bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Test-Ban Negotiations: Implications for the Future
Authors: Jacobson Harold Karan
Published: June 2007

The record of the nuclear test-ban negotiations can well be read for its implications both for the procedure of negotiating and the substance of arms-control agreements. The history of the negotiations covers five years and includes an unpoliced moratorium on testing nuclear weapons which lasted nearly three years. Starting with the collapse of the Paris summit meeting in 1960, the negotiations took a radical turn for the worse, and, had it not been for the Cuban crisis and heightened Sino-Soviet tensions, they might well have been fruitless. The level of the United States technical prepara tion was not adequate to the task at hand, nor were crucial political decisions taken prior to 1961. The impunity with which the Soviet Union could abrogate the moratorium in 1961 demonstrates the danger of dropping one's guard. The experi ence of the negotiations suggests that areas where there is rela tive parity perhaps offer the most promise for arms-control agreements and that more progress might be made if greater emphasis were placed on national control or what has come to be called adversary or reciprocal inspection techniques.
Living with China as a Great Power
Authors: Clubb O. Edmund
Published: June 2007

China has resumed its traditional power position in Asia. It is beset by economic difficulties aggravated by the Sino-Soviet dispute but has not renounced its determination to become the dominant power in Asia. The United States, once committed to upholding the Open Door policy in China, now is bound by an alliance with Formosa and maintains a policy of complete nonintercourse with mainland China. That policy, besides being written into law, is sustained in its present form by strong interests. American efforts to get others to follow its policy line, however, are of declining effectiveness. Other countries are interested especially in trends in the China trade, now shifting somewhat toward "capitalist" countries. The United States cannot share in that trade just for the asking; Formosa is the block. The American China policy thus is in volved in the China issue in the United Nations. Trends there favor a "two Chinas" solution. The joint American-Formosan position can only deteriorate, not improve, in the United Nations. It will take long to adjust our relationship with China, but the matter should be undertaken, by progressive steps initiated now, looking toward the ultimate resolution of the Formosa problem. Only then can the United States deal effectively with China.
The Unsolved German Settlement
Authors: Neal Fred Warner
Published: June 2007

Three realities of the German situation must be accepted in any peaceful settlement of the short-run aspects: the division of Germany into two separate states, the rearma ment of Germany, and the division of Berlin with continued presence of Western troops in West Berlin. The main dispute is over recognition of East Germany, since the Soviet and United States proposals on Berlin are close enough to be negotiable— Soviet proposals have not called for elimination of Western gar risons. The major American concern over recognition involves the West German reaction, with its possible effect on NATO. West Germany, the mainstay of the alliance, also refuses to ac cept East Germany and its frontiers, insisting that a reuni fied Germany embracing 193 7 frontiers can be achieved by a "policy of strength in NATO." In considering whether the military risks of making a German settlement outweigh the military risks of not making one, major questions are (1) whether there exists a threat of Soviet military aggression against Western Europe and (2) whether NATO can long con tinue in its present form in any event. Although West Ger many will doubtless have closer relations with the Soviet Union in the future, a "deal" involving the sacrifice of East Germany by Moscow is no longer likely. Whether a West German-So viet rapprochement will prove deleterious to the United States depends in large part on whether the United States and the Soviet Union can reach a détente before it occurs.
Physical and Mental Health in the City
Authors: Lieberman E. James , Duhl Leonard J.
Published: June 2007

The intimate relationship of problems of health and problems of the city forms the basis for a dynamic ecological approach to planning for physical and mental health in the city. Rational co-ordination is required in order to maximize the contributions of health professionals and city planners, who must work with and learn from experts in welfare, education, labor, business, architecture, economics, and related fields in their efforts to plan approaches which are generally acceptable and workable. The uncertainty which is a condition of urban complexity adds to the burden of responsi bility and does not excuse inaction. People need sunlight, heat, water, air, and food to live. They also need space, recrea tion, education, and protection from contagious diseases and other environmental hazards. In addition, there must be pro visions for human relationships and creative endeavor; politics, art, science; specialization and interdependence. These re quirements are not as susceptible to quantification as bricks, census tracts, or dollars, but it would be a grave error to persist in considering most what we can measure best. Public health services have altered the world's ecology, though the changes have not invariably been for the better. New conditions, many of which are malignant, will occur. However, a well-planned city will improve human health and growth. Total achieve ment of ideal conditions is unrealistic to expect, but particular diseases will yield more completely and more finally to the broad environmental approach than to a narrower one.—Ed.
Urban Social Differentiation and the Allocation of Resources
Authors: Mack Raymond W. , McElrath Dennis C.
Published: June 2007

