bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Synthesis, Structure, and Spectroscopic and Electrochemical Properties of Copper(II/I) Complexes with Symmetrical and Unsymmetrical 2,9‐Diaryl‐1,10‐phenanthroline Ligands
Authors: Yang Peiju , Yang Xiao‐Juan , Wu Biao
Published: June 2009

A series of copper(II) and copper(I) complexes, [CuX2L] (1–6) and [CuL2](CuX2) (7–12) (X = Cl, Br; L = 2‐R‐9‐R′‐1,10‐phenanthroline, dpp: R = R′ = Ph; npp: R = naphthyl, R′ = Ph; dnp: R = R′ = naphthyl) were synthesized and characterized by elemental analysis, UV/Vis and IR spectroscopy, and X‐ray crystal diffraction (for 1, 3, 6, and 12). The copper(II) complexes are four‐coordinate with one phenanthroline ligand and two halogen atoms, whereas the copper(I) complexes are tetrahedrally coordinated by two bidentate phenanthroline ligands. Cyclic voltammetry studies of the CuI complexes in CH2Cl2 reveal that bulky groups in the 2,9‐positions have significant effects on the redox potential of the CuII/I couple, which is more positive for the complexes with the dnp ligand than those with the dpp and npp ligands. (© Wiley‐VCH Verlag GmbH & Co. KGaA, 69451 Weinheim, Germany, 2009)
Bidentate Lewis Base Adducts of Methyltrioxidorhenium(VII): Ligand Influence on Catalytic Performance and Stability
Authors: Zhou Ming‐Dong , Jain Kavita R. , Günyar Alev , Baxter Paul N. W. , Herdtweck Eberhardt , Kühn Fritz E.
Published: June 2009

Methyltrioxidorhenium (MTO) forms 1:1 adducts of the general formula CH3ReO3·L2 with bidentate Lewis bases (L2 = 5,5′‐dimethyl‐2,2′‐bipyridine, 5,5′‐diamino‐2,2′‐bipyridine, 4,4′‐dibromo‐2,2′‐bipyridine, 5,5′‐dibromo‐2,2′‐bipyridine, diethyl 2,2′‐bipyridine‐5,5′‐dicarboxylate, 1,10‐phenanthroline‐5,6‐dione, 3,6‐di(2‐pyridyl)pyridazine). Due to the steric demands of the ligands, the complexes display a distorted octahedral geometry as confirmed by solid state X‐ray crystallography. The rhenium center is disordered in all examined crystal structures. The complexes synthesized are thermally stable but sensitive to light and moisture. The 2,2′‐bipyridine derived complexes exhibit good catalytic activities for cyclooctene epoxidation in a biphasic H2O2/organic solvent catalytic system using hydrogen peroxide as oxidizing agent. The functional groups on the bipyridine rings play an important role with respect to the differences in formation, stability and activity of the complexes. Their influence depends largely on their electron donor capabilities. (© Wiley‐VCH Verlag GmbH & Co. KGaA, 69451 Weinheim, Germany, 2009)
Validating the eating disorder inventory (EDI‐2) in two danish samples: A comparison between female eating disorder patients and females from the general population
Authors: Clausen Loa , Rokkedal Kristian , Rosenvinge Jan H.
Published: June 2009

The Eating Disorder Inventory, Version 2 (EDI‐2) is a questionnaire used clinically and in research all over the world. EDI‐2 is cross‐culturally valid, yet normative values may depend on culture. Norms and reliability of the Danish version have to date been lacking, and will be presented in this article, comparing patients (N = 575) and controls (N = 881). Also, internal reliability of scales is tested for both groups. Differences between norms of the Danish and the North American version of EDI were small but significant for all scales except asceticism (eating disorder patients) and ineffectiveness, interpersonal distrust and maturity fears (normal controls). For both groups the internal consistency was >0.70 for all subscales except asceticism. Although differences across the eating disorder diagnostic groups were dubious, the EDI‐2 is useful to screen for eating problems in the general population as well as to rate progress and outcome among eating disorder patients. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and Eating Disorders Association.
Shedding new light onto the ceiling and floor? A quantile regression approach to compare EQ‐5D and SF‐6D responses
Authors: Seymour Janelle , McNamee Paul , Scott Anthony , Tinelli Michela
Published: June 2009

An important issue in the measurement of health status concerns the extent to which an instrument displays lack of sensitivity to changes in health status at the extremes of the distribution, known as floor and ceiling effects. Previous studies use relatively simple methods that focus on the mean of the distribution to examine these effects. The aim of this paper is to determine whether quantile regression using longitudinal data improves our understanding of the relationship between quality of life instruments. The study uses EQ‐5D and SF‐36 (converted to SF‐6D values) instruments with both baseline and follow‐up data. Relative to ordinary least least‐squares (OLS), a first difference model shows much lower association between the measures, suggesting that OLS methods may lead to biased estimates of the association, due to unobservable patient characteristics. The novel finding, revealed by quantile regression, is that the strength of association between the instruments is different across different parts of the health distribution, and is dependent on whether health improves or deteriorates. The results suggest that choosing one instrument at the expense of another is difficult without good prior information surrounding the expected magnitude and direction of health improvement related to a health‐care intervention. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Dual optical coherence tomography/fluorescence microscopy for monitoring of Drosophila melanogaster larval heart
Authors: Bradu Adrian , Ma Lisha , Bloor James W. , Podoleanu Adrian
Published: June 2009

