bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Map-Making for Building the Palestinian Nation-State
Authors: Leuenberger Christine , Schnell Izhak
Published: August 2020

Throughout the 20th century, the rise of the Zionist national movement paralleled the strengthening of the Palestinian national movement. The struggle of the Israelis and the Palestinians over Palestine also manifested itself in the history of surveying and mapping, and their respective rights to do so. After the Hagannah looted the Survey of Palestine, the Palestinians were left with few cartographic resources. The lack of maps of their own weakened their negotiating position during peace negotiations with Israel. Yet, it was not until the 1993 Oslo Accords that Palestinians had a mandate to develop the territory under their jurisdiction. Their attempt to establish the State of Palestine went hand in hand with their effort to survey and map their territory. Consequently, in an effort to produce maps of their own, various governmental and non-governmental organizations produced maps for both building the nation and establishing a state. Logo maps of historical Palestine served to enhance national belonging; and cartographic reconstruction of pre-1948 Palestine retraced an Arab toponomy of the land. Concurrently, maps for building the State of Palestine delineated the territory in line with international law, strengthening Palestinians’ case for territorial sovereignty. Such maps are also vital for governance, land allocation, and development. The lack of territorial sovereignty, restricted access to aerial photos at a suitable scale (due to Israeli restrictions), largely donor-funded mapping projects as well as the lack of a national mapping agency, however, encumber Palestinian mapping efforts to establish a state, that could ascertain the rights of otherwise stateless people.
Conclusion
Authors: Leuenberger Christine , Schnell Izhak
Published: August 2020

The story of the establishment of the Israeli nation-state exemplifies some of the main ingredients of nation-state building in the 20th century. Israel came into being where historical narratives, national imaginations, scientific and technical know-how, human and material resources, and national and international support intersected. In the struggle to establish a nation-state, cartography had become crucial for both building the nation, and for building the state. With the 1993 Oslo Interim Agreement, Palestinians also started to survey and map the territory allocated to a future State of Palestine, with the expectation that they would, within five years, have full sovereignty over the West Bank and Gaza. For Palestinians to survey, map, and plan for the territory is crucial for establishing the legitimacy and functionality of a future state. At the same time, their attempt to map their land, as well as the production of various alternative maps by various organizations, are challenging the top-down mappings of the Israeli state and its dominant geopolitics. As boundaries continue to be controversial and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict remains intractable and unresolved, Israel and Palestine provide different governmental and non-governmental organizations, interest groups, and political protagonists ongoing fodder for persistent map wars. The focus on nationally based cartographic discourses in Israel/Palestine thus provides insights into the complexity, fissures, and frictions within internal political debates, but it also reveals the persistent power of the nation-state as a framework for forging identities, citizens, and alliances.
Unequal Growth
Authors: Gustafsson Björn , Ding Sai
Published: August 2020

This chapter investigates inequality and poverty among formal urban residents in China by using CHIP data from 1988 through 2013, with a focus on the period from 2007 to 2013. It begins with an overview of changes in the urban economy and relevant public policies. Analysis of the data reveals a slowdown but still fairly rapid growth of urban household incomes from 2007 to 2013, as compared to earlier periods. This slowdown reflects slow growth in urban wage income, the main component of formal urban household incomes. From 2007 to 2013 growth in urban incomes was mainly due to increases in pension income and in the imputed rent from owner-occupied housing. Inequality among formal urban residents increased from 1988 to 1995, but thereafter it did not follow a clear trend. From 2007 to 2013, however, inequality increased slightly. Estimates of urban poverty show ongoing large declines in absolute poverty but an increase in relative poverty.
Consumption Inequality in Urban China
Authors: Xia Qingjie , Li Shi , Song Lina
Published: August 2020

Compared to income or wealth, household consumption expenditures can reveal households’ real economic well-being derived from income and other material resources. This chapter uses the CHIP data from 1995, 2002, and 2013 to investigate the structure and inequality of consumption expenditures in urban China. Overall inequality in urban household consumption expenditures as measured by the Gini coefficient decreased slightly from 1995 to 2002 but then increased to 2013. The percentile ratio of p90/p10, however, increased continuously during these years. Basic food consumption inequality was much smaller than inequality of overall consumption, and as consumption grew over time, the food share of consumption fell steadily—from 34 percent in 1995 to 24 percent in 2013. Housing consumption inequality was much larger than overall consumption inequality but it decreased over time. Housing’s share of total consumption, however, rose markedly from 23 percent in 1995 to 38 percent in 2013.
A Global Genealogy
Authors: Krook Mona Lena
Published: August 2020

