bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Exile
Authors: Romilly Jacqueline de
Published: May 2020

This chapter assesses how Alcibiades found refuge in Sparta after he broke with Athens, his homeland becoming an enemy city. If Athens had become an enemy city, Sparta instantly became his ally. Thus, in the winter of 415–414, he was officially welcomed in Sparta and ready to help Sparta against Athens, providing the most secret intelligence as well as his widely recognized experience. In the course of a few months, the man who had directed operations for the Athenians would now be the genius behind the war against them. That entailed a change of sides and treason such as one has rarely ever seen in history. Alcibiades betrayed Athens in the middle of the war, switching from one side to the other. Moreover, in the speech given him by Thucydides, at the time of his arrival in Sparta, he is seen not only playing the part of a traitor providing Sparta with invaluable information; Thucydides has him giving a speech boldly justifying his change of sides and the morality of it. There have been traitors in history; there has probably never been one who defends treason with so much lucidity, audacity, and authority.
With the Athenians on Samos
Authors: Romilly Jacqueline de
Published: May 2020

This chapter focuses on the Athenians on Samos. Samos had first embarked on oligarchy. There were attacks. Hyperbolus, the democrat whom Alcibiades had struck with ostracism, was assassinated. Androcles in Athens, Hyperbolus in Samos: Alcibiades' enemies fell, as though at random. But this disorder brought consequences. The generals, who were inclined to oppose oligarchy, were warned, as were those men known to be most opposed to the movement. These individuals in turn worked with the soldiers. On the appointed day, when the partisans of the oligarchy were going to attack on a larger scale, they ran into an organized resistance and were beaten. The two sides made peace—under the democracy. Henceforth there were two Athens: the government in Athens, oligarchic, and that in Samos, democratic. Samos, or rather the Athenians on Samos, considered themselves independent. There can be very few examples of a rupture affecting such a small city and installing two enemy factions so far apart. This rupture was conceived by Alcibiades and it would change the course of his life.
A Triumphal Return
Authors: Romilly Jacqueline de
Published: May 2020

This chapter details Alcibiades' return to Athens. It took him four years to get back—four years of fighting and winning. In Athens, opinion was still divided. It was easy to blame Alcibiades; many recalled that he was the sole cause of all the problems of the past and could well bring on more in the future. Others, however, recalled his talents and the intemperate decision that had precipitated his support of the enemy. They blamed the exile into which he had been forced, the dangers he had known, and his powerlessness to help his homeland. In short, both sides argued vehemently about Alcibiades' true leanings. Mostly, they were thinking about the future. By simply dismissing him, they had forced him to act against his country. If they gave him back his rights and put him in charge, he would be in a better position to help them. The chapter then looks at several accounts of Alcibiades' return to Athens, which took place on the day of the festival of Plynteria. One is that of Xenophon, which may well be an eyewitness account; others were from a later period: they come from Plutarch and Diodorus. In spite of everything, Alcibiades' return was an absolute and unqualified triumph.
Storytelling Is the Representation of Differences
Authors: Kluge Alexander
Published: May 2020

This chapter examines the dialogue between Jochen Rack and Alexander Kluge wherein they talk about Kluge's book Chronik der Gefühle (Chronicle of Feelings, 2000). The book tells the story of a century, featuring all the moments that changed the contours of the world, which happened within Kluge's lifetime. Kluge understands these historical events as expressions of emotional states. He argues that feelings do not play a significant enough role in the way history is currently told. Rack and Kluge then discusses the concept of basic trust, which Kluge claims exists in both human beings and animals. They also consider Homer's Odyssey and the thesis that Odysseus has to kill his feelings in order to emancipate himself from the forces of myth. Ultimately, the examples of stories that Rack and Kluge discussed show that there are different, conflicting layers of emotions. Indeed, according to Kluge, storytelling is the representation of differences.
The Peacemaker
Authors: Kluge Alexander
Published: May 2020

This chapter looks at the dialogue between Die Zeit and Alexander Kluge wherein they talk about Kluge's book The Devil's Blind Spot (2004). The book is not really about the devil, but about the process of enlightenment. Kluge identifies two types of stories. One type points to absolutely nothing; they are monads. The others are maps. When stories are laid on top of each other like maps, cross-mapping occurs. Zeit and Kluge also discusses the concept of “antiliterature.” Kluge mentions that there is something lacking in literature today and there is too much of something else. When asked if he ever thinks retrospectively what God would have to do in order to save a person, he claimed that he leans more toward the belief that there is a God who does not look after humanity. Kluge then explains the reconciliation of poetry and science. Poetry is concentrated emotion. It can either tell a story or contain thoughts. As a lawyer, Kluge uses his reason; as a storyteller, he relies on the powers of his emotions.
What Is a Metaphor?
Authors: Kluge Alexander
Published: May 2020

