bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Urinary Proteomics for Prediction of Preeclampsia
Authors: Carty David M. , Siwy Justyna , Brennand Janet E. , Zürbig Petra , Mullen William , Franke Julia , McCulloch James W. , North Robyn A. , Chappell Lucy C. , Mischak Harald , Poston Lucilla , Dominiczak Anna F. , Delles Christian
Published: January 2011

Preeclampsia is a major determinant of fetal and maternal morbidity and mortality. We used a proteomic strategy to identify urinary biomarkers that predict preeclampsia before the onset of disease. We prospectively collected urine samples from women throughout pregnancy. Samples from gestational weeks 12 to 16 (n=45), 20 (n=50), and 28 (n=18) from women who subsequently had preeclampsia develop were matched to controls (n=86, n=49, and n=17, respectively). We performed capillary electrophoresis online coupled to micro-time-of-flight mass spectrometry. Disease-specific peptide patterns were generated using support vector machine-based software. Candidate biomarkers were sequenced by liquid chromatography-tandem mass spectrometry. From comparison with nonpregnant controls, we defined a panel of 284 pregnancy-specific proteomic biomarkers. Subsequently, we developed a model of 50 biomarkers from specimens obtained at week 28 that was associated with future preeclampsia (classification factor in cases, 1.032±0.411 vs controls, −1.038±0.432;
P
<0.001). Classification factor increased markedly from week 12 to 16 to 28 in women who subsequently had preeclampsia develop (n=16; from −0.392±0.383 to 1.070±0.383;
P
<0.001) and decreased slightly in controls (n=16; from −0.647±0.437 to −1.024±0.433;
P
=0.043). Among the biomarkers are fibrinogen alpha chain, collagen alpha chain, and uromodulin fragments. The markers appear to predict preeclampsia at gestational week 28 with good confidence but not reliably at earlier time points (weeks 12–16 and 20). After prospective validation in other cohorts, these markers may contribute to better prediction, monitoring, and accurate diagnosis of preeclampsia.
Effect of Tipranavir/Ritonavir Combination on the Pharmacokinetics of Tadalafil in Healthy Volunteers
Authors: Garraffo R. , Lavrut T. , Ferrando S. , Durant J. , Rouyrre N. , MacGregor T. R. , Sabo J. P. , Dellamonica P.
Published: January 2011

This study evaluated the effects of single‐dose administration and steady‐state concentrations of tipranavir 500 mg and ritonavir 200 mg (TPV/r) combination on the pharmacokinetics of tadalafil 10 mg (TAD) in an open‐label study. Seventeen healthy male volunteers received sequential dosing of the studied product: TAD (day 1) alone in a single dose for 7 days followed by TAD (day 8) in a single dose with TPV/r (500/200 mg twice daily, days 8–18). Pharmacokinetic parameters were determined in a noncompartmental analysis. The geometric mean ratio and 90% confidence interval were used to evaluate drug interactions. The effect of a single dose of TAD on the pharmacokinetics of TPV/r resulted in a small decrease in exposure after either first‐dose or steady‐state TPV/r (geometric mean ratios [90% confidence interval]: area under the concentration‐time curve, 0.85 [0.74–0.97]). In contrast, coadministration of TAD exposure was increased significantly (2.33 [2.02–2.69]) when administered with the first dose of TPV/r but not when TPV/r steady state was reached (1.01 [0.83–1.21]). Antiretroviral activity may not be reduced, but the dose of TAD should be reduced at the start of TPV/r therapy and then a full dose can be resumed after steady state is reached.
A Town on Its Knees?
Authors: Simone AbdouMaliq
Published: January 2011

At best, Fanon had an ambivalent attitude toward the potentialities of African cities. As largely colonial creations, they were never viewed as the ‘real’ locus for an elaboration of a critical national consciousness or political project. Yet now that Africa is an ‘urban continent’, with cities moving in disparate directions through various broken infrastructures and temporalities, urbanization conveys both a desire for collective capacities that would seem to exceed both the terms of colonial residues and Fanon’s revolutionary projections, yet simultaneously to reiterate the fundamental tensions in their relationship. The very practices that would seem to waste political mobilization may be those which defer a definitive foreclosure of them. While African cities remain exemplars of the region’s captivation with redesigned imperialisms, they are generative of the potentials Fanon identified but assumed would never come from them.
‘The authors and the actors of their own drama’: Towards a Marxist theory of social movements
Authors: Gunvald Nilsen Alf
Published: January 2011

