bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Summary
Authors: Rohling Eelco J.
Published: November 2020

Several independent series of observations demonstrate that there has been about 1°C of warming since the start of the industrial revolution. We discussed that there is some variability in solar output, and that these variations may be recognized in records of past climate, but also that solar variability can only account for warming by 0.1°C to an unlikely maximum of 0.35°C since the end of the Little Ice Age. Based on energy balance considerations, we have found that our emissions of external carbon are the main culprit. In response to this disturbance of the energy balance, the climate simply has to change toward a warmer Pliocene- like state, even if we could manage to stabilize CO2 at its current level of about 400 ppm. From discussion of several slowly adjusting processes within the climate system, we now understand that it will take, from the beginning, several centuries to approximate the full Pliocene- like warming. But we are almost two centuries down the road, and warming to date already amounts to about 1°C. The slow components in the climate system will cause continuing warming by another 1°C or so. In other words, we are already committed to further warming, even if we managed to make the massive jump to a zero- emissions society from today and thus stabilize CO2 levels. The urgency of slashing back the current level of annual emissions (10 GtC) cannot be overstated. Every year of inaction brings us closer to the inevitability of a future climate that will exceed even the warm Pliocene state, with global temperatures at least 2 or 3°C higher than the pre- industrial level. If we allow ourselves to reach the Paris Climate Conference’s agreed maximum of 2°C warming by the year 2100, then the further commitment over coming centuries would take us toward 4°C, even if we achieved zero emissions by 2100. That is considerably warmer than during the Pliocene. We have seen that the consequences are grave. Progression toward a Pliocene- like climate state will be accompanied by continued migration of global and regional climate zones and by intensification of the evaporation and precipitation cycle, placing many areas at risk of increasing extremes, including aridity, flooding, and lethal heat.
Quantitative Relationships among the Elements and the Origins of the Periodic Table
Authors: Scerri Eric
Published: November 2020

Elements within a vertical group on the periodic table share certain chemical similarities, but the modern periodic system is not derived purely from descriptive characteristics. If chemical similarities were the sole basis for their classification, there would be many cases where the order and placement of the elements would be ambiguous. The development of the modern periodic system began when it was recognized that there are precise numerical relationships among the elements. Its subsequent evolution has also involved contributions from physics, as described in subsequent chapters. But whereas the latter contributions drew on fundamental physical theories, the ones that are examined in this chapter do not share this aspect. Instead, they involved looking for patterns among the numerical properties, such as equivalent weight or atomic weight, associated with each element. Throughout its history, the development of the periodic table has required a delicate interplay between two contrasting approaches: discerning quantitative physical data, on one hand, and observing qualitative similarities among the elements as a form of natural history, on the other. Both approaches are essential, and the balance that has been struck between them has been of crucial importance at various stages in our story. Whereas attention to qualitative aspects has always been an essential part of chemistry, the use of quantitative data has been a relatively new addition. The time when chemists began to pay attention to quantitative aspects of chemical reactions and chemical substances has been the source of much debate among historians. The traditional view has been that this step was taken by Antoine Lavoisier , who is regarded as the founder of modern chemistry. The more recent historical account is that Lavoisier made few original contributions and that much of his fame lay in his abilities as an organizer and presenter of chemical knowledge. Nevertheless, Lavoisier was able to dispel some of the vagueness and confusion that dogged the field of chemistry as he found it.
Reading
Authors: Selikowitz Mark
Published: November 2020

Specific reading difficulty is the best known, and best studied, form of specific learning difficulty. This is the condition that many refer to as ‘dyslexia’. We will define specific reading difficulty as a significant, unexplained delay in reading in a child of average, or above average, intelligence. A significant delay is usually defined as a reading level more than two standard deviations below the mean for the child’s age (see Chapter 1, p. 5 for the explanation of this term). Specific reading difficulty is, therefore, a form of specific learning difficulty where reading is the particular learning skill affected. Other forms of specific learning difficulty may also be present, particularly spelling, writing, and spoken language difficulties. It should be noted that the diagnosis of specific reading difficulty is based on the degree of delay in reading, rather than on the particular type of errors that the child makes. Much has been made of certain characteristics of children’s reading, such as difficulty in distinguishing ‘b’ from ‘d’, reluctance to read aloud, a monotonous voice when reading, and a tendency to follow the text with the finger when reading. There is nothing diagnostic about these characteristics. They are seen in many children when they first start learning to read (and some are seen in adults when they learn to read a foreign language). The diagnosis of specific reading difficulty should only be made after a comprehensive assessment of intellectual and reading ability, and an exclusion of other causes of poor reading attainment (see Chapter 2). . . . How common is specific reading difficulty? . . . The best evidence for the existence of specific reading difficulty as an entity is given by the results of a study by Professor Michael Rutter and his colleagues, who tested 9–10-year-olds on the Isle of Wight. They first tested the children to determine their intelligence and reading ability. They then studied all the children whose reading was significantly behind that of their peers and found that these could be divided into two groups: those where the delayed reading could be explained by low intelligence and a second group where the children were of normal intelligence and the reading difficulty could not be explained.
Writing
Authors: Selikowitz Mark
Published: November 2020

