bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Sobre la Implementación del Derecho Laboral en la América Latina
Authors: Córdova Efrén
Published: March 2007

El derecho laboral latinoamericano ha sido repetidamente criticado por su falta de aplicación efectiva. La crítica proviene primordialmente de estudiosos norteamericanos interesados en la problemática social de los países al sur del Río Grande. Robert Alexander, por ejemplo, se refiere a este tópico diciendo que para muchos observadores las leyes laborales y sociales de la América Latina existen sólo en los textos legales pero no son adecuadamente implementadas. En forma más precisa otros autores como Burnett, Morris y Tannenbaum han puesto también de relieve la existencia de serios fallos en la aplicación del derecho del trabajo latinoamericano.

Lo curioso es, sin embargo, que este tema es casi totalmente ignorado por los autores latinoamericanos, los cuales dedican largas y sesudas páginas a la discusión de teorías jurídicas y problemas doctrinales, pero no se hacen cargo de esta deficiencia práctica.
The Politics of Civil-Military Relations in the Dominican Republic
Authors: Wiarda Howard J.
Published: March 2007

The armed forces in nearly all of the developing countries have frequently played a significant role in the political process. Because civilian groups—such as political parties, interest associations, bureaucracies—tend to be weak, fluid, and amorphous during the transition from a “traditional” to a “modern” society, the military is liable to be the strongest and best organized actor in the system. The roles may vary, from performing minimal governmental functions to exercising exclusive governing power, but in general the armed forces in the developing countries have a deeper domestic involvement in government and politics than their counterparts in the more “developed” nations.

From an historical point of view, Latin America is often considered the home of political militarism. Thecaudillo,or “man on horseback,” has traditionally galloped in and out of the presidential palace with frequent regularity.
Naval Strategy in the War of the Pacific
Authors: Worcester Donald E.
Published: March 2007

One of the special characteristics of naval warfare is its aggressive nature and the speed of its resolution. Unless combat is avoided, naval warfare is invariably swift and decisive. Armies may stand face-to-face for days or months, both up to their shoulders in mud. When warships meet on the high seas, usually one side will soon be celebrating a victory, It is not often that a nation's sea power comes to rest on a single warship, but in the contest between Chile and Peru (1879-1883) this was the case, because this war occurred during the change from wooden ships to ironclads.

Naval strength is customarily measured by counting guns and the weight of the metal they discharge, total tonnage of all combatant ships, thickness of armor plate, and the number of the crews. Before fighting commences this is the only convenient way to assess the strength of opposing forces. But hardware is only one factor of naval power. Once the cannons have been unlimbered an unmeasurable factor can change all calculations, a factor best expressed by the venerable naval maxim: “Men, not ships, win battles.”
The Decline of Caribbean Smuggling
Authors: Hinckley Theodore C.
Published: March 2007

In the 1760's, the commerce of the British West Indies followed four general channels: (1) the trade with the Mother Country; (2) the exchange of goods and money with continental sister colonies to the north; (3) the African slave trade; and (4) the illegal intercourse with Spain's New World possessions. So extensive was the last that Josiah Tucker referred to it as “that prodigious clandestine trade.” This paper will explore one facet of that traffic: its eclipse in Jamaica in the years immediately after the 1763 Peace of Paris.

Throughout most of the eighteenth century, only Bridgetown in Barbados and Kingston in Jamaica were markets of “conspicuous size and wide commercial connections.” The unloading of only a few cargoes would glut the capital towns of the lesser islands. Notwithstanding this fact, these islands held a coveted position in the Empire. London's high esteem for these possessions rested on their agricultural value, their importance in the crucial bullion exchange, and their utility as naval bases.
Castro: Economic Effects on Latin America
Authors: Gonzalez Alfonso
Published: March 2007

Fidel Castro has had a more profound effect upon the course of Latin American affairs than any other individual in recent times. Castro's socioeconomic revolution combined with his political opposition to the United States and his charismatic personality have all contributed to granting him an historical importance of the first magnitude within Latin America. Castroism (or jidelismo to the Latin Americans) embodied much that was longed for by the frustrated Latin American intellectuals and masses. There is no doubt that the impact of Castro has lessened notably since the 1959-1960 period but there is also no doubt that he has contributed significantly to the fundamental altering of policies in Latin America, and he remains a force that must be reckoned with.
Agustín Aragón and Mexico's Religion of Humanity
Authors: Raat William D.
Published: March 2007

