bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Patterns in Early Greek Colonisation
Authors: Graham A. J.
Published: May 2006

The centuries before the Greeks began to write history are of the greatest interest and significance, but they are also for the historian full of uncertainty, obscurity and dispute. The reason is mainly the simple inadequacy of the information with which the historian has to work, and it is partly because of that inadequacy that the colonising movement is uniquely valuable. Part of this value lies in the revealing nature of colonial activity in itself. Think what it tells us about geographical knowledge, seafaring, if not seapower, military achievements, state organisation, economic conditions—to mention only a few broad and obvious categories. But in a period so inadequately known the colonising movement is also extremely important to the historian as a source of a relatively large amount of clear and unequivocal facts. In the context of the eighth and seventh centuries B.C. the fact that such and such a city sent a colony to such and such a place constitutes a rare piece of definite and valuable knowledge. Since it is also possible to assign dates to large numbers of colonial expeditions, we can say that the colonising movement provides a large amount of extremely significant historical information, which is in general terms clear and definite and relatively well dated.
Right and Left in the Sexual Theories of Parmenides
Authors: Kember Owen
Published: May 2006

G. E. R. Lloyd has argued that Parmenides ‘probably held that the sex of the child is determined by its place on the right or left of the mother's womb (right for males, left for females)’. It is the purpose of this paper to challenge this assertion by re-examining the primary evidence of fragments 17 and 18 of Parmenides as well as the tangled mass of testimony of the doxographers, Censorinus, Aëtius and Lactantius. In so doing I shall consciously observe a sharp distinction between theories of sex differentiation and theories of heredity since I shall argue that the confusion of the two subjects has led to distortion of Parmenides' doctrines.
Some Unpublished Sherds from Naucratis in Dublin
Authors: Vickers Michael
Published: May 2006

During the early years of this century University College, Dublin, acquired a sizeable collection of classical antiquities, largely through the efforts of the professor of Greek, the Rev. Henry Browne, SJ. Among the acquisitions he made for the College were a group of sherds from the excavations at Naucratis conducted by Sir Flinders Petrie and D. G. Hogarth which he obtained from the British Museum and the Ashmolean (but mostly the latter). As a result of their isolation in Dublin these sherds have not figured in the various publications dealing with material from Naucratis that have appeared over the years, but it is still perhaps not too late to draw attention to them, especially as they include some interesting pieces.

There is no record of exactly when the Naucratis sherds went to Dublin or of what was given in exchange for them, but they must have arrived before 1913 for they are mentioned in a Report on the University College Museum published in that year. The following account is arranged according to styles.
Cimon, Skyros and ‘Theseus’ Bones'
Authors: Podlecki A. J.
Published: May 2006

Thucydides reports the capture of Skyros ‘next’ (ἔπϵιτα) after that of Eion under the generalship of Cimon, as the first events in his digression (έκβολή) on the Pentekontaëtia. Further details are added by Diodorus (presumably following Ephorus) and Plutarch. It is of some importance to try to determine the date of this event, of even greater importance to see it in correct perspective for Cimon's rising star and Themistocles' falling one.

The only specific indication of time we have is Plutarch's reference to an oracle ‘given to the Athenians when they made an inquiry after the Persian Wars in the archonship of Phaidon’ (i.e., 476/5 B.C.). This has generally been taken to provide a date for the capture of Skyros, and the transference of the bones of Theseus to Athens, which Plutarch says followed it. But it is worth pointing out again, with Busolt, that Plutarch's words give a ‘date’ only for the oracle. Diodorus dates the Skyros campaign (along with Eion before and the Eurymedon victory after) to the archonship of Demotion, 470/69, but his evidence is worth very little on a point of chronology such as this.
Wie die Griechen lernten, was geistige Tätigkeit ist
Authors: Snell B.
Published: May 2006

Mein Lieber Dodds,

in dem ersten Kapitel Ihres grundlegenden Buches ‘The Greeks and the Irrational’ machen Sie einige Bemerkungen über psyche, noos, thymos bei Homer (S. 15 f.), über den Gebrauch von είδέναι = ‘wissen’ und ‘gesehen haben’ und schließlich über das ‘Sich-Erinnern’ oder ‘Vergessen’ bei der Besinnung auf moralisches Verhalten wie etwa der Tapferkeit (S. 16 f.). Sie schließen diese allgemeinen Erörterungen mit den Worten: ‘Such a habit of thought must have encouraged the belief in psychic intervention. If character is knowledge, what is not knowledge is not part of the character, but comes to a man from outside. When he acts in a manner contrary to the system of conscious dispositions which he is said to ‘know’, his action is not properly his own, but has been dictated to him. In other words, unsystematised, nonrational impulses, and the acts resulting from them, tend to be excluded from the self and ascribed to an alien origin.'

