bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
There Are No Back Vowels: The Larygeal Articulator Model
Authors: Esling John H.
Published: February 2018

As an alternative to the high-low-front-back model of vowel specification, thelaryngeal articulator modelis proposed, based on a reinterpretation of how the vocal tract functions to produce laryngeal and pharyngeal sounds. Evidence drawn from numerous laryngoscopic studies demonstrates the scope of articulatory behaviours possible in the pharynx. For a broad sample of languages, lingual retraction is shown to accompany laryngeal/pharyngeal gestures, motivating the redistribution of vowel quality designations. The vocal tract is divided into two articulatory components: the laryngeal articulator and the oral articulator. The vowel chart is split into three sectors: front, raised, and retracted. Whereas front vowels can be qualified as close or open, so-called back vowels are re-designated as either raised or retracted, and the role of retraction as a function of the laryngeal constrictor mechanism is elaborated.
Everything is Psycholinguistics: Material and Methodological Considerations in the Study of Compound Processing
Authors: Libben Gary
Published: February 2018

Compound words allow us to investigate lexical storage, retrieval, and interpretation. The role of storage and computation in compound processing is reviewed. It is claimed that morphological processing is automatic and obligatory, and that multi-morphemic words require resolution of a conflict between whole-word and constituent activation. This leads to the conclusion that morphological constituents are created through morphological processing so that strawberry comes to be composed of straw- and -berry; these constituents are positionally bound so that berry-, -berry, and berry are distinct processing units. This proliferation of morphological representations resolves long-standing puzzles concerning semantic transparency and challenges traditional psycholinguistic approaches that investigate the effect of some independent variable (such as semantic transparency) on task performance as a dependent variable. It is suggested that psycholinguistic inquiry may be understood as the study of the correlation of dependent variables within the language processing system.
Canadian English in a Francophone Family
Authors: Walker Douglas C.
Published: February 2018

The French language in Alberta is evolving in a strongly minority context. An examination of three generations of speakers from the Peace River region in northwestern Alberta—the area with the highest proportion of francophones—shows the progressive effects of longstanding contact with English. While the grandparents have fluent spontaneous speech with little calquing or code switching, the father’s speech is less spontaneous and shows increased calquing and switching, and the son’s speech has extensive calquing, code switching, and lexical gaps. Despite strong external and community support, the Peace River community manifests many of the traditional indices of minority languages faced with assimilatory pressures.
Eh? and Hein?: Discourse Particles or National Icons?
Authors: Gold Elaine , Tremblay Mireille
Published: February 2018

We compare the use and function of two discourse particles that show many similarities: Canadian English eh and Canadian French hein. Surveys of anglophone students at the University of Toronto and francophone students at Université Laval reveal that these particles have similar discourse functions and that there are many parallels in their patterns of use. However, francophone students report a higher use of hein than do anglophone students of eh. Moreover, francophones have more positive attitudes towards constructions with hein than do their anglophone counterparts with respect to eh. In addition, eh—used both less often and valued less positively—has taken on additional functions as an identity marker: it is used to identify speakers of Canadian English and, in print, to evoke Canadian solidarity. In contrast, hein does not have an identity marking function. We propose that the development of an identity marking function for eh—and the lack of such a function for hein—reflects differences in how linguistic identities are constructed in English and French Canada.
Dialect Mixture versus Monogenesis in Colonial Varieties: The Inevitability of Canadian English?
Authors: Trudgill Peter
Published: February 2018

Similarities between varieties of the same languages can be explained in terms of shared retentions or innovations. Conversely, differences can be explained in terms of new vocabulary items, divergent changes, language contact, and dialect contact. The latter has been challenged by proponents of monogenetic theories. Evidence for and against monogenetic hypotheses are considered on the basis of two case studies. First, I demonstrate that the dialect enclave of Lunenberg County, Nova Scotia, is a mixed colonial dialect. Second, I argue that the phenomenon of Canadian Raising is the result of dialect mixture. The Canadian English data provide evidence for a connection between dialect contact, mixture, and genesis. The data support the idea that there is a deterministic outcome in situations where the target language is not spoken by a prior-existing population, which in turn accounts for why widely separated varieties of English are similar.
Southern Wakashan: Descriptive and Theoretical Perspectives
Authors: Davis Henry , Wojdak Rachel
Published: February 2018

This special volume of CJL/RCL is the first collection of papers devoted specifically to the Southern Wakashan languages Makah, Ditidaht (also known as Nitinat), and Nuu-chah-nulth (also known as Nootka). These three closely related languages form a continuum stretching from the northwest tip of Washington State to northwest Vancouver Island in British Columbia. The Southern Wakashan languages are remarkable for the typologically unusual traits they exhibit in virtually all areas of their grammars. These properties were first illuminated by Edward Sapir in his foundational work on Nuu-chah-nulth (1911, 1915, 1921; Sapir and Swadesh 1939), which helped thrust Wakashan to the forefront of early Amerindian scholarship. The papers brought together in this volume reflect a recent resurgence of interest in Southern Wakashan, and highlight the potential of lesser-studied languages to contribute to linguistic theory, as well as the range of insights that theoretically informed perspectives can bring to the grammatical description of these languages.
What to do to ‘do-to . . .’: Notes on an Object Marker in Nuu-chah-nulth
Authors: Woo Florence
Published: February 2018

