bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The head of the Rabbanite, Karaite and Samaritan Jews: on the history of a title
Authors: Sela Shulamit
Published: January 2010

For over a hundred years, scholars of medieval Jewish history have been interested in the history of the headship of the Jews in Egypt. The first among them, relying mostly on literary documents, believed that the ancient accounts about the establishment of the office of the head of the Jews (Nagid) could be traced back to the Fātimid occupation of Egypt (A.D. 969), while recent scholars—having at their disposal a growing stream of historical data from the Cairo Geniza—have ruled out the early establishment of the headship of the Jews (Negidut) because of the silence about this function in the Geniza documents of the first half of the eleventh century.

With the rejection of the early establishment of the headship of the Jews in Egypt, an approach developed which attempted to view the Gaon, head of the Palestinian academy, as the head of the Jews in the Fātimid empire. Now, the rise of the headship of the Jews in Egypt was seen in conjunction with the decline of the Yeshiva of Eretz Israel, at the close of the eleventh century. Lately, scholarship has been enriched by the deciphering of two new Geniza documents related to the office of the headship of the Jews which provide an opportunity for a renewed discussion of two central problems. The first touches upon the old question of putting a date to the establishment of the headship of the Jews in Egypt, and the second, following on from the first, concerns the issue of the status of the Gaon of Eretz Israel during the Fatimid administration.
Çargâh in Turkish classical music: history versus theory
Authors: Wright O.
Published: January 2010

If there has been one dominant, quasi-official theory for Turkish classicalmusic in the second half of the twentieth century, it is that particularlyassociated with Ezgi and Arel. Their notational conventions have becomestandard, supplanting earlier norms, and the framework they developed is theone still employed in recent general accounts of the modal system, whether thesimplified introductory survey of Yilmaz (1983), for example, or the moredetailed and comprehensive coverage of Ozkan (1984). Both of these follow theanalytical models provided by their predecessors, and begin with an expositionofintervals and the various species of tetrachord and pentachord formed from them before moving on to describe the structure of the makams themselves. Thesequence interval, scale, mode, nevertheless forms a conceptual continuum: theintervals denned are restricted to those deemed to occur in Turkish classicalmusic, and the nomenclature of the various species, for all that they appear asabstract assemblages of intervals, identifies them with characteristic segments ofwell-known and important makams.
Physics in an odd idiom: the stoic theory of mixtures in the applied reason of the Mishna
Authors: Neusner Jacob
Published: January 2010

The Mishnah, a philosophical treatise in the form of a law-code produced by sages of Judaism in the Land of Israel at c. A.D. 200, works out in acute detail a set of philosophical principles expressed in general principles in other writings of the same age. These principles emerge only in the medium of practical logic and applied reason, rather than in the philosophical idiom of abstraction and generalization. For example, principles of political economics familiar from Aristotle's writings make their appearance in sustained inquiries into such matters as the nature of profit or interest, the principles of distributive economics enforced in the markets, and profound speculation on the nature of true value. Along these same lines, as I shall show here, the interests of natural philosophy in questions of the physics of mixtures come to expression in the Mishnah's authorship's treatment of the problem of mixtures. True, the facts that require explanation take an odd and even egregious form. While Stoic physics asked about mixtures in the abstract, the Mishnah's authorities addressed the same questions in quite concrete terms, the one speaking of things in general, the other of meat and gravy, water, flour and dough. But the principles of physics that tell us how to differentiate one kind of mixture from another and how, therefore, to draw consequences from the different traits of things that fuse, affect one another in some ways but not in others, or are merely juxtaposed with no mutual affect, are not merely parallel; they are in fact identical.
The role of Qur'ān and ḥadīth in the legal controversy about the rights of a divorced woman during her ‘waiting period’ (‘idda)
Authors: Hawting G. R.
Published: January 2010

In Muslim law one of the topics of dispute which is traced back to some of the earliest authorities, and which persists as a difference between the various madhhabs and sects, concerns the obligations owed by her former husband towards a wife who has been divorced. Schacht attempted a summary of the positions taken in the dispute together with an explanation for them:

The Medinese hold that the definitely divorced wife who is not pregnant, can claim from her former husband only lodging during her period of waiting {‘idda); the Iraqians give her also the right to board. The two doctrines are based on two variants of Koran lxv.6, the Medinese on the textus receptus, the Iraqian on the reading of Ibn Mas‘ūd. When the text of Ibn Mas'ūd was superseded in Iraq by the textus receptus during the reign of the Umaiyad caliph ‘Abdalmalik (A.H. 65–86), this basis of the Iraqian doctrine was forgotten, and Abū Ḥanīfa was reduced to justifying it by an arbitrary interpretation of the textus receptus and by a tradition from ‘Umar.
The Sanskrit fragments of Vinītadeva's Triṃśikā-ṭīkā
Authors: Jaini Padmanabh S.
Published: January 2010

Scholars conversant with the history of the Yogācāra/Vijñnavāda school are familiar with the names of Vasubandhu and his renowned commentator, Sthiramati; the Buddhist logicians Dignāga and Dharmakīrti, who are also associated with that school, are equally well known for their scholastic achievements. A later commentator important in both schools is Vinītadeva (c. 645–715), who has received a great deal of attention in recent years. No less than a dozen of his commentaries, most of them called ṭīkās, are preserved in Tibetan translation. Sylvain Levi's publication in 1925 of Sthiramati's Triṃśikāvijñaptibhāṣya first aroused scholarly interest in Vinītadeva's commentaries. The eminent buddhologist, Theodore Stcherbatsky, was probably the first scholar to study Vinītadeva's work in depth; Stcherbatsky utilized the Tibetan translation of Vinītadeva's Nyāyabinduṭīkā; in his pioneering translation of the Nyāyabindu which appeared in 1930 in his massive two-volume publication, Buddhist logic. The first complete translation of the Tibetan rendering of two of Vinītadeva's ṭīkās, namely, the Viṃśatikā-ṭikā and the Triṃśikā-ṭīkā. was undertaken by Yamaguchi Susumu and Nozawa Josho, respectively; this appeared in Japanese in 1953. More recently, in 1971, M. Gangopadhyaya published a Sanskrit reconstruction with English translation of Vinītadeva's Nyāyabindu-Ṡīkā. A still more recent work appears in the 1975 Ph.D. thesis of Dr. Leslie Kawamura of the University of Saskatchewan.
A Mamlūk petition and a report from the Dīwān al-Jaysh
Authors: Richards D. S.
Published: January 2010

