bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
International Negotiation: The Development of Central Concepts*
Authors: BARSTON RONALD P.
Published: May 2006

Contemporary diplomacy has changed significantly since 1945. This paper examines the ways in which modern diplomacy can be better understood. As such it is based upon four sets of assumptions. In the first place, the study of international negotiation within the field of foreign policy analysis provides a route for analyzing other forms of national and international behaviour. Second, whilst some of the Characteristics of negotiation in a domestic setting are quite distinct, such as the degree of sanctions negotiators possess, international negotiations themselves can be categorized into a number of distinctive types. Third, that the process of negotiation can be best understood according to four categories of concepts: those associated with setting, the capabilities of negotiating parties, contingent variables. In the fourth category are those concepts developed to deal with new forms of negotiation (non‐ ‘convergence’ negotiations), in particular the complex multilateral type, in which the progression is not incremental or linear. A final assumption concerns the influence of the changing international agenda on negotiating mechanisms and processes: the nature and styles of conducting modem diplomacy have changed considerably as a result of the impact of several factors such as the increased number of actors and organizations, communication systems and also the nature and volume of international business. Yet whatever the impact of these changes, the crucial elements of successful negotiation remain: credit, compromise and confidence.
The Meaning and Use of ‘Political Stability’*
Authors: DOWDING KEITH M. , KIMBER RICHARD
Published: May 2006

Few extended analyses of the concept of political stability have been published, much of the literature concentrating on an analysis of its causes. This article discusses the main approaches to stability and examines two recent conceptualizations by Ake and by Sanders. It is argued that both are unsatisfactory, and an alternative definition is developed, starting from first principles. The problems of identity and change are examined, and what counts as the survival of a political object is specified. A stable political object is defined as one that possesses the capacity to prevent its own forced non‐survival. It is argued that stability cannot be quantified and that there are thus no degrees of stability.
Political Stability in European Democracies*
Authors: ERSSON SVANTE , LANE JAN‐ERIK
Published: May 2006

It is a widely shared belief that political instability is on the rise in European democracies. In order to test such a statement in a more rigorous manner we introduce a concept of political stability that is suitable for the description of the cross‐sectional and longitudinal variation in basic aspects of the political systems of Western Europe. A confirmatory factor analysis of standard indicators on political instability applied to European data indicates that six properties are semantically relevant: public sector deficit, inflation, governmental change, party system volatility, violence, and protests. The main findings from the cross‐sectional analysis are that political instability has become less a Latin phenomenon in Europe and that theories of political stability emphasizing two‐partyism or consociationalism encounter severe counter‐instances. The main findings from the longitudinal analysis are that political instability vanes over time and that it is not on the rise in the present situation. The combined cross‐sectional and longitudinal analysis shows clearly that it is not the case that nations are either stable or unstable in all aspects of the political system, but that the major dimensions of the concept of political stability vary extensively in relation to each other.
Consociational Democracy in Switzerland: A Political‐Economic Explanation and Some Empirical Evidence*
Authors: LEHNER FRANZ
Published: May 2006

Consociational democracy is usually explained in terms of the accommodation of conflicts resulting from cultural segmentation. This explanation hardly applies to modern Switzerland. This article presents an alternative explanation which focuses on conditions and strategies of majority formation. It is argued that direct democracy combined with a high level of socio‐economic and political differentiation makes a consociational pattern of decision‐making necessary. Such decision‐making, however, involves high transaction costs and, therefore, hardly allows for the formation of a stable grand coalition. The article investigates the consequences of this situation and presents some empirical evidence.
The Intergenerational Transfer of Political Ideologies in Eight Western Nations*
Authors: JENNINGS M. KENT
Published: May 2006

Pre–adult socialization is one way in which political ideologies are formed. Parents can affect the ideologies of their offspring through direct transmission or through the indirect mechanism of family social milieu. This paper analyses parent–adolescent pairs drawn from a larger sample survey study of eight western nations carried out in the mid–1970s. Three varieties of ideological perspectives are addressed: the traditional left–right continuum, pro– and anti–establishment attitudes, and material–postmaterial value structures. In general the familiar and historically rich orientations of the left–right dimension are transmitted much more successfully than are the remaining two, which are newer and less encapsulating. Regardless of particular ideology, the direct transmission model is significantly more faithful to the findings than an indirect model based on the family's social class and religious composition. The distortion in the reproduction of ideologies between the generations indicates the importance of intra–individual development and macro–level forces as sources of political ideologies.
The Effect of Aggregate Economic Conditions on the Political Preferences of the Italian Electorate, 1953–1979*
Authors: BELLUCCI PAOLO
Published: May 2006

