bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Women, men, and type of talk: What makes the difference?
Authors: Freed Alice F. , Greenwood Alice
Published: March 2009

In a study of dyadic conversations between four female and four male pairs of friends, the use of the phraseyou knowand questions are examined within three types of discourse. Women and men are found to use these features with equal frequency; and all speakers, regardless of sex or gender, use them in comparable ways. Although these particular discourse features have been previously associated with a female speech style, the results of this study show that it is the particular requirements associated with the three types of talk that motivate their use, and not the sex or gender of the individual speaker. The problems of generalizing about the characteristics of female or male speech, outside of a particular conversational context, are discussed; and it is shown that a gendered style cannot be adequately defined by counting individual speech variables removed from the specifics of the talk context. (Gender, questions, tag questions, discourse analysis, conversation analysis)
Gender, identity, and the political economy of language: Anglophone wives in Tunisia
Authors: Walters Keith
Published: March 2009

Using the frameworks of the political economy of language, and of language use as acts of identity, this study attempts to describe and analyze the situation of natively anglophone wives living with their Tunisian husbands in Tunisia – a speech community characterized by Arabic diglossia and Arabic/French bilingualism. Particular attention is devoted to these women's beliefs about using Tunisian Arabic (TA), the native language of their husbands, and the ways in which access to TA or the use of it becomes a site of conflict between husbands and wives, or mothers and children, in these mixed marriages. (Gender, identity, political economy of language, ideology, Tunisia, Arabic,francophonie, diglossia, code-switching, bilingualism, multilingualism, family relations)
Unequal partnership: Sociolinguistics and the African American speech community
Authors: Rickford John Russell
Published: March 2009

American quantitative sociolinguistics has drawn substantially on data from the African American speech community for its descriptive, theoretical, and methodological development, but has given relatively little in return. Contributions from the speech community to sociolinguistics include the development of variable rules and frameworks for the analysis of tense-aspect markers, social class, style, narratives, and speech events, plus research topics and employment for students and faculty. The contributions which sociolinguistics could make in return to the African American speech community – but has not done sufficiently – include the induction of African Americans into linguistic, the representation of African Americans in our writings, and involvement in courts, workplaces, and schools, especially with respect to the teaching of reading and the language arts. This last issue has surged to public attention following the Oakland School Board's “Ebonics” resolutions on Dec. 18, 1996.

The present unequal partnership between researcher and researched is widespread within linguistics. Suggestions are made for establishing service in return as a general principle and practice of teaching and research in our field. (African American Vernacular English, Ebonics, applications of sociolinguistics, community service, dialect readers, variation theory)
Honorific possession: Power and language in Pohnpei, Micronesia
Authors: Keating Elizabeth
Published: March 2009

Mental categorization schemes, such as noun classification systems, can be productive sites for examining how experience is meaningfully and culturally structured through metaphorical and metonymic associations. Pohnpeian possessive classifiers not only constitute cultural categories of rank and power relations, but dynamically re-sort or re-classify these categories through honorific speech. Linguistic and interactional data are here combined with ethnographic data about Pohnpeian society and cultural beliefs, particularly notions about the meaning and construction of ranked social relationships, to show how micro-interactions which index status are linked both to larger cultural ideologies about power and, metaphorically, to the experiential domain. (Pohnpei, Micronesia, honorifics, status, metaphor, possessive constructions)
Between friends: Gender, peer group structure, and bilingualism in urban Catalonia
Authors: Woolard Kathryn A.
Published: March 2009

A gap exists between studies of gender and language and studies of bilingualism. The considerable attention given by studies of discourse style to gender differences in friendship patterns is not reflected in research on bilingual communities. This ethnographic case study of high school students in the Barcelona area shows that gender differences in peer group structure can affect the use of the bilingual repertoire, even when there are no apparent sex differences in second language acquisition. In this setting, girls' friendship circles are more solidary and cohesive than boys'. Moreover, girls' groups are ethnically and linguistically homogeneous, while boys' social circles can be ethnically mixed and internally differentiated linguistically. Girls' friendships set stronger constraints on language behavior. In turn, boys and girls reap different social benefits and costs for their linguistic choices, with more serious consequences for girls' social identities and acceptance by peers. (Gender, sex differences, bilingualism, peer groups, language acquisition, social networks, language shift)
The Role of the Burgenland in the History of the Habsburg Monarchy
Authors: Zimmermann Fritz
Published: March 2009

Viewed from the perspective of thousands of years, political history reveals a pattern of continuous alternation between decay and re-formation. Thus, after the fall of the Roman empire, the first political entity that emerged in the West was the Carolingian empire, which, through the coronation of the emperor in 800, assumed the form of a revived western Roman empire. Although it soon became limited to the part of the old empire inhabited by the “German nation,” it continued to exist, at least in outward form, under the name of the Holy Roman Empire until 1806. As early as 1804, though, Francis II had adopted the title of emperor of Austria for his position as ruler of the “hereditary Austrian lands.”
Comments on the Articles by Karl R. Stadler and Jon D. Berlin
Authors: Bellér Béla
Published: March 2009

