bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Ordeal of Cordell Hull
Authors: Pratt Julius W.
Published: August 2009

A. M. SCHLESINGER, JR., in the second volume of The Age of Roosevelt, contends that what was generally considered a vice in New Deal administration was actually a virtue. Speaking of the many new federal agencies created at that time, he remarks that while each one “had its own distinct mission,” nevertheless,

in many cases jurisdictions overlapped each other and even spilled into cabinet departments. This was sloppy and caused much trouble. Yet this very looseness around the joints, this sense of give and possibility which Henry Stimson once called the “inherently disorderly nature” of Roosevelt's administration, made public service attractive to men of a certain boldness and imagination. It also spurred them on to better achievement. Roosevelt liked the competitive approach to administration, not just because it reserved the big decisions for the President, but perhaps even more because it enabled him to test and develop the abilities of his subordinates. How to tell which man, which approach was better? One answer was to let them fight it out. This solution might cause waste but would guarantee against stagnation …
The Soviet Union and Ethiopia: A Case of Traditional Behavior
Authors: Yakobson Sergius
Published: August 2009

The contemporary modus operandi of the Soviets in Ethiopia seems in many ways to be a refined and ideologically refurbished version of that of pre-Revolutionary days.

Russia's interest in Ethiopia is centuries old. An offer to join forces with Ethiopia and the Protestant West in the struggle against the Mohammedan Turks reached Moscow before the time of Peter the Great. Hiob Ludolf's pioneer work, Historia Aethiopica, was translated into Russian in the seventeenth century, and, nearly 150 years ago, the teaching of the Amharic language became a part of the Khar'kov University curriculum.
The Changing Content of Apartheid
Authors: Walshe A. P.
Published: August 2009

South Africa's policy of “separate development” of the races is an enduring feature in that Republic's predicament but the theory and practice of Apartheid have been changing. During the last fifteen years the policy has undergone a fundamental transformation.
Varieties of Nationalism in Europe and Africa: Nationalism in Africa, 1945–1965
Authors: Curtin Philip D.
Published: August 2009

PROFESSOR PFLANZE's distinction between the state-nation and the nation-state of nineteenth-century Europe is also illuminating for the study of nationalism in recent Africa. The dominant force in recent African politics has obviously been the desire to build nations, and these nations are clearly of the statenation type.
Notre Dame 1919–1922: The Burns Revolution
Authors: McAvoy Thomas T.
Published: August 2009

After father edward sorin, C.S.C, the founder, Father John A. Zahm, C.S.C, was the chief inspiration of modern Notre Dame. Zahm, in turn, dedicated one of his books on South America, written under the pseudonym “Mozans,” to his “Brothers in the Congregation of Holy Cross, James Burns and John Cavanaugh.” After Sorin these three men were the creators of the modern university and, while its buildings have multiplied and its students and teachers have increased greatly, whatever is worthwhile has been built on the foundation laid by these men. Some would give Zahm the highest honors, others like best the eloquent Cavanaugh, but the best theorist was Burns. Zahm's plans for a great Catholic university, perhaps premature but well conceived, were buried in the avalanche of conservatism that swept American Catholicism in the early decades of the twentieth century. Father Cavanaugh tried to keep Zahm's noble ideals alive during this conservative reaction and Father Bums took over for a brief period and began to correct the evils of stagnancy and to set Notre Dame again on its way to intellectual achievements. These generalities are much too sweeping and cover too many years for a brief narrative. The three years of the presidency of Father James A. Burns are the most tempting part of the story and the one least known.
Truth, Belief, and Civilization: Tocqueville and Gobineau
Authors: Nef John
Published: August 2009

For more than a century there have been among the learned those who have tried to extend the outlook and the methods of the natural sciences to the study of man and to the behavior of human societies. Their efforts have raised issues which are of vital concern in the thermonuclear age which we have entered.
Quebec and the Future of Canada
Authors: Dooley D. J.
Published: August 2009

By The Time of the federal election in April, 1963, most thinking Canadians were probably aware that the unity of their nation was in peril. The main issues before the electorate were the instability of the Progressive Conservative government, Canada's persistent economic problems, and her role in the defense of North America. But many commentators thought that the major question which the new government would face was the failure of Canada's two race to reach a satisfactory modus vivendi.
The Silence of Pope Pius XII
Authors: Conway John S.
Published: August 2009

