bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
C
armichael,
S
tokely/
K
wame
T
uré (1941–1998)
Authors: Sullivan Kenneth R.
Published: September 2017

Stokely Carmichael (later, Kwame Turé) was born into a working‐class family on June 29, 1941 in Port of Spain, Trinidad. Carmichael remained in Trinidad with his grandparents when his parents left for the United States in search of work, and was eventually reunited with his parents in 1952, moving with them to the South Bronx in New York City. The family later moved to the working‐class Italian American, Morris Park‐White Plains neighborhood in the Bronx. As a young man, Carmichael frequented Michaux's African Bookstore on 125th Street and the Schomburg Museum on 141st Street. It was in Harlem, on 125th Street especially, where Carmichael became familiar with the passionate oratory of numerous “stepladder” speakers, as well as elder Trinidadian activists C. L. R. James (1901–89) and George Padmore (1902–59).
Casa Del Obrero Mundial
Authors: Espejel Leticia Pacheco
Published: September 2017

On September 22, 1912, the Casa del Obrero Mundial (House of World Workers, COM) was founded by four union syndicates – the Sociedad Mutuo Cooperativa de Dependientes de Restaurantes (Mutual Society of Restaurant Employees), the Sociedad Mutualista Union y Concordia de Ramo de Meseros (Mutualist Union and Gastronomic Unity of Waiters), the Confederación Tipográfica de México (Typographic Confederation of Mexico), and the Union de Canteros Mexicanos (Union of Mexican Stone Crushers) – and the Grupo Luz. The Grupo Luz, whose members had formerly cooperated with the Socialist Party, established the Escuela Racionalista (Rationalist School), which was comparable to the existing schools in Spain headed by Francisco Ferrer y Guardia. COM assumed the political direction of the Corte Anarchosyndicalista group, which worked to improve working conditions, create international cooperation between workers, encourage self‐organization, raise standards for all workers, and reject the power of church and state. The Syndicalist Union and the Grupo Luz created COM and immediately appointed Luis Mendez as treasurer and Jacinto Huitrón as administrator. From the beginning COM was an anarcho‐syndicalist center, a place for encounters and sharing ideas. Gradually other syndicates joined COM, and others were founded with COM's help.
C
asement,
R
oger (1864–1916)
Authors: Lane Fintan
Published: September 2017

Roger Casement was a British diplomat, human rights activist, Irish revolutionary nationalist, and anti‐imperialist. He was born in Sandycove, County Dublin, in Ireland on September 1, 1864, the son of Roger Casement (an officer in the British army) and Anne Jephson. His father was Protestant and his mother was Roman Catholic, but he was raised a Protestant by his father's relatives in Ulster, following the deaths of both his parents by the time he was 13 years old. Casement left formal education at the age of 16, securing a clerical position with a shipping company in Liverpool. In 1892, he entered the British colonial service.
Caste war of Yucatan (Guerra de castas en Yucatán)
Authors: Sergi Vittorio
Published: September 2017

The caste war was a wide rebellion of the Mayan population of Yucatan against the white elite of the colonial government. The rebellion began as a widespread guerilla war against white rural properties. The Mayans then established autonomous territories; when they had gained enough strength, they threatened the main colonial centers of Valladolid and Merida. The war, influenced partly by religious ideology, was organized by a segmental political and military organization and lasted with unequal intensity from the upheavals of 1847 to the last armed clashes of 1933.
C
astoriadis,
C
ornelius (1922–1997)
Authors: Boukalas Christos
Published: September 2017

Political philosopher, economist, psychoanalyst, and “sovietologist,” Castoriadis was among the most radical and original postwar thinkers. His theory informed the 1968 uprising in France and has deepened its influence since. Born to Greek parents in 1922 in Istanbul (then Constantinople), he soon moved to Athens, where he experienced the Nazi occupation, the resistance and liberation, the Greek civil war, and the Stalinist attempted coup of December 1944. His life can be seen as a series of ruptures, unified by the quest for autonomy.
Castro, Fidel (b. 1926)
Authors: Gonzalez Mike
Published: September 2017

Few figures have excited such hostility or inspired such unconditional loyalty as Fidel Castro. The Cuban Revolution of 1959, from which Castro emerged the undisputed leader, turned the tide of politics in Latin America. The Revolution challenged the regional domination of the United States, which until then had regarded the southern continent as its backyard. The response from Washington, predictably, was to seek to overthrow Castro and bring down the Cuban Revolution by means ranging from crude attempts at assassination to full‐scale military assault and economic siege. Forty‐nine years later, an ailing Castro defiantly remained the leader and representative of a Cuba that has survived every attempt to destroy it, although the day‐to‐day tasks of leadership passed to his brother, Raúl. It is testimony to Castro's determination, his political skill, and his enormous personal authority that he has survived his erstwhile allies in the Soviet bloc and every external attempt to subvert his regime.
Catalan Protests Against Centralism
Authors: Dowling Andrew
Published: September 2017

