bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Failure of Popular Counter-Revolution in Risorgimento Italy: the Case of the Centurions, 1831–1847
Authors: Reinerman Alan J.
Published: June 2009

In contrast to the innumerable studies of the revolutionary movement in risorgimento Italy, the popular counter-revolutionary movement has received scant attention from historians. Reasons for this neglect are not hard to find: distaste for what is perceived as a retrograde movement on behalf of a deservedly lost cause reinforces the normal tendency of historians to concentrate on the ‘winners’ rather than the ‘losers’ who by their very nature seem of less significance. That the Italian popular counter-revolution, was among the losers of history is undeniable: it did not succeed in its own time, nor did it contribute to any of the great progressive movements that transformed European society over the next century. Nonetheless, this neglect seems unjustified. To ignore a movement that had the support of a sizeable part of the Italian people – indeed, greater support at times than the risorgimento itself, which few historians would deny was the work of a small elite – can only result in a very distorted picture of nineteenth-century Italy. Moreover, to understand the development of a complex historical event such as the risorgimento, it is not sufficient to study only the winners, for the nature and weaknesses of the losers may also have played a major role in determining the outcome. This raises a fundamental question concerning the Italian counter-revolution: enjoying as it did wide popular support, why did it accomplish so little? It had its moments of triumph, but in general its record was unimpressive. Why did not this reservoir of popular support give conservatives the upper hand and abort the risorgimento? Why, in particular, did conservative governments make so little use of this apparently potent ally?
Conscience and Context: the Popish Plot and the Politics of Ritual, 1678–1682
Authors: Beaver Dan
Published: June 2009

The Popish Plot is the proper starting point for a reassessment of society and culture in late seventeenth-century England. The origins of the plot have become increasingly obscure, primarily because historians have made the erosion of Calvinist religious values and belief a defining characteristic of social and political change after the Restoration. John Kenyon has argued that the plot was an instance of mass hysteria, with its roots in the overcrowded, rumour-infested environment of London. Having identified post-Restoration nonconformity with cranks mentally ‘unhinged’ by the civil wars and the Great Fire, Kenyon interprets the plot as an obvious fabrication foisted on a paranoid and credulous nation by adventurers and religious extremists. Christopher Hill, in rare agreement with Kenyon, sees the decline of the religious approach to politics until ‘by the time of the Popish Plot it had degenerated into a stunt manipulated by cynical politicians’.
Sailors and Gentlemen of Parade: Some Professional and Technical Problems Concerning the Conduct of Combined Operations in the Eighteenth Century
Authors: Harding Richard
Published: June 2009

Of all types of military and naval activity, combined operations have had a particular fascination for public and politicians in the English-speaking world. In England, from Drake's raid on Cadiz in 1587 through to actions initiated by Sir Roger Keyes' Combined Operations Head Quarters in 1940, this mode of warfare has offered the romantic and morale-boosting spectacle of a beleaguered nation striking back at a powerful and threatening adversary. To politicians and administrators such operations seemed to present tantalizingly rich results at little cost. From the early part of the sixteenth century, France and Spain were largely immune from decisiveEnglish military action on the continent, but seemed extremely vulnerable on their seaboards and, as their overseas empires grew, in their colonies. A naval squadron with a small seaborne army could inflict damage upon the economy and prestige of these powers out of all proportion to the forces employed. Even when France was able to continue the fight after major colonial defeats, as she did between 1761 and 1763 and after 1809, England was at least enriched by the profits from her seizures. The belief that the navy could be relied upon to defend Britainand carry the war to the enemy received significant support from the great school of naval historians that developed between 1870 and 1914.1 Their works, supplemented by popular histories, and enlisted unsuccessfully by the royal navy in its attempt to resist a reorientation of British strategy between 1905 and 1911, added great weight to the conviction that British strategy traditionally lay in the application of sea power, of which combinedoperations was a major element. Assisted by newsreel and film, the spectacular developments in the power and technology of combined operations since 1941 have ensured continued public interest in this mode of warfare.
Civil Rights for Civil Servants? The Ligue Des Droits De L'Homme and the Problem of Trade Unionism in the French Public Services, c. 1905–1914
Authors: Jones H. S.
Published: June 2009

The law of 21 March 1884, which legalized the formation of syndicats for the defence of ‘economic, industrial, commercial and agricultural interests’, was not intended to apply to civil servants. They were not thought to have such interests. There was, it is true, some dispute as to which categories of public employees were covered by this legal prohibition, and the Chamber of Deputies maintained in 1894 that the law applied to workers in industrial enterprises run by the state. But governments steadfastly refused to allow postal officials or schoolteachers, for instance, the right to form syndicats. They did not, however, contest their right to form associations under the law of 1 July 1901, and conflict became acute in the period after 1905 as these associations began to transform themselves into syndicats or to claim rights associated with the syndicat The postal strikes in Paris in 1909 and the rail strike of 1910 were particular causes célèbres
The ‘Little Parliament’: The General Court of the East India Company, 1750–1784
Authors: Bowen Huw V.
Published: June 2009

