bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Effect of Empathy in Proenvironmental Attitudes and Behaviors
Authors: Berenguer Jaime
Published: March 2007

Previous studies have pointed out the importance of empathy in improving attitudes toward stigmatized groups and toward the environment. In the present article, it is argued that environmental behaviors and attitudes can be improved using empathic perspective-taking for inducing empathy. Based on Batson’s Model of Altruism, it was predicted that higher levels of empathy would improve environmental attitudes and behaviors. It was also predicted that a causal model could be established between empathy and environmental attitudes and behaviors. A study using a factorial design (2 × 2) is reported on the relationship between empathy level (high or low), natural object viewed (bird or tree), and environmental attitudes and behaviors. The results of this study indicate that participants who showed a high empathy level displayed stronger environmental behaviors and attitudes. Additionally, a path analysis shows the moderating effects of evoking empathy for a natural object (bird or tree) on willingness to act in a way that protects the environment (attitudes and behaviors).
The West German Defense Policy Consensus: Stable or Eroding?
Authors: Thompson Wayne C. , Wittig Peter
Published: March 2007

The authors examine changes in the fundamental assumptions of West German defense policy, as well as important domestic political factors which influence that policy. Alliance fears that the FRG might withdraw from NATO, adopt a "social defense," dismantle the Federal army, or evict U.S. troops are unfounded. But the West German defense policy consensus has eroded in some respects. The perception that the Soviet Union poses a military threat to the FRG has become weakened. Therefore, the perceived need for deterrence, especially nuclear deterrence, has also lost strength. More and more West Germans are beginning to question whether key American and West German interests are still identical, and some fear that the FRG could be dragged into a war possibly set off by bellicose U.S. policy outside of Europe. The heterogeneous "peace movement" will continue to face problems in translating a longing for peace into a realistic and concrete policy for peace; however, the continuing NATO missile deployment will keep it alive for at least a while. The West German government will be compelled to pay far greater heed to domestic opinions on defense questions and to explain to the public more persuasively the necessity and rationale for the country's defense and for its military collaboration with the United States. The FRG will step up its demands for more participation in NATO decisions, and NATO will have to pay closer attention to West Germany's needs and demands. West European public opinion is powerfully influenced by official statements made in Washington. The political style and tone of American leaders are almost as important as actual policy. They should therefore avoid at all costs feeding European fears of war through statements which could easily be misinterpreted.
Civil-Military Relations In Ethiopia
Authors: Abate Yohannis
Published: March 2007

Ethiopia's imperial regime was overthrown by a coalition of civilian and military forces. However, civil-military relations deteriorated when civilian groups demanded a democratically elected government, to which the military was unwilling to concede. The ruling military council's (PMAC) reluctance to share power with civilians, whom they distrust, and the failure of civilian groups to present a united front against the PMAC led to their demise. A military oligarchy headed by Mengistu has consolidated its power and outmaneuvered civilian opposition by militarizing the society and the bureaucracy, and by controlling urban and peasant associations. Civil-military relations in Ethiopia have thus evolved from a period during imperial rule when the armed forces were small and excluded from politics to one (in 1974) of active civil-military cooperation, to the current situation-in which the military wields unprecedented political power-with no prospects for a democratic government.
Careerism vs. Professionalism In the Military
Authors: Hauser William L.
Published: March 2007

The military career has most often been compared with "traditional" professions, such as law, medicine, and the clergy; but it is perhaps more appropriate to compare it with corporate executive development. There are many differences, but both systems are essentially "careerist" rather than "professional." In business, such careerism may well be utilitarian, but in the armed services it is harmful to military capability and thus to national defense. Members of a new "Military Reform Movement" are disturbed by the focus on careerism, but their demands for military self-reform are misdirected. The services are incapable of self-reform; externally generated reform is the only cure.
Paratroopers As Peacekeepers
Authors: Segal David R. , Harris Jesse J. , Rothberg Joseph M. , Marlowe David H.
Published: March 2007

American paratroopers seem to be doing an effective job as peacekeepers in the Sinai. A survey of paratroopers' attitudes in the 82d Airborne Division before and after their deployment as the first peacekeeping unit showed no lessening in their combat orientation. Their estimate of the likelihood of high-intensity combat during the next decade decreased slightly. Our analysis suggests a potential incompatibility between the action-oriented "parachutists' creed" and the constabulary ethic. The troops felt that the peacekeeping mission required special skills, that it could be performed with minimum force, and that it was inappropriate for their unit.
The Military Threat To Spanish Democracy: A Historical Perspective
Authors: Shubert Adrian
Published: March 2007

