bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Tragic Life-Journeys and Real-Life Journeys: The Place Where Three Ways Meet
Authors: Taplin Oliver
Published: July 2016

I reckon myself to be a sufficiently competent map-reader to find routes that are interesting and scenic rather than merely obvious. Today I have mapped out a lecture with a track that is far from direct or main-road: I am going to wander and diverge to various look-out points and hidden spots along the way. I hope that, nonetheless, it will become clear that it has an itinerary and a destination.

‘Life is a journey from the cradle to the grave.’ When we want to piece together some theme in the story of our life, we try to establish some time-markers, and we tend to string these along a kind of path or route. And we often pinpoint places in counterpoint with the time. This modelling of life as a road is a ‘metaphor we live by’, to borrow an apt phrase from cognitive studies; and the ancient Greeks often used this metaphor as well. The prime itinerary of our social and inner life would probably be constructed from our rites de passage, our close relationships, our inspirations; and very often we trace these through places as well. I was asked recently to write a very brief intellectual autobiography (so far), and I found that I was plotting it through locations: Epidauros, Oxford, the South Bank in London, Delphi, the Getty Museum in Los Angeles … And the same would be no less applicable to the story of my personal life, with some key places in common - Delphi, for instance.
The Battle of Vercellae and the Alteration of the Heavy Javelin (Pilum) by Gaius Marius – 101 BC
Authors: Matthew Christopher
Published: July 2016

Gaius Marius (157-86 BC) is widely known as one of the most innovative commanders of the Roman military. In 101 BC Marius implemented an alteration to the design of the heavy legionary javelin (pilum). However, unlike Marius' previous reforms, this modification of an elemental aspect of the Roman legions was not adopted as a standard military practice. An examination of the evidence relating to the reform and of the events surrounding the time of its implementation demonstrates that the benefit of the modification was different from that currently accepted by scholars. Furthermore, the evidence indicates that the reason why this reform failed to be adopted by the legions was not that it provided no clear tactical advantage on the battlefield, but was due to the course of Roman political and military history immediately after it had first been implemented.
Menander's Dyskolos at Sydney, 1959-2009
Authors: Flynn Christopher , Sheldon John
Published: July 2016

Between 1955 and 1967 the undergraduate Classical Society of the University of Sydney staged a Greek or Latin play in the original language every year, an enterprise strongly supported by the academic departments concerned. The publication of the recently discovered Dyskolos of Menander was an opportunity not to be missed for a veritable coup de théâtre by staging in Sydney the first modern-world performance of this play. It is the sole surviving complete example of the work of an author whose enormous popularity in antiquity was only matched by his highly fragmentary representation in the written tradition. The comedy was given two performances in the Wallace Theatre at Sydney University on 4th July 1959.
and Greek Interstate Relations
Authors: Mitchell Lynette G.
Published: July 2016

The ways of emotions are difficult to track, and yet positive affects, such as goodwill and affection, play an important part in both self-definition and social interactions. In western societies popular conception generally considers emotions to be universal spontaneous reactions, but in fact the nature of emotion is an issue debated by both psychologists and cultural theorists. In this paper I wish to investigate the role of positive affects (encapsulated to some degree in the Greek term , which could range in meaning from benevolence and goodwill to affection, and for which a more precise translation depends on context) in Greek interstate relations. I will argue that was a socially constructed emotion which was implicated in -relationships, and therefore that the terminology of contained the expectation of an affective content (whether or not any given -relation in reality contained any positive emotion).
Ovid's Portrayal of Briseis in Heroides 3
Authors: Kelly Michael
Published: July 2016

The third letter of the Heroides has long been appreciated for the consummate skill with which Ovid takes the Briseis of Homer's Iliad, where she is virtually a nonentity, and presents her in a new guise. By his masterly transformation of the enslaved girl into a lonely and desperate elegiac puella who is lost and bewildered in an epic world, he skilfully exploits the literary gulf between the two genres to produce a subtle masterpiece which can arouse only compassion for his heroine. There is, however, much more to appreciate in this letter than its poetic artistry.
Linguistic Notes (λαικάζω, πόσις, ρηχίη, φάρ and φήρ, rex)
Authors: Shipp G.P.
Published: July 2016

The verb is translated as ‘wench’ by LSJ, λαικάστης as ‘wencher’ and λαικάστρια as ‘strumpet’. They are followed by Frisk with ‘huren’ and Chantraine with ‘forniquer’. Against the Grecians, Walde-Hofmann and Ernout and Meillet s.v. laecasin equate the Greek verb with fellare. An examination of the evidence shows that the Latinists must be right. The Grecians had no Heraeus to guide them.
Callimachus’ Hecale: A New Kind of Epic Hero?
Authors: Zanker G.
Published: July 2016

