bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Pressure Groups and Intergovernmental Relations
Authors: Anderson Totton J.
Published: March 2007

The loose articulation between the various com ponents of the federal government, weaknesses in the linkage system between party and government, and lack of program matic orientation to public policy are characteristics of the political process utilized by pressure groups in exploiting inter governmental relationships. Every segment of the economy is represented by powerful private interest groups constructed on the pattern of national, state, county and local administrative units. Public policy is being shaped between the downward pressures of vast expenditures of federal funds and the upper thrust of legislative interventionism on behalf of local interests. In the milieu of policy competition between the several levels of the federal system, organizations of public officials serve both as pressure groups and as channels of access to government for private interests. Pressure groups are especially advantaged by the necessity for government agencies to indulge in "pressure gamesmanship" while building political support with "internal constituencies" of other agencies and "outside constituencies" among public or private pressure group clientele. Private in terest groups are becoming more closely integrated with the governmental process while public groups are wielding greater authority in policy decisions; both are contributing to policy co-ordination by exerting influence to span the divisive forces inherent in the federal system.
The Dawn of a Community-Defining Federalism
Authors: Hart Henry C.
Published: March 2007

Co-operative federalism has ceased to explain much of the new thinking of, for example, the Advisory Com mission on Intergovernmental Relations. On the other hand, there is a deepening concern to invigorate state and local inter- program co-ordination, allocation of financial resources, and the public accountability of such executive and legislative leader ship. "Dual government" cannot serve. Instead, we can ex pect national initiatives to strengthen the states and the states to interest themselves in defining potential local and metro politan publics. Delimiting constituencies for representation should be considered part of such a strategy, thus drawing political leadership and parties into the community-forming process. Though communities in the old sense may be victims of the expanded scale of affiliations, communities of representa tion may be developed.
Urban and Rural Development in Latin America
Authors: Powelson John P. , Solow Anatole A.
Published: March 2007

Abundance of population, shortage of land, and maldistribution of income affect Latin-American rural and urban areas in analogous fashion. Throughout the area, population is growing at the rate of 3 per cent per year, rural populations by about 1 1/2 per cent and urban populations by more than 4 per cent. The concentration in urban areas is greater in the larger cities, but the cities are not able to absorb the entire annual increment, and unemployment remains high. More rational use of land is called for in both areas. In the cities, progressively higher percentages of people live in shantytowns. There has been little rational planning of urban facilities to accommodate them. Provision of adequate water, sewage, and transportation would be more costly than most governments— or consumers—can afford. In the country, the maldistribution of population and income has resulted in many landless people. Colonization on vacant lands will not solve the problem because of high capital costs and distance from markets. Furthermore agricultural output is progressively less capable of meeting the growing cities' demands. No government is able to afford the necessary rational distribution of land. Nor are governments politically oriented toward the dimension of reform needed. Latin America must look forward to an intensification of rural and urban poverty and its consequences.
Communists, Socialists, and Christian Democrats
Authors: Szulc Tad
Published: March 2007

If certain observable trends in Latin America continue, Christian Democracy could well become the political dimension that Latin America at its present stage of development requires. Although a great social, economic, political, and psychological revolution has been sweeping Latin America, no political ideology has arisen with it. Most political parties have been convenient umbrellas for various, shifting small interest groups. Aside from a few strong parties in individual countries, political parties have lacked purpose and have shown ideological weaknesses. Although communism and socialism have been influential on occasion and in different countries, neither has managed to become the party of the masses. The two clashing influences of the present age in Latin America— the Cuban revolution and the Alliance for Progress—created the need for a solution of their conflict. Christian Democracy, especially as it has emerged in Chile, with the resounding success of President Eduardo Frei Montalva, offers hope of a synthesis. Its ideas appeal to youthful intellectuals and to middle-class women, and it has the support of the Roman Catholic Church and the labor unions. If Christian Democracy prevails in the other Latin-American countries, they may, like Chile, show an inclination to "third world" policies in international relations. Although political predictions are risky, we cannot ignore the significance of the new trend toward Christian Democracy in Latin America.—Ed.
Some Legal Aspects of the Colonial Problem in Latin America
Authors: Velazquez Carlos Maria
Published: March 2007