Urbanization alters the social organization of human communities not only in size but in their very nature. The urbanization of a society, then, means not only an increase in the scale of its social organization but also an alteration in the spatial organization of its activities, with a concentration of the functions of co-ordination and control in cities, and the development of a whole network of urban sites. These latter two factors in the process of urbanization produce systems of differentiation, which in turn provide channels for distributing goods and services. To understand the allocation of resources, it is useful, then, to examine three differentiation systems: the occupational, the ethnic and migrant, and the familial or life- style system of differentiation. Allocation of resources through each of these systems has consequences ranging from a tendency to perpetuate or ascribe positions in an urban society to an encouragement and acceptance of heterogeneity in cultural values and human behavior.
Urban Economic Development
Authors: Nixon John H. , Gerhardt Paul H.
Published: June 2007

Four major sectors are involved in the economic development of urban communities: (1) the population, or human sector; (2) the export industry sector; (3) the local service sector; (4) the agencies of government which serve the public needs of the area. Each sector develops its own goals and, at the same time, contributes to the fulfillment of the goals of the other sectors. In general, the goals of all four sectors are achieved by raising the real per capita productivity and income of the community. Co-operation among all the sectors, not always easy to achieve, is essential to the process of develop ment. The importance of a community's export industries in shaping its economy is critical. The local service sector depends heavily on the export sector. Local business leaders can play an effective role in developing and encouraging export industries to expand or locate in the community. The govern ment plays a powerful contributory role by helping preserve and improve the attractiveness of the community and the quality of its education and other government services. The human sector contributes skills and effort to all sectors and benefits both materially and in the quality of community life.
Administrative and Fiscal Considerations in Urban Development
Authors: Hirsch Werner Z.
Published: June 2007

The urban government administrator may soon receive much greater help from science, which can provide him with informational and rational bases from which to strive for excellence. Urban interaction analysis, end-product-oriented program budgeting, effectiveness analysis, and computerized information flow systems for planning and operating purposes hold promise for better decisions. Large-scale metropolitan consolidation has turned out to be an unlikely remedy for metropolitan problems. New voluntary forms of co-operation, made effective by state and federal financial inducements, are being proposed and tried. Many considerations point to a government serving 100,000 to 2 50,000 people as being of ideal size. Because of certain fiscal considerations, the sug gestion is that the federal government should assume increasing financial responsibility for those services with major interstate benefit and cost spillovers and in which income redistribution plays an important role. By the same rule, federal financing of public housing, urban renewal, community development, air- pollution control, urban transportation, and water projects should be de-emphasized, except in multistate areas. Greater assumption of financial responsibilities by the federal govern ment for such costly services as education, health, and welfare should free state funds. In turn, states would be in a position to act more aggressively in guiding and aiding cities, townships, and counties.
The Urban Pattern
Authors: Blumenfeld Hans
Published: June 2007

The traditional city is in the process of trans formation into the metropolis. This new form of human settle ment has been made possible and necessary by increasing pro ductivity and increasing division of labor. It is the result of the interaction of two waves of migration, a long-distance movement from country to city and a more recent short-distance movement from center to periphery. The metropolis is sur rounded by a metropolitan region. The metropolis performs the traditional city function of central leadership plus the tradi tional countryside function of material production. Thus, the majority of the population in developed countries live in metropolitan areas, although each metropolitan populace is dis persed over a large territory containing both urban-developed land and open areas, with places of work and residence sepa rated. Residential areas are segregated according to class or income of their residents; the "good neighborhood" is a fiercely protected status symbol. Manufacturing is moving toward the satellite towns within metropolitan regions, and the me tropolis itself is becoming the center of service industry. These are the characteristics of the metropolis which produce a pattern of land use based on central business, industrial, residential, and open areas. In modifying the natural pattern of the metropolis to make it better, contradictory desiderata will have to be accommodated.
The Public Art of City Building
Authors: Crane David A.
Published: June 2007

