bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Edward W. Blyden, W. E. B. Du Bois, and the ‘Color Complex’
Authors: Echeruo Michael J. C.
Published: November 2008

This article is an attempt to present (and thereby to come to terms with) an important aspect of the meaning of race as it relates to the experience of black people, especially in America. It commences with Edward W. Blyden because his ‘color complex’ is of a kind that brings us back, not without much embarrassment, to the realisation that while colour may be a state of the mind, it is also and even primarily a matter of the body. Blyden is particularly appropriate as a starting point, for he is an epitome, in many ways, of the African experience in the later nineteenth century, linking (as he does) the multiple experiences of the Caribbean, the United States, and mainland Africa. He wrote at a time when the intellectual and other currents in ‘Negro’ America flowed easily to the new centres of influence in Liberia and colonial West Africa. He was thus the product of the history of Africanity in his period, and for a long time after.
The Jamahiriya Experiment in Libya: Qadhafi and Rousseau
Authors: Hajjar Sami G.
Published: November 2008

Only a few social scientists outside the field of Middle East studies are aware that in the sovereign state of Libya today there is no government. Indeed, it is not likely to have one so long as the country's strongman, Colonel Mu'ammar al-Qadhafi,1 continues to be the leader of the Libyan revolution. This has been the case ever since 2 March 1977, when the institution of government in its traditional legal-bureaucratic sense was dismantled, and the people's authority, exercised through people's congresses and committees, was proclaimed. By this action, Libya initiated in practice the so-called era of jamahiriya—the era of the masses and the practice of direct democracy – and has taken a number of steps in that direction. A recent example was the renaming of some of its embassies overseas as ‘people's bureaux’, with Libyan students and citizens taking charge of their functions and management.2 This action, instigated personally by Qadhafi, was intended to illustrate to the world that since Libya has no government, ordinary Libyan citizens overseas represent themselves directly to foreign peoples.
The Origins of Language Policy in Zaïre
Authors: Yates Barbara A.
Published: November 2008

A popular story made the rounds in the European community in Léopoldville at independence in 1960. It was said that the new Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba and President Moïse Tshombe of the dissident Katanga Province could only confer through an interpreter. Whether this colonial tale was true or not, neither French nor Flemish were widely diffused in the Belgian Congo; indeed, no singlelingua francahad emerged during some 80 years of Belgian rule. This article examines the origins of the decisions taken and the attitudes established during the Léopold era, 1879–1908, that continued to influence language policy throughout the entire colonial period, and even thereafter.
Economic Dependence and the Development of Industry in Zambia
Authors: Fincham Robin
Published: November 2008

This article examines aspects of Zambian industry, particularly the difficulties caused recently by its high level of dependence. Around 1975, problems of output and employment became acute, and the manifest cause was insufficient foreign exchange. Copper sales still provide almost all of Zambia's foreign exchange; the price fell dramatically in 1970, and recoveries throughout the decade were short-lived or partial.1 At the same time, Zambia's major industries – mining, manufacturing, and commercial farming – have developed with a crucial dependence on both imported inputs and expatriate skills.
Trends in Development Economics and Their Relevance to Africa
Authors: Killick Tony
Published: November 2008

Important changes have been occurring in the ill-defined area of study called development economics. The purpose of this article is to identify and describe what are judged to have been the most important changes in development economics during the last decade, and thereafter to evaluate their relevance to the circumstances of the economies of Africa.
The Informal Sector and Zambia's Employment Crisis
Authors: Todd David M. , Shaw Christopher
Published: November 2008

Late in 1979 the Zambian Government unveiled its Third National Development Plan which will guide policies until the year 1984, and this implies that problems of unemployment, particularly in urban areas, will be partly overcome by an expansion of self-employment possibilities.

Such was the enthusiasm for the new initiative that the absence of reliable information surrounding it was largely ignored. This article attempts to provide relevant data concerning a number of issues which will be vital in implementing any measures to encourage self-employment in the so-called ‘informal sector’ of the Zambian economy. In particular we shall endeavour to quantify the likely flows into the labour force, particularly from the educational system, the possible growth of formal wage employment in urban areas, and the current size and composition of the informal sector. Finally, conclusions are drawn concerning the possible rôle of this sector in absorbing the unemployed in the plan period.
Agriculture and Industry: a Case-Study of Capitalist Failure in Northern Nigeria
Authors: Allen Rob
Published: November 2008

Discussion of industrial activity in capitalist Third-World countries has usually centred on a series of dualistic frameworks, most recently the opposition between the so-called ‘formal’ and ‘informal’ sectors of an economy. Such dichotomies attempt to divide the activities of labour as cleanly as possible into two groups sharing common characteristics. The categories that emerge – modern/traditional, large/small-scale, formal/informal – overlap to a considerable degree because, in effect, they all attempt, with varying crudity, to compare the socio-economic characteristics of those dominant capitalist enterprises which are based on intensive capital, high-level technology, and a large scale of production, with those activities in the economy which are not based on such features. As such, the second category tends to have both negative and residual components.
Retreat into the Future: the United States, South Africa, and Human Rights, 1976–1978
Authors: Coker Christopher
Published: November 2008

