bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Virgil's Plough
Authors: Aitken Robert
Published: May 2006

In this paper Virgil's description of a plough (Georgics, 1, 169 ff.) is re-examined in the light of modern records of wooden ploughs from SW Europe, taken in a broad sense to include Italy and the Swiss canton of the Grisons, and from neighbouring Mediterranean regions. This on the assumption that Virgil is describing a single type of plough, not ‘integrating’ types; in other words, that there is such a thing as ‘Virgil's Plough’ and that one may hope to find its modern analogues. To archaeological evidence only incidental allusions are made, mainly to evidence appearing later than Gow's and Drachmann's articles.

When the passage from the Georgics is set out in separate sentences of 2 + 2 + 3 lines with their differing evocations, the field and woodland scenes evoked do not appear so closely related to each other and to the references to parts of the plough as they do if the passage, which is fundamentally a structural account of the plough, is interpreted in the light of a visit to a craftsman's shop with outdoor evocations arising from the craftsman's explanations to his visitor. The thesis now put forward is that Virgil's description arises from just such a visit, which would open quite naturally with talk about the ‘knee timber’ needed for the curved beam (buris) as the part taking the principal strain. So to-day in talks with Spanish ploughwrights, one of whom even used Virgil's verb when explaining to the writer in 1935 that, in a certain valley from which he bought the elm for his beams, ‘doman el ramito de año,’ they tie down the yearling branchlet.
The Dating of Romano-British Houses
Authors: Berry C. A. F.
Published: May 2006

In December, 1948, there appeared in Antiquity an article by Lady Fox in which she hoped that ‘it should not be long now before a sequence of dated Roman house types is established for Britain’. At that time, the writer was engaged on a study of the Roman villas of Britain and hoped that from the mass of data collected there would emerge such a sequence of types. But the facts would not fit. It became apparent not only that houses of all types existed at all periods but also that the early types continued long in existence and that houses of every type were being built at all periods.
Air Reconnaissance of North Britain
Authors: Joseph J. K. St.
Published: May 2006

The purpose of this paper is to review discoveries made by air reconnaissance during the five summers 1945-9 in the Roman military districts of Northern Britain. Most of the sites described were revealed by differences in the colour or growth of vegetation above them, and during this period the exceptional drought of 1949 gave unusually clear definition, covering much of the material now under review. The cereal crops in particular responded so sensitively to buried features as to reveal not merely the outline of buildings, but finer details such as buttresses to a wall, or floors in stone or concrete. Even in pasture, the Military Way behind Hadrian's Wall could be seen for miles together as a ribbon of parched grass (pl. v); and, most remarkable of all, the foundation-trenches of timber buildings in the legionary fortress at Inchtuthill appeared as thin green lines in the parched surface (pl. viii, 2). Such conditions occur rarely; but even in a wet summer carefully planned air reconnaissance will afford plenty of information.
On the Flavian Reliefs from the Palazzo della Cancelleria
Authors: Last Hugh
Published: May 2006

It is with considerable reluctance that I offer a few comments on the possible significance of the Flavian reliefs discovered between 1937 and 1939 close by the Palazzo della Cancelleria in Rome. For the interpretation of monuments such as these is largely subjective; and, in a matter on which any student may claim as good a right to his own opinion as any other, the use of space in thisJournalto make suggestions which few may think convincing needs special justification. That justification must be found in the encouragement to ventilate the ideas which follow (ideas first aired before the Anglo-Swedish Classical Conference at Lund in August, 1947) given me by various friends—particularly Dr. Arvid Andrén, Professors Axel Boëthius and Einar Gjerstad, Dr. P. G. Hamberg, and Professors A. D. Nock and A. W. Persson. None of these gentlemen should be assumed to agree with any of my conclusions, but to all of them my hearty thanks for useful discussion are due and are hereby offered. Furthermore, it must be made plain that these remarks are not intended even to touch on the problems connected with the development of Roman art in the Flavian age to the evidence for which these friezes are a most notable addition. They are confined to the question, What are the reliefs about ?
The Roman Walls of Le Mans
Authors: Butler R. M.
Published: May 2006

It has long been known that during the late third and early fourth centuries A.D. over 80 previously unfortified towns of Gaul were surrounded by new defences. These can be distinguished from those of the twenty-five ancient cities fortified in the previous centuries by the thickness and height of their walls, by the number of their projecting towers, and by the fact that their foundations were in nearly every case constructed from re-used blocks, tombstones, and architectural fragments coming from earlier buildings. Although at several places such walls survived almost intact until the nineteenth century, having formed the principal defences of towns such as Bordeaux, Dax, and Sens throughout the Middle Ages, the best preserved example still remaining is at Le Mans (Sarthe), the capital of the province of Maine. There can be seen more complete and more easily accessible specimens of features existing in poorer condition at Beauvais, Carcassonne, Jublains, Périgueux, Senlis, Tours, and other towns. A full description of the walls of Le Mans will serve to illustrate the characteristics of the late Roman fortifications of a medium-sized Gallic city.
Hunt's Pridianum: British Museum Papyrus 2851
Authors: Fink Robert O.
Published: May 2006

