bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Notes on Homeric Armour
Authors: Leaf Walter
Published: May 2006

It is unfortunate that Dr. Buchholz's great book on the Homeric Realien should have had no more adequate guides in the difficult and interesting questions relating to archaic Greek armour than the now rather unsatisfactory work of Rüstow and Köchly, Die Geschichte des Griechischen Kriegswesens (Aarau, 1852). That treatise was written some thirty years ago, when archaeology was comparatively young. In discussing heroic arms the authors make no distinction of archaic and late monuments, while of course they were ignorant of the revolution in our ideas of primitive Greece brought about by recent discoveries, of which those of Dr. Schliemann at Mykenai occupy the chief place. Some valuable hints have been given by Dr. Autenrieth in his Homeric Dictionary, and will also be found scattered through the notes of Ameis and Hentze in their edition of the Iliad; but no important monograph on the question has appeared, so far as I am aware, and we must not perhaps complain if Dr. Buchholz has had to take an antiquated treatise for his text, relegating to notes the scattered suggestions which he has found elsewhere. Dr. W. Helbig's promised work, Das Homerische Epos aus den Denkmälern erläutert, will doubtless leave little to be desired when it appears; meanwhile the following somewhat disconnected suggestions may possibly be of help in clearing up various disputed points.
Inscriptions from Cos, &c.
Authors: Gardner E. A.
Published: May 2006

Last June I received from Mr. Newton a set of squeezes from inscriptions which had been sent him by Mr. Petrides, in order that if unpublished they might appear in the Journal of Hellenic Studies. As to their provenance, Mr. Petrides has kindly supplied me with the following information. They were sent to him from the island of Symi, and as far as he can understand they must have been found either on the island of Cos or on the mainland of Asia Minor, opposite to these islands. From the inscriptions themselves it will appear that this view is in part at least correct; for the inscriptions numbered 6, 8, 9 and 10 are certainly from Cos. 1, 3, and perhaps 4, however, seem to belong to Rhodes: the rest bear no internal indication such as to enable us to assign their origin to any particular place. It is clear then, that the evidence as to provenance is not definite enough to override any internal evidence that may be inconsistent with it; but we are probably justified in assuming that the inscriptions come from the islands in the south-east portion of the Aegaean, or the neighbouring coast of Asia Minor. I am indebted to Mr. Newton for valuable help, especially in conjecturing the purport and locality of the Rhodian inscriptions.
Judith and Holofernes
Authors: Hicks E. L.
Published: May 2006

Among the books of the Apocrypha two portions stand out in strong relief as bearing the marks of genius. One is the Book of Wisdom, with its sustained moral fervour and luxuriant yet devout fancy; the other, the noble tragedy of the Book of Judith. The latter work has the further interest of presenting a curious literary problem. Is ‘Judith’ in any sense history, or even based on history, or is it mere romance ? Certainly the writer takes great liberties with facts. Time and place have to yield to the requirements of the narrative. Famous names are mingled together in extraordinary combinations. Nebuchadnezzar reigns over the Assyrians at Nineveh; and he reigns soon after the Jewish return from Captivity. An Arphaxad rules at Ecbatane as king of the Medes. An unknown high priest Joachim is supreme at Jerusalem. The book opens moreover with a catalogue of nations brought under this Nebuchadnezzar's sway; and the list teems with contradictions of history and even of probability.

Learned opinion since the time of Grotius has been almost unanimous in pronouncing the book to be an historical romance, of the time of the Maccabees or later, wherein the writer sets forth in parable the hopes and fears of his nation, and stirs up his countrymen to heroic resistance to the oppressor.
An Inscription from Boeae
Authors: Gardner E. A.
Published: May 2006

By the kindness of the Rev. H. J. Bidder, we are enabled to publish the following inscription, obtained by him from Βοιαὶ, the modern Neápolis, in Laconia. On a slab of white marble: size 11 in. x 7½ in. x ½ in., height of letters ⅜ in. The slab is broken away at the top and right side; more lines may be lost above; it is also broken across.

The forms of the letters are somewhat inconsistent: thus we find l. 6, l. 11, Ρ twice, l. 15, beside the more characteristic forms. In l. 14, the fifth letter was first inscribed as Ν, by a mere inadvertence, and then corrected.

Before the inscription was cut, faintly scratched lines were ruled to keep the letters in even rows.

