bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Palace of Darius the Great and the apadana of Artaxerxes II in Susa.
Authors: Unvala J. M.
Published: January 2010

The long dynasty of the Elamite national kings, who ruled over Elam for nearly 1, 500 years, was, after a long and unequal struggle, brought to a close by the Assyrians under Assurbanipal in about 640 B.C. The Assyrian rule in Elam collapsed soon after the death of this conqueror in 625 B.C. The Elamite kingdom was thereupon divided into two different monarchies, Perso-Anzanite and Susiano-Babylonian. After the defeat of the last Babylonian king Nabunaid in 539 B.C., Cyrus the Great, the fourth Perso-Anzanite king, became the founder of the great Achæmenian dynasty. After the death of his son and successor Cambyses and the suppression of the revolt of Gaumata the Magian, Darius the Great, a descendant of the younger branch of the Achæmenides, became the inheritor of the vast empire of Cyrus in 521 B.C. During the early years of his reign he had to subdue many revolts in different provinces of his empire. It seems that the political troubles ended in about 518 B.C., and the great king began the work of rebuilding and embellishing Susa, which he had made the capital of his empire, as well as Persepolis and Hamadan. This work was carried on with great zeal by his son Xerxes, who was a far greater builder than his father. Owing to the free use of huge blocks of stone in the palatial buildings of Persepolis their ruins have for centuries drawn the attention of travellers by their colossal dimensions and gigantic magnificence. But the memories of the palaces of Susa and Hamadan are preserved only in certain allusions in the Bible and in the works of ancient writers. Their traces were nearly wiped out by time, whose ravages the less durable materials, bricks and wood, of which they were constructed, could hardly resist.
Further Light on the archaic Marathi Genitive.
Authors: Doderet W.
Published: January 2010

This form of the genitive occurs in the Nāgava inscription, set forth at pp. 37–42 of Vol. V, Part I, of the School of Oriental Studies Bulletin. Its origin is discussed at pp. 551–2 of Vol. IV, Part III, of the School Bulletin. On a reference to India, to ascertain whether any other instances of the genitive had been noticed, Mr. B. A. Bhide, writing in No. 2 of the Mahārāṣṭra Sāhitya Patrikā, of June, 1928, quotes verse 364 of the sixteenth chapter of his copy of the Sākhare edition of the Jñāaneśvari as follows:—
Sita Forlorn, a Specimen of the Kashmiri Ramayana.
Authors: Grierson George
Published: January 2010

DivÂkara PrakĀŚa BhaṬṬ is said to have been alive during the eight years of the reign of the Hindū king Sukhajīvana Siṁha, of Kashmīr, who came to the throne in A.D. 1786, and to have lived in the Gōjawar (Skt. Gulikāvāṭikā) quarter of the city of Srīnagar. He was the author of a Kāshmīrī version of the Rāmâyana, entitled the Rāmâvtāra-carita. This is a long epic poem of about 1800 verses in various metres, and is divided into two parts. The first part corresponds to the first six cantos of Vālmīki's poem, and ends with the return of Rāma in triumph to Ayōdhyā, after the conquest of Laṅkā.
Les influences populaires dans la Chāndogya-Upanisad.
Authors: Przyluski J.
Published: January 2010

Dans les sociétés les plus diverses, le regard de l'homme est considéré comme omineux. Il exerce une influence qui, suivant les circonstances, peut être faste ou néfaste. La croyance au “ mauvais œil” a entraîné l'emploi de mesures prophylactiques. Puisque l'œil est le siège d'une force redoutable, il faut neutraliser le maléfice et diriger la force du regard vers des conséquences heureuses'. Ce résultat est souvent obtenu au moyen d'une formule qui peut se réduire à, une simple exclamation. Tel est sans doute le Sanskrit bhadramukha, pali bhaddamukha, dont on se servait pour aborder les personnes. Ce composé signifie “ celui dont le visage (ou la vue) porte bonheur ”. Employé au vocatif, il était destiné à provoquer le fait énoncé, ou du moins à empêcher que le contraire ne se produisît.
Studies in Contemporary Arabic Literature
Authors: Gibb H. A. R.
Published: January 2010

In the preceding survey of Arabic literature during the nineteenth century, special emphasis was deliberately laid on two aspects of the subject, the struggle between the old and the new conceptions and ideals, and the gradual emergence of a. simplified Arabic prose style. If it is asked why a point of view apparently so narrow and exclusive should have been adopted, to the prejudice of a more detailed investigation of the personal and literary characteristics of the individual writers, the answer is twofold.
Prizes for Books in African Languages
Authors: R.S.G.
Published: January 2010

There are men and women among many African peoples who enjoy books in their own language and who are also capable of writing books in their own tongue. The International Institute of African Languages and Cultures desires to help and encourage such people in their efforts, as it is the pride of every nation to possess a literature in its own language.

The Institute has, therefore, decided to offer prizes for the best books in African languages.
On Mubarakshah Ghuri
Authors: Validi Ahmet-Zeki
Published: January 2010

The geographical statements of Mubarakshah Ghuri (Ta'rikh, pp. 4–6) are taken from Alberuni, precisely from his book al-Qānūn al-Mas'ūdi (cf. the MS. of the Library of Veliettin-Efendi, in the Bayazid Mosque, Constantinople, No. 2277, fol. 145b–153b). The following words and phrases of Mubarakshah are to be read in Alberuni:.
The Doctrine of the Buddha.
Authors: Stcherbatsky Th.
Published: January 2010