So far as the author knows, no other recension of this much-quoted text has appeared since the original publication by Hunt, reprinted with only slight changes by the New Palaeographical Society. Yet it is a document of the highest importance both palaeo graphically and historically. As some sort of pridianum, that is, an annual report of a military unit's condition in respect to personnel, it is valuable for Roman military organization. It is unique in being the report of a unit stationed in Lower Moesia; and its value is further enhanced by its date early in Trajan's reign, during his preparations for his first Dacian war. The papyrus is therefore worthy of every effort to establish an accurate text, the more because Hunt himself conscientiously emphasized the provisional nature of his own transcription. The present paper, then, though unsolved difficulties still remain, is intended to make available the numerous improvements in reading and interpretation which result from a new study of the original which the author was able to undertake in the winter of 1956–1957.
The Canons of John Mauropous
Authors: Hussey Joan
Published: May 2006

John Mauropous, an eleventh-century Metropolitan of Euchaïta, has long been commemorated in the service books of the Orthodox Church. The Synaxarion for the Office of Orthros on 30th January, the day dedicated to the Three Fathers, St. Basil the Great, St. Gregory the Theologian, and St. John Chrysostom, tells how the festival was instituted by Mauropous and describes him as ‘the well-known John, a man of great repute and well-versed in the learning of the Hellenes, as his writings show, and moreover one who has attained to the highest virtue’. In western Europe something was known of him certainly as early as the end of the sixteenth century; his iambic poems were published for the first time by an Englishman in 1610, and his ‘Vita S. Dorothei’ in the Acta Sanctorum in 1695. But it was not until the second half of the nineteenth century that scholars were really able to form some idea of the character and achievement of this Metropolitan of Euchaïta. Particularly important were two publications: Sathas' edition in 1876 of Michael Psellus' oration on John, and Paul de Lagarde's edition in 1882 of some of John's own writings. This last contained not only the works already printed, but a number of hitherto unpublished sermons and letters, together with the constitution of the Faculty of Law in the University of Constantinople, and a short introduction containing part of an etymological poem. But there remained, and still remains, one significant omission: John's canons have been almost consistently neglected.
A Possible Conflict of Laws in Roman Britain
Authors: Stevens C. E.
Published: May 2006

It is well known that in the various collections of imperial legislation there is only one enactment specifically addressed to Britain, Cod. Theod. XI, 7, 2, of 20th November, 319, to Pacatianus, Vicar of the Britains. It is a short text and may be at one point corrupt, but the general sense is clear: a decurion is liable to pay tax on his own property (whether held ‘in hand’ or occupied by coloni), he is not liable for the property and coloni of another decurion. The text is normally cited by students of Roman Britain to prove that the institutions of the colonate applied to Britain, and this it certainly proves. The purpose of this paper, however, is to inquire whether something more may not be extracted from it.

The principle contained in the law is actually established by legislation of more recent date also included in the Codex Theodosianus. That it appears in the Code at all is due to the hasty and unsystematic way in which the compilers of the Code went to work; legislation was simply collected with little regard to whether it had been repeated or even superseded.
Palmyra and the East
Authors: Seyrig Henri
Published: May 2006

Although Palmyra is mentioned in several cuneiform texts, the oldest of which go back to the time of Sargon I of Assyria, it seems to have remained a mere village until the middle of the first century B.C. Its sudden growth to the size of one of the largest towns in the East coincides with the moment in history when the demand for oriental luxuries began to grow in Rome and its dominions, and it was due to the clever policy of its merchants and camel-riders who knew how to keep order in the desert between their town and the great factories and warehouses of Lower Mesopotamia. From that time caravans were able to cross the Syrian desert instead of skirting it, and the transit brought huge profits to the Palmyrenes. The desert therefore, whose barren waste, to our European eyes, would easily seem a barrier, was no such thing in reality, but acted on the contrary as a link with Mesopotamia, very much in the same way as the sea connected Venice by her merchant ships with the harbours of the Levant. Indeed, a comparison of Palmyra with the great commercial cities of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (Venice, Antwerp, Bruges, Lisbon, etc.), is one that in several respects helps us to understand its sudden and great prosperity, as well as its sudden decline. From the day when Aurelian put an end to Palmyra's command of the wilderness, the roads of commerce had to change, the caravans again resorted to the Euphrates route around the desert, and the fortunes of Aleppo and Chalcis began to rise.
Potestas Regia
Authors: Henderson M. I.
Published: May 2006

That the power of the Kings had somehow been transferred to the Consuls was a fable convenue, a part of the familiar panorama of Roman history as a recurrent translatio of power from one nomen to the next. It was not a serious analysis of this power, unless Greek philosophy was anticipated by Valerius Publicola. Polybius, on the analogy of the two kings of Sparta, had cast the consuls for the academic rôle of τὸβασιλικόν in a Mixed Polity of which no element was absolute. In Roman antiquarian theory, accordingly, the kingship is approximated to a limited magistracy, and the two consuls are jointly reduced to that due limit by the symbolic alternation of twelve fasces. Cicero can concede them the courtesy title of potestas regia while affirming, in the same breath, the supremacy of the Senate—as Livy concedes it while affirming the superiority of the Dictator. No inconsistency was felt. ‘Potestas tempore dumtaxat annua, genere ipso et iure regia’—in its context and in Roman minds—was a resonant but abstract cliché, connoting neither a real βασυλεία nor the regnum (antithetic to ius) of political rhetoric—still less the theoretically boundless Befehlsrecht attributed to imperium by Mommsen.
Notes on the Coinage of Julian the Apostate
Authors: Gilliard Frank D.
Published: May 2006

