bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The “Shalamians” of Arabia
Authors: Langdon S.
Published: March 2011

Nabataean sepulchral inscriptions from El-Ḥejra in the El-Ḥejraejaz, 40 miles south of Teima and 300 miles S.S.E. of Petra, frequently mention the Nabateaans and Shalamians. The Aramaic-Nabataean inscriptions may be found in Professor Cooke's North Semitic Inscriptions, Nos. 78–109, and Professor Lidbarski's Nordsemitische Epigraphik, pp. 448–457. In them occur the names of the old Arabic deities, Dūsharā of Petra, Manūthu, a goddess of Qudaid in the southern Ḥejaz south of Medīna, Qaishā, Allat, principal goddess of the Arabians, and Hubalu of Mekka. According to Hommel, Grundriss, 715, n. 1, Allat may have been the principal deity of the Shalamians, but this is uncertain, and the exact location of this tribe is unknown. The “Shalamians” occur in three tomb inscriptions from El-Ḥejra, Cooke, ibid., 79 (1 b.c.), No. 81 (a.d. 4), No. 86 (a.d. 26).
The Painted Pottery of Susa
Authors: Woolley C. Leonard
Published: March 2011

When publishing recently the painted pottery found at al 'Ubaid I had necessarily to refer to that found by the French excavators at Susa and other mounds in that part of Persia. I pointed out that while at al 'Ubaid there were two types of painted pottery, the thick and the thin wares, which were contemporary and were associated with various types of plain and incised ware, and while there was a very definite difference between these wares and those of Susa and Musyan, yet certain analogies and parallels did exist both with the thin wares of Susa I and with the thick wares of Susa II, which have always been regarded as differing from each other very widely in date and in style, and the former of which was not associated with any other type of pottery.
Tibetan Documents concerning Chinese Turkestan. II: The Sa-cu Region
Authors: Thomas F. W.
Published: March 2011

17. Ch. 0021 (670, vol. xxxi, foil. 115; verso of fol. 2 of a text in dbu-can script; 11. 8 of clear dbu-med).
The Pig in Ancient Egypt: A Commentary on Two Passages of Herodotus
Authors: Dawson Warren R.
Published: March 2011

The tomb-scenes of Egypt of all periods are particularly rich in pictures of various phases of agricultural life: so complete is our material that it is possible to reconstruct every episode of the farmer's year. The newly sown seed was turned into the ground by various methods, sometimes by means of the hoe and human labour, sometimes by means of the plough drawn by oxen, and sometimes, again, it was trodden in by animals. From Herodotus' statement, it might appear that the only method of treading-in corn was by means of swine, but actually this method is very rarely met with. So far as I know, there is no instance of this procedure earlier than the eighteenth dynasty. In two Theban tombs (Nos. 24 and 146), each of which belonged to a different person bearing the name Nebamun, amongst the agricultural scenes, pigs are seen following the sower to tread in the grain. Both these tombs date from the reign of Tuthmosis III.
The Patna Congress and the “Man”
Authors: Davids C. A. F. Rhys
Published: March 2011

The substance of the following was given in an address at the Oxford Congress of Orientalists, 1928. It makes no pretensions to do more than put forward a few suggestions concerning the so-called Third Buddhist Council—suggestions which may help when historians are reconsidering the miserably poor materials, which are all we have to throw light on what was the most momentous crisis and decision in the whole history of Buddhism.
Two Studies in the Arthaśāstra of Kauṭilya
Authors: Johnston E. H.
Published: March 2011

In the various discussions over the date of the Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra no notice appears to have been taken so far of the deductions that can be drawn from Buddhist sources. This is all the more remarkable in that the exact dating of the Chinese translations enables us to determine the lower limits for the dates of a number of Buddhist works, so that we thus have fixed points from which to start. Here I propose to consider the relationship in date of the Arthaśāstrato the works of Aśvaghoṭa, to Āryaśūra's Jātahamālā and to the Lanhdvatdrasutra.
A Prose Version of the Yūsuf and Zulaikha Legend, ascribed to Pīr-i Anṣār of Harāt
Authors: Levy Reuben
Published: March 2011

In Ethe's Catalogue of the Persian Manuscripts in the India Office Library, there is an entry (No. 1778) describing a prose work entitled Anīsu 'l-Murīdīn wa Shamsu 'l-Majālis, which is ascribed in the introduction and colophon to Shaykh 'Abdullāh Anṣārī of Harāt. Ethé, obviously assuming the genuineness of this ascription, states in Geiger und Kuhn's Grundriss (vol. ii, p. 282) that the work is the oldest prose version of the Yūsuf and Zulaikha story, and on this assertion of Ethé's a recent number of Islamica (vol. iii, April, 1927, p. 10) contained a plea from Berthels for fuller information about the work. At the suggestion of Professor Nicholson I undertook the examination of the MS., which the India Office authorities kindly placed at my disposal in the University Library at Cambridge.
Two Aramaic Ostraka
Authors: Cowley A.
Published: March 2011

This was given some years ago to the University Library at Cambridge by Sir Herbert Thompson, who bought it with other objects from a dealer in London. I have to thank the Librarian for his kind permission to publish it.
Dr. Hoernle's MS. Papers
Authors: Pargiter F. E.
Published: March 2011

“ Rough list of Dr. Stein's MSS. sent by Dr. Barnett ”—with brief descriptions.

1. (1) “ 9, 1 Brāhmī fol. C.A.,” unknown language, probably a Prajñā-pāramitā.

