bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Indirect Inference
Authors: Gouriéroux Christian , Monfort Alain
Published: October 2003

The method of Indirect Inference, binding function, indirect information, and indirect identification are introduced. Various versions of the method of Indirect Inference are defined and their asymptotic properties are given. Some second‐order properties are also examined. Applications are proposed.
Applications to Switching Regime Models
Authors: Gouriéroux Christian , Monfort Alain
Published: October 2003

Considers applications to Endogenously Switching Regime Models, mainly dynamic Disequilibrium Models, and to Exogenously Switching Regime Models, mainly Hidden Markov Chain Models. The methods used are simulated PML and ML methods, and Sequentially Optimal Sampling is introduced.
Stochastic Integrals
Authors: Björk Tomas
Published: October 2003

This chapter introduces the main technical tool for arbitrage pricing, namely stochastic integrals.
Completeness and Hedging
Authors: Björk Tomas
Published: October 2003

In this chapter, we discuss the possibility of replicating a given contingent claim. We prove that the Black‐Scholes model is complete.
Parity Relations and Delta Hedging
Authors: Björk Tomas
Published: October 2003

In this chapter, we derive the put‐call parity relation and its generalizations. We then discuss delta hedging and “the greeks” in some detail.
Barrier Options
Authors: Björk Tomas
Published: October 2003

Barrier options are options that start to exist or cease to exist when the underlying stock hits a pre‐specified barrier value. We develop the standard formulas for barrier options.
Bonds and Interest Rates
Authors: Björk Tomas
Published: October 2003

In this chapter, the reader is introduced to the basic facts and concepts concerning bond markets.
Change of Numeraire
Authors: Björk Tomas
Published: October 2003

In this chapter, we present the change of numeraire technique that, in many cases, greatly simplifies the computation of option prices. This is applied to interest‐rate options and we develop a general option‐pricing formula.
The Four Assumptions of the Theory of Domestic Divergences
Authors: Corden W. Max
Published: October 2003

Reviews the four assumptions of the simple theory of domestic divergences (distortions), namely that subsidies can be financed by non‐distorting taxes, that taxation involves no collection costs, that there are no costs of subsidy disbursement costs, and that income distribution effects of various policies can be neglected. It is found that the central arguments of the simple theory stand when these assumptions are removed.
Trade Taxes as Sources of Government Revenue
Authors: Corden W. Max
Published: October 2003

Discusses the fiscal effects of trade taxes, how trade taxes fit into the theory of optimum taxation, the role of collection costs, and the reasons why revenue from trade taxes generally declines relative to other taxes in the process of development.
Protection and Capital Accumulation
Authors: Corden W. Max
Published: October 2003

Analyses how protection can affect saving, investment, and, through the latter, the rate of growth. The answers hinge in part on the static effects of protection on real income. Protection can also affect savings and investment through its effects on income distribution and on the relative price of capital goods. In addition, protection may affect aggregate learning (‘invisible capital accumulation’) by changing the economy's output mix.
Some Dynamic Aspects of Trade Policy
Authors: Corden W. Max
Published: October 2003

Various dynamic effects of trade policies operate when there is anticipation of price changes, fluctuations in export earnings, and when trade affects knowledge. It is possible that reducing trade will reduce a nation's risks (though the effect could also go the other way). The question discussed is then whether trade‐reducing policies that would shift resources out of the more risky activities are justified.
16 Conclusion
Authors: Corden W. Max
Published: October 2003

Abstracts and keywords to be supplied.
Beyond Corporatism: New Patterns of Representation in the Brazilian Auto Industry
Authors: Martin Scott B.
Published: October 2003

Between 1991 and 1993, metalworkers’ unions, automotive firms, and state agencies in Brazil engaged in an institutionalized, comprehensive negotiation of industrial policy issues in auto manufacturing, in the ‘sectoral chamber’ of the auto industry. The two national accords that were negotiated helped re‐activate slumping demand, assist productive modernization, and protect job security and enhance wages for autoworkers. This chapter finds that, despite superficial similarities, the sectoral chamber experience cannot be explained with reference to the ‘societal corporatist’ framework, most closely associated with post‐war Western Europe. The author finds that key preconditions for successful, sector‐wide negotiations were (1) the prior establishment of representative unions and business associations with legitimate negotiating authority and (2) incipient bonds of labour‐management trust that had emerged through iterative encounters over productive restructuring issues. Social network ties, along the lines elaborated by the co‐editors in the concluding essay in their ‘associative network’ model, were fundamental to the rise, evolution, and ultimate decline of the auto sectoral chamber.
The Rise of Causa R in Venezuela
Authors: López‐Maya Margarita
Published: October 2003

