bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Privatising Human Rights and the Abuse of Power
Authors: Raday Frances
Published: July 2016

The classical concept of protection of human rights is generally perceived as appertaining to the public sphere. It is concerned with the protection of the individual against the power of the State. However, current voices are heard asserting that human rights are not confined to that sphere. It is claimed that individuals are entitled to respect for their human rights not only as against the power of the state but also in their dealings with one another. Introducing human rights jurisprudence to the disciplines of private law would limit the autonomy of an individual where exercise of that autonomy would infringe the human rights of another person. Under this proposal, the rules of such fields as contract law, company law, torts law and family law, would be subject to human rights principles.

The privatising of human rights is taken by this author to infer the attribution of a review jurisdiction to the courts to override provisions of private law the application of which would bring about infringement of the human rights of individuals. It is in the nature of constitutional human rights protection to transfer the power to determine the limits of rights and powers away from the legislature and bestow it on the courts. By this conception of privatising human rights, obviously, not every protection offered by a state to individuals against interference or injury by private persons or bodies can be classified as an application of human rights in the private sphere. The protections provided by the criminal law or by torts, contract and labour law are not privatised human rights in this sense. The clarification is especially important in order to distinguish the provisions of international human rights law from a concept of constitutional privatisation. The international human rights provisions are in essence directives to governments and may be implemented by legislation. Only where they become directly applicable against private persons in the courts of the state party to the Convention can they be regarded as instances of privatising human rights. The perception of a right as a privatised human right rather than a mere application of the norms of the legal system is hence based on the source of the right in the constitutional hierarchy. In the analysis which ensues, the assumption will be made that there is a privatised human right only where that right derives directly from a constitutional power bestowed on courts. In this article, I shall employ the phrase ‘privatising human rights’ to denote this concept. As it will emerge, the use of this term is appropriate not only to denote the process but also to raise policy analogies to a more commonly known form of “privatising”—the privatising of economic activities of the state.
Pornography and Public Reason
Authors: Dyzenhaus David
Published: July 2016

Liberalism is often identified with the claim that individuals should have a large space for decisionmaking into which the state is not morally justified to intrude. On this “negative liberty” conception of liberalism, the boundaries of that space are or should be set by a package of rights against the majority. Individuals can appeal to such rights to override majority decisions that seek to intrude into the space of negative liberty. If this space of negative liberty is preserved, for example, through courts empowered to strike down infringing laws, such liberals suppose that a fundamental interest of all individuals is served. This is the interest in autonomy, in being able to make, revise and carry out decisions about how to live in accordance with one’s own preferences.
The Missing Terms of the Hobbesian Social Contract
Authors: Kramer Matthew H.
Published: July 2016

Analyses of the social contract described by Thomas Hobbes have proceeded in three major directions. First, some readers naturally have felt that Hobbes viewed the primal charter as a genuine outcome of events which truly occurred. Other exegetes have contended that the story of the formation of the social contract was a deliberate fiction—either an artful narrative designed to elicit orderliness, or a heuristic model designed to spark hypothetical reasoning about what would have occurred in a primeval context with specified conditions. Still other analysts affirm that Hobbes used the tale of the social contract as a warning against the evils that plague a society which descends into civil strife.
Collective Rights?
Authors: Narveson Jan
Published: July 2016

The question addressed in this paper is whether there are any collective rights. I am inclined to answer this in the negative; but the main challenge is to provide a reasonably clear sense to the notion of collective rights. My negative answer will then be defended from a general viewpoint utilizing what we may call a kind of ‘individualism’. Some are inclined these days to reject a priori anything with that label. I shall have something to say later on that inclination. Individualism, as I shall explain, by no means implies that there are no group rights in any sense that may reasonably be given to that term. Very much the contrary. A careful explication is needed.
Liberalism and the Problem of Cultural Membership: A Critical Study of Kymlicka
Authors: Lenihan Don
Published: July 2016

Moral conviction embodies an inescapable element of passivity, Hegel argued, a constitutive identification with morality’s demands, that cannot arise from autonomous decision, but only from the training and socialization that creates our very sense of self.

