bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Roman Algeria
Authors: Ferguson John
Published: July 2013

One of the incidental advantages of working in Ibadan is the wide variety of legitimate routes between Lagos and London. These have enabled us to explore the Roman Empire in some thoroughness; we have in the past visited Syria, Jordan, Lebanon, Turkey, Israel, Egypt, Greece, Italy, Sicily, Tripolitania, Tunisia, and Spain. But we had long had our sights set on Algeria; only the political situation kept us away. By 1965 we decided that the political situation was settled. In fact our bookings came through on the day of Ben Bella's deposition. Equally when we were there in September 1965 the country gave every sign of being tranquil, and we had a time so thrilling that it seemed right to share it publicly in the hope of encouraging others to follow. For the welcome we received was warm beyond belief, and the Roman remains are wonderful, and wonderfully situated in beautiful country.
Professional Musicians in Ancient Greece
Authors: Kemp J. A.
Published: July 2013

The music of the ancient Greeks, apart from a dozen or so fragments from the Hellenistic and Graeco-Roman period, is lost to us. It is unlikely that we shall ever be in a position to appreciate it as we can appreciate their architecture, sculpture, and literature. We can only conjecture as to the extent of our loss from the high regard in which it was held by the Greeks themselves. From Homer onwards Greek authors give an honourable place to it. In lyric poetry, drama, and dithyramb it was a vital element, and Plato and Aristotle were deeply concerned about its use in education and its effect on character. The music teacher (κιθαριστ⋯ς) provided an important part of every boy's education. In some states musical education was compulsory (e.g. in Arcadia up to the age of thirty and in Crete). Without a knowledge of music the Greek was considered uneducated.
Mycenaean Deciphered
Authors: Stubbings F. H.
Published: July 2013

It was Minoan writing that led Arthur Evans to Crete. In Greek antique shops and elsewhere he had seen certain stone signets, each with three or four facets inscribed with what he felt sure were characters of some prehistoric system of writing (cf. Suppl. PL CLXXVII (a)); they were alleged to come from Crete. After a visit to that island in 1894 to collect further evidence he was able to recognize, besides these ‘hieroglyphs’, a later and more linear type of writing occasionally scratched on vessels of pottery or stone from prehistoric sites in Greece and Crete. In a long article in the Journal of Hellenic Studies for 1894 he hazarded some remarkable conclusions from this scanty evidence: that although the ‘hieroglyphs’ probably concealed a pre-Greek language, the later, linear script might have been used for writing Greek; and that this linear script was a syllabary somehow related to the syllabary used in Cyprus in historical times as an alternative to the Greek alphabet. He was right on both points; but paradoxically his excavations at Knossos, begun in 1900 in pursuit of the origins and history of these scripts, led him gradually farther from the truth. Within the first week of digging he had begun to unearth clay tablets written in what he later dubbed ‘Linear B’ script (cf. Suppl. Pis. CLXXVIII (a), (b), CLXXIX and CLXXX (a)); and they were associated with objects at once identified as belonging to the Mycenaean civilization known from mainland Greece since Schliemann's excavations in the 1870'8. Further exploration, however, revealing the earlier stages of the civilization of Knossos, made it necessary to distinguish a distinct ‘Minoan’ civilization, in many ways a parent of the Mycenaean. Evans saw this civilization more and more as continuous, and as non-Greek. The corollary of this would be that the hieroglyphic script and the two linear scripts that succeeded it (for he now recognized an intermediate stage—‘Linear A’ (cf. Suppl. PI. CLXXVII (cj)—as well as the Linear B of his Knossos tablets)—all represented one non-Greek ‘Minoan’ language.
The Coinage of the Early Roman Empire
Authors: Bond Shelagh M.
Published: July 2013

The first 150 years of the Roman Empire, from the settlement of Augustus in 27 b.c. to the death of Hadrian in a.d. 138, saw the emergence of Rome as a power which in various ways was to influence the future of Europe, the Near East, and the whole civilized world for many centuries. Among other aspects too numerous to mention, a new system of government emerged, and a new theory of the place of the ruler in the state. On the emperor depended all prosperity, from him alone came the blessing of peace, and he was the sole source of victory. It is a period, therefore, in which the emotional and psychological relationship between ruler and ruled is of interest and importance, as it was in Elizabethan England.
Rebuilding in Athens in the Mid-Fifth Century B.C.
Authors: Gomme A. W.
Published: July 2013

One morning of early summer (Pedieus being Archon)—the weather was as lovely as Athens ever knew it—Pheidias was at work in his shop when there was a knock at the door, and presently a slow-moving, deliberate man was shown in.
Some Characters of Athens, Rome, and England
Authors: Ussher R. G.
Published: July 2013

