bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Quebec's “Holy War” as “Regime” Politics: Reflections on the Guibord Case
Authors: Knopff Rainer
Published: November 2009

La dernière partie du XIXe siècle au Québec a été marquée par la querelle de l'ultramontanisme et du libéralisme que l'on appelle parfois la « guerre sainte». Cette querelle s'est même déroulée devant les tribunaux à travers certains procès. L'un d'eux dût déterminer si l'Eglise avait le droit de priver Joseph Guibord d'un enterrement religieiix parce qu'il avait été membre de l'Institut canadien, société de pensée de tendance libérale combattue par l'évèque Bourget. Avant que le Comité judiciaire du Conseil privé ne rende sa décision en 1874, neuf opinions juridiques différentes furent émises, réprésentant un ensemble de point-de-vue et reflétant la complexité tant politique que juridique de l'affaire. Nous étudions ces décisions et nous montrons qu'aucune n'est satisfaisante. Nous supposons que la difficulté de cette affaire découle d'un élément caché, notamment les normes d'attribution des honneurs et du déscrédit. Nous nous servons de cette affaire pour montrer que cette « querelle religieuse » peut-être perçue comme une bataille sur le régime politique lui-même.
Political Culture and the Politics of Culture
Authors: Meisel John
Published: November 2009

Culture politique et politique culturelle

Toute activité non-professionnelle vouée à la poursuite des loisirs possède sa propre culture, laquelle influence la culture politique. La culture des loisirs constitue done un composant important de la formulation des demandes politiques d'une société. De même, les politiques gouvernementales ont un effet sur la culture des loisirs. A l'aide de multiples exemples, l'auteur illustre ces influences mutuelles entre culture des loisirs et culture politique, influences qui s'avèrent être beaucoup plus complexes et étendues qu'on ne le croit.

La science politique actuelle, en négligeant aussi bien les aspects « input-output » de la culture des loisirs que ses effets sur la culture politique, en est venue à ignorer l'existence d'une partie essentielle de la réalité politique et sociale. Bien que l'étendue de cette ignorance ne permette pas pour le moment de déterminer jusqu'à quel point il sera nécessaire de reviser le champ d'étude et les méthodes de la science politique, il n'en demeure pas moins que le crucial probléme des dimensions politiques de la culture des loisirs doive reçevoir à court terme une attention toute particulière de la part des chercheurs. Cette tâche est d'autant plus urgente que la culture des loisirs a des implications importantes pour le contrôle de la pensée individuelle et collective.
Foreign Direct Investment and the Provinces: A Study of Elite Attitudes
Authors: Stevenson Garth
Published: November 2009

Les attitudes des élites provinciales face aux investissements étrangers directs

Les politiques fédérates à l'égard des investissements étrangers au Canada ont d'importantes implications pour les relations fédérales-provinciales. Ainsi, il a souvent été suggéré que l'hostilité des gouvernements provinciaux constituait un sérieux obstacle à la volonté du gouvernement fédérate de mettre en œuvre une politique de nationalisme économique en cette matière.

Les réponses à un questionnaire posté à tous les membres des législatures provinciales au printemps de 1973 permettent à l'auteur d'analyser leurs opinions concernant les investissements étrangers directs selon leur province, leur identification partisane, leur conception de la croissance des dépenses publiques, leur attitude face à la décentralisation du système fédéral et le niveau moyen des revenus dans les circonscriptions qu'ils représentent. Plus spécifiquement, en ce qui a trait aux investissements étrangers directs, on a recueitli l'opinion des législateurs provinciaux sur la nécessité de contrôler ces investissements même au prix d'une réduction du niveau de vie, sur l'importance qu'ils accordent au caractère canadien de la propriété dans certains secteurs économiques, et sur les différentes formes de contrôle des investissements étrangers directs tel la sélection des entreprises, la création de régie d'Etat et l'obligation de maintenir une majorité de ressortissants canadiens dans les conseils d'administration.

L'analyse des résultats démontre que l'affiliation partisane et la province d'origine sont en corrélation significative avec les attitudes à l'égard des investissements étrangers; que les opinions concernant et la croissance des dépenses gouvernementales et la dépendance vis-à-vis des ressources naturelles n'affectent pas directement ces attitudes; qu'il n'y a pas de lien entre la volonté de décentralisation et le nationalisme économique et qu'une majorité des répondants dans plusieurs provinces étaient favorables à une restriction des investissements étrangers directs mais s'opposaient à la création d'une agence de sélection pour atteindre ces fins. L'auteur en conclut que les législateurs provinciaux ne sont généralement pas hostiles au nationalisme économique et que les provinces ne sauraient constituer d'obstacles majeurs aux politiques fédérales en cette matière.
Comment: Montesquieuan Principles of Canadian Politics?
Authors: Preece Rod
Published: November 2009

