bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Experimental verification of preset time count rate meters based on adaptive digital signal processing algorithms
Authors: Zigic Aleksandar
Published: November 2007

Experimental verifications of two optimized adaptive digital signal processing algorithms implemented in two pre set time count rate meters were per formed ac cording to appropriate standards. The random pulse generator realized using a personal computer, was used as an artificial radiation source for preliminary system tests and performance evaluations of the pro posed algorithms. Then measurement results for background radiation levels were obtained. Finally, measurements with a natural radiation source radioisotope 90Sr-90Y, were carried out. Measurement results, con ducted without and with radio isotopes for the specified errors of 10% and 5% showed to agree well with theoretical predictions.
Radiation monitoring using imaging plate technology: A case study of leaves affected by the Chernobyl nuclear power plant and JCO criticality accidents
Authors: Kimura Shinzo , Sahoo Sarata , Shiraishi Kunio , Watanabe Yoshito , Ban-Nai Tadaaki , Los Ivan , Korzun Vitaly , Tsygankov Nikolay , Zamostyan Pavlo , Shevchuk Valery
Published: November 2007

This paper describes the use of a photostimulable phosphor screen imaging technique to detect radioactive contamination in the leaves of wormwood (Artemisia vulgaris L) and fern (Dryopteris filix-max CL. Schoff) plants affected by the Chernobyl nuclear power plant accident. The imaging plate technology is well known for many striking performances in two-dimensional radiation detection. Since imaging plate comprises an integrated detection system, it has been extensively applied to surface contamination distribution studies. In this study, plant samples were collected from high- and low-contaminated areas of Ukraine and Belarus, which were affected due to the Chernobyl accident and exposed to imaging technique. Samples from the highly contaminated areas revealed the highest photo-stimulated luminescence on the imaging plate. Moreover, the radio nuclides detected in the leaves by gamma and beta ray spectroscopy were 137Cs and 90Sr, respectively. Additionally, in order to assess contamination, a comparison was also made with leaves of plants affected during the JCO criticality accident in Japan. Based on the results obtained, the importance of imaging plate technology in environmental radiation monitoring has been suggested.
Waste assaying and radiation monitoring equipment at the waste management centre of NPP Leningrad
Authors: Sokcic-Kostic Marina
Published: November 2007

The waste accumulated in the past at the Nuclear Power Plant Leningrad has to be sorted and packed in an optimal way. In the area of waste treatment and management, the completeness and quality of direct monitoring are of the outmost importance for the validity of, and confidence in, both practicable waste management options and calculations of radiological impacts. Special monitoring systems are needed for this purpose. Consistent with the scale of work during the waste treatment procedures and the complexity of the plant data have to be collected from characteristic parts in various treatment stages. To combine all the information, a tracking procedure is needed during the waste treatment process to characterize the waste for interim and/or final disposal. RWE NUKEM GmbH has developed special customer-tailored systems which fulfill the specifications required by plant operation and by the authorities.
Bracelets from Viminacium and Sirmium as evidence of Palmyra goldsmithery influences on local jewelry production
Authors: Popovic Ivana
Published: November 2007

The jewelry worn in the Roman times by the women of Palmyra is best known to us from the tombstones. The archaeological confirmation for the use of these adornments represented on Palmyrene reliefs is a pair of golden bracelets discovered in Viminacium. Very close analogy for this jewelry is a pair of silver bracelets from a treasure discovered at the site Rhetel in Gaul. One less luxurious specimen made of bronze and discovered in the course of systematic investigations of Sirmium in 1976 also belongs to this distinct group of Roman bracelets. Jewelry from Sirmium, Viminacium and Gaul, shows that decorative system, originating from Palmyrene bracelets, quickly entered, in the middle and during the second half of the 3rd century, the repertoire of some goldsmiths' workshops in the West, where experienced various transformations.
A new solving procedure by m-M calculus for problems of constrained optimization
Authors: Presic Slavisa
Published: November 2007

In this paper we state two procedures for constrained optimization based on the concepts of m-M Calculus. The first procedure is called basic and the second is called quick solving procedure. The quick solving procedure is very effective. It can also be applied to problems of unconstrained optimization. .
Retailer’s lot-sizing policy under two warehouses and two levels of delay permitted using algebraic method
Authors: Huang Yung-Fu , Lai Chih-Sung
Published: November 2007

The main purpose of this paper is to modify Huang?s model [13] by considering two warehouses. In addition, we try to use algebraic method to determine the optimal lot-sizing policy for the retailer under two warehouses and two levels of delay permitted. This paper provides this algebraic approach that could be used easily to introduce the basic inventory theories to younger students who lack the knowledge of calculus. Furthermore, we develop three easy-to-use theorems to efficiently determine the optimal cycle time and optimal lot sizing for the retailer. As a result, we deduce some previously published results of other researchers as special cases. Finally, a numerical example is given to illustrate these theorems obtained in this paper. In addition, we obtain a lot of managerial insights from this numerical example.
Studijski manastir i Bugari u srednjem veku VIII-XVI vek
Authors: Gjuzelev Vasil
Published: November 2007

