bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Pattern of the Days in Ancient Rome
Authors: Broughall M. S.
Published: July 2013

Time is a pattern of passing days. There are bright days and dark, and days that have the unobtrusive colour of a background; but each day must begin, and sequences of days, such as the week, have fresh beginnings. This web of repetition, inwoven with the various colours of the days, makes the pattern of time by which we think and plan; for without beginnings there would be no time, and without repetition there can be no pattern. It is a fascinating occupation to try to call up from the past the pattern by which the ancient Romans thought, a pattern agreeably varied, with monthly festivals recurring at fixed but irregular intervals, and market-day every eight days irrespective of the months. The heavens themselves provide a pattern for mankind with day and night, stars and the seasons, and the revolutions of the moon and sun; and man makes markets to be held at stated intervals, and markets make a week. There is refreshment in irregular interruptions, but in the prospect of a regular break there is repose of spirit; and it is pleasant to know that from very early times the Romans profited by both. It is impossible to say how early. The origin of such institutions was already lost by the first century b.c., and our earliest information comes from the researches of Varro, the antiquary of that epoch. The fullest comes from five centuries later, when Macrobius, for his delight and ours, assembled from the works of earlier writers a choice medley of uncertain lore. It seems probable, however, that both markets and monthly dates were in existence by the beginning of the Republic. To this point we may look then for the main lines of the pattern, sparse here, and simple; at later times it is found filled in and shaded, with added detail; and under the Empire another pattern is to be seen coming through alongside of and unrelated to the first, and in the end predominating: the pattern of the modern week.
Simichidas
Authors: Hose H. F.
Published: July 2013

It is more than a hundred years since the walls of Athens were pulled down to the sound of the flute, since Euripides died, since the fresh, vigorous, political life of Athens passed into the era of orators and philosophers. And even the era of orators and philosophers has lost its power and originality, and no Greek city has taken the place of Athens. The Greek world is a scene of courts and kings, or of effete democracies where the orators cannot even talk as well as Demosthenes. The empire of Alexander has passed over the eastern Mediterranean. Alexandria is growing into a great capital, a civilized capital, a city with a great city population, with library, scholars, critics, and great learning, under the protection of a court. Its poets are elegant imitators, polished elegists, or epigrammatists, and there seems no prospect of a new birth of poetry. The Aegean islands are quiet. No more desperate struggles for liberty: no strains of Sappho or Archilochus. The most interesting island is perhaps Cos, an island fertile and beautiful, famous for its vines and weaving of fine stuffs. It has a close connexion with the Alexandrian court and forms a kind of ‘Villegiatura’ for it. There is in the island a famous school of medicine, and also a literary coterie, with Philetas as its leader, and Philetas is struck with the quaint idea of disguising himself and his friends as shepherds in the poems they write about each other. The idea seems an amusing device for escaping from the academic atmosphere of Alexandria.
Nationalism and Internationalism in the Ancient World
Authors: Rollo Wm.
Published: July 2013

We read and hear so much about our debt to Greece and Rome in the worlds of literature, law, and language that we are apt to forget that included in the legacy of the Ancient World to us is, to mention only one instance, the problem of the Franco-German frontier. Ought we to be glad the Romans stopped at the Rhine? Would things be better if they had gone farther? It was the defeat of Varus at the Teutoberger Wood that settled the frontier for the Romans; and Augustus with his plaintive cry of ‘Varus, Varus, give me back my legions’ determined once and for all to stop at the Rhine, and so left the Romanized Gauls and Germans in France and the free Germans across the Rhine as a thorny problem for all future time. Where the future is unknown, the present so uncertain, it is to the past we must turn for some definite foundation on which to build.
Classical v. Modern
Authors: Ellingham C. J.
Published: July 2013

Perhaps we teachers of the Classics protest too much, and our habit of reading papers to one another on the importance of our subject awakens a suspicion that we talk to cover our uneasiness. But since our usual pleas are the discipline of Latin prose writing and the value of the study of Greek culture, it may strengthen our case to discuss instead the quality of Classical poetry, and fight the Battle of the Books once more.
‘Hysteron-Proteron’
Authors: Dunlop W. W. C.
Published: July 2013

The inversion, or, as I prefer to call it, the apparent inversion, of the order of events in time is a phenomenon frequently encountered in the reading of Greek and Latin authors. I suppose the case which is first encountered by most of us is the famous ‘moriamur et in media arma ruamus’ of Virgil, Aen. ii. 353.
Party Politics and Free Speech in Democratic Athens
Authors: Pearson Lionel
Published: July 2013

One of the privileges which the Athenians prized very highly was parrhesia—the right of free speech. From the foundation of the democracy until the dangers of uncensored speech in the Pelopon-nesian War made some restraint advisable this privilege remained unimpaired, and it is an important part of their political, if not of their social, system. The recognition of this right of free speech should mean that no grievance need remain unspoken, and that politicians could be well informed about the state of public opinion.
Translating Poetry
Authors: Oldaker W. H.
Published: July 2013

To take a piece of simple narrative prose and render everything in it in another language, not only the words but the implications in them and in their order, is a difficult thing. To do the same thing for a piece of verse, when metre and perhaps rhyme have to be taken into account, is still more difficult; and if the verse has attained to that subtle dignity and magic which enables us to call it real poetry, the difficulties are again increased.
The Ascent of Olympus
Authors: Fergusson Margaret B.
Published: July 2013