The syntactic behaviour of the object marker?uukwiłin Nuu-chah-nulth is documented based on fieldwork data that illustrate patterns not previously discussed in the literature. A Minimalist-type analysis is presented, in which?uukwiłis a light verb of the categoryvand is generated in the complement position of the main verb. This captures certain traits of?uukwiłthat have hitherto not been unified under a single analysis: its morphological and syntactic autonomy, its semantic dependence on another predicate for argument structure, its link to discourse saliency, and its use as an auxiliary item in A′-raising constructions.
Condition C Effects in Nuu-chah-nulth
Authors: Davis Henry , Waldie Ryan , Wojdak Rachel
Published: February 2018

Nuu-chah-nulth presents a set of exceptions to Condition C of the Binding Theory that involves co-construal between certain R-expressions and a c-commanding pronoun. These exceptions to Condition C are not reducible to structural properties of the language, and are not confined to coreference anaphora, as they extend to bound variables without quantificational antecedents. Nuu-chah-nulth also shows strong crossover effects, and more generally obeys a strict c-command condition on variables bound by quantifiers. We account for these facts by distinguishing quantifier binding from other types of dependent reference, and parameterize the latter based on reverse dependency, where a pronoun may precede and/or c-command its antecedent. Reverse dependency reflects the non-presuppositional nature of Nuu-chah-nulth pronouns, which allows them to be introduced ahead of their descriptive content.
Prosodie et émergence du sens : propositions pour une étude cognitive de l’intonation
Authors: Col Gilles
Published: February 2018

This paper aims at giving English intonation a driving role in the building and the emergence of meaning. It presents four propositions, going from the perception of intonation to its role in the representation of meaning. First, the concept of intonational form, based on the gestalt model of good form, is introduced. Second, the fundamental characteristic of intonational form is its dynamic nature. Third, intonation is positioned in the semantic layer, and is on par with the other linguistic components (syntax, lexicon, grammar). Finally, it is the evolution of the verbal scene that gives intonation its fundamental role.
Coercion without Lexical Decomposition: Type-Shifting Effects Revisited
Authors: de Almeida Roberto G. , Dwivedi Veena D.
Published: February 2018

Recently, there has been a surge of psycholinguistic research on the interpretation of type-shifting constructions. We evaluate some of the theoretical and empirical research in this area and propose a reassessment of the nature of type-shifting operations.

We argue, in particular, for a structural gap in type-shifting constructions, motivated mainly by the restructuring nature of the verbs employed. We also argue that the putative underspecification (or indeterminacy) of type-shifting constructions is resolved via pragmatic inferences.
A Derivational Approach to Focus Structure
Authors: Irurtzun Aritz
Published: February 2018

I present a derivational analysis of the construal of the focus structure of the sentence. I propose that the [+FOCUS] feature is an optional formal feature that can be assigned to multiple tokens of the numeration. Hence, the focus structure is derived via Merge (creation of a set) in a strictly compositional way. This theory circumvents the empirical and theoretical shortcomings of Nuclear Stress Rule-based approaches, and accounts for split focus constructions (answers to multiple wh-questions).
On the status of inversion in an inverse language
Authors: Massam Diane
Published: February 2018

This article addresses inversion in an inverse (VSO) language, Niuean, focusing on two issues. First, it has been proposed that in certain types of copular sentences, such as pseudo-cleft constructions (PCCs), the predicate rather than the subject may move into the specifier position of TP. This raises the question of PCCs in a language in which the predicate normally moves there. Such sentences might exhibit their normal inverse order or the inverse of this. The second issue is what constitutes the predicate in a PCC. The headless relative (and not the DP) is usually analyzed as the predicate because, in standard theories of predication, a referential nominal cannot be a predicate. However, in Niuean PCCs, the DP is usually analyzed as the predicate. I propose that it is in fact a reduced headless relative with a null predicate. It becomes clear that there is no special copular inversion: the inversion requirement is taken care of by the general predicate-fronting process. The analysis thus sheds new light on the general nature of copular inversion and allows Niuean PCCs to fall into the standard view of predication theory.
On the Difference Between L1 and L2 Acquisition of Phonology
Authors: Piper Terry
Published: February 2018

It has been argued extensively that children acquiring a second language (L2) simplify the target sounds of that language using the same phonological processes as children use in acquiring their first language (L1) (cf. Hecht and Mulford 1982; Piper, 1984a, 1984b; Garnica and Herbert 1979). Since these processes are generally thought to be universal, it is not surprising that this should be the case. Nevertheless, there are differences between L1 and L2 learners both in the simplification processes they use and in the way they use them. Some processes do not appear at all or appear unsystematically in L2 learners; some processes are retained much longer by L2 learners than would be expected given their early disappearance in L1 learners. In this paper, I take a closer look at the incidence, duration and systematicity of these processes in the developing phonology of ten ESL children, and attempt to demonstrate some ways in which normal acquisition of the L2 sound system by children differs from first language acquisition.
Glottalization and Gemination In an English Urban Dialect
Authors: Shorrocks Graham
Published: February 2018

The following is an account of glottalization and gemination in the traditional vernacular of the Greater Bolton area. Bolton is a town situated 12 miles north-west of Manchester in northwestern England. The Greater Bolton area consists of the county borough of Bolton, Farnworth municipal borough, and the urban districts of Horwich, Turton, Little Lever and Kearsley. Its population is approximately 230,000.

