bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Jovius and Herculius
Authors: Mattingly Harold
Published: August 2011

Diocletian, as we all know, included religion in his schemes for the regeneration of the Roman State and put forward a new formulation of paganism, by which he placed himself under the special protection of Jupiter, while his fellow Augustus, Maximian, stood under the protection of Hercules, and the Caesars, Galerius and Constantius Chlorus, appointed in A.D. 293, owned as patrons Mars and Sol respectively. Several aspects of the new religious policy have already been sufficiently emphasized. It was definitely conservative, in that Diocletian did not, like AureKan, claim for the Eastern Sun-God the ‘dominatus imperii Romani,’ but went back to the traditional chief god of Rome — Jupiter, ‘the Best and Greatest.’ It was in accordance with the spirit of an age, which was learning more and more to conceive of the divine powers as companions and preservers (‘conservatores’ and ‘comites’) of the rulers. It took account of the new configuration of the Empire under the Tetrarchy of Diocletian and his colleagues. The divine sphere was to be rounded off, to represent the earthly. And we may add, in all probability, that account was taken of the very Roman conception of the Genius, the spirit of life in the individual, and that Diocletian and Maximian, when they took the titles of Jovius and Herculius, meant to suggest that, though they were not actually identified with Jupiter and Hercules, they bore in themselves the spirit of the two gods. It is tempting to suppose that the ‘Iovi Augg.’ of the coins was intended to suggest just this. The idea would be helped out by the fact that the spirit of the individual woman was actually called ‘Juno.’ I want, in this little paper, to suggest yet another consideration, not quite so obvious and not quite so well observed, that may have entered into the calculations of Diocletian.
Hypatius of Ephesus: A Note on Image Worship in the Sixth Century
Authors: Alexander Paul J.
Published: August 2011

In a recent article Professor Norman H. Baynes discussed the evidence for opposition to religious art prior to the outbreak of the Iconoclastic Controversy. In the course of his illuminating article, he called attention to an important fragment of patristic literature which was first published in recent years and which but for Professor Baynes might have remained unnoticed. It is an excerpt taken from the Miscellaneous Enquiries (Συμμικτὰ Zητήματα) by Hypatius of Ephesus, who was archbishop of this most important see from 531 to about 538 and in addition one of Justinian's most trusted theological advisers. Professor Baynes used the text to illustrate the fact that prior to the Iconoclastic Controversy “any general cult of the icons in such extreme forms as later appears in the apologies of the iconodules would seem dangerous and a wrongful use of a practice which was tolerated only in the interest of the weaker members of the church.” (p. 95). The text, however, is also important from other points of view. Since it is difficult Greek and since the trend of Hypatius' thought, though entirely logical, may not be clear at first sight, it is advisable to submit here a translation of the document, accompanied by explanatory notes. The writer gratefully acknowledges that he owes much to Diekamp and Baynes for an understanding of the document.
The Shorter Text of Luke XXII. 15–20
Authors: Chadwick Henry
Published: August 2011

The formidable storm of literature concerning the narratives of the Last Supper shows no sign of abating any of its force, and the following reflections are submitted in the none too confident hope that perhaps even at this stage in the discussion the problem can be looked at from an unconventional angle. The Lucan account with its notorious difficulties of text and interpretation, the one being inextricably bound up with the other, has been the Waterloo of many investigators. Both the shorter and the longer texts present the student with their individual mass of problems. Since Hort the arguments against the originality of the longer text have had so wide an influence, especially perhaps on Englishspeaking writers, that if these thorny questions could be settled by taking a vote, it is possible that even now the shorter text would have it. Unfortunately the weight of argument is rather more evenly divided. Only so can we understand how it is possible for a scholar like Joachim Jeremias entirely to change his mind on the fundamental issue. It may very well be, of course, that the position adopted in the first edition of Die Abendmahlsworte Jesu can still be regarded as unrefuted even by its author. (Who knows if the next edition may not revert to it?) But it cannot be denied that Jeremias' statement of the case in favor of the longer text in the second edition is powerfully argued.
Divine Names in Classical Greece
Authors: Rose H. J.
Published: August 2011

Herodotos (ii, 52) gives us the following theory, which I quote in the charming translation of Mr. J. E. Powell:

And formerly the Pelasgians in all their sacrifices prayed unto The Gods. … but they gave none of them any name or surname; for they had not yet heard thereof. … But when a long time afterwards they learned from Egypt the names of all the gods except Dionysus, whose name they learned much later, they consulted the oracle at Dodona concerning the names. … And when the Pelasgians consulted the oracle at Dodona, asking if they should receive the names which came from the barbarians, the oracle answered that they should use them. And so from that time forward, when they sacrificed, they used the names of the gods. And the Greeks received them afterwards from the Pelasgians.
St. John Chrysostom's Parentage and Education
Authors: Jones A. H. M.
Published: August 2011

