bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Les relations économiques Est-Ouest 1975-1985 : Bilan et perspectives
Authors: Lavigne Marie
Published: July 2012

The "golden age" in East-West trade is over since 1975. However, the period following the beginning of the world crisis, up to 1980, was not so gloomy as it was expected in the mid seventies. Although at a reduced rate, compared with the previous period, there was a significant increase in trade and especially exports of Eastern Europe to the West. Apart from the Polish case, indebtedness of Eastern Europe did not soar in dramatic proportions, and some countries achieved a stabilization of their trade balance with the West at the end of the decade; East-West industrial cooperation developed; the adverse political climate, which deteriorated sharply in 1980, did not stop trade flows and did not entail a reorientation toward Comecon of East European trade ; notwithstanding the standstill of Comecon EEC negociations, several important arrangements were signed between the Common Market and individual Comecon member countries.

The prospects up to 1985 are not very bright, especially when considering the recession in Western economies, the structural difficulties impeding the reform movement in the East European economies, the Polish crisis, the financial difficulties of some other countries. The future of East-West trade is linked to the energy constraints of the Eastern bloc, its agricultural situation ; it may benefit from the developments in the socialist integration process.
Qui sont nos ennemis? Qui sont nos amis? La presse pakistanaise et ses perceptions des attitudes et politiques de quatre grandes puissance 1958-1965.
Authors: Hassan Ashraful , Burton Bruce , Soderlund W.C.
Published: July 2012

Utilizing content analysis methodology, this paper studies Pakistani press perceptions of external sources of threat and support covering the Period 1958-1965.

From the literature on Pakistani foreign policy, seven specific hypotheses are extracted

for testing:

1 - during the period 1958-1965, India was perceived to be the major threat to

Pakistan ;

2 - the perception of India as the major threat increased sharply from 1962 onwards;

3 - in 1959 China was perceived to be a greater threat to Pakistan than India was;

4 - the Soviet Union was perceived to be the major threat in 1958, a significant but

secondary threat in 1959, the main threat again in 1960, and an insignificant

threat from 1961 onwards;

5 - at no time during the period 1958-1965 was the United States perceived to be a

threat to Pakistan;

6 - the respective policies of China, the US.S.R., and the U.S. towards South Asia in

general and on the Kashmir issue in particular, played a major part in determining

Pakistan's attitudes toward these states;

7 - U.S. arms aid to India in 1962 resulted in a major Pakistani disillusionment with

the United States and this was accompanied by more positive Pakistani views

toward the US.S.R. and China.

Our data drawn from front page news stores and editorials appearing in a sample of the Pakistani newspaper Dawn, confirm in general terms hypotheses 1, 2, 5, 6, and 7, but fall to confirm hypotheses 3 and 4.

Overall, the data point to the significance of the Sino-Indian border war in the fall of 1962 as a crucial turning point in Pakistan 's foreign policy alignments. Specifically, we see evidence of a turning away from the United States, combined with a movement toward China. Attitudes toward the Soviet Union were ambivalent.
David et Goliath : L’équilibre fragile des relations énergétiques canado-américaines à l’aube de la création de Petro-Canada
Authors: Jacomy-Millette Annemarie
Published: July 2012

During the 1970's and at the dawn of the 80's, the intervention of the Federal Government of Canada in the country's economic sector became more pronounced, thus following a Worldwide trend in that aspect. It is specially marked in the sector of energy where it supports the Canadianization objectives which run counter to foreign interests and investments, first and foremost american. This article gives an idea of the world context in which lies the choice for energy policies. It goes on to de scribe the evolution of these policies which firmly hinge on the North-South continental context. The objectives outlined in the National Energy Program cannot allow to ignore this essential variable, specially in the determination of means and measures to be used to further economic nationalism. Such are the pressures brought about, at the highest level, by the american administration under the presidency of Ronald Reagan.
Conciliation ou agression : Un examen de quelques facteurs susceptibles d’influencer la politique étrangère soviétique au cours des années 80.
Authors: Marantz Paul
Published: July 2012

This paper analyzes the way in which internal forces are likely to affect Soviet foreign policy over the next few years. Four developments are examined: potential Soviet petroleum shortages, the growing Soviet Muslim population, the slowdown in the rate of economic growth in the Soviet Union, and the imminent post-Brezhnev succession struggle. The question is posed: Will these factors soon impel the Soviet Union toward foreign expansion and adventurism?

It is our conclusion that two of these factors, the leveling off of oil production and the rapid growth of Soviet Muslims, are not likely to have a strong influence on Soviet foreign policy. On the other hand, the decline in growth rates and the demise of Brezhnev are likely to have a major impact on future Soviet policies. The Soviet system is not experiencing a terminal crisis, but it is definitely laboring under growing burdens. It would be a mistake, however, to assume that this will necessarily result in foreign expansion. A new, rejuvenated leadership may well seek a relaxation of tensions, as it did upon Stalin’s death in 1953, so as to create favorable conditions for dealing with its pressing problems. The future remains highly uncertain. International developments will be at least as important as domestic factors, and much will depend upon the policies adopted by Western governments.
L’option européenne du Canada dans les années 80
Authors: Pentland Charles
Published: July 2012

The year 1982 marked the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Treaty of Rome, creating the EEC, and the tenth anniversary of Canada s Third Option, which aimed in part at using the new Europe as a counterweight to American influence. This article attempts, first to set the last ten year s of Canada s European policy in the context of postwar economic and strategic relationships and, secondly, to evaluate the European aspect of the Third Option and its prospects for the 1980s.