It Is hardly surprising that the play Der Stellvertreter (The Deputy) by the young German author Rolf Hochhuth should have aroused controversy ever since its first performance in February, 1963, in Berlin. For it aims to depict not merely historical characters in a fictional drama, but historical characters in a historical setting of almost unprecedented significance and consequence. The use of the drama as a vehicle for political attack is nothing new; but it is rare for the author to append, in the published version of his text, a historical essay of forty pages, seeking to give the evidence upon which his drama is based. Nor is it surprising that so pejorative is the portrayal in the play of the late Pope Pius XII that many of those who served under him during the nineteen years of his pontificate, as well as many others who came in touch with him through his literally thousands of private or public audiences, have sought to come to his defense, in challenging the historical accuracy of Hochhuth's portrayal.
Morality and National Power in International Politics
Authors: Weber Theodore R.
Published: August 2009

There are two principal elements in Christian faith which underwrite and require the attention of Christian ethics to problems of foreign policy. First, the Christian is convinced that God is sovereign over all the world and therefore over all the areas of the common life—not the least of which is political society. On these terms no political engagement is ever a mere power struggle and no Christian in politics is ever merely or even primarily political man, for the engagement is understood through faith to be a locus of divine activity and the politically-involved Christian is above all a man seeking to make his action correspond faithfully to the action of God. Divine sovereignty imposes a qualification on political sovereignty and thereby requires the recognition of limits to the exercise of political power and to the exaltation of national existence. But it also strengthens legitimate political authority by means of the explicit declaration that the powers that be are ordained of God. Second, the vocation of the Christian in the world is to serve the neighbor in love.
Honor in the Bureaucratic Life
Authors: Mainzer Lewis C.
Published: August 2009

How shall men know honor in the bureaucratic life? If not at all, we may largely lose sight of a virtue respected in the West, though not unquestioned, at least since Homer. A substantial and evidently increasing proportion of the members of a modem society, including many persons not “clerks” or “administrators” by vocation, works within bureaucracy. Though large organizations differ in the degree of their bureaucratization, for example, in the tightness of routine and control, they have common features which influence their members. These are: the anonymity of each participant, the joint nature of every action, the force of precedent and rules, and hierarchy in relations among members. These features work against honor.
The New African Chiefs
Authors: Duggan William R.
Published: August 2009

WHEN the parliamentary bodies, the national assemblies of Kenya, Sierra Leone, Tanzania convene, the mace, the wig, the Hansard, the speakership denote an endowment from the former colonial mentor and Mother of Parliaments, England. Front benches are reserved for the Ministers of Government. Oppositions, such as they are in many of the newly emergent African states of British vintage, face one another or, in one-party states, dissent is heard from the back benches. Inheritance of British parliamentary forms by youthful African states has been extensive. The substance of the democratic bequest from Britain as accepted and practiced by these and other new nations is quite another question. For African statesmen are quickly developing their ideals, adapting the colonial bequests to their own needs.
The Literary Criticism of Orestes A. Brownson
Authors: Soleta Chester A.
Published: August 2009

Literature was never central to Brownson's interests; indeed at times it was something he tolerated somewhat impatiently.* He wrote about it regularly, however, and during his career filled over a thousand closely packed octavo pages on the subject. He could even use the cant of the journalist reviewer with professional facility. Of a novel called Thorneberry Abbey, for instance, he says, “It has one or two literary faults … efforts at fine writing, and wearisome descriptions of natural scenery, which … only interrupt the narrative.” With variations in the details, this kind of formal gesture is repeated almost every time he reviews a novel. Moreover, the passage on Thorneberry Abbey appears towards the very end of a long review, introduced by the following candid admission: “But we have forgotten the little book before us.” What precedes the remark is not primarily a literary discussion but rather a warning to Catholics against the dangers of unwary compromises with Protestantism. What follows the remark is literary in a perfunctory and conventional way and is quickly dropped in favor of more polemic discussion. Although this procedure is not true of every piece of criticism by Brownson, something like it happens often enough to make it characteristic. When he was accused of such irrelevance later in life, he defended himself vigorously: “The book introduced is regarded as little more than an occasion or a text for an original discussion of some questions which the author wishes to treat.… Books are worthy of no great consideration for their own sake, and literature itself is never respectable as an end, and is valuable only as a means to an end.” In spite of this method, however, Brownson raised important critical questions and left a substantial amount of literary material.
Representation without Democracy: The Webbs' Constitution
Authors: Letwin Shirley Robin
Published: August 2009

