bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Floral Black-Figured Cups at Schimatari
Authors: Ure Annie D.
Published: May 2006

The later developments of black-figured vase painting in Boeotia are known mainly from the finds made at the Theban Kabeirion and from associated Kabeiric vases which are to be found in some numbers in the museums of Europe. Kabeiric is, however, only one of several B.F. styles that had their vogue in Boeotia in the later fifth and fourth centuries. A still commoner is one in which the decoration consists mainly of floral patterns in which the palmette predominates, with occasionally a bird, animal, or a grotesque human figure introduced in a subordinate position. Vases of various shapes with this decoration are found in some abundance in Greek museums, more especially at Thebes, Chaeronea, Schimatari (Tanagra), Chalcis, Nauplia (where the museum possesses two collections, the Nikandros and the Glymenopoulos Collections, both formed mainly in Boeotia), and the National Museum at Athens. They are not from the same potteries as the Kabeiric vases, though they are akin to them. Their artistic merit is slight, and this is no doubt the reason why so few have reached museums outside Greece, and why still fewer have ever been published. Nevertheless, the fact that they exist in considerable numbers of itself makes them historically important, especially as the fabric has well-marked characteristics which render it possible to trace a chronological sequence and perhaps local styles.
Note on J.H.S. XLIII, 1923, p. 150
Authors: Amelung W.
Published: May 2006

In his paper ‘The “Sophocles” Statue; a Reply,’ Theod. Reinach discusses the small Sophocles bust in the Sala delle Muse of the Vatican, with the fragmentary inscription of the name. In consequence of a communication from his pupil, M. Durry, he declares incorrect the statements in the third edition of Helbig's Führer. As I am responsible for these statements, I wish to say here very briefly that Durry's and Reinach's assertions do not correspond to fact. The upper part of the φ is preserved; but even if it were not, it would be impossible to fill up the given space with fewer or more than precisely three letters. Therefore the conjectures put forward by Reinach of Δι]οκλῆς or Ἐμπεδ]οκλῆς or even of the otherwise possible Ἀριστ]οκλῆς are at once ruled out.

This and other questions raised by Reinach I shall go into fully in a paper which is to appear in the coming number of the Atti of the Accademia Pontificia Romana di Archeologia.
A New Seal in the Ashmolean Museum
Authors: Driver G. R.
Published: May 2006

Among a number of cuneiform tablets recently presented to the Ashmolean Museum by Mr. H. Weld-Blundell is an interesting seal (Fig. 1). It is an egg-shaped lump of bitumen with a slit through the centre, in which can be seen carbonised remains of the tag; stamped on it are the impressions of two different seals: a small stamp showing a winged sphinx confronted by a star, repeated eleven times, and a very finely drawn head, facing to the right, laureate, which Prof. P. Gardner states to be the head of Apollo. He compares with it the head of Apollo on the coins of Magnesia, Myrina, etc., after 190 B.C. (see B. V. Head, British Museum Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Ionia, Pl. XIX. No. 3). A similar seal is shown by L. Speleers (No. 205 on Pl. IV. of his Notice sur les Inscriptions de l'Asie Antérieure des Musées Royaux du Cinquantenaire à Bruxelles, Wetteren), who wrongly calls the figure there depicted Hermes; it is, according to Prof. Gardner, Apollo, holding in his right hand an arrow and leaning his elbow on a sacred tripod, precisely similar to that depicted on the reverse of certain coins of Seleucus II.
The Last Athenian Historian: Laonikos Chalkokondyles
Authors: Miller William
Published: May 2006

From The Roman to the Turkish conquest of Greece, a period of sixteen centuries, Athens produced only three historians: Dexippos, Praxagoras and Laonikos Chalkokondyles. Of the two first only meagre fragments have come down to us; indeed, of the three treatises of Praxagoras, The Kings of Athens, composed when he was only nineteen, his History of Constantine the Great, written at the age of twenty-two, and his maturer study of Alexander, King of Macedon, only a summary of the second, amounting to two pages, has been preserved by that omnivorous reader, Photios, in his Library. Such juvenile histories cannot, however, have had much greater value than prize essays, conspicuous rather for their correctness of style than for any seasoned judgment. But we may regret that only thirty-five pages of the three works of Dexippos, The Events after the Death of Alexander, The Historical Epitome, which went as far as the time of Claudius II. in 268, and The Scythian Affairs, have survived. For Dexippos was an author of a very different type, a man of affairs as well as of letters, the type of historian of which we have familiar examples in England in Grote and Macaulay, in Clarendon and Bryce. A worse writer, but a better general, than his model, Thucydides, he defeated the Goths when they invaded Athens, on which occasion a Gothic leader urged the sparing of the Athenian libraries, in order that the Athenians might unfit themselves for the arts of war by much study of books! After these two historians, who flourished, Dexippos in the third, and Praxagoras in the fourth centuries, no Athenian took their place till, in the second half of the fifteenth, Laonikos Chalkokondyles composed the extant ten books of his history, one of the most interesting and valuable productions of the mediaeval Greek intellect.
An alleged Archaic Group
Authors: Ashmole Bernard
Published: May 2006