Military intervention in politics has been a constant factor in Spanish history in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The nature of intervention has varied and it can be divided into three distinct periods: 1814 to 1875; 1923 to 1939; and 1976 to the present. The armed forces which emerged from the Franco regime were dominated by an antidemocratic ideology, born of civil war and preserved through the military's isolation from society at large. They have neither fully supported nor wholly rejected the democratic system created by the transition which followed the death of Francisco Franco (in November 1975); they have been a source of perpetual concern. The first governments of the democracy did not take measures to resolve this situation. The socialist government elected in October 1982 has inherited the problem and is aware of the types of major changes needed to solve it.
Military Family Advocacy: A Status Report
Authors: Bowen Gary Lee
Published: March 2007

In the past decade, issues posed by child and spouse abuse have become a national concern, shared by the armed forces. This article traces the development of the military family advocacy movement, from mounting public concern about child abuse and neglect to establishment of formal programs in the services, under guidance from the Department of Defense. Individual services are now working to expand and coordinate their family advocacy efforts. Program policies are being issued and modified, and training directed toward personnel who deal with these issues.
Civil-Military Relations in the Two Koreas
Authors: Kim C. I. Eugene
Published: March 2007

North Korea's civil-military relations were modeled after the Soviet Union; South Korea's after the United States. Comparing both relationships, the author investigates a wide set of variables and finds the critical importance of local adaptation of the models initially introduced by the patron states. In both Koreas, the military has become a dominant political actor. In the north, however, military influence has become easily fused with the power structure headed by its supreme leader, Kim Il-sung; in South Korea, military control has been fragmented, lacking integration into the constructive leadership structure. The American model in South Korea has proven unworkable. Instead, it has created an ambivalent and uncertain relationship between the military and civilian sectors of power. The author maintains that in South Korea as in other developing nations, national development means a total effort. Military and civil powers must not be perceived in a dichotomous but in a judicious mix.
Conventional Force Deterrence in the Presence of Theater Nuclear Weapons
Authors: Garrett James M.
Published: March 2007

Abandoning nuclear weapons as deterrents to Soviet aggression in Europe requires NATO conventional forces which can stop a blitzkrieg and place the onus of resorting to nuclear war on the Russians. Warsaw Pact numerical superiority and the need to defend all of West Germany limit NATO's strategic options. Thus the Alliance must practice stringent economy of force to bar a quick, decisive Pact victory with conventional forces alone. However, the terrain offers possibilities for turning the battle area into a killing ground for invaders' tanks. Thousands of small, mobile tank-killer teams could strike and displace to strike again, imposing casualties and heavy supply consumption continually on Pact forces throughout a deep zone. Such an area defense would also require armored reserves for counterattacks. Faced with dim chances of a cheap victory, Pact leaders would face the discouraging prospect that a failed attempt could escalate to nuclear war.
Observations from the Sinai: The Boredom Factor
Authors: Harris Jesse J. , Segal David R.
Published: March 2007

This paper discusses the experiences of the first U.S. Army Combat Battalion assigned to the Sinai Multinational Force and Observers. Its leaders were concerned about a number of issues, among them unit cohesion and boredom. Squad level competition was found a major factor in establishing cohesion at the small unit level. Boredom became an issue among the soldiers early in the mission. Close analysis revealed that the major themes relating to boredom most frequently heard were (1) underutilization, (2) cultural deprivation, (3) lack of privacy, and (4) isolation. From the enlisted man's perspective, boredom was a metaphor symbolizing perceived loss of control of one's time and space. The authors make two general observations. First, peacekeeping is a form of low intensity conflict. Stress is due in part to the lack of experience in such an operation. Second, the unit rotation system used by the battalion results in a loss of psychosocial history, and troops are stressed by unmet expectations.
The Israeli Labor Party And the Lebanon War
Authors: Yishai Yael
Published: March 2007

This article addresses the role of a party in opposition during wartime, focusing on the style and determinants of the Israeli Labor party's criticism of the Lebanon war. The party adopted an ambiguous strategy and refrained from outright disapproval. The reasons for its ambiguity were grounded in the divisions within the government, the opposition party, and the public at large. Through its critical war stance, Labor sought to highlight the intragovernmental dissent, gain electoral rewards, and mobilize the support of antiwar groups. Labor refrained from criticism because its own leadership was split over the issue; it was exposed to the pressures of prowar groups; and it was responding to a prowar public mood.
Alcohol Abuse And the Soviet Military
Authors: Davis Robert B.
Published: March 2007

Alcohol abuse in the Soviet Union has been the subject of jokes and misinterpretation in the West. This article describes the cultural, sociological, and political forces around and within the Soviet drinking problem. The Western stereotype of the Soviet soldier as a drunkard is tempered with a prediction suggesting how warfare may affect his drinking habits. Possible short and long-term effects of continued alcohol abuse by large portions of the Soviet population are examined for its impact on their future military potential. The article attempts to refocus attention away from traditional preconceptions of Soviet drinking and toward areas that will affect current and future soldiers' performances.
European Peace Movements and Missile Deployments
Authors: Viotti Paul R.
Published: March 2007

