bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
EVALUATING PYRETHROID ALTERNATIVES FOR THE MANAGEMENT OF COTTON BOLLWORMS AND RESISTANCE IN CAMEROON
Authors: ACHALEKE J. , VAISSAYRE M. , BREVAULT T.
Published: December 2008

In sub-Saharan Africa, the bollworm complex, includingHelicoverpa armigera,Diparopsis watersiandEariasspp., threatens the continued success of cotton production. Pyrethroid resistance inH. armigeraled to serious crop losses while endosulfan, a suitable alternative to pyrethroids, was banned for cotton pest management. Five candidates with no cross-resistance to pyrethroids were evaluated in both on-station and on-farm trials from 2002 to 2006. Two applications were made at the early peak ofH. armigerainfestation in September, the period when pyrethroid use should be restricted for resistance management purposes. Results showed that, as expected, bollworm infestation consistently peaked from mid-September to mid-October. Spinosad, thiodicarb and emamectin-benzoate were the most suitable alternatives to reduce damage, regardless of the cotton bollworm species. Indoxacarb and lufenuron were less effective in controllingD. watersi. On-farm experiments confirmed the suitability of spinosad for control of pyrethroid-resistantH. armigera, particularly on late sown fields. These new chemistries offer control of bollworms which justify their relevance for pyrethroid resistance management in Cameroon and sub-Saharan Africa.
DETERMINANTS OF THE DECISION TO ADOPT INTEGRATED SOIL FERTILITY MANAGEMENT PRACTICES BY SMALLHOLDER FARMERS IN THE CENTRAL HIGHLANDS OF KENYA
Authors: MUGWE JAYNE , MUGENDI DANIEL , MUCHERU-MUNA MONICAH , MERCKX ROEL , CHIANU JONAS , VANLAUWE BERNARD
Published: December 2008

Declining soil fertility is a major cause of low per capita food production on smallholder farms of sub-Saharan Africa. This study attempted to provide an empirical explanation of the factors associated with farmers' decisions to adopt or not to adopt newly introduced integrated soil fertility management (ISFM) technologies consisting of combinations of organics and mineral fertilizer in Meru South district of the central highlands of Kenya. Out of 106 households interviewed, 46% were ‘adopters’ while 54% were ‘non-adopters’. A logistic regression model showed that the factors that significantly influenced adoption positively were farm management, ability to hire labour and months in a year households bought food for their families, while age of household head and number of mature cattle negatively influenced adoption. The implication of these results is that the adoption of ISFM practices could be enhanced through targeting of younger families where both spouses work on the farm full-time and food insecure households. It is also important to target farmers that lack access to other sources of soil fertility improvement. Examples include farmers that do not own cattle or those owning few and who, therefore, have limited access to animal manure.
Les Mouvements Sociaux en Amerique Latine au XIXe Siècle
Authors: Rama Carlos M.
Published: December 2008

On pourrait résumer la situation des études en matière d'histoire sociale en Amérique Latine en disant que, s'il existe des travaux de valeur isolés, elles se trouvent généralement à la première étape de leur développement.
Church and State in the Cosmos of Crete
Authors: Becker Howard
Published: December 2008

Here begins a presentation of the evidence for the complexity of the great pre-Greek civilization, focused in Crete and bearing, from the dynasty of the Priest-King called Minos or the Minos, the name of Minoan. This Aegean civilization gave many gifts to the coming Greeks – to those who, using Minoan script to write proto-Greek, as Ventris and Chadwick have shown, established the Homeric civilization of Mycenae, and to those who, surviving the onslaught of the Dorian Greeks, finally established the comprehensive civilization of classical times. In this classical civilization even the initially destructive Dorians played a constructive part, but it was in the little land most influenced by the Minoan heritage, Attica, that Greece most characteristically became the Greece still transmitting to the rest of the world the remoter effects, at least, of the great epoch of the Priest-King. What will here be recounted is only a prelude, limited to the days before the Palace of the Minos was given to the flames, and may later be followed by themes developing the events of the Greek world proper; nevertheless, even a prelude may have a profound bearing on the coming symphony.
The “Impossibilist Revolt” in Britain
Authors: Tsuzuki Chushichi
Published: December 2008

The Socialist Labour Party and the Socialist Party of Great Britain came into existence as the result of the “impossibilist revolt” of 1900–1904. The “revolt” was a movement of a few hundred socialists within the Social Democratic Federation, itself a social revolutionary party with a membership of only a few thousands. The absence of widespread support for any of these revolutionary movements in a country whose political tradition has remained predominantly constitutional accounts for the fact that the crisis inside the S.D.F., and with it the origins of the S.L.P. and the S.P.G.B. themselves have been consigned to obscurity in the history of British Socialism.
Fourierism in Britain
Authors: Pankhurst Richard K. P.
Published: December 2008