Callimachus’ distaste for Cyclic poetry is well known; he wrote, bluntly, (Ep. 28). That he was an opponent of Aristotle on the subject of epic has been clearly demonstrated by C.O. Brink. There are, however, two points in Callimachus’ opposition to Cyclic epic and Aristotle which I think call for further discussion. The first concerns Aristotle. For Aristotle epic and tragedy are or (Poet. 5, 6 et passim). Callimachus, on the other hand, says his critics berate him because he does not sing of ‘kings and heroes’ (Aetia fr.1. 3 and 5). The second is Callimachus’ criticism of bombast in epic. It is true that Aristotle in accordance with his theory of stylistic appropriateness will have demanded a serious style for the serious subjects of epic, but Callimachus’ explicit scorn is reserved for the bombast of the Cyclic poets.
The Athenian Archonship 508/7 – 487/6 B.C.
Authors: Kelly D. H.
Published: July 2016

A.W. Gomme wrote on the Athenian embassy to Sardes (Hdt. v 73): ‘Athens, whether by decision of the demos or of the governing class with the backing of public opinion or of a ruling clique did not, after the overthrow of the tyrants, give earth and water to the King.’

Since Gomme dated the embassy to Sardes to 506, he did not believe that the form of the Athenian government was still unsettled after the recent disturbances but was uncertain as to how Athenian politics worked at the beginning of the period with which he was concerned, 510 - 483. Where Gomme was doubtful, F.J. Frost is prepared to be positive:

‘I think most modern scholars would now agree that Athens in the first third of the fifth century continued to be manipulated by an aristocratic elite. Although the nobles were now constrained to operate within the confines of the Cleisthenic constitution, that instrument, like most successful and enduring institutions of its kind, was permissive and designed to be a reflection of tempora and mores rather than of doctrine. We would assume that most far-reaching questions of domestic and foreign policy were settled informally by discussion in the houses of the great, that the final decision was written up pro forma by the Boule and given perfunctory acclamation by the Ecclesia. Only when there was irreconcilable disagreement among the clans (or such aporia that it was felt best to spread responsibility for a decision) would the Demos be invited to take sides.’
Sophocles’Ajax: A Matter of Judgment
Authors: Nielsen Rosemary M.
Published: July 2016

Ajaxis unmatched among the works of Sophocles in its barren, cruel atmosphere and its repulsive view of society. The dominant mood is hatred; sometimes it simply breaks out; but always it is there in language and action. Ajax’ curious emotional appeal to us was noted by earlier critics. ‘Odysseus is the wise man, Odysseus adopts the correct attitude, but it is to Ajax that the heart goes out.’ More recently, Kitto and Knox have modified the conception of an Ajax deserving of our pity. His suffering is largely self-inflicted, and is admirable solely because he labours so fiercely to purge his reputation of the damage caused by his wrongdoing. ‘Ajax had little Wisdom in the handling of his life, and his lack of Wisdom destroyed him, but nevertheless Ajax was magnificent.’ This view typifies the conventional opinion. Knox finds the essential issue to be the inadequacy of the old morality (τούς μέν φίλους εΰ ποιεϊν, τούς δ’ έχϑρούς κακῶς — to help your friends, harm your enemies). Its disadvantages are illustrated in Ajax’ blind retaliation at whatever cost. Knox builds a superb case from the scene where Ajax awakens to the fluctuation of human relationships in his famous soliloquy about the inroads of time (646 ff.). The instinctive resilience and self-control of Odysseus make him the triumphant figure. Indeed, the emergence of these qualities softens and harmonizes a discordant presentation of thehybris-atemotif. ‘The nature of man’s life in time, its instability, is recognized by all three parties, Ajax, Odysseus, the Atridae. The only code of conduct proper to such a vision of the human condition is that of Odysseus, a tolerant and tragic humility.’
Numenius Fr. 13 and Plato’s Timaeus
Authors: Tarrant H. A. S.
Published: July 2016

John Whittaker has again challenged the assumption that Numenius fr. 13 (des Places = fr. 22 Leemans) requires emendation at the beginning of the second sentence:

Without doubt he is correct in assuming that Numenius must have been familiar with the Judaeo-Christian manner of referring to the supreme God as ‘he who is’; one notes that other philosophers of his age, less concerned than he with Jewish religion, had adopted doctrine which would support such a formula; and it does not seem inappropriate that Numenius, who was capable of referring to this divinity as αύτοὸν (fr. 17 dP = 26 L), should use the expression ὸ ὢν as well. I have little doubt that the text does not require emendation, but I do not believe that the principal factor which has led Dodds, Thillet, and Dillon to propose emendations has been fully understood; and a more difficult problem concerning the fragment’s relation to Timaeus 41a ff. requires considerable
discussion.
Misplaced Officials
Authors: Weaver P. R. C.
Published: July 2016