Chapter 2 traces the global emergence of the concept of violence against women in politics. It outlines how the first efforts to name the problem of violence against women in politics emerged in parallel across different parts of the global South: Working inductively, locally elected women in Bolivia theorized their experiences as “political harassment and violence against women” in the late 1990s; networks of elected women across South Asia, with support from global organizations, mapped and condemned manifestations of “violence against women in politics” in the mid-2000s; and state and non-state actors in Kenya recognized and sought to tackle “electoral gender-based violence” in the late 2000s. The chapter then goes on to show how inductive theorizing planted important seeds subsequently taken up by a wide range of international practitioners, who in the late 2000s and early 2010s actively worked to craft a global concept of “violence against women in politics.”
Debates and Controversies
Authors: Krook Mona Lena
Published: August 2020

Chapter 7 applies a more critical, comparative lens to the developments discussed in previous chapters. It outlines a series of debates and controversies emerging from practitioner work, which have been subject at times to tense academic engagement, including disputes over terminology; violence against women or gender-based violence as the defining feature of this phenomenon; differing typologies and classifications of specific forms of violence; views on targets and perpetrators of violence; the presence of intersecting forms of violence based on race, class, age, and other identities; and contextual factors and their role in shaping incidents of violence. The chapter stakes out the position of this book in relation to each of these debates, providing a short summary of the ideas subsequently elaborated at length in the next part of the book.
Politics as a Hostile Space
Authors: Krook Mona Lena
Published: August 2020

Chapter 8 addresses arguments suggesting politics is simply a hostile space, drawing on examples from both the theory and practice of politics. It then turns to several bodies of work problematizing these assumptions. The literature on political and electoral violence, for example, contends that using force to achieve political ends poses a threat to democracy and, as such, is illegitimate. More recent efforts in both activism and research focus on violence against three types of political actors: politicians, activists, and journalists. The chapter argues that despite running largely in parallel to one another, these debates converge in arguing that violence not only harms democracy—but also violates personal integrity, undermining human rights.
A Bias Event Approach
Authors: Krook Mona Lena
Published: August 2020

Chapter 10 develops an approach for identifying empirical cases of violence against women in politics. It begins by outlining methodological challenges related to under-reporting, comparisons, and intersectionality. The chapter argues that work on hate crimes offers a way forward, as this approach explicitly seeks to develop tools to ascertain whether bias against particular groups was a motivating factor behind a given crime. Because not all acts of violence against women in politics constitute crimes, the chapter proposes to focus instead on “bias events”: actions of both a criminal and non-criminal nature driven by bias against women in political roles. It then builds on existing legal guidance to propose six criteria for determining whether an incident was potentially motivated by bias.
Physical Violence
Authors: Krook Mona Lena
Published: August 2020

Chapter 12 provides an overview of physical forms of violence against women in politics. Physical violence encompasses a wide range of bodily harms involving unwanted contact and confinement resulting in death or injury. The tangible nature of these acts makes them the most widely recognized and least contested forms of violence against women. They tend to be relatively rare, however, with offenders opting for “less costly” means of violence before escalating to physical attacks. While legal redress may be a solution for at least some forms of physical violence, politically active women have developed a number of grassroots strategies to respond to and anticipate physical violence. At the same time, individual women and state actors have devised new preventive security arrangements, seeking to avert or mitigate the effects of physical attacks.
Economic Violence
Authors: Krook Mona Lena
Published: August 2020

Chapter 15 provides an overview of economic forms of violence against women in politics. Economic violence employs economic hardship and deprivation as a means of control, most often by destroying a person’s property or harming their financial livelihood as a form of intimidation. Forms of economic violence include vandalism, property destruction, theft, extortion, raids to remove property, withholding of funds and resources, threats to terminate employment, withdrawal of financial support, and restrictions on access to funding. Despite direct links between economic violence and the ability of women to perform political functions, it remains a largely invisible phenomenon. Few women, indeed, appear willing to speak on the record about their experiences for fear of negative effects on their personal and professional livelihoods. Relative silence on these dynamics, in turn, means that few measures exist to address economic violence, with civil society largely filling the gap to provide emergency grants and accounting oversight.
Semiotic Violence
Authors: Krook Mona Lena
Published: August 2020

Chapter 16 provides an overview of semiotic forms of violence against women in politics. These dynamics involve mobilizing semiotic resources—words, images, and even body language—to injure, discipline, and subjugate women. Unlike other forms of violence against women, these acts are less about attacking particular women directly than about shaping public perceptions about the validity of women’s political participation more broadly. Analyzed inductively, women’s experiences in politics suggest two main modes of semiotic violence: rendering women invisible, attempting to “symbolically annihilate” women in the public sphere, and rendering women incompetent, emphasizing “role incongruity” between being a woman and being a leader. Emerging solutions seek to counteract these dynamics by revising or reversing prevailing semiotic frames, forging new semiotic tools to defend women’s right to participate and create a more inclusive public sphere.
Data Collection and Documentation Challenges
Authors: Krook Mona Lena
Published: August 2020

