bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Generalized Scale Invariance
Authors: Tuck Adrian F.
Published: November 2020

Probability distributions plotted to date from large volumes of high quality atmospheric observations invariably have ‘long tails’: relatively rare but intense events make significant contributions to the mean. Atmospheric fields are intermittent. Gaussian distributions, which are assumed to accompany second moment statistics and power spectra, are not seen. An inherently stochastic approach, that of statistical multifractals, was developed as generalized scale invariance by Schertzer and Lovejoy (1985, 1987, 1991); it incorporates intermittency and anisotropy in a way Kolmogorov theory does not. Generalized scale invariance demands in application to the atmosphere large volumes of high quality data, obtained in simple and representative coordinate systems in a way that is as extensive as possible in both space and time. In theory, these could be obtained for the whole globe by satellites from orbit, but in practice their high velocities and low spatial resolution have to date restricted them to an insufficient range of scales, particularly if averaging over scale height-like depths in the vertical is to be avoided; analysis has been successfully performed on cloud images, however (Lovejoy et al. 2001). Some suitable data were obtained as an accidental by-product of the systematic exploration of the rapid (1–4% per day) ozone loss in the Antarctic and Arctic lower stratospheric vortices during winter and spring by the high-flying ER-2 research aircraft in the late 1980s through to 2000. Data initially at 1Hz and later at 5Hz allowed horizontal resolution of wind speed, temperature, and pressure at approximately 200 m and later at 40 m, with ozone available at 1 Hz, over the long, direct flight tracks necessitated by the distances involved between the airfield and the vortex. Some later flights also had data from other chemical instruments, such as nitrous oxide, N2O, reactive nitrogen, NOy, and chlorine monoxide, ClO, which could sustain at least an analysis for H1, the most robust of the three scaling exponents. Better than four decades of horizontal scale were available for 1Hz and 5Hz data. Since then, a lesser volume of adequate data has been obtained away from the polar regions by the WB57F.
Conclusion: Or, Enjoy the Fruit
Authors: Freeman Daniel , Freeman Jason
Published: November 2020

October 1, 2007 and London is in the grip of another terrorism alert. Shoppers in Soho are sparked into panic by a strange noxious-smelling cloud. Suspecting the capital is under chemical attack, the emergency services cordon off roads and evacuate the area. Meanwhile, firefighters wearing breathing apparatus begin a three-hour search for the source of the stench. This eventually turns out to be the Thai Cottage restaurant where, until he’d been asked to leave his kitchen, chef Chalemchai Tangjariyapoon had been midway through preparing a batch of nam prik pao. ‘We only cook it once a year—it’s a spicy dip with extra hot chillies that are deliberately burned’, he said later. ‘To us it smells like burned chilli and it is slightly unusual. I can understand why people who weren’t Thai would not know what it was but it doesn’t smell like chemicals. I’m a bit confused. ...When we came back at 7.30 p.m. we saw the door had been smashed and there were fire brigade and police waiting outside. I was a bit scared but they were very nice about it.’ Should you wish to have a go at making the abovementioned Thai dip, you will need charred chillies, garlic flakes, dried shrimps, palm sugar, shrimp paste, tamarind, and vegetable oil. But then again, given Mr Tangjariyapoon’s experience, you might prefer to let the experts handle it. Provided they still dare. Because, as the staff of the Thai Cottage know only too well, right now we’re more than a little jumpy. Threats seem to loom at us from all quarters. And of course sometimes it’s right to be cautious. Lurking within the kitchen of the Thai Cottage was nothing more sinister than a superspicy savoury dip, but Londoners are well aware of the havoc terrorists can wreak. Muggers, vandals, delinquent teenagers, paedophiles, rapists, corrupt officials, malicious colleagues, gossips, spies, and blackmailers—none of these are entirely the figment of our fevered imaginations. The trick, of course, is to keep a sense of perspective, recognizing that these kinds of dangers are rare and taking that on into a calm and measured assessment of risk.
Disease Emergence and Re-emergence Prior to 1850
Authors: Cliff A. D. , Smallman-Raynor M.R. , Haggett P. , Stroup D.F. , Thacker S.B.
Published: November 2020

