bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Scaling laws for jets of single cavitation bubbles
Authors: Supponen Outi , Obreschkow Danail , Tinguely Marc , Kobel Philippe , Dorsaz Nicolas , Farhat Mohamed
Published: August 2016

Fast liquid jets, called micro-jets, are produced within cavitation bubbles experiencing an aspherical collapse. Here we review micro-jets of different origins, scales and appearances, and propose a unified framework to describe their dynamics by using an anisotropy parameter $\unicode[STIX]{x1D701}\geqslant 0$, representing a dimensionless measure of the liquid momentum at the collapse point (Kelvin impulse). This parameter is rigorously defined for various jet drivers, including gravity and nearby boundaries. Combining theoretical considerations with hundreds of high-speed visualisations of bubbles collapsing near a rigid surface, near a free surface or in variable gravity, we classify the jets into three distinct regimes: weak, intermediate and strong. Weak jets ($\unicode[STIX]{x1D701}<10^{-3}$) hardly pierce the bubble, but remain within it throughout the collapse and rebound. Intermediate jets ($10^{-3}<\unicode[STIX]{x1D701}<0.1$) pierce the opposite bubble wall close to the last collapse phase and clearly emerge during the rebound. Strong jets ($\unicode[STIX]{x1D701}>0.1$) pierce the bubble early during the collapse. The dynamics of the jets is analysed through key observables, such as the jet impact time, jet speed, bubble displacement, bubble volume at jet impact and vapour-jet volume. We find that, upon normalising these observables to dimensionless jet parameters, they all reduce to straightforward functions of $\unicode[STIX]{x1D701}$, which we can reproduce numerically using potential flow theory. An interesting consequence of this result is that a measurement of a single observable, such as the bubble displacement, suffices to estimate any other parameter, such as the jet speed. Remarkably, the dimensionless parameters of intermediate and weak jets ($\unicode[STIX]{x1D701}<0.1$) depend only on $\unicode[STIX]{x1D701}$, not on the jet driver (i.e. gravity or boundaries). In the same regime, the jet parameters are found to be well approximated by power laws of $\unicode[STIX]{x1D701}$, which we explain through analytical arguments.
The lion, the king and the cage: Late Chalcolithic iconography and ideology in northern Mesopotamia
Authors: McMahon Augusta
Published: August 2016

Recent excavations at Tell Brak, Syria, have explored the site's early urban expansion, including excavation of Late Chalcolithic mass graves in a small mound at the site's outer edge. This mound built up rapidly and is primarily composed of industrial rubbish, particularly ceramics and flint debitage. The rubbish layers also contained nearly one thousand clay container sealings bearing stamp-seal impressions. The most important images represented are human figures in combat with lions, and caged single lions. These images date to ca 3800 BC and are evidence for the early development of the iconography and ideology of power and leadership.
After the fall of Babylon: A new look at the presentation scene on Assurbanipal relief BM ME 124945–6
Authors: Novotny J. , Watanabe C. E.
Published: August 2016

BM ME 124945–6, a relief of Assurbanipal, was discovered in the ruins of Room M (the so-called ‘Throne Room’) of the North Palace in the Assyrian capital of Nineveh, and is now on display in the British Museum (Fig. 1). The slabs are divided into two registers: an upper register and a lower register, which are separated by a broad wavy band, each side of which forms the bank of a river. Two rivers flow horizontally in parallel in the centre of the slabs. The presentation scene appears in the lower register, which shows the Assyrian king Assurbanipal (668–631 BC) reviewing war spoils taken from Babylon after the city was captured by the Assyrian army in late 648 BC. The aim of this paper is to examine the spoils represented on the relief and, by carefully analysing Assurbanipal's inscriptions, to clarify how textual accounts of the event or events are reflected in the narrative scheme of the composition.

The presentation scene is further divided into three rows by simple horizontal lines, each forming a ground line that normally indicates the recession of space based on the principle of “vertical perspective” in which distant figures are placed higher than nearer ones. The king is represented on the right of the scene, occupying the upper and middle rows (Fig. 2). He is mounted on a chariot and is accompanied by courtiers and soldiers who all face to the left of the scene. An epigraph is engraved above the horses of the king's chariot. On the far side of the scene, Assyrian soldiers, in the upper row, proceed towards the king. The first person is a eunuch raising his right hand; he is followed by a bearded man (Fig. 3). Then there are three soldiers, each holding a particular item of booty (Fig. 4). These men are followed by two wheeled vehicles: one is carried on the shoulders of several men (Fig. 5) and the other pulled by a group of soldiers (Fig. 6). To the far left of the scene, prisoners are led away by soldiers. In the middle row, four foreigners face right (Fig. 7), and behind them stand two scribes making a record in front of one pile of bows and quivers and another of severed heads (Fig. 8). More soldiers follow from the left with a team of horses. The lower row shows a procession of prisoners; all of them move from left to right (Fig. 9). To the far left, there are two sets of chariots, the horses of which are being led by soldiers (Figs. 10 and 11). The overall composition, except for the lower row, is arranged symmetrically facing to the centre, with special emphasis on the king.
The Sumerian expression igi-kar2 revisited
Authors: Widell Magnus
Published: August 2016