Causa R offered an alternative to the established parties in Venezuela that achieved considerable success as a result of both the major decentralization reforms of 1988 and then economic crises, neo‐liberal reforms, and the riots and coup attempts of 1989–92. The chapter traces the history of the party from the early 1970s when small groups of dissident Marxists sought new forms of political action. Its base was among dissident unions, new neighbourhood organizations, and students. Its first successes politically were the election of Causa R mayors and a provincial governor in the state of Bolivar. In the multiple crises at the end of the 1980s, its anti‐corruption, anti‐party organization image allowed it to win the mayoralty of Caracas and receive a 22% share of the Presidential vote in 1993.
The Seven‐Month Itch? Neoliberal Politics, Popular Movements, and the Left in Mexico
Authors: Bruhn Kathleen
Published: October 2003

Expectations were that new popular‐based social movements would ally with the PRD in Mexico after the latter's dramatic showing under Cardenas in 1988. Within a short time, this was shown to be false, symbolized seven months after the election by the signing, by the Comité de Defensa Popular of Durango, of an agreement with Salinas (PRI) government. Using a variety of examples, the article shows why. First, there was the effective monopoly of resources by the PRI. Second, social elements in government programmes—such as Solidaridad—which emphasized public works rather than class‐oriented programmes. Third, the structure of the PRD, which limited social movement influences. Finally, the conflicts generated by the differences between ‘movement logic’, which looked to

substantive goals and local struggles, while the party sought electoral goals and national struggles. The result is the likelihood that movement‐party alliances will be ad hoc, informal, and perhaps, cyclical.
The Politics of Identity Reconstruction: Indians and Democracy in Ecuador
Authors: Selverston Melina
Published: October 2003

The indigenous movement in Ecuador has emerged in recent years as one of the most important social movements in the country. By organizing to protest the withdrawal of social and material rights under the neo‐liberal economic model and their continuing political exclusion within a democracy, Ecuador's traditionally fragmented indigenous groups have created a powerful new political identity. This analysis focuses on two cases in which the indigenous confederation CONAIE successfully influenced the government's proposed reforms over land use and bilingual education in the mid 1990s. Identity politics proved to be an effective way for indigenous actors to challenge the neo‐liberal politics that threatened to undermine their social and political rights. In the process, indigenous mobilization focused national attention on the lack of political participation by popular sectors in the political system.
The Evolution of the Brazilian Environmental Movement and Its Political Roles
Authors: Hochstetler Kathryn
Published: October 2003

Perceptions of the political importance of social movements and popular organizations often err by seeing only one of their many possible roles. An analysis of the evolution of the Brazilian environmental movement in the 1980s, as they themselves perceive it and through its impact on Brazilian politics, shows how the myriad groups went through different combinations of four important political roles. Although with less impact on the first of these—state transformation (the usual focus of analysis)—the environmental groups showed significant activity in other roles: representation of popular interests, cultural politics, and action in the informal polity.
Popular Responses to State‐Sponsored Violence in Brazil
Authors: Pinheiro Paulo Sérgio
Published: October 2003

Highlights a fundamental contradiction in Brazil's democracy: the coexistence of political rights with pervasive human rights abuse. Political violence, condoned by the state, inhibits the extension of citizenship rights. Brazilian Human Rights NGOs have made significant gains in combating societal and state violence. However, NGOs and other civil society actors are limited in their ability to curb the use of extra‐legal force by the extensive corruption within the state's judicial and security systems and by the lack of accountability in its political society. The ability to extend and to consolidate democracy in Brazil is blocked by the persistence of authoritarian practice within society and state.
Market‐Oriented Development Strategies and State–Society Relations in New Democracies: Lessons from Contemporary Chile and Spain
Authors: Hershberg Eric
Published: October 2003

Discusses Spain under the Socialist government of Felipe González and post‐Pinochet Chile under the Concertación as potential “social democratic” models, embodying what many view as a successful combination of market reforms with social equity and societal participation worthy of emulation by Latin America as a whole. The author finds significant limitations in the degree of popular‐sector participation in decision‐making (as seen through governments’ distancing and combative postures towards allied unions) and in the extent of re‐distributive social reforms under post‐transition center–left governments in both countries. The predominance of logic of market‐oriented reforms, economic and political stability, and of insulation from pressures from below acted to undercut the reformist ethos of both national governments, leaving them well short of social democratic ideals. At the same time, the González and Concertación governments helped consolidate formal electoral democracies in their countries that continue to be marred by a major weakness on the participation and equity fronts.
Reconstructing the Workers' Party (PT): Lessons from North‐Eastern Brazil
Authors: Nylen William
Published: October 2003

