bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Screening of mycotoxin multicontamination in medicinal and aromatic herbs sampled in Spain
Authors: Santos Liliana , Marín Sonia , Sanchis Vicente , Ramos Antonio J.
Published: June 2009

BACKGROUND: The aim of this study was to screen the multicontamination by mycotoxins in a wide variety of aromatic and/or medicinal herb samples collected in Spain. Mycotoxins studied were aflatoxins (AFs), ochratoxin A (OTA), zearalenone (ZEA), deoxynivalenol (DON), T‐2 toxin (T‐2), citrinin and fumonisins (FBs). Mycotoxins were analysed by ELISA after a clean‐up step with multifunctional columns (AFs, ZEA, DON, FBs and T‐2) or polyamide column (citrinin).

RESULTS: Of the 84 samples analysed 99% were contaminated with T‐2, 98% with ZEA, 96% with AFs, 63% with OTA, 62% with DON, 61% with citrinin and 13% with FBs. Nearly 87% of samples contained four or more mycotoxins simultaneously, being AFs, T‐2 and ZEA the mycotoxins co‐existing in almost every sample. 100% of the samples in our study were multicontaminated.

CONCLUSION: This study shows that this kind of commodity could be an important source of mycotoxin contamination and, in general, this contamination is not limited to only one group of mycotoxins. Mycotoxin contamination on artichoke immature florets, boldus leaves, burdock leaves, dandelion plant, frangula bark, ginkgo leaves, lemon verbena leaves, olive leaves, red tea leaves, ribgrass leaves, St Mary's thistle seeds, spearmint leaves, star anise fruit, vervain and white tea leaves has been described for the first time. Finally, this is the first report on DON and T‐2 presence in herbs. No study of this kind has been previously developed in Spain. Copyright © 2009 Society of Chemical Industry
Mass spectrometric evidence for collisionally induced removal of H2 from monoanions of 10B nido‐carborane derivatives investigated by electrospray ionization quadrupole linear ion trap and Fourier transform ion cyclotron resonance mass spectrometry
Authors: Cataldi Tommaso R. I. , Ricciardi Giampaolo , Bianco Giuliana , Pietrangeli Daniela , Abate Salvatore
Published: June 2009

Some newly synthesized 10B nido‐carborane derivatives, i.e., 7,8‐dicarba‐nido‐undecaborane monoanions ([7‐Me‐8‐R‐C2B9H10]‐K+, R = H, butyl, hexyl, octyl and decyl), have been fully characterised and examined by electrospray ionization and Fourier transform ion cyclotron resonance mass spectrometry with liquid chromatographic separation (LC/ESI‐FTICR‐MS). These boron‐containing compounds exhibit abundant molecular ions ([M]−) at m/z 140.22631 [CB9H14]−, m/z 196.28883 [CB9H22]−, m/z 224.32032 [CB9H26]−, m/z 252.35133 [CB9H30]− and m/z 280.38354 [CB9H34]− at the normal tube lens voltage setting of −90 V, which was an instrumental parameter value selected in the tuning operation. Additional [M–nH2]− (n = 1−4) ions were observed in the mass spectra when higher tube lens voltages were applied, i.e., −140 V. High‐resolution FTICR‐MS data revealed the accurate masses of fragment ions, bearing either an even or an odd number of electrons. Collision‐induced dissociation of the [M–nH2]− ions (n = 0–4) in the quadrupole linear ion trap (LTQ) analyzer confirmed the loss of hydrogen molecules from the molecular ions. It is suggested that the loss of H2 molecules from the alkyl chain is a consequence of the stabilization effect of the nido‐carborane charged polyhedral skeleton. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
High‐field asymmetric waveform ion mobility spectrometry (FAIMS) coupled with high‐resolution electron transfer dissociation mass spectrometry for the analysis of isobaric phosphopeptides
Authors: Xuan Yue , Creese Andrew J. , Horner Julie A. , Cooper Helen J.
Published: June 2009

We have applied high‐field asymmetric waveform ion mobility spectrometry (FAIMS) to the analysis of the phosphopeptides APLpSFRGSLPKSYVK, APLSFRGpSLPKSYVK, and APLSFRGSLPKpSYVK. The peptides have identical amino acid sequences and differ only in the site of phosphorylation. The results show that FAIMS is capable of at least partially separating these species. Separation was confirmed by coupling FAIMS with high‐resolution electron transfer dissociation (ETD) mass spectrometry. Phosphorylation is retained on the ETD peptide fragments thereby allowing assignment of the site of the modification. Co‐eluting phosphopeptides which differ only in the site of modification are frequently observed in liquid chromatography/tandem mass spectrometry phosphoproteomics experiments, and therefore these proof‐of‐principle results have implications for the application of FAIMS in that field. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Development of a biomarker assay for 3‐indoxyl sulfate in mouse plasma and brain by liquid chromatography/tandem mass spectrometry
Authors: Wang Ganfeng , Korfmacher Walter A.
Published: June 2009