Olympus as an idea pervades Greek literature: Olympus as a mountain of earth and stone seems to have been little considered. Unlike Delphi, it was neither a Mecca to which pilgrims travelled nor a Jerusalem for which they would wage a Holy War. Apparently it did not occur to Greeks to climb mountains unless they wanted to get to the other side. Pausanias in his comprehensive wanderings mentions Olympus only to say that lions from Thrace used to roam there, and that an athlete once unarmed slew a lion, a great and mighty beast, on the mountain. The successor of Pausanias, Herr Baedeker, omits Olympus entirely: Le Guide Bleu to Greece informs us that ‘l'exploration méthodique de l'Olympe ne remonte pas au delà de la fin du XVIIIe siècle et début du XIXe’, and recommends Marcel Kurz, Le Mont Olympe, as the best book on the subject.
Valerius Flaccus—Poet of Romance
Authors: Martin J. M. K.
Published: July 2013

The period of the Flavian emperors (A.D. 69–96) was distinguished by a notable revival of epic poetry. No fewer than three poets, whose work is extant, flourished contemporaneously—Statius, Valerius, and Silius. It was indeed an age of literary figures, including Martial, Pliny the Younger, Quin-tilian, and Tacitus. Statius and Valerius are interesting as epic poets in that they broke away from the tradition of national and patriotic poetry prescribed for their art from the time of Ennius. Silius, on the other hand, remained true to the convention of Latin epic, and, in an age when the stimulus of national pride was losing its effect on poetry, produced a long poem that lacked originality and inspiration.
Roman Strategy and Tactics From 509 to 202 b.c. (cont)
Authors: Meiklejohn K. W.
Published: July 2013

The First Punic War is a record of a dismal wastage of human life and of strategic ineptitude. Briefly the Roman mistakes may be summed up as follows. First, the popular assembly which accepted the alliance with Messana seems to have failed to realize that the Carthaginians were bound to try to eject them from Sicily; to fight Carthage Rome needed a navy; she had none of her own and even in the treaty with Hiero asked for no naval assistance. Secondly, Rome made her struggle in Sicily much harder because she alienated all the Greeks by her ungenerous treaty with Hiero and by the massacre of non-combatants at Agrigentum. Thirdly, she was very slow to realize that the only way to get the Carthaginians out of Sicily was to strike at Africa; Agathocles in 310 had already pointed the way. Fourthly, Regulus failed to enlist willing Numidians in his cavalry, although a strong cavalry was essential on the plains of Africa. Fifthly, Regulus was left with far too small a force. Lastly, Rome continued to change the command and appoint inexperienced men, though few were quite so incompetent as Regulus who, when faced by the elephants and phalanx of Xanthippus, massed his legionaries, thus making them an easy prey to the Carthaginian battering ram.
Portrait of a Millionaire—Callias Son of Hipponicus
Authors: Freeman Kathleen
Published: July 2013

Callias, son of Hipponicus, inherited the greatest fortune of his day, lived throughout the latter half of the fifth century and the first thirty years of the fourth century, spent his money lavishly, and died poor, or at least a good deal poorer. He must have been a prominent personage in Athens, yet owing to his lack of interest in politics and war, one hears little of him in history books. He presents a small problem to the biographer: there are two sources of information about him, one friendly, one hostile, and the fitting together of the two into a portrait is an entertaining occupation.
Aristotle's Theory of Poetry
Authors: Armstrong Angus
Published: July 2013

Aristotle's theory of poetry is based upon two main propositions: the first, that poetry is imitation (μίμησις), and the second, that it aims at universality. The first of these propositions has seemed so shocking to modern aestheticians that they have endeavoured to modify it by translating μίμησις as ‘representation’, or, like Mr. Carritt, suggesting that what Aristotle was trying to say was that poetry is expression, as in Croce's theory of art as the expression of feeling. Yet Aristotle himself makes it quite clear that he did mean imitation by μίμησις, for in explanation he speaks of ‘making likenesses’ (ἀπεικάʒοντες) of objects. He also describes how painters and poets make likenesses which are better or worse than, or exactly like the real people, and discusses the enjoyment which we derive from looking at likenesses (εἰκόνας) even of things which are most unpleasant in real life. This shows that Aristotle was not thinking of ‘expression’ in the modern aesthetic sense.
John Milton's Copy of Euripides
Authors: Christie J. T.
Published: July 2013

Milton was obviously well versed, by the standards of his time, in the Greek Tragedians, but more in Euripides than in the other two. ‘Sad Electra's poet’ in Sonnet 8 refers to Euripides, not Sophocles.
Spoken Greek
Authors: Loader W. R
Published: July 2013

It has been suggested that there is less difference between ancient Greek and modern Greek than between present-day English and Chaucer's language. The suggestion is somewhat questionable. Broadly speaking, apart from dialects and local variations, there are presently three languages in Greece, the Kathareuousa, the Demotiki, and the popular newspaper language, which is a blend of the two.

