bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Some observations on developmental change and bureaucracy in developing countries
Authors: Al-Salman Fakhri J.
Published: July 2021

The article attempts to define the change ; explores the reasons behind the resistance to change; to analyse the typology, the advantages and disadvantages of comprehensive and partial changes, and the methodologies of its enforcement. Moreover, it shows that the state bureaucracy almost in all societies enjoys a leading role in planning, supervision, coordination and even in the execution of developmental change processes. It tresspasses all existing institutions, groups and individuals in power, organization, legal and financial weapons, freedom of choices and maneuverability.In searching for a convenient methodology of change in the developing societies; the article stresses that since these societies entirely differ in their material and human resources ; politica! stability ; standards ofhealth and education ; and above all in their mentality and emotional reactions, the determination of whichever change - immediate or incremental - to be followed, would certainly be out of question.However, incremental partial change may seem to be more practicable in the majority of these states.
Liège, une reconduction mouvementée
Authors: Beaufays Jean
Published: July 2021

The mergers of communes have modified the political circumstances resulting from the local elections of october 10, 1976. The two parties that shared the executive power since the former local elections (october 1970) had already in february 1976 decided to renew their alliance for the next term of office (1970-'82).They lay emphasis on problems concerning public education and on economic questions. The election campaign was quite agitated in political circles but rather calm as far as the general public was concerned.However, the creation - on Walloon scale - of a new party consisting of a split-away faction of the RW (Rassemblement Wallon ; Walloon Gathering) and the complete Walloon PLP (Parti pour la Liberté et leProgrès ; liberal party in the continental sense of the word) have created in the enlarged Liège a political situation which is far from comprehensible for the average voter.
Battre la campagne à Bruxelles : La propagande électorale dans les dix-neuf communes
Authors: Thoveron Gabriel
Published: July 2021

On the basis of the various means of propaganda used in the electoral campaign from the local elections in Brussels, the author tries to describe this campaign in the 19 communes of the district Brussels-Capital.  The campaign is shown to be in accordance with several rules : contagion, simplification, adaptation to the needs, orchestration. It also allows to draw a robot-picture of the average candidate.
Note sur le temps, l'espace et la politique
Authors: Laponce J.A.
Published: July 2021

This keynote address to the Xth World Congress of the International Political Science Association considers one of the effects of politics on either space or time : that of structuring them hierarchically, around the notions of center and border in the case of space ; around the notions of origin, centre and end in the case of time. Various archetypes and explanatory models are considered.
Het beleid van de provincies
Authors: Lauwerysen Staf
Published: July 2021

The abolition of the political institutions of the Belgian provinces, as provided in the government declaration of 7 June 1977, puts a question into the usefulness of the provincial institutions.This contribution intends to throw more light on the policy at the provincial level - now and in the near past - by means of a brief functional and financial analysis. Beforehand, it has to be mentioned that juridical and institutional limitations do exercise a restraining influence on the functioning of the provinces.A task-analysis shows that they are mainly concerned with «traditional» tasks ( e.g. education, traffic), but they recently take into consideration «modern» tasks in the domain of social welfare (e.g. culture, community-organization) .However, the means of the Belgian provinces are very limited ; as a result, the current expenditures of the provinces do not exceed 3 % of all public current expenditures. It shows the relative small importance of the provinces in the total government structure.
Evolutie van de wetenschapspolitieke problematiek in België gedurende het voorbije decennium (1968-1977)
Authors: Van Der Perre Jef
Published: July 2021

Belgium's annual «horizontal» State budgets for scientific activities show a transition from the «golden» sixties and early seventies, with a privileged higher increase than the State budget as a whole, to recent years, during which the science budget has had some difficulty to maintain its level in absolute figures, constant prices.This evolution reflects mainly three phenomena : the completion, in 1971, of the legal and financial measures for university expansion gradually developed since the early sixties and creating a large reserve of student places; beginning in the same year, the surprising reducingrate of increase and even stagnation of student numbers, as against the previous explosion of these numbers; the fact that the expansion of scientific activities in higher education was not followed to the same extent by a process of «scientification» outside education.Out of the decade came probably less enthusiasm in society for science and many aften organizational problems. The main task for the next few years is, especially considering Belgian conditions and the context of economic crisis, to reinforce, through various policies, scientific activities and impact on productive and service industries as well as in the publicservice.
De crisis in de staalnijverheid : pogingen tot opvijzelen en beleidskeuzen
Authors: Maton Jef
Published: July 2021