Characters, though not under that title, began like many other things with Homer. A δειλός is typified in Iliad xiii and the Catalogue of Ships has brief descriptions of the leaders of the various contingents. Ajax the Lesser, for example, ὀλίγος μὲν ἔην, λινοθώρηξ,/ ἐγχείῃ δ' ἐκέκαστο Пανέλληναςκαὶ'Αχαιούς. Or Nireus, ‘the best-looking man that went to Troy, excepting the blameless Achilles’: ἀλλ' ἀλαпαδνὸς ἔην, пαῦρος δέ οἱ εἳпετο λαός. Best known, and in contrast to Nireus the handsome, is Homer's portrayal of Thersites (αἴσχιστος δὲ ἀνὴρ ὑпό λιον ἦλθε) with full supporting details of his figure. The physical oddities of Pittakos the sage were emphasized in verses by Alkaios: Herodotos, through Otanes the Persian in Book iii, depicted the nature of a tyrant. This recalls ὁ τυραννικός of Plato Republic iv. 573 c as well as his political descriptions of men and constitutions in Book viii.7 Aristotle also pictured tyrants (Politics 1313b): as well as (for ethics) a χαῦνος, (for rhetoric) a young man and an old, and the germ of the later portrait Character is seen in Thucydides already (Themistocles, i. 138. 3). But the truest pre-Theophrastan Character is that of Philokleon in the Wasps—the lover of the courts, φιληλιαστής.
Musical Instruments in Greek Worship
Authors: Haldane J. A.
Published: July 2013

To learn that the Greeks knew of no equivalent to the special church music of today might cause some surprise. But, in fact, it was under the auspices of religion that their music in most of its branches was cultivated, its character being as manifold as that of the rites to which it was attached. The music associated with, for instance, the cult of Apollo was restrained, pacific, and harmonious, while the opposite character of turbulence and excitement typified that of Dionysiac worship. These were the classical and romantic strains of Greek music. Although the former approaches the more closely to our own idea of the liturgical style, the one was, to the Greeks, no more inherently sacred than the other.
The Technological Weakness of the Ancient World
Authors: Reece David W.
Published: July 2013

One of the major puzzles in the history of the Graeco-Roman world lies in the great discrepancy between its considerable achievements in art, in literature, in philosophy, in mathematics, and in medicine, and its very marked backwardness in most branches of technology. This is less surprising where the Romans are concerned, since, for all their admirable qualities in other directions, they were not a conspicuously original or inventive people. Even in those spheres in which they most excelled, the arts of government and warfare, they made few contributions of their own, and their strength lay rather in their skill at adapting to their own purposes the bright ideas of other men. It is significant that those two simple but important aids to improved horsemanship and cavalry tactics, the saddle and the stirrup, were not invented by the Romans, nor indeed by the Greeks, but by the nomadic tribes that pressed in on the Roman empire from the third century A.d. onwards. But with the Greeks the case is different. They were a highly intelligent people, gifted with a degree of inquisitiveness which made them unwilling to accept without question the outward appearance of the world in which they lived. Consequently in mathematics and certain branches of pure science they were able to make quite astonishing progress. But these intellectual advances were not accompanied by any marked degree of technological improvement. While Eratosthenes in Alexandria was calculating the circumference of the earth, and obtaining a figure that was less than i per cent short of the real one, the world around him was still more or less at the same technical level as it had been since the end of the Bronze Age. This contrast between theoretical brilliance and practical incompetence is great and dramatic, and it is the purpose of this paper to suggest some of the reasons why it existed.
Pliny, the Man and his Letters
Authors: Sherwin-White A. N.
Published: July 2013

Pliny lived in the heyday of the Roman empire, being born in A.d. 62 in the middle of the reign of Nero, at Comum by Lake Como in north Italy, and he lived until about A.d. 112. His family were not of the old Roman nobility but belonged to the second grade of the Roman upper classes, the so-called Knights or equites Ramani. Pliny trained to become an advocate in the courts of civil law, and partly by his talents and partly through the influence of family friends in the senatorial class he gained promotion to the senior grade of the Roman administration. He became a Roman senator when he was about twenty-eight years old, and eventually climbed to the top rung of the Roman public service. So he was in Roman terms a self-made man, the first senator of his family. But he was also a highly educated man; as a young man he attended the schools of the most famous professors of literature at Rome, and especially that of the great Quintilian, whose book on the art of rhetoric survives to show the sort of education that Pliny received.
Cleopatra Rediviva
Authors: Davis A. T.
Published: July 2013

In terms of telling us what the poem is about, the first stanza of Odes i. 37 is rather nebulous. Nunc est bibendum, as a translation of νῦν Χρὴ μεθύσθην, could have been pregnant with meaning for an educated Roman but it could also have been a straightforward way of saying ‘it's time for a drink’, and the full significance comes out only in retrospect. The substance of the whole stanza can be briefly summarized: now, at last, has come the time for celebrations which will include drinking, dancing, and feasting, and the occasion is not without its religious significance. The transitions are carefully contrived: libero, besides suggesting the vigour of the dancing, has associations with Liber, the old Italian equivalent of Bacchus, while the Priests of Mars were notable as much for the excellence of their College Feasts as for their choreographic dexterity; nor is it surprising that a banquet fit for priests should be laid at the table of the gods.
Aeneas' Landfalls in Hesperia
Authors: Mckay Alexander G.
Published: July 2013

Gaudet cognomine terra. Virgil's stories of Palinurus, Misenus, and Caieta, the helmsman, the trumpeter, and the nurse of Aeneas, are aetiological: they are poetic fictions designed to account for the names of the promontories and towns which are landmarks on the periplus or navigation route along the west coast of Italy, between Lucania and Latium, or, more specifically, between Velia and Ostia. The object here is to examine the topography and archaeology of the three sites to determine whether any features of the terrain assisted Virgil to his three aetiological fictions, and to see whether recent archaeological finds may offer any additional insight into the three episodes.
Ennius the Mystic—III
Authors: Newman J. K.
Published: July 2013

