bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Exact solutions corresponding to the viscous incompressible and conducting fluid flow due to a rotating disk
Authors: Turkyilmazoglu M.
Published: June 2009

A study is pursued in the present paper for the evaluation of the exact solution of the steady Navier‐Stokes equations governing the incompressible viscous Newtonian electrically conducting fluid flow motion over a disk rotating with a constant angular speed. Instead of the traditional von Kármán's axisymmetric evolution of the flow, the non‐axisymmetric conducting flow is taken into consideration here. The three‐dimensional equations of motion are treated analytically yielding derivation of exact solutions which differ from those of corresponding to the classical von Kármán's conducting flow. The effects of Alfven number on the flow field is better conceived from the exact velocity and induced magnetic field equations obtained. Making use of this solution, analytical formulas for the angular velocity and current density components as well as for the magnetic wall shear stresses are extracted. It is proved from the analytical results that the properly defined thicknesses of the flow decay as the magnetic field strength increases in magnitude, further enhanced by the increasing Reynolds number. Interaction of the resolved flow field with the surrounding temperature is then analyzed via the energy equation. The temperature field is shown to accord with the viscous dissipation and the Joule heating. As a result, exact formulas are obtained for the temperature field which takes different forms depending on whether isothermal wall or adiabatic wall conditions are considered. In accordance with the Fourier's heat law, a constant heat transfer from the disk to the fluid takes place, which is found to be effectively increased as the magnetic field becomes dominant on the fluid flow considered.
Propagation of sound in an infinite two‐part duct carrying mean flow inserted axially into a larger infinite duct with wall impedance discontinuity
Authors: Demir A. , Çinar Ö.Yanaz
Published: June 2009

The propagation of sound in a two‐part circular cylindrical duct carrying a mean gas flow, inserted in a larger infinite outer duct with wall impedance discontinuity is investigated rigorously through the Wiener‐Hopf technique. The part z < 0 of the inner duct is hard walled while the part z > 0 is perforated. The related matrix Wiener‐Hopf equation is first transformed into two simultaneous equations which are decoupled by the introduction of infinite sum of poles. The exact solution is then obtained in terms of the coefficients of these poles satisfying two infinite systems of linear algebraic equations. The influence of the outer duct radius, the contrast of the lining impedances, the mean flow, and the acoustical impedance of the central perforated tube on the sound propagation are displayed graphically.
Palm‐Based Nonionic Surfactants as Emulsifiers for High Internal Phase Emulsions
Authors: Lim Hongngee , Kassim Anuar , Huang Nayming , Ambar Yarmo Mohd.
Published: June 2009

In the present study, a series of as‐synthesized palm‐based nonionic surfactants with various hydrophile–lipophile balance values were successfully synthesized. The critical micelle concentration and the Gibbs energy of the surfactants were determined and discussed. For the first time, the surfactants were used to stabilize three‐component olein oil‐in‐water high internal phase emulsions, with an oil volume fraction of 0.85, and which were easily prepared by one‐pot homogenization. Proof of high stability was confirmed by the satisfactory rheological profiles and further enhanced by a three‐month storage exercise at an elevated temperature which showed no significant physical and rheological changes. These results suggest that low concentration of the surfactants efficiently stabilized the emulsions with high content of oil. Based on the optical micrograph observation, an average droplet size of less than 10 μm increased with increasing ethylene oxide chain length and temperature. The varying degree of viscosity resulted from the various ethylene oxide chain lengths of the surfactants. The hydration efficacy of the emulsions was examined in vivo using a corneometer. The impressive hydration efficacy of olein oil suggests that it could well be a potential moisturizing lipid which might interest dermatologists.
Production of wetland Chironomidae (Diptera) and the effects of using Bacillus thuringiensis israelensis for mosquito control
Authors: Lundström J.O. , Schäfer M.L. , Petersson E. , Persson Vinnersten T.Z. , Landin J. , Brodin Y.
Published: June 2009

Massive mosquito nuisance problems, caused by the flood-water mosquito Aedes sticticus, occur after floods in the flood plains of the River Dalälven, central Sweden. Since 2002, the biological mosquito larvicide Bacillus thuringiensis var. israelensis (Bti) has been used to control these mosquitoes. Here, we report results from the first six years of monitoring Chironomidae, the most susceptible non-target organisms, in three wetlands with Bti-treatment against mosquitoes and in three wetlands without treatment. Emergence traps were used for continuous insect sampling from May to September each year, 2002–2007, and were emptied once a week. A total of 21,394 chironomids of 135 species were collected, and the subfamily Orthocladiinae dominated the fauna followed by Chironominae and Tanypodinae. The annual chironomid production in the wetlands was low, with an average of 1917 individuals per m2, and 42 g ash-free dry weight per m2. We found no reduced production of chironomids at neither family, nor subfamily level, in Bti-treated as compared to untreated wetlands. This is the first long-term follow-up study of the possible effects of Bti-based mosquito larval control on chironomid species production. In the short-term view, one species had higher production in treated areas. In the long-term view, four species had higher and one species had lower production in treated areas. We conclude that the Bti-based control of flood-water mosquitoes does not cause any major direct negative effects on chironomid production, and therefore does not seem to induce any risk for indirect negative effects on birds, bats or any other predators feeding on chironomids.
I. A Victorian National Health Service: State Vaccination, 1855–71
Authors: Lambert R. J.
Published: June 2009

