bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
技藝性文本：“才學小説”的概念匡補與價值重估
Authors: 朱 鋭泉
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

針對歷來詬病清中葉才學小説中知識、學問、技藝内容者，或者持小説藝術的單一標準貶斥其價值者，本文提出從“技藝的文本化”角度重新理解作品特點，繼而由大量具體文例歸納出文本的技藝性質與製作方法。通過倡導對於文化語境的回歸，期冀推動才學小説的概念匡補與價值重估。

This essay revisits the “Fiction of Talent and Learnedness” of the middle of the Qing dynasty (ca. 18th century). The works in this “genre” have long been criticized for showing off knowledge, learnedness, art, and skills in their content and their value has been denigrated by critics who employ one single criterion. The present study takes a perspective of “texts of art and craft” to re-evaluate the characteristics of these works. Based on a paradigm of a large number of texts, it summarizes the nature of their craftsmanship and their production procedure. By advocating the restoration of its cultural context, we aim to revise the concept of “fiction of talent and learnedness” and to re-evaluate its value.
抒情主義與現代《楚辭》研究———梁啓超、梁宗岱與李長之
Authors: 廖 棟樑
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

誠如湯炳正先生所説：“從漢代起，對屈原的事迹即有不同的記載；談到評騭，從漢代起，對屈原的行誼已有歧異的見解。但是，根本否定屈原這一歷史人物的存在，或貶誣屈原這一代偉人爲‘弄臣’等等，則無疑是晚近纔出現的新的學術動態。”（《現代楚辭批評史•序》）在20世紀二三十年代的《楚辭》研究領域，關注的問題便主要集中在屈原的生平、身世，屈原作品的年代、真偽討論上，循著乾嘉樸學的考證舊路，這本是民國時期屈原《楚辭》研究的主流，向爲《楚辭》學術界所注目。不過，仍有些人主要不是通過屈原作品中涉及的地名、人名、時間、事件等内容推測是否有無屈原、是否爲屈原作品，他們本著文學在本質上是表達主觀情感的感性形式的“抒情”立場，循著情感、人格與體驗來梳理、窺測屈原“傳記”與“作品”，此尤具有學術史意義，值得我們探索。因爲，在革命、啓蒙之外，“抒情”代表中國文學現代性———尤其是現代主體建構———的另一面向。

唯情是問，從“抒情性”的再發現、被本質化與普遍化，五四以來詩論的“抒情主義”參與了中國現代《楚辭》研究，論證“詩的邏輯”即爲“情感的邏輯”，“情感的邏輯”即爲“詩史的邏輯”。從梁啓超到梁宗岱再到李長之，我們看到抒情主義的《楚辭》研究的拓深與辯證。

As Tang Bingzheng said, “Stories of Qu Yuan have been variously recorded since Han Dynasty. As to the pass judgment, disputes as well emerged then. However, some new academic developments, such as negating the existence of historian Qu Yuan and degrading the great Qu Yuan to a jester, appeared quite late. “(The Preface of History of Modern Criticism on Chuci) In 1920s and 1930s, the research on Chuci focused on discussing Qu Yuan’s life experience, dating his works, and verifying the authenticity of his works by adopting the traditional textual research method used in Qian-Jia Philology, which had been paid much attention to by the academia as the mainstream in field of research on Chuci in the Period of Republic of China. Nevertheless, there are still some scholars who are not intended to presume the existence of historian Qu Yuan or to verify the authenticity of his works according to the places, characters, time, and events that appeared in Qu Yuan’s works. These scholars believe that the essence of literature is the expression of subjective feelings in the form of emotion—the “lyrical” stance. Thus, they comb and estimate Qu Yuan’s biography and works according to emotion, personality and experience. This research, which is significant in the history of academy, is worth exploring because besides revolution and enlightenment, lyricism stands for another orientation of the modernity of Chinese literature, especially for the construction of modern subject.

Lyricism is the only thing that matters. From the rediscovery to the essentialization to the universalization of “lyricism”, the poetics of “lyricism” since May Fourth Movement has been involved in Chinese modern research on Chuci, and demonstrated that “poetic logic” is “emotional logic,” which also equals to “the logic of history of poetry”. From Liang Qichao to Liang Zongdai to Li Changzhi, we can observe the extension in depth and dialectics of “lyricism” in the research on Chuci.
自然與中國古典哲理性詩歌的理趣
Authors: 鄺 龑子
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

哲理性詩歌涉及哲理與詩歌的藝術結合，連接著一個根本性的美學課題。中國古典哲理性詩歌則往往透過自然景象表達反思，背後亦涉及多層次的哲理涵義爲基礎，例如“天人合一”及“道”。本文透過具體文本例證，分析自然在中國古代哲理性詩歌中的各種入世和出世啟示。文中同時透過反面例子（例如玄言詩），探討哲理性詩歌如何能寫出具有感染力的啟示，散發理趣。本文亦討論中西哲理詩在語言結構、思維模式與美學取向上之不同，從而點出中國古典哲理性詩歌的美學和意境，如何具有某程度的文化獨特性。

Involving an artistic integration of poetry and philosophy, philosophical poetry is linked to a fundamental aesthetic issue. Classical Chinese philosophical poetry often expresses reflections through natural scenes and phenomena, which themselves are underpinned by multiple levels of philosophical meaning, such as “unity of Heaven and humankind” and “the Way”. Through concrete textual evidence, this essay analyses various kinds of inner-worldly and other-worldly illumination offered by Nature in classical Chinese philosophical poetry. Negative examples (e.g. “abstruse-language poetry”) are used to explore how philosophical poetry can express illuminating reflections with an artistic appeal, and so exude a philosophical relish. This essay also outlines differences between Chinese and Western philosophical verse in verbal structure, reasoning mode and aesthetic orientation, pointing to some degree of cultural distinctiveness in the aesthetics and artistic landscape of classical Chinese philosophical poetry.
仙遊•貴遊•夢遊———李白供奉翰林的謫仙身影及其遇合困境
Authors: 許 東海
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

本文透過李白入京供奉翰林前後的相關觀照，大體可以略窺李白追夢長安的謫仙身影背後，存在著漢代賦家馬、揚及東方朔等人的深刻文化召唤；至於藉由李白入京之前泰山仙遊書寫的帝王封禪及其遇合隱喻，與供奉翰林之際《清平調三首》的始於瑶臺王母及巫山神女的相關遇合隱喻，與去朝離京之後夢遊天姥書寫的長安驚夢，適可映現李白由追夢長安歷程仙遊、貴遊與夢遊前後鋪陳的謫仙三部曲。

Studying Li Bai’s works and circumstances before and after his service at the Hanlin Academy, this essay observes a deep-rooted cultural echo of the two fu writers of the Han, Sima Xiangru (179 BC-117 BC) and Yang Xiong (53 BC-18 AD), as well as that of Dongfang Shuo (ca. 154 BC-93 BC), behind Li’s reminiscence of his adventure to Chang’an in the disguise of a “Banished Transcendent.” A trilogy on Li Bai’s reminiscence of his quest for transcendence, for honor, and for dreams in his Chang’an adventure may be established. This trilogy is comprised of: 1) his transcendent roaming to Mt. Tai prior to his journey to the capital, with the feng and shan rituals performed by the emperor, which metaphorically represent the poet’s talent being recognized; 2) his three “Qingping diao” ci-poems composed at the Hanlin, which start with the Western Queen Mother of the Jade Terrace and the Goddess of the Witch Mountains, as a metaphor for the poet’s talent being recognized; and 3) his writing about a dreaming journey to Mt. Tianmu as a metaphor for awakening from his Chang’an dream.
《東京夢華録》是否“著其盛，正著其所以衰”———兼論宋人的“華胥之夢”
Authors: 馮 志弘
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