In 1817, Henri de Saint-Simon won the nineteen-year-old Auguste Comte over to his views concerning the lamentable condition of post-revolutionary French society and the necessity for a radical scheme of reform, and it was during the political turmoil of the second quarter of the nineteenth century that Comte, intending to reorder society through the application of scientific knowledge to social ills, presented his philosophy of positivism. Comte's project was nothing less than a blueprint for universal reform that would not only save France from ruin but would also, hopefully, rescue all of humanity. In its entirety the Comtean doctrine included a philosophy of history, a theory of knowledge and pedagogy, a method or logic of science, a positivist ethic (the so-called "subjective synthesis"), a socioeconomic plan, a theory of government, and a type of secular faith which he called the Religion of Humanity.
Military Radicalism in Latin America
Authors: Wolpin Miles D.
Published: March 2007

Analyses of military roles in Latin America during the two decades following World War II often assumed the military were both isolated or apart from politics, and hence amenable to civilian control. The resurgence of militarism since the early Sixties has been reflected in scholarly works reassessing these assumptions. Whereas the pioneers in this field, such as Lieuwen (1964) and Needier (1969), are clearly civilianist—reflecting a democratic and distinctly liberal bias in their values—students of Latin American militarism in the late Sixties and Seventies have increasingly, if tacitly, assumed the unviability of civilian hegemony and tended to downplay the democratic normative issue. Terms such as militarism, democracy, and civilian supremacy have been virtually eclipsed from analyses of military intervention (Johnson, 1964; Einaudi, 1969; Ropp, 1970; Stepan, 1971; Rankin, 1974; Needier, 1975; Fitch, 1979).
The Caribbean and the New International Economic Order
Authors: Demas William G.
Published: March 2007

Definition of categories is an age-old scholastic and often sterile pastime. But in discussing the Caribbean, definitions are essential, particularly in these days when there is growing fuzziness as to what constitutes the Caribbean.

The fact is that there are three separate but overlapping definitions of the Caribbean in widespread use today.

First, there is the English-speaking Caribbean or the Commonwealth Caribbean or West Indies. Nearly all of these countries and territories are member states of the Caribbean community which comprises the four relatively “more developed countries” of Barbados, Guyana, Jamaica, and Trinidad and Tobago, and the generally smaller eight relatively “less developed” countries of Antigua, Belize, Dominica, Grenada, Montserrat, St. Kitts-Nevis-Anguilla, St. Lucia, and St. Vincent.
The Institutionalization of the Cuban State: A Political Perspective
Authors: Azicri Max
Published: March 2007

Departing from other approaches in the literature of Cuban studies (Azicri, 1979) this article does not examine the current phase of institutionalizing the revolution as an unforeseeable event due to fortuitous circumstances, such as the regime's blunder of the 1970 sugar harvest. Indeed, ten years later, it seems simply inaccurate to explain so many epoch-making events that have dominated revolutionary politics as if they occurred just because the regime was unable to produce the remaining 1.465 million tons of its goal of 10 million tons of sugar. However, this is not to construe the 1970 sugar harvest and its surrounding events to be void of any significance in what followed later; more properly, it is meant as a rejection of the notion that the institutionalization of the revolution is the direct outcome of that single historical happening.
Why the Poor Remain Poor: The Experience of Bogotá Market Traders in the 1970s
Authors: Moser Caroline O.N.
Published: March 2007

The persistence of long-term poverty among sectors of the urban and rural population in less-developed countries (LDCs), as well as in the so-called developed world, has resulted in the formulation of a diversity of interpretations by theoreticians and policy-makers seeking to comprehend the life of the poor, and for political, economic, and moral reasons to develop solutions to alleviate poverty. Recognition of the failure of the Accelerated Growth Model to produce adequate redistribution of resources and income throughout society through the “filter down” effect has led to changes in emphasis in poverty-related research during the past two decades. There has been a shift in focus away from measurements of absolute poverty, the insufficiency of basic needs to ensure survival, toward the clarification of the determinants of relative poverty, the social inequality experienced by those in the bottom segment of the income distribution within a given society.
The Catholic Church, Popular Education, and Political Change in Brazil
Authors: Mainwaring Scott
Published: March 2007

During most of its history, the Brazilian Catholic Church has been closely allied with the dominant classes and the state. Conversely, the Church traditionally has had tenuous linkages with the popular classes, and its practices with these classes generally have been paternalistic and authoritarian. This situation began to change somewhat in the 1950s as the institution made new efforts to reach the popular sectors.
The Role of Ideology in Peasant Politics: Peasant Mobilization and Demobilization in the Laguna Region
Authors: Hellman Judith Adler
Published: March 2007

Agrarismois the body of thought that is understood to have guided Mexican peasant struggles in this century. It seems reasonable to expect an essay on peasant ideology to open with a clear definition, or at least a list of the doctrines that form the content of this ideology. But agrarismo has often served as an imprecise catchword for a wide variety of goals espoused by peasants and peasant leaders during seven decades of struggle in the Mexican countryside. Even when we consider only themainstreamof agrarianist thinking in twentieth-century Mexico, we find that anagraristavision of a just order has implied committment to a strikingly diverse series of programs from 1910 to the present day.
The Costeños and the Revolution in Nicaragua
Authors: Dennis Philip A.
Published: March 2007