Wenn das für Homer richtig ist (und mir scheint es evident) und wenn die späteren Griechen ein ausgeprägtes Bewußtsein dafür hatten, daß der freie und überlegene Mensch durch eigene geistige Kraft Klarheit gewinnen muß über das, was wahr, gut und schön ist, kann man diesen Weg dahin vielleicht verfolgen an der Art, wie jeweils die Griechen das Erkennen aufgefaßt haben.
Action and Character in theIonof Euripides
Authors: Willetts R. F.
Published: May 2006

I am happy to offer this paper in tribute to the deep range of a dedicated Hellenist's life-work, not least for personal reasons. Professor Dodds first introduced me to theIontowards the end of those happy twelve years of his career spent in the University of Birmingham. With his respect for Forsterian buckets let down into the subconscious, he may not be surprised that the introduction has had enduring effects. An early consequence was my verse translation of the play, eventually published in 1958 and, more recently (1968), produced on the stage by our Department of Drama and Theatre Arts. Translations of Greek and Latin authors play an increasingly important part in our contemporary cultural life, especially translations of Greek plays for the stage and for broadcasting. This is an area of activity which scholars should not ignore. What Gilbert Murray so successfully practised in his time, Milman Parry emphasized in another context: ‘…scholars must see that they must impose their truths before others impose their fictions’. Over the years I have followed the discussions in books and journals which have added to our understanding of the power and complex meaning of the play. Only some of these can be mentioned in what follows, to enable me to express agreement or a difference of opinion or emphasis.

The simply rationalistic interpretation of theIonassociated with the translation, preface, etc., by H.B.L. in 1889 and with the work of A. W. Verrall in 1890 and subsequently, was temporarily fashionable in certain quarters at the time. This interpretation no doubt stimulated further study of the play in this country, but there has been continuous corrective criticism of its aberrations.
ΕΙΣΙ ΤΡΙΧΕΣ: an erotic motif in the Greek Anthology
Authors: Tarán Sonya Lida
Published: May 2006

In Book xii of the Greek Anthology many of the old motifs of erotic poetry are applied to the love of boys. Among these motifs a form of the carpe diem calls our attention. Youth and the beloved's charms are there granted a very short span: the growth of hair marks the end of a boy's attraction. Of this basic idea we find numerous variations in over thirty epigrams, Hellenistic and late, not unlike those on the more general motif of fleeting youth. We shall group the poems and interpret them according to the variations of this motif.

The boy is now willing to love when it is too late: the hairs have come. The lover, whether by threats, warnings, or vaunts that it has happened, implicitly rejects the advances of the young man.

Ia. Our first epigram (Asclep. 46 = A.P. xii 36) is headed Ἀσκληπιάδου Ἀδραμυττήνου. If by Asclepiades of Samos it would be chronologically the first in our list. Yet the ascription is far from certain, and the choice of the epigram as our starting point is, therefore, arbitrary.
Praise and persuasion in Greek hymns
Authors: Furley William D.
Published: May 2006

Largely because the processes of transmission have been unkind, the religious hymns sung by the Greeks during worship of a god on a public or private occasion have received less than their due attention from modern scholars. Our sources frequently mention in passingthathymns were sung on the way to Eleusis, for example, or at the well Kallichoron on arrival at Eleusis, or by the deputations to Delos for the Delia, but they usually fail to record the texts or contents of these hymns. Until the fourth century BC temple authorities did not normally have the texts of cult songs inscribed; and the works themselves were by a diversity of authors, some well-known, some obscure, making the collection of their ‘hymns’ a difficult task for the Alexandrian compilers. Some such hymns were traditional—Olen's at Delos, for example — handed down orally from generation to generation; others were taught to a chorus for a specific occasion and then forgotten. Nor do the surviving corpora of ‘hymns’ — I refer to the Homeric Hymns, Callimachus' six hymns, and the Orphic Hymns—go very far to satisfy our curiosity as to the nature of this ubiquitous hieratic poetry. The Homeric Hymns would seem to have been preludes (προοίμια) to the recitation of epic poetry; they are in the same metre and style as epic, and the singer usually announces that he is about to commence another poem on finishing the hymn. Their content may give us authentic material about a god and his attendant myths, but the context of their performance seems distinct from worship proper. The Homeric Hymns provided the basic model for Callimachus' hymns although it is clear that he adapted the model to permit innovations such as the mimetic mode of hymns 2, 5 and 6, which present an eye-witness account of religious ritual. Some find Callimachus' hymns lacking in true religious feeling; few seriously maintain that they were intended, or could have been used, for performance in cult.
The fourth-century and Hellenistic reception of Thucydides
Authors: Hornblower Simon
Published: May 2006

How well known was Thucydides' history in the fourth century BC and the hellenistic period? Gomme, with an eye on Polybius, once wrote of the ‘nearly complete silence about Thucydides in what remains to us of ancient writers before the age of Cicero and Dionysius of Halicarnassus’. This is startling at first and has to my knowledge led to the misconception that Thucydides virtually disappeared after his own time. Gomme was however referring merely to specific mentions or discussions of Thucydides by name: he went on to speak of the ‘silent compliment paid him by Kratippos, Xenophon, Theopompos, and Philistos’. Even this is far from a complete list, and Gomme's possibly misleading paragraph can serve as my starting-point.
Hellenic culture and the Roman heroes of Plutarch
Authors: Swain S. C. R.
Published: May 2006

