bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Urban Landscape and Printed Press in Habsburg Lemberg: the Kotsko Memorial of 1912
Authors: Binder Harald
Published: July 2010

This article analyzes a political demonstration in Habsburg Lemberg commemorating the death of a Ukrainian student during fights at the university. The Ukrainians in Lemberg figured as an urban minority that claimed chief historical rights on the city, but was largely deprived of the chance to express this claim in public space. In this case, Lemberg's Ukrainians found two alternative sites to be suitable for the public expression of national self: the cemetery, a space largely outside the realm of political control, and a building in the city center of national significance to the local Ukrainian community. In these commemorations, the press played the role of transforming political events into consistent narratives that were in line with different groups' political intentions.
The Lemberg Garden: Political Representation in Public Greenery Under the Habsburg Rule
Authors: Prokopovych Markian
Published: July 2010

This article considers the politicization of urban green areas as an under-researched aspect of urban spatial politics in the Habsburg Monarchy and in the specific case of Lemberg. Municipal concern with the maintenance of old private parks and the establishment of new green areas was continuous throughout Habsburg Lemberg's history. Lemberg's parks possessed a kind of privacy that permitted much more flexible use than that of the streets for various informal, non-official and, often, nationalist celebrations. As clusters of true "public spheres" and, at the same time, commemorative sites of diverse and conflicting codings, they became a kind of testing ground for subsequent mass street politics. Although at the fin de siècle the municipality grew increasingly Polish nationalist in its rhetoric, in practice it espoused a conglomerate of imperial and local values, as seen in its erecting a monument to Agenor Goluchowski, rather than to Tadeusz KoŚciuszko.
Fin-De-Siècle Budapest as a Center of Art
Authors: Szívόs Erika
Published: July 2010

This article discusses the emergence of Budapest as an art center as an integral part of the greater project of the making of the Hungarian capital after the Compromise of 1867. In the political setup of the Dual Monarchy, major cultural institutions were founded and a distinct urban culture, centered around cafés, was born in Budapest. It was there that actual or potential patrons, as well as receptive audiences, of the arts were to be found, which in turn led the city to also become a magnet for artists. "Artists' tables," subject to great public attention and the source of coffeehouses' reputations, became sites of casual networking and the cultivation of personal relationships between artists, patrons, and various mediators in the arts.
Building an Entente Cordiale On the Plains of Bácska: Szabadka/Subotica's Urban History
Authors: Klein Rudolf
Published: July 2010

This paper analyses the urban history of Szabadka (today Subotica in Serbia), a multi-ethnic and multi-confessional royal free town, and the third most populous urban settlement in Hungary until World War I. This city evolved from a market town (mezöváros) as its ethnically and confessionally diverse enclaves physically merged in the nineteenth century to form an architecturally and socially coherent center. In addition to the town's urban history, morphology, and historical ethnic relationships, the article also deals with the effects of the rushed urbanization around 1900 and major construction in the style of Hungarian Art Nouveau, a kind of "national Esperanto" that became the town's lasting architectural feature.
Urban Transformation and De-Ottomanization in Greece
Authors: Koumaridis Yorgos
Published: July 2010

This article examines the ways in which nationalism transformed Greek urban space during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Through urban planning, architecture, archaeology, the destruction of Ottoman material remains and the promotion of Ancient Greek and (later) Byzantine heritage, urban space was gradually hellenized and cleansed of its Ottoman past. Specific examples, including the case of Thessaloniki, where the strong Ottoman character of the city was gradually effaced, are examined so as to outline the aims and the patterns of this transformation.
Mapping the Landscape of Hungarian Urban Historiography
Authors: Laczó Ferenc
Published: July 2010

This review essay discusses four recent urban historical publications that all relate to Hungarian history and scholarship. The first two works are studies of Budapest by individual authors, namely Gábor Gyáni and Robert Nemes, and are now available in English. The second two are Hungarian-language volumes of conference proceedings that consciously aim to cross disciplinary and national borders, specifically the Slovak-Hungarian one. Taking different paths, all four of these monographs aim to elevate Hungarian urban history beyond local confines. This review essay argues that these works deserve our attention as they reflect new developments, but two of them expose scholarly limitations. The reviewer lays out five criteria in his introduction by which he evaluates the works in his conclusion. Together these publications enable us to draw a rough map of current scholarly production and thereby provide a sense of orientation in the changing landscape of Hungarian urban historiography. They additionally allow us to compare Hungarian scholarship with those of other national contexts.
Europe as Social Practice: Towards an Interactive Approach to Modern European History
Authors: Bauerkämper Arnd
Published: July 2010