Studies on Italian electoral behaviour have relied mainly on ideological explanations of party support. Taking a rational choice approach, this paper assesses the relevance and the impact of aggregate economic conditions upon the political preferences of the Italian electorate in the period 1953–1979. Without neglecting the strength of ideological and cultural ties with parties, it is found that economic considerations do play an important role for Italian electors. Increasing inflation reduces the electoral strength of the Christian Democratic Party while it rewards the Communist opposition. Growing unemployment shows an opposite trend, thus pointing out the peculiarity of the economic relationship that links electors to parties in the Italian system, which can be accounted for within a rational framework.
Comparative Research on the Determinants of the Welfare State: the State of the Art*
Authors: UUSITALO HANNU
Published: May 2006

This paper makes an effort to evaluate the present state of comparative research on the determinants of the welfare state. The major thesis is that both theories and comparative results diverge to an extent that is not warranted by reality. Conflicting findings are in many cases explained by methodological features of the studies, a brief summary of which is given in the paper, and theories of the determinants of the welfare state are often presented in contradictory forms. In fact, their major claims may be integrated. The paper outlines a model of the determinants of the welfare state, which attempts to integrate the major findings of comparative research, and which also allows an analysis of the strengths and weaknesses of major theories.
Politics, Policies and Consequences:* A Cross‐national Analysis of Public Policy‐formation in Advanced Capitalist Democracies (1967–1981)
Authors: KEMAN HANS
Published: May 2006

In this article the growing dissent and tension with regard to the relationship between political factors, public policy‐formation and the consequences (in terms of economic performance) will be investigated. Our point of departure is to find out to what extent political variables matter and which other factors may account for the above relationship. The main result is that, apart from the impact of ‘politics’, the existence of a corporatist mode of interest‐mediation and conflict‐regulation consistently strengthens the explanation of policy‐formation and policy‐performance. In addition, it appears that, especially after 1974, political factors gain influence, albeit more often than not in circumstances of political consensus and where right‐wing parties are relatively weak. If the interdependence between ‘politics’ and ‘economics’ is managed in a consensual fashion, it will lead to a better economic performance and may be an adequate response to the ongoing crisis.
The Success of the Swedish Labour Market Policy: the Organizational Connection to Policy*
Authors: ROTHSTEIN BO
Published: May 2006

The study of public policies in the contemporary Welfare States does not give enough consideration to the character of the public organizations that handle the concrete implementation. Building on recent neo‐Marxist studies of public administration, this article examines the organizational connection to the ‘Active Labour Market Policy’ that was launched in Sweden by the Social Democrats during the late 1950s and that was exported throughout the OECD countries during the 1960s. The success of this policy was the result of a major organizational change in the public administration of the labour market in Sweden, which broke with the traditional bureaucratic mode of operation and established new principles of organizing public activities. This organizational change in the Swedish case is interpreted as an attempt to create a specific mode of Social Democratic cadre‐organization.
Popular Power and the Portuguese Far Left*
Authors: HAMMOND JOHN L.
Published: May 2006

The Portuguese revolution of 1974–75 produced a great outpouring of mass political activity, centred on three sites: industrial workplaces, urban neighbourhoods, and southern latifundios. In each, workers or residents organized to meet immediate needs (most often, employment security and housing), but in the favourable political conjuncture they moved beyond immediate grievances to demand far‐reaching social and political changes. Small political parties of the far left attempted to interpret these demands and become their political vehicle; they failed, but achieved a surprising electoral success with the 1976 presidential campaign of Otelo Saraiva de Carvalho. Analysing the vote for him, I argue that it is best understood not (as some interpreters claim) as populist or representing Portuguese traditions of Sebastianism and the ‘saviour army’, but as a working‐class‐based expression of the demand for popular power.
Issue Volatility and Partisan Linkages in Canada, Great Britain, the United States, and West Germany*
Authors: CLARKE HAROLD , HILDEBRANDT KAI , Le DUC LAWRENCE , PAMMETT JON
Published: May 2006