The Spanish Civil War of 1936–9, a conflict that saw Spanish democracy overthrown, was fought over many issues. One key component that bound the disparate forces of the Spanish right wing together was the perceived challenge to the unity of Spain, from both the Basque Country and Catalonia. The fear of territorial dismemberment expressed by broad swathes of the Spanish right reflected the acute anxiety within Spanish nationalism at the international status and position of Spain if it lost the important territories of Catalonia and the Basque Country. By the 1930s the Catalan national movement embodied in the project of Catalanism was in the ascendant, though a complex dynamic and conflict with the anarchist‐led working class was apparent, above all in the city of Barcelona. Autonomy for Catalonia was obtained in 1932, though this measure was highly controversial and led to much anxiety on the part of the right at a perceived break‐up of Spain and much anti‐Catalan hysteria.
C
atholic Emancipation
Authors: LoPatin‐Lummis Nancy
Published: September 2017

Catholic emancipation was the popular campaign in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries to end political restrictions on the Catholics of the United Kingdom, which had been established by the Act of Uniformity, the Test Act, and the Penal Laws. Daniel O'Connell (1775–1847), a Catholic lawyer, was the primary mover in establishing, organizing, and leading the campaign for Catholic emancipation and removing political restrictions from Catholics in the United Kingdom through the strategic use of cultivating and organizing the unenfranchised in extraparliamentary political organizations and exerting the force of popular opinion on a variety of governments.
C
atholic
W
orker Movement
Authors: Pauli Benjamin J.
Published: September 2017

The Catholic Worker movement is an association of communities concerned with radical social change informed by the spiritual ideals of Catholicism. The movement began in New York City in 1933 with the founding of the
Catholic Worker
newspaper by Dorothy Day, a former journalist and member of the bohemian left, and Peter Maurin, a French peasant who had spent much of his life as an itinerant laborer. The paper's stunning success and rapid growth laid the groundwork for the movement's other activities, which took their cues from Maurin's original three‐step program of round‐table discussions, houses of hospitality, and agricultural communes. Day's and Maurin's principal influences included the personalism of Emmanuel Mournier and Nicholas Berdyaev, the Sermon on the Mount and Christ's exhortation to spiritual and corporal works of mercy, the pacifism of Tolstoy, the active love of Dostoevsky, the agrarian and ethical anarchism of Peter Kropotkin, and the “distributism” of Hilaire Belloc, G. K. Chesterton, and Father Vincent McNabb. They envisioned their movement as a reaction to the depersonalizing effects of economic logic, the anonymity of the bureaucratic state, and the destructive consequences of nationalism, war, racism, and technological “progress.” Thus, Catholic Worker philosophy emphasizes the spiritual and personal nature of human beings, “subsidiarity” and the viability of decentralized social coordination, and extreme skepticism toward political action and the state. Worker communities arise autonomously, receiving inspiration and support rather than direction from the original New York branch. The lack of membership requisites or centralized authority of any kind (besides the exemplary spiritual authority of Day) has ensured that the movement stays true to its organic roots.
C
entral
A
merica, Music and Resistance
Authors: Scruggs T. M.
Published: September 2017

While relatively small geographically, Central America encompasses a variety of distinctive musical cultures that have suffered from poor cultural communication and cross‐fertilization with one another across national borders. This isolation has often been even more pronounced between regions inside nations, especially the fundamental divide between indigenous/mestizo Pacific coast majorities and smaller Afro/indigenous Caribbean coast communities. With the advent of the massive social mobilizations throughout the 1970s and 1980s, Central America – and therefore its music – received unprecedented attention from many sources, probably the highest global recognition the region's music has received besides the novelty introduction of the marimba by Guatemalan and Mexican bands in the 1910s and 1920s.
CentralAsian Protest Movements
Authors: Coiffe Dorothea J.
Published: September 2017

A recurring theme through Central Asian history is protest and rebellion against foreign occupying powers. Contacts with ancient cultures like Greece, Persia, and regions in the East, Middle East, Europe, and Central Asia both antagonized and enriched Central Asia. Each of these invaders, in turn, introduced customs and language that Central Asians assimilated in complex ways.
C
hakravartty,
R
enu (1917–1994)
Authors: Marik Soma
Published: September 2017

Renu Roy, daughter of Sadhanchandra and Brahmakumari Roy, was born on October 21, 1917, in Calcutta. Born to a well‐off Brahmo (strict monotheistic Hindu sect) family, she studied in Cambridge, where she did her tripos.
Chartists
Authors: Kelly Jason M.
Published: September 2017

Chartism was a massive, working‐class political movement that became a prominent feature of British politics between 1837 and 1848. The name Chartist was a derivation from their petitioning activities, which culminated in the presentation of three People's Charters to parliament in 1838, 1842, and 1848. While unsuccessful in achieving their immediate goals, the group became a potent symbol of early working‐class political agitation, for radicals and conservatives alike.
C
hávez,
H
ugo (b. 1954)
Authors: Twickel Christoph
Published: September 2017

