bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
On the conception of xingqing in the poetics of Yuan dynasty
Authors: Hongde ZHA
Published: November 2009

Yinyong xingqing 吟咏性情 (to express one’s state of mind by poetry) is a long-standing theme in Chinese poetics and a notion with diverse understanding. Although the term xingqing developed into an essential concept that was commonly adopted in poetic criticism during the Yuan dynasty, different critics have used the term in different senses. Of the various interpretations, two major views remain valuable in the history of thought on Chinese literature: one being naturalistic and the other individualistic. The viewpoints of other critics, of course, may also help to illustrate the development and evolution of ideas about literature during the Yuan dynasty.
Re Rose Revisited
Authors: Lowrie Sarah , Todd Paul
Published: November 2009

The case of Re Rose, Rose v. I.R.C. is a well-known authority for the significance of the last act; equity treats a gift as complete where the donor has done all in his power to divest himself of the property, and to vest it in the transferees. The Court of Appeal followed a first instance decision, Re Rose, Midland Bank Executor and Trustee Co., Ltd. v. Rose, whose similar name was purely coincidental. In the earlier case, the unusual provisions of a will made it necessary for one Hook to argue that the transfer of preference shares had taken effect prior to the death of the testator. Jenkins J. held that it had, although registration of the transfer by the directors did not occur until later, because the testator had done all he could to transfer the shares before his death. Midland Bank v. Rose was approved, obiter, by Lord Wilberforce in Vandervell v. I.R.C. In Mascall v. Mascall, it was expressly argued that Rose v. I.R.C. was wrongly decided, but the authority of the earlier Court of Appeal decision was upheld, so there is little doubt that what has been called “the Rule in Re Rose” is correct.
Life Assurance and the Cohabitant: The Law Commission's Reforms on Privity
Authors: Hemsworth M.C.
Published: November 2009

In its recent report on privity of contract the Law Commission considered, inter alia, whether reform of section 11 of the Married Women's Property Act 1882 should be entertained at this time. The title of that Act is somewhat misleading but in essence section 11 provides that a life assurance policy on the life of a man or woman for the expressed benefit of his/her spouse and or children, creates a trust in favour of the named spouse or child. Thus the beneficial interest in the policy never forms part of the assured's estate, which result may be of particular importance to the beneficiary in the event of the assured's insolvency because by section 283 of the Insolvency Act 1986 trust assets are expressly excluded from the bankrupt's estate capable of vesting in the trustee in bankruptey and thereafter being available for distribution to creditors.
Ultra Vires and the Foundations of Judicial Review
Authors: Craig Paul
Published: November 2009

There is a growing literature concerning the role of the ultra vires doctrine and its place within administrative law. For some the doctrine is the central principle of administrative law, without which judicial intervention would rest on uncertain foundations. For others, it constitutes at best a harmless fiction, which is incapable of explaining all instances of judicial intervention, and at worst a device which allows the judiciary to conceal the real justifications for developments in judicial review. Christopher Forsyth falls into the former camp. He has written a vigorous defence of the ultra vires principle, contending that “it remains vital to the developed law of judicial review”. The purpose of this article is to contribute to the debate on this issue by putting the opposing view. The article will be divided into four sections.
Liability for Negligently Inflicted Psychiatric Harm: Justifications and Boundaries
Authors: Teff H.
Published: November 2009

The devastating impact that psychiatric illness can have on people's lives is beyond dispute. It would be absurd to contend that such harm is somehow intrinsically less serious than physical injury; indeed, over many years, medical research has pointed to the artificiality of characterising it as lacking physical manifestations. Its destructive potential is brought into sharper focus as mental attributes become ever more integral to everyday functioning. Yet, to this day, neither popular nor judicial opinion is noticeably receptive to a cause of action based on proof of a “recognised psychiatric disorder”, which is still often trivialised by the label “nervous shock”. This negative attitude is most apparent when claimants are not, or are not regarded as, the direct victims of someone else's conduct. The very notion of compensating people whose suffering derives from their reaction to the injuring of others often evokes surprise, indignation and disdain.
Co-Owners' Rights to Occupy Trust Land
Authors: Barnsley D.G.
Published: November 2009

Few lawyers would dissent from the view, voiced by the Law Commission in 1989 in their Report on Trusts of Land, that the trust for sale mechanism, introduced in 1926 to regulate the co-ownership of land, had for long ceased to be appropriate to the conditions of modern home ownership. Every conveyancing practitioner will have experienced the difficulty of explaining to clients about to marry that the matrimonial home which they were so eagerly looking forward to occupying would by law be owned by them as trustees, subject to an immediate binding trust for sale. No doubt in practice discretion played the better part of valour. Soon after qualifying, solicitors learned to abandon any attempt to explore the mysteries of such an apparent absurdity.
The Regulation and Recognition of Foreign Corporations: Responses to the “Delaware Syndrome”
Authors: Drury Robert R.
Published: November 2009

