bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Fundamentals of the New Italian Constitution
Authors: Tesauro Alfonso
Published: June 2006

The present Italian Constitution may be said to have its origin in the adoption of the republican form of government by the referendum held in June, 1946. Its basic features are embodied in the Charter constructed by the Constitutional Assembly then elected and are designed to establish a firm foundation for the organization and life of the Italian state as well as of its citizens. The Constitution is the true expression of the popular will since exponents of the various political creeds co-operated in framing the fundamental laws and practices that are to govern the operation of the Italian state, independently of political fluctuations. Its preservation is entrusted not to the citizens or to their representatives but to the Constitutional Court which it provides for.

In the new Constitution, Italy remains a unitary state. However, the structure of the state has undergone a change since the nineteen regions, which under the monarchy were only geographical divisions, have now been given constitutional autonomy in local matters. Thus within the state we now find the following territorial subdivisions: the regions, the provinces, and the communes.

The autonomy of the regions is local in the sense that their jurisdiction does not extend beyond their respective boundaries and is confined to the promotion of local interests. Their legislative function is restricted by the Constitution (article 117) to matters such as the boundaries of the communes, local urban and rural police, public fairs and markets, public welfare agencies, medical aid and hospitalization, trade schools and other special schools, provisions for school aid, local museums and libraries, tourist trade, public means of transportation such as street cars and bus lines, public works of regional interest such as the improvement of lake ports, highways, roads, and aqueducts. The regions are required to make provisions for securing obedience to state laws. The Italian state can assign other administrative functions to the regions. All matters of general interest, such as those which relate to the administration of justice, to the relations of citizens to the Italian state, and to administrative functions of a general character, fall within the province of the Italian state legislature.
Resale Price Maintenance in Great Britain
Authors: Skeoch L. A.
Published: June 2006

This, one of the extremely limited number of full-length studies devoted exclusively to resale price maintenance in Great Britain, is a doctoral thesis submitted to the University of Amsterdam. The author, apparently trained in economics at British universities, also claims a “connection with the trade in branded consumer goods” lasting “for a number of years.” In his introduction, Dr. Kuipers expresses particular dissatisfaction with the theoretical analyses advanced by British economists, which, he claims, are inadequately supported by “facts.” His own analysis he believes to be sufficiently comprehensive to enable him to derive a formula, “the adoption of which … would provide an adequate solution to the problem [of resale price maintenance] in Great Britain under present conditions” (p. 3). The degree to which other economists will recognize this ambitious claim will depend on whether they accept Kuipers' analysis of what “the problem” of resale price maintenance is and, for those who do, whether they also believe that his particular scheme is desirable and administratively feasible.

The volume is divided into two parts: the first deals in a general way with the legal and economic aspects of resale price maintenance in Great Britain and lays the basis for Dr. Kuipers' policy recommendations; the second part deals with the nature and extent of price maintenance in the British grocery trade. Although more than one hundred pages are devoted to the latter section, the empirical data upon which the statistical analysis is based are very sketchy. Dr. Kuipers is not unaware of this weakness but he considers the results “generally accurate” and “sufficiently near the mark.” Whether or not one agrees with this assessment, there can be little question that Dr. Kuipers has achieved as much as an individual investigator, working unassisted, could hope to do.
British Demand for New Zealand's Exports
Authors: Lerdau E.
Published: June 2006

The purpose of this paper is twofold. Primarily it is an attempt to isolate some of the structural parameters governing New Zealand's balance of trade during the inter-war period. A secondary end, a by-product of the first, is to throw some light on the controversy between “elasticity pessimists” and “elasticity optimists.” Born out of very real problems concerning monetary policy on the international level, and carried on by some of the most acute and productive minds among economists, this controversy has, I believe, been in general a good and highly fruitful one. If any criticism is to be made, it must be methodological, and concern itself with the statistical procedures used by one side, and the tendency of the other side toward a priori refutation instead of empirical investigation. I also believe that, while the statistical data are highly imperfect, the best possible use has not been made of what data exist, and that at this stage only more, and more carefully weighted, evidence can help us on. The present investigation offers only a little of the great amount of such evidence which is needed.