In the 1980s, the Workers Party in Brazil faced an institutional challenge: to adapt its orthodox socialism to the realities of governance without loosing its commitment to a transformative socialist agenda. This study analyses the process of party building through three experiences with local governance by the PT in the north‐eastern state of Ceará. Strict adherence to the party line generated the spectacular failure of the first PT administration in the area and led to a more pragmatic vision within the party to winning and maintaining electoral power. The PT constructed new public support and made significant electoral gains, based on a platform calling for the provision of credible public services and a responsive and participatory governance process. The failure and success of PT governments in this region have contributed to an internal learning process and institutional debates at both the regional and national levels.
Can a Leftist Government Make a Difference? the Frente Amplio Administration of Montevideo, 1990–1994
Authors: Winn Peter , Ferro‐Clérico Lilia
Published: October 2003

A newly reconstructed left movement within the Frente Amplio coalition took power in Montevideo, Uruguay in 1990 under the charismatic leadership of Tabaré Vázquez. It carried out extensive programmes working with the poor, including street vendors, garbage collectors, and squatters. It also initiated a programme of administrative deconcentration and political decentralization. These steps showed strength and new thinking for the left, breaking with both the socialists and the welfare state orientation characteristics of Uruguay known as ‘battlismo’. But the programme ran into obstacles. Some of these were from neo‐liberal conservatives, but others were from the older members of the leftist parties that made up the Frente. The article ends with an analysis of the various possible lessons for the left that this experience presents.
Targeting the Poor: The Politics of Social Policy Reforms in Mexico
Authors: Piester Kerianne
Published: October 2003

Responding to the crisis of shrinking state budgets and rising social demands in the 1980s, the Mexican government experimented with a new participatory poverty alleviation model. Targeting the poor was seen as a means of undermining mass protest against austerity measures and to address the crisis of Mexico's traditional corporate institutions for representation and control. Facing new party competition and the expansion of autonomous grassroots organizations, the PRI government sought to create new linkages with society through a series of poverty programmes. Examines the Popular Housing Fund, the National Food Distribution Program, and the Solidarity Fund. Clientelism persisted in the first two funds. Within Solidarity, the emphasis of the funds on demand‐based projects opened up new spaces for grassroots organizations to participate in a more autonomous fashion. This proved to be mixed success, dependent on local political conditions and pre‐existing community autonomy.
Redefining the Public/private Mix: NGOs and the Emergency Social Investment Fund in Ecuador
Authors: Segarra Monique
Published: October 2003

Over the past decade, the World Bank has pressed its borrowers to include NGOs in ‘partnerships’ that range from shared design and implementation of projects, to substantive negotiation over development policy. What explains the domestic political outcome of these transnational partnership efforts? This chapter examines the case of the negotiation over Ecuador's Social Investment Fund to include substantial NGO participation and finds that these new ‘partnerships’ between NGOs and the state failed in their first iteration. Presidential concerns over patronage blocked the construction of new working relations between NGOs and the state. Yet, the initial failure was followed by reflection and renewed collaboration. Political change resulted from a process of socialization around new sets of norms regarding civil society's participation in social policy as they became embedded in new, often informal, institutions. The impact of this socialization on democracy in Ecuador is still an open question.
Regional Integration and Transnational Politics: Popular Sector Strategies in the NAFTA Era
Authors: Cook María Lorena
Published: October 2003

Explores a novel and unexpected by‐product of the process of negotiating the North American Free Trade Agreement—a network of North American labour, environmental, human rights, and other citizens’ organizations using international alliances to modify the agreement and to contest what was widely viewed as an anti‐popular and exclusionary process. While economic integration between the US and Mexico had been taking place for some time, the author argues that it was the formal recognition of this process through the NAFTA agreement that facilitated transnational political action by non‐state actors. Even though economic globalization and neo‐liberalism may be considered by some to undermine popular organizations, formal recognition of North American economic integration paradoxically produced a ‘transnational political arena’ linking the US, Mexico, and Canada. Well beyond the period and issues of the formal debate about the treaty itself, this transnational arena has expanded the resources available to non‐governmental groups, increased their leverage in domestic political arena, and broadened their strategic options.
Associative Networks: New Structures of Representation for the Popular Sectors?
Authors: Chalmers Douglas A. , Martin Scott B. , Piester Kerianne
Published: October 2003