On December 17, 1982, under a historic Samán tree in Maracay where Simón Bolívar used to spend shady hours, that Hugo Chávez made his first revolutionary promise, swearing to three fellow officers “my arm will not rest nor will my soul find peace until the chains are disrupted that hold us prisoners.” After this pledge, inspired by Bolívar's “juramento de Monte Sacre” from 1805, the four young officers, all members of a parachutist regiment, founded the Ejercito Bolivariano Revolucionario 200 (EBR‐200), a clandestine cell within the Venezuelan army. This step toward conspiratorial political work marked the beginning of a political career that led Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías, the son of poor teachers from the Venezuelan Llanos, to the presidency and made him the leader of the Bolivarian Revolution.
Chávez,Hugo and theBolivarian Revolution, 1998‐present
Authors: Wilpert Gregory
Published: September 2017

That Venezuelans should elect Hugo Chávez, a complete outsider, someone who only six years earlier tried to overthrow a president via a military rebellion, should not have come as much of a surprise given the political and economic crisis the country suffered. In the 20 years prior to Chávez's election, poverty had increased from 15 percent to over 60 percent, corruption was perceived to be rampant, and abstention had reached historic proportions. Chávez promised to set the country right again by promising nothing less than a revolution – a Bolivarian revolution, named after Latin American independence hero Simón Bolívar.
C
hechnya, Protest and Rebellion
Authors: Hatmaker Amy
Published: September 2017

Since the fall of the Soviet Union, and especially under the Russian Federation since the mid‐1990s, Chechnya has been a site of regional conflict and insurrection for independence. Russia's move to stop the province's quest for independence brought international attention and in many ways, due to the inability to end the guerilla uprising, contributed to the end of Boris Yeltsin's political career. A brief truce ended when militant Islamic factions again began fighting for independence in the late 1990s, helping to catapult Vladimir Putin into power. Putin classified the Chechen rebels as terrorists. This distinction helped to turn the tide of international opinion against the Chechen rebels, especially following the bombing of the World Trade Center and the declaration of the “Global War on Terror.”
C
hen
D
uxiu (1879–1942)
Authors: Pantsov Alexander V.
Published: September 2017

If there is one individual who deserves to be remembered as the “father of Chinese Communism” it is not Mao Zedong but Chen Duxiu. And yet in China and elsewhere Chen Duxiu's name has been all but forgotten. The obscurity of Chen's historical reputation is not accidental. His leading role in the origins of the political party that came to power in China in 1949 was deliberately erased from the standard history books in a concerted effort by Mao Zedong and his minions.
Chernov,Victor (1873–1952)
Authors: Boniece Sally A.
Published: September 2017

Victor Mikhailovich Chernov, co‐founder and leader of the Russian Socialist Revolutionary (SR) Party from its inception in 1901 until its demise at the hands of the Bolshevik/Communist‐led Soviet government in the early 1920s, drew from both Marxism and populism to advocate the union of the “toiling” classes of workers and peasants against political and economic oppression. Architect of the party's maximum and minimum programs approved at the first SR congress in early 1906, his unique contribution to Russian socialism was his emphasis on “socialization of the land,” a concept that he took care to differentiate from “nationalization of the land” as proposed by European and American agrarian reformers and as implemented by the Bolshevik/Communist Party several decades later. For Chernov, socialization meant taking the land out of commodity circulation by doing away with private ownership. The land would then belong to all of the people. His idea was quite different to nationalization, however, which called for the transfer of all land ownership to the central power.
Chile and the Peaceful Road to Socialism
Authors: Angell Alan
Published: September 2017

Chile was the first country in the world to elect a Marxist government. Salvador Allende became president in 1970, heading a coalition of parties, known as the Popular Unity (UP), committed to the revolutionary transformation of the economic, social, and political structure of the country. Yet it was also committed to do so within the confines of the constitutional and legal order. This unique combination of features brought widespread international attention to the country and sparked off a debate about the correct road to socialism, notably within Latin American but also in European countries with powerful left‐wing parties such as France and Italy.
C
hile, Anti‐Neoliberal Protests
Authors: Hernández Héctor Guerra
Published: September 2017

Unlike in other South American countries, resistance to neoliberalism in Chile was delayed, and frequently isolated and discontinuous. The formal ending of military dictatorship in 1989 left a series of problems to solve, and debate was limited to political slogans and pamphlets.
C
hile, Popular Resistance Against
P
inochet
Authors: Hernández Héctor Guerra
Published: September 2017

Following a Popular Front period that saw unity among communists, socialists, and radicals, Chile fell under the rule of a military dictatorship on September 11, 1973. The dictatorship began with the firm intention of breaking down the popular advance. The military junta imposed a repressive system to assure the process of “national restoration.” This repressive system worked in the first years of the dictatorship as Congress was dissolved, political parties and trade union organizations were prohibited, and revolutionaries were jailed, tortured, summarily executed, and disappeared. Concentration camps were established to lodge hundreds of leaders and militants and exile began to be the only alternative to death for revolutionaries.
C
hilembwe,
J
ohn (1871–1915)
Authors: Sibanda Eliakim
Published: September 2017

