bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Conditional irony in the Socratic dialogues
Authors: Vasiliou Iakovos
Published: November 2004

Socratic irony is potentially fertile ground for exegetical abuse. It can seem to offer an interpreter the chance to dismiss any claim which conflicts with his account of Socratic Philosophy merely by crying ‘irony’. If abused in this way, Socratic irony can quickly become a convenient receptacle for everything inimical to an interpretation. Much recent scholarship rightly reacts against this and devotes itself to explaining how Socrates actually means everything he says, at least everything of philosophical importance. But the fact that a commentator needs toarguethat Socrates is really serious when he disavows knowledge or claims to be the saviour of Athens is by itself sufficient to establish that there is an abundance of what I will call ‘play’ in the Socratic dialogues. The term ‘play’ refers to occasions when Socrates at leastappearsnot to be speaking straightforwardly. ‘Play’ covers cases of real or apparent humour, mockery, teasing, irony, and sarcasm, without differentiation or further elaboration. When left undefined, as often, the phrase ‘Socratic irony’ seems to be used to refer to what I am calling ‘play’.
On Sterility(‘HA X’), a medical work by Aristotle?
Authors: van der Eijk Philip J.
Published: November 2004

Whether its title,ύπέρ τοῦ μ⋯ γεννᾶνis authentic or not, the work transmitted as ‘Book X’ of Aristotle'sHistory of Animals (HA)deals with a wide range of possible causes for failure to conceive and generate offspring. It sets out by saying that these causes may lie in both partners or in either of them, but in the sequel the author devotes most of his attention to problems of the female body. Thus he discusses the state of the uterus, the occurrence and modalities of menstruation, the condition and position of the mouth of the uterus, the emission of fluid during sleep (when the woman dreams that she is having intercourse with a man), physical weakness or vigour on awakening after this nocturnal emission, the occurrence of flatulence in the uterus and the ability to discharge this, moistness or dryness of the uterus, wind-pregnancy, and spasms in the uterus. Then he briefly considers the possibility that the cause of infertility lies with the male, but this is disposed of in one sentence: if you want to find out whether the man is to blame, the author says, just let him have intercourse with another woman and see whether that produces a satisfactory result (636bl 1–13; see also 637b23–4). The writer also acknowledges that the problem may lie in a failure of two otherwise healthy partners to match sexually, or as he puts it, to ‘run at the same pace’ἲσοδρομῆσαιduring intercourse, but he does not go into this possibility at great length (636b 15–23), and he proceeds to discuss further particulars on the female side.
Greek embryological calendars and a fragment from the lost work of Damastes,On the Care of Pregnant Women and of Infants
Authors: Parker Holt N.
Published: November 2004

An eleventh-century manuscript in the Biblioteca Laurenziana in Florence preserves a short excerpt of a calendar outlining stages in the development of the foetus. It is headedΔαμναστού έκ τού Περί κυουσών καί βρεΦών θεραπείας, ‘Damnastes, fromOn the Care of Pregnant Women and of Infants’.Though its existence has long been noted, it has not been previously edited or published.
Jerome's dates for Gaius Lucilius,satyrarum scriptor
Authors: Herbert-Brown Geraldine
Published: November 2004

TheChronicleof Jerome states that Gaius Lucilius was born in 148 B.C. and died in 103 B.C. in his forty-sixth year. TheOxford Classical Dictionary(1996) says that Gaius Lucilius was probably born in 180 B.C. and died in 102/1 B.C.
Some Latin authors from the Greek East
Authors: Geiger Joseph
Published: November 2004

In a discussion of the spread of Latin in ancient Palestine it has been argued that, apart from Westerners like Jerome who settled in the province and a number of translators from Greek into Latin and from Latin into Greek, three Latin authors whose works are extant may have been, with various degrees of probability, natives of the country. These are Commodian of Gaza, arguably the earliest extant Christian Latin poet; Eutropius, the author of abreviariumof Roman history, who apparently hailed from Caesarea; and the anonymous author of theDescriptio totius mundi et gentium, who certainly was a native of the Syro-Palestinian region, and conceivably of one of the Palestinian cities. Here I wish to discuss another case, which seems to me characteristic of the reluctance of scholars to admit that Latin, and Latin authors, were more prevalent in the East than is usually acknowledged. In fact, it may be not misleading to assert that the invariably adduced exceptions of Ammianus Marcellinus and Claudian as Latin writers from the East are exceptions by virtue of the quality of their work rather than by its very existence.
Mantitheus of Lysias 16: neither long-haired nor simple-minded
Authors: Craik E. M.
Published: November 2004

Hamaker's conjecture κομâ (for τολμâ,sic) at Lysias 16.18 was adopted by Rauchenstein in his influential edition of 1869 and soon given powerful endorsement by Jebb and by Shuckburgh. Successive later editors and commentators have seen no reason to demur: Thalheim, Adams, Hude, Gernet and Bizos, Lamb, and finally Edwards and Usher all adopt κομâ, and, where they comment, unanimously cite Aristophanic parallels (especiallyEq.580) in support of a connection between longhaired affectation and ‘oligarchic’ affiliations; some also adduce the expression ảπ’ὂΨεως in justification. But this is an egregious instance of unwarranted tampering with a sound text. τóλμα is a quality conspicuously displayed by Mantitheus, on his own account of his character, words, and actions.
Pietas and politics: Eusebia and Constantius at court
Authors: Juneau J.
Published: November 2004