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Helias and Blasius de Radoano, ragusan merchants in the second half of the fourteenth century
Authors: Krekic Barisa
Published: November 2007

Based on unpublished and published documents from the State Archives in Dubrovnik (Ragusa), the article traces the lives of two important Ragusan merchants from the second half of the fourteenth century, Helias and Blasius de Radoano and their participation in the economic and political life of the city and in its international activity.
Pseudo-Sphrantzes on the Serbian lands
Authors: Nikolic Maja
Published: November 2007

The Memoirs of George Sphrantzes are preserved in two versions. One of them is the authentic text by Sphrantzes, Chronicon Minus, a memoir of a pronounced chronographic nature, describing the events between 1413 and 1477 which the author recorded as an active participant and a contemporary. The other version is Chronicon Maius, also called Pseudo-Sphrantzes, a compilation composed between 1573 and 1575 by a famous forger, the Metropolitan of Monembasia Macarius Melissenus. Being a collage from different sources, his work contains some data on the Serbian lands which exceed the chronological limits of Chronicon Minus, i.e. of the data given by Sphrantzes himself. The structure of this chronicle ? parallel stories on Byzantine emperors and Turkish rulers ? resembles the so-called Venetian-Byzantine short chronicle Nr. 50B, written between 1474 and 1574. Chronicon Maius gives the year 6865 (=1356/7) as the year of the conquest of Gallipoli by Murat I. The same date is given in five out of seven manuscripts of the short chronicle Nr. 53. Finally, Ecthesis Chronica, a work by an anonymous author of the 16th century, is, apart from Macarius Melissenus, the only source written in Greek that explicitly mentions the name of the daughter of the Despot Djuradj Brankovic, Mara, who was sent to the harem of the Sultan Murat II in 1435. Many of the reports on the Serbian lands given by Melissenus are in actual fact short and imprecise paraphrases of the data given by Laonicus Chalcocondyles in his historical work. In the first place this holds true for the reports on the meeting in Serres, the reign of Beyazid I, the civil war among Beyazid's sons and the reign of Murat II. Finally, Chronicon Maius partly overlaps with the data from Chronicle of the Turkish Sultans, an anonymous work composed in the first quarter of the 17th century. E. A. Zachariadou has proven the dependence of this source from the text of the second edition of Francesco Sansovino's Gl' Annali Turcheschi published in Venice in 1573. These three sources, Pseudo-Sphrantzes Chronicle of the Turkish Sultans and Annals of Francesco Sansovino, are clearly interdependent. Chronicle of the Turkish Sultans doubtlessly draws from Sansovino's annals, whereas the precise relationship between Pseudo-Sphrantzes and Sansovino is still to be explored. .
Calendars of the Serbian early 15™ century manuscripts
Authors: Subotin-Golubovic Tatjana
Published: November 2007

Within the corpus of Byzantine manuscripts, a prominent place is occupied by synaxaria, collections of texts in which hagiographic material is arranged according to the calendar order. The differences among such collections are to be noted in the structure, composition and size of the texts included. The existence of text collections in which early hagiographies are compiled and partly codified can be traced back into the 6th to 7th centuries. The principle center of agglomeration and codification of this type of materials used to be Constantinople. The older type synaxaria, known as prolog in Slavonic tradition, authored by Constantin from Mokissa, have been preserved in relatively large numbers of Southern Slavic transcripts. The prologs of the newer type, the so called "verse prologs" (regularly preceded by a few short verses), might have been translated, according to the opinion of D. Bogdanovic, as early as the end of the 13th century, and in the Serbian environment. This opinion is corroborated by the fact that the oldest hitherto preserved prologs of this type, dating from the 14th century, were written in the Serbian redaction of Old Church Slavonic. Bogdanovic's studies of prologs is based on manuscripts from the monastery of Decani. A relative abundance of verse prologs is treasured in the library of the monastery of Chilandar. Introduction of the new type of prolog has undoubtedly been caused by the introduction of the Jerusalem typicon into the liturgical practice of the Serbian church. Occasionally, hagiographic texts used to be inserted into menaion acolouthia after the sixth ode of the canon. Presently the oldest Serbian menaion containing hagiographies of the new type is the MS nr. 11 from the Archives of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, written sometime around 1400 A.D. Thus menaia also include multiply augmented hagiographic materials. The comparative analysis of prologs and menaia for the months of July (MS Decani 53, Pec 42, Chilandar 426) and August (Decani 43, Pec 42, Decani 53) has shown that texts from verse prologs used to be incorporated into menaia practically unaltered .
Etude de l'anthroponymie slave dans les praktika du XIIe et XIIIe siècle
Authors: Djokovic Zorica
Published: November 2007