John Chilembwe was the key figure in early resistance in Nyasaland (now Malawi), and a revered protest figure in Southern Africa. Chilembe was born in June 1871 at Sangano, Chiradzulu, near present‐day Blantyre. His father's name was Kaundama, and he was a member of the Yoa people; his mother, Nyangu, was a member of the Mang'anja. Chilembwe grew to manhood in the era of the Scramble for Africa. The territory that became Nyasaland was traditionally claimed by the Portuguese, but had a significant British commercial and missionary presence, and was declared a British protectorate in 1891, controlled by the British South Africa Company of Cecil John Rhodes from 1893 to 1907, after which it reverted to direct British rule.
C
himurenga Armed Struggles
Authors: Muzorewa Gwinyai P.
Published: September 2017

The term “Chimurenga” means revolution or rebellion which is continuous. Zimbabwe, formerly Southern Rhodesia or just Rhodesia, has seen two Chimurenga. The first occurred between 1896 and 1897. The second commenced in 1970 and ended in 1979. The Chimurenga engaged with here is the first Chimurenga, along with directly connected events which influenced the rising of the Africans in Zimbabwe both before and after the continuous armed resistance of 1896–7.
China,Maoism and Popular Power, 1949–1969
Authors: Rousset Pierre
Published: September 2017

With the proclamation of the People's Republic of China on October 1, 1949, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) found itself at the head of a country three times larger than Western Europe, with a population of some 500 million. The internal situation was favorable to the revolutionary regime. At the end of a long series of civil and foreign wars, the population sought and relied on the new leaders for peace while the ongoing people's mobilization opened the way for an in‐depth reform of society.
C
hina,
M
ay 4th Movement
Authors: Thompson Michael J.
Published: September 2017

The May 4th movement in China is generally considered to mark the inception of modern Chinese history. A movement of students and intellectuals, it sought to challenge the pre‐modern nature of Chinese society, culture, and politics. The members of this movement were united by their insistence that Chinese society be reworked by democracy and modern science; that the older Confucian traditions and feudal institutions of the past be swept away by more enlightened, rational forms of life; and for an insistence on a new humanism which would be able to transform the “inner life” of Chinese people. It was also an explicitly nationalist movement in the sense that it was seen that corrupt officials and foreign domination (both by western powers and the Japanese) were corroding Chinese society and its future.
C
hina, Peasant Revolts in the Empire
Authors: Lubitz Leonard H.
Published: September 2017

In premodern China the overwhelming majority of the population were peasants. Unlike their European counterparts, laws and traditions allowed this sector of society to lease or own land as well as to be mobile in choice of location in which to live. However, these rights did not alleviate the greater burden thrust upon peasants, which was the heavy and often intolerable burden of taxation. During the second half of this millennium, population grew at extraordinary rates. In response to the potential Malthusian quagmire that could have driven this populace toward massive starvation and the turmoil expected to accompany such social pressures, the peasant class responded with a stoic focus on survival through intensive labor. Agricultural output in this pre‐industrial period also steadily increased. This was a result of the process of involution, whereby progress is realized through intensive physical labor rather than an increase in productivity or improved technology. This pressure, combined with the burden of taxation, made rebellion a reoccurring course of action over the centuries.
C
hinese Communist Revolution, 1925–1949
Authors: Rousset Pierre
Published: September 2017

Retrospectively, we know the importance of the period opened in China by the overthrow in 1911 of the Qing Dynasty: it concluded, nearly four decades later, with the victory of the Communist Revolution in 1949 – an event of historical scope. However, at the time, the future of the country looked very uncertain. Power was fragmenting in China, but the European states were not in a position to seize this opportunity to impose their colonial domination on the Middle Kingdom and were soon going to be at war with each other. The new imperialist powers (the United States and Japan) were not yet ready to replace them and claim for themselves the conquest of China. But it was only a matter of time. China seemed to be condemned to be dismembered into Nippo‐western zones of influence.
C
hirinos,
J
osé
L
eonardo (d. 1796)
Authors: Azzellini Dario
Published: September 2017

From the 1790s the Haitian Revolution and the ambition of freedom for all echoed throughout the Atlantic world, providing comfort and hope for the abolition of slavery to Africans seeking freedom, equality, and self‐determination from European colonial rule. José Leonardo Chirinos, or Zambo Chirinos, was eyewitness to the Haitian Revolution as a free Afro‐Venezuelan in the employ of an affluent merchant. As a first‐hand observer of the Haitian liberation, Chirinos found the experience a foundation for leading the movement to advance Afro‐Venezuelan rights and establish universal principles of equality while freeing Venezuela from Spanish colonial rule. The son of an Afro‐Venezuelan father and indigenous mother, Chirinos was not born into servitude. As a worker for José Tellería, a rich merchant and attorney of Coro, Venezuela, Chirinos was brought on the voyage to Saint‐Domingue (Haiti) in 1794 while African slaves in the colony were in open revolt against the French colonial slave system. During his visit, Chirinos was introduced to rebels fighting for the abolition of slavery, equality, and later, independence from France. Upon his return to Venezuela in March 1795, a highly politicized Chirinos sought to advance the goal of ending the slavery of Afro‐Venezuelans and ending Spanish colonial rule, joining with fellow Afro‐Venezuelan revolutionaries in Curimagua, Falcón, a farm in Macanillas, where they planned a major rebellion to abolish slavery.
C
hissano,
J
uaquim (b. 1939)
Authors: Corfield Justin
Published: September 2017

