bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The local Late Chalcolithic (LC3) occupation at Zeytinli Bahçe (Birecik, Şanli-Urfa): the ceramic production
Authors: Restelli Francesca Balossi
Published: July 2016

Excavations and ceramic finds of the Late Chalcolithic 3 (3,700–3,500 BC) from the site of Zeytinli Bahçe, on the Turkish Euphrates, are published and discussed, with particular attention to modes of manufacture in the phase which immediately precedes the introduction of the fast wheel and mass production (middle and late Uruk). In this period, alternative modes of manufacture (coil, mould, wheel) are probable indices of experimentations in response to ever increasing economic and social needs. Ceramic classes and types are also analysed with the aim of understanding inter-regional relations in the period preceding the arrival of Uruk influence. Together with Hacınebi, Zeytinli Bahçe provides important data on Late Chalcolithic developments in the Turkish Euphrates region south of the Taurus. These help distinguish single cultural horizons, but also identify large networks of communication right down to the Iraqi Tigris. Relations of the middle Euphrates area appear to be biased eastwards, towards the Khabur river, whilst direct contacts with the regions north of the Taurus seem absent. However, indirect chronological correlations are made possible by an overview of the general distribution of ceramic typologies in the whole upper Mesopotamia and Taurus regions during the Late Chalcolithic period.
The origins and early history of the Pontic-Cappadocian frontier
Authors: Bennett Julian
Published: July 2016

With an overall length of about 550km, the Pontic-Cappadocian frontier was among the longest in the Roman Empire. It is also the least known, as there is a minimal amount of literary, epigraphic and archaeological evidence available for the location and identity of the province's garrison. In addition, many of the military stations known or believed to have existed on the frontier are now lost beneath the waters of the Keban dam. However, a re-examination of the available evidence, along with recent limited and spontaneous fieldwork in the region, allows for some tentative remarks to be made on the origins and early history of this frontier. These form the main subject of this article, and include the suggestion that Nero should be credited with the genesis of this frontier, not Vespasian, as usually indicated in the modern literature.
Revisiting Calder on Colossae
Authors: Cadwallader Alan
Published: July 2016

William Moir Calder's extraordinary volume of work is witnessed through his many publications. However, a vast resource has remained substantially untapped, namely the archives of his photographs, squeezes, maps, letters and notebooks held at the University of Aberdeen. Using the little-addressed site of ancient Colossae as the focus, Calder's notes provide interesting insights into the way he operated as a surface archaeologist in Asia Minor and yield some previously unpublished materials important for building our knowledge of ancient Colossae. In the course of investigating Calder's legacy, some new discoveries related to Colossae are also noted.
Trans-Anatolia: Examining Turkey as a bridge between East and West
Authors: Greaves Alan M.
Published: July 2016

This article begins by examining the frequently-invoked metaphor of Turkey as a bridge between East and West. The use of this metaphor is questioned because it implies passivity, over-simplifies the complexities of ancient communications and inter-regional exchange, and is based upon the assumption of divides that are culturally constructed. The article then examines two case-studies (the Aegean west coast and the Euphrates valley of the southeast) in order to demonstrate that the existence of different archaeological communities of practice in these regions serves to distort further the perception of differences between eastern and western Anatolia. The conclusion is put forward that a clearer distinction is definable in the practice of these two communities than in the archaeology of the ancient cultures of these two regions. Only if the divide between contemporary archaeological communities is bridged can the existence of divides between ancient communities begin to be examined. The reasons for the differences between these cultures of practice are largely historical but continue to affect the data-sets for these regions and thereby hinder the direct comparison of evidence trans-Anatolia.
An arena for cultural contact: Paphlagonia (north-central Turkey) through prehistory
Authors: Matthews Roger
Published: July 2016

The results from five seasons of extensive and intensive survey in north-central Turkey, Project Paphlagonia, are here considered in relation to the prehistory of the region and the broader geographical scene. While the evidence remains limited and patchy it is possible to discern some clear patterns through these long time-periods, which in some respects match those of other regions of Turkey and beyond. They include: a strong Middle Palaeolithic presence; no detectable Upper Palaeolithic or Epi-Palaeolithic sites; an apparent absence of Neolithic settlement; a Chalcolithic settlement pattern that appears to be related to exploitation of raw materials of the region, and; a massive increase in settlement through the centuries of the Early Bronze Age, with evidence for fortification, cemeteries and strong connections to regions well beyond north-central Turkey.
At the crossroads: prehistoric settlement in the Maeander valley
Authors: Thompson Daniel
Published: July 2016

The Maeander river (modern Büyük Menderes Nehri) provides the longest natural route through the mountains of central western Anatolia to link the Aegean basin to inner Anatolia, and research suggests that permanent settlement within the river's catchment had begun at least tentatively by the Late Neolithic period. However, the limited amount of archaeological research in the region has restricted our understanding of the inhabitants' settlement histories and intra- and inter-regional cultural contacts during prehistory. This paper seeks to understand better the nature of settlement dynamics and cultural interactivity from the Neolithic period through to the Late Bronze Age in this region by reviewing the available literature within a broad geographic context encompassing western Anatolia and the Aegean, neighbours whose archaeological evaluations have largely been conducted in isolation from each other. The evidence suggests that these early communities interacted with each other and inter-regionally with fluctuating intensities during prehistory, with the interior remaining more traditionally Anatolian, while the lower, coastal area experienced increasing interaction with and influence from Aegean cultures over time. The lower valley also displays a relatively static number of prehistoric sites in contrast to the middle and upper regions, where more dynamic and largely parallel settlement histories are seen.
New discoveries concerning the relationship between the upper Tigris region and Syro-Cilicia in the Late Neolithic
Authors: Tekin Halil
Published: July 2016