It is the merit of Professor Resnick's essay that it will stimulate intellectual discussion of the underlying principles of the Canadian polity at a deeper level than heretofore. What distinguishes Professor Resnick's article from much previous work on Canada's philosophical heritage is that it is based on a profound knowledge and detailed analysis of the European tradition which Canada inherited.
Core Redevelopment, Neighbourhood Revitalization and Municipal Government Motivation: Twenty Years of Urban Renewal in Quebec City
Authors: Filion Pierre
Published: November 2009

This article investigates the motives behind policy-making at the municipal level. More specifically, it argues that local governments are guided in the formulation of their policies by a need to reconcile fiscal and electoral considerations. On the one hand, by focussing on urban renewal initiatives it shows that an important proportion of municipal policies are primarily devoted to the maintenance or the bolstering of the taxation base. On the other hand, a description of the different guises taken by urban renewal over a 20-year period highlights the influence electoral circumstances have on the configuration of renewal strategies. Urban renewal efforts undertaken by Québec City's municipal administration provides the case study for this article. It identifies the impetus for launching these efforts and identifies the economic and electoral factors that produced a transition from a form of urban renewal involving a redevelopment of the core area, to one assuring the preservation of the built environment of central neighbourhoods.
What do Constitutional Equality Rights Project Canadians Against?
Authors: Knopff Rainer
Published: November 2009

It is frequently argued that section 15 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms should be interpreted to protect Canadians not only against intentional discrimination based on the prohibited grounds, but also against “systemic discrimination.” Since systemic discrimination against one group can always be described as intentional discrimination against another, this approach seems redundant in the context of an open-ended list of prohibited grounds. It may be explained as a way of promoting discrimination against unlisted groups upward on the scale of scrutiny, thus expanding the range of policy-making in inherently contestable areas that is subject to judicial determination or oversight. This article explores the political and institutional ramifications of this interpretation.
La loi et les nombres : le Programme énergétique national et la canadianisation de l'industrie pétrolière
Authors: Niosi Jorge , Duquette Michel
Published: November 2009

De nombreux auteurs, tant du monde universitaire que des affaires et de la politique, ont rendu le Programme énergétique national (PÉN) responsable de la canadianisation de l'industrie pétrolière. Cet article s'oppose à l'interprétation courante et il démontre, chiffres à l'appui, que le déclin du contrôle étranger dans l'industrie pétrolière canadienne a commencé bien avant l'application du PÉN, et qu'il s'est poursuivi après son démantèlement. En réalité, la canadianisation de l'industrie des hydrocarbures peut être interprétée dans le cadre d'un processus plus large, de déclin du pouvoir de négociation des firmes multinationales de cette industrie. Un processus semblable a eu lieu dans d'autres pays, quoique le modèle canadien ait ses propres caractéristiques.
Duverger, Epstein and the Problem of the Mass Party: The Case of the Parti Québécois
Authors: Angell Harold M.
Published: November 2009

With a theoretical framework based on Duverger and Epstein we examine the mass party and compare it to the cadre party. The Parti Québécois fits its criteria. In 1977 it imposed its fund-raising methodology on other Quebec parties by barring donations from moral persons. Only Quebec electors may now donate anything. Only the Quebec Liberal party has adapted. The hypothesis is that a loss in popularity leads to a loss of membership and a financial crisis. This may lead to a crise de conscience and a split in membership, leading to disintegration and defeat. Such a crisis shook the PQ from 1981 to 1985 and the defeat of December 2, 1985, was an inevitable consequence.
Unbridled Constraint: The Macdonald Commission Volumes on Canada and the International Political Economy
Authors: Haglund David G.
Published: November 2009

This article argues that the three volumes of the Macdonald Commission research output devoted to international political economy (vols. 28 to 30) demonstrate a bias toward what might be labeled “neo-realist” analysis. As a result, they nearly all are steeped in a degree of pessimism regarding Canada's place in the evolving international political economy—a pessimism that extends not only to future prospects for the. multilateral trading system, but for the bilateral Canada-US one as well. While this sense of limited options might indeed be justified, this article argues that a serious omission from the set of studies was the relative lack of attention accorded to the security arrangements underpinning the postwar trade and monetary order. That being said, the author finds that the volumes will likely have a lasting significance for scholars, even though their relevance for public policy may not be so great or lasting.
Moral Dimensions of Statecraft: A Plea for an Administrative Theology
Authors: Dwivedi O. P.
Published: November 2009

The issue of moral dimensions of the state and its statecraft is the focus of this article. The issue is premised on two questions: how do we secure moral responsibility of the state and its functionaries; and what can be done to enhance the sense of mission, dedication and service which used to be the hallmarks of the public service? The concept of “administrative theology” is suggested as a possible answer in our search for a moral government and statecraft. Particular emphasis is placed on the concept of service and the doctrine of vocation. The author concludes by pleading the case of administrative theology as a possible source for a moral government and its statecraft.
The Practice of Politics in Two Settings: Political Transferability Among Recent Immigrants to Canada
Authors: Black Jerome H.
Published: November 2009