Canada s image of, and policy towards, Western Europe, has always had two distinct elements — economic and strategic - whose interplay describes various phases of the relationship. Until about 1957, the two images were roughly congruent and Canada s economic and military policies mutually reinforcing. A multilateral Atlantic economic community was seen as the underpinning of collective defence. The next fifteen years or so saw the breakup of this patte m, with the emergence of the Community, continued British attempts to join from 1961 on, and the decline in Canadian support for NATO.

The birth of the Third Option and the pursuit of the Framework Agreement with the Community saw the gradual revival of Canada's military relationship with Europe, this time in the service of economic diversification and growth. A variety of factors, however - global, European, North American and domestic Canadian - hampered the development of the new link with the Community. Many of these, especially the structural ones underlying the crisis of the world economy and the stagnation of European integration - are likely to persist through the 1980 s. For the next few year s, then, the European option will probably be (a) less communautaire, (b) a less important focus in trade policy relative to other areas, and (c) once more in the service of military and political ends.
L’ouverture sur le marché africain
Authors: Freeman Linda
Published: July 2012

While in the past, Canada has earned a fairly liberal reputation as it developed political relations with African countries, the trend for the 1980s has been to concentrate on promoting trade and investment. In particular, the interest in expanding markets for Canadian manufactured exports has led to the co-ordination of the Export Development Corporation (EDC) and the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) to encourage and support the private sector. As a result, exports to Africa have tripled in the past five years and North Africa (especially Algeria) is becoming a region of major importance for Canadian exporter s. Although in the past the Canadian government has been ambiguous about its approach to promoting trade and investment in white-ruled Southern Africa, it has strengthened its inclination to leave the private sector alone, regardless of the support which Canadian companies are giving to the apartheid system. The before, in the 1980s, Canada's relations with Africa are being increasingly governed by economic imperatives as the government attempts to come to grips with the problems emerging from the economic recession.
L’industriel automobile et l’alcool : Limite des stratégies multinationales au Brésil
Authors: Duquette Michel
Published: July 2012

In the Third World, the Energy Crisis of 1973 emphasized the vulnerability of certain large oil-importing countries engagea in an extensive process of industrialization. As the multinational-dominated automobile industry represented the core of the recent industrializing profile in Brazil, the end of Growth meant a direct threat to its future development as an energy-consuming economic sector. A powerful lobby was then activated to intervene on the side of the State and the national bourgeoisie. The latter was putting forward the PRO-ALCOOL program in the Mid-Seventies, as a response to the new challenge. An alliance with the car industry was made possible when the State withdrew from a tradition of direct involvment in Energy (exemplified by PETROBRAS), to enhance the private sector. Such a neo-liberal strategy in oil-substitution would be aimed at a potentially unlimited market in South America and the Carribean for alcohol-powered cars, while being essentially dependent upon the performance of its participants : the national bourgeoisie engagea in agro-business, and the automobile industry.

In the light of recent findings from a research conducted in Brazil, the author recognized the originality of this internationalizing strategy, in the context of regional market integration. However, given its neo-liberal nature, it is not surprising that controls (of costs and quality) remained largely ineffective. Further structural limitations, such as technological deficiencies caused by inadequate R & D activities, uneasy relations among actors, especially among multinational corporations themselves, and a lack of private funding (to be related to the deep crisis in Latin America) delayed the implementation of the program in its original conception. Although reluctant to the introduction of new competitors, especially from Japan, the multinational could be forced into a new alliance that goes far beyond the actual loose formula, if they want the PRO-ALCOHOL program to be reactivated in the near future.
Vingt-cinq ans d’études stratégiques – Essai critique et survol de la documentation
Authors: Legault Albert
Published: July 2012

This article attempts to identify the great issues which have formed the mainstay of the strategic literature over the past twenty-five years. Its is essentially designee to acquaint the student with the major works and debates which have been published or discussed over the same period of time. The only new debates seem to bear on the ecological consequences of a nuclear war, and on the resurgence of the pacifist movements. The last section deals with the major issues of the future, such as outer space, ballistic missile defense, and the potential increase of the risks of a conventional war due to the progress of technology.
Système et crise en politique internationale
Authors: Brecher Michael
Published: July 2012

