bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
‘Celeuma’ in Christian Latin: Lexical and Literary Notes
Authors: Sheerin Daniel J.
Published: August 2016

The purpose of these notes is to trace the lexical and literary fortunes ofceleuma, a word which, as we shall see, defies strict definition. Particular attention will be given to the occurrences ofceleumain Christian Latin literature, though necessary background concerning the Greekϰέλευσμαandceleumain classical Latin literature will be provided. This is done at the risk of repeating material already available in the great lexica and in standard secondary works, but it is hoped that the reader's patience may be won by the fact that no unified treatment ofϰέλευσμα/celeumaexists, and by the new material and interpretations offered here. This paper is divided into four sections: 1) the Greek wordϰέλευσμα, 2) the Latin wordceleuma, 3)celeumain Christian Latin, and 4) the literaryceleuma.
A Grammatical Miscellany of 1427–1465 from Bristol and Wiltshire
Authors: Orme Nicholas
Published: August 2016

English grammatical miscellanies, of which numerous examples survive from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, are a major source of the history of education in later medieval England. We mean, by miscellanies, collections of treatises and exercises relating to the study and teaching of Latin. Works of this kind were compiled for their use by university scholars, members of the religious orders, and the masters and pupils of ordinary grammar schools. The study of such works today, most of whose contents have yet to be printed, adds greatly to our knowledge of medieval English life and thought. The Latin treatises on grammar which they contain reveal the history of the study and usage of Latin in England. They make it possible to reconstruct the grammar curriculum of the English schools and universities, for which other evidence is rarely available. They contain the earliest grammatical treatments of the English language, too, in the form of English glosses and translations of Latin grammatical works, long before the publication of the first definitive grammar of English in 1586. Of wider interest still, the miscellanies contain numerous school exercises which aimed to teach Latin to pupils through references to the speech, activities, and surroundings of everyday life. Such texts are especially valuable, since they preserve many illuminating details of English social history that have not survived elsewhere.
Medieval Liturgical Books in Twenty-Three Spanish Libraries: Provisional Inventories
Authors: Hughes Andrew
Published: August 2016

(Barcelona, El Escorial, Gerona, Huesca, Lérida, Madrid, Montserrat, Pamplona, Poblet, Seo de Urgel, Silos, Tarazona, Toledo, Tortosa, Vallbona de las Monjas, Vich)

This article is mainly concerned with Office Books, but does not include books for the Mozarabic rite. A few books for the Mass etc. were included as a result of earlier incorrect descriptions; these were inspected and eliminated without further investigation.
The Prophets of the Anglo-Norman ‘Adam’
Authors: Vaughan M. F.
Published: August 2016

A comprehensive theory which can reduce massive amounts of detailed evidence to simple and pleasing clarity has the ability to survive long after critics have damaged or destroyed essential portions of its arguments or evidence. A radically new comprehensive thesis may arise to displace it, but even then quibbles with details of the new continue to breathe life into the old. Such is at least partially the case with study of the prophets' episode in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman Adam (Ordo representacionis Ade). Perhaps the single most edited piece of twelfth-century literature, the play has an established importance: linguistically, dramatically, theatrically, and theologically, it deserves the close attention it has been given. And not only is it important, it is also an enjoyable and imaginative work that delights the reader as much as it fascinates the scholar. However, it is a victim of being assigned a fundamental role in a comprehensive theory regarding the development of medieval vernacular drama.
‘Inordinata locutio’: Blasphemy in Pastoral Literature, 1200–1500
Authors: Craun Edwin D.
Published: August 2016

Forbidden language, like forbidden knowledge, has always had its attractions. Of its many varieties, the inordinata locutio of blasphemy, speech which violates fundamental norms in the way it represents God, has held no small appeal for people in times of widespread religious practice. The late Middle Ages offers no exception to these two commonplaces of modern thought, judging from the number of civil statutes designed to extirpate blasphemy and from the stringent measures drawn up by influential clerics like Jean Gerson. This animus against blasphemy among the lettered, both lay and clerical, means that few blasphemous utterances, few of the words judged as blasphemous by someone other than the speaker, have come down to us. Preachers and compilers of catechetical handbooks, like theologians and glossators, are as silent about the actual words of blasphemers as they are eloquent about their temerity. Even the collectors of exempla, whose tales provide so much information about religious life, rarely record so much as a blasphemous phrase in their repertoire of tales about blasphemers. Perhaps these late medieval writers shared the reticence of the author of the Book of Job, who, according to the Priest (ps.- Jerome), wrote benedixerit for maledixerit, inverting the literal sense ‘quod non fuit ausus scriptor historiae ore suo in Deum dicere verbum blasphemiae.’
Zur Überlieferung eines mittelalterlichen Hohelied-Kommentars: Odo von Cheriton – Michael Ayguani von Bologna – Rodrigo von Astorga
Authors: Reinhardt Klaus
Published: August 2016

