bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Learning to Remember Dreams
Authors: Reed Henry
Published: March 2007

The possibility of learning to remember dreams was explored with the cooperation of a group of participant-observers who maintained dream diaries for 12 weeks and were selected on the basis of their desire to experience improved dream recall. A self-administered dream recall rating scale was devised which provided measures of several aspects of memory for dreams. The participants apparently increased their ability to retrieve dream memories, but their actual level of dream recall performance was subject to motivational fluctuations. On the other hand, although the participants claimed to have developed no control over the vividness of their memory for dreams, this aspect of their dream recall nevertheless evidenced substantial improvement. The possibility of improving memory for dreams being confirmed, future research should provide ( a) more information concerning the control processes governing dream recall, and ( b) information concerning how to increase volitional access to these processes.
Buddhist Approaches to Social Action
Authors: Macy Joanna
Published: March 2007

Effective tools for understanding and working with the current planetary crisis are found in Buddhist metaphysics and Buddhist practice. The Buddha's central doctrine of dependent co-arising, clarifying the interdependent nature of reality, helps us transcend outmoded dichotomies between the personal and the political. Practical applications are offered in the Sarvodaya movement in Sri Lanka, where Buddhist theory and practice mobilize villagers for community development, and in Macy's despair-and-empowerment work in our own society, helping people respond creatively to the nuclear peril, environmental destruction, and other causes of suffering.
The Benefits and Hazards of the Philosophy of Ayn Rand
Authors: Branden Nathaniel
Published: March 2007

For eighteen years I was a close associate of novelist-philosopher Ayn Rand whose books, notably The Fountainhead and Atlas Shrrugged, inspired a philosophical movement known as objectivism. This philosophy places its central emphasis on reason, individualism, enlightened self-interest, political freedom-and a heroic vision of life's possibilities. Following an explosive parting of the ways with Ayn Rand in 1968, I have been asked many times about the nature of our differences. This article is my first public answer to that question. Although agreeing with many of the values of the objectivist philosophy and vision, I discuss the consequences of the absence of an adequate psychology to support this intellectual structure-focusing in particular on the destructive moralism of Rand and many of her followers, a moralism that sublty encourages repression, self-alienation, and guilt. I offer an explanation of the immense appeal of Ayn Rand's philosophy, particularly to the young, and suggest some cautionary observations concerning its adaptation to one's own life.
Self-Control and Relationship
Authors: Shapiro Johanna , Shapiro Deane
Published: March 2007

Objections to pathology-based theories of human nature have led to efforts to develop views of positive personal health. In this article we posit the need for interpersonal intimacy as one context for health and suggest that there is a similar need for positive concepts of relationships. In an effort to address this need, a control model of psychological health is applied to relationships at different developmental stages, culminating in a vision of exceptional relationship health. A case example is also included, illustrating the clinical usefulness of conceptualizing relationship along the dimensions of assertive and yielding forms of control.
Dialectics and Method
Authors: Sipe Robert B.
Published: March 2007

This article addresses the question "What is radical therapy?" Should radical therapy be understood as radicals doing good humanistic therapy or is there something intrinsically radical about radical therapy? The lack of a precise definition and practice of radical therapy stems from the numerous and diverse therapeutic practices that are included under its umbrella. Radical therapy can be intrinsically radical to the extent that it is reconstructed on the basis of a Marxist methodology. This becomes apparent when one reviews the contributions and limitations of humanistic psychology and the human potential movement to the development of radical therapy. A critical examination of radical psychiatry, the most prevalent form of radical therapy, also indicates the necessity of using a Marxist methodology for reconstructing radical therapy. The author suggests that dialectics are the most important aspect of the Marxist method for radical therapy and provides several guidelines for using dialectical analysis in a therapeutic encounter. The author further suggests that the successful reconstruction of radical therapy is dependent upon the development of a Marxist psychology, and that the critical theory approach of Frankfurt School Marxism is the most beneficial path for developing a theory and practice of a Marxist psychology.
The Shadow Side of Self-Disclosure
Authors: Kempler Bernhard
Published: March 2007

The author, having through hiding and disguise survived the Holocaust in Poland, discusses the risks and potential negative consequences of uncritical self-disclosure. Developmentally, most of us have had adequate reasons to learn to protect central parts of ourselves, not only from others but also from our own consciousness. Uncritical self-disclosure can be harmful to ourselves as well as to others. At times, too early self-disclosure of fresh and still new inner movements can abort their growth. The author argues that responsible self-disclosure, that carefully considers "what, to whom, and for what purpose," is a mark of maturity, and needs to be validated and respected even in the context of psychotherapy.
R. D. Laing and Caritas
Authors: Kierulff Stephen
Published: March 2007