The article starts with analyzing the inherent comparative frameworks influencing the way Europe is usually mapped with regard to historical regions. Such regions have been frequently devised in terms of dualistic spatial and temporal concepts contrasting central vs. peripheral and “progressive” vs. “backward” entities. Rejecting these concepts, the study advocates a reconsideration of the spatial dimension in terms of “entangled history”/history of transfers, becoming more sensitive to the complex interplay between different regions. At the same time, the author rejects the one-sided application of “entangled history” as it absolutizes the interaction and excludes the possibility of structural analyses of the differences between transmitting and recipient societies. Therefore, he pleads for a creative combination of the comparative method with the more recent methodological precepts stressing transnational interaction.
Translation and Comparison, Translation as Comparison: Aspects of Reception in the History of Ideas
Authors: Kontler László
Published: July 2010

This article addresses the methodological issues involved in the study of interlingual translation as an avenue of reception in the history of ideas. In particular, it assesses the possible uses of linguistic contextualism and conceptual history (Begriffsgeschichte) in this endeavor. It argues that both of these approaches have been, or are capable of being, far more sensitive towards the phenomenon of reception than it is usually acknowledged and, indeed, this is an area where cross-fertilization between them (often commended in general but rarely if ever in specific terms) is a practical possibility. Perspectives from Rezeptionsgeschichte may provide useful tools for building bridges between them. A few case studies in translation history are then critically examined, and on the basis of the foregoing methodological reflections propositions are made for further refining the approach taken in those case studies.
Americanization, European Styles or National Codes? The Culture of Election Campaigning in Western Europe, 1945–1990
Authors: Mergel Thomas
Published: July 2010

The culture of election campaigning in postwar Western Europe allegedly has been shaped by a process of Americanization. In terms of political communication, Americanization has four distinct features: proximity of political marketing to commercial marketing, personalization and professionalization of campaigns, and media centered strategies. Based on an analyses of some European cultures of electioneering – Germany, Great Britain, and Italy – the main thesis of the paper is that the shared features are only to a smaller degree the results of American influences, but rather parallel trends due to structural commonalities like being medialized democracies in welfare and consumer societies, politically shaped by the Cold War context. The 1980s, however, meant a threshold: private media have risen across Europe and policy issues from the “new social movements” were pressured into the policy agenda. Although this has furthered the “Americanization” of European electioneering styles, at the same time several European elections point to an increased Europeanization of electioneering. On the whole, however, different national political cultures continue to modify and change American and European influences, creating local variations of campaigning.
The International Crisis of 1791: Poland Between the Triple Alliance and Russia
Authors: Łojek Jerzy
Published: July 2010

Most Polish historians have misinterpreted Poland's international situation during the general "Eastern Crisis" of 1787-1791, which coincided with the period of great internal Polish political development during the Four-Year Diet of 1788-1792, whose work was crowned with the declaration of the May Third Constitution of 1791. Among Polish historians only Szymon Askenazy, and among foreigners only the American, Robert Howard Lord, fully understood the situation and interpreted it in conformity with the facts, although many important developments were unknown when they wrote on this theme. The purpose of this study is to re-interpret many facts of Poland's international situation during the Eastern Crisis, while also offering a new approach to the problem on the basis of many new documents unavailable until now. Although my interpretation runs contrary to the opinions of most Polish historians, extensive research in Polish as well as foreign archives supports it under close examination. The most important point I wish to make is that Poland's general situation in the years preceding the Second Partition of 1793 was not as hopeless as has generally been considered, and there were opportunities for the country to avoid the mortal blows of 1792-1794. It is important to emphasize that almost all the facts concerning Poland's international position at the end of the eighteenth century had been established by scholars before World War I. Rather than adding to this basic factual storehouse, further studies only interpreted or discussed them. But new research indicates that the basic facts were not at all well known, and hence the interpretations were overhasty. This is, therefore, a fresh attempt to show one important aspect of Poland's chances during this period in the light of considerable new material.
The Role of History in the DDR
Authors: Dorpalen Andreas
Published: July 2010

When Walter Ulbricht and other Communist Party leaders returned to Germany from their Soviet exile in April, 1945, they brought with them not only blueprints for the administration and rehabilitation of Germany and for her gradual conversion to socialism,1 but also detailed plans for the Marxist reinterpretation of German history and for the teaching of this revised history in German schools and universities. Work on these plans had been underway for more than a year; it was based on earlier studies designed to refute Nazi conceptions of Germany's past. Similarly, it could draw on efforts to implement the popular-front strategy of the preceding decade, pointing out to non-Marxists that the communist-sponsored anti-fascist popular front (Volksfront) was deeply rooted in German history. This concern with history had gathered further momentum in connection with efforts to denazify German prisoners of war in the Soviet Union. To gain their support for the "National Committee 'Free Germany'," the Volksfront organization set up in the USSR in July, 1943, the communist leaders sought to convince these men that the goals of the Committee accorded with some of the noblest traditions of Germany's past. On this basis outlines were compiled for a new approach to German history, emphasizing the democratic progressive strands of that history. Similarly texts were drawn up to explain the inevitability of the defeat of reactionary Nazism and imperialism at the hands of the forces of progress as represented above all by the Soviet Union. The nation was thus to be led on to the path of peace and progress, but with the ultimate socialist goal barely mentioned. Preparations also were made to train at once teachers who could offer this type of instruction.2
Social and Work Relations of Professional Women: An Academic Collective in the GDR
Authors: Rueschemeyer Marilyn
Published: July 2010

