bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Rosa Parks: Angry, Not Tired
Authors: Dreier Peter
Published: February 2012

In the popular legend, Parks is portrayed as a tired old seamstress in Montgomery, Alabama, who, on the spur of the moment after a hard day at work, decided to resist the city's segregation law by refusing to move to the back of the bus on December 1, 1955. She is typically revered as a selfless individual who, with one spontaneous act of courage, triggered the bus boycott and became, as she is often called, "he mother of the civil rights movement." What's missing from the popular legend is the reality that Rosa Parks was a veteran activist whose defiance of segregation laws was not an isolated incident but a lifelong crusade. Also downplayed is that Parks was part of an ongoing movement whose leaders had been waiting for the right moment to launch a campaign against bus segregation. In hindsight, it may appear that the boycott's success was inevitable. In fact, its effectiveness was the result of leaders'decisions about tactics and strategies and their capacity to mobilize thousands of ordinary people in a complex, year-long grassroots challenge to the city's political and economic establishment.
Katrina: Too Much Blame, Not Enough Responsibility
Authors: Young Iris
Published: February 2012

Like many others, my response to reports of hundreds of thousands of mostly black people stranded in a flood was shock and outrage. My anger grew as I learned of the horrific conditions many of these people endured for days in the New Orleans Superdome and Convention Center—conditions that Jesse Jackson likened to the "hull of a slave ship." Anger is not an inchoate emotion, but rather directed. Being angry means being angry at. Justified anger usually seeks culprits—the individuals and organizations who should be blamed for the wrongs people suffer. In the aftermath of Katrina, much public discussion focused on whether anyone was to blame for the suffering, and if so, who. Some suggested that "the blame game" is unproductive, and that we should accept that when disaster hits, no humans are to blame for the hurt that follows. A few, such as a senator from my state, Barack Obama, argued that blame is indeed unproductive, but that all of us should think about the responsibilities our government and citizens have to people vulnerable in the face of natural disaster.
Higher Education, Inequality, and the Public Good
Authors: Tannock Stuart
Published: February 2012

Is it possible that our thinking on the question of college access and economic inequality is back to front? At a time when some young Americans are quite literally dying to go to college—the primary reason now cited by young recruits for enlisting in the U.S. military is their desire to obtain financial assistance for college—we need to take a serious second look at what is being said and done with higher education and young people in this country. Now that alternative historical avenues for social and economic advancement (for example, industry-wide unionization and expanding public sector employment) have been shut down or obstructed, going to college remains the only legitimate, large-scale means for getting ahead. Yet even as demand for college education swells across the nation, the sobering truth is that college, in its current form at least, can help only a few of us resolve our labor market difficulties. According to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, no more than 30 percent of jobs in the United States currently, and for the foreseeable future, will require a college degree.
The Politics of Sports: Watching the World Cup in Beijing
Authors: Bell Daniel A.
Published: February 2012

China did not qualify for the 2006 World Cup, yet there was almost fanatical enthusiasm for the games in Beijing. Because the matches were played in the middle of the night, many Beijingers slept during the day. This gave a brief respite from Beijing's notorious traffic jams, and the number of emergency calls to the city hotline decreased by 11 percent during the hours of the games. My son's end-of-year examinations were scheduled during the three-day interval between two rounds. I was told that the dates were purposefully chosen.
Watching Genocide, Doing Nothing: The Final Betrayal of Darfur
Authors: Reeves Eric
Published: February 2012

As the fourth year of genocidal destruction in the Darfur region of Sudan grinds on, with ever greater numbers of civilians affected by increasingly chaotic conflict, one feature in this obscene episode of mass human destruction is clear: never before in history has genocide been so reliably, fully, and consistently reported as it unfolds. This is not to say that the news media have done their job in Darfur. Indeed, with the exception of a few U.S. reporters who have dispatched—at times—superb work and the Reuters newswire (in particular the extraordinarily insightful and intrepid Opheera McDoom), coverage has been poor in larger circulation newspapers and worse in news magazines. Exceptions must be made for the compelling op-ed work of Nicholas Kristof of the New York Times, who has made a number of trips to Darfur and eastern Chad, and the superbly informed editorial writing on Darfur by the Washington Post.
The Delphi 'Bankruptcy': The Continuation of Class War by Other Means
Authors: Diamond Stephen F.
Published: February 2012

The bankruptcy filing in October of last year by the Delphi Corporation, the giant auto-parts supplier spun off by General Motors in a 1999 public offering, sent a shock wave across the American labor movement. The slow grinding down of organized labor, and with it the standard of living of American workers, has been underway for several decades. This attack on the heavily unionized auto sector, however, indicates a new level of aggressiveness by employers. Coming as it did only a few months after the controversial breakaway from the AFL-CIO of several large affiliates to form the new Change to Win Coalition, the Delphi events seemed to confirm the argument by some in the new grouping that organized labor has to look to a new postindustrial economy in order to rebuild. This is no ordinary bankruptcy, however. Rather than pointing to an economy inevitably beyond manufacturing, it represents a strategic innovation intended to exploit the value still extant in our industrial economy. The entire labor movement must confront this important development.
Hurricane Katrina and Robert Kennedy
Authors: Mills Nicolaus
Published: February 2012

