bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Stresemann in Historical Perspective
Authors: Hirsch Felix E.
Published: August 2009

OnOctober 6, 1929, but three days after Gustav Stresemann's untimely death, Hermann Oncken made a first attempt to see him in historical perspective: “Suddenly all of us, friend and enemy alike, feel that there is a vacuum in the political life of the nation. … Suddenly one senses that a chapter has ended.” Oncken showed the changes which Germany had undergone since that dark day in August 1923 when Stresemann had taken over the chancellorship in an atmosphere of despair, and he praised the greatness of his accomplishment. Analyzing the sources of his success, he stressed his openmindedness and flexibility, his sense of timing, the suggestive power of his oratory, his indomitable optimism, and his willingness to fight for his convictions. But, above all, he admired his ability to go beyong the traditional political realism of Bismarck and to lead German statesmanship onward into an idealistic sphere. He cited as evidence Stresemann's programmatic words spoken on the September day of 1926 when Germany entered the League of Nations: “The man who serves humanity best, is he who, rooted in his own nation, develops his spiritual and intellectual gifts to their fullest extent and thus, growing beyond the confines of his own country, contributes to the whole of mankind.”
Imperialism, Nationalism, Chauvinism
Authors: Arendt Hannah
Published: August 2009

“Expansion is everything,” said Cecil Rhodes and fell into despair; for he saw every night overhead “vast worlds which we can never reach,” part of the universe to which he could not expand. He had discovered the moving principle of the new, the imperialist era; and yet, at the same moment, he recognized in a flash of wisdom its inherent insanity and contradiction of human conditions. Naturally, neither insight nor sadness prevented him from expanding. He had no use for his flash of wisdom that had led him far beyond his normal capacities which were those of an ambitious businessman with a marked tendency towards megalomania.
China and Japan: Their Antithetical Ideologies
Authors: Ayscough Florence , MacNair Harley Farnsworth
Published: August 2009

“CHINA AND JAPAN must be good friends and, even though hostilities exist between them now, will become good friends in the long run. … We belong to the same race and we use the same language. Our philosophy, ethics, literature and other cultural aspects of our civilizations are the same. …” Thus wrote, for an American journal, Iwao Okai, University of Chicago student of international affairs, some weeks after the renewed outbreak of hostilities near Peking in the summer of 1937. In thus expressing himself Mr. Okai was but repeating theories, from time to time, inculcated in the youth of his native land — theories, the value of which, groups of his countrymen have attempted, on occasion, to impress upon their Chinese neighbors by means, alternately, of honeyed words and bribery, of bullets and bombs.
Political Realism and the Age of Reason: The Anti-Rationalist Heritage in America
Authors: Jacobson Norman
Published: August 2009

Almostevery period of crisis and decision in American history has produced writers on political affairs who have championed a “realistic” approach to the study of human and social problems. Convinced that successful political action must proceed from man “as he is,” such writers have been persistently and profoundly suspicious of theories which, they believe, are based either upon faulty assessments of the actual nature of the individual or upon visionary estimates of his potentialities. It is the opinion of these analysts that the nature of man is irrevocably fixed in its partially depraved and partially irrational career—a constant, as it were, among the myriad imponderables entering into the social equation. Thus it has long been a significant part of their method to attempt to discover in the experience of the past a coherent theory of limits applicable to contemporary political society. Eager to profit from the experience of other generations with the perennial problems of government and politics, they have generally displayed little tolerance toward those who would flaunt rationally grounded political experiment in the face of the practical lessons of history. Such combination of pessimistic analysis and resort to the experience of the past—Political Realism —has played a crucial role in the history of political thought in America.
Power and Morals and the Founding Fathers: Jefferson
Authors: Koch Adrienne
Published: August 2009

A Few words may be in order at the outset to explain why I have chosen the title “Power and Morals and the Founding Fathers.” I believe that we can learn much from an inquiry into the basic thought and character of the first statesmen of the Republic that may help us in meeting the crisis of a divided world today. And such an inquiry can be most effectively pursued by a consideration of their views on power and morals.
The United States and Poland
Authors: Halecki Oscar
Published: August 2009

The well known series which under the editorship of Mr. Sumner Welles studies the relations between America and other nations does not yet include a volume on the United States and Poland. It is no secret that the book about Poland by Samuel L. Sharp which Harvard University Press has recently published, was originally supposed to fill that gap. Why this proved unadvisable is easy to discover for any reader. Nevertheless, half of the introduction deals with “the limits of our (that is, the American) Polish problem” and two of the six chapters including the author's conclusions remained dedicated to American-Polish relations in the past, the present, and the future.
Soviet and Western Politics in Hungary, 1944–1947
Authors: Kertesz S.
Published: August 2009

