bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Monitoring for speech errors has different functions in inner and overt speech
Authors: Nooteboom Sieb G.
Published: March 2014

In this paper it is argued that monitoring for speech errors is not the same in inner speech and in overt speech. In inner speech it is meant to prevent the errors from becoming public, in overt speech to repair the damage caused by the errors. It is expected that in inner speech, but not in overt speech, more nonword errors are detected than real-word ones, and that overt repairs of errors detected in inner speech differ from overt repairs of errors detected in overt speech in that they have shorter offset-to-repair times, are spoken with raised instead of lowered intensity and pitch, and are less often accompanied by editing expressions. These hypotheses are tested against a collection of experimentally elicited spoonerisms and a collection of speech errors in spontaneous Dutch. The hypotheses are basically confirmed.
Against partitioned readings of reciprocals
Authors: Sabato Sivan , Winter Yoad
Published: March 2014

This paper examines interpretations of sentences with reciprocal expressions like each other or one another. We concentrate on cases where two or more separate groups can be discerned in the interpretation of the subject of predication. We study the availability of such partitioned interpretations with de.nite subjects and proper name conjunctions, and show new evidence that partitioning effects are independent of the semantics of the reciprocal expression, and are exclusively determined by the interpretation of the subject. We then propose that the effect is yet another result of the familiar dependency of descriptions on contextual quantifiers.
The representation and processing of fixed and compositional expressions
Authors: Schilperoord Joost , Cozijn Rein
Published: March 2014

This paper examines the way language users process so-called regular fixed expressions. Such expressions are compositional in the sense that their overall meaning can be derived from their parts, while at the same time factors such as usage frequency, resistance to modification, ‘nativelikeness’ suggest that they are stored and processed as complex lexical units, just like idioms. To test this hypothesis, we experimentally investigated the availability of regular fixed expressions for anaphoric reference as compared to fully compositional expressions. If an expression is processed as a unit, its parts will be less available, and therefore, processing anaphoric expressions should be more difficult and more time consuming compared to fully compositional expressions. The results supported this hypothesis.
Clitic doubling in Spanish
Authors: Schroten Jan
Published: March 2014

The syntactic behavior of nouns is in part determined by their meaning; for example, nouns which refer to human beings usually have special syntactic properties. The basic distinction between human and non-human nouns is a psychological reality reflected in language specific properties of many languages. The question is how this difference is reflected and why the distinction surfaces the way it does. This is the basic issue that will be discussed in this contribution, by taking a look at a much discussed property of Spanish. In Spanish, the definite human direct objects can be doubled by a clitic pronoun in many dialects, and must be doubled if it is a strong, human pronoun. Definite human direct objects must be introduced by the preposition a in all variants, and can be doubled by a clitic in many variants. The question what makes human direct objects so special and which other properties can be found has been studied very much in different regions and dialects or variants. In this paper, attention will be given to the other side of the question: What blocks clitic doubling if the direct object is nonhuman? Since clitic doubling is a kind of agreement, the question is why and how clitic doubling is blocked with non-human objects.
Metalinguistic processing and acquisition within the MOGUL framework
Authors: Sharwood Smith Michael
Published: March 2014

MOGUL (Modular On-line Growth and Use of Language) is a framework that builds on Jackendoff’s views about the language faculty. Jackendoff’s approach not only has ‘psychological’ reality in that it claims to account for linguistic knowledge in the individual and the logical problem of language acquisition, it also has what might be called ‘psycholinguistic’ reality making claims about on-line language processing as well.This aspect is exploited in MOGUL’s account of language acquisition and performance and, amongst other things, permits explicit accounts of metalinguistic ability, here claimed to be a mental system developed and operated largely outside the modular language system and resulting in a different type of grammatical knowledge, one which complements and also conflicts with intuitively cognised grammar to which we have no conscious access.
Catching heffalumps
Authors: Zonneveld Wim
Published: March 2014

This paper argues that a seemingly cognitive phenomenon, that of imitation in early child speech (the parroting of a model by the child), when approached in a formal manner, can provide unexpected insight into the nature of the developing grammar. With the help of a large corpus of – in principle – spontaneous speech of a single Dutch speaking child, it shows that it is highly rewarding to make a distinction between child utterances that are apparent direct imitations of a model, and unprompted utterances. A detailed discussion of empirical material illustrating the phenomenon of onset fricative avoidance leads to the conclusion that mere imitation is not just sparroting, but is directly conditioned by the ambient grammar. The framework of Optimality Theory is used to demonstrate how, given a child grammar in which generally speaking markedness constraints precede faithfulness constraints, this finding can be formalised in terms of typically premature high-ranking faithfulness triggered by an imitation context. It is also shown that the formalisation of the analysis in terms of ranked constraints is compatible with independent O.T. theorising about the nature and development of early grammars.
Syntactic positions of attributive adjectives
Authors: Aljović Nadira
Published: March 2014

