bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Sense of a Woman: Gender, Ambition, and the Decision to Run for Congress
Authors: Fulton Sarah A. , Maestas Cherie D. , Maisel L. Sandy , Stone Walter J.
Published: January 2007

Do men and women differ in their decisionmaking calculus for higher office? To answer this question, we use a survey of state legislators (SLs) in 1998 to examine the conditions under which male and female SLs seek a position in the U.S. House of Representatives. We consider three ways in which gender may influence ambition and the decision to run—indirectly, directly, and interactively—and we find evidence of all three effects. Female state legislators are less ambitious than males for a U.S. House seat, a difference that largely stems from gender disparities in child-care responsibilities. However, despite their lower ambition, female SLs are just as likely as their male counterparts to seek a congressional position. This apparent puzzle is solved by the finding that the expected benefit of office mediates the relationship between ambition and the likelihood of running. Female SLs are much more responsive to the expected benefit of office than are males, offsetting their diminished ambition level. The sense of a woman is reflected in female state legislators’ increased sensitivity to the strategic considerations surrounding a congressional candidacy. Because men and women respond differently to the intersection of ambition and opportunity, gender constitutes an important, yet often neglected, explanatory variable in the decision-to-run calculus.
Public-Private Contracting and Political Reciprocity
Authors: Zullo Roland
Published: January 2007

Prior research linking public-private contracts with political donations has not examined the dynamics of exchange. Evaluating data from Wisconsin, I test for a temporal association between the awarding of public-private construction contracts and political donations by construction firm owners and executives. My findings indicate that donation activity peaks near the months when contracts are approved; that contract-related donation premiums are comparable in magnitude to election cycle premiums; and that political giving varies across three separate procurement processes. I deduce that patterns of political giving reflect strategic expenditures during the negotiation phase of the public-private procurement process. These findings have implications for campaign finance reform and privatization policy.
PACs, Issue Context, and Congressional Decisionmaking
Authors: Witko Christopher
Published: January 2007

Scholars have claimed that PAC influence on congressional behavior is more likely on certain types of issues. After considering both roll-call voting and committee participation, I argue that the conditions making PAC influence on voting most likely make influence on participation least likely, and vice versa. The analysis of 20 legislative proposals indicates that PACs are able to influence voting on non-ideological/non-visible issues, but are more likely to influence participation on ideological/visible issues. Unlike previous studies, these findings demonstrate that PACs can influence behavior across different contexts, but that the route to influence differs depending on the type of issue being considered.
The Consequences of Presidential Battleground Strategies for Citizen Engagement
Authors: Wolak Jennifer
Published: January 2007

How consequential is residence in a presidential battleground state for how people engage in politics? I explore the effects of battleground strategies for campaign exposure, voter interest, political discussion, learning, and participation in the presidential campaign. I also consider the sources of battleground influence, including the campaign efforts of presidential candidates and particular partisan nature of battleground states. Using survey data from the 1992, 1996, and 2000 National Election Studies in conjunction with measures of state campaign context, I find that the effects of battleground environments are limited. Neither levels of campaign interest nor rates of political discussion are affected by presidential campaign intensity. While television advertising promotes learning and participation, battleground influence on the intention to vote reflects the partisan environment of a state rather than advertising or events sponsored by the presidential candidates.
Queer (Theory) Eye for the Straight (Legal) Guy: Lawrence v. Texas’ Makeover of Bowers v. Hardwick
Authors: Burgess Susan
Published: January 2007

In this article, I distill the complex discourse of queer theory into four claims and then employ those claims to construct an original interpretation of the 2003 decision of Lawrence v. Texas in which the U.S. Supreme Court struck down a Texas law criminalizing same-sex sodomy and overturned the 1986 case of Bowers v. Hardwick. Drawing on the queer performance in the reality television show Queer Eye for the Straight Guy, I characterize Lawrence as a makeover of Bowers. Using Queer Eye’s parody of sexual identity as a model, I offer a parody of judicial power, and conclude that my application of queer theory produces a better account of the complexity of constitutional change and a more savvy understanding of the persistence of power than that which is typically offered in conventional constitutional discourse.
Reassessing the Impact of Supreme Court Decisions on Public Opinion: Gay Civil Rights Cases
Authors: Stoutenborough James W. , Haider-Markel Donald P. , Allen Mahalley D.
Published: January 2007