This paper is designed to enrich basic concepts. The specific goals are twofold: to stimulate a renewed interest in a System orientation to international relations ; and to prepare the g round for an analysis of the system-crisis linkage, that is, crises as international earthquakes or triggers to System change. The first section analyses approches to international Systems. In the light of their shortcomings a revised definition of a System is presented, along with a discussion of the core System components - structure, process, issue, boundaries, context and environment. The second part attempts to break fresh ground on the concepts of stability and equilibrium. The third section provides a new perspective on systemic crisis. Part four confronts the major task of linking the unit and System levels of crisis analysis, conceptually and empirically.
L’évolution de la doctrine nucléaire américaine de contreforce
Authors: David Charles-Philippe
Published: July 2012

There has been a tendency lately in the United States to talk about the breakdown of the domestic consensus on the purpose of American nuclear strategy. The Reagan administration policies have been largely responsible for the growing felt need by many to question the doctrine and plans underlining that strategy. Why did the erosion of the strategic consensus take place ? One explanation examined in this paper is that the U.S. government has appeared in its nuclear strategy to emphasize more and more counterforce and limited nuclear war plans as its nuclear weapons policy, and therefore has become increasingly receptive to the idea that atomic bombs can be treated like conventional weapons and thought in ways characteristic of the pronuclear world. The central purpose of this article is to analyze how those two phenomenons - the attractiveness of counterforce and the erosion of the strategic consensus - are related to one another. The evolution of the doctrine of counterforce is assessed through a survey of the literature from 1974 to 1984, and particularly from 1980 with the coming to power of the Reagan administration.
Les pêches de l’URSS dans l’Atlantique du Nord-Est et l’élargissement des zones de pêche exclusive
Authors: Carré François
Published: July 2012

After the last war, the USSR set it self to increase the development of its ocean fisheries from its two North-East Atlantic seaboards on the Barents Sea and the Baltic. With a modernized fleet and almost complete freedom on the seas, its catch increased six fold between 1950 and 1976, going from 0,4 to 2,5 million tons per year, and Soviet fishermen could be found roaming on all the seas bordering Europe.

However, as from 1977, this expansion was fiercely curtailed when coastal nations, including the USSR, established the 200-mile exclusive economic zone (EEZ) or mere exclusive fishing zone (EFZ), each being alloted almost all of its living resource s. More fishing grounds were lost by the USSR than gained, to the point where production suddenly fell in 1977 and it had to turn to fish of lesser quality, often used for industrial purposes, such as the Capelin (Mallotus villosus) and the blue Whiting (Micromesistius poutassou) which today make up to 60 % of all its catch off Northern Europe.

The Soviet authorities reacted with flexibility and diversity, namely by increased fishing in the national exclusive zone, particularly in the Barents Sea, through negotiations leading to access rights to foreign waters, particularly those of Norway and the Faeroe Islands, and through a policy whereby it could purchase unprocessed fish from some members of the EEC. Thus Russian factory ships came to the British coasts to process mackerel delivered to them at sea by English and Scottish fishermen. It is through such a strategy of diversification, various examples of which may be found around the world, that the Soviets have succeeded in regaining grounds lost in 1977 and in reaching an average production of 1,7 million tons from 1977 to 1983 in the North-East Atlantic, this being 3 to 4 % less than that of 1970-76, notwithstanding the few purchases of fish made directly at sea.
Les pêches canadiennes, objet de relations internationales complexes et conflictuelles
Authors: Daneau Marcel
Published: July 2012

Canada's fisheries have always been the subject of complex and conflicting international relations. Until January 1977, the fishing grounds off the Canadian coasts were there to be exploited by any nation with the means to do so. Interstate competition had a disastrous effect on the stock. With the extension of Canadian responsibilities to 200 miles offshore, a national System was laid down for stock exploitation and appropriation. From 1976 to 1982, Canada set up plans for the strict management of its fisheries, and numerous agreements were signed which allowed for the allocation of surplus stock from the Canadian waters in return for a market for Canadian sea products. From 1982 to 1985, with its stock increasing, Canada's policy appeared more generous since it allowed for the allocation of its non-surplus stock to signatory countries with a growing market for Canadian goods or with lower tarriff barriers. Since 1985, the emphasis in Canada has been mainly on conservation : Non-surplus stocks are allocated to countries who buy Canadian sea products, though especially those who respect the Canadian territorial limits and who respect the quotas, set by the North West Atlantic Fishing Organisation, outside Canada's 200-mile zone in the Atlantic. Due to its proximity to the US and to France (St-Pierre and Miquelon), Canada has sustained relations with those two countries. There are major differences between them regarding the demarcation of maritime boundaries and the sharing of transnational fisheries.
L’expertise stratégique face aux développements de l’intelligence articielle
Authors: Noyer Jean-Max
Published: July 2012

