bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Influence of Government on Labour Relations in France
Authors: Eastman Sheila
Published: June 2006

The striking feature of labour relations in France is the wide scope of governmental regulation and influence. Employers and unions rarely succeed in solving their labour problems by joint action, and the strikes of August, 1953, attest to the discontent of a large portion of the French labour force.

Until the First World War, relations between labour and management were on an individual, rather than a collective, basis. Employers and workers had organized for collective action, but, except in the printing and coal mining industries, relations between the trade unions, strongly influenced by syndicalism, and the defensive associations of employers were chiefly violent in nature. Both unions and employers opposed government intervention in the labour market, and the government respected this sentiment.

During the war it became necessary for the government to bring employers and unions together on arbitration committees and in less formal discussions in order to encourage uninterrupted production through the peaceful settlement of industrial disputes. Thus the first widespread contact between employers and unions took place under the auspices of the government. The syndicalist philosophy of the French trade unions was abandoned, partly as a result of this demonstration of the importance of governmental support, and partly as a result of the political success of the Communists in Russia.
The Australian Post-War Economy: A Study in Economic Administration
Authors: Copland Douglas
Published: June 2006

Australia emerged from the war with low costs, a high level of London funds, favourable terms of trade, and improved efficiency stimulated by the war effort. All these were substantial assets in the immediate post-war period but there were also certain handicaps, themselves also the product of the war. For one thing the economy was greatly under-capitalized. This was due in part to a low rate of capital formation in the years immediately preceding the war, and secondly to a deliberate policy developed during the war of concentrating entirely upon capital formation that would have a direct bearing on the war effort. Apart from a serious shortage of capital equipment in industry and defects in the transport system, there was a great lag in housing construction. In addition, certain specialized industries had been developed during the war, and it was doubtful whether these could be continued in the post-war circumstances. Then finally there was the heavy task of making a swift and smooth transition from a war economy to a peace economy.
The Development of Democracy in Western Germany Since the Second World War
Authors: Hiscocks C. R.
Published: June 2006

Nowadays we are often and quite rightly reminded of the price of liberty. But eternal vigilance is the price paid for maintaining liberty, not the cost of production. To build up and establish a tradition of political freedom demands more heroic qualities: inner conviction, selfless devotion, and a willingness to risk everything for the worth and dignity of the individual. The histories of Switzerland, Holland, Britain, and the United States record the cost of our inherited privileges.

Germany has no tradition of political freedom. It is not that Germans have lacked heroism. They have played a great part in the struggle for religious liberty. They have been only too willing to die for their country's greatness. But the facts of geography and the course steered by their leading statesmen have diverted their attention from the advantages of political liberty.

German liberals missed their last great chance as far back as 1848. The most remarkable and sinister of all Bismarck's feats was the way in which, by sheer force of achievement, he won over many of the leading German intellects to unrestrained nationalism. Readers of Treitschke's Deutsche Geschichte often find it difficult to believe that the historian was ever an ardent liberal. After the foundation of the German Empire of 1871, as Dr. Adenauer put it recently, “a nationalism founded upon might gradually replaced the ethical idea of national freedom.” The Imperial Constitution provided for a bicameral parliament and introduced manhood suffrage. But the Chancellor was nominated by the Emperor and was not responsible to parliament. Furthermore the Constitution was so devised that no laws could in practice be passed without the Chancellor's approval. In the words of Liebknecht, the German Socialist, the Reichstag turned out to be little more than a “fig-leaf’ to cover the nakedness of autocracy.
Humanisme et sciences sociales
Authors: Lévesque Georges-Henri
Published: June 2006

« Dès que nous prétendons, écrivait un jour P.-H. Simon, découvrir au delà de nos désaccords, une ligne de convergence possible, nous sommes fatalement conduits à parler d'humanisme. Humanisme avec ce que le mot implique assez confusément de confiance dans l'espèce humaine, d'attachement à son passé, d'espérance en son progrès et de disposition à vouloir son bien, semble désigner le carrefour par où passent tous nos itinéraires spirituels… Seulement, quand on veut presser le sens du mot, on s'aperçoit que les difficultés demeurent. Humanisme est une de ces abstractions, dangereuses à force d'être commodes, où l'on peut tout mettre, Marx et l'Evangile, le libre examen et le sentiment de l'autorité, la tradition et la révolution. »