Until recently, few excavations had been undertaken in the upper Tigris region. Çayönü was the only site from the Pottery Neolithic period that had been thoroughly investigated. Since 1998, excavations have taken place at a number of sites within the area due to be flooded by the construction of the Ilısu dam. One of these sites, Hakemi Use, is the only settlement from the Hassuna and Samarran periods that has been excavated in this region. A large group of Syro-Cilician sherds, showing close relations to both regions in the sixth millennium BC, was found.
The prehistoric ceramic assemblage from Horum Höyük
Authors: Fletcher Alexandra
Published: July 2016

The site of Horum Höyük is located on the Euphrates, near the modern town of Nizip. It was excavated in advance of the flooding caused by the Birecek dam. The prehistoric ceramic assemblage contains stylistic elements that relate to the Halaf, northern Ubaid and earliest Late Chalcolithic periods. Studies of the Late Chalcolithic in the region of the Syro-Turkish border have tended to take a Mesopotamia-centric focus, as characterised by the so-called Uruk Expansion. Recently, however, research has begun to examine Syro-Anatolia as a discrete entity. The precise chronology for the Late Chalcolithic period remains an issue of discussion. The main source of chronological evidence in the region is the pottery from the Amuq sequence, which exhibits a hiatus in the crucial Ubaid and Late Chalcolithic phases (E–F). Most of the prehistoric assemblage at Horum Höyük falls within this period and therefore has the potential to contribute to the debate. Three issues will therefore be addressed, namely, the chronological relationship between ceramic ware types, Horum Höyük's regional stylistic relations and the pottery assemblage's overall chronological position.
Least-cost pathway analysis and inter-regional interaction in the Göksu valley, Turkey
Authors: Newhard James M.L. , Levine Norm , Rutherford Allen
Published: July 2016

Recent work in the Göksu river valley has brought questions of long-distance communication routes to the forefront of discussion. The valley has been long regarded as a potential conduit from the Anatolian plateau to the Mediterranean, yet no formal testing as to whether it was geographically suited to this use has taken place. The discovery of the site of Çömlek Tepesi in the upper Göksu valley and work at Kilse Tepe south of Mut has given further weight to the idea that the valley served as a communication route at points in time, and has encouraged testing the notion that a route through the valley would be attractive based on geography. Computerised modelling using least-cost pathway analysis (LCPA) was used to test whether the Göksu valley could serve as a communication route, and if so, the approximate location of that route based upon geographical constraints. In this paper, the methods of LCPA are reviewed and an example of its use is presented. Advocated as an exploratory rather than explanatory technique, the application of LCPA in the Göksu valley has strengthened current assumptions about regional and extra-regional interaction and raised new questions that refined the project's research design.
‘There ought to be some worthwhile ones’: The Bristol University ‘Cook Collection’ and Anatolia
Authors: Brown Andrew
Published: July 2016

Between the late 1940s and the 1970s, John Manuel Cook was heavily involved in the archaeology of Anatolia. In 1976 he retired from the University of Bristol and the following year donated a collection of ceramics and other small finds procured during the course of his academic career. These form the core of the Bristol University Near Eastern and Mediterranean Collections (BUNEM). Despite Cook's extensive published record, the majority of these archaeological finds, which formed one of his primary archaeological datasets, never received any form of publication. This article reunites for the first time the Anatolian material donated by Cook to the University of Bristol in 1977 with his published record. In so doing, a glimpse can be gained into the methodologies employed in Anatolian field survey prior to the 1980s, and it will be suggested that collections such as this, despite their many associated difficulties, are a potentially useful source of archaeological data. Furthermore, this will allow some insight into how Cook reached the conclusions he did and consequently why his role in Anatolian archaeology should rightly be acknowledged.
Codeswitches in Caesar and Catullus
Authors: Uden James
Published: July 2016

This article analyses two texts, Caesar'sBellum Civileand Catullus'Carmen12, as a window onto linguistic politics in mid-first century Rome. Both writers use ‘codeswitches’ between Latin and Greek as a means of indirect characterisation of the subjects of their texts. On one hand, isolated switches into Greek in Caesar's text contribute to the sense of foreignness with which Caesar polemically characterises Pompey throughout theBellum Civile.On the other hand, Catullus' use of the wordmnemosynumin his twelfth poem is part of the establishment of a sophisticated language of elite aestheticism from which the napkin-thief Asinius is pointedly excluded. Both these authors have connections to a larger first century controversy that fixated on Latin linguistic purity — a controversy in which politics and language use were inextricably linked.
Honouring the Repairer of the Baths: A New Inscription from Kolossai
Authors: Cadwallader Alan
Published: July 2016