Antideployment peace movement activity in Europe has declined in intensity since deployments of intermediate-range nuclear forces began in December 1983; the issue, however, will likely remain on the political agenda for several years as these deployments continue. Peace movements are nationally oriented with much less transnational collaboration than is usually imagined. The movements vary from country to country, with Dutch peace activities relatively the strongest in terms of effective political influence. Peace movements tend to be stronger in northern European Protestant areas; less so among European Catholics. Explanations for this are speculative but include such factors as religious doctrinal differences, guilt among some churchmen for not having taken stronger moral positions on state matters during the Hitler period, and success in postwar demilitarization policies. In any event, Western publics will likely remain a central part of the negotiations/deployment, two-track process as they have from the outset.
Protest: Random or Contagious?
Authors: Lichbach Mark
Published: March 2007

This paper tests the argument that outbreaks of protest occur contagiously over time against the alternative expectation that protest occurs randomly over time. Using univariate ARIMA models, it analyzes a time series of protest in the postwar United Kingdom, consisting of the number of day/locales of protest events. The (logged) data are probed for three periods of temporal aggregation: annual, quarterly, and monthly. Five principal findings emerge: (1) The best yearly model was (0, 1, 0); the best quarterly and monthly models (0, 1, 1). Thus, annual protest displays a random walk with a slight upward trend, while quarterly and monthly protest display, after differencing, a first-order moving average process. (2) Nonstationarity in protest, indicated by the differencing of protest, appears in all three temporal aggregations. (3) Cycles appear very weakly with quarterly aggregations and not with monthly aggregations. (4) The 1950s had less protest than the 1970s; the 1960s were a time of increasing protest activity. (5) Forecasts of protest generated by all ARIMA models investigated were poor. We conclude that autocorrelation effects are indeed present in British protest and that, therefore, protest actions at successive time points are not completely random but are interdependent. Finally, this paper explores the implications of these findings for theories of protest.
Of Hawks, Doves, and Owls: Michael Howard and Strategic Policy
Authors: Skaggs David Curtis
Published: March 2007

Michael Howard, Regius professor of modem history at Oxford University, has become an outspoken commentator on contemporary strategic policy. An analysis of his writings reveals he advocates a strategic approach to international relations that-emphasizes the complexities facing nation-states which endeavor to maintain stability while guarding their value systems; adopts a historical approach to the causes of war that stresses the importance of "bellicism" as a causal factor; examines the dimensions of strategy that deplore the neglect of social factors; and seeks to avoid conflict through reliance on both the nuclear and conventional aspects of deterrence. His trenchant criticisms have brought the wrath of modern hawks and doves, while he has sought an "owl" position between the two camps.
Surviving Nuclear War: U.S. Plans For Crisis Relocation
Authors: Beres Louis Rene
Published: March 2007

As part of its developing strategy of nuclear deterrence-a strategy linking peace to the capacity for nuclear war fighting-the Reagan administration is placing great emphasis on "enhanced" forms of civil defense. Known as crisis relocation planning, these forms of civilian evacuation are expected to reduce the risk of a nuclear war, and to mitigate the consequences of such a war if deterrence fails. This paper suggests, however, that the administration's provocative redefinition of nuclear deterrence actually undermines strategic stability between the superpowers, and that it would do nothing to improve the prospects for human survival in the event of a nuclear war. The article concludes that the only reasonable strategy for the United States is to recognize our vulnerability to collective disintegration and to proceed from such recognition to meaningful attempts at arms control.
About Face? The U.S. Army and the Draft
Authors: Griffith Robert K.
Published: March 2007

Conventional wisdom holds that the cold war draft, which ended on 30 June 1973, was a casualty of the Vietnam conflict. Further, most observers of the history of the draft accept that the demise of peacetime conscription occurred only after President Nixon ordered it over the protests of the armed forces. Certainly the services, which depended on selectees and draft-motivated volunteers for much of their manpower, preferred continuing it. The Army, which supported peacetime conscription in 1940 strictly as an emergency measure-and accepted its revival in 1948 as a necessary but less-than-perfect alternative to universal military training-had become utterly dependent on the draft by 1968. Nevertheless, Army Chief of Staff General William C. Westmoreland ordered a feasibility study on ending the draft before Richard Nixon's major campaign speech on the subject in the fall of that year. The findings and recommendations of that study and a more thorough follow on study conducted in 1969 shaped the way the Army implemented they AVF far more than the proposals of the President's Commission on an All-Volunteer Armed Force. Like most of the Army's leadership, Westmoreland hardly was keen on ending the draft; indeed, he never agreed with ending induction authority. But he and others in key positions at the time recognized that the draft was doomed, and they sought ways to shape the transition to the Army's advantage. How the Army's leadership came to accept the concept of the AVF is an instructive case study in institutional adaptation and self-preservation.
Trends in Military Allocations Since 1816
Authors: Diehl Paul F. , Goertz Gary
Published: March 2007

