bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Wrestling with Heroes
Authors: Dossett Kate
Published: May 2021

This chapter and Chapters 4 and 5 consider how African Americans debated and dramatized the Black hero in Federal Theatre dramas. Chapter 3 focuses on the variant manuscripts of Theodore Browne’s John Henry drama, Natural Man. Written for and staged by the Seattle Negro Unit in 1937, it was significantly revised by the newly formed American Negro Theatre in Harlem in 1941. This chapter situates these manuscripts at the very center of a broader conversation about the problem of the hero that occupied Black writers in and beyond the Federal Theatre Project. In particular it compares the revisions made to Natural Man, with the stage adaptation of Richard Wright’s prize winning novel Native Son (1940). Running at St. James Theatre in Manhattan just as Natural Man opened in Harlem in spring 1941, the stage version was a collaboration between Wright, the white dramatist Paul Green, and the director-producer team of Orson Welles and John Houseman. While Wright had previously advocated for Green’s ‘Negro folk’ dramas when he worked on the Chicago Negro Unit, the two men came to have conflicting views about Wright’s hero, Bigger Thomas. Wright captured their troubled collaboration in a seven-page drama entitled “The Problem of the Hero.”
Free at Lass!
Authors: Dossett Kate
Published: May 2021

The final chapter examines the Harlem Negro Unit’s immensely popular production of Haiti. Authored by white New York journalist William Dubois, white theatre critics attempted to place Haiti within a white dramatic tradition of Black primitivism which included Emperor Jones and Orson Welles’ recent Voodoo version of Macbeth. By contrast, the Black performance community worked to transform Dubois’s racist play into a celebration of the Haitian Republic’s Black heroes. The success of Haiti helped the Black performance community push the Federal Theatre to invest in Black dramatists. On the eve of the FTP’s closure two new Black dramas were being prepared for production: Panyared, (1939) explores the origins of African slavery and was the first instalment of a historical trilogy by Hughes Allison; Theodore Browne’s Go Down Moses (1938), is a dramatization of Harriet Tubman’s life which examines Black agency in ending slavery. While neither drama made it to the stage, centering Black theatre manuscripts, and the performance communities who developed them, allows us to see how African Americans imagined radical paths to the future.
Introduction
Authors: Fry Zachery A.
Published: May 2021

The introduction offers context for the experiences of Union soldiers by examining mid-nineteenth century political culture. During the war itself, officers and men engaged in a spirited and highly publicized debate over the meaning of loyalty. Republicans came to identify true loyalty as obedience to the wartime measures of the Lincoln administration and vigorous engagement in the public sphere, while Democrats proclaimed loyalty to the Constitution and the cultural norms of an anti-partisan military.
Erase Every Devil of Them
Authors: Fry Zachery A.
Published: May 2021

This chapter dissects the effects of Chancellorsville and Gettysburg on the army's organization as well as the army's activity during the crucial 1863 gubernatorial election season. Some Republican officers and men, including many who had led the war of words against Copperheads previously, knew of General McClellan's political positions and already considered him a threat to Northern unity in the struggle. The vast majority of the army still revered him, however. When General George Meade oversaw an effort to collect an army-wide testimonial of affection for McClellan, several Republican officers criticized the move in the press and ignited a partisan controversy. Soon after the scheme fell apart, McClellan endorsed the Democratic candidate for Pennsylvania governor, an act which infuriated the army and disabused many of the general's previous admirers. The chapter assesses the army vote in the Ohio, Maine, and Wisconsin governor races as well.
On Their Own Behalf
Authors: Henold Mary J.
Published: May 2021

This chapter introduces the argument that Catholic laywomen expanded on the changes of Vatican II by exploring shifting understandings of gender on a large scale in the ten years following the Second Vatican Council. The historical record reveals a significant output of written material in these years, written by laywomen, and intended to probe unsettled questions about gender rising in those uncertain times. Despite the official church’s reluctance to reassess its teaching on gender roles, moderate and often non-feminist laywomen used ideas from the feminist movement in the 1960s and 1970s to challenge accepted definitions of Catholic womanhood. In particular, Catholic women questioned the immutability of gender roles, and the accepted and wide-spread teaching of complementarity. They also challenged narrow conceptions of laywomen’s vocation, both spiritual and professional.
Killing Vocations over Wheaties and Milk
Authors: Henold Mary J.
Published: May 2021

The turn of the 1960s marked a time of extreme demographic challenges for the American Catholic church. While the number of vocations to religious life was rising, the church itself was experiencing massive growth due to the baby boom of the post-war years. There simply were not enough women religious (nuns) to staff the growing number of Catholic schools required to educate the youth of the church. In response, Catholic periodicals signaled what they called a “vocation crisis” starting as early as 1958. An analysis of the articles produced at the height of the crisis in the first half of the 1960s reveals, not only the church’s fears at this unique moment, but also its perception of Catholic laywomen. Laywomen were most frequently blamed for causing the crisis by holding back their daughters from religious life. They were counseled to sacrifice everything for the church in order to achieve sanctity, and criticized for their failure to do so. The literature of the vocation crisis reveals common assumptions about laywomen’s vocation and its importance in the early 1960s.
The Problems of Race Discrimination and Sex Discrimination Meet in Me, 1961–1973
Authors: Saxby Troy R.
Published: May 2021

