bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
On the Trial of the Sarajevo Assassins. Is There an Authentic Text of the Trial Records?
Authors: Würthle Fritz
Published: March 2009

At first I was unable to obtain any information at all and then only extremely vague and uncertain indications which left the door wide open for every possible conjecture about where the repository of the records of the main process of the Sarajevo assassins is located. Some maintain that the trial records were sent away soon after the verdict was rendered on October 28, 1914, and that they were later torn apart and hopelessly mixed up—even more so than the records of the Maid of Orleans, whose trial, as is well known, took place over five centuries ago. Others believe that this is no misfortune, since an authentic translation of the records of the main trial from Serbo-Croatian into German was published in 1918 by the Berlin Archiv fur Strafrecht und Strafprozess in a treatise entitled Der Prozess gegen die Attentäter von Sarajevo. Nach amtlichen Stenogrammen des Gerichtsverfahrens aktenmässig dargestellt von Prof. Pharos.1
The Dynasty and the Imperial Idea
Authors: Kann Robert A.
Published: March 2009

It would be much easier to state what the relationship between the concepts of the “dynasty” and the “imperial idea” does not mean than to explain what it is supposed to mean. Before we can make any serious efforts to do so, we must, first of all, come to a clear understanding of the exact meaning of some of the terms involved. In English-speaking areas the word “empire” is generally understood to mean “an extended territory, usually comprised of a group of nations, states or peoples under the control or domination of a single sovereign power.” Frequently the determining factors are the assumption of a master-subject relationship between “a dominating conquering people and the conquered people,” either by way of a confederacy, in which “one strong member dominates its confederates,” or by even more direct subordination. Furthermore, the notion of an empire is generally associated with an area of considerable size and frequently “with the supreme or absolute power especially of an emperor.1
Economics, Constitutionalism, Administrative and Class Structure in the Monarchy
Authors: Jenks William A.
Published: March 2009

Observers of the Central European scene after the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy in 1918 were often disappointed by the vigorous national assertiveness of the Succession States, which seemed to expedite Hitler's aggressions and the Russian penetration of 1944–45. Retrospective assessments of the monarchy's historic role often cited economic unity, the centralized constitutions of both Austria and Hungary, the traditions of the bureaucracy, and the existence of strongly entrenched, pro-imperial classes as centripetal forces in a political complex which from Rudolf I's time often had yielded to particularism and administrative division.
Cultural Currents and Political Choices: Romanian Intellectuals in the Banat to 1848
Authors: Drace-Francis Alex
Published: March 2009

Most theories of nationalismdepend to a greater or lesser extent on formulating explanations in terms of the dynamic relationship between culture and politics in the development of a given ethnic group. Nationalism was famously defined by Ernest Gellner as “a political principle which holds that the political and the cultural unit should be congruent.” Irrespective of whether such a cultural unit is considered to be “real” or “imagined,” “primordial” or “constructed”—and however one might define culture and politics—there is a widespread consensus in the theoretical literature that nations owe a great deal to the activities of the literary elite who saw their role as creating and defining a group identity for a given people; and that these activities gradually became the basis for mass activism and a claim to political sovereignty. In the words of Miroslav Hroch, “the national consciousness has found expression in the conduct, the activities, of concrete personalities.” The historians task, therefore, becomes that of “finding out which kinds of social media within the emerging small nation afforded a relatively stronger response to patriotic agitation.”
Commentary: In Step with the Times: A Slovak Perspective
Authors: Stolarik M. Mark
Published: March 2009

Paul robert magocsi has written a thought-provoking essay on the role of North American political diasporas from east central Europe before and after the seminal years of 1918 and 1989. While he showed that the pre-1918 diasporas had a major impact on the future of east central Europe during and after World War I, he found very little evidence of a similar impact before and after 1989. He suggested that we look closely at 1989 to see what, if any, impact such diasporas had at the end of the twentieth century.
The Habsburg Industrial Achievement in Bosnia-Hercegovina, 1878–1914: An Economic Spurt That Succeeded?
Authors: Palairet Michael
Published: March 2009

In 1878 The Habsburgs exercised their rights under the Treaty of Berlin and marched an army of occupation into the former Ottoman provinces of Bosnia and Hercegovina. Between then and their expulsion in 1918, the Habsburg authorities attempted to weld their new province into the Austro-Hungarian polity and economy. Responsibility for governing Bosnia-Hercegovina was entrusted to the Common Finance Ministry. Its officials, especially during the administration of Count Benjamin Kalláy (1882–1903), saw their task as a “civilizing mission” and the Bosnian economy as clay to be worked according to their prescriptions. The developmental outcome of their endeavors forms the subject of this paper.
Military Justice as an Instrument of American Occupation Policy in Austria 1945–1950: From Total Control to Limited Tutelage
Authors: Tweraser Kurt K.
Published: March 2009

