bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Teaching Teachers, Graduate School
Authors: Britton James
Published: November 2020

I’ve been interested in story for a long time. I’m thinking basically of stories about the writers themselves. Telling them is a means of learning, a digestive kind of learning which is so often ignored in schools. It seems to me to be the field of operation of most of the arts. So I want my students to move toward an art-like selection of the elements of their personal experience. The more sharply the form resolves the content, so to speak, the more sharply is it a digestive process. I try to interest students in writing both autobiographical and fictional stories and to find their way between the two. When I was teaching children I discovered that story writing was central to them. They all loved stories at an early age and they liked to write them when they got over the hump, the difficulty, of shaping letters and words in writing. They get over that hump better, I find, by writing stories than by reading them. I think that’s most applicable at a very young age, but it still worked when I was teaching eleven-year-olds. Barbara Hardy—who’s the head of the English Department at Birkbeck College at the University of London—came down to talk to our teachers once at the London Association for the Teaching of English. She said that telling stories is not a way an artist has of manipulating an audience, but something that is transferred from life to art. She says that narrative is a primary act of mind. Her article, with those words as title, was printed in Novel: A Forum on Fiction. She wrote: . . . We dream in narrative, daydream in narrative, remember, anticipate, hope, despair, believe, doubt, plan, revise, criticize, construct, gossip, learn, hate, and love by narrative. In order really to live, we make up stories about ourselves and others, about the personal as well as the social past and future. . . .
Toward Hierarchy: Trends and Tensions in Evolutionary Theory
Authors: Eldredge Niles
Published: November 2020

Is the synthesis a complete and satisfactory evolutionary theory? It would be a trivial and derogatory exercise indeed to depict the synthesis in utterly simplistic terms and then turn around and conclude that it is incomplete and unsatisfactory. Though I have subjected the synthesis to a series of purifying distillations through the course of this book so far, I have in mind by no means solely Mayr’s (1980, p. 1) two-sentence summary of the synthesis as I pose the question of just how complete, workable, and satisfactory a theory of the evolutionary process it is. No serious student of evolutionary theory could ever claim that the modem synthesis is “just population genetics.” Many more phenomena are included than the statics and dynamics of genetic change in populations. What does seem to be true of the synthesis in general is that it focuses its concerns on a certain range of biological entities and attendant processes, and espouses attitudes and ontological positions on others that appear (to me) to exclude the latter from effective integration into the theory per se. Specifically, the synthesis focuses on genes; their replication, recombination, and mutation; and the fate of allelic variation within populations. But species—certainly not the sole province of population genetics—are very much a part of the synthesis, if equivocally so. If it is true that most evolutionary phenomena considered by the synthesis are construed, at least in principle, to be explicable in terms of the dynamics of selection and drift of allelic variation in populations, it is not because other sorts of phenomena, such as macroevolutionary trends, are alleged not to exist. The synthesis takes the (on the whole commendable) attitude of the Missourian who must be shown. We have a highly corroborated theory of the origin, maintenance, and modification of adaptations—through pure, narrowly defined natural selection. The burden of demonstration lies on anyone who would maintain either that some other process builds such (organismic) adaptation or that an additional process (or more than one) is also at work in evolution. Certainly the entire discussion on levels of selection, a discussion to which I return in this chapter, is structured in this general sort of way.
Choice and Private Schools: Dynamics of Supply and Demand
Authors: Erickson Donald A.
Published: November 2020

In this chapter an attempt is made, in the light of evidence from the United States and Canada, to explain in general terms the ebb and flow of private school options. Both public and private school growth and decline are affected by demography. Thus, a massive drop in Catholic school enrollment from 1966 to 1981 reflects, in part, a birthrate decline and a migration of Catholics from central cities, where many Catholic schools existed, to suburbs, where there were few Catholic schools. But unlike public school attendance, which rarely involves user fees and is considered normal if not laudatory in the United States and parts of Canada, private school attendance generally occurs when parents decide to depart from normal practice, incurring extra cost, extra effort (many private school patrons must drive their children considerable distances to school), disruption of their children’s friendships (many private school students are not in the schools which most of their neighborhood friends attend), and sometimes social disapproval. To a far greater extent than public school enrollment, then, private school enrollment depends on patron motivations. To return to the Catholic example: Even if the Catholic birthrate were high and Catholic schools were universally accessible, those schools would soon collapse unless many Catholic parents considered them worth extra expense and effort. Also, while public schools are everywhere available, parents often cannot find the private schools they prefer. Some schools exist primarily for certain religious and ethnic groups. Schools of some types are available only in a few major cities. Some schools are beyond the fiscal reach of most people. It is no accident, in this regard, that religious options are more plentiful in private schools than curricular or pedagogical options. Most religiously oriented schools enjoy subsidies from religious groups. Many schools open in the facilities of churches and synagogues, thus avoiding major expense. Sometimes churches and other denominational agencies directly sponsor schools. Even when they do not, they often assist by taking special collections, or their members provide free labor. Many Jewish day schools are subsidized through Jewish community funds.
What Is an Inorganic Fiber?
Authors: Skinner H. Catherine W. , Ross Malcolm , Frondel Clifford
Published: November 2020

