bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Why the Soviets Buy the Weapons They Do
Authors: Evangelista Matthew A.
Published: July 2006

The authors of three recent books attempt to account for Soviet military developments by exploring a wide range of possible explanations. In Soviet Strategic Forces, Berman and Baker adopt a“requirements“approach; they argue that the Soviet strategic posture has developed mainly in response to threats generated by the West. Andrew Cockburn, in The Threat, maintains that internal factors—in particular, bureaucratic politics and the workings of the military-industrial complex—are responsible for Soviet weapons decisions. David Holloway's more eclectic explanation, in The Soviet Union and the Arms Race, describes both the internal and external determinants of Soviet military policy. The evolution of Soviet regional nuclear policy, and particularly the deployment of the SS-20 missile, can be accounted for by several different explanations—indicating a problem of overdetermination of causes. One way to resolve this problem is by adopting a framework developed by James Kurth to explain U.S. weapons procurement. It suggests that the“modes of causation” for Soviet weapons decisions are generally the opposite of those for American decisions. This generalization is consistent with what an analysis based on the relative strengths of state and societal forces in the two countries would predict.
Changing Aspirations, Limited Attention, and War
Authors: Anderson Paul A. , McKeown Timothy J.
Published: July 2006

The authors present a theory of the general enabling conditions for war which predicts that war is possible, though not inevitable, when the conditions of the theory are satisfied. Whether a war will actually occur depends upon the idiosyncratic situational factors that are outside the scope of the theory. Three conditions make war possible: (i) Aspirations do not match achievements: governments only initiate wars when their achieved share of global capabilities differs from their aspired share of capabilities. (2) Salience: governments only initiate wars against other governments when there is a history of substantial interaction. (3) Power: governments never initiate wars against other governments that have a substantially greater military capacity. These conditions may be viewed as a series of three filters that identify pairs of countries between which war is possible. The theory predicts that wars will not occur in any dyad that does not pass through all the filters. In testing this theory for all nations between 1816 and 1980, the authors allowed for the fact that governments may preemptively initiate wars against other governments that meet these conditions.
Iran's Islamic Revolution in Comparative Perspective
Authors: Arjomand Said Amir
Published: July 2006

The Islamic Revolution in Iran is analyzed as the latest of the “great revolutions” in a comparative perspective ranging from the early modern European revolutions to fascism. The analysis highlights the neglected importance of reactive elements, communal solidarities, and tradition in a wide variety of revolutions and revolutionary movements. Comparative inferences bring out the serious deficiency of the Marxian theory of revolution as well as of those structural theories of revolution that focus exclusively on the state. By contrast, these inferences underline the significance of ideology, religion, and culture. Finally it is argued that the emergence of a distinct Islamic revolutionary ideology can only be understood as a part of the process of crystallization of the revolutionary ideology in Western Europe and its spread to the rest of the world.
Economic Rights and Distributive Justice in Developing Societies
Authors: Beitz Charles R.
Published: July 2006

This essay seeks to answer an important question of normative political theory concerning the developing countries: What claims to economic benefits are people justified in pressing against governments that are preoccupied with the development of their economies? Two alternative principles of distributive justice—the principle of maximizing growth and the principle of minimizing poverty—are examined with special reference to the circumstances of developing societies. An attempt is made to bring intergenerational considerations systematically to bear on the problem of economic rights in the present. It is concluded that there is an absolute minimum level of welfare to which everyone is entitled, and that this level is usefully conceived in terms of “basic needs.”
Political Regime and Economic Actors: The Response of Firms to the End of Colonial Rule
Authors: Kahler Miles
Published: July 2006

The relationship between economic system and political regime has recently reemerged as a central issue in social science. An examination of the political perceptions and actions of individual firms and of sectors during the uncertainties of decolonization permits a new approach to this question, using the concept of political exposure. The firm or sector characteristics that are associated with greater political exposure are assessed. Political preferences cannot be equated with either political action or outcomes, however. The links between capitalism and political regime require further refinement and qualification.
Realism, Game Theory, and Cooperation
Authors: Jervis Robert
Published: July 2006

Recent work has focused on the problem of how states cooperate in the environment of anarchy. Linked to the ideas of the Prisoners' Dilemma and public goods, that work has provided important insights and lines of research. But it also has problems and limitations, which are explored in the paper. The anarchy approach stresses individual actors' choices and slights questions of how issues are posed and constrained. It takes preferences as given without exploring either the frequency of PD situations or the ways in which preferences are formed and can change. Many of the concepts the framework uses—e.g., cooperation and defection, the distinction between offense and defense, and the nature of power—are problematical. Issues of beliefs, perceptions, norms, and values also lead to a different perspective on cooperation.
Tacit Bargaining and Arms Control
Authors: Downs George W. , Rocke David M.
Published: July 2006