The date, from the forms of the letters, seems the second or third century of our era.
Notice of a Lapith-head in the Louvre, from the Metopes of the Parthenon
Authors: Waldstein Charles
Published: May 2006

Upon passing through the corridor which leads to the Salle des Bronzes in the Louvre Museum, my attention was attracted by a marble head (Plate XXIII.) placed on one of the higher shelves of the case running along the wall, which contains a number of marble fragments of all descriptions. The more I looked at this head, the more did it seem to manifest the peculiarities of style and workmanship as well as the peculiar dimensions (just under life-size) of the metopes of the Parthenon. It was at least evident that none of the remains of ancient art, not as yet identified with the metopes of the Parthenon, that had come to my notice, was so fully possessed of the characteristics marking these metopes. The experience resulting from a careful and scientific comparative study and observation of a great number of identified ancient monuments has shown that the works of the various periods, schools, and artists, are each possessed of marked individual characteristics, and differ very noticeably from one another in conception, style, and workmanship. These differences, however, only become noticeable and useful as guides to the classification and identification of works of ancient art when numerous works, or reproductions from them, are placed side by side, and are subjected to trained observation in all respects similar to the observation which has been so long and profitably in use in the natural sciences. Based upon this experience, the recognition of the characteristics of this head lead me to believe that it could not belong to a period posterior to the time of Pheidias or previous to the Persian wars. In fact, it appeared to me highly probable that the head really belonged to one of the metopes.
Telesphoros
Authors: Wroth Warwick
Published: May 2006

The student of Greek religion and mythology who devoted his attention solely to the more striking figures of the Hellenic Pantheon would very imperfectly apprehend its true extent and character. No doubt the wide-spread cultus and the many-sided nature of its Dii Majores give them a pre-eminent claim upon our study, but at the same time we can never leave wholly out of sight those innumerable subordinate beings—whether divine or semi-human—who were created by the exuberant fancy of the Greek, and honoured by his worship. The presence of these lesser gods is felt at every turn: their images are set, as it were, upon every high hill, and under every green tree; and though their personality may often be less interesting than that of the greater deities, nay, though it be sometimes colourless or barely intelligible, our survey of the broad field of Hellenic worship and legend will always remain imperfect so long as we suffer these, its minuter, objects to escape our vision. Thus, for instance, in treating of the great Greek divinity of healing—Asklepios—we cannot afford to ignore those inferior personages who follow in his train and even share his powers. It is of one of these subordinate divinities—the god Telesphoros—that I propose to speak in the present paper.
The Greek-Speaking Population of Southern Italy
Authors: Tozer H. F.
Published: May 2006

It will probably be a surprise, even to readers of the Journal of Hellenic Studies, to learn that there are at the present day twenty thousand persons in the south of Italy who speak Greek as their native tongue. These people form two separate groups, composed of a number of villages or townships, one of which is found in the heel of Italy or Terra d'Otranto, the other in the toe of that country, towards the extremity of the modern Calabria, in the neighbourhood of Cape Spartivento, and about twenty miles to the south-east of Reggio. The language which they speak, as might well be supposed, is not ancient Greek; nor is it in any sense a lineal descendant of that which was spoken in the colonies of Magna Graecia; but, though it is essentially modern Greek, it differs considerably from the Romaic of Greece, and these differences are of such a nature, that it must have required the lapse of many centuries to produce them. There can be no doubt that at one time it was spoken over a much wider area than at present; indeed, within the memory of man it has died out, and has been superseded by Italian, in places where it had previously been in use. Any traditions which may have existed with regard to the origin of this people and the fortunes of their ancestors they have now entirely lost; and their history, as far as it can be discovered at all, must be reconstructed from casual notices in historical documents and from intimations contained in the language.
Hygieia
Authors: Wroth Warwick
Published: May 2006

A bas-relief of Pentelic marble found about twelve years ago in Argolis portrays with much beauty the family of the God of Medicine awaiting, in the presence of their father, the approach of male and female suppliants. In the two youths who form part of the group immediately behind Asklepios, it is easy to recognise his sons Machaon and Podaleirios; while the three maidens near them must be his daughters Hygieia, laso and Panakeia. One other female figure, who wears a veil and Stephane, and is of more stately aspect, would seem to be Epione, the wife of Asklepios. Aegle and Akeso, who are also sometimes named as daughters of the god, are here omitted. Epione, in spite of her intimate relations with Asklepios, appears to have been chiefly honoured locally—at Epidaurus, and it is her eldest daughter Hygieia who is really the most important member of the Aesculapian family. The almost constant association of Hygieia with her father brought her into the fullest prominence as a medical divinity, though at the same time it, to a great extent, prevented her from attaining to an independent exercise of power. Most modern writers on Greek mythology and religion have generally suffered her to be absorbed in the greater and more interesting personality of her associate, and have often had but little to tell of Hygieia, except that she was represented ‘as a virgin dressed in a long robe, feeding a serpent from a cup.’
Four Archaic Vases from Rhodes
Authors: Smith Cecil
Published: May 2006

The so-called ‘Chalcidian’ class of vases, in spite of their great technical and historical interest, have as yet received less of the close attention which has been applied to other better known classes, chiefly on account of the lack of definite material and definite information regarding them. No one has as yet treated of them comprehensively as a class, if we except the cursory survey of Klein, although a fair number have been separately published: pending therefore the maturing of the more complete study which seems desirable, the introduction of four new specimens of vase painting which we may call Chalcidian will not be without interest to archaeology; especially as the two at least which are figured on Plates XL.—XLIII. have each a further intrinsic value as contributions to the study of mythography.
Excavations of the British School at Melos: the Hall of the Mystae
Authors: Bosanquet R. C.
Published: May 2006

