
Published: November 2023

In 469 Sidonius returned to Gaul. He had reached the pinnacle of his career as Prefect of the City and was now also a patrician. In less unsettled times, he might have looked forward to a period of honoured otium among his friends, pursuing his literary interests and occupying a position of distinction among the local nobility and at meetings of his peers. In the small intricate world of city politics, his imperial service would have guaranteed his continuing superiority over the less favoured, or energetic, who had stayed at home. Instead, he was consecrated bishop of Clermont, prob ably not more than a year after his return. From the standpoint of the Arverni, he was a useful choice, as a member by marriage of a prominent local family, the Aviti,1 a former holder of high office, with powerful friends to match, and a man of known Christian piety, the friend and pupil of Faustus and of Claudianus Mamertus. He had also served the city as leader of its delegation to Rome in 467, which may have tried to ascertain the policy of Anthemius towards Euric, and could be expected to deal effectively with that king.
The Romanization of the Local Ruling Classes in the Roman Empire
Authors: Carolyn Higbie
Published: November 2023

In his Panegyric on Rome Aelius Aristides claimed that the Roman empire was the first that rested on consent and not on force. No troops were needed to hold down the cities, because the most powerful of the local citizens, men to whom Rome had granted equality of rights, kept each of them loyal. It was for this class in Asia that Aristides spoke; he was himself the son of a landowner who had received the Roman citizenship . Of course in the West the citizenship was far more widely diffused. Only there did many whole communities possess it, and there too more individuals could win it as a reward for military service, since over two thirds of the Roman army were raised and stationed in the western provinces . As a consequence, in the west there were far more provincial citizens of low social status. My concern here, is however, with members of the local ruling classes, men of good family and property.
Remarks on the Imperial Fiscus
Authors: Carolyn Higbie
Published: November 2023

In JRS 56 (1966), 75 ff. (chapter 7), I restated the thesis of A.H.M. Jones that the term fiscus can refer either (1) to the private funds of an individual, including the emperor, or (2) to a chest, provincial or departmental, containing public monies, or (3) in the Principate to ‘the whole financial administration controlled by the emperor’, that is to say the properties and revenues of the state which he administered as well as his private domains. The second usage seems now to be illustrated in the document published by P. Herrman and K.Z. Polathan, SB Wien 1969, which show that tribute in the province of Asia went to the provincial fiscus. My essay was usefully supplemented by P. Baldacci, Parola del Passato 24 (1969), 349 ff. The article on fiscus by ÜrÖgdi in RE Suppl.IO (1965), 222 ff., is most helpful for its collection of texts on fiscal privileges.
Prophecy And History In The Crisis Of The Roman Empire
Authors: Potter D S
Published: November 2023

The Sibylline Oracles (sacred prophecies) which provide narratives of Roman history are our best sources for popular understanding of contemporar y events, since they were written by those with no obvious connection with the government. The thirteenth is of particular interest because it remains the only first-hand narrative of the critical years of the mid-third century AD when the empire teetered on the brink of political collapse. This book contains a full introduction describing the political history of the third century, the other historiography of the period, and the development of the tradition of Sibylline Oracles, their authorship and readership. There follows a new edition of the text (the first since 1902) and a detailed commentary which discusses disputed points of chronology, and the impact on the authors (living in Roman Syria) of the Persian invasions, which culminated in the sack of Antioch in 252, and the capture of the emperor Valerian by the Persian King Sapor in 260.
The Sibylline Oracles
Authors: Potter D S
Published: November 2023

The surviving corpus of Sibylline Oracles consists of two collections, of which one (henceforth collection A) may have been compiled after the late fifth century AD by the redactor of the ‘Sibylline Preface’. This preface opens with an exhortation to read the oracles and provides some further information about Sibyls.1 It gives the ‘Sibylline Canon’, the list of ten Sibyls which Lactantius derived from Varro,2 and the story of Tarquinius Priscus’ dealings with the Cumaean Sibyl, and it assures the reader that Sibyls knew the truth about the Christian God.
Turin’s Two Senators
Authors: Birley Anthony R
Published: November 2023

Senators and consuls, that is one way of assessing cities or regions. Consuls and consular legates lead to emperors. In the year 69 fate or chance, with help from human effort and from known agents, consigned the power to Vespasian. A low-class Italian issuing from the Sabine country furnished incentives to the western aristocrats, alert, ambitious, and linked by family alliances. The first provincial dynasty derives from Spain and Narbonensis.
The Divided Self in Greek Poetry
Authors: Gill Christopher
Published: November 2023

