bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
“A Genuine Work of Honest Art”
Authors: Kolker Robert P. , Abrams Nathan
Published: June 2019

Outside of Japan and southern Europe, Eyes Wide Shut met with a poor reception. Reviews were not universally negative, but there were few raves. Those who liked the film understood its intricacies. Fairly quickly, serious critics and film scholars began analyzing the film with the attention it deserved, focusing on its themes and structure. The film began to enter popular culture, with its title, key scenes, and music turning up in unexpected places, including television, movies, video games, music videos, and art. Online conspiracy theorists made much of the orgy sequence, writing about the Illuminati and other dark meanings supposedly buried in the film. The establishment of the Stanley Kubrick Archive has helped scholars understand the valuable details of Eyes Wide Shut and Kubrick’s other films.
Non-Submersible Units
Authors: Kolker Robert P. , Abrams Nathan
Published: June 2019

Kubrick said that any film should contain large narrative elements that constitute “non-submersible units.” These were the core of a film. In this chapter we provide a new analysis of these key scenes as well as the connective narrative tissue between them. We use material from the preceding chapters, our archival research, as well as critical commentary about the Eyes Wide Shut, to consider the various ways the film can be read and understood, from the opening through the closing credits. While not a final or conclusive reading, we attempt to explicate new and fresh ways in which the film can be interpreted.
Introduction
Authors: McFate Montgomery
Published: June 2019

This chapter begins by describing Gerald Hickey’s experience in Vietnam working with the US military, especially his frustration that Americans imposed their own cultural frames on what they encountered despite his recommendation that military decision-making must take the society as a whole into account. This chapter then describes the conditions during which culture matters most to the military: engaging a culturally distant adversary; operating in close contact with civil authority in a foreign country; operating under limitations on the use of firepower; and when the strategic objective is not primarily military. This chapter then lays out five themes that emerge in the book. First, the increasing complexity of war results in a need to simplify reality in order to manage time and tasks. The simplification of reality through heuristics enables the military to execute its kinetic missions but also limits understanding of human beings. Even when military personnel seek to understand their environment, they often discover that the culture of their own organizations creates barriers to understanding. In attempting to use social science downrange, the military often discovers that the models, theories and concepts of how a society actually works do not exist in the required form.
Robert Sutherland Rattray and Indirect Rule
Authors: McFate Montgomery
Published: June 2019

This chapter begins with a description of how Captain Robert Sutherland Rattray, an anthropologist working for the British colonial government in what is now known as Ghana, may have averted a war between the Ashanti Empire and the British colonial government. This chapter offers a brief discussion of the origins of European colonial expansion and the various modes of European rule. Indirect rule is described as an administrative system, which (in theory) used indigenous institutions for governance. This chapter then explores how implementation of foreign policy creates a variety of knowledge imperatives, including the need for empirical, scientific research (instead of the impressionistic research of untrained administrators) concerning African social, political, economic and legal systems and the relationships between them. Lacking the requisite information, the mutual incomprehension between British colonial officers and the African societies they encountered resulted in a variety of unanticipated cultural disjunctions. Three disjunctions of indirect rule are then discussed, including the dangers of exporting western models, the problem of self-defeating policies and third, the tyranny of the paradigm.
Tom Harrisson and Unconventional Warfare
Authors: McFate Montgomery
Published: June 2019

This chapter asks: what can we learn about unconventional warfare from the experience of Tom Harrisson – anthropologist, soldier and hell-raiser extraordinaire who led an army of Kelabit warriors against the Japanese in Borneo during World War II? Harrisson’s military expertise was unconventional warfare, a form of conflict in which soldiers work ‘by, with, and through’ indigenous forces. Working alongside local people to fight an illegitimate government or occupation force requires rare and unusual personal attributes and skills, even beyond the ordinary military virtues of intelligence, courage, expertise with weapons, etc. Unconventional warfare necessitates three things in soldiers who practice this form of warfare: deep local knowledge; acculturation to the local society, and adaptation to the indigenous way of war. Harrisson’s remarkable experience in the jungles of Borneo not only illustrates the importance of these personal skills and attributes, but also the dangers inherent in using them.
John Useem and Governance Operations
Authors: McFate Montgomery
Published: June 2019

This chapter concerns the wartime civil affairs experience of John Useem, a US Navy officer who became the military governor of a small island in Micronesia. While the post-World War II, military government established in Germany and Japan are often offered as examples of successful governance operations, the partially successful case of Micronesia better exemplifies the paradoxes at the heart of the military government enterprise. These issues which plagued the US military government in Micronesia, and which John Useem wrote about in the 1940s and 1950s, were the exact same issues that have plagued the intervention in Afghanistan and Iraq more than a half century later. What happens when the policy of democratization is incompatible with the existing social order? What happens when American social norms conflict with the society they intend to govern? What happens when the core principle of military government non-interference cannot be implemented in practice and outright contradicts the imperatives of ‘nation building’?
Jomo Kenyatta, Louis Leakey, and the Counter-Insurgency System
Authors: McFate Montgomery
Published: June 2019

