bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Use of an Aqueous Methionine Mobile Phase in Identification of Cetylpyridinium Chloride on a Kieselguhr Layer with Preliminary Separation from Nonionic Surfactants
Authors: Mohammad Ali , Khatoon Shumaila
Published: September 2008

Thin layer chromatography of cationic and nonionic surfactants was performed on kieselguhr ‘G’ layers. Eight amino acids at three different concentration levels were used as aqueous mobile phase systems to examine the chromatographic behavior of cationic and nonionic surfactants. Among mobile phases used, a 0.01% methionine solution was found most suitable for the separation of cetylpyridinium chloride (CPC) from the mixture of nonionic surfactants on kieselguhr layers. The separation is not influenced by the presence of metal cations as impurities in the sample. None of the dyes, except ammonium purpurate and malachite green, hamper the separation. The exposure of the sample to UV radiation (λ = 254 nm) also does not have any adverse effect on the separation of CPC from TritonX‐100 and Brij‐35. The RF values of surfactants were found to vary marginally on substitution of l‐methionine by its d‐isomer in the mobile phase or by the change in pH of the mobile phase (0.01% l‐methionine) from 2.9 to 8.8. The proposed method can also be used for preparative thin layer chromatography.
Antioxidant Evaluation of Coriander Extract and Ascorbyl Palmitate in Sunflower Oil Under Thermoxidation
Authors: Angelo Priscila M. , Jorge Neuza
Published: September 2008

The objectives of this study were to evaluate isolated and synergistic antioxidant effects of coriander extract and ascorbyl palmitate (AP) in sunflower oil subjected to thermoxidation, and to verify their influence on the oxidative resistance of α‐tocopherol, which occurs naturally in safflower oil. Sunflower oil samples with 1,600 mg/kg coriander extract, 500 mg/kg AP, and a mixture of those two antioxidants were heated to 180 °C for 30 h. Samples were taken at 0, 10, 20 and 30 h and analyzed to evaluate oxidative stability, total polar compounds, and α‐tocopherol content. Results were subjected to variance analyses and Tukey tests at a 5% significance level, in a factorial scheme, to an entirely casual delineation. Coriander extract and AP delayed lipid oxidation and promoted the retention of α‐tocopherol when added separately to sunflower oil and subjected to thermoxidation. The mixture of the antioxidants showed a higher antioxidant effect, thereby demonstrating their synergy under these conditions.
One-stage hip reconstruction in late neglected developmental dysplasia of the hip presenting in children above 8 years of age
Authors: El-Tayeby Hazem Mossad
Published: September 2008

Purpose

To assess the clinical and radiological results of one-stage hip reconstruction for late neglected developmental dysplasia of the hip (DDH) in children above 8 years of age.

Methods

Nineteen hips in 16 patients, 14 females and two males (three being bilateral), were treated by open reduction adequate shortening (up to 5 cm) with derotation, and limited varization if needed, tight capsulorrhaphy, and appropriate pelvic reconstruction (Salter or triple acetabular osteotomy). The average age at operation 10.6 years (range 8–18 years). The period of follow up ranged from 3 to 9 years. A modified approach for the hip joint and upper femur was utilized, allowing better exposure. Pre- and post-operative plain radiography was performed for all cases and at follow up. Computed tomography (CT) or multislice CT with 3D reconstruction were carried out pre-operatively for recent cases and post-operatively for all, and were found to be helpful in providing a panorama of the dysplastic hip and in planning the required surgery and assessing the results.

Results

According to the McKay modified criteria, 15 hips (79%) were clinically excellent to good, while four hips (21%) were fair to poor. Radiographically, according to the Severin modified criteria, 16 hips (84%) were excellent to good and three hips (16%) were fair to poor. Limb length discrepancy ranged from 0.5 to 2.1 cm, as measured by CT scanograms. Complications were avascular necrosis (AVN) in an early case due to limited femoral shortening with resultant excessive stress over the femoral head and subluxation in another case.

Conclusion

A one-stage hip reconstruction for late neglected cases of DDH have achieved excellent results if adequate shortening with derotation is performed, together with appropriate acetabular reconstruction and tight capsulorrhaphy. Varization should not replace part or all of the required shortening, and should be added if required.
La découverte del' amérique
Authors: Pagden Anthony
Published: September 2008

Cet article se propose de reconstruire la représentation de la découverte de l'Amérique, dans la période qui va de 1492 à la parution de Kosmos par Alexander von Humboldt en 1855. Il s'agit de démontrer que ce que nous appelons la« découverte » de l'Amérique était perçu non seulement comme l'abordage d'un lieu jamais vu, mais surtout comme le premier repérage d'un lieu qui offrait un nouveau défi à la connaissance. Ce premier repérage allait transformer deux perspectives: le rapport à l 'Antiquité et la vision européenne de l'espace et du temps. Après la découverte de l'Amérique, l'histoire de l'humanité devint une série d'inventions connectées au mouvement des êtres humains. À mesure que l'espace connu s'étendait, l'avenir se faisait de plus en plus imprévisible
Enquête sur l'atelier d'un compositeur de musique contemporaine
Authors: Donin Nicolas
Published: September 2008

