bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Respiration rates in marine heterotrophic bacteria relate to the cytometric characteristics of bacterioplankton communities
Authors: Schapira Mathilde , Pollet Thomas , Mitchell James G. , Seuront L.
Published: August 2009

Respiration in marine bacteria (fraction <0.6 µm) was investigated in 5 distinct coastal ecosystems. Respiration rates were estimated from the decrease of dissolved oxygen (O2) concentrations measured with a fibre-optic oxygen sensor (optode) during short-term incubations (5 to 6 hours) in the dark. Sub-populations of heterotrophic bacteria were defined and enumerated by flow cytometric analysis. Respiration rates ranged from 0.04 to 0.14 µmol O2l−1h−1and were not correlated to total bacteria abundances. In contrast, they significantly increased with the relative proportion of HDNA cells (i.e. high deoxyribonucleic acid content) within the bacterioplankton community. These results stress the need to relate bacterial respiration rates to the absolute and relative abundance of the different cytometrically defined sub-populations found in bacterial assemblages, rather than to total cell counts. This result indicates that only a fraction of bacterial cells may contribute to bacterial respiration, which indicates a reconsideration of the relevance of some previous estimates of bulk bacterial respiration and the related biogeochemical fluxes may be required.
Spatial and temporal distribution of the shrimp Nematopalaemon schmitti (Decapoda: Caridea: Palaemonidae) at a subtropical enclosed bay in South America
Authors: Fransozo Vivian , Castilho Antonio Leão , Freire Fúlvio Aurélio Morais , Furlan Michele , de Almeida Ariádine Cristine , Teixeira Gustavo Monteiro , Baeza Juan Antonio
Published: August 2009

The spatio-temporal distribution of the soft bottom dwelling shrimp Nematopalaemon schmitti and the effect of environmental conditions (sediment characteristics, temperature, salinity and dissolved oxygen) on its abundance were studied at Ubatuba Bay, south-eastern coast of Brazil. Surveys were conducted monthly from September 1995 to August 1996. Each sampling set comprised eight different transects distributed within the bay. Comparisons of CPUE of shrimp among sampling stations demonstrated that the abundance of N. schmitti was the greatest during winter, when average water temperature within the bay was considerably lower than during the rest of the year. Most shrimps (more than 95%) were collected at a single transect located at the northernmost side of the bay, demonstrating the extremely patchy distribution of this species. A multiple regression analysis using data only from this northernmost transect indicated that temperature was the most relevant factor affecting the abundance of N. schmitti during the year.
Integral Humanism and the Crisis of Modern Times
Authors: Maritain Jacques
Published: August 2009

To Avoid misunderstanding, I should note at once that my point of view is here not that of the mere logic of ideas and doctrines, but that of the concrete logic of the events of history.

From the first point of view, that of the mere logic of ideas and doctrines, it is evident that there are many possible positions other than the “pure” positions which I shall examine. One might ask theoretically and in the abstract, what value these various positions have. That is not what I plan to do. In a word, my point of view is that of the philosophy of culture, and not that of metaphysics.
Problems Facing Catholic Rulers
Authors: Fitzgerald Desmond
Published: August 2009

When a ruler inherits authority he inherits a responsibility for ordering the relations of living people whom he has not created himself, and therefore has not formed with a view to the order that he conceives as most suitable. Moreover he inherits an existing order in which the relations of the members of that society operate. That order, the result of a long historical process, has itself conditioned the people who live within it to suit its requirements, and those people have themselves given to it a certain mode which they, wittingly or unconsciously, have evolved as best suited to give them the conditions that they desire.
Jacques Maritain and the Problem of Pluralism in Political Life
Authors: Evans Joseph W.
Published: August 2009

The problem of pluralism in political life causes contemporary man much anguish. Many and varied, difficult and challenging are the peculiar problems posed by the hitherto unrivalled heterogeneity within present-day political life. These problems have to be lived daily by every man at the level of prudence. And they must be continually examined and sifted by social scientists and philosophers. The social scientist must pursue them with his empiriological or phenomena-minded analysis, that is, ananalysis that is primarily concerned with the controlled observation of the facts, and with the formulation of hypothetical generalizations based on presumed facts; the philosopher must pursue them with his ontological or being-minded analysis, that is, an analysis that is primarily concerned with the fundamental principles that must guide the resolution of the problems. Among contemporary philosophers who have grappled with these problems, Jacques Maritain, the distinguished Thomist philosopher, is surely one of the most discerning and illuminating. I wish to consider in this essay some of the main tenets in Maritain's positio vis-á-vis the problem of pluralism in political life, with particular attention to his views on the problem posed by religious pluralism.
Emmanuel Mounier: A Catholic of the Left
Authors: S.J. Donald Wolf
Published: August 2009