Jomo Kenyatta, who held a PhD in Anthropology from the London School of Economics, became the first president of Kenya. Kenyatta successfully employed his knowledge of anthropology – the so-called ‘handmaiden of colonialism’ – against a colonial regime, using that knowledge to pinpoint British political weaknesses, unify the Kikuyu and other tribes of Kenya, and construct an ethnographic Trojan Horse that undermined the British edifice upon which colonial law had been built. On the other side, the British counterinsurgency against the Mau Mau also utilized anthropology, both in theory and in practice. As this chapter describes, Louis Leakey’s conceptualization of Kikuyu culture influenced how the British fought the war and demonstrates how elements of the host nation culture – in this case, the Kikuyu practice of oathing and counter-oathing – may be employed in a security strategy. In this intersection of two lives – Jomo Kenyatta and Louis Leakey – many of the themes of this book become apparent, including the danger of fantasy ideologies, the limits of anthropological knowledge, and the asymmetry of cultural knowledge.
Don Marshall and the Strategic Objective
Authors: McFate Montgomery
Published: June 2019

Under the fluorescent lights of the Pentagon and in the villages of Vietnam, Donald S. Marshall brought an anthropological perspective to bear on the most pressing national security issue of his day – determination of the ‘kind of war’ upon which the US had embarked, and the most expedient way to fight it. In the PROVN report and later in the Long Range Planning Task Group, Marshall outlined a ‘whole society’ approach to warfare, with a focus on directed social change as an element of strategy. Marshall’s most significant contribution as a military anthropologist was his approach to Vietnam: viewing local culture and social structure not as an externality of war, but as a crucial factor. Marshall’s concern in this regard was uncommon; very infrequently does the military actually consider the wellbeing of the host nation society as the ‘object beyond war.’ One might ask, why not? This chapter begins by making the case that though war always involves social change, the post-war condition of the host nation society is generally omitted from the end state envisioned by policy makers, and is thus omitted at the military planning level.
Beyond Existentialism
Authors: Fischer Luke
Published: June 2019

This essay illustrates the limitations of predominant existentialist readings of death, mortality, and authenticity in Rilke and the presence of spiritual and esoteric dimensions that also need to be taken into account. Rilke’s distinctive conception of the unity of the realm of the living and the realm of the dead involves a marriage of existentialist and spiritual perspectives, and is part and parcel of his monistic conception of the unity of the visible and the invisible. The Sonnets to Orpheus build on Rilke’s treatment of these themes in his earlier major works (the New Poems, Malte, Duino Elegies). Rilke draws on the legend of Orpheus entering the realm of the dead (in his attempt to bring back Eurydice) through the power of his poetry/music, in order to articulate the role of poetry in facilitating an expanded awareness of the ultimate unity of existence.
Introduction
Authors: Halkitis Perry N.
Published: June 2019

The Stonewall Riots of 1969 set the foundation for the civil rights movement of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) population in the United States. Despite policies and laws, which have been enacted since that historical turning point, gay men continue to experience challenges in their lives as they emerge into their sexual identities. This chapter provides an overview and the thesis of the volume, which posits that development and negotiation of gay identity is a challenge with which many gay men grapple during their lifetimes despite the advances in LGBTQ rights over the last several decades. The thesis is explored in relation to the life narratives of three generations of gay men—the Stonewall Generation, the AIDS Generation, and the Queer Generation. These narratives are indicative of the many life challenges gay men face, the impact of these challenges on health and well-being of many gay men, but also of pride, dignity, and resilience that is evidenced in the population.
Generational Crises
Authors: Halkitis Perry N.
Published: June 2019

There are many commonalities in the coming out experiences of gay men both within and across the generations despite greater tolerance and acceptance of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) people in the United States that has developed in the late twentieth and early twenty-first century. While there is this bond that ties the men across the Stonewall, AIDS, and Queer generations, there are generational differences in coming out shaped by a crisis that defined and defines much of the lives of the men within each of these cohorts. The crises of identity, the crisis of AIDS, and the crisis of failure are explored as the defining element of each generation, respectively, with recognition that these crises are cumulative across time. Despite their connections as gay men and commonality in life experiences shaped by gay identity discourse, there are also intergenerational challenges and conflicts that emerge between the age groups.
Being
Authors: Halkitis Perry N.
Published: June 2019

The development of gay identity is explored across the three generations of gay men. Commonalities of the psychological process and behaviors in relation to identity realization and disclosure are examined through the life narratives and in relation to the extant literature. These life narratives are contextualized through Eli Coleman’s paradigm of gay identity development across all the stages ranging from initial periods of pre–coming out, when many gay men begin to experience their sexuality, to the point in which sexuality becomes integrated into one’s whole identity. The challenges of each stage are explored across the cohort of men as illuminated through the life stories, and in relation to social and political circumstances that shaped the historical epochs in which the were developing their gay identities.
Intersectionality and Racism
Authors: Halkitis Perry N.
Published: June 2019