This article examines the relationship between the previous political experiences of immigrants and their subsequent involvement in Canadian politics. A 1983 Toronto-area survey of immigrants of various ethnic origins (British, West Indian, Southern and Eastern European) who had been in Canada for five years or less serves as the study's data base. Two hypotheses derived from the relevant literature are investigated: immigrants will have difficulty “transferring” or making relevant past political experiences; and only those (that is, the British) whose system resembles the new one (Canadian) can accomplish transference. However, a more optimistic perspective is proposed suggesting the likelihood of transference regardless of the system of origin. Test results support this latter view.
Hinterland Politics: The Case of Northwestern Ontario
Authors: Weller G. R.
Published: November 2009

L'effet des rapports « metropolitan-hinterland » sur la vie politique des « hinterland » a été largement ignorée jusqu'ici. La plupart des analyses du régionalisme au Canada ne traitent pas des sous-régions provinciales. Cet article tente donc de combler partiellement cette lacune en analysant dans le nord-ouest ontarien les différents types de politiques et les facteurs qui les déterminent.

Après avoir, analysé les principales caractéristiques de cette région, l'auteur soutient qu'il y a trois différents types de politique qu'il désigne ainsi : la politique de l'Extraction, la politique de la Frustration et l'esprit de clocher. La politique de l'Extraction se compose de deux processus. D'abord, il y a la politique de la futilité constituée par les tentatives faites par les autochtones pour obtenir des changements socioéconomiques majeurs, ou, à tout le moins, le plus de concessions possibles de la métropole. Ensuite, il y a la politique de « gratification » qui consiste pour la métropole à essayer d'extraire les ressources locales au coût le plus bas possible sans avoir à modifier de manière fondamentale la nature de la relation. La politique de la Frustration, tout comme l'esprit de clocher, sont présentés comme les conséquences de la politique d'Extraction. La politique de Frustration se manifeste à la fois par un fort courant de radicalisme et la création de nombreux mouvements marginaux. L'esprit de clocher, pour sa part, se traduit par tin intérêt excessif pour la politique locale et par la domination soit des grandes corporations soit des autorités provinciales sur le gouvernement local. L'auteur appelle ces phénomènes: la politique de sublimation et la politique de dépendance.

Il conclut en soutenant que les schémas politiques existants dans le nord-ouest ontarien ne connaitront probablement pas de changement significatif dans un avenir prévisible. Aucun parti politique n'est intéressé à des changements fondamentaux et la région ne dispose pas des ressources politiques, économiques, et sociales suffisantes pour exiger un tel changement.
Canadian Socialism and Policy Impact: Contagion from the Left?
Authors: Chandler William M.
Published: November 2009

L'influence des partis d'opposition est un des facteurs politiques déterminant pour comprendre l'élaboration des politiques gouvernementales. Selon l'auteur l'hypothèse de la contagion par la gauche permet d'approcher systématiquement ce problème. Cette hypothèse consiste à dire que sous certaines conditions, les changements dans les priorités poiitiques peuvent être fonction des menaces de l'opposition envers les partis au pouvoir. Cet article met donc à l'épreuve l'hypothèse de la contagion dans le contexte de la politique provinciale et examine en particulier le rôle du CCF-NPD comme force d'opposition. Les schémas du changement dans les poiitiques gouvernementales y sont saisis à travers l'examen des données des dépenses publiques.
Hume's Political Science and the Classical Republican Tradition
Authors: Moore James
Published: November 2009

La science politique de Hume marque un point tournant dans l'histoire de la pensée politique. On pent mieux apprécier sa signification si on la considère comme une réponse structurée aux essais de construction d'une science politique fondée sur l'expérience tentés par les théoriciens de la tradition républicaine classique. Sa discussion des formes de gouvernement, du régime mixte en Grande Bretagne, du rôle des législateurs, de l'influence du gouvernement sur le comportement social, des sources de la puissance militaire, de la sagesse d'acquérir des colonies, des mérites de la politique de la Grèce et de Rome dans l'Antiquité, et en dernier lieu, sa conception d'une république parfaite, tons ces thèmes font partie d'une réponse systématique aux oeuvres de Machiavel, Harrington, Bolingbroke et autres. La conception de Hume du gouvernement constitutionnel dérive d'une application plus consistante du raisonnement expérimental an domaine politique. Sa science politique offre done une nouvelle théorie du gouvernement républicain qui a eu une profonde influence sur les penseurs américains, notamment Hamilton et Madison. Ces derniers y trouvèrent une conception du politique qui pouvait être appliquée aux grandes sociétés mercantiles.
Justifying Tolerance
Authors: Vernon Richard , LaSelva Samuel V.
Published: November 2009