These revolutionary conceptions of metre which were encountered in Ennius by his first audience served in the Annales, his most influential work of all, to elevate to a new plane the history of Rome. The word ‘history’ here is important. It is difficult to say in what precise sense the ordinary Greek accepted Homer as history. Certainly Thucydides discusses the Iliad as history, but that is only half of Homer, and even accepting the Iliad with all its gods and goddesses as a literal account of what took place at Troy the listener would be conscious that it was all a very long time ago. But the subject-matter of the Annales was far from being all a very long time ago. Scholars have pointed out that there was precedent in Hellenistic epic for the treatment of historical events in verse, but this is not a subject on which easy generalization is permissible.
Twenty Years of Classical Pheology in Poland (1945–1965)
Authors: Kumaniecki Kazimierz
Published: July 2013

The tradition of classical studies in Poland goes back to the Middle Ages. The first historical chronicle, written in Latin, appeared in this country in the twelfth century. At present Latin is taught in about 30 per cent, of our grammar schools. The course covers four years of instruction, and the texts studied are those of Nepos, Caesar, Sallust, Livy, Lucretius, Cicero, Ovid, Virgil, and Horace. Greek is studied at the universities, mainly by students of classical philology, although its knowledge is also required in some other fields of the humanities.
The Method of Deciding Victory in the Pentathlon
Authors: Harris H. A.
Published: July 2013

At the beginning of the renewed German excavations at Olympia in 1936, a jumping-weight was found with an inscription cut round the edge; epigraphists assign it to the end of the sixth century b.c.: Ακματίδας Λακεδαιμόνιος νικ⋯ν ⋯νέθηκε τ⋯ Πέντε ⋯σσκονικτεί. ‘Akmatidas of Sparta dedicated me after winning the pentathlon “without dust”.’ The last word of the inscription is obviously a variant of the later ⋯κονιτί. Philologically it is interesting because it is the only evidence in antiquity so far found of a form σκόνις for κόνις, which accounts for the Modern Greek σκονή, ‘dust’. The second K may be no more than a slip by the stone-cutter, wrongly connecting the unfamiliar adverb with νίκη), ‘victory’. There is some justification for this belief. The inscription starts with a hexameter. If we possessed the other weight of the pair, we should expect the inscription to be completed on it metrically. As it stands, this is impossible. But if we omit the second K, then τ⋯ Πέντε ⋯σσκονιτεί (with lengthening of τά in arsi) can begin a pentameter or another hexameter.
Homer's Helen
Authors: Groten F. J.
Published: July 2013

In view of the prominence given to different versions of the Helen legend in Greek literature, it is not out of place to look once more at Homer's presentation of Helen. For a fresh analysis may serve to explain more fully the way in which the tradition developed out of the subtle characterization that Homer had created in the Iliad and Odyssey. Homer describes Helen partly by introducing her directly into the action and letting her speak on the scene, partly by recording remarks and opinions about her, and partly by drawing contrasts with other characters.
Latin Prose
Authors: Shaw-Smith R.
Published: July 2013

Magna est his temporibus exorta inter doctos controversia num debeat is qui linguae Latinae discendae studet ex Anglica in Latinam posse vertere. Alteri contendunt in versione positam esse vim totam huius disciplinae: vertendo enim et intellegentiae vires augeri et accuratam Latinitatis notitiam comparari; excellere autem eum demum qui Ciceronem quam maxime referat. Alteri contra sic esse rem gerendam negant: per istius modi versiones minimum provenire utilitatis, plurimum autem temporis sine fructu perire; praestare antiques legere deque lectis disputare, quod sit nostris temporibus accommodatius et ad iuventutem erudiendam magis idoneum.
Otium
Authors: Laidlaw W. A.
Published: July 2013

The Romans have always been regarded as a rugged and energetic people. Originally farmers and fighters, they established a world-empire. It must therefore strike many people as curious that the Latin word indicating business, negotium, is primarily of negative connotation; it indicates the lack of leisure, leisure being semantically prior. The word otium itself, like many Latin abstract terms, bears many meanings, some relevant to the conditions of the time.
Homeric Qualities in the Life and Literature of the Great Blasket Island
Authors: Luce J. V.
Published: July 2013

In the ten years between 1929 and 1939 three remarkable books were produced in a tiny Irish-speaking community of less than one hundred and fifty people living on the Great Blasket, an island off the south-west coast of Kerry. The authors, two men and a woman, were peasants, eking out a scanty living by farming and fishing. They were technically literate in that they had acquired the rudiments of reading and writing at the island school, but for all practical purposes their culture was oral. They certainly had neither opportunity nor inclination for book-reading. Yet out of the resources of their oral culture they produced works of a high literary standard, one of which has (in translation) achieved the status of a ‘World's Classic’.
The Starting-Gate for Chariots a Postscript
Authors: Harris H. A.
Published: July 2013