The colonial problem in Latin America is not one of that continent's most urgent problems, but it does exist, and the jurisprudence of the United Nations concerning colonial territories has set into motion a comprehensive debate on colonialism. The two Latin-American principles embodying the best solution to these problems are: (1) The territories of America cannot be the object of colonization and (2) American states do not recognize territorial acquisition or special advantages obtained by coercion. The first is based on the politico-juridical principle known as the uti possiditis jure of 1810, which has been cited often in various crises of Latin-American history. The second has long constituted an outstanding characteristic of the political and juridical thinking of Latin America. Similar legal principles are embodied in international law. Therefore, the resolutions made by International American Conferences and by other Inter-American organizations are based on long-standing legal principles. These resolutions, along with the legal decisions of the United Nations on colonial matters, provide a means for solving Latin-American colonial problems—thus eliminating the suspicion and frustration resulting from them, and creating an atmosphere in Latin America more favorable to the co-operation necessary for its development.—Ed.
The Origin, Nature, and Functions of the Civil and Military Ombudsmen in Sweden
Authors: Bexelius Alfred
Published: March 2007

As shown by Wennergren and others, the idea of an Ombudsman, or Citizen's Defender, originated in Sweden about a century before the office was created in the constitution. The present article covers the history of this institution from 1809 to the present. As far as is known, the Swedes were not influenced by the experience of classical and medieval governments in establishing an office to guarantee civil rights. Conditions in 1809 demanded that something be done to restrain injustice, maladministration, and other governmental practices offensive to the citizens. The Justitieombudsman and, later, the Militieombudsman (Military Commissioner) are responsible to the Riksdag (parliament), but in their work they have always been independent. The Ombudsman has considerable discretion in handling complaints. He sometimes finds it necessary to recommend changes in the law. In their history of nearly 160 years, these offices have operated to give the citizens confidence that their legitimate grievances will be remedied. At the moment of this writing, the Riksdag is about to make a decision concerning a reform which would combine the JO and the MO into one office with three Ombudsmen.
The Emergence and Spread of the Ombudsman Institution
Authors: Hing Yong Cheng
Published: March 2007

Though the Ombudsman institution was originated a century and a half ago in Sweden, it began to be popularized only from the middle of the 1950's when Denmark had successfully adopted the system. By 1968, widespread acceptance of the system is seen in both the developed and developing countries alike. Great Britain has now become the first large country to adopt the institution; Guyana has become the first developing country to do so. It is anticipated that by 1970 several more countries will join the "International Ombudsman Club." The success of the institution is due mainly to the flexibility of the system and its adaptability to countries with different political and administrative backgrounds. This has been sufficiently demonstrated by the operation of the system in New Zealand and the Scandinavian countries. The Ombudsman system may not work as well in many developing countries, but its adoption will be worth-while, nevertheless, because it can perform two significant functions at which all developing countries are aiming—to promote the general efficiency of administration and to bridge the gap between the government and the people.
The Ombudsman and Related Institutions in Australia and New Zealand
Authors: Sawer Geoffrey
Published: March 2007

An Ombudsman has been advocated for Australia, but none has been established there, mainly because of opposition from politicians who fear the loss of electoral advantages to be gained from case-work. In New Zealand, the office was instituted in 1962, and has become firmly established. The main features of the New Zealand Act are considered under the headings "Area of Activity," "Discretionary Exclusions," "Basis for Intervention," and "Remedies," "Sanctions," and "Procedure." Under the heading "The Ombudsman and His Work," attention is drawn to the personal qualities which have made the first New Zealand Ombudsman, Sir Guy Powles, a success, and the form of his annual reports is described. These reports present a classification which is mainly departmental, and which emphasizes the proportion of complaints found justified and unjustified. But the reports also give summary accounts of about eighty cases in each year, in a manner facilitating juristic analysis of the way in which the Ombudsman discharges his functions. Under the heading "The Jurisprudence of the Ombudsman," attention is drawn to legal classifications under which the cases may be arranged, corresponding to general principles of estoppel, promissory estoppel, quasi-estoppel, equity, tort, quasi-tort and quasi-contract.
An Ombudsman for the United States
Authors: Sandler Åke
Published: March 2007

An imposing amount of comment on the Ombudsman, mostly favorable, has appeared in the press, in periodicals, and in books during the past four years. The introduction of a bill by Congressman Reuss of Wisconsin was the occasion for hearings and debate. This essay notes the arguments in favor of a national Ombudsman and those arguments opposed. But it seeks to illuminate the greater questions. Do we need an Ombudsman in the United States? And if the answer is in the affirmative, how should the office be organized, what would the Ombudsman do, and what kind of person should be appointed to fill this role?
Presidents, Politics, and International Intervention
Authors: Hammond Paul Y.
Published: March 2007