In 1968, the Chicago Assyrian Dictionary translated the Old Babylonian term aširtu, which in the OB period corresponded to the Sumerian expression igi-kar2, as “an offering of a pious gift to the gods”. In texts from the preceding Ur III period, however, the expression igi-kar2 has usually been associated with the expression gurum2 (written IGI.GAR) and translated “inspection”. In 1982, Piotr Steinkeller demonstrated, in a short article published in ASJ, that igi-kar2 and gurum2 refer to two separate words. He showed that the compound verb igi…kar2 denoted “to examine” in both the Ur III and Old Babylonian periods. For the compound noun igi-kar2 in the Ur III period, Steinkeller referred to the Umma text TJAMC IES 126, where the expression appears together with the institution an-za3-gar3, which — in accordance with its Akkadian equivalence dimtum — has been understood as “some type of fortified building”. This connection led Steinkeller to propose the meaning “provisions, supplies” for igi-kar2 in the Ur III period, seemingly more appropriate for a delivery to the military structure of an-za(3)-gar3.
Plate LIII from Til-Barsip: The left-handed Assyrian king
Authors: Poisel Timothy J.
Published: August 2016

Identification of different iconographic features has allowed modern scholars to argue cases for several possible candidates responsible for the commissioning and representation within Plate LIII. Due to minor characteristically different chariots and artistic techniques, scholars have made widely divergent claims about the origins of the wall paintings that were found at Til-Barsip. In this paper I contend that one vital iconographic factor has been overlooked by modern scholarship and that it is the key to proving that a specific Assyrian king was responsible for Plate LIII. It is concluded that the Assyrian king depicted in the Til-Barsip wall painting was left-handed and by a process of elimination can be none other than Esarhaddon.
British excavations at Chagar Bazar, 2001-2
Authors: McMahon Augusta , Colantoni Carlo , Semple Miranda
Published: August 2016

Excavations at Chagar Bazar by the British School of Archaeology in Iraq team continued in 2001 and 2002 in Areas A and G (Fig. 1). In both areas, the final occupation of the site, datable toca1800–1650 BC, was investigated. Cuneiform tablets from Max Mallowan's 1930s excavations testify to the key position held by Chagar Bazar at the beginning of this period. His work had exposed large areas of domestic and administrative structures, but stratigraphic and relational uncertainties remained which merited further investigation. The archaeological situation at the fringes of Shamshi-Addu's Kingdom of Upper Mesopotamia are still somewhat enigmatic, and the aftermath of its collapse has not been intensively explored.
Layard's drawings of the incised decorations on the Nimrud reliefs compared with the originals
Authors: Bartl Peter V.
Published: August 2016

The orthostats from the North-West Palace of Ashurnasirpal II (883–859 BC) at Nimrud are among the most outstanding works of art from the Ancient Near East. Today they are to be found in museums all over the world and are looked at every day by thousands of visitors. Numerous books and articles have been written about their style, their meaning and their reconstruction. Thus one would think that nothing could have escaped the eye of observers. Nevertheless, some details have been largely overlooked by researchers. Among these is the incised decoration on the edges of the garments of some of the figures depicted, showing a wide range of simple geometric and floral designs as well as complex mythical and narrative scenes. It thus forms a valuable part of the repertoire of Neo-Assyrian artistic motifs and can help us understand the essence and meaning of Neo-Assyrian political art. The evidence of these incised decorations is not only of importance for the history of art but is also fundamental to the understanding of the significance of the clothes and of the figures wearing them, forming an integral and essential part of the mythical symbolic character of the figures.
Demons in the conclusion of Lugalbanda in Hurrumkurra
Authors: Alster Bendt
Published: August 2016

The Sumerian epic of Lugalbanda in Hurrumkurra has not yet been edited in its entirety, but important contributions have been made in particular by CI. Wilcke and W. W. Hallo (Wilcke 1969, Hallo 1983, cf. Wilcke 1987). There now exist two complete translations: one by J. A. Black from 1998 (1998: 176–84), virtually identical with the translation accessible on the website of the University of Oxford's Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian Literature (ETCSL) from about 1999; and a more recent translation with an eclectic text reconstruction by H. Vanstiphout (2003: 97–131). It is there entitled Lugalbanda in the Wilderness. Although many points have been clarified, not least thanks to the Yale source published by W. W. Hallo, especially the end of the text remains largely unintelligible and, in Vanstiphout's words, “needs more study” (2003: 162 n. 60).
“Those Old Assyrian Legends”: Der Wiederentdeckten Kurzfilm La Regina di Ninive (Italien 1911)
Authors: Heilmann Regina
Published: August 2016

Während vieler Jahrzehnte wurden sogenannte Antik-, Monumental-, Kolossal- oder Sandalenfilme von Seiten der Altertumswissenschaften kaum beachtet, da sie mit dem wissenschaftlichen Verständnis antiker Kulturen nur wenig zu tun haben — die Geschichtsphilosophie der Filme ist meistens simpel und im Vordergrund steht das Spektakel. Doch das Phänomen der großen Beliebtheit dieser Filme — vor allem in den 1910/1920er sowie den 1950/1960er Jahren — rechtfertigt eine Untersuchung dieses artifiziellen und virtuellen Antikenbildes seitens der Altertumswissenschaft. Diese hat vor allem in den letzten fünf Jahren zunehmend an Bedeutung gewonnen.