考察北宋以迄宋南渡時期著述，可以發現宋人筆下“華胥”一詞的涵義，很多時候都不是指向《列子》所載黄帝“夢遊華胥”的本義，而是指現實世界中最愜意的生活方式。晏殊、蘇軾、吕陶、王庭珪、趙鼎，更直接以“華胥”比喻城市繁華、歌舞昇平。這是孟元老以“華胥”比喻東京繁華的主要背景。

《東京夢華録》四次寫到“奢侈”、“侈奢”、“侈縱”、“侈靡”，都没有明顯批判意味。相反，書中序文强調“侈奢則長人精神”———運用“貶詞正用”的方式，藉此指出“奢侈”的觀念和生活方式，是東京繁華的重要體現。

比較《東京夢華録》、《都城紀勝》、《夢粱録》、《武林舊事》對於妓女、惡少年、游民等的描寫，可以發現孟元老對此等人物並無批評，其餘三部著作卻多作貶抑。

雖然從“解讀史”的角度而論，《東京夢華録》足以引起諷喻的聯想；但考察文本的内證和相關外證，這種理解並不符合書中的主導觀念，也和孟元老對東京繁華的認知有所矛盾。

This article indicates:

1. By investigating works from the Northern Song to the southern migration of the Song Dynasty, meaning of “Huaxu” depicted by Song people mostly not referring to the original essence of “Dream of Huaxu” of Huangdi which recorded in Liezi. On the other hand, it indicated most satisfactory living style within the secular world. Yan Shu, Su Shi, Lu Tao, Wang Ting-gui and Zhao Ding even directly used “Huaxu” as a metaphor for peace and prosperity of city; which was also the major context for Meng Yuan-lao to use “Huaxu” as a metaphor for prosperity of Dongjing (Kaifeng).

2. Dongjing Menghua Lu used the vocabulary “extravagance” for four times without an apparent critical attitude. Conversely, its preface “manipulated the derogatory terms for complimentary use” to emphasize idea of “extravagance strengthen people’s spirit”; which indicated “extravagant” value and living style was an important manifestation of Dongjing’s prosperity.

3. By comparing depictions towards prostitutes, evil youngsters and loafers from Dongjing Menghua Lu, Du Cheng Ji Sheng (Documenting Capital’s Glories), Meng Liang Lu (Dream of Grain) and Wu lin jiu shi (Old stories of Lin’an), Meng Yuan-lao was revealed not criticizing against these characters in Dongjing Menghua Lu, but the other three works derogated these people obviously.

4. Analyzing from perspective of interpretative History, Dongjing Menghua Lu may capable for intriguing association of irony; nonetheless, internal textual evidences as well as relevant external evidences had proven such interpretation did not comply with the main concept of the book, and even contrasted to the comprehension of Dongjing’s prosperity from Meng Yuan-lao.
創傷、“文革”記憶及疾病修辭：論林斤瀾《十年十癔•五分》及余華《一九八六年》中的瘋癲書寫
Authors: 梁 淑雯
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

本文以兩篇作品林斤瀾《十年十癔•五分》及余華《一九八六年》爲例，探討八十年代中期大陸當代小説是如何以“瘋癲”叙述“文革”的問題。本文首先從瘋癲“症狀”的角度切入，援引拉康等學者的精神分析理論，探討“症狀”作爲“文革”創傷記憶的修辭方法，當中强調不同症狀有自身修辭特色。林斤瀾《十年十癔》以“五”符號象徵“文革”創傷記憶，而余華《一九八六年》則以幻覺將“文革”時空展現讀者眼前。接著從“症狀”來探問“病因”，兩篇小説中的主人公發病源自“文革”創傷經歷，症狀便成爲“文革”病態社會對個人身體的烙印，探討作家是如何借個人的“不正常”症狀，來揭示及控訴“文革”政治壓抑年代的瘋狂。最後，應用卡露絲創傷理論，分析這兩篇小説中的疾病修辭效果———症狀延緩性，從而發掘這種以疾病修辭方式來叙述“文革”的意義。

This paper discusses two novels from the mid-1980s, Lin Jinlan’s “Five Dollar Coin” in Ten Cases of Hysteria in Ten Years and Yu Hua’s “The Year 1986.” It uses madness as a literary device to interpret the traumatic memories of the Cultural Revolution; firstly, by employing the psychoanalytic theories of Jacques Lacan and others, this paper discusses how the traumatic memories of the Cultural Revolution are disguised as symptoms of madness, in which different symptoms contain their own features as a literary device. While Lin Jinlan employs “five” as a symbol to represent the Cultural Revolution’s traumatic memories, Yu Hua reproduces the atmosphere of denouncements during the Cultural Revolution through delusional madness. Secondly, this paper shows the causes of the symptoms, which are the traumatic experiences of two madmen. The paper also illustrates the individual symptoms that are linked to the historical and ideological setting of the Cultural Revolution, in order to reveal the disorder and absurdity of that period of time. Finally, this paper examines the inherent belatedness of the symptoms of madness using Cathy Caruth’s idea of trauma, in order to explore the significance of this madness writing in terms of the narrative of the Cultural Revolution.
氣的含義及其積極意義
Authors: 金 鵬程 , 唐 梓彬
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

“氣”作爲一個含義豐富的字，與相當多的概念相互關聯，表現出極爲複雜的内涵。但“氣”是中國哲學中的重要命題，所以歷來的研究者都希望梳理出“氣”的概念史。最近白一平（William H. Baxter）和沙加爾（Laurent Sagart）重構“氣”爲*C. qhəp-s，其中*C-表示不確定的輔音，與“吸”顯示出明顯的聯繫；而*qhəp則表示呼吸。毫無疑問，“氣”的基本含義是“呼吸”（breath），而所有其他感官（senses）都從它派生出來。本文在此基礎上繼續對“氣”及其相關概念如陰陽、五行等進行研究，闡述“氣”之所以在中國上古時期能夠作爲重要概念的三個主要原因及其積極意義：（1）“氣”以“神靈”的形式允許了疾病的概念化；（2）“氣”能賦予“天命”政治承襲理論合法性的地位；（3）傳統認爲可藉學習控制“氣”以獲得非凡力量。最後爲求使研究更完整，本文亦對“氣”的局限性作一討論。

The prolific Chinese word qi 氣 has so many interrelated but distinct senses that any student of Chinese philosophy will want to unravel them so as to understand the history of the concept. William H. Baxter and Laurent Sagart reconstruct qi as *C. qhəp-s (where *C- represents an indeterminate consonant), which shows a manifest connection with xi 吸, *qhəp, “to breathe.” Little doubt can remain that the basic meaning of qi is “breath,” and all its other senses are derived from it. This paper goes on to survey associated concepts, such as yinyang 陰陽and the Five Phases 五行, and discusses the three main reasons why qi was regarded as a useful idea in ancient China: (1) it helped replace the conceptualization of disease as possession by a ghost or spirit; (2) it permitted an alternative theory of dynastic succession to that of Heaven’s Mandate (tianming 天命); and (3) some traditions promised practitioners extraordinary power by learning how to control qi. The paper concludes with a discussion of the limitations.
文學地景中的身份意識———從文學散步到地景書寫
Authors: 唐 睿
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

