bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
An ancient Hill Fortress in Lucania
Authors: Ashby T. , Gardner R.
Published: May 2006

The ancient Lucania, the area of which corresponds, more or less, to that of the Neapolitan district of Basilicata, the modern province of Potenza, is little known even to the more leisured traveller in Italy; and we must turn to the pages of Keppel Craven and Lenormant for any but the most summary account of it. In the period of the Roman supremacy in Italy no events of singular interest are connected with Lucania, save only in the operations of the Hannibalic war around Grumentum. No military colony of outstanding importance, if we except Venusia to which Apulia lays an equal claim, was founded within its borders; no ancient remains to equal those of the country of the Samnites and the northern Sabellian peoples have attracted the attention of travellers and scholars; the Via Popilia, which ran through the heart of Lucania on its course from Campania to Rhegium, and the Via Herculia, the cross-road which cut through the northern half of Lucania between the Via Appia and the Via Popilia, are amongst the least known and the worst preserved of ancient Italian highways. Even the remains of the ancient Grumentum which lies in the upper valley of the Aciris in the heart of the Lucanian hills, are little known and less visited. Nor has Lucania been altogether fortunate in its local historians, whose weakness has lain especially on the topographical side.
Circular Bath-buildings in connexion with Cohort forts
Authors: Fair Mary C.
Published: May 2006

It may be of interest to describe examples of small round buildings found in exploring Roman forts in this country, adding for comparison notes on others recorded in connexion with forts on the German Limes ; for in many cases the purpose of these buildings has been misunderstood, and in some cases the misunderstanding appears still to persist. The buildings in question are generally about 15-20 feet in internal diameter, and they either stand close beside the bath-buildings of the fort to which they belong, or form part of these buildings. In the last century, when bath-buildings of this kind were habitually described- as ‘villas’ and mistaken for official residences, the circular structures were often described as temples or shrines. But this theory has never been borne out by the discovery of altars, inscriptions, votive objects, or anything whatever pointing to a religious function ; and, on the other hand, even apart from the now universally recognised purpose of the bath-houses with which they are associated, finds have been made in the round buildings themselves pointing towards their use as baths.
The Paintings of the Villa Item at Pompeii
Authors: Cooke P. B. Mudie
Published: May 2006

Outside the Porta Ercolanese at Pompeii was discovered in 1909, in the triclinium of a dwelling-house, a painting which is unique both in style and in subject. This at once excited great interest on the continent, and has been the subject of several articles, but in England it has hitherto not received the attention which its importance warrants.
The difference between Sand and Pozzolana
Authors: Curtis C. Densmore
Published: May 2006

In spite of the amount which recent publications have added to our knowledge of Roman building methods and materials, there is still some inaccuracy to be noted in the use of terms due very often to a misconception of the chemical constituents of the materials in question. In the present article will be discussed the confusion which still exists between the words sand and pozzolana. In Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. arena, Guillaume states that in the composition of hydraulic cements, “le sable fossile, noir, blanc ou rouge preféré par Vitruve, est probablement la pouzzolane.” In the recent articles by Miss Van Deman on Roman construction, one finds frequently the term pozzolana-arena, and the statement is made that “mortar is composed of pozzolana, which is called by Vitruvius arena fossicia, and lime.” In the new translation of Vitruvius, by J. Prestel, while the word pulvis is correctly translated in the text as “eine staubartige Erdmasse,” in the notes pulvis is translated as “sandreiche Erde.” Moreover, further on in the text, this same pulvis is described as a kind of sand, “Sandart.” Finally may be mentioned the reference in Delbrück's Hellenistische Bauten in Latium where it is stated that in the construction of opus caementicium, the Romans employed a “sharp volcanic sand.” This I shall hope to show to be a contradiction of terms, as “sharp” sand has nothing to do with volcanic activity.
Roman Ideas of Deity
Authors: Reid J. S.
Published: May 2006

The notes which follow, on topics connected with Roman religion, have been put together from old note-books of mine in the course of reading with care Mr. W. Warde Fowler's work which bears the title given above. Needless to say, it is always a pleasure to greet him afresh in his peculiar domain. Although the themes with which he deals are much the same as those treated in his Gifford Lectures, entitled ‘The Religious Experience of the Roman People,’ much will be found in the later volume which is fresh or freshly put. Of course the mode of presentation is excellent, and equally of course, bright as the writing is, there is no straining after novelty, such as has often led inquirers in the same field far beyond the bounds of sober judgment. Many obiter dicta are striking and are the ready fruit of long familiarity with the subject. It bristles with difficulties, and at many points there has been great diversity of opinion.
Religion as a factor in the history of Empires
Authors: Bryce
Published: May 2006

The part played by religious sentiment and worship in the public life of the ancient world was generally underestimated by historians of the older school. Persons of imagination and taste appreciated the poetical aspects of the ancient mythologies, while the grosser and more cruel superstitions were dwelt upon by those who compared the worships and faiths of Greece, Rome, Syria and Egypt with Christianity and Islam. But comparatively few writers saw, as we see now, how important a factor religious sentiment was, and indeed could not but be, in the political sphere. There are two respects in which it was then and always has been a force of immense though uncertain potency.
The Battle of Actium
Authors: Tarn W. W.
Published: May 2006