(2) Inner cover marked C xlvi (Suppl.) Large C.A. leaf 6.vi.07 ; outer cover marked Ch. Large C.A. Brāhmī frgt.; part of the former.
The so-called Injunctions of Mani, translated from the Pahlavi of Denkart 3, 200
Authors: Jackson A. V. Williams
Published: March 2011

The discovery made in Chinese Turkistan, at the beginning of this century, of a mass of Manichæan fragments, in part remnants of Mānī's long-lost bible, lent a keen zest to the study of that old-time heresy which struggled for world supremacy in religion during the early Christian centuries. As a would-be rival to Christianity and Zoroastrianism Mānī's syncretic creed was anathematized by Church Fathers and Zoroastrian priests alike. The story of how these fragments of the missing Manichæan literature were found at Turfan and elsewhere in Eastern Turkistan is well known to scholars, while those who are interested in the subject are familiar with the work since done on them by specialists.
Dramatic Representations in South India, with Special Reference to Travancore and Tinnevelly District
Authors: Sitaram K. N.
Published: March 2011

Travancore and Tinnevelly, which form the southernmost end of India, have been very little affected by Islam, and hence have preserved traits of Hindu culture and civilization which are not found anywhere else. The dramatic representations can be divided into three classes :—
(1) Indigenous, as the kūttu, āṭṭam, etc., including (a) those acted in temples, and (b) those acted in public places other than temples ;
(2) Imported, yātrās ; and
(3) Devil-dances and propitiatory dances, such as the Fire-dance, Bhadrakálí-dance, etc.
Rudaki and Pseudo-Rudaki
Authors: Ross E. Denison
Published: March 2011

No genuine collection of Rūdakī's poems is known to exist to-day, and in the following article I have attempted to indicate how much of the poetry of Rūdakī has been preserved and how much has been wrongly attributed to him in the Persian Anthologies. Although one of the founders of modern Persian poetry, and the author of a poetic version ofKalīla wa Dimna, Rūdakī's works seem unaccountably to have disappeared at an early date. For although Asadī the Younger in hisLughat-i-Fursquotes more lines from Rūdakī than from any other poet, and although the Persian Farhangs abound in citations of single lines, the anthologists of the sixteenth century already complain that Rūdakī's poems are hard to come by.
The Kālavāda and the Zervanite System
Authors: von Wesendonk O. G.
Published: March 2011

The manner in which Mānī presented to the Sāsānian court his new doctrine seems to demonstrate that the mazdayasnian theology of that period conceived time,zrvan-, as the highest principle. Zarathuštra's own doctrine had been distinctively monotheistic and spiritual. But it had fallen into oblivion and had been superseded by a polytheistic system such as was the official creed of the Achaemenian empire and such as it is recorded in the later Avesta. At a certain moment religious reaction appears to have made itself felt against the alteration of the true spirit of Zarathuštra's teaching. In trying to reconstruct this doctrine the mazdaïst theologians had hit upon speculations considering time as the supreme essence. The question, when this system may have been first evolved, will be treated later on. For the present, it may suffice to state that the Zervanite theology was officially recognized during the beginning of the Sāsānian epoch, but without leaving traces in the Avesta or in the bulk of the Pahlavī literature.
Further Arabic Inscriptions on Textiles (IV)
Authors: Guest A. R.
Published: March 2011

The preceding article of this series will be found in the Journal for 1930, page 761. Mr. Elsberg has kindly supplied photographs and descriptions of the following Abbasid and Fatimid pieces in his collection, and Mr. S. Flury has to be thanked for assistance with the readings of the inscriptions:—

No. 1. Collection No. 1749.

Fragment of a garment of glazed linen, counting about fifty warp threads to the inch. The inscription is embroidered in red silk, in a cross stitch. 14½ × 22¼ inches. The inscription is ⅜ inch wide. From the excavations at Fustât.
Art. IX.—Catalogue and Description of 27 Bábí Manuscripts
Authors: Browne E. G.
Published: March 2011

To my second paper on the Báabís in the J.R.A.S. for 1889 I added an Appendix (App. IV, pp. 1000–1008), wherein I briefly described some of the chief Bábí works of which I had obtained MSS. in Persia, arranging these according to their authorship and the date of their composition, where these could be determined. Of the MSS. themselves (some of which were of composite character) I gave no description. This I now regard as an error of judgement, since, for many reasons (and chiefly that in the future, when they shall pass into other hands, there may be no difficulty in identifying them), it is desirable that their contents should be clearly and succinctly stated. This defect in my previous work I now propose to remedy; but I should not perhaps have done so were it not that since the year 1889 I have acquired a considerable number of new MSS. from authentic sources, a description of which may facilitate the identification of Bábí MSS. in other collections. To each of these MSS. I shall now give a distinctive press-mark, which shall be inscribed on the title-page, and which shall serve for its future identification. The whole class I denote by the letters BB (the first B indicating that they are Bábí MSS., the second that they form part of my collection).
The Authorship of the Nalodaya
Authors: Ayyar A. S. Ramanatha
Published: March 2011

Nalōdaya, the short alliterative literary curio of four chapters, which is “ confessedly a difficult work as much so as Persius is in Latin and Pindar in Greek ”, and which is a superb example of the ingenuity displayed “ in the manipulation of varied forms of alliteration and elaborate tricks of style ”, was for a long time considered to be the work of that prince of Sanskrit poets, Kālidāsa, not because that there were any colophonian clues in the poem itself that could countenance such an attribution, but that the uncritical pandits of the orthodox set had opined that Kālidāsa alone could have been capable of the difficult feats of verbal gymnastics exhibited in every line of the kāvya, and had, as a salve to the literary conscience that perceived the incompatibility of such an artificial poem as the Nalōdaya emanating from the same hand as wrote the Raghuvaṃśa and the Śākuntala, invented the story that the poet was goaded on to its composition by the mischievous scepticism expressed by his friends as to his alliterative capacity. But since the discovery by Professor Peterson of a manuscript of the Nalōdaya whose commentator, Rāmarṣi (c. A.D. 1600), had attributed the work to one Ravidēva, scholars have been entertaining the view that this kāvya was the production of a certain Ravidēva, about whom no other biographical details were, however, available. I shall here examine the question of the real authorship of the poem in the light of the information furnished by another commentary on the same work, which is available in manuscript in the Palace Library of H.H. the Maharaja of Travancore.
Notes on Harrian
Authors: Burrows E.
Published: March 2011

