bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Report from China: The Chinese Account of the 1969 Fighting at Chenpao
Authors: Maxwell Neville
Published: March 2009

The origins and course of the fighting over the Ussuri island of Chenpao in March 1969 are as sharply disputed as the island itself. That fighting had broken out on 2 March was announced in a broadcast from Moscow that day and a Soviet Note to Peking of the same date charged that the Chinese had deliberately organized an armed provocation by sending troops across the state boundary line. Soviet frontier guards had been dispatched to warn them off Soviet territory: “The Chinese servicemen let the Soviet frontier guards approach them to a distance of a few metres and then suddenly, without any warning, opened point-blank fire at them.” Simultaneously, other Chinese troops, lying in ambush on the island itself, opened fire at the Soviet frontier guards on the ice. The Chinese, in this version, used machine-guns, mortars and artillery as well as automatic rifles, and about 200 troops. In later Soviet accounts that number was enlarged to 300. The Russians said they lost 31 killed and 14 wounded in the action but that they “expelled the violators from Soviet territory.”
Refugees and Troop Moves—A Report from Hong Kong
Authors: Robertson Frank
Published: March 2009

Since Peking has offered no documentation beyond supporting evidence of general economic deterioration and peasant apathy, an attempt to define the immediate reasons for the mass flight of refugees to Hong Kong's border in May must depend more heavily on speculation than may appear desirable in a scientific journal.
The Foreign Trade of China
Authors: Boone A.
Published: March 2009

The trading potential of China, with its population of some 650 million people, has for long been a subject of absorbing interest, and never more so than in recent years, with the rapid expansion of economic growth which has been brought about since the establishment of the People's Republic.

The policies of the Chinese Government have led to drastic changes in the orientation of its international trade, in its administration and to notable modifications in the nature of both imports and exports. These have all derived primarily from the change to a Communist Government and to its implementation of the corresponding political and economic systems.
The Place of Confucius in Communist China
Authors: Levenson Joseph R.
Published: March 2009

In Chinese Communist fashions, Confucius seems to be “in” this year. Earlier, certainly in the nineteen-twenties, revolutionaries were quite ready to see him out, and even now, in the first decade or so of the People's Republic, there are plenty of people with little patience for the sage of the old intelligence. Indeed, “despise the old” and “preserve the national heritage” have been chasing each other down the mneteen-fifties and incipient sixties, and contemporary historians, hi this area, should perhaps not dwell too seriously on trends pro and anti, so foreshortened, if discernible at all, in the foreground of our age. What seems historically significant is the range, not the petty successions, of recent Communist options in evaluating Confucius. For all the possibilities are equally modern, all plausible and consistent within a new Chinese view —an essentially anti-Confucian view informing even the pro-Confucius minds.
The Functions of the Chinese Communist Youth Leagues (1920–1949)
Authors: Pringsheim Klaus H.
Published: March 2009

The activities and functions of youth organisations are important factors in the life of most, if not all, political movements of the twentieth century. This is true of totalitarian, as well as of more liberally conceived political movements; however, special attention and emphasis has been given to youth organisations in Fascist and Communist societies, where the young people have been forced, pressured, or cajoled into such organisations from an early age and subjected to powerful influences designed to make them faithful and reliable tools or willing helpers of the ruling group or party. Nazi Germany's Hitler Jugend, Fascist Italy's Ballilla, and Soviet Russia's Komsomol are the best known examples of the totalitarian variety of youth organisation. In non-totalitarian societies the young are also given the opportunity to join such groups as the Young Conservatives in the U.K., Young Republicans and Democrats in the U.S., Junior Chambers of Commerce, YMCA, YWCA, Boy Scouts and the like. The difference between youth organisations in the two types of societies, from the Western viewpoint, is that our youth organisations are primarily created for the sake of the young people, who join them voluntarily for the sense of participation and outlet for their energies and talents which such organisations can provide, whereas the totalitarian youth organisations are created for purposes pursued by the ruling political group in those societies, to mould the thinking of youngsters along the desired lines, and to establish an apparatus for control both of the young members and of their relatives and friends. From the Communist viewpoint however, Western youth organisations are politically unsophisticated picnic and camping clubs, which insufficiently prepare young people for the responsibilities facing them in later years and fail to provide them with the ideals for a “correct” political outlook.
Hu Shih: An Appreciation
Authors: Grieder Jerome B.
Published: March 2009

The sudden death of Dr. Hu Shih in Taiwan on February 24, 1962, inflicted on many of the people of that island a sense of irreparable loss. This was not because the present situation in Nationalist China is likely to be much affected by Dr. Hu's passing, for in spite of his great reputation as a scholar, his considerable personal popularity and the prestige of his position as President of the Academia Sinica, he remained a peripheral figure there. He was, however, the last surviving representative of the great generation of revolutionary intellectuals who, nearly half a century ago, undertook the enormous task of creating a cultural “renaissance” in China, and with his death a final link with that optimistic era was forever severed.
The Frontier of China and Assam: Background to the Fighting
Authors: Hudson G. F.
Published: March 2009