This chapter focuses on Pauli Murray’s contributions to Second Wave Feminism. Murray served on the President’s Commission on the Status of Women, campaigned to retain the sex amendment to the 1964 Civil Rights Act, and cofounded the National Organization for Women. She also became the first African American to complete a law doctorate at Yale. Murray gained employment at Benedict College in South Carolina before moving to Brandeis University where she clashed with Black Power student activists over the establishment of Black Studies programs. Murray also won a teaching award and innovated Women’s Studies courses.
An Unfiltered Dose of the Human Condition
Authors: Reid Jack
Published: May 2021

After a significant drop in ride solicitation during the previous decade, the early 1960s witnessed what journalists at the time deemed a “hitchhiking renaissance.” Young people, the predominant hitchhikers of the era, attached different meanings to the practice. For those frustrated with the status quo and inspired by the Beat novel On the Road, hitchhiking was part of an alternative lifestyle. Others saw thumbing as a thrifty way to get to civil rights and anti-war demonstrations. “Sport hitchhikers” characterized the practice as a pathway to adventure and authentic experience. Finally, some continued to associate hitchhiking with utter necessity. Although there continued to be vocal critics of the practice, the media of the early sixties put forth a more nuanced analysis of hitchhiking as journalists tried to make sense of the era’s youth culture. At the same time, some state and local legislatures softened their anti-hitchhiking laws. Despite concerns about highway safety and periodic acts of violence, this brand of hitchhiking found greater acceptance in American culture because it tracked with the spirit of the times, including the optimism and ambition of President John F Kennedy’s vision of a “New Frontier.”
Strangers on the Land
Authors: Hall Ryan
Published: May 2021

This chapter describes the period from 1781 until 1806. Following a devastating smallpox epidemic in 1781, the Blackfoot established direct trade with non-Native people for the first time, circumventing middlemen who had been devastated by the disease. While many embraced the opportunities for trade, they also carefully structured their relationships with newcomers, repurposing regional traditions of peaceful exchange and ceremony for a new era. At the same time, they deliberately prevented British (Hudson’s Bay Company) and Canadian (North West Company) traders from expanding their trade into new regions, especially the intermountain West, thus securing crucial advantages over their western and southern neighbors. By 1806, Blackfoot people had become one of the most powerful and expansive Indigenous polities in North America.
A Future They Were Resolved to Achieve
Authors: Hall Ryan
Published: May 2021

This chapter focuses on the period from 1848 to 1860, and in particular on the 1855 Blackfeet Treaty, a crucial turning point in Blackfoot history. The late 1840s and early 1850s saw the growing presence of missionaries, migrants, and independent traders in the region, as well as increased conflict among Native people over bison hunting grounds. Blackfoot signers led by Lame Bull imagined that the 1855 treaty would strengthen their position in the region by establishing peace and protecting access to diminishing bison herds. However, U.S. treaty commissioners led by Washington governor Isaac Stevens believed the 1855 treaty would facilitate rapid immigration and settlement and ultimately transform the region, in keeping with growing American ambitions throughout the West.
The Formation of Interethnic Community, 1960s–1970s
Authors: Quraishi Uzma
Published: May 2021

Chapter 3 considers how South Asian immigrants reconciled notions of class and race from India and Pakistan with those of a changing American South. Tolerated but socially marginalized as too foreign, Indian and Pakistani students collapsed their own national identities to form an interethnic community identity, mainly through the university. Through the American Host Family program, a Cold War initiative, students also built an off-campus support network.
Terrain
Authors: Browning Judkin , Silver Timothy
Published: May 2021

This chapter discusses not only how terrain shaped battles, but also how battles and campaigns affected the landscape for decades after the war. Armies utilized high ground, limestone formations, and dense woods to give them advantages in battle, but also engaged in massive deforestation, and reshaped the terrain with fortifications and artillery explosions. The Union campaign to capture Saltville, VA is discussed as a way of denying the South that critical resource. William Sherman’s siege of Atlanta devastated that city and led to a reshaping of its residential geography in the decades after the war due to the search for quality water and high ground. The agricultural practices of the South led to extreme soil erosion after the war. The chapter also discusses the National Park Service interpretation of Civil War battlefields, and the myriad problems with trying to present these landscapes as they were during the war.
The Strike Begins
Authors: Rubio Philip F.
Published: May 2021