Charles Larmore

In the opening pages of Liberalism, Community and Culture Will Kymlicka tells us that the book was motivated by two concerns:

One is my discomfort with recent communitarian discussions of culture and community, and with the kinds of criticisms they have brought against liberalism. The other is a discomfort with the way liberals have responded with indifference or hostility to the collective rights of minority cultures (1).
Unity in the Common Law?: Critical Notice:The Unity of the Common Law: Studies in Hegelian Jurisprudenceby Alan Brudner
Authors: Winfield Richard Dien
Published: July 2016

A specter of disunity haunts the common law, threatening to throw property, contract, tort, and penal law into a crisis, where competing paradigms stand intransigently opposed, undermining any claims of coherence and giving sober proof that legality is a battleground of equally unjustifiable ideologies where only force wins out at the end. The impending crisis pits advocates of liberalism, affirming the primacy of the right over the good, against communitarians, upholding the priority of commonly shared ends embodied in an historically given community. Yet although the conflict parallels what many take to be the exhaustive options of ethical thought, the difficulty extends beyond theoretical dispute into the actual practice of common law, where at every turn, tendencies promoting welfare clash with tendencies upholding the formal right of ownership. In face of such division in both theory and practice, the dangers of idealism seem hardly surmountable by fidelity to law or by reflective equilibrium, for if disunity pervades legal thought and convention, neither appeal to the given can locate a coherent kernel in the conflicted shell.
The Illusive Search for Justificatory Theories: Copyright, Commodification and Capital
Authors: Trosow Samuel E.
Published: July 2016

The traditional philosophical justifications for copyright policy fail to account for current expansionary trends. The proprietary logic of contemporary copyright policies is justified on neither utilitarian nor rights-based grounds. Instead, copyright developments are located within the broader framework of commodification and the logic of capital itself. Since copyright law has been outpaced by a technology that undermines both the legal framework and the underlying economic theory on which it is based, a critical theoretical framework rooted in political economy is needed to harmonize the use and dissemination of information with the developing productive forces in society. Central to this framework is the contradiction between use-value and exchange-value, which is inherent in every commodity. This tension, which is particularly acute in the case of the information commodity, becomes sharper with the use of new technologically enabled exclusion mechanisms, as well as with various policy initiatives that seek to expand the duration, scope, and intensity of the copyright monopoly. Reconceptualizing copyright theory through the lens of critical political economy will help raise issues that are often overlooked in the current policy environment, and should decrease the acceptance of traditional justifications without considering all of the policy alternatives.
Social Democracy and the Limits of Rights Constitutionalism
Authors: Anderson Gavin W.
Published: July 2016

Can rights constitutionalism operate as a social democratic restraint on private power? How should we assess this? Following renewed interest in social democratic legal theory, some propose developing more egalitarian forms of rights constitutionalism as a counterweight to overweening private power in the global economy. Such strategies follow a normative methodology, associated with liberal accounts of legality which emphasize the autonomy of law as an external means of social change. This can be contrasted with traditional social democratic accounts of law as an artifact produced through and in political struggle. This shift of focus to normative argument is at the expense of contextual diagnosis, which remains valuable in questioning whether constitutional strategies can restrain private power in the name of substantive equality. Rights constitutionalism, reflecting its classical liberal roots, continues to protect private power in important ways.; Two strategies, based in innovations in North American and European constitutionalism respectively, have been proposed to overcome this default. First, the Application to State Institutions (ASI) model seeks to extend the reach of constitutional application to include private actors, and; second the Application to Law (LAW) model seeks to extend the scope of rights by requiring all law to conform to constitutional guarantees, including equality. A sociologically grounded analysis of the comparative jurisprudence shows these models retain key elements of the classical liberal framework, such as the state-civil society distinction, and which have in practice militated against any significant democratization of private power.
e-democracy: on-line civic space and the renewal of democracy?
Authors: Morison John
Published: July 2016

e-government is a fast-developing phenomenon in many countries world-wide. Information and communication technology (ICT) has the potential to transform government generally and re-invigorate democracy in particular. This article considers the role of ICT in increasing democratic engagement both in relation to traditional aggregative forms of democracy and as regards more radical, participatory democracy. Within traditional democracy the potential of ICT moves beyond simply e-voting and has particular application in the various consultations processes that are increasingly of significance within ideas of "modernised government". The particular value that ICT can bring is of importance for more participatory versions of democracy too.; A model of consultation, drawn from mediation, is outlined and the application of ICT to such methods of decision-making is considered. Finally a range of best practice examples is given to illustrate how a technology of democracy requires putting information technology in service of democracy rather than the other way around.
The Filtering Role of Crisis in the Constitution of Criminal Excuses
Authors: Wilson William
Published: July 2016