Astate bargains tacitly with another state when it attempts to manipulate the latter's policy choices through its behavior rather than by relying on formal or informal diplomatic exchanges. The process is tacit because actions rather than rhetoric constitute the critical medium of communication; it is bargaining and not coercion because the actions are aimed at influencing an outcome that can only be achieved through some measure of joint, voluntary behavior. Obviously, states rarely rely on either purely tacit or purely formal negotiation. However, the theory of tacit bargaining does not become totally inapplicable when there is verbal or written communication between the principals. It simply becomes increasingly relevant as states rely more on actions than on conventional negotiation. Examples of tacit bargaining are plentiful in international relations: a retaliatory tariff is announced in response to trade barriers; a state at war refrains from using chemical weapons or from bombing nonmilitary targets in the hope that its opponent will behave similarly; an austerity program is implemented by a financially troubled government in order to convince foreign banks that they should continue to extend credit.
Struggle for the Turf
Authors: Trofimenko Henry
Published: July 2006

For anyone whose job is to study the United States, the memoirs of its statesmen provide more than merely entertaining reading. They not only give you a closer insight into the “kitchen” of statesmanship and political decision making; they also provide an opportunity to check the assumptions and paradigms that were constructed earlier to analyze the policy of any particular administration. The memoirs confirm that in spite of hundreds of books and thousands of articles in the U.S. press that discuss specific policies, as well as daily debates in Congress and its committees, press conferences, and official statements, the policy process is not as open as it might seem at first glance. Rather, American foreign policy is made within a very restricted circle of the “initiated”—official and unofficial presidential advisers, including selected members of the Cabinet.
Theories of Nationalism and Historical Explanation
Authors: Waldron Arthur N.
Published: July 2006

Self-Proclaimed nationalist movements have been active since the 19th century; the history of nations, most would agree, can be traced back a good deal further. The importance of nationalism as a force in shaping the modern world seems undeniable, and as an idea, it continues to exhibit great intellectual potency.
Corporatism, Pluralism, and Professional Memory
Authors: Almond G. A.
Published: July 2006

Organizing interests in Western Europe is part of the third wave of interest group studies to appear since the development of professional political science at the turn of the century. The first wave was mainly an American phenomenon; the second an effort to export interest group studies to Europe and elsewhere as part of a movement intended to encourage greater realism and less ideologism in European and comparative political studies. The Organizing Interests team has produced a useful book focused in substantial part on the theme of neocorporatism. The authors have not connected their work with the substantial body of earlier interest group research.
Competing Images of the Soviet Union
Authors: Posen Barry R.
Published: July 2006

Two American debates on foreign policy and national security. The Reagan administration and those who share its ideology see today's Soviet Union as not much different from yesterday's, and yesterday's Soviet Union as not much different from Nazi Germany. Like its progenitors in the 1930s, the modern Soviet Union is a “totalitarian” state, and therefore by nature expansionist, armed to the teeth, disposed to violence, fond of diplomatic tests of political will, and—as a consequence of all these factors —hard to deter and harder to beat. A different view prevails among most of the arms control community, the NATO allies, and some American academics. In its foreign policy, the Soviet Union is seen as a fairly typical great power whose behavior in international politics can be explained by the mixture of fear, greed, and stupidity that has characterized most great powers in the past as they have tried to secure their borders and pursue their interests in a world without law. It does not like to take great risks, it fears war, and it is, at worst, opportunistically expansionist. In sharp contrast to Nazi Germany, the Soviet Union is more conservative than reckless; if anything, nuclear weapons have reinforced this conservatism.
Technology Transfer: West-South Perspective
Authors: Poznanski Kazimierz Z.
Published: July 2006

Technology transfer is becoming an increasingly controversial issue in world politics. After many years of enthusiasm among both importers and exporters of technology, views have started to diversify, and the parties involved have found themselves in conflict. The most visible element of the current controversy is the disillusionment among the countries of the South regarding the ease with which they expected to become industrialized through the importation of Western technology. There are also some signs of disappointment in the West, especially in the United States, where the fear has arisen that the exported technology may be underpriced and that the competitive position of the United States may be eroding relative to that of the importing countries. In this article, I will deal with only one dimension of the current debate—namely, the experience of developing countries as importers of technology from the West.
Political Use of Recognition: The Influence of the International System
Authors: Peterson M. J.
Published: July 2006