Chapter Three chronicles the first five days of the 1970 nationwide postal wildcat strike. It spread from New York City as postal union branches and locals across the nation debated and voted. In the end, almost one-third of the workforce walked off the job. NALC Branch 36 and the Manhattan-Bronx Postal Union led the rank-and-file effort, with prominent roles played by Vincent Sombrotto (NALC) and Moe Biller (MBPU).
The Strike Ends
Authors: Rubio Philip F.
Published: May 2021

Chapter Four follows the last three days of the 1970 postal wildcat strike. It starts from President Richard M. Nixon’s dramatic intervention on March 23, 1970 when he sent thousands of unarmed federal troops and National Guard to New York City as part of Operation Graphic Hand to try to move the mail and break the strike. Strikers across the country ended the strike March 25 on their own terms, threatening to walk out again the following week.
Aftershocks and Postal Reorganization
Authors: Rubio Philip F.
Published: May 2021

Chapter Five analyses the reasons for the success of the strike and charts the rocky aftermath of the 1970 postal wildcat strike with threats of more strikes. This would be the beginning of arguments both within and among the unions over proposed union reforms. The chapter also examines the political debates over the making of the 1970 Postal Reorganization Act (PRA) as a labor-government compromise. The year 1970 also saw the beginnings of union realignment as two key militant unions—the National Postal Union and the historically-black National Alliance of Postal and Federal Employees—were excluded from negotiations in the future USPS.
Contagions of Empire
Authors: Polk Khary Oronde
Published: May 2021

From 1898 onward, the expansion of American militarism and empire abroad increasingly relied on black labor, even as policy remained inflected both by scientific racism and by fears of contagion. Black men and women were mobilized for service in the Spanish-Cuban-American War under the War Department’s belief that southern blacks carried an immunity against tropical diseases. Later, in World Wars I and II, black troops were stigmatized as members of a contagious “venereal race” and were subjected to experimental medical treatments meant to curtail their sexual desires. By turns feared as contagious and at other times valued for their immunity, black men and women played an important part in the U.S. military’s conscription of racial, gender, and sexual difference, even as they exercised their embattled agency at home and abroad. By following the scientific, medical, and cultural history of African American enlistment through the archive of American militarism, this book traces the black subjects and agents of empire as they came into contact with a world globalized by warfare.
We Don’t Need Another Hero
Authors: Polk Khary Oronde
Published: May 2021

This chapter considers the 2017 death of Sgt. La David Johnson in Niger as an example of Mbembe’s necropolitics, and argues that the racist media coverage it received drew its power from nineteenth century discourses of Black inferiority. These arguments were premised upon scientific racism, and held that enslaved Blacks were biologically immune to diseases like yellow fever. The belief that Blacks were immune to tropical diseases continued throughout the Spanish-Cuban-American War of 1898, where African American male volunteers were inducted into Immune Regiments in order to perform grunt labor in battlefields beset by fever. Black leaders like Booker T. Washington strategically used the sacrifice of African American troops in the conflict to claim political immunity for the larger Black community, yet the gravesites of Black soldiers in Santiago belied the fact that honoring the American fallen was a deeply racialized affair.
Communicable Subjects
Authors: Polk Khary Oronde
Published: May 2021

This chapter follows the segregated mobilization of Black military workers across the expanded playing fields of the second World War, showing how the Black body was once again rendered into a subaltern, contagious, and communicable subject of American militarism. Sex remained an important commodity traded within the economies of pleasure created through U.S. foreign military intervention, and the stigma of venereal disease once again justified the experimental use of prophylaxis drugs upon and within the bodies of African American soldiers. Representations of Black troops in military training films vacillated from heroic to lecherous, and even enlisted notable “race men” like Paul Robeson to shame soldiers into sexual abstinence. Yet Black troops encountered a world globalized through technological advances in communication, medicine, travel, and warfare, and this in turn shaped their own ideas about race, sexuality, and citizenship. Their experiences during the war and later in occupied Berlin enabled them to map the contours of a global color line through their military travels, increasing their transnational awareness of colonial policies in allied countries, and granting them a political kinship with the darker peoples of the world.
Introduction
Authors: Bellows Amanda Brickell
Published: May 2021

The introduction provides an overview of the abolition of Russian serfdom in 1861 and American slavery in 1865. It explores how Americans and Russians of diverse backgrounds responded to emancipation through cultural production. They created textual and visual representations of African Americans and Russian peasants in fiction, poetry, illustrated periodicals, oil paintings, and advertisements. A comparison of these depictions reveals striking similarities and differences that show how people remembered or sought to portray serfdom, slavery, and the post-emancipation era.
Radical Literature on the Eve of Emancipations
Authors: Bellows Amanda Brickell
Published: May 2021

This chapter compares antiserfdom and antislavery literature produced on the eve of the abolition of Russian serfdom and American slavery. It studies Nikolai Nekrasov’s poetry, Aleksei Pisemskii’s A Bitter Fate, Martha Griffith Browne’s fictional Autobiography of a Female Slave, and Louisa May Alcott’s short stories. With different degrees of success, these authors used similar strategies to transform public opinion toward Russian serfs and enslaved African Americans.
Epilogue
Authors: Bellows Amanda Brickell
Published: May 2021