Infectious diseases have been evolving since the dawn of humankind. In Section 1.3, we noted some of the palaeopathological studies that have extended our knowledge of the occurrence of human infections back into pre-history, while recent genetic studies have indicated that the agents of diseases such as malaria (Plasmodium spp.) and leprosy (Mycobacterium leprae) first emerged in the human species many thousands of years ago (Carter and Mendis 2002; Monot et al. 2005). For the most part, however, our knowledge of the long history of disease emergence is based on the written record of earlier ages. In the present chapter, in so far as the historical evidence allows, we provide a brief and necessarily highly selective overview of disease emergence and cyclical re-emergence from the beginning of the written record to the mid-nineteenth century. McMichael (2004) identifies four great historical transitions in the relationship of humans and microbes that, since the initial advent of agriculture and livestock herding, have promoted the emergence and re-emergence diseases. These four transitions, each associated with a progressive increase in the geographical scale of operation (local → continental → intercontinental → global), are: (i) First historic transition (5,000–10,000 years ago). A local transition when early agrarian-based settlements brought humans into contact with sylvatic enzootic pathogens. As described under the ‘domestic-origins hypothesis’ in Section 1.3.2, close and prolonged exposure to domesticated animals and urban pests (for example, rodents and flies) resulted in the cross-species transmission of the ancestral agents of many modern-day human infectious diseases, including influenza, measles, smallpox, tuberculosis, and typhoid. (ii) Second historic transition (1,500–3,000 years ago). A continental-level transition fuelled by the military and trade contacts of early Eurasian civilizations which resulted in the cross-civilization transmission of infectious agents. In the wake of this historical transition, a trans- European ‘equilibration’ of infectious agents occurred and the diseases became endemic to the population. (iii) Third historic transition (200–500 years ago). An intercontinental transition associated with European expansion, resulting in the transoceanic spread of infectious agents.
Three Frontiers of the Southern Yucatán Peninsular Region and SYPR Project
Authors: Turner II B. L. , Foster D. R.
Published: November 2020

Frontiers advance and retreat, both figuratively and literally. At this moment they are advancing in three ways relevant to the subject of this book and the ongoing project on which it is based. First, after more than a century of reductionist hegemony, various science communities worldwide increasingly recognize the need to improve complementary, synthesis understanding—a way of putting the reductionist pieces of the problem back together again in order to understand how the ‘whole’ system works and to identify the emergent properties that follow from the complex interactions of the pieces. Synthesis understanding is not, of course, new. In the late eighteenth century, Immanuel Kant argued for it as one of the pillars of science in the reorganization of knowledge in the European academy (Turner 2002a) and designated geography as one of the ‘synthesis sciences’. Its contemporary rediscovery, however, rests in the science of global environmental change (Lawton 2001; Steffen et al. 2002), especially efforts to model complex systems, such as those in ocean–atmosphere–land interactions, and has been expanded by emerging research agendas seeking to couple human and environment systems, often registered under the label of ‘sustainability science’ (e.g. Kates et al. 2001; NRC 1999). Second, within these developments landuse and land-cover change (or, simply, land change) is singled out because of its centrality to a wide range of environmental concerns, including global climate change, regional–local hydrological impacts, biodiversity, and, of course, human development and ecosystem integrity (e.g. Brookfield 1995; NRC 2000; Watson et al. 2001). The need to advance an integrated land-change science is also increasingly recognized, one in which human, ecological, and remote sensing and geographical information systems (GIS) sciences are intertwined in problem-solving (Liverman et al. 1998; Klepeis and Turner 2001; Turner 2002b). And central to this effort is the need to advance geographically (spatially) explicit land-change models that can explain and project coupled human-ecological systems, and thus serve a wide range of research and assessment constituencies, from carbon to biodiversity to human vulnerability (IGBP 1999; Irwin and Geoghegan 2001; Kates et al. 2001; Liverman et al. 1998; Veldkamp and Lambin 2001). These two developments—synthesis science and integrated land science directed towards geographically explicit land-change models—constitute the broader intellectual and research frontiers to which this work contributes.
Spatially Explicit, Statistical Land-Change Models in Data-Sparse Conditions
Authors: Geoghegan Jacqueline , Schneider Laura
Published: November 2020

A range of research interests beyond global environmental change science increasingly calls for advances in land-change models and, specifically, models that have fine-grained locational outputs. The rationale for such modeling about land change has been articulated elsewhere in this book (Ch. 1; Introduction to Part IV) and need not be reiterated here. It is important to note, however, that advances in question are assisted by the advances in the analytical sophistication of geographical information systems, hardware (GPS) that permits geographical coordinates to be established easily in the field, and for land-change studies, increasing temporal and spatial resolution of satellite imagery. Much of the first phase of land-change models that incorporate these systems and data has been empirical-based, time series assessments, such as Markov-chain models (e.g. Turner 1988), that let the record of land change determine future projections, or the spatial level of assessment has been large-grain (e.g. counties, states, regions). The SYPR project seeks a different approach demonstrated here: to test theories of land change in regard to their ability to explain fine-grained land change in the region at different spatial scales of assessment. Two complementary econometric modeling approaches are used here to investigate the factors that affect deforestation at the regional and household scales of analysis. Both approaches use the individual satellite pixels as the data on land-use change, from the classification of TM imagery described in Ch. 6. A regional model spans the entire study area of agricultural ejidos, and links the satellite imagery with publicly available geophysical data and socio-demographic government census data. The second model focuses exclusively on the parcels associated with the household survey data collected specifically for this project, discussed in Part III, especially Ch. 8. This latter approach uses the same geophysical data of the aggregate approach, but uses the much richer socio-demographic data derived from the linkage of individual farm plots and the satellite imagery via the sketch mapping exercise described in Chs. 8 and 9. While both models take a theoretical approach of individual maximization, they differ in a number of ways, the most important of which is the role of time in the decision-making process.
The Forces of Production: Crop and Animal Husbandry
Authors: Hamerow Helena
Published: November 2020