The acceptance by the courts of urban aesthetics as a legitimate area of governmental concern has not been matched with broad and vigorous public action in urban design. New philosophies of public aesthetics and more courageous design, decisions, and development are needed to deal with the peculiar problems and political attitudes of the great American city. For the broadest common good and maximum design achievement, aesthetic aims must be put to work with normal planning and development actions. The recent growth toward a public urbanism industry, in which planning and development are closely linked, gives promise of a versatile, specific connection between aesthetic wishes and their fulfill ment. The role of local government in "capital design" of public land, streets, and community facilities offers enormous opportunity and obligation.
Recreation and Urban Development: A Policy Perspective
Authors: Wingo Lowdon
Published: June 2007

The increasing income and expanding leisure which are proceeding from the continuing growth of produc tivity in our society are generating a deep-seated cultural transition from the values of work and production toward those associated with consumption and leisure. Recreation policy can be a useful instrument in effecting this transition with a minimum of cultural dislocation, but there is a need to develop more effective frameworks for recreation policy-making. Lei sure activity can be viewed as a quasi-market system whose performance results from the interaction of demand and supply factors which are subject to analysis. When costs are measured in terms of both money and time, and when transportation costs are specified as variables, it becomes possible to construct a model of the space economy of recreation activity which should become an important analytical perspective for the recreation planner in the future. Because the "openness" of the system in which he plans is growing, he will need more and more to relate his plans to the larger world, and it is here that the federal recreation policies can play a valuable role in provid ing the context for the planning of local recreation activity.
Urban Transportation Criteria
Authors: Fagin Henry
Published: June 2007

When aligned with other services and facilities, transportation helps generate powerful forces for influencing the long-run real-estate market. Working to improve the pro ductivity and livability of urban areas, officials are increasingly looking to metropolitan policy studies for effective action and regulation programs. Thus, beyond immediate considerations of access and congestion, transportation decisions are now ex pected to reflect the impacts of governmental programs on gen eral urban development. The processes through which trans portation decisions are made are themselves being modified in recognition of the broad reverberations of transport policy. With a wider array of persons and governmental units con cerned with these decisions, the criteria applied to the alterna tive possibilities are becoming more comprehensive. Criteria applied depend not merely on personal outlook but also on the scope of responsibilities of the person weighing the alternatives. Two opposite tendencies are at work: a search for a reduction of criteria toward a single optimizing index accounting for all significant costs and benefits implicit in a proposed line of policy and program; conversely, a search better to identify and de scribe all the significant manifold repercussions of alternative proposals as these are viewed by different people.
Boss and Faction
Authors: Riedel James A.
Published: June 2007

Local parties tend to break into factions com peting with each other in much the same way as political parties. The political charge "bossism" tends to have little effect in a stable political economy, such as Albany, despite its appropri ateness. In politically unstable, economically depressed Sche nectady, the charge "bossism" is used indiscriminately with some apparent effect. Political patronage, once the basic political cement, is still a focal point of political activity but is giving way to other bases of organization, such as faction. However, the growing division between the secure and politi cally unconcerned top as against the insecure and politically active bottom in the local economy is separating the traditional source of political leadership from the masses. In such a con text, it is easier for an insurgent to build a personal political movement than it is to transform an existing factional split into a successful reform movement. Furthermore, the business community tends to adjust to an incumbent organization and in time to defend it regardless of party label and countless allegations of wrongdoing. Finally, general public unconcern approaches a condition of militant apathy against which no amount of campaigning has any effect. "The leader" becomes more meaningful than the issue.
Bosses, Machines, and Ethnic Groups
Authors: Cornwell Elmer E.
Published: June 2007

The boss and his urban machine, though products of many factors, were virtually unthinkable without their immi grant clienteles. These gave the machine its essential mass base. And the machine operated, in effect, as virtually the only agency facilitating the political—and economic—integration of the immigrants into the American community. This was done by soliciting—or "buying"—their votes with the familiar array of machine "services," bringing their representatives into the organization, offering a career ladder to some individuals, and giving general recognition to them as a group. Then the im migration flow virtually stopped during the 1920's. This, plus various urban reforms, the development of government- sponsored welfare services, and the like ended the era of the boss. Actually, two kinds of "immigration" have gone on since the twenties. The Negro has come in increasing numbers from the rural South to northern urban centers, and the Puerto Rican has sought wider opportunity in New York City. Though the present-day urban party has far less motive and ability to deal with these newcomers in the former manner, evidence suggests that they are finding their way into the party organizations and, hence, are to some extent being represented by them.
The Last Revolution: Community and Nation in Africa
Authors: Ashford Douglas E.
Published: June 2007