Francetoday is dominated by the overpowering force of the personality of Charles de Gaulle. In his recent address to the Algerian rebels, de Gaulle was not far wrong in his claim, “I am France.” The French people have called upon de Gaulle to solve the political problems of the nation. He has been given an almost unlimited power to use his own discretion in seeking solutions. The results have ranged from a new Algerian policy to the detonation of atom bombs and the visit of Khrushchev. Despite what one may feel about de Gaulle there can be no doubt that he has given new prestige to a mortally sick France.It was for this reason that he was so little content with the existing party structure of France. It is quite easy to criticize these convictions as illusions. But Mounier had no delusions about the Communist Party. And anyone who agrees with him about the capitalist system which he experienced in France can understand the agonizing dilemma in which he was placed. He chose what in his mind was a path between the two horns of that dilemma.
The Plight of the Soul
Authors: O'Malley Frank
Published: August 2009

It Is in their acknowledgment of the soul and of the plight of the modern soul that the books to be considered here are united. From writers living and writing within the life of the Church, such acknowledgment is, of course, not surprising. But the rediscovery of the soul and of the spiritual world and power by writers who are not members of the Church is perhaps a phenomenon of the age. The modern mind, in the tangle of darkness and evil and chaos, hunts steadfastly after spiritual values, for, at least, a spiritual sense. The long-running tendency to deny the life of the soul of man or to act as if it did not exist is pulled up short in these writers. Here the existence of spiritual reality is admitted and even exulted in, although the nature of a real spirituality is not, in every instance, thoroughly or profoundly understood.
Ethics and Political Intervention in the Field of Social Action
Authors: Ryan Monsignor John A.
Published: August 2009

This title calls for an examination of political intervention in a certain field from the viewpoint of ethics. Social action can mean action by a social group or action for a social group or action both by and for a social group. Most frequently the term is used to designate action or activities for social groups which are in some kind of need. The need is not always physical nor does it always imply a degree of want equivalent to destitution. The needy social group may require education rather than physical sustenance and it may already be in possession of a decent minimum of living. “Political intervention” means activity by the state whether the intervention be legislative, administrative or judicial. “Ethics” means ethical principles rather than an ethical treatise. As a code of principles and rules ethics has quite as direct an application to political actions as to the actions of individuals. In other words, a given instance of political intervention in the field of social action is either right or wrong. And the test or criterion of right and wrong is found in man's rational nature, adequately considered; that is, in his constitution and essential relations. From this formulation it is possible to derive all the particular rules of right conduct and the appropriate judgments upon the moraliy of particular actions.
A Dialectic of Morals—III
Authors: Adler Mortimer J.
Published: August 2009

In the preceding sections of this essay, I have outlined a dialectical procedure whereby a doubting mind might be led to the recognition of moral truth. What has been given is the bare plot of a conversation between teacher and student. The student was, at the beginning, a skeptic about moral matters, denying the objectivity of moral knowledge, supposing that all moral judgments were a matter of opinion, entirely relative to the individual or to his cultural location at a given time and place. The teacher, by asking him to explain the undeniable fact that men exercise preference, gradually made him realize that his own criteria for preference — pleasure and quantity of pleasure — had a certain universal validity; and then, as a result of seeing the inadequacy of these criteria, the student began to understand that happiness, rather than pleasure, was the ultimate principle of moral judgments. The crucial steps in the argument were: (1) the distinction between pleasure as one among many objects of desire and pleasure as the satisfaction of any desire; (2) the enumeration of the variety of goods which are objects of human desire; (3) the point that only the totality of goods could completely satisfy desire; (4) the realization that this totality of goods, leaving nothing to be desired, is the end of all our seeking, and that everything else is sought for the sake of its attainment; (5) the conception of happiness as “all good things,” a whole constituted by every type of good, the complete good being the end, the incomplete good its parts or constitutive means; (6) the conclusion that the end, as the first principle in the practical order, is the ultimate criterion of preference, for preferor choice is exercised only with respect to means, and hence we should, in every case, prefer whatever is more conducive to the attainment of happiness.
Hamilton, Adams and the Pursuit of Power
Authors: Koch Adrienne
Published: August 2009

Jefferson made the pursuit of happiness central to his philosophy of man and society and in so doing he envisaged a dynamic balance between power and morals. This is aptly summed up by Madison, after the death of his best friend, when he was besieged with requests for “inside” information about Jefferson. On one such occasion, he called attention to the fertility of Jefferson's genius, the vast extent and variety of his acquirements, and “the philosophic impress left on every subject which he touched.” But he sensed that he had omitted the essence of that life of spirit and morality which had characterized his dear friend, and so he hastened to add: “Nor was he less distinguished from an early and uniform devotion to the cause of liberty, and systematic preference of a form of Government squared in the strictest degree to the equal rights of man.”
Comparative Slavic Studies
Authors: Jakobson Roman
Published: August 2009

“Slavic Studies”—the very expression implies their comparative aspect and raises the question: what enables us to refer to Czechs, Slovaks, Poles, Lusatian Sorbs, Slovenes, Croats, Serbs, Macedonians, Bulgarians, Ukrainians, Byelorussians and Russians by the single all-encompassing term, the “Slavic” peoples? What is their common denominator?