Even before they had fully secured representative government with universal suffrage and frequent elections, the most ardent English democrats had already grown quite sensitive to the drawbacks of democracy. By the middle of the nineteenth century a number of them had become seriously disturbed about the difficulty of combining popular government with efficient government. They believed that ordinary men should rule but were learning that only extraordinary men could rule well. They opposed government by an aristocracy because it sacrificed the good of all to the interests of a few but they were discovering that the people could disregard or violate the common good as easily as the aristocracy. The defects of democracy became a heavier burden still for English socialists at the end of the century. Convinced that government should take over control of economic life, and persuaded by its achievements in other realms that modem science was the most efficient means of control, they wanted the real work of governing to be done by scientific experts; yet the democratic tendencies of both the English and the socialist traditions obliged them to favor constitutional forms that would preserve the principle, or at least the appearance, of government by the people.
Isaac Butt and the Home Rule Movement: A Study in Conservative Nationalism
Authors: McCaffrey Lawrence J.
Published: August 2009

The formation of the Irish Home Rule movement was a significant factor in influencing subsequent Irish and British history. Irish Federalism produced a political party that often controlled the balance of power in the House of Commons; split the Liberal party on the question of Irish self-government, a prelude to its eventual collapse; secured extensive agrarian reform for Irish tenant farmers, the first serious blow to traditional property rights in the British Isles; and was instrumental in destroying the political power of the House of Lords.
Quebec Catholicism and Social Change
Authors: Barnes Samuel H.
Published: August 2009

Since the English conquest, the Quebec Roman Catholic Church has been the most important single agency for the defense and perpetuation of the French-Canadian heritage in North America. Although its commanding position is unchallenged, the Church has long shared its authority with elites in the political and economical spheres. These other elites, however, have by no means competed with the Church. Indeed, interchange and cooperation among elites have been characteristic of French-Canadian society. Viewed as essential to cultural survival, this close unity among elites has encouraged the retention of an ordered, hierarchical social structure with many pre-industrial features.
Crisis, History and the Image of Man
Authors: Salomon Albert
Published: August 2009

In his address at the 200th convocation of the University of Chicago, June 11, 1940, President Hutchins invited American youth to reexamine the principles which make life worth living.

This enterprise is most urgently necessary in removing the intellectual unpreparedness of the nation. Far worse than the military and economic deficiencies in equipment and armament are the spiritual dissensions among the various groups of our time. In the universal conflict those nations will prevail whose unity results from spontaneous and free devotion to values which are recognized as worth living and dying for. We can reintegrate the nation, when we succeed in breaking the continuous secularization which, parallel to the rapid industrialization after the Civil War, is undermining the ethos of American life. The ethos which made this commonwealth great, was the fighting spirit of enlightenment. The backbone of the political principles of the Constitution, is the spirit of the Christian Law of Nature; that means political freedom as the fullfilment of the rules of the Almighty. This unity between the three spheres: nature, man and God was discarded by the process of secularization. The ethics of enlightenment shifted to the demand for universal comfort and for good living. The attitude of a boundless optimism prevailed which considered history an unending process of perfection. It was thought that this state of continuous improvement would result from the scientific organization of social and political institutions; their progress would eliminate eventually what the less scientific past had ascribed to the finiteness and sinfulness of man.
The Expulsion of the Germans from Hungary: A Study in Postwar Diplomacy
Authors: Kertesz Stephen
Published: August 2009

The key to the problem of the expulsion of the Germans from Hungary* was the Potsdam Conference, where the representatives of the three major Allies declared “that the transfer to Germany of German populations, or elements thereof remaining in Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary, will have to be undertaken.” Thus the three major Allies assimilated the problem of the Germans in Hungary with the problems of Germans in Poland and Czechoslovakia, although in reality the situation in Hungary differed greatly from that in the other two countries. The terms of the Potsdam decision might have been suitable for the Polish and Czechoslovak situations, but were most misleading when applied to Hungary.
The European Community and the United States: Evolving Relations
Authors: Nanes Allan S. , Efron Reuben
Published: August 2009

InThe last days of its life, the 85th Congress gave its approval to the joint United States-Euratom research and power reactor program, in the legislation known as the Euratom Cooperation Act of 1958. This law provides that the United States will assist the European Atomic Community in attaining its goal of a total installed capacity of approximately 1 million kilowatts of electricity by December 31, 1963, by bringing into operation power plants using nuclear reactors. In addition, the legislation authorizes an initial appropriation of $3,000,000 for a cooperative research and development program, and provides for sale or lease to the Community of fissionable uranium 235 and one kilogram of plutonium. This law was implemented by the agreement for cooperation containing provisions for financing, which entered into force on February 18, 1959. This legislation marked the high point of American collaboration with the latest institution of the European Community. As such, it is a logical point of departure for recapitulating the current status of that Community and its relations with the United States.
Political Implications of Recent Soviet Economic Reorganizations
Authors: Ballis William B.
Published: August 2009