1987年，盧瑋鑾教授於報刊系統介紹香港文學地景和文學篇章，爲香港文學散步（Literature Tour）奠下了學理的起點。2001年，中文大學香港文學研究中心開始舉辦全港性的大型文學散步，此後不斷續辦，活動内容亦不斷發展，除了文學散步，還包含文學創作分享，以及文學創作教育，逐步演化成一項系統地建構“文學地景”（Literary Landscape）的活動。另一方面，香港其他文藝機構於過去二十年間亦不斷提倡書寫香港社區，發展出許多極具規模的文學地景建構活動，跟研究中心的文學散步，性質相通。2016年，香港文學生活館策劃了“島敘可能：文學×視藝”活動，爲文學地景的建構方式，注入跨媒體元素。過去十年，“文學地景”建構活動在香港蔚爲風氣，數量之多，規模之大，在華文地區，尚屬特殊。然而此現象的發展脈絡，至今尚未獲得系統梳理，而此由文學散步蛻變而來的過程，亦值得從身份意識的角度加以探究。本文將藉文獻史料，分析文學散步轉化成文學地景建構活動的過程；再以法國學者：相伯德羅浮、莫里斯·霍布瓦克和皮埃爾·諾亞有關身份意識和集體回憶的理論，分析文學散步及文學地景建構活動，對建構個人身份意識的意義。

In 1987, Professor Lu Wei-luan introduced the Hong Kong Literary Landscape and literary writings in a series of publications, which laid a theoretical foundation for the Hong Kong Literary Walking Tours. In 2001, the Hong Kong Literature Research Centre of The Chinese University of Hong Kong took the lead in organizing territory-wide Literary Walking Tours, and thereafter developed and enhanced the activities with diversified content. As well as Literary Walking Tours, a platform for the sharing of experience in literary creation and creative writing education, the programme also evolved and became a movement for the “Construction of Literary Landscape.”

Over the past twenty years, some literary and art organizations have been promoting community writing and setting out to expand the “Construction of Literary Landscape” activities on a large scale, aiming to share the same objectives of Literary Walking Tours organized by the Hong Kong Literature Research Centre. In 2016, The House of Hong Kong Literature hosted an exhibition titled “Islands’ Narrative: Literature X Visual Art,” which infused the pattern of Literary Landscape Construction with transmedia elements. “Construction of Literary Landscape” activities have become a vogue in Hong Kong over the past decade. This unique phenomenon in Chinese writing has drawn scholars’ attention from overseas because of the massive scale and overwhelming number of participants in the activities. Nonetheless, the lack of systematic analysis of the development of this phenomenon makes it a worthwhile project to examine the evolutionary process of “Literary Walking Tours” from the perspective of the consciousness of identity. This paper is an attempt to deal with the task in two steps. First, with reference to literary and documentary sources, it aims to analyze the process of Literary Walking Tours’ evolution into the “Construction of Literary Landscape.” Second, making use of the theories of identity consciousness and collective memory proposed by French scholars Chombart de Lauwe, Maurice Halbwachs, and Pierre Nora, it analyzes the Literary Walking Tours and “Literary Landscape Construction” movements, which may yield significant findings about the construction of self-consciousness of one’s identity.
發爐與治籙———正一發爐與靈寶發爐的比較
Authors: 廣瀨 直記
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

陸修静《太上洞玄靈寶授度儀》、張萬福《醮三洞真文五法正一盟威籙立成儀》和杜光庭《太上黃籙齋儀》等道教科儀之中，道士無論在“發爐”還是“出官”的儀式，都要召出自己的體内神，而在與“發爐”對應的“復爐”儀式裏，却没有召回體内神的過程。本文要闡明的，即是這種“重複”與“不對應”現象之所以産生的歷史原因；並以此說明，其背後存在的是，六朝時代有治籙的道士與没有治籙的道士之間的張力。

According to Daoist rituals recorded in scriptures such as Lu Xiujing’s Taishang dongxuan Lingbao shouduyi 太上洞玄靈寶授度儀, Zhang Wanfu’s Jiao sanding zhenwen wufa Zhengyi mengweilu lichengyi 醮三洞真文五法正一盟威籙立成儀, and Du Guangting’s Taishang huanglu zhaiyi 太上黃籙齋儀, Daoist adepts need to summon their physical deities back from outside when performing the rituals of Lighting the Incense Burner (falu) and Exteriorization of Officials (chuguan). However,when performing the ritual of Recovering the Incense Burner (fulu), a parallel ritual to falu, the adept does not summon the deities back to the body. This essay aims to clarify the historical factors for the “repetitive” and “unresponsive” phenomena between falu and chuguan, and demonstrate that there was indeed an interaction between the adepts with the Parish Registers (zhilu) and the adepts without them during the Six Dynasties period.
論王安石《唐百家詩選》對“唐詩”的建構與詩學詮釋
Authors: 唐 梓彬
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

王安石《唐百家詩選》的選録標準一直是詩學史上頗具争議的問題。本文先客觀分析《唐百家詩選》的編撰目的；然後從北宋初年的大背景入手，比較《文苑英華》和《唐文粹》對“唐詩”的建構，嘗試解釋《唐百家詩選》不選著名詩人的原因；接著從文本出發，考察王安石《唐百家詩選》對“唐詩”的建構與詩學詮釋。

This paper deals with a controversial issue concerning the selection criteria of Wang Anshi’s (1021-86) Anthology of Works by One Hundred Tang Poets. The first focus is the motive behind the compilation of this anthology. The next focus is a historical survey and study of the concept of “Tang Poetry.” This second goal will be achieved by a comparison between the selections from anthologies dated from the early Northern Song period, such as the Wenyuan yinghua and Tangwen cui, with those in Wang’s Anthology. The final focus is a textual analysis of the construction of Wang Anshi’s poetics and his interpretation of “Tang poetry” as revealed in his Anthology.
民間學人劉沅“和會三教”觀念建構———以“生死議題”爲中心的討論
Authors: 范 旭艷
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

在清代辟佛老的文化氛圍之中，知識精英對於佛、老思想，儘管承認其益於教化的社會功能，在理論上，卻保持儒學概念之純浄性。然而，民間學人致力於“和會三教”觀念的建構。知識精英與民間學人就此命題呈現出不同的價值取向，使儒學在清代呈現出回歸原典與和會佛老的兩種文化走向。兩種文化走向間互相拉扯、對話，使得儒學在清代，展現出觀念重構的思想史意義。

本文以劉沅（1768—1855）爲主綫，通過對生死議題的探討，觀察他的生命體驗以及對“和會三教”議題的理論建構。作爲民間學人，他處於官方與民間、知識精英與大衆之間的雙重邊緣。獨特的地位，促成了他的“和會三教”思想。通過對劉沅的個案研究，可見三教交涉思想在清代呈現出觀念建構的走向。

文章前言部分簡述清代官方與知識界對於佛、老思想的態度，此爲劉沅“和會三教”思想的“他者”與對話對象。其次，界定劉沅和會三教時的儒學立場。“吾儒”的立場，是三教和會之基點，佛、道思想在儒學的範疇内和會。復次，分别以生死議題中“壽”、“孝”（側重於葬禮中之孝心、孝行）兩個概念爲核心，探析劉沅如何和會儒道、儒佛。“壽”，是儒、道共享的概念，劉沅通過儒道兩方面的雙向論述，分别强化儒學的宗教性、道教的道德性，使得二者得以接榫。“孝”，是儒佛間的矛盾點，對於儒佛的和會，劉沅更加突出儒家的立場，以儒家之孝義來詮釋佛教，選擇性地接受佛教喪葬禮儀。本研究展現了在官方與知識界以外，儒學在清代的豐富面相與闡釋空間以及和會三教觀念的思想活力。

