bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Epilogue
Authors: Neumann David J.
Published: January 2020

The epilogue narrates the developments and impact of Self-Realization Fellowship and Yogananda’s writings since his death in 1952, assessing his influence in the United States and around the world. A century after Yogananda came to the U.S. with his message of Kriya Yoga, and three quarters of a century after the Autobiography of a Yogi was released, yoga has become ubiquitous, while Hindu beliefs have become an integral part of the spiritual landscape. Yogananda ultimately succeeded in converting thousands of Americans during his lifetime. When he died in 1952, he was revered and worshipped—overwhelmingly by non-Indian Americans—as the very incarnation of deity. Since his departure, he has influenced many others around the world through his successor organization, the Self-Realization Fellowship, and other independent organizations—such as Ananda, founded by Kriyananda—that trace their lineage to him, as well through Autobiography of a Yogi and his other teachings. The Father of Yoga in the West nurtured religious offspring. Yogananda’s story is thus an indispensable element of the emergence of both contemporary yoga and modern American Hinduism
Introduction
Authors: Parker Traci
Published: January 2020

The five-decade department store movement was contemporaneous with both the black labor movement of the 1930s and 1940s and the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s. Therefore, it provides a privileged perspective on these two movements and their interrelationships. The department store movement helped dismantle racialized patterns of labor and consumption and, in the process, facilitated the emergence of a modern black middle class. This new black middle class and those aspiring to ideal middle-class status would profoundly shape the course of the civil rights movement. The department store movement reveals aspects of the black middle class that might enhance our understanding of the politics of the black freedom movement in the twentieth century, not least of which is why its targets were so often sites of consumption.
Before Montgomery
Authors: Parker Traci
Published: January 2020

Chapter 2 examines the rise of the department store movement in the urban North and Midwest. It begins with a look into the “Don’t Buy Where You Can’t Work” movement. The “Don’t Buy” movement built on an earlier tradition of black consumer protests and leveraged black purchasing power to secure better jobs in sales and office work in white-owned business located in urban black neighborhoods. The department store movement was an outgrowth of this Depression-era campaign. Shaped by New Deal and wartime programs, the department store movement built on the tactics, goals, and momentum of its predecessor but targeted department stores exclusively. These stores were now not only symbols of American democracy and prosperity but also inherently public spaces where all the races, gender, and classes might confront each other daily, and consequently where conflict and eventual resolution would be most visible.
To All Store and Office Workers … Negro and White!
Authors: Parker Traci
Published: January 2020

The exceptionality of retail unions governing Macy’s Herald Square in New York City and South Center Department Store in Chicago in advancing black labor and civil rights is the subject of chapter three. New York and Chicago locals successfully linked worker and consumer rights and improved African Americans’ social and economic conditions, even propelling some of them into the middle class. Also, in acting as both labor and civil rights organizations, these unions expanded views on fair employment in this industry beyond bread-and-butter issues and promoted equal employment and promotion. These unions point to the nature and direction of the black freedom struggle, albeit without the presence of strong unionism.
The Department Store Movement in the Postwar Era
Authors: Parker Traci
Published: January 2020

Chapter 4 considers the department store movement and the birth of a modern middle-class consciousness in the 1940s and 1950s. Department stores remained key battlegrounds and took on greater significance as black purchasing power had reached an unprecedented level of $8-9 million by 1947 and the relationship between consumption and citizenship had changed. For the most part, the department store movement remained a fight for jobs in the immediate postwar era, taking on consumer issues as it saw fit. This phase of the movement marked a period of preliminary testing that would eventually lead to militant protests in the 1950s and 1960s. Under the leadership of the National Urban League (NUL) and American Friends Service Committee (AFSC), the movement relied on intercultural education and moral exhortations. Emblematic of racial liberalism and the early civil rights movement, the NUL and AFSC believed that if respectable blacks and white community leaders simply asked store officials to hire African Americans in sales and clerical, they would, and after that “their attitude about integrated workplaces and African Americans generally would change,” helping them “topple barriers in other industries and locations.”
Worker-Consumer Alliances and the Modern Black Middle Class, 1951–1970
Authors: Parker Traci
Published: January 2020

The movement in southern cities is the subject of chapter 5. It explores black worker-consumer alliances (built on “linked fate”) in sit-in demonstrations and their utility in helping black southerners claim middle-class citizenship during the civil rights movement. From Washington, D.C., to Charlotte to Nashville, African Americans organized widely publicized sit-ins and picket lines to force the desegregation of public accommodations and democratization of the transitional nature of customer-business interactions. But African Americans had other goals. What began as protests aimed at restructuring the physical space of the public sphere and procuring the right to experience the indulgences of customer service often grew into organized endeavors to dismantle the formidable barriers to black economic emancipation. These endeavors maintained a broad understanding of the black community’s shared interests and involved challenging segregation and discrimination in the marketplace on behalf of black customers and workers.
Outlawing Religion
Authors: Rocklin Alexander
Published: January 2020