Chapter 18 surveys and evaluates existing attempts to collect data on violence against women in politics, which either modify existing datasets and approaches or develop new sources and methods of data collection. This work has been crucial in raising public awareness, establishing that the problem of violence against women in politics exists—as well as motivating action to address it. At this nascent stage, however, studies share a tendency to elide the theoretical distinction between violence in politics and violence against women in politics. Neither comparing the experiences of women and men, nor centering women’s lives, provides a clear cut methodological solution. A bias event approach offers a potential means forward: focused on collecting and evaluating evidence on the presence or absence of gender bias in particular incidents, it can assist both qualitative and quantitative researchers in distinguishing these phenomena in future work.
Political and Social Implications
Authors: Krook Mona Lena
Published: August 2020

Chapter 19 considers the political and social consequences of violence against women in politics. The implications of these acts reach far beyond their effects on individual victims, harming political institutions as well as society at large. First, attempting to exclude women as women from participating in political life undermines democracy, negating political rights and disturbing the political process. Second, tolerating mistreatment due to a person’s ascriptive characteristics infringes on their human rights, damaging their personal integrity as well as the perceived social value of their group. Third, normalizing women’s exclusion from political participation relegates women to second class citizenship, threatening principles of gender equality. The chapter concludes that naming the problem of violence against women in politics thus has important repercussions along multiple dimensions, making the defense of women’s rights integral to the protection of political and human rights for all.
Concluding Thoughts
Authors: Krook Mona Lena
Published: August 2020

Chapter 20 concludes the volume with some final thoughts. It addresses concerns, in particular, that raising awareness about violence against women in politics may potentially depress the political ambitions of other women by highlighting the dangers inherent in engaging in public life. The chapter argues that speaking out about these experiences can also be empowering, pointing to research showing that—while fear may be demobilizing—anger can be mobilizing, producing positive, rather than negative, effects on political participation. Thus, although some may be deterred, many women may instead be galvanized to continue—or begin—their political work.
Return-Risk Evaluation of Investments
Authors: Weirich Paul
Published: August 2020

In finance, a common way of evaluating an investment uses the investment’s expected return and the investment’s risk, in the sense of the investment’s volatility, or exposure to chance. A version of this method derives from a general mean-risk evaluation of acts, under the assumption that only money, risk, and their sources matter. Although the method does not require a measure of risk, finance investigates measures of risks to assist evaluations of risks. An investment creates possible returns, and the variance of the probability distribution of their utilities is a measure of the investment’s risk. This measure neglects some factors affecting an investment’s risk, and so is satisfactory only in special cases. Another measure of risk is known as value-at-risk, or VAR. It also neglects some factors affecting an investment’s risk, and so should be restricted to special cases.
Conclusion
Authors: Weirich Paul
Published: August 2020

Recognizing that an act’s risk is a consequence of the act yields a version of expected-utility maximization that does not need adjustments for risk in addition to the probabilities and utilities of possible outcomes. This treatment of an act’s risk justifies the expected-utility principle, and the mean-risk principle, for evaluation of an act. Rational attitudes to risks explain the rationality of acting in accord with the principles. They ground the separability relations that support the principles. The expected-utility principle justifies a substantive, and not just a representational, version of the decision principle of expected-utility maximization. Consequently, the principle governs a single choice and not just sets of choices. It demands more than consistency of the choices in a set. It demands that each choice follow the agent’s preferences, and these preferences explain the rationality of a choice that complies with the principle.
“They Will Yield”
Authors: Gallicchio Marc
Published: August 2020

This chapter begins its narration of events toward the end of July, as it attempts to explain the context in which President Truman was considering the implications of America’s entry into the atomic age. They needed a solution. The chapter looks at Truman’s journal entries of that time as a way to analyze what was going through his mind. He had some complicated issues to deal with and difficult decisions to make. The chapter charts events surrounding the Potsdam Declaration and looks at for Japan’s response to it. The urgency with which the Allies approached planning for a sudden end to the war was in marked contrast to the desultory fashion in which the Japanese sought an alternative to unconditional surrender.
“A Great Victory Has Been Won”
Authors: Gallicchio Marc
Published: August 2020

This chapter’s point of departure is the thirteenth and final meeting of the Big Three at Potsdam. During the first few days of August, as the chapter states, the entire outlook for the Pacific War changed dramatically—namely, by one single event: on August 6 (Washington time), the first atomic bomb was exploded 1,900 feet above the city of Hiroshima. The chapter covers the ramifications of this historic point in time. One question was, to what extent should Japan be spared the psychological and physical burdens of defeat? The answer: they shouldn’t be spared it at all. The surrenders conducted throughout Asia relied on displays of force and potent symbols to convey the irresistibility of Allied power and impress upon the Japanese the unconditional nature of their defeat.
“The A-Bomb Was Not Needed”
Authors: Gallicchio Marc
Published: August 2020

