bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Finance Act, 1965 and its Effect of Life Offices and their Policyholders
Authors: Potter E. H.
Published: August 2016

The Finance Act, 1965 (which will be referred to in this paper as ‘the Act’) introduced two major changes into the United Kingdom system of taxation: firstly, it introduced a corporation tax applicable to company profits in place of the income tax and profits tax to which those profits were previously subject; and secondly, it imposed a charge to tax on all capital gains, with certain exceptions, whether these gains accrued to a company or to an individual. The objects of these changes and the various associated arrangements were:

(1) To make the tax system more equitable by bringing into charge certain capital gains, frequently speculative gains, which had previously escaped tax altogether.

(2) To make the tax system more simple in some respects by separating the taxation of companies from the taxation of individuals and by levying corporation tax on a current year basis.

(3) To encourage the retention of profits by companies.

(4) To improve the country's immediate balance of payments by rendering overseas investment less attractive.
Large-scale Electronic Digital Computing Machines
Authors: Michaelson R. L.
Published: August 2016

In a paper read before the Institute in January 1936, E. W. Phillips discussed developments in computing machines and made the following prediction :

If it [the light-ray machine] is provided with all the necessary material on the morning of 1st January, the whole of the valuation will be completed within 15 minutes or so. Indeed when the actuary arrives there will still be time to complete the valuation over again on eight or nine other bases before he goes out to lunch, and yet have ready the figures necessary for the Annual General Meeting in the afternoon.
A Visual Pun at Vézelay: Gesture and Meaning on a Capital Representing the Fall of Man
Authors: Ambrose Kirk
Published: August 2016

In a description of a trip through the Midi of France in 1835, Prosper Merimée devotes a lengthy paragraph to the analysis of the Christ in Vézelay's Pentecost tympanum (fig. 1). He marvels at the carving of the figure's feet and “blessing” hands, as well as the placement of the thighs in relation to the torso. Later in his treatment of the abbey church and its sculpture, the author notes that figures on the nave capitals convey a “savage zeal” (zèle farouche) by means of posture and facial expressions. Gestures, in the widely construed, medieval sense of the word, clearly struck the celebrated French author as a salient feature of Vézelay's sculpture. Merimée sympathized with Romantic visions of the Middle Ages as a period less tainted by the stifling effects of civilization, and perhaps his fascination with the dramatic body movement carved throughout the abbey church reflects the belief that these were unfettered by the artistic or social constraints of the early nineteenth century. Yet throughout his description of Vézelay's sculpture, he never attempts to explore the meanings that the carved body might have held for a medieval audience; their meaning is not considered to be historical, but rather to be self-evident. The operative assumption that gestures in medieval art are transparent in meaning anticipates much subsequent scholarship.
William of Auvergne on Time and Eternity
Authors: Teske Roland J.
Published: August 2016

In the early thirteenth century Christian thinkers in the Latin West encountered for the first time the Aristotelian philosophy that was pouring into Europe through translations from Arabic into Latin. William of Auvergne, bishop of Paris from 1228 until his death in 1249, was one of the principal figures in the first reception of the Aristotelian writings in the West. William, in fact, displayed a remarkable openness to Aristotelian thought, embracing much of it as his own, while firmly rejecting other teachings as opposed to the faith. Despite the various ecclesiastical prohibitions against the teaching of Aristotelian philosophy during the first half of the century, William said, “Although in many matters we have to speak against Aristotle, as is truly right and proper — and this holds for all the statements by which he contradicts the truth — he should still be accepted, that is, upheld, in all those statements in which he is found to have held the correct position.”
Christ as Composite according to Aquinas
Authors: Gorman Michael
Published: August 2016

As part of giving an account of the incarnation, Thomas Aquinas states that Christ is a composite person:

The person or hypostasis of Christ can be considered in two ways. One way is as something that exists in itself; in this way it is completely simple, as is the nature of the Word. The other way is as a person or hypostasis to which it is proper to subsist in some nature; in this way, the person of Christ subsists in two natures. Thus, although there is only one subsisting thing in this case, there are nonetheless two principles of subsistence. Thus he can be called a composite person, insofar as he is one thing subsisting in two ways.
The Prefaces to the First Humanist Medical Translations
Authors: Fortuna Stefania
Published: August 2016

A large part of the literary production of humanist physicians consists of Latin translations of Greek medical texts. They considered these translations the first and necessary approach to ancient Greek medicine, which in turn was viewed as having ensured scientific and therapeutical progress against the barbarisms of dominant Arabic medical culture. In a passage from a work entitledDe Plinii et plurium aliorum medicorum in medicina erroribus, the humanist physician Nicolò Leoniceno (1428–1524), who taught for sixty years at the University of Ferrara, attacks Avicenna's doctrine as chaotic, obscure, and dangerous to life. He then presents his own medical program, which is first of all based on translations: “Nos sane ad hanc amovendam atque extirpandam et nostrae aetatis hominibus lucem aliquam veritatis aperiendam, partim librorum Galeni medicorum principis translationibus, partim in eosdem commentationibus, die noctuque laboramus.” Leoniceno was actually a prolific translator of Galen.
Realities of Reformist Leadership in Early Eleventh-Century Flanders: The Case of Leduin, Abbot of Saint-Vaast
Authors: Vanderputten Steven , Meijns Brigitte
Published: August 2016