Despite renewed awareness of poverty and inequality, there has been a marked absence of past forms of popular mobilization. Populist, corporatist, clientelist, and broad mobilization around parties broke down in the 1970s and have not dominated in the new period of democratization. Citing the evidence presented in the articles in this volume, it is argued that new forms of popular representation are emerging, denoted as ‘associative networks’. Polycentric decision‐making, internationalized politics, the importance of new forms of communication, and the search for new policy answers had led to a new form of representation characterized by bringing a diversity of actors and organizations together in networks that rapidly reconfigure with changing circumstances, an emphasis on ‘cognitive politics’ and a more flexible style of conflict than direct confrontation. These are not pluralist ‘interest groups’, nor simply organizations in civil society, but varied links that tie civil society and polycentric government. A political process dominated by associative networks is not necessarily more democratic than other forms of popular representation. Whether it is democratic depends on institutions that link these networks and policy making (including parties and legislatures), and especially manage their rapid change as challenges and conditions change. Democracy also depends on whether citizens have the rights and resources to form and participate in such networks, and whether popular leaders find strategies that will take advantage of these new forms that require going beyond simple confrontation.
The Language of Morals
Authors: Hare R. M.
Published: October 2003

This book about ethics is, according to the author, an exercise in the logical study of the language of morals. In it, Hare presents his own brand of non‐cognitivism, generally referred to as ‘prescriptivism’. According to prescriptivism, value‐words have both descriptive and prescriptive meaning. The function of the former is to convey information about the objects the words are applied to, and the function of the latter is to commend a certain kind of object in its class. Hare begins his argument with a general discussion of the logic of imperatives (Part I) and then turns to an analysis of ‘good’ and ‘ought’ (Parts II–III), showing that the logic of such value‐words is parallel to the logic of imperatives. Imperatives and value‐judgements are thus both instances of prescriptive language, which are distinct from, and cannot be reduced to, descriptive language.
Imperatives and Logic
Authors: Hare R. M.
Published: October 2003

Provisionally characterizes the difference between indicatives and imperatives in terms of assent: while assenting to a statement involves believing something, assenting to a command involves doing something. Considering the logic of indicatives and imperatives, Hare distinguishes between the part of the sentence common to both (the ‘phrastic’) and that which is different (the ‘neustic’), but argues that the entailment relations of ordinary logic are relations between the phrastic of sentences for both moods. Moreover, Hare claims that no imperative conclusion can validly be drawn from premises that do not contain at least one imperative.
Decisions of Principle
Authors: Hare R. M.
Published: October 2003

Analyses the interaction between principles and decisions in moral deliberation as well as in education. Hare gives three reasons for our inevitable employment of principles, and argues that principles ultimately arise from decisions. Thus, a complete justification of a decision to act can never be given in terms of principles alone but requires the justification of these principles in terms of their effects, which can only be provided in terms of a decision to accept the way of life the principles are a part of. To make a value‐judgement is equally to make such a decision of principle.
‘Naturalism’
Authors: Hare R. M.
Published: October 2003

Having discussed prescriptive language in Part I, Hare turns to value‐words in Parts II and III. He begins by arguing that though value‐words are ‘supervenient’ or ‘consequential’ (i.e. if two situations are exactly alike in their non‐evaluative features, then they cannot be different in their evaluative features), they are so not as a matter of analytic entailment, e.g. because ‘good’ means ‘most conducive to pleasure’. Hare's argument for thus rebutting all forms of naturalism (in G.E. Moore's sense) is that any definition of ‘good’ in this way would prevent us from commending something we want to commend.
Meaning and Criteria
Authors: Hare R. M.
Published: October 2003

Hare argues that ‘good’ is not a simple property as e.g. ‘red’, for unlike ‘red’, ‘good’ does not always refer to a common (non‐evaluative) property whenever it is applied. The same holds for ‘instrumentally good’. At the same time, though, we are able to learn the use of ‘good’ without being taught what in a particular class of objects entitles us to apply ‘good’ to a member of that class. Hence, Hare claims, all uses of ‘good’ must have a common meaning, but different criteria of application (depending on the class of objects it is applied to).
Description and Evaluation
Authors: Hare R. M.
Published: October 2003

This chapter distinguishes two sorts of things we can say about objects, something (1) descriptive (‘red’), and (2i) evaluative (‘good’). Both, Hare notes, have descriptive function in that they can be used to convey factual information (compare ‘red car’ and ‘good car’). Value‐words, however, also have prescriptive meaning, and this meaning is primary to their descriptive meaning, because in contrast to its descriptive meaning, it remains constant in all uses and can also be employed to change the descriptive meaning of a class of objects. Finally, Hare notes that value‐words can be used with no commendatory meaning at all: the inverted commas use (e.g. irony) and the conventional use (e.g. paying lip service to what everyone else says).
‘Good’ In Moral Contexts
Authors: Hare R. M.
Published: October 2003