This paper seeks to counter a currently popular account of criminal defences which holds that both excuses and justifications are characterised by the fact that the conduct of the actor is consistent with the standards to be expected of good citizens in the role inhabited by the actor. Its object is to restore due prominence to the role played by human frailty in core defences. The position will be advanced that a significant reason for this loss of prominence is that insufficient attention has been paid to the filtering role played by crisis. For both excuses and justifications crisis marks the moral limits within which a workable system of norm enforcement can be achieved. In each case it ensures defences are socially validated, although the nature of the validation differs according to the nature of the defence. With defences of reasonable reaction crisis helps mark the parameters of reasonableness and ensures respect for the rule of law. Crisis may also deprive individuals of their susceptibility to conform their behaviour to rules. Its major constitutive role in this regard is to ensure that this susceptibility is rooted in the characteristics of human beings generally rather the specific characteristics of the actor. In this way it gives moral focus to the way excuses may intrude simply because the state cannot reasonably demand any better, at the same time providing a mechanism for distinguishing true excuses from exemptions or defences of impaired capacity.
The Constitution of Law: Legality in a Time of Emergency by David Dyzenhaus, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006). 250pp. Page numbers in text are to this book.
Authors: Cameron Jamie
Published: July 2016

What the rule of law means and how it constrains the exercise of state power raise issues which have been debated-without resolution-over the ages. Times of emergency bring fresh energy to the discussion, and David Dyzenhaus is one of many who have entered the fray to debate the balance between liberty and national security in the post 9/11 period. It has not been easy for those who place their trust in written constitutions to account for the way textual guarantees are diluted when the state is under threat. Rather than address that dilemma, Dyzenhaus sets his ideas apart by proposing a theory which maximizes the protection of rights in emergency circumstances, without straining the institutional capacities or legitimacy of the judiciary. This theory invokes the pedigree of the common law-and “common law constitutionalism”-and is grounded in the constitutive properties of the rule of law, or principle of legality. Dyzenhaus may not have answered the questions readers will want to ask, but he has opened up the middle ground between the competing supremacies yet more, by drawing common law constitutionalism and its rule-of-law pedigree into constitutional theories of review. More to the point, he has challenged the judiciary to draw on the moral resources of the law to make executive and legislative action as accountable as possible at all times, in emergencies as well as in normal times. Readers can and should engage, at many levels, with the complexity of his thought in this important book.
Fairness, Consensus, and the Justification of the Ideal Liberal Constitution
Authors: Cook Philip
Published: July 2016

In Constitutional Goods, Alan Brudner seeks to articulate a novel conception of justice that will inform the content of the ideal liberal constitution. The content and justification of this conception ofjustice are the topics of this paper. The content of this novel conception ofjustice is constituted by what Brudner describes as an inclusive conception of liberalism, and its justification is grounded on an account of public reason that is presented in opposition to that of John Rawls. I argue that we should reject both the content and justification of Brudner’s conception ofjustice. Brudner is unable to construct an inclusive conception of liberalism from elements of libertarianism, egalitarianism, and communitarianism, and his account of public reason lacks the properties of fairness and reciprocity that differentiate a reasonable agreement from a modus vivendi. This paper therefore defends a Rawlsian political conception ofjustice and justification from Brudner’s criticisms and proposed alternatives.
Parliamentary Sovereignty and the Constitution
Authors: Eleftheriadis Pavlos
Published: July 2016

The doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty of the United Kingdom parliament is often presented as a unique legal arrangement, one without parallel in comparative constitutional law. By giving unconditional power to the Westminster parliament, it appears to rule out any comparison between the Westminster Parliament and the United States Congress or the German Bundestag, whose powers are limited by their respective constitutions. Parliament in the UK appears to determine the law unconditionally and without limit. Nevertheless, a fuller understanding of parliamentary sovereignty as a legal and constitutional doctrine shows that this first impression is false. The nature of the British unwritten constitutional order is entirely similar to the written one prevailing in the United States or Germany. This is because the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty, contrary to Dicey’s classic view, does not consist in a single dominant idea but in a number of related and mutually supporting principles that constitute higher law. The way in which these principles interact is parallel to the interaction of the main clauses of the United States Constitution or the German Basic Law. This analysis shows that the constitution, written or unwritten, never requires a ‘pouvoir constituent‘. The constitution emerges from the law as the result of moral and political principles that breathe life into our public institutions.
Separate Persons Acting Together-Sketching A Theory of Contract Law
Authors: Hevia Martín
Published: July 2016

