bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
On Stephanus Byzantius' Text of Strabo
Authors: Cook J. M.
Published: May 2006

The full publication, after long and expert study, of the remnant of the Vatican Palimpsest of Strabo (W. Aly and F. Sbordone, de Strabonis Codice Rescripto) redeems this unique early MS. of the Geographica from the oblivion to which Kramer and Cobet consigned it, and justifies all Aly's travail upon it. Aly dates the script about A.D. 500; and while recognising numerous errors and great carelessness on the part of scribe and corrector, he finds support for many of the readings of the palimpsest where they differ from the established text of the Byzantine MSS. of Strabo. He maintains that in the early sixth century there were two distinct traditions of the text current in Constantinople:

(i) That of the Vatican Palimpsest (V). Some of its variant readings seem to be echoed in marginal or interlinear corrections in the Byzantine MSS., and Aly therefore believes that V is the source from which such corrections were transmitted. If this is true, they may be freely drawn upon for the establishment of this very early tradition of the text.

(ii) The tradition of the text preserved in our Byzantine MSS. of Strabo (L). Aly seeks to identify the archetype of L as the text of Strabo used by Stephanus Byzantius in the early years of Justinian's reign.
Demeter and Dionysos
Authors: Rose H. J.
Published: May 2006

In JHS LXIX, 18–24, Mrs. A. D. Ure discusses some interesting vases supposedly of Mykalessian make. I am quite incompetent to criticise her remarks concerning their provenance and date, and wish merely to point out that her interpretation of one of them as alluding to Boiotian ritual is highly doubtful.

The vase in question is described on pp. 19–20. It is a pyxis, decorated with a human or divine figure shown wearing what looks like a fawn-skin and holding in the right hand something which may well be a while in the left there is, according to Mrs. Ure, who of course has examined the object itself, a faint but discernible fork; I cannot find it on her reproduction. The figure sits on a small elevation which the artist has covered withround spots, quite possibly intending it for a heap of threshed corn. This is flanked, on the spectator's left, by a basket of fruit, on his right by a small pig. The figure's head is adorned with horns, apparently those of a goat and growing from, not merely attached to the crown.
Mopsos
Authors: Barnett R. D.
Published: May 2006

In 1946 an expedition led by Professor H. Bossert and his Turkish colleagues of the Institute for Research in Ancient Oriental Civilisations at the University of Istanbul investigated a site, now called Karatepe, in Cilicia, in a wild and remote part of the Taurus Mountains overlooking the Ceyhan River. There they found a small citadel fortified by a wall and ornamented with lions in the gateways. They excavated the gateways and found them to be flanked by sculptured slabs and inscriptions partly in Phoenician, partly in Hittite hieroglyphs. A further excavation on the summit of the hill found other inscriptions in these two languages, which finally, when compared, proved to be versions of the same text. The long-sought bilingual which would interpret Hittite hieroglyphic script had been found. Confirmation was now to be available of the slow and hesitant interpretations of the hieroglyphs which had been attempted over ninety years.
The Dating of Documents to the Mid-Fifth Century—II
Authors: Meritt B. D. , Wade-Gery H. T.
Published: May 2006

In this Journal last year, in the first part of this paper, we began our discussion of Mattingly's proposal to lower the dates of several fifth-century documents: we began with the two from which he started, namely D7 and D14. These two he proposed to put in the late twenties. We and Malcolm McGregor had put them in the early forties, and after discussing what we took to be Mattingly's most formidable arguments we found no cogent reason to change these dates. We therefore did not go again in detail into their historical contexts, into the numismatic consequences of D14 or into the traces which D7 may have left in the long appendix to quota-list 8.

In this second part of our paper we shall discuss the other documents to which Mattingly has assigned more or less plausible new contexts later than those assigned hitherto. In our judgment, the early date of most is indicated by their script, particularly by the fact that most of them write sigma with three bars instead of four, so that it requires arguments of some cogency to move them much below the mid century.

For three documents, Mattingly has alleged reasons of such cogency: for D11 (Miletos); for Tod 40 = SEG x 30 (Nike priestess); for SEG x 24 (epistatai for Eleusis). All these use the three-barred sigma, and if the positive reasons which he alleges for their late date are valid, then he is entitled to refuse our sigma criterion.
The Beacon-Sites in the Agamemnon
Authors: Quincey J. H.
Published: May 2006

Beazley, quoted by Fraenkel ad loc., has suggested that τρίτον Άθῷον αἶπος Ζηνὁς alludes to τρίτος (Σωτήρ) Ζεύς. The role played by Ζεὺς Σωτήρ in the religious thought of Aeschylus and in his treatment of the Oresteia myth is important (cf. Fraenkel on 1387), but this is not by itself sufficient to prove the allusion here. The route Ida-Lemnos-Athos shows no signs of having been artificially contrived in order to bring Athos into the third place, and while Aeschylus evidently intends to give the signal a divine send-off, so to speak, with the triad Hephaestus, Hermes and Zeus, the importation of a particular Zeus into the context makes no useful contribution to this end. τρίτον may undoubtedly evoke thoughts Σωτήρ, but Aeschylean evocations of thought usually have point; hence, perhaps, the caution detectable in Fraenkel's approach to Beazley's suggestion. Our doubts may be resolved by the fact that even if we restrict τρίτον to the literal sense, Σωτήρ is already present in the context by implication, in the word Ἀθῷον. No audience could distinguish between Ἀθῷον and ἀθῷον, and three of the manuscripts have not succeeded in doing so either (ἄθωον MFTr). Aeschylus frequently embarks on word-play, particularly with proper names (see, e.g., Suppl. 45–7, 315; PV 732–4, 848–52; Ag. 681 ff.; Αἰτν. fr. 27 Mette), and in some of the cases is probably exercising the poet's prerogative to coin his own etymologies, but this may be an instance drawn from popular usage. Athos, rising to a height of 2033 m.
Right and Left in Greek Philosophy
Authors: Lloyd G. E. R.
Published: May 2006