Early in the eighteenth century the European traveller Desideri who made a journey through Tibet and visited Lhasa wrote of the Cong-bo region of south-eastern Tibet that “all the Congo-bo provinces lying to the south of the river [the Tsangpo] march with the people called Lhoba which means Southern People… Not even the Tibetans, who are close neighbours and have many dealings with them, are allowed to enter their country but are obliged to stop on the frontier to barter their goods.”
The Foreign Policy of North Korea
Authors: Scalapino Robert A.
Published: March 2009

On October 23, 1962, Premier Kim Il-song outlined the foreign policy of his government before the Supreme People's Assembly, meeting in Pyongyang. His lengthy speech, entitled “Immediate Tasks of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea,” ranged over both domestic and foreign policy issues. To set forth the major themes of that speech is a convenient method of introducing the foreign policy of North Korea.
Land Reform, Collectivisation and the Peasants in North Korea
Authors: Lee Chong-Sik
Published: March 2009

In a speech delivered at the rally commemorating the fifteenth anniversary of the liberation of Korea, the North Korean Premier announced that the peasants in North Korea were now the owners of large-scale collectivised farms and that they had the firm technical foundation for bumper crops every year without strenuous efforts. He declared: “This is the beginning of a world for our farm villages.” Another spokesman of the North Korean regime has stated: “It is easy (or good) to work and enjoyable to live in the co-operativised North Korean farms. There is a bumper crop every year in the constantly changing collectivised fields and the peasants' work and living are literally song and dances.”
Formosa's Diplomatic World
Authors: Klein Donald
Published: March 2009

Nationalist China's diplomatic relations were in shambles as the disastrous year of 1949 came to a close. Major cities in southern China were falling rapidly to the Communists, Mao Tse-tung had arrived in Moscow on his triumphal trip and Chiang Kai-shek had fled to Formosa in bitter defeat. Only seven nations had established permanent missions in Formosa. Meanwhile, on the mainland a diplomatic never-never land existed; there were diplomats accredited to Peking, “negotiating representatives,” and ex-diplomats (in Chinese Communist eyes) whose countries had not recognised Peking.
Peking and Taipei
Authors: Gilbert Lewis
Published: March 2009

Until recent events so rudely contradicted them, the Nationalists officially regarded Mao Tse-tung et al. as a puppet government whose strings were pulled from Moscow; the Communists, for their part, have found it equally convenient to look at the Nationalists as a rebellious local government suffering under American “occupation.” However, in spite of the often renewed vows of one side to eliminate the other a sporadic dialogue has gone on between Peking and Taipei. This is not so surprising when one remembers the many short honeymoons which have occurred during the oft-renewed marriage of political convenience between the Nationalists and the Communists.
Literary Formosa
Authors: Chen Lucy H.
Published: March 2009

For decades, Formosa was a frontier for those people who set out from Kwangtung and Fukien in the waning days of the Ming dynasty, during the early part of the seventeenth century. By the time Koxinga defeated the Dutch in 1661 Formosa could claim a body of literature of its own. This, however, consisted mainly of histories and reports compiled by scholar-officials leaving an account of their stewardship, chronicles telling the story of settlement, cultivation and perennial skirmishes with the local aborigines, and poetry of the sort with which the learned men of China have traditionally amused themselves. This literature followed classical forms and was written in the traditional wen-yen.
Mao Tse-tung: the Lacquered Image
Authors: Boorman Howard L.
Published: March 2009

In the preface to her biography of Sun Yat-sen, Lyon Sharman writes of the difficulty of drawing a realistic portrait of the symbol of modern Chinese nationalism. Even working in China immediately after Sun's death in 1925, the author attempting an untrammelled biography was hampered not only by the paucity of reliable data but also, and more seriously, by the fact that the Kuomintang had forbidden overt criticism of Sun and of his ideas. The fact that her volume on Sun is still the best available nearly thirty years after publication is a tribute both to the author's assiduousness and to her empathy for China and the Chinese.
The Ts'an-k'ao Hsiao-hsi: How Well Informed are Chinese Officials about the Outside World?
Authors: Schwarz Henry G.
Published: March 2009

In the continuing debate on whether to establish normal diplomatic relations with the government in Peking, those who favour such a step invariably assert that recognition would, besides other alleged advantages, reduce the risks of a war born of mutual ignorance. A clear presentation of this view is found in the recent Quaker proposals for a A New China Policy: “American public ignorance of contemporary China and Chinese ignorance of us are among the chief reasons for the tension and hostility between us. This is dangerous in itself, and it threatens the peace of the world.”
Peking's Evolving Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Authors: Klein Donald W.
Published: March 2009