The Belgian steel industry falls apart into four groups. The Flemish industry consists mainly of a very modern steel plant Sidmar near the port of Ghent controlled by the industrial holding Arbed. The Walloon industry falls apart into three basins : Cockerill in Liège; the holy triangleof Charleroi, controlled by Frère-Bourgeois, Cobepa (Paribas) and Bruxelles-Lambert (this three holdings being associated in the Financière du Ruau) ; the independents.In the Walloon industry the successive processes of steel making are distributed over a great number of plants, most of the equipment is outdated, labour relations are bad and so is management.The finances required to renew this ancient industry are so large that the holdings cannot do so without the aid of the Belgian Government and the European Communities.Beginning of 1977, Davignon (CEE), proposes to freeze the production and market shares of the member countries, and to increase the European steel price by EEC tariff measures, in this way protecting the low productivity concerns ; not in the least the walloon concerns.  The European Communities promise financial help for restructuring.The implicit condition is comparative advantage of enterprises. In the Belgian context, this would mean that Sidmar would be extended and part of the Walloon industry closed down. The next move of the Brussels-Walloon concerns is, therefore, to corner Sidmar.During the course of 1977 and the first half of 1978 the Government negotiates with employers and unions a restructuring plan and general steel agreement, the «Plan Claes». The plan foresees in a lasting ceiling imposed on Sidmar; in a very large fiow of restructuring aid,mainly from public funds and the set-up of an intricate network of semi-governmental institutions.The Plan Claes is a purely political compromise. From the economic point of view, the plan wilt only speed up the definite emigration of traditional steel making processes towards the semi-industrialized countries.
Officiële en reële omvang van het absenteïsme bij de na-oorlogse parlementsverkiezingen
Authors: De Winter Lieven
Published: July 2021

In the official statistics, the total number of nonvoters in the post-war parliamentary elections in Belgium, is considerably over-estimated. This is caused by the method of updating the lists of voters, so that many (sometimes a majority of) people who appear as nonvoters, are regular voters who died after the moment of updating, but were not droppedfrom the lists.  In this article, we endeavoured to calculate the number of deceased voters, who still appear on the lists, using the monthly death-rates of the total Belgian population, abstracting the deceased persons under age and the deceased foreigners. The more realistic rates of nonvoting, calculated this way, are quite lower than the official rates.Yet, because of the introduction of a new method of updating, the problem discussed above, hardly exists any langer since the general election of 1977.
Eurocommunism : a brief political-historical portrait
Authors: Gray Lawrence
Published: July 2021

This study begins by briefl,y examining the methodological premises underlying many post-war studies of communist parties by Western scholars. The analysis proceeds to consider the phenomenon of Eurocommunism and how many traditional studies of European communism have not allowed for the rich national and political traditions in Italy, Spain and France. The brief history of Eurocommunism - culminating in the events leading up to the 1977 Madrid «summit» - is seen as the accumulated need of the Italian (PCI), Spanish (PCE), and French (PCF) Communist Parties to assert their national identitiesand adapt to the changing demands of their individual national political contexts. The analysis continues with a resumé of the current strategies of the PCI, PCE, and PCF in the late 1970s, comparing and contrasting similarities and differences on domestic levels. Lastly, the relations between the Eurocommunist parties and the Soviet Union are examined.
Het verlies van het machtspotentieel van een zwak parlement : Onderzoek aan de hand van de Belgische afgevaardigden in het Europees Parlement (1952-1979)
Authors: De Wachter Wilfried , De Winter Lieven
Published: July 2021

The «law of weak parliaments» states that parliaments with small competences only attract weak candidates, which in turn weakens the parliament even more.Research concerning the Belgian delegates to the European Parliament from 1952 to 1979, confirmed this law, but also qualified it by showing that the downward trend can be crosscut when the parliament gains importance as an institutional platform for a social movement, in this case for the European integration.
Les élections européennes de 1979 : Analyse des résultats pour la Belgique
Authors: Fraeys William
Published: July 2021

This article analyses the results recorded in Belgium in connection with the election of 10 june 1979 for the European Parliament. A first fact that should be brought under the attention is undoubtedly the decrease in the turnout at the poll, in spite of the legal obligation to vote, as well as the considerable augmentation of blank and void votes. One in five of the Belgian electors did not express his opinion. The results in the Walloon part of the country reveal a setback of the Left, votes having swung especially from the Socialists, although also from the Christian Democrat Party to the Enveronmentalists, the «Rassemblement Wallon» (Walloon Federalists) and in a less degree to the Liberals. In the Flemish cantons, the great winner was the Flemish Christian Democrat Party (CVP), partly thanks to Mr. Tindemans' personal success. The Socialists succeeded in interrupting the downward move, started several years before, but the Liberals receded as did the nationalist parties (Volksunie, Vlaamse Volkspartij). The Environmentalists are progressing. In Brussels, the Liberals are strongly moving forward as are the Flemish Christian Democrats, whereas the French-speaking Socialists (PS), Christian  emocrats(PSC), Regionalists (FDF) and the Flemish Nationalist parties are losing ground.The election which did not stir much interest was marked by a «personalisation» of the votes, a  phenomenon most spectacularly illustrated by Mr. Tindemans who obtained more than one million preference votes, viz. nearly 30 % of the valid votes in the Dutch-language constituency.
De electronische media in het Belgisch parlement
Authors: Ceuleers Jan
Published: July 2021