Current literature on recent Soviet industrial and agricultural reorganizations emphasizes the economic rather than the political significance of the reforms. Because economists have written on these developments more than political scientists, the importance of politics and the political meaning of these changes have not been adequately recognized. This article does not purport to minimize the economic significance of these reforms; it will examine some of the political factors which hitherto have been overlooked or de-emphasized.
Challenge and Response: A Tool for the Analysis of International Affairs
Authors: Scott Andrew M.
Published: August 2009

When a gulf develops between the men concerned with the practice of a subject and their brethren concerned with research in that subject, the explanation usually offered by the practitioner is that the scholars have become “too theoretical.” A gulf now separates students of international affairs from men concerned with the development and execution of foreign policy but, strangely enough, one of the principal factors helping to create this situation is that the concerns of the student are not theoretical enough.
Metaphysics, Ethics, and Political Science
Authors: Bluhm William T.
Published: August 2009

ItIs customary to describe the development of political science since the Second World War as a step toward the creation of an empirical science of politics. Not its empiricism, however, but rather its concern for theory is understood to be the defining characteristic of the new way. The prescientific period was also empirically oriented, but it was naive, unthinking empiricism which treated the acquisition of political knowledge as a matter of collecting political facts as one might collect butterflies. Empiricism became scientific, it is said, only when it became theoretical, when its practitioners realized that before they could collect butterflies they had first to fashion a proper net and devise a scheme for ordering the specimens to be caught. At the heart, then, of what we mean today by the science of politics stands political theory, understood as the self-conscious construction of conceptual systems for ordering reality and of hypotheses to explain the interconnections of the parts of these systems. Beside the scientist as survey researcher and statistician stands the scientist as theorist, as author of approaches, frameworks, and models.
Heinrich Ritter von Srbik and “Gesamtdeutsch” History
Authors: Ross Ronald J.
Published: August 2009

HeinrichRitter von Srbik, the foremost Austrian historian in the interwar period, made important contributions to knowledge of the materials and the facts of nineteenthcentury Germany history as well as to the interpretation of that period. No historian of Germany can properly ignore his interpretation of that period. Yet no serious attempt has been made to evaluate his historical thinking and to appraise his extensive contributions to German historical literature. The one exception to this neglect followed his death in 1951 which occasioned the customary obituary notices of his career and work.
The Literature on War
Authors: Shanahan William O.
Published: August 2009

War has been such a shaping force in human history that no period has escaped its influence. This century seems especially cursed with the burden of two World Wars, not to mention the Russian and the German revolutions. To satisfy current interest in military affairs, armies, and the conduct of war, the following survey of military literature has been prepared. Books in English have been emphasized as much as possible though there is a more abundant literature in foreign languages. So vast is this literature that some limitations have been made necessary: the field of international law, the issue of disarmament, peace-making, and conquest have not been considered. Only incidental references have been made to the economics of war, which is a field embraced by the popular concept “Total War.” Except for a few books no attempt has been made to discuss the important problem of the relation of government and armies in peace and war. The sociology of war, a proper topic, cannot be treated in detail here: ample discussion of this subject will be found in the works of Arnold Toynbee,A Study of History(London, 1934 ff. 6 v.); Pitirim Sorokin,Social and Cultural Dynamics(New York, 1937, especially v. 3); Max Weber,Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft(Tübingen, 1925); and Werner Sombart,Der moderne Kapitalismus(Munich, 1921–1927, 3 v., 4th ed.).
Some Reflections on Colonialism
Authors: Kohn Hans
Published: August 2009

The meaning and implications of the word colonialism and of the closely connected terms of empire and imperialism have undergone a profound transformation in the last decades. Until the end of the nineteenth century the word empire or imperialism was generally used in a laudatory and not a pejorative meaning. The Roman Empire had been the model for Western political thought for one thousand years. The Americans at the end of the eighteenth century proudly and hopefully spoke of their empire. The French revolutionaries proclaimed the imperial expansion of their leadership. Modern Western civilization was regarded as superior to other more stagnant civilizations, and to bring higher civilization to less developed countries was considered a praiseworthy enterprise, in spite of the fact that like so many human efforts this too was inextricably mingled with all kinds of corruption and greed. Empire and colonialism always implied dominion and power; and power, whether exercised by “native” or “alien” governments, has a potency for abuse as probably no other relationship has. Yet liberal alien governments—and liberalism means primarily restraint upon, and limitations of, governmental authority—will be more easily controlled by public opinion against abuse of power than illiberal “native” governments.
The Cunning of Reason in Hegel and Marx
Authors: Tucker Robert C.
Published: August 2009

According to Hegel, universal history is the realization of the Idea of Reason in a succession of National Spirits. These are manifested in the deeds of heroes, or world-historical individuals, such as Alexander the Great, Caesar, and Napoleon. However, the Idea of Reason does not work itself out in history in a manner which would seem reasonable on the surface. It is not actualized in this or that of its stages as a consequence of men consciously adopting it as their ideal and striving to translate it into reality through their mode of life and conduct. It is not, as it were, through the imitation of Reason that Reason is realized in history. How, then, does this take place?

