bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Collective (Public) Goods
Authors: Oliver Pamela
Published: September 2022

In economics, public or collective goods are contrasted with private goods. The enjoyment of a private good can be restricted to those who pay for it, and the consumption of a private good by one person makes it unavailable to anyone else. Markets “work” for private goods, where individuals make clear decisions about cost/benefit tradeoffs and prices are the consequences of the forces of supply and demand. By contrast, public (collective) goods are nonexcludable – shared by everybody, whether they helped pay for the good or not – and nonrival – in that one person's “enjoyment” of the good does not affect another's. People who share in a public good without paying for it are often called “free riders.” Because people can share in a public good if it is paid for by others, the usual assumptions of the market fail, and economists and social scientists generally argue that public goods need to be provided through taxation or other collective means. Public goods are an instance of the more general matter of externalities, in which one person's actions or choices affect the costs or benefits to other people who did not make the choice. Within economics, there has been a great deal of elaboration of these ideas. Some goods are nonrival but excludable (e.g. satellite television), others are nonexcludable but rival (e.g. environmental resources); both excludability and rival‐ness are continua rather than dichotomies. Public or collective goods vary greatly in important ways that affect the social dynamics of their provision, including their lumpiness and the linearity or nonlinearity of their production functions. Moreover, the same “good” (like clean air or a bridge) can be provided in different ways that have different production functions relating contributions to benefits. Introductory overviews of these issues may be found in the cited references.
Genocide and Social Movements
Authors: Owens Peter B. , Snow David A.
Published: September 2022

Genocide and mass killing are a tragic yet recurrent feature of modern human history, having occurred across a broad range of societies. This extreme form of social violence has accordingly become a major subject of interest for social scientists, who have generated a wide variety of explanatory models for why violence occurs and how it spreads over time. However, few empirical or theoretical works have explored the specific roles that social movements have played within historical cases. Genocides and other forms of mass violence often occur in contexts of highly contentious interactions between movement organizations and political institutions. These interactions potentially range from open conflict and violence between official institutions and movements, to exploitation and assimilation, and collaboration and mutual aid. Empirical evaluations of how social movements work within historical cases of genocide and mass killing would undoubtedly improve existing explanatory models for why and how such violence occurs. In order to provide impetus for such an endeavor, we first offer four examples of how movements have historically operated within cases of genocide, and then identify existing areas of social movement theory and research which we believe are useful for further analyses.
Institutional Theory and Social Movements
Authors: Schneiberg Marc
Published: September 2022

During the 1990s, institutionalists studying emergence and change became dissatisfied with theories that stressed contextual sources of stability, path dependence, and conformity, and looked to overcome “excessive determinism” by integrating social movement research with institutional analysis. Bridging these two bodies of work transformed understandings of institutional processes, actors, and structures. It added contestation, collective action, framing, and mobilization for alternatives to theoretical inventories of isomorphism, legitimation, and diffusion. It juxtaposed challengers and advocates of alternatives to states and professionals as key actors. It shifted from images of isomorphic settings characterized by path dependence, conformity, and taken‐for‐grantedness to concepts of fields as sites of contestation, organized around multiple and competing logics. This entry describes how this work has employed three broad analytical strategies for linking social movements and institutions to explain change.
Meetings
Authors: Haug Christoph
Published: September 2022

Meetings are ubiquitous in social movements. Taking an active role in building a social movement coalition or organizing a protest event almost inevitably entails numerous meetings. Yet, in accounts of social movement processes, meetings often become invisible. The reason for such omissions is that meetings are a taken‐for‐granted phenomenon in modern societies and from a commonsense perspective, writing about them would appear as trivial. To make meetings more accessible for social movement research, this entry characterizes meetings by comparing them (i) to other forms of talk‐in‐interaction, (ii) between cultures, and (iii) over time.
Plowshares Movement
Authors: Nepstad Sharon Erickson
Published: September 2022

The Plowshares movement began in September 1980 when eight religious activists entered a General Electric (GE) plant outside Philadelphia, armed with hammers and bottles of blood. Inside the plant, they located the nuclear weapons that General Electric was developing. They hammered upon the weapons, poured blood, kneeled in prayer, and waited for security officers. When they were taken into custody, they released a press statement declaring that they had committed an act of civil disobedience to expose that General Electric was a leading producer of nuclear weaponry in the United States. Their action symbolically and literally enacted the biblical call to beat swords into plowshares. Over subsequent decades, dozens of Plowshares campaigns were conducted in the United States, Europe, and Australia.
System Exiting and Social Movements
Authors: Tierney Amber C.
Published: September 2022