The true history of Antony and Cleopatra will probably never be known; it is buried too deep beneath the version of the victors. But here and there a few broken words of the under-writing can, with care, be deciphered; and as regards the battle of Actium, chance has made it possible to get at something approaching the truth, provided that we follow the elementary rule of starting from the contemporary evidence and not from the secondary narratives. Except for Ferrabino's study, every historian known to me has drawn his account of Actium solely from the secondary writers—Plutarch, Dio, the epitomators of Livy—in varying proportions; and I have not found that their accounts convey any real meaning to me. My own conclusions, I imagine, may seem strange to some readers; but the method here followed is the right one, whatever be the imperfections in my handling of it.
A Recently Discovered Inscription by Arab Veterans
Authors: Telfer W.
Published: May 2006

The photograph here reproduced (pl. XIII) was received recently by Dr. A. Mingana from the Syrian Patriarch Ignatius Ephrem I of Antioch. His Beatitude writes that the stone, which measures 55 cm. in height and 40 cm. across, and is white, was discovered in the course of digging in the yard of the church of SS. Sergius and Bacchus at Ṣadad. Ṣadad is a small town some thirty miles east of Ras Baalbek station (Beirut-Aleppo line), on the edge of the desert, almost at, but a little south of, the point nearest to Palmyra. In antiquity the longer route from Palmyra to Damascus must have passed near its site. The stone is now preserved in the baptistry on the south side of the church.
The Racial Affinities of the Romano-Britons
Authors: Buxton L. H. Dudley
Published: May 2006

In this paper I propose to limit myself strictly to one particular aspect of Romano-British ethnology, the physical type, and to consider what light the available evidence throws on the general problem of the ethnological affinities of the Romano-British population. The subject naturally falls into three parts, the actual physical type or types of the Romano-Britons, their origin, and their relation to the subsequent population of England. The question was first studied as far back as the middle of the nineteenth century by Thurnam, by him and Davis and by Davis alone in general, and, on a particular site, Frilford near Oxford, by Rolleston. Pitt-Rivers in his excavations in Cranborne Chase and elsewhere made a specially valuable contribution. These original contributions were discussed by Beddoe and Ripley amongst others.
The Identification of the Numicus
Authors: Tilly Bertha
Published: May 2006

Of the rivers of the Roman Campagna the Numicus, perhaps, attracts especial interest, not only because of several ancient cults connected with it and its resultant peculiar sanctity for the Romans, but also because of three references to it in the Aeneid. In the seventh book, after the Trojans land on the left bank of the Tiber, they prospect the newly-discovered land, and bring back word to Aeneas

This seems to imply that the Numicus is second in importance only to the Tiber in that locality. Then an envoy is sent to Latinus, and to his questions Ilioneus, the herald, replies

Thirdly, in the Gathering of the Clans, the coastal district of Latium is summarised in the lines

Apart from the fact that in these passages the Numicus is coupled with the Tiber, and that in the last two its sanctity is manifest, little evidence can be gained from Vergil in regard to the location of the river.

Between Ostia and Antium some half-dozen streams flow over the Roman Campagna and debouch on to the shore of Latium (p. 3, fig. 1), four of which have severally been recognised by various authorities as the Numicus. About two kilometres south of the Tiber is the Canale dello Stagno, a sluggish stream which serves as a drainage canal for the tract of land, now reclaimed for tillage and pasture, which once was the Ostian lake and the site of ancient salt beds. It appears originally to have been natural but at some period to have been canalised ; for, though the course is not quite straight, the banks are trim and regular. It is wide enough to admit of a bridge with three arches (pi. iii, 1).
Quinto Nundinas Pompeis
Authors: Snyder Walter F.
Published: May 2006

The cycle of market days, or Nundinae, recurring at an interval of eight days, which was observed by the city of Rome and some other, at least, of the Italian cities—notably those of Campania—has been known to the modern world through two types of evidence—that of written sources and that of epigraphical documents. The written sources, except when they make only passing reference to this institution, as in the case of Cicero's Letters to Atticus and Cassius Dio's Roman History, are interested primarily in the origin and essential nature of the custom. Also, we hear from these written sources primarily of the Nundinae as observed at Rome itself. For the practice of other Italian cities in holding markets at eight-day intervals we are almost entirely dependent upon the evidence of calendars on stone, but to a less extent, and more recently, we have been fortunate in having added to this the evidence of graffiti.
The Antonine Frontier in Scotland
Authors: Richmond I. A.
Published: May 2006

The second edition of Sir George Macdonald's Roman Wall in Scotland has provoked a new interest in the problems presented by that limes; and no contribution to the discussion is likely to be more stimulating than that propounded above (p. 80 ff.) by Professor Collingwood. The bold thesis there developed is that the Antonine Wall was the slightest of barriers, a toy frontier manned by a garrison whose energies were divided and wasted between patrolling and the legitimate work of defence. So curious a design resulted from the fact that the Lowlands between the Walls had been largely depopulated before the new frontier was established. This interesting view, coherent enough in itself, is put forward in order to supply a lack in Sir George's book, which studies the frontier objectively, without attempting to explain why it was erected; and it is freely admitted that the archaeological facts upon which such a view might be based are insufficient to justify an authoritative statement of a case. Thus, we are in the happy position of being able to admire both author and critics. Sir George's caution is ranged against Professor Collingwood's temerity ; the one avoiding treacherous ground, the other treading nimbly across it, getting a foothold where he can.
P Yale Inv. 1528 and P Fouad 21
Authors: Segré A.
Published: May 2006

M. Jean Schérer, the editor of P Fouad 21, suggested that the question about the πολιτεία of the missicii was decided the same day as the question of the legionaries in P Yale inv. 1528, and that the space before εἶπον in 1. 11 contained very probably the name of the prefect Tuscus.