Arguments for tolerance, and criticisms of it, regularly produce paradoxes and other kinds of conceptual difficulty. We seek to show that these paradoxes are unnecessary, and that they arise from misconceptions of what a theory of tolerance is required to justify. Imagined as a “virtue,” tolerance is simply confused with other concepts; understood in the framework of a theory of “rights,” the element of choice essential to the concept is wholly neglected; explaining the concept in terms of some theory of fallibilism leads to a confusion of pragmatic with cognitive standards. Moreover, such mistaken approaches often arise from an equation of tolerance with liberalism or pluralism: the authors maintain, however, that justifications of tolerance do not rest on a commitment to any political theory or ideology, but imply only a recognition of the political situation itself.
Le politique, concept mystificateur?
Authors: Bélanger André-J.
Published: November 2009

Searching for the meaning of politics is time lost. Introduced by the Ancient Greeks, the concept of politics came to be understood by subsequent authors as the most meaningful of the social sciences. It has been reduced to a secondary status, however, with the growth of sociology. The term has become loaded with meaning, to the level of the inexpressible. Attempts at delimiting it have been fruitless except for nominalist definitions which are evaluated for their heuristic character within a given theoretical discourse. The analyst should look for social relations instead of given social objects.
Citizen and Provincial Power Under Alternative Amending Formulae: An Extension of Kilgour's Analysis
Authors: Levesque Terrence J. , Moore James W.
Published: November 2009

In a recent number of this Journal, D. Marc Kilgour describes a formal analysis of the power of provinces and citizens to effect a constitutional amendment, given the requirements specified by paragraph 38(l)(b) of the Constitution Act, 1982. He concludes that the amending formula—essentially the Fulton-Favreau formula proposed in 1964—distributes power more equitably among provinces than it does among citizens when power measures the capacity of provinces and citizens to change the outcome of the amending process by changing their positions on the issue.
The Case Against Socrates: Plato's Cleitophon
Authors: Orwin Clifford
Published: November 2009

Le Cleitophon est le plus court des dialogues de Platon et l'un des plus intrigants. Etroitement lié à la République et par le thème et par la trame—Kleitophon est dans l'ouvrage le personnage le plus hostile à Socrate—le Cleitophon pent en être considéré comme le prélude on comme le supplément. Cependant la République paraît à justifier sa compréhension da la justice socratique tandis que Kleitophon affirme son insignifiance; il le fait de plus, sous forme de reproche à Socrate, reproche qui reste sans réplique, le seul que l'on trouve chez Platon. L'ouvrage que voici discute du rôle de Kleitophon
dans la République et de sa signification dans le Cleitophon et donne une interprétation du Cleitophon. Ce n'est pas sans raison que Platon nous fournit des arguments contre Socrate: tel est le raisonnement suivi dans cet ouvrage.
Women and the Welfare State
Authors: Andrew Caroline
Published: November 2009

The article presents a reinterpretation of the welfare state dealing with the role played by women in the development and on-going function of the welfare state. Three roles are emphasized: women's organizing and the role of women's organizations in pressuring for the measures making up the welfare state, women as workers in the welfare state and, finally, women as clients of the welfare state. Having described these roles, the current politics of the welfare state are examined in order to illustrate the importance of understanding the relations between gender and politics.
Pouvoir et conflits dans l'organisation: grandeur et limites du modèle de Michel Crozier
Authors: Dion Stéphane
Published: November 2009

Power and Conflicts in Organizations: Strengths and Limits of the Model of Michel Crozier

Because of the manner in which they look at inter-organizational conflict and power, none of the main streams of organizational theory has been able to incorporate the three elements which compose the political dimension in an organization: strategic interaction, the integration of behaviour in the collective “system,” and the consideration given to cultural effects.

Michel Crozier claims to have solved the problem by having recourse to a systematic and hypothetical-inductive reasoning, and in making power the base for all forms of relationships where one always finds implied some negotiated influence. The different theoretical positions taken regarding the strategicanalysisthat he proposes are examined in this article. The author stresses the advantages of the procedure; suggests an improvement to understand interaction; questions the assumption of the necessity of the systematic integration; and comments on the methodological difficulties of introducing the cultural element in strategic action.
On Macpherson's Developmental Liberalism
Authors: Angus Ian H.
Published: November 2009

The work of C. B. Macpherson is extremely significant for those seeking to understand the cul-de-sac which liberal political theory and institutions have entered. Considering the experience of socialist societies in this century, the necessity for a nonmarket political theory to retain a positive connection to Western liberal values should be beyond dispute. Any postmarket society requires, not pious reassurances, but institutional support for individual rights that are the most vehemently defended in the liberal tradition. But of course this is not enough. Contemporary society is already undermining liberal individualism through massive organizations and manipulated consumption. The inability of liberal theory to analyze effectively and propose alternatives to the contemporary decline of the individual suggests that the cul-de-sac is rooted in the conceptual foundations of liberalism itself. Macpherson's rigorous analysis of the market assumptions of liberal theory pinpoints this conceptual inadequacy and attempts to maintain a commitment to liberal values in a postmarket society.
Croissance et répression, la double logique de l'Etat deépendant: le cas du Brésil
Authors: Faucher Philippe
Published: November 2009