In der Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid findet sich unter der Signatur 3/40548 ein 1723 in Valladolid gedruckter umfangreicher lateinischer Kommentar zum Hohen Lied. Diese Expositio mirabilis in divina Cantica Canticorum wurde angeblich dreihundert Jahre vorher, nämlich 1424, von einem gewissen Rodrigo de Astorga verfaßt, damals Kanonikus in Astorga und später Mönch im Hieronymitenkloster bei Los Toros de Guisando.
The Language of Gardens: Boccaccio's ‘Valle delle Donne’
Authors: Stillinger Thomas C.
Published: August 2016

‘Non solamente pe’ piani ma ancora per le profondissime valli mi sono ingegnato d'andare.’ Boccaccio defends the Decameron from envious critics, in the Introduction to the Fourth Day, by denying ambition. He is writing, he says, in the humblest style, in the vernacular, in prose; his little stories have no titles; his readers are idle women: in short, far from attempting any literary heights, as he writes the Decameron he walks through valleys. Some valleys, though, are gardens. At the end of the Sixth Day, the seven women of the story-telling brigata seem to act out Boccaccio's metaphor for his own project. They slip away from their male companions and walk to a secluded spot which Elissa knows about, the Valle delle Donne. Before returning to the rule of king Dioneo, the ladies amuse themselves in the circular valley, admiring its natural beauty and swimming naked in the pool at its center. The excursion is, like the very different Introduction to the Fourth Day, a brief digression from the sequence of one hundred stories, yet it provides a unique point of entrance into the poetics of the Decameron.
Medieval Cartography and ‘Inferno’ xxxiv: Lucifer's Three Faces Reconsidered
Authors: Friedman John B.
Published: August 2016

In 1965, John Freccero offered a brilliant and ingenious reading of Inferno 34 which attempted to account for the colors of Lucifer's three faces, described rather precisely by Dante the pilgrim:
L'una dinanzi, e quella era vermiglia;……………………e la destra parea tra bianca e gialla;la sinistra a vedere era tal, qualivegnon di là onde 'l Nilo s'avvalla. (34.39,43–45)
The Aristotelian Topics
Authors: Grimaldi William M. A.
Published: August 2016

While the influence of the Aristotelian topoi has been rather extensive in our western tradition, particularly in literature, it does seem that their methodology has not been fully understood. A number of factors have contributed to this: the absence in Aristotle of a forthright and formal discussion of what he has in mind, the neglect of the methodology after Aristotle, a partially misdirected emphasis given to the method by Cicero, one of the first to concern himself with the topics, and the continuation of the Ciceronian interpretation by Quintilian with whom it passed into the Middle Ages and the stream of our western tradition.
‘Difiniciones’ of the Order of Calatrava Enacted by Abbot William II of Morimond, April 2, 1468
Authors: O'Callaghan Joseph F.
Published: August 2016

The medieval sources for the study of the organization and customs of the Spanish military Order of Calatrava have never been published. For information on this matter scholars have relied upon the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century difiniciones enacted by the general chapters of the Order. With the hope of stimulating interest in a subject which has long awaited analysis, the difiniciones or statutes of Abbot William II of Morimond, given in 1468, are printed here. This is the first in a series of projected editions of all the texts pertinent to the organization and customs of the Order in the Middle Ages. Abbot William's difiniciones, like those of his predecessors, issued during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, contain useful details concerning the monastic practices of the knights of Calatrava.
A Suggested Emendation of Isidore of Seville, ‘Etymologiae’ 4.8.9
Authors: Sharpe William D.
Published: August 2016

In this passage, Lindsay prints ‘Verrucae aliud sunt: satiriasis aliud. Verrucae singulatim sunt, satiriasis vero una fortior, et circa ipsam plures inveniuntur.’ This seems corrupt, and it is known that Isidore did not live to revise his Etymologiae. ‘Verrucae’ can refer both to common warts and to pigmented nevi, the familiar brown moles; cf. Scribonius Largus, Conpositiones 228: ‘Si quando non exulceratas eminentias tollere sine ferro voluerimus, ut verrucas, naevos aliave eius generis …’ (ed. G. Helmreich [Leipzig 1887] p. 91f.). However, ‘satiriasis’ is discussed at Etymologiae 4.7.34 as sexual excitement of unusual degree, and may veil a reference to abnormal sexual acts or be confused with priapism. Some of, the MSS cited by Otto read phtiriasis for satyriasis, and this would demand translation as ‘louse infestation’; cf. Cassius Felix, De medicina 3: ‘In cachecticis corporibus id est mala habitudine affectis pediculosa passio generator quam Graeci pthiriasin vocant’ (ed. V. Rose [Leipzig 1879] p. 11). Other MSS read circa ipsam pruritus ex squammatione inveniuntur in place of circa ipsam plures inveniuntur, and the phrase pruritus ex squammatione suggests that pityriasis might correctly be read for satiriasis.
Kings, Courts, Cures, and Sinecures: The Statute of Provisors and the Common Law
Authors: Cheyette Fredric
Published: August 2016