The gay male population in the United States is not monolithic. Besides generational differences, there is a great and rich diversity along the lines of race, ethnicity, culture, and class. To understand the lives of gay men we must consider the multiple intersectional identities that gay men hold that define and shape their lives, their health, and their coming out. Gay men of color, including black and Latino gay men as well as first-generation men, often experience even greater challenges in terms of gay identity development than white men, created in part by lower levels of acceptance and understanding within ethnic and racial minority communities including immigrant populations. Gay men of color also experience racism within society at large and also from other gay men who stereotype and objectify men of color. As is the case with conceptions of masculinity, members of the Queer Generation espouse clearer understandings and appreciation of the intersection of gay identity with matters of race, ethnicity, class, and culture.
Party and Play
Authors: Halkitis Perry N.
Published: June 2019

Substance use, often in combination with sex, referred to as “party and play (PNP),” defines lives of gay men across generations and across all stages of life. Alcohol and drug use among gay men is precipitated by psychosocial burdens such as loneliness and diminished self-worth, the mental health difficulties experienced within the population, and the physical challenges associated with sex itself. The reliance on drug use is catalyzed by the homophobia of American society, but is also normalized within the community itself. The use of alcohol and other drugs also is intimately linked to the expectations of masculinity within the gay population, the drive for physical and sexual perfection, and the racism and discrimination experienced by gay men both within and outside the gay community. Ultimately, drugs serve as facilitators for the fantastical sex sought by many gay men and thus use of noninjection drugs that are hypersexualizing, such as methamphetamine and inhalant nitrates, has been implicated in the ongoing presence of HIV and other sexually transmitted infections (STIs) in the gay population.
Conclusion
Authors: Halkitis Perry N.
Published: June 2019

The lives of gay men in the United States across time and generations are shaped by numerous burdens predicated on the challenge of coming out, a condition that permeates their lifetimes. After first realizing that they are gay, most spend much of their lives seeking the full integration of their gay identity with other aspects of their lives. These conditions create psychosocial burdens in the lives of gay men, which often engender risk and diminish health. Despite these life circumstances, which are rooted in the homophobia of American society, many gay men embody enormous grit and resilience, and their lives are indicative of both pride and dignity. While these psychological processes associated with coming out are somewhat consistent across the Stonewall, AIDS, and Queer generations, the advance in the civil rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) people have resulted in lives somewhat less burdened.
What Triggered Kavkaz? Refuting Heikal’s Version
Authors: Ginor Isabella , Remez Gideon
Published: June 2019

Conventional historiography holds that the massive deployment of a regular Soviet air-defense division and other units in Egypt, codenamed “Operation Kavkaz,” was initiated in January 1970. After Israel’s new Phantom jets began on 7 January a campaign of “deep-penetration” bombings in and around Cairo, a desperate Nasser flew secretly to Moscow and persuaded a reluctant Soviet leadership to undertake the protection of Egypt’s skies. This account is based almost exclusively on the version published by Nasser’s propagandist Mohammed Heikal. New evidence calls into serious question whether such a visit took place at all. It proves conclusively that the decision to activate “Kavkaz” was taken, the formations and command structure assembled, and the first detachments dispatched in the summer and autumn of 1969, well before the “depth bombings” began, in response to previous Israeli demonstrations of air superiority in the War of Attrition.
Dr Chazov’s “Vacation in Egypt”
Authors: Ginor Isabella , Remez Gideon
Published: June 2019

As preparations for “Operation Kavkaz” intensified in the summer of 1969, a smokescreen was provided by ongoing US-USSR talks on “basic principles for a settlement.” In early September, Nasser suffered a heart attack that was disguised as a bout of flu. The Soviets secretly flew the Kremlin doctor Evgeny Chazov to attend him and convey direct communications. Nasser’s absence from public appearances sparked widespread but unfounded reports of a failed Soviet coup against him and/or that he had foiled it and purged leading pro-Soviet officials. Meanwhile the vanguard of “Kavkaz,” Shilka mobile anti-aircraft cannon, arrived in Egypt and though initially undetected had immediate effect on Israel air operations. The Soviet force’s command group arrived in early December, ironically just as US Secretary of State William Rogers presented his plan for Arab-Israeli peace.
The Soviet Regulars Move In
Authors: Ginor Isabella , Remez Gideon
Published: June 2019