The final chapter looks at the aftermath of Japanese surrender. The initial post-surrender policy of the U.S. government put forward a whole host of reforms in Japan. The first year and a half of occupation was known as the “liberal phase.” General MacArthur implemented many of the first reforms. The chapter looks at how these reforms were devised, put in place, received, and implemented and how the nature and extent of reforms changed in time. The chapter also considers the consequences for Japan of the demotion and humanization of the emperor that came with surrender. Did sparing the emperor from prosecution grant the Japanese public general immunity? How could individual Japanese citizens be held responsible for the war if the emperor, in whose name they had acted, was not? The chapter looks at the ramifications for the events covered in this book for the time between then and now, as we are at the point of the seventy-fifth anniversary of the surrender of Japan. Finally, the chapter looks to the future and lesson learned.
From Dissent to Democracy
Authors: Pinckney Jonathan C.
Published: August 2020

Under what conditions will successful nonviolent revolutions lead to democratization? While the scholarly literature has shown that nonviolent resistance has a positive effect on a country’s level of democracy, little research to date has disaggregated this population to explain which cases of successful nonviolent resistance lead to democracy and which do not. This book presents a theory of democratization in transitions initiated by nonviolent resistance based on the successful resolution of two central strategic challenges: maintaining high transitional mobilization and avoiding institutionally destructive maximalism. I test the theory, first, on a data set of every transition from authoritarian rule in the post–World War II period and, second, with three in-depth case studies informed by interviews with key decision-makers in Nepal, Zambia, and Brazil. The testing supports the importance of high mobilization and low maximalism. Both have strong, consistent effects on democratization after nonviolent resistance.
Introduction
Authors: Pinckney Jonathan C.
Published: August 2020

Why do nonviolent revolutions sometimes go so wrong? Scholars have found that nonviolent resistance promotes democratic transitions, but have not yet developed explanations for when this effect will occur and when it will not. This introduction places this central puzzle in the wider scholarly literature and debates over the decline of democracy and previews the argument and evidence made in the remainder of the book: transitions after nonviolent revolutions (civil resistance transitions) become democracies or not based on the patterns of political behavior during the transitional period. When there is high mobilization and low maximalism, democracy is likely. The introduction then defines the key terms for the study and lays out the evidence to be presented.
The Challenges of Civil Resistance Transitions
Authors: Pinckney Jonathan C.
Published: August 2020

What are the effects of nonviolent (civil) resistance on political transitions? This chapter examines what we know about the relationship between nonviolent resistance and political order and uses that established knowledge to argue for a novel theory of civil resistance transitions. Civil resistance gives countries a democratic advantage relative to other ways of initiating a political transition. But that advantage must be carried through the uncertainty of the transitional period. Two key challenges can undermine this advantage: a failure to maintain high levels of social and political mobilization and a failure to direct mobilization away from revolutionary maximalist goals and tactics into new institutional avenues. The chapter details the mechanisms of civil resistance transitions that these challenges undermine and the unique regime types that variation in these challenges leads to.
Trunk Calls in Antiquity
Authors: Bose Shibani
Published: August 2020

This chapter is the first episode of the elephant story the book attempts to reconstruct. The sheer quantum of evidence necessitated a splitting of the data into two chapters, where Chapter 4 looks for traces of the animal in archaeology, art, and iconography. It synthesizes the archaeofaunal data testifying the long and intimate association humans have had with the pachyderm, and also takes a look at representations of the animal in rock paintings, seals, and terracottas. Images of caparisoned elephants can perhaps be perceived as early beginnings of a close cultural association with the pachyderm. In most cases, the qualitative details and graphic fidelity of the depictions suggest a spectacular sense of familiarity with these animals.
Attachment to School
Authors: Sanyal Usha
Published: August 2020

Chapter 4 looks at students’ emotional attachment to the madrasa, comparing them with the students of a secular Barelwi school that initially operated in a different part of the same premises. Student engagement in the madrasa is demonstrated through key ritual moments: morning (fajr) prayer and morning assembly (du‘a), and the student-led weekly (Thursday night) anjuman, a program of Qur’an recitation, praise poems in honor of the Prophet (na‘t), and speeches (taqrir). The level of student and teacher engagement in the secular Barelwi school is markedly lower, for reasons I spell out in the chapter. These include: students’ lack of interest in the subjects taught at the secular school; a lax disciplinary environment; and a lack of subjective connection between the lives of the students and the academic curriculum. On the other hand, they appreciate the school for offering them religious instruction, although not required by the state.
Al-Huda’s Intellectual Foundations
Authors: Sanyal Usha
Published: August 2020

