bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Walter Burleys Letzter Kommentar zu Aristoteles, De Interpretatione, Kap. 14 (nebst corrigenda zu verwandten Texten Burleys)
Authors: Von Perger Mischa
Published: August 2016

Dem letzten Kapitel von De interpretatione liegt die Annahme zugrunde, unter den Aussagen, die mit einer vorgegebenen anderen Aussage nicht vereinbar sind, gebe es genau eine, die in einem ausgezeichneten Sinne entgegengesetzt zur Vorgabe sei. Dieses besondere Verhältnis nennt Aristoteles “Kontrarietät,” und das Kapitel ist der Frage gewidmet, welche Form jene Aussage habe, die zu der vorgegebenen “konträr” sei. Ist etwa ein positiver All-Satz vorgegeben, bietet es sich an, die dazu konträre Aussage mittels des negativen Allquantors zu erzielen (“Jeder Mensch ist gerecht” — “Kein Mensch ist gerecht”), oder aber durch ein entgegengesetztes Prädikat (“Jeder Mensch ist gerecht” — “Jeder Mensch ist nicht-gerecht / ungerecht”). Ist ein singulärer Satz vorgegeben, könnte man versucht sein, die dazu konträre Aussage durch einfache Negation der Kopula oder des prädikatbildenden Verbs zu bilden (“Kallias ist gerecht” — “Kallias ist nicht gerecht,” “Kallias läuft” — “Kallias läuft nicht”), oder wiederum durch ein entgegengesetztes Prädikat. Aristoteles versucht zu zeigen, daß die vollständige Verneinung des Prädikats für das Subjekt (also die universelle bzw. die einfache Negation der Aussage), und nicht der zum Prädikat konträre oder sonstwie entgegengesetzte Ausdruck, die konträre Aussage hervorbringt. Die Problematik des Unterfangens rührt daher, daß Aristoteles vorweg keine Definition und keine Kriterien der Kontrarietät angibt, denen die “konträr” zu einer bestimmten anderen stehende Aussage genügen müßte.
LaSpoliatio Aegyptiorum(Exode 3:21–23; 11:2–3; 12:35–36) Les Interprétations De Cette Image Chez Les Pères Et Autres Écrivains Ecclésiastiques
Authors: Folliet Georges
Published: August 2016

Cette nouvelle enquête sur I'allégorie de laspoliatio Aegyptiorumpourra paraître de prime abord désuète vu le nombre d'auteurs qui en ont déjà parlé. Nous avions nous-même, il y a plus de cinquante ans, rédigé une brève note intitulée “Les dépouilles des Égyptiens” dans le volumeLe magistère chrétien, éd, et trade Gustave Combes et Jacques Farges, Bibliothèque augustinienne, 11 (Paris, 1949), 582–84, à propos d'un passage duDe doctrina christiana2.40.60–61, aù Augustin commente l'épisode biblique relatant la fraude des Israélites à leur départ d'Égypte. Par la suite nous n'avons cessé de nous intèresser à ce thème et d'enrichir notre propre dossier par des enquêtes personnelles tout en prêtant attention aux publications s'y rapportant et dont nous donnons la liste dans une première note qui révèle le succès littèraire et historique de cette allégoric biblique.
Venantius Fortunatus's Life of Saint Martin
Authors: Roberts Michael
Published: August 2016

When Venantius Fortunatus agreed to the request of Radegund and Agnes to versify the Vita Sancti Martini (VSM, pr. 29–30), he was well aware that he was not the first to write such a poem. About a century earlier Paulinus of Périgueux had versified Sulpicius Severus's Life of Martin (Vita) and books 2 and 3 of the Dialogues (Dial.), which contained supplementary stories about Martin's life. Fortunatus cites Paulinus's poem in the introductory section to the VSM (1.20–21) and, as frequent parallels in language demonstrate, clearly knew his predecessor's work well. But, as successive scholars have noted, the two poems, though sharing the same subject matter, create a very different impression. The VSM is unusual in Fortunatus's poetic corpus in its use of the hexameter and its narrative content. In this paper I will analyze the structure and style of Fortunatus's single venture into hagiographical epic in order to demonstrate the special qualities he brings to his narrative of the life of Saint Martin. I move from considering narrative structure, in the poem as a whole and in individual episodes, to a close analysis of style, concluding with a discussion of the function and distinctive features of the scenes in heaven with which books 2, 3, and the Martin portion of book 4 conclude. In so doing I will argue that the particular qualities of Fortunatus's poem, far from being extrinsic rhetorical flourishes, contribute to the poem's efficacy as an epic of meditation on Martin and his powers.
Some Points of Contention in Medieval Trinitarian Theology: The Case of Durandus of Saint-Pourçain in the Early Fourteenth Century
Authors: Iribarren Isabel
Published: August 2016

In this article I propose to examine the Trinitarian controversy that developed in the years 1308 to 1325 between the Dominican Durandus of St Pourçain (ca. 1275–1334) and his order, especially in the connection between this controversy and the growth of a Dominican sense of corporate identity. The connection is not at first obvious, but we shall see how the evolution of Durandus's theological thought reflects to a great degree the doctrinal transformation of his order, a transformation which is also illustrative of the doctrinal preoccupations of fourteenth-century Scholasticism.
Scholasticism and New Philology: Giles of Viterbo, O. E. S. A. (1469–1532), On Divine Generation
Authors: Nodes Daniel J.
Published: August 2016