The following story-essay concerns an unusual sequence of events involving the author and the late R. D. Laing. Some of the issues raised by apparently precognitive or synchronistic phenomena are discussed in relation to the contrasting views of reality presented by scientism and Bell's theorem.
Oppression and Liberation
Authors: Alschuler Lawrence R.
Published: March 2007

This study explores the psychodynamics of oppression and liberation. The author draws on the Jungian theory of the complexes to elaborate the psychological insights of Paulo Freire, a Brazilian educator. The convergence of Freire's insights and Jungian concepts is presented point by point: duality and dissociation; adherence, selfdepreciation, and split bipolarity; dehumanization and projection; horizontal violence and projective identification; objectification and the withdrawal of projections; humanization and the integration of complexes. The author intends to make this interdisciplinary resource more accessible and emphasizes the need to understand both the "inner" and "outer" aspects of oppression and liberation.
Transformational Psychotherapy Sessions
Authors: Mahrer Alvin R.
Published: March 2007

In some exceptionally rare sessions, persons (patients, clients) appeared to undergo profound personal transformation. Furthermore, the personal transformation seemed to be pervasive, permanent, pleasant, and exciting. Clinical study of these sessions revealed at least three ways in which the therapist was quite different in ways that are interpreted as enabling personal transformation. Perhaps this is what some therapists can learn to achieve regularly, rather than rarely.
The Meld Experience in Psychotherapy Supervision
Authors: Sterling Molly Merrill
Published: March 2007

Occasionally research shocks the researcher. This happened in a phenomenological exploration of the use of role-play in the supervision of psychotherapy as reported in this article. Role-play as presented in this article is used during a supervisory hour to bypass or supplement detached descriptions about clients. The therapist, after presenting to the supervisor some information about the client, the therapist's concerns, and the interaction in the therapy, enacts the client as genuinely as possible. Meantime the supervisor serves as "therapist." When a good working relation exists between therapist and supervisor, such role-play brings a new dimension into the work. The experience of the role-playing therapist is not a literal reproduction of the work with the client. Rather, as this research shows, the experience derives from a deeper level of the engagement between the client and the therapist. The term meld is used to designate a phase in the role-play in which the therapist can no longer distinguish whether his or her words are from his or her own center or that of the client.
Hitchcock's Vertigo
Authors: Schneider Kirk J.
Published: March 2007

Recently, we have witnessed an explosion of interest in the transcendental dimension of human experience. Leading psychological theorists, however, have become polarized on this matter. Whereas emphatic rationalists (such as Albert Ellis) perceive little value in the transcendental, ardent transpersonalists (such as Ken Wilber) stress its most expansive implications. This article explores a third alternative to these positions-what I term existential spirituality or wonderment. To illustrate the richness of this perspective, I discuss and consider the implications of Alfred Hitchcock's 1958 film Vertigo.

We burn with desire to find a steadfast place and an ultimate fixed basis whereon we may build a tower to reach the infinite. But our whole foundation breaks up, and earth opens to the abysses.

-Blaise Pascal (1654)
The Development of Social Intelligence in Psychotherapy
Authors: Snyder Maryhelen
Published: March 2007

George Herbert Mead described "the whole nature of intelligence as social to its very core." In this respect, he was a forerunner of social constructionism, which, when applied to psychotherapy, focuses the therapeutic process on the client's meaning-making process in the context of relationships. Furthermore, Mead perceived the primary aspect of human intelligence to be the capacity of the individual to "put himselfin the place of' another. The implications ofthis for both individual and family psychotherapy and, in particular, its relevance to the practices of empathy and dialogue are explored. A case of couple therapy is used to illustrate the specific applications of the theoretical concepts discussed.

It is generally recognized that the specifically social expressions of intelligence... depend upon the given individual's ability to take the roles of, or "put himself in the place of," the other individuals implicated with him in given social situations; and upon his consequent sensitivity to their attitudes toward himself and toward one another. These specifically social expressions of intelligence, of course, acquire unique significance in terms of our view that the whole nature of intelligence is social to its very core, that this putting of one's self in the places of others, this taking by one's self of their roles or attitudes, is not merely one of the various aspects or expressions of intelligence or of intelligent behavior, but is the very essence of its character. (Mead, 1934, p. 141)
Thomas Szasz, William James, and the Psychiatric Drugs Controversy
Authors: Rubin Jeffrey
Published: March 2007

Described is a series of debates titled "Psychiatric Drugs: Wonderful Revolution or Ongoing Catastrophe?" The debates often featured Thomas Szasz along with five other panelists. During the planning of these debates, the author was confronted with efforts at suppressing Szasz's views. These efforts are critically analyzed.
Openness: A Final Reply to Tobacyk
Authors: Mittelman Willard
Published: March 2007