Comment identifier le« médium technique» d'un compositeur contemporain? Pour esquisser une réponse, nous nous appuyons sur une étude réalisée en collaboration avec Jacques Theureau, portant sur l'activité de composition de Philippe Leroux. En reconstituant la genèse de son œuvre Voi(rex), nous avons observé une constante interpénétration de plusieurs âges techniques et technologiques, dont une partie peut être rattachée directement aux préoccupations wébériennes. Passer par une analyse de détail des opérations compositionnelles et de leurs milieux techniques permet de saisir la dynamique (re)productrice d'un médium technique encore sans nom.
Beowulf the headstrong
Authors: Malone Kemp
Published: September 2008

The Beowulf poet tells us (194–201) that when his hero heard about Grendel's doings he had a good ship made ready for himself, saying he was minded to seek overseas the war-king (i.e. join Hrothgar), who stood in need of men. We learn further (202–4) that the wise men made no objection, though he was dear to them; they urged him on, saw (good) omens. These compatriots, presumably elders or councillors, come up again a little later, when the hero tells the Danish king:

Þa me þæ gelærdon leode mine,

þa selestan, snotere ceorlas,

þeoden Hroðgar, þæt ic þe sohte,

forþan hie mægenes cræft mine cuþon.

King Hygelac himself was of another mind if we go by his words of welcome when Beowulf came home from Denmark:

Hu lomp eow on lade, leofa Biowulf,

þa ðu færinga feorr gehogodest

sæcce secean ofer sealt wæter,

hilde, to Hiorote? Ac ðu Hroðgare

widcuðne wean wihte gebettest,

mærum ðeodne? Ic ðæs modceare

sorhwylmum seað, siðe ne truwode

leofes mannes. Ic ðe lange bæd

þæt ðu þone wælgæst wihte ne grette,

lete Suðdene sylfe geweorðan

guðe wið Grendel. Gode ic þanc secge

þæsðe ic ðe gesundne geseon moste.

On the face of it, then, king and council were at odds in the counsel they gave Beowulf, who chose to follow the bold rather than the safe course, despite his lord's pleas. A headstrong hero he.
The diet and digestion of allegory in Andreas
Authors: Hamilton David
Published: September 2008

As a narrative poem, Andreas usually suffers from comparison with Beowulf. Stanley, for example, writes that the Andreas poet ‘can do the big bow-wow like any man going’, but also that the versified saint's legend is to Beowulf roughly as Cowley's Davideis is to Paradise Lost. Such comparisons are of long standing, and the reasons for them are apparent. Further, the common emphasis in both poems on the language of war and seafaring and the similarities in the larger patterns of their plots – both heroes cleanse foreign lands – imply a degree of dependence. Despite our knowledge, therefore, of Andreas's Greek and Latin sources and of the traditional character of Old English poetic diction, most readers would agree generally, I suppose, with Brodeur's observation that the Andreas poet was familiar with Beowulf and sometimes reproduced its phrasing.
Three versions of the Jonah story: an investigation of narrative technique in Old English homilies
Authors: Szarmach Paul E.
Published: September 2008

As Professor Clemoes has demonstrated, Ælfric treats a wide variety of subjects with both felicity and facility. While Clemoes makes his case by presenting passages differing in intellectual content but displaying the same flexibility of style, it is noteworthy that first among his selections is a narrative excerpt from the Life of St Swithhun. Generally students of Old English prose have not chosen to pursue the implicit connections between narrative and intellectual prose, preferring, it appears, to keep generic guidelines clear and distinct. At least one significant exception is C. E. Wright's search for saga in histories and chronicles. Clemoes's suggestion of a ‘narrative style’, however, merits a wider application to Old English, homiletic literature. Obviously homilies are not stories, but one can find in the use of exemplum, anecdote and history a narrative style at work, or at least a narrative consciousness.
The Anglo-Saxon house: a new review
Authors: Addyman P. V.
Published: September 2008

The past two decades have witnessed an almost complete revision of ideas about the character of Anglo-Saxon settlements. The advances have come in the main from a series of archaeological excavations in which techniques commonly used in prehistoric archaeology have been applied to sites of the period in the light of results from contemporary settlements on the continent. The excavations have in effect produced entire new categories of evidence about the domestic accommodation, service buildings and general planning of settlements of all levels of Anglo-Saxon society, in most of England and in all parts of the Anglo-Saxon period. In 1950 almost no domestic buildings were known other than the sunken huts found first by Leeds at Sutton Courtenay and subsequently by others in various parts of the country. Leeds‘s conclusions, accepted albeit with reluctance by scholars, were that ‘the bulk of the people, we can now be assured, were content with something that hardly deserves a better title than hovel, only varying in its greater or lesser simplicity’. Such buildings stood in stark and suspect contrast to the relatively sophisticated stone churches from the earliest days of Christianity found in various parts of the country. Such buildings stood in stark and suspect contrast to the relatively sophisticated stone churches from the earliest days of Christianity found in various parts of the country. Radford, moreover, in a seminal paper in the first volume ofMedieval Archaeologydemonstrated that they stood in some considerable contrast to the settlements and to the standards of domestic accommodation enjoyed by the ancestors and contemporaries of the Anglo-Saxons on the continent.
Athelstan ‘Half King’ and his family
Authors: Hart Cyril
Published: September 2008