Growth and Repression, the Ambiguous Logic of the Dependent State: The Case of Brazil

The often intuitive association between the army and foreign capitalists alters the analysis of the condition of dependency and the nature of the dependent State. We intend to shed light on the importance of the Brazilian State's autonomy, in the face of foreign domination and local capitalists. This autonomy is strengthened by the fundamental shift noticed between the economic decision-making system and the method of political control. The link between political domination and economic decisions is found in the State; it lies in the association between the army and the civil technocracy. Our study shows that this association is based on a distribution of power within the state, that it is characterized by conflict, and thus that it requires bargaining. The difficulties encountered by the government, led by General Geisel (197479), reflect the contradictions of that association.

Our purpose here is not to improve a typology and to advance subtle distinctions that would allow us to measure the present gap between the Brazilian regime and a democratic system, or the slight divergence that distinguishes it from a totalitarian government. Such an exercise appears to be of limited interest. The objectives of this study are to determine the nature of the Brazilian State—by a careful study of its political structure—and to identify social changes resulting from dependent dēvelopment.
A Note on the Ambiguous Meanings of Survey Research Measures Which Use the Words “Left” and “Right”
Authors: Ogmundson R. L.
Published: November 2009

Perhaps the most important concept in wide use by social scientists for the analysis of political attitudes and behaviour has been the left-right dimension. Not surprisingly therefore, the terms “left” and “right” themselves have been used in survey research on public opinion in Canada, and have subsequently been central to the data analysis of several recent articles on Canadian politics. Important to these papers has been the assumption that the terms “left” and “right” are understood by the average Canadian in such a manner that data gathered in response to questions using these terms will be valid. This paper argues that this assumption is mistaken.
Foucault's Triple Murder and the Modern Development of Power
Authors: Thiele Leslie Paul
Published: November 2009

Michel Foucault offered his readers an “analytics of power” and later began a “genealogy of the subject.” The two tasks were related, and both were premised on Foucault's rejection of traditional modes of political thought or reason. This article explores Foucault's attack on political rationality, something here called Foucault's triple murder: that is, his rejection of the role played in political thought by the ideas of sovereignty, History (as a predictable evolutionary or revolutionary process) and Man (as a transcendental subject). Foucault's restructuring of political thought is shown to be the foundation of his work.
Le libre-échange canado-américain: défi à la souveraineté et au progrès
Authors: Leduc Daniel
Published: November 2009

The federal election of 1984 brought to an end 16 years of virtually uninterrupted Liberal government whose foreign policy was characterized by an evident desire to set Canada apart from the United States and give a truly Canadian flavour to the country's diplomacy. The Conservatives have drawn a lesson for themselves from the limited results of such policy and have re-aligned the country more closely with the United States to resolve various issues inherited from the Liberals, free trade being one of them. If free trade were to become a reality, there would be serious implications for the future of Canadian industry, for the social and economic well-being of the population, and, most important of all, for the existence of Canada as a sovereign state.
In Search of Left/Right Beliefs in the Canadian Electorate
Authors: Lambert Ronald D. , Curtis James E. , Brown Steven D. , Kay Barry J.
Published: November 2009

We report on findings from alternative ways of assessing the meaning given to “left” and “right” by respondents in the 1984 National Election Study. Approximately 40 per cent of the sample supplied definitions of the concepts; in comparison, about 60 per cent stated their feelings toward left-wingers and right-wingers and described their political orientations using a seven-point left/right rating scale. Left signified socialism or communism for about one-half of those who supplied definitions, and dislike for left-wingers seemed to be associated with these conceptions of left. Right, which was much more highly regarded than left, signified conservatism for one-quarter of those who defined the term. We also factor analyzed respondents' self-ratings on the left/right scale along with their answers to 15 attitude statements. Left was weakly associated with support for labour's use of the strike weapon. In a criterion group of respondents who had completed university and who had ventured definitions of left and right, self-ratings correlated with factors tapping attitudes toward the military and toward economic disparity and social welfare. As expected, respondents' ratings of themselves on the left/right scale were more similar to their ratings of their preferred parties than to their ratings of other parties. The relationship between self-ratings and ratings of preferred parties generally varied directly with the strength of party identification. We conclude with some observations about the political utility of political labels such as left and right.
Updating Duverger's Law
Authors: Dobell W. M.
Published: November 2009

This note traces the reasoning behind Riker's addenda to Duverger's law, which exempts Canada and India from its general determinism. Characteristics common to Canada and India, but not to other countries using the plurality electoral system, are examined. The study finds that the uniqueness of those two federal nations employing the simple-majority system lies in the dominance of one national party, the weakness of the conventional alternative governing party, and the persistence of ideological parties of the left.
Les techniciens de la représentation: contribution à l'histoire des études électorales
Authors: Forest Pierre-Gerlier
Published: November 2009