Juaquim Alberto Chissano was the president of Mozambique from the death of Samora Machel in 1986 to 2005. He was one of the longtime members of the Mozambican nationalist movement, FRELIMO (Frente de Libertação de Moçambique), but became a more moderate statesman in his old age.
Civil Rights Movement, United States, 1960–1965
Authors: Dubie Sven
Published: September 2017

In the winter of 1960 four African American students at the North Carolina Agricultural and Technical College in Greensboro decided they had had enough. They had grown impatient with the lack of progress in dismantling the edifice of segregation since the Supreme Court's
Brown
decision nearly six years earlier. After much deliberation, they felt the time had come to take matters into their own hands to try and hasten progress. After a night of informal planning, the four men – Ezell Blair, Jr., Franklin McCain, Joseph McNeill, and David Richmond – decided that the next day, February 1, they were going to go to the local Woolworth's store, make a few purchases, and then demand service at the whites‐only lunch counter. If they were refused, as was to be expected according to the South's Jim Crow custom, they would remain seated until they eventually received service.
Civil Rights, United States: Overview
Authors: Bronner Stephen Eric
Published: September 2017

The US civil rights movement (ca. 1954–65) was one of the most significant social and political movements in the history of the American Republic. Over the course of little more than a decade, African Americans from all walks of life, joined by a small but increasing number of whites, mounted a successful challenge to the legal edifice of segregation that had confined blacks socially, politically, and economically to second‐class status for the better part of a century. They did so by invoking the foundational principles of the United States – liberty, justice, and equality – and by insisting that the country live up to its own ideals and allow Americans to enjoy their constitutional rights and privileges without regard to race. This revolution in race relations was conducted largely along principles of nonviolence, though violence would be repeatedly used against the movement's activists to try to halt their progress. For these reasons, the American civil rights movement is remembered not only for its transformative impact, but also for reflecting the vitality and constructive possibilities of American democracy.
Class Identity and Protest
Authors: Le Blanc Paul
Published: September 2017

In seeking to understand the actualities and possibilities of social protest and revolution, scholars and activists have often sought to comprehend what force would be capable of bringing about fundamental social change. This is related to notions of power, exploitation, and oppression in society. Revolutions are generally seen as bringing about, through the active participation of masses of people, the overturn of established ruling groups and the creation of a new political and social order. How people actually see or identify themselves as they engage in social struggles, and the identities they seek to build on or to foster in order to bring about social change, are of central importance for the unfolding of any revolutionary process. The examination of such matters of identity is important for those wishing to understand such processes.
Class Struggle
Authors: Chattopadhyay Kunal
Published: September 2017

Class struggle is a concept in socialist analysis, developed in particular by Karl Marx. For Marx, class is closely connected with his concept of the relations of production, the social relations into which humans enter in the process of production, which find legal expression to a large degree either as property relations or as labor relations. In a class society, one dominant group controls the conditions of production, and the classes there are defined in terms of their relationship to the means and the labor of production and to each other. However, Marx's writings also suggest that fully formed classes exist only in what he called the great historical epochs – like slavery, feudalism, and capitalism in Europe. In the period between the decline of one mode of production and the full articulation of the next, what exists is called a transitional society. The class struggle in such a situation actually determines the nature of the next mode of production. Thus, in the period of transition from feudalism to capitalism, the relative powers of nobles, peasants, and bourgeoisie in different countries led to different results, such as agrarian capitalism in England, and the absolutist monarchy in France, to protect the interests of nobles under a changed balance of force, so that it defended the benefits of the late feudal nobility, but deprived the nobles of direct political power.
Clayoquot Sound
Authors: Ceric Irina
Published: September 2017

In the summer of 1993, Clayoquot Sound, a mostly wilderness area of ancient temperate rainforest on Vancouver Island in British Columbia (BC), became the site of the largest civil disobedience campaign in Canadian history. Almost 900 people were arrested during four months of protests over the fate of Clayoquot Sound's rare ecology, resulting in a series of mass trials unique in Canadian law (Hatch 1994). Although there had been intermittent protests over logging and other resource development in the area for over two decades, particularly by the Nuu‐chah‐nulth First Nation and local environmentalists, a decision by the government of BC in April 1993 to allow clearcut logging in 62 percent of Clayoquot Sound catalyzed the rapid emergence of a preservation movement with both domestic and international dimensions.
CocalerosPeasant Uprising
Authors: Hahn Dwight R.
Published: September 2017