The Kathareuousa is the official and formal language, used in Government publications and statements, business correspondence, non-fictional books and treatises, law courts, University lectures, and in formal conversation. And although its grammatical structure is analytic as opposed to the synthesis of ancient Greek (a change which constitutes the main difference between classical and modern Greek, as it does between other modern and ancient languages), in the Kathareuousa the most strenuous attempt has been made to maintain the accidence and vocabulary of the ancient language.

Words are declined and verbs conjugated (without some of their more difficult and less used moods and tenses) as in Attic Greek, pronouns and prepositions and the cases governed by them are the same, and while, naturally, many terms which describe things known only to the modern world are not to be found in Liddell and Scott, they are generally legitimate and intelligible compounds of words which are to be found in Liddell and Scott. Ἀɛροπλἁνoν for aeroplane, ἀɛρòσTαtoν for balloon, are instances which come easily to mind.
Greek and the Factory Worker
Authors: Carey R. M.
Published: July 2013

About a year ago a group of Rugby School masters planned a short residential course for factory workers; and Shakespeare, History, Poetry, Religion, Music, and Geography seemed the obvious subjects to choose. In addition, a few lectures on Classics were proposed and provoked the inevitable reaction: ‘surely that's dead; why can't you bury it?’, ‘the world has passed through that phase’, and so on. But in spite of these protests six lectures, each lasting an hour, were allotted to the Civilization of Ancient Greece.

As general organizer I regarded these lectures as the most interesting feature of the course: it is perhaps relevant to add that I had read very little Greek since taking Matriculation thirty years before, and so I felt sufficiently detached to judge impartially. It was easy to guess that in prospect these lectures would be unpopular; and indeed, before the first, I heard students saying that no one expected to enjoy the Greek. So we decided to watch carefully; and if, after three lectures, there were little interest shown, then we were prepared to cancel the remainder. But it was soon abundantly clear that there was no risk of failure, and by the third lecture Greek was evidently one of the most successful features of a course that was enjoyed by all. Here are a few sentences from various letters sent by the students after the course: ‘I thought that the subjects were too “classic”, especially the last one (Ancient Greek civilization)…. Now I know that these subjects are vital for anyone who is to get the most out of life’; ‘Doors were opened to me into new worlds of delight’, meaning poetry and classics; ‘What a change from technical studies which unfortunately resume next week: I now feel that I want to give up engineering… gave me the incentive to go farther afield and delve deeper into the classics’; ‘Two weeks of exquisite delight’… with later special reference to the Greek class; ‘Greek culture and literature for instance seemed such dry subjects before, but now I realize how much we can learn from them and how very similar their problems were to those confronting us to-day.’
My Lady's Toilet
Authors: Walton F. T.
Published: July 2013

The modern miss will sometimes ask, ‘Did the ladies in ancient Greece and Rome use “make-up”?’ They most certainly did. It would, indeed, be true to say that nearly all modern artificial aids to beauty had their counterparts in classical antiquity: hair, eyebrows, eyelids, eyelashes, and cheeks all had their own ‘preparations’ guaranteed to enhance woman's natural charms.

In Homer, both sexes after washing anoint themselves with oil, but of cosmetics in the usual sense of the word there is no trace. Soon, however, the Greek ladies, finding, we are told, that the sedentary life imposed upon them by convention caused their complexions to fade, eagerly adopted those devices that the Eastern races had so long employed to add to their charms; and it is clear that the ladies of Rome became even more enthusiastic than their sisters in Athens in their endeavours to improve upon nature.

Frequently my lady did not bother to use cosmetics when at home—Quando videri vult formosa domi? Juvenal asks in disgust—but on special occasions, or when going to meet an admirer, she appeared in all her brilliance. The aid of white lead (Ψרμύθιοѵ, cerussa) was often called upon to produce a fair complexion, although its use cannot have been wholly free from risk; or a chalky powder (creta) was employed. Means of reddening the cheeks were obtained from the alkanet root (ἂγχoυνσα)—a dye which is still used to-day; from the crushed fruit of the mulberry (συκἁμινoν, morum) or the elderberry(acinus ebuli); from the poppy (papaver); and from a plant which we cannot identify (παιέρως) but which was guaranteed to give ‘that schoolgirl complexion’ a darker tint could be obtained from a composite preparation known as purpurissum.
Why no more Latin?
Authors: Bentliff D. G.
Published: July 2013

Mr. melluish's vigorous plea for the restoration of Latin to an honoured place in the school curriculum cuts through the mists of apologetic defeatism and loose thinking which have in recent years befogged discussion of pre-certificate Latin. The Four-Year Course was imposed on classical teachers by the fact that the majority of boys and girls in secondary schools left at the age of sixteen, or at any rate dropped Latin after taking the School Certificate Examination. What was really an evil to be fought against has been erected into a sort of permanent educational article of faith, and would-be reformers have been trying in various ways to put the quart of Latin (or substitutes and dilutions thereof) into the pint pot of the pre-certificate curriculum.