On the first anniversary of the “Chinese People's Republic” (October 1, 1950), the Peking government had but eleven ambassadors abroad, eight of them accredited to Communist bloc nations. Most had only recently exchanged an army uniform for the proverbial pin-stripes. With such obvious exceptions as Chou En-lai, the men in the Foreign Ministry offices in Peking were ill-trained or untrained “diplomats.” Now, a decade later, there is a new picture. A significant part of the story of China's emergence on the international scene may be found in the rapidly developing foreign service—a service which staffs thirty-two ambassadorial outposts, as well as the various departments in Peking.
New Dimensions in China's Foreign Policy
Authors: Pringsheim Klaus H.
Published: March 2009

The fact that Liu Shao-ch'i, Chairman of the Chinese People's Republic, since last October has accepted a series of invitations to visit the Eastern European satellites “at an appropriate time” is one indication of Peking's growing interest in developing her relations with these countries. The now fairly close relationships between China and the Eastern European satellites are a rather new dimension in Communist China's foreign policy posture and represent a radical break with China's traditional non-involvement in European affairs. Geographical remoteness, the inability to communicate, lack of interest, and preoccupation with the problems of her more immediate surroundings effectively isolated China from involvement in European affairs until very recent times. It is true that traders intermittently journeyed between China and European trade centres, carrying on a limited exchange of goods, but these exchanges had only a very marginal significance. Western imperialist encroachment upon China in recent centuries, particularly the nineteenth, finally brought to China an awareness of the principal powers of Western Europe, such as Portugal, Spain, England, the Netherlands, Imperial Germany, France, Italy, and Austria-Hungary. Much against her will China was eventually forced into unequal “treaty relations” with these European powers, as well as with Japan, Russia, and the United States of America. However China's political, commercial, and cultural relations with the nations now known as the “East European satellites” were virtually non-existent until 1949. The reasons for this lag lie in obvious historical, political, and developmental factors. When the Chinese door was kicked open in the fifth decade of the nineteenth century the East European nations either were not at the time independent or simply did not exist (East Germany, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia) as national entities as yet. Even had they existed, it is doubtful whether they would have been in a position to participate in the scramble for trade advantage, concessions, and souls characteristic of the “treaty powers.”
The 1960 Educational Reforms
Authors: Barendsen Robert D.
Published: March 2009

Since the 1920s the pattern prevailing in the field of primary and secondary education in China has been that of a twelve-year cycle divided into three basic parts—a six-year primary or elementary school followed by a three-year “junior middle” or junior high school and a three-year “senior middle” or senior high. The six-year elementary cycle was further subdivided into four years of junior grades followed by two years of senior grades.
Writers and Artists Confer
Authors: Ch'ên Jerome
Published: March 2009

The third Congress of China's Literary and Art Workers, the first since the Hundred Flowers Campaign, was held in Peking from July 22 to August 13 “to review and assess” the literary and artistic achievements in the years between 1953 and 1960, “summarise and exchange experience, further define the road of development of socialist art and literature, and consider the tasks to be faced in the coming years.” The presence of Liu Shao-ch'i, Chou En-lai, and other political leaders and the large space which thePeople's Dailydevoted to the meeting indicated its importance. Of the 2,300 delegates there were professionals and amateurs working in local governments and the services and from them a praesidium of over 180 members was elected before the long speeches on the opening day began. Kuo Mo-jo, as the President of the All-China Federation of Literary and Art Circles, first spoke a few words of welcome and then went on to outline the circumstances under which the Congress was convoked and the general political lines along which China's art and literature had been and would be developing. These lines were repeated once more, and elaborated, by Lu Ting-yi, Director of the Party's Propaganda Department and Deputy Premier, who represented the Party and the Government, and subsequently they were to be repeated many times over. The third speaker on the opening day to recite them was Chou Yang, Vice-President of the Federation and a Deputy Director of the Party's Propaganda Department, who also laid down six tasks for the Congress.
The U.S. and Diplomatic Recognition: The Contrasting Cases of Russia and Communist China
Authors: Whelan Joseph G.
Published: March 2009

Strictly speaking, recognition is a formal legal act. It involves interchangeable commitments to undertake certain mutual obligations according to international law and custom. In a broader sense, it is a formal declaration of intention to carry on relations with other states in the society of nations.
China's New Role in World Affairs
Authors: Steiner H. Arthur
Published: March 2009

Within her first decade under Communist leadership, China has been transformed from a virtual nonentity into a major world Power. International decisions which ignore her interests are unenforceable against her. Her status as one of the Big Five can in practice no longer be challenged, and must be taken into account even by countries that refrain from acknowledging the changed situation diplomatically.
Part 1: The Legend of “Maoism”
Authors: Wittfogel Karl A.
Published: March 2009

A number of months ago I discussed in an article some conceptual weaknesses in the study of Chinese Communism. To illustrate my point, I briefly reviewed the “Maoist” thesis—the claim that Mao Tse-tung, in 1927 and subsequently, violated basic principles of orthodox Marxist-Leninist Communism.
China and Tibet: Background to the Revolt
Authors: Patterson George N.
Published: March 2009