Following a few theoretical remarks, three commodities—butter, lamb, and cheese—will be studied, in order to increase our information about New Zealand's trade balance. Only their behaviour in the United Kingdom market is analysed. This procedure immediately raises the question: how important are these goods as part of New Zealand's exports and how important is the United Kingdom market? The answer is that up to 1929 the sale of these three products in the United Kingdom made up about one-half of New Zealand's export receipts. Had wool been included, this proportion would have risen to about 70 per cent. After 1929 it declined somewhat, but never fell below 40 per cent. From this it seems to follow that whatever determines the demand in the United Kingdom for these three products affects significantly but not overwhelmingly New Zealand's balance of trade on the export side.
A Historical Analysis of Lottery Terms
Authors: Sprowls R. Clay
Published: June 2006

Lottery tickets have been bought and sold in many countries for several centuries. There are many discussions of the historical social customs attending lotteries; the psychological, gambling, and fraudulent aspects of lotteries; the moral issues involved in the state licensing of lotteries; the lottery as a source of government revenue; and the mechanics of drawing. Economists have generally neglected to study the historical significance of lotteries. Friedman and Savage have suggested that the lottery may be a fruitful source of historical economic data; more recently, Aitken examined in some detail a large lottery firm which operated in the United States between 1821 and 1834. The purpose of this paper is to set down systematically quantitative measures of two essential lottery features: the inequality of the prize distribution and the actuarial value of the gamble. Some interesting historical comparisons can be made, and some hypotheses are suggested by the data which might be the subject of further research.

The lotteries of this study are restricted to those with cash prizes to lend some uniformity to the lottery terms and, from the consumer's point of view, to make all alternatives money incomes. The selection of the sample can best be described by giving a short history of English and United States lotteries.
Development in the Legal Status of the Canadian Military Forces, 1914–19, as Related to Dominion Status
Authors: Vince Donald M. A. R.
Published: June 2006

The political and administrative Control of the Canadian military forces by the Government of Canada during the First World War, 1914–19, presented several novel problems to the Canadian system of cabinet government. A detailed examination of the relations between the Government of the Dominion (a clean word in 1916), as represented by the Prime Minister and the Cabinet, and the military organization overseas, as represented by its chief staff officers, is useful to students of both cabinet government and public administration. This paper seeks to throw light on two facets of these political-military relations: first, the problem of making cabinet control effective over an army physically separated from Canada by geographical distance and relatively primitive communications; second, that of the extent to which effective political control over an army establishment beyond her borders enhanced the de facto meaning of dominion status.

In 1919 dominion status did not mean quite what it had come to mean in 1931. On the whole the control over high matters of war and peace lay beyond the powers of the Government of Canada. The British North America Act, 1867, had not foreseen the possibility that the advisors of the Governor General should assume control over the conduct of a great war. Even if it had been appropriate for Sir Robert Borden or his colleagues to direct policy in war, Parliament appeared to lack the power to legislate beyond the shores of Canada. When, after two years of war, Canada had placed a substantial army overseas, it became necessary to alter constitutional practice to fit the new facts produced by the war. This effort was considerably to modify the meaning of dominion status.
Recent Developments in Canadian Federalism
Authors: Rowat D. C.
Published: June 2006

Canada provides an interesting illustration of how far a system of government in practice may depart from the provisions of a legally valid constitution. Although in 1867 the British North America Act created a relatively centralized form of government, today, through changes wrought by geography, convention, and judicial decision, Canada's machinery of government is essentially federal in its operation. In other words, Canada has developed an “unwritten” constitution which goes far toward ensuring the independence of provincial governments in the exercise of exclusive powers. In one or two important respects, however, we find the federal character of Canadian government still somewhat in doubt. And it is by examining whether the existing system satisfies the essential requirements of federalism that the post-war developments in federal-provincial relations may be fruitfully analysed; by examining, that is to say, the extent to which these developments represent a movement towards or away from federalism.

Since World War II, Canada's constitutional system has been affected by three important changes: (1) federal-provincial financial arrangements have been radically revised; (2) the Supreme Court of Canada has been charged with the final interpretation of the constitution; and (3) the method of amending the constitution has been changed. It remains to record these developments in greater detail, and then to discuss their implications.
Usury Restrictions in a Mercantile Economy
Authors: Riemersma Jelle C.
Published: June 2006

Our present social sciences, with their concepts of “culture” and “personality,” have made us vividly aware of the interrelatedness of the particular aspects of human behaviour in societies. It comes no longer as a surprise that religion and economic expansiveness are interconnected.