From a consideration of various historical, industrial, economic, social and administrative factors, the Greater Bolton area can be shown to be a relatively homogeneous cultural unit within the urban field of influence of Bolton. This cultural homogeneity is reflected in the speech of the area, which is also relatively homogeneous in character, and distinctive when compared to the speech of other parts of Greater Manchester County, South Lancashire and Merseyside (cf. Shorrocks 1980:1–27).
Creating Language and Community in Pidginization
Authors: Samarin William J.
Published: February 2018

Although “language” and “community” are assumed for all normal, that is, stable, conditions experienced by human beings, both phenomena are problematic in situations where there is no shared means of communication. We should like to know how they emerge, which one takes precedence or is more dominant (if such can be determined) and what factors accompany the predominance of one of these phenomena. In this paper, I approach the problem by examining the origin of jargons and pidgins. I propose, as a modest contribution to the enormous task that has to be addressed, a set of generalizations that might serve as a heuristic for understanding pidginization as a context for the emergence of both language and community.
Contextual Motivation and Working Memory
Authors: Smyth Ronald H.
Published: February 2018

This study examines certain properties of human memory which impose limits on topic accessibility in discourse. While the discussion is centred on so-called “dative” and “cleft” sentences in English, the work is motivated by more general concerns which have been variously referred to as “topicworthiness” (Thompson 1988), “information flow” (Chafe 1987; Kuno, 1987), “topic continuity” (Givón 1983), “degree of presuppositionality” (Givón 1979), “pragmatic perspective” (Dik 1978), “packaging phenomena” (Chafe 1976), “staging” (Grimes 1975), “communicative dynamism” (Firbas 1967), “the theme system” (Halliday 1967), and “linear modification” (Bolinger 1952). The term adopted here is “information flow”.

One important aspect of the study of information flow is the attempt to determine the conditions under which speakers make selections from among alternative syntactic expressions of identical propositional meaning. While some of the motivation for such choices lies in sentence-internal factors such as the animacy or definiteness of NPs (e.g., Ransom 1979), I shall restrict the discussion here to the issue ofcontextual motivationas originally developed in Smyth (1977) and in Smyth et al (1979). A particular syntactic choice is said to be contextually motivated if the information flow features which govern it are external to the sentence, and the alternative structure is contextually inappropriate. Where contextual motivation is absent, I claim that either of the candidate syntactic forms is appropriate, although sentence-internal information flow factors may then exert a weaker influence on syntactic choice.
The External Reality of Linguistic Descriptions
Authors: Dasgupta Probal
Published: February 2018

Many working syntacticians or phonologists do not care about what all linguists tend to call philosophical issues, such as “What kind of object is a language?” They are happy to leave the ontological basis of their work unanalyzed. It is possible to accept this situation. We may choose to inquire directly and separately in what way pieces of external evidence from Acquisition, Borrowing, Change, and Damage may have an impact on ideas considered seriously by working linguists. However, the moment we decide to group the ABCD of these four domains together under the E of Externality, thus trying to organize them into an area of inquiry, this decision leads naturally to a more general type of question. Unless we grapple with such a question, our ABCD list begins to look like the well-known Borges quotation from a fictitious Chinese encyclopaedia stating that animals are divided into:

(a) belonging to the Emperor, (b) embalmed, (c) tame, (d) suckling pigs, (e) sirens, (f) fabulous, (g) stray dogs, (h) included in the present classification, (i) frenzied, (j) innumerable, (k) drawn with a very fine camel hair brush, (l) et cetera, (m) having just broken the water pitcher, (n) that from a long way off look like flies, (quoted by Foucault 1974:xv)
Morphological Conditioning in Phonologically Transparent Processes: Evidence from the Evolution of Vowel Reduction in Vinzelles Occitan
Authors: Morin Yves-Charles
Published: February 2018

Does phonological conditioning have a privileged status in allomorphic alternations? Most synchronic descriptions appear to assume that if simple phonological conditions can account for some alternation, they automatically constitute the relevant factors chosen by speakers in their internalized grammars (but cf. Hooper 1976:87 or Klausenburger 1979:29–36 for divergent views). Intuitive notions of simplicity cannot provide a solution because simplicity is actually an empirical issue (cf. Chomsky 1965:37–47). The answer can only come from the analysis of external evidence, i.e., errors, language acquisition, historical changes, etc.
The Viability of the Notion of Subject in Coast Tsimshian
Authors: Mulder Jean
Published: February 2018