St. John Chrysostom came, according to Socrates (Hist. Eccl. VI, 3), of a good class Antiochene family (ἐξ ɛὐπατρίδων τῶν ἐκɛῖ). Palladius (Dialogus, 5) gives more specific information — υἱὸς γɛγονὼς τῶν διαπρɛψάντων ɛὐγɛνῶς παρὰ τῇ τάξɛι τοῦ στρατηλάτου τῆς Συρίας. In all commentaries and encyclopedias which I have been able to consult this is taken to mean that his father (Secundus, according to Socrates) had been magister militum per Orientem. The words, however, do mean that Secundus (and his forebears) had served with distinction in the officium of the magister militum per Orientem. The words, however, do mean that Secundus (and his forebears) had served with distinction in the officium of the magister militum per Orientem. Secundus, that is to say, was not a senator of the highest rank, later to be called illustris, but a high grade civil servant. This accords with what John says himself in the de Sacerdotio (I.2) of his fortune and birth, that he was not excessively rich or noble by comparison with his friend Basil. It also accords with the story which his mother tells in the same work (I.5) of the struggle which she had to give him a liberal education; her husband's estate was evidently moderate, since to avoid encroaching on its capital, she was obliged to spend her own dowry.
The History of the Biblical Text in the Light of Discoveries in the Judean Desert
Authors: Cross Frank Moore
Published: August 2011

The publication in January, 1953, of fragments of an unknown recension of the Greek Bible gave the first unambiguous warnings of a revolution to come in the textual criticism of the Hebrew Bible. Earlier the publication of the great Isaiah scroll of Qumrân, Cave I (IQ Isaa), and later of the second fragmentary roll of Isaiah (IQ Isab), created noise and excitement, but none of the major text-critical schools was forced to shift significant ground. Champions of the Hebraica veritas who had increasingly dominated the field, especially in Europe, noted the close affinities of the scrolls with the traditional text. The failure of IQ Isa to produce a significant number of superior readings despite its antiquity embarrassed lingering survivors of the great critical tradition of the nineteenth century, and delighted biblical exegetes and historians who wished to ply their trade without entering the miasmal precincts of text-critical labors. Despite some attention paid to its occasional affinities with the Old Greek, most scholars, whether prompted by traditionalist prejudgment or sheer inertia, were pleased to label the text vulgar or even sectarian, avoiding thereby a serious reexamination of their text-critical theories.
More Evidence that George Joye Wrote The Souper of the Lorde
Authors: Clebsch William A.
Published: August 2011

The question of ascribing to William Tyndale or to George Joye the 1533 treatise The Souper of the Lorde (Short-Title Catalogue 24468) was rightly decided in Joye's favor by W. D. J. Cargill Thompson, but somewhat more careful attention to the contents of the treatise might have removed even the little doubt which that investigator allowed to shadow the ascription to Joye. His admirable summary of the most persuasive external evidence was indeed conclusive enough virtually to eliminate Tyndale from consideration as author, in spite of the opinions of such notable Tyndale scholars as J. F. Mozley and S. L. Greenslade. But internal evidences clinch the case for Joye.
A Reminiscence of Paul on a Coin Amulet
Authors: Bonner Campbell
Published: August 2011

Mr. Henri Seyrig, Director of the French Archaeological Institute at Beyrouth, a friend to whom my studies of magical amulets owe as steadily increasing debt, has added another to his many contributions by sending me a careful copy of the inscription here discussed (letter of March II, 1949). It was incised upon a Roman silver denarius (diameter 15 mm.), both sides of which had been smoothed off in order to receive it. Of the obverse design Mr. Seyrig reports that nothing can be seen; of the reverse type there remains the outline of a galley with oars, which moves to the right.
Ghost Ritual in Aeschylus
Authors: Rose H. J.
Published: August 2011

The Object of this brief survey is to discover, if we can, from the surviving plays of Aeschylus how, in the opinion of enlightened and pious men of his age, the spirits of the dead were to be approached when it was thought desirable to do so, and to compare the methods which were then in use with those of other, especially of later, epochs. I speak of enlightened and pious men, for surely Aeschylus was both. Had he been born a generation later, he would probably have been something of a philosopher, influenced, as Euripides was, by the critical opinions of the contemporary sophists and investigating the fundamental assumptions upon which the traditional beliefs of his country rested. As it was, he, like his contemporary and acquaintance Pindar, came sufficiently early to take the form of their beliefs from tradition, with no more than revisal of details here and there (Pindar will not believe impious myths and does not know what to make of tales which represent the gods as fighting one another, Aeschylus is not sure that a god will really feel human passion for a mortal woman), ennobling the whole with their own lofty thoughts and feelings, in which the Athenian goes further than the Theban, for he was the deeper of soul and even the Apolline religion of Pindar, lofty though it is, the fruit apparently of a genuinely religious mind which had something mystical in it, lacks the sublimity of Aeschylus' attitude toward Zeus.
New Light on the “Chaldaean Oracles”
Authors: Dodds E. R.
Published: August 2011