The purpose of this article is to consider how the symbolic associations which right and left had for the ancient Greeks influenced various theories and explanations in Greek philosophy of the fifth and fourth centuries B.C. The fact that certain manifest natural oppositions (e.g. right and left, male and female, light and darkness, up and down) often acquire powerful symbolic associations, standing for religious categories such as pure and impure, blessed and accursed, is well attested by anthropologists for many present-day societies. Robert Hertz, in particular, has considered the significance of the widespread belief in the superiority of the right hand, in his essay ‘La prééminence de la main droite: étude sur la polarité religieuse’ [Revue Philosophique lxviii (1909), 553 ff., recently translated into English by R. and С. Needham in Death and the Right Hand (London, 1960) 89 ff.]. It is, of course, well known that the ancient Greeks shared some similar beliefs, associating right and left with lucky and unlucky, respectively, and light and darkness with safety, for example, and death. Yet the survival of certain such associations in Greek philosophy has not, I think, received the attention it deserves. I wish to document this aspect of the use of opposites in Greek philosophy in this paper, concentrating in the main upon the most interesting pair of opposites, right and left. Before I turn to the evidence in the philosophers themselves, two introductory notes are necessary. In the first, I shall consider briefly some of the evidence in anthropology which indicates how certain pairs of opposites are associated with, and symbolise, religious categories in many present-day societies. The second contains a general summary of the evidence for similar associations and beliefs in pre-philosophical Greek thought.
Content Analysis and Classical Scholarship
Authors: Carney T. F.
Published: May 2006

Mr Bloch's note contained other surprises for me beside that of discovering that I'd been in the Political Science Department of M.I.T. There does seem to be a real issue, however—propriety of use of a technique like content analysis—so reply seems indicated, unaccustomed as I am to this form of public speaking.

Firstly, logic. My reference to content analysis was specifically limited to Mr Stadter's chapter four (third paragraph of my review). Mr Bloch generalises this, apparently (see his paragraph one), to refer to the whole review—certainly he does not deal specifically with my criticisms in paragraph two, though they involve specific, substantive points. My paragraph two dealt with semantics, a separate, if related, issue. Let's not muddle them up here. Some inconsistency seems involved in arguing that ‘content analysis has nothing to contribute’ (Mr Bloch's paragraph three) while yet ‘students of literature and historians have for generations pursued “content analysis” as a major aim of their professions' (paragraph four). I note also that Mr Bloch was able to define the use of content analysis as ‘inappropriate’ even when it was ‘a term he had never previously encountered’ (paragraph two).
An Etruscan Inscription in Reading
Authors: Lockwood W. B.
Published: May 2006

The Curator of the Museum of Greek Archaeology at Reading University, Mrs A. D. Ure, recently drew our attention to an apparendy unnoticed Etruscan inscription on a fragment of an Attic red-figure stemless cup datable to the third quarter of the fifth century B.C. Mrs Ure further referred us to the classification of the cup in J. D. Beazley, Attic Red-figure Vase-painters2 (Oxford, 1963) 1297 (no. 7), the Painter of London E 122.

The tondo inside the cup (plate VIIa) is practically complete (diam. 12.5 cm.), but all the external decoration is lost except small parts of the bottom of the floral pattern under each handle. Inside the tondo are the figures of two women, one seated in a chair and holding a sceptre, the odier standing frontal, looking to the left towards the seated woman and holding out a box in her direction, though she does not seem to be actually offering it to her. The underside of the base has painted rings and a moulded black circular band 1 cm. wide (Plate VIIb).

An inscription in Etruscan letters is scratched on the underside of the base (plate VIIc). The letters run from right to left, as is usual in Etruscan inscriptions; we transliterate cipisvinas (cf. the tables of Etruscan alphabets in G. Buonamici, Epigrafia etrusca, 1932, 122–3). There will be no doubt about the genuine Etruscan character of the word. One notices the vowel harmony, an often attested feature (M. Pallottino, Etruscologia,2 1947, 287).
The Cycle of Agathias
Authors: Cameron Averil , Cameron Alan
Published: May 2006

Following the example of Meleager and Philip of Thessalonica, Agathias of Myrina, poet, lawyer and continuator of the Wars of Procopius, compiled in the sixth century A.D. an anthology of epigrams, generally known as the Cycle (κύκλος) which, together with those of Meleager and Philip, was incorporated into the later anthology of Constantine Cephalas and partially survives in the Palatine and Planudean anthologies. But unlike Meleager and Philip, Agathias included only the work of contemporaries, representatives of that Indian summer of Greek poetry which illuminates the age of Justinian. And it has always been assumed that the Cycle was published during Justinian's reign, and that the (unnamed) Emperor to whom Agathias' (surviving) preface is addressed is Justinian himself.