The socialism of Charles Fourier (1772–1837) though primarily a French movement succeeded in exerting a not insignificant influence in early nineteenth century Britain. At first it did little more than modify the views of native pioneer socialists who imported a sprinkling of Fourierist ideas into their own writings – usually greatly modified and without acknowledgement of their origin. Gradually, however, Fourierism made more wholehearted converts and by the eighteen forties a group of enthusiastic disciples in London had succeeded in creating an embryonic movement, with mass meetings and a weekly journal. Though the movement died out after about a decade of active propaganda and even if it never achieved anything like the success it obtained in the United States (where no less than twenty-seven Fourierist communities were attempted), English Fourierism produced a fairly extensive literature and undoubtedly exerted an important influence on the general pattern of English socialist thought, having in this respect a probably more significant career than the more spectacular movement of the Saint Simonians.
Richtungsgewerkschaft und gewerkschaftliche Autonomie 1890–1914
Authors: Langerhans Heinz
Published: December 2008

Das Sozialistengesetz zerstörte, zehn Jahre nach ihrer Entstehung, die Gewerkschaftsbewegung, die 1868 so eifrig begonnen hatte. Die Entwicklung, die damit verschleppt und aufgeschoben war, kam nach Aufhebung des Sozialistengesetzes zum Austrag. Der durch sie her-aufbeschworene Konflikt von Gewerkschaft und Partei 1906 ist als ein Bestandteil der Industrialisierung Deutschlands aufzufassen. Die Überordnung der Partei über die Gewerkschaften gehörte der Zeit an, in der Deutschland verglichen mit England ein industriell unter-entwickeltes Land war. Die Umkehrung des Verhältnisses und die Angleichung an das Modell der gleichzeitig in England entstehenden Labour Party trat mit dem endgültigen Durchbruch zum Industriestaat ein.
Unknown Chapters in the History of “Vpered”
Authors: Sapir Boris
Published: December 2008

The period 1870–1880 represents an important phase in the history of social movements in Russia. Within that decade ideas and groups merged whose influence can be discerned in the events that preceded and those that followed the upheaval of 1917.

Among those groups one of the more interesting was the so-called Lavrists, or vperedovtzy, named after the publication “Vpered” (Forward), founded and edited by Peter Lavrov (1823–1900) and first published in Zurich, Switzerland, where volumes I and II were brought out in 1873 And 1874 respectively, and then in London, where volumes III, IV And V (the last-named not under the editorship of lavrov) as well as a bimonthly edition of “Vpered” were published during 1874–1877. In addition, the printing office of “Vpered” also produced several books and pamphlets.
P. I. Pestel. The Beginnings of Jacobin Thought in Russia
Authors: Schwarz-Sochor J.
Published: December 2008

Few Western historians of Russian Revolutionary thought have shown much interest in the Decembrist movement. Its two risings of December 1825 and January 1826, unprepared and ineptly executed, are indeed of little importance. For years a group of young men, representatives of the “conscience-stricken gentry” and mostly army officers, had as members of a secret society hoped for, and finally attempted, the overthrow of Tsarism by means of a military revolt. Nicholas I was thorough, the suppression was cruel and complete, it inaugurated an era of material and moral stagnation.
The Role of Russia in German Socialist Policy, 1914–18
Authors: Maehl William
Published: December 2008

German Socialism drifted towards the whirlpool in 1914 in a vessel straining with contradictions. In internal matters the SPD paid lip service to Marxist doctrine but was, in its day to day operations, profoundly revisionist. It had long since effected a compromise with the Bismarckian state. In foreign affairs the party was pacifist but had no plan to preserve the peace. It cherished the international solidarity of the proletariat but would not use force to preserve it. It deplored the militarism of German foreign policy but did not see that the state, to which Socialists no less than Conservatives were deeply attached, could not be defended with pacifist gestures. Its ideology hobbled its patriotism, while its investments, other material interests and radiant political prospects made it a party of “irresolute Marxists.” The SPD was the Hamlet of international socialism.
E. S. Beesly and Karl Marx
Authors: Harrison Royden
Published: December 2008

Beesly was not only friendly with Marx, but was well acquainted with his circle. He knew Lafargue, he got to know Engels, and there were mutual acquaintances, such as Eugene Oswald. Among workmen, he was not only the friend of Odger, Applegarth and Lucraft, but was on close terms with such working-class confidants of Marx as Jung and Eccarius, and to a lesser extent with Dupont. In the sixties he was a familiar figure, not only in the offices of the Carpenters and Joiners, the London Trades Council or the Bee-Hive, but was also at home in the “Golden Ball” where the most radical of London's workmen talked with continental revolutionaries over a clay pipe and a pot of beer. Here one could get the flavour of European proletarian politics: that other “World of Labour” in whose ideals Beesly was as deeply interested as he was in those of English trades unionism. Indeed, for many years he expressed his desire for the amalgamation of trade unionism – with its implicit recognition of the priority of social questions—, and proletarian republicanism – with its generous enthusiasm and its larger view.
The Intellectual Origins of French Jacobin Socialism
Authors: Loubère Leo A.
Published: December 2008

This essay was written with the thought in mind that there is need for more clarification in the terminology used to describe certain socialist philosophies of the nineteenth century. It seems clear that the terms ‘democratic socialism” or “social democracy” have lost much of the meaning they might have had in the past. “Democratic” as an adjective or “democracy” as a noun, have been so abused that today they may convey the idea of either a civil libertarian kind of government or a form of totalitarianism. Indeed, the words made for confusion in the nineteenth century when Jacobins, Babouvians, Blanquists, even Bonapartists, claimed each to be true representatives of the general will, and either executed or would have executed those representing opposing wills. Nonviolent were P.-J.-B. Buchez and Louis Blanc, each of whom claimed to be a democratic socialist. Yet in 1848 they opposed each other with intense vehemence. There is need then, for definition and delineation.
Wilhelm Weitling und die deutsche politische Handwerkerlyrik im Vormärz
Authors: Schieder Wolfgang
Published: December 2008