Hegel's answer to this question is contained in his doctrine of the Cunning of Reason. Briefly, he holds that history fulfills its ulterior rational designs in an indirect and sly manner. It does so by calling into play the irrational element in human nature, the passions. So Hegel writes: “Two elements, therefore, enter into our investigation: first, the Idea, secondly, the complex of human passions; the one the warp, the other the woof of the vast tapestry of world history.” By “passion” he means those all-consuming emotions of the individual person which are self-regarding in nature. In discussing the question, he writes: “I mean here nothing more than human activity resulting from private interest, from special or, if you will, self-seeking designs—with this qualification: that the whole energy of will and character is devoted to the attainment of one aim and that other interests or possible aims, indeed everything else, is sacrificed to this aim.”
Modern Polities in Thailand
Authors: Darling Frank C.
Published: August 2009

The seizure of the government by Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat in September, 1957, was more than the assumption of political power by another military leader in Thailand, and the overthrow of the former regime headed by Field Marshal Phibun Songkhram marked a definite turning point in the evolution of the Thai political system. After experimenting with constitutional democracy for almost twenty-five years, Thailand turned to a new form of political rule. The purpose of this article is to survey briefly the development of the Thai political system since the beginning of the constitutional regime in June, 1932, and to assess the present trend of the Sarit government in a country where military officers have long played a pre-eminent role in the political life of the nation.
Russia After Khrushchev
Authors: Labedz L.
Published: August 2009

The second funeral ceremony performed by Khrushchev during the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was even more pregnant with far-reaching political implications than the first one organized by him as a Chairman of the Funeral Arrangements Committee after the death of Stalin. The three speakers on the first occasion have in the meantime been relegated, one to the ground and two to the background. Iconolatry has been replaced by Stalinoclasm. Certain crimes of the Stalinist era, defined as the period between 1934 and 1953, have been admitted. However fascinating the personal aspects of the drama, the wider characteristics of the stage on which it is taking place are no less important.
The Mediaeval Cultural Heritage of the Mid-European Area
Authors: Dvornik Francis
Published: August 2009

Interest in Slavic and mid-European studies,* so long neglected, is growing considerably in the United States. Unfortunately it concentrates mostly on modern history. In Slavic studies, too much time is often devoted to the history of Russia since the Revolution, and to the analysis of the new social and political order established in that country under the influence of non-Slavic social ideas which had originated in the West, and especially in Germany (K. Marx and Lasalle) in the nineteenth century. The earlier evolution of Russia, other Slav nations, and their mid-European neighbors, is still undeservedly neglected. It is a mistake. In the Middle Ages, the Slavic nations, the Hungarians, and the Rumanians played a prominent role in the civilizing of Europe. The memories of their glorious past helped the Czechs, Slovaks, Poles, Serbs, Bulgars, Magyars, Rumanians and also the small Albanian nation to survive the difficult period of oppression by foreign rulers and inspired their national leaders in their fight for independence and freedom.
Philosophical Values and American Learning
Authors: Nef John U.
Published: August 2009

“…. Quand il se presente à nous quelque doctrine nouvelle,” wrote the greatest French skeptic, “nous avons grande occasion de nous en deffier, et de considerer qu'avant qu'elle fust produite sa contraire estoit en crédit et authorité…. Je ne change pas aisément, de peur que j'ay de perdre au change…. Je suis desgoustée d la nouvelleté quelque visage qu'elle porte.”
The Literature on War: Part II
Authors: Shanahan William O.
Published: August 2009

“It is a great advantage to princes to have perused (military) histories in their youth, for in them they read at length of such assemblies and of the great frauds and deceptions and perjuries which some of the ancients have, practised on one another, and how they have taken and killed those who put their trust in such security. It is not to be said that all have used them, but the example of one is sufficient to make several wise and to cause them to wish to protect themselves.” For present-day democracies this advice of Philippe de Commynes, the fifteenth century French historian, has a pointed meaning. Only when the liberties of free peoples are threatened can their interest in war and armies be aroused. Tyrants and autocrats, on the other hand, never neglect the study of the role of war in statecraft. If we are to remain free the lessons of war must be studied continually. With this principle in mind the present survey of military literature is intended to suggest some of the important books that have been written since the French Revolution.
The Birth of Democracy
Authors: Dawson Christopher
Published: August 2009