Fibers are everywhere around us. They are essential parts of the human body, our hair, for example; the threads in our clothing, natural or synthetic; the insulation in our houses. Natural fibers have been useful to humans for more than ten thousand years. They were mixed with clay before firing to strengthen and reinforce pottery vessels, making them more durable. Textiles that combined the fibers of flax and asbestos were known in ancient times for their seemingly magical resistance to fire and decay. It was industrialization, however, that caused a dramatic increase in the use of natural inorganic or mineral fibers. By the late nineteenth century asbestos had become an important commodity with a variety of commercial applications. It served as insulation to control heat generated by engines and, because of its incombustibility, as a fire retardant in its more recent general use as building insulation. Asbestos fibers are found worldwide in many products: as reinforcement in cement water pipes and the inert and durable mesh material used in filtration processes of chemicals and petroleum, for example. However, asbestos is not the only inorganic fiber in use today. Synthetic inorganic fibers abound. Glass fibers have replaced copper wire in some intercontinental telephone cables. Fiberglas (a trade name) has become the insulation material of choice in construction. Carbon and graphite fiber composites are favored materials for tennis racket frames and golf clubs. Fibrous inorganic materials have become commonplace in our everyday lives. As the use of inorganic fibers increased, there were some indications that fibers might be hazardous to our health. Since the first century A.D. it was suspected that asbestos might be the cause of illness among those who mined and processed the material. Asbestosis, a debilitating and sometimes fatal lung disorder, was documented and described in the nineteenth century. Within the last 25 years, lung cancer and mesothelioma have also been linked to asbestos exposure among construction and textile workers, as well as others exposed to dusts containing asbestos fibers. Although the etiology and specific mechanisms that give rise to these two cancers are not yet understood, concern for the health of exposed workers led the governments of the United States and other countries to specify the maximum allowable concentrations of asbestos in the ambient air of the workplace.
The Finite-Element Method—Part I
Authors: Kobayashi Shiro , Oh Soo-Ik , Altan Taylan
Published: November 2020

The concept of the finite-element procedure may be dated back to 1943 when Courant approximated the warping function linearly in each of an assemblage of triangular elements to the St. Venant torsion problem and proceeded to formulate the problem using the principle of minimum potential energy. Similar ideas were used later by several investigators to obtain the approximate solutions to certain boundary-value problems. It was Clough who first introduced the term “finite elements” in the study of plane elasticity problems. The equivalence of this method with the well-known Ritz method was established at a later date, which made it possible to extend the applications to a broad spectrum of problems for which a variational formulation is possible. Since then numerous studies have been reported on the theory and applications of the finite-element method. In this and next chapters the finite-element formulations necessary for the deformation analysis of metal-forming processes are presented. For hot forming processes, heat transfer analysis should also be carried out as well as deformation analysis. Discretization for temperature calculations and coupling of heat transfer and deformation are discussed in Chap. 12. More detailed descriptions of the method in general and the solution techniques can be found in References [3-5], in addition to the books on the finite-element method listed in Chap. 1. The path to the solution of a problem formulated in finite-element form is described in Chap. 1 (Section 1.2). Discretization of a problem consists of the following steps: (1) describing the element, (2) setting up the element equation, and (3) assembling the element equations. Numerical analysis techniques are then applied for obtaining the solution of the global equations. The basis of the element equations and the assembling into global equations is derived in Chap. 5. The solution satisfying eq. (5.20) is obtained from the admissible velocity fields that are constructed by introducing the shape function in such a way that a continuous velocity field over each element can be denned uniquely in terms of velocities of associated nodal points.
Introduction
Authors: Tossell John A. , Vaughan David J.
Published: November 2020