But the arguments on which this dating is based are as flimsy as could well be imagined, and neglect moreover a number of material pieces of evidence which point decisively to a later date. P. Waltz, editor of the (alas unfinished) Budé Anthology, observes that the allusions to Italy and Rome in Agathias' preface (AP iv 3) ‘permettent d'en dater la publication des années qui suivent la reprise de Rome par Narsès’ in 553. Not a very helpful terminus post quem. In 553 Agathias was hardly more than 20. No one, surely, would wish to suggest that he published the Cycle before he was out of his teens.
Modern Greek Folk-Songs of the Dead
Authors: Mavrogordato John
Published: May 2006

This paper is only a small scratch at the surface of a much larger investigation of the meanings of folk-song and folk-tale—and that is why this journey to the World of the Dead, as it appears in some Greek folk-songs, begins in a hesitating and roundabout manner. I had been reading Professor Dawkins's Forty-five Stories from the Dodekanese, and had been impressed by part of the Introduction in which he explains how ‘ideas and feelings about life’, which cannot be directly expressed and often remain unconscious or not consciously formulated, may be ‘conveyed in the concrete external shape of a story’, and after that I began to think that any work of art, ifit is good enough to survive at all, must express more than the maker's conscious beliefs and must include some serious statement about the nature of the world. All good folk-tales and all good folk-songs have a hidden meaning, and that is why they survive. In the brain of James Barrie some feeling about the nature of Time and History must have been germinating when he wrote in Peter Pan about the crocodile which swallowed the alarm-clock; and I wondered if he had ever heard the Chinese folk-tale about the dragon that swallowed the moon. From that my thoughts went to Alice in Wonderland, which tells us not only a great deal about the hidden temperament of Lewis Carroll but also something he had felt about life, and something more than he found satisfactorily expressed in his religion. If this feeling of his was of any importance, the view that it expressed, or the feeling that produced such a view, would be shared by others, and a similar expression of it would turn up somewhere else. That led to thoughts about the World under the Ground, the World Below, the Under World—ὁ κάτω κόσμος.
Thales' Determination of the Diameters of the Sun and Moon
Authors: Wasserstein A.
Published: May 2006

Cle omedes, De motu circulari corporum caelestium. II. 75 (p. 136 Ziegler). Ἐλέγχεται δὲ καὶ διὰ τῶν ὑδρολογίων τὸ εὔηθες τοῦ λόγου [viz. ὅτι ποδιαῖός ἐστιν ὁ ἥλιος]. Δείκνυται γὰρ δι' αὐτῶν, ὅτι, ἂν ᾖ ποδιαῖος ὁ ἥλιος, δεήσει τὸν μέγιστον τοῦ οὐρανοῦ κύκλον ἑπτακοσίων πεντήκοντα ποδῶν εἶναι. Διὰ γὰρ τῶν ὑδρολογίων καταμετρούμενος εὑρίσκεται μέρος ἑπτακοσιοστὸν καὶ πεντηκοστὸν τοὑ οἰκείου κύκλου. Ἐὰν γὰρ, ἐν ᾧ αὐτὸς ἀνέρχεται πᾶς ἐκ τοῦ ὁρίƷοντος ὁ ἥλιος, κύαθος, φέρε εἰπεῖν, ῥεύσῃ, τὸ ὅδωρ ἀφεθὲν ὅλῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ καὶ νυκτὶ ῥεῖν εὑρίσκεται κυάθους ἔχον ἑπτακοσίους καὶ πεντήκοντα. Λέγεται δὲ ἡ τοιαύτη ἔφοδος ὑπὸ πρώτων τῶν Αἰγυπτίων ἐπινοηθῆναι.
The Rhoummas Herm: A Postscript
Authors: Tod Marcus N.
Published: May 2006

Soon after the publication (JHS LXXIII 138 ff.) by Mr. D. E. L. Haynes and myself of the portrait-herm of Rhoummas recently acquired by the British Museum I was informed by Mr. Michael R. E. Gough that he had found in his copy of LS some correspondence, dated 1910, relating to the herm. The dossier, which he kindly sent to me for examination, consists of three letters and two post-cards addressed by Arthur Sidgwick in March 1910 to the ‘Rev. A. S. Lamfrey, Grammar School, Ashford, Kent’, who had evidently written asking the meaning of the word μαρμαρόπαιστος. Sidgwick's provisional rendering was ‘struck with a stone’, but he asked for a copy of the whole inscription, and on receiving it sent it to Professor Percy Gardner, who replied that ‘the forms of the letters of the inscription seem to belong to the third or fourth century, not earlier.
Pericles Monarchos
Authors: Morrison J. S.
Published: May 2006

In a lecture on the Working of the Athenian Democracy delivered to the Hellenic Society at Burlington House on 3 May, 1949, Professor A. W. Gomme attacked the view ‘ that μοναρχια or principate describes with sufficient accuracy, not only Pericles' actual position, but Herodotus' and Thucydides' conceptions of it ’. To the word μοναρχια Gomme attached the meaning of absolute rule, typified in fifth-century thought, and in Herodotus, by the Persian kingship: by ‘ principate’ he meant the direct, single rule of an Augustus. To both he drew the parallel of modern dictatorship in a totalitarian state. Since he cited me as subscribing to this view in its most extreme form, in so far as I approved of E. M. Walker's remarks on the strategia in the Cambridge Ancient History and took Darius' arguments in favour of a monarchy for Persia in Herodotus iii 80–2 as ‘ Herodotus’ own justification for Pericles' unique position at Athens ', I feel that I should make some reply; and am grateful to the editor of the Journal for this opportunity of doing so. I am also grateful to Professor Gomme for letting me consult his MS. so that I have been able to take up the point with him on a surer foundation than that of memory, and have had the privilege of a second acquaintance with a brilliant lecture.
Minoan Linear B: A Reply
Authors: Chadwick John
Published: May 2006

The tragic death of Dr. Michael Ventris in September 1956 has thrust upon me the task of answering the criticisms made by Professor A. J. Beattie of his decipherment of the Minoan Linear B script [JHS lxxvi (1956) pp. 1–17]. Reasons of time and space preclude more than a summary reply; but fortunately almost all his points are covered by our discussion in Documents in Mycenaean Greek (Cambridge University Press, 1956), to which the reader is referred. I judge it necessary, however, to correct some wrong impressions and comment on some of Professor Beattie's methods.

