bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
‘Amor and His Brother Cupid’: The ‘Two Loves’ in Heinrich von Veldeke's ‘Eneit’
Authors: Groos Arthur
Published: August 2016

Most scholars who have studied the medieval adaptations of Virgil's epic masterpiece agree that the principal change introduced to the story by the Roman d'Eneas and Heinrich von Veldeke's Eneit involves the Dido and Lavinia episodes. In general terms, the first four books of the Aeneid have been reduced in scope to the story of Dido, whereas Virgil's brief references to Lavinia in later books have been expanded into an independent love intrigue several thousand lines in length, creating a bipartite epic which anticipates the structure of Arthurian romance. There is considerably less unanimity of opinion concerning the nature and function of these two episodes in Veldeke's Eneit. The argument has circled for the most part around the question whether the loves of Dido and Lavinia for Eneas can be differentiated in terms of ‘unrehte’ and ‘rehte minne’ or in terms of fate and external circumstances. The following study focuses on a basic element of the work which has largely been ignored but could clarify the dispute: the distribution and roles of the gods of love in the two episodes.
Notes on the Byzantine Synapte
Authors: Strittmatter Anselm
Published: August 2016

These Notes are the result of a protracted study in the course of which the Byzantine synapte has been examined in more than fifty manuscripts, each of which has again and again for this and other purposes been closely scrutinized. The text which precedes the Notes includes a distinctive —and, as far as I know, entirely new — feature, viz., a twofold recension of the synapte which is explained and justified in the Concluding Remarks following Note II. Immediately after the text itself and the brief comments which have appeared desirable or necessary, there is an Excursus on saints' names in the Τῆς παναγίας bidding at the very end of the synapte. This subject is part of a much larger one, viz., lists of saints' names in liturgical prayers. One thinks first of all of the list which appears in the Communicantes of the Roman Canon and of parallel lists in the East. It is interesting to note, however, that whereas the lengthened medieval lists failed to establish themselves permanently within the framework of the Anaphora in the East or of the Canon in the West, they did succeed in maintaining themselves in the East in certain prayers still found in the Euchology and Horologion.
The Child in the Tree: A Study of the Cosmological Tree in Christian Tradition
Authors: Greenhill Eleanor Simmons
Published: August 2016

In the first of T. S. Eliot's Four Quartets, ‘Burnt Norton,' appear the following lines:
Quick, said the bird, find them, find them,Round the corner. Through the first gate,Into our first world, shall we followThe deception of the thrush? Into our first world.……………Go, said the bird, for the leaves were full of children,Hidden excitedly, containing laughter.

Eliot returns to the image of the garden and the children in the last of this cycle, ‘Little Gidding‘:
Through the unknown, remembered gateWhen the last of earth left to discoverIs that which was the beginning;At the source of the longest riverThe voice of the hidden waterfallAnd the children in the apple-treeNot known, because not looked forBut heard, half heard, in the stillness…All manner of thing shall be wellWhen the tongues of flame are in-foldedInto the crowned knot of fireAnd the fire and the rose are one.
Some Recent Works on the Political Theories of the Medieval Canonists
Authors: Tierney Brian
Published: August 2016

During the past decade there has been a significant shift of emphasis in work on the medieval canonists. The traditional studies on the literary history of canonistic sources and on problems of specifically ecclesiastical jurisprudence continue to flourish, and, indeed, have been stimulated by the plans for a new edition of Gratian'sDecretum; but alongside this work, and complementary to it, there has appeared a new trend, a lively interest in the content and influence of canonistic doctrine concerning public law and political theory. This trend, moreover, shows all the international diffusion — and even, perhaps, something of the interplay of national susceptibilities — that its exponents have discerned in the work of the medieval canonists themselves. It is especially interesting that notable contributions have come from England and the United States as well as from the more established centers of canonistic studies.
An Armenian Bibliology
Authors: Der Nersessian Sirarpie
Published: August 2016

Students of Early Christian and Medieval civilizations have long been aware of the need for comprehensive and reliable bibliographies. This need has been felt even more keenly by those who are primarily interested in the East Christian world, for information on either primary sources or critical studies is too often scattered in books and periodicals which are not easily available even in large libraries. The recent publication by Hakob S. Anasian of the first volume of his Armenian Bibliology is a major event for these studies and deserves to be called to the attention of all medievalists. I wish to express here my thanks to the editors of Traditio who, realizing the significance of this publication, accepted the present article although it has been their general policy not to include book reviews in their journal.
The Genuine and the Forged Oath of Pope Leo III
Authors: Wallach Luitpold
Published: August 2016