Anglo-Saxon genealogy is full of pitfalls, and it is not to be wondered that no one has followed the pioneer work of W. G. Searle in reconstructing the pedigrees of some of the noble houses. Much of the source material is suspect, or too vaguely worded for precise conclusions as to family relationships. The whole topic bristles with difficulties, yet its importance is fundamental; for this as for other periods, detailed examination of family ties and estates supplies essential background information for anyone seeking to uncover the interests and pressures which helped to formulate national policy.
A rediscovered medieval inscribed ring
Authors: Okasha Elisabeth
Published: September 2008

The silver ring illustrated in pl. IIIg has had a somewhat chequered history over the past years. From some time before 1911, when it was first published, until 1930 the ring was preserved in the Moyse's Hall Museum, Bury St Edmunds, Suffolk. In 1930 it was on display at the exhibition of English medieval art at the Victoria and Albert Museum in London. It subsequently disappeared from public view. In 1969 the Hon. Robert Erskine presented it to the Moyse's Hall Museum where it remains, acquisition number K. 132.
The influence of the catechetical narratio on Old English and some other medieval literature
Authors: Day Virginia
Published: September 2008

In medieval literature there are a number of examples of a type of writing which provides an outline of Christian cosmology and Christian history. These works deal, usually briefly, with the following: God and his creative powers, the creation, the fall of the angels, the creation and fall of man, biblical history, the redemption, Christ's life, the crucifixion, the descent into hell, the resurrection, the ascension, and the second coming and last judgement. The subjects vary somewhat; the fall of man and his redemption are of central importance, and some outline versions are reduced to these essentials.
Second thoughts on the interpretation ofThe Seafarer
Authors: Pope John C.
Published: September 2008

My article begins in true medieval fashion with a retraction. A few years ago I argued thatThe WandererandThe Seafarerinvolved two imaginary speakers rather than one. Ever since the publication of this argument I have been assailed by doubts of its validity, not only because most persons whose judgement I trust in such a matter have been either politely noncommittal or vociferously hostile, but because I myself, in returning again and again to the poems, have been less and less convinced that their texts would support my reading. The decisive moment came, I think, when I read P. L. Henry's strong reinforcement, from the Celtic side, of Dorothy Whitelock's view ofThe Seafareras the monologue of a religious ascetic who had chosen exile on and beyond the sea for the love of God –a peregrinus pro amore Deiof a sort well known in the British Isles from before Bede's time to Alfred's wherever Celtic Christianity had taken root. In thus returning to Professor Whitelock's interpretation I found myself completely convinced of its superiority. Since that time I have altogether abandoned my former view ofThe Seafarer, and with it my view ofThe Wandereralso, and I welcome the opportunity to say so.
Social idealism in Ælfric's Colloquy
Authors: Anderson Earl R.
Published: September 2008

Ælfric's Colloquy is, of course, first and foremost, a dialogue between a master and his pupils to give practice in the use of Latin at a conversational level. The pedagogic intention of the work is evident from the interlocutors' habit of lingering over commonly used words in various grammatical forms: for example, in a few opening lines (2–11) the deponent loqui appears as loqui, loquimur, loquamur and loqueris, together with the noun locutio, and within a little more than fifty lines (66–119) we find seven forms of the verb capere, two of them occurring four times each and one twice. Yet, equally certainly, this colloquy has more to it than just schoolboy exercises in declensions and conjugations. It has escaped the oblivion that has been the lot of its more humdrum fellows who – to use Garmonsway's personification – were assigned the rôle of literary Cinderellas, labouring ‘in obscurity in monastic classrooms to help boys learn their lessons’. It has long been acclaimed for its realism and for its ‘sociological picture of the occupational strata’ of Anglo-Saxon society; and, in our own day, Stanley B. Greenfield has called attention to its literary merits, ‘its fine organization and structure, dramatic in effect, with its pairing and contrasting, for example, of the king's bold hunter and the independent, timid fisherman…and with its lively disputation toward the end about which occupation is most essential’. In the present study I hope to demonstrate that it also draws on a background of ideas and that its longevity is partly due to this ingredient.
Kinship in Anglo-Saxon England
Authors: Loyn H. R.
Published: September 2008

There is a great text in the Welsh laws that tells us that a man who killed another, and who wished to make proper amends, paid one-ninth of his victim's blood-price to the offended kindred. His mother and father paid another ninth, and his brothers and sisters a further ninth again. The remaining two-thirds was to be found by the kindred to the seventh degree – some recensions say the ninth – and two-thirds of that in turn was to come from the paternal kin, one-third from the maternal. The blood-feud group in other words was ego-centred, differed from individual to individual, and was elaborate in structure. Descendants of the great-grandparents of great-grandparents on both sides would be involved.
The Anglian collection of royal genealogies and regnal lists
Authors: Dumville David N.
Published: September 2008