The status of subject as a linguistic universals is commonly assumed. For example, the classification of the word order of a language as SVO, SOV, etc. presupposes the universal occurrence of subject; many language universale such as Mithun’s (1984) hierarchy for noun incorporation are stated in terms of subject; and, some theories such as Relational Grammar take subject as a primitive.
Topic Islands and the Subjacency Parameter
Authors: Rochemont Michael
Published: February 2018

This paper proposes a formulation of the Subjacency condition and related parametric variation in terms of the notion “barrier” of Chomsky (1986), adapting features of the analysis of Lasnik and Saito (1989). The discussion centers around topic constructions such as (1) and what will be referred to here as the topic island effect, illustrated in (2):

(1)

Under the table Bill noticed a small iron box.

(2)

a.

*What under the table did Bill notice?

b.

*I wonder what under the table Bill noticed.

c.

*The box that under the table Bill noticed was locked.
Consonant Classes and Vowel Qualities in Babine
Authors: Cook Eung-Do
Published: February 2018

Babine, which has also been known as Northern Carrier, has two major dialects, Lake Babine (LB) spoken in Babine Lake and River Babine (RB) spoken in Bulkley River in northwestern British Columbia. The speakers of the latter in Moricetown and Hagwilgate prefer to call their language [wətsowət’en]. The recognition of Babine as a language distinct from Carrier is based on the work of Hildebrandt and Story (1974), Kari (1975), and Story (1984). In claiming Babine as a distinct language, rather than a Carrier dialect, Story (1984:1) cites “the Babine vowel shift”. She presents an extensive discussion of the historical process of vowel shift conditioned by two categories of syllable-initial consonants, which she calls F(ortis)-Mutation and L(enis)-Mutation.
Cognate Objects as Thematic Objects
Authors: Massam Diane
Published: February 2018

This paper examines cognate object (CO) constructions such as those in (1).

(1)

a.

Dorothea smiled a smile.

b.

Dorothea smiled a wicked smile.

c.

Dorothea has smiled all her smiles.

The central question which is raised by such constructions regards the status of the CO with respect to both its syntax and its semantics. That this question is not a new one, nor one confined to theoretical linguistics is seen in Harper’s English Grammar where we read: “Some authorities . . . contend that cognate verbs — verbs which are followed by objects that repeat their meaning — are intransitive. However the verbs in such expressions asHe slept a peaceful sleepandHe lived a useful lifeare by the majority of grammarians regarded as transitive verbs” (Opdycke 1941:106).
Nasal Elision and Universals: Evidence from Romance
Authors: Fagan David S.
Published: February 2018

The postulation of diachronic universals derives from certain conclusions reached in the investigation of synchronic universals, i.e., that there are natural (universal) phonological subsystems in languages or dialects, and that there are natural (universal) structural relationships between the elements in these subsystems. In essence, a hypothesis about a particular diachronic universal is a claim that a shared natural state in various languages or dialects is the product of the same diachronic process (a sound change, series of linked sound changes, etc.). A counterproposal to this hypothesis would specify that there are multiple diachronic routes which can link two parallel states in the history of two or more innovating languages or dialects. If the latter view is correct, and I believe that it is, then the theory of diachronic universals will require refinement if it is to retain theoretical value.
Prelinked and Floating Glottal Stops In Fuzhou Chinese
Authors: Chan Marjorie K.M.
Published: February 2018

Numerous interesting problems in the phonology of different dialects of Chinese tend to be buried in Chinese-language sources, or have not yet gained the attention of phonologists in general. One such case is the final glottal stop in modern Fuzhou, with respect to its behaviour synchronically and its historical origins. The final glottal stop came from two earlier sources, *-k and *-?. While *-k has completely merged with *-? in stressed syllables, evidences of the earlier contrast can still be found in the modern dialect — in how it behaves in more weakly stressed syllables in tone sandhi spans, and in its effect on adjacent consonants. It is proposed here that the continued relevance of the former phonological contrast can be accounted for by treating the final glottal stop from *-k as a prelinked glottal stop, and the one from *-? as a floating segment within the autosegmental approach. In this paper I will trace the history of these two codas, as well as address the implications that the differences in representation have with respect to subsequent changes in the language. I will conclude with a discussion of other languages for which a floating glottal stop solution has been offered.
Away to Go in the Southwest of England and in Newfoundland, and the Question of Celtic Analogues
Authors: Shorrocks Graham
Published: February 2018

John B. Smith (1987) recently drew attention to the occasional use of an adverb + infinitive construction in English dialects, and specifically to the non-finite phrase away to go. Joseph Wright included examples of the construction in the English Dialect Dictionary under both away and go, with away to go meaning basically ‘be off, go away, away he went’. Under away (A.5.Phr. away to go):