The reform movement of the later tenth and early eleventh centuries distinguishes itself from other such episodes in monastic history not so much by its impact on the existence of ecclesiastical communities throughout western Europe as by its diversity. Whereas Cluny, Gorze, and the movements initiated or inspired by William of Volpiano, Romuald of Camaldoli, Johannes of Vallombrosa, and Peter Damian have rightly attracted the most interest from scholars, there existed a number of regional movements led by individuals with a reformist agenda, carried out with as much determination, and with results as significant as their international counterparts. One such example is that of the so-called Lotharingian reforms initiated by Richard, abbot of Saint-Vanne (d. 1046), which, over the course of the first half of the eleventh century, spread across large parts of the archbishoprics of Reims, Metz, and Cologne. The exact nature of the movement has long been a subject of debate, with Kassius Hallinger proposing controversially to designate it as aMischobservanz, or mixed observance, based primarily on the customs observed at Cluny and Gorze. The current consensus, however, seems to be that the “Richardian” understanding of monastic life was indeed original and that, like other movements of its time, it originated in a genuine reflection on ways to return to a more authentic experience of thevita regularis.To achieve this goal, Richard and his principal collaborator Poppo, abbot of Stavelot (d. 1048), introduced groups of monks and former canons to their interpretation of theRuleof Saint Benedict, fostered the creation of collective identities around the figure of patron saints, intervened in the production of scriptoria and the creation of libraries, rationalized the monastic economy, and generally attempted to create a more favorable legal and political situation for the communities coming under their care.
Armis Gunfe: Remembering Egyptian Days
Authors: Skemer Don C.
Published: August 2016

Egyptian days were one of the most enduring forms of calendrical prognostication in the ancient and medieval worlds. The Romans called these calendrical omens evil, dark, or ominous days (dies ægri, atri, mali, maledicti, ominosi, infortunati, and tenebrosi), and dies aegyptiaci at least by the fourth century C.E. There were twenty-four Egyptian days, two each month, recurring annually. In time, each day was paired with a particular hour viewed as dangerous, suspect, or inauspicious (hora suspecta, aegra, mala, timenda, or even unica). People who feared Egyptian days were bowing to the weight of tradition, much as someone today might have a superstitious fear of Friday the 13th. This article will focus on the role of cultural memory in providing a rationale for a belief in Egyptian days, and on mnemonic aids that were used to remember where they would fall during the calendar year. Special attention will be devoted to an obscure set of mnemonic verses with the incipit Armis gunfe, which the astronomer Johannes de Sacrobosco (Sacro Busto) (ca. 1195–ca. 1256?) disseminated in Paris around 1235. We will consider how these verses circulated in writing and were applied in practice.
Caesarius of Arles and the Development of the Ecclesiastical Tithe: From a Theology of Almsgiving to Practical Obligations
Authors: Shuler Eric
Published: August 2016

Few taxes have been as enduring and as evocative of identity as the Christian ecclesiastical tithe, arguably “the most important tax in the economic development of western Europe.” The secular enforcement in 779 of the tithe's collection by the church clearly marked a decisive moment in its evolution, but its earlier origins as religious law have been much more elusive. Scholarship over the past five decades has made clear that mandatory tithing to the church was not a custom of early Christianity but rather something that developed in late antiquity, with our first unambiguous evidence of a developed theory of the tithe coming from sixth-century Gaul. The key figure providing that evidence was Caesarius of Arles (ca. 469–542).
Twelfth-century Cosmography, theDe secretis philosophie, and Māshā'allāh (Attr. to),Liber de Orbe
Authors: Obrist Barbara
Published: August 2016

TheLiber de orbe, attributed to Māshā'allāh (fl. 762–ca. 815) in the list of Gerard of Cremona's translations, stands out as one of the few identifiable sources for the indirect knowledge of Peripatetic physics and cosmology at the very time Aristotle's works on natural philosophy themselves were translated into Latin, from the 1130s onward. This physics is expounded in an opening series of chapters on the bodily constitution of the universe, while the central section of the treatise covers astronomical subjects, and the remaining parts deal with meteorology and the vegetal realm. Assuming that Gerard of Cremona's translation of theLiber de orbecorresponds to the twenty-seven chapter version that circulated especially during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, it was, however, not this version, but a forty-chapter expansion thereof that became influential as early as the 1140s. It may have originated in Spain, as indicated, among others, by a reference to the difference of visibility of a lunar eclipse between Spain and Mecca. Unlike the twenty-seven chapterLiber de orbe, this expanded and also partly modified text remains in manuscript, and none of the three copies known so far gives a title or mentions Māshā'allāh as an author. Instead, the thirteenth-century witness that is now in New York attributes the work to an Alcantarus:Explicit liber Alcantari Caldeorum philosophi. While no Arabic original of the twenty-seven chapterLiber de orbehas come to light yet, Taro Mimura of the University of Manchester recently identified a manuscript that partly corresponds to the forty-chapter Latin text, as well as a shorter version thereof.
TheDe tonitruisAttributed to Bede: An Early Medieval Treatise on Divination by Thunder Translated from Irish
Authors: Juste David , Chiu Hilbert
Published: August 2016