Pliny the Elder, enumerating the different varieties of chalk, writes, ‘Vilissima qua circum praeducere ad victoriae notam … instituerunt maiores’ (NH xxxv. 47. 199). The Loeb translator gives: ‘The most inferior kind is the one which our ancestors made it the

practice to use for tracing the line indicating victory in circus-races.’ If Pliny meant no more than ‘to mark out the winning-line in the circus’, he seems to have used a curiously clumsy way of expressing it, ‘to mark out the circus at the winning-line’. Elsewhere he uses praeducere more straightforwardly. When he is describing how channels were constructed in mountainous country to bring water to mines, he says that workmen, hanging in cradles from the top of precipices, ‘lineas itineri praeducunt’, ‘mark lines for the route’. We might then have expected him to write, ‘In circo praeducere victoriae notam’, had that been his meaning. If, however, lanes were marked on the track from the carceres to Cassiodorus' ‘break-line’ (Fig. 1), Pliny's expression is justified, ‘to mark out the circus near the winning-line’. The winning-line may have been the same as the break-line, or it may have been level with the meta (A–B, Fig. 1). Pliny's words are equally suitable in either case, as the lanes were at the same end of the circus as the winning-post and near it.
Horace's Virgil
Authors: Moritz L. A.
Published: July 2013

This is the somewhat surprising moral drawn by Horace, in the twelfth poem of the fourth book of Odes (lam verts comites), from an idyllic description of spring, which includes the nesting of the unhappy bird that weeps for Itys and goes on to an Arcadian scene of shepherds with their pipes. In this ‘thirsty season’ Vergilius, who is addressed as iuvenum nobilium cliens, is invited to join the poet in broaching a jar of wine (but to earn his drink with a gift of perfume) and to forget for a while his usual preoccupations:

verum pone moras et studium lucri,

nigrorumque memor dum licet ignium

misce stultitiam consiliis brevem:

dulce est desipere in loco. (25–8)
Ovid, the Flood, and Ararat
Authors: Ryder T. T. B.
Published: July 2013

In a particularly entertaining section of Metamorphoses i, lines 253–437, Ovid retells the old Greek version of the myth of the Flood, the survival on Mount Parnassus of Deucalion and Pyrrha, and their repopu-lation of the earth.
P. Clodius Pulcher—Felix Catilina?
Authors: Lintott A. W.
Published: July 2013

This paper is an investigation of the rise to power of P. Clodius in the last years of the Roman Republic. Its purpose is to form a judgement on Clodius' own policies and to estimate the political significance of his career. This involves many detailed historical problems. Though I shall suggest solutions to some of these, my main aim is to seek a general interpretation of Clodius' political persona.
The Vestal Circle
Authors: Prowse K. R.
Published: July 2013

In all parts of the world primitive men have always been aware that death and life are indissolubly linked, that the growth of the seed depends on the death of the fruit. Of course this conception is by no means limited to primitives, it is fundamental to a number of world religions, not least to the Christian faith. The evidence that ancient peoples regarded death as a necessary source of life is massive. It is contained in all those stories about dying gods and divine kings which Frazer collected in his monumental Golden Bough and in the more recent studies of Joseph Campbell. Similarly, human sacrifice, voluntary or otherwise, was usually performed to propitiate or gain the support of the gods, especially those of the underworld, and the spirits of the dead. The same is true of many animal sacrifices and offerings of fruits. Unless the needs of the nether powers were satisfied, Death would naturally claim perhaps even more than his due, the living would then suffer, animals and crops would perish—an everyday notion poetically expressed by Horace in his Ode to Faunus.
Vale
Authors: E. R. A. S.
Published: July 2013

John muir became the fifth editor of this journal in 1964. He had been educated at Newbury (an ancient foundation from which there had emerged a long series of classical scholars) and at Keble College, Oxford. There followed some years of teaching at Public and Grammar School before he was appointed a Lecturer at King's College, London. So far he had little or no experience of the duties, and trials, of editorship, but he did bring to the task outstanding qualities, which soon proved that a worthy successor to Geoffrey Hooker had been found. In fact, Muir has left his own mark on Greece & Rome. Now, after six fruitful years, the pressure of work as a University teacher, as well as his own researches and—far more important—the ties of family (he and Mrs. Muir have three fine sons) have made it necessary for him to resign. We shall remember him for his scholarly approach, his modesty and a charming sense of humour—a virtue not always evident in a literary critic (which of course he had to become). He has earned the gratitude of us all. We wish him well.
Boni Atque Improbi
Authors: Lacey W. K.
Published: July 2013

Boni and improbi are political words. Political words change their meanings—as we all very well know today—but they also have histories, which suggest basic, fundamental value-judgements, and whose use reveals as much about the user as about the object to which he refers.
The Caspian Gates
Authors: Standish J. F.
Published: July 2013

The exact situation of this historic opening within the compass of the Elburz mountains has long been in dispute among travellers and scholars, so a fresh review of the evidence is not untimely.
Catullan Otiosi: The Lover and the Poet
Authors: Segal Charles
Published: July 2013

Discussions of otium in Catullus concentrate, naturally enough, on poem 51. The role of otium in poem 50 has, in consequence, been neglected. It is the point of this paper to show that 50 is far more than an amusing Gelegenheitsgedicht and that 50 and 51, whether or not intended by Catullus to stand in this order, shed light on one another through a complementary conception of otium.
Symbol and Contrast in the Aeneid
Authors: Eichholz D. E.
Published: July 2013