This collection of Old English royal records is found in four manuscripts: London, British Library, Cotton Vespasian B. vi; London, British Library, Cotton Tiberius B. v, vol. 1; Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 183; and Rochester, Cathedral Library, A. 3. 5. The present paper aims both to provide an accurate, accessible edition of the texts in the first three of these manuscripts and to discuss the development of the collection from its origin to the stages represented by the extant versions. We owe to Kenneth Sisam most of our knowledge of the history of the Anglo-Saxon genealogies. Although his closely argued discussion remains the basis for any approach to these sources, it lacks the essential aid to comprehension, the texts themselves. It is perhaps this omission, as much as the difficulty of the subject and the undoubted accuracy of many of his conclusions, that has occasioned the neglect from which the texts have suffered in recent years.
A supplement to Catalogue of Manuscripts Containing Anglo-Saxon
Authors: Ker N. R.
Published: September 2008

I list newly found additional leaves of six manuscripts already described in 1957 (12, 73, 79, 81, 139 and 332). New leaves of 12 were to be expected: probably there are still more to find. The other five are all ‘principal manuscripts’ (Catalogue, pp. xv–xix), but the new leaves of 139 do not contain any English. 73, 79 and 81 are binding fragments: new fragments like this are likely to turn up from time to time. On the other hand the new leaf of 332, also a binding fragment, is a surprise. How does it come to be associated with a leaf of 73 inside a binding made not earlier than 1636? Were these leaves taken over from an earlier binding, the work of the binder of SP. 4 and SP. 260 at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, who used the strips of 73 now at Corpus (Catalogue, p. 122) ? And does 332 have some connection with Archbishop Parker? Neither supposition presents difficulty. 332 remained at Worcester until the seventeenth century, but it is more than likely that John Joscelyn, Parker's Latin secretary, examined it at Worcester (cf. Catalogue, p. lii). Did he excise the leaves containing this sermon for the common of a confessor and convey them to Parker and were they then abandoned as being mere duplicates of what Parker already had in 41 and 43?
The probable derivation of most of the illustrations in Junius II from an illustrated Old Saxon Genesis
Authors: Raw Barbara
Published: September 2008

Junius II in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, is the only one of the four principal manuscripts of Old English poetry to be illustrated. The pictures are important not only because they form one of the most extensive sets of Genesis illustrations of the early Middle Ages but also because the text which they illustrate is a composite one, 600 lines of which were translated into Old English from an Old Saxon poem probably of the second quarter of the ninth century. By tracing the sources of these illustrations one can throw light on the history and transmission of the text as well as on the history of manuscript art in the late Anglo-Saxon period.
Some problems in interpreting Anglo-Saxon coinage
Authors: Lyon Stewart
Published: September 2008

This discussion of Anglo-Saxon coinage attempts to look beyond the detail of numismatic classification in order to consider the relationship between the underlying variations and the economic life of the times. Those parts of it which deal with the classification of the coinage and analyse the observed metrology are intended to be a critical summary of the numismatic research carried out in the past thirty years. Other parts, in which I seek to relate the metrology to such documentary evidence as is known to me – and thus trespass across the vague dividing line between numismatics, of which I have some knowledge, and economic history, of which I have little – are aimed at stimulating awareness and discussion of the problems involved. Finally, a section is devoted to numismatic methods because it is important that their use and limitations be generally understood.
A preliminary list of manuscripts written or owned in England up to 1100
Authors: Gneuss Helmut
Published: September 2008

Anglo-Saxonists have been able to use Dr N. R. Ker's admirable Catalogue of Manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon for over twenty years now, but so far no comprehensive catalogue or list of Latin manuscripts written in, or imported into, Anglo-Saxon England has been available, although a great deal of information on these manuscripts can be found, much of it in widely scattered publications. I have been collecting such information for some time with the intention of making it more complete and, if possible, eventually publishing a bibliographical hand-list of Anglo-Saxon manuscripts. In order to create a sound basis for such a project it has seemed advisable to circulate a preliminary list, or search-list, of English manuscripts up to 1100 (including those with texts or glosses in Old English). The present list is therefore of a provisional sort. Its publication will, I hope, serve several purposes. One is to help me to learn of manuscripts and manuscript fragments of Anglo-Saxon origin or provenance which are not generally known and not yet recorded in my list. I shall therefore be most grateful for any information concerning addenda and corrigenda. (For my address, see above, p. ix.) I hope to publish a supplement in due course.
A ‘Winchester School’ wall-painting at Nether Wallop, Hampshire
Authors: Gem Richard , Tudor-Craig Pamela
Published: September 2008

A wall-painting at Nether Wallop church, Hampshire (SU303365), recently conserved, is here discussed and related to its architectural context. Previously thought to be of the thirteenth century, it is for the first time attributed to the ‘Winchester School’ of late Anglo-Saxon art, and a late-tenth-to-early-eleventh-century date is suggested for it.
The Aviones and Widsith 26a
Authors: Bliss Alan
Published: September 2008

In a well-known passage in his Germania Tacitus lists among the occupants of a district apparently corresponding to the modern Denmark the Aviones, the Anglii, the Varini and the Eudoses; some of these can be readily identified with tribes mentioned in the Old English Widsith. If, as seems possible, the Eudoses are the Jutes, the Ytum of Widsith 26b, there is certainly no exact phonological equivalence between the names; but the Varini correspond precisely to the Wernum, Wœrnum (dative plurals) of Widsith 25b and 59a, and the Anglii correspond to the Engle, Englum (nominative and dative plural respectively) of Widsith 44a and 61a.
The Repton Stone
Authors: Biddle Martin , Kjølbye-Biddle Birthe
Published: September 2008