For the history of the Roman administration in the early Imperial period we would seem to be well placed. There is an abundance of data on officials at all levels, their functions, careers, families, status and power – and from sources of every kind, literary, epigraphic, juridical, papyrological and archaeological. We know of hundreds, even thousands of such officials. The time would therefore seem ripe for not only a comprehensive descriptive account of the Imperial administration but also for a structural analysis of the system itself, the relationship to one another of the main institutional elements that constituted it: the emperor, the senatorial and equestrian hierarchy, the Imperial freedman and slave officials, and the interaction of all these with administration at municipal level. But a prime requirement for such an account and analysis is the assurance that we can organize the data and place the officials in the right chronological order. A reliable chronology is essential if we are to trace institutional change in the medium and short term. In this regard the Imperial freedman and slave officials are of major importance. In training and experience they make up the professional ‘civil service’ of the early empire – as contrasted with the relatively ‘amateur’ administrative role played by senatorial legati and equestrian procuratores, whose more spasmodic careers were more susceptible to influences of patronage. But it is precisely in the careers of the Imperial freedmen and slaves that chronological problems are most acute and caution most necessary, partly because of the numbers involved and partly in the interpretation of nomenclature.
Repetitions in the Letters of Synesius
Authors: Runia D. T.
Published: July 2016

The reader of the Letters of Synesius will soon perceive that Synesius tends, with surprising frequency, to repeat combinations of words and phrases which he has used elsewhere, both in letters and in occasional speeches. Although this habit has on occasion received scholarly attention, it has not yet been subjected to systematic analysis. My method, in undertaking this task, will be first to present the evidence in the form of an exhaustive list of examples. This will be followed by a brief discussion of the significance of the repetitions for our understanding of the Letter collection as a whole.
Patrician Censors 218-50 B.C.
Authors: Develin R.
Published: July 2016

In a recent note in Historia Léonie Hayne has written the following:

‘In his study of the censorship, Suolahti has drawn the conclusion that election to the censorship for patricians after 218 normally happened at the earliest opportunity after their consulship.’

Partly on the basis of this she suggests that Cn. Servilius Caepio, cos. 141 and eventually censor in 125, may have suffered a repulse in the censorial elections of 131, having stood in tandem with Q. Caecilius Metellus Macedonicus. Those elections, of course, produced the first all-plebeian censorial college.

Hayne, therefore, has used data on censors arranged in an extensive chronological framework in the middle of which stand the elections in question. My own attempts to present patterned data which may help to elucidate the phenomena of Roman politics have made me particularly aware of the necessity to arrange such data in compartments of defensible significance. So here I must object to the use of ‘after 218’ as a proper time reference for the evidence. The plebeian college of 131 would seem to present one significant point of division. This was in fact realized by Suolahti, who uses two periods, not one, namely 218-133 and 133-30, and who is much more cautious and much less specific about patricians. Yet, even so, one must be careful about assembling or describing the data in convenient periods. Perhaps this is especially so with the censorship, a position only filled once every five years in normal circumstances, so that to have a reasonable number of censors on which to base statistical conclusions, one must necessarily encompass a considerable span of time.
The Characterization of Ofellus in Horace Satires 2.2 and a Note on v. 123
Authors: Bond R. P.
Published: July 2016

Critical assessments of the effectiveness of the characterization of Ofellus in Horace, Satires 2.2 have varied from time to time. However, there has been something of a consensus on the question of Horace’s attitude towards Ofellus. It has generally been believed that Ofellus is intended to be the mouthpiece of admirable sentiments. I believe, however, that a reassessment of Ofellus’ character is overdue and may facilitate a correct re-evaluation of Ofellus’ role within the poem and, thereby, of the meaning of the poem itself.
Two Freedman Careers
Authors: Weaver P. R. C.
Published: July 2016

Was there a slave-freedman ‘cursus’ or career structure in the Imperial administration? And if so, on what criteria was advancement within it based? Did promotion depend on seniority or merit or both together? How impersonal and rational was the regulation of the system, i.e. what degree of bureaucratization was reached, or, on the other hand, what was the extent of patronage inside the slave-freedman service? These are all important and difficult, even impossible, questions for the student of the Roman Imperial administration.
Shame, Honour and the Hero in Sophocles’ Electra
Authors: McDevitt A.S.
Published: July 2016

‘O seed of Atreus, after how many sufferings have you come forth with difficulty into freedom, perfected by this present enterprise.’

In these words the Chorus expresses a typically choral summation of the action. By the murder of Clytaemnestra and Aegisthus, Electra and Orestes have at last won through to freedom; they have put an end to the long history of violence and vengeance which has plagued the house of Pelops from the beginning. The morality of the matricide is not in question. The Chorus regards it simply as both necessary and just, however dreadful it may seem to dispassionate reflection. For the Chorus, the justice of the matricide is self-evident, as it was necessary to restore Orestes to his rightful throne, to bring an end to the chain of violence and retribution and to restore the house of Atreus to its proper condition. In these final words the Chorus betrays no sense of unease; there is no suggestion that the matricide may have repercussions in the future. There is nothing, in short, in these words, other than the happy anticipation of a life, from this point on, of prosperity and freedom. The Pelopid curse has run its course, the chain is broken, and all has come to a satisfactory and just conclusion.
The Duel of Paris and Menelaos and the Teichoskopia in Iliad 3
Authors: Postlethwaite N.
Published: July 2016

The end of Iliad 3 presents the reader with a strange spectacle. The duel between Paris and Menelaos has been summarily curtailed by the intervention of Aphrodite; Paris has been spirited away from the battlefield and deposited in his bedchamber, there to enjoy with Helen the fruits of his labours; and meanwhile Menelaos
Can the Poetics of Aristotle Aid the Interpretation of Shakespeare’s Comedies?
Authors: Hale John K.
Published: July 2016