One aspect of the cultural atmosphere of the Qing dynasty is the expulsion of Buddhism and Daoism. Within this environment, the intellectual elites preserved the purity of Confucianism although they recognized the didactic functions of the two religions. Nonetheless, scholars from among the populates made efforts to create the concept of “synthesizing the three schools.” Therefore, the intellectual elites and the commoner-scholars had different values, which gave rise to two trends, namely returning to the classics and the synthesis of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism. The interactions and dialogues between them resulted in the reconstruction of ideologies in the Confucianism of the Qing dynasty, which was significant in Chinese intellectual history.
如何尋找傳統的現代性
Authors: 梁 鴻
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

在今天，古典文學、文化傳統及相應的知識譜系和當代文學之間有一種很難彌合的斷層。它們所造成的直接後果是，在思維方式上，當代作家更多接受西方文學的精神，譬如孤獨、懷疑、單獨的個人（這些當然很好，但卻缺乏一種根本性的背景），語言上缺失了中國古典話語的現代白話，很難有幽深、雜糅的語言。這也使得我們對世界的想象是單面的。偉大的作家既繼承傳統，又創造傳統。他能使很多詞語、知識重新焕發生機，他能夠啓動、洗刷塵土，並且賦予它現代意義。美籍阿拉伯學者薩義德在《人本主義與民主批評》中提倡“重回語文學”。重回語文學，就是重回人文主義，通過對語言的溯源重新回到歷史生成之初，去尋找言詞背後的“歷史生成”，也即尋找傳統，在批判中繼承。我以爲，對於寫作者和文學批評者而言，重回語文學，首先意味著重新把目光投向語言、詞語本身，從對語言的持續關注和追索中發現文學内部所透露出的幽深的時間和空間，從而尋找“傳統”的現代含義。

Nowadays, contemporary literature has been distanced from classical literature, cultural traditions, and relevant knowledge, giving rise to a rupture that has become difficult to mend. This rupture has direct consequences. In their way of thinking, contemporary writers are more receptive to the spirit of Western literature, resulting in the roles of lone, skeptical, and helpless individuals (which, of course, are fine, but lack a fundamental background). There is a feebleness in the modern vernacular language within the classical Chinese discourse; therefore one can rarely see a profound, mixed language. This leads us to have a single-sided view of the world. A great writer should be able to not only inherit traditions but also create traditions. S/he should be able to rejuvenate terminology and knowledge, raise dust and then wash it out, and endow it with modern significance. The American-Arab scholar Edward Said calls for “the return to philology” in his Humanism and Democratic Criticism. This advocacy in fact refers to a return to humanism. The process is to return to the beginning of history by tracing the origin of language in order to look for the “formation of history” behind certain diction. This is the same as tracing tradition by critically inheriting it. For writers and literary critics, I believe, the first significant task is to refocus on language and diction per se. Through the constant attention to and pursuit of language, they shall discover the profound dimensions of time and space within literature so as to find the modern meaning of “tradition.”
重探朱熹《楚辭集注》中的賦比興詮釋體系
Authors: 張 萬民
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

王逸用“興”解釋《楚辭》，朱熹則系統地用“賦、比、興”解釋《楚辭》。後世的《楚辭》研究，深受王逸的影響，多注重研究《楚辭》的比興象徵體系。朱熹《楚辭集注》賦比興論的系統性，未得到足夠的重視。朱熹試圖建立一個詮解意脈的賦比興體系，其詮釋原則是一個完整章節之內的不同語脈形式，而不僅僅是三種具體的修辭手法。朱熹論“脈絡次第”、“綱領”、“文詞指意”，論章節之內的“上下相承，首尾相應之大指”，都是在論述賦比興體系的根本原則。朱熹仿照《詩經》按章標示“賦、比、興”的方法，來處理《楚辭》，然而因爲《詩經》、《楚辭》體制的不同，也爲《楚辭集注》帶來了難以避免的缺陷。

Wang Yi (fl. 120s) was the first critic to adopt the concept xing (“stimulus”) in his reading of the Chuci, while Zhu Xi (1130-1200) was the first to systematically apply the hermeneutic schema of fu-bi-xing (“enumeration, analogue, and stimulus”) to the Chuci. Under the influence of Wang Yi, the Chuci scholarship of later generations tended to concentrate on the bi-xing allegorical system. However, Zhu Xi’s fu-bi-xing theory did not draw enough attention. The present essay examines the comprehensive hermeneutics of Zhu. In practice, Zhu treats fu-bi-xing not merely as three specific rhetorical devices, but, rather, three different threads of expression and thought within every stanza of the poem. Following the practice of his exegesis of the Shijing, Zhu identifies and analyzes the respective fu, bi, and xing elements in the Chuci. Unfortunately, given the distinct structure of the Chuci poems, Zhu’s application of the fu-bi-xing schema observed in the Shijing inevitably encounters difficulties in his exegetic work of the Chuci.
李長庚海戰詩發微
Authors: 陳 家煌
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

李長庚（1752—1807），爲乾隆、嘉慶年間水師名將，擅長寫詩，身後留有《李忠毅公遺詩》一部詩集，共收詩百餘首。寫作期間約在乾隆末到嘉慶十二年殉國爲止，期間記録了李長庚海上軍旅生涯及追剿蔡牽的心路歷程。武將擅詩，極爲難得。從李長庚的詩作中，我們得以窺見身爲水師的軍旅生活景況。本文即以李長庚所作的詩，結合當時寫作的時代背景，探討李長庚帶軍追剿海賊蔡牽的甘苦，亦探討他身爲水師統帥的志氣與追剿海賊過程的無奈。李長庚以詩明志，本文則盡量還原當時李長庚的處境，佐以史實記載，以闡述其詩意嘆傷詠嗟之所由，期望以其詩作，見水師大將李長庚海上軍旅生活的個人感慨。

Li Changgeng (1752-1807) was an eminent navy general and poet par excellence who lived through the reigns of Emperors Qianlong and Jiaqing of the Qing (mid 18th-early 19th centuries). He left behind an oeuvre of poetry comprised of more than 100 pieces. These poems are dated from the late Qianlong reign-period to the twelfth year of the Jiaqing reign-period, when Li died as a patriotic martyr. They outline the history and thought of the poet who then served in the navy and on a besiege attack on Cai Qian. It is extremely rare for a navy commander to excel in poetry composition — Li Changgeng wrote about his life in the navy in verse. This present essay examines Li’s poetry by looking into relevant historical backgrounds in an attempt to explore the hardship of his life in his military assault on Cai Qian, as well as his aspiration and helplessness as a naval marshal officer against the pirates. Li wrote poetry as a means by which he expresses his ambitions. This essay is an attempt to restore the veritable historical settings of Li’s time and find the reasons for his sentiments.
論時風嬗變下的日本近現代漢詩作法書
Authors: 張 奕琳
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