This is a response to Jerome Tobacyk's most recent criticism of my proposal to replace Maslow's idea of self-actualization with the idea of openness. I point out that rIbbacyk has failed to discuss my arguments and my definition of openness and that some of his criticisms contradict things he himself said earlier.
James Bugental: Champion of Subjectivity
Authors: Sarbit Bruce
Published: March 2007

Jim Bugental has attempted to change a prevalent view that the focus on things objective is always worthwhile and that attention to the realm of our inner awareness is much less, if at all, valuable. In the classroom, in his writing, and in the development and practice of his psychotherapy, he has been a true champion of subjectivity. He has not only challenged excessive reliance on objectivity but has also developed ways for us to initiate and foster subjectivity with our clients in psychotherapy. He encourages and inspires us, through applications in his classes, texts, and counseling, to enter and work in the world of subjectivity. Always a master craftsman, Jim hones, illuminates, enlivens, and makes functional the subjective realm so that it is fundamentally enriched and enhanced.
Buber's Philosophy as the Basis for Dialogical Psychotherapy and Contextual Therapy
Authors: Friedman Maurice
Published: March 2007

This article is divided into three sections. The first is an overview of Buber's philosophy of dialogue and his philosophical anthropology. The middle section spells this out in terms of the movement of dialogical psychotherapy in general, including contextual therapy, and discusses books by associated psychotherapists. The third section gives a somewhat detailed overview of contextual therapy as it has developed on the foundations of Buber's common order of human existence and his existential guilt and as it recapitulates such Buberian emphases as meeting others and holding one's ground when one meets them, the normative limitation of mutuality in therapy, imagining the real, and repairing the injured order of existence. It also adds to the discussion of the books of Ivan Boszormenyi-Nagy, the founder of contextual therapy (by himself and with Geraldine Spark and Barbara Krasner, respectively), a discussion of the growing edge of contextual therapy as it is set forth in Barbara Krasner and Austin Joyce's 1995 book Catalyzing TRuth and Trust: The Contextualization of Direct Address.
An Itegration of Existential Psychology and the Multimodal Model
Authors: Rugala Steven A. , Waldo Michael
Published: March 2007

This article presents a theoretical position that uses the synergy existing between existential psychology and the multimodal model of psychotherapy. The usefulness of this integration lies in its implications for conceptualizing the client's world and in providing a practical basis for treatment. An existential perspective contributes a rich context and soulfulness, whereas the multimodal approach provides a conceptual framework to facilitate the counselor's joining with the client, promoting a greater depth of understanding. Such an orientation builds on the courage found in one area of a person's life to facilitate a more fulfilling experience of life in all aspects of being.

Then I grasped the meaning of the greatest secret that human poetry and human thought and belief have to impart: The salvation of man is through love and in love. In a position of utter desolation, when man cannot express himself in positive action,... man can, through loving contemplation of the image he carries of his beloved, achieve fulfillment. For the first time in my life I was able to understand the words, "The angels are lost in perpetual contemplation of an infinite glory.

-Viktor Frankl (1984, p. 49)
The First Half-Century of Australian Wage Policy—Part I
Authors: Hancock K.J.
Published: March 2007

The historical development of Australian wage policy from the turn of the century to the 1950s is traced, with the focus on the growth of institutions and procedures for wage fixation. While state and federal bodies are covered, special attention is given to the constitution of the Commonwealth Court (as it then was) and the varying wage decisions it made. The concept of "flow-on" did not achieve its modern meaning or ease of application till 1941: this sup ports the contention that the techniques of wage determination develop slowly. Many legislative proposals for change have been made but very few have been put into practice; an analysis of the successes and failures reveals the evolving relationship between the government and the arbitration system. The conclusion is that the pursuit of industrial peace through consistency and system is favour able to the development of a wage policy.
Into the Mystic: Cultural Change and TQM Teams in the NSW Public Sector
Authors: O'Donnell Michael
Published: March 2007

Cultural change in the guise of quality customer service was promoted in the New South Wales public sector by former premiers Greiner and Fahey. This paper explores the impact of a management strategy of cultural change and total quality management teams within one public sector agency-Buildcorp-of the former New South Wales Department of Industrial Relations, Employment, Training and Further Education. The paper argues that cultural change failed to achieve its objective of a quality customer service culture because of workplace management practices that emphasized workforce reduction and the rationalization of work processes. Moreover, workplace managers resisted the challenge to their preroga tives that total quality management team recommendations represented. The department's strategy of total quality management teams and a quality customer service culture also failed because of the growing frustration of senior manage ment at its inability to produce measurable productivity increases.
Development and the Liberal Peace: What Does it Take to be a Trading State?
Authors: Hegre Havard
Published: March 2007