This article demonstrates a combined instrument of two imaging modalities to acquire information on cardiac function in larval Drosophila melanogaster: optical coherence tomography (OCT) and laser scanning fluorescence microscopy (LSFM). For this purpose, a dedicated imaging instrument able to sequentially provide cross‐sectional OCT and C‐scan LSFM images has been developed. With this dual‐imaging system, the heart can be easily located and visualized within the specimen and the change of the heart shape in a cardiac cycle can be monitored. (© 2009 WILEY‐VCH Verlag GmbH & Co. KGaA, Weinheim)
Low‐temperature conditioning combined with methyl jasmonate treatment reduces chilling injury of peach fruit
Authors: Jin Peng , Wang Kaituo , Shang Haitao , Tong Junmao , Zheng Yonghua
Published: June 2009

BACKGROUND: Peaches are sensitive to low temperature and develop chilling injury (CI) symptoms during refrigerated storage. This CI reduces consumer acceptance of peaches and limits the potential postharvest market life of the fruit. To develop a suitable technique to reduce CI, the effect of a combination of low‐temperature conditioning (LTC) and methyl jasmonate (MJ) treatment on CI of peach fruit was investigated in this study.

RESULTS: Freshly harvested firm‐mature peaches were treated with a combination of LTC at 10 or 20 °C and 1 µmol L−1 MJ and then stored at 0 °C for 5 weeks. The fruits developed CI during storage, manifested as internal browning and flesh mealiness. The combined treatment significantly reduced these CI symptoms and maintained higher fruit quality. The activities of polyphenol oxidase and peroxidase were significantly inhibited while those of superoxide dismutase, catalase and ascorbate peroxidase were induced by the combined treatment. In addition, the activities of phenylalanine ammonia‐lyase and polygalacturonase and the level of total phenolics were enhanced by the combined treatment.

CONCLUSION: The combination of LTC and MJ treatment could be a useful technique to reduce CI and maintain quality in peach fruit during cold storage. Copyright © 2009 Society of Chemical Industry
Efficacy of trivalent chromium on growth performance, carcass characteristics and tissue chromium in heat‐stressed broiler chicks
Authors: Zha Long‐Ying , Zeng Jing‐Wen , Chu Xin‐Wei , Mao Li‐Mei , Luo Hai‐Ji
Published: June 2009

BACKGROUND: Trivalent chromium (Cr) is usually claimed to have a positive effect on growth and carcass traits in livestock. The objective of this study was to comparatively assess the effects of 6 weeks of treatment with different forms of Cr (500 µg kg−1), namely Cr nanocomposite (CrNano), Cr picolinate (CrPic) and Cr chloride (CrCl3), on growth performance, carcass characteristics and tissue Cr in heat‐stressed broiler chicks.

RESULTS: Supplementation of CrNano and CrPic significantly increased average daily gain, feed efficiency, carcass yields and lean muscles and decreased abdominal fat. In addition, CrNano significantly increased protein contents in breast and thigh muscles and lowered fat and cholesterol levels in thigh muscles. CrPic significantly increased thigh muscle protein content and decreased thigh muscle fat and cholesterol levels. Dietary addition of CrNano, CrPic and CrCl3 resulted in significant increases of Cr content in serum, liver and kidney. Moreover, supplemental CrNano produced significant increments of Cr deposit in breast and thigh muscles.

CONCLUSION: The results indicate that supplementation of Cr in the form of CrNano and CrPic might be an effective tool for enhancing the growth performance and carcass traits of broiler chicks in heat‐stressed condition. CrNano seemed to have greater beneficial effects in comparison with CrPic. Copyright © 2009 Society of Chemical Industry
Laser‐initiated ignition
Authors: Tauer J. , Kofler H. , Wintner E.
Published: June 2009

After an introduction illustrating the relevance and motivation of laser ignition of engines, the physical background is reviewed in a first technical section. This mainly comprises the mechanisms of plasma formation, which are the generation of first free electrons and their avalanche‐like multiplication, being illustrated by emission and Schlieren diagnostics. Thereafter, combustion fundamentals are discussed leading to an understanding of flammability and minimum ignition laser energies. An important section is represented by the description of the components of laser ignition. This covers the setup and function of a diode‐pumped passively Q‐switched solid‐state laser system, which preferentially is based on Nd:YAG. Other laser sources are mentioned for comparison. Furthermore, multiplexing schemes are discussed that are motivated by cost‐saving issues. It is explained why present‐day optical fibers are not capable of transporting nanosecond ignition pulses. As a last section, the concepts for an incoupling window and focusing optics are elucidated. Finally, after a summary, in an outlook the chances for commercial realization are analyzed.
A simple two‐stage design for quantitative responses with application to a study in diabetic neuropathic pain
Authors: Whitehead John , Valdés‐Márquez Elsa , Lissmats Agneta
Published: June 2009