It is beyond dispute now that corporations have replaced states as the most important makers of waves in the world's economy. It is also firmly established that with the increasing globalisation of that economy corporations operate in many cases far beyond the borders of the country that presided over their birth. A company which crosses frontiers to operate outside its original jurisdiction can bring problems of several different kinds in its wake. A court dealing with such a company may have to ascertain which law is, or should be, the law which regulates its affairs. The company may have internal disorders or may be experiencing difficulties in its external relationships. In seeking to grapple with these problems the jurisdictions of the world are broadly divided into two camps. There are those which look to the law of the place of the company's incorporation to govern these matters, and those which look to the law of the place of the central administration of the company as being the correct law to be supreme in this field. Some jurisdictions take a variety of half-way positions in this debate.
Ideology and Institutions in North America
Authors: Finbow Robert
Published: November 2009

The orthodox view that Canada's ideological tradition is more supportive of an active state cannot explain earlier innovations in social and labour policy in the United States. A neo-pluralist and neo-institutionalist synthesis is used to contrast these nations. Organic ideologies of labour, agrarian, business and professional groups reveal no consistent national differences in support for state action. Initial state interventions were similar and limited. But institutional development occurred in different contexts, producing more effective executive leadership in Canada. American policy was constrained by the Congress, with its opportunities for blocking, and by inadequate executive power. Frustration with inaction plus greater social well-being reduced demands in the US for state action. Canada's institutions allowed more creative policy and fostered greater support for state action, especially where the weak economy exacted costs on social groups. But constitutional change could replicate American gridlock, and reduce the capacity for new state action.
Parliamentary Careers in the Canadian Federal State
Authors: Barrie Doreen , Gibbins Roger
Published: November 2009

The authors examine the political career paths followed by the 3,803 individuals who served in the House of Commons and/or Senate between 1867 and 1984 inclusive. Given Joseph Schlesinger's argument that career patterns significantly affect political integration in federal states, particular attention is paid to the provincial experience of national parliamentarians, and to variations in that experience over time and across regions. The data show that national recruitment from provincial legislatures has declined over time, and is particularly uncommon in Ontario and Quebec. Overall, the structure of political careers in Canada is bifurcated rather than integrated; politicians do not move through the ranks but rather face a choice between provincial or national careers.
The Recall of Past Partisanship: Feeble Memories or Frail Concepts?
Authors: MacDermid R. H.
Published: November 2009

It has been suggested that recall questions are unreliable measures of change in party identification. Data reported in this article confirm that 50 per cent of respondents in the 1974-1980 Canadian National Election Study three-wave panel had inconsistent patterns of recall. This finding urges caution in analysis; more importantly, such inconsistency raises questions about how to interpret recall behaviour in the light of party identification theory. The available evidence and unclear theory seem to point toward the possibility that at least one-half of the national sample lacked a meaningful federal party identification.
Economic Performance and Retrospective Voting in Canadian Federal Elections
Authors: Happy J. R.
Published: November 2009

This study examines the retrospective economic voting model for Canadian federal elections, 1930 through 1979. The analysis shows that change in personal or disposable income has a significant, direct impact on incumbency voting while inflation enters the voting calculus indirectly, as a (partial) deflator of nominal income, and unemployment has no effect. Disposable income is a better predictor of incumbency voting than is personal income, nominal income variables predict better than real values and variability in income performance is negatively related to incumbency voting. The study concludes that voter attribution of responsibility for income performance is focussed and specific, income stability as well as income growth are demanded through incumbency voting, and voters are affected by money illusion.
The Nature and Scope of Provincial Autonomy: Oliver Mowat, the Quebec Resolutions and the Construction of theBritish North America Act
Authors: Romney Paul
Published: November 2009

In the 1930s, the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council was criticized for allegedly perverting the meaning of theBritish North America Actand the intentions of its framers. This notion persists, partly because its historiographical basis—the idea that the Fathers of Confederation envisaged a dominant federal government—remains substantially intact. To the Ontario Reformers, however, the Confederation agreement had not established federal dominance. On the contrary, it had implemented the broad claims to local autonomy which Reformers had been advancing ever since the 1820s. And while those claims rested on a legally heterodox conception of colonial constitutional status, the BNA Act gave legal effect to that conception as applied to federal-provincial relations. This allowed Oliver Mowat to do what earlier Reform leaders could not have done: enforce the local claims in court.
Comparative Analysis of Federal High Courts: A Political Theory of Judicial Review
Authors: Bzdera André
Published: November 2009

