bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
For God and Queen: James Gilmour Among the Mongols, 1870-1891
Authors: Lodwick Kathleen
Published: July 2010

The Rev. James Gilmour, London Missionary Society, spent twenty years in Mongolia, but never converted any of them to Christianity. A keen observer of Mongolian society he published Among the Mongols in 1883 vividly describing their lifestyles and customs. Termed "one of the best books ever written about Mongolia" it remains in print as a lasting legacy to Gilmour's lonely toil in one of the world's most remote missionary locations. Durant les vingt années qu'il a passées en Mongolie pour la London Missionary Society, le Révérend James Gilmour n'a pas fait un seul converti au christianisme. En 1883, ce fin observateur de la société mongole publia Among the Mongols, un livre dans lequel il décrivait leur modes de vie et leurs coutumes. Considéré comme « l'un des meilleurs ouvrages jamais écrits sur la Mongolie », le livre est l'héritage tangible du parcours solitaire de Gilmour dans l'une des contrées missionnaires les plus reculées au monde.
The Limits of the Civilizing Mission: A Comparative Analysis of British Protestant Missionary Campaigns to End Footbinding and Female Circumcision
Authors: Lau Bryony
Published: July 2010

Drawing on international relations theory, this article examines why a British missionary campaign against footbinding in China at the turn of the 20 th century succeeded, while a similar campaign against female circumcision in Kenya in the 1920s failed. It argues that the diff erent outcomes can be explained by the incentives new elites had in swiftly changing political climates to adopt, adapt or reject foreign norms promoted by missionaries. Whereas Chinese reformers recast footbinding as a source of China's weakness, the emerging nationalist elite among the Kikuyu in Kenya argued for the continuation of female circumcision as part of anti-colonial resistance. Cette contribution interroge, à l'aide de la théorie de relations internationales, les raisons pour lesquelles une campagne dirigée par des missionnaires britanniques en Chine, à la veille du XXe siècle, contre les pieds bandés réussit, alors qu'une campagne similaire menée durant les années 1920 contre l'excision féminine au Kenya échoua. Ces résultats opposés s'expliquent par le choix que fi rent les nouvelles élites locales d'adopter, d'adapter ou de rejeter les normes étrangères introduites par les missionnaires. Alors que les réformateurs chinois réinterprétèrent les pieds bandés comme une source de l'impuissance de la Chine, la nouvelle élite nationaliste kikuyu au Kenya vit dans la pratique de l'excision féminine un moyen de résistance contre le colonialisme.
Entre Repli Communautaire et Fait Missionnaire. Deux Mouvements Religieux (Chrétien et Musulman) Ouest-Africains en Perspective Comparative
Authors: Samson Fabienne
Published: July 2010

This article proposes a comparative analysis of two West African religious movements which a-priori do not seem to have anything in common, the Mouvement Mondial pour l'Unicité de Dieu (a Senegalese neo-islamic group) and the Centre International d'Evangélisation (a pentecostal movement from Burkina Faso). It argues that despite confessional and contextual diff erences, both are involved in the same process of remoralisation of their environment. Both are urban youth movements with a strong missionary component. ey both constitute autonomous moral spaces which produce and promote totalising religious identities in a clear breach from a profane society they consider impure. ey also share jihadist or evangelistic views on the need to conquer and dominate the national as well as international fields, convinced as they are of their mission to "re-enchant" the world. Cet article met en perspective comparée deux mouvements religieux ouest-africains a-priori antinomiques, le Mouvement Mondial pour l'Unicité de Dieu (groupe islamique néo-confrérique sénégalais) et le Centre International d'Evangélisation (mouvement pentecôtiste burkinabé) afi n de démontrer qu'au-delà des clivages confessionnels et des diff érences contextuelles, tous deux sont impliqués dans un même processus de remoralisation de leur environnement. Mouvements de jeunes urbains, ils ont ainsi comme caractéristique commune le fait missionnaire. Ils constituent chacun des espaces moraux autonomes, producteurs d'identités religieuses totalisantes et souvent en digression par rapport à une société profane jugée impure. Mais ils sont également très fortement inscrits dans un esprit conquérant jihadiste ou évangéliste et cherchent à s'imposer dans un champ religieux national puis international, convaincus de leur mission de réenchantement du monde.
Missionaries and the Ethnographic Imagination. Reflections on the Legacy of Henri-Alexandre Junod (1863–1934)
Authors: Macagno Lorenzo
Published: July 2010