The present contribution studies the syntax of long- and short-form adjectives in Serbocroatian. The discussion draws particularly on data from the Bosnian variant that marks long- and short-forms by vowel-length and pitch-accent in addition to inflectional suffixes. Based on evidence from ellipsis, noun phraseinternal coordination and ordering of multiple adjectives, I propose two different structures for attributive long- and short-form adjectives: attributive long-form adjectives occupy the specifier of a functional projection dominating NumP, while short-form attributive adjectives are adjoined to NumP. I also show that this analysis contributes to explain the differences in agreement morphology observed between long- and short-form adjectives. Finally, I propose to extend the present analysis to German.
The syntactic differences between long and short forms of Russian adjectives
Authors: Babby Leonard H.
Published: March 2014

The present paper analyses the syntax of long- and short-form adjectives in Russian. I argue that the two morphological forms correspond to two syntactic structures. Long-form Russian adjectives appear as secondary predicates: they have an unbound theta-role that needs to be bound by a c-commanding DP. The phrasal projection of short-form adjectives, on the other hand, is a small clause with a nominative subject that bears the stem’s external theta role; the subject raises to the spec-position of the copula projection with which the short-form small clause obligatorily merges. The main analytical challenge is posed by examples with a copula, where both LF- and SF-adjectives can appear. I give detailed empirical evidence from agreement, constituency and other constructions that in combination with a copula long-form and short-form adjectives enter into different syntactic configurations.
The name of the adjective
Authors: Borer Hagit , Roy Isabelle
Published: March 2014

On the basis of data from English, French, Hebrew and Spanish, this paper argues that (apparent) adjectives which function as nominals belong to two distinct classes. One small class consists of true nouns that are homophonous with adjectives but are not derived from them. The other one consists of true attributive adjectives which modify a null N, and whose range of interpretations cross-linguistically depends on the conditions on the licensing and identification of null Ns in a given structure and in a given language. We further claim that while the former group can appear in any context where nouns are typically licensed, the latter group is restricted to strong environments. This, we argue, is because referential pro, the assumed head of N-ellipsis structures, is always definite.
Adjectives in Mandarin Chinese
Authors: Paul Waltraud
Published: March 2014

The present paper examines the syntax and semantics of adjectives in Mandarin Chinese and argues that adjectives have to be recognized as a separate part of speech in Mandarin. I show that adnominal adjectives introduced by de should not be analysed as reduced relative clauses or small clauses, since adjectives that cannot be used predicatively can be used adnominally in conjunction with de. For adjectives in direct juxtaposition with the noun, evidence from N-subdeletion and multiple adjective ordering shows that the [A N] sequence has to be analysed as a noun phrase, not as a compound. Accordingly, both types of modification strucures, ‘A de N’ and ‘A N’ need to be taken into account by typological studies. Finally I provide evidence for the existence of two morphologically different classes of adjectives with distinct semantic and syntactic properties, i.e. ‘simple’ adjectives and ‘derived’ adjectives.
Characterizing superlative quantifiers
Authors: Gutiérrez-Rexach Javier
Published: March 2014

The present paper develops a semantic analysis of superlative descriptions as a subclass of definite DPs: the definite determiner in superlatives (and not the superlative itself) is analyzed as the locus of the contextual restrictions. Evidence from presuppositions and from different dependent readings of superlatives supports the parallel between superlatives and definites. I also show that a distinction should be drawn between two types of contextual restriction: the context set of the definite and the frame of comparison of the superlative. The paper further discusses the role of focus in the comparative reading of superlatives in an array of constructions such as existential sentences and focused quantifiers such as everybody, several X and many X. Finally, I show that the hypotheses introduced are sufficient to explain the much debated “upstairs de dicto” reading (Heim 1999).
Superlative adjectives and the licensing of non-modal infinitival subject relatives
Authors: Sleeman Petra
Published: March 2014

The present contribution proposes an analysis of adjectives that license nonmodal infinitival relative clauses. I propose to reduce the uniqueness constraint on the noun phrase modified by non-modal infinitival relatives to licensing by a contrastive identificational focus. The contrastive component ensures that the licensing adjectives exclude the existence of a still higher or lower degree: uniqueness is due to selection of the endpoint of a scale. I further propose that superlatives and comparable modifiers are polysemous. In their positive use they assert a positive proposition and entail a negative one, in which case they function as identificational foci; in their negative use, on the other hand, they assert a negative proposition and entail a positive one, in which case they function as contrastive foci. The negative use of superlatives and equivalent modifiers licenses non-modal infinitival relatives, subjunctive relative clauses (e.g. in Romance) and negative polarity items like ever. The positive use of superlatives and comparable modifiers does not license non-modal infinitival relatives, subjunctive relative clauses, and negative polarity items, but only indicative relative clauses.
Sentential complementation of adjectives in French
Authors: Léger Catherine
Published: March 2014