Plutarch of Chaeroneia stands almost alone among Greeks of the Roman Empire in displaying in his works an extensive knowledge of, and interest in, Rome and Romans. The knowledge of Roman history and the many notes on Roman institutions and usages seen in the Lives together with the work specifically devoted to Roman customs, the quaest. Rom., and the celebration of Rome's good fortune, the de fort. Rom., testify to his great sympathy with the Roman way of life. For us Plutarch is a unique bridge between Greece and Rome. But what sort of bridge does he himself envisage between Rome and his own world? In particular, how far does Plutarch believe that Romans share his own Hellenic culture? In answering this question I shall argue that in his presentation of Romans Plutarch often shows himself to be conscious that Hellenic culture had been imported to Rome and could never be fully taken for granted among Romans as it could among Greeks, and that as a consequence it is worthwhile for him as a student of character to consider how well and with what benefit Romans absorb it.
Socratic Suicide
Authors: Warren James
Published: May 2006

When is it rational to commit suicide? More specifically, when is it rational for a Platonist to commit suicide, and more worryingly, is it evernotrational for a Platonist to commit suicide? If thePhaedowants us to learn that the soul is immortal, and that philosophy is a preparation for a state better than incarnation, then why does it begin with a discussion defending the prohibition of suicide? In the course of that discussion, Socrates offers (but does not necessarily endorse) two arguments for the prohibition of self-killing, at least in most circumstances, which have exerted a long and powerful influence over subsequent discussion of the topic, particularly in theist contexts. In the context of thePhaedoitself, however, this introductory conversation plays a crucial role in setting the agenda for the remainder of the dialogue and offering an initial discussion of the major concerns of the argument as a whole. In particular, the discussion of the nature of suicide is intimately bound up with Socrates' conception of true philosophy as a ‘preparation for death’, the relationship between soul and body, and the immortality of the soul. My intention is to provide a reading of that passage (61e-69e) which asks whether thePhaedocan offer a philosophically satisfying distinction between suicide and philosophy and how it relates to other ancient philosophical attitudes to self-killing. I argue that Socrates does not think that being dead is always preferable to being alive, and that the religious views expressed in the passage are consistent with his general stance on the benevolence of the gods.
Pots and Trade: Spacefillers or Objets D'Art?
Authors: Gill David W.J.
Published: May 2006

It is now a commonplace view that fine pottery may not have formed the major part of any cargo in antiquity. The archaeological evidence of shipwrecks seems to confirm the view held by most students of the ancient economy that pots—both fine and coarse—were merely ‘parasitic’ on the main items of trade, staples, metals and slaves. However there are some who plead a special case for the fine wares—especially the figure-decorated—during the archaic and classical periods. J. Boardman, for example, though in principle in agreement with the general view that pottery accompanied ‘more important materials’, still seems to hold the view (which he formulated in 1964) that ‘Corinthian vases were being carried for their own sakes, as objets d'art, or at least best plate’. This paper will examine the recent claim—in response to those who, it is maintained, have ‘demoted the consignments of Greek pottery, plain or decorated, to “space-fillers” or “profitable ballast”’—viz., that ‘Athenian decorated pottery was not cheap and … was as valuable and profitable a trade commodity as most that any classical ship took on board’.
Eupolis or Dicaeopolis?
Authors: Parker L. P. E.
Published: May 2006

It is sad that Acharnians is so rarely produced on stage; it is also strange, for, visually as well as verbally, the play is immensely inventive and funny, and has deservedly engaged a great deal of critical and interpretative attention. One cannot but hesitate to add to the abundant literature. However, Mr E. L. Bowie's theory, recently propounded in this journal, that Dicaeopolis represents Eupolis would, if correct, have interesting consequences both for our interpretation of the play and of some of the surviving fragments of Eupolis, as Mr Bowie shows.
Herodotos and his contemporaries
Authors: Fowler Robert L.
Published: May 2006

Among early Greek historians, Herodotos and Thukydides, owing to their survival, inevitably dominate our attention. But of course they were not alone. We have some substantial citations and numerous shorter fragments of many contemporaries. Difficulties of interpretation and the authority of their greatest modern interpreter, Felix Jacoby, have for many years prevented a thorough re-evaluation of early historiography and the position of Herodotos within it. The present paper is a contribution to this effort. In the first section, the list of Herodotos' contemporaries is drawn up as a necessary starting-point. We shall find that Jacoby's assessment of the evidence, and in particular his late date for some historians, is to be rejected, and that his conclusions about Herodotos' position in the development of historiography, which still dominate the field, lack at least part of their foundation. In section II an alternative method, in the absence of certain chronology, is developed for identifying the salient characteristics of the individual historian; the method owes something to narratology. It is illustrated from the fragments of the authors listed in section I, together with those of other historians down to the beginning of the fourth century. Section III then focuses on Herodotos; it will emerge that the most distinctive thing about him is his constant talk about sources and how to assess them. Other historians (and, indeed, poets) knew that sources contradict each other, but Herodotos first realised that this situation exists as a theoretical problem requiring the development of new methods. His is a second-order, or meta-cognitive awareness. Section IV goes on to deal, as seems necessary, with Detlev Fehling's theory about Herodotos' sources, since if he is right Herodotos is not really serious about them. An epilogue draws attention to a fifth-century passage in the Theognidean corpus with striking parallels to a passage in Plato'sProtagoras;the two together throw light on Herodotos' proem, and confirm the picture drawn in this paper of his historical activity.
Rituals in stone: early Greek grave epigrams and monuments
Authors: Day Joseph W.
Published: May 2006