‘The critics who have brought forward such arguments will, it is to be hoped, soon come to realise that once the sculptures can be openly submitted to the judgment of science, ill will it go with a scholar's reputation if his doubts of their genuineness are known.’ With such quasi-papal thunder does a certain professor conclude his six-hundred-word panegyric of the group recently published by Studniczka (Fig. 1). True, that at the time he wrote he had not seen the group. But since he goes on to declare that ‘in dealing with works of this quality the judgment of style made possible by good photographs is even more important than the observation of technical details on the marble itself,’ I do not hesitate to put forward a study based on such observation. For although judgment on aesthetic grounds is important, it has no ulterior sanction; and if I say—as I think—that the piece of sculpture is ugly and not of ancient style, this opinion may have as much or as little validity as the professor's, that the sculptor was a late archaic Greek and one who could hold his own with the best of his period.
Archaeology in Greece, 1930–1931
Authors: Payne H. G. G.
Published: May 2006

The following summary is principally compiled from reports supplied by the excavators or by their colleagues, to all of whom I wish to express my thanks. I again owe a special debt to the Director of the German Institute, Prof. Karo, who kindly sent me the proofs of his article in Arch. Anz. 1931, from which I have been able to fill several gaps. For details which could not, for reasons of space, be included here, I make reference to that article, to Prof. Oikonomos's Ἔκθεσις τῶν πεπραγμένων τῆς Ἀρχαιολογικῆς Ἑταιρείας and to M. Béquignon's article in B.C.H. 1930, 4520 ff.

Athens and Attica

The American excavations in the Athenian Agora, conducted by Prof. T. L. Shear, made a very satisfactory beginning in the early summer of 1931; they will be resumed in February 1932. Two sectors, each of about 1200 square metres area, were excavated, and in each important results were obtained. In the northern area the foundations of a large building which runs from north to south across the entire area as far as the cutting of the Athens-Peiraeus railway (how much further in this direction it may go cannot be said) came to light. This building, a narrow structure with two rows of columns on its east side, is identified with the Royal Stoa which Pausanias places on the right as one enters the Agora (Fig. 1); another narrow building, as yet partially excavated, may be the Stoa of Zeus Eleutherios. A water-channel in a wide street immediately west of this latter Stoa yielded some inscribed stelai which had been used as cover-blocks; others are still in situ and will be removed next year.
New Views on the Relations of the Aegean and the North Balkans
Authors: Childe V. G.
Published: May 2006

We have been treated to many variants of the thesis that brings some or all the elements of neolithic culture in Greece from a little-known region north of the Balkans. Recently two versions have appeared that surpass their forerunners in profundity and erudition. After intensive study in the principal Greek Museums and visits to Serbia and Hungary, Dr. Frankfort has come to the conclusion that there was a great influx of people from the Danube basin across the Balkans and into Greece about the end of the First (Thessalian) Neolithic Period. This Danubian invasion would have been in a sense a counterpart of one from farther east that brought the obviously intrusive Dimini culture to eastern Thessaly.

The clearest proof of their advent that his Danubians have left consists in certain types of carboniferous pottery. But, of course, carboniferous wares are characteristic of the earliest cultural layers in the whole east Mediterranean region from the Hellespont to Upper Egypt.
Groups of Campanian Red-Figure
Authors: Beazley J. D.
Published: May 2006

The material I have had before me in this essay is comparatively scanty. Like many other students, I have not paid very much attention to Campanian in the past; and I am now dependent on published reproductions, a few photographs, a few originals, and not many notes of all the originals no longer accessible. Most of the reproductions published hitherto are poor or incomplete. The great majority of the vases come from irregular excavation, with no record of the circumstances in which they were found; and even where the search has been properly conducted, the published reports, with a few exceptions, are not fully illustrated. All this to explain gaps, errors, hesitations: not to crave indulgence.

We begin with what may be called the Owl-Pillar Group, from the subject of two well-known vases. A list was given in Vases in Poland, p. 77, and the style characterised. The present list is more detailed, and includes additions. Most of the Berlin examples had already been put together by Furtwängler in his catalogue.
Athens and the Satraps' Revolt
Authors: Tod Marcus N. , Austin R. P. , M. N. T.
Published: May 2006

[The premature death of Reginald P. Austin, which took place on April 12, 1943, brought to a wide circle the loss of a singularly loyal and lovable friend, and impoverished all students of Greek archaeology and history, to the study and teaching of which he had made, and would have continued to make, contributions of marked value. His admirably clear and detailed reports on his excavations at Haliartus in 1926 and 1931 (BSA xxvii, 81 ff., xxviii, 128 ff., xxxii, 180 ff.) and his article on the epigraphical contents of an unpublished diary of Sir William Gell (BSA xxvii, 69 ff.) showed those same qualities of thoroughness and accuracy which marked his valuable work on The Stoichedon Style in Greek Inscription.
Greek Influence in the Adriatic Sea before the Fourth Century B.C.
Authors: Beaumont R. L.
Published: May 2006

The purpose of this paper is to discuss the evidence for early Greek enterprise in the Adriatic, and to ascertain, within such limits as the scanty material imposes, its nature and extent. The Greek cities of Illyria and the eastern coast of Italy were always unimportant, though not, perhaps, quite so unimportant as has often been supposed. But it may be worth while to try to discover why no literary tradition has survived and why these cities remained without influence on, though not uninfluenced by, he main current of Greek history.