We must be thankful to Professor Berriedale Keith for once more calling attention to the problem of the doctrine preached bythe Buddha. The problem is indeed important for the history of Indian civilization, as well as for the comparative history of philosophy. Was there or was there not a real philosophy, or, to use an expression of the late M. Émile Senart, “ une pensée maàtresse d'ellemêeme,” in the sixth century B.C. in India ? Professor Keith thinks it “ really impracticable to discover with any precision the doctrine which Buddha in fact expounded ”. The reasons for this despair are several. First of all, an extraordinary diversity of doctrine has developed from the teaching of the Buddha in the sixth century B.C.1 Professor Keith apparently thinks that if a doctrine has much developed, it becomes “ undiscoverable ”. I rather feel inclined to disbelieve such an axiom. A rotten seed will have no growth; but a seed strong and healthy may produce luxuriant vegetation. The other reason is more plausible. “ What assurance have we that the Pali Canon really represents the views of the Buddha with any approach to accuracy ? ” But, even if it contained the records of contemporary eyewitnesses, the scepticism of Professor Keith would not be shaken, for “we need”, he says, “ only remember the difficulties presented by the Aristotelian view of the doctrine of Plato ”—in order to disbelieve an eyewitness of the highest authority.
Early Hindi and Urdu Poetry.No. IV.
Authors: Bailey T. Grahame
Published: January 2010

Banārsī dās of Jaunpūr belonged to the Jain community and was born in 1586. The following charming extracts are taken from his most famous work, Arddh Kathānak, an autobiography completed in 1641.

His wonderful power of word painting is exemplified in these passages. The first describes the commotion in Jaunpūr when the news of Akbar's death was received in 1605. We feel the spell of the description, and tremble with the frightened populace. This picture should be compared with Zaṭallī's account of the turmoil after the death of Aurangzeb. (See below.)

The second tells of the Black Death, bubonic plague, in Agra during 1616, the first time the city was visited by that pestilence. Anyone who has been in India during a plague epidemic will realize the force of his words, the rats dying, the spread of the disease among the people, the glandular swellings, the sudden deaths, the mortality among the physicians, the despair and flight of the townsfolk afraid even to partake of food.
Naḥhānaḥ Tittha Maṅgala, The River-bathing Ceremony in Siam.
Authors: Wales H. G. Quaritch
Published: January 2010

According to Manu the samskāras, or Hindu initiation rites, are twelve in number, but by other early Indian writers the list is variously estimated as from ten to sixteen or even more. In the Siamese Brahmanical books the number laid down is ten, and these rites are known as “ the ten auspicious ceremonies ” (bidhī daśamaṅgala), but there are in addition some ceremonies in connection with conception and birth which would bring the number up to sixteen or more. The latter remain in force, but of “ the ten auspicious ceremonies ” most are obsolete and the only ones that are still in general favour are the shaving of the first hair of the newborn, the giving of the first name to the child, and the tonsure; while the ceremony which we are about to consider has been performed up to modern times, but for princes and princesses of the highest rank only. With the exception of the tonsure, which was made the subject of a scholarly monograph by the late Colonel Gerini,2 none of these ceremonies has ever been seriously studied by European scholars. This is perhaps in the main due to the difficulty of obtaining information on account of their private or domestic nature and the fact that there is little mention of them in Siamese literature. But since the river-bathing ceremony of , like their tonsure, is of a semi-public and very spectacular nature, some interesting official records of it have been preserved.
References to Alchemy in Buddhist Scriptures
Authors: Waley A.
Published: January 2010

(1) Avataṁsaka Sūtra. Nanjio 88. Translated in A.D. 695–9 by Śikshānanda.

“ There is a drug-juice called Hataka. One liang of it will turn a thousand liangs of bronze into pure gold.” Taishō Tripitaka, vol. x, p. 432, col. 2.

(2) Mahāprañāpāramitopadeśa (Chih Tu Lun). Nanjio 1169. Translated by Kumārajīva in A.D. 402–5.

(a) “ By drugs and incantations one can change bronze into gold.” Taishō Trip., vol. xxv, p. 178, col. 1.

(b) “ By skilful use of drugs silver can be changed into gold, and gold into silver.” Ibid., p. 195, col. 3.

(c) “ By spiritual power a man can change pottery or stone into gold.” Ibid., p. 298, col. 2, end.

(d) “ One measure of stone-juice can change a thousand measures of bronze into gold.” Ibid., p. 401, col. 1.

(3) Mahāyāna-samgraha-bhāshya. Nanjio 1171 (4). Translated by Hsüan-tsang, c. 650.

“ They can turn earth into gold or other precious substances just as they please.” Taishō Trip., vol. xxi, p. 358, col. 2.

(4) Abhidharma Mahāvibhāshā. Nanjio 1263. Translated by Hsüantsang, A.D. 656–9.
On the Greek Bird-Name ∑єλєυκίς
Authors: Thompson D'Arcy Wentworth
Published: January 2010

Al-Kazwīnī, in the Nuzhat, gives sagharjih, , as the “ mongolian ” equivalent of Al-zurzur, the starling: and in the last number of this Bulletin (VI, p. 575), M. Paul Pelliot discusses the Mongolian word. He cites (quoting M. N. N. Poppe) Osm. sqrča, also sīyīrjiq, čuvaš sïngïrč (both ═ “ starling ”), etc., and suggests that Al-Kazwīnī's Mongolian word should read sïyïrča, or siyërja, and be looked on as “ un emprunt au turc ”. To these forms we may add Turki zákarči, which Sir E. Denison Ross mentions in his Polyglot List (Mem. As. Soc. Bengal, 1909, p. 297).
Fresh Light on Khawass Khan
Authors: Boss E. Denison
Published: January 2010

The events following the death of Shīr Shāh in A.H. 952 (A.D. 1545), which led to the succession of his younger son, Jalāl Khān, and the ousting of his elder son, 'Ādil Khān, are related, with more or less of consistency though with a good deal of confusion, by the principal historians of the period.
A Miniature in an Autoǵraph of Shihāb al-dīn Ibn Fadlallāh al-'Umari
Authors: Rice D. S.
Published: January 2010

Mr. A. Chester Beatty has recently acquired a shigle leaf which comes from a fourteen-century MS. and is interesting in more than one respect. I am greatly indebted to him for permission to give an account of it here.