The goal of this paper is to increase our understanding of what archaic verse epitaphs meant to contemporary readers. Section I suggests their fundamental message was praise of the deceased, expressed in forms characteristic of poetic encomium in its broad, rhetorical sense, i.e., praise poetry. In section II, the conventions of encomium in the epitaphs are compared to the iconographic conventions of funerary art. I conclude that verse inscriptions and grave markers, not only communicate the same message of praise, but do so in a formally parallel manner. Section III, drawing on Pindar as a preserver of archaic thinking, attributes the parallelism between verse epitaph and grave marker to their common debt to funerary ritual. The epigrams will be seen to share with their monuments the goal of memorializing this ritual.
The story of Knemon in Heliodoros' Aithiopika
Authors: Morgan J. R.
Published: May 2006

HELIODOROS' Aithiopika is the story of Theagenes and Charikleia: of their falling in love, their elopement from Delphi where Charikleia lives as the adopted daughter of the priest of Apollo, their encounters with pirates, bandits and unwanted suitors, and finally of their arrival in Ethiopia, land of Charikleia's birth, where she is recognised as the daughter of the king and queen, and the lovers' union is sanctioned, sanctified and implicitly consummated after the conclusion of the narrative. It is a commonplace of discussion of the novel to draw attention to the artfulness with which the story is presented, to the temporal dislocations occasioned by beginning the plot (or narration) in the middle of the story, and to the consequent shift which the author has been able to effect from the straightforward, linear, proairetic mode of simple storytelling to a hermeneutic mode which draws the reader into a quest, shared with the characters of the novel, for true understanding of facts of which he is already in possession.
The Francis–Vickers Chronology
Authors: COOK R. M.
Published: May 2006

Over the last few years the late E. D. Francis and M. Vickers (after this referred to as F. and V.) have been promulgating a revised chronology for Greek art from its later Geometric to its Early Classical phases. The subject is large and they have dealt with it in instalments, scattered over various journals. In Table 1 I give a list, though it may not be complete.
A methodological enquiry: the Great Bronze Athena by Pheidias
Authors: Lundgreen Birte
Published: May 2006

The ‘Great Bronze Athena’, or the AthenaPromachosby Pheidias, was a famous statue on the Akropolis of Athens, according to the literary sources. Numerous attempts have been made in the 19th and 20th centuries to reconstruct the image of the statue based on various sources: coins, gems, lamps, Byzantine miniatures, and sculpture. However, some of these attempts have revealed a number of inconsistencies in treatment and interpretation of the various sources. This article, therefore, endeavours to separate the valid from the invalid through a careful assessment of all the available evidence relating to the AthenaPromachosas the Pheidian statue rather than the iconographic type.
Alcestis' children and the character of Admetus
Authors: Dyson M.
Published: May 2006

By comparison with Aeschylus and Sophocles, Euripides makes remarkable use of young children in his tragedies. There are vocal parts, sung by individual children inAlcestisandAndromache, cries off for the two boys inMedea, and a song for a supplementary chorus of boys inSupplices. Important episodes concern silent children on stage inHeraclesandTroades, lesser roles occur inHecubaandIphigeneia in Aulis, and suppliant children may be on stage throughoutHeracleidae. No children figure in the extant plays of Aeschylus, and Sophocles gives them silent parts only inAjaxandOedipus Tyrannus. It seems reasonable to suppose that children are proportionally more central to Euripides’ idea of tragedy, and that individual plays might be studied from this angle. Accordingly I propose to analyse the part of the children inAlcestis, not with questions of methods of performance in mind, but for what the presence, action, utterance or absence of children at any point can tell us about the issues and themes of the play.
The Scythian ultimatum (Herodotus iv 131, 132)
Authors: West Stephanie
Published: May 2006

Shortly before Darius abandoned his futile pursuit of the elusive Scythians, there came to the Persians a messenger from the Scythian chiefs (iv 131, 132):
Xenophon and Callicratidas
Authors: Moles J. L.
Published: May 2006

Despite increasingly sophisticated theoretical debate, scholars concerned with ancient historiography effectively still divide into two camps: historians, who want to use the texts as sources and assess them by criteria of accuracy, reliability, completeness of record and presence or absence of prejudice according to their presumed relationship to the facts which they purport to represent; and literary scholars, who want to interpret the texts as texts, with their own internal logic.
The original date of the δῆμος πληθύων provisions ofIGI3105
Authors: Ryan F. X.
Published: May 2006

Though published about 409 BC,IGi3105 has long been thought to contain regulations originally enacted at an earlier date. In 1873 Kirchhoff suggested a date of 411/10 or 410/9 for the inscription itself, but noted that there werepriscae dictionis vestigia.Hiller von Gaertringen went further in 1924 when he concluded thatpriscus dictionis color saeculi initium decet.Although modern scholars disagree about the exact date of the original provisions, some of which include the archaic expression ἄνευ τοῦ δήμου τοῦ Άθηναίων πληθύοντος there is general agreement that these older laws were passed between 501/0 and 462/1 BC. In this paper I shall argue that a Solonian date for the original enactment of the δῆμος πληθύων provisions makes the most historical sense.
Identification of TNF‐α‐responsive NF‐κB p65‐binding element in the distal promoter of the mouse serine protease inhibitor SerpinE2
Authors: Suzuki Shunsuke , Singhirunnusorn Pattama , Nakano Hiroyasu , Doi Takahiro , Saiki Ikuo , Sakurai Hiroaki
Published: May 2006