Les engagements extra-scientifiques des politologues sont un excellent révélateur des enjeux et des arbitrages qui ponctuent l'histoire de la science politique. Après avoir détaché le domaine politologique sur le fond commun des pratiques scientifiques, on doit même admettre que les différents jeux de langage qui le caractérisent ressortissent à une véritable technologie: les grandes périodes de l'évolution disciplinaire sont l'expression des rapports privilégiés entre spécialistes et classe politique. L'exemple des études éléctorales permet d'attester la pertinence de cette approche et de montrer comment la conformation de l'objet politique est gouvernée par des thématiques proprement techniques.
Policy Instruments and the Study of Public Policy
Authors: Woodside Kenneth
Published: November 2009

One of the most distinctive concepts for the study of public policy in Canada is that of policy or governing instruments. This article describes the origins of this literature, provides an overview of its theoretical claims, and evaluates some of these claims. It is argued, first, that the literature is too directly tied to particular theories of the state and of the policy-making process and that those ties are both unnecessary and constrain the usefulness of the concept of policy instruments. Second, the treatment of coercion as the central feature differentiating policy instruments is questioned and an alternative formulation is proposed.
Réalignements électoraux et transformations du personnel politique
Authors: Pelletier Réjean , Crête Jean
Published: November 2009

À la suite de certaines études aux États-Unis, nous nous interrogeons sur les transformations du personnel politique au moment des élections de réalignement. Pour répondre à nos interrogations, nous utilisons une stratégie de vérification en trois étapes. En nous servant d'un indice de volatilité, nous définissons d'abord les différents types d'élections au Québec depuis 1867, pour nous attacher ensuite au renouvellement des parlementaires québécois (roulement-défaites) ainsi qu'aux transformations socio-économiques (âge-scolarité-occupation) de ce personnel au moment des élections de réalignement. Au total, si on observe une relation entre réalignements électoraux et transformations du personnel politique, les résultats sont souvent moins probants que dans les études américaines similaires.
Le pouvoir dans les décisions conjointes
Authors: Lemieux Vincent
Published: November 2009

Il existe de nombreuses définitions du pouvoir, mais aucune n'a encore réussi à inspirer de recherches empiriques fécondes. Pour y arriver, une condition préalable doit être satisfaite, soit d'inscrire la définition du pouvoir dans un courant théorique important. La définition du pouvoir en situation de vote, à l'intérieur de la théorie des choix collectifs, remplit cette condition. Cette définition peut être élargie à toutes les décisions conjointes, qu'elles soient prises par le vote ou autrement. Une approche systémique du pouvoir ne s'intéresse pas tellement au fait que les acteurs participent ou non au parti vainqueur, ou encore que leur participation soit décisive ou non, mais considére plutot leur position dans des structurations du pouvoir qui prennent forme dans les décisions conjointes. Aprés une présentation des atouts de pouvoir des acteurs, l'article se termine par une brève étude de cas concernant la décision prise par le Conseil des ministres du Québec de déclencher une élection sur la nationalisation de l'électricité, en 1962.
Medicine and the State in Canada: The Extra-Billing Issue in Perspective
Authors: Tuohy Carolyn J.
Published: November 2009

The apparent defeat of the medical profession on the issue of extra-billing presents an anomaly, in light of the historical and comparative literature on the political power of medicine and the more general interest group literature regarding the disproportionate political influence of concentrated interests. On closer examination, the extra-billing episode suggests some modifications to theories of the political advantage of concentrated interests, but does not present a deviant case. It rather provides an example of the political vulnerability of concentrated interests on issues of broad symbolic appeal; it illustrates the ability of a concentrated group to use its traditional advantages in processes of negotiation and accommodation with policy-makers to achieve tangible and positional gains in compensation for symbolic losses; and (in the case of the conflict in Ontario) it demonstrates the susceptibility of such negotiations over symbolic values to problems of misperception, miscalculation and “face.” In longer-term perspective, moreover, the extra-billing issue is best understood as an episode of conflict in a long history of accommodation between medicine and the state under comprehensive medicare.
Le développement pétrolier au Mexique: une stratégie d'organisation du rapport de la population à l'espace
Authors: Corten André
Published: November 2009

La découverte d'importants gisements de pétrole au sud-est du Mexique en 1972 délocalise totalement l'activité pétrolière. Cette délocalisation qui entre par ailleurs dans une politique générale de déconcentration industrielle induit une migration interurbaine considérable. L'objet de ce texte est de montrer la spécificité de cette migration et d'analyser le nouveau rapport de la population au territoire qui tente ainsi de s'instituer dans cette région tampon avec l'Amérique centrale. Ce rapport de la population au territoire est expliqué à partir du type de mobilisation sociale et politique constitutive du régime populiste mexicain. Ce rapport ne s'établit cependant pas fermement. Le mouvement centripète de transfert de la rente se trouve renforcé, éclairant certains facteurs de crise du système mexicain.
Inflation, Unemployment and Canadian Federal Voting Behaviour
Authors: Archer Keith , Johnson Marquis
Published: November 2009