This study, which analyzes trends in major-power military allocations since the early 1800s, finds that while the base size of national armies has increased, new population resources have been channeled less and less into military manpower. A ratchet effect upward in capital allocations to the military across four different historical epochs is evident. Overall, there are proportionately more military personnel (26.8 percent) relative to total population among major powers now than in 1816; economic growth currently produces almost 30-fold the allocations of 165 years ago. Most of the increase can be attributed to the effects of inflation, technological changes, and the continuance of wartime defense burdens.
Human Resources and Military Manpower Requirements
Authors: Horowitz Irving Louis
Published: March 2007

This article is premised on the belief that future military manpower strategy can best be understood by examining past manpower history. There have been three basic approaches since the founding of the United States: first, from 1789 to 1929, armed force size as a function of short-term national emergencies; second, 1930 to 1980, armed force size as a function of general economic planning no less than political crisis; and a new period, beginning in 1981, in which manpower requirements are determined. by technological equivalences and public/private sector mixes. The major policy issues of manpower-voluntarism and conscription, private rights and public defense, crisis management and long-range mobilization-are seen as illustrations of these historic trends and economic structures. This article concludes with new expectations for military manpower requirements in a postindustrial and yet subnuclear era of protracted East-West conflict.
What We Don't Know About the Coups: Observations on Recent South American Politics
Authors: Markoff John , Baretta Silvio R. Duncan
Published: March 2007

In the wake of the Latin American military coups of the 1960s and 1970s, an extensive and impressive body of literature explored the origins and development of these new military regimes. This paper examines some of the high points of this literature: Huntington's and Nun's proposals of the military as the agent of the modernizing middle classes, Skidmore's focus on the inadequacy of one precoup party system, and O'Donnell's version of the thesis of a crisis in peripheral capitalist industrialization. While each proposal has shed light on some aspects of these regimes, all of them raise questions about the thinking of the central actors in military politics that currently dominant lines of empirical research are unlikely to resolve.
Soviet Politico-Military Penetration in Afghanistan 1955 to 1979
Authors: Azmi Muhammad R.
Published: March 2007

Anxious to augment its military strength for practical reasons and as a symbol of national power and prestige, the Afghan government (like those of most Third World nations) looked to external sources. As a result of U.S. reluctance to provide Afghanistan with military assistance, Kabul turned to the Soviet Union after the mid 1950s. Thus started the process of Moscow's politico-military penetration of Afghanistan, which culminated in the Soviet invasion in December 1979 and the reduction of the traditionally neutral central Asian state into a Soviet satellite. This article contends that while "single dependency" on any foreign power in military matters is potentially dangerous for a Third World country, it is especially so when the benefactor is the Soviet Union, which uses military assistance as an effective instrument to gain political influence. In Afghanistan, Moscow pursued a well-coordinated program of infiltrating the armed forces directly, by establishing influence among the Afghan trainees in the USSR and through its advisers in Afghanistan, as well as indirectly, through the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan. Given the geographical contiguity of the USSR, Russia's historic interest in the country, the backward and repressive nature of its society, and Western indifference, military dependency on the Soviet Union was a dangerous and fateful mistake for Afghanistan.
Measuring The Institutional/Occupational Change Thesis
Authors: Segal David R.
Published: March 2007

Moskos' hypothesis of change in military organization and orientation from an institutional to an occupational model has stimulated a great deal of policy concern and research. Its major components, however, have not been effectively measured, nor its assumption of linear change over time tested. This paper places Moskos' concerns in the context of broader theories of social change and reviews the attempts that have been made at theoretical specification and measurement. Based upon the existing research, it recommends an alternate formulation"pragmatic professionalism"that subsumes both the institutional and occupational dimensions. A research agenda that uses several kinds of data is suggested to monitor changing military organization and values.
Institutional/Occupational Trends in Armed Forces: An Update
Authors: Moskos Charles C.
Published: March 2007

Since its introduction in 1977, the institutional/occupational (I/O) thesis has generated a growing body of international research. The basic proposition is that the military is moving from an institutional to an occupational format. The thesis is brought up to date by greater specification of I/O variables in military organization. Variables include legitimacy, role commitments, compensation systems, spouse, reference groups, legal system, and postservice status. The current formulation favors an approach that examines shifting constellations of I/O features within armed forces.
Professional Military Education: Tasks, Topics, Needs
Authors: Bell John M.
Published: March 2007