In Fouad 21, lines 11–14, Tuscus seems to repeat what he said in P Yale inv. 1528, lines 17 ff.

Comparing P Yale 1528 with P Fouad 21, I would suggest that ἀγωγή does not mean ‘discipline’ but the actio, i.e., the claim of the soldiers, and I assume also that the legionaries in P Yale 1528 are veterans of the legions and not legionaries, because in both documents the prefect spoke to the same people repeating the same things.
The Family of Vergil
Authors: Gordon Mary L.
Published: May 2006

The quest of Vergil's birthplace has been brought to a satisfactory conclusion, but the nationality and social origin of the poet are still curiously obscure. He may have been Etruscan, Celtic, Venetian, Ligurian or even Greek; and he is variously described in the ancient biographies as ‘parentibus infimis’ and ‘dignitate eques Romanus.’ To this it may be rejoined that these things matter little in any man, and not at all in the case of a great poet: stemmata quid faciunt? Yet the circumstances of his birth play their part, like the scenery of his early home, in determining the growth of a poet's mind; and for this reason it seems worth while to investigate them afresh, and to attempt a new quest after the elusive facts of Vergil's family.
Civil Proceedings against ex-Magistrates in the Republic
Authors: Buckland W. W.
Published: May 2006

The following pages must be regarded rather as stating a question than as claiming to answer it. This is fitting, since the revered scholar in honour of whom the article is written is eminently qualified to deal with the constitutional question involved and the writer certainly is not.

Essentially the question is: Could a civil action lie against an ex-magistrate (consul, praetor, proconsul or the like) on account of any acts done by him in professed exercise of his imperium ? And it suggested by the fact that, while the surviving lay and legal source tell us a good deal about criminal proceedings in such cases, we hear, as it seems, nothing about civil remedies.
Clodius and the Lex Aelia Fufia
Authors: McDonald William F.
Published: May 2006

That the lex Clodia of 58 B.C. repealed either in whole or in part the lex Aelia Fufia of c. 153 B.C. is adequately attested by our ancient authorities and universally admitted by modern scholars. The crux of the question is: was the lex Aelia Fufia wholly abrogated by the lex Clodia, and, if not, precisely what part of the former law was repealed by the legislation of Clodius? Despite the statement of Cicero—‘mitto eam legem, quae omnia iura religionum, auspiciorum, potestatum, omnes leges quae sunt de iure et de tempore legum rogandarum, una rogatione delevit’—which is obviously rhetorical and biased, no one, so far, as the writer knows, holds the view that all clauses of the lex Aelia Fufia were repealed by the lex Clodia. This inquiry, therefore, is an attempt to determine how much of the lex Aelia Fufia the lex Clodia repealed.
The Extortion Procedure Again
Authors: Sherwin-White A. N.
Published: May 2006

Mrs. I. Henderson has recently presented a novel interpretation of the function of the Quaestio Repetundarum, partly in contradiction of my own discussion elsewhere of the evidence for the penalty of the extortion laws. I there argued that the penalty remained financial from the Lex Calpurnia to the Lex Cornelia, and that the frequent, but not universal, withdrawal into exile of condemned persons was due mainly to fear of fresh prosecution on more serious charges arising from the extortion case and reinforced by the praeiudicium, and that only the Lex Iulia transformed custom into law by specifying the capital penalty for the more heinous forms of extortion. Against this Mrs. Henderson maintains that the penalty for extortion under the Acilian and later laws was normally capital, though some-times less than capital, and explains this dualism by a new interpretation of the powers of the Gracchan Judices, which if accepted calls for a general change of ideas about the development of the Quaestio system.
The Origin and Early History of the Follis
Authors: Jones A. H. M.
Published: May 2006

One of the mosaics of the villa at Piazza Armerina, which are generally dated to the early fourth century A.D., depicts in connection with a contest a table on and under which are what are evidently prizes, crowns, palms, and bags labelled , that is 12,500 denarii. I suggest that these bags are the folks, which were at this date and later units of currency. A follis was, as its name implies and as various metrological writers confirm, a purse, and these purses, according to literary and epigraphic sources, contained bronze coins or denarii. The follis is first attested in 308–9, but was probably introduced at an earlier date, somewhere between the great debasement of the antoninianus by Gallienus and the reform of the coinage by Diocletian, when the antoninianus or Aurelian's piece marked XXI were the only coins in circulation and their value had sunk so low that some higher denomination was essential. If this is so, the coins which the follis contained cannot have been denarii, which had ceased to be minted, though the value of the follis was reckoned in denarii.
The Bronze Statuette from Uffington, Berkshire
Authors: Riis P. J.
Published: May 2006

In 1936 Professor J. D. Beazley kindly drew my attention to the exquisite late archaic bronze statuette (pl. vii) which was said to have been found at Uffington, Berks. The war, however, made it impossible for me to obtain the owner's permission to reproduce the bronze in my Tyrrhenika.

