bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Regulation of lung neutrophil recruitment by VE-cadherin
Authors: Orrington-Myers Janie , Gao Xiaopei , Kouklis Panos , Broman Michael , Rahman Arshad , Vogel Stephen M. , Malik Asrar B.
Published: June 2006

Lung inflammatory disease is characterized by increased polymorphonuclear leukocyte (PMN) infiltration and vascular permeability. PMN infiltration into tissue involves signaling between endothelial cells and migrating PMNs, which leads to alterations in the organization of adherens junctions (AJs). We addressed the possible role of the protein constituents of AJs, endothelium-specific vascular-endothelial (VE)-cadherin, in the migration of PMNs. Studies were made using VE-cadherin mutant constructs lacking the extracellular domain (ΔEXD) or, additionally, lacking the COOH-terminus β-catenin-binding domain (ΔEXDΔβ). Either construct was transduced in pulmonary microvessel endothelia of mice using cationic liposome-encapuslated cDNA constructs injected intravenously. Optimal expression of constructs was seen by Western blot analysis within 24 h. Vessel wall liquid permeability measured as the lung microvessel capillary filtration coefficient increased threefold in ΔEXD-transduced lungs, indicating patency of interendothelial junctions, whereas the control ΔEXDΔβ construct was ineffective. To study lung tissue PMN recruitment, we challenged mice intraperitoneally with LPS (3 mg/kg) for 6 h and measured PMN numbers by bronchoalveolar lavage and their accumulation morphometrically in lung tissue. ΔEXD expression markedly reduced the PMN sequestration and migration seen in nontransfected (control wild type) or ΔEXDΔβ-transfected (negative control) mice challenged with LPS. In addition, ΔEXD transfection suppressed LPS-induced activation of NF-κB and consequent ICAM-1 expression. These results suggest that disassembly of VE-cadherin junctions serves as a negative signal for limiting transendothelial PMN migration secondary to decreased ICAM-1 expression in the mouse model of LPS-induced sepsis.
The Canadian Manufacturers' Association
Authors: Clark S. D.
Published: June 2006

The Canadian Manufacturers' Association arose to deal with the problems of manufacturers which emerged as a result of the economic expansion and social changes of the twentieth century. The opening of the West and the widening of the market, besides increasing the number and size of manufacturing enterprises, strengthened those groups such as agriculture and labour which were opposed to privileges secured by the manufacturers, or which advanced claims upon the state damaging to manufacturing interests. At the same time, the development of cheap newspapers and the diffusion of the habit of reading made possible the organization of these groups upon a broad basis of popular support. Thus, while economic expansion meant an increase in the number of interests making demands upon governmental authorities, improved means of communication made these interests more vocal in advancing their claims in the wider community. The result was evident in the increasing number of issues such as the tariff, eight-hour day legislation, and workmen's compensation brought to the attention of the electorate, in the greater participation of the state in economic and social life, and in the elaboration of new forms of organization and control on the part of those groups, such as manufacturers, which had to bid for the support of the general voting public.
Professor Parsons on Economic Motivation
Authors: Knight Frank H.
Published: June 2006

It is most unfortunate that a paper the main content of which in terms of bulk consists of sound and valuable insights to the extent that this is true of Professor Talcott Parsons's article on “The Motivation of Economic Activities” should be utterly misleading with respect to the main question at issue. Without quoting or mentioning any single author, or referring in any specific way to any group, school, or tendency among economists themselves, Professor Parsons tells us merely that: “On the economic side the impression has been wide-spread that a predominantly ‘self-interested’ or ‘egoistic’ theory of the motivation of economic activities was a logical necessity of economic theory” (p. 189, my italics). Throughout his own article, Professor Parsons certainly gives the “impression” that the position he has indicated is that which characterizes the typical writings of reputable economists extant and down to date.

In view of the author's standing as a sociological interpreter of economic concepts to both sociologists and economists, and also, as already observed, the great merit of his concrete observations on motivation in this particular article, this second impression should not be allowed to stand unchallenged. For the facts are definitely to the contrary. And the true position regarding the type of attitude which may be referred to as “self-interest” in the structure and methodology of modern economic theory should be stated. Still more desirable, if it were possible, would be some intelligible statement as to what this attitude is, or what the expression may be taken to mean. For Professor Parsons gives practically no positive indication of the content of the position he is arguing against. He affords an example more flagrant than that of the economists criticized of what is their real fault. For he himself warily steers clear of any effort to say what he means by the term self-interest or egoism. We find only the negative and noncommittal statement that the assumption proper to economic theory “does not necessarily have anything to do with ‘egoism’ in the usual sense” (p. 189, my italics).
Cabinet Government in Canada: Some Recent Developments in the Machinery of the Central Executive
Authors: Heeney A. D. P.
Published: June 2006