During the last two years Belgian television has broadcast five parliamentary debates in full and live. They were either the first appearance of a new government or important government declarations. These broadcasts were encouraged by the president of the Lower House, who hoped to familiarize a large part of the electorate with the work of its members.Audience research has shown however that interest is low and is decreasing.  On the other hand, cameras have definitely influenced members' conduct : they attuned their appearances to the television audience, in tone, in wording and in argumentation. Sessions were also drastically prolonged.Conclusion : neither the broadcasting authority nor parliament have any interest in the live and full broadcasting of parliamentary debates.  It is much to be preferred to limit them to a summary, put in an appropriate context in a special program.
La Nonciature Micara
Authors: Plavsic Wladimir S.
Published: July 2021

Cardinal Clemente Micara (1879-1965) has been papal nuncio in Belgium from 1923 until 1946. The aim of this article is to show the influence of this prelate on the Belgian political life. This research is essentially based on the correspondance that nuncio Micara exchanged with the late cardinal Van Roey, primate of Belgium. The Holy See ignored the «Flemish question» and Msgr. Micara confirmed his superiors in this position.
Le gel de l'accord d'Athènes : La Communauté et la Grèce
Authors: Haritos Spyros
Published: July 2021

The article analyses the problems raised by the decision of the European Community to «freeze» its relations with Greece following the military takeover on 21 April 1967. The author first outlines the main features of the development of the attitude adopted by Community institutions during the military dictatorship, then attempts to define the economic and political impact of the Community position. He goes on to examine whether the «day-to-day management» of the Agreement influenced the speeding-up of the new Greek government. We know that the Treaty of Accession was signed on 28 May 1979 in Athens. According to the author, the role played by the Community in the seven yearsof the «freeze» (21 April 1967 to 24 July 1974) was an important factor in speeding up Greece's request for accession.
De evolutie van de rol der partijen in het Belgische parlementaire regeringssysteem
Authors: Witte Els
Published: July 2021

If a comparison is made between the constitutional principles of 1831 with regard to the working of the parliamentary system and presentday political practice, then it appears that there has been an evolution in which the role of the parties is fundamental. Until about 1850 virtually no party-system existed in Belgium. The monarchy supported by the conservative forces of the nobility, the church and the landowners controlled the system. In the second half of the century there was a simultaneous increase in the influence of parliament and the breakthrough of economic and political liberalism without the parties yet being able to impose the rules. Such rule making did not happen until around the turn of the century when the civil parliament became democratic and the big parties became integrated within it. From then on control over parliament and executive decision-taking came about through the party-structures. The period of crisis preceding the second world war obviously weakened this trend considerably; after 1945 it re-emerged even more strongly.
Parlementaire kritiek op het functioneren van het parlement
Authors: Verhaegen Guido
Published: July 2021

The role of Parliament has been fundamentally changed by the following factors : 1° the growing technicality of society, 2° the growing influence of administration and the executive, 3° the new forms of democratic practice, 4° the management of political parties.In practice, the legislative function turns more and more into a control of the general objectives of the law rather than of the technical and juridical aspects.  Besides, it is important to examine, from a constitutional point of view, the different forms of delegation .The control of both executive power and ombudsfunction remain the basic tasks of Parliament.  The technical  means, needed to perform these tasks, have therefore to be considerably improved. Beside the evolution of these two classical functions, it is vital to meet the growing power conflicts between government, parties, social partners and Parliament by creating new patterns of deliberation.To maintain the parliamentary system it is essential to carry through such constitutional reforms as will prevent arbitrary dissolution of Parliament.
De fractieleider : Knelpunt of knooppunt in het parlementair gebeuren ?
Authors: De Croo Herman
Published: July 2021