The work collective is a new institution that has developed in the socialist countries of Eastern Europe. It is part of a general effort to establish work and the place of work as a central reference point in people's lives. In an earlier study, which explored the effects of pressures at work on marriage and friendship relations among professional women and men in the United States and two socialist societies,1 quite unsolicited comments of respondents both from the Soviet Union and in the German Democratic Republic made it clear that the work collective was indeed an element of considerable importance in their personal lives. To explore it further promised to reveal important facets of daily life in a socialist country. When I had the chance to do a series of intensive interviews with professional women directly or indirectly affiliated with a university in the German Democratic Republic (GDR),2 I therefore decided to focus my talks on the work collective. I sought to clarify the formal structure and the tasks of the work collective, as well as to understand the actual role of the collective in the lives of the women I spoke with. That I talked mainly with professional women associated with one university is a limitation but one that also yields advantages. I was able to tap a variety of perspectives on the same or very similar work groups and to gain deeper insights into what they really mean for the practicing women professionals participating in them.
Socialism, Politics, and Citizenship : Reflections On a Czech Tho Ught-Experiment
Authors: Barnard F.M.
Published: July 2010

This article attempts to draw out some theoretical implications from the thought-experiment of Vladimir Klokocka, a Czech political jurist who was a leading member of a team of experts that was entrusted with the working out of electoral reform proposals during the late 1960s. The thought-experiment in question found articulation in chapter 9 of Klokocka's Volby v pluralitnich democraciích (Elections in Pluralist Democracies), which, published in Prague after the Soviet intervention in Czechoslovakia, had an exceedingly brief exposure because it was withdrawn from circulation shortly after publication.1 Substantial excerpts of this chapter have recently appeared in translation elsewhere with a brief commentary.2 I should like to enlarge here on this commentary. The chapter in question apart from its historical interest, presents a penetrating analysis of democracy under socialism that-sheds light not merely on the arguable possibilities of reform of existing Communist régimes, but also on the broader question of pluralism within any political context.
Erich Loest and the 'Fourth Censor'
Authors: Mitchell Ian
Published: July 2010

In March 1981, Erich Loest left the GDR. Technically, his departure was a temporary one, since he had been granted a visa valid for three years and for one exit and one entry, but in effect the deal implied an invitation to Loest to tear up the return half of his ticket. In the autumn of 1983, once his family had also been settled in the West, he made it clear that he would not return. He came to live in Osnabrück, but has since moved to Bonn. If Loest's departure from his native Saxony passed off quietly and virtually unnoticed by the West German media, usually alert to such incidents, this was in complete contrast to the turbulent sequence of events which preceded it and which had their beginning in 1974. Loest himself has set down his chronicle of these events in Der vierte Zensor. Vom Entstehen und Sterben eines Romans in der DDR.1 This is one of the most detailed and immediate accounts of the workings of the censorship system in the GDR so far to reach the West. In attempting to make it accessible to a non-German readership, I intend to rely principally on translated and paraphrased material from Loest's own narrative and to keep commentary to a minimum.
History of the Research Project: "Women and Power in Medieval East Central Europe"
Authors: Saghy Marianne
Published: July 2010

Women have been generally relegated to the margins of traditional historiography. They have often been presented as romantic heroines - good or bad - but most of the time they were utterly neglected as historical actors. A prevalent tendency of the nouvelle histoire is the revision of these inherited and by now strongly dated approaches. Modern histori ans try to reconstruct how women lived and worked in the past; they analyze women's roles and functions as integral parts of larger socio-historical structures. While in Western Europe and in the United States women's history has become a research field on its own and produced remarkable results, in East Central Europe this change of attitude towards women in history has not yet happened. By launching a research project on "Women and Power in East Central Europe," the Central European University's Department of Medieval Studies sought to encourage young scholars of the region to study and to reevaluate the roles and positions of women in medieval history. We aimed at making the medieval experience of the region a little less "tiresome" and more interesting by including women's political and cultural presence - the role and function of queens, princesses, and aristocratic women - into the sphere of exploranda and explananda.
Freud and Archeology: the Freudian Metaphor
Authors: Kárpáti Eszter
Published: July 2010