It is indisputable that the Slavic peoples are to be defined basically as Slavic-speaking peoples. If speech is the point of departure, the problem becomes primarily a linguistic one. Since the pioneering work of the Czech Abbé Dobrovský (1753–1829), comparative linguistics has proved the existence of a common ancestral language for all the living Slavic languages and has largely reconstructed the sound pattern, grammatical framework and lexical stock of this Common (or Primitive) Slavic language. The problem of where and by whom this Common Slavic language was spoken is being gradually solved by persistent efforts to synchronize the findings of comparative linguistics, toponymy, and archeology. The archeologists' data are like a motion picture without its sound track; whereas the linguists have the sound track without the film. Thus, interdepartmental teamwork becomes indispensable.
James Madison and the Workshop of Liberty
Authors: Koch Adrienne
Published: August 2009

America demands bold lines and strong personalities in its public men. It might almost be said that unless a man lends himself to caricature, he will not be included in the company of American political greats. James Madison has accordingly suffered unduly at the hands of American historians, and he has suffered even more in being denied an appropriate place in the affections of the American people. For my own part, I should like to confess that I took for granted the prevailing attitude about Madison, as in every way the junior lieutenant to Jefferson, when I first began my studies of the American philosopher-statesman. It was a genuine experience, then, gradually to come to realize that this gentle and modest man was not the pure scholar who had wandered into politics, there to be given favors of office by the great Republican leader with whom he was closely associated. He was, as I have attempted to demonstrate in a previous work, in every way a full collaborator with Jefferson in forming the Republican party and in developing that Republican ideology which is still unmatched in the modern theory of democracy. He was also the amalgamator of all the essential elements in the Republican tradition, conceived in the broad sense: for he achieved, in his thought and character, a total balance among Jefferson's ideals for the pursuit of happiness, Hamilton's understanding of strategic means, and Adams' realization of the need to check power with power.
Adenauer's Electoral Victory September 6, 1953
Authors: Roegele Otto B.
Published: August 2009

The elections for the German “Bundestag” (Parliament—Lower House) of September 6, 1953 guarantees a democratic development for the free part of the German nation. However, the real significance of these elections transcends the German borders. For months there had been a stagnation in foreign policy which, since the spring of 1953 and especially since Churchill's speech of May 11, 1953, paralyzed all efforts to create the European Defense Community and a political unity. This was due to uncertainty as to the outcome of the German elections. However, since the overwhelming majority of the 49 million people of the Federal Republic voted for the policies of Adenauer, this situation has been terminated
Stalinism and the Russian Cultural Heritage
Authors: Barghoorn F.
Published: August 2009

Since the early 1930's but especially during and since the war of 1941–1945, the Kremlin has made increasing use of symbols and terms designed to elicit “patriotic” responses in the population under its control. While never completely abandoned, the ideology of “proletarian internationalism” has receded ever further into the background in Soviet doctrine and propaganda. The concept of the “Soviet fatherland” was developed in connection with Stalin's program of “socialism in one country” and of rapid industrialization and the formation of a new Soviet bureaucracy. This process was expressed most vividly in connection with the adoption of the “Stalin Constitution” in 1936, and the claim, maintained ever since, that a new type of “socialist” democracy and citizenship had been established and embodied therein.
Republican Efforts to ‘Crack’ the Democratic South
Authors: De Santis Vincent P.
Published: August 2009

Republican leaders have always sought to “crack” the Democratic South in the hope of making their party a majority one in all of the major sections of the country. The current proposals of Senator Karl E. Mundt of South Dakota for uniting northern Republicans and southern Democrats are not new; they have been tried in the past with little success. This was especially true of the post-Reconstruction years when the memories of Republican ascendancy in the South during die early years of Reconstruction were still fresh and vivid.
The Theory of the Weimar Presidency
Authors: Needler Martin
Published: August 2009

TheProblem of the origins and development of the office of Reich President in the Weimar Republic is of interest for several reasons, possibly the principal one being its relation to the general problem of Hitler's accession to power. It will be recalledthat Hitler came to power initially as Chancellor in a “Presidial” cabinet, that is, one responsible to the President rather than to the Reichstag and governing bythe use of the President's emergency powers. I propose to discuss here the role of the President of the Reich, as conceived of by the constitutional framers, in the light of the emergence of the Presidial cabinet.
The Church and the Garrison State
Authors: Kerwin Jerome
Published: August 2009