Im Juliheft 1851 der Zeitschrift „Die Republik der Arbeiter”, die Wilhelm Weitling 1850–1855 in New York herausgab, machte der deutsche Frühsozialist eine selbstbiographische Angabe, der die Forschung bisher noch nicht nachgegangen ist. Um sich gegen verschiedene Angriffe zu verteidigen, veröffentlichte Weitling dort under dem Titel „Ubersicht der Erfolge einer zwölfjährigen Propaganda mit bezug auf die Geldpunkte” eine Art von literarischem Rechenschaftsbericht, in dem er u.a. folgendes schrieb:

„Im Jahre 1838 wurde mir in Paris von der Zentralbehörde unserer Verbindung, der ich seit kurzem mit angehörte, der Auftrag: die Möglichkeit der Gütergerneinschaft durch eine Schrift zu veranschaulichen, weil die Mitglieder eine solche Schrift verlangten. Ich hatte einen Mitbewerber, aber die Mitglieder der Zentralbehörde entschieden sich einstimmig für meine Schrift: ‘Die Menschheit, wie sie ist and wie sie sein sollte’…. Ich verfaßte die Schrift zu einer Zeit, in weicher ich jeden Abend bis 10 und 11 Uhr und jeden Sonntag bis 12 Uhr mittags als Schneidergeselle arbeiten mußte. Ich übersetzte Lamennais' ‘Buch des Volkes’ und gab das Manuskript einem Agenten unserer Verbindung für die Verbindung in Deutschland gratis mit. Ich lieferte 12 Lieder zu den ‘Volksklängen’, versteht sich gleichfalls gratis. Das waren meine ersten literarischen Produktionen…”
Fabianisme et Communisme: Les Webb et l'Union Soviétique
Authors: Liebman Marcel
Published: December 2008

Sidney et Beatrice Webb sont incontestablement deux des personnalités les plus importantes et les plus représentatives du socialisme contemporain en Grande-Bretagne. Et si celui-ci traversait aujourd'hui une crise susceptible de le transformer, il n'en resterait pas moins marqué par les courants qui ont présidé à son premier envol.
Der Deutsche Republikaner Johann Philipp Becker als Mitstreiter für die Erringung demokratischer Ziele in der Schweiz
Authors: Trübner Georg
Published: December 2008

„Mein Freund, Joh. Phil. Becker zu Biel, steht im Begriff gleich mir, ein Bürgerrecht im Kanton Bern nachzusuchen. Könnten Sie ihm dabei behilflich sein, so bitte ich Sie, es zu thun. Ich kenne keinen tüchtigeren Mann, an ihm wird der Kanton einen thätigen, kräftigen und hochherzigen Bürger gewinnen. Nach meiner Überzeugung wiegen alle Deutsche, die seit 3 Jahren Bürger in Bern geworden, diesen einen nicht auf.”
The 10th April of Spencer Walpole: The Problem of Revolution in Relation to Reform, 1865–1867
Authors: Harrison Royden
Published: December 2008

The 10th April 1848 is one of the most famous days in the history of the nineteenth century. The Chartists of London had screwed themselves up for a decisive trial of strength with the ruling classes. They found themselves outnumbered by the combined resources of the civil and military powers. They shrank back before the prospect of a collision with the vast forces of law and order and property commanded by the Duke of Wellington and Richard Mayne. What was to have been a triumphant demonstration of the overwhelming power and determination of the people, ended in the anything but triumphal progress of a few hired hackney coaches carrying a dubious petition. “The 10th April, 1848 will long be remembered as a great field day of the British Constitution”, announced the Times. “The signal of unconstitutional menace, of violence, of insurrection, of revolution, was yesterday given in our streets, and happily despised by a peaceful, prudent, and loyal metropolis. That is the triumph we claim…. This settles the question. In common fairness it ought to be regarded as a settled question for years to come. The Chartists and Confederates made the challenge, and chose the field and trial of strength. They must stand by their choice. They chose to disturb the metropolis for the chance of something coming of it. They fished for a revolution and have caught a snub. We congratulate them on their booty, which we hope they will divide with their partners in Dublin. It is, perhaps, a fortunate circumstance that so momentous a question as the free action of the British Legislature should be settled thus decisively….”
George Bernard Shaw and the Socialist League. Some Unpublished Letters
Authors: Baylen Joseph O.
Published: December 2008

When H. M. Hyndman's contentious and authoritarian leadership of the British Social Democratic Federation provoked William Morris and nine other members of its Executive Council to resign on December 24, 1884, the Federation not only lost an important segment of its strength, but also some of its most effective members. With Morris went Dr. Edward Aveling and Eleanor Marx Aveling, Belfort Bax (the confidant of Engels), Samuel Mainwaring (a leader of the Labour Emancipation League), John Lincoln Mahon (the founder, with Andreas Scheu, of the Scottish Land and Labour League), Robert Banner (with the very active Woolwich branch of the Federation), W. J. Clark, J. Cooper, and Joseph Lane. On December 30, less than a week after the secession of this group, Morris and his colleagues formed the Socialist League which almost immediately threatened to become a most formidable competitor of the S.D.F. From its headquarters in a Farringdon Street loft at the edge of East London, the Socialist League issued its periodical, The Commnoweal, and sallied forth to realize William Morris's hope of educating the masses for “the great and inevitable change” in British political, economic, and social life.
Educational Pressure Groups and the Indoctrination of the Radical Ideology of Solidarism, 1895–1914
Authors: Hayward J. E. S.
Published: December 2008