As has been well documented in the social movement literature, movements can take multiple forms. Accordingly, analyses of coordinated challenge tend to array social movements along a spectrum of variable dimensions. Snow and Soule suggest that social movements can be relegated to one of two general types of challenge, such that the challenge is either direct (including various forms of
specifically
targeted protest) or indirect (including movements that exit from or divest in authority). Indirect challenges – the less often examined form of collective action – relate to movements that are covert or ambiguous with respect to the action they employ, that may endeavor to actualize broad‐based change through individual conversion, and, finally, that bypass authority structures by literally “exiting” or withdrawing from undesirable systems or relations.
Women's Movements (Spain)
Authors: Threlfall Monica
Published: September 2022

The Spanish women's movement displays a number of features that clearly place it in the “family” of European women's movements, yet it also differs in significant ways.
Anti‐austerity Protests (Portugal)
Authors: Carvalho Tiago , Accornero Guya
Published: September 2022

The anti‐austerity protests in Portugal gathered together various contentious players –including new movements, traditional radical left‐wing parties, and trade unions – which mobilized against austerity measures and the Troika. This was the most significant period of contention in the country since its first phase of democratic transition, the Processo Revolucionário em Curso (the “PREC,” ongoing revolutionary process), between 1974 and 1975). As with the PREC, anti‐austerity mobilizations contributed to opening a new wave of research which renewed and consolidated social movement studies in the country, helping to underline its specificity when compared with similar cases. Until recently, social movements studies in Portugal were either nonexistent or incipient, and citizens' political participation was dominated by the “mild manners” hypothesis. This body of work attributes the low levels of participation and mobilization in the country to cultural reasons and to a general distance between institutions and citizens. In this view, the high levels of participation – both in elections and protests – during the PREC are considered an exception. However, the fact that most studies focusing on Portuguese participation have been developed outside of the social movement approach could possibly have affected their ability to detect more informal forms of mobilization.
Anti‐violence Protests (Mexico)
Authors: Ley Sandra
Published: September 2022

Criminal violence has been deeply intertwined with Mexico's historical and political evolution. Beginning in the early 1990s, the homicides perpetrated by drug cartels in Mexico began to increase. Then, in 2006, when former President Felipe Calderón declared a “War on Drugs” and the state openly confronted organized crime through a militarized approach, turf wars among organized criminal groups multiplied. In the face of rising competition, criminal organizations attempted to maximize their profits and consequently diversified their activities. As a result, over the course of a decade, more than 100,000 Mexicans were murdered in intercartel and state–cartel conflicts, and more than 25,000 people went missing. Throughout these different stages in the evolution of violence in Mexico, citizens attempted to hold government authorities accountable for the issue of insecurity through diverse forms of protests.
Black Feminism
Authors: C. Brown Melissa
Published: September 2022

Black feminism empowers black women through new and critical paradigms that address how racism and sexism function together to create the social issues and inequalities that affect them. It offers a way of analyzing and understanding the world that: (i) centers on the experiences of black women and the ways mutually interlocking systems of oppression shape these experiences; (ii) emerges from engagement with black communities; (iii) theorizes agency for black women; and (iv) promotes a humanistic visionary pragmatism to accomplish social justice projects. Additionally, black women intellectuals in and beyond academia clarify the standpoint of black women by drawing on the experiences of black women as a site of theorization. Starting at the “outsider within” position, black feminists promote intersectionality as a form of critical praxis that illuminates the overlap and tensions between the feminist and anti‐racist social movements that have shaped contemporary society. Black feminists therefore articulate an oppositional consciousness in response to intersecting oppressions through a collective black women's standpoint that informs social movements, intellectual thought, and artistic or creative productions.
Chicana Feminism
Authors: Suarez Fatima
Published: September 2022

Chicana feminism is a political consciousness, social movement, and intellectual project that flourished during the cultural revolutions of the 1960s and 1970s in the United States. As a political consciousness, Chicana feminism emerged when Chicana women began to question their positions in the Chicano movement and the patriarchal underpinnings of Chicano nationalism. For instance, Chicana women played pivotal roles in the student movement, helping to establish and develop Chicano organizations on college campuses, like the Chicano Student Movement of Aztlán (MEChA). Movement and organizational leadership, however, was exclusively male and the movement philosophy of Chicanismo was expressed through culturally defined notions of masculinity like
carnalismo
(brotherhood), promoting the idea that Chicano cultural preservation required women's deference to male leadership and support of the traditional family. Chicana activists, therefore, wanted greater political presence in the broader Chicano movement and to be respected as
real
political actors. When they challenged the gendered structure of the movement and organizations, however, Chicana women were criticized as “traitors,” and “sell‐outs to white feminism,” largely by Chicano men and other Chicana women, often referred to as “loyalists,” who believed that race and ethnicity should be prioritized over gender in their community's struggle for liberation. These conflicts produced new political consciousnesses and identities, leading many Chicana women to form their own autonomous Chicana feminist movement.
Chilean Massive Protests (2019)
Authors: Somma Nicolás M. , Donoso Sofia
Published: September 2022