The man proclaimed as Bolivia's first indigenous president, Juan Evo Morales Ayma, won the presidency with a stunning electoral victory in December of 2005. That victory came on the heels of the two failed and incomplete presidential terms of Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada and Carlos Mesa Gisbert. The election of December 2005 marked a significant shift in the electoral politics of Bolivia as the parties that had formed the post‐1952 National Revolution system lost their hold on significant sectors of the Bolivian electorate and a new political party captured those sectors with a call for “decolonization” and a new nationalism rooted in the indigenous cultures of Bolivia. The social shift revealed by that election had been decades in the making and was mostly brought about by the economic stresses related to the neoliberal economic policies that Bolivia had implemented, beginning with the “shock therapy” treatment prescribed by Decree 21060 of President Victor Paz Estenssoro in 1985. Those stresses, in turn, led to a coalition of various social movements under the banner of a new or reconstructed indigenous identity in opposition to the economic imperialism implicit in the adoption of the “Washington Consensus” and to the cultural imperialism implicit in the Washington effort to eradicate the coca leaf – a sacred symbol of the Andean indigenous population.
Colombia, Anti‐War Movements, 1990–2008
Authors: Mestizo Tathiana Montaña
Published: September 2017

The internal armed conflict in Colombia from 1964 to 2008 has caused more than 100,000 deaths and three to four million displacements. The main issues for the anti‐war movement in Colombia have centered around paramilitarism and the US‐sponsored military program, the Colombia Plan, which started in 2000. The government anti‐terrorism policy, including the paramilitary groups widely connected with governmental politics, the Colombian army, and transnational companies, produces rising human rights violations, especially in the rural areas. Presented in 2000 to the International Cooperation as a plan with a strong civil focus, the Colombia Plan very quickly turned out to be a mere military‐based counterinsurgency program that safeguards the economic interest of multi‐ and transnational companies.
Colombia, Armed Insurgency, Peasant Self‐Defense, and Radical Popular Movements, 1960s–1970s
Authors: Ruiz Hermann
Published: September 2017

The 1960s in Colombia were marked by the aftermath of La Violencia (The Violence), a period of violent civil war. From the 1950s, the war saw fascist paramilitary groups on the conservative side and guerillas and self‐defense groups on the liberal side. The confrontation ended in most regions with an accord signed by liberals in which they agreed to share state administration and power by creating the Frente Nacional (National Front, FN, 1958–74). Upper‐ and middle‐class liberals, whose properties were endangered, were no longer interested in the armed conflict after this pact.
Colombia, Armed Insurgency, Peasant Self‐Defense, and Radical Popular Movements, 1970s–1990s
Authors: Ruiz Hermann
Published: September 2017

The 1960s opened a dynamic era of communist‐inspired guerilla movements in Colombia. The Colombian army, supported by the United States, reacted quickly and harshly, defeating some of the guerilla groups. Even so, these years saw the birth of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), the National Liberation Army (Ejército de Liberación Nacional, ELN), and the Maoist Popular Army of Liberation (Ejército Popular de Liberación, EPL), the three most influential groups in the 1980s and 1990s. In this climate, the elections of 1970 brought hope for the end of the National Front (Frente Nacional), an agreement between liberals and conservatives to distribute the state administration and jobs in an undemocratic effort to stop the struggles that were known as La Violencia. General Alberto Rojas Pinilla (1900–75), who had organized a coup d'état in 1953, founded the Popular National Alliance (Alianza Nacional Popular, ANAPO) to orchestrate the National Front's defeat in elections and usher in real democracy. This initiative brought together various popular sectors, including socialists.
C
olombia, Indigenous Mobilization
Authors: Mestizo Tathiana Montaña
Published: September 2017

In Colombia there are approximately 85 indigenous communities who speak 64 different languages with a total population of 800,000 people, or 2 percent of the country's population. Historically, the struggles of indigenous movements in Colombia have been based on the defense and liberation of “Mother Earth” from aggression by the government, multinational corporations, and mega projects. During the 1970s, the peasants' (
campesino
) movements called upon the indigenous communities to join their struggle for land rights. Though social and political organizational differences led the indigenous communities to form an autonomous and independent movement, they did unite efforts in many struggles.
C
aolombia, Insurrection of The Comuneros, 1781–1782
Authors: Andrés Otálvaro H.
Published: September 2017

The insurrection of the Comuneros (common and poor people) was a crucial political episode during the last decades of the colonial period in the territories known now as Colombia. It centered around the quest for social freedom and better living conditions in response to the oppressive economic and political apparatus the Spanish empire imposed on its overseas dominions. The traditional interpretation has underestimated the revolutionary spirit behind the uprising of nearly 20,000 Comuneros against the monarchy's taxation and socioeconomic conditions under Spanish rule.
C
olombia, Labor Insurrection and The Socialist Revolutionary Party, 1920s–1930s
Authors: Zimmering Raina
Published: September 2017

Around 1900 Colombia began to industrialize, using compensation payments made by the United States for the separation of Panama. This process engendered huge social struggles as the Colombian economy grew, leading to tension between poor people from rural and urban areas and the oligarchy, which was getting richer and richer. In 1919, there were labor conflicts among urban artisans, textile workers, railroad workers, and petrol workers. In rural areas, the Indian peasant rebellion spread after 1914 under Quintín Lame. Organized labor then struck the capitalist enclaves in oil and bananas after 1925, and a wave of multi‐ethnic peasant land takeovers swept across the coffee frontiers.
C
olombia, Thousand Days' War, 1899–1902
Authors: Andrés Otálvaro H.
Published: September 2017