In repudiating isolationism after World War II, the internationalists did not specify any principle of discrimination for our involvement beyond an undisputed interest in saving Europe. Two conditions prevented a thoughtful sifting of American interests and opportunities after World War II: the need to mobilize American political consent for an international role and the obtrusiveness of the Soviet Communist enemy. Furthermore, the political costs that the Truman administration incurred after 1948 by appearing to let Nationalist China fall led every presidential administration since then to adopt a cover-all-bets strategy toward the Communist world. The Korean war predisposed the voting public to want some solution, and they turned to Eisenhower. The election of 1956 indicated a broad public confidence in him; yet, his critics were able to capitalize on anxieties over his apparent complacency about the foreign developments that Sputnik triggered in 1957. Kennedy used foreign policy as a political opportunity, capitalizing on the demands of foreign policy to expand his popularity quickly. Johnson gave himself over to a military solution in Vietnam in an effort to keep ahead of public impatience over the war. The Nixon administration's early strategy seems to be to encourage a reduction of public attention to Vietnam and other foreign-policy issues and a return to deferential public attitudes reminiscent of Eisenhower's first term. That may be essential to win public acceptance of any feasible Vietnam settlement. As for the future, Vietnam makes it possible now to abandon the cover-all-bets strategy.
The Soviet Union in the Third World: Purpose in Search of Power
Authors: Ermarth Fritz
Published: March 2007

Although the Soviet Union inherited its ideological commitment to revolution in the Third World from Lenin, it was only in Khrushchev's time, after industrialization and victory in World War II had made the Soviet Union a world power, that this commitment became an important component of Soviet foreign policy. Khrushchev envisaged a fairly rapid transition by postcolonial states toward Soviet-type "socialism." This process was to be guided by the example of Soviet national development, protected by the deterrent shield of Soviet strategic power, and accelerated by a modicum of Soviet economic and military aid. But Khrushchev's vision exceeded the Soviet Union's power to fulfill it. Nationalists in power throughout the Third World advanced their own visions of the future, often at variance with Soviet views. And the Western powers were not restrained from intervening actively in the Third World where their interests were at stake. Khrushchev's successors have been less sanguine. They have tended to concentrate on specific areas of the Third World and have also been more willing to intervene in Third World military conflicts involving the United States. Only the future will show whether they use their increased power with the restraint that weakness imposed upon them in the past.
Can a Ministate Find True Happiness in a World Dominated by Protagonist Powers?: The Nepal Case
Authors: Rose Leo E. , Dial Roger
Published: March 2007

Can a ministate located precariously between hostile protagonist powers achieve a substantial degree of independence in the formulation and implementation of its foreign policy on the basis of its own capabilities, or can this only be the consequence of forbearance on the part of its more powerful neighbors? We have explored the tactics by which one such ministate, Nepal, has succeeded in developing an impressive repertory of responses to the intrusion of unwelcome, and often threatening, external influences: balancing external influences and tacking back and forth between its two neighbors—India and China. The objective is both to minimize the restrictions imposed on Nepal's freedom of action and to contribute to that country's internal and external security. Balance was sought through nonalignment in the disputes between its two neighbors during the past decade and through a process of political and economic diversification that was intended to mitigate Nepal's "semisatellite" relationship to India. Neither policy has as yet been a total success, and there are still important limitations on Nepal's capacity to act independently. Nevertheless, the range of freedom allowed to Nepal has been considerably expanded, and the Nepali leaders have demonstrated their skill in defining the limitations and exploiting them to their own advantage. Thus, we argue, any study of contemporary international politics that did not include an analysis of ministate power would be incomplete.
The New States and the International Society
Authors: Miller Linda B.
Published: March 2007

The expectations of the new states toward the international society are shaped by their relationships with each other and with the superpowers. Neither set of relationships has proved to be stable in the decolonization era. Increasing cleavages in the group of new states and shifting priorities in the foreign policies of the United States and the Soviet Union attest to the fluidity of the contemporary environment. As the new states press their demands for social justice and economic development in the councils of international organizations, they reject ad hoc procedures and seek "legislative" outcomes. If issue-areas become more autonomous in the next two decades, the fate of established "trade-off patterns" will become uncertain, although some form of interregional or interfunctional bargaining is likely to persist. The authority of international organizations will remain contingent during the period of the 1970's when the new states will concentrate on consolidating the gains of the immediate postindependence years.
Social Information for What?
Authors: Galnoor Itzhak
Published: March 2007