Marxism is a body of theory that emanated from and was crafted for social movements. Yet, paradoxically, it does not contain a theory that specifically explains the emergence, character and development of social movements. This article works towards the formulation of a Marxist theory of social movements. Grounded in Marx's philosophical anthropology, it argues for an ontological conception of social movements, and outlines a series of concepts for the analysis of the collective action of dominant and subaltern groups as ‘social movements from above’ and ‘social movements from below’ in the historical processes that animate the making and unmaking of social structures.
Organisational restructuring and emerging service value chains: implications for work and employment
Authors: Flecker Jörg , Meil Pamela
Published: January 2011

This article examines companies’ and public sector organisations’ external restructuring processes, with consideration of emerging or lengthening value chains and network relationships in the service sector. Focusing on two business functions — software development in the IT industry and IT services for public sector organisations — the article describes the types of inter-organisational relations that emerge and analyses the impact of restructuring on employment conditions and work organisation. The business functions clearly differ according to the form that restructuring takes and with regard to the impact of restructuring on work and employment. Common trends include increased insecurity, growing flexibility demands and higher levels of standardisation and formalisation of work.
Social capital and wage disadvantages among immigrant workers
Authors: Behtoui Alireza , Neergaard Anders
Published: January 2011

This study investigates the characteristics that affect access to social capital for employees in a single industrial firm in Sweden, and the impact of their social capital on their monthly salaries. The results demonstrate that being a member of a stigmatised immigrant group is associated with a substantial social capital deficit. This deficit arises because immigrant workers are embedded in social networks that constrain their ability to acquire valuable social resources or are excluded from social networks with valuable resources. Another finding is that the average salary earned by members of stigmatised immigrant groups is lower than that earned by native-born workers. The observed wage gap cannot be explained by ‘human capital’ variables. However, when social capital variables were taken into account, wage gaps noticeably shrank, which indicates that part of the wage disadvantage experienced by immigrants is likely to represent the impact of unequal access to social capital.
Forests, Fuel, or Food? Competing Coalitions and Biofuels Policy Making in the Philippines
Authors: Montefrio Marvin Joseph F. , Sonnenfeld David A.
Published: January 2011

The first country in Southeast Asia to enact legislation on biofuels, the Republic of the Philippines is recognized as a model for its decisive mandates in this area. This article uses the Philippine case to elucidate how competition among policy coalitions plays out in the formation and change of biofuels policy. Through content analysis of newspaper articles and government documents published from 2002 to 2009, we identify four active discourse coalitions: Biofuels Proponents, Technical Viability, Food Security, and Forest Conservation. Together, these coalitions maintain the political salience of biofuel debates in the Philippines. In these debates, the Forest Conservation coalition was particularly weak, resulting in its relative inability to influence the country’s biofuels policy. Its weakness may be attributed to perceptions among policy makers and the general public that forest conservation has no immediate socioeconomic relevance, and that, given their dismal state, primary forestlands across much of the archipelago lack significant environmental value.
‘I see her being obesed!’: Public pedagogy, reality media and the obesity crisis
Authors: Rich Emma
Published: January 2011

In recent years a proliferation of reality based media focusing on the body, diet and exercise have sought not only to entertain audiences, but also to operate as pedagogical sites through which to encourage populations to undertake surveillance of their own and others’ bodies in order to address a so-called ‘obesity epidemic’ sweeping across western society. This article examines how reality media function within a broader ‘surveillant assemblage’ (Haggerty and Ericson, 2000) of obesity. Specifically, the article explores how this assemblage functions through interdependent connections between parenting, social class and broader political discourses of parenting and health risks which produce affective relationalities of the body.
When the business of sharing treatment decisions is not the same as shared decision making: A discourse analysis of decision sharing in general practice
Authors: Robertson Maggie , Moir Jim , Skelton John , Dowell Jon , Cowan Sue
Published: January 2011

Although shared decision making (SDM) in general practice continues to be promoted as a highly desirable means of conducting consultations it is rarely observed in practice. The aim of this study is to identify the discursive features and conversational strategies particular to the negotiation and sharing of treatment decisions in order to understand why SDM is not yet embedded into routine practice. Consultations from Scottish general practices were examined using discourse analysis. Two themes were identified as key components for when the doctor and the patient were intent on sharing decisions: the generation of patient involvement using first-person pronouns, and successful and unsuccessful patient requesting practices. This article identifies a number of conversational activities found to be successful in supporting doctors’ agendas and reducing their responsibility for decisions made. Doctor’s use of ‘partnership talk’ was found to minimize resistance and worked to invite consensus rather than involvement. The information from this study provides new insight into the consultation process by identifying how treatment decisions are arrived at through highlighting the complexities involved. Notably, shared decision making does not happen with the ease implied by current models and appears to work to maintain a biomedical ‘GP as expert’ approach rather than one in which the patient is truly involved in partnership. We suggest that further research on the impact of conversational activities is likely to benefit our understanding of shared decision making and hence training in and the practice of SDM.
‘Ten thousand lads with shining eyes are dreaming and their dreams are wings’: affect, airmindedness and the birth of the aerial subject
Authors: Adey Peter
Published: January 2011