Identifying the effect of macro-economic performance on levels of partisan support in Canada has attracted considerable attention. Findings in Canada, as elsewhere, often diverge depending upon whether aggregate or individual-level data are used. This study employs individual-level data from 1974 to 1984 to examine the effect of changes in unemployment and inflation on support for the various parties. Controlling for partisan and leader effects, we find that the electoral effect of inflation and unemployment is highly variable over time, and is in an unstable partisan direction. Indeed, at times the partisan effect was perverse.
Reply: Rethinking Equal Opportunity
Authors: LaSelva Samuel V.
Published: November 2009

Professor Drummond has raised so many objections to my study of mandatory retirement that I cannot reply to all of them without taxing the patience of readers of this JOURNAL. But one of his criticisms articulates a conception of liberal justice under the Charter, and it is to this important issue that I shall confine my reply.
In the Eye of the Beholder: Leader Images in Canada
Authors: Brown Steven D. , Lambert Ronald D. , Kay Barry J. , Curtis James E.
Published: November 2009

The “leader factor” in Canadian voting has received surprisingly little research attention. In this article, the authors employ data from the 1974, 1979, 1980 and 1984 Canadian National Election Studies to examine the organization of respondents' images of the major political party leaders. The central thesis developed here is that respondents' images of the leaders are not typically idiosyncratic to the leader or to the election in question. The images are shaped by a prototypical leader schema that affects the information about leaders that is processed and recalled. The authors test several implications of this thesis. They demonstrate that there is considerable commonality in the content of a citizen's images of leaders in any one election, and that there is evidence of both aggregate and individual-level stability in the structure of images across elections. The authors test an additional hypothesis from schema theory concerning individual differences in image content. In this regard, they demonstrate, contrary to some of the literature, that better-educated respondents are more likely than less-educated respondents to cite task-relevant dispositional attributes of the leaders.
The Welfare State: An Affront to Freedom?
Authors: Nock Christopher John
Published: November 2009

Libertarian writers such as Hayek, Friedman, Hospers and Nozick have insisted that welfare state policies are, per se, inimical to the classical liberal notion of freedom. The purpose of this article is to test the internal coherence of the libertarian attack upon the welfare state. Special attention is given to Friedman's contentions in his Capitalism and Freedom. It is argued that the libertarian attack upon the welfare state is misguided. Indeed, it is suggested that in order to achieve the type of individual liberty that libertarians wish to secure the state must be assigned a positive welfare role.
A Note on “Hartz-Horowitz at Twenty”: The Case of French Canada
Authors: Wiseman Nelson
Published: November 2009

In an assessment of Louis Hartz's fragment theory, H. D. Forbes contends that its basic weaknesses are most easily exposed in the case of French Canada. This article argues the opposite: Hartz's approach in this case is particularly illuminating rather than representing its Achilles’ heel. Hartzian analysis is consistent with the historiography of French Canada. The growth of liberalism in the nineteenth century that Forbes points to in the French-Canadian fragment pales when placed in a comparative perspective as Hartz's theory requires. It is the mix of feudal and liberal ideas in the twentieth century that helps to explain the rise of social democratic forces like the Parti québécois.
Corporatism: A Growth Industry Reaches the Monopoly Stage
Authors: Panitch Leo
Published: November 2009

At the end of the 1970s, the corporatism growth industry in political science passed from its competitive stage (articles in journals) to its organized stage (articles collected in books). In the founding text of the new stage, Trends Towards Corporatist Intermediation, Philippe Schmitter explained that corporatism was not itself a theory capable of generating explanations and predictions. Rather, it was a phenomenon that had to be theorized within one of the major competing paradigms of social structure and social change, which he identified as those associated with Durkheimian and Parsonian “structural differentiation,” the historical materialism of Weberian and Marxist-revisionist “organized capitalism,” and the Marxist political economy tradition wherein he located the theories of the state popular at the time. Yet, it was perhaps inevitable, given the accumulation of academic capital associated with growth industries in the social sciences, that Schmitter's (and others') sound advice would be ignored and that grandiose claims would be made for corporatism as a theory in its own right.
Organizational Change in the Machinery of Canadian Government: From Rational Management to Brokerage Politics
Authors: Aucoin Peter
Published: November 2009

Organizational change in the central machinery of government is essentially a function of executive leadership. The major determinants of such change are invariably political and not administrative in character and derive from the leadership paradigms of chief executive officers—their philosophy of government, management style and political objectives. This phenomenon is examined in the recent transformation of the Canadian central executive system from one based upon the Trudeau paradigm of rational management to one structured to fit the Mulroney paradigm of brokerage politics. The organizational instruments of each paradigm are considered and their respective capacities to meet the requirements of executive leadership in our modern administrative state are assessed. It is argued that the two different systems and the changes introduced by them are best explained by the paradigms of these two prime ministers.
Comment: Restoring Class to State Unemployment Insurance
Authors: Cuneo Carl J.
Published: November 2009