The early descriptions of chemical bonding in minerals and geological materials utilized purely ionic models. Crystals were regarded as being made up of charged atoms or ions that could be represented by spheres of a particular radius. Based on interatomic distances obtained from the early work on crystal structures, ionic radii were calculated for the alkali halides (Wasastjerna, 1923) and then for many elements of geochemical interest by Goldschmidt (1926). Modifications to these radius values by Pauling (1927), and others took account of such factors as different coordination numbers and their effects on radii. The widespread adoption of ionic models by geochemists resulted both from the simplicity and ease of application of these models and from the success of rules based upon them. Pauling’s rules (1929) enabled the complex crystal structures of mineral groups such as the silicates to be understood and to a limited extent be predicted; Goldschmidt’s rules (1937) to some degree enabled the distribution of elements between mineral phases or mineral and melt to be understood and predicted. Such rules are further discussed in later chapters. Ionic approaches have also been used more recently in attempts to simulate the structures of complex solids, a topic discussed in detail in Chapter 3. Chemical bonding theory has, of course, been an important component of geochemistry and mineralogy since their inception. Any field with a base of experimental data as broad as that of mineralogy is critically dependent upon theory to give order to the data and to suggest priorities for the accumulation of new data. Just as the bond with predominantly ionic character was the first to be quantitatively understood within solidstate science, the ionic bonding model was the first used to interpret mineral properties. Indeed, modern studies described herein indicate that structural and energetic properties of some minerals may be adequately understood using this model. However, there are numerous indications that an ionic model is inadequate to explain many mineral properties. It also appears that some properties that may be rationalized within an ionic model may also be rationalized assuming other limiting bond types.
How to Calculate Isotope Ratios
Authors: Walker James C. G.
Published: November 2020

The calculation of isotope ratios requires special consideration because isotope ratios, unlike matter or energy, are not conserved. In this chapter I shall show how extra terms arise in the equations for the rates of change of isotope ratios. The equations developed here are quite general and can be applied to most of the isotope systems used in geochemistry. As an example of the application of these new equations, I shall demonstrate a simulation of the carbon isotopic composition of ocean and atmosphere and then use this simulation to examine the influence on carbon isotopes of the combustion of fossil fuels. As an alternative application I shall simulate the carbon isotopic composition of the water in an evaporating lagoon and show how the composition and other properties of this water might be affected by seasonal changes in evaporation rate, water temperature, and biological productivity. Equations for the rates of change of individual isotopes in a reservoir are not essentially different from the equations for the rates of change of chemical species. Isotopic abundances, however, are generally expressed as ratios of one isotope to another and, moreover, not just as the ratio but also as the departure of the ratio from a standard. This circumstance introduces some algebra into the derivation of an isotopic conservation equation. It is convenient to pursue this algebra just once, as I shall in this section, after which all isotope simulations can be formulated in the same way. I shall use the carbon isotopes to illustrate this derivation, but the same approach can be used for the isotopes of other elements, such as sulfur, oxygen, nitrogen, hydrogen, or strontium. The most abundant isotope of carbon has a mass of 12 atomic mass units, 12C. A less abundant stable isotope is 13C. And much less abundant is the radioactive isotope 14C, also called radiocarbon. It is convenient to express the abundances of these rare isotopes in terms of ratios of the number of atoms of the rare isotope in a sample to the number of atoms of the abundant isotope. We call this ratio r, generally a very small number.
Tarski’s Theorem for Arithmetic
Authors: Smullyan Raymond M.
Published: November 2020

In the last chapter, we dealt with mathematical languages in considerable generality. We shall now turn to some particular mathematical languages. One of our goals is to reach Gödel’s incompleteness theorem for the particular system known as Peano Arithmetic. We shall give several proofs of this important result; the simplest one is based partly on Tarski’s theorem, to which we first turn. The first concrete language that we will study is the language of first order arithmetic based on addition, multiplication and exponentiation. [We also take as primitive the successor function and the less than or equal to relation, but these are inessential.] We shall formulate the language using only a finite alphabet (mainly for purposes of a convenient Gödel numbering); specifically we use the following 13 symbols. . . . 0’ ( ) f, υ ∽ ⊃ ∀ = ≤ # . . . The expressions 0, 0′, 0″, 0‴, · · · are called numerals and will serve as formal names of the respective natural numbers 0, 1, 2, 3, · · ·. The accent symbol (also called the prime) is serving as a name of the successor function. We also need names for the operations of addition, multiplication and exponentiation; we use the expressions f′, f″, f‴ as respective names of these three functions. We abbreviate f′ by the familiar “+”; we abbreviate f’’ by the familiar dot and f‴ by the symbol “E”. The symbols ~ and ⊃ are the familiar symbols from prepositional logic, standing for negation and material implication, respectively. [For any reader not familiar with the use of the horseshoe symbol, for any propositions p and q, the propositions p ⊃ q is intended to mean nothing more nor less than that either p is false, or p and q are both true.] The symbol ∀ is the universal quantifier and means “for all.” We will be quantifying only over natural numbers not over sets or relations on the natural numbers. [Technically, we are working in first-order arithmetic, not second-order arithmetic.] The symbol “=” is used, as usual, to denote the identity relation, and “≤” is used, as usual, to denote the “less than or equal to” relation.
The Process of Vocationalization: Mechanisms and Structures
Authors: Brint Steven , Karabel Jerome
Published: November 2020