The conclusion compares the fiftieth anniversaries of the abolition of Russian serfdom and American slavery in the early twentieth century. Russians and Americans celebrated these occasions through public ceremonies, the construction of monuments, the production of commemorative objects, and the publication of books and articles. In both countries, people expressed different opinions about the causes and consequences of emancipation, revealing that abolition’s meaning remained contested.
Freedom as Accumulation
Authors: Carico Aaron
Published: May 2021

This chapter reassembles the immediate and concrete history of abolition after 1865, from the counter of the Southern country store to the international trade in cotton, as it sorts out the mechanisms of law and arrangements of political economy that chaperoned the tremendous value incarnated in slaves across the gulf of the Civil War. It explains how citizenship for the formerly enslaved was tethered to the racialization of debt and how the legal relations of formal abolition were actually economic relations of credit. This chapter analyzes the legal history of the Fourteenth Amendment and the interlocking forms of theft it enabled, from Southern sharecropping to New York corporations, from the Freedman’s Bank to the U.S. national debt, showing how liberalism is enmeshed with colonialism. Through a landmark Supreme Court case in 1897, this chapter describes how the personhood of the freed enabled the white accumulation of finance capital through global cotton markets, engaging with the theories of Giovanni Arrighi and world-systems analysis.
The Spectacle of Free Black Personhood
Authors: Carico Aaron
Published: May 2021

This chapter examines the aesthetics and politics that inform modes of realism increasingly used to represent Black Americans in the late nineteenth century. Beginning with a trompe l’oeil painting that depicts a Black boy playing soldier (Attention, Company! by artist William Harnett), read alongside sections of Frederick Douglass’ narratives and the mass-reproduced image of Gordon the slave, this chapter also surveys a Brooklyn park that was remade into a cotton plantation as part of the immersive performance called Black America. Each of these texts conjures the “free” Black body as a sensuous object for white consumption. This racialized dynamic is linked to segregation through an analysis of the eponymous protagonist of Mark Twain’s novel Pudd’nhead Wilson and a history of the anonymous subject of Harnett’s painting. Focusing on the logic of realism as it intersects with the ideologies of liberalism and of Jim Crow segregation, this chapter exposes how free black personhood was turned into a form of commodity spectacle.
Introduction
Authors: Davis William L.
Published: May 2021

The introduction situates Joseph Smith's oral composition of the Book of Mormon within the religious and rhetorical culture of early nineteenth-century America. In an extended oral performance, Smith gazed into a seer stone and dictated the Book of Mormon to his scribes. The study focuses on orality, oral performance, and the oral composition techniques that Smith used to dictate the work. The introduction also includes a brief summary of the Book of Mormon narratives, along with a discussion on the academic framework for understanding seer stones in the context of Western esotericism and folk magic.
Epilogue
Authors: Davis William L.
Published: May 2021

The epilogue concludes the study with a brief review of the role of oral composition and oral performance in the creation of the Book of Mormon, along with providing suggestions for future studies. The chapter challenges hagiographic tropes that portray Joseph Smith as an uneducated, illiterate farm boy, offering instead an alternative view of an ambitious young man seeking to improve his humble status and to fulfil his belief that he was destined to become a prophet of God. The epilogue ends with a review of Smith's legacy and how the Book of Mormon remains the foundational text of his movement.
No Sunshine in the City
Authors: Flowe Douglas J.
Published: May 2021

Chapter 1 addresses the ways Jim Crow social and economic customs and policing impacted the way African Americans used public space. By looking at work and housing discrimination and the fact that white and black working-class New Yorkers often lived close together, the chapter argues that public space was precarious, conflicts ignited frequently, and blacks needed to be inventive to survive. The chapter also charts how blacks protested, and sometimes fought back, against hostile neighbors, unfair policing, and police brutality.
Epilogue
Authors: Flowe Douglas J.
Published: May 2021

This epilogue brings all of the concepts explored in each chapter to bear on contemporary issues of police violence, mass incarceration, and economic isolation in African American communities in the twenty first century. It makes it very clear that considering this history, it is possible to understand crime in ailing, segregated, and over-policed black communities as a form of protest, in many instances.
We Are What We Were
Authors: Gomer Justin
Published: May 2021

