bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Industrial Democracy Under Liberal Capitalism: A Comparison of Trends in Australia, France and the USA
Authors: Lansbury Russell D.
Published: March 2007

An examination is made of the trends toward new forms of industrial democracy in three liberal capitalist societies: France, the United States and Australia. A three-dimensional framework is introduced which uses the ideology of the labour movement, the degree of control which is sought by employees at the enterprise level and the level at which participation occurs, to compare developments in each country. It is argued that a convergence of approaches is occurring in these countries towards the participatory enterprise, albeit with some variations, within the framework of liberal capitalism.
Influences on Public Opinion of Unions and Industrial Relations
Authors: Dufty N.F.
Published: March 2007

The article attempts to explore the complex question of media influence on public opinion of unions and industrial relations by using social survey techniques. The findings indicate a general acceptance of unionism and the worker's right to withhold labour coupled to the view that this right is exercised too frequernly. Opinions on unions originated in the mass media, first- or second-hand experience and personal contacts, in that order. Attitudes to unions are closely related to political views and respondents with differing political views used different informa tion sources. Anti-union bias by the media seems to emerge only with respect to Labor Party voters. Liberal Party voters influenced by the media and first- or second-hand experience are less anti-union than those influenced by personal net works. Data on politically polarised statements also support the view of the media as a moderating influence compared to personal neuvorks.
Work Democracy: Towards a Three-dimensional Approach
Authors: Warner Malcolm
Published: March 2007

This paper examines concepts of democracy as they impinge upon the world of work, covering the workplace or enterprise, the organised work-group or trade union, and the broader industrial society. It tries to develop a three-dimensional approach, involving formalisation, directness and implementation as central variables. It integrates into the discussion that specific area of the industrial democracy debate which relates to experiments at the task-level, involving, for example, job design changes. Such experiments are usually discussed outside the orbit of political/sociological theory. Experiments at work which are not integrated with Jormalised enterprise-level industrial-democratic institutions, and/or union- democratic bodies may have lower long-term chances of impact and survival. Discussions about experiments in the workplace, whether relating to job-redesign or wider changes, should not be considered in isolation. Moreover, the study of work democracy needs to be inter-disciplinary, and cover more than just the workplace or the union.
The Labour Utilisation Practices of Multinationals and Obstacles to Multinational Collective Bargaining
Authors: Enderwick Peter
Published: March 2007

The under-development of multinational collective bargaining has generally been equated with legal and institutional differences between major host and source nations of direct foreign investment. Such an analysis is deficient in that it imputes a neutral role to management action in discouraging such a development. Analysis of the labour utilisation practices of multinational enterprises reveals their impact on labour stratification and segmentation. An important outcome of multinationality is to create considerable vulnerability, within many multinational enterprises, to effec tive nationally based union action. Labour responses to the multinational enterprise exploiting these structural paradoxes appear to represent the most cost-efficient way forward for organised labour.
The Concept of Power: A Lacuna in Industrial Relations Theory?
Authors: Kirkbride P.S.
Published: March 2007

Power is a word that often occurs in both academic and practitioner discussions of industrial relations. It is argued in this paper that, despite the concept's assumed and taken-for-granted relevance, power is so neglected in the academic literature that it constitutes a major omission in the discipline. To demonstrate this neglect, the treat ment of power in the literature is critically analysed by reviewing the systems, action, and Marxist approaches to industrial relations. Similarly, the unitarist, pluralist, and radical ideological perspectives on industrial relations are also reviewed and their conceptions of power critically examined. The paper concludes that power is of central importance to the discipline and yet, simultaneously, is theoretically neglected. This neglect prevents us from obtaining a greater understanding of industrial relations processes. Finally, suggestions are offered as to a new direction in the development of the concept of power in industrial relations.
Management, the Labour Process and Contract Labour in New South Wales Road Transport, 1960-70
Authors: Bray Mark , Rimmer Malcolm
Published: March 2007

Recent literature on management strategy is drawn upon to analyse managemnt initiatives in New South Wales road transport during the 1960s. In this industry, t strong competition of the time, combined with union action that raised labour cos led to managers both increasing direct control over wage labour within the labo process and switching to indirect control methods through the use of contract labo Three main points emerge from the case-study. The first is the importance of analysi management's choice of industrial relations strategy in the wider context of prodi market and technological contingencies. Second, the growth of contract labour provic a reminder that management does not inevitably respond to competition by assumi greater direct control within the labour process. The third is the valuable insights in industrial relations that can be gained by forusing on management and strategic chol
Making Newspapers Pay: Employment of Women's Skills in Newspaper Production
Authors: Reed Rosslyn
Published: March 2007