This study was conducted by the USAF Occupational Measurement Center to help validate the curriculum of Air Force officer pre-and postcommissioning professional military education (PME). More than 10,000 officers, from lieutenant through colonel, were surveyed to gather data on (1) leadership, management, and communication tasks performed; (2) the relative difficulty of those tasks; (3) perceptions of need of various PME topics for job and career; and (4) perceptions of benefits from PME. In general, tasks and topics related to commuication skills were rated as most performed and most needed, respectively; military and defense-related topics as the least needed. Perceptions of benefits from PME courses were mixed, but the greatest benefits were received in residence PME programs. Based on the survey data, there is sufficient rationale for the continuation of a multiphased PME program. Further, the various data provided will assist planners and evaluators in developing PME curricula and evaluating their effectiveness in meeting the professional needs of Air Force officers.
Dual Track Or Double Paralysis? The Politics of INF
Authors: McCausland Jeff
Published: March 2007

No single issue has threatened the unity of NATO more during the past five years than the decision to deploy new intermediate-range nuclear weapons (Pershing Ils and ground launched cruise missiles) on European soil. The debate revealed different perspectives concerning the meaning of nuclear deterrence between the United States and its allies. The collective decisions of Italy, Great Britain, and West Germany to accept the initial deployment in November 1983 were due not only to their fear of the Soviet SS-20 missiles, but also to their internal political dynamics. This essay examines the divergent attitudes between Americans and Europeans and some of the reasons why various political parties in Europe chose to support this deployment.
Affirmative Action: Blacks and Hispanics in U.S. Navy Occupational Specialties
Authors: Zucca Gary J. , Gorman Benjamin
Published: March 2007

This article examines the U.S. Navy's effectiveness in achieving affirmative action goals-increased minority representation in petty officer ranks. Data used for the study were the aggregated number of white, black, and Hispanic males in Navy occupational specialties in 1976, 1979, and 1982. Control for the aptitude required to qualify for occupational specialties is included. The study tests a model that attempts to account for the distribution of blacks, whites, and Hispanics in core and peripheral technology occupations. Findings suggest that when aptitude required for entrance into occupational specialties is controlled, blacks and Hispanics are overrepresented in support occupations and underrepresented in occupations representing naval core technology.
'Necessary Evil': Perspectives on West German Arms Transfer Policies
Authors: Pearson Frederic S.
Published: March 2007

The recent evolution of West German arms transfer policies is related to legal stipulations, socioeconomic interests, local politics, a need for anonymity in controversial dealings, and particularly to a more autonomous foreign policy. New 1982 guidelines allowed increased arms sales flexibility to conflict-ridden and strategic regions such as the Middle East. Despite government attempts to limit terrorists' access to arms, international arms production remains largely unregulated. The Foreign Ministry has the prime role in controversial sales authorizations, but Germany's many interlinked private arms contractors and subcontractors, lured by relatively high profits, do most of the promotions. Local and national political factions are keenly interested in the disposition of contracts and regulations. Future arms sales will depend on Europe's and Germany's increasing foreign policy assertiveness, and on the direction of European weapons technology.
War Planning and the Outbreak of War in 1914
Authors: Keithly David M.
Published: March 2007

The debate about the origins of the First World War has been rekindled with numerous new articles and books on the subject. Discussion of the war's outbreak remains a strategist's battleground. Fritz Fischer's interpretations of the causes of the war have dominated the debate for nearly two decades. His principal thesis is that economic and societal pressures propelled Germany into war in 1914. These interpretations are too simplistic and contain a number of errors. As evidenced in the recent literature, the Fischer thesis has skewed our understanding of the origins of World War I. Research into the neglected questions of the policies and the decision making of the other powers reveals at least a corresponding lack of resolve to avoid war.
Cruise Missiles and the Western Party System: Some Dutch Lessons
Authors: Kroes Rob
Published: March 2007

The dilemma of whether or not to deploy cruise missiles in the Netherlands led to widespread protest; at one stage, it threatened a breakdown of civic order. In June 1984, the Dutch government came up with a complex decision, which aimed at eventual deployment while disarming the potent peace movement. This article discusses the decision both from the wider perspective of the alleged decline of party systems in Western democracies and their potential impotence in the face of the many extraparliamentary action and protest groups and from the aspect of postindustrial agenda issues. It concludes that the history and tradition of Dutch pluralist democracy not only inspired the successful strategy of the Dutch government in its cruise missile quandary, but it also offers wider lessons for viable party politics in postindustrial societies.
Military Heroism: An Occupational Definition
Authors: Anderson Jeffrey W.
Published: March 2007