In Nicaragua in July 1979, the Sandinista popular revolutionary movement finally succeeded in overthrowing the dictatorship of the Somoza family, which had been placed in power and then supported for many years by the U.S. government. Analysis of the revolution, even in conservative U.S. government sources (LeoGrande, 1979; Montgomery, 1980), has noted the greed and corruption of the Somoza dynasty and the poverty, illiteracy, and poor health of Nicaragua's masses. More liberal sources (Koeppel and Harvey, 1980; Burbach and Draimin, 1980) comment favorably on the democratic and social justice orientation of the new revolutionary government. Coverage of the revolution, however, has barely mentioned the east coast, an isolated, ethnically complex, and fascinating part of the country.
The Debt Cycle in Latin America
Authors: Aliber Robert Z.
Published: March 2007

Changes in the volume of new loans issued by the developing countries in Latin America have had a significant impact on the foreign exchange value of their currencies, and on most of their domestic macroeconomic variables. During the 1972-82 decade, the annual increase in external debt of many of these countries exceeded the interest payments on this debt. The result was a net cash inflow derived from the sale of new loans abroad. Consequently, at the time, no real economic cost was associated with this increase in external debt. After 1982 this situation changed. The annual increase in external debt diminished to the point where it was less than the scheduled interest payments. At that point Latin American borrowers began to experience a net cash outflow on their debt account. Thus, in order to generate the foreign exchange needed to pay even part of these scheduled interest charges, the economy had to undergo a costly adjustment process.
The Argentine Economy, 1976-1979
Authors: Ferrer Aldo
Published: March 2007

This article presents an overall view of the performance of the Argentine economy under the policies inaugurated in April 1976. Section I describes the conditions prevailing at the beginning of 1976, the main goals and arguments of the new economic authorities. Section II explores the implementation of the economic program and how the government insisted on its basic goals under rapidly changing conditions. Finally, Section III summarizes the author's views on the consequences of the present economic program and provides suggestions on an alternative development strategy. A brief Statistical Appendix with basic data on the Argentine economy and relevant economic variables of the period under analysis is also included.
Colombian Foreign Policy in the 1980s: The Search for Leverage
Authors: Bagley Bruce Michael , Totkatlian Juan Gabriel
Published: March 2007

During 1981 and early 1982 - the first year and a half of Reagan's first term in office - Colombia, under the leadership of Liberal President Julio César Turbay Ayala (1978-82), surfaced as one of the staunchest U.S. allies in the turbulent Caribbean Basin. That Colombia would endorse the broad outlines of Reagan's policies came as no surprise to anyone, for the country had pursued a consistently pro-North American foreign policy throughout the post-World War II period. What did surprise many observers was the extent to which President Turbay abandoned his country's traditional low-profile approach to Caribbean and hemispheric affairs and replaced it with an activist foreign policy closely identified with the Reagan Administration.

Colombia is structurally dependent upon the United States in economic, technological and military terms. While the country's industrial capacity has grown substantially in recent decades, the economy still relies heavily on agro-exports-, coffee alone accounts for two-fifths of the country's foreign exchange earnings.
The Changing Nature of Development Banking in Brazil
Authors: Baer Werner , Villela Annibal V.
Published: March 2007

Prior to the mid-1960s, there was little concern in Brazil for the relative size of different ownership sectors—state, domestic private and multinational (Baer et al., 1973; Baer et al., 1977). The main policy objective had been the promotion of import-substitution-industrialization (ISI). Because the Brazilian domestic private sector did not have the technological and financial means to create new industries with a high technology content or to help expand public utilities, multinational firms and state enterprises were relied upon to carry out those tasks. The National Bank for Economic Development (BNDE) was created in order to finance the state's direct participation in Brazil's economy.
ENCI
Authors: Saulniers Alfred H.
Published: March 2007

Until 1968, state enterprises played a minor role in the Peruvian economy. The list of public sector enterprises was relatively small. It included the Central and sectoral banks, a merchant fleet, railways, a minor petroleum producer, hyroelectric power companies, a steel mill, monopolies over salt, tobacco, and guano, a few tourism projects, and a set of regional development corporations. From 1968 to 1974 the state moved swiftly to expand its role in order to direct and control the course of the country's economic evolution. The public sector increased both in size and scope to include most banking, basic industries, and most international and some domestic trade.
The Mexican Intellectual as Political Pundit, 1968-1976: The Case of Daníel Cosío Villegas
Authors: Schmidt Henry C.
Published: March 2007