The author describes the recent changes of rules and proceedings in the House of Representatives, later on in the Senate and finally in both the new «cultural Assemblees», concerning the existence, the functioning and the importance of parliamentary groups and their leaders.Assimilated to the status of Vice-presidents of their Assembly, the parliamentary leaders are in charge of many responsabilities and more attention is given to the parliamentary group as such rather than to the individual members. Seating the members in the House, allocating to their «mandated» members speaking time in important debates, replacing members of their group in the specialized committees, preparing with the Speaker the public debates, taking full responsability for the material aid provided to their group and their members (secretarial help, technical assistance in the committee stage and money supply for research) the many tasks of the parliamentary leaders in the organization of parliamentary work are increasing.Their political functions are much more important. Usually the parliamentary leader sits in the top policy making organs of his party, very often he has had governmental experience and, as a floor leader, intervenes in the important debates.Even if essential differences can be observed between political parties (more freedom of action for the liberals and christian-democrats as a parliamentary group, less for the socialists and the communists) the leader in the Parliament plays an important role as the link between political parties and parliament.
De kans van het parlementair wetgevend initiatief inzake verkiezingsorganisatie
Authors: Masureel Louis
Published: July 2021

In the period 1950-1975 many proposals were introduced in the Belgian parliament by members of parliament as welt as by the cabinet, concerning the electoral system : proposals in relation to the electorate, concerning the eligibility, the electoral procedures, and the proportional system.Very few of these proposals came through : half of them starting from an initiative of a MP and half of them coming from the cabinet, mostly preceded by a parliamentary initiative. The amount of change introduced in the electoral system is, except for the lowering of the age of franchise and the reallotment of seats, small.
Parlementaire debatten en politieke taal
Authors: Dierickx Guido
Published: July 2021

The hypothesis to explain the often puzzling variability of political language in Parliament is that phenotypical elements of political speech such as emotionality, hostility, and oratorical style can be explained by structuralelements, that is by various aspects of the issues under debate.The data led us to criticize the more common cultural hypothesis, which would explain the variations of political language by linking it to the political culture of the members of parliament. As a result the evolutionof political language would be a global one, appearing in all policy domains. This was by no means the case. The evolution of political language between 1950 and 1970 is on the contrary a strongly differentiated one.The structural hypothesis performs much better both for the short- and for the medium-term variations. The expression of hostility during parliamentary debates can be explained satisfactorily by the stakes of the game. The expression of emotion seems to stem both from these stakes and from the level of aggregation of the issue. Finally, various aspects of oratorical style, such as the invocation of values, the principled motivation of proposals and the deductive logic used to legitimize the position taken, all seem to be derived from the level of aggregation and, most of the time, from the ideological contents of the issue as well. As a result we get a profile of political language which is rather tightly controlled by the opportunities and the necessities of the political agenda and much less by all kinds of extraneous factors.
De Volksunie 1977-1979 : Toch uit de oppositie. Een vergissing of niet ?
Authors: Deweerdt Marc
Published: July 2021

The activities within and around the Volksunie get much media attention compared with other parties. The top politicians of the Volksunie such as former president Schiltz have more influence than their colleagues.It was Schiltz that niade his party enter the government. His opinion was that every political party must try to achieve that goal.It is not so sure that the traditional Belgian political families are willing to accept new partners. Apart from that it is possible that the Belgian, electorate wants some parties to remain in the opposition.As far as the Volksunie is concerned the policy of Mr. Schiltz has been rejected by the electorate.
Les relations belgo-zaïroises : Réflexion sur une pratique de la politique étrangère
Authors: Willame Jean-Claude
Published: July 2021

In reviewing the Belgian policy towards Zaïre for the last two decades, one is struck by a certain politica! as well as economic withdrawal which has become more obvious since the end of the sixties. In the context of the «Mobutu Plan», the Marshall Plan for Zaïre, or in that of the two Shaba upheavals, Belgium, unlike France with respect to its former colonies, has choosen to align itself with big powers policies and international organizations, and to avoid taking too strong stands in the rather confuse situation which prevails in Zaïre today. Although unanimity does no langer exist among the various Belgian pressures groups about what is tobe done in Zaïre, the official policy of the government is entrenched in a «wait and see» attitude which points to the deepening contradictions within Western states towards Africa in general and Zaïre in particular.
Bilan Belgisch buitenlands beleid 1979
Authors: Van De Meerssche Paul
Published: July 2021

Normally the Belgian foreign policy is not an explosive matter for public debate. However during 1979 the attitude and decisions of Minister Simonet concerning the Nato-demands for production and installation of 464 Cruise- and 108 Pershing-missiles were strongly criticized. Mainly his socialist friends of the «Socialistische Partij» (Simonet belongs to the «Parti Socialiste»), the «Volksunie» and also important pressure groups as «Pax Christi» disapproved the positive attitude of Minister Simonet vis-à-vis the Nato-demands. A climax was reacted during a protest-meeting in the streets of Brussels on December 9, 1979 and during the debate in the Belgian Parliament (Chambre of Representatives) . It resulted in a declaration by the Belgian Prime Minister Martens on December 12, who agreed that the Belgian Government should ask for a delay of 6 months. Among other items of Belgian foreign policy examined in this article one can notice the evolution of the position of the Belgian Government in European Affairs and in the Middle East problems. Finally, the author broadens his survey to the more fundamental question of the meaning of the foreign policy of small countries.
Politieke beroepsethiek en politieke corruptie
Authors: De Clercq Bertrand J.
Published: July 2021