This chapter examines the dialogue between Rainer Stollmann and Alexander Kluge wherein they talked about the power and importance of metaphors. Kluge explains that a metaphor is the creation of a web of ideas. He says that Karl Marx's description of primitive accumulation is one of these webs. That is why Marx let English history serve as his example, even though primitive accumulation assumes a different form in every country, which he also acknowledges. Kluge then argues that one needs to dissolve historically specific metaphors. The creation of metaphors is not an end in itself. Their brevity lasts in the time immediately after they evolve. In later eras, they provide a foil or commentary. Ultimately, metaphors do not reflect observations, but instead provoke questions.
The Realistic Method and the “Filmic”
Authors: Kluge Alexander
Published: May 2020

This chapter assesses the last remaining, untranslated portions from Alexander Kluge's aforementioned essay collection of 1975 on antagonistic realism, Gelegenheitsarbeit einer Sklavin. People usually learn about the deductive method in educational institutions. Starting with laws, rules, and values, people then descend to their application or illustrate them with examples. Reality is represented. The principle of illustration is that abstraction regulates concretion by destroying it. Film seems to develop an oppositional program to this tendency. Its raw material is apparently made up of concrete depictions. According to its qualitative edict, it has little appreciation for thought. It lacks the polished and universal quality of a so-called trade language. The majority of its products are oriented toward the direct imitation of reality.
Film
Authors: Kluge Alexander
Published: May 2020

This chapter addresses Alexander Kluge's reflections on the radical potential of auteur cinema at precisely that moment at the dawn of commercial television when cinema's livelihood was in the balance. Where in the world are there moments in time, if not in film? When everything in the world apart from one's childhood is too short, the cinema reproduces protracted time again, which itself makes moments possible in the first place. If classical cinema perishes, then the disagreements among three time-honored figures will be the first to disappear: that of the soldier of fortune, that of the voyeur, and that of the one who waits. Without the poison of their hostile interests, however, no amount of movement can establish cinema on the basis of their respective attitudes. Kluge then considers new media and their pollution threatening the internal worlds of human brains and feelings.
The Function of the Distorted Angle in the Destructive Intention
Authors: Kluge Alexander
Published: May 2020

This chapter explores the dialogue between Gertrud Koch and Alexander Kluge wherein they talked about Theodor W. Adorno's and Walter Benjamin's influence on Kluge's work. What really attracts Kluge to Benjamin is that he possesses several personalities of thought and several forms of production all at once. Meanwhile, Adorno is immune to the idea that people actually possess linguistic mastery. Adorno relied heavily on Romanticization with respect to his dreams, but rejected Romanticization out of principle just as he did the tyranny of melody in music. What Kluge finds wonderful about Adorno is how he is able to disregard the fact that he thinks in the first-person singular. Kluge then describes how he met Adorno at the inaugural lecture by Prof. Dr. Harald Patzer.
War
Authors: Kluge Alexander
Published: May 2020

This chapter studies war and harks back to both Alexander Kluge's controversial book on the Battle of Stalingrad, The Battle (1964), and those portions of the third book of History and Obstinacy (1981) coauthored with Oskar Negt on war as a special case of the public sphere of production. War lays waste to fields, depopulates provinces, and turns cities into dust. War is a fight between rulers carried out with the help of weapons. This definition comes from Louis de Jaucourt's article, which was written in 1757 during the second year of the Seven Years' War. Like a vaccination, societies internalized the excesses of a war that would not end, the religious wars in France, and the barbarism involved in the founding of the early colonies. Rules of war were developed. The way in which people deal with the catastrophe of war is regarded as a high art form. This art consists not only in conquering the enemy, but also in reining in the autonomous forces as well as war's movements, which subjugates the entire world to its destructive power. Ultimately, this art of war is considered to be the highest of art forms, above even architecture. Thirty-five years later, what erupts out of the escalation of the French Revolution is a form of modern war Jaucourt could not have known when he wrote his encyclopedia article: the people's war. Kluge then considers how the image of war changed in the second half of the twentieth century.
The Art of Drawing Distinctions
Authors: Kluge Alexander
Published: May 2020

This chapter highlights the individual's capacity for differentiation. Imagine the human body: take, for example, the mouth, whose capacity for differentiation would be called a sensation. The largest organ, the skin, also has sensation. The ear: therein lies musicality, the sense of balance, the sense of hearing, and rhythm. These sensations are divided between two cerebral hemispheres. All of these sensations play a role in an encounter with another person. The moment when related sensations reach a decision about another human being is called feeling. This is not something sentimental, but rather is subject to the sentimentalization and commercialization of the nineteenth century. In reality, feeling is something very human. It is what a person adds to an objective relation. In order to be able to convey more clearly the difference between sensation and feeling, Alexander Kluge introduces another term: passion. There is the passion of the mind and there is the mind of passion. This is the intensification of the will, feeling, the sum of various feelings pointed in a single direction.
An Instance of Internet Telephony over the Himalayas
Authors: Kluge Alexander
Published: May 2020