The system of iqṭā', the allotment of the resources of the state, income from land and elsewhere, to individuals to provide them with the means of serving the state, above all in military service, stands out from the pages of the chronicles as the dominant administrative institution of the Mamlūk period; the iqṭā' was the life-blood of the Mamlūk amīrs and the whole military apparatus of the state. All the vast amount of administrative work connected with the iqṭā' system, the assigning and control of, and accounting for, grants, was carried out by the Dīwān al-Jaysh, the Army Bureau. We see some of this work ‘through a glass darkly’ in the chronicles, and we have some very schematic accounts in the scribal handbooks that are available from the period. The operations of such ‘technical’ departments of state were not described by the writers of the handbooks with anything like the same detail as the operations of the Chancery (Dīwān al-Inshā'), because, despite a long tradition of discussion and comparison of their rival merits, which was one of the stock literary themes, the departments of financial and accounting functions were generally considered of lower standing and worth less attention than the Chancery, the bureau in which polite learning and literary talent were at a premium. Hence, examples of the prestigious productions of the Dīwān al-Inshā', treaties, foreign correspondence, diplomas, and decrees, were copied and preserved for their literary interest, in addition to, and sometimes before, their historical interest, and as models for aspiring ‘mandarins’ of the Chancery. There is a smaller, much smaller, amount of Chancery material that has survived in its original form in a few scattered collections of documents.
On the papyrus of Wahb b. Munabbih: an addendum
Authors: Kister M. J.
Published: January 2010

The fragments of the Sīra of Wahb b. Munabbih carefully edited by R. G. Khoury contain some misreadings or misinterpretations, several of which were elucidated in BSOAS, XXXVII, 3, 1974, 545–56. Additional corrections are suggested in the following lines.
Aspects of style and meaning in the analysis of a Hausa Poem
Authors: Furniss G. L
Published: January 2010

Much of modern Hausa verse is either didactic in tone or is written in praise of God, a person, or a political party. Didacticism and praise are often seen as separate descriptive labels for poetry, song or other forms of verbal art. Yet treatment of topic may in fact be very similar in didactic and in praise poetry; certainly in Hausa this is the case. The aspect of treatment that shows this similarity is the association of the message/theme/topic with words conveying the ideas ‘good’, ‘worth’, ‘quality’ or words indicating their opposites ‘bad’, ‘worthlessness’, ‘lack of quality’. This association is made rather in the way that a product is sold by being linked by the advertiser to things ‘attractive’, ‘of value’, ‘of use’, etc., except that the valueloaded words in Hausa are drawn from a moral and religious code very different from those ‘codes’used to sell soap.
The Īlkhān Aḥmad's embassies to Qalāwūn: two contemporary accounts
Authors: Holt P. M.
Published: January 2010

With the accession of Tegüder, alias Ahmad, on the death of his brother Abaqa in 681/1282, the Īlkhānate was for the first time ruled by a Muslim. Consequently the possibility appeared of the establishment of peaceful relations with the rival Mamlūk sultanate under al-Manṣūr Qalāwūn (regn. 678–89/1279–90). Two successive embassies were in fact sent to the sultan during Ahmad's short reign, and accounts of these as seen in Mamlūk court circles are extant in the writings of two contemporaries. The first appears in the largely unpublished biography of Qalāwūn, al-Fadl al-ma'thūr min sīrat al-Malik al-Mansūr by Shāf‚’ b. ‘Alī (649–730/1252–1330), and the second in the published but incomplete biography, Tashrīf al-ayyām wa'l-‘usūr fi sīrat al-Malik al-Mansūr by the maternal uncle of Shāfi'b. ‘Alī, Muhyī al-Dīn Ibn ‘Abd al-Zāhir (620–92/1223–92). Both writers served in the chancery of the sultan in Cairo.
Sogdian thieves
Authors: Mackenzie D. N.
Published: January 2010

Sogdian has two words for ‘thief, robber’, both of good Old Iranian pedigree. From Av. gaδ- there is B. γδ- /γaδ-/, attested in the pl. γδ'yšt, P 6, 14, SCE 312, and in γδ'wny ‘theft’, SCE 331, 426. More common, from SKr., Av. tāyu-, is B. t'y(h), VJ 239, P 2, 1113; 7, 138;24, 2, Chr. ty, C 2 51R.31, pl. S. t'yt (Man.) T i α 2 (Tales, 478), also L 61, 3; 103 R 2, and B. t'y'wny, P 9, 15, L 98a 1, Man. ṯ'ywnyy, BBB e 6‘theft’, B. t'y'yck', VJ 339 ‘stealthily’. But there are more Buddhist thieves, not recognized by the editor of the Paris text P 2, E. Benveniste. Where t'y there occurs, in 1043, 1091 (t'yt)-95, 1100, he adopted R. Gauthiot's earlier interpretation ‘āyatana’, ignoring the difficulty that these—whether ‘abodes’ or ‘senses’ —can hardly 'škr- ‘pursue’, and justifying it by a paper etymology: ‘Le sens est proprement “entrée” (cf. t'ys- “entrer” t'y < t-'y- comme tγ'm “guè” VJ 64e <t-γ'm); ce doit être un calque de chinois jou “entrée”. La preuve [sic] en est que dans Vim. 15, tys “entrée” signifie āyatana d'après le chinois (Weller, As.Maj. X, p. 323).— Différent est naturellement t'y “voleur” 1113’. An *ᾱy- ‘to come’, linked with gam forms, is not found in Sogdian, however, nor for that matter in any other East Iranian language. ‘Āyatana’ is only (once) tys in Sogdian, and *t'y ‘entry’ is a ghost word.
Some Judaeo-Arabic Karaite Fragments In The British Museum Collection
Authors: Ben-Shammai H.
Published: January 2010