There were those (and the writer confesses he has been one of them) who would have tried to teach their pupils to run before they could walk. Less formal grammar and less English into Latin, it was argued, would leave more time for the reading of Latin authors, that is, for the enjoyment of Latin literature and an understanding of Roman culture. Herein lay two fallacies. In the first place, Latin authors cannot be read with any facility or, indeed, at all, until the pupil has mastered the elements of Latin accidence and syntax. This, in spite of modern methods, remains a formidable task for the average boy or girl, calling for a great deal of hard work. It is, therefore, misleading to suggest that up to the School Certificate stage much more is possible than the acquisition of the essential preliminaries.
Some Stage Conventions in the Classics Or How to Start the Wheels Turning
Authors: Andrewes M.
Published: July 2013

If you were setting out to write a play you would at an early stage have to decide how to begin. That is to say, once your plot and characters had taken shape, you would have to determine how to introduce your audience to sufficient basic facts for them to appreciate the situation at the opening of the play and the relevance of fresh developments as they occurred. Moreover, you would aim to do this in a manner which was both economical and dramatic; and you would probably discover that your two aims were inconsistent. A bald exposition of the present position and past history of the more important characters would be economical in time but unsuited to the stage; whereas dramatic dialogue, of sufficient length to allow of the necessary knowledge being imparted indirectly to the audience, is apt to be verbose and disproportionately long.

In a modern play we should expect to find that any second- or thirdrate playwright has a slick enough technique to have resolved this discrepancy with a fair degree of success. But it was not always so; and this paper is largely concerned with the history of the tug-of-war between the two aims—the economical and concise exposition on the one hand and, on the other, the more leisurely and more properly dramatic build-up of the situation by natural explanatory dialogue and incidental allusions between characters on the stage.

For Aeschylus, the problem does not really arise in the form in which it faces his successors.
Some Very Odd Latin
Authors: Mattingly Harold
Published: July 2013

The lives of the Emperors from Hadrian to Carus, usually grouped together under the title of Scriptores Historiae Augustae, offer a strange problem to the historian. They purport to be addressed to the Emperors Diocletian and Constantine and to be the work of six distinct writers, Aelius Spartianus, Julius Capitolinus, Vulcacius Gallicanus, Aelius Lampridius, Trebellius Pollio, and Flavius Vopiscus. In fact, they betray occasional evidences of a much later date—whether the age of Julian the Apostate, the age of Theodosius the Great, or one later still. There seems to be a growing agreement that the six independent authors are not to be taken too seriously—at least, that the work, based on material of various dates, finally saw the light through the agency of a single editor. Let us, however, leave the headaches to the historians and see if we can find a laugh for the latinist amid the strange variations of idiom which our mysterious historians permit themselves. The oddest usages probably belong to the hypothetical ‘final’ editor: but even oddity has its variations and I seem to detect such variations here. It should be a serious task for some student of Latin to investigate the problem of date from the linguistic point of view.

There is a strange freedom in the use of cases. Accusative of motion towards is not limited to ‘towns and small islands’: civitatem veniens ‘coming to the city’ (Severus 22. 6), Asiam primum venit (Gallicanus 2. 6), orientem redire (Alexander Severus 63. 5). In with accusative is found where in with ablative is expected: habet in potestatem Thracios (Claudius 15. 2), dispatches quae in urbem ingentem laetitiam fecerunt (Maximinus 24. 6), or we may find ablatives where we expect accusatives: in loco Maximini Gordianus sufficiatus (Maximinus 26. 4).
Trial by Combat Among the Greeks
Authors: Armstrong A. MacC.
Published: July 2013

The heroic age of Greece, like the heroic age of western Europe, practised trial by combat. For a combat to be judicial (a) it must be single combat, (b) it must be of numinous import, as evidenced among the Greeks by a connexion with divination in the form of oracle or prophecy, and (c) there must be a dispute the issue of which is to depend on the result of the combat. Not all single combat is judicial, for such a combat may be fought simply for honour and not to decide a dispute, as when Hector and Ajax fight on a challenge of Hector's to the best of the Achaeans to decide which shall have the honour of killing the other and bearing his arms away in triumph (Iliad H 77–83).

The institution of judicial combat is illustrated by a golden passage in the Iliad in Book Γ describing the duel between Menelaus and Paris. The Achaeans and the Trojans agree, after a challenge by Paris, that Menelaus and Paris shall fight in single combat, the terms being that if Paris kills Menelaus he is to retain Helen and her possessions, while if Menelaus kills Paris, then the Trojans are to return Helen and her possessions and pay the Achaeans a proper recompense. After performing the due rites Agamemnon formally recites these terms and threatens to fight to the end if the Trojans should break their word. Hector and Odysseus mark out a space and settle by lot which of the two combatants is to throw his spear first, while the Trojan and Achaean spectators pray to Zeus for death to the man who is responsible for bringing all the trouble on them.
Juvenal's Big-Fish Satire
Authors: Thomson J. O.
Published: July 2013

Horace puts in the mouth of Ofellus a sermon on plain living. Healthy hunger, says the honest yeoman, is content with ordinary fare; gluttons would like to see a big fish in a big dish,

porrectum magno magnum spectare catino,

but may the south wind turn their dainties bad, though the freshest turbot is already stale for a jaded appetite:

praesentes austri, coquite horum obsonia, quamquam putet aper rhombusque recens, mala copia quando aegrum sollicitat stomachum.