In the first section of this paper, the author tries to demonstrate how the increasing importance of modelisation/simulation reveals the existence of a crisis in strategic thought, seen as a crisis in the management of complexity, even more so as a crisis regarding the fundamental concepts of strategy, and regarding its claim even (as the " triumph of the means over the end " ) to tell how the world should be managed and what must be its destiny. At the same time, it is suggested that the dominance of " technolanguages " is growing, that the various attempts to overcome this crisis through the use of " artificial intelligence " are extremely promising, provided however that we agree to " a criticism of the strategic time-space ". In the second section, the author deals with the main problems and constraints linked with the conversion of strategic expertise into information processing languages and recommends that research be done along five axes : an update of the " fundamental connectors ", a kind of synapse in the strategic thinking, a study of the " attributes " and a setting up of such elaborate typology as " linguistic atoms ", and finally analyses of " contexts " and " key questions ".
L’importance internationale du développement économique dans les régions arctiques
Authors: Critchley W. Harriet
Published: July 2012

The economic development of the northern regions of the USSR, United States, Canada, Norway and Denmark (Greenland) is examined with reference to the possible sources and timing of development in each state. The conclusion is that economic development for these Arctic littoral states is extraordinarily dependent upon the development of non-renewable natural resources - especially petroleum hydrocarbons — and, to a lesser extent, certain renewable resources. In addition, current world prices for the relevant resources are sufficiently low that development activity in each state ranges from moderate to modest: as long as prices remain at these levels, the current timing and pace of development is not likely to increase.

A complex mix of factors is involved in estimating the international importance of such economic development, but the current moderate or modest levels of development activity provide a « breathing space » for interstate relations among the Arctic littoral states. This is the opportunity to explore and develop cooperative institutions and mechanisms for further economic development in the face of pressures that might otherwise promote conflict.
Les dimensions internes des comportements en temps de crise : étude de cas entre l'Inde et le Sri Lanka 1983-1990
Authors: Carment David
Published: July 2012

On July 29 1987, after 20 years of sustained inter-communal conflict and under great political pressure and war weariness, leaders of the government of Sri Lanka signed an Accord with the Indian government which hady at Sri Lanka s request, intervened in Sri Lanka's military and political conflict. The Accord aimed at the cessation of the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka. Indian involvement in Sri Lanka's domestic affairs signalled a decisional shift among Sri Lanka's leaders from a policy of resolving the conflict by military means to one of seeking political accommodation with the Tamil separatists. However, the presence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) and previous attempts by the Indian government to air drop supplies to Tamil rebels signalled the beginning of international crisis between India and Sri Lanka. This paper traces the events and decisional flow of Sri Lanka s elites from the pre-crisis period ofl983 to crisis abatement in 1990 in an attempt to understand the events and patterns of behaviour that led to an international crisis between Sri Lanka and India and more generally to elucidate the relationship between domestic ethnic conflict and international crisis. This paper argues that Sri Lanka entered into an international crisis precisely because of internal threats to its political integrity engendered by its domestic ethnic conflict. First, the theoretical literature is explored, allowing for a fuller exploration of the linkages between international crisis and ethnic conflict. Second, the perceptions of Sri Lanka's decision-maker s in response to increasing Indian involvement during the pre-crisis and crisis period are assessed. Third an analysis of SriLankan decision-making process is weighed against patterns of coping found in the theoretical literature. Fourth and finally, implications for further research are explored, specifically the role that ethnic conflicts play in triggering international crises and the implications that has for the management of ethnic conflicts by regional hegemons.
Une situation préoccupante : les investissements canadiens au Brésil dans les années 70 et 80
Authors: Holly Daniel
Published: July 2012

This article is about Canadian investments in Brazil in the 70's and the 80's. It attempts to explain the relative decline of Canada's position on the Brazilian market. Canada was the 3rd largest investor in Brazil in the 60's. By the middle of the 80's, it ranked 6th. This paper argues that this situation is mainly due to the insufficient development of R-D in Canada and the consequent low level of technological innovation in this country. One significant effect of that is the inability of Canadian enterprises to compete successfully with those of other countries. This is supported by the massive concentration of investments in Brazil by Canadian-owned firms in the more traditional industries (mining, smelting, etc.), the dominant position of Canadian-based affiliates of foreign firms in that process (Canadian investments in Brazil) and their concentration in the most technologically-advanced industries, the over-all technological dependence of the Canadian economy and the low level of funding of R-D activities.
Le réexamen des affaires du vol 007 de la Korean Airlines et du RB-50 (Note)
Authors: Ilyashov Anatoli
Published: July 2012

As revealed by documents in the National Archives in Washington, u.c., the United States routinely and knowingly sent reconnaissance flights over the Soviet Union during the fifties and sixties. The u-2 shootdown of the pilot Francis Gary Powers in 1960 was a manifestation of this dangerous pattern during the Cold War era. The author, the first Fulbright Lecturer to the formerly « closed-to-foreigners » military-industrial city of Nizhny Novgorod, or Gorki, suggests a direct correlation between this pattern of earlier reconnaissance flights and the shoot down of the KAL 007 airliner in 1983. It thus contains implications for current foreign policy in the bold new post-Cold War era, in which the means for surveillance have become more militarily sophisticated and technologically advanced.
Les contrôles américains sur les exportations stratégiques : historique et évolution
Authors: Martel André , Legault Albert
Published: July 2012