The account of the decipherment is tendentious and distorted. The need for brevity prevented a fuller account in Evidence [JHS lxxiii (1953), pp. 84–103]; a more detailed version appears in Documents; but the whole story as it unfolded month by month can still be traced in the duplicated work-notes which Dr. Ventris circulated during the period 1950–52. It should be enough to say that the crucial step of applying phonetic values to the grid was based upon the reasonable hypothesis that certain words found only at Knossos represented the names of important Cretan towns. At that stage the language was still unidentified; it was as the result of the values obtained from the place-names that Dr. Ventris was forced to the conclusion that the language was Greek. This led to the recognition of Greek declensions in the Linear B inflexions, not the other way about.
The Political Aspect of Aeschylus's Eumenides
Authors: Dover K. J.
Published: May 2006

The ransacking of Tragedy for indications of the political views of tragic poets is seldom profitable and may be disastrous. But Eumenides, like much that Aeschylus wrote, is unusual, and one of its unusual aspects is the clarity and persistence with which the hearer's attention is engaged in the political present as well as in the heroic past; one might almost say, directed away from the past and towards the present. The nature of this re-direction, and its implications, if any, for Aeschylus's own standpoint, are no new problem. My reason for discussing it once more is that not enough attention has been paid to the immediate dramatic context of the passages by which this re-direction is effected or to the relation between these passages and the language of Greek politics in general.

I. The Central Stasimon 490–565

.

Editors of Aeschylus have assumed that these words cannot mean what they appear to mean: ‘Now new ordinances are overthrown, if the cause pleaded, and the injury done, by this matricide are going to prevail.’ The old laws, not the new, it is said, are in danger of overthrow, and it can only be the old laws which the Chorus defend and lament. Attempts to escape the prima facie meaning have taken the following forms:

(a) Emendation to give the sense ‘overthrow of old ordinances’ (ἕνων κ. θ., Cornford), ‘overthrow of ordained laws’ (κ. νόμων θ., Ahrens), ‘overthrow of my ordinances’ (ἐμῶν κ. θ., Weil), or ‘change to new ordinances’ (μεταστροφαὶ ν. θ., Meineke).
The philosophy of theODYSSEY
Authors: Rutherford R. B.
Published: May 2006

The ancient critics are well known—some might say notorious—for their readiness to read literature, and particularly Homer, through moral spectacles. Their interpretations of Homeric epic are philosophical, not only in the more limited sense that they identified specific doctrines in the speeches of Homer's characters, making the poet or his heroes spokesmen for the views of Plato or Epicurus, but also in a wider sense: the critics demand from Homer not merely entertainment but enlightenment on moral and religious questions, on good and evil, on this life and the after-life. When they fail to find what they seek, they follow Plato and find him wanting.
Methods and aims in the Euclidean Sectio Canonis
Authors: Barker Andrew
Published: May 2006

For the writers of the imperial period, music theory presented a sharp dichotomy. One might be an Aristoxenus, or one might be a follower of the mathematikoi or Pythagoreans. The methods and doctrines of the two schools were thought of as radically incompatible with one another; and it is true that from the fourth century B.C., when their respective doctrines were first formally articulated, members of each tradition held views which their opposite numbers denied. But their disagreements are easily misunderstood. I have argued elsewhere that Aristoxenus' attitude to the Pythagoreans has sometimes been distorted. Here, in discussing the Sectio, which appears to be the earliest continuous treatise surviving from the other side of the fence, I shall try to show some of the ways in which its objectives differ from Aristoxenus', and thus the sense in which certain major disagreements between them reflect an oblique rather than a direct confrontation. I hope also to show that further study of this rather arid looking work for its own sake would repay both musicologists and philosophers.
A Missing year in the history of Alexander the Great
Authors: Bosworth A. B.
Published: May 2006

In the spring of 328 Alexander the Great was at a critical point in his career. During the previous summer he had pressed too far too quickly and underestimated the resistance of the local population to his authority. Consequently, when he was engaged with nomad hordes on the banks of the Iaxartes (Syr-Darya), the whole of the populous satrapy of Bactria–Sogdiana rose in rebellion, from the fringes of the Hindu Kush in the south to the frontier cities by the Iaxartes. His morale was moreover weakened by a compound fracture of thefibula, sustained near Maracanda and exacerbated by a severe bout of dysentery at the Iaxartes.
Poetic inspiration in early Greece
Authors: Murray Penelope
Published: May 2006