This Essay Provides a critical assessment of the system of military justice established in Austria by the American occupation authorities. It places military justice and its function in the wider context of U.S. occupation policy as it developed from total control to increasingly milder forms of tutelage under the impact of the Cold War and increasing Austrian self-assertion. The essay is based on the hitherto largely untapped files contained in seventy-five boxes of the Legal Division of the U.S. Military Government in Austria, collected in two visits in 1990 and 1991 to the National Archives in Suitland, Maryland.
Mass Emigration and Intellectual Exile from National Socialism: The Austrian Case
Authors: Schwarz Egon
Published: March 2009

History is made up of continuities and discontinuities. To do it justice it is necessary to take both of these ordering principles into account. Exile and banishment have always existed—mass expulsions and mass deportations have been recorded since Nebuchadnezzar's rule in the sixth century B.C. But, because of their power of expression and criticism, writers, intellectuals, and artists have been favorite targets for tyrants' wrath, and for those same reasons writers and intellectuals are the prime witnesses of the exile experience. Ovid's elegiac lament, Dante's bitter pride, Heine's poisoned homesickness, and Unamuno's scornful hatred are famous manifestations of the exile's state of mind.
The Deterioration of Democracy in Austria, 1927–1932
Authors: Rath R. John
Published: March 2009

By the spring of 1927 democratic institutions seemed to have secured a relatively firm footing in Austria. That appearance was deceptive. The same year saw the beginning of the deterioration of Austrian democracy.

The achievement of a secure democratic political environment by 1927 appeared grounded in reality. Within eight years after the Austrian Social Democrats had quashed the threat of a Communist-inspired Soviet republic in Austria, the bourgeois-dominated democratic government had succeeded in building up a reliable police force, gendarmerie, and army adequate to protect it against any internal threats. Rent as it was by the endless power struggles of its leaders, the Heimwehr was still only a relatively weak force on the political horizon. The National Socialist Party, split into quarreling factions, amounted to little more than a noisy opposition group. With the marked improvement in the Austrian economy by the mid-1920s, Austrian anti-Semitism had noticeably declined by the end of 1926. Perhaps most important of all, the foreign financial assistance assured by the Geneva Protocol of 1922 and the subsequent economic stabilization measures under-taken by the government did much to put the country's financial house in good order.
The Investiture Controversy Revisited: Religious Reform, Emperor Maximilian II, and the Klosterrat
Authors: Patrouch Joseph F.
Published: March 2009

The conflicts between episcopal and Habsburg provincial authorities in late sixteenth-century Upper and Lower Austria can be seen in some ways as a continuation of the investiture controversies of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The long roots of these later conflicts have been pointed out by local historians of Upper Austria like Karl Eder and Rudolf Zinnhobler. The early modern connections help to explain the particular course of religious reform in the Habsburg Hereditary Lands.
Foreign Policy and the Nationality Problem in the Habsburg Monarchy, 1800–1867
Authors: Kraehe Enno E.
Published: March 2009

In view of the many paradoxes that have studded the history of the Habsburg monarchy, it is fitting at the outset to observe that as the nineteenth century opened Austrian foreign policy proceeded with complete obliviousness to the nationality problem and for this very reason was the principal contributor to the nationality problem of the future. It was a time of unprecedented territorial change, indeed of the founding of the Austrian empire itself, and the net result of the changes was an increment to the ethnic diversity of the Habsburg lands. The acquisition of western Galicia in the third partition of Poland added several million Poles. By the Treaty of Campo Formio in 1797 Walloon and Flemish subjects in the Netherlands had been exchanged for the Italian, Croatian, and Serbian population of Venice, Istria, and Dalmatia, and the prospect was held out for adding more Germans in Upper Bavaria and Salzburg. The Treaty of Lunéville in 1801 did not change the territorial holdings of the Austrian Habsburgs; it did, however, affect them indirectly by providing for the transfer of the members of collateral branches of the family who ruled in Modena and Tuscany to unspecified territories in Germany. Two years later, in 1803, the Imperial Recess of the Holy Roman Empire named these territories: Salzburg, for Ferdinand; and the Breisgau and Ortenau, on the Upper Rhine, for the Duke of Modena. Both awards represented Austrian losses, Breisgau and Ortenau having been Austrian lands to begin with, Salzburg having been previously promised.
The Church and the Nationalities in the Habsburg Monarchy
Authors: Engel-Janosi Friedrich
Published: March 2009

In a rather agitated correspondence between Emperor Francis Joseph and Pope Pius IX in 1874, Pius IX highly praised the members of the Austrian episcopate, who, in his opinion, had, through their noble leadership, performed excellent work in helping the monarch to accomplish his goals. He asked, moreover, whether anyone could cite a single deed of a Catholic priest that could be used as a pretext for abrogating the concordat which the Austrian government had made with the Church in 1855 and denounced in July, 1870.
The Nationality Question in Austrian Education
Authors: Goldinger Walter
Published: March 2009

Since the days of the great empress Maria Theresa education has been considered a political concern in Austria. That is to say, its provision has been regarded as an obligation of the state and as one of its legitimate fields of activity. When the state assumed responsibility for education the nationality problem and the language question began to affect the Austrian school system.
Arthur J. May, 1899–1968
Authors: Kann Robert A.
Published: March 2009