I was brought up in an East European Jewish family where jokes and anecdotes are necessary elements of every conversation. I must have been around seven years old when I heard my aunt telling a joke to my mother about two funny-named men, Sisyphus and Oedipus. I was a "perceptive kid" - as my grandmother used to call me - who normally understood jokes, even those which I was not supposed to. This one, however, made no sense to me. I could have just given up upon it, but those names fascinated me: Sisyphus and Oedipushad never heard of them before. So I asked my mother who these two people were and if she would explain the joke to me. As it soon turned out, it was one of those "nicht vor dem Kind"1 jokes, playing on Freudian connotations. However, I was used to the openness-policy of my father, so I expected an honest explanation. My mother had no difficulties in explaining the story of Sisyphus: a child of that age can easily relate to someone who tries to achieve something that is seemingly impossible to do. But how can anyone explain the story of Oedipus to a seven-year-old? That was the first time I heard the name Oedipus. It is only now, many years later, that I finally understand Oedipus' story, too.
A Note On the Mid-Eighteenth-Century Study of Dirhams Found in Sweden
Authors: Jonsson K.
Published: July 2010

In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, a number of hoards containing "oriental" coins were found in Sweden. While Georg Wallin (1686-1760) is known to have already attributed Islamic coins in 1729,1 it was not until the mid-eighteenth century that a more detailed study of the material commenced. With no claim to being a comprehensive study, this article will deal with part of the material relating to work on Islamic coins carried out between 1749 and 1786.
Tom Noonan: the Man Behind the Scholar
Authors: Corigliano Noonan Norma
Published: July 2010

Tom Noonan was not only my husband for over 38 years; he was also my best friend. In this essay, I shall share some impressions of Tom and draw some sketches of our life together. This will help to understand that the public persona of Thomas Schaub Noonan was not a complete picture of his life. Tom was a complex man, fiercely independent, totally honest and trustworthy, and one of a kind. Tom's early death left a huge gap in the academic world and in the personal lives of those who knew him and loved him. I will also include a few foibles and idiosyncrasies, since they were part of the complexity of understanding him.
Abstract: Two Sixth-Century A..D. Glass Chalices from Burial Sites in the Volga-Ural Region
Authors: Kazakov E.P.
Published: July 2010

The Volga-Ural region, like many others in the territory of Eastern Europe, experienced repeated waves of migrating peoples during the Middle Ages. One result of the migratory process was the appearance in this region of numerous sites, many of which shared significant similarities, belonging to the Imen'kovo and Turbaslino cultures. The ethno-cultural and chronological features of these cultures has remained a point of controversy for quite some time. In recent years, a series of settlements and cemeteries located in Turkestan have been the focus of study. The materials from these sites suggests that their dating was contemporary with the First (Great) Türk Kaghanate and the late Sarmatian period. Many elements of the Turbaslino Imen'kovo cemeteries (Kushnarenkovo, II Kominternovo burial fields, the late burials of the Birska burial fields, among others) are related to the antiquities of the Dzhyetyasarskovo culture of the Aral Sea region. These elements include, but are not limited to, the following: lined pits, the intentional deformation of skulls found in graves, a variety of items of clothing and ornaments (Fig. 2; Fig. 3, 6 - 25, 28, 29; Fig. 4, 1 - 8, 11, 19). Other especially remarkable finds are two chalices of greenish and bluish glass from the Birska and II Kominternovo burial fields (Fig. 1E, 1; Fig. 4, 14; Photos 1 and 2). Their similar sizes, form, and fluted ornamentation would suggest common origin - probably Near Eastern (Syrian?) imports, most likely used originally for administrating communion wine by Christians. The appearance of these finds in the Volga-Ural region is best explained by the migratory process which occurred in the area during the second half of the sixth century A.D. which was connected with the creation of the First Türk Kaghanate.
The Vasiliologion of Nikolai Spafarii Milescu
Authors: Bushkovitch Paul
Published: July 2010

The Romanian writer Nikolae Milescu (Nikolai Gavrilovich Spafarii) was the author of several books designed for the tsar and the Russian court in the 1670's. Working under the patronage of Tsar Aleksei's favorite, Artamon Matveev, Spafarii composed an account of exemplary monarchs from the past called Vasiliologion. He presented ancient and Biblical monarchs as just and wise but also as great conquerors and builders of cities, even when they were pagans. His portrait of Russian monarchs was closer to traditional Orthodox conceptions, but still stressed military victory and building. Spafarii was one of the first writers in Russia to introduce the Aristotelian political terms, monarchy and aristocracy.
Machine Guns, Hysteria, and the February Revolution
Authors: Daly Jonathan
Published: July 2010

Countless eyewitnesses to the February Revolution of 1917 in Petrograd claimed to have heard or seen machine guns firing from bell towers and rooftops at demonstrators below. Rumors of vile government officials orchestrating these attacks circulated widely within the population and fed upon, and into, hostility toward the Old Regime. Yet an investigating commission of the Provisional Government, along with other objective sources, suggests that the entire phenomenon was at least overblown and perhaps even almost entirely a figment or people's imagination, suggesting that under the right circumstances an entire population can lose its ability to sort fact from fiction.
Taxes and Empire: The Russian Tax Debate of 1870–1871
Authors:   Hamburg
Published: July 2010