Ḫarrian is one of “ the eight languages of Boghazköi ”, that spoken in the eastern part of the Hittite Empire. The principal facts concerning Ḫarrian may be found in two articles by Dr. Forrer in Mitteilungen d. deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft, 61, Dec, 1921, and in Zeitschr. d. deutschen Morgenländ.-Gesellschaft, 76, 1922, 171 ff. The articles will be referred to as MDOG. and ZDMG.
The Canon and Eschaquiel of the Arabs
Authors: Farmer Henry George
Published: March 2011

Whatever the author of The Music of Hindustan has to say about Oriental music, must have a certain interest if not authority, and, for that reason, his passing comments on two points raised by me, prompt me to investigate the validity of his strictures. Whether his first objection is a philological one, or whether it is musical, is not made quite clear. If it is the former, i.e. that my contention is incompetent because the Arabic word qānūn () is derived from the Greek word kanōn (κανών), then one might as reasonably suggest that the Greek word νΦθα did not “ become ” the Latin naphtha, because the ancient Semites had the word (Arabic ) long before. If, however, the objection is directed against the instrument itself, it is evident that we ought to inquire into the precise structure of the Greek instrument called the kanōn.
Assyrian Prayers
Authors: Sidersky Michael
Published: March 2011

These prayers, the text and translation of which are given below, are but a few of those I copied some time ago from tablets in the British Museum. Owing to various reasons I have been unable to publish them before.

I have revised the copies and have given full notes and mentioned all other sources dealing with the subject and I hope that my work may be of some use to those interested in that branch of study.
Assyrian Prescriptions for the “Hand of a Ghost”
Authors: Thompson R. Campbell
Published: March 2011

The following translations are from the texts in my Assyrian Medical Texts for sick men suffering from diseases brought about by the “hand of a ghost”.
On the phonetic value of the Tibetan characters and and the equivalent characters in the

h

Phags.pa alphabet
Authors: Clauson G. L. M. , Yoshitake S.
Published: March 2011

It is one of the curses of Central Asiatic linguistic research that no language of this meeting-place of nations can be studied without reference tothe history of its neighbours and predecessors, which often belong to entirely different linguistic families. It is therefore only persons of singular erudition, or, like ourselves, of that hardihood which is bred of ignorance, who venture to dogmatize on any really difficult question of Central Asiaticphonetics or lexicography.
Naicasakha
Authors: Charpentier Jarl
Published: March 2011

The hymn RV. iii, 53, is of an obscure and difficult nature. Oldenberg sees in it only an incongruous jumble of disconnected stanzas and refuses to adopt the theories of either Hillebrandt or Geldner concerning it. The former scholar looked upon it as a collection of yājyānuvākyāḥ belonging to the horse-sacrifice; but it really seems difficult to subscribe to such an explanation. The late Professor Geldner again always maintained that the hymn represented a uniform composition which had been taken out from the complete family saga of the Viśvāmitras. In one passage he calls it an āyuṣmatāṃ kathā; and, as then at any rate he was a staunch supporter of the ākhyāna-theory of Oldenberg, he probably found littledifficulty in looking upon it as being the metrical part of a composition, the prose frame of which was wanting and could only be supplied from Sāyaṇa and other commentator literature. The present writer long ago tried to explain why he cannot accept the ākhyāna-theory. But in spite of that it seems to him that Geldner was probably, in the main, right in looking upon the hymn as one connected piece of poetry, though details partly remain very obscure.
A Bakhtiari Prose Text
Authors: Lorimer D. L. R.
Published: March 2011

The assemblage of tribes known as the Bakhtiāri occupy the mountain tract in Southern Persia lying roughly between longitudes 48 40′ and 51 E, bounded on the south by the plains of Khuzistan and on the north by the districts of Chahārmahāl, Farēdan, and Khonsār, where the central Iranian Plateau blends into the great southern mountain range.
Tibetan Documents concerning Chinese Turkestan. V: (a) The Dru-gu (Great Dru-gu and Drug-cun; the Dru-gu cor and the Bug cor; the Dru-gu and Ge-sar; the title Bog-do; conclusion); (b) the Hor; (c) the Phod-kar
Authors: Thomas F. W.
Published: March 2011

Some texts mentioning the Dru-gu have been given above (1927, pp. 68, 80, 85, 808; 1929, pp. 78 sqq., 559, 560, 583; 1930, pp. 56, 84–5, 274, 281), and reference was made to the divergent views of Colonel Waddell and Professor Pelliot, the former having identified the Dru-gu with the Tu-yü-hun of Chinese history, and the latter with the Turkish Uigurs. The name Drug-gu was first made known by Rockhill, who cited (The Life of the Buddha, p. 240) from the Tibetan Annals of Khotan a reference to a destructive invasion of the Khotan country by that people during the reign of King Vijaya-Kīrti, whose date is not known, but who evidently belonged to a comparatively early generation. The name of the Dru-gu king appears as 'A-no-śos or 'A-no-mo-śoṅ. From the same Annals some further citations were given in an appendix to Sir A. Stein's Ancient Khotan (pp. 581–3).
New Texts from Jemdet Nasr
Authors: Langdon S.
Published: March 2011