This article inquires into changes in the distribution of power and the extent of ideologically based conflict in the international system as they affect one aspect of international law, the recognition of new governments. These effects are assessed by analyzing instances in which recognition is used as a device for expressing opinions about or securing specific commitments from a new government. An examination of such instances since 1815 leads to the conclusions that (a) the distribution of power makes a difference only when the international system, or the new government's regional subsystem, is dominated by one strong power; (b) the extent of ideological conflict has a significant effect on expressions of opinion; and (c) a number of addictional factors also affect all political uses of recognition.
China's Soviet Watchers in the 1980s: A New Era in Scholarship
Authors: Rozman Gilbert
Published: July 2006

What are Chinese scholars writing about internal developments in the Soviet Union? Are they positive or negative in their assessments of each stage of Soviet history, from the early leadership of Lenin to the recent accession of Gorbachev? What are the consequences that changing Chinese attitudes are likely to have for Sino-Soviet relations? After a quarter-century of the Sino-Soviet split, foreign observers no longer need to grasp at tiny straws of information, or to rely solely on a small number of official documents and authoritative articles. The study of new, published sources can add substantially to our understanding of international perceptions in the socialist world, and can bring us nearer to the elusive goal of learning about debates on foreign policy in communist-led countries. Academic journals and books from the late 1960s in the Soviet Union, and from 1979 in China, present an impressively detailed and intriguingly lively literature on the problems of socialism in the other country. Having previously examined Soviet writings on China, I will introduce Chinese publications on the Soviet Union in this article.
Origins of the Modern World System: A Missing Link
Authors: Zolberg Aristide R.
Published: July 2006

The paper situates the recent attempt by Immanuel Wallerstein to provide a theoretical account of the emergence of the modern world system in the broader context of contemporary social scientific controversies, exposes the major flaws in the work, and suggests elements of an alternative framework that provides a sounder foundation for the construction of macroanalytic theories of social change. The inadequacies of Waller-stein's theory are revealed on the basis of internal evidence: he treats force as an unaccountable “error factor” which often determinatively shaped relationships among European states as well as between them and the larger world; and he does not account satisfactorily for the structure and the boundaries of the system, nor for the position specific countries came to occupy within it, nor for regime variation among them. The concurrent formation of several states must be considered an irreducible particularity of medieval European social organization. Interactive effects among them shaped the course of each during the early modern period and simultaneously contributed to the emergence of a system of states with its own dynamic. Since these political processes contributed as much to the formation of the modern world system as the economic processes emphasized by Wallerstein, theories of the system's origins and subsequent development must be founded on the notion of co-determination.
Intelligence and Warning: Implications and Lessons of the Falkland Islands War
Authors: Hopple Gerald W.
Published: July 2006

Was the Falkland conflict either preventable or predictable? Based on the available evidence, it is apparent that the British could not have been expected to foresee the outbreak of the war. Both Argentina and Britain relied on simplistic and misleading preconceptions or strategic assumptions, leading to a war that might have been avoidable. Issues of conflict and crisis warning are illuminated in this essay, and the Falklands War is related to past instances of “warning failure” and surprise attack. The crucial importance of the strategic logic of decision makers is emphasized. In addition, the lessons of the war for the 1980s highlight the changing nature of the international systemic context and the heightened prospects for crisis and conflict both between allies and within the third world.
Failure, Defeat, Debacle: U.S. Policy in the Middle East
Authors: Binder Leonard
Published: July 2006

Revolution, war, and political stalemate in the Middle East have led many analysts to declare U.S. policy in the Middle East a failure. To a considerable extent this failure is attributed to an unwillingness to use the area experts who have the requisite knowledge. Often, however, knowledge, intelligence, and analysis are conflated. Frequently, expertise and advocacy are confused. In practice it is difficult to separate scientific knowledge from partisan ideological commitment. Hence the close association between government and the social scientific/area studies community may well defeat the purpose of providing objective and institutionally neutral bases for policy making. Despite some recent trends toward linking the enhanced funding of area studies with more direct service of the needs of government agencies, it may actually be more desirable to explore better ways of detaching area studies from the institutional establishment and the policy orientations of the current National Defense Education Act system.
State Autonomy or Class Domination: Approaches to Administrative Politics in Wilhelmine Germany
Authors: Bonham Gary
Published: July 2006

Despite increased interest in the political role of the state, attention is currently shifting away from the state's contribution to political development in Wilhelmine Germany. There are, however, a number of unresolved questions concerning the Wilhelmine state bureaucracy's role in German politics that make the abandonment of political analyses of the state premature. Earlier approaches to the Wilhelmine administration have argued that it was either insulated from society or subordinate to dominant social classes. Such monolithic analyses are unable to account for bureaucratic commitments to competing, substantive interests and goals as well as for administrative conflict over such commitments. This problem can be avoided through hypotheses that explain bureaucratic political behavior in terms of class, administrative structure, or ideology. These hypotheses may be of general use for future research on administrative politics in other societies as well as in Wilhelmine Germany.
Deterrence and Foreign Policy
Authors: George Alexander L. , Smoke Richard
Published: July 2006