This isolated folio, measuring 13 × 18 cm. (Pis. 22–3), slightly damaged and torn at the edges, is the last leaf of a work entitled “ ThexTear of the Weeper” (Dam'at al-bākī). This information is supplied by the colophon, which also makes it clear that it was written by the well-known author, Ibn Fadlallah al-'Umarī, at Damascus in 745/1345. With the help of this leaf, it will be possible to identify any other Surviving MSS. and notes in the handwriting of Ibn Fadlallah. Furthermore, it constitutes a good palseographic specimerfof the hand of a cultured man of the mid-fourteenth century, writing not an official document but for his own enjoyment. The leaf is especially interesting for the fact that at the bottom, taking the place of a vignette, there figures an attractive miniature which, as will be seen, is contemporary with the colophon. The fragment sets various problems which deserve to be examined in a wider context.
Irano-Indica IV
Authors: Bailey H. W.
Published: January 2010

1. prūva- ‘military post, fort’

Akhotanese word prū has already appeared in print in the article Gāndhārī (BSOAS 11. 765), but it could not at that time be explained. Since then a bilingual source has brought the solution.
Studies in the Morphology of Bodic Verbs
Authors: Shafer Robert
Published: January 2010

In certain types of Old Bodish transitive verbs (Types 2, 7, 8), the initial of the imperative is regularly aspirated and would correspond to what Li believed to be the primitive form of the verb except for morphophonic change.

But aspiration of these stems does not occur in the imperative in West Bodish, as it does in Old and Central Bodish. Citable examples from Sbalti and Burig are almost wanting. For Burig, Francke gives the imperative tog, corresponding to O.B. t'ogs “fasten!”, and Bailey has tsăt-“awake”, im. tsot. The last might have been aspirated if aspiration were characteristic of the West Bodish imperative; however, the only related form in Old Bodish is sod-pa, sad-pa. But it is significant that neither Read, pp. 46–7, nor Bailey, p. 17, in their discussion of the changes occurring in the West Bodish imperative, mention any alteration of the initial. Nor does Jäschke in his Tibetan Grammar. On the contrary, Jaschke does provide some positive proof that aspiration does not occur hi the West Bodish imperative in the few West Bodish (Ladwags or Lahul dialect) imperative forms in his grammar (99–101), and still more in his dictionary:—
A Study of Quantity in Hausa
Authors: Carnochan J.
Published: January 2010

The work on which this article is based was done during my visit to the Northern Provinces of Nigeria, 1948–9. Selected material was studied, as spoken by Hausas, first in Zaria, then in Kano, Sokoto, Katsina, Daura, and Damagaram (Zinder). In Zaria I made certain statements from my observation of the utterances, which permitted me to classify the words according to the behaviour of their final syllables. Although there were dialectal differences, my observation of the utterances in other areas gave me no reason to alter my classification. The study of the final open syllable in Hausa has already interested others; in America, J. H. Greenberg and C. T. Hodge, and in this country, Dr. G. P. Bargery and Major R. C. Abraham. In this article I shall consider the final open syllable of the nominal only, by which I understand that class of word in Hausa which can be followed in close syntactical relationship by one of the enclitics, ne or ce.
Some Amharic sources for modern Ethiopian history, 1889–1935
Authors: Garretson Peter P.
Published: January 2010

Emperor Menelik's reign (1889–1913) opens a new era in the kind of sources that the historian has at his disposal for the analysis of modern Ethiopian history. During his reign printing presses were set up in the country and spurred a gradual growth in the more widespread use of Amharic, not just as the spoken but also the written language of the imperial court. This is not to say that the Gә'әz literary tradition in Ethiopia disappeared altogether, for some chronicles in Gә'әz continued to be written after 1935, often very similar in form and content to those which have survived for the Gondarine and earlier periods of Ethiopian history. However, Menelik's reign, and the official chronicle of it by Gäbrä Sәllase, mark a significant departure, not least because the chronicle was written in Amharic and not in Gә'әz. There are a few earlier published literary works in Amharic, the songs of the kings of the fourteenth century being the most significant, but it should be emphasized that the Gә'әz tradition continued parallel to the Amharic in the form of tarikä nägäst, i.e the history of kings. Some of these are now preserved at the Institute of Ethiopian Studies at Addis Ababa, like the Gondarine tarikä nägäst which belonged to Nәgus Wäldä Giyorgis, the valuable biography of the grandson of Emperor Tewodros (1855–68), Mäšäša, and a published biography of Ras Makonnen.
Arabic rhetoric and Qur'anic exegesis
Authors: Wansbroug John
Published: January 2010

The evolution of technical terms in the Arabic science of rhetoric illustrates remarkalby its gradual adaptation to the exigencies of scriputural interpretation.Proliferation of rhetorical figures in the writings of the late medieval scholiasts appears to be a consequence not so much of the Qur'ān. In many of these figures a pre-exegetic existence can be discerned; others would seem to be the invention of industrious mufassirum. For the former it is sometimes possible to determine an approximate date of adaptation: the point at which the profane function of a rhetorical figure was abandoned, or at least relegated to an inferior position, in favour of its application to Qur'anic exegesis. An illustration of this process is provided by the figure called madhhab kalāmī, whose evolution I attempted to describe in a recent study. There it was seen that the figure treated by early rhetoricians shared its name, but neither its content nor its function, with that examined and applied to the Qur'ā by the later schoolmen. While the result of this metamorphosis became firmly established in the treatment of badī' by al-Qazwīnī (d. 738/1256) and his successors, it is in the earlier work of Ibn Abi 'l-Isba' (d. 654002F;1256) where we find the observation that although Ibn al-mu'tazz (d. 295002F;908) had denied the presence in the Qur'ān of Madhhab kalāmī, the Holy Book was in fact full of it; and his examples fit perfectly the scholastic interpretation of the figure.
The non-occurrence of a t- prefix in certain Socotri verbal forms
Authors: Johnstone T. M.
Published: January 2010