Although the role of issues in elections has been widely studied, different approaches to the definition, classification, and measurement of issues render cross‐national comparisons difficult. Further, little attention has been paid to the stability or instability of issues across time, and the possible implications of issue change for voting behaviour and election outcomes. In this analysis, a common classification scheme is employed for measuring the salience of issues in the elections of four countries, and the linkage of issues to political parties in the thinking of individual voters is explored. Panel data are employed to test the stability of attitudes towards political issues across a series of three elections in each country. Although there are wide differences in the specific array of issues in each country, issues can be broadly typed into five general categories of public concerns. Even given the common emphasis on economic issues throughout the 1970s, considerable instability exists across time in all categories of issues. This instability makes it more difficult to sustain a consistent issue/party link over more than one election, and thereby has implications for the accountability of parties in issue/policy terms.
Towards a Conditional Model of Coalition Behaviour*
Authors: DENTERS BAS
Published: May 2006

This is an attempt to formulate a conditional model of coalition formation. Predictions from this model are tested against data on coalition formation in Dutch local government in 1982. Starting from a simple model of the behaviour of party politicians, it is assumed that the coalition behaviour of parties depends on the competitiveness of the (local) political system. The choice of a coalition strategy (minimizing size, minimizing policy range or proportional representation) is contingent upon two dimensions of the competitiveness of local politics. These are the amount of electoral volatility and the extent to which local election results follow national trends. Our conditional theory predicts different coalition behaviour in polities differing with regard to these two factors. Though the hypothesis was falsified, a more detailed analysis showed that (local) political competitiveness did make a difference in the choice of at least some of the coalition strategies. These differences, moreover, were in line with what was to be expected from the theoretical model.
Macroeconomic performance and government popularity in Britain: the short run dynamics
Authors: WHITELEY Paul F.
Published: May 2006

Abstract. Despite an extensive body of research on popularity function modelling there is little agreement about the magnitude and stability of effects. This is particularly true in the literature relating to Britain. The purpose of this paper is to specify and test a popularity function for Britain using the Box‐Jenkins transfer function model building strategy. The model is estimated for the thirty‐three year period between 1947 and 1980. This approach provides a particularly stringent test of causal links between the economy and political support. It demonstrates statistically significant links between unemployment, inflation and the devaluation of the currency, and the level of support for the incumbent party over the opposition party in the polls. However the links are not strong enough to provide an efficient forecasting model, and the effects are unstable over time. Generally the economic effects are related to the magnitude of unemployment and inflation.
The nature of regional and national identity in Catalonia: problems of measuring multiple identities
Authors: MELICH Anna
Published: May 2006

Abstract. National identity learning processes become quite problematic in multiple identity territories. In the case of Spain, bilinguism and conflictual identities in the periphery is often opposed to the unilinguism and majoritarian culture of the centre. The contents of actual Catalan identity and the political behaviour that it entails can perhaps be explained by the perception that today's Catalan and immigrant adolescents have of what it means to ‘be a catalan’. The view of the political arena by the young depends mainly on the language approach.
Political succession and regime change in new states in inter‐war Europe: Ireland, Finland, Czechoslovakia and the Baltic Republics
Authors: COAKLEY John
Published: May 2006

Abstract. Problems of political succession are particularly acute when new regimes experience not merely the shock of the sudden introduction of democracy but also the challenge of consolidating a new territorial identity. The six North European states examined here, all of which became independent after the first world war, succeeded in establishing their legitimacy against threats from both left and right. The orderly political succession process was broken in three cases, however, by the appearance of authoritarian regimes in the inter‐war period. The origins of this disjuncture are to be found not only in economic factors that enhanced the attractiveness of certain contemporary ideologies but also in the nature of elite political culture and the extent to which it had had the opportunity of absorbing liberal democratic norms.
Planning Cell and Citizen Report: a report on German experiences with new participation instruments
Authors: GARBE DETLEF
Published: May 2006

Abstract. After reviewing some problems of democratic political systems in a complex and modern society, this essay concentrates on new participation techniques, their intentions, their effects on the individual, and their consequences for the society. The two techniques reviewed are the Planning Cell and Citizen Reports
Economic conditions and the popularity of West German parties: a survey
Authors: KIRCHGÄSSNER Gebhard
Published: May 2006

Abstract. The empirical work concerning the relation between economic conditions and the popularity of parties in the Federal Republic of Germany is surveyed. Research in this area started in 1971. During the first ten years (only) traditional econometrics were used. It was shown that the lower unemployment and/or inflation, the higher – ceteris paribus – the popularity of the leading party in government. In the 1980s, using modern time series methods, the validity of the earlier results has been questioned. However, it has been shown that such a relation can also be detected using modern time series techniques. Finally, it is asked whether the observed voting behaviour is consistent with the theory of rational expectations. Using popularity data, the hypothesis of rational expectations can be rejected. Thus, West German voters do not behave rationally in the sense used by Muth.
Educational expansion and political change in Britain: 1964–1983
Authors: HEATH Anthony F. , TOPF Richard G.
Published: May 2006