The historical verdict on the General Court of the East India Company has often been an unfavourable one. The Court, the ultimate sovereign body within the company, has invariably been described in terms similar to those which used to be applied to the eighteenth-century house of commons: it has been seen as a corrupt, disorderly, and disreputable political institution. Macaulay set the general tone in 1840 when he painted a typically vivid picture of proceedings at the General Court in the mid-eighteenth century. ‘The meetings’, he wrote, ‘were large, stormy, even riotous, the debates indecently virulent. All the turbulence of a Westminster election, all the trickery and corruption of a Grampound election, disgraced the proceedings of this assembly on questions of the most solemn importance’. This unflattering and somewhat impressionistic sketch has occasionally received uncritical acceptance from modern-day historians, and indeed it may be endorsed by contemporary observations of particular events at the Court. In 1767, for example, a first-time visitor to the Court room at India House in Leadenhall Street was appalled by what he saw, and he came away with the impression that this was ‘the most riotous assembly I ever saw’. And yet, on numerous other occasions commentators were full of praise for the good order and high standards of oratory at the Court. This has prompted two of the leading modern authorities on the history of the company in Britain to comment favourably on the quality of debate at India House during the eighteenth and early-nineteenth century.
Problems of ‘Socialist Planning’: Evan Durbin and the Labour Government of 1945
Authors: Brooke Stephen
Published: June 2009

‘Socialist planning’ was a notable, if unlikely casualty of Labour government after the Second World War. Between 1931 and the election victory of 1945, central economic planning was, in the words of G.D.H. Cole, the ‘professed creed of the Labour Party’. Depression and war demonstrated that the anarchy of free-market capitalism had to ‘give way to ordered planning under national control’. Labour won the election of 1945 with a commitment to ‘plan from the ground up’ through the socialization of industry, the establishment of a national investment board and the use of wide-ranging economic controls. Planning was the defining characteristic of Labour's socialism in this period and it could indeed be argued that the party did not find so effective a political rhetoric until ‘Labour and the scientific revolution’ in 1963.
‘A Family Quarrel’. The Development of the Dispute over Indians in South Africa
Authors: Lloyd Lorna
Published: June 2009

From the perspective of the 1990s, scarcely an eyebrow would be raised by the news that in 1946 India complained internationally about South Africa's treatment of persons of Indian origin. It would be regarded as fully in keeping with the ethos – both domestic and international – of the age. Moreover, it would be seen as entirely appropriate that the complaint should have been lodged with the United Nations. For that body has not only become South Africa's scourge but has also played the leading role in the now-orthodox campaign against racism. Furthermore, if it were pointed out that this was, in fact, the very first occasion when anti-racist sentiments were given a significant international airing, the response might well be that the UN was set up to deal with just this kind of issue.
British Secret Service Activity in Khorassan, 1887–1908
Authors: Morris L. P.
Published: June 2009

When great powers quarrel their lesser neighbours are often worst affected. Cajoled and wooed, they are drawn into conflicts they would prefer to avoid. Such involvement may exacerbate internal weaknesses and end by damaging them long after the causes of the original dispute have faded. Nineteenth-century Iran became drawn into Anglo-Russian rivalries in Central Asia as each sought to secure her assistance. Spectators of the so-called ‘Great Game’ were not allowed: the boxes were part of the field of play.
Herbert Butterfield and the Study of History
Authors: Elton G. R.
Published: June 2009

In 1931 Herbert Butterfield, precisely as old as the century, published a short book entitled The whig interpretation of history. It made him famous, and for the next forty years or so he stood forth as one of the leading voices in the profession. His voluminous writings in books and essays were read avidly by schoolmasters and their pupils, by students and – less regularly – by dons; to a wide range of educated and reflective people not themselves historians he represented the voice of history in England. He added a further dimension to his image when singlehandedly and with considerable courage he engaged the then dominant Namierite school of eighteenth-century studies; though he cannot be said to have triumphed in that battle, he emerged from it with honour and with the satisfaction of having been able to crack the crystalline selfregard of the opposing party in several places. Those who knew only the voice, on paper at that, were liable to be profoundly disconcerted when they encountered him: no whitebearded old testament prophet after all, preaching stern simplicities, but a clean-shaven (often somewhatrazored) man permanently about thirty-five years old, brisk, cheerful, responsive, entertaining, variously chain-smoking or sworn off cigarettes altogether, always courteous, never pompous. It might be thought that today, less than four years after his death, it is yet too early to venture upon an assessment of his achievement, but it seems to me desirable that the task should be attempted by one who still remembers the famous Butterfield giggle while reading the Butterfield writings. My own special qualification, I would claim, lies in the fact that I knew him but not all that closely and did not belong to his circle (which tended to be based on Peterhouse); in thirty years of sharing the same history faculty with him I do not remember ever once seriously talking history with him.
A View of the Past: Action Française Historiography and its Socio-Political Function
Authors: Wilson Stephen
Published: June 2009