IN Declaration of Independence the Fathers of this Republic declared that there are certain self-evident truths and that man is endowed by his Creator with inalienable rights. The idea of natural law and its consequent natural rights was stoutly maintained and to this natural law American Revolutionists appealed against the injustices that a written law would not redress. Above the state and its constitution and written enactments was a higher law of divine origin and purpose. That law was universal, unalterable, and immutable. It was as fixed and certain as die mathematical propositions of the multiplication table or the simple arithmetical statement that two plus two equals four.
German-Russian Relations Since 1918: From Brest-Litovsk to Moscow
Authors: Fraenkel Ernst
Published: August 2009

Few parts of Bismarck's Thoughts and Recollections have won greater fame than those containing the description of the last meeting between the chancellor and the dying Emperor William I, then nearly 91 years old.
Wrong Man in a Maelstrom: the Government of Max of Baden
Authors: Epstein Klaus
Published: August 2009

The five weeks' government of Prince Max von Baden (Oct.3–Nov. 9, 1918) is of crucial importance in German history, for it signalizes the end of the First World War and Germany's formal achievement of the parliamentary system. A great deal of material was published about it shortly afterwards, usually with a highly polemical purpose. Thus the Amtliche Urkunden zur Vorgeschichte des Waffenstillstandes 1918 published by the Foreign Ministry and the Ministry of the Interior in 1919 (2nd edition, Berlin, 1924), was motivated by the desire to pin responsibility for Germany's armistice request upon the Supreme Command. It succeeded in dispelling the Stab-in-the-Back Legend as far as educated people were concerned, but these proved only an uninfluential minority during the Weimar Republic. The comprehensive Erinnerungen of Prince Max (Berlin, 1927), written with a large staff of collaborators, provided an exceptionally full account of the period, though one necessarily apologetic in tone and reticent about Max's own weaknesses. The case of the Conservative opposition was ably argued by Count Kuno Westarp, the Conservative leader, in his Die Regierung des Prinzen Max von Baden und die Konservative Partei 1918 (Berlin, 1928). These important works all included the publication of primary documents, though they were necessarily selected in an ex parte manner.
Eric Voegelin's Contribution to Contemporary Political Theory
Authors: Germino Dante
Published: August 2009

Some fifty years ago, Douglas Ainslie wrote of Benedetto Croce: “I can lay no claim to having discovered an America, but I do claim to have discovered a Columbus.” Eric Voegelin, today at the height of his career as a political philosopher, scarcely needs to be discovered; he is regarded as a Columbus in the realms of the spirit by many concerned with the the oretical analysis of politics. But in the political science profession he has been more often ignored or systematically misunderstood than read for what he has to teach. Among those according an indifferent or hostile reception to Voegelin are many who, bewailing the recent “decline” of political theory, might have been expected to welcome the appearance of a thinker meticulously pointing the way to the recovery of political theory as a tradition of inquiry. The basic reasons for this curious reception will be alluded to in the course of this essay. The major objective, however, is to isolate the key elements in Voegelin's political theory and to give some indication of his general position in contemporary political science. Hopefully, the result will be to further the understanding of his work and the appreciation of his achievement.
The Bureaucracy and the Nazi Party
Authors: Peterson E. N.
Published: August 2009

THE individual in the twentieth century finds himself dwarfed by two giant institutions which decide his political destiny: the state, with its efficient bureaucrat methodically signing papers that may mean success or failure, life or death, for everyman and his world; the other is the political party, which aspires to control the state by mobilizing the masses. Nineteenth-century bureaucracy tended to be rigid and authoritarian, yet unrelated to popular support and limited in its impact on daily life. The nineteenth- century liberal, suspicious of the state, attempted to protect the individual by further limiting the bureaucrat; the twentiethcentury liberal hopes to use the bureaucrat to limit the privately powerful, whereas the totalitarian party hopes to dominate the state and therewith to dominate everyman. When a monopolistic party controls a monolithic state, the individual seems to have no choice but to flee, to obey or to disappear into a concentration camp. Overt individual resistance appears senseless; overt group resistance extremely dangerous and almost certainly doomed to failure.
Edmund Burke's Idea of the Body Corporate: A Study in Imagery
Authors: Love Walter D.
Published: August 2009

Burke is recognized as master of a language highly figurative, full of grace and telling images. But the imagery of nonfiction prose is not so much studied as the imagery of poetry, drama, and fiction. It should be. It reveals a great deal about a thinker. I have not studied Burke's imagery to spy on his personal life, conscious or subconscious, as some students of other writers do, nor have I tried to evaluate his style. I have used it as an oblique way of getting at the meaning of some of his concepts and I think it reveals something about his place in the history of ideas, making him a stalwart of eighteenth-century ways of thinking, instead of a harbinger of the nineteenth century.
The Face of English Politics
Authors: Speaight Robert
Published: August 2009