Abstract. Educational expansion has been a major change in the sociological profile of post‐war Western democracies, whilst various theses have long been advanced about correlations between educational levels and politics. Several of these theses are examined for the atypical British case of educational change, drawing upon new survey data from the 1983 British Election Survey. It is concluded that there is no simple ‘educational effect’ which explains recent political trends towards a decline of partisanship, political realignment, and the rise of the Alliance.
The nuclear weapons issue in the 1983 British general election
Authors: McALLISTER Ian , MUGHAN Anthony
Published: May 2006

Abstract. In common with many other Western European countries, the issue of nuclear weapons rose to political prominence in Britain in the course of the 1980s. However, whereas the issue was often taken up by newly formed environmentalist parties elsewhere, it differentiated the traditional parties one from the other in Britain. This was made possible by the Labour party's manifesto commitment to unilateral nuclear disarmament. This article details the views of the British electorate on the nuclear issue and assesses its importance for individual voting patterns in the 1983 general election. The electorate shows itself able to distinguish between, and hold opposing views on, nuclear weapons in principle and control over them in practice. Its general support for them, however, means that Labour's perceived hostility to them cost it a considerable number of votes in net terms. These losses could have been mitigated, perhaps even turned into gains, had the party emphasised the security problems stemming from Britain's lack of control over American nuclear weapons on its soil.
Government stability in six European countries during the world economic crisis of the 1930s: some preliminary considerations
Authors: ZIMMERMANN Ekkart
Published: May 2006

Abstract.To date there is no genuine cross‐national analysis of the world economic crisis of the 1930s. of the political turbulence it led to and of the economic and political measures that were taken. In this study the focus is on Great Britain, France. the Netherlands, Belgium. Germany and Austria from 1927 to 1938 or the collapse of the polity. Possible determinants of governmental instability are discussed and considered in preliminary bivariate testing. The main findings are: the survival measure of governments suggested by Sanders and Herman does not add any information at all; parliamentary variables in this analysis do not satisfactorily explain the duration of governments; though exempted from this verdict are variables like proportion of seats held by governing parties. parliamentary fractionalization. share of oppositional seats in parliament and percentage of seats held by anty‐system parties. It is suggested that the economic and political impact of the world economic crisis of the 1930s worked through linkages other than those spelled out in post‐World War II parliamentary and coalitional analyses on the determinants of government stability.
Political parties and coalitional behaviour in Belgium: the perspective of local politics
Authors: PIJNENBURG Bert
Published: May 2006

Abstract. What constitutes the starting point of this analysis is the limitations of traditional coalition theories. A particular weakness of the traditional approach is its treatment of political parties as unitary actors, largely unaffected by less formal determinants of coalitional behaviour, and each making rational calculations about the utility of coalition formation.

The alternative is a new multidimensional perspective of coalitional behaviour, based on a number of components. The aim of the article is a first and exploratory assessment of the relevance and usefulness of this multidimensional reorientation of coalition theory with regard to local politics (i.e. the municipal‐council arena).

This assessment is based on a general analysis of the coalitional behaviour of political parties in Belgium (the Flemish part of the country) at the local level. The most important elements of both the formal and the multi‐dimensional approaches for a study of local‐coalition phenomena in Flanders are briefly summarized. It is along these lines that the results of the municipal‐council elections in 1982 are discussed. Finally, a provisional evaluation is made of what and how the multi‐dimensional alternative could contribute to a better understanding of coalition politics at the local level.
Incremental and cyclical developments in public expenditure in West Germany
Authors: LESSMANN Sabine
Published: May 2006

Abstract. The ‘cyclical’ effect covered in this paper deals with the development of public expenditure in West Germany in combination with the timing of elections. The underlying hypotheses on the cyclical development of certain expenditures are based on the ‘New Political Economy’ literature. This approach is then contrasted with the theory of budgetary incrementalism, an alternative mode of explanation of public sector growth. The data are tested to see whether a cyclical or linear model is more appropriate for describing public expenditure developments.
Are programme resources related to organizational change?
Authors: DAVIES PHILLIP L. , ROSE RICHARD
Published: May 2006