In August 1979 a large sculptured stone was discovered, broken and upside down in a pit immediately outside the eastern window of the Anglo-Saxon crypt of the church of St Wystan at Repton in Derbyshire (pl. V). The scenes depicted on the two surviving faces of the stone are without direct parallel in Anglo-Saxon sculpture and have so far eluded definitive interpretation. The purpose of the present article is to place on record a detailed description of the stone, and some preliminary thoughts on its date and possible significance, in the hope that wider discussion may lead to a more satisfactory understanding of what must be, on any judgement, one of the more important surviving examples of pre-Conquest sculpture.
Holofernes's head:tacenand teaching in the Old EnglishJudith
Authors: Astell Ann W.
Published: September 2008

Ælfric'sOn the Old and New Testamentincludes a brief synopsis of the story of Judith, the Hebrew widow who decapitated the Assyrian general, Holofernes. In it, Ælfric refers his friend Sigeweard to an English version of theLiber Judithwhich has been written ‘eow mannum to bysne, þæt ge eowerne eard mid wæmnum bewerian wiþ onwinnendne here’. Ælfric thus defines the tropology or moral lesson of the Judith story as a timely call to men such as Sigeweard to resist the invading army of Danes. Most scholars agree that Ælfric is alluding to his own homily about Judith (‘on ure wisan gesett’), not the Old English poem celebrating the same heroine. Nevertheless many have held that Anglo-Saxon auditors of the poem derived the militaristic moral from it that Ælfric draws from the poem's biblical source.
The Anglo-Saxon and NorseRune Poems: a comparative study
Authors: Ross Margaret Clunies
Published: September 2008

It has been customary, since comparative scholarship in the field of Germanic literatures began, to explain perceived similarities between Old English and Old Norse poetry in terms of their derivation from common cultural roots and closely cognate languages. Similarities in the two poetic systems have been regarded as evidence of the conservation of ideas, figures of speech and poetic forms. Such similarities have then been used to reveal what the ‘original’ Germanic customs, ideas and literary expressions might have been before the various tribal groups dispersed to their historical medieval locations. This way of thinking assumes the persistence into early medieval times of archaic modes of thought and expression wherever cultural similarities are perceived. The Old English, Old Norwegian and IcelandicRune Poemshave usually been considered in this light. It is widely accepted that they reflect a shared cultural prototype. Moreover, their texts span a considerable period of time and yet show significant similarities. The Old EnglishRune Poemhas often been compared with its Scandinavian counterparts to reveal older forms of thought. Andreas Heusler offered a fairly typical assessment: ‘Die wenigen Anklänge an die nordischen Reihen … erklären sich unbedenklich aus einer alten Grundform der Wanderungszeit, als Angeln und Nordleute Nachbarn waren.’
Settlement mobility and the ‘Middle Saxon Shift’: rural settlements and settlement patterns in Anglo-Saxon England
Authors: Hamerow H. F.
Published: September 2008

The traditional image of the stable Anglo-Saxon village as the direct ancestor of the medieval village is no longer tenable in view of growing evidence for settlement mobility in the early and middle Saxon periods. Indeed, it now appears that most ‘nucleated’ medieval villages are not the direct successors of early, or even middle Saxon settlements, and that nucleation itself appears to be a remarkably late phenomenon.
The geographic list ofSolomon and Saturn II
Authors: O'Keeffe Katherine O'Brien
Published: September 2008

Solomon and Saturn II, the second verse dialogue between Solomon and Saturn in Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 422, has long enjoyed a rather dubious reputation as an exotic work. In part, the poem suffers a guilt by association with the two other Solomonic dialogues in the manuscript, both of which are fanciful treatments of the powers of the Pater Noster. Kemble's 1848 edition ofSolomon and Saturn IIformed part of an ambitious survey of the sources and analogues of the later, Latin Solomon and Marculf dialogues. Although the subject matter ofSolomon and Saturn IIranges widely from bizarre monsters to proverbial wisdom, Menner's 1941 edition influenced the modern reception of the work by presenting the poem in a predominantly ‘oriental’ context. Menner's learned introduction to both the Solomon and Saturn verse dialogues focused on the mass of exotic legends associated with Solomon. In his opinion, both Solomon and Saturn poems were ‘dependent on lost Solomonic Christian dialogues in Latin’.
Latin learning at Winchester in the early eleventh century: the evidence of the Lambeth Psalter
Authors: O'Neill Patrick P.
Published: September 2008

Aside from its Old English gloss, the Lambeth Psalter has largely been ignored. Yet this manuscript furnishes valuable evidence about Latin learning in late Anglo-Saxon England, specifically at Winchester. And it can lay claim to be the most important surviving witness to psalter scholarship from this period.
Wulfstan'sDe Anticristoin a twelfth-century Worcester manuscript
Authors: Cross J. E.
Published: September 2008