While most of us recognize the concept of heroism, an operational definition has remained elusive. The body of published literature on heroism likewise does not focus on the personal attributes that predispose an individual to heroic acts. In this study, a body of work not previously analyzed-citations of Medal of Honor awardees-was used to develop and rank dimensions of military heroism, following Flanagan's critical incident technique. These dimensions then compared definitions of heroism across conflicts. Essentially, three dimensions were derived and served as a basis for examining military heroism. As an initial effort, this study directs our thoughts to an operational definition of military heroism.
Vietnam Veterans And the Agent Orange Controversy
Authors: Jacobs James B. , McNamara Dennis
Published: March 2007

The efforts by Vietnam veterans to obtain compensation and an admission of responsibility from the U.S. government and its defense contractors for health problems allegedly caused by Agent Orange contamination during the Vietnam War is perhaps the most important veterans' issue of this generation. This article explains the emergence of Agent Orange as a veterans' issue and traces the controversy through the VA, Congress, and the courts. The case study once again demonstrates the moral suasion and political power of American veterans and, therefore, the political difficulty of denying them special welfare benefits. One of the questions raised is whether it makes sense to treat veterans injured "on the job" any different from other citizens, especially for purposes of standing to sue their employer (the federal government) for the kinds of damages that would be available to other members of the society.
Maritime Issues In Avoiding Nuclear War
Authors: Quester George H.
Published: March 2007

Current naval standard operating procedures in the nuclear weapons states may be producing excessively casual deployments of nuclear warheads on the high seas, unnecessarily increasing risks of nuclear escalation in local conflicts. Examples that can be cited include the Soviet submarine that ran aground on the Swedish coast and reported British nuclear deployments near the Falklands. At the same time, any total moves toward nuclear-free zones would endanger some very valuable oceanic deployments of submarines carrying ballistic missiles, the backbone of mutual deterrence Some proposals are offered for making nuclear deployments at sea conform more with the real interest of all the states involved.
Political Transition In Argentina: 1982 to 1985
Authors: Beltran Virgilio R.
Published: March 2007

This article examines the transition in Argentina from a military government, in power from 1976 to 1983, to the civilian government elected in November 1983. It also discusses the possibilities for competing party politics in the country, relative to the military's new role and Argentina's political structure. The change of regime was distinguished by several features: the swift collapse of the military regime; the military's political bankruptcy when the regime fell; and the unresolved dilemma of the fight against terrorism. Judging from specific data related both to the social structure and the result of the 1983 election, changes are being wrought in the direction of greater modernity.
The Brazilian Military: Changing Strategic Perceptions And the Question of Mission
Authors: Hilton Stanley E.
Published: March 2007

During the 1960s, as a result of the perceived Communist threat, the mission of the Brazilian armed forces was thought to be internally oriented, that is, the high command assigned priority to internal security. After the early 1970s, with the elimination of an armed leftist challenge-and in the face of ominous international developments-the strategic perceptions of military leaders modified. The adoption of aggressive, seemingly militaristic policies by Argentina, combined with Soviet-Cuban expansionism and the current technological revolution in warfare, markedly heightened threat perception in Brazilian strategic circles and led to a reorientation of mission toward external defense. The renewed emphasis on professionalism has been reflected in the development of defense-related technology, weapons modernization, an increase in troop levels and efforts to improve the quality of military personnel, and the creation of new units and regional commands; it perhaps likewise influenced the military's decision to relinquish direct political control in 1985.
U.S.—Soviet Command Reciprocity: Interdependence Of Survivable Leadership
Authors: Cimbala Stephen J.
Published: March 2007

U.S. and Soviet strategic command, control, and communications are "survivably interdependent." Neither country can credibly deter nor plausibly fight wars involving the threat or use of nuclear forces without observing "rules of the road" about C3. These rules include clarification of their intentions during a crisis; exchange of information and persons to preserve crisis stability; and tacit agreement about not attacking the "brain" or "central nervous systems" of the opponent early in war.