When David was 12 years old it became apparent that he was having significant difficulty writing. He struggled on, but his writing did not improve and he was regularly having his work returned by teachers because it was illegible. If he tried to write painstakingly slowly he could produce work that was barely legible, but there was not enough time to do this during examinations. David was very intelligent, an avid reader, an excellent debater, and good at sports. He was well coordinated in every manual task except writing, and was physically healthy. No cause for his difficulty could be found. At high school and university, he was given permission to type his examination papers and obtained excellent results. He is now a professor of law. He still cannot write legibly, but has had many papers and a number of books published. He uses a combination of dictation and typing instead of writing. This chapter deals with the mechanics of handwriting, that is, the formation of letters and their arrangement on the page. In contrast with disorders of reading and spelling, such difficulties have received little attention. This is partly because writing is a skill that cannot be easily evaluated by standardized tests, and partly because significant impairment of writing skill seems to be relatively uncommon. Unfortunately, this lack of knowledge means that children with specific writing difficulty are often misunderstood and maligned. Assessment of writing should form part of a comprehensive assessment, as described in Chapter 2. It is impossible to score a sample of writing in a precise way. In practice, samples of writing are usually evaluated by an experienced tester. Three samples of writing are obtained: a passage of free composition on a particular topic, a piece of dictation, and a copy of some printed material. In the case of the free composition, the child is usually given a limited amount of time, such as five minutes. In the other two tests, he is timed to see how long he takes.
Murder revisited: the guilt of Florence Maybrick
Authors: Emsley John
Published: November 2020

Of all the arsenic murders, the Maybrick case is the most intriguing. On 7 August 1889 Florence Maybrick was found guilty of murdering her husband James and sentenced to death, only to be reprieved two weeks later and her sentence commuted to life imprisonment. There are those who believe she should have been acquitted because she was innocent. There are those who believe that even if she was guilty she did the world a service in that the man she killed was really Jack-the-Ripper. That somewhat dubious claim was made in the 1990s with the publication of an old diary supposedly written by James Maybrick. In the furore which followed the trial, Florence was seen as a martyr by two groups: the supporters of the Women’s Rights Movement, and those who campaigned for a Court of Appeal. The first of these saw her as a victim of a male-dominated legal system, and the second saw her as a prime example of injustice which the British legal system as it then stood was unable to rectify. The Women’s International Maybrick Society even enlisted the support of three US Presidents, but to no avail because, unbeknown to them, Queen Victoria had taken an interest in the case and believed Florence to be guilty. Until the Queen died, there was no possibility of her release from prison, although she was set free soon afterwards. Legal problems raised by the Maybrick trial centred on the summing-up of the Judge, Mr Justice Fitzjames Stephens. In its latter stages this became little more than a tirade of moralizing generalizations that dwelt on Florence’s admitted adultery, implying that a woman capable of committing such a sin was indeed capable of murder. (Nothing was said at the trial about her husband’s mistress and the five children that she had borne him.) The summing-up was flawed in other ways; for example the judge introduced material that was not produced during the trial and he read accounts of what witnesses had said from newspaper cuttings of their evidence because his own notes were in such a poor state.
Antimony, the great cure-all
Authors: Emsley John
Published: November 2020