Stadler's study, focused on Austro-Hungarian relations, sheds light on half-a-century's history of the Burgenland; Berlin's work deals with the Burgenland policy of the United States during the decisive years of 1918–1920. Both articles are based on valuable source materials. They are balanced in their evaluations, and the conclusions reached by both authors are in substantial agreement.
The Pragmatic Sanction
Authors: Roider Karl A.
Published: March 2009

The Pragmatic Sanction (pactum mutuae cessionis et successionis), formulated in 1703 and first made public in 1713, has been regarded as the legal basis for the unity of the disparate lands under Habsburg rule until the mid-nineteenth century. Although the Pragmatic Sanction did not prevent foreign powers from trying to seize Austrian territory, it did provide legal justification for the existence of the monarchy as an indivisible whole for well over one hundred years.
Invisible Austria: Canada's View 1938–1959
Authors: Keyserlingk Robert H.
Published: March 2009

Ambiguity and ambivalence may be legitimate tools for diplomats and politicians, but not for historians. On the surface, Canada's Austrian policy between the 1938Anschluβand its 1959 accession to the 1955 Austrian State Treaty was equivocal and obscure. Canada appeared indecisive or vacillating on the subject of Austria after 1938 and again after 1945. In 1948 Canada stoutly announced that it had never recognized theAnschluβnor been at war with Austria. What did this sudden declaration, unique within the Commonwealth, mean? Why did Canada then wait until 1956 to name an ambassador to Austria and until 1959 to sign the State Treaty? A fog hangs over the subject and opinions differ radically. Experts wander aimlessly through vague statements and interpretations, no longer even agreed on when, before or after World War II, Canada and Austria first entered into official diplomatic relations with each other.
NobleNatioand Modern Nation: The Czech Case
Authors: Agnew Hugh LeCaine
Published: March 2009

Czech nationalism differsin one important respect from its Polish and Hungarian counterparts: the Czech nation did not have a “national” aristocracy. As a result, so the conventional wisdom goes, when the modern Czech nationalist movement emerged, even its leading elites were only a few generations removed from the countryside, giving it a supposedly more egalitarian and bourgeois coloring. This affected its ideology and political program, and by extension, helped account for the relative stability of the interwar Czechoslovak democracy, the most successful of the “successor states.”
A Problem Seeking a Frame: An Aesthetic Reading of the “Jewish Question” in Turn-of-the-Century Hungary
Authors: Gluck Mary
Published: March 2009

For hungarian society, as for most of East-Central Europe, the socalled Jewish question has been, and continues to be, an obsessive, seemingly insoluble dilemma that cries out for definition, discussion, commentary, and analysis. The notion persists, in both professional and general opinion, that if only a true historical understanding of the question were possible, a solution would also be within reach. The assumption is almost axiomatic that the Jewish question, with its attendant passions, prejudices, and contradictions, must be the expression of some prior set of causes that holds the key to its deciphering.
The Conference
Authors: Jelavich Charles , R. J. R.
Published: March 2009

Of the various causes of the collapse of the Habsburg monarchy, nationalism was certainly one of the most important. In an age of integral nationalism like the latter part of the nineteenth and the early part of the twentieth century it proved extremely difficult for a multinational empire like the Austro-Hungarian monarchy to survive. Not only did the Habsburgs face the question of how to retain the loyalty of a dozen different nationalities within the framework of a single empire, but they also had to reconcile ever increasing differences between the Slavs and the Germans and Magyars and between the Germans and the Magyars themselves. In the end, the Habsburg government failed to meet the challenge.
The Germans as an Integrating and Disintegrating Force
Authors: Zöllner Erich
Published: March 2009

In order to evaluate properly the position of the Germansin the Habsburg monarchy during the nineteenth century, certain factors whose roots go back to earlier centuries shouldbe taken into consideration. The explanation for many of theproblems under discussion in this paper can be found byexamining these roots.
“Not Another Square Foot!” German Liberalism and the Rhetoric of National Ownership in Nineteenth-Century Austria
Authors: Judson Pieter M.
Published: March 2009

Early on involume 3 of his massive political memoirs, German Liberal party leader Ernst von Plener offhandedly introduces the reader to a I new word that had entered Austrian political discourse in the 1880s. The word isNationalbesitzstand, or “national property,” and Plener calls it “ a word taken from our party's rhetoric.” Most historians remember Plener as the quintessential Austrian centralist, a Liberal party leader of the bureaucratic mold whose annoyance with German nationalist agitation was equaled only by his discomfort with the public demands forced on him by constituent politics. And yet in the late 1880s and early 1890s we find the sober Plener increasingly resorting to an aggressively nationalist rhetoric organized around this concept ofNationalbesitzstand, a rhetoric often invoked by the very radical nationalists, populists, and anti-Semites he scorned. In this article I explore the growing use of such rhetoric by Liberals like Plener in the 1880s as a way to suggest some new approaches to understanding the development of German nationalism among nineteenth-century Austrians. In particular I consider how the concept ofNationalbesitzstandmediated a transformation in the rhetoric employed by self-identified Germans in the monarchy to justify their privileged position vis-à-vis other national groups. Where formerly German nationalists had rejected arguments based on empirical data like population or land ownership statistics to legitimize their political claims, in the 1880s and 1890s they began to embrace such arguments.
The Making of a Cold Warrior: Karl Gruber and Austrian Foreign Policy, 1945–1953
Authors: Bischof Günter
Published: March 2009