In allen filmproduzierenden Ländern wurden von Anfang an die einschlägig bekannten antiken sowie biblischen Themen und Legenden als Filmstoff aufgegriffen. Dies geschah zum einen, weil sie einem Großteil des anvisierten Publikums vertraut waren und daher eine gewisse universale Gültigkeit aufwiesen. Zum anderen eigneten sich solche Sujets aufgrund ihrer Inhalte und narrativen Struktur hervorragend für eine spektakuläre, den Zuschauer in ihren Bann ziehende Inszenierung. Erzählungen aus dem Alten und Neuen Testament sowie aus der antiken Geschichte und Mythologie lieferten auch diesem Medium “große Stoffe”. Freilich mussten sie, wie beispielsweise das Buch Judit oder der seit Ktesias' tradierte Mythos der Semiramis, für die frühesten Filmproduktionen extrem verkürzt werden, so dass in aller Regel nur Kernstücke oder dramatische Höhepunkte umgesetzt wurden. Bezüglich des Alten Orients ist bemerkenswert, dass der frühe Film nahezu ausschließlich all diejenigen Sujets und Motive aufgriff, die sich spätestens im 19. Jahrhundert durch die Blütezeit des Orientalismus sowie aufgrund der beeindruckenden Funde aus den großen Ausgrabungen in Vorderasien zum festen Themenrepertoire einer populärkulturellen Vorstellung vom antiken Mesopotamien konsolidiert hatten.
Defining the style of the period: Jemdet Nasr 1926–28
Authors: Matthews R. J.
Published: August 2016

The mounds of Jemdet Nasr, 100 km south of Baghdad, were subjected to two seasons of excavations in 1926–28. These campaigns yielded a tremendous assemblage of artefacts which have never received the full publication to which they are undoubtedly entitled. In order to rectify this shortcoming a programme of publishing all known items from the 1920s seasons is now well underway, with museum work completed on the Jemdet Nasr collections in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, and the Field Museum, Chicago. It is intended to publish the 1920s material as Volume 1 of the seriesJemdet Nasr Excavations, which will continue with volumes concerning our own recent work at the site. Pending completion of study of Jemdet Nasr items in the Iraq Museum, Baghdad, it has been decided to present this preliminary survey as an indication of the wealth of material retrieved during those two seasons in 1926 and 1928, and in order to address questions that have arisen in the subsequent decades. The main issues of debate have been whether or not it is justifiable to speak of a Jemdet Nasr period, distinct from the Late Uruk and Early Dynastic periods, and a concern to specify items of material culture, particularly pottery, which may assist in the identification of such a period in both temporal and geographical terms. Recent and future excavations at the site, and elsewhere, are likely to provide some of the pointers, but it is perhaps too often the case that excavations of the early part of this century are dismissed as below modern standards and therefore not worthy of detailed study. It is hoped that this article can show the value of re-analysing old excavations from a contemporary viewpoint, particularly by drawing upon comparative material from a range of other excavated sites in order to place the Jemdet Nasr assemblage within a wider Mesopotamian context.
Third millennium oasis towns and environmental constraints on settlement in the Al-Hajar region Part I: The Al-Ḥajar Oasis Towns
Authors: Orchard Jocelyn , Stanger Gordon
Published: August 2016

Concentrations of substantial ruins, sometimes occurring as isolated but neighbouring structures, have been recorded at a number of locations in the foothill zone of the al-Ḥajar mountain range in south-eastern Arabia (Fig. 1), an area widely identified with the ancient copper-producing land of Magan. These assemblages are always distinguished by the presence of large, circular structures and may also include the remains of houses and other features, as well as cemeteries either in close proximity to the buildings or sited on nearby hills. They are attributed to the 3rd millennium B.C. by their related pottery, by carbon-14 dates where these are available and, when such criteria are lacking, by their architecture, masonry and brickwork which are notably different from those of adjacent 2nd and 1st millennium buildings. In view of their close environmental relationship with the al-Ḥajar range and in order to separate them from the late 3rd millennium buildings and tombs which were first discovered and excavated on the island of Umm an-Nar, Abu Dhabi, and which have since been located at many sites in the al-Ḥajar zone, I shall refer to these 3rd millennium assemblages as the al-Ḥajar settlements.
The Vassal-Treaties of Esarhaddon
Authors: Wiseman D. J.
Published: August 2016

The sixth (1955) season of excavation by the British School of Archaeology in Iraq at Nimrud (ancient Kalḫu, Biblical Calah) was mainly devoted to clearing buildings in the south-eastern corner of the akropolis. One building to the north of Ezida, the temple of Nabu, contained a long Throne-room (SEB2) where lay a varied collection of ivories and bronzes from Assyrian furniture broken when the building was destroyed by fire. Amid this debris more than three hundred and fifty fragments of baked clay tablets were found scattered in the north-west corner of the room between the dais which once supported the royal throne and the door leading to a small ante-chamber (NTS3). Some fragments were also found in the southern doorway of the Throne-room and in the adjacent courtyard (Fig. 1). It will probably never be known with certainty, whether the documents had once been housed in this room or thrown there when the building was sacked by the Medes about 612 B.C. A special room (NT12) in the neighbouring Nabu Sanctuary seems to have been set aside for the use of scribes and for the storage of tablets and this may have been their original location.