In April 1967, Robert Kennedy and three other members of the Senate Subcommittee on Poverty traveled to Jackson, Mississippi, to hold hearings on the problems the poor in the South were having with a government food program that required them to purchase food stamps they could not afford. The Mississippi hearings, which were a follow-up to hearings held earlier in Washington, marked the start of a process that would change the way the nation's food stamp program was run. Today, as recovery from Hurricane Katrina languishes, while the state and federal governments fingerpoint, Kennedy's actions in Mississippi offer us an important lesson about the capacity of a single politician, angry and determined, to change the way the poor are seen.
Jean Bethke Elshtain Responds
Authors: Elshtain Jean Bethke
Published: February 2012

The basics of Walzer's argument are straightforward: is regime change a just cause for war? (Presumably this means can regime change as such ever be a just cause.) My answer to this question is, No, not in and of itself as an abstract proposition. However, in a given case and in light of other factors and additional information, regime change may well be one feature of the deployment of justifiable force. This is not equivocation but a recognition that the just war tradition does not present a series of boxes to check, and, should you get more than a given number, then war it is. Just war doesn't function like that, as Walzer points out in his classic work, Just and Unjust Wars, a text that has played a central role in the revival of just war thinking in our time. The just war tradition is thick with the soot of history and cannot be wrenched free from particular cases, as Walzer insists.
Iran: High Stakes
Authors: Fischer Joschka
Published: February 2012

I would like to extend my warmest thanks to the Center for Strategic Re-search for inviting me to speak about the state and future of European-Iranian Relations. I address this distinguished group today not in any official capacity but as someone with a great deal of interest in the developments in the region and as one of the former negotiators in the E3-Iranian nuclear dossier who is interested in the improvement of our relations.
Corporate Social Responsibility: A Fledgling Movement Faces a Crucial Test
Authors: Senser Robert A.
Published: February 2012

In his best-selling book Capitalism and Freedom, first published in 1962, future Nobel Laureate and world-renowned economist Milton Friedman laid down this basic principle for corporate executives: their sole social responsibility is to maximize the income and wealth of stockholders. "Few trends," he wrote, "could so thoroughly undermine the very foundations of our free society as the acceptance by corporate officials of a social responsibility other than to make as much money for their stockholders as possible. This is a fundamentally subversive doctrine."
From Nuremberg to Guantánamo: Medical Ethics Then and Now
Authors: Sherman Nancy
Published: February 2012

On October 25, 1946, three weeks after the handing down of the verdicts of the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg, the United States established Military Tribunal I for the trial of twenty-three Nazi physicians. The charges, delivered by Brigadier General Telford Taylor on December 9, 1946, form a seminal chapter in the history of medical ethics and, specifically, medical ethics in war. The list of noxious experiments condemned as war crimes and crimes against humanity on civilians and prisoners of war is by now more or less familiar—high-altitude experiments; freezing experiments; malaria experiments; sulfanilamide experiments; bone, muscle, and nerve regeneration and bone transplantation experiments; sea water experiments; jaundice and spotted fever experiments; sterilization experiments; experiments with poison and with incendiary bombs.
Is There Still a South?: And Does it Matter?
Authors: Carter Dan T.
Published: February 2012

The transformation of the solid Democratic South to the predominantly Republican South after the passage of the Civil Rights and Voting Rights Acts of the mid-1960s is one of the most critical developments in American politics and only a handful of dyed-in-the-wool conservative Republicans have denied the important role that race played in triggering this process. But perhaps the pundits, the politicians, and the scholarly experts all have it wrong. Could it be that class or—to put it another way—economic self-interest drove the process of political transformation, with white backlash playing a distinctly secondary role in the process? What if Southern suburbanites are just members of America's rising GOP middle class on the make with a bit of a drawl? That, in a nutshell, is the central argument of two distinguished political scientists in The End of Southern Exceptionalism.
From Marx to Confucius: Changing Discourses on China's Political Future
Authors: Bell Daniel A.
Published: February 2012

In the United States, the political future is constrained, for better or worse, by constitutional arrangements that have been in place for more than two centuries. Barring dramatic developments, such as nuclear war or major terrorist attacks, it is unlikely that the political system will change much over the next few decades. In China, by contrast, the political future is wide open. According to the formulation of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the current system is the "primary stage of socialism," meaning that it's a transitional phase to a higher and superior form of socialism. The economic foundation, along with the legal and political superstructure, will change in the future. For independent intellectuals, the only remotely plausible justification for the current system of economic liberalization combined with tight political control is that it is a temporary necessity given the need to provide social order during the disruptive period of economic development (and many would reject this claim). Nobody argues that the current political system should remain in place once the economy is developed.
Exporting Democracy: What Have We Learned from Iraq?
Authors: Cohen Mitchell
Published: February 2012