It is generally agreed that the concept of inspiration is one of the most basic and persistent of Greek notions about poetry. Yet there appears to be a certain confusion on the significance of this observation. For instance, while most scholars consider that the idea is of very great antiquity in Greece, there is a recent tendency to regard the concept as a formulation of the fifth century B.C. E. A. Havelock, for example, describes the notion of poetic inspiration as an invention of fifth century philosophers, and G. S. Kirk states, without discussion, that poetic inspiration was ‘probably quite a new conception’ at the time Euripides was writing. This type of disagreement clearly relates to the more fundamental question of the meaning of the concept of inspiration itself. For although there is an apparent consensus that ancient notions of poetic inspiration correspond in some way to certain modern ideas about the nature of poetic creativity, little attention has been paid to these modern notions of inspiration. And unless such modern notions are investigated, the mere observation that there is a similarity is of little value.
The Arabic version of Galen's Ars Parva
Authors: Wilkie J. S. , Lloyd G. E. R.
Published: May 2006

Following our study of unpublished manuscripts of Hunain's translation of Galen's De Sectis ad eos qui introducuntur, a report of which appeared in JHS xcviii (1978) 167–9, we turned our attention to Hunain's translation of Galen's Ars Parva. Once again we have been impressed by the generally excellent quality of the Arabic version and we record a number of passages relevant to the problem of establishing the original Greek text. Perhaps our most important result is to confirm the existence, in Hunain's version of the Greek text, of an extensive preface including explanations of the terms ‘analysis’ and ‘synthesis’ which are missing from the printed text of Kϋhn.
A Tourist in Athens, 1801
Authors: Bruce M. R.
Published: May 2006

In the JHS xxxvi (1916) 162–372, Mr A. H. Smith gives a detailed account of the removal of the Elgin Marbles from the Parthenon in 1801–5 and of their subsequent history; in his Lord Elgin and the Marbles (1967), Mr W. St Clair brings this account up-to-date. Both authors describe the happenings in Athens of the last week of July 1801, when Lord Elgin's secretary, the Revd Philip Hunt, was in Athens, when excavations began and when the first sculptures were removed from the fabric of the temple. There was also in Athens at that time a party of three young Englishmen, Messrs William Gell, Edward Dodwell and Atkins, and there is a contemporary account by Gell now available, which was not known either to Smith or to St Clair; it provides some further information as to the conditions under which Hunt had to work, and of the immediate emotions and reactions of the four Englishmen as they actually watched the first ‘Elgin marbles’ being removed, as distinct from their later sentiments—and from those of Lord Byron.

It will be remembered that, as he passed through Naples in October 1799, on his way to Constantinople, Lord Elgin had engaged a party of artists and stuccoists, under an Italian artist named Lusieri, but this party did not reach Athens till August 1800. When he visited Athens in the spring of 1801, Hunt found that they were making little progress in their principal task of drawing and modelling the sculptures of the buildings on the Acropolis, because of the obstructionism of the Turkish authorities, and he accordingly went back to Constantinople to obtain some imperial firman to allow the artists to continue with their work (St Clair, op. cit. 87).
More Astronomical Misconceptions
Authors: Dicks D. R.
Published: May 2006

It seems clear from an article by C. H. Kahn in JHS xc (1970) 99–116 that there are still prevalent numerous misconceptions concerning early Greek astronomy. To attempt to correct all these in detail would require a lengthy exposition of elementary points which would be extremely tedious for the discerning reader. There are, however, two matters a lack of understanding of which leads to such erroneous conclusions that one may perhaps be forgiven for a final attempt to clarify the issues.
Pisistratus' settlement on the Thermaic Gulf: a connection with the Eretrian colonization
Authors: Viviers Didier
Published: May 2006

Aristotle relates that during his second exile Pisistratus joined with others in the colonization of Rhaccelus on the Thermaic Gulf: πρῶτον μὲν συνῷκισε περὶ τὸν Θερμαῖον κόλπον χωρίον ὅ καλεῖται Ῥαίκηλος. The context of this foundation is very obscure. J. W. Cole nevertheless proposed to consider this enterprise as ‘a combined Peisistratus-Eretria settlement’: this is a very attractive hypothesis which I should like to explore, adding some further considerations.
Macedonian ‘Royal Style’ and its historical significance
Authors: Errington R. M.
Published: May 2006

André Aymard, in a pair of articles now more than twenty years old, directed his attention to a thorough collection and evaluation of not only Macedonian, but of all hellenistic royal titulature. The conclusions of the impressive structure of fact and theory which he propounded in those articles have been widely accepted. But it seems likely that in the case of Macedonia he has been misled by pre-existing constitutional theory (despite his sensible rejection of its most outrageous aspects) into overvaluing the constitutional significance of the evidence from Macedonian royal style. This article is concerned with re-examining and re-interpreting the evidence for Macedonian titulature, and with testing the conclusions which Aymard drew from it.