Proposals for using "social indicators" and "social accounting" and for initiating "social reports" by governments have been put forth in the United States and certain European countries. These proposals are closely related to the emergence of explosive social problems in the economically developed countries. But, at the same time, there has been also growing dissatisfaction in economically developing countries with planning based on narrowly construed economic models and with the conspicuous absence of the adjective "social" in the definition of "development." If both developed and developing countries are now more concerned with the social aspects of life, then perhaps social information can be useful in both cases. A cluster of ideas deeply rooted in a certain situation cannot be easily transplanted. The differences between the social problems of a "developed" and a "developing" situation are so great that entirely different kinds of social information are needed in each. Nevertheless, certain ideas contained in the various social information proposals could prove to be extremely useful for the specific problems of developing countries.
Uses of Information: When Social Information Becomes Desired
Authors: Bauman Zygmunt
Published: March 2007

Most post-Weberian concepts of social system (of organization, bureaucracy, and the like), having been inspired by organic analogy, choose "survival of the system as such" as the analytical frame of reference and conclude that any system "is interested" in absorbing all information available. Systems, however, are dynamic configurations of competing forces and their need for information should not be taken for granted, for it is always selective and submitted to power considerations. One of the tasks of social information is to study and to obtain conditions which make the system open to the kind of information necessary to promote socio-economic growth.
The Changing Social Base of the American Student Movement
Authors: Mankoff Milton , Flacks Richard
Published: March 2007

A major finding of the pioneering empirical research on the American student movement of the 1960's was that students who engaged in campus protest were pri marily raised in "humanistic," liberal, middle-class families. Based upon these data, the development of student activism was seen as growing from the almost unique aspirations and values of a small proportion of college and university youth who were particularly sensitive to and unable to accept authoritarian institutional structures and social injustice be cause of their family backgrounds. More recently, with the enormous growth of campus unrest, this theory of student activism has been challenged. A study conducted at the University of Wisconsin in 1968 by one of the authors indi cates that there has been a significant change in the social base of the student movement since the early and mid-sixties. This evidence, together with other research findings which are consistent with the thesis of a changing social base of activism, suggest that the "family socialization" theory is becoming less adequate as an explanation of what has become a mass student movement. The extension of student protest to larger sectors of the student population is indicative of a growing "class" consciousness among students which has its basis in a general cultural and political crisis combined with the growing segre gation, "proletarianization," and repression of youth. The implications of these emerging social sources of the student movement for the radicalization of a "new" working class and the "territorialization" of youth revolt are considered.
Generational Conflict and Intellectual Antinomianism
Authors: Eisenstadt S.N.
Published: March 2007

This paper attempts to account for some of the special characteristics of contemporary student rebellion, and especially for the fact that probably for the first time in history at least some parts of this movement tend to become entirely dissociated from broader social or national movements—from the adult world—and exhibit general and widespread alienation from the existing social order.

These characteristics are explained at least partially by the convergence and mutual reinforcement of the two major sets of conditions or processes, namely, of widespread intellectual antinomianism on the one hand, and of generational discon tinuity and conflict on the other, and of their simultaneous extension to the central zones of a society and to very wide groups and strata alike.

The emergence of these two characteristics is analyzed in terms of some of the major structural and symbolic develop ments in highly developed societies, as well as of their counter parts in developing nations.

In the last part of the paper, some possible effects of these movements on the structure of contemporary societies are analyzed.
Sources of Generational Consciousness and Conflict
Authors: Laufer Robert S.
Published: March 2007

Generational conflict in America is a middle- class phenomenon. The middle-class character of genera tional conflict is in part a function of the impact of the de mands of post-industrial society on the children of the middle class. A second factor affecting generational conflict is a change in the pattern of childhood socialization within the middle class. The decisive factor affecting the intensity of generational conflict is the disillusionment of the young with the political and cultural systems of the society. This dis illusionment is the product of a protracted series of confronta tions between the younger and older generations over race, the Vietnam War, and cultural experimentation. The original hope that the society was receptive to innovation has been replaced by anger at the intractability of the "system."
The High School as a Focus of "Student Unrest"
Authors: Friedenberg Edgar Z.
Published: March 2007

Although the example of protest among college students has doubtless brought the possibility of protest to the attention of high school pupils who would otherwise have continued to accept their restricted status passively, neither the issues, the form, nor the prospects of rebellion in the high school are truly homologous to apparently corresponding factors in college protests. High school students are truly captive; they cannot lawfully withdraw, and they have virtu ally no avenue of lawful protest available. The courts have failed to sustain the rights of high school students even to determine their own dress. Yet the courts remain the only channel open to persons as vulnerable to arrest and restraint as juveniles.