The present paper provides a detailed study of clausal complementation of adjectives in French. Dyadic adjectives selecting a clause as one of their arguments differ with respect to the syntactic realization of their complement; some adjectives introduce both non-finite and tensed complements (in the indicative or in the subjunctive), while others appear exclusively with tenseless complements. I propose to derive the syntactic realization of the complement from the semantic properties of the matrix adjective: depending on their meaning, adjectives select a specific ontological category (proposition, event, action), which is mapped to a particular projection in the syntax (see Rochette 1988). Apparent counterexamples are shown to involve either (i) mono-clausal structures due to complex predicate formation (for certain adjectives that allow only non-finite complements) or (ii) clauses that are not selected elements (arguments) but adjuncts (“impostor” adjectives).
Spanish adjectives within bounds
Authors: Marín Rafael
Published: March 2014

The present paper reexamines the relationship between the two Spanish copulas ser “be” and estar “be.locative” and the i-level/s-level contrast. It is shown that the compatibility with the copulas does not yield an adequate classification of adjectives as i-level or s-level, if this distinction is defined in terms of boundedness. Additional criteria for boundedness have to be taken into account, namely the compatibility (i) with certain pseudo-copular verbs, (ii) with adjunct predicates and (iii) with absolute constructions. Adjectives like enfermo (‘ill’), which in addition to their compatibility with estar can appear in all these contexts, can be properly considered bounded. Among so-called ambivalent adjectives at least two types can distinguished: nervioso (‘nervous’) type adjectives are compatible with ser and are also allowed in any of the other s-level-contexts, while viejo (‘old’) type adjectives allow ser and estar, but do not pass any of the other tests for boundedness.
Why edges are needed
Authors: Boeckx Cedric
Published: March 2014

The term edge has become ubiquitous in syntactic theory in recent years: one reads of the left edge of the clause or the edge of VP in cartographic approaches, of the edge of phases in phase-based computations, of edge features driving movement, and even of edge features underlying merge. In this contribution I look at all these different meanings of edge and conclude that they all reduce to a property underlying labelling at the heart of structure building. That is to say, the reason edges are needed is the same as the reason why labels are needed. Since the necessity of labels has been disputed in the recent minimalist literature, I reassert the need for labels and attempt to derive it from interface legibility conditions.
Bare nouns with different edges
Authors: Ihsane Tabea
Published: March 2014

The central observation in this paper is that bare nouns display an ambiguous interpretation only under coordination. Adopting a strict syntax-semantic mapping, this paper focuses on this property and argues that the ambiguity follows from the level of complexity of the left periphery: plural and mass bare nouns have different readings according to whether their edge is low (i.e., PropP) or high (i.e., QP).
Implicit agentivity without agents in the syntax
Authors: Cabredo Hofherr Patricia , Dobrovie-Sorin Carmen
Published: March 2014

This paper defends a unified characterization of se-verbs and argues that the passive and middle readings are contextually triggered. The analysis points out that the derivations of agents is independent of the edge properties of ‘little’ v, and thus deviates from Raposo & Uriagereka (1996). The basic idea: the eventive passive reading of se-verbs depends on the projection of an agent at LF ­(although not in the syntax), which, in turn, depends on the Spec, IP being semantically empty (i.e., either not projected or else filled with an expletive subject).
On the edge-feature of particles, interjections, and short answers
Authors: Munaro Nicola
Published: March 2014

The paper investigates the interface legibility and processability of minimal syntactic elements that play an important role in the interpretation and typing of the associated clause. It is argued that elements like interjections, shorts answers and sentential particles are endowed with an edge-feature that associates them with a clause. The paper discusses the syntactic conditions under which the associated clause can be left unpronounced and proposes a more fine-grained mapping of the high part of the split left periphery of the clause. This exercise allows us to better understand clausal typing processes and the pragmatic features that can be encoded in syntactic structure.
The grammar of polarity particles in Romanian
Authors: Farkas Donka F.
Published: March 2014

This paper considers the use of the polarity particles da ‘yes’, nu ‘no’ and ba in Romanian reactions to assertions and polar questions against a view of context structure that allows one to capture the essential differences and similarities between assertions and polar questions. The three Romanian polarity particles are connected to two sets of features reactive assertions have, an absolute polarity feature that is identical to the polarity of the sentence the reactive move asserts, and a relative polarity feature that encodes the relation of the reactive assertion and the content of the move it reacts to. The third particle, ba, is analyzed as encoding the information that what is asserted in the reaction is the opposite of the propositional content of the move one is reacting to. The semantic features of polarity particles are syntactically mapped and integrated in the edge properties of clauses.
On the pre-theoretical notion phrasal head
Authors: Grosu Alexander
Published: March 2014

