bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Argentine Political Instability: A Crisis of Simultaneous Quest for Authority and Equality
Authors: Lee Manwoo
Published: March 2007

During the past quarter of a century, Argentina has undergone a series of diverse political experiments. These included the rise and fall of Juan Perón (1943-1955), the military caretaker governments of Generals Eduardo Lonardi and Pedro Aramburu (1955-1958), the emergence and overthrow of Arturo Frondizi (1958-1962), the interim government of José Guido (1962-1963), the election and downfall of Arturo Illía (1963-1966), and finally the coming to power of General Juan Carlos Onganía. Onganía presently rules the country with no intention of loosening his control on the levers of power.

The Perón regime revealed a semitotalitarian tendency, an obsession with the building of new political authority and community. The Aramburu administration attempted to prove that the Perón regime was criminal and a destroyer of Argentine civilization. Ignoring the primacy of politics, the Frondizi government tried desperately to cope with the rapid economic development. Inertia characterized the Mia administration.
The Argentine Proposal for Non-belligerency, April 1940
Authors: Tulchin Joseph S.
Published: March 2007

Argentine neutrality during World War II with its suspicious leanings toward fascism has become a cliché in inter-American relations. As far as the United States was concerned at that time, the Argentine Republic was the black sheep of the hemispheric community, the only nation that failed to cooperate wholeheartedly in the crusade against the Axis. The famous State Department “Blue Book,” so conveniently published prior to the Argentine general elections of 1946, spelled out the aid and comfort the Nazis had derived from Argentina's neutrality. By only the narrowest margin did Argentina avoid being drummed out of the hemispheric organization and barred from membership in the new United Nations.

It seems strange, therefore, to recall that it was the Argentine government that first suggested, in the spring of 1940, that the nations of the Western Hemisphere discard the posture of traditional neutrality in the face of the spreading conflagration in Europe, on the grounds that it was anachronistic and did not protect their interests.
Cities of Empire: Mexico and Bahia in the Sixteenth Century
Authors: Schwartz Stuart B.
Published: March 2007

In the Renaissance, colonization and exploitation followed soon after travel and discovery. Spaniards and Portuguese were the vanguard of this movement in the Atlantic world, and it is not surprising that the city was among the institutions brought by them as part of their cultural heritage. What makes the story of the urban conquest of Latin America particularly interesting are the specific configurations of society in the cities of empire and the conscious use of the city as a symbol ofimperium.

The objective of this paper is to analyze the functions and social organization of two of these cities, Mexico City and Salvador da Bahia, and to demonstrate that despite a variety of often striking differences, the social structures of both reflected similar solutions to the common problem of integrating newly-created groups into an already structured society.
The Search for Identity: Two Very Different Approaches
Authors: Beyer Robert Carlyle
Published: March 2007

The subject of identity is both important and timely. In the last twenty years we ourselves have been so involved in the processes of alienation, myth-making and image-making that the recent concentration of thinking on the subject of “identity” is easily recognized as only one more facet to the same problem. The term “identity” appears in the title of several recent books on Latin America. The general themes of our two papers—religious movements and students—are currently very much in the fore when the subject of identity is discussed.

At first, the prospect of relating these two papers under the single theme “A Search for Identity” appeared to me unpromising; but as I began to extend my modest reading about identity, I became increasingly intrigued. I thought to myself: “Should I really take my courage in my hands and talk about identity with all the abstractions and the pitfalls that abstractions bring?” While trying to make up my mind, a day dream flashed before me.
Economic and Political Aspects of Development in Brazil—and U.S. Aid
Authors: Tuthill John Wills
Published: March 2007

To say that the Brazilian scene has been volatile—politically and economically—during the past ten years is to risk an understatement. A mere listing of the presidents of Brazil during this limited period illustrates the point. It begins with the enormously popular— then and now—Juscelino Kubitschek, who represented the industrialization of Brazil and the move away from the coast with the decision to create a new capital in Brasilia. Then, the overwhelming electoral victory of Jânio Quadros—the enigma of Brazilian politics who had been such a successful Mayor and Governor of São Paulo only to resign the presidency after six months for reasons that still remain unclear today. Next came the then Vice President João Goulart, who was visiting Red China when he heard he was to become President. Although his powers were curtailed before he was allowed to take office, he served long enough to create an impression of corruption and leftward drift and the reality of almost runaway inflation—factors which led to the revolution of March, 1964, and the administration of Marshal Castello Branco.
Oliveira Lima and the Catholic University of America
Authors: Cardozo Manoel
Published: March 2007

The centennial of the birth of Manoel de Oliveira Lima, an event of December 25, 1967, was allowed to pass virtually unnoticed by the Latin Americanists of the United States. Outside of the commemorative exercises on December 13 at The Catholic University of America where Oliveira Lima taught during the quiet last years of his life, and to which he gave his celebrated library, nothing else was done to call attention to the anniversary of Brazil's most famous expatriate, its most effective intellectual ambassador in the United States, and its great historian.
Trópico e Desenvolvimento
Authors: Torres José Garrido
Published: March 2007

Sumner e Keller afirman, em sua obra “The Science of Society”, que “os primeiros focos de civilização ocorreram precisamente onde as condiçães do meio físico se combinaram para favorecer o aparecimento de populaçães numerosas e o contato entre elas”. Foi o caso, segundo êles, dos vales banhados pelos ríos ñas regiões mais quentes do Velho Mundo —na China, na Índia, na Assíria e no Egito.