This article consists of a reflection on the ethnographic and political legacy of the protestant missionary Henri-Alexandre Junod. A member of the Swiss Mission, Junod was one of the few missionaries to enjoy the recognition of “professional” anthropologists in his time (among them, Malinowski himself, who praised his pioneering ethnography on the Thonga of southern Africa). But beyond his important ethnographic legacy, his work as a missionary brought him into contact with many perplexities and paradoxes. Besides living and working in the Union of South Africa – present day South Africa – he lived for many years in Mozambique, where at certain times, his presence – and that of the protestant missionaries in general – was not well accepted by Portuguese Colonial Regime. Today, the policies on bilingual education, the process of reinvention of the Shangaan identity, the multicultural dilemmas of post-socialist Mozambique and the role of the Protestant churches in the formation of the civil society, cannot be understood without a systematic and renewed reflection on the legacy of Henri-Alexandre Junod. Cet article propose une réflexion sur l'héritage ethnographique et politique du missionnaire protestant Henri-Alexandre Junod. Membre de la Missions Suisse Romande, Junod fut un des rares missionnaires qui fut reconnu de son vivant par les anthropologues "professionnels" (entre autres Malinowski lui-même qui loua son travail ethnographique sur les Thonga d'Afrique australe). Au-delà son héritage ethnographique, le travail de Junod comme missionnaire l'exposa aussi à plusieurs perplexités et paradoxes. En plus de vivre et travailler dans l'Union d'Afrique du Sud – aujourd'hui Afrique du sud – il vécut durant de nombreuses années au Mozambique où, à certains moments, sa présence – et celle des missionnaires protestants en général – ne fut pas bien acceptée par le régime colonial portugais. Aujourd'hui les politiques d'éducation bilingues, le processus de la réinvention de l'identité Shangaan, les dilemmes multiculturels d'un Mozambique postsocialiste et le rôle des églises Protestantes dans la formation d'une société civile ne peuvent pas être compris sans une réflexion systématique et renouvelée de l'héritage d'Henri-Alexandre Junod.
Hoe houdt de stadhouder hof?
Authors: DE CARVALHO-ROOS Trudie Rosa
Published: July 2010

In 1808, the Dutch King Lodewijk Napoleon decided upon a major dismantling of the former quarters of the stadtholders at the Binnenhof in The Hague, which he had used as a royal residential palace since 1806. That dismantling resulted in a total clearance of the original 18th-century interiors in Rococo and Neo-classical styles, inclusive of all painted decorations. The records of this operation proved vital for the reconstruction of the interiors of these quarters as they had existed during second half of the 18th century, when stadtholders Willem IV and v had their residence there. Not only did it turn out to be possible to reconstruct the former situation on paper, but also the majority of the then removed paintings could be retraced. Among the refound works are paintings by Dirk van der Aa (1731-1809), Jean Humbert (1734-1794.), Johann Heinrich Keller (1692-1765), Willem Ket (1756-1795), Jean Teissier (1750-1821), Aert Schouman (1710-1792.) and Hendrik Willem Schweickhardt (1746-1799). Also, two chimney-pieces, by Adriaen Hanneman (1601-1671) and Jan Lievens (1607-1674), had been taken down. These are now located in the assembly room of the First Chamber of the States General. For each individual room of the complex, this article provides an insight in the history of its decoration during the period 1747 to 1808, while at the same time the reader is informed about the stadtholders' and their families' lives and tastes in the course of their residence in the apartments at the Binnenhof.
Antonis Rogiersz. uten Broec. Een verluchter uit Utrecht, werkzaam in de Zuidelijke en de Noordelijke Nederlanden
Authors: Van Der Hoek Klaas
Published: July 2010

Active in the Southern Netherlands in the mid-fifteenth century was a miniaturist who signed his work twice and who can be identified as Antonis Rogiersz. uten Broec. In addition to his contributions to the two manuscripts in which he included his name, he worked on three other Southern-Netherlandish manuscripts. Antonis' style as manifested in these five manuscripts reemerges in a group of illuminated manuscripts produced in Utrecht in the 1460s. They are attributed to the so-called Master of the Boston City of God. On the basis of stylistic arguments and circumstantial evidence of a codicological nature, I believe that this until now anonymous miniaturist is no one less than Antonis uten Broec. To substantiate this identification, research was conducted in the Utrecht archives on the Antonis uten Broec known from Southern-Netherlandish manuscripts. He appears to have been a member of a family that had been living and working in Utrecht for generations. It can hardly be doubted that Antonis' roots are in Utrecht and it is certain that he was buried there in 1468/'69. No matter how fragmentary, the mentions in Utrecht archival material afford biographical data on one of the generally anonymous miniaturists in the Northern Netherlands. At this point, of these artists, Antonis uten Broec is the best documented and, moreover, pursued his career in both the Northern and Southern Netherlands. This knowledge adds to our insight regarding the mobility and reciprocal influence of artists in both regions.
De vormgeving van de vroege Friese geschiedschrijving
Authors: Miedema Hessel
Published: July 2010