From the earliest Christian centuries, the doctrine of divine generation brought forth an abundant and controversial literature. From the Father-Son terminology in the Old and New Testaments, to the Gospel of John's repeated naming of Christ as,unigenitus a patre, only begotten of the Father, to the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed's proclamation of “God from God, Light from Light, True God from True God, begotten not made, of one essence with the Father,” to the Council of Chalcedon's proclamation that the divine Son was “begotten before all ages of the Father according to the Godhead,” the articulation was vast and prolific. Further, the formula that emerged victorious and enduring in late antiquity still challenged and urged later theologians to write treatises on the doctrine for centuries to come.Thatthe Father is presented as uniquely the Father of the Son, and the Son uniquely the Son of the Father is a dogmatic formula based on revelation, buthowGod begets God without either making himself or another God was a question formulated to approach theologically the complexities of the divine Trinity, particularly the relation among the three distinct divine persons in one divine nature.
The Origins of Purgatory through the Lens of Seventh-Century Irish Eschatology
Authors: Smyth Marina
Published: August 2016

Many of the surviving texts associated with seventh-century Ireland deal with eschatology. In general, these texts convey assumptions on the fate of the soul after death that are consistent with the traditional Christian view in late antiquity in the West, namely, that the ultimate destiny of most Christians will not be determined till the great universal judgment at the end of time. To illustrate this point I will adduce the theological treatiseLiber de ordine creaturarumand the moral treatiseDe XII abusiuis saeculi,as well as religious poetry and hagiographical works, and set them in their likely liturgical context. In contrast, theVision of Furseyand Adomnán'sLife of Columbastand out as revealing the strong influence of concepts originating in the early Christian ascetic circles of Egypt. Irish Christians were thus also exposed to the idea that the fate of all individual souls will be determined immediately after death. Awareness and even endorsement of this point of view will have prepared the way toward accepting the novel teaching that a finite period of painful purification immediately follows the death of most Christians. The survival of these two texts demonstrating the presence in seventh-century Ireland of the belief that the final determination of an individual's fate occurs at the time of death draws attention to the radical change in perspective that must have been an essential initial step in the very formulation of the doctrine of purgatory.
Herbert of Bosham and the Horizons of Twelfth-Century Exegesis
Authors: Goodwin Deborah L.
Published: August 2016

The twentieth century witnessed an efflorescence of interest in medieval exegesis, sparked by scholars across a wide spectrum of intellectual, methodological, and confessional commitments. Thanks in large measure to the work of Beryl Smalley (1905–1984) and Henri de Lubac (1896–1991), to name only two major exponents, the modern study of medieval exegesis achieved a depth and significance that fittingly complements the attention earlier generations had paid to scholastic theology.
A Rationale for Material Elements of Christ's Human Cognition: Reading Aquinas within His Dominican Theological and Political Context
Authors: Inglis John
Published: August 2016

Historians of philosophy have often discussed Aquinas's view of human knowledge as it appears in the first part of theSumma theologiae.They have observed that he represents a more philosophical view than the Augustinian account of divine illumination. Yet little attention has been paid to the relation between this discussion of human knowledge and the account of Christ's knowledge in the third part of theSumma theologiae.One reason for this neglect is that scholarship is often practiced within the spheres of intellectual inquiry that were framed during the modern period. We ignore issues present in primary texts in order to construct proof texts that respond to present-day philosophical interests. In pursuit of questions having to do with epistemology, logic, metaphysics, and ethics, rarely do historians or philosophers attempt to unravel the historical and theological context of specific texts. In regard to human knowledge, rarely do we read beyond questions 84 through 86 on the human knowledge of material objects, and even more rarely do we consider what Aquinas has to say about the knowledge of Christ. Rather, we treat questions on the human knowledge of material things as if they concerned issues raised today in epistemology or philosophy of mind.
‘Grammaticus ludens’: Theological Aspects of Langland's Grammatical Allegory
Authors: Overstreet Samuel A.
Published: August 2016

The grammatical allegory ofPiers PlowmanC, Passus 3, has aptly been designated ‘the ugly duckling of the C revision.’ Since Skeat's day the passage has been described as ‘tedious and puerile,’ ‘irrelevant,’ ‘unintelligible and barren of all interest.’ More recently, John Alford's admirable article on the history of grammatical metaphor has situated the passage in a long literary tradition, and thus opened the way for an appreciation of its virtues, however strange they may seem to moderns. From the goliardic song to the sermon, from venality-satire to theDonatus moralizatus, authors throughout the Middle Ages built wordplays and metaphors, sometimes extended ones, on the technical terms of Latin grammar. For the medieval preacher, various kinds of pride go before acasus, or fall: pride of name (nominative), pride of descent (genitive), pride of wealth and munificence (dative), and so on; for the goliard, one becomesgenitivusas a result of too much bedroomconjugationFor Langland's grammatical allegory, though, critics have had less success explaining the use of grammatical terms and doctrines. Alford gives a brief five-page treatment to the passage, focusing mainly on the analogy between grammatical rules and the rule of law; although he aptly notes the punning use of terms such as ‘kynde’ for the Incarnation and ‘case’ for a legal suit, he does not address the use of ‘relacion rect and indirect’ or ‘adiectyf and sustantyf’ around which the passage is built. On the other hand, the article which gives the most detailed explanation of Langland's grammatical doctrines still has trouble relating them to the exempla of husband and wife, master and laborer, and son and servant, and even to the key notions ofmeedandmercede, confessing in places that ‘Conscience's precise intentions must remain a mystery.’
Census and Bibliography of Medieval Manuscripts Containing Apocalypse Illustrations, ca. 800–1500 III
Authors: Emmerson Richard Kenneth , Lewis Suzanne
Published: August 2016