This paper describes the development and partial validation of a fast, sensitive and specific ultra‐performance liquid chromatography/tandem mass spectrometric method for the determination of 3‐indoxyl sulfate (3‐IS), an endogenous compound in mammals, in mouse plasma and brain samples. The analytical method involves direct dilution of samples with water and protein precipitation with acetonitrile containing an internal standard, followed by separation of 3‐IS on a MonoChrom C18 column and detected by selected reaction monitoring (SRM) in negative ionization mode using turbo ion‐spray ionization. Due to high endogenous levels of 3‐IS in control mouse plasma and brain, blank guinea pig plasma and brain were used for the preparation of standard curves and quality controls (QCs). The compound of interest was well separated from interference peaks from the matrices with a total runtime of 2.7 min under a gradient condition. The method was partially validated. The linear concentration range was 0.1 to 100 µg/mL in mouse plasma and 10 to 10,000 ng/g in mouse brain. Inter‐assay mean bias and relative standard deviation (RSD) for plasma were in the range of −4.8% to 3.1% and 2.5% to 3.2%, respectively. Intra‐assay mean bias and RSD for plasma were in the range of −3.3% to 1.4% and 1.9% to 2.8%, respectively. Inter‐assay mean bias and RSD for brain were in the range of −1.8% to 3.5% and 1.7% to 8.1%, respectively. Intra‐assay mean bias and RSD for brain were in the range of −1.7% to 3.9% and 4.1% to 7.3%, respectively. The lower limit of quantitation (LLOQ) for this assay was 0.1 µg/mL for plasma and 10 ng/g for brain. The matrix effect was not observed in both guinea pig plasma and mouse plasma. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Static output feedback sliding mode control for time‐varying delay systems with time‐delayed nonlinear disturbances
Authors: Yan X. G. , Spurgeon S. K. , Edwards C.
Published: June 2009

In this paper, a robust stabilization problem for a class of linear time‐varying delay systems with disturbances is studied using sliding mode techniques. Both matched and mismatched disturbances, involving time‐varying delay, are considered. The disturbances are nonlinear and have nonlinear bounds which are employed for the control design. A sliding surface is designed and the stability of the corresponding sliding motion is analysed based on the Razumikhin Theorem. Then a static output feedback sliding mode control with time delay is synthesized to drive the system to the sliding surface in finite time. Conservatism is reduced by using features of sliding mode control and systems structure. Simulation results show the effectiveness of the proposed approach. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Whig Tactics and Parliamentary Precedent: the English Management of Irish Politics, 1754–1756
Authors: Clark J. C. D.
Published: June 2009

In 1949 Sir Herbert Butterfield showed, for one important episode, the necessity of treating England and Ireland as a single political world and of explaining public events in London and Dublin concurrently. Yet most modern scholarship has persisted in examining the two nations in isolation. Ireland is typically relegated, like Scotland, to a separate chapter in the manner of the Oxford history of England; and despite studies of Anglo-Irish constitutional disputes in the light of analogous debates over the American Revolution, the close texture of the reciprocal influence of English and Irish politics in the mid eighteenth century has still received almost no attention from historians. One, indeed, has positively asserted that ‘From the end of Queen Anne's reign until the 1770s Ireland was almost outside the range of British politics’. In reality the connexion was both strong and of several kinds. Many English politicians had an opportunity to learn through personal involvement in Ireland lessons which they were later to find applicable at home. The fourth dukes of Devonshire and Bedford, Richard Rigby, Lord George Sackville, Henry Seymour Conway, the duke of Newcastle and Henry Fox were all involved both in the Irish crisis of the 1750s and in the English ministerial controversies of the 1760s. The English ministry was kept fully informed about Irish politics through both formal and informal channels. Even statesmen not directly concerned had links which encouraged them to keep in touch with events in Dublin. Fox, in Ireland in the summer of 1750 visiting his brother-in-law the earl of Kildare, sent Henry Pelham perceptive accounts of the crisis to date in which he argued for the necessity of eventual legislative union between the two countries; Charles Townshend was aware of Irish problems at the same time as he was preparing, for Newcastle, his ‘Remarks upon the Plan for a General Concert’ of the American colonies.
Soldiers, Strategy and Sebastopol
Authors: Strachan Hew
Published: June 2009

The Crimean war has been the victim of much conceptualization. For modern historians, drawn to the phenomenon of a European conflict conveniently sited in the middle of a century of comparative peace, much can be made to hang on it. Whether it is an aberration, or the expression of suppressed feelings, or indeed the beginning of a current that is to grow stronger until 1914, diplomats, soldiers, politicians and economists have taken it as a dividing line. It is simultaneously the continuance of the Peninsular tradition in warfare and an array of technological novelties tempting the variously applied title, ‘the first modern war’. But while its impact on domestic politics and European diplomacy has been scrutinized, and while Captain Nolan has failed to convey his breathless order to the Light Brigade correctly on innumerable occasions, the bridge between the two, between – at its most banal – politics and tactics, has not been so closely examined.
Spy Fever in Britain, 1900–1915
Authors: French David
Published: June 2009