Serine protease inhibitor SerpinE2 is known as a cytokine‐inducible gene. Here, we investigated whether tumor necrosis factor α‐(TNF‐α)‐induced expression of SerpinE2 is mediated by the nuclear factor‐κB (NF‐κB) p65 subunit. Both steady state and TNF‐α‐induced expression of SerpinE2 mRNA were abrogated in p65−/− murine embryonic fibroblasts (MEFs). Reconstitution with wild‐type p65 rescued SerpinE2 mRNA expression in an IκB kinase β‐dependent manner. Electrophoresis mobility shift assay and ChIP assay demonstrated that p65 bound to the κB‐like DNA sequence located at approximately −9 kbp in the SerpinE2 promoter. In addition, TNF‐α stimulated luciferase gene expression driven by the κB‐like element in the reconstituted MEFs, but not in p65−/− MEFs. These results indicated that activation of NF‐κB p65 plays an important role in TNF‐α‐induced expression of SerpinE2.
F.W. De Klerk and Constitutional Change
Authors: Welsh David
Published: May 2006

South African political leaders—as either prime ministers or presidents—have an average term of office of approximately nine years. If he conforms to average, De Klerk is likely to be the dominant figure in white politics for some time, and therefore his credentials are of some significance. At 53 he is young, he comes from a background steeped in politics and he has an impressive intellectual background as an academic lawyer. In 1972 he chose to enter Parliament rather than accept the offer of a chair in law at Potchefstroom University. Having entered Parliament, his talent as a debater helped him to win his spurs quite quickly and he became Minister of Posts and Telecommunications in 1978.
Political Change in Rhodesia: The South Africa Factor
Authors: Chartrand Philip E.
Published: May 2006

In December 1974, Ian Smith, the leader of the white minority regime in Rhodesia, announced for the first time since declaring his country’s independence from Britain in 1965 that his government was willing to begin direct negotiations with the African liberation movements seeking to achieve majority rule in Rhodesia. The prospect of such talks leading to an end to guerrilla fighting in Rhodesia and a termination of the United Nations authorized sanctions against the illegal Smith regime is dimmed by the fact that the Africans demand African rule for Rhodesia in the near future if not immediately, while Smith and his supporters have refused to consider such a development “in his lifetime.” Still the announcement constituted a step forward which few informed observers would have deemed likely even a few weeks before.
From Pan-Africanism to Socialism: The Modernization of an African Liberation Ideology
Authors: Tsomondo Micah S.
Published: May 2006

The concept of Pan-Africanism has been around for a long time in spite of great historical events. Beginning as the nationalist thought of more or less detribalized Africans in the New World during the era of slavery, Pan-Africanism has survived the impact of such developments as the U.S. Civil War and Reconstruction, the post-Reconstruction era, the rise and fall of the Garvey movement, European colonialism in Africa, the Russian and other socialist revolutions of the twentieth century, and the black freedom movements in Africa, the United States, and the Caribbean since 1945.
Human Rights and Personal Law: Women in Sub-Saharan Africa
Authors: Howard Rhoda
Published: May 2006

In this paper I will discuss women’s rights regarding marriage, the family, and genital operations in the context of internationally accepted views of the individual rights of women. I focus upon these particular areas partly because the issue of female genital operations in Africa has been the subject of much popular attention in the last three years, but mainly because, given that women’s biological reproductive roles are so much more central to their lives than are the equivalent roles for men, their rights in these areas profoundly affect their ability to exercise their rights in other areas, i.e. in the polity and in the economy. For data I use examples from several English-speaking sub-Saharan countries.
After Nkrumah: Continuity and Change in Ghana’s Foreign Policy
Authors: Aluko Olajide
Published: May 2006

Over the nine years since the overthrow of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah’s regime in February 1966, Ghana has come under three different governments: that of the National Liberation Council (February 1966 to October 1969), the Progress government (late 1969 to January 1972), and the government of the National Redemption Council (1972– ). Various views have been expressed in journals and magazines where writers have tried to depict the country’s foreign policy under the different regimes. For instance, Ruth First said that the government of the National Liberation Council (NLC) pursued a pro-West policy, and the Times (London) said a day after the coup d’etat of 24 February 1966 that Ghana had “swung back to reliance on the West.” William Gutteridge, however, maintained that the NLC government had restored a degree of neutralism to the country’s foreign policy rather than abandon the policy of nonalignment and neutralism in entirety. He added that the NLC had opted for more modest pan-African policies following Nkrumah’s pan-African excesses. Other people accused the NLC government of supporting the colonialists in Africa by refusing to allow freedom fighters the opportunity to meet and organize from within Ghana.
Square in Core Models
Authors: Schimmerling Ernest , Zeman Martin
Published: May 2006