This paper explores how the emergence of an aerial subjectivity — an airmindedness — was engineered, manufacturing a reactive and militarized subject-citizen who would defend and promote the nation. Questioning the tendency to see airmindedness as an abstract notion promulgated by messages and propaganda, this paper explores how the British population were made airminded by being encouraged to act and move in specific ways and in particular geographical contexts. Examining the bodily performances, physiological and affective techniques of training embarked upon, the paper departs from the symbolic performativity of mobile national subjectivities.
State Politics and Policy Quarterly and the Study of State Politics: The Editor's Introduction
Authors: Mooney Christopher Z.
Published: January 2011

The American states provide, arguably, the world's most advantageous venue in which to test general propositions about political behavior and policymaking (Jewell 1982; Brace and Jewett 1995). One would be hardpressed to design a better system of polities for conducting political research. The states represent fifty units of analysis with broadly similar political structures, cultures, and populations, but with significant variation across a range of social, policy, and institutional characteristics important to many political theories. Unlike the examination of single units of government, such as the U.S. federal government, the variation in these characteristics allows scholars to test hypotheses of cause-and-effect relationships of political behavior and policymaking in a valid way. But unlike the comparison of different countries, the comparison of states does not produce so much variation that it overwhelms scholars' ability to identify relationships that might exist. Just as the states are a natural laboratory for public policy (New State Ice Co. v. Liebmann 1932), they are also a natural laboratory for testing hypotheses derived from political theory. Furthermore, the accessibility of state government officials makes quite feasible many research strategies that would be unthinkable in the study of federal officials and institutions.
Homeward Bound?: Micro-Level Legislative Responsiveness to Ballot Initiatives
Authors: Smith Daniel A.
Published: January 2011

Recent macro-level studies examining the indirect effects of direct legislation on public policy in the American states are decidedly mixed. This study tests whether the macro-level logic of legislative behavior in response to ballot initiatives holds true at the micro-level for individual legislators. I examined the determinants of legislative votes on “counter-majoritarian” legislation—bills that directly challenge the outcomes of earlier statewide ballot initiatives. In 1999, the Colorado state legislature tried to overturn the outcomes of three previous ballot contests. I find that in two of the three cases, a legislator's vote on these bills was related to the vote in his or her district on the respective ballot initiative. This helps explain why many legislators will vote contrary to the outcome of a statewide initiative vote.
Measuring State Public Opinion with the Senate National Election Study
Authors: Norrander Barbara
Published: January 2011

The surveys of Senate races from 1988 to 1992 conducted by the American National Election Study include a number of issue questions that can be aggregated to measure state public opinion. A simple-to-compute coefficient is used to judge the aggregated reliability of these measures. A comparison of these state public opinion measures on specific issues to more general indicators, such as state ideology and partisanship, demonstrates their usefulness in obtaining a richer depiction of public preferences for studies of state politics.
Policy Design for Local Innovation: The Effects of Competition in Public Schooling
Authors: Mintrom Michael
Published: January 2011

State governments have recently adopted many policies creating competition in service provision. These policies typically are expected to reduce costs and improve quality through organizational innovation. I present an analysis of one such initiative—the creation of charter schools. Using evidence from a survey-based study comparing charter schools and traditional public schools, I explore the relationship between competition and organizational innovation. I find that competition does appear to promote innovative local practices. But the evidence also suggests that competition can limit communication within the practitioner community, which, in turn, can stifle the diffusion of innovative ideas. Thus, policy design for local innovation may be more effective when competition is augmented with state-level strategies that promote inter-organizational cooperation and learning.
Institutional Threat and Partisan Outcomes: Legislative Candidates' Attitudes toward Direct Democracy
Authors: Bowler Shaun , Donovan Todd , Neiman Max , Peel Johnny
Published: January 2011