The theoretical and empirical debate over the ability of the U.S. Supreme Court to influence public opinion through its decisions is far from settled. Scholars have examined the question using a variety of theoretical perspectives and empirical evidence, but there is no theoretical consensus, nor are the empirical studies without methodological weaknesses. We enter this debate in an attempt to bring some clarity to the theoretical approaches, overcome some of the methodological shortcomings, and bring a yet unstudied issue area, Court decisions on gay civil rights, under scrutiny. We argue that the ability of Court decisions to influence public opinion is a function of the salience of the issue, the political context, and case specific factors at the aggregate level. At the individual level these factors are also relevant, but citizen characteristics must also be taken into consideration. Our analysis of aggregate level and individual level opinion does indeed suggest that Court decisions can influence public opinion. However, the ability of Court decisions to influence public opinion is conditional. Our findings lend support to the legitimation hypothesis and the structural effects model. We conclude with a discussion of the implications of our findings and suggestions for future research.
Does National Context Influence Democratic Satisfaction? A Multi-Level Analysis
Authors: Wells Jason M. , Krieckhaus Jonathan
Published: January 2007

Previous research, using standard regression analyses, suggests that national context affects citizens’ satisfaction with democracy. We note that these standard techniques are inappropriate for examining the interaction between national and individual-level data, and we show empirically that these techniques have in fact led to severely biased findings in past studies. We therefore utilize a multi-level model to reassess existing theoretical claims. We find support for the claim that a consensual political system reduces the difference in democratic satisfaction between winners and losers. We do not find support, however, for existing arguments that citizen satisfaction is influenced by economic growth, corruption, democratic longevity, or changes in political freedoms. More generally, we argue that the bias produced by traditional statistical techniques is so severe that scholars must discontinue their use in future research.
The Modes of Participation Revisited, 1980-2004
Authors: Claggett William , Pollock Philip H.
Published: January 2007

In a series of publications, Verba and Nie and their coauthors argued that participatory acts vary along a number of dimensions, and that acts having similar dimensional profiles would constitute distinct modes of participation (Verba and Nie 1972; Verba, Nie, and Kim 1971, 1978; Verba, et al., 1973). In the realm of electoral participation, these investigators postulated two modes, voting and campaigning. Campaigning was thought to encompass a variety of behaviors, including working for a candidate or party, trying to persuade someone how to vote, and making a campaign contribution. A new dimensional typology, presented here, predicts that working in a campaign and contributing to political actors constitute separate modes of participation. We confirm these predictions by performing confirmatory factor analyses of participation items from the 1980-2004 American National Election Studies. We also find that vote persuasion is best modeled as a measure of political discussion.
The Politics of Consumer Protection: Explaining State Attorney General Participation in Multi-State Lawsuits
Authors: Provost Colin
Published: January 2007

In the past 20 years, state attorneys general have reinvented the enforcement of consumer protection regulations. Prosecuting businesses through multi-state lawsuits has the effect of enforcing consumer protection laws at the national level. The participation of states in these lawsuits varies quite dramatically across states, yet little research has been done to explain these differences in consumer protection enforcement. Because state attorneys general are elected in 43 states, the electorate’s ideology and the state’s socioeconomic culture should help explain these discrepancies. A pooled time-series analysis of participation rates from 1989-1998 provides support for these hypotheses.
Who’s Whispering in Your Ear? The Influence of Third Parties Over State Agency Decisions
Authors: Kelleher Christine A. , Yackee Susan Webb
Published: January 2007

This article expands our understanding regarding the level of influence and the strategies used by third parties on the decisions and policies of state agencies. In particular, we seek to explain the ability of three actors—governors, legislators, and interest groups—to shape policy outputs in state agencies. We highlight one of the most straightforward and largely overlooked strategies for third party influence—the use of routine, informal interactions such as phone calls and face-to-face meetings. Using data from the American State Administrators Project (ASAP), we create a new, pooled cross-sectional dataset from 1978 to 1998 to examine third party influence on state agency heads. We confirm that as the interactions between state agencies and third parties increase, so too does the influence of these parties over agency policies and decisions.
From an Academic Bestiary
Authors: Seabury Paul
Published: January 2007

At no time does the scientific investigator state his own opinion of what ought to be, or of what is right and what is wrong. His own biases and preferences do not enter the picture. ... In the final analysis it is administrators, not scientists, who determine policy — as sev eral American atomic physicists have belatedly discovered. The scientist's job is to analyze, to explain, and to increase the store of knowledge. His job should not be confused with the wielding of political and economic power, power which he does not possess.*
Out of Sight, Out of Mind: Americans' Knowledge of Party Control of the House of Representatives, 1960-1984
Authors: Bennett Stephen Earl , Bennett Linda L.M.
Published: January 2007