"Mr. and Ms. Left, tear down these words: Totalitarianism, Imperialism. No, I don't mean that our voices ought not to roar against these bad, brutal things, just that we should stop using these terms. Once they had value; now they function increasingly like langue de bois, as the French call it, wooden language, jargon, substitutes for substance or knowledge, especially local knowledge . . . of Iraq, for instance. In books, op-eds, and sound bites, we are treated to a parade of authorities, many of whom could not have found Kirkuk on a map five years ago. Some of the war's planners seem to have been clueless about political geography and political cultures. If you listen to some antiwar activists, you would think that "Shaat al-Arab" is what a drawling Texan president wanted to boast after blowing away Saddam with a six-shooter.
In Defense of Academic Boycotts: A Response to Martha Nussbaum
Authors: Abed Mohammed
Published: February 2012

In "Against Academic Boycotts" (Summer 2007), Martha Nussbaum develops an argument against academic boycotts in general and boycotts of Israeli academia in particular. The argument proceeds by first noting that boycotts are but one option open to those who wish to condemn and resist serious wrongdoing; second, that in a wide range of cases, boycotts were less effective and morally more troubling than the alternatives she presents. From there, on the basis of an analogy to the Israel-Palestine case, Nussbaum concludes that a boycott of Israeli academia is neither necessary nor likely to succeed and therefore unjustified. In what follows, I will point to two ways in which Nussbaum's argument goes astray.
Laws of Care: The Supreme Court and Aides to Elderly People
Authors: Boris Eileen , Klein Jennifer
Published: February 2012

"There's no place like home"—unless you're one of the 1.4 million home aides who assist elderly and disabled people but whom the Supreme Court last June abandoned to the feudal manors of the past. In Long Island Care at Home v. Evelyn Coke, the justices unanimously determined that the Department of Labor had the authority to place providers of home care outside the labor law. For seventy years, the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) has guaranteed minimum wage and overtime compensation to the nation's workers, but somehow one of the fastest growing occupations of the twenty-first century doesn't deserve the status and protection of formal employment.
Scholars and Public Debates
Authors: Hausknecht Murray
Published: February 2012

In her excellent, tightly reasoned "Against Academic Boycotts" (Summer 2007), Martha Nussbaum notes that the "main force of the boycott" is directed against "individual members of the [Israeli] institutions," who are accused of not condemning their "government as much as they might have," among other faults. Although Nussbaum finds this rationale and the boycotting of individuals "both implausible and deeply repugnant to the values of academic life," she also notes "that we can only debate this questioning in a philosophically responsible way if we first offer a principled account of the responsibilities of scholars to engage in public debates." What follows is an attempt to answer Nussbaum's implicit question about the responsibility of scholars; an answer that also provides a footnote to her critique of the proposed boycott from a somewhat different perspective.
Trapped: The Iraq War Veteran on Film
Authors: Gosline Jeanie Elenor
Published: February 2012

Like many members of the moviegoing public, I didn't rush to see Home of the Brave (2006), In the Valley of Elah (2007), Redacted (2007), Grace Is Gone (2007), A Mighty Heart (2007), Badland (2007), or any of the other feature films that deal with the U.S.-led war in Iraq. Many of these films spent scant weeks in the theaters and made almost no money. Only In the Valley of Elah was praised by critics (mostly owing to Tommy Lee Jones’ performance) and did reasonably well at the box office, earning just over $6.5 million. The war in Iraq has dragged on against popular expectations, and media accounts have varied little over the last few years, regularly reporting assassinations, roadside explosions, and car bombs in public places, among other dire developments that make any kind of success difficult to imagine. Sitting through a film about Iraq was not high on my list or, apparently, on anyone else’s, of things to do.
Disastrous Legacy: Aftermath of A Nation at Risk
Authors: Bracey Gerald W.
Published: February 2012

In April 1983, the U.S. Department of Education published A Nation at Risk , a "landmark" report lamenting the condition of American public education. It was the culmination of criticism that had been mounting since early in the cold war and had gained traction when the Russians launched Sputnik in 1957. The media and the public blamed schools for letting the Russians hurtle into space first when, in fact, the United States had quietly had a satellite-capable rocket in the air more than a year earlier. But President Dwight Eisenhower wanted the Russians to be first to establish the precedent that deep space was international.
1968: Lessons Learned
Authors: Walzer Michael
Published: February 2012