In his famous study, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, Max Weber developed the idea that ascetic Protestantism in some way prepared the way for the calculating spirit of modern, rational capitalism. Here an ideal factor was regarded as an independent variable in history. Although the main thesis has found fairly general acceptance, important criticisms have been levelled at particular points of Weber's essay. While Weber demonstrated the affinity between such ideas as the religiously coloured “calling” and “innerworldly asceticism,” and the more utilitarian and secular economic ideas of later times (Franklin), he did not carefully analyse the precise nature of the influence of the earlier ideas. For that purpose, a detailed study of the economic structure of early modern Europe would have been necessary, and, at least within The Protestant Ethic, Weber abstained from such a study.
The Family Compact and the Welland Canal Company
Authors: Aitken Hugh G. J.
Published: June 2006

This Article is an attempt to reopen the question of the role of government in the economic life of Upper Canada before 1840. It stems from certain problems encountered in connection with a history of the Welland Canal Company, and material relating to the Welland Canal and to the career of William Hamilton Merritt, its promoter, will be used to illustrate the argument. The central problem to which we shall address ourselves is, quite simply: what difference did the political and social state of Upper Canada in this period make to the way in which the Welland Canal Company was founded and managed?

The general outlines of Upper Canada's political organization and social structure will already be familiar to most readers. Other historians have dealt more than adequately with such matters as the origin of the dominant élite which we know as the Family Compact, the slow development of the idea of responsible or parliamentary government, and the aims, grievances, and methods of the colonial reformers. It is to be regretted that our knowledge of Upper Canada's economic development in this period is less detailed, but the main features are clear enough for present purposes.

The few attempts that have been made to analyse the interaction of economic, political, and social factors in the history of Upper Canada, particularly in connection with the rebellion of 1837, suggest the fruitfulness of such an approach. The present essay is to be taken as a case-study in this type of analysis.
The British Governing Class and Democracy
Authors: Brady Alexander
Published: June 2006

The concept of a governing class is as old as political speculation. Like so much else, it is found in Plato and Aristotle, and in most of the classic works of political thinkers from their day to the present. In this paper, however, I am not concerned with a history and comparative treatment of the concept, but with the idea and fact of the governing class in Britain within the period when the democratic state was evolving from the aristocratic; that is, from the Second Reform Bill of 1867 to the present. Yet a brief initial comment on the general concept is essential, even at the risk of raising more questions than one can answer here.

Every state is a hierarchy of power and authority. A governing class consists of the individuals within the hierarchy who frame the agenda and plans for public action, make the final decisions about government, and hence about the people and interests affected by government. In the contemporary world of reality a sharp dividing line between governed and governors in this sense is seldom easy to draw. Yet there is a line. Democracy is not government by all the people, but by a few accountable for their decisions to the rest. The quality and modes of such accountability depend upon the laws and institutions of the state, especially upon the persons who actually make the laws, operate the institutions, and seek to render their actions acceptable to the majority of the electorate. Such a governing class, group, or élite, whatever term we apply, consists of those whose primary concern is with acquiring, sustaining, and exercising political authority. Their function in this matter is definite and clear, and in its performance they come to think in like ways about procedure, develop common skills appropriate to their purpose, and in miscellaneous efforts learn what is feasible and not feasible.
Post-War Economic Development and Policy in Canada
Authors: Gibson J. Douglas
Published: June 2006

The period from 1946 to date has been one of the great periods of Canadian development. There are only two earlier ones which are comparable. The first was the great expansion from just before the turn of the century to 1913 in which the Prairies were settled and developed. The second was the boom of 1925 to 1929 which, though short, was impressive while it lasted. It is true that, in addition to these two earlier periods of marked growth, the two world wars have provided strong impetus to industrialization but for obvious reasons they were not characterized by capital development.

During the eight years from 1946 to 1953 the population of Canada has been increasing at an average rate of 2¼ per cent per annum and new investment in fixed capital (not including maintenance and repairs) has been equivalent to more than 20 per cent of the gross national product. Recently, these rates of expansion have been higher, population increasing at over 2½ per cent per annum and capital investment representing over 23 per cent of the gross national product. These are high rates of growth by any standard of comparison. The investment programme of recent years has represented about the same proportion of the gross national product as did that of 1925–9, but the present expansion is more significant both because it has lasted a good deal longer and because it has been more broadly based. Even in the twenties it was still correct to think of the Canadian economy as dominated by wheat. Today, however, though wheat is still of great importance, other basic industries have developed strikingly, including pulp and paper, lumber, the traditional base metals, aluminum, the new metals, oil and iron. So far as population growth is concerned, the post-war increase has been more rapid than that of the twenties in part because we have not been losing nearly so heavily in emigration to the United States. From the middle of 1945 until the end of 1953 the natural increase in Canada's population has been about 2.1 million people and immigration has been about a million—a combined increase of 3.1 million. Over this same period, emigration has been around 500,000 and the net population gain has thus been 2.6 million, or over 20 per cent.
Some Problems in the Provision of Medical Services
Authors: Hall Oswald
Published: June 2006

The machinery for providing medical services raises two kinds of problems for the sociologist. On the one hand these services involve various sorts of institutional structures, such as hospitals; these merit attention and analysis. On the other hand medical services involve a set of specialized occupations; these likewise merit study. These two classes of phenomena, that is, the social institution and the specialized occupation, represent two of the major subjects of present-day sociological investigation.