There seems to have existed in France, at least after 1830, a general belief in the enormous social and political potenntial of education. Socialists, even after the penetration of vulgar Marxism, regarded ignorance as the great obstacle to working-class emancipation; democrats of all shades believed that the authentic Republic would emerge when a secular state primary education system became established; while, for conservatives, to entrust popular education to the Church was the only hope of preventing radical social change or collapse. Education became, therefore, one of the central political issues of the Third Republic. Recent work on the history and civics textbooks used in schools has given some indication of the picture of their society and its history which French schoolchildren were presented with, and of the way in which this may have guided their future attitudes and reactions. It is always difficult to assess the influence and importance of such material in the formation of mentalités, but, in order to do so, it must be remembered that the school textbooks were not the only formers of popular attitudes in this sphere. Not only did state school and Catholic textbooks present rival views, albeit mainly to two distinct audiences, but the period from 1900 to 1940 saw a flourishing of popular history books addressed to adults. These were mainly of Right-wing inspiration and were directed against the academic orthodoxy of the Republican University. A central role was played in this enterprise of historiographical vulgarization by the nationalist and royalist Action Francaise movement, whose ideology was often explicitly or implicitly present in it. The aim of this paper is to analyse the view of the past presented by the Action Franchise historians, and to suggest that the function of their historiography was to project a particular conception of what society was and ought to be like.
Munich and the British Tradition
Authors: Schroeder Paul W.
Published: June 2009

Despite more than thirty-five years of scrutiny, the British policy of appeasement in the 1930s continues to be the subject of discussion and controversy. The search for explanations of Munich has even been intensified in recent years by the opening of the Cabinet papers. This essay does not pretend to make any contribution to the study of the ‘causes’ of Munich - the motives and determinants of British policy - or to decide the issue between the ‘guilty men’ and the ‘terrible times’ schools of explanation. The ensuing international crisis threw into sharp focus the evolving national interests and diplomatic styles of the European powers and serves as an illuminating case-study of a particular technique of conflict resolution.
Essex and the King's Cause in 1648
Authors: Lyndon Brian
Published: June 2009

In 1648, Essex was the scene of a major military campaign of the Second Civil War. This essay seeks to explain why that campaign was fought. There are several reasons why such an investigation is worthwhile. Firstly, it challenges the fashionable historical idea that the Civil Wars were fundamentally a conflict between centre and localities. Secondly, it concentrates upon the Second Civil War as a serious proposition, not as a pathetic appendage of the earlier conflict to be dismissed with contempt but not consideration. Thirdly, it demands a look at Essex as a county caught up in the violence of civil war.
The Failure of Consensus in Britain: The National Industrial Conference, 1919–1921
Authors: Lowe Rodney
Published: June 2009

On 27 February 1919, while Britain and most of Europe were gripped by serious industrial unrest, 600 trade unionists and 300 employers met leading cabinet ministers and civil servants at a National Industrial Conference in London. After a morning's debate, the trade unionists and employers separated, each to select thirty representatives to form a ‘provisional joint committee’ (P.J.C.) which might translate the morning's general good humour into hard practical proposals for mutual cooperation and reform. Within five weeks the committee had drawn up a report embracing twenty-six reforms, which was duly confirmed by the reconvened conference on 4 April and approved in principle by Lloyd George (with impeccable timing) on 1 May. The report was a major initiative in domestic policy. Although pledged at the 1918 election to build a ‘land fit for heroes’, the government – fully absorbed in the immediate problems of European settlement, demobilization and decontrol – had had little time to consider its practical implementation. With the report, both sides of industry had provided it with an agreed programme of reform which enabled it, in the industrial sphere at least, to commence the fulfilment of its election promises.
The attempted impeachment of Sir William Scroggs, Lord Chief Justice of the court of King's Bench, November 1680–March 1681
Authors: Schwoerer Lois G.
Published: June 2009

Generally dismissed by historians as just an hysterical gesture by parliamentary whig leaders disappointed and angered over the failure of the second Exclusion Bill, the attempted impeachment in 1680–1 of Sir William Scroggs was in fact a complicated and important affair. Although a failure in legal terms (because King Charles dissolved two parliaments), it succeeded in political terms when the king dismissed Scroggs. A propaganda ploy to embarrass the duke of York and also the king of England, re-unite the whig party, and re-ignite anti-popery fervour to promote another try at Exclusion (contrary to recent revisionism), the proceedings provoked discussion of many central issues, but most importantly of the legislative authority of parliament, or control of the law; the affair provoked a ‘crisis of authority’. Print culture played an unprecedented role: four of the eight articles of impeachment against Scroggs were connected with the press. Press people, in effect, brought down a chief minister of the crown and severely embarrassed the government, an event of signal importance in the history of the press.
The Caroline church: James Ussher and the Irish dimension
Authors: Capern Amanda L.
Published: June 2009