This paper examines the multi-dimensional Grafting mechanism of van Riemsdijk (2006), which focuses on the pre-theoretical notion phrasal head, and whose effect is, in certain cases, to circumvent constraints imposed by the left periphery on long-distance movement. The constructions for which Grafting has been invoked are examined one by one and compared to specific alternatives based on bi-dimensional representations; it is argued that the Grafting analyses have no advantage over their competitors for accounting for the relevant projections and clause edges. Arguments come from Transparent Free Relatives, by refining proposals in Grosu (2003, and include a new approach to the far from simple construction and to two Lakovian amalgams.
Predication and the nature of non-finite relatives in Romance
Authors: Giurgea Ion , Soare Elena
Published: March 2014

This paper investigates non-finite verbal constituents that qualify as modal non-finite relatives in Romanian, French, and Italian. We show that these constructions are reduced relatives based on the relativization of the object. The analysis extends to reduced relatives in general, and argues for a different head edge in these clauses: i.e., PredP versus CP (as assumed in the literature); the Pred head attracts the closest active nominal, which is not Case-marked. Consequently, Romance modal non-finite relatives qualify as passive structures dominated by a functional head that selects a non-finite (deficient) TP in Western Romance and a vP in Romanian. We extend this analysis to tough- constructions; crucially, the difference between predicative and argumental infinitives in Romance is that between full and reduced clauses: the former have a subject position and an EPP-feature satisfied (qualifying as strong phases), whereas raising, object-gap infinitives do not have these properties, and behave as weak phases.
On the asymmetry of root versus embedded clauses
Authors: Camacho José
Published: March 2014

This paper addresses a systematic asymmetry between main and embedded clauses in Shipibo, an Amazonian language of the Pano family that shows certain verb-second properties. These properties are reduced to the asymmetry in the nature of the projections at the edge of the two clause types. In particular, the comparison between Shipibo and Germanic-type V2-languages leads us to propose two parameters. The first one requires the highest position of a strong phase to be filled, deriving the V2-like properties of Shipibo and Germanic; and the second one determines whether the highest projection is an extended +V projection (Germanic) or not (Shipibo). This parameter accounts for why Shipibo has an obligatory second position clitic (as opposed to a verb).
The cartography of phases
Authors: Kidwai Ayesha
Published: March 2014

This paper investigates the relation between cartographic and phasal heads in the light of Chomsky’s recent proposals (2007) of feature transfer from C to T; the data come from Meiteilon, a language that lacks Tense morphology. I argue that the evidence from this language provides striking confirmation for the proposals that something like T exists even in languages without Tense, insofar that this head inherits uninterpretable features from a higher C-like dominating head. Moreover, the evidence from finite clausal complementation in the language shows that such feature transfer/inheritance relations are restricted to within phases.
Aspectual composition in causatives
Authors: Babicheva Maria , Ivanov Mikhail
Published: March 2014

In this paper we examine the aspectual composition in non-derived verbs and in derived causative verbs. We consider two types of aspectual composition that can be found in languages: in the English type telicity of a verb is determined by the reference properties of its direct object; in the Russian type, an obligatory telic verb imposes quantization on its direct object. We present the data about those indirect causatives where, in a Russian type context, the English type of aspectual composition emerges. We propose that this occurs due to the event structure of the causative and the semantics and syntax of the aspectual operator responsible for the obligatory telicity.
Atelicity and anticausativization
Authors: Lyutikova Ekaterina , Tatevosov Sergei
Published: March 2014

Various interactions between argument structure and eventuality type are currently attracting much attention. In this paper, we contribute to the field by examining one specific type of such an interaction not much addressed in the literature so far — that between anticausativization and (a)telicity of a verbal predicate. We focus on how anticausativization affects the range of interpretations of non-culminating accomplishments, showing that proper understanding of this phenomenon has far-reaching consequences for the analysis of (the denotation of) vP. We argue that inertia modality can be introduced at different levels within vP, and this explains why different kinds of non-culmination are affected by the anticausative in different ways.
Minimalist variability in the verb phrase
Authors: MacDonald Jonathan E.
Published: March 2014

This paper discusses language variation from a minimalist perspective. Building on work from MacDonald (2006, 2008a,b), I discuss a clustering of inner aspectual properties from English eventive predicates, which Russian lacks. Interestingly, English statives also lack this cluster. I offer an account for the presence vs. absence of this aspectual cluster in terms of the presence vs. absence of an aspectual projection: AspP. In this way, cross-linguistic and intra-linguistic variation in inner aspect are formally indistinct. I discuss why this is not unexpected under Minimalism and briefly contrast this minimalist conclusion with the minimalist approach to variation suggested by Sigurðsson (2004) in which languages share the same underlying elements, but vary in terms of which of them are pronounced.
On the l-syntax of manner and causation
Authors: Mateu Jaume
Published: March 2014