Two‐stage designs offer substantial advantages for early phase II studies. The interim analysis following the first stage allows the study to be stopped for futility, or more positively, it might lead to early progression to the trials needed for late phase II and phase III. If the study is to continue to its second stage, then there is an opportunity for a revision of the total sample size. Two‐stage designs have been implemented widely in oncology studies in which there is a single treatment arm and patient responses are binary. In this paper the case of two‐arm comparative studies in which responses are quantitative is considered. This setting is common in therapeutic areas other than oncology. It will be assumed that observations are normally distributed, but that there is some doubt concerning their standard deviation, motivating the need for sample size review. The work reported has been motivated by a study in diabetic neuropathic pain, and the development of the design for that trial is described in detail. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Atmospheric pressure infrared (10.6 µm) laser desorption electrospray ionization (IR‐LDESI) coupled to a LTQ Fourier transform ion cyclotron resonance mass spectrometer
Authors: Sampson Jason S. , Muddiman David C.
Published: June 2009

We present the implementation of a CO2 laser emitting infrared laser irradiation at 10.6 µm onto the versatile atmospheric pressure ionization platform. Infrared laser desorption electrospray ionization (IR‐LDESI) is demonstrated from liquid‐state samples at atmospheric pressure with and without ESI postionization. Multiply charged proteins ranging in molecular mass from 8.6 to 17 kDa were detected from liquid‐state samples without the addition of matrix. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
On the asymptotics for solutions of system of two linear oscillators with slowly decreasing coupling
Authors: Nesterov P.
Published: June 2009

In this paper, we construct the asymptotic formulas for solutions of system of two linear oscillators with slowly decreasing coupling as t → ∞. To study this system we use the specially developed variant of the method of averaging that was introduced for investigation of systems with oscillatory decreasing coefficients. To get the asymptotics for the solutions we involve Levinson's fundamental theorem. Moreover, we estimate the o(1) term in asymptotic formulas.
Extension of Nonoperative Management of Blunt Pancreatic Trauma to Include Grade III Injuries: A Safety Analysis
Authors: Pata Giacomo , Casella Claudio , Di Betta Ernesto , Grazioli Luigi , Salerni Bruno
Published: June 2009

Background

In hemodynamically stable patients after blunt pancreatic trauma, the main pancreatic duct (MPD) disruption (American Association for the Surgery of Trauma [AAST] grade III‐IV‐V lesions) is usually treated surgically or by endoscopic stent placement, whereas injuries without duct involvement (grade I‐II) are liable to medical treatment. To date, no evidence has been reported regarding nonoperative management (NoM) of grade III injuries. We aimed to evaluate the safety of extending medical management to include cases of distal MPD involvement (grade III).

Patients and methods

Data were collected on patients admitted after blunt pancreatic trauma between January 1999 and December 2007. Patients exhibiting hemodynamic instability or hollow organ perforations were excluded from this study, as they were surgically managed. In all remaining cases NoM was attempted. Antibiotic prophylaxis and early total enteral nutrition were routinely adopted. Grade III patients received octreotide during hospitalization and for 6 months after discharge.

Results

Eleven patients (2 with grade I injury, 3 with grade II injury, and 6 with grade III injury, all diagnosed by contrast‐enhanced helical CT) were included. Nonsurgical management was carried out in all of these patients. Among grade III patients, one developed a peripancreatic abscess; another, a pancreatic fistula. Both were successfully treated nonoperatively. The average length of hospital stay was similar in grade I‐II and grade III patients. After a median follow‐up of 57 months no mortality or pancreatic sequelae had occurred.

Conclusions

Under the aforementioned conditions, an attempt to extend NoM to include patients with AAST‐grade III lesions can be justified. However, such a strategy demands continuous patient monitoring, because should the case worsen, surgery might become necessary.
Evaluation of a statewide youth‐focused relationships education curriculum☆,☆☆
Authors: Kerpelman Jennifer L. , Pittman Joe F. , Adler‐Baeder Francesca , Eryigit Suna , Paulk Amber
Published: June 2009

Romantic relationships matter for adolescents. Experiences in romantic relationships facilitate key areas of personal and interpersonal development, however, problems in romantic relationships and lack of positive role models can lead to increased risk of developing unhealthy relationship patterns that can persist into adulthood. The goals of this applied research project were to examine the effectiveness of a youth‐focused relationships education curriculum, and to use the knowledge gained to inform practices in relationships education for adolescents. Findings from pre and post‐intervention assessments and from two follow‐up surveys provide evidence of program success and offer key insights for the development of an effective model of relationships education tailored for adolescents.
I. England and the Italian War of 1859
Authors: Simpson F. A.
Published: June 2009