So Sat. ii. 2. 39–43: let us call the passage (a). He adds that he mentions turbots in particular because they happen to be more in fashion nowadays than sturgeons (46–48). Later in the same satire he talks (b) of the scandal and expense of big turbots and big dishes,

grandes rhombi patinaeque grande ferunt una cum damno dedecus. (95–96)

In another satire, an ironical lecture on cookery, we hear (c) that it is a gross fault to buy a big fish very dear and then serve it shabbily in too small a dish,

immane est vitium dare milia terna macello. angustoque vagos piscis urgere catino. (ii. 4. 76–77)

(The conventional translation of rhombus as a turbot has been retained, though it may well be some other fish.)

Juvenal, Satire iv, tells how a huge turbot was caught in the Adriatic off Ancona and hurried south to Alba as a gift to the Emperor. Fisherman and fish are promptly granted audience,

spectant admissa obsonia patres, (64)

and Domitian summons his Cabinet to discuss what is to be done with the treasure trove.
Eumenius of Autun
Authors: Maguinness W. S.
Published: July 2013

Autun stands on the left bank of the Arroux, in the north-western corner of the département of Saône-et-Loire. Mont Beuvray, about fifteen miles away, roughly to the west, preserves the name of Bibracte, the capital of the Aedui. About forty years after the meeting at Bibracte of the assembly which, to the annoyance of the Aedui, conferred the command of the Gallic forces upon Vercingetorix (Caesar, B.G. vii. 63), the ancient capital was abolished. Its inhabitants were transferred to the newly established Augustodunum, a specimen of bureaucratic town-planning on an ambitious scale, perpetuating the name of the ruler under whom it was conceived. The Aedui had long been on specially friendly terms with Rome. Caesar (B.G. i. 33. 2) and Tacitus (Ann. xi. 25. 2.) refer to the ‘bond of brotherhood’ between the two states, and Tacitus (ibid.) mentions an ‘ancient treaty’, which must have been in existence as early as 121 B.C. (Livy, Epit. 61, ‘Aeduorum … sociorum populi Romani’). This ‘fraternity’ was still remembered in the fourth century A.D. (see Panegyrici Latini, viii (W. Baehrens, v), 2, ‘plurimis senatusconsultis fratres populi Romani appellati sunt’). That an anti-Roman party, however, existed is shown by the activities of Dumnorix (Caesar, B.G. i. 9. 16–20 and v. 6–7), and an Aeduan, Iulius Sacrouir, was one of the leaders in the Gallic revolt against Tiberius in A.D. 21 (Tacitus, Ann. iii. 40–46). Nothing in Tacitus' account of this event is more interesting than his evidence for the fact that in A.D. 21 Augustodunum was already what we should call a University town—‘Augustodunum caput gentis armatis cohortibus Sacrouir occupauerat ut nobilissimam Galliarum subolem, liberalibus studiis ibi operatam, et eo pignore parentes propinquosque eorum adiungeret; simul arma occulte fabricata iuuentuti dispertit’ (ibid. 43).
The Foundations of the Roman Empire
Authors: Malden R. H.
Published: July 2013

Everyone knows that the Emperor Constantine (306–37) made Christianity the official religion of the Empire. The religious aspect of that act does not concern us now. But it will be appropriate to say something about the events which led to it. It is only possible to govern upon the basis of respect for authority: that is, in the long run, by consent.
The Alpha and the Omega: Martial IX. 95
Authors: Carrington A. G.
Published: July 2013

‘Athenagoras was Alphius before, now he becomes Olphius after that he has married a wife.’ (Translated by Walter C. A. Ker, Loeb edition.)
Roman Education in the Late Republic and Early Empire
Authors: Eyre J. J.
Published: July 2013

Early Roman education had been based on the mos maiorum rather than on reason, the guiding light of Greek education. It had been education not so much for intellectual achievement as for a clearly envisaged type of character, summed up in the word gravitas. A Roman, learning a way of life rather than a body of formal knowledge, was ‘usu … et domesticis praeceptis multo magis eruditus quam litteris’. This training was conducted largely by the father and was entirely un-supervised by the state, hi contrast with education in Hellenistic cities, whence, by 100 b.c., many new ideas had come. Such training, however, though suitable for a rural community, was bound to change when Rome became a city and when foreign campaigns during the expansion of her empire took fathers away from home for months on end. Moreover the influence which had been exerted from an early date by the near-by cities of Magna Graecia began to increase after the capture of Tarentum in 272 b.c., and the result of Rome's successive conquests of Sicily, Macedonia, Greece, and Asia during the third and second centuries was so great an increase of Greek culture in Roman life that Horace was finally able to say ‘Graecia capta ferum captorem cepit et artis | intulit agresti Latio’.
The Party of Peisistratos
Authors: French A.
Published: July 2013

In spite of the high reputation which Solon enjoyed in ancient times as a conciliator, the record shows the collapse of his plans for social stability in his own lifetime. This collapse was perhaps caused by events beyond his control or influence, and if it was social and economic change in Attica subsequent to his reforms that brought about a new revolutionary situation, and opened the way for the tyranny, the question is, What changes of such a nature took place in this period? In this connexion it would be well to review very briefly what evidence we have about Peisistratos' following in Attica.
Eternal City
Authors: Ellis D. B.
Published: July 2013