Begun in 1568, the revolt of the Netherlands against the Spanish stimulated every Dutch province to strive to attain the greatest possible autonomy and independence from the dominant province of Holland. One of the arguments forwarded for pursuing this independent course was how ancient a region was (laudatio ex vetustate). Incidentally, it was Holland with its Batavian myth that had a strong suit in hand in this matter. To counter this, historiographers were appointed to confirm their region's age. In this capacity, the States of Friesland designated Suffridus Petrus (1527-1597), Bernardus Furmerius (1542-1616) and Pierius Winsemius (1586-1644) consecutively. Relying on traditional accounts, which they believed were ancient, Petrus and Furmerius established a line of legendary Frisian monarchs, beginning with Friso - banished from India - who was said to be a descendant of Noah's son Sem. The results of their scholarly research were published in small-scale, unillustrated books in Latin. Not officially commissioned as a historiographer, around 1597 Martinus Hamconius (c. 1550-1620), wrote an acrostic on the name of Suffridus Petrus, which comprised an ekphrasis with an animated description of the legendary Frisians. In 1606 he also devised a table (fig. i) in which all the characters who played a role in the illustrious history of Friesland are described in Latin. This cast of characters was published again in 1617, this time in Dutch (fig. 2). A lost copy of this edition featured illustrations (fig. 3), which were reused in an edition of Hamconius' Frisia (1620) (figs. 17, 20, 21). The tableau of 1617 includes several old Frisian traditional costumes (fig. 10). All the prints were made by Pieter Feddes of Harlingen. A second set of illustrations of the Frisian princes was etched by Simon Wynhoutsz. Frisius around 1617. These prints, known only from Pierius Winsemius' Chronique of 1622 (figs. 15, 18, 19), originally constituted a consecutive series (fig. 13), doubtless intended to illustrate Hamconius' treatise and probably made for his publisher Jan Lamrinck, who (according to the author's hypothesis) could not use it and thus cut down the plates and included them in Winsemius' Chronique, which he also published. A third, incomplete series of illustrations (fig. 14), again by Pieter Feddes, was likewise made to illustrate Hamconius' series, but may have been rejected and likewise used in the Chronique. Some details in four of the figures in both series (figs. 15-23) seem to point to the iconographic tradition of the free Frisian countryman.
'Notitie der Teekeningen van Sybrand Feitama', III*: de verzameling van Sybrand I Feitama (1620-1701) en van Isaac Feitama (1666-1709)
Authors: Broos B.P.J.
Published: July 2010

Since the earliest sale catalogue of drawings known in which mention is made of artists and titles is that of Philips de Flines of 1701 (Notes I,2), the 'Notes' (see Appendix I) on the drawings of Sybrand I Feitama (1620-1701) can be regarded as unique. This manuscript, compiled in its definitive from by Sybrand II Feitama (1694-1755) between 1746 and 1758, enables us to reconstruct the nucleus of the collection. The earliest notes date from 1685 and 1690 and will have been made by Sybrand I Feitama (Note 3). They in fact constitute a precise and businesslike price list, reminding us that Feitama was a druggist by profession. His collection of 320 drawings was amassed in the 17th century in the house called 'The Golden Spectacles' on Damrak in Amsterdam. As the collection of a connoisseur who was not himself an artist, it was a relatively new phenomenon and it is also striking for its lack of Italian and French drawings (Note 4), especially as non-Dutch art formed the principal component of the holdings of known contemporary collectors like Dirk van Beeresteyn, Philips de Flines, Abraham van Lennep and Jan Six (Note 5). The Feitamas did not even follow the model of collections they knew at first hand, e.g. those of Jan Pietersz. Zomer, who supplied them with drawings for over thirty years (Note 6), and Lambert ten Kate, both of which showed a strong emphasis on art from the south. Sybrand II did not share this predilection, only coming into possession of a Jan Weenix from Ten Kate' estate in 1742 by a roundabout route. Nor do the Feitamas appear to have shared the preference, common among artist collectors, for the art of the past (Notes 8, 9), or that current around 1700 for curiosities such as first states and proofs (Notes 11, 12). Their taste was, then, rather unique. However, in connectio n with a portrait of Sybrand I Feitama the poet Jan Norel did praise his interest in 'Prints after Art' and 'wondrous Rarities' (Note 13). If this is taken literally, it can only be concluded that after that date Feitama abandoned prints and curiosities in favour of a fanatical concentration on mainly contemporary Dutch drawings. He collected almost encyclopedically, artists from A-Z, mostly reasonably priced works that were good value for the money, i.e. watercolours by Adriaen van Ostade rather than scribbles by Rembrandt. All three, generations of Feitamas had a special affection for Ludolf Bakhuizen, Nicolaes Berchem, Allaert van Everdingen, Jacob van Ruisdael and Adriaen van de Velde.
Opnieuw de Nassause tapijten
Authors: Van Der Klooster L.J.
Published: July 2010

The author supplements studies published in the 1969 and 1975 volumes of Oud Holland concerning the Nassau tapestries which Count Henry III of Nassau ordered to be made in 1531 after designs by Barend van Orley. Five of Van Orley's drawings for this series of tapestries with equestrian portraits have been preserved. The inscription in the cartouche on one of these drawings is not consistent with the depicted persons. The author contends that they are Henry III himself and his third wife, the Spanish Mencia de Mendoza, with his first two wives in the background Arguments supporting this hypothesis are based on the resemblance to other portraits of the couple, the insignia of the order of the Golden Fleece on the cuirass and on the count's coat of arms, the countess's garments and the mule on which she alone is scated. The mule should be seen as the mount most commonly ridden by ladies in Spain. Frederick Henry had copies of the original series made in 1632. They hung in the Noordeinde palace first, and later in Breda castle. The name of the maker of these copies was hitherto unknown. However, a pamphlet containing a description of a wedding feast held in February 1638 in the Noordeinde palace states the artist's name: Jan Raes, a Brussels tapestry weaver.
Duidelijkheid over de Amsterdamse St. Lukasfeesten in 1653 en 1654
Authors: Postma Hugo , Blok Marjo
Published: July 2010