Constitutionalists and political scientists often claim that federal high courts are neutral and impartial arbiters of federalism disputes. However, analysis of the political impact of nine federal high courts on the division of powers clearly indicates that such courts are best characterized as centralist and nationalist. This is largely the result of the strong institutional factors that link the federal high court to the political institutions of the central government, notably the process by which federal judges are appointed. The political theory of federalism must thus be modified to take into account the centralist function of judicial review.
Rationality, Romanticism and the Individual: Max Weber's “Modernism” and the Confrontation with “Modernity”
Authors: Koch Andrew M.
Published: November 2009

Max Weber's writings convey a tension between a commitment to Enlightenment rationalism and a romanticism that was largely shaped under the influence of the “Sturm und Drang.” The tension is represented in the claims that modernity unleashes forces that erode the spontaneous, creative elements of human life. This study argues that Weber has correctly identified some of the problematic substance of modernism, but that he failed to explore alternative sets of assumptions by which the modernist paradigm could be critiqued. As a result, Weber was forced to see the world as a place full of bifurcated conflicts between such elements as: reason/emotion, modern/traditional, science/mysticism. This epistemological framework led Weber to the pessimistic conclusions about the fate of humanity in the modern world.
Perceived Party Choice and Class Voting
Authors: Lambert Ronald D. , Curtis James E.
Published: November 2009

This article presents tests of effects of social class background on voters' perceptions of most and least favoured federal parties, perceived party differences and subjective class voting. The data were taken from the 1984 Canadian National Election Study. The results show that subjective class voting extended to voters' beliefs about least liked parties. And the greater the perceived differences between voters' preferred parties and their second and third choice parties, the greater the level of class voting. An index which combined respondents' perceptions of the class orientations of most and least liked parties increased the estimate of the level of subjective class voting that takes place. The results suggest that this index provides an improved way of assessing subjective class voting. This index is a useful improvement upon previous measures because it incorporates information on the extent to which voters see Canadian politics as presenting class-based alternatives. This is the conceptual domain of the dependent variable in the literature on subjective class voting, but perceived class-based alternatives are seldom measured directly.
The Rise of the Lougheed Conservatives and the Demise of Social Credit in Alberta: A Reconsideration
Authors: Bell Edward
Published: November 2009

In 1971, Peter Lougheed's Conservatives put an end to the long rule of the Social Credit party in Alberta. Many accounts maintain that large-scale social change that occurred in the province as a result of the postwar oil boom was responsible for this important change of government. Urbanization, in particular the expansion of the urban middle classes, secularization and increasing wealth are often cited as the primary causes of Social Credit's downfall. This article challenges this popular interpretation, arguing instead that short-term factors such as leadership, contemporaneous issues and campaign organization better explain the Conservative triumph. Also challenged is the larger claim that election outcomes may be determined by matters beyond anyone's control.
“Media Intrusion” and the Changing Nature of the Established Parties in Australia and Canada
Authors: Ward Ian
Published: November 2009

Media intrusion theory holds that the advent of electronic media, especially television, has accelerated or even precipitated party decline. This is evidently borne out by the declining membership of, and weakening support for, the two major Australian parties which each enthusiastically embraced new forms of political communication. However, “media intrusion” has arguably strengthened rather than weakened Canada's already frail brokerage parties. This different experience may be explained by the dissimilar legislative, federal and media environments in which Canadian and Australian political parties operate. Curiously, although the new forms of political communication have had different impacts, these have triggered changes in Australian political parties which have increased their resemblance to their Canadian counterparts.
Political Party, Political Philosophy and Feminism: A Case Study of the Female and Male Candidates in the 1989 Quebec General Election
Authors: Tremblay Manon
Published: November 2009

This article investigates whether the entry of a greater number of women into the political arena could transform gender relations. The opinions of female and male New Democratic, Liberal and Parti québécois candidates in the 1989 Quebec general election were polled, in order to clarify three main questions: Do the female candidates polled have opinions favourable to feminist demands? Do female and male candidates have the same opinions with respect to these demands? Do political party and political philosophy influence the opinions of each sex on feminist demands? The results show that, generally speaking, women have higher scores on a feminist index than men. More specifically, this gap between women and men varies in accordance with the thematics of feminism, and with political party and political philosophy.
The State, Organized Interests and Canadian Agricultural Trade Policy: The Impact of Institutions
Authors: Skogstad Grace
Published: November 2009