This chapter assesses Alexander Kluge's Skype conversation with renowned Chinese literary scholar Wang Hui, recorded in the spring of 2012. The interview was held following a public screening of Kluge's documentary News from Ideological Antiquity (2008) subtitled in Chinese. A testimony to Kluge's desire to think beyond Europe's geographic and intellectual boundaries, the interview engages the viability of Marxist thinking in the age of globalization and testifies to the centrality of cooperation and collaboration in the form of dialogue for Kluge's essayism. Kluge also discusses fragmentary storytelling, which is already present in Tacitus, in his Roman historical writing. The fragmentary, he says, is what Walter Benjamin and Theodor W. Adorno teach people: people should use it. Kluge and Hui then further explores film. Kluge claims that the reality of film is not sealed off. This means that new possibilities remain open for film.
Chaining Communists
Authors: Henke Marina E.
Published: May 2020

This chapter focuses on the Korean War, which constituted the first instance of multilateral military coalition building in the post-World War II era. The U.S. government served as the pivotal state in this coalition-building effort. The chapter then looks at the deployment decisions of the three largest troop-contributing countries: the United Kingdom, Canada, and Turkey; the Philippines, a deeply embedded state with the United States in 1950; and South Africa, a weakly embedded state with the United States in 1950. The deployment decisions of the U.K. and Canada were the result of intense U.S. prodding involving a mixture of personal appeals, incentives, and threats. In this process, the U.S. government instrumentalized diplomatic networks to the greatest extent possible. Meanwhile, the Philippines was lured into the coalition via U.S. diplomatic embeddedness. Finally, in the case of South Africa, diplomatic embeddedness played no direct role. Rather, South Africa perceived the Korean War as an opportunity to gain from the U.S. long-desired military equipment, in particular military aircraft.
Saving Darfur
Authors: Henke Marina E.
Published: May 2020

This chapter assesses how the United Nations, in cooperation with the African Union, formed one of the largest and most expensive peacekeeping operations ever deployed to stop the bloodshed in Darfur. The operation took the name United Nations–African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID). The United States initiated and orchestrated the most important political aspects that made the deployment of UNAMID possible. At the United Nations, the United States was intimately involved in the drafting and negotiation of UN resolutions pertaining to the Darfur issue and prodded various UN Security Council members to support the respective resolutions. Once UNAMID was approved by the UN Security Council, the United States was deeply involved in recruiting UNAMID participants. Some countries—such as Egypt, China, Canada, and Ethiopia—had a political stake in the Darfur conflict and thus volunteered forces to deploy to Darfur. Nevertheless, the large majority of countries did not join UNAMID on their own initiative. Rather, they were wooed into the coalition by the United States. U.S. officials thereby followed specific practices to recruit these troops. Many of these practices exploited diplomatic embeddedness: U.S. officials used preexisting ties to ascertain the deployment preferences of potential recruits and constructed issue linkages and side payments. The United States was assisted in the UNAMID coalition-building process by UN staff, most notably from the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations (UNDPKO).
Fighting for Independence in East Timor
Authors: Henke Marina E.
Published: May 2020

This chapter describes how Australia decided to launch a multilateral military intervention to stop the bloodshed in East Timor. The force Australia assembled was called the International Force East Timor (INTERFET). Despite the humanitarian character of the intervention, few of the participants joined INTERFET on their own initiative. Rather, Australia had to conduct an explicit recruitment process that involved cajoling countries to join the operation. Australia's diplomatic networks played an indispensable role in this process: Australian officials exploited these networks to retrieve information on deployment preferences of potential coalition participants. Australia also used the APEC summit in Auckland and the UN General Assembly (UNGA) in New York as opportunities to make bilateral appeals for troop contributions. Nevertheless, Australia's diplomatic cloud had its limitations. Especially when it came to recruiting countries from outside of the Asia-Pacific region, Australian networks were insufficient. Australia thus turned to the United States and the United Kingdom for assistance in drawing multilateral support for its coalition, thereby leaving these states to function as cooperation brokers. The chapter then considers the deployment decisions of the three largest troop-contributing countries: Thailand, Jordan, and the Philippines; Canada, a deeply embedded state with Australia; and Brazil, a weakly embedded state with Australia.
Violence against Civilians as a Political Strategy
Authors: Dragojević Mila
Published: May 2020