Recent works by Kevin Sharpe and Julian Davies have revised thinking about the religious policies of the Caroline church. Davies's distinction between ‘Laudianism’ and ‘Carolinism’ sums up one of the major conclusions he shares with Sharpe; that Charles I was the initiator of many of the religious policies previously attributed to William Laud. The following article tests this conclusion by viewing the religious policies emanating from England through the eyes of James Ussher, the Irish archbishop of Armagh. It finds that, from the Irish perspective at least, it was impossible for a contemporary to make the same distinction between ‘Laudianism’ and ‘Carolinism’, about policies that were deeply unpopular across the Irish Sea. What follows is an examination of Ussher's reception of a range of policies he considered detrimental to Calvinist unity in the face of catholic threat, including a detailed examination of his attempts to save the Calvinist Irish Articles. Through consideration of his own patronage concerns and directions in publishing it is demonstrated here that, through the 1630s, the Irish protestant primate continued to believe (rightly or wrongly) that behind the religious tensions of Britain lay the dual spectre of ‘Arminianism’ and popery.
Fresh Light on Bate's Case
Authors: Croft Pauline
Published: June 2009

On the afternoon of 7 July 1610, two petitions of grievance, one temporal and one spiritual, were presented to James I. According to the French ambassador, he received them with ‘un assez mauvais visage’ and uncharacteristically few words, although later the king permitted himself the tart comment that the petition of temporal grievances was long enough to be his chamber tapestry. Although James exaggerated its size, politically it was a weighty document, for among its complaints it set out the Commons' view that the new impositions, already bringing in around £70,000 per annum, were illegal. ‘With all humility’, they presented ‘this most just and necessary petition unto your Majesty, that all impositions set without assent of parliament may be quite abolished and taken away.’ To answer the grievance, on 10 July James turned to his lord treasurer, Robert Cecil earl of Salisbury, for a full statement. The speech which he then gave formed the basis for all future defences of the royal power to impose on trade made by crown spokesmen up to 1640. Salisbury described how, early in 1607, his friend and predecessor, Lord Treasurer Dorset, had proposed new impositions to help fill the empty royal coffers. The privy council, after discussion, decided instead to raise money on loan; but in October 1607 renewed rebellion in Ireland rendered the situation more urgent, and by spring 1608 it was apparent that loans could not meet the king's necessities.
Popular Front Economic Policy and the Matignon Negotiations
Authors: Rossiter Adrian
Published: June 2009

Léon Blum's reply tointerpellationson 6 June 1936 sums up the entire problem of interpreting the economic policy of the Popular Front. In terms of popular sovereignty, that policy ought to have been – in the light of parliamentary practicalities, it could only be – an implementation of theprogramme commun, as published at the beginning of 1936, after lengthy negotiations between the main elements in the Popular Front alliance. And yet it was not to be so. On the credit side, the 1936–7 government is remembered for instituting paid holidays and orderly collective bargaining; in the no man's land where academic debate is fought out, lie the famous 40 hours law to restrict the working week, and an ineffectual set of price controls; on the debit side, at any rate in its implementation, is the devaluation of September 1936, with the attendant failure to institute any exchange control.None of these key measures featured in the joint manifesto. They were all decided in the first four months of the legislature, after which the government remained continually on the defensive in economic and financial policy. This has led Georges Lefranc, one of the best-known historians of the Popular Front, to describe the period from October 1936 to February 1937 as ‘la pause implicite’, even though it was only on 24 January 1937 at the earliest, or more explicitly in the third week of February, that Blum acknowledged the reality which had been impending for the last five months – the necessity for ‘a pause’.
The Origins of British ‘Social Science’: Political Economy, Natural Science and Statistics, 1830–1835
Authors: Goldman Lawrence
Published: June 2009

The history of ‘sociology’ as it has been written in the last generation is largely a history of fictions. It is characterized by the various mythologies that Skinner isolated in 1969 in his attempt ‘to uncover the extent to which the current historical study of ethical, political, religious and other such ideas is contaminated by the unconscious application of paradigms whose familiarity to the historian disguises an essential inapplicability to the past’. In a now familiar argument - that to Construct a truly ‘historical’ history of ideas we must concentrate on the actual intentions of historical agents, setting those intentions within their wider social, and, above all, linguistic context – Skinner anatomized the varieties of intellectual disfiguration to such an enterprise: the ‘mythology of doctrines’ where ‘the historian issetby the expectation that each classic writer (in the history, say, of ethical or political ideas) will be found to enunciate some doctrine on each of the topics regarded as constitutive of his subject’; the ‘mythology of coherence’, which substitutes a spurious unity and homogeneity for the fragments of an agent’s thought; the ‘mythology’ of prolepsis’ by which the actions of an historical agent are invested with retrospective significance unacknowledged in the actual intentions of the agent at the time; and the ‘mythology of parochialism’ where ‘the historian may conceptualize an argument in such a way that its alien elements are dissolved into an apparent but misleading familiarity’.
The Resignation of Anthony Eden
Authors: Rose Norman
Published: June 2009