The following tablets were excaved by M. L. Ch. Watelin in the course of two weeks' intensive work at Kish in the spring of 1927. See Oxford Editions of Cuneiform Texts, vol. vii, for abbreviations.
The Abhidhamma-Pitaka and Commentaries
Authors: Davids C. A. F. Rhys
Published: March 2011

This year witnesses the completion of a task begun soon after the inception of its forty-two years of publishing texts by the Pali Text Society. I refer to the completion of its editions of that third section of the Buddhist canon entitled the Abhidhamma Piṭaka, and of its editions of the Commentaries on that section. In 1883 the fourth of the seven Abhidhamma texts appeared : the Puggala-Paññatti. In the present year the Society brings out the conclusion of the seventh text: the Paṭṭhāna, and the belated Commentary on the second text: the Vibhanga.
The Root Rap in the Rigveda
Authors: Johnston E. H.
Published: March 2011

Twice recently (Journal, 1931, 572 and 899) I have touched on certain curious cases of compounds of Sanskrit lāpaya. Further inquiry has produced some other instances and suggested to me that the Buddhist technical term, lapanā, is connected with the same verbs. For though the commentators were presumably well aware of its meaning, their statements are so lacking in clarity that modern scholars are still in doubt regarding the exact sense, and their vagueness seems to me due to attempting to make their explanations fit in with a derivation from lap. But this etymology is negatived by the old phrases in which the term originated, such as janaṁ lāpayeyya (Suttanipāta, 929) and janaṁ lapetave (Udāna, 21), which cannot be reconciled with their suggestions that the sinner himself is the speaker (cf. Abhidharmakośa, vol. iii, 165, n. 4, and Visuddhimagga, 22 ff.). As it occurred to me that possibly the facts might be accounted for by a derivation from some root other than the recognized ones, lap and lī, I turned for light to the use of rap in the Rigveda and Avesta. Though the inquiry did not issue in a certain explanation of the words in question, it did bring me to a conclusion about the Vedic root, rap, which, despite its heterodoxy, seems inescapable.
The Cas-chrom v. the Lei-ssŭ
Authors: Hopkins L. C.
Published: March 2011

The curious ancient figure illustrated in the last paragraph of Part I of this paper, ingeniously conjectured by Mr. Hsü-Chung-shu to stand for the modern character chüeh, in its sense of nobility, servesto introduce us to a peculiar word and its character, often used in Chinese texts dealing with the old-time agriculture.
The Forerunner of al-Ghazālī
Authors: Smith Margaret
Published: March 2011

In his al-Munkidh min al-Ḍalāl al-Ghazālī states that he studied the works of al-Muḥāsibī, together with those of Abū Ṭālib al-Makkī, al-Junayd, Shiblī, and Abū Yazīd al-Bisṭāmī, and of these Ḥārith b. Asad al-Muḥāsibī (ob. 243/857) was the earliest and the most prolific writer, and to him al-Ghazālī owes more of his teaching than has been generally realized, and much that has been attributed to al-Ghazālī as representing his original ideas, is in fact based upon the earlier teaching of al-Muḥāsibī and, in many instances, is directly borrowed from him.
On the Age of the Baudhāyana Śrauta Sūtra
Authors: Prasad Gorakh
Published: March 2011

Baudhāyana Śrauta Sūtra states:tad (= tatra, sc. devayajane) etāṃ prācīnavaṁśāṁ śālāṃ māpayati; kṛttikāḥ khalv imāḥ prācīṃ diśaṃ na parijahati: tāsāṁ, saṃdarśanena māpayed ity etad ekam; śroṇāsaṃdarśanena māpayed ity etad ekam; citrāsvātyor antareṇety etad aparam.
Notes on Professor Karlgren's System for Dating Chinese Bronzes
Authors: Creel Herrlee Glessner
Published: March 2011

The pre-Confucian period has come, during the last decade, to occupy a central place in the attention of students of the history of Chinese culture. Research on the oracle bones, scientific excavations at Anyang and elsewhere, and other investigations and discoveries have not served merely to throw light on the civilization of late Shang and early Chou times. They have also shown us that those periods saw the laying of the foundations of the whole structure of Chinese culture, as it has persisted even to our own day, so that to understand them is no mere concern of antiquarians, but a vital necessity for any deep understanding of the currents of Chinese history.
Judge H. T. Colebrooke's Supposed Translation of the Gospels into Hindi, 1806
Authors: Bailey T. Grahame
Published: March 2011

In Darlowe and Mode'sHistorical Catalogue of the Printed Editions of Holy Scriptures, 1903 (=DM.), the earliest Hindi translation of the Gospels is entered as follows: “1806. The Gospels translated by Henry Thomas Colebrooke (1765–1837), president of the bench at Calcutta, and honorary professor in Fort William College, the first great Sanskrit scholar of Europe.” This is confirmed by Pearce Carey's book,William Carey(=PC.). In the third edition, p. 408, he writes “so far from vaunting how many versions he and his colleagues could add to their credit, they postponed the publication of their translated Hindi Gospels till Colebrooke's was printed in 1806”. In the eighth edition, 1934, p. 420, “they postponed till 1811 the publication of their translated Hindi Gospels leaving the field to Judge Cole brooke's version for five years.”
The Instruments of Music on the Ṭāq-i Bustān Bas-Reliefs
Authors: Farmer Henry George
Published: March 2011