Vaccinationhas an immediate, but still quite neglected relevance to the growth of state activity in the nineteenth century. As the one conclusive method of preventive medicine of the time ‘it had ripened to the point at which the Legislature had become able to expressly apply it’. Indeed, from the first decade government was directly involved in its promotion. Vaccination thus constitutes the first continuous public health activity undertaken by the state. It also became, after 1841, the first free, specifically non-pauperizing, medical service provided by the Legislature on a national scale. And—completing its triple pioneering distinctions—from 1853 it was the first preventive method to be compulsorily applied to each child born in England and Wales. In its national, free and compulsory character, this health service represents an early yet remarkably modern extension of government action.
II. The Bartle Frere Mission to Zanzibar, 1873
Authors: Gavin R. J.
Published: June 2009

On 12 January 1873 the British yachtEnchantressentered the harbour of Zanzibar. On board were a former Governor of Bombay and a suite of six government officials—the Resident in the Persian Gulf, two men from the Foreign Office, a military and a naval attaché and one of the country's foremost Arabic scholars. What had brought such an important group into such an unimportant eastern backwater? The answer is only partly to be found in the state of British public opinion on the slave trade question. The origin of the mission is to be sought not in Exeter Hall but in the Huṣns on the bare slopes of the Jabal Akhḍar.
IV. Finance and Politics in Urban Local Government in England, 1835–1900
Authors: Hennock E. P.
Published: June 2009

One of the chief features of the history of nineteenth-century England was undoubtedly the increase in the size of cities, and in the proportion of the total population who lived under urban conditions. Since this process turned out to be a long-term trend, the urban communities, especially the larger ones, were always historically more important than the statistics of urban to rural population in any one decade would have suggested.2 They were the growing points of the new society, and decisions taken there were to be of cumulative significance far beyond the borough boundary. The problems of the towns in any one generation became increasingly the problems of the nation in the next. For instance, it was assumed in 1848 that the administrative measures under the Public Health Act of that year were applicable to urban areas only. By 1872 it had been realized that they would have to be extended to the country as a whole.
IV. Earl Grey's Cabinet and the Objects of Parliamentary Reform
Authors: Milton-Smith John
Published: June 2009

Since the advent of the social sciences, historians have been ploughing up large areas of well-trampled history. Sociology, for example, has lent them an expanding range of hypotheses and interpretations. In particular, studies more concerned with behavioural patterns than with the mere details of what happened have cast the traditional accounts aside. But there are dangers in this rush to produce fresh formulations. The historian, once caught in the tangle of an ingenious general explanation, abandons too easily the normal rigorous standards of historical research. Frequendy, in such cases, he fails to establish the relationship between his evidence and his generalizations. These criticisms often apply when broad concepts from political sociology are used to explain the motives and behaviour of specific politicians and groups of politicians. Any background study of the Great Reform Act is exposed to all these risks.
VII. The Impact of Financial Policy on English Party Politics before 1914
Authors: Emy H. V.
Published: June 2009

Critical research into the motivation and content of Liberal social policies before 1914 has qualified much of the credit the party's accomplishments originally received. Yet such qualifications may go too far and in the struggle to do justice to all the facts, historical accuracy may suffer both from tendencies to look for dominant motifs or patterns, and from the temptation to emphasize the ‘real’ empirical nature of politics, so losing sight of all purposes and patterns – especially value-patterns. For example, the emphasis upon nineteenth century administrative development may certainly correct the previously overdrawn distinction between, firstly, individualism and the negative state, and secondly, collectivism and the positive state, but if such emphasis is carried too far it may appear that the social reforms passed after 1906 were no more than the logical continuation of a legislative trend already well-established. It may appear through the simple cataloguing of administrative growth, in conjunction with the attention focused on the rise of the Labour movement and the ensuing attempt to place both in a long-term historical perspective, that the Liberal party was largely the passive instrument of movements and ideas which passed around and about the party, rather than through and within it; and, this being so, that interpretations such as those of Laski, dating the emergence of ‘fundamental’ party divisions from post-1914, may be too easily accepted.
Faction and Ideology: Thomas Starkey's Dialogue
Authors: Mayer Thomas F.
Published: June 2009