The machinery for providing medical services raises comparable problems for other branches of science. The biological and psychological sciences find many of their theoretical problems dictated by the practices current in the medical field. The financing of such services raises problems for the economist, and the control and distribution of such services are matters of concern for the political scientist. This paper can, therefore, at best deal only with one facet of a large field of inquiry.

In sociology in recent years a considerable body of literature has developed around the problem areas indicated above. Various parts of the work world have been explored in order to gain a better knowledge of work institutions, more specifically to understand them as going concerns. Concurrently many specialized occupations have been subjected to study, with the purpose of discovering the common characteristics of this feature of our society.
Clio's New Overalls
Authors: Heaton Herbert
Published: June 2006

The general idea of my title was hatched some years ago for an after-dinner speech at the annual meeting of the Midwest Economic Association. It proved to have been hatched from a double-yoked egg. In the first place some of the younger members, nurtured in the New Deal and the labour developments of the late thirties, said there was a printer's error on the programme. My title should be, not CLIO, but CIO. In the second place, the toastmaster primed himself for introducing me by looking Clio up in the Encyclopædia. He was baffled to learn that it is “a shell-less pelagic mollusc in the class Pteropod. A small spindle-shanked animal with six tentacles on its head. It forms the principal part of the food of some species of whales.” Being brought up on short-run phenomena, he read no further. Had he persisted he would, of course, have discovered that another Clio was one of the nine Greek muses; that she got her Ph.D. for a thesis on epic verse, then settled down to that other branch of poetic licence, history; and that she was thus an eternally young lady who never forgot a date.

From the evidence of sculpture and pottery it seems clear that Clio, unlike Venus, always wore clothes, choosing her apparel to fit the story she was writing. When dealing with military history she dressed like an Amazon, spear and shield and all; for political and constitutional history she had a whole clothes-closet—a crown and a purple coronation robe, a black gown which made her look like Portia, a knee-length coat copied later by southern senators, also miscellaneous wigs, cloaks, and daggers; the history of art and literature called for a corduroy tunic and flat-heeled buskins; for religious history she was garbed like a priestess; and when psychiatry was invented she experimented at length to see what went best with a couch. When, having passed through the drum and trumpet stage of history writing, she got round to economic history, she donned overalls: blue jeans, with copper rivets, pockets everywhere, white stitching, and union-made label. The get-up did not look divine, or even muse-like, especially from the back. But for the job in hand it has proved functionally well suited, and Clio at work has chalked up a creditable record of achievement during three quarters of a century's full employment of all her resources. It is about that record that I want to talk this afternoon.
On Some Fashions in Economic Theory
Authors: Elliott G. A.
Published: June 2006

I have interpreted the rather facetious title given me by the programme committee as permission to speak rather light-heartedly, even irresponsibly, about a few of the changes in the formal methods of analysis in the field of economic theory; to speak of fashions in tools, fashions in gadgets, fashions, if you will forgive me, in models.

In the 1920's Professor J. M. Clark supported the thesis that economic theory has developed by replacing worn and outgrown half-truths by new half-truths, that correspond more closely with increased knowledge, changing points of view, and different circumstances. Sir Dennis Robertson reviewed the first volume of the Survey of Contemporary Economics, called his review “A Revolutionist's Handbook,” and enumerated seven revolutions; but his phrasing is ironical. In his posthumous work on the History of Economic Analysis Professor Schumpeter has contended, with some success I think, that advances in economic analysis have been more consistent and less fluctuating than changes in the field of economic doctrine, economic systems, or economic thought. Fashions change, then, even in the methods of economic theory, but there is a good deal of continuity too. Many of the most widely useful tools of economic theory have changed very little in the last generation, or even in the last century; some have been in use for many centuries. Nevertheless, there have been many important changes too. Periodically, as attention comes to be focussed on a particular sort of problem, old tools are repaired, polished up, and put in the shop window; or new ones are invented.
The Party System in Nova Scotia
Authors: Beck J. Murray
Published: June 2006