The notion that the pursuit of self-interest can ultimately bring universal good used to be widely held, but with the demise of the Manchester School of economics and of Herbert Spencer's philosophy it has almost completely gone out of favor. We are apt to forget that trial by jury, due process, and the rest of the beneficent heritage of medieval law originated in royal courts which were primarily interested in defending and promoting the king's interests, whatever the cost to others' rights or ideas of justice. For many years necessities of government warped the growth of English law where the king's needs were most closely engaged. His requirements shaped the remedies, his prerogatives shaped the possibilities of defense, while those who might stand in his way received nothing for their protection but the right to petition, and those who did not affect his immediate interests might be sent elsewhere to find their justice. At no time was this more evident than when the interests of the medieval clergy in their ecclesiastical benefices, already eroded by papal provisions, were attacked anew by the Common Law to aid the royal treasury.
Une Vie de Jérôme d'Ancône par Ludovico Brunori
Authors: Jean Leclercq Par Dom
Published: August 2016

Un texte conservé dans le MS A. 2344 de la Collection de Harry A. Walton Jr., à Covington (Virginia), éclaire d'un coup deux personnages du début du XVIesiècle italien. Ni l'un ni l'autre ne sont de premier plan. Ils contribuent du moins à créer le milieu dans lequel vécurent et agirent de plus grands hommes. Il s'agit d'un ermite, Jérôme d'Ancône, et de son biographe, le dominicain Ludovico Brunori. Avant de publier le texte, il convient de présenter brièvement l'un et l'autre.
Early Alphabetic Indices in the Vatican Archives
Authors: Daly Lloyd W.
Published: August 2016

A study of the history of alphabetizing, its origin, development and applications from the beginning in antiquity down to the time of printing has necessitated a search for pertinent medieval material. This material has not been easy to find. It has been necessary in the first place to ask in what connection one might reasonably expect to find alphabetic arrangement useful and then to try to find whether there are any actual examples of the use in such a conneetion.
‘Cruce Signari’: The Rite for Taking the Cross in England
Authors: Brundage James A.
Published: August 2016

A Crusader, both etymologically and historically, was a person who had ‘taken the Cross.’ The symbolic act of taking the Cross was practiced routinely from 1095 onward by all those who had made a vow to participate in the expeditions to the Holy Land and elsewhere which were proclaimed, sanctioned, and indulgenced by the papacy. In the eyes of the canonists, when they came to analyse the institutions of the Crusade, the formal taking of the Cross was viewed as a ceremony which solemnized the vow by which the Crusader bound himself, both morally and legally, to serve in the ranks of the Crusade.
Canterbury Proctors at the Court of ‘Audientia Litterarum Contradictarum’
Authors: Sayers Jane
Published: August 2016

Little is known of the early history of the court of audientia litterarum contradictarum. Professor Barraclough has suggested that its origins must be sought in the 1150's and 1160's, when under the popes Eugenius III and Alexander III there was considerable development of judicial procedure by rescript. To begin a suit before papal judges, the plaintiff or his proctor produced a letter to the pope announcing the petition, stating the ‘libellus’ or charge, and beseeching him for the cause to be heard at Rome, or, more frequently, for a mandate to judges delegate. It is likely that the plaintiff would have informed the charged party of his action, and that by this time the defendant's proctor, too, would have been instructed in the matter and would be ready to appear at the papal court.
‘Fides Historiae’: Charles Dumoulin and the Gallican View of History
Authors: Kelley Donald R.
Published: August 2016

Most historians agree in attributing the beginnings of modern historical thought to the humanists of the Renaissance. This view seems proper in consideration both of the well known humanist enthusiasm for history and of the technical accomplishments of the great humanist scholars, although this should perhaps be qualified by our growing appreciation of the sophistication of medieval thought, historical as well as philosophical. Nowadays many historians acknowledge that the Reformation, too, made valuable contributions to the study of history, in spite of, or perhaps because of, its polemical character.
Humanistic and Renaissance Studies in Review
Authors: Prete Sesto
Published: August 2016

In the past few years, literary studies on Humanism and the Renaissance have commanded ever-increasing attention. The research displays, broadly, two marked trends: one segment, which stations itself in the ranks of scholars such as Burckhardt, Voigt, De Sanctis, Gaspary, and others, interprets the intellectual and spiritual atmosphere of the era; the other uncovers new texts or, keeping step with the modern scientific approach to the study of manuscripts, reedits in more precise form already known texts — this group is dominated by the name of Sabbadini. In the following pages, several books which have appeared in the last few years will be assessed with a view toward their contributions in both areas.
Chronology of the Early Kings of Iberia
Authors: Toumanoff Cyril
Published: August 2016

The are several reasons why the problem of early-Georgian, and particularly early-Iberian (East Georgian), chronology has been a vexing one. In the first place, the early-Georgian historical works contain almost no direct chronological indications, i.e., dates, but rather offer quite numerous relative indications, i.e., synchronisms, lengths of reigns and lives, regnal years, the distance between events, etc. Secondly, in these historical works, hard facts of history often lie buried under a superimposition of myth, legend, and epos, or are occasionally fused with the picture of other historical facts, occurring at different epochs, that is projected on them. And, thirdly, the attempts at establishing such a chronology, which have not been wanting, have tended to be somewhat vitiated by misconceptions upon which they were based. Thus, early in this century, the imaginative attempt of S. Gorgadze was ruined by the fact that he preferred the evidence of the king-lists (Royal List, I, II, III), which form a later addition to the seventh-century Conversion of Iberia, to that of the more authoritative and older (eighth-century) History of the Kings of Iberia by Leontius of Ruisi, which contains a still older historical tradition. Gorgadze, accordingly, tended to neglect what chronological indications are found in Leontius. And in our own days, another such attempt was made by P. Ingoroqva, which cannot be described as entirely successful.
The Biblical Additions in Caxton's ‘Golden Legend’
Authors: Blake N. F.
Published: August 2016