This paper explores the following question: if, as John Rawls famously suggests, justice is the first virtue of social institutions, how are we to understand the institution of contract law? On the one hand, many writers take the view that the rules of contracts are merely a tool for bringing about distributive justice; on the other hand, some libertarian writers contend that the rules of contract leave no space for any idea of distributive justice. In this paper, I propose an alternative account. I situate contract law in terms of what John Rawls calls “the social division of responsibility”: society as a whole has to provide individuals with an adequate share of opportunities and resources that they need in order to set and pursue their own conception of the good. Once individuals have those fair shares, citizens have to take responsibility for how their own lives go. An important way that people may pursue their plans is by entering into arrangements with others. This requires a system of contract rules. I argue that justice requires that we understand contract rules in terms of the idea of fair terms of interaction – that is, terms that would be accepted by reasonable persons moved by a desire for a social world in which they, as free and equal, can cooperate with others on terms they accept. The underlying idea is that of reciprocity, that is, the idea that individuals should not set the terms of their interactions with others unilaterally. Those fair terms of interaction are reasonable terms. Thus, in this paper, I claim that contractual interactions should be approached from the perspective of the reasonable person. My aim is to explain the formation of a contract, the legal response to a breach, and other issues that come up with contractual interactions from that perspective.
The Impossibility of Textualism and the Pervasiveness of Rewriting in Law
Authors: Robertson Michael
Published: July 2016

In this paper I consider the arguments for and against textualism, or the position that the meaning of a text can be ascertained solely by reference to the rules of grammar and the conventional meanings of the words used in the text. Textualism has a great deal of intuitive force and has been attractive to lawyers because it seems to advance the rule of law. Textualism promises to deliver accessible, objective, and clear meanings for legal texts, which in turn will achieve predictability, co- ordination, efficiency, and the constraint of state officials. My analysis concludes, however, that the arguments for the impossibility of textualism are convincing. What follows from this? Surprisingly little. Clear and compelling meanings for legal texts are still possible, as is the rule of law. Existing practices need to be redescribed— but not changed—as a result of textualism’s failure. Some of these redescriptions do upset the conventional self-understandings of lawyers (rewriting the law, for example, turns out to be a pervasive practice), but this does not matter much because practices and accounts of practices are independent things. Extensive changes made to one need not have effects on the other.
A Postmodern Defence of Universal Liberal Legal Norms
Authors: Austin Lisa M.
Published: July 2016

The idea of universal liberal legal norms has long been under attack from a variety of sources. One of the most sustained and sophisticated philosophical versions of such an attack is found in the work of Martin Heidegger. His argument from the social embeddedness of the self to the ultimate contingency and groundlessness of any claims of normativity has been highly influential across a number of fields. This paper argues that legal theorists who wish to contest such a view should look to the work of philosopher Emmanuel Levinas. In his critique of Heidegger, Levinas affirms the significance of the human beyond the particular context in which we find ourselves embedded. Levinas wrote very little about law; his main focus was on ethical responsibility and the claim that an “other” makes on me. I argue that legal responsibility is fundamentally different, concerned instead with the claims that a self can make on others. Drawing upon Levinas’ understanding of the self as constituted through ethical responsibility, I argue that a Levinasian account of justice can support liberal-democratic norms such as freedom, equality and dignity. Indeed, Levinas himself endorsed universal human rights and even indicated a strong affinity with Kant’s idea of justice. What he denied, however, was that justice is a fully rational and coherent concept. I argue that this does not render justice incoherent or call into question the basic status of the norms of justice. Rather, a Levinasian account of justice shifts the emphasis to the community practice of reasoning about universal norms, a practice that is never complete. I further suggest that such a practice of reasoning should be familiar to lawyers as it bears a strong resemblance to common law reasoning.
The Coxford Lecture Inhuman and Degrading Treatment: The Words
Themselves
Authors: Waldron Jeremy
Published: July 2016

Many human rights charters contain prohibitions on inhuman and degrading treatment of
prisoners and detainees. Terms like “inhuman” and
“degrading” are difficult to interpret, but they are certainly not
meaningless. It is important to attend to attend to the meanings of the words
themselves, as well as to the decisions that courts have made about particular
practices. Reflection on the meanings of these highly-charged terms reveals important
complexity, which we can unpack in a way that enables us to better focus our debate
about the proper treatment of prisoners and detainees. Focusing on the
ordinary-language meaning of evaluative terms like “inhuman” and
“degrading” also helps us approach the relation between rules and
standards in law more thoughtfully, as we see why it is important not to let the
evaluative meaning of these terms be superseded by the definitions established in the
course of their application.
Responsibility in Negligence: Why the Duty of Care is not a Duty “To Try”
Authors: Herstein Ori J.
Published: July 2016