Historians have spilt much ink in explaining the diplomatic machinations which led to war in 1914, but rather less ink in accounting for the bitterness which the war aroused. The answer to that question probably lies outside the realm of diplomatic documents. For Britain at least, a tiny part of the answer can be found in a myth which became increasingly virulent in the decade or so before the war: the myth of the evil and ubiquitous German spy.
I. The Guildhall Declaration of 11 December 1688 and the Counter-Revolution of the Loyalists
Authors: Beddard Robert
Published: June 2009

‘Wee can neither Swear a new Allegiance nor Transfer ye Old; nor Assist at any Coronation while K.[ing] James the second Liue's. In these few words penned on 17 February 1689, within days of the proclamation of William and Mary, Bishop Turner of Ely scaled the heights and plumbed the depths of the loyalists’ dilemma. The unexpected manner in which the Revolution had been accomplished entailed upon churchmen a deep and bitter conflict of loyalties. Certainly none were more afflicted than the Cavalier politicians, prelates and magnates of the Church of England party, who less than a decade before had drawn together in defence of the lawful succession, the established religion and the privileges of the governing classes. As one might suspect, the re-emergence of the Cavalier leaders in the autumn of 1688, from the isolation into which they had been ungenerously thrown by the King's espousal of Indulgence, had important repercussions on events following James's abandonment of government. Yet, while contemporary attitudes to civil obedience have received close study, curiously little attention has been given to the role of James's supporters in the practical politics of the crisis, especially in its initial stages.
II. Sir Robert Walpole, the Old Whigs and the Bishops, 1733–1736: a Study in Eighteenth-Century Parliamentary Politics
Authors: Kendrick T. F. J.
Published: June 2009

DESPITE the vast influence and patronage at his disposal, Sir Robert Walpole was compelled, on occasion, to pursue a course of action which he heartily disliked. At the time of the excise crisis in 1733, the First Minister was forced to revise his policies by pressure, not only from the opposition, but also from the radicals within the ministerial camp. The radical group, usually known as the ‘Old Whigs’, suddenly found themselves in a position to play a decisive role in parliamentary politics for the first time in more than a decade.
V. The Failure of London Chartism
Authors: Rowe D. J.
Published: June 2009

One of the standard points mentioned in discussions of the failure of Chartism is that it did not gain any strong support in London. The capital city, with a considerable part of the total population of the country, was very largely apathetic to Chartism, although we have little knowledge beyond this generalization. This contrasts strangely with the attitude of other capital cities during revolutionary movements (since Chartism, in the existing political atmosphere, had to have incipient revolution written into its programme if it were to succeed); Paris obviously played the formative part in 1789, as did St Petersburg in 1917, while most other European radical movements found considerable support among the discontented elements in capital cities. That Chartism did not gain similar success in London was of considerable importance for the movement since, although opposition to the six points was strong in the legislature, a mass following in the capital would have furthered the chances of the Chartists.
Text and Context: Skinner, Hobbes and Theistic Natural Law
Authors: State Stephen A.
Published: June 2009

If a revolution has taken place recently in the history of political thought, the name of Quentin Skinner must figure prominently in the vanguard. His work has been concerned with redefining the boundaries between philosophy and history; to put the matter briefly he makes a plea for ‘less philosophy and more history’. With regard to Thomas Hobbes his work involves two distinct – but related – projects: to revise our view of Hobbes's impact and influence on his age; and to clarify the interpretation of Hobbes's written work. Characteristically, the first project is presented as a guide to the second. History becomes the handmaiden of philosophy.
VI. The End of Laissez Faire and the Politics of Cotton
Authors: Clarke P. F.
Published: June 2009

There are grounds for arguing that the dynamic thrust of English Liberalism in the early twentieth century was in the direction of social democracy; and that this was a necessary condition of the survival of the Liberal party as a party of government. By 1910, according to this view, the party represented workingclass interests rather than those of any other class. But what about business Liberalism? We are likely to discover an upper limit of its strength among businessmen involved in the cotton trade (cotton bosses). As the party of Free Trade, the Liberals were well placed here. There was no sectional reason why the Conservative programme of Tariff Reform should attract these industrialists. Having no need of protection in home or Empire markets, the cotton industry had almost nothing to gain from an artificial restriction of competition, whereas it had much to lose if a system of tariffs increased production costs.
John Bright and Joseph Chamberlain
Authors: Quinault Roland
Published: June 2009

Richard Cobden, John Bright and Joseph Chamberlain were the most famous and influential reform agitators of the Victorian era. Collectively they ensured that much British political development in the period was influenced by ideas associated first with Manchester and then with Birmingham. In this context, Blight's career was particularly important since he was the only one of the trio who had close links with the other two and with both Manchester and Birmingham. Bright's partnership with Cobden in the Anti-Corn-Law League has long been an historical cliché and has been closely studied. Yet Cobden died in 1865 and Bright outlived him for twenty-four years. During that period Bright pursued a political career which often owed little to Cobden's influence. He also became a Liberal cabinet minister on three occasions: an honour declined by Cobden. Moreover Bright developed a close association with the rising radical leader Joseph Chamberlain. Yet their relationship has received scant attention from historians.
I. Marlborough in Exile, 1712–1714
Authors: Gregg Edward
Published: June 2009