This study uses a three-state survey to examine how state legislators and legislative candidates view the ballot initiative process. We hypothesize that state legislators see the initiative as a rival to the legislature, and that the initiative is evaluated in terms of expectations about policy outcomes. We test whether opinions about the initiative are related to legislative incumbency, partisan interests, or both. We find that incumbents, regardless of party, are more interested in constraining the initiative than non-incumbents. We also find an independent effect of partisanship, with Republicans having a more positive view of the initiative than Democrats.
A Naturally Occurring Quasi-Experiment in the States: Research on Term Limits in Michigan
Authors: Orr Shannon , Rader Eric , Faletta Jean-Philippe , Sarbaugh-Thompson Marjorie , Elder Charles , Thompson Lyke , Strate John , Elling Richard
Published: January 2011

Term limits provide a rare opportunity to employ pre- and post-intervention research designs to investigate the effects of turnover in legislatures. This article describes a study of term limits in Michigan that takes advantage of this opportunity. With eight states implementing term limits in 2002 or soon thereafter, there are opportunities for other scholars to replicate all or parts of the study described here. The payoffs for such projects in terms of generating systematic answers to the impacts of legislative turnover and term limits are considerable.
Designing Bureaucratic Responsiveness: Administrative Procedures and Agency Choice in State Environmental Policy
Authors: Potoski Matthew
Published: January 2011

Elected politicians can manage government agencies using administrative procedures that either enhance agencies' political responsiveness or their autonomy. Rational politicians will delegate autonomy when the benefits of agency decision-making are high, such as when the policy problem is technically complex. This article tests this hypothesis by investigating how state politicians design the institutional features of state clean air agencies and how these agencies perform under different administrative procedure regimes. I find that when a state's air pollution problem is complex, politicians eschew administrative procedures that enhance political control, and these agencies respond by choosing policies from a broader range of options.
Rules, Roles, and Minority Representation: The Dynamics of Budgeting for Bilingual Education in Texas
Authors: Robinson Scott E.
Published: January 2011

Can minority representation influence policy outputs when decisions are largely governed by formal and informal rules? This article addresses this question using detailed data on school district representation and budgetary allotments in Texas, assessing the link between Hispanic school board representation and budgetary support for bilingual education. My findings suggest that descriptive representation does affect the budgetary process. My analyses also suggest that modeling representation as a role rather than as an input provides greater insight into the representational process.
Candidate Perceptions of Political Party Campaign Activity in State Legislative Elections
Authors: Hogan Robert E.
Published: January 2011

This article examines candidates' perceptions of political party services provided in state legislative campaigns using survey data from seven states in 1994. I find that candidates generally do not feel that party assistance is very helpful, although multivariate analyses show that this varies systematically with state context and district-level competition. The influence of campaign financing on candidate perceptions is particularly important. In districts where candidates spend similar amounts on their campaigns, candidates believe parties provide greater assistance. My findings suggest that parties target campaign services to candidates in the same way that they target financial contributions, focusing on districts where these resources are most likely to affect the election outcome.
Regulating Hate: State and Local Influences on Hate Crime Law Enforcement
Authors: Haider-Markel Donald P.
Published: January 2011

I use elements of overhead democracy and policy implementation theory to explain hate crime law enforcement in American cities. I develop hypotheses of the relationships between law enforcement, state and local policies, and the preferences of elected officials, bureaucrats, and the public. Using survey and demographic data, I find that local hate crime law enforcement is driven by the presence of state hate crime policies, the support and efforts of bureaucrats, the tractability of the hate crime problem, police funding and training, and public preferences. Law enforcement does not appear to be significantly influenced by the preferences of elected officials, local hate crime policies, or administrative procedures for hate crime cases. Thus, although political control by local elected officials is weak, state officials and citizens have some influence over local hate crime law enforcement.
State Legislative Campaign Finance Research: A Review Essay
Authors: Ramsden Graham P.
Published: January 2011

Over the last 10 years, a great deal of research has been conducted in what had been a neglected field—state legislative campaign finance. Much of this research is motivated by concerns about the impact of money on democracy in state legislative elections. This essay reviews that work critically, looking particularly at studies of spending levels, campaign contributions and fundraising, spending and voting, and campaign finance reform. Comparing campaign finance systems across the states facilitates theory building, provides empirical leverage with which to test hypotheses developed at the congressional level, and allows us to test the efficacy of campaign finance reforms.
American Governors and their Constituents: The Relationship between Gubernatorial Personality and Public Approval
Authors: Barth Jay , Ferguson Margaret R.
Published: January 2011