On Sunday 20 February 1938, Anthony Eden, accompanied by the cheers of the waiting crowd, left the foreign office for an emergency cabinet session. That same evening he tendered his resignation as foreign secretary. Ten years later Churchill recollected his feelings on learning of the news.
Communication: The Political Patronage of Frederick Lewis, Prince of Wales
Authors: Newman A. N.
Published: June 2009

An association between the prince of Wales and various opposition leaders is a recurrent feature of eighteenth-century politics. A politically active prince found little difficulty in securing a following among the politicians of the day; the glittering prospects of the ‘reversionary’ interest1 were an obvious lure, and an obvious basis for such a connexion. But this is not a complete explanation. The prince had also a considerable degree of patronage at his disposal, and could add a more immediate and concrete reality to promises for the future. A study of this patronage, its extent and its disposal, and more particularly the way in which it was exercised by Frederick, ‘Poor Fred’, throws much light on the connexion between the prince and his political friends, and contributes to an understanding of the place of Leicester House in the politics of the early eighteenth century.
I. Henry VII: A Restatement
Authors: Elton G. R.
Published: June 2009

IN a vigorously argued paper, Mr J. P. Cooper has attacked my interpretation of Henry VII's reign.1 If the point at issue were only Mr Cooper's view of my methods and scholarship—or, for that matter, my view of his—I should feel neither justified nor inclined to trouble anyone again with these problems. But Mr Cooper is almost as much concerned to prove Henry VII rapacious as he is sure that I am wrong; and the truth about Henry VII's government deserves all the elucidation it may need. If, therefore, I reluctantly recur to an argument in which I have already had an extended say, it is because I believe Mr Cooper to be in error on a matter of first-rate importance; I hope to show that he has arrived at a mistaken view from partial, and partially misinterpreted, evidence. In a field in which things are far from clear or straightforward this is neither surprising nor shocking; it is more disconcerting to find that one who so readily chastises others for their supposed failings should himself be strangely inclined to inaccuracy in discussing other people's views and even in transcribing documents.2 A self-appointed hound of heaven ought to be more precise in his quest.
IV. Great Britain and the United States in the Far East, 1895–1903
Authors: Campbell A. E.
Published: June 2009

When, in the last years of the nineteenth century, the United States shared the general expansive urge, the major Power with which she came most vigorously and immediately into conflict was Great Britain, which alone had a substantial footing in the western hemisphere. On at least three important occasions the two countries clashed–over Venezuela, over the building of an isthmian canal, and over the Alaskan boundary–and on each the United States won a complete diplomatic victory, as a natural result of power and strategic advantage. These victories roused little resentment in Britain and their significance was minimized. One important reason for the readiness with which Britain gave way to the United States was that the two countries were supposed to have some mystic community of interest which over-rode any conflicts and made them of no importance. Often the argument, if so it may be called, rested there, and it was merely asserted that ‘in the last resort’ the Anglo-Saxon nations would be found on the same side–not a prospect of much concern to the practising diplomatist. Sometimes, however, it was implied that the United States was on the brink of a great burst of international energy, which would, as a result of the similarity of race, ideology and tradition, be exerted in directions which the British would find good. The same American aggressiveness whose first victim was Britain would later check the rivals of Britain.
1. The Division of 25 May 1711, on an Amendment to the South Sea Bill: A Note on the Reality of Parties in the Age of Anne
Authors: Sperling J. G.
Published: June 2009

At the present time there is considerable divergence of opinion on the question of whether or not one can speak meaningfully of political parties during the reign of Anne. An effective means of answering the question would be at hand if there were a sufficient number of division lists available. Then, the actions of individual politicians could be charted with precision and it would be possible to determine whether M.P.'s voted in conformity with family groupings or on the basis of what are generally termed Whig and Tory principles. Unfortunately, up to the present time only seven division lists for Anne's reign have been discovered. Thus, the discovery of the eighth, given below, is of some importance.1
3. Irish Trade Unions and Politics, 1830–50
Authors: O'Higgins Rachel
Published: June 2009

The extent and influence of political and economic organizations among the lower classes was a marked feature of Irish life in the early nineteenth century. Trade unions flourished among the workers of many trades and were bitterly resented by manufacturers.1 These unions were primarily concerned to protect the living standards of their members against the encroachments of the employers. However, matters of national importance also excited their attention. Tradesmen all over Ireland supported the agitation for Repeal of the Act of Union (1801). A number of Dublin tradesmen took part in the revolutionary disturbances in 1848. In Ireland organization for political and economic ends in opposition to the dominant orthodoxy was a familiar and honoured tradition.
Political Change in Britain, August 1914 to December 1916: Lloyd George Replaces Asquith: the Issues Underlying the Drama
Authors: Fry Michael
Published: June 2009