Cependant malgré l'infinie et souvent contradictoire variété des définitions que les auteurs ont jusqu'ici essayées de l'humanisme, il semble qu'on puisse clarifier un peu le sujet en les ramenant toutes à trois types principaux selon qu'on envisage l'humanisme comme philosophie des humanités, comme métaphysique de l'homme ou comme attitude humaine.
The Political Ideas of the English Agrarians, 1775–1815
Authors: Eayrs James
Published: June 2006

There is a famous admonition in Edmund Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France: “Because half a dozen grasshoppers under a fern make the field ring with their importunate chink, whilst thousands of great cattle, reposed beneath the shadow of the British oak, chew the cud and are silent, pray do not imagine that those who make the noise are the only inhabitants of the field; that, of course, they are many in number; or that, after all, they are other than the little, shrivelled, meagre, hopping, though loud and troublesome, insects of the hour.” Thomas Spence, William Ogilvie, and Thomas Paine, whom I have chosen to call the English agrarians and with whose ideas this paper is concerned, were among those whom Burke dismissed in this manner. I believe he did them less than justice. It is true that while Paine has achieved a stature considerably greater than that of “an insect of the hour,” Spence and Ogilvie remain names–unknown names at that–on a crowded roster of minor political thinkers; and in presuming to advance their status, I bear in mind the comment of a reviewer who has referred to the interest “shown in the words and speeches of millenarian pamphleteers, who are often bloated into veritable Platos or premature Marxes.” I hope to avoid the pitfall of exaggeration. Yet I am convinced they merit more attention than they have hitherto received if only because they, alone among their contemporaries, recognized the outstanding social and economic problem of their time and made it the starting-point of their speculation.
Geo-Economic Trends in South Asia
Authors: Tayyeb Ali
Published: June 2006

Few Parts of the world have been so effective in carving the trends of human thought and action as the peripheral regions of the Eurasian land mass. These can be divided into two broad regions: the smaller crescent of European marine powers west of the Dardanelles, and the larger crescent of Asian peninsulas to the southeast. In spite of the earlier cultural and political development of a few areas in the latter, the former have outstripped them in the race and during the last four hundred years have controlled their resources and destiny. Recent events, however, indicate the beginnings of a reversal of this process. While European states seem to some extent to be descending the peak of political and economic power, the South Asian lands are desperately trying to ascend it. The centre of the stage is quickly changing from Europe to Asia.

The South Asian lands extend from the western Mediterranean to the eastern Pacific and cover 80 degrees of longitude and an average of 25 degrees of latitude. Comprising approximately one-tenth of the world's land area, they contain one-third of the world's population. Yet their combined national income is considerably less than that of the United States alone. The average individual monthly income in any of these lands is much less than the average individual daily income in the United States. This great discrepancy, rather than poverty, is the clue to South Asian behaviour and discontent. Poverty and degradation, which have become characteristic of the life of the Asian people, are usually blamed either entirely on the Western powers, or entirely on the Eastern people, depending upon whether one comes from the “subjugated” East or from the “exploiting” West. The very intensity of these two extreme accusations belies them; and truth, as always, is to be found somewhere between. It must be conceded that perhaps there would be fewer hospitals and schools, factories and railways, real and other assets, if the Western powers had not filled the political vacuum in the East; yet at the same time it is unjust to deny that many more of each of these improvements could have been made if political “morality” had been allowed to supersede the merely economic interests of the governing countries.
Anarchism and Individual Terrorism
Authors: Novak D.
Published: June 2006

A significant aspect of anarchism, which brings it close to Russian nihilism and in the minds of some people is responsible for the erroneous identification of the two, is individual terrorism. Individual acts of violence, known especially in the last century as “propaganda by deed,” have been regarded by some anarchists as part and parcel of the over-all revolutionary activity which is to culminate in the overthrow of the existing social system by acts of mass violence. There were and are anarchists of different schools opposed to violence as a means towards the establishment of an anarchist society, and they include not only religious anarchists like Leo Tolstoy and individualists like Benjamin Tucker, but also many of those who at one time or another could be classed as anarchist communists, for instance, Francisco Ferrer, Louisa S. Bevington, and Gustav Landauer. The so-called philosophical anarchists are also opposed to violence, if by them are meant people who believe in the possibility or at least the desirability of realizing the ideals of anarchism but do not accept the usual anarchist analysis of the existing system or the methods generally advocated by anarchist groups for the achievement of anarchism. Thus Godwin, Tolstoy, and Tucker, could be included in this group, and among our contemporaries Bertrand Russell.