This article examines the Canada-United States Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with the objective of explaining the inclusion of agriculture in the FTA, the negotiation process surrounding the FTA and the outcomes with respect to agricultural commodities. It departs from both the systemic and state-centred models which have dominated Canadian foreign economic policy to argue that, while developments in the international trading system are important factors in explaining Canada's decision to pursue the FTA, the negotiation process and outcomes of the FTA are importantly accounted for in terms of domestic institutions: specifically, state-societal linkages in combination with federal structures. Evidence that the autonomy and capacity of national trade officials was constrained throughout the negotiation process and in terms of the FTA provisions regarding agricultural commodities requires a re-formulation of foreign economic policy-making that links it to the domestic institutional context. Within the latter, the sub-national governments, in combination with durable state-group policy networks, are important factors.
Concepts of Solidarity in the Political Theory of Hannah Arendt
Authors: Reshaur Ken
Published: November 2009

This article has two objectives: one is to distinguish and explicate four concepts of solidarity which are found in the writings of Hannah Arendt; the other is to show how Arendt's respect for facts and suspicion of sentiment publicly displayed are justified. The first concept of solidarity is exclusive solidarity. It is limited to those who are suffering from exploitation or oppression. The second conception of solidarity is inclusive: it includes those who suffer but can also accommodate those who make common cause with them. This is the only kind of solidarity that Arendt specifically analyzes. A third concept of solidarity is universal: its proximate constituent parts are the different “peoples” who collectively make up humankind. Finally, there is natural solidarity. This variety of solidarity, the author argues, is conceptually inadequate and confused. In the development and articulation of each of these four concepts, some attention is given to the relative contributions of emotion and cognition in determining one's understanding of solidarity.
Parties and Candidate Selection in the 1988 Canadian General Election
Authors: Erickson Lynda , Carty R. K.
Published: November 2009

This article explores candidate selection in Canadian political parties with a particular focus on the basic processes involved and the character of the candidates they produce. After a review of the popular conventional wisdom the article reports the results of the first systematic nation-wide study of nomination processes in local constituency party associations (carried out at the time of the 1988 general election). Despite democratic forms, competition for party nominations continues to be the exception rather than the norm and national party interests are only weakly articulated.
The Judicialization of Canadian Environmental Policy, 1980–1990: A Test of the Canada-United States Convergence Thesis
Authors: Howlett Michael
Published: November 2009

Observers of the development and evolution of Canadian environmental policy have noted evidence of what appears to be a pattern of lagged emulation of United States environmental initiatives by Canadian authorities. The record of recent Canadian court activities in the area of environmental assessments is cited as evidence that Canadian environmental policy is converging with that of the US. Other commentators, however, have failed to observe the increase in litigation required to justify the convergence hypothesis. Using evidence gleaned from a database of over 150 Canadian superior court decisions on the environment between 1980 and 1989, this article finds little evidence of a systematic pattern of convergence in the judicialization of Canadian environmental policy, and suggests that the reasons for this lie in the different institutional and constitutional structures which define the roles and relationship of the judiciary, legislators and administrative agencies in each country.
Les « écrits de jeunesse » de Max Weber: l'histoire agraire, le nationalisme et les paysans
Authors: Paré Jean-Rodrigue
Published: November 2009

The 50 texts which make up Max Weber's “Early Writings” have been largely ignored by analysts of his works. Yet there are important differences between Weber's positions in those texts and the more familiar positions he exposed later. In the Early Writings, there is a nearly complete absence of epistemological preoccupations on themes which will later become central. One also notes the essential primacy of the political sphere over the scientific, in the form of the German Nation's transcendence as the condition for the protection of ethical ideals. This article argues that Weber's nationalist aggressiveness in his Early Writings is conditioned by the relative poverty of their theoretical basis.
The Problem of Dirty Hands in Politics: Peace in the Vegetable Trade
Authors: Sutherland S. L.
Published: November 2009

Most treatments of the problem of dirty hands in politics assume that merely holding a position of great political power will require a political actor to violate important moral standards. They assume that the successful political leader must inevitably be morally corrupted by the iniquitous choices that must inevitably be made, and, further, that this casts a shadow upon political life as a moral enterprise. This article argues, instead, that the conventional dirty hands problem is not particularly significant and that a much more serious test of the moral quality of public life in a given polity is how it makes its arrangements for formal public retrospection upon and judgment of the inevitable episodes of unwise, intemperate or immoral political action by leaders. In short, it is the deliberate corruption of democracy that should attract our scrutiny, not the condition of the soul of the supra-ethical or maverick leader.
New Forms of Political Representation: European Ecological Politics and the Montreal Citizen's Movement
Authors: Thomas Timothy
Published: November 2009

