bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
“Motivation Is First-Then They Can Do Anything”: Portrait of an Indian School for the Gifted and Talented
Authors: Piirto Jane
Published: January 2007

Utilizing a qualitative research tne thodology', the researcher presents a portrait of the Jnana Prabhodini School in Pune, Maharashtra, India. Observations, interviews, and document review were conducted. The purpose of the school is to educate gifted and talented students not only for academics, but for motivation to help their state, country, and the world. The school is indigenous, based on the philosophy of Swami Vivekananda. The rhetoric of the field of the education of the gifted and talented is that bright students are our future leaders. This school in India steens more geared to producing leaders than does current gifted education in the United States. The JP school seems to fall within the philosophies of Freire and Krishnamurti, who urged that education should lead to liberation of students' minds from the conditioning of society and then to the liberation of others.
A Psychological Autopsy of the Suicide of an Academically Gifted Student: Researchers' and Parents' Perspectives
Authors: Cross Tracy L. , Gust-Brey Karyn , Ball P. Bonny
Published: January 2007

This study uses the methods and procedures of psychological autopsy to portray the life of an academically gifted college student who completed suicide. The study is unique in that it follows the subject across his 21 years of life, highlighting relevant milestones and significant stages and events. A comprehensive view of the life and death of a gifted student is offered through both researchers' and parents' perspectives, along with multiple theoretical explanations, including a developmental explanation.

This psychological autopsy yielded three sets of findings: those that reflected exclusively on the subject's life, those that compare his life with 3 previous psychological autopsies conducted, and those that reflect the parents' observations and experiences of his life. Two important findings of this study include a depiction of the psychological makeup of a subject in interaction with his environment and the fact that many of the factors contributing to suicidal behavior identified for the general population of adolescents and young adults existed in this case, as well. Consequently, as Cross, Cook, and Dixon (1996) fund, certain types of aberrant behavior, belief systems, or both should not be considered a typical part of being a gifted person; they should be recognized as potential indicators of suicidal behavior.
Shaping an Identity: Factors Influencing the Achievement of Newly Married, Gifted Young Women
Authors: Neumeister Kristie L. Speirs
Published: January 2007

This article describes the experiences of 3 gifted women who had recently graduated from college and were beginning to shape their professional identities. Through a qualitative case study approach, this study examined the factors influencing the sample's professional achievements. Major findings include each of the participants attributing a significant part of her identity to her status as a high achiever. This identity was influenced primarily by 3 factors: foundational influences, personality characteristics, and marriage as a partnership. The foundational influences were instrumental in shaping and directing the high-achieving component of the participants' identities. Specific attributes of their personalities provided the to women with the tools necessary to transform their drive to achieve into actual accomplishments. Finally, defining their marriages as partnerships allowed each of them to view her identity in relation to another person and create a partnership that would empower both partners to achieve their goals. Implications of the findings are presented with Suggestions for parents and educators that may help foster achievement in young gifted women.
Five Ingredients for Success: Two Case Studies of Advocacy at the State Level
Authors: Delcourt Marcia A. B.
Published: January 2007

Advocacy refers to individuals who believe in a particular cause and are willing to support it in multiple ways. This research includes two accounts of advocacy events regarding gifted education. In both cases, the result was legislation for increased funding and services for the gifted. This research describes how people met the challenge of being supporters of gifted education. Both group processes and individual efforts were analyzed. Five ingredients of success represented the key characteristics common to the leaders in each group: passion, preparation, inspiration, perseverance, and the ability to take advantage of serendipity.
Gifted Students’ Perceptions of the Academic and Social/Emotional Effects of Homogeneous and Heterogeneous Grouping
Authors: Adams-Byers Jan , Whitsell Sara Squiller , Moon Sidney M.
Published: January 2007

This study investigated student perceptions of differences in academic and social effects that occur when gifted and talented youth are grouped homogeneously (i.e., in special classes for gifted students) as contrasted with heterogeneously (i.e., in classes with many ability levels represented). Forty-four students in grades 5-11 completed interviews or questionnaires while attending a summer residential program for gifted and talented students. Questions were designed to clarify the nature of academic and social outcomes under the two grouping conditions. On the whole, the participants perceived homogenous grouping more positively with respect to academic outcomes. They learned more in the more challenging environment provided by homogeneous classes. However, they had mixed feelings about which setting better met their social needs. Participants seemed to value having both similar peers in homogenous classes and the social diversity of heterogeneous classes. A troubling finding that emerged was the preference of a few of the students for heterogeneous classes because they were easier and enabled them to attain a high class ranking with little work. Implications of the findings for educators and counselors of gifted students are discussed.
An Empirical Typology of Perfectionism in Gifted Adolescents
Authors: Dixon Felicia A. , Lapsley Daniel K. , Hanchon Timothy A.
Published: January 2007