Command reciprocity does not automatically guarantee equal superpower awareness of that fact, or equivalent willingness to incorporate it into U.S. and USSR military doctrine. Thus, U.S. forces and C must be planned with the recognition that command reciprocity may not withstand the early phases of war. The impact of proposed new technologies such as the Strategic Defense Initiative on U.S.-Soviet strategic command reciprocity is also acknowledged, although the details are not now foreseeable. Command reciprocity will continue whether the "defensive transition" in U.S.-Soviet strategic forces occurs at a rapid or incremental rate.
The Impact of Soldier Quality On Army Performance
Authors: Horne David K.
Published: March 2007

The Army has been very successful in improving its manpower quality over the last several years. Recruits are more likely to have high school diplomas than in any year since the inception of the all-volunteer force; they are also scoring higher on the Armed Forces Qualification Test. Recruiting such personnel is expensive, however; the Army faces increased competition from the civilian labor market, educational institutions, and the other services for a shrinking youth population. In order to justify its manpower requirements, the Army must be able to demonstrate an empirical link between AFQT scores and soldier performance, This study presents evidence on that relationship using data from several sources. The first data set contains written and hands-on tests on several weapons systems from Army training schools. The second data set utilizes the Skill Qualification Tests administered by the Army. The results demonstrate that a statistically significant and positive relationship exists between AFQT scores and performance measures. These findings are consistent across a wide range of military occupational specialties. The results may also be useful in allocating manpower quality to capitalize upon the differential AFQT effects across MOS's.
Air Force Academy Graduates and Nongraduates: Attitudes and Self-Concepts
Authors: DeFleur Lois B. , Warner Rebecca L.
Published: March 2007

A general finding of socialization research at U.S. military academies is that it reinforces relatively traditional attitudes and masculine gender role traits of young men. The relative effect of military academy training on the attitudes and orientations of young men and women graduates and nongraduates is assessed, using data from the U.S. Air Force Academy. Although both graduates and nongraduates become more egalitarian about changing gender roles, these changes are not as marked for graduates. Graduates are also more likely to retain more traditional family life-style expectations than those who leave the academy. Nongraduates are more likely to shift away from traditionally masculine and feminine identities than graduates, according to the Bem Sex Role Inventory. Interestingly, among female graduates, the largest number shifted to strictly feminine identities. These findings are discussed in the context of the socialization of women in male-dominated environments.
The Egyptian High Command in the 1973 War
Authors: Gawrych George W.
Published: March 2007

The Egyptian military success of crossing the Suez Canal in the October War owed, in large measure, to the reforms implemented within the Egyptian High Command as a direct result of its dismal performance in the 1967 war. Political and military policies prior to the 1967 conflict had weakened the fighting capabilities of the Egyptian armed forces. The creation of major commands between 1964 and 1967 and the concomitant decline in the authority of the chief of the General Staff of the Egyptian armed forces served to undermine unity of command and purpose, whereas personnel assignments encouraged the politicization and de-professionalization of the officer corps. Military reforms after the 1967 debacle brought about structural and personnel changes in the High Command, which itself, in the 1973 war, proved to be an efficient offspring of the reorganization instituted by the Nasserist regime during the War of Attrition (1967-70). The result was that the Egyptians were able to field a professional army under a unity of command driven by clear military objectives for the initial phase of the war.
Raising the Armed Forces
Authors: Pillsbury Hobart B.
Published: March 2007

U.S. experience in raising the armed forces has resulted in persistent political and social tensions. Individual freedom has seldom been held subordinate to national security interests. Executive control and legislative oversight have frequently been in conflict, but with little judicial challenge to either branch. Finally, national controls have assured a continuing influence upon state manning and operation of the militia. Despite inherently conflicting objectives, the resulting balance has provided armed forces sufficient to preserve the nation while largely guaranteeing individual freedoms.
National Security: Organizing the Armed Forces
Authors: Kaufman Daniel J.
Published: March 2007

How does the U.S. constitutional system affect this country's ability to organize its armed forces? The primary impact of the system on the issues associated with organizing the armed services seems to be the inability of the United States to create a security apparatus with a truly national perspective. The result of this fragmented national security system has been an organizational and decision-making process that reflects the incomplete centralization of authority over the military. Incomplete centralization, in turn, allows the perspectives of the individual services to dominate the institutional environment and control-to a considerable degree-the functions and structure of the armed forces. More important, incomplete centralization and service dominance detract from the nation's ability to carry out the critical functions of strategic planning and advice, resource allocation, force structuring, and joint operations.
Depoliticization of Indonesia's Political Parties: Attaining Military Stability
Authors: Rogers Marvin L.
Published: March 2007

This article examines the politicization of the Indonesian military between 1945 and 1966 and its subsequent depoliticization of the nation's political parties. Examined also are the ways in which the military-dominated government has (1) interfered in the election of party leaders, (2) formed a government-backed party to contest elections, (3) consolidated the opposition parties into two dissension-ridden groups, (4) banned partisan activity at the local level, (5) staged symbolic national elections, and (6) compelled parties to adopt the national ideology as their sole organizing principle. Indonesia's experiences suggest that military-dominated regimes in modernizing societies can temporarily enhance political stability by emasculating political parties during periods of rapid economic growth. But it demonstrates also that long-term stability necessitates the creation of a mass party or movement outside the military's organizational structure that can mobilize genuine popular support.
The Guatemalan Military And the Escuela Politecnca
Authors: Patterson Franklin
Published: March 2007