The origins of modern democracy are so closely bound up with the history of liberalism that it is a matter of considerable difficulty to disentangle them and to distinguish their distinctive contributions to the common political tradition of modern Western culture. For this question also involves that of the relation between the three revolutions, the English, the American, and the French, which transformed the Europe of the ancien régime, with its absolute monarchies and state churches, into the modern world. Now all these three revolutions were liberal revolutions and all of them were political expressions of the movement of the European enlightenment in its successive phases. But this movement was not originally a democratic one and it was only in the second half of the eighteenth century that the democratic ideal was clearly formulated. On the continent of Europe the revolution of ideas preceded the political and economic revolutions by half a century, and the revolution of ideas was not in any sense of the word a democratic movement; it was the work of a small minority of men of letters who looked to the nobles and the princes of Europe rather than to the common people, and whose ideal of government was a benevolent and enlightened absolutism, like that of Frederick the Great or the Empress Catherine of Russia. There was an immense gulf between the ideas of Voltaire and Turgot, of Diderot and D'Alembert, and the opinions of the average man. The liberalism of the philosophers was a hothouse growth which could not be easily acclimatized to the open air of the fields and the market place.
A Pretender's Concept of the French Monarchy
Authors: Osgood Samuel M.
Published: August 2009

Out of what is sometimes called the dream world of pretenders have come some of the freshest, most common sensical political writings of contemporary France. Indeed, the doctrines advanced during the last twenty years by Henri, Comte de Paris (born in 1908), heir and pretender to the French throne, have earned him the epithet of “Revolutionary Prince.” To the many paradoxes of modern France must be added that of a pretender who has better understood the fundamental prerequisites of successful democratic government than many of the traditional Republican leaders.
P. R. and Democracy
Authors: Hermens F. A.
Published: August 2009

When, At a party in New York, the question was asked: “What does the abbreviation ‘P. R.’ stand for?” a lady — a college graduate, from just across the Hudson River in New Jersey—answered: “A new alphabetic agency.” Harold Phelps Stokes, writing for the New York Times Book Review, thought that the two letters came close to expressing “a term of endearment.” The Baltimore Sun wrote in the same vein by terming it “the darling of the pure idealists of democracy.” The New York Sun was more explicit: “It is the pari-mutuel of politics, a bingo of the ballots, manna for the minorities.” And, to turn to a more serious aspect of the matter, a prominent American political scientist, in a letter to the present writer, called P. R. a “substitute religion,” and just one of the manifestations of that “mechanized dogmatism” for which he—as any true scientist— cared but little.
Knowledge and Freedom
Authors: Pieper Josef
Published: August 2009

The phrase, “science and freedom,” as it is used nowadays, is aimed at an enemy position.* The enemy not only denies science's freedom in theory, but also jeopardizes, confines, destroys it in practice.

If this enemy position is to be approached in an attempt at an intellectual confrontation, rather than assailed with a mere “demonstration” (the remarkable change of meaning that this word has undergone is a matter closely related to the theme of this paper) it is necessary for the enemy position to be understood, not just in its present form, but also in its basic foundations. Only then can a clear notion be reached of what sort of an argument is needed by way of an answer, and how strong it must be, if it is to meet the enemy position squarely, at the most telling point.
Nationalism in the Low Countries
Authors: Kohn Hans
Published: August 2009

The age of nationalism offers us many examples which prove that affinities in descent or language have no influence on the formation of modern nations or on their political ideas. Switzerland is only one of several Germanic lands which developed a nationalism resembling much more closely that of England rather than that of Germany. The case of the Low Countries is similar. Both were until the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries politically and historically a part of the German Empire. Both grew into separate nations in border regions where Germanic and Latin civilizations have met since the beginning of European history. Both gained their national character by a process of intellectual and political emancipation from Germany. The Dutch historian, Jan Huizinga, affirmed in Berlin at the beginning of 1933 in a lecture on the Netherlands as mediator between Western and Central Europe that “Our whole history as a people and a state is, with a few exceptions, Western European history. Our relations with the West have conditioned our independence as a people and as a state. Be it as friends, be it as enemies, France and England were our teachers. The Netherlands have significance and a meaningful place only as a territory oriented toward the West.”
No Peace Without Arms
Authors: Possony Stefan T.
Published: August 2009

Peace-planning is the attempt to invent institutions and to reformulate policies to prevent future wars. Among the numerous ideas on the future organization of the peace, the idea of disarmament has found particularly wide acceptance. In time of peace, there is no need of maintaining armies and armaments on their war time level. Farreaching demobilization is an economic necessity. Consequently, no objections are being raised against the substantial reduction of armaments after the end of hostilities.
Perpetual Peace?
Authors: Gurian Waldemar
Published: August 2009