These fragments proved to be parts of a few large tablets of which one was reconstituted in the field. Miss Barbara Parker, who was present at the time of discovery, soon identified the text as a treaty made in 672 B.C. by Esarhaddon, king of Assyria (681–669 B.C.), with a chieftain of the Medes named Ramataia of Urukazaba(r)na. The remaining texts were duplicates except that they named different city-govenors, or chieftains, as the other party to the agreement. The dated fragments bear the same Eponym year-date of 672 B.C. With commendable speed Miss Parker published a brief report based on her preliminary reading of about three hundred lines of the Ramataia text and some of the fragments.
The Work of Tragic Productions: Towards a New History of Drama as Labour Culture
Authors: Roselli D.K.
Published: August 2016

The study of the ancient world has often come under scrutiny for its questionable ‘relevance’ to modern society, but Greek tragedy has proven rather resilient. From tragedy's perceived value in articulating an incomplete but idealised state of political and ethical being in Hegel to its role in thinking through the modern construction of politics and gender (often through a re-reading of Hegel), tragedy has loomed large in modern critical inquiry into definitions of the political and the formation of the subject.’ This is another way of saying that the richly textured tragic text has in some respects laid the foundation for subsequent theorising of the political subject.

Given the importance placed on such figures as Sophocles’ Oedipus and Antigone starting with Schelling and Hegel, it is perhaps not surprising that recent work in critical theory has tended to recast these particular tragic figures in its critique of Enlightenment thought. Nonetheless, there are problems with the adoption of these figures as paradigms through which tragedy becomes a tool to represent the ancient Greek polis and to work through modern political and ethical problems. The repeated returns to certain aspects of Oedipus or Antigone have contributed to a structured silence around the issue of class relations. Along with the increasingly dominant role of neoliberalism and the continuing importance of identity politics, much recent critical theory has contributed to the occlusion of class and labour from public discourse and academic research. In such a climate, it is no wonder that historical materialism rarely figures in academic works. I wonder whether another narrative is possible through the study of Greek tragedy.
Virgil and Sannazaro's Ekphrastic Vision
Authors: Putnam Michael C.J.
Published: August 2016

If the Neapolitan humanist Jacopo Sannazaro (1458-1530) receives any recognition in scholarly circles these days, it is usually for hisArcadia, an elaborate pastoral in twelve books, each combining prose and verse, that forms one of the most important links between the work of Petrarch, its inspiration, and that of Sir Philip Sidney. TheArcadia, published first authoritatively in 1504, is written in Italian, as are the hundred or so survivingRime(songs and sonnets), largely products of the last decade of the fifteenth century. But Sannazaro was also a prolific writer in Latin. It is a question worth asking why, after the success of his vernacularmagnum opus, he opted to use primarily a classical language for the major poetry that occupied his attention for the opening decades of the subsequent century. Perhaps a confirmation of his allegiance to Christian humanism is one reason. Perhaps also it was his devotion to Virgil whose three great works provided him with the most telling impetus for his own achievements in the Augustan poet's tongue.
Double, Double: Two African Medeas
Authors: Malamud Martha
Published: August 2016

When Seneca's Medea flies off in her serpent-drawn chariot, shedding ruin, heartbreak and death and leaving it all behind her on the stage, we are too stunned to wonder where she might be headed. As it turns out, this enterprising exile continued her career with great success in Roman Africa. This essay considers two remarkable Later Roman Medeas: Hosidius Geta's early third (?) century tragedy Medea and Dracontius' late fifth century epyllion Medea. Both were products of the flourishing, experimental, literary culture of Roman Africa that produced such writers as Apuleius, Tertullian, Augustine, Corippus, Martianus and Fulgentius. Although the two poems present radically different heroines, both exhibit the sophisticated allusivity, wordplay and interest in formal structures and rules that characterise Latin literature from Africa. One Medea makes a lethal intervention in Vergilian poetics; the other Medea channels a distinctively Statian Muse.

Hosidius Geta's Medea is a short tragedy consisting of eight scenes and three choral songs that recounts the familiar events of Medea's vengeance in an unfamiliar form—it is the first extant example from antiquity of a cento. Mystery shrouds the origins of this Medea—we are unlikely ever to know for certain where, when or by whom it was written. It is probably a late second or very early third century text from Roman Africa. It is first mentioned by Tertullian, who brings it up as an example of the kind of improper manipulation of scripture perpetrated by heretical readers—that is, as a perverted form of reading. Tertullian's digressive expostulation is the first account we have both of Hosidius' Medea and of the cento form, i.e., the creation of poems made entirely from lines or half lines of a master-text. Tertullian's wording, however, implies that his readers will immediately recognise what a cento is, suggesting that this art form had been around for a long time. More interestingly, in light of the later Christian adoption of the cento form, he disapproves of the reading practices their composition implies, and finds Scripture especially vulnerable to such abuse. It is not hard to see why the fundamentalist preacher Tertullian would be alarmed by the poetics of the cento, for centos expose the multivalent nature of language, forcing the reader constantly to focus on the protean ability of words to change their meanings depending on context. To one whose goal is to establish truth according to the authoritative rule of faith, such linguistic play is threatening.
Passing Over Cephisos' Grandson: Literal Praeteritio and the Rhetoric of Obscurity in Ovid Met. 7.350-93
Authors: Cowan Robert
Published: August 2016

After tricking Pelias' daughters into killing their father, Ovid's metamorphic Medea flies in her (future reflexive) Euripidean dragon chariot from Thessaly to Corinth by a very circuitous route. In so doing, she performs a physical and narrativepraeteritio, passing rapidly over both the landscape and its local myths, which remain unnarrated. This article will reflect on some of the metapoetic connotations of thepraeteritioand its rhetoric of obscurity, and propose an identification for one of the most obscure of the figures over whom Medea passes. It will also identify a technique whereby Ovid plays with concepts of obscurity anddoctrinato unmask and dramatise a common reading practice.