This article analyzes the 1870 – 1871 debate in the Russian central government and zemstvos over abolition of the soul tax and its replacement by a direct tax on property or by an income tax. It concludes that, in Russia, law mattered; taxation functioned as a social marker; a new hybrid political culture, a mixture of Polizeistaat and Rechtsstaat was coming into existence. The article draws a parallel between imperial Russia and the Ottoman empire, where by the early 1840s a similar hybrid legal culture also existed.
The Standard of Living of the Russian Population in the 18th – early 20th Centuries by Anthropometric Data
Authors:   Mironov
Published: July 2010

Living standards in Russia of 1701-1795 had negative dynamics. It was explained mainly by the increase of the real burden of taxation and duties in connection with wars, reforms and intensive colonization. Living standards in Russia of 1796-1914 had positive dynamics. It was explained by (1) the increase of the basic food stuffs per capita, (2) the growth of income of peasantry per capita, (3) the reduction of real burden of taxation, (4) the increase of the grain prices, (5) the positive economic result of displacement of the population center on the South, (6) the economic policy of the government. There was a decrease in the well-being of the population during the radical reforms. However, after a while, the reforms salutarily affected the living standard. The wars and the revolutions negatively influenced the well-being. Three Russian revolutions of the beginning of 20th century have been caused by the political reasons in the greater degree, than economic ones, and also the brilliant PR-activity of opponents of a monarchy.
Veterans and the Village: The Impact of Red Army Demobilization on Soviet Urbanization, 1945–1955
Authors: Edele Mark
Published: July 2010

This article re-evaluates a classical historical question: the impact on the process of urbanization of the demobilization of Red Army soldiers after 1945. One historical school focuses on the mass return to the village, while a rival interpretation claims that demobilization led to a further spurt in urbanization as soldiers refused to return to collective farms. Archival data now suggest a two-part process: first, soldiers returned to the village, expecting a loosening of the kolkhoz regime; once their expectations were frustrated, they left the village, leading to a resumption of the prewar trend of forsaking the village.
Dealing with Social Disorders that Should Not Exist: The Khrushchev-Era Soft Line on Petty Crime and the Struggle against Hooliganism in Soviet Russia during the Thaw
Authors: LaPierre Brian
Published: July 2010

In the late 1950s, the Khrushchev regime decided to cut down on crime by focusing on the redemption rather than the repression of petty criminals. This soft-line approach centered on humaneness (gumannost'), peer reform and the reforging of petty criminals into productive Soviet subjects. However, central officials and vocal segments of the public worried that the soft line was being abused to coddle hardened criminals, to hide crime from state statistical registries and to ignore the problem of unsafe city streets. As a result of oppositional backlash, a hard line against crime was promulgated in the early 1960s that swung criminal policy back towards physical confrontation and custodial punishment.
Russian History and the Ideology of Putin's Regime Through the Window of Contemporary Russian Movies
Authors: Shlapentokh Dmitry
Published: July 2010

The present regime in Russia has increased its control over media. This is especially the case with TV. Thus, one could assume that the images of the past that one could find on the TV screen could be seen as representing the official views of the past. These images, in approximately 2005-2007, which retrospectively could be seen as the high point of Putin's regime, present in the context of the past the official ideology of the regime. It was sort of a new edition of Stalin's National Bolshevism. Stalin's National Bolshevism tried to integrate the tsarist and Soviet regime in one historical continuum, as was done by Putin's ideologists with Soviet and post-Soviet Russia. While there were similarities between the regimes and ideologies, there were also substantial differences. Stalin's National Bolshevism was the ideology of the rising and future-looking totalitarian state, full of confidence and ready for expansion, Putin's National Bolshevism was the ideology of the regime, which, even at the peak of its strength, felt the limits of its power. The regime's concern was not so much expansion but, implicitly, the preservation of the status quo and, thus, has implications for the regime's selection of historical images, and their interpretation and presentation on the screen.
Stalin in Russian Ideology and Public Opinion: Caught in a Conflict Between Imperial and Liberal Elements
Authors: Shlapentokh Vladimir , Bondartsova Vera
Published: July 2010

We will examine the views of the country's political and cultural elite as well public opinion on the mass terror in Stalin's time. The authors conclude that public attitudes toward Stalin and the mass repressions are deeply contradictory. It is another powerful indicator that Russia still, at the beginning of the twenty-first century, does not have an ideology that can unite the majority of the elite and the masses. Russian society continues to oscillate between imperial dreams and liberal values, between beliefs in the authoritarian rule and democratic institutions as the desirable future of the country.
“Contradictions at the Heart of Russian Liberalism” Pavel Miliukov's Views of Peter the Great and the Role of Personality in History as an Academic, a Politician, and an Émigré
Authors: Manchester Laurie
Published: July 2010