Public approval is an important tool for chief executives. It helps predict their re-election success and it may translate into greater legislative and administrative policy success. Does a governor's personality influence his or her public approval? We address this question by examining the effects of three gubernatorial motives—affiliation-intimacy, achievement, and power—on public approval. We hypothesize that governors who are especially motivated by affiliation-intimacy will be more successful with the public. However, we find that governors motivated by a desire for power have greater public approval, while the affiliation-intimacy motive is unrelated to approval. Furthermore, the achievement motive is negatively related to approval in our data. We contrast these results with our earlier findings that a combination of power and achievement motives leads to gubernatorial success in the legislative arena. It appears that personality is important in determining gubernatorial success with both the public and the legislature, but in decidedly different ways.
Political Events in a Model of Gubernatorial Approval
Authors: Crew Robert E. , Branham David , Weiher Gregory R. , Bernick Ethan
Published: January 2011

Research on the public approval of American governors has focused almost exclusively on the impact of economic conditions on fluctuations in such approval. This article adds events variables to a model of gubernatorial public approval including the more commonly used economic variables, and tests this model in a time-series analysis in three states. The results suggest that the effect of political events is minimal and mixed. Furthermore, the analysis does not clearly support any general theory of gubernatorial approval. Instead, the factors that influence public support for governors seem to vary across time and state.
A Dynamic Model of U.S. Senator Approval, 1981–2000
Authors: Anderson Jennifer L. , Newmark Adam J.
Published: January 2011

Using survey data in the states from 1981 to 2000, we explore the nature of public sentiment toward members of the U.S. Senate, compare aggregate senator approval to congressional approval, and examine the impact of several factors that may influence approval of both senators and their legislative institution. We hypothesize that presidential approval, partisanship, consumer expectations, inter-branch discord, national scandals, and rally-around-the-flag events will influence both senator and congressional approval. We find evidence that supports the conventional argument that constituents “love” their senators but “hate” Congress. Senators appear to be relatively insulated from factors that sway presidential and congressional approval.
Reconsidering Political Regionalism in the American States
Authors: Gimpel James G. , Schuknecht Jason E.
Published: January 2011

Political scientists, historians, pundits, and campaign managers have often sought to understand electoral politics by examining intrastate political geography. But what practical or theoretical contribution can political geography make when we have the powerful tool of survey research? We use a geographic statistic to identify regional nodes in four states, for the 1928–36 and 1988–2000 presidential elections. By weighting county-level election returns for their contribution to the total statewide vote for each party, we find that traditional regional characterizations of these states' politics are altered dramatically. We find that the parties typically compete on the same turf, making clear sectional distinctions harder to draw. Furthermore, over time within three of these four states, the Democratic vote has become more geographically concentrated, while the Republican vote has become more geographically dispersed. These findings have implications for the organization of statewide governing coalitions, the cost of party mobilization efforts, and the study of candidate emergence and success.
Media Tactics in the State Legislature
Authors: Cooper Christopher A.
Published: January 2011

Do state legislators use media tactics in policy-making? If so, which legislators, how often, and to what ends? Despite a number of recent studies asserting the importance of the media in American politics, we still have not answered these basic questions. Using a survey of state legislators from California, Georgia, and Iowa, I find that state legislators frequently use media tactics in policy-making, although they still prefer traditional forms of legislating. While the bulk of their media tactics is aimed at constituents, state legislators also target policy elites. This suggests that state legislators use the media for more than just aiding in their re-election. Finally, my analyses suggest that the frequency with which legislators use media tactics is largely a function of the resources at their disposal.
Direct Democracy and the Link between Public Opinion and State Abortion Policy
Authors: Arceneaux Kevin
Published: January 2011

Is public policy in states that allow initiatives and referenda more responsive to public opinion than in states that do not? Political science theory provides conflicting answers to this question. On one hand, these direct democracy mechanisms give citizens a direct voice in public policy, which may directly and indirectly shape policy to their wishes. On the other hand, formal theories of collective choice call into question the ability of direct democracy to produce policy that reflects the underlying distribution of mass preferences. This study tests these competing hypotheses by assessing the impact of public opinion on abortion policy using a new survey-based measure of state-level abortion attitudes (Brace et al. 2002). The empirical findings indicate that states with initiatives and referenda are more responsive to public opinion on abortion policy.
Against Their Apparent Self-Interest: The Authorization of Independent State Legislative Ethics Commissions, 1973-96
Authors: Rosenson Beth A.
Published: January 2011