Julian the Apostate is one of the best-known figures of Roman imperial history. Perhaps for this very reason, what is not known about him is all the more tantalizing. Some of the gaps in our knowledge of his life may be filled by analysis of the coins struck between 355 and 363, the eight years during which he was either Caesar or Augustus. The study of his coinage is in its infancy, but it is to be hoped that the forthcoming publication of the relevant volume ofRoman Imperial Coinagewill present to students a satisfactory corpus of coins, without which any study must be provisional.
Stamped Tiles found in Gloucestershire
Authors: Clifford E. M.
Published: May 2006

The stamps on Roman tiles found in Gloucestershire are sufficiently numerous and varied to make it worth while publishing an illustrated list of them with full details. They fall into two categories.

(A) Tiles stamped R P G (no. i below), = Rei publicae Glevensium, R P G I I V M E T P G, = rei publicae Glevensium duoviris M et P G (no. 2), R P G Q Q I V L FLOR ET C C R S M, = rei publicae Glevensium quinquennalibus Iulio Floro et C …. (no. 7), and also with other names (nos. 4-6), have been found in Gloucester, in the Roman cemetery at Barnwood near by, and at the Roman villas of Hucclecote and Ifold, near Painswick (fig. 3), and it has been suggested that their distribution should serve as a clue to the extent of the territorium of the colonia of Glevum in the surrounding country. They were first discussed by Haverfield and interpreted by him as municipal tile stamps, the R P G standing for ‘res publica Glevensium’ while the other letters indicate the names of the magistrates of the colonia who, in the municipal government, corresponded to the consuls of the Roman Republic.
The Roman Law of Treason under the Early Principate
Authors: Chilton C. W.
Published: May 2006

The two problems to be discussed here are :—

(1) Under what law or laws were charges brought in cases of treason during the first years of the Principate?

(2) What were the penalties prescribed by that law or those laws?

The answer to the first question raises no serious difficulties. It is true that apart from any consideration of perduellio no fewer than four laws de maiestate (to be discussed more fully later) were passed in the seventy years before the reign of Augustus. But it is clear that for all practical purposes these laws were comprehended and superseded by the Lex Julia of Augustus. Tacitus always speaks of a single law, e.g.

Ann. 1, 72, 3: ‘nam legem maiestatis reduxerat,’ and

Ann. 2, 50, i: ‘adolescebat interea lex maiestatis’

and the jurists always refer to a Lex Julia which must have been that passed by Augustus and not that of Caesar.

The answer to the second question also was until recently regarded as practically certain. It was held by all authorities, both Continental and English, that the only legal penalty was ‘interdictio aquae et ignis’, though with the establishment of the Principate there began a process of arbitrarily worsening the conditions of exile and even substituting the death penalty. But during the present century another view has been put forward—a view developed in most detail by R. S. Rogers in his Criminal Trials and Criminal Legislation under Tiberius (1935). In this book Rogers asserts positively and often that the Lex Julia embraced two different kinds of treason—high treason, which he calls by the old name of Perduellio, and Maiestas, which often amounted to no more than slander of the Princeps or his family—and that two different penalties were prescribed, viz. death (with confiscation of property and damnatio memoriae) for Perduellio, exile for Maiestas.
Dio, Zonaras and the Value of the Roman Aureus
Authors: Buttrey T. V.
Published: May 2006

The Roman aureus exchanged for 25 denarii. The evidence for the equation, all literary, has reached us rather indirectly. The earliest preserved source is Claudius Didymus (first century A.D.), quoted in Priscian; in the second century Lucian equated 30 aurei with 750 denarii; in the third, Dio 55, 12, 3–5, a lost passage entirely reconstructed from the epitomes of Xiphilinus and Zonaras, put the exchange directly (p. 41, [3] below). In addition, the exchange can be inferred from two parallel passages: Suetonius relates that when Otho entertained Galba at dinner he regularly gave each member of the guard an aureus (Otho 4, 2 = Plutarch, Galba 20, 4, χρυσοῦς); Tacitus tells the same story, using the words ‘centenos nummos divideret’ (Hist. 1, 24).
Dionysius of Halicarnassus and the Origins of Rome
Authors: Hill H.
Published: May 2006

The Roman Antiquities of Dionysius of Halicarnassus is often dismissed as a mere slavish panegyric of Rome, written with no other purpose but to persuade her Greek subjects to acquiesce in her domination. Thus Schwartz, in his Pauly-Wissowa article (v, 934 f.), after describing the work as ‘ein trauriges Dokument dafür, wie tief die geistige Potenz noch mehr als die Bildung der Griechen gesunken war’, accuses Dionysius not only of incompetence as a historian, but also of a lack of the feeling proper to a Greek. Comparing him with Polybius and Posidonius, he writes ‘die tragischen Schmerzen, die jenen echten Hellenen das Begreifen des römischen Primats gekostet hatte, sind dieser kleinen Seele fremd’. He further suggests that Dionysius chose his subject because it was remote from contemporary events and he was not likely to meet much competition.
Air Reconnaissance in Britain, 1958–1960
Authors: Joseph J. K. St.
Published: May 2006