The personnel of the Soviet expeditionary force to Egypt was carefully selected, screened (for Jews and other undesirable element) and trained for desert warfare, in parallel with Egyptian crews who were ultimately to take over the weapons. The MiG-21 fighters of interceptor squadrons were transported to Egypt in a new airlift. Meanwhile Israeli air attacks foiled foiled Egyptian attempts to station SAMs along the Suez Canal, and a Soviet-made radar station was lifted by an Israeli heliborne raid, Yet-inconclusive testimonies indicate that a Soviet tank force was landed at Alexandria to protect the “Kavkaz” formations. The Israeli “depth bombings” caused casualties among the Soviet advisers, exacerbating Moscow’s motivation to counter them. The first report from a newly recruited Israeli spy, Ashraf Marwan, established the false version of a secret visit by Nasser to Moscow – the first instance of his actual operation as an Egyptian double agent. Soviet and Egyptian naval units failed to intercept five Israeli missile boats that evaded the French embargo to sail home.
Flexing Muscles While Offering a Pullback
Authors: Ginor Isabella , Remez Gideon
Published: June 2019

Soviet-Egyptian preparations for an offensive continued through 1971, including plans against an Israeli system for flooding the Suez Canal with fuel and igniting it. Recent disclosures confirmed that Soviet advisers initiated the shootdown in September ’71 of an Israeli surveillance aircraft east of the canal, and they successfully countered an Israeli retaliation against the SAM array with US-supplied Shrike missiles. Shortly after this show of force, Soviet Foreign Minister Andrey Gromyko proposed to US President Nixon to withdraw Soviet troops (but not advisers) from Egypt as part of a settlement in terms similar to Sadat’s earlier offer. This remained under discussion until the Moscow summit in May 1972. Meanwhile, MiG-25 overflights of Sinai and Israel went on unimpeded, and Primakov’s continuing contacts with Israeli officials took on a threatening tone.
Deception-on-Nile, July 1972
Authors: Ginor Isabella , Remez Gideon
Published: June 2019

This chapter continues description of the disinformation campaign mounted by Egypt and the USSR to implant the deceptive impression that all Soviet advisers were expelled by President Anwar Sadat in July 1972 as part of a rift with Moscow and a shift to the US camp in the Cold War. The advisers were recalled en masse to Cairo, which had to be noticed by foreign observers, but soon were unobtrusively reposted to Egyptian formations where they continued preparations for an anti-Israeli offensive and induction of offensive weapons such as long-range bombers which supposedly had been refused by the Soviets. Among other components of this deception, supposed Israeli spy Ashraf Marwan is documented as falsely advising an MI6 agent that all Soviets were gone and Egypt would revert to procurement of British weapons – which reinforces evidence that he was actually an Egyptian double agent. US statesman Henry Kissinger assisted the ruse by feigning surprise at Sadat’s move, which had actually been coordinated with him at the Moscow Summit, and concealing this from others in the administration as well as from Israel.
The Soviet Nuclear Threat and KISSINGER’S Defcon-3
Authors: Ginor Isabella , Remez Gideon
Published: June 2019

If Soviet and Egyptian planning for the offensive of October 1973, assumed that its limited objective of recapturing Sinai would not trigger an Israeli nuclear response, in the event this proved dangerously flawed. The initial Israeli defeat on both the Egyptian and Syrian fronts caused such concern for a threat to the Israeli heartland that the doomsday option was reportedly considered and signaled. Soviet nuclear-missile submarines were ordered to ready a response, and nuclear-capable MiG-25s were redeployed in Egypt. Their use for a nuclear strike at Israel’s nuclear complex was considered seriously enough for a Jewish weapons developer to threaten suicide. When Israeli forces reversed the course of the war with a counter-crossing of the Suez Canal, Soviet Scud missiles with conventional warheads were launched at them. Nuclear warheads, supposedly detected on a Soviet ship headed for Egypt, were cited (but as this chapter argues, erroneously) as the cause for Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, who had been blindsided by the Arab offensive, to declare a DefCon-3 alert that brought the superpowers close to a nuclear confrontation.
Introduction
Authors: Dorronsoro Gilles , Grojean Olivier
Published: June 2019

This introductory chapter provides an overview of identity and identity hierarchies, identifying the three ways in which hierarchies are transformed. The rapid and even brutal transformation of identity hierarchies, a common feature in the countries studied here, is based on three dynamics: a revolution in which the center redefines the reference identity, socio-economic transformations increasing the level of interaction and competition, and moral shocks or changes to the regimes of subjectification. The brutal denaturalization of group hierarchies occurs when the state instigates a new relative value of religious or ethnic identities in the aftermath of a revolution. Moreover, migrations, rural exodus, and the redefinition of ethnic skills in industrialized modes of production all transform the value of identities. Lastly, the shift from the left-wing “revolutionary idea” to Islamism brings with it new regimes of subjectification, placing religious identities at the center of the political stage and of individuals' identifications.
The Management of Identities in and by Turkey’s Political Parties
Authors: Massicard Elise
Published: June 2019