Throughout the nineteenth century, liberal and conservative forces battled for power in Colombia, waging a number of civil wars in a struggle for control of the political institutions and territorial dominion. Between 1899 and 1902 they engaged in an especially cruel and prolonged conflict which would go down in history as the “Thousand Days' War.”
C
olombia, Unions, Strikes, and Anti‐Neoliberal Opposition, 1990–2005
Authors: Ruiz Hermann
Published: September 2017

After a decade of brutal repression, a peace process with the main guerilla groups in Colombia was reached in 1984, with the government committed to guaranteeing democratic participation. One year later the Unión Patriótica (Patriotic Union, UP) was founded with this purpose. It did not take long to win popular support because its proposals included popular participation in state administration, the right of opposition, popular elections for local administrations, equal access to the media and information, land reform, and subsidies to small agricultural producers.
Color Revolutions
Authors: Beacháin Donnacha Ó , Polese Abel
Published: September 2017

The term “color revolutions” is used to describe as a single phenomenon a number of non‐violent protests that succeeded in overthrowing authoritarian regimes between 1998 and 2005. In each of these protest movements, leaders adopted colored flags to rally under. Geographically, the term has tended to encompass only post‐communist countries in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union, though there is evidence that similar movements for change have been initiated in the Middle East (Lebanon, 2004) and Asia (Burma, 2007).
Columbia University Civil Rights Protests
Authors: Frisone Nicole
Published: September 2017

The Columbia University Crisis of 1968 marked significant changes within the New Left movement and reflected the racial division that had been growing since the early 1960s among left‐leaning activists. Columbia students from April 23 to April 30 occupied and “liberated” five buildings on Columbia University's Morningside Heights campus. Students' primary demands were to halt Columbia's construction of a gymnasium in Morningside Park, and to sever the university's ties with the Institute for Defense Analysis (IDA). Within the initial hours of protest, the Columbia demonstrations became a strictly segregated affair with black students occupying Hamilton Hall while whites occupied Low Library and the subsequently occupied buildings. The student leaders at Columbia consisted primarily of Mark Rudd, from the Columbia chapter of Students for a Democratic Society, and Cicero Wilson, the leader of the Students Afro‐American Society.
Commoner, Barry (b. 1917)
Authors: Egan Michael
Published: September 2017

The biologist Barry Commoner was instrumental in the creation of the science information movement, a practice that sought to relay key scientific findings into a vernacular, accessible language so that the public could be involved in science policy decisions that influenced their health and welfare. The science information movement transformed the relationship between science and the public and played a critical role in reshaping American environmentalism after World War II. Commoner's stalwart criticism of industrial production practices also helped to highlight the hazards associated with the petrochemical industry.
Communist Party, France
Authors: Carter R. O'Brian
Published: September 2017

Although it only took its name in October of the following year, the French Communist Party (PCF, Parti communiste français) was effectively established with the Congress of Tours of December 1920. The Congress had been called to respond to the injunctions issued by the 1919 creation of the Third International (Comintern) in Moscow. Riding the success of his Bolshevik Party in the Russian Revolution of 1917, Vladimir Lenin's “Twenty‐One Conditions” demanded, in short, that social revolutionaries everywhere look to Soviet Russia for guidance. Such demands further fractured a heterogeneous yet rich clustering of French socialist movements. Those that accepted the demands joined the PCF. The newspaper
L'Humanité
– created in 1904 by the single most important French socialist leader, Jean Jaurès (1859–1914) – became the PCF mouthpiece. Marcel Cachin (1869–1958) was its dominant leader in the 1920s. Cachin had taken part in the 1905 foundation of the Section française de l'Internationale ouvrière (SFIO), the dominant body within French socialism, but now an organization from which he distanced himself.
Communist Party of
S
outh
A
frica, 1921–1950
Authors: Drew Allison
Published: September 2017

Launched on July 30, 1921 after almost a year of discussion involving more than ten small socialist groups, the Communist Party of South Africa (Section of the Communist International) used a class analysis that explained racial and national oppression by reference to South African political economy. Its politics can be understood in terms of its changing relationships with the Communist International (Comintern), with the black labor movement and African nationalism, and with other local socialists.
C
ondorcet,
M
arquis de (1743–1794)
Authors: Blackman Robert H.
Published: September 2017

Condorcet was known in his own life as a mathematician and political reformer. His lasting fame is as author of
Equisse d'un tableau historique des progrès de l'esprit humain
(Sketch for a Historical Picture of the Progress of the Human Mind), published in 1795, one of the best expressions of Enlightenment‐era optimism. Condorcet felt that by using the mathematics of probability, one could create a science of human behavior much as Newton had made a science of astronomy and physics. Realizing that human behavior was not as susceptible to certainty as the movements of the planets, Condorcet supported democratic and liberal politics and public education. He defended women's rights and campaigned against slavery. Saint‐Simon, Comte, and the nineteenth‐century sociologists owed much to Condorcet's work. In the latter half of the twentieth century Condorcet's treatment of voting methods drew scholarly interest.
C
ongo
C
risis, 1960–1965
Authors: Omobowale Ayokunle Olumuyiwa
Published: September 2017