Chapter 7 explores the intellectual foundations of Farhat Hashmi and Idrees Zubair. Zubair was raised in a family with Ahl-i Hadith affiliations, while Hashmi’s father had ties with the Jama‘at-i Islami. However, Hashmi gradually became an Ahl-i Hadith follower as well. What distinguishes the Ahl-i Hadith from other South Asian Sunni maslaks? I trace its history from the nineteenth century to the present. Following the educational trajectories of Farhat Hashmi and Idrees Zubair, I look closely at their PhD research in Glasgow, Scotland, on aspects of hadith transmission as students of Islamic Studies in the early 1990s. Hashmi’s research has not been available to the public and is therefore of particular interest. What was the impact of Hashmi and Zubair’s intellectual formation on Al-Huda as a social and religious organization, how does Hashmi incorporate secular scientific findings into her classes, and what can one infer from the above about Al-Huda’s politics, are some of the questions that this chapter addresses.
Conclusion
Authors: Sanyal Usha
Published: August 2020

The book concludes by asking ‘Why Now?’ How do we make sense of the contemporary surge in Muslim women’s religious education across South Asia and elsewhere in the world? To start, we must recognize that the growth of Muslim women’s education is part of a wider phenomenon that crosses religious boundaries. This is not an exclusively Muslim phenomenon. Beyond that, I situate the ethnographies presented here in their national contexts, both Indian and Pakistani, to illustrate the growing trend of South Asian Muslim women’s religious education across all social classes. The comparative focus of this book, I argue, encourages us to discard unhelpful binaries such as ‘Sufi’ and ‘Wahhabi’, and to think of the efforts of Muslims across different ideological and class categories as shared, albeit different, responses to the precarious conditions of modernity.
‘Human Rights’, ‘Rule of Law’, and ‘Violence’
Authors: Rudy Sayres
Published: August 2020

The principles and practices of ‘human rights’ have been dismissed as the discursive architecture of social domination from imperial to postcolonial regimes. Yet, criticisms of ‘human rights’ as colonial, minimalist, racist, bourgeois and otherwise subservient to capitalist or state interests have prompted ‘human rights’ advocates merely to improve its global ‘regime.’ ‘Human rights’ thus remains the hegemonic if anxiously defensive framework of justice activism, a kind of normative synonym for social engagement haunted by inadequate ethical justification. Given its internal desire for moral validation the ‘human rights’ project seeks to legitimize humanitarian organizations and campaigns by adopting the dualistic reason modelled on the rule-of-law/laws dialectic. But the progressive tension between the ‘rule of law’ (or lawfulness) and specific laws (or legislation) stages the discovery and refinement of particular societies’ commitments. The rule-of-law/laws dyad cannot be universalized to subsidize an ethically cogent ‘human rights regime’. The humanity:rights::rule/laws analogy fails by eliding the value-laden desires and justice claims discrete legal traditions mediate. The dis-analogy between universal rights and particular laws – rights express abstract ‘human’ traits but laws express concrete ‘cultural’ demands – suggests the violence of dualistic rationality more generally, manifest in the ‘humanitarian’ incapacity to endorse militant or non-secular resistance to occupation.
Law at the Heart of Violence
Authors: Agarwal Nikita
Published: August 2020

This essay seeks to draw upon the updates of the Jagdalpur Legal Aid Group (JagLAG), a group of women lawyers working in the conflict-torn region of South Chhattisgarh representing adivasis of Bastar at various sites of law and documenting law in conflict. Using the JagLAG updates as archives of the life of law in Bastar, the chapter draws upon the life of law in a terrain of violence, wherein the Rule of Law collapses under the weight of the gun and the subject of law is dehumanized; reduced to a development project of the state requiring uplifting and is denied all human rights. Divided into three parts, the chapter maps out the capacity of law to fashion itself to suit the needs of the state apparatus which grows increasingly offensive and brazenly disregards human rights, silencing any form of dissent as it storms through the forests of Bastar, destroying countless lives in its stead. Notwithstanding the bourgeoisie nature of law which by design seeks to alienate and oppress, the chapter leaves behind questions worth pondering over. Are there possibilities in the law of articulating, ascertaining and asserting the voices of the marginalized, of those who are perceived as enemies of the state, mere casualties in the State’s endeavour of combating a law and order situation or is vesting any energy and hope in such a possibility of law a useless exercise?
Violence Against the Law
Authors: Tellis Ashley
Published: August 2020