Interpreting the Aeneid in terms of symbols is nowadays a fashionable and respectable procedure. It can also be highly dangerous, as some of its practitioners frankly admit. For example, Michael C. J. Putnam writes: ‘Any attempt, however sympathetic and careful, to delineate or clarify a poet's special, often private, symbolism, is subject to many hazards. I am not unaware of the difficulties of moving over a terrain wherein the already subtle boundary-line which separates critic from creator grows dimmer still.’ A sterner warning comes from Robert A. Brooks at the beginning of his article on the Golden Bough: ‘The oak-spirit and the King of the Wood, the mistletoe and the Queen of the Dead are all impressive concepts. But if the “real meaning” of the golden bough lies in these or near them, then Vergil must be considered an artist after the fashion of the late David Belasco, who painted the back of his stage sets as well as the front. What is happening on the stage or in the poem we may suspect to be illusory or subsidiary; the real action may be taking place in the carefully prepared but invisible recesses of the scene, approachable only by those who have a pass backstage. This is not Vergil's method …’ The warning should be heeded, even though the writer is citing an extreme case.
The Starting-Gate for Chariots at Olympia
Authors: Harris H. A.
Published: July 2013

In 1797 Ennius Quirinus Visconti declared that the starting-gate (aphesis) at Olympia, described by Pausanias, had caused more crashes among modern antiquaries than ever the turning-posts did among the charioteers whom in its heyday it launched on their course; the intervening 170 years have lengthened the tale of academic disasters. But even at the risk of adding to the pile-up of reputations it seems legitimate to attempt another investigation of the subject. The moment is opportune, now that experiments are being made in the use of starting-stalls for horses on British race-courses.
The Structure of Juvenal's Eleventh Satire
Authors: McDevitt A. S.
Published: July 2013

The ostensible subject of this Satire is an invitation to dinner extended by Juvenal to his friend Persicus, with a description of the proposed menu, which gives rise to comments drawing an unfavourable comparison between Juvenal's meal and the prevalent dining habits of his day. In his justly famous study Professor Highet accepts this ostensible subject at its face value as the real subject of the Satire—his chapter on it is entitled ‘Dinner at Home’ (ch. 20)—and on p. 279, note 3, he tabulates the structure of the Satire as follows:

(a) lines 1–55: introductory chat.

(b) lines 56–63: the invitation.

(c) lines 64–89: the food (with reflections on old Roman manners).

(d) lines 90–135: the furniture and dishes (with reflections on manners old and new).

(e) lines 136–61: the servants and the wine.

(f) lines 162–82: the entertainment.

(g) lines 183–208: conclusion, the preliminary relaxation and comfortable bath.
Scyllias: Diving in Antiquity
Authors: Frost Frank J.
Published: July 2013

When Xerxes' fleet encountered a violent storm and was shattered against the seaward flank of Mount Pelion, much of the treasure that had been lost in the wreckage was recovered by Scyllias of Scione, the best diver of his day. He and many of his fellow citizens had been impressed into service as the Persian armada came by the Chalcidic peninsula, but he later escaped to the Greeks waiting at Artemisium. By the time of Herodotus, a half-century or so later, it was being claimed that he had dived into the sea at Aphetae and not come up until he had reached Artemisium eight miles away. ‘Many other tales are told of this man, some lies, some true,’ said Herodotus (viii. 8), ‘but in my opinion, he came by boat.’
Ignoscas Petimus, Vacerra
Authors: Levens R. G. C.
Published: July 2013

In the Special Paper of the Oxford and Cambridge Board's A Level examination in Latin last summer (1970) I tried the experiment of setting, as an appendage to a longer unseen from Martial, a quatrain which candidates were invited to translate into either prose or verse. The response was gratifying: out of 200 candidates offering the paper, close on one-third produced versions incorporating at least one pair of rhymes; there were also some attempts at unrhymed verse, but only a few of these had a pattern which effectively distinguished them from prose. Considering that this was an exercise claiming only a tiny fraction of a three-hour session, the number of candidates who both grasped the point of the epigram and showed some wit in versifying it was quite sufficient to mark the experiment as a success.
The Trojan Horse in Classical Art
Authors: Sparkes B. A.
Published: July 2013

The Trojan War has been perennially interesting, whether study centres on works of imaginative literature such as the epic poems of Homer and Virgil, the historical situation which provided the subject for those poems, the Bronze Age world of Troy and Mycenae which formed a background to the war, or the post-classical reworking of the material in the medieval Troy romances, Shakespeare, or Giraudoux. As well as supplying writers with incidents and episodes, the story of the war has given to artists a seemingly inexhaustible supply of themes on which their fancy feeds. A great proportion of Greek and Roman art can be connected with legends that stem from the Trojan War, and the whole complex of myths and history has proved a potent source for later artists. The theme chosen here is that of the Trojan Horse, and we shall look at some ways in which artists in antiquity viewed the incident.
Taking Liberties with Horace: Some Practical Considerations on Translation
Authors: Mathewson R.
Published: July 2013