Também Ferreira Reis aqui categòricamente declarou, ao abrir êste Seminário, que “Nos trópicos, encontraram os europeus não apenas espaços físicos possuídos primàriamente por sociedades que não se distinguiam pela manifestação de culturas materiais e espirituais. Encontraram, também povos que se realizavam com a maior grandeza, seja no social, seja no econômico, seja no espiritual. O inventário de que já dispomos acêrca dêsses povos permite a certeza de que, muitos dêles, haviam criado áreas de civilização de que se podia ufanar a espécie humana. Foi assim nas Américas, no Oriente e na própria África”.
El pensamiento filosófico de Augusto Pescador Sarget
Authors: Durán Max Solares
Published: March 2007

Don Augusto Pescador es, indudablemente, una de las figuras más influyentes en el campo de la filosofía en Bolivia. Y decimos una de las figuras porque junto a su nombre hay que citar a Guillermo Francovich, Roberto Prudencio, Rubén Carrasco de la Vega, Huáscar Cajías, Mario Miranda Pacheco, Luis Carranza Siles, Manfredo Kemp Mercado, Nicolás Fernández Naranjo y otros. Empero, en el caso de don Augusto Pescador, se da un caso especial, porque siendo de nacionalidad española su mayor desarrollo, madurez, difusión e influencia los tuvo en Bolivia.

Don Augusto Pescador Sarget nació en Orihuela (Alicante), España, en 1910; después de sus estudios de enseñanza media estudió filosofía en la Universidad de Zaragoza obteniendo el título de Licenciado en Filosofía. Más antes estudió Derecho en Madrid sacando el título de Abogado, profesión que no la ejerce, dedicándose más a la docencia; así como obtuvo el título académico de filosofía en Orihuela. En España alternó la docencia con algunas representaciones oficiales al servicio de su gobierno en algunos países europeos.
Canada and Pan America
Authors: Holmes John W.
Published: March 2007

Herman Kahn said recently that Canada is a regional power without a region. Canada is something of a sport, a nuisance to those who like their political geography neat—rather like Australia or Albania. There are arguments for attaching us to various regions or groups of states. If there is one region, however, to which Canada does not naturally belong it is the so-called Western Hemisphere. Although the Rio Treaty somewhat presumptuously included Canada and Greenland in the area to the defence of which Argentina would rush, we are for purposes of election to the Security Council attached to Western Europe. The Western Hemisphere, as I understand it, begins in the east end of London, includes most of England, all of Ireland, and then goes westward into Siberia. The term has acquired a certain geopolitical significance because it has been a handy way to describe the unnatural but historical relationship between the United States and Latin America.
Los indígenas Americanos y los regímenes constitucionales
Authors: Lozada Salvador María
Published: March 2007

Entre las cuestiones en que el derecho constitucional lationamericano ha debido separarse del modelo —en tantos otros respectos seguido no sin admiración— de los Estados Unidos de Norteamérica, cuenta la de los indígenas.

La diferencia arraiga en zonas profundas de la historia y de la idiosincrasia de los dos sectores culturales del continente americano. Es consecuencia de la diferente actitud básica con que emprendieron la ocupación de este territorio los ibéricos y los anglosajones. La conquista anglosajona de los actuales Estados Unidos, tendió al desalojo, cuando no al exterminio de los primitivos habitantes de ese territorio. Nunca intentaron, de consiguiente, incorporarlos a la comunidad dominante, ni prepararlos para esa incorporatión, ni la reconocieron deseable o legítima. Los restos de aquellos pobladores indígenas son tratados prácticamente como extranjeros, o poco menos, y han quedado situados en “reservaciones”, algo así como enclaves foráneos dentro del territorio de la Unión.
Agricultural-Pastoral Conflict: A Major Obstacle in the Process of Rural Development
Authors: Smith T. Lynn
Published: March 2007

This paper posits the thesis that the age-old conflict between the agricultural and pastoral ways of life continues to be a major obstacle to agricultural and rural development throughout Latin America; and the same probably is true in many other of the so-called “underdeveloped” portions of the globe. A quarter of a century of professional involvement with Latin American societies has convinced me that improvement that is designated as “type of farming” in the sociocultural system is an indispensable part of the modernization of agriculture. I firmly believe that in most places it is of the utmost importance to combine both livestock and crop enterprises in a close symbiotic relationship in individual farm units. This definitely is not the case throughout Latin America, and this conclusion is exemplified by the fact that neither by personal observation, nor by reading, nor by questioning others have I been able to discover a single instance in which a farmer grows a crop of corn and then uses it to fatten his cattle for the market.
Meditaciones políticas
Authors: Ramírez Alfonso Francisco
Published: March 2007