During the last three years systematic application of air reconnaissance to Romano-British studies has continued: this paper provides a summary of the discoveries, bringing up to date accounts of earlier surveys already published in this Journal. The period included the remarkably dry summer of 1959, when a prolonged drought, comparable in recent years only with that of 1949, caused extreme parching of vegetation throughout July, particularly in the main river valleys of the Midlands, in the Welsh Marches and over wide areas of eastern England. This favoured archaeological air reconnaissance. Though 1960 was an exceptionally wet season, the broken weather beginning in July was in fact preceded by a dry spell in June, at least in central England, when for a few weeks the ‘crop-marks’ were very clear indeed.
The Temple of the Three Gauls
Authors: Fishwick Duncan
Published: May 2006

Almost nothing is known of the provincial temple at Lugdunum beyond the bare fact of its existence within the federal sanctuary. For this information we are dependent upon the titles of the provincialsacerdotes, which at some undetermined period begin to define the high priesthood asad templum; until then the priest had servedad aram: that is, at the celebrated altar dedicated by Drusus in 12 B.C. at the confluence of the Rhone and the Saône. Apparently the temple stood in the near vicinity of the altar, for inscriptions from the turn of the second century now give the priestly title asad aram … apud templum …or a variant. But confirmation depends in the long run upon archaeological exploration, which has so far been precluded by the circumstance that the presumed site of the temple now lies beneath an area of dense habitation. The only other possible evidence is a medallion from the Rhone Valley that depicts games (avenatio) in progress around a centralpodium, bearing a small round temple, a larger gabled temple, and a column supporting a statue. Alföldi stresses the abstract nature of this composition and has suggested that the complex may represent provincial monuments at Lugdunum. If this identification is correct, the medallion would appear to confirm the existence of these structures under Hadrian or very shortly after.
The Political Character of the Classical Roman Republic, 200–151 B.C.
Authors: Millar Fergus
Published: May 2006

In any attempt to understand Roman history the first half of the second century B.C. must have a special place. Victory in the Hannibalic war had laid the foundations of a general dominance of the Mediterranean world, but had hardly yet produced an Empire. Outside Italy, only Sicily, Sardinia and two commands in Spain were normally allotted asprovinciaefor annual magistrates; and this list was not increased by the famous victories in the Greek East, Cynoscephalae, Thermopylae, Magnesia and Pydna. Romanimperialismis too crude a term for what we can observe between 200 and 151 B.C. Romandominancewas felt everywhere, from Spain to Carthage, Alexandria, Jerusalem, Antioch and Ankara; Romanmilitarismwas demonstrated consistently in N. Italy and Spain, at various periods in Greece and Macedonia (200–194, 191–187, 171–168), and for one period of three years in Asia Minor (190–188). Romancolonialismwas still confined, with one very marginal exception, to the Italian peninsula.
The Literary Substrata to Juvenal's Satires
Authors: Townend G. B.
Published: May 2006

In Roman poetry of the late Republic and the Augustan age, allusiveness was an essential element in poetic technique. In Virgil in particular there is an immense debt to earlier writers for words, phrases and rhythms, all contributing to the poet's effect; although the reader's understanding of the basic meaning of the lines suffers little from his limited awareness of the more erudite allusions. The same thing is true of Horace, with the added consideration that in satire, as in Athenian Old Comedy, burlesque and parody play an important part. Only occasionally is there reason to suspect that our ignorance of Lucilius or other lost writers, Greek or Latin, prevents us from recognizing the whole tone of a passage. It is difficult to ascertain whether Lucilius himself had made literary borrowing an essential element in the satirist's technique; but it must be accepted as such from Horace onwards.
Taxes and Trade in the Roman Empire (200 B.C.–A.D. 400)
Authors: Hopkins Keith
Published: May 2006

This essay is speculative and tentative, a preliminary attempt at exploring a broad territory of Roman economic history over a long period. For the sake of clarity, I have canvassed several probabilities in the form of propositions, but the evidence is so sparse that it is difficult toprovethat each proposition is right. It is disappointing to confess at the outset that one's case is unproven and that the generalizations advanced are disproportionately large in relation to the supporting evidence. Even so, the experiments made here with both evidence and methods may stimulate others into refuting or reshaping the propositions. And besides, some of the methods can be usefully applied to other problems in Roman history.
Felicitasat Surrentum (Statius,SilvaeII. 2)
Authors: Nisbet R. G. M.
Published: May 2006

The Surrentinum of Pollius Felix encouraged Statius to play on the meaning of felicity. The villa's prospect extended to Naples and Limon (near Pausilypum), where an inscription of A.D. 65 already attests the name of the family. Nereids climbed the rocks to steal the fortunate proprietor's grapes, and Satyrs tumbled in the sea in the eagerness of their pursuit. A local Siren flew up to hear songs better than her own (112 f.),

hic ubi Pierias exercet Pollius artes,

seu volvit monitus quos dat Gargettius auctor,

seu nostram quatit ille chelyn, seu dissona nectit

carmina, sive minax ultorem stringit iambon.