The period 1968-1976 in Mexico is characterized by an expanded cultural infrastructure and an acute expression of ideas with not inconsequential political ramifications. Such an intellectual configuration is one of the key elements in Mexican history, with periodic evidence available at least since the eighteenth century of ideological and educational movements that paralleled governmental reform or influenced a theory of state. This experience demonstrates how intellectuals may help tilt history in a certain direction as well as transmit an illustrative documentation of change. Not the least noteworthy legacy of the recent period was its impact on Mexican studies in generating a preoccupation with the intellectual and the state.
The Brazilian Press and the Politics of Abertura
Authors: Dassin Joan R.
Published: March 2007

On October 21,1983, an ominous two-column news story ran on page A12 of the New York Times. Datelined the previous day from Brasilia, the item off the Associated Press wire, noted that Brazilian President João Baptista Figueiredo had responded to a national congressional defeat of a government-supported austerity package by issuing a decree to replace the rejected legislation. President Figueiredo had also invoked emergency measures just before the vote, calling on police to enforce a ban on public gatherings in the Brazilian capital.

Facing a $90 billion foreign debt and a world financial community insistent on forcing down a 200% inflation rate as a condition for the release of billions of dollars in international loans, the Brazilian government apparently saw little alternative to ruling by decree once again, and backing its decisions by force. Over 19 years of military rule, unpopular policies have often been imposed on Brazilians in just this fashion.
Belief Systems of Colombian Political Party Activists
Authors: Hoskin Gary
Published: March 2007

The relationship between ideas and political action represents a continuing, albeit frustrating, point of contention among political analysts. Referring to the literature on ideology, Robert Putnam reflects this sentiment by noting, “Few concepts in social analysis have inspired such a mass of commentary yet few have stimulated the production of so little cumulative knowledge about society and politics. The lack of cumulation is due, above all, to recurrent confusion of empirical with definitional issues and of both with normative concerns” (Putnam, 1971: 651). The proliferation of definitions, measurement techniques, and frameworks for analyzing the concept should not be surprising because “for the political scientist the term ideology points to a cluster concept, i.e., belongs to the concepts that bracket a variety of complex phenomena about which one tries to generalize” (Sartori, 1969: 398).
Diplomatic Protection of Foreign Economic Interests: The Changing Structure of International Law in the New International Economic Order
Authors: Brookens Benoit Otis
Published: March 2007

December 12, 1974, the Twenty-ninth General Assembly of the United Nations (1974) passed the long-awaited Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States by a vote of 120-6-10. This chapter, conceived by Mexican President Echeverría (UNCTAD, 1972) was drafted upon the supposition that definitive legal guidelines on international economic rights would suppress considerably world political-economic tension and protect the rights of all states, especially developing ones (Vanzant, 1974). Although a substantial proportion of the charter was adopted with relatively little controversy during the two years of negotiations, conflicts over key sections were insurmountable and the negotiating committee failed to attain unanimity on its final text. The inability of the working group to reach a consensus did not come as a complete surprise, since during the past decade important concepts embodied in the document had provoked considerable controversy (Haight, 1975).
Soviet Political Uses of Trade with Latin America
Authors: Evanson Robert K.
Published: March 2007

This Essay examines Soviet uses of economic trade for political and diplomatic purposes in Latin America. Recent events in Central America and the Caribbean have generated a great number of analyses of Soviet goals and tactics in the Western Hemisphere (Duncan, 1984; Leiken, 1984; Rothenberg, 1984; Varas, 1984; Valenta, 1982). Direct Soviet military aid to Nicaragua, and to Grenada prior to the U.S. invasion in 1983, has suggested a more forward Soviet role in the region. On the other hand, Soviet arms shipments to Latin America, excepting those to Cuba, are a relatively recent response to revolutionary developments that may prove to be ephemeral, or which may encounter stiff U.S. resistance. Given geopolitical realities of the area, the Soviet military option certainly is less viable in Latin America than elsewhere in the developing world. In contrast, trade and aid – and Soviet aid is given chiefly in the form of trade credits – are a long-established, politically safe tactical alternative.
Haiti: Problems of a Transition to Democracy in an Authoritarian Soft State
Authors: Maingot Anthony P.
Published: March 2007

Few Countries In The World, and certainly none in this hemisphere, could lay more claims to the title “original heroic land” than Haiti. If, indeed, such things mattered in this world, Haitians could rightfully note that, at a time when the dominant secular and religious ideologies defined the African as subhuman and thus “naturally enslavable,” Haitians challenged and defeated the supreme advocates of those doctrines, and their heroism became the stimulus for other liberation attempts.