Although equating the duty of care in negligence with a duty to try to avoid negligent outcomes (i.e., a duty to act with reasonable care and with the view or intention of averting harming) has several theoretical and descriptive virtues – primarily offering a promising account of the (moral) responsibility-component in the negligence standard – it is an account that fails to capture the state of the law or to offer a compelling argument for revising the law. The better account of the duty of care is as a duty of reasonable conduct alone. The responsibility-component in the negligence standard does not, therefore, take the form of a duty to try. Alternatively, the responsibility-component is found in the conditions for being subject to the negligence standard: specifically possessing responsibility-capacities and the opportunity to exercise those capacities in compliance with the duty of care.
Kant and the Common Law: Intersubjectivity in Aesthetic and Legal Judgment
Authors: Edlin Douglas E.
Published: July 2016

This article develops some conceptual correlations between Kant’s theory of aesthetic judgment and the common law tradition of legal judgment. The article argues that legal judgment, like aesthetic judgment, is best conceived in terms of intersubjective validity rather than objective truth. Understanding the parallel between aesthetic and legal judgment allows us to appreciate better the relationship between subjectivity and intersubjectivity, the individual and the community, in the formulation and communication of judgments, which combine a personal response and a reasoned determination intended for a discrete audience. The article frames and pursues these themes in relation to four core concepts in Kant’s aesthetic theory: judgment, communication, community, and disinterestedness. Through sustained comparison and application of these concepts in aesthetic judgment and legal judgment, the article provides a conception of judging that more accurately captures the common law role and relationship of the individual judge and the institutional judiciary as integral parts of the broader legal and political community.
The Intellectual Commitments of Modern Juridical Thought
Authors: Coyle Sean
Published: July 2016

To modern writers, the distinctive achievement of twentieth-century jurisprudence can be viewed as its emancipation from the narrow confines of English utilitarianism, and the subsequent development of perspectives rooted in the fundamental values of justice and rights. The central jurisprudential task of the new century is thus the exploration of a deeper, more elusive moral standpoint, the most profound intellectual commitments of which are yet to be fully digested and understood. My aim in this essay is to reveal something of the character of those commitments by considering the relationship of our present thinking about law and morality to its historical development.
Constitutional Rights, Balancing and the Structure of Autonomy
Authors: Pavlakos George
Published: July 2016

The question of the character of constitutional rights norms is complex and admits of no easy answer. Without reducing the complexity of the issue, I attempt in this paper to formulate some clear views on the matter. I shall argue that constitutional rights reasoning is a species of rational practical reasoning that combines both balancing (as Robert Alexy admits) and the grounds as to why balancing is appropriate (deontological constraints). Absent the latter type of reason, the application of constitutional principles remains a pure instance of balancing. Each time those reasons are touched upon, however, balancing becomes subject to deontological constraints. Yet deontological reasons are neither self-proclaiming nor complete. Rather they require for their articulation the background of an already operational practice of practical (legal) reasoning. This practice exemplifies what I shall dubthe structure of autonomy, that is, a set of regulative ideals, not yet definitive norms, that derive from the reflective character of human agency. This structure comes to light when one turns to the agent’s point of view – to the point of view of someone who is engagedreflectivelywith practical questions (questions about rights arepar excellencequestions of this type). The structure of autonomy is more fundamental than any deontological or teleological reasons: it is in its light that deontology and teleology need to be understood as representing merely complementary forms of argument, which can be employed in reasoning that aims to maximise constitutional rights provisions. At the same time, the structure of autonomy as a regulative ideal generatesprima faciereasons for allocating greater weight to deontological arguments in the relevant contexts of balancing. Such prima-facie reasons do not prescribe fully-fledged deontological constraints, but merely set the burden of proof in favour of specific reasons and ensure that the structure of autonomy be respected overall.
The Principle of Fairness and States’ Duty to Obey International Law
Authors: Lefkowitz David
Published: July 2016