Kolossai, an anciently-celebrated south-west Phrygian town, now lies dormant as a denuded mound three kilometres north of the modern Turkish town of Honaz. It is not over-endowed with published discoveries of material remains. In the last few years, two new inscriptions plus one recorded in an early epigrapher's notes and two new coins foundin situhave been published. The total is now twenty-seven inscriptions and 157 or 158 coins. The most systematic material analysis of the site has focused on the surface pottery remains. The attempted compensation for this dearth by previous historians in over-reading the testimonia for the site is hardly satisfying, and one awaits with anticipation the fruit of those who are able to garner permission to survey the site completely and commence excavations. Meanwhile, each small discovery is valuable, and I am grateful to Professor Ender Varinlioğlu for permission to publish this inscription.
The Vocabulary of the Later Decades of Livy
Authors: Adams J. N.
Published: July 2016

It is widely accepted that in the later books Livy to some extent discarded the highly archaizing and poeticizing style of the first decade, in which the events belonged to the remote past. But by no means all of the relevant evidence has been presented, and discussions of the question have also usually suffered from inadequacies of method. Now that Packard's Concordance has appeared, it is possible to give a more comprehensive treatment of the lexical evidence, though the difficulty of finding syntactic modifications in such a long work remains the same.
The Praefectura Urbis of 45 B.C. and the Ambitions of L. Cornelius Balbus
Authors: Welch Kathryn E.
Published: July 2016

In late 46, Caesar decided not to hold elections for 45, but instead to take the unprecedented step of nominating six or eight officials called praefecti urbi to act in place of the praetors, quaestors and curule aediles. In this way, he made his most openly autocratic inroads into the traditional Republican constitution. Because of the traumatic effect that this had on the governing class and the Roman structure of government, this office, which Caesar completely adapted, deserves special consideration.
The Practice of Ostracism at Athens
Authors: Mattingly Harold B.
Published: July 2016

I have long been tempted by the vast haul of ostraka from the Kerameikos excavations of 1966-8 to review afresh the whole history of ostracism at Athens. Though they have still been only summarily published, enough is now known to make the enterprise worthwhile. I leave aside the question whether Kleisthenes introduced the institution as part of his legislative programme, possibly in a form that involved only his new Council and not the people as a whole. This intriguing topic does not affect the history of ostracism as we know it. Scholars agree that the first victim was Hipparchos Charmou in 487 B.C., but the Kerameikos ostraka tell us nothing of this occasion. Nor do they help with the ostracisms of Xanthippos and Aristeides and, since nothing can really be done with the Agora ostraka here, I shall omit these also from my survey. But the ostracism of Megakles has been brilliantly illuminated.
A Sylloge of Minor Bucolic
Authors: Matthews R.J.H.
Published: July 2016

In this article I use ‘Minor Bucolic’ to mean ‘poems transmitted in bucolic manuscripts but not written by Theocritus’; thus the term includes, strictly speaking, pseudo-Theocritean poems, poems ascribed (correctly or otherwise) to Moschus and Bion, the Pattern Poems, and the poem called Εἰς νεκρὸν Ἄδωνιν. I use the Greek text of A.S.F. Gow in Bucolici Graeci (Oxford 1952/1958) unless otherwise stated, and follow Gow’s numbering of the so-called ‘fragments’ of Moschus and Bion in that edition; other scholars’ numerations are given on p. 186 of it. It is necessary to remember that Gow himself used a previous numeration, namely that of Wilamowitz {Bucolici Graeci, Oxford 1905/1910), when referring to Bion’s fragments in his magnum opus on (and entitled) Theocritus (Cambridge 1950/1952). The numbering of Moschus’ fragments is however the same. As poems traditionally ascribed to Moschus or Bion are mostly falsely or dubiously so ascribed, they are referred to by title or abbreviated title. Similar treatment is given to certain of the pseudo-Theocritean poems, namely Idd. 19, 20, 21, 23, as they are central to this study.
Εἰρωνεία in Horace's Odes 1.5 and 3.26
Authors: Helzle Martin
Published: July 2016

It is well known that Carmina 1.5 and 3.26 resemble each other; both are in fifth position from either end of the collection, each ends by mentioning Venus and both include a dedication of items on a temple wall, with the word paries only appearing in these two instances in Horace’s Odes (1.5.14, 3.26.4):

Quis multa gracilis te puer in rosa

perfusus liquidis urget odoribus

grato, Pyrrha, sub antro?

cui flavam religas comam

simplex munditiis? heu quotiens fidem 5

mutatosque deos flebit et aspera

nigris aequora ventis

emirabitur insolens,

qui nunc te fruitur credulus aurea,

qui semper vacuam, semper amabilem 10

sperat, nescius aurae

fallacis. miseri, quibus

intemptata nites: me tabula sacer

votiva paries indicat uvida

suspendisse potenti 15

vestimenta maris deae.