Gram-for-gram, antimony is about as toxic as arsenic but on a dose-for-dose basis it is less life-threatening simply because antimony salts rapidly cause violent vomiting which expels most of the toxin from the body before it can be absorbed. This curious ability of antimony to trigger the muscles of the stomach to expel its contents generally prevented antimony’s misuse as a murder weapon, but occasionally a large single dose did lead to death, as happened to Charles Bravo – see Chapter 10. The fatal dose can be as little as 120 mg, so long as the body retains it. Alternatively, it was possible to kill someone by giving them many small doses, which was George Chapman’s way, as we shall discover in Chapter 11. Antimony is not as widespread in nature as arsenic. It occurs to the extent of only 0.3 ppm of the Earth’s crust, and only 0.3 ppb in seawater, values which are a tenth of those of arsenic. Consequently, the amount of antimony that gets into the food chain is correspondingly less. The amount of antimony released to the atmosphere each year is about 1600 tonnes, most coming from the burning of coal, which contains 3 ppm on average, with metal smelters and municipal incinerators also releasing significant amounts. Over the centuries the amount of antimony in the environment has increased, mainly in line with lead and copper production, whose ores often contain it as an impurity. While the release of this element is of some concern the impact of antimony may have been underestimated. Professor William Shotyk of the University of Heidelberg, Germany, is an authority on antimony and his researches on peat samples taken from Swiss and Scottish bogs show that the level of antimony today is up to a thousand times higher than it was 5000 years ago. Like lead, antimony has no biological role and indeed it is ten times more toxic, and like lead it is a cumulative poison. In Chapter 5, we saw how arsenic can pass through the gut wall into the bloodstream and it can substitute for phosphate in metabolic processes, but this is not possible for antimony despite the fact that it resembles arsenic chemically.
The Emerald Planet
Authors: Beerling David
Published: November 2020

Global warming is contentious and difficult to measure, even among the majority of scientists who agree that it is taking place. Will temperatures rise by 2ºC or 8ºC over the next hundred years? Will sea levels rise by 2 or 30 feet? The only way that we can accurately answer questions like these is by looking into the distant past, for a comparison with the world long before the rise of mankind. We may currently believe that atmospheric shifts, like global warming, result from our impact on the planet, but the earth's atmosphere has been dramatically shifting since its creation. This book reveals the crucial role that plants have played in determining atmospheric change - and hence the conditions on the planet we know today. Along the way a number of fascinating puzzles arise: Why did plants evolve leaves? When and how did forests once grow on Antarctica? How did prehistoric insects manage to grow so large? The answers show the extraordinary amount plants can tell us about the history of the planet -- something that has often been overlooked amongst the preoccuputations with dinosaur bones and animal fossils. David Beerling's surprising conclusions are teased out from various lines of scientific enquiry, with evidence being brought to bear from fossil plants and animals, computer models of the atmosphere, and experimental studies. Intimately bound up with the narrative describing the dynamic evolution of climate and life through Earth's history, we find Victorian fossil hunters, intrepid polar explorers and pioneering chemists, alongside wallowing hippos, belching volcanoes, and restless landmasses.
Global warming ushers in the dinosaur era
Authors: Beerling David
Published: November 2020

Reverend William Buckland (1784–1856), a British vicar and palaeontologist, was the first Professor of Geology at the University of Oxford (1813) (see Plate 8). Charming and eloquent, Buckland was also an accomplished lecturer. His biographer summed him up rather well, remarking in 1894 ‘it is impossible to convey to the mind of any one who had never heard Dr. Buckland speak, the inimitable effect of that union of the most playful fancy with the most profound reflections which so eminently characterized his scientific oratory’. Brilliant and famously eccentric, he once offended stuffier colleagues at a British Association meeting in Bristol by strutting around the lecture theatre imitating chickens to demonstrate how prehistoric birds could have left footprints in the mud. On another occasion he: . . . attracted an audience totalling several thousand for a lecture in the famous Dudley Caverns, specially illuminated for the purpose. Carried away by the general magnificence, he was tempted into rounding off with a shameless appeal to the audience’s patriotism. The great mineral wealth lying around on every hand, he proclaimed, was no mere accident of nature; it showed rather, the express intention of Providence that the inhabitants of Britain should become, by this gift, the richest and most powerful nation on Earth. And with these words, the great crowd, with Buckland at its head, returned towards the light of day thundering out, with one accord, ‘God save the Queen!’. . . Buckland also claimed to have eaten his way straight through the animal kingdom as he studied it and, allegedly, part of Louis XIV’s embalmed heart, pinched from the snuffbox of his friend the Archbishop of Canterbury. He was aided in the eccentric culinary consumption of animals by his son Francis Buckland (1826–80), the celebrated Victorian naturalist and one-time Inspector of Her Majesty’s Salmon Fisheries, who evidently inherited his father’s eccentricity. Francis Buckland lived amongst beer-swilling monkeys, rats, and hares and regarded firing benzene at cockroaches through syringes as a fine sport. Francis arranged with London Zoo to receive off-cuts from the carcasses of unfortunate animals.
Looking on the Bright Side
Authors: Hall Peter
Published: November 2020