The Nova Scotian party system was both a product of the struggle for responsible government and a major instrument in determining its outcome. While issues of some magnitude occasionally agitated the House of Assembly prior to 1835, none possessed such a character as to permit a clear-cut and continuing division of its members. In fact, whether the differences of those days were between Loyalist and pre-Loyalist, or between country and town, they usually sprang from no more than the struggle for personal advantage, and great public questions were lost sight of or did not arise. Up to the end of the Napoleonic wars Halifax had lived largely off the expenditures made by the British government. Hence before this flow of easy money dried up there was in Nova Scotia poor ground for the growth of a party in opposition to the oligarchy in which ecclesiastical, commercial, and political power was concentrated. Even when the first attacks upon this clique commenced in the 1820's, they were led for the most part by men of Tory sympathies who, while they felt free to make an occasional display of independence on specific constitutional issues, never carried it to the point where they might be labelled as confirmed critics of government.
Administrative Problems of the Technical Assistance Administration
Authors: Keenleyside H. L.
Published: June 2006

Although it was not his intention, Edward Gibbon once defined the whole duty and substance of any governmental body when he wrote “a heart to resolve, a head to contrive, and a hand to execute.” Of these attributes and responsibilities the third is not the least important. Nor is this anywhere more true than in the case of the United Nations, an international organization representing and serving sixty diverse states and performing functions both unique and novel. Above all it is true of the United Nations operational agency known as the Technical Assistance Administration.

The executive, that is the organizational and operational, problems of the Technical Assistance Administration break into two distinct categories. There is, first, the exceedingly difficult situation that is created by the administrative weakness of many of the governments of the underdeveloped countries which the TAA has been organized to aid. This weakness may be the result of inexperience, corruption, the general backwardness of the national economy, the primitive cultural structure, personal incompetence, or any combination of these factors. The second type of difficulty is that found in the formidable but essentially straightforward set of problems that will inevitably face an agency staffed by men and women drawn from a variety of national and personal environments, and charged with the conduct of business of an almost unique diversity, in areas globally dispersed.
Criteria for the Formulation of an Adequate Approach in Aiding the Development of Underdeveloped Areas
Authors: Niebyl Karl H.
Published: June 2006

The two papers to which we have just listened throw a significant light upon the problem of developing underdeveloped areas. Mr. Tayyeb presented some of the material aspects of the conditions encountered in the attempt to integrate industrial activity with the still predominantly agricultural economies of South Asia, and Dr. Keenleyside throughout his thorough description of the problems of administering technical aid rightly discouraged thought that technical assistance amounts to very much more than a reflection of the difficulties which it is its aim to help solve. In my own remarks I should like to combine the two different aspects presented in the papers, namely, the problems of the aid-receiving countries or areas and the problems of the aid-giving nations, in discussing some of the structural characteristics of the economies involved. My aim is to elicit from the material at hand, or even to read into it, some criteria necessary for the formulation of adequate policies in aiding underdéveloped countries. Economic theory, in this context, will be defined as the means by which we establish relationships between data with the aim of understanding the structure and motion of the whole economy in a manner that makes possible the formulation of policy. The institutional flavour will be unmistakable.

Mr. Tayyeb has reminded us of some of the prominent features of South Asia. He suggested that the poverty and degradation characteristic of this area cannot be explained by analysing them solely in terms of the state of subjugation of the Asiatic people, nor solely in terms of European exploitation. “Truth,” he said, “is to be found somewhere between.” The word “between,” I take it, suggests a relationship.
Labour Problems of an Expanding Economy
Authors: Jamieson Stuart
Published: June 2006

The labour problems of expansion and full employment are as intense and numerous as those of depression. Social and psychological problems arise from the twin processes of industrialization and urbanization. Large-scale immigration, and internal migration from rural to urban areas, bring complex problems of social disorganization and cultural conflict. Similar difficulties attend new industrial projects set up in hitherto untouched rural communities and in remote, unpopulated areas. Occupational maladjustments of various kinds are often characteristic of rapid industrial expansion. Labour shortages and bottlenecks develop side by side with pockets of unemployment. Labour-employer relationships become less personal, and internal communication more difficult, as enterprises expand in scale. Restlessness and dissatisfaction arise where workers find difficulty in adjusting to rapid technological change and unfamiliar environments. Employers complain about labour's irresponsibility and insubordination, high turnover and absenteeism, inefficiency and slowdowns.