John and Sarah Churchill, first duke and duchess of Marlborough, carefully destroyed most of the correspondence they received during the two years of their self-imposed continental exile. Historians, forced to rely mainly upon the Hanoverian and Jacobite papers published by Macpherson in 1775, have reached radically different conclusions on the central question of Marlborough's loyalty to the Hanoverian succession between 1712 and 1714. Klopp, Trevelyan, and J. H. and Margaret Sherman maintained that Marlborough was ‘the greatest of all trimmers’.2 On the other hand, Sir Winston Churchill, emphasizing ‘the frauds and injuries which Marlborough perpetrated upon the House of Stuart’, contended that the exiled general ‘never swerved from his fidelity to the Protestant Succession.’ A search of Hanoverian, French, and British archives has yielded new material which illuminates Marlborough's political activities during his exile.
The Militia and the Army in the Reign of James II
Authors: Miller John
Published: June 2009

Two of the most basic functions of any government are the maintenance of order and defence against rebellion or invasion. In the England of Charles II these functions, one police, the other military, were performed by the small standing army and the militia. James II enlarged the army and so was able to use it to maintain order to a greater extent than Charles had done. At the same time he deliberately neglected the militia (except in London) and made sweeping and highly unpopular changes among the lords lieutenant and deputy lieutenants who commanded it. As a result, when William of Orange invaded late in 1688 and James tried to raise the militia, he found it both disorganized and disaffected. Many lieutenancies failed to perform the auxiliary military functions which James expected, and some sections of the militia joined, or were raised by, insurgents against the king. However, the police function of the militia, unlike the military function, did not fail; both properly-appointed lieutenants and insurgents used the forces at their disposal to maintain order, having no desire to encourage or condone violence and looting.
III. The Ten Hours and Sugar Crises of 1844: Government and the House of Commons in the Age of Reform
Authors: Stewart Robert
Published: June 2009

One of the best-known remarks of the nineteenth century, and probably the one most often repeated by contemporary politicians, was the Duke of Wellington's challenge to the Whig reformers in 1831, ‘How is the King's government to be carried on?’ In their difficulties in the late 1830s the Whigs found the question more pertinent than they had allowed during the debates on the Reform Bill.
‘Abdicate’ and ‘Contract’ in the Glorious Revolution
Authors: Slaughter Thomas P.
Published: June 2009

A revisionist explanation of the political events of the Glorious Revolution has crept into recent literature virtually unscathed. Briefly summarized, the argument contends that it is difficult to discover evidence of resistance to the Crown in the debates of either the House of Lords or the Convention parliament during 1689. According to J. P. Kenyon, a major advocate of this new interpretation, John Locke's Second treatise of government misled historians and even some contemporaries into believing that parliament deposed James II for breaking the original contract between sovereign and people. Actually, during the long debates in and between both houses ‘it was clear that the word “abdicated”, or the Lords’ preferred choice, “deserted” both implied a voluntary act, if not a rational choice, on James's part’. The Lords especially, Kenyon argues, were careful to dissociate themselves from contract theory. Whig ‘revolution principles’, then, built upon the ‘haste and confusion of the occasion’ were rooted in a misunderstanding of actual events, a mis-understanding fostered by the writings of Locke and Algernon Sydney and enshrined as doctrine by whig politicians and historians.
I. The New Worlds and Europe in the Sixteenth Century
Authors: Scammell G. V.
Published: June 2009

‘Thanks to thy sublime merits the times in which we live may be freely compared with the greatest days of Antiquity.’ So, in 1490, wrote Politian to the king of Portugal, casting a hopeful eye over something like a century of Portuguese imperial endeavour.1 Sixty years later, in a significantly different style, a Spanish chronicler surveying his own country's even more spectacular achievements saw them as ‘the greatest event since the making of the world, apart from the incarnation and death of him who created it’. Since then the idiom may have changed, but not the conviction, and at some time or other almost everything from the unshackling of man's mind from the bonds of medieval superstition to the rise of a capitalist economy has been attributed to the discoveries. Recently we have been invited to see Lisbon as the second Byzantium, and from the Sorbonne there has come the grand apocalyptic message of the birth of ‘un humanisme technique’ manifested in a new and seminal ‘sens du réel, sens du chiffre et de la précision’.
III. Party Politics, 1801–1802: George Canning and the Trinidad Question
Authors: Lipscomb Patrick C.
Published: June 2009