The Hall of the Mystae is a Roman building on the western slope of the ancient town of Melos. The principal object and result of the excavation begun by Mr. D. Mackenzie and myself in April and extended by Mr. Cecil Smith in May 1896, was to put on record its fine mosaic pavement. We were fortunate in being able to call to our aid a skilful and indefatigable draughtsman. Mr. Charles Clark, architect to the School, joined us in Melos as soon as he could be spared from the Athens excavations, and worked upon the mosaic for several weeks in the full heat and glare of a Mediterranean summer. Of the illustrations, fruits of his patient labour, which this paper serves to introduce, Plate I. represents the two figured panels on the scale of 1:25, and is a very faithful rendering of their general effect; while Plate II. gives part of the finest panel on the scale of 1:5, and shows the method of execution in detail; it is reproduced from one of a series of rubbings' coloured cube by cube upon the spot, which are practically full-size facsimiles of all the principal figures. The spirited figure of the cock (Plate III.), supplied by another rubbing, gives a good idea of the life-like force of the design. For the restoration attempted in the key-plan (Fig. 4) we are jointly responsible.
On the Plan of the Homeric House, with Special Reference to Mykenaian Analogies
Authors: Myres J. L.
Published: May 2006

The object of this paper is to examine some of the arguments which have been used to support current reconstructions of the Homeric House, and in particular of the House of Odysseus, as it is described in the Odyssey; and to add a few points of interpretation and of criticism which I have not succeeded in finding already in print. In order to make these latter intelligible, it will be necessary to recapitulate much that has been stated by previous writers on a subject which is ‘always with us’; and not a little that has been established with some degree of certainty. It is perhaps necessary also to add, that the interpretation which I propose is intended to apply, almost without exception, to the Homeric poems in their present state; and to determine the domestic architecture and domestic habits which were familiar both to rhapsodists and to their audiences at the time when the poems, and the ‘Vengeance of Odysseus’ in particular, were being reduced to the form in which, with but slight aberrations, they have survived. It is difficult to believe that men who were endowed with so keen a visualizing faculty as the rhapsodists and their patrons really tolerated unintelligible archaism in the domestic topography of their ballads; and we may fairly assume that the movements of the personages implicated in the ‘Vengeance,’ into and out of the House of Odysseus, were still intelligible, and even familiar, to both singers and listeners. That this was so in the Homeric Age, and that anachronisms in the description were currently corrected, as one custom and another became obsolete in daily life, is made very probable, if not certain, by the analogous case of Homeric armour; where, as Dr. Reichel has argued in his Homerische Waffen, the introduction of the θώρηξ and the consequent changes of drill and fence, are reflected in the poems by interpolated passages, introduced by θώρηξwearing rhapsodists to meet the critisisms of a θώρηξwearing public.
Pontica
Authors: Anderson J. G. C.
Published: May 2006

About forty-five miles in an air-line west-south-west of Samsun (Amisos) lies the town of Vezir Keupru, situated at the eastern edge of a rolling plain bounded towards the west by the Halys, on the south by the long ridge of Tavshan Dagh, and on the north by the mountain-rim of the plateau through which the Halys forces its way to the sea. This undulating tract is the extreme westerly part of the ancient Phazemonitis, over which passed the one great ‘through route’ from Constantinople across Paphlagonia to the Euphrates, following throughout its course a line curiously parallel to the coast. Though this road is not described in any ancient document, its importance for the Roman period is amply proved by a remarkably complete series of milestones, erected or re-erected by successive emperors between Nerva and Constantine, which we discovered last summer between the Halys and Neocaesareia. In modern times it cannot claim any such importance.
Archaeology in Greece, 1899–1900
Authors: Bosanquet R. C.
Published: May 2006

It is satisfactory to be able to begin this report by announcing important additions to the equipment of three of the Athenian Schools. The German Institute was able to inaugurate its spacious new library at a special meeting held on March 12 to celebrate the completion of its twenty-fifth year. The British School has received from Mr. W. H. Cooke, nephew and joint-heir of the late George Finlay, the library of some 5,000 volumes, together with the bookshelves and antiquities, which had remained untouched in the historian's house in the ῾Οδὸς ῾Αδριανοῦ since his death in 1875. And M. Homolle is drawing up the plans for an annexe which will enable the French School to extend its hospitality to students from Belgium, Russia and other countries which have no archaeological headquarters in Athens.

The excavations on the north side of the Acropolis have been suspended. The Archaeological Society is spending large sums each year upon the repairs to the Parthenon, and is also buying up houses, when opportunities occur, with a view to continuing the excavations on the site of the ancient Agora. One great undertaking, upon which the Society has been engaged at intervals for upwards of forty years, has been brought to a successful conclusion. The Stoa of Attalos is now completely cleared and from being one of the most bewildering it has become one of the most intelligible of Athenian monuments. Great credit is due to Mr. Mylonas, who has been in charge of the work for the last two years. The Archaeological Society has recently published a first instalment of the late Dr. Lolling's Catalogue of Inscriptions, and a volume on Epidaurus by Dr. Kavvadias. These are to be followed at intervals by other archaeological books. The third, which is in the press, is a history of the doings of the Society from its foundation to the year 1900. Its income and practical usefulness have increased immensely during the past five years. The Society has recently lost one of its best-known members in Stephanos Kumauudes, who was for thirty-six years its secretary and for many years keeper of its antiquities, now merged in the national museum. He was an honorary member of the Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies, and author of a well-known volume of sepulchral inscriptions.
Notes on the Greek Foot Race
Authors: Gardiner E. Norman
Published: May 2006

The recent discoveries at Olympia, Epidaurus, and Delphi have forced us to modify the old idea of the Greek race course based on the stadium of Athens and the Roman circus. It may perhaps be useful shortly to state the evidence which we now possess.