I employ the principle of fairness to argue that many existing states have a moral duty to obey international law simply in virtue of its status as law. On this voluntarist interpretation of the principle of fairness, agents must accept (in a technical sense) the benefits of a cooperative scheme in order to acquire an obligation to contribute to that scheme’s operation. I contend that states can accept the benefits international law provides, and that only if they do so do states have a fair-play duty to obey international law. In addition, I demonstrate that A. John Simmons’ criticisms of the attempt to use the principle of fairness to establish a duty to obey domestic law – both with respect to understanding the legal order as a cooperative scheme, and to agents’ acceptance of benefits – do not apply in the international context.
A Treatise of Legal Philosophy and General Jurisprudence, vol 3, by Enrico Pattaro Editor-in-Chief, (Dordrecht: Springer, 2007). Page numbers in text are to this book.
Authors: Milde Michael
Published: July 2016

Shiner has produced a valuable contribution to the field of analytical jurisprudence. He remains faithful to the investigative and exploratory task that he set for himself. Legal Institutions and the Sources of Law can be usefully consulted by anyone interested in the idea of a “source of law”. And it can certainly be used as an authoritative reference by those legal and political theorists who wish to pursue a fuller normative approach to law or politics.
Positivism Before Hart
Authors: Schauer Frederick
Published: July 2016

Many contemporary practitioners of analytic jurisprudence take their understanding of legal positivism largely from Hart, and the debates about legal positivism exist largely in a post-Hartian world. But if we examine carefully the writings and motivations of Bentham and even Austin, we will discover that there are good historical grounds for treating both a normative version of positivism and a version more focused on legal decision-making as entitled to at least co-equal claims on the positivist tradition. And even if we conceive of the inquiry in philosophical and not historical terms, there are reasons to doubt the view that a theory of the nature of law is the exclusive understanding of the core commitment of legal positivism. Positivism as a descriptive theory of the nature of law is important, but so too is positivism as a normative theory about the preferable attitude of society or theorists, and so too is positivism as a normative or descriptive theory of adjudication and other forms of legal decision-making. Those who understand positivism and the positivist tradition as being more normative or more adjudication-focused than the contemporary understanding allows are thus committing neither historical or philosophical mistakes, and little would be lost were we to recognize the multiple important contemporary manifestations of the legal positivist tradition.
Poverty, Distributive Justice, and Punishment
Authors: Chau Peter
Published: July 2016

Should poverty be a mitigating factor, if it affects neither the strength of temptations to commit a crime an offender faced nor his mental capacity to refrain from committing the crime? I argue that it should, because of distributive justice. I argue for this conclusion in two steps. First, I argue that we can improve distributive justice by mitigating poor offenders. Second, I argue that there are no strong objections against taking into account considerations of distributive justice in the sentencing process. I also compare my argument with an argument made by Jeffrie Murphy and explain how some objections against Murphy’s argument do not apply against my argument.
The Counter-Majoritarian Difficulty and the Road not Taken: Democratizing Amendment Rules
Authors: Colón Ríos Joel I.
Published: July 2016

Discussions about the democratic legitimacy of judicial review of legislation are usually framed in terms of the so called ‘counter-majoritarian’ difficulty, the idea that judicial review is a deviant institution in a democracy. How can a country be considered democratic if a group of non-elected judges have the faculty to strike down laws that have been adopted by a majority of the elected representatives of the people? In framing the question in those terms, however, we tend to forget that there is nothing in the counter-majoritarian difficulty suggesting that judicial review of legislation is necessarily problematic from a democratic perspective. An institutional arrangement that gives judges the faculty to strike down laws inconsistent with the constitution only creates a counter-majoritarian difficulty if the constitution cannot be amended by simple majorities. In not paying proper attention to the role played by a rigid amendment process in the existence of a counter-majoritarian difficulty, this article argues, we have missed the opportunity of democratizing processes of constitutional reform in important ways while at the same time maintaining in place a system of constitutional review in which judges retain the ability of striking down legislation.

The idea of giving simple majorities the possibility of having the final word on the meaning and scope of rights is of course not new. In fact, it is the basic feature of the weak system of judicial review now present in several commonwealth countries. However, such a system does not go beyond courts and legislatures, and it is therefore open to the same types of critiques advanced by defenders of strong judicial review against systems of legislative supremacy. The article defends the view that in a democratic society, deliberation and decision-making about the meaning and content of the constitution should extend beyond the ordinary institutions of government. Under that conception, a more democratic approach to the counter-majoritarian difficulty would provide popular majorities (as opposed to legislatures) with the faculty of amending the fundamental law in order to respond to a judicial decision that invalidated (or validated) an ordinary law. For example, citizens could be able to engage in the activity of constitutional reform through non-constituent assemblies, triggered by popular referendum and having the specific mandate of deliberating about the judicial decision in question and the power to propose constitutional changes that would be subject to popular ratification.
Three Views of Tax
Authors: McCaffery Edward J.
Published: July 2016