Medea's literal enactment of a rhetorical strategy is one among many instances in the poem of the reification of figurative language, an operation which most commonly takes place in the process of metamorphosis or the depiction of personifications, but by no means always. Among such reifications, the particular instance of the ‘literalpraeteritio’ has antecedents in Apollonius’Argonautica, where the Argonauts ‘passed by’ (παϱάμειβον) Calypso's island, and in Virgil'sAeneid, where Aeneas and the Trojans on at least three occasions pass by sites such as Ithaca, the land of the Phaeacians, and Circe's island. In each of these four cases the epic narrator is also ‘passing over’ the Odyssean narrative associated with the site.
Dealing with Ghosts: Literary Assertion in Statius' Thebaid
Authors: Parkes Ruth
Published: August 2016

Chthonic scenes have often been considered in terms of their metapoetic potential. The very nature of such episodes, in which protagonists typically encounter characters from the literary-mythological past, arguably encourages a kind of artistic self-consciousness. In Currie's words,

Anekyiamay be an especially fitting place for a poem to explore self-reflectively its relationship to earlier poetry: to confront its own literary ghosts.

This article examines whether the portrayal of ghosts in the necromancy of StatiusThebaidBook 4 can be read as a meditation on the poem's place in the literary tradition. It views the scene as a commentary on the epic's artistic practices, wherein Statius both acknowledges his predecessors, especially Ovid and Seneca, and asserts his own literary contribution through the appearance of the ambushers depicted earlier in the poem. It then argues that Statius validates his place in the canon by enacting the integration of the ambush scene into literary and Theban history.
The Elegiac Ass: The Concept of Servitivm Amoris in Apuleius' Metamorphoses
Authors: Hindermann Judith
Published: August 2016

Seruitium amoris, the notion of love as slavery, is a frequent theme in Roman elegy. It inverts Roman reality in representing a free Roman citizen dominated by a woman, evidently from a lower social class. The elegiacamator(‘lover’) elevates his belovedpuella(‘girl’) and treats her as a slave would treat his mistress (domina), obeying her orders and yielding to her wishes and moods. Although it has been widely observed that Lucius, the protagonist of Apuleius'Metamorphoses, acts like a slave towards his beloved, the slave girl Fotis, the idea of elegiacseruitium amorishas not been analysed systematically as an explanation of this strange relationship, and affinities between theMetamorphosesand Roman elegy have even been denied altogether. To date, most investigations have focused not on the mode but on the consequences of Lucius' servile behaviour, culminating in his transformation into an ass and a series of painful adventures brought to an end by the intervention of the goddess Isis.

My discussion will argue that in presenting Lucius and Fotis as an elegiac couple, Apuleius adds yet another form of love to the broad spectrum of relationships between the sexes that he presents in theMetamorphoses. It will also contend that by introducing the theme ofseruitium amoris, he helps his audience interpret the complex and richly described relationship between protagonist and slave, a key theme throughout the work.
Ec[H]Oing the Ass-Novel: Reading and Desire in Onos, Metamorphoses and the Name of the Rose
Authors: Mheallaigh Karen Ní
Published: August 2016

Until then I had thought each book spoke of the things, human or divine, that lie outside books. Now I realised that not infrequently books speak of other books: it is as if they spoke among themselves. In the light of this reflection, the library seemed all the more disturbing to me. It was then a place of a long centuries-old murmuring, an imperceptible dialogue between one parchment and another, a living thing…

Umberto EcoThe Name of the Rose

at ego tibi sermone isto Milesio uarias fabulas conseram auresque tuas beniuolas lepido susurro permulceam… (But I would join together a variety of tales for you in that Milesian mode, and I would enchant your kindly ears with a charming murmur…)

The speaking book? ApuleiusMetamorphoses

In the chapter called ‘Terce’ of the Second Day, the Franciscan monk William of Baskerville and his young apprentice Adso visit the scriptorium of an abbey in northern Italy, and discover, among the papers of the murdered Greek translator Venantius, a surprising text:

Another Greek book was open on the lectern, the work on which Venantius had been exercising his skill as translator in the past days. At that time I knew no Greek, but my master read the title and said this was by a certain Lucian and was the story of a man turned into an ass. I recalled then a similar fable by Apuleius, which, as a rule, novices were strongly advised against reading.