Horace is a professional; and professionalism is not a marked feature of English lyric poetry: we think of Blake rather than Ben Jonson, of Shelley rather than Tennyson, and look less for perfection of form than individuality of content: personal revelation, a message of revolt, or esoteric symbolism. Moreover we tend today to distrust formality, in poetry as elsewhere, and to identify it with insincerity. ‘Scilicet vere quod placet ut non acriter elatrem!’ Provided sincerity is present, we are prepared to endure any amount of tedious revelation of the inmost trivialities of uninteresting minds, and the cruder the expression, the firmer the guarantee of sincerity. Strict and complex forms impose restrictions on a poet's utterance, and thus render his thought suspect.
Knemon's Hamartia
Authors: Anderson Michael
Published: July 2013

In a recent article on Menander, Professor Arnott acknowledges his debt to the conclusions of the late Armin Schäfer with regard to the construction of the Dyskolos. Schäfer's theory, briefly stated, is that Menander was faced in this play with the problem of combining two different themes—the romantic love-interest (involving Sostratos and Knemon's daughter) demanded of New Comedy, and a character-study of the misanthropic Knemon. Menander comes near to a solution, argues Schäfer, but these two elements are basically irreconcilable, and the play consequently fails to achieve complete unity of action. In the following pages I shall try to show that the conflict between the two sides of the play is an imaginary one (created in our minds, perhaps, by our knowledge of the lines along which ‘comedy of intrigue’ and ‘comedy of manners’ subsequently developed), and that the carefully integrated plot reflects a unity of theme in the comedy as a whole.
Vale
Authors: T. W. M.
Published: July 2013

Patient and unobtrusive service, faithfully rendered year by year, often by reason of its very familiarity receives less than its merited meed of recognition, but we are happy here to pay all honour to one of the editors of Greece & Rome, who, after twenty-five years' loyal service to this journal, must now on medical advice relinquish his post. A glance at the list of books reviewed, for example, in one year in vol. xvii, numbering 102 in all, is eloquent testimony to the impressive role so long sustained by the man to whom we gratefully dedicate this issue, Mr. E. R. A. Sewter. His many brief reviews, while making their point, have ever given illumination to senior scholars, schoolmasters, and others, who sought to know more of some classical publication than its title might well convey. A measure of Mr. Sewter's quality is to be seen in the gap he leaves behind him. Scarce twelve men nowadays could sustain the weight this rugged Ajax so lightly wielded. Mr. Sewter, as he withdraws into retirement, takes with him the gratitude, not only of the Press and Editorial Board, but also of the vast number of his readers who have benefited from his services. Once more we are given occasion to reflect upon that grand Shakespearian phrase—‘The constant service of the antique world’.
Cicero'sPhilarchiaand Marius
Authors: Lavery Gerard B.
Published: July 2013

Inhis biography of Cicero, Plutarch quotes from Augustus an admission that the future emperor had once made use of Cicero's lover of power (philarchia) by offering to support the orator for a second consulship in return for Cicero's help. This incident allegedly dates from the period after Caesar's death when Octavian feared that he would otherwise be left without political support.
The Change of Plan in theDoloneia
Authors: Gaunt D. M.
Published: July 2013

Atthe end ofIliadix we see the Achaeans confined in their camp by the Trojans. Under cover of darkness they hold a council of war, at which Nestor suggests (x. 204 ff.) the need for a reconnaissance to discover the Trojan intentions: this idea had also occurred to Menelaus earlier (37–8). It may be done either by ‘cutting out’ some enemy on the edge of the sleeping army (the word used is ⋯σχατόωντα, 206), or by overhearing a conversation (φ⋯μις, 207) which may give information. There is no suggestion of any further exploit, for the Achaeans are hard-pressed and at this moment it is information which they chiefly need. Nestor suggests that the exploit will bring much glory; there will also be a substantial reward. Diomedes volunteers to undertake the task, and selects Odysseus as his companion: others also volunteer, but Diomedes feels that Odysseus' cunning makes him the most suitable choice. When they set off, Athene, well disposed as always towards her favourite, sends them a good omen (274). Both men offer prayers to her for success; Diomedes also promises a sacrifice if all goes well. Odysseus in his prayer expresses the hope that they will return ‘after accomplishing a fine deed’ (ῥέξαντας μέγα ἔργον, 282). This phrase may be significant, for the attentive reader will ask himself whether the exploit as planned does really merit such a description.
Thucydides and the Uses of History
Authors: Percival John
Published: July 2013

The question ‘Is History an art or a science?’ will be familiar to anyone who has answered more than a handful of General Papers, and it is tempting to think of it, not as a real question, but as a sort of logical puzzle, rather on the lines of ‘Is a tomato a fruit or a vegetable?’ To set it aside, however, or to answer it on a purely theoretical level, is to disregard a problem which is as old as History itself and which concerns historians now perhaps more than at any other time. Is History subjective ? Must it necessarily reflect the ideas and values and conceptual framework of those who write it ? Is the historian by his very nature a distorting medium? Or is this merely an excuse that historians themselves have invented? Is it possible, after all, to be objective ? Are there such things as historical facts, and is it possible so to arrange these facts that they speak for themselves and not with a voice from another and alien age ? Behind these questions, and to some extent bound up with them, there is, of course, another: if History is subjective, is this necessarily bad, and if it could be objective would this be desirable?
Per Lancem Et Licium: A Note
Authors: Maxwell-Stuart P. G.
Published: July 2013