Having been on loan in the Ashmolean Museum from 1923 to 1936, the statuette was bequeathed to the Museum in 1942, being handed over in July, 1943, after the death of the owner and his widow. The testator, Mr. A. E. Preston, F.S.A., of Abingdon, Berks, bought it years ago at the sale of the effects of a Mrs. Beesley, who also lived at Abingdon. With the bronze there was given in 1943 a full-size water-colour sketch of it, on which was written, in the hand-writing of the artist, ‘Found by a labourer near Uffington, Berks,’ and a statement that it was in the possession of Mr. Beesley of Abingdon. The painter was Jesse King, of Appleford, Berks, an antiquary of some repute of about the middle of the nineteenth century, a very careful man, who in making drawings almost invariably recorded where the relics were found. He could have no object in putting anything on the drawing except what he believed or knew to be a fact.
Sculptures from a Romano-British Well in Gloucestershire
Authors: O'Neil Helen E. , Toynbee J. M. C.
Published: May 2006

In the autumn of 1957 a well, from which three altars and five pieces of sculptures were recovered, was excavated by the writer in the Farnworth Gravel Pit, Great Chessells, Lower Slaughter, Gloucestershire.

The well is the fifth to be found in the gravel pit, where remains of circular hut-floors, ovens, a corn-drying oven, and other domestic sites, accompanied by many potsherds, coins, and other objects of Romano-British date have come to light during the last 25 years. One rectangular building, 40 ft. long and 28 ft. wide, with foundations of masonry, was also uncovered and appeared to be the chief house of the village, while a whole series of superimposed drainage-ditches, outlining small fields, lay on the eastern slopes of the ground towards the Fosse Way, the latter just skirting the settlement, on its way to Bourtonon-the-Water, a mile distant.
Two Pisidian Colonial Families
Authors: Levick Barbara
Published: May 2006

When, under the Flavian dynasty, the Senate began to be opened to men of outstanding ability and wealth from the eastern provinces, the Roman colony of Pisidian Antioch was sure of representation. The rise of the Caristanius family at Antioch has been discussed by Cheesman; their startlingly sudden disappearance from the colony at the end of the first century A.D. left a gap which was partially filled in the second century by another colonial family of note, the Flavonii.
Roman Britain, 1910–1960
Authors: Richmond I. A.
Published: May 2006

In 1910, when the Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies was founded, the study of Roman Britain was already firmly set upon its path. Earlier brilliant treatments by F. Haverfield, in Traill's Social England, in the Victoria County History and in his own Romanization of Roman Britain, had set a general picture which was an attractive and cogent synthesis of the evidence provided by literature and archaeology. There already existed, thanks to a long tradition of private enterprise and to enlightened action of such bodies as the Society of Antiquaries of London, a substantial body of archaeological material, extending not merely to objects, but to buildings and their plans. Thus, by 1911, John Ward could publish a volume on Romano-British Buildings and Earthworks which, for its day, curried a volume of detailed information quite unsurpassed in any other province of the Empire. Here the antiquities of the military area and of the countryside were illustrated with particular vividness. But highly important work had already been done in the urban areas. The excavation of the Romano-British cantonal capital of Silchester, organized by the Society of Antiquaries of London, had already been estimated by Haverfield to have made it ‘better known, perhaps, than any provincial town of the Roman Empire’. Excavations of the same type, directed to the wholesale uncovering of foundations over wide areas, were also in progress at Caerwent and were revealing the striking differences which might obtain between communities in different areas of the province.
The Constitutio Antoniniana and the Egyptian Poll-Tax
Authors: Bell H. I.
Published: May 2006

The poll-tax (λαογραφία as it was called in Greek), was one of the most important of the many taxes levied by the Romans on their Egyptian subjects. In his work on Taxation in Egypt, Mr. S. L. Wallace states: ‘There are more receipts for payment of λαογραφία extant than for any other tax paid in money.’ The view prevailing among papyrologists during the earlier years of the present century was that it was an impost which marked the inferior status of the Egyptians. They were dediticii, subdued by force of arms, and moreover excluded from the possibility of obtaining the Roman citizenship except in so far as they could succeed in first procuring admission to the citizen body of Alexandria. Thus, in his Grundzüge, published in 1912, Wilcken writes: ‘[Die Ägypter] wurden wieder zurückgeworfen in die niedrige Stellung, die sie unter den ersten Ptolemäern eingenommen hatten. Zwar hatten sie auch damals schon eine kopfsteuerartige Auflage zahlen müssen, aber abgesehen davon, dass die von Augustus eingeführte Kopfsteuer (λαογραφία) neu und wahrscheinlich strenger organisiert wurde, waren die Ägypter jetzt als peregrini dediticii als die Pariaklasse gebrandmarkt.’ When, therefore, P Giss. 40 restored to us, though in an unfortunately fragmentary form, the actual text of the Constitutio Antoniniana, and one clause of this famous edict was construed by the editor as excluding the dediticii from Caracalla's gift of the Roman citizenship, it was naturally concluded, alike by the editor and by all other scholars, that the Egyptians as a mass did not receive the citizenship but continued as (to use Wilcken's expression) a pariah class.
The First Political Commentary on Tacitus
Authors: Momigliano Arnaldo
Published: May 2006