Una crítica superficial, más combativa que filosófica, ha puesto de moda un irrevocable desdén para el pasado. Se le condena sin misericordia, como si fuera el origen de todos los males y el manantial de todas las injusticias. Se le niegan sus rasgos de bondad o de hermosura, exhibiendo con morbosa delectación lo que tuvo de perversamente sombrío. Se echa en olvido cuanto le debemos, para gustar la ilusión de que en nuestras obras no palpita una sola molécula de los que nos precedieron en la senda angustiada del vivir. Sin embargo, nada significamos, ni nada perdurable nos es dado realizar, desvinculados de ese conjunto de fuerzas misteriosas y espléndidas que las generaciones han ido acumulando a través de los siglos, y que los iconoclastas se empeñan en destruir con la torva piqueta que sabe del polvo de los escombros, pero no del goce inefable de los momentos creadores.
Simón Bolivar and Xavier Mina: A Rendezvous in Haiti
Authors: Lewis William F.
Published: March 2007

The intriguing character of Caribbean history has fascinated many. The epic story of Spanish discovery, conquest and empire is deeply rooted in these ancient island sands. Haiti holds a unique attraction, because, for years, she was a French island in a Spanish sea and was the first Latin American republic to gain independence. On January 1, 1804, after the leadership of the inspired Toussaint L'Ouverture, Haiti emerged a free nation. Twelve years later, Venezuela's valiant Simón Bolívar, deeply committed to the independence struggle on the mainland sailed to Haiti and requested help. There, he met one of Hispanic history's most dynamic personalities, the guerrilla warrior, Francisco Xavier Mina. Until now, the story of their rendezvous and the events surrounding it has remained one of history's many secrets.
The Peasants as a Revolutionary Class: An Early Latin American View
Authors: Vanden Harry E.
Published: March 2007

We do not regard Marx's theory as something completed and inviolable; on the contrary, we are convinced that it has only laid the foundation stone of the science which socialists must develop in all directions if they wish to keep pace with life.

V. I. Lenin (Our Program)

The peasant is one of the least understood and most abused actors on the modern political stage. He is maligned for his political passivity and distrust of national political movements. Yet, most of the great twentieth-century revolutions in the Third World have, according to most scholars, been peasant based (Landsberger, 1973: ix; Wolf, 1969). In Latin America the peasant was once pictured as the archetypical parochial who was more suited for siestas under his sombrero than serious political activity. Stereotypes aside, the region has been no exception to the growing tendency of peasants to become involved in major revolutionary processes.
The Wisdom of Salomon: Myth or Reality?
Authors: Nicholls David
Published: March 2007

History is written by the winners,” wrote Orwell (1970: 110); he went on to suggest that a totalitarian government “claims to control the past as well as the future.” Yet such a concern with controlling the past is not a distinguishing feature of totalitarianism; many examples of an ideological or legendary version of the past receiving government sanction can be found in nontotalitarian countries. While few governments or political parties can afford to ignore the past completely, it is undoubtedly the case that in some countries a “correct” interpretation of the past is of more pressing concern to contemporary politicians than it is in others. Since the early days of independence, Haitians have shown an absorbing interest in their past—not a dead “historical” past, but a living ideological past. The position which a Haitian has taken with respect to the past has been closely connected to his political commitments in the present, and rival parties have elaborated competing legends which function as legitimations of sheir current policies and interests.
State Autonomy in Economic Policy: Brazil's Experience 1822-1930
Authors: Topik Steven
Published: March 2007

The crushing weight of Brazil's foreign debt and the enormous role of state enterprise in the economy have led to sharp criticism of public economic policy. Private entrepreneurs and many social scientists complain that the state has become virtually autonomous, subjecting society to its will. The “bureaucratic bourgeoisie” has taken advantage of two decades of authoritarian rule to concentrate power and “mordomias” (perquisites). According to critics, they have thereby caused the national private sector to atrophy and development to halt. The solution suggested by many Brazilians today is redemocratization; by making the state more responsive to civil society its economic presence can be diminished and the private sphere strengthened.

The study of Brazil's past experience with changes of regime casts doubt on the possibility of restricting the scope of the state in the economy. It is true that the traditional interpretation argues that the Republican Revolution of 1889 dramatically reduced the state's economic role.
Argentina, 1945-1971: Military Assistance, Military Spending, and the Political Activity of the Armed Forces
Authors: Feldman David L.
Published: March 2007

The existence of a relationship between foreign military assistance, domestic military spending, and the political activity of the armed forces in developing nations is a widely assumed yet little documented phenomenon. This article explores the association between these three variables in Argentina and offers a model which could be used for the analysis of their relationship in other nations.