The absence in Socotri of a t- Prefix in some imperfect verbal forms has been noted briefly in a number of learned atricles, but this important feature of the language has not been adequately documented or analysed. It is possible, however, to show that the non-occurrence of a t- prefix is observable only in the imperfect forms of certain types of verb, principally the causative verbs, simple quadriliteral verbs, simple hollow verbs, certain intensive-conative verbs, and, it seems likely, the passives of simple verbs.
Tibetan re in its wider context
Authors: Simon Walter
Published: January 2010

In a previous article I had dealt with Tibetan re in ha-re and re-skan. In attempting to study re in its wider context I wish to exclude from consideration re in re-ba to hope and re in re-źig re-śig ‘little while, moment’. re in re-ba does not seem to call for any special comment. As far as re in re-źig is concerned, it may suffice here to stress the identity of re in re-źig with re in ga-re ‘where?’ on the one hand, and re in re-re ‘each’ on the other. All three cases pre-suppose the basic meaning of ‘part, member, item, etc.’. The specialization in time of re-źig (part = moment)has its spatial counterpart in ga-re (what part, which part(s)? = where ?), ga being identical with ga in ga-na ‘;where’ or in ga-la introducing a rhetorical question (whewre [in all the world]?). In re-re the distributive function is due to respetition (item by item, member [of a group]by member), obviously extended from there also to single re in the meaning of ‘each’.
Dual forms in Mehri and Ḥarsūsi
Authors: Johnstone T. M.
Published: January 2010

It has always been said of Mehri that it has no dual forms of the verb. Thus Bittner, in what seems to be the most recent statement on the subject, says, discussing Śḥeri dual forms, that they ‘umso interessanter sind, als das Mehri im Bereiche des Zeitwortes keinen Dual besitzt’. It had, however, been suggested tentatively by Leslau, and later more positively by Wagner, that Ḥarsūsi (Ḥarsi) had dual forms of the verb.
An introduction to Caodaism II. Beliefs and Organization
Authors: Smith R. B.
Published: January 2010

The religion of Cao-Dai is fundamentally, and deliberately, syncretic. Since it includes Christ and Moses (but for some reason, not Muhammad) in its pantheon, the Western student might be tempted to see it as essentially an attempt to bridge the gulf between East and West by finding a sort of middle way between Christianity and Buddhism. It is possible that some Caodaists who have acquired a thorough Western education in France but maintained their religious belief do in fact see it in those terms, but most of the Caodaist literature indicates that the real basis of the syncretism is an attempt to bring together the three religions of the Sino-Vietnamese tradition. In this attempt, Christianity has only a peripheral position, and nothing has been adopted from Christian teachings that would seriously clash with the underlying doctrinal tolerance of East Asian religions. The most important feature of Caodaist syncretism is that it brings together elements of Taoist spirit-mediumship with a concept of salvation that was originally Buddhist. If any one of the three Sino-Vietnamese religions may be said to be dominant in Caodaism it is religious Taoism; but since the Caodaists themselves frequently refer to their religion as ‘reformed Buddhism’, that is a point which must be demonstrated rather than taken for granted. I propose to analyse some of the most obvious elements of Caodaism under four headings: spirit-mediumship; the Cao-Dai and other spirits; salvation and the apocalyptic aspect; and hierarchy and organization. A concluding section will deal briefly with the possible relationship between Caodaism and certain religious sects in China.
On the papyrus of Wahb b. Munabbih
Authors: Kister M. J.
Published: January 2010

The recently edited fragments of the Sīra of Wahb b. Munabbih are probably the earliest extant document of sīra-literature. R. G. Khoury painstakingly performed the laborious task of deciphering the extremely difficult text of the papyrus, and has prepared a careful edition of it. There remain, however, some misreadings which may lead to an erroneous understanding of the text. These are corrected in the present paper.
A reconsideration of al-qāḍī al-Nu'mān'smadhhab
Authors: Poonawala Ismail K.
Published: January 2010

It has been generally accepted by modern scholars that al-Qāḍī al-Nu'mān was in the beginning either a Mālikī or a Ḥanafī and that he subsequently became an Imāmī and finally adopted the Ismā'īlī faith. The Imāmī savants, from al-Qāḍī Nūr Allāh Shūshtarī to Āghā Buzurg-i Tihrānī, maintain that al-Qāḍī al-Nu'mān was one of their co-religionists. Ismā'īlīs, on the other hand, regard him as one of the pillars of theirda'wa. In the light of recently discovered sources and of the consequent revaluation and reinterpretation of earlier works, a re-examination of the question of al-Qāḍī al-Nu'mān'smadhhabbecomes necessary. The present article attempts to do precisely that, and show how and when the theory of al-Qāḍī al-Nu'mān's conversion originated.
Arabic translations into Amharic
Authors: Kane Thomas L.
Published: January 2010

One of the commonplaces with regard to Ethiopian literature is the fact that it is heavily indebted to foreign sources for much of its material. The initial works of Ethiopic literature were made from Greek but as knowledge of that language faded, undoubtedly owing to the spread of Muslim hegemony which isolated Ethiopia from contact with Christianity outside Africa, translation from Greek came to an end. With the ‘restoration’ of the Solomonic dynasty in 1270, increased literary activity brought about the translation into Ge‘ez (Ethiopic) of a number of Arabic works, usually those of Christian writers.
Turkic 5, 6, 7, 60, and 70
Authors: Hamp Eric P.
Published: January 2010