When Henry Kissinger became Secretary of State in September 1973 he instructed all American embassy personnel to monitor human rights in the countries in which they were serving. President Jimmy Carter was not responsible for America's interest in human rights, only for the policy of affirmative action. When his Assistant Secretary for Human Rights commenced work she found only two members of the State Department permanently assigned to the task, and her sole guideline was the manual for setting up her office.
A Comparative Analysis of South Africa as a Semi-Industrialised Developing Country
Authors: Knight J. B.
Published: November 2008

South Africa has neither a developed nor a typical underdeveloped economy. Too often it has been wrongly classified, along with, say, Australia and New Zealand, as one of the peripheral developed countries, because only a part of the economy and population have the characteristics we associate with that group. Yet its economy is distinctly different from others in sub-Saharan Africa. South Africa falls squarely into the category which the World Bank classifies as ‘upper middle-income’ developing economies, with G.N.P. per capita in 1982 ranging from $2,000 to $7,000 and averaging $2,500, thereby including South Africa, with $2,700.1 (By contrast, Kenya's G.N.P. per capita was $400 and Britain's $10,000). The World Bank's group includes Algeria, Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, South Korea, Venezuela, and Yugoslavia. South Africa shares many structural economic characteristics with these semi-industrialised countries.
Biography Into Autobiography: Wole Soyinka and the Relatives Who Inhabit ‘Ake’
Authors: Gibbs James
Published: November 2008

In fact, What becameAkestarted out with me wanting to write a biography of an uncle, a very remarkable uncle of mine, who is mentioned here, Daodu, Rev Kuti. I think some of you have heard of Fela, the Nigerian musician. Daodu was his father and a very remarkable individual.

Wole Soyinka in Jo Gulledge (ed.), ‘Seminar onAkewith Wole Soyinka’, inThe Southern Review(Baton Rouge), 23, 3, July 1987, p. 513.

The publication of Ake:the years of childhood(London, 1981) won Wole Soyinka admirers among those who had never read his poetry, novels, newspaper articles, or criticism, never seen his films or plays. In a seminar onAkewhich he gave in Louisiana during March 1987, Soyinka said that the autobiography had started from a desire to write a biography. He went on to say that he had ‘received letters about the book from the strangest parts of the world’.1The autobiography was widely and favourably reviewed, it was awarded prizes and contributed to the elevation of Soyinka's reputation throughout the world—including Sweden, where he was subsequently presented with the Nobel Prize for Literature.
Africa and the New World Order
Authors: Volman Daniel
Published: November 2008

Theend of the cold war and of the bi-polar world order that shaped international relations over the past 50 years is forcing the Government of the United States to make dramatic policy changes that affect all parts of the globe. In Africa, it is also confronted by significant new developments on local, regional, and continent-wide levels. Of particular concern to American leaders are increasing internal demands for political democracy, and the intensification of ethnic and other conflicts which call national integrity into question. And, as the decision to send up to 30,000 marines, infantrymen, and other troops to Somalia proves, the U.S. Administration will not hesitate to use military force if authorised by the United Nations.
A New Small State With a Powerful Neighbour: Namibia/South Africa Relations Since Independence
Authors: Evans Graham
Published: November 2008

Namibiagained independence on 21 March 1990 after 106 years of colonial rule, first under Germany and then for 76 years under South Africa. As a consequence, throughout the greater part of the twentieth century the South West Africa/Namibia issue has been a constant item on the political and legal agendas of the international community, primary because of its ‘double-victim’ status as unwilling host to both imperial conquest andapartheid. Not unnaturally the independence process when it finally came, was widely hailed as a triumph for the United Nations and the ‘new political thinking’ that signalled the end of the cold war and the tentative (no more than that) beginnings of a ‘new world order’. Thus, sub-Sahara's last colony was also the first to proceed to self-determination unsullied by the need to define its existence in terms of superpower bipolarity. At the systemic level at least, the new state began with a virtual blank sheet, as well as a great deal of international goodwill and bonhomie.
At the Ends of the Ladder: Radical Inequalities in Botswana
Authors: Good Kenneth
Published: November 2008

Botswana ranks very high in sub-Saharan Africa in income per capita, and in such indicators of human development as public expenditure on health and education. Nevertheless, inequalities of wealth and income are particularly severe, in both international and domestic comparisons. Although wealth and poverty are mediated and expressed in complex ways, the disparities between the very rich and the very poor are established, structured, and growing.
Uganda's Domestic and Regional Security Since the 1970s
Authors: Khadiagala Gilbert M.
Published: November 2008