In his examinations of the ecological parties of Belgium and West Germany, Herbert Kitschelt argues that he has found a new form of political representation that defies patterns of behaviour outlined for political parties by all previous scholarly work. These parties, which Kitschelt calls “left-libertarian,” are unique because they lack the organizational structures common to traditional parties, and include in their membership constituencies that are normally more comfortable in social movements. This article compares the political platforms of these parties and the sociological characteristics of their activists with those of the Montreal Citizen's Movement (MCM) and concludes that the MCM is indeed a left-libertarian party. However, an examination of the MCM reveals that although Kitschelt has found a new form of political representation in the left-libertarian party, this new form does not actually defy the developmental patterns outlined by the classical studies of political parties.
Burkean “Descriptions” and Political Representation: A Reappraisal
Authors: Williams Melissa S.
Published: November 2009

The theoretical literature on representation tends to read the work of Edmund Burke as a defence of a functional-corporatist conception of society, in which the groups relevant for political representation are stable and objective economic “interests” whose cooperation in and contribution to the life of nation and empire are essential for the status of Britain as a pre-eminent commercial power. This article presents an alternative, contractarian Burke that emerges out of his defence of the interests of non-economic “descriptions” of citizens such as Irish Catholics, a Burke who offers us an illuminating perspective from which to assess the claims of historically marginalized groups in contemporary liberal democratic societies.
Rights Application Doctrine and the Clash of Constitutionalisms in Canada
Authors: Bateman Thomas M. J.
Published: November 2009

Canadian courts have been torn between two constitutionalisms in their interpretation of the application provisions of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. The traditional, liberal constitutionalist approach establishes a distinction between public and private realms and between state action and inaction, limiting the Charter's application to the public, governmental sphere of positive legislation and executive conduct. However, the courts have oscillated between this and a postliberal constitutionalism according to which distinctions between public and private and state action and inaction are arbitrary and artificial. This article argues that this clash of constitutionalisms is responsible in large part for the courts' inconsistent and confusing record in interpreting sections 32 and 52 of theConstitution Act, 1982.
Predictable and Unpredictable Policy Windows: Institutional and Exogenous Correlates of Canadian Federal Agenda-Setting
Authors: Howlett Michael
Published: November 2009

This article addresses the question of the applicability of John Kingdon's theory of agenda-setting to Canadian political life. It examines the extent to which agenda-setting in Canadian governments is routine or discretionary, predictable or unpredictable, and the extent to which it is influenced by events and activities external to itself. The study uses time series data collected on issue mentions related to Native affairs, the constitution, drug abuse, acid rain, the nuclear industry and capital punishment in parliamentary debates and committees between 1977 and 1992. It compares these series to other time series developed from media mentions, violent crime rates, unemployment rates, budget speeches and speeches from the throne, elections and first ministers' conferences over the same period in order to assess the impact of such events on public policy agenda-setting.
The Place of Political Science in Canadian Universities
Authors: Pocklington Tom
Published: November 2009

This article addresses the proper role of political science in Canadian universities. The thesis is twofold: first, the main tasks of political scientists are first-rate teaching and reflective inquiry about citizenship: second, in the past few years we have been moving away from this understanding, and remedial action is required. Our delinquency stems mainly from our obsession with “frontier research,” the main result of which is the widespread decline of attentive teaching, which we rationalize with a number of implausible myths. We are primarily responsible for the current state of political science, and only we can remedy it.
Populism and the Politics of Rights: The Dual Attack on Representative Democracy
Authors: Knopff Rainer
Published: November 2009

In Canada as elsewhere, representative democracy is under attack by both populists and rights advocates. The populist challenge comes mainly from Preston Manning's wing of the Reform party. The rights-based challenge is grounded on the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. These two challenges are different in obvious ways, but from the point of view of representative government—and ultimately of liberal democratic constitutionalism—what they have in common outweighs their differences. What they have in common is the appeal to a mystical being or icon beyond ordinary politics. In effect, the People or Rights become what God was to pre-liberal theocratic politics: a transpolitical trump on ordinary political division, a way of placing opponents “beyond the pale,” a demand for unattainable purity in public life and policy. While bills of rights and populism appear to flow, respectively, from the liberalism and the democracy of liberal democracy, they are, in fact, vehicles for precisely the kind of politics liberal democracy was designed to overcome. Representative government, not populism or entrenched rights, was at the heart of the “new science of politics” designed to make liberal democracy possible. Representative institutions, properly arranged in a system of checks and balances, were a way of blending liberalism with democracy, giving each its due, but indirectly, so that neither would be taken to self-destructive extremes. Populism and the judicialized politics of rights threaten to dissolve this salutary blend, at the cost of liberal democratic constitutionalism.
Setting the Environmental Agenda in Canada and the United States: The Cases of Dioxin and Radon
Authors: Harrison Kathryn , Hoberg George
Published: November 2009