The many friends, colleagues, and students of Prof. May were genuinely shocked when they learned of his untimely death on June 17, 1968. Certainly nobody who saw the commanding figure of this man preside with customary charm, wit, and vigor over a panel on Austrian history at the American Historical Association convention in Toronto in December, 1967, would have expected this tragic news.
Two Distinguished Pioneer American Scholars
Authors: R. J. R.
Published: March 2009

Since the conference on the nationality problem in the Habsburg monarchy was held at Indiana University in April, 1966, two of the active participants whose scholarship and leadership were a source of inspiration to many students of Central European history have died. Each was an active scholar busily pursuing major research projects until the day of his death. Kent Roberts Greenfield passed away less than a week after he returned the corrected galley proof of the article on “The Italian Nationality Problem of the Austrian Empire” published in the second part of this third volume of the Yearbook. He was in the process of preparing an article on American publications in Italian history for the Rassegna storica del Risorgimento. Arthur J. May died the night before he was to tape a television show on the fiftieth anniversary of the U.S.S.R. He had practically completed the manuscript of his history of the University of Rochester and was getting ready to write his long-projected enlarged history of Vienna, based on a vast number of documents collected during numerous trips to that city.
Czech Attitudes toward the Hungarian Revolution
Authors: Zacek Joseph F.
Published: March 2009

Throughout the Revolution of 1848–1849 the national aspirations of the Hungarians generally evoked a negative response from both liberal and radical Czechs, although, on the whole, the radicals expressed less hostility than the liberals toward developments in Hungary. Of the two groups, the Czech radicals were the least interested in maintaining the territorial and political integrity of the Habsburg monarchy and the more revolutionary in their demands and expectations. Consequently they had less cause to criticize the Magyars. Indeed, after the Habsburgs declared war against Hungary and the Russians openly assisted them in subduing the Hungarian revolutionaries, the radicals openly expressed sympathy for the Magyar cause.
Futile Peacemaking: Austria and the Congress of Nemirov (1737)
Authors: Roider Karl A.
Published: March 2009

The general congress, designed either to end wars or to prevent them, dominated the diplomacy of peacemaking in eighteenthcentury Europe. When writing about these peace conferences historians understandably have focused their attention on those that achieved success. Equally important, however, were those that failed. They revealed, more clearly than the successful congresses, the difficulties governments faced in judging military and diplomatic conditions, the vicissitudes of negotiation, and the frustrations of policy making. One of these futile congresses was the Congress of Nemirov, which was convened in southern Poland in 1737 for the purpose of ending the Austro-Russian-Turkish war begun the year before. Hopefully, examination of the conference from the Austrian point of view will offer insight into the general policy of one of the participants, the results it expected to achieve, the problems its plenipotentiaries encountered both in preparing for and attending the sessions, and the question of why the congress disbanded without resolving the differences between the belligerents.
Serbs, Magyars, and Staatsinteresse in Eighteenth Century Austria: A Study in the History of Habsburg Administration
Authors: Adler Philip J.
Published: March 2009

The Serbs occupied a unique position among the nations living in the Habsburg empire in the eighteenth century. They were the only Orthodox Christians who had full religious equality, and collectively they enjoyed the advantages of a privileged and autonomous group. Beginning in the early part of the eighteenth century, when it gradually became apparent that the Serbs would be integrated into the monarchy as permanent residents rather than as temporary refugees and allies, the special status of the Serbs posed difficult problems for the Habsburg government. The Magyar authorities, the central government offices in Vienna, and the Serbs themselves became involved in recurrent struggles within the bureaucracy as each faction continually maneuvered to gain advantages for its position.
Obiter Dictum
Authors: R. J. R.
Published: March 2009

After the formation of the Conference Group for Central European History in December, 1957, and the appointment by it of a Committee to promote Studies of the History of the Habsburg Monarchy, the present writer, in his capacity as executive secretary of this committee, made a survey of publications and research projects in the United States and Canada which dealt with the history of the Habsburg monarchy and of Austria and Hungary since 1918. A preliminary report of the results of this investigation was distributed in 1958 and a revised and enlarged one in January, 1960. Although this list, which was based largely on questionnaires, was by no means complete, the survey showed that by 1959 43 books and 183 articles had been published in Habsburg, Austrian, and Hungarian history by 63 different United States and Canadian scholars. Most of these writers indicated that they were also busily engaged in research activities which gave promise that an appreciable number of further studies would be published within the next decade or two.
More Sources on Metternich
Authors: Breycha-Vauthier A. C.
Published: March 2009

In a letter to Count Anton Prokesch von Osten, the great Austrian diplomat and scholar, Metternich expressed his conviction that “to ask the right questions is an essential element in establishing the truth in the historical field.”
Jelačič, the Croatian Military Border, and the Intervention against Hungary in 1848
Authors: Rothenberg Gunther E.
Published: March 2009