The awakening Tibetan national sentiment foreseen by Sir Charles Bell has exploded into a major revolt against China. It has brought the Sino-Indian “Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence” policy into disrepute, has altered the balance of power in Asia and may yet in its continuing repercussions be the prime cause, in the solemn words of Prime Minister Nehru, of the Third World War. In 1960 it is imperative that Sir Charles Bell's warning concerning the importance of not overlooking ethnographic Tibet should be heeded. The cartographic manipulation which has taken place in the past has been possible because of the peculiar isolation of Tibet and can be partly ascribed to foreign ignorance. It will no longer be possible now that the Dalai Lama and his government is in India and the new generation of leaders is educated. It must be remembered that those responsible for the success of the revolt themselves come from what has been casually referred to as “ethnographic Tibet,” “de facto Tibet,” “Inner Tibet,” Sikang-Chinghai, Kham-Amdo and Szechuan, according to preference. Not only did the revolt begin in this area, it was carried on with increasing success until this year, and it is not unlikely that it will explode again at any time.
The Legend of “Maoism” (concluded)
Authors: Wittfogel Karl A.
Published: March 2009

In the first part of this article I argued that the “Maoist” thesis is a “Maoist” legend. It is so because it is based on a false concept of Marxist-Leninist orthodoxy. And it is so also for two other reasons. Contrary to “Maoist” assertions, Mao in his Hunan Report did not outline a concept for a Communist-led peasant-supported revolution; and he did not, in 1940, present himself as an original top-ranking Marxist-Leninist theoretician.
Treaty, Grant, Usage or Sufferance? Some Legal Aspects of the Status of Hong Kong
Authors: Dicks Anthony
Published: March 2009

The current controversy between Great Britain and China regarding the legal status of Hong Kong, having lain dormant for many years, was made explicit by a public exchange of statements between the governments of the two countries during and after the visit to Beijing of British Prime Minister Mrs Margaret Thatcher in September 1982.
Changes in Chinese Industry Since 1978
Authors: Field Robert Michael
Published: March 2009

The goal of the Chinese Government is to make China an efficient, modern economy by the end of the century. This goal was articulated by Premier Zhou Enlai in 1964 and 1975, and made public by Premier Hua Guofeng in February 1978, but a serious attempt at fundamental change was not begun until the strategic shift in economic policy following the Third Plenum of the 11th Party Central Committee in December 1978. Since then the Chinese have undertaken a bewildering variety of experiments and reforms in industrial enterprises. These experiments started on an extremely small scale, primarily in Sichuan, and then spread rapidly throughout the country. In 1982, however, after five years' effort, one enterprise in four was still operating at a loss.
The 1957 Moscow Conference and the Sino-Soviet Dispute
Authors: Zagoria Donald S.
Published: March 2009

On August 26 Tass announced that the Soviet Union had successfully tested “an intercontinental multistage ballistic rocket.” On October 4, Moscow announced the launching of the first earth satellite. On November 3, Moscow announced the launching of the second sputnik. Ironically, it was these dramatic indications of Soviet power that accelerated the Sino-Soviet conflict on strategy.
Indoctrination Replaces Education
Authors: Tongas Gérard
Published: March 2009

The cultural level of North Vietnam is undoubtedly one of the lowest imaginable. Eighty per cent, of the population is illiterate, ignorant to an incredible degree and subject to the most extraordinary superstitions. Apart from the masses there remains the élite—and the hopes that one should be able to place in the youth. But here, also, we find the same deep division that was created in the population as a whole by the war—on the one hand the members of the Resistance and on the other those who remained outside it.
A Bowl of Rice Divided: The Economy of North Vietnam
Authors: Kaye William
Published: March 2009

It would amount to a serious error of judgment to treat North Vietnam's economic development as a mere pocket edition of the Chinese or Soviet experiment. It is, of course, true that many features of economic policy adopted by the bearded ruler of Hanoi show clear signs of their Pekingese or Muscovite parentage. As far back as 1954 Ton Duc Thanh, chairman of the Vietnamese Popular Front, Lien Viet, had pointed to the current Soviet scene as his country's target for the future.
Some Overlooked National Product Data
Authors: Field Robert Michael
Published: March 2009

The performance of the Chinese economy is a subject of great interest to many people, and a number of western scholars have put considerable effort into estimating the growth of China's national product, but no one has made use, either directly in his calculations or indirectly as a check on his work, of the aggregative data that Premier Chou En-lai gave to the late Edgar Snow during the winter of 1970–71.
A Conversation with Four Chinese Historians in Nanking
Authors: Wakeman Frederic
Published: March 2009

In June 1974, I spent a month in the People's Republic of China as an interpreter and cultural advisor with the herbal pharmacology delegation from the United States Academy of Sciences. While visiting Peking, I requested, among other things, a chance to discuss Taiping historiography with Chinese historians. On 17 June, in Nanking, I was informed that this request had been granted. The next day a meeting was arranged for me with four Chinese Taiping specialists.
The Situation in Tibet
Authors: Patterson George N.
Published: March 2009