The famous Sāsānian bas-reliefs at Ṭāq-i Bustān, (A.D. 590–628) have so often been reproduced that it is highly probable that most Orientalists could picture the scenes in the mind's eye with little difficulty. Yet I do not suppose that any could give a correct delineation of the instruments of music contained therein for the simple reason that the reproductions of these sculptures have given so many different outlines for these instruments.
Some Rare Manuscripts in Istanbul
Authors: Hamdani Viqar Ahmed
Published: March 2011

In search of fresh material for the history of the Saljūqs of ‘Irāq I had the good fortune, during my stay in Istanbul from the middle of September, 1937, till the end of January, 1938, to find and study many MSS., both in Arabic and Persian. I propose to give here a bare inventory of some of these MSS. to bring them to the notice of interested Orientalists, with little or no attempt at scholarly presentation, as my entire time, at present, is occupied with the subject mentioned above. But I hope to contribute a detailed study of the same at a later date.
The Arabic Shadow Play in Egypt
Authors: Kahle Paul
Published: March 2011

At the beginning of this century shadow plays were sometimes performed in Egypt, but not very often. They had latterly become chiefly an entertainment for the lower classes, and because of the drastic comedy of these plays the Government took steps to suppress them. But we know that these shadow plays had a long history in Egypt, and have been performed also for the higher and highest classes. It is reported,1 for instance, that the well-known Sultan Saladin (died 1193) with his Wazir al-Qāḍī al-Fāḍil, was present at the performance of those plays; that the Turkish Sultan Selīm I, who in 1517 conquered Egypt, amused himself by seeing a performance of the shadow play. In recent times, the Khedive Taufīq Pasha (1879–1892) liked to see such representations. I myself possess some shadow play figures especially made for performances before him.
XVI. The Factitious Genealogies of the Mongol Rulers
Authors: Howorth Henry H.
Published: March 2011

When the various tribes of Mongols and Kalmuks were definitely converted to Lamaism in the sixteenth century it was not unnatural that the Lamaist monks, who formed their only literary class, should have tried to affiliate their famous heroes and their princely families to the old royal stock of Tibet, which had become for them a sacred land. Hence we find the two Mongol chronicles, one known as the “Altan Topchi” and the other generally quoted from the name of its author as Ssanang Setzen, and the Kalmuk legend derived by Pallas from the Tibetan work called the “Bodimer,” all concurring in a pedigree for the Mongol royal race which traces them first to the early Tibetan kings, and through them up to the alleged Indian ruler Olana Ergükdeksen, and through him again up to Sakiamuni Buddha himself. This pedigree was probably the invention of the author of the “Altan Topchi.”
VI. Buddhist Notes: Vedanta and Buddhism
Authors: de la Vallee Poussin Louis
Published: March 2011

There is much to support the opinion of Rāmānuja, Dr. Thibaut, and many others, that Śaṃkara's doctrine of “illusion” is a biassed rendering of the old Vedānta, Bādarāyaṇik as well as Aupanishadic. If that be granted, it is by no means self-evident that Buddhism has been without influence on Śamkara's speculation; and the last writer on the subject, Vasudev Anant Sukhtankar, a very able pupil of Professor Jacobi, does not conceal his opinion, or his surmise, that Śaṃkara is indebted to Nāgārjuna. That may be true, but I would object that we really know little or nothing about the history of Vedānta, and that conclusions based on philosophical parallels are by no means definitive. Autonomous developments— autonomous if not absolutely independent—are admissible. Nāgārjuna (or his predecessors, the anonymous authors of the oldest Mahāyānasūtras), by the very fact that he proclaims “voidness” to be the real nature of things, was prepared to distinguish the relative truth (saṃvṛtisatya) and the absolute one (pāramārthika); and his nihilism coupled with “idealism” might lead to the Vijñānavāda: “existence of pure non-intelligent (?) intellect.” On the other hand the Aupanishadas, from their main thesis (tat tvam asi, etc.), could derive the distinction of the two brahmans, of the two vidyās. Both developments are natural enough; the conception of the universal void (o) and the intuition of the infinite (∞) are convergent, in the end; but parallel and convergent as they are, these developments do not lose their primitive tinge.
Akbar II as Pretender: A Study in Anarchy
Authors: Whitehead R. B.
Published: March 2011

Akbar Shāh, son of the Mughal emperor Shāh 'Ālam II, was elevated to the throne of Delhi as pretender eighteen years previous to his accession as Akbar II, and money was struck in his name. The addition of another claimant to the dynastic list was communicated in a joint paper by Mr. S. H. Hodivala and myself, which appeared in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for the year 1922, and to which I invite reference. I had found a copper coin of Aḥmadābād mint bearing the name of Akbar Shāh and date A.H. 1203, which made me conjecture whether Ghulām Qādir Khān, the “unspeakable Rohilla”, raised another prince to the Mughal throne after the puppet Bedār Bakht (A.H. 1202–3), who might or might not be identical with the Akbar Shāh, eldest surviving son of Shāh 'Ālam II, who succeeded his father in the regular way as Akbar II in the year A.H.. 1221 (A.D. 1806). I put the matter to Mr. Hodivala, a leading authority on Mughal history, and his reply was that “it has not yet been possible to find an absolutely complete and satisfactory solution of the problem connected with the Akbar Shāh coins of A.H. 1203, but there would seem to be fairly good grounds for answering the question in the affirmative”. The fullest account of the transactions which led to the deposition and blinding of Shāh 'Ālam II is in the 'Ibratnāmah (Book of Warning) of Faqīr Khairu-d-dīn Muḥammad, but this work closes soon after recounting the terrible cruelties practised on the Emperor Shāh 'Ālam and his family by the infamous Ghulām Qādir, whose atrocities the author describes at length.
Hippokoura et Satakarni
Authors: Przyluski J.
Published: March 2011