It is my impression that, while we are reasonably fortunate in having in Canada a considerable literature in the history and law of the constitution, we have not, as yet, achieved a comparable product on the humbler level of constitutional practice and procedure. There have been notable exceptions but, in the main, this is true. It may, of course, be due to the taciturnity of those who are engaged professionally in the business of government. In any event, because of this lack I have been encouraged to attempt this mechanic's view of the mechanism of executive government in motion—in the hope that it may assist others in more scholarly endeavours.
The Hawthorne Experiments
Authors: Hart C. W. M.
Published: June 2006

In the opinion of many observers the most serious malady from which the social sciences suffer at the present stage of their development, is their compartmentalism. At the theoretical level, most social scientists would agree that the subject-matter of all the specialized social disciplines is the same, namely human behaviour: in practice most specialists deal with some aspect or department or area of human behaviour, or human behaviour viewed from some “viewpoint.” This separation, however, into areas or aspects, convenient as it may be, or at least as it is asserted to be, for research purposes, is a somewhat arbitrary proceeding and it has resulted, among other things, in a breakdown of communication between the different social science compartments. Another result has been a less, not a greater, understanding of man. There is a strong case to be made, as Robert Lynd, for example, has made it, for the view that the social scientist is the worst example extant of the person who knows more and more about less and less. This is particularly sad when it is noted that less and less in such a context is the human animal, who is clearly a complicated and many faceted piece of work on any viewpoint or from any aspect.
Population Movements and the Assimilation of Alien Groups in Canada
Authors: Younge Eva R.
Published: June 2006

This paper deals with some of the problems which confront immigrants who strive to become adjusted to a new environment in Canada's largest cities. The materials presented refer to people from the continent of Europe who have settled in Montreal or Toronto during the present century. The point of view taken here is that the experiences of European immigrants, as told by themselves or by their Canadian-born children, contribute valuable information and significant insights into the processes by which they become assimilated toward one or the other of Canada's two major cultures.

As a social term, assimilation commonly refers to a political rather than a cultural concept. As R. E. Park points out, “it is the name given to the process or the processes by which people of diverse racial origins and different cultural heritages, occupying a common territory, achieve a cultural solidarity sufficient at least to sustain a national existence.” In this country, as in the United States, an immigrant is usually considered assimilated when he has learned the language and the social usages of the native community well enough to participate in its economic, political, and social life without encountering prejudice. The emphasis is here on external indices, such as ability to speak French or English, achievement of the status of a citizen through naturalization, and adoption of the dress, the manners, and the social ritual of the Canadian-born with whom the immigrant comes in contact.
Hobbes Today
Authors: Macpherson C. B.
Published: June 2006

Hobbes is as renowned a name in political science as is Adam Smith in economics. Accordingly, prevailing notions of what Hobbes meant to say have varied from time to time. While his materialist utilitarianism has been a strong current since he propounded it, Hobbes's modern reputation dates from the re-emphasis on sovereignty and utilitarian morals by the Benthamists. The reaction against Benthamism led to strong criticism of Hobbes by English idealists such as T. H. Green. Their criticism of his materialist metaphysics and of his behaviourist ethics set the tone of the standard treatment of Hobbes, and seemed to have rendered his political views harmless. As long as Hobbes was regarded as primarily a materialist and his political doctrines were seen as consistent deductions from his materialist position, it was relatively easy to dispose of his unpleasant theory of the state, for materialism has had little standing in English political thinking since the eighteenth century when the historical materialism of Millar, Ferguson, and Robertson enjoyed some prestige.

Hobbes's stature, however, was too great for his political ideas to be tidied away in this fashion. Later generations of scholars set out to detach Hobbes's political theory from his materialism. Croom Robertson in 1886, John Laird in 1934, and Leo Strauss in 1936 have taken the position that Hobbes's political philosophy was not derived from his materialism or decisively influenced by his concept of science. While it is possible to show that Hobbes might have reached his political conclusions from certain moral attitudes and preconceptions unrelated to materialism or science, this position raises other difficulties. In view of the emphasis which Hobbes placed on his materialism and in view of his insistence on the scientific nature of his method it seems unsatisfactory to dismiss these attributes of his thought as merely his share in the current intellectual fashion, especially when the result is to say, as does John Laird, that his thought is mediaeval, or, as with some current text-book writers, to leave his theory rootless and unexplained except as the reaction of a timid man to the disturbed political conditions of his time.
The Theoretical Problems of a National Wage-Price Policy
Authors: Reder M. W.
Published: June 2006