An oath was sworn by Pope Leo III at St. Peter's on December 23 of the year 800 before a synodal assembly at which Charlemagne presided; it occupies a central place among the events that culminated, only two days later, in the coronation of the Frankish king asImperator Romanorum.The document customarily known as the text of this ‘oath’ was in 1899 edited by Karl Hampe, and in 1906 by Albert Werminghoff, who followed his predecessorad verbum usque, as he says. The apparatus of both editions establishes the insertion of a slightly reedited oath in theDecretumof Burchard of Worms. Ivo of Chartres and, in an apologetic treatise, Gerhoh of Reichersberg follow Burchard without major changes. The variants listed by Hampe and Werminghoff indicate that they both distinguished between the basic text of the oath in the oldest, ninth-century MS, Würzburg M. p. theol. fol. 46 (and its descendants, the Monacenses 6241 and 27246, saec. x-xi), and the oath's transmission by Burchard and the above-named authors who depend on Burchard. And Hampe assigns the twelfth-century Vaticanus 1348 to the Burchard tradition, when he says that its readings largely correspond with Burchard's (‘paene omnibus conveniunt Burchardi Wormat. decret. …’). Both scholars are fully conversant with the textual history of the document; they reprint in the notes the abbreviated version of the oath in Gratian'sDecretum, and the text in a Roman Ordo which represents a version re-written in accordance with certain concepts of Roman law. The Burchard-tradition has been discussed in a recent study. Some of the changes made by Burchard in the original text of the oath are readily understandable. The variantin…conspectu, instead ofin…basilica, probably resulted from a scribal dittography, because the same expression occurs in the oath of purgation in the lines preceding and following the correct reading. The variantadversum, instead ofadversus, is an emendation of the original text. Burchard evidently recognized the resemblance between the original reading, ‘qualiter homines maliadversus me insurrexeruntand Psalm 53.5 ‘quoniam alieniinsurrexerunt adversum me.’
Decretals of Innocent III in Paris, B.N. MS Lat. 3922A
Authors: Cheney C. R.
Published: August 2016

The Paris manuscript, lat. 3922A of the Bibliothèque Nationale, contains an important group of legal works, written in the early part of the thirteenth century, some of which have in recent years interested historians of the canon law. One section (fols. 118v-126v) has not, to my knowledge, been described fully in print. In 1951, Dr. Walther Holtzmann, who had examined it some years before, kindly brought it to my notice. The bearing of this section on the questions posed by other parts of the volume cannot be thoroughly appreciated until the volume has been examinedas a whole: for this we must await the description by Mme. Rambaud, conservateur au Cabinet des Manuscrits, who is engaged in cataloguing the canonistic manuscripts of the Bibliothèque Nationale. For the moment, an analysis of this section may have some value in throwing light on the methods of compilators and in discovering a few new or improved texts. The whole volume seems to emanate from the Anglo-Norman school and Rouen was probably its place of origin. The collection of decretals on fols. 148r-167vhas therefore been suitably christened ‘Rotomagensis.’ It may be convenient to style it ‘Rotomagensis I’; then the collection on fols. 211r-227v, based upon Compilatio I, may be called ‘Rotomagensis II,’ and the section with which this article is concerned becomes ‘Rotomagensis III.’
Roman Law as Part of Ancient Civilization: Reflections on Leopold Wenger's Last Work
Authors: Wolff Hans Julius
Published: August 2016

The monumental volume with which we are dealing is the legacy left to his science by a man who will always be counted among the most distinguished and most influential scholars of Roman law and ancient legal history in the first half of the twentieth century. As early as 1902, when he first began to teach Roman law at the University of Graz, Leopold Wenger had conceived a plan of writing a history of the whole legal order of the Romans that would comprise the total of public, procedural, and private institutions in one great unit. He proposed to see his unit in the light of its general political and cultural setting and to interpret it as bringing to its climax and final achievement, under Justinian, the evolution of law and legal thought of all antiquity; antiquity itself he understood as one single historical process interrelating the multitude of peoples and civilizations of the Mediterranean area that grew and declined, succeeded and influenced each other, until they were absorbed into the Roman Empire and were thus enabled to transmit their common heritage to later centuries. Understandably enough, this gigantic project involved more than one scholar could accomplish in one lifetime. Wenger was not able to carry it out. He did, however, succeed in completing, in this detailed description and discussion of the sources, the first instalment, and happily lived to see its publication shortly before his death on September 21, 1953, at the age of seventy-nine.
Medieval Latin Aristotle Commentaries Supplementary Authors
Authors: Lohr Charles H.
Published: August 2016

To the inventory of Medieval Latin Aristotle Commentaries published in Traditio 23 (1967) 313-413, 24 (1968) 149-245, 26 (1970) 135-216, 27 (1971) 251-351, 28 (1972) 281-396, and 29 (1973) 93-197, I would like to make the following additions and corrections. They consist of a list of additional authors with biobibliographical note and indication of manuscripts and editions.
The Career of Venantius Fortunatus
Authors: Brennan Brian
Published: August 2016