Although we still lack a critical edition of Caxton'sGolden Legendor any modern edition of theGilte Legende, several scholars have contributed notable studies on the English versions of theLegenda Aurea. As far as Caxton is concerned, these studies have been confined to assessing his personal contributions, to deciding which French and English versions he used, and to discussing how he may have adapted the French, English and Latin texts of theGolden Legendwhich he had in front of him. It has of course also been recognised that a large section of Caxton's printed edition (corresponding to pp. 105–244 of Ellis's edition) was taken from anon-Legendasource and that much of this section is based ultimately on the Bible. But nothing has been done to examine this section in detail to determine where Caxton got his material and how he arranged it. This paper is devoted to an investigation of some of the problems involved in this part of theGolden Legendin order to provide a basis for further study and also to contribute to our understanding of Caxton's method as editor.
The Prehumanism of Benzo D'Alessandria
Authors: Berrigan J. R.
Published: August 2016

Any discussion of the intellectual life in fourteenth-century Italy is inevitably directed by the personality and achievement of Petrarch. Although we no longer believe that a whole new age begins with him, although we recognize considerable medieval elements in his work, we still regard him as the father of the strongest movement in the Renaissance–humanism. After his long years of succesful work, that was at once well publicized and well remunerated, there could be no inversion of the hour-glass. From him there proceeded the splendid parade of Boccaccio, Salutati, Guarino, and Bruni. There can be no quarrel with the general truth of this Petrarchan primacy, but, as in all historical abstractions, there are some unfortunate results. These are particularly prevalent in the decades before Petrarch. His shadow is over the whole period. We have difficulty in appreciating his predecessors as anything but precursors. If we resist the temptation to dismiss them all as unimportant, we are nonetheless constrained to deal with them as relative to a later Petrarch, as the very term prehumanism implies. The period is obscure enough without adding this element of ambiguity to it. Unable to jettison the term, we can still underline its inadequacy and establish the substantial nature of the movement, even without reference to Petrarch.
Fulfillment of the Christian Golden Age under Pope Julius II: Text of a Discourse of Giles of Viterbo, 1507
Authors: O'Malley John W.
Published: August 2016

The discourse of Giles of Viterbo (1469–1532) on the Golden Age is here published for the first time. It is edited from what seems to be the only extant version, found in manuscript in the Biblioteca Pública e Arquivo Distrital of Évora, Portugal. The discourse was delivered by Giles in a somewhat different form in Saint Peter's basilica in Rome on Dec. 21, 1507, at the request of Pope Julius II and in his presence. The king of Portugal, Manuel I (1495–1521), had written to Julius from Abrantes under date of Sept. 25, 1507, to announce to him some great news. The king, recently informed of three important events regarding his interests in the Far East, now wanted to communicate his information to the pope: the Portuguese, under the leadership of Lourenço de Almeida (?-1508) had landed in Ceylon and obtained from the most powerful ruler there an agreement to pay an annual tribute to the Portuguese crown; on March 18, 1506, de Almeida won an important naval victory over the Zamorin of Calicut; and in the same year another Portuguese fleet discovered the island of Madagascar.
Aristotle in the West: Some Recent Books
Authors: Lohr Charles H.
Published: August 2016

In the intellectual history of the Latin West, Aristotelianism holds a unique position. From Boethius to Galileo — from the end of the classical civilization to the scientific revolution of the seventeenth century, and in some circles even beyond — the influence of the Philosopher was decisive not only for the development of theology, philosophy, and the natural sciences, but also for the university structure and system of education. The vast amount of scholarly writing published each year on aspects of this history is an obvious measure of its significance. However, a natural division between the Middle Ages and the Renaissance has led to an unfortunate dichotomy in the way historians have dealt with the intellectual history of this era. Students of medieval thought have concentrated on the philosophy of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries and have generally regarded as decadent the scholasticism of the following period. Renaissance scholarship, on the other hand, has focused its attention on the humanism and Platonism of that time, and tended to regard Italian Aristotelianism as an unimportant holdover from the medieval period. Furthermore, because the influence of Aristotle was so all-pervading, historians have, of necessity, treated aspects of his thought during this time —his significance in logic and philosophy, the repercussions of his thought in theology and the natural sciences, and so on. Nevertheless, in recent years a tendency in research seems to be developing toward an attempt at understanding philosophy and theology in the way in which they were understood in the medieval and Renaissance period and toward bridging the gap between Aquinas and Descartes. One who undertakes a survey of this research is naturally confronted with a large number of works dealing with different aspects of this history, but to make this brief survey possible I have restricted its scope to a very few recent books which either illuminate the various significant turns that the Aristotelian tradition took or seem to contribute to a sense of continuity within this period.
‘Judith’: The Homily and the Poem
Authors: Pringle Ian
Published: August 2016