Running is the most universal, the oldest of all forms of sport, and the primitive form of a race is that which the competitors run from one point to another—the germ of the stadium or straight race—or where they race round some distant object and back to the starting place—the germ of the diaulos and other turning races, as the Greeks call them (κάμπειοι) This simple type of race, which we may see to-day at school treats and rustic meetings, requires no apparatus but two posts, stones, or other objects to mark the starting point, and the finish, or turning point; and it is this primitive type that we find in Homer.
Inscriptions from Melos
Authors: Smith Cecil
Published: May 2006

The following inscriptions were either copied or excavated by the members of the British School during the spring of 1896, some during our preliminary visit in January, but the greater part during March—May, when we were living at Trypete. The majority of the inscriptions of the island are the product of the promiscuous amateur digging which has been going on probably almost continuously for nearly a century: they are consequently usually in the hands of peasants, who in most cases can only give one vague traditions regarding their original provenance. The personal interest of their present owners in them is naturally very small: it awakens to a languid existence when from time to time a foreign visitor makes them the subject of notebooks and (occasionally) of drachmas: but for the most part no sort of care is taken for their preservation, and if an inscription is to be employed as a paving-stone, it is usually the inscription side which meets the foot and the weather. Of course this state of things is not confined to Melos: I only mention it because there is at last serious talk of collecting the inscriptions and perhaps some of the other more important antiquities of Melos into a local museum: whether as the result of our urgent representations or of those of the German visitors of last year, or as the result of years of suggestions, it matters very little. It is greatly to be hoped that the good intentions of the demarch of Castri may soon be carried out.
Two Stelae from Kynosarges
Authors: Edgar C. E.
Published: May 2006

The two fragmentary stelae here published were discovered in the course of the excavations of the British School at Kynosarges in the winters of 1895 and 1896. One had been built into a Roman wall, the other into a late Hellenic watercourse. Within the area excavated there was no trace of any tombs of the period to which these reliefs may be referred, nor was any such trace to be expected. But the masons may very well have picked them up from close at hand; originally they may have stood by the side of a neighbouring road; indeed, they may be two of the actual tombstones desecrated by the soldiers of Philip.

The first of these two stelae attaches itself to an early group of gravestones described and dated by Köhler in the Athenische Mittheilungen of 1885. The letters which remain of the inscription run …τησικ… (perhaps Σ]τησικ[λ༵ια or Κ]τησικ[λ༵ια) and end with a second σ on the other side of the break. The H is evidently the Ionic H, and the sigma has four limbs; but this need not prevent the conclusion suggested by the style, that the stele was erected some time, but not a long time, before the outbreak of the Peloponnesian War.
Greek Graffiti from Der el Bahari and El Kab
Authors: Peers C. R.
Published: May 2006

The following inscriptions were copied during the winter of 1897–8: those from the temple of Der el Bahari in November and December; those from the neighbourhood of El Kab in February, 1898.

Der el Bahari.—The funerary temple of Queen Hatshepsut of the XVIIIth Dynasty, dedicated in honour of Amen Ra, and now known as Der el Bahari, stands on the western side of the Nile valley, under the eastern cliffs of the limestone ridge which separates the valley of the tombs of the kings from the great Theban cemetery which stretches from Goornah to Medinet Habou. The temple is laid out at three levels, having an entrance court on the lowest level, from which there is access by a central incline to a second or middle court, and this leads to a third or upper court, whose western and northern sides are built against the cliffs in which the sanctuary is excavated. All the graffiti given here (Fig. 1) come from the Eastern and Southern walls of this upper court. They are noted in the order they occur, on the Eastern wall from N. to S., on the Southern wall from E. to W.
Additions and Corrections to J.H.S. Vol. XVIII. Pp. 182–208
Authors: Brooks E. W.
Published: May 2006

P. 183, 1. 20 flf. The defective portion of Al Tabari extends only from AH 32 to AH 40. The notices given under the years 20, 28, and 32 might therefore have been quoted from Al Tabari. The variations in his text are too slight to be worth recording ; but it should be mentioned that for the notices of 28 and 32 the authority of Al Wakidi is quoted. Instead of the notice given under 25 he has merely, ‘And in this year was the capture of the fortresses, and their commander was Mu'awiya the son of Abu Sufyan.’ The two following notices should be added.
Athena Hygieia
Authors: Walters H. B.
Published: May 2006

The British Museum in 1898 acquired a small bronze figure of Athena, which is figured on Plate VII. from three points of view. Mr. Murray has described it in his report as a bronze statuette of Athena, looking downwards at the serpent which she holds in her right hand. This type of Athena, as he points out, is very rare.