It was opposition to the Vietnam War that filled my time and occupied my mind in 1967 and '68. I was one of the organizers of Vietnam Summer in '67 and then of the Cambridge Neighborhood Committee on the War in the fall of that year. The CNC circulated petitions to put a question about the war on the November ballot and, after a number of legal challenges, succeeded in doing that. So the citizens of Cambridge were invited to vote for or against the war, and about 40 percent of them voted against. That was roughly the same percentage that similar campaigns achieved in Flint, Michigan, and San Francisco. Not good enough, obviously, especially since we had chosen the most favorable sites. Look at the results more closely, however, and you will see a far more serious problem with what seemed to us the most obvious kind of left politics.
Who's Afraid of Friedrich Hayek?: The Obvious Truths and Mystical Fallacies of a Hero of the Right
Authors: Larner Jesse
Published: February 2012

Right-wingers love Friedrich Hayek. The Austrian-British economist is revered by true believers at the American Enterprise Institute, the Cato Institute, the National Review, and the Weekly Standard. Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher cited his ideas as central to the social revolutions they hoped to spark. Antigovernment ideologues admire him as one of those few who kept Adam Smith's fires burning during the dark reign of John Maynard Keynes in the West; his most famous book, The Road to Serfdom, has sold more than 350,000 copies in the United States alone. And the modern right has enlisted Hayek as a political weapon: Why can't those loony lefties acknowledge the simple and obvious truths that he understood?
1968: Lessons Learned
Authors: Krauze Enrique
Published: February 2012

History has issued a definitive verdict on the events of October 2, 1968, in the capital city of Mexico, at least for its horrendous moral significance. Although we will never know the exact number of those killed on that afternoon in the Plaza of Tlatelolco (a site—it should be remembered—where human sacrifices were performed in pre-Hispanic Mexico) there is no doubt that what happened was mass murder, a useless and unpardonable sacrifice, an act of state terrorism against a student movement that had launched radical demonstrations but never resorted to the politics of violence. The Mexican political system had been widely praised during the early 1960s, as a supposedly "miraculous" mechanism, combining economic growth with a "very light" variety of political authoritarianism based on patronage and a measure of corruption but nevertheless with authentic social roots. The Tlatelolco Massacre revealed the true face of the system and pointed toward the eventual end of the Institutional Revolutionary Party's long-standing one-party rule. A government that murders its civil dissidents is a dictatorship pure and simple. Though the process would unfold across three decades, the government's actions in 1968 were the real beginning of the end for the vaunted "Mexican political system."
Student Debt and The Spirit of Indenture
Authors: Williams Jeffrey J.
Published: February 2012

When we think of the founding of the early colonies, we usually think of the journey to freedom, in particular of the Puritans fleeing religious persecution to settle the Massachusetts Bay Colony. But it was not so for a majority of the first Europeans who emigrated to these shores. "Between one-half and two-thirds of all white immigrants to the British colonies arrived under indenture," according to the economic historian David W. Galenson, a total of three hundred thousand to four hundred thousand people. Indenture was not an isolated practice but a dominant aspect of labor and life in early America.
A Key into The Bloudy Tenent of Persecution : Roger Williams, the Pequot War, and the Origins of Toleration in America
Authors: Stern Jessica R.
Published: February 2012

Roger Williams is best known for publishing an ethnographic language guide to the Narragansett Indians, A Key into the Language of America (1643), and a plea for religious toleration, The Bloudy Tenent of Persecution (1644). Although Williams penned these works within a year of each other, historians have paid scant attention to their intersections. This article fills this gap by demonstrating that Williams formulated the underlying premises of both works while acting as a mediator between New England settlers and Native American groups during and after the Pequot War (1637-38). At the beginning of the war, Williams, like his Puritan neighbors, suspected that the Pequot Indians were the devil's agents. Though the Pequot War hardened the line between white Christians and Native Americans in the minds of most New England settlers, it convinced Williams that religion never justified violence and that Native Americans and Christians shared a moral code. Williams devoted the rest of his life to arguing that people of various religions could join together in civil societies and that "the sword of the Lord" should never be used for civil ends. There were two prongs in Williams's argument for religious and cultural toleration: first, individuals are prone to misunderstand foreign peoples and ideas and thus should not be trusted to judge outsiders; second, civil peace relies on locating existing similarities and tolerating differences. In The Bloudy Tenent of Persecution Williams highlighted the Native Americans as key in his creation of a model peaceful, civil society.
Encampment of Communities in War-Affected Areas and its Effect on their Livelihood Security and Reproductive Health: The Case Of Northern Uganda
Authors: Mulumba Deborah
Published: February 2012