The history of Ammianus Marcellinus states that Constantius II (337–61) renamed the Pontic diocese Pietas, in honour of his second wife, Aurelia Eusebia (353–60?). pietas refers to sacred dutiful conduct toward all, specifically gods, state, and family. Constantius’ purpose in renaming the diocese poses an interesting question because it holds an important key to understanding the role Eusebia played in supporting her husband's position as emperor. In other words, what kind of part could an empress play in the Late Empire? Constantius may indeed have been honouring his wife. Why, however, would he honour her so? Is pietas just a play on the empress's name, which means ‘piety’ in Greek, or is there a deeper meaning? A search of late Imperial evidence on this woman and etymology on this word is needed.
Shifting Helen: An Interpretation of Sappho, Fragment 16 (Voigt)
Authors: Pfeijffer Ilja Leonard
Published: November 2004

Denys Page, discussing this poem in his classic Sappho and Alcaeus, seemed unimpressed by its aesthetic merits. In his note on line 7 he says: ‘The sequence of thought might have been clearer.... It seems then inelegant to begin this parable, the point of which is that Helen found O Krλλιστον in her lover, by stating that she herself surpassed all mortals in this very quality’ (p. 53). His interpretative essay phrases further objections. ‘In a phrase which rings dull in our doubtful ears, she proceeds to illustrate the truth of her preamble by calling Helen of Troy in evidence’ (p. 56). About the Helen exemplum itself he says: ‘the thought is simple as the style is artless’ and ‘the transition back to the principal subject was perhaps not very adroitly; managed’ (p. 56). Page's criticism centres on the function of the exemplum of Helen. A close reconsideration of this exemplum, with special attention to the way in which it is embedded in the preceding and following context, will result in a better understanding and appreciation of this poem.
The publica fames of a.d. 68 (Suetonius, Nero 45.1)
Authors: Morgan Gwyn
Published: November 2004

In his account of Nero's last months Suetonius describes the various ways in which the emperor, after he heard the news that Galba had decided to take on the leadership of Vindex’ revolt, tried to raise troops and to extract money from the inhabitants of Rome. On top of all this, so says the biographer, Nero incurred invidia by profiteering from the high price of grain, and this invidia grew greater because it happened too that while the inhabitants were suffering from hunger, news came that a grain ship from Alexandria had arrived carrying nothing but sand for the court wrestlers (Nero 45.1: ‘ex annonae quoque caritate lucranti adcrevit invidia; nam et forte accidit, ut in publica fame Alexandrina navis nuntiaretur pulverem luctatoribus aulicis advexisse’). Although this episode undoubtedly belongs in 68, there is little to be said for the argument, now generally accepted, that this shortage of grain was caused by L. Clodius Macer, legionary legate of Africa Proconsularis. As I hope to show, the dearth resulted from Nero's own attempts at self-defence.
'Fearless, bloodless … like the gods': Sappho 31 and the rhetoric of ‘godlike’
Authors: Furley William D.
Published: November 2004

Poem 31 in our collections of Sappho's fragments is so well-known both through the original version, quoted partially by ‘Longinus’ (De sublimitate10.1–3), and through Catullus’ adaptation (no. 51), that it is difficult to achieve sufficient distance from one's preconceptions to permit reappraisal. For the poem has in the modern period elicited such startlingly contradictory responses that one wonders whether we may not all along have been missing, or misconstruing, some point which was obvious enough to Sappho and her listeners.

A major source of dissent among modern interpreters of the poem concerns the question of jealousy: is Sappho moved to such convulsions of emotion by jealousy at seeing her beloved girlfriend in intimate colloquy with a man, or is she not? For the situation is, simply put, the following: a man is said to be godlike who sits opposite a certain girl, enjoying her conversation and her laughter. This, says Sappho, makes her boil over with a mixture of passionate emotions. Now one may take these emotions either as a response to the sight of her beloved girlfriend talking to a man (that is, jealousy), or one may refer the emotions described to the love Sappho feels for the girl under ‘normal’ circumstances: the man is simply extraordinarily fortunate (‘like the gods’) in enjoying her affection.
MetaphysicsZ.l1.1036b28: αἰσθητόν or αἰσθητικόν?
Authors: Granger Herbert
Published: November 2004

MetaphysicsZ.ll has in recent years received considerable attention, because of its importance for the exposition of Aristotle's psychology, which for some time now has been an immensely popular topic among Aristotelian scholars. Z.ll has proved contentious, however, especially over its statement of Aristotle's criticism of Socrates the Younger, who was wont to make a certain ‘comparison’ in the case of animals. Virtually nothing is known about this Socrates the Younger, nor is it known exactly what ‘comparison’ he made with animals. But, as most interpreters suppose from the context of Z. 11, his comparison certainly had much in common with that made by ‘some', who argue that natural objects, like man, are comparable to geometrical figures, like the circle, with respect to their relationship to their matter (1036b7–12). Just as the physical matter of circles, such as bronze, stone, and the like, are no part of the essence of the circle, so too the physical matter of man—flesh and bones—is no part of the essence of man. This comparison may hold true, even if, unlike circles, man is in fact found only in a single sort of matter, because the case of man may be like the counterfactual case in which all circles happen to be made of bronze. The bronze would still not belong to the essence of the circle; it would just be difficult psychologically to separate circularity from bronze (1036a31-b7).
Livy and the chronology of the years 168–167
Authors: Dany O. P.
Published: November 2004