Just like many other countries in Africa, Congo's independence came in 1960. It was a time of joy and high expectations among the citizenry, who felt it to be the dawn of a new era. It was supposed to usher in a period of progress for the Congolese and in particular the military non‐commissioned officers and junior civil servants who had hoped for the attainment of senior positions. Indeed, this was part of the campaign promises of the main political parties, particularly Patrice Lumumba. A frontline politician with only primary education, Lumumba, as leader of the Mouvement National Congolais (MNC), had promised equality with the whites upon independence. After he became prime minister, he faced a number of challenges to keeping his promise.
C
ongo, Protest and Uprisings, 1998–2002
Authors: Adeniran Adebusuyi I.
Published: September 2017

With the exit of “Marshal” Mobutu Sese Seko from the presidency of former‐Zaire in May 1997, and the immediate ascendancy of the leader of the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo (ADFLC), Joseph‐Desire Kabila, the social and political instability that marked Congo's independence era from Belgium in June 1960 persisted even more intensely. Various protests and uprisings in the Congo between 1998 and 2002 have been called the Second Congo War or Africa's World War. Eight African nations (Angola, Burundi, Chad, Namibia, Rwanda, Sudan, Uganda, and Zimbabwe) were directly involved, with an estimated 30 armed groups at war in the Congo. The number of recorded casualties made the conflict the deadliest global altercation since World War II. Although the conflict officially ended with the signing of the Sun City Agreement in South Africa in April 2002, avoidable cases of malnutrition and disease arising from intermittent clashes have often led to the deaths of hundreds of Congolese daily. The post‐Mobutu altercations in the Congo are estimated to have cost well over 5 million human lives.
C
onnolly,
J
ames (1868–1916)
Authors: Mulligan William H.
Published: September 2017

James Connolly was an Irish labor organizer and socialist, and a leader of the 1916 Easter Rising. Connolly was the most ideologically sophisticated of the insurrection's leaders and the most sensitive to the needs and concerns of the Irish working class, which he saw in an international, rather than purely Irish, context.
Cooperative Commonwealth
Authors: Goff Richard
Published: September 2017

The era of Civil War and Reconstruction marked a decline in utopian experimentation, but with the Panic of 1873 and the labor upheavals of 1877, a renewed interest in socialist and communal experimentation emerged. Two major works contributed to the cooperative movement in the Gilded Age: Lawrence Gronlund's
Cooperative Commonwealth
(1884) and Edward Bellamy's
Looking Backward
(1888). Gronlund, a Danish immigrant credited with bringing German socialism to the United States, imagined an ideal community where workers control production and the economy is under rational management. Similarly, Bellamy's
Looking Backward
imagined a future where capitalism no longer exists and the United States functions along cooperative lines and in social equality. Following the sale of the book, Bellamy started the magazine the
Nationalist
, which advocated cooperative values and national unity. The book's success led to the establishment of “Nationalist Clubs” throughout the country.
Cop Watch Los Angeles
Authors: Cienfuegos Joaquin
Published: September 2017

Cop Watch is a North American activist network dedicated to monitoring and documenting police brutality and harassment in various cities. Although the first group to call itself “Copwatch” emerged in Berkeley, California in 1990, the tactic of using citizen patrols to observe the conduct of the police can be traced to the Black Panthers, the Brown Berets, the Los Angeles Chapter of the SNCC (Student Non‐Violent Coordinating Committee), and the Deacons for Defense and Justice in the South. The activities of Cop Watch chapters range from photographing, videotaping, and publicizing instances of police abuse and harassment, to holding “Know Your Rights” workshops and other events to arm people with information about their own communities, as well as to develop alternatives to policing and prisons. While some chapters have non‐interference policies when it comes to police and are largely focused on the
watching
part, other Cop Watch groups have taken a more militant stance.
Cordobazo and Rosariazo Uprising, 1969
Authors: Seri Guillermina S.
Published: September 2017

Cordobazo and Rosariazo were major protests held between May and September 1969 in Argentina against the military dictatorship of Juan Carlos Onganía. Twice that year, on May 21 and September 16 and 17, protesters flooded the streets of Rosario. In Córdoba, the protests resulted in the complete suspension of activities between May 29 and 30. The demonstrations followed a common pattern: initially peaceful marchers in the city's central district were met with violent repression by the police, which then escalated into fires, barricades, and street fighting. For many hours, both Rosario and Córdoba were taken over by tens of thousands of protesters, as the police abandoned their posts. Only through military occupation could the federal government regain control of the cities. Protesters, a mix of industrial workers and university students supported by white‐collar workers, middle‐class professionals, radicalized Catholic activists, and people from humble neighborhoods, recognized student and anti‐bureaucratic labor union leadership. In September, a similar insurrection took place again in Rosario. Cordobazo and Rosariazo were the most salient events in a larger wave of protests and mass mobilizations that were erupting in cities such as Tucumán, Mendoza, Cipoletti, in the Río Negro province, and Catamarca during the same time.