I. The sources and the credibility of Greek enterprise in the Adriatic.

Alcman is the only seventh-century author whose fragments betray an interest, albeit an incidental interest, in the Adriatic. He wrote for a Spartan audience, and would write what they could understand, and his poetry was sung at festivals in which many must have joined. Spartans of the late seventh century had heard something of the tribe in the northern corner of the Adriatic and of the Illyrians on the eastern shore or farther inland. In the sixth century Greek knowledge of Adriatic geography, human and physical, began to take shape. Not only the allusions in the poems of Mimnermus of Colophon and Ibycus of Rhegion, which shew that Greek legends were thus early being attached to the coasts of the Adriatic, but the systematic works of Scylax of Caryanda and Hecataeus of Miletus are as old as the sixth century.
When Did the Polis Rise?
Authors: Ehrenberg Victor
Published: May 2006

It is to-day a known and undisputed fact that the Polis was not only the characteristic and historically important type of Greek State, but that as a religious and political community it was for centuries the foundation and the support of Greek culture. But so far a true ‘history of the Polis’ has not been written. A reason for this may be that the Polis stands as the abstract representative of an enormous number of concrete independent States widely differing in form and development and known to us through traditions widely differing in quality. We must try, and the attempt has already been made, to define the main lines of this historical phenomenon and its evolution, and before all else to obtain a clearer view of the beginning, climax, and end of this evolution in time and manner.

To do this it is not sufficient to study only the external historical facts. In like manner we cannot be content merely to observe, for instance, under the Empire of Alexander or in the Hellenistic State-world the political insignificance of the Polis, and hence to conclude its downfall; or in the perfection of political leading, and the splendour of Empire and culture, in Periclean Athens to see the perfection of the Polis.
Bathycles and the Laconian vase-painters
Authors: Woodward Jocelyn M.
Published: May 2006

Excavations at Sparta have cleared up many of the problems connected with the class of pottery now definitely recognised as Laconian, but the great number of the mythological scenes, found mainly on kylikes, form a group quite distinct in spirit and design from the other types of decoration used on Laconian ware, and it is still a question whether the vases with these scenes (nearly all of them found outside Greece) could really have come from the workshops which turned out the vases found in Spartan soil. There must be some distinct and powerful cause, lying outside the normal growth of local artistic tradition, to account for this new development, and this cause, as I will try to shew, seems to be the coming of Bathycles of Magnesia to build the great Throne of Apollo at Amyclae.
Colonel T. M. Crowder's Travel Journals
Authors: Milne J. G.
Published: May 2006

All members of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, about half a century ago, were acquainted with a row of little brown volumes which stood in the Bursar's study: they contained the records of his travels in most parts of Europe and the Near East, and anyone who thought of going abroad to those regions or was interested in their geography naturally betook himself to the Fellows' Buildings with any problems that presented themselves. Then the appropriate volume was brought out, and it was rarely that information was not forthcoming: wherefore the collection was known in College as the Book of Jasher.

Colonel Crowder was Bursar of Corpus from 1874 to 1892, and after his death in the latter year his journals were presented to the College by his nephew, Sir Matthew Dodsworth. They are now in the strong-room among the College MSS., and there is so much valuable information contained in them that it seems desirable to place their existence on, record and to give some idea of their scope and character.
The massacres of Chios
Authors: Dawkins R. M.
Published: May 2006

To the review in the last number of this Journal of Mr. Philip Argenti's The Massacres of Chios, described in contemporary diplomatic reports I would like to add a note on a little book published at Chios in 1921 by Mr. Stylianos G. Bios, a professor in the gymnasium of Chios. This book is called Ἡ σφαγὴ τῆς χίου εἰς τὸ στόμα τοῦ χιακοῦ λαοῦ, ἤτοι διηγήσεις περὶ τῆς σφαγῆς, ἱστορικαὶ σημειώσεις καὶ ποιήματα ἀναφερόμενα εἰς τὴν σφαγήν, and the title very exactly describes the contents. In the first part we have in ninety-five pages forty-three stories of personal experiences of the massacre. Some few of these stories and anecdotes must have been written down some time before the book was published, because they are taken down from the mouths of very old people, who were children at the time and in one way or another escaped with their lives. The majority of the stories, however, are at second hand, but at good second hand; that is to say, they are the words of people who had themselves heard of the events from actual eyewitnesses. In the second part of the book full details are given of the ages and names of those who told the stories, and for those who were not themselves eye-witnesses the names of their informants. The third part contains a few poems and some popular ballads about the massacre. All the stories are written out in dialect, with explanations of the harder words.
The Gauls at Delphi
Authors: Pryce F. N.
Published: May 2006

There is a small group of reliefs from late Etruscan urns which are identified as representations of the Gaulish raid upon the sanctuary of Delphi in 279 B.C. The reliefs vary a good deal in detail and no general type for the subject can be traced, but but the narrow shape indicates Volterra; the material is tufa (Fig. 1).
Attic Black-figured Lekythoi
Authors: Haspels C. H. Emilie , Ure A. D.
Published: May 2006

From Mrs. A. D. Ure's exhaustive review of my Attic Black-figured Lekythoi in the last volume of JHS (57, pp. 263–5), I realise that for the sake of brevity I must often have been less clear than I ought to have been, so that certain passages in my book call for explanation.