Achen and Snidal's deductive theory of deterrence contributes very little to an understanding of the uses and limitations of deterrence strategy as an instrument of foreign policy. Lacking operationalization, their “rational deterrence theory” is incapable of predicting the outcome of individual cases. Furthermore, it has not yet addressed the need (i) to reconceptualize the problem of deterrence for different levels of conflict; (2) to refine the assumption of “rationality”; (3) to deal with the phenomenon of equifinality; (4) to develop a framework of strategic interaction between Initiator and Defender acknowledging that an Initiator often has multiple options for challenging the status quo from which to choose an action that meets his cost-benefit criteria; (5) to find a way of taking into account decision-making variables that, as case studies have demonstrated, often affect deterrence outcomes; and (6) to broaden the conceptualization of deterrence strategy to encompass the possible use of positive inducements as a means of discouraging challenges to a status quo situation.
Explaining the Long-Term Maintenance of a Military Regime: Panama before the U.S. Invasion
Authors: Ropp Steve C.
Published: July 2006

Before the U.S. invasion of December 1989, Panama experienced one of the longest periods of military rule in the modern-day history of Latin America. While numerous authoritarian military regimes emerged in the region during the 1960s and established for themselves a relatively high degree of autonomy from both domestic and international actors, only those in Panama, Paraguay, and Chile survived until the late 1980s. And of these three surviving military regimes, only Panama's was ended through the application of external military force. For the past several years, there has been considerable discussion of the factors that seem best to account for General Manuel Antonio Noriega's personal ability to resist U.S. pressure from 1987 until 1989 and to largely insulate himself from the political and economic constraints of Panamanian domestic politics. However, much less attention has been devoted to discussion of the factors that explain the long-term maintenance of the military authoritarian regime in existence for fifteen years prior to his assumption of power. This analysis suggests that the long-term maintenance of Panama's military authoritarian regime was due in large part to its ability to acquire substantial amounts of foreign capital. During the 1970s, such capital was preferentially obtained from the international banking community. During the 1980s, it was obtained through illicit activities of various kinds, including participation in the growing international drug trade.
The Structure of Communist Politics
Authors: Thornton Richard C.
Published: July 2006

The past decade has witnessed a general advancement in comparative studies of communism. Yet, in comparing the conceptual development of the Soviet-East European and Chinese Communist fields, one is struck by the peculiarly arrested state of the Chinese side. By comparison, the “Kremlinologists” have produced a veritable storehouse of analytical tools with which they have contributed to the explanation of the nature and functioning of the Soviet political process and Soviet-East European interrelationship. Relatively little conceptual development is discernible in the China field. In this brief essay on comparative developments in the study of communism, I will attempt to compare the concepts which Western scholars have evolved to analyze the politics of the Communist world, account for different approaches, and analyze Chinese political history to determine the most meaningful approach. I speak of the nature and functioning of the political process in a restricted sense—the ways in which leaders interact, how political positions are attained and maintained, and, in general, the structure of leadership politics in the Communist world.
Cold-War Revisionism: A Critique
Authors: Richardson J. L.
Published: July 2006

The writings of the so-called Cold-War revisionists have had a powerful impact in recent years. In the case of the new generation coming to political awareness, analogies drawn or suggested between Vietnam and the period of the origins of the Cold War carry immediate conviction: many others have had their image of contemporary history challenged or even shattered, and those not persuaded by the revisionist case would acknowledge that important questions have been raised. Undoubtedly circumstances have favored the revisionist critique.
After Many a Summer?: The Possibilities of Political Change in South Africa
Authors: Potholm Christian P.
Published: July 2006

A great deal has been written about the political system of the Republic of South Africa. The ethnic, linguistic and racial differences of its population, the complex and convoluted history of its political antecedents, the strength and productivity of its economy, its strategic location (both in terms of geography and transaction flows), the inequities of its social and political system, and above all, the seeming uncertainty of its future have fascinated observers of its past and present. The volume of material is impressive; however, because many of the works dealing with South Africa are highly personal or partisan in character or essentially descriptive in nature, they are generally of only marginal or transitory importance to any fundamental understanding of its political system. Moreover, there remain substantial blank spots on our cognitive map of South Africa, and many of the more critical aspects of its situation have been ignored or given the most superficial of treatments.
Poverty, the Coup Trap, and the Seizure of Executive Power
Authors: Londregan John B. , Poole Keith T.
Published: July 2006