In spontaneous, active revolt within the high school, lower- class resentment is more often a significant factor than in col lege, where students of lower-class origins are more likely than their middle-class peers to be made conservative by the sense of ambition fulfilled. The high school administrator has little room and usually little inclination for maneuver, while the issues with which students confront him are closer to their daily lives and more rankling than those that usually arouse college students, and the forces of repression at his command are far heavier. Student protest in high schools is therefore likely to increase greatly in scope, frequency, and violence in the near future.
Sources of Student Protest in France
Authors: Boudon Raymond
Published: March 2007

The student revolt of May and June, 1968 in France may be explained by the fact that the growth of the student body and the drastic change in its social composition made the main organization of principles of the liberal uni versity system inherited from the nineteenth century more and more dysfunctional, especially after the early sixties. This dysfunctionality, which also characterizes a majority of the continental universities, was probably particularly strong in France. The situation of the French student of the sixties may be described as one of social marginality, and this is a direct consequence of the rapid growth of the number of students in all countries in the last few decades. But its effects are largely accentuated in "liberal" university systems, especially when, like most of the present continental systems, they are associated with a low degree of diversification of the academic institutions.
Student Protest in Independent Black Africa
Authors: Hanna William John
Published: March 2007

The protests of university students in indepen dent Black Africa are described, using a communications framework with five basic elements: catalysts, students, mes sages, targets, and outcomes. Some appropriate future research activities are then indicated.
Should the United States Retain a Military Presence in Europe and Asia?
Authors: Pfaltzgraff Robert L.
Published: March 2007

For much of the twentieth century, the United States has sought to prevent hostile powers from gaining ascend ancy in Europe and the Pacific Basin because the security of these regions was deemed vital to her security. Several con straints now limit U.S. influence in Europe and Asia: (1) the changed strategic balance between the United States and the Soviet Union in which, under conditions of nuclear parity, the stakes for which the United States would risk its own destruc tion for defense of overseas commitments increase; (2) the willingness of U.S. elites and public opinion to continue to support large-scale conventional forces abroad is reduced; and (3) the international system has evolved toward a limited multipolarity with the emergence of potential new power centers in Europe and Asia.

The formidable task facing the United States over the next decade is to maintain sufficient forces abroad to safeguard its interests and to preserve the residual linkage between U.S. strategic deterrence and local security in Europe and Asia, while encouraging the development of power centers less de pendent upon her for their security. The immediate and unilateral withdrawal of U.S. forces, especially from Europe, would render difficult, if not impossible, the achievement of such goals.
The Case for the So-Called "Hard Line" Approach to Crime
Authors: Inbau Fred E. , Carrington Frank G.
Published: March 2007

Crime is caused by criminals. This is the main thesis of this article, admittedly a "hard line" idea, but one which must be recognized if we are to do anything constructive about the problem of lawlessness and violence which besets this nation. The intolerable picture of crime in this country is described, particularly the extent to which the poor and the racial minorities pay for crime. The basic reason for crime in this country is simply that there are too many criminals on the street. The reasons that this condition exists are threefold: failure to apprehend criminals, failure to convict criminals, and failure to incarcerate criminals. These three "failures" are discussed and specific responses to each—based on a massive outpouring of citizen concern for and action against our crime problem—are described. The authors be lieve that only with such active involvement by the members of the law-abiding majority can the problem be solved.
The President Needs New Kinds of Power
Authors: Koenig Louis W.
Published: March 2007

The President needs to increase the variety and quality rather than the quantity of his power. The problem is of the utmost importance in a political system that is under- productive and beset with social needs. The production of better social policy requires presidential commitment and skill as a value creator, exploitation of the new political move ments of environmentalism and consumerism, support of "left out" interest groups of rising strength, a modernized Congress, and improved administrative techniques, including "participa tory reform." Although protracted wars damage social policy, the United States ought not revert to isolationism because freedom, to which social policy contributes, cannot persist at home without freedom abroad. Rather than encroach upon the President's constitutional powers concerning national secu rity, we should seek to improve presidential decision-making processes in foreign affairs.
The Social Control of Pornography and Sexual Behavior
Authors: Bonniwell Bernard L.
Published: March 2007