In the present century anarchists have almost ceased in theory and practice to view individual terrorism as important. Violent acts have been usually perpetrated by people who had practically no significance as thinkers and writers. Alexander Berkman is probably the only notable exception here, while men like Kropotkin, fortunately for anarchism, propagated anarchist ideas by the written and spoken word rather than by “deed.”
Predictions Derived from the Employment Forecast Survey
Authors: Hartle Douglas
Published: June 2006

Reliable predictions of future employment are but one of many pieces of intelligence useful to governments in the formulation and implementation of policies of economic stabilization. With the adoption of a stabilization programme in 1945 an explicit need for these predictions was created in the Canadian government. In that year the “Employment Forecast Survey” was initiated by the federal Department of Labour in an attempt to secure the data from which these predictions could be derived. This survey is still conducted by the Department.

This article summarizes the results of an analysis of the predictions which were derived from data obtained by the Employment Forecast Survey from 1946 until 1957, when this method was abandoned, and a new technique of securing predictions from the data was adopted. Because these predictions were so little known outside Canadian government circles it may be useful to provide a brief description of the technique by which they were made, and an assessment of their reliability.

The original conception of the survey was comparatively simple. It seemed reasonable, a priori, that the individual decision-makers in an industrial establishment would be able to forecast the future employment of their own establishment with considerable reliability.
The Brethren Known as Hutterians
Authors: Willms A. M.
Published: June 2006

In his work on group settlement in western Canada Professor C. A. Dawson has described five major ethnic-religious groups but he has not treated one very distinctive Canadian people, the Hutterites, who prefer to be known as the Hutterian Brethren. There is a sociological study of this group by the Canadian Mental Health Association and several monographs on various aspects of Hutterite life have been published in the United States, but on their settlement in western Canada there is only an unpublished M.A. thesis. My purpose here is to outline briefly the coming of the Hutterites to Canada, their economic and social habits, and the problems they present to western Canada.

The first Hutterites came to Canada in a delegation of three which arrived in Winnipeg in May, 1898, to explore the possibilities of moving the seven existing colonies from South Dakota to western Canada. The delegation was welcomed by the Commissioner of Immigration in Winnipeg and was supplied with free transportation to see southern Manitoba and Saskatchewan. On their return to South Dakota members of the delegation reported that though they had some doubts about the weather and the land they were “resolved to make a trial” at settling in Canada, if their requirements concerning schooling, military service, and freedom of religion were met by the federal government. Meanwhile a government agent was sent to the Hutterite colonies by the Department of the Interior to encourage the proposed move and to make a report on the Hutterities.
The Estimation of Shipping Earnings in Historical Studies of the Balance of Payments
Authors: North Douglass , Heston Alan
Published: June 2006

The external economic relations of a country over time can be most effectively examined by a historical study of the balance of payments and, accordingly, economists studying countries whose growth has been fundamentally influenced by their international economic relations have evinced a growing interest in such studies. This interest is not new. Albert Gallatin, Adam Seybert, and Ezra Seaman recognized the importance of America's external relations in the early nineteenth century and attempted to estimate the components of a balance of payments. Better known are the studies of Robert Giffen and C. K. Hobson on British international economic relations. Giffen's and Hobson's works were pioneering efforts at constructing estimates of the various service items and have served as a point of departure for more recent efforts. For the United States, the early essays by Worthy P. Sterns and the classic study of Charles Bullock, John H. Williams, and Rufus Tucker which followed were landmarks in the analysis of the balance of payments just as the studies by J. Viner of Canada and H. D. White of France were for those countries. As a result of these studies, the techniques of estimating the separate components of the balance of payments have been refined and significantly improved. In almost every case the transport account has been the most important service item and has received a great deal of attention. Yet not one of the studies mentioned above is satisfactory on this account, and the error in the estimate of shipping earnings in most of them has been of significant proportions. The errors in these studies stem from two sources, an inadequate understanding of the determinants of shipping debits and credits over time and inadequate data. This paper will analyse the determinants of shipping earnings in the context of the two general methods of estimating earnings, and examine critically the estimate of shipping earnings in existing studies.
Local Autonomy and Central Administrative Control in Saskatchewan
Authors: Smiley Donald V.
Published: June 2006

Several investigations dealing with provincial-local relations in particular jurisdictions in Canada have been undertaken in recent years. The prevailing emphasis has been on the distribution of taxation sources and the revenues derived from these sources between the two levels of government and, to a lesser degree, on the related question of the allocation of responsibilities for particular services between the provincial and local governments. The clear implications of most of this discussion are that all would be well with our local authorities if they were assured of revenues commensurate with their responsibilities and that local officials and their representatives admit to few ailments which more generous subventions from the senior governments would not cure.