When w. s. Gilbert composed this piece of doggerel verse he was scarcely over-simplifying the issue. The Party System had taken its place smoothly within the Victorian Compromise, providing for a change of personalities rather than a change of principles. Not even Mr. Gladstone or Lord Salisbury could go on being Prime Minister for ever, and the mere machinery of government called for a contrast of character as well as a reconsideration of policy. The mimic battles of the great Parliamentary decades responded, adequately enough on the whole, to a dual need—to the human tendencyto differ and the human aspiration to agree. They were the safety valves of our disputes—keeping them, like private jokes, within the family. But when danger threatened, they did not disturb our unanimity.
Postwar Population Transfers in Europe: A Survey
Authors: Schechtman Joseph B.
Published: August 2009

For the purpose of this survey, a population transfer is defined as the organized removal of an ethnic group from its country of residence and its subsequent resettlement in territory under the sovereignty of its ethnic homeland in which the whole is a stateconducted operation based sometimes on international agreement between two states concerned and at other times arising from unilateral action by the state of departure, with or without international sanction.
The Social Outlook of Prussian Conservatism
Authors: Shanahan William O.
Published: August 2009

Prussian Conservatism was not an ideology comparable to those which have breathed into every crevice of twentieth century totalitarian states. It was not really an ideology at all, if that term is understood to mean a system of thought enforced by the state so as to give every human act a political meaning. The Prussian conservatives, conditioned by an aristocratic disdain for a political rationale, were unable to agree on a uniform principle of political conduct. Shades of meaning, based largely on the balance struck between religion and political realism, persisted in coloring the conservative temperament. Yet by the fourth decade of the nineteenth century, Prussian conservatism had become a coherent body of thought distinct from liberalism, democracy, or socialism. Its historical importance became assured, when, at Bismarck's hands, Prussian conservatism entered wholeheartedly into the making of what the liberal historian, Erich Eyck, has called “German constitutionalism,” that is a system of politics respectful of authority, but equally disdainful of democracy and absolutism, in which the practical conduct of government may be guided by moral principles in an irrational world.
Midlothian: the Triumph and Frustration of the British Liberal Party
Authors: Fitzsimons M. A.
Published: August 2009

The contemporary British Liberal Party sturdily refuses to die. For nearly three decades family allegiances, traditional loyalties, and youthful hopes have preserved for it a dwindling minority status. The Liberals have sought to persuade the electorate with fresh faces and fresh ideas. Still drawing upon the nonconformist tradition they have offered the electorate only a chance to protest and not a possible government. This opportunity to protest against the Leviathan parties, Labour and Conservative, has been a major source of its occasional resurgence in by-elections. The Liberal Party is in many respects the victim of its success. Liberalism, broader than the Party, in pervading British society and parties, could not without drastic alteration become the distinguishing creed of a party. The proponents of change, the sectarian and radical Liberals, were divided, and their estate has been taken over by diverse heirs. Some of the views of Richard Cobden and John Bright became anachronistic, and others were enacted into law which Tories and Labour have preserved. Other elements of radicalism were associated with the Conservative and Labour Parties. Historically the interests attached to the Liberal Party did not cohere well. Even the moments of past liberal greatness, the periods of Gladstone's and Lloyd George's leadership, do not provide a sturdy base of future hope. These inspiring periods, indeed, seem to indicate that to be a dominant national force the Liberal Party requires leaders of unusual and towering genius who strain the bonds of party.
Khrushchev and the Balance of World Power
Authors: Whelan Joseph G.
Published: August 2009

Nikita khrushchev views international politics through the prism of Marxism-Leninism. His image of the world is far different from ours. To try to understand the dimensions of this image and the underlying perspective he brings to the conduct of Soviet diplomacy presents a formidable problem. Yet, there are certain indicators in traditional Soviet theory and thought that provide a tool for analysis. One such indicator is the concept of the ‘correlation of world forces.’
History and Diplomacy as Viewed by a Historian
Authors: Sontag Raymond J.
Published: August 2009

Diplomacy has changed so greatly since the beginning of the twentieth century that the diplomatic historian is driven to wonder whether his subject has any relevance to the contemporary world.* Then and now—let us set them against each other. Then Europe was the center of diplomatic action; now the diplomat's mind must compass the globe. Then he need take account of a few powers, all with settled traditions of policy. Now he must try to estimate the direction of policy in states with no settled traditions, like Indonesia, while even in older states like Italy and Germany tradition is not a safe guide. Then the diplomat was, for the most part, concerned with narrowly political subjects; now he must study and report on many and diverse subjects. Then information was easy to come by; now, over much of the earth's surface, heroic efforts are made to conceal essential facts and figures. Then there was intimacy and confidence within the group concerned with diplomacy in any country; now discussion is carefully kept within the scope of the lowest security clearance in the room. Then diplomacy was a leisurely business—Bismarck buried in the country for months on end, Salisbury deep in chemical experiments at Hatfield House, Grey feeding his beloved ducks. Today incessant activity is the mark of the statesman. “I spent 350 of my 562 days as Secretary of State at international conferences,” boasts Governor Byrnes. Secretary Dulles' air mileage over the last three years surely exceeds that of any traveling salesman.
Theory and Practice of the American Presidency
Authors: Kuic Vukan
Published: August 2009