This volume of Arabic and Judaeo-Arabic fragments was acquired from M. Shapira in July 1882 along with many Karaite MSS, but unlike them has not been catalogued. From the ‘Descriptive list of acquisitions’ (in MS) at the Department of Oriental Printed Books and Manuscripts, it may be gathered that MSS Or. 2581–2 constituted, when acquired, two volumes, while at a later date 2581 had been divided into two volumes (A and B, described in Margoliouth's Catalogue Nos. 329–30), which fact apparently caused Or. 2582 to be overlooked. However, 10 folios of the MS had already been described by S. Poznański (Festschrift Steinschneider, Leipzig, 1896, 207–8) as being part of maqāla iv of al-Qirqisāni's al-Anwār. This identification was subsequently copied by M. Steinschneider, Die arabische Literatur der Juden, Frankfurt a. M., 1902, 79, and also in the index to Margoliouth's Catalogue of the Hebrew and Samaritan MSS in the BM.
A grammatical sketch of Khamtanga—I
Authors: Appleyard D. L.
Published: January 2010

It is now a century since the publication of Reinisch’s Chamirsprache, which has remained irtually the only source of information we have on this Agaw lanhuage to date. As a result of his acquaintance with a native speaker from Soqota(Säk’wät ’a), whist working in Massawa on his study of Bilin, the northernmost agaw language, Reinisch was able to collect enough information to mproduce a reasonable descripiton of the language. He himself neer had the opporunity to work on chamir in its home environment and was forced to curtail his studies of the language when his informant was obliged to leave Massawa. After the publication of Die Chamirsprache in 1884, no new information on the language until Conti Rossini’s brief description of Khamta was published in 1904, twenty years later. The dialect he recorded is material, though scanty, contains a number of very interesting features, both phonemis and morphological: for example, he cites the only known instance of prefix conjugating erds in Agaw outside Awngi, the southernmost and most divergent mermber of the group. Unfortunately his morphological description is all too cursory and does not permit a proper analysis of this highly idiosyncratic dialect. It may well be that Conti Rossini’s Khamta should be regarded as a separate language from Reinisch’ Chamie, or the Khamtanga dialect presented here. I shall have occasion to return briefly to this question below.
The ‘Annals of Murād II’
Authors: Ménage V. L.
Published: January 2010

It is now some years since Professor Halil İnalcik expressed the hope that a ‘systematic investigation in the library collections of Turkey’ might bring to light, in their original independent form, the fifteenth-century Ottoman ‘calendars’ (taḳvīm) or ‘chronological lists’ whose existence is to be postulated from the analysis of the style and content of the chronicle-texts into which they have evidently been incorporated. The subject of these lists was then much in my mind, so that while I was in Turkey in 1958–91 was on the look-out for such a text. My search, if not ‘systematic’, was fairly thorough; all the same, it was fruitless: I came upon several late examples, to indicate that the chronological list remained a favourite form of compilation beyond the fifteenth century, but no early self-contained text, relating the events of two or three decades, of the type whose existence the chronicles indicated. The kindness of a colleague, however, has now led me in London to what I believe to be the copy of such a text.
Emperor Menelik's phonograph message to Queen Victoria
Authors: Demoz Abraham
Published: January 2010

In 1898 Queen Victoria sent a recording of her voice to the Emperor Menelik of Ethiopia and his Queen, Itege Taitu, together with some phonograph apparatus. The following year Menelik and Taitu returned the compliment by making recordings of their voices and sending them to Queen Victoria. The latter recordings have been preserved in the Royal Library at Windsor Castle, but Queen Victoria's recording was later destroyed on her instructions. The text of her message has, however, been preserved and is reproduced here. The message was dated Osborne, 8 August 1898:

‘I, Victoria, Queen of England, hope your Majesty is in good health. I thank you for the kind reception which you have given to my Envoys, Mr. Rodd and Mr. Harrington. I wish your Majesty and the Empress Taitou all prosperity and success, and I hope that the friendship between our two Empires will constantly increase’.
Notes on Mamlūk horse-archers
Authors: Latham J. D.
Published: January 2010