This paper attempts to focus attention on another aspect of central-local relations as strategic in determining the welfare of our local institutions as is the scale of central financial assistance. Characteristically, central governments not only provide a portion of the revenues expended by the local authorities within their boundaries but also engage in an extensive and varied range of activities to regulate, supervise, educate, and otherwise influence the conduct of elected and appointed local officials. Control, viewed broadly as any exercise of central influence, can take these forms: (1) legislative control, in which central influence is exerted through legislative enactments, and subordinate legislation issued under them, enjoining or requiring certain local activities or procedures; (2) judicial control, in which the central government requests a court of law to order particular local authorities or local officials to do or refrain from doing certain things as are allegedly required by law; (3) administrative control, in which elected or appointed officials of the central executive, acting within the authority conferred on. them by law, influence or attempt to influence the conduct of local governments.
The Customs Administration in Canadian Historical Development
Authors: Blake Gordon
Published: June 2006

The purpose of this paper is to attempt to place within the context of Canadian historical development an economic institution that has been relatively neglected. This institution is the customs administration. The justification for introducing it into the main stream of Canadian history is to be found in its ubiquity and pervasiveness, its antiquity and traditionalism, and its consequent conservatism and resistance to change. Such an institution seems capable of providing a strong element of continuity in Canadian development, and thus to invite analysis.

The English customs administration was transplanted from a European island economy to a continental environment which contained elements markedly unfavourable to easy transition and adaptation. The administration has been called upon to meet constantly changing conditions, and, in so doing, has had to deal with a commercial community which must exist, for the greater part, on the basis of short-run decisions. As the administration has struggled toward long-run stability and uniformity of procedure, it has produced anomalies. It has had serious effects on business expectations by creating delay and uncertainty, and, on occasion, by insisting on excessive formality. The incidence of the burden imposed by the customs administration was probably not determinable, but its net effect has been to contract international trade.

The customs is of ancient origin, and by the time it became relevant to Canadian history it had already undergone, in Europe, a great deal of scleriasis. It is the English customs that we are to be concerned with mostly in this analysis, since the Canadian customs, not surprisingly, is of pretty strictly Anglo-Saxon origin. According to Professor Gras, “the English Customs originated at home, on the initiative of the king, through prerogative right, and in money dues rather than prises.”
International Unions and the Canadian Trade Union Movement
Authors: Montague J. T.
Published: June 2006

More than two-thirds of Canadian trade union members, some 900,000 workers, belong to international unions. Unlike unionists in such countries as the United Kingdom, France, Germany, and Australia, whose heritage lies in national organizations, the majority of Canadian workers have for over three-quarters of a century aligned themselves in unions with American workers. The organizations which make up the structurally unique Canadian labour movement are most often relatively small sections of unions operating in the United States and Canada. On both sides of the border the same unions dominate the labour scene–their membership is in the major industries; and their support is essential to the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations, and to the Canadian Labour Congress, which are the national labour centres.
Frontiers and Forms of Enterprise: The Case of The North Pacific, 1785–1825
Authors: Elliott G. R.
Published: June 2006

Despite the considerable influence exercised on North American historians by what Professor Careless has called “frontierism,” those who have dealt with the early history of the North Pacific have been almost unanimous in finding in metropolitan institutions the key to developments in that area. The usual interpretation is based on the hypothesis of a sharp competition for the North Pacific trade in furs between various forms of enterprise, each of which mirrored the institutions of the metropolis which had spawned it—a semi-government Russian corporation, government-directed Spanish enterprise (or lack of it), British enterprise almost hopelessly handicapped by obsolete trad¬ing institutions, and unrestricted (free) Yankee enterprise, with an occasional genuflection towards a similarly “free” enterprise based on Montreal but handicapped by the British connection. In that competition, it is alleged, the handicaps of government regulation precluded successful Russian, Spanish, or British competition with the “free enterprise” of the New Englander, and this, coupled with his superior resourcefulness and shrewdness—by-products, apparently, of the institutions of his particular metropolis—enabled him to dominate the North Pacific trade in furs.