TheDe tonitruis(orDe tonitruis libellus ad Herefridum) attributed to Bede is a short text containing a prologue and four chapters dealing with the meaning of thunder heard (I) in each of the four cardinal directions, (II) in each of the twelve months of the year, (III) on each of the seven days of the week, and (IV) at certain hours of the day and of the night. The text was first published among Bede's works by Noviomagus in Cologne in 1537 and was subsequently reprinted in all editions of the complete works of Bede, including Migne'sPatrologia Latina.Charles W. Jones, who was the first to discuss theDe tonitruisin detail, convincingly dismissed the attribution to Bede and identified what he thought to be the only extant MS (and also the exemplar used by Noviomagus): Cologne, Erzbischöfliche Diözesan- und Dombibliothek, 102, fols. 49r–52v, copied in Cologne in the first half of the eleventh century.
Intensität der Elementarqualitäten nach Galen
Authors: Kovačić Franjo
Published: August 2016

Anders ist der Glanz der Sonneund anders der Glanz des Mondesund anders der Glanz der Sterne.Ein Stern ist ja vom andern an Glanz verschieden.(1 Kor 15:41)

Die Lehre von den Elementarqualitäten gehört auch zu den Grundlagen der antiken griechischen Medizin und Biologie. Dies gilt sowohl für die Hippokratiker als auch für Galen aus Pergamon (129–ca. 200 n. Chr.). Der Pergamener entwickelte die Aristotelische Qualitätenlehre zu einem der wichtigsten Prinzipien seines philosophisch-biologischen Systems, so dass er selbst in der neueren Forschung “Qualitativist” und sein System “Qualitativismus” genannt werden.
The Manuscript Evidence for the De octo quaestionibus Ascribed to Bede
Authors: Knibbs Eric
Published: August 2016

For nearly a century, scholars have ascribed a short treatise known as theDe octo quaesiionibusto the Venerable Bede. In this work they have found unusual and important information about Bede and Anglo-Saxon England. It may preserve an exegetical teaching of Theodore of Canterbury, the seventh-century archbishop who figures so largely in Bede'sHisioria Ecclesiasiica. It includes a description of an illustration in an early manuscript of Paul's epistles. Yet another passage has interested historians of liturgy. All of this is in addition to the information that the treatise is considered to provide about Bede's thought and exegetical methods. As scholars have discovered and digested this material, the De octo quaestionibus has become a work of growing importance for the study of Bede.
The Politics of Sanctity in Thirteenth-Century Ferrara
Authors: Peterson Janine Larmon
Published: August 2016

The conferral of sainthood was no light matter in the late Middle Ages. An increasing emphasis on the papacy's right to discern between “authentic” and “false” sanctity meant that while many men and women were locally venerated as saints, few were officially recognized to have formally achieved this pinnacle of holiness. Out of the hundreds of new saints that emerged between 1198 and 1431, only thirty-five individuals were canonized.' Part of the reason for the dearth of holy men and women created by papal mandate in this period was the intrusion of political concerns, which had a tremendous impact on who attained the status of “saint.” Spiritual merit, as evidenced by moral virtues and attested miracles, was only one aspect of the medieval canonization process. Another integral facet was compliance with papal ends; in other words, successful candidates often were supported by communities willing to submit to papal wishes.” Thus when official recognition of sanctity occurred, it came at the cost of not only religious but also political obedience to the papacy. Conversely, those towns whose loyalty to the pope was suspect often found their petitions for a canonization inquiry ignored. Habitually recalcitrant towns might even find their veneration of a putative saint actively opposed by papal agents such as inquisitors. These types of situations occasionally led to protracted battles in which the saint's followers refused to capitulate to authorities and cease venerating the person in question.
Neue griechische Proclus-Fragmente aus dem Florilegium des Ps.-Maximus
Authors: Ihm Von Sibylle
Published: August 2016

Vor einiger Zeit machte Carlos Steel auf einige neue Proclus-Fragmente aufmerksam. 1m dritten Band der Ausgabe der Tria Opuscula von Daniel Isaac, erschienen 1982, stellte er drei griechische Fragmente aus De decem dubitationibus circa providentiam und eines aus De providentia vor. Diese Fragmente hatte er in einer Handschrift der Loci communes des Ps.-Maximus gefunden, dem Kodex aus der Niedersächsischen Landesbibliothek Hannover mit der Signatur IV 546, dessen Abschrift am 7. Mai 1311 von Eugenios Choumnos beendet wurde. Eine neuerliche Durchsicht der Handschrift ergab, daß, neben einem Fragment aus De providentia, sich nicht drei sondern acht Fragmente aus De decem dubitaiionibus circa providentiam hierin befinden.
Warrior Saints, Warfare, and the Hagiography of Ælfric of Eynsham
Authors: Magennis Hugh
Published: August 2016