In a world in which virtually everyone was a farmer, farming was not an ‘occupation’: the early medieval leod who, on the one hand, was in military service to the king, could also have fields to till. It is perhaps for this reason that, although the Lex Salica deals extensively with farming matters, it contains no term for ‘farmer’. The daily life and world view of early medieval communities were undoubtedly shaped in fundamental ways by the agricultural cycle, yet it is difficult to treat farming activities per se, precisely because there is so little description of everyday activities. Further complicating matters, ancient field systems are notoriously difficult to identify and date, and although animal bones and plant remains survive in relative abundance from this period, agricultural tools are very rarely preserved. Even excavating settlements is unlikely to tell us much about systems of farming. A web of economic and environmental factors underlies the developments in farming practices apparent during the second half of the first millennium ad, and agrarian production remains among the most intractable, yet crucially important, subjects in early medieval studies. This chapter begins with a broad overview of what is known about the agrarian practices of individual communities from archaeological and written sources, and concludes with a consideration of the implications of this evidence for wider social and economic issues. For example, in those regions lying within the former western Empire, how much continuity was there with the late Roman rural economy? When did at least some farms begin regularly to produce a substantial, tradeable, surplus? Finally, how did the intensification of cereal production apparent throughout the North Sea zone relate to changes in the nature of lordship and land tenure? Early medieval law-codes and charters generally have more to say about animal rearing than about crop husbandry and some of this information is remarkably detailed; the Lex Salica, for example, refers to some ten different categories of pig! (Wickham 1985). Some Carolingian charters, furthermore, refer to the relative values of different animals; those for the estates of Werden, for example, state that a cow was worth 8 denarii, as much as a ewe with a lamb, and so on (Wulf 1991).
The Quaternary in Southeast Asia
Authors: Hope Geoffrey
Published: November 2020

We live in the Quaternary period and are a product of its wide fluctuations in climate and rapid environmental change. From at least the Mid-Miocene, about 25 million years ago, the expansion of the Southern Ocean has supported a powerful westerly wind system. These winds prevent tropical heat from reaching the Antarctic region, which in turn has allowed the gradual refrigeration of the world’s oceans as ice built up on Antarctica (and eventually formed an ice shelf over the sea; Nunn 1999). Earlier in the Tertiary, when the ocean column was warm from top to bottom, seasonal cooling was offset by rising warm water, and the ocean currents effectively transported heat to the poles. For the last 2 million years the main mass of the oceans has remained at maximum density, around 4°C, with warmer surface waters of the tropical and temperate regions floating only in the upper few hundred metres above the thermocline. The Quaternary is the period of refrigerated ocean which marks an ice age, with the Earth in such a delicate thermal equilibrium that relatively minor changes in the amount of solar radiation received by a given hemisphere in a given season cause major fluctuations of ice volume in terrestrial ice caps. The marked asymmetry of land and sea in the two hemispheres means that the effects of changes in the season of closest approach to the sun, of the degree of tilt of the planet and the eccentricity of the orbit, cause instability in the long-term climate. The Quaternary is defined by successive expansions and retreats of ice caps, with the maximum episodes of ice and of warmth (the interstadials) each lasting around 10 000 years. Intermediate times are cooler than present, and these persist for around 100 000 years. The lock-up of ice is reflected by global changes in sea level, ocean levels falling about 125 m during glacial maxima and rising up to 6 m above present during some interglacials. The Antarctic ice cap retains about 75 m of the ocean’s water even during the interglacial phases.
Rivers of Southeast Asia
Authors: Gupta Avijit
Published: November 2020

Southeast Asia, in general, is a subcontinent with surplus water, as evidenced by the formerly widespread tropical rainforests. Most of the region receives at least 2000 mm of rainfall annually, and a positive water balance prevails for the majority of months. Four very large rivers (the Irrawaddy, Salween, Mekong, and Sông Hóng or Red) originate close to each other on the eastern Tibetan Plateau north of the region, and flow through large structure-guided valleys towards the southeast like outstretched fingers. Other major rivers of the region (Chao Phraya, Pahang, Brantas, Mahakam, etc.) start and end within Southeast Asia. The upland slopes are drained by a large number of tributaries, and short, wide estuaries wind through coastal plains. Table 4.1 lists selective physical dimensions of the large rivers of Southeast Asia. Except the Mekong, a part of whose discharge consists of seasonal snowmelt from the Tibetan Plateau, the rivers are rain-fed; and the majority tend to show a seasonal pattern of discharge corresponding to either the southwestern or the northeastern monsoon, depending on the location. The wide riverine lowlands of the previous chapter are structural depressions, filled in mostly by the alluvium of the major rivers that occupy them. The Irrawaddy and its main tributary, the Chindwin, flow through the Central Myanmar Lowland. The channel of the Chao Phraya is located within the Central Plain of Thailand. Further to the east, the Mekong has filled the eponymous lowland. The Salween, in contrast, flows almost entirely in 1000 m gorges cut into plateaux and mountains. The Sông Hóng flows in a narrow valley except for the last 250 km from the coast, where it traverses the coastal plain of north Viet Nam. The present coastline of Southeast Asia, however, is a temporary pause in the geological evolution of the drainage system, and as described in Chapter 2, only appeared in the Holocene. The rivers of the ice age Pleistocene used to continue further. What now are individual major streams in many instances used to be parts of the channel network of a much larger system.
The Climate of Southeast Asia
Authors: Chuan Goh Kim
Published: November 2020