This chapter explores obeah, composite Trinidadian spirit worlds, and Indian Trinidadians' relations to both. There were complex and murky connections between the discourse on obeah (part of the broader discourse on religion) and the diverse practices of healing and spirit working that were frequently described using the category "obeah." This chapter negotiates between these, looking at the ways in which they subtly and not so subtly shaped one another. It analyzes Indians' afterlife and spirit imaginaries, their insertion into and negotiation of the discourse on obeah, and the arguments that Indians made as part of anti-obeah court cases for the status of their often non-normative, boundary- crossing practices as being not obeah but rather religion.
A Saint of Our Own
Authors: Cummings Kathleen Sprows
Published: January 2020

Canonization, the process by which the Catholic Church names saints, may be fundamentally about holiness, but it is never only about holiness. In the United States, it was often about the ways in which Catholics defined, defended, and celebrated their identities as Americans. This book traces saint-seeking in the United States from the 1880s, the decade in which U.S. Catholics nominated their first candidates for canonization, to 2015, the year Pope Francis named the twelfth American saint in the first such ceremony held on U.S. soil. It argues that U.S. Catholics’ search for a saint of their own sprung from a desire to persuade the Vatican to recognize their country’s holy heroes. But Rome was not U.S. saint-seekers only audience. For the U.S. Catholic faithful, saints served not only as mediators between heaven and earth, but also between the faith they professed and the American culture in which they lived. This panoramic view of American sanctity, focused on figures at the nexus of holiness and U.S. history, this book explores U.S. Catholics’ understanding of themselves both as members of the church and as citizens of the nation—and reveals how those identities converged, diverged, and changed over time.
✦ Introduction ✦
Authors: Cummings Kathleen Sprows
Published: January 2020

The introduction explains the Catholic concept of patronage, reviews the broad history of the canonization process, and explains the book’s historiographical interventions and transnational approach. It highlights the dissonance U.S. Catholics felt between belonging to a church that moves slowly, such as in a painstakingly sluggish process, and living in an American culture that adapts easily and quickly. Because new moments generated new models of holiness, U.S. Catholics’ attachment to a newly-canonized saint rarely matched the enthusiasm shown by the generation that had originally proposed him or her as a candidate. What remained constant was U.S. Catholics’ desire to use holy figures to cement their connection to the Holy See and to affirm their place in the American nation.
✦ Aggiornamento Saints ✦
Authors: Cummings Kathleen Sprows
Published: January 2020

Focused on the 1960s and 1970s, this chapter examines how Lumen Gentium and other documents of the Second Vatican Council intersected with social change to prompt U.S. Catholics to reimagine the lives of their favorite saints. It examines the impact of civil rights and feminism on the stories of Seton, Neumann, Duchesne, and Katharine Drexel. It ends with Seton’s canonization in 1975, positing that U.S. Catholics secured their all-American saint precisely at the moment it ceased to matter, as the original goals of the quest—cementing a connection to Rome and affirming their place in the nation—had been achieved through other means.
January 1865
Authors: Gerard Philip
Published: January 2020

In early 1865, the Civil War collapses on North Carolina: Armies of the United States converge from the east (New Bern) and the west (Maj. Gen. George Stoneman’s raiders) as Brig. Gen. Alfred Terry’s force assaults Fort Fisher and Maj. Gen. William T. Sherman begins his Final March from Georgia into the Carolinas. As the Confederate government flees Richmond for Greensboro, and Raleigh native Andrew Johnson ascends to the Presidency, North Carolina becomes the main stage of the war.
River Runaways
Authors: Gerard Philip
Published: January 2020

William B. Gould, a skilled artisan who worked on the Bellamy mansion as a hired-out slave, makes his daring midnight escape by boat with seven companions down the Cape Fear River past the river forts and the slave catcher patrols. He is one of 331,000 slaves in the state-many of whom carry on an invisible and subversive life out of sight of the white plantation owners. Gould’s band makes it to freedom, and he joins the U.S. Navy to hunt down blockade runners.
The New National Pastime at War
Authors: Gerard Philip
Published: January 2020

On July 4, 1862, a famous baseball game is played at Salisbury Prison between Union inmates and Confederate guards-and is captured in a lithograph made by a spectator, Capt. Otto Boetticher of the 68th New York. Baseball spreads with the armies, a favorite pastime that keeps a lot of men safely busy during the long lulls between battles-and is sometimes played while battles are raging nearby. It soon becomes a metaphor for the war itself
The “Dark Hole” at Salisbury
Authors: Gerard Philip
Published: January 2020

Pvt. Benjamin F. Booth, captured in the Battle of Cedar Creek, is imprisoned at Salisbury Prison, which become s a notorious death camp. Booth faithfully records all the deaths he witnesses in a secret diary-including those shot down in a prison uprising and some who were buried alive. An estimated 5,000 die at Salisbury. At last he is liberated and, emaciated and nearly naked, walks into Wilmington under a banner that reads “We Welcome You Home Our Brothers.” The USCT soldiers give him and his companions food, water, shoes, and uniforms as a band plays “Home, Sweet Home,” and many tears are shed.
First Do No Harm
Authors: Gerard Philip
Published: January 2020