‘ The dearth of material for the years following 530 ’ (‘JHS’ 57, P. 264) is only apparent. There is the Phanyllis class (ABL 63–8), which belongs roughly to the period 520–500, although examples occur both before and after; it was placed at the end of its chapter for the sole reason that the stuff is second-rate, and therefore less important, and not because it is later than Other items in this chapter and the foregoing one. On the contrary, it covers a long space of time.

We should turn to ABL 16–8 and 35–7 to see the points from which these groups start. Their terminus ante quem is given on pp. 63–8: in these pages I discuss the groups at the last possible moment—I admit—but they do not deserve a better treatment. The larger, chief types tack on to such lekythoi as Athens 371 and London B 571 (see ABL 63 and 36) in style and decoration, as well as in date. The lesser ones are followers of such small lekythoi as the ‘ fat runner ’ group (offshoot of the Dolphin class): for some examples see ABL 17, below; the groups themselves are discussed on pp. 66–8.
A Corinthian Plastic Vase in the National Museum at Athens
Authors: Jenkins R. J. H.
Published: May 2006

This vase was formerly in the Lambros collection; it passed thence to the National Museum at Athens, where it now is. The provenience is unknown, but in view of its obviously Corinthian manufacture, it is interesting to record that the fragments of earth which the vase still contains are of a light yellowish-white colour and very crumbly, full of small root-slivers, perhaps from vines. This rather distinctive earth would seem to point to the Corinthia, and it is a probable conjecture that the vase hails from a Corinthian grave.

The vase is 88 mm. tall by 55 mm. broad at the base. The form is unique among Corinthian plastic vases; the shape is that of a round-topped cone; a section of the periphery equal to about one-third of the circumference is flattened to form the front of the vase. On this flat side is modelled in high relief the head of an early archaic seilen, whose general characteristics will be easily gathered from the accompanying photographs. Below the neck of the seilen is a horizontal painted strip, evidently indicating some garment which he is wearing.
The Irish King of Greece
Authors: Beales A. C. F.
Published: May 2006

Among the gems of history still hidden away in the Public Record Office, in London, is a manuscript account of a transaction in British foreign politics of the year 1829–30 which at least three countries might claim as one of their greatest national jokes. The documents which tell the story have recently been unearthed for the first time. Had they been discovered before, during the century which has elapsed since they were filed and forgotten, they would most certainly have been made public long since—for their story is incredibly funny.

The volume containing them is catalogued baldly as ‘F.O.32/16, Miscellaneous Domestic, 1830.’ It is a leather-bound folio volume of Foreign Office correspondence, comprising sundry reports from British consuls in Greece sent home during that year, and complaints from British subjects anxious to trace missing relatives in Greece.
The Cycle of Agathias: New Identifications Scrutinised
Authors: McCail R. C.
Published: May 2006

The Cycle of sixth-century epigrams edited by Agathias Scholasticus is the subject of a recent article by Mr and Mrs A. Cameron (JHS lxxxvi [1966] 6 ff.), who argue cogently that it was published in the early years of Justin II, and not the later years of Justinian, as has hitherto been supposed. Ca. also suggest identifications for many of the poets and imperial officials who figure in the Cycle. They do not, however, exhaust all the identifications that can be made, and some of those suggested by them require amplification or correction. Furthermore, Ca.'s view of the dating of the Cycle leads them, it seems to me, to underestimate its Justinianic character. The following observations are offered without prejudice to the merit of Ca.'s article as a whole.

Among the Cyclic poets, only Julian the ex-Prefect of the East stands in close relationship to the political life of the age. His involvement in the Nika insurrection of 532 is attested by historical sources and, as Ca. claim (13), by two epigrams of the Anthology. The latter, however, contain difficulties passed over by Ca. In the first place, of the two epigrams on the cenotaph of Hypatius, only AP vii 591 is certainly from Julian's pen; vii 592 is unattributed in the Palatine MS., a fact which Ca. omit to mention. (It is absent from the Planudean MS.) The state of affairs in P is no accident, vii 591, though eulogising the dead man and alluding openly to the casting of his corpse into the sea, is moderate in tone, and would have caused no more offence to Justinian than Procopius's published account of the affair.
Metal-Working in Homer
Authors: Gray D. H. F.
Published: May 2006

In discussing the transition from bronze to iron in Anatolia, Dr. Stefan Przeworski incidentally identifies Homeric conditions with the stage in the historical development of metallurgy which he calls Chalcosideric. Professor Nilsson and Miss Lorimer have argued briefly but effectively that the poems contain elements from different periods; but belief in an historical ‘Homeric Society’ dies hard and justifies a more detailed examination of all the references to metals in the poems.