The problem of deciding upon a national wage-price policy has become increasingly urgent in recent years both because of the growing importance of “full employment” as an objective of economic policy in the United States and elsewhere, and because of the economic conditions accompanying and following the war which have had the effect of creating a “full employment” situation. Many economists, including some with such widely divergent views on public policy as Sir William Beveridge and the late Professor Henry Simons, have in recent years expressed concern over the possibility that labour unions might create inflationary pressures by demanding large wage increases in time of “full employment.” (The problem may arise before full employment is reached; this possibility is mentioned below.) However, the economists who are concerned with this possibility are by no means agreed as to what policy can or should be adopted to cope with it. In this paper we shall analyse various possible alternative policies and the theoretical problems that underlie them.

Traditionally the government, as regulator of the currency, has been responsible for maintaining its value, i.e. controlling the general price level. While discharging this responsibility is by no means an easy task, it is, theoretically at least, capable of achievement. However, to couple this responsibility with that of maintaining continuous full employment of the labour force, is to saddle the government with two responsibilities which it may be impossible to discharge simultaneously. The following argument will serve to clarify the nature of the difficulty.
The Modern Party State
Authors: Clokie H. McD.
Published: June 2006

During the past two hundred years students of public affairs have been stimulated to an exceptional degree by the very evident radical transformation of life in human societies. Some have observed, named, and analysed the changes in material goods, building up an impressive structure of economic science and culminating in the popular controversy over capitalism and socialism. Others have investigated man's cultural development, though with less success in naming the elements being studied or in defining the units of measurement or valuation, but reaching a general climax of opposing nationalism to cosmopolitanism. The greatest number of observers, however, have been concerned with political changes, for if politics is not truly the queen of sciences, it has at least been thought to be so from antiquity on. Whether the subject is more difficult than others or whether too many have rushed in without appropriate training or adequate consideration of the subject-matter, it must be admitted that the heavy hand of tradition has lain heavier on political analysis than on other fields of knowledge. Students of politics have continued to use the historic names of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy, discussing constitutionalism (polity, the old composite form) in Greek terms with modern instances such as checks and balances, separation of powers, fundamental law, etc. In popular controversy, however, the line of dispute has been drawn between democracy and dictatorship, which are also concepts derived from antiquity.
Participation by Subordinates in the Managerial Decision-Making Process
Authors: Tannenbaum Robert , Massarik Fred
Published: June 2006

The role of “participation” by individuals or groups in American culture in general and in industrial organizations specifically has been treated by many writers. Its implications for political theory as well as for a theory of human relations in formal organizations are numerous. However, in spite of this academic and extra-academic interest, a clear-cut, operational definition of the concept, or a precise set of hypotheses regarding its dynamics, has not been developed. While to do so will be the object of this paper, the treatment will not be completely operational. The development of appropriate methods of measurement is conceived as a next step that should follow the preliminary one of conceptual clarification undertaken in this paper.

A review of the literature indicates that three major approaches have been taken in dealing with “participation”:

(1) The Experiential Approach. This approach is exemplified by writers who in the course of their experience in enterprise work have obtained a “feel” for the role of participation in the decision-making process and have put down their experiences in article or book form. Writings such as these provide a set of insights and hunches whose verification in any systematic fashion has not been attempted. The actual referants from which these formulations are derived often are single sets of observations in a single or in a few enterprises—observations generally made in an uncontrolled fashion.
Disallowance and the National Interest: The Alberta Social Credit Legislation of 1937
Authors: Mallory J. R.
Published: June 2006

In the Canadian constitution, that which relates to the national interest is the responsibility of the federal government; while the provincial governments deal with those matters of local concern. In a perfectly static situation this division of labour would present no problem because the national interest would always assume the same form. But governments operate in a situation that is never static. Changes in techniques or beliefs, in the location of population, and in the political and economic conditions of the external world are taking place all the time. If there is an equilibrium within the Canadian federal system, it is a dynamic equilibrium in which those common purposes which are the proper concern of the federal government are in a constant state of flux. The national interest expands and contracts: it is ever shifting its ground.