One of the difficult and important decisions which confronted Napoleon during his last days in Paris concerned the use of his fleet. Strategically there was overwhelming argument for its immediate and energetic employment. On land, Austria was starting the war with large advantages; in numbers, in preparation, in position, in geographical facilities of every kind. But on sea, she was nowhere. Never a formidable naval power, her small fleet was at the moment in a condition of more than ordinary decrepitude. That of France, on the contrary, had recently been raised by the Emperor to a size and efficiency which had attracted the uneasy attention of the British admiralty. Obviously, therefore, if Italy were indeed to be freed to the Adriatic, it was of the first importance that France should assert and use to the full her maritime superiority in the Adriatic. Only so could the famous Quadrilateral be taken in the rear, and Austria made conscious of her one geographical disadvantage: the inadequacy of her railway communications with her front. The Emperor had accordingly given detailed instructions for the sending of such a fleet, prepared to effect a landing at Venice. But now at the last moment the threatening attitude of England caused him to countermand them. For the Derby government not only dispatched a formidable fleet itself to the Mediterranean, but proceeded to advance an urgent request for the neutralization of the Adriatic. ‘Before the Emperor leaves Paris,’ wrote Malmesbury to Cowley on 2 May, ‘make a great effort to keep us out of the war by obtaining his consent to neutralise the Adriatic.’
I. Aids, Loans and Benevolences
Authors: Harriss G. L.
Published: June 2009

In the later Middle Ages English kings borrowed to an increasing extent from their subjects rather than from foreign bankers. This development, often remarked, has usually been interpreted as both a sign and a cause of the Crown's weakness. Dependence on its subjects' goodwill is thought to have compromised the Crown's political authority, while its financial embarrassment enabled subjects to make a profit at the Crown's expense. Repeated borrowing thus brought not only an inexorable decline into insolvency, but increasing distrust of the Crown's promises and contempt for its rule. Such an interpretation derives much of its force from the view usually taken of these loans. They were, we are told, not ‘forced’ but freely made; not offered disinterestedly, but for profit.
VI. The Round Table Movement and ‘Home Rule All Round’
Authors: Kendle J. E.
Published: June 2009

Before 1914 one of the methods often suggested as a solution of the Home Rule problem and the more general one of constitutional reform in the United Kingdom was ‘Home Rule all round’, known also as ‘Devolution’ or ‘Federalism’ dependent on the occasion or the party affiliation of the would-be reformer. The concept was by no means a new one; it had been broached as early as the 1830s and had received much attention in the eighties and nineties at the time of Gladstone's two Home Rule bills. At best it meant the erection of four provincial Parliaments with separate executives for Ireland, Scotland, Wales and England, responsible for essentially local matters, and an overall Parliament sitting in London, elected on a population basis, responsible for general United Kingdom affairs such as postal services, customs, trade, defence and foreign policy; at the very least the scheme meant the devolution onto local government bodies, possibly provincial councils, of many of the more parochial problems considered at Westminster. ‘Home Rule all round’ attracted considerable interest in 1910 at the time of the Constitutional Conference and again during the tempestuous months of 1913–14 when the United Kingdom hovered on the brink of civil war and any and all compromise solutions were of necessity being explored. The role played by the Round Table Movement in these proposals and subsequent manoeuvres has only partially been recognized.
III. Ireland and the Empire in the 1860s. Imperial Precedents for Gladstone's First Irish Land Act.
Authors: Steele E. D.
Published: June 2009

The influence of British Indian example on the Irish Land Act of 1870 has received some notice in recent years. Dr E. E. Stokes, for one, has commented that it was men with an Indian background like J. S. Mill and George Campbell who educated the Liberal party to think ‘that the State might justly lay hands on the sacred institution of private landed property’. It is argued here that the general influence was very much less than has been suggested. Nor did Indian example point to a single course of action by the state on the Irish problem. Mill and Campbell, the two leading advocates of Irish land reform to draw on India, put forward solutions which, if intended to secure practically the same end, differed significantly in their approach.
I. Shipowning in the Economy and Politics of Early Modern England
Authors: Scammell G. V.
Published: June 2009

That the mid-seventeenth century in some way marked a turning point in English history now seems generally accepted. It witnessed, Professor Davis tells us, the beginning of a commercial revolution; it saw, Mr Hill has argued, the country converted to a vigorous new style imperialism. These are large questions which cannot be debated here. But what particularly concerns us is the corollary to such assumptions, that before this grand climacteric England was negligible at sea; and that, as it has recendy been put, ‘the basis on which England established itself in 1588 as the first naval power of Europe was created only during the previous two decades.’
III. The Treasury and Open Contracting, 1778–1782
Authors: Baker Norman
Published: June 2009

During the War of American Independence, the Treasury Board contracted for a wide range of army supplies. Opposition, both in parliament and the press, persistendy criticized the methods employed in the allocation of contracts. It was widely believed that contracts were awarded in the interests of ministerial influence, not public economy; contractors were the friends of government and enjoyed excessive profits. The most frequendy proposed alternative was to contract through public advertisement and accept the lowest tender received. This method was normally referred to as open contracting. Isaac Barre was the main opposition spokesman on matters relating to army supplies and it was his view, expressed in the House during April 1778, that ‘contracts ought to be open, and offered to the lowest bidder'. Government spokesmen and contractors sitting in the House regularly countered this argument with the assertion that open contracts’ would be prejudicial to the public service. Men inadequate to the accomplishment of the contracts, would at all times bid lower than men of ability and reputation, and they would do much more injury by serving the public badly, than the difference of expense. 'Although neither Lord North nor John Robinson, the Treasury Secretary mainly responsible for contract business, were fully satisfied with existing contract methods, they sought economies within those methods and even the Shelburne ministry, when it radically altered the contracting system for supplying the army in America in 1782, decided against the open contracts championed by friends of Shelburne when in opposition.
Gentlemen Dissenters: The Social and Political Meanings of Rational Dissent in the 1770s and 1780s
Authors: Seed John
Published: June 2009