The transfer of power through the use of military force is a commonplace event in world affairs. Although no two coups d'etat are alike, they all have a common denominator: poverty. We analyze political and economic data from 121 countries during the period 1950–1982 and find that the probability of a government's being overthrown by a coup is significantly influenced by the level of economic well-being. Thus, even authoritarian governments have powerful incentives to promote economic growth, not out of concern for the welfare of their citizens, but because poor economic performance may lead to their removal by force. When the simultaneity of low income and coups is accounted for, we find that the aftereffects of a coup include a heritage of political instability in the form of an increased likelihood of further coups. Although the effect of income on coups is pronounced, we find little evidence of feedback from coups to income growth.
Japan and the Theory of International Leadership
Authors: Rosecrance Richard , Taw Jennifer
Published: July 2006

This essay makes four points: (1) despite the assertions of some of their proponents, static game-theoretic and optimal-tariff arguments suggest that states should not undertake hegemonic responsibilities to maintain an open trading system; (2) hegemonic states have, in fact, cooperated with others, despite risks to themselves; (3) Japan, the hegemonic successor or condominial associate of the United States in the years to come, is also likely to cooperate to prevent the collapse of the international trading system. This means (4) that hegemonic or near-hegemonic powers have either acted irrationally or that their calculations have rested upon a different and more dynamic rational foundation. Specifically, systemic as well as domestic considerations have influenced their thinking and determined their policies. A major creditor power like Japan must find means of allowing others to earn surpluses in its own market or of providing assistance on concessional terms.
Explaining Third World Alignment
Authors: David Steven R.
Published: July 2006

Many argue that balance of power theory is as applicable to the Third World as it is to other states. Without substantial modification, however, balance of power theory cannot explain Third World alignments, because it ignores key characteristics of Third World states that determine alignment. The author develops a theory, “omnibalancing,” that is relevant to the Third World and that repairs these defects. Rather than balance of power's emphasis on states seeking to resist threats from other states, omnibalancing explains Third World alignments as a consequence of leaders seeking to counter internal and external threats to their rule. The superiority of omnibalancing over balance of power in making Third World alignments understandable is related to the Third World in general and to the alignment decisions of two key Third World states in particular. The author concludes by discussing why an understanding of the Third World, including Third World alignment, is central to the study of international relations.
Empirical Support for Systemic and Dyadic Explanations of International Conflict
Authors: de Mesquita Bruce Bueno , Lalman David
Published: July 2006

Systemic theorists emphasize the interplay of the distribution of power, the number of poles, and their tightness in predicting the occurrence of major-power war. The authors link individual-level incentives to these systemic constraints as factors that might affect the likelihood of war. They believe that their model specification is more comprehensive than any prior effort to evaluate the impact of structural attributes on the risk of major-power war. Empirical results from the individual-level prespective are encouraging when one examines European crises from 1816 to 1965, but there is no evidence that decision makers were significantly constrained by variations in the structural attributes. Neither the distribution of power nor the number or tightness of poles appears to influence the risk of war.
“The Spirit of the Sierra Maestra”: Five Observations on Writing about Cuban Foreign Policy
Authors: Smith Tony
Published: July 2006

For a variety of reasons, explanations of Cuban foreign policy lack in persuasiveness. Some authors adopt a kitchen-sink approach in which any number of factors are adduced to explain Cuban behavior, but they do not pay adequate attention to how these various pieces fit together into a coherent whole. Other writers concentrate on a single factor to explain Cuba's globalism, but in the process load more explanatory power than it can bear onto a sole variable. Still others have a penchant for prescribing proper foreign policy for the United States, with the result that the study of Cuban policy in its own terms is often shortchanged. Only by studying the character, world view, and charismatic influence of Fidel Castro can a center of gravity be found for the study of Cuban foreign policy.
Pen, Sword, and People: Military Regimes in the Formation of Political Institutions
Authors: Feit Edward
Published: July 2006

Bureaucrats perceive politics bureaucratically. They would wish it to be an orderly process. Therefore, when officers of “new” or “developing” nations take power, they seek to legitimize the administrative state. Their model is bureaucracy, but government and administration are found to be very different from the model. Organization does not meet all problems; neither does the issuance of “the right orders.” The goals of administration cannot be achieved without the active compliance of much of the population. What is more, compliance must be active: passive acceptance alone is not enough.
Cooperation Theory and Disarmament Negotiations in the 1950s
Authors: Evangelista Matthew
Published: July 2006

