bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Lvciliana
Authors: Housman A. E.
Published: February 2009

A Cautious man, as I said at the outset, will not edit Lucilius; for it is an editor's business to pronounce an opinion on all the difficulties in his author, and when the author is in fragments the opinion will oftener be wrong than right. But a critic of Lucilius who is not also his editor, and can pick and choose among the pieces, is in a somewhat happier case; and I will now go on to attempt the correction or elucidation of certain passages where I seem to myself to have arrived at probable conclusions.
Ad Senecae Epistvlas Morales
Authors: Kronenberg A. J.
Published: February 2009

Epist. 14 15 p. 39 12 Hense: ‘quid ergo? utique erit tutus, qui hoc propositum sequetur?’ promittere tibi hoc non magis possum quam in homine temperanti bonam ualetudinem, et tamen facit temperantia bonam ualetudinem.
A Passage in British History
Authors: Harrison E.
Published: February 2009

In the middle of the third book of his Histories, Tacitus records some movements in the western provinces occasioned by the events of 69. The troops in Britain, he says, were partial to Vespasian, who had served there with distinction in the reign of Claudius, and a party was formed in his interest.
On Manilivs III. 590–617
Authors: Postgate J. P.
Published: February 2009

Mr. Garrod has earned the gratitude of all students of Manilius by his detection of the ratio of the series in iii. 599–615, and he is fully justified in his contention that tricenas in 612 is ‘one of the few emendations which can be proved mathematically.’ I owe him a special acknowledgment, inasmuch as his discovery enables me to add one more to the list and affords me an opportunity of establishing what was correct and correcting what was erroneous in my discussion of the whole passage (590–617) in Silua Maniliana, pp. 30 sqq. Let me do the last first. My suggestion of uix for bis in 616 of course disappears; bis sex is required by the series: and in 595–6 (of which more presently) the number meant is 75, not 76.
Emendations in Athenaevs
Authors: Tucker T. G.
Published: February 2009

The following emendations are a selection from adversaria made during repeated readings of Athenaeus. The material to hand during the several perusals has consisted chiefly of Kaibel's recension (to which the references are made throughout), the variorum edition of Schweighhauser, and Meineke's Comic Fragments. The editor of the Classical Quarterly has been kind enough to check my suggestions by reference to other material, and I have to thank him for the excision of sundry emendations for which I cannot claim priority. As the full discussion of the several passages here touched upon would require considerable space, I have contented myself with a brevity which is not intended to be in any way dogmatic; but which aims simply at economy of paper and type. I hope at an early date to enter more fully and systematically into the emendation and interpretation of this interesting and instructive writer.
The ‘Mountain-Mother’ Ode in the Helena of Euripides
Authors: Scott W.
Published: February 2009

Paley, in his note on Eur. Hel. 1301, says, ‘The choral ode which here follows, though beautiful in itself, is liable to the charge of being unconnected with the subject of the play.’ He adds that the ode ‘is both difficult and corrupt.’ And as far as I am aware, no one has yet succeeded in explaining away the difficulties, or restoring the more corrupt sentences.
Signor Ferrero's Reconstruction of Caesar's First Commentary
Authors: Holmes T. Rice
Published: February 2009

The credibility of Caesar's account of his campaigns against the Helvetii and Ariovistus has recently been attacked anew by Signor Ferrero, whose fame, rapidly acquired, is not only European but Transatlantic, and who has conducted his case with more ability than his predecessors and on entirely new lines. I do not think that it will be a waste of time to analyse the article in which he has set it forth.
Agar's Homerica.
Authors: Allen T. W.
Published: February 2009

Mr. Agar has collected his adversaria on the Odyssey which have been enjoying cold storage these many years in the blue depths of the Journal of Philology, and increased them by about three-quarters. He has produced a very interesting and valuable book, the most important contribution to the linguistic history of the Homeric text that has been made for a long time. Mr. Agar holds that the language of Homer represents the original ‘Achaean’ speech, and that its abnormalities in vocabulary, word-formation and metre are the result of natural unforced processes of transmission. This position, held by so well equipped and so trenchant an investigator as Mr. Agar, is reassuring. It does not involve any of the mythological factors of the Higher or the Lower Criticism still recommended among us by Mr. Leaf, Father Browne and Mr. Verrall–Pisistratus, Onomacritus, the Ionian conquest of Smyrna, the Thessalian Iliad, the original Achilleis,–and disagrees with Professor Murray's sinister diagnosis clear away the Attic surface and there rises beneath another surface with another set of corruptions, where Ionic rhapsodes have introduced just the same elements of confusion into an Aeolic or at least a pre-Ionic language. The confusion of tongues is deep down in the heart of the Homeric, dialect, and no surgery in the world can cut beneath it’ (Rise of the Greek Epic p. 214). The last ten years’ work in Comparative Philology (especially Kretschmer's researches K.Z. xxxi. 1898, Glotta i. 1907) has made it clearer and clearer that the rule-of-thumb for distinguishing the historical non-Dorian dialects does not apply to the heroic and post-heroic age, and that the terms ‘Aeolic’ and ‘Ionic’ in their usual sense should disappear from the history of Homer. The Homeric tongue derives directly from the pre-colonial language of Greece wherein two elements are discernible, the original Ionian (or Pelasgian) and the Achaean or North-Greek which overlaid it.
The True Cause of the Peloponnesian War
Authors: Dickins G.
Published: February 2009