Starting in the early 2000s, Chile experienced a series of protest waves spearheaded by high school and university students, environmentalists, feminist activists, indigenous groups, and workers among others. In contrast to previous years, the massive protests staged across the country in 2019 were not led by one social movement organization, but by thousands of seemingly unconnected ordinary citizens. Beginning on 18 October, protests by high school students, originally triggered by a rise in the cost of metro fares, evolved into the largest and most sustained protest wave the country had seen since the end of the dictatorship in 1989. Only the COVID‐19 pandemic, which hit Chile in mid‐March 2020, eased the pace of the “social uprising” (
estallido social
), as it was called in public discussions.
Climate Change and Climate Justice Movements
Authors: Almeida Paul D.
Published: September 2022

The ecological threat of planetary warming drives the international movement and campaigns attempting to turn back the rapid pace of climate change. As in other types of threat‐induced collective action, scientists, activists, and ordinary people perceive that environmental systems and human civilization will be made worse off without mass mobilization in the present. Indeed, climate change may be the principal existential threat faced by humanity. The widespread nature of the threat, which encompasses inhabitants of the entire planet, creates the potential for assembling broad coalitions seeking a more sustainable future. The most successful organizing drives against the ongoing threat of global warming have appropriated resource infrastructures from preexisting environmental NGOs and transnational global economic justice networks along with everyday organizations, such as public schools (e.g., in the youth‐based Fridays for Future and Sunrise movements), and social media.
COVID
‐19 Pandemic, Collective Behavior, and Protest
Authors: Snow David A.
Published: September 2022

Disasters occasioned by nature, or “acts of God” as they are sometimes called, are infrequent, temporally irregular events such as earthquakes, hurricanes, tornadoes, tsunamis, floods, and forest fires. All such events are calamitous for the segment of the population experiencing them, but their impact is typically localized rather than geographically generalized. Such is not the case with pandemics, however, as their impact ripples across the globe, leaving few areas untouched. This has been the case with COVID‐19, which has been the most widespread and deadly worldwide pandemic since the Spanish flu of 1918. Historically, attempts to mitigate the spread of a pandemic have typically involved border or community closings, residential lockdowns, mask wearing, handwashing, and other measures specific to the time period. These mitigation directives and efforts, in combination with the unease generated by the virus, predictably generate a heightened state of what Snow and his colleagues call “quotidian disruption.” It is a kind of anomic state in which the taken‐for‐granted patterns of everyday functioning and the routinized expectations associated with those patterns are disrupted. What was once normative and routine is now turned sideways or even upside down. One of the consequences of such disruption is that it gives rise to a heightened sense of fear, which has been posited as one of the major reflex emotions associated with the emergence of a variety of so‐called collective behaviors.
Cumann na mBan
Authors: White Robert W.
Published: September 2022

On 2 April 1914, because they were excluded from male‐dominated organizations, a group of progressive women, including suffragettes, socialists, labor union activists, and feminists, met at Wynn's Hotel in Dublin and established Cumann na mBan/The Irish Women's Council. Their objects were: “to advance the cause of Irish Liberty; to organize Irishwomen in furtherance of this object; to assist in arming and equipping a body of Irishmen for the defence of Ireland; and form a fund for these purposes to be called ‘The defence of Ireland fund.’” Cumann na mBan is an exclusively female organization that endorses the use of armed struggle to achieve political change – from the perspective of the authorities, they are a women's terrorist organization.
Direct Social Action
Authors: Bosi Lorenzo , Zamponi Lorenzo
Published: September 2022

Direct social action (DSA) is a form of collective action that is structurally part of the repertoire of contention, and refers to forms of collective actions that do not primarily focus upon claiming something from the state or other power holders, but that instead focus upon directly transforming some specific aspects of society by means of the very action itself as part of everyday politics. The concept of DSA brings together practices that are different from one another, such as solidarity actions, mutual‐aid initiatives, political consumerism, alternative finance, social clinics, food cooperatives, community‐supported agriculture, housing occupations, self‐management, social kitchens, free legal advice, and medical services, to mention just a few. Despite being different, these practices are used for some common purposes: they aredirectas they aim to have a nonmediated impact on their object, and they aresocialas they address society, or at least some parts of it, rather than the state.
Disability Rights Movement (Japan)
Authors: Chin Angelina
Published: September 2022