Vixi puellis nuper idoneus

et militavi non sine gloria:

nunc arma defunctumque bello

barbiton hic paries habebit,

laevum marinae qui Veneris latus 5

custodit: hic, hic ponite lucida

funalia et vectis et arcus

oppositis foribus minacis.

o quae beatam diva tenes Cyprum et

Memphin carentem Sithonia nive, 10

regina, sublimi flagello

tange Chloen semel arrogantem.
Markland's Notes on Juvenal
Authors: James Willis
Published: July 2016

The MS L 28 of St John's College, Cambridge, contains a number of critical annotations on Juvenal from the pen of Jeremiah Markland. The existence of these notes has been known at least since the publication of Mayor's edition, in which many of them were published, although the prolixity and disorder characteristic of that edition make it hard to find them. At one time I thought that Ruperti had seen the manuscript, because he was aware of the conjecture aliena sumere vultum a facie (3.105-6), but with the help of Dusaulx I found that it was published in Markland's notes on Lysias (p.330 Reiske). Markland is commonly reckoned the greatest critic of the eighteenth century apart from Bentley, and one would have supposed that editors of Juvenal would have thought that the very dust of his writings was gold. In fact, however, these annotations have never been published in their entirety, and it seems time that they should be. Some of the textual proposals have been made independently by other scholars; some, to the best of my knowledge, have never been made by anyone else and now see the light for the first time. Some, as one would expect, are brilliant and incisive; others are strikingly bad. One must remember that these are the thoughts which passed through his mind as he was reading Juvenal in a very second-rate edition, and no doubt he jotted them down for future consideration. No one will think the less of a critic because his marginalia and anecdota contain material which later reflection would have rejected.
The User’s Guide to the Notitia Dignitatum: the Case of the Dux Armeniae (ND Or. 38)
Authors: Brennan Peter
Published: July 2016

The extant Notitia Dignitatum describes itself as a list of the highest civilian and military officials of the Roman state and their administrations, or rather as two such lists, one for the parts of the empire in the East and one for the parts in the West. Each begins with a list of officials (the so-called index), followed by separate entries for these officials (the so-called chapters). These modern labels are dangerously familiarising devices which set up anachronistic preconceptions about the nature of the text and its parts. I shall refer to the two lists as the initial list and the sectional lists. The latter all have a similar structure, being divided into three parts: (i) an illustration representing the jurisdiction of the official in a primarily visual form; (ii) a list of the functions and/or other officials within his jurisdiction; (iii) a list of his bureaucratic staff. The text first surfaces in fifteenth century copies of a probably Carolingian manuscript in the Codex Spirensis.
Suetonius: the ‘Change’ in, and the ‘Generosity’ of Titus
Authors: Wardle D.
Published: July 2016

Suetonius and Cassius Dio give assessments of the emperor Titus which are, at first sight at least, contradictory: for Suetonius he was ‘natura benivolentissimus’, but for Dio . The most recent treatment of Titus’ handling of financial affairs takes issue with earlier commentators who considered Titus extravagant and incompetent and offers a positive conclusion: ‘Titus’ financial acumen must be recognised; the economy did not suffer during his reign … he was well aware of the need to observe the formalities and appear to be generous, and at the same time ensure that he had the funds to be so’. Jones reaches his verdict on the basis of a range of numismatic, epigraphic and literary evidence, without, however, any detailed analysis of Suetonius’ section on Titus’ personal kindness. An examination of this material will strengthen Jones’ conclusions and cast light on Suetonius’ compositional skills.
Matricide Revisited: Dramatic and Rhetorical Allusion in Tacitus, Suetonius and Cassius Dio
Authors: Baltussen Han
Published: July 2016

A murder is always a dramatic event, and, since the dramatic nature of it depends to a large extent on it being witnessed and reported, one would hope that a good author would ensure his or her report of a murder reflected that. Agrippina's death, a matricide, has often been labelled as ‘dramatic’ by modern commentators, yet a comprehensive and satisfactory analysis of the reports as described in three ancient sources is still outstanding. A number of papers have given partial attempts at offering proof of the dramatic nature of the reports. My aim in this paper is to bring in two further significant connections between the historians’ accounts and other domains (Greek drama, rhetoric) which have to my knowledge been overlooked. These new factors force us to re-evaluate earlier attempts of finding the sources of inspiration for Tacitus, Suetonius and Dio. I will do this by spelling out certain allusions implicit in all three authors, but with special emphasis on Tacitus, showing that, despite its understated nature, his succinct account could be highly evocative to his audience, alluding to the pathos appropriate to both tragedy and rhetoric. These two strands of influence on the reports not only enhance the effect of the passage at issue, but also make a full and proper reponse of the audience to it more plausible.
Catullus, Caesar and Roman Masculine Identity
Authors: Greene Ellen
Published: July 2016

One of the hallmarks of Latin love poetry is its seemingly oppositional stance toward traditional Roman values. As I and others have recently argued, however, critical approaches that merely focus on a search for oppositional ideology in Roman poetry are not only reductionist but also fail to do justice to the complex literary strategies at work in those texts. As Matthew Santirocco suggests, Augustan literature does not simply reflect a pre-existing ideology but rather participates interactively in its production. It seems to me that mis applies equally well to Catullus. By problematizing the poet's relationship to male public culture, Catullus sets the stage not only for the elegists’ ambivalent stance toward political life, but also for their ambiguous gender identifications.
The Natural and Unnatural Silence of Women in theElegiesof Propertius
Authors: Gold Barbara K.
Published: July 2016