受日本明治漢詩興盛及受衆庶民化的影響，明治十年以後，有大量漢詩作法書行世。這類書籍標舉便覽性質，在編撰體例上側重學詩法則與熟語相結合，尚簡明適切。日人或是出於治學志趣，或是出於政治需求，主張復興漢詩，體現在導人學詩上，有強調作新語新題的維新説，亦有排斥奇巧詩風的尚古格嚴正派。但二者均堅持初學者應辨别聲律平仄，遠無其時流行的平仄廢止論極端。這類漢詩作法書，體現了日本近現代漢詩通俗化、本土化的傾向，有些還被中國人所翻譯，是近現代時風嬗變下維繫、復興漢詩地位之良器。

Classical Chinese poetry flourished in the Meiji reign-period and its readership became more mainstream. After the tenth year of the Meiji reign-period (1877), several guidebooks of classical Chinese poetry writing were published. One feature of these books is their ease of use. Special attention was given to one learning method, in that the acquisition of poetry composition skills began with familiar vocabulary. These books pursued concision and precision. Of these Japanese authors, some claimed to revive classical Chinese poetry as a means by which they would achieve their academic goals or fulfil their political advocacies. As a result, in teaching poetry composition, some advocated political reforms by placing emphasis on using neologies and new titles, while some defined themselves as classicists and conventionalists who refused to accept grotesque and skillful poetic styles. However, all these authors insisted that beginners should learn how to identify level tones and deflected tones, and did not come around with the then-prevalent extreme trend abolishing the tonal scheme. The circulation of these kinds of prosodic guidebooks reveals the popularization and localization of classical Chinese poetry composition in modern Japan. Some of these books were translated by Chinese people and became a useful tool for the preservation and revival of classical Chinese poetry during the changes in early modern Japan.
南開大學所藏姚培謙《李義山七律會意》之文獻問題考論
Authors: 李 宜學
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

清姚培謙爲清代李商隱詩箋注的四大家之一，以《李義山詩集箋注》爲世所知。然此書出版的前十二年，姚氏已先撰成《李義山七律會意》，專解李商隱七律，事卻罕爲人曉，書亦不甚流傳，今僅北京清華大學與天津南開大學兩校圖書館、當代藏書家黄裳先生庋有刻本，而俱不出借，外人難睹其詳。但據姚氏自云，其撰《李義山詩集箋注》時，嘗“取《會意》覆勘，十易二三”；換言之，《李義山七律會意》的不少見解仍匯入了《李義山詩集箋注》，成爲有機整體的一部份。對此少作，姚氏顯然十分珍視，並未輕易悔之，準此，則該書之重要性不言可喻矣！職是，筆者乃輾轉取得南開大學圖書館版《李義山七律會意》之影像檔，詳加考論，撰成此文。首論“成書與版式”，次論“取《會意》覆勘，十易二三”之説，冀完整梳理其版本問題、比對《李義山七律會意》與《李義山詩集箋注》前後箋注差異，俾爲進一步研究其箋注內涵奠定較爲扎實的文獻基礎。

Yao Peiqian (1693-1766) won renown as one of the four eminent Qing- dynasty annotators of Li Shangyin’s poetry because of his Li Yishan shiji jianzhu (An Annotated Edition of Li Shangyin’s Poems). Twelve years before the publication of this book, however, Yao had already completed a book entitled Li Yishan qilü huiyi (A Comprehensive Commentary on the Heptasyllabic Regulated Verse of Li Shangyin), a book devoted exclusively to the explanation of Li’s heptasyllabic regulated verse. This earlier work was not well known and not widely circulated. This book is held in only two libraries, namely Tsinghua University library in Beijing and Nankai University library in Tianjin. In addition, a woodblock printed copy is in the possession of a contemporary collector Mr. Huang Shang. All three copies are not available for loan and therefore not accessible to outsiders. According to Yao, when he wrote Li Yishan shiji jianzhu he “proofread the texts against Li Yishan qilü huiyi and changed two to three tenths of the content of the Jianzhu.” In other words, a significant amount of the Huiyi content was adopted in the Jianzhu and became an integral component of it. Obviously Yao cherished this early work very much and did not abandon it thoughtlessly. This reveals the importance of this book. For this reason, the author of the present essay made an effort to acquire the image files of this book preserved in Nankai University Library, carefully studied it, and wrote this essay. It begins with a section on “the making of the book and its layout,” which is followed by a discussion of what Yao said about “proofreading the texts against Li Yishan qilü huiyi and changing two to three tenths of the content of the Jianzhu.” These tasks are an attempt to conduct a comprehensive study of the issues concerning editions and a comparison of the respective annotations in these two books, in order to lay a solid textual foundation for further studies on the content and meaning of these annotations.
少山堂本：一個今存最早的《西廂記》“初印初評”本
Authors: 楊 緒容
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

萬曆七年少山堂《新刻考正古本大字出像釋義北西廂》二卷，現藏日本御茶水圖書館成簣堂文庫。少山堂本有眉批和少量旁批。該書不僅是現存最早的《西廂記》評點本，也是今存“最早的中國戲曲評點本”，在《西廂記》傳播史乃至中國戲曲史上具有非常重要的價值。少山堂本很可能是一個“原刻初印”本，也是一個“初評”本，在正文和批語兩方面實爲今存多種明刊《西廂記》之初祖。具體而言，少山堂本直接影響到徐士範本，又經過徐士範本間接影響到熊龍峰刊余瀘東訂本、三槐堂本等明刊《西廂記》評點本。

An edition of the Xixiang ji (Romance of the West Wing) published by Shaoshan tang in 1579, titled Xinke kaozheng ben dazi chuxiang shiyi bei Xixiang (A newly engraved redacted edition of the north edition of The Xixiang ji in large print, with illustrations and annotations) in two fascicles is preserved in Naruhodo Bunko of the Ochanomizu Library in Japan. This Shaoshan tang edition contains some “eyebrow” notes and a few notes next to the text. This edition is not only the earliest extant commentated edition of the Xixiang ji but also “the earliest extant commentated edition of Chinese dramatic texts; therefore, it is very significant in the circulation of the Xixiang ji and even in the history of classical Chinese drama. The Shaoshan tang edition is most likely the “first cut and first print” edition and the “first commentated” version, which contains the urtext and commentaries on which the extant Ming versions were based. In particular, the Shaoshan tang edition had a direct influence on the edition of Xu Shifan, who continued to exert influence on other Ming editions such as the one done by Yu Ludong and published by Xiong Longfeng, and the one with commentaries published by Sanhuai tang.
從《漢書•藝文志》、《文心雕龍》看中國文學之抒情與敍事兩大傳統之關係
Authors: 汪 春泓
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

將《漢書•藝文志》與《文心雕龍》作爲一個文化參照來看中國文學裏的抒情傳統和敍事傳統，此二者完整地存在於這兩種文獻之内，並且屬於不可分離、割裂的關係；從《漢志》所謂“九流十家”，闡發中國抒情與敍事兩大傳統的民族特點，也可與西方形成對照。

The present essay attempts to examine two major traditions in Chinese literature, namely lyricism and narrative, from a cultural perspective based on the “Monograph on Literary Writing” of the Hanshu and the Wenxin diaolong. It argues that these two traditions have a substantial presence in these two sources and that they have an undividable relationship. It also demonstrates the national characteristics of these traditions as seen in the so-called “nine streams and ten schools” in the “Monograph on Literary Writing,” which form a contrast with its counterpart in Western thought.
唐李康成《玉臺後集》蠡測———“玉臺詩史”、“玉臺美學”的建構
Authors: 歐 麗娟
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