In this chapter, I consider the question of the model of personality which is displayed in a number of notable passages of self-division in Homer and Greek tragedy.1 As elsewhere, my claim is that these passages are best interpreted in the light of the objective-participant conception of personality rather than the subjective or individualist conceptions sometimes used to interpret them. I want especially to explore links between the kind of objective (non-subject-centred) psychological model and the kind of participant ethical model that we find in Greek poetry. I do so partly by examining the connections between three of the ideas associated with this conception, and with the image of the self in dialogue which symbolizes this. These ideas, in outline, are: (1) that human psychological life centres on the inter play or ‘dialogue’ between parts or functions; (2) that ethical life is shaped and expressed by participation in interpersonal and communal dialogue; (3) that reflective or dialectical debate constitutes the means by which human beings can properly determine the basis of this shared ethical life.2 I begin by reviewing the way in which this book has so far illustrated these ideas (as they figure in Greek thinking), and then explain how the analysis of the poetic examples of self-division fits into the exploration of this conception of personality.
The Sophists, Plato, and Aristotle
Authors: Cairns Douglas L
Published: November 2023

The role of aidōs in the doctrines of the sophists is a topic to which the preceding chapters have already alluded; the present chapter, therefore, begins by following up some of these indications of the trends in fifth-century thought that are most important for our study. Consideration of aidōs in Sophocles and Euripides, in particular, has identified a growing recognition of the interaction of that concept with the internalized self-regulatory mechanism that we call conscience, as well as insight into the role of aidōs as an important factor in the development of character. Accordingly, we look first at the evidence for the popular conception of ‘conscience’ in later fifth-century Athens, before turning to the evidence for the doctrines of some of the major contemporary thinkers themselves, with particular reference to one particular controversy (that concerned with the problem of ‘doing wrong in secret’) which sheds considerable light on ancient views of the nature of aidōs, and, indeed, brings the view expressed in our ancient sources into relationship with the modern discussions of the nature of shame and guilt with which we began our study. This focus on the essence of aidōs, on its relation to internal or external sanctions, on its nature as a feature of the ethical and psychological outlook embedded in the texts under discussion, and on its relevance or otherwise to the concept of ‘conscience’, is then extended into the discussion of its place in the ethics and moral psychology of Plato and Aristotle. Essentially, our discussion now comes full circle, as we consider ancient views which reveal important perspectives on the issues raised in the Introduction.
The Pindar Scholia
Authors: Lefkowitz Mary R
Published: November 2023

References to scholars like Aristarchus, Chaeris, Chrysippus, Aristodemus, and Didymus indicate that the Pindar scholia are based, however remotely, on Alexandrian hypomnemata. At some point, or more likely, at several different points, scholarly opinions on individual words and phrases were compiled and paraphrases (sometimes in duplicate and triplicate) recorded into a large book, from which the marginal notes in our manuscripts are derived. The scholia in the Vatican recension (V), which cover in various manuscripts all four books of the odes, offer the kind of information provided by scholia to other poetic texts for use in Byzantine schools, prose paraphrases, background information, and summaries of opposing views on disputed interpretations. The scholia to the Ambrosian manuscript (A), which are preserved only for the first twelve Olympian odes, tend to cite more authorities than the scholia to the manuscripts of the V tradition, which often reproduce opinions only, without individual names; but I have not distinguished here between the two traditions, because the A scholia, despite their greater detail, do not seem to represent more accurately than the V scholia the substance of the original commentaries.
Science in Antiquity
Authors: Healy John F
Published: November 2023

Lloyd,1 in his work on early Greek science, somewhat illogic- ally, points out that there is no exact equivalent to our modern definition of the term ‘science’, although Western science may still be said to originate with the Greeks. Greenaway2 makes a similar point, although admitting that Pliny’s world did recognize that the material substances which we must use are susceptible of consistent and rational examination for fitness of purpose and therefore for making everyday technical and economic decisions.
The Natural History and Technical Literature
Authors: Healy John F
Published: November 2023

Schilling, assessing the place of Pliny’s Natural History in technical literature,1 states, “La Naturalis Historia... n’est certainement pas la premiere oeuvre latine qui traite de sujets techniques et “scientifiques”, mais elle constitue sans doute 1’ouvrage le plus representatif.’
Earth Sciences
Authors: Healy John F
Published: November 2023

Pliny devotes the major part of books 33—7 to minerals (including ore-minerals), mineral earths, types of common stone, and gemstones. In addition there are many random references to these throughout the Natural History.
Facts and Figures
Authors: Stockton David
Published: November 2023