Thomas Fanning Wood has ambitions of being a doctor, but his father, a builder, forbids him to attend the University of North Carolina, where young men “dress like gentlemen and act like rowdies.” But enlisted in the Wilmington Rifle Guards and bound for the front, Wood succumbs to fever and winds up at Moore Hospital in Richmond-one of 26 hospitals that handle the 75,000 casualties from area battles. Dr. Otis Frederick Manson recruits Wood to be a wardmaster and oversees his training as a doctor. Ninety days after passing his exam, Wood is made assistant surgeon and performs field amputations.
Banjos and Ballads
Authors: Gerard Philip
Published: January 2020

America in 1860 is enjoying a spirited musical age, and the men who march off to war take their music with them: fiddles banjos, guitars, mouth harps, strong voices. The Confederacy no longer recognizes US. Copyright, so best-selling songs like “Old Folks at Home” by Stephen Foster are pirated by presses in Charleston and New Orleans. “Dixie’s Land,” written by Daniel Decatur Emmett based on a tune he heard played by two African American brothers (Ben and Lew Snowden) becomes the anthem of the Confederacy. Music is played to soothe the grief of loved ones at home. Sacred music enlivens camp meetings. The slave cabins on the line reverberate with their own spirituals about liberation from bondage, and the USCT are remarkable for their singing. The best-selling song of all time is “When This Cruel War Is Over,” (a.k.a. “Weeping Sad and Lonely”). Its fatalistic lyrics are so demoralizing that many commanders in both armies ban it.
The Women’s War
Authors: Gerard Philip
Published: January 2020

Nancy Bennitt, like most farm women in the South, is hardworking and leads a simple life close to home. She and her husband James have finally risen from tenant farmers to owners of a small farm, earning additional income through lodging travellers, making clothes, and transporting students to the nearby university at New Hope Chapel Hill. But the war comes to her-she loses both sons and her son-in-law to the war. And when the generals finally make peace, they do it at the drop-leaf table of her farmhouse on the Hillsborough road near Durham Station. Other women, left at home by their conscripted husbands and sons, now find themselves having to plant and harvest, as well as manage farms and stores. Many go to work at cotton or woolen mills. Others despair, beset by hunger, disease, and vengeful Unionist soldiers or Confederate neighbors. Women of the plantation class have few practical skills, and the privation reaches even them. Black enslaved women suffer worst of all-especially those whose husbands have run away to the Union lines and who are punished in reprisal. Women riot for food against speculators in Raleigh and Salisbury. Talk of glory fades, and many now implore their soldier husbands to desert and return to their families.
Abraham Galloway
Authors: Gerard Philip
Published: January 2020

By April 1863, the United States Army is actively recruiting black soldiers. In New Bern, near the Freedman’s Colony of Roanoke Island, one man holds the key to 10,000 potential recruits: Abraham Galloway. He escaped slavery, worked with the Underground Railroad as far north as Canada, and made himself indispensable as a scout and spy. He negotiates the terms under which those black recruits are willing to serve-proper pay, subsistence for the women they leave behind, education for their children, and a guarantee that they will be treated honorably as prisoners of war if captured. The last demand cannot be met-the CSA never varies from its policy of treating captured black soldiers as runaway slaves to be punished and put into bondage. White officers of black troops are executed for fomenting a slave uprising. All told, some 5,000 black North Carolinians, most former slaves, join the fight.
Dear My Beloved
Authors: Gerard Philip
Published: January 2020

Francis Marion Poteet, a farmer and carpenter from McDowell County with nine children and a tenth on the way, is conscripted in to the 49th regiment. He has no taste for war, would rather remain with his wife of sixteen years, Martha Henley. Their love letters offer a vision of a family rent by war: Francis endures the horrors of heavy combat and imprisonment for unauthorized leave after he sneaks home to bury his thirteen-year-old son; Martha is threatened with eviction and can barely keep the household going. At last they reunite.
Writing the War
Authors: Gerard Philip
Published: January 2020

Jacob Nathaniel Raymer becomes a self-appointed journalist of the war: “All I promise is an account of what came under my immediate observation, and such incidents as I can prove to be actual facts.” Like other rebel reporters, he is a soldier, but unlike them he does not indulge in pro-Confederacy propaganda. His “letters” from nearly every major battle in the east are widely printed in newspapers across the state. On the U.S. side, 500 professional correspondents cover the war, often distorting or sensationalizing it to attract more readers. The newspaper version of the war on both sides becomes as much fiction as reporting. In a time when neither army notifies the next of kin of dead or wounded soldiers, Raymer faithfully accounts for every fallen soldier he can, providing a valuable service to both the soldiers and their families.
A Merciful Reprieve at Poplar Grove
Authors: Gerard Philip
Published: January 2020