(francuski) Ce travail se propose d'observer la pr?sence et le taux de repr?sentation des populations slaves dans les r?gions actuelles de Gr?ce du nord pour lesquelles les sources nous fournissent des indications. Le mat?riel utilis? est constitu? par les praktika des monast?res athonites, et avant tout ceux d'Iviron et de Lavra. Comme indices r?v?lant l'appartenance ou l'origine ethnique on a retenu les noms et surnoms rattach?s ? ce groupe ethnique. L'analyse des sources montre de grandes diff?rences d'une r?gion ? l'autre. Dans certaines, ? savoir la r?gion de Moglen, le massif du Pang?e et les environs de Strumica, le taux de population slave s'av?re tr?s important et m?me sup?rieur ? celle des Grecs. Dans d'autres, la pr?sence de Slaves, du fait d'un processus d'hell?nisation encore partiel, est clairement attest?e comme dans la partie est de la Chalcidique, o? leur nombre reste approximativement constant au cours de la p?riode en question, et dans la vall?e du Strymon au XIIe si?cle, alors que le si?cle suivant enregistre un fort processus d'hell?nisation. Enfin, on constate l'absence totale de Slaves ? Lemnos ainsi que dans la partie ouest de la Chalcidique au XIIe si?cle o? l'apparition de quelques noms slaves vers le milieu du XIIIe si?cle peut ?tre consid?r?e comme quelques cas de nouveaux venus qui se sont rapidement fondus dans le milieu grec.
Party and the Augustan Constitution, 1694-1716: Politics and the Power of the Executive
Authors: Rubini Dennis A.
Published: November 2007

William of Orange tried to be as absolute as possible. Inroads upon the power of the executive were fiercely resisted: indeed, William succeeded in keeping even the judiciary in a precarious state of independence. To maintain the prerogative and gain the needed supplies from parliament, he relied upon a mixed whig-tory ministry to direct court efforts. Following the Glorious Revolution, the whigs had divided into two principle groups. One faction led by Robert Harley and Paul Foley became the standard-bearers of the broadly based Country party, maintained the “old whig” traditions, did not seek office during William's reign, tried to hold the line on supply, and led the drive to limit the prerogative. The “junto,” “court,” or “new” whigs, on the other hand, were led by ministers who, while in opposition during the Exclusion crisis, held court office, aggressively sought greater offices, and wished to replace monarchy with oligarchy. They soon joined tory courtiers in opposing many of the Country party attempts to place additional restrictions upon the executive. To defend the prerogative and gain passage for bills of supply, William also developed techniques employed by Charles II. By expanding the concept and power of the Court party, he sought to bring together the executive and legislative branches of government through a large cadre of crown office-holders (placemen) who sat, voted, and directed the votes of others on behalf of the government when matters of importance arose in the Commons. So too, William claimed the right to dissolve parliament and call new elections not on a fixed date, as was to become the American practice, but at the time deemed most propitious over first a three-year and then (after 1716) a seven year period.
The Myth of William Morris
Authors: Wiener Martin J.
Published: November 2007

A few years ago the iconoclastic architectural scholar Reyner Banham declared: William Morris's “ruralizing vision of John Ball's other island as a vast medieval dude-ranch full of bit players addressing one another as ‘Neighbour’ just doesn't stand up.” Surely not, if this indeed was Morris's vision. Yet did this vision originate with Morris or with certain of his interpreters?

E. P. Thompson has called attention to the growth of a “Morris myth.” Thompson argued that William Morris's revolutionism, and specifically, Marxism, had been buried under layers of praise (and disparagement) for a fictitious—and socially harmless—character. This mythic Morris was a mixture of romantic poet and traditional craftsman, in love with old English countryside and old English folk life. As such, he could be—and was—embraced by Liberals, Tories, and right-wing socialists.

Thompson's observation was not the first such, nor the last. By now these protests have altered the commonly accepted view of Morris, and we see the revolutionary within the medievalist, the communist within the craftsman. Yet no one has asked why the myth flourished. Thompson, like R. Page Arnot more briefly before him, saw this myth, properly, as something more than a simple mistake. Thompson followed the Marxist lead of Arnot in implying deliberate distortion for class purposes.
Robert of Meulan and Raison d'État in the Anglo-Norman State, 1093–1118
Authors: Vaughn Sally N.
Published: November 2007

In 1097, King William Rufus of England was engaged in a campaign to conquer the county of Maine. When he succeeded in capturing Count Elias of Maine, the count begged Rufus to allow him to serve the Anglo-Norman king as count of Maine, and to participate in his inner council. Moved by his chivalrous instincts, Rufus agreed. But the king's chief advisor, Count Robert of Meulan, counselled that to admit a conquered enemy to one's innermost council only invited perfidy and rebellion, and gave him means to do greater injury. Rufus immediately changed his mind and assumed the governance of Maine himself.