Until the end of the second World War the statue of Ban Jelačič, his sword pointing towards Budapest, stood on the main square of Agram as a symbol, not only of Croatian national pride, but also as a reminder of the country's proverbial attachment to the Habsburg dynasty. The “man who saved Austria” and the prowess of the Croatian Military Border became the most cherished historical legends of the old Austro-Hungarian empire and have attracted the attention of many historians. It is not my purpose to restate the case for or against Jelačič or to give yet another account of the complicated relationships between Agram, Pest, and Vienna but to disentangle legends which have been all too widely accepted and which have obscured important aspects of the role played by the Military Border in the revolution of 1848. In general, writers have concentrated on the picturesque appearance of the frontier troops and on their ferocity and their allegedly unshakable loyalty to the imperial cause and have neglected the military and political considerations which must be taken into account if one wishes to make a more accurate evaluation of the Croatian intervention in the revolution and its failure and ultimate repercussions.
Some Reflections on Conrad von Hötzendorf and His Memoirs based on Old and New Sources
Authors: Fellner Fritz
Published: March 2009

Few memoirs are as rich in detail as those of Field Marshal Count Francis Conrad von Hötzendorf, chief of the Austro-Hungarian general staff from 1906 to 1911 and from 1912 until 1917. The numerous documents cited in the text and appended to each of the volumes make Conrad's memoirs an invaluable source for historians interested in Austro-Hungarian diplomatic, political, and military developments prior to and during the early months of the first World War.
“The New Elite:” Nazi Leadership in austria, 1938–1945
Authors: Bernbaum John A.
Published: March 2009

On the morning of March 12, 1938, the German Eighth Army began its invasion of Austria. By early evening the takeover had proved to be remarkably successful, and that night a jubilant Hitler traveled to Linz to make his first speech on Austrian soil in the capacity of chancellor. The following day he issued a basic law of incorporation providing for Austria to become a province of the German Reich—an act that initiated Austria's tragic seven-year experience under Nazi control.
The Kriegsarchiv
Authors: Egger Rainer
Published: March 2009

The history of the Kriegsarchiv, which today constitutes the fourth section of the Austrian State Archives, began in 1711, when, on the initiative of Prince Eugene of Savoy, then president of the aulic war council, the Hofkriegsrätliches Kanzleiarchiv (the aulic war council chancellery archive), or, to use the full title, the Archivum bellicum, Hofkriegsrätliches Archiv, was established. In line with practices in the other court offices, this archive was to preserve all the documents accumulated by the aulic war council since its founding in 1556. In instructions dated April 4, 1711, Bernhard Rosenbaum, the first archivist of the newly-founded repository, was charged with arranging all documentary materials at hand in an orderly manner. At the same time, he was instructed to make lists of the important documents in the archive so that he could readily give out information about military events and organizational matters. Thus, from the very outset, the personnel of the archive was assigned the very important duty of collecting and making available for the army information about past military experiences.
Foreign Policy and the National Question in the Habsburg Empire: A Memorandum of Kálnoky
Authors: Jelavich Barbara
Published: March 2009

Although all governments in the past have been strongly influenced in the conduct of foreign policy by domestic considerations arising from the political, economic, and social compositions of their populations and the ethnic divisions within their state, in no European country has the intertwining and interaction between internal controversy and foreign diplomacy been so significant and so fateful for Europe as in the Habsburg monarchy in the last fifty years of its existence. By the close of the nineteenth century not only were the component nationalities in the process of shifting their prime loyalties from the symbol of Habsburg unity, the emperor, to their own leaders and parties, but the majority of them had been able to secure the sympathy, if not the outright assistance, of foreign governments. For instance, the Eomanians and Italians of the monarchy could look to strongly nationalistic governments in Bucharest and Rome whose irredentist propensities were scarcely concealed; the Habsburg South Slavs could hope for future encouragement from Serbia, despite the fact that under the Obrenović dynasty the Serbian government had close ties with Vienna. Among the great powers Russia, although herself a conservative empire opposed to the breakup of the Habsburg state, nevertheless offered a great deal of attraction for some Czechs, South Slavs, and Ruthenes. Even the nationally-minded citizens of the German empire, the monarchy's closest ally, were deeply concerned about the relative position of their German brethren within Austria.
R.John Rath: Motive Force in Austrian Studies
Authors: Wright William E.
Published: March 2009

Volume XXXII of the Austrian History Yearbook is dedicated, fittingly, to John Rath, who founded this publication and, during its first quarter-century, was its publisher, editor, and copyreader—and did every-thing else except setting the type for its printing. As much as the Journal of Central European Affairs was the creation of S. Harrison Thomson, so was the Austrian History Yearbook the creation of John Rath. Although it was not intended to be a successor to the Journal of Central European Affairs, it was a happy coincidence that John inaugurated the Yearbook just as the Journal ceased publication, and scholars in the field were not bereft of a vehicle for presenting their work.
Associations and Civil Society in Reform-Era Hungary
Authors: Nemes Robert
Published: March 2009