Not much after independence in 1804, Haitians opened their ports and hearts to all those battling slavery and oppression. Many benefitted from this daring act. Defeated and abandoned by many around him, Simón Bolívar turned to Haiti and they, not once, but twice, acted to help, true to their vows. Quite correctly did Bolívar write Petión that the liberation of America was only one of the debts owed Haiti.
Human Rights Policy: Basic Human Needs and Economic Implications for LDCs
Authors: Thoumi Francisco E.
Published: March 2007

Economic development—defined by growth of GNP per capita—among the poor countries of the world during the last 25 years has been higher than in almost any other period in mankind's history. Although this growth might have not been as high as that expected by some policy makers, the 1950-1975 period shows an overall improvement over the recent past. In spite of this apparent surge in growth, many policy makers and social scientists have shown disappointment and dismay at some characteristics of the recent increases in GNP (Morawetz, 1977).
Agricultural Interaction Between Mexico and the United States
Authors: Freebairn Donald K.
Published: March 2007

Notwithstanding the substantial differences in size and wealth of the national economies, there are significant areas of comparability between Mexican and United States agricultures. In this paper, essential elements of the national agricultural structures for both the United States and Mexico and the currently predominant policy issues that emanate from these structures and from announced societal goals are sketched. Following the establishment of these bases, areas of competition and complementarity are explored as well as the technological elements that cross national boundaries and that are and have been affecting the agricultural sectors and individual well-being both in the United States and in Mexico. The discussion will concentrate most heavily on the Mexican experience.
The Brazilian General Staff and Brazil's Military Situation, 1900-1945
Authors: McCann Frank D.
Published: March 2007

In June 1977, Argentine army forces in Entre Rios, Corrientes, and Missiones went on alert; while across the Rio Uruguay, Brazilian garrisons throughout Rio Grande do Sul readied themselves. The nerve center at Santa Maria vibrated with activity and even friendly military observers were warned away.

Some months previously the bookEl Espacio Argentinoby Pablo R. Sanz had been published in Argentina outlining various hypotheses of how a war with Brazil might be conducted (Sanz, 1976: 335-351). The book had been circulated through the Brazilian general staff. Although it carried nothing new for the intelligence services, its publication was taken as an indication of Argentine attitudes.
Mexico's Failing Political System
Authors: Migdail Carl J.
Published: March 2007

Revolution is Always a Latent Course of action for opposition groups in Mexico where no peaceful process exists for real change of control of political power.

Mexicans opposed to the continued domination of their country by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario Institucional, PRI), which has ruled Mexico since 1929, have compared this year's presidential election to that of 1910. Reelection then of President Porfirio Daz, who had been dictator for 34 years, led directly to the society-shattering revolution which devastated Mexico for well over a decade. The population of Mexico, 15 million in 1910, dropped to 14 million by 1920.

Analysis of political trends in Mexico indicates, however, that while armed revolt against continuing political and economic control by the PRI remains an option for the opposition, Mexico's government is not now, nor is it likely to be in the foreseeable future, in danger of being overthrown.
The New Law of the Sea and the Security Interests of the CARICOM States
Authors: Francis Anselm A.
Published: March 2007

The term “New Law of the Sea” may be misleading if it conveys the impression that classical Law of the Sea principles have been entirely supplanted by new norms. The distinction is not so sharp. It is true to say that there have been important developments in the Law of the Sea since World War II, but many of the old principles have remained intact. However, it is worth noting that in some cases they have been refined and modified, and in other cases they are stated with greater specificity.
Crisis and Industrial Reorganization in Chile
Authors: Goma Oscar Muñoz
Published: March 2007

The aim of this article is to present and comment briefly on the tendencies and changes that have occurred in the organization of the Chilean industrial sector during the 1970-80s. First of all, it must be borne in mind that this was one of the most unstable periods in Chilean economic development, due both to the profound political changes that have taken place in the country and to the great instability of the international economy. These situations have affected the structure of the industrial sector in such a way that it is impossible to analyze it exclusively in terms of the performance of traditional indicators, such as production, employment, productivity, trade, and so forth. The transformation of the system of economic organization in Chile has brought about radical changes in the international insertion of the economy, the price system, the distribution of income, the structure of property, and the relations between the state and the private sector, which cannot be disregarded in an analysis of this nature.
Drug Addiction And Trafficking In Paraguay: An Approach To The Problem During The Transition
Authors: G. José Luis Simón
Published: March 2007

Paraguay and its closest neighbors, the Rio Plata Basin from one point of view or the Southern Cone from another, have experienced an increasing challenge from the drug traffic in recent years. Initially, everything linked to drug use and traffic was considered—in general, much oversimplified terms — mainly as the social problem of a rich society, primarily that of the United States. The South American countries, preoccupied with surviving the blows of the “lost decade” while trying, simultaneously, both to throw off authoritarian regimes in terminal crisis and to negotiate transitions from democracy, assumed this problem could not affect them. In any event, that aspect of the drug trade which concerned the countries of South America above all was the growing tragedy of Colombia, which was just beginning to make headlines in the world press.
Democracy, Distributional Conflicts and Macroeconomic Policymaking in Argentina, 1983-89
Authors: Smith William C.
Published: March 2007