The overall picture of Tibet today is one of complete Chinese control—not in the pre-revolt sense of control through the Dalai Lama, Tibetan officials and institutions, but direct control by Chinese personnel over Chinese institutions reorganized on the Chinese pattern through Chinese heads of departments and Chinese cadres as in China itself.* There is no Tibetan in any position of influence and trust, and all pretence that there is has been dropped, except for photographs with visiting dignitaries. Only one gesture in this connection has been made by the Chinese authorities in the past year and that was to invite the Panchen Lama, Cabinet Minister Ngabu Ngawang Jigme, chief collaborator since the signing of the 1951 Seventeen Point Agreement, and Pangdatshang Topgyay, Chairman of the East Tibetan Autonomous Government and Khamba leader, to Peking. Since they returned to Lhasa, they have not attended any major function. One luncheon party to be given to the “officials of the Panchen Erdeni Conference Committee” in the Norbulingka, the Dalai Lama's former summer palace, was suddenly cancelled for the rather specious reason “due to a bad weather forecast from the meteorological department.” Since then persistent rumours have arrived in India that the Panchen Lama has “disappeared” or is dead.
The Organisation and Development of Science
Authors: Lindbeck John M. H.
Published: March 2009

When China's Communists came to power in 1949, they began to outline ambitious plans to thrust China into the company of modern, industrial and scientifically advanced countries. They were not prepared with blueprints for the task which fell to them, for national responsibilities came sooner than they had anticipated. Their appraisal of what steps were required, what priorities to assign, the best allocation of resources at hand and to be developed, and the national goals which might be realistically achieved, took time to determine. After an initial period of consolidation and consideration, they set their course of development in the First and Second Five-Year Plans. These were intended to bring about the modernisation of the world's most populous nation at the fastest possible pace in ways which would not jeopardise the state's political control and ideological commitments.
Multiplicity in Uniformity: Poetry and the Great Leap Forward
Authors: Chen S. H.
Published: March 2009

The Great Leap Forward has not only been measured by the claimed increases of grain and steel production by so many million tons. Peking boasts too that the Leap produced, in 1958 alone, millions and millions of poems and songs. These products, both in themselves as art and in their way and manner of accomplishment, should reveal a picture of how the mental life, or, more precisely, how the mental as well as physical energy, of the nation is being vigorously mobilised, organised and directed. For, as much of the steel was, regardless of its quality, produced in “backyard furnaces,” so are myriads of these poems and songs, regardless of their aesthetics, made by farm teams in the fields, workers in the factories, and labourers building roads or bridges. The people are goaded and urged, instructed and inspired by tireless party cadres who exhort all social and racial groups that, among other purposes, there has to be a new epoch of poetry production to celebrate the new era in Chinese history.
Changing Concepts of Doctrine, Strategy and Operations in the Chinese People's Liberation Army 1978–87
Authors: Godwin Paul H. B.
Published: March 2009

Introduction Since the late 1970s, when the current programmes seeking to modernize China's defence establishment began, issues of military doctrine, strategy and operations have remained at the forefront of China's quest for a defence capacity capable of being ranked among the world's great powers. As the Chinese leadership contemplated defence modernization, they could not but recognize the Janus-like quality of their armed forces. One face looked back on the people's war traditions that served them so well and for so long, while the other faced the complexities of conventional and strategic nuclear warfare and deterrence in the latter part of the 20th century.
The Urban Housing Problem in China
Authors: Lee Yok-Shiu F.
Published: March 2009

The state of housing has a direct impact on a country's level of public health and an indirect effect on labour productivity through the general morale of the workers. Practically all the developing countries face serious housing problems, particularly in the urban areas. China, a developing country that upholds socialist economic principles, is no exception in this regard. One of the purposes of this article is to demonstrate that China shares with many developing countries the same intractable problems – namely, a shortage of housing supply and housing inequality in the urban sector. But having said that China's urban housing problem is brought about by policy directives and institutional arrangements that differ entirely from those in capitalist economies.
The Attempted Coup in Indonesia
Authors: Dommen Arthur J.
Published: March 2009

For years, observers have been able to fit developments in Indonesia into the neat framework of a balance of forces between the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) and the army. The coup attempt of October 1, 1965, which came within a hair's breadth of effecting an irrevocable shift in this balance of forces in favour of the PKI, compels us to re-examine the validity of this frame of reference. The facts of the abortive conspiracy lead me to believe that the Sukarno-PKI relationship under-went a gradual qualitative change and, at some point prior to the illuminating flash of October, became the core of a political dynamo that was propelling the Indonesian revolution forward at an accelerating rate.
Mao Tse-tung, Women and Suicide in the May Fourth Era
Authors: Witke Roxane
Published: March 2009