Hare first argues that his theory applies equally to instrumental and intrinsic goodness. He then goes on to show that his theory also holds for ‘good’ in both the non‐moral and moral context. People are falsely led to believe that ‘good’ is used differently in these contexts, Hare claims, because its descriptive meaning differs. Its evaluative meaning, however, is the same: in the moral context (‘good man’, ‘good act’) ‘good’ is always used to directly or indirectly commend people or human characters.
‘Ought’ and Imperatives
Authors: Hare R. M.
Published: October 2003

Defends Hare's claim that value‐judgements entail imperatives. He does so by first showing that cases appearing to undermine his claim are not genuine value‐judgements but rather statements of sociological fact (the conventional use of ‘good’) or of psychological fact (‘I have a feeling that I ought to X’). Second, Hare argues that value‐judgements cannot be reduced to statements of fact because (1) we do use value‐judgements evaluatively (entailing at least one imperative), but (2) no imperatives can be derived from indicatives.
Descriptive Meaning
Authors: Hare R. M.
Published: October 2003

Outlines the features of descriptive terms and judgements. The role played by descriptive meaning in moral statements is elucidated by examining the general nature of descriptivist statements and the connection with universalizability. It is argued that any singular descriptive judgement is universalizable in the sense that it commits the speaker to making the same judgement about relevantly similar subjects. Value judgements and generally descriptive judgements share descriptive content and are therefore universalizable in the same way. But in the case of moral judgements, the universal rules that determine the descriptive meaning are not mere meaning‐rules, but rules of substance. The logical connections between descriptivism, prescriptivism, naturalism, and the thesis of universalizability are explored.
Principles
Authors: Hare R. M.
Published: October 2003

Further examines the sense in which moral judgements are universalizable. Distinguishes between moral and logical theses of universalizability and shows how the moral does not follow from the logical. Universalizability, in the form maintained in this book, is a logical, not a moral, thesis; furthermore, nothing substantially moral follows from the logical thesis. The chapter presents the exact import of the thesis and considers the role of moral principles.
Backsliding
Authors: Hare R. M.
Published: October 2003

Discusses an important objection to the view that moral judgements are prescriptive: the existence of cases in which people act in ways that they know to be wrong. The objection is that if moral judgements are prescriptive, it is impossible to accept a moral judgement and yet act contrary to it; therefore prescriptivism must be wrong. It is argued that cases of moral weakness do not constitute a counterexample to prescriptivism.
A Moral Argument
Authors: Hare R. M.
Published: October 2003

Examines the nature of moral argument and how arguments might be brought to a conclusion. It is argued that moral reasoning is a kind of exploration akin to Karl Popper's concept of deduction; the only inferences that take place are deductive. This approach allows for the defence of the neutrality of ethics, which appears to be ruled out by its practical relevance. It lays the ground for the possibility of moral reasoning in terms of moral rules, corresponding to prescriptivity and universalizability. These are taken to task in the context of a concrete example of a moral conflict.
Toleration and Fanaticism
Authors: Hare R. M.
Published: October 2003

In the broader sense, morality includes the pursuit of ideals as well as the reconciliation of interests. This chapter examines the arguments needed to be brought against people who, in pursuit of their ideals, trample on other people's interests. The differences between ideals and interests are set out, and the relations between the two investigated. The discussion presents the case against a paramount example of untrammelled idealism—fanatic fascism—as argued by a liberal, and in doing so shows the scope and limits of moral reasoning.
Logic and Morals
Authors: Hare R. M.
Published: October 2003

Revisits the question of the relation between ethics, considered as a study of the logical character of moral concepts, and substantive moral questions. It covers much of the ground of previous chapters in an attempt to forestall confusion and clarify the theses embraced in the course of the book. The naturalist theory of ethics is contrasted at length with the thesis on moral argument outlined in this book.
The Inequality of Pay
Authors: Phelps Brown Henry
Published: October 2003

Why does or why should any one person earn eight times as much as another? The economist's answer relies mainly on supply and demand in the labour market, but the sociologist finds more significance in the differentiation of the labour force by class, status, and power, and in his or her view, there is a much greater possibility of reducing inequality than in the view of the economist. The aim of this book is to examine both these ways of accounting for the inequality of pay, not at an abstract level but in the light of a wide and detailed study of the evidence. What can we learn, for instance, by comparing the pay structures of different countries, including those of the Soviet economies, China, and the West? How can we account for the general agreement between rank order in the pay structure and the social hierarchy? The study of such questions focuses attention on the factors that differentiate the individual's capacity to earn, and especially the way in which social and economic differentiation is transmitted through the family, both genetically and by early upbringing. The forces moulding personal development are built into a theory to account for the remarkable properties of the distribution of individual earnings. The insights gained into the sources of the inequality of pay in these ways are used finally to assess the possibilities of achieving a more equal society. In relating a mass of empirical evidence from a wide range of countries to economic, sociological, and psychological theory, the author has produced a comprehensive and thought‐provoking examination of the question of relativities in pay––a question that continues to present itself more and more acutely to governments, employers, and employees.
The Problem
Authors: Phelps Brown Henry
Published: October 2003