In a normless society, such as ours, the prob ability of continuing deterioration is evident if the mass com munications media's emotional debasing of human behavior continues unabated. The law, cognizant of the problem but unable to effectively moderate the flow of pornography and demeaning sexual behavior in areas of public communication, suggests the need to establish some form of direct social control. In order to offset their cumulative and debasing effect, it is tentatively proposed that the flexibility of the mass media be matched by an equally flexible monitoring- voting system ("monivoting"), under which public controls may be imposed within a matter of hours. The proposals are perceived as a socio-cultural necessity for the continuing vitality of the nation.
Hostile International Propaganda and International Law
Authors: Whitton John B.
Published: March 2007

From earliest times, hostile propaganda has been in wide use among men and between nations; it has also been deeply resented and even violently resisted. But only re cently has the world developed a system of principles and norms designed to curb and even to outlaw its use. Similar to the evo lution of international rules intended to proscribe aggressive war, the culmination of the movement to curb international commu nication considered dangerous to peace has come only in the twentieth century. Attention has focused not only on propa ganda leading to acts of subversion and to outright aggression and war, but also on propaganda that is defamatory of a sov ereign state and of its leaders and representatives. So exten sive is this body of norms that today, as the hostile propaganda between nations continues unabated, especially in times of stress, the real need is not so much for more rules to be drafted or new treaties to be signed and ratified. What we require is the establishment of authoritative and acceptable means for the interpretation of the existing norms and their effective enforce ment.
International Propaganda and Statecraft
Authors: Wedge Bryant
Published: March 2007

The accelerating flow of international commu nication has made it necessary to re-examine the assumptions applied to the analysis and understanding of interstate rela tions. With the increasing capacity for instantaneous world wide information flows, governments are rapidly losing their monopoly on communication with their constituents. The pos sibility of direct communication among world publics creates and strengthens networks of international fraternity, leads to common standards throughout the international community, and increases the influence of world public opinion, but at the same time prompts domestic discontent, frustration, and dis turbance. There will inevitably be negative reactions to the development of international culture. It will take effort to adjust to a global outlook. To avoid accusations of cultural imperialism and communication hegemony, it would be well for the United States to denationalize maximally the ownership and use of world communications facilities.
Is International Persuasion Sociologically Feasible?
Authors: Lerner Daniel
Published: March 2007

On the face of it, international persuasion is ob viously feasible from the sociological viewpoint, since there are numerous examples in international relationships when, even under the stress of crisis, a certain amount of successful propa ganda has been recorded. Success has normally been in re inforcement rather than in conversion. But considering the widening gap—economic, but also social, psychological and political—between the rich nations and the poor nations, and the resultant "revolution of rising frustrations" in the latter, international communication has been less feasible over the past two decades. If global communication is to become feasible in the next two decades, we must adapt and exploit the major technological advances of recent years and develop the "soft ware" to help the poor nations enter into a truly global com munication network.
The Changing Role of British International Propaganda
Authors: Beeley Harold
Published: March 2007

Britain's international propaganda is con ducted through three principal agencies: the official Information Service, the External Services of the British Broadcasting Cor poration, and the British Council. Their primary objectives at the present time are to promote understanding of the policies and actions of the British government, to promote British ex ports, and to further the knowledge and use of the English language. After a period in which the greatest effort was directed to the former colonial territories and the Indian sub continent, there is now a partial shift of attention toward Europe. Both the British Council and the External Services of the BBC, though financed by the government and subject to a measure of official guidance in deciding which countries to operate in or broadcast to, have independent control over their own operations. They work within a tradition of objec tivity. The activities of the three agencies, as at present or ganized, are thought to be well adapted to the requirements of a medium-sized power in the contemporary world.
Soviet International Propaganda: Its Role, Effectiveness, and Future
Authors: Nagorski Zygmunt
Published: March 2007

The Soviet message to the West is handi capped before it is even dispatched. A closed society has little to offer an open one. The tendency in Moscow is to look at the West through Marxist glasses. The result is poor. In stead of making inroads, the Marxists are mostly ignored. In their messages to the Third World, the Russians run on a double track of respectability and rough, unpleasant intervention in the internal affairs of the target country. The Sino-Soviet schism moved the context of the message from the ideological to the partisan category. Problems within the Communist bloc—the Czechoslovak invasion, as a prime example—put the Soviet Union on the defensive. And once again the ideological base of the message was weakened, if not entirely lost.