Abstract. This article joins two public policy approaches often employed separately: the analysis of changes in programme expenditure, and of organizational change. The first section reviews a series of alternative propositions about their relationship: organizations constricting programme innovation, or promoting efficiency or inefficiency; programme changes causing fission or fusion in organizations; increasing programme expenditure by replicating service delivery units rather than re‐organization; and the place of symbolic and ad hoc political priorities. After considering problems of analyzing programme and organizational changes empirically, the article examines changes since 1945 in two major policy areas of British government, health and social security, and trade and industry. The empirical evidence emphasizes the dominance of political priorities, symbolic as well as programmatic: the capacity of organizations to grow at the base, by replicating service delivery units while formally remaining unchanged at the top, and of organizations growing at the top, by formal re‐organization, while programme budgets and service delivery units are unaffected by symbolic reshuffling.
The dynamics of racial exclusion and expulsion: racist politics in western Europe
Authors: HUSBANDS CHRISTOPHER T.
Published: May 2006

Abstract. The concept of political racism is necessarily more specific than the more universal concepts of racism used in social science outside the sphere of politics. Thus, despite the common tendency to explain political racism using theories developed to account for other forms of racism, one turns most profitably to a range of political factors operating differently in time and/or location in order to arrive at the most thorough understanding of the expression of political racism. However, that does not deny the relevance of certain theories of more general racism in recognizing those circumstances that predispose to political racism. Some major theories in sociology and social psychology that might be applicable to political racism are described and their respective usefulness is assessed on the basis of available evidence about support for political racism in four west European countries.
Comparative economic assessments and the endogeneity of left/right self placement: A research note
Authors: BOWLER SHAUN
Published: May 2006

Abstract. Previous survey level research on attitudes towards the economy among European voters has tended to focus on the short‐term implications of these attitudes, relating them to vote choice or executive popularity. In this paper we seek to examine the relationships between economic assessments and more fundamental aspects of voter attitudes. More concretely, we examine the links between ideology and economic information, arguing that they are interdependent to the exctent that they can be seen to exist within a reciprocal relationship. In the wake of Kramer, we approach this problem from a comparative perspective, and find that the hypothesised reciprocal relationship is well supported by the statistical evidence.
Military regimes: power and force
Authors: O'KANE ROSEMARY H.T.
Published: May 2006

Abstract. It is generally held that coups are the start of full military intervention. As a consequence, studies intent on contrasting the performance of ‘military’ as opposed to ‘civilian’ governments have used the event of a military coup as the essential criterion for distinction. The evidence clearly shows, however, that the distinction is not so easily drawn. Further, consideration of the only systematic attempt to delineate types of military regimes in respect of civilian involvement suggests that the dichotomised view of military and civilian regimes should be replaced by attention being drawn to power and force in all political systems. This view is supported by a classification of Third World political systems which reflects these two dimensions. Ironically, the study of military governments installed by coups d'état has actually served to obscure the importance of force in politics.
Who governs? Parties and policies in Denmark
Authors: DAMGAARD ERIK , SVENSSON PALLE
Published: May 2006

Abstract. The literature on party government, coalition formation, and links between party and policy tends to assume that parties in government command legislative majorities that can be used to enact desired policies. This assumption, however, does not apply in general. In Scandinavia, and especially in Denmark, the minority type of government is predominant. Minority governments cannot govern by means of their own votes. Two questions for research are therefore obvious. Why do Scandinavian countries deviate from the normal pattern of government formation? And what are the consequences of minority government for policy making? While the first question has been treated in recent research, this paper carries the analysis a step further by exploring the policy consequences of minority government in Denmark during the 1980s. It is shown that the government may in fact not always govern, that the government may actually be the opposition, and, consequently, that the party‐policy link can indeed be extremely complex.
Weimar or Byzantium: Two opposing approaches to the Italian party system
Authors: VAN LOENEN GERBERT
Published: May 2006

Abstract. A wide variety of publications on the Italian party system can be reduced to essentially two opposite approaches. The first approach, explains the dysfunctioning of Italy's party system by analysing the practices of political elites. These are said to manipulate society by using the state as an instrument. Authors who take this approach generally neglect the impact of ideological discord and inter‐party dynamics. This approach is often related to sharp criticism of the governing parties, and a rather positive assessment of the Communist Party. By contrast, Giovanni Sartori and others who take the opposite approach underscore the importance of ideological heterogeneity and destabilizing inter‐party dynamics. Political elites are thought to react to an unstable environment. This can be used in justification of the governing parties, despite the weak performance of Italian government. Sartori's analysis of the Italian party system has been sharply criticized. Pointing out the fundamental difference between these two approaches, this article sheds some light on the roots and limitations of this criticism.
The authoritarianism of the working class revisited
Authors: MIDDENDORP C. P. , MELOEN J. D.
Published: May 2006