Among the saints celebrated by the major vernacular Anglo-Saxon hagiographer Ælfric of Eynsham, one interesting group that has not received much scholarly attention is his warrior saints. In his lives of these saints Ælfric the monk, who has abjured violence, proclaims the spiritual achievements of men who have been military leaders and of ordinary soldiers serving in the ranks. The most famous of Ælfric's soldiers, St. Martin, was an unwilling one, but others commended by him were not unhappy to embrace the military life, even indeed when serving under pagans. Warrior saints were a distinctive and popular class of saints in the earlier Christian Mediterranean world. In the writings of Ælfric, as in Anglo-Saxon hagiography generally, they are a small group, but they are a group that illustrates strikingly Ælfric's approach to writing about saints, and study of them helps to throw light on the work he intended vernacular hagiography to perform. Part of that work, as argued below, was to provide ideologically suitable spiritual heroes for the faithful. But how should the potentially problematic group of warrior saints be presented, whose lives combine sanctity and violence and whose exploits might have disconcerting associations with the world of secular heroism?
Philosophy as Handmaid of Theology: Biblical Exegesis in the Service of Scholarship
Authors: de Mowbray Malcolm
Published: August 2016

“One can only grant the theological faculty the arrogant claim that the philosophical faculty is its maidservant (leaving aside the question of whether the latter bears the torch before, or carries the train after her mistress) on the condition that she is not banished or gagged.” Thus wrote Immanuel Kant, paraphrasing Peter Damian, in hisDer Streit der Fakultätenof 1798, shortly after being freed from a ban on writing about religion. Kant argued that the role of the philosophy faculty in universities was to lay down the truth for the use of the more practically orientated higher faculties, including that of theology. It could only perform this function if it was totally free.
Fuentes Menores del Chronicon Mundi de Lucas de Tuy y un Apéndice de Pedro Coméstor
Authors: Sola Juan A. Estévez
Published: August 2016

El objetivo del presente artículo es poner de manifiesto algunas fuentes hasta ahora no señaladas del libro 1 del Chronicon Mundi de Lucas de Tuy. Esta obra es la primera de las grandes obras historiográficas hispanolatinas del s. XIII. La comienza a redactar su autor a partir de 1230 y la concluye hacia 1237. Sólo nueve años más tarde, y tomándola ya de fuente para muchos de sus capítulos, el arzobispo de Toledo Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada concluye su De rebus Hispanie, la segunda de las grandes historias escritas en el siglo XIII. Lucas de Tuy, nacido en León posiblemente y a finales del s. XII, fue diácono del monasterio San Isidoro de Léon y posteriormente canónigo. Viajó a lo largo de su vida por muchos lugares, París, Roma, Grecia e incluso Constantinopla y los Santos Lugares. En 1239 fue nombrado obispo de Tuy, junto al río Miño, en la frontera con Portugal, de donde el gentilicio de Tudense. De su mano salieron el mencionado Chronicon Mundi y otras dos obras más: el De altera vita, conocido también como Adversus albigensium errores libri III, pero que en realidad más que ir contra posibles albigenses leoneses, en realidad versa sobre un conjunto de filósofos de León autoproclamados “filosofos naturales,” cuyos nombres nos resultan desconocidos y seguidores del averroísmo más avanzado, y ello mucho antes del apogeo del averroísmo en Europa; y el De miraculis sancti Isidori, obra sobre los milagros del santo obispo de Sevilla, en razón de la cual se le han atribuido la Historia translationis sancti Isidori y una Vita sancti Isidori. Pero su obra fundamental, al menos por lo que a la historiografía se refiere, es el Chronicon Mundi.
Die Natur als Künstler und Baumeister bei Galen
Authors: Kovačić Franjo
Published: August 2016

Der Begriff der Natur (φύ σις) ist für unsere abendländische Geistesgeschichte zum ersten Mal bei Homer belegt und bedeutet soviel wie äußere Beschaffenheit (als Folge des Wachstums), pflanzliches Wachsen, Wachstum. Später entwickelt sich eine kausal-mechanische Naturbetrachtung im Sinne der ausnahmslosen Geltung der Naturgesetze und eine teleologische im Sinne des planmäß igen Waltens der Natur. Über die Naturwissenschaft hinaus wird der Naturbegriff (φύ σις) zu einem Element der geistigen Ordnung des gesamten Seins; er kann vom Pflanzlichen auf alles, was unabhängig vom Menschen entsteht, übertragen werden. In ihm fanden die Griechen zuerst die Antwort auf die Frage nach dem Ursprung der Dinge im Sinne des zeitlichen Beginns, und dann die Antwort auf die Frage nach dem Wesen der Dinge, wobei der Blick auf die Einheit der Dinge in der Welt gerichtet wurde. In der Wissenschaft ersetzte der Begriff der Natur den Begriff der Entstehung (γέ νε σις) und eröffnete den Zugang zur Welt und ihrem Wesen. Parallel dazu hat auch das Göttliche seine anthropomorphen Züge verloren und ist zum Inbegriff des Vollkommenen geworden. In der Medizin bekommt die Natur die Bedeutung von zielgerichteter Norm und ist ein Vorbild für die Praxis. In ihr wird das Sein in seiner allgemeinen natürlichen Ordnung ausgesprochen, da die Natur allgemein und allumfassend ist, wobei sie doch auch das Individuelle und Organische umfaßt. Daher nähert sich der Begriff der Natur dem des Logos (λό γος): sie ist das allein durch die Ratio faßbare Wesen. In der Stoa bekommt sie die Bedeutung der Vorsehung (πρ όν οια). Sie ist zugleich die innere Bewegung der platonisch-aristotelisch aufgefaßten Realität, schafft also den Übergang zur Vision des Seins und des Menschen und ist, insgesamt gesehen, das “Herz” der anfänglichen griechischen Auffassung der Realität.
William of Auvergne on the Various States of Our Nature
Authors: Teske Roland J.
Published: August 2016