Laurie Manchester examines how Pavel Miliukov, one of Russia's most renowned academicallytrained historians, prominent liberal politicians, and later émigré intellectuals, portrayed Peter the Great in his various historical works. Examining the entire corpus of Miliukov's pre- and post-revolutionary writings on the Petrine reforms, she argues that Miliukov, driven by his dismissal of or outright contempt for the peasant masses, betrayed his liberal commitment to democracy. This view of the masses remained consistent in his work, and even his shift from a largely negative to a positive view of Peter did not betray his historical methodology, which had always allowed leeway for the role of personality. Assigning a single individual a major role in historical causality was the only way Miliukov could reconcile placing a Russia he had always insisted was backward onto a Western path of development. He believed the democratic end would justify the undemocratic means.
The Question of Social Support for Collectivization
Authors: Fitzpatrick Sheila
Published: July 2010

There was support for the Soviet project in the Russian village (as well as opposition to it) in the 1920s. But then came collectivization, and all internal support apparently vanished – at any rate, it finds no reflection either in the historiography or in recently-published archival documents. This essay argues that support for collectivization did indeed exist in the Russian at the end of the 1920s, but that much of that support had a built-in self-liquidating mechanism once collectivization and rapid industrialization were pursued simultaneously. Peasants of “Soviet” inclinations, especially the young and the so-called bedniaks, tended to approve of the kolkhoz, but at the same time to be strongly attracted to the towns, where opportunities for work and education were opening up on an unprecedented scale. Thus, it was exactly those peasants who were most favorable to the kolkhoz who were the most likely to leave the village for the town during the period of collectivization and the First Five-Year Plan.
Socialist Impressions of Revolutionary Russia, 1920
Authors: Lindemann Albert S.
Published: July 2010

The response to the Bolshevik Revolution in Western Europe ranged from uncritical adulation, where Russia was viewed as a "red paradise," to bitter hostility, where the new regime was believed to be headed by mindless and heartless fanatics who were propagating fraticide and terror. Such conflicting convictions were formed without very much reliable information about revolutionary Russia, expecially after Soviet Russia left the war and was blockaded by the Allies. Expectably, the opinions that existed corresponded to political persuasion rather than copious evidence. It was not until mid-1920, after the war had ended and the blockade lifted, that westerners were able to observe revolutionary Russia in a more thorough and leisured fashion. Moreover, the Bolshevik regime had by this time assumed a more discernible character; after almost three years of rule, the Bolsheviks could more plausibly be charged with some responsibility for conditions in Russia. Of particular interest are the observations and experiences of those revolutionary western socialists who traveled to Russia at this time, representing parties or other groups that hoped in some way to link their efforts up with those of the Bolsheviks; to become, in other words, part of the communist movement, though they were uncertain what this would mean, and their relations with the Bolsheviks were still ambiguous. These socialists are particularly interesting because they were not yet committed, disciplined communists nor were they committed anticommunists, though they later became one or the other. Thus their impressions were relatively unclouded by pre-judgement or parti pris. They desired not only to observe the conditions of Russia after three years of social revolution but to meet the new rulers of Russia and to determine the prerequisites or conditions for membership in the Communist International, or Comintern, as it came to be called, which the Bolsheviks despite their blockaded isolation had established in the spring of 1919. The impressions of these early visitors can be pieced together into a fairly complete and vivid account through a variety of sources, including memoirs, diaries, stenographic accounts of public and private meetings in Russia, socialist newspaper reportage, and polemical pamphlets. Although obviously many frustrating lacunae remain, these accounts often complement one another, especially by comparing accounts from one foreign delegation to another. In this article I will concentrate on the overall impressions of western socialists as they traveled through Russia and met leading Bolsheviks. In a companion article, I will investigate the many surprises and disillusionments of these early visitors as they attempted to negotiate entry into the new International.
The Socialization of the Russian Bureaucratic Elite, 1811-1917: Life at the Tsarskoe Selo Lyceum and the School of Jurisprudence
Authors: Sinel Allen A.
Published: July 2010

No other European bureaucracy in the nineteenth century faced so formidable a challenge as did the Russian. Russia's territorial expanse, the backwardness and diversity of its population, the paucity of political rights, and the weakness of its local institutions all intensified the normal difficulties of governing a state. Whether the tsarist officials met this challenge successfully or not, the enormity of the problem would justify a careful study of the Russian bureaucracy. Yet, not until recently have Western scholars begun to give the imperial bureaucracy the attention it deserves and, in so doing, to redraw the one-dimensional picture too often sketched by Soviet historians and pre-revolutionary Russian liberals.1 The work is by no means finished. Even a cursory comparison with studies of the administrative systems of other European powers, like France, Great Britain, Germany, or Austria, reveals how much remains unknown about the Russian experience. So far historians have concentrated on the nature and activity of the Russian bureaucracy while generally neglecting its education and preparation. True, John Armstrong's The European Administrative Elite, an impressive comparative study of English, French, German, and Russian developments, does devote considerable space to the bureaucrat's pre-service training; but the fact that the Russian case invariably gets the briefest treatment underscores the need for further investigations into the education of the Russian governmental elite. The present paper, it is hoped, will help fill this need.
Conciliation Boards in Revolutionary Petrograd: Aspects of the Crisis of Labor-Management Relations in 1917
Authors: Hogan Heather
Published: July 2010