There is something immediately appealing about a wandering bard such as the sixth-century Latin poet Venantius Fortunatus, who left his native Italy to seek the hospitality and patronage of the kings and bishops of Merovingian Gaul. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Fortunatus attracted the attention of a succession of scholars such as Thierry, Caron, Dostal, Meyer, and Koebner, but it is now over fifty years since the last full-scale treatment of the poet was written: that of the Abbé Tardi in 1927. As a consequence of this, a number of rather questionable biographical details, as they are given in these standard accounts of the poet, have come to be somewhat uncritically accepted. Some re-examination of the evidence for Fortunatus' travels and career is long overdue. My aim here is not to provide an exhaustive account of the poet's career, nor indeed a full biographical sketch, but rather to discuss critically some key issues within these accounts of Fortunatus' career, in the light of the elements of autobiography found in Venantius' poems. As we shall see, an outline of the various stages of his career, both before his arrival in Gaul and during the many years of his residence in his adopted homeland, may be pieced together with the aid of the scattered evidence contained in his poems, yet this evidence is often obviously incomplete and is at times frustratingly ambiguous. Still, we can best proceed in the reconstruction of Venantius' career and travels by investigating what may be established, or brought into question, by the evidence of the poems themselves.
Raimundus Lullus, ‘Liber amici et amati’: Introduction and Critical Text
Authors: Lohr Charles , Domínguez Fernando , Adams Georg , Karpeta Christoph , Marquardt Hildegard , Richter Udo
Published: August 2016

The Libre de Evast e Blanquerna of Ramon Lull (1232/34–1316) is a Utopian novel, pleading for the reform of various social and religious classes. The work was written between about 1274 and 1289. It is made up of five books in the last of which one can distinguish three mutually independent parts: (1) the De vida ermitana, in which Blanquerna renounces the papacy and withdraws as a hermit to a mountain not far from Rome, (2) the Libre de amic e amat, a collection of mystical utterances, and (3) the Art de contemplació, an introduction to the art of mystical contemplation.
Guido Vernani of Rimini's Commentary on Aristotle's ‘Politics’
Authors: Dunbabin Jean
Published: August 2016

In the past three decades, the origins of Renaissance humanism have received much sensitive scholarly analysis. Although the novelty of humanism is still rightly stressed, the real contribution of medieval thinkers to its evolution has been brought into sharp focus. In no sphere has so high a claim been made for intellectual continuity as in political ideas, with Walter Ullman's assertion that Renaissance civic humanism owed its shape to its medieval antecedents. It is not my purpose to judge how far such a claim is justified. But since almost all historians would now agree that scholastic political thought made at the least a small contribution, there is a point in tracing the means by which Aristotelian ideas percolated into the schools of rhetoric, the cradles of civic humanism. It is in this context that Guido Vernani's commentary on thePoliticsshould be examined.
The Medical Notion of ‘Withering’ From Galen to the Fourteenth Century: The Treatise on Marasmus by Bernard of Gordon
Authors: Demaitre Luke
Published: August 2016

Some twenty years ago, when few major books of Galen were available in modern English, one of his lesser writings, the treatise Περὶ μαρασμοῦ was published in translation. Even while this translation was in press, Pearl Kibre unearthed in the Vatican Library a text De marasmode secundum sententiam Galieni, which was composed by Bernard of Gordon at Montpellier in the early 1300s and is the only systematic discussion of marasmus in the medical literature for some fifteen centuries after Galen. By further coincidence, these two texts made their appearance just as several historians of science and of medicine were drawing attention to the ancient and medieval interpretations of life as the interaction between ‘innate heat' and ‘radical moisture'—precisely the paradigms in which the concept of marasmus was rooted. In 1974, in a seminal article on the Humidum radicale in thirteenth-century medicine, Michael McVaugh offered a first assessment of Bernard's discussion. His positive appraisal suggested that the text was worth editing and analyzing on its own terms, an enterprise that became more feasible with the recognition of additional manuscripts, references, and implications. A critical and annotated edition is presented here, together with an effort to collate Bernard's treatment of marasmus with his other works, with the teachings of his colleagues, and with the Galenic tradition.
Heinrici Augustensis Planctus Evae
Authors: Colker Marvin L.
Published: August 2016

Fundamental to Christianity is the belief in the redemptive death of Christ. But not always has there been complete agreement among theologians as to the precise reason or reasons for Christ's death. For centuries the soteriology of the Church may be said to have been in large part demonocentric. The devil had certain rights over fallen man, rights which could not be violated, still less taken away. If his dominion over man was to be destroyed, it must be done not by any arbitrary exercise of the divine Omnipotence, but in a manner reasonable and just. Some theologians even spoke of Christ's death as a ransom paid to the devil for man's release. With varying nuance such ideas as these were dominant from the days of St. Irenaeus of Lyons' until the very end of the eleventh century, when St. Anselm of Canterbury struck out upon entirely new lines of thought. In hisCur Deus Homonew concepts were introduced into the discussion of the problem. By sin man had offended the infinite majesty of God:God'srights had been violated. Satisfaction must be made, and that by man, for it was he who had sinned. But since the infinite offence which we call sin could not really be atoned for by a finite creature, the necessary satisfaction called for a God-man.
Virgilian Echoes in the ‘Dies irae’
Authors: Savage John J.
Published: August 2016

After the intensive studies of Ermini and Daniel on the parallels in Christian Latin literature — religious and secular — to the form and content of the Dies irae, it may seem presumptuous to suggest that its thirteenth-century author may have carried over into the composition of this hymn — or (to be more accurate) sequence — some recollections of his youthful reading of Virgil.
A Note on the Papal Election of 1352: The Candidacy of Jean Birel
Authors: Zacour Norman P.
Published: August 2016