At the end of hostilities Hungary was a defeated and conquered country. In point of time she was the last of the Axis satellites to conclude an armistice agreement with the three major Allies (January 20, 1945). Unlike the military developments in Rumania and Bulgaria, the Hungarian Army had not turned against the Germans — a fact which did not improve Hungary's international position in the Armistice period. The country was isolated, with neither diplomatic representatives abroad nor friends among the victorious states. She was occupied by Russian troops, and until September, 1947 lived under the strict rule of the Russiandominated Allied Control Commission, a fact which greatly reduced Hungarian sovereignty, both in internal and foreign affairs. The terms of the armistice were extremely harsh. American endeavors in Moscow, aiming at more generous armistice treaties, had failed. Moreover, the Russians were unwilling to provide explicitly for equal participation of the three Allied governments in the work of the Allied Control Commission in Hungary in the period following the termination of hostilities against Germany.
Péguy and the Spirit of France
Authors: Nef John U.
Published: August 2009

For Thought and art and even for politics in the United States, the publication of this Peguy book is one of the important events of the past three decades. It is nearly thirty years since Charles Péguy fell, leading his men, in the first battle of the Marne. Yet, so fatas I am aware, no attempt has been made before to translate into English any substantial portion of the extensive work he managed to write and to print, through his own little publishing house in Paris, during a short life of forty-one years. A powerful poet, a moving and profoundly original prose writer, an intellectual and moral force of the highest rank, Péguy's place is already secure as one of less thana score of the world's leading men of letters of the last half century. The only other writers of his generation in France who have as sure a place as he in the history of French literature are threeartists of a very different kind: Proust, Gide, and Valéry.
Ockham's Political Ideas
Authors: Boehner Philotheus
Published: August 2009

William Ockham, the Venerabilis Inceptor and the Doctor plus quam subtilis, started his academic career simply as a theologian and philosopher who did not have, or at least did not evince, the slightest interest in political questions. By 1324 or at least by 1327, he had composed all his purely theological or philosophical works of which we have any knowledge. In all these writings there is no trace of any political idea worth mentioning. Even the struggle about the Franciscan ideal of poverty had left no impression on the lines written by Ockham prior to 1327. While he was in England he was either too remote from the theatre of war or (and this seems to be more likely) he was too much engrossed in the construction of his conceptualistic system of philosophy and theology. In any case, we know from his own words that he did not take part in the struggle about poverty—not even to the extent of reading the pertinent documents—before or during his enforced stay at Avignon until the beginning of 1328.
The Roman Question Before and After Fascism
Authors: Sturzo Luigi
Published: August 2009

By 1910 I had been for five years Mayor of Caltagirone, Provincial Councilor of Catania, and National Councilor of the Association of Communes of Italy, as well as one of the leaders of the “Municipalist” movement against State centralization, so that I was never missing from the Congresses of Communes.
The Common Man on Trial
Authors: Kuhn Helmut
Published: August 2009

“I Must take recourse to fiction and put together a figure made up of many things like the fabulous unions of goats and stags which are found in pictures." So speaks the philosopher in Plato's Republic when he faces the enigmatic nature of the common man or the people. Then he proceeds to evoke two images.
Religious Communities in Present-Day America
Authors: Herberg Will
Published: August 2009

One of the striking facts about the present religious situation in the United States is the notable growth of religious bodies and the marked increase in religious affiliation on the part of the American people. In 1900, 36 per cent of the American people were reported as religiously affiliated; by 1930, the figure had risen to 47 per cent; and by 1950, to 57 per cent. In the quarter of a century from 1926 to 1950, the population of the United States rose 28.6 per cent; church membership, however, jumped nearly 60 per cent. The annual gain in church membership since 1940 has been some two per cent, the most rapid in all our history. Allowing for the notorious imprecision of statistics on religion, it may still be asserted with considerable confidence that there is today among the American people a greater tendency than ever before to regard themselves as affirmatively religious and to identify themselves with religious institutions. The actual religious significance of this tendency is not easy to assess; certainly it would be rash to infer from the statistics any conclusions as to the actual faith of the masses of the American people. There are too many cultural and sociological factors involved, and “religion” means too many different things to different people, to make any such inference at all possible. But I do not think it can be denied that there is today a growing tendency towards religious identification among Americans. Even those Americans who avow no particular church affiiliation would, in the great majority, regard themselves as “religious” in some sense. Again, merely as a cultural fact, it may be asserted that Supreme Court Justice Douglas' recent dictum (speaking forthe court in the New York released time case, 1952), “We are a religious people whose institutions presuppose a Supreme Being,” just about describes the view the American people, by and large, take of themselves.
Soviet Difficulties in the Ukraine
Authors: Pap Michael
Published: August 2009