The paper sought to assess the effect of encampment on the livelihood security and reproductive health needs of IDPs in war affected areas of northern Uganda. The research design was exploratory and descriptive in nature and was largely qualitative, although a small amount of quantitative data are included. Primary and secondary data were collected from a representative sample of 125 women and 66 men. Results show the prevalence of negative effects on their reproductive health, while the effect on their livelihood security in camps is ambivalent. Food rations were supplied by the World Food Programme (WFP). The study found that women and youth fared better than men as they could find income-generating activities to do in the camps. However, camp congestion and idleness resulted in heavy alcohol consumption trends that generated poor attitudes towards work and was characterized by gender-based violence.
Reason and Religious Tolerance: Mary Astell's Critique of Shaftesbury
Authors: Alvarez David P.
Published: February 2012

Mary Astell's neglected critique of Shaftesbury's Letter Concerning Enthusiasm (1708) rejects his vision of religious tolerance because it is insufficiently committed to the ideals of reason and rational-critical public debate. Insisting on the irrationality of his equation of wit and reason, and pointing to how his text excludes various voices and forms of reasoning, she exposes how Shaftesbury's rhetoric in the Letter both constructs and constrains the public sphere. Her work highlights the cultural facets of political liberalism's construction of religious tolerance and reason, requiring us to reconsider any easy universalization of this Enlightenment conception of religious tolerance and secularism.
“I Listened With My Eyes”: Writing Speech and Reading Deafness in the Fiction of Charles Dickens and Wilkie Collins
Authors: Esmail Jennifer
Published: February 2012

While characters with disabilities appear frequently in Victorian fiction, deaf characters, specifically, are almost entirely absent. In fact, the only deaf characters who use sign language in Victorian fiction are Madonna Blyth in Wilkie Collins’s Hide and Seek and Sophy Marigold in Charles Dickens’s “Doctor Marigold.” Grounding its analysis in these two texts, this article contends that it is, in particular, a deaf character’s relationship to language that disqualifies him or her from conventional representation in Victorian fiction. Through reading Hide and Seek and “Doctor Marigold” in the context of Victorian deaf history, Collins and Dickens’s realist aims, and Victorian generic conventions rooted in transcribing orality, this essay argues that the absence of deaf characters reveals the investment of mid-Victorian fiction in a particular and normativized relationship between bodies, spoken language, and textuality.
Ecofeminism Revisited: Rejecting Essentialism and Re-Placing Species in a Material Feminist Environmentalism
Authors: Gaard Greta
Published: February 2012

Formulated in the 1980s and gaining prominence in the early 1990s, by the end of that decade ecofeminism was critiqued as essentialist and effectively discarded. Fearing their scholarship would be contaminated by association with the term "ecofeminism," feminists working on the intersections of feminism and environmentalism thought it better to rename their approach. Thirty years later, current developments in allegedly new fields such as animal studies and naturalized epistemology are "discovering" theoretical perspectives on interspecies relations and standpoint theory that were developed by feminists and ecofeminists decades ago. What have we lost by jettisoning these earlier feminist and ecofeminist bodies of knowledge? Are there features of ecofeminism that can helpfully be retrieved, restoring an intellectual and activist history, and enriching current theorizing and activisms? By examining the historical foundations of ecofeminism from the 1980s onward, this article uncovers the roots of the antifeminist backlash against ecofeminism in the 1990s, peeling back the layers of feminist and environmentalist resistance to ecofeminism's analyses of the connections among racism, sexism, classism, colonialism, speciesism, and the environment. Recuperating ecofeminist insights of the past thirty years provides feminist foundations for current liberatory theories and activisms.
Revisiting Feminist Ethnography: Methods and Activism at the Intersection of Neoliberal Policy
Authors: Davis Dána-Ain , Craven Christa
Published: February 2012

In the wake of neoliberalism, where human rights and social justice have increasingly been subordinated to proliferating "consumer choices" and ideals of market justice, this article suggests that feminist ethnographers are in an important position to reassert the central feminist connections among theory, method, and practice. It draws on experiences of feminist anthropologists studying battered women and midwifery advocates to consider the role of feminist ethnography within the context of neoliberalism. It suggests avenues for incorporating methodological innovations, collaborative analysis, and feminist writing objectives and activism in scholarly projects. What does feminist ethnography look like in a historical moment characterized by increasingly diverse delineations of neoliberalism and post-neoliberalism? What are the possibilities (and challenges) that exist for feminist ethnography twenty years after initial debates emerged in this field about reflexivity, objectivity, reductive individualism, and the social relevance of activist scholarship? This article generates a contextualized dialogue about the possibilities for feminist ethnography in the twenty-first century—at the intersection of engaged feminist research and activism in the service of the organizations, people, communities, and feminist issues studied.
The Living Arrangements of Children of Immigrants
Authors: Landale Nancy S. , Thomas Kevin J. A. , Van Hook Jennifer
Published: February 2012