Abstract. Dekker and Ester's (1987) position regarding working class authoritarianism, using Wright's (1979, 1985) neo‐marxist class‐conceptualization, is challenged. It is shown in replication that Wright's class concepts are only weakly and non‐linearly related to ‘class‐proxies’such as income, wealth, educational level and subjective social class. Thus there is reason for doubt regarding the validity of Wright's class‐concept, which might be partly responsible for the weak associations found with authoritarianism and authoritarian attitudes. Nevertheless, we found that Dekker and Ester's (1987) hypotheses 1 and 2 cannot be rejected: the working class is somewhat more authoritarian than all other classes combined. We maintain that the well‐known relatively strong relationship between educational level and authoritarianism remains of major theoretical and social relevance.
Drawing aggregate inferences from individual level data: the utility of the notion of a normal vote
Authors: ANKER HANS
Published: May 2006

Abstract. Instead of using an all‐encompassing model of individual voting behaviour for drawing aggregate inferences from individual level data, this article proposes an alternative approach by employing a normal vote‐model. Three levels of abstraction are distinguished in the notion of a normal vote: the normal vote‐concept, the normal vote‐approach and the normal vote‐model. A discussion of the most detailed empirical elaboration of the notion of the normal vote, that by Converse, is given and then an inventory of criticisms is made. Although valid in their own right, these criticisms fall short of damaging the very concept of a normal vote. Finally, it is argued that if one intends to transfer the concept to an electoral context other than the American, normal vote‐approaches (and consequently normal vote‐models) may differ across countries and over time.
National minorities and the government of divided societies: A comparative analysis of some European evidence
Authors: COAKLEY JOHN
Published: May 2006

Abstract. Based on evidence drawn from six case studies, this article examines the manner in which the political elites of the new ethnically heterogeneous states which appeared in Europe after the First World War responded to the challenge of dealing with minorities whose attitudes towards the new regimes ranged from the suspicious to the uncompromisingly hostile. Despite the variety of policies pursued and the varying international contexts of the six cases, the analysis demonstrates that the maintenance of a political balance between a majority and small ethnic minorities in a new state is extremely precarious, and that the temptation of the state to defer to the ethnic symbols and political values of the majority is extremely strong.
The emergence of the Swiss Ecological Party: A dynamic model1
Authors: HUG SIMON
Published: May 2006

Abstract. The study of new political parties causes important problems both on the theoretical and empirical level. First, only little empirical evidence is available for recently formed parties, and secondly, the study of the emergence of new political parties has attracted little attention from political scientists. This fact apparently stems from the essentially static characteristics of major political theories, such as the study of party systems and electoral behaviour. Hence in contradiction to predominant political theory, the present article proposes a dynamic model in order to study the emergence of the Swiss Ecological Party.
Support for gender equality in West Europe
Authors: WILCOX CLYDE
Published: May 2006

Abstract. This paper examines attitudes to the role of women in the public and private spheres among West European men and women. There are inter‐country differences that are partly explained by history, politics, and religion. There are also consistent gender differences in these attitudes, a finding quite different from that in the U.S. Over time, gender role attitudes have become more egalitarian. The sources of these changes seem to be changing attitudes of individuals toward the public role of women, and generational replacement in the case of the private roles. Finally, the determinants of men's and women's attitudes vary across countries in patterns that are generally predictable.
The liberalisation of capital movements and financial services in the European single market: A case study in regulation
Authors: VIPOND PETER A.
Published: May 2006

Abstract. The creation of a common market in capital is a basic component of the European Community's single market programme. This article provides an explanation of the factors which have shaped the single market for capital in terms of three ‘perspectives’ which supplement each other and which collectively provide a substantive explanation. These perspectives include: (i) the policy requirements and politico‐economic context of the single market programme; (ii) the complex and multi‐faceted nature of regulation in the financial services field; and (iii) the political balance of power between the national, EC and international agencies involved in financial regulation. Each of these three perspectives contributes salient insights unavailable to the other two. Collectively they provide an explanation of how the liberalisation of capital movements and financial services has actually involved creating a more sophisticated regulatory order rather than simply reducing the volume of regulation.
The historical institutionalization of typical national patterns in policy networks between state and industry
Authors: VAN WAARDEN FRANS
Published: May 2006

Abstract.The themes of the earlier article by Van Waarden are applied to the empirical examples of the USA & the Netherlands. State — industry policy networks are explained by nationally specific characteristics of the actors involved: organized societal interests and state agencies. Policy networks are seen as the product of different political, administrative and cultural institutions. Their historical emergence is discussed.
The New Right in Germany
Authors: MINKENBERG MICHAEL
Published: May 2006