Various sources record the St. Luke's Feasts which were held in Amsterdam in 1653 and 1654. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, however, the two feasts had already become confused with one another in some texts. Twentieth-century expositions drawing on these sources convey an erroneous impression of the actual course of events. This article discusses the possible causes of the confusion. The most important facts pertaining to the festivities are stated in their correct order, and a few new ideas are offered for consideration. All the known source material and relevant secondary literature are subjected to close scrutiny, and some new material is presented. The confusion which has misled so many authors in the past stems from a discussion in literary publications on Vondel in the nineteen-twenties. It is quite conceivable that the debate was fuelled by the form in which certain texts were published in the seventeenth century, and by the incorrect information about the two feasts in Houbrakcn and Wagcnaar. The feasts of 1653 and 1654 evidently differed in character. Although both were St. Luke's banquets, the accents were different. The 1653 celebrations involved painters and poets, whereas in 1654 painters and sculptors were the chief protagonists. There arc also hints that the 1654 festivities were organized on an ambitious scale. Notably the recently discovered handsome first edition of 'Broederschap Der Schilderkunst INGEWYDT Door SCHILDERS, BEELDTHOUWERS En des Zelfs BEGUNSTIGERS; Op den 21 l'an Wynmaent 1654, op St. Joris Doelen. In AMSTERDAM' endorses these suggestions.
'Poeetsche fabrijcken' en andere allegorieën, eind 16de-begin 17de eeuw
Authors: Spies Marijke
Published: July 2010

The French poets of the 15th and 16th centuries (the 'rhétoriqueurs') attached importance to 'poetrie' in the sense of fiction- primarily mythological fiction. This view was adopted by rhetoricians in the South Netherlands (De Castelein), where early Renaissance poets subsequently invested mythological 'poetrie' with a neo-platonic theory of inspiration (De Heere). There was however some resistance to this kind of 'poetic' rendering in the North Netherlands, as well as to the allegorical interpretation directly linked with it (Coornhert). There was a twofold reason for this: the Reformatory rejection of allegorical bible interpretation, and the general humanist respect for the literal meaning of texts. Consequently, a different kind of poetry emerged which was more rhetorically argumentative than artistically fictional. Only later Van Mander was to introduce firmly the neo-platonic interpretation of myths, about which he entered into discussion with H. L. Spiegel, a friend of Coornhert's and a leading light in De Eglentier, the Amsterdam chamber of rhetoric.
Bij de balustrade, met gerust gemoed De implicaties van een architectonisch motief in de zeventiende-eeuwse portretkunst
Authors: De Jongh E.
Published: July 2010

In a fairly large number of seventeenth century Netherlandish portraits a motif can be seen which has hitherto been disregarded in art history. It is the ball on a straight-sided pillar at the end or in the middle of a balustrade. Most of such balls stand on a plinth; some are placed directly on the pillar. The sitters are portrayed in an evident relationship to such balustrade balls, sometimes with a hand on the ball, sometimes pointing demonstratively at it. In the author's opinion this architectural element - the stone ball and its straight-sided support cannot have had a merely decorative function as a rule, at least not when used in portraits. He contends that it was meant as a derivative or a substitute, with respect to both form and content, of a motif which occurs in various guises in emblems and occasionally in kindred literature, consisting of a ball and cube depicted in close proximity. In certain cases, for example in the writings ofPers, Vacnius, Rollenhagen, Oudaan, Boschius and Spinniker, their union is consummated, the ball sitting on the cube (or another straight-sided body) and symbolizing wisdom, virtue in the general sense, patience, steadfastness or more particularly divinely inspired peace of mind. The configuration of the balustrade-ball and straight-sided support bestows these virtues upon the subjects of the portraits, meaning that these persons refer to such ideals or purport to possess these noble qualities already. Their poses and gestures can be extremely eloquent. Even so, these persons and their remarkable attribute supply no more than approximate information. While the virtues in question are always precisely specified and dcscribed in literature, such is naturally not the case in portraiture. Basically, the specific meaning or nuance of meaning embodied in a particular portrait can never be established with certainty. Going by source material, however, we may assume that one of the aforesaid virtues and qualities is alluded to, very likely tranquillitas animi, peace of mind.
De broer van de koning met de dood bedreigd: een 'exemplum iustitiae' in de vijftiende- en zestiende-eeuwse Nederlandse kunst
Authors: Van Der Velden Hugo
Published: July 2010