We prove that in all Mitchell-Steel core models, □k holds for all k. (See Theorem 2.) From this we obtain new consistency strength lower bounds for the failure of □k if k is either singular and countably closed, weakly compact, or measurable. (Corollaries 5, 8, and 9.) Jensen introduced a large cardinal property that we call subcompactness; it lies between superstrength and supercompactness in the large cardinal hierarchy. We prove that in all Jensen core models, □k holds iff k is not subcompact. (See Theorem 15; the only if direction is essentially due to Jensen.)
The ‘Commodus–Mithras’ of the Salting Collection
Authors: Esdaile Katharine A.
Published: May 2006

When this interesting bust, identified and published by Sir Cecil Harcourt Smith, by whose kind permission I reproduce it here, in the Burlington Magazine 1908, was transferred to the British Museum for cleaning purposes in 1916, a close examination of it in its new state led me to think that the portrait character of this obviously Mithraic work had been overstated. The photograph in the Burlington Magazine somewhat exaggerates the prominence of the lower part of the face, which is neither so full nor so individual as the plate suggests; the low Zeus-like forehead differs essentially from the high and rounded brow of the emperor, while the parted hair, curling only at the ends, and the beard are, as Sir Cecil Smith notes, like those of a Zeus, though they are surely very different in character from the frizzed interlacing locks of Commodus. The admittedly Zeus-like character of the bust is in fact against the identification as a Commodus-Mithras, sicnce not only does the youthful god differ in every respect from the ruler of Olympus, but the one known mythological portrait of Commodus, the Commodus-Hercules in the Conservatori, far from modifying the emperor's features to suit his part, rather represents the portrait element as triumphing at the expense of the divine; so that the lion-skin is pushed back and unnaturally balanced on the crest of hair, in order to keep the latter unmodified by one lock or curl, and the polished beauty of the imperial arms supersedes the mighty muscles of the hero. Again, the features of the Salting bust are finer, straighter and less sensual than in any known portrait of the emperor, while the features of the Commodus-Hercules are presented in their most extreme form. Perhaps, then, the explanation of the bust of a portrait is untenable, and its Zeus-like character is perplexing in the case of a head intended for a Mithras.
Three notes on the reforms of Diocletian and Constantine
Authors: Baynes Norman H.
Published: May 2006

In 1921 Mr. Léon Homo published an elaborate study in the Revue Historique on ‘Les privilèges administratifs du Sénat romain sous l'Empire et leur disparition graduelle au cours du IIIe siècle. I have not seen any critical consideration of that study: in the following note I desire to discuss the conclusions of Mr. Homo so far as they are concerned with the edict of Gallienus and its application down to the military reorganisation of Diocletian. Mr. Homo's treatment of the problem is based upon his view of the historical value of the Historia Augusta: for a detailed statement of that view the student should consult his earlier paper on ‘La grande crise de l'an 238 ap. J.-C. et le problème de l'Histoire Auguste.’ His position he has summarised thus: the Historia is not a vast falsification dating from the end of the fourth or the beginning of the fifth century: ‘Non. Il s'agit bien d'un recueil authentique de biographies rédigé sous la dynastie dioclétiano-constantinienne, et, par consequent, l'historien du IIIe siècle n'a pas le droit de la rejeter systématiquement. Mais deux réserves capitales sont nécessaires. Tout d'abord, l'Histoire Auguste abonde en anachronismes, dus à l'information médiocre et au manque d'esprit critique de ses auteurs.
Some historical coins of Hadrian
Authors: Mattingly Harold
Published: May 2006

In the absence of a full and satisfactory record in literature of the reign of Hadrian, we turn with more than ordinary expectation to his large and varied coinage. We are at once confronted with a formidable difficulty: most of Hadrian's coins bear no other sign of date than COS · III—that is to say, they can only be dated to the long period from A.D. 119 to 138. This problem, then, must be faced at the outset. To save space, we will at once set out the system of dating we shall follow, adding only the few notes absolutely required to justify it:

A.D. 117. Coins dated COS.

A.D. 118. Coins dated COS · II

A.D. 119–138. Coins dated COS · III
The pottery of a Claudian well at Margidunum
Authors: Oswald Felix
Published: May 2006

At Margidunum (Notts), halfway between Leicester and Lincoln, I have been carrying on excavations for several years, through the kindness of the owner, Mr. F. W. Dobson, J.P., in one of the three fields of the site, the only field at present available. Although much remains to be done, my results serve already to substantiate the surmise that this camp formed a link in the chain of Claudian frontier-posts established by P. Ostorius Scapula in A.D. 47, between the Severn and the Trent, when (according to Bradley's generally accepted emendation of Tacitus, Annals, xii, 31, 32) detrahere arma suspectis cunctaque cis Trisantonam et Sabrinam fluvios cohibere parat. Nothing was known of this camp beyond the name Margidunum, which occurs twice in the Antonine Itineraries (Iter 6 from London to Lincoln, and Iter 8 from York to London). It is about 8 acres in extent, and is rhomboidal in outline (plan, plate VIII), recalling in this respect the Claudian camp of Hofheim. The Fosse Way, which now traverses it diagonally, was not the original Roman road. In those days, undrained marshes protected the camp on the south, and the approach from this direction was by a short causeway (bordered by ditches), which can still be traced from a natural ridge that comes near the SE. angle of the camp. Thence the main road of the camp ran diagonally across it to NW., and from the NW. angle another well-marked causeway leaves the camp and can be traced for a considerable distance to the NE.; it is still so conspicuous that it is known locally as the ‘hump.’ The entrances to the camp have not yet been explored, for the fields in which they occur are unfortunately not available for excavation.
A Decorative Bronze Silenus-Mask from Ilkley
Authors: Woodward Arthur M.
Published: May 2006