This article investigates the liberal idea that trade between two states reduces the likelihood of militarized conflict between them. Richard Rosecrance's argument that industrial-technological developments have made peaceful trading strategies more efficient today is examined in connection with the empirical literature on trade and conflict. Development affects the utility calculations of states: since the costs of seizing and holding a territory increase with increased development, and the relative utility of occupying the territory decreases, the chance that the expected utility of occupation will exceed the expected costs decreases with increased development. Likewise, since the utility of trade increases with increased development, then increased development also makes it more likely that the expected costs of breaking the trade bonds will exceed the gains to be expected from occupation. Consequently, the relationship between trade and conflict is contingent on the level of development. Using Cox regression, and introducing a new measure of interdependence based on a gravity model of trade, I demonstrate that there is a clear negative relationship between trade and conflict. However, this relationship is basically restricted to dyads consisting of two developed dyads. Development itself is strongly associated with peaceful behavior. The results also suggest that the democratic peace requires a minimum level of development to be efficient.
Gendered Conflict
Authors: Caprioli Mary
Published: March 2007

This study quantitatively tests the relationship between state militarism and domestic gender equality. International relations literature on the impact and potential impact of women on foreign policy suggests that women are more peaceful in that they are less likely than men to support the use of international violence. Other research indicates that a domestic environment of inequality results in state militarism on the international level. Both lines of inquiry suggest that a domestic environment of equality between women and men would lead toward greater state pacifism, and four hypotheses are developed to test this relationship. The Militarized Interstate Dispute dataset is used with hostility level as the dependent variable to measure the level of militarism employed by any given state to resolve international conflicts. Independent variables for gender equality include percent women in parliament, duration of female suffrage, percent women in the labor force, and fertility rate. Several control variables (alliances, contiguity, wealth, and democracy) are added to the multivariate logistic regressions, and all four hypotheses are confirmed. This study substantiates the theory that domestic gender equality has a pacifiying effect on state behavior on the international level.
A World Flying Apart? Violent Nationalist Conflict and the End of the Cold War
Authors: Ayres R. William
Published: March 2007

Recent events around the world have convinced political scientists and policymakers that nationalist conflicts are an important feature of the post-Cold War world. Conflicts in Bosnia, Chechnya, Kosovo, and Kurdistan have all been prominent in headlines in recent years; but such conflicts are not just a post-Cold War phenomenon, and many have been going on for decades. This article outlines the scope of this phenomenon - violent conflicts between nationalist groups within states - in the post-war period. It presents a dataset of violent nationalist conflicts within states from 1945 to 1996, measuring cases in terms of initiation, duration, and intensity of conflict, and comparing this effort to other intrastate conflict data collections. The characteristics of these conflicts before and after the Cold War are examined, to test the popular notion that the end of the Cold War has `unleashed' a new era of nationalist strife. This survey concludes that these conflicts are not simply a post-Cold War phenomenon, nor has the end of the Cold War brought an unprecedented wave of new nationalist conflicts to the world. On the contrary, many such conflicts do get resolved, and more have been resolved in the past ten years - particularly by peaceful methods - than in any comparable period in recent history.
Intraparty Politics and Peacemaking in Democratic Societies: Israel's Labor Party and the Middle East Peace Process, 1992-96
Authors: Hazan Reuven Y.
Published: March 2007

The `linkage' between domestic politics and foreign policy is often discussed in the international relations literature. Yet, we know relatively little about the relationship between domestic politics and peacemaking. Moreover, we know next to nothing about what kind of impact internal party conflicts have on foreign policy. While the literature has attempted to address how the relationship between parties influences peacemaking, it has basically ignored how the internal divisions within parties can affect this process as well. Can intraparty factors encourage or deter a governing party from initiating a peace process? Can peacemaking produce intraparty divisions that will endanger or even foil the peace process? If, in democratic systems, foreign policy is influenced by domestic politics, then it is important to know which domestic actors can exert this influence. This article shows that the government's ability to implement its foreign policy and to elicit popular legitimacy is influenced by the extent of partisan cohesion. This article also points out that intrapartisan politics is an important aspect that must be brought into both international relations and political science research concerning domestic influences on foreign policy in general, and peacemaking in particular. Without this element, even an intermediate range theory on this relationship would be, at best, sanguine, if not incomplete. That is, the analysis of the relationship between domestic politics and foreign policy should not treat political parties as unitary actors. Using the case of the Israeli Labor Party and the Middle East peace process between 1992 and 1996, this article suggests that the peace process had a strong impact on the internal cohesion of the party, and that the internal partisan divisions influenced the peace process. This article, therefore, provides evidence that party cohesion is a necessary variable for successfully promoting a dramatically new foreign policy.
KOSIMO: A Databank on Political Conflict
Authors: Pfetsch Frank R. , Rohloff Christoph
Published: March 2007