So-called Manner conflation has been argued to be a local process whose semantic interpretation is syntactically determined (Mateu 2002; Mateu & Rigau 2002; McIntyre 2004; Harley 2005; Zubizarreta & Oh 2007). Following this trend, I show how the present modification of Hale & Keyser’s (2005) l(exical)-syntactic analysis of some Manner verbs (esp. splash/smear verbs) naturally leads us to revise Talmy’s (1991, 2000) Manner conflation processes. After discussing the proper treatment of some complex causative constructions that involve Manner conflation, I claim that the present Hale&Keyserian perspective can provide us with the right balance between a conservative proposal like Folli & Harley’s (2006) and a radical one like Borer’s (2005).
Nominalization, event, aspect and argument structure
Authors: Sleeman Petra , Brito Ana Maria
Published: March 2014

In this paper we argue that for nominalizations the distinction between process nouns, i.e. complex event nominals, and result/object nouns made by, among others, Grimshaw (1990) and Alexiadou (2001), is too strict. We propose instead a dichotomy that is based on agentivity. We claim that both process nouns and result nouns have a +agentive and a –agentive value, associated with a difference in argument structure. We argue that in the two values both types of nouns are eventive and that the difference between process and result nouns is simply an aspectual difference. Besides the two eventive types, with a difference in argument structure, we distinguish a non-eventive type, object nouns, without argument structure.
The syntax of argument structure
Authors: Babby Leonard H.
Published: March 2014

Although current generative theory acknowledges the existence of argument structure (AS), it nevertheless con­­tinues to assume that syntax is the primary computational system, which explains why it has failed to pro­duce an integrated theory of morphosyntax. I define morphosyntax as the relation between the syntactically relevant infor­mation encoded in a verb’s AS, the affix-driven operations that alter initial AS representation, and the syntactic structure pro­jected from derived AS (see Babby 2009). In this paper I present an expli­cit de­ri­va­tion­al theory of the mapping between AS and syntax. My main hypothesis is that AS and the affix-driven operations that alter it play a central role in the sentence’s derivation and many of the derivational operations that were assumed in earlier theory to be syntactic are in fact AS-level operations that have predictable syntactic effects.
Argument structure and quantifier scope
Authors: Bowers John
Published: March 2014

In this article, I argue for a theory in which all argument DP/PPs (as well as ‘quasi-arguments’ such as Source, Goal, Benefactive, Instrumental, etc.) are projected above the root in specifiers of ‘light verb’ categories. I also argue that the order in which the three basic argument categories Ag(ent), Th(eme) and Appl(icative) are merged is exactly the opposite of that which is usually assumed, namely, Ag < Th < Appl. The proposed theory succeeds in deriving the subject of active sentences and the by-phrase of passives from the same argument position without assuming syntactic lowering or an ad hoc rule of “th-transfer”. It also accounts directly for the relation between double object and propositional dative structures in a way that explains their special syntactic properties. Finally, the proposed theory, together with some new ideas about quantifier scope, derives the special scope properties of these dative constructions.
An l-syntax for adjuncts
Authors: Gallego Ángel J.
Published: March 2014

This paper puts forward an l-syntactic approach (see Hale & Keyser 1993 and subsequent work) to VP adjuncts/modifiers, which are analyzed as PPs undergoing Merge with the VP —as high applicatives, in Pylkkänen’s (2008) sense—. The present proposal argues for a treatment where the merger of VPs and adjuncts gives rise to a Talmian Figure-Ground relation whereby VPs are interpreted as subjects (Figures), and adjuncts as predicates (Grounds). If tenable, the analysis requires no additional mode of combination for adjuncts (pair Merge, predicate composition, etc), apart from Chomsky’s (set) Merge. Given the nature of the matters to be discussed, the paper has the most general goal of reexamining the consequences of Chomsky’s (2008) recent label-free conception of Bare Phrase Structure (BPS) for Hale & Keyser’s l-syntax.
The derivation of dative alternations
Authors: Ormazabal Javier , Romero Juan
Published: March 2014

This paper argues for an updated version of the classical derivational approach to Double Object Constructions and dative constructions across languages. We show that the arguments to postulate a non-derivational approach do not hold and that, in fact, such an approach runs into unsolvable problems. We argue that the structural alternation is triggered by Preposition (applicative) incorporation and Case/Agreement-relational considerations. We maintain a unified analysis of dative and PP constructions at the level of argument structure, while deriving the structural differences as a consequence of the incorporation of P and its modification of the Case requirements. Combined with a non-symmetric theory of Case, this approach yields the right results for most of the “mixed” properties traditionally associated to dative constructions.
Basque ditransitives
Authors: Oyharçabal Beñat
Published: March 2014