A South Netherlandish panel in the collection of the Ringling Museum of Art, Sarasota, painted around 1475-85, can be identified as one of the few surviving fifteenth-century justice pictures. Bruyn succeeded in tracing the painting's enigmatic iconography to a mediaeval 'exemplum', The King's Brother Threatened with Death, in which elements from The Sword of Damocles and from the story of the trumpet of death in the legend of Barlaam and Josaphat are combined into a single history. In the Gesta Romanorum, under the heading 'De timore extremi iudicii', the tale is told of a wise and righteous king who threatens to have his frivolous brother executed as a means of demonstrating his own state of mind: the thought of the Last Judgement makes it impossible for him to abandon himself to the pleasures of earthly life. In written sources this 'exemplum' is often associated with 'righteousness', becoming more closely interwoven with the practice of secular justice as time passed. In the fourteenth century, for example, it featured in a moralizing discourse on good and righteous government (the Ludus Scaccorum) and in the fifteenth century as a model of god-fearing conduct - even in a code of law (the Wetboek van Den Briel). This development corresponds closely with the literary history of other judgement scenes, such as the Judgement of Cambyses. The cited literary sources stress that judges should be filled with 'Timor Dei' as exemplified by the story of the king and his brother. The tenor of the 'exemplum' is a reminder that the secular judge will eventually have to answer for his actions to the Supreme Judge, an idea which was conveyed in town halls by representations of the Last Jugement. In view of the written tradition it is quite likely that the panel in Sarasota and two other representations of The King's Brother Threatment with Death - a drawing attributed to Lucas van Leyden and a stained-glass window - served as (designs for) a judgement picture. This interpretation is substantiated by sixteenth-century pictorial sources. In both a South German drawing and a print by Theodoor de Bry the story of the king's brother is combined with a number of familiar 'exempla iustitiae'.
Cornelis Ketel en zijn familie: een revisie
Authors: Schulting TO
Published: July 2010

In 1964 this journal published an article by J. Schouten with a family tree of the Ketel family of Gouda; most of the archive records consulted by the author for that purpose were already public. His principal theme, however, was the hypothesis of a third painter in the family by the name of Cornelis Ketel. The first Cornelis, who died in 1567, was the now forgotten uncle and teacher of the second, the well-known painter Cornelis Ketel who died in Amsterdam in 1616; the third Cornelis was the first one's son and thus a cousin of the second. Fresh archive research has yielded a corrected and more extensive family trcc of the Ketel family (fig. 1). Another result of this investigation is the untenability of Schouten's hypothesis: a third Cornelis did exist, but died at an early age before 1582, and there are no indications that he was an artist. Consequently, all Gouda archive records post-dating 1582 or thereabouts refer to the Cornclis Ketel who lived in Amsterdam at that time. Although he did live in Gouda for a few years after 1590/91, it was not in a 'Gasthuis' (almshouse), a misunderstanding caused by an incorrcctly transcribed archive record (fig. 6). A number of paintings which an 'old' tradition - much younger, incidentally, than Schouten would have us believe - ascribes to the second Ketel, and which because of their inferior quality arc attributed by Schouten to the third Cornelis, can therefore not be the work of the latter (figs. 7, 8, 9). Nor are they by the well-known Ketel. The addition of 'de Jonge' (the Younger) to the Amsterdam Ketel's name occurs sporadically in a few Gouda records. This suffix was not meant, as Schouten presumed, to distinguish him from his cousin, who in any case was younger than the Amsterdam Ketel, but to distinguish him as a painter from his elder uncle and teacher. Until work by this teacher is discovered, there is no point in dubbing the pupil 'the Younger'. Ketel did not suffer from gout; his brushless painting is a facet of his artistic versatility. As a matter of fact he did paint a number of works with the brush after 1600. A brother of the third Cornelis, the engineer Jacob whom Van Mander mentions in his biography of Ketel, is apparently identical with the painter Jacques Que(s)tel who lived successively in Orleans, Milan and Paris (fig. 2). He probably did not take up painting until after 1602. In 1608 he made decorations for Queen Maria de Medici's ceremonial entrance into Chartres. No work by him has come to light thus far, but a number of engravings after a portrait he painted in 1609 have survived (figs. 3 and 4). Appendix i traces how a legacy of another uncle of Ketel was distributed and passed on to his descendants. Appendix 2 lists a number of archive records pertaining to Jacob Ketel/Jacques Questel.
Het Toren van Babel-schilderij in het Mauritshuis. Een illustratie van de relatie tussen de 15 de-eeuwse miniatuur- en schilderkunst in de Nederlanden
Authors: Grieten Stefaan
Published: July 2010

In the Mauritshuis at Thc Hague is the earliest extant painting on the theme of the Tower of Babel (fig. I). The panel's smal size (19.7 × 17 cm) and the min ute detail of the narrative scene suggest a relationship with the art of the miniaturc. This connection, which is demonstrable in other early representations of the theme (figs. 2-3), is confirmed by numerous motivic similarities with a number of miniatures (figs.4 6) in Les anciennes croniques et conquestes de Charlemaine, a manuscript which was illuminated by Jan de Tavernier between 1458 and c. 1465 and shortly afterwards showed up in the library of Philip, Duke of Burgundy. It is now in the Albert I Royal Library in Brussels. The anonymous painter of the panel was probably not in a position to base his work directly on the actual miniatures, but he may well have made use of sketches which served for the illumination of manuscripts in De Tavernier's studio. However, it cannot be ruled out that a Tower of Babel was painted in that studio. Neither the obvious relationship with De Tavernier's oeuvre nor corresponding motifs in paintings from the Bruges (fig. 8) and Haarlem (fig. 9) environments yield a logical hypothesis for an attribution of the panel in The Hague. The article does however draw attention, to the important but hitherto insufficiently examined relationship between 15th-century painting and the contemporary miniature (and other art techniques).
Rembrandt en de Broederschap der Schilderkunst; een nieuwe hypothese voor de Pallas Athene in Museu Calouste Gulbenkian
Authors: Postma Hugo
Published: July 2010