The disability rights movement in Japan began in the post‐WWII era. It can be divided into four periods: (i) the establishment of social welfare and residential institutions from the late 1940s to the 1960s; (ii) the emergence of international and national policies in the 1970s to the early 1980s; (iii) the Independence Living movement in the mid‐1980s; and (iv) the movement for universal access beginning in the 1990s.
Global Austerity Protests
Authors: Almeida Paul D.
Published: September 2022

The uprisings, protests, and campaigns against economic reforms emerged as a global pattern over the past 45 years. Since the mid‐1970s, major protests have erupted every year in multiple countries over some form of government austerity measures. Scholars group such measures into a family of like‐minded policies that include a wide range of governmental actions, including: subsidy cuts to lower‐ and middle‐class groups, wage freezes, price increases, massive layoffs, regressive taxation, deregulation, privatization, and free trade. Because economic‐based protests are some of the largest and most common forms of contention, their causal determinants and political consequences offer important insights to the dynamics of collective action in general.
Identitarian Movements, Right‐wing
Authors: Gattinara Pietro Castelli
Published: September 2022

The Identitarian movement is a transnational far‐right network of activists mobilizing against globalization, immigration, and Islam in Europe. Its origins are rooted in the French intellectual movement Nouvelle Droite (New Right, ND), which became influential for having tried to repackage the extreme‐Right belief in hierarchical racial differences to avoid the stigma of interwar fascism. Contemporary Identitarian activism surfaced in the early 2000s, as these ideas inspired action‐oriented groups like the French Bloc Identitaire‐Mouvement Social Européen (Identitarian Bloc‐European Social Movement, BI) and the Italian CasaPound (now CasaPound Italia, CPI). Over the years, the Identitarians have established themselves as a transnational movement mobilizing on European ethno‐national identity via a branded set of symbols, campaigns, activist groups, think‐tanks, sporting clubs, clothing labels, publishers, and much else. Most notably, the now dissolved youth wing of BI, Generation Identity, set up regional chapters in several European countries (including Austria, Belgium, the Czech Republic, Germany, Italy, Netherlands, and the UK). Groups modeled after the European movement emerged also in Australia, New Zealand, and North America, but the connections between them remain limited. Albeit its mobilization potential remains limited, the Identitarian movement represents one of the most active global networks within the contemporary far right.
June Days Protests (Brazil, 2013)
Authors: Gold Tomás
Published: September 2022

The June Days protests (Jornadas de Junho) constituted the most significant protest cycle in contemporary Brazilian history. Between June and July 2013, millions of people mobilized across more than 400 cities in the country, numbers only comparable in breadth and scope to the mobilizations against the military regime in 1984 and the protests demanding the impeachment of President Collor de Melo in 1994. While the protests were initially triggered in response to a relatively small rise in public transportation fares in the city of São Paulo, local states' repression soon led to a national escalation of conflict. The scope of grievances expanded rapidly, spanning the state's long‐standing mismanagement of public services – education, health, housing, environmental issues – the defense of sexual and racial minorities' rights, the denunciation of political corruption, and demands for fiscal reform. This manifold set of grievances was accompanied by increasing hostility against political parties and deepened political polarization, making political elites' responses fall short of protesters' expectations.
Kurdish Movement, Contemporary (Turkey)
Authors: Aydin Delal , Burç Rosa
Published: September 2022

The contemporary Kurdish movement, which has gained wide international attention since 2012 as a result of its fight against the Islamic State group in Syria and Iraq, originated in Turkey in the late 1970s. As a way of examining how this large and complex movement has unfolded in different nation‐states and contexts of conflicts, this entry focuses on Kurdish mobilization led by the Partiya Karkerên Kurdistanê – Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) – which is the hegemonic actor within this movement. Founded in Turkey's turbulent political atmosphere in the late 1970s, today the PKK leads a transregional Kurdish mobilization which has a decisive influence on the Kurdish communities in Turkey, Syria, Iraq, Iran, and European countries.
Legitimization of Social Movements
Authors: Demetriou Chares
Published: September 2022