Although William of Auvergne, bishop of Paris from 1228 to his death in 1249, criticized Avicenna severely, he also adopted many philosophical positions of Avicenna. In a recently published article, I emphasized William's considerable debt to the philosophy of Avicenna, and in a still-to-be-published article I pointed out how William was indebted to Avicenna for his view of what it is to be a human being, and especially for his view of the spirituality of the human soul. For much of his lengthy work, De anima, William follows Avicenna's philosophy as he found it in the great Islamic thinker's Liber de anima, seu sextus de naturalibus; not, of course, without serious criticism on many points. In chapter 5, however, of his De anima, William rather abruptly introduces a historical concept of human nature, which is closer to that of Augustine than of Avicenna or Aristotle, in place of the philosophical concept of human nature, which he derived largely from Avicenna, whom he often confused with the real Aristotle. In introducing such a historical concept of human nature or of the nature of the human soul, William raises several rather intriguing problems, which I want to discuss in this paper. First, he raises a question about how the various historical states of human nature are to be conceived and how they are to be combined with the philosophical concept of nature that he derives from Avicenna. Second, he raises a question about how he can, while claiming to proceed exclusively by means of philosophical proofs, introduce such topics as the original state in which Adam and Eve were created, the original sin by which they fell and which they passed on to the rest of the human race, and Christian baptism by which the harm stemming from their sin can be undone. Finally, William speaks about the soul's state of natural happiness as opposed to the state of glory, and though his treatment of these states is rather brief, it raises a further question about how William envisaged these states and their relationship to each other. Hence, the paper will have three parts: the first on the present and past states of human nature of which William speaks and on their relationship to the philosophical concept of human nature, the second on how William introduces into what he claimed was strictly philosophical such apparently theological topics, and the third on how William understands the relation between the soul's state of natural happiness and the state of glory.
The Terrae Occupatae of Cornwall and the Exon Domesday
Authors: Hoyt Robert S.
Published: August 2016

Professor Galbraith has recently dealt with the copy of a Southwestern Geld Roll which is preserved in the volume published by the Record Commission under the title of ‘Exon Domesday,’ on the last folio of which it is referred to as an Inquisitio Gheldi. He has argued — persuasively, though without removing all doubts — that the tax record was not only contemporaneous with, but in part dependent on and derived from, the information obtained by the royal commissioners of the southwestern Domesday circuit. Their main object was to provide the central government with the preliminary digest of the ‘original returns’ of the Domesday survey from which the so-called Exchequer Domesday, or volume I of Domesday Book, was finally compiled. According to Galbraith this digest, which was sent on to Winchester, was a fair copy of the rough draft that still survives in the volume referred to above, the Exon Domesday.
The Commentary of Gilbert of Poitiers on Boethius' ‘De hebdomadibus’
Authors: Haring Nicholas M.
Published: August 2016

The observation made by the learned Barthélemy Hauréau that Gilbert of Poitiers (Gilbert de la Porrée) was ‘le plus docte et le plus ingénieux de tous les sectateurs du platonisme au XIIe siècle’ has never been challenged as false or exaggerated nor has it been approved without qualification. One of the main reasons why Gilbert's greatness is not yet fully recognized is the fact that the printed editions of his works have done him great harm — more indeed than have the doubts and suspicions cast upon his orthodoxy. The printing errors in these editions are often too obvious to escape an attentive reader, but they are so numerous as to undermine his confidence even in such passages as are accurately transcribed and printed, though difficult to grasp. Only a reliable re-edition of his principal work, the commentaries on the Opuscula Sacra of Boethius, will restore Gilbert to the position he deserves in the history of both theology and philosophy.
The Nicene Revolution of 1258 and the Usurpation of Michael VIII Palaeologos
Authors: Geanakoplos Deno J.
Published: August 2016

1. The Conspiracy against the Protovestiarios George Muzalon. — In August of 1258 the Emperor of Nicaea, Theodore II Lascaris, died after a reign of less than four years. One of Theodore's final acts had been to draw up his testament naming his boyhood friend, the Protovestiarios George Muzalon, regent of the Empire and guardian of his eight year old son and heir, John IV Lascaris. This disposition of the Empire, in particular the assignment of the regency to a man of low birth, was extremely unpopular with the Nicene nobles. Their attitude, however, had been anticipated by Theodore, who, shortly before his death, had secured confirmation for his testament from those nobles who were at hand.
A Note on Functional Linguistics in the Middle Ages
Authors: Nehring Alfons
Published: August 2016