Detection of theft ‘by plate and girdle’ was one of the odder Roman customs and has never been explained satisfactorily. It appears that when a theft had taken place, a man could be called in to search the house for clues or stolen property. He wore only alicium, a small belt round his waist, so that he could not be suspected of bringing into the house articles which he could then claim were stolen—in modern parlance, ‘plant evidence’. He also held in front of his face a plate (lanx) so that he would not be recognized by the women of the household (Gaius,Institutes3. 192—3).
Blameless Ethiopians and Others
Authors: Gardner J. W.
Published: July 2013

There is general agreement that from Homer onwards references in Classical writers to Ethiopia and the Ethiopians are almost never to modern Ethiopia or to the highland peoples who were the ancestors or predecessors of present-day inhabitants of the Ethiopian plateau. Homer's Ethiopians are indeed almost in the realm of Märchen; gods visit them, or are reported among them when they absent themselves from Olympus; they are ἔσχατοι ἀνδρν, and without fault or blame; and their only human visitor is Mene-laus. But they are not perhaps wholly fairy-tale. Some Ethiopians fought on the Trojan side in die war (under their king Memnon, son of Tithonus and Eos), and the lost Aethiopis, from the Epic Cycle, will have dealt with this. The notorious disjunction of Eastern and Western Ethiopians has a factual ring about it; and Ethiopians might be found in West Africa as well as in East, as Hanno discovered in his voyage in the early fifth century B.c., and in India as well as Africa; for the name, it seems, may be applied to dark-skinned people generally.
Critical Appreciations I: Propertius iii. 10
Authors: Bramble J. C.
Published: July 2013

In the last issue of Greece & Rome there appeared two critical analyses of Propertius iii. 10, an elegy written in celebration of Cynthia's birthday. Here I propose to enlarge on some of the points made by my predecessors, and publish my own reactions to reading the poem. I agree with Dr. Lyne and Mr. Morwood in detecting an underlying urgency in the piece: they notice marks of anxiety and preoccupation with passing time, along with a conflation of the concepts of sleep and death. But neither writer asks what I believe to be the necessary first question: what kind of poem is Propertius iii. 10? Formal considerations—classification according to literary genus—do in fact warrant some of their contentions, but leave others in need of modification.
Presentation of Character in Aeschylus
Authors: Easterling P. E.
Published: July 2013

Everyone who reads Aeschylus sympathetically does so, I should guess, with at least an implicit understanding of the point I shall be attempting to make in this paper; my reason for elaborating it at such length is that it is barely acknowledged in some of the recent scholarly literature, and the new orthodoxy on characterization is in danger of becoming no more helpful than the old.
Critical Appreciations I: Propertius iii. 10
Authors: Lyne R. O. A. M. , Morwood J. H. W.
Published: July 2013

As the first in what is hoped to be a continuing series, the editors of Greece & Rome have invited two contributors to attempt a critical appreciation of Propertius iii. 10. The contributors were asked to present their opinions independently and no ‘rules’ were laid down by the editors. It is our intention to publish from time to time further exercises of this type.
Symbolism in Virgil: Skeleton Key or Will-O'-The-Wisp?
Authors: Richmond J. A.
Published: July 2013

We read in the fourth book of the Aeneid that unhappy Dido, when Anna came to her as she lay dying,

ter sese attollens cubitoque adnixa leuauit,

ter reuoluta toro est … (Aen. 4. 690–1).
Snow and Spring: Horace's Soracte Ode Again
Authors: Moritz L. A.
Published: July 2013

Why is it that literary criticism, at least where classical authors are concerned, must always go from one extreme to the other? Mr. Catlow's article on Horace's Soracte ode is a case in point. Nisbet and Hubbard, in their effort to ‘show how a very literary poet takes over themes conventional in various genres and adapts them to his new idiom’, may have underplayed the originality on which Horace himself so often and so emphatically insists and the imaginative qualities to which his poetry owes much of its perennial appeal. Understandably, Mr. Catlow reacts against this approach; but in his interpretation of the imaginative and evocative qualities of the ode he not merely underplays but altogether ignores Horace's literary pedigree, the lex operis within which Horace (like all other classical poets) wrote, the formal structure of the ode itself, and finally the context of the collection within which this particular ode occupies a prominent and carefully chosen place.
The Imagery of Sophocles: A Study of Ajax's Suicide
Authors: Cohen David
Published: July 2013

At the end of the first episodion of Sophocles' play, Ajax, having affirmed the immutability of his ἦθος, which leaves him no choice but to live nobly or to die nobly, retires into his tent to end his life. Overwhelmed by shame from his attempt to kill the Greek leaders, which resulted instead in his deluded slaying of sheep and cattle, he sees death as the only way to reassert his heroic stature and to prove to his noble father, Telamon, that his son is not ἄσπλαγχνος (472). Many critics have agreed that at this point the audience and Chorus consider him as good as dead and that consequently his reappearance in line 646 comes as a dramatic surprise. What has proved a source of continuing controversy, however, is the explanation for this reappearance, and thus the question inevitably suggests itself: why, indeed, is Ajax still alive when he emerges from his tent in line 646? This question provides the central focus for this paper, which seeks to provide an explanation based upon an analysis of interrelated patterns of imagery within the play, particularly those involving Ajax's sword.
Critical Appreciations III: Tacitus, Histories 3.38–9
Authors: Miller N. P. , Jones P. V.
Published: July 2013

The following is the third of a series which began in G & R 20 (1973), 38 ff. and 155 ff. and was continued in G & R 21 (1974), 165 ff.