It might reasonably be argued that this question is one of those historical problems which form excellent subjects for the writing of essays, but which are far too complex to admit of a decisive answer, and consequently are much better left alone. No one man is responsible for a war between great powers, and the motives which influence the vast number of people, whose consent is necessary, can rarely, if ever, be identical. It is therefore comparatively easy to argue against any given motive which is asserted to be the one and only reason. Certainly the writer would make no effort to rake up the ashes of this controversy, were it not that in Dr. Grundy's recent work on Thucydides a new and ingenious theory is put forward concerning the vera causa of the Peloponnesian War.
Miscellanea
Authors: Platt Arthur
Published: February 2009

Parmenides (Diels) i 37. . It is generally admitted that is unintelligible; people who ‘ can construe anything’ can of course construe this also. Others compare viii I, , and would read here. This is no more intelligible than the other, and it is pretty clear that both lines are corrupt, and that the phrase was originally neither nor .
A Poem ascribed to Augustus
Authors: Stevenson W. H.
Published: February 2009

Ludwig Traube has remarked that ‘ Einer der sonderbarsten Abschnitte in der von Emil Baehrens rekonstruierten Anthologia latina (Poeta[e] minores, vol. iv., Leipzig, 1882) ist der, welcher die Gedichte Römischer Kaiser zusammenfasst, carmen 122–127 (Seite III ffg.).” Of these six poems he points out that Nos. 125 and 126 are early mediaeval epitaphs, No. 127, Hermaphroditus, is later mediaeval, and that Nos. 123 and 124, which were favourites in the Middle Ages, are improperly ascribed to the Emperor Hadrian. Of the remaining poem, No 122, he says nothing. It was first printed by Hermann Hagen in the Rheinisches Museum, xxxv, pp. 569 sqq. (1880), from the Berne MS. No. 109, a tenth century MS. of French origin, partly written in Tironian notes. Hagen gives a facsimile of the entry in the MS. which bears the title Octa. aug. This is the authority for attributing the poem to Augustus.
Pindarica
Authors: Norwood G.
Published: February 2009

Ol. III. 43-5:
Notes on the Naturales Quaestiones of Seneca
Authors: Garrod H. W.
Published: February 2009

77, 3 (manubia) uastat in quae includit.

E has incidit for includit–another example, eagerly welcomed by Gercke, of free interpolation in this MS. Perhaps incutitur.
Sophoclea
Authors: Platt Arthur
Published: February 2009

After considering this couplet at intervals for over thirty years, I feel continually more and more strongly that Elmsley's explanation is the right one, i.e. that the construction is o ύ µή πOTε Tà σà έKφήνω kakà τνa ετπω Tà έµà έ πη, and that the second µή is only an emphatic repetition of the first.
Textual Notes on Lucan VIII. and Seneca Dialogi
Authors: Postgate J. P.
Published: February 2009

So in this outburst of Cornelia should line 104 be punctuated. For the poenas crudelis compare VII. 431 ‘quod semper saeuas debet tibi Parthia poenas’ and Verg. A. 6. 501 quis tam crudelis optauit sumere poenas? whence, or from ib. 585, ‘uidi et crudelis dantem Salmonea poenas’ we may suppose Lucan derived it. The feeble vulgate punctuation which puts the comma after crudelis, supposed to be vocative, well exemplifies the mischievous influence of propinquity.—I now find the correct punctuation in W. E. Weber's Corpus, but with the needless alteration of crudel e s.
Indo-european Initial Variants Dy- (Z-)/ Y-/D-.
Authors: Fay Edwin W.
Published: February 2009

The following paper will undertake to demonstrate an I.E. root dyu (alternating with dyu andyu)‘iungere,’ and its synonymous correlatives dyem/dyā (cf.dru drem drā ap. Brugmann, Kvg. 367), dyā-t-/dyat dyes/dyō[u]s (cf. trem/tres, ap. loc. cit.).
Aristotle's Account of the Historical Origin of the Theory of Ideas
Authors: Field G. C.
Published: February 2009

Whatthe influences were which led to the development and formulation of the so-called Theory of Ideas, usually associated with the name of Plato, is a question of perennial interest. And the interest has been increased by the vigorous controversy that, during the last ten years, has been conducted round the question of the exact part played by Socrates in the development of this theory. All the available evidence on the question is accessible and familiar to students of Greek thought, and has been worked over many times. But as there is still no unanimity among scholars as to its true interpretation, it may be worth while to go over the ground once more, even if the only result is to confirm some view which has already been put forward and disputed.
The Musical Scales of Plato's Republic
Authors: Mountford J. F.
Published: February 2009

The object of this article is to discuss, defend, and supplement the only definite piece of evidence we possess which deals with the musical scales(or Harmoniai)referred to by Plato in the Republic (398D–399C). In this first section I shall consider the list of scales given by Aristides Quintilianus and suggest the source from which it is derived; in the second part the employment of certain abnormal intervals will be established and elucidated; and finally the evidence of the preceding sections will be reviewed from the standpoint of the Pythagorean musical theory.
A Constitution of the United States of Greece
Authors: Cary M.
Published: February 2009

The new historical inscription from Epidaurus has provided us with a unique piece of documentary evidence on Greek federal constitutions. In this article I propose to study the principal points of constitutional interest contained in it. I have based my text on that of Professor Wilcken and M. Kougeas; and I follow Professor Wilcken and Mr. Tarn in identifying the new document with the constitution which Demetrius Poliorcetes imposed upon his pan-Hellenic League in 303–2 B.C.
A Ms. of Terence in the Cambridge University Library
Authors: Postgate P. E.
Published: February 2009