On 7 December 1916 David Lloyd George became prime minister, leading the second coalition government of the war. No archival sources of significance remain to be consulted to help explain how and why the particular composition of the new government emerged. A great deal has been written on the first years of the war, from many perspectives, but a satisfactory political history of Asquith's two administrations remains to be crafted. A sustained narrative, set in the appropriate context, which relates the political significance of the issues to the drama of politics, to the way individuals lose office and governments fall, which establishes trends, and measures cumulative effects is still unwritten.
The Supremacy and the Episcopate: The Struggle for Control, 1534–1540
Authors: Bowker Margaret
Published: June 2009

The assumption by Henry VIII of an effective supremacy over the English church and the enforcement of the legislation which accompanied it has received considerable attention in recent years. Yet, though the main themes of the story are clear, the obstacles which the central government met in the dioceses of England, and the way in which policy emerged as a response to them, has not been examined so meticulously. The problems confronting the government in 1534 are obvious enough: the bishops, as well as many others, who had been brought up in the first three decades of the sixteenth century, and who had administered the affairs of church or state in the period before the divorce, were left in a state of suspense in 1534. What tangible effect would the royal supremacy have? If it was to bring in a new order, what would that order be? And what part should bishop, priest or layman take in promoting or hindering it? For the bishops who had obtained their sees by papal bull before 1534, the dilemmas posed in the years to come were great. For Fisher of Rochester, the way forward was to the scaffold. Others, like Warham of Canterbury, Sher-burne of Chichester, Nix of Norwich, West of Ely, Blythe of Lichfield and Coventry, died during the crucial period 1533–8, thereby making room for those who had not been bishops before the assumption of the supremacy. But, for a small group of bishops, there was no escaping the problems of comparison which these years brought. Between 1534 and 1538, the translation of the royal supremacy into a practical reality in the dioceses and parishes of England was attempted.
‘Cardwellian Mysteries’: The Fate of the British Army Regulation Bill, 1871
Authors: Gallagher Thomas F.
Published: June 2009

In his volume in the Oxford History of England, R. C. K. Ensor gave us the first scholarly and dispassionate account of the reforms which Edward Cardwell made in the British army between 1868 and 1874. Ensor consciously followed Gladstone, who called Cardwell the greatest war secretary since die era of die Napoleonic wars. Ever since Ensor wrote, it has been impossible to do what Fortescue, the army's historian, did when he wrote whole chapters on the army after the Crimean War without once mentioning the name of Cardwell. Among more recent scholars diere has been a good deal of writing around the subject of the Cardwell reforms widiout actually attacking them head-on. We have a brief biography of Cardwell which quotes at some length from his correspondence, and we have a description of the purchase system in the army. There have been studies of a part of the background of the Cardwell era, and of die working-out of the reforms in the army of the 1870s and 1880s. Two recent works have been rather critical of the value of Cardwell's work.
Telling the Truth to the People: Britain's Decision to Publish the Diplomatic Papers of the Inter-War Period
Authors: Bialer Uri
Published: June 2009

The conflict between secrecy and publicity is one of the most delicate issues in foreign policy. Not long ago, absolute monarchs were able to conduct diplomacy that was really secret and could make war and peace - not to mention less cardinal decisions-without explanation. However, in the age of mass armies and of total wars, public opinion has to be mobilized and the issues of foreign policy need to be elaborated, justified and defended, even by non-democratic governments. On the other hand, professional diplomats continue to claim that secrecy is often a crucial prerequisite for successful foreign policy. Modern international relations have thus posed a seemingly insoluble dilemma that will probably haunt governments in the future: negotiations can be flexible and successful only if they are kept secret, but they will be barren without popular consent.
Philippe Berthelot and the Rome Agreements of January 1935
Authors: Crozier A. J.
Published: June 2009

In 1970 Esmonde Robertson rightly took Geoffrey Warner to task for having failed, in his biography of Pierre Laval, to outline the background to the Rome Agreements of January 1935 between France and Italy which preceded the Italian conquest of Ethiopia. Basing his argument upon published French and Italian sources, Robertson showed that the statement of French disinterest in Ethiopia made to Mussolini by Laval in 1935 had antecedents which stretched back as far as 1932. In a more recent work Robertson has added to the picture of Franco-Italian relations in the early 1930s from unpublished sources, perhaps most notably in demonstrating that as early as July 1931 Pierre Laval raised the matter of an Italian occupation of Ethiopia in a favourable sense with the then Italian foreign minister, Count Dino Grandi. Robertson's lead in establishing the importance of these developments has been followed by Lowe and Marzari in their study of Italian foreign policy in the period 1870–1940, although another scholar in a recent survey of Mussolini's aspirations makes no mention of them at all.
The crisis of obedience: God's word and Henry's reformation
Authors: Rex Richard
Published: June 2009