The Russian-Ukrainian controversy over the status of the Ukraine dates as far back as 1654. In that year, Bohdan Khmelnitzkyj, Hetman of Ukraine, taking into account the constant dangers of Polish and Tartar aggressions, concluded a mutual assistance treaty, called “Perejaslavka Uhoda,” with the Moscovite Tsar Alexej. The treaty provided for stationing a small military detachment of Tsarist forces in the Ukraine. The Russian Tsar pledged to respect the sovereignty of the Ukraine by not interfering in the internal, political and social life of the country. However, after the occupation of strategic military bases, these solemn vows were gradually ignored and forgotten. Tsarist agents, sent to the Ukraine under various pretexts, conducted themselves as conquerors rather than as allies of an independent power. Recognizing his historical error in voluntarily submitting the Ukraine to Russian rule, Khmelnitzkyj mad vain preparations to drive out the Tsar's forces. His sudden death on August 6, 1657, interrupted his plans, and gave the Russian officials the opportunity to impose, without consulting the local government, more and more of the Tsar's laws and decrees upon the Ukraine. After Khmelnitzkyj's death, the Moscovite rulers found themselves in a very favorable situation. There was no leadership in the Ukraine capable of combatting the Russian occupation policy and of inspiring the Ukrainian people, exhausted in wars with the Tartars and Poles, to resist the forcible restrictions governing the Ukraine's independence.
The Catholic Factor in Urban Welfare: The Early Period, 1850–1880
Authors: Abell Aaron I.
Published: August 2009

For more than a century* private philanthropy has loomed large on the social horizon of American cities. Their governments, as inept and clumsy as they were politically corrupt, were not readily entrusted with delicate social service functions. Happily for urban welfare, Americans not only extolled the great virtue of charity but conspicuously practiced it. As no other people, they have made relief of human misery a part of their life purpose, devoting time, thought and money to the task regardless of its source: in some calamity of nature or in social maladjustment such as urban poverty, industrial conflict or world misunderstanding. Besides giving for giving's sake as befits religious folk—they have characteristically expected handsome dividends on their investment either in the way of improved character development or in more reasonable and just social arrangements. Many wage-earners and social reformers feared, it is true, that the benevolent enterprise might dull the people's desire for a better economic order. By and large, however, charity in America has been an aid and auxiliary of justice rather than its substitute.
Reform of the Electoral System
Authors: Silva Ruth C.
Published: August 2009

Current proposals for reform of the electoral college system are embodied in three plans which appear to be designed to enable the “conservatives” to elect a President of the United States. Since 1932, the present electoral college system has compelled both parties to nominate presidential candidates who advocate policies devised to win the votes of conscious ethnic, religious, and economic groups in metropolitan centers, where these minorities hold a balance of power in populous states controlling large blocs of electoral votes. Consequently, all recent presidential candidates have supported social security, collective bargaining, and civil rights legislation. An inspection of congressional roll calls discloses the rather obvious fact that a number of Republicans and southern Democrats hardly approve of these and other so-called Fair Deal measures.
Natural Law and International Law in Edmund Burke
Authors: Davidson James F.
Published: August 2009

Among the many discussions stirred by recent searchings after the source and substance of a conservative tradition has been that of the place of natural law in the thought of Edmund Burke. One view which has received renewed emphasis is that Burke's natural law is essentially Thomistic. Those who support this view frequently cite Burke's many references to “the law of nations and of nature.” The purpose of this paper is to show, by particular reference to the subject of international law, that it is misleading to place Burke in the older natural law tradition. In ideas as well as in time, he stands more nearly at a mid-point between that tradition and the positivist approach to law. Revelation and the interpretive aid of a Universal Church, which were crucial to the traditional concept of natural law, do not play a similar role in Burke's thought. The same meaning, therefore, cannot be attributed to his references to the natural law.
The Study of International Politics: A Survey of Trends and Developments
Authors: Thompson Kenneth W.
Published: August 2009

The question was raised at the end of World War II as to whether or not international relations could stand as a separate field of study. Views were expressed by scholars and teachers in history and political science to the effect that in substance there was nothing peculiar to the subject matter of international relations which did not fall under other separate fields of social studies. At some universities and colleges there were dissenters to this prevailing viewpoint. Their particular philosophy manifested itself in attempts to create and establish integrated curricula under academic committees or departments dedicated to the broad generalized study of die subject matter of the field. It is still too early to pass judgment with any finality on the merits of these two points of view, the one viewing international relations as a mere duplication of the subject matter of many fields; the odier insisting that diere must be an ordering and integrative approach to die field. No serious student would presume to claim that die study of international relations had arrived at die stage of an independent academic discipline. However, there have been three significant developments within no more than a single generation which illuminate certain aspects of this problem. First we have witnessed the evolution and development of a point of focus or core in the field. Secondly, diere have been die first faint and feeble beginnings of attempts to create a mediodology appropriate for the field, or at least to determine those related mediodologies in the social sciences whose methods and techniques could most usefully be appropriated for the study of persistent international issues. Thirdly, inventories have been drawn up by individual scholars, universities and institutes, of topics and concrete projects which would best serve in the development of general principles in the field and the validation of them dirough systematic inquiry.
German-Franco Relations Since 1945
Authors: Duroselle J. B.
Published: August 2009