This chapter explores the partial, and at times total, failure of mobilizations via mechanisms aiming to neutralize the political weight of identity within political parties. In Turkey, identity politics has become a means of claiming and proclaiming particularist rights since the 1980s, although such questions are often settled and regulated outside “legitimate” policies. Demands based on issues of identity—which are illegal—are quasi-taboo for the political parties, which are reluctant to become public relays for these sorts of demands, particularly on the national level. The parties consider the identity dimension as a central parameter in their relations with voters, however, and they incorporate it for this purpose, particularly in terms of personnel management of candidates and party officials. In order to face this double constraint, they use specific modes of communication that are characterized by connotation and ambiguity.
Violence and War in the Middle East in the 1980s
Authors: Bozarslan Hamit
Published: June 2019

This chapter discusses how important historical breaks are in the transformation of the identity categories that are relevant for mobilizations. In particular, year 1979 is a break-year in the history of the Middle East and opens a new historical cycle. However, the Camp David Accords and the occupation of Afghanistan are perceived as “treason” by the Arab nationalist left and the internationalist left respectively. Meanwhile, the Iranian Revolution and the Ka'aba occupation by Islamist activists signal the move from the leftist “revolutionary idea” to Islamism that had until then been omitted because it was considered a “servant of imperialism.” Even if these four events—with their own historicity—have no causality links, their contemporaries, through their understanding and subjectivities, put the events in relation. They give the events a new meaning; they transform the events into new markers of new “political realities.”
Conflicting Emotions
Authors: Blom Amélie
Published: June 2019

This chapter focuses on the riot that took place in Lahore, Pakistan following the publication of the “Danish cartoons” on February 14, 2006. It shows the importance of emotions in the transition to violence by focusing on three levels of observation. At the micro (individual) level, one must articulate certain types of emotions to moral sentiments and specific frameworks of perception. At the meso level (the riotous crowd), the “emotional work” of the entrepreneurs of mobilization failed to stem the micro-conflicts that were playing in the crowd, and these entrepreneurs are to be seen in the wider context of everyday urban violence. Finally, at the macro level (the political system), the chapter highlights the need for a renewed interest in an aspect often neglected in studies on the impact dimension of social movements, namely the politics of emotions produced by the state.
Quetta City and the Baluch Guerrilla
Authors: Bellon Luc
Published: June 2019

This article explores the incidents linked to Baloch nationalism, highlighting what is at play behind this urban armed struggle, with a special focus on the city of Quetta—the capital city of Balochistan, Pakistan's most underdeveloped province. Since 2000, and for the first time, violent clashes of very different natures coincided in the city: target killings by Baloch nationalists, suicide attacks from militant Islamist groups, assassinations against the Shi'ite (primarily Hazara) community, and a growing non-politically motivated criminality perpetuating a number of murders and kidnappings. The legitimization of some aspects of this violence by a population witnessing but not producing it enables the reconfiguration of social relationships and/or spaces in the urban context. In particular, the chapter argues that violence, far from bringing about a rejection and delegitimization of groups using it, can on the contrary redefine the relationship between social groups, leading in particular to the marginalization of the groups it targets.
Graduating to Violence
Authors: Gayer Laurent
Published: June 2019

This chapter addresses student violence at the University of Karachi, between 1979 and 1989. During this decade there was a spectacular rise in student violence at the university, from fistfights to gunfights, to “political” assassinations, and culminating in a massacre. On one occasion, this violence spilled over from the campuses and acquired an international dimension: when a Pakistan International Airlines (PIA) airplane was hijacked in March 1981 by Salamullah Tipu. During the second half of the 1980s, it also spread through the city of Karachi, fuelling larger social and political conflicts. The chapter then considers two different aspects of the dynamics of conflict escalation: that of intensification, which concerns the magnitude of the violence in terms of casualties; and that of expansion, which concerns the amplitude of the violence in spatial terms.
Ethical and Interpretive Stances in Narrative Work
Authors: Akerman Sean
Published: June 2019

Chapter 5 looks into the ethical responsibilities scholars have toward the exiled lives they study. The author considers existing principles that guide review boards, and thus the practice of psychological research, in order to show the ways in which narrative approaches challenge those principles. Then, he discusses the ways that an ethical stance is embedded in the act of interpretation, and how any interpretation of exile must reckon with proximity to individual and collective death. Finally, the author considers the ethical choices that mark each phase of research in order to show how narrative approaches broaden what can be represented in the field of psychology.
Reflections
Authors: Akerman Sean
Published: June 2019

Chapter 6 reflects on the challenges to theory, method, and rhetoric that occur in the study of exile. The author outlines the ways in which those challenges occur on both scientific and emotional levels in his own fieldwork. He then discusses what these challenges mean for questions of understanding and representation and situates those challenges with within the much-used framework of human rights when discussing exiles. Finally, the author revisits the changes that occurred to psychology as a discipline in the years following World War II. The current historical moment provides some frightening parallels that demand psychology’s engagement. That engagement, the author argues, can be led by narrative work.
The Trumpocalypse and Its Afterlife
Authors: di Leonardo Micaela
Published: June 2019