Conventional wisdom has long maintained that eighteenth-century religious dissent was a significant source of opposition to the Hanoverian status quo. For Trevelyan, for instance, dissenters were ‘vigilant champions of liberty and critics of government’. The high political visibility of rational dissenters in oppositional movements in the 1770s and 1780s – in opposition to the American war, the Test and Corporation Acts, slavery and the slave trade, the existing electoral system – has been particularly noted. However in recent years the political significance of religious dissent has been questioned. Roy Porter warns that the zeal for reform among dissenters should not be overestimated: ‘Not till the 1780s, and then only amongst a hothead minority, did Nonconformity show a potential for political radicalism.’ John Brewer has argued that the dissenting group associated with Hollis, Price, Priestley and ‘the small, snug, dissenting coterie of Newington Green’ marks one tradition of political opposition in the eighteenth century. But, largely confined to intellectual critique, remarkably uninvolved in the day-to-day cut-and-thrust of political action even evincing a patrician alarm at popular direct action, its contribution to political change was far less significant than the Wilkite movement.
Varieties of Radicalism: Attwood, Cobden and the Local Politics of Municipal Incorporation
Authors: Edsall Nicholas C.
Published: June 2009

In 1837 leading reformers in a number of England's rapidly growing but still archaically governed industrial cities began to agitate for the incorporation of their boroughs in accordance with the provisions of the Municipal Corporations Act passed two years before. Up until then little interest had been shown in the subject in the provinces, an attitude which is rather easier to understand than the sudden belated burst of enthusiasm. For, even after it had become clear in 1835 that the great reform bill had made some sort of municipal reform inevitable, Tory opponents of the measure had not given way without a struggle. By strictly limiting the powers of the reformed borough councils, by creating a property qualification for councillors, and by requiring the inhabitants of unincorporated cities to petition the Privy Council for a charter rather than, say, providing for automatic incorporation of parliamentary boroughs, they hoped to emasculate what they dared not destroy. In this they were remarkably successful. The borough councils remained hobbled for years because the powers of the variety of trusts which existed in most cities to take care of such things as paving, water supply, cleaning and general improvements were not handed over to the municipal authorities. And largely because of this even many reformers in the proud industrial cities of the north and midlands were often less than enthusiastic about getting a charter for their city. The prospect of replacing narrowly selected Court Leets and Boroughreeves with semi-democratically elected borough councils and mayors was appealing, but it had to be balanced against the fact that these councils would not supersede but merely take their place alongside already existing boards and commissions, with the result that the cost of local government was likely to go up. Looked at in this way there did not seem to be much in it, or at least not enough to make incorporation worth the fighting that would probably be necessary to secure it.
From Liberalism to Imperialism: The Case of Egypt 1875–1887
Authors: Mowat R. C.
Published: June 2009

For liberals, especially those who kept to the pure doctrine of Cobden, Egypt became a test case in the 1870s. Disraeli's purchase of the Khedive Ismail's Suez Canal shares in 1875 made its annexation appear a possibility. Two years later Gladstone penned his eloquent warnings as to diis step in his ‘Aggression on Egypt’ article in the Nineteenth Century. The annexation or occupation of Egypt would be, he said, ‘die almost certain egg of a great African Empire that will grow and grow’ until Britain would have territory and commitments throughout die whole of die African continent, and consequent embroilments with France and die odier Powers. There would be no limit to die responsibilities Britain would have to undertake, dealing with ‘all oppression’, and undertaking die ‘entire taxation’. It would end forever die realization of diat lofty aim, die founding not of a terrestrial but a ‘moral empire’ - ‘the enthronement of diis idea of Public Right, as die governing idea of European policy’.
V. The Liberal Revival in Northamptonshire, 1880–1895: A Case Study in Late Nineteenth Century Elections
Authors: Howarth Janet
Published: June 2009

There can be few fields in modern English history in which the historian is so frustrated by lack of evidence as in the study of elections between the introduction of the secret ballot and the coming of the opinion polls. For threequarters of a century after the Ballot Act was passed there is no precise quantitative evidence relating to movements of opinion or the voting behaviour of different groups within the electorate. We cannot even hope for conclusive evidence of what, in general terms, the determinants of voting behaviour were in this period; how to balance the importance of the national party competition and of local pressures; of the ‘image’ and the leadership of the parties and their programmes; of class loyalties and religious loyalties; of electoral persuasion and the fluctuations of a still unmanaged economy. These questions are strictly unanswerable, for there are no pollbooks from which we can deduce the opinions of late nineteenth and early twentieth-century electors, and they are beyond the reach of questionnaires. The only statistics we possess are the bare figures for votes cast for each party in contested elections, and the number of registered electors in each constituency (from which we
can calculate the percentage of voters who went to the poll).
I. The Appointment of the Duke of Medina Sidonia to the Command of the Spanish Armada
Authors: Thompson I. A. A.
Published: June 2009