Only the learning, the wisdom, and the wit of Professor N. H. Baynes could do full justice to the influence of Tacitus on modern political and historical thought. As no ancient historian of our time is so interested in the legacy of Classical Antiquity as Professor Baynes, it has seemed not inappropriate to bring to him from my native Piedmont the following contribution to the history of Tacitus' influence. An earlier chapter of the same history was written in this Journal (VI, 196 ff.), by Professor F. J. Haverfield.

Pontano, at the end of the fifteenth century writes: ‘Curtium ac Taciturn quasi mutilatas videmus statuas; licetque suspicari potius ac coniicere quam omnino de iis iudicium aliquod absolutum ac certum tradere.’ After the editio princeps of the first books of the Annals (1515), it became evident that Tacitus had a message for contemporaries. As Guicciardini said: ‘Insegna molto bene Cornelio Tacito a chi vive sotto a' tiranni il modo di vivere e governarsi prudentemente, cosi come insegna a' tiranni e' modi di fondare la tirannide.’
Reminiscence of Theodor Mommsen
Authors: Bruck Eberhard F.
Published: May 2006

Almost exactly half a century ago—on 13th January, 1900—the University of Berlin celebrated the beginning of the fateful twentieth century. Only after lengthy discussions had the date been chosen. Many authorities had argued that the new century started only in 1901—an innocuous argument, indeed, by the standards of our days.
The Army in Politics, A.D. 68–70
Authors: Chilver G. E. F.
Published: May 2006

For offering Dr. Last observations on a topic which over thirty years ago he reasonably described as ‘trite’ I have little excuse save that our own generation has given the Four Emperors less attention than did the two generations which preceded it. Perhaps the most valuable contribution has come from the numismatists, who have left the believers in provincial ‘nationalism’ with the need for a radical restatement of their case. Epigraphical studies, moreover, have told us more, but not nearly enough, about the origins of the chief actors in the drama, the soldiers and their commanders. Above all, the flood of writing on the thought of Tacitus has continued unchecked. A bibliography here would be tedious but one example will illustrate the theme of this paper. In 1939 Paola Zancan, later reviewed by Dr. Last in this Journal, sought to analyse each of the ancient literary versions of the year 69, and to show how each author's interpretation sprang from his personality, from his position in society, or from the time at which he wrote.
Perizonius, Niebuhr and the Character of Early Roman Tradition
Authors: Momigliano Arnaldo
Published: May 2006

‘The famous Ballad theory of Niebuhr of which we seldom hear now except in connexion with Macaulay's lays’ … These are the words of Mr. Last's tutor—W. Warde Fowler. When he wrote them, in 1912, Warde Fowler was apparently not aware that the ballad theory had been revived a few years before by an Italian historian who was to exercise a deep influence on Mr. Last. But the ballad theory involves other names—such as Perizonius, Vico, Niebuhr, Schwegler, Mommsen—which have been ever present in Mr. Last's mind and have often recurred in conversation. In more recent years the ballad theory has lost nothing of its prestige in Italy; two pupils of De Sanctis, A. Rostagni and L. Pareti, have made it the cornerstone of their interpretation of archaic Latin literature and historiography. Indeed, the theory has again found favour in England.
Etruscan and Roman Roads in Southern Etruria
Authors: Perkins J. B. Ward
Published: May 2006

The main roads that led north from Rome into Etruria have received surprisingly little attention from students of classical topography. With the exception of the Via Flaminia, which has been the subject of a characteristically detailed study by Ashby and Fell, the course of none of these roads has been systematically worked out on the ground. Martinori's monograph on the Via Cassia (and Clodia) is little more than a compilation of facts about the places along its presumed route; and Lopes Pegna's recent articles, though a useful contribution, are concerned rather with the problems raised by the study of the Classical itineraries than with their topographical implications. And yet for two millennia these roads have played a major, often a determining, part in the history of the regions through which they pass They have become a part of the essential pattern of life, and it is perhaps for that very reason that they have so often been taken for granted.
The Roman Frontier Settlement at Ghirza: An Interim Report
Authors: Brogan Olwen , Smith David
Published: May 2006