In my paper ‘On the Altaic numerals’ I made the point that Turkic, like Mongolian, segregated 6–9 by suffixes, and that Turkic further divided these into two morphological groups, 6–7 and 8–9. My good friend Robert Underhill has pointed out to me that I neglected an additional piece of evidence for these groupings, in the formation of the decades; that is, I overlooked the sets represented in Osmanli Turkish by altmiş, yetmiş ‘60, 70’ and seksen, doksan ‘80, 90’. The latter pair is clearly from *sekiz+on and *dokuz+on, and this shows up clearly in Old Turkish and Chuvash. I am grateful to Underhill for having pointed out this additional argument, and it leads me in turn to some further considerations which I take this opportunity to present.
The Khwarezmian glossary—IV
Authors: MacKenzie D. N.
Published: January 2010

This fourth article brings us to the end of a preliminary survey of the main chapter (six-sevenths by length of what survives) of Das chwaresmische Sprach-material einer Handschrift der ‘Muqaddimat al-adab’von Zamaxsari, as it is presented in the edition of Johannes Benzing. Notice is no longer taken of the underpointed spellings of words which have been met frequently before, of the type b'rwzd for p-, ǰrm for č-, etc., and in the first instance only the more debatable transliterations of the Xw. glosses are discussed. We take up the tale at Muq., 439, Benzing's p. 316.
The Khwarezmian glossary—III
Authors: MacKenzie D. N.
Published: January 2010

In two previous articles, pp. 60–218 of Johannes Benzing's edition of Das chwaresmische Sprachmaterial einer Handschrift der ‘Muqaddimat al-adab’ von Zamaxśarī have been subjected to a close scrutiny. Benzing's work, a combined cornucopia and Pandora's box, holds the seeds of a number of tares which it is my endeavour to remove, before they nourish, from among the good seed of the certain or possible items of Khwarezmian glossary to be reaped from the Muq. The ultimate publication of a full glossary will provide the opportunity to grade the whole harvest, but meanwhile it seems useful to provide a commentary on the existing publication.
Soma andAmanita muscaria
Authors: Brough John
Published: January 2010

The importance of the Soma-plant in Vedic religion has never been underestimated. Among the rituals of the Yajurvedic texts, thesoma-sacrifices are among the most elaborate and important, and are described in minute detail in theBrāhmaṇasandŚrauta-sūtras. These later texts nevertheless continue a direct tradition from theṚgveda, which can be seen to reflect an earlier stage in the development of the ritual, doubtless of a less rigidly formalized and probably less elaborate nature. Even so, theṚgvedais, so to speak, permeated by Soma. Understandably, therefore, from the early days of Vedic studies in the West, many scholars have speculated on the botanical identity of the plant in question. Numerous candidates have been nominated, the most frequently favoured being species of the generaEphedra, Sarcostemma, Periploca, and latterlyCannabis, and evenRheum. Not a single one of these conjectures has gained general assent, and the opinion is widely held that the problem is insoluble.
Sahasaḥ Svajaḥ in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, 13.2 (Pañcikā 3.26)
Authors: Mehendale M. A.
Published: January 2010

At the beginning of the thirteenth adhyāya of the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa occurs a story which narrates how the metre Gāyatrī brought from heaven soma for gods and sages. Having gone to heaven, she frightened the guardians of soma, picked it up in her feet and mouth, and started to return. At this point, one of the guardians of soma, Kṛśānu by name, shot an arrow at her which cut off the nail of her left foot. From that nail arose a porcupine (śalyakaḥ), and the fat (vaśam) that flowed became a barren cow (vaśā). The Brāhmaṇa text (as read by Keith, following Aufrecht) then goes on to say: atha yaḥ śalyo yad anīkam āsīt sa sarpo nirdaṁśy abhavat sahasaḥ svajo yāni parṇāni te manthāvalā yāni snāvāni te gaṇḍūpadā yat tejanaṃ so 'ndhāhiḥ so sā tatheṣur abhavat. Keith (Ṛgveda Brāhmaṇas (HOS, XXV), Cambridge, Mass., 1920) translates the passage as follows: ‘The socket and the point became a serpent, not biting; from its swiftness (came) the viper; the feathers became flying foxes, the sinews earthworms, the shaft the blind snake. Thus became the arrow’.
Notes on the Pronunciation of Pashto
Authors: Morgenstierne G. , Llyod-James A.
Published: January 2010

The authors of these notes had an opportunity of observing the pronunciation of Naqibullah, son of Nairullah, a Bumba Khel Pathan from the village Dhudiyal, north of Mansehra in the Hazara district, during some eight sittings at the School of Oriental Studies in May, 1927.

Naqibullah, who was for several years a sailor, has settled down in London, where he keeps a boarding-house for Asiatic sailors. Being married to an Englishwoman he does not speak Pashto with his family; but his boarding-house is very much frequented by Pathan sailors, Peshawaris, Chhachhis, and Bangashes. The Peshawar and Chhachh dialects may have influenced his pronunciation slightly; but he is an intelligent.person, and appeared to be quite conscious of the difference between Peshawari forms and those belonging to his own dialect, even in cases where he would generally be inclined to employ the former ones. He reads and writes Hindostani, and to some extent English, but not Pashto.
A Chapter from the liger-n Dalai
Authors: Yoshitake S.
Published: January 2010

The Buddhist Birth-Stories have spread widely among the Mongols chiefly in two collections: the liger-n Dalai (The Ocean of Parables) and the Altan Gerel (Golden Gleam). The former, according to Professor Berthold Laufer, is an adaptation of the mDzans-blun, the Tibetan translation contained in the Kandzur of the Chinese S M M, which has been edited and translated into German by I. J. Schmidt under the title Dzanglun oder Der Weise und der Tor. In the preface of his work Schmidt points out that while the two versions, Tibetan and Mongolian, agree in the main, the tales in the Mongolian text have been amplified and paraphrased, often with supplementary matter not found in the Tibetan version, although in the latter are found in places short passages which the Mongolian version has not.