There was nothing particularly out of the ordinary about the facts of Miss Chao's suicide. It happened this way. Miss Chao Wu-chieh, of Nanyang Street, Changsha, was engaged to marry Wu Feng-lin, of Kantzuyuan, on November 14, 1919. As a matter of course the match had been arranged by her parents and the matchmaker. Although Miss Chao had had only the brief ritual encounters with the fiancé, she disliked him intensely and was unwilling to marry him. Her parents refused both to undo the match and to postpone the wedding date. On the day of the wedding, as Miss Chao was being raised aloft in the bridal chair to be delivered to the home of the groom, she drew out a dagger which she had previously concealed in the chair and slit her throat.
Criminal Justice in Post-Mao China: Some Preliminary Observations
Authors: Leng Shao-Chuan
Published: March 2009

China' trial of the “ gang of four ” and six other members of the “ Lin-Jiang cliques ” has attracted world-wide attention.* The Chinese press has pictured the trial as a landmark: the end of a lawless era, a successful test of the new legal system, and a demonstration that all are equal before the law.1 Contrary to Chinese leaders’ expectations, however, many observers have considered the trial as essentially a political rather than a legal exercise.2 On the other hand, the holding of this trial appeared to reflect, among other things, Beijing' desire to publicize its commitment to legality, and the controlled and selected reporting of the court sessions has given the outside world glimpses of the judicial process under China' new and emerging legal order.
Deng Tuo: Culture, Leninism and Alternative Marxism in the Chinese Communist Party
Authors: Cheek Timothy
Published: March 2009

Deng Tuo was a Party member in good standing, a veteran cadre from the 1930s, former editor of the People' Daily and in 1965 secretary for culture and education in the Beijing Party Committee. Then suddenly in the spring of 1966 attacks on Wu Han, a vice–mayor of Beijing, swelled to include Deng and by May drove him to death under an avalanche of accusations. Deng Tuo and his protector, Beijing Mayor Peng Zhen, together with most of the city' Party Committee fell in the first flashes of Mao Zedong's Cultural Revolution that finally spread throughout China and claimed its head of state, Liu Shaoqi.
Economic Incentives for the One-child Family in Rural China
Authors: Saith Ashwani
Published: March 2009

Since 1978 the one-child family has been increasingly advocated as the key element of the Chinese family planning programme. But this policy has been regarded as being addressed primarily to the urban population. In the course of a research tour of several communes in Hebei and Guangdong Provinces and in Jiading county in Shanghai Municipality in June 1979, it was evident that the policy on family planning still pivoted round the norm of the two-child family. However, in a more recent research trip made in June 1980, the policy had changed: as of late 1979, newly-married couples were expected to restrict the size of their family to three persons. Two-child families were disapproved of, and the new norm was the one-child family.
The New Life in Action: The Nationalist Government in South Jiangxi, 1934–37
Authors: Averill Stephen C.
Published: March 2009

The destruction of the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) main base areas in Jiangxi province was regarded by the Nationalist government as a major accomplishment, and in many respects it certainly was. In the last of the five great encirclement campaigns launched under Jiang Jieshi's direction 800,000 soldiers, thousands of civilian cadres and political workers, and myriads of ordinary citizens were mobilized into a huge organization which, like some giant anaconda, ponderously coiled its long lines of roads and blockhouses around the Soviet areas in South Jiangxi, squeezing more and more tightly for a year and a half until, in late 1934, a tattered and worn remnant of the CCP was able to slip wearily between its folds and set out on the epic Long March. Behind in Jiangxi it largely abandoned the wasted carcass of the Central Soviet Area to the Nationalist government.
The State Council and the Cultural Revolution
Authors: Klein Donald W.
Published: March 2009

This article attempts to explore the status of the leading personnel in the State Council since the advent of the Cultural Revolution. The State Council, of course, contains some of Peking's most famous personalities—such as Chou En-lai and Lin Piao—but my purpose here is to ignore for the most part the famed leaders and, rather, to dwell on a quantitative assessment of the entire body of 366 persons who were (in 1966) ministers and vice-ministers and chairmen of China's 49 ministries and commissions. One might also describe this as a study of the focal point of “experts” in China, even though it is clear that the State Council does not have a monopoly on China's “expert” talents.
The Controversy Over Modernism, 1979–84
Authors: Pollard D. E.
Published: March 2009

The leadership in literature and the arts that replaced the appointees of the “gang of four” in the late 1970s was formed of the old guard. Their policies were restorationist. They reversed the judgments of the Cultural Revolution, giving approval to all the theories then tarred black, notably “the broad road for realism” (which allowed for artistic diversity), “the deepening of realism” (which meant that not everything needed to be depicted as fine and dandy), and “middle characters” (intended to break the monopoly of proletarian heroes). They interpreted the principle that literature should serve socialism and serve the people relatively liberally. Serving the people meant “the whole people” (a formulation for which Zhou Yang had been condemned); and when the formula of “workers, peasants and soldiers” was repeated, it was pointed out that “workers” included brain workers. The enjoyment principle was also invoked.
Low Power: Small Enterprises in Shanghai, 1949–67
Authors: White Lynn T.
Published: March 2009