An atmosphere of amiable routine now surrounds North Shore Community College in the Boston suburb of Beverly. Still located on a main downtown thorough-fare, as it has been since it opened in 1965, the college serves an economically varied region, including both the affluent oceanside towns of Marblehead, Swampscott, and Gloucester to the north and the chronically depressed old mill towns of Lynn and Peabody to the southwest. By the mid-1980s, enrollments were heavily occupational, and both staff and students seemed to like it that way. “There’s more demand than there are seats in the technical programs,” said one counselor. “In allied health, there’s a very heavy demand—three or four to one. But generally in liberal arts, we can accept people until the first week of classes.” The staff tended to view the history of their college as a natural unfolding. “The original intent,” observed one dean, “was to provide something for everyone, and that’s what we’ve done.” But vocational education did not always predominate at North Shore. Indeed, in 1965, the college’s first year of operation, over 80 percent of North Shore’s students were enrolled in liberal arts-transfer programs, and many of the faculty were committed to keeping the college’s distinctively academic image. According to one long-time member of the faculty, “At first, some of the faculty . . . had the idea that we were some kind of elitist thing. For them, the important thing was having the smartest students. . . . Quite of few of them were from universities. They didn’t know anything about community colleges.” “Yes, there were some internal battles,” one dean acknowledged. “The occupational programs were a concern to some liberal arts faculty.” The faculty’s grumbling had little effect on Harold Shively, the first president of North Shore. Shively, a long-time associate of William Dwyer in New York, shared Dwyer’s commitment to building a vocationally oriented system, and he did not wait long to press his plans for transforming North Shore in the direction suggested by this commitment.
Theory, Reduction, and Hierarchy
Authors: Thomson Keith Stewart
Published: November 2020

Implicit in the reasons given in Chapter 1 for development being ignored until recently as a potential causal factor in evolutionary theory is the general concept of reductionism. It is a strictly reductionistic approach either to believe that phenotypic variation is equivalent to genetic variation, or to act as though this were the case until disproven. Thus, to take but a single example, we find Stebbins (1974), who is avowedly a “strict reductionist,” stating that “in the future all general theories about evolution will have to be based chiefly upon established facts of population and molecular genetics.” Reduction is, of course, a powerful tool, but it is one with which biologists have in general had difficulty, and which in recent years has come under strong attack and defense (see Williams, 1986). The basic reductionist statement with which we are all comfortable is ontological, namely that the processes underlying all living phenomena are reducible to the operation of mechanical causes: there is no irreducible vitalist essence. Reductionism in this sense is unexceptionable and universal in science. The more difficult sort of reductionism to deal with is theory reduction. A simple expression of this would be the statement that the laws of chemistry are all explicable in terms of the laws of physics, or the laws of biology in the laws of chemistry. Nagel (1961) shows that such theory reduction requires that, for example, the laws of chemistry must be deducible from the laws of physics and that the terms and concepts of both sets of laws be “connected” (see, for example, Newton-Smith, 1982; Beckner, 1974). Another way of putting it is that the laws of physics must be of wider scope than the laws of chemistry, which then constitute a series of special cases of the former, under particular boundary conditions. Talking about theory reduction within the biological sciences, where general theories of broad scope are lacking (except the general theory of evolution that all organisms are related by descent), is somewhat pretentious. In the biological sciences we are forced to work more modestly with rules and probabilities rather than grand laws.
Development: Pattern and Process
Authors: Thomson Keith Stewart
Published: November 2020