Despite the existence of a large amount of operationalized data on violent interstate conflict as one subset of political conflict, there are shortcomings in data on domestic and nonviolent conflict and growing inadequacies between the reality of political conflict and its conceptualization in quantitative conflict research. This is mainly due to fundamental changes in conflict patterns over the past few decades and an understandable fixation by researchers on violence as a central explanandum in conflict research. In response to these shortcomings, the authors propose an integrated and dynamic databank that contains nonviolent and violent as well as domestic and international political conflicts on a global scale between 1945 and 1998. The main hypothesis of the KOSIMO project states that the analysis of an integrated and dynamic databank of political conflict will lead to more accurate propositions about current and future trends of political conflict than conclusions drawn on the basis of databanks that contain exclusively violent conflicts.
Decentralization versus State Collapse: Explaining Russia's Endurance
Authors: Alexseev Mikhail A.
Published: March 2007

The non-collapse of post-Soviet Russia suggests that state disintegration is not a function of the degree of central control or the balance of power between the center and the periphery, but of the existence and effectiveness of institutions that mediate center-periphery grievances. The article examines four such institutional factors (unavailable under communism) that have enabled the Russian Federation to survive socio-economic and political challenges to state integrity in the 1990s: (1) the ability of the center to provide selective incentives to the regions and the regions' ability to engage in strategic bargaining; (2) disincentives for external support to regional separatists; (3) diffusion of civic separatism; and (4) center-periphery checks and balances. While the balance of power between Moscow and the regions is likely to wax and wane, the robustness of these four factors and the commitment of Russia's political elites to problem-solving through multilateral compromises and bargaining emerge as critical indicators of Russia's endurance. Ethnocentric consolidation of central government in Russia is likely to undermine these four state-preserving factors.
Democratizing with Ethnic Divisions: A Source of Conflict?
Authors: Mousseau Demet Yalcin
Published: March 2007

This article investigates the conditions that are conducive to extreme political violence in ethnically heterogeneous nations. Theories of resource mobilization, ethnic competition, and split labor market propose that democratization and economic modernization encourage ethnic competition, increasing the likelihood of extreme political violence within nations experiencing political and economic change. In the light of these theories, the conditions that possibly foster conflict in multi-ethnic nations are identified with respect to levels of democracy, political change (or democratization), and levels of economic development. The effects of these variables on extreme political violence are examined with several logit regression analyses on a pooled time-series sample of 126 nations from 1948 to 1982. The findings show that ethnic heterogeneity is not associated with higher levels of violence within nations, except under certain political conditions. Both democracy and economic development relate to political violence in a curvilinear inverted U-shape form. For ethnically heterogeneous societies, however, the inverted U-curve for democracy is asymmetric, with democracy's pacifying impact relative to semidemocracies only about half as potent as in ethnically homogeneous societies and less than that of strict autocracy.
Does War Impede Trade? A Response to Anderton & Carter
Authors: Barbieri Katherine , Levy Jack S.
Published: March 2007

Anderton & Carter claim that war significantly diminishes trade, challenging the earlier argument by Barbieri & Levy that there is no apparent systematic relationship between war and trade. Three main problems with Anderton & Carter's analyses are identified. First, and most importantly, they do not pay sufficient attention to the political dimension of trade or war. Second, they attribute more specificity to commercial liberal theory than actually exists. Third, the authors' empirical findings provide mixed support for liberal theory. While Anderton & Carter advance the debate, there is not enough evidence to support their conclusion that, on balance, war significantly impedes trade and that this fact deters leaders from engaging in war.
Rivalries and the Democratic Peace in the Major Power Subsystem
Authors: Rasler Karen , Thompson William R.
Published: March 2007

Strategic rivalry dyads facilitate conflict, while democratic dyads constrain conflict. Which effect is more powerful? Examining conflict (militarized disputes and war) in the major power subsystem (1816-1992), both types of relationships are statistically significant predictors of conflict, and both employed together are more powerful than either used separately. Of the two, rivalry information provides the more powerful predictor, but this explanatory advantage is eroding over time. Mixed dyads are also found to be more conflictual than either autocratic or democratic dyads. There are implications for monadic and systemic interpretations of the democratic peace that receive brief mention, but the main implication is that we need to be careful about not giving too much credit to regime type alone for bringing about more pacific interactions in dyadic relations. Domestic institutions operate within external environments that condition their effects on foreign policies. To best explain conflict, we need information on both domestic and external environments.
Determinants of Reconciliation and Compromise Among Israelis and Palestinians
Authors: SHAMIR JACOB , SHIKAKI KHALIL
Published: March 2007