We document a typology of perfectionism in a sample of academically talented adolescents and directly examine its relationship to indices of psychiatric symptomatology, adjustment, self-esteem, and coping. Adolescents enrolled in a state-funded residential academy for academically gifted high school students ( N = 141) responded to the Multidimensional Perfectionism Scale (Frost, Marten, Lahart, & Rosenblate, 1990), the Hopkins Symptom Checklist, the Mastery Coping and Superior Adjustment scales from the Self-Image Questionnaire for Young Adolescents, the Perception of Personal Security and Academic Competence scales from the Self-Esteem Index, and the Coping Inventory (COPE). A 2-step cluster analysis of perfectionism scores revealed four clusters: Mixed-Adaptive ( n = 51), Mixed-Maladaptive ( n = 20), Pervasive ( n = 30), and Self-Assured Nonperfectionist ( n = 39). The Pervasive and Mixed-Maladaptive clusters showed a uniformly poor profile of mental health, adjustment, and coping relative to Mixed-Adaptive and Nonperfectionists. The Mixed-Adaptive cluster reported greater academic competence and superior adjustment than did the Nonperfectionist cluster, although these cluster groups were statistically similar on other dimensions of mental health and adjustment. These results suggest that maladaptive perfectionism takes two forms: pervasive and mixed. Implications for intervention and directions for future research are discussed.
Applicability of the Test of Creative Thinking-Drawing Production for Assessing Creative Potential of Hong Kong Adolescents
Authors: Rudowicz Elisabeth
Published: January 2007

This study explored the applicability of the Test of Creative Thinking-Drawing Production (TCT-DP) in the Hong Kong Chinese cultural context. The psychometric properties of scores on the TCT-DP were examined in a sample of 2,368 Hong Kong Chinese students aged 12 to 16. The study compared the TCT-DP’s internal consistency, interrater, and test-retest reliability coefficients for the Hong Kong sample to previously reported findings for European samples. Structural, concurrent, and discriminant validity of the test scores were evaluated. Our data provided encouraging empirical evidence for the reliability and structural and discriminant validity of the TCT-DP. The psychometric properties of the test were comparable to those obtained for European samples. However, the very low stability of Humor and Unconventionality b scales is of some concern. No sex differences were observed with regard to the test scores.
Multicultural Mentoring to Increase Black Male Representation in Gifted Programs
Authors: Grantham Tarek C.
Published: January 2007

This article explores factors that affect the decision of gifted Black males to participate in gifted programs. Ford (1996) maintains that Black students often “choose” not to participate in gifted programs, and this choice contributes to their underrepresentation in gifted education. This choice to not participate in gifted programs is often based on social or external influences, particularly negative peer pressures, as well as internal or psychological issues, namely racial identity status. Given this perspective, a participation motivation model, developed by the author, is described, along with a discussion of how racial identity influences the choices Black males make about participating in gifted programs. While many options exist for helping these students to make constructive and long-term decisions, this article concentrates on the potentially powerful influence of mentorships as a viable retention strategy.
A Content Analysis of Evaluation Findings Across 20 Gifted Programs: A Clarion Call for Enhanced Gifted Program Development
Authors: VanTassel-Baska Joyce
Published: January 2007

This article delineates the results of 7 gifted program evaluation studies conducted in 20 different school districts and places them in the context of major areas for gifted program improvement. The author suggests that the field of gifted education may be vulnerable to losing its infrastructure at local levels if enhanced program development in key areas does not occur over the next few years and if the studied districts are at all similar to the larger group. The paper discusses key areas of program development including identification, curriculum, program design, staff development, parental involvement assessment, and evaluation. The author contends that attention to these areas is essential for improving gifted program quality and stabilizing programs.
The Psychological Essence of the Child Prodigy Phenomenon: Sensitive Periods and Cognitive Experience
Authors: Shavinina Larisa V.
Published: January 2007

The article presents a new approach to the understanding of the child prodigy phenomenon. According to this approach, the prodigy phenomenon is a result of the extremely accelerated mental development during sensitive periods that leads to the rapid growth of a child's cognitive resources and their construction into specific: cognitive experience. The latter is the psychological basis of extraordinary intellectual creative achievements and expresses itself in the prodigy's unique intellectual picture of the world. The psychological nature of the prodigy phenomenon is therefore formed by sensitive periods that should be viewed as its fundamental mechanism and by cognitive experience. This approach explains both the process of the prodigy phenomenon (i.e., prodigious development) and its product (i.e., prodigies' exceptional performance and achievements).
Parents' Reports on Homework Amount and Problems in Academically Talented Elementary Students
Authors: Worrell Frank C. , Gabelko Nina H. , Roth David A. , Samuels Lisa K.
Published: January 2007