(Eco,The Name of the Rose, 128)
The Art of Reception: J.W. Waterhouse and the Painting of Desire in Victorian Britain
Authors: Goldhill Simon
Published: August 2016

Victorian art, particularly in the latter decades of the 19th century, turned to classical subjects obsessively. Alma-Tadema, Poynter, Leighton, Watts, and a host of less celebrated figures, produced a string of canvasses especially for the Royal Academy but also for other galleries in London and for exhibition around the country, which drew on the passion for the classical world so much in evidence in the broader cultural milieu of nineteenth-century Europe. Classics was an integral part of the furniture of the Victorian mind, through the education system, through popular culture, through architecture, through opera, through literature. The high art of the Royal Academy, viewed by thousands and extensively discussed in the press, is a fundamental aspect of this classicising discourse. This era was self-consciously a great age of progress, but it is striking to what degree the rapidly changing culture of Britain expressed its concerns, projected its ideals and explored its sense of self through images of the past—medieval, and early Christian, as much as classical. In this article, I want to look at one artist, J.W. Waterhouse, who was at the centre of this artistic moment—a discussion which will also involve us in investigating the Victorian perception of less familiar classical authors such as Josephus and Prudentius (as well as Homer and Ovid), and less familiar classical figures—St Eulalia, Mariamne—as well as the most recognisable classical icons such as the Sirens and Circe. My first aim is to show how sophisticated and interesting the art of Waterhouse is, a figure who has suffered markedly from the shifts of taste in the twentieth century. His classical pictures in particular show a fascinating engagement with the position of the male subject of desire, which has been largely ignored in the scant discussions of his work, and is strikingly absent from the most influential attempts to see Waterhouse's art in its Victorian context. Waterhouse's visualisation of classical subjects goes to the heart of Victorian anxieties about sexuality.
Four Off-Stage Characters in Euripides' Hecuba
Authors: Coo Lyndsay
Published: August 2016

But off-stage characters can have value, a great deal of value, if selectively handled.… Pick them with care, imagine them well, and they can do more for you than they could had they been brought on.

J. van Druten,Playwright at Work(London 1953), 117f.

The study of off-stage characters—by which I mean human characters with a physical presence within the world and setting of the play, but who never actually appear on-stage—is a critical angle seldom applied to Greek tragedy. I hope to show that Euripides'Hecubaparticularly repays this unorthodox approach. Its on-stage characters are complemented by crucially important offstage figures, and I shall focus on the four who are of greatest importance forHecuba: Achilles, Neoptolemus, Cassandra and Helen. My investigation will be structured around the following questions:

• What traditions were associated with these characters beforeHecuba, and what resulting preconceptions might Euripides' audience have held about them?

• How are these characters represented by the on-stage characters, and with what effect?

• What is the symbolic effect of the absence of these characters?

Taken together, the answers to these questions will provide a new reading ofHecuba, revealing how Euripides' choices over which characters to feature offstage and how to represent them contribute to the overall themes of the tragedy. My exploration will lead to me engage with many issues of interpretation, both literary and textual. I hope to show that Euripides' decision to keep a character off-stage is as deliberate and strategic as the decision to feature one prominently on-stage.
The Terentian Marriage Plot: Reproducing Fathers and Sons
Authors: Lape Susan
Published: August 2016

In this study, I examine what it means to be a father, a son, and the father-son relationship in three Terentian comedies, the Andria, Self-Tormentor, and Adelphoe. Like the Menandrian originals on which they are based, these plays all employ a marriage plot centring on a young man's efforts to win and or retain his beloved in marriage or a temporary union. In each case, the story (or stories) about the romantic union of a young man and woman takes a back seat to a story about the negotiations between men needed to forge that union. As in Menander's plays, this homosocial orientation invests Terence's marriage plot with a dense network of cultural and ideological concerns. These concerns surface most clearly in the characterisation of the obstacle to the young man's relationship. In the plays under consideration here, the primary obstacle to the marriage or love relationship is the young man's father. In most cases, the fathers only object to their sons having relationships with non-marriageable women when they (the fathers) decide that it is time for their sons to marry. Significantly, the perceived status discrepancy does not operate as an absolute barrier to the young man's romantic relationship in the father's eyes (as in Menander's extant plays and fragments). Rather, the problem arises when the son's desire to remain in the relationship conflicts with his father's desire that he marry a respectable woman. Because the obstacle is framed in this way—as a direct confrontation between the discordant desires of fathers and sons—Terence's marriage plots provide an important window on the ideology of the Roman family and its kinship structure.
Re-Constructing Relationships: The Significance of Name and Place in Propertius 3.22
Authors: Weinlich Barbara P.
Published: August 2016

Why does the Propertian speaker include a celebration of Rome,Elegy3.22, in his third book of love elegies? Why does he address himself to Tullus, a name that appeared the last time inElegy1.22, the closing poem of theMono-biblos?By paying attention to the nature of the elegy's topic rather than to the nature of the elegiac discourse, past and current Propertian scholarship fails to recognise the subtle and, at first sight, hidden links between the praise of Rome, the choice of the addressee, and the Propertian speaker's effort to re-locate himself in the realm of elegiac love and poetry inElegy3.22.