Thomas Starkey's (c. 1495–1538) Dialogue between Reginald Pole and Thomas Lupset is one of the most significant works of political thought written in English between Fortescue and Hooker, for several reasons. It gives insight into its author's intellectual background – Oxford, Paris, Avignon, Padua, Venice – which he shared with many of the other ideologues of the Henrician state. More than that, the Dialogue represents one of the first attempts to blend continental humanism of a Venetian variety, and perhaps Florentine as well, with native English traditions in the creation of a theoretical justification for what Starkey called a ‘mixed state’. In this and in the practical reform proposals which issued from it, Starkey went beyond Thomas More, however superior Utopia may be as a work of literature, or how much more directly it seems to speak to us. The work is also worthy of attention for Starkey's own standing, even if hisinfluence with Thomas Cromwell was shortlived. G. R. Elton has begun this sort of study by using Starkey'sreforms to explore the intellectual underpinnings of the Cromwellian reform. Aside from this effort, interpretation has not been very successful. The Dialogue is undoubtedly a daunting work, not because of the inherent difficulty of its arguments, but rather the extreme eclecticism of the author and his attempt to fulfil two apparently discrepant purposes. It is precisely on this last point that modern criticism has fallen down most seriously. I would like to suggest that placing the work in its proper context in Starkey's life allows not only the recovery of those two conflicting intentions, but also a sketch of the motives underlying them. This will involve an examination of the only surviving manuscript of the Dialogue.
Sir Robert Walpole, the Church of England, and the Quakers Tithe Bill of 1736
Authors: Taylor Stephen
Published: June 2009

The Church of England has received little attention either as an issue or as a force in mid-eighteenth-century politics. The contrast with the immediate post-revolutionary decades, when the Church and churchmen were at the centre of political debate, is striking. This development has been explained in terms of the achievement of political stability, one manifestation of which was the transition from the whig–tory dichotomy of the reign of Anne into a court–country one by 1725, with the issues dividing the two parties losing both ideological and political significance. Among the debates which were ‘overtaken by events’ was religion which ‘ceased to be a central issue of political debate’. Indeed, Geoffrey Holmes has argued that the decline of religious controversy began with the Sacheverell trial, claiming that most of the eighteenth century was characterized by ‘spiritual inertia’ and ‘religious tranquillity, within the framework of an Erastian polity’. Such views accord well with the secularist interpretation of the enlightenment, epitomized by Peter Gay's portrayal of it as ‘a volatile mixture of classicism, impiety, and science’, and they have been little challenged by ecclesiastical historians. Norman Sykes may have vindicated the pastoral and administrative standards of the Georgian Church, but the overwhelming impression remains one of Stability and intellectual torpor.
The Military Origins of the Roman Catholic Relief Programme of 1778
Authors: Donovan Robert Kent
Published: June 2009

Among historians it is a commonplace to observe that outcomes are bound up in origins and that we can find the explanation of perplexing or startling events by looking at how those events began. Nothing appears more obvious, but in some historical problems nothing is more easily overlooked. The history of the Roman Catholic relief proposals and enactments and the violent opposition to them in the British Isles in 1778–80 affords an example. It still presents difficulties to historians despite much research and writing on the subject. Accounts of Roman Catholic relief and the reaction to it, which was sustained over several years and was ferocious in climax, still leave an unsatisfactory impression as to how such opposition could have taken place. Confusion and doubt will go a long way towards disappearance, however, once we look more closely at the origins of the relief plan, origins which historians have largely overlooked.
II. On Edmund Burke's Doctrine of Prescription; or, An Appeal from the New to the Old Lawyers
Authors: Lucas Paul
Published: June 2009

Until about fifteen years ago, most modern scholars saw Edmund Burke's thought largely as a reaction to the philosophical and political rationalism of his time: to them, although Burke was reactive, his revolt was original. When scholars did seek the historical ‘origin’ of his thought, it was generally found in Whiggery and that convenient catch-all ‘the’ British tradition of empiricist philosophizing. Of late, two groups of scholars have sought and found other ‘origins’: the first group, larger and perhaps better-known, finds Burke's thought to be rooted in the principles of ‘the’ natural law and, perhaps, also in the dictates of scholastic prudence; the other group, tiny and less well known, finds in Burke's traditionalism a partial continuation of the traditional way of thinking of seventeenth-century common lawyers. One consequence of undertaking this disinterment of Burke's ‘origins’ has been the burial of Burke's originality.
V. Britain and the Siamese Malay States, 1892–1904: a Comment
Authors: Chandran J.
Published: June 2009

THIS is an attempt to provide a broad and critical analysis of British policy towards the Siamese Malay States which lay to the north of the British possessions and protectorates in the Malay Peninsula. Four of them, Perlis, Kedah, Kelantan and Trengganu, were transferred to British suzerainty in 1909 and now form part of Malaysia. The period under examination was one of unusually keen rivalry between Britain and France in the whole of mainland Southeast Asia and one of its unique features was the preservation of the independence of the Kingdom of Siam. Apart from the other needs of imperialism, the policies of die two Powers in Siam were to a considerable extent influenced by the presence of their vast colonial possessions in the periphery of Siam. These basic facts of the history of the region have, not unnaturally, led to a variety of approaches to the problem of the extension of British political control in the Malay Peninsula.
VII. The Agadir Crisis, the Mansion House Speech, and the Double-Edgedness of Agreements
Authors: Wilson Keith
Published: June 2009