Mortimer J. Adler's much quoted address in which he castigated American professors has been Widely misunderstood. When he declared that their errors were more dangerous than the threat from Hitler, he did not intend to discount them. On the contrary, he was paying a most impressive compliment to the importance and effect of their writings and other activities. Adler is professor of the philosophy of law in the University of Chicago, and his yardstick must be applied to himself. It would be inappropriate to pass over his How to Think About War and Peace in silence or to regard it as an unimportant and uninfluential work. This new book, praised as a product of hard thinking, will be read only by few, even though it will be bought by many in response to the intense propaganda of the publisher.
Courage or Perdition? The Fourteen Fundamental Facts of the Nuclear Age
Authors: Ferreus
Published: August 2009

However distasteful it may be, nuclear weapons of the fission and fusion types have come to stay. Henceforth, they will be as much a part of human existence as rain and snow, morality and crime, the telephone and the airplane, pacifism and aggressiveness, freedom and tyranny, stupidity and wisdom. It is unlikely that this new invention can be undone except through the destruction of civilization itself. On the contrary, nucleonics sooner or later will provide the foundation of industrial civilization all over the globe. Given the anticipated increase in consumption of our energy resources, it appears that nuclear fuels, on a large scale, will have to be made available to industry within the life span of the present generation. Otherwise economic decline (and hence political catastrophe) must come about as the result of the gradual depletion of oil and coal deposits, the concurrent price rise of mineral fuels, the lack of a mineral energy basis in many countries, the rapidly rising demand for industrial goods, and the uninterrupted increase of population.
The Catholics of France, from the Autumn of 1942 to the Invasion
Authors: Vignaux Georgette
Published: August 2009

In a previous article we studied the religious and political position of the French Catholics—both of the clergy and of the laity—from the armistice to the end of the summer of 1942. Here we propose to continue this study following the same plan, considering first the questions cm which the clergy and the laity have taken a stand and indicating the nuances which differentiate their positions, and secondly the present problems in which the faithful take part on their own responsibility. French Catholic life, like all life, is in motion. Yet discovering its inspirations and currents can help us to understand the way it will manifest itself in the period of reconstruction.
The Socialization of Risks
Authors: Mann Fritz Karl
Published: August 2009

Transition to a war economy is, in its very essence, a shift of economic responsibilities from business to government. This shift covers almost all activities: initiative, planning, execution, coordination. Still the change in our capitalistic structure brought about by governmental leadership and numerous diversified controls should not be overstated. The new frontiers drawn between the private and the public sector do not alter the dualistic character of our economy. It is not “the opposite of free enterprise” since successful entrepreneurs are still allowed to reap the profit of their venture, restricted only by taxation and by some of its efficient supplements, particularly renegotiation of contracts and war bond drives. War profits, moreover, have been so substantial in almost all social groups that the stream of private capital-formation flows broader and deeper than it did in peace time, broader and deeper at any rate than in the public sector where the government has been burdened with an unprecedented federal debt. Broadly speaking, our economy is a hybrid with a collectivistic head and an individualistic heart.
Russia and the Peace
Authors: Gurian Waldemar
Published: August 2009

Distrust and suspicion cloud the views of many on future relations with Soviet Russia. The perfunctory general praise of the Red Army and its successes cannot counteract or even eliminate this distrust which may, in the long run, exercise an important influence in world affairs. There are even some who believe that a war with Russia is at least probable, and whose minds are consciously or unconsciously obsessed by the fear of the Russian threat. They argue: in 1939 England went to war in order to prevent German domination in Europe; we were driven into the war by our help to England and by Japan's plan to dominate Asia—but what will be the result? The rise of a power, the USSR, which will try to dominate Europe as well as Asia—and perhaps even other continents. Prime Minister Churchill is simply not believed when he claims that we can trust the Soviet leaders. The causes of this lack of confidence in Russia must be frankly stated; for only considering first the proofs for that pessimism which does not believe in the possibility of a lasting cooperation with Russia, can a solidly optimistic attitude be justified.
The Temptation of Herbert Marcuse
Authors: Eidelberg Paul
Published: August 2009