In December 1983, when Raúl Alfonsín and his Radical party assumed responsibility for Argentina's transition from authoritarian dictatorship to democracy, the economy was mired in deep crisis. Rather than a repetition of the familiar “stop-go” cycles of previous decades, the mid-1980s crisis was more structural in nature, stemming from a perverse logic deeply rooted in contemporary Argentine capitalism. Few Argentines, regardless of ideological persuasion, doubted that major reforms were imperative if the country's post-1930 model of import-substitution industrialization was to avoid total collapse. For Argentina's fledgling democracy, the task at hand could not have been more daunting — to reverse what Alfonsín himself had referred to as “50 years of decadence.”
The Economic Impact of Andean Cocaine Traffic on Florida
Authors: Grosse Robert
Published: March 2007

This study is intended to establish a framework for analyzing the economic impact of narcotraffic between Colombia, where most of the world's cocaine is refined, and the State of Florida, which is the primary area of entry for Andean cocaine into the United States. The purpose of the study is to analyze the economic costs and benefits of this activity to Florida, as an example that could be extended in both directions — to Colombia and to the entire United States—if additional data were to become available. Only the trade in cocaine is examined, though additional traffic in marijuana does take place and, in some cases, the data are not disaggregated for each drug. Only the economic impact is studied, though the trade obviously impacts the social and political realms as well. Because the tools of analysis are quite different among the disciplines, and because the economic issues need to be sorted out in any discussion of the overall impact of the cocaine trade, only economic issues are treated here.
Technology, the Military, and Democracy in Brazil
Authors: Conca Ken
Published: March 2007

Brazil Entered the 1990s with its transition from authoritarian rule incomplete. The gradual withdrawal of the armed forces from power brought an end to over two decades of direct military rule in 1985, paving the way for a new constitution and the first presidential election in nearly 30 years. These formal democratizing changes were erected, however, on a foundation of socio-economic structures and political institutions with some decidedly non-democratic features. As a result, Brazilian politics retains some important vestiges of authoritarianism. Pre-existing centers of power in society remain extraordinarily influential within the emerging system, frequently operating beyond the reach of even nominal democratic control or oversight.

If events of the 1980s did not completely transform Brazilian politics, they did redefine the main challenge of the political transition. The initial problem of replacing the military government with a civilian regime has given way to a second, less tangible, task of consolidating democratic institutions and procedures (O'Donnell, 1988).
Economic Policy Reform in Four Central American Countries: Patterns and Lessons Learned
Authors: Buttari Juan J.
Published: March 2007

This Article Surveys the experiences of four Central American countries in implementing economic policy reform: it analyzes the factors which led to the introduction of new policies, explores various aspects in their implementation, assesses lessons learned in the process, and discusses prospects for the future.

The Four Countries under discussion — Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras — are experiencing a move away from import-substitution policies of the past toward increased liberalization of their economies and becoming more competitive in the international marketplace. This shift in policy orientation began in the 1980s, after years of economic decline. At the risk of appearing arbitrary, the policy-shift years are here defined as those which followed an actual, or announced, change to an economic policy with a predominant market orientation.
Believers and Neighbors: “Huaycán Is One and No One Shall Divide It”
Authors: Muñoz Hortensia
Published: March 2007

Contrary to the argument that evangelical Christianity is inherently apolitical or conservative, evangelicals in a new pueblo on Lima’s periphery extended political mobilization to negotiating with municipal authorities, Catholic neighbors, and evenSendero Luminosoto define political and ideological space in the new neighborhood. Yet differences within and among denominations kept them from permanently coordinating their political activism. This case highlights the nature of citizenship building and political participation for evangelicals in Peru.
The Right to Democracy in the Americas
Authors: Muñoz Heraldo
Published: March 2007

In his insightful book On the Law of Nations, Daniel Patrick Moynihan states that international law “is not higher law or better law; it is existing law. It is not a law that eschews force; such a view is alien to the very idea of law. Often as not it is the law of the victor; but it is law withal and does evolve” (Moynihan 1990, 19).
Crisis-Ridden Elections (Again) in the Dominican Republic: Neopatrimonialism, Presidentialism, and Weak Electoral Oversight
Authors: Hartlyn Jonathan
Published: March 2007

For only the fifth time since 1978, the Dominican Republic held concurrent elections in 1994 for candidates at every level of government — presidential, congressional and municipal. The most important of these contests, for the presidency, saw the incumbent, Joaquίn Balaguer, returned to the post he has held for so long, defeating his principal challenger, José Francisco Peña Gόmez, by a margin of 22,281 votes. The most recent election, on 16 May 1994, proved to be just as traumatic and incident-prone as those that preceded it, dating back to the first democratic election in 1978. Unlike the last election (in 1990), however, in which Balaguer also won a narrow victory, this time the charges of electoral fraud were well-documented and the accuracy of the tally widely
disbelieved, not just domestically but internationally as well.
Evolution of the Party System in Venezuela, 1946–1993
Authors: Molina José E. , Pérez Carmen
Published: March 2007