The major revolutions in Africa over the past decade may have distorted our estimates of future develop ment. Considerable evidence shows that African leaders are currently most concerned with the consolidation of power and the construction of highly centralized governments. But, as development proceeds, the community takes on an increas ingly important role and the new government is challenged to reconstruct the political system so as to give a more important role to localities. Despite the efforts to depoliticize communi ties in their relation to the governments of Africa, local reforms must be made and the political system must encompass a more complex pattern of political relationships. To refuse means to risk serious dislocations between levels of government and may produce stiff resistance to changes demanded by develop ment programs.
Recent Economic Growth in Africa
Authors: Kamarck Andrew M.
Published: June 2007

Although Africa was in the forefront of world progress at the beginning of time, she fell behind due to isola tion and a most difficult environment. When she came again into contact with the world, almost five centuries ago, the im pact through the slave trade and spread of disease was rather to destroy the few gains she had made than to help her pro gress. The introduction of the railway, establishment of peace and order, and the inflow of capital from abroad were positive contributions, but, up to World War II, no sustained attempt was made by the governments of the metropolitan powers to stimulate economic development in Africa. After World War II, a major effort began to be made to help her develop—an effort which was helped by favorable prices for African prod ucts due to full employment in the industrialized countries. And gross national product in Africa did grow quite rapidly up to about 1960. Since then, the transitional difficulties of inde pendence and the deterioration of African terms of trade have slowed growth again. The new governments in the main, with all their problems, however, are making an economic develop ment effort that compares favorably with other areas of the world.
A Community Approach to the Home: Homemaker Service
Authors: Mcdowell John T.
Published: June 2007

Communities seeking ways to serve families which are facing disrupting crises are finding homemaking services a practical approach. Private agencies have had long years of experience in homemaking services and retain the leading position in operating the largest number of programs. As public welfare has moved toward a service program, impressive progress has been made by the public agencies in developing the service. The homemaker program was developed originally to meet a crisis in the home. Particularly was this true when the mother was ill or absent from the home, and an effort was made through homemaking services to keep the children at home. In county public welfare departments and especially in rural areas, homemakers are assuming more of a teaching role and reaching more people through a group approach. The importance of a homemaker program being operated in a social agency is that it can provide the joint services of the home maker and the professional caseworker. It is anticipated that homemaker service will continue to expand as a community service. Federal financial help which is available and the serv ices of the National Council for Homemaker Services will do much to promote the program and provide direction nation wide for its development.
Helping Neglectful Parents
Authors: Bishop Julia Ann
Published: June 2007

Modern child protective service retains much of the belief in the community's responsibility for neglected chil dren held by its founders in the 1870's. The greatest change has been in the emphasis on help to parents to provide needed care as opposed to punishment of parents and removal of children. It is based on a belief that parents who are not functioning adequately are not necessarily incapable of so func tioning and that it is in the interest of society, of children, and of parent that they be given an opportunity to find out. Pro tective service is, more than many social services, a direct joint effort of community and social agency. It is initiated by reports from the community. Though need of protective serv ice is generally accepted as basic in all communities, and protective services in public child welfare units increasing, such services are by no means universal. They are increas ingly given under public—tax—supported—rather than volun tarily supported agencies. The extent of neglect is well documented by the United States Children's Bureau. Neg lectful parents can be helped by a community program which includes identification of such parents, provides authoritative intervention of which an ingredient is skillful casework help, and insures that services and resources which support parental functioning will be available.
The Federal Government and the Universities
Authors: Mildenberger Kenneth W.
Published: June 2007

The role of the United States in the Second World War and in world affairs since the war has established the im portance of American universities as a national resource for knowledge about the languages and cultures of non-Western peoples. Government agencies turn to the universities for specialized personnel, training programs, informed advice, tech nical assistance abroad, and mission-oriented research. But professional non-Western resources at universities have been extremely limited, and the government has recognized, in the national interest, a federal responsibility to provide direct financial assistance to strengthen the relevant academic enter prise. The central program of government support is Title VI of the National Defense Education Act (NDEA) of 1958, which provides aid for language and area centers, for stipends for advanced university study, and for research and studies. A section of the Fulbright-Hays Act of 1961 has augmented NDEA support by provision of funds for travel and study abroad by American faculty and graduate students of non- Western studies.
The Humanities and Non-Western Studies
Authors: Marckwardt Albert H.
Published: June 2007