Southeast Asia lies between the continental influence of the rest of Asia to the north and the more oceanic influence of the Indian and Pacific Oceans to the south and the east respectively. While its overall net energy balance is very much determined by its latitudinal position, which is approximately between 20°N and 10°S, the locational factors referred to above largely give the regional climate its distinctive character. Within the broad latitudinal extent defined above, the Southeast Asian region has often been conveniently separated into two sub-areas: continental and insular Southeast Asia. In some ways these sub-regions represent a valid delineation into the more seasonal climatic region influenced by the monsoon system of winds and the uniformly humid equatorial climate. The former comprises Myanmar, Thailand, Lao PDR, Cambodia, and Viet Nam, while the latter includes Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, and the Philippines. The continental Southeast Asia experiences greater seasonality, more extremes in both temperature and rainfall, and more pronounced dry spells; whereas the insular parts, termed the ‘maritime continent’ (Ramage 1968), with a much greater expanse of sea than land (the sea area of Indonesia, for example, is four times its land area), have more equable climate. The northern and southern continental interactions in winter and summer and the differential heating due to the asymmetric character of the two sub-regions give rise to the monsoon development (Hastenrath 1991), which, to a large extent, influences the rainfall characteristics of the region as a whole. In a sense, more than temperature variations, this monsoonal influence gives the Southeast Asian climate its distinctive character. Figure 5.2 shows the two monsoon wind systems that affect Southeast Asia. In addition to these annual reversals of the monsoon winds, the seasonal migration of the Intertropical Convergence Zone (ITCZ)—closest to the Equator during the northern hemispheric winter and farthest north during summer—is a significant factor in influencing the monthly weather regime of the region. Being a belt of low-pressure trough coinciding with the band of highest surface temperature, the ITCZ attracts the moist easterlies from both hemispheres towards its trough resulting in uplift of air, intense convection, and precipitation. This whole process provides a mechanism for the transfer of latent heat from the low to the higher latitudes (Houze et al. 1981; Hastenrath 1991).
The Mekong River Basin
Authors: Douglas Ian
Published: November 2020

The 4800 km Mekong (known as the Lan Tsan Chiang or Lancang in its upper reaches in Yunnan Province, China) rises at 5100 m elevation on the eastern edge of the Tibetan (Xizang) Plateau where the Yangtze (Chang Jiang) and Salween also rise. With a drainage basin covering 795 000 km2, the river ranks as the ninth largest and twelfth longest in the world and discharges some 475 billion m3 of water to the South China Sea annually. The mean annual flow at Kratié in Cambodia (where the catchment area upstream is 646 000 km2) is 14 700 m3 s−1 with a maximum of 67 000 m3 s−1 and a minimum of 1250 m3 s−1 (Committee for Coordination of Investigations of the Lower Mekong Basin 1966; Volker 1983). The river flows from the Tibetan Himalayas southward through China receiving tributaries from a small part of Myanmar. The drainage basin also encompasses nearly all of Lao PDR, northeast Thailand, most of Cambodia, and part of the Central Highland and the delta of south Viet Nam. In the heart of Cambodia, where the river is joined by the Tonlé Sap or Great Lake River, it rises from 1 or 2 m above sea level in May to 8 or 10 m above sea level in August. The Mekong Basin embraces some of the most diverse scenery in the world, with landforms ranging from deep gorges, to spectacular karst features, great lakes, and a huge delta. These varied landscapes support one of the most biologically diverse river systems in the world, surpassed only by the Amazon and possibly the Nile. The high biodiversity varies greatly across the following distinct landform and biogeographic provinces: 1. the eastern edge of the Tibetan Plateau (here termed the Chinese upper reaches); 2. the highlands of Myanmar, northern Thailand, and the northern Lao PDR; 3. the Annamite Mountains of eastern Lao PDR and western Viet Nam; 4. the plains around the central Mekong in Lao PDR, Thailand, and Cambodia; 5. the Tonlé Sap Basin; 6. the Mekong Delta and coastal mangroves (MacKinnon and MacKinnon 1986).
Accelerated Erosion and Sedimentation in Southeast Asia
Authors: Gupta Avijit
Published: November 2020