Warwickshire: Now, then, away to go. Shropshire: Tak’ this an’ away to-go. A young kitchenmaid, describing the depredations of a manservant on the pastry-shelf: It wuz Lucas, ma’am, ‘e comen in out o’ the ‘all an’ took some of the fancy pies an’ away to-go. (Wright 1898, I:100)
The Origin of Canadian Raising in Ontario
Authors: Thomas Erik R.
Published: February 2018

One of the best known and most controversial features of Canadian English is the vocalic feature labeled by Chambers (1973) as “Canadian Raising”, which affects the /aI/ of right and the /aU/ of lout. This feature represents a situation in which the onset of the diphthong is closer to the target of the glide before fortis consonants than before lenis consonants: for instance, ride may have [aε] and right [3I], and loud may have [ao] but lout [ʌU]. Many of the previous studies of the feature, beginning with its original description by Martin Joos (1942), who raises the question of whether the second syllable of typewriter has the raised or non-raised variant, have involved the syllabification rules that determine when the onset is raised and when it is not. Chambers (1973) demonstrates that writer normally has the raised variant and shows that the relative stress on particular syllables can prevent raising from taking place in some cases where the diphthong occurs before a voiceless consonant. Vance (1987), Paradis (1980), and Chambers (1989) also deal with this latter problem, reformulating it in terms of linear (Vance) or Kahnian (Paradis, Chambers) theories of syllable formation.
On Prepositions and Case-Marking in French
Authors: Zaring Laurie
Published: February 2018

One proposal which has played and continues to play an important role in the syntactic analysis of Romance prepositional phrases is that not everything which looks like a preposition is in fact a true preposition. First proposed by Vergnaud (1974) for French, the idea is that some apparent Ps actually act as simple Case-marking on an NP; in Vergnaud’s case, this was the à associated with Goal arguments. As a result, the syntactic representation of Goal arguments involves no PP-node, but rather an NP with an inflectional Case-marking à. Vergnaud’s proposal was developed further for French à by Kayne (1975) and Jaeggli (1981), and is assumed to be valid for Frenchdeby Elliott (1986). Chomsky (1986) also suggests that Englishofis in many cases the realization of genitive Case, and Demonte (1989) argues that many instances of Spanishaordephrases selected for by verbs are not PPs but rather NPs marked with Case.
Constraint Violation and Conflict from the Perspective of Declarative Phonology
Authors: Scobbie James M.
Published: February 2018

In phonology, constraints are finally coming into their own. There is no real consensus, however, about how constraints behave, and specifically how they interact with other aspects of the phonology and with each other. Theories of Declarative Phonology (DP) approach this “Interaction Problem” (Scobbie 1991a) in a radical way. In DP everything is a constraint — generalizations and lexical entries alike constrain the form of the intended phonological representation (“surface structure”). Moreover, constraints are mutually compatible, indefeasible and are declared non-procedurally. Declarative Phonology is therefore an extremely simple and restrictive type of constraint-based phonology, eschewing constraint conflict, violation and destructive repair. For details of various declarative theories as well as phonological and computational motivation for the declarative paradigm, see Scobbie (1991a) and the other papers in that volume, Bird et al (1993), Bird (1990), Broe (1993), Coleman (1992), Russell (1992), Scobbie (1991b) and Wheeler (1988).
A Case of Surface Constraint Violation
Authors: McCarthy John J.
Published: February 2018

The idea that constraints on well-formedness play a role in determining phonological alternations, which dates back at least to Kisseberth’s (1970) pioneering work, has by now achieved almost universal acceptance. A tacit assumption of this program, largely unquestioned even in recent research, is the notion that valid constraints must state true generalizations about surface structure or some other level of phonological representation. Anything different would seem antithetical to the very idea of a well-formedness constraint.
On the Validity of Morpheme Structure Constraints
Authors: Paradis Carole , Prunet Jean-François
Published: February 2018

Morpheme structure constraints (MSCs or, equivalently, morphemic constraints), i.e., constraints on underived items, pose a logical problem to any theory claiming that the first input list to the lexicon, i.e., the dictionary (DICT), may contain material which is considered ill-formed by the MSCs of the language. This problem is related to Scobbie’s (1991:1) “interaction problem”, i.e., the need to make explicit the way in which constraints, rules and representations interact. In the case of MSCs, the interaction problem can be stated as follows: how can ill-formed material be present in the DICT if the DICT contains constraints, i.e., MSCs, against ill-formed material? The Theory of Constraints and Repair Strategies (TCRS) proposed by Paradis (1988a, 1988b, 1990, 1993, this volume), along with Optimality Theory (e.g., Itô and Mester, this volume, and McCarthy, this volume) but in contrast with Declarative Phonology (e.g., Scobbie, this volume), claims explicitly that the DICT can contain material which is identified as ill-formed by post-morphemic constraints (see Paradis and Prunet 1989a:331; Bagemihl 1991:641; Paradis and El Fenne 1991, 1992, 1993; and Ulrich 1991 for other instances of underlying ill-formedness). To solve this interaction problem, Paradis (1993, this volume) suggests that phonological constraints are active in the lexicon (the component where words are morphologically derived) and the post-lexical level alone, not in the DICT. Structures of the DICT may be identified as ill-formed only when going through the lexicon. The theory of phonology which emerges from this position clearly contradicts the commonly-held view that DICT entries are constrained by MSCs.
Constraints and Repairs in Aphasic Speech: A Group Study
Authors: Béland Renée , Paradis Carole , Bois Monique
Published: February 2018