It is evident that increased familiarity with the non-Western world is a desideratum in our educational future. To achieve this, we shall have to bring the foreign area to our students rather than depending upon their going to the foreign area. Although non-Western studies have had a rapid de velopment in our colleges and universities over the past two decades, much more remains to be done, especially in the field of the humanities. In this connection it is convenient to deal with language and linguistics separately. A command of the non-Western language is essential for the foreign-area special ist, and anyone who undertakes graduate study or undergrad uate concentration should acquire competence in it. For the nonspecialist undergraduate, language study is impractical. One problem is to increase the availability of language instruc tion in the colleges. Expansion in linguistics is necessary to produce the language-teaching manpower. The function of literature in any area program is to provide the student with an experience, a concrete expression of the values and concepts of the culture he is studying. Folklore often serves a similar pur pose. Art, architecture, and music as component elements of area study may conveniently be approached in terms of the creative process and of form, symbol, and value. Contrastive analyses of the target culture and of our own will provide a strategy of approach in which one proceeds from the similar to the different. In making such analyses, the humanist must seek the advice of the social scientist, thus paving the way for a closer integration of the two disciplines.
The Interdisciplinary Effect in African Studies
Authors: Reining Conrad C.
Published: June 2007

Africanists in the United States African Studies Association have been so relatively successful in establishing interdisciplinary communication and co-operation that Euro pean scholars have been considering setting up similar organi zations. As the latest area field to emerge in the United States, African studies have benefited from the experiences of other area programs. Also, the notion that area studies might be substitutes for the traditional university depart ments had subsided by the time that African studies centers began to proliferate. The African Studies Association is prob ably unique in its lack of research or policy-directing aspects, and its small size relative to the other professional associations has allowed Africanists to get to know each other according to particular interests in African regions or problems, rather than along disciplinary lines alone. The problem of co-ordina tion between linguists and nonlinguists was ameliorated because descriptive linguistics, the variety of most interest to African ists, has been considered to be a subfield of anthropology in most major departments—although a shortage of linguists with an African background has hampered the expansion of the teaching of African languages. The many disciplines required for studying African history may open the way for further interdisciplinary efforts.
Development of Library Resources
Authors: Berry Paul L.
Published: June 2007

Adequate area studies programs at institutions of higher education require the availability of books and other resource materials from and about the areas to be studied. Academic libraries traditionally have had responsibility for developing collections of resource materials, but their success in the past has been moderate. Following World War II, li braries have made intensive efforts, both individually and co operatively, to acquire significant materials from all foreign areas, but their collections are still not fully adequate for many areas, particularly the non-Western. A major cause of inadequacy has been insufficient funds, not only for the pur chase of materials, but also to support on-the-scene acquisitions and to hire staff with area and language competence. Federal programs in recent years have provided use of surplus foreign currencies—under Public Law 480, Eighty-third Congress— for major research libraries to acquire library materials in selected countries, and have also provided support under the National Defense Education Act. To develop adequate col lections of resource materials, however, further support is needed, as well as greater co-operative efforts among libraries and area studies groups.
The Rise of the Negro Protest
Authors: Thompson Daniel C.
Published: June 2007

Social controls supporting the biracial system in the United States are primarily corporal and legal and are often in conflict with prevailing moral and religious precepts. The Negro protest is not simply against widespread deprivations per se, but rather against "relative deprivations," or barriers designed to prevent them from enjoying certain rights and privileges that are regarded as ethically, morally, and socially legitimate for other Americans. At no time have Negroes ac cepted their subordinate social status as morally, ethically, or legally just. Consequently, despite the present danger of re taliation from white supremacists and the constant threat of a white "backlash," they have always registered their protest. As a rule, the Negro protest has been directed against customs and laws designed to place unusual limits on their freedom, threaten their security as citizens, prevent them from receiving the recognition and status they might merit, and subject them to indignities and rejection. The Negro protest is, itself, a clear endorsement of the "American Creed" and a reaffirmation of the faith Negroes have in the democratic process.
Protest Against the Legal Status of the Negro
Authors: Murray Pauli
Published: June 2007