Other problems are connected with the inflation that usually accompanies rapid economic expansion. Rising prices constantly threaten to outrun wages and salaries. Widening disparities of income among occupational groups generate dissatisfaction and unrest. Reports of high industrial profits, spectacular gains in the stock-market, and the conspicuous expenditures of the nouveaux riches, all provide very real (even if statistically inaccurate) symbols of unfairness in the distribution of income, and encourage labour to make what often seem exorbitant demands upon employers.
The Measurement and Causes of Concentration
Authors: Stykolt Stefan
Published: June 2006

This study sponsored by the National Bureau of Economic Research lives up to the Bureau's object which is “to ascertain and to present to the public important economic facts and their interpretation in a scientific and impartial manner.” Important economic facts are presented to throw light on four topics: concentration in Canadian manufacturing industries in 1948; differences in concentration between plants and firms in Canadian manufacturing industries at the same date; differences between firm concentration in a number of Canadian manufacturing industries in 1948 and firm concentration in the corresponding United States industries in 1947; and the trend in the concentration of plants in Canadian manufacturing industries in the period from 1922 to 1948.
The Changing Pattern of Indonesia's Representative Government
Authors: van der Kroef Justus M.
Published: June 2006

In the new states of Southeast Asia the idea of parliamentary government has usually been closely linked with the struggle for national independence, yet with the latter a reality in most of the area, there has come a curious disillusionment with the actual values of the former. Thus, during the 1920's and 1930's in what was then called the Netherlands East Indies, nationalists agitated on behalf of “Indonesia berparlemèn” (a parliament for Indonesia), but today we find leading Indonesian public figures, such as President Sukarno, declaring that Western-style parliamentary government has failed in Indonesia, and that what the country needs is a governmental system “in harmony with the Indonesian soul,” that is, a “democracy with leadership,” or a “guided democracy.” The following pages will seek to suggest some of the causes of this disenchantment with the principle of representative government in Indonesia, by focusing on its historic origins and functions during these, Indonesia's first, years of national independence.

When on August 17, 1945, Sukarno and Mohammad Hatta, acting on behalf of “the people of Indonesia,” formally proclaimed the independence of their nation, they confronted a condition of widespread popular inexperience in the art of representative government. It was not until 1918 that a rudimentary parliamentary body for all of Indonesia (the so-called Volksraad, or People's Council) had been established, in line with the plans, in great variety and often confusingly contradictory, of the Dutch colonial policy-makers to give their East Indian possessions a greater degree of autonomy.
Natural Law and Manifest Destiny in the Era of the American Revolution
Authors: Dion Leon
Published: June 2006

Wee hope to plant a nation, where none before hath stood.—Alexander Whitaker, Good Newes from Virginia, 1613.

Anthropological studies have shown that the myth of destiny, along with the myth of origin, has exerted a tremendous influence in shaping tribal mentality and sustaining tribal solidarity. In the history of many modern nations the influence of the myth of destiny can also be perceived. Thus, the belief in a peculiar destiny which had already been formulated among the separate colonies throughout the early period of American history was of special import in the growth of a consciousness of national identity among American colonists during the years of their struggle for independence.

This study aims at scrutinizing the changes in the formulation and meaning, during the revolutionary era, of the myth of a peculiar destiny and the impact of the doctrine of natural law in bringing about these changes. The main theses are, first, that the American colonists met the need felt during the revolutionary era for new evidence of and support for an American “destiny” by appealing to the seemingly secure tenets of the doctrine of natural law; and, second, that, as a consequence of this intermingling of “destiny” and “natural law,” the assertion of an American destiny was transformed from a “faith” to a “certainty,” or, more accurately, from a dream to an appointment “manifest.”
Non-Resident Ownership of Canadian Industry
Authors: Blyth C. D. , Carty E. B.
Published: June 2006

In any study of Canadian industry today, words such as growth and development quickly come into their own. The very scope and rapidity of the changes have introduced a new pace which in many ways is unique. Some of the reasons are not hard to trace. Once growth reaches a certain stage it seems to accumulate momentum. The proximity of Canada to the United States and her access to the industrial technology of that country have also contributed greatly.

A large measure of the expansion of Canadian industry has been the result of extensions of United States corporate activity into Canada through the establishment or development of branches and subsidiaries. In this manner, United States industrial technology, supported by abundant sources of financing in that country, has speeded and extended the process of Canadian development. And important parts of the growth which provide sources of supply for United States industry are in turn closely linking Canadian growth to growth in the United States economy. Participation by British and European enterprise and industry to a greater degree than formerly should also be noted, although it is much smaller in scale than the parts sponsored by United States industry. The pace of development would have been much slower had there not been this borrowing of non-resident resources both technological and financial. In the past half-dozen years or so, over half the increase in investment in Canadian industry has been owned by non-residents. That suggests the degree of financial assistance. It would be very difficult to evaluate the borrowing of technology but in some industries it has been very great and has provided the indispensable “know-how” without which ventures would carry much greater risks. Most of this increased investment has taken the form of equity ownership and control which carries with it potential claims to participate in subsequent growth in the rapidly developing, commodity-producing industries—manufacturing and mineral production.
The International Allocation of Resources: New Concepts and Problems of Administration
Authors: Pollock Sidney
Published: June 2006