Cambridge, St John's College 42 (B. 20) is a Latin manuscript, dated as twelfth century and tentatively placed at Worcester. It contains 136 folios, closely written in double columns of forty-five lines each, in which a range of abbreviations has been used. By these means a quantity of material has been presented, including two collections of homilies/sermons, a calendar, extracts from the works of named authors and miscellaneous smaller items. The most notable of the sermons for Anglo-Saxonists is a new text of Archbishop Wulfstan's Latin composition,De Anticristo, but it keeps company with other anonymous sermons, some of which are variant texts of sermons copied or composed in English manuscripts of the Anglo-Saxon historical period. The manuscript needs a closer study than those done by M.R. James, who catalogued the anonymous items without identification, or by H. Schenkl, whose catalogue is incomplete although it includes some identifications. Identification of the anonymous items, with notice of parallel texts in other manuscripts where possible, helps to confirm the date of the manuscript, suggests that its place of origin was Worcester, and allows speculation on the canon of Wulfstan's Latin writing.
A pair of inscribed Anglo-Saxon hooked tags from the Rome (Forum) 1883 hoard
Authors: Graham-Campbell James , Okasha Elisabeth , Metcalf Michael
Published: September 2008

The importance of the hoard found in the excavations in the Forum at Rome in 1883, just outside the the House of the Vestal Virgins, has long been recognized by Anglo-Saxon numismatists, for it is the largest recorded source for the coinage of Æthelstan and Edmund. Archaeologists, art-historians and epigraphers have, however, failed to appreciate the significance for Anglo-Saxon studies of the pair of silver tags found with the coins (pl. VIII), bearing between them the name of Pope Marinus, despite their having been illustrated (in uncleaned condition) by Christopher Blunt in his 1974 account of the hoard. The tags themselves are described and discussed here by Dr James Graham-Campbell and their inscriptions by Dr Elisabeth Okasha, both working from photographs kindly made available to us by Dottoressa Silvana Balbi de Caro, of the Museo Nazionale in Rome, through the agency of Dr Michael Metcalf.
The glosses on Bede'sDe temporum rationeattributed to Byrhtferth of Ramsey
Authors: Gorman Michael
Published: September 2008

Theeditio princepsof the works of the Venerable Bede was published in 1563 by Johann Herwagen the Younger († 1564) in Basel; the edition had been begun by his father, the well-known printer and publisher, Johann Herwagen (†1557), who was active first in Strasbourg, then in Basel, and was a friend and associate of Johann Froben. In his edition of Bede'sDe temporum ratione and De natura rerum, Herwagen printed glosses on these two works under the name of Byrhtferth of Ramsey along with Bede's texts. To date, no manuscript of these glosses has ever been found, so our knowledge of them depends entirely upon Herwagen's edition.
Power, skill and virtue in the Old EnglishBoethius
Authors: Discenza Nicole Guenther
Published: September 2008

In Alfred's famousPrefaceto his translation of theRegula pastoralis, the king writes that he translated ‘hwilum word be worde, hwilum andgit of andgiete’ (7.19–20); a similar phrase occurs in the proem to theBoethius(1.2–3). Yet words in different languages are rarely exact equivalents. Translators select words which they feel capture the primary sense of source words and match secondary meanings and connotations only if they can. Similarities between two terms in different languages can reveal where the conceptual systems of the source and target cultures overlap and which denotations and connotations of a complex word were most important to the translator. Differences can indicate how cultures differ and what other conceptual systems might have influenced the translator. In a well-established system of translation, certain terms become accepted as standard equivalents to particular terms in other languages. Alfred, however, was in the position not of employing accepted equivalidents but of trying to create them. By the time he worked on theBoethius, Wærferth had probably translated Gregory'sDialogi, and Alfred's ownRegula pastoraliswas most likely complete, but no other models were availabel. As one of the earliest Anglo-Saxon translators, producing translations of theDe consolatione, Gregory'sRegula pastoralis, Augustine'sSoliloquiaand the first fifty psalms, Alfred had to solve translation problems himself.
The Galba Psalter: pictures, texts and context in an early medieval prayerbook
Authors: Deshman (†) Robert
Published: September 2008

The ‘Galba Psalter’ (London, British Library, Cotton Galba A. xviii) is a pocket-sized (128 × 88 mm.), early-ninth-century Carolingian book, perhaps made in the region of Liège, that was originally decorated with only ornamental initials. By the early tenth century the manuscript had reached England, where an Anglo-Saxon scriptorium added two prefatory quires (1r–19v) containing a metrical calendar illuminated with zodiac signs, KL monograms and single figures (pls. IX–X), and five full-page pictures. Two miniatures of Christ and the saints on 2v and 21r (pls. X–XI) preface the calendar and a series of prayers respectively, and three New Testament pictures marked the customary threefold division of the Psalms. Facing Ps. I was a miniature of the Nativity (pl. XII), now detached from the manuscript and inserted into an unrelated book (Oxford, Bodleian Library, Rawlinson B. 484, 85r). The Ascension on 120v (pl. XIII) prefaces Ps. CI. A third picture before Ps. LI has been lost, but almost certainly it represented the Crucifixion. The placement of an image of this theme between the Nativity and the Ascension would have been appropriate from a narrative standpoint, and some later Anglo-Saxon and Irish psalters preface this psalm with a full-page picture of the Crucifixion. Obits for King Alfred (d. 899) and his consort Ealhswith (d. 902) provide aterminus post quemfor the calendar and the coeval illumination. The Insular minuscule script of the calendar indicates a West Saxon origin during the first decade of the tenth century. On the grounds of the Psalter's style and later provenance, the additions were very likely made at Winchester.
Did Cynewulf use a martyrology? Reconsidering the sources of The Fates of the Apostles
Authors: McCulloh John M.
Published: September 2008