There are two basic questions to be considered in this connection, the second dependent on the first: (i) is it correct, in any sense, to speak of ‘official’ titulature of the Macedonian kings (and therefore, a fortiori, of ‘false’ or ‘correct’ titles)? (ii) if so, what, if anything is the significance of variants, and what, if anything, can be learnt from them about the nature of the Macedonian monarchy? If we are to find an answer to (i), we must obviously look at the usage which the kings of Macedon themselves chose to use, particularly in their administrative and political public acts, and if any usage occurs with overwhelming frequency this should clearly be sufficient to establish a prima facie case that that usage is the normal one, though we might still retain doubts as to whether it could legitimately be called ‘official.’
Book titles in the Suda
Authors: Baldwin Barry
Published: May 2006

In his generally admirable account of the poets of early Byzantine Egypt, Alan Cameron reconstructs some of their (in his words) journalistic warfare on the basis of a supposed distinction between the use of εἰς and πρός in the titles of books and poems: εἰς denotes a work written in someone's honour, πρός something by way of discredit or refutation.
Aristotle's lantern
Authors: Lennox James G.
Published: May 2006

In Historia Animalium iv 531a3–5, Aristotle draws some sort of analogy between sea-urchins and lanterns–an analogy which, thanks to Jacob Klein, has found its way into the vocabulary of modern invertebrate zoology. At the close of the discussion in his Loeb edition, A. L. Peck observed: ‘The Text of the Greek manuscripts therefore still awaits satisfactory interpretation’. Peck's note, his footnote to the translation, and his apparatus criticus went some way toward establishing an understandable text for the passage. What the passage still lacks is a scientifically sensible interpretation.
The battle of the Granicus River
Authors: Hammond N. G. L.
Published: May 2006

Historians have found the battle of the Granicus River the most puzzling of Alexander's battles. For this there are three reasons. First, the ancient sources are at variance over the time and purpose of Alexander's crossing of the river. Second, the purpose and the effect of Alexander's sideways movement in the river-bed have not been satisfactorily explained. Third, the topographical indications in the sources do not correspond fully with the present lie of the ground. It will be well to treat these matters in the same order.
Family tombs and tomb cult in ancient Athens: tradition or traditionalism?
Authors: Humphreys S. C.
Published: May 2006

Fustel de Coulanges' thesis that ancient society was founded upon the cult of ancestral tombs has had, for a thoroughly self-contradictory argument, a remarkably successful career. Neither Fustel himself nor the many subsequent scholars who have quoted his views with approval faced clearly the difficulty of deriving a social structure dominated by corporate descent groups from the veneration of tombs placed in individually owned landed property. On the whole, historians have tended to play down Fustel's insistence on the relation between ancestor-cult and property and to exaggerate the role of the corporate kin group. This tendency, which assimilates Fustel to Sir Henry Maine and other lawyers interested in the reconstruction of Indo-European institutions (e.g. Bonfante) has in my view considerably impeded understanding of the role of kinship in early Greek society; it also obscures one of the most individual aspects of Fustel's work which, thanks to the researches of Philippe Ariès (II) on the development of the modern tomb-cult in the nineteenth century, can now be placed in its historical context.
M. le Professeur Lloyd et les trières: quelques remarques
Authors: Basch Lucien
Published: May 2006

II ne saurait ici être question de rencontrer, point par point, toutes les observations de M. Lloyd: ceci exigerait un nouveau tour d'horizon allant du fusil de Ferguson au pantheon adoré à Prw-Nfr et nous éloignerait sensiblement de ce qui me paraît être l‘essentiel de la controverse; l‘essentiel, à mon sens, est ceci.

Dans le JHS de 1975, M. Lloyd soutenait les quatre propositions suivantes:

(1) La trière phénicienne ne différait guère de la trière grecque: e‘était ‘essentially (souligné par moi) a Greek hull’, avec adjonction d‘un pont continu et de superstructures perfectionnées.

(2) La trière grecque a été inventée à Corinthe au je s., alors que les Phéniciens ne connaissaient pas encore ce type de navire.

(3) La construction des premières trières phéniciennes est due à une influence grecque.

(4) Parallèlement à l‘influence exercée, dans le domaine de l‘architecture des trières, de la Grèce vers la Phénicie, une mêne influence s‘est exercée sur l’Egypte qui, sous le règne de Nechao, a construit des trières de type grec.
A Peripatetic Constitution
Authors: Oliver James H.
Published: May 2006

An Athenian inscription, engraved with letters suggestive of the first sixty years of the first century B.C. and published by D. J. Geagan, Hesperia xl (1971) 101-8 with photograph, contains a decree proposed to the demos by Demeas son of Demeas to strengthen a revision of the city's constitution. On its publication it struck me that the revision was democratic and that Geagan's date 84/3 B.C., reached via the uncertainties of the secretary cycle, could not stand. Since repercussions from what was occurring at Rome to Sulla's arrangements might well have been felt in Athens, a different date,equally compatible with the assumed secretary cycle, 70/69 B.C., came to mind, but in the meanwhile the assumed secretary cycle itself has disappeared.
The man-eating horses of Diomedes in Poetry and Painting
Authors: Kurtz D. C.
Published: May 2006

Diomedes, king of the Bistones, a war-like people of Thrace, owned man-eating horses, which Herakles had to subdue: according to Apollodoros (ii 5.8) this was his eighth labour. Neither the number nor the order of Herakles' labours is certain; our earliest evidence for a canonical twelve is the metopal decoration of the Temple of Zeus at Olympia (470–457 B.C.). The second metope from the south corner of the eastern end of the temple is badly preserved, but enough remains to make it clear that Herakles was here represented standing in front of a single horse, subduing it in much the same manner as he does the Cretan Bull on the west end of the Temple. Earlier, in the sixth century, Bathykles had represented Herakles ‘subduing Diomedes’ on the ‘throne’ at Amyklae (Pausanias iii 8.12), but of this nothing remains.