On a previous occasion, I have argued that during the two decades preceding the First World War, the French Radical Party, under electoral pressure from the separate and then united Socialist parties of Jaurès and Guesde, began to look for a doctrine around which they could rally to defend their recently acquired hold on power against both the individualists to their right and the collectivists on their left. It was the six-month duration of Léon Bourgeois' purely Radical government of 1895–6 and hisLettres sur le Mouvement Socialof 1895, republished in 1896 as a book and entitledSolidarité, that marked the beginning of thebelle époqueof Radical-socialism and of the Third Republic. It was argued that during the next two decades, Bourgeois' doctrine of Solidarism became for platform, and to a lesser extent, practical political purposes, the official social philosophy of the régime, probably reaching its apotheosis at the time of the Paris World Exhibition of 1900. This pre-eminent position in the doctrinal firmament of France was not achieved without an intensive campaign through a variety of mainly educational pressure groups – to be anticipated in a lay “République des professeurs.” It is the principal channels and people through which this indoctrination was propagated that will be our concern in the pages that follow. However, the activities of the “Universités Populaires”, which were closely allied to the movements discussed here, have been passed over because they have formed the subject-matter of a separate study.
Dialectical Idealism and the Work of Lorenz von Stein
Authors: Weiss John
Published: December 2008

Dialectical idealism as applied to social theory may be provisionally defined as an attempt to explain the evolution of Western society through the use of dialectical forms which rely upon the presumed motive power of spiritual, mental, or ideal forces. These forces are presumed to “realize themselves” in the historical process. Hegel and Fichte, of course, first made such concepts familiar. The mighty influence of Marx and dialectical materialism, which kept the form but not the idealism of the Hegelian dialectic, has accounted for a lasting eclipse of interest in this earlier form of dialectical social thought. It is at least partly a symptom of this general decline of interest in dialectical idealism that the work of Lorenz von Stein has become, until quite recently, all but forgotten to modern scholarship.
Wakefield Changes his Mind About the “Sufficient Price”
Authors: Prichard M. F. Lloyd
Published: December 2008

Edward Gibbon Wakefield was born in London in 1796. For part of his childhood his grandmother, Mrs. Priscilla Wakefield, was his guardian. She was a prominent Quaker, author of several books includingA Family Tour through the British Empire(1814), an active social worker and founder of a savings bank. His father was also a philanthropist and author ofAn Account of Ireland, Statistical and Political(1812), but he does not appear to have been an active member of the Society of Friends.
Adoratskij an Kautsky
Authors: Bahne S.
Published: December 2008

In den Jahren vor dem ersten Weltkrieg wurde der SPD und ihrem wichtigsten Theoretiker, Karl Kautsky, in den sozialistischen Parteien der ost- und südosteuropäischen Länder eine besonders grosse Anerkennung gezollt. „Für uns Russen war die deutsche Sozialdemokratie die Mutter, das lebendige Beispiel. Wir idealisierten sie aus der Entfernung. Die Namen von Bebel und Kautsky sprach man andächtig aus.” So beschrieb Trotzki viele Jahre später seine Haltung gegenüber der grössten Partei in der 2. Internationale, die – allerdings in verschiedenen Graden der Abstufung der Anerkennung – fast allen russischen Marxisten gemeinsam war. Selbst Lenin, der weder (wie etwa Akselrod und Rjazanov) damals mit Kautsky befreundet gewesen ist, noch (wie Trotzki) ihn jemals als seinen „Lehrer” bezeichnet hat, schätzte die theoretischen Arbeiten Kautskys hoch ein, wie er diesem im November 1911 noch brieflich bestätigte. Eine grundlegende Änderung in Lenins Urteil über Kautsky ist erst in den letzten Vorkriegsjahren, öffentlich gar erst im Winter 1913/14 deutlich wahrzunehmen.
Russian Emigration and British Marxist Socialism
Authors: Kendall Walter
Published: December 2008

Britain's tradition of political asylum has for centuries brought refugees of many nationalities to her shores. The influence both direct and indirect, which they have exerted on British life has been a factor of no small importance. The role of religious immigration has frequently been examined, that of the socialist emigrés from Central Europe has so far received less detailed attention.
Chartist Disturbances in Northeastern England, 1839
Authors: Maehl William Henry
Published: December 2008

In all of the writing on Chartism, virtually no attention has been paid to the movement in northeastern England. Tucked off as they are in a remote corner of the country, Newcastle, Sunderland, and the industrial and mining communities around have been neglected by scholars who usually mean Lancashire and the West Riding of Yorkshire when they speak of “the North”. Yet Chartism in Northumberland and Durham attained a stridency and vehemence which was rarely matched and never excelled elsewhere.
Archivalische Miszellen über O. Bauer
Authors: Rosdolsky Roman
Published: December 2008