Technological change blurs the distinction between 'men's work' and 'women's work' and raises questions concerning the nature and definition of skill. This case study focuses on changes in the organization of work in the classified advertising telephone room following the introduction of computerized photocomposition into a Melbourne newspaper publishing organization. Account is taken of the design of the women's jobs both before and after technological change as well as the specific historically developed nature of both product and labour markets. The study demonstrates the extent to which women's skills are devalued when analysis focuses on the nature of changes in traditional male occupations like trades and crafts. When conventional approaches to skill analysis are used, a significant aspect of 'women's work'—emotional labour—is ignored. Consequently the lower value of traditional female occupations is reinforced. Some tentative suggestions are advanced for a reappraisal of the notion of skill.
Computer-Assisted Instruction in Industrial Relations Teaching
Authors: Fells R.E. , Weaver J.R.
Published: March 2007

The teaching of industrial relations in Australia is a fairly recent phenomenon, principally developing over the last twenty years. Consequently it is only recently that the 'academic infrastructure'—viable industrial relations departments, a range of literature, a choice of texts and journals—has developed to enable the subject to become an identifiable area of teaching. As a result it is not surprising that the use of computers in teaching industrial relations is not well developed when compared with other disciplines, such as economics, management and accounting where games, simulations and question testing banks are available. However, the use of computer-assisted instruction (CAI) is not confined to academic institutions: it has the potential to be a low-cost delivery system for training within other organizations. Employers, employer organizations and unions all engage in training and, therefore, all have a potential use for CAI. A number of government agencies are examining the use of computer- assisted instruction in training staff in, for example, occupational health and safety, and it has potential as a tool in professional development programmes. With the development of microcomputers the costs of using CAI are declining.
Equal Pay and Comparable Worth and the Australian Conciliation and Arbitration Commission
Authors: Bennett Laura
Published: March 2007

In 1985 the Australian Conciliation and Arbitration Commission affirmed the equal pay principles adopted by the 1972 Equal Pay Case. It also rejected the comparable worth doctrine advanced by the Council of Action for Equal Pay. At the same time the commission failed to acknowledge the extent to which its 1972 wage-fixing practices reproduced gender inequalities. It is argued that the attempt by the Council of Action for Equal Pay to bring about the introduction of gender-neutral wage-fixing practices was unsuccessful because it was not based on an understanding of how the 1972 practices reproduce inequality, or of how various institutional factors affect the extent to which the commission will accept particular doctrinal arguments such as comparable worth.
Regulating Decentralized Industrial Relations: The Niland Prescription
Authors: O'Brien John M.
Published: March 2007

On assuming office in March 1988, the Liberal-National Party appointed John Niland, Professor of Industrial Relations at the University of New South Wales, to prepare a Green Paper on the transformation of industrial relations in New South Wales. Niland has been perhaps the most consistent and longstanding academic advocate of a shift towards collective bargaining and away from the institutionalized framework of the Australian industrial relations system. The first volume of his report appeared in February 1989 and the second volume a year later. The response presents an opportunity to examine, in depth, the process of policy making in industrial relations. In particular, the principal direction of the report, the attempt to shift the focus of industrial relations away from central institutions towards enterprises, provides an opportunity to examine how a partially decentralized system can be erected alongside the existing centralized system. This paper will argue that what is being proposed is not a new deregulated form of industrial relations, but rather a new form of regulation: a state regulated, but partially decentralized, system. In doing so the paper examines the difficulties involved in that process. It also considers the contradictions involved in proposals to maintain the notion of equity in an en terprise focused system and the implications for the industrial regulation of public employment.
Getting Agreement: A Review of Industrial Agreements in Victoria 1981-1990
Authors: Brown M. , Ferris R.
Published: March 2007

The role of industrial tribunals in promoting or hindering flexibility in industrial relations practices and outcomes is central to the debate concerning the future direction of industrial relations in Australia. In Victoria, flexibility within the existing institutional framework is provided by Part I V of the Industrial Relations Act 1979, by allowing for the registration of industrial agreements. Although these provisions are potentially far reaching, an analysis of the agreements registered in the period under review indicates that the parties have been reluctant to fully utilize these provisions. The flexibility currently available to the parties through the award system, it is argued, has tended to mitigate against the use of the Part IV provisions.
The Origins of Unions: Some Miscellaneous Sydney Workers in 1910
Authors: Sheil Christopher
Published: March 2007