Quand on cherche à décomposer les noms des villes indiennes énuméréés dans les Tables de Ptolémée, on constate que plusieurs d'entre eux sont formés d'un nom grec et d'un mot indien signifiant “ville”. Hippokoura (Ptolémée, vii, 1, 83) est un bon exemple de ce type de composés. Ce nom, formé du grec hippos “cheval” et de l'indien kura “ville”, signifie “ville du cheval”. Mais de quel cheval s'agit-il ? Et pourquoi servait-il à désigner la cité?
Some new Vannic Inscriptions
Authors: Sayce A. H.
Published: March 2011

One of the most important Vannic inscriptions—or rather series of inscriptions—yet found in Armenia was discovered and excavated in 1916 by Professor Marr and Mr. Orbeli immediately under the walls of the citadel of Van. Here they found steps and niches cut in the rock, at the back of one of which was the monument in question. Under its vaulted roof was a rectangular stone stela standing on a pedestal. The sides of the stela were inscribed, as also was the pedestal; while two other inscriptions were engraved on either side of the stela on the wall of the rock behind it. Exceptionally good photographs were taken of the inscriptions, which have been edited by Professor Marr with transliteration and translation as well as an elaborate commentary. The volume containing them, Archæological Discoveries at Van in the year 1916 (Petersburg, 1922), is a very sumptuous one and more than equal in matter and appearance to any of the previous volumes of the Archæological Society of Russia.
The Victory of Bhūti Vikramakēsari over the Pallavas
Authors: Heras H.
Published: March 2011

An inscription on one of the walls of one of the Koḍumbāḷūr temples in the Pudukkottai State accidentally mentions the Pallavas. This inscription has long been overlooked by the historians of the Pallavas. It is already high time to study this reference in the light of what we now know about the Pallava kingdom.
Notes on “The Birth of the Gracious and Beautiful Gods”
Authors: Ginsberg H. L.
Published: March 2011

The new Has Shamra text published by Virolleaud is, despite better preservation, considerably more difficult to interpret than its two immediate predecessors, and in this regard resembles rather the fragments of 1929.
The New Śaktipur Grant of Lakṣmaṇa Sena Deva and Geographical Divisions of Ancient Bengal
Authors: Bhaṭṭaśālī N. K.
Published: March 2011

Mr. RameŚa Basu has published a reading of this grant in the Journal of the Baṅgīya Sāhitya Pariṣat, 1337 B.S., No. 4. From Mr. Basu's account, it appears that the plate was discovered at the village of Śaktipur in the Sadar subdivision of Murśidābād district. Mr. Basu has, unfortunately, failed to read correctly some vital geographical details regarding the land granted away by the plate, and thus could discover no clue as to its geographical situation. The genealogical portion of this new plate contains no new information whatever, as it is an exact replica of some other plates of the same king previously found. The real importance of the new plate lies in the supply of new geographical information.
Hindi Folk-Songs
Authors: Shirreff A. G.
Published: March 2011

Some ten years ago a Brahman scholar was travelling by rail from Jaunpur to Allahabad. At a country station there was an incident familiar in those parts: a number of women crowded the platform, weeping and bidding farewell to their men-folk, who were going to Calcutta to find work. Two or three of the women got into the carriage with their husbands, and, as the journey continued, began a, song. One line of this made a great impression on the Pandit. “The railway, my rival, has carried away my beloved.” A bold metaphor. In the poetry to which he was accustomed, the rival wife with her interference would be compared to the swan with its mythical power of dividing milk from water. But, after all, was not the railway simile much more natural and vigorous ? The swan simile was part of the stock in trade of centuries of poets, and required a special education and tradition for its understanding. The railway simile spoke from the heart to the heart.
Rank (manṣab) in the Mogul State Service
Authors: Moreland W. H.
Published: March 2011

In this article I propose to examine the position held by the executive officers ofthe Mogul Empire in the light of some new documentary evidence, and from a standpoint different from that occupied by earlier writers on the subject. It is well known that there was no differentiation between civil and military employment: all officers, from the princes of the blood down to what would now be called sergeants and corporals, formed a single State Service, in which each individual had a definite rank or position (manṣab); and ordinarily each of them had to maintain out of his emoluments acontingent of cavalry available for the Emperor's work. Some officers might receive their emoluments in cash, but as a rule payment was made by an assignment of the land-revenue of a specified area (jāgīr), which the recipient made his own arrangements to collect. The questions at issue relate mainly to the remuneration ofofficers and the size and constitution of their contingents.
The Lute Scale of Avicenna
Authors: Farmer Henry George
Published: March 2011

The history of the musical scale in the Near and Middle East is full of perplexities. In my Histoire abrégée de I'échelle de la musique arabe, which I submitted to the Congress of Arabian Music at Cairo in 1932, and in my article Mūsīqī contributed to the Encyclopædia of Islām, I have endeavoured to show how this scale developed among the Arabs and Persians. In spite of the appearance of a gradual and natural evolution there are still many problems to be solved in the history of this scale, and one of them is the scale propounded by Ibn Sīnā, better known in the Occident as Avicenna.
Archaic Chinese Characters Being some intensive studies in them: PART III
Authors: Hopkins L. C.
Published: March 2011