Because the Poetics has had such importance for the theory and practice of tragedy, the loss of Aristotle’s thought about comedy is greatly to be lamented. The student of Shakespeare laments it all the more in that our understanding of the comedies has lagged behind that of the tragedies. This paper asks, however, to what extent the Poetics as extant can be usefully applied to the comedies of Shakespeare; and to what extent we can thereby remedy some deficiencies of comedy criticism. For instance, it is a strength of Aristotle that he does not flinch from stating the obvious: he extracts from the obvious something useful,or even fundamental. Contrariwise, the interpretation of Shakespeare’s comedies often flinches from the obvious, and falls in consequence into the supersubtle or the arbitrary. A return to the Poetics may therefore be of benefit when it recalls us to fundamentals.
The Limits of the Self in Plotinus
Authors: Charles-Saget Annick
Published: July 2016

Psychoanalysis is born of the fact that the notion of the self appears unable to take account of the whole of psychological life. Rejecting the limits of the self is recognizing the fact that it is invaded by forces which are completely other than it; it also involves both an analysis of why these are not understood, and a recognition that it is possible for the self to be obliterated. Plotinus asks: “But we . . . who are we?” (6.4.[22].14, 16). Does it involve flagrant anachronism to establish a link between the contemporary philosophy of the limits of the self and the Plotinian opening up to what is activity beyond the self? That this is not merely an arbitrary comparison may be demonstrated firstly on negative grounds, in that psychoanalysis rejects the cogito, exactly in the manner of Plotinus; the subject is born neither of itself nor of thought. However psychoanalysis, while accepting the partial state of the self, affirms the constitutive value of narcissism. The child’s identification with his image, called the mirror stage by Lacan(Écrto 1.89ff.: 1966 edn.), is the crucial stage in the building of the self. If this identification fails, or the image of the self is rejected, serious personality destructuring results. We are not here in the business of confusing philosophy with psychology, or child personality development with the progress of the spirit, but Plotinus’ reticence about images throughout the Enneads does bear a connection with Porphyry’s anecdotes in theLtfe of Plotinus: “Plotinus was ashamed of being in a body”; Plotinus refused to divulge any details of his family, or his place of birth; Plotinus was opposed to a portrait being made of him (Vita Plotini 1). This concurrence of life and writing cannot be neglected: Plotinus refused to allow Porphyry to write his biography, as if to assert the paradox of such an undertaking: an effort to paint the portrait of one who rejected all portraits.
The Quotations of Republican Drama in Priscian’s Treatise De Metris Fabularum Terentii
Authors: Jocelyn H.D.
Published: July 2016

The purpose of this article is to draw attention to an unnoticed feature of the arrangement of Priscian’s treatise De metris fabularum Terentii and to speculate upon the origin of the quotations of republican drama contained in this treatise.

Priscianus of Caesarea in Mauretania taught Latin at Constantinople during the reign of Anastasius (491-518), a period when literary culture was in steep decline throughout the Latin-speaking Western Mediterranean. The mass of the population of Constantinople was probably Greek, at least in language, from the time of the city’s foundation but Constantine intended its public institutions to be Roman, and the emperors of the fifth and sixth centuries, most of whom either came from Latin-speaking communities or had received their principal education in Latin, jealously preserved the formal links with old Roman tradition. The Latin language remained in regular use in the army and the civil service until the time of Justinian. The latter even published his codification of the law in this language, although he issued most of his nouellae in Greek. Latin maintained itself longest on the coinage. Theodosius II made careful provision for the teaching of Latin grammar and rhetoric when he organized a state university in 425. The royal library, which lost 120,000 volumes in the fire of 475, possessed Latin as well as Greek works. At least three noted Latin grammarians, Euanthius, Charisius and Cledonius, taught at Constantinople before Priscian’s time.
A Final Reflection on the Alleged Indirect Reflexive in IG i3 66.22
Authors: Henry Alan S.
Published: July 2016

On the editors’ suggestion, Professors Meritt and McGregor have generously afforded me the opportunity to conclude our scholarly exchange with a brief comment on their latest remarks (see above, pp.21-24).

First, a few points of detail.