On January 13, 1843, the executive committee of the Hungarian Industrial Association (Országos Iparegyesület) held its weekly meeting in Pest. The Industrial Association, a voluntary association dedicated to the spread of useful knowledge and the promotion of industry, had been founded fourteen months earlier. More than twenty men were present at the meeting, most of them untitled nobles, yet four counts, two master artisans (both button makers), and a Jewish merchant were present as well. Records suggest that this was a busy meeting, in which the executive committee passed a dozen resolutions on topics ranging from the printing of the association's bylaws to its plans to establish a library and launch a newspaper. Among other matters, the committee acknowledged receipt of a fifty-florin contribution from the Pest Jewish community and welcomed as a branch association a society dedicated to promoting industry and agriculture among Hungarian Jews.
The Dissolution of the Habsburg Monarchy and Its Significance for the New Order in Central Europe: A Reappraisal
Authors: Fellner Fritz
Published: March 2009

In 1929, when Oscar Jászi published his study on The Dissolution of the Habsburg Monarchy, he began his discussion by remarking: “When the task of describing the mass-psychological process of the disintegration of the Habsburg Monarchy and of the failure of the conscious elaboration of a common will was tendered me, I was hesitant for a long time in accepting it… I clearly felt that such an undertaking would mean the work of many years and the energies of a man equally qualified as a historian, a sociologist, and an economist. How could one dare to do such a work in a comparatively short time without being an expert in all these fields?” The task has by no means become easier during the forty years that have elapsed since the publication of Jászi's manuscript. In addition to political tracts written during the course of various events or for the deliberate purpose of influencing these events, treatises permeated with resentments rooted in conflicts between the nationalities, and writings dominated by political interpretations in propaganda tracts, a large number of scholarly monographs have been written during the past decades which endeavor to examine all details connected with the causes and process of the collapse of the Central Powers and the reorganization of Central Europe in 1918. The opening of the archives has recently intensifiedthe interest in questions dealing with the disintegration of the monarchy. The bibliographies of the past two years indicate that in the near future the scholarly literature dealing with this problem will be enriched by the publication of many detailed and thorough studies based on new documentary evidence.
Bismarck's Views on the Austro-German Alliance and Future European Wars: a Dispatch of October 26, 1887
Authors: Zerner Ruth
Published: March 2009

Historians have generally stressed Prince Otto Eduard Leopold von Bismarck's desire to prevent a two-front war during the late 1880's. They have agreed that the German chancellor viewed France as Germany's inexorable enemy and that he feared a possible Franco-Russian coalition against Germany. Scholars have been less certain, however, about the chancellor's plans for German actions in the event of a widespread European war. In case of a Russian attack would he have aided his Austrian ally immediately? Would he have attacked France first? Did he intend to avoid a two-front war by abandoning Austria-Hungary? In other words, how would Bismarck have met a crisis somewhat similar to the one which led Europe into a far-ranging war in 1914? A previously unpublished dispatch, the complete text of which is included at the end of this paper, provides clues to Bismarck's ideas about future European-wide wars.
Becoming a “Great City”: Metropolitan Imaginations and Apprehensions in Cracow's Popular Press, 1900–1914
Authors: Wood Nathaniel D.
Published: March 2009

During the second half of the nineteenth century, the rapid urbanization of Europe sparked a set of complex, often contradictory reactions to life in the large modern city. Europe's urban population grew sixfold from 1800 to 1910 as a result of overall population growth and considerable migration to cities, with the greatest expansion occurring in the latter half of this period. Adapting to the needs of industrial capitalism and the development of the nation-state, “central place” cities such as Vienna and Paris began building projects that destroyed old neighborhoods and tore down medieval walls to allow new construction. Growth of this magnitude created the sensation of constant change and instability. For many citizens the big city came to represent modernity itself, characterized by flux and spectacle.
Adolf Eichmann, German Citizen
Authors: Kastner Georg
Published: March 2009

The scholarly record leaves no doubt that Austrian citizens played a major role in the criminal activities of the Third Reich. Even before the Anschluss, former Austrian citizens held prominent positions within Germany's Nazi hierarchy. Afterward, they played a key—and disproportionately large—role in the death of millions of people, among them Jews, Slavs, Roma, Sinti, homosexuals, and political dissidents of all stripes. Even the millions of Austrians who committed no crimes nonetheless supported Hitler's New World Order, either actively or passively. Hence, in recounting or analyzing the crimes of the Nazi period, no substantive distinction can be made between German citizens and those formerly Austrian citizens who came from the Ostmark.
Imperial Loyalties and Private Concerns: Nation, Class, and State in the Correspondence of Austro-Hungrian POWs in Russia, 1916–1918
Authors: Rachamimov Alon
Published: March 2009

one of the most common experiences during World War I (and one of the least researched topics in the historiography of the war) was the experience of captivity. During four years of fighting, an estimated 8.5 million soldiers were taken captive, or roughly 1 out of every 9 men to don uniforms during the war. Among the warring countries, none had a greater prisoner of war problem than Austria-Hungary: out of 8 million soldiers mobilized by the Dual Monarchy during the war, an estimated 2.77 million wound up in POW camps, the great majority (2.11 million) in Russia.
The More it Changes, the More Hungarian Nationalism Remains the Same
Authors: Sugar Peter F.
Published: March 2009