Throughout the ages from antiquity until modern times the extraordinary prowess of the horse-archers of Asia has excited wonder and admiration in those who have had the opportunity of observing them in action or of hearing of their feats. From the comments of observers and historians, therefore, a reasonably instructive account of their capabilities might be assembled. There can be no doubt, on the other hand, that a picture based solely on data of this kind would have its limitations in that it would capture the impression of what the eye perceived rather than reproduce the details of technique which alone can enable us to distinguish between fact and fiction or probable and improbable in the accounts of our witnesses. By a happy chance the evidence of a Mamlūk writer goes far to fill the lacuna. The source of the testimony is a technical treatise bearing on the training of archers. Entitled Kitāb ghunyat al-ṭullāb fī ma'rifat al-ramy bi 'l-nushshāb, the work was written circa 769/1368 by a certain Ṭaybugha '-Baklamishi '1-Yūnānī, about whom we know almost nothing beyond what can be gleaned from his treatise. Unlike many Arabic technical manuals of a similar kind dating from the later Middle Ages, the Ghunya will bear examination by the expert, for Ṭaybughā has an essentially practical mind and a complete grasp of his subject-matter. To judge from the number of extant MSS—17 are traceable in published works of reference—the work would appear to have been long esteemed throughout the Middle East as an authoritative source of instruction, and it may be surmised that Ṭaybughā's own words provide a clue to one of the reasons for its popularity: ‘Since archery and riding are enjoined by authentic command of the Prophet and since I knew of no work by any predecessor on the subject of shooting from horseback I felt I should accord the two accomplishments joint treatment in a single work, seeking thereby to comply with the command of God and His Messenger and to render a service to those of my brethren who campaign and fight in the jihād’.
British policy in Persia, 1892–1903—I
Authors: Greaves Rose Louise
Published: January 2010

When Lord Salisbury's long administration came to an end in the summer of 1892, there ended also an era in British diplomacy. This was not immediately apparent because the development of the ‘new course’,2 different from Lord Salisbury's, took more than a decade. Lady Gwendolen Cecil has described Lord Salisbury's policy as ‘neighbourliness’. Dame Lillian Penson has called it ‘practical co-operation’. This policy had by 1892 secured for his country a position of political authority in Europe which was unique, in that it ‘owed nothing to military pre-eminence or that subtle manipulation of international jealousies, which was the chief weapon of Prince Bismarck's genius’. Its weakness was that it was his alone and depended for its success upon personal characteristics which could not be passed on to a successor.3
The Works of Shams Al-Dīn Al-Dailamī
Authors: Abbeery A. J.
Published: January 2010

Brockelmann mentions once a certain Shams al-Dịn Abụ Thạbit Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Malik al-Dailamị as author of a treatise entitled Mir'ạt al-arwạh wa-sụrat al-aujạh, 'Erläuterung einer Figur, welche die Einteilung der Welt nach den Vorstellungen der Sîfîs von der hîchsten Region 'îlam al haira wal ‘ilm al maǵhûl bis zur tiefsten mahall aš šaitîn taht al ard darstellt’.1 The unique copy of this curious work is preserved in Gotha; and W. Pertsch when cataloguing it, having seen the entry in Hạjjị Khalịfa in which it is stated that this al-Dailamị composed al-Jam ‘bain al-tauhid wa’l-ta'zim during the year 899 (1493),2 very reasonably gave that date as his floruit. In this Brockelmann duly followed Pertsch.
Mbabaram: a Dying Australian Language
Authors: Dixon Robert M. W.
Published: January 2010

Between October 1963 and August 1964 the writer was engaged in linguistic field-work in the Cairns Rain Forest of North Queensland, while employed as Research Officer by the Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies. Intensive studies were made of the Dyirbal, Giramay, and Mamu languages, and linguistic descriptions of these languages are at present being prepared for publication. In 1942 Tindale had mentioned a language that he called ‘Barbaram’, spoken on top of the Dividing Range about 70 miles inland from Cairns. Entirely on the basis of the 11 words Tindale quoted, it seems, Mbabaram acquired a reputation of mystery, and has been singled out as one of the two Australian languages which seem least able to be fitted into the linguistic pattern of the continent. Recent work by Hale on 30 Cape York languages seemed to emphasize the possible uniqueness of Mbabaram.
Burney's Comments on the Courts of Ava, 1832
Authors: Hall D.G.E.
Published: January 2010

This intriguing document, unsigned, but in Burney's handwriting, is in the Royal Empire Society's collection of Burney Papers. After two years of arduous labours at the Burmese capital Burney had gone to Rangoon in April 1832 to recoup his health, leaving the Residency under the charge of his assistant, E. A. Blundell. In the following September Bhmdell was relieved by Captain H. Macfarquhar, for whom presumably these notes were
written.
Colloquial Chin as a Pronominalized Language
Authors: Henderson Eugénie .J. A.
Published: January 2010

It is over 100 years since Brian Houghton Hodgson was persuaded by what he described as ‘great peculiarities in the use of the pronouns’ in certain
of the languages of the southern Himalayan region to ‘divide the Himalayan races primarily into two groups, distinguished by the respective use of simple or non-pronomenalised [sic], and of complex or pronomenalised languages’. This method of classification was taken over by Sten Konow in the third volume of the Linguistic Survey of India and has been widely accepted by linguists since that time. ‘Pronominalization’ has been taken to mean pronominal usage of a certain kind, particularly within the verbal complex, and has on the whole been regarded as a non-typical feature of Tibeto-Burman languages, probably to be accounted for by alien influences, and restricted, within the Tibeto-Burman family, to the languages grouped together by Konow under
the name ‘Himalayan’.
Shaykh Bālī-Efendi on the ṣafavidsY
Authors: Minorsky V.
Published: January 2010

The contents of the document which forms the main subject of the present article are somewhat slender and cannot be appreciated outside the context of the struggles between the Ottomans and the Safavids for the incorporation of the Turkman tribes settled in the territories separating their states. Many points of the situation await further investigation and our summary will be as brief as the complicated subject admits.