In other words Pollius was a poet (cf. 39 f.; III. I. 66 f.), who wrote hexameters, elegiacs, and iambi; that is why Statius refers to hiseloquentiaandfacundia, for Schanz-Hosius are wrong to include so private a person among the orators. In particular he seems to have composed didactic verse on Epicurean subjects. In a context referring to the Siren and immediately after a mention of Pierian arts,volvit monitus(co-ordinate withquatit, nectit, stringit) surely refers to something more than an interest in philosophy (thus Vollmer's commentary) or an avoidance of public life (J. H. Mozley's Loeb edition).
Requisitioned Transport in the Roman Empire: A New Inscription from Pisidia
Authors: Mitchell Stephen
Published: May 2006

To appreciate the importance which the Romans attached to transport and communications we need surely look no further than the roads which they built. To the modern observer this gigantic network of highways, which was not to be equalled or surpassed before the present century, is one of the most telling symbols of the control which Rome exercised throughout her empire, and of the organization which was imposed on it. The traffic which they carried has attracted less attention, but is clearly no less worthy of consideration. The roads of the empire had been designed and built to suit the state's needs, above all those of its armies, and one would reasonably expect the government to have devoted as much care and attention to the means by which goods and personnel were transported along them as it had to building them in the first place. Even if the sources were silent, and they are not, we could readily assume that post horses and carriages, pack and draft animals, and all the other paraphernalia of a state transport system would be needed at all times both for the use of civilian and military officials, and for the carriage of supplies and provisions. Under the empire the burden of providing this transport fell largely on the subject communities of Italy and the provinces, and the complaints of these communities against the unauthorized seizure of men, animals, waggons, hospitality in billets and other facilities for state transport form a recurrent theme in Roman history. Although authors of the republican period frequently refer to such requisitions, our information for the system by which this transport was provided and organized comes largely from a long series of imperial documents, beginning in the reign of Tiberius and culminating in a group of rescripts from the emperors of the fourth and early fifth centuries collected in book vm of the Theodosian Code.
Paulinus of Nola and the Last Century of the Western Empire
Authors: Frend W. H. C.
Published: May 2006

The part played by Christianity in the downfall of the Roman empire in the west has fascinated historians for more than two centuries. The Encyclopaedists in the person of Montesquieu opened the debate, but the latter's subtle anti-Christianity in his Considérations sur la Grandeur et la Décadence des Romains (published 1734) was succeeded by the thorough-going attack of Gibbon who singled out Christianity as the main cause for the change and decadence in the empire's structure. Since then the debate has continued. New factors have been brought into play, such as the annihilating effect of the barbarian attacks or the sense of social injustice so graphically described by Salvian in Gaul and Spain that drove many provincials to welcome the rebel Bagaudae and the Germanic invaders as liberators from Roman tyranny. Salvian, however, was not unpatriotic. He was a far greater laudator temporis acti than Augustine and Orosius, and unlike them found positive merit in the poverty and virtue of the Old Romans. What he criticized was the heartless wealth, luxury and oppression of his own day and the failure of the Catholic clergy to do anything about it.
The Treaty of Apamea (188 B.C.): the Naval Clauses
Authors: McDonald A. H. , Walbank F. W.
Published: May 2006

Two years ago when McDonald (JRS LVII (1967), 1–8) discussed the strategic aspects of the treaty of Apamea in its ‘territorial clause’ (Polyb. XXI, 43, 5–6; Livy XXXVIII, 38, 4–5) he was concerned to define the ‘Taurus line’, in its general significance with relation to Antiochus' position in Cilicia. This involved the text of the clause as well as topographical study of central and southern Asia Minor. He did not go on to treat how Antiochus might use naval transport and ‘combined operations’ at coastal landing points to turn the ‘Taurus line’ against Rhodes and Pergamum, and return to the Aegean.

The ‘naval clauses’ of the treaty represent Rome's decision to block any such move, however unlikely, by reducing Antiochus' strength at sea and imposing geographical limits on where the craft permitted to him might sail (Polyb. XXI, 43, 13–14 ; Livy XXXVIII, 38, 8–9).
The Roman Frontier in Germany: an Archaeological Survey
Authors: Schönberger H.
Published: May 2006

My intention is to base the present summary on the discoveries which have been made in the field during the past twenty years, but obviously within the limits of the space at my disposal I can only indicate the main outlines. My main concern is with the provinces of Germania Superior and Raetia, but I shall also refer from time to time to the results of recent research in Germania Inferior. The main Map B (opposite p. 176) is supplemented by Map A (fig. 16), which shows the military sites of the Augustan-Tiberian period, and by Map C (fig. 23), which indicates the sites of the late-Roman period. Each map is supported by its own bibliographical list; these should be consulted when specific footnote-references are lacking in the text. These lists and footnotes, wherever possible, give references only to the most recent literature and have been reduced to a minimum. For the General Works to be consulted, and for the Abbreviations used, see lists below (pp. 196 ff.).
Republican Denarii in Romania: the Suppression of Piracy and the Slave-Trade
Authors: Crawford Michael H.
Published: May 2006

One of the most remarkable phenomena within the pattern of monetary circulation in antiquity is the presence of large numbers of Roman Republican denarii, for the most part struck betweenc.130 and 31 B.C., on the soil of present-day Romania, roughly ancient Dacia. Absolute figures are impressive; it has been calculated that taking together isolated finds, hoards closing with Republican pieces, nuclei of Republican coins in Roman Imperial hoards and Republican coins in collections in Romania the total comes to something like 25,000 pieces. But absolute figures are themselves unable to convey fully the uniqueness of the phenomenon; this emerges most clearly from a comparison with neighbouring territories.

