bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Spinal Fbxo3-Dependent Fbxl2 Ubiquitination of Active Zone Protein RIM1α Mediates Neuropathic Allodynia through CaV2.2 Activation
Authors: Lai Cheng-Yuan , Ho Yu-Cheng , Hsieh Ming-Chun , Wang Hsueh-Hsiao , Cheng Jen-Kun , Chau Yat-Pang , Peng Hsien-Yu
Published: September 2016

Spinal plasticity, a key process mediating neuropathic pain development, requires ubiquitination-dependent protein turnover. Presynaptic active zone proteins have a crucial role in regulating vesicle exocytosis, which is essential for synaptic plasticity. Nevertheless, the mechanism for ubiquitination-regulated turnover of presynaptic active zone proteins in the progression of spinal plasticity-associated neuropathic pain remains unclear. Here, after research involving Sprague Dawley rats, we reported that spinal nerve ligation (SNL), in addition to causing allodynia, enhances the Rab3-interactive molecule-1α (RIM1α), a major active zone protein presumed to regulate neural plasticity, specifically in the synaptic plasma membranes (SPMs) of the ipsilateral dorsal horn. Spinal RIM1α-associated allodynia was mediated by Fbxo3, which abates Fbxl2-dependent RIM1α ubiquitination. Subsequently, following deubiquitination, enhanced RIM1α directly binds to CaV2.2, resulting in increased CaV2.2 expression in the SPMs of the dorsal horn. While exhibiting no effect on Fbxo3/Fbxl2 signaling, the focal knockdown of spinal RIM1α expression reversed the SNL-induced allodynia and increased spontaneous EPSC (sEPSC) frequency by suppressing RIM1α-facilitated CaV2.2 expression in the dorsal horn. Intrathecal applications of BC-1215 (a Fbxo3 activity inhibitor), Fbxl2 mRNA-targeting small-interfering RNA, and ω-conotoxin GVIA (a CaV2.2 blocker) attenuated RIM1α upregulation, enhanced RIM1α expression, and exhibited no effect on RIM1α expression, respectively. These results confirm the prediction that spinal presynaptic Fbxo3-dependent Fbxl2 ubiquitination promotes the subsequent RIM1α/CaV2.2 cascade in SNL-induced neuropathic pain. Our findings identify a role of the presynaptic active zone protein in pain-associated plasticity. That is, RIM1α-facilitated CaV2.2 expression plays a role in the downstream signaling of Fbxo3-dependent Fbxl2 ubiquitination/degradation to promote spinal plasticity underlying the progression of nociceptive hypersensitivity following neuropathic injury.

SIGNIFICANCE STATEMENTUbiquitination is a well known process required for protein degradation. Studies investigating pain pathology have demonstrated that ubiquitination contributes to chronic pain by regulating the turnover of synaptic proteins. Here, we found that the spinal presynaptic active zone protein Rab3-interactive molecule-1α (RIM1α) participates in neuropathic pain development by binding to and upregulating the expression of CaV2.2. In addition, Fbxo3 modifies this pathway by inhibiting Fbxl2-mediated RIM1α ubiquitination, suggesting that presynaptic protein ubiquitination makes a crucial contribution to the development of neuropathic pain. Research in this area, now in its infancy, could potentially provide a novel therapeutic strategy for pain relief.
Csípőtáji törések multidiszciplináris aspektusai magyarországi adatok alapján
Authors: Juhász Krisztina , Turchányi Béla , Mintál Tibor , Somogyi Péter
Published: September 2016

Hip fractures are described by increased mortality, loss of quality of life, functional decline and burden of diseases. They show a growing number worldwide. The aim of the present study is to summarise the existing data on the incidence, mortality, complications and rehabilitation of hip fractures, which relevance is reported only by few studies. To reduce mortality and complications of hip fractures the authors emphasize the importance of primary treatment within 12 hours, appropriate selection of surgical methods corresponding to the fracture type after the assessment of femoral head viability, vitamin D supplementation, same conditions for primary treatment during everyday of the week, and an adequate acute treatment and rehabilitation for patient’s general health status. In the future integrated processing of multidisciplinary results of hip fractures based on Hungarian data can support the development of efficient treatment and prevention strategies, which can be advantageous for the patient, families, health care system, and the society, too, by the reduction of costly complications of hip fracture healing and mortality. Orv. Hetil., 2016, 157(37), 1469–1475.
A krónikus myeloid leukaemia korszerű diagnosztikája és kezelése
Authors: Demeter Judit , Poros Anna , Bödör Csaba , Horváth Laura , Masszi Tamás
Published: September 2016