Having already discussed the first of the two forms used for Summer, we may examine the second, and attractive theory of its origin put forward by Mr. Yeh Yü-sên. This theory is freely cited by Mr. Tung Tso-pin in Part 3 of the Excavations at Anyang (Academia Sinica), 1931, especially on pp. 511–514. Mr. Yeh observes: “When the ancients invented characters for the Four Seasons—Spring, Summer, Autumn, and Winter—I surmise that in each case they drew their imagery from the object most conspicuous in that season. Now the character hsia, summer, is not found in the oracular sentences, but on the analogy of the example previously adduced, the words chin ch'un ‘the present Spring’, I have secured three instances where, following chin, there occurs a single character, in each case a pictogram.” Here Mr. Yeh cites three passages from Bone inscriptions, two from Lo Chên-yü's Yin Hsü Shu Ch'i, and one from a work not accessible to me. The three figures below I have copied direct from Lo's plates, as cited by Mr. Yeh, but not from the minuscule forms as constricted into the text of Mr. Tung Tso-pin's article.
Did Sulamī Plagiarize Sarrāj ?
Authors: Arberry A. J.
Published: March 2011

Sulamī's tractate on the Malāmatīs (Risālat al-Malāmatīya), as preserved in the Berlin manuscript, has been fully and scientifically analysed and described by Professor E. Hartmann in Der Islam, vol. viii, pp. 157–203. There remains nothing to be added to the conclusions reached there. It is, however, to be remarked that Hartmann's article takes no account of the Cairo manuscript of the tract: this, indeed, could hardly have been available at the time the article was written. The Cairo manuscript has been noted and utilized by Massignon: a striking feature of this copy, however, which distinguishes it from that preserved at Berlin, appears to have escaped attention, and the purpose of the present note is to call attention to this peculiarity.
Bu-ston's History of Buddhism and the Mañjuśrī-mūla-tantra
Authors: Obermiller E.
Published: March 2011

Two years ago my translation of the second part of The History of Buddhism (Chos-ḥbyuṅ), the work of the celebrated Tibetan scholar Bu-ston Rin-chen-ḍub (grub), i.e. of the historical part proper, appeared in the press, published by the Heidelberg Society for the Investigation of Buddhist Lore. In the introduction to this translation I have indicated all the principal works of Buddhist scripture and exegesis (sūtra and śāstra) which have been referred to by Bu-ston and which represent the main sources from which he has compiled his work. I have, furthermore, drawn the attention of the reader to the fact that among the said sources an exclusive importance is given to the Mañjuśrī-mūla-tantra (or Kalpa; Tib. Ḥjam-dpal-rtsa-rgyud, Kangyur, RGYUD. xi, Narthaṅ edition, or xii, Derge edition). A great part of chapter 51 of this work, the “Prophecy concerning the Kings” (Rāja-vyākarana-parivarta), has been incorporated by Bu-ston in his work, mostly in the form of direct quotations, and partly condensed in prose. It is to be noted here that Bu-ston is not the only Tibetan author who has made copious references to the Mañjuśrī-mūla-tantra. The latter appears likewise as one of the principal sources in the well-known historical work of Tārānātha. The prophecies as such are not to be found here, but it is easy to trace considerable parts of Taranatha's text to the Mañjuśrī-mūla-tantra, the passages of which are stripped of their prophetical garb and appear in the form of ordinary historical data.
Some Ethical Ideals of the Tso-chuan
Authors: Morley Arthur
Published: March 2011

The reader of the Tso-chuan cannot but be impressed by the number of suicides it records. Two instances at least are given of suicide because of the loss of wealth, both by men who had no claim to be considered virtuous—Fu-ch'ai, King of Wu (xn, xxii, 2), and King Ling of Oh'u (x, xiii, 2). I Chiang, marchioness of Wei, preferred death to the disgrace of being superseded in her husband's house (II, xvi, 5). Tsang Chien died on a point of honour. Taken prisoner to Ch'i, the marquis of which State sent a eunuch to condole with him and promise protection, he bowed in acknowledgement, but said: “I thank your master's condescension; the favour, however, is not complete, for why has he sent a castrated servant on a visit of courtesy to an officer ?” Then he drove a stake into his wound and died (IX, xvii, 4). When Wu made its great invasion of Ch'u, the plan of defence drawn up by Marshal Hsü was wrecked through the self-seeking of the Chancellor, and all the marshal's efforts could not retrieve the disaster. After repeated battles he fell wounded, but not mortally. “In each of these three battles,” he said, “I have been wounded, and now I am of no more use. Which of you officers will carry off my head ?” One of low rank at length offered his service, and the marshal, referring to the courage which would face the obloquy of having killed his superior, said: “It is my fault that I did not recognize your worth earlier” (XI, iv, 15).
Hand-List of Islamic Manuscripts acquired by the India Office Library, 1936–8
Authors: Arberry A. J.
Published: March 2011

This manuscript is written in the rather inelegant “Bihari” hand, which C. Stewart quite properly described as “a branch of the Cufick”. The scribe has used a curious colour-scheme for each page, writing line 1 in blue, line 2 in red, lines 3–6 in black, line 7 in red, line 8 in blue, line 9 in red, lines 10–13 in black, line 14 in red, and line 15 in blue: the garish effect is further accentuated by the use of gilt ornaments to mark the verses, sections, etc., and by a minute Persian interlineary translation in red ink. There are rather crude ornamental panels on foil. 1–2, 199–200 (beginning of S. xix), and 412–13. The pages are somewhat damaged by damp, and some have been torn and inexpertly mended. The binding is Indian, of about 1830.
Three Mandaean Phylacteries
Authors: Drower E. S.
Published: March 2011