In the past several years, our understanding of the Russian Revolution of 1917 has been enriched by studies of local, grass roots organizations which arose in the wake of the February Revolution and responded to the specific needs of their initiators. Studies of the raionnye sovety and factory militias, for example, have closely examined popular institutions which reflect in microcosm the larger issues and conflicts underlying the question of national reconstruction.1 By focusing on events "from below" we have gained a clearer understanding of the constraints within which the Provisional Government and Petrograd Soviet operated and the reasons for the widening gap between effective policy formulation and its execution. The conciliation boards (primiritel'nye kamery) provide a similarly productive area of investigation by illustrating some of the critical problems of labor-management relations, particularly the conflict over the dismissal of administrative personnel in the metal working industry of the capital. This issue is, admittedly, a small aspect of labor-management conflict in the revolutionary period, but one that is richly suggestive of the depth and contours of social conflict within the factories and the difficulty of finding institutional mechanisms for its resolution, even in the initial "peaceful" phase of revolutionary development. The dismissal of administrative personnel was an issue that dominated the proceedings of the local boards and in many ways influenced their further development.
The Socialist Revolutionaries From 1902 To 1907: Peasant and Workers' Party
Authors: Melancon Michael
Published: July 2010

Tradition has long held that the Socialist Revolutionary Party (PSR) was primarily peasant-oriented. Titles of important studies of the party suggest that the respective authors adhere to-the traditional view.1 Awareness of Socialist Revolutionary. (SR) successes among the peasantry in 1917, culminating in their sweep of provincial Russia in the Constituent Assembly elections in November, has heightened the perception of the SRs as a predominantly peasant party. Whatever the origin of the misapprehension, primary sources indicate that along with their interest in the peasantry (at times intense, at other times surprisingly muted) SRs took a great interest in the urban proletariat and, in return, received strong support from workers. The primary task of this study, then, is to examine the relationship between SRs and urban workers from about 1902 to 1907.2 This of course raises the question of SR and populist revolutionary programs before 1902.
The Sedimentary Society
Authors: Rieber Alfred J.
Published: July 2010

The great historian V. O. Kliuchevskii found the key to Russian society in the relative simplicity of its social forms in comparison with Western Europe. But in writing his magisterial Course in Russian History he revealed a degree of complexity that belied his disarming formula. The apparent contradiction stems from the standard of comparison. There were elements of complexity in Russian society that had no counterparts in the experience of the West. Moreover, the definition of society in nineteenth-century social history may have been too confining. If we make the effort to explore the unique features of Russian history and at the same time expand the boundaries of social history, we may arrive at a more comprehensive picture of Russia's social structure on the eve of revolution.
Chekhov Vs. Gor'Kii and the Moscow Arts Theater
Authors: Linden Anna L.
Published: July 2010

For most of the twentieth century readers have been wondering how the version of A. P. Chekhov's famous play The Cherry Orchard could be subtitled "A Comedy." Unknown until now is the fact that Chekhov's manuscript was rewritten by the directors of the Moscow Arts Theater for a combination of political, aesthetic, and commercial reasons. This has been unknown until now because A. M. Gor'kii simultaneously wrote a competing play The Summer-Tenants which failed almost completely. Out of loyalty to Gor'kii's memory, Soviet scholarship for over seven decades concealed the true story of The Cherry Orchard.
Swimming With the Current
Authors: Fisher Ralph T.
Published: July 2010

Having accepted Richard Hellie's flattering invitation to prepare an "old geezer's memoir" for this journal, I read with special fascination those contributed in 1988-90 by Sam Baron, Bob Byrnes, Nick Riasanovsky, and Don Treadgold. They bear out what Horace Lunt said in the Summer 1987 Slavic Review: The story of the Slavic field in North America since World War II is complex as well as important, and those who know about various parts of it should publish their recollections while they can. Even we old-timers sometimes need to be reminded how much we depend today on structures that are new since we began our own professional lives: big centers of Russian studies and big libraries to back them up; foundations that care about our field; the USDE's Title VI and the State Department's Title VIII programs; the AAASS and its affiliates with their conventions; the NEH; NCSEER, IREX, the Kennan Institute; vital tools like the CDSP, ABSEES, and guides to archives; and Radio Liberty, the CIA, and other govemment and non-government agencies doing important research and publication in our field. My assignment here is to tell my own story, with particular attention to one of those teaching and research institutions in which I have had a hand: the University of Illinois's Russian and East European Center and its affiliated Slavic and East European Library, in the prairie towns of Champaign and Urbana. I hope to convey what I experienced as someone who in youth did not-unlike some of my colleagues-seem to be pointed toward academic life, but was swept along in directions he did not foresee.
The Role of Forests in Witte's Industrialization Drive
Authors: Tomoff Kiril
Published: July 2010