Jean Birel, prior general of the Carthusian order (1346–1360), is now remembered for the most part as an unsuccessful candidate for the papal throne in December 1352, following the death of Clement VI. From the early history of the order by Petrus Dorlandus (1454–1507) to the most recent biographical articles, this remains his chief claim to fame. The story of his candidacy can be found, however, in only one source, an anonymous history of the Carthusian order upon which Dorlandus and later writers have relied.
Bertram of Metz
Authors: Kuttner Stephan
Published: August 2016

In 1875, Gustav Haenel described a number of twelfth-century commentaries and glosses on the titleDe regulis iurisof the Digest, some of them being an-notations of Bulgarus’ celebrated apparatus and others, independent writings. Among the latter, a lemmatic commentary contained in a MS then owned by himself — now Leipzig, Univ. MS Haen. 12, fol. 25ff. — is of especial interest: as Haenel showed, the commentator may have had some ecclesiastical background and evidently was connected with Cologne or Mainz. It therefore comes as a pleasant confirmation of Haenel's cautious deductions that the author can be identified as Master Bertram, Bishop of Metz (sed.1180–1212), and a member of the circle of Gerard Pucelle, the English master whose importance for the short-lived school of Cologne has been recently discussed.
Anecdota Mediaevalia
Authors: Colker Marvin L.
Published: August 2016

The twelfth-century codex Beauvais 11 is rich in the possession of many medieval Latin verses. Of these almost all have by now been published: poems commonly assigned to Hildebert, by Bourassé; theDe prelatis non bene intronizatis, by Rousseau; the ‘Mellifluae Meldi …,' by Lecomte and more recently by Colker; and, principally, works of Fulcoius of Beauvais — hisVterque, by Rousseau; theEpistulae, by Colker; theEpitaphia, by Omont; theVita sancti Mauri,by the Bollandists; theVita sancti Blandini,by Poncelet;′ theVita sancti Medardi(a fragment), by Boutemy. It is true that FulcoiusVita sancti Agiliis still unpublished and that hisVita sancti Earonisis represented only by excerpts published at various times, by Mabillon, Suchier, and Krusch. But Sister Mary Isaac Jogues Rousseau, S.S.N.D., will probably edit all of Fulcoius' verse lives of saints. What is left in the Beauvais manuscript are five poems attributed to an Odo Sacerdos, and even two of these have been published (as will be specified below).
The Jurisprudence of Humanism
Authors: Gilmore Myron P.
Published: August 2016

During the last decade the works of Professor Guido Kisch have made an outstanding contribution to our knowledge of the legal thought of the sixteenth century, particularly to the school represented by the University of Basel. His articles and monographs have dealt with the biographical and literary history of significant scholars as well as with the rival schools of interpretation represented by ‘mos italicus' and ‘mos gallicus.' Building on these earlier studies, Professor Kisch has now produced a major work of more comprehensive scope, which goes beyond biographical and methodological questions to the analysis of significant change in substantive legal doctrines. Convinced that the age of humanism and the reception of Roman law saw the formation of some of the most important modern legal concepts, he centers his research on the evolution of the theory of equity with due attention, on the one hand, to the relationship between sixteenth-century innovation and the historic western tradition and, on the other, to the interaction between the academic profession and the practicing lawyers.
Medieval Latin Aristotle Commentaries Authors: Robertus—Wilgelmus
Authors: Lohr Charles H.
Published: August 2016

These pages complete the inventory of Medieval Latin Aristotle Commentaries published in Traditio 23 (1967) 313–413, 24 (1968) 149–245, 26 (1970) 135–216, 27 (1971) 251–351, and 28 (1972) 281–396. The commentaries have been arranged alphabetically according to the author's first name, with a brief bio-bibliographical note and indication of manuscripts and editions. It is to be noted, however, that mention of the manuscripts has been omitted in the entry for Thomas Aquinas in view of the publication now in progress by H. F. Dondaine and H. V. Shooner of Codices manuscripti operum Thomae de Aquino (Rome 1967ff.).
The Baptismal Flood in the Old English ‘Andreas’: Liturgical and Typological Depths
Authors: Walsh Marie Michelle
Published: August 2016

Studies of medieval literature have evinced a growing concern with the effect of an exegetical milieu on imaginative writing. Although the Middle English period provides an extensive field for allegorical and typological excursions, Old English poetry forms a smaller corpus and makes less conspicuous use of scriptural and patristic allusions. Readers are, therefore, not always alert to the deftness with which an Anglo-Saxon poet has utilized typology. Poems likeAndreas, however, are as deeply rooted in typological traditions as in the more obvious traditions of the Germanic epic and can be fully appreciated only if their typological echoes are heard.
Isocrates, IG ii243, Greek Propaganda and Imperialism
Authors: Hamilton Charles D.
Published: August 2016