This article uses the case of toxic substance regulation to examine the process of governmental agenda-setting. Two kinds of comparisons are employed: across-national comparison of Canada and the United States, and a comparison of two toxic substance controversies. In the case of dioxins from pulp mills, the issue emerged on the two Countries' agendas at approximately the same time. In contrast, the issue of indoor air pollution from radon reached the US regulatory agenda in 1986, but as of mid-1990 had yet to emerge as a significant regulatory issue in Canada. The comparative case analysis yields four major conclusions: (1) changes in science and technology can be important driving forces behind the emergence of an issue, but as necessary, not sufficient conditions for agenda-setting; (2) the interdependence of the two countries produces an interdependence of their regulatory agendas; (3) policy entrepreneurs play a fundamental role in forcing issues onto the governmental agenda; and (4) the incentives and influence of policy entrepreneurs is shaped by the institutional structures and political cultures of the two countries.
L'analyse politique de la décentralisation
Authors: Lemieux Vincent
Published: November 2009

There are many works on decentralization, but few of them have studied in a systematic way the power relations that are associated with the transfer of attributions from a superior level to an inferior level of government. In order to compensate for these shortcomings a conceptual framework and two research proposals are formulated about the different components of decentralization and the power relations pertaining to them. The model is then applied to various decentralization policies which were adopted since the 1980s in different countries. Two main conclusions can be drawn from this study. First, in the power relations between the actors of the different levels of government, those of the superior level are maintaining their domination by controlling the more important resources in the new relationships created by the decentralization policies. Second, the actors of the superior level of government are seeking to present their domination as plausible with reference to some values generally associated with centralization or decentralization.
The Religious Cleavage and the Media in Canada
Authors: Mendelsohn Matthew , Nadeau Richard
Published: November 2009

This article offers an improved understanding of the often-neglected religious cleavage in Canada. Using data from the 1988 Canadian Election Study, the authors examine the questions of voting intentions, opinion on abortion, support for unions and support for military spending. This article first shows that Roman Catholics have different opinions on these questions than Protestants, but that these differences disappear as Catholics' exposure to the news media increases. The authors also demonstrate that the more religious the Catholics, the more resistant they are to media messages. The largest differences between Catholics and Protestants are thus found between regular churchgoers with low media exposure, while the smallest differences are found between heavily exposed non-practisers.
Ontario Municipal Elections: Voting Trends and Determinants of Electoral Success in a Canadian Province
Authors: Kushner Joseph , Siegel David , Stanwick Hannah
Published: November 2009

This article examines voting trends in recent Ontario elections and the impact of incumbency, gender, campaign expenditures and the number of candidates per seat on the electoral success of a candidate. Voter turnout is found to be consistently lower in larger cities. The number of females holding office has increased over time, with large cities having the highest proportion of females in office. As candidates, males and females have similar success rates. Incumbency provides a huge advantage, especially in large cities. The level of campaign spending also has a significant effect as does the number of candidates contesting a seat.
Policy Agenda-Setting Theory Revisited: A Critique of Howlett on Downs, Baumgartner and Jones, and Kingdon
Authors: Soroka Stuart
Published: November 2009

The author critiques two articles by Michael Howlett published recently by this Journal, and comments on policy agenda-setting theory. Howlett's articles use Canadian data to test three different policy agenda-setting theories forwarded by Anthony Downs, by Frank Baumgartner and Bryan Jones and by John Kingdon. This commentary suggests that the tests have several major flaws. These flaws are a product of several factors: Howlett's dataset and use of statistics, his interpretation of the theories at hand and empirical problems with the policy agenda-setting theories themselves.
North American Integration and International Relations Theory
Authors: O'Brien Robert
Published: November 2009

Although North American integration has been the topic of heated public debate, it has not yet received adequate theoretical attention from the field of international relations. This article reviews the movement to codify North American integration, and explores the implications for integration and international relations theory. The first section reviews the intellectual history of integration theory as it developed in the European context. The second considers the North American experience of codifying integration, 1982–1994. The third part returns to integration theory and international relations, offering some amendments and suggestions considering the North American experience. The article argues that the clearest understanding of regional integration in the 1990s can be achieved through an approach which stresses developments in the global political economy as catalysts for change, and looks to national and transnational institutions and social forces to explain variations in integration projects. Because other international relations theories such as neofunctionalism and interstate bargaining are unable to integrate these levels of analysis, they offer an incomplete view of present dynamics.
A Crisis-Based Evaluation of the Democratic Peace Proposition
Authors: Rioux Jean-Sébastien
Published: November 2009