In his recently published book on Early Latin Verse Professor Lindsay says (p. 4): ‘The MSS. of Terence have not yet been all collated; at least, collations have not yet been published. And for a critical edition there is as yet nothing better than Umpfenbach's (shall we say?) pre-scientific volume…;’ (cf. p. 225). I therefore thought it not out of place to give an account (not a collation) of the better of two MSS. recently acquired by the Cambridge University Library. My attention was drawn to it by my father, Dr. Postgate, who had noted its reading of exclusti in Eun. 98 (which none of Umpfenbach's MSS. read, but Donatus confirms), and he has helped me with the preparation of this paper. I have also to thank Mr. Sayle for allowing me to quote the official description of the MS.
Notes on Seneca's Tragedies
Authors: Housman A. E.
Published: February 2009

These minute annotations, put together for a paper read to the Cambridge Philological Society on February 15, are mostly taken from jottings which I made some thirty years ago in the margin of Leo's edition. There they would have stayed, but for the appearance in 1918 of the Illinois index uerborum compiled by Messrs Oidfather, Pease, and Canter, which is not merely what its title promises, but also aims at recording the conjectures of the present century, and has enabled me to cancel three or four proposals which I found anticipated. Other people, from Dr U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff downward, so often print emendations of mine as their own, or indeed as anyone else's, that I am even more anxious than I otherwise should be to avoid printing as mine the emendations of other people.
Two Notes on the Great Persecution
Authors: Baynes Norman H.
Published: February 2009

Who was the author of the Fourth Edict in the great persecution of Diocletian's reign we do not know. Its precise terms are not recorded; of the date of its issue we are not informed. It is true that Mr. Kidd has recently written: ‘On April 30, 304, Maximian put out the Fourth Edict in the name of himself and bis co-Augustus,’ but he discreetly forbears to give the reader any hint of the source on which he bases that statement. It may be doubted whether he has any better authority in mind than the ambiguous Passio S. Sabini, which, as even Mr. Mason admitted many years ago, ‘is not in the highest class of the historical relics of its age.’ If, indeed, this supposition does not do Mr. Kidd an injustice, it would have been well to have given some reasoned defence of the document. Dufourcq regards the Passio S. Sabini as a product of the Ostrogothic period, and contends that its picturesque exordium does not depend upon any earlier source. Until his detailed criticism of the Passion is answered, we can hardly use it for the reconstruction of the history of the fourth century.
A New Fragment of Aeolic Verse
Authors: Lobel E. , Page D. L.
Published: February 2009

The following fragment of a papyrus-roll, written in a hand which may be assigned to the second or third century a.d., was bought by Professor O. Guéraud from the antiquary Nahman on behalf of the Société Fouad de Papyrologie (P. Fouad Inv. no. 239). With singular generosity Professor Guéraud has resigned to us the right to publish the text, which we now present with the help of photographs and a transcript, with notes, made by Professor Guéraud. We gratefully acknowledge an obligation to Mr. D. S. Crawford also for assistance in obtaining the photographs.
Chronological Notes on Middle Comedy
Authors: Webster T. B. L.
Published: February 2009

My chief object in these notes is to provide evidence for tracing the ancestry of certain themes, situations, and characters which appear in New Comedy; I hope, however, that they may also be useful for the study of Middle Comedy itself. I am therefore chiefly concerned with the period from 400 b.c. to 320 b.c., when Menander had begun to write; I have, however, given some dates after 320 which were necessary to complete my story, but I have left out many plays by poets of New Comedy which can be dated in the decade 320–310 b.c. I have also omitted the originals of Plautus Amphitruo, Persa, and Menaechmi, although I am convinced that they all belong to Middle Comedy and hope to consider the problem more fully elsewhere; the tactics of the battle in the Amphitruo (242 f.) are possible for Epameinondas and Philip as well as for Alexander, but the clash of two kings seems to limit the reference to Alexander and Dareios as depicted in the famous mosaic, and the limits are 330–320 (there is very little evidence of mythological comedy after 320); the original of the Persa must have been written before Alexander's conquests and the limits seem to be 345–338; Hueffher's late dating of the original of the Menaechmi has been successfully countered by Fraenkel and the whole feel of the play suggests Middle rather than New Comedy. The following list is arranged in decades, except where it has proved necessary to use a longer period. I have tabulated first the plays or victories dated by inscriptional or other firm evidence; among these I have included the plays dated by Geissler, without comment except where I disagree with him.
Plato and the MEΓIΣTA ΓENH of the Sophist: A Reinterpretation
Authors: Peck A. L.
Published: February 2009

It is important to recognize that the problem dealt with by Plato in the central part of the Sophist (232 b–264 d) is one which arises from the use of certain Greek phrases, and has no necessary or direct connexion with metaphysics (although the solution of it which Plato offers has an important bearing on the defence of his own metaphysical theory against one particular kind of attack). We tend to obscure this fact if we use English terms such as ‘Being’, ‘Reality’, ‘Existence’, etc., in discussing the dialogue, and indeed make it almost impossible to understand what Plato is trying to do. It is the way in which die Greek terms ỗν and μή ỗν and other such terms are used by the ‘sophists’ which gives rise to the problem.
Observations on Epic ’AΛΛA
Authors: Moorhouse A. C.
Published: February 2009