In the years1945 to 1953, Karl Gruber exerted an influence over Austrian foreign policy at times resembling the dominant influence of a Kaunitz or a Metternich. But as a diplomatist Gruber did not come close to the finesse and shrewd sense of power that his two great predecessors possessed. Moreover, Gruber had to maneuver in less predictable domestic and international terrain. During his tenure in the Ballhausplatz, foreign policy wassubject to domestic partisan struggle as well as parliamentary control and public opinion. Furthermore, Austria no longer figured as a great power and was locked into the monumental Cold War struggle between East and West on the frontline of the superpower tensions. Gruber operated in an extremely hostile international environment. Instead of the traditional well-balanced nineteenth-century “concert of powers,” which had profited so much from Austrian professional statesmanship, the inexperienced Gruber faced the United States and the Soviet Union, which were in almost total control of international politics. The two superpowers were engaged in a gigantic ideological struggle, each striving for a preponderance of power. A small nation such as Austria was buffeted to and fro between the conflicts in Central Europe and could hardly escape the pull of the global “empires” fashioned at the time. The United States and the Soviet Union confronted each other in spiraling arms races (nuclear and conventional) and rigid alliance systems in an uneasy truce called the Cold War. In this context of a tight bilateral international system, even England and France—the former great powers reduced to the status of middling powers after the ignominious loss of their great colonial empires—had a difficult time holding on to their traditional influence in the international arena. Small powers like Austria were largely impotent, unless they fashioned for themselves some room to maneuver between the superpower blocs.
Austria's “Ostpolitik” in the 1950s and 1960s: Honest Broker or Double Agent?
Authors: Rathkolb Oliver
Published: March 2009

In literature ondiplomacy, the termOstpolitikrefers to the new foreign policy of the Federal Republic of Germany introduced in 1966. The policy, was initiated by the grand coalition of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), the Christian Social Union (CSU), and the Social Democratic party (SPD) and was continued after 1969 by the SPD and Free Democratic party (FDP) coalition. The policy aimed at reconciling Germany with Poland and the Soviet Union. Willy Brandt, the SPD foreign minister from 1966 to 1969 and chancellor from 1969 until 1974, and Walter Scheel, FDP foreign minister from 1969 to 1974, were the architects of this new “selective Détente.” From the beginning, Brandt's Ostpolitik was “controlled” by the Nixon administration, especially by Kissinger. The United States feared that Brandt and Scheel would go too far without taking account of Washington's geo-political point of view.
Pride in Production: The Jubilee Exhibition of 1891 and Economic Competition between Czechs and Germans in Bohemia
Authors: Albrecht Catherine
Published: March 2009

Adistinctive Feature of nineteenth-century Czech nationalism was its consistent promotion of Czech business and economic interests. Since the 1850s, Czech national leaders had argued that economic prosperity was a prerequisite for eventual political power and provincial autonomy within the Habsburg monarchy. They demanded equality for Czechs and for the Czech language not just in schools, courts, and the bureaucracy, but also in the business world, and they gradually established a wide network of cooperatives and voluntary associations to support Czech business.
Religious Associations and the Formation of Political Catholicism in Vienna, 1848 to the 1870s
Authors: Bowman William D.
Published: March 2009

One of theironies of the Revolution of 1848 in Austria is that one of the most attacked institutions, the Roman Catholic Church, was able to draw the most benefit from the revolutionary upheaval. By the time Cardinal-Archbishop Eduard Milde returned to his palace in the Wollzeile from his safe mountain retreat, the dreadedKatzenmusik(mock serenading) had died down and it was clear that real social reform, not to speak of social revolution, was dead as well. Along the way, however, Catholic agitators, including Catholic priests, had learned how to use the revolution to further their own purposes.
Conservative Social Politics in Austria, 1880–1890
Authors: Grandner Margarete
Published: March 2009