I do not intend to write an exhaustive study of the history of Franco-German relations since the capitulation of Germany on May 8, 1945. Such an undertaking is hardly possible in the present state of documentation. It seems to me more useful to concentrate on the essential characteristics of these relations and present them from an objective French point of view, as is natural for a French historian. The subject of French public opinion with regard to Germany has extremely interesting aspects which scholars, educated people from abroad and especially the average citizens of various countries of the world, find it difficult to understand. It is bseyond doubt that, in a country with a democratic constitution like France, public opinion exercises a considerable influence on the government. But conversely the government's influence on public opinion cannot be overlooked. It happens that in France the policy towards Germany since 1945 has been determined by a very small number of men: General de Gaulle, Georges Bidault, Robert Schuman, André François Poncet, René Pleven, Gilbert Grandval (the last to a lesser extent: he is concerned with the Saar problem).
Human Estrangement and the Failure of Political Imagination
Authors: Tinder Glenn
Published: August 2009

ItIs A well-known human tendency to continue applying remedies after the problem for which they are suitable has been solved. Concentration on a particular difficulty becomes habitual to such a degree that its disappearance may not be immediately realized. And new problems may take its place for some time without being noticed.
How To Become a Colonial Governor: Thomas Hutchinson of Massachusetts
Authors: Freiberg Malcolm
Published: August 2009

IfHeThought about it at all, Thomas Hutchinson1 must have realized that he became governor of Massachusetts in 1771 by ignoring the old rules and abiding by a new set of his own. The four previous incumbents — he had served under them all in one capacity or another — had relied on influence or a family connection or plain luck. None of these alternatives was open to Hutchinson. In his grammar of politics the principle items were things like positions, service, and point of view. None of these might have meant anything without a fourth element: desire. Hutchinson had that, too.
The Federalist and Human Nature
Authors: Scanlan James P.
Published: August 2009

Students of American political theory find themselves in general agreement concerning the character and significance of their most celebrated document, The Federalist. Few deny that this series of essays in support of the Constitution by Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay represents a substantial contribution to the literature of political theory. The nature of the contribution is also well established. The Federalist, it is agreed, is a skillful exposition of the principles of constitutional republicanism — an exposition not haphazard or fanciful, but controlled by constant reference to the capacities and limitations of the political animal. The latter point is often emphasized; Benjamin F. Wright states: “The aspect of The Federalist which is of universal applicability is … its recognition of the importance of human nature in politics, togetherwith its remarkably penetrating analysis of the motives and the behavior of men in a free society.” x Finally, there is agreement on the general outlines of this theory of human nature. The authors of The Federalist, it is said, were decidedly “realistic,” brooking no illusions of the inherent goodness or rationality of man, but holding firm to “a conception of human corruptibility.” 2 The adjective most often employed is “pessimistic.”
The Rhythm of Change
Authors: Fogarty Michael P.
Published: August 2009

To understand social processes in history or today, how far is it useful to think in terms of phases, cycles, or curves of learning or growth? Professional historians have been distinctly cool in answering: “The individual emerges as being more highly conditioned by history than prima facie we had imagined”; there are group forces at work, and the study of these forces can tell us something of what individuals are and are not likely to do. So much can be admitted. But to trace a pattern in the longer processes and wider sweep of events is another matter, and a much more doubtful one.
The Idea of Conquest and Race-Thinking during the Restoration
Authors: Seliger M.
Published: August 2009

Racialism maintains that the hereditary character of physiological and psychological traits of groups of persons explains and consequently determines the historical and cultural fate of these groups. Nature predominates over nurture, whether nature is conceived in terms of biology or human spirit or in terms of both. The inherited characteristics of body and soul defy human manipulation to the extent that if you counteract the laws of racial uniqueness, the deterioration of group capacities will be inevitable. The effects of breaking the laws of racial causality attest to their validity; so do the results of the intentional effort to keep the race pure or improve it by opposite cross-breeding.
Work and Workman: A Philosophical and Sociological Inquiry
Authors: Simon Yves R.
Published: August 2009