Professor J. Takakusu, on the other hand, is inclined to doubt the Tibetan origin of the Mongolian text on the ground that in the second chapter of the liger-n Dalai the phrase thousand princes is erroneously given as ten princes , and that such a mistake can only arise from a mis-reading of the Chinese character =f- as -J-.
Purūravas and Urvaśī
Authors: Wright J. C.
Published: January 2010

It is customary to describe the Ṛavedic dialogue of Purūravas and Urvaśī (ṚV 10.95, referred to hereafter as D) either as the source ‘from which all the different versions have originated … an exaltation of a popular fairy-tale’ (H. D. Velankar, The Vikramorvaśīya, New Delhi, 1961, xxxxiii) or as ‘ein einheitliches festgefügtes Kunstwerk’ based on the fairy-tale narrated ‘im alten schlichten Märchenstil’ in Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, 11.5.1 (K. F. Geldner).
A joint petition of grievances submitted to the Ministry of Justice of autonomous Mongolia in 1919
Authors: Bawden C. R.
Published: January 2010

It is generally accepted that the system of social relations obtaining in Outer Mongolia during the period of Manchu domination (1691–1911) is best described as feudalistic, and that no substantial change was made in this system during the period of autonomy which followed (1911–19). Indeed, in some ways, particularly in the granting of secular titles of nobility to high lamas, and the allotment to them of the appropriate retainers, the system was reinforced during those years. Society was divided basically into two classes, the nobility, and the commoners, or albat, those liable to corvée.
Vowel Length And Vowel Quality In Khasi
Authors: Henderson Eugénie J. A.
Published: January 2010

One of the most striking phonetic characteristics of languages of the Austroasiatic family such as Mon, Khmer, and Vietnamese is the great variety of vowel qualities that appear to be kept apart by native speakers despite the fact that some of them differ from each other so slightly that it is hard for the foreign observer to believe that they can be functionally distinct in practice. Accompanying these minute quality distinctions there are frequently puzzling and seemingly non-systematic variations in the length of vowels and in their distribution.
Fringe Cushitic: an experiment in typological comparison
Authors: Tucker A. N.
Published: January 2010

The present article may perhaps be regarded as supplementary to Professor Klingenheben's article, ‘Die Präfix- und die Suffixkonjugationen des Hamitosemitischen’, MIO, IV, 2, 1956, 210–77, in much the same way as that article followed on the article ‘Verbalbau und Verbalflexion in den semitohamitischen Sprachen’ by Dr. Otto Rössler, ZDMG, C, 2, 1950, (pub.) 1951, 461–514.
Sissoo at Susa
Authors: Gershevitch Ilya
Published: January 2010

One of the few Old Persian words whose precise meaning has not yet been established is yakā-, the name of a material which was used in the building of Darius' palace at Susa. In the Great King's own words ‘it was brought (to Susa) from Gandara and Karmāna’.1 That a timber was meant appears from the Akkadian version (the corresponding Elamite sentence is missing), in which yakā- is translated by GIšMlŠ-MA-KAN-NA. Admittedly the Akkadian word is partly restored; V. Scheil, in his edition,2 printed it as [miš]-má-kan-na. However, both E. Herzfeld3 and F. W. Konig4 thought they could see the determinative GlŠ and a trace of MlŠ; at all events the preserved part of the word leaves scarcely any doubt as to the correctness of the restoration.
The Shun-Tsung Shih-Lu
Authors: Pulleyblank E.G.
Published: January 2010

The official chronicle of the short reign of the Emperor Shun-tsung (28 Feb. to 31 Aug., A.D. 805) was composed by Han Yü, the most famous prose writer of the T'ang dynasty. To this we owe the survival of what purports to be this chronicle, as a unique example of the ‘Veritable Records’ (shih-lu) composed in the T'ang History Office. I say purports to be because it is not at all clear what relation the version we now possess bears to that which came from Han Yüs brush. Mr. Solomon1 has given a brief, lucid analysis of the problems regarding this text but he has not, I think, examined quite all the evidence or considered all the possible interpretations of it. I shall deal more fully with this point below.
The Study of Arabic Historians in Seventeenth Century England: The Background and the Work of Edward Pococke
Authors: Holt P.M.
Published: January 2010

Arab historical writing was not a specialized study in the seventeenth century. Organized work in Arabic and Islamic studies was still a recent development in western Europe generally. The first modern English Arabist, William Bedwell (1562–1632), was during most of his life an isolated figure: the principal result of his studies was an Arabic lexicon which was never printed, although he bequeathed the MS to Cambridge with a fount of Arabic type for that purpose. In the third decade of the century, however, some younger scholars began to interest themselves in Arabic.
A Neglected Passage in the History of the Caucausian Albanians
Authors: Dowsett C.J.F.
Published: January 2010

In the majority of the extant manuscripts of the Patmut'iwn Aluanic by Movses Kalankatuai, and subsequently in the printed editions and the Russian translation of this work, a passage containing some not unimportant historical information concerning Caucasian Albania in the ninth century A.D. has come to be omitted. In 1897 Dadean reproduced in Ararat the text of this passage as he found it in two manuscripts in the patriarchal library of Etchmiadzin, but owing to the comparative inaccessibility of the said journal and perhaps also to the fact that the passage has never been translated, it has been overlooked by Western scholars.
Phonology of the Sinhalese Inscriptions up to the end of the Tenth Century
Authors: Wijeratne P.B.J.
Published: January 2010