This paper proposes an analysis of Basque ditransitive clauses within a framework in which argument structure is syntactically built. After examining the categorial status of the dative phrase and its structural relation to the DO, I briefly review two major proposals made in previous analyses and present my own, which combines the basic insights of both earlier proposals, consisting of a non-derived hierarchic order in which the IO c-commands the DO, and the introduction under VP of an applicative head relating the two objects. Since this view rests on Pylkkänen’s (2008) analysis of applicative constructions, I discuss the distinction between low and high applicatives and apply the major tests of the applicative diagnostic.
Applicative structure and Mandarin ditransitives
Authors: Paul Waltraud , Whitman John
Published: March 2014

We argue that applicative heads always appear above the lexical VP, regardless of the semantics of the construction. Thematic Applicatives select a nominal expression and a VP as argument, parallel to Pylkkänen’s (2008) “high” applicatives. The applied argument is merged in Spec, ApplP and receives a role such as beneficiary. Raising Applicatives appear in the same position above the lexical VP, but do not select an underlying nominal argument. Instead, they attract a goal DP from within the ditransitive VP to their specifier. This pattern captures the properties of a theme-goal ditransitive construction (Pylkkänen’s “low” applicative). We show that the Mandarin double object construction ‘Verb gei IO DO’ instantiates a raising applicative, where gei realizes Appl0.
Unintentionally out of control
Authors: Taraldsen Knut Tarald
Published: March 2014

This article explores the morphosyntax of a type of Norwegian get-passives in which the subject receives an agentive interpretation. These impose an animacy condition on the subject, and yet do not tolerate adverbs like intentionally. I argue that the properties of this construction can be explained within a framework like the one developed in Ramchand (2008).
Zero time-arguments in French child language
Authors: Demirdache Hamida , Lungu Oana
Published: March 2014

We argue that zero-tenses in L1 French surface as either past (parameter value in SOT languages) or present (parameter value in non-SOT languages). Co-existing parameter settings in child language are expected on a Multiple Grammar approach where acquisition involves grammar competition. Our proposal explains why French children allow non-indexical/zero-tense construals of present, although present (under past) is utterance-indexical in SOT languages. It extends to children acquiring a non-SOT language: Japanese children allow (non-adult) zero-tense construals of past. We further argue for a scopal account of independent construals of relative clauses. Together with the observation of Isomorphism in the syntax/LF mapping in child language, the scopal account explains why children enforce non-indexical/zero-tense construals of present/past in relative (but not complement) clauses.
Reevaluating the role of innate linking rules in the acquisition of verb argument structure
Authors: Uziel-Karl Sigal
Published: March 2014

The present study examines the hypothesis that the acquisition of Verb Argument Structure (VAS) is regulated by a set of universal, innate linking rules between thematic roles and syntactic functions (Pinker 1984) against the hypothesis that linking patterns are learned (Bowerman 1990). The study draws on naturalistic longitudinal speech samples from two Hebrew-speaking girls between ages 1;5–2;9 [MLU 1 – 4.5]. The findings show no advantage for the innate linking hypothesis. Instead, they support the hypothesis whereby children initially acquire VAS on the basis of linguistic experience with individual verbs (Tomasello 1992). In this process, input plays an important role.
Introduction
Authors: Breitbarth Anne , Lucas Christopher , Watts Sheila , Willis David
Published: March 2014

The present volume brings together 16 contributions selected from papers presented at the conference on Continuity and Change in Grammar that took place at the University of Cambridge 18–20 March 2008. The aim of the conference was to foster an exchange of ideas on various aspects of linguistic transmission in different frameworks (e.g. generative vs. functionalist) in order to enhance our understanding of what makes languages change and what in turn prevents them from changing. This volume is particularly timely, as there has been much interest recently in the topic of continuity, beginning with the publication of Longobardi’s (2001) and Keenan’s (2002) articles on ‘inertia’ as a principle of, or rather, a constraint on language change.
What changed where?
Authors: Axel-Tober Katrin , Weiß Helmut
Published: March 2014

In the field of generative diachronic syntax, it has often been disregarded at which level of the language (dialect or Standard) syntactic change has occurred. However, just as in the case of phonological developments, the syntax often (though not always) turns out to be more conservative at the dialectal level. In this article we will present four cases studies on the syntax of German: the diachrony of pro drop (null subjects), of negative concord, of possessive constructions and of word-order changes in the verbal cluster. Our plea for taking into account dialect data in historical linguistics converges with the growing significance dialects and dialectal data have gained within theoretical linguistics.
Impossible changes and impossible borrowings
Authors: Biberauer Theresa , Sheehan Michelle , Newton Glenda
Published: March 2014