One day, during the Cuban missile crisis of 1962, President Kennedy and his advisers were discussing the pros and cons of mounting an invasion of Cuba. They had as good as decided to go ahead, at which point they called into the room a senior officer of military intelligence to ask for his informed appreciation. He had come prepared, and produced a large map of the United States, which he pinned up on a board. ‘Mr President, gentlemen,’ he said, ‘if I were to place the eastern tip of Cuba on New York City, would you like to say how far the island would stretch across this map?. Various estimates were offered, the most generous reckoning that it might reach about as far as to Philadelphia. The officer said nothing, but took out a cut-out of Cuba to the same scale and placed it over the larger map. It reached from Manhattan Island to Chicago. There were gasps of surprise; but there was more to come. The officer proceeded to place a minute black spot onto the map. ‘Is that Havana?’, asked the President. ‘No, sir, that is Iwo Jima to the same scale. You will recall that Iwo Jima cost us over twenty thousand casualties.’ The invasion idea was shelved for further consideration.
From Solon to Ephialtes
Authors: Stockton David
Published: November 2023

The most authoritative account of Solon’s reforms is that which we are given by Aristotle in a brief paragraph in his Politics (1273b–1274a), which dates from about, 330: Now, as to Solon, there are those who see him as a truly radical reformer who put an end to an over-extreme oligarchy, released the body of the people [the demos] from subjection, and established the excellent constitutional blend which they call ‘the ancestral democracy’. In the view of these men, the Areopagus Council was the oligarchic element, the elective magistracies the aristocratic, the courts the democratic. In fact, however, it looks as if two of the elements in this blend, the Council and the elective character of the magistracies, Solon had found already in existence and continued in being, while himself introducing the dêmos as a factor by throwing participation in the courts open to all.
Politics and Politicians
Authors: Stockton David
Published: November 2023

In a well-known passage of his Memorabilia (3. 6) Xenophon tells of a conversation between Socrates and Plato’s brother Glaucon. Glaucon, though still less than twenty years old, has his heart set on making a name for himself as a public speaker and becoming a leading politician, and despite all the efforts of his family and friends to deter .him, persists in making a laughing-stock of himself and having to be forcibly removed from the speaker’s platform. So Socrates takes him in hand: ‘Are you going to aim at increasing the wealth of our city?’ ‘Of course!’ ‘Tell me then, what are the sources of our current public revenues, and what do they add up to? You’ve obviously gone into this question to see whether any of them need increasing or if any new ones are required.’
Hieronymi
Authors: Scourfield J H D
Published: November 2023

Grandes materias ingenia parva non sufferunt, et in ipso conatu ultra vires ausa succumbunt; quantoque maius fuerit quod dicendum est, tanto magis obruitur qui magnitudinem rerum verbis non potest explicate. Nepotianus meus, tuus, noster, immo Christi et, quia Christi, idcirco plus noster,  reliquit senes et desiderii sui iaculo vulneratos intolerabili dolore confecit. quern heredem putavimus, funus tenemus. cui iam meum sudabit ingenium? cui litterulae placere gestient? ubi est ille eργoδιtκτηs noster et cycneo canore vox dulcior? stupet animus, manus tremit, caligant oculi, lingua balbutit. quidquid dixero, quia ille non audiet, mutum videtur. stilus ipse quasi sentiens et cera subtristior vel rubigine vel situ obducitur. quotienscumque nitor in verba prorumpere et super tumulum eius epitaphii huius flores spargere, totiens inplentur oculi et renovate dolore totus in funere sum. moris quandam fuit ut super cadavera defunctorum in contione pro rostris laudes liberi dicerent, et instar lugubrium carminum ad fletus et gemitus audientium pectora concitarent; en rerum in nobis ordo mutatus est, et in calamitatem nostram perdidit sua iura natura: quod exhibere senibus iuvenis debuit, hoc iuveni exhibemus senes.
The Demosthenic Canon
Authors: Rutherford Ian
Published: November 2023

Hermogenes cites from over half the Demosthenic speeches that have come down to us, particularly from the public speeches, but also from private speeches, and from the Epistles (not from the Erotikos or the Epitaphios). If one compares his citations with those of other rhetoricians, such as the author of Peri Politikou Logou, no really striking differences emerge, with the possible exception that an unusually high proportion of citations come from De Corona, cited over 120 times, three times more than the nearest rival, and a source of examples for almost all of the ideai. This was probably not an untypical view; Aelius Aristides even dreams about the speech.
Hector and Andromache
Authors: Schadewaldt W
Published: November 2023