While this interpretation may “validate the status” of one metropolis and at the same time “denigrate that of others”—the purpose, Leach suggests,2 of national myths and legends—it appears to be founded on caricatures of the forms of enterprise there, and on some lack of appreciation of the global setting in which the trade was carried on. Those caricatures, it would seem, derive from a focusing of attention on particular, and allegedly deplorable, elements of the metropolitanism of Spain or Russia or Britain, and from the assumption that, despite the remoteness of the frontier, those elements com¬pletely dominated the enterprise of the various competitors. The failure to achieve a proper perspective of the place of the North Pacific in the overseas thrust of European powers probably derives from a lack of appreciation of ends other than business profits and of the existence of alternative oppor¬tunities for such profits.
The Implications of the Radcliffe Report for Canada
Authors: Neufeld E. P.
Published: June 2006

The Radcliffe Committee was appointed by Treasury Minute in May, 1957, “to inquire into the working of the monetary and credit system … [of the United Kingdom], … and to make recommendations.” It held eighty-eight meetings, collected three volumes of written evidence and one volume of evidence given orally, compiled new statistical information, and finally on July 30, 1959, presented a unanimous report to the Lords Commissioners of Her Majesty's Treasury. The public saw the Report three weeks later.

The prestigious composition of the Committee and the controversial ground which it was required to investigate alone ensured widespread attention for the Report. But the virtual flood of detailed comment emanating from academic economists and financial journalists in the United Kingdom is not entirely explained by this; nor even by the Committee's controversial views on matters of monetary theory and central banking practice. Because the views of the Committee on monetary policy and theory are not always fully developed, and in some instances appear to be ambiguous and contradictory, the Report offers limitless opportunities for articles on “What Radcliffe Really Meant,” including, of course, analyses of the essential deficiencies of the interpretations suggested. Unfortunately, the Report is such that the views of the Committee are easily misinterpreted, a danger of which this writer is aware, but one which he may not have succeeded in avoiding in every instance.
The Role of the Medical Profession in the Formulation and Execution of Public Policy
Authors: Taylor Malcolm G.
Published: June 2006

The role of “interest” or “pressure” groups in the United States congressional system has been subjected to analysis by American political scientists for at least three decades, but it is only in the last four or five years that studies have appeared of their role in the British cabinet system, and only one major study of an interest group has appeared in Canada. This disparity in interest is the result no doubt of the more vocal and widespread manifestation of the influence of pressure groups in the wide-open congressional system, but one has the uncomfortable feeling that their less obtrusive role in the cabinet system has been equated with a lesser importance in the political process.

Like the sociologist, the political scientist may be interested in groups as organizational or power systems, in the sense that they are private governments, or he may extend or even limit his interest to the relations of these private governments with each other and with public governments, particularly in the manner and extent of their influence on public policy. For the political scientist concerned with public administration, interest will be extended to the role, if any, played by groups in the execution of public policy. From all three aspects, the medical profession as an interest group is a happy choice for examination, for not only does it provide insights into private government, and have a major influence on public policy, but it seems safe to state that in Canada, at least, no other private group is as deeply involved in public administration, and this despite the fundamental antipathy between the healing arts and bureaucracy.
L'Oligopole
Authors: Bouchard Maurice
Published: June 2006

Le marché oligopolistique pose le problème de la coexistence de concurrents qui maximent leurs profits respectifs en toute indépendance. En affirmant qu'il s'agit là d'un problème surdéterminé, Pareto conclut à l'impossibilité d'aucune solution. Il ne conçoit pas que l'offre décidée par un duopoleur A sur la base d'un calcul indépendant puisse être considérée également comme une réaction à l'offre d'un rival B. L'incompatibilité dont se soucie Pareto reste entière dans le système d'anticipations de Frisch. Dans ce système, on ne peut supposer données les anticipations du vendeur A, sans postuler que les offres du rival B se conforment à ces anticipations. Mais comment peut-on dire alors que ces mêmes offres ne dépendent que des anticipations de B? Pour résoudre ce problème, la théorie qui est esquissée dans cet article pose en principe que les anticipations d'un joueur ne sont pas indépendantes, ni des conditions qui font le cadre de la partie, ni de l'expérience accumulée par l'observation des coups antérieurs du rival. L'introduction de ce principe permet de présenter une solution unique et stable qui a par ailleurs l'avantage d'échapper à l'objection de Pareto. L'analyse qui suit traite surtout du duopole, considéré comme le cas le plus simple du problème général de l'oligopole.
Direct and Representative Democracy in West Germany: The Atomic Armament Issue
Authors: Braunthal Gerard
Published: June 2006

Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Simon de Montfort would have enjoyed the clash that recently took place in the Federal Republic of Germany between the adherents of increased direct democracy and the proponents of a system of pure representative democracy. At stake was the crucial issue of atomic armament for the West German defence forces. Should the basic decision be made by the people through a referendum, or by their representatives in parliament? This constitutional and political question was referred to the Federal Constitutional Court, which reached a verdict of importance to the future of the Republic-and to political scientists.