The purchaser of a colour slide of the painting with the inventory number I488 in the Museu Gulbenkian in Lisbon will see that the work is entitled 'Palas Atcneia ou Alexandre'. This ambiguous designation is typical of the doubts surrounding this unsigned and undated painting, which is usually attributed to Rembrandt (fig. I). For some decades now, art-historical literature has put forward varying opinions about the painting, and it continues to give rise to questions. Its subject, date, backgrounds and attribution to Rembrandt are all controversial issues. The purpose of this article is to contribute to the forming of opinion regarding the Lisbon painting. The author presents a new hypothesis as to what prompted the work. On October 2I I654, painters, sculptors and their patrons gathered in the St. Joris Doelen in Amsterdam to celebrate the Feast of St. Luke. The occasion was marked by the publication of an anthology: 'Broederschap Der Schildcrkunst, INGEWYDT Door SCHILDERS, BEELDTHOUWERS En des Zelfs BEGUNSTIGERS; Op den zI van Wynmaent I654, op St. Joris Doelen, in ANISTER-DAM'. The book contains three texts, the third of which is by Asselijn. It seems to be a play that was performed during the festivities. Towards the end an election of a painter and a sculptor from among those present is described. Both must make a work of art. The painter has to paint a Minerva; the sculptor is asked to carve an Apollo from stone. Unfortunately Asselijn does not say who was the winner, although he does refer to the candidates as the foremost representatives of their profession. Jan Vos' well-known poem Strydt tusscben de Doodt en Natuur, of Zeege der Schilderkunst, also written in I654, may have been connected with the celebrations held that year. A passage in the text lists the names of a number of artists. The fact that Rembrandt comes first and the context in which this happens could suggest that Vos regarded Rembrandt as Amsterdam's leading painter at that time. Various indications support the author's assumption that this opinion was probably shared by members of Vos' circle such as Kretzer and Meures, both of whom participated in the I654 festivities, and Six and Soop, with whom Vos, Kretzer and Meures were well acquainted. All this suggests that Rembrandt was very likely a candidate for election and that he was invited to paint a Minerva at the time of the celebration. Assuming that the invitation really was issued, Rembrandt must have painted this subject in I654 or thereabouts. It could be the work which is now in Lisbon and whose subject might well be identified as Minerva.
Enkele biografische gegevens over Gillis I Coignet alias Gillis met de Vlek
Authors: Meskens AD
Published: July 2010

Assembled in this article are biographical data concerning the painter Gillis I Coignct (Gillis met de Vlek) which are based on and have been confirmed by recent archival research. The year of the artist's birth can now be established as I542. He was a son of the goldsmith and instrument maker Gillis Coignet. Coignet became a master in I56I, travelled to Italy and by I570 had returned to Antwerp, where he had several pupils and served as a dean in the painters' guild. Judging by tax-registers, he was fairly well-to-do In I586 he left Antwerp for Amsterdam, moving on to Hamburg circa I595. He died there on December 27 I599. The article also presents some data pertaining to relatives of Gillis I Coignet, some of whom were likewise painters.
'Sterckheyt van Wij sheyt en Voorsichticheyt verwonnen': Overwegingen bij een Allegorie van Cornelis Ketel
Authors: Schulting TO
Published: July 2010

During his sojourn in England, from 1573 to 1581, Cornelis Ketel received numerous portrait commissions, but did not paint many allegories. Van Mander gives a brief description of only one of them: Kracht door Wijsheid en 1 óorzichtzgheid overwonnen (Strength Conquered by Wisdom and Prudence, o.c. note 1, fol. 275 14-20). In 1986 an Allegory dating from the period in question (1580) appeared on the market. In a decor of captured weapons, it shows three nude men subjugated by a woman and tied up with snakes [figs. 1, 2). A number of circumstances preclude the conclusive identification of this painting as the one described by Van Mander: a) the woman with the snake might be Prudence, but Wisdom is missing; the reason for this might be that the canvas has been cropped, as is indicated by the absence of cusping; b) the attitude of Strength, the muscular man wearing a loincloth, is more consistent with the characteristics of Fury as described by Virgil, Cartari and Ripa (notes 7-9). A biblical source for this theme is Ecclesiastes 9:15-18, where Wisdom is rated higher than Strength and weapons of war. All sources associate Fortitude/ Fury with acts of war, so that a political connotation cannot be ruled out. In the Duke of Buckingham's collection was another allegory by Ketel representing victorious Virtues. This painting was not as tall as the work of 1580 published here (notes 13-19). The Duke of Buckingham's painting cannot be identified with the one for the Amsterdam jeweller Jan van Wely (Van Mander, fol. 275 r43 -275v30), as that painting was still in the collection of his family in 1670 (notes 17, 18). Iconographically, there is a remarkable correspondence with a work by Frans Floris, the subject of which has not been satisfactorily accounted for either (fig. 3, note 20). Pending a definitive identification, it seems to represent Fortitude/Mars/Fury rendered powerless by the loss of his weapons, and conquered by the female personifications of Wisdom and/or Prudence. Ketel was stylistically influenced not only by Floris (fig. 5, notes 23-25) but also by prints after Maarten van Heemskerck and Michelangelo (figs.6, 7). There is something of the Venetian style in the manner of painting. Ketel was acquainted with this style from an altar-piece by Dirck Barents, in the St. Janskerk in Gouda (note 29). It should be stressed that Ketel was unable to find a market for his allegories in England (cf. note 30), as may also be deduced from Van Mander. At the Tate Gallery's exhibition Dynasties 1530- 1630 (1995/96, note 32), Ketel's Allegory of 1580 contrasted starkly with the other exhibits: at the time when he was in England, the delicate subtlety of painters like Hilliard and Oliver was more to the British taste. Their manner was a far cry from Ketel's boldly painted allegory with its large figures. Not until some fifty years later, when the Venetian School, Rubens and Van Dyck were gaining ground, was Ketel duly appreciated in England.
Een embleem van Coornhert als bron van Jan Steens zogenaamde Burgemeester van Delft
Authors: Vinken Pierre
Published: July 2010