Likethe flow of the Nile, the policy-making environment of ruling élites in Eastern Africa has remained remarkably unaltered over the years. New and old leaderships alike confront the perennial questions of building political authority and legitimacy on fragile socio-economic bases, in addition to finding appropriate modes of inter-state relationships. Uganda has occupied a central place in this structure as a participant in regional economic and political interactions, and since the 1970s as the primary source of instability.
Social Origins of National Conferences in Benin and Togo
Authors: Heilbrunn John R.
Published: November 2008

Politicallife in Africa was described 25 years ago as ‘an almost institutionless arena with conflict and disorder as its most prominent features’. However, the wave of national conferences in Africa in the current decade would have been inconceivable without the various institutions and beliefs that have persisted despite the prevalence of dictatorship. These ‘fragments of democracy’ have been manifest in trade union movements, voluntary associations, and the nascent political parties that have organised popular protests against authoritarian régimes during the past few years.
Foreign and Domestic Factors in the Transformation of Frelimo
Authors: Simpson Mark
Published: November 2008

Thisarticle examines the trajectory of theFrente de Libertação de Moçambique(Frelimo), currently the ruling party in Mozambique, focusing on the complex interplay between various factors which contributed to the metamorphoses it has undergone since its founding in 1962. Recent work in the field of international relations and historical sociology has thrown light on the rôle of the state as an administrative-coercive entity constantly cross-pressured by domestic and foreign forces, and acting simultaneously on both fronts in pursuit of advantage. While this scholarship has not focused on ruling partiesper se, it is arguable that the standard government versus state dichotomy is of limited analytical value in cases such as Mozambique, where the distinction between party and state remained in practice, until recently, a constitutional nicety. When the ruling party has been institutionalised to the extent of Frelimo, and where the state has become almost an extension of the party, it is the latter that is the key variable in any explanation of political and economic change within society.
The Arbitrary State in the Uluguru Mountains: Legal Arenas and Land Disputes in Tanzania
Authors: Van Donge Jan Kees
Published: November 2008

When Julius Nyerere visited Mgeta in the Uluguru mountains while campaigning in 1987 for the chairmanship of what was then Tanzania's only party, Chama cha Mapinduzi (C.C.M.), he was confronted with a question relating to a long-running land dispute. Given that a national leader can expect to make little political capital from getting embroiled in such a controverty, Nyerere not surprisingly emphasised that he could not interfere with the work of the local primary court. It is doubtful, however, whether those present considered this a satisfactory reply as, in their experience, the administration of law – especially in relation to land–is highly problematic. Indeed, the magistrate handling this very case was removed by popular request because of alleged corruption soon after stating confidently: ‘After the hospital, we provide the most popular government service’. The demand for legal services is great in Mgeta, as elsewhere in the country, but at the same time there is little or no trust in the legal institutions.
Fair? What Has Fairness Got to Do with It? Vagaries of Election Observations and Democratic Standards
Authors: Geisler Gisela
Published: November 2008

Theobservation and monitoring of elections and referenda has become a ‘growth business’ in Africa since external and internal pressures have forced the leaders of one-party states to test their political legitimacy. The closely monitored 1991 presidential and parliamentary elections in Zambia heralded the first peaceful transition from a single to a multi-party system of governance with a change of leadership in English-speaking Africa. It marked the beginning of an era of confidence in the possibilities of democratic change, and confirmed the positive influence that international observers can have on such processes. Their presence was henceforth considered an essential pre-condition for acceptable transitional multi-party elections. The hopes that Zambia would indeed ‘set a standard for Africa’, and offer encouragement to nascent democratic movements on the continent have, however, remained elusive. More recent elections have been replete with controversy, intimidations, and violence. Despite being certified to varying degrees as free and fair by observers, the losers have contested the results—in Angola with arms, in Kenya and Ghana with threatened and actual boycotts.
The Ndola Crash and the Death of Dag Hammarskjöld
Authors: Rösiö Bengt
Published: November 2008

When Dag Hammarskjöld flew to Ndola in Northern Rhodesia (now Zambia) on 17 September 1961 it was to meet Moïse Tshombe, the self-styled President of secessionist Katanga, in order to bring about a ceasefire to the fighting that was going on between his soldiers and those of the United Nations, especially in Elisabethville (now Lubumbashi). One of the more spectacular components of diese hostilities was a French-built Fouga Magister, which had strafed some unprotected U.N. positions from the air, and journalists quickly located the Belgian pilot as a ‘Major’ Delin, depicted as a kind of modern ‘Lone Ranger’ defying the world community. The importance of ‘the little Fouga’ soon got blown out of all proportions, and when Hammarskjöld's DC-6B, nicknamed ‘Albertina’, took off from Léopoldville (now Kinshasa) it was decided to take a roundabout route in order to avoid being attacked by the Fouga. After the Secretary-General's plane had crashed, the press jumped to the conclusion that it had been shot down by the Fouga, and U.N. spokesmen confirmed that Ndola was within its range.
U.S. AID, The State, and Food Insecurity in Rural Zimbabwe: the Case of Gokwe
Authors: Breslin Edward D.
Published: November 2008