The home of the Ottoman dynasty was in the north-western corner of Anatolia, but, by the middle of the fourteenth century, the Turks had crossed over to the northern side of the Straits and the Balkan territories became the nursery of the Ottoman empire.
Two Unusual Mamluk Metal Works
Authors: Rice D.S.
Published: January 2010

The Museo Civico of Turin possesses an Islamic metal vessel which, so far as I am aware, has not been published but which deserves attention on more than one count. This is a small silver-inlaid bowl (Inv. No. 159) (pis. I-VI, fig. 1). Its circular base measures only 11.1 cm. in diameter, its height 8.3 cm., and its upper aperture 16.5 cm. The walls of the vessel, projecting sharply at about half its height, give it a squat and somewhat unstable appearance.
A Note on the Derivation of Hindi Ūbaṛ Khābaṛ
Authors: Saksena Baburam
Published: January 2010

For the Hindi term ūbaṛ khābaṛ ‘uneven or unshapely place or ground’, no satisfactory derivation has so far been suggested. The expression evidently originates from two words, of which the latter, khdbar, may be connected with Skt. kharva-, Pkt. khabba-, with the -ṛa suffixed as in so many other words of NIA. Skt. kharva- means ‘low, dwarfish’ according to Monier-Williams's Sanskrit-English dictionary, where it is cited from the lexicons, and this meaning may well fit in here.
On the recensions of Uruj's ‘History of the Ottomans’
Authors: Ménage V. L.
Published: January 2010

The so-called ‘Anonymous Chronicles’ of the Ottoman dynasty and the closely related texts which pass under the name of Uruj present formidable problems to an editor, for they are not ‘histories’ in the classical sense, handed down in copies made for scholars by professional copyists, but rather storybooks of the genre of the Baṭṭāl-nāme and the Dānishmend-nāme, written for the edification and entertainment of the ordinary man, so that many a ‘copyist’ was in effect a redactor or even an author, freely paraphrasing his model, adding new stories or alternative versions of old ones, and occasionally stitching together two recensions to make a new and fuller version.
The structure of Rarotongan nominal, negative, and conjunctival pieces
Authors: Buse J. E.
Published: January 2010

The term ‘nominal piece’ is applied here to any utterance stretch denned initially by the presence of any or all of Nominal Classes 1,2, and 3 set up below, and finally either by sentence-closing intonation or a marker indicating the onset of another piece. The terms ‘negative piece’ and ‘conjunctival piece’ are applied to utterance stretches which lie outside the confines of both the nominal piece (as defined above) and the verbal piece (as defined in BSOAS, XXVI, 1, 1962, 152, para. 1). Any Rarotongan utterance is divisible without residue into one or more of these four pieces.
The Left Wing Kuomintang—A Definition
Authors: Chʻên Jerome
Published: January 2010

On 11 March 1925 the dying Dr. Sun Yat-sen signed his will which was witnessed by T. V. Soong, Sun Fo, Chang Chi, Shao Yüan-ch'ung, Tai En-sai, Wu Ching-hêng, Ho Hsiang-ning, Tai Chi-t'ao, and Tsou Lu. Wang Ching-wei, who, according to the text of the will, had taken it down from Dr. Sun's dictation, signed his name immediately after Dr. Sun.
An Indo-Aryan Language of South India: Saurāṣṭra-bhāṣā
Authors: Randle H. N.
Published: January 2010

Since 1880 more than forty publications have been registered in Madras as “Saurāshtranā, the language noticed but not described under the name Paṭṇūlī in the Linguistic Survey of India, vol. vs., 2, pp. 447–8. It is spoken by more than a hundred thousand persons who play an important part in the textile industry of Madras and form a considerable element in the population of Madura and of other towns and localities in the Tamil districts. The great majority of them (89,000 out of 104,000) speak Tamil as a second language. Thurston's Castes and Tribes of South India, vol. vi (1909), gives an account of them in the article “Patnūlkārans”, and for the present purpose it is only necessary to say that according to their own tradition their original home was Surāṣṭra. In A.D. 437–8, as is recorded by a Mandasor inscription, the guild of silk-weavers who had migrated to Mandasor from Lāṭa-viṣaya erected a temple to the Sun (paṭṭavāyir udāraṃ ṥreēṇībhītair bhavanam atulaṃ kāritam), which they repaired in A.D. 473–4, the date of the inscription. It is a reasonable conjecture that they were ancestors of the present Saurāshtrans of South India. The inscription presents them as a self-contained community, in which learning and the martial arts as well as industrial skill were represented, and it may well be that Vatsabhaṭṭi, who composed the epigraphic poem, was himself a member of the ṥrēṇi. They may be supposed to have resided in Mandasor for a time. But long before the place was captured by the Muhammadans in the early fourteenth century the modern Saurāshtrans according to the tradition migrated to the Yādava capital Dēvagiri (Daulatābād). Subsequent migrations led them first to Vijayanagar, and finally into the Tamil country which is now their home. This account of their migrations is said to be preserved in a set form of words used in their marriage ceremonies. That they must have come under Telugu influence is plain from the considerable Telugu element in certain publications. The language which they brought from Lāṭa or Surāṣṭra may therefore have come successively under the influence, first and for a very long time, of Rājasthān forms of speech, and then of Marathi, Telugu and Tamil.
Arya IV
Authors: Bailey H. W.
Published: January 2010

Older Khotanese Saka has the wordjsei'ṇa-, jseiṇa-, jsäṇa-, superlativejsei'ndama-, later Khotanesejseiṇa-, jsaiṇa-, jseṇa-, jseṃṇa-, jsiṃṇa-, jsiṇa-‘small’, of size rendering Sansk.
Some notes on the Sun Tzu
Authors: Lau D. C.
Published: January 2010