What affects Americans knowledge of the partisan makeup of the House of Representatives? Using National Election Studies from 1960 to 1984, we find that two sets of factors help explain what people know about party control of the lower chamber of the national legislature. The first reflects personal variables usually used to account for levels of political knowledge: education, gender, race, strength of partisanship, political interest, and media dependence. The second set includes contextual factors of U.S. politics, including divided party control of national elective institutions, divided control of the legislature itself, and whether elections change party control of the presidency. Contextual factors' importance as predictors of information show they merit closer study in future attempts to understand the dynamics of political information.
Equality and Responsive Institutions: Elements of a General Model
Authors: Ethridge Marcus E.
Published: January 2007

In the study of American Government, there have been few ideas more persistent or provocative than the notion that the Constitution was designed to restrict governmental responsiveness. At least since Beard, critics of the American system have argued that widely supported progressive policies are thwarted by the institutional features of Madisonian democracy. Since progressive policies include efforts to make income distribution more equal, advocates of "participative" or "expansive" democracy naturally hypothesize that greater institutional responsiveness will lead to greater social and economic equality. It is argued here that this empirical question cannot be constructively addressed within the conceptual frameworks of either the progressive adherents of such reforms or of most established rational choice perspectives. I construct a model to indicate how the effect of institutional responsiveness on equality depends on the distribution across classes of political participation, the differences between positive and defensive political action, and the costs of lobbying movements.
Reform-Resistant and Reform-Adopting Machines: The Electoral Foundations of Urban Politics, 1910-1930
Authors: Gimpel James
Published: January 2007

This article sheds light on the relationship between municipal electoral characteristics, progressive reform adoption, and the presence of machine political systems for the period between 1910 and 1930. Machine politicians and their supporters did stand in the way of reform, but not everywhere. A two-stage model suggests that the electoral factors contributing to machine presence are not exactly the same as those contributing to resistance to reform. Ethnic factors figure prominently in the results. Cities with high and increasing percentages of Irish immigrants resisted reforms even in cities where there was no machine. Literacy rates and the availability of patronage are important to the presence of machine organization, but make no independent difference to reform resistance. Receptivity to reform was frequently exogenous to whether a city was machine dominated.
State Legislative Party Competition: A County-Level Measure
Authors: Aistrup Joseph A.
Published: January 2007

This note develops a county-level measure of state legislative party competition for the periods between 1968-73, 1974-79, and 1980-85. The validity of the measure is evaluated through confirmatory factor analysis, a comparison to Ranney's state-level measure, and through an examination of the county-level data. In all cases, the county-level measure shows it is a valid indicator of party competition at the state legislative level.
Waiting for the Axe to Fall: Carlyle's Place in the Study of Crises of Authority
Authors: Mendilow Jonathan
Published: January 2007

The aim of this paper is to bring into the comtemporary discussion of crises of authority an ignored pre-Marxist approach best manifested in the writings of Thomas Carlyle and in the related ideas of Alexis de Tocqueville. Both stressed the importance of a nation's "collective unconscious" or value orientations in maintaining political legitimacy. If these erode, a "crisis in incubation" ensues, when authority is passively accepted until a major problem triggers a full-fledged crisis. The conjectural importance of this approach is indicated by brief comments on the possibility of a new type of crisis in the post-modem, post-industrial society.
European Integration after the SEA: The Case of the Social Charter
Authors: Huelshoff Michael G.
Published: January 2007

Neo-functionalist and intergovemmentalist theories of regional integration have been reasserted in recent analyses of European Community (EC) politics. This essay examines the ability of hypotheses drawn from these theories to clarify the politics leading to the 1989 Social Charter in the EC. It is found that a linkage politics model, based in part upon neo- functionalism and intergovernmentalism but which also emphasizes the impact of interest group organization on regional bargaining, best explains this case. The essay concludes with suggestions for reformulations of regional integration theory.
Accounting for State Economic Growth: A Production Function Approach
Authors: Brierly Allen Bronson , Feiock Richard C.
Published: January 2007

Using a production function model, this paper examines Olson's thesis that political organization contributes to economic decline. The findings confirm that political organizations have a slight negative influence on state income growth rates. However, other variables account for almost 80 percent of the variation across states. This analysis points to the importance of capital markets and business and occupational interests and the utility of the production function approach for explaining growth.
Citizens' Contacts with Bureaucratic and Legislative Officials
Authors: Moon David , Serra George , West Jonathan P.
Published: January 2007

This paper draws on both the bureaucratic and congressional literature to develop and test a model linking bureaucratic dissatisfaction with citizen- initiated contact with members of Congress. It has been argued by Fiorina and others that bureaucratic malfunctioning creates opportunities for congressional intervention which aids constituents and reaps electoral benefits for elected representatives. While this view has been widely accepted by scholars, empirical research has scarcely addressed the question, and evidence to support this conjecture has been scant. Using data gathered in a particular congressional district (both data on actual member-constituent contact and survey data), results confirm Fiorina's contention that those who are unhappy with bureaucracy are more likely to contact members of Congress.
The Politics of Impoundments
Authors: Wlezien Christopher
Published: January 2007