«Without a theory of corruption there cannot be a remedy for corruption unless by happy accident» (J.Q. Wilson). There are empirical theories, such as the functional approach of the political process, but how useful they may be, they essentially fall short. One needs a normative, i.e. an ethical theory of political  action.After having evaluated the idea, that politicians and rulers have the right to make use of violence, lies and ruses in order to combat violence and ruse within the community, the article draws some important conclusions from the general democratic principle «no power without control and possibility of sanction by those being subject to that power».Applied to the problem of corruption, this principle can be used as a guideline for a systematic exploration of the structural sources of corruption, defined in a general way as abuse of power («détournement de pouvoir»). The main thesis reads as follows. The sources of corruption are to be found in those «deficiencies of the system» that create chances for a particular pressure of power to exert an overweight - without possibilities of control and sanction - in the processes of actual definition of the «public interest» or the «common good».An elaboration of the thesis is made by means of an analysis of this kind of «deficiencies» in the Belgian political-administrative system, most of them however not specific for the Belgian situation in particular.Finally, some suggestions for «remedies » against corruption are made, especially in the field of legislative measures.
Kind en politiek : Een veldonderzoek naar de politieke kennis en houdingen bij kinderen van twaalf tot veertien jaar
Authors: Sterck Stefaan
Published: July 2021

Our research on political socialisation of children in Belgium between 12 and 14 years old (sample size : 372) by the technique of Annick Percheron, reveals a great deal of hostility towards the political system.  The children were asked to judge of a number of political words. They dislike politicians, the political regime and even the basic democratic principles and institutions. Most children do not make any difference between political theory, but they react even more negatively towards politicians and are also less conservative. The difference in political knowledge and attitudes between boys and girls seems negligible. Children, who belong to the upper middle class, have the best political knowledge, working class children the worst. The latter show great aversion towards the political system, and also towards trade-unions and social action.  In generalthey react in a conservative way.
La sécession : Eléments pour une explication à partir du cas katangais (1960-1963)
Authors: Roosens Claude
Published: July 2021

The independence of Zaïre (formerly Belgian Congo) in 1960, was perceived by many as a symbol. The congolese question, which had a definite influence on the international scene, was quite significant for the Third World and for the U.N.O. who left there one of its most important peace keeping operation. The independence procedure of Zaïre drew also lessons on internal situation. The Katanga secession has played an essential part in the confusion which was associated with the first years of the independence. Analysing the mechanisms of the secession makes appear the structural causes of the instability of young states.
De besluitvormingsmechanismen op nationaal en gewestelijk vlak : Een federale staat zonder federaal gezag ?
Authors: Coenen Omer
Published: July 2021

The rapid evolution that has taken place since the state reform of 1980 has made the need felt that some options of this state reform must be adjusted. In spite of this need, the core question is whether or not one should, in the first place, adapt the structures of the national government so it can carry out its national tasks. The clear establishment of communities and regions, the structuring of the political parties on the basis of these entities, the socio-economic substratum that is based on the duality, of the country, are indexes that show that the regions have numerous policy supporting structures while they are virtually absent on the national level. The political decision making on the national level is very restricted in this perspective. The state reform of 1980 has established three levels of equal standing between which the division is total. However, the probem immediately arises of a common parliament and a socio-economic substratum on which a national parliament and a national government should be able to rest if the Belgian state is to survive with its substructures. The solution here is twofold : either the substructures wilt have to create organs of the central state or the organs of the central state wilt have to be assembled on the basis of a national political election free of the substructures.
De besluitvormingsmechanismen op regionaal vlak
Authors: Senelle Robert
Published: July 2021

The factors that determine the decision-making mechanisms on the regional level are twofold in nature : internal and external.We may distinguish three internal factors: 1° the councils of the regions are composed of members of the national parliament ; 2° on the national level, the regional problem is not dealt with by representatives of the regions ; 3° the conventional system controls the relationship between the executives and the councils of the regions.The external factors may be reduced to five: 1° the regions do not have jurisdiction for their entire territory; 2° the financing of the regions is done via a system that implies no financial responsibility and onesidedly favors the southern regions ; 3° the financial burden of some decisions of the nation is imposed on the regions; 4° the distribution of authority disregards federal practice; 5° conflicts of authority are not resolved by a purely jurisdictional organ.Finally, we stress the contiguous existences·of regions and communities as substructures white the latter are the true components of the Belgian nation.
De Staatshervorming van 1980 : rijk aan mogelijkheden
Authors: Weckx Hugo
Published: July 2021