In considering the causes and possible corrections for the current decline in Australian trade union membership, it may help to reflect on the origins of the movement. This article presents evidence and an argument about one aspect of the origins of the Federated Miscellaneous Workers Union (FMWU). The evidence concerns the social history of watchmen, caretakers and cleaners, who formed the original core of the union's membership. The argument is that these workers amounted to such an improbable basis for a union that the simple fact of their organization represents a substantial challenge to the common assumption in labour history that it is the cohesion of an occupational group that empowers it. To the extent that the origins of the union are typical, it can be suggested that the period of tremendous Australian trade union formation and growth between 1907 and 1913 owed much more to general political and, by extertsion, social conditions than it did to the specific circumstances of any particular section of workers.
The Closed Shop in Australia
Authors: Zappala Gianni
Published: March 2007

This paper reviews and up-dates previous work on the extent of compulsory unionism, or the closed shop, in Australia. It uses data from a secondary analysis of the Australian Workplace Industrial Relations Survey to estimate the extent, factors and sources of the closed shop in Australia. Four main conclusions are reached. First, the closed shop is a widespread phenomenon. Second, the main sources of variation in the closed shop are mainly sectoral, occupational and industrial. Third, the main sources of the closed shop are union-management agreements, custom and practice, and preference provisions in awards. Fourth, it is tentatively concluded that stability has characterized the closed shop at an aggregate level over the last decade, with changes being specific to certain industries.
A Confirmatory Factor Analysis of Union Commitment in Australia
Authors: Kuruvilla Sarosh , Iverson Roderick D.
Published: March 2007

This paper evaluates the applicability of the different factor structures of union commitment identified in previous studies to the Australian case. Confirmatory factor analysis results using LISREL VII suggest that union commitment is best represented by four distinct factors, 'union loyalty; 'responsibility to the union; 'willingness to work for the union', and 'belief in unionism' in this sample of Australian workers. OLS regression results indicate that the four factors are differentially related to a set of common predictor variables. White-collar workers reported higher levels of commit ment than blue-collar workers. Participation in leadership positions and previous ex perience with union handling of grievances significantly increased commitment to the union. The results suggest support for the generalizability of the factor structure of union commitment to Australia. Implications for future research are discussed.
Trade and International Labour Standards: Issues and Debates Over a Social Clause
Authors: Haworth Nigel , Hughes Stephen
Published: March 2007

The first ministerial meeting of the World Trade Organisation, held in Singapore during December 1996, brought into sharp relief the international tensions surrounding proposals for a social dimension to multilateral trade. The Singapore meeting finished in the same manner as it had started, predominantly divided and largely inconclusive on the issue of trade and labour standards. In a number of respects such an outcome came as no surprise. The debate over whether or not to attach a social clause to multilateral trade agreements draws on a long history of accusation and counter-accusation of labour exploitation and protectionist intentions, which has often resulted in little or no progress on the issue. This paper examines the arguments that have informed much of the contemporary debate with particular reference to a domi nant neo-liberalist orthodoxy and its implications for the regulation of labour stand ards. And in an attempt to broaden discussion, the paper also offers some thoughts on possible directions in which the debate could go by reference to regional trade blocs, the World Trade Organisation and the future of the International Labour Organisation.
Labour-Community Coalitions and State Enterprise: the Lithgow Small Arms Factory 1918-1932
Authors: Patmore Greg
Published: March 2007

This article examines Craypo and Nissen's concept of 'labour-community' coali tions. These coalitions fight retrenchment and plant closure in small towns and cities. They can include traditional industrial relations 'actors' such as unions. Coali tions can also include groups that traditional industrial relations theory does not capture, such as the clergy, the press, politicians and local entrepreneurs. This article strengthens Craypo and Nissen's concept by, for example, incorporating state enterprise and recognising that local management may play an important role in assisting these coalitions. It also briefly examines the implications of these coalitions for industrial relations theory, contrasting Dunlop's 'actors' with Dabscheck's 'interactors'. The article focuses on the example of the federal government's Lithgow Small Arms Factory during the period 1918 to 1932.
More Tasks, Less Secure, Working Harder: Three Dimensions of Labour Utilisation
Authors: Allan Cameron , O'Donnell Michael , Peetz David
Published: March 2007

In many industrialised countries, there have been major changes in the pattern of labour utilisation in the 1980s and 1990s. The paper argues that in Australia labour utilisation has been changing in three key dimensions: job broadening, employ ment insecurity and work intensification. These changes are affecting both standard 'core' workers and non-standard 'peripheral' workers. Reviewing case study evidence and survey data from a federal Australian government study of workplace change, we analyse employee perceptions of these fomrs of labour utilisation. Employees are being affected by differing combinations of these changes and are experiencing higher stress levels, greater job insecurity and lower levels of satisfaction with the work/family balance.
Tariff Wars and a Model of Conflict
Authors: Nicholson Michael
Published: March 2007