In the late winter of 378–7, the Athenian assembly passed a decree on the motion of Aristoteles which formalized the results of much earlier diplomatic activity and invited those states concerned with their freedom and autonomy to join Athens and her allies in a novel and permanent alliance. This Decree is often called the ‘Charter of the Second Athenian Confederacy,’ and it is rightly regarded as ‘the Queen of Fourth Century Inscriptions’ for the crucial information which it provides on one of the most important political and diplomatic developments of that epoch, a development that soon led to a resurgence of Athenian imperialism. The detailed provisions of the Decree are of inestimable value, particularly as the only extant contemporary history of this period, theHellenicaof Xenophon, contains not so much as a passing reference to the Decree itself or to most of the significant steps which led up to it. This glaring omission in Xenophon's account has attracted both the curious attention and often the unfavorable criticism of virtually every modern scholar who has investigated fourth century Greek history. The only other major extant account of the establishment of the confederacy, that of Diodorus, provides some details, but it contains inaccuracies, especially errors of chronology. The modern historian therefore must seek to recover the origins and background of the confederacy from a variety of sources which are often incomplete and sometimes biased. A century of scholarship has elucidated many problematical aspects of this Decree, but several questions connected with it still demand discussion. It is my purpose in this article to examine some of these questions with reference to Greek diplomacy, propaganda, and imperialism in the early fourth century.
Marius of Avenches, the ‘Excerpta Valesiana,’ and the Death of Boethius
Authors: Morton Catherine
Published: August 2016

As Charles Henry Coster wittily observed, the fall of Boethius has been almost as much discussed as that of Adam, and as in Adam's case there is hardly a statement about it that is not open to doubt, that has not been exhaustively, even acrimoniously, argued. Even the year in which he was arrested and that in which he died have been hotly disputed, though these are questions far simpler then the problem of why he fell.
Adam Wodeham on Sensory Illusions with an Edition of ‘Lectura Secunda,’ Prologus, Quaestio 3
Authors: Wood Rega
Published: August 2016

In the third question of the Prologue to hisLectura secunda, Adam Wodeham asks whether intuitive cognition can be naturally produced or conserved when its object is either non-existent or absent. This question was written in reply to Peter Aureol, and in it Adam argues that Peter's definition of intuitive cognition has skeptical consequences. In fact, as Wodeham knew, Aureol held that intuitive cognition was unerring, and he was arguing not for skepticism, but merely against Scotus' definition of intuitive cognition.
The Mercenary Companies, the Papacy, and the Crusades, 1356–1378
Authors: Housley Norman
Published: August 2016

During the second half of the fourteenth century most of France and many parts of Italy faced a social problem of massive proportions in the activities of theroutiers, unemployed and rampaging mercenary soldiers. The popes of the period, Innocent VI, Urban V, and Gregory XI, took a leading role in attempts to deal with this daunting problem, and the purpose of this article is to examine one of the chief instruments which they employed, the crusade. The place of the mercenary companies in the crusading movement was paradoxical. On several occasions from 1357 onwards the popes issued crusading indulgences to those who fought against theroutierson the grounds that they presented a serious threat to the well-being of the Christian community, thepopulus christianus.But the popes also hoped to use the companies in the service of Christian Holy War by persuading them to travel to the eastern Mediterranean, to Hungary or to Granada, to fight the Muslims. Both approaches sprang from long-established papal policy towards those considered as Christendom's internal foes. When thecuriatried to bring about the destruction of theroutiersby offering spiritual rewards to their opponents it placed the mercenaries in the roll-call of Christian rebels and excommunicates combatted by means of the crusade, alongside the emperor Frederick II, Peter II of Aragon, the Visconti, and others. And when it attempted to send the companies beyond the frontiers of Christendom, it was adopting a strategy which dated back at least as far as the First Crusade. So both aspects of papal policy towards theroutierswere highly traditional. They were also unsuccessful, which raises important questions about the way the later Avignon popes thought about and exercised their power. In the mid-thirteenth century the popes successfully resisted the ambitions of the Staufen and destroyed their might; a century later they proved unable to contain the companies. Was this because the Avignon papacy was out-of-date in its policies, because it failed to appreciate and adjust to the profound changes which had occurred in society and government? In broader terms, does traditionalism in this instance betoken the ideological bankruptcy which some scholars have seen as a leading characteristic of the papacy in the fourteenth century? In order to answer these questions I shall first examine the nature of the threat which was posed by the companies, then look in detail at the two aspects of the policy adopted by thecuriain response to it.
The Characters ‘Civil’ and ‘Theology’ in ‘Piers Plowman’
Authors: Barratt Alexandra
Published: August 2016

Among the entourage of Lady Meed in Passus 2 of Piers Plowman appear two figures whose part in the action at this point is central though brief: Civil and Simony. The pair, who connive at and forward Lady Meed's marriage to Fals, carry all before them until challenged by another figure: Theology. This paper will try to define the precise significance of Civil, consider the background to the odium in which he is held, and discuss Langland's purpose in choosing Theology as Civil's opponent.
Rhetoric and Poetic Imitation in Avitus' Account of the Crossing of the Red Sea (‘De spiritalis historiae gestis’ 5.371–702)
Authors: Roberts Michael
Published: August 2016