This joint Palestinian-Israeli study stresses the importance of public opinion in reconciliation processes. It was conducted in the wake of the Arafat-Barak Camp David summit and intended to set up a baseline for sentiments of compromise and reconciliation among Israelis and Palestinians at the peak of the Palestinian-Israeli peace process. The study is based on surveys of representative samples of the Israeli adult population ( n = 525) and the Palestinian adult population in the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem ( n = 1,259). It focuses on the role of expectations for lasting peace and democracy in shaping attitudes towards reconciliation and political compromise. Both publics felt that there is no room for further compromise on the most critical issues of the conflict; the majority in both samples believed that their delegations have made too much of a compromise already. A reliable reconciliation scale was devised from a range of steps listed in the reconciliation literature as prerequisites for successful reconciliation following protracted conflicts. Palestinians overwhelmingly supported reconciliation steps, which promise normalization and a chance for economic well-being. They were more reluctant to support steps towards political alliance and ethos-transforming steps. Israelis' support for all reconciliation measures except for open borders was noticeably higher. Expectations were found to account for reconciliation and compromise sentiments beyond demographic and political-orientation variables for both the Israeli and Palestinian samples.
Outside of a Small Circle of Friends: States, Genocide, Mass Killing and The Role of Bystanders
Authors: Stohl Michael
Published: March 2007

The paper begins with a brief discussion of the conditions under which genocide and other instances of mass killing occur and discusses recent levels of reporting of such instances. The core of the paper is an examination of the circumstances and structural conditions which have allowed these crimes against humanity to go relatively undernoticed and unchallenged. Three interrelated questions concerning the assumptions which are built into the current state system and the state as an institution guide the analysis of how states have arrived at a position in which mass killing by states and their agents is somehow 'accepted' and whereby there is little expectation that other states in the system will intervene on behalf of those in danger. To explore the lack of response further, the literature of 'bystander apathy' is introduced and the classic formulation of Latane & Darley 1969 is employed to structure an exammation of bystander non-involvement in the international system of states. Eleven confounding factors present in the international system are suggested. The paper concludes with some suggestions for moving beyond non-involvement to move beyond the 'small circle of friends' who need to become involved if future mass killings are to be prevented.
Gender and Cooperation in the Laboratory
Authors: Brock-Utne Birgit
Published: March 2007

A long and strong research tradition in social psychology has attempted to find out what factors affect the frequencies of cooperative versus competitive responses by having subjects play simple mixed motive games, e.g. Prisoner's Dilemma, in laboratory conditions. Several early studies failed to find any relationship with gender, whereas others found male pairs to cooperate more than female pairs, most notably Rapoport & Chammah (1965), using the Prisoner's Dilemma game. These results are in apparent contradiction to the general thesis that women tend to be more cooperative than men. A re-analysis from a feminist perspective is made in order to throw light on the seeming contradiction stemming from the laboratory studies. Two types of feminist analysis are applied, one from a more liberal and equality-oriented perspective and one from a more radical feminist perspective. The greater cooperativeness of males may be interpreted as an artifact of the methodology used. Men do not cooperate more than women, but choose the cooperative strategy when that is the winning one and a competitive strategy when that strategy wins. An analysis from this equality-oriented feminist perspective may show that men are bent on winning the game and use the strategy most suited to that purpose. Analysis from a more radical feminist perspective criticizes this type of context-stripped experiment to measure such a complex phenomenon as cooperation and shows that women tend to find the whole laboratory situation uninteresting and are more concerned with personal aspects of the actors in the game than with the game itself.
The Development Problematic: A Macro-Micro Perspective
Authors: Senghaas Dieter
Published: March 2007

This paper is a contribution to the ongoing development debate. It focuses on some of the general problems underlying the development problematic, and makes use of a broad range of historical experiences. Emphasis is laid upon the development problems emerging from competence differentials in the world economy, particularly on the threat of peripheralization of less developed countries. This threat has been ever present. Whether it can be overcome depends on background conditions like the underlying social structure, in particular the agrarian structure, and the innovation and transformation capacity of individual societies, respectively. Very much depends on the sophistication of concrete development policies, particularly on the skilful opening of individual societies to the world economy and a selective delinking from it at the same time. This development issue, as most, is highly political in character. The paper substantiates this assumption by looking once again at the European development experience. The latter can only be understood by reference to its underlying process of democratization resulting from a multiplicity of political conflicts among a broad range of social forces. This experience was quite different from the history of `world empires' outside Western Europe. Although present developing societies, whether capitalist or socialist, resemble to some degree the highly bureaucratized and centralized empires of the past, they cannot escape the development and modernization pressure characteristic of the present international system. Their success or failure depends mostly on their own efforts, but also on the circumspection of the presently developed countries.
Nasser's Decision-Making in the 1967 Middle East Crisis: A Rational-Choice Explanation
Authors: Mor Ben D.
Published: March 2007