I begin with a quote from W.R. Johnson on Propertius 4.11: ‘When we have finally gotten to Cornelia, whose central message is that the game ofrecusatiohas ended, overwhelmed by her chilly sublimities and conquered by the powers of her Roman Truths and Virtues – when the performance ends and the silence begins, we may be shocked to hear Cynthia laughing loudly at the lachrymose deity and the metonymic skid that has now enfolded him.
Acceptance of the Title Pater Patriae in 2 BC
Authors: Stevenson Tom
Published: July 2016

Some recent treatments of the Augustan Principate have discussed the title Pater Patriae (= PP) as the expression of a relatively detached and uncontroversial idea. In earlier papers on the significance of this title, however, I have tried to describe its political volatility for both Cicero and Caesar. Cicero's title was applied to him in the wake of his execution of the Catilinarian conspirators; it was meant to characterise him as Rome's saviour, rather than as a murderous tyrant and oppressor. Caesar's title was equally a counter to accusations of murderous tyranny; he did not take Roman lives through civil war, he saved them through the exercise of dementia. Caesar's honour, furthermore, was clearly decreed to him in the form Parens Patriae – parens being a widely used, positive term for a benefactor; Cicero is referred to as both pater and parens in the fractious discourse which followed his consulship. Given the ever-present dichotomy between the father and the tyrant, and the general environment of élite competition, it appears that the form of Caesar's honour implies a deliberate contrast with the claims of Cicero, viz. Caesar's paternal role was certainly about giving or enhancing life, rather than taking it.
Catullus and the Brothel-Creepers:Carmen37
Authors: Watson Lindsay
Published: July 2016

Salax taberna vosque contubernales,

a pilleatis nona fratribus pila,

solis putatis esse mentulas vobis,

solis licere, quidquid est puellarum,

confutuere et putare ceteros hircos? 5

an, continenter quod sedetis insulsi

centum an ducenti, non putatis ausurum

me una ducentos irrumare sessores?

atqui putate: namque totius vobis

frontem tabernae sopionibus scribam. 10

puella nam mi, quae meo sinu fugit,

amata tantum quantum amabitur nulla,

pro qua mihi sunt magna bella pugnata,

consedit istic. hanc boni beatique

omnes amatis, et quidem, quod indignum est, 15

omnes pusilli et semitarii moechi;

tu praeter omnes une de capillatis,

cuniculosae Celtiberiae fili,

Egnati, opaca quem bonum facit barba

et dens Hibera defricatus urina. 20

Randy tavern and you tavern-men, nine pillars from the cap-clad brothers, do you think that you alone have pricks, that you alone are permitted comprehensively to fuck whatever girls there are and to consider the rest of us goats? Do you really think that, because you sit there, silly fools, one hundred or maybe two hundred in a row, I won't dare to mouth-fuck you as you sit there, all of you at once? Well, you had better believe it. For I will inscribe the front of the whole tavern for you with obscene graffiti. For my girl, who has fled from my embrace, beloved by me as no other woman will be loved, for whom great wars have been fought by me, has taken her seat there with you. Her all you great and rich men love, and – what is shameful – all of you cheap back-street lechers: you above all, you outstanding member of the long-haired crew, son of bunny-infested Celtiberia, Egnatius, to whom a thick beard and his teeth brushed in Spanish urine give respectability.
Eulogy of the Lost Republic or Acceptance of the New Monarchy? Livy'sAb Urbe Condita
Authors: Ridley Ronald T.
Published: July 2016

For a century and a half, since at least the appearance of probably the first general monograph on Livy, Hippolyte Taine'sTite-Live,in 1856, scholars have argued over one of the most fundamental questions which can be raised about the character of the historian: was he a ‘Republican’ or an ‘Augustan’ writer? The answers have been much more varied than might be expected, but have mostly relied on an endless discussion of the same few pieces of ‘evidence’: Livy's few mentions of Augustus and the usually quite misquoted reference in Tacitus (Ann.4.34).
Sensible Particulars in Plato's Ontology
Authors: White F.C.
Published: July 2016

In this paper I wish to argue as follows. Plato held, and stressed very strongly from the start, that the Forms are not subject to change. He seemed to hold that in this lies their main contrast with the sensible world. But at times, particularly in the middle dialogues, he was inclined to argue that the inferiority of the sensible world lies elsewhere; namely, in the fact that its objects are the bearers of opposite (contrary or contradictory) properties. I will argue, first, that this latter claim in its simplest and most direct form is inconsistent with other important claims made by Plato; second, that recent attempts to make the argument tighter and more consistent are unsuccessful. I will end by trying to show that what remains of the ‘argument from opposites’ when a number of necessary qualifications have been made, still leads to a clear and useful distinction between Forms and particulars.
Justice in Sophocles' Oedipus Tyrannus
Authors: Keddie J. N.
Published: July 2016