Impoundments are actions that eliminate or delay the use of previously appropriated funds. Traditionally, since they were presidential decisions, they have represented the means by which presidents can redress dissatisfaction with regular appropriations outcomes. Since the Impound ment Control Act of 1974, however, the president and Congress both have a role in those decisions. This study addresses the influences on presidential and congressional impoundment behavior, both before and after the Impoundment Act. The analysis suggests that in both periods presidents have attempted to impound appropriations for programs they oppose, although Congress has opposed those proposed impoundments since the Impoundment Act. With few exceptions, about all that presidents now can accomplish with impoundments is a temporary delay in the use of budget authority. In the absence of an effective im poundment instrument, and given recent developments in the budgetary process, the Congress retains ultimate control over budgetary detail.
Mobilizing Institutions and Class Representation in U.S. State Electorates
Authors: Hill Kim Quaile , Leighley Jan E.
Published: January 2007

Scholarly explanations for comparatively low U.S. voter turnout typically point to the weakness of mobilizing institutions, restrictive registration laws and the character of the election calendar. These same factors are assumed to account for the disproportionate representation of upper-class individuals in United States electorates. Furthermore, it is assumed that high turnout generally enhances class representation. We demonstrate below that turnout is related to class representation only under certain conditions; and we show that the causes of class representation differ from those of voter turnout. Using aggregate data on turnout and class representation in state electorates, we find that mobilizing institutions have modest effects on class representation. Contrary to typical assumptions about the effects of mobilizing institutions, class repesenta tion in U.S. state electorates is largely determined by the socioeconomic attributes (most notably, income and ethnic diversity) of the state's population.
The Impact of Permissive Judicial Policies: The U.S. Supreme Court and the Right to Die
Authors: Glick Henry R.
Published: January 2007

Little research has examined the effects of permissive Supreme Court decisions that give lower courts, legislatures, and others very wide discretion in implementation. This research presents two main hypotheses that link the content of state policy before and after a permissive Supreme Court decision: (1) institutions whose previous policies exceed the scope of a new permissive Supreme Court decision will ignore the new policy and maintain their original course; (2) institutions whose previous policies lag a permissive Supreme Court ruling will innovate by altering their policies to meet but not exceed the new Supreme Court decision. A sub-hypothesis applicable to both of these hypotheses is: state political institutions that previously had no applicable policies, but adopt them following a permissive Supreme Court decision, will follow the main policy innovations chosen by their counterpart state institutions. Focusing on the right to die and the Supreme Court's Cruzan decision, the reserach confirms the hypotheses. The findings suggest that permissive Supreme Court policies have effects similar to other more directive decisions but also that permissive policies reinforce dominant patterns of state policy innovation.
Universalism and the Electoral Connection: A Test and Some Doubts
Authors: Stein Robert M. , Bickers Kenneth N.
Published: January 2007

A recurring theme in the academic literature on distributive policy is the tendency for legislators to form oversized coalitions to bestow benefits on virtually every district represented in the legislature. In this paper we offer two tests of the universalism hypothesis. First, we examine the distributional expectation of the universalism thesis under the assumption that separate logrolls occur over the distribution of benefits for individual programs. Se cond, we test the thesis under the assumption that logrolls occur over bundles of programs organized by policy subsystems. Our findings show that the evidence on the extent to which benefits from distributive programs are univer salized is weak. We suggest a number of reasons why these weak results might be expected. We argue that the incentive to universalize benefits is only one goal of legislators and may not always be the most fruitful strategy for enhanc ing their reelection prospects.
Exploring the Participation of Organized Interests in State Court Litigation
Authors: Epstein Lee
Published: January 2007

For nearly five decades, scholars have explored interest group involve ment in courts, with their insights providing substantive and, eventually, theoretical breakthroughs. While the early pluralists noted instances of groups litigation in both federal and state courts, virtually all modern-day scholars have focused their attention on federal arenas. This emphasis is hardly surprising: we do not know whether or not interest groups participate in state court litigation in numbers sufficient to warrant investigation. In an effort to fill this gap, I address two interrelated questions about litigation in state courts: has interest group use of state judicial systems increased over the past four decades and has the scope of litigation activity expanded to incorporate a wider range of interests? An examination of litigation activity in sixteen state supreme courts generally answers these questions affirmatively. It indicates a heightened presence of organized interests; it also shows that a wider range of groups now participate. Even so, growth occurred unevenly; some states evinced precisely the kind of patterns I anticipated, while others were far more erratic.
The Theory of Collective Action and NATO Defense Burdens: New Empirical Tests
Authors: Oneal John R. , Diehl Paul F.
Published: January 2007