In a hierarchical system, the manifestations of pattern at one level tend to become the components of process at the next, an alternation that is repeated again and again. The processes of molecular genetics produce, under the special circumstances applying at the genomic level, a pattern of gene activity that is carried forward to the organism level. Here new developmental processes based on these gene-level patterns build new organism-level patterns, and these then become the raw material for deme-level processes acting at the next level. This duality of pattern and process operates in any interactive system and was addressed particularly by Gregory Bateson (1979). It requires that we discuss the phenomena of process and pattern separately, as well as discovering their interdependence especially when, as in biological systems, there is additional complexity present in the form of feedback of causations among levels. Implicit in any hierarchical analysis is the assumption that process always involves a lawful set of mechanisms. In all biological systems this lawfulness will be derived from two sources: from the immanent properties of the systems themselves, and from even more general laws applying across all biological systems. For example, the salivary glands and lungs of vertebrates are both constructed in part according to a strict set of developmental rules applying to mechanics of epithelia; these are examples of developmental constraints (Chapter 7). But the size and shape of the lungs also follow more general physical rules such as the gas diffusion laws or volume-surface area relationships that determine how big a lung is required for an animal of a given size. These are structure-function constraints. Biological systems also derive a major set of consistencies from the historical connectedness, through relation by descent, of the organisms concerned. These consistencies are often called “phyletic constraints” (Chapter 7). It is a basic approach in biology to use the analysis of pattern to approach an understanding of process, often first in terms of deriving the “rules” from study of consistency and regularity. This is where the great power of the comparative-analytical method lies.
Example: Early Pattern Formation in Amphibia
Authors: Thomson Keith Stewart
Published: November 2020

The Amphibia has been one of the most important animal groups for the study of developmental biology, and a huge descriptive and experimental literature has accumulated over the years. While sea urchins, molluscs, and nematodes, and more recently, Drosophila, have each become an important vehicle for the study of different aspects of development, the Amphibia and chordates in general have been especially important as the vehicle for the study of inductive regulative mechanisms. The early development of all chordates is marked by two revolutions in the control of early pattern formation: dorsalization at the blastula stage and gastrulation—primary induction caused by the “organizer” —which was studied in great detail in Amphibia by Spemann and his coworkers and continues to be the subject of intense scrutiny. The early phases of development in Amphibia exemplify rather well some of the problems in discovering the causal processes in development, whether in the egg, at fertilization, in the blastula, or in gastrulation itself. The short discussion of early development in Amphibia that follows is meant to exemplify rather than catalogue these questions. The oocyte in amphibians is radially symmetrical. A first axis of symmetry is established between a more heavily pigmented animal hemisphere and a less pigmented vegetal hemisphere. Before fertilization the egg is covered with a transparent vitelline membrane. When fertilization occurs, the vitelline membrane lifts from the surface of the egg and the egg is then free to rotate inside it so that the animal hemisphere lies uppermost and the vegetal hemisphere is lowermost. This rotation is apparently a response to gravity, which means that the vegetal hemisphere is heavier, almost certainly a result of the concentration of more and larger yolk granules in the vegetal hemisphere. Therefore, if the egg rotates to a new orientation with the yolk down and the animal hemisphere up, it must be the case that at this point the yolk and other egg contents are not free to be redistributed within the egg but are secured in place. The animal vegetal axis now marks the future anteroposterior axis of the embryo.
Morphogenesis and Evolution
Authors: Thomson Keith Stewart
Published: November 2020

In the preceding chapters we have built up the premises of an argument concerning morphogenesis and evolution. These are as follows: 1.Evolution occurs through processes of introduction and sorting of variation. 2.In a genealogical hierarchy, introduction and sorting of variation can occur at a series of focal levels and it is a property of the hierarchy that there is upward and downward causation between focal levels. 3.The crucial role of developmental processes with respect to evolutionary mechanisms is in the causation of new phenotypes. Phenotypes are always expressed in individual organisms, but the properties of other focal levels in the genealogical hierarchy must also be considered. 4.Development is also essentially hierarchical, involving processes acting at different focal levels. Each level is defined as the place where new gene expression occurs. For simplicity we can divide its hierarchy into stages from early pattern formation to late cytodifferentiation, each including unknown (but very large) numbers of phases of new gene expression. It must be noted that ontogeny of a given individual or given taxon represents a route through the basic hierarchy of developmental stages that, through historical accident or selective bias, may be extremely convoluted and unpredictable. 5.In the systematics of any group, there is a general correlation between taxonomic rank and different grades or ranks of morphological characters. There is a series of levels or grades of generality of phenotypic characters caused at different levels of the morphogenetic hierarchy. 6.The morphogenetic hierarchy that produces the different grades of phenotypic morphology can potentially involve upward but little if any downward causation. 7.The course of evolution appears principally to produce clusters of evolutionarily equivalent species rather than lines of progressive change. At any taxonomic level, diversification within a group has therefore to be distinguished from those rarer phases of progressive evolution leading to establishment of new groups. The two involve quite different processes because they involve the morphogenetic causation of different levels of morphological characters. 8.Phenotypic characters may occur in groups that are linked both in the sense of functional integration of the phenotype itself and/or by virtue of the integration and interdependency of developmental pathways in morphogenesis.
Minerals and Macromolecules
Authors: Lowenstam Heinz A. , Weiner Stephen
Published: November 2020