Book five of Avitus' biblical epic De spiritalis historiae gestis (hereafter SHG) is entitled De transitu maris rubri. The book tells the story of the Israelites' release from servitude in Egypt, following in broad outline the narrative of Exodus 1–15.1. The present study will concentrate on the concluding and culminating section of the book, the account of the march out of Egypt and the crossing of the Red Sea (5.371–702). Avitus here elaborates the biblical narrative most freely and makes full use of the techniques of rhetorical and poetic amplification.
The ‘Daemonium meridianum’ and Greek and Latin Patristic Exegesis
Authors: Arbesmann Rudolph
Published: August 2016

The three decades preceding the publication of the new Latin translation of the Psalter by the Biblical Institute in Rome in 1945 have seen a number of studies and articles which throw revealing light on the interpretation of Psalm 90.6. Discussing the laws of purification and diet in the Old Testament, J. Döller thought it possible to discover in the Bible a few faint vestiges of a popular belief in demons among the Israelites and saw a plague demon especially in ‘the destruction that lays waste at noonday’ (Ps. 90.6b). Referring to Döller's study, S. Landersdorfer pointed to a parallel Assyrian belief which regarded midnight and noonday as periods especially dangerous and haunted by demonic agencies, and was inclined to assume even for the Masoretic text the idea of a demon of night (6a) and a demon of noonday (6b). Both demons were thought to exercise their power especially at the hours of the chilling midnight cold and the scorching noonday heat, and to be responsible for certain bodily disorders, such as sunstroke and malaria fever, and for other diseases caused by the rapid changes of temperature in the southern deserts. In this case the psalmist would already have alluded to a popular belief, though such an allusion would not necessarily imply that he himself shared the view, Landersdorfer's article had been written ten years prior to its publication, that is, in a period when, owing to the disturbances during and shortly after the First World War, access to foreign publications was difficult and often impossible. Thus he was apparently unaware that, only about a year before the completion of his article, W. H. Worrell had pointed out some similar parallels from oriental countries.
The Orchard of Syon: An Introduction
Authors: Sister Mary Denise
Published: August 2016

By some inexplicable accident of literary history, The Orchard of Syon, in the nearly five hundred years of its existence, has not found its critical editor, nor is there any study of it available to readers. The first to rescue it from oblivion was Sir Richard Sutton, steward of Syon Monastery in the early sixteenth century, who, as Wynkyn de Worde informs us, found it ‘in a corner by it selfe’ and deemed it worthy of costly publication. Although it belongs to a body of medieval literature which has been in recent years the object of much critical research by medievalists, the work has, so far as modern readers are concerned, continued for over four centuries to lie ‘in a corner by it selfe.’ The energetic surge of vernacular devotional prose in the fourteenth century, not only in England, but in Italy, Germany, and Flanders — countries whose spiritual climate must have been especially favorable to mysticism — did not recede in the fifteenth century. Following upon the age of Chaucer, this century may seem to some present-day scholars literarily poor and unproductive, but it was a great age of English prose; an age, that is, when translations and experiments with original prose in the vernacular were building on the past, borrowing from other languages to meet the needs of the present, and shaping the prose of the future. The Orchard of Syon is an important specimen of this emerging prose, as well as of current devotional literature. Its connection with Syon Monastery, renowned in the history of England and of the Church, gives it added prestige.
Studies in Bracton — An Addendum
Authors: Richardson H. G.
Published: August 2016

Among the sources of Old English law upon which Bracton drew was the Instituta Cnuti, a twelfth-century version of Cnut's code, which that king is believed to have issued in 1027, or perhaps nearer 1020, under the inspiration of Bishop Wulfstan of Worcester. So far as I have observed, Bracton made direct use of this source only when he was discussing theft, and he drew his scanty material from two widely separated articles of his original. The parallel passages are set out below, the words borrowed by Bracton being italicized.
An Unpublished Source on the Avignonese Papacy: The Letters of Francesco Bruni
Authors: Brucker Gene
Published: August 2016

The letters of Francesco Bruni, secretary to three popes, which are printed in the appendix to this article, belong to a largely unexplored collection in the State Archives of Florence, the Carte Del Bene. This important family archive contains business records and private papers of the Del Bene family, a small but prominent mercantile house in Trecento Florence. While the account books are of primary interest to the economic historian, the letters contain valuable information on political and social problems and, in the case of these letters, on aspects of ecclesiastical history. Francesco Bruni was a close friend of the Del Bene, and to this connection we owe the fortunate survival of six of his letters from the papal curia. The sources on the Avignonese papacy are many and varied, but this epistolary collection throws light upon certain features of the curial administration and its personalities which are not well documented by other types of evidence.
Bede's Use of Miracles in ‘The Ecclesiastical History’
Authors: Rosenthal Joel T.
Published: August 2016

Bede believed in miracles. They were basic to him, both as a practicing Christian and as a working historian. Without accepting this we can understand him neither as a man of the seventh and eighth centuries ncr as the author who carefully constructed the Ecclesiastical History.