Przeworski's transitional age began about 1300 B.C. in Anatolia and about a century later in Greece; in both it ended about 700 B.C. Before it began, bronze was the useful material for all industrial purposes, and the rare uses of iron were ornamental or magical. After it ended, iron was the normal industrial material, and the more malleable bronze was used for fine work or elaborate modelling. The characteristics of the intermediate period are: 1. Imitation of Late Bronze Age types in iron. 2. Simultaneous appearance of bronze and iron objects of the same purpose and type. 3. Inlay of bronze objects with iron. 4. Combination in the same weapon or tool of iron working and bronze ornamental parts. 5. Addition of iron working parts to bronze objects such as cult-wagons and utensils. 6. Use of bronze rivets on iron weapons and tools. 7. Repair of bronze objects with iron parts (Przeworski 175–6.) Most of these characteristics are so technical that they are unlikely to be reflected in poetry. Moreover, so many bronze objects were in common use at all periods, including the full Iron Age, that the most significant evidence may be taken to be the relative value of the metals, the relative frequency of bronze and iron weapons and tools, and the degree of familiarity shown with the methods of the forge as distinct from the foundry.
The Taste of A Boeotian Pig
Authors: Sparkes B. A.
Published: May 2006

Already by Pindar's day the term ‘Boeotian pig’ was an old reproach, and indeed Boeotia was ‘a slow canton, as the nimble Attics would say, a glorious climate for eels, but a bad air for brains.’ My choice of title does not, however, stop there. Anyone brought up in Scotland or in the north of England will know the word ‘pig’ in another meaning than the usual, will know it as a pot, a jar, a crock, and the use of this meaning in the phrase ‘Pig and Whistle’ is perhaps more widely known. Porcelain also establishes a connexion between pigs and pottery.

Boeotian pottery is the Cinderella of the local schools, offering few of the usual attractive groups and classes of work which distinguish most other centres, and much of the potting and painting done in Boeotia is indeed poor or mediocre. It has, however, an interest of its own which makes it worth looking at—the interest one can take in seeing first-rate work copied and adapted for local use and in noting the influence of more brilliant craftsmen on their less well-endowed neighbours. Part of the trouble with looking at Boeotia is that we see Greek pottery through the eyes of Athens; we have come to judge Greek work by the standard of Athens and to consider that a different approach means necessarily an incompetent attempt at mimicking Athenian work. In many cases this is so, for the influence of Attic work on the less original centres was widespread and rarely good. Occasionally a Boeotian artist produced work which rivals Attic, but this is uncommon, and it is more likely that such an artist was an immigrant Athenian. We may also run into the danger of regarding ‘Boeotian’ as having the same range in meaning as ‘Athenian’, whereas we are really dealing with different local centres, e.g. Thebes, Tanagra, Coroneia, Thespiai. Thus we must not expect a continuous tradition of development along a single line, and this makes dating hazardous. Boeotian artists did produce local work which is distinctive, and they used the basic techniques of black-figure and red-figure in ways and combinations different from their neighbours; they also had their own variations with added white and purple. For shapes too they preferred a slightly different range and their own local variations.
Note on Spectacle Fibulae and Horses
Authors: Benton Sylvia
Published: May 2006

Marmariani.—In JHS LXX, 18 I attempted to show that there were Late Geometric elements in some of the vases from the tholos tombs, and that therefore the spectacle brooches found with them need not necessarily belong to the Early Iron Age. Since then I have had a demonstration from Mr. Maryon of the use of steel and bronze tools (see AJA LIII, 116), and it is now clear to me that the ‘rocking’ pattern on the bracelets from Marmariani (BSA XXXI, 34, nos. 9 and 10) must have been made with a steel tool, and cannot date from the beginning of theIron Age, as Heurtley supposed. Since bronze is more difficult to work than gold, they are not likely to be earlier than the Elgin brooches, which themselves probably belong to the second half of the eighth century. Tomb 1 at Marmariani contains both a spectacle brooch and one of the bracelets.
Demeter of Cnidus
Authors: Ashmole Bernard
Published: May 2006

The headless statue of a seated woman swathed in a himation was first seen at Cnidus by the expedition of the Society of Dilettanti in 1812. Nearly fifty years later C. T. Newton excavated the site—identified by inscriptions as sacred to the chthonic deities—rediscovered the body, and, after shipping it off, found the head also. There is no ground for doubting the identification as Demeter. Brunn interpreted the head with understanding in 1874, and in 1900 A. H. Smith described the statue briefly but carefully: what can be added to this, mainly on the technical side, will be found in Appendix I. Other comment has been desultory, and although the date of the statue has been generally accepted as somewhere in the fourth century B.C., there has been no satisfactory attribution to a sculptor. Doubt has gradually arisen about the substance of which it is made, even about the position of the limbs and the kind of seat on which it rests: and finally, Carpenter, quietly loosing one of his ample stock of hares, has suggested that it was made in the first century B.C. Clearly, then, it is time to study the whole problem afresh, and to see whether evidence exists for more definite conclusions. That evidence does exist, and most of it has been set down in print before—though by various writers, and piecemeal: my argument is new in its pattern only, not in its components.
Humfry Payne's Drawings of Corinthian Vases
Authors: Dunbabin T. J.
Published: May 2006

With Humfry Payne's photographs, now in the British School at Athens, are preserved a number of his drawings. Many of these are unpublished. A selection of them may form a useful supplement to those included in Necrocorinthia and Protokorinthische Vasenmalerei, and a suitable tribute to offer to Payne's friend and master. I am grateful to Mrs. Leonard Russell and to the Managing Committee of the British School at Athens for permission to publish these drawings.