Justice is a theme common to both of Sophocles' Oedipus plays, but it is subjected to scrutiny from two quite different viewpoints. The mythical Oedipus was pre-eminently suited to be an example of the workings of universal justice, as Sophocles conceived it, both because his crime and its discovery might be presented as a vivid dramatic event, and because Oedipus' very existence confronted the starkest questions of justice and morality, innocence, guilt and criminal intent. So rich was this broad theme that Sophocles treated it on two occasions, far removed from each other in time and spirit, yet the dramatist was able to derive new elucidation of the universe in his second encounter. But critics generally are unwilling to face the issues of justice and guilt squarely. The O. T., especially, gives rise to much embarrassment or plain evasion, yet only by facing Sophocles' actual presentation of the problem and assessing it on Sophocles' own terms can we arrive at a satisfactory response to the predicament of Oedipus – a response which will affront neither our intellect nor our morality.
Propertius, Cleopatra and Actium
Authors: Baker Robert J.
Published: July 2016

Essential to a recent interpretation of Propertius iii 11 are the ideas that ‘the opening verses … establish clearly an erotic context for the rest of the poem’, and that ‘the statement that, with Augustus, Rome had nothing to fear from Cleopatra personally (55) can have nothing to do with her military resources … The victory celebrated here is that of Augustus over Cleopatra as over an enchantress, powerful in love.’ These assessments are based on the opinion, several times repeated, that Propertius' introduction of himself as the elegiac lover in vv. 1-8 necessitates our viewing everything in the poem thereafter as coloured by this fact.
M. Arrecinus Clemens
Authors: Jones B. W. , Develin R.
Published: July 2016

Some thirty-five years ago, Passerini discussed the career of this eminent Flavian senator, inspired, it would appear, by the discovery of an inscription revealing his hitherto unknown legateship of Spain; but the possibilities of this inscription were not fully explored. A re-evaluation of Clemens' career seems desirable.
Education: the Romans and Us
Authors: Rawson Beryl
Published: July 2016

Standard text-books have usually presented a cut-and-dried account of three stages of Roman education: primary from age seven, with thegrammaticusfrom age twelve, and rhetoric from about fifteen or sixteen. Most detail is devoted to the rhetorical stage, as that is where the future leaders (politicians, lawyers, army generals) were trained; so there is much detail on rhetorical exercises, declamation, and the like. Such accounts present the Romans as formalistic and rigid, and the focus on adolescent upper-class males tells us nothing about the socialisation and training of younger children, of girls, the lower classes and slaves. (Slaves comprised at least a quarter of the population of a large city like Rome in the late Republic and High Empire, which had a total population of about one and a quarter million at its height, in the 2nd century of this era.)
Pathos in Thucydides
Authors: Lateiner Donald
Published: July 2016

Dionysius asserts more than once that Thucydides is superior to all other historians and poets in delineating , in vividly portraying disaster and arousing the reader’s feelings. For Dionysius and other Greek critics, a capacity to evoke ‘pathos’ (emotion) was a requirement for the orator and the historian. The rhetorician ranked Thucydides far above Herodotus in ‘dramatic’ ability, and ‘pathos’ was central to that judgment. He never comments on Thucydides’ rare use of moral and ethical judgments, although such judgments were the Hellenistic historian’s goal, for which ‘dramatic effect’ was but a tool.
The Consular Elections held in 65 B.C.
Authors: Gray E. W.
Published: July 2016

In 66 B.C. P. Cornelius Sulla and P. Autronius Paetus, consuls designate for the following year, were convicted of ambitus under the Lex Calpurnia and their accusers, L. Aurelius Cotta and L. Manlius Torquatus, were elected to fill their place and entered office as consuls on 1 January, 65.

It has often been noted that the Chronographer of A.D. 354 differs from all other sources, literary and epigraphical, in recording not Cotta and Torquatus but Sulla and Paetus as consuls for 65. Anyone familiar with the idiosyncrasies of the Chronographer and aware of the close connexion between his list of consuls of the Republic and that of the Fasti Capitolini will be unlikely to contest the validity of the inference that for the year 65 the Fasti Capitolini recorded first the names of the two men originally designated, then the fact of their condemnation (before entering office) and their replacement by Cotta and Torquatus, who entered office on 1 January 65 strictly speaking as consules suffecti, not ordinarii.
Apollo in Sophokles’ Elektra
Authors: Horsley G. H. R.
Published: July 2016

Sophokles’ Elektra has been the subject of considerable interpretative debate this century. Is it a tragedy that ends on a note of clear and unequivocal triumph for the two children engaged in avenging their father and recovering their rightful heritage? Or are we to detect a much more ambivalent attitude to the matricide and to perceive a thread of darkness and ruin running through the play as we see the disintegration of Elektra as a person? The divine element is an important aspect of every one of Sophokles’ extant plays; and for Elektra that means Apollo above all. Other gods are invoked in prayers or alluded to occasionally — especially Zeus at 1095-7 — but Apollo is the deity most frequently in our minds throughout this drama.
Love in Plato and Plotinus
Authors: Mortley Raoul
Published: July 2016