Burden sharing has been a contentious topic from the early years of the North Atlantic alliance. Since 1966, it has also been a recurring test of the theory of collective action. Here we report the results of new tests of Mancur Olson's theory and its extension, the joint-product model, proposed by Todd Sandler et al. Our analyses of pooled cross-sectional and time-series data for fifteen NATO allies, 1950-86, offers the first full, independent test of the joint-product model. While our analyses demonstrate the theoretical value of Sandler's model, they also indicate that Olson's original emphasis on the public nature of the good supplied by the alliance remains valid. Some evidence regarding the role of the United States suggests that NATO has been a uniquely privileged group.
Review Essay : Imperfect Information and the Electoral Connection
Authors: Croley Steven P.
Published: January 2007

By exploring the consequences of imperfect information, R. Douglas Arnold and John Mark Hansen (both intellectual descendants of David Mayhew) make significant contributions to the rational-choice theory of legislator decision-making. Indeed, their books can be usefully understood as the latest stage in the evolution of that theory. Ultimately, however, their contributions to the theory are incomplete. While Arnold and Hansen both highlight an insufficiently emphasized issue, their particular arguments concerning the implications of imperfect information leave unanswered several important questions.
The Affinity of Foreign Investors for Authoritarian Regimes
Authors: Oneal John R.
Published: January 2007

Military coups in Argentina, Brazil, and Chile in the 1960s and 1970s cast doubt on the liberals' belief that democracy and economic development are mutually reenforcing. Indeed, Guillermo O'Donnell and other radicals argued that democracy was inconsistent with the requirements for develop ment within the strictures of international capitalism. Strong and weak ver sions of the radical thesis linking authoritarian regimes to the interests of multinational corporations are tested by analyzing the flow and profitability of U.S. foreign direct investment. Do multinationals benefit materially from autocratic regimes? Pooled cross-sectional and time-series regression analyses of 48 countries, 1950-85, indicate that U.S. multinational corporations have fared best in the developed democracies; but rates of return in the periphery have been greater under authoritarian regimes. Investment flows have not been significantly related to regime type.
Performativity Trouble: Postmodern Feminism and Essential Subjects
Authors: Digeser Peter
Published: January 2007

An important theme within postmodem feminism is that essentialist notions of women and naturalized conceptions of the human subject are unnecessary and troubling ingredients for feminist political theory and practice (Alcoff 1988; Ferguson 1988; Hekman 1990; Mouffe 1992). Perhaps no one has advanced this claim more forcefully than Judith Butler through her use of the idea of performativity. According to Butler, our gender, sex and self are the effects of publicly regulated performances. In contrast, I argue that her notion of performativity is too pure to provide an account of our identities. Moreover, it is not obvious that we would be better off understanding ourselves as the effect of publicly regulated performances. This does not mean that a feminist politics would be better off with essentialism. Rather, I suggest that political practice can probably do without either an essen tialist or performative understanding of the subject.
Policy Legitimacy and the Supreme Court: The Sources and Contexts of Legitimation
Authors: Mondak Jeffery J.
Published: January 2007

Conflicting evidence regarding the ability of the Supreme Court to confer policy legitimacy suggests that the process of legitimation is both subtle and multifaceted. Two aspects of this process are examined here First, the rela tionship between policy legitimacy and policy agreement is explored. Ex perimental tests demonstrate that policy legitimacy emerges from a direct process of symbolic legitimation, and through an indirect process of per suasive legitimation. Second, the mediated character of Supreme Court rul ings is examined as it relates to the Court's ability to enhance policy legitimacy. Experimental tests reveal that the Court's power of legitimation remains con sistent regardless of variance in the specific content of news coverage Col lectively, findings highlight the intricacy of policy legitimation while providing evidence that the institutional legitimacy maintained by the Supreme Court can produce significant shifts in policy evaluations.
Comparing Gubernatorial and Senatorial Elections
Authors: Squire Peverill , Fastnow Christina
Published: January 2007

Drawing on several data sources we-compare elections for governor and United States senator We attempt to explain why governors are somewhat more electorally vulnerable than are senators. We show that voters are more likely to know and have an opinion of their state's chief executive than of their senators. Governors, however, tend to be evaluated less favorably. In addition, voters are more apt to know and vote for a gubernatorial challenger than a Senate challenger, regardless of the challenger's political background or quality. Voter defection rates clearly give senators an advantage over gover nors in getting reelected. We tie these relationships to differences in media coverage of the two offices.
A Systematic Analysis of Members' Environments and Their Expectations of Elected Leaders
Authors: Little Thomas H.
Published: January 2007