This chapter explores a spate of civil rights and slavery dramas produced in the late 1980s and 1990s—most notably Glory (1989), The Long Walk Home (1990), Forrest Gump (1994), and Amistad (1997)—against the evolution of the Reagan administration’s position on the federal Martin Luther King Jr. holiday. It aims to deepen our understanding of movies commonly labeled “white savior” films. White savior critiques often miss the deep historical context and intricate role Hollywood has played in anti–civil rights maneuverings. Beginning in the latter half of the 1980s, both Reagan and the movies frequently represented civil rights and abolition as driven by a colorblind white ethos. For Reagan, the efficacy of this position was clear; for Hollywood, perhaps less so. Yet together, the reimagination of colorblind black freedom struggles by both factions proved integral to the growing influence of colorblindness, which had become and would continue to be the driving force behind the dismantling of key civil rights programs in the post–civil rights era. As colorblindness became increasingly influential, Hollywood performed the vital task of reimagining an American past in which colorblind white heroes were at the center and colorblindness was responsible for the abolition of slavery and the victories of the civil rights movement. Together, Reagan and Hollywood’s dramatizations of black freedom struggles in the late 1980s and 1990s positioned colorblindness as an enduring quality of American whiteness and insisted that colorblind logic should inform the country’s legislative future.
Epilogue
Authors: Bennett Brett M.
Published: May 2021

The epilogue re-assesses Alfred Crosby’s thesis of “ecological imperialism” in the light of new scientific and historical findings in order to establish a coherent understanding of global ecological and biological change during the past 500 years. It draws on concepts from evolutionary theory and ecology—including “niche construction,” “propogule pressure,” “vector,” and “invasion”—to argue that perhaps Crosby’s most important point, that Europeans established themselves best in environments where they could grow and use familiar crops and animals, is still correct. The epilogue argues for closer interdisciplinary cooperation of the historical and ecological sciences to explain the biological and ecological reordering of the world in the context of globalization.
Introduction
Authors: McIlvenna Noeleen
Published: May 2021

The Introduction gives an overview of the book’s narrative -- the seventeenth-century English Revolution’s overthrow of monarchy and the quest for more political representation by regular people. While a king was reinstated in England in 1660, poor people carried the ideas across the Atlantic to the Chesapeake colonies. There a network of activists, with women at the center, crossed colonial boundaries to pursue a society founded on equality. But the growth of the slave system would undermine their efforts.
Free the Land
Authors: Onaci Edward
Published: May 2021

On March 31, 1968, over 500 Black nationalists convened in Detroit to begin the process of securing independence from the United States. Many concluded that Black Americans' best remaining hope for liberation was the creation of a sovereign nation-state, the Republic of New Afrika (RNA). New Afrikan citizens traced boundaries that encompassed a large portion of the South--including South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana--as part of their demand for reparation. As champions of these goals, they framed their struggle as one that would allow the descendants of enslaved people to choose freely whether they should be citizens of the United States. New Afrikans also argued for financial restitution for the enslavement and subsequent inhumane treatment of Black Americans. The struggle to "Free the Land" remains active to this day. This book is the first to tell the full history of the RNA and the New Afrikan Independence Movement. Edward Onaci shows how New Afrikans remade their lifestyles and daily activities to create a self-consciously revolutionary culture, and it argues that the RNA's tactics and ideology were essential to the evolution of Black political struggles. Onaci expands the story of Black Power politics, shedding new light on the long-term legacies of mid-century Black Nationalism.
Birth of the New Afrikan Independence Movement
Authors: Onaci Edward
Published: May 2021

Chapter 1 provides a historical overview of the NAIM from its inception into the 1980s. It explains how two brothers from South Philadelphia helped organize a Black Government Convention in 1968. Tracing the birth and early development of the NAIM clarifies how political geography, historical context, and personal circumstance helped shape activism. After relocating to the Detroit metropolitan area in the 1950s, brothers Milton and Richard Henry became community activists and political leaders. Working through the Group on Advanced Leadership and the Freedom Now Party, political struggle taught them the limits of seeking full entry into a nation that circumscribed their political power. At the same time, the Henry brothers witnessed decolonization in Africa, especially Ghana, which challenged them to reconsider the meaning of black liberation. Under the tutelage of people like Malcolm X and “Queen Mother” Audley Moore, they shifted their politics from reform and inclusion to revolution and self-determination. Changing their names to Gaidi and Imari Abubakari Obadele, they called for the 1968 convention. Convention participants declared black people’s right to independence from the United States of America, formed a provisional government with Robert F. Williams as the nominal president, and demanded reparations.
The Fruition of Black Power
Authors: Onaci Edward
Published: May 2021

Chapter 2 analyzes the movement’s intellectual foundations. It uses the theoretical power of the New Afrikan concept “paper-citizen” to explain the various founding documents, including the RNA Declaration of Independence, the New Afrikan Oath, and more. Highlighting the major ideas from these documents reveals several important concepts through which New Afrikans critiqued the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution and organized around their concept of New Afrikan citizenship. Besides the question of citizenship, New Afrikan political identity, Third World solidarity, and the governmental—not organizational—apparatus anchored a significant portion of known New Afrikan activism. Specific actions, such as supporting the independence of Puerto Rico, seeking out political relationships with U.S. indigenous nations, and running for political office exemplify NAPS as a lived experience of ideology. An assessment of those outcomes and the ideas behind them prepare readers for a deeper exploration of how and when NAPS and everyday life intersected within individual persons. The term lifestyle politics captures this phenomenon.
For New Afrikan People’s War
Authors: Onaci Edward
Published: May 2021