On 23 November 1801 Henry Addington addressed the House of Commons on the financial affairs of the nation. The prime minister, in the course of his remarks, alluded briefly to the government's intention of selling certain Crown properties in the West Indies. The measure was planned, he explained, as a means of reducing arrears charged upon the Civil List.1 Although Addington hoped to effect the sales without parliamentary opposition, the question soon became entangled in the meshes of political intrigue. With remarkable cunning the young Pittite, George Canning, sought to use the issue as a means of driving William Pitt into opposition to Addington's government and of creating a new opposition party with Pitt as its leader.
Domestic Homicide in early modern England
Authors: Sharpe J. A.
Published: June 2009

One of the most striking features of recent writing on early modern social history has been the emergence of the family as a subject of central concern. As befits an historical area being subjected to new scrutiny, much of this concern has expressed itself in the form of specialized, and often narrowly-focused articles or essays.1 To these have been added a number of more general works intended to examine the broader developments in and implications of family life in the past.2 Several themes within family history have already received considerable attention: the structure of the family, for example, a topic already rendered familiar by earlier work on historical demography; the concomitant topic of sexual practices and attitudes; and the economic role of the family, especially in its capacity as a unit of production. These are, of course, important matters, and the research carried out on them has revealed much of interest and consequence to the social historian; this should not, however, obscure the existence of a number of other significant dimensions of family life in the past which await thorough investigation.
I. Poland, Russia and the Treaty of Vienna of 5 January 1719
Authors: Lewitter L. R.
Published: June 2009

A foreigner, an elector of the empire, a dual sovereign cast in the double role of absolute monarch in Saxony and constitutional ruler in Poland-Lithuania, Augustus II was Poland's George I. In the last septennium of the Great Northern War the two kings, united by a formal defensive treaty of a local character and by the bonds of the loosely knit northern alliance, pursued analogous aims in relation to Sweden: what Livonia was to the one, Bremen with Verden was to the other. The disintegration of the northern alliance in September 1716 in the thick of the preparations for a Russo-Danish landing in Sweden opened the way for negotiations leading to a separate peace between Charles XII and Peter I at the expense of the remaining northern allies. The northern crisis had begun.
II. Class and Political Radicalism in London, 1831–2
Authors: Rowe D. J.
Published: June 2009

Class has long been used as an analytical tool in the study of history and much has been written with regard to the formation of class-consciousness, which has to a considerable extent been related to the first half of the nineteenth century and especially to the events surrounding the passing of the first Reform Bill. Professor Briggs has noted the growing use of the term ‘class’ in the early nineteenth century and has postulated a middle-class consciousness created by the media of the Reform Bill and Anti-Corn Law agitations. ‘Sandwiched between an entrenched landed Parliament on the one hand and a bitter but still imperfectly integrated labour movement on the other, the middle classes were compelled to lay down their own postulates and programmes.’ More recently E. P. Thompson, in a brilliant and wide-ranging study of the working classes, has seen the formation of a working-class consciousness which involved ‘consciousness of identity of interests between working men of the most diverse occupations and levels of attainment’ and also ‘ consciousness of the identity of interest of the working class, or “productive classes”, as against those of other classes; and within this there was maturing the claim for an alternative system’.
VII. Lloyd George's Premiership: A Study in ‘Prime Ministerial Government’
Authors: Morgan Kenneth O.
Published: June 2009

‘The Power of the Man in the Saddle’: this was the burden of the Liberal chief whip's advice to David Lloyd George in April 1918. But the Prime Minister hardly needed any instruction in this theme: the uses and the limitations of power formed his absorbing passion. Even at the time many felt that his period as prime minister had marked a totally new departure in British politics. Some later commentators (most recently Mr Humphry Berkeley) have even claimed to detect the dawn of a new political era between 1916 and 1922, one in which ‘prime ministerial government’ gradually took the place of conventional cabinet government. But, despite their certainty, the precise character of Lloyd's George premiership, like the man himself, is still shrouded in mystery. Was it rule by a dictator or by a democrat? Did any consistent principle animate the ‘man in the saddle’ or was it all opportunism gone berserk ? Was Wales's Great Commoner really ‘rooted in nothing’, as Keynes was to allege? Not even Lloyd George's closest associates, Kerr and Riddell, felt able to say with any assurance. They were as baffled as the rest. Lloyd George was suddenly thrust from office in October 1922 with the issue still inconclusive. Ever since then the debate about his premiership has been passionate and unremitting. Each observer seems to have seen a different prime minister, one created in his own image. Fifty biographies on, the essential Lloyd George remains as elusive as ever. He remains the most controversial and contradictory of political animals, ‘the Big Beast’, the rogue elephant of twentieth-century prime ministers.
I. From Revenue to Civil List, 1689–1702: The Revolution Settlement and the ‘Mixed and Balanced’ Constitution
Authors: Reitan E. A.
Published: June 2009