Recent interpretations of the Old English poem Judith have discussed it either in the light of the interpretations suggested by Ælfric, or in terms of widely known patristic treatments which antedate the poem. Thus Professor J. E. Cross refers to Ælfric's Letter to Sigeweard, and discusses the poem as an exhortation intended for ‘contemporary stiffening’ of resistance to the invading Danes. Professor B. F. Huppé, who cites both the Letter to Sigeweard and the peroration of Ælfric's homily on Judith, revives an interpretation originally proposed by T. G. Foster in 1892, and later supported by A. S. Cook in his 1904 edition of the poem: that the heroine Judith was meant to represent Æthelflæd, Lady of the Mercians, in her victorious exploits against the Vikings of the eastern Danelaw, so that the poem is a celebration of English success in countering Danish attacks. This particular interpretation was discussed by Timmer in his introduction to the Methuen edition of Judith, and dismissed, primarily for the reason that there is no evidence that an Old English poem written about a religious figure could symbolize a secular hero. A perhaps more compelling reason for dismissing Huppé's interpretation is the West Saxon ‘conspiracy of silence’ about Æthelflæd: a southern poet of the tenth century would hardly have praised the Mercian leader when West Saxon policy was to cast ‘a blanket of official silence over all [her] achievements.’ In more general terms, however, Huppé agrees with Cross that the poem is a patriotic work, with ‘direct relevance’ to the situation in England, and he elaborates on the idea that the heroine is depicted as an example of ‘heroic virtue.’ In this, his interpretation relates to a third recent interpretation, that of Jackson J. Campbell. Like Huppé, Campbell considers the poem in the light of the exegetical commentaries on the Vulgate Book of Judith. There are not a great number of these, but they are all similar, or easy to relate to one another. The Fathers discuss Judith tropologically as an example of chaste widowhood, or simply as an example of chastity, ‘chaste purity’ (Aldhelm), the life of the dedicated contemplative, vowed to chastity (Jerome); in this case Holofernes represents the flesh, or carnal temptation, ‘the vice of the wicked flesh’ (Aldhelm). Secondly, they see her as a type of the Church, cutting off the head of the Old Serpent symbolized by Holofernes. Most Anglo-Saxons who knew the story of Judith would probably have known these stock interpretations; in particular Campbell shows how the poem suggests the interpretation that Judith is a type of Ecclesia.
The ‘Entheticus’ of John of Salisbury: A Critical Text
Authors: Pepin Ronald E.
Published: August 2016

The Entheticus de dogmate philosophorum of John of Salisbury has come down to us in three manuscripts: a twelfth-century codex in the British Museum (Royal 13. D. IV); a fourteenth-century manuscript in the University Library at Cambridge (Ii. II. 31); a seventeenth-century codex now located in the Staatsbibliothek, Berlin (Hamburg Cod. Phil. 350). The editio princeps was published by Christian Petersen (Hamburg 1843), and it has remained the standard edition. However, important deficiencies in that work have made a complete re-examination of the text necessary.
Cardinal Simon of Beaulieu and Relations between Philip the Fair and Boniface VIII
Authors: Marrone John , Zuckerman Charles
Published: August 2016

Early in 1295 the newly elected Pope Boniface VIII appointed as his legate to France Simon of Beaulieu, a former archbishop of Bourges who had recently been made cardinal by Boniface's predecessor Celestine V. As it happened, Simon's legation, which lasted until the spring of 1297, was an eventful one. The pope had instructed him to attempt to mediate between Kings Edward I and Philip the Fair in their war over Gascony, a task that proved arduous indeed. Moreover, in the second year of the mission, there began the well-known quarrel between the French king and the pope over the question of royal taxation of the clergy. During the struggle Simon was in the awkward position of having to implement papal policies that were unpopular with the French court.
Archbishop FitzRalph and the Friars at the Papal Court in Avignon, 1357 - 60
Authors: Walsh Katherine
Published: August 2016

On November 8, 1357 Archbishop Richard FitzRalph of Armagh preached the Proposicio ‘Nolite iudicare,’ known also as the Defensio Curatorum, before a full consistory of cardinals at Avignon. This was the opening round of a legal battle in the papal courts over the pastoral functions and privileges of the four orders of mendicant friars, Franciscans, Dominicans, Augustinians, and Carmelites. The case of the archbishop of Armagh versus the procurators general of the mendicant orders may with some justice be regarded as the climax of the long struggle between the friars and the secular clergy. The episode is unusually well-documented, but although much attention has been devoted to FitzRalph's sermons against the friars preached in London during the winter and spring of 1356–7 and to his dialogue on poverty and dominion De pauperie Salvatoris, little consideration has been given to the later developments which followed the transfer of the case to the papal curia. There the dispute became the subject of an inquiry heard by a tribunal of cardinals. Copies of the statements by both parties to the dispute survive in a number of manuscripts, English and continental, and it is possible to trace in some detail the progress of these curial proceedings.
The Hide and Related Land-Tenure Concepts in Anglo-Saxon England, A.D. 700 - 1100
Authors: Mcgovern John F.
Published: August 2016