WHEN looking over the immense literature devoted to laborproblems by philosophers, moralists, economists and sociologists, the philosophically-minded reader cannot help being struck by the fact that these writers, for the most part, abstain from defining what they intend to designate by the terms work, labor, worker, and workman. When any definition is given, there is small likelihood that it may meet the elementary requirement of embracing all the defined object and only the defined object. This current deficiency of studies on labor, although worth noting, is not particularly astonishing: everybody knows that the most familiar realities, those with which we are ceaselessly concerned in our daily life, are exceedingly difficult to express in the form of a logically satisfactory definition. In that connection, the so-called Socratic dialogues of Plato are full of profitable lessons. As soon as the persons are asked to define virtues most commonly spoken of, they become entangled in a net of contradictions, and sometimes the dialogue comes to an end without bringing forth any conclusion.
American Federalism—Theory and Practice
Authors: McCoy Charles N. R.
Published: August 2009

THE appearance in the last decade of such devices for social control as the Government Corporation and the Interstate Authority seems to suggest that the American Federal State system is passing through a critical stage in the course of social metamorphosis. It may be that the Federal State system, succeeding the Confederate system of states, approaches now a Regional system in the course of this metamorphosis. It is at any rate interesting that the Constitutional provision for agreements among the states with the consent of Congress—perhaps the most typical symbol of the old Confederation— is, with the breaking down of the Federal State system, coming strongly into vogue. Where the problems are regional in character and where the jurisdictional framework is not coincidental with the problem area (for example, the Colorado River Valley Problem Area) a regional authority created by concessions of jurisdiction on the part of the several states or on the part of the states and the Federal Government becomes necessary. These considerations determine the manner in which such regional or “sub-national” interests are to be set within “the framework of the American Nation”—a framework, the legal lines of which, in the words of the National Resources Committee, “aggravate the growing points of our national life”.
Mounting the Counter-Attack: The Roman Catholic Hierarchy and the Destruction of Parnellism
Authors: Larkin Emmet
Published: August 2009

In the popular imagination, the fall and death of Parnel was for Ireland the beginning of a long period of deep despair and dejection. Actually, the heroic period in modern Irish history only begins when that great man was dragged from his high place, and his magnificent creation, the Irish Parliamentary Party, was shattered into petty factions. His death and the destruction of his political legacy were the neccessary preliminary to the release of the Irish people, which had been for so long subordinated to the national cause. The twenty-five years that encompass the fall in 1891 of Ireland's “uncrowned king” and the rising in 1916, are the years in which the Irish people did great things. It was the period when they secured to them selves the art of representative goverment, created a new literature, and laid the foundations for their welfare state. In truth it was an exhilarating period and Ireland was never more in tellectually alive.
Philosophical Anthropology and Dostoevsky's “Legend of the Grand Inquisitor”
Authors: Sandoz Ellis
Published: August 2009

The political thought of Fyodor Dostoevsky grows out of his opposition to nihilism, atheistic humanism, and socialism in much the same way as the philosophy of Plato grew out of his opposition to the sophists. Indeed, the parallel of Dostoevsky's thought with that of Plato is to be seen in some further aspects of this fundamental opposition. Both the Russian master of the novel and the Hellenic founder of political science confronted adversaries for whom “Man is the measure of all things” and each based his opposition on the principle “God is the Measure,” to use Plato's formulation. This declaration, echoing like a thunderclap across more than twenty centuries of history, found consummate expression in the last great work of each writer: the Laws and The Brothers Karamazov.
Greek Political Heritage and Totalitarianism
Authors: Friedrich C. J.
Published: August 2009

IN A FAMOUS dialogue between the Athenian ambassadors and the Council of the small island of Melos, Thucydides has given the classical statement of the “right” of the stronger. “The brave Milesians soon see that they cannot appeal to the Athenians' sense of justice, because the Athenians recognize no standard but their own political advantage…By making the Athenians justify the right of the stronger through the law of nature, and transform God from the guardian of justice into the pattern of all earthly authority and force, Thucydides gives the realistic policy of Athens the depth and validity of a philosophical doctrine.” The Dutch, in the days of Peter Breughel, used to say: “the big fish devour the little fish” to which Spinoza added “by natural right.” That is the doctrine of the “state,”as inherited from the Greeks. Similar situations still haunt us. Did the Russians by natural right seek to destroy Finnish independence?
The Goldwater Phenomenon: Purists, Politicians, and the Two-Party System
Authors: Wildavsky Aaron
Published: August 2009

THE Goldwater phenomenon is the great mystery of American politics. His nomination as presidential candidate by the Republican Party and his campaign for election have profoundly challenged accepted theories of American politics. Merely to enumerate some of the puzzling questions suggests how badly we need explanations.
Irish History and Mythology in James Joyce's ‘The Dead’
Authors: Kelleher John V.
Published: August 2009