Auf eine Einführung in die unten veröffentlichten archivalischen Miszellen kann verzichtet werden: sie sprechen für sich selbst und wo immer eine Erläuterung angebracht erschien, wurde sie in einer Fussnote gegeben.
Bonapartist Workers during the Second Empire
Authors: Kulstein David I.
Published: December 2008

In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries militant and class-conscious European and American workers have generally supported democratic and socialist movements and parties. Workers attracted by antidemocratic and reactionary organizations and regimes have usually come from the dregs of their class, from Marx's famous Lumpenproletariat (true, the leadership has often included disappointed ex-Marxists). At times, however, this generalization must be qualified. Today, for example, the trade unions that favor Peron in Argentina include the kind of activist worker usually to be found in Social Democratic and Marxist movements. During the final decade of the Second Empire a somewhat similar attitude towards an anti-democratic regime emerged among some French workers. In the 1860's a significant minority of workers, often better educated than the average and with a long record of service to the working class, urged support of the Second Empire and often became devoted followers of Napoleon III. This article examines the motives and the activities of such Bonapartist inclined workers.
George Potter, the Junta, and the Bee-Hive
Authors: Coltham Stephen
Published: December 2008

Most histories of the nineteenth-century labour movement give some account of George Potter's conflict with the men the Webbs called the Junta; and it is generally recognised that one main bone of contention was control of theBee-Hivenewspaper. But there has been little real analysis of this quarrel, and even less of the eventual reconciliation. It is true that some of the old generalisations are no longer accepted. Nowadays, most labour historians agree that the Webbs, writing under Applegarth's influence, dismissed Potter too contemptuously. There is also some recognition of the fact that Raymond Postgate'sBuilders' History, although more accurate on Potter's early position in the labour movement, gives a completely false impression of his later career and the changes that took place in theBee-Hive. But through it all, Potter has remained a rather shadowy figure, and in published works theBee-Hive'sown history has been surprisingly neglected. Even a recent work in which the author avowedly sets out to correct the record on Potter – B. C. Roberts'sThe Trades Union Congress, 1868–1921 – is in many ways unsatisfactory. Roberts does make an attempt to analyse the conflict, and on the whole he sums up Potter's aims and achievements more accurately than either the Webbs or Postgate did. But in trying to give Potter due credit for his part in founding the TUC, Roberts has over-estimated his contribution, and minimised his weaknesses. Above all, he has paid too little attention to theBee-Hiveitself. As a result, the consequences of the way in which the paper was founded and conducted, and the relationship between Potter's other activities and theBee-Hive'ssuccessive changes of ownership, editorship and policy, are either disregarded or mistakenly interpreted. Potter's career in the labour movement, and the development of theBee-Hive, were completely interwoven, and neither can be fully assessed without the other.
Harney and Engels
Authors: Cadogan Peter
Published: December 2008

The English Chartists of the nineteenth century were men who lived in very modest circumstances, and their mobility, their empiricism, their lack of filing facilities, the housepride of their wives and the discontinuity of their particular organisations militated against the proper preservations of their archives. For the history of Chartism we rely upon contemporary printed sources, Home Office Papers, a handful of Collections and a few autobiographies. Thus when A.R. Schoyen set out to write Chartist Challenge, book a centred round the person of the Chartist leader George Julian Harney, he was obliged to open his Preface as follows: “The impersonal nature of most of the available materials on Julian Harney, mainly newspapers and periodicals in which he wrote, leave one with no more than conjectures about some aspects of his life.”
„Sozialfaschismus” in Deutschland
Authors: Bahne Siegfried
Published: December 2008

Seit seiner Entstehung hatte sich der vor allem aus dem linken Flügel der Vorkriegssozialdemokratie hervorgegangene deutsche Kommunismus scharf von der SPD distanziert, deren „Ersatz-Marxismus”, wie Rosa Luxemburg auf dem Gründungsparteitag der KPD am 31. Dezember 1918 meinte, die sozialistische Bewegung „zu einem Dahinsiechen im Rahmen und auf dem Boden der kapitalistischen Gesellschaft verurteilte, ohne jedes ernste Bestreben, die Gesellschaft zu erschüttern und aus den Fugen zu bringen”. Trotz all ihrer Differenzen in wichtigen Fragen waren sich Lenin und Luxemburg einig in ihrem Haß gegen die „Sozialverräter”, wie Lenin die Sozialdemokraten verächtlich nannte. Und Rosa Luxemburg sagte von ihnen und den deutschen Gewerkschaftsführern, sie seien die „infamsten und größten Halunken, die in der Welt gelebt haben”; ihre „sogenannte sozialistische Regierung” sei in Wirklichkeit eine „Regierung der bürgerlichen Konterrevolution”. Die Frontstellung gegen die Sozialdemokratie bestimmte also bereits die Politik der jungen KPD und der im März 1919 gegründeten Kommunistischen Internationale, ehe am 23. März 1919 auf der Piazza San Sepolcro in Mailand von dem ehemaligen Sozialisten Mussolini die „Fasci di Combattimento” ins Leben gerufen wurden und Hitler im September desselben Jahres in die winzige „Deutsche Arbeiterpartei” eintrat, die einige Monate später den Namen „NSDAP” erhielt. Der Kampf gegen diesebeidenpolitischen Gruppierungen, die Sozialdemokratieundden „Faschismus”, bestimmte in der Periode der Weimarer Republik in nicht geringem Maße die Politik der KPD. Wir wollen die Entwicklung des kommunistischen Verhältnisses zur Sozialdemokratie sowie vor allem die Geschichte des Begriffs „Sozialfaschismus” in Deutschland in einem kurzen Überblick betrachten.
Jewish Socialists around Vpered
Authors: Sapir Boris
Published: December 2008