The article describes and discusses some of the tariff wars which went on between various European states at the end of the nineteenth century. Various countries, such as France and Switzerland, went through periods of building high tariffs against each other to force the rival country into making a favourable tariff treaty. The tariff wars appear to follow the pattern of a short period tariff "escalation" followed by a long period of "seige". A theoretical model is built which attempts to explain this basic characteristic of tariff wars. The similarities between tariff wars and other forms of conflict including violent wars, is discussed in a section at the end of the article.
Global Patterns of Diplomatic Exchange, 1963-64
Authors: Russett Bruce M. , Curtis Lamb W.
Published: March 2007

This article identifies, inductively through factor analysis, groups of nations linked together by relatively high levels of mutual diplomatic representation. Some theories of international politics hypothesize that nations will maintain high diplomatic exchange with states with whom they share particular bonds of common interest, such as cultural similarity or com mercial interaction. Other theories suggest that diplomatic salience is a function of importance in international politics generally - states will send many diplomats to potential enemies and major neutrals, as well as to friends.

Support is found for both hypotheses. Most groupings are 'regionally' based among coun tries with bonds of similarity or other interactions, but one major grouping, of 'Large Powers', includes the great powers plus several middle powers. The typical small or medium power is but weakly linked to other small and medium powers outside its own region, but a few (e.g. India, Egypt, Japan) cast wide nets. The groupings are compared systematically with those that appeared in previous analyses for other variables. The closest approximations are found to groups formed by international trade and by common membership in international organiza tions. Substantially poorer fits are achieved with groupings of socio-cultural similarity, UN voting, and geographical proximity.
Political Development and Strategies for Change
Authors: Fossum Egil
Published: March 2007

The author discusses three models of political development: a liberal modernizing, a radical nationalist, and a revolutionary socialist. In the first part of the article, the liberal model as he understands it, is criticized, among other things, for its narrow conception of politics and its wrong conception of conflict. The latter consists in assuming identity of interest in society and is fundamental to the other points of criticism. In the second section the three models are compared on a selected number of salient dimensions taking the criticism into account. The basic assumption in this section is that it is time order between the dimensions which matters. Seemingly the models have several identical points. Seen in a diachronic perspective, however, the results are hypothesized to be very different and much more so than a cross-sectional analysis would reveal. The argument leads finally to the political conclusion that it is mobilization which is the most important part of any process of change.
'BLAME' AS INTERNATIONAL BEHAVIOR A contribution to inter-state interaction theory
Authors: Hveem Helge
Published: March 2007

This article presents a dimension of state behavior which it proposes has theoretical and practical relevance to a theory of conflict, a theory of sanctions, and generally to theories of inter-state interaction. Being primarily theoretical, the article discusses the role of 'blame' in international politics, both as an isolated pattern of behavior, and in connection with other patterns of behavior. 'Blame' is seen as non-violent, conflict behavior. It is related to the stratification of international systems, and to the concept of political distance between two actors. Scales and estimates for measuring blame, both from the sender's and the receiver's point of view, are presented, and a discussion of methodological problems involved in an empirical test of the theory proposed, is made at the end.
Agrarian Structure and Peasant Autonomy
Authors: Archetti Eduardo , Fossum Egil , Reinton Per Olav
Published: March 2007

This article deals with the agrarian structure and autonomy of peasants, with a view to ac counting for some conditions of peasant mobilization in Latin America.

Autonomy is conceived of as consisting of three dimensions, security of tenancy, market accessibility and management of plot on the part of the peasant. Using these three dimensions we try to account for three different levels of autonomy in the relation between peasant and landlord. An examination of four cases of agrarian mobilization show them to be either re lated to peasants who are in the process of losing autonomy or gaining autonomy. The basic assumption is that by re-defining the problem of structural conditions in terms of autonomy, one can shed some light upon the genesis of peasant unrest.
Small States and Inter-European Relations: An Analysis of the Group of Nine
Authors: Laux Jeanne Kirk
Published: March 2007

During the period of relative flexibility or 'detente' prior to the invasion of Czechoslovakia, a renais sance of inter-state relations took place across the alliance lines in Europe. The present article ana lyses East-West interactions among the smaller European states in the 1960s by presenting a case study based on the analysis of international events data.