Treatises de modis significandi are known to have been a favorite genre of scholastic literature. One of them, by Martinus de Dacia, has lately been made the subject of a thorough study by Father Heinrich Roos, S.J., and will be briefly discussed in these pages. The text of this treatise, and commentaries on it, are found in a fairly large number of manuscripts, of which Fr. Roos presents a list, and which he endeavors to determine in their mutual relation in order to lay the groundwork for a future edition, apparently — as much as any one not himself familiar with the manuscripts can judge — with thoroughness and reliablity (chs. I, II). In some of the manuscripts and in certain other sources the treatise is ascribed to one Martinus de Dacia (Denmark). Very convincingly Fr. Roos demonstrates (ch. III) that this bit of information is correct and that the author was identical with a high-ranking Danish cleric of that name, who at one time was the chancellor of King Eric VI Menved. It is likely that Martinus composed his treatise while he was a professor in the Liberal Arts Faculty of the University of Paris, probably around 1250. The treatise seems to have enjoyed a great reputation, which would be accounted for if Fr. Roos is right in assuming that Martinus set the model for the entire type. In the last two chapters (IV, V) Fr. Roos describes the character and basic ideas of the tractate against the background of the development of scholarship and higher education during the Middle Ages. This historical outline is very interesting and instructive indeed. Nevertheless it provokes criticism regarding two interrelated points, namely, the characterization of scholastic grammar and its position in the history of linguistic studies.
The Loherain Cycle: A Project Completed
Authors: Misrahi Jean
Published: August 2016

It is extremely gratifying to note the completion of the project first organized at Columbia University in 1931 for the purpose of publishing the then almost completely unavailable Loherain cycle of chansons de geste. Only the Hervis de Mez, edited by Edmund Stengel in 1903, could be consulted by scholars without having recourse to the very numerous manuscripts scattered through the libraries of Europe. The first part of the oldest and central portion of the cycle, the Garin le Loherain, could be read in the antequated edition of Paulin Paris (Paris 1833-1835), supplemented by the Mort de Garin le Loherain, edited by Edéléstand du Meril (Paris 1846). The second oldest chanson, Gerbert de Mez, and the last of the cycle, Ansays de Mez, were still unpublished except for a few fragments. Since then, however, Professor Josephine Vallerie, a member of the Loherain Seminar at Columbia, which was under the direction of Professor Pauline Taylor, has published an excellent edition of Garin le Loheren (according to the spelling of her base manuscript) in 1947. The last branch of the cycle had already been published in two different redactions by other members of the Seminar: Yon, or La vengeance Fromondin, edited by Simon R. Mitchneck (New York 1935), and the more satisfactory edition of the longer redaction under the title of Ansays de Mez, by Herman J. Green (Paris 1939). The one remaining unpublished branch of the central and oldest part of the cycle, Gerbert de Mez, which follows immediately upon Garin le Loheren, has now finally been made available in a very careful edition by Professor Taylor, published at Namur in 1952 by the Secrétariat des Publications of the Facultés Universitaires of that city. This terminal publication stemming from the work of the Columbia University Seminar, which included also several interesting studies of various aspects of the cycle, now makes the entire geste des Loherains available to students of the French epic.
The History of Ideas in the Christian Middle Ages from the Fathers to Dante in American and Canadian Publications of the Years 1940-1952
Authors: Ladner Gerhart B.
Published: August 2016

The initial date chosen for this survey is the beginning of the publication of the Journal of the History of Ideas in 1940; the final date, 1952, is that of the appearance of A Syntopicon of Great Books of the Western World. These two events mark the two principal directions in which the method of the historical study of ideas has moved on this continent: first toward the analytical study of ‘unit ideas’ as defined by Arthur O. Lovejoy (especially in The Great Chain of Being, 1936), who is also the intellectual father of the Journal of the History of Ideas; secondly toward the synthetic ‘recording’ of the main currents and aspects of the ideological tradition of the West in its entirety, unity, and continuity, as aimed at by the Great Books program of Robert M. Hutchins, Mortimer J. Adler, and their collaborators.
Heriger and the Study of Philosophy at Lobbes in the Tenth Century
Authors: Babcock Robert G.
Published: August 2016

In a recent article on the study of Boethian logical works during the Middle Ages, Osmund Lewry discusses the revival of logical studies at the end of the tenth century, focusing on the period after ca. 970 when Abbo of Fleury and Gerbert of Aurillac (later Pope Sylvester II) renewed the teaching and study of dialectical works, and when Notker Labeo translated some logical texts into German. To this small group of tenth-century scholars known to have been concerned with dialectic and philosophy may be added the name of Heriger, schoolmaster and abbot (990–1007) of the Belgian monastery of Lobbes. The present study begins with the identification of quotations by Heriger from dialectical and philosophical works, then discusses Heriger's use of dialectic in theological argumentation, and finally considers the influence of his philosophical teaching at Lobbes. Heriger's interest in dialectic is revealed by quotations in his Vita Remacli from Boethius' In Topica Ciceronis and Apuleius' Peri Hermeneias. These quotations are identified for the first time in the present study. The application of dialectical learning to theological questions, specifically his use of logical principles in his tract De corpore et sanguine domini (PL 139.179–88), indicates that Heriger's quotations from logical texts reflect more than bookish antiquarianism; the study of dialectic was useful to him in theological argumentation. The evidence of Heriger's philosophical pursuits provides the first clear indication that Lobbes was one of the important Lotharingian centers for philosophical studies.
Cyril of Jerusalem's Treatment of Scriptural Texts Concerning the Holy Spirit
Authors: Jackson Pamela
Published: August 2016