The Shahbazgarhi Inss. of Aśoka distinguish the three sibilants ś, ṣ, s. Hultzsch remarks ‘While at Kalsi these three symbols are used indiscriminately, the Shahbazgarhi text generally employs each of them where it would have been in its proper place in Sanskrit’ [v. Hultzsch, Inss. Aś., p. lxxxvi]. The dialect of the Mansehra text is nearly identical with the Shahbazgarhi one [v. id., p. xcvii].
Professor Emeritus Walter Simon
Authors: Bawden C. R.
Published: January 2010

Until well within the second quarter of this century, academic sinology in Britain remained the province of a few isolated, if brilliant, amateurs, men who had retired to scholarly pursuits after a lifetime of activity in some other field. They occupied university chairs with distinction, but never attracted many pupils and consequently never established a tradition of exact, professional scholarship. That such a tradition, sound and solid, though still young, exists today, is above all the merit of two scholars who, having left Germany in the years before the second World War, devoted their lives to the service of learning in their adopted country. The late Gustav Haloun enjoyed a short but memorable tenure of the Chair at Cambridge. At London, Walter Simon, whom his friends, colleagues, and former pupils greet with respect and affection on his eightieth birthday with this volume of essays, inspired a new academic professionalism, which was Germanic in the rigour of its philological exactitude, but at the same time humane in its appreciation of the civilization to which the study of language is the key. His immediate monument is the present Department of the Languages and Cultures of the Far East at this School, and it is appropriate that we should take this opportunity of honouring his life's work among us. But the ‘school’ to which he gave life is by no means confined to London. Scholars whom Simon taught or influenced occupy chairs of sinology and other teaching and library posts in this country, in Australia, Canada, and the United States.
Does modern Japanese have a copula?
Authors: Daniels F. J.
Published: January 2010

The question primarily at issue is whetherdaanddesuin modern, chiefly conversational, Japanese, together with other forms commonly held to belong to paradigms ofda+anddesu+viewed as inflected items, should be called copulative forms; whether, that is to say, they perform the grammatical function of linking a subject with a predicate. The question also concerns combinations consisting ofdefollowed by one of the forms ofaru+,arimasu+, orgozaimasu+. In general, these combinations have when positive the same uses and senses as forms ofda+anddesu+and are when negative the only available negative counterparts of those forms. Some attention will be given to what has been said about the verbnari+(<ni ari+) and the combinationnite ari+of the now obsolete Classical Literary style, though no attempt will be made to reach conclusions about them.
‘Adieu maman’
Authors: Demiéville Paul
Published: January 2010

La famille était la cellule sur laquelle reposait la sociéte chinoise ancienne, a telles enseignes que la piéte filiale se vit extrapoler en loyalisme á l'égard de l'empereur, pére du peuple. Aussi le bouddhisme, qui invitait son clergé a ‘sortir de la famille’ pour s'agreger á une communauté religieuse, indépendante de l'État, ne laissa-t-il pas de poser aux Chinois qui s'y ralliérent bien des problémes douloureux. C'est ce dont témoigne l'insistance qu'ont mise les traducteurs, les commentateurs, les auteurs de textes apocryphes ou populaires, á illustrer les détours auxquels les moines bouddhistes pouvaient recourir pour ‘retribuer’ les bontes qu'ils avaient reçues de leurs parents. La plupart des apocryphes et des élucubrations populaires de ce genre ne nous sont connus que par des manuscrits retrouvés a Tun-huang. Ceux-ci nous ont rendu notamment un certain nombre de tsanqui sont particuliérement touchants par leur ton ingenu et leur langue sans apprets. L'age m'incline a préférer la muse populaire á celle des lettrés, et j'ai choisi l'une de ces pieces pour en offrir une recension et une traduction á mon vieil ami Walter Simon, en y joignant trois autres qui s'en rapprochent étroitement.
Tibetan blag-pa and blags-pa
Authors: De Jong J. W.
Published: January 2010

The word blags-pa occurs in line 48 of the Li-yul chos-kyi lo-rgyus. A manu-script of this work, brought back from Tun-huang by Paul Pelliot, has been described by F. W. Thomas in his Tibetan literary texts and documents concerning Chinese Turkestan, London, 1935, p. 303, n. 1, and by Marcelle Lalou in Inventaire des manuscrits tibetains de Touen-houang, n, Paris, 1950, p. 25, No. 960. The text has been translated by F. W. Thomas, op. cit., 305–23. R. E. Emmerick has edited the text in his Tibetan texts concerning Khotan, London, 1967, 78–91. Emmerick's glossary (op. cit., 108–60) has to be consulted for his interpretation of the text. The passage which contains the word blags-pa is the following: thos-pa'i bsod-nams kyaṅ bskal-pa gcig-gi sdig 'byah // blags-pa'i bsod-nams ni / bskal-pa grans myed-pa'i sdig 'byan //. Thomas reads slags-pa'i instead of blags-pa'i and explains in a note that slags = Klags (p. 313, n. 2). His translation is as follows: ‘The merit of even hearing it cleanses the sin of one æon; the merit of reading it cleans the sin of countless æeons’. Emmerick states in his glossary: ‘blags (pf. <blag-pa “to hear”) 48. F. W. Thomas has “reading”, with the note slags = klags (TLT i.313 n. 2). But the reading is blags on my photograph, blag-pa is “to hear“ by itself or with rna-ba. So Das, Russ. D. against Jä’.
Trois Sūtra du Samyukta sur la vacuité
Authors: Lamotte É
Published: January 2010