The question of the direction of the speech which Lloyd George made at the height of the Agadir crisis of 1911 has recently been raised again by Dr Cosgrove. His article, however, is in some respects not entirely satisfactory. Most of the material that he uses to revive the traditional version of the Mansion House speech – namely that it was directed against the Germans – is derived from letters which deal with reactions to it, most of them Foreign Office reactions, and some of them at a considerable remove from the event itself. Admittedly one can build a prima facie case on ‘the entirely different impressions’ which the speech was observed to produce in Paris and in Berlin. There was the placing of it by Paul Cambon, the French Ambassador to London, at the end of a line of mounting irritation in England against the attitude of Germany, as the sort of thing theSpectatormight have quoted in support of its thesis of the necessity of the union ‘intime évidente, affirmée’ of England and France; and his suggestion that French papers be encouraged ‘à publier quelques appréciations flatteuses de ce discours et de son auteur’.
The Politics of the ‘People's Budget’
Authors: Murray Bruce K.
Published: June 2009

The view that Lloyd George designed his ‘People's Budget’of 1909–10 so as to invite its rejection by the House of Lords has fallen very largely out of favour with scholars, and it is now generally accepted that he devised his Budget as an alternative to rather than as a means to a battle with the Lords. As argued by Roy Jenkins and others, Lloyd George assumed that the peers would not dare tamper with a finance bill, and he consequently looked to his Budget as a way around the veto of the Lords: by means of it he hoped to attain some radical objectives against the wishes of the Lords.
The Politics of Legal Unity in Germany, 1870–1896
Authors: John Michael F.
Published: June 2009

Over the last two decades, noticeable progress has been made towards a more complete understanding of the political dynamics of Wilhelmine Germany. The older emphasis on the ‘high politics’ of Bismarck and his successors has given way to a much more differentiated picture of a political system in constant flux as it attempted to cope with the complexities of a rapidly industrializing society. Old orthodoxies concerning the weakness of German liberalism have been subjected to new examination and scholars have become increasingly aware of the potential of powerful interest groups to challenge as well as to buttress the Establishment. The overall effect of this general advance in the historiography of the Second Empire has been to direct attention away from the motives of individual decision-makers, at least at the ‘high-political’ level, and to investigate the structural constraints on the formulation of policy. Despite certain recent attempts to reinstate a more personalistic approach, it seems clear that no future history of late nineteenth-century German politics can afford to neglect these developments.
The Franco-Polish Alliance and the Remilitarization of the Rhineland
Authors: Sakwa George
Published: June 2009

The reoccupation of the Rhineland, on 7 March 1936, conventionally referred to as its remilitarization, was one of the few real turning points in modern history. It marked the end of the last vestiges of the ‘Versailles System’ and it has been considered a missed opportunity for calling a halt to Hitler's aggressive designs. It was also a problem which affected the very foundations of the Franco-Polish alliance, a relationship which had a chequered history in the interwar period. For France and Poland, Germany's neighbours, most of all, the reoccupation of the Rhineland would on the surface appear to have been the last occasion on which they might have collaborated to contain Hitler's Germany. This article will attempt to show how much more complex the question was in reality. It examines the degree of mutual consultation and encouragement between France and Poland prior to the reoccupation, and their reactions to it. This episode provides an excellent case-study of how the alliance worked in practice and also throws some interesting sidelights on the European diplomatic scene in this period.
William Eden and the Treaty of Mauritius, 1786–7
Authors: Bolton G. C. , Kennedy B. E.
Published: June 2009

During the generation before the French Revolution, die Atlantic colonial powers - Britain, France, Spain - endeavoured in various ways to assert metropolitan control of trade and expansion in the colonies. The revolt of Britain's American colonies was the most spectacular failure of such policies, but it did not deter eidier London or Versailles after the peace of 1783 from continuing to seek a more active supervision of their colonial outposts. Among symptoms of this activity were the energetic policies of die French ministry of marine under Castries, and the creation of the Board of Control for India and the renovated Board of Trade under Pitt
II. Thomas Hobbes and the Nature of the Early Royal Society
Authors: Skinner Quentin
Published: June 2009

Why was Thomas Hobbes never made a Fellow of the Royal Society? The question has been asked and answered in nearly all the intellectual biographies and other such studies of Hobbes, as well as in several of the histories of the early Royal Society itself. Since I wish to discuss the same question again, it is worth pausing first of all to neutralize two possible doubts about the value of this exercise.
Pacifist to Interventionist: David Lloyd George in 1911 and 1914. was Belgium an Issue?
Authors: Gilbert Bentley B.
Published: June 2009