On the advice of the seer Helenus, Hector has gone from the battlefield to the city (6. 237). His mother Hecuba and the women of Troy are to make a supplication to Athena, to ask the goddess to restrain the onslaught of Diomedes, who is causing havoc among the Trojans outside the city. Hector has gone from his mother to Paris, to fetch that dilatory warrior back to battle. He finds him busy with his weapons, and Helen among her women (6. 321). He speaks seriously to him: the men are dying outside, around the wall and the city, and yet it was for his sake that the war had flared up. Paris is ready; he will soon catch him up within the city. Helen curses herself and her life with this dis honourable husband, but still (she says) her brother-in-law should sit down; he has so many troubles because of her and Paris; to both of them Zeus has given such an evil fate, of which men will still speak in the future. Hector declines; he must go back to the Trojans, who have great need for him out there. But he asks her to get her husband moving, and let him hurry himself up, to catch him up still within the city. ‘I myself will in the meantime go to my house, to see my servants and my dear wife and my little son. For I do not know whether I shall come back to them again, or whether the gods will overcome me this time at the hands of the Danaans ‘ (6. 360-8).
Form and Content in the Tusculan Disputations
Authors: Douglas A E
Published: November 2023

Readers of Cicero’s philosophical writings are sometimes tempted to hasten through the prefaces as at best pleasant reading, but not really important, in order to get to the real substance, the presentation of philosophical views. Yet the prefaces often tell us things we should know, even if not all of them (especially the earlier apologetic ones, defending the philosophical enterprise in general) were specifically written for the place where they now appear.
Prodigy Lists and the Use of the Annales Maximi
Authors: Rawson Elizabeth
Published: November 2023

It is generally supposed that on the publication of the Annales Maximi in the Gracchan period (if not already at some point before their formal publication) historians, or some historians influential on the tradition, eagerly made use of this new source of material. The yearly lists of publicly expiated prodigies in Livy and related authors are usually considered to form the best evidence for this view. For given the elder Cato’s remark about the famines and eclipses of sun and moon recorded on the tabula dealbata which is said to have formed the basis of the published work, and given the only two fragments of the latter dealing with the republican period, that from Cicero recording an eclipse (perhaps of 400 BC) and that from Aulus Gellius about lightning striking the statue of Horatius Codes (the date is undetermined but a hostile Etruria is presup posed), no one can doubt that prodigies were indeed to be found in the Annales Maximi. It is of course agreed that the lists given by Livy and others include only an incomplete selection of each year’s prodigia and that they are deformed by repetition and errors. But in fact certain features of these lists suggest, at least, that rewriting and corruptions go pretty deep; even, perhaps, that it was not the Annales Maximi at all from which they were drawn. It is the purpose of this paper to draw attention to these disquieting peculiarities, and to the even more disquieting consequences that follow.
The First Latin Annalists
Authors: Rawson Elizabeth
Published: November 2023

The fragments of the early Roman historians are of capital importance for our understanding of the way in which the tradition about early Roman history was formed, and also for intellectual history in the second century BC. But the few certain fragments are brief and often unhelpful; while attempts to extend our knowledge by proving their authors also to be reflected anonymously in later writings have tended of late to meet with the scepticism that ‘Quellenkritik’, with some justification, often now arouses. Such work as has been done recently on the first Roman historians to write in Latin has suggested that it is not easy to make striking advances, although some distinguished scholars have been involved. I want to sum up what has been achieved so far, and to try and go a little further in establishing the standards and interests of L. Cassius Hemina and L. Calpurnius Piso, with a glance also at Cn. Gellius. Some of my main points, at least for the first two, have several times been made ‘en passant’, but never worked out in detail: first, that they reflect a moment, at Rome, of eager antiquarian interest, but shaky antiquarian scholarship-just before, it should be added, the special studies of more specialized grammarians and antiquarians, of whom L. Aelius Stilo was the most prominent, split the two genres of annals and antiquarian investigation almost completely, with disastrous results (to our eyes) for the former, though with benefit, no doubt, to the latter.
The Introduction of Logical Organization in Roman Prose Literature
Authors: Rawson Elizabeth
Published: November 2023

It is a commonplace to talk, in general terms, of the dependence of all European thought and learning on Greek philosophy, and more particularly on Greek logic. It is a commonplace, also, to analyse the structure of individual works of Latin literature in terms of the divisions and subdivisions in the treatment of the subject involved, with their frequent prefatory definitions. This is a method that may in many cases be taken from recent Greek models of various kinds, in particular works on rhetoric or grammar, but which for Cicero goes back to the dialectic of the philosophers, and which Fuhrmann has traced even beyond Socrates to the sophists. It is perhaps less of a commonplace, though doubtless rash, to try to take a comprehensive view of the Romans’ attempt, over a wide spectrum of subjects, to apply this method, to try to see how important they felt it to be, and how far they were successful in it. The extent to which they regarded it as the transformation of the subjects in question into rtxvm or artes must also be considered. I want to stress that we arc not merely dealing with an expository method used in introductory handbooks of little intellectual originality, as Fuhrmann’s useful Das Systematische Lehrbuch might suggest, but that it came to seem to the Romans simply the best way to think and write about a serious subject, to be applied both on a large scale, i.e. to works in a number of books, and on a small one, i.e. inside a single book.
Caerellii, Juno Populona,and Aquinum
Authors: Rawson Elizabeth
Published: November 2023