All our ancient sources agree on the basic sequence of events after the battle of Pydna on 22 June 168: the consul L. Aemilius Paullus advanced to take possession of the whole of Macedonia and finally managed to capture Perseus, the defeated king, who had taken refuge on Samothrace. Once in complete control of the situation he sent his troops into winter quarters and himself set off on a trip that was to take him round the most famous sights of Greece. Only when he heard of the arrival of the customary senatorial commission did he return to Macedon, settle its affairs, hold magnificent games, and finally return to Italy. Thus far there is little cause for concern, but what most of these events lack is a properly established date. Livy, our only ancient source venturing to date them, places everything up to sending the troops into winter quarters (45.8.8–9) in the same consular year as Pydna and assigns the remaining events to autumn and winter 167 (45.27ff). He thereby creates an awkward gap of somewhat more than a year between the battle of Pydna and the subsequent actions of Aemilius Paullus. A majority of scholars either seem to have ignored this point altogether or silently corrected Livy's chronology by simply shifting the events in question back to 168/ (Julian calendar). Others, ranging from Miiller and Weissenborn to Hammond and Walbank in their magisterial History of Macedonia, have kept Livy's date,4 while only one scholar has actually attempted to argue for a correction of Livy.
Valerius Maximus on theDomus Augusta, Augustus, and Tiberius
Authors: Wardle D.
Published: November 2004

Valerius Maximus’Facta et dicta memorabiliaprovide an opportunity of seeing how an undistinguished talent responded to the demise of the republic and the establishment of an imperial system. Fergus Millar has argued that we should view Valerius as a contemporary of Ovid, that is as an author influenced by the last years of Augustus and writing in the early years of Tiberius’ reign, but the internal evidence ofFacta et dicta memorabiliabetter fits publication in the early 30sa.d.in the aftermath of Sejanus’ unsuccessful conspiracy. Although this does distance Valerius further from the key years of transition, he is not remote—and because of the relative paucity of prose authors of the period his presentation of thedomus Augustaand of Augustus and Tiberius repays attention.
Nero'sLuxuria, in Tacitus and in theOctavia
Authors: Kragelund Patrick
Published: November 2004

According to Tacitus, this was Galba's verdict on Nero's fall. The tyrant's undoing had been of his own making. As for what determined the outcome, Galba is unequivocal. Two factors had proved decisive: Nero'simmanitasandluxuria.
‘The tyrants around Thoas and Damasenor’ (Plut. Q.G. 32.298c–d)
Authors: Gorman Robert J. , Gorman Vanessa B.
Published: November 2004

At Quaestiones Graecae 32.298c–d, Plutarch raises the question, τίνες οἰ ειναται παρᾰ Μιλησίος, ‘Who were the Perpetual Sailors among the Milesians?’ he frames the circumstances of his answer using a genitive absolute clause: τν περ Θόαντα κα Δαμασήνορα τυράννων καταλυθέντων (‘when the tyrants around Thoas and Damasenor had been overthrown’). In the absence of any other mention of these men in the extent sources, these words—especially the appellation τυράνων—have caused concern among editors and commentators of Plutarch. In the Teubner edition of 1935 Titchener changes τυράνων to the accusative τυράννους, while Halliday in his Oxford commentary suggests that the word should be deleted as a gloss. Each of these suggested changes to the received text is motivated by the occurrence here of the common idiom οἵ πεί ⁺ Accus. nominis proprii. This expression is, from the time of Polybius on, frequently used by Greek historians to indicate succinctly a group or faction, especially one centred around an important personage. Furthermore, a rather odd periphrastic usage of this phrase has been identified by scholars of Greek grammar as common from at least the Roman period. In this usage, οἱ περί τινα I serves as the equivalent of the simple proper name. Thus τν περ Θόαντα κα Δαμασήνορα may be a periphrasis for Thoas and Damasenor alone.
Two notes on Euripides’Helen(186; 1472)
Authors: Lourenço Frederico
Published: November 2004

This is James Diggle'sOCT(1994), with a modified apparatus. The lacuna at 186 prompted two conjectures by Willink: υτ∊ῖθ∊υ and the ingenious αὐλθ∊υ (‘from the palace’; unknown in extant Greek). I wonder, however, whether an adverb is what we want: the anadiplosis of ἓλακ∊υ (giving a characteristic Euripidean jingle) would not have come amiss to lend a touch of hysterical urgency to the cry of the rapist's victim; but that would not give us the rhythm we need (––). Something approaching the effect of the suggested anadiplosis might be obtained by the supplement πoλλοῖσιυ. Although it lacks the palaeographical plausibility of αὐλθ∊υ, it gives us an expression that is characteristically Euripidean in contexts pertaining to souls in torment:Ale.185 πoλλυ δακρωυ, 938 πολλυ δ μχθωυSu.1119 ἂλγ∊σι πoλλοῖς,Tr.28 πολλοῖς δ κωκυτοῖσιυ, 38 δκρυα χουσα πολλ, etc. The adjective applied to sound is not unknown:Rh.290–1 πολλι γᾰρ ἠχι Θρικιοςῥωυ στρατς1ἓστ∊ιχ∊. It can also be used to describe the frequency of sung laments accompanied by hysterical self-mutilation: S.El.88–90 πολλς μυ θρυωυ ὡιδς, 1 πολλᾰς δ’ υτρ∊ις ισθxυ 1 στρυωυ πλαγᾰς αἱμασσομυωυ.
The ‘Bourgeoisie Seconde’: Social Differentiation in the Parisian Municipal Oligarchy in the Sixteenth Century, 1500–1610
Authors: Descimon Robert
Published: November 2004