These pages conclude the Census and Bibliography of Medieval Manuscripts Containing Apocalypse Illustrations begun in Traditio 40 (1984) 337–379 and continued in Traditio 41 (1985) 367–409. They contain the descriptions of nine groups of manuscripts. Three of these groups comprise illustrated Apocalypses: Alexander Minorita Apocalypses (nos. 118–122), Later German Apocalypses (nos. 123–132), and Miscellaneous Apocalypses (133–137). The remaining six groups comprise manuscripts that, although not illustrated Apocalypses, contain five or more illustrations of the Apocalypse: Miscellaneous Bibles (nos. 138–145), Liber Floridus manuscripts (nos. 146–152), Moralized Bibles (nos. 153–158), Historiated Bibles (nos. 159–167), Books of Hours (nos. 168–170), and Miscellaneous Manuscripts (nos. 171–172) R. Emmerson would like to thank Peter Klein for his helpful suggestions. Recognizing that, despite our best efforts, this Census and Bibliography may include some errors and omissions, the authors would be grateful to receive corrections and additions for a future edition.
‘Studium Generale Erfordense’: Neue Forschungen zum Erfurter Schulleben
Authors: Lorenz Von Sönke
Published: August 2016

Das Erfurter Studium generate, wie es in den Quellen bezeichnet wird, war eine Bildungseinrichtung ganz besonderer Art und wird seit längerem vom historischen Interesse begleitet. Wissenschaftler wie Heinrich Denifle, Hermann Grauert, Martin Grabmann und Gray Cowan Boyce haben schon früh auf die Bedeutung der Erfurter Schulen hingewiesen. Besonders ergebnisreich waren die philosophiegeschichtlich grundlegenden Betrachtungen von Jan Pinborg.
The Mission of Palladius
Authors: Bieler Ludwig
Published: August 2016

The origins of Irish Christianity are unknown. Even the history of the Irish Church during the fifth and sixth centuries is somewhat shrouded in obscurity, and leaves a wide scope for speculation. This is particularly true with regard to the careers of the earliest missionaries of Ireland known to us by name—Palladius and Patrick. Contemporary evidence is extremely meagre in the case of Palladius and conflicting in the case of Patrick; and the more eloquent witnesses of later times often contradict either each other or our primary sources. It is not, then, surprising that the relation between these two missionaries and their respective missions was fervently discussed by scholars during the last one hundred and fifty years. Looking back at the vast amount of diligent labour and learned argument devoted to this problem, one is surprised to find the status quaestionis almost the same at the end as at the beginning. Only in recent years has a way been opened which gives hope to attain reasonable certainty on some at least of the disputed points. With Professor T. F. O'Rahilly's pamphlet The Two Patricks (Dublin 1942) the problem has entered its critical phase. By his lucid statement of the principal issue and its implications, based on a firsthand knowledge of the complete evidence, Professor O'Rahilly has put under a lasting obligation even those who, like the present writer, find it impossible to accept his main thesis. If I offer a different solution of the vexed problem, I do so in a spirit of gratitude to the pioneer whose work alone has made the present study possible.
Footnote to an Incident of the Latin Occupation of Constantinople: The Church and the Icon of the Hodegetria
Authors: Wolff Robert Lee
Published: August 2016

The Latin Empire of Constantinople was established by an agreement drawn up in March 1204 between the Venetian and non-Venetian Crusaders of the fourth Crusade, before they captured the city for the second and last time. According to the agreement, each side would appoint six electors; these would elect an Emperor; thereafter the party whose candidate for Emperor had been unsuccessful would choose Latin clergy to serve as a cathedral chapter for Santa Sophia, and would name the Latin Patriarch. The Venetians were chiefly interested in the commercial opportunities in Byzantine territory; and, especially since they had stipulated that the Doge would not be a vassal of the Latin Emperor, they were willing to see the imperial throne go to a non-Venetian, and to establish an economic monopoly, at the same time taking control of the most important church offices. They therefore secured the election of Count Baldwin of Flanders as the first Latin Emperor, and themselves chose a Venetian cleric, Thomas Morosini, as first Patriarch. In April 1205 Baldwin was captured by the forces of Ioannitsa, King of the Vlachs and Bulgars. Sometime thereafter, Ioannitsa had Baldwin murdered in prison. This deed was in all probability committed in a fit of rage at the act of certain Latin forces who had burned down the quarter of the Bogomile supporters of Ioannitsa in Philippopolis, and who had persuaded the Greeks of the place, formerly allied with Ioannitsa, to desert him.
Notes on a Projected Corpus of Twelfth-Century Decretal Letters
Authors: Kuttner Stephan
Published: August 2016