Chronic myelogenous leukemia is a clonal myeloproliferative neoplasm caused by reciprocal translocation involving chromosomes 9 and 22 resulting in the expression of a constitutively activated BCR-ABL1 tyrosine kinase that leads to the malignant transformation of the hematopoietic stem cells. The condition was previously known as a relentlessly progressive disease, but the treatment was revolutionalized by the efficacy of tyrosine kinase inhibitors. Therapeutic success is thus currently determined by the depth of molecular response achieved on therapy. Multiple tyrosine kinase agents are available even for the first line treatment. This guideline summarizes current focal points of the treatment of chronic myelogenous leukemia specific to Hungary and provides definitions for optimal molecular responses in this condition. Orv. Hetil., 2016, 157(37), 1459–1468.
Rezisztenciamódosítók összehasonlítása multidrog-rezisztens prosztata-, egérlymphoma- és vastagbélrák-sejtvonalakon
Authors: Csonka Ákos
Published: September 2016

Introduction: The reason for unsuccessful tumor chemotherapy is related to multidrug resistance. An important factor is the overexpression of efflux pumps, such as P-glycoprotein. Aim: Amino- and amide-substituted steroid compounds and phenothiazine derivatives were investigated in tumor models in vitro. Method: The inhibition of P-glycoprotein was evaluated by flow cytometry and the interaction of these compounds with doxorubicin was investigated as well. Molecular docking was used to estimate the binding energies of the compounds to P-glycoprotein. Results: The aminosteroids showed anticancer activity on multidrug resistant mouse T-lymphoma and prostate cancer cell lines. The combination of steroids and doxorubicin potentiated its effect in hormone resistant prostate cancer cells. Among the N-hydroxyalkyl-2-aminophenothiazines, secondary amines exhibited anticancer effects on multidrug resistant colon adenocarcinoma cells. Conclusions: The tested phenothiazine and steroid derivatives showed potent anticancer activity, furthermore, the stereoisomerism of thioridazine did not play a role in the antitumor properties. Neither steroids nor thioridazine influenced apoptosis in hormone resistant cells. Orv. Hetil., 2016, 157(37), 1489–1495.
Nem konvencionális gyógymódok használata sebészeti betegek között
Authors: Soós Sándor Árpád , Jeszenői Norbert , Darvas Katalin , Harsányi László
Published: September 2016

Introduction: Due to the rise in use of non-conventional therapies, we may consider the application of those in perioperative setting. Aim: The aims of the authors were to measure the attitude of patients waiting for elective surgery towards naturopathic methods, to determine their use and factors influencing their usage. Method: A questionnaire was applied that patients filled in individually and anonymously at the First Department of Surgery of Semmelweis University, between July 1, 2014 and April 30, 2016. Results: 63.6% of the 519 participants (response rate = 21%) were interested in non-conventional therapies, and 26.8% of them applied naturopathy. In this group there were significantly more females (p = 0.022; OR: 1.066–2.3635), patients with university degree (p = 0.000315; OR: 1.3915–3.1132), aged 40–49 (p = 0.012419; OR: 1.1451–3.2405), and patients with hormonal disease (p = 0.039482; OR: 1.0186–5.7242). In terms of lifetime prevalence the most popular methods were traditional Chinese medicine (8.9%), alternative movement and massage therapy (7.5%) and homeopathy (7.3%). Only 12.9% of the patients reported the application of these methods to the physician. Conclusion: Surgical patients are interested in naturopathic methods, and one-fourth of them actually use them even in the perioperative period. Orv. Hetil., 2016, 157(37), 1483–1488.
Mentőtiszthallgatók felnőtt emelt szintű újraélesztéssel kapcsolatos ismeretei Magyarországon
Authors: Bánfai Bálint , Éliás Ádám , Nagy Tamás , Pék Emese , Betlehem József
Published: September 2016

Introduction: Resuscitation knowledge is necessery for emergency care workers. Aim: The aim of the authors was to investigate the advanced life support knowledge of paramedic students in Hungary. Method: The research has been executed at University of Pécs – Faculty of Health Sciences, Semmelweis University – Faculty of Health Sciences, and University of Debrecen – Faculty of Health Care. 97 students (n = 97) were involved in the study from third and fourth grades. Data were recorded with a self-fill-in questionnaire. Results: Average scores were 67.79%. There was no significant difference between women and men (p = 0.725). Younger age improved significantly scores (p = 0.003). Full-time students completed the test significantly better than part-time students (p = 0.004). There was no significant difference between the students from different locations (p = 0.254). Conclusions: It would be appropriate to increase the number of resuscitation courses and to tighten the exams. The authors propose that it would be reasonable to examine the students’ practical skills. Orv. Hetil., 2016, 157(37), 1476–1482.
First record of Passiflora pedata L. (Passifloraceae) from Maranhão state, northeastern Brazil
Authors: Silva Eduardo Oliveira , Guarçoni Elidio Armando Exposto , Ferreira Alessandro Wagner Coelho , De Oliveira Miguel Sena , De Oliveira Junior Claudionor Nunes
Published: September 2016