This chapter demonstrates how targeted violence against civilians in amoral communities should be understood first and foremost as a political strategy. It then distinguishes between a political strategy and a military strategy while recognizing that the two may be complementary and used simultaneously by warring armies, political leaders, and the populations these leaders claim to represent. The main distinguishing feature is that a political strategy is characterized by the targeting of individuals who are defined by their political ethnicity and excluded from the envisioned nation-state or nation-body. Violence used as a political strategy may include individualized tactics, such as the torture, rape, harassment, and arrest of civilians in territory that was already conquered, as well as targeted massacres, looting, the burning of property, the destruction of cultural symbols, and the destruction of infrastructure. From the perspective of military strategy, some of these actions may be considered irrational, unnecessary, and ultimately destructive; however, when analyzed from the perspective of political strategy, a consistent pattern can be seen in the acts that target individuals who are perceived by the perpetrators as “political enemies” based on not only their ethnicity but also their political views.
The Chinese Nationalist Party and the Overseas Chinese
Authors: Zhou Taomo
Published: May 2020

This chapter discusses the connections between the Chinese communities in Indonesia and the Chinese Nationalist government as well as the evolving structure of international relations in the Asia-Pacific after World War II. It argues that the Chinese Nationalist government's lack of sympathy for Indonesia's struggle for independence and its insistence on exercising jurisdiction over the Chinese in Indonesia aggravated ethnic conflicts. Claimed as citizens by both the ROC and the Republic of Indonesia but protected by neither, the ethnic Chinese in Indonesia exercised their own agency by organizing self-defense forces in collaboration with the Dutch or turning to support the Indonesian nationalists. While the Chinese Nationalists could rely on formal institutions in Indonesia, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) established its support base through an informal web of personal connections centered on left-leaning writers, teachers, and journalists who migrated from Mainland China. These left-wing intellectuals inspired a generation of ethnic Chinese youth and motivated them to engage in politics.
The Communal Battle between the Red and the Blue
Authors: Zhou Taomo
Published: May 2020

This chapter illustrates the complex issue of citizenship facing the ethnic Chinese as well as the raging competition between pro-Beijing and pro-Taipei factions in the diasporic community. By signing the 1955 Sino-Indonesian Dual Nationality Treaty, Beijing hoped to encourage the assimilation of the ethnic Chinese in Indonesia and clear the way for the future development of bilateral relations. The treaty marked two fundamental changes. First, Beijing announced that Chinese nationality could no longer be inherited indefinitely and unconditionally through the law of blood. Second, Jakarta no longer automatically recognized all local-born Chinese as Indonesian citizens. Instead, individuals had to take active legal action to acquire Indonesian citizenship if they desired to do so. Yet, due to misinformation, the shortage of legal services, and the inefficiency of Indonesian bureaucracy, hundreds of thousands of ethnic Chinese lost their Indonesian citizenship even though they planned to continue living in Indonesia. Moreover, despite Beijing calling upon the ethnic Chinese to “correct the deep-rooted feelings of racial superiority” and not to regard opting for Indonesian citizenship as “losing face,” many still purposefully repudiated Indonesian citizenship. The chapter then looks at how the pro-People's Republic of China bloc launched aggressive attacks against their pro-Republic of China rivals for control over Chinese-language media, civic associations, and Chinese-medium schools.
Mass Immunization in East Asia and Global Health, 1960–80
Authors: Brazelton Mary Augusta
Published: May 2020

This chapter investigates the role of mass immunization in Chinese medical diplomacy programs during the 1960s and 1970s. While most scholarship has stressed the influence of barefoot doctor and other paraprofessional training programs in the emergence of the People's Republic of China (PRC) as a global model for rural health services, mass immunization programs in China had measurable results—in terms of lowered incidence of disease—that helped legitimize these training efforts and the nation's program of rural health care more broadly. Ultimately, the global popularization of Chinese public health was a consequence of regional competition within East Asia. During the Cold War era, the PRC used medical aid to foreign countries to compete for power and influence with the Republic of China on Taiwan, where institutions and personnel that the Nationalist Party brought to the island after 1948 built upon practices established during the period of Japanese colonial rule (1895–1945). The involvement of Taiwan in medical diplomacy reflected the expansionist agendas of its Western allies in the Cold War as well as competition with the PRC for recognition as the legitimate government of mainland China.
Epilogue
Authors: Brazelton Mary Augusta
Published: May 2020

This epilogue discusses that by the end of the socialist period in 1978, a new generation of immunologists and bacteriologists was beginning to rise to prominence, although the Cultural Revolution had broadly impeded and delayed education in this field. Many founding figures in modern Chinese immunology were by this time retired or dead. Despite the erosion of many programs that had delivered vaccines and other health services to large rural populations, mass immunization has continued after the economic reforms of the 1980s as a mandatory, regular practice of childhood health in China. A baby born in the People's Republic of China, much like their counterparts in the United States and Europe, is given a battery of mandatory shots by the age of two that provides protection against diphtheria, tetanus, pertussis, measles, mumps, rubella, and other illnesses—and including the BCG and oral polio vaccines. These vaccinations are administered against a backdrop of growing environmental crisis and rising pharmaceutical safety concerns. By 2010, however, cancer, respiratory disease, cardiovascular disease, and other chronic illnesses replaced infectious diseases as the primary causes of death. China's twentieth century thus saw a remarkable transformation in causes and scales of mortality. The establishment of a universal, mandatory immunization system in the mid-twentieth century helped make that transformation, and its surveillance, possible.
Administrative Repair
Authors: Martin Jeffrey T.
Published: May 2020