The legitimization of social movements is a pivotal yet not well‐defined topic in social movement studies. On the one hand, the literature which treats it explicitly is sparse. On the other, ample literature which does not treat it explicitly covers piecemeal various important aspects of it. This entry offers a rounded conceptual presentation of the topic and draws some key connections to the literature. Two overarching themes concern the processual character of legitimization and legitimization's variety of objects.
Marriage Equality Campaigns (Europe)
Authors: Ayoub Phillip M.
Published: September 2022

Since 1989, diverse countries across the globe have opened the institution of marriage to include some LGBTI people. The ability of social movements to usher in such rights has been nothing short of remarkable, given that the once radical notion of recognizing the relationships of LGBTI people has become commonplace in many countries. This entry provides an overview of these developments, and the transnational and international sources of social movement change underpinning them. While domestic politics are crucial to how the issue is received, put on the agenda, and interpreted, transnational factors help explain when and where movements have been able to lobby for marriage campaigns.
Online Feminism
Authors: Fessenden Deborah , Vidal Nathalia Hernandez , Scarborough William J.
Published: September 2022

Feminism and feminist activism have surged in digital spaces. Although online environments create new opportunities for feminist engagement, some of the challenges that have historically faced feminism persist in new digital settings. This entry reviews these challenges and opportunities, highlighting how research on online feminism contributes to the sociology of social movements.
Protests and Social Movements (Russia)
Authors: Fröhlich Christian
Published: September 2022

Protest and social movement activism have become increasingly common in contemporary Russia. Researchers have documented a rise in both informal grassroots activism and the development of civil society organizations since the late 2000s. This is astounding against the backdrop of a previously established view of Russian civil society as weak and unorganized. But after the dissatisfaction with democracy's promises and a deep crisis of political participation during the 1990s, colorful and sustained civic activism and protest focus on a broad range of issues, such as the environment, sexual rights, and urban governance. However, the last 20 years saw also broad political protest waves cumulating into more recent anti‐corruption and for‐fair‐election campaigns operating under increasingly unfavorable and repressive conditions for public collective and contentious action. However, social activism and protest participation has increasingly become a shared experience among the younger generations, while local populations are permanently active in protecting their living environments and demanding inclusion in decision‐making processes, suggesting a rising dissatisfaction in broader parts of the citizenry.
Reproductive Justice
Authors: Price Kimala
Published: September 2022

Reproductive justice is a social justice framework that posits that individuals and communities have the human right to control their bodies, sexuality, labor, and reproduction free from control, coercion, or exploitation by outside forces, including, but not limited to, governmental bodies, medical and health institutions, legal systems, religious institutions, and economic institutions. Reproductive justice is not synonymous with the concept of “reproductive rights,” which has narrowly focused on securing legal access to abortion and contraception and is centered on the legal right to privacy and the right to “choose.” While both frameworks support the right
not
to have children (e.g. the right to prevent and terminate pregnancies), reproductive justice also focuses on the right to have children, the right to parent the children that one has in healthy and safe environments, and the right to bodily integrity, i.e. the human right to personal autonomy and self‐determination over one's body free from coercion, threat of violence, and exploitation. Additionally, intersectionality is a core principle, for reproductive justice addresses how the intersections of sex, gender, gender identity, race, ethnicity, class, sexual orientation, (dis)ability, citizenship status, and other markers of identity, oppression, and privilege differently affect the reproductive and sexual experiences of specific social groups and individuals.
Right‐Wing Movements (Latin America)
Authors: Payne Leigh A.
Published: September 2022

Understanding right‐wing movements in Latin America begins with defining a full array of often ideologically distinct groups and their movement orientation. Three categories of right‐wing movements emerge from that analysis: countermovements, uncivil movements, and neoliberal movements. The political power and impact of such movements depends on the political opportunities behind their rise, and their development of effective framing, tactics, and strategies.
#SayHerName
Authors: Brown Melissa C.
Published: September 2022

The African American Policy Forum (AAPF) and Center for Intersectionality and Social Policy Studies (CISPS) launched the #SayHerName campaign in December 2014 due to the lack of media and scholarly attention to black women and girls who died in encounters with law enforcement. As part of the campaign, AAPF Executive Director Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw and Andrea J. Ritchie, a researcher in residence at the Barnard Center for Research on Women, created a report in 2015 that detailed the pervasiveness of police violence against black women. In addition to this report, #SayHerName organizers also engage in direct advocacy, memorializing, policy recommendations, and connect the mothers of black women and girls killed during encounters with law enforcement. As indicated by the “#” that precedes the “Say Her Name” phrase, supporters of this movement also use social networking software in their advocacy toolkit. #SayHerName, therefore, exemplifies the ways contemporary black feminism draws on both traditional and social media activism to accomplish its goals.
Sit‐in Movement of 1960
Authors: Andrews Kenneth T.
Published: September 2022