Scholars tracing the development of the doctrine of the Holy Spirit in the fourth century tend to pass over the Catechetical Homilies of Cyril of Jerusalem (c. 350) rather quickly, with the observation that, from the perspective of systematic theology, Cyril made no new contributions to the doctrine, and even warned against going beyond the texts of Scripture when speaking of the Spirit. But such lack of attention to Cyril as a theologian leaves several questions unexplored. Cyril's homilies were a central part of the preparation of adult converts for baptism, a task crucial for the Church's survival; in the baptismal rite the converts would receive the Holy Spirit. Given the foundational nature of Cyril's homilies in forming the members of the Jerusalem church, might it not be useful, when tracing how the understanding of the Holy Spirit developed in the fourth century, to consider how Cyril uses Scriptural material concerning the Spirit? Which Scriptural texts on the Spirit does he employ? Are there any texts later considered significant which he omits? What is Cyril's purpose in citing these texts on the Spirit and how does he present them to his hearers? Even though he confines himself to presenting Scriptural material, what understanding of the Spirit is communicated by his shaping of that material? Is there any sense in which the understanding of the Spirit inculcated by Cyril's preaching prepares the way for the conceptual doctrinal distinctions concerning the Spirit's nature and divinity made in the next generation?
The Serpent and H PAXIA in Gregory of Nyssa
Authors: Callahan John F.
Published: August 2016

Of all the ways in which the serpent has been employed in literature for moral purposes one of the most striking is found in two passages of Gregory of Nyssa in which the serpent appears once again as a symbol of pleasure, and in particular of its insidiousness. It is very easy for a serpent to creep into an opening, we are told, but the arrangement of its scales is such that it becomes very difficult for someone to pull it out by the tail; in the, same way pleasure enters easily into the soul, but since it has brought with it a whole train of different pleasures (like scales) it is now difficult to remove it by the last part to enter. The meaning of the two passages is quite clear, but the text has raised serious problems for the respective editors.
The Votive Obligations of Crusaders: The Development of a Canonistic Doctrine
Authors: Brundage J. A.
Published: August 2016

The Crusade vow has long been recognized as an important, indeed a central feature in the history of the whole Crusade movement, for, as Michel Villey pointed out, it was the vow which enabled the papacy to convert the momentary zeal of would-be Crusaders into a permanent obligation which could be enforced, if need be, by legal compulsion. Thus while the volatile enthusiasm of a crowd fired by a Crusade preacher might quickly evaporate, the mechanism of the vow made it possible for the Church to convert this enthusiasm into a binding and enduring commitment which did not disappear easily, quickly, or cheaply. The vow, then, was a juristic mechanism which was a major factor in the success of the Crusade and the perception of its potential usefulness was one of Pope Urban II's most significant innovations in framing his plans for the first Crusade in 1095.
Thomas More and the Early Church Fathers
Authors: Marius R. C.
Published: August 2016

Thomas More, humanist, statesman, and martyr, was one of the most prolific apologists for the Catholic Church in the early years of the Reformation. In numerous polemical and apologetic works he ranged widely over the issues raised by the controversy. But if his scope was large, he possessed one sure foundation to which all his arguments inevitably returned. This was the faith of the early Church Fathers, those men who interpreted the life and faith of the Church from the time of the Apostles to the end of the pontificate of Pope Gregory I in 604.
On the Beginnings of the Communal Movement in the Holy Land: The Commune of Tyre
Authors: Mayer Hans Eberhard
Published: August 2016

In a revolutionary paper read in the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities in 1965, the foremost expert on the history of the crusaders' states, Joshua Prawer, has completely altered our outlook on, and considerably enlarged our knowledge of, the medieval communes established in the Holy Land during the time of the crusaders. This is not the place to discuss the merits of Prawer's paper in all details, especially as I have done this briefly elsewhere. Let it suffice here to say that by placing the history of the communes in the general context of the institutional history of the Latin Orient rather than by viewing them as isolated phenomena, as had been done by the late and regretted John L. La Monte, Prawer demonstrated ably and beyond any doubt that in the constitutional history of the Latin Kingdom and of the crusaders' states in general there were definite traces of Estates, elements of a development towards a Ständestaat This transition from a strong monarchy to a representative system of Estates, which is so familiar in European history, is hard to detect in the history of the Latin Orient because the reconquest of the Holy Land by the Muslims cut short this line of constitutional development. Thus, although the weakness of the monarchy in the thirteenth century was clearly seen, a true representative system never came into being in the East. But Prawer showed that the crusaders' states were well on their way towards such a goal and that from about A.D. 1240 the masters of the knightly orders and the administrative heads of the exempted Italian merchant colonies, as well as representatives of the urban brotherhoods (fraries), took part in the proceedings of the Haute Cour, the highest body of legislation and jurisdiction, although they did not formally vote. Under the procedure followed in the Haute Cour, the nobility debated separately and afterwards notified the representatives of the orders, the merchants, and the urban Frankish population of their decisions. But it is obvious that the latter by their mere presence must have influenced the proceedings because it was the orders, the merchants, and the bourgeois who controlled the military establishment and the economy. The fraternities, like any reasonably organized group, became part and parcel of the institutional framework of the state. In all likelihood Prawer's final conclusion is correct: had the crusaders' states survived for another hundred years, these representatives would have been transformed from advisory groups into well established and separate Estates with full power to vote in the Haute Cour.
Pan-Brittonic Hagiography and the Arthurian Grail Cycle
Authors: Lagorio Valerie M.
Published: August 2016