During the governmentof Count Eduard Taaffe a series of social laws were enacted in Austria that set maximum hours in factories and mines, placed restrictions on the employment of women and young people, and introduced accident and sickness insurance. With this legislation, Austria obtained a unique position: no other country had both extensive protective labor legislation, including the ”normal workday,” and obligatory sickness and accident insurance for industrial workers on its law books in the early 1890s. Despite this progressive record, social policymaking in the Taaffe era has drawn surprisingly little attention. My article begins to fill this gap. The first section briefly examines the historiography of social legislation to demonstrate that the interpretations of the early development of Austrian social politics in the 1880s have been unduly determined by the ”Bismarckian paradigm.” The second section discusses the models that Austrian legislators in the 1880s used for their social policies. They were influenced not only by German social insurance but also by the Swiss Factory Act of 1877. Austrian politicians thus followed two quite distinct strategies in tackling the ”labor question”: they promoted both protective legislation, which infringed upon the employer's authority to organize production at his own discretion, and social insurance, which involved state interference with the lives of workers outside the workshop or factory. The third section examines the motives of Austrian politicians behind this twofold labor policy by looking into the background and procedures of legislation. The final section offers a tentative assessment of social politics during the Taaffe era.
The Nobility, Jewish Assimilation, and the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Service in the Late Imperial Era
Authors: Godsey William D.
Published: March 2009

On the surface, there would appear to be little cause to explore the connections between Jews and the bureaucracy of the Austro-Hungarian foreign office in the last decade before the outbreak of World War I. During the tenures of foreign ministers Count Alois Aehrenthal (1906–12) and Count Leopold Berchtold (1912–15), no Jew belonged to the diplomatic corps, and only one functionary from the central office in Vienna is known to have entered the service professing Judaism. The situation within the Ballhausplatz certainly did not reflect that found in the other mainstay of the unified Dual Monarchy, the Habsburg armed forces, which contained an extraordinarily high percentage of Jewish officers, particularly in the reserves. Our knowledge of the experience of Jews in Central Europe's other major foreign office, the Wilhelmstraβe in Berlin, merely reinforces the view that few formal ties existed between Jews and diplomacy.
The Habsburg Command Conspiracy: The Austrian Falsification of Historiography on the Outbreak of World War I
Authors: Tunstall Graydon A.
Published: March 2009

Before a single Austro-Hungarian soldier boarded the train for transport to his deployment area at the outbreak of World War I, the military plans put into motion, or rather not put into motion, by Franz Conrad von Hötzendorf, the chief of the Habsburg General Staff (1906–11 and 1912–17), had sealed the fate of the initial campaigns on the Russian and Balkan fronts.
Religion and Political Development in Central Europe around 1900: A View from Vienna
Authors: Boyer John W.
Published: March 2009

To view the church-state problem from Vienna in 1900 is to view it from the capital of an ancient Catholic state in a multiethnic cultural arena, a world in which Catholicism strove, at least officially, to be supranational, and in which, although there was no Catholic nation, there was a preeminent and distinguished Catholic dynasty. This was a world in which large numbers of Austrians—many of them in rural areas—continued to affirm popular religious affections and loyalties throughout the century—values and practices that if not always consonant with official Catholic doctrine, at least afforded the hierarchical church and sympathetic aristocratic and bourgeois elites the ready opportunity to claim Catholicism as not only a historic and true but also a public and mass religion. At the same time, the long-term heritage of Josephinist state control of the church had powerful negative effects on active religiosity and religious identity, especially among the emergent Bürgertum and urban inhabitants of the monarchy. The Concordat of 1855—coming after the failed revolution of 1848–49 and on the heels of the imposition of neoabsolutist rule—was an imprudent decision precisely because it alienated both the Josephinist state and incipient bürgerlich society.
Patriotic Celebrations in Austrian Poland: The Kościuszko Centennial and the Formation of Peasant Nationalism
Authors: Stauter-Halsted Keely
Published: March 2009

The first peasantmovement in Eastern Europe to declare its formal independence from other parties grew up in Austrian Galicia. Founded in 1895, the Polish Peasant party (Stronnictwo Ludowe) was characterized by an approach to the problem of Polish nationalism unique to the peasantry. Like many other agrarian groups, the Polish peasants privileged peasant culture and values above upper-class and urban traditions as the true source of national strength. Yet the dynamics of this budding peasant nationalism, its sources and leadership bases, have yet to be fully explored.
Legalizing the Collapse of Austria-Hungary at the Paris Peace Conference
Authors: Mamatey Victor S.
Published: March 2009

In its final phases, World War I was a revolutionary war. When it ended, several of the belligerents, on both sides of the front lines, had been swept or were about to be swept by revolutions. Among them was the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. When the Allied Powers signed an armistice with Austria-Hungary in the Villa Giusti near Padua on November 3, 1918, the empire was in the process of dissolution. National committees, councils, and assemblies had sprung up all over the multinational Habsburg empire and declared the independence of the peoples whom they claimed to represent. Encountering little resistance from the imperial bureaucracy, they formed nuclei governments of the Successor States.
Was the Collapse Inevitable?
Authors: Kohn Hans
Published: March 2009

In this concluding lecture I wish to express my thanks for the excellent papers presented at this carefully prepared and in many ways unique conference. In one who grew up, now more than half a century ago, under the reign of Francis Joseph and who has always retained some emotional loyalty to those years of his own youth and his own student days, who went to war in 1914 under the black and yellow flag of the Austrian monarchy—in such a person the fact that here in faraway Midwestern America the problems of the long defunct monarchy are being discussed with a sense of actuality in an international scholarly gathering by men of diverse ideologies and nationalities arouses a feeling of satisfaction and some melancholy.
The Status of Habsburg Studies in the United States
Authors: Schroeder Paul W.
Published: March 2009