Orderic Vitalis reports this event with some ambiguity, approving of the wisdom of Robert's advice, but mourning Rufus's abandonment of traditional chivalrous behavior. He attributes to Count Robert motives of preserving his own position as chief advisor to the king, rather than notions of service or loyalty. Such motives of self-interest would be consistent with traditional baronial practices. But the advice was sensible and practical, and clearly to the king's advantage in an objective, political sense, despite Orderic's fondness for Count Elias. It is an early example of a change taking place in Anglo-Norman politics—a change of which Robert of Meulan appears to have been the architect.
Jeremy Bentham: Businessman or “Philanthropist”?
Authors: Bader William C.
Published: November 2007

Professor Gertrude Himmelfarb, in her stimulating essay, “The Haunted House of Jeremy Bentham,” examines Bentham's projected prison, the Panopticon, in order to reassess prevalent views of Philosophical Radicalism and its founder. She rightly directs attention to the central importance of the Panopticon in Bentham's doctrine, but her interpretation of its significance is, I believe, wide of the mark.

The major object of Ms. Himmelfarb's essay is to note and explain the extraordinary personal involvement—the obsession—of Bentham with this his most cherished project. Bentham not only waged a battle with Parliament stretching across decades to win acceptance of his plan; but, more importantly, he intended that he himself become the first warden of his novel prison. In later years, he still could not reconcile himself to defeat. Ms. Himmelfarb sees in the warden Bentham's alto ego. Bentham's scheme places the warden, the contract manager, at the literal center of the Panopticon. Invisible and apparently omniscient, all power is vested in him without any formal regulatory authority reserved to the government. The contract manager is absolute within his realm. Ms. Himmelfarb concludes that such a striking departure from conventional penal principles indicates a plan tailored to suit the personal needs and wishes of its author. There is “a poetic Tightness' to Bentham's attempt personally to play the part he had written for himself. Even if this touch were lacking, “one would be tempted to assume” psychological identification. However, Ms. Himmelfarb is able to give only one specific meaning to this identification she so rightly intuits: the Panopticon is a design for the unmitigated economic exploitation of an unfortunate few for the pecuniary advantage of society in general and the warden, Jeremy Bentham, in particular.
Scotland and the Glorious Revolution of 1688
Authors: Barnes Robert Paul
Published: November 2007

While the English Glorious Revolution has been the subject of considerable investigation, the Scottish phase of this vital conflict has been virtually ignored. The purpose of this paper is to look briefly at the degree of Scottish participation in the revolutionary events of 1688. It is not my intention to investigate either the underlying or the immediate reasons for the ousting of James VII & II from the thrones of Scotland and England, for that would necessitate a a detailed consideration of James's policy of political and religious despotism.

It would be a very rash judgment to charge any single person or event with catapulting the Scottish nation into revolution. Yet, if ever one person came close to individually fomenting a revolution, that person was James VII of the ill-fated house of Stuart. In Scotland James's attempts to cajole, bribe, or threaten influential men into lending their support to Roman Catholic relief was without success. His personal policy of religious oppression and arbitrary rule progressively alienated politically important segments of his Protestant kingdom so that by 1688, despite their differences and personal rivalries, they coalesced to a degree that left the king virtually isolated in Scotland. The failure of James's policies had created a situation ripe for revolution. Nevertheless, there is no evidence of any readiness on the part of the Scots to initiate such a revolt. However much one might wish to be able to point to the catalyst of revolution in Scotland, one is still left with the hard fact that from June to October 1688, while Englishmen plotted their revolution and William of Orange prepared his invasion, Scotsmen remained loyal to their native king, and Scottish royal administration continued its rule virtually unchallenged by dissenters. James's rule may have been detested by the majority of Scotsmen, but Scotland was too weak a nation to unilaterally overthrow a monarch who also commanded the superior strength and resources of England. Scottish hesitancy to precipitate a revolution persisted despite the fact that the birth of the Prince of Wales in June 1688 seemed to assure the permanence of the hated Catholic regime.
Thomas Mortimer and Thomas Molineux: Radcot Bridge and the Appeal of 1397
Authors: Gillespie James L.
Published: November 2007

The appeal for treason lodged against Sir Thomas Mortimer in the parliament of 1397 as well as the entire background to the event has been the subject of considerable confusion. Much of this confusion has been the result of poor communication within the historical community. The information has been available, but it has appeared in diverse places. Thus, the two most recent biographers of Richard II, Anthony Steel and Harold Hutchison, have each been puzzled by the appeal of Mortimer: “The reasons for his inclusion are not clear…”; “…a mysterious addition for which no satisfactory explanation has ever been offered.” Sir Charles Oman, however, offered an explanation over sixty years ago: “As a small supplementary addition to the appeals of the previous autumn, two noted supporters of Gloucester in 1387 were dealt with—Lord Cobham, and Sir Thomas Mortimer, who had murdered the constable of Chester at Radcot Bridge.” Oman was not quite accurate when he grouped Mortimer with Cobham. Although Sir Thomas was not included in the original bill of appeal, he was cited in the summary of the appeal and the subsequent processes of the autumn session of Richard II's last parliament; lord Cobham did not become involved until the parliament reassembled in the next year. Oman's explanation of the matter, however, is not vitiated by this error. It, therefore, deserves further investigation as a solution to the mystery of Mortimer's appeal.
Henry Fielding and Eliza Haywood: A Twenty Year War
Authors: Elwood John R.
Published: November 2007