The importance of the “Lavrists” or “Vperedovtsy”, named after the publication Vpered (Forward) (1873–1877) founded and edited by Peter Lavrovich Lavrov, in the evolution of the socialist ideas and groups in Russia has been recognized by historians from Alphonse Thun to Franco Venturi. The journal's role in the dissemination of the socialist credo among Russian Jews has never been seriously disputed, although seldom recorded in concrete terms.
Attitudes and Allegiances in the Unskilled North, 1830–1850
Authors: Soffer R. N.
Published: December 2008

In the Northern textile areas of Yorkshire and Lancashire, the unskilled laborer's hostility to the new industrial middle classes led him to Chartism but not to class-consciousness, the recognition that his interests differed not only from the middle classes but from the upper classes as well. The unskilled workingman's antagonism to the middle classes did not depend upon developing feelings of working class solidarity nor was it directed towards the older rural gentry. When the unskilled worker reacted against the middle classes in the 1830's and ̓40's he was not yet prepared economically or psychologically for independence or class action.
Serbia and Social Democracy, 1870–1878
Authors: McClellan Woodford D.
Published: December 2008

Socialist thinking and political activity took root in the Balkans in the period between the revolutions of 1848–49 and the Congress of Berlin, and for nearly a century historians have interpreted the phenomenon as an extension of contemporary developments in Russia. This position, entrenched in Russian historiography prior to 1917, became the official view of Soviet historians. Neither in the inter-war period nor since 1945 have any alternative interpretations been produced by Balkan scholars.
G. D. H. Cole's Historical Writings
Authors: Owen Gail L.
Published: December 2008

The swelling flood of historical materials in the twentieth century has created unprecedented problems of assimilation for the historian. Both specialized researchers and those simply trying to keep abreast of what has been published find themselves in ever greater need of abstracts, comprehensive surveys, and bibliographies. That portion of the literature not outfitted with such buoys seems destined to sink beneath the inundation of new materials, to pass out of the general view into murky, seldom-explored depths where it will lie unused, perhaps soon to be altogether forgotten, whatever its intrinsic value. The voluminous writings of the British historian G. D. H. Cole, as yet unprovided with the kind of aids in question, fall into this unfortunate category. This bibliographical list and commentary has been prepared in the hope of helping remove them from it.
Karl Marx über das Bauerntum und die Bündnisfrage
Authors: Hertz-Eichenrode Dieter
Published: December 2008

Zu dem theoretischen und politischen Erbteil, das Karl Marx der Arbeiterbewegung hinterlassen hat, gehört die Lehre von dem Bündnis zwischen Proletariat und Bauerntum, die für die marxistischen Parteien bis in die Gegenwart von Bedeutung geblieben ist. Ihre erste Bewährungsprobe hat sie schon am Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts bestehen müssen, als die deutsche Sozialdemokratie vor der Frage gestanden hat, ob sie in programmatischer Form für die Bauern eintreten solle oder nicht. Ihre 1895 auf dem Parteitag von Breslau ausgesprochene Absage an ein bauernfreundliches Agrarprogramm hat das Dilemma offenbart, das dem Marxschen Konzept der Bündnisfrage innewohnte: das Dilemma zwischen der politischen Notwendigkeit des Bündnisses und der theoretischen Bedenklichkeit der dafür einzusetzenden Mittel. Einerseits war es für die Arbeiterparteien erstrebenswert, ihren politischen Einflußbereich über die engeren sozialen Grenzen, die ihnen gezogen waren, auszuweiten, aber andererseits hatten sie dabei die sozialistischen Prinzipien zu berücksichtigen, die das Ziel ihres politischen Strebens festlegten. Das bedingte, daß das Zusammengehen mit den Bauern nicht um jeden Preis, sondern nur zu einem theoretisch zulässigen herbeigeführt werden durfte und daß die Arbeiterparteien zu entscheiden hatten, welche Politik gegenüber den Bauern mit marxistischen Grundsätzen vereinbar war und welche Maßnahmen am ehesten die Aussicht boten, einen Teil der Landbevölkerung für die eigene Sache interessieren zu können.
Reformism and Jules Guesde: 1891–1904
Authors: Derfler Leslie
Published: December 2008

A subtitle of this essay could conceivably read, “a subject in search of a biographer”. It examines the motives of Jules Guesde, who introduced and organized Marxism in France, in shifting from revolutionary to reformist, and back to a revolutionary position. In charting these movements I have applied some new evidence, that found in recently available police archives, to an old problem.
The Huber Enigma: Revolutionary or Police-Spy?
Authors: Amann Peter
Published: December 2008