It is generally agreed that legislative leadership is contextual (Sinclair 1990). In this article, I explore the context of leadership by examining the relation ship between members' political, electoral and institutional constraints and their expectations of legislative leaders. The study of 120 state senators in Maryland, North Carolina, and Ohio reveals that members look to leaders to help them attain the legislative goals inherent in their particular situa tion. The analysis reveals statistically significant relationships between respondents' legislative experience, political ambition, campaign expenditures, electoral vulnerability, party status, party strength, and partisan relation ship with the executive, and their expectations of legislative leaders. The findings of this study underscore the importance of membership environ ment and goals in explaining and defining successful leadership and en courage further study of the effects of environmental context on successful legislative leadership.
Review Essay : The Philosophical Politics of the Modern-Postmodern Debate
Authors: Gabardi Wayne
Published: January 2007

Between Freiburg and Frankfurt: Toward a Critical Ontology By Fred Dallmayr Amherst: The University of Massachusetts Press, 1991. Pp. x, 224. $35.00.

Political Theory and Postmodernism. By Stephen K. White. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991. Pp. xiv, 153. $39.50.

The New Constellation: The Ethical-Political Horizons of Modernityl Postmodernity. By Richard J. Bernstein. Cambridge: The MIT Press, 1992. Pp. 358.
African-American Constituents and Supreme Court Nominees: An Examination of the Senate Confirmation of Thurgood Marshall
Authors: Overby L. Marvin , Henschen Beth M. , Strauss Julie , Walsh Michael H.
Published: January 2007

In this study we extend previous research on the impact of constituency preferences on the roll-call behavior of senators during Supreme Court con firmations by examining the 1967 vote on Thurgood Marshall. In contrast to the later case of Clarence Thomas, we find that constituent racial characteristics (as measured by African-American percentage of state popula tion) had a significant negative impact in the Marshall case. We conclude with a discussion of the theoretical implications of these findings, and what they illuminate about the changing nature of the Southern Democratic coalition.
Judicial Review, Nationalism, and the Commerce Clause: Contrasting Antebellum and Postbellum Supreme Court Decision Making
Authors: Clinton Robert Lowry
Published: January 2007

The still-influential progressive interpretation of American constitutional history conceives the property-oriented judicial activism of the Supreme Court in the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries (the era of laissez faire) to have been a natural and logical outgrowth of similar orientations on the Marshall and Taney Courts. It is contended here that the progressive theory is rooted in a serious misinterpretation of the early Supreme Court's constitutional decision making. Far from extending the lines of development laid down by its predecessors, the turn-of-the-century Court in fact uprooted the most important traditions of the antebellum era on the issues of national power, commercial regulation, and the scope of the judicial function.
Modern Congressional Election Theory Meets the 1992 House Elections
Authors: Ahuja Sunil , Beavers Staci L. , Berreau Cynthia , Dodson Anthony , Hourigan Patrick , Showalter Steven , Walz Jeff , Hibbing John R.
Published: January 2007

The events surrounding the 1992 congressional elections—the check-kiting scandal, the last opportunity to convert campaign funds to personal funds, redistricting, and a public allegedly soured on Congress subsequent to pay raises, scandals, and the Thomas-Hill hearings-provided a unique oppor tunity to test the prevailing models of congressional elections. In this research, we analyze the forces that contributed to the coming of 110 new members to the 103rd Congress. Our conclusion is that, while some aspects of the 1992 elections were unusual, the basic statutes of modem congressional election theory still apply if some needed, friendly amendments are added. Candidates continued to behave strategically, for example, but 1992 indicates the importance of developing the concept of strategic behavior for incumbents as well as challengers.
The Nixon Administration and Middle East Crises: Theory and Evidence of Presidential Management of Foreign Policy Decision Making
Authors: Haney Patrick J.
Published: January 2007

This article examines how the Nixon administration attempted to structure and manage advisory groups during two foreign-policy crises that erupted in the Middle East. It focuses on the crises management structures and decision-making processes found during the 1970 Jordanian civil war and the 1973 October War, and discusses the process of decision making during the 1971 Indo-Pakistani war. The broader goal is to explore the links that exist between structure and process in foreign policy-crisis decision mak ing. The research reported here provides evidence of the Nixon crisis ad visory structures and the processes they produced which suggest some lessons about crisis management that can be explored in future research that will need to draw on more cases and presidents.
The Sophomore Surge: Conversion, Mobilization, or Abstention
Authors: Lockerbie Brad
Published: January 2007