Mary Ann Simmons Foy, the paralyzed widow of Joseph Mumford Foy, a prominent Unionist, leaves Poplar Grove Plantation in the hands of her eldest son, David Hiram. There is much discussion of Joseph Mumford Foy’s attitude toward his slaves, his ambiguous intentions about freeing them, and the draconian state laws pertaining to manumission. David Hiram goes off to war and soon dies of typhus. Mary Ann Foy writes to Jefferson Davis to exempt her youngest son, Joseph, from service so he can run the planation, which produces peanuts and other foodstuffs vital to the army. Uncharacteristically, he grants her request. Despite raids on the coastal salt works nearby and the fierce battles around Wilmington to the south and New Bern to the north, Poplar Grove remains unscathed, an island of tranquility amid the maelstrom of war. And at last the slave question is settled.
Wild’s African Legion
Authors: Gerard Philip
Published: January 2020

Brig Gen. Edward Augustus Wild raises the first two of four eventual regiments of black troops, largely from escaped slaves congregating at the Freedman’s Colony on Roanoke island or at New Bern. One of his subordinates, Col. Alonzo G. Draper of the 2nd North Carolina Colored Volunteers, eager to prove that black soldiers can fight, leads 118 hand-picked officers and men into a region infested with guerrillas and retaliates against snipers and smugglers-and frees 500 slaves. Inspired by Draper’s success, Wild launches an expedition with 2,000 troops through the Great dismal Swamp and six North Carolina Counties, destroying four guerrilla camps and burning the farms, homes, and distilleries of rebels while liberating 2,500 enslaved blacks-many of whom join the U.S. Army. The black troops strike terror into a white population that has long lived in fear of a slave uprising, adopting draconian codes against runaways. They comport themselves “with admirable discipline” in the words of a newspaperman who covers the raid, and prove themselves fierce and reliable fighters.
The Crater
Authors: Gerard Philip
Published: January 2020

To break the stalemate at Petersburg, a coal-mining engineer in a Pennsylvania regiment conceives a plan to tunnel under the Confederate works and plant a powerful mine that can blow a hole in the line for U.S. troops to exploit. The chosen assault troops are the Fourth Division of U.S. Colored Troops-trained to attack around the resulting bomb crater. But at the last minute, untrained white troops are substituted, and after the mine detonates, obliterating almost an entire Confederate regiment and its artillery, they rush headlong into the twenty-five -foot-deep crater. The result is a slaughter. The USCT rush in to reinforce the attack, and they too are caught in the sloping fire of Confederate troops, who continue shooting and bayoneting black troops even after they surrender. The 28th Regiment of USCT alone loses ninety-one of 224 troops, along with seven of its eleven officers-among 4,000 Union dead. The attack fails, and Lt. Gen. U.S. Grant calls it “the saddest affair I have witnessed in this war.”
The Last Hurrah of the Slavers
Authors: Gerard Philip
Published: January 2020

In 1864, with the war going badly for the CSA, coastal slave-holders move their slaves to inland counties, where-because of manpower shortages-their labor fetches a premium. Speculators invest in slaves as a commodity, reaping large profits if they time the market right. Thus counties that had relatively few slaves before the war are now heavily populated with them. As news of the war reaches the enslaved blacks, more and more are acting defiant, anticipating the day of liberation. They actively subvert the Confederacy, aid escaping U.S. soldiers, and (according the one slave-holder) act in a “general spirit of devilment.” Liberation indeed comes, in the form of blue-coated troops, and the “investment” walks away to freedom.
Confederate Gibraltar
Authors: Gerard Philip
Published: January 2020

An immense sand fort guards the entrance to the Cape Fear River and the fairway to Wilmington, the last major open port of the Confederacy, through which blockade runners supply vital materiel for Gen. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia. On Christmas Eve 1864, a U.S. Navy armada unleashes the heaviest bombardment in history on the fort, in advance of landing 6,500 assault troops. But the U.S. commander, Maj. Gen. Benjamin F. Butler, falters, and only 2,300 troops make it ashore in roughening weather. They are stranded on the cold beach overnight without shelter. In the morning, the fleet sails away. Just three weeks later an even more powerful assault force returns, including USCT, who will play a crucial role in the battle. This assault is led by Brig. Gen. Alfred Terry and after six hours of heavy hand-to hand fighting forces the surrender of the fort.
Wilmington Falls
Authors: Gerard Philip
Published: January 2020

The U.S. Army marches on Wilmington in two wings, one up the eastern peninsula and other up the west bank of the Cape Fear. Ironclad monitors provide artillery support form the river itself. Nine regiments of USCT attack the entrenched line at Sugar Loaf, but cannot breach it. Across the river, local blacks act as scouts, and under their guidance 6,500 troops commanded by Maj. Gen Jacob D. Cox are able to flank the rebel positions at Fort Anderson and Town Creek, forcing an evacuation of the Sugar Loaf position directly across the river as well. On Washington’s Birthday, Wilmington surrenders to US. troops.
Johnston’s Last Stand
Authors: Gerard Philip
Published: January 2020