It has been quite impossible to contain this elusive concept within the angular Victorian frame of the British North America Act. It would be unreal to suppose that the division of legislative power produced entirely water-tight compartments of action for the Dominion and the provinces. It could not. There is a large range of governmental activity which quite evidently may be the preserve of either the federal parliament or of the provincial legislatures, or, in fact, of both. Much of the difficulty which was created by the judicial interpretation of the constitution between the eighteen-nineties and the nineteen-thirties flowed from an attempt to make the enumerated heads of Sections 91 and 92 represent fields of exclusive legislative power. The only way in which this could be done was by interpreting away the meaning of several heads of Section 91 in order to preserve some meaning for Section 92. This search for water-tight compartments was unnecessary and contributed to the unsatisfactory decisions of those years. One of the results of this before 1939 was that it limited the effective range of action of Canadian governments—Dominion and provincial—to such activities as would commend themselves to a Victorian liberal.
Some Obstacles to Democracy in Quebec
Authors: Trudeau Pierre Elliott
Published: June 2006

Historically, French Canadians have not really believed in democracy for themselves; and English Canadians have not really wanted it for others. Such are the foundations upon which our two ethnic groups have absurdly pretended to be building democratic forms of government. No wonder the ensuing structure has turned out to be rather flimsy.

The purpose of the present essay is to re-examine some of the unstated premises from which much of our political thinking and behaviour is derived, and to suggest that there exists an urgent need for a critical appraisal of democracy in Canada. No amount of inter-group back-slapping or political bonne-ententisme will change the fact that democracy will continue to be thwarted in Canada so long as one-third of the people hardly believe in it—and that because to no small extent the remaining two-thirds provide them with ample grounds for distrusting it.
The Vital Revolution Reconsidered
Authors: Helleiner Karl F.
Published: June 2006

The historian's understanding of past situations benefits greatly from the fact that he, unlike any contemporary observer, knows a good deal about the subsequent development. It is only in retrospect, if at all, that germinal forces, unnoticed or underestimated at the time, can be seen in their true significance. However, hiridsight also has its dangers. Reading history backwards we are easily misled into postulating specific “antecedents” and “early phases” of phenomena which seem to require a long period of gestation; and we are almost inclined to distrust our records if they fail to confirm our expectations.

It is well to be on guard against this temptation when trying to appraise the general character of the closing years of the seventeenth, and the early decades of the eighteenth century. Certainly, as far as the demographic situation of this period is concerned, there was little if anything to herald the impending changes. Man was still very much at the mercy of the elements. As late as the 1690's a succession of poor and indifferent harvests created severe subsistence crises in almost all countries of Europe. So far from growing, the population declined here and there, as dearth and starvation stalked through the lands from Castile to Finland, and from the Scottish Highlands to the foothills of the Alps. In 1698, after a serious crop failure, certain regional death rates in Sweden are known to have risen to 9 and 16 per cent respectively.
Ideology, Democracy, and the Foundations of Local Self-Government
Authors: Whalen Hugh
Published: June 2006

At a congress of the International Political Science Association held at The Hague in 1952, Professor Georges Langrod delivered a paper entitled “Local Government and Democracy,” subsequently published in the British journal Public Administration. The incisive logic and unorthodox conclusions of that paper seemed at the time to demolish, once for all, the justification of local representative government commonly found in much traditional liberal political theory. Mr. Keith Panter-Brick, facing a skilled prosecutor, and doing the best he could with a difficult case, replied in a later issue of the same journal. Dr. Leo Moulin next entered the discussion in defence of Langrod, and Panter-Brick wrote a second rejoinder. I felt that the contest, although conducted with flair by all parties, left far too many important questions unsettled. The object of this paper, however, is not to reopen points raised in dispute by the recent combatants; it is rather to suggest that the problems connected with the theory of local self-government ought to be approached in different terms.

The question to be considered refers to the relation between local self-government and democracy. By local self-government is meant that system of subordinate local authorities which has developed in many modern states. Each unit of local government in any system is assumed to possess the following characteristics: a given territory and population; an institutional structure for legislative, executive, or administrative purposes; a separate legal identity; a range of power and functions authorized by delegation from the appropriate central or intermediate legislature; and lastly, within the ambit of such delegation, autonomy—including fiscal autonomy—subject always, at least in the Anglo-American tradition, to the limitations of common law such as the test of reasonableness.
A Journal is Born: 1935
Authors: Bladen V. W.
Published: June 2006

In 1921, when I came to Canada, Canadian economics was “colonial” in character; English and American influences blended but there was little native thought or work. The re-establishment of the Canadian Political Science Association in 1929 (it had been founded in 1913 and had foundered in 1914) was a symptom of the growing strength of the native elements, and it quickly contributed towards further strengthening of these elements. Harold Innis had foreseen this and worked hard but quietly for the development of the Association. He had recognized, too, the necessity for a Canadian outlet for Canadian writing on economics; not because the Canadian papers then being written could not be published in English and American periodicals but because he foresaw a great stimulus to Canadian economists to write more when they had their own journal. The example of the Canadian Historical Review with its effect on Canadian historical scholarship was not without influence. With the support of E. J. Urwick, Harold Innis had been able in 1928 to establish Contributions to Canadian Economics, published by the University of Toronto Press. Then in 1930 came the first of the new Proceedings of the Canadian Political Science Association (called volume II, since volume I had been published in 1913), edited by Clifford Curtis and printed by the Jackson Press in Kingston.
The Professions in Society
Authors: Hughes Everett C.
Published: June 2006