This chapter describes the routine work of “paichusuo” patrolmen, which presents the theoretical goal of specifying their particular contribution to the city's order. It characterizes the unique professional competence of patrolmen as a kind of “administrative repair” that deploys the power of inscription to facilitate the political processes by which people curate their common world. The chapter also explores some of the techniques Taiwanese police use to do their work. It focuses on the nature of the boundary that sets police power apart from the other kinds of power at work in the city's political metabolism. It also demonstrates what unconventional possibilities the idea of a police power grounded in a political ethic of care might reveal.
Regime
Authors: Toth Stephen A.
Published: May 2020

This chapter provides an insight on the organizational structure of Mettray. It explains that the operations of Mettray was based on a patriarchal conception of the family in which “fatherly” chefs de famille reigned supreme, as inmates were supposed to emulate those who governed the institution. Ultimately, it was Demetz and his successors as director who dominated this “familial” picture, standing in for parents who were considered at least ineffectual if not harmful to the morality of their children. Implicit in the structure of the reform priorities at Mettray was a set of martial values and practices that Demetz believed were core components of a masculine identity. Demetz extolled and attempted to instill the masculine ideal of the French army in his young subjects through the deployment of a variety of coercive disciplinary technologies.
Denouement
Authors: Toth Stephen A.
Published: May 2020

This chapter describes the general condition of the Mettray and the causes of outbreaks of insubordination within the facility. In a report provided by the préfet d'Indre-et-Loire, he concluded that despite the sometimes excessive rigor and clerical spirit which regrettably presided in the administration of the colony, the condition of Mettray seemed excellent, but the moral state of the colons had been less satisfactory. This chapter also describes how colons who comprised Mettray's population during the colony's halcyon days had been replaced by a new breed of offender that was cynical, jaded, and irredeemably corrupt. Immune to the colony's regimented routine, this new cohort not only undermined authority and discipline but also threatened Mettray's very existence. The colony's slow decline illustrates the collision of nineteenth-century reform ideals with the social, political, and economic realities of the twentieth century.
Why Go a Fiji Voyage?
Authors: Shoemaker Nancy
Published: May 2020

This introductory chapter discusses why, despite the negative assumptions regarding the islands of Fiji during the nineteenth century, Americans still went there. Indeed, several thousand of them voyaged to Fiji on merchant, whaling, and naval vessels in the decades before British colonization of the islands in 1874. And more than a hundred Americans lived and died there. From a macro perspective, explaining the American presence in Fiji seems simple. Their rationale was economic: Americans went to Fiji to extract resources to sell in China. Fiji became one leg in the U.S.–China trade and a source of great wealth for the American merchants who gambled their fortunes on it. However, a closer inspection reveals that the foot soldiers of early U.S. global expansion, the individual Americans who ventured overseas, did so for more complicated reasons. An assortment of personal ambitions impelled Americans to travel to distant locales. Their motivations, albeit multiple and divergent, often derived from a desire to be respected by others and thereby attain a sense of self-worth. Their strivings to rise in others' estimation influenced the course of Fiji's history and, albeit more subtly, the history of the United States.
Mata ki Bau
Authors: Shoemaker Nancy
Published: May 2020

This chapter recounts runaway Nantucket whaleman and beachcomber David Whippy's first few years in Fiji as he established himself in the islands. Among Fijians, who deserved the most respect was determined at birth. Turaga inherited their high rank from their mothers. Foreigners should not even have been eligible, or recognizable, as turaga. But since the sandalwood era, Fijians had observed an equivalence between their highly stratified social system of elite men and commoners (turaga and kaisi) and the hierarchy aboard foreign vessels that granted officers more authority and status than common seamen. Whippy was particularly adept at learning how Fijian society worked and at carving out a place for himself in that world. Fijians did indeed grant him the status of a turaga, and by 1834 if not earlier, he had attained the political position of Mata ki Bau, variously translated as a messenger, herald, or ambassador to the Bau matanitu. Thus, in a twist of irony, what was by some reckonings the most barbarous place on earth afforded Whippy social advancement.
Introduction
Authors: Avey Paul C.
Published: May 2020