THANKS to Richard Ellmann's definitive biography of James Joyce we know quite a lot about the genesis and writing of ‘The Dead,’ the concluding story in Dubliners. Joyce wrote no other short stories after it, but in a letter (January 6, 1907) to his brother Stanislaus, from Rome, in which he first referred to ‘The Dead,’ he mentioned it as one of five stories “all of which … I could write if circumstances were favorable.” The others, which seem not to have been attempted were ‘The Last Supper,’ ‘The Street,’ ‘Vengeance,’ and ‘At Bay.’ It must have been immediately thereafter that ‘The Dead’ took precedence in his thought, for in a letter written only five days later he remarked that the news of the controversy in Dublin over The Playboy of the Western World had “put me off the story I ‘was going to write’ — to wit, The Dead.” Shortly afterwards he decided to give up his job as a bank cashier in Rome and return to Trieste, which on March 5, 1907, he did. Apparently he worked at the story intermittently in the ensuing months.
The Colombian “Black Hand”: A Case Study of Neoliberalism in Latin America
Authors: Bailey Norman A.
Published: August 2009

COMMENTATORS puzzling over the question of whether the Brazilian insurrection of March-April, 1964, was a revolution or simply a coup d'état have speculated on the role of a faintly mysterious civilian organization called IPES (Instituto de Pesquisas Estudos Sociais) in the rebellion. IPES is one of a large number of organized civilian groups now covering all of Latin America except for Haiti and Cuba, groups which can be generically termed Neoliberal. The Brazilian rebellion is undoubtedly the greatest success the Neoliberals have had so far in their four or five years of existence (only three of the more than forty Neoliberal organizations were founded before 1959), and the only occasion on which they have been directly (though not uniquely) responsible for the overthrow of an incumbent regime. What the future role of IPES and similar groups will be in Brazil, and whether the transformation of the country will be a truly revolutionary one, remains to be seen, but the power mustered by the Neoliberals in half a decade is remarkable, and a factor which will have to be dealt with in the future.
Strategic Policy and American Goverment: Structural Constants and Variables
Authors: Kolodziej Edward J.
Published: August 2009

THE common note of most writing about strategic policy is that it accepts the governmental framework within which strategic policy-making proceeds in the United States as given, largely beyond analysis or substantial change. This tendency is quite natural and justifiable. Military force is presumably in the service of the nation's fundamental values. A nation's form of government is obviously basic to its ideals and purposes. It is important, however, for the defense analyst as well as the interested citizen to approach the relation of military policy and governmental institutions from a reversed perspective, one that seeks to identify the constraints that the American governmental system and the consent requirements that it establishes impose on effective strategic policy development and operations.
Pan-Africanism and African Governments
Authors: Ake Claude
Published: August 2009

THE last decade has seen the proliferation of organizations and institutions which have broadened the scope of social communication between African peoples. The sophistication of a broad African perspective, which tended to be a monopoly of top-level leadership, is now permeating the lower strata of African society. Previously, consciousness of a common African destiny had to be induced by the elite, but in recent times the masses have become sensitive enough to events in the continent to cause anxiety to leaders whose performances have to be constantly compared. This nascent psychological unity is standardizing expectations throughout the continent. Thus events in one part of the continent tend to echo in another. Following the alleged plot against Houphouet-Boigny's regime, the Ivory Coast National Assembly passed a law on January 17, 1963, authorizing the government to impress into public service anyone whose activities it considered detrimental to national security. Anticipating a similar plot the legislature of the Upper Volta passed a law on January 29 creating a High Court of State to deal with offenses against the state committed by deputies, ministers, and other officials and also empowered the government to impress any person into forced labor in the national interest. Colonel David Thompson, the leader of the abortive coup d'état in Liberia, was reported to have argued that there was no reason why 5,000 Liberian soldiers could not capture a government if 250 Togolese soldiers succeeded. The recent crop of mutinies in East Africa centered around the common theme of Africanization and the improvement of the service conditions of the army.
Public Schools vs. Catholic Schools and James McMaster
Authors: McAvoy Thomas T.
Published: August 2009

THE “emergence of the Catholic layman” in the United States which has been heralded sofrequently since the opening of the Second Vatican Council has tended to do a grave injustice to the American Catholic layman of earlier generations. It is true that many of the leading American Catholiclaymen of the nineteenth century were converts from Protestantism, and there were few opportunities for the first generation immigrant Catholic to achieve higher education outside the seminaries. Nevertheless, the “Generation of the Third Eye” has not produced a philosopher of the depth or comprehension of Orestes A. Brownson, nor a defender of orthodoxy of the knowledge and capacity of James A. McMaster nor has it surpassed such men as Roger B. Taney, John Scott, and William J. Read who were called in to address the first Provincial Council of Baltimore, or Richard Clarke who tried to form the first Catholic union in the United States. The number of prominent Catholic laymen and laywomen of the nineteenth century is large as can be seen in the mere listing of the galaxy that participated in the two lay Catholic Congresses in Baltimore in 1889 and Chicago in 1893. Of all these, James McMaster has no equal in his influence on the religious and theological development of American Catholicism.
Leo XIII: “The Diplomat Pope”
Authors: Ward James E.
Published: August 2009