Although Henry Fielding may not always have been fully aware of his participation in it, he and the colorful Mrs. Eliza Haywood conducted a feud which began in 1730 and did not end until 1752. There was a time of apparent peace between them when Mrs. Haywood worked for Fielding at the Little Theatre in the Haymarket in 1736 and 1737, a fact which may account for Fielding scholars being aware only of the final engagements in 1751 and 1752 when Mrs. Haywood launched an attack upon Fielding in the course of her heroine's adventures inThe History of Miss Betsy Thoughtless, and Fielding apparently retaliated by bringing a B— T— to trial in hisCovent Garden Journal, charging her with dullness. There had, however, been earlier action which makes clear that Mrs. Haywood felt herself to be a woman scorned; and, that although she had been attacked in print by other writers of her day, it was the scorn of Fielding she could least bear.

Up to now it has been Mrs. Haywood's attack upon Fielding in BetsyThoughtlessthat has been the puzzler. G.F. Whicher, her biographer, could give no satisfactory explanation, calling it “An outburst of unexplained virulence.” Fielding scholars add little more. They do not, indeed, go much beyond Austin Dobson's:

The isolated irrelevance of the quotation seems to indicate some unexplained irritation on the part of its writer. But, as far as we are aware. Fielding, who mentions Mrs. Charlotte Lenox, never once speaks of Mrs. Haywood, although, oddly enough, one of her earlier dramatic efforts had been (with the aid of a Mr. Hatchett) to turn Fielding's ‘Tragedy of Tragedies’ into an opera.
Elizabethan Foreign Policy in Microcosm: The Portuguese Pretender, 1580–89
Authors: McBride Gordon K.
Published: November 2007

Among the numerous preoccupations of historians one of the most persistent concerns the political and diplomatic skill of England's Elizabeth I. From the two extremes of James Anthony Froude and Elizabeth Jenkins through the judicious work of J. E. Neale, scholars have long been frustrated by the English queen's apparent inconsistency, though dazzled by the brilliance of her reign. The result is a plethora of argument. It is the attempt here to illuminate Elizabethan foreign policy by isolating one minor aspect of it: the career of the Portuguese Pretender, Don Antonio. Hopefully the result will be a slightly clearer perception of that most illusive lady.

It can be asserted that two interests went to the very heart of foreign affairs in the reign of Elizabeth I: the encouragement of English maritime expansion and the resolve to keep the Netherlands from absolute domination by a major continental state. The maelstrom of international events in the second half of the sixteenth century placed both of these policies in stark juxtaposition to the interests of Spain, the greatest state of the age and the spear's tip of the militant Counter-Reformation.

By 1580 Anglo-Spanish relations had suffered a steady deterioration for two decades. The might of Philip II of Spain appeared boundless. Then in that year Philip's power grew perceptibly greater by the acquisition of the Portuguese throne, the significance of which did not escape the English. Had it not been for a persistent rival-Don Antonio, the Prior of Crato—King Philip might have conquered an old and respected kingdom with no more effort than it took to lace his boots.
Harley, Defoe, Trapp and the Faults on Both Sides Controversy
Authors: Patterson Paul B.
Published: November 2007

British historians have long recognized the activities of Robert Harley in the field of political propaganda. J.M. Price, for example, writes that, “as lord treasurer and as a politician /Harley was/ not unmindful of the power of the press.” P. M. Handover concurs: “The minister who most skillfully exploited printed propaganda was Robert Harley.” J.O. Richards adds that “no politician had a larger coterie of writers than Harley.” W.T. Morgan and Laurence Hanson are still more emphatic: the former suggests that Harley had a “clearer conception than any other statesman of the period of the important part of the press might be made to play in politics;” the latter, that Harley “was one of the first politicians to realize how vital was a good press to the prestige of government.” Yet, despite this general agreement, there remains a dearth of concrete facts about Harley's use of political propaganda.
George Orwell and the Victorian Radical Tradition
Authors: Beadle Gordon B.
Published: November 2007

Since his death in 1950, at the age of forty-six, George Orwell's personal following and literary reputation have grown so steadily that he has become the most widely read English writer of his generation. Orwell's name has come to evoke almost universal recognition as a kind of legendary symbol of resistance to political dishonesty, hypocrisy, and totalitarianism. But in spite of his popularity, he remains a strangely enigmatic figure and a source of continuing controversy among critics and historians.