The following notes are the result of an examination of all the early Epic passages containing ⋯λλ⋯ which I made for the purposes of the lexicon of Homer and the older Epic now under preparation by the Archiv für griechische Lexikographie at Hamburg. The texts surveyed were Homer, including the Hymns, Hesiod, and the Epic fragments. I also examined Apollonius Rhodius for the purpose of comparison.
Plato's Description of Division
Authors: Lloyd A. C.
Published: February 2009

There are many passages in Plato which look as if they alluded to well-worn practices, discussions, or lessons in the Academy. As is natural with allusions, they are often marked by a puzzling brevity or oddity of expression. One need not assume that they are always conscious allusions; for every writer has moments of obscurity which are due not so much to his conclusions as to his reaching them along lines that have long been familiar to Mm. To appreciate his whole meaning the reader has then to infer as best he can the writer's train of thought. I wish to suggest that the language in which Dialectic is described in the later Dialogues presupposes a particular and probably familiar method of illustrating it. This was a geometrical illustration of the rules of Division by means of a divided line. By failing to notice it readers have not been led into any important misunderstanding of the Academy's rules. But I hope it will appear that the recognition of it makes Plato's manner of describing Division intelligible to an extent that is otherwise difficult. It is only a tentative suggestion, and would perhaps not have been worth making but for the possibility that some points of interest might at the same time emerge for those who were unconvinced by it.
Orpheus and Eurydice
Authors: Bowra C. M.
Published: February 2009

The story of Orpheus and Eurydice has in recent years received attention from Heurgon, Norden, Guthrie, Linforth, and Ziegler, who have in different ways supplemented the admirable article by Gruppe in Roscher's Lexikon published fifty years ago. Unless new texts or new monuments are found, it does not seem likely that fresh evidence will be forthcoming to solve old problems, and our task is rather to make a constructive use of what evidence we have. This paper attempts to consider only one part of the whole question, the versions of the story which lie behind the familiar form. Much said here is not new, but perhaps the attempt to sort out some points is worth making, especially as the experts disagree on several important matters.
Plato's Parmenides: Some Suggestions for its Interpretation. II
Authors: Peck A. L.
Published: February 2009

In the space at my disposal I cannot attempt to deal with all the points which arise in the Second Part of the dialogue, and I therefore confine myself to a few which seem to be of special interest and importance. I hope it may be possible to deal more exhaustively with the dialogue in a fuller commentary. As in the previous part of the article, I have assumed the results of my study of the Sophist already referred to.
Who Was ‘Kratippos’?
Authors: Gomme A. W.
Published: February 2009

My inverted commas are intended; I mean, of whom are Schwartz and Jacoby thinking when they say that the History which was called Kratippos' was a forgery of the second or of the first century B.C. ? The reason for the question is this: most forgeries are of the form, ‘Here is an epigram by Simonides, a new chapter by Thucydides’; or ‘I, a humble scholar or an unknown person, X, have discovered the lost books of Livy, or a hitherto unknown painting by Vermeer, or a privately printed edition of Sonnets from the Portuguese’; that is, the work forged is said to be by a famous person, the discoverer a relatively obscure one. Schwartz and Jacoby, however, say, or imply, that ‘Kratippos’ was the name of the forger, a man who lived, probably, in the first century B.C., and who deceived Dionysios of Halikarnassos (de Thuc. 16) and Plutarch (de glor. Ath. 345d ); but what did he assert that his history was ? Did he say, ‘I, Kratippos, have discovered a lost history dating from a generation after the end of the Peloponnesian war which is a continuation of Thucydides; authorship unknown’? Clearly not, for Dionysios says, and Plutarch quite plainly implies, that they took ‘Kratippos’ to be an author of the early fourth century.
Notes on Plutarch's De Genio Socratis
Authors: Russell D. A.
Published: February 2009

(1) 583 b = p. 478. 26 Sieveking (Plutarchi Moralia, iii, Leipzig, 1929) …

is objectionable. Since Lysis is already dead, cannot here signify ‘beforehand’. Its only other appropriate significance would seem to be ‘publicly, openly’: but also enters into the compound, and can only bear the sense ‘secretly’, which would involve us in a contradiction. so far as I know, does not occur elsewhere: nearly always has the sense ‘give some indication of…’.
The Palatine Manuscript of Thucydides
Authors: Dover K. J.
Published: February 2009

On this the following observations should be made:

1. The sigla ABCEFM are used here as in all editions from Hude onwards, H as in Hude though not universally since, and as in Bartoletti, Per la storia del testo di Tucidide (Firenze, 1938); have not been used before.