This introductory chapter discusses the factors which lead nonnuclear weapon state (NNWS) decision makers to discount the prospects for nuclear use and be willing to challenge or resist a nuclear-armed opponent. The NNWS is able to act because it can take advantage of various strategic and material inhibitions against the use of nuclear arms to minimize the likelihood of a nuclear strike. In essence, the NNWS identifies red lines and gambles that, by its not crossing those lines, the costs of nuclear weapon use for the nuclear-armed opponent will outweigh the benefits. The precise strategies available and pursued by the NNWS will vary across cases. In general, though, the more militarily capable the NNWS is relative to the nuclear weapon state (NWS), the more difficult it will be for the NNWS to reduce the incentives for nuclear strikes. This forces a powerful NNWS to behave in a consistently constrained manner, and wars in nuclear monopoly will tend to occur only in the face of large power asymmetries favoring the NWS. This book's argument thus shows that nuclear weapons are neither irrelevant, as some argue, nor do they dictate state behavior. Ultimately, there are a variety of tools available to an NNWS to challenge, resist, and even win limited victories in a war against nuclear opponents.
Iraq versus the United States
Authors: Avey Paul C.
Published: May 2020

This chapter provides a background for Iraqi behavior during the period of American nuclear monopoly beginning in 1979 when Saddam Hussein was officially Iraqi president, focusing most heavily on events in 1989–1991. In an intense political dispute, Iraqi leadership took actions they believed would fall below the threshold of nuclear use. Most of the limitations that Iraq exhibited were due to its own weakness; it could do little more. For Iraq as a weak actor, war with the United States was possible precisely because it would pose such a low danger to the United States. Even then, Iraqi leadership incorporated the US nuclear arsenal into their decision making in 1990–1991. That confrontation is the most important to examine because it involved Iraqi military action that Iraqi leaders believed would invite some form of US response, and US compellent demands did not center on Iraqi regime change. In 1990, Saddam and his lieutenants held their own unconventional weapons in reserve and discounted an American nuclear strike because of the high strategic costs that such a strike would impose on the United States. They also undertook various civil defense measures to minimize losses from nuclear strikes. Fortunately, the Americans had little intention of using nuclear weapons and did not face a need to resort to nuclear use.
China versus the United States
Authors: Avey Paul C.
Published: May 2020

This chapter examines Chinese behavior during three disputes: the 1950 Korean War, the 1954 Taiwan Straits Crisis, and the 1958 Taiwan Straits Crisis. China pursued several strategies to minimize the likelihood of an American nuclear strike. In each confrontation, the Chinese perceived a growing danger to what they considered vital interests. Nevertheless, China did not rush into war in 1950. Mao Zedong, leader of the People's Republic of China (PRC), took several steps—most notably pursuing Soviet support—to help reduce the risks of fighting the United States. Additionally, the fighting itself posed little danger to the United States outside the Korean Peninsula. Though publicly the Chinese sought to downplay the dangers of nuclear strikes to discourage American attempts at nuclear blackmail, in private they took the American nuclear arsenal very seriously. In both Taiwan Straits crises, the Chinese also took several steps to avoid fighting the United States.
The Soviet Union versus the United States
Authors: Avey Paul C.
Published: May 2020

This chapter assesses Soviet behavior during the Berlin Crisis. The Soviet Union proceeded cautiously throughout the period of American atomic monopoly. That restraint continued during the Berlin crisis and is attributable in part to US nuclear monopoly. The Soviets avoided a direct challenge to the United States outside their immediate sphere of influence prior to 1948. From the Soviet perspective, the worsening security situation in Germany in 1948 necessitated action. The subsequent Berlin blockade was designed to exert considerable pressure on the Americans. As a conventionally capable nonnuclear power, though, the Soviets imposed tight constraints on their actions for fear of fighting a war with the United States that would turn nuclear. As a result, no war occurred despite the Soviet ability to inflict a rapid military defeat on the United States in a key area of the world for both countries. Consistent with the framework developed in Chapter 1, Soviet leaders took steps to reduce the benefits of nuclear use for the Americans by reducing the danger to the United States during the crisis and taking steps to hedge against an American nuclear attack.
Conclusion
Authors: Avey Paul C.
Published: May 2020

This concluding chapter argues that states without nuclear weapons have pursued a variety of means when challenging or resisting a nuclear-armed opponent during intense political disputes that seemed to be worsening. The most direct way to reduce conflict in nuclear monopoly, then, is to address the underlying political disputes. Yet when political disputes occurred, nonnuclear weapon states devised strategies around nuclear monopoly. These strategies took advantage of the costs and benefits associated with nuclear use for the nuclear-armed state. The nonnuclear weapon state (NNWS) leaders discounted the likelihood of nuclear use when they perceived the costs of use as outweighing the benefits for their opponent. They tempted fate, pursuing strategies that they believed would fall short of their opponent's red line for nuclear use. The chapter then looks at several common elements across the case studies as the NNWS probed the limits of the nuclear shadow. It also considers some broader implications for nuclear strategy and politics.
How Students Took Leadership of the Umbrella Movement
Authors: Sing Ming
Published: May 2020