This study examined the amount and types of responses to homework assignments reported by parents of academically talented elementary students. Participants consisted of parents of 577 students in kindergarten through grade 6 who attended a summer program for the academically talented. Using a modified version of the Homework Problem Checklist (Anesko, Schloick, Ramirez, & Levine, 1987), parents provided information on Students' responses to completing homework the amount of homework given in school, and the amount of time spent assisting with homework. Parents also gave an estimate of the amount of homework that should be assigned in a summer academic program. Results indicated that academically talented students completed homework with few negative responses and most parents indicated that homework should be given during an academic summer program. Whereas amount of homework assigned in school and amount of proposed summer homework increased with grade level, the mount of time parents spent assisting with homework did not increase beyond first grade.
The Optimal Context for Gifted Students: A Preliminary Exploration of Motivational and Affective Considerations
Authors: Hoekman Katherine , McCormick John , Gross Miraca U. M.
Published: January 2007

This study was designed to verify the efficacy of a conceptual model intended to be used to examine the relative effectiveness of a variety of educational interventions in terms of the self-reported satisfaction of gifted students' effective and motivational needs. The participants in this stage of the study were 540 Year 7 students comprising 402 gifted students grouped in selective high schools, 76 gifted students grouped in accelerated cohorts, and a mixed ability group of 62 students. The preliminary analysis of self-reports from the total population of students who participated in the first stage of this study, including principal components analysis and multiple regression analyses, supports the social-constructivist conceptual framework proposed. The hypothesized positive correlation between the Quality of School Life variables and Intrinsic Motivation was confirmed. The positive correlations between the Anxiety and Tedium variables and the corresponding negative correlation with Quality of School Life variables lent support for the theoretical rationale under-pinning the inclusion of measures of boredom.
Screening and Assessing Adolescent Asthmatics for Anxiety Disorders
Authors: Ross Carolyn J. M. , Davis Terry M. A. , Hogg D. Y.
Published: January 2007

The purpose of this study was to evaluate a strategy designed to permit early detection of anxiety disorders in adolescent asthmatics. Adolescents with asthma ( N = 53) were screened for anxiety disorders using the Trait subscale of the State-Trait Anxiety Inventory for Children [STAI-C (Trait)] and the Multidimensional Anxiety Scale for Children (MASC). Adolescents and their parents were individually evaluated by a nurse trained in the administration of the Anxiety Disorders Interview Schedule-IV: Parent and Child Versions (ADIS-IV: P&C). Of the participants, 21 (40%) met the diagnostic criteria for one or more anxiety disorders. The STAI-C (Trait) was more effective than the MASC in screening adolescents for risk of coexisting anxiety disorders. Nurses trained to administer the ADIS-IV: P&C diagnosed anxiety disorders with a high degree of accuracy. These results have important implications for resolving the problem of unrecognized and untreated anxiety disorders in the adolescent asthmatic population.
Pre-Colonial Institutions, Post-Colonial States, and Economic Development in Tropical Africa
Authors: Englebert Pierre
Published: January 2007

It is well known that Africa's development lags behind that of other regions. Lesser known is the substantial variance in development fortunes within Africa, with “miracle” economies compensating for the region's development disasters. Prevailing theories of Africa's average performance fail to account for intra-African disparities. Using empirical evidence from cross-sectional data, this study offers a new explanation for success and failure in African development, which builds upon the insights of neo-patrimonial theory. It argues that variations in the extent to which post-colonial state institutions clash with pre-existing ones largely account for what differentiates state capacity and economic growth across the region. The greater the incongruence between pre- and post-colonial institutions, the greater the relative power payoffs to domestic elites of adopting neo-patrimonial policies over developmental ones. The article challenges thereby the social capital and ethnic homogeneity theories of African under-development, and offers substantial qualifications to the “imported state” hypothesis.
The Dual Influence of Self-Interest and Societal Interest in Public Opinion
Authors: Funk Carolyn L.
Published: January 2007