(i) I still find unacceptable the label ‘indirect reflexive’ given to the phenomenon in dispute, and I see no reason to retract anything I wrote in Antichthon 17 (1983), 32-36 on the grammatical case,

(ii) The alternative restorations outlined by me (ibid. 31) were not proposals as such but merely exempli gratia suggestions. I entirely agree that it is undesirable ‘to restore errors and irregularities’ — though the doubled sigma is not demonstrably an error — but what I have suggested can at least be paralleled elsewhere on Attic stones. Likewise, although may well be unacceptable in i3 62.10-11, that does not mean that the heavily restored must therefore necessarily be right.
Aspects of the Imperative in Ancient Greek
Authors: McKay K.L.
Published: July 2016

In the consideration of ancient Greek verbal syntax there are three main factors: the lexical meaning, or range of meanings, of each verb, the possible range of significance of its inflexion, including aspect, voice and mood (or mood-substitute), and the context. The interaction of these is such that the understanding of the complexities of each depends to some extent on its relationship to the others. Although we naturally describe the lexical meaning in terms of our own language, it is, of course, the ancient Greek meaning of the stem that is really relevant. For example, the dominant translation usually proposed for is ‘conquer’, yet in Greek terms it really means ‘am victorious’, for it appears to be a stative verb, one of ‘being’ or ‘having’, like , rather than an action verb, one of ‘doing’, like , . The context factor is not confined to the immediate context, the rest of the clause or sentence in which the words under consideration occur, but may involve the wider context embracing the paragraph, the chapter and the nature of the whole work, and also the assumed or external context of what the speaker or writer could assume to be commonly accepted in his society or might expect his audience to know or recognise. However one defines the various circles of context, it is important for modern readers to recognise that unexpressed assumptions, whether based on physical observation of gestures or on the shared habits of an ancient society, can sometimes lead to misunderstanding and to overconfident misjudgment.
Αỉώρα
Authors: Marinatos SP.
Published: July 2016

My purpose in this paper is to demonstrate, if possible, the essential unity of many phenomena which are common throughout the field of human civilization. While the occurrences of these phenomena are widely separated in place and time, it would be best if we tried to explain them by ascribing them to a common origin. Where today we find similar elements in the folklore of races dwelling far apart, these were once the common property of peoples living in close contact with one another. After examining some of the most characteristic phenomena from the point of view of geography, anthropology, material and intellectual culture, I shall then try to demonstrate this point by means of archaeological evidence. For this purpose I shall isolate a single popular belief, namely that fertility may be ensured by means of the rite of swinging. This belief is well attested in classical Greece, as part of many religious rites and traditions, and is known as αỉώρα, the ‘swing’.
Notes and Conjectures on the Astronomica of Manilius
Authors: Gain D.B.
Published: July 2016

i 66 nam rudis ante illos nullo discrimine uita

in speciem conuersa operum ratione carebat

et stupefacta nouo pendebat lumine mundi,

turn uelut amisso maerens, turn laeta ren‹ato.

surgentem neque enim totiens Titana fug›atis

70 sideribus, uariosque dies incertaque noctis

tempora nee similis umbras, iam sole regresso

iam propiore, suis poterat discernere causis.

69 amisso … renato Breiter, amissis … renatis Ω inter ren et atis lacunam indicaui et expleui 72 poterat discernere iam apud Scaligerum, poterant discernere Ω, impar discernere Bentleius, discernere nescia Housmannus

‘Before them men were ignorant and lacking in the power of penetration. They observed only the outward appearance of things and did not know the reasons for phenomena. It was with bewilderment that they observed intently the light of the sky, so strange an object to them. At one time they grieved for it as if they had lost it forever, at another were joyful as if it had been born anew. They were unable to discover why the sun rises so often (putting the stars to flight) or to discern the true cause of the variation in the duration of night and day and in the length of shadows cast by objects, a variation which really depends on how near or far away the sun is.’
Some Remarks on the Structure and Survival of the Quaestio De Adulteriis
Authors: Bauman R.A.
Published: July 2016

The quaestiones perpetuae, although added to, refurbished and furnished with a definitive procedural code by Augustus, did not fare very well in the Principate or in the sources. Our view is constantly obscured by the senate and the emperor’s court, and by the praefectus urbi whenever he chooses to put in an appearance. The broad outlines are reasonably clear: Augustus sent down to the Principate a fully-formed and fully-functioning system of jury-courts, but by some time in the third century the whole system had collapsed and the bulk of the jurisdiction previously exercised by the quaestiones perpetuae was in the hands of the praefectus urbi, with a small but politically important minority of trials continuing to be brought in the senate or in the emperor’s court, as hitherto. So much for the general picture. There is less certainty about the various stages in the decline. It is clear that the problem cannot be considered as an organic whole, for different courts undoubtedly decayed at different times. Some courts, notably the quaestio maiestatis and the quaestio repetundarum, were not called upon to handle a large volume of day-to-day work at any time, and least of all when the senate and the emperor began making inroads into their spheres of competence. There is therefore no reason to assume a long currency for either of these courts, and the same can be said of the quaestio de ambitu, the quaestio de annona and the quaestio de plagiariis.
The Irony of Socrates
Authors: Burge E.L.
Published: July 2016

‘Socratic irony’ is a familiar enough phrase. In the words of the Concise Oxford Dictionary it means the ‘simulation of ignorance as [a] means of confuting [one’s] adversary’ in argument. It is named after the philosopher Socrates, who was notorious for his use of the device as a means of discomforting his opponents without exposing himself to the risk of being shown to be wrong. Examples of Socratic irony abound in the early dialogues of Plato: the locus classicus for this unpopular trait is a disgusted outburst of Thrasymachus in the first book of the Republic. Socrates has just explained why neither he nor Polemarchus has given a satisfactory account of justice— ‘You see, we have not the ability as I believe’—when Thrasymachus realizes the familiar trick being played on him.
Demosthenes, or Pseudo-Demosthenes, xlv (In Stephanum i)
Authors: Pearson L.
Published: July 2016