The death of the marquis of Santa Cruz (9 February 1588) left the Spanish Armada leaderless. On 14 February, for reasons that have never seemed remotely satisfactory, Philip II named Don Alonso Perez de Guzman el Bueno, 7th duke of Medina Sidonia, to take his place. Medina Sidonia has been universally regarded rather like a rabbit pulled mystifyingly out of a hat by the king to the amazement of rabbit, spectators, and historians alike. Attempts to explain the appointment have been half-hearted and, until some recent revaluations of the duke's administrative abilities, have concentrated overwhelmingly on his character and social position. Portrayed as an amiable poltroon, loyal, unassuming, and characterless, utterly devoid of military experience but not too proud to be guided entirely by his expert advisers, he was just the man to do what he was told without questioning the instructions of the real admiral of the Armada in the Escorial, or cavilling at his subordination to the supreme commander of the invasion forces, the duke of Parma—issues which had already embittered relations between the king and the marquis of Santa Cruz. At the same time, personal jealousies among Santa Cruz's leading lieutenants, the refusal of the military to accept seamen on equal terms, and the presence in the Armada of a large number of titled and class-conscious gentlemen-adventurers all meant that the new commander had to be an outsider, a landsman, and a nobleman so illustrious that nobody need be ashamed to obey him or take precedence behind him. As the premier duke in Spain, Medina Sidonia's social qualifications were impeccable.1 Some historians have pointed to the duke's religious devoutness as a further recommendation, others have wondered whether his promotion were not a sentimental memento of an extinct romance between Philip and the duke's mother-in-law.
Fortescue and the Political Theory of dominium
Authors: Burns J. H.
Published: June 2009

After more than five hundred years the political ideas of Sir John Fortescue (c. 1394–c. 1476) retain the potency which has ensured that they have seldom suffered total neglect, even if much of the interest they have aroused has been ideological in character. It was perhaps only in the 1930s that Fortescue first received appropriate attention in the context of the history of political thought; and the varied consideration devoted to him by scholars over the past quarter of a century suggests that the process of appraisal is by no means complete. Despite much discussion of Fortescue's basic political categories, it will be argued here, important dimensions of his thought have been fore-shortened – notably in regard to origins, basis, and character of political society as such. Again, some of the perspectives in which the fundamental concept of dominium has been presented may be misleading if they are applied to Fortescue's use of that concept without full recognition of his specific political purposes.
French Military War Aims, 1914–1916
Authors: Prete Roy A.
Published: June 2009

In his recent book, French war aims against Germany, 1914–1919, David Stevenson comes to the heart of the problem relative to the diplomatic prolongation of World War I. ‘No Government’, he asserts, ‘was willing to jettison its war aims in the interest of a compromise peace, or to place itself at the enemy's mercy while a chance of victory remained’. His work is to be applauded, therefore, for he has given us the first succinct and judicious account of the course of official French war aims from 1916 to 1919, enlarging upon a topic heretofore treated in scholarly articles. Using the wealth of archival documentation now available, and the private papers of numerous participants, Stevenson has made a major and much-needed contribution to our knowledge of the subject by tracing the relationship between official war aims policy, peace diplomacy and the diplomatic impact of allied policy on French war aims from their inception to the Versailles settlement.
Political Autobiography and the Art of the Plausible: R. A. Butler at the Foreign Office, 1938–1939
Authors: Stafford Paul
Published: June 2009

R. A. Butler has been one of the outstanding figures in twentieth-century British politics. After his death The Times described him as ‘the creator of the modern educational system, the key-figure in the revival of post-war Conservatism, arguably the most successful chancellor since the war and un-questionably a Home Secretary of reforming zeal’. His record of achievement was unequalled by his rivals in the contests for the party leadership in 1957 and in 1963, but on both occasions the leadership eluded him. How and why this happened was understandably of the greatest interest to those who reviewed Rab's memoirs, The art of the possible, which were published in 1971. These memoirs won unanimous praise for their literary excellence, but otherwise met with a rather mixed reception. Enoch Powell, one of Rab's supporters in 1963, described them as ‘a work of astonishing self-revelation [belonging] with the classic Confessions. Augustine and Rousseau were not more unsparing of themselves than Rab…’ The ‘large episodes’ of Rab's career, Powell went on, ‘are treated with a generous vision (including, it need not be added, a generosity to Rab) which leaves the reader with improved understanding and perspective’. Powell's comments were echoed by others on the Right, but the Left was more critical. Anthony Howard noted that ‘what tend…to get wholly left out are the mistakes and blunders’ – the now infamous Villacoublay meeting during the Suez crisis; and Rab's astonishing admission to the journalist George Gale during the 1964 campaign that the election was slipping Labour's way. Harold Wilson, who had offered Rab the mastership of Trinity, was perhaps the least charitable of all. He found The art of the possible disappointing because, he claimed, Rab underwrote the great occasions. Rab's reticence about Suez, however, upset Wilson less than the description of his tribulations at the hands of Labour MPs as government spokesman for the policy of non-intervention during the Spanish Civil War. Here was an issue which could excite the older soldiers of the British Left, and if Wilson was alone among Rab's reviewers in making more than passing reference to Rab's association with appeasement this was why.
The Waltham Blacks and the Black Act
Authors: Rogers Pat
Published: June 2009