This chapter details the TJMS reporting and activism during the 2016 presidential election, including interviews with Hillary Clinton, Bernie Sanders, and Barack and Michelle Obama, and crew and audience horrified and enraged reactions to Trump’s election. It lays out their participation in and cheerleading for the Resistance, their fury over the neofascist Charleston protests and the Trump Administration’s failures to aid Americans after Hurricanes Harvey/Maria/Irma, their ongoing and hilariously denigrating anti-Trump reportage, their glee over Fox News commentators’ downfalls over sexual harassment allegations. This chapter also documents their deep involvement in the 2017 and 2018 Democratic triumphs in Virginia and Alabama, their involvement in Brett Kavanaugh’s Supreme Court appointment, the triumphant 2018 midterm elections and protesting ICE’s actions at the border, and their coverage of all of the investigations of Trump&Co, keeping the “woke” flame burning.
Transforming Universities to Build a Movement
Authors: Tarlau Rebecca
Published: June 2019

Chapter 2 focuses on the MST’s most important educational program, the National Program for Education in Areas of Agrarian Reform (PRONERA), created in 1998 and put under the auspices of the National Institute of Colonization and Agrarian Reform (INCRA). Through PRONERA the MST created its first university bachelor’s degree program, which enhanced activists’ political and technical capacities and integrated them into the movement. At the same time the MST’s educational vision repeatedly came into conflict with established educational norms, even in a university with progressive and supportive professors. The second part of the chapter analyzes the expansion of PRONERA and how its structure of triple governance within INCRA has allowed for ample social movement participation. In 2008, there was an explicit attack on this program, exemplifying that the institutionalization of social movement goals has to be constantly defended through contentious mobilization.
Rio Grande do Sul
Authors: Tarlau Rebecca
Published: June 2019

Chapter 4 focuses on the MST’s educational struggle in Rio Grande do Sul, where the movement first began to experiment with new pedagogical approaches in the early 1980s. Rio Grande do Sul is an ideal case of state-movement cooperation: well-organized MST activists helped a left-leaning PT government take power in a state with a high capacity for educational governance. Once MST leaders institutionalized their proposal, they continued to co-govern these initiatives, even after the state withdrew its financial support. However, the second part of the chapter illustrates that this is still a fragile relationship: a right-leaning government that came to power a decade later successfully attacked these educational initiatives and weakened the movement. The argument of this chapter is that a combination of disruptive tactics and institutional presence is critical to successfully engaging the state; however, regime type can also affect movement outcomes.
Conclusion
Authors: Tarlau Rebecca
Published: June 2019

The Conclusion reflects on the significance of the MST’s educational initiatives for understanding states, social movements, and education. The chapter revisits the theoretical claims in the Introduction and clarifies how activists’ long march through the institutions sustains their movements. It outlines the exact mechanisms that facilitated the MST’s ability to lead this massive process of institutional change. It also makes a case for why public education is a strategic sphere for social movement participation. Finally, the chapter describes the implications of this study for understanding the consequences of social movements’ contentious co-governance of state institutions in Latin America and globally.
Social Currents in North Africa
Authors: Abi-Mershed Osama
Published: June 2019

This introductory chapter offers a critical reassessment of the disciplinary contours have become all the more desirable in light of the momentous and unforeseen sociopolitical upheavals, known as the Arab uprisings, which started in Tunisia in December 2010. The “territory-crossing” reach and substantive implications of the uprisings have compelled North Africanists to review some of the paradigmatic and procedural assumptions in their field of studies, and to don fresh conceptual and methodological lenses when reading Arab societies more broadly. To this end, the chapter addresses the following questions: have the Arab uprisings exposed heretofore underestimated regional commonalities for historians and social scientists to explain? And can post-uprising research promote greater analytic rigor and disciplinary synergies in North African studies, to the benefit of more varied transregional and comparative perspectives on national developments?
Islamist Parties and Transformation in Tunisia and Morocco
Authors: Cavatorta Francesco , Merone Fabio
Published: June 2019