Prior studies have largely focused upon the correlation between the first two variables and the incidence of military takeovers (the classicgolpe). The model presented here examines less discernible activities which have not been analyzed previously, although many observers have suggested that they may constitute significant measurements of the military's involvement in politics.
Guyana: Coercion and Control in Political Change
Authors: Hintzen Percy C. , Premdas Ralph R.
Published: March 2007

Many communally divided postcolonial states rely almost exclusively upon an effective machinery of control to ensure political order. This has stemmed from two factors: (1) unrestrained communal competition for votes; and (2) inheritance of a highly centralized state apparatus. The first condition has tended to politicize sectional cleavages, exacerbating distrust (Premdas, 1972: 19-20). Without a body of shared values in the state, protection of a communal group's interest is perceived to reside on the capture of the government. The second condition under such circumstances facilitates “effective domination of one group over another” (Smooha, 1980: 257). Apart from a consociational arrangement, democracy in deeply divided societies is elusive, rendering authoritarian control seemingly necessary to prevent protracted communal conflict and political disintegration (Lijphart, 1969: 207; Milne, 1975: 413; Norlinger, 1972). As a legitimator of domination, stability is a controversial value, especially in the face of cynical and brutal abuses of human rights.
Revolutionary Theory and Political Reality in the Eastern Caribbean
Authors: Emmanuel Patrick A. M.
Published: March 2007

In this analysis of contemporary economic and sociopolitical reality in the smaller states of the Commonwealth Caribbean— the so-called Lesser Developed Countries (LDCs) comprising Antigua, St. Kitts-Nevis and Montserrat (the Leeward Islands) and Dominica, Grenada, St. Lucia, and St. Vincent (the Windward Islands)—developments within the larger CARICOM countries—namely Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, Guyana, and Barbados—will be discussed. All too often social science analysis of the Commonwealth Caribbean assumes a great deal of homogeneity among all CARICOM countries, therefore concluding that what might be a correct analysis of Jamaica, for example, is equally applicable to any of the smaller territories. This article shows that this assumption is often erroneous and can produce several pitfalls in perspective, diagnosis, and prognosis.

During the 1970s there have been several concrete developments in the Commonwealth Caribbean presenting the intellectual community with unprecedented tasks of interpretation. Broadly, the decade began with the massive “black power” upheavals in Trinidad and Tobago and culminated with the revolutionary overthrow of the neocolonial Gairy regime next door in Grenada.
Leonardo Ruiz Pineda: Leader of the Venezuelan Resistance, 1949-1952
Authors: Ameringer Charles D.
Published: March 2007

Tachirense heart, noble and strong.

Rómulo Gallegos

A National Hero has died. In the most hideous political crime in the annals of our country, agents of the government treacherously cut down the precious life of our comrade, Dr. Leonardo Ruiz Pineda, one of the most generous and able leaders of the civil resistance commanded by our party.

Acción Democrática

Caracas, October 21, 1952

It is difficult to write about a martyr. One has to contend with the keepers of the flame, who have strong personal and political reasons for preserving the hero's image. Moreover, myths usually contain elements of truth. Although Leonardo Ruiz Pineda is not known as widely as Zapata, Sandino, Che, or Camilo Torres, there are unmistakable efforts on the part of Venezuela's democratic leaders to include him in the pantheon of Latin America's recent revolutionary heroes.
Antarctica, Latin America, and the International System in the 1980s: Toward a New Antarctic Order?
Authors: Moneta Carlos J.
Published: March 2007

The Antarctic Treaty was signed by twelve countries in 1959. This group, together with those countries having territorial claims prior to signing the treaty—Argentina, Australia, Chile, France, New Zealand, Norway, and the United Kingdom—would try with great difficulty to reconcile the opposing interests of (1) countries that for decades had been actively defending their claims of sovereignty over sectors of Antarctica; (2) superpowers that, while not asserting any claims of their own—although certainly reserving the right to do so in the future—did not accept those of other countries; and (3) a number of countries that had been invited to participate in the treaty because they had been active in Antarctica during the International Geophysical Year.
Colombian Narcotics and United States-Colombian Relations
Authors: Craig Richard B.
Published: March 2007

In recent years Latin America has become the principal source of narcotic drugs on the illicit United States market. Five of the nine countries granted top-priority status in State Department narcopolitics are located in Latin America. Mexico, having earlier supplied 80% of the heroin used by American addicts, is currently the source of approximately 40% of the drug. Coca grown primarily in Bolivia and Peru, shipped through Ecuador, and processed into cocaine in Colombia monopolizes the world market. In the wake of Mexico's highly successful herbicide campaign, Colombian marijuana has come to dominate the American pot scene. And again in response to U.S. demand, Colombia has become the world's foremost manufacturer of illicit methaqualone.
The “Rashomon” Effect: Ideological Proclivities and Political Dilemmas of the International Monetary Fund
Authors: Horowitz Irving Louis
Published: March 2007

The title of my essay, invoking, as it does, the justifiably famous Japanesecinema veritéproduction ofRashomon, might well strike a discordant note. My aim, however, is to clarify, not to confuse. The film describes a variety of eyewitnesses to a murder, each one of whom, infused with different motives, “saw” the event differently from the other eyewitnesses. This is little more than a modern-day version of Walter Lippmann's observations on the ideological, interest-laden nature of the formation of public opinion in modern society, but it serves us well in introducing the topic of this essay.