Hans Lewy's posthumous book, the fruit of many years' devoted study, should arouse fresh interest in one of the most tantalizingly obscure of ancient Greek texts. The Chaldaean Oracles were a divine revelation in bad hexameter verse; its authors were believed to be gods (speaking through the lips of entranced mediums?), but it was given to the world, as Lobeck guessed and Bidez finally proved, by one “Julianus the theurgist,” who lived under Marcus Aurelius. It is of serious concern to historians of religion, as the last important Sacred Book of pagan antiquity, and to historians of ideas, as one of the major influences which shaped the later development of Neoplatonism from Porphyry to Psellus. Unfortunately it has come down to us only in fragments.
The Half-Shekel Offering in Biblical and Post-Biblical Literature
Authors: Liver J.
Published: August 2011

It is still an accepted opinion of biblical scholarship that the regulation governing the offering of half a shekel in Exodus 30:11–16 belongs to one of the late trends of the Priestly Code. This text in Exodus, which enjoins upon the people of Israel the offering of half a shekel for the service of the tent of meeting in the desert, is thought also to reflect the conditions of the early Second Commonwealth, when an annual tax of half a shekel was collected for the maintenance of the sanctuary.
Milton's Conception of Time in the Christian Doctrine
Authors: Stapleton Laurence
Published: August 2011

In the argument preceding Book I of Paradise Lost, Milton chooses to emphasize at the outset one aspect of his conception of time. He summarizes Satan's report to the fallen angels, and adds “for that Angels were long before the visible Creation, was the opinion of many ancient Fathers.” Nowhere else in these prefatory “arguments” does he feel it necessary to make any explanatory statements about the cosmology of the poem. Here, however, he calls attention to a belief that was in conflict with the prevailing Christian view. But, as Milton realized, the reader must grasp this heterodox belief of his in order to understand the whole design of the poem.
Paul and the Manual of Discipline
Authors: Johnson Sherman E.
Published: August 2011

In a previous article I have dealt with the striking parallels between the Dead Sea Manual of Discipline (iQS) and the Book of Acts and the special material of Matthew. The organization of early Christianity in Jerusalem, particularly its conservative or Judaizing wing, strongly suggests the Dead Sea sect at several points. The more liberal Christianity of Stephen and the Epistle to the Hebrews may, however, also have contacts with the Qumran sect's idea of spiritual sacrifices and its protest against the Jerusalem Temple. In addition there are parallels between the Dead Sea literature and the Pauline epistles but they are very different from the ones just named.
Krater
Authors: Nilsson Martin P.
Published: August 2011

The word κρατήρ, the great mixing vessel in which the wine was mixed with water and from which it was drawn, is not seldom used metaphorically in religious literature. To begin with, it may be useful to quote a few examples showing how the metaphor is used in secular literature. Pindar calls the messenger who brings his ode a sweet krater of loud-sounding songs and Aristophanes calls the sycophant a vessel of evils. Plutarch speaks of a krater, placed in the middle which contains myths and arguments mixed up. In Aeschylus Clytaemestra says of Agamemnon that, since he has filled a krater in the house with so many evils, having returned he has to drink it off himself. Philostratus speaks of krateres set up from which the thirsty ones drew. The metaphorical use of the word comes very near to the concrete facts: a storage vessel in which liquids are mixed and from which they are drawn.
The Ideology of the Letter of Aristeas
Authors: Tcherikover V.
Published: August 2011

Modern scholars commonly regard the “Letter of Aristeas” as a work typical of Jewish apologetics, aiming at self-defense and propaganda, and directed to the Greeks. Here are some instances illustrating this general view. In 1903 Friedländer wrote that the glorification of Judaism in the Letter was no more than self-defense, though “the book does not mention the antagonists of Judaism by name, nor does it admit that its intention is to refute direct attacks.” Stein sees in the Letter “a special kind of defense which practices diplomatic tactics,” and Tramontano also speaks of “an apologetic and propagandist tendency.” Vincent characterizes it as “a small apologetic novel written for the Egyptians” (i.e. the Greeks in Egypt). Pfeiffer says: “This fanciful story of the origin of the Septuagint is merely a pretext for defending Judaism against its heathen denigrators, for extolling its nobility and reasonableness, and for striving to convert Greek speaking Gentiles to it.” Schürer classes the Letter with a special kind of literature, “Jewish propaganda in Pagan disguise,” whose works are “directed to the pagan reader, in order to make propaganda for Judaism among the Gentiles.” Andrews, too, believes that the role of a Greek was assumed by Aristeas in order “to strengthen the force of the argument and commend it to non-Jewish readers.” And even Gutman, who rightly recognizes that the Letter sprang “from an inner need of the educated Jew,” sees in it “a strong means for making Jewish propaganda in the Greek world.”
Military Chaplains in the Roman Army
Authors: Jones A. H. M.
Published: August 2011

Between 456 and 466, we are told by Cyril of Scythopolis (Vita S. Sabae, 9), S. Saba, sent on a mission from Palestine to Alexandria, was surprised to meet his father John, from whom he had been parted at the age of five in 444. In that year John had been conscripted and drafted into the numerus Isaurorum at Alexandria; now, under the name of Conon, he had risen to command of the unit. He was overjoyed at being reunited to his son, and suggested that he στρατεύεσθαι καὶ πρεσβύτερον τοῦ νουμέρου γενέσθαι.
Thomas Jefferson and the Bible
Authors: Goodspeed Edgar J.
Published: August 2011