This chapter examines the predictions of Biberauer, Holmberg & Roberts’s (2007, 2008) Final-over-Final Constraint/FOFC for grammatical change and borrowing. As a putatively invariant syntactic principle, FOFC excludes the synchronic possibility of head-final phrases dominating categorially alike head-initial phrases. For diachrony, FOFC predicts certain word-order changes to be impossible, whether contact is involved or not: specifically, head-final to head-initial change is predicted to proceed top-down, whereas the reverse change should proceed bottom-up. Case studies from the history of English, Afrikaans and French seem to support the first of these predictions. Furthermore, we show on the basis of data from South Asian languages, that the presence of a phrase-initial head blocks the borrowing of a higher phrase-final head, thereby avoiding a FOFC-violation.
Continuity is change
Authors: Breitbarth Anne , Haegeman Liliane
Published: March 2014

All West Germanic languages have completed Jespersen’s Cycle, replacing a preverbal negation marker (stage I) with a post-verbal one (stage III) after a period of transition during which the two could co-occur (stage II). Only the Flemish dialects have maintained the old preverbal marker to some extent. The present chapter addresses this apparent historical continuity, establishing that Flemish en was in fact saved from the fate of its West Germanic cognates by a morphosyntactic change. Based on an analysis of the contexts in which preverbal en is found in present-day Flemish dialects, it is argued that en has evolved into a marker of emphasis of polarity, and that contrary to appearances, the Flemish dialects have in fact reached stage III.
Using the Matrix Language Frame model to measure the extent of word-order convergence in Welsh-English bilingual speech
Authors: Webb-Davies Peredur , Deuchar Margaret
Published: March 2014

Word-order convergence is argued to be a processual mechanism in which bilinguals use morphemes from language A in an order which is more prominent in language B than in language A. In this chapter we examine whether there is word-order convergence in the speech of Welsh–English bilinguals using Myers-Scotton’s (2002) Matrix Language Frame model. We use the term dichotomous matrix language to capture the phenomenon found where structural material within a clause does not point to either language as being the matrix language (ML), and suggest that this reflects convergence in such clauses. Applying this model to recorded spoken data from six Welsh–English bilinguals, we find that dichotomous ML clauses in the data are very rare, suggesting that word-order convergence in Welsh–English bilinguals is not commonly found when measured in this way.
On language contact as an inhibitor of language change
Authors: Enrique-Arias Andrés
Published: March 2014

This study explores the role of language contact as an inhibitor of language change through the historical analysis of several features that are characteristic of the Spanish in contact with Catalan in the island of Majorca. The analysis reveals that (i) these features are attested in Majorcan Spanish at least since the 1700s and (ii) they had some sort of existence in monolingual varieties of Spanish at the time when the language was introduced to the island. The historical data suggest that these features of Majorcan Spanish are not, as traditionally believed, contact-driven innovations, but the result of the preservation of structures that are recessive in monolingual Spanish but in Majorca have been reinforced by the existence of a parallel Catalan structure.
Towards notions of comparative continuity in English and French
Authors: Gergel Remus
Published: March 2014

The present chapter investigates comparative clauses in English and French with a special focus on subject–verb inversion. It explores the derivation and diachronic evolution of such clauses and makes a case for continuity by defending a simple derivation that requires a so-called low subject, that is one that is not forced to the edge of the clause. Based on well-known options from the diachrony of English and French, I argue that the non-movement syntax proposed is the key continuous aspect against the background of several changes given in the histories of the two languages.
Directionality in word-order change in Austronesian languages
Authors: Aldridge Edith
Published: March 2014

This chapter proposes a diachronic account of VOS and SVO word-order variation in Austronesian languages. I argue that the ‘S’ argument in VOS languages is a topic which moves to an A'-position in the left periphery of the clause. Movement of the topic is followed by fronting of the remnant TP to a higher position in the CP layer. The change to SVO word order results from the loss of TP fronting. Subsequent to this, the clause-initial topic is reanalyzed as an A-position subject. I show that the ‘S’ arguments in SVO Austronesian languages have characteristics of both A-position subjects and A'-position topics, providing evidence for the direction of change from topic to subject.
Negative co-ordination in the history of English
Authors: Ingham Richard P.
Published: March 2014

This chapter examines the syntax of negative coordination in the history of English. Two major developments can be observed: (a) in Late Middle English it becomes impossible for a negative conjunct clause introduced by the negative conjunction ne to follow an initial affirmative conjunct clause – since the fourteenth century the initial conjunct must also be negative; (b) nor replaces ne in the second conjunct, which is interpreted as negative but contains no other negative element. These developments follow from two proposed changes in the structure of English clausal negation. First, not replaces a null negative operator in SpecNegP. This operator had checked the uninterpretable feature of ne/nor. Its loss thus requires a c-commanding negative clause to check this feature. Second, nor itself gains an interpretable negative feature, making the following clause negative in interpretation without any further negative element.
Formal features and the development of the Spanish D-system
Authors: Ishikawa Masataka
Published: March 2014