This essay is designed to serve as a case study of a nation in the twentieth century in debate over the scope of direct democracy within a representative system. It also seeks to assess the rationale of transferring, on occasion, the power to make decisions in the realms of foreign and military policy from the executive and parliament to the people themselves. And finally it attempts to evaluate the interplay of political parties and interest groups, and the conflict over jurisdiction between the national government and the constituent Laender in the context of the proposed referendum.
Canada's Post-War Monetary Policy, 1945-54
Authors: Barber Clarence L.
Published: June 2006

The Canadian government's post-war policy of supporting the prices of government bonds and thereby restricting the workings of the free price system in regard to interest rates stood in decided contrast to its policy in most other fields, including since 1950 the field of exchange rates. As recently as 1954, the wisdom of this policy was reaffirmed by Mr. Graham Towers, then Governor of the Bank of Canada. In his view, freeing the interest rate at the end of the war would not have been a wise policy since the Canadian price level “could not have been held substantially below that which occurred in the United States without sacrificing an appreciable part of the increase in production which was achieved here.” This paper examines this apparent contradiction between the government's preference for price control in the field of interest rates and for the workings of the free price system elsewhere in the economy, and in the light of this analysis evaluates Canada's post-war monetary policy down to 1954.
Ontario Provincial Elections, 1934–55: A Preliminary Survey of Voting
Authors: Wrong Dennis H.
Published: June 2006

In this paper I intend to do little more than sketch in very broad outline some of the main features of the electoral anatomy of the province of Ontario as revealed by the official provincial election returns. Since I have relied solely on the actual voting record, which is, of course, tabulated by constituencies, my method is ecological and, unlike survey methods, provides only rough and indirect measures of the social and economic factors related to voting behaviour. My findings are entirely descriptive and do not go much beyond what is accessible to any alert newspaper reader who may have followed Ontario politics over the past two decades.

The chief methodological problem confronting ecological analysts of voting behaviour is how to equate electoral units with the administrative units by which population characteristics are tabulated in the census. In Ontario the smallest units for which official election statistics are given are polling subdivisions, but these fail to correspond to any units for which data on population characteristics are available. However, data on voting by townships can be derived from the election returns, and the census tabulates population characteristics by townships. I have made some determination of the voting habits of ethnic groups from data on townships, but have not set out these findings in detail in the present paper, which does not analyse units smaller than constituencies, and is thus confined to a very broad scrutiny of differential voting patterns.
The Dual Mandate of Social Science: Remarks on the Academic Division of Labour
Authors: Hughes Everett C.
Published: June 2006

When Carl A. Dawson, a Canadian of American sociological training, went to McGill University in 1922, he went as a pioneer. He succeeded to the directorship of a school of social work, but the sociological point of view he brought was novel in Canada. Robert M. Maclver had taught at Toronto in the twenties. After he left to continue his work with great distinction in the Graduate Faculty of Political Science at Columbia University, the late Professor E. J. Urwick carried on in somewhat the same mood. It was the mood of the British scholarly liberals in which interest in welfare politics joined with social philosophy. Courses called sociology had certainly been offered in other Canadian universities, usually as a sort of sideline.

I do not believe that there had been any formal courses in sociology in the French universities of Canada, but Léon Gérin, Edouard Montpetit, and other French-Canadian scholars had long since studied, and in some measure emulated, the work of Frédéric LePlay, that same LePlay whose name lived on more among British sociologists than among those of his own France. I have no doubt Montpetit was familiar with Durkheim, whose work had so great an influence first on American sociologists and, later, on British and American social anthropologists. One should add that during all of this time Marius Barbeau, an anthropologist of British training, was rummaging around for evidence of the nearly lost arts of early French Canada. He had no fixed place in a university. Edward Sapir, also an anthropologist and one who had a great influence on American sociologists and social psychologists, had spent some time in Canada under the same auspices as other Canadian ethnologists–the Bureau of Mines. The sociological mood was not completely wanting in Canada, but sociologists were, to put it mildly, not a group with strong vested interests. In fact, the students of that time were inclined to complain that sociologists assigned them far too many books and articles concerning the States. Professor Dawson warned me, when I joined him in 1927, that my predecessor, also an American, had been given quite a runaround on this point. When it came up in one of my classes, I countered by assigning large doses from English social and housing surveys. When the students complained of that, too, I suggested that we might all get together and create our own research on Canada.
The Impersonal Market
Authors: Elliott G. A.
Published: June 2006

It would not be appropriate for me tonight to say anything at all closely related to the work I have been doing or anything that might be thought to be related to government policy. Accordingly, if you find that my remarks are somewhat lacking in content—as you very well may—I hope you will choose to attribute the deficiency, in part at least, to my high regard for the relevance of economics.