Therôle of foreign assistance in the development process is not only complex, because exogenous donors infuse ideas and capital into diverse and dynamic socio-economic settings, but also contentious, because the impact can alter the development prospects of recipient states and communities. Different perceptions and ideological underpinnings shape the parameters in which programmes are finally implemented, and the views of those most directly concerned affect the outcome of the intervention, often in ways unforeseen by the donor or state. The process of accumulation can be altered, whilst some classes and institutions may be strengthened over others.
Morocco versus Polisario: a Political Interpretation
Authors: Pazzanita Anthony G.
Published: November 2008

By 1994 Africa had only one major unresolved colonial question. Namibia and Eritrea having acquired their independence in March 1990 and May 1993 respectively, the former Spanish colony of Western Sahara remains controlled by the Kingdom of Morocco (as it has since 1975), despite the expenditure of thousands of human lives, billions of dollars, and strenuous diplomatic efforts to resolve the dispute through the Organisation of African Unity (O.A.U.) and the United Nations. Both Morocco, under the monarchical régime of King Hassan II, and the Frente popular para la Liberación de Saguia el-Hamra y Río de Oro (Polisario Front) composed of Saharawis dedicated to the establishment of an independent Saharan Arab Democratic Republic (S.A.D.R.), have found each other far more resourceful and less willing to compromise than they could possibly have surmised almost two decades ago.
The Evolution of States, Markets, and Civil Institutions in Rural Africa
Authors: Sahn David E. , Sarris Alexander
Published: November 2008

Sinceindependence most sub-Saharan African countries have retrogressed from an early period of rising expectations and optimism to growing difficulties in the 1970s and early 1980s, followed by a painful era of stabilisation and structural adjustment measures. A large part of the blame for so many unfavourable developments, notably stagnating growth and untenable domestic and external account imbalances, can be attributed to the nature of the African state.
African Nationalism: Concept or Confusion?
Authors: Rotberg Robert I.
Published: November 2008

In common usage, African nationalism is descriptive shorthand for an assembly ofseparate and distinct phenomena, some of which have already taken on the protective colouring of popular understanding. Africans generally agree that they have experienced nationalism; they know the tree of nationalism when they see it and have tasted some, at least, of its fruits. For many of them, and for students of recent African events, its manifestations are obvious, although the quality of its spirit remains, like most spirits, capable only of inexact description. It is, in essence, pretty much what it is.
Seminar on Concepts and Procedures in African Law
Authors: Allott A. N.
Published: November 2008

The eighth in this series of seminars arranged by the International African Institute, with the assistance of a grant from the Ford Foundation, was held at Haile Selassie I University by courtesy of its President, Lij Cassa Wolde Mariam, through the co-operation of the Faculty of Law and the Institute of Ethiopian Studies.
Social Research in Africa
Authors: Castagno A. A.
Published: November 2008

The African World: a survey of social research, is in my estimation one of the most important and unique attempts in African studies to interrelate the social sciences and the humanities; it has been edited for the African Studies Association by Robert A. Lystad (New York, Praeger, 1965). The contributors, mainly American and British, are well-known scholars. Together they have brought out a volume on methodology that is unparalleled in multi-disciplinary comprehensiveness in African studies. This is a tribute not only to the authors but also to the development of scholarship on Africa, for the past two decades of accomplishments are richly represented here. The distinction of The African World is that it identifies new problems, raises new questions and deals with a wide variety of methodologies. It should be mandatory reading for students of African affairs. And it can be usefully employed by nonAfricanists dealing with multi-disciplinary and interdisciplinary aspects of area research.
The Sixth World Congress of Sociology
Authors: Datta Ansu K.
Published: November 2008

This year the World Congress was attended by large delegations from Eastern Europe, and 88 from the Soviet Union alone. Some of these could speak English and French, and could thus exchange experiences and opinions outside the conference rooms. The new interest of Communist countries in the International Sociological Association and its activities was appropriately reflected in the election of a Polish sociologist as President of the next World Congress.
Cambridge Conference on Aid through Co-operation
Authors: Johnston Peter H.
Published: November 2008