The ruins of Ghirza are the remains of a settlement of the Roman period which lie 250 km. (150 miles) south-east of Tripoli in a direct line, or about 375 km. (225 miles) by road and track, and some 130 km. (80 miles) from the nearest point on the Syrtic coast. The site (p. 176, fig. 3) is on the left bank of the Wadi Ghirza, about 10 km. south-west of its junction with the Wadi Zemzem, and is the southernmost Romano–Libyan frontier settlement known to have existed in the region between the Gheriat and Bu Ngem. Its two groups of mausolea with their striking and varied sculptures have been known for many years, but little attention has hitherto been paid to the settlement itself. A general survey of Ghirza, its tombs and its settlement, is being carried out by the writers in collaboration with Dr. E. Vergara-Caffarelli, Director of the Department of Antiquities of Tripolitania. It is the purpose of this article to summarize the results of the survey of the buildings and associated features of the settlement, initiated in 1952 and 1953 and nearly completed in 1955.
Cato Tusculanus and the Capitoline Fasti
Authors: Astin A. E.
Published: May 2006

One of the most frequently attested facts concerning M. Porcius Cato, cos. 195 B.C., ‘the Censor’, is that his place of origo was Tusculum. Tusculum was a Latin town which had long since acquired the status of a municipium and the full privileges of Roman citizenship: Cato was a ‘new man’ in the political sense, but we might naturally infer that he came from a long line of Roman citizens. Yet some of the most eminent of modern scholars, and in particular P. Fraccaro, have held that the inference is false. Instead it has been argued that his family was Sabine, had received Roman citizenship only in his father's generation, and only recently had taken up residence in Tusculum. Although several writers have rejected these conclusions—some by silence rather than explicitly—the arguments for them, which are weighty and at first sight convincing, have not been subjected to the detailed examination which they merit. The present paper seeks to supply such an examination.
Some Problems of Romano-Parthian Sculpture at Hatra
Authors: Toynbee J. M. C.
Published: May 2006

In 1964 there was found in Temple C at Hatra a life-size marble head with cleanshaven face (PI. V, 1 and 2), now in the Iraqi National Museum in Baghdad. It was lying on the podium behind the altar at the south end of the temple, and would seem to have fallen there from the place in which it had been set. The head, of which the face is extremely well preserved, appears to have been deliberately cut from the body across the neck, just below the chin. But of the body no trace has as yet come to light in Temple C or elsewhere.

The head, with its heavy, fleshy countenance, its lack of moustache and beard, its furrowed brow, facial folds, and full chin, is clearly the portrait of an elderly Roman. These features immediately distinguish it from the rather lean, smooth, flat-cheeked, moustached and bearded portraits of Hatrene kings, noblemen and so forth. Furthermore, it must be the portrait of a Roman prior to Hadrian's time, when, as is well known, thick curly hair and thick curly beards and moustaches came into fashion for men in the West.
The Chronology of the Early Books of Lucilius
Authors: Raschke Wendy J.
Published: May 2006

Friedrich Marx in the Prolegomena to his edition of Lucilius in 1904–5 proposed that the earliest books of Lucilius, viz. Books 26–30, were composed between the years 132 and 129 B.C. Conrad Cichorius, in his distinguished work Untersuchungen zu Lucilius (1908), advanced a lower date of 123 B.C. for the first collection, arguing his case with such skill and supporting it with such a quantity of apparently indisputable historical material that many scholars have for the last seventy years accepted many of his conclusions. The late dating of Books 26–30 is based primarily on three fragments, one in Book 26 (671–2M/650–1W/656–7K), and two in Book 30 (1088M/1017W/1054K and 1089M/1018W/1055K). In the survey of the datable fragments of Books 26–30 which follows the aim will be to demonstrate how the historical work of the last seventy years has affected our conclusions about the date of these fragments, and how these lines, which have been assigned late dates by Cichorius, in fact conform to the generally accepted pattern of early datable references in the first collection of Lucilius' satires.
Two Recent Acquisitions in Belgrade Museums
Authors: Kondić Vladimir
Published: May 2006

Discovered by a lucky accident, a Roman bronze head of remarkable quality was unearthed in 1969 in the village of Boleč near Belgrade (Plates V–VII).

Roman portraits in the Danubian provinces, where they are of above-average quality, invariably represent emperors or members of the imperial family. In the case of this bust, the type of beard and the general style show that we are dealing with a personage of the Severan period. The appearance of the beard may suggest a certain resemblance to the emperor Pupienus, but the identification does not bear further inspection, since his portraits differ from the new head significantly in most other details.
Supporters and Opponents of Tiberius Gracchus
Authors: Briscoe John
Published: May 2006

Although a considerable amount of work has been devoted to the identification of the supporters and opponents of Tiberius Gracchus, the central feature of the prosopographical picture that emerges has not been given the attention it deserves. For Tiberius Gracchus, whose mother was both the sister of the adoptive father of Scipio Aemilianus and the niece of Scipio's natural father, and whose sister was married to Aemilianus, found his most notable noble supporters among those who were political opponents of Aemilianus. In the context of Roman politics as they operated in the pre-Gracchan era, that is a very remarkable situation, and one that merits further investigation. For if it is the case that Tiberius Gracchus broke away from his inherited connections to join the political opponents of those connections, it is worth asking what consequences and repercussions this action had. We might expect to find persons who could be put into the following categories: (a) other former supporters of Aemilianus, who joined Gracchus in his break-away, (b) friends of Aemilianus who remained loyal to him, (c) opponents of Aemilianus who would not accept the Gracchan programme, and (d) opponents of Aemilianus who supported Gracchus. What follows is an attempt to define the membership of the various categories. I restrict myself to this process of identification: I am not here concerned with the larger question of the extent to which the motives of those who supported Gracchus were purely factional and how far they genuinely backed the Gracchan programme. On these, and many other matters, one will naturally turn now to Badian's exhaustive survey in the first volume of Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt.
The Treaty of Apamea (188 B.C.)
Authors: McDonald A. H.
Published: May 2006