The focus of analysis is the so-called Group of Nine - Belgium, Denmark (NATO); Bulgaria, Hun gary, Romania (Warsaw Pact); Austria, Finland, Sweden, Yugoslavia (not aligned) - which came together at the UN in 1965 to co-sponsor a resolu tion promoting East-West cooperation in Europe. Events data provide evidence of their preferential interactions outside alliance structures and their verbal identification as an interest grouping - based on common perceived rank dissatisfaction as 'small states'. The case study is used to support certain hypotheses derived from Ralf Dahrendorf's theo ries of social conflict. In the final section, quantiative ranking of the nine states supplements events data in order to help explain why these particular states, from among the universe of European smaller states, came together in an interest grouping during conditions of detente.
Problems of Disarmament Research
Authors: Kaliadin A.N.
Published: March 2007

A number of pressing disarmament issues are considered. Among these are steps to restrain and halt the arms race, together with arms limitation in Europe, SALT, and partial disarmament mea sures. The existing arms limitation treaties are evaluated.

In view of the possibility that existing treaties might bring about a false feeling of complacency, the importance of working out a clear comprehen sive concept of progress, from restraining atoms build-up and on to general disarmament, is stressed. The article also deals with such problems as the role and practical significance of disarmament research, research strategy, and forms of coopera tion between scholars, especially those from coun tries with different political and social systems.

The author stresses the necessity for fuller use of the achievements of various sciences in disarma ment research and in practical activities in this field, to keep the discussion and handling of disarmament issues abreast of the latest technolog ical and social developments, and to make a more effective impact on international disarmament efforts and negotiations.
Divided Nations as a Process: One State, Two States, and In-between
Authors: Galtung Johan
Published: March 2007

This article take as its point of departure the cur rent situation of Korea: a nation divided into states with different systems, tied to the two blocs in several ways, and the July 4 1972 communiqué where leaders of the two Koreas express a desire to move towards reunification of the two coun tries. The article suggests a scenario originally pre sented at the International Conference for the Unification of Korea in Kyoto, August 1972.

In the first phase of the scenario, passive peace ful coexistence is brought about through a general armistice, also including a stop on mutual defama tion. In the second phase, this is broadened to ac tive peaceful coexistence by including a general North-South coordinating committee, as well as highly specific and ad hoc commissions for con crete tasks of cooperation — particularly the re unification of divided families. In the third phase, this is broadened further to an associative system which would include broad, functionally diffuse and permanent cooperation commissions, some kind of common territory around Panmunjom, and an all-Korean superstructure based on the commis sions, on periodical meetings of the leaders, and on Korean assemblies. Finally, if the last phase is desired, total reunification can take place from that stage on, by merging corresponding institu tions.

Any association, and particularly reunification, of different systems must take place on a basis of equity. Also, while it should include institutions, it should preferably start with the type of co operation where many people from North and South would participate, not only the leaders. The process will have to be kept flexible in order to be realistic, as the distance from the present two states to a future possible one state formula must be viewed as a continuum, not a sudden jump.
Trends in International Value-Inequality 1969-1970: An Empirical Study
Authors: Addo Herb
Published: March 2007

International development is viewed and analysed here with reference to the amount of equality existing between the Centre and the Periphery groups of nations. The levels of development are calculated for 1960 and 1970. This is done with the aid of eight attribute indicators and a set of analytic techniques which relate the actual pattern of distribution of the value-indicators to egali tarian distributions.

The patterns of distribution of these values be tween the Centre and the Periphery exhibited gross inequalities for both 1960 and 1970. The changes in the levels of the 1960 inequality by 1970 were very small. The conclusion therefore, is that the international system did not develop during the 1960-1970 decade.
The Functions of SALT
Authors: Lodgaard Sverre
Published: March 2007

Drawing on evidence produced during the 7 years of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT), we here try to summarize the main effects of the talks concerning: arms build-up, strategic stability, crisis stability, detente, the focus of superpower relations, legitimation of the arms race, strategic supremacy vis-à-vis the rest of the world, and international status quo.

The strategic relationship seems plagued by growing uncertainty and instability because of surging R&D efforts. Improved capabilities and doctrines for nuclear warfighting open up prospects for dangerous adventures in times of crises. Detente and peaceful cooperation to some extent have had to yield to intensified nuclear rearmament. In this paper, we try to outline the role of SALT in bringing about these trends, which clearly make strategic arms limitation more difficult. To the extent that it has contributed to them, SALT has sown the seeds of its own deadlock.