This is an introductory chapter. The first three main sections outline the growth of interest in the inequality of pay, the economist's approach to pay determination, and the sociologist's approach to pay determination. The fourth section discusses the practical issue of whether differences in pay can be reduced substantially and generally on conditions not in themselves acceptable. Sociologists hold that there is nothing in the nature of things to prevent this, while most economists would rejoin that the imposition of pay equalization would bring about disruptive consequences that could only be contained by non‐egalitarian measures. The last section of the chapter outlines the plan of the book, which is in two main sections: inequality of pay presents itself in two main aspects, differences between the average pay in different occupations (pay structure), which are addressed in Chs. 2–7, and the distribution of individual earnings, which is addressed in Chs. 8–9; Ch. 10 brings together the main findings that have been reached in these two ways.
A Survey of the Pay Structure by Occupation
Authors: Phelps Brown Henry
Published: October 2003

This chapter surveys occupational pay structure in various types of economy, and together with the next chapter (which surveys the changes that have come about in pay structure in the course of time), brings out the interconnection between pay structure and social structure that is formed by status and class. The different sections of this chapter are: Grouping by occupation; The comparability of figures of pay by occupation; A conspectus of the pay structure by occupation in Western countries; The pay structure by occupation in the Soviet‐type economies; Material and moral incentives in China and Cuba; Egalitarianism in Israel; Yugoslavia: a special case; and The relative pay of particular occupations. The last section reviews and discusses the material presented, drawing out seven main points.
Pay Structure and Status
Authors: Phelps Brown Henry
Published: October 2003

The study of status presented in this chapter centres upon the question that the economist and sociologist approach so differently: why there is generally so close an agreement between the rank orders of occupations by status and by pay. The different sections of the chapter are: The ordering of occupations by average earnings; The ordering of occupations by status; Pay differentials and the scale of status; The nature of status; Station in life as a basis of assigned income; Is status prior to pay?; Evidence for status moulding pay in modern societies; The influence of custom; and Divergences between the rank orders of status and pay––Instances of pay and status offsetting one another, and Stratification by status differing from ranking by pay. The last section reviews and discusses the material presented, drawing out seven main points.
Discrimination
Authors: Phelps Brown Henry
Published: October 2003

What has been held to be an outstanding instance of differences of pay being dependent upon differences of status is examined in this chapter on discrimination. Of the various aspects of class, that taken as most pertinent to the present inquiry is the grouping of occupations by class according to the tendency of the children of those in a given occupation to enter occupations in the same class. The different sections of the chapter are: Forms of discrimination; Discrimination against women––before and within the market; Discrimination against minorities––discrimination against blacks before and within the market; and The effects of raising minimum wages, as a test for the presence of discrimination. The last section reviews and discusses the material presented, drawing out six main points.
Social Class and Intergenerational Mobility
Authors: Phelps Brown Henry
Published: October 2003

This chapter is concerned with intergenerational mobility between occupations, a theme that is further developed in the next chapter. The different sections of this chapter are: The assignment of occupations to social classes; Intergenerational mobility between occupations; Changes in intergenerational mobility over time; and The extent of intergenerational movement into and out of the top grade. The last section reviews and discusses the material presented, drawing out five main points.
Social Class, Mental Ability, and Education
Authors: Phelps Brown Henry
Published: October 2003

This chapter studies the connection between social class, mental ability, education, and entry into employment, and is a further development of the previous chapter on intergenerational mobility between occupations. The different sections of this chapter are: The association between occupation and IQ; Evidence for the genetic determination of IQ potential; The effects of differences between classes in the upbringing of children on the development of IQ; The relation between parents’ class and their children's IQ; Class differences in the use made of education; Class differences in extent of education; Education as investment: human capital theory; and Entry into employment. The last section reviews and discusses the material presented, drawing out eight main points.
Conclusions Concerning the Sources and the Malleability of the Inequality of Pay
Authors: Phelps Brown Henry
Published: October 2003

This final chapter brings together the main findings that have been reached by approaching the inequality of pay in two ways: differences between the average pay in different occupations (pay structure), and the distribution of individual earnings. The two different sections of the chapter are: The sources of the inequality of pay––in which nine conclusions are presented; and The possibilities of reducing the inequality of pay.
Russia's Stillborn Democracy?
Authors: Gill Graeme , Markwick Roger D.
Published: October 2003