The relative as well as absolute aggrandizement of the executive branch of the national government is the outstanding single fact in the political experience of the United States. The Presidency today is not only stronger in relation to Congress and the Supreme Court but its role in the whole life of the nation has become much larger than apparently envisaged by the Founders. This development, however, is not considered a departure from the original scheme of government because the Constitution is held to be a “living document.” The intermittent but cumulative growth of the Presidency has been absorbed into current constitutional theory on the general principle laid down by Justice Holmes deciding a question of federal-state relations: “This case before us must be considered in the light of our whole experience and not merely in that of what was said a hundred years ago.” This unity of theory and practice constitutes, indeed, the genius of American politics to which Professor Daniel Boorstin has applied the term “givenness.” The two components of this “givenness,” according to Professor Boorstin, are the idea of a preformed original theory given to the nation by the Founding Fathers and adequate to all its future needs, and the idea of an implicit theory forever embodied in American institutions. Combined, these two tenets produce a sense of continuity — “homogeneity,” “seamless web” — in which past and present, tradition and progress, constitutional law and political practice, are blended into that peculiar American optimism, at once reverent and practical. Since the Presidency participates in this “givenness,” it also constitutes an indestructible composite of constitutional interpretation and history. It is a “living institution.”
Progressive Humanity: In the Philosophy of P.-J. Proudhon
Authors: Harbold William H.
Published: August 2009

InOurDay, the concept of progress has fallen into disfavor in philosophical and scientific circles, although most people ordinarily seem to take it for granted, in an unanalyzed fashion. There is some reason for its rejection by the more thoughtful; in most of its expressions it was accepted in what now seems rather simplistic terms with regard to its nature and certainty. Without some idea of progress, however, an age dominated by radical change may lack any standard by which to evaluate its condition and tendencies. Furthermore, the idea of progress, and of a meaningful history, was not always presented in oversimplified terms. Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, a singular figure in the French revolutionary tradition, developed in the middle of the last century a complex and flexible thought about progress in history, and attention to his now little-known ideas may help us save the concept for political analysis and practice.
The Biblical Question and the English Liberal Catholics
Authors: Burtchaell James Tunstead
Published: August 2009

Looking backward from the early nineteenth century, the Catholic Church in England had disappointingly little scholarly achievement of which to boast since the Reformation. Henry Holden, Charles Butler, John Lingard—all were men to be proud of, but Catholics of such intellectual bent were so few. And understandably so. The penal laws had effectively deprived the recusants of any access to higher education, and would perdure until the latter nineteenth century. Squires whose sons were barred for their faith from most schools and from the two universities had to be content to enroll them quietly at one or another of the exile schools across the channel. The Irish immigrants who later came to fill and overspill the churches in the nineteenth century had even less exposure to—and perhaps appetite for—scholarship. And the clergy who shepherded this extraordinary flock of secluded gentry and boisterous working folk pursued a highly sacramental and understandably unsophisticated pastorate. The Church naturally felt itself somewhat put upon, and fell into rather defensive postures. Scholarship would appear as a luxury at best, and at worst as a weapon that the Establishment seemed always more adept and smooth at handling.
Regionalism and the Modernization of Southeast Asia
Authors: Fluker Robert
Published: August 2009

The surge toward Asian regional cooperation is important for the Asian policy of all nations because it is indigenous and it is effective. In a very real sense this cooperation is effective because it involves bricks and mortar as well as ideas and spirit. Additional strength is injected by Japan's substantial support of regional cooperation in Southeast Asia as a new force in Asia.
Democracy and the Scientific Method In the Philosophy of John Dewey
Authors: Metz Joseph G.
Published: August 2009