Periodic attempts to plot global distribution of erosion and sedimentation usually attribute most of Southeast Asia with a very high sediment yield (Milliman and Meade 1983). The erosion rates and sediment yield figures are especially high for maritime Southeast Asia. Milliman and Syvitski (1992), for example, listed 3000 t km−2 yr−1 for the archipelagos and peninsulas of Southeast Asia. They provided a number of natural explanations for the high erosion rate: location near active plate margins, pyroclastic eruptions, steep slopes, and mass movements. This is also a region with considerable annual rainfall, a very substantial percentage of which tends to be concentrated in a few months and falls with high intensity. Part of Southeast Asia (the Philippines, Viet Nam, Timor) is visited by tropical cyclones with heavy, intense rainfall and possible associated wind damage to existing vegetation. The fans at the foot of slopes, the large volume of sediment stored in the channel and floodplain of the rivers, and the size of deltas all indicate a high rate of erosion and episodic sediment transfer. This episodic erosion and sediment transfer used to be controlled for most of the region by the thick cover of vegetation that once masked the slopes. When vegetation is removed soil and regolith de-structured, and natural slopes altered, the erosion rates and sediment yield reach high figures. Parts of Southeast Asia display striking anthropogenic alteration of the landscape, although the resulting accelerated erosion may be only temporary, operating on a scale of several years. Over time the affected zones shift, and slugs of sediment continue to arrive in a river but from different parts of its drainage basin. The combination of anthropogenic alteration and fragile landforms may give rise to very high local yields. Sediment yields of more than 15 000 t km−2 yr−1 have been estimated from such areas (Ruslan and Menam, cited in Lal 1987). This is undoubtedly towards the upper extreme, but current destruction of the vegetation cover due to deforestation, expansion of agriculture, mining, urbanization, and implementation of large-scale resettlement schemes has increased the sediment yield from < 102 to > 103 t km−2 yr−1.
Subsidence and Flooding in Bangkok
Authors: Phienwej Noppadol , Nutalaya Prinya
Published: November 2020

Bangkok, the capital of Thailand, is situated on flat, low land in the southern part of the Central Plain, one of the main physical units of the country. Through the heart of the city, the Chao Phraya flows from the north and discharges into the Gulf of Thailand, 25 km south of the city centre. The city was founded in 1782, and in its early years numerous klongs (canals) were dug for transportation and defence uses. These canals became corridors of early development, and banks were lined with houses, shop-houses, and temples, etc. With the beauty of its waterway landscape, Bangkok was once dubbed the Venice of the East. Unfortunately, such a resemblance no longer exists as most of the canals have been backfilled to make room for road construction in recent urbanization. The Bangkok metropolis, which at present has a population in excess of 10 million, has expanded rapidly on both banks of the river since 1950. It has encroached into surrounding provinces, covering an area of approximately 60 × 70 km. Owing to its flat topography and close proximity to the sea, flooding threatens the city annually. Modern urbanization has resulted in the drastic destruction or blockage of natural drainage paths, increasing the flood risk to the city. Severe land subsidence from excessive groundwater extraction since the 1960s has intensified the flood risk, as well as creating numerous foundation problems. At present the land surface in some areas is already below mean sea level. The city now has to rely on a flood protection system to prevent inundation. However, its effectiveness is only temporary because land subsidence has not yet ceased. The Central Plain is formed by the Chao Phraya River, the largest in the country. The river basin stretches from the Northern Highland to the Central Plain and covers about one-third of the country (514 000 km2). The Central Plain can be divided into the Upper and Lower Central Plains. The former extends from Tak to Nakhon Sawan Provinces. Four main rivers, namely, the Ping, the Wang, the Yom, and the Nan, which originate in the Northern Highland, traverse the plain and join together at Nakhon Sawan, 240 km north of Bangkok, to form the Chao Phraya River.
Human Figures
Authors: Gannon Anna
Published: November 2020

Many reverses of the Intermediate and Secondary phases have human figures either singly or in pairs, sitting or standing, and with a variety of attributes. Among the many figures representing Virtues in Roman art and coinage, that of Victory must be counted among the most influential of Roman-inspired reverse coin designs. Quite apart from formal variations, the subtlety with which it could be used as propaganda for military or political achievements facilitated its passage to a more idealized sphere. The move, already effected in stoic circles, where Victory had come to signify abstract philosophical and moral triumphs, culminated with Christianity to symbolize virtuous triumph and ultimate victory over death. Iconographically, in addition to the traditional wreath and palm carried by Victory, still appropriate symbols of triumph for the new ideology, other specifically Christian attributes were added, such as long crosses. The shift from pagan to Christian mirrors a readjustment not only in the meaning, but in the perception of Victory, which, together with other Virtues of pagan times, became an Angel, a personification of the celestial power of God. In the Lombard regal gold coinage (c.690–774), during the reign of Cunincpert (688–700), the traditional Victory transformed into the Archangel St Michael (Fig. 3.1). Anglo-Saxon moneyers would have had many different models of Victory to draw on, not only from Roman examples, numismatic and others, but from Byzantine, Burgundian, Alemannic, Merovingian, Visigothic, and Lombard coins, appealing to Romanitas and with political or religious overtones. It is surprising that more extensive use of it was not made. Indeed, the find of a gold coin on the seashore at Weymouth, with a striding Victory on its reverse, led Stewart to propose that this and another gold coin with a facing Victory, unprovenanced, could represent an early and unrecognized phase of Anglo- Saxon coinage, contemporary to the time when the Victory was used as a reverse on Continental coins, before being replaced by crosses (c.578–82). His suggestion has encountered scepticism, mainly because an English origin is debatable for both.
The Fur Trade in Canada
Authors: Beinart William , Hughes Lotte
Published: November 2020