The literaturedealing with Magyar nationalism is extensive. The general impression created by its manifestations during the last roughly two and a half centuries has been that it had been aggressive and disrespectful of the rights of other nations living in the lands of historical Hungary, occasionally even bordering on the criminal. This evaluation did not originate with R. W. Seton-Watson, but was certainly disseminated widely by the works he published under the pen names of Viator and Scotus Viator.2While some of the judgments passed on Magyar nationalism were exaggerated and even unjustified, the correctness of the general picture cannot be denied. The actions of Hungary's politicians and the views expressed by the country's publicists and literary figures support the negative evaluation of some of the most crucial manifestations of Magyar nationalism. The following pages are presented not in an attempt to excuse the general tone and occasional excesses of Hungarian nationalism, but to try to answer only one question: why did Magyar nationalism take the forms that it did?
Making a Necessity of Virtue: The Smaller State as Intermediary Body
Authors: Schroeder Paul W.
Published: March 2009

This essay begins in a way that may seem self-indulgent and selfserving, but one that I hope readers will see as actually selfexamination and self-criticism, and more important, as a useful way to introduce a topic and idea whose meaning is not obvious from the title. For years I have been arguing that more attention should be paid to smaller states in international history, in particular not just their role in power politics and the so-called balance of power, but their roles and functions as intermediary bodies (a term defined later), as well. In three articles in historical and political science journals and a recent book I have particularly made the case for this in different ways.
Beyond the Bourgeoisie: Rethinking Nation, Culture, and Modernity in Nineteenth-Century Central Europ
Authors: Baham Karl F.
Published: March 2009

The historyof Central Europe at the end of the nineteenth century (as indeed at the end of the twentieth) is to a large extent the history of the furies of nationalism. The attempt to understand that fact has for a long time been dominated by understandings of nationalism and the mobilization of national identity that are rooted in conceptions of a particularly modern social and political crisis. In this paradigm the rise of nationalism is associated—as it was for many critical observers at the time—with the failure of liberal politics and the general breakdown of an elite-dominated, rational-liberal society in the face of mass politics and the clamor for cultural and political participation by the lower classes. Nationalism in this view is a rejection of the whole liberal paradigm—a turn to a militant, populist “politics in a new key,” to use Carl Schorske's evocative phrase; or, following another imagery, the revenge of the traditionalist, irrational “dark gods” against the rationalism, secular optimism, and elitism of Enlightenment society.
The Dollfuß Ministry: The Democratic Prelude
Authors: John Rath R.
Published: March 2009

The typical dictator of the interwar period was, like Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini, already a convinced fascist or authoritarian when he first came to power. This was not the case in Austria, where Engelbert Dollfuß, the semifascist dictator of 1934, was seemingly a genuine democrat when he was appointed chancellor in May 1932. Even his appointment was accidental. Had the Social Democrats accepted Ignaz Seipel's and Karl Buresch's overtures in 1931 to join the Christian Socials in a coalition government, Dollfuß might never have become chancellor. And had they not rejected a second effort by Buresch in April 1932 and demanded new elections, democratic government in Austria would have been strengthened rather than weakened.
Comments
Authors: März Eduard
Published: March 2009

Austrian historians owe Richard Rudolph, Nachum Gross, and David Good a great intellectual debt for their repeated attempts to apply quantitative methods to the study of intricate economic developments in the last century of the Habsburg monarchy. In his present paper, Rudolph gives us a résumé of the results thus far attained by the trio of scholars and broadens the scope of his own research somewhat by extending the period of investigation to include what Franklin Mendels has called the phase of “proto-industrialization.”
Comments
Authors: Matis Herbert
Published: March 2009

As Richard L. Rudolph correctly observes at the beginning of his article, Austrian economic history has not been adequately examined in international, comparative studies of the problems of economic growth. Undoubtedly this is attributable both to the traditional orientation of Austrian historians toward national and regional studies and to the interest of so many historians in various aspects of the preindustrial age. Macroeconomic approaches have, therefore, been deemphasized, even though they have led to significant new conclusions in regard to the nature of preindustrial economy and society, partly because of the difficulty in applying this methodology to an analysis of the increasingly complex affairs of a modern industrial society.
Galician Jews as Migrants: An Alternative Hypothesis
Authors: Eddie Scott M.
Published: March 2009

Quantitative essays in economic history do not need dazzling equations and arcane terminology to make a contribution. Often the greatest service to the profession is performed by the careful scholar who collects, works up, and presents useful economic data in a simple and straightforward way. Simplicity can be deceptive, however, and often the most painstaking scholar will fail to see important implications in the data he uses and manipulates.
When Brothers Agree: Bohemia, the Habsburgs, and the Schmalkaldic Wars, 1546–1547
Authors: Fichtner Paula Sutter
Published: March 2009