Past scholarship has readElegy3.22 either as a palinode toElegy3.21, the Propertian speaker's decision to leave Rome, or as an indication that Cynthia has been substituted by Rome as another theme. The latter interpretation entailed a discussion about whetherElegy3.22 should be considered pro- or anti-Augustan or a sincere but unsuccessful elegiac tribute to Rome. All contributions offer hermeneutic readings that stem from a time before the critical tools of the ‘New Latin’ movement provided new possibilities for the re-contextuali ation of Roman poetry. Furthermore, both the past and the most recent interpretations ofElegy3.22 are theme-centred as they focus on the praise of Rome, and not on the nature of the Propertian speaker's discourse.
Focalisation and Voluntary Intervention in Thucydides
Authors: Watts-Tobin Alex
Published: August 2016

Thucydides does not have very many fundamentalist zealots left. Nevertheless many scholars still feel the urge to do away with contradictions and tensions within the text. The urge to resolve them is stronger if inconsistent statements occur in prominent passages which are close to each other, and where the reader is unwilling to posit that the author simply changed his mind between writing them. This paper starts by dealing with a much discussed inconsistency which belongs in this group. I will offer two solutions, a longer one and a shorter one. These solutions will demonstrate that Thucydides uses consistent and recoverable principles. The main aim of the paper however is to show that we should not stop at solutions: interpretive problems can lead to a deeper understanding of Thucydides. The arguments below employ two methodological approaches, one fairly well established and one more novel. By comparing passages exemplifying Thucydides' analysis, and by explaining specific differences between them, we can arrive at some important premises in his ideas on causation and responsibility.
Black Humour in Ovid's Metamorphoses
Authors: Peek Philip S.
Published: August 2016

Ovidians today agree that humour is central to understanding theMetamorphoses; but much disagreement exists about what passages are funny; what type of humour is used; and what response it is intended to elicit. Since his own time Ovid's humour has provoked criticism: Quintilian and the two Senecas criticise him for introducing to theMetamorphosesan inappropriate tone. The Romantics found Ovid's humour in bad taste. For much of the 19th and 20th centuries it was taken to be light and on the surface. More recently scholars identify his humour as either deep and humane or hateful and misogynistic. This division is caused, in my opinion, by Ovid's black humour, which by its very nature is easily misunderstood or missed, especially by those inclined to see the tragic in things, disinclined to see comedy mixed into a scene of death or rape, inclined to think the tragic, serious and universal more worthy, profound and significant than the comic, base and particular.
Silius' Rome: The Rewriting of Vergil's Vision
Authors: Pomeroy Arthur J.
Published: August 2016

A recent English-language textbook on Greek and Roman historical epic begins its account of Silius Italicus by describing the author of thePunicaas ‘not a literary person. Most of his long life was spent in the Roman civil service’. Then, after suggesting that the poet was seeking to make up for earlier missed opportunities by writing what is the longest surviving Latin epic, the potted biography concludes by declaring that his actual demise was in line with Stoic theory: ‘Silius met a bookish end…he starved himself to death.’

While these remarks will not be left unchallenged, the very venom of the reaction to them is instructive. Scandalised, a reader of an earlier version of this paper thought that they should never be mentioned or at best buried in a footnote. After all, Wallace Stevens worked for a living too. No, show us that Silius is agoodpoet.
Competing Endings: Re-Reading the End of the Thebaid Through Lucan
Authors: Lovatt Helen
Published: August 2016

The ends of epic poems are always particularly contested sites, and Statius'Thebaidis no exception. In this article, I hope to present a new angle on the debate by taking comparison with Lucan'sBellum Ciuileas my starting point. Reading Statius through Lucan suggests to me that there must be dissent in the ending of theThebaidabout the degree of closure that the poem should and does achieve. This dissent in Lucan characterises both the ending ofBellum Ciuileand the unofficial and tentative problematisation of closure in the burial of Pompey.
Oedipal Narratives and the Exilic Ovid
Authors: Walker Andrew D.
Published: August 2016

‘…we think [for example] of the wordwriting(schreiben) and immediately before us we have the image of two men, one man carrying the other on his back…’

So wrote G. Schubert in his study of dream symbolism (Die Symbolik des Traumes) published in 1814—one of many works of dream theory that served as a resource for Freud, whosemagnum opus—The Interpretation of Dreams—would appear at the turn of the century. Schubert offers the example of the nonsensical association of theword‘writing’ with theimageof two men (‘one carrying the other on his back’) in an effort to argue a thesis later challenged by the work of Freud: that a ‘daytime language of words’ exists independent of, and unaffected by, a ‘nighttime language of dreams’. Read nearly a century after Freud, the passage is ironic, as Neil Hertz has observed, largely because Schubert's exemplary ‘nonsensical’ combination of word and image is richly suggestive of one of the principal concerns of poststructuralist psychoanalysis: how writing is a process of bearing the burden of the past and shouldering the father, an (oedipal) narrative of the son coming to terms with paternal authority: ‘The weight of the older man's body, the pressure of his will give substance to the voiced word…[w]riting, Freud would have us say, is Oedipal, a coming to terms with the Father, a shouldering of the burden of the past.’
Horace, Odes 3.22, and the Life of Meaning: Stumbling and Stampeding Out of the Woods, Blinking and Screaming into the Light, Snorting and Gorging at the Trough, Slashing and Gouging at the Death
Authors: Henderson John
Published: August 2016

Now scientists in Cambridge are developing pigs with human genes which could provide a limitless supply of organs for transplant.