The incumbency advantage and its cause(s) is a question that political scientists have addressed for several years. This article looks at one piece of the puzzle: the sophomore surge. Using the American National Election Panel Studies of 1956-1960 and 1972-1976, I examine three possible scenarios for the sophomore surge: conversion, mobilization, and absten tion. The evidence presented herein supports the argument that first-term incumbents are able to win the votes of those who had supported the losing candidate in the previous election. It would appear that the source of the incumbency advantage is what the incumbents do in office, not the actions of their potential opponents.
Popular Responsiveness to Taxation
Authors: Bowler Shaun , Donovan Todd
Published: January 2007

In this article we conduct an examination of voter sensitivity to levels of state taxation by developing and testing models that emphasize the infor mation costs associated with taxation issues. We are able to demonstrate, in some contrast to previous studies, that mass opinion about taxation has systematic and predictable components. Hostility to state taxes is found to vary systematically with actual tax levels. We also demonstrate that voters are able to link opinions on taxes to opinions of government performance.
Reason and Will in Contemporary Social Contract Theory
Authors: Hill Greg
Published: January 2007

Social contract theorists rely upon the idea of agreement as a framework for justification, but differ in their characterization of the parties to agree ment. Some contract theorists, such as Buchanan and Gauthier, begin with willful agents who are moved solely by their own subjective ends. Rawls, on the other hand, imagines an agreement reached by parties who are moved exclusively by impersonal concerns, which make no reference at all to the parties' particular commitments. This paper criticizes both of these con tract views, arguing that subjectivist contract theories fail to acknowledge the role of impersonal reasons in bringing persons to a principled accom modation, while Rawls rejects the legitimate moral claims arising from our particularity. The paper defends an alternative contract view, which envi sions an agreement reached by persons who are partial to their own interests, but willing to consider impartially the claims of others.
Rational Choice and Political Participation — Evaluating the Debate
Authors: Whiteley Paul F.
Published: January 2007

This paper evaluates rational choice models of political participation both at the theoretical and empirical levels. The theoretical discussion is con cerned with evaluating attempts which have been made to circumvent the paradox of participation-the proposition introduced by Mancur Olson that rational actors will not get involved in collective action in order to achieve common goals. The analysis suggests that the paradox is more of an intrac table problem for rational choice theory than is commonly recognized. The empirical section of the paper uses data from the first national survey of Conservative party members in Britain to model the determinants of political activism. It tests rational actor models against an alternative "general incen tives" theory of participation which includes variables that are not consis tent with rational choice theory. The conclusion is that while a rational choice model gives great insights into political participation, it provides an in complete account of participation, and by implication this may be true of such models in other areas of political science.
The Crosswinds of Change: Sources of Change in the Democratic and Republican Parties
Authors: Herrera Richard
Published: January 2007

This paper disaggregates change among Democratic and Republican elites in the 1980s. Using data about the views of delegates to the 1980, 1984 and 1988 national party conventions, I examine the relative contributions of conversion and replacement coupled with the preference for candidates among party activists. The analysis of the effects of preferences for candi dates and the ideological positions of the delegates revealed that regardless of whether the activists are veterans or newcomers, support for particular candidates plays an important role in the shaping of the parties' aggregate ideological orientation.
Media Coverage of the Economy and Aggregate Economic Evaluations: Uncovering Evidence of Indirect Media Effects
Authors: Goidel Robert K. , Langley Ronald E.
Published: January 2007

In the following analysis, we investigate two important questions: (1) how closely does media coverage of the economy reflect real changes in eco nomic conditions? and (2) to what extent does economic coverage of the economy exert an independent effect on economic evaluations? We then use this information to explore Republican claims that media coverage of the economy hurt the Bush reelection campaign. Consistent with previous research, we find that, overall, the media tend to follow negative economic conditions more closely than positive economic conditions. In addition, news coverage appears to be strongly related to aggregate public evaluations of the economy, even after controlling for real economic conditions. Final ly, we also find that news coverage of the economy was significantly differ ent during 1982, 1991, and 1992 than during other years under study. During these years, coverage of the economy was more negative than would have been expected on the basis of economic conditions alone. The implications of these findings, particularly with respect to Republican claims of media bias, are explored.
Remodeling Collective Violence: James Tong's Rational Choice Model and the Great Strikes of 1877
Authors: Stephens Glenn
Published: January 2007