This figure is included in the new Catalogue of Bronzes under the number 1055 (p. 189), where it is described in much the same words as above. In discussing it now at greater length I have the kind sanction of Mr. Murray for making use of certain suggestions which he has made as a result of further investigation of the type.

The provenience of the bronze is unfortunately unknown, but we may conjecture that it comes from Southern Italy, probably from the neighbourhood of Rome or Naples. The goddess stands in a somewhat peculiar attitude, the left leg being so much bent that the whole body appears to be thrown backwards. The left foot is drawn very far back, while the right leg is quite straight.
The Scenery of the Greek Stage
Authors: Gardner Percy
Published: May 2006

While most of the dispositions of the ancient Greek theatre have been submitted in recent years to a searching examination, the question as to the scenery used as a background to plays has been somewhat neglected. It seems to me that a fresh enquiry on this particular point may be of service.

I must preface this enquiry by a statement of the view which I adopt as to the presence or absence of a raised stage in the Greek theatre, since it is obvious that any theory as to scenery must depend in a great degree upon the solution of the stage question which is adopted. It is quite impossible on this occasion to discuss fully the question whether the place of the actors in Greece was the orchestra or the λογεῖον I can only say that I assume the latter view to be correct. I think that from the time of Aeschylus onwards the stage, which had at first been a low platform of varying size, grew steadily in height as the part of the actors in the performance grew more important, and their independence of the chorus more complete. And as the stage grew higher it also grew narrower by an obvious necessity, until we have the long narrow stone stage of the Hellenistic age, which exactly corresponds with the assertions of Vitruvius and other ancient authorities.
Gavin Hamilton's Letters to Charles Townley
Authors: Smith A. H.
Published: May 2006

It is a well-known fact that the Scottish painter Gavin Hamilton was the most active and successful of the band of excavators at work on Italian soil in the second half of the eighteenth century. He was employed by several collectors, notably by Charles Townley, and by Lord Shelburne, and, apart from his work as an artist, he carried on an active business in obtaining concessions of promising spots, and in the restoration and export of the proceeds of his excavations.

Until a recent date, our chief information with respect to Hamilton's diggings was derived from a summary, drawn up by Dallaway, of Hamilton's letters to Townley. The original letters appear to be lost, and Prof. Michaelis was unable to trace them, when he was investigating this subject. Other details, copied by Townley from the letters into his MS. inventories, have thence found their way into the British Museum Marbles, and other works on the Townley sculptures.
Selected Vase-Fragments from the Acropolis of Athens.—I
Authors: Richards G. C.
Published: May 2006

The vase-fragments from the Acropolis of Athens, here published for the first time (Plates XI. and XII.), with the exception of one which appeared long ago in Benndorf's Griechische und Sicilische Vasenbilder (Pl. XI. 6), are of the greatest interest, not merely as problems of restoration difficult enough to satisfy the most ardent enthusiast for Greek ceramography, but because of the important position they occupy among the vase-finds of the Acropolis, which have already revolutionized vase chronology, and to the careful study of which we may look for much more light in the future. They are perhaps the most important fragments in the black-figured style which have hitherto remained unpublished, and as the majority of these older fragments are either hasty and careless productions or less interesting in subject than the less numerous but more uniformly important remains of red-figured works, it is the more desirable that they should become known to the learned world. Several of the fragments were drawn for the Hellenic Society some years ago, and when I had opportunity of access to the Museum of the Acropolis two years back, it was my pleasant duty to search for other portions of the original vases, with a view to a more complete publication. I was successful in bringing together several that are now published, the drawings being executed by the practised hand of M. Gilliéron, who had been commissioned with the earlier work.
Inscriptions from Cyzicus
Authors: Smith Cecil , de Rustafjaell R.
Published: May 2006

1. On a slab of marble, ht. 10½ in. × 10 in., found within the walls during the tentative excavation. It is broken on the lower edge, but the other edges are fairly complete. The greater part is occupied with a relief representing Hermes and a goddess who is presumably Andeiris (Fig. 1). Both figures face the spectator: on the left Hermes (apparently beardless), wearing short girt chiton, chlamys, and petasos, stands at rest with caduceus along left arm, and right hand resting on hip: on right is Andeiris, a draped woman. Unfortunately this figure is broken away diagonally from the left shoulder to the right breast, and the surface is injured throughout. It is consequently impossible accurately to distinguish the details.
On a Group of Early Attic Lekythoi
Authors: Bosanquet R. C.
Published: May 2006