Medieval historians, diplomatists, and canonists alike will welcome the news from Gottingen that Professor W. Holtzmann is preparing the critical edition of a corpus of papal decretals of the twelfth century. It is altogether fitting that this project should be undertaken by a scholar universally recognized as the foremost authority on the decretal collections; and also that he should have decided to detach it from the G6ttingen Academy's monumental enterprise, as designed and directed for over forty years by the late Paul Kehr, which has as its ultimate goal a complete edition of the twenty thousand odd papal letters extant from the earliest times to the accession of Innocent III-an enterprise which we may not hope to see completed within this generation. Professor Holtzmann, in the course of his connection with the general Papeturlcundenuierks, has come to realize that the decretal letters of the twelfth century offer both an historical interest and a critical problem of their own. The first is easily seen by their paramount significance, especially since the pontificate of Alexander III, for the development of Canon law in doctrine and its consolidation in practice; the second consists in the peculiarities connected with their being transmitted in collections made by canonists for the use of canonists. The purpose of such collections, i.e. the intention to serve, broadly speaking, the needs of schools and courts, entailed certain well-known textual developments, resulting in a sharp contrast with any kind of archival tradition: neglect of formal elements of the individual letter, especially of its protocol and eschatocol; abbreviation of its juridically irrelevant portions; dissection, at least in the systematic collections, of slecretals dealing with divers matters in order to distribute their contents under several titles, etc.
Medieval Latin Aristotle Commentaries Authors G-I
Authors: Lohr Charles H.
Published: August 2016

These pages continue the inventory of Medieval Latin Aristotle Commentaries which was begun in Traditio 23 (1967) 313–413. The commentaries have been arranged alphabetically according to the author's first name, with a brief bio-bibliographical note and indication of manuscripts and editions.
‘Matta Bestialita’ in Dante's ‘Inferno’: Theory and Image
Authors: Triolo Alfred A.
Published: August 2016

What was Dante's interpretation of the third Aristotelian disposition of Nicomachean Ethics 7, which he calls ‘la matta bestialitade’ and how does it function in the structure of the Inferno? Correlatively, what range of meaning did Dante assign the second disposition, ‘malizia’? The problem is difficult at best and, from a modern point of view, apparently literarily unrewarding. What is more, after a long tradition of scholarly discussion and dispute a kind of consensus has emerged. With the solution which it proposes most are willing to rest content and indeed many simply take its correctness for granted. It is the thesis of this study that the consensus is based on an improvisation and that the high probability of an alternative solution can be effectively demonstrated. Underlying this is the conviction that this is not a scholarly quibble, of interest only to the ‘experts’ or merely a matter of interest for the history of ideas. Rather it is a problem with profound significance for the total structure of the Inferno both intellectual and literary.
Ficino's Marginal Notes on Olympiodorus in Riccardi Greek MS 37
Authors: Westerink L. G.
Published: August 2016

Marsilio Ficino is one of those scholars of whose habits and methods we can now form a fairly complete picture, thanks to the increasing accessibility of library materials. Besides autograph copies of his own work, we possess a great many books he used, and in most cases annotated extensively. The number of Greek manuscripts known to have been handled by him rose from seven in 1937 (Kristeller's Supplementum Ficinianum) to sixteen in 1962, when M. Sicherl reported on the state of the question in Scriptorium. Prof. Sicherl is continuing his research and preparing a comprehensive study of the subject; the present article, a by-product of my occupation with the text of Olympiodorus and Damascius, is concerned only with Ficino's marginalia to the commentaries on Plato's Phaedo and Philebus in Riccardianus gr. 37. For a correct understanding of the character of these texts and the relationship between them, a short outline of their history will be useful.
The View of Empire in Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini (Pope Pius II)
Authors: Toews John B.
Published: August 2016

Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini (1405–64), the man who succeeded Calixtus III to the apostolic chair in 1458, was destined to become one of the best known pontiffs of the later Middle Ages. His popularity not only rests upon his own extensive literary and historical production, but upon the extensive historical literature subsequently devoted to this fifteenth-century figure. Multiple interpretations and assessments of his character and contributions abound. Caught up in the severe conceptualization of nineteenth-century renaissance scholarship, Aeneas Sylvius emerged as a slightly tarnished dilettante who only partially exemplified the typical Renaissance man with his clear-cut and self-reliant aesthetic and moral characteristics. In this spirit Georg Voigt raised grave suspicions as to Aeneas' integrity in both his private and public life. Jacob Burckhardt, who could only appreciate the pope's multiplicity from the standpoint of the representative artistic types exemplifying Italian humanism, failed to find the ‘whole man’ in the versatile Italian. As historiography moved towards a more diffuse view of the Renaissance and saw it as a shift of balance and change in emphasis rather than an abrupt change, the image of Aeneas Sylvius was gradually freed from such narrow interpretations. The struggle was long and intense for the scholarly tyranny of Voigt, though not always verified by a re-examination of the documents, was argumentatively infectious. Today, a half century of detailed research has added many additional perspectives to our knowledge of Aeneas Sylvius and has clarified many particular problems related to both his earlier life and later pontificate. Future studies will not differ too substantially from this pattern. The inconsistency accompanying the maturation of human character; the conflict between the theological-political values of any one man and the current aspirations of domestic and international ambition; the transitory character of the age—all these factors will continue to hamper assessments of Aeneas Sylvius.
Caesarius of Arles, a Precursor of Medieval Christendom
Authors: Daly William M.
Published: August 2016