This chapter assesses why the prodemocracy parties were sidelined by student leaders during the Umbrella Movement. It also investigates the conflicts between the leaders of student bodies and the prodemocracy parties, which affected the trajectory of the Umbrella Movement. One factor accounting for the sidelining of the prodemocracy parties was that Beijing had largely enervated the prodemocracy parties' capacity in the legislature to shape policies via institutional and noninstitutional components of the nonsovereign, hybrid regime of Hong Kong. The debilitation made the parties irrelevant in addressing public needs and thereby eroded the public's trust in the parties and contributed to their decline, as has been found in many Western democracies. Beijing's engineering alone, however, cannot fully explain the decline of those parties. The parties' conscious choices with regard to positioning and tactics, amid an increasingly divided public, were also relevant to their decline. Indeed, the students' tactics contrasted sharply with those of the party leaders, who mostly preferred to halt the prolonged occupation in order to shorten the street inconvenience and diminish the risk of voters' backlash in impending elections.
Epilogue
Authors: Green-Mercado Mayte
Published: May 2020

This chapter concludes with a reflection on the Morisco expulsion and the ways in which Moriscos read their banishment from Iberia in a providentialist and apocalyptic light, much as Christians interpreted the tolling Bell of Velilla. It distinctly traces apocalyptic narrative of Morisco history as it was lived and experienced by crypto-Muslim Moriscos throughout the sixteenth century. It has shown that many Moriscos articulated their political aspirations in the form of apocalyptic prophecies that promised a political victory of Islam in Iberia, and within the framework of a divinely ordained and impending end of time. Apocalyptic expectations were present in Iberia among Muslims, Christians, and Jews alike throughout the middle ages, but it was particularly from the fall of Granada in 1492 and the Spanish Muslims' forced conversion to Catholicism between 1501 and 1526, that this apocalyptic paradigm took force and became central to the identity and politics of a significant number of Moriscos. In their interpretation, the conquest of Granada was seen as a cataclysmic event.
Reimagining Possibilities (2001–2013)
Authors: Samuels Richard J.
Published: May 2020

This chapter talks about how the world and, in particular, the regional balance of power made comprehensive intelligence reform imaginable for the first time. The immediate precipitant for this reimagining arrived after a conspicuous U.S. intelligence failure one sunny late summer morning in September 2001. This chapter has examined how the civilian and military institutions of the Japanese intelligence community were actively reimagined in the first decade of 21st century. The ruling party and the government all were motivated by shifts in the strategic environment to undertake extended deliberations regarding reform of the intelligence community. This chapter outlines how involved the ruling party and government are on rearranging its roles and missions, introducing and optimizing new technological capacity, and coming up with ways international collaboration might be enhanced.
Reengineering the Intelligence Community (2013–)
Authors: Samuels Richard J.
Published: May 2020

This chapter examines the most recent and ambitious reengineering of the Japanese intelligence community. A revised Japanese intelligence reform started with the 2013 passage of a Designated State Secrets Law (DSSL) and creation of the National Security Council (NSC). Intelligence communities everywhere are in constant motion, and the ruling Liberal Democratic Party's Policy Research Council had already drafted even more ambitious plans by late 2015. But the scope and scale of the 2013 reforms suggest that political leaders anticipated new security challenges by addressing many of Japan's most difficult endemic intelligence problems. This chapter also analyzes how Japan might resolve the inherent tension between enhancing alliance management and reducing the dependence on the United States.
National Interests
Authors: Robb Thomas K. , Gill David James
Published: May 2020

This chapter presents a broad survey of events from the end of World War II through to the early years of the Cold War. During the course of World War II, the United States, United Kingdom, Australia, and New Zealand established unprecedented levels of strategic cooperation. Such cooperation, however, should not obscure the existence of significant and persistent differences during and after the conflict. All four states held different views about the future of security and economic cooperation in the Asia-Pacific. The chapter then contrasts U.S., British, Australian, and New Zealand national interests as well as regional objectives in the Asia-Pacific to show that postwar relations between all four states were not always conducive to future cooperation. Indeed, differences in national interests, military capabilities, economic preferences, domestic-political contexts, and security concerns repeatedly undermined cooperation in the Asia-Pacific. These competing national interests would come to weaken and confuse their response to the rising Communist challenge in the Asia-Pacific.
A Negotiated Alliance
Authors: Robb Thomas K. , Gill David James
Published: May 2020

This chapter examines the Australia, New Zealand, and United States Security Treaty (ANZUS). United States policymakers increasingly recognized the importance of Japan in the Cold War. Indeed, the Truman administration concluded that the recovery of Japan was strategically and economically essential for the security of the Asia-Pacific region. Imperative to achieving such ambitions was ending formal occupation by Allied forces and providing a Japanese peace treaty that would allow for its full economic and industrial recovery. However, U.S. plans encountered considerable opposition. The United Kingdom, Australia, and New Zealand resented a new commercial challenger in the region and feared a Japanese military revival. As all were signatories to the Japanese instruments of surrender, their support was essential to secure the two-thirds majority required to end formal occupation. The United States' desire for a Japanese peace treaty provided Australia and New Zealand with the opportunity to push for their longtime goal of a security treaty with the United States. Following negotiations, the ANZUS Treaty emerged in February of 1951. The United States, however, excluded the United Kingdom from this newly formed security pact. Washington also brushed aside London's efforts at drafting its own Japanese peace treaty, instead pushing forward a more lenient agreement that largely reflected U.S. wishes.
An Unwelcome Ally
Authors: Robb Thomas K. , Gill David James
Published: May 2020