The status of Habsburg studies in the United States could easily be described in one word: “flourishing.” Evidence for this assertion can be found in any issue of the Austrian HistoryNews Letteror its successor, theAustrian History Yearbook, or in the very fact that this conference is being held. Readily available are long lists of books and articles published by Americans on the history of the Habsburg monarchy, of dissertations completed and in progress, and of research projects contemplated and under way—all good signs of much scholarly activity.
Debunking a Myth: The Magyar-Romanian National Struggle of 1848–1849
Authors: Florescu Radu R.
Published: March 2009

I well remember as a child in Bucharest being taught by a reputable high school teacher that to speak kindly of Romanian-Magyar sympathizers was tantamount to asking for a failing grade. From elementary school on I can recall only the most disparaging remarks by my teachers about my Hungarian neighbors, and I challenge my friend Istvan Deak to say that sympathizers of the Romanians were ever more kindly treated in the lyceums of Budapest or Debrecen. Fortunately, we are sufficiently sophisticated today to realize that the writing of history is a matter of dates. I am, nevertheless, bewildered by the thought that the same Romanian schoolboy studying the revolutions of 1848 in classrooms of 1940, 1952, and 1976 has been and is being taught that the villains of yesterday are the heroes of today.
A Case Study in Fascism: The Styrian Heimatschutz and Austrian National Socialism
Authors: Pauley Bruce F.
Published: March 2009

Until recently students of fascism have paid relatively little attention to Austria. This neglect is unfortunate since the country's geographic position exposed it to the crosscurrents of both Italian and German forms of fascism and made Austria a kind of microcosm of European fascism. The struggle between Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy for control of the small Alpine Republic was reflected in Austria in the conflict between the pro-Italian Heimwehr and the pro-German Austrian National Socialist Party.
On the Eve of the February 1934 Uprising of the Austrian Socialist Workers
Authors: Low Alfred D.
Published: March 2009

The letter which follows has never before been published and was only recently located in the Amsterdam Institut fur Sozialgeschichte. It is a document of exceptional historical importance, both for its author and its addressee, and the circumstances in which it was written. The authoris Dr. Julius Deutsch, a prominent Austrian Social Democratic leader in the First Austrian Republic. Deutsch served as a member of parliament and was head of the Social Democratic paramilitary Schutzbund. He and Dr. Otto Bauer were to play key roles in the workers' uprising in Vienna and other parts of Austria in February, 1934—four months after the letter was written. The letter was addressed to the eminent Karl Kautsky, a leading Social Democratic theoretician during the interwar period, and its message casts new light on the thinking of both Deutsch and the leadership of the Austrian Social Democratic Party shortly before the fateful revolt.
Pan-Slavism, Austro - Slavism, Neo - Slavism: The All-Slav Congresses and the Nationality Problems of Austria - Hungary
Authors: Hantsch Hugo
Published: March 2009

In 1826 Jan Herkel's Elementa universalis linguae slavonicae etc. was published in Buda. In it, the author, who was a Slovak by birth, demanded the establishment of a common Slav language as a prelude to the creation of some kind of Slav unit—a “unio in literatura inter omnes Slavos sive verus panslawismus.” To my knowledge, this was the first time that the expression “Pan-Slavism” was ever used. As the title of the book shows, the word had no political, but only a literary, meaning.
The Austrian Presidency, 1918–1958
Authors: Kollman Eric C.
Published: March 2009

The student of twentieth century European history who looks for a good example of the contrast and interplay of continuity and change will hardly find a better case than the story of the First and Second Austrian Republics. In the First Republic the various political camps operated in a potential and actual civil war atmosphere; in the Second Republic there has been genuine cooperation between the two major political parties. In the First Republic economic difficulties were so staggering that they proved insurmountable; the Second Republic has had remarkable economic stability and prosperity. The First Republic was to a considerable degree “ein Staat wider Willen”—a country whose sovereignty and independence were largely imposed upon the populace from the outside. Since they felt that their country could not stand on its own feet, the Austrians looked for salvation, first, in union with Germany or a Danubian federation and then in some kind of political combination with Italy and Hungary.
Václav Eusebius Z Lobkovic (1609–1677): Military Entrepreneurship, Patronage, and Grace
Authors: Barker Thomas M.
Published: March 2009

If scholarly articles could have intricate subtitles, as did treatises published long ago, the heading of this essay would be much longer. The larger scheme of things into which the career of Václav EusebiuszLobkovic, head of the Habsburg government from 1669 to 1674, fits is armed service and nobility. Assuming that the latter was synonymous with what Marc Bloch called the “seignorial” class—i. e., Central Europe's dominant or ruling social group prior to the industrial epoch—one may argue that for more than a millennium, from Merovingian times onward, a symbiotic, if fluid and complex, relationship existed between the waging of war and the establishment of that control over land which constituted the tangible foundation for noble power and authority.
A Question of Empire: Leopold I and the War of Spanish Succession, 1701–1705
Authors: Frey Linda , Frey Marsha
Published: March 2009