The white lekythoi represented on Plates IV.–VII. and Figs. 1 and 2 are members of a series, twelve or more in number, all bearing a marked family likeness in style, subject, and inscription. They are of interest to the historian as presenting pictures of Athenian domestic life in the years of peace which followed the Persian War: to the student of sculpture as anticipating in a curious way many of the types and motives of later grave-reliefs: and to the student of vase-technique as bridging the interval between the white-ground kylikes of the ‘severe’ school and the ‘Lécythes blancs attiques à représentations funéraires’ on which M. Pottier has written. Here is the list. For the sake of clearness I have placed the inscriptions of the white-ground lekythoi on the left-hand side of the page, those of the red-figured on the right.
Greek Head in the Possession of T. Humphry Ward, Esq.
Authors: Sellers Eugénie
Published: May 2006

The Greek head of which four different views are given on Plate V. 1, 2, and in Figs. 1 and 2 comes originally from the Borghese Palace whence it was acquired previous to the great sale. It is now the property of Mr. Humphry Ward, to whom I owe very sincere thanks for permission to publish it in this Journal. When the head came into Mr. Ward's hands it was tilted upwards at a very unpleasing angle and restored with a nose totally out of keeping with the style and proportions of the face: disfigurements which perhaps account for its neglect by the many archaeologists who must have seen it in its old Roman home. Even in that condition however, a close examination of the treatment of the hair and the eyes showed this acquisition of Mr. Ward's to be nothing less than a Greek original of the first half of the fifth century. In effect, when Mr. Hamo Thornycroft had mounted the head at a proper angle and replaced the old plaster nose by one more in keeping with the general character of the face, the full beauty of the head soon became apparent. Thus restored, the head was exhibited during the spring and summer of 1893 at the Burlington Fine Arts Club. I saw it there immediately on my return from Rome and was not only confirmed in my belief that the work was an original but I was also struck with its likeness to the ‘Aphrodite’ on the central slab of the now famous throne in the Museo Boncompagni-Ludovisi, and was thus led to connect it with that monument and a whole series of kindred works.
Mycenaean Vases at Torcello
Authors: Dawkins R. M.
Published: May 2006

In view of the importance of ascertaining the limits of the influence of the early civilization of the Aegean, the existence of four Mycenaean vases in the little museum at Torcello has a certain interest.

This museum contains a miscellaneous collection of antiquities, some dug up in the island itself or coming from the ecclesiastical buildings close by, some from the adjacent islands in the lagoon. Amongst a number of vases of later date are the four in question.

The first of these (No. 727) is a small pseudamphora of somewhat flattened form. The buff slip is decorated all over the body of the vase with bands of red glaze-paint. The spaces on the shoulder of the vase not occupied by the spout and handles are filled with parallel strokes gradually decreasing in length, which thus form the triangles of bars common on late Mycenaean ware.
Four Fragmentary Inscriptions
Authors: Loring W.
Published: May 2006

The first three of the inscriptions which follow were copied by me in 1893 at Braïm-Efféndi, one of the villages on the site of Tegea, whence, by an arrangement with the owners, I transferred them to the neighbouring museum at Palaea-Episkopé. The fourth, which is too fragmentary for restoration, was found by Mr. Nákos, of Livadhiá in Boeotia, when preparing to lay the foundations of a house in that town in 1891, and I copied it at the time with his permission.

I. Braïm-Efféndi (Tegea). Found by in his field. The inscription is on the face of a curved moulding (cyma recta), about 10 in. in height, which must have formed part of a sepulchral monument of considerable size, perhaps in the form of a small heroön. The letters are from ½ in. to ⅝ in. in height, and are cut with some care.
A Note on the Painter of the Vases signed Euergides
Authors: Beazley J. D.
Published: May 2006

The fragments reproduced in Fig. 1 are in the Archaeological Institute at Heidelberg, and Prof. von Duhn has kindly allowed me to publish them. They formed part of a cup: it is not possible to say whether the cup had pictures on the outside or not. Round the figure on the inside runs the broken inscription The outlines of the figure are all relief-lines, except the further edge of the chiton below, the outer line of the sleeve near the elbow, and the front part of the sole. The wreath is red, the contour of the hair reserved with a relief-line on either side of the reserve.

Three other cups have figures in the interior which resemble ours closely: Munich 2612; a fragmentary cup in Leipzig (woman running holding a wreath); and a cup found at Capua and published in Annali, 1849, Pl. B, but now lost. This third vase bears the legend It is likely then, though of course not certain, that we are to restore our inscription as or This is not a certain restoration; for the anonymous artist who worked for Euergides may have worked for, say, Euthymides, as well, although we do not know that Euthymides ever owned a workshop, since his extant signatures are all artist's signatures.
Vases added to the Ashmolean Museum. II
Authors: Gardner Percy
Published: May 2006

I continue the catalogue of the vases recently acquired by the Ashmolean Museum, the first part of which catalogue appeared in this Journal, vol. xxiv. pp. 293–316. As before, the numbers given to the vases are those which they bear in the slip catalogue of the Museum.

527. R.-f. Krater: the handles joining the body to the mouth. H. 14¼ in.

Decoration on neck, leaves (black) with stalks interlaced.