For over 2,000 years the Sun tzu has been considered the most authoritative work on the art of warfare, not only in China but also in the neighbouring countries to which Chinese cultural influence extended, particularly in Japan.In Europe the first translation appeared as far back as 1772, but this work by Father J. J. M. Amiot aroused little interest amongst professional sinologues and remained the only translation in the French language. In England, whilethere have been attempts to translate the work in more recent years, Lionel Giles's translation, though far from being satisfactory, has remained the most widely known since its publication in 1910. After half a century, a new attemptat translating this important work is naturally welcome. In the event, it isunfortunate that this new translation by General Samuel B. Griffith has turnedout to be so disappointing. The qualifications of the translator as an expert on the art of war may be taken for granted.
Kh

argū

sh

ī's Manual of Ṣūfism
Authors: Arberry A. J.
Published: January 2010

Through the courtesy of the authorities of the Preussische Staatsbibliothek I have had the opportunity of reading in the India Office Library the apparently unique copy of Abū Sa'd 'Abd al-Malik b. Muhammad b. Ibrāhīm al-Wā'iz al-Khargūshī's manual of Sūfism entitled Tahdhīb al-asrār. Khargūshī, who is otherwise known for his voluminous biography of the Prophet and a treatise on the interpretation of dreams, died at Nīshāpūr in 406/1015 or 4Q7/1016. He is therefore an earlier authority than Sulamī (d. 412/1021), Abu Nu'aim al-Isfahānī (d. 430/1039), and Qushairī (d. 465/1072), but is junior to Sarrāj (d. 378/988), Kalābādhī (d. 385/995), and Abū Tālib al-Makkī (d. 386/996). These comparisons are important, for they show Khargūshī as being a sufficiently early writer in the genre of systematic Sūfism. His name is not included in Nicholson's list of eight authorities for the history of early Sufism, and he does not appear to have received the attention which he deserves; though it is true that he has been utilized by Massignon in his study of Hallaj. The purpose of the present note is to supplement the somewhat exiguous account of the work given by Ahlwardt, and also to estimate the true value of Khargūshī's manual as a primary source.
On the term hsüan chi and the flanged trilobate Jade discs
Authors: Cullen Christopher , Farrer Anne S. L.
Published: January 2010

For many years after its publication in 1912 Berthold Laufer's book Jade: a study in Chinese archaeologh and religion remained a standard reference work for Western scholars. In his third chapter Laufer discusses certain three-lobed jade discs (pl. I); he is in general agreement with the theories of the late-nineteenth-century Chinese scholar Wu Ta-ch'eng , who named the discs hsüan chi and suggested that they were originally intended to be used for astronomical purposes. After Laufer the discussion was taken up by other writers on jade, and was carried a stage further in a series of papers by Henri Michel, beginning in 1947, in which he presented a considerable amount of literary and scientific evidence in support of his interpretation of the astronomical purpose of the discs. Michel's theories were lent additional weight and given a wide circulation by their inclusion in Joseph Needham's survey of Chinese astronomy. Since Michel, those writers who have doubted the astronomical connexions of the discs have nevertheless tended to retain the name huüan chi, which now seems to have become established as the standard term for this particular jade form on museum labels and in archaeological reports in China as well as in the West.
Bal-po and Lho-bal
Authors: Richardson Hugh
Published: January 2010

In current Tibetan Nepal is Bal-po, Bal-po'i yul or Bal-yul. Bal-yul is found in early MSS from Tun-huang: in Choix de documents tibétains conservés à la Bibliothéque Nationals, Pelliot Tibétain (Pell T.), no. 44, mentions Padmasambhava in Bal-yul which may reasonably be seen as Nepal; Bal-yul is named also in Pell T. 1040 and 1285 in an apparently mythical setting Bal-po meaning Nepal appears in the Tibetan Annals in Documents de Touenhouang relatifs à I'histoire du Tibet by Bacot, Thomas and Toussaint (DTH), p. 13, 1. 2, and also, in my opinion, on p. 19, 1. 23. But in other instances, of which there are fourteen between the years A.D. 600 and 723, Professor Tucci considers the identification untenable because of the improbability that Tibetans, who liked to spend the summer and to hunt in high cool places, would choose to spend that time of year in Nepal (Minor Buddhist texts, II, 34, 35). That argument assumes that Bal-po implied only the valley of Kathmandu, but Hsuan Tsang, travelling about A.D. 630, attributed a much larger area—4,000 li—to Nepal and one specific place name in Bal-po—'Bri-'u-tang— mentioned in the years 699 and 725 appears to have been in reach of Zhangzhung which is generally held to be in Western Tibet around Lake Manasarowar. The possibility that all references to Bal-po are to Nepal cannot, therefore, be dismissed too readily.
Argi and the “Tokharians”
Authors: Henning W. B.
Published: January 2010

A Precious fragment amongst the treasures in the possession of the Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften in Berlin contains a Sogdian “List of nations” (nāfnāmak), the edition of which I am preparing. Two names, however, call for a special study: (1) denoting a people in the Oxus-region, obviously the inhabitants of Toxāristān, and (2) ‘rkcyk, mentioned immediately after Kāšγar, Khotan, and Kučā.
Nādir Shāh's Campaigns in 'Omān, 1737–1744
Authors: Lockhaet Laurence
Published: January 2010

Mīrzā Mahdī the biographer of Nādir Shāh, gives but little information on the subject of the Iranian campaigns in 'Omān during the period 1737 to 1744, probably because 'Omān was, relatively speaking, merely a secondary theatre of war and because Nādir did not go there in person. Fasa'I, in his Fārsnāma-yi-Nāsirī, also devotes but little space to the subject, notwithstanding the fact that Muhammad Taqī Khān Shīrāzī, the Beglarbegi of Fārs, played a prominent part in the campaigns.
A False Jayhānī
Authors: Minorsky V.
Published: January 2010

1. Jayhdn¯'s Lost Work

ABŪ ‘ABDILLĀH MUḤAMMAD IBN AḤMAD AL-JAYHĀNĪ, who in 302/914 became vazir to the infant Samanid king of Bukhara, was the author of the celebrated geographical work Kitāb al-mas¯lik wal-mamālīk. According to Muqaddasi, this opus magnum was in seven volumes and in it one found incorporated “ the whole of Ibn Khurdādhbih's original work ”. Muqaddasi himself saw it in Fars in ‘Adud al-daula's library. He also saw in Khorasan an abridgment of this geography, one copy of which was attributed to I. Khurdādhbih, and the other (somewhat expanded) to Jayhānī.