The essay looks at the legal struggles fought on behalf of what has been characterized as a progressive ‘LGBTQ movement’ for the rights of sexual minorities and argues that these struggles have been ill-thought and amount to a violation of the law and an inversion of law’s role in social life. While law and changes in the law emerge from social struggle, these legal battles have sought to short-circuit that struggle and effect social change through the juridical. This amounts to violence upon the law and upon communities of sexual minorities, like the hijras, whom these legal struggles claim to represent. Closely examining the Naz judgement of the Delhi High Court, the Koushal judgement of the Supreme Court and the NALSA judgement on ‘transgenders’, the essay argues that we need to re-think our negotiation and languages of the law and rely on deep sociological engagement rather than abstract ‘progressive’ lingo to change the law and the world.
Law, Violence, and Sexual Consent
Authors: Vashist Latika
Published: August 2020

This essay approaches the question of law and violence through the category of sexual consent, as it is articulated, interpreted and theorized in rape law in India. While the incorporation of an explicit definition of sexual consent has been seen as a feminist move in the criminal law in India, I argue that consent, being grounded in the liberal models of abstract individualism, is premised on an under-theorized conception of sexuality as well as ‘desire’. It is my claim that if law seeks to perform an ‘educative role’ and feminist legal scholarship and pedagogy is an attempt at an ‘uncoercive re-arrangement of desires’,i then we need to produce more nuanced accounts of the sexual and desiring subjects. The dominant frames of sex-negative and sex-positive feminisms may not offer us any insights into this and may inadvertently become complicit with legal violence in its foundational as well as interpretive moments. In this backdrop, I will argue that we need to push towards a more complex understanding of consent based on a more grounded theory of the subject at the centre of law and feminism which takes into account the complexities, contradictions, complicities, and violence that form human subjectivity, sexuality, and desire. The essay critically examines the definition of consent introduced in 2013 criminal law amendments and argues for a reading of sexual consent within a relational psychoanalytic framework that takes desire seriously.
Reflections on the Future of Violence
Authors: Visvanathan Shiv
Published: August 2020

The essay traces a sequential history of violence of the Indian nation state, marking the Partition and the Bengal famine as its repressed inaugural events, its ‘creation myths’. Outlining the vision of the nascent Indian state which internalized and fetishized development, planning and related economic rationality, he argues how we need ‘iconographic meditation’ and ‘conceptual reflection’ to understand the genocidal violence of these categories. Further, reflecting on the paradigmatic moments of violence in the post-independent India—Emergency, Narmada, Naxalbari, Bhopal, and Gujarat—the essay unravels hidden layers of statist and developmental violence. As the state marvelled in the ‘new possibilities of evil’ in its systematic apathy to the phenomenology of suffering, there was routinization of disasters and normalization of riots. The essay concludes with an articulation of an urgent need for a new language, a new discourse to understand the routinization of violence and fragility of citizenship that are built into the value system of the current political regime.
Farmers’ Rights versus Intellectual Property Rights
Authors: Joseph Sophy K.
Published: August 2020

At the outset, the conventional IPR norms fail to protect the traditional knowledge of the farmers and their contributions through their limited contours of criteria-based protection and rigid rights framework. This chapter extensively analyses theories that support IPRs over plant genetic resources and observe the fall-outs of such theories in addressing customary rights of the farmers. While there are economic theories to support private property rights, it is also important to discuss theories that advocate inclusionary rights regime. Theories ranging from libertarian to egalitarian accommodate rights of farmers to resume their traditional activities without any restrictions. Non-conventional IPR norms that tried to accommodate the principle of inclusion though biodiversity and traditional knowledge protection is also analysed with its limitations. Principles such as state sovereignty, prior informed consent, and equitable benefit-sharing have not found much enforcement so far in the developing countries. This chapter further argues that the economic incentives that the farmers have been provided with compared to the benefits of multinational breeders are not equitable or justiciable under the realm of rights framework.
Delhi Came Calling
Authors: Goswami Namrata
Published: August 2020

The seventh chapter offers in-depth assessment of how the Government of India is perceived in these conflict zones. It explores the fault-lines between the Indian military and the Naga society including the para-military and the armed groups. I tell you the story of a young Tangkhul woman, Pangamla (name changed) and how her first interaction with the armed institutions of the Indian state materialized. It is a poignant story and will affect you deeply; her apprehensions, her fears, and her vulnerability.
Haflong, the Barail Mountain Ranges, and Naga Traditions
Authors: Goswami Namrata
Published: August 2020

The ninth chapter travels back to Haflong and traverses to the Zeme Naga village of Mpuilo. Set amidst the beauty of the Barail ranges, this Zeme village exposes the impact of the Naga conflict including that of counter-insurgency on both young and old. I recount the story of Pojei and Adeu (names changed), two young Zemes who shared with me their dreams and their views on how they see their lives evolve. This chapter introduces you to the impact religion has had on the conflict and the role of the church in the life of the ordinary Naga.
Across the Burma Border
Authors: Goswami Namrata
Published: August 2020