One of the minor mysteries that float about the cloud-wrapped figure of Thomas Jefferson has to do with his quaint little scrap-book known as the “Morals of Jesus.” It relates to the books he used in making it. Of course if he had meant it to be published, or had ever thought it might be, he would have stated at the beginning just what editions of the Greek, Latin, French and English New Testaments he had cut his clippings from. But he did not intend it to be published; he made it for his own use and satisfaction, to read just before he went to bed, when the day's work was over. So the problem was left for us to solve.
The Marriage of Ruth
Authors: Rowley H. H.
Published: August 2011

The simple story of the book of Ruth abounds in problems for which no final solution can ever be found, since the materials for their solution are denied us. On this village scene, so different in character from most of the scenes of those ungentle times, the curtain is half lifted. But only half. Naomi returns from her sojourn abroad, bringing her daughter-in-law with her, and Ruth goes out to glean in the harvest-field. Then unexpectedly we find Naomi possessed of land, and we are left to guess how it came into her possession, and what had happened to it during the years of her sojourn in Moab. We are not told the relationship of Boaz to Elimelech, or the relationship of the nearer kinsman; nor are we told why the hand of Ruth went with the property. That the story of Ruth's marriage must be linked with the question of levirate marriage is generally agreed, though this is clearly not strictly a case of levirate marriage, since Boaz is not a brother-in-law or levir. There are not wanting, indeed, those who draw a much sharper distinction between Ruth's marriage and levirate marriage, but to this we must return. Of levirate marriage in ancient Israel we know very little, and while the later scholasticism of the Talmud may preserve, some ancient traditions, it cannot be implicitly trusted to throw light on customs which were already obsolete when the book of Ruth was written, needing to be explained to the reader as customs that formerly held in Israel.
Irenaeus: Mostly Prolegomena
Authors: Enslin Morton S.
Published: August 2011

Toward the end of the fourth book of his indispensable Church History Eusebius remarked:

At this time there flourished in the church Hegesippus, whom we know from former narratives, and Dionysius, bishop of the Corinthians, and Pinytus, another bishop of the Cretans, and in addition to them Philip and Apolinarius and Melito and Musanus and Modestus and, above all, Irenaeus, and their correct opinions on the sound faith of the apostolic tradition have come down to us in writing.
Early Quakerism and Uncanonical Lore
Authors: Cadbury Henry J.
Published: August 2011

The attitude of the Society of Friends to the Bible is a chapter of Quaker history that has yet to be written. Among biographical features it would include the names of several Quaker scholars — including Robert Barclay (1648–1690), the apologist, Anthony Purver (1702–1777), who singlehanded made a complete translation of the Bible, S. P. Tregelles (1813–1875), the textual critic, though he joined later other denominations, Thomas Chase (1827—1892), President of Haverford College and a member of the American Bible Revision Committee, and, not the least, the versatile and venerable Rendel Harris (1852–1941).
Milton's Arianism Reconsidered
Authors: Hunter William B.
Published: August 2011

When in 1825 Bishop Charles Sumner published the text and his translation of Milton's long-lost theological study, the Christian Doctrine, the results were in a way disastrous for the reputation of the poet. Instead of being the great composer of the orthodox epic of Protestantism, Milton became in the eyes of the nineteenth century and even of our own day the heretic who advocated the belief in an unequal Trinity—a heresy originally associated with the fourth century church leader Arius. In the light especially of the fifth chapter of the Christian Doctrine, critics reread Paradise Lost and discovered that this same doctrine was implied in passages of the poem which had been accepted for a century and a half as entirely orthodox. The shock to critical and religious sensibilities was considerable; Milton's fame underwent an eclipse from which it perhaps has never really recovered. Although our own century may be less susceptible to disturbance from the presentation of heterodox views, much the same conception of Milton continues; all critics echo Masson's stern judgment that Milton's views of the nature of Christ “are expressly and emphatically those of high Arianism.”
Zurvanism Again
Authors: Frye Richard N.
Published: August 2011

The scholar concerned with the pre-Islamic religious history of Iran is beset with many difficulties, not the least of which is the great paucity of native sources. Consequently, he frequently must have recourse to India for parallels in the early period, and to Classical, Syriac and Armenian sources for much of his material in Parthian and Sassanian times. Furthermore, the temptation to import whole patterns of religious thought from neighboring religions, and to interpret earlier information from conditions obtaining in Iran at later periods of its history, is at times very strong indeed. With the fragmentary, often contradictory, data about Iranian religions at hand, there is also a tendency to fill in the blanks, and by so doing to create a finished and consistent whole picture of the pre-Islamic religions of Iran. It may be commendable to have a large canvas with bold, sweeping strokes, but when the details are so uncertain one may be understandably cautious in accepting the theories of even such eminent scholars as Herzfeld, Nyberg, and others.
The Philonic God of Revelation and His Latter-Day Deniers
Authors: Wolfson H. A.
Published: August 2011