There are no known hoards of Republican denarii from the territory of the Moldavian S.S.R.; the territories of Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary to the north-west have produced between them a mere handful of Republican hoards; Jugoslavia and Albania to the west and Greece to the south are slightly more productive, but display no trace of the feature characteristic of Romania, a great block of hoards, the latest coin of which belongs in the first century B.C.
Two Notes on Immunities:Digest27, 1, 6, 10 and 11
Authors: Nutton Vivian
Published: May 2006

The movement that commonly goes under the name of the Second Sophistic extends far beyond mere literary affectation. It is as much a social phenomenon to be understood within the context of the Roman Empire of the second and early third centuries as a cultural development basing itself upon the models of an earlier Greece. Evidence drawn only from orations andbelles-lettresdoes not suffice to do justice to all its complexities, and recent authors have rightly adduced inscriptional and legal references to supply both background and explanation. Among them Professor Bowersock has discussed with clarity and percipience the immunities granted to sophists and men of learning by successive emperors in the second century, and has attempted to relate these grants to the social and intellectual life of the time. His account of their development is unexceptionable: the lavish immunities given by Hadrian were curtailed by Antoninus Pius, and the modifications of later emperors brought no appreciable change.
Problematique de L'archeologie Gallo-Romaine (1955–1970)
Authors: Chevallier Raymond
Published: May 2006

La bibliographie est fournie par les Fasti Archaeologici (sections ‘The Roman West’, ‘Christianity and Late Antiquity’), de l'International Association for Classical Archaeology (Rome, Piazza S. Marco, éditeur Sansoni, Florence); l'Année Philologique (Mlle J. Ernst, Paris, Belles Lettres), et la Chronique gallo-romaine de la Revue des Etudes Anciennes. On trouvera d'autres bilans partiels (pour telle province, telle période, tel type de source), dans l'Année épigraphique (jusqu'en 1968 in Revue Archéologique); la rubrique Archéologie de l'Antiquité classique; la Bibliographie annuelle de l'Histoire de France (Paris, C.N.R.S.); la Bibliographie d'histoire des villes de France, Paris, Klincksieck; la Bibliographie générate des travaux historiques et archéologiques (R. Gandilhon, Ch. Samaran); le Bulletin des Publications archéologiques et les rubriques ‘Chronique’ et ‘Périodiques’ des Etudes Celtiques; la Chronique d'art de la Gaule dans Art de France I (1961) et IV (1964, p. 5); la Chronique des publications et les Informations archéologiques de Gallia.
The Inscriptions of Pyrgi
Authors: Heurgon Jacques
Published: May 2006

The great honour, which the Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies has done me in entrusting me with this first ‘M. V. Taylor Memorial Lecture’, is the last, not the least, benefit for which I am indebted to our venerable and most regretted friend. I do not think it is my duty, indeed I think it would be very improper for me to set about reminding you here of who she was and what she did. I suppose I am expected to try to dedicate to her memory a paper which would not be too unworthy of her. I shall try to do my best. But I must confess at once that I am not quite sure that my subject is one of those she would have entirely approved of. Not that she had confined herself to Roman Britain. Of course I am sorry not to be able to present her today with a new enameled patera enumerating all the forts of the Wall, like the Amiens patera which, fifteen years ago, inspired her benevolence towards me. I am sorry not to be able to guide her through the halls of the Baths of Cluny, as I had the pleasure of doing in September, 1963, when she came to Paris for the last time on the occasion of the Archaeological Congress. I know her range of curiosity and learning was limitless indeed. Only I wonder whether Etruscan matters would not have raised in her a sort of smiling and sceptical reluctance, as something which is not altogether serious. I might plead, with Professor Momigliano's authority, that the Emperor Claudius, though the father of these queer researches, did something after all for Roman Britain. Still, as I cannot help imagining Miss Taylor sitting here in the front of my audience, I shall be exceptionally careful not to say anything which could arouse her sometimes passionate severity. If I fail, as is probable, I appeal in advance to her, and your, indulgence.
The Date and Identity of Macrobius
Authors: Cameron Alan
Published: May 2006

It has long been recognized that Macrobius'SaturnaliaandCommentaryon Cicero'sSomnium Scipionisare no less important as social documents of their times than for the precious antiquarian and neoplatonic lore they preserve. But which times ? And who was Macrobius ?