Evidence that political attitudes are influenced by a concern for socetal interest has been viewed with skepticism since expressions of societal interest could reflect a disguised self-interest. More convincing evidence of societal interest motivations requires citizens to sacrifice self-interest in public policy opinions. The present study examines the influence of both self and societal interest in order to test whether self-sacrifice underlies public policy opinions. A value commitment to societal interest is expected to explain support for government-sponsored solutions to socetal needs and, further, to moderate reliance on self-interest. Using data from the NES 1990-92 panel survey, OLS regression is used to evaluate opinion in three different policy areas. Results showed that a societal inteest value has consequences for policy attitudes that are independent of self-interest. Further, a societal interest value commitment tended to moerate the connection between policy preference and self-interest. These results suggest that citizens incorporate both self and societal interest cosiderations when evaluating public policy proposals. Citizens are not copletely selfless, however. Citizens seem more willing to engage in self-sarifice when that sacrifice involves giving over benefits to others than when it involves giving up benefits to themselves. Under important limiting conditions, then, citizens sometimes set aside personal interest in favor of societal interest when making political judgments.
African American Voting on Proposition 187: Rethinking the Prevalence of Interminority Conflict
Authors: Morris Irwin L.
Published: January 2007

A growing literature suggests that interminority conflict is an increaingly important component of interethnic/interracial dynamics. Intermnority conflict theory predicts: (1) the spatial proximity of ethnic/racial groups is directly related to animosity between the groups and (2) inteminority animosity will be greatest among the poorest segments of the population. Using data from the 1994 Los Angeles Times California Exit Poll and the U.S. Census, I evaluate these hypotheses in the context of African American voting on California's Proposition 187. The data provide no support for the interminority conflict perspective. Proximity to significant Asian populations tended to reduce African American support for 187, while proximity to significant Hispanic populations had no impact on vote choice. Similarly, improvement in personal financial oulook was positively related to support for Proposition 187. These findings insinuate that interminority conflict-at the individual level-may by rarer than the interminority conflict literature suggests.
Interest Group Lobbying and U.S. House Decentralization: Linking Informational Focus to Committee Hearing Appearances
Authors: Heitshusen Valerie
Published: January 2007

Using extensive interview and committee testimony data across two contrasting sets of interests (environmental and labor), this article exaines the effects of changing House institutional structure on legislative lobbying. Specifically, I argue that the institutional context of the posreform House has altered the role of lobbyists as information providers by expanding the scope of the conflict to different committees, forcing groups to lobby a wider variety of legislative actors. Relying upon a ditinction between ‘technical’ and ‘political’ information, I contend that the effect of decentralizing reforms is strengthened or attenuated by the informational focus of the interest group. Using longitudinal committee testimony data (1959-92) for ten groups, I show that the mid-1970s House reforms had differential effects on environmental groups and labor unions-in part, depending on group informational focus. The results have implications for studies of lobbying tactics, theories of information provision, and models of legislative institutional structure.
Looking Inward, Looking Outward: The Politics of State Welfare Innovation under Devolution
Authors: Lieberman Robert C. , Shaw Greg M.
Published: January 2007

Theories of federalism supporting the devolution of welfare policy to the states suggest that the removal of national policy controls will allow states to tailor-make welfare policy to fit local needs and preferences. These theories predict that state policymaking under devolution will respond mostly to state-specific factors. Alternative theories of federalism suggest that devolution will increasingly expose states to national and interstate pressure, and that state policymaking will follow primarily national factors. We use data on AFDC waivers granted to states from 1977 through the end of the program in 1996 to test these competing approaches. National factors tend to be more important than state-spcific factors in shaping state welfare innovation, supporting competitive theories of federalism, although welfare innovation, unlike benefit levels, does not seem to be susceptible to the “welfare magnet” phenomenon.
Class and Party: Secular Realignment and the Survival of Democrats outside the South
Authors: Stonecash Jeffrey M. , Brewer Mark D. , Petersen R. Eric , Mcguire Mary P. , Way Lori Beth
Published: January 2007

A common conclusion is that beginning in the late 1960s the policy stands of Democrats on civil rights and civil liberties issues alienated the white working class. Race is presumed to have driven a wedge between the white and non-white working class, and diminished class voting in American politics. The New Deal coalition has eroded, the South has moved into the Republican column, and class conflict is presumed to have steadily declined since the 1950s. These arguments, however, leave us unable to explain how the Democratic party managed to survive for over forty years as the majority party in Congress, even while it was losing the South. The party survived by steadily increasing its support outside the South. The focus of this analysis is whom the Democrats attracted over time, and what the evidence indicates about the presumed alienation of the white, working class. The conventional wisdom is largely based on analyses that assess class voting using self-identified class. We argue that measure does not capture the economic situation of the respondent. This analysis relies on the relative income situation of voters, which reflects the relative level of resources people have to live their lives. The focus is the relationship between relative income position and support for the Democratic party among non-Southern whites from 1952-1996. The results indicate a steady increase in support for the Democratic party among the less affluent since the 1950s. Differences in voting by income position are not decreasing, but, in fact, have been increasing since the 1970s.
Party Polarization and Legislative Gridlock
Authors: Jones David R.
Published: January 2007