Responding is always an invidious business: unless you are in total empathy and sympathy with the viewpoint of the author, you run the risk of appearing simply churlish and grumpy. Of course, unless you believe, like the postmodernists, that there is no such thing as an objective statement, it is always possible to have arguments about the empirical truth, or otherwise, of what someone has written. But many pieces of writing are not like that: they represent what could be called a moral ordering of the world, with which you can agree or disagree according to your own such notions. And that is certainly true of the six lectures in this volume. How, writing for a volume in support of Amnesty International, could it be otherwise? Take two of the lectures, which conceptually belong together almost like peas in a pod, those by Stuart Hall and David Harvey. They are perhaps the best-known British Marxist intellectuals, even though David Harvey now teaches in the United States. And they would deserve that appellation even if they were not occupying a lonely niche, since they are among the very few unapologetic Marxists left. Stuart Hall emphasizes three key features driving change in our urban world: the uneven transition to a post-industrial economy and society, globalization, and migration. He asks: What are the chances that we can construct in our cities shared, diverse, just, more inclusive, and egalitarian forms of common life, guaranteeing the full rights of democratic citizenship and participation to all on the basis of equality, whilst respecting the differences that inevitably come about when peoples of different religions, cultures, histories, languages, and traditions are obliged to live together in the same shared space? This is a good question. But, if you know anything about writings in this tradition, you will know the answer in advance: ‘The promises designed to make the poor complicit with their global fate—rising living standards, a more equal distribution of goods and life chances, an opportunity to compete on equal terms with the developed world, a fairer share of the world’s wealth—have comprehensively failed to be delivered.’
German Teleprinter Traffic and Swedish Wartime Intelligence
Authors: McKay Craig
Published: November 2020

As German forces marched into Norway in April 1940, the German ambassador to Sweden requested permission to lease a number of telephone lines running across Swedish territory. The lines would be used to carry communications between Germany and centres in Norway. The Swedish government agreed—and proceeded to tap the lines. Analysis showed that the Germans were using the lines for teleprinter traffic (among other things). Following suitable modifications to Swedish receiving equipment, the teleprinter signals were processed and printed out on paper tape. The initial traffic was in plaintext. From this traffic, and from telephone conversations, it was learned that the Germans were proposing to introduce something called the ‘Geheimschreiber’— in fact the Siemens T52, known to the British as Sturgeon. The Swedes assumed that the Geheimschreiber was some kind of encryption device. The assumption was confirmed at the end of April, when intercepted text became unreadable. It was at this point that Professor Arne Beurling, the magician of Swedish wartime cryptanalysis (and a future inheritor of Einstein’s office at the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton University) entered the game. Beurling had already played a major role in the solution of the five-digit code used by the Soviet Baltic fleet. The T52 traffic would also succumb to his charms. His solution, based on traffic of 25 and 27 May 1940, led to the emergence in Sweden of what was virtually an industry for the extraction of intelligence from German cable traffic. Curiously enough, the exact details of Beurling’s break remain unknown. He never explained his method in detail, far less wrote it down, and rather relished keeping it completely secret. It is clear that Beurling made his attack on what the British called a ‘depth’ (and the Swedes referred to as ‘parallel texts’)—that is to say, a set of telegrams enciphered using the same key. Depths could quickly be identified from an indicator known as the QEP. Two telegrams sent on the same day with the same QEP could be assumed to have been enciphered using the same key. Depths should never have occurred.
The Campaign for the Common Schools: The Enthusiasts, the Indifferent, and the Opposition
Authors: Nasaw David
Published: November 2020

It was easier for the reformers to secure a monopoly on the meaning and practice of Protestant and republican common schooling than it was to attract or compel attendance at their common schools. The reformers had formulated the solution to all social problems, or so they believed. They had designed the ultimate institution for the socialization of American youth. Their task was now to catalyze public opinion and raise public monies to pay for its operation. It has been assumed that the reformers were the primary agents in the establishment and selling of the common school movement. This may or may not be true. What is certainly the case, however, is that without the direct and continual assistance of their friends, allies, and supporters from the business world, the reformers would have accomplished very little indeed. Though the most effective of ideologists, they were incapable by themselves of bringing about substantive reforms, either in the schools or in any other social institution. As Alexander Field has suggested, “Perhaps it is not Mann, after all, who deserves the full-size statue in front of the Massachusetts State House, complete with the inscription, ‘Father of the American Public School.’ ” For Mann would never have become secretary to the board if not first nominated by Edmund Dwight, a wealthy cotton textile manufacturer who persuaded Mann to take the job and supplemented his salary by $500 a year. Dwight was not the only successful businessman to support the common school crusade. The state boards, in Massachusetts as elsewhere, were chosen from a relatively small group of wealthy merchants, manufacturers, lawyers, and clergy. The lawyers and clergy invariably catered to the manufacturers and merchants, making the occupational diversity on the boards much less significant than might appear. It is impossible to know who the primary agents of reform were—the businessmen behind the scenes or the reformers on the front lines. What is known, however, is that the two groups worked well together, the reformers supplying the theoretical arguments and propaganda, and the businessmen, the money and political clout.
Reaction, Resistance, and the Final Compromise
Authors: Nasaw David
Published: November 2020