In The Fates of the Apostles Cynewulf shows only limited interest in the details of his heroes' lives and passions. He devotes more of his poem to meditation on the meaning of those events than to the actions themselves. Even so, for the last hundred years, scholars have sought to identify the source or sources of the hagiographical information the author incorporated into his text. Cynewulf speaks of having gathered his information from far and wide (lines 1–2), but most investigators have dismissed this statement as a conventional tag, and they have tried to identify the minimum number of sources needed to provide the details that Cynewulf relates. Efforts to locate a single source have always been in vain, but early investigators generally agreed that the most important source was probably the martyrology of the Venerable Bede or a related document. Not only did this text include nearly all of the information that Cynewulf chose to convey, but its attribution to Bede seemed to assure that it would have been available to an early-ninth-century poet. In 1908, however, this consensus was shaken by the publication of Henri Quentin's path-breaking investigation of the medieval martyrological tradition. Surprisingly, although nine decades have passed since this work appeared, its full implications have yet to be integrated into Cynewulf scholarship. Now a revival of the view that Cynewulf employed a martyrology makes the assimilation of Quentin's conclusions along with the results of more recent martyrological studies imperative.
The Junius Psalter gloss: its historical and cultural context
Authors: Gretsch Mechthild
Published: September 2008

Oxford, Bodleian Library, Junius 27 (S.C. 5139), the Junius Psalter, was written, Latin text and Old English gloss, probably at Winchester and presumably during the reign of King Edward the Elder. Junius 27 is one of the twenty-nine complete or almost complete psalters written or owned in Anglo-Saxon England which have survived. (In addition to these twenty-nine complete psalters, eight minor fragments of further psalters are still extant.) This substantial number of surviving manuscripts and fragments is explained by the paramount importance of the psalms in the liturgy of the Christian church, both in mass and especially in Office. Junius 27 is also one of the ten psalters from Anglo-Saxon England bearing an interlinear Old English gloss to the entire psalter. (In addition there are two psalters with a substantial amount of glossing in Old English, though not full interlinear versions.) Since our concern in the first part of this article will be with the nature of the Old English glossing in the Junius Psalter, and its relationship to other glossed psalters, it is appropriate at the outset to provide a list of the psalters in question. At the beginning of each of the following items I give the siglum and the name by which the individual psalters are traditionally referred to by psalter scholars. An asterisk indicates that the Latin text is aPsalterium Romanum(the version in almost universal use in England before the Benedictine reform); unmarked manuscripts contain thePsalterium Gallicanum. For full descriptions of the manuscripts, see N. R. Ker,Catalogue of Manuscripts Containing Anglo-Saxon.
Cnut's law code of 1018
Authors: Kennedy A. G.
Published: September 2008

It is a matter of general recognition that Wulfstan, bishop of London from 996 until 1002 and archbishop of York from 1002 until his death in 1023, was responsible for the formulation of the series of law codes issued by Æthelred II, most likely between the years 1008 and 1014. For many years, however, the prevailing opinion among scholars was that the code of Cnut, which borrowed extensively from the 1008 code of Æthelred, was not produced until after Wulfstan died. This opinion was based on arguments set out by Liebermann in his article on relations between Wulfstan and Cnut, which he later reproduced in abbreviated form in theGesetze: Liebermann believed that Cnut's code must have followed his proclamation of 1027.4Such a dating would, of course, preclude the direct involvement of Wulfstan in its compilation.
‘Warriors’ inBeowulf: an analysis of the nominal compounds and an evaluation of the poet's use of them
Authors: Brady Caroline
Published: September 2008

Beowulfis a secular heroic story. Its main action is set in the three great fifthand sixth-century Scandinavian kingdoms of the Danes, the Geats and the Swed.s, with other action recounted or alluded to in exemplary or informative ‘episodes and digressions’ placed in the same kingdoms or in lesser ones along the northern coastlands. The most important human characters in itsdramatis personaeare warriors. The present study comprises an analysis of the eighty-eight nominal compounds, thirteen genitive combinations and the many (uncounted) genitive collocations which the poet uses with direct reference to these warriors. However, although the poet refers to warriors by all these terms, some of them do not mean ‘warrior’, even periphrastically, and not all refer to a warrior in respect of his military duties. (The genitive collocations are especially numerous if we count all the epithets of kinship (e.g.,Ecglafes bearn) and of tribal relationship (e.g.,Wendla leod).)
Figural narrative in Cynewulf's Juliana
Authors: Wittig Joseph
Published: September 2008

Old English saints' lives, as a group, have not generated a great deal of critical enthusiasm; and Cynewulf's Juliana has often been regarded as the worst of a bad lot. One of the poem's recent editors sees in it a ‘uniformity verging on monotony’ and finds it ‘unrelieved by any emotional or rhetorical emphasis or by any other gradations in tone’. While critics concede that all Cynewulf's signed poems have a smooth texture and contain ‘fine passages’, they regard Juliana as something of an embarrassment and generally assign it to the poet's adolescence – or senescence.
A Canterbury classbook of the mid-eleventh century (the ‘Cambridge Songs’ manuscript)
Authors: Rigg A. G. , Wieland G. R.
Published: September 2008