The notes on the vases are brief, because the drawings speak for themselves. I have added a few notes on the painters of some of the vases, and in doing so have drawn extensively on Payne's writings and notes, both published and unpublished. Most of the vases illustrated belong to the middle and third quarter of the seventh century, but I have added a few figures from later vases because of their human interest.

Plate XXVIII, a. Aegina F 51a, from the harbour temple (so-called Temple of Aphrodite) at Aegina. Welter, Aigina, 37, fig. 35, top r. Conical oinochoe fr. Lion 1. There was another frieze above. Very fine; pale green clay. MPC II; towards 650.

Plate XXVIII, b. Aegina F 104, from the harbour temple. Conical oinochoe fr. Lion l.; in front, hind leg of another animal. MPC II.
Mycenae 1950
Authors: Wace A. J. B.
Published: May 2006

In the summer of 1950 it proved possible to continue the British excavations at Mycenae which had been suspended in 1939 owing to the war. The Greek Government courteously granted the necessary permission and Dr. Papademetriou, Ephor of Antiquities for Argolis, and Mr. Petsas cooperated most cordially throughout. The work was carried out under the aegis of the British School at Athens which made a generous grant towards the funds and Mr. J. M. Cook, the Director, and Mr. Sinclair Hood, the Assistant-Director, who both took part in the excavations, afforded all possible assistance.

The excavations were especially concerned with the following points: the further exploration, within and without the Cyclopean walls, of the Prehistoric Cemetery to which belonged the royal Shaft Graves found by Schliemann; an attempt to trace the line of the Middle Bronze Age wall of the earliest citadel which preceded the Cyclopean fortress; the re-examination of Tsountas' House, an important building within the walls first excavated in 1886; the clearing of the Epano Phournos tholos tomb; the further exploration of the Cyclopean Terrace Building discovered in 1923; and the investigation of a newly discovered building, now known as the House of Stirrup Jars, near the so-called Tomb of Clytemnestra. The architect of the expedition, Mr. Charles Hobbis, R.I.B.A., also assisted the Greek authorities at their request in the conservation and repairs in progress at the Tomb of Clytemnestra and the Lion Gate.
The Authenticity of the Opkion ΤΩΝ ΟΙΚΙΣΤΗΡΩΝ of Cyrene
Authors: Graham A. J.
Published: May 2006

In the years immediately following the discovery of the ‘Stele dei Fondatori’ at Cyrene (SEGix 3) considerable work was done on it, especially on the text, though the condition of this is still not entirely satisfactory. Some attempt was also made to establish whether the ὅρκιον τῶν οἰκιστήρων, which is included in the fourth-century Cyrenaean inscription, may be taken for what it claims to be, namely a seventh-century decree of Thera arranging for the foundation of the colony at Cyrene. The two main works devoted to this were articles by Ferri and Ferrabino. Neither of these can be said to give a final or satisfactory picture, and in fact scholarly opinion has for the most part simply followed Wilamowitz's conclusion, given in his short note appended to the first publication, that the ὅρκιον was invented for this occasion and is comparable with the later κτίσις Μαγνησίας The most that they allow the ὅρκιον is to represent a fifth-century source for Theraean history, used both by Herodotos and the composer of this document. Meiggs is an exception in believing ‘the main substance of the document … to be original’.
Aristotle's ΠΕΡΙ ΦΥΤΩΝ
Authors: Lulofs H. J. Drossaart
Published: May 2006

As regards Aristotle's Περὶ φυτῶν ᾱβ mentioned in Diog. Laert.'s list (nr. 108), Alexander's Statement is decisive: … ἔστι περὶ φυτῶν Θεοφράστῳ πραγματεία γεγραμμένη ᾿Αριστοτέλους γὰροὐ φέρεται and though Simplicius and others occasionally refer to a πραγματεία περὶ φυτῶν there is no indication that they ever saw the book with their own eyes. Aristotle's treatise On Plants, therefore, seems to have disappearedat an early date, and since the quotations in Antigonus, Athenaeus and others are concerned with insignificant details, they cannot give any hint as to its contents.

It has often been asked whether there exists any relation between this lost treatise and the two books Περὶ φυτῶν which are incorporated into all editions of the Corpus Aristotelicum (pp. 814–830 Bk.), but the question has never received a definite answer. There are good reasons for this reticence, for though these books were identified more than a century ago as a work of Nicolaus of Damascus, the text is in such a deplorable condition that it seemed to resist every attempt at interpretation. However, since in 1841 E. H. F. Meyer published the Arabic-Latin translation made by Alfred of Sareshel (the exemplar of the clumsy Greek rendering whichwas already known), the material has considerably increased.
A Revolution in Classical Scholarship?
Authors: Bloch Herbert
Published: May 2006

In a review (JHS lxxxvi [1966] 205 f.) of P. A. Stadter's Plutarch's historical methods: an analysis of the Mulierum virtutes (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1965), Mr T. F. Carney, who was at that time Fulbright Visiting Scholar in the Department of Political Science of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, claimed that the book ‘analyses somewhat dated problems with only partially up-dated tools’ and that the ‘actual findings of the book replicate what is already known’. Although Mr Carney takes it for granted that his readers know what the ‘up-dated tools’ are, at the end of his review he drops the key words ‘content analysis’, in which, according to him, Stadter had engaged unwittingly, but obviously without success.