The 1946 election for Venezuela's National Constituent Assembly marked the beginning of democratic electoral processes and the modern party system in that country. Although interrupted by ten years of dictatorship (1948-1958), nine national elections for president and parliament have been held since 1946. In conjunction with these elections, the Venezuelan party system has passed through four stages: a predominant party system (1945-1948), a limited multiparty system (1958-1973), an attenuated two-party system (1973-1993), and recently, the return to a limited multiparty system (1993-) (Sartori 1976).
The European Union and MERCOSUR: Prospects for a Free Trade Agreement
Authors: Bulmer-Thomas Victor
Published: March 2007

Negotiations between the European Union and MERCOSUR aim to establish the first free trade agreement ever between two customs unions. Among the potential obstacles are compliance with World Trade Organization rules, treatment of “sensitive” products, and competition from the proposed Free Trade Area of the Americas. This analysis reviews the economic background on both sides, the motivation, and the prospects for success, along with the agreement’s potential impact on the largest third party, the United States.
Disconnected Fire Alarms and Ineffective Police Patrols: Legislative Oversight in Postauthoritarian Chile
Authors: Siavelis Peter M.
Published: March 2007

In many Latin American countries, corruption and administrative inefficiency have emerged as significant threats to democracy and governability. This case study employs McCubbins and Schwartz’s U.S.-centered model of “fire alarm” and “police patrol” oversight to analyze how effectively Chile’s Congress has conducted its oversight functions. Chile’s experience with authoritarian rule, the weakening of Congress, and changes in the relationships between citizens and state institutions have undermined its tradition of fire alarm oversight, forcing Congress to rely on less-effective police patrol activities.
The United States and Latin America’s Armed Forces: A Troubled Relationship
Authors: Millett Richard L.
Published: March 2007

When Commodore David Porter resigned from the US Navy to accept the post of commander-in-chief of Mexico’s nascent naval forces, he began a tradition of US involvement with Latin American armed forces that has endured to the present day. Porter’s decision was supported by President John Quincy Adams, who hoped that it would both strengthen the US influence in Mexico and act as a curb on possible Mexican efforts to seize Cuba, a prize which the president coveted himself (for details, see Long, 1970). These objectives signaled another enduring heritage: efforts by the United States to use ties with Latin American military institutions to promote agendas that were frequently unrelated to, or even at variance with, national interests in Latin America. This would be especially true whenever the United States perceived itself as competing with other nations for influence in the region. In 1826, the rival was Great Britain; in this century, it was first Germany and then the Soviet Union, but, in all cases, the bottom line was the same: a determination to make Washington’s influence paramount.
The Political Economy of Violence: The War-System in Colombia
Authors: Richani Nazih
Published: March 2007

Violence, in its criminal and political aspects, largely reflects the contradictory impulses set in motion by modernization and serves as an expression of the various dislocations — social, economic, psychological and cultural — which accompany that process. Violence increases when the prevailing institutions fail to mediate among the various antagonistic forces unleashed by socio-economic and political change. Colombia represents a country where violence has risen overwhelmingly in recent years, reaching extremes of both extent and duration. A phenomenon well worth scholarly attention, the subject of violence has given rise to an impressive body of literature concerned with exploring its many aspects: its causes, trajectory, and variety of manifestations (see Sánchez, 1991).
Barros Arana, Vicuña Mackenna, Amunátegui: The Historian as National Educator
Authors: Yeager Gertrude Matyoka
Published: March 2007

During the latter part of the nineteenth century, three historians, Diego Barros Arana, Benjamin Vicuña Mackenna, and Miguel Luis Amunategui, came to epitomize a new sophistication which historical scholarship had attained in Chile. Taken together, the three men represent an important departure from previous romantic liberal historiography in that they were able to link Chile's past to its present without recourse to polemical rhetoric. More significantly, perhaps, these three scholars believed that history could serve socially useful functions. Much of their effort, consequently, was directed to making Clio a vital force for national development.
Agrarian Policies in Dependent Societies: Costa Rica
Authors: Seligson Mitchell A.
Published: March 2007

There is no area of investigation in the field of Latin American studies which has attracted more research in recent years than has the dependency theory. Countless words have been written and much academic “blood” has been spilled in the debate over the strengths and weaknesses of interpreting Latin American society, polity, economy, and culture within the framework of the dependency theory. While there is still much heat generated by those who hold differing opinions on the dependency perspective, serious research is proceeding in a number of areas in an attempt to document the ways in which and the extent to which Latin American nations are dependent on forces beyond their control. This paper attempts to further that research by focusing on agrarian public policy in Costa Rica.
An Approach to the Study of the Latin American Military
Authors: Dickson Thomas I.
Published: March 2007