38. Nota per eos dies Iunii Blaesi mors et famosa fuit, de qua sic accepimus. gravi corporis morbo aeger Vitellius Servilianis hortis turrim vicino sitam conlucere per noctem crebris luminibus animadvertit. sciscitani causam apud Caecinam Tuscum epulari multos, praecipuum honore Iunium Blaesum nuntiatur; cetera in maius, de apparatu et solutis in lasciviam animis. nee defuere qui ipsum Tuscum et alios, sed criminosius Blaesum incusarent, quod aegro principe laetos dies ageret. ubi asperatum Vitellium et posse Blaesum perverti satis patuit iis qui principum offensas acriter speculantur, datae L. Vitellio delationis partes. ille infensus Blaeso aemulatione prava, quod eum omni dedecore maculosum egregia fama anteibat, cubiculum imperatoris reserat, filium eius sinu complexus et genibus accidens. causam confusionis quaerenti, non se proprio metu nee sui anxium, sed pro fratre, pro liberis fratris preces lacrimasque attulisse. frustra Vespasianum timeri, quem tot Germanicae legiones, tot provinciae virtute ac fide, tantum denique terrarum ac maris immensis spatiis arceat: in urbe ac sinu cavendum hostem, Iunios Antoniosque avos iactantem, qui se stirpe imperatoria comem ac magnificum militibus ostentet. versas illuc omnium mentis, dum Vitellius amicorum inimicorumque neglegens fovet aemulum principis labores e convivio prospectantem. reddendam pro intempestiva laetitia maestam et funebrem noctem, qua sciat et sentiat vivere Vitellium et imperare et, si quid fato accidat, filium habere.
A Note on Juvenal 3. 198–202
Authors: Hudson-Williams A.
Published: July 2013

The height of the building in which the fire has broken out, the location of the poor man's dwelling in it, and the relevance of both to Juvenal's sketch, have often been misunderstood. This misunderstanding, handed down from the early commentators, still lingers in such commonly consulted works as those of Mayor, Duff, Ramsay (Loeb), and, more recently, Peter Green (Penguin). These assume that verse 199 indicates a house that has three storeys and that the poor man lives in the third: e.g. ‘smoke is pouring out of your third-floor attic’ (Ramsay). The poor man's inexplicable ignorance (tu nescis) of the alarming events about him, of the inevitable din and commotion, even of the very smoke in his own home, has been astonishingly ascribed by some (so Mayor and Green) to his being asleep. Of this the poet gives no hint; that the fire may be nocturnal has scant relevance.
Herodotos and Politics
Authors: Waters K. H.
Published: July 2013

Herodotos in Book V tells us how in 499 b.c. came to Athens the smooth-talking political adventurer, Aristagoras, formerly tyrant of Miletus; he was seeking support from that city, under its democratic government now a mere decade old, for the revolt of the Ionian states against the rule of the Persian King. Aristagoras had it seems initiated the revolt (though its basic causes naturally had nothing to do with individuals), and it had in theory, if not in actual fighting, clearly broken out. The Milesian ex-tyrant explained to the Athenian demos, meeting in their sovereign assembly, the great economic advantages that would flow from this participation by subsequent exploitation of the rich domains of the king. He also, as is customary in these matters, belittled the military prowess of the Persians (despite the fact that they had in half a century overthrown all the great empires of the known world); also (what may have been slightly more effective) he appealed to national sentiment, since Miletus, and some of the other coastal settlements of Ionia, claimed to be colonial offshoots of Athens herself. With these and other (unspecified) inducements Aristagoras succeeded in getting a promise of support for the Confederates—which shows, observes Herodotos, how much easier it is to fool thirty thousand people than one man. The one man, of course, was Kleomenes king of Sparta, whom Aristagoras had narrowly failed (the story went) to induce to provide support from Sparta. That the story of Aristagoras at Sparta has many implausible features does not affect the situation. Athens sent help to Ionia, Sparta did not, and whatever the hidden policies concerned, Herodotos chose the occasion to make a criticism of direct democracy.
Juvenal VI. 1–20, and Some Ancient Attitudes to the Golden Age
Authors: Singleton David
Published: July 2013

Juvenal's sixth Satire begins with a prologue describing the Golden Age which, for the light it sheds both on ancient attitudes to the Saturnian myth and on the Juvenalian concept of satire, is sufficiently important to justify extended analysis, an analysis that may begin with a reference to a discussion by Professor W. S. Anderson, who sums up the meaning of the first twenty lines of the satire: ‘Juvenal represents man's degeneracy through a double withdrawal: that of mankind from direct relation with Nature, that of the goddess Pudicitia from the earth.’ The age of Saturn, therefore, represents a moral ideal from which civilized man has degenerated. However, Anderson sees a certain ambiguity in the satirist's attitude to the Golden Age, particularly to the women of the Golden Age: ‘The attitude toward the aboriginal woman was ambivalent. She was morally upright, physically uncouth.’ There is respect for her ‘stern moral attitudes’ but a realization that her ‘stern dishevelled aspect is not at all alluring’