One of Bede's warmest admirers, the late Bertram Colgrave, was rather embarrassed by what seemed to be the naíveté of his hero. To rescue Bede from the charge of being either overly credulous or simply simple-minded, Colgrave did a useful study of the use of miracle stories in Bede's works, particularly in the Ecclesiastical History. And yet, despite himself, he always remained a little uneasy. His comments to the British Academy reflect a continuing ambivalence, and his last words on the subject were still apologetic in tone.
The Development of the Idea of Habit in the Thought of Saint Augustine
Authors: Prendiville John G.
Published: August 2016

This study is concerned with Augustine's use of habit (consuetudo) to explain man's reluctance to raise his mind to God, and his difficulty in doing good. In the books that will be examined here, consuetudo is nearly always used in a pejorative sense, and can thus be translated as bad habit (be it of a psychological or ethical nature). Habit as a formal instrument of thought was known to Augustine early in his life from a reading of the Categories. There he learned that habit was a quality of a substance, not a substance itself: ‘One kind of quality let us call habits ἕξιϛ and conditions (διάθεσις). A habit differs from a condition in being more stable and lasting longer. Such are the branches of knowledge and the virtues. Justice, temperance, and the rest seem to be not easily changed.’ Augustine was also aware of the idea of habit as a second nature (consuetudo secunda natura), i.e. a tendency which is created by one's own activity, and which in turn produces effects in a predictable sort of way. This idea was a commonplace of the ancient world, and may have come to Augustine through the professors of rhetoric, who taught speech and composition through the inculcation of good habits.
‘Exodus’ and the Battle in the Sea
Authors: Vickrey John F.
Published: August 2016

Thetransitus— the crossing of the Red Sea — is beyond question the central episode of the Old EnglishExoduspoem. Like other episodes of that difficult work, it presents several very curious features which have long been the subject of scholarly attention. One such feature is that the Israelites, mustered in their divisions on the shore of the Red Sea, are described as beginning to move forward into the sea as if they were going into a battle. Not only the direction of this readiness to fight but the readiness itself seems incongruous: their enemies are behind them and not in front; in well known fact the Israelites are fleeing from the Egyptians.
The King and the Leaden Coin: The Economic Background of ‘Sine Qua Non’ Causality
Authors: Courtenay William J.
Published: August 2016

In 1255, in his commentary on the fourth book of Peter Lombard's Sentences, Thomas Aquinas rejected a solution to the problem of sacramental causality, one that was enjoying a certain degree of popularity in the mid-thirteenth century. The opinion that Thomas rejected was that the sacraments effect grace not through an inherent, created virtue but rather through a pact, covenant, or ordination of God that guarantees grace to the person who receives the sacraments, if the latter are properly administered and the recipient places no obstacle in the way of their effectiveness. This type of sacramental causality, termed causality sine qua non, was usually illustrated, Thomas informs us, with the following example. A king might decree that any person possessing a certain leaden coin would receive 100 pounds. In such a case, it would not be the leaden coin that causes the reception of the 100 pounds, but rather the arbitrary acceptation of the token by the king. For Thomas, the leaden coin would be only the occasion for the reward, not its cause. Therefore Thomas rejected this solution which, it seemed to him, would make the sacraments nothing more than the occasion or accidental cause of grace. He sealed his rejection by equating such causality with the way in which the racial color of the builder of a house could be said to be the cause of the house. Thomas maintained this position throughout his life, and, although he altered his solution to the problem of sacramental causality, he in no way altered his rejection of the type of causality based on the example of the king and the leaden coin.
A List of Cistercian Manuscripts in Great Britain
Authors: Talbot C. H.
Published: August 2016

The list of manuscripts dealing with the work of Cistercian writers is not the result of any systematic search into the possibilities of English libraries, but rather the by-product of work, carried out over a number of years, on the writings of Saint Bernard and Saint Ailred of Rievaulx. In scanning the pages of manuscript catalogues or in examining the manuscripts themselves, one naturally came upon a number of Cistercian texts, which, though irrelevant to one's studies at the time, were noted down on scraps of paper in case they might prove interesting later on when one had more leisure. As the notes increased and the hoped-for leisure grew less and less as the days went by, the possibility of using them within a reasonable time seemed extremely slender. On the suggestion of my friend and collaborator, Dom Jean Leclercq, they are being printed now in case they may prove useful to other students who are interested in the same group of writers and who may be glad to find, within a small compass, information that must otherwise be hunted for throughout many books.
A Greek Homily on the Temptation (CPG 4906) by Severian of Gabala: Introduction, Critical Edition and Translation
Authors: Carter Robert E.
Published: August 2016

The Greek church of southern Italy and Sicily commemorated the temptation of Jesus on the first Sunday of Lent. Homiliaries for the liturgical year presented one or both of two homilies attributed to John Chrysostom, ‘΄ Hλι ος μὲ ν(PG 61, 683–88) and ‘Eξλθεν ò κύριος (CPG 4906). The former is now known to be a composite homily drawn from three homilies of Nestorius edited by Nau. The latter, as will be maintained later, is by Severian of Gabala.
The Discovery of Nature: The Contribution of the Chartrians to Twelfth-Century Attempts to Found aScientia naturalis
Authors: Speer Andreas
Published: August 2016