2. In positing β as ancestor of ABEFHM but not of C I follow Hude, Bartoletti, Stuart Jones, and Powell. I differ from them in leaving out of consideration G (Monac. 228, s. xiii), which is normally considered as descending from a congener of C; since, however, one or more ancestors of G were collated with at least one manuscript related to M and probably with manuscripts of other affinities also, there are clearly no means of deciding whether G is a descendant of C or ultimately independent of C, and I have adopted the economical hypothesis that it is a descendant and must be relegated to the recentiores.
'Ek- In Colour Adjectives
Authors: Moorhouse A. C.
Published: February 2009

The colour adjectives and have been discussed by R. Strömberg, who has removed misconceptions about their meaning. So has been shown to mean, not ‘quite white’ (L.S.J.), but a faded white, or one which has lost its essential whiteness: so often where the ‘natural colour has yielded to a dull dirty whitish colour’.
The Construction of the Sixth Book of Polybius
Authors: Brink C. O. , Walbank F. W.
Published: February 2009

In 1943 one of the authors of this paper set out a case for the view that the sixth book of Polybius' Histories contained two layers, written at different times, and indicating a change in the historian's assessment of the achievements and merits of the Roman hegemony. The arguments there put forward met with some acceptance; but the recent burst of interest in the problems of the sixth book has shown that unanimity is still remote. Among scholars writing since 1943, one, G. B. Cardona, is a ‘separatist’ who accepts the views of De Sanctis; another, W. Theiler, believes that three ‘layers’ of composition can be detected and isolated; three, E. Mioni, H. Erbse, and H. Ryffel, are ‘Unitarians’, but vary in the date they assign to the composition of the Histories; and K. Ziegler in his R.E. article on Polybius argues for composition in the sixties followed by a revision and publication before 146.
The Altar of Eleos
Authors: Wycherley R. E.
Published: February 2009

In later antiquity few monuments at Athens had such a great reputation as what the Athenians called with pride the Altar of Eleos or Pity, the suppliants' altar. Philostratos links it in fame with Olympia and Delphi. The Athenians pay homage to Eleos along with Athena Polias, says Sopatros. ‘You have an Altar of Eleos’, says Apsines to the Athenians; ‘…for this you have a great reputation amongst all other men.’
A Transposition in Propertivs
Authors: Housman A. E.
Published: February 2009

In the ninth elegy of his third book Propertius withstands the encouragements of Maecenas, who has urged him to attempt heroic themes.

He declares himself unequal and unsuited to the task: different minds have different aptitudes; Lysippus excels in one craft, Calamis in another; some race afoot and some in chariots;

So far his weapons of defence are taken from a common armoury; but in the next verses he develops the argumentum ad hominem which was foreshadowed in ‘eques’ and ‘intra fortunam qui cupis esse tuam.’ Such promptings, says he, come strangely from Maecenas, whose own discreetness and self-repression will be famous in history, and whom he is resolved, so far as in him lies, to imitate.
Aeschylus, Supplices 249
Authors: Whittle E. W.
Published: February 2009

This is the reading of M. presumably arose from a dittography ( for ). (Turnebus) has been generally accepted. The adverbial use of an adjective qualifying the subject of an imperative appears to be at least unusual; no examples are quoted (though this may be fortuitous) by Kühner–Gerth, i. 274–6. Robortello, followed by Tucker, preferred : but the earliest certain appearance of the adverb seems to be in Aristotle. I would propose : cf. Supp. 1015, Th. 34. This is no less satisfactory palaeographically, and the participle is demonstrably idiomatic Greek.
ἈΑΑΤΟΣ and some other Negative Compounds
Authors: Moorhouse A. C.
Published: February 2009

It will be seen that has twofold prosodic value: in passage (I) it equals but in the others

It is usual to connect the word with Alc, Pind. i.e. Lejeune, Traité de phon. grecque, p. 155note), thus following a lead given by Hesychius This is indeed the only suggestion advanced in the respective etymological dictionaries of Boisacq, Hofmann, and Frisk, and by Seiler (Lex.frühgriech. Epos); though all but Seiler express more or less of doubt, particularly on the ground of meaning.
Leg. Gort. I. 35–55
Authors: Willetts R. F.
Published: February 2009

Seizure before trial is forbidden in an impending dispute about a free man or slave. But if a claimant anticipates judgement he is to be fined ten staters for seizing a free man, five for a slave, and he is ordered to release the seized person within three days (1. 1–7).

If this order for release is not obeyed, the offending party incurs another fine of a stater for a free man, a drachma for a slave, for each day until the order is obeyed, the judge deciding on oath about the time involved. If this offence is denied, the judge is to decide on oath, where there is no witness (ib 7–14).
Zonaras, Syncellus, and Agathias—a Note
Authors: Cameron Averil M.
Published: February 2009

Chapters 3 and 4 of Book 80 of Dio Cassius, dealing with the founding of the new Sassanid dynasty in Persia, have to be reconstructed from Xiphilinus on the one hand and the Excerpta Valesiana on the other. Zonaras 12. 15 in turn excerpts Xiphilinus; but Zonaras 12. 15, p. 572. 7–10 B. is not to be found in either of the excerptors of Dio. The words are as follows:
Enniana VI
Authors: Skutsch O.
Published: February 2009

When a poet's work survives only in fragments our judgement of its merit is bound to be strongly influenced by the arrangement given to the fragments by their editors. And yet some superficial indication of the subject-matter is not infrequently seized upon as though it were a sound basis for so responsible an operation, and horror uacui proving stronger than amor ueri, stronger even than desiderium noua docendi, the ill-founded solution is passed on from one edition to the next although it may be wholly out of character with the author's style and may make a great poet appear a wretched hack. An example of this was given in C.Q. N.S. X (1960), 188 f., where the traditional attribution of a commonplace statement to a speech which called for the very opposite of a commonplace was shown to be mistaken. The standard interpretation of the fragment to be discussed here is no less striking as an instance of injustice done to the poet, even more liable to expose him to ridicule, and perhaps of wider interest as a specimen of stylistic indications unduly neglected.
The Status Nomenclature of the Imperial Slaves
Authors: Weaver P. R. C.
Published: February 2009