Virtually all liberal egalitarian advocates of redistributive taxation support an income tax, believing that consumption taxes fail to reach capital and its yield. But this is not true under progressive rates. There are two forms of consumption tax, prepaid and postpaid. A consistent progressive postpaid consumption tax reaches the yield to capital in just those cases in which ordinary moral intuitions want it to be reached: when savings are used to finance a “better,” more expensive, lifestyle. Such a tax stands between an income tax, which double taxes all savings, come what may, and a prepaid consumption tax, which never taxes savings. It is the last, best hope for some semblance of redistribution via tax on earth.
Preemptive Strikes—Israel and Iran
Authors: Meisels Tamar
Published: July 2016

This essay looks at the contemporary just war theory literature on preventive war that has emerged largely in reaction to the US invasion of Iraq. Recent sanctions on Iran and the debate over its nuclear program now suggest the usefulness of a forward looking perspective on preventive strikes, rather than the retroactive analyses offered thus far primarily with reference to Iraq. With Iran closely in mind, I address the various arguments for and against preventive war indicating throughout that the various principled objections to early military action can be overcome in this case. Many of the crucial concrete questions regarding costs and benefits need to be settled in practice, rather than in the realm of political theory. Ultimately, the discussion suggests that Iran is a legitimate candidate for early military action aimed to prevent it from developing nuclear weapons. I argue that in principle, subject to credible intelligence information and requirements of proportionality, a unilateral Israeli strike against Iran will be justifiable, both morally and legally, as self-defense.
From Raz’sNexusto Legal Normativity
Authors: Essert Christopher
Published: July 2016

This is a Critical Notice ofFrom Normativity to Responsibility, Joseph Raz’s brilliant treatment of the nature of normativity and reasons. Building on the thought that the law claims to give reasons to its subjects, I consider the application of Raz’s views about reasons to some questions in legal philosophy. I concentrate on what I take to be the central idea of the book, Raz’s “normative/explanatorynexus”, according to which a consideration cannot be a (normative) reason for an agent to perform an action unless the agent could follow the consideration in performing the action. I show (briefly) how thenexuscan explain some of the Fullerian principles of legality. And I examine (at somewhat greater length) the implications of thenexusfor our understanding of the psychology of legal obligation; here I suggest that thenexusmight cause trouble for Raz’s own well-known exclusionary reasons account of legal obligation.
Existence and Justification Conditions of Law
Authors: Giudice Michael
Published: July 2016

Legal systems such as those in the United States and Canada, which include fundamental moral rights or provisions in their constitutions, present an interesting and difficult problem for legal positivists. Are such moral standards to count among the existence or validity conditions of laws in those systems, or are they better understood as fundamental objectives or justification conditions which laws may or may not achieve or respect in practice? The first option, known as inclusive legal positivism, expands the traditional positivist separation thesis to mean that although there is no necessary connection between law and morality in general, it is possible that in some systems it is a necessary truth that laws reproduce or satisfy certain demands of morality. The second option, known as exclusive legal positivism, denies this possibility, and maintains instead that it is never a necessary condition that laws reproduce or satisfy certain demands of morality, even if such demands are constitutionally recognized. On the exclusive account, in the context of constitutional states such as the U.S. and Canada, the separation thesis is expanded to mean that there is no necessary connection between the existence and content of laws and the demands of political morality typically included in constitutions. In this paper I defend exclusive positivism and argue that it best follows from traditional positivist commitments and avoids what I take to be a critical problem with inclusive positivism. Further, I argue that the concepts, distinctions, and arguments deployed in the internal positivist debate are also of value in the wider debate between H.L.A. Hart and Ronald Dworkin.
The Idea of a Living Constitution
Authors: Kavanagh Aileen
Published: July 2016

This article is a jurisprudential analysis of the idea of a ‘living Constitution’, as a common feature of the constitutional practice in democratic countries. The main argument of the article is that constitutional interpretation encompasses, rather than excludes the judicial power to develop and change the content of constitutional guarantees. The metaphor of the ‘living Constitution’ is appropriate to the nature of constitutional adjudication because it suggests gradual, incremental change on a case-by-case basis. While it is stressed that courts can and should be creative, this judicial creativity is subject to significant legal and practical constraints.
An Inquiry into the Merits of Redistribution through Tort Law: Rejecting the Claim of Randomness
Authors: Keren-Paz Tsachi
Published: July 2016