There has been a recent tendency, with deep historical roots in structural-functionalism and elite analyses, to insulate the state from class formations and struggles. Reacting against classical Marxist and neo-Marxist attempts to locate certain features of state policy in the class struggles of capitalist formations, there has been a reversion to “explaining” state policy solely by the “internal dynamics” of state administration and the motives and intentions of their incumbents. Leslie Pal's critique of my work in his article is yet another attempt in this tradition. After critiquing my “narrow” use of “relative autonomy” and “rigid” reliance on “class struggle” to account for the introduction of theEmployment and Social Insurance Actof 1935 and theUnemployment Insurance Actof 1940, he offers an alternative classless “model” which relies heavily on actuarial ideology and federal-provincial relations in the dynamics of internal state administration. In light of his use of my work as a point of departure, I will make only a few salient points. My comments are divided into two parts: theoretical assumptions and the class nature of actuarial ideology.
L'Etat et ses trois niveaux: le régime, la gouverne et la politie
Authors: Bergeron Gérard
Published: November 2009

The State and Its Three Levels: Regime, Governance and Polity

This article is not simply a summary of the analytical framework already presented in the earlier, principal theoretical works of the author. It goes beyond the simple exercise of schematic brevity by adding some new elements: the notion of collective action groups between those of social classes and interest groups; a first transposition of a schema conceived for the classical unitary state to one applicable to the federal, or “multiple,” state; and a new formulation of the three analytical levels, specifically those characterizing this theoretical framework, which go by the labels of “regime,” “governance,” and “polity.”

The article is divided into three parts corresponding to the study of the three levels and connected by an equal number of “thresholds” of levels. The conclusion points out the lines of transposition for the study of a federal state and the directions of research for the analysis of political change.
Generality or Specificity in Political Orientations: A Case Study
Authors: Brown Steven D. , McMenemy John
Published: November 2009

Recent studies addressing the origins of political orientations raise questions concerning the level of generality at which it is appropriate to conceptualize such orientations. In traditional treatments of the subject, the assumption is implicit that one’s orientation to government is a generalized disposition that has application across various levels of government–for example, that a citizen’s particular degree of trust (or distrust) in public officials to represent the public interest usefully characterizes his orientations to national, provincial and urban legislatures alike.
Urban Decision-Making and the Legislative Environment: Toronto Council Re-examined
Authors: Kay Barry J.
Published: November 2009

Recent years have witnessed an increased attention toward legislative decision-making in urban Canada. Various studies have been undertaken which attempt to analyze the fundamental patterns of city council voting in different Canadian centres. Although influenced theoretically by discussions in the American legislative voting literature, they have frequently detected trends at variance with findings in the United States. Nevertheless, the direction of such Canadian studies has tended to be less focussed, with hypotheses and theoretical approaches frequently being rejected. This particular work was undertaken in an attempt to break out of a predictable mould which has tended to feature replications of similar research modes across the range of cities. The goal here is to redress the lack of theoretical initiative and to develop new explanations for the dynamic that underlies the municipal decision-making process.
Remembering the Monarch
Authors: Benoît Paul
Published: November 2009

The Quee's influence in Canada is waning, as nearly everyone agrees. Yet a majority of Canadians must regret this decline, because opinion polls have shown that for every one Canadian who wants to abolish the monarchy, two want to preserve it. Canadians, it would appear, have resigned themselves to accepting their countr's gradual transformation into a republic, as though it were part of some larger inevitable process.

Many of them, for example, continue to support electorally a political party that, since the days of William Lyon Mackenzie King, has had a policy of dissociating Canada from her British imperial past. In 1972, a special joint parliamentary committee formed by the Trudeau government to study the constitution declared that it “preferred a Canadian as Head of State for Canada.”
The Necrologists of International Relations
Authors: Holsti K. J.
Published: November 2009

Two contemporary streams of thought in international relations offer significant theoretical challenges to the field and to the way it has been organized since the time of Rousseau. New power cycle theories propose that the etiology of war resides in different growth rates among the major powers. Hegemonic wars are a recurrent consequence of the states system. The literature suggests that the patterns of the past are likely to be repeated in future; hence, the only solution to the problem of war is the transcendence of the states system. The second body of literature proposes that growing interdependence is bringing profound structural changes that are already leading to the demise of the nation state and to the transformation of the states system. The essay critically examines these theories and outlines reasons why both are empirically and logically deficient. These bodies of literature also illustrate how even among rigorous quantitative analysts, normative concerns animate research. Finally, the author suggests why the search for a theory or model of international politics is doomed to failure, and why a healthy field will be characterized by intellectual pluralism.