What I am suggesting with respect to the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and what I hope to demonstrate, is that we are now experiencing a similar paradox in the sociology of knowledge.
Mitterrand in the Caribbean: Socialism (?) Comes to Martinique
Authors: Miles William F. S.
Published: March 2007

May 10, 1981, not only ushered in a political surprise for France, as well as for its European and American allies, but sent positive shockwaves throughout that part of the Caribbean which is still French. On that date François Mitterrand came to power in the Metropole of France at the same time that the Départements d'Outre-Mer (DOM or overseas departments) of Martinique, Guadeloupe and Guiana rejected his candidacy with a unanimity as stunning as it is rare in West Indian politics. Ever since the DOM have been coping with Socialism in France, decentralization in the Caribbean, and an unprecedented antilleanization of local culture, institutions, and politics. The result has been a paradox of heightened social liberalism combined with intensified political violence; but paradox has always been at the heart of the French Antilles.
Female Industrial Employment and Protective Labor Legislation in Bogotá, Colombia
Authors: Rosenberg Terry Jean
Published: March 2007

Women's participation in the industrial labor force seems to have followed a universal pattern across nations and across historical periods. Available evidence suggests that in the early stages of industrialization young, single women are readily employed in industries manufacturing food, clothing, and other nondurable products. As industrialization progresses and more advanced technologies are introduced, women are replaced by men as the preferred industrial workers (Baker, 1964; Boserup, 1970; Safa, 1977; Scott and Tilly, 1975).
Brazil and the United States: Beyond the Debt Crisis
Authors: Roett Riordan
Published: March 2007

North American political scientists and foreign policy observers spend a good deal of time lecturing Brazil on its proper role in world affairs. Brazilian diplomats and foreign policy specialists are occupied with formulating appropriate responses to the well meaning, but basically inaccurate, attempts of the Americans to push Brazil into global leadership (Política e Estrategia, 1983).

With the coming change in government on March 15,1985, the debate will again erupt. Will Tancredo Neves reformulate Brazilian foreign policy? Can Paulo Maluf redefine his country's role in world affairs? My own sense of the evolution of Brazilian foreign policy is that the concern is irrelevant. Brazil's world view, for some decades, has manifested a high degree of coherence and even predictability, if one listens to what Brazilian foreign policy elites say as well as what they do.
Central America on the Reagan Watch: Rhetoric and Reality
Authors: Baloyra Enrique A.
Published: March 2007

This essay discusses the Central America policies of the Reagan administration, focusing on the evolution of what has been described as a “two-track” approach to the region. The essay disputes this characterization, describing the emergence of an unstable equilibrium between different policy objectives and their proponents, underlining important differences between official rhetoric and specific initiatives, and evaluating the outcomes of those initiatives. The discussion emphasizes the complexity of the domestic and international context of the crisis and of the policy arena, underlining the failure of the administration's attempt to impose its own unilateral solution.
Economic Policy toward the Caribbean Basin: The Balance Sheet
Authors: Newfarmer Richard S.
Published: March 2007

The Caribbean Basin surged into political prominence shortly before the inauguration of Ronald Reagan in 1981. Growth throughout the region had collapsed under the weight of the second round of oil price hikes, recession in the United States and other industrialized countries, falling commodity prices, and rising interest rates. Public policy responses in most countries compounded these difficulties by failing to adjust rapidly enough to the external situation or to adopt the structural reforms needed to ensure broadly based growth on a sustainable basis. In the eyes of the administration, improving the economic situation was central to defusing the security threat it perceived in the political developments of several countries in the region.
The Politics of Inter-American Energy Relations: Prospects and Pitfalls
Authors: Von Lazar Arpad , McNabb Michele
Published: March 2007

Latin American societies and economies are. in a world of change and transition. The past decade, from 1973 to the present, has been for them an era of anxiety on the one hand and of opportunity on the other, a paradoxical era in which prospects for development had to compete with the high social costs of stagnation in many instances.

Energy was the catchword, and the name of energy was oil. Its price, its availability, and its promise (a road to riches for those fortunate enough to possess it, a threat of increasing poverty for those unfortunate enough to have to buy it) brought turmoil to the economies, and the bodies politic, of Latin America.
The Politics of Asylum: Mexico and the Central American Refugees
Authors: Ferris Elizabeth G.
Published: March 2007

The violence in Central America has displaced an unprecedented number of people in the area. While the majority of the approximately two million displaced individuals remain within their native countries, hundreds of thousands have fled to neighboring countries and to the U.S. where they create serious economic and political problems for the host governments. This article explores Mexico's policies toward the estimated 250,000 Central Americans who are seeking protection from the violence of their homelands.