A brief historical survey of the u.s. export controls on strategic goods indicate the importance of the Cold War in achieving these objectives as well as the importance of polycentrism across and within the institutions and agencies concerned. The proliferation of controls has brought about a large area of freedom for the implementation of foreign policy by the executive branch of the Government. After the end of the Cold War, one can surmise that the emphasis mil be felt at three different levels : a greater discretion by national actors in the implementation of export controls policy, a greater harmonization of multilateral efforts designed at promoting the nonproliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and greater cleavages between those who want to relax export controls for economic reasons and those who want to strengthen them for security reasons. On the whole, the multiplicity of legislative actions and organizations concerned can only reinforce the freedom of action of the executive branch of the Government.
La désintégration yougoslave : un cadre fertile pour la théorie des dominos ?
Authors: Gagnon Rémy
Published: July 2012

Undoubtedly, one of the most critical crisis in the post-Cold War ex a, the Yugoslav conflict, due to its nationalist character, nurture the fear that a full scale Balkan War would result. In the very heart of Europe, it threated to spread, and then to slip away from the Occidental power's control. How to explain it, but specially how to prevent this diffusion ? The Domino Theory applied to the Yugoslav conflict proposes a model to answer these core questions. Based on a positive model of spatial diffusion, the analysis which follows investigates in depth the relationships between the « 1989 socialist break-up », the internal situation of Yugoslavia, and the spreading of the conflict. By so doing this analysis sheds light on the circomstantial causes and on the chaine of events which explain the origin of the conflict, as well as its expension. Starting with the postulate that the actions of state, within a given spatial and time framework, have a definite chance of influencing the actions of its neighboring states, we attribute an important mesure of responsibility to the collapse of USSR in the Yugoslav Conflict's release.
Les activités internationales des autochtones du Canada
Authors: Forest Pierre-Gerlier , Rodon Thierry
Published: July 2012

Aboriginal peoples of Canada have never limited themselves to the national scène in their struggle to obtain the recognition of their collective rights and powers. Since 1974, this phenomenon has increased noticeably and the international activities of Aboriginal peoples can be seen as a major event in Canadian external affairs. However, Aboriginal peoples of Canada are not a homogenous group. Their participation in the international Systems or institutions is as varied as the traditions and the expectations of each aboriginal nation towards political action. Beyond a typology of the external relations of Aboriginal peoples, the approach used in this article offers new perspectives over the extent and the meaning of their international personality : without being a condition of aboriginal self-government, the participation in the international arena is certainly promoting the realization of this ideal.
L'élaboration et le fonctionnement des mécanismes d'arbitrage au sein de I'ALE et de FALENA, du GATT et de l'OMC
Authors: Bastien Frédéric
Published: July 2012

The increasing importance of international trade explains in great part the role that dispute resolution plays in trade agreement. Diversification, government's intervention in the economy, readiness of interest groups to defend their cause, all these elements make trade negotiations a much more difficult task today thon it used to be fifty years ago. Quarrels and dispute over international trade are therefore more likely to arise and it's impossible today to negotiate international trade agreements without dispute resolution mecanism.

Success or failure of different type of arbitration lies in the definition of the substantive rules of trade agreements. For binding arbitration to work properly, such rules must be clear and precise. But this solution implies that independant countries renounce in part to their sovereignty. To do so, Canada and the United States decided to keep their own trade laws and accepted to submit them to binding arbitration. The same thing was done when free trade was extended to Mexico. At multilateral level, this type of arrangement would be much more difficult to implement.
L'Europe en quête d'une politique de migration : les contraintes de la mondialisation et de la restructuration des marchés du travail
Authors: Overbeek Henk
Published: July 2012

This paper argues that the development towards a common migration policy in the European Union reflects the emergence of a new form of regionalism resulting from the recent structural transformations in the global political economy. The European governments are caught in a web of contradictory interests and tendencies. On one side, the logic of global economic restructuring dictates continued deregulation and flexibilisation of the labour market, implying increased high levels of immigration. On the other hand, the political backlash against globalisation pushes towards a closure of the external borders. The result is the construction of a Fortress Europe, with a set of specific cooperation agreements with the regions surrounding the European Union in order to regulate the inflow of migrants.
La gestion de l'incertitude dans une organisation internationale : le cas de I'OACI
Authors: Le Scouarnec François-Pierre
Published: July 2012

A typology of uncertainty reveals three dimensions: probability, vagueness, and ambiguity. At the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO), terrorism has appeared as a threat to the agency's mandate, which is to ensure the harmonious development of civil air transportation. Faced with the probability that a terrorist act may occur, decision-makers in the international civil aviation System have developed an array of institutional responses. In the area of law, several instruments were created as the impact of events and techniques used by terrorists developed. In the area of management, the ICAO created a special unit reporting directly to the Secretary General and reviewed technical standards and procedures for aviation personnel. While new technologies were being deployed to reduce the probability of an illicit act, political responses were elaborated : use of the UN Secretary-Generalship, politicization of the ICAO Council, and international cooperation in the fight against terrorism. Uncertainty can be a vector of organizational development. Perception of uncertainty and the actions it brings about belong to afield of analysis of interest to the school of epistemics.
La complexité de valeurs dans la politique étrangère de l'administration Reagan face à l'Iran
Authors: Lecours André
Published: July 2012

The formulation of a policy that will satisfy several values and interests more or less compatible is a classic problem of political decision making. This phenomenon by which there can be, in a foreign policy issue for example, several divergent values and interests was named value-complexity by Alexander George. When facing a value complexity problem, a decision maker must choose some values and some interests over others. The choice he makes will not necessarily be the one made by other decision makers. This can result in a serious impediment to the decision making process.