Soviet-American disarmament negotiations of the mid-1950s provide a critical case for evaluating theories of cooperation such as Tit-for-Tat and GRIT. Although both sides were close to agreement on the main terms of a treaty by May 1955, the negotiations were ultimately unsuccessful. On the basis of declassified U.S. documents, it now appears that the U.S. did not favor an agreement at the time: thus the game was not Prisoners' Dilemma, but Deadlock. The case reinforces the criticism of Tit-for-Tat that its unitary actor assumption ignores domestic second-image pressures for arming, and it also calls into question “first-image” explanations, such as GRIT, that focus on individual cognitive barriers to cooperation. The importance of understanding the links between internal political coalitions and external bargaining strategies is emphasized.
Crisis in Socialism or Crisis of Socialism?
Authors: Comisso Ellen
Published: July 2006

The immediate causes of the current crisis in socialism are the highly authoritarian and extremely hierarchical political and economic structures created by Leninism. Yet the collapse of state socialism also appears to be part of a more general crisis of socialism, a crisis that includes even its potentially more democratic variants. At the core of this broader crisis lies the diminishing appeal of the publicly owned enterprise, an institution that has always been central to the very definition of socialism, but whose economic advantages are called into question by the recent and rapid development of global markets in factors of production and especially in assets. Consequently, communism's demise by no means signifies a victory for either democratic socialism or even social democracy.
Rational Foundations for the Organization of the Liberal Democratic Party in Japan
Authors: Kohno Masaru
Published: July 2006

Over the last two decades there have been numerous changes in the organization of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in Japan. The pattern of factionalization has changed significantly in terms of the number of competing major factions, the average size of their membership, and their internal structure. Moreover, a new set of institutionalized norms, such as the seniority and interfactional balancing principles, has emerged to govern organizational processes within the LDP. The conventional approach in the literature on Japanese politics, which focuses on factors unique or distinctive to Japanese history, culture, and social behavior, cannot adequately explain these recent changes in the LDP. This paper proposes an alternative, rational-choice explanation based on the standard microanalytic assumptions. More specifically, it argues that the pattern of the LDP's factionalization is primarily determined by the electoral incentives of two sets of rational actors, LDP politicians and LDP supporters, operating under institutional constraints, such as electoral laws and political funding regulations. It also argues that the organizational norms originate in the promotion incentives of the LDP politicians whose strategies are influenced by the uncertainty in the dynamics of the interfactional political process.
Conceptual Index
Authors: Shaffer Stephen M.
Published: July 2006

Approaches to the study of international relations employ a wide variety of concepts and indicators. The interrelationships among these concepts often are specified in conceptual schemes, models, or theories. This supplementary issue of World Politics presents several approaches to international relations theory which utilize familiar concepts, such as decision-making, crisis, and interdependence, and also concepts (frequently borrowed from other disciplines) that are less familiar, e.g., entrepreneurial and consumer roles, free riders, and externalities. The diversity of approaches and the variety of models specified by the contributors led the co-editors to commission an index focusing on concepts and the variables used to tap the concepts (indicators) rather than a more traditional listing of names, places, and events.
The Politics of Nationalism in Quebec
Authors: Meadwell Hudson
Published: July 2006

The central argument of this article is straightforward. (1) The contemporary Quebec nationalist movement has moved through phases of mobilization, demobilization, and remobilization. (2) Interpretations of Quebec nationalism do not successfully explain all three phases. (3) A new model of mobilization can provide a more satisfactory account. The goal is to construct a model that is useful for all three phases and that can say something about nationalism and political mobilization more generally.
West European Labor in Transition: Sweden and Germany Compared
Authors: Thelen Kathleen
Published: July 2006

This article analyzes conflicts in the 1980s over the decentralization of bargaining between labor and capital in Sweden and Germany. The analysis highlights the role of institutional arrangements, some of them previously “dormant” politically, that mediated common pressures to enhance plant-level flexibility. Whereas the drive for plant flexibility in Sweden contributed to the demise of traditional bargaining arrangements, similar pressures in Germany were more successfully accommodated within its “dual” system. In both cases, institutional links among different levels and arenas of bargaining shaped the strategic interactions of labor and capital in ways that either complicated (Sweden) or facilitated (Germany) the search for compromise within traditional bargaining institutions. While confirming the central role of institutions in explaining cross-national variation in outcomes, the analysis also adds a dynamic element to institutional analysis, highlighting how changing substantive interests of political actors interact with preexisting institutions to produce distinctive patterns of stability and change.
What Makes Rational Peasants Revolutionary? Dilemma, Paradox, and Irony in Peasant Collective Action
Authors: Lichbach Mark I.
Published: July 2006