Our greatest blessings come to us through madness, Plato tells us in Phaedrus 244 A, and his examination of this particular form of madness has had a commanding influence in the history of Western philosophy and literature. The Symposium, which is the major concern of this paper, is one of Plato’s most ironic and yet most serious dialogues and has been repeatedly reinterpreted and repeatedly used as a source of inspiration and ideas from ancient times up until the 20th century. Some of its key phrases are echoed by the neo-Platonists, and its combination of the erotic and the mystical provided a fertile soil for the development of the Christian idea of love, despite the existence of a rival notion of love within Christianity, designated by the term agape. The classic attempt to distinguish between Christian and Platonic love was made by Nygren in his book, Eros and Agape, and this author draws a distinction between the two with glaring simplicity. Agape is (on this view) the quality of caritas, of feeling that bond with one’s fellow man which causes one to attend to his needs and wants, whilst eros is the more self-centred drive for personal fulfilment. The Patristic writers did not feel the difference between the two to be as decisive as that outlined by Nygren, and as John Rist notes in his Eros and Psyche, Origen was one Christian writer who failed to observe the sharpness of the distinction between them. It is not my intention however to dwell on this distinction, since the original Christian notion of love is more a matter of behavioural than philosophical or literary significance. However the debate is instructive since it tends to produce caricatures on both sides, with Christian love losing its mystical aspect, and Platonic love losing the emphasis on self-transcendence. In fact it is arguable that Platonic love is more concerned with need and lack, than it is with self-indulgence and with wallowing in some romantic vision, and this paper will argue that the idea of love as ‘lack’ is a most important, yet often overlooked ingredient, in the account of love which is given by Plato and Plotinus.
Training in the Use of a Sarissa and its Effect in Battle, 359-333 B.C.
Authors: Hammond N. G. L.
Published: July 2016

Important contributions to the study of the sarissa and its use in combat have been made recently by Minor M. Markle, III. He has shown clearly that the sarissa proper, a pike varying between fifteen and eighteen feet in the fourth century B.C., was held in action fairly near the butt-end and was wielded with both hands by the infantryman. When the phalanx was in close order, as many as five pike-points might project in front of a front-line man towards the enemy. The front man himself had a reach of some twelve feet with his pike, and he could put his full strength into a two-armed thrust. On the other hand, a Greek spear-man wielded a seven-foot spear with a reach of some four feet (as he held it near the middle) and he thrust only with the strength of one arm (the other arm carrying his large shield, some three feet in diameter). Thus when a pike-phalanx engaged a spear-phalanx, the spear-man was at a great disadvantage; he could not reach his opponent at all until he had himself passed through some three or four pike-points, and even then he could not put as much strength into his thrust as his opponent was able to do.
Actors and Act-Divisions: Some Questions of Adaptation in Roman Comedy
Authors: Barsby J.A.
Published: July 2016

In enunciating what may be called the ‘five-act rule’ and the ‘three-actor rule’ Horace was prescribing for budding dramatists rather than describing any existing body of drama. Nevertheless the Menander discoveries of the past twenty-five years make it probable that both of these ‘rules’ were in practice observed by the writers of Greek New Comedy, in contrast to the writers of Roman comedy, who observed neither. That the Romans should have abandoned what appears to have been the Greek practice in these two respects is an interesting fact of theatrical history; more importantly it provides us with new avenues for exploring the old question of how much the Romans adapted their Greek originals and for assessing the original contributions of Plautus and Terence.
Female Speech in Menander
Authors: Bain David
Published: July 2016

In recent years the place (or plight) of women in ancient society has attracted much attention. Their legal position, the attitudes towards them on the part of men, the characterization of women in drama, the personality of known and spectacular individuals like Sappho and many other topics have been studied at considerable length from various points of view. It is on the surface, then, somewhat surprising that scarcely any attention has been paid to a topic which in another discipline, linguistics, has proved very popular of late, the question of women’s speech. Sixty years ago the idea that women exhibit a distinctive form of speech was already current; Jespersen devoted a chapter of his Language: its Nature, Development and Origin to ‘The Woman’. Since then with the growth of interest on the part of linguists in sociolinguistic questions an impressive body of literature relating to this topic has accumulated.
Alcinous, Albinus, Nigrinus
Authors: Tarrant H.A.S.
Published: July 2016

Debate continues as to whether the Didascalicus (or Isagoge, or Epitome) ascribed to Alcinous in the MSS. is a work of Albinus, the Platonist of the mid-second century A.D., pupil of Gaius and teacher of Galen. While there are similarities between the work and the paltry remains of Albinus, these are not sufficient to prove any more than that Alcinous was influenced by roughly the same kind of Platonism as Albinus was, and that he wrote in a style comparable at times.
Dating of the Phaedrus and Interpretation of Plato
Authors: Tomin Julius
Published: July 2016

Two hundred years ago, at the very dawn of modern Platonic studies, W.G. Tennemann built his System of Platonic Philosophy around the assumption that the Phaedrus belongs to Plato’s later works. His name and his opus may have been forgotten, yet the shadow of his picture of Plato still hangs over current interpretations. For example, it was he who excised the historical Socrates from the dialogue and deprived of its Socratic character the discussion of the relative merits of the spoken and the written word. In the dialogue the spoken word is a proper vehicle for philosophy, for moral and intellectual growth and elevation, and the written word is its pale derivative with nothing truly positive to offer; stripped of its Socratic ‘veneer’, this view of the relative merits of language and writing had to be reinterpreted. Tennemann understands the criticism of the written word as an indication that Plato must already have published dialogues which had encountered a negative response: an important point for him, since he was the first to dismiss the ancient tradition that viewed the dialogue as Plato’s first. In the second half of the twentieth century G.E.L. Owen similarly deduces from it the dating of the dialogue, but he takes the disparagement of the written word as Plato’s self-criticism.
Poetic Imitation in PlatoRepublic3
Authors: Dyson M.
Published: July 2016