In the tropical zones of mainland America and the Caribbean islands, plantations became a key vehicle for imperial expansion—an early hothouse of intensive production which boosted Caribbean populations from 200,000 to two million over a couple of centuries. The indigenous population, as noted in the last chapter, had no place in this system and was largely destroyed or its remnants absorbed. But the labour requirements of the plantation system, its location, and the diseases it engendered also shaped a demography weighted against white settlers, especially in the Caribbean. At the northern limits of European intrusion, on the Atlantic coast, down the St Lawrence River, and on the shores of the Hudson Bay, the imperial frontier was extended more by trade than by agrarian settlement. In this chapter, we illustrate how the natural environment of this region, as well as economic and political forces, influenced the routes of intrusion and patterns of interaction. In contrast to the Caribbean, Native Americans had a major role in supplying imperial markets. Coastal settler society in the Americas, from Boston north, grew partly around the cod fisheries. The Grand Banks off the Canadian coast were a particularly rich source of cod and had been fished by the Spanish, Portuguese, and Basques since the sixteenth century or before. By the early seventeenth century, as many as 300 French and 150 British ships were recorded at one time on what became the Canadian coast. Cod fisheries were largely run by Europeans and based on European technology. They became the basis for an important export trade in dried and salted cod, bacalhau, to Europe and the Caribbean, where sources of protein were in short supply. On the sugar islands, especially, there were severe constraints on keeping livestock, and a lack of indigenous species to hunt. Dried cod, traded from North to Central America, to some degree filled this dietary gap; not only did it last well but it was also light to transport. Crosby has argued that North America was particularly porous with respect to the absorption of Eurasian animal and plant species and that these greatly facilitated settler colonialism.
House I 10,8
Authors: Allison Penelope M.
Published: November 2020

Giornale degli Scavi A,VI,6 (May 1912–Mar. 1929): 465 (15–20 Jan.) A,VI,7 (Apr. 1929–Dec. 1935): 242–96 (18 Nov. 1932–Feb. 1933) Elia 1934: 308–20. This house was excavated for the most part between November 1932 and January 1933. Hence excavations began here a little earlier than in the Casa del Fabbro but continued concurrently for some time. The standard of recording is similar. The excavators noticed numerous breaches in the walls and disturbed volcanic deposit to c.1 m above the pavement (GdSc A,VI,7: 244). Present location: unknown, not inventoried at time of excavation. Discussion: see discussion on studs. Dimensions: diam.: 41 mm; h.: 25–6 mm. Description: three studs consisting of hemispherical bronze boss and iron shaft (max. preserved l.: 26 mm) of rectangular section, slightly tapering (c.17 × 17 mm). Present location: Pompeii Collection, CB (inv. no. 3832). Discussion: Probably studs from a structural door. See discussion on studs. Dimensions: diam.: 29 mm. Description: bronze ring of circular section (diam.: 5 mm). Present location: Pompeii Collection, CB (inv. no. 5155). Discussion: Similar to cat. no. 1107. See discussion on rings. Dimensions: diam.: 40 mm; h. of boss: c.25.4 mm; thickness of lamina: 2.5 mm; preserved l. of shaft: 27 mm. Description: stud with hemispherical bronze boss and iron shaft of square section (c.5 mm × 5 mm). Present location: Pompeii Collection, CB (inv. no. 5157). Discussion: Similar to cat. no. 1567. See discussion on studs. Dimensions: h.: 240 mm (GdSc). Present location: unknown, not inventoried at time of excavation. Discussion: Probably part of hand-mill, similar to cat. no. 1358. Possibly part of cat. no. 1596. Dimensions: diam.: 13–20 mm; h.: 12–19 mm. Description: six turquoise melon beads, of various sizes. Present location: Pompeii Collection, CB (inv. no. 5158). Discussion: Same type as cat. no. 343. See discussion on bottone. Dimensions: l.: 72 mm; h.: 38 mm. Description: helmet shell (Casside undulata or Phalium granulatum undulatum). Present location: Pompeii Collection, CB (inv. no. 5159). Reference: Reese 2002: 298, no. 15. Discussion: see discussion on shells. Description: one quadrans of Nero (c. ad 64); one illegible. Present location: Naples, Coll. Med. (Pompeii inv. no. 5156: not reinventoried).
The New Imperialism
Authors: Harvey David
Published: November 2020