Aphasia refers to an impairment of language processing resulting from brain damage. A very common symptom observed in aphasic speech is the presence of phonemic paraphasias, i.e., phonemic errors involving the substitution, addition or syncope of one (or more) segment(s) in a word stimulus. Phonemic paraphasias can be found across multiple tasks (repetition, reading aloud, spontaneous speech, picture naming) that require a subject to produce a word sound. They are not specific to a particular type of aphasia since Broca’s aphasics, Wernicke’s aphasics, conduction aphasics, and mixed aphasics all produce phonemic paraphasias (see Lecours et al 1983).
Syntaxe du quantifieur universel en algonquin
Authors: Junker Marie-Odile
Published: February 2018

Le but de cet article est d’étudier les caractéristiques syntaxiques du quantifieur universel kakina (‘tous’/‘chacun’) en algonquin, un dialecte ojibwe parlé au sud-ouest du Québec. J’examine la diversité des positions que peut occuper le quantifieur kakina dans la phrase simple ainsi que ses possibilités d’interprétation. Je recherche quels méchanismes syntaxiques ou morphologiques permettent de relier le quantifieur à ses arguments. Les données présentées ici ont été élicitées et reconfirmées auprès d’une locutrice de langue maternelle algonquine, bilingue algonquin-anglais, agée d’une cinquantaine d’années, vivant et enseignant à Kitigan-Zibi (Maniwaki, Québec) et employant sa langue quotidiennement.
Géométrie des restrictions de cooccurrence de traits en sémitique et en berbère: synchronie et diachronie
Authors: Elmedlaoui Mohamed
Published: February 2018

The main goal of this article is to provide a more global approach to the question of cooccurrence restrictions which hold among classes of segments in Hamito-Semitic languages. It is demonstrated that the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) combined with the directionality conventions is not sufficient to predict all of the observed cooccurrence restrictions found in the Classical Arabic verb root and that it is necessary to postulate two other constraints that interact with the OCP. By establishing a parallel between the facts observed in Classical Arabic and the labial dissimilations in two other Hamito-Semitic languages, Akkadian and Imdlawn Tashlhiyt Berber, it is argued that, at the Proto-Hamito-Semitic stage, the OCP hierarchically dominated the Multiple Association Constraint operative at the level of articulator nodes, but that this hierarchy is no longer synchronically manifested in languages like Arabic and Hebrew. The existence of a constraint that imposes a minimal sonority distance on rising sonority contours is also postulated to account for an asymmetry indicating a tendency to prefer certain sequences of segments over the reverse order.
Les propriétés lexicales et syntaxiques de benben en français québécois
Authors: Junker Marie-Odile , Vinet Marie-Thérèse
Published: February 2018

The aim of this paper is to analyze the various lexical and syntactic properties of the reduplicated adverbial form benben in Quebec French. It can be observed that this form differs syntactically from its Standard French synonyms beaucoup and très. Benben can indeed appear with various lexical categories: nouns, adjectives, adverbs, transitive and intransitive verbs. Moreover, in many contexts, its use is sensitive to the presence of verbal negation, rather than to that of constituent negation. In comparison with other Quebec French quantifiers, benben is very flexible. It can be used in both negative and positive contexts and, as an adverbial form, it can appear in various positions in the sentence.
L’accord du participe passé dans les langues romanes: une approche morphosyntaxique
Authors: Bessler Paul
Published: February 2018

The aim of this article is to present a unified analysis of Romance past participle agreement. Data from 19 standard and non-standard Romance varieties are considered. It is shown that in order to account for the variation found across the various Romance varieties, past participle agreement should not be considered as following simply from another module of the grammar, such as Case Theory, coindexation or the theory of functional categories, but should rather be considered from the point of view of a general theory of grammatical agreement. It is also shown that past participle agreement must be treated as an example of nominal-modifier agreement rather than as an example of verb-argument agreement.
On the Default Mechanism for Interrogative Binding
Authors: Goodluck Helen , Saah Kofi K. , Stojanović Danijela
Published: February 2018

The difference between the two mechanisms for wh-question binding (i.e., sucessive cyclic movement and pronominal binding) is characterized, inter alia, by the presence of island constraints (subjacency effects) in movement but not pronominal constructions. Using experimental data from child and adult speakers of Akan (pronominal binding) and Serbo-Croatian (movement and pronominal binding), it is argued that: 1) Previous experiments on English-speaking children’s knowledge of the block on extraction from within adjuncts do not positively support early use of a movement grammar in English; 2) Apparent sensitivity to movement constraints may arise as a consequence of processing preferences; 3) The evidence to date is nonetheless compatible with movement as the default hypothesis for wh-binding; 4) The parsing preference for non-island locations for a wh-word may have utility for the learner, helping to correct overly permissive grammars.
Effects of Instruction on Second Language Acquisition of the Japanese Long-Distance Reflexive Zibun
Authors: White Lydia , Hirakawa Makiko , Kawasaki Takako
Published: February 2018