The tradition of protest has been present in every generation of Negroes since the seventeenth century. During slavery hundreds of petitions for freedom were appealed through the courts to the highest tribunals of the states. Free Negroes also resisted discrimination and segregation before the Civil War through court action as well as more direct methods. Contemporary protest is a culmination of this tradition and has reached a climax after a century-long effort to implement the constitutional guarantees of full citizenship in the Civil War Amendments. The massive nature of resistance to discrimina tion is due in part to a changing self-image and in part to a redefinition of constitutional rights by the Supreme Court. The failure of legal processes in parts of the South to facilitate these changes has led to the growth of militant protest move ments and to new forms of expression of protest. The most significant of these movements is nonviolent action in the face of terrorism, calculated to arouse the national conscience and bring about increasing federal intervention to ensure the pro tection of constitutional rights. Events in Alabama and Mis sissippi vividly illustrate the breakdown of legal processes and the need for more vigorous action by the federal government.
Economic Forces Serving the Ends of the Negro Protest
Authors: Batchelder Alan B.
Published: June 2007

Favorable economic forces are essential to the realization of the objectives of the Negro protest. During the 1950's, economic forces were unfavorable: Negro education was grossly inferior to white; technological changes ejected Negroes from agriculture and from manufacturing production jobs; un employment rates rose. During these years, the Negro man's economic position fell relative to the white man's. In the future, several economic forces will aid Negroes: Technological change will create new occupations free of vested interests opposing admission of Negroes. Losing unskilled labor while gaining capital, Southern urban employment and wage rates will rise, benefiting Negroes as well as whites. Government will provide nondiscriminatory employment opportunities, and Ne groes will utilize military training and government employment experience to find work in the private economy. Declining birth rates will reduce pressure on unskilled wages and will im prove home environments of poor Negroes' children. Negro purchasing power, concentrating in cities, will press nondis criminatory employment policies upon employers. Negroes admitted to corporate managements will acquire experience permitting them to set up their own businesses. Most im portant, high-employment business stability will maintain an economic environment favoring rational—nondiscriminatory— use of the Negro potential, while every program reducing un employment rates will make that environment even more favorable.
The Urban League and Its Strategy
Authors: Young Whitney M.
Published: June 2007

The National Urban League is a national profes sional community services agency with local affiliates in seventy strategically located cities which seeks to break down dis criminatory patterns impeding the progress of the Negro pop ulation toward first-class citizenship. Founded fifty-four years ago to assist Negroes from the rural South migrating to large cities, it has grown steadily over the years. Today, its program concentrates not only on wiping out the last vestiges of racial discrimination, but on stressing the need for self-help among Negro and other disadvantaged citizens to better qualify them selves for the trek out of poverty and into first-class citizenship. The Urban League concentrates on changing discriminatory patterns by an interracial effort. Its officials seek to bridge the gaps between white and Negro communities, to promote racial understanding, and to enlist the support of men and women in positions of power for those whose heritage has been one of deprivation and denial. Each local branch maintains a volun tary interracial board of directors and a paid, usually integrated, staff. Implicit in the League's philosophy is the frank recogni tion that interracial co-operation is an indispensable prerequisite to the achievement of significant and lasting gains for Negro citizens. The League also stresses that the nation cannot perfect its democratic institutions until Negro citizens obtain their inalienable rights as Americans and human beings.
The Concept of Political Development
Authors: Pye Lucian W.
Published: June 2007

Considerable confusion exists over the concept of political development, which is of recent origin in political sci ence. The confusion is compounded because particular trends in the social sciences inhibited explicit concern about political, as distinct from economic, development. Ten definitions of "political development" are analyzed in this article, and a final summary view of the essential dimensions of the concept is pre sented in which three broadly shared characteristics of politi cal development are outlined: concern with equality, with the capacity of the political system, and with the differentiation or specialization of governmental organizations. These three characteristics are generally related to certain aspects of politi cal development: equality to the political culture, the problems of capacity to authoritative governmental structures, and the question of differentiation to nonauthoritative structures. This suggests a final analysis that the problems of political develop ment revolve around the relationship between the political cul ture, the authoritative structure, and the general political process.
Toward a Concept of Political Development
Authors: Von Vorys Karl
Published: June 2007

It may be possible to arrive at a concept of polit ical development by identifying the political ingredients of the process which will lead to enduring political systems in the newly independent states. Such approach would focus on the initial role of initiative in an environment of progressively disrupted traditional small-scale societies and chronic economic dis equilibrium which often characterize these states. Perhaps by default, this initiative has become the function of government. At this stage governments in newly independent states, how ever, do not possess the capacity to direct the course and the rate of social and economic change. They will yet have to develop this capacity through steady and balanced increments in their capacities of coercion and persuasion.
Soldiers and the Nation-State
Authors: Bobrow Davis B.
Published: June 2007