People around the world are confused and concerned. Is it a sign of strength or of weakness that the US has suddenly shifted from a politics of consensus to one of coercion on the world stage? What was really at stake in the war on Iraq? Was it all about oil and, if not, what else was involved? What role has a sagging economy played in pushing the US into foreign adventurism? What exactly is the relationship between US militarism abroad and domestic politics? These are the questions taken up in this compelling and original book. In this closely argued and clearly written book, David Harvey, one of the leading social theorists of his generation, builds a conceptual framework to expose the underlying forces at work behind these momentous shifts in US policies and politics. The compulsions behind the projection of US power on the world as a "new imperialism" are here, for the first time, laid bare for all to see.
Global Citizens: Campaigning for Environmental Solutions
Authors: Rose Chris , Melchett Peter
Published: November 2020

This chapter deals with three linked issues. First, the nature of modern campaigning, with particular reference to the work of Greenpeace and the solutions they offer. Second, the role of Greenpeace and other nongovernmental organizations from the not-for-profit sector. Third, the challenge and opportunities created by ‘globalization’ and what this means for global governance from an environmental point of view. For some years Greenpeace has argued that ‘solutions’ have moved to centre stage in the work of pressure groups, as they used to be known. The formative role of environmental campaigning organizations was to draw attention to problems, but by the 1990s, finding and demonstrating solutions, and getting them applied, became much more important (see Yearley, this volume). This has proved a long and hard road. Indeed, the gap between what can be done and what is being done has, if anything, widened. This is mainly because the technical potential has improved while, in Britain at least, implementation has moved much more slowly. It was once famously said of an incompetent British government that this is an island built on coal and surrounded by fish, but still it manages to run out of both. Similar things could be said today. The government has patently failed to protect fish stocks but that can be conveniently blamed on the EU Common Fisheries Policy. But no such excuse will wash on energy. Britain’s wave energy resource is more than 70 times the UK electricity demand. Britain’s wind resource is also vast. Offshore wind could meet Britain’s entire electricity demand three times over. Against this, the government’s unattained target of 10 per cent for renewable electricity is simply pathetic. Contrast Britain with Denmark, which is phasing out fossil fuel use in electricity generation and is on course for generating 50 per cent of its electricity from wind alone by 2030. Little wonder Denmark is reaping the benefits in terms of engineering jobs in wind turbines, an industry in which it is world leader. The story in Germany and the Netherlands is similar: yet Britain is far, far windier.
GENERAL COMMENTS
Authors: Ling Roger , Ling Lesley
Published: November 2020

The Decorations have so Far Been Considered house by house because their main interest lies in what they tell us about the residential units for which they were designed and the householders who commissioned them. We may conclude, however, by looking at them globally to draw some general conclusions about patterns of distribution and about the contribution made by Insula I.10 to our knowledge of Pompeian interior decoration. The nature of our study, covering a whole insula rather than focusing on individual houses, provides an exceptional opportunity to consider decorations across a range of properties which together constitute a ‘neighbourhood’ within Pompeii. We can thus pick out some of the patterns of economic and social differentiation within a small area of the city. Even if few of our conclusions prove to be unexpected, they none the less provide some kind of model against which to measure the results of studies of individual houses or of whole insulae elsewhere in Pompeii. Our discussion will, inevitably, concentrate on the seven more substantial dwellings in the insula, namely the Case del Menandro, degli Amanti and del Fabbro, and houses 1, 3, 8, and 18. The various one- or tworoom units, including independent shops and workshops, and the upstairs apartment entered via entrance 5, either lacked any form of interior decoration (other than largely plain plaster and mortar paving) or have yielded too little evidence to enable worthwhile conclusions to be drawn. one in the Casa del Fabbro and one in the Casa degli Amanti, hints at the former existence of even more luxurious paintings of which no trace remains. But the record is simply too defective to bring this material into the equation: as in other parts of Pompeii, details of arrangements on the upper floors are mostly unrecoverable. We are forced to base our figures on the ground floors alone, acknowledging the danger that this may result in some distortion of the picture. First, pavements. The decorated paving can be divided into three main types: true mosaic, pavements of mortar sprinkled with pieces of white and coloured stones, and pavements of mortar with patterns formed by lines of tesserae.
Weathering, Soils, and Slope Processes
Authors: Wainwright John
Published: November 2020