This article reports on a small study investigating whether teaching second language learners the long-distance (LD) properties of the Japanese reflexive zibun ‘self leads to acquisition of its subject-oriented status. The study involved low intermediate level learners of Japanese who were instructed on zibun over a four-week period. The focus of the instruction was that the reflexive zibun can take long-distance antecedents. At the same time, subjects were never taught that the antecedent must be a subject. Subjects were tested using a truth-value judgment task. Results show that the learners initially rejected LD binding; they showed a significant increase in acceptance of LD antecedents after the teaching intervention. Analyses of individual learners show that about half of them successfully acquired the relevant properties of zibun. With one exception, learners did not generalize from their instruction to assume that “anything goes” as far as antecedents for zibun are concerned. Rather, they acquired grammars of reflexive binding that fall within the range permitted by Universal Grammar.
Neutral Vowels in Optimality Theory: A Comparison of Yoruba and Wolof
Authors: Pulleyblank Douglas
Published: February 2018

Patterns of vowel harmony are frequently interrupted by the presence of neutral segments, segments that are obligatorily realised with only one of the harmonic values. Peripherally, neutral segments appear in two patterns, referred to as relative and absolute alignment. Medially, such neutral segments may beopaque, interrupting the transmission of harmony, or they may betransparent, skipped over by harmony. It is argued that the properties of neutrality result from the interaction of three independently motivated families of constraints: faithfulness, alignment, and grounding. No process-specific constraints distinguishing between the types of alignment or between opacity and transparency are required under the proposed account.
On the Structure of the French DP
Authors: Valois Daniel
Published: February 2018

This paper discusses and expands upon various ideas concerning the structure of nominals in general (DPs) and of French nominals in particular, with the underlying idea that CP and DP have parallel argumental and functional structure. The main topics discussed are: (i) the projection of arguments in French and English; (ii) the parameterization of N-movement, which accounts for some word order differences between French and English; (iii) the distribution of adjectives in event nominals, which reflects that of adverbs in clauses in both French and English; (iv) a peculiar case of rightward movement out of DP that provides further evidence for N-movement as well as for the claim concerning the prohibition on right adjunction of genitive nominals within DP; and (v) extraction facts that are a consequence of the status of [Spec, DP] as an A′-position in French.
VSO Order and Weak Pronouns in Goidelic Celtic
Authors: Adger David
Published: February 2018

This article examines the placement of weak pronominal objects in Goidelic Celtic. These elements appear in a far-right position in the clause, in spite of their prosodic lightness. Previous analyses have put this phenomenon down to either a language and construction specific rule, or to a side effect of clausal organisation. The article examines the most articulated current version of the latter option, shows how it suffers from serious empirical and conceptual problems and develops in its place an approach in which the pronouns remain internal to the verb phrase with their precise position determined by prosodic factors. This collapses the surprising behaviour of weak pronouns in Goidelic with that of weak pronouns in Germanic. The apparent differences in the positioning of pronouns between the two language families derive from independent aspects of clausal architecture. The new approach uses a much less articulated clausal structure but an enriched view of the syntax-prosody interface.
Mutation and Case in Welsh
Authors: Borsley Robert D.
Published: February 2018

The most common mutation system of Welsh, soft mutation, affects among other elements the object of a finite verb. This is often known as direct object mutation (DOM). Objects have accusative Case in many languages. Hence, it is natural to consider the possibility that DOM is a manifestation of accusative Case, and this has been proposed by a number of people. There is evidence, however, that this idea is both too strong and too weak. It predicts soft mutation where it does not in fact occur, and there are a number of instances of soft mutation which appear to form a natural class with DOM but cannot plausibly be analyzed as a manifestation of accusative Case. A widely discussed alternative to a Case-based view of DOM is one in which DOM is triggered by a preceding phrase of some kind. This approach looks quite promising. However, it does not fit readily into the Principles and Parameters framework. It seems, then, that DOM poses a major challenge for this framework.
Configuring Mutation in Irish
Authors: Duffield Nigel
Published: February 2018

This article offers a unified syntactic treatment of initial mutation in Modern Irish, one of the best-known characteristics of that language. Both types of consonant mutation, as well as the less-studied mutations affecting vowels, are discussed. It is proposed that the appearance of initial mutation is a function of particular structural configurations: mutation is triggered by lexicalized functional heads. It is shown how this analysis applies in three syntactic contexts: before clausal predicates; within noun phrases; and following prepositions. Special attention is given to the problem raised by exceptional forms, and, in particular, to the problem of variable constraints on “spreading” (whereby mutation spreads to following modifiers only in certain instances).
Long Head Movement and Information Packaging in Breton
Authors: Schafer Robin J.
Published: February 2018