This article investigates how parties affect legislative gridlock-the inability of government to enact significant proposals on the policy agenda. Conventional accounts suggest that divided party control of govemment causes such stalemate. I offer an alternative partisan model of gridlock that incorporates party polarization, party seat division, and the interaction between these two factors. Using an original data set of major legislative proposals considered between 1975 and 1994, I find that divided govemment does not affect gridlock once party polarization and party seat division are taken into account. Instead, I find that higher party polarization increases the likelihood of encountering gridlock on a given proposal, but that the magnitude of this increase diminishes to the extent that a party is close to having enough seats to thwart filibusters and vetoes.
The Institutionalization of State Communities of Organized Interests
Authors: Gray Virginia , Lowery David
Published: January 2007

We use 1980, 1990, and 1997 data on state lobbying registrations to examine the diversity of interest communities on two dimensions: the range of substantive interests and organizational types represented. The former has remained quite stable over the last two decades while the level of relative institutional representation has increased markedly We replicate and extend Lowery and Gray's (1998) analysis of four theoretical accounts of temporal and spatial variations in levels of the latter-institutional dominance. Only one of their four accounts-one emphasizing the role of interest system density in promoting direct lobbying by institutions-survives these tests. We conclude by discussing the implications of these findings for interest group politics.
Arms and Arguments: Modeling the Effects of Weapons Transfers on Subsystem Relationships
Authors: Sanjian Gregory S.
Published: January 2007

This research assesses the effects of arms transfers from the Superpowers (the US and the USSR) and third parties (the UK, the PRC, and other states, more generally) on India-Pakistan and Iran-Iraq political and military relations during the Cold War. At issue here is whether each exporter's weapons shipments were politically and militarily stabilizing or destabilizing for the rivalry dyads: Did they contribute to political cooperation and balanced military relationships or did they perpetuate conflictual and imbalanced relations? Models are developed that take into account the intensity of arms transfers (how much was delivered rather than simply whether arms were sent) and that examine, in sequence, all possible combinations of the exporters as stabilizers and destabilizers. Testing on the models over the period 1950-91 shows the UK to have been a balancer of military relations in both South Asia and the Persian Gulf; the US and the PRC, on the other hand, emerge as consistent imbalancers. The tests also suggest that the USSR behaved conservatively, for the most part reacting to the USs use of arms transfers as a foreign policy tool. The impact of arms transfers on the importers' political relationships is less clear, but there is an indication that political tensions may have been reduced by arms transfers that furthered military imbalances.
A Multiple Values Model of Political Tolerance
Authors: Peffley Mark , Knigge Pia , Hurwitz Jon
Published: January 2007

While students of political tolerance often view tolerance decisions as a trade-off between opposing values (civil liberties versus other values), there have been few explicit attempts to formulate and test such a multiple-values model. With rare exception, researchers typically examine linkages between tolerance judgments and a single value constellation (civil liberties or general norms of democracy) without examining directly the way people rank competing values. In this essay, we use data from a national telephone survey to test a model of how various value trade-off measures (e.g., value conflict) influence citizens' initial tolerance decisions, as well as their willingness to stick to that judgment in the face of counter-arguments (i.e., the pliability of the initial baseline judgment). We find that while value conflict is often associated with greater political forbearance of disliked groups (e.g., the Klan, flag burners), greater conflict also makes individuals more susceptible to counter-arguments. We also find that when people are presented with roughly equal counterarguments, the tolerant are much more willing to abandon their initial judgment than the intolerant. We conclude with a discussion of the broader implications of our findings for the study of political tolerance and political values.
How Important Are Iowa and New Hampshire to Winning Post-Reform Presidential Nominations?
Authors: Adkins Randall E. , Dowdle Andrew J.
Published: January 2007

While conventional wisdom holds that the first delegate selection events in Iowa and New Hampshire are important influences on the outcome of the presidential selection process, scholars increasingly question whether victories in these ‘bellwether’ contests are sufficient to propel darkhorse candidates to the nomination. This study utilizes four OLS regression models to predict nomination outcomes from 1980 to 1996 where the incumbent president did not sit for reelection. Earlier research demonstrated the possibility of forecasting presidential nominations by examining the results of (1) public opinion polls; FEC records regarding (2) money raised; and (3) cash reserves; and (4) whether candidates were southern Democrats (Mayer 1996a; Adkins and Dowdle 2000). Utilizing measures representing the outcome of the Iowa caucuses and the New Hampshire primary, this study contrasts the effect of momentum from these early contests on final primary vote totals. Evidence suggests that New Hampshire plays a role in determining the ordinal ranking of candidate finishes, but not necessarily the winner of the party nomination.
Feminist Diversity: The Policy Preferences of Women's PAC Contributors
Authors: Day Christine L. , Hadley Charles D.
Published: January 2007