Jayhānī's work has not come down to us, probably on account of its bulkiness, and we know it only through the references found in numerous authors belonging chiefly to the eastern part of the Islamic world. These quotations—both those acknowledged by the borrowers, and those which are unacknowledged—have been closely scrutinized and now it would seem about time that they should be collected in a special treatise, similar to the theses published on classical authors who are known to us only in excerpts.

In 1923, in the library attached to the sanctuary of Mashhad, A. Z. Validi found a new copy of Ibn al-Faqīh's Kitāb al-buldān, more complete than the abridgment which de Goeje published in BGA., v. The discovery in itself was highly interesting and the discoverer published a responsible account of it in 1924. Yet two years later rumors, based on mere hearsay, announced the discovery of the original Jayhani. In point of fact, the Mashhad MS. (212 ff.) proved to contain only the second, and still abridged, part of Ibn al-Faqīh (roughly corresponding to pp. 173–330 of the printed edition), and of Jayhānī the only real news was that in 309/921 Ibn Fadlān was his guest in Bukhara, as recorded in the traveller's own introduction to his journey.
Phonology of the Sinhalese Inscriptions up to the End of the Tenth Century
Authors: Wijeratne P. B. F.
Published: January 2010

1. GEIGER, in his SghG., § 21, remarks “Vowel-levelling rests on the same tendency of making the vowels of a word uniform as the vowel-assimilation. It is the equalization in two successive syllables of a —i (e) and i (e) —a to e —e, and of a — u (o) and u (o) — a to o — o.”

This term “Vowel-levelling ” is redundant, for if this term is to be used it should apply equally well to vowel-assimilation. It is clear that, for instance, a — e: e — e or a — o: o — oisas much vowel-assimilation as, for instance, i — u: u —u or u —i:i —i. It is also difficult to reconcile the fact that a — i, which was shown to become i — i [cf. § 14], or i —a, which was shown to become a —a [cf. § 18], should also become e — e, and again that a —u, which was shown to become u — u [cf. § 15], or u —a, which was shown to become a —a [cf. § 21], should also become o — o. This e —e and o —o are not direct developments in Sgh. but are the result of contaminations which are discussed under the various categories given below, and therefore Geiger's theory of “Vowel-levelling ” falls to the ground. These contaminations are due on the one hand to the influence of loan-words and on the other to the instability in the development of Sk. s and Sk. h in Sgh.
Malay History from Chinese Sources
Authors: Winstedt E. O.
Published: January 2010

In an article on the Malay Founder of Malacca (Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, vol. xii, pts. 3 and 4, 1948) I used the Suma Oriental of Tomé Pires to advance the view that the Portuguese and Chinese were wrong in failing to identify the Parameswara with Megat Iskandar Shah, the Mukans-autirsha or, better, Mou-wa-kan-sa-yu-li-eul-cha of the Chinese.

I suggested that all the evidence went to show they were not father and son but the same ruler with the different titles he bore before and after conversion to Islam, and that this founder of Malacca died in 1424.

In a posthumous article in Toung Pao (vol. xxxviii) Paul Pelliot (p. 168) notes the further point (which is not apparent from Groeneveldt's Notes: Essays on Indochina, 2nd ser., vol. 1) that, according to the Ming-chan tsang and Ming Che, Megat Iskandar Shah visited China in 1414 to announce the death of his father and ask for investiture; but that according to the Chou-yu tcheoutseu lou (8,136) and Ming-chan tsang it was in 1419. This discrepancy confirms my doubt as to the accuracy of the Chinese chroniclers, who seem to have construed every Malay visit as an act of homage.

Paul Pelliot (p. 169) gives another case where the Chinese sources are obviously inaccurate. The Ming Che (325, 3a-4b) records events of 1474, then of 1481, and continues that “some time after” two envoys Lin Jong and Houang K'ien-heng were sent to invest “the son of the king, Ma-ha-mou-cha” (Groeneveldt's “Mahamusa”).
“Ju-shih Lun” — a logical treatise ascribed to Vasubandhu
Authors: Vassiliev Boris
Published: January 2010

Chinese scholars have lately devoted considerable attention to the history of Logic in their country, more especially to the history of its Buddhist branch.

Hsüen-tsang's school, which was translating and commenting on the Buddhist Canon, drew its attention to the logical literature, issuing a whole series of valuable translations and commentaries. It is to that school, so far as we know, that belongs the first attempt of the Chinese to understand the history of Indian logic. Chinese tradition considersDignāga's system, partly completed by his disciple Śankaraswāmi, to be the final stage in the development of Indian logic. Chinese authors knew nothing of its further development. Logic before Dignaga, according to the Chinese conception of it, was divided into two periods: the first—non-Buddhist period—connected with the name of Akṣapāda, and the second—Buddhist one-connected with that of Vasubandhu.
The Blazons of the “Baptistere de Saint Louis”
Authors: Rice D. S.
Published: January 2010

The inlaid bronze basin in the Musée du Louvre known as the “ Baptistère de St. Louis ” is generally recognized as a masterpiece of Islamic metalwork. So far, published photographs and drawings have failed to do it justice. Almost the whole surface of the vessel, both outside and inside, is engraved with court-scenes, battles and hunting expeditions set out in harmoniously composed panels and medallions, framed by narrower friezes of beasts of the chase, and enriched with delicately chased silver inlay and gold leaf, in such manner as to allow the bronze to appear only in narrow contours, brought into relief by the use of a black bituminous inlay (Pl. 5).