本文探討李康成《玉臺後集》。作爲一部失傳已久、由現代學者重加輯録的殘本，自其序言可知編纂動機、原始規模、選録標準，配合選集中詩家與選詩的個案研究，以及中晚唐的詩歌發展現象，足以掌握這部經典續編的意義。可以說，李康成的編纂反映了從南朝延續到唐代的典律之爭，於《文選》的崇盛風潮下，意圖以《玉臺後集》揄揚《玉臺新詠》的詩學價值，透過這部續編，一方面是“玉臺詩史”的完整建構，一方面則是“玉臺美學”的全面確立，而這兩個範疇彼此互爲強化，亦即“玉臺詩史”的建構延續了“玉臺美學”的確立，而“玉臺美學”的確立又有助於“玉臺詩史”的建構，從而擴大《玉臺新詠》的影響力。

值得注意的是，《玉臺後集》作爲對《玉臺新詠》的接受反應，失傳後保留其殘篇的後世文獻又呈現出對《玉臺後集》的接受反應，將此一獨特的歷時現象給予綜合觀察，將展示出“玉臺美學”備受壓抑的高度生命力，以及“玉臺詩史”的淵遠流長。

In Chinese literary tradition, an anthology is always a powerful means to express literary thought and to initiate or continue an attitude towards literary composition and criticism. This is especially the case in the Tang, as poetry anthologies compiled by Tang critics reveal the poetic thought of Tang poets and anthologists. This paper proposes to study a Tang poetry anthology, the Yutai houji (Sequel to the Jade Terrace), with a focus on ideas about the significance and the value of poetry revealed therein.

Yutai houji is the first sequel to the sixth-century anthology Yutai xinyong (New Songs from the Jade Terrace). Very little has hitherto been done to this anthology mainly because of its fragmentary status. Despite the dearth of relevant information, the present essay aims to study the attitude of this anthology. The discussion will focus on two aspects. The first is about the history of Tang poetry in the Yutai style (so called Yutai poems); the second is about the Yutai aesthetics. This study is expected to shed some light on the role and significance of Yutai houji in traditional Chinese literary criticism, a topic that has long remained unheeded and understudied.
杜甫詩史、敍事傳統與《春秋》書法
Authors: 張 高評
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

杜甫三十歲時，曾作《祭遠祖當陽君文》，稱遠祖杜預：“《春秋》主解，稿隸躬親。嗚呼筆跡，流宕何人？”當下許諾“不敢忘本，不敢違仁”。晚唐孟棨（啟）《本事詩》稱杜甫逢安禄山之難，“流離隴蜀，畢陳於詩。推見至隱，殆無遺事，故當時號爲詩史。”《史記·司馬相如列傳》稱，“《春秋》推見至隱”，可見杜甫詩號爲詩史者，除了“詩是吾家事”之外，其中自有《春秋》書法之薪傳在焉。清章學誠《上大司馬論文》稱：“敍事實出史學，其源本於《春秋》比事屬辭。”今選擇杜甫詩敍事歌行，關注其善陳時事之特質，持屬辭比事之《春秋》教，考察其中推見至隱之書法，就杜甫詩史與屬辭比事之敍事傳統，分三項考察之：一，屬辭比事，筆削顯義；二，據事直書，美惡自見；三，微婉顯晦，推見至隱。援舉杜詩相關作品，參考清人杜詩說解，藉以探索杜甫詩之敍事傳統。夫然後知抒情傳統之外，敍事傳統也者，尤爲中國文學源遠流長之重要特色。

When he was thirty years old, Du Fu (712-770) wrote “A Funeral Oration for My Ancestor, Dangyang Jun,” in which he praised his ancestor Du Yu (222-285): “Commentating the Chun Qiu, / He transcribed it by his own hands. / Alas! His own handwriting, / To whom will it pass on?” He then made a promise: “I dare not forget about my roots, / And dare not violate benevolence and righteousness.” Meng Qi of the late Tang commented on Du Fu’s suffering during the An Lushan rebellion: “He wandered to the Long and Shu regions and wrote about all of his experience in his poetry. Its hidden meaning may be inferred—perhaps no incident is left unaccounted for. For this reason, he was given a sobriquet of poet-historian.” The “Biography of Sima Xiangru” in the Shiji says, “Chun Qiu allows one to infer the message hidden in the most profound text.” Therefore, the reason why Du Fu’s poetry was referred to as “poetry-history” was not only because, as he claims, “poetry is my family’s matter,” but also because of his inheritance of the writing style of Chun Qiu. Zhang Xuecheng (1738-1801) wrote in his “Discourse on Literature, Presented to Grand Protector”: “Narrative was in fact derived from historiography. Its origin was in word connection and event arrangement in Chun Qiu.” This study pays special attention to the proficiency at narrating current events observed in some narrative ballads selected from Du Fu’s works. It takes into consideration the model method of “word connection and event arrangement” from Chun Qiu in its examination of the writing style of “hidden meaning may be inferred” in Du Fu’s poetry. In its discussion of Du Fu the poet-historian and his method of “word connection and event arrangement,” the essay analyzes three aspects: 1) “word connection and event arrangement” and manifesting the principles by writing method; 2) writing according to facts and thus praise and condemnation will naturally be shown; 3) showing the implicit through a subtle and euphemistic style and “the hidden meaning may be inferred.” It will analyze relevant examples of Du Fu’s works in light of commentaries by scholars of the Qing dynasty in order to explore the narrative tradition in Du Fu’s poetry. Therefore, in addition to the lyrical tradition, we learn that the narrative tradition has a long history and plays an important role in the history of Chinese literature.
明茅暎評點《牡丹亭》析論
Authors: 羅 麗容
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

從茅暎評點《牡丹亭》出發，可總結出八項內涵：（一）印象批評；（二）對湯氏主情之說之評點；（三）對湯氏寫作技巧之批評；（四）對臧懋循改本之批評；（五）對湯劇與元雜劇關係之評點；（六）對明代流行語“當行”、“本色”之觀點；（七）對湯劇與唐詩、宋詞之關係之評點；（八）雜評等。將茅暎評點與其同時代之曲家作比較，亦可發現當代曲家大多以“場上演出”之角度著眼，而茅暎則從“案頭欣賞”之觀點出發，所以產生了不同的結論。茅暎之評點觀在明代並非普遍，然就湯顯祖所主張“文以神、色、意、趣爲主”之立場而言，茅暎無愧爲湯氏之知音。而茅暎以案頭文字爲觀點之批評，雖非當代主流，然若從文學史角度看，絕對可與唐詩、宋詞所形成之韻文史相銜接，而成爲文學史在明代韻文中與唐詩宋詞相銜接之關鍵，從而擴大明代文學史之討論範圍；就此點而論，茅暎之評點《牡丹亭》居功厥偉，亦爲其評點中，意義非凡之所在。

This study of Ming-dynasty critic Mao Ying’s comments on The Peony Pavilion consists of eight aspects, namely: (1) impression critique; (2) comments on Tang Xianzu’s (1550-1616) emphasis on love; (3) criticism of Tang’s writing skills; (4) critique of Zang Maoxun’s (1550-1620) revision of the play; (5) comments on the relationship between Tang’s play and Yuan drama; (6) views of the Ming-dynasty popular terms danghang (“professional”) and bense (“original colors”); (7) comments on the relationship between Tang’s play and Tang shi-poetry and Song ci-poetry; and (8) miscellaneous comments. This study compares Mao Ying’s comments with those of his contemporaneous playwrights, arguing that playwrights of his time mostly focused on stage performance while Mao treated the plays (i.e., the scripts) as “readers for enjoyment” and, thus, they came to different conclusions. The approach of Mao Ying was not common in the Ming Dynasty. However, Mao’s sharing in Tang Xianzu’s advocacy that “the cores of literature include spirit, guise, idea, and aesthetic appeal” shows that he was certainly a true fan of Tang. Although Mao’s comments on the play as a reader were not mainstream at the time, from the perspective of literary history they certainly can be regarded as a continuation of the poetic history formed by Tang shi-poetry and Song ci-poetry and a crucial link that connects Tang-Song poetry with Ming poetry. Hence, the contribution of Mao’s comments on The Peony Pavilion is exceptional and significant.
機鋒與神理：王夫之《遣興詩》及其詩學意義初探
Authors: 章 琛
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