In a theoretical sense it may be said that the Revolution of 1688–9 established the supremacy of Parliament in the English constitution, but from a practical point of view the result of the Revolution was a –mixed and balanced’ constitution, in which power was shared between Crown and Parliament, and exercised within a framework of law. Although the doctrine of a ‘mixed and balanced’ constitution was an old one, the Revolution made clear the need for Crown and Parliament to work together, and in the reign of William III a new definition of their relationship was achieved. In this process the question of finance was crucial, for Parliament saw in control of finance the most effective instrument to limit the power of the Crown, while the Crown insisted that monarchy could not maintain its proper place in the constitution without some degree of fiscal independence. The outcome was, like most aspects of the Revolution Settlement, a compromise, in which the Crown received an independent income for the Civil List, while Parliament assumed responsibility for the military forces and the debt. The Civil List compromise of the reign of William III resolved the conflict between the Stuarts and their Parliaments for control of finance, and was an important step in the achievement of political stability within the ‘mixed and balanced’ constitution.
II. Schools and Politics in the Netherlands, 1796–1814
Authors: Schama Simon
Published: June 2009

By 1811, just a year after the annexation of their national territory to the French Empire, the Dutch had organized the most effective and comprehensive system of elementary education in Europe. How had this been accomplished? Not, at any rate, in emulation of their former neighbours. At the zenith of its power, Imperial France had nothing to show for years of speculation and derelict legislation except the return of responsibility for the ‘écoles primaires’ to the Church. The respective condition of the two states made this contrast still more emphatic. France commanded financial and administrative resources which the most absolute of her monarchs would have coveted; the Dutch were exhausted by fiscal penury and torn by bitter political division.
IV. Alexis de Tocqueville and the Liberal Moment
Authors: Brogan Hugh
Published: June 2009

Liberalism is characterized by paradox. It is a creed with sacred books, sacred names and a sacred history, but without a universally acceptable definition. It emerged slowly, first in England, then in France, spread with difficulty, yet is fading even more slowly—if it is indeed fading at all. From time to time its tenets have seemed to attain final expression, whether in the Declaration of Independence, the Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen, or in John Stuart Mill's Liberty. Invariably these formulations have come at last to seem inadequate, and to need re-interpretation if they are to retain their reputation. Such re-interpretation has usually been forthcoming. Liberalism, to the vexation of conservatives and socialists, like a goat with exceptionally powerful digestion, finds it possible to absorb almost anything into itself, even the most trenchant criticism. Only the advocates of force for the sake of force, or of the suppression, on principle, of free thought, have been invariably rejected by the liberal consensus. Liberalism has therefore remained the creed, not of governments, but of oppositions, happiest in a critical, rather than a constructive role.
V. Mechanics' Institutes and the Working Classes, 1840–1860
Authors: Royle Edward
Published: June 2009

The history of mechanics’ institutes ‘is at once beautiful and terrible to read', Christopher Charles Cattell, the Birmingham radical republican, told the members of his Eclectic Institute in 1854. Contemporaries of the mechanics’ institute movement in the mid-nineteenth century were acutely aware of this terrible history. ‘The banquet was prepared for guests who did not come …,’ wrote Robert Elliott in 1861. J. W. Hudson referred to ‘The universal complaint that Mechanics’ Institutions are attended by persons of a higher rank than those for whom they were designed…’ TheWestminster Reviewcontinued the lament, Samuel Smiles, Lloyd Jones and J. M. Ludlow joined the chorus, and later historians have followed the tune. E. P. Thompson, for example, writes: ‘After the mid-Twenties the tendency was general for the custom of artisans to give way to that of the lower middle class, and for orthodox political economy to come into the syllabus.
Resources and Techniques the Second Maratha War
Authors: Pemble John
Published: June 2009

At the beginning of the nineteenth century the Marathas and the British confronted each other in India like two finalists after a series of elimination bouts. The East India Company had reduced the native princesBengal and the Carnatic to ciphers, crushed Mysore and emasculated Oudh and Hyberabad. The Marathas, under the leadership of the Sindia dynasty, of Ujjain, had extinguished the last pretensions of the Mughal emperor and reduced the Rajput states to surly submission. The defeat of Sindia and the confederated Maratha princes of Nagpur and Indore in the Anglo-Maratha war of 1803–5 was therefore historic. It confirmed the British as inheritors of the old Mughal supremacy and extinguished all hopes of a native hegemony in the subcontinent for 140 years. This defeat has hitherto been attributed to strategic error. The Marathas should, it has been argued, have adhered to their ancestral cavalry warfare and spread fire and devastation in the traditional Asiatic manner, instead of trying to beat the Europeans at their own game, with infantry and guns. Re-examination of the evidence leads to the conclusion that this argument is unsound. It underestimates the competence of the Marathas in their new style of combat and misplaces the blame for their failure. Traditional methods had paid off in the past; but things had changed by 1803, and had those methods been used in the second Maratha war the margin of defeat would probably have been much wider. As it was, the British victory must be described as hard won.
The Foreign Policy-Making Process in Britain, 1934–1935, and the Origins of the Anglo-german Naval Agreement
Authors: Hall Hines H.
Published: June 2009