The first wave of excitement about differentiated, socially efficient schooling crested before much opposition was raised. The public and professionals, when not adulatory, were indifferent. Even the unions, which might as a matter of course have opposed schooling programs designed to undercut their dwindling role in worker training and certification, appeared to support the reforms. It was only as the reform proposals moved closer to implementation that this union support—and public and professional indifference—gave way to a more active posture of outright opposition. The American Federation of Labor, not willing to be left behind as the movement for industrial and vocational public schooling gathered momentum, established its own committee on industrial education in 1908. Though suspicious of business’s enthusiasm for the new schooling programs, the committee nonetheless asserted in its first report that the reforms deserved the support of labor as long as they were “administered by the same authority and agency which administers our public school systems.” It was not until the close of the first decade of reform that the A. F. of L. began reconsidering its support of industrial and vocational schooling. The Committee on Education, in its 1915 report to the convention, expressed its “apprehension that this proposed industrial education may ultimately give way to an attempt on the part of large commercial interests [to limit] the opportunities of the workers’ children for a general education,” and in so doing make those children into “more submissive and less independent” workers. The unions were beginning to recognize that industrial schooling was not adding new courses to the standard curricula as much as substituting vocational for academic ones. Boys were enrolled in metal shop instead of in Latin; girls were learning sewing but not geometry. The 1915 A. F. of L. Committee on Education report, adopted by the full convention, put industrialists and educators alike on notice that in the future industrial education programs would only win union endorsement when “equal attention [was] given to the general educational studies and requirements of the school children.
In the “National Interest”: The Private Universities in Postwar
Authors: Nasaw David
Published: November 2020

The war came to a close more rapidly than had been predicted. From beginning to end, the alliance of state, corporation, and university fought it the American way. Government provided the funds, industry the planes, the university the bomb. Contrary to those dire warnings, no second Pearl Harbor befell the nation in the months following V.J. Day. The depression never returned. The American consumer—tempted, taunted, and teased by the promise of automatic toasters, electric coffeemakers, compact dishwashers, ice cube-ejecting refrigerators, static-free radios, and brand new all-American homes to contain these items—embarked on a buying spree that knew few limits. By the time their wartime savings had been spent, business and government were well on their way towards fashioning more permanent (though no less foolproof) safeguards against the threat of recurrent depression. Fortunately for the corporations and the economic and political systems whose security was tied to their prosperity, the peace was much shorter than the war that preceded it—or the war that succeeded it. Cold War followed World War, and the economy that had been mobilized to fight the Germans could be redirected towards another set of enemies without ever having to be demobilized. The American people were told that the nation was going to war so soon again not because government wanted it that way but because it had no choice. The Cold War, like the Second World War, was presented as a moralistic, defensive war of “containment.” Still, in spite of the rhetoric, the Cold War was waged not to defend the American way as much as to extend it. Communism had to be rolled back so that American goods and capital could be rolled into every corner of the world. The United States alone among nations emerged from the war in better economic shape than it had entered. The question for state and corporate planners in 1945 was not how to return to prewar normalcy but how best to use American dollars and military strength to pry open the door to raw materials, investment possibilities, and new and expanded markets.
The “Tidal Wave”Contained—Open Admissions
Authors: Nasaw David
Published: November 2020

Through the later fifties and sixties, the California plan was adopted, with modifications, in state after state. The four-year colleges and universities were protected by a rapidly expanding network of community colleges, over 360 of which were established between 1958 and 1968. The national increase in public two-year enrollments approached 300 percent for the decade of the 1960s, close to triple that for overall higher education enrollments. In New York, two-year enrollments increased from 6 percent of total public enrollments in 1960 to nearly 50 percent in 1970. The increases in Massachusetts, New Jersey, and Connecticut were as dramatic, from 4 percent to 26 percent, 2 percent to 28 percent, and zero to 20 percent respectively. By 1976, more than one third of all college freshmen and nearly 50 percent of those in public institutions were enrolled in community colleges. Due in no small part to this rapid increase in the number and enrollment of the community colleges, higher education had come within reach of the 1947 President’s Commission recommendations: nearly one-half of the college-age population was attending some institution of higher education. As the 1973 Second Newman Report—commissioned and funded by the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare—proudly proclaimed, American higher education “by the middle 1960s began moving into . . . [an] egalitarian [period]. Increasingly the American public has assumed that everyone should have a chance at a college education.” Unfortunately for those offered that chance, the system, though opened at the bottom, remained as closed as ever on top. The new generation of students was not granted access to higher education in general but to particular institutions—the community colleges. And these colleges, though presented as transitional institutions to the four-year schools, were in fact designed to keep students away from the senior colleges. As Amitai Etzioni of Columbia University explained for the readers of the Wall Street Journal, “If we can no longer keep the floodgates closed at the admissions office, it at least seems wise to channel the general flow away from four-year colleges and toward two-year extensions of high school in the junior and community colleges.”
Literature, High School
Authors: Macfarlane-Housel Doreen
Published: November 2020