Small firms in Chinese cities, which before 1949 were private, have in the communist era gradually come under more government authority. The stages of this slow process can be treated as a case study in the political socialization of small units. They tell a tale of tensions between different levels of economic power, high, medium and low. Research into the kinds of power that promoted this step-by-step centralization, and also into those that resisted it, may suggest a more comprehensive approach to power in China generally.* The author expresses great thanks to the Joint Committee on Contemporary China of the Social Science Research Council and the American Council of Learned Societies for support related to this article. The Center of International Studies and the Woodrow Wilson School, Princeton University, supplied some clerical help, and the Foreign Area Fellowship Program supported the author's first researches on Shanghai. Very useful comments were received from James Nickum, Gordon Bennett, Bruce Reynolds, Thomas Rawski, Carl Riskin, Dick Wilson, and an anonymous reader for The China Quarterly. All opinions here are the author's solely.
The Impact of the “Gang of Four” on Industrial Output in Kweichow
Authors: Field Robert Michael
Published: March 2009

The Chinese have broadcast a number of statements on industrial performance in Kweichow during 1977. Piecing these statements together shows that the political events of the past two years–the death of Chou En-lai, the activities of the “gang of four,” the death of Mao Tse-tung, and the struggle over the restoration of Teng Hsiao-p'ing-have seriously disrupted production. Even though Kweichow is not a major industrial province, the results are worth considering because they give month-by-month changes in industrial production from January through October 1977 as well as levels of output for two months in 1976. The level of industrial output in Kweichow was depressed for more than 12 months far below that of September 1975, the previous peak month. This pattern may be similar to declines in industrial production in other more important provinces for which similar but much more fragmentary statements have been broadcast.
Chinese Law of Foreign Trade: An Interview
Authors: Heuser Robert
Published: March 2009

On the morning of 8 November 1977 I was given the opportunity to interview the director, Jen Chien-hsin, and another member of the Legal Affairs Department of the China Council for the Promotion of Foreign Trade. We discussed the Chinese legal system in general and some legal aspects of the law of foreign trade in particular
The Politics of Foreign Economic Policy-making in China: The Case of Plant Cancellations with Japan
Authors: Kokubun Ryosei
Published: March 2009

The following analysis of China's foreign economic policy-making will focus particularly on the decision of 1980–81 to suspend contracts with foreign countries, taking Baoshan and the petrochemical complexes as specific examples. I discuss this issue in terms of Sino-Japanese relations because Japan was the main target of the cancellations and because the relevant Japanese materials are plentiful. The decision-making process of Chinese foreign economic policy has barely been touched upon in previous research. However, recently there has been some study of the decision-making process in domestic economic policy. For example, Michel Oksenberg, relying on personal interviews, has published two perceptive articles that have been of great use to this study.
Mao Tse-tung and the Hunan Self-government Movement, 1920: An Introduction and Five Translations
Authors: McDonald Angus W.
Published: March 2009

Several years ago, while going through the Mochizuki Collection in the sub-basement of Keiō University Library, I came across a small book bearing the title Hunan tzu-chih yün-tung shih (shang) [History of the Hunan Self-government Movement, Part I (Shanghai, December 1920)] by a Fukienese journalist with the curiously Taoist name of Wang Wu-wei. The book turned out to contain four hitherto unexamined and uncollected articles by Mao Tse-tung, written during September 1920, and a lengthy proposal written by Mao and others in early October. Asa whole the book throws considerable light on an important phase of the search by enlightened members of the Chinese polity for a way out of the twin dilemmas of warlordism and foreign penetration. Mao's articles show the 26-year-old teacher, far from being the obscure figure many have thought, as already something of a primus inter pares, a notable thinker and respected leader in the context of a rather chaotic and creative situation. Although I wrote a short introduction (in Japanese) and republished these pieces (in Chinese) in Hogaku Kenkyu, the journal of the Keio University Faculty of Law, neither is readily available to western audiences. What follows is a completely new introduction, together with translations of the five documents in question.
Taiwan's Press: Political Communications Link and Research Resource
Authors: Jacobs J. Bruce
Published: March 2009

Scholars of politics in literate and semi-literate societies must study the press for two important reasons. First, the press, as a key line of com-munication, often plays an integral part in the political process. Secondly, the press often provides important politically-relevant information not readily available elsewhere. This article begins with brief comments on the communications functions of Taiwan's press and then discusses types of newspapers, particular newspapers of special importance, reporters and the journalistic profession, and press control. It concludes with a discussion of the press as a research resource.
Recent Chinese Grain Figures
Authors: Maxwell Neville
Published: March 2009