Joseph E. Johnston was formerly the highest ranking officer in the Confederacy-forced by wounds and politics from the main theatre of war. Now Robert E. Lee calls upon him to take command of all forces rallying to oppose Sherman’s march. While he is assembling all his troops, his subordinate, Lt. Gen. William J. Hardee, fights a holding action at Averasboro. Confident he is engaging only one wing of Sherman’s forces, Johnston then makes his stand at a road junction called Bentonville. For three days battle rages across 6,000 acres of farmland, leaving 4,000 soldiers killed, wounded, or missing in action. Despite initial success, Johnston’s army is doomed by a wave of reinforcements and battlefield blunders. Sherman’s army drives the Confederates from the field, west toward Raleigh. He reaches Goldsboro, where he links up with the forces under Generals Schofield and Terry. Now he commands 90,000 men. Victory seems certain.
Slave No More
Authors: Helg Aline
Published: January 2020

Commanding a vast historiography of slavery and emancipation, Aline Helg reveals as never before how significant numbers of enslaved Africans across the entire Western Hemisphere managed to free themselves hundreds of years before the formation of white-run abolitionist movements. Her sweeping view of resistance and struggle covers more than three centuries, from early colonization to the American and Haitian revolutions, Spanish American independence, and abolition in the British Caribbean. Helg not only underscores the agency of those who managed to become "free people of color" before abolitionism took hold but also assesses in detail the specific strategies they created and utilized.
While recognizing the powerful forces supporting slavery, Helg articulates four primary liberation strategies: flight and marronage; manumission by legal document; military service, for men, in exchange for promised emancipation; and revolt-along with a willingness to exploit any weakness in the domination system. Helg looks at such actions at both individual and community levels and in the context of national and international political movements. Bringing together the broad currents of liberal abolitionism with an original analysis of forms of manumission and marronage, Slave No More deepens our understanding of how enslaved men, women, and even children contributed to the slow demise of slavery.
Introduction
Authors: Helg Aline
Published: January 2020

This introductory section presents the historiography of the slave trade and the humanity of the slaves involved. How did slaves express themselves as human beings and social actors in their own right, when the laws of the time primarily considered them to be personal property? Spanning the early sixteenth century to 1838 and considering the entirety of the continental and Caribbean Americas, the author utilizes a multidimensional approach to conduct a long-term comparative study of the Americas, revealing the breadth and success of actions taken by slaves to liberate themselves long before abolitionism. This section also examines the particular circumstances of slaves and the actions of slaves who were able to obtain their own freedom, which reveals how slaves ultimately sped up the abolition of slavery. Looking at various forms of slave resistance also demonstrates the affirmation of slaves' intrinsic humanity. Finally, the introduction provides a review of secondary literature that serves as the foundation of Helg's book.
Slaves as Actors on the Path to U.S. Independence
Authors: Helg Aline
Published: January 2020

This chapter explores the ways in which the slaves in Great Britain's thirteen continental colonies took action as full-fledged actors in the tensions and war that led to the independence of the United States. Many enslaved men and women attempted to take advantage of the chaos to improve their own lives and become free. The British army's calls for slaves to escape their masters, in 1775 and 1779, prompted thousands of them to flee in the hope of obtaining their freedom from the British. In doing so, enslaved men and women adapted the strategy of marronage to new circumstances - war - choosing the British camp and its king rather than the proindependence revolutionaries who exploited them on a daily basis. In the North, the adoption of gradual abolition laws announced the slow demise of slavery, and eager enslaved men and women negotiated the purchase of their freedom. Others took an active and creative role in debates on slavery's incompatibility with Christianity, fundamental human rights, and the establishment of a representative republican government.
The Shock Waves of the Haitian Revolution
Authors: Helg Aline
Published: January 2020

This chapter explores the shock waves caused by the Haitian Revolution and the massive slave insurrection that took both the Americas and Europe by surprise. Despite the rarity of large-scale revolts after 1794, the Saint Domingue insurrection did have a lasting impact on the slaves. The greatest lesson they retained from Haiti was that the institution of slavery was neither unchangeable nor invincible. Amid the troubled backdrop of the age of revolutions, many attentively followed the legal changes upsetting their owners, like the Spanish Códigno Negro, the French abolition of slavery, gradual emancipation laws in the northern United States, and the ban of the slave trade by Great Britain and the United States. Furthermore, after 1794, protests during which slaves claimed freedom they believed to have been decreed by the king or the government, but hidden by their masters, multiplied.
Revolts and Abolitionism
Authors: Helg Aline
Published: January 2020

This chapter covers the various revolts and eventual emancipation of all enslaved people. Very few slave uprisings disrupted slaveholding regions in the Americas after 1815 because enslaved people understood the risks. It was therefore not by chance that the three largest uprisings over the subsequent fifteen years occurred in Great Britain's colonies: enslaved people could both rely on the abolitionist movement that had led to the end of the slave trade and give it renewed momentum by demanding the total and immediate emancipation of every slave in British America. These three slave revolts that erupted in the British colonies between 1816 and 1831 were prompted by rumors of emancipation or of improved living conditions for slaves. All three demonstrated that at least some enslaved men and women considered their situation to be unacceptable, inhuman, unjust, and revolting.
Epilogue
Authors: Helg Aline
Published: January 2020