Inasmuch as the book in question grew out of a dissertation suggested and directed by this writer, it may perhaps be allowed to reply to the rather serious charges raised in this review, charges which are unprecedented in the history of this Journal and which, if they were justified, could have far-reaching implications. This writer must confess that he was first baffled both by the degree of hostility displayed and by the criticisms, which, though specific, are often murky; but he was baffled even more by the general accusation of ‘only partially up-dated tools’ and inappropriate use of ‘content analysis’, a term he had never previously encountered. But this writer soon found out that content analysis is ‘a research tool in mass communication’ (R. W. Butt and R. K. Thorp, An Introduction to Content Analysis [A Publication of the University of Iowa School of Journalism, Iowa City, Iowa, 1963] 1), ‘a research technique for the objective, systematic, and quantitative description of the manifest content of communication’ (Bernard Berelson, Content Analysis in Communication Research [The Free Press, Glencoe, Illinois, 1952] 18 [still the chief book in the field]); and it became clear that Mr Carney wore the social scientist's hat when he wrote his review.
An Inscription from Caunus
Authors: Morel W.
Published: May 2006

Among the inscriptions from Caunus published by Mr. G. E. Bean in JHS LXXIV (1954), 85–110 there is one, no. 21, pp. 85–7 with fig. 36, which requires further comment. This ‘first recorded response of Gryneian Apollo’ consists of a prescript in prose, eleven lines very well preserved, and the first two hexameters of the oracle, the second with two not so short lacunae. The prose text says that under the priesthood of Eunomus, son of Leonidas, Menodorus, son of Sosikles, an Imbrian, was sent to the Gryneion and brought back an oracle. Good luck!
Archaeology in Greece 1948–1949
Authors: Cook J. M.
Published: May 2006

The year 1949 has seen a great improvement in conditions in Greece. The Peloponnese and Central Greece have been completely cleared, and archaeological sites in the north can now be visited; excavation has been resumed by the Archaeological Society and the foreign schools. The Italian School has returned to activity with Dr. Doro Levi in charge. Funds have not yet radiated to the provinces, but the metropolitan museums are being restored and a fourth gallery has been opened in the National Museum; the Eleusis Museum is being put in order.

There is no news from the Acropolis apart from Prof. Orlandos' recent discovery that the cover tiles in every third row on the roof of the Parthenon were bigger than those in the intermediate ones. Orlandos has secured and underpinned the wall and rock at weak points on the south side of the Acropolis, and has made considerable progress with the restoration of the orchestra pavement and cavea of the Odeum of Herodes. J. Travlos has cleared part of an establishment with handsome mosaic floors which preceded the Early Christian basilica by the Arch of Hadrian.
The Sanctuary and Altar of Chryse in Attic Red-Figure Vase-Paintings of the Late Fifth and Early Fourth Centuries B.C.
Authors: Hooker Edna M.
Published: May 2006

Two vases exist on which the sanctuary of Chryse is definitely identified by inscriptions. The first is an Attic red-figure stamnos, Louvre G413, attributed to Hermonax, on which is depicted Philoktetes being bitten by the snake at the altar of Chryse. The second is an Attic red-figure bell-krater, Vienna Inv. 1144, of the late fifth century B.C., which depicts Herakles sacrificing at the altar of Chryse. With the first vase may be associated an Attic red-figure calyx-krater, Louvre G342, attributed to the Altamura Painter, which bears no inscriptions, but undoubtedly represents the same scene; and with the second may be grouped four other vases of the late fifth and early fourth centuries B.C., which resemble it sufficiently closely to suggest that they too represent the sanctuary of Chryse. The interpretation of the two Louvre vases has never been in doubt, since they obviously illustrate the story of the biting of Philoktetes by the snake in the sanctuary of Chryse, but the interpretation of the other group of vases has been the subject of some dispute. In this article, therefore, I propose to discuss the connection of these vases with one another and with the two Louvre vases, and to examine their relation to the literary treatment of the legends concerning this sanctuary.
Plato and the ἈΡΧΗ ΚΑΚѠΝ
Authors: Meldrum M.
Published: May 2006

Cook Wilson remarks that one of the chief doctrines of the Timaeus ‘relates to the existence of evil … all cosmogonies which attribute the world to some divine activity find a difficulty here. Some assume another spirit, an evil one, though partly subordinate to the good one; others, to avoid making an evil spiritual principle, assume an unintelligent matter, or in general some form of Necessity beside the Good Spirit. We should suppose that Plato, if not monist, would incline to the latter and should have thought he clearly adopted it in the Timaeus.’ In Laws X, ‘soul’ is the cause of evil as of good. So Plato says one thing at one time, another at another. But his interpreters do not like to admit this. Professor Cornford found the spiritual view of evil lurking in the Timaeus too. Mr. Vlastos and lately the Rév. Père Festugière, though they differ about the meaning of Laws X, agree that for Plato the κακοποιόν is always matter. I think that we should not try too hard to smooth over the discrepancies in what Plato says about evil. They call attention to something obscure, perhaps incoherent, in his metaphysical thinking.
Zeno's Paradoxes
Authors: Booth N.
Published: May 2006