Biomineralization is a diverse, widespread, and common phenomenon. This statement is based on our current knowledge of the known diversity of biogenic mineral types, the taxonomic affinities of the organisms that form these minerals, and their abundance in the biosphere. In this chapter, we present an updated compilation of biogenic mineral types and the organisms that form them. We also briefly discuss aspects of their impact on the environment. In addition, we list the basic types of macromolecules that are often, but by no means always, associated with biogenic minerals. Information of this type is invaluable for gaining an overall perspective of the subject, for beginning to identify any common trends and strategies, and eventually for determining whether or not different organisms use similar underlying principles for forming their minerals. It is also one of the only means available for roughly assessing what proportion of mineralizing organisms has been discovered to date and what proportion still remains to be discovered. Table 2.1 lists the known biogenic mineral types and the taxonomic affinities of the organisms that form them at the phylum level. This compilation differs from earlier published versions in that the extensive key to the table allows the reader to identify the literature sources upon which the data are based. Table 2.2 lists the common names and chemical formulas of known biogenic minerals. Table 2.1 lists almost 60 different biogenic minerals! In 1963 only 10 different mineral types had been identified (Lowenstam 1963); this increased to 19 mineral types by 1974 (Lowenstam 1974), 30 by 1981 (Lowenstam 1981), and 39 by 1983 (Lowenstam and Weiner 1983).
Mollusca
Authors: Lowenstam Heinz A. , Weiner Stephen
Published: November 2020

Mollusks have a well-deserved reputation for being expert mineralizers based only on their much-admired shell-making abilities. Table 6.1 shows that the reputation is deserved 10-fold as shell formation is just one of many different processes that these animals perform in which biogenic minerals are utilized. The table lists no less than 21 different minerals and about 17 different functions! The list contains both amorphous minerals (amorphous fluorite, calcium carbonate, calcium phosphate, calcium pyrophosphate, and silica) and many crystalline ones, including rather uncommon ones such as weddelite, calcium fluorite, barite, magnetite, lepidocrocite, and goethite. Weddelite, for example, is a calcium oxalate mineral frequently formed pathologically in vertebrates. Certain gastropods use the rather soft weddelite nonpathologically to cap pestlelike objects (gizzard plates) in their stomachs (Lowenstam 1968), which they use for crushing shelled prey. One mollusk, the chambered Nautilus, forms no less than five different minerals. An individual tooth of a chiton contains three different mature minerals that are products of two other transient minerals. In addition to the more familiar functions of mineralized tissues, mollusks use biogenic minerals as buoyancy devices, trap doors, egg shells, and love darts. The varieties of crystal shapes, sizes, organizational arrays, and tissue sites present a picture of overwhelming diversity all within one phylum. It is illustrative to compare the mollusks with the echinoderms. The echinoderms also use minerals for a wide variety of functions, but in contrast to the mollusks they use essentially the same “building material” for many different purposes. Thus, understanding how one echinoderm mineralized tissue forms provides insight into how most of the others form. This is not so with mollusks. It seems futile to expect that they too have adapted one basic process to form all their mineralized tissues. It seems just as futile to look for a different explanation for each type of mineralized product. The mollusks force us to seek a level of understanding of mineralization that identifies common approaches, strategies, and principles and, at the same time, appears to dispel any “dreams” about discovering the mechanism of mineralization. The mollusk phylum contains seven different taxonomic classes.
Radiative Transfer in a Scattering Atmosphere
Authors: Goody R. M. , Yung Y. L.
Published: November 2020

The source function for scattering, (2.32), is more complicated than a thermal source function on two accounts: it is not a function of local conditions alone, but involves conditions throughout the atmosphere, through the local radiation field, and the phase function, Pij(s, d), may be an extremely complex function of the directions, s and d, and the states of polarization, i and j. The general solution, (2.87), is still valid, but it is now an integral equation, involving the intensity both on the left-hand side and under the integral on the right-hand side. Successive approximations, starting with the first-order scattering term [third term on the right-hand side of (2.116)], are an obvious approach, and would lead to a solution, but there are more efficient and more accurate ways to solve the problem. Many methods are available because their fundamental theory has proved to be mathematically interesting and because there are important applications in neutron diffusion theory and astrophysics. These motivations are extraneous to atmospheric science, but the availability of the methodology has led to its adoption and extension to atmospheric problems. Many methods are available because their fundamental theory has proved to be mathematically interesting and because there are important applications in neutron diffusion theory and astrophysics. These motivations are extraneous to atmospheric science, but the availability of the methodology has led to its adoption and extension to atmospheric problems. Solutions to scattering problems can be elaborate and mathematically elegant; they can also be numerically onerous but, with access to modern computers, “exact” solutions are feasible, given the input parameters τv, av (=sv/ev), and Pi j. For monochromatic calculations with simple phase functions, numerical solutions present few difficulties. Nevertheless, the combination of unfamiliar formalism with inaccessible and undocumented algorithms can be daunting for those with only a peripheral interest in radiation calculations. It is, therefore, relevant to note that available data are imprecise and virtually never require the accuracy available from exact methods. Easily visualized two-stream approximations, combined with similarity relations to handle complex phase functions (see §§8.4.4 and 8.5.6), are often more than adequate, and some angular information can be added, if required, from the use of Eddington’s second approximation (§ 2.4.5).
Retrenchment—What the Managers Are Doing
Authors: Lauter Paul
Published: November 2020