John Dewey was both a devoted student of politics and an eminent philosopher. He constructed his theory of political democracy according to his own philosophical orientation. At the same time, he believed that political science should be pursued independently of political philosophy on the assumption that the “scientific method” alone is meaningful in resolving political questions. It is through his philosophy of “experience,” instrumentalism, that Dewey resolved the potential antithesis between philosophy and experimental science as he understood it. It is the scientific method alone, Dewey insists, that can do justice to the integrity of “experience.” Moreover, through its application to political democracy, the scientific method is the link connecting philosophical instrumentalism and democracy. Accordingly, this essay will attempt to show: 1) the threefold relationship among philosophy, science, and democracy provides the key to an understanding of Dewey's political thought; 2) the philosophical antecedents of instrumentalism, being inseparable from Dewey's “scientific method,” provide normative content for his democratic theory; and 3) the purpose of Dewey's application of the scientific method to political democracy is to reshape traditional values in accordance with the philosophical — and not necessarily scientific — antecedents of instrumentalism.
Corporativism in Europe
Authors: Vignaux Paul
Published: August 2009

Banal statements are not always useless. We may therefore recall that the master artisan combines in his person the factors of production: capital and labor. The shop management and the business transactions (purchase of raw material and sale of products) were so limited that he could also do manual labor. He therefore differed so little from the journeyman, who had always the chance of becoming master, and from the apprentice, who himself was a future journeyman, that a community spirit reigned among them. When we leave the handicraft economics of the Middle Ages to study modern industry, we face a dissociation of the factors of production: the functions of capital and labor are rested in distinct economic subjects and labor is divided into the specializations that we have mentioned above. The trades are many within each enterprise and the workers are hired after offering their services to the owners' representatives: hence, the phenomenon of an exchange of service for wages, which is its price. In capitalism, the factors of production meet in a market, and are united by a contract. We had to recall these obvious facts concerning the labor market, and the labor contract, because European corporativism challenges these fundamental ideas.
Britain and Europe Since 1945
Authors: Fogarty Michael P.
Published: August 2009

“So then,” to quote the unforgettable Stephen Leacock, translating from the Greek, “the mighty hero Ajax leapt (better: was propelled from behind) into the fight.” Here is the paradox of British attitudes toward European unity. On the one hand, Britain has been a member or close associate of nearly all the European institutions so far brought into being. The first important moves in the defense of Europe after the Second World War were the Dunkirk Treaty (1947) between Britain and France, and the Brussels Treaty (1948) between these two countries and Benelux. A few years later the European Defense Community was being discussed, and Britain promised what amounted to little less than membership of it. When E.D.C. collapsed and Western European Union took its place, Britain joined W.E.U. and undertook to keep on the mainland of Europe its main ground force and tactical air force. These forces are not to be withdrawn from the mainland against the wishes of a majority of the W.E.U. powers.
Woodrow Wilson and Business-Government Relations During World War I
Authors: Cuff Robert D.
Published: August 2009

By the spring of 1914 Woodrow Wilson was clearly doing everything in his power to ingratiate the new Democratic Administration with the nation's business groups. He abandoned the Brandeisian spirit of trust-busting as part of his program for corporation control in favor of regulation by commission, a policy more in line with the sentiment among leading businessmen. (Indeed, the Federal Trade Commission established in 1915 soon showed that it would serve as the friend and not the enemy of business.) He directed personal appeals to businessmen both by letter and by informal conversations at the White House, and he made nominations to regulatory agencies like the Federal Trade Commission and Federal Reserve Board that left no doubt as to his sincerity in attracting business support. One of his choices for the Reserve Board, Thomas D. Jones, was at once a personal friend and a former trustee of Princeton University. But Jones was also a well-known member of the “Zinc Trust” and a director of the International Harvester Company then under indictment as a conspiracy in restraint of trade. Wilson campaigned hard for this appointment against strong Senatorial opposition even within his own party. At the same time, he declared publicly: “It would be particularly unfair to the Democratic Party and the Senate itself to regard it as the enemy of business, big or little.” Wilson was outraged when the Senate Banking Committee rejected his friend. “I believe the judgment and desire of the whole country cry out for a new temper in affairs,” he wrote rather despairingly to Jones. “We have breathed already too long the air of suspicion and distrust.”
The United States in Search of a Policy: Franklin D. Roosevelt and Palestine
Authors: Halperin Samuel , Oder Irvin
Published: August 2009

This study traces the development during World War II of official American attitudes toward Palestine. Utilizing recently released official papers of President Franklin D. Roosevelt at Hyde Park, New York, and documentation in the Central Zionist Archives, Jerusalem, our goal is to describe early American efforts to accommodate policy to the complexities of Middle Eastern politics. While relevant documents are still unavailable, the diplomatic and domestic politics chronicled here may provide better perspective than has hitherto been possible.
The Sources of Hitler's Power
Authors: Gurian Waldemar
Published: August 2009

Are the Germans really behind the Nazi Government? Despite— or because of?—the steadily rising flood of books dealing with the Third Reich this question is answered in most different ways. There is no agreement concerning the relations between the German people and the National Socialist regime. But one's attitude towards the conduct of the war and the post-war problems is, to a large extent, determined by the opinion that one holds about these relations. Therefore, some remarks about the different answers which are given to the question: What are the sources of Hitler's power in Germany? may be of general interest.
The Beginnings of National Self-Determination in Europe
Authors: Jakobson Roman
Published: August 2009