The period since Gorbachev came to power has been a tumultuous time for Russia. It has seen the expectations raised by Gorbachev's efforts to bring about change in the Soviet Union dashed, the collapse of the Soviet superpower and the emergence of a new Russian state claiming to base itself on democratic, market principles. It has seen a political system shattered by a president turning tanks against the parliament, and then that president configuring the new political structure to give himself overwhelming power. These political upheavals took place against a background of social dislocation as the Russian people were ravaged by the effects of economic shock therapy. This book analyses this process, showing how the policies of perestroika, glasnost and democratization failed to bring about the renewal Gorbachev sought. It traces how, in the absence of active civil society forces, Yeltsin built up a hegemonic, but unstable, presidential system that sought to concentrate political power in the presidency. It explains how the quest for a market‐based democracy was undermined by the way in which political elites were able to act largely independently of the wishes of the mass of the population. It was this gulf between mass populace and elite political actors that shaped the course of developments under both Gorbachev and Yeltsin.
Party Decline in the Parties State? The Changing Environment of German Politics
Authors: Scarrow Susan E.
Published: October 2003

The 1949 (West) German Basic Law established a system of party‐based democracy that has now endured for more than half a century, yet today's political system is not identical to that of earlier years. Since the beginning of the 1980s, new party alternatives have made coalition politics harder to manage, the established parties have lost votes and members, and waning public support for all the parties has drawn unfavourab1e attention to the parties’ entrenched positions. These changes grew more pronounced in the 1990s, exacerbated, though not caused, by German unification, and developments reached a new stage in 1998, when one of the new parties of the 1980s, the Greens, became a party of government—an event made possible at least as much by the transformation of the Green Party itself as by a revolution in German politics. Nevertheless, despite the recent challenges to traditional political patterns, Germany remains very much a parties state, with parties still serving as the central mechanisms for political linkage and political decision‐making, and the same big parties being the principal players in state and federal coalition politics. The introductory sections discuss German parties and political institutions; the next three sections cover the same topics as the other country case studies in the book, and examine party legitimacy, party organizational strength (finance, staffing, members, mass media, parties in eastern Germany), and party functionality (in governance, interest articulation and aggregation, political participation, political recruitment and patronage, and political communication and education).
The Scandinavian Party Model at the Crossroads
Authors: Sundberg Jan
Published: October 2003

Scandinavian party systems have often been seen as ‘ultra stable’, a view that was certainly justified between 1945 and the early 1970; however, the general election of 1973 in Denmark signalled a new era of instability as the three major parties saw their aggregate share of the vote slashed; soon similar developments became visible in Norway, to some extent in Finland, and (a little later) in Sweden. The main political actors in the Scandinavian democracies are organized around conflicts between labour and capital, and between the rural peripheries and urban centres; the five party families of the classic Scandinavian model (social democracy, conservatism, liberalism, agrarian ‘centrism’, and communism) are deeply anchored in these social bases, with class especially having been a more important determinant of party loyalty than in other west European democracies; in particular, the mutual tolerance and moderation that parties typically accord each other in consensus democracies has resulted in the creation of an extensive and well‐known mixed welfare economy. However, the classic five‐party model no longer provides a comprehensive account of party politics in Scandinavia: since the early 1970s a variety of other parties, old and new, have emerged, and this has led to doubt as to whether the Scandinavian party systems remain distinctive, although they may still be located in the category of moderate pluralism. The increasing fragmentation of parliaments has also affected governments in different ways in the four countries. The introduction discusses these changes; the next three sections cover the same topics as those in the other country case studies in the book, and examine (the erosion of) party legitimacy, party organizational strength (finance, members), and the systemic functionality of political parties (in governance, political recruitment, interest articulation and aggregation, political participation, and political communication).
Party Politics in Ireland
Authors: Murphy R. J. , Farrell David M.
Published: October 2003

Until as recently as the mid‐1970s, Irish party politics had an unchanging nature and was characterized as a two‐and‐a‐half party system (Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael, and the smaller Labour Party) dominated by Fianna Fáil. However, the last part of the twentieth century has seen dramatic changes. The dominance of Fianna Fáil ended, and whereas governments from 1932 to 1969 changed only four times, in the last 30 years, no government has been fully returned to power, and there have been coalition governments—a normal experience of proportional representation systems (Ireland has a single transferable vote system) although it had not previously occurred in Ireland. There has also been a host of new parties, although recently there has been some rationalization (with a formal merger between Labour and the Democratic Left in January 1999) and the party system has become more unpredictable, while at the same time showing signs of becoming more regulated. The introduction discusses these changes; the next three sections cover the same topics as those in the other country case studies in the book, and examine party legitimacy, party organizational strength (party finance, staffing, members, access to/control of the media) and the systemic functionality of parties (governance, political recruitment, interest articulation and aggregation, political participation, and political communication and education).
Canada's Nineteenth‐Century Cadre Parties at the Millennium
Authors: Carty R. Kenneth
Published: October 2003