Some great men receive their due from historians late. Caesarius of Arles is one of these, in good part perhaps because the established mold for writing and teaching about the tradition of spirituality and intellectuality which Roman culture contributed to early medieval Europe had its heroes defined for it early. The patterns thus set up have tended to resist the admission of intruders brought to the fore by more recent historical investigations.
Medieval Latin Aristotle Commentaries Authors: Jacobus — Johannes Juff
Authors: Lohr Charles H.
Published: August 2016

These pages continue the inventory of Medieval Latin Aristotle Commentaries published in Traditio 23 (1967) 313–413 and 24 (1968) 149–245. The commentaries have been arranged alphabetically according to the author's first name, with a brief bio-bibliographical note and indication of manuscripts and editions.
The Rise of New Economic Attitudes — Economic Humanism, Economic Nationalism — During the Later Middle Ages and the Renaissance, A. D. 1200–1550
Authors: Mcgovern John F.
Published: August 2016

Since the turn of the century, historians have shown considerable interest in the origins of a capitalistic outlook in Europe. The Werner Sombart - Max Weber debate indicated that Europe had experienced the ‘emergence of a unique mental attitude towards economic activity’ sometime between the later Middle Ages and the beginning of the modern era. The importance of Max Weber's Protestant Ethic (1904) to the literature on the spirit of capitalism needs little commentary, since a clutter of expository works on his thesis already exists. Weber's Ethic gave rise to three schools of opinion concerning the period during which capitalistic attitudes began to flourish. One group of historians, still dominant, has claimed that new economic values first appeared in the course of the sixteenth century, especially in Calvinist portions of Europe. Another set of students has disagreed, finding that spokesmen truly began to assert these ideals later, in seventeenth-century forms of Puritanism or in eighteenth-century expressions of individualism. The third interpretation declares that an altered scheme of economic values appeared during the Renaissance and later Middle Ages. The mass of material produced by the first two schools has all but obliterated the small but significant literature of the third. Sufficient evidence is now available, however, to warrant a fresh evaluation of the formative stages of this change. The purpose of this essay, then, is three-fold: it intends to outline the present state of scholarly opinion about the earliest appearance of new economic attitudes, to offer a new survey of the evidence from a different perspective, and, finally, to suggest causes for the change.
Caesarius of Arles and the Vercelli Homilies
Authors: Szarmach Paul E.
Published: August 2016

Previous research into the sources of the Vercelli Homilies has established that Caesarius of Arles is an influence on some of the pieces in the collection. Rudolph Willard has shown that a Caesarian homily on the last judgment is a source for a part of Homily VIII (untitled) and that Homily XI (spel to forman gangdaege) is for the most part dependent on Caesarius' De natale sancti Felicis with the opening statement based on one of the bishop's Rogationtide sermons. Prof. Willard has also noted that although no specific source has been found, Homily XII (spel to ðam oðrum gangdaege) may very well have been written with one of the homilies of Caesarius in mind. J. E. Cross has demonstrated that a part of Homily XIII (spel to priddan gangdaege) is a close rendering of a paragraph in Caesarius' De elemosinis. Caesarian influence, however, is not limited to these homilies and can be seen in several of the Vercelli Homilies not yet published.
Angerius Brito, Cathensis Episcopus
Authors: Barrow G. W. S.
Published: August 2016

A note by Marvin L. Colker published in this journal concerns a bishop named Angerius Brito, whom the author assigns to the see of Caithness in Scotland. The note gives the text of an epitaph composed in the bishop's honor, from a manuscript in the library of Trinity College Dublin. ‘Who was Angerius?’ asks Mr. Colker, and he continues

Nothing is known about him apart from the above verses. His very name is unrecorded elsewhere. There is no trace of him in the source books for the history of Scotland, in the ecclesiastical histories of Scotland, in the histories of Caithness or in the lists of bishops for all medieval Christendom.
An Anonymous Twelfth-Century ‘De Natura Deorum’ in the Bodleian Library
Authors: Allen Judson Boyce
Published: August 2016

When A. E. Housman edited Lucan, he dealt with the ‘confections’ of his predecessors with such high-handed savagery that his introduction is a delight even to non-classical essay-readers. ‘I touch with reluctance …,’ he says, ‘and dispatch with impatience an idle yet pretentious game in which Lucan's less serious critics find amusement, and which they call Ueber lieferungsgeschichte, because that is a longer and nobler name than fudge.’
Intuitive Cognition, Certainty, and Scepticism in William Ockham
Authors: Adams Marilyn McCord
Published: August 2016