The First Oration Against Stephanus stands apart from the other speeches delivered by Apollodorus which, though certainly spurious, are included in the Demosthenic corpus. It does not share their amateurish qualities and is commonly regarded as a genuine work of Demosthenes. But admirers of the orator would be happier if it could be proved spurious. It may, for all we know, have been an acceptable practice in the fourth century for Athenian speech-writers to write for both sides, but (like Plutarch) we cannot help thinking the worse of him if he supported Apollodorus in an attack on Phormio, after previously writing a speech for Phormio. The Pro Phormione was delivered in support of a paragraphe to show that Apollodorus had no basis for an action against Phormio. It made such an impression on the jury that they would not even listen to any reply, and Apollodorus now tries to recover himself by bringing an action for false evidence against Stephanum, who had been one of Phormio’s witnesses. Like the other speeches delivered by Apollodorus In Stephanum i seems to have been recognized and accepted by Callimachus in his collection of Demosthenic speeches, and Plutarch takes it to be genuine. Aeschines charges Demosthenes with letting Apollodorus see the speech that he wrote for Phormio, before it was delivered. He regards this an an indication of his lack of integrity, but says nothing about writing for both sides. It has been argued that Demosthenes wrote the speech as a political favour for Apollodorus, who shared his views about the Theoric Fund, but this explanation, though widely accepted by modern scholars, is not supported by any ancient writer.
Some Examples of Imitation in the Similes of Later Greek Epic
Authors: James A.W.
Published: July 2016

It may be helpful to the non-specialist for me to make, by way of introduction, some general observations on the use of similes by the poets from whom my examples are taken.

Already with the similes of the Iliad and the Odyssey it is apparent that we have to do both with a repertoire of themes that have become traditional and at the same time with a considerable number of verbal pictures which have the appearance of being the free invention of a particular poet. This situation remains broadly true of the similes of later Greek epic, but with the major difference that at least with several of the surviving poems from the Hellenistic period onwards the traditional becomes relatively much less prominent than the freely original, both in subject-matter and in form. However, a point that must be stressed at the outset is the sustained effectiveness of the Homeric similes as models and sources of inspiration. That Homeric dependence for subject-matter should be more prominent in the similes than in the narrative of later epics is only to be expected, except perhaps in such works as Quintus’ Posthomerica, where there is a close affinity with the narrative of the Homeric epics, and to a large extent dependence in formal expression goes together with thematic dependence.
Pompey and Hercules
Authors: Rawson Beryl
Published: July 2016

There was a temple or shrine to Hercules at Rome which bore Pompey’s name: aedes Herculis Pompeiani. If we knew when Pompey vowed or dedicated it, we might be able to map more clearly his association with this hero figure and thus one aspect of his public image (and his image of himself).
Some Problems in Catullus lxvi
Authors: Kidd D.A.
Published: July 2016

TheComa Berenicesis not taken very seriously as a poem by some critics of Catullus, and there are some obvious reasons for this attitude. The subject itself seems trivial, and the Catullan version of the poem is thought of as a mere translation, with the implication that it is somehow not an authentic poem in its own right. Moreover, there are a number of real problems in it of text and interpretation to which no agreed solution has been found, notably the problem of the ending. All these factors have combined to make lxvi the most avoided of all the longer poems of Catullus. The only aspect of the poem that has received adequate attention is the character of the translation and the detailed comparison of the Latin text with what has survived of the Greek.
Manilius iv 681-95: Further Comments
Authors: Shackleton Bailey D.R.
Published: July 2016

The parallels to doctis artibus which I overlooked in Housman’s note substantiate my view that doctis means σoφαῖς and not, as Mr Gain renders, ‘acquired skills’: especially Ov. Met. ix 743 num me puerum de virgine doctis/artibus efficiet?, of Daedalus. The following list of European towns and regions, characterized by their several specialities, contains nothing directly relevant to doctis artibus except Athenian eloquence.
Juvenal and the Reign of Trajan
Authors: Waters K.H.
Published: July 2016

The literary evidence for the Trajanic period presents a remarkably difficult problem; for though a fair number of writers whose work is extant today lived and sometimes wrote during the period, they provide information which is disproportionately and disappointingly little in quantity, and in the main highly tendentious. We also lack a biography of Trajan, since Suetonius ended his series not so much at a round dozen as at the end of a dynasty, while the egregious compiler of the Augustan History elected to begin with Hadrian. The reason in the former case is clear and compelling; whatever the motive in the latter, the value of what we have missed as a result is to say the least dubious. Frontinus has no observations on matters outside the scope of his technical discourses; Pliny’s letters, the most extensive of the Latin prose sources, throw valuable light on certain aspects of imperial administration, and offer a rather gingerbread portrait of his own circle of career civil servants and literary dilettanti. In Greek literature, Plutarch is almost devoid of contemporary references, while the orations of Dio Chrysostom have been milked dry, without providing us with any real factual material.
Barbarian Disturbances in North Africa in the Mid-Third Century
Authors: Clarke G.W.
Published: July 2016