The 1980 State Reform has been criticized a lot and yet it is to be carried out at full.Back in 1980 this reform proved not only to be the ultimate answer to the political needs of those days but it was also closely connected with the 1963 and 1970 reforms.The only criticism to take into consideration for a possible reform in 1990 is an economie one : separate financial possibilities and responsibilities of federal organizations are a must in the future.In the meantime «1980», rich in possibilities, must be offered fair chances.Maintenance of a central administration that is well defined and strengthened by an important arbitration task is not wished for.The idea of creating regions with an independance to such an extent that failures are no langer accepted is irrational.The motto «Flanders can do it better» should not be fostered.
L'hypothèse séparatiste vue dans sa perspective économique
Authors: Schiltz Hugo
Published: July 2021

Separatism in Belgium does not impose itself, on the conditions that the Belgian Economic and Monetary Union does not force on Flanders toa large a cost, that Wallonia accepts the political prerequisites for thefunctioning of that Union and that federalism really is carried out.Actually these conditions are not fulfilled. Therefore the hypothesis of separatism has to be investigated.For Flanders, separatism economically offers more advantages than disadvantages. The budget equilibrium, the rates of interest, the social conditions and political stability would be improved, without the international solvability seriously affected.
Oorlog en politiek in het denken van Carl von Clausewitz
Authors: Verstraeten Johan
Published: July 2021

Clausewitz is not as some misinterpretations suggest a philosopher of total war. An analysis of his hermeneutical key presented in the first chapter of the first book of 'On War' makes it clear that there is a crucial distinction between his pure abstract concept of war - the notion of absolute war - and his theory of real war, where the irrationality ofviolence and the force of the military will, are subjected to political rationality.  According to Clausewitz politicians carry the ultimate responsibility in determining the ends of war, and this can only be done after a thorough appraisal of national and international realities.

One of the consequences of his position is that the military and political levels are not, as A. Rapoport suggests, interchangeable but in a subordinate position. Military leaders should always follow the logic of politics, politicians however should not neglect the grammar of war.  Despite some texts that might suggest the contrary, Clausewitz held a clear option for a defensive policy. Value judgments are left to philosophers.
Méthodes et résultats inédits pour l'analyse des voix de préférences
Authors: Doutrelepont René
Published: July 2021

This article has two goals: 1° to illustrate certain methods which are completely new in their application and ; 2° to communicate and analyse the results obtained by these methods.The first part of this study concerns the application of a mathematical model to the nominal votes in the French-speaking electoral college for the European elections of June 1984. The statistical categories of the log linear model, logically translated, permit to isolate and to measure the effects of list, position, and personality of each candidate.The second part of the article studies in more detail the results for the candidates Happart and Nols. This provides the occasion to introduce and to illustrate a method which permits the measurement of the nature of the performance of each candidate in terms of votes and percentages.  The application of this method to the totality of French - and Flemish -speaking candidates, with an interpretation of the significance of themeasures (relative importance of the list and of the candidate), forms the last part of this study.
La localisation des lieux de manifestation en Belgique
Authors: Smits Jozef
Published: July 2021

The analysis of demonstration locations classified by degree of urbanization shows that demonstrating is an urban phenomenon. Seldom are demonstrations held in thinly populated residential areas. A demonstration can thus be considered among the farms of political action for which the participation stimulating factors are clearly more present in urban areas than in rural areas.The distribution of the demonstrations over the regions indicates that more demonstrating is done in Flanders than in Wallonia. Flemings and 'walloons, moreover, appeared in the streets for different points of confiict during the period from 1953 to 1974.Demonstrations with ideological themes overwhelmingly, and communitarian themes mostly, occurred in Flanders ; demonstrations for socioeconomic purposes occurred mostly in Wallonia. Demonstrations in the capital, Brussels, had the most participants on the average in general andalso for the three conflict areas.
De kansen op conflict, mobilisatie en actie in een separatistisch proces
Authors: Hooghe Liesbeth
Published: July 2021

A scheme of analysis for separatism is proposed. Its purpose is twofold: to indicate the essential factors in a separatist process, and to explain the waves of active and « dead » separatist activity.The central idea is the distinction between three dimensions in the separatist process : conflict, mobilization and collective action. Both dimension on its own is determined by certain factors. Conflict depends on contradictions of identity and interest structure between people and nation. Mobilization is primarily a function of the social, economic and political opportunities of the people as against the nation. Collective action is the result of the presence, strength and behaviour of the elite and social movement in people and nation.Evolution from one dimension to the next one depends upon the factors of the dimensions involved and on a) the policy of the nation (and perhaps the people) and b) the societal changes caused by the modernization process.Finally one can explain inactive and active periods by verifying the presence or absence of these nine factors. It seems then that there are false and real « dead » periods, and that some separatist activity has a sound basis white other has not.
Clarté du discours et représentation politique
Authors: Capron Henri , Kruseman Jean-Claude
Published: July 2021