David Lloyd George's behaviour in the crucial week between 27 July and 3 August 1914 has commanded much scholarship and more speculation. Nearly every member of Prime Minister Herbert Asquith's Liberal cabinet, including the chancellor of the exchequer himself, has told the story of those agonizing days, by memoir, diary or letter. Yet Lloyd George's part in Britain's decision to declare war upon Germany on 4 August remains unclear; indeed it is less clear now than it seemed to be half a century ago. How could the ‘Pro-Boer’ of the days of the South African war, who had been the object of any number of dangerous personal assaults for his treasonable speeches, the enemy of the dreadnoughts, the slasher of naval estimates, indeed the man who most recently declared at the Mansion House and had asserted again in the House of Commons only six days later – the last coming on the day of the Austrian ultimatum to Serbia – that powerful commercial influences in Germany and Britain were drawing the two nations so close that great arms were unnecessary, how could such a man become the supporter of intervention in a continental war on behalf of France?
Churchill's ‘No’ to Europe: The ‘Rejection’ of European Union by Churchill's Post-War Government, 1951–1952
Authors: Young John W.
Published: June 2009

There are several points in post-war history at which, it is argued, Britain lost an early opportunity to enter the European community. The refusals to join the Schuman Plan and Messina deliberations in the 1950s, and the failure of the E.E.C. applications of Macmillan and Wilson, are most commonly mentioned. But some commentators have pointed to another ‘missed opportunity’, following Winston Churchill's return to Downing Street in October 1951. For, in opposition, Churchill had seemed a great exponent of European unity, and several of his ministers – foremost among them the home secretary, Maxwell Fyfe, and housing minister, Harold Macmillan – had shown great enthusiasm for his ideas. Hopes that Churchill's government would favour a more positive approach to European unification were quickly disappointed, however: within weeks the foreign secretary, Anthony Eden, had ruled out any direct British role in Europe's emerging ‘supranational’ institutions, and in 1952 he defeated some determined efforts by Macmillan to change his policy. The ‘pro-Europeans’ did not forget this ‘betrayal’, however. They argued that a real opportunity to take the leadership of Europe had been lost and in the ensuing years, as Britain's failure to join the European community became more generally criticized, their thesis seemed credible. An examination of the evidence, however, allows a very different picture of this ‘missed opportunity’ to be painted.
Popular Disturbance and the Fall of Thomas Cromwell and the Reformers, 1539–1540
Authors: Brigden Susan
Published: June 2009

On 28 July 1540 Thomas Cromwell went to execution, and two days later Robert Barnes, Thomas Garret and William Jerome, leading protestant preachers and the minister's protégés, were burned at the stake.1These reformers were sacrificed to implicate Cromwell in apostasy, but their deaths were more than judicial murder; they died for making a reality of the conservatives’ old fears that religious radicalism would engender social disorder. With the coming of the Reformation issues of faith for the first time deeply divided the people, and the rift went beyond the schism between orthodox and reformed alone. Many who witnessed the confusion thought that ‘the devyll reyneth over us nowe’ and believed that ‘alle thys devysyon comyth through that ffalse knave that heretyke Doctor Barnys and such other heretiks as he ys’.2The faction struggles in court and council which dominated the last years of Henry VIII's reign produced the shifting policies of reaction or toleration towards reform, but while political intrigue determined the incidence of persecution and decided the victims the events of 1540 were to reveal that Protestantism was spreading independently, thwarting the restoration of Catholic orthodoxy, whatever the policy of government. The religious history of London was inextricably linked with the feuds of contending factions at court in the confused months of the spring and summer of 1540, not least because many of the protagonists and persecuted were Londoners themselves. The tensions witnessed in the capital between orthodox and reformed, and popular disturbance there, underlay all the machinations in high politics and influenced the outcome.
VI. The Irish Question and Liberal Politics, 1886–1894
Authors: Hamer D. A.
Published: June 2009

Between 1867 and the end of the nineteenth century the Irish question was one of the major issues in British politics. Between 1880 and 1893 in particular it achieved the status of the predominating issue, the great and abiding preoccupation of politicians. There would appear to be little difficulty for the historian in explaining why this was so. There were obviously abundant reasons in the Irish situation itself why politicians should have devoted so much of their time and effort to dealing with it—the urgent nature of Ireland's social problems, especially in relation to land-holding; the growth of Irish agrarian agitation so much better organized and supported than had hitherto been the case that it had to be met by a large and extremely time-consuming amount of coercion or land reform or a combination of both; the growing hold in Ireland of nationalism and of the demand for home rule; the new strength and cohesion of the Irish parliamentary party and its impact on British politics, both within the House of Commons and through the mobilisation of the votes of Irishmen in the non-Irish constituencies. Ireland clearly needed, and had the means of exacting, a very considerable amount of attention to its problems. The nature of the preoccupation with Ireland seems equally clear. The issues of land and local government reform, home rule, and coercion predominate in the thought and action of politicians with regard to the Irish question.
V. The French ‘Colonial Party’: Its Composition, Aims And Influence, 1885–1914
Authors: Andrew C. M. , Kanya-Forstner A. S.
Published: June 2009