(Radio Times, 1st March 1995)

Latin scholarship through the years did not exactly splash out on this pig's whisper of acarmen, 3.22. Stunted notices regularly saw it off as ‘a traditional invocation’—just a coda and confirmation for 3.21—and it is securely penned into the Hellenistic dedicatory ‘Epigrammstypus’. Yet the poet has indeed set t/his tree off against the poetic wood that lines thecontinui montesofOdes I-III. In that company, the poem primes a cultural reading by framing theinterpretivityof its performance against all the other scenarios. As arecurrent eventin Roman pedagogy and classical reading-culture to this very moment (these very moments), it pushes us to enactreligioas a modality of agent self, mobilised within the social imaginary of formative environment and temporality, and modelling a contribution to the formation of that sociality. The challenge to Horace, as to other ancient magi and musers such as Cicero, Varro and Augustine, is notnotthe same that faces modern gurus and pundits writing Roman religion: butpoetryconscripts its readers for its project, animating the Roman religion it re-invents and activates, obliges the doing and the showing and the telling to fuse in the enthusing, three-in-one.
The Drooping Rose: Elegiac Failure in Amores 3.7
Authors: Sharrock A.R.
Published: August 2016

nos quoque delectant, quamuis nocuere, libelli,quodque mihi telum uulnera fecit, amo.(Tr.4.1.35f.)My books delight me, even though they have harmed me,and I love the weapon which caused my wound.

InAmores3.7, Ovid sings, hymns, celebrates his own impotence. Why?

In stark contrast with its nearest Latin relative, Horace's most grotesque, violent and abusive impotence poem (Epode12, to be discussed later),Am.3.7 is an erotic poem, and could even be considered a gentle one, perhaps excepting the couplet 67f. which is the emphatic opposite of the rest of the poem.
Qvid Attinet Veritatem Per Interpretem Qvaerere? Interpretes and the Satyricon
Authors: Schmeling Gareth
Published: August 2016

A great virtue of Petronius, it seems to me, is his ability to say everything simply, which makes his language appear healthy and in touch with the living, spoken language. TheSatyriconis marked by casual simplicity or off-hand stylishness which we envy because it appears to have cost nothing to achieve. Though this simplicity is, I believe, the end product both oflabor limaeandingenium, it is imbued with such confidence and maturity that it embraces the reader as naturally and perfectly as erotic rapture or coming to terms with one's mortality. Whatever Petroniusintendsfor theSatyricon(if anything) ormeansfor his reader to see (if anything), he is in complete control of its language: the coercive strength of his rhetoric encourages the adventurous reader to carry through to the end, even if some of the subject material is disturbing.
Authorisation and Authorship in the Hesiodic Theogony
Authors: Nagy Gregory
Published: August 2016

Much has been written about the question of oral poetry in the earliest attested phases of Greek literature, but not enough attention has yet been paid to the existing internal evidence concerning the authority of actual poetic performance. This essay is meant to highlight this authority and its role in authorisation, that is, in the conferring of authorship. Since the first attested identification of an author in Greek literature takes place in the Hesiodic Theogony, where the figure of Hesiod names himself as the poet of this colossal poem (Hēsiodon, Th. 22), it seems fitting that this very act of self-identification should serve as the focus of inquiry. Further, since the poet defines himself in terms of a dramatised encounter with the Muses, who are represented as giving him the two gifts of a sceptre of authority and poetic inspiration itself, it also seems fitting to take with utmost seriousness the actual wording that describes this encounter. The poet's precisely-worded claim to have received from the Muses the power of telling the absolute truth is key, I shall argue, to his authorship.
Cattle and Honour in Homer and Hesiod
Authors: Athanassakis Apostolos N.
Published: August 2016

The concept of Homeric or simply Greek honour is not as easy to comprehend as is commonly assumed. Basically it is a system of values stemming from the belief that no harm done to self, kinsman, friend or property should remain uncompensated or unavenged. In a way, what is subsumed under the term honour is an awareness that the higher one bids the higher one is. In the present article the English word ‘honour’ is only a code word for the various fundamentals of life that belong to the semantic compass of Homerictimē. The word ‘cattle’ is also a code word for livestock, especially bovine animals as well as sheep and goats. Honour is not much talked about these days, and many educated people are familiar with some of its aspects mostly through the works of cultural anthropologists who, it seems, have to go to the far corners of the earth to study it. Yet, both honour and the price for honour are ubiquitous in our modern world. The difference is that the state is the keeper of every citizen's honour and as such it regulates punishment for offence to collective or individual honour and, through its courts, decides the material price that must be paid in compensation for real or even intended harm.
Introduction
Authors: Athanassakis Apostolos N.
Published: August 2016

What we know of this poetry is woefully inadequate; nor can we ascribe this condition to the paucity of our texts; were a hundred odes to be unearthed tomorrow, we should proceed to assign their contents to the same complacent categories that are the badges of our present ignorance. In dealing with Pindar, misconceptions are the rule: the odes do not have a linear unity; the transitions are abrupt; the poet devotes much time to his personal preoccupations, triumphs and embarrassments, as well as to irrelevancies of other kinds. These myths have arisen from a failure to understand the conventional aspects of choral communication.

(Elroy L. Bundy on Pindar, Studio Pindarica I)