This chapter studies the evolution of the article in Spanish within the framework of the parametric approach to language (Chomsky 1999, 2000). Based on the chronology of the extension of the definite article in different syntactic contexts in its history, the chapter extends the diachronic analysis of the structure of the Spanish DP (Ishikawa 2001) attributing the (crucial) difference among the older and modern D-systems to the difference in the phase level. The chapter concludes by discussing implications of the pattern of syntactic change suggested here for the feature-driven approach to language history.
The great siSwati locative shift
Authors: Marten Lutz
Published: March 2014

In siSwati the accumulation of a number of changes in the morphology and syntax of locative phrases has led to a more fundamental shift of restructuring of the underlying grammatical system – the great siSwati locative shift – so that locatives in siSwati are no longer, as in Proto-Bantu and most other present-day Bantu languages, part of the noun class system, but are prepositional. This shift explains aspects of changes in the siSwati locative system which are not otherwise independently motivated, including the degrammaticalization of a historic noun class marker into a preposition and distinct relative clause marking of locatives, and provides an example of a complex, systematic historical change of a sub-system of the grammar.
The impact of failed changes
Authors: Postma Gertjan
Published: March 2014

We study linguistic changes that failed, and their relation to successful changes. The inclusion of failed changes into Kroch’s logistic model of linguistic change is possible and, in fact, necessary. The logistic functions are solutions of a differential equation that also describes how failed changes are temporal-dynamically related to successful changes: the failed change is the first derivative of the successful change. We interpret this relation in Weerman’s Peripheral Rules Model: failed changes are L2 innovations supported by peripheral rules rather than by core grammar, which are subsequently accommodated and modified by L1 adopters and turned into a successful change. Two case studies support the claims: the rise of the reflexive in Dutch and the rise of do-support in English.
Jespersen’s Cycle in German from the phonological perspective of syllable and word languages
Authors: Szczepaniak Renata
Published: March 2014

This chapter deals with the phonological aspect of Jespersen’s Cycle in German. This is the process whereby the older, Germanic negator ni was replaced by the more recent particle niht during the Middle High German period. At the same time, German changed from a syllable language to a word language. This typological shift was primarily a result of the replacement of the phonological syllable by the phonological word as the central prosodic domain. The tendency towards optimization of the phonological word involved many processes, including vowel reduction and deletion. Unstressed pretonic syllables such as the Middle High German preverbal negation marker ne/en were affected by this prosodic restructuring. I argue that this typological change was an additional factor that set Jespersen’s Cycle in motion in German.
Givenness and discourse anaphors
Authors: López Luis
Published: March 2014

This chapter argues that Catalan Clitic Right Dislocation and English deaccenting package different types of information (contra Vallduví 1992, Vallduví & Engdahl 1996), only the former being a true discourse anaphor. This chapter further hypothesizes the following generalization: A language in which stress is displaced to express givenness is a language in which stress assignment is sensitive to syntax, while in a language in which stress assignment is a purely linear phenomenon stress cannot shift. A model of the syntax-phonology interface is sketched in which this generalization follows from the location of stress in the grammatical architecture.
Constraints on subject-focus mapping in French and English
Authors: Lambrecht Knud
Published: March 2014

Grammars reflect universal constraints on the mappings between the information structure of propositions and the formal structure of sentences. These constraints restrict the possible linkings between pragmatic relations (topic vs. focus), pragmatic properties (given vs. new), semantic roles (agent vs. patient), grammatical relations (subject vs. object), and syntactic positions (preverbal vs. postverbal, etc). While these mapping constraints are universal, their grammatical manifestation is subject to typological variation. For example, although spoken English has been shown to strongly prefer pronominal over lexical subjects, hence to avoid focal subjects, it nevertheless freely permits subject-focus mapping in certain sentence-focus and argument-focus constructions. In spoken French, in contrast, subject-focus mapping is unacceptable if not ungrammatical in most environments. Spoken French shows a near one-to-one mapping between focus structure and phrase structure: Topic expressions occur overwhelmingly in preverbal position and in pronominal form, while focus expressions occur postverbally. To avoid violating this near one-to-one mapping constraint, spoken French makes abundant use of grammatical realignment constructions, especially clefts. Some of these constructions do not exist in English, or have a much more restricted distribution in that language.
Wh-questions in French and English
Authors: Boucher Paul
Published: March 2014

As opposed to English, French wh-questions can take a wide variety of forms. I identify four basic patterns: (a) wh- in situ: Vous êtes allés où?; (b) wh- raised, verb in situ: Où vous êtes allés?; (c) est-ce que insertion: Où est-ce que vous êtes allés?; (d) subject-clitic inversion: Où êtes-vous allés?, and argue that these are in fact ‘allo-questions’. Based on a review of historical factors, as well as on recent corpus studies, I show that each of the four question types corresponds to a distinct pragmatic function and compare French and English usage. Finally, wh- in situ constructions are formally analysed as a covert form of multiple wh-question, using an unselective binding mechanism.