The bronze object here described was found on 25th July, 1921, during the excavations, carried out by the writer on behalf of the Roman Antiquities Committee of the Yorkshire Archaeological Society, on the site of the Roman fort at Ilkley. The high artistic quality and excellent preservation add to the interest of the find, which seems to deserve separate publication, without waiting for the final report on the excavations.
Romano-British Dovecots
Authors: Chambers Charles D.
Published: May 2006

Roman writers on Agriculture attached considerable importance to the keeping of pigeons, not merely as an article of food but on account of the valuable manure they yielded. Their statements are borne out by numerous references in the Papyri. Pigeon-keeping in Egypt must have been exceedingly profitable. The price of a dead bird was an obol, a pair rears sixteen or more young ones per annum, and a pigeon-house might contain a thousand nests. The valuable manure, used especially for vineyards, would probably pay, or more than pay, for such food as the pigeons did not pick up for themselves. It is therefore not surprising that in Ptolemaic times a 33⅓% tax was imposed on profits, for which the Romans substituted a tax estimated according to the size of the dovecot.
The Table of Heraclea and the Lex Iulia Municipalis
Authors: Hardy E. G.
Published: May 2006

For many years the controversy as to the nature of this mysterious document, though not entirely extinct, was rendered almost dormant by the general acceptance of the famous hypothesis of Savigny and Mommsen. It was, they suggested, the concluding portion of a comprehensive law, entitled the lex Iulia Municipalis, by which Caesar in 45 B.C. regulated municipal institutions, not only in all communities of Roman citizens within the Italian peninsula, but partly at least in Rome herself, as after all merely the foremost municipality of the empire. It is idle to deny that the hypothesis, so stated, rests upon a somewhat slender basis of established fact. Only two general municipal regulations are contained in the Table, one with certainty, the other with great probability, attributable to Caesar. It has to be assumed, therefore, that only an insignificant part of the whole law has been preserved. As for the reason suggested for including provisions about Rome in such a municipal law, Prof. Reid's dictum can hardly be gainsaid that never was so profound an idea presented in a more trivial form.
British Centurions
Authors: Dessau H.
Published: May 2006

It is very remarkable, though quite intelligible that, while the province of Britain belonged for centuries to the Roman empire, its inhabitants took practically no share in the administration of the empire. No evidence suggests that a native of one of the municipalities, whether colonia or municipium, of Britain ever made his way into the Roman senate or the higher ranks of the equestrian order, and yet, if that had happened, inscriptions would exist among the monuments of Britain recording such honours won by Britons. The literary life of the empire was equally strange to the Britons; as Mr. J. R. Green says, “none of the poets or rhetoricians of the time is of British origin.” So too the lower military commands are never held by Britons. No cohort or ala is known to have been commanded by a man born in the island. Even the lower officers, the centurions, were rarely taken from the province, either for the legions quartered in the island or for those in other parts of the empire. Baehr and I had actually denied the existence of any legionary centurion of British origin, but Mr. Haverfield has pointed out to me a centurion of the XXIIth Legion stationed at Mainz, who appears to have been born in Lincoln (Lindum); and my attention has now been called to a legionary centurion whose British origin is not, indeed, absolutely certain, but who belongs in one way or another to Britain, and deserves to be introduced to the Britons of to-day.
Human Sacrifices at Rome and other notes on Roman Religion
Authors: Reid J. S.
Published: May 2006

There is in Pliny, xxviii, 12, seq. a famous statement to the effect that his own age had seen human sacrifice carried out in the Forum Boarium: “nostra aetas vidit.” The whole subject of the ritual offering of men's lives to the gods at Rome in the historical period is full of interest and has been, of course, much discussed, but statements about it continue to be made by writers of authority, which appear to be very dubious when the ancient evidence is rigorously scrutinised. Pliny introduces the theme in a curious manner, not directly, but in order to illustrate the practical efficacy of the precatio when a venerable religious formula is uttered with all the due accompaniments. He instances the devotio of Decius, father and son, and the story of the vestal Tuccia, who, when accused of impurity, addressed a deprecatio to her goddess, and successfully carried a sieve full of water from the Tiber to the forum. (Unfortunately Livy seems to have recorded her condemnation.) Pliny then proceeds: “boario vero in foro Graecum Graecamque defossos aut aliarum gentium cum quibus tum res erat etiam nostra aetas vidit. Cuius sacri precationem qua solet praeire quindecimvirum conlegi magister si quis legat, profecto vim carminum fateatur, omnia ea adprobantibus octingentorum triginta annorum eventibus.”
Justa Grata Honoria
Authors: Bury J. B.
Published: May 2006