Support for women in politics comes from across the ideological spectrum, as illustrated by the ideological diversity of political action committees devoted to the election of women. This study of major contributors to EMILY's List, which raises money for Democratic pro-choice women candidates, and WISH List, which raises money for Republican pro-choice women candidates, examines the policy preferences of both groups using ordinary least-squares regression. We hypothesized that the relatively liberal policy preferences of EMILY's List contributors, compared to the more conservative attitudes of WISH List contributors, were attributable to three types of explanations: symbolic politics, trust in government, and social status. Results of the analysis support both the symbolic politics explanation, represented by indicators of ideological affiliation and feminist consciousness, and the trust in government explanation. However, differences in the social and demographic characteristics of these two groups explain very little of their divergent policy preferences.
Ballot Information and Voting Decisions in Judicial Elections
Authors: Klein David , Baum Lawrence
Published: January 2007

Ballots used in the American states differ in the information that they provide about candidates. This article examines the effects of ballot information on voters' decisions whether and how to vote in individual contests, effects on which scholars have not yet provided direct evidence. The study employs experimental manipulations within pre-election and post-election surveys on three contests for seats on a state supreme court. Ballot information on candidates' incumbency status and city of residence had little impact on voters' decisions. In contrast, information on candidates' party affiliations had substantial and interconnected effects on participation and choice. These findings illuminate voter decisionmaking in low-information contests, and they demonstrate that the choice between partisan and nonpartisan ballots in judicial elections is indeed consequential.
Political Participation: Does Religion Matter?
Authors: Jones-Correa Michael A. , Leal David L.
Published: January 2007

Verba, Schlozman, and Brady (1995) posit that variation in ethnic group political participation, while related to socioeconomic differences among them, is derived from the acquisition of civic skills through their associational memberships and, in particular, from their experiences in church. Catholic and Protestant churches were hypothesized to develop different levels of such skills, and Verba et al. suggested that the relatively low level of Latino political participation was explained by their predominantly Catholic affiliation. If Verba et al.'s argument is true, then we should see participatory differences within ethnic groups by denomination. An alternative hypothesis is that churches matter through their role as civic associations. In that case, denominational differences should not matter, but churchgoers should be more active than non-churchgoers. Examining the 1989-90 Latino National Political Survey and the 1990 ANES, we find that while denominational differences have some limited explanatory power for Hispanic political participation, it is in the opposite direction than that hypothesized. By far the more important contribution to an explanation of political participation is made by churches' central civic associational roles.
Candidate Advertisements, Media Coverage, and Citizen Attitudes: The Agendas and Roles of Senators and Governors in a Federal System
Authors: Atkesoncc Lonna Rae , Partin Randall W
Published: January 2007

We argue that the policy divisions created by a federalist structure provide a frame, helping political leaders identify or prioritize executive and legislative agendas and helping citizens in assigning political responsibility. Relying upon Peterson's (1995) theory of functional federalism, we hypothesize that U.S. senators, as national-level political actors, will emphasize redistributive and international issues, while governors, as state-level political actors, will emphasize developmental policies in their work and communication with citizens and the media. Using candidate campaign advertisements, newspaper articles, and individual-level (survey) data, we demonstrate that “issue-sorting” takes place according to the functional responsibilities of the national and state governments. In particular, developmental concerns such as economics, education, the environment, and transportation are the responsibility of governors (as state elected officials), while foreign policy and redistributive issues such as Social Security and agricultural policy are the responsibility of U.S. senators (as national officials). These results demonstrate that federalism serves as a powerful frame for policy focus and responsibility
The Extensiveness of Group Membership and Social Capital: The Impact on Political Tolerance Attitudes
Authors: Cigler Allan , Joslyn Mark R.
Published: January 2007

This article examines the relationship between membership in voluntary associations and political tolerance attitudes. Though the extensive literature on social capital posits a relationship between group involvement and political tolerance, empirical scrutiny of this proposition has yet to emerge. Specifically, we hypothesize that group membership-its extensiveness across a variety of different associational sectors, and the type of group affiliation-should be associated with variation in political tolerance. The 1972-1994 cumulative files for the General Social Surveys and the 1990 Citizen Participation Survey provide the data to test our hypotheses. The primary findings indicate that there is a strong positive relationship between the extensiveness of group membership and political tolerance. Moreover, this association grows stronger with each additional membership. Finally, after controlling for the extensiveness of group memberships, we find that membership in several specific types of groups affects political tolerance. Overall, results strongly support the social capital proposition linking group membership to political tolerance.
U.S. Government Litigation Strategies in the Federal Appellate Courts
Authors: Zorn Christopher J. W.
Published: January 2007