This is not to say that SALT has come to an end. The superpowers probably see a long- term benefit from talking to each other to promote common interests under shifting circum stances, such as the preservation of strategic supremacy over the rest of the world and main tenance and maximization of influence and control in the face of third party challengers. There can be an element of harmony in the confrontation and competition between them. Permanent talks make it easier to take care of common interests in unspectacular ways than do ad hoc contacts — especially if the interests are largely considered illegitimate by the rest of the international community.
A Multi-Level Approach to the Study of Center-Periphery Systems and Socio-Economic Change
Authors: Naustdalslid Jon
Published: March 2007

Models of center and periphery based on theories of dependence, dominance, and imperialism have shown themselves fruitful for understanding the dynamics of underdevelopment and regional inequalities on the global level. Our analysis attempts to demonstrate the applica bility of similar approaches to the study of intranational regional problems as well. A partial test of Johan Galtung's center-periphery model, as presented in his 'Structural Theory of Imperialism', by means of data relating to Norwegian regional inequalities supports the empirical tenability of this perspective.

A critical examination of the effects of regional development policies leads us to the conclusion that a purely relational center-periphery model is insufficient as a conceptual tool for understanding the historical dynamics of center-periphery dominance. The relational properties of center-periphery systems should be viewed not only as independent variables. These properties should be understood also as dependent variables generated from and formed by internal conditions in center and periphery societies. This perspective is further elaborated by proposing a typology of center-periphery systems according to the mode of production dominating the social units constituting the system.
Police and Military in Ulster: Peacekeeping or Peace-subverting Forces?
Authors: Enloe Cynthia H.
Published: March 2007

While police and military typically are dealt with separately, even by separate specialists, in actual practice the role of the police is shaped by the role of the military. The reverse is also true: the role of the military is shaped by that assigned to the police. This is most clearly apparent in situations of domestic disorder. But it is not enough to trace the relations between the police and the military themselves. One must examine the anxieties and strategies of the central state elites, for their policies will determine what formula of police-military division of labor will be used to enhance state security.

The history of Ireland and, more recently, of Ulster sheds light on this more general phenomenon. The very origins of the police in the United Kingdom can be found in the central government's desire to relieve the army of the burden (and risk) of internal order- keeping. But the police models created for Britain and Ireland were quite different. The Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC), the predecessor of the Royal Ulster Constabulary, was designed to be a paramilitary force; that is, it was a police force intended to maintain the political order, not simply to protect citizen security.

Since 1962, the division of labor between police and military once again has been reversed. The central state security planners were compelled to bring in the military when the RUC no longer could maintain that political order, due not only to escalating communal conflict, but also to weaknesses inherent in the RUC, especially its overwhelmingly Protestant com position. Today, however, London is trying to restore the security division of labor that it deems optimal. A key to that restoration is 'primacy of the police'. Whether citizen security will be thus enhanced, or merely state security bolstered by such a policy, is problematic at best.
Agreement and Breakdown in Negotiation: Report on a State Department Training Simulation
Authors: Winham Gilbert R. , Bovis H. Eugene
Published: March 2007

For the past six years the Foreign Service Institute of the US Department of State has used a simulation to train officers in negotiation techniques. This simulation models a negotiation between two fictitious countries over six issues, and the scenario realistically incorporates bureaucratic politics by building in internal disagreement on the issues. The simulation has been conducted 41 times, of which 24 exercises (59 %) have concluded in general agreement. This research examines the reasons for agreement and breakdown in this simulation, and draws analogies to real-world practices.

The findings suggest that the process of negotiation is important in its own right in predis posing negotiators to accept a settlement, particularly where uncertainty or controversy exists over negotiating objectives. Elements in the negotiation process that tend to facilitate agreement are: (1) the establishment of trade-offs, priorities, and structure in the material being negotiated, which is difficult to accomplish when negotiators represent governments that are internally divided; (2) the achievement of efficiency in the bargaining interaction, especially in the early agenda setting phase of a negotiation; and (3) the movement from a negotiating mentality to a decision-making mentality, which requires negotiators to reorient their perspectives on the negotiation, and especially, to maintain effective communication between negotiating teams and their home governments. Breakdowns in the simulation are largely attributable to the failure of negotiators to set priorities and to define a quid pro quo relationship, with the result that the negotiating teams fail to establish leadership or managerial control of the process.