The epilogue briefly examines slave self-liberation strategies and legal emancipation in the fifty years following general emancipation in the British colonies in 1838 up to the abolition of slavery in Brazil in 1888. The epilogue explores differences in national trajectories to abolition, with particular attention paid to Cuba, Haiti, and the United States in order to show how these national narratives mask a longer history of repression, white compensation, and slave survival. While emancipation was eventually enacted across the Americas, many states' recalcitrance to liberate slaves-or to compensate them once emancipated-meant that even after 1838, slaves still relied on self-liberation in order to gain their freedom. Given the relative rarity of outright slave rebellion, many of the strategies of self-liberation-including self-purchase, flight, and enlistment-used by slaves before 1838 remained central to their attempt to gain freedom in the Americas even after British emancipation.
The Great Feminist Battle of Montevideo
Authors: Marino Katherine M.
Published: January 2020

The chapter explores how tensions over Doris Stevens’s leadership exploded at the 1933 Seventh International Conference of American States in Montevideo, where Bertha Lutz launched serious challenges against her. There, Lutz allied with representatives from the U.S. State Department and U.S. Women’s and Children’s Bureaus in the new administration of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, including Sophonisba Breckinridge, who also opposed Stevens’s leadership of the Commission. The conflict between Stevens’s “equal rights” feminism, focused on political and civil rights, versus an inter-American feminism that also encompassed social and economic justice, became even more pronounced in the wake of the Great Depression, Chaco War, and revolutions throughout Latin America. Feminist debates took center stage in Montevideo. There, Lutz promoted women’s social and economic concerns. But her assumptions of U.S./Brazilian exceptionalism prevented her from effectively allying with growing numbers of Spanish-speaking Latin American feminists who opposed Stevens’s vision. The 1933 conference pushed forward the Commission’s treaties for women’s rights, and four Latin American countries signed the Equal Rights Treaty. It also inspired more behind-the-scenes organizing by various Latin American feminists and statesmen, including the formation of a new group, the Unión de Mujeres Americanas, that would later bear fruit.
The Birth of Popular Front Pan-American Feminism
Authors: Marino Katherine M.
Published: January 2020

This chapter charts the rise of Popular Front Pan-American feminism. Starting in the mid-1930s, this movement emphasized women’s social and economic, as well as civil and political rights, and allied with a trasnational popular front movement that promoted workers’ rights and opposed rising global and national fascism. Marta Vergara, a member of the Inter-American Commission of Women and member of the Chilean Communist Party, was critical to this development. Allying with Doris Stevens, she also broadened the Commission’s agenda. As the Commission’s representative at the 1936 regional International Labor Organization conference in Santiago, Chile, and at the 1936 Pan American peace conferences in Buenos Aires, Vergara helped expand the meaning of the Equal Rights Treaty to promote women’s social and economic rights, specifically the right to maternity legislation. Although she worked with Stevens, she also recognized Stevens’s lack of investment in workers’, anti-imperialist, and anti-fascist movements. While in Buenos Aires, Vergara built bridges with other leftist feminists from Argentina who together helped create a new organization embodying Popular Front Pan-American feminism: the Confederación Continental de Mujeres por la Paz. This group would be critical to expanding the relevance and reach of inter-American feminism.
United Fronts for Women’s Rights and for Human Rights
Authors: Marino Katherine M.
Published: January 2020

This chapter illustrates how Latin American popular front feminists seized leadership of the Inter-American Commission of Women at the 1938 Eighth International Conference of American States in Lima and continued to expand the movement. Drawing on the groundwork paved by Ofelia Dom쭧uez Navarro, Clara Gonzoz, Paulina Luisi, Bertha Lutz, and Marta Vergara, who continued organizing in these years, the Unión de Mujeres Americanas, the Confederación Continental de Mujeres por la Paz, and a new force of Mexican poplar front feminists united. They promoted women’s social and economic rights, anti-fascism, anti-racism, and anti-imperialism as interconnected struggles. A leader in this network, the communist feminist Esperanza Balmaceda, who was appointed to the Mexican delegation to the Lima conference, collaborated there with Latin American feminists, the U.S. State Department, and U.S. female reformers in the Roosevelt administration to remove Stevens as chair of the Commission. At the same time, they mobilized a broader defense of what the Lima conference called “derechos humanos.” There and at the Congreso de Democracias in Montevideo, Uruguay, co-organized by Paulina Luisi, feminists asserted the need for a grassroots movement, for women’s rights treaties, and for broad commitments to human rights in the Americas.
Better to Be a Prisoner Than a Corpse
Authors: Silkenat David
Published: January 2020

This chapter builds on the previous one to examine the Battle of Gettysburg through the lens of the soldiers who surrendered. More soldiers ended up captured at Gettysburg than killed. The chapter explores all three days of the battle, Lee's retreat, and the fate of some of the soldiers who surrendered.
Worse Than Murder
Authors: Silkenat David
Published: January 2020

This chapter compares how Ulysses S. Grant and Nathan Bedford Forrest used surrender. While Forrest demanded surrender and threatened a massacre if refused, Grant saw surrender as an opportunity to prevent bloodshed. The chapter includes discussion of unconditional surrender and the massacre of African American soldiers at Fort Pillow.
Never Surrender
Authors: Silkenat David
Published: January 2020