Why do state legislators enact policies that conflict with their immediate self-interest? I address this question by assessing the impact of traditional and non-traditional policy determinants on ethics policy adoption. Specifically, I use event history analysis to identify the factors that explain the authorization of independent state legislative ethics commissions from 1973 to 1996. I find that the determinants of ethics policy are substantially, but not completely, different from those of other policies, with ethics policy fitting into an agenda-setting model better than many other policies. Scandals and the actions of other states played a prominent role in setting the agenda and facilitating the authorization of ethics commissions. The agenda-setting process transforms the immediate self-interest of legislators on this issue from one of concern about their own economic well being to one of concern about re-election. In addition, political culture, institutional power arrangements, legislative compensation, and party competition had small but discernible effects on the likelihood of a state establishing a legislative ethics commission.
The State of Surveying Legislators: Dilemmas and Suggestions
Authors: Maestas Cherie , Neeley Grant W. , Richardson Lilliard E.
Published: January 2011

State-level research affords scholars a unique opportunity to study legislative behavior because state legislators are accessible in ways that members of congress are not. State legislators' willingness to respond to interviews and questionnaires has provided scholars with a rich array of data about their behavior and perceptions. This survey research has contributed greatly to our theoretical and practical knowledge of legislative behavior and institutions. We examine 73 articles published in top academic journals from 1975 to 2000 to identify common techniques of surveying state legislators and suggest ways in which scholars can enhance the prospects for collecting high quality data. We also consider what type of collective efforts could be undertaken to enhance this underutilized resource for studying legislative politics.
Chief Executive Success in the Legislative Arena
Authors: Ferguson Margaret Robertson
Published: January 2011

American chief executives are popularly believed to play a crucial leadership role in the legislative process, but this role is not well understood by scholars. This article develops a model of executive leadership success in the legislative arena based on personal, institutional, political, and economic factors and tests that model with data on the legislative priorities of the 50 state governors in 1993-94. Institutional features of the executive, which have been the focus of much scholarship, are found to have little effect on a governor's legislative success. On the other hand, the nature of the legislature is quite important here, with more professional legislatures actually encouraging executive leadership. A governor's personal characteristics, political party, and a state's economy also influence a governor's legislative success. These findings point to the importance of examining chief executives in the context in which they work if we are to understand their role as legislative leader.
Of Footnotes, Missing Data, and Lessons for 50-State Data Collection: The Gubernatorial Campaign Finance Data Project, 1977-2001
Authors: Jensen Jennifer M. , Beyle Thad
Published: January 2011

This article serves three purposes. First, we present a new source of campaign finance data for the 50 states. This includes annual data on candidate expenditures in gubernatorial races from 1977 to 2001, as well as triennial and biennial data on campaign finance laws affecting gubernatorial races during this period. Second, we review the various sources of campaign finance data for the 50 states. Third, we examine the challenges of collecting and compiling data across the 50 states, since these data can vary so much in availability and measurement. We hope to provide some general lessons to researchers collecting or working with all types of cross-state data.
Measuring Public Corruption in the American States: A Survey of State House Reporters
Authors: Boylan Richard T. , Long Cheryl X.
Published: January 2011

We use a survey of State House reporters to measure corruption in state government and assess the priority federal prosecutors place on corruption investigations. The reliability and validity of the corruption measures are assessed, as are the relationships among corruption level, federal prosecutorial effort, and the number of federal prosecutions. Federal corruption prosecutions are positively correlated with both corruption and prosecutorial effort. Hence, we argue that federal prosecution data provide a potentially biased and unreliable measure of state public corruption.
Cohesion or Reciprocity? Majority Party Strength and Minority Party Procedural Rights in the Legislative Process
Authors: Martorano Nancy
Published: January 2011

What is the role of political parties in the development of legislative institutions? Recent studies have explored the expansion and contraction of minority party procedural rights in the United States Congress (Binder 1997; Dion 1997), but these studies reach contradictory conclusions. Binder, emphasizing reciprocity norms, argues that minority party procedural rights expand as the majority party loses strength, while Dion, emphasizing the notion that small majorities are cohesive, asserts that these rights contract under these conditions. I apply Binder's and Dion's arguments to state legislative lower houses and test them with a dataset of 336 state legislative sessions in 23 states. The relevant variation among state legislatures provides the leverage necessary to understand better the relationship between partisan politics and legislative rule adoption more generally. I conclude that in state legislatures, minority party procedural rights expand as the minority party shrinks in size.
Women in State Legislatures and State Legislative Research: Beyond Sameness and Difference
Authors: Cammisa Anne Marie , Reingold Beth
Published: January 2011