The sixth annual Cambridge Conference met to discuss ‘How to Make Aid More Effective through Co-operation’, with Dr R. E. Robinson again in the chair. Six donor and 34 recipient countries were represented by some 150 participants; background papers were presented by Chief Adebo, Professor Hollis Chenery, Professor Willard Thorp, Professor H. V. Wiseman, Dr J. A. Adler, DrT. Balogh, Dr I. G. Patel, Dr C. Quintana, J. Audibert, David Owen, S. S. Khera, Rashid Ibrahim, J. H. Mensah, Tun Razak, and Roger Swynnerton. Among other conference members were Professor G. M. Meier, Professor Lopes Rodrigues, Professor David Joslin, Professor E. A. Mauck, Dr Hans Singer, Dr Hassan Saab, Dr E. F. Schumacher, Dr S. Lourie, Dr T. Soper, Lady Ursula Hicks, and John Miller.
Recent Research in Sukumaland, Tanzania
Authors: Mcloughlin Peter F. M.
Published: November 2008

A volume is being prepared, under the over-all guidance and editorship of Gottfried O. Lang and Peter F. M. McLoughlin, on progress among the Sukuma, Tanzania's largest tribal group. The book is both historical and interdisciplinary, covering aspects of geography, economics, agricultural economics, anthropology, political science, sociology, and history. Occupying some 20,000 square miles east and south of Lake Victoria, the Sukuma own approximately one-fifth of Tanzania's livestock and produce most of the country's cotton, the second largest export by value. Chapters will pay particular attention to the factors which have been responsible for Sukumaland's positive economic, social, and political changes, as well as to those elements which have precluded or delayed change. The orientation is practical; development experience will be analysed so that current and future policies and procedures may profit from a more precise definition of trends, problems, and prospects. An appendix will synthesise contributors, research methodologies, techniques, and problems.
The Zikist Movement—a Study in Political Radicalism, 1946–50
Authors: Olusanya G. O.
Published: November 2008

To understand the factors behind the formation of the Zikist Movement it is necessary to examine the political situation in Nigeria after World War II, which had stimulated national awakening to an unprecedented degree. Ideas of self-determination had taken root and various militant organisations had emerged—the trade unions, the ex-servicemen's unions, the Association of Market Women—each with its own grievances against the British colonial administration. These bodies, if properly organised and disciplined, could have become a powerful force in the struggle for freedom.
African Studies in the U.S.S.R.
Authors: Solodovnikov V. G.
Published: November 2008

African studies in the Soviet Union have deep roots in the past. The nature of Africa, the African peoples' way of life, their culture, arts, and crafts have long been of special interest to scholars in the Soviet Union. We have never had any mercenary motives, for our country never had colonies in Africa and never aimed at seizing African lands. No Russian soldier has ever been to Africa. Moreover, many Russian progressive intellectuals strongly protested against any form of exploitation and slavery. More than once they spoke in support of Africans and attacked the slave trade and the policy of turning the vast regions of Africa into what Karl Marx called ‘field reserves’ for the hunting of Africans.
Nigerian Institute of International Affairs, Lagos
Authors: Kluzek Irene
Published: November 2008

The Nigerian Institute of International Affairs is an independent, nonpolitical and non-profit-making organisation which promotes the study of international questions and the understanding of peoples of the world through research, lectures, seminars, and information exchange with institutions of learning in Nigeria, Africa, and the world.
The American Society of African Culture
Authors: Baker James K.
Published: November 2008

It is supposed that most readers of The Journal of Modern African Studies know something of A.M.S.A.C., its origins, and the programmatic implementation of its purposes; if not, then certainly of its existence. Accordingly, only a summary recapitulation of the Society's history of origin will be made here.
Seminar on Refugee Problems in Central and Southern Africa
Authors: Nordberg Olle
Published: November 2008

This was the third international seminar held by the Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, and was attended by 50 representatives of different organisations active in refugee work and in African political movements. The seminar, supported by the Swedish International Development Authority, was one of the first to be held on this topical subject. Lars-Gunnar Eriksson, Director of the International University Exchange Fund, acted as secretary.
The South-West Africa Case, the New Nations, and International Law
Authors: Picciotto Sol
Published: November 2008

The judgment of the International Court of Justice of 18 July 1966 in the South-West Africa case throws revealing light on the role of that Court in the international community. A proper analysis of this case may also help to dispel some of the mystification about international law and the attitude of the new nations to it.
Constitutional Innovation and Political Stability in Tanzania: A Preliminary Assessment
Authors: McAuslan J. P. W. B. , Ghai Yash P.
Published: November 2008

It is generally recognised that governments and methods of controlling them can exist without formal opposition parties—as in a one-party state.1 At the same time, the first flush of enthusiasm for one-party states in Africa is dying away and people are beginning to question whether a monolithic party structure is the best or the only way to achieve political stability and economic development, two driving forces behind much of African politics today. At this juncture, Tanzania presents a peculiarly apt case study, for here is a state which has moved through successive constitutional changes since independence from a Westminster model to a dejure one-party state—and in this, constitutional forms have reflected political reality—yet at the same time has endeavoured to ensure that opportunities for control and criticism have remained open.
Le Centre de recherche et d'information socio-politiques, Bruxelles
Authors: GÉrard-Libois J.
Published: November 2008