The hide was a common form of land tenure in pre-Conquest England. Scanty documentation and ambiguous statements in the sources have made it difficult, however, for economic and social historians to understand the evolving meaning of hide in the period from Bede to 1100. The present study attempts to clarify some of the problems surrounding this word by a re-examination of the sources and by an analysis of terminology in land-tenure institutions related to it. The results of the investigation show that revisions in land tenure during the later Anglo-Saxon era prepared the way for the introduction of Norman methods for governing the English countryside.
Une Œuvre inconnue de Florus de Lyon: La collection ‘De fide' de Montpellier
Authors: Charlier Par Dom Célestin
Published: August 2016

Le ms. H. 308 de l'É cole de Médecine àMontpellier contient une collection de textes patriotiques et conciliaires qui a livré plusieurs pièces de grande valeur. En 1656, le jésuite P. F. Chifflet en a tiré de très importants fragments de l'ouvrage perdu de Fulgence de Ruspe, Contra Fabianum. Il a également servi àSchwartz, avec un seul autre ms. de Paris, pour son édition d'une lettre de Jean II, déjà publiee par Sichard. Le même critique l'utilise aussi pour de nombreuses pièces des conciles de Chalcédoine et d'É phèse. En préface de son édition de la lettre de Jean II, il a donné une description du contenu, et il nous avertit qu'il l'a faite d'autant plus volontiers qu'il s'agit d'un genre d'ouvrage fort peu étudié. Je crois pouvoir apporter ici des indications précises sur l'origine de la collection.
The Old-French Poem St. Alexis: A Mathematical Demonstration
Authors: Hatcher Anna Granville
Published: August 2016

Of the many scholars who have dealt with the Old French poem of the Alexis, none has attempted to offer a thorough detailed study of the structure of the poem, analyzing the development from beginning to end, from a position taken within the poem itself. By the earlier generation of critics (Diez, Gaston Paris, and Becker), we are offered only generalities, mainly favorable, rather than serious studies of our poem; with the later critics (Foerster, Winkler, Spitzer, Elise Richter, and Curtius), by whom the poem has been studied more closely, but never in a consecutive, step-by-step way, we find largely the tactics of attack and defense. The puerile objections raised by Foerster can only make us smile, today; but even Winkler, who was much more sensitive by nature to the aesthetic excellence of our poem, was prevented by his unfamiliarity with medieval traditions from appreciating fully the poet's craftsmanship, and even from interpreting justly the basic spirit of the poem: that of rigorous, harsh asceticism as it is revealed in the character of Alexis. One of those who attempted to confound Winkler, though she mentions his name only once, was Elise Richter, who sprang to Alexis' defense (as if he were an individual with whom she could identify herself) and sought to turn the tables by attacking the insensitivity of Alexis' parents, too little interested in his personal development. A year earlier, however, Spitzer had already given the real answer to Winkler's charges against Alexis the saint: having been struck by the fact that the objections of Julius Schmidt against the ‘cruel' nature of the martyr Polyeucte were of the same brand as those of Winkler against Alexis, he proceeds to explain Corneille's play in the light of the Alexis, and the Alexis in the light of the tradition which inspired it: the ascetic tradition of imitatio Christi, according to which the qualities of absolutism and of insensibility to the emotions of others, as well as of oneself, are prerequisites for those who would seek to imitate perfectly the martyrdom of Christ.
Text and Subtext: Bishop John Russell's Parliamentary Sermons, 1483–1484
Authors: Hanham Alison
Published: August 2016

There are two primary sources for the dramatic series of events that followed the death of Edward IV of England on 7 April 1483. One is the account, going only as far as the coronation of Richard III on 6 July, written in December by Dominic Mancini. The other concludes the anonymous memoir of the Yorkist period from 1459 to 22 August 1485, incorporated in the chronicles of Crowland Abbey. Both were written in retrospect and in Mancini's case from information chiefly provided by others, since he probably knew no English. Both accounts are hostile to Richard. Those who maintain that they malign the king tend to explain their animus as due, respectively, to foreign prejudice and to a deliberate campaign of denigration that began immediately upon the accession of Henry Tudor.
An Index of Scriptural References in the Homilies of Severian of Gabala
Authors: Carter Robert E.
Published: August 2016

During the twentieth century scholarly attention has turned increasingly to Severian of Gabala with new attributions, editions, and commentaries. Many researchers have contributed to this dramatic growth, but three in particular have been in the forefront: J. Zellinger with his Genesishomilien and Studien, H. D. Altendorf with his Untersuchungen, and S. J. Voicu with his many contributions culminating in his magisterial article on Severian in the Dictionnaire de spiritualité, We have reached the point where an index to Severian's scriptural references may be of considerable help to researchers in identifying homilies referred to in other homilies, in determining the authorship of homilies that might be attributed to Severian, and in gaining a better general understanding of Severian's thought and the tradition in which he worked.
The Myth of the White Monks' “Mission to the Orthodox”: Innocent III, the Cistercians, and the Greeks
Authors: Schabel Chris
Published: August 2016