The literature on women in state legislatures has grown dramatically over the last few decades, examining in detail their personal characteristics, behavior, and the impact they have had on state legislatures. Highlighted throughout this body of work are the many ways in which these female officials differ from their male colleagues. While it may once have been necessary to identify and categorize women legislators, we now need to broaden our research to examine both the diversity among women state legislators and the contexts in which they may or may not make a difference. This broader focus should include analyses of state-level forces, such as legislative professionalism and state political culture, and it should also investigate more thoroughly policy outcomes and processes. Interactions between gender and other social forces, such as race, ethnicity, and class, should also be explored in greater depth. This new direction would build on the richness of the existing literature and allow the two fields of women in politics and state politics to better inform and contribute to each other.
On California's 1920 Alien Land Law: The Psychology and Economics of Racial Discrimination
Authors: Gaines Brian J. , Cho Wendy K. Tam
Published: January 2011

Scholars have recently highlighted a critical, but previously neglected, facet of racially discriminatory public policies—such policies may be motivated by either economic or psychological forces. That is, racially discriminatory policy may be the result of self-interest and competition in the face of scarcity or prejudices and affects based on group identities. We test if these motivations were behind the passage of an important, openly discriminatory public policy: California's Alien Land Law of 1920. We find that neither motivation alone accounts for the initiative vote that passed this law; both played a role. Our analysis also illustrates how racially discriminatory policies in the early 20th century fit into the ordinary politics of the day.
Voting in Initiative Elections: Does the Context of Racial and Ethnic Diversity Matter?
Authors: Branton Regina P.
Published: January 2011

Does the racial and ethnic diversity of the area in which a voter lives affect his or her political behavior? Scholars have suggested a range of such effects, but these conclusions have questionable generalizability because the behavior they typically examine is racially charged. In this article, I test more general affects of racial and ethnic context by examining political behavior on a range of issues, both racially relevant and racially neutral. Specifically, I examine the impact of the racial and ethnic context on individual-level voting by whites in initiative elections. Merging 1996 and 1998 Voter News Service state exit poll survey data and United States Census Bureau contextual data, I find that there is a distinct relationship between racial and ethnic diversity and white voting behavior on racially relevant ballot initiatives, but that racial diversity does not have a consistent impact on voting on race-neutral initiatives.
A Comparative Analysis of Redistricting Institutions in the United States, 2001-02
Authors: McDonald Michael P.
Published: January 2011

Legislative redistricting is among the most intensely fought battles in American politics. Through redistricting, political parties seek to control government, incumbents seek job security, and minority groups seek representation. I explore how the various United States redistricting institutions, and the political actors who operate within them, determined the outcomes of the 2001-02 redistricting cycle. I categorize these institutions into two types: redistricting that follows the normal legislative process and that which takes place through a commission. For those states that use the legislative process, when one party controls state government, redistricting results in a partisan gerrymander. When there is divided state government, a bipartisan compromise results from the legislative process. Commission systems differ on membership and voting rules, suggesting two types of commissions: partisan and bipartisan. A partisan commission reliably produces a partisan map, while a bipartisan commission results in a bipartisan compromise.
Static Ambition in a Changing World: Legislators' Preparations for, and Responses to, Redistricting
Authors: Boatright Robert G.
Published: January 2011

How do members of Congress anticipate and prepare for redistricting? I present data from the 1992 redistricting cycle that indicate that one reason why we rarely see changes in representation after redistricting is that incumbents change both their legislative activities and their campaigning prior to the first post-redistricting election. To examine incumbents' behavioral anticipation of redistricting in more detail, I also present a case study of incumbents' activities prior to the 1998 court-ordered congressional redistricting in North Carolina. I find that these incumbents participated actively in the redistricting process and made behavioral adjustments before they began to represent their new districts officially. These types of adjustments were often subtle, including changes in casework, local projects, and the allocation of staff and campaign resources.
The Effect of State Redistricting Methods on Electoral Competition in United States House of Representatives Races
Authors: Carson Jamie L. , Crespin Michael H.
Published: January 2011

Legislative redistricting in the states is highly contentious due, at least in part, to its partisan implications. But does the method by which states draw legislative districts affect partisan competition in the elections that are held in these districts? We examine the effects of three methods used by states to draw district boundaries on competition in congressional elections. Specifically, we evaluate the effects on competition of legislative, judicial, and commission redistricting plans enacted prior to the 1992 and 2002 congressional elections. We find that more competitive elections occur when courts and commissions are directly involved in the redistricting process, as opposed to when redistricting is handled only in the state legislative process.
The Electoral Allure of Direct Democracy: The Effect of Initiative Salience on Voting, 1990-96
Authors: Lacey Robert J.
Published: January 2011