The status nomenclature of the Imperial slaves, as that of the Imperial freedmen, is important mainly for its bearing on the difficult problems of dating slave sepulchral inscriptions, but also as a means of determining who were Imperial slaves belonging to the Familia Caesaris with the significant social status this implied. Bang's careful but brief treatment of the subject, published in 1919, was not based on a complete collection of the material—admittedly difficult to obtain—and much has appeared in the interval. Moreover, a deeper analysis of the evidence necessitates some revision of his conclusions.
The Cnidian Treatises of the Corpvs Hippocraticvm
Authors: Lonie I. M.
Published: February 2009

Galen in a celebrated passage remarks that there were three ‘choirs’, in early Greek medicine: the choirs of Cos, of Cnidus, and of Sicily. The word is vague and suggestive, and we do well to keep it so. If we look in the Hippocratic Corpus for schools of medical theory, with distinct sets of doctrine marked off clearly from the doctrines of rival schools, we shall be lucky indeed if we can find them, and, having found them, succeed in convincing others of their existence. But we shall find, now and again, an individual voice proclaiming itself from among its impersonal surroundings with clarity and vigour: some treatises in the collection have their author's personality stamped on them as distinctly as on a work of art.
The Epitome Of Euripides’ Phoinissai: Ancient And Medieval Versions
Authors: Barrett W. S.
Published: February 2009

We now know that the epitomes prefixed to the plays of Euripides in the medieval manuscripts were written not for this purpose but as part of a complete collection of Euripidean epitomes, arranged alphabetically by initial,and intended presumably to make the subject-matter of the plays available to persons unable or unwilling to read the plays themselves. The first direct proof of the existence of this collection came with the publication in 1933 of a fragment containing Rhesos, Rhadamanthys, Skyrioi (Gallavotti, Riv. Fil. lxi [1933], 177 fif.; now P.S.I. 1286); we now have parts of it in three other papyri as well (P. Mil. Vogl. 44, with Hippolytos; P. Oxy. 2455, with over twenty plays, including Medea, Orestes, Troades, Phoinissai; P. Oxy. 2457, with Alkestis and Aiolos), and may reasonably suppose that P. Oxy. 420 (Elektra; published in 1903) is also from the same work.
Five or Seven Recesses?
Authors: Walcot P.
Published: February 2009

IN C.Q. N.S. xiii (1963), 1578ff., M. L. West discusses various non-Greek traditions which throw light on the interpretation of Pherecydes. Of course problems remain, but one of these the comparative material may yet solve. Is West correct in suggesting (p. 157) that we emend the Suda entry on Pherecydesand so reduce the seven recesses to five ? A convincing analogy can help us here. G. S. Kirk has already compared the seven gates which Ishtar has to penetrate when she descends into the underworld. Despite all his reluctance to admit oriental influence on Pherecydes, he sees this as a possible source.
Tryphon De Tropis
Authors: West M. L.
Published: February 2009

The work with which I am concerned is not the one that appears under the name of Tryphon in Rhetores Graeci, viii. 726–60 Walz, iii. 191–206 Spengel, but the one that appears under the name of Gregory of Corinth, viii. 761–78 W. and iii. 215–26 Sp. What I now offer amounts to a makeshift edition. I call it makeshift, because I have not sought out and assessed all existing manuscripts of the work, or versed myself in Greek grammatical writing to the extent that a serious editor would have to do; I offer it because, whatever its deficiencies, it represents a more complete and a recensionally better founded text than those of the three existing editions, the most recent of which is now 109 years old.
Haurire, Haustus (Lucr. 5. 1069)
Authors: West D. A.
Published: February 2009

The primary meaning of haurire is ‘to take by scooping, to draw’, and it is used of liquids and of solids which pour. The first section of this paper will try to show that this meaning is frequent and sometimes missed by the commentators. The second section will trace the development of other meanings showing that this root is not applied to drinking and swallowing, except metaphorically, until well into the first century A.D., except once in Livy.
Corrigendum to Vol. XXXIV, Nos. 1, 2 (p. 42)
Authors: Wilkinson L. P.
Published: February 2009

It has been pointed out to me that in my article on ‘The Augustan Rules for Dactylic Verse’ (C. Q., XXXIV, p. 42) I misrepresented an observation of Maas as reported by Wilamowitz in his Griechische Verskunst, p. 53. Wilamowitz' words are: ‘Wenn Tibull und Ovid den Pentameter so bauen, dass die vorletzte Silbe betont wird, tun sie das nach dem Vorgange gleichzeitiger griechischer Epigrammatiker.’ This means, of course, that the Greek writers mentioned ended with a paroxytone word, not necessarily with a disyllable, as I assumed it to mean, and I apologize for the oversight.
Plutarch's Biographical Sources in the Roman Lives
Authors: Smith R. E.
Published: February 2009