The American foreign policy towards the Middle East faced, for the major part of the Cold War era, a value-complexity problem because it looked to reconcile four hard-to reconcile values and interests. The Reagan government was confronted rather acutely with this problem in the making of its Iranian policies. The administration was split in at least two factions over Iran : one who thought primarily of containing the Soviet Union in the Middle East region and the other for whom the political stability of moderate regimes threatened by revolutionnary Iran should be the most important priority. The existence of these factions, consequence of value-complexity, produced the making and the implementation of two distinct Iranian policies.
Politique commerciale canadienne : d'un protectionnisme pragmatique au système de préférence britannique et à I'ALENA
Authors: Nyahoho Emmanuel
Published: July 2012

Canadian trade policy is largely one 0} compromise between the interests 0} Us main partners and a constant search for improved access to foreign markets. The establishment 0} GATT permitted the Canadian government to multilaterally pursue the principle of free trade on a basis of non-discrimination. Nevertheless, this policy 0} market diversification conflicted with three economic events, namely : entry of United Kingdom to the EEC, the breakdown of the Bretton Woods System, and the emergence of protectionism in the United States. Canada has decided to sign the FTA in 1989 with the United States, which now is extended to include Mexico. This regional block, similar to the EEC, does not signify the limits of a Worldwide utopia, but is very well a step toward market globalisation.
Le tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda - La justice trahie (Note)
Authors: Philpot John
Published: July 2012

On November 8,1994, the Security Council of the United Nations adopted Resolution 955 creating an ad hoc international criminal tribunal to judge individuals responsible for violations of international humanitarian law committed in Rwanda between January 1, 1994 and December 31, 1994. In its form and structure, the Tribunal does not respect basic legal requirements required of a tribunal set up in international law. Us mandate - limited in time, in scope of potential indictment, and in jurisdiction to violations of international humanitarian law - mil prevent any light from being shed on the real issue raised by the Rwandan conflict, namely that of armed military intervention in Rwanda from Uganda. It will likely lead to the reinforcement of a one-sided view of the crisis in Rwanda and legitimate further unilateral interventionist policies in Africa and elsewhere. The Tribunal will institutionalize the de facto impunity for the members and supporters of the present government of Rwanda who undoubtedly committed many serious crimes between October 1, 1990 and the present.
La France: les institutions internationales au service du rang?
Authors: Macleod Alex , Viau Hélène
Published: July 2012

Si la volonté d'affirmer son rang reste toujours fondamentale pour la politique étrangère de la France, elle n'explique pas seule une politique qui se concentre de plus en plus sur les institutions internationales depuis la fin de la guerre froide. D'autres motivations doivent entrer en ligne de compte, notamment : la reconnaissance des insuffisances de ses propres ressources, l'évaluation des limites d'une approche bilatérale, le désir de contenir les tendances unilatéralistes des États-Unis, et le besoin d'affirmer son rôle de puissance de premier plan. En outre, la France cherche à faire adopter des normes de conduite internationale que seules les institutions peuvent imposer. Les trois cas choisis - la réforme de VONU, les sanctions contre l'Irak et le terrorisme - démontrent toute la complexité de la décision française de privilégier dorénavant une action internationale à travers les institutions.
À propos de l'arrêt de la CIJ relatif aux exceptions préliminaires de l'incident aérien de Lockerbie (Note)
Authors: Hamdouni Saïd
Published: July 2012

En dehors des développements récents de « l'affaire de Lockerbie », la Cour internationale de Justice (CIJ), dans son arrêt du 28.02.1998 relatif aux exceptions préliminaires, s'est prononcée sur sa propre compétence et sur la recevabilité de la requête libyenne. La problématique globale de ce travail va au-delà de l'analyse des questions juridiques, évoquées lors de l'instruction de cette affaire, pour soulever la finalité du jugement de la Cour. La démarche multidisciplinaire (philosophique, juridique et politique) permet, d'une part, de recadrer le contexte du différend entre le demandeur (la Libye) et les défendeurs des États-Unis et le Royaume-Uni) et relate, d'autre part, l'une des fonctions de la CIJ à savoir l'application du droit et la contribution au maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationales.