《讀甘蔗生遣興詩次韻而和之》七十六首是王夫之四十四歲隱居衡陽時，偶然讀到友人金堡舊年之《遣興詩》次韻而作。其後又有《廣遣興》詩五十八首。兩組詩最明顯的寫作特色在於幾乎句句用事，涵蓋了經史諸子和道家丹術、通俗文學等各個領域，而用事手法又極拗峭，其用意頗不易曉。其中尤爲突出的是大量的禪語和禪典的運用，是爲他生平詩作用禪最爲密集者。因此兩組詩初看之下，似乎顛覆了王夫之一貫堅持的詩以道情、情景交融之核心主張。但如果仔細尋繹其中用事和構象的邏輯規律，便會發現這套規律其實是船山詩學主要的創作觀念———例如“以神理相取”、“取勢”、“蟬聯暗換”等等———在實踐中的運作。更重要的是，這兩組詩在詩學創作方面有明顯的自我指涉和內省意義，與王夫之的詩選評論也存在著確切的關聯。因此，對於全面瞭解船山詩學體系，特別是其理論和實踐之間的關係，“遣興詩”和“廣遣興”是至關重要的環節。本文將以探討船山詩學的理論和實踐之間的關聯爲目標，取《讀甘蔗生遣興詩次韻而和之》爲“遣興詩”與“廣遣興詩”的代表作，作深入解讀，重點關注統一其命意和寫法層面的邏輯規律。然後，與船山詩學創作觀念相印證，作爲他日全面深入考察之基礎。

The rich extensive scholarship produced over the last few decades on Wang Fuzhi’s poetic theory has neglected to take into account an essential component-his own poetry. In a set of seventy-six poems titled “Letting out What Stirred Me” and a further fifty-eight titled “Letting out What Stirred Me-Broadened,” written in the years 1662-1663 in Hengyang, Wang Fuzhi asks the questions of life and death in a sweeping representation of the patterns that underlie the changing universe. The two sets of poems are the first culmination of Wang’s thoughts and practice in poetry before the age of fifty, containing many self-reflective lines about the role of the poet and the use of language in poetry. The process that he identifies at the start as the “work of Creation” shares the same mechanism as the process by which the poet weaves his web of images. The world thus created is a visionary one in which changes in human life, history, and culture are reorganized through concrete images from the natural world, cognized through the poet’s senses in the time and space of specific poems. The poems are also a remarkable play of words that pushes the limits of polysemy and poetic grammar. Through an analysis of the first set of “Letting out What Stirred Me” poems, I demonstrate that on the one hand, Wang’s early poetry affirms the core ideas in outlined in his later theoretical works, while on the other, exceeds their scope in the world and poetic vision that it presents. In doing so, I propose a roadmap to rethink Wang’s poetic thought in the light of his own compositional practices.
東亞漢詩的艷情傳統———以琉球詩人蔡大鼎爲例
Authors: 張 明明
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

晚清琉球詩人蔡大鼎曾以使臣身分遍遊中國諸省，其中不乏冶遊之作。對前代士妓雅情之追慕與模仿促成其“意淫觀”在艷詩中的體現。另一方面，在選擇性書寫的意識下，蔡氏的大部分艷詩並不帶有過多個人情感色彩，而是直觀地描繪晚清時期的青樓實況。此外，蔡大鼎的“島女情結”揭示了其艷情外衣下征夫思婦主題的內核。藉助琉球蔡氏的艷詩創作，再反觀朝鮮、日本等國，其艷情傳統各有淵源，並呈現出本國文化的特徵，綜合比較可見艷詩一體在東亞各國的受容與傳播境遇。

Erotic poetry is a unique style of Chinese poetry in East Asia. Cai Dading (Japanese spelling: Sai Taitei, b. 1823), a poet who hailed from Ryukyu but traveled to numerous provinces in China in his tenure as an envoy, wrote a number of poems on pleasure seeking in entertainment quarters. His admiration and emulation for the interactions between intellectuals and entertainers gave rise to his “poetics of psycholagny.” On the other hand, his selective approach towards writing resulted in poetic works that were not really colored by personal feelings but were simply realistic reconstructions of imagery from entertainment quarters in late Qing times. In addition, his “attachment to island ladies’ sentiments” are revealed in his dealing with the traditional theme of “the sojourner missing his forlorn wife.” Comparing Cai’s erotic poetry with its counterparts in Japan and Korea, we observe that they each had distinct origins marked by their respective national characteristics. This comparative study shall yield hints to the reconstruction of how erotic poetry was received and transmitted in East Asian countries.
《易經通注》之帝王學特色
Authors: 朴 榮雨
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

《易經通注》作爲清廷第一部帝王學《易》學的教科書，並惟朱子學是從。然而當其“道統”與“治統”融爲一體於致用之時，卻不無與朱子《易》學理論和哲學立場有所出入、異同互存、貌同實異之處。如《通注》對“天人”、對“法天”思想的强調、對君臣關係與君民關係以及“中正”觀念的詮釋，都與朱子《易》學有所牴觸，此實爲彰顯帝王學《易》學的旨趣所致。本文僅限於《通注》“元”的概念處理“法天”思想所蘊涵的哲學義涵。

本文將帝王學分爲“爲己之學”型與“爲人之學”型，進而扣緊帝王學與道統論的關係，分析《易經通注》帝王學《易》學的核心特徵，並與朱子《易》學較其異同，依此凸顯《通注》帝王學《易》學對儒家道統觀的關係和影響。

This paper aims to examine some traits of the philosophical issues in a textbook on the Book of Changes entitled Comprehensive Commentary on the Book of Changes (Yijing tongzhu), which was written by Emperor Shunzhi’s (r. 1643-1661) edict and remained in use throughout the Qing dynasty. Comprised of nine fascicles, the Yijing tongzhu was compiled by Fu Yijian 傅以漸, Cao Benrong 曹本榮, et al. on an edict in 1658. In this book, Zhu Xi’s (1130-1200) teachings play a dominant role. However, in governance matters, the Confucian orthodoxy (daotong) and ruling orthodoxy (zhitong) in this book reveal discrepancies compared with Zhu Xi’s theory of the Book of Changes and philosophical stance. The Yijing tongzhu conflicts with Zhu Xi’s teaching in, for example, its emphases on the thoughts of “correlation between heaven and man” and “law of heaven,” as well as its interpretation of the concept of the “middle and correct” position in the hexagram system. These discrepancies were mainly due to the Qing book’s mission to promulgate the ideology of royal learning. This essay deals only with the philosophical issue of “law of heaven” and limits its discussion to the concept of “the Primary” (yuan).