The virtual monopoly of Guatemala's national military academy, the Escuela Politέcnica, in preparing officers, and the central position of the officer corps in that nation's power structure make the school a consequential elite-forming institution in Guatemalan society. Founded in 1873, the Politέcnica early evolved under Spanish influence and later (1931-45) was shaped along lines of West Point by U.S. officers. Admission by examination democratizes access to the school. The program, in which attrition is high, is designed to produce graduates who identify the army with the nation, possess intense loyalty to both, and are competent managers of violence. In many ways, the brotherhood of Politέcnica graduates is the most powerful elite in the country, its power unimpaired by the election of a civilian president in 1985.
Civil-Military Relations And Argentine Democracy
Authors: Zagorski Paul W.
Published: March 2007

In the twentieth century, Argentina has been beset with the problem of praetorianism-a condition in which military officers play a principal or predominant role in the political system. For the last 30 years, civilian governments have followed various strategies for establishing civilian control, with uniformly disastrous results. Since 1983, the Alfonsfn government has instituted a new approach, a strategy of "doctrinal change" within the armed forces; the strategy aims at incorporating the norms of Western military professionalism and respect for democracy. Although the present government has done better than its predecessors, the final prognosis is still guarded.
The Stab-in-the-Back Legend and the Vietnam War
Authors: Kimball Jeffrey P.
Published: March 2007

Although associated with post-World War I Germany, the stab-in-the-back perspective is a common cultural response to defeat in war. An American, post-Vietnam War version maintains that the military could have won the war but for the activities of Democratic presidents, Congress, civilian strategists, the press, and antiwar protesters. The roots of the legend lie in arch-conservative assumptions, partisanship, wartime right-wing criticism of Lyndon Johnson's war, militant cold war attitudes, and attempts of purveyors of the myth to defend failed policies and strategies and to counter the "Vietnam syndrome." Seriously flawed historically, logically, and empirically regarding the possibility of victory and the role of the press and the antiwar movement, the stab-in-the-back argument nevertheless enjoys partial public acceptance because of the influence of its proponents and also because it is an essential component of a larger myth: the "Lost Cause."
Congressional Politics: Building the New Navy, 1876-86
Authors: Peterson William S.
Published: March 2007

This article examines the treatment of the American Navy at the hands of Congress, based on the premise that the political struggle between the Republicans and Democrats played the major role in the decline and rejuvenation of the fleet. The period of decline is described as the first decade following the Civil War; however, most of the article concerns the next 10 years. During this latter decade, Congress and the public became aware of the poor condition of the fleet and the first steps toward modernization began. Attempts by Republican administrations, however, were thwarted by the Democrats, who refused to support any construction bills offered by the party in power. It was not until the Democrats gained the White House-in 1885-that this policy began to change. The author contends that congressional politics was the determining factor in deciding when the fleet modernization would start.
The Military Profession: Theories of Change
Authors: Caforio Giuseppe
Published: March 2007

Several established models exist to measure processes of change within the military. This article clarifies the terminology, suggests some definitions, and evaluates these models. The clarification of terminology is necessary for the subsequent critique of the theoretical bases of Charles Moskos's well-known Institution/Occupation (I/O) model. This critique is based on the real absence of a dialectical opposition between the concepts of institution and occupation, a comparison of the plural and I/O model, and the recognition that the I/O model does not represent a zero-sum system. Jean-Pierre Thomas's four strategies career model is then examined to demonstrate its inappropriateness for an empirical investigation of the professional military man-the officer. The proposal that emerges is that reference points from which to analyze the military profession be identified from within rather than from without. If the military is considered a professional bureaucracy, one example of this approach would be to adopt as a reference point the internal dialectical opposition between the hierarchical and professional poles.
Gender and Perceptions Of the Job Environment In the U.S. Air Force
Authors: Dunivin Karen O.
Published: March 2007

This paper examines Kanter's thesis that sex differences in the way people perceive their employing organization are attributable to three organizational determinants: opportunity, power, and relative numbers. Particular focus is placed upon Kanter's argument concerning the relative numbers variable. Using an Air Force attitudinal survey, the research analyzes overall male and female attitudes about these three determinants. The figures are then broken down and considered with respect to five career fields with varying sex ratios. The findings suggest that men's and women's attitudes toward organizations are quite different. While men are more satisfied with the organizational climate, women care more about the nature of the job itself. Little evidence supports Kanter's hypothesis about relative numbers since differential sex ratios in the groups examined here do not yield the expected attitudinal differences. To better explain the study's findings, a bidimensional model is proposed. This model argues that the sex ratio and the perceived female traditionality of the work best explain women's attitudes.