I remember coming home from a party at 11:00 one night. It was spring. That’s when we do poetry. [She laughs.] I glanced at one of the papers I had brought from school that afternoon and couldn’t stop reading until 3:00 in the morning. I was reading with delight! . . . “Mousemeal” is a story of a man’s thoughts as he watches a cartoon with his son. The man sees “the unbridled violence and hostility of the imagined world” and of course, like any good father would be, he is shocked by the fact that his son is amused by something he finds to be a drag, and that the real drag is that the imagined world is modeled after the world that we live in. Mr. Nemerov is criticizing society for its tolerance of amusing violence for children and adults, and I am with him in his criticism for basically the same reasons. When I had finished “Mousemeal,” I found myself remembering a day when I was in a department store and I overheard a child asking his mother for a S.W.A.T. rifle and bullhorn so he could shoot Tommy tomorrow. The child could not have been older than 8, but he had seen enough to want to be like one of his heroes . . . (The above is from a me who once thought that he could never care for kids. I guess it’s in me to be a guardian if I could.) . . . I got papers like that in an honors class in a school located in a town with a large population of both professionals and factory workers. Eleventh grade. Twenty students. Only two people in that class wrote poor papers—two boys who felt that before reading a line they had to go to the critics and copy down what they said. The other papers that I didn’t send you would be considered outstanding in most classes, but these ten were simply incredible. The writers had broken loose from the authority of books and articles about poetry and begun to respond to the works themselves.
Physics, High School
Authors: Campbell Don
Published: November 2020

I don’t know. I guess I’ve always thought students learned science best in the lab. I try to start from the laboratory and go to the classroom, whenever possible. Let them do some observing, get a functional background to base their theories on. Then take it back to the classroom. That seems to work best for me. We have fifty-five-minute classes that meet five days a week, and my classroom and laboratory are in adjoining rooms, so I can take a group from class to lab or from lab to class. I can structure my teaching time to fit the lesson needs. I don’t think there was any one thing that made me believe in the laboratory approach. It was just the way I perceived physics. You explain the natural universe while you’re looking at it. The laboratory is a good place to see what’s going on. In many science courses the kids are supposed to read what to do in the lab manual, do it, and then be graded on the answer. I just talked to a man who in a geology class at a college in Ohio was handed a card with eight rock samples glued to it and was expected to identify them later in a test. He and the rest of the students never looked at the rocks in that area of Ohio in their natural setting and were never asked to think about the geology of the region they had been raised in. This fellow said that he had grown up on the Mississippi River in Illinois, and he had never known much about the place and power of that great river valley except what he had learned from a film called “The River” by Pare Lorentz that was shown in his American history course. In my course the kids walk in on the first day and some are interested and some couldn’t care less. I structure the course around two texts, the PSSC, which was produced by the Physical Science Study Committee for the National Science Foundation course back in 1960, and the texts produced for Project Physics developed by the Harvard Study Committee.
Policy Making in Medical Schools
Authors: Rothstein William G.
Published: November 2020

Medical schools today are being closely scrutinized. Questions have been raised about their educational policies, the activities of their faculty members, and the quality of care provided in their clinical facilities. The concern is due in part to the activities of the medical schools themselves, in part to their accountability for use of government funds, and in part to changes in the American health care system. It is thus appropriate to examine the history of American medical schools to understand how the central issues in medical education have changed and how medical schools have responded to the changes. In this study, medical schools in each period have been placed in the context of that period. Their educational policies have been analyzed in terms of the state of medical practice of the time. Their educational standards have been compared to those of other institutions of higher education. This chapter will develop a framework for the analysis by examining the major issues and groups involved in medical education. The casual reader may wish to know that this framework is not essential for understanding the historical narrative, and that each part of the narrative can be read independently. Because medical education is designed to prepare students for employment as physicians after graduation, a fundamental pedagogical issue concerns how to balance the need to teach students the basic concepts of medical science with the need to train them in the practical skills needed to practice medicine. This becomes particularly difficult when the two bodies of knowledge are as intellectually demanding and as different as they are in medicine. The science and practice of medicine, in their broadest sense, are concerned with the structure and functions of the human organism in health and disease, the causes of change from one to the other, the prevention of disease, and the means of restoring health when disease occurs. Medical science is concerned primarily with the first two of these, medical practice with the last three. Medical practice also involves a social and economic relationship between a patient and a physician. The patient agrees to compensate the physician, either directly or through a third party.
Medical Care and Medical Education, 1750–1825
Authors: Rothstein William G.
Published: November 2020