This chapter considers the New Afrikan Independence Movement beyond the PG-RNA. It highlights some of the organizations and parties that struggled for New Afrikan independence alongside the Obadele-led formation. Groups such as the New Afrikan People’s Organization shared varying, though similar, interpretations of what New Afrikans could achieve. These included helping to build the reparations movement in America. New Afrikans’ unique approach connected the reparations claim to questions about the Fourteenth Amendment and how the federal government applied it to people of African descent. Another distinction was the PG-RNA’s interpretation of UN language about national self-determination for historically oppressed groups. From its foundations in the RNA Declaration of Independence, the New Afrikan reparations claim eventually made its way into the formation of the National Coalition of Blacks for Reparations in America in 1989. Therefore, this chapter shows how New Afrikan politics have informed certain aspects of the broader black political agenda into the twenty-first century.
Politics and the Patriarchal Order
Authors: Petrey Taylor G.
Published: May 2021

This chapter explores how Mormons engaged with the politicization of gender roles in its anti-feminist crusade against the Equal Rights Amendment and its anti-homosexuality efforts in sodomy laws. Church leaders joined with an emergent Religious Right that was reshaping American politics. These efforts warned against gender fluidity and sought to protect against it in the law and culture, especially with respect to women working outside the home. But Church leaders also began to adopt moderate feminist reforms, including softening teachings on patriarchal marriage to accommodate egalitarian relationships, birth control, and more permissive sexuality within marriage.
Proclaiming the New Heterosexual Family
Authors: Petrey Taylor G.
Published: May 2021

In 1995 Church leaders issued “The Family: A Proclamation to the World,” which codified LDS teachings on sex, marriage, and gender roles. The document coincided with further accommodation to feminist concerns, but increased legal and political opposition to same-sex marriage. Church leaders backed political campaigns with the Religious Right in Hawaii, California, and elsewhere to ban same-sex marriage, at the same time also showing greater accommodation to other LGBT rights. Church teachings on homosexuality also evolved in this period to confront biological etiologies, but remained committed to reparative therapy.
Revolutionary Road
Authors: Reverby Susan M.
Published: May 2021

After a cross-country drive to visit friends, Berkman and Barbara Zeller settled in Boston to do politics and community medicine. Berkman worked with those creating a view of what was needed in radical politics called “Prairie Fire.” Hoping to work as a doctor for rebels in Mozambique, Berkman in the end was told not to come because they had won their revolution, and he ended up in Lowndes County, Alabama in a community clinic.
To Love Each Other like Warriors
Authors: Reverby Susan M.
Published: May 2021

Berkman’s commitment to global solidarity and equality drove his actions through alliances. His memorial service brought comrades and colleagues from around the globe to Columbia to share their sense of his importance in the global struggle against inequality and injustice.
Finding’s Keeping
Authors: Roll Jarod
Published: May 2021

This chapter explains the discovery of lead mineral deposits and development of lead mining in southwest Missouri in the 1850s. Far from markets and transportation networks, working miners discovered and claimed rich deposits of lead mineral in this isolated region in the midst of a national market revolution that made lead more profitable than ever. Their discoveries soon attracted the attention of lead-starved smelting companies from St. Louis and elsewhere that tried to take control of the mineral wealth from the miners, most of whom were white men. The miners resisted corporate control because they believed that the mines rightfully belonged to them by virtue of discovering and developing them. By the time of the Civil War, miners and the smelting companies had negotiated a compromise based on leasing. Miners worked leasehold mines and sold their lead mineral to smelting companies for favorable prices, thus preserving the rights and privileges of the men who discovered the lead, and also creating good opportunities for miners who moved to the area. While the war devastated mining in the region, the companies rebuilt the mining district after the war by reinstating the favorable terms for working miners.
The Joplin Man Simply Takes His Chances
Authors: Roll Jarod
Published: May 2021

The district’s miners faced permanent wage labor as growing zinc-mining companies closed off opportunities for them to develop their own independent operations as they had in the past. Caught between their expectations and a new reality, they found new opportunities that appealed to their tradition of risk-taking work for financial premiums: breaking a strike in Colorado by the Western Federation of Miners. This chapter explores how Tri-State district miners embraced strikebreaking with justifications based on their sense of privilege as native-born white American men. They also justified themselves with a new vilification of unions as radical, foreign-born threats to their privileges that drew on intensifying nativism and xenophobia, and expressed through an aggressive masculinity that encouraged violence against foreigners and radicals. Tri-State miners accommodated themselves to permanent wage labor through the experience of strikebreaking, which they interpreted as a lucrative new way for loyal, white, American men to claim the benefits of capitalism and realize the promise of their tradition.
Red-Blooded, Rugged Individuals
Authors: Roll Jarod
Published: May 2021