The initial critical studies of Orwell and his work were often little more than highly partisan attempts to define or dismiss Orwell as an anarchist, a disillusioned socialist, or a conservative reactionary. The shortcomings of this critical approach, which was once virtually an obsession with the politically committed critics of Orwell's generation, have become increasingly obvious. Orwell was one of the most politically “engaged” writers of the twentieth century, but the precise nature of his political posture simply cannot be defined and analyzed within the context of any identifiably modern political ideology, party, or movement. During his politically active years, Orwell enthusiastically supported a wide variety of radical causes and revolutionary reforms, but the political and intellectual conformity demanded by the modern parties of the Left seems always to have been at odds with his well-developed sense of intellectual honesty and personal integrity. As Anthony Powell has observed, “Orwell could never be integrated into any normal party machine. His reputation for integrity might be invoked, his capacity for martyrdom relied on, his talent for pamphleteering made use of, but he could never be trusted not to let some devastatingly unwelcome cat out of the political bag.”
Continuity and Discontinuity: Professor Neale and the Two Worlds of Elizabethan Government
Authors: Hill Lamar M.
Published: November 2007

There is a story told among English historians about two enterprising and perceptive young scholars who, more than fifty years ago, determined that their common interest in sixteenth and seventeenth-century Parliaments could best be served by a fundamental division of labor. One of them, Professor Wallace Notestein, took as his province the early Stuart Parliaments while the other, Professor John Neale, took the Elizabethan Parliaments as his own. Elaborations of this story tell us that while Notestein had a goodly collection of diaries and journals to work with in his studies, Neale was less well served by the evidence; thus he was forced to cut accordingly his scholarly coat. This led to a parliamentary history which concentrated upon a limited range of important constitutional issues: the succession, the religious settlement, and the privileges of the House. Neale excluded from his study any account of the economic and social legislation of his period. On the other hand, Notestein, who had more material to work with, was able to produce a more encompassing history which took into account the economic and social legislation as well as the structure of English government in its many parts.

Neale has dominated the field by the sheer volume of his work, by the apparent comprehensiveness of his evidence, and by the elegance of his style. His interpretation of the Elizabethan period has come to be cited as authority, and it has colored the writings of many younger historians. For the novice scholar, however, Neale's histories are fraught with hidden difficulties. Neale provided no caveat to warn the reader of his limited range of topics. Because of the scope of his work and the clarity of his argument, the student is often left with the impression that the only issues which were significant were the constitutional issues, and that the only goal of politically ambitious Elizabethan Englishmen was a seat in Parliament.
The English Landscape Garden in the Eighteenth Century: The Cultural Importance of an English Institution
Authors: Bassin Joan
Published: November 2007

Art historians and cultural historians have noted what appears to be a puzzle in eighteenth-century history, a puzzle which emerges from an apparent conflict of the following trend: as English country houses became more and more classical, the gardens around them became less so. That is, as architecture progressively conformed to the principles of universal order and mathematical geometry embodied in the Palladian ideal, gardens seemed to repudiate those same principles, embracing irregularity and particularity. Another apparently contradictory trend is noteworthy: as country houses became smaller through the eighteenth century, the gardens around them became larger. By the later eighteenth century people of means seem to have preferred smallish houses in acres of parkland, rather than enormous houses in small, formal gardens.

There are two possible ways of approaching this problem. The first is simply to ignore the contradiction and accept the houses and gardens as products of separate traditions. Most art historians have done this, fitting the houses and gardens respectively into the classical and romantic traditions. The houses are said to be classical in style because they were intended to appeal to the reasoning faculties of the Enlightenment mind, while the gardens are called romantic because they were designed to appeal principally to the subjective and non-rational faculties, the senses and the emotions. The puzzle of classical houses in romantic gardens simply does not arise when an author such as Hussey, for example, examines the history of gardens, or when Summerson writes about the classical country house.
The Career of Sir Eyre Crowe: A Reassessment
Authors: Cosgrove Richard A.
Published: November 2007

Among the myths of the origins of World War I is that of the ability of obscure bureaucrats to influence the foreign policy of their country through intrigue and deceit. The foremost example in the volumious literature involved the unlimited capacity for evil attributed to Friedrich von Holstein of the German Foreign Office. One of his contemporaries left the. following portrait: “His life was devoted to poisoning human and international relationships. Holstein's diplomacy by intrigue, his vicious disloyalties, and the way he placed his own revengeful purposes before his country's good contributed largely towards the outbreak of the First World War.” Labeled the Grey Eminence of the Wilhelmstrasse in the aftermath of defeat, Holstein became the scapegoat for the disasters of German diplomacy in 1914.