There is considerable controversy over whether these individuals are political refugees. The 1951 United Nations Convention on Refugees defines refugees as those individuals who “due to a well-founded fear of persecution on the basis of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group or political opinion have left their country of origin.” The convention's emphasis on individuals singled out for political persecution would seem to disqualify many of the Central Americans fleeing generalized conditions of violence.
Review of Recent Literature on Canadian-Latin American Relations
Authors: Mount Graeme S. , Mahant Edelgard E.
Published: March 2007

In 1976, Macmillan of Canada published the first recent book-length study of Canadian-Latin American relations, Gringos from the Far North: Essays in the History of Canadian-Latin American Relations, 1866-1968, by Professor J.C.M. Ogelsby of the University of Western Ontario (1976a). Ogelsby deals with interactions between the residents of Canada and those of the Latin American republics – diplomatic, trade, business and religious relations; he includes subjects such as the emigration of Canadian Mennonites to South America. Ogelsby, who consulted Canadian and Spanish-American archives and travelled to the scenes of many of the events he describes, sets a standard for others in the field.
Allende's Chile and the Soviet Union: A Policy Lesson for Latin American Nations Seeking Autonomy
Authors: Nogee Joseph L. , Sloan John W.
Published: March 2007

The fall of Salvador Allende's government on September 11, 1973, has given rise to debates over many issues, such as the role of the United States in bringing about the conditions that led to a military coup, the feasibility of a peaceful road toward socialism, and the existence or nonexistence of a democratic and national bourgeoisie in Chile (Valenzuela and Valenzuela, 1975). One issue remains relatively unexplored, however, namely, how much was the Soviet Union willing to aid the Popular Unity (UP) government in its quest for autonomy from the United States? This quest for autonomy was a paramount foreign policy goal because the basic program of Allende's coalition government, approved by the Communist, Socialist, Radical, Social Democratic, Movement for Unitary Popular Action, and Independent Popular Action parties, stated that the basic cause of Chile's poverty and inflation was their intimate economic ties with the United States. The resulting dependence brought about the underdevelopment of Chile and prevented the Chilean bourgeoisie from being truly nationalistic. These dependent ties with the United States would have to be broken for Chile to be capable of autonomous development.
Does the United States Push Revolutions to Cuba? The Case of Grenada
Authors: Pastor Robert A.
Published: March 2007

One of the most difficult and frustrating challenges to US foreign policy in the post-World War II period has been coping with third world revolutions, particularly those in the Caribbean Basin. Whether the revolution has been in Cuba, Nicaragua, or Grenada, relations with the US have always deteriorated, and the revolutionary governments have moved closer to the Soviet bloc and toward a Communist political model. Both the deteriorating relationship and the increasingly belligerent posture of the US have conformed to a regular pattern; so too have the interpretations of the causes and consequences of the confrontation.

US government officials and a few policy analysts tend to view the hostile attitudes and policies of the revolutionary governments as the cause of the problem.
The Travail of Brazilian Democracy in the “New Republic”
Authors: Smith William C.
Published: March 2007

On March 15,1987, Brazil celebrated the second anniversary of the Nova República, the popular term for the new civilian government headed by José Sarney. While commemoration of the return to more open, competitive politics after 21 years of authoritarian rule is certainly cause for justifiable national pride, a worsening economic crisis combined with escalating domestic social and political conflict leave many Brazilians deeply worried about the future of their incipient democracy.

By conventional standards, Brazil has joined the ranks of fullfledged political democracies. Nevertheless, a more stringent view would hold that Brazil has really only entered into a new, more complex phase of political transition in which genuine democracy has yet to become firmly established. The new civilian government must now address fundamental issues of social justice and more balanced, equitable economic growth than was realized under authoritarian rule.
The Andean Pact and the Amazon Treaty: Reflections of Changing Latin American Relations
Authors: Ferris Elizabeth G.
Published: March 2007

The pattern of Latin American regional cooperation has changed greatly during the past five years. New organizations, such as SELA (Latin American Economic System) and OLADE (Latin American Energy Organization), have been formed, while other groups, such as CACM (Central American Common Market), have become moribund. These changes in regional organizations are primarily the result of changes occurring in the developmental orientations and governmental capabilities of the member governments. In this study, two quite different organizations, the Andean Pact and the Amazon Pact, are examined to shed light on the dynamics of contemporary Latin American international relations and to explore new theoretical approaches in the study of regional cooperation schemes.
Capitalist Regime Loyalties and Redemocratization in Chile
Authors: Silva Eduardo
Published: March 2007

Chile is Often portrayed as an exceptional case among recent transitions from authoritarian rule for a number of reasons. It was the last of the "bureaucratic authoritarian" regimes to democratize; the transition followed the timetable and conditions set by the military more closely than in Argentina and Uruguay; the prognosis for economic and political stability seems optimistic relative to the rest of the region. An important reason for Chilean exceptionality was the fact that, unlike in other cases, Chile's business and landowning elites supported the military government to the end. Why did they do so?
Outlook for the World Economy: A Latin American Viewpoint
Authors: Espinosa Juan Guillermo
Published: March 2007

The Term Which best sums up the current international economic situation is the word “crisis.” This crisis exists not only in the economies of the South, harassed over the past five years by external debt and the adjustment measures which it has spawned, but also in the economies of the North, often saddled with substantial deficits.