Theobject of this article is to set forth certain evidence that emerges from a study of three of Plutarch'sLives, theTitus, thePaullus, and theCato Maior, evidence which indicates that theseLivesare based upon a definite type of biographical composition, and to suggest its possible origin and date. Since E. Meyer's article on theCimonof Nepos and Plutarch, biographical sources have generally been assumed for the GreekLives, and there has been a tendency to make the same assumption for the RomanLivesalso, without, however, setting forth the evidence that might justify it. Uxkull Gyllenband maintained that biographies of Greeks and Romans, the sources of Plutarch, were written in the second centuryb.c., but he gives no evidence for his contention, which is indeed refuted by the observations of Jacoby. Mühl argued with some force that Plutarch's source for theMarcelluswas a biography. There is good reason to doubt his conclusion that Plutarch has used a biography of Poseidonius; but the arguments advanced by Klotz for the thesis that the source was the annalist Valerius Antias are still less convincing. Liedmeier postulates a biographical source for thePaullus, but without doing more than asserting the general improbability that Plutarch here used a multiplicity of sources. It seems therefore desirable to collect such evidence as there is of a biographical source in these three RomanLivesof the second centuryb.c., and it is with such an attempt rather than witha prioriconsiderations that I am here concerned.
The Augustan Rules for Dactylic Verse
Authors: Wilkinson L. P.
Published: February 2009

The elements which every schoolboy learns on beginning Latin Verse Composition include a number of rules which seem arbitrarily designed to make the game harder. In hexameters, he is told, he must have a masculine caesura either in the third foot or in the second and fourth, and end normally with a disyllabic or a trisyllable; in pentameters he must end with a disyllabic; and in neither line may a single monosyllable stand at the end. Rarely, in my experience, is any reason given him by way of redress, and he will search for one in vain in most of the school text-books, in introductions like Postgate's to Tibullus and Propertius, and in histories of Latin literature like Wight Duff's and Mackail's. This reticence may be due to the dissensions of experts on this subject and on the subject of Latin accentuation in general, but the theory that predominates in England, among those who hold a theory at all, explains so many of the phenomena that it deserves to be more widely and precisely known. The most detailed exposition of it is by E. H. Sturtevant, who summed up his analyses in a pair of articles in the Transactions of the American Philological Association in 1923–4. While his careful work is invaluable as marshalling the statistics and evidence, it errs on the side of excessive minuteness, and leaves room not merely for some additions, but for a different kind of treatment concerned less with bare statistics and more with poetic principles and historical development. Since Latin Verse Composition plays such an important part in English higher classical education, it seems desirable that a less technical and more accessible account should be available for English readers. Such an account I attempt to give here, keeping separate as far as possible the exposition and the consideration of the criticisms and rival theories that have been advanced.
The Seventh Idyll of Theocritus
Authors: Gow A. S. F.
Published: February 2009

In a paper designed to prove that the technopaegnium entitled Σριγξ could not be by Theocritus, I said in 1914 that that question had a bearing of some importance upon the interpretation of the Idylls since the ‘Mascarade bucolique’ depended ultimately on the assumption that Simichidas in Id. 7 was Theocritus himself. If T. referred to himself elsewhere by that name (and the Syrinx so refers to him), the assumption would be justified; if someone else did so, he would, in company with the scholia and with the author of the barbarous verses beginning Σιμιχίδα Θεόκριτε which are prefixed to the Idylls in certain manuscripts, be merely drawing an obvious and possibly mistaken inference.
A Note on the Delphic Priesthood
Authors: Parke H. W.
Published: February 2009

In a recent number Mr. O. J. Todd has discussed the clumsy scansion of a line in a Delphic oracle, and has called fresh attention to the problem of the Pythia's prophesyings in verse. The chief difficulty consists in the differences between the indications on this subject as given by our various sources. The conventional phrases in most authors from Pindar and Herodotus until late periods describe the responses as uttered by the Pythia herself. This picture seems to imply that the Pythia originated the verse form of the oracle. But this view would take no account of the existence of the official known as the προφήτης whose business was evidently to deliver the response to the inquirer.
Philology in Theocritus
Authors: Gow A. S. F.
Published: February 2009

There can be no doubt about the object which Delphis was in the habit of leaving at Simaetha's house. The word ὄλπη is capable of meaning a ladle or jug for wine (Ion, fr. 10 N2ap. Ath. 11. 495 B), and the name is conventionally applied by archaeologists to a particular form of jug, but Delphis did not carry a jug about with him. What he took to the gymnasium or palaestra where he appears to have spent most of his time (8, 80, 97, 115) was the portable flask of oil, carried indeed by others, but, together with sponge and scraper, the regular equipment of the athlete. ὌΟλπις, which appears to be a mere synonym, also has the same two meanings. At Sapph. fr. 51 it is a wine-jug, but at T. 18. 45, where the Spartan girls will make libation of oil at Helen's plane-tree, the silver ὄλπις containing it is no doubt that from which they anoint themselves in their masculine way by the Eurotas (23).
A Disputed Compound in Aeschylus (χαλκοκέραυνος)
Authors: Stanford W. B.
Published: February 2009

The epithet χαλκοκέραυνον has perturbed many, though the most recent English editors (Murray, Thomson, and Sidgwick) have printed it without comment. The new Liddell and Scott betrays uneasiness in its ‘epithet of the sea, perhaps false reading for χαλκαμάρυγος, gleaming like copper or bronze’. Overseas scholars flatly reject it. Wilamowitz poured scorn on it in his Interpretationen (p. 57, footnote 1) and commented in his larger edition (p. 68) neque intelligitur et frustra temptatum est. Weir Smyth obelizes it. Bothe, Hermann, Weil, and others offered emendations. In Bursians Jahresberichte, ccxxxiv, p. 104 (1932) W. Morel observed (apparently with a sigh of relief) Von Erz und Blitz befreit uns Bruhns χλιαρόκρουνον. This is emancipation indeed.
Hesiodea III
Authors: Evelyn-White Hugh G.
Published: February 2009