The basin is signed in several places, and one signature, in calligraphic Mamlī, reads “ Work of the Master (al-mu'allim) Muhammad ibn al-Zain ”, but nowhere is the name of the owner of this magnificent vessel to be discovered. Nor is the owner's name given on the only other signed work of the same artist which has come down to us. Neither of these pieces bears the laudatory or benedictory inscriptions so common on Islamic metalwork.

Arab biographers rarely regarded outstanding artists, other than calligraphers, as worthy of inclusion in their biographical dictionaries. Their works yield no information about Muhammad ibn al-Zain and therefore none which might lead us to identify his patron. We must adopt a different method if we wish to discover for whom this princely vessel was originally made.

The earliest European reference to this basin appears to be an entry in Piganiol de la Force's Description de Paris, published in 1742.
Irano-Indica III
Authors: Bailey H. W.
Published: January 2010

1. śāra-

IN BSOAS 13. 130–1 I pointed out the Indian manaraǵa- ‘ boy ‘, attested only by the pluralmanarein Niya Kharoṣṭhī, as a bye-form of the Indian māṇava- (with -ka)‘ Brahman boy ’. I noted too that the Kharoṣṭhī word gave the explanation of the Agnean manark ‘ Brahman boy ’, of which the meaning made an Indian origin plausible. I pointed also to Niya kaṣara, corresponding to Central Indian kaṣāya- ‘ yellow robe ‘, whose connexion with Agnean kāṣār is now well-known.

That recognition of the Middle Indian influence in Central Asia is most important can, I think, be shown also in connexion with another word, familiar in just such Buddhist texts as were brought into Central Asia by Buddhist communities. It is decidedly necessary to search out all such intrusive Indian material before the vocabularies of Central Asian languages can be used for wider purposes, historīcal or linguistic in Indo-European comparative grammar. And such material is itself of great importance for the history of Indian culture in Central Asia. Naturally it is in cultural, specifically Buddhist, terms that the Indian element is most prominent.

The word I propose to consider here is attested in Sanskrit śāṭa-s, śāṭaka-s, -m, śāṭtī, śāṭīkā ‘ piece of cloth, garment’, snāna-śāṭaka- ‘ bathing robe ’,śiraḥśāṭaka- ‘ head-cloth ’, well known in Central Indian literature. Beside the Brahmanical literature we have in Jaina books, Ovavāiya-sutta 54 s¯ṭiya-; Antagaṭa-dasāo (translation L. D. Barnett, p. 67) sāṭaa-; and Ratnachandraji gives in his Ardḥamāgadhī Dictionary sāṭa- ‘ garment’, sāṭaga-, sāṭaa- ‘ upper garment’, sāṭī ‘ garment’, sāṭiyā ‘ upper garment worn by ladies ’, sāṭilla- ‘ silken garment’, sāṭollaya-‘ upper garment’.
Un sens peu commun d'ijmā‘ chez Avicenne
Authors: Janssens Herman F.
Published: January 2010

Au début de ses 'Išārāt, Avicenne a défini l'objet de la logique en ces termes: “Le but de la logique, c'est qu'il y ait chez l'homme un instrument servant de règle, dont l'observation l'empêche d'errer dans sa pensée. J'entends là par pensée ce qui accompagne la préparation de l'homme à passer de choses présentes dans son esprit, —sous forme de concept ou de jugement, comportant un assentiment fondé sur la science ou l'opinion ou sur le postulat et l'admission,—à des choses qui n'y sont pas présentes.”
High Officials of the Ming: A Note on the Ch'i Ch'ing Nien Piao of the Ming History
Authors: Speenkel O. Beekelbach V. D.
Published: January 2010

The Ming History compiled by Chang T'ing-yü and his colleagues and completed in 1736 is the first of the Standard Histories (īE Chêng Shih) to include among its tables a Ch'i Ch'ing Nien Piao or Chronological Table of the Seven High Officials. This table, which occupies two chapters of the Ming Shih (111 and 112; 12 and 13 of the section Piao), lists all the officials who successively held office as Presidents of the Six Boards (Liu Pu Shang-shu) and Censors of the Left and Eight (T so Yu Tu-yu-shih).
Modern Maltese Literature
Authors: Dessoulavy C. L.
Published: January 2010

The present is perhaps a good time to recall some of the vicissitudes of the Maltese tongue. Close on a century ago G. P. Badger wrote: “As a dialect of Arabic, the present Maltese spoken at Gozo and the casals of Malta is nearly as good as that of any other Arabic country, and it is sad to observe how little it is appreciated by the people. With a little cultivation the Maltese might possess a written language which would yield to none in the beauty of its phrases and the extent of its vocabulary.” Of the few then existing schools he remarks: “All instruction being communicated in the Italian the Maltese child cannot begin his studies on a par with the children of other countries, because he must first learn a language entirely different from his own as a means of acquiring the knowledge he seeks after”.
Some Aspects of the Conflicts of Religion in China during the Six Dynasties and T'ang Periods
Authors: Edwards E.
Published: January 2010

In the whole history of religious controversy in China there never was a period when the Chinese phrase I kuo san hung; wu shui shih ts'ung1: “One state, three leaders; whom should I follow ?” was more applicable than that which succeeded the introduction of Buddhism in the first century of our era. To understand the conditions of the period in question it is necessary to review briefly the situation before Buddhism arrived. Europeans have long been familiar with the early religion of China as described in the classics; but accepted interpretations are being revised in the light of modern archæological and ethnological research.