Assuming that the political information provided to the voters directly determines the communication efficiency of the political system in a democratic framework, this paper therefore proposes and tests some hypotheses explaining the politician's behaviour in that respect. Those hypotheses are tested on statements made by major Belgian parties' leaders at the eve of the 1978 and 1981 national elections.   Having first related the degree of reserve on the politician's statement with his party's share in the constituency, a positive relationship is found.   The second hypothesis states that the degree of reserve in the politician's statement is explained by his reaction either offensive or defensive triggered by the variation in his party's share given the outcome of the precedent election. It is observed that a defensive attitude is adopted by parties having known a reduction of their market share.  The third question dealt with examines the infiuence of the size of the party on the abovementioned relationship between the variation of the market share and the degree of reservedness. The results show that apparently the elimination of the size effect does not affect the findings concerning the second hypothesis.
De provincieraadsverkiezingen van 13 oktober 1985
Authors: Toelen Danny
Published: July 2021

At the provincial council elections of the 13th of October 1985 in Belgium two of the three traditional politie al families made a general progress, namely the socialists and the christian democrats. The liberals had a serious decline in Flanders, but for the greater part this was counterbalanced by the liberal progress in Wallonia. The ecologists also made progress, mostly in the Flemish part of the country. Beside the Flemish liberals, the big losers of these elections were the regional parties, namely the Flemish nationalists and for sure the Walloon Rally who disappeared from the electoral scene.
Neo-corporatisme en het Belgisch sociaal-economisch overlegsysteem
Authors: Vanderstraeten Alex
Published: July 2021

The aim of this article is to demonstrate the discussion on neocorporatism with refering to the Belgian socio-economie concertation system.  The central thesis is to understand neo-corporatism as a functional specific concertation system alongside or in function of the traditional parliamentary-democratic decision-system. The fact that this neo-corporatist socio-economic concertation system is interwoven with the parliamentary system (and especially with the particracy or compromise democracy in Belgium) stands for its strength and strategie facilities to come to a socio-economic concensus between trade unions, business organizations and the state. Specially the fact that neo-corporatism is not always very structured, and works more or less in an informal way puts our attention to the traditional formal democratic way of decision-making and the informal concertation between workers, employers and the state. This difference between formal and informal, or legally institutionalized and semi-institutionalized concertation plays a major role in the functioning of the Belgian socio-economic concertation system.
De la logique des passions à la vocation de l'engagement : Georges Bernanos, François Mauriac et Emmanuel Mounier face à la guerre d'Espagne
Authors: Bradfer Philippe
Published: July 2021

The thirties constituted in many respects a rich and revealing moment of the history of political commitment of the French intellectuals. Within this conjuncture, the Spanish civil war, by its religious and ideological components, assumed for them a very special importance. The public engagements of Georges Bernanos, François Mauriac and Emmanuel Mounier rather clearly illustrate the cristallization of a new vocation of commitment to which the Spanish events conferred an irresistible character.Although they participated, at different levels, to the big passionate movement which the event generated in France in July 1936, all three agreed, from 1937 on, to recognize that totalitarisms and fascisms then constituted the most dangerous agents in an ill Europe. Finally, one can say that by refusing the temptation which leads men to renunciation, fanatism or personal unexistance, their politica! commitment has certainly illustrated their will to regive a meaning to the human.
Distribution et nature de l'influence dans la politique belge de défense dans les années 1980
Authors: Manigart Philippe
Published: July 2021

This paper presents a quantitative analysis of the influence structure of the Belgian defense policy domain in the 1980s. The Belgian defense domain has a very unequal influence distribution, with only a handful of actors being perceived as very influential. A fairly generalized consensus exists among the relevant actors about who counts or does not count in the domain.
De economische actie van de Belgische Staat tijdens de crisis van de jaren 1930
Authors: Vanthemsche Guy
Published: July 2021

Organized big business and the government basically upheld the same opinions concerning this action: Belgium being a small open, exporting economy, it could only survive by maintaining stable monetary parities (radically excluding any devaluation of the Belgian franc, till 1935), by defending free trade (even if the Belgian authorities themselves were obliged to take some, albeit moderate, protectionist steps), by pursuing internal deflation and balanced budgets.Nevertheless, these traditional methods were only one aspect of the state's economie activity Juring this period. Due to the severity of the crisis, major parts of the economic structure were on the verge of collapse.Consequently, the state was dragged in a whole new series of interventions : financial aid systems, credit enlargements, stimulation of cartellization, enactment of new legal regulations, organisation of suppletive economie functions, etc. All these measures can be characterized as an « external » framework, intended to secure a safe working of the capitalist system. A second stage in state interventionism, directly influencing the internal mechanisms and modalities of investment, production and consumption, was not reached in Belgium before World War II.
Veiligheid anders bekeken : Een evaluatie van het probleemgebied « sociale verdediging »
Authors: Geeraerts Gustaaf
Published: July 2021