Any historian who deals with a period in which conspirators played a significant role sooner or later comes up against the conspirator's twin brother, the undercover police agent. In most cases, the policeman revolutionary or revolutionary policeman, however fascinating as an entrée into the twilight world of double and triple agents, offers more to the enterprising journalist than to the historian. Even some of the more spectacular exemplars of real or reputed undercover agents – Roman Malinovsky, who rose to membership in the central committee of the Bolshevik party before 1917; Lucien Delahodde, who until his exposure was a leading light in the secret societies of the July Monarchy; Auguste Blanqui, the unquenchable revolutionary who may or may not have informed on his comrades in 1839 – did not really affect the general course of history, at least not as informers. Though Malinovsky as a psychological phenomenon cries out for a latter-day Dostoevsky, his amazing career did not in any way deflect the Bolsheviks from their goal. Delahodde's more businesslike relations with the Orleanist police sapped an underground republican movement which was already impotent and discredited before he joined it. In Blanqui's case, the question of guilt or innocence is almost irrelevant, though the accusation of treason which the journalist Taschereau levelled in March 1848 did foil Blanqui's efforts to lead the left-wing opposition to the Provisional Government.
Shipboard Union Representation in the British Merchant Navy
Authors: Macfarlane James
Published: December 2008

Shop stewards, or other forms of workshop representation, are a common feature of British industry. It is not known for certain how many such shop floor representatives are active; estimates vary between 90,000 and 200.000, “the truth is probably somewhere between these two figures”. What is certain, however, is that the great majority of industrial workers, particularly in large-scale industry, have recourse to lay trade union representation for the settlement of shop floor grievances. Often such representatives are “the union” for the ordinary workman who does not come into contact with full-time union officers. “For the great majority of British trade unionists the workplace representative is their only direct personal link with their union.” He also provides a front-line defence against the arbitrary use of authority by management. If no shop steward existed, managerial authority, unchecked by the countervailing power of shop floor representatives, would be open to abuse. If such managerial authority was also supported by a system of legal powers which further strengthened its position, it would make possible “the use of penal sanctions to compel acceptance of working conditions which free agents would not endure”. Such was the case in the British Merchant Navy until less than five years ago.
Class Against Class: The French Communist Party and the Comintern
Authors: Hoisington William A.
Published: December 2008

Since the 1930's the French Communist party has faithfully endorsed the policy decisions of the Soviet Union, oftentimes despite disagreement with major Soviet pronouncements. In the 1920's, however, the French Communist leadership was divided over the appropriateness of Soviet instructions on matters that appeared to many French Communists clearly within the exclusive domain of the French party. The intrusion of the Comintern, the Soviet-dominated international Communist organization, into the pre-campaign discussion of the tactics for the 1928 elections to the French national assembly forced French Communists to re-examine their goals, their position in French politics, and their relationship with the Soviet Union. The decisions of the French party leaders, made amid what was perhaps the last animated and freewheeling public party debate, determined the party's relationship with the USSR for a full forty years.
Analyse preussischer Schulbücher als Zugang zum Thema „Schulbildung und Industrialisierung”
Authors: Lundgreen Peter
Published: December 2008

Das Thema “Schulbildung und Industrialisierung” gehört nicht zum klassischen Kanon der von den Historikern der Industrialisierung untersuchten Aspekte. Demgegenüber haben die empirischen Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaften, im Zusammenhang mit der Faktor-analyse des wirtschaftlichen Wachstums und mit Blickrichtung auf die Zukunft entwickelter und unterentwickelter Volkswirtschaften, das Thema von verschiedenen Seiten in Angriff genommen. So spricht die Nationalökonomie vom “human factor” oder Dritten Faktor neben Arbeit und Kapital und meint damit “die natürlichen Fähigkeiten der Menschen eines Landes und die Erfolge und Anstrengungen der Bil-dungspolitik und den Ausbau der Forschung in vorausgegangenen De-zennien oder gar Jahrhunderten”. Die neue Disziplin der Bildungs-ökonomie versucht u.a. Vorausschätzungen der Größe und Struktur des Bedarfs an qualifizierten Fachkräften und entwickelt “Strategies of Human Resource Development”.
Deutsche Emigrationspresse
Authors: Langkau-Alex Ursula
Published: December 2008

Hitlers Ernennung zum deutschen Reichskanzler am 30. Januar 1933; der Brand des Reichstages in Berlin am 27. Februar und die einen Tag später erlassene „Notverordnung des Reichspräsidenten zum Schutz von Volk und Staat”; der erste Boykott jüdischer Geschäfte am 1. April; die Auflösung der Gewerkschaften am 2. Mai und die Bücherverbrennung vom 10. Mai, mit der ein Grossteil der literarischen und wissenschaftlichen Produktion der Weimarer Periode als „geistiger Unflat” und „jüdische Entartung” verdammt wurde; schliesslich das Verbot der SPD am 22. Juni und das „Gesetz gegen die Neubildung von Parteien” vom 14. Juli 1933 – diese und eine Reihe anderer Ereignisse führten dazu, dass schlagartig Tausende Deutsch-land verliessen: führende politische Persönlichkeiten der Weimarer Republik, Wissenschaftler, Künstler, Schriftsteller, Journalisten und viele Angehörige des jüdischen Bürgertums.
Trade Councils during the First World War
Authors: Clinton Alan
Published: December 2008