Gibbon describes the years that correspond with the lifetime of Cyprian of Carthage thus: ‘the whole period was one uninterrupted series of confusion and calamity’. On the whole the impression to be gained from the extant correspondence of Cyprian of Carthage (the eighty-two letters are to be dated between the years c.249 and 258) is not of this kind and this evidence ought to act in some degree as a brake on exaggerated descriptions of the chaos of the period. Cyprian can assume, without the slightest hint of doubt, uninterrupted ease of communications all around the Mediterranean, freely cross-referring to other public letters of his on the assumption that they must have come the way of his correspondents. Similarly he is prepared to claim of an open letter written by the Roman clergy that it ‘has been circulated throughout the entire world and has reached the knowledge of every Church and of all the brethren’. The official correspondence which Cyprian conducted is indeed of notable breadth and frequency—among the letters which we chance to have figure communications with Christian communities in Spain, in Gaul, in Cappadocia (all suggesting previous correspondence with these areas), and of course in Rome and elsewhere in Italy. As Metropolitan of the African Church he sends to Rome on one occasion a list of all the orthodox African bishops and their sees, no doubt in order to keep the Roman records up-to-date—and also their address-list for their communications. Furthermore, after the abortively threatening persecution of Gallus the regular meetings in Carthage of the African synod appear to have been resumed. At Carthage, at any rate, life appears to have been little affected by the military and administrative débâcle that was becoming evident in imperial circles and from Cyprian’s point of view the Mediterranean world still appeared to be very much a unity.
The Date of Agis III’s War in Greece
Authors: Lock R.A.
Published: July 2016

The purpose of this article is to review the evidence upon the chronology of the Greek attempt under the leadership of King Agis of Sparta to throw off Macedonian domination, on which two totally different views have recently been stated. The date of the war must form the basis of any consideration of the strategic soundness of Agis’ campaign and Alexander’s reaction to it and it is therefore important in any evaluation of Agis and Alexander as generals and statesmen. It is necessary to begin by setting out the evidence in full.
Horace, Odes i 12.33-6: Some Final Remarks
Authors: Jocelyn H.D.
Published: July 2016

A. Treloar remains convinced (Antichthon vi [1972], 60-62) that he understands why the younger M. Porcius Cato should be placed after Romulus, Numa and ‘Tarquinius’ — and before M. Atilius Regulus, M. Aemilius Scaurus, L. Aemilius Paullus, C. Fabricius Luscinus, M’ Curius Dentatus, M. Furius Camillus, M. Claudius Marcellus and C. Iulius Caesar in a list of Roman men of state and why a poem which fawns upon C. Iulius Caesar Octavianus should mention Cato in an honorific context. His original contentions (Antichthon iii [1969], 45-51) were essentially that Horace thought of Cato as a heros like Hercules, Castor, Pollux, Romulus-Quirinus, Numa and L. Tarquinius Collatinus rather than as a uir like Regulus and the rest and that he expressed such a thought because he ‘never abandoned his loyalty to the lost cause for which he fought in his youth’.
Cyprian’s Imagery
Authors: Osborn E.F.
Published: July 2016

Attention has rightly been drawn to the central theme of Cyprian’s thinking —the sacramentum unitatis. The well worn dichotomy between episcopal or papal interpretations is misleading. What moved Cyprian was a conviction of the spiritual unity of the church, a mystery whereby one stood for many. At the centre of his thinking stood the theme of mater ecclesia and the recovery of this truth remains the proper end of the study of Cyprian.
Dionysus and the Tyrrhenian Pirates
Authors: James A.W.
Published: July 2016

This study examines in detail the handling of an ancient story by three poets of widely differing dates and also considers what is known of lost versions from the surviving prose summaries. It does not speculate on origins or seek to reconstruct the historical connexions between lost and surviving versions, since neither activity can lead to certain results. Origins in religious cult were very much the concern of O. Crusius in an article entitled ‘Der homerische Dionysoshymnus und die Legende von der Verwandlung der Tyrsener’ (Philologus 48 [1889], 193-228), and this should be used as a warning example. His main purpose, however, was to establish the antiquity of the Homeric Hymn to Dionysus and in this he amply succeeded. Although it is impossible to date the hymn within a century or two, no one is likely to dispute that it is the oldest extant version of the story, and no more than that is assumed in this study. In the last part of his article (pp. 218-28) Crusius briefly examines the prose summaries and later poetic versions of the story, and here he makes a number of valuable observations, which I shall acknowledge or dispute wherever relevant. The justification for the present study is that it takes the examination of the material very much further and offers some original interpretations. Care will be taken throughout to be fully intelligible without obliging the reader to turn to the relevant texts, although it will be an advantage to have the texts of the Homeric hymn, Ovid and Nonnus at hand. References to Crusius’ article are made by means of his name and the page-number. The only other unusual abbreviation is ‘A.H.S.’ for the edition of the Homeric hymns edited by T. W. Allen, W. R. Halliday and E. E. Sikes (Oxford, 1936).
Repeated Action, the Potential and Reality in Ancient Greek
Authors: McKay K.L.
Published: July 2016