Jan Steen's So-called Burgomaster of Delft and his Daughter (1655) honours a prosperous citizen of Delft well known in his day for his charitable works. The sitter himself may not actually have commissioned the painting. Its composition and related meaning would appear to have been drawn form one of Coornhert's emblems: 'It is God's will that the rich man shall support His humble porters, the poor who knock on his door'.
De ontdekking van de Hollandse primitieven
Authors: Grasman Edward
Published: July 2010

Historian Pieter Geyl's opposition to a division in fifteenth-century painting in the Low Countries has been the subject of frequent discussion. This article presents the first examination of the motives of the two principal upholders of the theory repudiated by Geyl: Adriaan Pit and Willem Vogelsang. In 1894 Pit drew a sharper distinction than predecessors such as Bode and Moll between Dutch and Flemish fifteenth-century painting. Pit's position was based on his conception - which in turn was substantially influenced by Louis Courajod - of logic in art history. Pit's stance, which implied a division in the Netherlands prior to the Revolt, sparked off a debate that continues to this day and has been conducted by both historians and art historians. For most of his life Vogelsang presented himself as the foremost defender of the opinion that the division of the Netherlands was reflected in fifteenth-century painting. His loyalty to Pit was closely linked with his conviction that, in art history, the eye was superior to the document. In this case the difference between Dutch and Flemish painting was plain to see, and brooked no historical argument. For Vogelsang, the first professor in the field of art history in the Netherlands, the legitimacy of art history as an independent discipline was ultimately at stake in this debate.
Hendrick Cornelisz. van Vliet: Het gezin van Michiel van der Dussen
Authors: Laarmann Frauke
Published: July 2010

Since I998 the Stedelijk Museum Het Prinsenhofin Delft owns a family portrait by Hendrick Cornelisz van Vliet. Signed in full and dated I640, the painting shows a wealthy and — in view of the details—Catholic family with five children. It predates Van Vliet's well-known architectural paintings by more than a decade, and is therefore very significant for our knowledge of his early oeuvre. In this article, however, attention is focused on the painting's unusual position in the pictorial and iconographic tradition of the North Netherlandish family portrait. We see a husband and wife with their five children, the sons making music with their father. Contrary to what is frequently stated in the literature, i.e. that music is an important attribute in the depiction of harmonieus family life, music hardly features at all in North Netherlandish family portraits of the first half of the seventeenth century. Highly exceptional in Van Vliet's painting is the circumstance that only the males are making music, as is the choice of instruments. The recorders, popular instruments but unique in the tradition of the group portrait, suggest that the sitters were fond of the instrument and wished to be portrayed while engaged in their favourite pastime. The instrument and the music book of the two sons, combined with the other children's attributes, hint at a representation of the five senses. The daughters are respectively depicted with a pecking parakeet (touch), a basket of fruit (taste) and flowers (smell). In this context the sons' attributes stand for hearing and sight, the two most highly ranked senses. With the aid of details in the painting — the obvious references to Catholic religion, the precise dating of the work and the name 'Michiel' in the piece on the music stand — the sitters have been identified as Michiel van der Dussen and Willemina van Setten with their five children: Cornelis, Otto, Anna, Maria and Elizabeth. This insubstantiates the traditional identification of another painting in the Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten in Antwerp as Michiel van der Dussen's family. The Van der Dussens were prominent regents in Delft; however, Michiel's branch of the family was Catholic and thus excluded from holding official executive positions in Delft. They must therefore have been active in other spheres. They are not recorded as having pursued a particular profession; their wealth seems to have accrued from their ownership of property and land. The Van der Dussens are likely to have been of independent means due to the family's erstwhile noble status. Their higher ambitions were confirmed by the marriage of a granddaughter of Michiel van der Dussen to a Baron van Leefdael. This family portrait with its extremely rich imagery, painted in a period when repression of the Catholics in Delft was at its strongest, represents the selfconndence and ambitions of a Catholic family.
Beobachtungen Über Das Benehmen Eines Grauen Gibbons (Hylobates Leuciscus)
Authors: Krijgsman B.J. , Krijgsman-Tiessen J.
Published: July 2010