While I was trying to hit upon a topic which was sufficiently non-technical and general for the occasion, it occurred to me that it might be interesting to look once again at some analytical models of the market, developed over the years by a few of the great economists of the past, and at the characteristics with which, in their theoretical works, they endowed their market operators, to see in what ways and in what degrees they made their markets impersonal, as distinct from self-regulating or automatic; and, then, to consider some of the ways in which general attitudes to the market system may have been influenced by the degree to which markets have been impersonal, and by the kind and extent of the changes that the expansion of the market economy tends to bring about. Primarily I will have in mind modern Western economies.

I have called my talk “The Impersonal Market” and I introduce at the outset two quotations which serve to define the sense in which the word “impersonal” is used, and at the same time illustrate two distinct though similar attitudes to the market. One of them comes from a student of law who has extended his interests to include social science generally, and one from an economist of very great distinction.
Intra-Party Democracy: A Case Study
Authors: Hoffman David
Published: June 2006

The principle of intra-party democracy underlying the so-called constitutional crisis within the Labour party in Great Britain—a struggle between the party conference and the parliamentary party over the creation of defence policy—has for some time been the subject of widespread discussion in academic journals and the “responsible press.” This paper examines the difficulties within the organization of the United Farmers of Ontario when intra-party democracy resulted in a clash between the parliamentary and mass sections of the party, and attempts to relate the implications of this study to the general question of the distribution of power in parties of extra-parliamentary origin.

The domination of the Legislative Assembly from 1919 to 1923 by an alliance of the United Farmers of Ontario and the Independent Labor party provided Ontario with its unique experience of “third-party” government. The suddenness of the intervention of these parties into the traditional order of Ontario's Conservative-Liberal politics was matched only by their equally rapid exit after less than four years of power. Standing as it did at the forefront of a wave of protesting third parties in the following two decades, the event is of considerable significance both for its contribution to a general understanding of the problems of third parties and for the opportunity it affords as a case study of farmer-labour co-operation. Although intra-party democracy was important for both members of the union, this paper deals with its effects on only one of the parties—the United Farmers.
The Problem of “Minority” Government in Canada
Authors: Forsey Eugene
Published: June 2006

During the election of April, 1963, Liberal speeches and editorials tended to depict minority government (that is, government by a cabinet with less than half the seats in the House of Commons) as a nameless, faceless horror, the political fate that is worse than death. The authors of these productions are now hard at work trying to prove themselves wrong. They may not find it easy. For they face three deeply rooted popular notions on the subject; indeed, it was precisely because these notions were so widespread and so deeply rooted that the appeal to vote for a winner proved so powerful.

The first is that minority governments are altogether exceptional, abnormal, almost unheard of, except, of course, among benighted continental Europeans and other “lesser breeds without the Law.” This is simply not so. We have had relatively few minority governments, colonial, Dominion, or provincial, in Canada; but Britain, Australia, and New Zealand have had plenty. Britain, from 1834 to 1931, had sixteen, which held office for a total of thirty-two years out of the ninety-seven. In Australia, before federation, minority governments were the rule rather than the exception in New South Wales, South Australia, and Tasmania till the 1890's, and in Victoria till the 1880's (New South Wales often had three or four governments in a single Parliament, South Australia four or five), and there have been plenty of minority governments in the states since federation. The Commonwealth itself had nothing but minority governments (six of them) from its inception till 1909, and another as recently as 1941–43. Minority governments were the rule also in New Zealand till the 1890's (one Parliament saw six governments). So it can scarcely be maintained, rationally, that minority government is something monstrous and unnatural, foreign to the whole spirit of British parliamentary institutions.
The Economics of Stunted Growth
Authors: Dehem Roger
Published: June 2006

“There is scarcely any inquiry more curious, or, from its importance, more worthy of attention, than that which traces the causes which practically check the progress of wealth in different countries, and stop it, or make it proceed very slowly, while the power of production remains comparatively undiminished, or at least would furnish the means of a great and abundant increase of produce and population.” This introductory sentence is borrowed from T. R. Malthus' Principles of Political Economy, Book II, “On the Progress of Wealth” (2nd ed.), p. 309.