Derrière ce procès et cet arrêt, s'esquisse la détermination de la Cour à évincer l'utilisation de la force ou de la violence dans la solution dudit différend. Plus encore, l'arrêt rendu par la CIJ consiste à neutraliser l'éventualité d'un recours à « la justice vengeance » par les défendeurs.
L'adhésion du Canada à I'OÉA: la primauté des facteurs externes
Authors: Mace Gordon
Published: July 2012

Sans être le geste le plus significatif parmi ceux posés à l'égard des Amériques à l'époque du gouvernement Mulroney, la décision défaire du Canada un membre à part entière de l'Organisation des États américains (OÉA) fut néanmoins un moment stratégique important dans les rapports Canada-Amériques. La littérature spécialisée a consacré un certain nombre d'études à l'examen de l'adhésion canadienne à I'OÉA et on y remarque que la plupart des analyses insistent sur les déterminants internes comme facteurs explicatifs principaux de la décision prise en 1989. Le propos central de cet article consiste à tenter de montrer que les déterminants internes exposés dans la littérature spécialisée n'auraient pu mener à la décision canadienne d'adhérer à I'OÉA sans une conjoncture internationale particulière dans la deuxième moitié des années 1980. C'est ce contexte international qui constitue la source principale d'explication.
La politique du « mimétisme » : les relations civilo-militaires en Europe de l'Est
Authors: Dutkiewicz Piotr , Plekhanov Sergei
Published: July 2012

Cet article analyse le transfert aux pays d'Europe de l'Est des normes libérales-démocratiques dans le domaine des relations civilo-militaires au cours de la dernière décennie. Les auteurs ont recours à une nouvelle approche - la « politique du mimétisme » - et explorent à ce titre la transformation des relations civilo-militaires comme étant un série d'interactions complexes entre, d'une part, les modèles traditionnels et tenaces d'activité institutionnelle, et, d'autre part, de nouvelles politiques et de nouvelles normes qui ont été introduites en fonction de politiques axées sur I'OTAN et VUE et adoptées par la plupart des États est-européens au début des années 1990, et d'un ensemble de conditions imposées par les organisations internationales. Les auteurs mettent en perspective les différences régionales dans le processus du transfert des normes en comparant les cas de l'Europe centrale et de la Russie. Cette approche permet ainsi d'exposer de nombreuses dimensions de la synthèse émergente entre les anciennes et les nouvelles normes. Une telle synthèse démontre que ces États (et cela est particulièrement évident dans le cas de la Russie) peuvent se protéger des défis externes. La principale conclusion de l'article suggère que les nouveaux systèmes émergents d'Europe de l'Est, grâce au mimétisme institutionnel et normatif, cherchent leur propre voie de transformation.
Les relations civilo-militaires dans les Amériques et la diffusion de normes régionales: quel rôle pour l'OEA?
Authors: Mace Gordon , Loiseau Hugo
Published: July 2012

Les relations civilo-militaires ont toujours été une composante essentielle de la démocratie libérale. Mais, selon nous, l'étude du contrôle civil des militaires dans les Amériques a négligé de prendre en considération un aspect en quelque sorte nouveau mais important de la problématique. Cet aspect concerne la relation entre les normes démocratiques régionales et l'évolution des relations civilo-militaires à l'échelle nationale. Parce que la connaissance du sujet est encore très limitée, notre objectif immédiat n'est pas d'essayer de découvrir une relation de causalité. Notre but plus modeste est plutôt de déterminer si, autant à l'échelle régionale que nationale, il existe une évolution parallèle en ce qui concerne les normes et les pratiques démocratiques en matière de relations civilo-militaires dans quatre pays (Argentine, Brésil, Chili et Mexique). Le but n'est pas d'expliquer le degré plus ou moins grand de concordance ou bien la perméabilité de certains régimes à la diffusion des normes, mais bien de rendre manifeste le parallélisme entre les deux phénomènes. Pour ce faire, il suffit de se demander pour chacune des normes dans quelle mesure les gouvernements nationaux les ont assimilées durant la décennie 1990.
Armée et Parti au Viêt-Nam : une symbiose au service de l'économie de marché
Authors: Hervouet Gérard , Thayer Carlyle A.
Published: July 2012

L'expérience historique tout à fait exceptionnelle du Viêt-Nam depuis 1945 suffit à légitimer le caractère très spécifique du rôle assumé par l'Armée populaire du Viêt-Nam (APV). Avec l'adoption du Dôi Moi - ou grand programme de réformes - en 1986, et la fin de l'Union soviétique, on pouvait penser que les autorités vietnamiennes s'écarteraient progressivement de la logique de la « nation en armes » . En fait, il n'en fut rien et le Viêt-Nam associe désormais encore plus étroitement VAPV à des activités économiques importantes. Le Parti communiste vietnamien, et cela contrairement à son homologue chinois, ne cherche pas à professionnaliser véritablement son armée qui devient plus que jamais l'instrument du maintien de l'ordre intérieur. Cette symbiose volontairement renforcée se traduit par l'attribution de nouvelles fonctions civiles à VAPV. Divisé en trois parties , cet article étudie donc l'imbrication des rapports Parti-Armée, la mobilisation des militaires sur le front économique et l'amorce d'un professionnalisme immédiatement compensé par la définition de nouvelles tâches civiles.
L'effet miroir : la construction de la Communauté européenne et la rhétorique politique au Québec et au Canada, 1989-2000
Authors: Martel Marcel , Paquet Martin
Published: July 2012