There is little in the cards suggesting a more effective, more acceptable message from the Soviet Union in the future. Dif ferent directions, a broader scope, more flexibility, and a much deeper understanding of the Western world are needed. Noth ing short of a change of system will make Moscow once again a source of dynamic, new, revolutionary ideas.
The Medical School, Its Products and Its Problems
Authors: Sheps Cecil G. , Seipp Conrad
Published: March 2007

The major influences on the thrust of medical education in the United States since the turn of the century are highlighted by the Flexner Report of 1910 and the Carnegie Report in 1970. Striking changes have occurred—largely through influences external to the medical schools—the major one being a vast expansion of biomedical science and research. The nature of the financing of medical research has empha sized the departmentalization of medical schools, making it more difficult to achieve over-all unity and balance. Since World War II there has been a much deeper involvement of the federal and state governments in the support of medical educa tion, with emphasis not only on research but on the develop ment of new schools—thus creating an increasing dependence of all medical schools, both public and private, on governmental financial support. The alignment and partnership of forces now involved would indicate that the rate of change in medical education following the current Carnegie Report will be much more rapid than that which was precipitated by the Flexner Report sixty years ago.
United States Hospital Costs in International Perspective
Authors: Chester Theodore E.
Published: March 2007

From 1965 to 1970, hospital costs in the United States increased sharply—f rom $14.1 billion to $25.6 billion, at an annual rate of 16 percent. Official projections forecast a further fourfold rise over the next ten years. Comparing these staggering increases with hospital costs in England, Sweden, and Western Germany, a steeply rising trend is noted in gen eral. An explanation has to be sought not only in the particular circumstances in the United States but in generic forces such as a rapidly growing demand for hospital care—especially from the larger numbers of elderly in all developed countries—and substantial increases in staff remuneration, the main component of hospital costs. This similarity of trends cannot hide, how ever, the fact that daily hospital charges in the United States are by far the highest in the countries investigated. "Don't get sick in America!" seems a justified warning. A reform will have to balance the conflicting interests of hospital administra tions, staffs, patients, insured, and taxpayers—a dilemma whose acceptable solution has so far eluded most Western nations.
The Physician "Shortage": The Economists' Mirror
Authors: Lynch Michael
Published: March 2007

This paper is a brief account of what some well- informed economists have had to say about whether there is a "shortage" of physicians, and, if so, what its remedy might be. In the main, the consensus is that there currently is a shortage and that it has become worse since the middle 1950's (or that if we had enough physicians in the middle 1950's, then we have too few now). The immediate cause of the worsening of the shortage was not the restrictionist policies of the AMA, but the increased demand or willingness to pay on the part of the public. There is no consensus on how to measure the extent of the shortage nor even on whether an increase in the number of physicians would lead to lower fees and/or more physicians in ghettos and in rural areas. At least, by a common economic definition of a shortage there is a physician shortage, but no agreement on its extent or its remedy.
Issues of the Future in Health
Authors: Kissick William Lee , Martin Samuel P.
Published: March 2007

Care of the patient, institutionalization, cost effectiveness, and quality control are the issues of the future in the field of health. With health expenditures projected to reach between $156 and $189 billion (8 to 9.8 percent of the Gross National Product) by 1980, the national policy on health care, both present and future, will be of major concern to the body politic. The patient will be seeking hegemony over the health care system to influence it to meet his needs. Institu tionalization of the system will yield greater effectiveness and efficiency. A new emphasis on cost effectiveness will necessi tate an evaluation of all methods of care by objective criteria that are concerned both with productivity of resources and with end results. Quality control of health care will become a new concern of the public, superseding the individual responsi bility of the single practitioner. Taken together, these devel opments will characterize efforts to attain the practical manage ment of a highly complex and diversified social endeavor con cerned with the supplying of human services.
The Nation's Health: Issues for the Future
Authors: Somers Anne R.
Published: March 2007

Nine major issues with respect to the nation's health are identified: 1) the lifestyle of the consumer and prob lems of health education, 2) availability of 24-hour compre hensive care, 3) rationalization of the delivery system, 4) re- definition of professional roles to assure personalized care, 5) free choice, consumer responsibility, and administrative decen tralization, 6) quality controls, 7) cost controls, 8) long-range financing, and 9) long-term care, especially of the aged.
The Role and Functions of Federal Hearing Examiners
Authors: Zwerdling Joseph
Published: March 2007