This chapter seeks to situate how surrenders fit into the memorialization and memory of the Civil War. It argues that surrender sites, unlike battlefields, proved challenging to commemorate. This began in 1865 with Robert Anderson's return to Fort Sumter and the rise of the Lost Cause. Focusing on Fort Sumter, Vicksburg, Appomattox Courthouse, and Bennett Place, the chapter looks at the monuments built on these sites and how they were commemorated during the Civil War Centennial and Sesquicentennial.
Conclusion
Authors: Silkenat David
Published: January 2020

The conclusion explores the broader significance of surrenders during the Civil War. It argues that if surrender had not been so common during the Civil War, the death toll would have been much higher. It examines the experience of Thomas Benton Alexander, who surrendered three times during the Civil War.
Introduction
Authors: Kotch Seth
Published: January 2020

The introduction frames the themes and subjects of the book, including racial discrimination, cruelty, advocacy movements, and reform. It briefly outlines the history of the death penalty in North Carolina before and after the Civil War and describes the growth of the state’s incarceration infrastructure, including Central Prison, where death row is still located.
The General Sense of Justice
Authors: Kotch Seth
Published: January 2020

This chapter explores the enduring relationship between lynching and capital punishment in North Carolina in the 19th and 20th Centuries. Lynching was an essential way North Carolinians communicated their racial animus to official state actors, who responded with legal lynchings—the unfair trials of African American defendants before all-white juries. The threat of lynching hung over many death penalty trials. The starkly racist application of the death penalty pleased lynch mobs because of its hostility to Black people, and pleased state officials because of its apparent orderliness.
Intelligent and Civilized Sentiments
Authors: Kotch Seth
Published: January 2020

This chapter tells the history of some of the elements that contributed to the declining use of the death penalty in North Carolina. Journalist Nell Battle Lewis railed against the practice as racist, un-Christian, and barbaric. Paul Green echoed those sentiments as he campaigned to save death row inmates from death. Yet their activism had little tangible result. More significant was a change in state law that allowed juries to formally recommend mercy following a conviction, meaning that judges were no longer required to deliver mandatory death sentences. The end of the mandatory death sentences ended executions, which ceased in 1961 and would not resume until 1984.
Coming to Terms with Marxian Taxonomy
Authors: Robinson Cedric J.
Published: January 2020

In this chapter, Robinson explores the development of Western socialism—its roots in English political economy, French socialism, and German philosophy—in order to show the contextually specific origins of Marxism. Robinson argues that Marx conflates phenomena that are particular to Europe with a uniform global system—capitalism—derived through his supposedly objective mode of analysis. The chapter argues that the historical materialism and Western socialism that is often taken as a scientific discovery was instead the result of Engels’ and Lenin’s interpretations of Marx’s own contextually (and nationally) specific writings. Marxism’s profoundest mistake, Robinson argues, is the conflation of deep social critique with the work of the intelligentsia, therefore making the work of socialism that of a small group of elites. Moreover, Marx equates realizable socialism with the arrival of capitalism. Robinson argues that this effectively ties the future of socialism with the existence of capitalism, thus diminishing the paths open to effective social struggle.
The Discourse on Economics
Authors: Robinson Cedric J.
Published: January 2020

Based on the previous chapter’s demonstration of the links between Marxism and German bourgeois thought, Robinson argues in this chapter that Marxism represents neither the interests of the oppressed nor a radical break with contemporary philosophy. Chapter 4 provides an alternative history of oppositional discourse on poverty in European history that Robinson uses to emancipate socialism from the rigid ideological regime of bourgeois intellectuals imposed by Marxism. Robinson demonstrates the importance of Aristotle and Athenian philosophy for the empirical, conceptual, and moral precepts of modern economics. Robinson then traces the persistence of socialist impulses in Europe’s Middle Ages, particularly in the work of Marsilius and the Jesuits and its eventual transformation into the secular socialist utopianism of eighteenth century bourgeois Europeans. In both cases, he shows how radical gender relations are effaced by modern economics and by Marxism. Robinson thus shows how Marx and Engel’s scientific historical economics privileged a select group of bourgeois ideologists, insisting upon individualism and historical materialism and ignoring alternative oppositional discourses built in previous rebellions against oppression, inequality, racism, gender discrimination, and poverty.
Introduction
Authors: Sainlaude Stève
Published: January 2020

During the American Civil War, European powers understood that the weakening of the United States was likely to affect the geopolitical balance of the world at large. Napoleon III saw the American war as an opportunity for France to regain international influence in the world. The United States featured prominently in Napoleon’s concerns but low in his affections, for after America’s war with Mexico, Napoleon sought to stem U.S. expansion to protect imperial regimes and preserve Catholicism and the Latin world from the Anglo-Saxons. At the outbreak of the Civil War, the French government’s first concern was to find legal responses to various situations. Diplomatic recognition, which the Confederacy sought, was the central question for France’s policy toward America. France had to consider the intrinsic nature of the new republic, its viability, its compatibility with the French agenda in Mexico, its trade arrangements, the disappearance of the Union, and French relations with Washington.
Myth and Reality
Authors: Sainlaude Stève
Published: January 2020