World War I made the Tri-State district more productive and profitable than ever before. War industry demand for lead and zinc raised prices and wages, and led to the dramatic expansion of mines in the Oklahoma part of the district. Wartime nationalism also supercharged the risk-taking masculinity of the district’s miners who asserted their racist claims to the piece rate with new fervor that further undermined the appeals of union organizers and government health and safety reformers. But in the 1920s miners found their employers, who had grown bigger and stronger during the war, newly reluctant to pay them high wages. This stand-off created new opportunities for union organizers in the district, but Tri-State miners ultimately rejected solidarity in favor of the economic advantages they believed loyal, white American men deserved. By the 1920s, their working-class communities were organized around a faith in capitalism, violent masculinity, and white racism now transformed during the war into a staunch white nationalism. Having abandoned organized labor, Tri-State miners found themselves without allies as mining companies moved in the late 1920s to constrain their risk-taking behavior through new health controls aimed to eliminate silicosis and damaged men from the district.
Commissioning Truth and Reconciliation
Authors: Whitlinger Claire
Published: May 2021

This chapter explores the relationship between the 2004 commemoration in Philadelphia, Mississippi and the Mississippi Truth Project, a state-wide project initially modelled after South Africa’s post-apartheid Truth and Reconciliation Commission. After reviewing the history of transitional justice efforts in the United States and the social scientific literature on how civil society-based truth commissions emerge, the chapter demonstrates how the 2004 commemoration and subsequent trial of Edgar Ray Killen precipitated the formation of a state-wide truth commission when previous efforts had failed. In short, this research finds that the commemoration mobilized mnemonic activists; concentrated local, state, and global resources; broadened political opportunity; and shifted the political culture of the state. Despite these developments—and years of project planning—the Mississippi Truth Project changed course in 2009, abandoning a South African-style truth commission in favour of grassroots memory projects and oral history collection. The chapter thus sheds lights on the possibilities and perils of pursuing non-state truth commissions.
Epilogue
Authors: Whitlinger Claire
Published: May 2021

The epilogue provides updates on the three commemorative outcomes explored in earlier chapters—the prosecution of Edgar Ray Killen, the civil and human rights education bill, and the Mississippi Truth Project—discussing challenges to implementation in each case. The chapter then turns its attention to another outcome of the fortieth anniversary commemoration in Philadelphia, Mississippi: fragmented commemoration. The planning process in 2004 revealed significant ideological differences among organizers who were divided over whether to uphold the traditional yearly observance at a local black church or to broaden the audience of the commemoration by hosting it at a larger venue typically associated with the county’s white residents. A year following the tumultuous 40th anniversary commemoration, the conviction of Edgar Ray Killen for his role as the mastermind behind the 1964 Mississippi Burning murders further exacerbated the divide with critics pushing for further prosecutions. Every year since, the two groups have held two separate, nearly simultaneous commemoration services, highlighting important questions about how best to represent this painful past and who has the right to do so.
Jackson Men
Authors: Woods Michael E.
Published: May 2021

This chapter surveys the early history of the Democratic Party and traces Stephen Douglas and Jefferson Davis’s paths into national politics. First, it charts the rise of Jacksonian Democracy in the 1820s and 1830s, using the career of Martin Van Buren to highlight the strengths and weaknesses of the party’s cross-sectional coalition. Although successful in winning elections and notching policy victories, the Democratic Party suffered from ominous sectional divisions. These became especially alarming in the 1840s, just as Douglas and Davis entered Congress. Loyal to Jackson and devoted to the Democracy, Davis and Douglas entertained divergent visions for the party’s future. Douglas embraced the party’s populist rhetoric, muscular expansionism, and commitment to white men’s egalitarianism. Davis regarded the party as an instrument for protecting slavery by making preservation of masters’ property rights a national imperative. Friction between these rival Democrats shaped both men’s careers from the moment they stepped onto the national political stage.
Jamaica Ladies
Authors: Walker Christine
Published: May 2021

Jamaica Ladies is the first systematic study of the free and freed women of European, Euro-African, and African descent who perpetuated chattel slavery and reaped its profits in the British Empire. Their actions helped transform Jamaica into the wealthiest slaveholding colony in the Anglo-Atlantic world. Starting in the 1670s, a surprisingly large and diverse group of women helped secure English control of Jamaica and, crucially, aided its developing and expanding slave labor regime by acquiring enslaved men, women, and children to protect their own tenuous claims to status and independence.
Female colonists employed slaveholding as a means of advancing themselves socially and financially on the island. By owning others, they wielded forms of legal, social, economic, and cultural authority not available to them in Britain. In addition, slaveholding allowed free women of African descent, who were not far removed from slavery themselves, to cultivate, perform, and cement their free status. Alongside their male counterparts, women bought, sold, stole, and punished the people they claimed as property and vociferously defended their rights to do so. As slavery's beneficiaries, these women worked to stabilize and propel this brutal labor regime from its inception.
Kingston
Authors: Walker Christine
Published: May 2021