Children of immigrants are a rapidly growing part of the U.S. child population. Their health, development, educational attainment, and social and economic integration into the nation's life will play a defining role in the nation's future. Nancy Landale, Kevin Thomas, and Jennifer Van Hook explore the challenges facing immigrant families as they adapt to the United States, as well as their many strengths, most notably high levels of marriage and family commitment. The authors examine differences by country of origin in the human capital, legal status, and social resources of immigrant families and describe their varied living arrangements, focusing on children of Mexican, Southeast Asian, and black Caribbean origin. Problems such as poverty and discrimination may be offset for children to some extent by living, as many do, in a two-parent family. But the strong parental bonds that initially protect them erode as immigrant families spend more time in the United States and are swept up in the same social forces that are increasing single parenthood among American families. The nation, say the authors, should pay special heed to how this aspect of immigrants' Americanization heightens the vulnerability of their children. One risk factor for immigrant families is the migration itself, which sometimes separates parents from their children. Another is the mixed legal status of family members. Parents' unauthorized status can mire children in poverty and unstable living arrangements. Sometimes unauthorized parents are too fearful of deportation even to claim the public benefits for which their children qualify. A risk factor unique to refugees, such as Southeast Asian immigrants, is the death of family members from war or hardship in refugee camps.
The authors conclude by discussing how U.S. immigration policies shape family circumstances and suggest ways to alter policies to strengthen immigrant families. Reducing poverty, they say, is essential. The United States has no explicit immigrant integration policy or programs, so policy makers must direct more attention and resources toward immigrant settlement, especially ensuring that children have access to the social safety net.
Direct Speech in Non-Literary Texts: A Possible Source of Information on the Early Character of Spoken Hebrew?
Authors: Reshef Yael
Published: February 2012

The nature of early Hebrew speech is unknown due to the scarcity of documentation prior to the 1950s. This article presents a new source of information, namely quotations of the spoken language embedded in archival documents from the 1920s-1940s, and discusses its value for the study of the evolution of spoken Hebrew. The advantages of the material as compared to other available sources is analyzed, as well as its limitations. This material offers a rare glimpse at the way ordinary speakers—rather than professional writers or grammarians—experienced the spoken language and represented it in writing. Though an attempt for a reconstruction of early Hebrew speech based on this material is not possible, it can certainly shed light on the overall character of the period's spoken language, as well as on some of its specific traits. The textual examples provided throughout the article offer scholars the access to hitherto unknown material, indispensable for the study of the early layer of Modern Hebrew.
Ernest Hemingway and The New Yorker: The Harold Ross Files
Authors: Bosha Francis J.
Published: February 2012

Since its inception in 1925, The New Yorker magazine has been one of the most important venues for modern fiction. Yet Ernest Hemingway published only one short piece there, "My Own Life," in 1927. Scholars often attribute Hemingway's absence from The New Yorker to the magazine's inability to pay writers as well as its mass market competitors. However, the files of the magazine's founding editor, Harold Ross, tell a more complex story and reveal how, between 1942 and 1948, Ross repeatedly sought Hemingway contributions for The New Yorker and very nearly succeeded.
Safari: A Play in Three Acts
Authors: Mason Jane
Published: February 2012

A newly discovered three-act play by Hemingway intimate Jane Mason, believed to be the model for Margot Macomber in Hemingway's "The Short Happy Life of Francis Macomber." The play involves the love intrigues of rich Americans big game hunting in Africa in the mid-1930s, and offers a view of adultery, sexual politics, gender roles, fundamental values, and the hunt for happiness. Written in the vein of social satire, Safari includes thinly disguised Hemingway acquaintances such as Mason herself, her lover Richard Cooper, white hunter Philip Percival, Bror von Blixen, and Isak Dinesen.
Racial Alterity in the Mestizo Nation
Authors: Chang Jason Oliver
Published: February 2012

The eviction of Chinese cotton farmers from Mexicali, Baja California serves as a focal point to explore the racial boundaries of dominant discourses of Mexican national identity. By examining the politics of agrarian reform, the article illustrates how the racial alterity of Chinese immigrants to national ideals served to consolidate diverse Mexican peoples as liberal mestizo racial subjects. Racial alterity is further explored by tracing the lives of Mexican women who married Chinese men and their multi-ethnic children. Anti-Chinese politics and conscription of mestizo subjects were central themes in the Mexicanization of Baja California.
Mr. Bloom, Inside and Out: Some Topologies of the "Initial Style" of Ulysses
Authors: Thwaites Tony
Published: February 2012

It is commonplace and even intuitive to think of character in terms of the analogy of the body: a personal interiority marked off by clear boundaries from the impersonal and very different world outside it, like an irregular sphere. The complexities of the so-called "initial style" of Ulysses , however, point to other relationships. That seemingly realistic braid of naturalistic dialogue, minimal narration, and the private floridities of interior monologue has other effects altogether once we consider the extraordinary fluidity and inventiveness of Joycean free indirect discourse. This essay uses a number of topologies other than the sphere to describe some of these effects and to examine some of their implications. In doing so, it draws on Jacques Lacan's turn to these topologies in the early 1960s.
The Heisei Economy: Puzzles, Problems, Prospects
Authors: Lincoln Edward J.
Published: February 2012