Other bureaucrats of the pre-war era whose careers followed a similar pattern have received like treatment. On the British side, it was asserted, there operated a civil servant whose anti-German animus steered Britain into conflict with Germany. Allegedly possessing a fatal fascination for Sir Edward Grey, Sir Eyre Crowe was credited by historians with enormous surreptitious influence. The hostility toward Germany manifested by Great Britain in the decade prior to 1914, the argument runs, reflected Crowe's personal hatred and suspicion of German power. “The vast influence exercised by Sir Eyre Crowe upon British policy between 1908 and 1914,” wrote the distinguished Austrian historian A. F. Pribram in 1951, “only became generally known outside the Foreign Office, and especially abroad, in recent years.” Apologists for Germany cited Crowe as the prime mover of British policy, and one German historian termed him the ‘böse Geist’ [evil spirit] of the British Foreign Office.
Samuel Smiles and the Origins of “Self-Help”: Reform and the New Enlightenment
Authors: Travers T.H.E.
Published: November 2007

[J.S.] Mill played two philosophic roles. Sometimes he preferred the role of Coleridgian philosopher who was broadly concerned with human culture and, within the context it provided, with “moral regeneration” as the most appropriate means for the improvement of mankind. On other occasions he gave greater prominence to a more narrowly conceived philosophic role; then he emphasized change in political institutions, instead of moral regeneration, as the means of improving mankind.*

Samuel Smiles' popular book Self-Help (1859) is usually cited as a convenient example of mid-Victorian individualism and middle class values. Yet the source and meaning of the self-help ideal is not to be found in the 1850's. Instead, the historian must first turn to eighteenth century values.

The article will therefore trace the intellectual origins of Smiles' ideal of self-help, and show that it was strongly influenced by Enlightenment concepts. Secondly, and a central theme of the article, it will be argued that Smiles' ideal of self-help in fact consisted of two avenues to reform-one active and one passive-and that these avenues to reform can only be understood in the context of the intellectual origins of the self-help ideal. Thirdly, the paper will analyse the continuing relationship between the active and passive components of Smiles' avenues to reform, and will contend that between the 1830's and the publication of Self-Help, Smiles' ideal of self-help as two modes of reform remained consistent. In order to support these claims the article will trace the development of Smiles' thought, concentrating firstly on Smiles' earliest book, Physical Education (1838), then on his time as editor of the reforming Leeds Times (1839-1845), and finally on his place in the health and education reform movements of the late 1840's and early 1850's leading into the writing of Self-Help (1859).
The After-life of General Gordon
Authors: Behrman Cynthia F.
Published: November 2007

In February of 1885 news was flashed to England from Egypt that General Gordon was dead, stabbed by an Arab spear as the hordes of the Mahdi were overrunning the city of Khartoum in the Sudan. Dead he certainly was and nothing could resurrect him, and yet he has survived in the pages of biography, in the comments of the press, and in the mythology of culture. His “after-life” reveals some interesting facts about the nature of hero-worship and the role heroes play in the ethos of a national people and their self-image.

Charles George Gordon was born in January, 1833, the second son of a military family. He was trained for the military, too, became a Royal Engineer, and fought in the Crimean War. He saw service in Turkey, and then was sent to China where he gained fame in the suppression of the Taiping rebellion against the Manchu Empire in 1864, earning the nickname of “Chinese Gordon” at home and a Companion of the Bath from a grateful English government. The next six years he spent in service at Gravesend, constructing defensive fortifications, and devoting much of his time to rehabilitative work with the poor street boys of the town. Another six years he spent in Equatorial Sudan in an unsuccessful struggle to eliminate the slave trade. A brief period as Secretary to Lord Ripon, Viceroy of India, was followed by service in Mauritius, and fighting against the Basuto uprising in South Africa for the Cape Government. The penultimate year of his life he wandered in the Holy Land, and finally he answered the call to return to the Sudan, which was threatened by the revolt of Mohammed Ahmed, the Mahdi.
The Loyalists' Image of England. Ideal and Reality
Authors: Norton Mary Beth
Published: November 2007

Historians of Anglo-America have long been fascinated by the cultural relationship between the colonies and the mother country during the eighteenth century. Recently, this interest has been intensified by studies suggesting that the Americans drew heavily on English sources for their revolutionary ideology. Scholars have thus recognized the importance of defining the exact nature of the interplay between England and America, and one of the most frequently-chosen means of accomplishing this clarification has been to examine the accounts of English travelers in the colonies and the impressions of provincial visitors to the British Isles. Such personal narratives provide an excellent basis for comparing the two cultures and for delineating the extent of their shared heritage. Yet strangely enough, despite this continuing interest in colonial reactions to England and vice versa, few works have discussed in detail the experience of the loyalist refugees who fled to Great Britain during the revolutionary war. In part this seems to be a consequence of the long-term neglect of the loyalists in serious studies of the American rebellion, but even with the recent upsurge of interest in them, their time in exile has received scant attention from historians. Generally the loyalists' experience in England has been treated as something of a side show to the main event, which was acted out upon the American stage. This lack of scholarly concern is at the same time curious and lamentable, for the refugees' letters and diaries provide a wealth of information about the ways in which eighteenth-century Americans perceived Great Britain, and thus about the nature of the relationship between the two closely-connected English-speaking cultures.
Joseph Conrad: Russia and England
Authors: Magill Lewis M.
Published: November 2007

To assert that Joseph Conrad was the first English novelist to recognize a basic English ignorance of Russia and the Russians would be patently absurd. As early as 1891, Rudyard Kipling began his short story “The Man Who Was” with this cryptic sentence: “Let it be clearly understood that the Russian is a delightful person till he tucks in his shirt.” He then follows this opening with a concrete example of the difficulty one can encounter in trying to measure a Russian by Western European standards.