C. Caerellius Sabinus, legionary legate of XIll Gemina under Commodus (who is now known to have gone on to govern Raetia) set up, together with his wife Fufidia Pollitta, three well-known dedications at Apulum in Dacia: one to Jupiter Optimus Maximus, one ]unoni Reginae Populoniae Deae Patriae, and one to Minerva partner of Jupiter’s counsels (CIL 3. 1074-6). These divinities clearly constitute in some sense the Capitoline Triad; though Juno Populonia had her own templum in Rome-the ius Papirianum, according to Macrobius, referred to the sacred table, rather than altar, in it (found also in some other cults of Juno), and Palmer’s conclusion that this temp/um was in fact in the eel/a of Juno in the Capitoline Temple is not very likely; for one thing, Juno Populona or Populonia seems, originally at any event, to have been worshipped separately from Jupiter or any other god: Seneca, quoted by Augustine, CD 1o. 1o lists Populonia (without identifying her as Juno, and perhaps she was indeed originally independent) as among the goddesses who are viduae, without any consort.
History, Historiography, And Cicero’S Expositio Consiliorum Suorum
Authors: Rawson Elizabeth
Published: November 2023

Later antiquity knew and quoted a work by Cicero which it called an expositio consiliorum suorum (Asconius, in T. C. 6 5 St.; Augustine, contra Jul. Pelag. 5. 23), or a book quem de consiliis suis composuit (Boethius, de inst. mus. I. 1 p. 184 Friedl.), or ratio consiliorum suorum (Charisius r p. 146K); Dio 39. rn shows that the book, to which he says its author had given the title JrEQl rwv fovwv f3ovlwµarwv, could be described as a {3t{3liov a]tOQQrJWv; he dared not publish it, owing to what it said about Crassus, Caesar and others, but sealed it and gave it to his son to bring out after his death. It has therefore, doubtless rightly, been identified with the avfaoorn which in spring 59 Cicero was proposing to write, and which he says he will read to Atticus alone: they will be Theopompio genere aut etiam asperiore multo, for odisse improbos is all his political programme these days (Att. 2. 6. 2); and also with what Cicero in May 44 calls librum meum i-llum avf:xoowv, not yet polished to his satisfaction, which Atticus wants chronologically extended, but which really in that case needs a separate volume; this work involves attacks on Caesar and illas nefarias partes (Att. 14. 17. 6). It is perhaps also referred to in November 44 at 16. 17. 6 librum quem ragas perpoliam et mittam.
Crassorum Funera
Authors: Rawson Elizabeth
Published: November 2023

The recent appearance of two would-be biographies of M. Crassus (the subject, as reviewers have observed, is recalcitrant to the proposed treatment) has led to a good deal of concentration upon him, at least in the English-speaking world. And yet not much solid advance has been, or perhaps can be, made. All I wish to do is to make one more unprovable suggestion, and to reconsider the motive for Crassus’ final, and disastrous, campaign.
Cassius and Brutus: The Memory of the Liberators
Authors: Rawson Elizabeth
Published: November 2023

When the historian Crcmutius Cordus was accused of maiestas in AD 25 the, or a, main charge against him was that he had praised Marcus Brutus and called Gaius Cassius ‘the last of the Romans,i (probably in fact he quoted approvingly Brutus’ supposed salutation of Cassius as such on learning of his death).2 Cremutius, according to the speech that Tacitus gives him, claimed that a great many authors had recounted the deeds of Cassius and Brutus, and ‘nemo sine honore nominavit’; Livy had written of them as ‘insignes viros’, Asinius Pollio’s history had passed on ‘cgrcgiam corundem memoriam’, Mcssalla Corvinus had been wont to call Cassius ‘impcratorem suum’.
Speciosa Locis Morataque Recte
Authors: Rawson Elizabeth
Published: November 2023