If one takes standard overviews of the history of natural science or natural philosophy as his measure, the object appearing in the title of this study would literally appear not to exist. For, apart from a few scattered encyclopedia entries — which are always of necessity rather summary in character — one searches in vain for studies on the medieval interest in the natural sciences. For the contemporary cosmologist, be he first and foremost philosopher or physicist, the Middle Ages lie in a very deep darkness indeed.
Did Jesus “Progress in Wisdom”? Thomas Aquinas on Luke 2:52 in Ancient and High-Medieval Context
Authors: Madigan Kevin
Published: August 2016

In an essay entitled “Church History and the Bible,” Karlfried Froehlich once distinguished between the many biblical texts that have had a history and the few which have really made history. His point was that, in the history of their effects, the different books and even individual verses of the Bible have had a very uneven influence. Some have been relatively neutral or unproductive in their visible historical impact. Others can almost be said to have brought into being whole movements, institutions, ideas, and conflicts.
Inheritances and Legal Arguments in Western France, 1050–1150
Authors: White Stephen D.
Published: August 2016

Sometime around the year 1090, the monks of Saint-Aubin of Angers became involved in an unusually well-documented dispute when some vineyards previously quitclaimed to them by a man called Vivianus the Rich became the subject of acalumniaor challenge by Vivianus' wife, Aremburgis; his son and heir, Rigaldus; and his daughter's husband, Sevinus. These threecalumniaewere discusssed at Le Lude before two prominent lords of the region, whose joint decision favored the monks and apparently left the three challengers empty-handed. About three decades earlier, a similar outcome was reached in another well-documented case in which a lay person contested a gift that a relative of his had made to a religious establishment. When Nihardus became involved in a multi-faceted lawsuit concerning a mill that his kinsman Guismandus II had given to the abbey of Marmoutier, Count Guy of Vendôme (1050–66) and others decided in Vendôme at the dwelling of another lord of the region that the first of Nihardus' twocalumniaeregarding the disputed mill was unjust. In the late eleventh century, however, a third case of the same general type led to a different result. After a youth called Hugo of Sourches had challenged his father Burchardus' gift to the abbey of Saint-Vincent of Le Mans, Hamelinus the forester, Patricius Pertica, and the entire court of Sourches decided that while the monks should keep the gift of Burchardus, they should also give some money to Hugo.
John Buridan and Nicholas of Autrecourt on Causality and Induction
Authors: Thijssen J. M. M. H.
Published: August 2016

The names of John Buridan (1300–after 1358) and Nicholas of Autrecourt (1300–after 1350) are often associated with the so-called Ockhamist statute of 1340 at the University of Paris. For a long time the discussion centered upon the question: Was this statute directed against Ockham or Autrecourt? Puzzling also was the part Buridan played, who presumably was rector at the time that the statute was promulgated. Should he, as an alleged ‘Ockhamist,’ be accused of patricide or did he defend Ockham against the attacks of Autrecourt?
Ramon Llull and Peter of Limoges
Authors: Soler Albert
Published: August 2016

At a certain moment in his life Ramon Llull became convinced that if his great projects were ever to be realized, he would have to gain the support of the leading rulers of Christendom. The Crown of Aragon was not enough. God had revealed to him a universal Art for the conversion of infidels, a paradigm of all knowledge, a general method for contemplation, and Llull naturally deemed it vital that this revelation should become known throughout the world. Some thirteen years after his illumination, Llull decided to go to Paris, to address the most powerful monarch in Europe and defend his ideas before the most prestigious university in the western world.
Werke des Heymericus de Campo (+1460) im Codex Cusanus 24
Authors: Reinhardt Klaus
Published: August 2016

Heymericus de Campo (Heymeric van de Velde) (ca. 1395–1460), Professor der Theologie in Köln und in Löwen, Vertreter der Kölner Universität auf dem Konzil von Basel, gehört zu den bedeutenderen Philosophen und Theologen des 15. Jahrhunderts. Sein besonders von Albert dem Großen und Raimundus Lullus geprägtes neuplatonisches Denken beeinflußte nachhaltig Nikolaus von Kues. Leider sind von Heymerics zahlreichen Schriften bisher nur wenige ediert. Zwei wichtige Handschriften mit meist unedierten Werken Heymerics befinden sich in der Bibliothek des Cusanus-Hospitals in Kues; es sind die Codices 105 und 106. Der letztere, der Codex Cusanus 106, hat bei den Cusanus-Forschern viel Aufmerksamkeit erregt; enthält er doch Schriften Heymerics aus der Kölner und Basler Zeit, die Nikolaus von Kues mit zahlreichen Bemerkungen versehen hat. Weniger Beachtung hat bisher der Codex 105 gefunden, der keine Spuren einer Benutzung durch Cusanus aufweist; er enthält einen Summarius dominice passionis epilogus sowie eine Stellungnahme Heymerics aus dem Jahre 1458 zu dem interessanten Phänomen der Kinderwallfahrten zum Mont St. Michel.