Today, political or religious movements are not generally considered to have had social origins. However, this study points to a major shift in Parisian society during the sixteenth century. The bourgeoisie, which represented a unified juridical status that transcended any distinctions within the municipal notability (royal officials, liberal professions and wealthy merchants), experienced a radical process of differentiation: the magistrates and financiers tended to base their social position on privileges other than those of the ‘bourgeoisie’. Remaining faithful to the old municipality, those bourgeois who had not yet trodden the path to royal office joined together in a huge protest movement, which culminated in the formation of the Catholic League. The method used to test these hypotheses is the reconstitution of numerous social genealogies, in as complete a fashion as possible, covering the long sixteenth century. One clear conclusion emerges as a result: at the heart of the municipal oligarchy of the years 1500–1610, the incidence of decline is just as significant as a process of social ascent. One cannot establish a direct link between these trends on the one hand, and the political crisis of the Wars of Religion, on the other, but at the very least they determined the context in which the ‘troubles’ were to develop.
A Schedule of Boundaries: An Exploration, Launched From the Water-Clock, of Athenian Time
Authors: Allen Danielle
Published: November 2004

Have you ever stopped to think what life would be like without your alarm clock, without church bells ringing out the hour, without clocks in lecture rooms? How differently would you understand the world?
Continuity and Tradition: The Persistence of Greek Values
Authors: Walcot Peter
Published: November 2004

I believe that studies by social anthropologists working in mainly rural communities located in present-day Greece may help to deepen our understanding of the Greeks of antiquity, and this is a belief that I have held for more than twenty years. It is a belief, moreover, which is steadily winning a general acceptance. To put it succinctly, ancient and modern Greeks can be shown to share values in common and, thus, one enables us to understand the other more clearly. But why should values have persisted, from Homer to the twentieth century? It is not, let me stress, because of ethnic continuity, but rather because both groups comprise small-scale subsistence agriculturists, working the land as a family unit; in other words, both groups represent what a social anthropologist would classify as peasant society, and communities of this type, however widely separated in time and in geographical situation, share common values and Mediterranean peasants perhaps to an especially great extent, though this is not a point I would wish to press. Greece, of course, has changed dramatically in recent years as the drift from countryside to city has intensified. But have the fundamentals of life also changed so very much? Not according to Renee Hirschon who speaks as follows of the preoccupations of those ‘heirs of the Greek catastrophe’, that is, Greeks expelled from Asia Minor in the early twenties and now settled in the Kokkinia district of the Piraeus: ‘In Kokkinia social live revolves around the division of the sexes and their complementray roles, while family reputation and prestige were principal concerns.
The Myth of the Toga: Understanding the History of Roman Dress
Authors: Vout Caroline
Published: November 2004

‘The toga was a garment worthy of the masters of the world, flowing, solemn, eloquent but with over-complication in its arrangement and a little too much emphatic affectation in the self-conscious tumult of its folds.’
An Alternative Sexual Morality for Classical Athenians
Authors: Roy J.
Published: November 2004

It is generally accepted that in classical Athens a widely proclaimed sexual morality expected citizen women not only to be chaste, confining sexual activity to marriage, but also to avoid any suspicion of improper contact with men. While some recent works still suggest that Athenian citizen women did conform to their society's expectations, and even that women lived in seclusion to promote chastity, others have long recognized that Athenian women showed a wider range of behaviour and, sometimes at least, had sexual liaisons with men other than their husbands. It is unfortunate that the most vigorous statement of the view that significant numbers of Athenian women did not in practice accept their society's constraints, an article by Richter in 1971, while containing much of value, weakens its own case by overstatement: few can accept, for instance, that in classical Athens ‘the young wives were as undisciplined a bevy of nymphs as Hellas ever reared’. Nonetheless it seems clear that Athenian women (and of course Athenian men) breached the sexual code commonly proclaimed in their society. It is the purpose of this paper to consider how widespread such breaches were, and in what spirit they were undertaken, whether purely as guilty acts or as behaviour that was at least condoned by an alternative morality.
Tragical Dreamer: Some Dreams in the Roman Historians
Authors: Pelling Christopher
Published: November 2004

There are many ways of classifying dreams. This paper is concerned with only one, perhapsthe most fundamental: one which also – we are told – captures the most important difference between modern and ancient dream-interpretation. Ancient audiences were primed to expect dreams to be prophetic, to come from outside and give knowledge, however ambiguously, of the future, or at least of the otherwise unknowable present. This sort of dream is hard to distinguish from the ‘night-time vision’, and indeed it is sometimes hard with dreams in ancient literature to tell whether the recipient is asleep or not. For moderns, especially but not only Freudians, dreams come from within, and are interesting for what they tell us about the current psychology of the dreamer: for Freudians, the aspects of the repressed unconscious which fight to the surface; for most or all of us, the way in which dreams re-sort our daytime preoccupations, hopes, and fears. This distinction between ancient and modern was set out and elaborated a few years ago by Simon Price; it was also drawn by Freud himself. At the risk of oversimplification, we could say the first approach assimilates dreams to divination, the second to fantasy - with all the illumination that, as we increasingly realize, fantasy affords into the everyday world, as it juggles the normal patterns of waking reality at the same time as challenging them by their difference.
The ‘Problem’ With Nude Honorific Statuary and Portraits in Late Republican and Augustan Rome
Authors: Stevenson Tom
Published: November 2004