At a critical period of European history a princess of the Theodosian house played a brief but conspicuous and outrageous part. Her relations with Attila have secured a scandalous notoriety to the princess Honoria, who would otherwise have been as mere a name to us as her cousins Arcadia and Marina; for her action, if it did not alter the main course of events, determined the Hun king's policy during three critical years. But the true facts of an extraordinarily interesting episode have been obscured, as I hope to prove, by a curious error in one of our sources. Honoria cannot be dismissed as a perverse or romantic schoolgirl, nor, with Mommsen, as ‘eine lüderliche Prinzessin.’
Placentia and the Battle of the Trebia
Authors: Frank Tenney
Published: May 2006

The location of the battle of the Trebia is still a matter of dispute despite the thirty-two discussions of it cited in Kromayer's Antike Schlachtfelder (1912) and several offered since. There is more at stake in the problem than mere curiosity about the place, more even than a desire to appraise rightly the military judgment of Scipio and Hannibal. There is involved the reputation for reliability of Polybius and Livy, faith in whom is severely shaken if we must adopt any of the views hitherto offered.
Cicero's Journey to his Province of Cilicia in 51 B.C.
Authors: Hunter L. W.
Published: May 2006

This paper has been written in connexion with Sir William Ramsay's Oxford Seminar for Historical Research in the Eastern Provinces of the Roman Empire. It is the result of an examination of Cicero's correspondence during his journey to Cilicia in the summer and autumn of the year 51; and while there is probably nothing contained in it which has not already been the subject of comment before, yet the conclusions arrived at respecting the precise dates and details of Cicero's movements will be found to differ in some considerable degree from the estimates of previous editors or commentators, especially those of O. E. Schmidt, the latest scholar, so far as I know, who has published a detailed reckoning of the times and rates of the journey in question.
Note on a Roman Sarcophagus in the Campo Santo, Pisa
Authors: Toynbee Jocelyn
Published: May 2006

In the course of an article, contributed to this Journal, entitled ‘A Roman Sarcophagus at Pawlowsk and its Fellows,’ I mentioned a ‘garland-sarcophagus’ in the Campo Santo at Pisa as being probably still earlier than our first definitely dated ‘garland-monument’ of the second century A.D., namely the Lateran sarcophagus from the Hadrianic tomb near the Porta Viminalis. The garland-style of the Pisan sarcophagus I was not then in a position to discuss, having neither seen the original nor been able to procure a photograph of it. I have now done both, and hope that, in view of the comparative scarcity of dated sarcophagi, its value as an approximately dated piece may justify its publication here.
Problems of the Second Punic War
Authors: Reid J. S.
Published: May 2006

This conflict has for moderns a perennial interest, second only to that which is excited by the Peloponnesian war. The superior attractiveness of the struggle between the Greek cities, as felt by readers in general, is a supreme testimony to the genius of Thucydides; since in intrinsic importance for the world's history, his theme is far inferior to that which was handled by Polybius and by Livy. At the end of the Peloponnesian war few men can have foreseen the rise of the Macedonian kings, to which it contributed; when Second Punic war finished, it was obvious that the ultimate control by Rome of the whole area of ancient civilisation was assured. For those who care less for the form of historical records than for the value of events, the second and decisive long-drawn duel between Romans and Carthaginians must ever possess a fascination which belongs to few other periods in the history of mankind. There is a continual flow of publications dealing with its incidents and its manifold aspects.
Virgil, Statius and Dante
Authors: Hardie W.R.
Published: May 2006

When Virgil died at Brundisium nineteen years before the birth of Christ, the Aeneid was unpublished and lacked the poet's final revision. But it was not unknown. His occupation with it had excited wide interest and great expectation. He had read parts of it to friends. Three books of it, ii, iv, and vi, he had read to Augustus, whose sister Octavia also was present at the reading of the sixth book and fainted when the poet read the passage at the end which is a tribute to her son Marcellus. Marcellus died in 23 B.C. Six years before that, in 29, the year of Octavian's triple triumph, Virgil had read to him at Atella the four books of the Georgics. And much earlier still, in 40 B.C. he had foretold in an eclogue the coming of a golden age. So later ages thought of Virgil as the court poet of Augustus, though the historian may be inclined to deny that the word ‘court’ can be justly applied to Augustus' household. Certainly for these later ages he was the poet of the empire rather than of the republic. The hope and expectation of his contemporaries was that he would be the poet of Rome and Italy.
Actium
Authors: Richardson G. W.
Published: May 2006

In an important paper contributed several years ago to this Journal1 Dr. Tarn presented an interpretation of the Battle of Actium radically different from that which had held the field for the past generation—namely that of the late Professor Kromayer. The paper was brilliantly and authoritatively written, and its chief conclusions appear to have been accepted by some scholars. They were subsequently embodied by Tarn in his section on Actium in the Cambridge Ancient History. Kromayer, however, was unconvinced, and in a reply published in Hermes maintained his original thesis and strongly criticised Tarn's. It seems presumptuous to enter the lists after the veteran scholar has made his own defence; but the question is an important one, and something perhaps remains to be said.