Hearing examiners in the major regulatory agen cies function as administrative trial judges in proceedings comparable to some of the biggest and most complex cases tried in the federal courts. Once selected, and after undergoing a rigorous examination process, their independence is recognized and protected. From the time a hearing examiner is assigned to a given case, he is in complete charge of the proceeding until he issues his initial decision. During recent years much atten tion has been focused upon problems of delay in administrative proceedings. The role of the hearing examiner has been the focal point of efforts to expedite the hearing stage. The hear ing examiner performs his most important function, however, when he drafts and issues his initial decision at the conclusion of the hearing. The important and difficult task of the regula tory agencies is made far more manageable if they have the benefit of a clear and comprehensive initial decision by the hearing examiner who presided over the hearing and who has lived with the case from the beginning. Finally, one of the essential and overriding objectives of our administrative process is fairness and due process. The role played by the hearing examiner is the key to the successful achievement of this ob jective.
Public Interest Advocacy and the Regulatory Process
Authors: Leone Richard C.
Published: March 2007

The regulatory agencies are, in a sense, the fore most institutionalized advocates of the public interest. A sub stantial body of opinion holds that their failure to live up to this characterization is evidence of other failures—those of Congress, the press, and other groups considered responsible for monitoring the performance of the regulatory process. Public interest advocates, led by Ralph Nader, perceive them selves as fulfilling this role of criticizing and reforming the regulators as well as the regulated. The advocates, many of them lawyers, argue that due process safeguards have failed to provide adequate access for private citizens or adequate protection for the public interest. They contend that regula tory agencies are most responsive to the regulated industry and to their own internal bureaucratic imperatives. Public interest advocates attempt to provide a public service by making issues understandable and by providing increased scrutiny of public decision-making. Publicity, then, is a major tool for public interest advocates. It may be the most important one they command, outstripping the significance of class actions and other legal remedies. Ralph Nader both inspires and repre sents the movement, although his personal visibility and credi bility make his work singularly effective. Taken as a whole, the public interest advocacy movement represents a wave of re form activity which may affect the political process. It re mains to be seen, however, whether this movement will have a significant effect on political outcomes or if it is simply a fad which will pass.
Coal Mining: New Efforts in an Old Field
Authors: Conaway Orrin B.
Published: March 2007

The Federal Coal Mine Health and Safety Act of 1969 represents a decision by Congress that the previous system of federal and state regulation of the industry had not been effective and was not likely to become so. By this act, the federal government in effect assumed controlling responsi bility for regulation, a function that had been shared with the states for the last twenty years. It now seems likely that, because of the generally more stringent federal health and safety standards and the far greater federal resources for en forcement, many of the states in which coal is produced will discontinue efforts to set health and safety standards and en force them by inspection. However, if the new act is to be effective, it must be strongly enforced; for it establishes the strongest single code of health and safety standards for coal mining that the country has known. The effort to create an effective Bureau of Mines has included programs to solve such administrative problems as the recruitment and training of a large, new force of inspectors and the development of appro priate regulations. Of even more importance have been the efforts to protect the bureau from political interference. Al though these have not been wholly successful, its supporters in Congress and the general public are moving to accomplish this end.
Some Observations on Recent Political Philosophy and Theory
Authors: Germino Dante
Published: March 2007

The past five years have marked a creative period for political philosophy and theory. Pronounced as dead or dying by some observers only a decade or so ago, there has been, more recently, a recognition of a significant renaissance in this age-old tradition of inquiry. Major figures doing independent and original work in political philosophy are discussed; then the significant outpouring of studies in the history of political thought is treated. Finally, attention is focused on key works of more immediate relevance to the current crisis of advanced industrial society. A concluding section deals with the controversy over the meaning of political philosophy and theory; the author indicates his approach to this problem.
The Great Divide: World War II
Authors: Hare Raymond A.
Published: March 2007

From the beginning, the American government had followed a conscious and usually consistent policy in the Middle East confined to protection of its rights and those of its nationals, while avoiding political involvement or responsi bility in what was regarded as primarily an area of European interest and maneuver. During World War II we did become significantly involved, but since this activity consisted almost exclusively of logistical support of the British war effort, its importance and significance attracted relatively little atten tion. Soon after the war, however, we were drawn into the area, not as a matter of fulfilling some national objective, but in our role as a world power in a situation where the weakened British were no longer able to play their traditional role, but where the Russians were heavy-handedly aggressive. In the current situation in which the Middle East looms as an area of numerous and complex crosscurrents, it can be useful to look back to the little-publicized background of how we initially became involved and, in so doing, be able to assess present problems in better perspective.