Medical care at the end of the eighteenth century, like that in any period, was determined by the state of medical knowledge and the available types of treatment. Some useful knowledge existed, but most of medical practice was characterized by scientific ignorance and ineffective or harmful treatments based largely on tradition. The empirical nature of medical practice made apprenticeship the dominant form of medical education. Toward the end of the century medical schools were established to provide the theoretical part of the student’s education, while apprenticeship continued to provide the practical part. The scientifically valid aspects of medical science in the late eighteenth century comprised gross anatomy, physiology, pathology, and the materia medica. Gross anatomy, the study of those parts of the human organism visible to the naked eye, had benefitted from the long history of dissection to become the best developed of the medical sciences. This enabled surgeons to undertake a larger variety of operations with greater expertise. Physiology, the study of how anatomical structures function in life, had developed at a far slower pace. The greatest physiological discovery up to that time, the circulation of the blood, had been made at the beginning of the seventeenth century and was still considered novel almost two centuries later. Physiology was a popular area for theorizing, and the numerous physiologically based theories of disease were, as a physician wrote in 1836, “mere assumptions of unproved, and as time has demonstrated, unprovable facts, or downright imaginations.” Pathology at that time was concerned with pathological or morbid anatomy, the study of the changes in gross anatomical structures due to disease and their relationship to clinical symptoms. The field was in its infancy and contributed little to medicine and medical practice. Materia medica was the study of drugs and drug preparation and use. Late eighteenth century American physicians had available to them a substantial armamentarium of drugs. Estes studied the ledgers of one New Hampshire physician from 1751 to 1787 (3,701 patient visits), and another from 1785 to 1791 (1,161 patient visits), one Boston physician from 1782 to 1795 (1,454 patient visits), and another from 1784 to 1791 (779 patient visits).
Medical Education, 1900–1950: General Trends and Basic Medical Sciences
Authors: Rothstein William G.
Published: November 2020

During the first half of the twentieth century, American medical education underwent drastic changes. Greater costs of operation and the requirements of licensing agencies forced many medical schools to close and most of the others to affiliate with universities. The surviving medical schools were able to raise their admission and graduation requirements, which was also made possible by the rise in the general educational level of the population. The growth of the basic medical sciences led to the development of a new kind of faculty member whose career was confined to the medical school. During the first half of the twentieth century, the educational level of the population rose significantly. The proportion of the 17-year-old population with high school educations increased from 6.3 percent in 1900 to 16.3 percent in 1920, 28.8 percent in 1930, and 49.0 percent in 1940. The number of bachelors’ degrees conferred per 100 persons 23 years old increased from 1.9 in 1900 to 2.6 in 1920, 5.7 in 1930, and 8.1 in 1940. Between 1910 and 1940, the number of college undergraduates more than tripled. Because the number of medical students did not increase, medical schools were able to raise their admission standards. At the same time, many new professions competed with medicine for students. Between 1900 and 1940, dentistry, engineering, chemistry, accounting, and college teaching, among others, grew significantly faster than the traditional professions of medicine, law, and the clergy. Graduate education also became an alternative to professional training. Between 1900 and 1940, the number of masters’ and doctors’ degrees awarded, excluding medicine and other first professional degrees, increased from 1,965 to 30,021, or from 6.7 to 13.9 percent of all degrees awarded. Colleges and universities decentralized their organizational structure to deal with the increasingly technical and specialized content of academic disciplines. They established academic departments that consisted of faculty members who shared a common body of knowledge and taught the same or related courses. Departments were given the responsibility of supervising their faculty members, recruiting new faculty, and operating the department’s academic program. By 1950, departments existed in most of the sciences, social sciences, and humanities.
Medical Education, 1900–1950: Clinical Teaching
Authors: Rothstein William G.
Published: November 2020