Winston Churchill's famous dictum (as part of a statement made in 1939) exemplifies this difficulty: “I cannot forecast to you the action of Russia. It is a riddle wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma, but perhaps there is a key. That key is Russian national interest.”

Joseph Conrad, however, was in a more favorable position than most English citizens of the twentieth century to interpret Russian behavior to the West. Born in 1857 in Russian Poland, he had been in a peculiarly advantageous situation to observe first-hand the Tsarist autocracy. In 1862 his father was condemned to exile in Russia because he had taken a leading role in the formation of the secret Polish National Committee. Conrad's mother, there-upon, chose to accompany her husband into exile, taking young Joseph with her. By 1863, the mother had contracted tuberculosis as a result of the hardships she suffered in Russia. After she died in 1865, Joseph was allowed to return to Poland in the care of a maternal uncle. His father was released in 1868 and moved to Cracow with his son, only to die during the following year. Joseph returned to his uncle's home, where he remained until he left for Marseilles in 1874.
French Huguenots and the Civil List, 1696-1727: A Study of Alien Assimilation in England
Authors: Sundstrom Roy A.
Published: November 2007

Historians have long recognized that England was a haven for many French Huguenots fleeing religious persecution in their native land in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. They have also acknowledged the subsequent contributions which these immigrants made to English society. But scholars have largely ignored the financial assistance given many Huguenots which helped them adjust to a new society.

The purpose of this article is to describe the amount and the administration of the most important element of this financial assistance—the Civil List funds given the Huguenots from 1696 to 1727.

The reasons why French Protestants fled their homeland center around Louis XIV's determination that a strong France be one, religiously and politically. This policy, which came to a climax with the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, undoubtedly reflected the opinion of most Frenchmen—to tolerate Calvinism was to court national disunity and encourage heresy. Without religious uniformity there was neither social harmony nor political solidarity.

Louis's objective was not expulsion: it was conversion. And he was overwhelmingly successful. By razing Huguenot churches, offering monetary rewards to converts, denying Protestants entry into the legal and other professions, and placing dragoons in their homes, the king forced the great majority to abjure. They preferred to await the dawn of a more tolerant age rather than endure further intimidation or physical harm.
Charles I and Local Government: The Draining of the East and West Fens
Authors: Kennedy Mark E.
Published: November 2007

“The dissolution of this government,” suggested James Harrington, “caused the war, not the war the dissolution of this government.” This dictum has recently received favorable attention not only from a historian who sought the causes of the English Revolution in the great social and economic changes of the sixteenth century, but also from one who described the Civil War as the product of the financial weakness of the Stuart monarchy. The agreement, in at least this one respect, of two such disparate interpreters is heartening. If Professors Stone and Russell are correct in their assessment of Harrington, then the task of the historian of the Civil War is that much simpler. In order to understand the outbreak of armed conflict in 1642 the historian must first understand the collapse of government in 1640.

Many explanations for this collapse have already been advanced. What is interesting from a historiographical perspect is the limited number of variables considered. Whether regarding them as merely precipitants or as major casual factors, historians have concentrated almost exclusively on the great programs of Charles's government: the Book of Orders, the perfect militia, Laudianism, extraparliamentary taxation. This fixation remains largely unaffected even by the recent outpouring of local studies.
Professional Association or Teachers' Trade Union: The A.T.T.I. and the Question of T.U.C. Affiliation
Authors: Kowalski Ronald E.
Published: November 2007

On January 1, 1967, the Association of Teachers in Technical Institutions became the first organization of British academics to affiliate with the Trades Union Congress. Over the next ten years such major educational bodies as the National Union of Teachers, the National Association of Schoolmasters, and the Association of University Teachers followed its lead and sought formal alignment with the organized labor movement in Britain. Participation in the T.U.C. meant identification as a trade union. This issue lay at the very heart of a lengthy debate within the A.T.T.I. over affiliation. For affiliation required a fundamental reappraisal of the A.T.T.I.'s traditional professional identity and organizational principles, one that ultimately led its members to recognize and acknowledge both the Association's primary role as a teachers' trade union and its common interests with the labor movement. The issue generated similar debate within many British education associations and signaled the emergence of teachers as active participants in the trade union movement. But it was an issue not easily resolved given teachers' historical identity as professionals. A.T.T.I. presence in the T.U.C. helped other associations move in the same direction and eased acceptance of this new identity in many instances. The A.T.T.I. decision to affiliate thus represents an important turning point in the history of that Association and the relationship between academics and the organized labor movement in Britain.