The entire simulation is reproduced in the Appendix. It is suitable for practical training, as well as for conducting further research on negotiation.
Human Rights and U.S. Foreign Assistance from Nixon to Carter
Authors: Stohl Michael , Carleton David , Johnson Steven E.
Published: March 2007

This paper reports some preliminary findings on the relationships between United States policies towards human rights as it is expressed in Presidential policy and U.S. military and economic assistance to nations which have a substantial record of human rights threats and abuses. It examines these relationships from the start of the Nixon presidency through the end of the Carter administration. The statistical findings indicate that under Presidents Nixon and Ford foreign assistance was directly related to levels of human rights violations, i.e. more aid flowed to regimes with higher levels of violation, while under President Carter no clear statistical pattern emerged. It is concluded, therefore, that the Carter administration did not implement a policy of human rights which actually guided the disposition of military and economic assistance.
Peace by Empire? Conflict Outcomes and International Stability, 1816-1976
Authors: Maoz Zeev
Published: March 2007

This study attempts to explore the relationship between dispute outcomes and international stability. Stability is defined as a period characterized by the absence of violent-ridden or violent-prone interactions among states. Two models of international stability are discussed. The 'peace by empire' model posits that stability tends to increase following decisive victories and imposed settlements in which the victors subdue the losers. The 'prudence in victory' model contends that stability is enhanced following symmetrical outcomes in which the grievance of the parties toward the post-dispute status quo are minimized. A test of these models on a random sample of serious interstate disputes between 1816-1976 suggests that: a) Both nation level outcomes (i.e., the identity of the winners and losers) and dyadic level outcomes (i.e., the mode of resolution or non-resolution of the dispute) are significantly related to the degree of subsequent stability, b) This relationship is consistent with the expectations of the 'peace by empire' model but inconsistent with the expectations of the 'prudence in victo ry' model. However, c) winners of past disputes — even those that ended in imposed settlements — are fre quently forced to initiate subsequent disputes in order to preserve past achievements.
Review Essay : Interpretations of Peace and War in Poland
Authors: Kutylowski Andrezej
Published: March 2007

This essay reviews some recent literature on Poland, referring both to books published before and after the imposition of martial law in December 1981. The discussion is primarily focused on the economic factors behind the political upheaval of 1980-1981, the rise of Solidarity, and consequences of the martial law. Criticism of some attempts at interpretation or explanation of the above processes is supplemented by suggestions concerning the efficient use of social science theories for that purpose.
Military Spending and Economic Growth in the OECD Countries
Authors: Cappelen Ådne , Gleditsch Nils Petter , Bjerkholt Olav
Published: March 2007

Cross-national comparisons of industrialized countries indicate that countries with a high defense burden (military spending as a share of GDP) tend to have lower rates of economic growth than do countries with a low defense burden. On the other hand, longitudinal data for several industrial countries indicate that economic growth is higher in periods with a high defense burden. This study attempts to overcome this apparent contradiction by pooling cross-sectional and longitudinal data within the framework of a model of economic growth. The data are for 17 OECD countries for the period 1960-1980. A simple mathematical model based on economic theory is used to analyze the interrelationships between economic growth, manufacturing output, investment, and military spending, both for the whole sample and for three relatively homogeneous subgroups of countries. Confronting the model with data, military spending was generally found to have a positive impact on manufacturing output, but a negative effect on investment. These two effects have an opposite impact on economic growth. The net effect is that military spending has an overall negative effect on economic growth for the whole sample of countries and for the subgroups, except for the Mediterranean countries.
Security Implications of Alternative Defense Options for Western Europe
Authors: Sørensen Bent
Published: March 2007

West European security Implications of five alternative defense scenarios arc assessed for the period 1985 to 2000. The main characteristics of each of the five scenarios are (1) current nuclear and conventional posture trends, (2) a submarine based, West European strategic nuclear force, no tactical or land-based nuclear weapons, but current conventional posture, (3) same as regards nuclear posture, but a high-technology area defense with low mobility, (4) no nuclear weapons at all, territorial high-technology defense wit h some mobility, and (5) no military defense, but defense budget spent on international conflict prevention. Security is appraised with respect to nuclear destruction and with respect to foreign occupation. Scenario (1) is found to lower security against nuclear destruction, (4) is roughly stable in this respect, and the remaining scenarios increase security. As for territorial occupation, (4) is again fairly stable, while the other scenarios except (5) improve security. These estimates are based on the assumption that Western Europe carries through its alternative defense policy unilaterally. Arms control agreements with potential aggressors could improve security under (3), (4), and (5).
The Invasion of CTrenada, 1983 and the Collapse of Legal Norms
Authors: Waters Maurice
Published: March 2007