In his seminal work,The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus, Paul Zanker wrote of a problem with nude honorific statuary in Late Republican Rome and of ‘conflict and contradiction’ in the style of Roman portraits during the same period. The ‘problem’ was a matter of nudity and style; it also had a moral dimension. Under political or social pressure, there was a tendency at Rome to express the effects of cultural change in moral terms: viz., literary works concerned with political or social attitudes of the Romans tended to describe elements likeluxuriaandadulatio(‘luxury’ and ‘sycophancy’) as ‘Greek and decadent in contrast to good, honest, ‘Roman’ values and traditions, such asvirtus(‘courage’),fides(‘good faith’), andpietas(‘devotion’). Taking his cue from such attacks on aspects of the hellenization of Rome, Zanker gave a moral dimension to the ‘conflict and contradiction’ he discerned in the style of Roman honorific statues and portraits of the second and first centuries B.C. This idea that art can express moral values, even moral conflict, is of great interest and fundamental significance. The present paper focuses upon the way Zanker applies it to Late Republican statues and portraits in the light of recent scholarship. In particular, it will be argued, firstly, that the form of the art does not really make sense if there was as much conflict with Greek ideas and styles as generalizations from the literary sources might imply; secondly, that a nude or partially nude portrait statue of a living noble or emperor was not as problematic at Rome as is commonly believed; and thirdly, as a consequence, that Zanker's views about moral conflict in the style of Late Republican statues and portraits, and about the stylistic resolution of this ‘conflict’ under Augustus, should be substantially modified.
On the Death of the Empress Fausta
Authors: Woods David
Published: November 2004

Fausta, or Flavia Maxima Fausta to call her by her full name, was the daughter of one western emperor, Maximianus Herculius (286–305), the sister of another, Maxentius (306–12), and the wife of a third, Constantine I (306–37). She was married to Constantine in 307, and bore him at least five children from 316 onwards, three sons (Constantine, Constantius, and Constans), and two daughters (Constantina and Helena).2 Following his defeat of his rival Licinius at the battle of Chrysopolis in 324, and the unification of the empire under his rule as the sole Augustus once more, Constantine honoured with the title of Augusta both his wife Fausta and his mother Helena, as is revealed by the issue of coins in their names each with this title.3 However, tragedy struck in 326 when Constantine appears to have executed first his eldest son Crispus, then Fausta herself. The reason for these executions, and the extent to which these deaths were related, has attracted a great deal of debate. Yet more remains to be said about the manner in which Fausta died, which may well provide an important clue as to the full circumstances of her death, whether she was executed, died by accident, or committed suicide even. Thus, it is my intention here, firstly, to offer a new explanation for the manner of her death, and secondly, to draw attention to an overlooked allusion to her death in a late Latin source, theHistoria Augusta.
At Home with Cicero
Authors: Hales Shelley
Published: November 2004

This paper is concerned with reassessing the importance of the destruction of the house of Cicero in the light of recent investigations into housing in the Roman world. In recent years, the quantity and quality of such investigations have intensified but Cicero's house remains somewhat unpopular – despite excavations on the Palatine slopes which have revealed more details of the houses occupied by Cicero and his Late Republican neighbours.3 The saga of Cicero and his house had not been dealt with for several decades until the presidential address of Susan Treggiari in the 1998Transactions of the American Philological Association. Her paper, however, is not so much concerned with the actual relationship between private and public in the house of Cicero as Cicero's private and public attempts to come to terms with his grief over the death of his daughter Tullia.
Inspirational Fictions: Autobiography and Generic Reflexivity in Ovid's Proems
Authors: Gildenhard Ingo , Zissos Andrew
Published: November 2004

When the first edition of theMetamorphosesappeared in the bookshops of Rome, Ovid had already made a name for himself in the literary circles of the city. His literary début, theAmoves, immediately established his reputation as a poetic Lothario, as it lured his tickled readers into a typically Ovidian world of free-wheeling elegiac love, light-hearted hedonism, and (more or less) adept adultery. Connoisseurs of elegiac poetry could then enjoy hisHeroides, vicariously sharing stirring emotional turmoil with various heroines of history and mythology, who were here given a literary forum for voicing bitter feelings of loss and deprivation and expressing their strong hostility towards the epic way of life. Of more practical application for the Roman lady of the world were his verses on toiletry, theMedicamina Faciei, and once Ovid had discovered his talent for didactic expositionà la mode Ovidienne, he blithely continued in that vein. In perusing the urbane and sophisticated lessons on love which the self-proclaimederotodidaskalospresented in hisArs Amatoria, his (male and female) audience could hone their own amatory skills, while at the same time experiencing true Barthianjouissancein the act of reading a work, which is, as a recent critic put it, ‘a poem about poetry, and sex, and poetry as sex’. And after these extensive sessions in poetic philandering, his readers, having become hopeless and desperate eros-addicts, surely welcomed the thoughtful antidote Ovid offered in the form of the therapeuticRemedia Amoris, a poem written with the expressed purpose of freeing the wretched lover from the baneful shackles of Cupid.
‘Half-burnt on an Emergency Pyre‘: Roman Cremations which Went Wrong
Authors: Noy David
Published: November 2004