Surrounding the state of crisis is a general sense of confusion as to the proper direction to take to deal with this crisis. The future appears opaque, which renders the choice of remedies even more difficult than would normally be the case under better circumstances.
Populism and Economic Policy in Brazil
Authors: Bresser Pereira Luiz Carlos
Published: March 2007

Political or ideological obstacles have proved of paramount importance in Brazil's ability to adopt sound, consistent economic policies — the kind of policies the country needs if it is to overcome economic crisis and consolidate modern capitalism and democracy. Brazil's recent democratization was based on solid economic and social reality, representing the victory of civil society rather than a gift from the military regime. Nevertheless, it failed to tackle some of the basic ideologies and political practices which are typical of middle-income, industrialized, yet underdeveloped countries like Brazil: such as economic populism, developmentalism, anachronistic nationalist beliefs, political clientelism, unrealistic worker demands, conservatism, the orthodoxy of neoliberal monetarism, and the inability of short-sighted business elites to define the national interest.
The Nicaraguan Economy in the Medium Run
Authors: Gibson Bill
Published: March 2007

What are the medium-term prospects for the Nicaraguan economy where, by medium term, we refer to the year 2000? The difficult task of fortune telling is made enormously more complicated by the political economy that was established in the country by theFrente Sandinista de Liberacion Nacional (FSLN)after the 1979 revolution in which they, with the aid of diverse social factions, overthrew the government of Anastasio Somoza Debayle. After more than a decade, the FSLN then handed over power, in mid-1990, to a coalition of opposition parties (theUnion Nacional Opositoraor UNO) headed by Violeta Chamorro. The 1990 election brought the first peaceful transfer of power in Nicaraguan history but, perhaps, represented more an abdication by the beleaguered Sandinistas than it did a sea change in the balance of class conflict.
Rhetoric and Reality:The Inter-American System's Second Century
Authors: Ronald Scheman L.
Published: March 2007

In 1989 The Inter-American System will celebrate its centennial anniversary, tracing its lineage to the International Union of the American Republics formed at Secretary of State Blaine's Washington convocation in 1889. Over the years the mantle was passed, first, to the Pan American Union, and then to the system's present incumbent, the Organization of American States (OAS). It has been a century of unprecedented achievement and unremitting frustration, of great triumphs and repeated failures. Given the present state of the system, however, the major question is whether the system can endure, much less match the rhetoric and aspirations of its members, in its second century.

International cooperation is a political decision in search of a framework. The Organization of American States is the attempt to express and enhance that cooperation among the nations of the Western Hemisphere. It is, and can be, no better than the underlying relationships among the nations.
NAFTA's Threat to Central American and Caribbean Basin Exports: A Revealed Comparative Advantage Approach
Authors: Hutchinson Gladstone A. , Schumacher Ute
Published: March 2007

The recent passage of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) between Canada, Mexico and the United States (US) marks an important step in the movement towards greater regionalism of trade among the countries in the Americas. From the perspective of the United States, the potential benefits to be gained from the anticipated increase in trade, economies of scale in production, increased access to the resources of production, and lower prices for the US market (due to the increased competition for consumer goods) combine to make its involvement in NAFTA desirable despite whatever limitations are posed, in the short and medium term, by Mexican underdevelopment (SerraPuche, 1992;US-ITC, 1991a).
The Foreign Policy of Guyana, 1970-1985: Forbes Burnham's Search for Legitimacy
Authors: Brotherson Festus
Published: March 2007

During the radical period of the Forbes Burnham era in Guyanese politics, from 1970 to 1985, the country appeared to have won respect for its foreign policy in the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) and in the British Commonwealth, as well as in the broader Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). The general perception was that Guyana was one of a select few small Third World states with a coherent revolutionary foreign policy, for which it paid a high price through superpower retaliatory efforts to destabilize its society.
Some Thoughts on Poverty and Recession in Latin America
Authors: Rosenthal Gert
Published: March 2007

By now, it has become a platitude to proclaim that, over the past decade, Latin America has experienced its deepest, most prolonged economic recession in modern history. Nevertheless, this has indeed been the case. The magnitude and effects of the crisis have, of course, varied from country to country, and so have the policy responses. What is undeniable is that not one single country has escaped the recessionary impact of a complex combination of circumstances which appeared on the horizon in the early 1980s, and in which an adverse international economic environment played a prominent role.
Thwarted Comparative Advantage, Economic Policy and Industrialization in the Dominican Republic and Trinidad and Tobago
Authors: Thoumi Francisco E.
Published: March 2007