This chapter details how, following the arrival of a new U.S. administration in 1953, the British government resumed its efforts to improve its position in the Asia-Pacific. The United Kingdom again sought membership in the ANZUS Treaty but also offered an alternative in the form of a Pacific security pact. This larger alliance would provide a more comprehensive global defense umbrella that would allow the British government to continue to prioritize the defense of its preferred regions. The United States rejected such proposals, fearing that any Pacific security pact would inevitably involve greater contributions to the region and risked drawing it into the defense of other territories. United States policymakers and diplomats again used the concept of race to defend British exclusion, however, rather than stressing strategic or economic concerns. In contrast to the events of the preceding year, the United States reacted more forcefully against British efforts and adopted rougher diplomacy with Australia and New Zealand. Formal cooperation between all four powers in the Asia-Pacific looked unlikely by the close of 1953.
The World before (and Shortly after) Wharton
Authors: Conn Steven
Published: May 2020

This chapter examines why educational leaders and businessmen in the United States thought it was a good idea to establish business schools in the first place. The answer often offered at the time was that American business itself had grown so big and complex by the turn of the twentieth century that a new university-level education was now required for the new world of managerial work. However, the more powerful rationale was that businessmen wanted the social status and cultural cachet that came with a university degree. The chapter then looks at the Wharton School of Finance and Economy at the University of Pennsylvania, which was founded in 1881 and became the first business school in the United States. All of the more than six hundred business schools founded in the nearly century and a half since descend from Wharton.
Teach the Children … What?
Authors: Conn Steven
Published: May 2020

This chapter discusses how, having decided to open collegiate business schools, universities faced a first-order problem: What, exactly, constituted a university-level curriculum in business? It traces the debates over those questions and their implications. The problem of what students should be taught sat at the fault line that defines business schools in the first place. To what extent should students learn academic subjects, and to what extent should they learn what amount to vocational skills useful to their prospective employers? Viewed one way, the entire history of business schools can be described as a pendulum swinging back and forth between these two. Taken together, those intramural debates amounted to an attempt to define a professional field and to establish, with the authority that comes with a college degree, what businessmen needed to study and how their minds ought to be trained.
It’s a White Man’s World
Authors: Conn Steven
Published: May 2020

This chapter focuses on the question of who has, or has not, gotten access to business education. Periodically, at almost regular intervals, a study appears documenting that women and people of color remain woefully underrepresented in the corporate world, particularly in its upper echelons. Those numbers have not gone unnoticed, nor have they gone unremarked; explanations abound. The first most obvious of these is that the isms—sexism and racism—still predominate in the business world. Those attitudes play out in all sorts of ways, large and small, obvious and subtle, but all with the same result: women and African Americans continue to find corporate America a largely inhospitable place, a club largely closed to them. There has been less discussion, however, about the role business schools have and have not played in training women and people of color for the business world. As the chapter explores, business schools, certainly across much of the twentieth century, cared little and mostly did less to attract those kinds of students. By and large, the world inside collegiate business schools mirrored the world of private enterprise: almost entirely white, almost exclusively male.
Maintaining a Bargaining Unit of Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program (Sawp) Employees
Authors: Vosko Leah F.
Published: May 2020

This chapter analyzes how threats and acts of blacklisting impeded the fair application of the collective agreement between UFCW Local 1518 and Sidhu & Sons. The detection and analysis of the blacklisting of bargaining unit members at Sidhu uncover important “truths” about the management of migration among temporary migrant workers with the prospect of return. Broadly, it demonstrates that institutionalized programs' mechanisms, promoted in the global policy discourse embracing migration management as a means of stemming the flow of “irregular migration,” can impede access to and the exercise of labor rights. More narrowly, it shows that SAWP's “best practices” are by no means neutral, but are instead consistent with the dynamics of global capitalism, producing a race to the bottom in conditions of work and employment. This model temporary migrant work program (TMWP) permits state officials to behave in unprincipled ways that can involve, among other things, defying collective agreement provisions by delegating key responsibilities related to readmission—such as recruitment, selection, and aspects of documentation—to those in the interior and posted abroad. It also illustrates vividly how a labor relations tribunal compelled to prioritize national, and thereby sending-state, sovereignty, can be inhibited in—and even prevented from—implementing and enforcing host-state labor laws under its oversight.