“The Recent History of Professionalism in Relation to Social Structure and Social Policy” by T. H. Marshall was published by this Journal twenty years ago. It has since become a classic; and may be fittingly celebrated in this anniversary issue. Its classic quality lies in the skill with which Marshall worked enduring themes with current trends and problems into a common web. He defines professions as, in effect and with some other characteristics, those occupations in which caveat emptor cannot be allowed to prevail and which, while they are not pursued for gain, must bring their practitioners income of such a level that they will be respected and such a manner of living that they may pursue the life of the mind. There are certain problems which surround such occupations in all times.

The current changes noted by Marshall are the ever greater dependence of modern society upon professional services, an increase in the variety of such services and in the number of the professions, and the tendency for many practitioners of the older professions and for most or all of some newer professions to work in organizations with an employer, rather than to set up a shop to which clients come, one by one, are served, and pay for the service. He also noted that while the community at large is in all times and places concerned with the manner in which professional services are performed, this is especially so in our times; indeed, the community at large is the client of some new professions and, in increasing measure, of older ones.
Canada's Immigration Policy, 1896–1910
Authors: Timlin Mabel F.
Published: June 2006

Tonight I am going to exercise the prerogative of the President to make an address to a large extent unornamented by the extensive documentation and citations which perhaps too often go by the name of scholarship. My primary theme is our immigration policy. In developing this, I am going to deal mainly with the period from 1896 to 1910, since that is the period over which policy shifted from one at least theoretically laissez-faire to the selective policy inherent in the Immigration Act of 1910. My method will be to consider for a space the characters of two men, to follow that by narrative and analysis respecting the changes which occurred and then to draw together what seem to me to be the morals of the story.

When Clifford Sifton took over the Ministry of the Interior in the autumn of 1896, entry to Canada was proscribed to three classes of persons only: the diseased; the criminal or vicious; and those likely to become public charges. Even these might find entry not too difficult if they went the right way about gaining it. The controls exercised under the law by the Minister covered only entries by ocean ports and here the general assumption was that only steerage passengers were immigrants. There was no control over those who entered by railway. Once immigrants coming by steamship had passed inspection and had become “landed immigrants” deportations were administered by the Department of the Interior with the assistance of the Department of Justice and generally on complaint of the municipal authorities. It was only after Clifford Sifton had left the cabinet in early 1905 that a sequence of events occurred forcing a series of restrictive measures which were finally embodied in the Immigration Act of 1910.
Quebec and Canadian Democracy
Authors: Oliver Michael
Published: June 2006

It is one of the truisms of Canadian politics that stable federal power cannot be achieved without support from the province of Quebec. Until 1896 the dominant political party, the Conservatives, was the one which held Quebec. Since that period, Liberal ascendancy has been based on solid strength in French Canada. The problem of creating sufficient inter-cultural agreement to make possible the formulation of federal policy has been the most important single factor in determining the character of national party competition. This difficulty has set a premium on those skills of negotiation and conciliation which have in fact distinguished most successful Canadian statesmen, and has, more than anything else, inhibited the formation of national parties with consistent principles and policies.

Political parties, as a condition of national success, have had to unite French and English elements; but thus far they have done so only on the most tenuous basis. For many purposes, a minimal consensus was sufficient, but it seems to have been inadequate to achieve the full measure of power and influence which the Fathers of Confederation envisaged for central government. Although judicial decisions, and economic and geographic forces, may have accentuated the trend to a decentralization far greater than that contemplated in 1867, the basic reason for this development has been the impossibility of creating national parties which would unite both French and English Canadians behind alternative programmes. In the words of a French-Canadian historian: “Les principaux auteurs de la Confédération n'avaient pas caché leur intention d'organiser un gouvernement central très puissant.” It must be concluded that they either seriously overestimated the range of shared assumptions between the two cultures, or badly underestimated the degree of unity on fundamentals which was necessary to run the centralized state they had tried to create. The only type of national political party which Canada has been able to construct successfully has not proved capable of fulfilling their intentions.
The Construction and Use of an Occupational Class Scale
Authors: Blishen Bernard R.
Published: June 2006

The construction and use of occupational scales to serve as an index of social class have recently absorbed much of the time of sociologists in the United States. In Canada, on the other hand, very few studies of this nature have been published. This paper will outline the method used in the construction of such a scale, and the results obtained when it is applied to certain features of Canadian society.