When part of this article was first written in 1974, large-scale retrenchment of college faculty was a relatively new phenomenon. To be sure, there had been occasional layoffs when an institution threatened to go broke, and the 1940 AAUP statement on tenure provided that it could be nullified for reasons of “financial exigency.” But such cutbacks were infrequent and unusual, the exceptions that proved the solidity of college job security. What was new in the early 1970s was the invocation of retrenchment processes not necessarily because a college was edging toward bankruptcy but because it wanted to change its programs, its “product.” That seemed to many of us an outrageous violation of collegiate norms. Many faculty had been led into teaching precisely because of its stability and its insulation from market forces. Now the market in all its worst forms was invading the campus. Furthermore, we believed, decisions about what could be taught were being removed from the hands of their proper judges, the faculty, and appropriated by a fleet of increasingly remote administrators. No one's work was safe! The essential quality of the academic community was at stake! Thus, when colleagues in History or English or Education received pink slips, we bitterly protested. But it rapidly became clear that protest was not enough, that the new breed of collegiate managers, whose skills had been honed by the student activism of the previous decade, were not going to be impressed with impassioned speeches at faculty Senate meetings or with letters to the student newspaper—or, indeed, to the New York Times. Nor were faculty unions— such as they then were—going to be much help; indeed, our union president shrugged that “you can't force Ford to keep making Edsels forever”—a remark which hardly endeared him to laid-off historians. We found that we had to understand this new phenomenon better if we were to have any chance to organize against it. Why was retrenchment coming upon faculties at this historical moment? How valid were the arguments of declining enrollments and needed flexibility being made by college managers?
Beyond Consciousness Raising: Changing Institutions
Authors: Lauter Paul
Published: November 2020

For those interested in change, raising consciousness is the critical first step, and a good deal of literary work is directed to that end. But as Frederick Douglas pointed out, it is a first step only—and often a frustrating one at that. . . . As I read and contemplated the subject [slavery], behold! that very discontentment which Master Hugh had predicted would follow my learning to read had already come, to torment my soul to unutterable anguish. As I writhed under it, I would at times feel that learning to read had been a curse rather than a blessing. It had given me a view of my wretched condition, without the remedy. It opened my eyes to the horrible pit, but to no ladder upon which to get out. . . . Ladders have been fashioned, however short and wretchedly fragile, and many have used them to scramble from the pit. But ladders do not level pits. And Douglass was quick to see that while he might as an individual escape the pit, he would never be safe until the pit itself, the institution of slavery, had been eliminated. This chapter is not about changing individual consciousness, but about changing institutions. The beauty of institutions like slavery or patriarchy, at least for those who benefit from them, is that their perpetuation requires no conscious effort. On the contrary, though filling in the pit requires enormous collective effort, keeping it open and deep can be accomplished even while regularly denouncing its existence. Indeed, academics, none of whom ever told a “darkie” joke, few of whom would speak of a “broad,” and all of whom favor equality and the Polish workers, nevertheless help maintain the pits of academic racism and sexism. My objective here is not to make a cynical point about how the road to hell is paved with liberal intentions. But after a quarter century of efforts to achieve racial and sexual equality in education, those goals do not seem in most respects strikingly nearer.
The Book of Bloom and the Discourse of Difference
Authors: Lauter Paul
Published: November 2020