Philo, professionally, was not a teacher of philosophy. He was a preacher, a preacher on biblical topics, who dispensed his philosophic thoughts in the form of sermons. And because he was not professionally a teacher of philosophy, some modern students of his works say that he was not a philosopher. For nowadays, as we all know, to be called philosopher one must be ordained and one must be hired to teach philosophy and one must also learn to discuss certain hoary problems as if they were plucked yesterday out of the air. Some say that Philo was an eclectic. But there is one eminent authority who would begrudge him even the title of eclectic without further qualification, for, after all, eclecticism is the name of a reputable system in ancient Greek philosophy. The eclecticism of Philo, our eminent authority says, “is that of the jackdaw rather than the philosopher.” But, while we may deny Philo the honorific title of philosopher, with the privilege of wearing ostentatiously a special garb like that affected by ancient Greek philosophers, we cannot deny him the humbler and more modest title of religious philosopher. As such, Philo was the first who tried to reduce the narratives and laws and exhortations of Scripture to a coherent and closely knit system of thought and thereby produced what may be called scriptural philosophy in contradistinction to pagan Greek philosophy.
Numen and Mana
Authors: Rose Herbert Jennings
Published: August 2011

Some time ago I wrote a little book on Roman religion which was favored with a courteous and thoughtful review by a scholar from whom I have learned much, S. Weinstock. My central contention was that the Romans had an idea corresponding closely to the Melanesian and Polynesianmana, the North Americanorendaorwakanda, and similar notions elsewhere, and that they denoted it by the wordnumen; that is to say, thatnumensignifies a superhuman force, impersonal in itself but regularly belonging to a person (a god of some kind) or occasionally to an exceptionally important body of human beings, as the Roman senate or people. This force, I argued, the Romans supposed could be to some extent directed to serve their own ends; a god could be induced to employ hisnumenfor such things as giving fertility or victory to his worshippers, and on occasion an inanimate object, such as a boundary-mark, could havenumenput into it by the appropriate ceremonial. Also, thenumenof a god could be and was increased by offering him a sacrifice of the proper kind.
The Original Form of the Pauline Collection
Authors: Finegan Jack
Published: August 2011

Through publication in The Interpreter's Bible the theory is being given wide currency that Paul's collected letters were published originally in the form of two papyrus rolls, the first containing Ephesians and I and II Corinthians, the second comprising Romans, I and II Thessalonians, Galatians, Colossians-Philemon, and Philippians.
The Gothic Evidence for “Euthalian Matter”
Authors: Marchand James W.
Published: August 2011

It is a well-known fact that, sometime between the 4th and 7th centuries, a recension of the NT, or at least of the Pauline and Catholic epistles, into thought-lines was made. This recension is attributed variously to Euthalius, to Evagrius, even to Pamphilius. In spite of the fact that its authorship is unclear, this recension into thought-lines, along with certain other matter which is normally found with it, is traditionally called “Euthalian matter” or “Euthalian apparatus.” There are two important problems concerning Euthalian matter which are at present unsolved: (1) the date of Euthalius (or of the author of the recension, whom I shall henceforth call Euthalius for convenience sake); (2) which parts of the Euthalian matter are to be ascribed to the original author?
Transmigration in Plato
Authors: Ehnmark Erland
Published: August 2011

Transmigration is often regarded as an integral part of Platonic teaching and it is, of course, an undisputed fact that the idea of rebirth occurs very often in the Platonic dialogues; it holds an especially prominent position in most of his expositions of future life. Yet on closer examination it may be doubted whether Plato really considered the question of rebirth capable of or worthy of a serious and formal treatment. Metempsychosis is most often mentioned in the so-called Platonic myths, and almost regularly these are preceded by a cautious warning that what will follow is a myth, or a tradition, which may be true, but, obviously, cannot be presented as capable of proof. Even when metempsychosis is mentioned outside the myths, it is frequently, if not always, referred to as a “tradition.”
Changing Ideas in New Testament Eschatology
Authors: Selby Donald Joseph
Published: August 2011

Sooner or later every study of the New Testament must deal with the problem of its eschatology. There are several reasons for this. In the first place, the center of the New Testament is the messiah whom the earliest preachers identified as Jesus. While the term itself simply means, “the Anointed One,” by the time of the New Testament it had come to be inseparably associated with eschatological hopes. That these hopes were expressed in varied and often contradictory forms only adds to the problem. In any case, it is clear that the proclamation that the messiah is Jesus is inevitably an eschatological proclamation.
The Fourth Century Greek Fathers as Exegetes
Authors: Telfer W.
Published: August 2011