Nasser's behavior in the 1967 Middle East crisis has been variously explained in terms of decision-making deficiencies, personality-related pathologies, and uncontrolled escalation. This paper argues that such accounts are unsatisfactory. They are biased by their use of backward induction, which infers from Nasser's ultimate failure an inevitability to the escalation of the crisis. This inference puts a premium on the evaluation of decisions, rather than on their explanation. It is also inconsistent with Nasser's actual behavior toward the end of the crisis, which strongly suggests an attempt at deescalation. The paper offers an alternative, rational-choice explanation of the crisis. It argues that when the focus of inquiry is shifted from Nasser's failure to his objectives and perception of the strategic context, the crisis decisions of the Egyptian leader can be shown to have been consistent with strategic rationality. Moreover, Nasser's failure was the result not of personality or cognitive deficiencies but rather of Israel's failure to communicate the threshold beyond which she would be compelled to attack. This conclusion underscores the importance of signaling limits to an opponent's escalation so as to facilitate the opponent's learning in crisis.
The Reform of the UN and Cosmopolitan Democracy: A Critical Review
Authors: Archibugi Daniele
Published: March 2007

With the end of the Cold War has come a new generation of proposals aiming to reform the existing international organizations and even to create some new ones. This article critically assesses these proposals, subdividing them into: (i) projects to institute a UN Second Assembly with members elected by `world citizens' rather than nominated by national governments; (ii) prospective reforms of the International Court of Justice to extend its functions beyond the role of arbitration between states; and (iii) proposals to restrict the use of the veto power of the permanent members of the Security Council. These proposals are an attempt to upgrade international democracy and are here considered in the light of the systems of states theory. On the one hand, these proposals intend to go beyond the current confederal structure of the UN in aiming at direct participation of the peoples in world affairs. On the other hand, they reject the idea of developing a federal state on a world scale. They suggest a third and largely unexplored model of international organization which - to borrow a term employed by Immanuel Kant - is here named cosmopolitan democracy.
Human Rights: Amnesty International and the United Nations
Authors: Thakur Ramesh
Published: March 2007

The units of analysis of this comparative article are Amnesty International (AI) and the United Nations (UN). The purpose of comparison is to analyse the complementarity of IGOs and NGOs in the issue-area of human rights on the three dimensions of norm-generation, monitoring, and enforcement. The UN is a general-purpose IGO; AI is a single-purpose NGO. The international moral code is embodied in the UN Charter. Human rights is an outgrowth of Western liberalism; the United Nations is a meeting ground for all the world's civilizations. Human rights puts the welfare of individuals first; the UN puts the interests of member-states first. AI is of, by, and for individuals; the United Nations is of, by, and for governments. Arising from these differences, I argue that the United Nations as the world's preeminent IGO and Amnesty International as the world's most prominent human rights NGO play complementary roles. Specifically, the UN is more authoritative in a standard-setting and norm-generating role, but weak in monitoring and enforcement of state behaviour. Amnesty International, because of Western origins, narrowness of interest, and representational and accountability deficiencies, is not able to function as an authoritative expositor of universal human rights values. But its freedom from governments enables it to be an effective watchdog against human rights violations. The intergovernmental nature of the UN makes it an authoritative archive of formal reports from memberstates on human rights progress in their countries; the nongovernmental nature of Amnesty International gives greater objectivity to its reports on state practices in human rights. The article also challenges us to theorize NGOs: their roles, the implications for the state-based realist edifice of International Relations scholarship, and the inviolability of sovereign territory behind which human rights can be abused with impunity.
Conflict Resolution and the End of the Cold War, 1989-93
Authors: Wallensteen Peter , Axell Karin
Published: March 2007

This article presents basic data on 90 armed conflicts in the period 1989-93, revising and updating a report in JPR vol. 30, no. 3 (1993), pp. 331-346. In 1993 there was not one single inter-state conflict. All 47 active armed conflicts were internal. Fifteen of 18 conflicts fought in Europe from 1989-93 were in the territories of the former Soviet Union and ex-Yugoslavia. The trend in increasing numbers of armed conflicts reported earlier was not continued through 1993. A systematic analysis of conflict termination shows that the number of peace agreements was low (6 of 41 cases of termination), but that victory was not the typical outcome (17 of 41 outcomes). Other endings were more frequent. Conflict resolution efforts aiming at peace agreement often saw positive outcomes in longstanding disputes. The data confirm a picture of more fluid conflict patterns at the end of the Cold War. They also support the notion that it is easier to start a war than to stop it.
Explaining Zones of Peace: Democracies as Satisfied Powers?
Authors: Kacowicz Arie M.
Published: March 2007