This chapter surveys the most important debates generated by these research agendas, and argues that, despite some impressive contributions, their focus remains generally limited to certain aspects of Islamist politics. Specifically, post-2011 research agendas continue to dismiss the relevance of party politics due to the longstanding belief—quite justified in most cases—that parties in the Middle East and particularly in North Africa are insignificant political actors. In light of the events of 2011, however, it is necessary to examine party politics more closely, especially the ideologically driven Islamist parties that often hold the key to the success or failure of regime change in the region. Scrutinizing Islamist parties can reveal critical social, political, generational, and ideological factors affecting Islamism as a whole, including the Salafi trend. More specifically, scholars must overcome their tendency to overlook the profound diversity, fragmentation, and tensions that exist within Islamism proper. Such diversity plays a role not only in the political institutional arena (i.e., electoral competition between different Islamist parties), but also in social domains, where there are heated ideological debates and diverse instances and forms of activism within the Islamist sphere that many observers have yet to fully grasp and analyze. Finally, the chapter points to the seeming paradox of the thesis of post-Islamism, which in some ways has been confirmed rather than challenged by the arrival of the Moroccan Party for Justice and Development (PJD) and the Tunisian Ennahda to power.
Film and Cultural Dissent in Tunisia
Authors: Gana Nouri
Published: June 2019

The purpose of this chapter is to address the value of cultural politics in the gradual emergence of a dissident social imaginary. Perhaps because of the rigidity of censorship and the severity of self-censorship during the successive dictatorships of Bourguiba and Ben Ali, one of the remarkable constants of Tunisian cultural products is that much of what would count for political dissidence has been couched as forms of social or cognitive dissonance, in which the norms of social intelligibility collapse and with them all sorts of taboos, evident in postcolonial Tunisian films. This chapter seeks to disentangle the common genealogies of cultural resistance and dissidence that have characterized the artistic ventures of a number of filmmakers in postcolonial Tunisia. This chapter outlines the trajectory of Tunisian thanks to innovative and committed filmmakers whose neo-realist artistic vision shaped today’s cinematic landscape in Tunisia. The major part of this chapter is devoted to a discussion of select postcolonial dissident films, examining the critical latencies of each film along with the ways that each helped capture and articulate, at least retrospectively, Tunisians’ mass discontent with the authoritarian regimes of both Bourguiba and Ben Ali.
“Curating the Mellah”
Authors: Boum Aomar
Published: June 2019

This chapter discusses the movement of cultural renovation and marketing of Jewish heritage in Tunisia and Morocco and its ties to the development of a Jewish cultural tourism that targets Israeli tourists of North African and Ashkenazi descent. It also analyzes the political and social debates about Israeli relations with Morocco and Tunisia, and Jewish-Muslim relations that have been generated by this movement of cultural preservation. This chapter argues that this movement has a philo-Semitic dimension given its focus on Jewish capital and tourism revenues rather than on a serious national debate about the place of Jews as citizens in Morocco and Tunisia. While Jews are admired as successful business owners and traders, they are socially and religiously stigmatized because of their direct or indirect links to the conflict between Israel and Palestine. Therefore, negative perceptions of Jews are seen largely through debates revolving around the appropriateness of normalizing relations with Israel, especially after the Arab uprisings. Even with the damaging political impact of the Arab-Israeli conflict on perceptions of Jews in Morocco and Tunisia, governments are still using their countries’ historical Jewish heritage to market a living Jewish culture in North African cities and villages.
The Popular Allure and Academic Neglect of Mutinies
Authors: Dwyer Maggie
Published: June 2019

This chapter introduces the study of mutinies and highlights the lack of academic attention on this type of revolt in an African context. It lays out the book’s two overarching themes. One is that mutineers are usually driven by a combination of material demands and a perceived injustice. The other theme is that soldiers use mutinies to communicate with senior leadership. The chapter then demonstrates how this interpretation challenges other understandings of mutinies.
Public Discourse, Protests and Revolts
Authors: Dwyer Maggie
Published: June 2019

This chapter identifies how a spike in the occurrence of mutinies in the 1990s corresponds to what is often referred to as the democratization period in Africa. While militaries in the region generally were not involved in advancing the democratization movement, mutineers’ rhetoric and demands often appeared to have been borrowed from civilian groups advocating for greater democratic rights. The chapter will also look beyond the 1990s to demonstrate that mutinies most often occur in countries that display respect for civil liberties and political freedoms.
The Price of Hardship
Authors: Dwyer Maggie
Published: June 2019

This chapter begins by explaining why recently deployed troops may be especially prone to mutinies. The discussion is applicable to internal deployments as well as international deployments. The latter part of the chapter focuses specifically on the link between mutinies and international peace operations.
An Altered View of Mutinies
Authors: Dwyer Maggie
Published: June 2019

This chapter concludes the book by reviewing the key themes and arguments. It also explores the future of mutinies in Africa.
Militaries and Democracies in the Middle East
Authors: Cook Steven A.
Published: June 2019

Steven Cook’s contribution adopts a comparative approach by putting the Egyptian case in perspective with Turkey and Libya. The Turkish case shows that while a civilian government has the ability to domesticate an army, this does not guarantee a democratic outcome. And the Libyan case demonstrates that, contrary to some of the optimistic assumptions prevalent in 2011, having “not enough” military poses other challenges in terms of national cohesion and security.
Transitional Justice in Post-Revolutionary Egypt
Authors: Bernard-Maugiron Nathalie
Published: June 2019