It almost seems a sort of impertinence to add yet another layer to the many records (recently estimated as numbering some 230,000 books) of Roman experiences and impressions. Can there possibly be any vision of the Eternal City, any reaction to its manifold variety and continuity, which has not already been set down, romantically or painstakingly according to the writer's ability? Yet it may be that each new generation, even each new visitor, enjoys a private and different view of Rome, and experiences something unfelt by the multitudes of previous explorers. To attempt to translate that vision, to reduce it to words for others to share, is a sure recipe for another attack of nostalgia; and who would wish to escape that?
Virgil's Periplus of Latium
Authors: Tilly Bertha
Published: July 2013

It is not perhaps generally recognized that the description of the coast of Latium in the seventh book of the Aeneid, in the passage which is often called ‘The Gathering of the Clans’, is in the form of a periplus—literally, ‘a sailing round’. The places and natural features are named in order from the mouth of the Tiber as far as Tarracina (modern Terracina) as if they were seen from the sea by one coasting along the shore. Accounts of this kind are frequent in ancient geographers. Virgil followed a familiar pattern in the six Unes in which this stretch of coast is described:

‘Those who plough thy glades, Tiberinus, and the sacred shore of the Numicus, and work the Rutulian hills with the ploughshare, and Circe's ridge, the fields over which Jupiter Anxurus holds sway, and Feronia rejoicing in her green grove; where lies Satura's unhealthy marsh, and cool through sunken valleys Ufens seeks his way, and is lost in the sea.’
The Taming of Knemon: Being the concluding scene of Menander's Dyskolos
Authors: Fay H. C.
Published: July 2013

Earlier in the play GETAS (a slave) and SIKON (a hired cook), endeavouring to borrow from the misanthropic KNEMON utensils for a sacrifice and picnic in the grotto of Pan and the Nymphs, were repelled with insults and blows. The accident of falling into his own well and being rescued has so far debilitated and humbled KNEMON that he consents to his daughter's wedding; but he still refuses to attend the celebrations in the grotto, and retires to bed in his own house. Here his long-suffering attendant SIMICHE deserts him, and leaves him to the mercy of GETAs and SIKON.
Fata Deum and the Action of the Aeneid
Authors: Tracy H. L.
Published: July 2013

In laying out the plot of the Aeneid there were certain features to which Virgil was committed. They were connected with plot, treatment, and theme. As to plot: the outlines of Aeneas' wanderings from Troy to Tiber were so well known that Virgil was bound to follow them fairly closely. They were to Virgil what Holinshed's Chronicles were to Shakespeare. As to treatment: by current literary etiquette, a writer of epic was obliged to follow established models, especially those of Homer, both in the larger design and in the shaping of notable incidents. As to theme: the essential purpose of the Aeneid was to show that Aeneas was a man of destiny, called by the gods to lead a chosen people to an appointed home in Italy.
Khushhal Khan Togatus: A Pathan Poet in Roman Dress
Authors: Howell Evelyn
Published: July 2013

KhushhalKhan, hereditary Khan of the Khatak tribe of Pathans, lived from a.d. 1613 to 1689. For the first half of his long life Khushhal enjoyed the favour, and in some degree the friendship, of the Mogul Emperor Shah Jehan, whose feudatory he was and to whose state he did some service. But in 1658 Aurarigzeb succeeded to the throne, having defeated and deposed his father. With that Khushhal's fortunes began to decline, and in 1664 he was arrested, clapped in irons, and sent down into Hindustan, where he spent five weary years in captivity. Having somehow procured his release, he laid himself out for revenge, and began to play a part not unlike that of William Wallace or Owen Glendower. The rebellion which he fomented by his pen and furthered by his sword can be counted as not least among the causes which on the death of Aurangzeb brought about the dramatic downfall of the Great Moguls. This in turn opened the way for the East India Company to become the paramount power in India.
Ancient and Modern Greek
Authors: Newton B. E.
Published: July 2013

A question which occurs frequently to classical students and others concerns the relation between ancient and modern Greek. It is the purpose of the present article to indicate in as brief a fashion as possible the lines on which the question might be approached.

Perhaps the most amazing thing about Greek is that in the period over which our written records extend—in over three millennia, since the decipherment of Linear B—it has changed so little. Whereas a student of Latin would be ill-equipped to read a modern Italian newspaper, a person with a good working knowledge of classical Greek would not only find an Athenian newspaper intelligible for the most part, but would be amazed at the remarkable likenesses between the ancient and the modern languages. For the vocabulary of a Greek newspaper is probably 99 per cent, of classical origin and modern Greek has retained much of the cumbersome grammar of the ancient language—and ancient Greek has got a cumbersome grammar, when we consider that its verb has over four hundred forms as compared to sixty or so in French and two in Afrikaans. Thus the declension of φίλος is precisely the same now (except for the absence of the dual, which was obsolescent in Xenophon's day, and of the dative) as it was in the fifth century B.c. The conjugation of the present of ἒχω is identical with that of the classical verb, although the third plural ending -ουσι occurs mostly dialectically, e.g. in Cypriot, and has been largely replaced by -ουν.
The Imperfect Parallel Betwixt Painting and Poetry
Authors: Spencer T. J. B.
Published: July 2013