The military intervention of Grenada, October 25, 1983 came after years of increasing strain between the interventionists, especially the US, and Grenada. Justification for using force by the US and its Ca ribbean partners was based on 1) claims of undue increase in military power in Grenada, in comparison with other Caribbean states, 2) the non-civil libertarian and socialist character of Grenada's PRG gov ernment which brought it into close and increasing dependency on Cuba and the Soviet Union, 3) the use of force by Maurice Bishop and his NJM movement to obtain power, and 4) the brutality of his liqui dation. Also 5) the claim that the OECS organization was a bona fide regional organization operating within the scope of authority of article 52 of the UN charter. It thereby had the right to seek help from others in the fullfillment of their treaty obligations. The US in particular stressed this point plus, 6) the claim that the Governor-General invited outside assistance. Most international law scholars who ex pressed views condemned the action on legal grounds, but supporters claimed that the interventionists were within their rights based on the above arguments, plus the view that various human rights declara tions and treaties support intervention when human rights are violated, and that some treaties require it. This paper explores these claims and traces the relevant writings of scholars over several centuries, most of which refute the supporters' arguments. Interventionary policies are found to be illegal in the post WWII period, with Webster's classic argument that 'instant and overwhelming necessity' permitting 'no moment of deliberation' may provide an exception. The UN, OAS and OECS treaty provisions are ana lyzed and found to have been violated. Comparisons with other rescue missions are found inappropriate as a precedent. Finally, interventionist arguments based on human rights are refuted by examining all appropriate declarations and treaties, none of which are found to authorize enforcement action.
Review Essay : Space and International Politics: Models of Growth and Constraint in Militarization
Authors: Roberts Darryl
Published: March 2007

One of the basic paradoxes of research on space and international politics is the rapid and undisputed success of the Soviet state in space, and the continuous and seemingly infinite lag in American efforts in the development of space technology and military applications in space. While democratic government is generally credited with being the most important source of the limited achievements of Americans in space, Walter A. McDougall argues in his work, ...the Heavens and the Earth, that democracy also played a crucial role in limiting the militarization of space. In contrast to the American case, the form of the Soviet state has allowed for progress of an unprecedented nature given the relative backward na ture of Soviet technology, at the conclusion of World War II. This the critical problem in McDougall's ...the Heavens and the Earth, and flies in the face of President Reagan's Strategic Defense Initiative. Democracy seems to be of little relevance in this case. This review provides a summary description of McDougall's work, the delineation of his central argument, and a critical examination of the broader implications for understanding discussions of the Strategic Defense Initiative, and the study of space and international politics more generally.
The Demilitarization and Neutralization of the Åland Islands: A Regime 'in European Interests' Withstanding Changing Circumstances
Authors: Rotkirch Holger
Published: March 2007

The purpose of establishing demilitarized or neutralized zones is to prevent acts of war from taking place within the zone. The State with sovereignty over the area has an obligation to protect its neutra lity. Earlier this method was frequently used to calm strategically important areas of high tension. This study describes the history and evolution of the demilitarization and neutralization of the Åland Islands archipelago in the northern Baltic Sea. The actors are Russia and later Finland as holders of so vereignty, with Sweden, Great Britain, France, and Germany as the main demandeurs. The study analy zes in particular the Åland Islands demilitarization convention of 1856, the convention on the demilitari zation and neutralization of the Åland Islands of 1921, the Finnish-Soviet Treaty concerning the Åland Islands of 1940 and the present-day status of the islands. The impact of the First and Second World Wars on the international treaty regulations are described as well as the sovereignty holders' attempts to free themselves from the restrictions imposed on them. The Åland Islands have today lost a great deal of their previously important strategic status. Nevertheless, the demilitarization and neutralization of the Åland Islands in combination with their self-government provide an interesting case which may have re levance to the present discussion regarding the establishment of a Nordic nuclear-weapon-free zone. It may also provide ideas for solving certain ongoing conflicts in other parts of the world.
Guidance of College Freshmen in Teacher Education
Authors: Burnett Collins W. , Seeman Alice Z.
Published: March 2007

Guidance, selective admission, retention or dismissal, evaluation of professional promise, development of professional at titudes—these are plaguing problems on every college campus. On many campuses, large and small, they are solved by sim ply ignoring them. Some small campuses, on the other hand, are distinguished by the personal interest of a faculty member in each student. It is in the large insti tution that wise planning becomes im perative. Mr. Burnett and Mrs. Seeman, staff members of The Ohio State Uni versity, report on progress at Columbus.
The Graduate Program At Iowa State Teachers College
Authors: Nelson M.J. , Pendergraft Daryl
Published: March 2007

Planning a program to meet each in dividual student's needs, meanwhile main taining fidelity to the single purpose of teacher education, characterizes the new graduate offering at Iowa State Teachers College. As pointed out by Mr. Nelson, Dean of the Faculty, and Mr. Pender graft, Curriculum Coordinator, the Cedar Falls structure is not in the traditional design. Its contribution to the strengthen ing of teaching as a profession may well be anticipated.