In the early thirteenth century, numerous Cistercian monasteries were founded in the former Byzantine territories conquered in the context of the Fourth Crusade. According to the standard narrative, put forth in the 1970s, Pope Innocent III sent the Cistercians on a “mission to the Orthodox,” but the mission was a failure, because the White Monks soon abandoned almost all of their houses in Frankish Greece and Constantinople without having “converted” the Greeks. In the light of recent research on the aftermath of 1204 and on the Cistercian Order, this paper argues that the Frankish rulers took the initiative to found Cistercian monasteries in the Greek East for the same reason that they did so in the Latin West: to cater to the Latin rite aristocracy. This Cistercian mission was a success, since the Cistercian establishments in Greece generally existed as long as the Western nobility survived to patronize and protect them. There is no evidence that Innocent intended the Cistercians to be missionaries in Romania since, contrary to a once common assumption, the papacy did not view the Greeks as requiring the same kind of missionary activity that was deemed necessary in lands inhabited by pagans or heretics.
Medicine as Science in the Early Commentaries on ‘Johannitius’
Authors: Jordan Mark D.
Published: August 2016

In the prologue to his De commixtionibus elementorum, the Salernitan master Urso contrasts the ‘volumina numerosa’ of practical medicine with the ‘pau-cula … in idiomate latino volumina’ on theory. Urso explains the contrast by comparing the ease of compiling a practical manual with the arduous task of discovering and disclosing the secrets of nature. This comparison leads him to standard topics for a preface — the author's own inabilities and need for divine grace, the various demands on diligence in the reader. Indeed, the central contrast of the prologue seems more a topos than a strict judgment of the state of medical theory among the Salernitans.
The Fourfold Division of Souls: The Old English ‘Christ III’ and the Insular Homiletic Tradition
Authors: Biggs Frederick M.
Published: August 2016

A review of the scholarship on the sources of the Old English Christ III makes it increasingly clear that the poem is related to the homiletic tradition, a term used here to refer to both sermons and homilies. This relationship is apparent in three main ways: first, several long passages directly translate known homilies; second, a number of other passages are homiletic in their hortatory tone and their direct apostrophes to their audiences; and third, the constant rearrangement of biblical material to make specific thematic points suggests that the poet was working from homilies rather than directly from the Bible. One example of this third kind of evidence may be instructive since it has not been specifically noted. In describing how man's former deeds are revealed after the general resurrection, the poet writes:

Opene weorþað

ofer middangeard monna dæde:

ne magun hord wera[s], heortan geþohtas,

fore Waldende wihte bemiþan;

ne sindon him dæda dyrne, ac Þær bið Dryhtne cuð (lines 1046b-50)
The Reversal of the Jordan in Vercelli Homily 16 and in Old English Literature
Authors: Hall Thomas N.
Published: August 2016

Three Epiphany homilies survive in Old English, two by Ælfric and one numbered sixteenth among the anonymous homilies in the late tenth-century Vercelli Book. True to early medieval convention for this feast, the homilies by Ælfric are devoted principally to the adoration of the magi and to Christ's Baptism, the two earliest manifestations of Christ's divinity. The Vercelli homily stands apart from these in several respects, perhaps most obviously in that it opens with a Gospel lection from Mt 3.13–17 (on the Baptism) rather than Mt 2.1–16 (on Herod's meeting with the wise men), and is the only medieval vernacular Epiphany homily to do so. As other scholars have noted, this pericope associates the homily with Gallican or Neapolitan rather than Roman use and links it liturgically to a small group of early Insular texts that include the Lindisfarne Gospels, St. Cuthbert's Gospels, and St. Burchard's Gospels — all of which contain lists of Gospel lections derived from a Neapolitan lectionary system. In addition, though a portion of the text has been lost, the Vercelli homily covers a range of themes seemingly out of place with Ælfric's more sober reflections on the feast, and the central portion of the homily in particular recounts a series of marvels associated with Christ's Baptism that has no parallel in medieval vernacular homiletic literature. The focus of that passage is a dialogue between Christ and John the Baptist, beginning just after the lost folio. Christ and John discuss the wonders of the Baptism, and the homilist interrupts them to explain this miraculous event as the fulfillment of an Old Testament prophecy:
Peter of Eboli, ‘De Balneis Puteolanis’: Manuscripts from the Aragonese Scriptorium in Naples
Authors: Clark Raymond J.
Published: August 2016

In this note∗ I want to investigate the relationship between two manuscripts of Peter of Eboli's De balneis puteolanis, a medical work in verse form dating from around the beginning of the thirteenth century. The poem is balneological in nature. It describes the medical properties ascribed in classical and later antiquity to the therapeutic waters in the area of Pozzuoli known as the Campi phlegraei (between Naples and Baia in southern Italy). The poem contains descriptions of up to thirty-seven baths. Some of these are not authentic and the order in which they are treated often varies among the manuscripts. I hope to publish an edition of the poem in which these often very complex details will be treated.
Le Projet théologique de Jean de Ripa O.F.M. (XIVème Siècle)
Authors: Ruello Francis
Published: August 2016