In an ideal Roman cremation, the body was carried in procession from the house of the deceased to a place outside the city, where it was burnt on a pyre until it was reduced to bones and ashes (cineres or favilla). The pyre should be built specifically for the deceased; having to use someone else's pyre was a sign of poverty, or an emergency procedure. The cremated remains might be buried where they had been burnt, usually in a ditch which was filled in and covered or marked; in this case the tomb was called a bustum. More usually, the cremation was carried out somewhere other than the final resting place, at a spot designated ustrina in Latin literature. This might be within the same tomb-precinct or columbarium, as in many tombs at Ostia, or at a separate public site. The bones and ashes therefore had to be collected up and placed in a container, preferably a specially made and ornamented one (cinerarium, oss(u)arium, olla, urna), to be placed in the tomb. The force of the fire, the raking and collapse of the pyre during burning, and eventual quenching with cold liquid would together normally be sufficient to reduce the bones to small fragments which would fit easily into the container. This sort of burial of the remains is assumed in such wishes for the dead as:

I pray that you rest quiet and safe in the urn, bones,

And that the earth is not burdensome to your ashes.
Profit is a Dirty Word: The Development of Public Baths and Wash-houses in Britain 1847–1915
Authors: SHEARD SALLY
Published: November 2004

Research on sanitary reform in nineteenth-century Britain has focused mainly on the introduction of large-scale sanitary infrastructure, especially waterworks and sewerage systems Other sanitary measures such as the provision of public baths and wash-houses have been ignored, or discussed in the limited context of working-class responses to middle-class samtarianism. Yet by 1915 public baths and wash-houses were to be found in nearly every British town and city A detailed analysis of these ‘enterprises’ can provide a useful way of understanding the changing priorities of public health professionals and urban authorities as well as the changing attitudes of the working classes. Connections between personal cleanliness and disease evolved during the century, particularly after the formation of germ theory in the 1880s. This paper demonstrates how the introduction of public baths and wash-houses in Liverpool, Belfast, and Glasgow was initially a direct response to sanitary reform campaigns It also shows that the explicit public health ideology of these developments was constantly compromised by implict concerns about municipal finance and the potential profit that such enterprises could generate. This city-based analysis shows that this conflict hindered the full sanitary benefit which these schemes potentially offered.
‘The Pregnant Women are here for the Sake of the Teaching Institution’: The Lying-In Hospital of Göttingen University, 1751 to c. 1830
Authors: SCHLUMBOHM JÜRGEN
Published: November 2004

Drawing on the admission records, the medical casebooks and the publications of its director, this article explores how the University of Göttingen's maternity hospital achieved its three official goals: teaching medical students, training female midwives, and providing shelter for needy parturient women. Since educating medical men was the most important aim of the hospital, the paper particularly focuses on how the demands of instruction shaped day-to-day obstetrical practices, especially under the directorship of Professor Friedrich Benjamin Osiander (1792–1822). He was a keen advocate of the forceps, whereas the first director, Professor Johann Georg Roederer (1751–63), had taken a moderate, that is a much less interventionist, approach to obstetrics. Osiander avowedly was determined to subordinate the parturient women to the demands of the clinic and to treat them as ‘living manikins’. In spite of that, there is evidence that the pregnant and parturient women, most of whom were unmarried and from the lower classes, made use of the lying-in hospital for their own purposes, and that sometimes they refused to play the role assigned to them. The link between the maternity hospital and the rise of the man-midwife and of ‘scientific’ obstetrics appears to have been particularly strong in the case of Göttingen and other German university hospitals, compared with lying-in hospitals in other countries where the link was more indirect.
Long-term memory for instrumental responses does not undergo protein synthesis-dependent reconsolidation upon retrieval
Authors: Hernandez Pepe J. , Kelley Ann E.
Published: November 2004

Recent evidence indicates that certain forms of memory, upon recall, may
return to a labile state requiring the synthesis of new proteins in order to
preserve or reconsolidate the original memory trace. While the initial
consolidation of “instrumental memories” has been shown to require
de novo protein synthesis in the nucleus accumbens, it is not known whether
memories of this type undergo protein synthesis-dependent reconsolidation.
Here we show that low doses of the protein synthesis inhibitor anisomycin
(ANI; 5 or 20 mg/kg) administered systemically in rats immediately after
recall of a lever-pressing task potently impaired performance on the following
daily test sessions. We determined that the nature of this impairment was
attributable to conditioned taste aversion (CTA) to the sugar reinforcer used
in the task rather than to mnemonic or motoric impairments. However, by
substituting a novel flavored reinforcer (chocolate pellets) prior to the
administration of doses of ANI (150 or 210 mg/kg) previously shown to cause
amnesia, a strong CTA to chocolate was induced sparing any aversion to sugar.
Importantly, when sugar was reintroduced on the following session, we found
that memory for the task was not significantly affected by ANI. Thus, these
data suggest that memory for a well-learned instrumental response does not
require protein synthesis-dependent reconsolidation as a means of long-term
maintenance.
Demonstration of nondeclarative sequence learning in mice: Development of an animal analog of the human serial reaction time task: Figure 1.
Authors: Christie Michael A. , Hersch Steven M.
Published: November 2004