When the first political troubles broke out in Léopoldville in January 1959, and the mobs demanded—for the first time violently and publicly—independence for the Congo, Brussels circles were the first to be surprised. Belgian specialists in colonial affairs did not even know of most of the parties thrust brusquely into the limelight: the Abako of Joseph Kasavubu, the Mouvement national congolais (M.N.C.) of Patrice Lumumba, and many ethno-political groups with their mystifying initials.
African Studies Unit, University of Leeds
Authors: Kettle Margot R.
Published: November 2008

It was evident early in the 1960's that a number of departments in the University of Leeds were developing independent programmes of study and research on African topics, and that it would be useful to strengthen this work internally and also to avoid unco-ordinated approaches to outside bodies for advice and financial support. Accordingly, after a working party had prepared a factual report on activities in different fields, the Senate established a Standing Committee on African Studies, which in turn set up a small secretarial and documentation Unit, to assist in the co-ordination, development, and documentation of African studies.
Political Socialisation in Kenya and Tanzania—A Comparative Analysis
Authors: Koff David , Von Der Muhll George
Published: November 2008

Political systems of every description continuously confront a problem crucial to their survival: how to prepare the younger members of the system for the political responsibilities they must one day assume. This problem is quite general; it exists in all societies in every historical epoch, and it embodies a learning process that stretches back to a child's first perceptions of the larger social world. How children learn the values that will guide their future behaviour in politics, and what it is they learn, are questions with answers that vary from society to society.
The Makerere Travelling Theatre in East Africa
Authors: Kayanja Lydia
Published: November 2008

The idea of taking free drama to the masses of people who have no local theatre and in any case could not afford expensive seats is becoming an established custom for the Dramatic Society of Makerere University College. The 1966 Travelling Theatre visited many towns in Uganda and Kenya. We journeyed in a very crowded Land-Rover, another being used for the luggage. An immense framework had to be carried to hold the curtains that formed the background of our stage in all performances; on top of this had to be put suitcases, spears and shields, and big boxes for our costumes.
The Mecca Pilgrimage By West African Pastoral Nomads
Authors: Birks J. S.
Published: November 2008

Each dry season many Um Borroro or nomadic Fulani set off eastwards to Mecca. They are some of the 5,000 or so West Africans who make the pilgrimage (the haj) each year by travelling along the savannas through Cameroun, Chad, and the Sudan.1 About four-fifths of them come from what is generally called Hausaland and Bornu in Nigeria and Niger, but some pilgrims from all the West African savanna countries travel overland.2 Although they comprise only about six per cent of the total arriving in Mecca from West Africa (the majority come by air and sea), they represent an important relict movement which earlier this century involved more than 15,000 migrants per annum.3
Home Ownership and Rural-Urban Links in Uganda
Authors: Odongo John , Lea John P.
Published: November 2008

In recent years the housing problems of Africa's burgeoning cities have become a primary concern of governments, international agencies, and scholars, but there appears to be a marked distinction between the approach contained in many national development plans and the focus of much academic research. A central feature of plan documents is the assessment of accommodation needs and the elimination of established deficits which are based, in the main, on conventional demographic data from the national census together with various cost estimates.1
Arms Supply to the Third World — Models and Explanations
Authors: Peleg Ilan
Published: November 2008

This article has pointed out the increasing importance of the arms trade in the contemporary international system, and has reviewed critically the essential scholarly works devoted to this topic. Arguing that most of the existing literature is either descriptive or only very partially explanatory, I have suggested a set of five requirements for a satisfactory understanding. Following an analysis of the relationships between these ideal criteria and segments of the theoretically oriented literature, I have outlined an original, though preliminary, model for a systematic analysis of arms supply as an international political phenomenon
Economic Dependence and Economic Empiricism in Black Africa
Authors: Smith Sheila M.
Published: November 2008

Patrick McGowan has recently attempted to examine the relationship between ‘Economic Dependence and Economic Performance in Black Africa’ in this Journal, Vol. xiv, No. I, March 1976, pp. 25–40. His article reemphasised the need for concrete analysis since the generalities of ‘dependence’ have been more extensively studied than their concrete expressions. However, a fundamental problem of his analysis is that the criteria for verifying the theory of dependence are unrelated to the theory itself: the ‘test’ devised is a series of correlations between measures of dependence and indicators of economic performance, since ‘the theory [of dependence] predicts that dependence is negatively associated with indicators of economic growth and development’ (p. 27). Part of the problem is that McGowan does not really define ‘dependence’, but in addition it is not at all clear why this is expected to be negatively associated with indicators of economic growth.
Tanzania's Fertiliser Factory
Authors: Coulson Andrew C.
Published: November 2008