On sait fort peu de choses sur le frère mineur Jean de Ripa. Selon quelques manuscrits (Rome, Vatican latin 1083 et 6738; Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, latin 15369, tous les trois du XIVème siècle), on hésita entre ce nom et celui de Jean de la Marche. En ce qui concerne sa vie, les historiens laissent insatisfait leur lecteur. Lucas Wadding, dont le premier tome des Annales (1650) couvre la période allant de 1301 à 1350, se fonde sur une épitaphe pour le présenter comme un “homme docte.” Il signale que vers 1350 on érigea le couvent de Ripa Transone et il précise qu'au couvent de Paris “brilla Maître Jean de Ripa Transone, vulgairement appelé Ripa, qui n'eut pas son pareil en son temps, ainsi qu'en témoignent ces monuments que sont sa Lectura sur les quatre livres des Sentences et son Commentaire du Livre de l'Ame.” De son côté, le frère Félix Peretti de Montalio, vicaire général, voit en lui un “théologien et philosophe très illustre.” Outre les deux précédents ouvrages, il lui attribue un Traité des Vices et des Vertus. Le manuscrit Vatican latin 1083 lui attribue également des Sermones de tempore et sanctis et un traité De formalitatibus.
Galen, De motibus dubiis: Die lateinische Übersetzung des Niccolò da Reggio
Authors: Larrain Von Carlos J.
Published: August 2016

Die hier zum erstenmal im Druck erscheinende, lateinische Übersetzung des Werkes Galens De motibus dubiis ist durch eine einzige Handschrift überliefert. Es handelt sich urn Vaticanus palatinus latinus 1211. Die Übersetzung stammt aus der ersten Hälfte des vierzehnten Jahrhunderts und wurde von einern zweisprachigen Arzt aus Reggio, Kalabrien, besorgt. Er dürfte griechischsprechendem Urnfeld entstarnrnen, worauf sein Farniliennarne Deoprepio, der auch der Name eines angesehenen Notars der Gegend war, hindeutet. Dokurnente der Zeit aus dieser Gegend zeigen, daß die griechische und die lateinische Sprache und deren jeweilige Schriftzeichen abwechselnd verwendet wurden.
Henry III and the Gothic Rebuilding of Westminster Abbey: The Problematics of Context
Authors: Lewis Suzanne
Published: August 2016

Henry III's role in the creation of a new and powerful visual culture in thirteenth-century England remains uncontested, as does the dominant position of Westminster Abbey as its architectural centerpiece. Rivaling the soaring magnificence of the most splendid cathedrals, the thirteenth-century rebuilding of the Benedictine abbey church provided a dramatic setting for the anointing and coronation of English kings as well as for the new shrine of St. Edward the Confessor (see figs. 1 and 2). The Gothic rebuilding of Westminster Abbey is usually thought to have been financed entirely by a single ruler, but there may in fact have been two agents of patronage, abbot as well as king. Rather than having been initially determined in 1245, when Henry III's rebuilding plan is first documented, the project more probably developed and changed over a much longer period, from 1220 to 1245. Fundamental to the problem of Henry's role as patron, then, is the question of whether the rebuilding of Westminster Abbey was conceived as a single project in 1245 or whether the undertaking began earlier and became more ambitious in the course of time. Indeed, we might ask whether the royal persona of Henry III as patron was itself a calculated representation constructed by his advisors and the abbots of Westminster and documented by such biased chroniclers as Matthew Paris.
Sources for the History of the Jews of Majorca
Authors: Hillgarth J. N.
Published: August 2016

In my view it will not be possible to write the detailed history of the Jewish community in Majorca until a great deal more preliminary work has been done on the sources for that history. The following sketch of the subject is limited to the period before 1500, and, except for some references toconversos, to the time before 1391. It seems best to begin with a brief discussion of the context within which the Jewish community of Majorca emerged in the later Middle Ages and of the historical background which gave it its peculiar importance.
The Byzantine Colonate
Authors: Segrè Angelo
Published: August 2016

The reform of Diocletian did away, as much as possible, with the interference of the government in fiscal matters of the Egyptian metropoleis (poleis after 297). The entire administration of each district was entrusted to the council of the cities and supervision was exercised only through the provincial governors.
The Patriarchate of Antioch: A Revision of Le Quien and the Notitia Antiochena
Authors: Honigmann Ernest
Published: August 2016

Msgr. Devreesse, well known to every Church historian for his successful researches on Theodore of Mopsuestia, on Greek catenae and other subjects, reveals in a recent publication his mastery in a field in which he had previously published only various minor essays. By its rich documentation and lucid presentation the new work, a historical and geographical description of the Patriarchate of Antioch, will remain for a long time the standard work on the subject. Based upon a scrupulous and intelligent investigation of the original sources and the author's perfect familiarity with all problems related in any way to the topic, his work deserves the admiration and appreciation of all who are interested in the history and institutions of the Ancient Church. My own studies in the same field, pursued during some twenty-five years, perhaps enable me to recognize more than many other critics the extraordinary qualities of Devreesse's work—a fact which I want to stress all the more as in the following I shall mention many details about which I cannot agree with the author; for my objections and additions could easily be misinterpreted as a sign that I underrate the incontestable merits of the work as a whole.