The War of Spanish Succession (1701–1714), one of the major international conflicts of the eighteenth century, sought to resolve the greatest diplomatic issue of the day: the partition of the Spanish empire. This essay focuses on the Austrian emperor Leopold I's diplomatic efforts in the courts of the Maritime Powers to obtain the Spanish inheritance during the first years of that conflict. The early years of the war (between 1701 and 1705) were a formative period in the development of Habsburg foreign policy. The problems that plagued the Maritime Powers after Leopold's death in 1705, such as the disputes over the deployment of troops, the differences of opinion over precisely how the Spanish empire should be divided and the policy to be followed in dealing with the Hungarian rebels and the elector of Bavaria, and the questions that arose over the alliances with Portugal and Savoy were all either existing or anticipated during the latter years of his reign.
The Verkehrsarchiv
Authors: Mechtler Paul
Published: March 2009

The Verkehrsarchiv (transportation archive) grew out of the last central archive created in the Habsburg monarchy, the Eisenbahnarchiv (railway archive), which had been founded in 1897 in connection with the separate ministry for railways established under Minister-President Kasimierz Badeni. Various changes in the powers and duties of several ministries immediately after 1918 led to the transformation of the Eisenbahnarchiv into a Verkehrsarchiv which, in turn, was incorporated in 1947 into the Austrian state archive as a separate division.
The State Language Problem in Old Austria (1848–1918)
Authors: Burian Peter
Published: March 2009

The meaning of the term “state language” is certainly so obvious that it hardly need be defined. A state language is simply the language used in conducting the official business of a state. The language of the state serves in many areas of life. It is the language which authorities are expected to employ in communicating with each other and with citizens and which citizens speak in dealing with officials; it is the language used in courts of justice, the language of the railway and postal services, the language in which the transactions of representative bodies are conducted and in which the minutes of the debates in those bodies are recorded, and, finally, the language in which the texts of laws and decrees must be written to be legally binding.
Major Contributions of Czechs and Slovaks to Austrian and Hungarian History, 1918–1945
Authors: Anderle Josef
Published: March 2009

In the fall of 1918, when the colossal empire of the Habsburgs collapsed and a new Czechoslovak state took its place among the Successor States, the birth of the new republic tempted scholars to speculate about how this event would influence the future work of Czech and Slovak historians. Yielding to this temptation, Josef Pekař, a leading Czech historian and co-editor of Český časopis historický (Czech Historical Journal), in the preface of the 1918 volume of the journal jubilantly welcomed the new state on behalf of Czech historians, described the role that Czech history and Czech historiography had played in the past, and suggested what role it would play in the future fortunes of Czech people. His words aptly expressed the views of the large majority of Czech historians at that time:
Building a Regional Identity:The Burgenland, 1921–1938
Authors: Haslinger Peter
Published: March 2009

Although the literature on nation building is truly vast, scholars have paid relatively little attention to the formation of regional identities. This is in large part because those who specialize in regionalism have argued that state and region form an essentially contradictory relationship. This article analyzes one example of how a hitherto indistinct geographical entity was fashioned into a federal province and how its political elite complied with a constant need to popularize and entrench the concept of the region. The new regional identity was thus designed to counteract two challenges to its very existence as a federal province: one from the former mother state, Hungary, and the other from Austria, where consideration was given to dividing the newly created entity between two neighboring federal provinces. The outcome of this attempt was the creation of a regional identity, albeit one mostly defined in negative terms.
Metternich and the Slavs
Authors: Haas Arthur G.
Published: March 2009

On April 11, 1848, František Palacký—the “Bohemian of Slavic stock,” as he described himself—wrote his famous reply to the Committee of Fifty at the Frankfurt National Assembly. In explaining why an Austrian Slav could not participate in a German parliament, he stressed the need for Austria's separate existence and also warned that the splitting up of the Austrian empire into a group of small republics would result in the establishment of a universal Russian monarchy. “Truly,” he exclaimed, “if the Austrian empire had not already been long in existence, we would have to hurry and create it in the interest of Europe and in the interest of humanity itself.” Yet, he went on to ask, why did this state, which nature and history had given the task of shielding Europe, appear so helpless in the face of storm and crisis? Why? Because for all too long Austria, in her disastrous blindness, had failed to admit the very legal and moral grounds for its existence: the fundamental principle of complete equality of rights and consideration for its nationalities. Palacky singled out the person he held responsible for this failure: Metternich! “Metternich,” he wrote, “did not fall just because he was the worst foe of freedom but also because he was the most irreconcilable enemy of all Slavic nationalities in Austria.”2
Austria-Hungary's Dreadnought Squadron: the Naval Outlay of 1911
Authors: Gebhard Louis A.
Published: March 2009