This study reports the first record of Passiflora pedata L. (Passifloraceae) from the state of Maranhão and from the Northeast Region of Brazil. The species was collected in the municipality of Buriticupu, which is located in a remnant of Amazon Forest in western Maranhão. This work adds to the knowledge of the flora of Maranhão and the distribution of P. pedata in the Brazilian Amazon.
The President’s Domestic Agenda, Divided Government, and the Relationship to the Public Agenda
Authors: Cummins Jeff
Published: September 2016

Initial research on presidential agenda-setting suggested the president can focus the public’s attention on certain policy issues, while subsequent research has concluded the president may be more limited in his agenda-setting capacity and that a reciprocal relationship may exist between the president and the public. The purpose of this paper is to address this research in three ways. First, I update and extend the time period studied in the earlier research, 1953-1989, by including an additional 11 years of data. Second, I explore three substantive policy areas within domestic policy, crime, education, and health and social welfare, which were previously not examined, to determine the reciprocal nature of the relationship and whether the president’s influence has diminished. Third, I investigate a factor in presidential agenda setting that has heretofore been ignored in the literature— divided government. Time series analysis of annual data reveal that a reciprocal relationship exists, the president has significant influence over the public agenda in all three areas, and that divided government makes the president’s agenda-setting job more difficult.
American Foreign Policy Opinion in 2004: Exploring Underlying Beliefs
Authors: Schier Stephen E. , Kaufman Andrew
Published: September 2016

This analysis identifies some underlying foreign policy beliefs of Americans in 2004 and explores the impact of those beliefs upon attitudes about specific foreign policies. We find, following Wittkopf (1986, 1987, 1990), that there remains a coherence to American mass foreign policy opinion. Americans can be described as clustering into four belief sets about foreign policy— accommodationists, internationalists, isolationists and hardliners. Further, these beliefs explain variation in public responses regarding specific foreign policies, such as the proper U.S. role in world affairs, the choice of multilateral or unilateral approaches, and support of increased defense spending.
Racial Polarization or Biracial Coalition? An Empirical Analysis of the Electoral Coalition of Winning Candidates in Urban Elections
Authors: Vanderleeuw James Martin , Liu Baodong Paul
Published: September 2016

Inspired by deracialization and black threat theories, this research uses the racial context of American cities to explain winning electoral coalitions in urban elections. A total of 137 municipal elections in New Orleans and Memphis between 1969 and 2003 are examined. The multiple regression results confirm the previous findings that black candidates are more likely than white candidates to win urban elections based on racial bloc voting, urban elections are more likely to be racially polarized in mayoral races than in city-council contests, and the competitiveness of elections reflected by the size of candidate pool shapes the needs for winning candidates to build biracial elections. The most important finding, however, is a nonlinear, half U-shaped relationship between racial polarization and the electorate’s racial makeup. This suggests that the deracialization strategy designed to reduce the negative effect of race in urban electoral campaigns is especially important when the electorate is heavily black. In this electoral setting, a substantial level of electoral support from voters of both racial groups is necessary for victory.
Direct Democracy and Organized Interests: Examining the Existence of a Participation Gap among Groups
Authors: Alexander Robert
Published: September 2016

Scholars have devoted increased attention to the role of interest groups in direct democracy campaigns over the past few years. This study seeks to add to this literature by analyzing data drawn from a mail survey of over 400 organized interests in three states. In particular, I examine how and to what extent organized interests utilize tools of direct democracy. Among sample groups, I find that (1) Most groups do something relative to direct democracy; (2) Group activity varies significantly across states; (3) A group’s overall activity varies considerably relative to their involvement with direct democracy; and (4) Little support exists supporting the notion that economic or business groups are more apt to participate in direct democracy than are other types of groups. In short, I find little evidence of a participation gap among different types of groups in the states relative to the practice of direct democracy. The variation in participation that does occur appears to be most closely related to a group’s age and the existence of a PAC.
Explaining Welfare Benefits in the South: A Regional Analysis
Authors: Breaux David A. , Morris John C. , Travis Rick
Published: September 2016

This paper examines the choices made by states in the implementation of the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996. Commonly known as TANF, the legislation gives states substantial control over the choices of benefits and sanctions they impose on program recipients. Using the models and theoretical explanations offered by Soss et al. (2001) and tested in a 49-state model, we test the degree to which these explanations hold when applied to a regional analysis of southern states. We find that the southern states are similar to the rest of the country when it comes to setting TANF benefit choices, although social control explanations are more important for southern states than for the rest of the nation.
The Causes and Consequences of “Running Scared”
Authors: Herrerra Richard , Yawn Michael
Published: September 2016

Despite attention given to the advantage of incumbency and the tireless pursuit of a personal vote by members of Congress, little attention has been directed at the consequences of the ‘running scared’ phenomenon. Specifically, the relationship between congressional behavior and changes in the electorate is as yet unspecified. Did the erosion of partisanship in the electorate facilitate the emergence of a new style of representative? Or did the activities of members of Congress beginning in the years immediately following World War II contribute to a partisan dealignment? Drawing on the work of Fiorina and using some available but heretofore neglected data, we demonstrate that changes in congressional behavior were spurred by an increased sensitivity to electoral fortunes and began prior to the electoral dealignment of the 1960s. Further, we show that the changing behavior of House members was working to weaken partisan ties among the electorate.
Vote-by-Mail: Voter Preferences and Self-Reported Voting Behavior in the State of Oregon
Authors: Southwell Priscilla
Published: September 2016