In 1695, in the last decade of his literary activity, Dryden borrowed (as he tells us) two months from his Virgil, and published a prose translation of the Latin poem De Arte Graphicâ by the Frenchman, Charles Dufresnoy; and to it he prefixed his well-known essay, ‘A Parallel betwixt Painting and Poetry’. Among Dryden's critical writings, this may justly be regarded as the worst. Here Swift's jibe about the Prefaces seems to be justified—how they were

meerly writ at first for filling,

To raise the Volume's Price, a Shilling.
Death in Greek Tragedy
Authors: Sri Pathmanathan R.
Published: July 2013

Of the many reasons, religious, aesthetic, and technical, generally adduced to explain the apparent reluctance of Greek tragedians to represent the moment of death on the stage, none seems to me to give sufficient weight to certain dramatic exigencies internal to the context of the plays themselves in which such deaths occur. The issue has too often been obscured by tenuous assumptions about the scarcity of professional actors (as if the total pool of professionals which the dramatist could draw upon was restricted to three), religious taboos associated with the celebration of the Great Dionysia and other festivals, the squeamishness of Greek theatre audiences, or the practical difficulties of stage management. It is not my intention to discuss these assumptions in detail. Some of them have already been effectively refuted, others may in fact have influenced consciously or unconsciously the presentation of particular death scenes. For no one denies that there are many problems connected with the presentation of death on the stage, and even the modern playwright, in spite of all the illusionist resources of the modern theatre, may well boggle at the attempt. Further, the passage from life to death must seem at a certain level a trivial activity in comparison with the tremendous impact it has on the dead person's immediate circle of friends and relations. Violent death and its gory accompaniments may well appeal to sensational melodrama but the Greek dramatist could justly have considered its representation per se as μιαρόν and ἀτεχνότατον τῆς ποιητικῆς. However, the real point at issue is whether the Greek tragedian went out of his way to get round the presentation of the moment of death for reasons external to the dramatic context. I shall try to show in this paper that whenever a character is apparently hustled out of sight for the purpose of being killed, some internal dramatic consideration was in fact uppermost in the playwright's mind.
The Aims of Alexander
Authors: Brunt P. A.
Published: July 2013

SirWilliam Tarn wrote that ‘the primary reason why Alexander invaded Persia was, no doubt, that he never thought ofnotdoing it; it was his inheritance’. The invasion had been planned and begun by Philip. It was, in name, a Panhellenic enterprise, to exact retribution for the devastation wrought by Xerxes in Greece and to liberate the Greeks of Asia Minor. These aims Alexander faithfully fulfilled. From the spoils of the Granicus he dedicated three hundred Persian panoplies to Athens' tutelary goddess; he sent back to Athens the statues of Harmo-dius and Aristogiton which Xerxes had carried off to Susa; and he excused the burning of Persepolis as a reprisal for the sack of Athens. The Panhellenic war was then over, and Alexander sent the Greek contingents home (A. iii. 19. 5). In general he freed the Greek cities of Asia from the control of satraps; they were to pay no taxes, to receive no garrisons and to live under their own laws. By expelling tyrants or oligarchs and setting up democratic governments, he not only removed the partisans of Persia from power but did homage to the growing tendency in Greece to equate freedom with democracy. The gratitude of the liberated cities was long-enduring; it was here that his cult survived into Roman times. In reality of course they were as much subject to his will as less privileged subjects. And to Greek cities that opposed him he was less accommodating. Halicarnassus and Aspendus, which certainly counted as Greek, were subjected to his satraps. They could be treated as disloyal to the Panhellenic cause, like the captive mercenaries who fought against him at the Granicus and who were sent back in chains to forced labour in Macedon. But Alexander was not always so merciless. He spared the mercenaries who were holding out against him on an island in the harbour of Miletus, and enlisted them in his own army; it would not have been easy to take the island by force. Sentiment and principle gave way to his own interests, as they always did.
Caesar as an Imperialist
Authors: Sherwin-White A. N.
Published: July 2013

So much is written nowadays about the propagandist element in Caesar's Commentaries, and his supposed misrepresentation of his own actions, that it is almost forgotten that he provides the only contemporary narrative of a major Roman imperialist war, and that by its principal agent. The obscure record of the wars of Augustus has been subjected to a severe scrutiny, and the most diverse and recondite theories propounded about his purposes. But this long and detailed account of the greatest single extension of the Roman Empire has hardly been examined seriously for the things that its author was not concerned to conceal—the springs and purposes and means of that new form of imperialism that under Pompey, Caesar, and Augustus converted the Roman dominion from a suzerainty over a maritime fringe of Mediterranean provinces into a solid and broad-based continental empire. Caesar is most valuable in his admissions, for he admits such actions,; methods, and objectives as were commonly approved by the opinion of the governing class, whether political friends or enemies.
Miser Catulle: An Interpretation of the Eighth Poem of Catullus
Authors: Rowland R. L.
Published: July 2013

The eighth poem of Catullus is in many ways fundamental to our understanding of the poet; in it can be seen something not only of his methods but also of his approach both to his poetry and to the experience which he attempted to express through it. It is possible, by thinking in terms of ‘the Catullan experience’, to be led to overemphasize particular aspects of it at the expense of others and to attempt to find in one particular experience or set of experiences a clue to the man and his poetry. Such an approach may be fruitful; it may throw light on particular aspects of Catullus; but unless we remember that our results can only be partial, there is a danger that we may think we understand him when we do not.
The Myth of Europa and Minos
Authors: Andrews P. B. S.
Published: July 2013