St. Joseph of Arimathea, acclaimed by the monastery of Glastonbury as the apostolic evangelist of Britain, gained this accolade through the Arthurian Grail romances, and most particularly, the Estoire del Saint Graal. Heretofore, the majority of those favoring the Christian origin of the Grail legend have plumbed the Bible, the apocrypha, and the Christian exegetical tradition in search of source elements of the Grail's history. Their research has been concentrated on the mystery of the Grail itself, or the pre-Britain adventures of Joseph and his followers. Some others have investigated various aspects of Celtic Christianity, particularly the assimilation of Celtic legends and narrative materials regarding Bran, son of Llŷr, into Christian tradition, as the genesis of Joseph's activities in Britain. This euhemerization of pagan folklore was a natural consequence of the pattern of Christianization established during the apostolic era, which attempted to build the new religion on the foundations of the old, retaining and adapting heathen practices which were consonant with Christianity. A few, notably Roger Loomis, studied the impact of these euhemerized legends on the Grail history, pursuing the mutations of the myths through oral transmission, in accordance with the process outlined by the noted Bollandist, Père Hippolyte Delehaye. Still others correlated the religious elements of the entire Joseph/Grail saga with the history and characteristics of the Celtic Church in Wales, with strong overtones of heterodoxy.
Cramer's Catena on Galatians and Origen
Authors: Schatkin Margaret A.
Published: August 2016

From 1838 to 1844 John Anthony Cramer, Regius Professor of Modern History in Oxford University and Dean of Carlisle, published eight volumes of Catenae on the New Testament. Using different manuscript sources for the different books, he is characterized by Heinrici as an ‘opportunist,’ who utilized available manuscript evidence without regard for its quality. Volumes six and seven (1842–1843) contain a Catena on Galatians through Hebrews inclusive, drawn from MS Paris Coislinianus graecus 204, concerning which J. A. F. Gregg has written: ‘Cramer is entitled to very real gratitude for bringing the Catena to public notice: but his edition is extraordinarily inaccurate—how inaccurate only those can fully realise who have compared it with the original.’ For the book of Galatians this Catena is of special importance, because scholars have repeatedly suggested that it may contain portions of Origen's lost exegetical work on Galatians. This paper represents an analysis of the Catena, and an evaluation of possible Origenic material therein.
The Text of Acts in Chrysostom's Homilies
Authors: F. T. Gignac S. J.
Published: August 2016

This paper presents the results of my research into the scriptural text which St. John Chrysostom used as the basis of his Homilies on Acts. These results give a good indication of the text-type of Acts known to Chrysostom and, as a corollary, provide evidence bearing on the textual tradition of the Homilies themselves.
Summae on Raymond de Pennafort's ‘Summa de Casibus’ in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Munich
Authors: Pennington Kenneth
Published: August 2016

Since Schulte first examined the varioussummae casuumandsummae confessorum, a number of studies by Dietterle, Teetaert, Michaud-Quantin and others have appeared to chart this region of canonical literary history. However, there are a number of anonymoussummaein the Munich Staatsbibliothek which throw some light on the early development of this literary form.
The Verse Embellishments of the ‘Milleloquium Sancti Augustini’
Authors: Peebles Bernard M.
Published: August 2016

Not overfamiliar, it seems, to students of late medieval patristic scholarship is the Milleloquium veritatis S. Augustini, the work of a fourte enth-century Augustinian Hermit, Bartholomew, native of the city of Urbino and for the last three years of his life (1347-1350) its bishop. This impressive compilation was produced largely at Bologna, where Bartholomew devoted much of his maturity to teaching, applying thus the fruit of earlier studies at Paris that had led to the doctorate in theology. While the composition of a treatise De Romani pontijicis Christi viearii auctoritate appears to have had great weight in deciding Pope Clement VI to grant the see of Urbino to Bartholomew, it is for his Augustinian Milleloquium — and for a similarly organized and similarly titled compilation frem the works of St. Ambrose — that he is chief'y known to scholars. The Milleloquium S. Augustini contains perhaps fifteen thousand excerpts from the writings that its compiler regarded, not always correctly, of course, as works of Augustine's. These excerpts, selected for significant. treatment of the themes with which they deal, are set out — hence Bartholomew's titles — under some 1000 alphabetically arranged subject headings running from ABEL to ZJZANIA. Produced in a period that, like Pope Clement VI himself, was ‘compendiorum avidissimus,’6 the Milleloquium did not fail of success: to this fact the not fewer than forty surviving manuscripts” and a series of five or six printings' from 1555 to 1734 amply testify. In recent times the utility of the Milleloquium as a subject index to Augustine was noted by Ludwig Traube, while Père Joseph de Ghellinck indicated how the work could be helpful ‘en faisant parfois retrouver au lecteur des textes peu connus.’ Doubtless, too, this rich assembly has its simple appeal to the hurried scholar who would quickly find an apt sententia from Augustine on this subject or that, and even to the pigri lectores et inbecillitatis sarcina gravati who were the expected clientele of a yet earlier florileqium from Augustine with which we shall shortly deal.