Abstract.Based on the theory that explains the neoconservative upsurge of the 1980s as a reaction against the post‐materialist changes in values of the preceding decades, this paper analyzes the relationship between neoconservatism and the rise of the New Right parties in West Germany at the end of the 1980s. Secondary analysis of survey data demonstrates the differentiation of the political spectrum into the Old Politics and New Politics dimensions and related variants of conservatism. The New Right and in particular the Republicans are neither a ‘radicalization of the centre’of German society nor a simple mobilization of right‐wing extremists. Rather, they are the product of the disintegration of the established parties which are in the process of losing voting support to the parties of the New Left and the New Right in an almost symmetrical fashion.
Formation rules and minority governments
Authors: BERGMAN TORBJÖRN
Published: May 2006

Abstract. This research note focuses on the importance of rules for coalition formation in parliamentary democracies. Traditionally, coalition theorists have assumed that only majority coalitions can be winning. The more recent literature has shown that coalitions can be winning even if they do not control more than half of all legislators. However, the literature has continued to overlook the fact that there exist two different types of government formation rules. In this note, the two types—positive and negative rules—are presented and it is shown that minority governments are more frequent in the countries with negative rules.
Schumpeter's critique of Marx: A reappraisal
Authors: GRAHAM KEITH
Published: May 2006

Abstract. The paper provides an account of Marx's position of Schumpeter's three categories: capitalism, socialism and democracy. Marx's conception of capitalism is established as more wide‐ranging than sometimes thought, covering any form of society where commodities predominate, and implying a polarized class structure independent of considerations of manual or lowly labour. It is not therefore essentially a political conception, nor does its application turn on the question of private ownership. Socialism, for Marx, involves the abolition of commodities and therefore of money and the wages system. Accordingly, his conception of socialism is not one of state ownership or nationalization, as Schumpeter claims. His commitment to democracy arises from the nature of socialist society and sets him apart from vanguardist political theory. It is therefore more deeply‐rooted than Schumpeter suggests.
The politics of redistribution in local government
Authors: DENTERS BAS
Published: May 2006

Abstract. This paper deals with the politics of redistribution in local government. Traditionally, it has been assumed that redistributive policies are crucial in electoral competition and party politics, both in national and local political systems. From this perspective, differences in local competition and party systems are essential to an explanation of local redistributive efforts. Peterson (1981), however, claims that redistributive policies are excluded from the local agenda because they impair local economic prosperity. These policies are therefore not conceived as instruments in the vote‐maximizing strategies of local political parties. In this paper, hypotheses on the impact of party competition and party politics on local redistribution are formulated and tested on data for 342 Dutch municipalities. The results show that, contrary to what would be expected from Peterson's perspective, municipal redistributive efforts were related to electoral competitiveness and the party system. The proposed model, however, proved to be unsatisfactory in accurately predicting the direction of the effects of these explanatory variables. These results suggest that, rather than abandoning the study of local redistribution as a non‐issue in subnational politics, an effort should be made to develop a better theoretical understanding of the ways in which competition and party politics shape these policies.
Is gender on the ‘new agenda’?
Authors: EVANS GEOFFREY
Published: May 2006

Abstract. This paper examines the politicization of gender inequality through a cross‐national analysis of attitudes towards inequality between men and women. The data were obtained from national surveys in the United States, Britain, West Germany, Australia and Italy. In all of these countries, attitudes towards gender inequality were found to be associated with the ‘left‐right’ cleavage over economic inequality and redistribution, but they were unrelated to ‘new politics’ issues. It was also found that attitudes towards gender inequality were more closely integrated into the left‐right cleavage in those countries where there was greater awareness of gender issues, and that they had very little net impact on partisanship. Thus high levels of awareness of gender inequality are not associated with the emergence of a new cross‐cutting political cleavage. It is concluded that inequality of opportunity between men and women does not constitute part of a new politics agenda, nor does it cross‐cut other sources of political interests. It is more plausibly seen as a new element of the well‐established left‐right cleavage. Consequently, it leaves the structure of political divisions relatively intact.
Grass roots participation in the Nordic countries
Authors: TOGEBY LISE
Published: May 2006