Nathalie Bernard-Maugiron offers a contrasting perspective on Egypt, where a highly biased version of transitional justice—or, in other words, no transitional justice at all—was implemented. Since February 2011, criminal cases against state officials have been dropped and fact-finding committees investigating massacres perpetrated by state officials either delivered conclusions favorable to the perpetrators or were silenced. In contrast, since the summer 2013, Muslim Brotherhood leaders and members, as well as secular revolutionaries, have been heavily prosecuted and subjected to harsh sentences.
Introduction
Authors: Silva Jennifer M.
Published: June 2019

The introduction examines why disadvantaged groups are the least likely to participate in American civic and political life. This chapter moves away from the idea that working-class people act against their own self-interest. Instead, it is based on the premise that if we want to understand how their self-interest works, we must begin with how people imagine the self. Drawing on the life histories of Bree, a Trump-supporting waitress who lives in chronic pain, and her boyfriend Eric, a black man who was just released from prison and who revels in conspiracy theories, this chapter reveals the ways working-class people create imaginative bridges between personal suffering, distrust, and disengagement. It demonstrates how individual pain management has become a necessity in an era where family and community ties are fragile, trust is nonexistent, social safety nets are limited, and opportunities for mobility are scarce.
Forgotten Men
Authors: Silva Jennifer M.
Published: June 2019

This chapter examines how white working-class men cope with their inability to sustain the masculine legacy of provision, protection, and courage that they inherited from their fathers and grandfathers. Some white men struggling to provide for their families put dignity, fairness, and economic justice for workers at the center of their politics, criticizing politicians who have failed to fight for workers’ rights. These men feel frustrated by the lack of social recognition for their persistent struggle, personal integrity, and generosity toward others. To compensate, they exclude racial minorities, immigrants, refugees, and nonworkers from their vision of collective bounty. Among other working-class men, particularly those who have never known a social contract between labor and business, hard work and self-sacrifice remain at the center of their identities. Glorifying their own suffering, their harshest scorn is reserved for those who succumb to dependence. A few men detach masculinity from wage-earning, stoicism, and aggressiveness, searching for new foundations on which to anchor the masculine self.
The Power of Discourse
Authors: Kastoryano Riva
Published: June 2019

This points to the use of use of terms such as jihad, ummah, caliphate and land of Islam calls up an historic definition of the nation and nationalist sentiment. But in this case, instead of “unifying” a people on a territory, it strives to bring together geographically dispersed people under the same religious and transnational banner.
Between Spain and the Maghreb
Authors: Kastoryano Riva
Published: June 2019

Spain is the gateway for entering the European Union from the south, a country of legal and illegal immigration from the African continent, particularly via Morocco and Algeria. The constant trips back and forth between Spain and the Maghreb made by the “birds of passage”4 that perpetrated the 11M attacks attest to the intensity of exchanges between the two shores of the Mediterranean. The Madrid attack thus brings to light transnational relations and actions, in that they transcend borders and defy Spain’s foreign, European and domestic policy as well as the policies of the countries of emigration.
The End of Multiculturalism?
Authors: Kastoryano Riva
Published: June 2019

Multiculturalism has thus shifted from the cultural and social sphere to the security realm in both the United Kingdom and the United States. Cameron thus criticized the dual dimension of the failure of multiculturalism: communitarian – a community withdrawn into itself – and identarian – in terms of values, naturally with political consequences. This was bound to ignite controversy in a country that had made multiculturalism the very foundation of its integration policy. Integration had come to a standstill due to a very small minority that places specific values above universal liberal values. The debate on multiculturalism focuses especially on its negative effects on integration, a key notion that reflects at once a normative and political approach. But the greatest challenge to multiculturalism policies is the power of transnationalism. While multiculturalism, by its very principle, seeks to institute respect for differences within a common space of political participation, a solidarity transcending borders has taken hold, generating new balances of power. In reaction, states are reasserting their prerogatives over immigration, integration and citizenship
Perpetual Peace
Authors: Mara Gerald M.
Published: June 2019

Chapter 3 considers Thomas Hobbes and Immanuel Kant, two authors aiming to establish stable political peace. While their statements differ significantly in both practical focus (domestic versus international politics) and metaethical form (prudential versus moral rationality), both see peace as achievable under institutional conditions that are discovered and justified by philosophy. Yet Hobbes’s institutional ambitions are frustrated by aspects of politics that he recognizes as less susceptible to institutional control. And though Kant aspires to provide rational guidance for “moral politicians,” his rigid divide between heroic morality and the all too human flaws of politics frustrates prospects for moral influence. We are left wondering whether political conflict can be either controlled by Hobbes’s political science or regulated by Kant’s rational morality. Similar challenges afflict their different intellectual descendants, for both rational choice theory and global democratic theory find their projected reforms continually challenged by politics itself.