The problems involved in the methodology of studies of stratification result partly from the lack of agreement among sociologists on a theoretical framework in this field, and partly from the lack of precise tools of measurement. The theoretical difficulties involved can be seen from an examination of four main lines of theoretical development in the works of Marx, Weber, Warner, Davis, and Parsons.

The individual's position in the system of production was seen by Marx as the fundamental determinant of class position. A subjective awareness of class is another vital element in his theory although such awareness follows from the objective position. The objective economic foundation of class is an important aspect of Max Weber's theory also, but unlike Marx, Weber gives equal importance to subjective awareness, and he shows the importance of power as well. The approach of W. L. Warner, which has been followed by so many sociologists, emphasizes the subjective awareness and claims that class is what people in the community say it is. It is the consensus of people about other people's position, and about the class divisions in the social structure.
Canada's Economic Prospects
Authors: Johnson Harry G.
Published: June 2006

A preliminary report is by definition an unsatisfying document, though it may be an exciting one. The Gordon Commission's Preliminary Report qualifies for the former description, without quite coming up to the latter; for while the prospects of economic growth which it holds out are gratifying in the extreme, its discussion of policy problems is narrowly empirical and pragmatic, uninspired by any consistent philosophy of resource-orientated growth or even of economic policy, and interesting mainly as a reflection of trends in Canadian political opinion and the balance of pressure groups at the end of the second Liberal era.
Robert Coats and the Organization of Statistics
Authors: Keyfitz N. , Greenway H. F.
Published: June 2006

For most of the first half of this century the dominant figure in Canadian statistics was Robert Coats. The principal facts of his life and career are given in an obituary written for this Journal (August, 1960, pp. 482–3) by Mr. Herbert Marshall. It now seems appropriate to make a first attempt to sum up his effort and achievement. We hope that this brief article will encourage a more detailed account of Coats's work and a more penetrating statement of its enduring effects.

For twenty-five years Coats was Dominion Statistician, a post created for him, whose potential importance he perceived early and whose strategic role he firmly established. He not only shaped Canadian statistical organization; he shaped it in a characteristically self-conscious way, adding to the effectiveness of a practical administrator a sense of the long-range implications of his actions. He has left a number of papers in which some of his philosophy is made explicit in the phrases of a master of essay writing. He had a clear notion of the kind of theory that would help to collect and interpret practical data, in contrast to the many curiosities that were then included in statistical courses. In his presidential address to the American Statistical Association in 1938, he asked for a book that would elucidate statistical theory for the practising statistician, a call that has since been answered in several volumes.
The Development of the Canadian Uranium Industry: An Experiment in Public Enterprise
Authors: Hunter W. D. G.
Published: June 2006

The history of uranium mining in Canada can be divided into four phases or periods, each marked by distinctive policies and by events and activities resulting therefrom. The initial phase is marked by the development of a mining and refining operation and the establishment of a market by a private enterprise. It begins with the discovery in 1930 by Gilbert Labine and E. C. St. Paul of a radio-active occurrence at Great Bear Lake, Northwest Territories, which they staked for Eldorado Gold Mining Company. It ends with the entry in 1942 of the Dominion government as the dominant body in the production and marketing of radio-active minerals. By 1932 the Port Radium mine had commenced operations, and in the following year a refinery for producing radium had been completed at Port Hope, Ontario. The mine was essentially a silver-radium mine, but the complex ore-body also contained uranium, copper, and cobalt. It was the first commercial body of ore found in Canada from which radium could be extracted. It kept alive a certain interest in radio-active minerals among prospectors and successfully challenged the Belgian monopoly in the world radium market. Although it remained a small and unprofitable undertaking throughout this phase, its existence accounted for Canada's emergence as the main supplier of the raw material, in the form of uranium, for the development of the atomic bomb.
The Quantity Theory and the Income Expenditure Theory in an Open Economy: Canada, 1926–1958
Authors: Macesich George
Published: June 2006

Post-war balance of payments problems are partly the results of policy applications of the “modern view” of the balancing mechanism of international trade theory. Derived from the Keynesian income-expenditure theory of income determination, the “modern view” relegates the role of the stock of money to a secondary place in determining national income. It asserts that control of the stock of money through monetary policy is incapable of significantly, or dependably, influencing the circular flow of income and thereby the balance of payments. One reason for this view is the conviction that monetary velocity behaves in an erratic and unpredictable manner. In contrast, pre-Keynesian theory attributed a central role to the stock of money, and so to monetary policy, in the balancing mechanism of international trade. It contained an explicit acceptance of the quantity theory of money which argues, among other things, that monetary velocity does behave in a predictable manner.