This research analyzes the results of a recent survey in Oregon in order to assess recent opinion on vote-by-mail and also to estimate the effect of vote-by-mail on the turnout of various demographic and partisan groups. The results show that Oregonians have maintained their overwhelming support for vote-by-mail elections—in particular, women, Independents, Republicans, and older voters. Self-reported responses regarding frequency of voting indicate that women and the employed are most likely to indicate that they have voted more often since the adoption of vote-by-mail. This survey also suggests that this increased turnout under vote-by-mail does not give an advantage to a particular party’s candidates.
Does the Law Matter? An Examination of How a State’s Definition of Law Impacts Judicial Decision Making
Authors: Scott Kyle
Published: September 2016

Only a few studies in political science in the past half decade have taken the decline in common law seriously. This paper assesses whether or not those of us in the discipline should take it seriously. This project employs an original index for the common law in order to assess to what degree a state’s definition of the law impacts judicial decision making. The results show that states with a greater commitment to the common law show greater regard for due process rights. This study concludes that a state’s definition of the law matters.
The Electronic Ballot Box: A Rational Voting Model for Class, Age, and Racial Bias
Authors: Gainous Jason , Wagner Keith
Published: September 2016

This research creates a theoretical framework for understanding the effect of Internet voting on the electorate. Based on standard Downsian rational choice voting theory, we claim that Internet voting lowers the cost of voting for certain voting demographics based upon race, age, and income. We further contend that this electoral advantage may crystallize the growing turnout disparity between demographic groups. The theory is tested using Bayesian inferential methods with data from the Internet turnout in the 2000 Arizona Democratic Presidential Primary merged with demographic data obtained from the 2000 Census. Our findings lend support for the theory that the Internet provides an electoral bias towards white voters, younger voters, and to the more affluent.
Outsider Participation and Influence in Judicial Confirmation Hearings, 1979-2004
Authors: Holmes Lisa M.
Published: September 2016

In this paper outsider participation in confirmation hearings for U.S. Court of Appeals nominees from 1979 to 2004 is examined. Findings indicate that outsider testimony has been absent since 1995, and that the factors that determined whether or not outsiders testified prior to 1995 do not account for the elimination of outsider testimony in recent years. Outsiders continue to be involved in the confirmation process through the low-cost activity of submitting materials to the Senate Judiciary Committee for the hearing record. When such materials are submitted—whether in support of or in opposition to confirmation—the nominee is less likely to be confirmed. Even with the recent elimination of hearing testimony as an avenue for outsider involvement in the confirmation process, interested outsiders continue to influence confirmation prospects through the use of a low-cost, formal lobbying activity.
The Relationship between Presidential Approval and Media Coverage of First Families: A Content Analysis, 1960-2004
Authors: Bailey Mandy , Warters Alissa T.
Published: September 2016

Presidential popularity is often considered a political resource. As a result, polls regularly address presidential approval. Using a content analysis of newspaper articles from the beginning of the Kennedy administration through the conclusion of the first George W. Bush administration, this study examines the relationship between first ladies and first children and presidential approval. Our findings suggest that presidents and first ladies are not necessarily evaluated independently of each other and that the media coverage of presidential children can be both political assets and liabilities to their fathers. Our study, therefore, establishes a foundation and need for future studies pertaining to individuals with close ties to the president.
Unpacking the Black Utility Heuristic: Explaining Black Identification with the Democratic Party
Authors: Mangum Maurice
Published: September 2016

The aim of this research is to uncover the nature of the relationship between a black person’s individual circumstances and their perceptions of group interests and party identification, concentrating on explaining blacks’ identification with the Democratic Party. Data taken from the 1996 National Black Election Study is used to estimate blacks’ party identification, testing individual interest and group-interest models. The results of the logistic regressions suggest that individual interests matter when predicting blacks’ party identification. Unlike previous studies, I find that socioeconomic and demographic characteristics vary with blacks’ party identification. Black Americans also rely on group-based political power and economic factors. Blacks’ party identification is driven by evaluations of which political party is most useful to the black community.
Fired? Or Firing Up? How Term Limits Affect Career Politicians
Authors: Heberlig Eric , Leland Suzanne
Published: September 2016