The sit‐in movement of 1960 is one of the most significant protest waves of the larger black freedom struggle. Initiated and led by college students, demonstrations swept throughout the US South in the spring of 1960. Protesters occupied lunch counters and other public spaces to push for the desegregation of establishments in downtown business areas. The protests marked a shift toward more disruptive tactics and placed college students on the frontlines of the movement. Although protesters faced violence from whites and police repression, the demonstrations led to successful desegregation in many cities. In April protest leaders established the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee which played a central role in the civil rights and Black Power movements. Scholars have examined this case to understand central questions about spontaneity, diffusion, tactics, and the efficacy of protest.
Social Clinics (Greece)
Authors: Malamidis Haris
Published: September 2022

Social clinics, or social solidarity clinics and pharmacies, were self‐organized, independent collectives which emerged in Greece as a response to austerity cuts in the health sector and offered primary healthcare services, free of charge. Additionally, they mobilized their members and patients against austerity, participated in local struggles, and raised claims for universal access to the health system. Social clinics were central components of the solidarity movement, providing bottom‐up welfare services to Greeks and migrants which flourished during the 2010–2015 anti‐austerity protest cycle in Greece.
Solidarity Economy: Challenges to Social Movement Theory
Authors: Esteves Ana Margarida
Published: September 2022

The political innovations that emerged from the Latin American “Pink Wave” of the 2000s, as well as the European anti‐austerity and environmental mobilizations of the 2010s, challenge the focus on protest that has characterized social movement scholarship in the last few decades. At the core of these innovations is the promotion, through movement praxis as well as public policy, of community‐led initiatives, based on democratic solidarity, in which economic activity is pursued as a means to the achievement of political ends. This implies that economic praxis cannot be isolated from the overall dynamics of collective action. At the core of these initiatives is spaces of experimentation and enactment of alternative economic practices. These spaces are “micro‐public spheres,” or “mobilizational commons,” in which participants re‐signify economic activity through deliberative processes aimed at promoting cooperation among otherwise competing producers and consumers, contact and trust between segregated social sectors, as well as the engagement of the state in rethinking the economy over time.
Candlelight Revolution (South Korea)
Authors: Park Hyun Ok
Published: September 2022

From October 2016 to March 2017, the world watched as a cumulative total of some 16 million people thronged downtown Seoul on Saturday evenings seeking to remove President Park Geun‐hye from power. Hours before each evening protest, hundreds of people carrying homemade picket signs and banners filled Kwanghwamun Square and shared repartee with friends and strangers alike. At night, the crowd stretched along the streets for miles, sitting for hours with lit candles in their hands, facing the stage platforms and giant screens set up by activists. Amid cold rain, bitter wind, and snow, they heard prepared or improvised remarks by invited guests and ordinary people from the crowd, watched singing and dance performances, and, after each event, marched together in line around downtown and toward the presidential compound, the Blue House. For South Koreans, the peaceful and festive mass protests felt familiar. Similar candlelight mass demonstrations had erupted in 2002 to protest the deaths of two middle‐school girls who had been run over by a US armored vehicle, and in 2008 to object to beef imports from the US. This time, however, against the backdrop of Occupy Wall Street (2011–2012), the Arab Spring (2010–2012), and other recent movements, the world's imagination was sparked by reports in global news outlets and blogs on the Korean people's power.
Student Movement (Quebec and Canada)
Authors: Ancelovici Marcos
Published: September 2022

Student movements stand out from other social movements because of three distinctive features. First, they build on the spatial concentration, on university campuses, of a young population which is biographically available. The fact that, in Canada, many campuses are located in downtown areas also facilitates both mobilization and the spread of protest to other segments of society. Second, student movements are subject to regular cyclical changes and turnovers, as cohorts complete their studies. In Québec, as opposed to Canada, this cycle lasts a bit longer insofar as students go through two years of post‐secondary schooling in
cégeps
before potentially attending university. And third, student movements often benefit from university and state recognition and stable funding through public subsidies or mandatory fees collected by the university. The Canadian student movement benefits thus from provincial laws that secure its funding and from regulations that grant it a seat on university boards and, thereby, a say in the orientation of universities. It is nonetheless divided across linguistic lines and the Francophone Québec wing is clearly more contentious than the rest of Canada. Therefore, this entry focuses on the Québec student movement and, more specifically, on the 2012 student strike, thanks to which Québec still enjoys the lowest university tuition fees in North America.
Syriza and Social Movements
Authors: Kouki Hara
Published: September 2022