Hillslopes are the dominant landform features of the Earth’s surface. They make up the interface between the atmosphere and Earth systems, providing a substrate that supports life and thus the basis for human activities within the Mediterranean. Their location at this interface means that hillslopes evolve through a complex interaction of different processes, operating at a range of different time and spatial scales. At longer timescales, processes of weathering convert rock and other parent materials into soils. Soils allow the growth of vegetation and thus further feedbacks between atmospheric and surface processes; in some cases these feedbacks can be seen to provide relative stability, while in others the system can become more fragile (Chapter 20). The latter case often arises as a result of erosion processes of various types. Water erosion and mass movements are a significant element of Mediterranean landscape evolution, occurring in parallel with (in response to, and affecting) tectonic processes that have moulded the configuration of the Earth’s crust (see Chapter 1), producing the unique combination of environmental characteristics of the region. Since the Late Pleistocene, depending on location, human activity has led to an acceleration of many of these processes, with important consequences for the basic ‘life-support system’ of the region and for global environmental cycles. The in situ modification of near-surface materials is typically considered to take place along a continuum relating to the dominance of mechanical or chemical processes (e.g. Birkeland 1999). The simplest control may be considered to be climatic, with mechanical breakdown of particles dominating in cold, dry conditions, and chemical processes dominating in warm, wet conditions. Comparing this model to the present day climate of the Mediterranean suggests, as with other processes, something of a north–south divide in terms of the dominant weathering process. The northern part of the basin (together with the Levant and the north-facing uplands of the Maghreb) would seem to be dominated by moderate chemical weathering; exceptions being the arid areas of south-east Spain, southern Sicily, eastern Cyprus, and parts of the Anatolian plateau as well as areas where low average temperatures would also reduce rates, such as in the Alps and parts of Slovenia and Croatia.
Colour-Class and Race Segregation: The Spatial Dimension
Authors: Clarke Colin
Published: November 2020

It has already been shown that colour-class increasingly dissolved into class in the post-independence period in Kingston as the whites and the racial minorities left Jamaica, and the socially mobile blacks moved into middle-class and elite positions (Ch. 3). However, socio-economic neighbourhoods were still strongly set apart in 1991, and these distinctions were rooted in late-colonial residential patterns established on the Liguanea Plain (Chs. 1 and 2). This chapter is essentially a continuation of the previous one (Ch. 3), and builds on its findings. It concentrates on the spatial dimension of social processes by examining colour-class and race segregation—and desegregation—in the late-colonial and post-independence periods. Colour and race distributions are examined cartographically, and are supplemented by the index of dissimilarity, which measures the evenness/ unevenness of distribution of two categories or groups measured one against the other. The index of dissimilarity is also calculated for occupations, using them as a proxy for class, so that they may be compared to indices for race and colour. Finally, indices known as P* are calculated for colour, race, and occupational categories to measure a group’s comparative isolation, taking its size and the size of the group with which it is being compared into account. The spatial expression of the class structure of Kingston in 1960 and 1991 (to which the argument returns) provides the underpinning for the distribution of colour/racial categories at independence and since sovereignty (Figs. 1.8 and 2.6). The class mosaic was largely reflected in colour distributions in late-colonial times, and the location of the racial minorities was indicative of their degree of penetration of the creole colour-class hierarchy, and the level of their entrée. Likewise, changes in colour/racial distributions since independence may be used to examine the mobility into the elite and middle classes (and class areas) by the black and mixed populations, and to trace the social fortunes of the minorities, in the context of their demographic decline. The chapter begins with a discussion of changing colour and race distributions over the period 1943 to 1991, before examining the statistics for segregation. The white minority group in Kingston in 1943 was confined to the eastern, central, and northern suburbs and to some historic localities in the town centre, associated with business. The areas they occupied recorded at least median socio-economic status scores, and most of the heaviest concentrations were associated with areas of high rank.
Geographies of Agri-food
Authors: Morgan Kevin , Marsden Terry , Murdoch Jonathan
Published: November 2020

Chapters 1 and 2 have reviewed the contemporary theoretical and policy context of agri-food with specific reference to Europe and North America. In this chapter we turn our attention to the nature of the new agri-food geographies. What are the driving forces behind these geographies, and how do they play themselves out across time and space? This theme is central to the more detailed treatment of three different regions (Tuscany, California, and Wales) in succeeding chapters. Here, we introduce a conceptual framework that helps us to understand the new agri-food geographies. The chapter starts by outlining the nature of the conventional agri-industrial system. In general terms, we see this as a system that leads to a process of deterritorialization of foods. That is not to say that it comes without any actual geography; rather, its geographies are the result of corporate capitals’ attempts to continue to intensify and to appropriate some of the functions of agriculture in ways that stretch the links, networks, and chains between production and consumption spheres. We then place this trend in conceptual juxtaposition with the more recent forces of reterritorialization (or what some scholars term ‘relocalization’), a process whereby local and regional geographies come back again to play a central role in reshaping food production and consumption systems. We argue here that it is important to see these conflicting geographical forces as distinctive, even though both processes may indeed be operating—to varying degrees and in different ways—in the same region or locality at the same time. This is at the heart of our contingent notion of ‘worlds of food’. Throughout the twentieth century, agri-industrialism struggled with resolving Kautsky’s formulation of the agrarian question, that is, how to continue to intensify production and appropriate some farming functions in processing and agri-industry while at the same time maintaining some sort of ecological or natural balance in the agricultural transformation process (Kautsky, 1988; Goodman and Watts, 1997). In the agri-industrial model, the driving force was corporate capital.