The eleventh chapter crosses the border into Myanmar to provide a portrait of the eastern Nagas, their sense of who they are, and how they view the armed group, the NSCN that was led by S.S. Khaplang or NSCN (K) that represents them. I explain the motivations of their former leader Khaplang and the group that he led. This chapter examines the Naga Self-Administered Zone (NSAZ) in Myanmar which offers safe haven to many northeast armed insurgencies, a reason for the present imbroglio between the Government of India and the NSCN (K).
Sin in the Gospel of Mark
Authors: Siker Jeffrey
Published: August 2020

Mark’s Jesus picks up on John the Baptist’s ministry of preaching repentance for the forgiveness of sins. Mark has Jesus submit to baptism by John without any apparent concern for how this might appear to subordinate Jesus to John, or to make Jesus appear that he is being baptized for forgiveness of sin in the same way as others who come to John for baptism. Jesus claims the power to forgive sins (2:1–12), much to the objection of the scribes and Pharisees whom Mark places in opposition to Jesus’s ministry. Mark also presents Jesus’s death as a ransom for many (10:45).
Sin in Jude, Revelation, and Beyond
Authors: Siker Jeffrey
Published: August 2020

As with most of the New Testament writings, both Jude and the Book of Revelation operate out of an apocalyptic eschatological context. The Book of Revelation stresses that salvation comes through the sacrificial blood of Jesus. Jesus is presented as the conquering Lamb, invoking imagery from Temple sacrifice. His blood cleanses the faithful from sin. Revelation warns believers to maintain a vigilant faith against the assaults of Satan and the forces of darkness. Even though the faithful suffer at the hands of Satan and sinful oppressors, those who remain faithful will be vindicated. They will see the forces of sin be defeated by God. The Roman Empire is portrayed as idolatrous Babylon; those who stand firm in the blood of the Lamb are exhorted not to indulge in the sinful behavior exemplified by Roman society.
Chocolate Dandies and the End of Sissle and Blake
Authors: Carlin Richard , Bloom Ken
Published: August 2020

This chapter describes how, after touring, In Bamville arrived in New York in debt and with a new name: Chocolate Dandies; the successful introduction of the dance craze, The Charleston, in Miller and Lyles’s competing show, Runnin’ Wild; the mixed reception and short run of Chocolate Dandies on Broadway; successful reception of comedian Johnny Hudgins and the lawsuit by the show’s producers when he left the show for a better-paying gig. The chapter further examines how the show returned to the road to try to work off its debt; Sissle and Blake’s trouble with the law when they were arrested at an after-party for another touring show in Toronto; their successful tour of England; their return to vaudeville in America; and their appearance in a now-lost Vitaphone short. Then the chapter explores the duo’s breakup over Eubie’s refusal to return to Europe; Eubie’s new partnership with comedian/singer Broadway Jones; their touring of an abbreviated form of Shuffle Along in vaudeville under the name of Shuffle Along Jr.; and other touring work, including appearances with Fanchon and Marco’s revues.
Contracts and Commitments
Authors: Carter Tim
Published: August 2020

Theresa Helburn was initially uncertain about whether to treat Green Grow the Lilacs as a “cowboy play” with songs by the likes of Woody Guthrie and Tex Ritter, as something aspiring to higher artistic status (music by Aaron Copland or Roy Harris), or somewhere in between. Richard Rodgers also needed to deal with his longtime but collapsing partnership with Lorenz Hart. Even after Helburn had fixed on Rodgers and Hammerstein, in summer 1942, there were important decisions to be made about the director (eventually, it was Rouben Mamoulian), choreographer (Agnes de Mille, chosen because of her work on Copland’s Rodeo), and the casting of the show. The Guild approached various Hollywood stars (Deanna Durbin, Groucho Marx, Anthony Quinn, Shirley Temple) but took a different path in the end. No less troublesome was how to generate the large amount of money needed to get a musical onto the stage.
Intellectual Temperance
Authors: Wood W. Jay
Published: August 2020

From antiquity, temperance has been viewed as the virtue that moderates our appetites for food, drink, and sex. Recent work on the virtues has revived the medieval view that our intellectual appetites also stand in need of moderation. Augustine’s and Aquinas’s work on studiositas and curiositas reveals how our pursuit of knowledge can be virtuous or vicious insofar as it conforms to or deviates from right reason and wise concerns. Their distinctively Christian accounts of temperance also differ from Aristotle’s in denying that one can ever be perfected in temperance. Temptation, and our susceptibility thereto, remains an inescapable feature of this life. In analyzing intellectual temperance both Augustine and Aquinas illustrate how vicious desires for knowledge and experiential acquaintance harm others and ourselves. Further harm arises depending on how the knowledge we acquire is applied.
Understanding Adaptation
Authors: Barno David , Bensahel Nora
Published: August 2020