The usefulness of the modern view of the balancing mechanism of international trade turns partly on the relative stability and behaviour of monetary velocity on the one hand and of the Keynesian investment multiplier on the other. In all countries, but particularly in those that are sensitive to external disturbances, the balancing mechanism of international trade is an issue of vital concern for public policy. The purpose of this paper is to examine the relative stability and behaviour of monetary velocity and of the investment multiplier in an open economy that is subject to external disturbances and in which international trade plays a relatively important role in aggregate output and income. The article deals with the Canadian economy during the period 1926–58.
How Much Administrative Secrecy?
Authors: Rowat Donald C.
Published: June 2006

To question the principle of administrative secrecy is to question a long-cherished tradition of the British parliamentary system. Yet when one explores the full range of its adverse effects one cannot help but ask whether it conforms with the requirements of modern democracy. The Cold War and the need for military security have led to certain areas of administrative activity being walled off entirely from the public. During the post-war era of McCarthyism and hysteria in the United States, the need for military secrecy and personnel security was greatly exaggerated by the administration, and the press in that country complained loudly about the dangers and evils resulting from this over-extension of secrecy. Readers will perhaps recall Herblock's biting cartoon late in 1956 in which John Q. Citizen is sitting before a stage, and all he can see is a paper curtain with the official words stamped on it in huge letters: “SECRET, CLASSIFIED, SHH!” At the side of the stage is the master of ceremonies, Mr. Government Secrecy, saying, “It's a great performance going on—take my word for it!” It is easy for Canadians to be under the comfortable impression that this passion for secrecy was one of the excesses of American society. But in fact the United States has always had a much more open system of administration than our own, and the pinch of secrecy was felt much more acutely by the public and press in that country than in Canada. Moreover, if one compares the American personnel screening system with our own, one sees that the secrecy of our system has not only obvious virtues but subtle vices.
Marx's Capital After One Hundred Years
Authors: Sowell Thomas
Published: June 2006

A recurring lament in commemorations of classic works is that they are so well known that little remains to be said about them. This is certainly not true of Marx's Capital. Its difficult method of presentation, the numerous myths about it which have grown up over the years, and recent tendencies to mathematicize popular conceptions of Marxian economics in lieu of digging into Marx's own writings have together made this work almost as little understood today as it has ever been. Böhm-Bawerk's famous “refutation” of Marx's “labour theory of value” continues to be reproduced, along with the economic “breakdown” of capitalism theory, the “dialectical” forces at work, and all the old familiar cast of fictitious characters. If one accepts the cynical definition of a classic as a work that everyone talks about and no one reads, there is certainly no more classic work in economics than Capital. The hundredth anniversary of its publication seems an appropriate time to reexamine not only the book itself but also the beliefs about it which have acquired a life-almost an immortality-of their own.
One-Party Dominance and Third Parties
Authors: Pinard Maurice
Published: June 2006

In the 1962 federal election in Canada, to the great surprise of almost all political observers, the Social Credit party obtained 26 per cent of the votes in Quebec—as against 39 and 30 per cent for the Liberals and the Progressive Conservatives respectively—and gained 26 of the 75 seats of the province. If one considers that in the preceding election the Social Credit Party had obtained no seats and less than one per cent of the vote, there were good reasons to be astonished.

The purpose of this paper is, first, to show in what ways the political situation at the federal level in Quebec was particularly conducive to the rise of the Social Credit party and, second, to present a general hypothesis concerning the political factors which account for the rise of third parties during other periods, and elsewhere in Canada.

To be sure, the rise of Social Credit, as well as of other third parties in Canada, was not the result of a single overriding factor. Many facets of reality—social, economic and political—were involved. In the case of Social Credit, in particular, economic “strains” were as important an independent factor as the political conditions to be discussed below. As can be seen from Table I, our survey data clearly show the strong effect of unemployment in the respondents' family, which accounts for some 30 per cent of the variation in the support of Social Credit.
Voting Behaviour and Socio-Economic Characteristics: The Middlesex East Federal Election, 1965
Authors: Simmons James W.
Published: June 2006

Although the interrelationship between socio-economic characteristics and electoral behaviour in Canadian elections is widely recognized, only recently have attempts been made to evaluate these interactions in a precise manner. The approaches used so far vary in methodology–using both interviews and voting results–and in the level of analysis–ranging from poll to constituency to province to nation. The results depend to some extent on the research approach. Particularly strong variations exist in the effects of social variables in different provinces and different constituencies.