Verschiedene neue Daten über Ernährungsweise, Bewegung, Stimme, sinnliche Orientierung, Spiel, mimische Expression, Verhalten zu Mensch und Tier, Gedächtnis und Intelligenz eines jungen weiblichen Gibbons werden bekannt gegeben. Dabei zeigte sich, dass, obgleich das Gemütsleben dieses Affen stärker entwickelt war oder jedenfalls deutlicher zutage trat, die Intelligenz (in Anschluss an die Beobachtungen früherer Forscher) sich jedoch nicht über diejenige der niederen Affen erhob.
The Tegelen Fauna, With a Description of New Remains of Its Rare Components (Leptobos, Archidiskodon Meridionalis, Macaca, Sus Strozzii)
Authors: Schreuder A.
Published: July 2010

A historical survey of the increase of the list of Tegelen mammals precedes the description of some fossils, namely a scapula, a few upper and one lower molar, a humeral shaft and part of a horn-core of Leptobos cf. elatus (Pomel),, fragments of an upper and a lower last milk molar and a large fragment of a second molar of Archidiskodon meridionalis, archaic form, some upper and lower teeth of Macaca florentina, and the young, almost complete lower dentition of Sus strozzii. A comparison of the Tegelen mammals with other Villafranchian faunas leads to the conclusion that the resemblance to the mammalian assemblages of Val d'Arno superiore and of SenÃ¨ze is great, and that the Tegelen Clay is a deposit of the GÃ¼nzian period, and thus distinctly older than the Cromer Forest-Bed which has been formed in the GÃ¼nz-Mindel Interglacial. The Tegelen mammalian fauna belongs to the Upper-Villafranchian, and most probably lived in the GÃ¼nz-Interstadial.
Theological Education At the Dutch Universities in the Seventeenth Century: Four Professors On Their Ideal of the Curriculum
Authors: Broeyer F.G.M.
Published: July 2010

During the seventeenth century the academic teaching of theology in the Dutch Republic was on a high level. The universities had first-rate professors at their disposal for the subjects taught at the time. In this article some treatises on theological education are discussed. The authors are the professors Antonius Walaeus, Gisbertus Voetius, Franciscus Burman, and Samuel Maresius. Walaeus, Voetius, and Burman wrote about the content of the curriculum and the ideal way of studying theology. They differ in outlook. Burman even advocates a critical attitude based upon a Cartesian principle. Precisely because of unorthodox ideas gaining ground Maresius voiced somber reflections on an assumed decline of the Dutch faculties of theology.
François De Sales and Catholic Reform in Seventeenth-Century France1
Authors: Sager Jason
Published: July 2010

Until recently, studies on French pastoralism have overlooked the existence of a political ideology within late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century sermon literature. And yet it appears that court preachers were co-opted by the Bourbon monarchy to assist in the pacification of the nobility and radical elements of both Catholic and Protestant confessions. This essay examines the sermon literature of the French saint, François de Sales, 1567-1622, in order to demonstrate that de Sales's sermon literature consciously supported the crown's pacification agenda. It is further argued that this political ideology in the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century sermon literature shaped the relations between court preachers such as de Sales and the Huguenot factions in the aftermath of the Edict of Nantes. With the emphasis on pacifying rebellious elements in the realm, the rhetoric in the sermon literature exhibited a sense of toleration of the existing Huguenot faction that had been absent in the sermon literature of the mid sixteenth-century.
Advice Manuals and the Formation of English Protestant and Catholic Clerical Identities, 1560-1660
Authors: Macek Ellen A.
Published: July 2010

Drawing from personal experience or the preparation of aspiring pastors, some English authors sought to refine clerical job descriptions during the first century of religious reform. Although clerical advice manuals consistently demanded a morally upright life and suitable academic training, the pastor's ongoing spiritual formation assumed more importance. Handbooks written by authors as diverse as the "Puritan" Richard Bernard, the "establishment" pastor George Herbert, and the "papist" George Gilbert also outlined the use of several novel methods to deal with individuals who failed to respond to more traditional means of preaching and provision of the sacraments. A close reading of such manuals provides a window on competing visions of English clerical life before 1660.
"Anyone Who Can Read May Be a Preacher"1: Sixteenth-Century Roots of the Collegiants
Authors: Voogt Gerrit
Published: July 2010

Collegiantism arose in Dutch Remonstrant circles after the Synod of Dordt outlawed the Remonstrants (1619) and their leaders had been sent into exile. It offered a "church" for all, "run" by laymen without a clergy and hailed the freedom to "prophesy." Collegiantism was intended, paradoxically, to give concrete form to a "non-church," an "invisible church" of all "unpartisan" believers, one that brought believers together without binding them or passing judgment. The structural roots of Collegiantism lead to Sebastian Franck's anti-sacerdotalism and his definition of the true church as a "free, non-sectarian, party-less Christianity"; to Sebastian Castellio's rationalism, his deconstruction of the notion of heresy, and his dogmatic minimalism; to Jacob Acontius's advocacy of free prophecy in church for congregants and his insistence that possession of a monopoly of truth renders a church spiritually lazy; and to Dirck Coornhert. The latter's championship of free investigation, ideas on fairness and struggle against the ruling orthodoxy, and especially his draft for a non-partisan church, all came to fruition in the early Collegiants, who thus crafted a "confessional identity" that was not dogmatically defined but that would fill itself, due to its very nature, with radical content.