In all three great imperial powers of Western Europe, imperialism acquired a popular following only in the 1890s. This change in public attitudes was particularly striking in France. For most of the 1880s the French public had seemed at best indifferent, at worst violently hostile, to colonial expansion. The Tunisian expedition had helped to bring down Jules Ferry's first ministry in 1881; the proposed Egyptian expedition brought down Freycinet in 1882. Three years later Ferry was hounded not merely from office but virtually from public life after an insignificant military setback in Tonkin. At the elections of 1885 the Opposition reserved its most virulent invective for the attack on colonial expansion, and even the Moderate Republicans felt obliged to condemn the politique d'aventures which they had previously supported.2
I. The Abuse and Outlawing of Sanctuary for Debt in Seventeenth-Century England
Authors: Hertzler James R.
Published: June 2009

On 16 April 1697 King William III of England gave his Royal Assent to a Bill just passed by his Whiggish Parliament, thereby making illegal a custom of very long standing in the history of English law and convention. During the Middle Ages the practice of imprisonment for debt had come into being through statutory enactments and through judicial procedure; parallel to it had grown the use of so-called ‘privileged places’, refuges to which delinquent debtors could flee and evade arrest for debt. While imprisonment for debt persisted as a legal process in England until the middle of the nineteenth century, sanctuary for debtors was legally abolished by this Act of 1697. That this Act was passed by a Whig-dominated Parliament is not without significance, for a substantial element in the Whig Party was the mercantile interest, the group most likely to suffer damage by the flight of debtors to these places of refuge.
The Gunboat Diplomacy of the Government of George Grenville, 1764–1765: The Honduras, Turks Island and Gambian Incidents
Authors: Tracy Nicholas
Published: June 2009

In the years following the conclusion of the Peace of Paris in 1763, George Grenville possessed a reputation for his consistent demands that Britain's war-proven naval superiority should be used to strengthen British diplomacy and prevent the Family Compact reacquiring die means of endangering Britain. In a typical statement to the Commons in 1768, referring to the Grafton Government's mishandling of the Corsican crisis, he said: ‘for fear of going to war, you will make war unavoidable’. It is interesting, therefore, to examine how and for what reasons the Grenville Government used its naval resources in conjunction with diplomacy to defend British interests when they were threatened consecutively in Honduras, Turks Island, and the Gambia in 1764–5.
Samuel Smiles and the Genesis of Self-Help; The Retreat to a Petit Bourgeois Utopia
Authors: Morris R. J.
Published: June 2009

Recent historical writing has shown the petite bourgeoisie to have been a distinctive group within British politics and society during the nineteenth century. Its politically active members provided a fluctuating and positive challenge to the authority of both the landed aristocracy and the developing urban elites. In the 1790s, an active fringe of small masters, shopkeepers and less prosperous professional men joined with the wage earners and artisans of the Corresponding Societies. They were cautious Painites, giving depth and breadth to the eighteenth-century radical tradition which sought to extend the franchise and reduce the power of government.
The Norman Conquest and the Common Law: The Levellers and the Argument from Continuity
Authors: Seaberg R. B.
Published: June 2009

Twenty-five years ago J. G. A. Pocock first argued that the Norman conquest was the rock upon which all arguments for the continuity of the common law finally came to wreck. Believe in the conquest qua conquest, and you could not believe that English law represented a continuous stream of unviolated custom or fail to see it as very much the offspring of Norman parentage. In the English revolution, the Levellers exemplified the logical necessity of Pocock's argu ment. Having seen the conquest for what it was, the group criticized the common law as none other than a Norman yoke and surrendered all appeals to history. By re-examining the Leveller use of history, this essay tests that proposition, turning it not upside down but on its side, and suggests an alternative conclusion both about the Levellers and the doctrine of continuity itself.
The Unionist Party and Social Policy 1906–1914
Authors: Dutton D. J.
Published: June 2009

It is generally agreed that the body of legislation passed by the Liberal governments after 1905 represented a uniquely important contribution to the problems of social policy in the twentieth century. The attitude of the Unionist opposition of these years to such matters has, however, received little attention. Yet the posture taken by the Unionists was, it will be suggested, of crucial importance in the development of the party in this period, playing a major part in the determination of its electoral fortunes. An appropriate starting point for this study is the reaction of the Unionist leader, Arthur Balfour, to the electoral disaster of 1906, in which he personally had lost his parliamentary seat. ‘What is going on here’, he argued, ‘is the faint echo of the same movement which has produced massacres in St Petersburg, riots in Vienna and Socialist processions in Berlin… We are face to face (no doubt in a milder form) with the Socialist difficulties which loom so large on the Continent. Unless I am greatly mistaken, the Election of 1906 inaugurates a new era.’
Sir Warren Fisher and the Coalition, 1919–1922
Authors: O’Halpin Eunan
Published: June 2009