THE election of Leo XIII on February 20, 1878, made a deep and rather favorable impression on the French statesman, Léon Gambetta. Quite inadvertently, he recorded it for posterity when, on the very day of Leo's election, he wrote to his mistress:

They have elected a new pope, the elegant and refined Cardinal Pecci, bishop of Perugia. … This Italian, more diplomat than priest, has overcome all the intrigues of the Jesuits and the foreign clergy; he is pope, and the name of Leo XIII which he has taken seems to me to be a most favorable omen. I hail this occasion so full of promise.
The Global Civil-Military Dilemma
Authors: Kelly George A.
Published: August 2009

We live in a world of several intersecting crises: the technological crisis, the psychological crisis of “national liberation”, the bipolar clash of monolithic and pluralist ideals, and the bitter paradoxical crisis in which the availability of military force far outweighs the political goals that might command its use. In combination, we have a crisis of the unknown, where science, soldiery, diplomacy, education, and many other agencies struggle fruitlessly to deal with the inexorable situation. And in this crisis military groups of the affected nations are subjected to a series of novel pressures.
Tocqueville on Algeria
Authors: Richter Melvin
Published: August 2009

On any list of the most penetrating and least deceived political theorists of the nineteenth century, Alexis de Tocqueville must be ranked high. Few others perceived the dangers both of egalitarianism and of racial thinking; of secular religions as well as of state churches; of historical determinism, as well as of those other explanations which equally well undermine responsibility by attributing everything to mere chance or to the appearance of exceptional individuals. Tocqueville insisted upon the obligation of free men to determine by empirical investigation just what are the genuine alternatives confronting them. By his own effort to perform this task, he made a classic contribution to the study of the relationships between social organization and political institutions.
International Fraternity vs. National Power: A Contradiction in the Communist World
Authors: Mayer Peter
Published: August 2009

THE Sino-Soviet dispute entered its present phase at the time of the 1962–1963 Congresses of the national Communist Parties. Then the esoteric struggle among the international parties was replaced by direct confrontation, referred to by Communists as the “open polemics.” The present article will examine some of the causal factors in the changing relationships between the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Communist Party of China, as these have found expression in the Sino-Soviet dispute.
Revolution and Morale in the Formative Thought of Albert Camus
Authors: Gargan Edward T.
Published: August 2009

When albert camus received the Nobel Prize in 1957, he was honored for the quality of his writing and as a representative of the generation that had come of age between the two world wars. Camus did not hesitate to identify himself with this generation. He was willing to be a witness for those who had been helplessly thrust into “twenty years of absolutely insane history.” This was the generation, he said at Stockholm, that had learned to endure in an age when history was dominated by “the death instinct at work.”
The United Nations: A Hope and its Prospects
Authors: Kertesz Stephen D.
Published: August 2009

In his monumental encyclical, Pacem in Terris, Pope John XXIII addressed himself to men of all religions and political allegiance. This historic message contained a forceful plea for world peace and for a public authority of world-wide jurisdiction, capable of working for the universal common good. Although Pope John recognized the merits of the United Nations and other intergovernmental agencies, he advocated the establishment of public authority “in a position to operate in an effective manner on a world-wide basis.” He emphasized that in our time “the universal common good poses problems of world-wide dimensions, which cannot be adequately tackled or solved except by the efforts of public authority endowed with a wideness of powers, structure and means of the same proportions.”
Issues in Legislative Reapportionment
Authors: Hardin Charles M.
Published: August 2009

Sweeping reapportionment of state legislatures according to the principle of “one man, one vote” now seems assured. Some very clear judicial notes have been coming out of the political thicket. At least six of the justices have found that long-forbidden territory wholly congenial. To the political animals — the lions, unicorns, bears, foxes, elephants, and donkeys — we must now add Br'er Rabbit “born and bred in a briar patch.” And yet, despite the volumes of discussion, some issues in reapportionment have been inadequately discussed and invite an attempt to clear the air.
The Negro in American Literary Criticism
Authors: Gross Seymour L.
Published: August 2009

OUR understanding of any significant movement in human affairs can hardly be said to even approach completeness until the evidence from literature is in. Because writers of fiction and poetry tend to grope for meanings rather than superimpose them — Yeats called this process the “public dream” —literary criticism can bring to the surface what otherwise might lie buried in the culture's subconscious. And this is perhaps even more true for the history of the Negro in American literature than for other cultural phenomena — the Westering Movement or the Industrial Revolution, for example — since so much of that history has been an unconscious, or at least half-conscious, masking of issues that have been contorted by fear, guilt, and rage.
Yemen: The War and the Haradh Conference
Authors: Guldescu Stanko
Published: August 2009