The Heisei era started with high expectations as the economy was growing rapidly and the stock and real estate markets were booming. However, performance since then has been disappointing. The economy has grown but at a very low rate. Poor economic performance called into question the vaunted Japanese economic model, and considerable change has occurred to the institutional and regulatory framework in which business operates. Nonetheless, the economy continues to exhibit a number of distortions and the growth rate remains low. This essay explores what went wrong with the economy and raises questions concerning its impact on other aspects of Japanese society.
The Domestication of South Korean Pre-College Study Abroad in the First Decade of the Millennium
Authors: Kang Jiyeon , Abelmann Nancy
Published: February 2012

This essay examines a shift in the newspaper discourse on South Korean pre-college study abroad (chogi yuhak)—the education exodus of pre-college students—in order to consider how South Koreans are managing the considerable social pressure to globalize their children. While in the early years of Pre-College Study Abroad (PSA) in the 1990s, there was a robust media discourse about the promise of alternative human development through PSA, as the phenomena grew dramatically into the 2000s, the discourse increasingly asserts that PSA success relies on technical preparation at home, the student’s pre-existing character, and parental assets. PSA has thus been “domesticated” in that it is understood not as a discrete education field abroad, but instead an extension of South Korea’s highly stratified and competitive education market. This shift reflects escalating social and economic anxieties, and as such, the discourse constitutes a conversation about inequality in contemporary South Korea.
The Upheavals in Egypt and Tunisia: The Road to (and from) Liberation Square
Authors: Masoud Tarek
Published: February 2012

Abstract: It is easy now to see why Egypt's revolution had to happen, and why President Hosni Mubarak's thirty-year reign had to end in the spectacular manner in which it did. Given a combustible mix of a failing regime, an aging leader, and a people increasingly willing to confront both, one might conclude that the revolution was not only inevitable, but overdetermined. Yet those of us who study the region not only failed to predict the regime's collapse, we actually saw it as an exemplar of something we called "durable authoritarianism"—a new breed of modern dictatorship that had figured out how to tame the political, economic, and social forces that routinely did in autocracy's lesser variants. The institutional underpinnings of durable authoritarianism, however, were far flimsier than previously thought.
The Upheavals in Egypt and Tunisia: The Role of Digital Media
Authors: Howard Philip N. , Hussain Muzammil M.
Published: February 2012

Abstract: During the "Arab Spring," young tech savvy activists led uprisings in a dozen countries across North Africa and the Middle East. At first, digital media allowed democratization movements to develop new tactics for catching dictators off guard. Eventually, authoritarian governments worked social media into their own counter-insurgency strategies. What have we learned about the role of digital media in modern protest? Digital media helped to turn individualized, localized, and community-specific dissent into structured movements with a collective consciousness about both shared grievances and opportunities for action.
Uganda: Museveni's Triumph and Weakness
Authors: Izama Angelo , Wilkerson Michael
Published: February 2012

Elections in Africa are today the undisputed ticket to regime legitimacy. However, as much of sub-Saharan Africa embraces elections, they have also set up a death match between competing elites—turning elections into the single most destabilizing event in Africa. When Uganda went to the polls in February 2011, it did so under great pressure that elections provide its ruler of 25 years, Yoweri Museveni, with a legitimate claim to power. However, the wanton misuse of public funds weakened the economy, sparking Egypt-style riots that were brutally suppressed and revealing the vulnerability of Uganda's institutions of governance.
The Upheavals in Egypt and Tunisia: Ben Ali's Fall
Authors: Schraeder Peter J. , Redissi Hamadi
Published: February 2012

Abstract: Tunisia's Jasmine revolution took academics and policymakers by surprise. In hindsight, declining socioeconomic conditions, intensifying authoritarianism of the ruling regime, and public dissatisfaction with the growing corruption of the president's extended family suggested that the country was ripe for revolution. Other factors contributing to revolutionary change included the literal and figurative spark of Mohamed Bouazizi's self-immolation; the regime's decision to employ deadly force against protestors; the widespread use of cellphones and social media, most notably Facebook; the role of youth and other civil society groups; and the military's pivotal decision to side with the protestors. International actors, especially the United States, played a facilitating role.
Do New Democracies Support Democracy? Turkey’s Dilemmas
Authors: Özel Soli , Özcan Gencer
Published: February 2012