Do salient ballot initiatives stimulate voting? Recent studies have shown that initiatives increase voter turnout, but some methodological concerns still linger. These studies have either relied solely on aggregate data to make inferences about individual-level behavior or used a flawed measure of initiative salience. Using individual-level data from the National Election Studies, I find that ballot question salience indeed stimulated voting in the midterm elections of 1990 and 1994. In an election with moderately salient ballot questions, a person's likelihood of voting can increase by as much as 30 percent in a midterm election. On the other hand, consistent with most prior research, I find no statistically significant relationship between ballot question salience and voting in presidential elections.
Measuring the Stringency of State Campaign Finance Regulation
Authors: Witko Christopher
Published: January 2011

Scholars are beginning to consider how state campaign finance regulation influences political behavior and elections, but they lack the systematic measure of these regulations needed to do so. This article describes a simple measure of state campaign finance regulation stringency that is based on state statutes in 2002. Further, this article explains the construction of the measure and assesses its validity and reliability. The index generally confirms qualitative assessments of state campaign finance regulation, and it is correlated with measures of related aspects of state campaign finance regulation, campaign spending, and fundraising.
The Endogeneity of the Initiative: A Comment on Marschall and Ruhil
Authors: Matsusaka John G.
Published: January 2011

It is widely believed that direct democracy, in the form of the initiative, brought about cuts in state taxes and spending over the last quarter century. This belief is based on firsthand observation, case studies, and more than a dozen statistical studies (Matsusaka 2004). Marschall and Ruhil (2005) focus on one of the central issues in this literature: Did the initiative cause this perceived reduction in taxes and spending, or was there some unmeasured factor that led to adoption of the initiative as well as spending and tax cuts?
Of Models and Methods: A Response to Matsusaka
Authors: Marschall Melissa J. , Ruhil Anirudh V.S.
Published: January 2011

Do instruments of direct democracy affect policymaking and, if so, how? The political science literature is rife with increasingly sophisticated empirical efforts to answer these questions (Matsusaka 2004; Lupia and Matsusaka 2004). Having expended much energy over the past two decades studying the initiative's effects on state and local policy, Matsusaka (1995, 2004) is convinced that initiative states spend and tax less than states without the initiative (2004, 3; 1995). Agnostic about whether initiative states spend and tax more or less than noninitiative states but puzzled by scholars' failure to account for the endogeneity of the initiative in their models, we sought to determine whether the fiscal conservatism ascribed to the initiative remained after explicitly modeling states' initiative status. Our study, published in this issue of State Politics and Policy Quarterly contradicts Matsusaka's conclusions.
Politics, Race, and American State Electoral Reforms after Election 2000
Authors: Bali Valentina A. , Silver Brian D.
Published: January 2011

The controversial presidential election of 2000 triggered a wide variety of electoral reforms in many states. We examine the impact of a state's politics, ethnicity, and fiscal health on the passage of these reforms. Using state-level data from 2001 and 2002, we find that the partisan make-up of state government frequently influenced the fate of these reforms. States with a divided government or high party competition tended not to adopt several key electoral reforms, while partisanship and the interaction of partisanship and minority representation influenced the adoption of others. Fiscal constraints and institutional arrangements had less impact on reform adoption. Overall, our findings suggest that electoral reforms were shaped more by political factors than by fiscal concerns or any objective need for reform.
Term Limits' Multiple Effects on State Legislators' Career Decisions
Authors: Lazarus Jeffrey
Published: January 2011

Most studies of the effects of term limits on state legislators' careers have focused solely on their propensity to seek other offices. An expected-utility analysis of the decision to run for office indicates that term limits reduce the benefits of seeking reelection, even for state legislators who are eligible to run, and reduce the opportunity cost of running for other offices. From this analysis, I develop a series of hypotheses about the probability that state legislators—term-limited or not—will seek re-election or other offices under a term limits regime, the value of the offices they seek, and the probability with which they will win these contests. I test these hypotheses using data on the career choices of state legislators in states with and without term limits in 2000-02. My empirical analysis supports the rational entry model and indicates that term limits have had a much richer effect on state legislative careers than previously understood.
Legislative Professionalism and the Power of State House Leaders
Authors: Clucas Richard A.
Published: January 2011

What effect does the professional character of a legislature have on the power of its legislative leaders? Despite legislative scholars' desire to better understand both institutional professionalism and leadership power, few empirical studies have explored the relationship between these two important elements of American state legislatures. Moreover, of the research that has been conducted, little effort has been made to understand the impact of professionalism on leadership from a theoretical perspective. This article expands our understanding of legislative professionalism and leadership while testing three theoretical models of legislative organization. I examine the effect of professionalism and several control variables on the influence of state house leaders in 38 non-southern states in 1981 and 1995. Contrary to the fears of some analysts, I find that more professional state legislatures tend to have more powerful leaders. These results provide support for a partisan model of legislative organization.