On June 24, 1911, the first Austro-Hungarian dreadnought, the 20,000 ton Viribus unitis, slid down the ways of the stabilimento tecnico firm in Trieste. Towed for completion to Pola, the chief naval base of the monarchy, it joined the fleet on October 6, 1912, as the flagship of the imperial and royal navy.
Materials for Austrian History in the National Archives Microfilm Series
Authors: Haag John , Houston W. Robert
Published: March 2009

One of the most useful and easily accessible guides to primary sources relating to Austrian, Hungarian, and Austro- German history for the years 1933–1945 available in the United States is the continuing multivolume series prepared under the direction of the Committee for the Study of War Documents of the American Historical Association entitledGuides to German Records microfilmed at Alexandria, Va.(Washington, D. C.: The National Archives, National Archives and Records Service, General Services Administration, 1958-). In the past a person using this series has had to go through all the volumes page by page. This article is intended to provide a working guide to this widely scattered material, much of which has remained buried amid a mass of other data. The listings which follow are suggestive rather than exhaustive. Although the annotations are concentrated on what the authors believe are the more immediately valuable materials in each category, every page cited contains documents related to the general historical area in each section. Our breakdown is divided into the following five sections: (1) economic history, (2) military history, (3) Nazi administration and repression, (4) political history, and (5) miscellaneous materials.
Fin-de-Siècle Sarajevo: The Habsburg Transformation of an Ottoman Town
Authors: Donia Robert J.
Published: March 2009

Sarajevo entered the twentieth century larger, more developed, and more European than it had been when Austro-Hungarian troops took control of Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1878. The cityscape acquired a Western-oriented face superimposed on its previous profile as a classical Ottoman town. Underlying this physical transformation were major changes in demography, political organization, cultural life, and social practices in the city. Taken together these changes may be characterized broadly as “modernization” or “Westernization,” but they reached Sarajevo mediated through the filters of Habsburg and Viennese experience and often mixed unpredictably with local culture and traditions. By 1900 Sarajevo was in two overlapping cultural orbits: a largely traditional world centered in Istanbul and increasingly dominant influences emanating from Vienna.
Frederick II of Prussia, Austria, and the Hungarian Protestants: Bishop Márton Padányi Biró of Vezprém and theEnchiridion de fide
Authors: Bahlcke Joachim
Published: March 2009

On february13, 1751, the Department of Foreign Affairs notified Frederick II of Prussia about a new plea for support by the Hungarian Protestants:

The persecution of Hungary's Protestants at the hands of the papist clergy has been increasing daily and the Protestants are afraid of being completely exposed to their enemies' rage. In this desperate situation they have taken the liberty of imploring his Royal Highness to grant them his noble protection, even before the diet assembles in Bratislava [Pozsony].1
Exhibiting a War in progress: Entertainment and Propaganda in Vienna, 1914–1918
Authors: Healy Maureen
Published: March 2009

On the morning of July 1, 1916, prominent members of Viennese high society gathered in a large imperial park not far from the center of Vienna. This park, the Prater, had been the site of many fairs, exhibits, and festivals in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It accommodated the World's Fair in 1873 and since then had housed circuses, variety shows, children's exhibits, and the Luna Park amusement complex. The Prater was a favorite destination of Viennese of all classes in search of recreation and entertainment. On this particular morning, those in attendance were more notable than usual; they included Archduke Franz Salvator, War Minister Alexander Krobatin, Education Minister Max von Hussarek, the Austrian defense minister, ambassadors of several allied countries, and local and regional government officials. They were on hand to celebrate the grand opening of what sponsors promised would be an exhibition unlike any Vienna had ever seen. At eleven o'clock, the prestigious entourage entered the first hall of the grandest entertainment spectacle of the wartime home front: the Vienna War Exhibition.
Neither Absolutism nor Anarchy: New Narratives on Society and Government in Late Imperial Austria
Authors: Cohen Gary B.
Published: March 2009

A reevaluationby historians of political life in late imperial Austria and the capacity of the state to accommodate modern modes of popular political engagement is long overdue. Over the last twenty years lively discussions have developed about the extent of political modernization in Germany and Russia during the last decades before World War I. A number of historians have argued that modes of government and popular politics changed much more significantly in those empires than was previously recognized. In the meantime an important new monographic literature has arisen on popular political action, government, and civil administration in the Habsburg monarchy that suggests that much the same may have taken place there, too.
Marketing Industrialism and Dualism in Liberal Hungary: Expositions, 1842–1896
Authors: Freifeld Alice
Published: March 2009