One of the remarkable features of ancient Greek is its tendency to use the optative with ἂν in circumstances in which English would use a more direct statement or question with present or future indicative. When judged in relation to time (as has been usual for several centuries) this optative is in some circumstances seen to have past reference, but there was from Homer through to the classical period a growing tendency for such ‘past’ potentials to be expressed by means of the past tenses of the indicative. My studies in Greek aspect have led me to discount the time element in considering the ancient Greek verb, and I have stated in my Greek Grammar for Students that even in potential statements using the indicative the distinction between the imperfect, aorist and pluperfect tenses ‘is purely that of aspect, the time reference being understood from the context’. In this paper I wish to explore this area a little more and to make some suggestions about some uses of the imperfect tense which I now see are related to the development of potential expressions.
Occupational and Climatic Rates of Mortality
Authors: M‘Taggart I. A. , Stobie T. G.
Published: July 2016

Synopsis

In his inaugural address the President, dealing with the subject of research in connection with climatic and occupational rates of mortality, suggested that the Faculty might consider the advisability of the question being remitted to a committee to consider and report. In consequence a Sub-Committee was appointed by the Faculty Mortality Committee on 21st November 1930 to consider the subject of extra premiums for occupational and climatic risks generally. The time therefore seems appropriate for the submission to the Faculty for discussion of a paper on this subject.

The paper falls naturally into two sections. Section I contains a summary of the work which has been done in the past, chiefly in this country and America : it is hoped that it will form a convenient source of information on the subject, and further, that it will be of use inasmuch as any new method should rest on the basis of a full study of what has been done in the past. It may be mentioned that no attempt has been made to criticise or in any way to indicate the value or otherwise of the studies summarised. Endeavour has been made to include all the more recent studies which have a bearing on the subject under discussion, but it is of course difficult to avoid overlooking some which should have been included.

In Section II consideration is given to the methods used in the past, particularly to those employed in connection with the Joint Occupation Study. This leads to the formulation of an object for the proposed statistical investigation, and attention is then given to the problems of attaining this object with particular reference to the needs and practice of assurance companies in this country. A brief description is given of how the proposed investigation might be undertaken, and the following subjects are dealt with :—

(a) the hazardous groups to be investigated;

(b) the methods of recording the data ;

(c) the methods of collecting the data.

The relation of the proposed investigation to the Continuous Mortality Investigation now proceeding and to any medico-actuarial investigation which, may be contemplated is discussed ; the suggestion is made that a comprehensive system of collecting the data should be instituted and that the information necessary for a standard, an occupational and climatic, and a medico-actuarial mortality investigation should be embodied on one uniform mortality card.
Marketing Institutions in International Commodity Markets
Authors: Schmitz Andrew
Published: July 2016

International markets for the majority of agricultural commodities are extremely complex. They include public and private traders along with influences from domestic and international government policies. In recent years, the United States has experienced a decline in the market share in two of its major agricultural exports—rice and wheat. For example, at one time the United States had roughly 45 percent of the world wheat market; but, by the end of 1985, its share had dropped below 40 percent. Also, in terms of rice, the United States market share has dropped from 25 percent to below 20 percent.
The Asset Devaluation Problem
Authors: Breimyer Harold F.
Published: July 2016

Virtually every economic situation in agriculture has an unmatched pair of implications that may be called the proximate and the ultimate. Devaluation of the fixed assets of agriculture has a meaning of enormous significance in the here-and-now — the proximate. It bears not so much on impersonal gross measures of productivity and output but on the human element. Loss of farm asset values is a major blow to the hopes and aspirations of hundreds of thousands of farmers, bringing intense emotional distress and even suicides.
Agricultural Banks in the Southeast and Nation: A Study in Contrasts
Authors: Wilson Gene , Sullivan Gene D.
Published: July 2016

With public attention increasingly focused on the farm financial crisis, it seems fitting to examine in some depth the financial positions and lending experiences of agricultural banks. We will briefly present our perceptions of the farm situation and why conditions have deteriorated in the farm sector over the past decade. An overall look at national and regional farm debt follows with emphasis on the share extended by commercial banks. Following a look at the general banking environment, we then turn to a comprehensive examination of the situation in the Southeast defined here as the states partially or totally included in the Sixth Federal Reserve District (Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Tennessee).
Farm Level Demand for Pecans Reconsidered
Authors: Wells Gary J. , Miller Stephen E. , Thompson C. Stassen
Published: July 2016

Previous studies have consistently indicated the anomalous result of a price inflexible demand for pecans. However, these efforts did not have an adequate measure of pecan stocks available and, as a result, stocks were either excluded from consideration or a proxy variable was introduced. A time series of pecan stocks is now available. Use of this time series in a price dependent demand function results in a flexible farm level demand for pecans. This points out the danger of excluding an appropriate variable or using a so-called “reasonable” proxy variable.