It has often been said that the closest thing we have to an empirical law in international relations is that democracies do not fight against each other. This study adds to the literature on democratic peace by focusing on the crisis behaviour of democracies and nondemocracies. International Crisis Behavior (ICB) Project data are used to conduct a quantitative analysis of states' crisis activity from 1918 to 1988. Strong support emerges for the three hypotheses of the study. First, it is clear that democracies initiate fewer crises than nondemocracies. However, democracies tend to escalate crises to higher levels of severity. Finally, democracies eventually win the crises in which they become involved. The conclusion is that democratic leaders face strong incentives to “select” winnable crises against nondemocratic states because of the audience costs they face, but when the opponent is another democracy, the domestic audience expects leaders to compromise.
Télévision et unité nationale: la couverture de l'actualité canadienne à Radio-Canada, 1977 et 1987
Authors: De Bonville Jean , Vermette Jacques
Published: November 2009

In a content analysis realized in 1977 for the purposes of the C.R.T.C, Arthur Siegel noted that the image of Canadian geopolitical reality presented in their news programme by the English and French television networks of the CBC was heavily influenced by the linguistic cleavage. A comparative analysis undertaken in 1987 shows that the coverage of Canadian news has failed to evolve despite the urgings of the C.R.T.C. and the will of CBC management to understand this situation. It is suggested that competition between public and private television networks, as well as the professional norms guiding journalists, are better explanations than the presumed political prejudices of these journalists.
Empire, Crown and Canadian Federalism
Authors: Smith David E.
Published: November 2009

This article argues that imperialism and the Crown have determined the development of Canadian federalism. It maintains that the prominence of the provinces, the most distinctive feature of this country's federal system, is traceable, first, to the empire's evolution in the last century and its dissolution in this and, second, to the capacity of the Crown to endow the provinces with unlimited potential for action in areas of jurisdiction not assigned to Parliament. The structuring effect of these primary influences is examined from several perspectives: geographic, economic, social and constitutional. The article concludes that the provinces have been the true beneficiaries of Canada's heritage of empire and Crown.
Westminster in the Arctic: The Adaptation of British Parliamentarism in the Northwest Territories
Authors: White Graham
Published: November 2009

Government in the Northwest Territories (NWT) of Canada is structured on the cabinet-parliamentary model and follows most of the principles of British-style “responsible government.” The territorial assembly, however, differs in two fundamental ways from the traditional parliamentary model: it has no political parties, and a majority of its members are natives, whose political culture is far removed from the tenets underlying British parliamentarism. This article examines the interplay of structure and culture in the NWT Legislative Assembly, through an evaluation of the so-called “consensus government” system. Although cabinet is clearly pre-eminent, private members have unusual influence in the NWT. More generally, distinctive Northern adaptations to the British model—unique parliamentary structures and procedures—are central to the workings of the legislature. In its internal operations, the NWT Assembly is found to have successfully adapted important elements of British parliamentarism to Northern circumstances, though its legitimacy within the native population remains problematic.
Leaders' Communications in Public-interest and Material-interest Groups
Authors: Young R. A. , Forsyth Shirley M.
Published: November 2009

This article analyzes the internal communications between interest group leaders and their memberships. The case is Bill C-22, which increased patent protection for Pharmaceuticals in Canada. The object was to test for differences between “material” groups seeking benefits for their members and “purposive” groups pursuing policies which will benefit others. Significant differences were found in the kinds of appeals made by group leaders. This implies that it can be realistic and useful to distinguish between types of group according to their purposes and the motivations of their members. The findings also provide some insight into the language of policy debates and allow some speculation about the perennial question of why people adhere to large public-interest groups.
Some Evidence on the Effect of Incumbency in Ontario Provincial Elections
Authors: Krashinsky Michael , Milne William J.
Published: November 2009

This article examines the constituency results in recent Ontario provincial elections in order to estimate the impact of incumbency on the percentage of the vote received by each party. Regression results indicate that incumbency had a significant impact in the three elections studied, adding between six and 12 percentage points to the popular vote for the incumbent's party in a given riding. Moreover, these results are robust, persisting overtime and across parties, and not varying significantly for a variety of specifications of the underlying model.
Small Businessmen, Branch Managers, and Their Relative Susceptibility to Right-wing Extremism: An Empirical Test
Authors: Nolan Richard L. , Schneck Rodney E.
Published: November 2009

Dans l'explication globale des décisions de l'homme d'affaires, on néglige la variable pourtant significative de ses attitudes politiques. Certainssocial scientistsont avancé que la société industrielle complexe de type capitaliste engendre chez les dirigeants de la petite entreprise toute une série de frustrations, d'aliénations, et d'insécurités, propres à les rendre perméables à l'extrémisme de droite. Cette théorie n'a pas été tellement validée par des études empiriques.