A tendency to sententiousness, and to the broader teaching of moral lessons, goes back in ancient drama to the fifth century nc, when prose was undeveloped and the poets were still the teachers on serious subjects. Even after philosophy, in particular, had been hived off, the theatre continued to moralize; indeed New Comedy probably did so more readily than Middle Comedy, whether because of its greater seriousness, in parts at least, and the fact that it looked back to Euripides (‘sententiis densus ‘, according to Quintilian, σxnvixó ς ϕlλ ó σoøoς according to two late Greek writers), if not other tragic poets as a source of inspiration; or because of the links with contemporary ethical philosophy that some of the poets perhaps possessed (Menander is said to have been a pupil of Theophrastus); or perhaps because the audience was particularly aware of and interested in ethical discussion in the age of Theophrastus, Epicurus, and Zeno, though attempts to tie particular plays to the doctrines of particular philosophers do not seem conclusive. Presumably much at least of the audience, whether in the time of the sophists or of the Peripatetics and other schools, enjoyed the moralizing elements, though I think there is little direct evidence about the reception of these. For Rome, which picked up and even extended the tradition, there is more; and I would argue that for the poorer classes at least theatrical moralizing was, at all events in the second and early first centuries BC, the chief source from which they drew not their moral convictions, but much of their capacity to articulate them.
The Phoenicians Overseas
Authors: Grainger John D
Published: November 2023

The Phoenicians were a small, divided people living in a world dominated by immensely more powerful forces whose unpredictability could replace favour with hostility at any twist of the political wheel. The Persians had been succeeded by the Macedonians, whose collapse had sucked in Roman power. In moments of peril whole cities could be destroyed, and the favour of one ruling group could mean the vindictive hostility of the next conqueror.
Thucydides and Alcibiades
Authors: Brunt P A
Published: November 2023

To many readers of Thucydides the arguments adduced by Nicias against the Sicilian expedition must appear of irresistible cogency. Even if Syracuse and the other Sicilian cities had been conquered, Athens could not have held them down without suffering exhaustion; and the men and money expended in so vain an enterprise could better have been devoted to restoring the Empire in Chalcidice and rebuilding the Peloponnesian coalition against Sparta. Thucydides was aware, as the Athenian masses were not, of the great size and population of Sicily; he knew that the Athenians in 415 engaged on a war not less difficult than that with the Peloponnesians (VI 1; VII 28,3); yet even in retrospect his verdict on the expedition seems to have been less severe. In the famous passage in II 65, written after the fall of Athens, he attributes her ruin to the competition among the leading politicians in ingratiating themselves with the people; this, he says, was the source of many errors; in particular it led to the Sicilian expedition.
Athenian Settlements Abroad in the Fifth Century B.C.1
Authors: Brunt P A
Published: November 2023

Athens as a city organized no colonies overseas before the sixth century. If over-population was the chief reason why Greek cities sent out colonies in the archaic period, her absence from the list of colonizing cities suggests that until quite a late date Attica sufficed for the needs of its inhabitants. The fact that Athens found it hard to wrest Salamis from Megara in the early sixth century may indicate that her population, the basis of military strength, was still relatively small. After Solon’s time it must have expanded rapidly. In 479, if we may trust the figures in Herodotus (ix, 28), the Megarians furnished only 3,000 hoplites to the Greek Army at Plataea and the Athenians 8,000, although a considerable force of hoplites was probably serving at the same time with the fleet.
Aspects of the Social Thought of Dio Chrysostom and of the Stoics
Authors: Brunt P A
Published: November 2023

On re-reading Dio of Prusa’s Euboicus, I formed the impression that his ideas on manual labour and on the respectability of occupations open to the poor are somewhat different from those conventionally adopted by Greeks and Romans of the upper class, to which Dio belonged. Part I of this paper discusses these ideas in the Euboicus and in some related works of Dio. It will inter alia afford some conjectural support to von Arnim’s hypothesis that the Euboicus was delivered at Rome. Probably Dio’s attitude was influenced by his experience in exile, when he had known what it was to be poor and had even propounded Cynic opinions.
The Bagatti-Testa Hypothesis
Authors: Taylor Joan E
Published: November 2023

How and when did the veneration of Christian holy places in Palestine begin? The Franciscan scholars Bellarmino Bagatti and Emmanuele Testa have developed an hypothesis which attempts to answer this question. They argue that many Christian holy places are genuine because Jewish-Christians identified and preserved sites which were meaningful in the life of Jesus, from the time of his ministry without interruption until the fourth century. These sites were then appropriated by the mainstream ‘Gentile’ Church when the emperor Constantine began establishing Christian shrines in Palestine. Before proceeding to answer this question differently, we shall begin by looking at the theories of Bagatti and Testa in order to establish why there may be grounds for thinking they are mistaken.
Markets and Fairs in Roman Italy
Authors: Frayn Joan M
Published: November 2023