De l'entrée en vigueur de l'Accord de libre-échange entre le Canada et les États-Unis en 1989, au deuxième référendum québécois sur la souveraineté en 1995, les références à la construction européenne furent présentes au sein des débats politiques. Toutefois, après le référendum de 1995, ces références deviennent plus rares. L'usage rhétorique de ces références renvoie au fonctionnement interne des microcosmes politiques canadien et québécois. Visant la conquête de l'espace politique, les acteurs de ces microcosmes opèrent une sélection stratégique des éléments de la construction européenne dans les contextes des relations entre le Canada et le Québec ainsi que de l'évolution du fédéralisme canadien. L'usage des références à la construction européenne dans le discours politique obéit alors à une logique partisane cherchant à augmenter la capacité persuasive des arguments fédéralistes et souverainistes. Cette étude explore ici une manifestation de « l'effet-miroir », puisque les références européennes s'avèrent plus révélatrices du débat constitutionnel canado-québécois que de la réalité de l'Europe communautaire.
Les relations serbo-croates après les changements politiques en Croatie et en Serbie (Note)
Authors: Lukic Renéo
Published: July 2012

Après la mort du président Franjo Tudjman et la victoire électorale de l'opposition politique en Croatie et en République fédérale de Yougoslavie (RFY), ces pays amorcent une ouverture décisive envers l'Europe occidentale. Cependant, les relations entre la Croatie et la RFY demeureront difficiles. En dépit des déclarations encourageantes du nouveau président de la RFY, Vojislav Kostunica, et du président de la Croatie, Stipe Mesic, de vouloir normaliser complètement les relations entre les deux pays, de nombreux obstacles interdisent pour le moment une coopération accrue entre les deux États. Les impacts dramatiques de la guerre serbo-croate (1991-1995) sont encore trop présents dans la mémoire des Croates pour que cela soit possible. Le sort de nombreux portés disparus demeurant indéfini et les difficultés rencontrées en Slavonie orientale pour le retour des Croates, de même que le contentieux territorial dans la péninsule de Prevlaka, apparaissent comme étant les raisons majeures qui empêchent la réconciliation des deux peuples.
Les groupes d'intérêt et la formulation de la politique commerciale des États-Unis pendant la période de préparation du cycle d'Uruguay 1982-1986
Authors: Fortin Jean-François
Published: July 2012

Cet article s'inspire de l'approche sociétale et étudie les positions des groupes d'intérêt sur le choix de la forme organisationnelle de la politique commerciale américaine au cours d'une période importante de l'évolution du système mondial du commerce. L'appréciation des préférences de ces groupes y est effectuée par le moyen de l'analyse d'audiences du Congrès américain. L'analyse des attentes et exigences des groupes d'intérêt face au discours du gouvernement et à la négociation d'ententes de libre-échange démontre qu'il a fallu que des organismes et des groupes d'affaires soient convaincus de la pertinence d'une nouvelle politique. La politique de bilatéralisme s'est déployée au moment où les vues des élites du monde des affaires étaient réfractaires à l'idée de l'incorporation d'une orientation de politique qui dérogeait au respect traditionnel de la politique de multilatéralisme par le gouvernement américain. Des associations, représentant en particulier la grande entreprise, ont incliné du côté de la politique de bilatéralisme seulement après avoir compris que cette façon défaire pouvait contribuer à l'avènement de conditions propices à l'adoption d'un agenda au cycle d'Uruguay qui soit ambitieux, innovateur et surtout conforme aux objectifs commerciaux des États-Unis. En somme, les préférences et positions des groupes d'intérêt analysées suggèrent que la politique de bilatéralisme a été conçue dans une grande autonomie des pressions sociétales.
À quand le règne du dollar? Instabilité politique et intégration monétaire dans les Amériques
Authors: Arès Mathieu
Published: July 2012

Ce texte s'insère dans le débat sur la dollarisation qui a lieu actuellement en Equateur, en Argentine, au Mexique ainsi qu'au Canada. Nous soutenons que, s'il est vrai que la dollarisation est un pocessus bien réel, le mode spécifique d'intégration qu'elle opère en est un dit « par la base » c'est-à-dire une intégration qui est le résultat des réactions des gouvernements et des agents économiques face à d'importants désordres politiques et économiques plutôt qu'une intégration, « par le sommet », dans laquelle l'union monétaire ne constitue qu'une partie d'un projet politique plus vaste. La thèse présentée dans cet article est que la dollarisation officielle ne se produit qu'après qu'un État ait subi d'importantes crises politiques et économiques: les situations les plus difficiles favorisent la dollarisation unilatérale.