Studies of the Anglo-German naval agreement of 1935 have so far failed to provide a complete analysis of the factors which prompted the British government's decision to sanction German naval rearmament. Diverse views on the causes of this British decision have included the interpretation that the naval agreement represented the beginning of appeasement, that it was an attempt to curry favour with Hitler's Reich at the expense of France and other continental powers, or that it was intended to become part of a general international system of naval arms limitations but because of unforeseen difficulties remained simply a bilateral agreement. The severest critics of the agreement suggest that British statesmen were the victims of Hitler's guile and of their own ignorance and credulity which blinded them to the serious consequences their conduct had for British foreign relations.
The Role of Redistribution in the Making of the Third Reform Act
Authors: Chadwick Mary E. J.
Published: June 2009

The Third Reform Act has never received the attention which historians have given to its famous predecessors, though its political effects were arguably the most profound of the three. And though there was not the same pressure from extra-parliamentary agitation as in 1831–2 or 1866–7, the enactment of a major electoral reform in 1884–5 predictably overshadowed other parliamentary business. Lord Kimberley saw this clearly in 1883: ‘From the time when we propose the extension of the county franchise until (by some Government) the Redistribution of Seats is carried, there will be a political crisis and all other measures will be practically postponed.’ But in their explanations of the prolonged controversy, which lasted until the end of November 1884, historians have become absorbed in the tactical aspects of the political game and have tended to lose sight of the substantive issues at stake. Charles Seymour stated in 1915 that ‘the question of reform in 1884 was…fought out, not on principles, but upon the method of procedure’. Professor Weston has depicted the situation in terms of a Tory ‘cave’ fostered by the queen, forcing negotiation upon a reluctant Salisbury; while Dr Fair, in seeking to rebut her argument, has taken a similar standpoint to Seymour's. ‘It was not the details of reform or redistribution which were at stake. It was a spirit of mutual distrust.’
Imperial Defence in the Mediterranean on the Eve of the Ethiopian Crisis (July–October 1935)
Authors: Quartararo Rosaria
Published: June 2009

Relations between Italy and Britain, even after Mussolini's seizure of power, remained entirely satisfactory within the framework of their traditional partnership in European affairs until the Ethiopian crisis of 1935. It is, however, well known that the first strains in the relationship rcame only in the period from July to October 1935, when British naval forces were concentrated in the Mediterranean. This particular episode as the Italo-Ethiopian crisis, occasionally referred to as ‘The Italo-Ethiopian emergency in the Mediterranean’, has been the subject of several untested and misleading assumptions made by historians whose attention has been focused almost solely on the international aspects of the Ethiopian crisis. This review is wholly based on Anglo-Italian records.
France and the Problem of Intervention in Spain 1834–1836
Authors: Bullen Roger
Published: June 2009

French foreign policy during the Orleans Monarchy was dominated by the search for an agreement with another power. In the first two years of the new monarchy's existence the fear of isolation exercised a profound influence over the conduct of French diplomacy and almost every French politician and diplomat regarded an entente with another great power as the only remedy. Thus the immediate aim of foreign policy was to divide the enemies of France. Throughout the negotiations in London in 1831 and 1832 on the Belgian question, Talleyrand, the French ambassador in London, regarded the prevention of an anti-French coalition as his major objective. The pursuit of French interests in the Low Countries, however important, had to be subordinated to this overriding aim. It was to England that Talleyrand looked for support; he rightly believed that the Whigs were ideologically opposed to a conservative coalition against France and that it was the English government which had the most to gain from co-operation with France on the Belgian question. Once it became clear - as it certainly had by mid-1832 - that there was little likelihood of the emergence of an anti-French coalition, the search for an agreement with another power could be associated with the pursuit of more positive ends.
Lord John Russell and the Origins of the Committee of Council on Education
Authors: Alexander J. L.
Published: June 2009

In February 1839 Lord John Russell put before the House of Commons a set of proposals for governmental action in the field of popular education. It was a contentious move by the Home Secretary, and the bitter political tussle which it provoked was predictable. In the context of a flagging ministry facing an opposition already scenting office, it seems almost cavalier. The well-known outcome was the formation of a new executive agency for the management of the state's role in the education of the people, the Committee of Privy Council on Education. The whole incident attracts notice in several dimensions of historical commentary. Social and political narratives must record it; students of Whiggery, Russell, reform or radicalism, must give it place and plausibility; it is a turning point for the historian of education; and it provides a case study for the investigation of government growth in the nineteenth century.
British Labour, Marxism and Working Class Apathy in the Nineteen Twenties
Authors: Macintyre Stuart
Published: June 2009

A problem of crucial importance confronted the British labour movement in the 1920s. The working class - those who earned their livelihood by selling their labour power, as well as their dependents - constituted a majority of the population. To the left it seemed manifest that their interests lay in ending a social system which exploited them and putting socialism in its place. Yet during the decade only a minority of British voters committed themselves to socialism, even at the minimal level of voting for the Labour party. As Philip Snowden lamented, ‘the very people for whom [the socialist] works and sacrifices are often indifferent and seldom show any gratitude’. Why did the British working class lack class consciousness?
The Unionist Coalition and Education, 1895–1902
Authors: Munson J. E. B.
Published: June 2009