Markets and fairs played a fundamental part in the commerce of the Mediterranean region in the Roman period. But where were they held, and what commodities were sold there? Using evidence from archaeology, inscriptions, and literary sources, Dr Frayn builds up a detailed and enlivening picture of stalls and stallholders, profiteering, and price control in ancient Italy, and invites comparison with medieval and modern practices. Besides the macella, or permanent markets in towns, Dr Frayn also looks at the much more numerous nundinae, or local markets, held every eight days, and the many fairs and festivals throughout Italy where retailing took place, often associated with shrines and characterized by religious motifs. The book includes a discussion of the economic and social effects of markets and fairs, including their relation to geography, demography, and modern `central place theory'. There is also a chapter on market law, which can be traced from the ius commercii to the supervision of weights, measures, and pricing. As trade contacts widened, and merchandise grew more diverse, markets and marketing evolved with increasing complexity into a highly developed system, which in the wake of conquest came to influence larger areas of inter-regional trade.
Sacrificial Meal and Symposion: Two Models of Civic Institutions in the Archaic City?
Authors: Schmitt-Pantel Pauline
Published: November 2023

In the course of a recent attempt to evaluate modern research on the banquet in Greek cities, one question seemed to me to arise from reading these very different studies, a question which I ask in the title of this article and which may be put in the following specific form: is it legitimate to separate, even to oppose, the symposion and the sacrificial banquet, to read into the two of them a relative hierarchy, to make of each of them, in turn, a key institution and even an explanatory model of civic life? And, as a corollary, does the Greek city permit the use of the play of oppositions between ‘sacred’ and ‘profane’, and ‘public’ and ‘private’, employed by modern authors in talking of these two forms of commensality? An investigation of these points seems to me to be required for a better understanding of the system of meals in the city. In order to attempt this, I shall swiftly recall the conclusions of work on the sacrificial banquet and the symposion, and then take two well-defined instances from the Archaic city, from two types of source, pottery and poetry, in order to discuss the different forms of commensality; and finally, I shall draw from these a number of more general conclusions on the specific nature of collective practices in Archaic societies.
The Chronology of the Perachora Hestiatorion and its Significance
Authors: Tomlinson R A
Published: November 2023

By the end of the fifth century BC, rooms which were built specifically as feasting-or dining-rooms are an established feature of Greek architecture. They can be found, to take examples from Attica, in private houses ( the Dema house of about 420), in public places ( the South Stoa I in the Agora), and in sanctuaries (the Asklepieion and, of course, the Propylaia). In this development, in public rather than private architecture, the eleven-couch room emerges as.a standard, three couches and the foot of an adjacent couch to each wall, with one couch omitted from the front wall to allow for the inevitably off-centre door.
Symposion Furniture
Authors: Boardman John
Published: November 2023

The principal item of furniture for a banquet or symposion is the kline, couch or bed. It is essential, apparently, for the formal symposion, and both the formalities and the architecture associated with a symposion seem determined by it. It is not, however, an obvious piece of furniture for a feast, and it may be that study of its origins and variant uses could tell us something of interest about the symposion itself. I say it may be, because I am not convinced that in the present state of our knowledge it can. And possibly there is no problem at all, and it was simply a matter of the Greeks, at some time in the seventh century, picking up from the East the idea of reclining at a feast and using for it their best bedroom furniture, until the point was reached at which the furniture was made specifically for the feast rather than for sleeping, and accommodation for it specially created within the house or sanctuary or public building where feasts were held.
The Meal at the Hyakinthia: Ritual Consumption and Offering
Authors: Bruit Louise
Published: November 2023

At the end of a study of ‘the city as cooking and sharing’, which was a review of La Cuisine du sacrifice en pays grec, edited by M. Detienne and J.-P. Vernant, N. Loraux noted that ‘the ritual of the sacrifice always ceases at the moment of consumption’. The remarkable absence of the feast from Greek descriptions of the alimentary-type blood-sacrifice, the thysia, is matched by an emphasis on distribution: ‘there is no sacrifice without carving’.2 It may be true that it is the prime function of sacrifice in the city to ensure by distribution the proper distance from the gods on the one hand and the proper place for the individual in the city on the other, ‘but eating is human’. Thus the thysia appears as an opportunity to delineate and define the relations between the divine world and the human, while at the same time being the starting-point of the human social world. But fit necessarily precedes and in some way authorizes the meal, the meal itself seems to belong wholly to the human and social dimension.
Outlines of a Morphology of Sympotic Entertainment
Authors: Pellizer Ezio
Published: November 2023