I examine the decisions of the Department of Justice appellate sections and the Office of the Solicitor General to appeal unfavorable U.S. court of appeals decisions to which the federal government is a party during 1993 and 1994. I hypothesize that factors relating to the cost, reviewability and likelihood of victory in the appeal will be influential in the government's decision, and that the influence of each of these types of factors will vary depending upon the actor making the decision. Multivariate analysis supports these hypotheses, indicating that those factors which have been shown to influence both the Court's decision to grant certiorari and its decisions on the merits also operate in the government's decision to bring an appeal. Overall, my research suggests that the case selection process has a substantial influence on the success of the United States in the federal appellate courts.
Assessing the Impact of Ca-mpaign Spending in Governors' Races
Authors: Partin Randall W.
Published: January 2007

In this article, I explore the influence of candidate expenditures on gubernatorial election outcomes (a heretofore largely ignored topic). I find that spending by gubernatorial contestants dramatically influences the outcomes of these races, matching or even out-performing previously studied predictors of gubernatorial election outcomes. I then deal with two issues. First, I explore possible explanations of candidate expenditures in these contests and find that, among other things, out-party candidates are especially sensitive to spending limits, raising the normative concern that these limits insulate in-party candidates from competition. Second, I explore the possible endogeneity of candidate spending using a two-stage least squares, instrumental variables model. I find that once we account for this endogeneity, the relatively vulnerable position of outparty candidates becomes more acute. These findings expand our understanding of governors' races to include spending effects and emphasize the importance of aggregate-level factors in these contests.
Assessing the Impact of Presidential and Home State Influences on Judicial Decisionmaking in the United States Courts of Appeals
Authors: Songer Donald R. , Ginn Martha Humphries
Published: January 2007

Previous studies are in agreement that most appointments to the lower federal courts are the result of negotiations between the President and senators or other elites from the nominees' home state. There is also widespread agreement that the votes of lower court judges reflect, in part, the value preferences of the President who appointed them, and the state or region of their appointment. However, less is known about the relative influence of the President, the home state senators, and other home state forces on the decisions of these judges. The present study investigates these relative influences with an examination of the decisions of judges on the United States Courts of Appeals from 1960-1993. Using refined measures of the policy preferences of Presidents and senators, along with a new measure of the voting behavior of Judges on the United States Courts of Appeals, we provide an assessment of the impact of the policy preferences of Presidents, compared to those of home state senators of each party, as well as other home state forces. We find that there is a strong association between the preferences of appointing Presidents and their judges' voting behavior, regardless of the party composition of the Senate delegation from the judge's home state. The preferences of home state senators of the President's party are also significantly related to judges' votes, while opposition party senators have no impact on the behavior of judges. The preferences of other elites from the home state are related to Judicial votes only when there is no home state senator from the President's party Furthermore, there are no contextual influnces from state ideology on judicial behavior.
The Origins and Impact of Votes for Third-Party Candidates: A Case Study of the 1998 Minnesota Gubernatorial Election
Authors: Lacy Dean , Monson Quin
Published: January 2007

We estimate a multinomial probit model of vote choice and turnout to examine the 1998 Minnesota gubernatorial election. Like supporters of recent third-party presidential candidates, voters who elected Jesse Vetura tended to be young, male, lower in education, liberal on social issues, and fiscally conservative. Ventura support was not due to a geeral dissatisfaction with U.S. government, but it was correlated with voter dissatisfaction with Minnesota state government. Ventura was the Codorcet winner in the election; Hubert H. Humphrey was the Condorcet loser. With Ventura out of the race, Norm Coleman would have beaten Humphrey by approximately ten percentage points. Coleman voters overwhelmingly preferred Ventura to Humphrey, but Humphrey voters preferred Ventura to Coleman by a slim margin. Ventura's candidacy added seven percentage points to the turnout rate. Under full turnout, the vote shares of the candidates would not have changed significantly.
Senatorial Discourtesy: The Senate's Use of Delay to Shape the Federal Judiciary
Authors: Bell Lauren Cohen
Published: January 2007