In the ongoing debate on explaining why democracies do not fight each other, an attempt to establish a correlation between democracies and territorial demands is made by posing the hypothesis that well-established democracies do not fight each other since they are conservative powers, usually satisfied with the territorial status quo within and across their borders. If this hypothesis is corroborated by the historical evidence, then it is possible to speculate that the zone of peace among democracies might be expanded if more countries (not necessarily democracies) also become satisfied with the status quo. To test the relevance of this proposition, the relationship between democracies and territorial demands is examined in historical and geographical terms, through the analysis of international subsystems or regions as the unit of analysis. A zone of peace is then defined as a discrete geographical region of the world in which a group of states have maintained peaceful relations among themselves for a period of at least thirty years. The historical and geographical zones of peace identified since 1815 are: (1) Europe, 1815-48; (2) Europe, 1871-1914; (3) Western Europe, since 1945; (4) North America, since 1917; (5) South America, 1883 to 1932 and since 1942; (6) West Africa, since 1957; (7) East Asia, since 1953; and (8) Australasia, since 1945.
Systematic Early Warning of Humanitarian Emergencies
Authors: Harff Barbara , Gurr Ted Robert
Published: March 2007

More than 60 communal minorities were victimized as a result of internal wars and state failures between 1980 and 1996. Two theoretical models provide the basis for systematic early warning of future victimization of communal and political groups. The potential for communal rebellion is said to be a joint function of group incentives, group capacity, and opportunities for collective action. Indicators of these concepts from the Minorities at Risk project are used to identify 73 groups at high risk of communal rebellion in the late 1990s. Genocide and politicide are attributed to background conditions (e.g. political upheaval), intervening conditions (e.g. elite fragmentation), and a short-term increase in theoretically pre-specified accelerators. Monitoring of accelerators and de-accelerators in potential crisis situations provides a link between risk assessments based on structural models and early warnings of use to national and international policy-makers. The approach is illustrated by an analysis of accelerators prior to the occurrence of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda.
Bilateral Trade and Political Conflict/Cooperation: Do Goods Matter?
Authors: Reuveny Rafael , Kang Heejoon
Published: March 2007

This article investigates Granger causality between political conflict/cooperation and bilateral trade. The measures of conflict/cooperation are constructed by accumulating daily events and splicing the two datasets of the Conflict and Peace Data Bank and the World Events Interaction Survey. Trade data from the United Nations include ten commodity groups as well as total trade. Quarterly data are analyzed from the very early 1970s to the early 1990s for four dyads of USA-USSR, USA-China, Turkey-Greece, and Egypt-Israel. Yearly data are investigated from the early 1960s to the early 1990s for 16 dyads. Granger causality between bilateral trade and conflict/cooperation is generally reciprocal in most goods and dyad dependent, but independent of whether or not two countries are political rivals. For USA-USSR and USA-China, however, there is a tendency for bilateral trade to increase in some goods when political relations improve. For USA-USSR, in particular, causality from conflict to trade is pronounced in more goods than causality from trade to conflict. While the effect of cooperation in these dyads is mostly positive, the effect of an increase of trade on conflict is generally ambiguous. For 20 dyads collectively, conflict/cooperation tends to Granger-cause bilateral trade in minerals, iron and steel, fuels, basic manufactures and control and scientific equipment; whereas bilateral trade somewhat more frequently Granger-causes conflict/cooperation in food and live animals, beverages and tobacco, and machines and transport equipment. The concept of strategic goods, much debated in the literature, is further discussed in light of these results. The general result of reciprocal Granger causality calls for a model in which both bilateral trade and conflict/cooperation are simultaneously determined. Such a simultaneous equations model is briefly sketched.
Domestic Sources of Preferences for Arms Cooperation: The Impact of Protest
Authors: Knopf Jeffrey W.
Published: March 2007

Although assertions that `domestic politics matters' are common, it is not always recognized that theorists can assign a range of different roles to domestic factors. This article seeks to demonstrate that much research on domestic variables overlooks a potential role of social protest. Focusing on studies of cooperation and arms control, this article shows that they frequently either treat domestic politics only as a source of constraints that explain failures of cooperation, or view the public as purely reactive to efforts by state leaders to use international cooperation to blunt the impact of domestic problems. An analysis of US willingness to enter strategic arms talks during the Cold War suggests that this view of domestic politics is too narrow. A multivariate statistical analysis, supplemented by case-study evidence, shows that protest against nuclear weapons was a significant source of US decisions to seek strategic arms control. This suggests that theories that incorporate domestic factors need to allow for the possibility that public activism can contribute to changes in state preferences in the direction sought by activists, including a preference for security cooperation.