The recently issued volume of the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Part XI.) contains new and important fragments from the Hesiodic Catalogue of Women; and the two substantial pieces grouped as No. 1358 are particularly welcome as shedding light upon two rather obscure sections of that work—the γης περlόδος, and the history of the Sons of Europa and Zeus. It goes without saying that the editors' treatment of these fragments is in every way admirable; and I trust it will not be regarded as an impertinence if I endeavour to restore a few lines which they have refrained from completing, and to offer an alternative reconstruction of a somewhat difficult passage.
Sophocles, Electra, vv. 137 SQQ.
Authors: Viljoen H. G.
Published: February 2009

In a previous article I have cited these lines in support of my emendation ‘Ηλεκτρατον for the MS. text Ηλεκτρα τοκν, v. 1075. With Jebb I tacitly agreed that the word-order ωδ’ ακορεστον οίμωγáν was correct. The metre of vv. 138–9 οντε γools ορτε λίταίσιν must therefore be defective.
An Attempt to Date the Composition of Aeneid Vii.
Authors: Hirst Gertrude
Published: February 2009

The following note s have been made during a long-continued study of Aeneid vii. (and viii.), with a constantly growing conviction of the priority of these books in point of composition. They deal with internal evidence and literary correspondences only. Examination of the metre has not produced any very definite results, so when I note d in one of the most recent articles on Vergilian metre z the statement that ‘a comparison and analysis of the separate books of the Aeneid does not give any results worthy of note ’ (with an exception that has not much bearing on this investigation), it seemed that these note s might appear without further waiting, though their argument is almost entirely subjective.
Pindar's Ravens (Olymp.2. 87)
Authors: Kirkwood G. M.
Published: February 2009

A problem in the text of Pindar, the interpretation ofλαρ⋯ετον, O.2. 87, seems to be vanishing, swept away by a remarkable consensus of recent criticism, a consensus the more remarkable in that it accepts a false solution to a genuine difficulty. This article has two purposes, the first and more important of which is to argue that the currently prevailing answer is manifestly wrong, the second to offer evidence in support of a different approach.

Simply readγαρυ⋯των, recent critics maintain, and all problems disappear. Since -ο- and -ω- were not yet distinguished in the orthography of Pindar's day,γαρυ⋯τωνis as correct as the unanimousγαρύɛτονof the MSS,testimonia, and scholia. By this simple change, the argument proceeds, the troublesome dual of the MSS is purged and with it the ‘historicist hare’, as one critic has recently called it, which less enlightened Pindarists chased for so long. If there is no dual, there is no need to speculate as to the identity of the ‘pair’ likened toκ⋯ρακɛςand contrasted with the ‘divine bird of Zeus’, the man who is wiseφυᾷ. We need no longer suppose that theμαθ⋯ντɛςare Simonides and Bacchylides – the traditional answer – or any other specific rivals.

Unfortunately for this view, there is no evidence to justify takingγαρυ⋯τωνas a plural, which is of course precisely what critics have been doing. It is – if anything – a third dual imperative (an extremely rare form), and every bit as much a dual as theγαρύɛτονof the MSS.

Mr Stoneman is not alone in his ready dismissal of the ‘historicist hare’. Here is the view of Professor Lloyd-Jones: ‘… the lightest possible alteration converts the dual to a plural imperative, so that the number two vanishes’. A year before, Professor C. A. P. Ruck had chided the scholiasts for ‘reading out of Pindar'sΓΑΡΥΕΤΟΝthe dual…rather than the plural’. Bowra had declared thatγαρυ⋯των‘would be the plural of the imperative’. The belief is widespread and persistent; those who wish a full conspectus of earlier views on the matter may consult the massive compilation made by Dr J. van Leeuwen in 1964.

Not all critics and editors have endorsed the change from the traditional reading. While it has been in the successive Teubner editions since Schröder adopted it in 1900, neither Turyn nor Bowra accepted it. But among those who have argued forγαρυ⋯των, only one has expressed any doubt that it is a plural, and that one is Theodor Bergk, who first proposed it. Indeed Bergk expressed no doubt about its being a dual.
Notes on Aristophanes
Authors: Seager Robin
Published: February 2009

Commentators offer no satisfactory explanation of why Cleon's satellite Theorus should be sitting on the ground. Van Leeuwen suggests ‘ut infra in convivio’, which seems far-fetched and at best premature, for, though it might suit the character of Theorus as flatterer, that character is not revealed by Alcibiades' speech impediment till 45. It may be that there is nothing to explain, that Theorus is sitting on the ground because there is nowhere else to sit. But if an explanation is desired, what is wanted is something that fits the image of the crow. And if a scavenging bird positions itself on the ground in the vicinity of a monster holding a scale on which meat is being weighed out, its object is surely to pick up scraps that fall from the scale. Such behaviour symbolizes accurately enough the relationship posited between Cleon and Theorus the man – whereas a more ambitious and independent crow might try to snatch its food direct from the scale. (The antecedent of αὐτ⋯ς in 42 is probably ɸ⋯λλαιvα, not τρυτάνην, since ɸ⋯λλαινα is the subject of βούλεται in 41. But since the monster is holding the scale, Theorus, by positioning himself near the monster, is perforce well placed to seize anything that drops.)