Not long ago, an English New Testament teacher was pressed by a Russian theologian for a straight answer to the question, “Do you teach your students to interpret the New Testament according to the Fathers?” The answer could hardly be Yes. In most Western Universities it would be rare to find references to patristic exegesis in lectures on the Old or New Testaments. So a chasm was disclosed between academic theology as it is understood in the Eastern Orthodox world and its counterpart in the West. It is as big a chasm as any that gapes, doctrinally or ecclesiastically, between the Western Christian denominations and the various branches of the Eastern Church. For the Orthodox, patristic exegesis affords a sure safeguard of right Christian belief, so that the task of the academic theologian is to teach that exegesis. He is not so readily concerned about the primary meaning of the text of Scripture; that is to say, about the meaning it had in the minds of the writers, and that they looked for it to have for their immediate readers. Dr. Zankov, speaking for the Greek Orthodox Church, says, “The Holy Scriptures serve us as a source. The liturgical books, and writings of the Church Fathers, are, so to speak, the rule and line of ecclesiastical consciousness. In both of these the heart and spirit of Orthodoxy are reflected.” This Orthodox concept of Scripture has roots that run back to the first days of Greek Christianity.
Partnership in the Lease of Cults in Greek Antiquity
Authors: Sokolowski F.
Published: August 2011

We are in possession of a Number of documents (inscriptions and papyri) relating to the lease of priesthoods in Greece and Egypt, dating from the fifth century B.C. to late Roman times. That curious practice, similar in some respect to the holding of Church benefices in the Middle Ages, has been studied by different scholars, but without agreement on many substantial points. Before the second World War K. Wilhelmson and M. Segre dedicated very important studies to the problem, advancing considerably the interpretation of the sources. In my Lois Sacrées of Asia Minor I collected many specimens of these documents and tried my best to promote their understanding. But nobody has sought to link the sale of cults in Greece with the same practice, as it is well attested through the papyri, in Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt. Meanwhile the inscriptions and the papyri, put together, not only fill the lacunas existing in both fields of documentation, but contribute to elucidate the legal side of the practice itself. With the recent publication of the study of M. Talamanca on auction in the classical world, the task has now become easier. Unfortunately the author does not utilize the abundant epigraphical material on our subject. I should like to endeavor to supply in part this need.
The Problem of Immortality
Authors: Ehnmark Erland
Published: August 2011

In the Platonic Phaedo, just as Socrates has closed his long speech with the sublime words about the journey of the soul after death, and its ultimate goal, Crito, his old friend — who does not seem to understand very much of the higher aspects of the matter, but is the more versed in worldly affairs, somewhat abruptly breaks the serene atmosphere with some practical questions, among them in what manner Socrates wishes to be buried. After his wont, Socrates answers, alike courteously and ambiguously, “Just as you please, if only you can catch me, and I do not escape from you.” He adds, with a smile, that he cannot convince Crito that he is the Socrates who is then conversing with his friends, and who will not remain after having drunk the poison. “Crito,” he says, “thinks that I am he whom he will shortly behold dead, and asks how he should bury me. But that which I some time since argued at length, that when I have drunk the poison I shall no longer remain with you, but shall depart to some happy state of the blessed, this I seem to have urged to him in vain, though I meant at the same time to console both you and myself. Be ye then my sureties to Crito,” he said, “in an obligation contrary to that which he made to the judges; for he undertook that I should remain; but do you be sureties that, when I die, I shall not remain, but shall depart, that Crito may more easily bear it, and when he sees my body either burnt or buried, may not be afflicted for me, as if I suffered some dreadful thing, nor say at my interment that Socrates is laid out, or is carried out, or is buried.” It is improper to speak of Socrates' dead body as if it were Socrates himself.
A Tabella Defixionis in the Museum of the University of Reading, England
Authors: Cormack J. M. R.
Published: August 2011

The leaden tablet, on which this defixio is written, was presented to the University of Reading by Dr. W. H. Buckler, F.B.A., who bought it in Constantinople from an antique-dealer, who gave Claudiopolis in Bithynia (the modern Bulu) as its provenance. The number of defixiones from Asia Minor is comparatively small (K. Preisendanz in his ‘Die griechischen und lateinischen Zaubertafeln,’ Archiv f. Papyrusforschung, ix, 1930, 119–154, mentions thirteen from Caria, two from Phrygia, and one from Pontus), and, if this tablet really comes from Claudiopolis, it is the first, so far as I know, to be reported from this region.
Phoebe's Letter of Introduction
Authors: Goodspeed Edgar J.
Published: August 2011

In a recent issue of the Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, in Manchester (XXI, 1948, pp. 224–40), Professor T. W. Manson writes of “St. Paul's Letter to the Romans — and Others,” arguing that Paul must have sent what we know as Romans out in two forms, one, our chapters 1–15, to Rome; the other, the same, with the addition of chapter 16, which would introduce Phoebe, to the church at Ephesus. Professor Manson is of course well aware of the perplexing problem of the rightful place of the great doxology, 16:25–27, which some manuscripts place at the end of chapter 14, most at the end of chapter 16, but the oldest manuscript, the P46, a papyrus from the early third century, places at the end of chapter 15. This location is in striking accord with the internal evidence, and confirms the theory advanced by David Schulz, more than a hundred years ago, that chapter 16 is no part of Romans, but part of a separate letter to Ephesus. Professor Dodd, however, concludes that chapter 16 is an integral part of the Letter to the Romans, inasmuch as “the burden of proof rests upon those who would set aside the tradition in favor of the conjecture,” p. 237.
Mechanisms of survival of protozoan parasites in mononuclear phagocytes
Authors: Mauel J.
Published: August 2011