An underdeveloped country wishing to establish a fertiliser industry ought surely to begin by examining the locally available raw materials. In Tanzania, for example, a report in 1961 drew attention to an anhydrite deposit at Kilwa which could have been used to produce cement, gypsum, and sulphuric acid.2 The latter if combined with ammonia from the oil refinery would have given ammonium sulphate, the fertiliser most commonly used in Tanzania. The report also noted three deposits from which phosphatic fertiliser could have been made. However, the development of these local resources was rejected on the ground that for plants of an efficient size the local market would not be able to absorb all the fertilisers.
Minority Monopoly in Transition: Recent Policy Shifts of the South African State
Authors: Adam Heribert
Published: November 2008

DoesZimbabwe provide the model for the likely transformation of white minority rule in the industrial heart of Southern Africa? With their morale boosted, the expectations of many black South Africans have been raised. Likewise many outside commentators predict the inevitable downfall of the white bastion along similar lines of escalating military confrontation after the last buffer state but Namibia has gone. Even Nationalist newspapers draw the lessons by admonishing the Government to pay attention to the ‘real leaders’ of the subordinates instead of unrepresentative collaborators. The Afrikaner political leadership uses the Rhodesian example to drum home its message of ‘adapt or die’ to a bewildered electorate.
Transnational Corporations and Economic Development
Authors: Kirkpatrick Colin , Nixson Frederick
Published: November 2008

In1965 Kwame Nkrumah published a book which was to exert a powerful influence on thinking about economic development.1His thesis was that colonialism had been replaced by neo-colonialism, ‘the last stage of imperialism’, the essence of which was that ‘the State which is subject to it is, in theory, independent and has all the outward trappings of international sovereignty. In reality its economic system and thus its political policy is directed from outside’.2He went on to argue that ‘giant financial interests’ exercised control over nominally independent states,3with the result that foreign control was used for ‘the exploitation rather than for the development of the less developed parts of the world’.4
The O.A.U. and Human Rights: Towards a New Definition
Authors: Welch Claude E.
Published: November 2008

A fundamental dilemma has long lain at the heart of the Organisation of African Unity. Two contradictory principles have helped it maintain solidarity: the first recognises that domestic jurisdiction rests at the foundation of sovereign equality, while the second stresses that national policies such as apartheid have international consequences. These principles clash directly in the broad area of human rights.
Control in the Parastatal Sector of Zambia
Authors: Turok Ben
Published: November 2008

The term ‘parastatal’ is used rather loosely in Zambia, being often applied to a wide range of bodies such as boards, corporations, and companies that operate in the state-dominated sector of the economy. It is unfortunate that there has not been greater consistency in official usage, but these organisations have grown up over the years in different forms to meet felt needs and not according to a preconceived plan. The vagaries in terminology also reflect a degree of uncertainty in government policy on how the public sector should be ordered, as well as a piecemeal approach in its interventions in the economy since independence. However, in recent years the nomenclature has received greater attention out of a recognition that the parastatals loom rather large in the economy, often being more prominent than government departments and more visible than the private sector.
Development in Zimbabwe: Strategy and Tactics
Authors: Bratton Michael
Published: November 2008

Events in independent Zimbabwe have confounded pundits on the left and the right who assumed that African resistance to settler colonial rule was more revolutionary than nationalistic. How can the rather unexpected direction of political and economic change in Zimbabwe since April 1980 be understood? The Zimbabwe African National Union (Patriotic Front) Government of Prime Minister Robert Mugabe has committed itself to redress the severe social inequities of the past, but has decided, at least at the outset, to reach its goals through a prudent rather than a doctrinaire approach. What factors explain the current development strategy? Does the apparent accommodation of Z.A.N.U. (P.F.) with private capital signal a dangerous divergence from the stated goal of building socialism? Or does it represent an awakening to the idea that economic production, even if organised on capitalist lines, is a prerequisite of development in Africa?
Employment and Capital Utilisation: the Time Aspect
Authors: Cobbe James
Published: November 2008

Urban unemployment and underemployment are widespread problems in Africa, perhaps more so than on other continents. It is a truism, apparently accepted by most governments, that capital is scarce, and that the rate of development and employment creation are constrained by the relative scarcity of capital equipment and the slow rate of capital formation. And yet these two observations, challengeable but generally accepted as commonplace and obvious truths, co-exist in much of Africa with a paradoxical third statement: that much of the urban capital stock, particularly in the modern-service sectors – government, education, large-scale commerce, finance, etcetera – is utilised at a very low rate, typically of the order of 25–30 per cent of the potential maximum. This brief note speculates on the reasons for this state of affairs, and explores the consequences of adopting a possible policy designed to produce a significant change.
The National Conferences in Benin and Togo Revisited
Authors: Nwajiaku Kathryn
Published: November 2008