There is no more likely factor of dispute in a peace treaty than its definition of an inland frontier, even when the terms of the treaty are directly known: one has not to look far for instances where a topographic reference has proved to be equivocal. The terrain itself, of course, may be to blame. Only a continuous river line provides a clear demarcation of territory; a mountainous area or steppe or desert land, often by its nature sparsely populated, may lack the local place-names to give precision to a frontier. In the second century B.C. the Romans experienced this difficulty in North Africa and Asia Minor. But the modern scholar is even more at a loss, in two ways. First, his knowledge has geographical gaps, and the ancient names may have changed: one has only to think of the debt that we owe to the epigraphic work of men who have scoured Asia Minor for the evidence identifying ancient sites. Secondly, the literary texts have suffered corruption, in greater or less degree, during the course of their manuscript transmission. It is necessary to combine the study of topography, inscriptions, and text. Further—with reference to the present subject—the Romans imposed peace and what may be called a ‘protectorate’ in Asia Minor, however loosely.
The Speech of Curtius Montanus: Tacitus, Histories IV, 42
Authors: Martin R. H.
Published: May 2006

When a Roman historian came to compose the orations that convention permitted him to include within his pages, all the arts of rhetoric were at his disposal. But in one signal sphere the historians renounced the procedure that Cicero had enjoined in theory and displayed in practice, the employment of the rhythmical clausula. Or rather, in reaction against the Ciceronian cadences they favoured other rhythms, not least the spondaic. The tendency is as true of Livy as it is of the patently anti-Ciceronian Sallust. Tacitus too, though in less marked degree, follows the historians' practice—a liking for the dispondaic ending and no disinclination for the heroic clausula (), but also a considerable fondness for the ditrochee. According to Zielinski the following patterns (C2 (+ C22esse uideatur) + C3 + T24 + M3 ( + M23)) account for almost 75 % of all Cicero's final clausulae (actually 73·8%): the figures for the historians are Sallust 28·3%, Livy 25·9%, Tacitus 44·8 %. The intermediary position that Tacitus adopts is not without its advantages. When Petillius Cerialis addresses the Treviri and Lingones as a bluff soldier, unaccustomed to public speaking, he can emphasize his pretence of artlessness by the heavy spondaic endings of his first two sentences —and similarly at the end of the chapter.
Guard Prefects of Trajan and Hadrian
Authors: Syme Ronald
Published: May 2006

For a space of forty years, from 98 to 138, few praefecti occur on named attestation. In fact only six : two registered in isolation, four in collegiate pairs. Apart from seasons of disturbance, the holders of this useful and necessary office tend to evade notice in written history.

It was not until 2 B.C. that Caesar Augustus appointed commanders of the Praetorian cohorts, so Cassius Dio states. The occasion might excite curiosity: perhaps after the grave crisis in the autumn. The historian adds no comment. He had previously put emphasis on the dangers inherent in a single prefect. Not perhaps clear at first—and Seius Strabo was in sole charge when Augustus died. Named associate with his parent by Tiberius Caesar, Aelius Seianus managed almost at once to have him sent away to be governor of Egypt.
Rome, Pamphylia and Cilicia, 133–70 B.C.
Authors: Sherwin-White A. N.
Published: May 2006

There has been much debate about the nature and purpose of the Roman intervention in Pamphylia between 102 and 70 B.C., to which a new edge has been given by the discovery of the extensive new fragments of the ‘Piracy Law’ of 101–100. Any solution needs a clear understanding of the strategic geography of the region and its political role within the kingdom of Pergamum that became the province of Asia. This fertile though narrow coastal plain, hemmed in by the western prolongation of the Taurus mountains, between the high massif of Cilicia Aspera in the east and the lower block of Lycia in the west, with the Pisidian chains to the north, is the coastal face of the isolated and difficult country of Pisidia. The deltas of the Pisidian rivers, notably Cestros and Eurymedon, enrich the narrow plain of Pamphylia. Practicable access to the interior for large forces dependant on wheeled transport for supplies is provided by three difficult routes leading through the Pisidian mountains from the coastal harbours: the first goes north-west from Attaleia past Termessus into and through the mountainous Milyas region that lies behind Lycia to Cibyra, and thence to Laodicea on the upper Maeander (Lycus) in Carian Asia. The second and easiest goes northwards from Attaleia to Sagalassus in the heart of Pisidia, and thence to Apamea on the Phrygian plateau—with a difficult branch north-east to Pisidian Antioch and Philomelium—and the third goes north and north-east from Side through the highest section of the Pisidian mountains, passing between the great Lake Caralis and the northern end of the High Taurus into the elevated plateau of Lycaonia: thence, from the communication centre of Iconium, there is easy access to Cappadocia by the central highway that links Apamea, Iconium and Mazaca. Pamphylia thus forms the southern gateway to Pergamene and Roman Asia, and to the Cappadocian kingdom behind the main chains of the Taurus. Hence it was of strategic interest to the Hellenistic kingdoms, which in the past had sought to control it and to found cities in it, and most notably after the Treaty of Apamea, to the kings of Pergamum.
The Diffusion of Manichaeism in the Roman Empire
Authors: Brown Peter
Published: May 2006