Although relatively much has been said and written already on civilian based defence, one hardly can deny that there has been not much of an increase in our understanding of this particular alternative security concept. Hence, in the present article an attempt is made to trace the factors, which are to be held responsible for this rather striking case of theoretical stagnation. The main argument boils down to the assertion that, up till now, to much energy has been invested in normative analysis and polemics. Together with the reality of a very restricted research capacity, this has led to an almost complete neglect of scientific research proper.Indeed, in the existing litterature it is hard to find any serious effort at theoretical articulation. One will search in vain for explicit stated modeis, testable hypotheses as welt as elaborated research strategies. Little wonder then, that hitherto scientific progress has been wanting. Accordingly, it is argued that to bring about any positive change in this respect in the future, a mere upgrading of the actual research capicity - as is so often advocated - wilt not suffice. Real progress is only to be expected, if more work is made of basic research.
Un fascisme aux couleurs nationales
Authors: Frommer Alan M.
Published: July 2021

The British Union of Fascists dealt with the contradictions between its fascist ideology and certain institutions and values dominant in Britain in the 1930s. The economic and social conditions in Britain provided the back-cloth from which the BUF's ideology and policies emerged.While critical of Parliament as inadequate for coping with a modern economy, the BUF had to take account of the depth of public attachment to elections and democracy. Corporate state proposals were presented as expressing the British habit of teamwork, and popular control over fascist governments was envisaged via plebiscites. Unusually for fascists, the BUF distinguished between public obligations and private rights and this because of the dominance of individual liberty in the collective conscience.Finally, the specific co-existence of the modern and the archaic in the BUF's discours in terms of British social and historical factors has to be stressed.
1944-1949 : Repressie zonder maat of einde ? : Een interimverslag over een onderzoek naar de berechting in België van collaborateurs
Authors: Dhondt Steven , Huyse Luc
Published: July 2021

The purge of Second World War collaborators in Belgium has not been the subject of many serious scientific research sofar. However, progress in theorizing and in data handling make it now possible to clear away the major impediments to such scientific research.After the war, extracts of the judgements of the military courts, which were responsible for the trial of collaborators, were published in the government gazette, « Het Belgisch Staatsblad ». These extracts provide the empirical basis of the project, which is put in the theoretical context known as « the ambivalence theory ». A brief look at the military judiciary system sheds some light on the processes behind the judging of collaborators. The article unveils some first results of the analysis of 5,000 court cases. The most important finding sofar is the absence of consistency - in time as well as in space - in the judging of collaborators in Belgium.
Les élections législatives du 13 décembre 1987 : Analyse des résultats
Authors: Fraeys William
Published: July 2021

Organized only two years after the previous genera! elections, the 1987 poll, characterized by a great stability of the electorale, wilt probably have a deep political impact on the country's future.If the rate of external mobility suitably gauges the extent of the citizens' shifts in votes, the 1987 elections will have ranged among the four most stable general elections out of the twenty-two that have taken place since universal suffrage has been introduced. And yet, because of the decline of the outgoing coalition, on the one hand, which is mainly due to the loss suffered by the CVP, and because of the change of majority within the Walloon Regional Council and the French-speaking Community Council, on the other, the political situation appears very different after the 13th December 1987 elections.

The observer can only be struck by the asymmetrical behaviour of the voters in the northern and southern parts of the country. In Flanders, the main party is on the decline white all other parties are winning votes.However, everything seems to show that the motivation of the voters who did not vote twice for the same party in 1985 and 1987, but who, as we said, are not very numerous, was an economic and social motivationrather than a language or community-related one. The gains of Agalev, the PVV and the SP in the face of the Volksunie's status quo cannot be explained otherwise. The gains of the Vlaams Blok, notably in Antwerp, are probably due to social (attitude towards immigrants) rather than community-linked motivations too. In the W alloon Region, on the contrary, the main party is registering an obvious gain, white the other parties are declining or stagnating. In this case, the motivations seem to be numerous : they have a social and economic background on the part of voters who trusted the main opposition party, but they are also community linked and inspired by considerations that have to do with the relationships between the Walloon and Flemish people in the Belgian State under transformation.The political prospects then appear uncertain. This is even more true that two other elections are to take place in the next eighteen months.These concern the opposite levels of the elected Assemblies: the municipal Council and the European Parliament.