Customarily professional legislators are thought to behave more strategically than other legislators in their quest for higher office (Canon 1990; Jacobson and Kernell 1983). The implementation of term limits upsets all the traditional career parameters by restructuring the incentives to remain in political office. For this reason, we posit the following questions: how much difference does a legislature’s level of professionalism make in how members respond to term limits? How do term limits affect legislators’ responsiveness to available opportunities and willingness to take risks to continue their careers? We use a comparative case study approach and pooled cross-sectional data to analyze individual career decisions of legislators in seven states with varying levels of professionalism and term limit laws from 1992-2002. Using multinomial logit, we find that decisions to seek other offices in response to term limits are highly contingent on a state’s level of professionalization.
Was the Joke on the Democrats Again? Turnout and Partisan Choice in the 2004 U.S. Election
Authors: Martinez Michael , Hill David
Published: September 2016

The peak turnout rate in the 2004 presidential election highlights an important question for students of electoral participation: Did the higher levels of turnout advantage one of the two major party candidates? In this paper, we analyze state and county-level presidential and gubernatorial election results in 2000 and 2004, and find that Bush won the presidential election in spite of, rather than because of, the increase in turnout. The partisan effects of turnout varied across gubernatorial elections, and we found no evidence that local partisan minorities benefited from higher levels of turnout.
Incumbent Failure and Partisan Strength: An Explanation of the Emergence and Support of Major Third Party Presidential Candidates in the United States
Authors: Pirch Kevin A.
Published: September 2016

A strong disapproval among the electorate of both major party challengers is one common explanation for the periodic emergence of major third party presidential candidates in the United States. Simply put, if neither candidate is acceptable, then another candidate will find support among a large portion of the voters. However, this is not necessarily the case. Because modern third party candidates are political entrepreneurs, these candidates will look for fragmentation in the party coalitions and exploit them. Using data from the American National Elections Study, this article will disaggregate the data on feelings about the two major party candidates and who supports them. In doing so, it finds third party candidates tend to emerge when the incumbent president is politically weak and unpopular among both the nation as a whole and their party in particular, regardless of the standing of the other major party challenger. It also finds the idea that people turn to third party candidates after rejecting the two major party candidates is incorrect. Rather, people turn to a third party candidate only if they are disaffected with their party’s nominee. Voters who are unsatisfied with their own party’s candidate would rather look for another alternative and support a third party candidate than vote for the opposition party. This indicates partisanship among the electorate has been stronger since 1968 then previously believed.
Introduction (Special Edition – The Presidential Nomination Process)
Authors: Steger Wayne P.
Published: September 2016

Understanding why certain candidates get nominated is an important aspect of political scientists. This topic is a narrow one and influences a wider variety of subjects such as the political parties, general elections, and even the extent to which the United States is a democratic country. Presidential nominees matter—they become the foremost spokesperson and the personified image of the party (Miller and Gronbeck 1994), the main selectors of issues and policies for their party’s general election campaign (Petrocik 1996; Tedesco 2001), a major force in defining the ideological direction of a political party (Herrera 1995), and candidates that voters select among in the general election. This volume is devoted to presidential nominations and the 2008 nomination specifically.
Party Elites in the 2008 Presidential Nomination Campaigns
Authors: Steger Wayne P.
Published: September 2016

Recent studies find that candidate endorsements by party elites play significant role in presidential nomination campaigns. This study analyzes patterns of endorsements by elite office holders to address questions of when and why elites converge on a preferred candidate. The interaction of candidate-, campaign-, and party-centric factors affect the extent to which party elites coalesce around a single front-runner prior to the Iowa caucus. Elite officeholders tend to refrain from pre-Iowa endorsements when there is uncertainty about which candidate will emerge as the front-runner. Elite officeholders are more likely to endorse candidates located near the ideological center of their political party. Elite Republican officeholders appear to have refrained from making an early endorsement in 2007 compared to early nomination campaigns because the Republican nomination campaign has been highly competitive without a clear front runner and none of the candidates are near the ideological center of the party.
Continuity and Change in the Presidential Money Primary
Authors: Adkins Randall E. , Dowdle Andrew J.
Published: September 2016

From 1980 to 2000 the candidate that raised the most campaign funds before the start of the primary season tended to win the party nomination. Adkins and Dowdle (2002) found that the positive effect of candidate performance (as measured by national poll results, change in candidate viability, and length of candidacy) and campaign organization (as measured by the amount of money the candidate’s campaign spent on fundraising, size of the candidate’s electoral constituency, and whether the candidate self-financed his campaign) explained much of the variation in fundraising in the months before the Iowa caucuses that make up the money primary. In this research two OLS regression models were generated to examine whether developments such as frontloading and campaign finance reforms, which occurred prior to the 2004 nomination cycle, demonstrated change or continuity in presidential money primary. Overall, the results suggest a great degree of similarity, even though candidates may now be running harder to raise more money in a shorter period of time.
Media and Presidential Nomination Campaigns: When Bad News Becomes Good News (or at least a little better)
Authors: Haynes Audrey
Published: September 2016