The Origins and the development of the national idea in Europe have been in recent years, particularly since the first World War, a favorite topic of culturo-historical studies. These studies have traced the gradual movement of European peoples toward national self-determination, and have described as normal the development from a vague feeling of warring tribal solidarity to a more conscious patriotism which customarily crystallizes around the prince, the king, in brief, the sovereign. According to these studies, during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries national culture was more and more emphasized; the claims of national language increased and finally reached a culmination in the Reformation.
The Sixth Partition of Poland
Authors: Halecki Oscar
Published: August 2009

In 1798, three years after the third partition of Poland, George Washington wrote to a friend of Thaddeus Kosciuszko: “That your country is not as happy as her efforts were patriotic and noble, is a misfortune which all the lovers of sensible liberty and rights of men deeply deplore; and were my prayers during that hard struggle of any good, you would be now under your own vine and fig tree, to quote the Bible, as happy in the enjoyments of these desirable blessings as the people of these United States enjoy theirs.” These words of the first President of the United States are the best possible introduction to this article written in 1945, on Washington's birthday.
American Catholic Intellectuaiism — A Theologian's Reflections
Authors: Weigel Gustave
Published: August 2009

The intellectual life is neither committed to Christianity nor does it antecedently reject it.* That it is not committed to Christianity is clear enough from history. Plato, Aristotle, Archimedes, Moses Maimonides, Ibn Sina and Einstein were not Christians but no one would deny that they were scholars. That the Christian can be a scholar is just as plain. Abelard, Aquinas, Copernicus, Galileo, Erasmus, Newton and Newman were Christians and no one would deny that they were creative intellectuals.
English Universities: Problems and Prospects
Authors: Bowden Lord
Published: August 2009

I ShouldLike to begin by making a few remarks about our English universities. Most of the difficulties which face them are similar to those which confront other universities all over the world, but I shall be especially concerned with those which seem to me to be peculiarly important to us in our small overcrowded island, and I shall discuss some of the problems in the new universities which were created in so many countries by expatriate Englishmen.
Hitler — Twelve Years After
Authors: Dorpalen Andreas
Published: August 2009

Twelve years have passed since Adolf Hitler committed suicide in his bunker at Berlin. Since then a number of aides and associates have published their memoirs, but on the whole the literature on Hitler has been surprisingly meager. Some of those who could have told us more about him did not survive him long enough to do so, while few of the survivors were articulate enough to set down their recollections in writing. Nevertheless among recently published reminiscences dealing with the Fuehrer a few do contain data that are new and significant. Taken together with the Proceedings of the Nürnberg Trials and the records of his informal table talks, they cast some additional light on that sinister and elusive figure.
Retreat from the Secular Path? Islamic Dilemmas of Arab Politics
Authors: Abu-Lughod Ibrahim
Published: August 2009

Itis readily recognized that the basic relationship between church and state within Euro-American political systems is relatively stabilized. This recognition prevails, even though that stability may be disturbed slightly and intermittently when older norms are reexamined by responsible public authorities. The result of such a reexamination may give rise to public outcry, such as occurred in connection with the recent Supreme Court decision on school prayers. But what is essentially a “resolved” issue in Western politics remains a problematical dilemma in many other parts of the world. It has been widely assumed that the future of all political systems lies in the same direction: namely, that political systems the world over will be secularized as much as possible and that religion, as a normative system or as a set of institutional arrangements, will have only tangential influence in the determination of public policies and the shaping of future societies.
Rome and Lord Acton: A Reinterpretation
Authors: Watt E. D.
Published: August 2009

The relations between Lord Acton and his ecclesiastical leaders did not pass without comment in his own lifetime, nor have they been neglected since. Yet the picture remains somewhat blurred. It is not that there are important items of information still missing; we may not yet know everything, but we do know a great deal, and have known it for several decades. The picture is not incomplete; rather, it is out of focus. Nor will this necessarily be cured by more research, for history does not write itself. A more detailed picture might still be out of focus.
Methodology in Karl Marx
Authors: O'Malley Joseph
Published: August 2009

The development of Marx's mature social and political theory may be traced back in his writings to his political journalism of 1842–43, where a germinal doctrine on man's social nature supports a normative concept of the nature and function of political institutions. But his developing theory first achieved a measure of systematic rigor in his Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right. This work, Marx's earliest major theoretical writing, has lately received increased attention from scholars. My purpose here is to complement existing studies by highlighting certain methodological features of the work, specifically the way in which Marx combined elements of philosophical and political criticism in a systematic effort to develop his own political theory in opposition to the method and institutional conclusions of Hegel.