Cambridge, University Library, Gg. 5.35 is known to scholars principally for the contents of fols. 432–41, the lyric anthology known (somewhat mis-leadingly) as the ‘Cambridge Songs’. Important though this group of poems is for the history of the Latin lyric, it has diverted attention from the contents of the manuscript as a whole, which presents a remarkable range of texts, mainly poetic, from the Early Christian, Carolingian and Anglo-Latin periods. Physical description, moreover, has generally been confined to the section containing the ‘Cambridge Songs’ and consequently the method of compilation of the whole codex has been neglected. The Cambridge University Library catalogue, for instance, gives the impression of forty-four works entered sequentially in the manuscript, and leaves unexplained such curiosities as no. 41 ‘Prose treatise on medicine’ and no. 44 ‘Certain medical prescriptions’, which appear to sandwich between them the ‘Cambridge Songs’ and another group of ‘hymns’. This article describes the compilation as a whole, its physical appearance, its genesis, and its contents in detail.
Corrections to Hildebrand's corpus of Anglo-Saxon moneyers: from Cnut to Edward the Confessor
Authors: Smart Veronica
Published: September 2008

For a long time now students of early personal names have taken evidence from the many coins whose reverse legends preserve the names of Anglo-Saxon moneyers. Lists have been made which are more or less accurate and comprehensive, often with name forms normalized for convenience. Thus Searle cited, with misgivings, his published sources which included Ruding, Hildebrand and the British Museum Catalogue. The latter in its turn included in its lists many names taken from other collections, often from coins that the compilers had not seen. In fact many of the printed lists of moneyers contain names repeated from earlier lists. To a great extent these derive ultimately from that immense treasury of Viking Age coins, B. E. Hildebrand's systematic arrangement from the Anglo-Saxon content of the Swedish coin hoards. So large were Hildebrand's resources for the reigns of Æthelred and Cnut that his catalogue, published almost a hundred years ago, still comes close to being exhaustive, so that even the recently published Danish national collection adds relatively few coins – or at least legends – that are not registered there, and complements it only in the later reigns when the Scandinavian material becomes more sparse. If Hildebrand's catalogue is to be used as a reference system for the publication of other coins, as is commonly the case particularly in Scandinavia, and if philological use is to be made of Hildebrand's transcriptions, his source material, the coins themselves, must be subject to a new scrutiny.
Affective language, especially alliterating qualifiers, in Ælfric's Life of St Alban
Authors: Waterhouse Ruth
Published: September 2008

It is basic to Ælfric's style in the Lives of Saints that he does not aim at word-for-word translation of his Latin sources; ‘nec ubique transtulimus verbum exs verbo, sed sensum ex sensu’ is his governing principle in the Lives, as in his homilies. This is so, for instance, in a brief example from the Life of St Oswald, when Ælfric is recounting some of the miracles associated with the place where Oswald fell in battle; he speaks of the horseman who passed by, Bede has at this point: ‘Tulit itaque de puluere terrae illius secum inligans in linteo’, and the Old English Bede reads: ‘Genom þa þære moldan dæl in þære stowe, gebond in his sceate.’
Bede and the church paintings at Wearmouth–Jarrow
Authors: Meyvaert Paul
Published: September 2008

Bede's remarks about the paintings placed by Benedict Biscop in his twin Northumbrian monasteries of Wearmouth and Jarrow have often been quoted, but I do not think they have ever been examined or analysed with the full attention they deserve. It is my purpose to provide such an examination here, in the hope of shedding some further light on this subject and also of correcting the misconceptions that have gained currency. Bede's allusions to the paintings occur in only two of his works, the Historia Abbatum and his homily on Benedict Biscop. He does not mention them in his Ecclesiastical History. The only other contemporary references occur in the anonymous Life of Ceolfrith, but it is so brief that it can be omitted from our discussion. The most important source is unquestionably the Historia Abbatum.
The corpus of vernacular homilies and prose saints' lives before Ælfric
Authors: Scragg D. G.
Published: September 2008

During the last three decades the corpus and text of the late Old English homilies of Ælfric and Wulfstan have become established with ever greater certainty. The scholars who have made this advance have naturally needed to examine much of the anonymous writing that is associated with the works of these authors in the manuscripts, so that it is now possible to attempt an investigation of the whole corpus of anonymous homilies in the vernacular and, in particular, to begin to isolate that part which antedates Ælfric.
Manuscript evidence for knowledge of the poems of Venantius Fortunatus in late Anglo-Saxon England
Authors: Hunt R. W.
Published: September 2008

It has been recognized that in late Anglo-Saxon England one writer, Wulfstan the Cantor, knew the poems of Venantius Fortunatus well, but hitherto no manuscript of Fortunatus's poetry of English origin or provenance in this period has been known. The discovery of a leaf of such a manuscript in a collection of fragments at Badminton set me enquiring. It has turned out that there is more manuscript evidence than I expected to find.