This paper examines the research in media and presidential nomination campaigns as it has emerged during the post-reform era and moved into the new millennia. While there has been ample progress in the field, most notable has been the change in tone in the research from “bad” news to “good” news. Interpretations from the most recent research in the area suggest that the news media do not perform as poorly as judged in the earlier decades, at least in terms of providing information to voters. Moreover, voters are now portrayed not as naïve citizens who are easily manipulated by the media, but rather more resilient to media manipulation, and active consumers of information for political learning purposes.
When Presidential Candidates Skip Iowa: Modeling Participation in the First-in-the-Nation Caucuses, 1976-2008
Authors: Hull Christopher C.
Published: September 2016

Why did Rudy Giuliani and John McCain skip the Iowa Caucuses in 2008? Which presidential candidates have opted out of the first-in-the-nation nomination contest—and when can they do so with impunity? To find out, this study proposes a risk/reward model based on Bartels’ (1988) conception of momentum and Gurian’s (1993) understanding of candidate strategy. To test the model, it delves into data from a newly updated 1976-2008 database on White House hopefuls’ Hawkeye State participation to explain candidate days spent in Iowa in a particular election cycle. The results suggest candidates are more likely to skip Iowa if they believe they can survive due to high national poll ratings (like Rudy Giuliani in 2008); if they are lower-tier Democrats facing the Caucuses’ 15 percent viability threshold (like Joe Lieberman in 2004); if they are incumbent presidents (like Jimmy Carter in 1980), and especially if they are “crowded out” ideologically, that is, if they are too closely surrounded by similarly positioned candidates or too distant from voters (like Sen. John McCain in 2000).
Does the Tail Wag the Dog? Early Presidential Nomination Polling in New Hampshire and the U.S.
Authors: Scala Dante , Smith Andrew E.
Published: September 2016

The authors examine whether early state polls, particularly New Hampshire, have been more accurate in predicting the eventual presidential nominees. The authors conclude that New Hampshire poll results have become better bellwethers and propose that the more informed nature of the state’s electorate may be a reason for the accuracy of the results.
Is it Really Red vs. Blue? Politics, Religion, and the Culture War Within
Authors: Baumgartner Jody , Francia Peter , Morris Jonathan , Scavo Carmine
Published: September 2016

Popular media accounts have suggested there is a culture war raging between residents in red and blue states. Conversely, recent scholarship challenges that position and finds most Americans are not engaged in a culture war, but rather hold moderate positions on controversial social issues. Using public opinion data from the American National Election Study, we attempt to shed further light on the culture war debate. Our findings indicate that there are significant divisions between citizens who hold a literal interpretation of the Bible and those who do not. We conclude that a culture war does not rage between red and blue state residents as popular media accounts often portray; however, there is evidence of polarization within red and blue states with biblical beliefs at the center of this division.
Ambivalence about Social Welfare: An Evaluation of Measurement Approaches
Authors: Gainous Jason
Published: September 2016

Research across disciplines, including political science, has embraced the idea that individuals often possess ambivalent attitudes, but there is considerable disagreement about how to measure this phenomenon. Determining an effective way of capturing such phenomena is important to our under-standing of politics and public opinion. The literature offers several meta-attitudinal and operative measures of ambivalence. I discuss strengths and weaknesses of each of these approaches and con-duct a test of the relative construct validity of two meta-attitudinal and two operative measures of social welfare ambivalence using data from a statewide survey of Florida residents in 2004. The findings suggest that one of the operative measures that forces respondents to rate their positive and negative feelings separately performs better than any of the other approaches currently offered.
Examining the Role of Professional Associations in Policy Diffusion: The Case of Intermediate Appellate Courts
Authors: Scott Kyle
Published: September 2016

While research exists that explains how institutions impact judicial decision-making at the state level, less is known about what affects the creation and reform of institutions at the state level. This paper provides an exploratory investigation into why states choose to create Intermediate Appellate Courts (IAC). This paper finds that organized legal interests have a significant impact on policy adoption and the explanation that IACs are created to relieve the workload of the state’s highest appellate court finds no support. The findings refute some previously held assumptions about state judicial reform and in doing so provide insight for policy scholars interested in the role organized interests play in institutional reform.
Introduction
Authors: Dodds Graham G.
Published: September 2016

In 2000, George W. Bush campaigned for the presidency by promising to be a uniter, not a divider. But his presidency soon became one of the most divisive, partisan, and controversial in recent memory, if not in all of presidential history. And despite being elected to a second term in 2004, Bush’s presidency ended in apparent failure and disrepute. Bush left office with the nation mired in two controversial wars, with a record budget deficit, a financial crisis and an economy in recession, and the Republican Party in disarray. Scholars are currently debating whether Bush will be remembered merely as one of the worst presidents in history (along with Buchanan and Hoover), or perhaps as the single worst president of the 42 individuals who have ever held the office (Wilentz 2006; Foner 2006). This volume is devoted to the question of Bush’s legacy. In the following eleven articles, a diverse group of scholars seeks to make sense of Bush’s impact on public policy, politics, and the presidency.
The Unitary, or Unilateral Executive? Presidential Power in the Bush Administration
Authors: Kelley Christopher
Published: September 2016