About a year ago, I received a copy of a letter that took the editor of the Trinity Reporter, the College’s alumni magazine, to task for publishing a version of some of the previous chapter. An institution like Trinity College, the writer argued, must “unequivocally support the values and institutions of traditional Judeo-Christian culture and western European civilization.” Otherwise the “elitist” and “totalitarian” political agenda, which he believed I was pushing, would triumph, to the ruination of academic freedom, our democratic way of life, and even the cultural diversity I was espousing. It its small way, this letter expressed a set of ideas in a strident tone widely heard in Reaganized America. Its best known cultural representative is, of course, Allan Bloom. Like the letter writer, Bloom sets forth a conservative answer to the questions of the canon—that is, from what tradition, or traditions, do “we, the people” derive? And what should be the canonical texts we ought to study, teach, and pass on to our young people? My letter writer, in brief, and Bloom, in a book of some 400 pages, argue for what they see as the key works of a well-defined Western tradition, from Plato, through St. Paul, to the American Founding Fathers. Others, like those who succeeded in reforming Stanford University’s core humanities sequence in small but significant ways, propose a rather more diverse set of traditions, reaching out beyond the patriarchal or even the Western script. Under this important but seemingly academic question of the canon lurks a more intense conflict. Indeed, the intellectual battle in which my letter writer and Bloom are enlisted has been waged in terms usually reserved for a war of succession. Stanford gets excoriated as a mutinous principality; whereas Columbia, entrenched behind its primigenial curriculum, is lauded for repelling the hordes from outside the Heights. Questions about the adequacy of the Western canon seem to get taken as doubts about the birthright of its defenders. Bloom pitches his book like an Old Testament jeremiad designed through its very denunciatory power to rescue us from imminent barbarism.
School Politics and the Polish Nationality in Prussia
Authors: Lamberti Marjorie
Published: November 2020

In their efforts to suppress the language and nationality of the Polish people in the eastern binational provinces after 1870, Prussian state officials looked to the Volksschule to serve as an instrument of germanization. The school’s function was not only to teach Polish children to speak German but also to acculturate them into the German nation. Far from spreading the use of the German language and assimilating the youth into German society, this policy bred germanophobia and a repugnance for the school in Polish families. In spite of all the means of coercion at their disposal, the school authorities did not succeed in achieving these objectives. The total bankruptcy of the germanization policy was exposed when the Polish people resorted to political defiance in the school strikes of 1906. While it is true that the increasingly forceful germanization campaign aroused fervent affirmations of Polish national identity and provoked a countermobilization of Polish nationalists, the failure of the government’s school policy began before the development of a Polish nationalist movement in the 1890s and the outbreak of Polish resistance after the turn of the century. It was the outcome of a long succession of injustices and mistakes made by state officials. Their first error was to underestimate the difficulties, if not the impossibility, of teaching Polish children to speak and read German in the most impoverished and destitute school system in the Prussian state. Although Upper Silesia was the home of 1 million Polish-speaking inhabitants, the heartland of Polish culture and the center of the nationality struggle was Posen. Polish society in Posen was predominantly composed of agricultural laborers and peasants, but there existed also an indigenous nobility and middle-class groups that could provide a cadre of political leaders. The Catholic clergy were Polish and active in public life, unlike the priests in the diocese of Breslau who were mostly German and were under orders from Archbishop Kopp to refrain from antigovernment political activity. Clergymen of high rank represented the electoral districts of Posen in the Reichstag and the House of Deputies.
Countryside, Shops, and Ships
Authors: Gordon Robert B. , Malone Patrick M.
Published: November 2020

In the early seventeenth century, Americans began setting up shops to manufacture items such as soda ash, gunpowder, glass, charcoal, iron, casks, and wagons on a larger scale than they could manage in their homes. In some establishments, the proprietor was a practicing artisan (usually designated a “craftsman” today), while in others, such as glasshouses and ironworks, a manager coordinated the efforts of a dozen or more people. By the early nineteenth century, many Americans were participating in these industries, either full time or as an adjunct to farming. When we look at surviving artifacts from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, we find evidence that American artisans were steadily increasing the range and depth of their industrial skills. There were few socially constructed barriers to the range of skills that an individual could practice at work, and imaginative artisans could cross the conventional boundaries between trades, enriching the different technologies of each. The diversity of their work experiences contributed to a growing technological sophistication that helped Americans gain industrial maturity in the nineteenth century. Many people, including children, learned about artisans’ capabilities as they visited workplaces. The mechanization of work in America is sometimes associated with the advent of factories, but it was already under way in tasks such as sawing timber, grinding grain, and forging iron by the mid-seventeenth century. Americans gradually adopted machinery to ease the labor of producing goods, and learning about mechanical technology became part of everyday life in agricultural and frontier communities as well as in towns. Machinery became increasingly important in the work of craftsmen such as silversmiths, gunsmiths, and furniture makers, hut work in other industries was never extensively mechanized. Archaeological evidence tells us about work processes in some of these types of enterprises. American Indians possessed higher levels of technological skill than many of us realize. The physical evidence of their craftsmanship and well-organized efforts to extract natural resources stand in sharp contrast to the assertions of Indian primitiveness that fill many historical studies.