The measure of 1723 known as the ‘Waldiam Black Act’ (9 Geo. I, c. 22) has acquired a lasting notoriety. Lecky called it ‘a special and most sanguinary law’, and even Sir Leon Radzinowicz finds it ‘remarkable’ as the most severe legislation of the eighteenth century, its comprehensive nature making it an ‘ideological index’ to the capital laws at large. The Act was extended for five years in 1725 (12 Geo. I, c. 30), amended in 1754 (27 Geo. II, c. 15) and made permanent in 1758 (31 Geo. II, c. 42). Effectively it survived for a century, until Peel took it off the statute book despite opposition from the Quarterly Review. Its main provisions were directed against ‘wicked and evil-disposed Persons going armed in Disguise, and doing Injuries and Violences to die Persons and Properties of his Majesty's Subjects’. It became a felony without benefit of clergy to go abroad into woods in any form of disguise or with a blackened face. Commission of a specific act of destruction or larceny was not necessary for a prosecution to lie.
VII. Britain and Italian Intervention, 1914–1915
Authors: Lowe C. J.
Published: June 2009

The negotiations leading up to the Treaty of London of 27 April 1915 afford a classic illustration of Grey's complaints concerning the difficulties of conducting diplomacy in wartime. Though manifold they may be reduced to two headings. In the first place diplomacy was dependent, hopelessly so, upon victory in the field. ‘A diplomacy which was suitable when the Allied armies were having success’, Grey wrote, ‘was hopelessly unsuitable when the Germans seemed to be winning.’ Whereas before the war the Foreign Office had exercised some influence upon the development of British naval and military strategy, now the boot was upon the other foot. Words could not compensate for military defeats: ‘in war words count only so far as they are backed by force and victories. Up to the end of 1916…Allied diplomacy had little enough of this backing’.
III. Chartist Internationalism, 1845–1848
Authors: Weisser Henry
Published: June 2009

Chartist internationalism has usually been treated as a peripheral question in the consideration of some broader topic—the history of the labour movement or of Chartism or communism—or as an element in the background of some radical's biography. It has, however, played a much larger part for Marxist writers, particularly in its embodiment in the Fraternal Democrats, with whom Marx and Engels were for a time associated.
The Formulation of the Declaration of Rights
Authors: Frankle Robert J.
Published: June 2009

After a period of comparative neglect, historians are re-examining the English Revolution of 1688 with revived interest and revised interpretation. In the past few decades numerous works have carefully re-investigated and often reinterpreted the roles played by such disparate groups as the Whigs, die nobility, the common people, and die urban mob, as well as by such leading individuals as die Earl of Sunderland, James II, and William of Orange. They have broadened our perspective of the Revolution by placing it in die wider context of European affairs and have persuasively demonstrated that die replacement of James II by William and Mary was justified most frequently and effectively not by John Locke's Two Treatises of Government, which was indeed composed prior to 1688, but by mat old relic from James I's reign, divine right of kings.
Conflict and Consensus on a Ceremonial Occasion: the Diamond Jubilee in Cambridge in 1897
Authors: Hammerton Elizabeth , Cannadine David
Published: June 2009

On 22 June 1897 the Queen-Empress Victoria drove in splendid, imperial state to St Paul's Cathedral, the ‘parish church of the Empire’ there to give thanks for reaching the sixtieth year of her reign. It was, in life, her supreme moment of apotheosis as the matriarch of Europe and mother-figure of an empire of unprecedented size, power and prosperity. Not only in London, but in towns and villages throughout England and around the world, the celebrations extended. ‘From one end of the land to the other’, recalled one provincial newspaper, ‘and indeed wherever the British flag flies, the day was marked in a special manner.’ ‘Everywhere in the Empire that day’, notes James Morris, ‘statues were being unveiled, garrisons were being inspected, thanksgiving services were being held in thatch-roofed outposts of the Anglican communion.’
Parliamentary Attainder in the Reign of Henry VIII
Authors: Lehmberg Stanford E.
Published: June 2009

‘Attainder’, A. F. Pollard once wrote, was ‘the characteristic instrument of Tudor policy’, and ‘acts of attainder [the’ favourite weapon’ of Henry VIII. Unfortunately Pollard did little more than throw out these striking phrases; he never made a systematic study of parliamentary attainder under die second Tudor. The use of attainder in die fifteenth century has been subjected to recent scholarly scrutiny, and certain bills from die period of Thomas Cromwell's ascendancy have been discussed by Professor Elton. But a careful examination of attainder under Henry VIII is still lacking. Since his reign marks die heyday of attainder by statute, such an inquiry is clearly important.
II. Executive Monarchy and the Challenge of Parties, 1689–1832: Two Concepts of Government and Two Historiographical Interpretations
Authors: Hill B. W.
Published: June 2009