Austerity measures imposed upon the Greek population since 2010 by both national and European as well as international institutions led to one of the biggest fiscal crises among developed economies during peacetime. This unprecedented recession had a catastrophic impact upon people's everyday lives that were threatened with poverty and exclusion. Trust in mainstream political parties and institutions completely collapsed and thousands of citizens engaged in a massive anti‐austerity movement. This included confrontational protests, general strikes, and square assemblies of
aganaktismenoi
(indignants), as well as a proliferation of solidarity initiatives supporting people in need through the provision of groceries, solidarity schools, social clinics, migrant centers, and workers' collectives.
Taliban
Authors: Karell Daniel
Published: September 2022

The Taliban movement emerged in southern Afghanistan in 1994. Its early members – rural religious leaders and young people (“taliban” roughly translates to “students”), many of whom fought as
mujahideen
during the war against the Soviet Union – loathed the provincial warlords and bandits who overran the countryside after the war, and shared the norms and habits rooted in village life. They set out to gain power through a mix of religiously infused appeals and force, implement their vision of justice, and suppress criminality. After early victories, the movement grew in numbers and gained backing from Pakistan, Arab states in the Persian Gulf, and the United States. In 1996, it took control of Kabul and established the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. Western and local forces toppled the Taliban from power in the wake of the 11 September 2001 attacks, but the movement regained control of the country in 2021.
Transnational Movements (Central America)
Authors: Spalding Rose J.
Published: September 2022

As social movements inspired adaptations and constructed alliances across borders, a growing literature emerged to analyze movement transnationalism and the processes that promote diffusion. Transnational activism escalated in tandem with economic globalization and the spread of new communication technologies in the twenty‐first century. This general pattern of transnational networking is evident in Central America, where US interventionism dating back to the early twentieth‐century and Cold War conflicts in the 1980s and 1990s repeatedly attracted international attention and outreach. Migratory flows catalyzed by military conflict escalated following the region's inconclusive peace, triggering further interest in international development promotion in the postwar era. Repeatedly situated in the eye of the hurricane, Central America became a hotspot for transnational activism.
Women's Movements (China and East Asia)
Authors: Duan Jiling , Long Yan
Published: September 2022

Women's movements have served as an important force in the formation and transformation of modernity, democracy, and nation‐states in East Asia. Since the beginning of the 1900s, feminist activists in different areas have been fighting to advance gender equality in interstices, wrestling with various revolutions, institutions, and ideologies at both transnational and domestic levels. Women's movements have gone through repression, co‐optation, and disillusionment in this region. Yet they have demonstrated remarkable creativity and resilience in the pursuit of gender justice for all.
Women's Movements (Arab Gulf States: Between Saudi Arabia and Kuwait)
Authors: Alsahi Huda
Published: September 2022

The beginnings of the feminist movement in Kuwait can be traced back to the 1940s and the institutionalization of formal education for girls. In 1953, a group of young women advocated for the removal of the
hijab
. The group attracted mixed reactions of both support and opposition, but their activities were restricted to holding meetings and publishing newspaper articles. They did, however, encourage women to consider founding their own societies and organizations modeled after other Arab associations. Saudi women have been participating in charitable organizations since the 1960s, generally under the patronage of princesses. By the early 1970s, the increase of women‐only educational institutions nurtured nascent political activism among Saudi women. Educational institutions, as well as efforts to bring more Saudi nationals into the workplace due to the oil boom, paved the way for the formation of a Saudi intelligentsia and opened up new spaces for their activities.
White Power Music
Authors: Horne Gabrielle , Corte Ugo , Edwards Bob
Published: September 2022

White Power music (WPM) expresses the ideology of white people who see themselves as an embattled minority at risk of extinction in the increasingly multicultural societies of Europe and North America. WPM is an important cultural resource used to promote, spread, and fund a decentralized and loosely coupled movement and is best identified by its lyrical content. WPM emerged in the late 1970s among radical right‐wing political parties in Great Britain and has expanded globally since. Originating from a small scene tightly connected to larger youth movements, particularly punk and skinhead, it has developed a distinct identity that facilitates and disseminates supremacist thinking and tactics. To understand WPM's relationship to the larger far‐right movement, scholars often studied it as a loose collection of geographically differentiated local music scenes. WPM scenes are collections of events and experiences bridging varying social contexts, yet strategically designed to promote the resilience and longevity of the White Power (WP) movement. WPM events are defined by the performance of musicians whose song lyrics express movement‐specific ideologies and promote WP goals and behaviors. The supremacist messages of WPM are authenticated by the social activities of the community surrounding the music. Related events, such as shows or festivals, serve as venues of recruitment, socialization, and commitment, as well as generators of material resources.
Honduran Social Movements Since the 2009 Military Coup
Authors: Sosa Eugenio
Published: September 2022