Ockham's doctrine of intuitive cognition lies at the heart of his epistemology. As Philotheus Boehner and Sebastian Day have quite rightly observed, one of the central aims of this doctrine is to answer the question how the intellect can have certain knowledge of contingent states of affairs (including the existence or non-existence of material particulars). A number of scholars, including Etienne Gilson and Anton Pegis, have charged, however, that far from achieving this goal, Ockham's doctrine (and especially what he says about the logical possibility of intuitive cognition of non-existents) leads to scepticism. Coming to Ockham's defense, Boehner and Day have rejected these criticisms as resting on misinterpretations of Ockham. I believe Boehner and Day have done much to clarify what Ockham actually meant. I should like to reopen the discussion, however, because I believe not all the consequences of Oekham's doctrine have been accurately drawn.
Charles de Bovelles and Nicholas de Pax: Two Sixteenth-century Biographies of Ramon Lull
Authors: Victor Joseph M.
Published: August 2016

Admiration for the achievements of the thirteenth-century Catalan mystic Ramon Lull ran deep in many currents of learning in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. It was during this period that Lullism became a potent force in the intellectual life of Western Europe, being blended with mysticism by Lefèvre, with philosophical encyclopedism by Lavinheta, and with occultism and symbolism by Agrippa and Bruno. The penetration of Lull's thought into diverse areas of intellectual life was in agreement with his own contention that the Ars was universally applicable, but at the same time it obscured Lull's fundamental apologetic aims, his eremitic ideals, missionary wanderings, and his martyrdom.
Pour une édition critique du ‘De sacerdotio’ de Jean Chrysostome
Authors: Malingrey A.-M.
Published: August 2016

Dans les manuscrits, le De sacerdotio se présente, comme la plupart des textes patristiques, avec un intitulé qui date, selon toute vraisemblance, de la période byzantine. A la même époque, sans doute, le texte a été malencontreusement divisé en six parties désignées par le mot λόγoς que les éditeurs latins ont traduit par liber et les éditeurs français par livre. Cette division donne une idée tout à fait inexacte de l‘œuvre qui est un dialogue et qui a dû être écrite d'un seul jet, sans autre division que le changement d'interlocuteur. Mais nous avons à décrire ici l’état des manuscrits et c'est de leur présentation que nous devons nous occuper. En tête des différentes parties se trouvent des képhalaia, selon le terme employé dans certains manuscrits, c'est-à-dire des têtes de chapitres.
The Attitudes of the Secular Historians of the Age of Justinian Towards the Classical Past
Authors: Evans J. A. S.
Published: August 2016

I shall begin with a definition. I am dealing with ‘secular historians,’ and thus I am excluding ecclesiastical history, and chronography. The second of these two genres, chronography, continued a tradition which goes back as far as Thucydides' contemporary, Hellanicus, but under a Christian empire it acquired a Christian bias and dropped any pretence of literary style. ‘Ecclesiastical history,’ which, as far as we know, was invented by Eusebius of Caesarea, and displays a somewhat unclassical passion for documentation, dealt with the church and history as it affected the church. Its presuppositions about historical causation were Christian. The secular historians, on the other hand, continued the classical traditions of historiography begun by Herodotus and Thucydides, and their subject matter was war and politics, and the cross between the two, which was diplomacy.
Fvlcoii Belvacensis Epistvlae
Authors: Colker Marvin L.
Published: August 2016

Fulcoius was one of the most distinguished literary figures of the eleventh century, a writer who, in the words of Dom André Wilmart, ‘a laissé des œuvres poétiques assez importantes, encore mal connues.' Apart from the poet's own works, there are three sources of information on his life: the epitaphs in his honor which are found in MS Paris, B.N. lat. 16701; the biographical notice in MSS Beauvais 11 and Paris, B.N. lat. 5305; and references in a letter of St. Bruno, founder of the Carthusians, to Raoul le Verd, provost of the Reims cathedral and future archbishop.
The Legends of St. Peter in Medieval Latin Hymns
Authors: Szövérffy Joseph
Published: August 2016

When in 1922 Clemens Blume published the fifty-fifth volume of the Analecta Hymnica, almost a hundred years of development in the field of Latin hymnology reached its final stage. Although the idea of collecting hymns was not an outcome of the growing interest in literature in the nineteenth century, the first extensive work in this field was not begun earlier than about the middle of that century. A study of the origins of this research and of certain aspects of the work in its earliest stages, while not to be attempted here, would be of great interest — and instructive as well; for it appears that many errors and many misconceptions of the subject go back directly to the lack of a methodical and scientific approach on the part of the earlier hymnologists.
Changes in the Grange Economy of English and Welsh Cistercian Abbeys, 1300-1540
Authors: Donnelly James S.
Published: August 2016