This article explores long head movement configurations in Breton. Its purpose is twofold. First it contributes to existing work by demonstrating that Breton long head movement is motivated by information structure. The operation of general economy principles, made sensitive to information structure, determines many of the properties of the Breton construction. Secondly, it is argued that the derivation of the Breton construction does not involve movement per se; minimality conditions on movement are not central to the derivation. Instead, the remaining properties of the construction are attributed to a semantic property of tense-aspect markers which is represented at the LF interface. This work bears on the issue of how to model the interpretive dependency between auxiliaries and main verbs and raises questions concerning the interaction between the stylistic component, information structure, and the LF interface.
The Conjunct Verb in Sheshatshit Montagnais
Authors: Brittain Julie
Published: February 2018

This article accounts for the distribution and the formal properties of the conjunct verb in Sheshatshit Montagnais within the theoretical model of the Minimalist Program. A subset of the syntactic environments in which the conjunct verb occurs obligatorily is examined: subordinate clauses, non-pastwh-questions, and negated clauses.Wh-phrases and subordinate clauses are associated cross-linguistically with a CP projection. It is shown that the two principal negative morphemes in Sheshatshit Montagnais are also associated with a CP projection, thereby obtaining a common underlying structure for clauses requiring conjunct verbs. Central to this analysis is the claim that conjunct verbs move to the Comp position while independent verbs move to Infl. Associating conjunct and independent verbs with distinct functional categories not only predicts their distribution but also accounts for their most distinctive formal properties.
Cayuga Accent: A Synchronic Analysis
Authors: Dyck Carrie
Published: February 2018

Cayuga (Northern Iroquoian) is a pitch accent language displaying different conditions for the accenting and lengthening of even-numbered and odd-numbered penults (counting from left to right). It is shown that Cayuga accent placement is predictable from metrical structure, and that metrical structure is in turn influenced by constraints on syllable structure. Syllable structure constraints are that: 1) all things being equal, coda consonants are parsed as light; and 2) vowel length is dispreferred. In odd-numbered penults, dispreferred syllable structure can be avoided, and this results in accented odd-numbered open penults and unaccented odd-numbered closed penults. In even-numbered penults, dispreferred syllable structure (especially that resulting from lengthening) is required in order to avoid metrically adjacent strong elements, and this results in the accenting of all even-numbered penults. The accenting patterns of Cayuga ultimately derive from the fact that Cayuga is a quantity-sensitive language that disprefers quantity.
Inversion stylistique et position de base du sujet
Authors: Friedemann Marc-Ariel
Published: February 2018

This article advances two main claims. First, it argues that [Spec, VP], the base position of the external argument, is right-branching in French. It is shown that some surprising restrictions imposed on the order of complements in stylistic inversion can then be interpreted in terms of an adjacency condition restricting the occurrence of lexical material between the postverbal subject and its Case checker. Second, it asserts that [Spec, IP], the derived subject position, is occupied by a null expletive, pro. The limited distribution of the construction then follows from the licensing conditions governing the null expletive in French. Further, the proposed analysis sketches a possible interpretation of adjacency phenomena and of the notion of expletives within recent developments of generative grammar.
The Gerund and the Infinitive with the Verbsintend, mean, proposeand their Close Synonyms
Authors: Duffley Patrick J. , Joubert Jean-François
Published: February 2018

This article investigates gerundive and infinitival constructions with the verbsintend, mean, proposeand their close synonyms with respect to the abstract categories of “tense” and “control”. Concerning “tense”, the gerundive construction with these verbs constitutes counterevidence to the common claim that the -ingform denotes simultaneity or temporal overlap: the explanation proposed shows that the latter does not correspond to any of the usual aspectual categories found in the linguistic literature. With respect to “control”, an explanation is offered for the tighter constraints on infinitival constructions as compared to the latitude between subject control and non-subject control readings found with the -ingform. These phenomena are explained in terms of the language-specific parameters of the basic meanings of the forms making up the constructions and the syntactic relations linking these meanings together.
Cognate Objects in Russian: Is the Notion “Cognate” Relevant for Syntax?
Authors: Pereltsvaig Asya
Published: February 2018

This article is concerned with cognate objects (COs) in Russian, of which there are shown to be two types. Only one type of CO exhibits argument properties, while the other type is shown to pattern with predicative nominals. Furthermore, it is argued that the two types of COs pattern with non-cognate nominals with the same function. It is therefore proposed to analyze argument COs on a par with their non-cognate counterparts as thematic direct objects, checking their accusative case in the specifier of Aspect Phrase. In contrast, the non-argument COs are analyzed as secondary predicates over the event argument projected by the main predicate of the clause. Finally, it is argued that a narrow, English-based definition of a CO (i.e., based on zero affixation) cannot be applied to other languages with richer derivational morphology. Yet, once the definition is widened to include all nominals based on the same root as the verb, it is concluded that being cognate is not relevant for the theory of syntax and must therefore be relegated to the morphological component of the language.