Political scientists today are deeply engaged in the search for better ways to study the phenomena within their purview and for more insightful characterizations of political processes. Examination of the politically active military in developing countries has not escaped the trend. Yet this remains a segment of the discipline where impressionism and conjecture still are much in vogue. Indeed, the state of the art of analysis of the military role in less-developed areas is discouraging to some (Nordlinger, 1970). Even without taking a glum view, however, there is ample room to hold that more precise and structured studies of the politicomilitary phenomenon are much needed. The approach to the study of the Latin American military suggested here, which has possible applications to other geographic sectors of the underdeveloped world, is not intended to substitute for, but rather to complement forms of analysis that customarily have been followed.
Manpower, Labor Absorption, and Employment in Colombia
Authors: Zudak Larry S.
Published: March 2007

The unemployment problem in Colombia was recently discussed by Geithman and Landers (1973) in this journal. They argue that one of the fundamental causes of unemployment is a “higher capital-labor ratio” than would otherwise exist, according to factor endowments and the structure of final demand. This is attributed to the dependency of less developed countries (LDCs) on capital from advanced countries (ACs), with laborsaving characteristics suitable for the latter (Geithman and Landers, 1973: 317). Their excessive capital intensity thesis is based on Bruton's cross-sectional statistical study (1967), which made a number of simplified assumptions which should be examined in some detail.

Since Bruton and Geithman and Landers use the production function in their analysis, it is necessary to briefly discuss its most important characteristics. The quantities of capital (K), labor (L), and other inputs required by the industrial sector or the entire economy to achieve various levels of output (Q), can be viewed as a generalized production function.
Politics, Partisanship, and Social Position in Belize
Authors: Hanson David
Published: March 2007

This paper presents data on the social and political opinions of junior college students in Belize (British Honduras) prior to independence. The data are intended to give a preliminary indication of current patterns of conflict and consensus which can be used as a bench mark against which future development in Belizean political culture can be measured. The organization of the data has been based on theoretical considerations of political development and socialization in transitional societies.

A major influence on political attitudes and partisanship is the impact of social identity. In the United States, a self-identification as a Republican or a Democrat usually carries connotations of a wider range of social characteristics. In fact, people often adopt the partisan identification most appropriate to their social situation. Once acquired, partisan attitudes tend to influence other political attitudes as people react to issues and events in a way that tends to support and justify their party choices (Dawson and Prewitt, 1969).
Paraguay in the Novels of Gabriel Casaccia
Authors: Case Thomas E.
Published: March 2007

One of Paraguay's most important writers of the past forty years is Gabriel Casaccia, the pen name used by Benigno Casaccia Bibolini. Born in Asunción in 1907, he was educated at the Colegio Nacional of his native city and holds a doctor's degree from the Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales of the National University. Since 1935 he has resided in Argentina. His literary production has included five novels: Hombres, mujeres y fantoches, Mario Pareda, La babosa, La llaga, and Los exiliados. He is also author of two collections of short stories, El guahjú and El pozo, and one play, El bandolero. In this article, I will attempt to survey briefly Casaccia's interpretation of Paraguay in his novels, especially his view of the social and political vicissitudes of recent years.
Técnica dramática de José Antonio Ramos
Authors: Huidobro Matías Montes
Published: March 2007

“Tan desperdigada anda la obra de cultura por nuestra América, y tan inepta es la organización y distribución bibliográfica en nuestros países, que acaso para muchos lectores de la Revista Iberoamericana el nombre de José Antonio Ramos (1885-1946) sea poco menos que desconocido. Mas a los ojos del escasísimo número de intelectuales familiarizados con su obra polifacética y saturada de fuerte aliento renovador, el homenaje que hoy rendimos a este enérgico luchador desaparecido está plenamente justificado. José Antonio Ramos es uno de los escritores más intensos y a la vez más desconocidos de la América ibera en la hora actual, y urge propagar su obra y divulgar su mensaje”.

El comentario anterior justifica el homenaje que le rindió la Revista Iberoamericana a Ramos en su número 24 y con motivo de la muerte del escritor. Sin embargo, la figura de Ramos no ha sido lo suficientemente valorizada y su obra lo suficientemente divulgada, ni siquiera en Cuba.
Social Mobility of Negroes in Brazil
Authors: Garcia-Zamor Jean-Claude
Published: March 2007

The Brazilian Negroes must be viewed in the context of Brazilian history and civilization and of the forces of social change operating throughout Brazilian society. In this article I intend to point out some of the historical factors that significantly influence the social mobility, or lack of it, of Brazilian Negroes, to analyze the present status of Negroes in Brazilian society, and to suggest some possible ways of dealing with this largely ignored, but very serious, racial situation that contains the seeds of a potential social crisis.

After the discovery of Brazil by Pedro Alvares Cabral in 1500, the Portuguese exploited its coastal territories for more than fifty years with little help other than that of the enslaved Indians.