In that flowering of new monasticism which began in the eleventh century and continued into the twelfth, along with so many other rich and complex developments, to make the twelfth century a great one, the new Order of Citeaux was the most influential and significant. This was no less true in England than on the continent; in fact, the Cistercian Order very probably enjoyed even greater advantage and renown in England than those other orders founded contemporaneously. Its ‘great and powerful influence over the religious and social life of the country,’ even until the dissolution, is beyond doubting. Starting with Waverley (1128) in Surrey, Rievaulx (1132) and Fountains (1132) in Yorkshire, and, for Wales, Tintern (1131) and Whitland (1140) in Monmouthshire and Carmarthenshire respectively, the Order spread with such astonishing rapidity that it numbered 40 in England and Wales by the end of 1153, not counting the abbeys of the Order of Savigny, which became part of the Cistercian Order in 1147 and numbered 12 in England and Wales, with Furness (1123) in Lancashire greatest among them. Beyond this era of settlement, between 1164 and the end of 1198, 11 were established (if we include the short-lived Wyresdale), and between 1201 and 1281 an additional 12 abbeys. But the expansion was then at dead end, and the two remaining abbeys were founded much later in an environment sharply contrasting with that sought by early Cistercians: St. Mary Graces (1350), near the tower of London, so strange a location for a Cistercian abbey, and St. Bernard's College, Oxford (1437), for Cistercian scholars who formerly used Rewley (1281) while studying at the University. In all, including the two latecomers, the abbeys numbered 77 in England and Wales.
The Pore Caitif: An Introductory Study
Authors: Brady Mary Teresa
Published: August 2016

The Pore Caitif is a late fourteenth-century Middle English manual of religious instruction intended for the use of the laity. That the compiler himself applied this title to his manual is extremely doubtful. It seems, rather, to be a convenient label of identification of the treatise drawn from his characteristic way of referring to himself: ‘This tretis compilid of a pore caitif'; and again, ‘I my silf caitif and wrecche.' This pseudonym behind which he cloaked his identity must have been transferred, however, at a fairly early date to serve as a title for the treatise, because it appears in several late fourteenth-century manuscripts and in a will proved in 1422.
The Coronation in Medieval England: The Evolution of the Office and the Oath
Authors: Richardson H. G.
Published: August 2016

An explanatory foreword seems to be demanded by the studies in the English coronation ceremony here presented. I am conscious that on a number of points, views are now put forward incompatible with those I have expressed on other occasions since first I began to write on the subject. Further scrutiny of the evidence and the redating of some of the more important documents have, however, led me inevitably to conclusions at variance not only with those of other scholars, but with some that seemed plausible to me at the time of writing. What is principally in question is the history of the English coronation before 1308; but I have revised and elaborated the story of the evolution of the Fourth Recension of the English coronation office as it was presented by Professor Sayles and myself a good many years ago. It would be presumptuous on my part to pretend that I have given final answers to the many questions the tangled history of the English coronation provokes. I have changed my own mind too often to permit me to imagine that there may not be answers to those questions more satisfying than mine. But what I have written will, I trust, advance the study of obscure and complicated problems which have an important bearing upon the history of kingship in the Middle Ages and therefore upon medieval polity.
‘Judei nostri' and the Beginning of Capetian Legislation
Authors: Langmuir Gavin I.
Published: August 2016

The ordinances on the Jews of 1223 and 1230 are generally described as the beginning of effective general legislation by the Capetians, yet agreement on the constitutional importance of the ordinances has not produced agreement on their precise meaning and significance. On the one hand, historians such as Esmein, Viollet, Declareuil, Chénon, Perrot, Fawtier, and Olivier-Martin, who followed Flammermont and Luchaire's analysis of royal legislative power, have held that all the provisions of both the 1223 and the 1230 ordinance bound both those who had consented and those who had not, and were applicable throughout the kingdom. On the other hand, an older view stemming from Brussel and Petiet, followed hesitantly by Glasson, and most recently advanced by Petit-Dutaillis, has maintained that, although the 1230 ordinance was applicable in its entirety throughout the kingdom, the ordinance of 1223 either applied in its entirety only to those who had consented to it, or else contained only one provision applicable to those who had not sworn to observe it. This disagreement results partly from ambiguities in the texts, but it is also a result of a failure to set the ordinances in the context of their avowed purposes.
Walter Burley and Text 71
Authors: Shapiro Herman
Published: August 2016

The famous argument which Aristotle employs in that passage of his Physics known to the Schoolmen as Text 71 of Averroes' commentary on the fourth book, enjoys a long and distinguished history. Projected originally as a critique of the Atomists' most fundamental position — i.e., that reality is ultimately reducible to matter in motion through the void — it proved still later, as E. A. Moody and others have shown, to be equally potent as a germinal agent. The argument itself embodies, as basic, Aristole's belief that the speed with which a heavy body falls through corporeal media of diverse densities is in inverse proportion to the densities of the resistant media. Hence, Aristotle holds that the velocity of a body falling freely through a rarefied medium will be proportionally greater than if that body were passing through a more dense medium. It follows on this assumption that were a body to be let drop through a medium offering no resistance — a void — its speed would be infinitely great. As the traversal of a finite magnitude of totally evacuated space would thus, necessarily, be accomplished in no time at all, Aristotle concludes the impossibility of any motion taking place in a void.
‘Legatus a latere’: Addenda varia
Authors: Wasner Franz
Published: August 2016

In 343 A. D. the Synod of Sardica, speaking of priests to be sent by the pope e latere suo or, in the equally authoritative Greek version, used a figure of speech which, in its Latin form as a latere or de latere—both variants are already attested in the early transmission of the Sardican canons — became in time an important canonical concept. Although the bishops assembled at Sardica might at first seem to have coined a striking neologism, the phrase employed by them actually echoes certain passages of the Greek and Latin Bibles and the use made of those passages in some of the homilies of the Fathers. As we listen to the biblico-patristical overtones with which the term a latere resounds, the theological source of early canonical language becomes, for this one instance, perceptible again.
Un fragment d'une collection systématique de décrétales antérieure à la ‘Compilatio prima'
Authors: Vetulani Adam , Kuttner Stephan
Published: August 2016