It has been said of Lloyd George that ‘coming into the British system from outside, he had no respect for its traditions or accepted formalities… Most of all, he distrusted the permanent officials’. His reliance on the Garden Suburb, and what Milner described as his tendency ‘to settle things that really mattered, or unsettle them, in his own favourite way — by devious methods and through anything but the regular agents’, could be seen as evidence which supports this view. However, it was also during Lloyd George's premiership that two of the most influential officials of the interwar period, Sir Maurice Hankey and Sir Warren Fisher, acquired the standing which they held until their retirements in 1938 and 1939 respectively. Like the men of the Garden Suburb, they owed their success to Lloyd George and were personally devoted to him, but while the Garden Suburb came and went with its creator, Hankey and Fisher survived his departure. Lloyd George, the supreme individùalist as prime minister, bequeathed to his successors not the amorphous, ill-defined government machine which he had inherited from Asquith in 1916, but a reorganized and newly centralized public service.
The False Joseph II
Authors: Beales Derek
Published: June 2009

‘Since I have ascended the throne, and wear the first diadem in the world, I have made philosophy the legislator of my empire.’ Of all the sayings attributed to the Emperor Joseph II, this is easily the most hackneyed. It figures in many surveys of eighteenth-century history, whether old like W. O. Hassall's and A. H. Johnson's or new like those by Stuart Andrews, Maurice Ashley, R. W. Harris and E. N. Williams; in what is regarded as the best biography of Joseph in German, by Viktor Bibl; in the most extended and best known Life in English, Saul K. Padover'sThe Revolutionary Emperor; in Herbert H. Rowen's collection of documents,From Absolutism to Revolution; in Albert Sorel'sL'Europe et la Révolution française; in Victor-L. Tapié'sThe Rise and Fall of the Habsburg Monarchy; and in the recent monograph by Walter W. Davis,Joseph II: An Imperial Reformer for the Austrian Netherlands. The remark is the first sentence of a letter which the emperor is supposed to have written to Cardinal Herzan, his minister in Rome, in October 1781, and which goes on:
Leibniz on Hobbes, Locke's Two Treatises and Sherlock's Case of Allegiance
Authors: Jolley Nicholas
Published: June 2009

Writers on Leibniz have frequently stressed the marked contrast in character between his metaphysics and his political theory. As a metaphysician Leibniz appears as a thinker of daring originality whose views have sometimes seemed to set up certain tensions with orthodox Christian teaching. In the field of political theory, however, we encounter a much more traditional and conservative figure. Writing in a post-Hobbesian period Leibniz is a determined opponent of any trend towards a secular analysis of political questions; yet, within a framework of conventional theological assumptions, he is quite as insistent as Hobbes that obligation is co-extensive with the ruler's ability to provide protection. In a large measure the conservatism of Leibniz's political views can be explained by reference to die external facts of his position. Occupying a semi-official post at the court of Hanover, Leibniz was dependent on the favour of his electoral patrons; his political writings tended to be occasional pieces composed with a view to promoting specific Hanoverian interests. Leibniz's experience of politics was thus confined to the world of a minor German court, and die narrowness of diis background placed him at a severe disadvantage for understanding the political debates of a country like England with quite different traditions.
Wellington House and British Propaganda during the First World War
Authors: Sanders M. L.
Published: June 2009

At the outbreak of war in August 1914, the Germans poured out propaganda in the form of posters, leaflets and pamphlets, in an attempt to explain Germany's entry into the war and discredit the motives of the allies. The British government was greatly disturbed by the virulence of the German campaign, which was specially directed towards influencing the United States of America. At the end of August 1914, the matter was raised in the cabinet: ‘Mr Lloyd George urged the importance of setting on foot an organization to inform and influence public opinion abroad and to confute German mis-statements and sophistries.’ On 5 September the cabinet decided that steps were to be taken without delay to counteract the dissemination by Germany of false news abroad. Though there had been no peace-time precedent, the cabinet accepted the need for an organization to co-ordinate propaganda directed at foreign opinion for the duration of the war.
The Liberty and Property Defence League and Individualism
Authors: Bristow Edward
Published: June 2009

In 1882, when Dicey's so-called age of ‘Individualism’ was over and the high tide of laissez-faire was receding, there emerged for die first time in Britain a thoroughly dogmatic pressure group for extreme laissez-faire. This was the Liberty and Property Defence League. The League originated as part of what Beatrice Webb described as the ‘reaction against empirical socialism [which] came to a head under Mr Gladstone's administration of 1880–85’. But it out lasted Gladstone's second government and defended laissez-faire widi some effect until the end of the century.
VIII. The British Government's Reactions to President Wilson's ‘Peace’ Note of December 1916
Authors: Kernek Sterling
Published: June 2009

The best chances of a negotiated peace during the First World War lay with the President of the United States. Woodrow Wilson's efforts were abortive, but he made some very interesting moves. The most sensational was his note to the belligerents in December 1916, requesting them to state their peace terms—a move which seemed all the more provocative in Allied countries because it followed upon the heels of the German Chancellor's proposal to negotiate. The main purpose of this article is to examine the British Government's reactions to the President's note. A secondary purpose is to criticize some important points of interpretation made by Professors A. S. Link and Ernest May.
An English Audience for American Revolutionary Pamphlets
Authors: Bonwick C. C.
Published: June 2009