Peasant upheavals are studied from the perspective offered by the selective incentives solution to Olson's collective action problem. This article presents much evidence from three different forms of peasant struggles—everyday forms of peasant resistance, unorganized rural movements, and organized peasant rebellions—that demonstrates the widespread existence of selective incentives. Questions about the causes and consequences of selective incentives are then examined. First, what are the conditions under which peasant struggles emphasize material selective incentives rather than nonmaterial altruistic appeals? The level of selective incentives in any peasant upheaval is a function of demand and supply considerations. Peasants demand selective incentives. The suppliers include one or more dissident peasant organizations, the authorities, and the allies of both. A political struggle ensues as the suppliers compete and attempt to monopolize the market. Second, what are the conditions under which the pursuit of material self-interest hurts rather than helps the peasantry's collective cause? Selective incentives supplemented by ideology can be effective; selective incentives alone are counterproductive.

These questions and answers lead to the conclusion that the selective incentives solution reveals much more about peasant upheavals than simply that peasants will often be concerned with their own material self-interest. It is therefore important to study the following three aspects of peasant collective action: thedilemmapeasants face, or how peasant resistance is in the interest of all peasants but in the self-interest of none; theparadoxpeasants face, or that rational peasants do solve their dilemma (for example, with selective incentives) and participate in collective action; and theironypeasants face, or that self-interest is both at the root of their dilemma and at the foundation of a solution to their paradox.
Capitalist Coalitions, the State, and Neoliberal Economic Restructuring: Chile, 1973–88
Authors: Silva Eduardo
Published: July 2006

This article argues that a high degree of relative state autonomy and ideology, while necessary, was not sufficient to explain fully the change from import-substitution industrialization to an open, free-market economy in Chile. A comparison across three distinct policy periods in authoritarian Chile reveals that shifting coalitions of businessmen and landowners, with varying power resources, also played an important part in the outcome. This approach does not seek to vitiate other interpretations of economic change in Chile and elsewhere. The question is not so much which factor is most important, but how and when the different factors matter.
The Politics of Economic Transformation: Is Third World Experience Relevant in Eastern Europe?
Authors: Nelson Joan M.
Published: July 2006

Two sets of Third World nations can shed light on the politics of economic transformation in Eastern Europe. First, there are nations that pursued particularly vigorous reforms in the 1980s. They shared three key political features: popular consensus that basic reforms were imperative; antireform groups largely in disarray or suppressed; and substantial executive autonomy in economic management. The first of these features is clearly present in Eastern Europe; the second is questionable; and the third is present but precarious and probably temporary. Second and also relevant to Eastern Europe is the growing group of Third World nations seeking to consolidate political openings simultaneously with major economic reforms. Economic and political liberalization conflict with, yet are crucial for, each other. Proposals that they be sequenced are unrealistic. In Eastern Europe as in the Third World, a crucial dilemma is reconciling public demands for access to decision making with sufficient executive autonomy for coherent economic management.
Market segment analysis to target young adult wine drinkers
Authors: Thach Elizabeth C. , Olsen Janeen E.
Published: July 2006

Consumer segmentation in the wine industry takes on many forms: demographic, geographic, behavioral, and others. In the United States, one of the most promising new demographic segments is the Millennial or Echo Boomer segment, which is being targeted by many consumer industries due to its size and buying power. For the wine industry, this group currently fits the legal drinking age range of 21 to 28. This empirical study describes the perceptions and attitudes of 108 Millennials regarding wine and what the wine industry can do to better market to them in a responsible manner. Results indicate that there is a need for greater wine advertising to this group utilizing fun, social, and relaxed settings; more innovative packaging and labels; a focus on “value” wines; as well as taste enhancements and environmental emphasis. [EconLit citations: M310]. © 2006 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Agribusiness 22: 307–322, 2006.
The influence of wine attributes on region of origin equity: An analysis of the moderating effect of consumer's perceived expertise
Authors: Perrouty Jean Philippe , d'Hauteville François , Lockshin Larry
Published: July 2006

This research addresses the interaction between the components of brand. More specifically, the authors evaluate how the region of origin as a component of a wine brand adds value to a wine purchaser. Previous research suggests that the region of origin equity is significantly moderated by the other wine attributes with which it is combined on the wine label: commercial brand, level of price, type of bottler, grape variety. The authors test whether the moderating effects depend on self‐perceived consumer expertise. They use a discrete choice method to survey 1,162 European wine purchasers, about equally selected from France, Austria, Germany, and the UK. Results show that the region of origin equity is indeed significantly moderated by the other wine attributes. They also show these moderating effects are more important for consumers who perceive themselves as “more expert” than for consumers who feel they are “novices.” [EconLit citation: M310]. © 2006 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Agribusiness 22: 323–341, 2006.
Financial strategies of multinational firms in the world wine industry: An assessment
Authors: Coelho Alfredo Manuel , Rastoin Jean‐Louis
Published: July 2006