Legislators have long recognized that delaying tactics are powerful tools for preventing the passage of laws they deem unsatisfactory. Because the U.S. Congress has several deadlines built into its session, when committee chairmen or individual members delay the scheduling of hearings, markups, or executive business meetings, it can have a devastating effect on pending legislation. The tactic of delay is now being used by the Senate Judiciary Committee and individual senators to stall confirmation of the President's judicial nominations. Since 1996, the average length of time between an individuals nomination to serve as a federal judge and the time that he or she is confirmed has increased dramatically At the same time, some nominations still proceed very quickly through the confirmation process. This article explores the question of why some nominees are subjected to lengthy delays, while others move through the Senate confirmation process in a matter of days. Specifically, it explores the impact of divided government, institutional strength of the President, and the majority party in the Senate, the position to which an individual has been nominated, and a number of nominee-specific variables to assess the impact that these have on the length of time a nominee will wait for confirmation.
Candidate Strategy and the Decision to Go Negative
Authors: Damore David F.
Published: January 2007

The research examining negative campaigning has focused largely on the effects that exposure to negative advertising has on voters' decisionmaking. Less attention has been given to studying the conditions that motivate candidates to employ negative campaign tactics. I attempt to move our understanding of this process forward by unifying hypotheses suggested in the literature into a more cohesive theoretical framework and testing them against data collected from all available campaign advertisements produced by major party presidential candidates competing in the 1976-1996 general elections. The results of the logit analysis indicate that candidates' decisions to go negative are a function of changes to the campaign environment, the dynamic interplay that develops between candidates over the course of campaigns, and attributes of issues on the campaign agenda.
When Might Institutions Change? Elite Support for Direct Democracy in Three Nations
Authors: Bowler Shaun , Donovan Todd , Karp Jeffrey A.
Published: January 2007

Legislators typically control the design of political institutions, and can be expected to craft rules that work to their advantage. In some nations, however, legislators adopt provisions for direct democracy-an institu- tion that might weaken the control that established parties and incum- bents have over political agendas. We examine the nature of legislative support for direct democracy by surveying legislators and legislative can- didates in Canada, New Zealand and the United States. We find that sup- port is conditioned by factors internal to the legislative setting (affiliation with a governing party, incumbency, and tenure) and by ideology and subjective attitudes about democracy We discuss how our findings relate to broader questions about when elites might change democratic institu- tions they control.
Psychological Involvement and Black Voter Turnout
Authors: Mangum Maurice
Published: January 2007

The goal of this article is to account more fully for the influence of psychological involvement on black voter turnout than currently exists in the literature. Using the 1996 National Black Election Study, I test several hypotheses that detail the potential ways the turnout decision of black Americans is influenced by trust in government, political engagement, and political efficacy at both the individual level and the group level. Trust in government has an inverse relationship with turnout, while political engagement has a strong and consistent positive effect. I also find that individual political efficacy does not factor into the black voter’s calculus, but group political efficacy does. Further, a reexamination of the “mistrust-sense of efficacy ” hypothesis is confirmed, but a test of the “mistrust-sense of efficacy” hypothesis concerning group political efficacy is not supported.
Electoral System and Gender Representation in Sub-National Legislatures: Is there a National—Sub-National Gender Gap?
Authors: Vengroff Richard , Nyiri Zsolt , Fugiero Melissa
Published: January 2007

Although there have been many studies which have looked at the impact of gender representation at the national level, there are relatively few which explore the sub-national level. In this article we provide an exploration of the patterns of representation of women within democratic countries, both developed and transitional that have elected regional, state, cantonal, or provincial legislatures which occupy the middle ground between the central government and local or municipal administration. We provide a systematic comparative analysis of women’s access to and representation in such bodies. The focus is on a cross-national comparison of gender representation at the meso level and the gap in representation between meso and national legislatures. The impact of electoral system type, party magnitude, economic development, constitutional structure, and institutionalization of democratic structures are examined. The data on which this analysis is based are drawn from 536 meso legislative bodies in 29 countries. This is supplemented by party level data (n = 1,348) for the issue of party magnitude. Both OLS and logistical regression are used to test these propositions.
Campaigns, Polls, and the States: Assessing the Accuracy of Statewide Presidential Trial-Heat Polls
Authors: Desart Jay , Holbrook Thomas
Published: January 2007

Given the heavy reliance upon polls during election campaigns and the importance of state results in presidential election outcomes, this study examines the determinants of accuracy in statewide presidential trial-heat polls. Using Lau’s (1994) examination of national-level polls as a guide, we find that sample-related characteristics like sample size and the use of a likely voter sampling filter tend to improve the predictive accuracy of these polls. More importantly, however, we find that the number of days to election has an important impact on poll accuracy and that this effect can vary substantially across different campaign contexts.