The expositions stagedby Hungarian liberals in the nineteenth century—the modest Pest industrial fairs of the 1840s; the agricultural hibitions of the counterrevolutionary 1850s; the Pest agricultural exhibition in 1865; the three provincial industrial exhibitions of the 1870s in Kecskemét, Szeged, and Székesfehérvár; the successful national exhibition in Budapest in 1885; and the lavish Millennium Exhibition of 1896—conformed to the wider European and American pattern of expositions. Between 1876 and 1916 some one hundred million Americans attended expositions; over 20 percent of the U.S. population attended Philadelphia's Centennial Exposition of 1876. Over forty-eight million people passed through the turnstiles of the Paris Exposition of 1900. The three million who attended the 1896 Hungarian Millennium Exhibition were well aware that they were participating in a distinct rite of industrial civilization. Although the Hungarian numbers were far smaller, it is wrong to assume that the Hungarian nationl fairs were copycat undertakings.
Austria and Aristide Birand's 1930 Memorandum
Authors: Ziegerhofer Anita
Published: March 2009

The end ofWorld War I marked a turning point in European history: Europe was dismembered into nation-states from the former territories of the German Reich and the Danubian monarchy, creating a belt of borders stretching approximately twenty thousand kilometers. The dissolution of the Habsburg monarchy alone brought about destabilization not only to the region but to Europe as a whole.
The Social History of the Family in the Territores of the Austrian Monarchy
Authors: Brown James O. , Cerman Markus
Published: March 2009

With little delay, Central European historical research experienced the growth of historical demography and family history that began in English-language historiography during the 1960s. Initial studies on Austria proper were published from the early 1970s onward; in Czechoslovakia the journalHistorická demogmfie(Historical demography), acting as a forum for Czech research in this field, was founded in 1967, and also in Hungary, the 1970s mark the beginning of research into family history and historical demography.
The New versus the Old in Austrian Economic History
Authors: Rudolph Richard L.
Published: March 2009

In their discussion of my modest contribution on the character of Austrian industrialization, my esteemed colleagues Eduard März and Herbert Matis have raised a number of questions regarding the “new economic history,” the nature of historical inquiry, epistemology, and the value of my conclusions. In addition, they have both, and Prof. März in particular, raised a number of suggestive hypotheses—if I may be forgiven the use of the word—in regard to the character of Austrian economic development. Needless to say, in this brief reply I cannot discuss all the points touched upon in their discussion. However, I would like to deal with those which strike me as the most significant.
Felix Schwarzenberg, Military Diplomat
Authors: Rock Kenneth W.
Published: March 2009

At nine o'clock in the evening of March 13, 1848, Prince Clemens Wenzel Nepomuk Lothar von Metternich resigned as imperial chancellor. With the “coachman” in absentia, Central Europe's peoples struggled to gain more freedom in that remarkable revolutionary movement of 1848. The Habsburg monarchy, although teetering on the verge of dissolution, survived the mid-century's most tumultuous year. Despite weakness at the helm of government, improvement of dynastic fortunes had gathered momentum by mid-summer as the imperial army under Prince Alfred Ferdinand zu Windischgrätz, Count Joseph Wenzel Radetzky, and Count Josip Jelačić od Bužima advanced irregularly but steadily on the peripheries of the realm. By autumn provision of a coherent Habsburg policy to be applied throughout the far-flung empire became mandatory. To provide a strong man to enforce the policies, Field Marshal Windischgrätz recommended for minister-president his forty-eight-year-old brother-in-law, Prince Felix Ludwig zu Schwarzenberg, an individual who possessed both the confidence of the army and considerable diplomatic experience.
Economics, Society, and Sociopolitical Thought in Hungary during the Age of Capitalism
Authors: Hanák Péter
Published: March 2009

By abolishing feudalism, the Hungarian Revolution of 1848 helped to create the economic preconditions and the legal-political framework necessary for capitalistic development. This made it possible for Hungary to adapt her economy to the market possibilities offered by the Industrial Revolution in western and central Europe and to share in the agrarian boom of the period between 1850 and 1873. The previously existing division of labor between western and eastern Europe and between the western and eastern parts of the Habsburg monarchy continued on a scale larger than before, with the significant difference, however, that this practice now speeded up rather than retarded the development of preconditions for capitalism. During the first half of the nineteenth century the preconditions for capitalism had come into existence in the Cisleithanian provinces at considerable expense to the Hungarian economy.
Friedrich Rainer, National Socialism, and Postwar Europe: The Historical World of an Austrian Nazi
Authors: Williams Maurice
Published: March 2009

Friedrich Rainer (1903-50?) personified the semiautonomous chieftain who served the Third Reich so well. Born in Carinthia, he worked his way into major party positions in Austria and then, after the Anschluss, moved into crucial posts in the Ostmark. After leading the party in Salzburg, he highlighted his Nazi career by serving asGauleiterof his native province. Simultaneously he governed the occupied regions in northern Slovenia (Carniola) and later added a role as Hitler's deputy on the Adriatic coast (Istria, Trieste, and environs). He was extremely ambitious, well connected in party circles, a capable administrator, a pronounced Pan-German, and a Hitler loyalist to the end. He also revealed himself as a keen observer of his surroundings, an active propagandist, and an able politician. In short, as a leader of consequence in the Third Reich, he did not differ much from other key Nazi lieutenants.