Recognition of the need to consider the military an actor in political development has yet to produce adequate formats to describe its role in political development or reliable predictors of the role which particular armies will play. This article suggests a strategy to describe and measure the inputs of the military into political development and to work toward pre dictors of the inputs which different armies will make. When the analyst describes inputs in terms of the three distinct cate gories proposed, he can measure the significance of the military role for political development, as well as its content. In con cert, these categories—resources, aspects of activity, and rou tines—govern the collection and analysis of data to insure that: (1) all relevant military behaviors are handled and (2) the cen tral concern with political development is not subordinated to the study of the military as an end in itself. We propose that these categories can locate the inputs which have desired effects on political development. Different inquiries assist us to pre dict and control which inputs the military will make. From studies of organizations, we know that differences on charac teristics common to them tend to produce different capabilities and intentions. Similarly, differences on correctly selected characteristics of the military exert a significant and predict able influence on its role in political development. Completion of these inquiries locates for us which changes in military es tablishments will augment their contribution to political de velopment.
Assumptions About the Learning of Political Values
Authors: Sigel Roberta
Published: June 2007

Political socialization refers to the learning process by which the political norms and behaviors acceptable to an ongoing political system are transmitted from generation to generation. The goal of political socialization is so to train or develop individuals that they become well-functioning mem bers of political society. Such learning begins very early in the person's life and need not be acquired solely through deliberate indoctrination. In fact, most of this norm-internalization goes on casually and imperceptibly—most of the time with out our ever being aware that it is going on. It proceeds so smoothly precisely because we are unaware of it. We take the norms for granted, and it does not occur to us to question them. The stability of a political system depends in no small measure on the political socialization of its members. A well- functioning citizen is one who accepts (internalizes) society's political norms and who will then transmit them to future gen erations. Without a body politic so in harmony with the on going political values, a political system would have trouble functioning smoothly and perpetuating itself safely. And sur vival, after all, is a prime goal of the political organism just as it is of the individual organism.—Ed.
Education and Political Enlightenment in America
Authors: Litt Edgar
Published: June 2007

Formal political education has developed distinct ideologies and practices congruent with political and educa tional development. It is the thesis of this essay that two models of official civic education, namely, the rational-activist and the integrative-consensual, have dominated teaching ma terials and concepts. Neither form retains the general sup port, the functionality, or the dominant educational institutions that did exist in an earlier historical period. Indeed, the tend ency for them to be absorbed by an emerging third model, namely, the segmented-organizational educational apparatus, is one of the major reasons for the frequency of "null" findings relating formal education to political participation and atti tude-formation.
Personality and Political Socialization: The Theories of Authoritarian and Democratic Character
Authors: Greenstein Fred I.
Published: June 2007

Recent study of political socialization has concen trated on one aspect of the experiences which culminate in adult citizenship—namely, learning which is specifically about government and politics. Our concern here is with a portion of what might be called the old political socialization literature, focusing on nonpolitical personal development that affects po litical behavior. There has been abundant research and specu lation on the notion of "authoritarian character," but only a limited amount of discussion of the counterpart, "democratic character." To clarify the welter of issues arising in the au thoritarian literature, it is helpful to distinguish the assump tions which are made about the surface features of the charac ter type from those made about its dynamics and its genesis. It is also useful to make further distinctions which sensitize us to the complex connections between personal character and po litical belief, political action, and the functioning of political institutions.
The Political Socialization of the American Negro
Authors: Marvick Dwaine
Published: June 2007

American Negroes perforce "came to terms" his torically with a locality-circumscribed political world. A huge northward migration has occurred, and the younger Negro has gradually become aware of metropolitan as well as national American political processes as they affect him. Opinion-sur vey evidence reveals clear contrasts by region and generation in Negro attitudes toward public officials; it also suggests that Negro evaluations of political opportunity sometimes approach parity with matched counterpart groups of underprivileged whites. A shift has also occurred in Negro leadership, away from accommodationist civic dignitaries, tapped by whites as liaison spokesmen for the Negro subcommunity, to Negro pro fessional politicians, negotiating from positions of pivotal elec toral power both in Southern localities and Northern metro politan districts. The middle-class leadership of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and Urban League, moreover, has been supplemented and jostled into new militancy by the direct-action protest or ganizers of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), and the Student Nonviolent Co-ordinating Committee (SNCC). Full and mundane possession by Negroes of a reformulated place in the American polity depends, however, on the proliferation of community-level opportunities to learn new skills and roles in civic affairs.
The Neutralist World and Disarmament Negotiations
Authors: Nogee Joseph L.
Published: June 2007