Russia's forests played a crucial role in the industrialization drive that Minister of Finance Sergei Witte led beginning in 1892. While most histories of Imperial Russian industrialization understandably concentrate on heavy industry, railroads, and coal, the main focii of Witte's industrial policy and rhetoric,1 this essay argues that forests contributed crucial sources of income and industrial fuel for Witte's campaign while providing the material for the expansion of a distinct forest industrial sector. The forest income of the Ministry of State Domains became a growing source of revenue for a government that needed all the money it could get as it financed railroad construction to propel heavy industry through a period of rapid growth. Forests also provided charcoal and fuel wood for industrial and non-industrial consumption throughout the 1890s. Wood provided all or most of the fuel for Urals metallurgy, the textile industry, still Russia's largest, and a growing forest industrial sector. Forests even helped satisfy the fuel demands of the showcase areas of rapid industrialization, the railroads and southern metallurgy. This essay demonstrates that the rate at which timber was being felled outstripped forest exports and population growth. It argues that industrial consumption of wood fuel, including charcoal, spurred the development of a timber industry which was to remain in place to satisfy the steep increase in forest exports during the second industrialization spurt before 1914. Forests' importance to Russia's industrialization should not be ignored.
Narratives of Appeal and the Appeal of Narratives: Labor Discipline and Its Contestation in the Early Soviet Period1
Authors: Siegelbaum Lewis H.
Published: July 2010

"The verdict of the court [of the Union of Soviet Employees of 8.6.21] that I left service as a cleaner at the Lomonosov Technical Institute without receiving the permission of the administration and that I should again work there for eight hours a day is unjust." So begins Anna Matveevna Malomakhova's brief appeal to the Moscow Provincial Council of Trade Unions. Malomakhova, a forty-three-year old "sick woman"-with a medical certificate testifying to her condition-complained that she and other cleaners had been ordered by Shkil2; the building superintendent, to work not eight but twelve hours, engaging in "back-breaking (neposil'nyi), unjust work, or more accurately, illegal exploitation ... evidently because his wife is employed as a cleaner receiving wages and benefits but has never worked even one hour." Her repeated appeals to the rector of the Institute produced no results except that the matter was turned over to Shkil'.2 Having blamed her boss, Malomakhova felt compelled to add that her request to leave service in February had been approved (by Shkil'?), but only on condition that she vacate her apartment and give up her food rations. Then, on 15 March, she stayed away from work "to do laundry at home," whereupon she was given notice of her dismissal as of 1 April. Twice thereafter, the trade union committee ordered her to vacate her apartment but "this I cannot do as it is not easy to find apartments." At this point, she returns to the denunciatory mode, asserting that "[T]his is all the result of Shkil' having it in for me because unlike others, I will not keep quiet about his wife receiving maintenance even though she does not work."
A Perfect Match : Women and Schoolteaching in Tobol'Sk Guberniia, 1870-1914
Authors: Young Nicole
Published: July 2010

Tobol'sk Gubemiia may be distinguished from all other provinces of the Russian Empire by the unique role of female schoolteachers in its educational development. There is no question that they played a significantly greater role in the teaching profession in Tobol'sk Gubemiia after 1870, and hence in the development of primary education, than did their colleagues in European Russia. It is generally accepted by most historians of education that the inclusion of women in the teaching profession was essential for the successful development of primary schooling.1 In this article I examine the conditions that enabled them to assume a more important position in Tobol'sk educational affairs than elsewhere in the Russian Empiie, as well as how this expanded role influenced the emerging school system. In order to do so, it is necessary to examine the position of female schoolteachers in Tobol'sk classrooms, as well as the training they received. Their effect on girls' education will also be investigated, in particular, how the presence of women influenced the number of female students attending Tobol'sk primary schools. This is an important question, because these girls would become the next generation of primary schoolteachers. Indeed, the unique position of women in Siberia can be under
East Meets West: A Cross-Generational Analysis of Jewish Immigration from Russia to the United States
Authors: Katz Polina , Katz Naum
Published: July 2010

The article is comparative analysis of two waves of Russian Jewish immigration to the United States. It based on archival documents and sociological studied that were conducted in Pittsburgh. The authors replicated the sociological conducted in 1968 with a new group of immigrants and compared the results focusing primarily on the areas of adaptation, assimilation, and religious observance as well as other experiences in becoming part of what is known as the American “melting pot”.