Trois Sūtra du Samyuktāgama (Taishō Issaikyō (T), 99) traitant à des titres divers de la vacuité ont spécialement retenu l'attention de l'auteur du Mahāpraj˜āpāramitopadeśa (en abrégé Upadeśa, T, 1509), interpréte autorisé du Madhyamaka ou de la Philosophic du Milieu. II s'agit du Paramārthaśūnyatāsūtra ‘Sūtra de la vacuité au sens vrai du mot’, du Mahāśūnyatāsūtra ‘Sūtra de la grande vacuité’ et du Samrddhisūtra ‘ Sūtra de Samrddhi’ ainsi appelé du nom d'un disciple du Buddha. En voici des citations, accompagnées des explications que l'Upadeśa leur a consacrées.
On the expression fu yen
Authors: Lau D. C.
Published: January 2010

The ‘Analects of Confucius’ 1/13 records a saying of Yu Tzu which begins as follows:

The meaning of yen k'efu yeh has never, to my knowledge, been satisfactorily explained. Any acceptable explanation, it seems to me, must furnish satis-factory answers to three questions. (1) What does the wordfu mean in this context ? (2) What is the construction of the sentence ? (3) What is the point of the saying ?
Three Mon-Khmer word families
Authors: Shorto H. L.
Published: January 2010

If one examines the vocabulary of almost any Mon-Khmer language, and turns to words with an initial labial semivowel—or those derived from roots with such an initial—one is immediately struck by the number of words with meanings of the order of ‘round, circular’, ‘to go round’, ‘to put round, coil, wrap round’, ‘enclosure’, ‘to turn round, return’, and the like. Thus, consulting three relatively modest lexica, we can cite from (modern) Mon in the Western branch of the family wèn, wèn wòk ‘ to be crooked, deformed’; ω⋯αη ‘compound, enclosure’; ω⋯αη ‘to shun, avoid’; ω⋯η ‘loop, bend; to be bent round, to go round’; wòt ‘to wring out’; wòa ‘whirlpool’; with tsh ‘all around’. The Eastern Mon-Khmer language Sre, spoken around Jiring (Di-linh) 100 miles north-east of Sàigòn, has wac ‘eddy’; wal bong ‘halo round sun or moon’; wang (waang) ‘pound for animals’; war ‘to coil round, wrap round’; waar ‘to bend back’; weet ‘to turn round’; wil ‘circle’; wöl ‘again; to turn’; wör ‘to stir’. In Northern Mon-Khmer, Palaung has υαη ‘compound’; υƏr ‘to stir’; υεh ‘to avoid, shun’; νeη to come back, go back’; υi? ‘to bend’; υir ‘again, to recur’; (υrƏr) ‘to avoid, shun’; υiƏt ‘to give back, return’. (The Palaung voiced fricative υ corresponds functionally in syllable-initial position to the semivowel in the other languages.)
The Great Inscription of Sāpūr
Authors: Henning W. B.
Published: January 2010

The Pahlavi inscription discovered in 1936 by the expedition of the Oriental Institute of Chicago is perhaps the most important document of the Sasanian empire. It was found at the eastern wall of the so-called “ Kaaba of Zoroaster ” which was probably a Firetemple, in front of the Achsemenian tombs at Naqšl-i-Rustam.

We owe our thanks to Professor Sprengling, of Chicago, who unhesitatingly undertook the task of publishing this very difficult inscription although previously Pahlavi was not among the numerous fields of his researches. As early as January, 1937, a preliminary transcript of the text together with a short commentary was published1; this edition was closely followed by a further contribution of Professor Sprengling2which was accompanied by a photograph of the inscription, thus facilitating the participation of other scholars in the interpretation of the new monument3; for much remains to be done.
A Theological Miscellany.
Authors: Tritton A. S.
Published: January 2010

Manuscripts from the Yemen mention this sect. The following account of it is taken from works in the British Museum; possibly further details could be found in manuscripts in Berlin. It is said that these heretics are to be found in most countries. One writer declares tantalizingly that their errors are too many for him to mention them all. By their show of devotion to the family of the prophet they spread error in Islam, making men think that it was the teaching of the family. They studied their creed in their conventicles. 1 They are called ṭabī‘īya, which D. B. Macdonald translates as deistic naturalists.

They taught2 that God has forty names; they are he and he is they and they are eternal as he is. Therefore they are worse than the Christians in the proportion of forty to three. Nature is outside the power of God though living beings are within it. Such phenomena as creation, the means of livelihood (rizḳ), death, life, growth, and decrease do not come from God but are due to chajiges of bodies and the effects of natures. Therefore sickness and pain do not come from God (one account makes them come from the devil), while storms and hail are the result of chance. God has no grace, no power to give good things to men; the believer gets the means of livelihood as a reward, the unbeliever takes them by force.
Plurality, Polarity, and Unity in Hindu Thought: A Doxographical Study
Authors: Heimann Betty
Published: January 2010

The following is a contribution to the study of one general philosophical problem, that of unity, by pointing out—more doxographically than historically in the Western sense—what special viewpoints towards it are preferably taken by the Indian philosophers.

As I tried to prove in my Eigenart indischen Denkens and again in my Indian and Western Philosophy, a Study in Contrast, and as a student of mine emphasized in her thesis “The Concrete Expression of Abstract Ideas ”—-Indian philosophy as a whole takes its starting point from the Concrete, and even in its later apparently abstract deductions never loses sight of the Concrete (from Latin: con-crescere, the grown-together), as continually forced upon the Indian by the environing dynamic forces of a mainly tropical nature such as India's. The concept of unity, however, is a deduction or a postulate of human reasoning, never directly to be grasped from the Concrete, from the manifold phenomena of everyday life.