In this paper, we demonstrate nondeclarative sequence learning in mice using an animal analog of the human serial reaction time task (SRT) that uses a within-group comparison of behavior in response to a repeating sequence versus a random sequence. Ten female B6CBA mice performed eleven 96-trial sessions containing 24 repetitions of a 4-trial sequence. During the 12th session, the repeating sequence was replaced with the random sequence halfway through the session. Reaction time (RT) to respond to an illuminated nose-poke was recorded, and performance was compared at the halfway point in each session to test for any change in behavior. For learning effect, RTs decreased over the no-switch repeating-sequence sessions. For interference effect, behavior did not change appreciably at the halfway point during the last repeating-sequence session. However, RTs deteriorated significantly after the switch from repeating to random sequences halfway through session 12. The mice demonstrated a robust interference effect when switched from repeating to random sequences. This pattern of behavior in humans performing the SRT is interpreted as evidence of nondeclarative sequence learning. The similarity between the human and mouse SRTs will enable more direct comparisons of mouse-human nondeclarative memory behavior and will provide a useful behavioral end-point in mouse-models of basal ganglia dysfunction.
Nonassociative learning processes determine expression and extinction of conditioned fear in mice
Authors: Kamprath Kornelia , Wotjak Carsten T.
Published: November 2004

Freezing to a tone following auditory fear conditioning is commonly considered as a measure of the strength of the tone-shock association. The decrease in freezing on repeated nonreinforced tone presentation following conditioning, in turn, is attributed to the formation of an inhibitory association between tone and shock that leads to a suppression of the expression of fear. This study challenges these concepts for auditory fear conditioning in mice. We show that acquisition of conditioned fear by a few tone-shock pairings is accompanied by a nonassociative sensitization process. As a consequence, the freezing response of conditioned mice seems to be determined by both associative and nonassociative memory components. Our data suggest that the intensity of freezing as a function of footshock intensity is primarily determined by the nonassociative component, whereas the associative component is more or less categorical. We next demonstrate that the decrease in freezing on repeated nonreinforced tone presentation following conditioning shows fundamental properties of habituation. Thus, it might be regarded as a habituation-like process, which abolishes the influence of sensitization on the freezing response to the tone without affecting the expression of the associative memory component. Taken together, this study merges the dual-process theory of habituation with the concept of classical fear conditioning and demonstrates that sensitization and habituation as two nonassociative learning processes may critically determine the expression of conditioned fear in mice.
Interaction of the N‐terminal domain of Escherichia coli heat‐shock protein ClpB and protein aggregates during chaperone activity
Authors: Tanaka Naoki , Tani Yasushi , Hattori Hiroyuki , Tada Tomoko , Kunugi Shigeru
Published: November 2004

The Escherichia coli heat‐shock protein ClpB reactivates protein aggregates in cooperation with the DnaK chaperone system. The ClpB N‐terminal domain plays an important role in the chaperone activity, but its mechanism remains unknown. In this study, we investigated the effect of the ClpB N‐terminal domain on malate dehydrogenase (MDH) refolding. ClpB reduced the yield of MDH refolding by a strong interaction with the intermediate. However, the refolding kinetics was not affected by deletion of the ClpB N‐terminal domain (ClpBΔN), indicating that MDH refolding was affected by interaction with the N‐terminal domain. In addition, the MDH refolding yield increased 50% in the presence of the ClpB N‐terminal fragment (ClpBN). Fluorescence polarization analysis showed that this chaperone‐like activity is explained best by a weak interaction between ClpBN and the reversible aggregate of MDH. The dissociation constant of ClpBN and the reversible aggregate was estimated as 45 μM from the calculation of the refolding kinetics. Amino acid substitutions at Leu 97 and Leu 110 on the ClpBN surface reduced the chaperone‐like activity and the affinity to the substrate. In addition, these residues are involved in stimulation of ATPase activity in ClpB. Thus, Leu 97 and Leu 110 are responsible for the substrate recognition and the regulation of ATP‐induced ClpB conformational change.
Analysis of side chain mobility among protein G B1 domain mutants with widely varying stabilities
Authors: Goehlert Virginia A. , Krupinska Ewa , Regan Lynne , Stone Martin J.
Published: November 2004

“Host–guest” studies of the B1 domain from Streptococcal protein G have been used previously to establish a thermodynamic scale for the β‐sheet‐forming propensities of the 20 common amino acids. To investigate the contribution of side chain conformational entropy to the relative stabilities of B1 domain mutants, we have determined the dynamics of side chain methyl groups in 10 of the 20 mutants used in a previous study. Deuterium relaxation rates were measured using two‐dimensional NMR techniques for 13CH2D groups. Analysis of the relaxation data using the Lipari–Szabo model‐free formalism showed that mutations introduced at the guest position caused small but statistically significant changes in the methyl group dynamics. In addition, there was a low level of covariation of the Lipari–Szabo order parameters among the 10 mutants. The variations in conformational free energy estimated from the order parameters were comparable in magnitude to the variations in global stability of the 10 mutants but did not correlate with the global stability of the domain or with the structural properties of the guest amino acids. The data support the view that conformational entropy in the folded state is one of many factors that can influence the folding thermodynamics of proteins.
Limited Value of Assays Using Detection of Immunoglobulin G Antibodies to the Two Recombinant Dense Granule Antigens, GRA1 and GRA6 Nt of
Toxoplasma gondii
, for Distinguishing between Acute and Chronic Infections in Pregnant Women
Authors: Ferrandiz Josette , Mercier Corinne , Wallon Martine , Picot Stéphane , Cesbron-Delauw Marie-France , Peyron François
Published: November 2004

An enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay (ELISA) using two recombinant antigens of
Toxoplasma gondii
(GRA1 and GRA6 Nt) was developed in order to differentiate between pregnant women with a serological profile of recently acquired infection and those with chronic infection. Both proteins were expressed in
Escherichia coli
as glutathione
S
-transferase fusion proteins. Thirty-two serum samples from subjects who presented seroconversion within 3 months before sampling (group 1; acute profile), 46 serum samples from women who had a positive serology at least 1 year before sampling (group 2; chronic profile), and 100 serum samples from pregnant women who were not infected by
T. gondii
(group 3) were examined for immunoglobulin G (IgG) reactivity. For both antigens, the specificity reached 98%. In both groups of infected patients, the overall sensitivity scored was 60% for GRA1 and 83% for GRA6 Nt. In group 1, 34% of sera reacted with GRA1 whereas 84% of sera reacted with GRA6 Nt; in group 2, however, sensitivities were 78.2 and 82.6%, respectively. Combination of the readings obtained with both antigens yielded a sensitivity of 91%. A serological follow-up of 10 women who seroconverted during pregnancy displayed three different serological patterns: (i) a GRA profile paralleling the IgG curve, as detected by the commercial kit, (ii) a GRA1 profile, or (iii) GRA1 and GRA6 Nt profiles remaining negative for at least 8 weeks after the reference test gave positive results. Taken together, these results suggest that neither GRA1 nor GRA6 Nt is sensitive enough to be used routinely to differentiate between acute and chronic toxoplasmic infections.
Use of Antibodies in Lymphocyte Secretions for Detection of Subclinical Tuberculosis Infection in Asymptomatic Contacts
Authors: Raqib Rubhana , Kamal S. M. Mostafa , Rahman M. Jubayer , Rahim Zeaur , Banu Sayera , Bardhan Pradip K. , Chowdhury Fahima , Ara Gul , Zaman K. , Breiman Robert F. , Andersson Jan , Sack David A.
Published: November 2004

We have previously demonstrated that
Mycobacterium bovis
BCG-specific immunoglobulin G antibodies in lymphocyte secretions (ALS) can be employed as a marker for active tuberculosis (TB). We aimed to determine whether the ALS method allows detection of subclinical TB infection in asymptomatic individuals. A prospective study of family contacts (FCs) of patients with active TB and healthy controls was performed. Thirteen of 42 FCs had high ALS responses, including 6 FCs who subsequently developed active TB. No correlation was observed between the tuberculin skin test and the ALS responses in the FCs (
r
= 0.1,
P
= 0.23). Among patients with active TB, BCG-specific ALS responses steadily declined from the time of diagnosis through 6 months following antimycobacterial chemotherapy (
P
= 0.001). The ALS assay enabled detection of infection in exposed symptom-free contacts, who are at greater risk for developing active TB. The method may also allow discrimination between effective treatment of active infection and suboptimal response to therapy.
Infection of Immunodeficient Horses withSarcocystis neuronaDoes Not Result in Neurologic Disease
Authors: Sellon Debra C. , Knowles Donald P. , Greiner Ellis C. , Long Maureen T. , Hines Melissa T. , Hochstatter Tressa , Tibary Ahmed , Dame John B.
Published: November 2004

Equine protozoal myeloencephalitis is a progressive neurologic disease of horses most commonly caused by infection with the apicomplexan parasiteSarcocystis neurona. Factors affecting neuroinvasion and neurovirulence have not been determined. We investigated the pathogenesis of infection withS. neuronain horses with severe combined immune deficiency (SCID). Two immunocompetent (IC) Arabian horses and two Arabian horses with SCID were infected orally with 5 × 105sporocysts ofS. neurona. Four IC horses and one SCID horse were infected intravenously (i.v.) with 5 × 108merozoites of the WSU-1 isolate ofS. neurona. Despite prolonged parasitemia and persistent infection of visceral tissues (skeletal muscle, cardiac muscle, lung, liver, and spleen) as demonstrated by PCR and culture, SCID horses did not develop neurologic signs after oral or i.v. infection.S. neuronawas undetectable in the neuronal tissues of SCID horses by either PCR, immunohistochemistry, or culture. In contrast, although parasitemia was undetectable in orally infected IC horses and of only short duration in i.v. infected IC horses, four of six IC horses developed neurologic signs.S. neuronawas detectable by PCR and/or culture of neural tissue but not visceral tissue of IC horses with neurologic disease. Infected SCID horses are unable to clearS. neuronafrom visceral tissues, but the infection does not result in neurologic signs; in contrast, IC horses rapidly control parasitemia and infection of visceral tissues but frequently experience neuroinvasion and exhibit clinical signs of neurologic disease.