When I was invited to present a paper on “Problems of Public Administration in International Organizations” I readily accepted as I am a firm believer in the efficacy of public discussion of important issues. Ordinarily, the selection of a topic in this broad field would offer unlimited choice, but taking into account recent changes in the international political scene, there was no doubt in my mind about the subject on which I should speak.

Anyone associated with the activities of international organizations over the past ten years has inevitably been impressed by the intense desire of the poorer countries for improved standards of living through accelerated economic development. Equally impressive has been the substantial response of the more advanced countries.

Reflecting their mutual interest in achieving social progress and economic development, and acting in fulfilment of article 55 of the United Nations Charter, governments of most advanced countries (outside the Soviet sphere) increased the flow of bilateral aid in the early post-war period and at the same time joined in establishing a number of new international agencies and programmes for economic development. In the time at my disposal today I will not attempt to describe in detail the different concepts underlying each of these programmes. But it will give some indication of their objectives and scope if I mention the large amounts of bilateral aid now being provided by the United States through the International Cooperation Administration and by Canada and other Commonwealth countries under the Colombo Plan. At the same time international organizations have increased their programmes substantially. Loans extended by the International Bank since the war now exceed $2½ billion.
Staff Relations in the Canadian Federal Public Service: Experience with Joint Consultation
Authors: Frankel S. T.
Published: June 2006

On February 21, 1951, in reply to a question in the House of Commons which rather pointedly raised the issue of the Government's attitude and intentions with regard to more direct “bargaining” with the staff associations, the Prime Minister stated: “From the very nature of employment in the public service, there can be no bargaining agent for the nation comparable with the employer in industry who has at his disposal funds derived from payments for goods or services. The funds from which salaries are paid in the public service have to be voted by parliament and parliament alone can discharge that responsibility.” Having presented this formal position with its hint of the “sovereign employer” theory, Mr. St. Laurent went on to say that the Government was not contemplating any steps to provide its employees with the same facilities for negotiation as are provided for private employees “… because it is considered that the appropriate machinery for these purposes was set up by P.C. 3676 of May 16, 1944, which established the National Joint Council of the Public Service of Canada, and the subsequent Treasury Board Minute of March 8, 1945, approving the constitution of the Council.” The latter part of the Prime Minister's statement provides the text for this paper. What is the National Joint Council? How has it worked out in practice? To what extent does it provide an acceptable alternative to collective bargaining?
Government Conciliation in Labour Disputes: Some Recent Experience in Ontario
Authors: Phillips William G.
Published: June 2006

Increasingly in the last few years, and more particularly in recent months, the effectiveness of compulsory government-sponsored conciliation in labour disputes has been called into question. Unions and employers alike have begun to ask not only whether the delays required by Canadian law make a worth-while positive contribution to the settlement of disputes, but whether in some cases they do not actually impede the reaching of a settlement.

In the midst of this debate it is of interest to recall that the principle of compulsory delay and conciliation has had a prominent and generally respected place in Canadian labour law for fifty years. The original Industrial Disputes Investigation Act of 1907 introduced the then revolutionary idea that an enforced waiting-period, accompanied by investigation, would so modify the perspective of the parties in a labour dispute that many stoppages of work would be avoided; and this principle has stood virtually unaltered in Canadian law ever since. The significant changes which have taken place since 1907 have been in the application of the principle rather than in the principle itself. As Professor Woods pointed out to this Association last spring, the use of compulsory conciliation and delay, originally meant to encompass all types of dispute, has come to be limited to one of the four main types, namely, negotiation disputes. At the same time, the range of industry in which the principle is being applied has been greatly extended. In the original I.D.I. Act, it was applied compulsorily only to industries held to possess the character of a public utility; it was applied to other industries only when desired by both parties.
Interest in News and the Selection of Sources
Authors: Lang Kurt
Published: June 2006