This Article responds to one challenge to the aspiration to incorporate distributive-egalitarian sensitivity into tort law. Arguably, any attempt to effect redistribution by means of tort law is bound to be random and, hence, unjust. There are two facets to the randomness charge: partiality of the participants and crudeness of the distributive result. I argue that the randomness charge, in both its aspects, does not provide a convincing reason to oppose infusing tort law with distributive-egalitarian sensitivity. The charge of randomness is based on two factual assumptions and one normative claim: namely, that existing tort law has no significant redistributive effect; that redistribution through tort law is especially susceptible to the charge of randomness; and that random progressive redistribution is less fair than the status quo distribution. In this Article, I challenge all three claims. I first argue that existing tort law has inevitable distributive consequences and that these consequences are predominantly regressive. I then raise four challenges to the assumption that distribution through tort law is partial, arguing that either such distribution is not partial at all or that it is no more partial than the distribution produced by alternative mechanisms: “localized distributive justice”; “participation through insurance”; “the complement thesis”; and “no comparative randomness.” Next, I develop a methodology for comparing the fairness of the post-tort litigation redistribution with that of the status quo distribution. This methodology is based on the respective proximity of these distributions to the reference point of society’s ideal distributive scheme. Applying this methodology, I argue that partial progressive redistribution is fairer than the status quo distribution. Regarding the problem of partiality of participants, I maintain that any injustice that arises from treating differently members of the same group is overridden by the more egalitarian distribution achieved between the different groups, namely, that the inter-group justice outweighs the intra-group injustice. With respect to the problem of the crudeness of the distributive result, I posit that adopting a guideline for redistribution that is “pro-disadvantaged” rather than “anti-well-to-do” ensures the superiority of the partial progressive redistribution relative to the status quo. Furthermore, even under a more radical “anti-well-to-do” benchmark for redistribution, that superiority might still be maintained. Finally, I apply my three claims to the context of gender inequality and lost earnings. I argue that the theoretical framework developed in this Article provides support for gender-neutral damages awards for lost earnings.
Treaties of a Particular Type: The ICJ's Interpretative Approach to the Constituent Instruments of International Organizations
Authors: QUAYLE PETER
Published: July 2016

The ICJ has confirmed that, on the one hand, the customary status of the general rule of treaty interpretation in the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties makes it applicable to the constituent instruments of all international organizations, but, on the other hand, constituent instruments are ‘treaties of a particular type’ with special considerations. This article examines the resultant implication that the Court adopts an approach to constituent instrument interpretation that supplements or modulates the approach provided for in the Convention. In doing so, it examines both the Advisory Opinions that respond to direct questions of constituent instrument interpretation, as well as Opinions and Judgments in which a question of constituent instrument interpretation is incidental to a dispute with respect to another treaty or general international law. The article identifies nine interpretative propositions used by the Court: (1) sufficiently clear text is conclusive; (2) the text cannot be nullified; (3) working documents (travaux préparatoires) afford auxiliary interpretation; (4) consistent practice precludes contrived interpretation; (5) to be consistent, practice need not be unanimous; (6) consistent institutional practice is determinative; (7) purpose can supplement text, but cannot contradict practice; (8) practice is interpretation, unless institutionally overruled; and (9) interpretation cannot be gratuitous. It is argued that to the extent the Court diverges from the Convention, it in fact allows for a more efficient and effective approach to constituent instrument interpretation and accords institutional practice particular prominence.
The Attribution of Responsibility and Modes of Liability in International Criminal Law
Authors: JACKSON MILES
Published: July 2016

In 2012, James Stewart published an article in this journal. The piece – ‘The End of “Modes of Liability” for International Crimes’ – argued for the abolition of accomplice liability in international criminal law and the adoption of a unitary model of participation in crime. This article argues that Stewart's proposal is flawed. As a matter of moral responsibility, the distinction between principals and accomplices follows from the recognition of individuals as moral agents. Turning to ordinary criminal responsibility, neither practical benefits nor expressive benefits nor the mitigating effects of the distinctive institution of criminal sentencing justifies the abolition of the distinction between principals and accomplices. Moreover, despite the collective nature of many international crimes, international criminal law ought to strive to accurately differentiate, in the attribution of responsibility, among participants. Only a differentiated model of participation can accurately and defensibly capture the different ways that individuals contribute to wrongdoing.