Europa was the daughter of Phoinix or Agenor, king of Phoenice, and Telephassa; her brother was Cadmos. Zeus came in the form of a bull and carried her away to Crete, where she gave birth to Minos, also Rhadamanthys and Sarpedon the elder. Afterwards she married Asterios (or Asterion), who reared her children.
Quintilian: A Biographical Sketch
Authors: Clarke M. L.
Published: July 2013

Calagurris, the modern Calahorra, is situated by the river Ebro about two hundred miles inland, in what in Roman times was the province of Hispania Citerior or Tarraconensis. Here Quintilian was born some time in the fourth decade of the Christian era. If it were not that his birthplace is recorded by later writers, we should be quite unaware of it. There is nothing in the Institutio Oratoria to suggest that its author was a Spaniard, and though there is no reason why he should have referred to his home country in a treatise on rhetorical education, his work includes just enough personal reminiscence to make it a little surprising that he did not. Moreover, on the rare occasions when he refers to Spain he gives no hint of any connexion with the country. It would be rash to assume that he was ashamed of his Spanish birth, but perhaps long residence in Rome had weakened his consciousness of provincial origin. At the same time we can perhaps see in him certain provincial qualities.
The Maltese Dog
Authors: Busuttil J.
Published: July 2013

The Μελιταῖον κυνίδιον, as the very word κυνίδιον or its Latin equivalent, catulus, suggests, was a little lap-dog. It was so small that Aristotle compares it with an ἴκτις or marten and Aelian with the Indian Phattage. People commonly called it νανούδιον—a little dwarf. It was a well-proportioned, flat, long-haired dog with a bushy tail and a sharp nose of the type of the Spitz or Pomerian. We are also informed that it barked in a squeaky voice.
Rhetoric and Criticism
Authors: Russell D. A.
Published: July 2013

The words ‘rhetoric’ and ‘rhetorical influence’ come readily enough to the tongue when people talk of Greek and Latin literature, but all too often a great vagueness hangs about them; one is seldom sure whether they are being used historically with reference to certain facts of ancient education or as terms of abuse for some ‘insincerity’ or ‘artificiality’ in literature which the speaker invites us to deplore. My object here is to supply a few facts about the ancient rhetoricians and their intentions, and then to add some observations about the relevance of what they were doing to our own understanding of the ancient writers. Most of what I say is about Greek rather than Latin rhetoric, but I shall of course draw on Latin material, which, for some parts of the subject, is both more abundant and more intelligent than what survives hi Greek. Richard Volkmann, on whose great book we still depend, confessed that the only way by which he came to understand what rhetoric meant to the ancients, and to feel that he had in his hands an ‘Ariadne's thread’ to the labyrinth, was by the repeated reading of Quintilian.
Phormio Parasitvs: A Study in Dramatic Methods of Characterization
Authors: Arnott W. Geoffrey
Published: July 2013

The Phormio, if we consider it from the viewpoint of artistic originality, is the least interesting of all Terence's works, because more than any other it approximates to the conventional type of New Comedy. Although it is characterized by a very complicated intrigue full of vivacity and animation, it lacks any particular delicacy in the psychological delineation of the characters.—M. R. Posani, ‘Il Formione di Terenzio’, Atene e Roma, ix (1941), 29.
Odyssean Echoes in Propertius IV. 8
Authors: Evans S.
Published: July 2013

In iv. i. 64 Propertius calls himself a Roman Callimachus, and it is part of the Callimachean method to echo and mock epic style. There seems to be a good example of this in Book Four, which the commentators appear to have overlooked.
Umbrian Rimbaud
Authors: Mackay L. A.
Published: July 2013

How old was Propertius when he wrote the Cynthia? It makes a difference to our understanding and appreciation of the poems. The poet's handling of language, and the lover's relations with his mistress, will be differently viewed if we guess his age at the date of publication as twenty-five or twenty-six, and if we calculate it at fifteen or sixteen, as seems to me more probable. The date of his birth is unknown; topical allusions in the poems indicate a date before which a poem would not have been written, but do not indicate how much later it was published as part of a book. ‘The Augustan poets—and, probably, other poets in other ages—when they published a book did not trouble to bring every detail in it “up to date” or to eliminate from it everything that had been appropriate at the time of writing but proved less appropriate at the moment of publication’ (E. Fraenkel, Horace (Oxford, 1957), 287). Nor have we any assurance that a poem published in Book Two or Book Three was written later, whether in its original or in its final form, than any poem in Book One. A poem rejected, for whatever reason, from an early collection, may fit quite well, perhaps after reworking, into a later one.
Herodotus
Authors: De Ste. Croix G. E. M.
Published: July 2013

History as we know it (I mean historiography, the writing of history) may in a very real sense be said to have been invented by the Greeks, and it was a creation of the fifth centuryB.c.The earliest historian whose works we possess–indeed, the earliest of all historians in the proper sense–is Herodotus of Halicarnassus, who wrote during the third quarter of the fifth century; and the greatest of all Greek historians, Thucydides the Athenian, wrote in the next generation, roughly in the last thirty years of the fifth century.