James Tong develops a rational choice model for collective violence by peasant outlaws in pre-modem Ming Dynasty China. I argue that Tong's model can, with some alterations, be used to explain sudden, widespread outbursts of unorganized, collective violence by workers-phenomena which are anomalous vis-à-vis the "expanded logic of collective action." I apply Tong's model to the Great Strikes of 1877. The spark that lighted this prairie fire was a spontane ous nationwide strike by railroad workers. Consistent with Tong's model, rail road workers struck when their wages were reduced below subsistence levels. Because this subsistence crisis coincided with coercive crises at the local and state level and the slow mobilization by the United States Army-which reduced the likelihood of arrest, injury or death in action-these strikes quickly deep ened. They ignited an explosion of concurrent disturbances; sympathy strikes, protest marches and rallies, riots, and general strikes.
Resource Inequalities and Regional Variation in Litigation Outcomes in the Philippine Supreme Court, 1961-1986
Authors: Haynie Stacia L.
Published: January 2007

Research on litigation outcomes suggests that success is related to the level of resources available to the parties in conflict. For more developed socie ties, the "haves" appear to win more often. Research on the Philippine Supreme Court finds that the "have nots" appear to have a significant advantage, particularly for some issue areas. While these studies find inter national variations in the effects of resources on litigation outcomes, in tranational variation has not been explored. This analysis investigates the relationship between regional bias, resource inequalities, and litigation outcomes before the Philippine Supreme Court for certain economic is sues. The results indicate that there is a greater likelihood of success for individuals who challenge corporations or the government, and reside in the least developed region of the country.
Moral Judgment, Organizational Incentives and Collective Action: Participation in Abortion Politics
Authors: Gross Michael L.
Published: January 2007

Abortion politics affords an opportunity to examine how moral judgments are translated into collective action. Two approaches are examined. Cogni tive developmental theory underscores moral development as a necessary condition of activism while rational choice theory emphasizes the necessity of appropriate incentive structures as a condition of participation in purposive organizations. Each theory is operationalized and the effects of moral development and organizational incentives on political activism are measured. Three significant conclusions emerge contradicting central tenets of each theory. First, moral development has no positive effect on any form of participation. Second, material and solidarity incentives, not normative incentives associated with the provision of a public good, have the strongest effect on abortion activism. Third, moral development signifi cantly affects incentive choice, thereby having an indirect effect on political activism. The theoretical implications suggested by the findings are then discussed.
Subjective vs. Objective Discrimination in Government: Adding to the Picture of Barriers to the Advancement of Women
Authors: Naff Katherine C.
Published: January 2007

Using the results of a recent survey of federal employees across the country, this paper examines the causes and consequences of "subjective discrimi nation" in the federal bureaucracy. It begins with the premise that percep tions of discrimination can be just as harmful to women and their organizations as the existence of any "objective" barriers to their advance ment. It explores the roots of two types of perceptions: that women in general face disparate treatment, and that a woman has personally experienced sex discrimination. Work-related experiences are the most important predictors of both types of perceptions, while working with more men than women increases the likelihood that women will believe women are discriminated against, and age plays a significant role in per ceptions of personal discrimination. Moreover, subjective discrimination is found to have an impact on the career choices made by women. While such perceptions are positively related to the likelihood that a woman will apply for promotion within her agency, it is more likely that she will choose to leave her agency altogether.
The Role of Gender in Descriptive Representation
Authors: Rosenthal Cindy Simon
Published: January 2007

This article broadens consideration of the gender gap from voting differ ences to the larger question of affective preferences for descriptive represen tation (Pitkin 1967). The results, based on a 1993 survey of 416 individuals, suggest that women are far more likely than men to be "gender conscious" in their evaluation of a candidate or a preferred representative. Differences among the 224 women in the sample can be traced to at least four sources. Group interests and feminist attitudes are positive sources of women's preferences for descriptive representation. Conversely, conservative political views deter some women from supporting women in politics. The results also provide partial support for Carroll's (1987) psychological and economic autonomy thesis. Finally, the results suggest that in part the "gender gap" may be a generational gap most prevalent among "baby boomers."
Third Party Voting in Presidential Elections: A Study of Perot, Anderson, and Wallace
Authors: Gold Howard J.
Published: January 2007

This article investigates the experience of independent presidential candi date H. Ross Perot by drawing on historical explanations for third party success. Studies of third party candidates have isolated a series of contex tual factors that contribute to electoral success. They include low levels of partisanship, dissatisfaction with the major party candidates, issue aliena tion, economic discontent, and distrust toward government. Using NES data, the author tests these models as explanations for Perot's success in 1992 and compares the results to previous third party experiences in 1968 and 1980. The author finds that the existence of a large base of weak parti sans was a major determinant of Perot's electoral breakthrough but that none of the other factors served as a powerful explanation for Perot's suc cess, especially when compared to the experiences of previous third party candidates.