The Bush administration came to office in 2001 determined to return powers to the president lost largely as a result of Watergate. Key to returning those powers is the unitary executive theory of presidential power—a constitutional theory of power developed by conservatives in the Reagan administration meant to offer the president offensive and defensive opportunities when working with an external environment that is polarized and hostile towards the executive branch. While the theory has been a part of each administration from Reagan through Bush II, it is the Bush II administration that has received the majority of the attention for its aggressive defense of a number of controversial actions by relying on the theory. Among those actions has been the use (or abuse) of the presidential bill signing statement. It is my purpose to argue that the administration has not behaved as a Unitarian but as something else entirely, leaving the powers of the office perhaps in worse shape than they found it.
The Appearance of Polarization Due to Attitude Formation in the 2004 Presidential Election
Authors: Plane Dennis
Published: September 2016

Citizens were more engaged in the 2004 election than they were in 2000. This increased engagement was accompanied by attitude formation. Specifically, fewer citizens gave don’t know responses. In addition, fewer citizens gave midpoint responses on attitudinal scales; such responses are often a refuge for those lacking meaningful attitudes. Furthermore, attitude formation was accompanied by increased attitude extremitization. We find that this extremitization occurred for both partisans and for independents. More noticeable differences in extremitization occurred as a function of political engagement, with more engaged citizens exhibiting greater extremitization than their lesser-involved counterparts.
By Order of George W. Bush: The Unilateral Directives of a Unilateralist President
Authors: Dodds Graham G.
Published: September 2016

This article examines George W. Bush’s unilateral presidential directives, including executive orders, proclamations, and executive memoranda. It seeks to ascertain whether his use of such directives was as radical as his critics claimed and whether it was in keeping with that of previous presidents or departed from established practices. I divide Bush’s more noteworthy directives into three categories (regular, rare, and remarkable), and I consider several directives within each category. I find that while some of Bush’s unilateral directives were radically new and controversial both politically and constitutionally, many of his directives were based on earlier presidents’ precedents.
Executive Privilege: The Bush Record and Legacy
Authors: Rozell Mark J. , Sollenberger Mitchel A.
Published: September 2016

President George W. Bush has adopted an expansive view of presidential powers that has had a profound impact on the nation’s governing system. In the area of government secrecy Bush has used executive privilege to withhold information from Congress, the courts, and the public under the guise of protecting the deliberative process. This article describes and analyzes the major executive privilege controversies during President Bush’s administration. It looks also at a number of lesser battles and threats of executive privilege and provides an overall assessment of the Bush presidency and its implications for future presidents.
Scoundrel or Über-Lieutenant? The Vice Presidency of Dick Cheney
Authors: Baumgartner Jody C.
Published: September 2016

In this essay I evaluate the vice presidency of Dick Cheney. Although roundly criticized throughout his tenure in the mainstream media and popular press for the policies he advocated and presumably helped implement, his secretive nature, his tendency to subvert standard bureaucratic procedures, and exercising undue influence over the president, there is actually no objective framework within which to evaluate vice presidents. After reviewing criticism about Cheney’s tenure in office, I offer an alternative view based on what presidents expect from their vice presidents. From this perspective, in his role as loyal lieutenant for George W. Bush, we are forced to conclude that Cheney was actually a successful vice president.
Explaining the Selection and Rejection of Harriet Miers: George W. Bush, Political Symbolism, and the Highpoint of Conservatism
Authors: McMahon Kevin J.
Published: September 2016

Following the retirement of Justice Sandra Day O’Connor and the death of Chief Justice William Rehnquist in the summer of 2005, President George W. Bush appeared to be in alliance with conservatives in his desire to fill the two vacancies with strong ideologues who would push the Supreme Court to the right. However, after pleasing conservatives with his selection of John Roberts for one of the vacancies, President Bush angered many of his ideological brethren by choosing White House counsel Harriet Miers for the other. This article considers why the president decided on Miers and why her selection upset so many conservatives. It concludes by suggesting that Miers’s forced withdrawal represented a highpoint in the conservative effort to transform the Court.
Nothing New Under the Sun: The Development of Habeas Corpus and Executive Power in the Bush Administration
Authors: Wert Justin J.
Published: September 2016

This article details the origins of the Bush administration’s policies with respect to executive power and access to the writ of habeas corpus. I argue that the administration’s policies devised to prosecute the “War on Terror” were simply extensions of already developing patterns of conservative legal and constitutional theory. This account suggests that as an “Orthodox Innovator” president, it is likely that President Bush’s particular developments and additions to this larger regime stance went too far to continue to remain legitimate, but not in the way that the literature suggests. As a result of the Bush presidency, then, dissent is more likely to come from the judiciary and not the party faithful.
George W. Bush and the Reckoning of American Conservatism
Authors: Moore Leonard J.
Published: September 2016