Historians have generally accepted the verdict that the 1902 Education Act was ‘among the two or three greatest constructive measures of the twentieth century’. Most have accepted likewise the interpretation laid down by the biographer of the Act's alleged author, Sir Robert Morant, that an educational crisis forced the Unionist government to begin thinking seriously about education. Their ineptitude, shown in attempts at legislation in 1900 and 1901, forced them to turn to the one man who could help, namely Morant, secretary to the vice president of the Board of Education, Sir John Gorst, and then to the president, the duke of Devonshire. Thus ‘Balfour, Hicks-Beach and Chamberlain had all to bow the knee to his [Morant's] ruthless tenacity in argument’, whilst Morant ‘had to show Balfour and the Cabinet how the policies of their party and their own inarticulate major premises inevitably led them to the 1902 Bill – as Morant was writing it’.
The Politics of Administration: the Reich Interior Ministry and the German Civil Service, 1933–1943
Authors: Caplan Jane
Published: June 2009

There is no longer any excuse for thinking of the Third Reich as a model totalitarian monolith. That simplistic assumption was questioned by some of the earliest observers of the period, and has never been seriously rehabilitated. But the task of examining its actual complexities is much more challenging than a description of any putatively monolithic construct would be, for there will not be a single ‘key‘ to an acknowledged polycratic structure. The challenge is, then, to accept the limitations of a necessarily monographic approach, but to avoid losing sight of the broader perspective - the dynamics of the Nazi regime as a whole.
Charles Bradlaugh and the English Republican Movement, 1868–1878
Authors: D'Arcy Fergus A.
Published: June 2009

The English republican movement of the late 1860s and early 1870s has received meagre notice in standard historical accounts of the Victorian period. If viewed as no more than a notorious episode of the time English republicanism perhaps deserved no better; but, if considered as a persistent element of the radical tradition dating from the 1790s, coming to climax and then anti-climax in the 1870s, it merited more than mere passing attention. It has never been the subject of a single substantial historical work, and given that it was so inextricably bound up with other elements of nineteenth-century radicalism, perhaps it never will. Nevertheless, it has been accorded more than passing reference in the work of Royle, Gossman, Hardie and Harrison.
‘Safety First’: Baldwin, the Conservative Party, and the 1929 General Election
Authors: Williamson Philip
Published: June 2009

The Conservative party's preparations for the 1929 general election have been harshly treated by historians. Because the election was lost, they have understandably concentrated on explaining the defeat and so looked for weaknesses in Conservative leadership, policies and organization. It is also understandable that in the light of subsequent economic analysis, the Conservative election platform of ‘Safety First’ has suffered badly from comparison with the Keynesian-style policies of the Liberal party programme, We can conquer unemployment. But the contention here is that all too easily such hindsight has impeded a proper understanding of Conservative policies and tactics.
From Suarez to Filmer: A Reappraisal
Authors: Sommerville J. P.
Published: June 2009

English political thought in the early seventeenth century is often regarded in terms of the disagreements between the king and his parliaments, and of debates amongst lawyers on the nature and contents of the ancient constitution. But a large proportion of the political writings of early seventeenth-century English theorists was directed against the views of Catholic authors. Sir Robert Filmer devoted much of his Patriarcha to refuting the theories of those two great pillars of counter-reformation Catholicism, Bellarmine and Suarez. Suarez's Defensio fidei was burned at Paul's Cross on 21 November 1613. James I believed that by ‘setting up the People above their naturall King’ the political thinking of the Jesuits laid ‘ an excellent ground in Divinitie for all rebels and rebellious people’. One aim of this paper is to suggest that many of the most characteristic ideas on politics of English writers in the early seventeenth century can best be understood in the context of their polemical aim: the refutation of the seditious doctrines of the Papists. This is particularly true of patriarchalism, a subject on which Filmer was no innovator.
Property and ‘Virtual Representation’ in Eighteenth-Century England
Authors: Langford Paul
Published: June 2009

The representative credentials of the unreformed parliament are a subject of enduring historical interest. It is not surprising that much of that interest has focused on the electoral basis of the house of commons. From the beginnings of an organized movement for parliamentary reform and the first systematic investigations of the subject, criticism fastened on the anomalies and inequities of a manifestly outdated franchise. Modern scholarship, emancipated from the bias of whig history, has been less harsh in its judgement, but equally preoccupied with elections and the electorate. Successive studies have demonstrated the vitality of popular electoral politics not merely in the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, before the onset of so-called oligarchy, but even in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century, when contemporary criticism was at its height.1 One of the unintended consequences of this successful search for the politics of participation has been a tendency to divert attention from the actual working of parliament, except in terms of those periodic crises, and great national issues, which were of manifest importance in the party politics of the day. Yet parliament in the eighteenth century concerned itself with an extraordinary variety of topics, and burdened itself with a remarkable quantity of business. After the revolution of 1688 it met annually for long, and lengthening sessions. It increasingly involved itself in the operations of government and played an ever more important part in the making and revision of law.