In view of our relatively abundant prosopographical material from the late fourth and early fifth centuries, there should be a fair chance of identifying a man whose full name and rank stand on record: Macrobius Ambrosius Theodosius,vir clarissimus et inlustris.
Womanufacture
Authors: Sharrock A. R.
Published: May 2006

Women are ‘perceived’. We speak often not just of ‘women’, but of ‘images’, ‘representations’, ‘reflections’ of women. Woman perceived is woman as art-object; and paradigmatic of this phenomenon is the myth of Pygmalion.

This article will consider Ovid's version of the myth, the story of the artist who loved his own creation. I shall suggest that the story reflects on the eroto-artistic relationship between the poet and his puella explored in Latin love elegy. The Metamorphoses myth of the art-object which becomes a love-object mirrors the elegiac myth of love-object as art-object. The elegists represent the puella as both art and flesh. Pygmalion deconstructs the erotic realism of elegy and by its frankness about the power of the male artist discloses elegy's operations. It tells us how to read the puella — as a work of art; and the lover — as an artist obsessed with his own creation. Pygmalion reflects and exposes the self-absorption of elegy, the heroization of the lover, and the painted nature of the woman presented in eroto-elegiac texts, that is, the way in which she is to be seen as an art-object.
Latin and Punic in Contact? The Case of the Bu Njem Ostraca
Authors: Adams J. N.
Published: May 2006

The ostraca of Bu Njem come from a military outpost on the North African fringes of the Empire. Vernacular languages were spoken in the area. The ostraca record, among other things, contact between soldiers and the local population, and contain various African (Punic or ‘Libyan’) words and names, some of them previously unrecorded. The soldiers themselves have in many cases African names, or names with a special African connection, and it is likely that many were recruited locally. If so they may not have been fluent Latin speakers, and consequently the Latin which they wrote raises unusual questions. Is it Latin at all, or perhaps a pidgin or Creole? Or, on the contrary, is the language merely bureaucratic and formulaic Latin of no great interest? Do we, at last, have some hard evidence for a regional variety of Latin, in this case perhaps influenced by a substratum language or languages?.
Ovid and theDomus Augusta: Rome Seen from Tomoi
Authors: Millar Fergus
Published: May 2006

The greatest works of what we normally call ‘Augustan’ literature were produced by writers who came to maturity in the Triumviral period, and were already established as major authors before January 27 B.C., when ‘Imperator Caesar Divi filius’, whom we like to call ‘Octavianus’, gained the unprecedentedcognomen‘Augustus’. By that moment theEcloguesandGeorgicsof Virgil, theEpodesandSatiresof Horace, and Book 1 of theElegiesof Propertius were already written. Livy had composed his sombrePraefatio, and probably the whole first pentad, in the later Triumviral period, perhaps around the time of Actium or soon after.
Nerva, the Fiscus Judaicus and Jewish Identity
Authors: Goodman Martin
Published: May 2006

In A.D. 96 Nerva courted popularity in Rome for his new regime by changing the way in which the special tax on Jews payable to the fiscus Judaicus was exacted. The reform was widely advertised by the issue of coins, under the auspices of the senate, with the proclamation ‘fisci Judaici calumnia sublata’. Precisely how Nerva removed the calumnia no source states, but it can be surmised. The tax did not cease to be collected, for its imposition was still in operation in the time of Origen and possibly down to the fourth century A.D. It is a reasonable hypothesis that Nerva's intention was to demonstrate publicly his opposition to the way in which his hated predecessor, Domitian, had levied the tax, and to procure release for those described by Suetonius (Dom. 12. 2) as particular victims of Domitian's tendency to exact the tax ‘acerbissime’. According to Suetonius, these unfortunates were those who either ‘inprofessi’ lived a ‘iudaicam vitam’ or ‘origine dissimulata’ refused to pay the tax: the people thus trapped by Domitian and, if the hypothesis is correct, exempted by Nerva were those who failed to admit openly to their Jewish practices and/or those who hid their origins (presumably as Jews). I shall argue in this paper that by removing such people from the list of those liable to the Jewish tax, Nerva may unwittingly have taken a significant step towards the treatment of Jews in late antiquity more as a religion than as a nation.
A floristic‐structural gradient related to land forms in the southern Chihuahuan Desert
Authors: Montana Carlos
Published: May 2006

Abstract. The purposes of this study were to elucidate the floristic and structural characteristics of the vegetationin the Mapimi subdivision of the Chihuahuan Desert, Mexico, and to relate them to environmental variation. The main question addressed was: How does floristic composition, total species richness and life‐form species richness vary in relation to environmental change?

154 sites, randomly selected and stratified over seven landscape units, were analyzed. Results showed the existence of a land form gradient along which vegetation types were ordered. Species richness varied along the gradient, the richest land form was bajada, indicating that the maximum species richness did not occur at one extreme of the water availability gradient but in a moderately poor situation. The lowest species richness was found in the playa land form.