Obverse. Hermes to r. bearded, wearing chlamys and hat (behind neck), with drawn sword rushing on Argos, also bearded, naked, whose arms and legs are covered with eyes, and who kneels to r. Wreaths of both figures in red.
Hellenistic Royal Portraits
Authors: Wace Alan J. B.
Published: May 2006

This paper does not pretend to be the result of original research, but to be rather a compilation of the various identifications of bronze or marble portrait heads as kings of the great dynasties of the Hellenistic period, that different archaeologists have proposed from time to time. In the course of my study of the evolution of later Greek art, I proceeded from studying the series of coins of the Hellenistic dynasties to examine the portraits identified by means of the coins. I hoped by that method to obtain surer ground for the succession of styles in the period. But there is so much uncertainty and often complete contradiction as regards the identification of the portraits, that so far a study of the portraits has yielded little. Many of the heads identified as kings are not kings at all. In fact there exists too great a tendency to believe that every fine individual portrait must be that of a king or some other great man. Private portraits must have been even more plentiful than royal portraits, and as works of art would stand an equal chance of preservation.
Some Points as to the Chronology of the Reign of Cleomenes I
Authors: Wells J.
Published: May 2006

The two dates which I wish briefly to discuss are those of the Argive Expedition and of the Atheno-Plataean alliance: they are of cardinal importance for the history of Greek politics in an important but very obscure period. The two questions may be considered as independent, and it is possible to adopt the earlier date for one event, and not for the other (as E. Meyer does), but in my judgment the two events are connected, and the date assigned to the one carries with it the date of the other.

First then as to the date of the attack on Argos and the battle of Sepeia. Before the time of Grote this was always placed circ. 520 B.C. on the strength of the passage of Pausanias (iii. 4), ‘when Cleomenes came to the throne, he at once invaded the Argolid’; his accession is usually placed about 520, and as this date is generally accepted, it is needless to give the reasons for it here. The date of Pausanias is in itself worth very little. It is true that he has information as to the Argive campaign which is not in Herodotus, and which may be derived from some local chronicler; but this information is given in an earlier book (ii. 20), while in iii. 4 he is mainly following Herodotus. It may be noticed, however, that he certainly is supplementing Herodotus from some other source (e.g. the name of the grove of Eleusis, ‘Orgas’), and it is not unnatural to suppose that he had reason for giving a date for the expedition of Cleomenes, which differs from that which at first sight seems to be given by Herodotus; Wernicke writes ‘perverse eum (Cleomenem) initio regni sui id fecisse (Pausanias) dicit,’ but it may well have come from some chronological table (such as the Parian Chronicle).
The Farmer's Law
Authors: Ashburner Walter
Published: May 2006

The origin of the little code for the government of Byzantine agriculturists, which is known in the manuscripts as the Farmer's Law (νόμος γϵωργικός), has occasioned some difference of opinion among the learned men who have dealt with it. The greatest authority on Byzantine law, Zachariä von Lingenthal, changed his mind on the subject. He began by thinking it the work of a private hand—the compiler of the Appendix Eclogae—and assigning it to the eighth or ninth century (Historiae Juris Graeco-Romami Delineatio, p. 32). It was put together, in his opinion, partly from the legislation of Justinian and partly from local custom. According to his last view (Geschichte des Griechisch-römischen Rechts, 3rd ed. pp. 249 sqq.) it is a product of the legislative activity of the emperors Leo and Constantine and was enacted about the year 740 A.D.
Sennacherib and the Ionians
Authors: King L. W.
Published: May 2006

We possess few contemporary records of the Ionian expansion, even in its later stages, and the gradual hellenization of the coast-lands of southern Asia Minor is a process that, in the absence of historical documents, has largely to be inferred from later developments and by archaeological research. At least as early as the eighth century the sea-faring Greeks were known to the Assyrians, under the generic name of Ionians, as pirates and freebooters who troubled the coasts of their maritime provinces. That they should occasionally come into armed conflict with the Assyrian power was to be expected, but it has not hitherto been realized that at the beginning of the seventh century they were sufficiently numerous and powerful within the area of Assyrian control to join other adventurous and discontented elements in conducting a land campaign of some magnitude, and in defying, for a time successfully, the Assyrian forces. That they were capable of doing so may be taken as evidence of a considerable Ionian expansion eastwards at the close of the eighth and the beginning of the seventh centuries, and, though the Assyrians had little difficulty in checking the movement, it is probable that fresh conflicts of a like nature would have been recorded in the later Assyrian annals, were it not that a few years afterwards the centre of Ionian power in Western Asia Minor began to be held in check by Lydia, and later, in company with Lydia, was shaken to its foundation by the Cimmerian invaders. In fact those Ionians, whom Sennacherib met and defeated, achieved little political success, and that of a temporary character. It is possible that the effects of their cultural relations with their conquerors were more lasting.
The Atalanta of Tegea
Authors: Gardner Ernest
Published: May 2006