Until the publication in 1961 of a papyrus with more than fifty new verses of a poem by Pindar, our earliest literary evidence for Herakles' encounter with Diomedes was the Alcestis of Euripides (438 B.C.): Herakles comes to the palace of Thessalian Admetus, on his way to the Bistones (ll. 482 ff.). The new poem, which probably antedates the Alcestis by several decades, begins, as preserved, with a brief mention of Herakles' theft of Geryon's cattle and the moral implications of his deed.
Notion and Kyzikos: the sources compared
Authors: Andrewes A.
Published: May 2006

It has long been seen that there were two distinct versions current in antiquity of the course of events after the late summer of 411, when Thucydides' History comes to its abrupt end. Xenophon's version survives in the original, but the alternative is preserved continuously only in Diodoros' epitome, generally brief and often distorted, and it can now be taken as established that this depends on the work of Ephoros, composed in the middle of the fourth century. For much of the time the two versions are most obviously distinguished by small differences of detail, numbers of ships or of casualties or the like, but often enough the divergence is more radical, and in such cases, down to this century, preference was usually though not invariably given to Xenophon as the contemporary source. Since the publication of the London fragments of the Hellenica Oxyrhynchia it has been apparent that Ephoros made use of this work, written by a historian of high quality who was at least nearly contemporary with the events he described; and there has been much controversy over (e.g.) the irreconcilable accounts of Agesilaos' campaign towards Sardis in the summer of 395, in Hell.Oxy. 11 (with Diod. xiv 80) and in Xen. Hell. iii 4.20–4. The publication of the Florentine fragments by Bartoletti in 1949 invited us to compare divergent accounts of the Ionian War.
Ajax and Achilles playing a game on an olpe in Oxford
Authors: Woodford Susan
Published: May 2006

A charming black-figured olpe in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford shows two warriors playing a game (PLATE IIc). Between them stands the goddess Athena, an alert figure looking sharply to the left while holding her shield to the right. She holds it rather tactlessly, for the shield entirely obscures the head of the right-hand warrior. Although Cassandra, clinging desperately to the statue of Athena, sometimes has her head obscured in a similar manner behind the goddess's shield, it seems more likely that the painter here has simply misjudged the space available than that he has conflated two iconographical types.

The Oxford olpe, though imperfectly planned and executed, is clearly an example of the subject which is best known through the beautiful amphora in the Vatican painted by Exekias (PLATE IIIa). Exekias represented two warriors playing a game at least twice, and is generally believed to have been the first to paint this theme on a vase.
Periplus Maris Erythraei: notes on the text
Authors: Casson Lionel
Published: May 2006

The sole reliable text of the Periplus Maris Erythraei is H. Frisk's, published in 1927. He not only re-examined the one important manuscript that has survived but brought to bear his knowledge of the language of the Greek papyri of Egypt, which is close kin to that written by the plain-spoken captain or merchant who composed the Periplus. As a result, he was able to eliminate in passage after passage the freewheeling emendations introduced by nineteenth-century editors and return to the wording of the manuscript.
Anaximenes and King Alexander I of Macedon
Authors: Brunt P. A.
Published: May 2006

Ἀναξιμένης ἐν ᾶ Φιλιππικῶν περὶ Ἀλεξάνδρου λέγων φησίν ἔπειτα τοὺς μὲν ἐνδοξοτάτους ἱππεύειν συνεθίσας ἑταίρους προσηγόρευσε, τοὺς δὲ πλείστους καὶ τοὺς πέζους εἰς λόχους καὶ δεμάδας καὶ τὰς ἄλλας ἀρχὰς διελὼν πεζεταίρους ὠνόμασεν, ὄπως ἑκάτεροι μετέχοντες τῆς βασιλικῆς ἑταιρίας προθυμότατοι διατελῶσιν ὄντες.

This fragment of Anaximenes of Lampsacus, a historian contemporary with Philip II and Alexander, cited by Harpocration and the Suda to explain the use of pezetairoi in Demosthenes ii 17, alleges that some Alexander not only accustomed the Macedonians of highest repute to serve in the cavalry but also organised the foot in lochoi, decads and ‘other commands’, apparently those of the writer's own day, and entitled them pezetairoi. Since that title already existed, and was known by both Anaximenes and the lexicographers to have existed, in the reign of Philip, the Alexander named cannot be Alexander III. Taking the information offered seriously, most scholars either suppose Alexander I (c. 495–50) or Alexander II (369–8) to be meant, or refer the innovations to Archelaus (c. 413–399) or even to Philip II (359–36). Emendation can of course only be based on the assumption that the excerptors misunderstood the text of Anaximenes before their eyes.
Asteris and the Twin Harbours
Authors: Luce J. V.
Published: May 2006

R. Lattimore's translation is neat and accurate:

There is a rocky island there in the middle channel halfway between Ithaka and towering Samos,

called Asteris, not large, but it has a double anchorage

where ships can lie hidden. There the Achaeans waited in ambush.

I assume that Homeric Ithaca is the island now called Ithaki and that Samos is Kephallinia. The channel will then be the Ithaca Channel, and here there is only one island, now called Daskalio (FIG. 1). So Daskalio = Asteris. So far, so good; Homer has deftly pinpointed the location of the ambush by associating it with the only small island off the west coast of Ithaca.