Cover‐based life form spectra varied significantly with land forms, while presence‐absence based life form spectra did not. It is suggested that this may be a consequence of the relatively young age of this desert.
Above‐ground biomass and species richness in a Mediterranean salt marsh
Authors: García L.V. , Maranón T. , Moreno A. , Clemente L.
Published: May 2006

Abstract.Species composition, above‐ground biomass and diversity of herbaceous communities were recorded in 50 sites on the upper salt marsh of the Guadalquivir delta (SW Spain). Through Canonical Correspondence Analysis relationships were shown between plant‐species characteristics abundance and environmental variables. Seven community types were distinguished and related to hydro logical regime and physical and chemical soil parameters.

The higher species richness was associated with moderate values of above‐ground biomass (Biomass at maximum diversity, BMD = 302 g/m2). Salinity was negatively correlated with species richness. There was no significant correlation with total above‐ground biomass. Water regime and soil nutrient (Ca, Mg) content were significant predictors of the community above‐ground biomass.
European Vegetation Survey: Current state of some national programmes
Authors: Mucina L. , Rodwell J. S. , Schaminée J. H. J. , Dierschke H.
Published: May 2006

Abstract. Vegetation survey programmes in Austria, Great Britain, the Netherlands and Germany are described. The aims of these programmes are discussed and their origin and motivation elucidated against the historical background of the development of phytosociology (as part of vegetation science) in particular countries. The Austrian, British and Dutch national vegetation surveys have been logistically supported by either basic‐research (Austria) or nature‐conservation (Great Britain and the Netherlands) funding organisations. They are either being published (British Plant Communities) or heading for publication of their first volumes within the next two years. The German vegetation survey is a voluntarily‐based enterprise expected to complete its work by the end of this century.

The experience gained by the management of these national surveys is of fundamental importance in launching the European Vegetation Survey (a project under preparation).
Early post‐fire tree regeneration in a Picea‐Vaccinium forest in northern Sweden
Authors: Engelmark Ola
Published: May 2006

Abstract. Age and size structure of saplings of Picea abies, Pinus sylvestris and Betula pubescens were examined in a 26‐yr old forest fire area in a Picea abies‐Vaccinium myrtillus forest in northern Sweden. Picea, which is a shade‐tolerant species, had its maximum regeneration prior to the shade‐intolerant Pinus. The shift from Picea to Pinus regeneration in the late 1970s, did not seem to be related to variations in summer temperature. Instead, it is suggested that Picea established in the shade created by dead trees, and, that increased reindeer browsing of Betula in combination with a simultaneous thinning of the tree layer, favoured Pinus recruitment. These regeneration patterns do not confirm conventional views of post‐fire succession in Sweden.
Syntaxonomic and nomenclatural treatment of Scandinavian‐type associations and sociations
Authors: Moravec Jaroslav
Published: May 2006

Abstract. The launching of international phytosociological projects requires a re‐evaluation of vegetation units (syntaxa) of different phytosociological schools and their integration into one global classification system. Despite many difficulties, this possibility is offered by the floristic‐phytosociological system ‐ a hierarchical system of syntaxa defined by floristic‐socio‐logical criteria. Associations (and lower syntaxa) of the Zürich‐Montpellier School as well as associations (later called sociations) of the Uppsala School are defined by means of the floristic composition of plant communities and fit this postulate; their syntaxonomic identity can be checked by tabular comparison of vegetation relevés. Not only the presence of diagnostic species but also the specific combination of sociological groups of species, dominance of species or even the absence of certain species or species groups can be used as syntaxonomic criteria. The syntaxonomic identification of an association of the Uppsala School with one of the Zürich‐Montpellier School means uniting syntaxa of the same rank in the sense of the Code of Phytosociological Nomenclature. If a sociation is found to fit the criteria of an association delimited by the Zürich‐Montpellier methods, the rank of an association can be attributed to this sociation and its name can thus be validated in the sense of the Code.
Carr texture in Britain and New Zealand: community convergence compared with a null model
Authors: Wilson J. Bastow , Agnew Andrew D. Q. , Partridge Trevor R.
Published: May 2006

Abstract. Four carrs (wooded fens) were sampled, two in Britain and two in New Zealand, to document their texture and to look for convergence between carrs in two hemispheres. One of the New Zealand carrs was predominantly native, and one mixed native/exotic. Plant community texture was evaluated using the variate: (1) support fraction (proportion of the ultimate twig that is non‐photosynthetic); and four variates relating to the PSU (Photosynthetic Unit): (2) SLW (specific leaf weight: PSU weight/area), (3) length:width ratio, (4) width, (5) area. The modular construction of species was measured by determining the density of modules at different hierarchical levels.

A null model for texture convergence is presented, in which the species present are assigned to sites with no constraint on the co‐occurrence of species similar in morphology. The test is one for coevolutionary convergence and coecological sorting, not for similarity of adaptation to the environment. There was no indication of convergence of the four carrs to a common texture, compared to this null model, when species presences were considered; on the contrary there was considerable divergence between sites for all variates, significant for three of them. The native New Zealand carr was atypical in having high SLW, and the N.Z. mixed exotic/native carr in its PSU width and area. Weighting the species by abundance (measured as photosynthetic biomass), convergence was seen for PSU width and possibly for area. Since this gives considerable weight to the canopy trees, it may reflect mainly their adaptation to canopy conditions, compared with that of the understorey species.

It is concluded that there is some convergence, at least in the attributes of the canopy species, but convergence cannot be shown for the whole community.