The understanding of the mechanisms whereby intracellular parasites counteract the microbicidal processes of macrophages has progressed considerably in recent years. Various factors contribute to intracellular parasite destruction; from a biochemical standpoint, particularly important is the oxidative burst triggered by phagocytosis and by macrophage ‘activation’, that leads to the generation of toxic metabolites of oxygen. At the ultrastructural level, fusion of the parasitophorous vacuole with surrounding lysosomes appears to be a pre-requisite for the final digestion and elimination of the infecting microorganisms. The counter-measures evolved by microorganisms to escape intracellular destruction are best illustrated by studiesin vitroon the interaction of parasites of theLeishmania, ToxoplasmaandTrypanosomaspp. with mononuclear phagocytes. Some microbes are able to inhibit the fusion of phagosomes with lysosomes, thus avoiding the potentially harmful action of lysosomal hydrolases. Other microorganisms are able to resist the effects of such enzymes, perhaps by secreting inhibitory substances. Others still avoid lysosomes by leaving the phagocytic vacuole, to reach the cytoplasmic matrix where their development is unhindered. Particularly critical is the capacity of certain parasites to subvert the lethal effects of the oxidative burst. This can be achieved either by failing to evoke this metabolic response, or by producing scavengers that can detoxify harmful oxygen metabolites. Intracellular death or survival will thus depend on a delicate balance between the potency of macrophage cidal mechanisms, and the efficacy of the protective measures evolved by the infecting agents.
Interference in general immune function by parasite infections; African trypanosomiasis as a model system
Authors: Askonas B. A.
Published: August 2011

Many parasitic diseases are accompanied by an immunosuppression which may affect only parasite-specific responses in some infections or lead to a general dysfunction of the immune system in others. African trypanosomiasis causes a particularly severe disorder of the immune system and this serves as a model system for analysis of the cellular basis of a parasite-induced general immune dysfunction affecting nearly all T- or B-lymphoid cell subpopulations. The nature of the parasite products causing havoc in the immune system may well vary in different infections and still remains to be defined. Trypanosome membrane fractions are activein vitroorin vivobut we have no evidence for a direct action on B- or T-cells.In vitro, both in man and mouse, T-cells are stimulated, but only in the presence of accessory cells. This points to the importance of host-derived immunosuppressive factors in the immune dysfunction. We have evidence that macrophages, after uptake of parasites in the presence of antibodies, are at least one target cell for parasite action. They can mediate immunosuppression and undergo changes in phenotype and mediator release during the course of infection. The macrophages show all the characteristic signs of activation, which can also be induced by other means and other infective agents such as BCG. Thus, macrophage activation would provide a common pathway for induction of a general immunosuppression in different infections.
The Wellcome Trust Lecture: Inflammatory responses to filarial connective tissue parasites
Authors: Lichtenberg F. Von
Published: August 2011

The inflammatory responses to lymphatic filariae and toOnchocerca volvulusare reviewed with particular attention to (1) evolutionary biology; (2) inflammatory host spectrum; (3) non-specific components; (4) immunoregulation; (5) immune evasion versus immunomodulation; (6) chronic tissue damage and scarring and (7) disease models. Basic principles of pathogenesis are emphasized, comparisons drawn with schistosome infection, and critical items of missing information are highlighted.
Biomembrane structure and function: recent studies and new techniques
Authors: Chapman D.
Published: August 2011

The consensus view of biomembrane structure is outlined. The present model is built upon a fluid lipid matrix, usually two molecules in length, into which the proteins are embedded. The lipid bilayer organization is discussed, such as their phase transition and fluid character and the effect of cholesterol upon the chain organization. The non-lamellar arrangement which some lipids adopt is described. The use of new physical techniques for obtaining information about the structure and dynamics of membrane proteins are described. These techniques include electron diffraction, electron microscopy and FTIR spectroscopy. Models of the structures of the Ca2+–ATPase and the glucose transporter from erythrocytes are shown, indicating the putative helices embedded in the lipid bilayer and the groups of amino acids in the aqueous environment. These models are based upon biochemical methods to obtain amino acid sequences using DNA cloning techniques. Finally, an experimental method using triplet probes is described for the study of the rotational dynamics of membrane proteins. Labelled monoclonal antibodies for studying the dynamics of the glucose transporter have been used.
Molecular mechanisms involved in the transport of antibiotics into bacteria
Authors: Chopra I.
Published: August 2011