Daskalio is certainly πετρήεσσα; indeed it is nothing but a narrow shelf of rock about 200 yards long, and rising only about 15 feet above water level (Plate IIIa). No one can deny that it is οὐ μεγάλη; the phrase may well be a litotes. It is not strictly in ‘mid-channel’, being 3,000 yards from Ithaca and only 800 yards from Kephallinia, but this may pass in a poetic description. It is with the ‘double anchorage’ that Homer's description appears to lose touch with reality.
Pindar's Twelfth Olympian and the Fall of the Deinomenidai
Authors: Barrett W. S.
Published: May 2006

The ode celebrates a number of victories (all of them, as we shall see, in the δόλιχοϲ, the ‘long’ race) won by a certain Ergoteles, of Himera in Sicily. It is not in any proper sense an Olympian at all: the first victory mentioned was at Olympia, which is why the ode was classified by Aristophanes of Byzantium among the Olympians; but the most recent of the victories, the immediate occasion of the ode, was won not at Olympia but at Pytho.

The ode begins with an invocation of Fortune, and a prayer that she should protect the victor's city. From this it proceeds, in the regular fashion of the Greek hymn, to a statement of Fortune's power; and this statement then merges into a gnomic passage on the instability and unpredictability of human affairs, from which in turn we emerge to the victor and to his changing fortune and final success.
Remarks on Plutarch's De Vitando Aere Alieno
Authors: Russell D. A.
Published: May 2006

It is a common, and irritating, practice of Plutarch's to begin his prooemium with a comparison or a contrast. Perhaps the same move may be appropriate for an essay in the interpretation of an author to whom Professor Dodds, forty years ago, wrote one of the most charming and penetrating introductions. We might put it like this: to be in debt is indeed bad, dangerous and corrupting; but to acknowledge debts of learning and friendship in the manner this volume intends, is both καλόν and ἡδύ.

De vitando aere alieno is a vigorous and lively discourse. Style and subject mark it as somewhat out of Plutarch's usual line. It raises a swarm of problems. Is it genuine? Is it complete? Does it reflect a real crisis? The preliminary to any answer to these, and similar, questions seems to me to be an analysis of the speech as it stands, an attempt to show its connections of thought. This is all I shall try to do here.

The thesis ὅτι οὐ δεῖ δανείζεσθαι involves two distinct propositions: that borrowing is a bad thing (A); and that there are ways of avoiding it (B). To look at it in this way brings it into line with the moral failings that Plutarch discusses in treatises like πϵρὶ φιλοπλουτίας or πϵρὶ δυσωπίας where the principal heads of the subject are naturally the attack on the vice and the suggestions for cure. Now both these basic propositions readily admit amplification. Proposition A can be enlarged by any means that paints the picture in darker colours, for example by representing the debtor as a damned soul (828F, 830F) or as a drowning man (831D). Proposition B leads at once to the hackneyed topics of the renunciation of luxury and the true freedom of the self-sufficient life. Plutarch did, I think, conceive of his subject under these heads. Given his moral preoccupation, this was almost inevitable. And in fact he treats the two themes turn and turn about, and we can detect the passage from one to the other, even where it is masked by the syntactical structure
Onomatopoeic Mimesis in Plato, Republic 396b–397c
Authors: Stanford W. B.
Published: May 2006

Two related passages in the discussion of mimesis in this part of The Republic are in question here:

Commentators and translators generally agree that Socrates is referring to the effect of imitations of such sounds in performances of drama or dithyramb, and that the mimesis in question is the result of ‘identification’ on the part of spectators. As Adam puts it: ‘In good acting the spectator identifies himself with the actor through sympathy; and as the actor “imitates” so does he.’ Since several of the sounds mentioned would be difficult to imitate effectively by the human voice, Adam and others suggest that the imitative sounds were produced by musical effects and stage-machines (such as the βροντϵȋον). They note that the later ‘degenerate’ dithyrambic performances aimed at mimetic effects of this kind; and so too, of course, did Old Comedy. The three main points in this generally accepted interpretation are:

(a) the mimesis mentioned here is largely a matter of musical reproduction of the sounds listed;

(b) the mimesis consists of direct mimicry of these sounds;

(c) Socrates is referring to dramatic and dithyrambic performances.

There are objections to all of these points. First, against the notion that musical mimesis is primarily or mainly intended: up to this point in the discussion Socrates has confined his remarks to literature. He concludes his literary discussion quite specifically in 398b: ‘Now it looks as if we have completed our survey of the words and myths of μουσική.’ Then he explicitly goes on to consider ‘after this’ the remaining matter, namely, the right kind of ᾠδή and μέλος for the education of the Guardians.
Artful crafts: the influence of metalwork on Athenian painted pottery
Authors: Vickers Michael
Published: May 2006

Why did Athenian vase-painters choose the colours they did for the vases they decorated? Why did they choose black figures on red, or red figures on black; why were lekythoi often decorated on white ground? These are basic questions, but have rarely been asked. Many books and articles deal with the technical aspects of how these effects were achieved, but never seem to ask why. A few minutes' conversation with a modern potter will dispel any illusion that the colours so familiar from Attic pottery were the only ones compatible with the local clay. Even the orange of that clay was made more intense by the addition of a thin reddish slip, and white-ground can scarcely be accidental. It is legitimate to enquire why a particular range of colour schemes was adopted.
Some Macedonian offices c. 336–309 BC
Authors: Hammond N. G. L.
Published: May 2006

The contention of this paper is that the Macedonians had their own names for the offices in their state; that Hieronymus, who spent a long life in the Macedonian administrative service, used those names in his history; and that some of the names have come through to us—not always consistently—in the accounts which were derived from the history of Hieronymus. Those accounts are in Diodorus, Justin and Photius' epitomes of Arrian and Dexippus. The account in Curtius is not inspired by Hieronymus; it is therefore not discussed here.