The grain output in China in 1974 was not only, as Robert Michael Field noted in The China Quarterly No. 65, “ far larger than output claimed for any previous year ” ; it was also far larger than the estimates made by most western economists concerned with China. Such observers, believing that agricultural production in China was “ stagnating,” had estimated Chinese grain output for 1974 as being between 255 and 259 million tons. Peking's announcement that 1974 grain output was 274-9 million tons thus set up a contradiction: either those western economists had been far off the mark in their extrapolations of growth or the Chinese figure was somehow misleading. Field opts for the second explanation.
Trends in the Value of Agricultural Output, 1978–86
Authors: Field Robert Michael
Published: March 2009

The gross value of agricultural output in the People's Republic of China increased as much in the eight years from 1978 to 1986 as it did in the 21 years from 1957 to 1978. In per capita terms, the average annual rate of growth rose from 0·4 per cent to 4·8 per cent, the most rapid growth for any comparable period since 1949. How was this dramatic turnaround achieved?
Agricultural Organization: New Forms, New Contradictions
Authors: Kojima Reeitsu
Published: March 2009

One of the officials in charge of drafting China's agricultural policies, Du Runsheng, divides the reform of her agricultural system into two major stages: the first from 1979 to 1984, and the second from 1985 to the present. In the first stage, China dismantled the people's communes, established an “individual farm” system, and scrapped many governmental controls. The tasks for the second stage, according to Du Runsheng, are the formation of markets for farm produce, rural money, rural labour, and for rural land “usage rights.”
Developments in Agricultural Technology
Authors: Stone Bruce
Published: March 2009

The essential ingredients of land-augmenting technical change, required by most developing countries in Asia, have been delineated by Professor Ishikawa and traced during earlier periods for India, Japan, Taiwan and Mainland China. Among all the indicators associated with progress in agricultural development, only three are indispensable to rapid and prolonged growth in yields at the initial stage: improved water control; abundant supplies of fertilizers; and high-yielding seed varieties responsive to these inputs. While the introduction of one or more of these three normally provides some growth in average yields, there are much greater returns when all three are applied appropriately. These are the fundamental ingredients of the “green revolution,” which has provided rapid growth in cereal yields throughout most of Asia and elsewhere in the developing world.
Recent Changes in China's Pure Trade Theory
Authors: Ma Shu-yun
Published: March 2009

The importance of international trade to the Chinese economy has been growing since the formal approval of the open-door policy at the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party in 1978. However, trade expansion in China faces three constraints. First, there is the theoretical problem that orthodox ideology makes it illegitimate for a socialist country to have a large foreign trade sector. Secondly, there is the institutional problem that the Soviet-type foreign trade mechanism, characterized by a state monopoly of foreign trade, a centralized foreign trade plan, and insulation of domestic from foreign prices, is incapable of handling trade expansion in an efficient manner. Thirdly, there is the economic problem that the lack of competitiveness of domestic goods in the international market limits the country's export and thus import capacity. While the new Chinese leaders are making immense efforts to remove these constraints, this article will focus only on the first. The anti-trade attitude of Communist China is the combined result of China's historical heritage and Marxist ideology. The long history of self-sufficiency in “feudal” China meant that trade was never an imperative economic need. When contact with the west increased in the 19th century, international trade was associated with an influx of opium, an outflow of silver, and a series of unequal treaties. Such an unhappy, early experience of contact with the west has left China sensitive to any increase in international trade.
Modernization and Chinese Culture in Hong Kong
Authors: Siu-lun Wong
Published: March 2009

Hong Kong, by now, is quite modern. At the same time, it remains essentially Chinese. Measured by most accepted indicators, Hong Kong qualifies as a newly industrialized region. It is using so much inanimate power to drive machines that the increase in fuel consumption is no longer proportionate to the increase in population size. It has joined the ranks of the “ecological phase 4 societies” in which the livelihood of the inhabitants is dependent on “extrasomatic energy”. As it began its transition in the pattern of energy usage much later, Hong Kong is still well behind western industrial nations in per capita energy consumption. But in Asia, in 1981, it had the third highest per capita use of commercial energy after Japan and Singapore, which stood at 1,487 kilograms of coal equivalent. Between 1960 and 1979 its average annual growth rate in energy consumption was about 10 per cent, a rate higher than those of all the industrial economies and most Asian countries except Singapore and the Republic of Korea. Hong Kong's productivity is high, ranking third in Asia after Japan and Singapore with a Gross National Product (GNP) per capita that grew at the annual rate of 6 8 per cent. By 1980 its GNP per capita reached US$4,240.5 In terms of employment, in 1981, 49 per cent of its labour force was engaged in manufacturing and construction, 47 per cent in commerce and various lines of services, and just 2 per cent in agriculture. The inhabitants of Hong Kong are keen participants in the mass media.
The ‘Long March’ of Chinese Management Education, 1979–84
Authors: Warner Malcolm
Published: March 2009

According to recent accounts of Chinese economic reforms since the fall of the “gang of four,” many changes have taken place in how. industrial enterprises operate. “Responsibility” systems have now been introduced. Enterprises are now accountable for their profits, and losses, starting first with “experimental” plants, parallel to similar changes in the agricultural sector, and in late 1984 generalized to the urban economy.