The involvement of eight nonaligned nations in the Eighteen-Nation Disarmament Committee (ENDC) is the culmination of a growing neutralist influence in the United Na tions and a strong desire among the nonaligned nations to curb the arms race. Three years of negotiations in the Disarma ment Committee affords an opportunity to analyze the role of the neutralists on the Committee and their effect on the out come of the talks. The major neutralist efforts involved at tempting by various diplomatic techniques to pressure the nu clear powers into reconciling their differences. Although each of the eight reacted differently to various elements in United States-United Kingdom and Soviet Union proposals, they all avoided outward partisanship toward either East or West. A neutralist compromise proposal of April 1962, suggesting a sys tem of "inspection by invitation," failed to bridge the Soviet and American differences on the problem of inspection. While the neutralist presence at Geneva reduced the degree of po lemics in the talks and forced the nuclear powers—particularly the Soviets—to use more reasonable arguments, they did not substantially affect the outcome of the Committee's work. Both the "hot line" agreement and the partial-test-ban treaty in 1963 were negotiated by the nuclear powers on their own and without an audience.
The Soviet Union and the Neutralist World
Authors: Reshetar John S.
Published: June 2007

Although Soviet interest in the "colonial ques tion" is as old as the regime, an active and well-financed policy was initiated only in 1954-1955 as more colonies attained na tional independence. The first Soviet loans and arms ship ments to Afghanistan and Egypt were designed to weaken the Baghdad Pact, support neutralism, and establish Soviet pres ence in the Middle East. The Soviet Union joined specialized international organizations, and Soviet leaders began to visit selected nonaligned countries. Soviet ideologists developed the concept of "national democracy" and "neocolonialism" in order to rationalize the operation. Long-term loans to a select group of neutralist states, at low interest rates with repayment often on a barter basis or in local currencies, are a significant feature of the Soviet offensive in the "third world." The So viet Union seeks to weaken and ultimately to eliminate West ern influence, disrupting regional military alliances and eco nomic ties with the West; Soviet loans and aid are also designed to promote political and socioeconomic conditions conducive to the strengthening of local Communist parties and are a means of obtaining neutralist support for Soviet foreign-policy objec tives. The Soviet campaign in the "third world" has had lim ited success, and may have consequences which its initiators did not anticipate.
Should the Code of Ethics in Public Life be Absolute or Relative?
Authors: Blake Eugene Carson
Published: June 2007

A code of ethics must be understood as an objec tive set of standards or principles which a man could use to help him decide the moral questions which he faces from time to time. The question is whether such a code should be ab solute or relative. A relative code of ethics would be a code which recognized the truth of the aphorism "circumstances alter cases." An absolute code of ethics would stand (as a standard) no matter whether anyone accepted it or not, and would be thought of in terms of being unaffected by any change of circumstances. The answer of this article is that a code of ethics must be both, because ethical behavior suffers when either of these categories is chosen to the exclusion of the other. Christian moral philosophers have put forth their answer not in terms of this paradox, but in a position called "contextual ethics." These moralists insist that right must always be de termined in the total context of the decision and of reality, and not by the application of an absolute moral law from outside the context of the circumstances, nor by deciding that right is always a little bit wrong and that wrong always has something to be said for it.—Ed.
What Can Be Done about Pettifoggery and Legal Delays?
Authors: Winters Glenn R.
Published: June 2007

The American legal profession got its start under a cloud of public disapproval in part inherited from England, which resulted in low standards of legal education and tardiness in establishment of effective professional organizations, canons of ethics, and disciplinary procedures. Commendable progress has been made on these fronts, especially since the early years of this century, but more remains to be done. Ethical and dis ciplinary problems of lawyers today chiefly involve mishandling of funds, solicitation of legal business, and improper trial prac tices, including use of delay. Important remedial measures now needed include more adequate attention to ethics and professional responsibility in law school, further adoption of the principle of the unified state bar, revision and uniformity in the canons of ethics, and adoption of various specific meas ures against delay in court, along with more control of trials by better qualified judges and refusal of clients to request or condone sharp practices by their attorneys.