Abstract. Despite the similarities between the Nordic countries with regard to social and political structures, major differences in grass roots participation are found. Participation is highest in Sweden and lowest in Finland, with Denmark, Norway and Iceland falling in between. There are also striking differences between the countries regarding the relationships between participation and factors as age, gender, education, social class and party choice. Two theories may help us to understand these differences. The first, mobilization theory, claims that grass root participation is used to mobilize new social groups. This theory is supported by evidence from Denmark, Norway and Iceland. During the 1970s and the 1980s all three countries experienced political mobilization of the well‐educated, the new middle class and the women. The second theory, supplement theory, claims that grass root participation is nothing but an extension of the conventional modes of participation. This theory is supported in Sweden. The last section of the paper argues that differences between countries may be explained by differences in the strength of traditional political organizations.
The selection of party presidents in Belgium
Authors: DE WINTER LIEVEN
Published: May 2006

Abstract. Judged by their statutory arrangement the selection procedures of the seven main governmental Belgian parties in the 1944–1992 period suggest that party presidents are recruited in a fully democratic way, anticipating a contest between several candidates which is ultimately decided by a secret vote of the members’ representatives at the national congress or council or, as in the PSC and recently the PRL, by a membership vote. In practice, competition only occurs in the PSC and the VU. In the other parties, the party elites usually propose a consensus candidate to the party's congress, who is then legitimated by a near‐unanimous vote or by acclamation. The elite legitimates this method by referring to the devastating effects of an open competition for the party's unity, as well as the belief that the elite can better assess the party needs and the prospective candidates’ skills than the more uninvolved and inexperienced congress delegate or party member.
The selection of party leaders in Spain
Authors: COLOMÉ GABRIEL , NIETO LOURDES LOPEZ
Published: May 2006

Abstract. Few parties apart from the PSOE have enjoyed stable and cohesive leaderships. A comparison between the PSOE and the AP/PP shows how much more stable the experience of the former has been. Both elect leaders at delegate congesses, although in practice there is little real involvement by rank and file members. Political culture, cleavages and the role of TV all account for this instability.
The Scotish National Party and the Italian
Authors: NEWELL JAMES L.
Published: May 2006

Abstract. As European regional autonomy parties, the Scottish National Party and the Italian Lega Nord present important similarities in the way they appeal to voters. Both parties, too, have recently been favoured by very similar social and political changes. Yet, of the two parties’ recent electoral advances, that of the Lega has been by far the more striking. This can be explained in terms of the relative inability of the Lega's main rival, the Democrazia Cristiana, to adapt to its challenge. The Scottish National Party's main rival, the Labour Party, is better able to adapt owing to the long‐standing institutionalisation of regional conflict in Britain.
Class bases of universal social policy
Authors: ERVASTI HEIKKI , KANGAS OLLI
Published: May 2006

Abstract. Institutional pension policy is held to be one of the trade marks of the celebrated Scandinavian model. Universal national pensions guarantee a decent livelihood to every citizen irrespective of socio‐economic status. Income‐related pensions that are paid on top of the national pensions secure the standard of living achieved during the working career. This Scandinavian institutionalism has usually been associated with long‐lasting working class hegemony, consolidated by the deliberate goal of abolishing means‐testing from national pensions and expanding the scope and quality of income‐related pensions. However, some studies challenge this interpretation. Instead, they emphasize the crucial role played by the middle classes. By using survey data from Finland, this study seeks to determine which socio‐economic groups are in favour of the present Finnish pension policy model characterized by universal basic pensions and income‐graduated work‐merit pensions. The results show that workers and farmers are more willing to introduce means‐testing and flat‐rate pensions than white‐collar workers. Correspondingly, these groups are more sceptical of income‐graduated benefits. Middle classes, especially upper white‐collar workers, support income graduated benefits and are more reluctant than workers and farmers to introduce means‐tested or flat‐rate pensions. Thus, the results indicate that the support for the present institutional pension policy model in Finland is strongest among the middle strata. But the results also indicate that this support is greatly dependent on benefit form, and when debating on the class basis of the Scandinavian universalism, we must be more explicit in specifying which aspects of universalism are at stake.
“Its not like that round here”: Region, economic evaluations and voting at the 1992 British General Election
Authors: PATTIE CHARLES , JOHNSTON RON
Published: May 2006

Abstract. Accounting for regional divides in British electoral behaviour during the 1980s has proved controversial. Critics have argued that, once individual characteristics are taken into account, regional context is unimportant. Supporters of the regional divide have pointed to the connection between economic conditions and voting, but have been unable to show direct links between local economies and voters' decisions. The paper employs new data to examine the controversy. Voters at the 1992 General Election are shown to judge their regional economies, and to act on those judgements, even when their personal positions are controlled for.