A study of the fate of Manichaeism in the Roman Empire derives its interest from three main problems. First, Manichaeism was invariably associated with Persia: to study the growth of Manichaeism in the eastern provinces of the Roman Empire, and to trace the attitude of the Roman governing-class to its expansion, is to touch on an important sector of the cultural relations between the Sassanian Empire and the Roman world. Secondly, the repression of Manichaeism in the Christian Empire was the spear-head of religious intolerance: the only Christian heretics to be executed in the Early Church were Manichees or those, such as Priscillian, on whom the accusation of Manichaeism could be made to stick. Thirdly, Manichaeism was a missionary religion: its rapid expansion in the third and fourth centuries makes it the last religion from the eastern provinces to attempt to make headway in Roman society, just as its appearance in the T'ang Empire of China, alongside Buddhism and Nestorian Christianity, place it among the leading ‘barbarian’ religions that spread into an Empire which had suddenly opened to the Western World. Conversely, the withering away of Manichaeism in the Roman Empire is a symptom of the growth of a new, more exclusive, more localized society, that foreshadows the embattled Christendom of the Middle Ages.
The Date of Dedication of the Temple of Mars Ultor
Authors: Simpson C. J.
Published: May 2006

For many years now scholars have considered the date of dedication of the temple of Mars Ultor in the Forum of Augustus as a matter beyond dispute. This date, 1 August 2 B.C., is based principally on the evidence supplied by Augustus, Velleius Paterculus and Dio, and has been accepted as an established historical fact at least from the time of Th.Mommsen's discussion in 1893. Nevertheless, certain problems arise from an acceptance of this date; problems, that is, which have a direct bearing on the use of the Res Gestae of Augustus and the Fasti of Ovid as valid historical sources.

The year in which the temple was dedicated in the Forum of Augustus has been established beyond all doubt. Velleius Paterculus (11, 100, 2) states that the temple was dedicated during the consulship of Augustus and L. Caninius Gallus, who, as we know from other sources, was suffect consul in 2 B.C. Also Augustus assigns to this year—his thirteenth consulship—the first celebration of Ludi Martiales at Rome. Furthermore, it may be accepted that Ludi Martiales were produced in subsequent years on the anniversary of the dedication of this temple.
Fiscus and Patrimonium: the Saepinum Inscription and Transhumance in the Abruzzi
Authors: Corbier Mireille
Published: May 2006

In any discussion of the relationship between Fiscus and Patrimonium, the inscription from Saepinum dealing with incidents on the callis or tratturo from the Abruzzi to the Tavoliere which passed through the town must play a part. The inscription comprises three documents: a report from the Imperial freedman Septimianus to his superior, the freedman a rationibus Cosmus, on the maltreatment alleged by the conductores gregum oviaricorum in the region of Saepinum and Bovianum, at the hands of local magistrates and stationarii; a request from the a rationibus to the Praetorian Prefects; and a warning letter from these to the magistrates of Saepinum, placed at the head of the dossier.

The standard interpretation of the Saepinum inscription explains the place which it holds in discussions of the Patrimonium; for let us suppose that the conductores gregum oviaricorum are the contractors for the Imperial flocks, the oves dominicae, and that the intervention of Cosmus is justified on the basis of his position, the flocks being sub cura mea; it would follow that at any rate under Marcus (the affair belongs to the years 169–72), the possessions of the Emperor were in the hands of the a rationibus and hence of the Fiscus.
The ‘Fiscus’ and its Development
Authors: Brunt P. A.
Published: May 2006

In a recent article Mr. Fergus Millar has propounded the hypothesis that in the first two centuries of the Principate the term ‘fiscus’ always refers to the emperor's private wealth and is indistinguishable from such terms as ‘res familiaris’. In support of this view he has collected a great mass of useful material where the term ‘fiscus’ is actually used. Some of this evidence undoubtedly accords very well with his contention, and indeed no one can reasonably deny that the term is often employed in the sense stated. But many other texts which he cites only fortify his thesis if what he seeks to prove is already assumed, and can readily be interpreted in accordance with the view that ‘fiscus’ has more than one meaning. In my judgment he has failed to disprove Professor A. H. M. Jones' theory that ‘fiscus’ has diverse senses: it may mean

(1) in the Republic the private funds of an individual;

(2) in the Principate the private funds of the emperor ;

(3) in both the Republic and the Principate a chest, provincial or departmental, containing public monies ;

(4) in Jones' words, ‘the whole financial administration controlled by the emperor’ ; hence to say that property or income was fiscal may simply denote that it was under the emperor's administration and control, whether in strict law it was owned by the emperor in his private capacity or by the res publica. In this sense we may call the ‘fiscus’ the imperial treasury, without implying that it was ever a single chest in which coin or bullion was kept.