Le MS 106 (nouvelle cote) de la Bibliothèque capitulaire de Cracovie contient la célèbre Summa aurea de Guillaume d'Auxerre, copiée sur parchement àPadoue avant 1234. Mais il contient aussi deux feuillets d'un ancien manuscrit juridique écrit très soigneusement sur deux colonnes, qu'un ancien relieur a pris pour feuillets de garde.
The Medieval Heritage of a Humanistic Ideal: ‘Scientia donum dei est, unde vendi non potest’
Authors: Post Gaines , Giocarinis Kimon , Kay Richard
Published: August 2016

Increasingly we become aware of the medieval background of the Italian Renaissance. The secular, worldly spirit, associated with the Renaissance and always existing in the practical life of men, was already finding abundant intellectual, rationalizing expression in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. ‘L'esprit laïque’ flourished among the legists at Bologna and the legal advisers of kings, leading through theories of public law and the state to the extreme ‘statism’ of Machiavelli and recent times. Following the revival of Roman law and the rise of national states, the new study of Aristotle and the extreme Aristotelianism of the later thirteenth century contributed to the political secularism of the fourteenth century (William Ockham and Marsiglio of Padua), as it did to a secular emphasis on morality. Not to mention many manifestations of a worldly appreciation of nature in the literature and art of the twelfth and the following century, the naturalistic treatment of love condemned at Paris in 1277 is strikingly similar in spirit to ideas in Lorenzo Valla'sDe voluptate.And classical humanism of the kind associated with Petrarch and his followers, rather than with the humanism of the twelfth century (John of Salisbury), although there is much common to both kinds, was beginning to appear in the thirteenth century among the ‘civil servants’ (notaries and secretaries) of the Italian communes.
The Primitiae of the ‘Corpus Christianorum’
Authors: Peebles Bernard M.
Published: August 2016

In 1953 there was issued from the Brepols press of Turnhout (Belgium) a modest paper-bound fascicle of a hundred pages that had a double importance for students of patristics. Not only did it supply, among other things, critical texts (one of them never before printed) of two of the writings of Tertullian; it gave tangible proof that a new edition of all the earlier Latin Christian writings, announced as a project five years earlier, had gone beyond the planning stage and, in this small yet solid specimen, was actually in being — the Series latina of a Corpus Christianorum (CCL) directed by the Benedictines of the Abbey of St. Pierre, Steenbrugge (Belgium). Since then, that initial fascicle has made a new appearance as the opening part of a full, 750-page volume that presents half of Tertullian's works and forms the first of the series. To it Volume II has added its own total of 900 pages to bring Tertullian (and Ps.-Tertullian) to completion. At other points in a carefully pre-established sequence, yet other volumes have come to hand: the Tractatus of St. Augustine on the Gospel of St. John (36) and the sermons of Caesarius of Arles (103, 104). It is this two-year yield of five volumes, seen in relation to the total design for the Series latina of the new Corpus, that is the subject of the present, brief survey.
Religion among the Poor in Thirteenth-Century France: The Testimony of Humbert de Romans
Authors: Murray Alexander
Published: August 2016

Some people say the Western world is in a mess, and what it needs is to rediscover its religion. Of the two chief kinds of objection made to this idea, scientific and social, the second is probably nearer the centre of debate now. Its main form, put broadly, is the theory that religion is a device promoted by the rich to stop the poor rebelling. A social theory like this has an historical dimension. To tell if it is true, data are needed about what people have actually done, rich or poor. Since history so far has mostly been about the great, the need for data is all the keener in respect of the poor. The aim of this article is to add, in the context of this general debate, to known data about poor men's religion, from an especially crucial and obscure period: the central Middle Ages.
The Problem of the Empire in Augustinus Triumphus and Late Medieval Papal Hierocratic Theory
Authors: McCready William. D.
Published: August 2016

Although they were primarily interested in the theoretical issues at stake, the late-medieval papal publicists who dealt with the relationship between church and state were aware of and influenced by important current developments. Augustinus Triumphus makes surprisingly few references to current events. However, he treats at some length the question of whether or not the pope must reside in Rome — because of some of the criticisms that had been directed against his residence in Avignon. He discusses the question of whether or not the pope can resign his office — because this had been an issue of some concern ever since the resignation of Celestine V. Furthermore, he treats in some detail of the issue of Christian perfection — how it was realized by Christ and the early church, and how it can be realized in the contemporary church — because of the storm that had surrounded the protests of the Spiritual Franciscans. In view of all this it is undoubtedly the case that he and like-minded political theorists devoted the time they did to the church-state issue, not merely because there were interesting theoretical issues at stake, but because it was a vexing problem for the society in which they lived. This society had witnessed two major confrontations between the spiritual and temporal authorities: the conflict between Boniface VIII and Philip IV of France in the early part of the fourteenth century, and the conflict between John XXII and the Emperor Lewis of Bavaria in the third decade of the century, and all of this had not been without its influence on the papal theorists.