From the point, more than twenty years ago, when Bruno Gentili led me to reflect, during lively discussion amongst friends, on the importance of the symposion as a privileged occasion for the expression and communication of a considerable part of Archaic and Classical lyric poetry, much time has elapsed, and it would appear not to have been wasted time. In the course of the 1970s, slowly at first, then with growing momentum, in Italy and elsewhere, numerous scholars have turned their attention to the Archaic and Classical symposion, and the results have not been slow to materialize. Today L. E. Rossi-who held, in Oxford in fact, a seminar on the symposion-can write, without causing any particular controversy: ‘I have been persuaded for some time that all Archaic poetry composed for solo delivery, that is to say monodic poetry, was in origin intended for the symposion.
Sympotic Ethics in the Odyssey
Authors: Slater W J
Published: November 2023

No one normally looks at the Odyssey for symposia, because there are strictly speaking no symposia there; none the less, the fact is that there is more prominence given in that work to the decencies of eating and drinking together than almost anywhere else; these correspond to the values ofl ater society, and justify my treating the Odyssey as a work of ethical value in relation to the symposion. An archaizing Homer could have known the habits of the Classical symposion and deliberately concealed them; I should think that a likely but unprovable hypothesis. Again, in a sense sympotic ethics reflect the ethics of society as a whole. Both Murray and 1 have used a fragment of Solon to illustrate the general point that the symposion was considered to be a microcosm of the polis; the morality of the small gathering is mutatis mutandis that of the larger society; indeed there hybris and dike manifest themselves with even greater immediacy.
Imitatio: Catullan Poetry from Martial to Johannes Secundus
Authors: Gaisser Julia Haig
Published: November 2023

Catullus’ first Renaissance readers searched his text for tags to ornament their own writings and correspondence, but their successors were more ambitious. By the first decade of the fifteenth century poets (or would-be poets) were attempting to write their own versions of Catullus’ poems; by mid-century, Giovanni Pontano, the major poet of the age, had produced two remarkable collections of poetry in the style of Catullus, and within a few years Catullan poetry was established as a recognizable and popular genre.
What is Polis Religion?
Authors: Sourvinou-Inwood Christiane
Published: November 2023

The attempt to reconstruct, and make sense of, a religious system to which we have extremely limited access, and which is very different from those which have conditioned our own understanding of the category ‘religion’, demands a methodology which, as far as possible, prevents our own-culturally determined-assumptions from intruding into, and thus corrupting, the investigation. We also need to discard the layers of earlier interpretations which form distorting filters structuring the data on the basis of the assumptions and expectations of scholars of earlier generations, when it was not fully realized that all reading and interpretation, and all ‘common sense’, are culturally determined. Here I present highly compressed versions of selected parts of my arguments, to define the parameters within which, on my analysis, polis religion operated in the classical period.
The Barbarian Enters Myth
Authors: Treggiari Susan
Published: November 2023

Passages dealing with the creation of affinitas and the motive for marriage which it constitutes often give some indication of who took the initiative. The senior male was often regarded as the main agent-so, for instance, Augustus or P. Crassus. But this may reflect chiefly his power of taking the final decision and does not exclude an initial approach by the junior man or the sui or. So Lysiteles offers for Lesbonicus’ sister, although he uses his own father as his intermediary and acts in the absence of Lesbonicus’ father.
Dos
Authors: Treggiari Susan
Published: November 2023

Marriage had legal implications in two important areas: in the production of legitimate children who were in the father’s patria potestas and took his status, and in property. (Between the spouses themselves, it produced obligations of mutual respect, a theme not given much prominence by the jurists.) Although in marriage without manus the wife might have substantial property of her own, the property which we shall examine here is that which was transferred to the husband for at least the duration of the marriage, the dos. Dos cannot exist without marriage.’ It is not true, however, that marriage cannot exist without dos. But Plautus attests the feeling, probably familiar to his audience, that marriage without dowry was undesirable and disreputable and that the transfer and acceptance of dos indicated that legal marriage rather than concubinage was intended by both parties.2 How far the poorest members of the population could afford this sentiment, or afford to get married at all, is uncertain. Documents from Egypt later attest quite small dowries, and the jurists speak of relatively poor women who put all their property into their dowry and of slave-women, precluded from legal marriage, who nevertheless transferred a quasi-dos to their mates.3 In short, there are indications that dowry was firmly entrenched among all classes.
Res: Property—Separation and Mixing
Authors: Treggiari Susan
Published: November 2023

Apart from dowry, legally his and potentially hers, a husband and, if not in manu, a wife would usually have separate property.1 The husband was not expected to endow his wife by making a pre-marital settlement. A donatio from husband to wife before or, later, during, marriage, balancing dos (donatio ante or propter nuptias), comes in only in during the fifth and sixth centuries.2The Romans were aware that in some societies husbands gave a bride-price.’ But in the classical period, at the beginning of a marriage, capital was usually transmitted from the bride and her family to the husband and perhaps his family.