It is indeed curious that 152 years after Malthus' inquiry, and, what is more, twenty-six years after the Keynesian revolution, stunted growth remains a problem. Canada, for example, is exceptionally well endowed with natural riches, has a relatively well-educated, young, and increasing population, and enjoys a privileged position alongside the world's richest market. Yet, Canadian economic growth has been mysteriously stunted. Although Canada's recent evolution is perhaps the most puzzling to a foreign observer, stunted growth is not peculiar to this country. The United Kingdom, Belgium, and the United States are other instances. Until some ten years ago, France was generally considered as irretrievably condemned to economic stagnation, owing, it was said, to the characteristics of her population, and her institutions.
The Inflow of Long-Term Capital and the Canadian Business Cycle 1950–1960
Authors: Penner Rudolph G.
Published: June 2006

Canada's recent return to a pegged exchange rate marks the end of a highly interesting experiment in international economic policy and the end of an era in the history of the Canadian balance of payments. It is now appropriate, therefore, to look backwards and to examine the effects of changes in the balance of payments on the Canadian economy during the period in which the value of the Canadian dollar was allowed to fluctuate freely. Only a very narrow aspect of the problem is examined in this paper, namely, the effect of the large long-term capital inflow of the 1950s on the Canadian business cycle. This problem is interesting not only for its own sake, but also because the cyclical effect of a capital inflow is extremely important in determining whether the borrowing country achieves its potential or required growth rate.

If, for our purposes, we define the potential supply of goods and services available to an economy as domestic production at full employment plus imports minus exports, a capital inflow increases that supply by bidding up the value of the Canadian dollar until sufficient upward pressure on imports and downward pressure on exports is imposed to transfer the capital inflow in real terms. This increase in supply implies that planned aggregate expenditures in Canada can increase without exerting inflationary pressures on the economy. A capital inflow allows a higher level of investment expenditure and this raises the potential rate of growth of the productive capacity of the economy.
Economic History and Economic Underdevelopment
Authors: Supple Barry E.
Published: June 2006

Discussing the economic backwardness of Ireland in the late seventeenth century, Sir William Petty delivered himself of an apt, if indelicately worded, opinion. “Their Lazing,” he wrote of the Irish, “seems to me to proceed rather from want of Imployment and Encouragement to Work, than from the natural abundance of Flegm in their Bowels and Blood.” He continued this somewhat unorthodox analysis by listing the factors which destroyed or frustrated the incentives to increase production in Ireland; and, in the process, he succeeded in anticipating more than one modern idea on the subject. He even dealt with visible and disguised unemployment, and recommended, along lines fashionable today, that the surplus labour be employed in the creation of capital: improving rivers and constructing roads, bridges and buildings–“works,” as he succinctly put it, “of much labour and little art.”

Although this article concerns neither Petty nor Ireland directly, the former's observations on the latter provide a useful introduction to its principal topic–the historical nature of economic underdevelopment. If we study the earlier history of today's highly developed economies, what sort of economic and social landscape do we find, and how does it compare with the structure of preindustrial economies in the mid twentieth century?
Labour Relations Boards and the Courts
Authors: Cunningham W. B.
Published: June 2006

There are three types of boards for making Canadian labour relations policy effective: conciliation boards; arbitration boards; and labour relations boards. The conciliation and arbitration boards are ad hoc bodies appointed to deal with particular disputes. The labour relations boards (or LRB's) are permanent bodies, some of which sit continuously and deal with hundreds of disputes a year. Of the three types the LRB's are the most important. It is surprising that so little has been written about them.

This paper deals with one part of our experience with LRB's—the fate of their decisions when these are challenged in the law courts. Towards the end of the paper I comment briefly on the general problem of government policy and judicial review—a topic of importance to anyone concerned about the effectiveness of government policy, the containment of power, and the question of justice for the individual. In this larger perspective the LRB experience may be viewed as something of an illustrative case study.

Since 1944 a corner-stone of Canadian labour relations policy has been the certification of unions as exclusive bargaining agents for a defined unit of employees. An employer cannot legally refuse to bargain with a properly certified union; thus the policy is properly called compulsory collective bargaining. To receive certification a union usually has to have as members a majority of the employees in the appropriate bargaining unit; alternatively, a majority of the employees in the unit must have indicated by secret ballot that they wish the union to be their bargaining agent. For this policy to be applied two primary questions must be answered: (a) What unit of employees is appropriate for collective bargaining? (b) What union, if any, do a majority of the employees in that unit wish to have as their bargaining representative? The principal task of a labour relations board is to provide answers to these questions.