Immediately after the 2004 election, Republicans confidently believed in continued conservative political dominance. Shortly, a string of political and administrative disasters shattered the Bush presidency, and crises yet to come further devastated the political fortunes of American conservatism. Bush’s failures as president, while highly significant, only partially explained the conservative collapse. The deeper cause lay in the long-term weakness of conservative policies and political tactics. An examination of two key aspects of modern conservatism, conservative populism and opposition to government activism, shows that the collapse came primarily because of Bush’s loyalty to entrenched, mainstream conservative ideas and policies that were unrealistic and destined to fail.
The “Parties” Presidents Make? The Bush Legacy and Party Government
Authors: Mink Joseph
Published: September 2016

Although elected without having won the popular vote, George W. Bush set out to enact an ambitious legislative agenda designed, in part, to help secure a “permanent majority” for the GOP. In pursuing this agenda, Bush drew upon significant institutional advantages associated with the contemporary state of political parties, and he worked diligently to reinforce those advantages by dedicating himself to a party building effort unprecedented in modern politics. In this article I explore how these efforts may put into question the framework of realignment and propose instead a trajectory of presidential led parties.
Iraq, 9/11, and the Mediated Presidency of George W. Bush
Authors: Farnsworth Stephen , Lichter Robert S.
Published: September 2016

George W. Bush’s presidency has been marked by aggressive media management efforts that have generated mixed success. This article examines how Bush and his White House media team sought to manage the media largely by framing the president primarily as a wartime commander-in-chief. This article discusses the administration’s media strategies designed to secure more positive news coverage and employs a content analysis of network news coverage of Bush during key periods of his presidency to examine their effectiveness. The findings demonstrate that the White House enjoyed relatively positive news coverage in the months after September 11, 2001 and during the combat phase of the 2003 U.S.-led invasion of Iraq. At many other times during his presidency, though, the Bush tendency to over-promise led to highly critical news coverage. As the distance from 9/11 increased, the tone of coverage turned increasingly negative.
George W. Bush’s Domestic Policy Agenda
Authors: Eshbaugh-Soha Matthew , Miles Tom
Published: September 2016

The president’s domestic policy agenda is the starting point for the yearly give-and-take between presidents and Congress. It also reflects the president’s efforts to achieve good public policy, reelection, and historical achievement. This paper extends research that has explored the president’s domestic policy agenda to the George W. Bush Administration by cataloging the size, length, and importance of Bush’s yearly domestic policy agenda priorities. Supplemented with three case studies on education, social security, and charitable choice policies, this paper demonstrates the necessity of moving fast and having public support to explaining the content and ultimate success of George W. Bush’s yearly legislative domestic policy agendas.
President George W. Bush: “Pale Green” Responses to the Environment?
Authors: Daynes Byron W. , Sussman Glen
Published: September 2016

George W. Bush suggested during the 2000 campaign for the presidency that he would be an eco-friendly president. During his eight years in the White House, did the president use the power and resources of his office to carry out his campaign rhetoric about protecting the environment? This study examines the Bush approach to environmentalism by focusing on four important perspectives— political communication, legislative leadership, administrative actions, and environmental diplomacy—in an effort to better understand Bush’s environmental record. After a careful evaluation of the Bush presidency and the environmental domain, we offer our judgment about the Bush environmental legacy.
Institutional Variation and Political Career Patterns: A Look at the Influence of Chamber Size in State Legislatures
Authors: Winburn Jonathan
Published: September 2016

State legislators routinely run for the state Senate after having served in the state House; however, this rarely occurs in the other order. Do members simply look to move up based on the conventional view of the political ambition ladder? Alternatively, do institutional reasons exist that make the Senate the preferred chamber? I examine the differences between the state legislative chambers and discuss institutional reasons why members may prefer the Senate to the House. Overall, I find chamber size is an important intra-institutional variable in explaining this variation along with the professionalism of the legislatures and term limits.
Multiple Referral and U.S. House Legislative Success in the 1990s
Authors: Krutz Glen , Cullison Courtney
Published: September 2016

We examine the impact of multiple referral on legislative processing in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1991-98. Previous literature leaves off with the 1980s, but party control of the House changed in the 1990s and with it, came a new approach to multiple referral. Did this change alter the impact of multiple referral status on bill progression? In the main, our analysis confirms certain previous findings, while adding some interesting new twists. While multiple referral hurts a bill’s chances of success in some stages of statute-making (committee passage, floor passage), a finding consistent with the literature, we find that it provides a boost to chances of receiving committee attention in the first place. Moreover, we find that the hit that multiply referred bills take in committee and on the floor is much greater than suggested previously. Separate analyses conducted before and after the Republican reforms of 1995 reveal distinct differences. For example, in the Re-publican-controlled environment from 1995-1998, multiple referral bills were slightly more likely to see the House floor, whereas they were less likely to make it in the Democratic House from 1991-94.