The scanty remains of the pediments of the temple of Athena Alea at Tegea were for many years the basis of all constructive criticism of the style of Scopas; their attribution to him has met with such universal acceptance that I need not here discuss it; in view especially of their extraordinary vigour arid originality it seems to me indisputable. The news that the excavation on the site of the temple was to be continued by M. Mendel, of the French School at Athens, was therefore received with the greatest interest, and his publication of his results fully justifies these anticipations. I wish to acknowledge the courtesy with which M. Holleaux, the Director of the French School at Athens, has allowed me to reproduce the illustrations from the Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique; for the use I have made of them in the case of the Atalanta I must accept the responsibility. It is not, however, possible, from the publication alone, to appreciate all the evidence that has to be taken into account. I had an opportunity, in April 1904, of studying carefully the statues in the local museum at Tegea, in company with Mr. D. L. Richmond, of King's College, Cambridge.
A New Replica of the Choiseul-Gouffier Type
Authors: Dickins Guy
Published: May 2006

The central photograph shewn on p. 279 is of a fragment now in the courtyard of the Terme Museum in Rome, but unpublished as yet in the catalogue. The material is a white coarse-grained marble probably of Greek origin, and the fragment represents the right leg (Standbein) of a standing male figure, and the trunk of a tree which supports it. Against the trunk, and at the side of the leg, is a quiver with conical lid, slung by a strap over a projecting branch. The foot is missing from the centre of the ankle-bone, and the upper line of breakage runs from the hip-bone inwards and downwards to the junction of the legs. From this point to the ankle the fragment measures 67½ centimetres, so that it is approximately life-size. There is a puntello in the middle of the thigh on the outside.
The Cabalians of Herodotus
Authors: Arkwright W.
Published: May 2006

In Herodotus iii. 90, in the second satrapy, along with the Mysians and Lydians, are included the Lasonians and the Cabalians and the ’ϒγϵννϵȋς. A distinction is made between the Lasonians and the Cabalians. In vii. 76–77, three tribes are commanded in the army of Xerxes by Badres, son of Hystanes. The first name has dropped out, the second people are the Maeonian Cabalians who are called Lasonians, the third are the Milyae. The words Καβηλέϵς οἱ Μηΐονϵς seem to make a distinction between the Lasonians and other Cabalians who are not Maeonians. Probably therefore the missing name in ch. 76 is Καβηλέϵς, omitted by copyists under the impression that the same people were being counted twice over. But the historian really meant to distinguish between the native Cabalians and the Lasonians who were of Maeonian origin and presumably immigrants. Accordingly in iii. 90, instead of Λασονίων καὶ Καβαλίων καὶ ’ϒγϵννέων, we should perhaps read Λασονίων καὶ Καβαλίων ἐγγϵνέων.
Leukas-Ithaka
Authors: Shewan A.
Published: May 2006

It was in 1900 that Dr. Dörpfeld first proclaimed, to the German Institute at Athens, that Leukas and not Thiaki was the Ithaka of Homer. In 1902 he read to the Archäologische Gesellschaft of Berlin a paper on the subject, which in 1903 was published in Mélanges Perrot. To this paper Wilamowitz gave a scathing and even contemptuous reply in 1903, and Dörpfeld rejoined in his Leukas, 1905, which also contains his original essay. Since then the controversy has raged without intermission, but it has been almost confined to Germany. This country has not so far contributed any comprehensive paper on the subject, and it would not be easy, so many are the matters that the dispute embraces, and so warm and minute has the discussion become, to prepare a statement with less than a considerable volume at one's disposal. I therefore propose to confine myself here to one of the points in the controversy, and I select that which the Leukadists, as they are called for short, regard as supplying the best evidence in their favour, and which is consequently noticed in nearly all papers and treatises on the subject. This includes the incident of the return voyage of Telemachus from Pylos to Ithaka, his escape from the ambush laid for him by the Wooers at the island Homer calls Asteris, and the identification of that island on the modern map.
The Nereid Monument Re-examined
Authors: Lethaby W. R.
Published: May 2006

When the fragments of the Nereid Monument, which had been discovered by Fellows, were brought to England they were of course examined by all the experts in classical art, Cockerell, Falkener, Watkiss Lloyd, and others. It was Cockerell who first laid down the lines which all other students have accepted as obviously correct. In a letter to Newton, or rather a note added to the letter, printed in the Classical Museum (vol. v. 1848, p. 194), he wrote regarding the peristyle which is the key of the scheme—‘that such an arrangement of the cella may be obtained from the fragments themselves and the observations made by Mr. Rohde Hawkins [the architect to the expedition] I was able to demonstrate, when by his ingenious father's introduction I had the honour, as a veteran in antiquities of this kind, to be consulted by him.’ Rohde Hawkins had many measurements and sketches taken at Xanthus before the stones were shipped for England, ‘when the backs of the slabs were sawn off for transport [and] the original joints were in some cases lost.’ He made a restoration, following Cockerell's suggestions, which is represented by a drawing at the British Museum and by a description printed in the Civil Engineer (vol. viii.). Fellows made another attempt; but while following the same general scheme, he proceeded on the assumption that he had discovered all the slabs of one of the sculptured friezes. His result is embodied in the model now in the British Museum. Although his restoration of the structure was certainly too small, he associated many of the sculptured slabs together in groups—doubtless with the assistance of Scharf, his draughtsman—in a way which is convincing.