In consolidating his hold over the Austrian, Hungarian, and Bohemian territories which he acquired between 1521 and 1526, Ferdinand I (1521–1564) enjoyed one especially notable success: the suppression in 1547 of a Bohemian uprising during Emperor Charles V's (1519–1556) campaign against the Protestant Schmalkaldic League in Germany. Relying on the promise of the Schmalkaldian leader Elector John Frederick of Saxony to protect them, the Bohemian estates formed a league in 1547 which challenged, among other things, Ferdinand's rights to summon the diet, to have his son crowned during his lifetime, and to oversee the administration of his treasury.
“We Do Not Even Possess Our Selves”: On Identity and Ethnicity in Austria, 1880–1937
Authors: John Michael
Published: March 2009

Two Brothers Were born in Budapest before the turn of the century and grew up in that city speaking Hungarian. After they had left Hungary for good, they became assimilated in Austria and Germany. Later, one of them Attila Hörbiger, went on to become one of Nazi Germany's top movie stars, as did his wife Paula Wessely. During the Austrian Second Republic, the two brothers achieved cult figure status in the theater. Fifteen years ago, as Paul Hörbiger lay close to death, he expressed the wish to speak with Attila once again, after so many years, in Hungarian, the language of their childhood. In the final hour of Paul's life, that is what te brothers did.1Regardless of the extent to which this story is, in fact, true, it can nevertheless serve as the leitmotiv for a discussion of ethnic and cultural identity in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, providing an indication of the way many Austrians dealt with their ethnic origins or cultural background.
Comment
Authors: Evans R. J. W.
Published: March 2009

The Articles By David Sorkin and Edmund Kern have a common starting point. Both address aspects of the reform movement that unfolded in the Habsburg lands under Maria Theresa. They underline an argument made by much recent work on the subject that the movement in question, though committed to substantial changes in the social and cultural fabric, was fundamentally Catholic in its inspiration and only loosely and partially aligned with either the great intellectual challenge of the Enlightenment or the fuller and later program of reconstruction that has come to be known in the Austrian context as Josephinism. Both writers acknowledge the powerful contributory stimulus from abroad to the new climate of ideas generated in the monarchy by the travails of the mid-eighteenth century, but submit that those ideas besically arose out of a domestic evolution, especially within ecclesiastical circles.
Coping with Rebellion: Cities, Mortgagee Lords, and Crown Administrators in the Habsburg Vorlande, 1517–25
Authors: Pelizaeus Ludolf
Published: March 2009

In october 1541, a letter left the city of Innsbruck, in which the government, or Regiment, sharply admonished the mayor and councilors of the city of Belfort in the Sundgau. With all seriousness, the government reminded them that they were obliged to submit to the Lord von Mörsperg, their God-given authority, and if they did not, they would lose their freedom and risk further punishment.1 It is easy enough to identify the petitioner and petitioned in this document: the seigniorial family of Mörsberg/Morimont on one side, and the mayor and city council of Belfort/Beffort on the other. But there was also a third, superior authority involved: the Habsburg regime in Innsbruck and its subordinate, regional representatives who administered the Vorlande from nearby Ensisheim, which had admonished the city to remain “obedient” to the Herrn von Mörsberg. This instruction was, in fact, part of a long series of disputes between mortgagee lord (Pfandherr) and city. This article examines this type of conflict in more detail to present a model for analyzing structural changes through the historical development of three cities on the western edges of the Holy Roman Empire: Belfort, Rheinfelden, and Laufenberg.
Why the Slovak Language Has Three Dialects: A Case Study in Historical Perceptual Dialectology
Authors: Maxwell Alexander
Published: March 2009

Linguists have long been aware that the ubiquitous distinction between “languages” and “dialects” has more to do with political and social forces, typically nationalism, than with objective linguistic distance.1 This article, an exercise in the history of (linguistic) science, examines political and social factors operating on other levels of linguistic classification than the “language-dialect” dichotomy. Nationalism and linguistic thought are mutually interactive throughout a linguistic classification system: political and social history not only affects a list of “languages,” but also a list of “dialects.”
The Forging of a Historian: Robert A. Kann in America, 1939–1976
Authors: Winters Stanley B.
Published: March 2009

When the late Robert A. Kann entered the historical profession in the 1940's the study of the Habsburg monarchy was in its infancy in the United States. Today, a robust and mature discipline, its leading American practitioners rank equally with those from other countries, and a voluminous literature has deepened our knowledge of that vanished realm. Professor Kann's achievements through teaching, research, and writing over a span of four decades have contributed substantially to this tranformation in a complex scholarly discipline. This essay will recount some of his achievements insofar as they were realized during his years in the United States. It will also recall some personal qualities of a remarkable man whose death on August 30, 1981, at the age of seventy-five, grieved all who knew him and his works.
Robert A. Kann—A Memoir from Austria
Authors: Stourzh Gerald
Published: March 2009