At 5:00 a.m. on 28 June 2009, a group of government soldiers forced their way into the home of the Honduran president, José Manuel Zelaya Rosales, who was captured and exiled to Costa Rica. Those who carried out the coup argued that the referendum promoted by Zelaya regarding installing a national constituent assembly was unconstitutional. After Zelaya's forced exile to Costa Rica, a broad resistance movement broke out against the coup. The resistance movement demanded Zelaya's immediate return to the presidency, the departure of the de facto president, Roberto Micheletti Baín, and the convocation of a national constituent assembly.
Peasant Movements (Latin America)
Authors: Welch Cliff
Published: September 2022

Peasant movements have been active in Latin America since European colonizers began to implant commercial agriculture in the region. The first movements can be characterized as restorationist. They were followed first by periods of integrationist and revolutionary movements. This entry emphasizes the most recent period of alterationist movements, which began to mobilize in the 1980s, when a mix of transforming socialist icons, diversified practices, collective identities, and neoliberal restructuring fostered peasant movements intent on ensuring their livelihoods through the development of autonomous organizations and alternative social formations that sought greater control over their relationship to the dominant capitalist political economy.
Anti‐Fossil Fuel Movements
Authors: Cheon Andrew
Published: September 2022

For centuries, fossil fuels have played a central role in human development. Coal, oil, and natural gas have fueled the modern world economy, enabling rapid industrialization. The environmental consequences of fossil fuel use are both global and local. By one estimate, 63 percent of cumulative worldwide emissions of industrial CO
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and methane between 1751 and 2010 can be traced to the 90 major producers of oil, natural gas, coal, and cement. Besides global climate change, extracting and burning of fossil fuels have also contributed to water and air pollution, deforestation, and disrupted ecosystems. Beginning in the mid‐2000s, activists of various stripes significantly elevated their protests against the fossil fuel industry, breathing new life into the climate movement.
Attack on the US Capitol, 6 January 2021
Authors: Tarrow Sidney
Published: September 2022

Was the attack on the US Capitol on 6 January 2021 an insurrection by an uncontrolled mob or the result of a carefully planned plot by an outgoing president? This entry argues that it was a combination of both – made possible by the transformation of the Republican Party over several decades into a “movement‐party.” Donald Trump did not initiate that transformation but he accelerated it through a combination of the tools of demagogic rhetoric and a skillful use of hardnosed insider politics.
Communication and Digital Rights
Authors: Milan Stefania
Published: September 2022

The notion of communication rights encompasses a set of human rights as they apply to the contemporary communication environment. It gained popularity in the 1970s, to be surpassed by the notion of digital rights from the 2010s onward. The two are connected and their history intertwined, yet they emerged in different sociohistorical contexts and are mobilized by distinct communities of practice – the former oriented to the intergovernmental realm while the latter seeks to lobby also tech companies.
First of May (May Day – International Labor Day)
Authors: Reiter Herbert
Published: September 2022

May Day, the International Workers' Day, has been celebrated since 1890, on the basis of a decision by the founding congress of the Socialist Second International in Paris in 1889. Initially observed by the workers' movement, against the resistance of state power and employers, as a self‐proclaimed holiday, a day both of struggle and of celebration, by the time of its centennial in 1990 it had become an official holiday in 107 countries. Passing through repeated processes of decline and revitalization, it did maintain, however, albeit in a changed and/or diminished way, its characteristic as a day of protest.
Cults
Authors: Snow David A.
Published: September 2022

This entry examines the concept of cults as it evolved principally in the sociological study of religion, and argues for its conceptual extension beyond religion to other sociocultural domains of life, including the political arena as illustrated by the so‐called “cult of Trump.” Attention is also focused on specifying the key defining characteristics of cults, such as devotion to a charismatic figure and/or a transcendent belief, a system or structure of information control, and various interactional mechanisms that enhance the prospect of cult adherence.
Intersectionality and Social Movements
Authors: Luna Zakiya
Published: September 2022

Intersectionality has served as inspiration and model for multiple grassroots movements for decades and become lingua franca in the US movement sector, but has largely remained understudied by social movement scholars. This entry covers three aspects regarding intersectionality and movements: definitions; movement processes; and research praxis.