In this essay, royal learning is divided in two types, namely “Learning for Oneself” and “Learning for Others.” Furthermore, the discussion will aim to clarify core features of the study of the Book of Changes under royal learning as shown in Yijing tongzhu by analyzing the relationship between the study of royal learning and the Confucian orthodoxy. Finally, it will contrast Yijing tongzhu’s views with Zhu Xi’s in their respective study of the Book of Changes, and thereby highlight some traits of the relationship between royal learning in the Yijing tongzhu and the Confucian orthodoxy and how the former influenced the latter.
從“衛侯出奔齊”看《春秋》書法———以楊伯峻説爲討論中心
Authors: 許 子濱
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

據孟子所言，《春秋》乃孔子以魯史“春秋”爲底本，參酌百國“春秋”，修訂而成，其書法寄寓孔子的“微言大義”，在褒貶中呈現了聖人的思想和見解。《左傳》有兩處記載“未修春秋”，分别見於宋華耦及衛甯殖之言。甯殖説：“吾得罪於君，名在諸侯之策曰：‘孫林父、甯殖出其君’。”是知諸侯史策皆書曰“孫林父、甯殖出其君”，而《春秋》則書“衛侯出奔齊”，兩文迥異。古今論者大多認定後文出於孔子所修，此説自杜預創始，得到唐宋後儒的推衍，具有清晰的傳承脈絡，成爲解讀“衛獻公出奔齊”的主流意見。楊伯峻獨排衆議，不信孟子説，倡言孔子不修《春秋》。楊先生認爲史策本書“孫林父、甯殖出其君”，《春秋》作“衛侯出奔齊”，是由於甯喜使衛侯復位更改史文的緣故。楊説出於臆測，裁斷無稽，翻案乏力，不可信據。

Mencius claimed that Confucius compiled the Spring and Autumn Annals and attached moral judgements to it. Scholars generally believe that the entry in the Annals for the fourteenth year of Duke Xiang (559 BCE) “the Marquis of Wei fled to Qi”, which differs from what the Zuozhuan recorded as “Sun Linfu and Ning Zhi drove their ruler into exile”, attested that the Annals in its present form should be ascribed to Confucius. Examining the related narratives in the Zuozhuan together with exegeses offered by scholars, this paper attempts to develop an account of the difference between the above-mentioned records and argues that Yang Bojun (1909 1992) in his commentary makes a bold effort to overturn the traditional understanding.
“詩-圖”學視野下的清代“秋林讀書圖”及其題詩———以翁方綱與同人對“漁洋讀書圖”的題詠爲中心
Authors: 范 洪傑
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

翁氏和友人、門生關於王士禛“秋林讀書圖”的題詠對該畫題在乾嘉時代文人畫壇的日漸流行和進入詩歌的頻繁題詠潮流中起了一定的帶動作用。作爲一個畫題，“秋林讀書圖”發源於元代畫家，屬於在後世漸盛的“讀書圖”系列畫題中較早出現的，在明清時代比較盛行。因具有濃鬱的士人情調，它成爲文人創作和題詠的對象。“讀書圖”系列畫題具有較强的交際性和私屬性特點，翁氏及其門生、友人對漁洋“秋林讀書圖”的幾十年間的題詠活動體現了這一點。這些題畫詩對於我們認識王士禛與翁方綱的詩學關係、學緣和翁方綱所在的乾嘉時代學風，以及圖畫與詩歌關係的某些面向，都具有重要意義。翁方綱在題寫、欣賞“漁洋秋林讀書圖”過程中，體悟到的詩學旨趣及詩—畫藝術本體論（“詩髓”説）富有理論價值，值得重新認識。

The inscriptions on Wang Shizhen’s (1634-1711) “Reading in the Autumn Groves” by the disciples and friends of Weng Fanggang (1733-1818) boosted the increasing popularity of these kinds of paintings and inscription of poetry on paintings in the Qianlong and Jiaqing eras (1736-1820). The title “Reading in the Autumn Groves” was first created by Yuan-dynasty painters, appeared in a “Reading” series of painting titles that became increasingly popular, and contributed to the formation of a new vogue in the Ming and Qing dynasties. Because of its rich intellectual appeal, it won the favor of the literati and became an object of literary creation and inscription. The series of “Reading” painting titles are strong in both communicative and private features, which is reflected the decades of similar works by Weng Fanggang, his disciples and friends, who inscribed on Wang Shizhen’s paintings under the title “Reading in the Autumn Groves.” These inscription poems are of great significance in our understanding of the relationship between Wang’s and Weng’s poetics, their academic backgrounds, and the scholarship styles of the Qian-Jia era in which Weng mainly lived, as well as some aspects of the relationship between painting and poetry. In the process of inscribing and appreciating these paintings titled “Reading in the Autumn Groves,” Weng Fanggang gained enlightenment in poetics and the ontology of the art of poetry and painting from a cross-disciplinary perspective (called “Marrow of Poetry” theory). These have rich theoretical value and are worth re-consideration.
寒州學派對康有爲經學思想的接受與批判
Authors: 陳 亦伶
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

本文通過朝鮮晚期學者與康有爲的接觸交流，以及他們對其經學思想的接受和批判，探討朝鮮半島因受康有爲學説的影響，導致在中國儒家經典詮釋上出現轉變。經過本文的研究分析，揭示出朝鮮晚期學者在解讀儒家經典時，已經偏離過去五百多年對中國學者墨守遵循的學習方式，也帶領我們重新發掘周邊國家在中國儒家經典研究上的獨特視角和重要地位。

Through an examination of the contact and exchange between Kang Youwei (1858-1927) and Korean scholars in the late Joseon era and their acceptance and criticism of Kang’s scholarship of the Confucian classics, the present paper explores changes in the interpretation of the Confucian classics on the Korean Peninsula triggered by the influence of Kang Youwei’s philosophy. It aims to show that in their interpretation of the Confucian classics, some of these scholars of the late Joseon era had already deviated from the methodology adopted by Chinese scholars over the previous 500 years. It also leads us to rediscover the unique perspectives of China’s neighboring countries and their important roles in the study of the Confucian classics.
論二十世紀二三十年代中國新文學中超越現代認知機制的“鄉土中國”講述
Authors: 徐 志偉
Published: November 2022

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.

在二十世紀二三十年代的中國文學敘事中，儘管“去鄉土中國化”是主潮，但與之伴隨的還有一股“再鄉土中國化”的潛流。正是這股潛流的存在使中國新文學成爲一個極具“張力”的系統，極大地豐富了我們今天對於中國現代性的理解。本文採用跨學科研究方法，動態而具體地揭示了中國特色的“現代性”是如何在二十世紀二三十年代中國作家關於“鄉土中國”的別樣表述中呈現的。本文認爲，二十世紀二三十年代中國作家關於“鄉土中國”的別樣表述，拆解了西方現代認知“裝置”，重新勘定了“鄉土中國”的獨特價值，不僅構成了中國現代性的一個奇異的景觀，也爲世界貢獻了一種特別的現代性表述。

Although “de-ruralization in China” was a major trend in the 1920s and 1930s, literary narratives were accompanied by an undercurrent of “re-ruralization in China.” It was this undercurrent that created a system of enormous “tension” in Chinese New Literature which greatly enriches our understanding of Chinese modernity. This article uses an interdisciplinary research method to dynamically and specifically reveal how “modernity” with Chinese characteristics finds expression in the alternative narratives of “earthbound China” by Chinese writers in the 1920s and 1930s. It suggests that Chinese writers expressed different views about “earthbound China” in this period, thus deconstructing the Western modern cognitive “device” and reconsidering the unique value of “earthbound China,” which contributed a special expression of modernity to the world and a peculiar landscape of modernity in China.