As many as sevenConférences nationales(CNs) took place in French-speaking Africa between February 1990 and January 1993, all against the background of the apparent ‘wind of change’ which is sweeping across the continent where democratic governance is eventually to replace authoritarian rule. In Benin, the assembly of delegates that met during 19–28 February 1990 was supposed to be representative of all social, religious, professional, and political interest groups whose aim was to introduce a constitutional liberal democracy. This CN managed to gain acceptance of the sovereignty which it had declared on the second day — namely, that all its decisions would be legal and binding. The authority of President Matthieu Kérékou was thus effectively emasculated, whilst the elections which were timetabled and held a year later, finally unseated him after 20 years in power. In Togo, General Gnassingbe Eyadéma was able to reject the sovereignty claimed. by the CN, held from 8 July to 28 August 1991, as the balance of power was firmly in his favour.
Understanding Uneven Agricultural Liberalisation in Madagascar
Authors: Barrett Christopher B.
Published: November 2008

MostAfrican states have been engaged in market-oriented economic reforms for the better part of a decade, if not longer. One characteristic of their liberalisation efforts that stands out in empirical studies is the unevenness with which measures have been agreed and implemented. But how do we understand what has been proposed and pursued? Who have been the principal players, what have been their motivations and strategies, when have they been able to influence the choices to be made, and have these conditioned the environment for successive proposals? In short, what are the dynamics of economic liberalisation in contemporary African economics, and what are the prospects for the durability and extension of market-oriented reforms? These questions motivate reflections on the checkered history of agricultural liberalisation in Madagascar.
Culture, Nationalism, and the Invention of Tradition in Malawi
Authors: Forster Peter G.
Published: November 2008

In May 1994 the Life President of Malawi, Dr H. Kamuzu Banda, the world's oldest Head of State, was peacefully defeated in the country's first multi-party elections after having been in power since February 1963. During that 31 year era his Malawi Congress Party (MCP) régime had been characterised by a remarkably high degree of legitimacy. It can of course be argued that this was simply based on political repression, which certainly existed, notably during periods of excessive sensitivity to various criticisms and actions that were interpreted as threats to the prevailing stability. This could be seen in the activities of Banda's strong-arm organisations (such as the Young Pioneers and the Youth League), and in the omnipresent secret police, who did their best to identify dissidents and rebels. Punishments included detention without trial, or much worse, and disloyalty was often vaguely and broadly defined.
Towards Darkness and Death: Racial Demonology in South Africa
Authors: Hugo Pierre
Published: November 2008

Many students of human relations in South Africa would probably agree that an understanding of the policy of racial separation and the general determination of whites not to yield power to the black majority necessitates an awareness of their fears. The importance of this factor can hardly be overlooked, especially if it is defined broadly along the lines suggested by Philip Mason in his succinct study of racial tensions around the globe: There are fears of all kinds… There is the vague and simple fear of something strange and unknown, there is the very intelligible fear of unemployment, and the fear of being outvoted by people whose way of life is quite different. There are fears for the future and memories of fear in the past, fears given an extra edge by class conflict, by a sense of guilt, by sex and conscience… Fear may also act as a catalytic agent, changing the nature of factors previously not acutely malignant, such as the association in metaphor of the ideas of white and black with good and evil… Where the dominant are in the minority they are surely more frightened.1
Uganda, 1979–85: Leadership in Transition
Authors: Tindigarukayo Jimmy K.
Published: November 2008

After a period of preoccupation with the study of the military in post-colonial states, some scholars have begun to turn their attention to the analysis of politics in post-military states in the Third World.1 This shift, however, has had a considerable impact on perceptions of the traditional rigid dichotomy between military and civilian régimes. In particular, there is increasing scepticism about the ability of the latter to restore political order, to establish the supremacy of civil institutions over the armed forces, and to acquire popular legitimacy. There seems little doubt that the pre-eminence of the soldiers, and their ability to dictate the degree of participation in politics, has continued to persist in a number of African countries, thereby producing systems of government that are a mixture rather than a clear manifestation of either a military or a civilian régime.
Soviet Technical Assistance and Nigeria's Steel Complex
Authors: Alli-Balogun Gbolahan
Published: November 2008

The great strength, durability, and versatility of steel has undoubtedly caused this engineering material to become, almost literally, an essential foundation of present-day civilisation.1 Indeed, it is sometimes used as one of the indices of measuring the economic advancement of nations because of its widespread direct and indirect application. The commercial importance and strategic significance of steel has been recognised in Nigeria for many years, and this has prompted successive Governments to initiate various plans designed to create a metallurgical industry. As the country continues to expand its manufacturing output, as well as to produce more oil and to refine more petroleum, so the demand for the precious metal will go on increasing tremendously.2 The creation of an iron-and-steel complex by means of a combined investment of over 5,000 million is clearly Nigeria's biggest industrial undertaking and emphasises its resolve to attain greater self-reliance.3