Economic growth and government policies in small Caribbean countries have been conditioned (1) by the very large fluctuations in their external sector which continuously change the relative profitability of the various productive sectors of their economies, greatly complicating the macroeconomics management of their economies; (2) by the attempts of their governments to cope with those fluctuations; and (3) by the political economy relations that prevail in those countries, and that determine the nature of government intervention and the role of the private sector.
The Latin American Economic Debt and Public Policy
Authors: Jorge Antonio , Salazar-Carrillo Jorge
Published: March 2007

Since the 1970s, the international environment has been one of successive shocks. These took place during the consolidation of the Eurodollar market as a system independent of the lenders of last resort in the different countries. As the international monetary authorities delinked from gold, they accepted the float of currency exchange rates. At the same time, inflation and interest rates were allowed to vary widely, reaching their highest levels in two decades. Confronting these shocks and these international conditions, the Latin Americans decided against slowing their wheels of industry by consuming less oil but, instead, to increase their rates of growth.
Politicized Democracy: Competition, Institutions, and “Civic Fatigue” in Brazil
Authors: Power Timothy J.
Published: March 2007

Brazil began the 1990s the same way it began the 1980s: in crisis. A decade ago, popular dissatisfaction with the performance of the political system was at an all-time high. As the legitimacy of the military regime installed in 1964 gradually dissipated, political and military elites turned their attention to the question of what kind of regime would be able to replace the one which was disintegrating. In one important aspect their vision coincided with the aspirations of the general population: the new political regime would have to be based on increased competition. Military elites would yield executive power, and the civilian politicians replacing them would agree to submit themselves to the popular verdict.
Peru's Black Market in Foreign Exchange
Authors: Grosse Robert
Published: March 2007

The foreign exchange market in Peru experienced the same kinds of overwhelming volatility and severe shocks as the rest of the national economy during the 1980s. Beginning in 1980, Peru's economy was buffeted by a severe decline in copper prices followed, in 1982, by a huge increase in real debt servicing costs as a result of the drop in industrial-country inflation and remaining high dollar interest rates. This simultaneous squeeze on export earnings and hike in debt service cost led to an inability to meet foreign debt commitments and, essentially, a cutoff from access to foreign capital.
Germany and Latin America: A Complex Relationship
Authors: Grabendorff Wolf
Published: March 2007

Aside from the United States, Germany is Latin America's .most important economic partner. Despite this fact, Germany has never appeared to have a very strong overall relationship with the region and, due to its postwar history, has never developed a true “Latin American policy.” For obvious reasons, Germany has given high priority to (1) relations with its Western neighbors and (2) its security relationship with the United States. As far as its policy towards the South goes, it has tended to concentrate on major actors, such as Egypt and India, and its relations with Brazil should be viewed in that context.

The absence of a defined policy does not mean that Germany lacks a visible profile in the region. The role and image it projects reflects a relationship that is much broader, and far more complex, than its economic and diplomatic activities in the region would indicate.
The Political Economy of MERCOSUR
Authors: Manzetti Luigi
Published: March 2007

Recent literature on regional integration has stressed the key role that emerging trading blocs will have in shaping the world economy of the 21st-century. With the end of the Cold War, policymakers have refocused their attention on economic issues. Economic trends — such as rapid changes in research, technology, capital flow, and trade patterns — have assumed a new importance. Increasing competition in world markets has induced industrialized countries to cluster together in regional economic blocs. This has been the case with the European Community (EC), the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) signatories (the United States, Canada, and Mexico), and possibly Japan and its East Asian neighbors. However, these experiments in regional integration differ appreciably in nature. For instance, the EC explicitly seeks an economic and political union, whereas the NAFTA is simply a free trade area whose goal is the eventual elimination of restrictions on investment flows.
Congress, International Narcotics Policy, and the Anti–Drug Abuse Act of 1988
Authors: Perl Raphael Francis
Published: March 2007

The Congress of The United States exerts greater influence over foreign policy than do its counterparts in other nations. This influence extends to formulation of US policy regarding control of the international narcotics trade, a subject on which the Congress has chosen to assume a leading role. The formal policymaking role of the Congress in this area is embodied in legislation on international narcotics (including appropriation of funds) and in oversight. The Congress also exercises its influence in an informal way through consultation, unofficial advice, public education, and legislative prodding in the drafting and conduct of that policy.

The congressional role in narcotics policymaking is notably affected by its committee structure, in which numerous committees may exercise some degree of jurisdiction over narcotics-related issues. As a result, not only has there been widespread involvement of the Congress in formulating narcotics policy, but there has also been considerable fragmentation of that policy as congressional initiatives have been compartmentalized within the jurisdictional domains of various committees.