The new political theology of obedience to the prince which was enthusiastically adopted by the Church of England in the 1530s was essentially founded upon Luther's new interpretation of the fourth commandment. It was mediated to an English audience by Tyndale, but his ideas were not officially adopted as early as some recent research has suggested. The founding of royal authority on the Decalogue, and thus on the ‘word of God’, was a particularly attractive feature of this doctrine, which became almost the defining feature of Henrician religion. Rival tendencies within the Church of England sought to exploit it in the pursuit of their particular agendas. Reformers strove to preserve its connections with the broader framework of Lutheran theology, with the emphasis on faith alone and the ‘word of God’, while conservatives strove to relocate it within an essentially monastic tradition of obedience, with an emphasis on good works, ceremonies, and charity. The most significant achievement was that of the Reformers, who established and played upon an equivocation between the royal supremacy and the ‘word of God’ in order to persuade the king to sanction the publication of the Bible in English as a formidable prop for his new-found dignity.
Welfare Legislation and the Unions during the First World War
Authors: Whiteside Noelle
Published: June 2009

The first World War ended very suddenly. Large numbers of civilian workers lost their jobs in the period of industrial dislocation that followed, adding to the numbers of unemployed already swollen by the return of demobilized soldiers from the continent. No plans existed, however, to provide for the civilian unemployed. A last-minute decision was made in November 1918 to extend free out-of-work donation to them as well as to those newly released from the army. Although this scheme proved inordinately expensive it did provide the cabinet with a much needed breathing-space. In the event, however, general policy on how to cater for the unemployed was not tackled again for many months.
Studies in Lactation. I: Variations in Some Chemical and Physical Properties of the Milk from Individual Quarters of a Cow
Authors: Mattick E. C. V. , Hallett H. S.
Published: June 2009

The following paper gives the results of the first of a series of researches designed to investigate the composition and properties of normal milk.

Although it is realised that a complete study of lactation can only be made when physiological technique is available to follow the formation of milk to its natural source, yet the marked differences in reaction which had been observed in studying the pH of individual quarters by the changes in colour produced when the milk was tested with brom cresol purple paper, suggested the possibility of similar variations in other properties. It was, therefore, decided to make a comparison of the composition and physical properties of milk as it leaves the individual teats of a healthy cow.
20. Pasteurised Milk for Cheddar Cheese Making. II: The Mineral Content of Cheddar Cheese
Authors: Moir George M.
Published: June 2009

The preceding investigation left a little doubt as to the effect produced by pasteurisation of clean milk upon the flavour of the mature cheese. For although the cheese made from milk, flash-pasteurised at 165° F., appeared to develop a desirable flavour more rapidly than the raw control throughout the greater part of the ripening period, yet at the end this was spoilt by a very slight bitterness.
24. A Study of S. Paracitrovorus as a Starter in Butter-Making
Authors: Maddock E. C. G.
Published: June 2009

The experiments have shown that although butter of exceptionally fine flavour can be produced by the use of pure culture starters of S. paracitrovorus under laboratory control, the uncertainties under practical conditions, due to its weak growth, are too marked to warrant its general use. Both S. citrovorus and S. paracitrovorus are unable to compete successfully with the inevitable contaminants encountered in practice. The value of vegetable media such as grass, silage and bean agar for growing streptococci such as S. paracitrovorus has been confirmed, but as observed by Orla-Jensen et al. the subsequent growth in milk media lacks the vigour which might be expected.
31. The Determination of Copper and Iron in Dairy Products
Authors: Williams W.
Published: June 2009

1. Two colorimetric methods for determination of copper have been described, viz. the xanthate and the sodium diethyl-dithio-carbamate. Both methods have given satisfactory results but the carbamate method has proved to be more sensitive and less liable to error from possible contamination than the xanthate method.

2. The colorimetric determination of iron by the modification of the ferric thiocyanate method has been proved to give a very high degree of accuracy and excellent results have been obtained.

3. A method of wet ashing has been described whereby organic matter is oxidised by the use of concentrated sulphuric acid and sodium nitrate and copper and iron extracted from the fat.

4. A number of results are given showing the amount of copper and iron contamination that the cream is subjected to during the course of butter manufacture, and the distribution of copper and iron in the cream, butter and buttermilk.
50. Studies in the Metabolism of the Lactic Acid Bacteria. I. Nitrogen Metabolism. J. G. Davis and A. T. R. Mattick
Authors: Davis John Gilbert , Mattick Alexander Torovil Robert
Published: June 2009

1. The true lactic acid bacteria cannot grow in a medium in which the sole source of nitrogen is an amino acid mixture or an ammonium salt.

2. The presence of growth factors (yeast extract, marmite and peptones) does not permit the utilisation of this “simple” nitrogen.