This chapter examines why military adaptation is so difficult. All organizations resist change, but militaries resist change even more because of the inherent uncertainty of the battlefield, strategic interaction with the adversary, the radical difference between peacetime and wartime, and the existential costs of failure. The authors argue that existing explanations of military adaptation do not provide a sufficient understanding of how adaptation occurs after a war or conflict begins. They then identify the three key elements of their analytic framework—doctrine, technology, and leadership—and explain how they use that framework throughout the rest of the book.
The Role of Doctrine
Authors: Barno David , Bensahel Nora
Published: August 2020

This chapter explores the role of doctrine in military adaptation and how it prepares commanders and soldiers for the fog and friction of the battlefield. It argues that doctrine must remain flexible and open to change through a constant iterative process of improvement. Effective adaptation of doctrine also requires input from all levels of the chain of command and the ability to rapidly disseminate changes throughout the force. The chapter illustrates successful and failed adaptability of military doctrine using case studies of the French and German armies in World War II and the Egyptian and Israeli armies during the Yom Kippur War in 1973.
The Religion Clauses
Authors: Chemerinsky Erwin , Gillman Howard
Published: August 2020

The relationship between the government and religion is deeply divisive. With the recent changes in the composition of the Supreme Court, the First Amendment law concerning religion is likely to change dramatically in the years ahead. The Court can be expected to reject the idea of a wall separating church and state and permit much more religious involvement in government and government support for religion. The Court is also likely to expand the rights of religious people to ignore legal obligations that others have to follow, such laws that require the provision of health care benefits to employees and prohibit businesses from discriminating against people because of their sexual orientation. This book argues for the opposite and the need for separating church and state. After carefully explaining all the major approaches to the meaning of the Constitution’s Religion Clauses, the book argues that the best approaches are for the government to be strictly secular and for there to be no special exemptions for religious people from neutral and general laws that others must obey. The book argues that this separationist approach is most consistent with the concerns of the Founders who drafted the Constitution and with the needs of a religiously pluralistic society in the 21st century.
The Competing Perspectives of the Religion Clauses
Authors: Gillman Howard , Chemerinsky Erwin
Published: August 2020

This chapter describes the recent Supreme Court cases dealing with the Establishment Clause and Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment, while also previewing the issues likely to arise in the future. It identifies how for both of these provisions there are two competing philosophies, which are titled “accommodation” and “separation.” “Accommodationists” see little as violating the Establishment Clause but want the Free Exercise Clause to be aggressively used to create an exception to general laws based on religious beliefs. “Separationists” see the Establishment Clause as creating a secular government and reject special exceptions for religion. At this point in American history, there is a political divide: conservatives tend to favor the accommodation approach, while liberals favor the separationist view.
The Concerns of the Founders
Authors: Gillman Howard , Chemerinsky Erwin
Published: August 2020

In the century after the founding of the British colonies in North America, the traditional governing model of establishment (of an official religion) plus conformity (to government-approved religious doctrine and practice) was replaced by a view that the government should be secular and tolerant of religious diversity. The Constitution and the Bill of Rights constructed a government that claimed no relationship to any particular religion, insisted on no test for religious office, vested in the law-making body no authority to legislate on matters of religion, and specifically prohibited the passage of any law respecting an establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof. Even with these historic changes, the Constitution left unresolved some basic questions about the meaning of the Religion Clauses.
The Establishment Clause
Authors: Gillman Howard , Chemerinsky Erwin
Published: August 2020

Over the last few decades, there have been three competing views of the meaning of the Establishment Clause held by members of the Supreme Court. One, favored by the liberal justices, is that the Establishment Clause should be understood as creating a wall separating church and state. An alternative view, favored by the conservative justices, is that there should be “accommodation” between religion and government. Under this view, the government violates the Establishment Clause only if it creates a church, coerces religious participation, or discriminates among religions in giving financial benefits. A third position is that the government acts unconstitutionally if it endorses religion or a specific religion. The chapter argues that separation is the best view of the Establishment Clause and applies this to prayers at government activities, religious symbols on government property, and government aid to religious institutions.
The Free Exercise of Religion
Authors: Gillman Howard , Chemerinsky Erwin
Published: August 2020

There have been three competing approaches to the interpretation of the Free Exercise Clause. One is that the Free Exercise Clause should protect religious belief but not religious conduct. Another is that any law that directly or indirectly burdens religious liberty should be subjected to “strict scrutiny” by judges and rarely upheld. A final approach says that the Constitution should prohibit laws that are motivated by animus toward religion or that interfere with core questions of religious doctrine, worship, or membership, but that otherwise religious individuals must follow neutral laws of general applicability. The chapter outlines arguments in favor of this latter approach and then applies this approach to cases involving religious business owners who wish to be exempted from laws requiring the provision of health benefits to employees and laws prohibiting sexual orientation discrimination in public accommodations.