The electoral explosion that overthrew the established patterns of Canada's national party system in 1993 marked the end of yet another cycle in Canadian party system development, for there had been similar reshapings in the early 1960s and in the 1920s. In each case, the party transformations were about more than shifting electoral alignments and party fortunes, they also involved radical changes in the organization and activities of the parties concerned. However, although the formal organizational structure of Canadian parties has varied considerably, they have all been essentially cadre‐like in their structure and character, and the core linkage problem has been one of tying an American society to European‐style governing institutions. Electoral realignments have also been cast in geographic rather than social structural terms, and recent decades have seen the disintegration of the party system in a different sense as federal (national) politics has become increasingly disentangled from provincial politics. The introduction discusses these topics; the next three sections cover the same topics as those in the other country case studies in the book, and examine the possible crisis in party legitimacy in Canada, the cadre organizations of the Canadian cadre parties, and the functions of the Canadian cadre parties in a modern polity (governance, political recruitment, interest articulation and aggregation, participatory organizations, and political communication and education).
Parties and Society in New Zealand
Authors: Vowles Jack
Published: October 2003

The first introductory section discusses the evolution of the current party system in New Zealand, from a system dominated by the two parties around which it had aligned in the 1930s, to the consequences for party composition and representation of the change from the first past the post (FPTP) or single‐member plurality (SMP) electoral system, to the new mixed‐member proportional (MMP) system under which the 1996 and 1999 elections were fought. The second introductory section discusses theoretical issues associated with party system dealignment that has resulted. The next three sections cover the same topics as those in the other country case studies in the book, and examine party legitimacy, party organizational strength (party finance, staffing, membership activity, and media), and systemic functionality (governance, interest articulation and aggregation, political recruitment, and political communication and education).
Sacramenta Epistularia: Letters as Sacraments
Authors: Conybeare Catherine
Published: October 2003

This chapter demonstrates the ‘public’ nature of private letters, as revealed both through internal allusions and through content. The issue of audience bears also on Paulinus’ choice to write prose, not metrical, letters. He and other Christian writers of the period appear to be forging a new role for their letters: the letters – themselves, and as historical events – become a sign of spiritual dedication, and take on a sacramental function.
Plurinational Democracy
Authors: Keating Michael
Published: October 2003

Nationality claims are often seen as zero‐sum politics involving incompatible conceptions of the polity. Nationalism and self‐determination are seen as equivalent to separatism. Rethinking the concepts of nationality, self‐determination, and sovereignty and placing them in a historic context allows us to treat them as more tractable and as a form of politics. This is done through a study of the UK, Spain, Belgium, and Canada. Traditions of shared sovereignty are rediscovered. Analysis of the demands of minority nationalisms shows that these do not always entail separate statehood. Public opinion is more open than often assumed. Asymmetrical constitutional arrangements provide a means of accommodating plural national claims. The emerging European polity is a model for a post‐sovereign order in which legal pluralism and constitutional diversity can accommodate multiple nationality claims.
Plurinational Democracy
Authors: Keating Michael
Published: October 2003

The chapters have demonstrated an emerging conception of plurinational states embedded in supranational and international systems, which could serve to manage the nationalities question. This is an inchoate order and does not provide a blueprint for solving nationality questions. It depends on the will to resolve issues through political mechanisms. This must therefore be seen as a form of politics rather than a prescription to be applied to situations of national conflict where politics has broken down.
Economic Changes, Vulnerabilities, and Institutional Capabilities
Authors: Scharpf Fritz W.
Published: October 2003

The chapter examines the common pressures on employment and the welfare state that originated from changes in the international economic environment after the early 1970s, and it relates these to national economic conditions and policy legacies in order to identify differences of vulnerability and varying demands on the institutional capacity for policy adjustment. In the earlier period until the mid‐1980s, these challenges were of a macro‐economic nature, and the effectiveness of national policy responses depended primarily on institutional capabilities for effective coordination between wage policy and monetary policy. After the mid‐1980s, the dominant challenges arose from the global integration of capital markets and the increasing intensity of international competition in product markets. Now the greater or lesser vulnerability of countries was primarily determined by the structure of their welfare states – in particular by the dependence on particular sources of finance and by their effects on service employment in the sheltered sectors. What mattered was the institutional and political capacity to adopt and implement unpopular changes in the policy legacies of the welfare state.