3. The streptococci grow fastest with those peptones containing the greatest amount of the higher fractions, Bactoproteose being superior to the other peptones tested; the lactobacilli, however, show a considerably greater fermentation rate with those peptones containing most amino nitrogen, Fairchild's being the best. Similarly, the streptococci thrive best upon a peptic casein digest which is about 15 days old, further digestion impoverishing the growth; the lactobacilli, however, grow better the longer the digestion. The significance of these observations is discussed from the aspects of bacterial metabolism, the sequence of flora in ripening cheese, and the preparation of casein digest media.
53. Factors Affecting the Solubility of Milk Powders: I. The Effect of Heat on the Solubility of Milk Proteins
Authors: Wright Norman C.
Published: June 2009

No reliable information is at present available with regard to the effect of process of manufacture on the solubility of the protein of milk powders. Hunziker(1), it is true, gives a very well-balanced discussion of the subject, but it is apparent from his summary of the views of other workers that these are seldom based on adequate experimental evidence. In fact the only points on which there is general agreement among workers in this field are that the proteins of spray-dried powders are, on the whole, extremely soluble, while those of roller-dried powders are relatively insoluble. Moreover, even where experimental data are available, there remain many unexplained points. For example, Hunziker shows that the solubility of the proteins of a milk powder may vary according to the temperature at which the powder is reconstituted—a higher temperature giving a greater solubility. Such an observation cannot at present be brought into line with current theories regarding the properties of denatured proteins.
54. The Distribution of Nitrogen in Milk with Reference ro the Solids-not-fat Content
Authors: Davies William Lewis
Published: June 2009

The nitrogen distributions in 62 samples of whole morning milk covering a range of solids-not-fat content from 6·5 to 9·0 per cent, are discussed.

Samples high in solids-not-fat showed greater constancy in nitrogen distribution over a consecutive range of samples than those low in solids-not-fat.

Rich samples were characterised by high total nitrogen, low non-protein nitrogen and high casein nitrogen. Poor samples were characterised by low total nitrogen, high and variable non-protein nitrogen, low casein and consequently high albumin and globulin nitrogen. In samples low in solids-not-fat the albumin and globulin distribution was variable.

The casein/albumin/globulin ratio was roughly 14:2·5:1 for samples high in solids-not-fat, but the casein dropped in its proportion to globulin as the solids-not-fat decreased and the albumin showed also a slight parallel decrease.

The samples low in solids-not-fat which were studied appeared to be abnormal secretions, since they showed increased albumin, globulin and chloride contents.

The thanks of the author are due to C. E. Lesser and A. WagstafE for the figures for fat and solids-not-fat.
66. Some Observations on Cow's Milk poor in Non-fatty Solids
Authors: Peskett Geoffrey Lewis , Folley Sydney John
Published: June 2009

1. Traces of blood serum albumin have been demonstrated in normal milk.

2. The content of blood serum albumin is increased in many of the milks which are poor in non-fatty solids and there is evidence of some correlation between low non-fatty solids and high blood serum albumin content of the milk.

3. The experimental data support a conclusion that deficiency of nonfatty solids in milk in some cases may be due to dilution of a normal secretion in the udder by a fluid of the nature of oedema fluid, i.e. to a pathological rather than a physiological condition.

4. Some evidence, which obviously needs confirmation, has been adduced indicating that the casein-nitrogen content of milk as determined by Moir's technique may be slightly too high. The accuracy of the globulin figures seems also to be open to doubt.
70. The Effect of Common Salt on the Growth of Lactic Streptococci in Milk
Authors: McDowall F. H. , Whelan L. A.
Published: June 2009

It is well known that the quantity of salt added to Cheddar cheese curd has an important influence on the quality and rate of ripening of the resultant cheese. The character of the cheese body is, indeed, dependent to a large extent on the rate of salting. An investigation of the salt content of cheeses of tender body, normal body, and harsh body showed that the percentage concentration of salt in the moisture in cheese of normal body in general did not exceed 5·5 per cent. (1).
74. Twinning in Cattle
Authors: Hewitt A. C. T.
Published: June 2009

1. The incidence of twins has been one twin birth in every forty-eight Red Poll births, and one twin birth in every thirty-three Friesian births.

2. So far as is known no identical twins have been dropped.

3. Thirteen of the fourteen freemartins reared have been barren.

4. The birth weight of twin calves has been only slightly lower than that of single calves. Bull calves have been approximately 6 lb. heavier than heifer calves.

5. The mortality amongst twins is approximately equal to that amongst single calves.

6. Twinning appears to be inheritable and to run in strains.

7. The gestation period of a cow bearing twins has been from 8 to 10 days shorter than that of a cow bearing a single calf.

8. The percentage of twins dropped increased as the age of the dam at calving increases.

9. Twinning is not influenced by the season of the year.

10. The twins and dams of twins have been consistently heavier producers of milk and butterfat than the other herd members.

11. There is some evidence to suggest a close genetic relationship between the following three characters: (i) multiple births, (ii) high milk and butterfat production, (iii) long life and fertility.