Abstract:
Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), which prides itself on serving as a regional model of democratic governance, often pays lip service to human rights and democratic principles in its foreign policy. Yet when dealing with politically less than attractive regional partners, the AKP will frequently maintain public silence rather than risk harm to Turkish interests, particularly economic ones. Will the more robust human-rights policy that Turkey has begun to apply in the Middle East be extended to Ankara’s dealings with other parts of the world? This remains unclear, yet it seems obvious that the principles which the present AKP government has laid down as markers for future foreign-policy activities will tend to make it increasingly costly for Turkey to turn a blind eye to human-rights abuses abroad.
Debating Electoral Systems: Getting Majoritarianism Right
Authors: Meisburger Timothy M.
Published: February 2012

Abstract:
In a response to Carey and Reynold’s “Comparing the Arab Revolts: The Impact of Election Systems,” Timothy Meisburger argues that in the special case of developing or emerging democracies, PR may not be the most appropriate election system, and that majoritarian or plurality systems may do a better job of ensuring effective representation and promoting democratization. He asserts that while PR may be a good choice for the mature democracies of northern Europe which already have such key prerequisites as parties with clear ideological profiles, well-defined platforms, and democratic internal-governance rules, emerging democracies might be better off with a system that is more likely to aid the development of democratic attitudes and the emergence of fully democratic parties and states.
Debating Electoral Systems: Getting Elections Wrong
Authors: Reynolds Andrew , Carey John M.
Published: February 2012

Abstract:
In their response to Timothy Meisburger’s essay, Andrew Reynolds and John M. Carey argue that the weight of the evidence—from nations actually going through democratic change, as well as from the scholarly literature that tries to understand such change—points to the conclusion that proportional systems, while not solving the all the problems by any means, are a better option than majoritarian systems in most contexts.
Corruption in India: An Enduring Threat
Authors: Ganguly Sumit
Published: February 2012

Abstract:
The self-styled Gandhian social activist Kisan Baburao “Anna” Hazare catalyzed a national anticorruption movement with his hunger strike to induce the Indian Parliament to pass a particular piece of anticorruption legislation known as the Jan Lokpal (or Citizen’s Ombudsman’s) Bill. The presence of freedom-of-information laws, effective anticorruption agencies, and a working and independent judicial system can promote transparency and accountability. These may in turn help to restore a modicum of faith that India’s democracy, rather than being a playground for corruption, can be counted on to work for and not against the interests of India’s citizens.
Disunity in Diversity: The Controversy Over the Admission of Black Women to the General Federation of Women's Clubs, 1900–1902
Authors: Wilson Jan Doolittle
Published: February 2012

From 1900 to 1902, the General Federation of Women's Clubs' official commitment to "unity in diversity" was tested to the limits when an explosive debate over the admission of African American women's clubs deeply, and in some cases irreparably, divided individual clubs and state federations and nearly resulted in the loss of half of the organization's burgeoning membership. The controversy reveals a captivating, complicated, and at times bizarre struggle between Northern and Southern white members of the General Federation to defend their particular views of race and, in many cases, to obfuscate their own deep-seated racial prejudices. Most members ultimately sacrificed principle for the sake of federation unity, albeit a unity without racial diversity, and thus squandered the opportunity to combine the talents and energies of all organized women in an effort toward social justice and humanitarian reform.
Las Rieleras: Gender, Politics, and Power in the Mexican Railway Movement, 1958–1959
Authors: Alegre Robert F.
Published: February 2012

During the 1950s, Mexican railway women, known popularly as rieleras, joined their male counterparts to stage the most militant series of strikes of the postwar era. This study contests a large body of popular and scholarly literature which focuses exclusively on men in the making of the railway movement. Combining oral histories with union and company documents, the author traces how gender notions at work and in the community subordinated women to men, a process which nevertheless helped produce an identity for women based on the railway industry. Women did not challenge the patriarchal order but rather made use of it during the railway movement to mobilize in defense of their own interests as rieleras. These findings suggest that historians must look beyond the electoral arena, as well as beyond the archive, to capture working-class women's participation in postwar politics.
Mystical Contemplation and the Limits of the Mind: The Case of Sheqel ha-Qodesh
Authors: Fishbane Eitan P.
Published: February 2012

As was the case with medieval Jewish philosophy, the kabbalah of 13th-century Spain was profoundly concerned with the status of the human mind in its quest to comprehend and experience divine reality. Building on the legacy of Maimonides, the kabbalists were caught between the desire to achieve full theosophical gnosis and the conflicting assumption that God is utterly unknowable. This article studies the problem of epistemology in the thought of Rabbi Moses de Leon, one of the greatest Jewish mystics of the Middle Ages. My central conclusion is that de Leon advocated a paradoxical approach to theological knowledge-one which sought to dialectically balance the contemplative ideal with a radically negative mode of apophasis. In agreement with the general scholarly consensus that experiential elements underlie the metaphysical discourse of kabbalah, this study seeks to further demonstrate the manner in which epistemological concerns shape ontological discussions in medieval kabbalistic literature.