The incessant labours of British industrialists have sent up a pall of smoke over our larger cities. Sometimes the pall descends and causes fog. So it is also with scholarship; the incessant labours of modern scholars often cause a fog to descend upon our understanding of ancient philosophers. A case in point is Zeno of Elea. The paradoxes of Zeno have aroused much discussion ever since they were first propounded; the long history has been recorded by Florian Cajori (The History of Zeno's Arguments on Motion, reprinted from American Mathematical Monthly, Vol. 22, 1915). But it was not until quite recent times that men began to doubt the correctness of Aristotle's account of the paradoxes. Towards the end of the nineteenth century a number of French writers built up elaborate reconstructions of Zeno's four arguments on Motion. Refusing to accept the explicit testimony of Aristotle on a number of points, they argued, first, that Zeno must have been more intelligent than Aristotle made him out to be; and secondly, that the arguments, when rightly interpreted and reconstructed, follow a certain pattern. Thus in their praise of Zeno they could not help including an element of denigration of Aristotle.
A Group of Vases from Amathus
Authors: Desborough V. R. d'A.
Published: May 2006

The vases published below were found during the excavation of foundation trenches for a seaside ‘kentron’ between the main road and the sea at the western limits of the site of Amathus. They were in clean sand, at a depth of about 2 metres; no traces of bones were observed. The finds were removed in the presence of Mr. Perikleous, Honorary Curator of the Limassol Museum.

There is little doubt that these objects constituted a tomb-robber's cache: Mr. Perikleous was convinced that there was here no question of a tomb, a fact which would seem to detract from the value of the find. Furthermore, the objects are not all contemporary: about half belong to the fifth century, the rest to Cypriot Geometric, with the exception of two imported Protogeometric vases.

In spite of this, it is quite possible that all the objects came from one tomb. Secondary burials after a long period are by no means infrequent in Cyprus. The vases obviously came from a tomb or tombs in view of their completeness—and the Amathus cemetery area is very close. Cypriot tombs are rich in vases, and one tomb would make a sizeable haul for a robber.

I do not propose to publish the later vases. But what I hope to show is that the earlier vases are sufficiently homogeneous to constitute a true burial group, and that the Protogeometric vases are most likely associated with them. So far as concerns the Cypriot vases of earlier type, I propose to set them against vases from Amathus Tomb 101 wherever possible, as this burial seems to provide vases nearest in type.
Mr. Ventris' Decipherment of the Minoan Linear B Script
Authors: Beattie A. J.
Published: May 2006

Documents in the script known as ‘Minoan Linear B’ were unearthed at Knossos in Crete over fifty years ago. About the same time a few examples of the same script were found at Thebes and other places inmainland Greece. But it was not till 1939 that tablets like those from Knossos came to light in Mainland Greece, near the Messenian Pylos, and not till after the Second World War that they appeared at Mycenae itself.

Before the Pylian discoveries, European scholars had made several attempts to read the script; but their conclusions neither persuaded classical scholars nor wakened public interest. In this matter the discoverer of the Knossian documents, Sir Arthur Evans, seems to have imposed his own restraint on others. The acquisition of what may well be the household accounts of King Nestor created a new enthusiasm for the problem; as soon as the war ended, journals on both sides of the Atlantic began to print essays by various writers who hoped to decipher parts of the script. Mr. Michael Ventris was among these writers; and from the outset his methods were bolder and more resolute than those of the others. By 1951 his tentative decipherment of the Linear B script was being circulated privately; by 1952 he was explaining it in lectures addressed to learned societies; and a year later, in collaboration with Mr. John Chadwick, he published a full account of his solution in the Journal of Hellenic Studies (LXXIII (1953), pp. 84–103).

Mr. Ventris' claims are as follows: (1) The language of all the Linear B writings is Greek, and that of a pre-Dorian kind allied to classical Arcadian and Cyprian. (2) The script is in the main a syllabary, akin to the classical Cyprian syllabary. (3) By studying the way in which the syllabic signs are used (their frequency, position in the word, combination of one sign with another, etc.), and by inferring the content of the documents from certain signs which are not syllabic but ideographic, it is possible to discover the phonetic value of most of the syllabic signs. Mr. Ventris describes how he carried out the work of decipherment and produces phonetic values for most of the signs and also rules of orthography; and finally, he shows how his conclusions can be applied to various documents from Knossos and Pylos.
‘What leaf-fringed legend …?’ A cup by the Sotades painter in London
Authors: Griffiths Alan
Published: May 2006

The British Museum possesses, and displays as a group, three elegant white-ground kylikes potted around the middle of the fifth century by Sotades, and painted by that skilled, inventive and intelligent miniaturist dubbed by Beazley ‘The Sotades Painter’. First impressions suggest, and further investigation confirms, that the three make up a coherent set, designed and executed according to a pre-conceived plan. This paper will have something to say about the nature of that plan, but most of it will necessarily be occupied with a prior, and fundamental, problem: for the dramatic and very individual scene illustrated on one of the cups has so far resisted all attempts at interpretation, and I have a new proposal to make. The acid test of that identification will be whether it turns out to form an appropriately complementary element to the other two scenes, and whether all three taken together make sense as a mid-fifth century cultural ensemble.