The professionalization of academic medicine occurred in the clinical as well as the basic science curriculum. Full-time clinical faculty members replaced part-time faculty members in the wealthier schools. Medical specialties, many of which were rare outside the medical school, dominated the clinical courses. Clinical teaching, which was improved by more student contact with patients, occurred primarily in hospitals, whose patients were atypical of those seen in community practice. The growing importance of hospitals in medical education led to the construction of university hospitals. Early in the century, some leading basic medical scientists called for full-time faculty members in the clinical fields. They noted that full-time faculty members in the basic sciences had produced great scientific discoveries in Europe and had improved American basic science departments. In 1907, William Welch proposed that “the heads of the principal clinical departments, particularly the medical and the surgical, should devote their main energies and time to their hospital work and to teaching and investigating without the necessity of seeking their livelihood in a busy outside practice” Few clinicians endorsed this proposal. They found the costs prohibitive and disliked the German system of medical research and education on which it was based. Medical research in Germany was carried on, not in medical schools, but in government research institutes headed by medical school professors and staffed by researchers without faculty appointments. All of the researchers were basic medical scientists who were interested in basic research, not practical problems like bacteriology. Although the institutes monopolized the available laboratory and hospital facilities, they were not affiliated with medical schools, had no educational programs, and did not formally train students, although much informal training occurred. For these reasons, their research findings were seldom integrated into the medical school curriculum, and German medical students were not trained to do research. German medical schools had three faculty ranks. Each discipline was headed by one professor, who was a salaried employee of the state and also earned substantial amounts from student fees. Most professors had no institute appointments and did little or no research.
Axisymmetric Isothermal Forging
Authors: Kobayashi Shiro , Oh Soo-Ik , Altan Taylan
Published: November 2020

According to Spies, the majority of forgings can be classified into three main groups. The first group consists of compact shapes that have approximately the same dimensions in all three directions. The second group consists of disk shapes that have two of the three dimensions (length and width) approximately equal and larger than the height. The third group consists of the long shapes that have one main dimension significantly larger than the two others. All axially symmetric forgings belong to the second group, which includes approximately 30% of all commonly used forgings. A basic axisymmetric forging process is compression of cylinders. It is a relatively simple operation and thus it is often used as a property test and as a preforming operation in hot and cold forging. The apparent simplicity, however, turns into a complex deformation when friction is present at the die–workpiece interface. With the finite-element method, this complex deformation mode can be examined in detail. In this chapter, compression of cylinders and related forming operations are discussed. Since friction at the tool–workpiece interface is an important factor in the analysis of metal-forming processes, this aspect is also given particular consideration. Further, applications of the FEM method for complex-shaped dies are shown in the examples of forging and cabbaging. Finite-element discretization with a quadrilateral element is similar to that given in Chap. 8. The cylindrical coordinate system (r, ϑ, z) is used instead of the rectangular coordinate system. The element is a ring element with a quadrilateral cross-section, as shown in Fig. 9.1. The ξ and η of the natural coordinate system vary from −1 to 1 within each element.
Sheet-Metal Forming
Authors: Kobayashi Shiro , Oh Soo-Ik , Altan Taylan
Published: November 2020

The stress-state is said to be plane when the direction normal to the plane is a principal stress direction and the magnitude of the stress in this direction is zero. This situation occurs when a sheet is loaded along its edges in the plane of the sheet. In-plane deformation of sheet metal, such as bore expanding and flange-drawing, is an example of plane-stress problems. For out-of-plane deformation of sheet metals, such as punch stretching, sheet bending, and cup drawing, a simple analytical method is the use of membrane theory. This theory neglects stress variations in the thickness direction of a sheet and considers the distribution of stress components only in the plane of the sheet. Thus, the basic formulations for the analysis of both in-plane and out-of-plane deformations contain only the stress components acting in the plane of the sheet. However, the analysis of out-of-plane deformation requires consideration of large deformation, while the infinitesimal theory is applicable for in-plane deformation analysis. Many materials employed in engineering applications possess mechanical properties that are direction-dependent. This property, termed anisotropy, stems from the metallurgical structure of the material, which depends on the nature of alloying elements and the conditions of mechanical and thermal treatments. Metal sheets are usually cold-rolled and possess different properties in the rolled and transverse directions. Therefore, in sheet-metal forming in particular, the effect of anisotropy on the deformation characteristics may be quite appreciable and important. In the past the calculation of the detailed mechanics of large plastic deformation of metal sheets has been achieved with some success by numerical methods. However, without exception, these studies have dealt with deformations that possess a high degree of symmetry, and were concerned with the anisotropy existing only in the direction of sheet thickness (normal anisotropy). Methods that are capable of solving nonaxisymmetric problems in forming of anisotropic sheet metal are still being sought. The finite-element method is one of those methods. It was applied to the elastic-plastic analysis of nonaxisymmetric configurations of sheet stretching with normal anisotropy by Mehta and Kobayashi.