AMINOR consequence of the war of 1914 was that the Turks evacuated the south Arabian country of Yemen which they had occupied since the latter part of the nineteenth century. Yahia Hamid al-Din, heir to the throne of the thirteenhundred-year-old Imamate (Muslim theocratic monarchy) was able to reestablish the power of his dynasty. During his long reign he devoted himself to four principal tasks: the restoration of internal order which had collapsed altogether during the era of Turkish domination; keeping foreigners out of Yemen which came to bear the title of “the Tibet of the Middle East”; building up his treasury which also was that of the country at large; and buying surplus World War I weapons. The last he resold to the Ethiopians and others, or he stored in caves. The locations of these supplies were known only to members of his dynasty and trusted servitors.
Three Years of Communist Rule in China
Authors: Nai-jui Ling
Published: August 2009

On October 1, 1949, the Chinese Communist Party, having conquered the major portion of the Chinese mainland by the force of its “People's Army of Liberation,” established, in the old imperial city of Peiping, a new regime called the “Central People's Government” of the “People's Republic of China.” For more than three years, ninety-eight per cent of the Chinese people have lived under this Communist dictatorship represented as a “People's Democracy.” Nor at the moment are there any visible signs that their condition may soon be altered. On the contrary, the Chinese Communists have proved themselves the adept disciples of their Russian mentors, capable of consolidating their rule with Soviet determination, thoroughness, and severity.
The Origins of Totalitarianism
Authors: Voegelin Eric
Published: August 2009

The vast majority of all human beings alive on earth is affected in some measure by the totalitarian mass movements of our time. Whether men are members, supporters, fellow-travellers, naive connivers, actual or potential victims, whether they are under the domination of a totalitarian government, or whether they are still free to organize their defenses against the disaster, the relation to the movements has become an intimate part of their spiritual, intellectual, economic, and physical existence. The putrefaction of Western civilization, as it were, has released a cadaveric poison spreading its infection through the body of humanity. What no religious founder, no philosopher, no imperial conqueror of the past has achieved — to create a community of mankind by creating a common concern for all men — has now been realized through the community of suffering under the earthwide expansion of Western foulness.
The Idea of Decadence in the Second Empire
Authors: Swart Koenraad W.
Published: August 2009

In1860 French liberal Charles de Rémusat noticed that pessimism had made rapid progress during the preceding ten years and that his period, which was once reputed to be proud of its accomplishments, then counted more censors than admirers. A similar observation had been made in 1852 by the distinguished Catholic historian of democratic convictions, Frédéric Ozanam, who stated that the best minds believed in decadence and that the idea of progress had become a discredited notion.
Humanism and the Religious Question
Authors: Ward Leo R.
Published: August 2009

The one question on which our American humanists have never come to anything like agreement is the religious question. They have some common understanding on the nature of will and of the higher will, and on the subordinate relationship of intellect to will, on the need of discipline, and on the inevitability of degrees in society. But they remain of several minds on religion. More went what is called Anglican though he stayed in this country; T. S. Eliot went Anglican and also anglophile, at least till more recent times. No one knows just what Babbitt religiously was; some have said liberal Protestant, some have said his higher will is divine and sometimes his own words allow this interpretation, and some have said he is remote first and last from Christianity but is an oriental saint.
Common Good and Common Action
Authors: Simon Yves R.
Published: August 2009

Anarchy is rarely or never upheld with consistency. In the pedagogy of Rousseau, there is a set purpose to let the child be guided by natural necessity rather than by human command, and to let him learn from the experience of physical facts rather than by obedience. “Keep the child solely dependent on things; you will have followed the order of Nature in the process of his upbringing. Never oppose to his unreasonable wishes any but physical obstacles or punishments resulting from the actions themselves — he will remember these punishments in similar situations. It is enough to prevent him from doing evil without forbidding him to do it …” (Emile, II). Remarkably, the theory that the method of authority is a poor substitute for the pedagogical power of nature has been accepted, in varying degree of enthusiasm or reluctance, by most schools of pedagogy and has demonstrated lasting power. Yet the authority of parents and tutors is present throughout pedagogical theories, even when it is passed over in silence. Childhood is the domain where the suppression of all authority is obviously impossible. The most radical constructs of anarchy, as soon as they rise above the level of idle rhetoric, admit of qualifications so far at least as the immature part of mankind is concerned. Anti-authoritarian theorists, with few exceptions if any, do not mean that authority should disappear or that it can ever cease to be a factor of major importance in human affairs. What thinkers opposed to authority generally mean is that authority can never be vindicated except by such deficiencies as are found in children, in the feeble-minded, the emotionally unstable, the criminally inclined, the illiterate, and the historically primitive.