Southern propagandists hoped to rally the French to their cause by using the memory of French Louisiana. In particular, they highlighed the North’s refusal to let its rival leave the federation, recalled the South’s adherence to free trade, used the principle of national self-determination to present the South’s struggle as that of an emerging nation supressed by the North, and painted a picture of an aristocratic Dixie of European culture and customs. As a result, Napoleon III, much of his court, and many of the French elite sympathized with the South. Yet difficulties for the French in the Confederate Stateseventually turned French favour against the South. Southern restriction of business activity, the burning of French-owned tobacco fields, the forced conscription of French nationals, as well as diplomatic blunders by Confederate officials and the increasing authoritarianism of the Confederate government all helped turn the tide of opinion. In addition, the French consuls’ dispatches depicted a very negative image of the Southern elite. The French reactions of astonishment, dismay, and indignation at Lincoln’s death are proof that the vision of a pro-Southern France should be qualified.
The Weight of the “Peculiar Institution” in Diplomatic Relations
Authors: Sainlaude Stève
Published: January 2020

In France, slavery had been abolished in 1848 by the provisional government of the Second Republic. To the informed public, the slave system in the American South appeared both an anachronistic relic and an absurdity because it limited the region’s economic potential. But given French confusion over the exact part slavery played in triggering the war, the difficulty many anticipated with sudden mass abolition, and its relatively low position on the scale of French concerns, “the peculiar institution” did little to penalize the rebel states. In fact. the French government treated slavery as a marginal issue that could on no account steer or determine its diplomatic policy. While, as Lincoln foresaw, Great Britain was apt to be influenced by the Emancipation Proclamation, in France the diplomatic choice was unfettered by moral considerations. This does not mean that slavery was completely absent from the French diplomatic position. The liberal opposition in France tried to draw a parallel between the violation of slaves’ rights and the repression of freedom in France. By refraining from satisfying the Confederates’ requests, Napoleon III protected the credibility of his own venture. His restraint in the American Civil War gained him allies at home.
Hound Bitch in Heat
Authors: Goudsouzian Aram
Published: January 2020

Chapter One revolves around President Lyndon Johnson in the winter of 1968. He delivers the State of the Union speech and fails to inspire the American people. He weathers criticism from both the Right and Left over the Great Society. He endures a “credibility gap” over the Vietnam War, and the Tet Offensive stirs mainstream doubts about the war. The chapter ends with his March announcement that he will not run for re-election.
The Loser
Authors: Goudsouzian Aram
Published: January 2020

Chapter Two charts the political odyssey of Richard Nixon through the primary season in the spring of 1968. It traces how he consciously tacks between the moderate wing of the Republican Party and right-wing grassroots politics. After getting labelled a political “loser,” he crafts a comeback over the course of the mid-1960s, positioning himself as the inevitable nominee in 1968. His campaign thrives as it plays on voter anxieties about urban disorder at home, and the Vietnam War abroad.
His Own Man
Authors: Goudsouzian Aram
Published: January 2020

Chapter Seven charts the turbulent Democratic National Convention through the experience of Hubert Humphrey, the onetime champion of American liberalism. In Chicago, the Democratic Party came apart on national television: delegates feuded on the convention floor, peaceniks caused trouble on the streets of Chicago, and police employed wanton violence in the name of “law and order.” Humphrey emerged with the nomination, thanks to the loyal party machinery, but the Democrats appeared doomed. Humphrey bore much of the responsibility: he chose a safe nomination by letting Lyndon Johnson dictate the party plank on Vietnam. His weakness intensified the displeasure of the party’s liberal anti-war wing, and neither Humphrey nor the Democratic Party ever fully recovered.
Down to the Nut-Cutting
Authors: Goudsouzian Aram
Published: January 2020

Chapter Nine chronicles the final stages of the general election. It features the October comeback of Hubert Humphrey, who finally cast off Johnson’s shadow and articulated his own policy on Vietnam. His exuberant spirit now seemed appealing next to Nixon’s calculated style. Johnson’s last-minute announcement of a bombing halt in Vietnam further stoked liberals’ hopes of a Humphrey victory. But Nixon won for a variety of reasons: a shrewd positioning to exploit resentments against the liberal state, a groundbreaking use of television, and a win-at-all-costs mentality. The chapter ends with the “Chennault Affair,” the Nixon campaign’s diplomatic intrigue that derailed the peace negotiations for Vietnam.
Bring us Together
Authors: Goudsouzian Aram
Published: January 2020

Chapter Ten begins with Election Day, explaining the results and their meaning for the future of American politics. It also traces the careers of the candidates beyond the election, considering them as different streams of political thought and style. President-elect Nixon spoke of unifying the nation, but his presidency further divided the American people and deepened their alienation. The 1968 election thus helps explain the years that followed, with Ronald Reagan’s rise in 1980 highlighting an era of conservative dominance of presidential politics.