From 1950—when Robert Kann first revisited Vienna twelve years after having been driven away from Austria—to the time of his death in Vienna on August 30, 1981, Kann was a man of two countries. For three decades his work spanned America and Austria; he taught, lectured and published on two continents. Kann's influence on historical scholarship both in America and Austria (and beyond) is evidenced by the fact that more of Kann's books were publised both in English and in German translations than those of any other scholar in the field. Let us recall these titles: The Multinational Empire (1950), The Habsburg Empire (1957), A Study in Austrian Intellectual History (1960), The Problem of Restoration (1968), and A History of the Habsburg Empire, 1526–1918 (1974). All of them subsequently appeared in German translation in Austria; thus their impact was doubled.
Comments
Authors: Derndarsky Michael
Published: March 2009

In his article Elrod concentrates on an issue which was indeed vital to the Habsburg empire: the central idea of the pentarchy's international policy. At the Congress of Vienna, held after the end of the Napoleonic wars, the policy of the victorious powers was primarily oriented toward maintaining a balance of power and accepted the concept that the Great Powers were jointly responsible for keeping the peace. By the middle of the century at the latest there was an obvious change in motivation, for, under the ever increasing impetus of new ideas and new people, changes now came to be measured primarily on the basis of self-interest and only secondarily on the basis of their effect on international stability.
Comments
Authors: Von Klemperer Klemens
Published: March 2009

I consider the papers on Richard von Kralik and Hans Eibl as pilot studies of a post-empire problem that should receive a good deal more attention than it has up to now. After all, since the Second World War most of Europe is post-imperial: Great Britain, Holland, Belgium, France, Italy, Austria, the Germanies have all shed their empires. The transformation of a Great Britain into a Little England entails difficult psychological, economic, social, and political adjustments. This is also true with other European powers that have been denuded of their former colonies.
The Croatians in the Habsburg Monarchy in the Nineteenth Century
Authors: Krizman Bogdan
Published: March 2009

During the early part of the nineteenth century the Croatians were one of the most loyal of all the peoples in the Habsburg monarchy, and during the revolutionary movement of 1848–1849 they were one of the main pillars of strength of the dynasty. Yet, before the end of World War I the South Slav question in general and the Croatian question in particular had become one of the most dangerous problems of the whole Austro-Hungarian monarchy. To discuss how such a radical metamorphosis in Croatian national sentiment occurred within the course of less than seventy years is the aim of this paper.
The Czechs as Integrating and Disintegrating Factors in the Habsburg Empire
Authors: Thomson S. Harrison
Published: March 2009

The topic assigned for this section offers us an alternative: integration or disintegration. There is a certain lack of reality about such an alternative. One will retrace in vain the whole story of the confrontation of Czech and Habsburg in pursuit of a genuine Czech impulse to support Habsburg aims. There were periods of peace between the two protagonists, though perhaps tolerance would be a better term, but they were few and insubstantial. They were seldom used for anything but preparation for the next inevitable engagement. I take it that this tradition of enmity is almost axiomatic for Central European history. Little, then, will be said about the Czechs as a force leading toward the integration of Habsburg power. This leaves us a broad field of historical assessment and delineation: the story of the Czech odyssey from their first contact with the Habsburgs in the late thirteenth century until 1918, when they again became a sovereign people in their own land.
The Poles in the Habsburg Monarchy
Authors: Wandycz Piotr S.
Published: March 2009

For nearly a century and a half the peoples of a large part of the old Polish state shared the destinies of the Habsburg empire. Annexed when the monarchy was entering the phase of Enlightened Despotism, Galicia commenced its history as a mere province of the Habsburg empire. When in 1918 this province broke away from Austria-Hungary, which by then had advanced far in the direction of constitutionalism and capitalism, Galicia had become almost a junior partner in the monarchy.
The Rumanians and the Disintegration of the Habsburg Monarchy
Authors: Oţetea Andrei
Published: March 2009

The problem with which this survey is concerned is the role played by the Rumanians of Transylvania as an integrating and disintegrating force in the Habsburg monarchy in the nineteenth century. This problem is unusually complex, since it can be examined from various points of view and at different stages in its historical development. On the basis of changing economic, political, and social factors, we may discern at least five such stages: (1) the first half of the century, during which Transylvania maintained the autonomy it had enjoyed since the promulgation of the Leopoldine Diploma in 1691; (2) the revolution of 1848–1849; (3) the period of absolutism of the 1850's, during which the Rumanians, who had failed to obtain territorial autonomy within the empire, were parceled out among various administrative units and continued to suffer national and social oppression at the hands of the dominant Magyar classes; (4) the so-called “liberal era” between 1860 and 1867, during which the court beguiled the Rumanians with promises that their national rights would at last be recognized in the monarchy generally and in Transylvania in particular; and (5) the period of dualism and the forced incorporation of Transylvania into Hungary.