Anyone who studies eighteenth-century British politics soon becomes aware of a lack of definite form in the major institutions of government. Contemporaries, although equally aware of this imprecision, did not consider that it detracted from the utility of the constitution. On the contrary the vagaries of the system were often cited as its chief asset, permitting such apparently irreconcilable elements as parliamentary supremacy and a royal executive to exist together in balanced harmony. Burke, the constitution's most eloquent defender, called this quality of comprehensiveness a ‘unity in so great a diversity of its parts’, and believed that such unity was capable of sheltering both prescriptive rights and necessary adaptations in society. But the quality which men of the eighteenth century were agreed to admire has been viewed less sympathetically by later writers, intent on clarifying points which contemporaries preferred to leave open. The whig historians of the nineteenth century attempted to cut through difficulties by treating as unworthy of consideration in the eighteenth-century scene those features which did not survive in the era of reform. The misinterpretations which thereby arose brought about a necessary reaction in the present century, especially from the late Sir Lewis Namier whose research revealed the Georgian scene as having a more traditional structure of politics and society than was previously supposed. But Namier's own work too paid disproportionate attention to parts of the scene at the expense of others, though he undoubtedly did so because the difficulty of dislodging a well-established whig orthodoxy led him to overstate his case.
III. ‘Humanity Sold for Sugar!’ The British Abolitionist Response to Free Trade in Slave-grown Sugar
Authors: Rice C. Duncan
Published: June 2009

Prior to 1944, the interpretation of the British anti-slavery movement was dominated by the ‘humanitarian’ ideas of the school of imperial historians centred round the great Sir Reginald Coupland. The turning point in slave trade and slavery studies came with the publication of Eric Williams' Capitalism and Slavery, significantly enough published at Chapel Hill—it would be interesting to find out whether the manuscript had previously been submitted to any English firms. In his bibliography, Williams remarked of Coupland that he ‘represents the sentimental conception of history; his works help us to understand what the anti-slavery movement was not’. But the attack went much further than personalities. Capitalism and Slavery included evidence which stood the more traditional interpretation on its head, while its conclusions rejected the simple moral motivation which had previously been picked out as the main factor behind the abolition of the slave trade and slavery. The whole thesis of Williams' book was that while the moral awakening of which Coupland and his followers had written may have genuinely affected the behaviour of individual supporters of abolition, the root cause of the abandonment of the slave trade and later of West Indian slavery was a change in the balance of economic pressure groups. Building on the work of Lowell Joseph Ragatz, Williams suggested that the anti-slavery movement was a group response of the middle class, to a decline in the relative power of the West India interest on the one hand, and a change in the needs of the increasingly industrialized society in which they lived on the other.
Education and Politics in Piedmont, 1796–1814
Authors: Outram Dorinda
Published: June 2009

In 1820 many of the leading figures in the governments of the Italian states were men who had already been prominent before 1796, and had collaborated with the French during the period of the Empire. Vittorio Fossombroni and Neri Corsini in Tuscany and Prospero Balbo in Piedmont are the outstanding examples in the years immediately following the Vienna settlement. The political survival of these men into a Europe dominated by violent reaction against the events of the preceding twenty years poses interesting questions. How had the pre-revolutionary Italian ruling aristocracies reacted to the experience of Napoleonic government, and how did this experience affect their attitude to the events of the succeeding decade?
I. The Pricing of Meat: A Study in the Use of Royal Proclamations in the Reign of Henry VIII
Authors: Heinze Rudolph W.
Published: June 2009

The major argument of those who view the Statute of Proclamations as a tyrannical measure seems to be that the government planned to use it to replace Parliamentary legislation with legislation by decree. Unfortunately this supposition has not been tested by a study of the actual use of proclamations in the reign of Henry VIII. The continuation of a three-centuries-old controversy over the meaning and intent of this enigmatic statute indicates that further efforts to unravel the mystery by concentrating on the wording of the statute and the circumstances surrounding its passage would prove unrewarding unless new evidence were to be uncovered. This dilemma suggests that a new approach is necessary. If the Statute of Proclamations is to be understood in its proper context, the total role of proclamations in Tudor legislation and administration must be investigated, and their relationship to other types of legislation during the entire Tudor period must be studied.
V. Admiral von Müller and the Approach of War, 1911–1914
Authors: Röhl J. C. G.
Published: June 2009

The storm over Fritz Fischer's study of German aims in the First World War seems to be abating at last. Even in Germany, where the process of readjustment has understandably been painful, few historians would now dispute Fischer's conclusions on the war aims themselves, though the secondary argument on Bethmann Hollweg's role in their formulation continues. More surprising still is the growing acceptance of Fischer's position on the origins of the war. If his opponents were at first concerned to deny that German policy was at the root of the July crisis, their present purpose is only to deny that an annexationist programme existed before the outbreak of war. If his opponents were at first concerned to deny that German policy was at the root of the July crisis, their present purpose is only to deny that an annexationist programme existed before the outbreak of war. Most German historians now accept either that Imperial Germany was taking a ‘calculated risk’ in supporting Austria over Serbia or that Germany was anxious to launch a ‘preventive’ attack on Russia and France before especially the former Power grew too strong.