HerbertMarcuse has been called the philosopher of the New Left. If this title is warranted—and I believe it is—then we have in the New Left not only a rejection of American society, but a rejection of the traditions of Western civilization. What is remarkable, however, is that the New Left can disrupt colleges and universities, the guardians of civilization, and frequently be assured of apologists within those very colleges and universities. Herbert Marcuse is not one of their apologists so much as one of their teachers. What lures many of these innocents and not-so-innocents to his teaching is its utopianism. This utopianism appears to provide an attractive alternative to American society. It is seemingly based on a solid and comprehensive critique of contemporaryliberalism and the conservative vestiges of nineteenth-century liberalism. It condemns not only economic but intellectual and moral laissez-faire. And yet, as we shall see, this new utopianism is itself rooted in the underlying principle of modern liberalism, a principle which Marcuse develops to its ultimate logical conclusion and, in so doing, poses a threat to the very existence of civilized society.
Umanita and Civilta: Civil Education in Vico
Authors: Caponigri A. Robert
Published: August 2009

Few philosophers in our tradition have raised structures of speculation more complex than those of Giambattista Vico. Nevertheless, in following the course of his speculation, from the earliest orations through the De Antiquissima Italorum Sapientia, the massive Diritto Universale, and, finally, the successive transformations of the Scienze Nuova, certain definite themes appear which engage his meditation at every stage and impart, as a consequence, unity and coherence, though never simplicity, to the whole. Basic among these is the theme of the civil education of man.
The Congressional Power to Raise Armies: The Constitutional and Ratifying Conventions, 1787–1788
Authors: Donahoe Bernard , Smelser Marshall
Published: August 2009

When the American people wrote and ratified the Constitution they were the heirs of a tradition of opposition to a standing army. The tradition was derived from tales of Stuart tyranny and was strengthened by the recent victorious contest with the professional soldiery of Great Britain and Germany in the War for Independence. This attitude was carried into the Constitutional Convention and the ratification controversy. Even the friends of the Constitution were doubtful of the military power it granted to the Congress and where friends of the Constitution had reservations, enemies had hostility. Opponents of the Constitution almost unanimously attacked the army clause. Some attacked the power to raise and support an army because they preferred to rely upon the state militia. Others accepted the necessity of a national force but thought of it as a dangerous tool which should be fenced about with legal limitations.
The Universities and the Universal
Authors: Kertesz Stephen
Published: August 2009

Institutions of higher learning fulfill important functions and are, in a sense, symbols of universalism. The future of mankind may depend on the orientation and effectiveness of their work.

The forces of universalism confront many problems today. The universal, regional and technical international organizations have many uses, but are handicapped by and reflect the shortcomings of a political system based on so-called sovereign states. This system has become unrealistic in the age of radio, television, rapid air transportation, nuclear power, missiles, communication satellites and space ships, and in an age of world-wide problems such as hunger, unemployment and enormous population growth. Other circumstances impede the development of a co-operative world society. Besides political and ideological rifts, there is the North-South chasm caused by important differences and conflicts of interest between the developed and developing nations. Instead of concentrating on farsighted policies and meaningful co-operation, the developed nations have produced dangerous weapons systems and are, in addition, polluting the air, water and soil as if driven to self-destruction by an evil spirit. They may also—often with the purest motives—run the risk of simply exporting these problems to the Third World under the guise of development aid, in the mistaken belief that industrial and technological 'growth' and educational systems as we know them in Western countries constitute a panacea for the ills of developing societies.
Philosophy, Science, and the Human Situation
Authors: Fitzgerald John J.
Published: August 2009

It is a commonplace of personal and social experience that, having once secured the conditions of human survival and temporal well-being, men have always turned their curiosities to the hows and whys of the universe and themselves in it. Generally, the results of such investigations have found expression in behavioral and systematic patterns formulated in their speculative learnings and assimilated into the language and culture of their times. These learnings and cultures, no less than the universe and societies of which they are the meaningful expressions, are the products of concrete and unique historical processes. To ignore this essentially historical condition of the emergence and development of human learnings and cultures is to risk sacrificing that all-important criterion by which any subsequent age is able to discern and assimilate the definitive achievements of every prior age and thus avoid the extreme alternatives of wholly accepting or wholly rejecting all of the achievements of any given age. To effect this discernment between the tentative and the definitive in the recorded results of our civilized past would seem, therefore, to require some broad yet genuine appreciation of the variables and the constants, the discontinuities and continuities in the past. It is to contribute something to the large task of that discernment that this analysis addresses itself.
Intellectual and Moral Anarchy in American Sociaty
Authors: Eidelberg Paul
Published: August 2009

We live in a state verging on anarchy. We have a government that does not govern. We have a government, but no governing purpose. The level of politics is low; so too is the level of citizenship. Why? Why have we become a fragmented and lawless society—a society no longer united by standards of civilized conduct? Why do youth complain of alienation, of lack of identity? Why do they say their education is without relevance? What forces have undermined the moral consensus on which this nation was founded, and what was that moral consensus? This essay seeks to answer these questions.