L'hypothèse de base de la présente étude admettait que les petits entrepreneurs indépendants soient davantage disposés à embrasser l'idéologie de l'extrême droite que les gérants de succursales de vastes entreprises bureaucratiques. Les auteurs ont mené une enquête sur les attitudes propres aux deux types d'hommes d'affaires dans la ville de Wetaskiwin, en Alberta. Les réponses fournies furent groupées en échelles d'attitudes se rapportant au conservatisme, à l'intolérance, à l'autoritarisme et l'aliénation politiques. Une analyse sélective des données recueillies donna par la suite une confirmation statistique à l'hypothèse de départ.
Some Factors Affecting the Resolution of a Federal-Provincial Conflict
Authors: Caplan Neil
Published: November 2009

En examinant la querelle fédérale-provinciale sur les droits miniers sous-marins du Canada, querelle non encore vidée en 1969, on peut isoler quelques-uns des paramètres les plus significatifs quant aux perspectives de solutions de tels conflits. Les paramètres que suggère le présent cas (et dont la valeur universelle reste à démontrer) couvrent (a) la force relative des gouvernements fédéral et provinciaux, (b) les opinions reçues et à partir desquelles chacun d'eux est forcé de manœuvrer, et (c) les sentiments personnels des politiciens en présence.

Alors qu'une inégalité (réelle ou imaginaire) des forces semblerait promettre une victoire facile à la partie favorisée, leur apparente égalité prolongerait la lutte. Un tel équilibre de force, ainsi que le révéle une revue historique de la question, constitue les conditions dans lesquelles s'est organisée la bataille des droits miniers sous-marins, chacun des protagonistes sous-estimant la force et la détermination de la partie adverse, aucun ne parvenant à intimider l'autre ni à le persuader de laiser tomber ses prétentions. Bien plus, ce contentieux pourtant limité a semblé aux parties acquérir l'importance d'un test plus général sur la force de chacune.

Parmi les lieux communs du « fédéralisme coopératif », on a pu déceler une certaine idôlatrie pour l'idée de négotiation, surtout dans le cadre des conférences fédérales-provinciales. L'examen critique des sujets de discussion mis de I'avant par les gouvernements fédéral et provinciaux démontrerait que, seule, la négotiation était inapte à résoudre ce conflit et infirmerait l'opinion qui minimise le rôle des instances juridictionnelles, à l'ère du fédéralisme dit coopératif. L'utilisation politique et publicitaire de cette norme à la mode qu'est la négotiation s'est avérée une arme puissante pour les provinces; mais elle pourrait bien n'avoir, servi qu'à prolonger et envenimer le conflit, d'autant plus qu'on ne s'est pas gêné de violer les règles indispensables à une véritable négotiation.

Le règlement de la querelle des droits miniers sous-marins a également été miné par l'antagonisme personnel des politiciens appelés à le régler, opposition malheureuse, elle-même due à une expérience et à des luttes politiques antérieures et à des tendances fondamentalement différentes en matière de centralisation-décentralisation.

Tout comme d'autres, cette querelle montre, malgré la pertinence du « fédéralisme coopératif » comme façon d'aborder les relations fédérales-provinciales, que la lutte et les conflits, loin de constituer des exceptions à la régie, en sont peut-être la condition naturelle et normale.
La fin du bicaméralisme au Québec
Authors: Orban Edmond
Published: November 2009

American or Australian readers will not be surprised, at least at first glance, that a province should have kept a bicameral system for so long as Quebec since in their own country all but one of the states has a second legislative chamber. For other readers, and Canadians particularly, the survival of a Legislative Council poses a whole series of problems which, for the most part, are explained by the economic and social evolution of Quebec.

Why has Quebec maintained an upper chamber for so long when the other Canadian provinces have never had one or have abolished it a long time ago? The facts here presented confirm on several counts the classical theories about bicameralism, and add to them certain points arising specifically from Quebec's unique socio-cultural context: the overrepresentation of privileged social classes, irrespective of partisan attachment; or the representation in the Legislative Council of the English-speaking minority whose spokesmen were, however, closely tied to the French-speaking members by a community of economic interests.

It was during the last century that the Legislative Council exhibited most energy; it frequently interfered with the most progressive projects of the different Liberal governments. In the twentieth century, however, it was thought wiser to adapt itself to the changing mood, and it gradually became more self-effacing with respect to the elected chamber. Therefore its reasons for existence became doubtful as it either adopted without question all the proposals of the Legislative Assembly (and so provoked the accusation that it did nothing), or if it did object to anything in any way, it was accused of going against the wishes of the elected representatives of the people. Groups which had supported it finally decided that the council had become obsolete and their representatives have allied themselves with the enemies of the council to vote out of existence the last provincial upper chamber in Canada.