This study presents another research alternative, using multiple regression techniques to combine census small-area information with voting results at the poll level. Although the strengths and weaknesses of this approach are discussed in detail by Meisel and Paquet, few Canadian studies have yet exploited its potential return. Problems of sampling and of variations in candidates and issues among constituencies are replaced by the difficulties of ecological correlation, but the use of regression procedures allows the evaluation of the predictive power of the explanatory variables.
The Stolper-Samuelson Theorem, The Rybczynski Effect, and the Heckscher-Ohlin Theory of Trade Pattern and Factor Price Equalization: The Case of Many-Commodity, Many-Factor Country
Authors: Minabe Nobuo
Published: June 2006

The Stolper-Samuelson theorem asserts that an ad valorem import tariff (in a two-commodity, two-factor country) will bring about a more than proportionate rise in the price of the corresponding “intensive” factor in that industry. On the other hand, Rybczynski establishes the proposition that an increase in the labour force with constant aggregate endowment of the other productive factor (in a two-commodity, two-factor country) results in a greater than proportionate increase in the output of the labour-intensive commodity and an actual decline in the total output of the other commodity when the terms of trade are held constant. Jones has recently pointed out in this Journal the dual nature of the relationship between the Stolper-Samuelson theorem and the Rybczynski effect.
A Theory of Government Grants
Authors: Breton Albert
Published: June 2006

Government grants in federal countries account for a small share of the national product of these countries. I suppose that this, and the fact that federal arrangements are relatively flexible, explains why no well-organized body of economic doctrine deals with the issues raised by the existence of these grants. In terms of general principles, I venture the opinion that the consensus among economists—though perhaps not among students of public administration—holds that these grants can be defended with ethical and distribution arguments, but that on grounds of efficiency (in the economist's sense) and resource allocation they are to be condemned. Further, I would guess that majority opinion would favour unconditional over conditional grants on the ground that the latter do not respect the sovereignty of the “consumer” or of the spender.

These principles seem to have been accepted and even defended by economists like Bhargava, Buchanan, and Scott and to have received the support of Dehem and Wolfe among others. Dissenters, like Buchanan—on the question of efficiency versus ethics—have dissented only in part.
Analysis of Canadian Consumer Expenditure Surveys
Authors: Asimakopulos A.
Published: June 2006

This study has two main purposes: the estimation of certain demand relations, and the assessment of the usefulness of Canadian consumer expenditure surveys as a source for the derivation of such estimates. Results from five surveys of Canadian urban family expenditures in the post-war period have been published, and the returns from a sixth are now being processed. These reports have received relatively little attention from economists, probably because of the limited scope of most of the surveys. Their principal objective was to provide appropriate commodity weights (or a check on existing weights) for the Consumer Price Index (CPI); the sample interviewed was mostly restricted to the CPI target income group and often to only a few cities. The surveys for 1947–48 and 1959, however, do not contain any family-size or income restrictions. The former sampled the non-farm population and the latter those living in cities with populations of 15,000 and over. For these two surveys, expenditures on major commodity groups were cross-classified by income and family-size. It is only for these two surveys that Engel curves can be fitted. Estimates of income and family-size parameters were obtained for this study by using two methods of estimation—least squares and instrumental variables. The results obtained from the latter method provide, under certain assumptions, a measure of the extent of the downward bias in the least squares estimates of the parameters caused by transitory income. In addition, estimates of the income elasticity of consumption are obtained on the basis of different methods of grouping the spending units surveyed, in an attempt to test the hypothesis that this value is unity.
Spectroscopy
Authors: Gauglitz Günter
Published: June 2006

Spectroscopy, the study of electromagnetic radiation and its interaction with matter as a function of frequency or wavelength, is a versatile and powerful tool for investigating atomic and molecular structure, as well as for qualitative and quantitative analysis. Optical spectroscopy is surveyed emphasizing its applicability for qualitative and quantitative laboratory and process analysis and for monitoring atmospheric pollutants. Absorption, emission (from excited samples, and radiometry of ambient thermal emission), scattering (elastic and Raman), and luminescence (fluorescence and phosphorescence) spectroscopies are discussed for the different regions of the electromagnetic spectrum: radio and microwaves, mid‐ and near‐infrared, molecular ultraviolet–visible absorption, atomic absorption and emission, and X‐ray and γ‐ray, in each case discussing instrumentation, sampling, and applications. Special techniques covered include null‐background detection, nonlinear Raman spectroscopy and other laser‐induced processes, optical activity, and Mössbauer spectroscopy. Modern ultrasensitive spectroscopies being developed for analytical use are briefly reviewed.