This work sheds light on the emergence of financialization in the wine industry by wine multinationals (MNEs). First, we suggest a conceptual framework to analyze MNEs' strategies in the world market. Second, by using a sample of major MNEs listed on stock markets, we focus on shareholder value sharing (dividends, stock buybacks). Our results demonstrate wine MNEs entered in a new era in which strategies are driven by attempts to maximize shareholder value through financialization. This entails restructuring operations and financial engineering. Finally, we discuss the implications of these strategies for industrial concentration. [EconLit classification: F230, G300]. © 2006 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Agribusiness 22: 417–429, 2006.
Web content mining for comparing corporate and third‐party online reporting: a case study on solid waste management
Authors: Pollach Irene , Scharl Arno , Weichselbraun Albert
Published: July 2006

This study investigates the coverage of solid waste management on 1142 websites maintained by companies, news media and non‐governmental organizations to validate an automated approach to content and language analysis. First, a frequency analysis of waste management terms sheds light on the breadth and depth of their environmental discourses, revealing that corporate and media attention to waste management is small compared with that of non‐governmental organizations. Second, an investigation of their attitudes toward waste management suggests that companies avoid negative information in environmental communication, unlike news media or non‐governmental organizations. Ultimately, an automated tool for ontology building is employed to gain insights into companies' shared understanding of waste management. The ontology obtained indicates that companies conceptualize waste management as a business process rather than framing it from an ecological perspective, which is in line with findings from previous research. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment.
Variations of the 2‐His‐1‐carboxylate Theme in Mononuclear Non‐Heme FeII Oxygenases
Authors: Straganz G. D. , Nidetzky B.
Published: July 2006

A facial triad of two histidine side chains and one aspartate or glutamate side chain forms the canonical metal‐coordinating motif in the catalytic centers of various mononuclear non‐heme FeII enzymes. Although these active sites are based on totally unrelated protein folds and bring about a wide range of chemical transformations, most of them share the ability to couple dioxygen reduction with the oxygenation of an organic substrate. With the increasing number of protein structures now solved, it has become clear that the 2‐His‐1‐carboxylate signature is less of a paradigm for non‐heme FeII active sites than had long been thought and that it can be replaced by alternative metal centers in various oxygenases, the structure–function relationships and proposed catalytic mechanisms of which are reviewed here. Metal coordination through three histidines and one glutamate constitutes the classical motif described for enzyme members of the cupin protein superfamily, such as aci‐reductone dioxygenase and quercetin dioxygenase, multiple metal forms of which (including the FeII type) are found in nature. Cysteine dioxygenase and diketone dioxygenase, which are strictly FeII‐dependent oxygenases based on the cupin fold, bind the catalytic metal through the homologous triad of histidines, but lack the fourth glutamate ligand. An α‐ketoglutarate‐dependent FeII halogenase shows metal coordination by two histidines as the only protein‐derived ligands, whilst carotene oxygenase, from a different protein fold family, features an FeII site consisting of four histidine side chains. These recently discovered metallocenters are discussed with respect to their metal‐binding properties and the reaction coordinates of the O2‐dependent conversions they catalyze.
Study on Platinum(II) Induced Formation of Dithiiranes
Authors: Petzold Holm , Bräutigam Silvio , Görls Helmar , Weigand Wolfgang , Celeda Małgorzata , Mloston Grzegorz
Published: July 2006

The reaction of a series of stable α‐chlorinated oligosulfanes 2 and 3 with [Pt(η2‐C2H4)(Ph3P)2] 1 have been investigated. Starting with the α‐chlorodisulfanes 2 a,b, the platinum dichloride complex 5 and the side‐on bonded thioketone platinum complexes 6 a,b were formed. Complex 1 was treated with corresponding trisulfanes 3 a,b to give 5, 6 a,b and the dithiolatocomplexes 7 a,b. We assume that the {Pt0(Ph3P)2}‐complex fragment inserted along the SS bond to form the unstable intermediate G, which decomposed to form the products described above. We could prove that the sterically crowded 1,2,4‐trithiolane 8 was not involved in the reaction pathway by treatment of 1 with 8 under the same conditions; after 24 h, 8 was found to be unreacted. X‐ray structure analyses were performed on complexes 6 a, 7 a and 7 b.