Chapter Two focuses on the urban and seafaring pursuits of a diverse group of women living in early eighteenth-century Kingston. Women of European, Euro-African, and African descent comprised a considerable portion of the city’s free population. They worked in a range of occupations. Some were wealthy merchants who participated in privateering ventures while others operated small-scale shops and taverns. The majority of Kingston’s women entrepreneurs were also enslavers. After gaining a monopoly on the slave trade with the Spanish Empire, the South Sea Company made Kingston its base. The city’s female inhabitants readily exploited their access to the burgeoning market in captive Africans. By the mid-eighteenth century, slaveholding was nearly ubiquitous among Kingston’s free and freed women, who treated enslaved people as crucial laborers and as valuable property.
International scientific and practical conference «The educational system of Anton Semenovich Makarenko in the modern educational space» dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the foundation of the children's labor colony named after Maxim Gorky
Authors:   Federal Governmental Institution «Research Institute of the Federal Penitentiary Service of Russia», KIRILLOVA TATIANA V.
Published: May 2021

Abstract. The article gives a brief overview of reports and results of the international conference «The educational system of Anton Semenovich Makarenko in the modern educational space», timed to coincide with the 100th anniversary of the children's labor colony named after Maxim Gorky. The conference was organized by the Russian Makarenko Association and was held jointly with the International Makarenko Association, the Institute for Education Development Strategy of the Russian Academy of Education, the Department of Education and Science of the city of Moscow on the basis of the Museum of Moscow Education of the Moscow City Teacher's House. At the conference, modern theoretical and empirical research, the results of practical work of scientists in the field of popularizing the pedagogical heritage of A. S. Makarenko, as well as various aspects of historical, pedagogical, archival, factual research of his work were presented. During the conference, reports of scientists-penitentiaries, representatives of educational and scientific organizations of law enforcement agencies aroused particular interest. The reports of the participants highlighted modern approaches to realizing the potential of the A. S. Makarenko’s educational system in the formation of positive social activity, civic consciousness and patriotism, the introduction of Makarenko's «pedagogy of life» into modern educational activities. Key words: the pedagogical heritage of Anton Semenovich Makarenko, an international conference, archival documents, historical facts, scientific discussions, practical use, scientific support of the activities of educational colonies.
Experience of organizing e-learning of cadets and students of the Academy of the Federal Penitentiary Service of Russia in the disciplines of the mathematical cycle
Authors:   Academy of the FPS of Russia, DAVYDOCHKINA SVETLANA V. , MASKINA MARIYA S. ,   Academy of the FPS of Russia
Published: May 2021

Abstract. The article describes the experience of building the interaction between a teacher and fulltime students at the Academy of the FPS of Russia in the context of restrictions on contact work associated with countering the spread of the new corona-virus infection. The aim of the work was to substantiate the importance of operational feedback and competent organization of pedagogical communication within the framework of e-learning. The methodological framework of the study was made up of analysis, synthesis, induction, systematization and generalization. The study was carried out throughout the year in the classroom work on the disciplines of the mathematical cycle with cadets and junior students of economic specialties. As a result, it was found that in order to maintain the quality of education at a proper level, when conducting classes in video-conference mode, it was necessary to combine work in the electronic information and educational environment (hereinafter also referred to as EIEE) of the educational organization with the use of discipline workbooks specially developed by the authors. The structure of the educational process based on the EIEE Moodle, the Zoom program and author's workbooks on the subject is shown. Conclusions are made about the importance of the symbol-by-symbol recording of calculations and analytical formulas and the gradual drawing of graphs for the qualitative mastery of the conceptual apparatus with a high degree of abstractness. The described experience of designing the classes will be useful to the teaching staff of educational organizations of the Federal Penitentiary Service of Russia. Key words: educational technology, e-learning, electronic information and educational environment, teaching methods of mathematical disciplines, video-conference.
PARAMETER ESTIMATION FOR A K-UNIT SERIES SYSTEM BASED ON THE PROGRESSIVELY CENSORED ERLANG-TRUNCATED EXPONENTIAL DATA WITH BINOMIAL REMOVALS
Authors: ÇETİNKAYA Çağatay
Published: May 2021

This study deals with point and interval estimations for the scale and shape parameters of the component lifetime distribution of a k-component series system when the component lifetimes are assumed to be independently and identically Erlang-truncated exponential distributions. It is assumed that the components are exposed to progressive Type-II censoring scheme. Each failure in this censoring plan is assumed to be random and subject to the binomial distribution. Parameter estimations are obtained by using the maximum likelihood method and their approximate confidence intervals are obtained by using the bootstrap method. The simulations are performed to evaluate the performances of the theoretical outcomes.