Radio's pre-eminent position as a medium of news is one factor often mentioned as tending to ensure its continuing vitality. There are indeed no reasons for questioning radio's present advantages in that field. First among these, though perhaps only temporarily, is the elementary fact that radio, as compared with television, enjoys nearly universal coverage. Well over 95 per cent of all households in Canada have radios but not quite 50 per cent have television. Moreover, radio has a certain flexibility in reporting news. It can provide up-to-the-minute bulletins more frequently and more quickly than the newspaper, and it can be set up for on-the-spot coverage where access via television would be much more difficult, costly, and time-consuming. The greater flexibility of radio also stems from the way it is used: newscasters do not have to choose between news value and picture value when covering or selecting a story. Finally, there is the great advantage over print that radio shares with television: the listener is given less opportunity to evade the actual content of the news than the newspaper reader, who is free to ignore items dealing with “serious” news if these fail to interest him. Furthermore, the amount of attention given to items in radio news bulletins, even if exposure is casual and non-deliberate, is determined more by the presentation than by the dispositions of the listeners.
Canadian Business Cycles since 1919: A Progress Report
Authors: Chambers Edward J.
Published: June 2006

Since the appearance of annual estimates of gross national expenditure and its components, their use has dominated the analysis of Canadian business fluctuations. They provide the most comprehensive picture of the value and volume of those goods and services, currently produced and consumed, which have passed through the market place. The national accounts have been adapted to analyses of the relationship between the Canadian economy and the economies of the United Kingdom and the United States, particularly of the latter. Interest in these relationships existed for many years before national income accounting became available, but its development certainly gave the problem new focus.

The use of national accounts for cyclical analysis has given rise to two problems. The first is that attention in Canada has focused on the period since 1926. There has been great emphasis accordingly on the Great Depression, its transmission to and impact on the economy. This cyclical experience has dominated the recent thinking of Canadian economists quite apart from the crises and misery which it brought. After all it is the one cyclical movement which stands out clearly in the national accounts. Furthermore, the experience of 1929-32 presented an unusual combination of circumstances. Nothing like it in duration or extent had occurred since the 1870’s. To base much of the analysis of Canadian business cycles on this one downturn, however major it might have been, and to draw implications for policy therefrom, could easily put public and private decision-making on an inadequate and misleading foundation.
Some Sociological Dimensions of Consumer Spending
Authors: Roseborough Howard
Published: June 2006

In the study of consumer spending a wide variety of factors, ranging from age, sex, and family size, through occupation, religion, and class background, to future expectations, advertising and personal influence, and compulsiveness, have been shown to have some influence on consumer taste and demand. Yet the precise influence these factors have, and the value which they should be assigned are still largely unknown. This paper offers a theoretical framework as one possible way of treating factors involved in consumer spending in a systematic manner. The approach is still in the process of formulation so that only the general structure of the theory can be presented.

Two assumptions are made about factors which influence consumer spending. First, it is assumed that factors may be treated as aspects of social systems or sub-systems. They may be viewed as contributing to one or other of the problems which all social systems must solve, to what have been called the adaptive, the goal attainment, the integrative, and the pattern-maintenance-tension-management problems. Thus factors are related to one another, in the first instance, by means of their functioning for the solution of system problems. Secondly, it is assumed that all factors do not have the same order of influence on consumer spending. Rather, factors are related to one another in a hierarchical way so that some can be treated as more general in their influence than others, and as unifying the more specific factors in some way. This view is derived from the more general assumption that social systems are composed of a number of distinct levels of structural organization.
The Modern Commonwealth
Authors: Brady Alexander
Published: June 2006

Since the outbreak of the Second World War the Commonwealth has passed through profound and rapid changes and does not cease to change. Its nature may seem more difficult than ever to define and classify with precision, its conscious purpose as a group of states more elusive, and its role in the world more mysterious and imponderable. To some unfriendly observers its positive influence in matters that count now appears nebulous, almost to the point of non-existence. To those keenly interested and deeply devoted, it presents difficulties. It has no formal constitution, few political organs of its own except of an ad hoc and inchoate kind, and little on paper that explains aims and prescribes procedures. Polished generalities from the Balfour Report, which before 1939 passed muster in describing its ethos, may not be irrelevant, but need careful scrutiny to determine whether under contemporary circumstances they retain much meaning.

When all this is said, the fact remains that the Commonwealth continues to live as an active, global, free association. Its members at any rate recognize its existence and the Queen as its head; they are confident of being attached, not to a phantom or mirage, but to an association unique in character, which to an indefinable degree influences their formulations of policy. For them Commonwealth relations are a part of foreign or external relations, but a special part, governed by attitudes and procedures peculiar to itself. In political ideas and traditions, moreover, the Commonwealth has substance. This fact is really fundamental to everything else, for in history and logic it is prior to everything else, and determines everything else. With it this paper must begin.