The first World War was an important period in the history of the British trade union and labour movement. It is well known that at a national level the leaders of the trade unions were consulted by the government to a greater extent than ever before, and that the signing of the Treasury Agreements represented a recognition of their importance, and made them partners in the prosecution of the war. Labour Party leaders also became members of the administration, thus confirming once and for all that they were “fit to govern”. These were significant developments for the working class movement, but they did not take place without sharpened disagreements within the movement and the growth of increasingly radical political and social attitudes. The purpose of this article is to show that at a local level there were almost precisely parallel developments for the working class movement during the war years. There was a similar accession to power, if more limited, and to prestige in the local community, if often more grudgingly conceded. At the same time there was a growth of general disillusionment with the work which was undertaken, and by the end of the war, an increasingly militant attitude on trade union and general political questions.
Alphonse Merrheim and the Strike of Hennebont: the Struggle for the Eight-Hour Day in France
Authors: Papayanis Nicholas
Published: December 2008

On May 1, 1906, the Confédération Générate du Travail (CGT), the national organization of French revolutionary syndicalism, demanded that the French government reduce the legal work day for industrial workers to eight hours. The CGT would back this request with force, and it called upon all workers to strike by May 2. The response was overwhelming; work-stoppage was widespread, and it appeared that government and industry would have to yield. By May 2, over 200,000 workers had walked off the job. The number of establishments affected was impressive. 295 strikes which called specifically for a work-day reduction involved 12,585 firms, a high figure compared to previous years. (Strikes for a ten-, nine-, or eight-hour work day were a part of the CGT's eight hour day movement.) For instance, only 14% of the strikes in 1904 and 16% in 1905 aimed primarily at a work-day reduction compared to 64% in 1906. Also, in 1905, there were only a total of 830 strikes affecting 177,666 workers and 5,302 establishments, while in 1904, 271,097 workers participated in 1,026 strikes involving 17,250 establishments. By comparison, the total number of firms struck in 1906 was 19,637 and involved 438,466 workers in 1,309 strikes. The Ministry of Labor conceded that the increased number had resulted from the CGT's eight-hour day movement.
The Social Structure of a Bedfordshire Parish in the Mid-Nineteenth Century
Authors: Tranter N. L.
Published: December 2008

In an earlier article, I outlined some of the main social and demographic characteristics of the Bedfordshire parish of Cardington during the late eighteenth century, using for the purpose the invaluable survey of the parish compiled by a local schoolmaster, James Lilbourne, in 1782. Because of the growing interest in the historical process of social change, it has been thought worthwhile to examine the socio-demographic structure of Cardington at a later period. The date chosen for this second snap-shot was 1851 and the source materials used are the enumerators' schedules of the parish which were prepared for the census of that year. Although the listings for 1782 and 1851 differ somewhat, both in the nature of their content and in the degree of their coverage of the local population, a crude comparison between them has proved to be possible.
The Failure of “Truth and Clarity” at Berne: Kurt Eisner, the Opposition and the Reconstruction of the International
Authors: Wheeler Robert F.
Published: December 2008

To better understand why Marxist Internationalism took on the forms that it did during the revolutionary epoch that followed World War I, it is useful to reconsider the “International Labor and Socialist Conference” that met at Berne from January 26 to February 10,1919. This gathering not only set its mark on the “reconstruction” of the Second International, it also influenced both the formation and the development of the Communist International. It is difficult, however, to comprehend fully what transpired at Berne unless the crucial role taken in the deliberations by Kurt Eisner, on the one hand, and the Zimmerwaldian Opposition, on the other, is recognized. To a much greater extent than has generally been realized, the immediate success and the ultimate failure of the Conference depended on the Bavarian Minister President and the loosely structured opposition group to his Left. Nevertheless every scholarly study of the Conference to date, including Arno Mayer's excellent treatment of the “Stillborn Berne Conference”, tends to underestimate Eisner's impact while largely ignoring the very existence of the Zimmerwaldian Opposition. Yet, if these two elements are neglected it becomes extremely difficult, if not impossible, to fathom the real significance of Berne. Consequently there is a need to reevaluate Eisner's role in the proceedings, particularly his behind the scenes activities, as well as to consider the attempt to resurrect the Zimmer-waldian movement during the Conference. In no small way the responsibility for the fateful decisions taken at Berne, decisions which ultimately proved detrimental to the cause of the International, lies with the hyperactive Kurt Eisner and the relatively passive Zimmer-waldian Opposition.
Measuring the Evolution of Strike Movements
Authors: Stearns Peter N.
Published: December 2008

Strike activity is clearly the least studied aspect of the history of labor movements, yet it may be the most revealing index of the situation and outlook of actual workers. Moreover strike activity has an important history of its own, related to but not described by the history of organized labor. Strikes have evolved. Various groups of workers developed an ability to mount new kinds of strikes at different times. In order to grasp this evolution we need some clear means of measurement. What follows is an effort to suggest some criteria, many of them obvious enough. The essay results from an ongoing study of workers in France, Belgium, Germany and Britain in the two decades before World War I. But while examples are chosen primarily from this area and period, the effort is meant to be quite open-ended. There is no need to expect uniform patterns of strike activity in a given stage of industrialization; but there is every reason to hope that sufficiently general standards of measurement can be developed to measure key differences and to specify problems that require deeper study in terms of fundamental causation.