The following three qmahia are all inscribed on a long, narrow slip of yellowed Persian paper originally kept in a metal tube and worn by the owner. It is number 33 of my collection. The list of copiers together with their genealogies which usually ends such documents is missing and the writing is poor. The scribe makes mistakes, for instance, being unfamiliar with the word lilipiatha he writes at first “liliatha piamana” (nonsense), then several times “liliatha”, but becoming convinced at last that he is mistaken, he transcribes thereafter lilipiatha as written in the roll from which he copied. He occasionally omits a word though it is obvious that he intended to write it. In such cases I have inserted what is missing in brackets. Another peculiarity is that the laqab or worldly name of the person for whom the phylactery was written is given as well as the religious or magical name. In most magic documents the latter alone is given. From the laqab, Shabur br Dahba, it may be deduced that the owner was of the Iranian group of Mandæans who dwell on the banks of the Karun River.
Fragmenta graeca in litteris arabicis: 1. Palladios and Aristotle
Authors: Walzer R.
Published: March 2011

H. Ritter has referred again to the Arabian manuscript Tübingen Weisweiler, nr. 81, in Islam, 21 (1933), p. 91. It contains the only copy hitherto known of the oldest mystic book on the subject of love, the k. 'aṭf al-alif al-ma'lūf 'alā' l-lām al ma'ṭūf of Abū'l-Ḥasan 'Alī b. Muḥammad al-Dailamī. The year of al-Dailamī's death has hitherto not been established; he was a pupil and the rāwī of the well-known author on mysticism, Abū 'Abdallāh Muhammad b. Khafīf (died 371 h. = a.d. 981), therefore probably one of the older contemporaries of Ibn Sīnä (died 428 h. = a.d. 1037). A year ago, Dr. Arberry kindly drew my attention to the fact that this manuscript contained some quotations of ancient authors which could not be traced and which might be worth considering. The opinions of the astronomers, scientists, and on love are discussed in the first part of the book; the passage on the scientists (32b 7–33b 9) is specially interesting, as it offers two hitherto absolutely unknown fragments, one of the last century of the Alexandrian-Greek literature, the other very probably of a lost dialogue of Aristotle.
Analysis of Meaning in the Indian Philosophy of Language
Authors: Varma Siddheshwar
Published: March 2011

Meaning has been defined by the majority of ancient Indian writers on the philosophy of language in terms of a relation. Thus, the great grammarian Nāgeśa Bhaṭṭa defines meaning as a particular relation between the word and the object denoted. This relation is a power, which exists in the object as signifiability, and in the word as significativeness. It is only by the cognition of this relation that the presentation of objects by means of words is possible.
Concerning the Variation of Final Consonants in the Word Families of Tibetan, Kachin, and Chinese
Authors: Wolfenden Stuart N.
Published: March 2011

The purpose of the present somewhat desultory notes may be said to be twofold: firstly, to emphasize the necessity of comparing the word stock of one Indo-Chinese language with that of another by word families only, secondly, to make a preliminary investigation into certain variations of a particular type within such families, as there are here certain anomalies of which very careful note will have to be taken in any comparative work along these lines.
Nirmāṇa-kāya
Authors: Coomaraswamy Ananda K.
Published: March 2011

In the well-known doctrine of the Three Bodies of the Buddha, the physical and earthly manifestation is called a nirmāṇa-kāya, “a body of artifice” or even more literally “a body of measurement”; a body made, then, as images and other works of art are made, by a “measuring out” (root mā). In the Divyâvadāna, ch. xxxvii, the word nimittam is similarly used of the Buddha's appearance which he himself emanates and projects for Rudrâyaṇa's painters, who cannot grasp his likeness unaided. It may be remarked that Indian imagery is always as much or more an iconometry (tālamāna) than an iconography; and that all this has an important bearing on the pragmatic equivalence, in Buddhist iconodule theory, of the verbal, carnal, and fictile manifestations by means of which the Buddha is presented to the world in a likeness. Our present object, however, is rather to point out what has not been generally recognized hitherto, that prototypes of the expressions nirmāṇa-kāya and nimittam occur already in the Brāhmaṇas and Saṁhitās.
A Bisṭāmī-legend
Authors: Arberry A. J.
Published: March 2011

Brockelmann, G.A.L. Erster Supplementband, p. 353, mentions a Kitāb Masā'il al-ruhbān, ascribed to the famous Ṣūfī Abū Yazīd al-Bisṭāmī, of which a copy is preserved in the Āṭafīya Library in Hyderabad. (Two other copies of the same work, one in Hyderabad and one at Istanbul, are recorded ibid. Nachträge, p. 954.) Through the kindness of Dr. Stapleton I have obtained a copy of the Hyderabad manuscript (described in vol. i, p. 388, of the Āṣafīya catalogue), and this transcript is now deposited in the India Office Library, under the serial number 4585.
Canaanite Pronominal Suffixes at Byblos and elsewhere
Authors: Honeyman A. M.
Published: March 2011

In the series of Phœnician inscriptions from Byblos, ranging in date from the thirteenth to the first centuries b.c., there appear words containing pronominal suffixes in forms not observed elsewhere, and on the basis of these forms deductions have been drawn as to the character of the dialect of Byblos and the history of the pronominal suffixes. Some of the peculiarities are more apparent than real. Thus in Byb. 5, 1.6, exhibits in place of the contracted form in or the secondary metanalytic suffix in the form in which is regular in other Canaanite dialects for the third plural masculine suffix after the dual-plural and other words in -ay or -ē. There are no instances of the 3 pl. attached to a singular noun, nor of the 3 f.s. suffix attached to a singular noun. The two examples of the 3 f.s. suffix to the dual-plural noun cannot be treated as forms peculiar to Byblos, for the 3 f.s. suffix to the dual-plural has not been found elsewhere in Phœnician, and in other Canaanite dialects it has a similar form. Erom the evidence considered below it must be inferred that double indication of the plural occurs in Canaanite feminine nouns from the twelfth century on.