Towards the end of the first extended discussion of poetry in theRepublic, Socrates and Adeimantus formulate criteria for the admission of poets into their ideal state. Dramatists are clearly excluded, but the acceptable poet is enigmatically described, according to the usual translation, as ‘the unmixed imitator of the good man’ (, 397d), and as ‘one who will imitate for us the speech of the good man’ (, 398b). ‘Imitation’ has been earlier so defined that it applies to direct impersonation such as is found in drama and the speeches of epic, and accordingly it might seem that, as an imitator, he should be himself a dramatist. This however is ruled out by the run of the argument, which requires us to associate him with a style which contains but little impersonation (396e). On the other hand, if a non-dramatic poet is in view, it seems paradoxical to call him an imitator when imitation has been defined in the way that it has.
Fidus Interpres: The Theory and Practice of Translation in Classical Antiquity
Authors: Kytzler Bernhard
Published: July 2016

‘One of the unwritten chapters in the literary history of antiquity is that providing a comprehensive account of (ancient) translation.’ This statement still holds true after 20 years, and so this study will inevitably lack completeness; all it can aim at is to try to give an outline of what one might consider to be the most important issues concerning our theme.

To underline the vast quantity of material concerning our topic we might refer to a list entitled ‘Greek works translated into Latin before 1350’. This list is restricted to philosophical works only, omitting all other fields such as medicine, law, mathematics, theology, and liturgy. Nevertheless even this limited list gives the names of no less than 119 authors whose philosophical works in Greek were translated into Latin; the space needed for Aristotle alone runs to more than five pages. Thus it is easy to estimate what an enormous number of Latin translations there were, and what countless efforts must have been taken over more than one and a half millennia for this kind of literary work. One may add that there is a very helpful collection of some 90 testimonia covering the time of St. Augustine, in the book of Heinrich Marti, Übersetzer der Augustin-Zeit. There is also the basic study of Jiȓi Levỳ, which deals with modern theory, and outlines all the problems and all the facts of the art of translation.
A Forgotten Roman Historian: L. Arruntius and the ‘True’ Causes of the First Punic War
Authors: Hoyos B.D.
Published: July 2016

Ancient historians offered various explanations for the war that broke out in 264 B.C. For Polybius a century later it was the Roman’s first step outside Italy in a drive to world hegemony; also a properly defensive counter to a looming Carthaginian threat to Italy. Much of later Roman historical tradition lauded it as due to piousfidestowards a hapless ally, the ex-Italian Mamertines of Messana, under siege by Punic and Syracusan foes. That, it seems, was already the Roman line in 264 itself. At all events we find King Hiero of Syracuse chiding them then for ‘chattering aboutfides’ even as they allied themselves with the faithless brigands of Messana. For pro-Roman writers, the sanctity of alliances and the right of self-defence made a satisfying pair of historical justifications.
Cunctando Restituit Rem:The Tradition about Fabius
Authors: Stanton G.R.
Published: July 2016

Under this heading I wish to raise two points connected with the tradition about Q. Fabius Maximus Verrucosus. (i) Did ‘Cunctator’ become a cognomen of Fabius and, if so, when? (ii) How far did Ennius’ famous eulogy of Fabius penetrate subsequent Latin literature?
Cognomina, Supernomina and CIL x 1729
Authors: Weaver P.R.C.
Published: July 2016

Much of the primary material for the social history of the early Roman empire is inscriptional and an uncomfortably high proportion of this material consists of just names. Names of persons are what we have in abundance and the study of nomenclature at all levels of society is bound to be a most important key to the interpretation of that society.
Socrates and the Acquisition of Knowledge
Authors: Hawtrey R.S.W.
Published: July 2016

It has been accepted since antiquity that one of the basic principles of the philosophy of Socrates was ‘virtue is knowledge’; that this was so is made abundantly clear by both Plato and Aristotle. It has also been assumed by scholars ancient and modern that Socrates, who believed that in this knowledge lay happiness, spent his life looking for it. In the early dialogues Plato represents Socrates as frequently professing either partial or total ignorance, but as always more or less confidently searching for the truth. The traditional interpretation continues with the belief that somewhere near the time of his first visit to Sicily Plato’s thought began to develop beyond that of his master, and that one of his first advances was his theory of knowledge by recollection, which he developed presumably because of dissatisfaction with Socrates’ ideas on how knowledge could be attained.
A Neglected Sense of μέρος
Authors: Lee J.A.L.
Published: July 2016

The use of μέρος in the sense of ‘side’ has long been recognized in the Septuagint. This sense is beyond doubt in numerous passages, as for example Ex. 32. 15 πλάκες λίθιναι καταγεγραμμέναι έξ αμφοτέρων τῶν μερῶν αυτῶν. In none of these can it be attributed to Hebraism.

It is also recognized in the NT in Eυ. Jo. 21.6 βάλετε εἰṽ τὰ δεξιὰ μέρη του πλοίου τò δίκτυον, and several times in other early Christian literature (Hermas and Eυ. Petr.).