Many clinically useful antibacterial drugs have intracellular target sites. Therefore, in order to reach their targets, these compounds must be able to cross bacterial outer and cytoplasmic membranes. Considerable information is available on the mechanisms by which antibiotics cross bacterial membranes and, in many cases, it is now possible to define the molecular basis of their uptake. Passage of drugs across the outer membrane of Gram-negative bacteria can occur by diffusion through porin channels (e.g. β-lactams and tetracyclines), by facilitated diffusion using specific carriers (e.g. albomycin), or by self-promoted uptake (e.g. aminoglycosides and polymyxins). Transfer of antibiotics across the bacterial cytoplasmic membrane is usually mediated by active, carrier-mediated, transport systems normally operating to transport essential solutes into the cell. For example, the antibiotic streptozotocin bears sufficient structural resemblance toN-acetyl-D-glucosamine to be transported by the phosphoenolpyruvate : phosphotransferase system, and D-cycloserine is recognized by the D-alanine, proton motive force dependent transport system. However, in some cases (e.g. tetracycline) although carrier-mediated transport is implied by the observation that drug uptake is energy dependent, the nature of the membrane carrier(s) responsible is unknown. Knowledge acquired from studies on bacterial peptide transport has been successfully used to deliver (or smuggle) amino acid mimetics disguised as peptides into the bacterial cell. These amino acid mimetics, although often poorly transported in their own right, are frequently potent inhibitors of bacterial peptidoglycan or lipopolysaccharide synthesis once they have gained access to the interior of the cell.
Excretory–secretory products of helminth parasites: effects on host immune responses
Authors: Lightowlers M. W. , Rickard M. D.
Published: August 2011

Parasitic helminths excrete or secrete (ES) a variety of molecules into their mammalian hosts. The effects of these ES products on the host's immune responses are reviewed. Investigations into the source of antigenic or immunoregulatory ES products have identified the cuticular and tegumental surfaces of some nematodes and trematodes respectively as being important sources of ES products; other ES molecules are released through specialized excretory or secretory organs. It is proposed that the active shedding of surface antigens may serve as an important source of parasite antigens available to the immune system in a form in which they can be taken up and processed by antigen-presenting dendritic cells, macro-phages and certain B cells for presentation to T helper cells. The ES products of nematodes, trematodes and cestodes contribute to immune evasion strategies of the parasites through mechanisms including shedding of surface-bound ligands and cells, alteration of lymphocyte, macrophage and granulocyte functions and modulation of complement and other host inflammatory responses. Immunopathology may be induced by ES products as in the development of granulomas around entrapped schistosome eggs. In some host – parasite systems ES antigens may induce host-protective immune responses and this source of protective antigens has been utilized in the successful vaccination against helminth infections, particularly against infection with trichurid nematodes and the metacestode stage of cestode parasites. The use of ES antigens in immunodiagnosis of helminth infection is also briefly discussed.
Atmospheric change: effect on plant pests and diseases
Authors: Bell J.N.B. , McNeill S. , Houlden G. , Brown V. C. , Mansfield P. J.
Published: August 2011

The atmosphere plays a key role in plant disease, but only recently has it become understood that atmospheric pollutants can influence the response of plants to attack by pests and pathogens. This paper reviews the evidence for this phenomenon, considering impacts of sulphur dioxide, nitrogen dioxide and ozone, mainly on fungal pathogens and aphid pests. Field observations in polluted areas have indicated changes in abundance of pests and pathogens and in some cases a causal link has been demonstrated in controlled experiments. A major study is described in which consistent marked positive impacts of SO2 and NO2 have been shown on a range of British agricultural aphid pests, using four different approaches: fumigations, nitration studies, exposure along air pollution gradients and a nation-wide field survey. Ozone, in contrast, produces a more complex range of responses. These effects are apparently mediated via chemical changes in the plant. Fungal pathogens show both positive and negative responses to air pollutants. A study is described in which these opposite responses in two different fungal species were observed in a field SO2–fumigation system and confirmed in controlled laboratory fumigations. Models are presented to describe the complex pathways by which air pollutants could influence host plant performance via impacts on pests and pathogens.
Improving food provision in child care in England: a stakeholder analysis
Authors: Buttivant Helen , Knai Cécile
Published: August 2011

Objective

To review national policy governing nutrition in child-care settings and explore policy translation at a regional and local level in the South East of England.

Design

Semi-structured interviews with regional experts.

Setting

Child-care settings in Southampton, England, registered by OFSTED (Office for Standards in Education Children's Services and Skills).

Subjects

Thirteen subjects including child-care professionals in Southampton and policy advisors from the Government Office of the South East.

Results

Policy regarding early years food provision varies across the country. Although there appears to be consensus between local stakeholders on the importance of improving early years nutrition in Southampton, intentions have yet to be translated into cohesive action, with differences in food and nutrition practice in child-care settings across the city. There are also areas of incoherence, inequalities in access to training and development, and duplication in local and regional support mechanisms.

Conclusions

The importance of proper early nutrition to provide the building blocks for life-long health and well-being is grounded in a substantial evidence base. Outside the home, early years child-care settings are an ideal place for providing a strong foundation in nutritional health and dietary habits for young children. The long-term benefits of achieving optimum nutrition in the early years should be secured through the coherent efforts of national, regional and local policy makers, child-care practitioners and parents. Existing commitment and capacity to achieve this objective at a local and regional level must be supported and matched at a national level with the acceleration of policy development, including quality control and support mechanisms.