The eighteenth century was a great age of pamphleteering. Subjects were legion and authors innumerable. Every question of substance – and many of none – attracted writers to such a degree that in the world of politics one is tempted to establish the scale of pamphleteering as one of the yardsticks against which the importance of an issue should be measured. The American revolution fully conforms to this criterion, for during a twenty-year period beginning in 1763 it stimulated the publication of well over a thousand pamphlets in England alone. A good number of those pamphlets originated in America and their subsequent reappearance in England was a matter of considerable significance; some were written by Americans resident in London. This paper will examine the mechanics by which American revolutionary tracts were published and distributed in England, and their circulation among the radicals who proved themselves to be the patriots' best English friends during the difficult years of the revolution. They included among others Thomas Hollis, John Wilkes, Major John Cartwright and Granville Sharp; the Dissenting ministers Richard Price and Joseph Priestley, and one of the most brilliant women of her generation, Catharine Macaulay. Such an examination is not only an integral component in the analysis of the English side of the revolution; it also serves as a useful case-study in the mechanics and function of political propaganda.
Political Clubs in Restoration London
Authors: Allen David
Published: June 2009

Although Dryden's literary club in Covent Garden is remembered today by the readers of Restoration literature, political clubs in Charles II's metropolis have been litde studied by the historians of his reign. Of these political clubs, it was, of course, the First Whigs' Green Ribbon Club which always made most noise in the world, both at the time of the Popish Plot and Exclusionist agitation as well as in partisan histories of that agitation. Accounts of the Club by chroniclers of the calibre of Roger North or of Sir George Sitwell exist alongside the more recent but tantalizingly, brief description from J. R. Jones. Professor Jones has exploded the myth', writes another modern historian, ‘that the Whig Green Ribbon Club was an all-powerful manipulator of mobs and riots; its importance in this field extended only to financing or helping to finance, the two great 17 November pope-burnings in 1675 and 1680, which North regarded as contrived by the club.’ But other characteristics of this club also merit attention, especially in comparison with less well-known Whig clubs in London.
Lord Hardinge and the Mesopotamia Expedition and Inquiry, 1914–1917
Authors: Goold Douglas
Published: June 2009

Lord Hardinge succeeded Minto as viceroy of India in November 1910, after a distinguished career in the diplomatic service and in the Foreign Office as permanent under-secretary from 1906 to 191 o under Sir Edward Grey. Up to the outbreak of the First World War, he was considered a successful as well as a very popular viceroy. From August 1914 until the end of his viceroyalty in March 1916, the Mesopotamia Expedition was his greatest concern and India's most important undertaking. The expedition and subsequent inquiry had important effects on Britain, India and throughout the East, and had perhaps a more profound impact upon Hardinge's career and personality than any other event during his forty-two years of government service.
The Introduction and Critical Reception of Marxist Thought in Britain, 1850–1900
Authors: Willis Kirk
Published: June 2009

An economic theory implies an ethical system, a political purpose, and a psychological hypothesis. Throughout almost the entire nineteenth century in Britain laissez-faire capitalism, with its concomitant values of personal thrift and industry, parliamentary government, and promise of social mobility through self-improvement, was triumphant. Many, if not most, Englishmen believed that the classical political economists had discovered and formulated the ‘laws of political economy’ in the same ineluctable manner that Isaac Newton had determined the laws of physics. ‘To many’, as G. Kitson Clark has written, the political economists ‘were the best minds in the country whose teaching it was folly to question and disastrous to disobey’. However much Englishmen might deplore the social and human consequences of the operation of the ‘laws of political economy’, most were convinced that opposition to those ‘laws’ was futile.
MacDonald, Henderson, and the Outbreak of War, 1914
Authors: Howard Christopher
Published: June 2009

The mutual antipathy which arose between Ramsay MacDonald and Arthur Henderson during the First World War is often acknowledged to the point of exaggeration. Historians have however done little more than to note its presence and attempt to minimize its importance to the party's development; they have rarely sought to investigate its causes. During the war the strains in their relationship lay not in any long-standing personal mistrust and cannot be explained by Henderson's acceptance of office in the Asquith and Lloyd George coalitions or MacDonald's unremitting opposition to government policy. They lay in the fact that both men believed the other to have abandoned the Labour party in its hour of crisis. That crisis occurred between August and October 1914 in the first instance and this article will argue that the debate over the future of the Labour party and of the trade union movement which occurred during that period, rather than concern for the fate of the nation, determined the decisions taken by MacDonald and Henderson, by the parliamentary Labour party (P.L.P.), and by the wider Labour movement in the first months of war.
The Glorious Revolution: ‘Contract’ and ‘Abdication’ Reconsidered
Authors: Miller John
Published: June 2009

On 28 January 1689 the house of commons of the newly assembled Convention resolved that King James the Second, having endeavoured to subvert the constitution of this kingdom, by breaking the original contract between king and people, and by the advice of Jesuits and other wicked persons, having violated the fundamental laws, and having withdrawn himself out of the kingdom, has abdicated the government and that the throne is thereby vacant.