bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The International Court of Justice and Peoples
Authors: Koivurova Timo
Published: July 2010

The article examines how the International Court of Justice (ICJ) has dealt with the concept of peoples and peoples' rights in its jurisprudence. Most prominent has been the Court's role with respect to the right of self-determination and it is this issue that forms the core of the article. A second important question dealt with is the role of indigenous peoples in ICJ case practice, as the struggle by those peoples to gain collective rights is a recent development in international law. Drawing on this analysis, the discussion proceeds to consider the role that the ICJ has played in the development of the rights of peoples in general and what its future role might be in this sphere of international law. The article also examines the way in which the Court has allowed peoples to participate in its proceedings and whether and how its treatment of peoples' rights has strengthened the general foundations of international law.
The Ethos of the Rule of Law in the International Legal Discourse: Portrait of an Outsider
Authors: García-Salmones Mónica
Published: July 2010

The constitutional principles of the state under the rule of law require, as a precondition, that a normal situation exists. The article argues that this Schmittian idea can be transposed to an international debate on the international rule of law. The constitutional reforms proposed by Schmitt in 'Legality and Legitimacy' focusing in his search for an ethos of law were in the concrete situation of Weimar, neither attuned to the legal spirit of the times (positivism) nor suited to taking a course of action in the midst of tumultuous political events. However, as a theoretical work on liberal constitutionalism 'Legality and Legitimacy' contributes to the discussion on the lack of inherent rationality of the liberal (international) rule of law: the ethos of the rule of law is an outsider. The final part of the article uses the example of the mandate system of the League of Nations to support the claim that the value of a descriptive thesis of the vulnerability of the rule of law to power, lies in enabling a more realistic approach, in terms of ethical agency and power relations, to the margins of the rule of law or the grey zones.
Third World Resistance to International Economic and Structural Constraints: Assessing the Utility of the Right to Health in the Context of the TRIPS Agreement
Authors: Muriu Daniel Wanjau
Published: July 2010

This article examines the relationship between WTO's TRIPS Agreement, patents and access to affordable medicines in Sub-Saharan Africa. The key role played by transnational corporations (TNCs) in ensuring that intellectual property rights were included in multilateral trade negotiations, and how this influence and power of TNCs has impacted on access to affordable medicine in the region is highlighted. The way in which social movements at both domestic and international levels have sought to use the right to health to resist the power of pharmaceutical TNCs bent on blocking the use by Third World countries of the exceptions or flexibilities in TRIPS, such as parallel importation of medicines and compulsory licensing is analysed. In this connection, the way in which the Treatment Action Campaign (TAC, a social movement in South Africa), used the right to health to oppose a suit filed in South Africa by pharmaceutical TNCs seeking to block legislation enacted for the purpose of enabling parallel importation of medicines, is shown. The article also explains how a network of international organisations and activists in collaboration with Third World countries pushed for the adoption of the Doha Declaration on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health on the basis that access to affordable medicines is a critical element of the right to health. The article argues that the right to health has some limited potential of being used as a means of resistance against international economic forces inimical to the health of Third World peoples. To realise such potential however, one must go beyond using the right to health purely as a legal process or mechanism and instead harness the right as a tool to mobilize and exercise agency of Third World peoples in contesting the power of those forces.
Early Heidegger's Concept of History in Light of the Neo-Kantians
Authors: Farin Ingo
Published: July 2010

The history of Heidegger's relationship to the neo-Kantians is still largely unwritten, despite the fact that in his formative period Heidegger was very close to the neo-Kantian school, especially Windelband and Rickert, Lask and Natorp. With regard to the concept of history and the importance of historical philosophizing, it is the received view that Dilthey was early Heidegger's main and only source of inspiration. This paper argues against this one-sided view by showing the historical and systematic connections between early Heidegger's views on history and the philosophy of history developed by Windelband and Rickert.
Philosophy and History in the Study of Political Thought
Authors: Bartelson Jens
Published: July 2010

This article analyzes how the relationship between philosophy and history has been conceived within the study of political thought, and how different ways of conceiving this relationship in turn have affected the definition of the subject matter as well as the choice of methods within this field. My main argument is that the ways in which we conceive this relationship is dependent on the assumptions we make about the ontological status of concepts and their meaning. I start by discussing the widespread view that philosophy and history ought to be viewed as distinct if not incompatible ways of studying political thought, and then go on to describe the view that philosophical and historical approaches should be conceived of as identical or inseparable. I end this article by suggesting that these approaches rather should be viewed as mutually constitutive for the benefit of a more coherent study of political thought.
From Norms to Uses and Back Again
Authors: Dharamsi Karim
Published: July 2010

I defend the idea that Collingwood’s discussion of self-knowledge implies that meaning is normative. Against the view that treats the social as primitive in explaining a normativity of meaning thesis, I argue that Collingwood is an internalist about epistemic justification. Collingwood’s internalism about epistemic justification and meaning is normative, but its character involves a logical-epistemic relation between use and meaning. I suggest that this view is well represented by Collingwood’s idea of history.
Collingwood and the Relation between Theory, Practice and Values in Historical Thinking
Authors: Rolliston Christopher
Published: July 2010

In texts such as An Autobiography, Collingwood asserts that historical thinking as he understood it effects a "rapprochement" between theory and practice or even a "negation" of this traditional distinction, a thesis that would seem to place him on the opposite side of the debate about the place of values in historical research to figures such as Max Weber, who famously argued for history and the social sciences being "value free" disciplines. This article then investigates this apparent contrast, taking a critical approach to the arguments Collingwood propounds on the topic across a range of his later writings. After noting the curiously limited nature of these arguments however, Collingwood's self-styled "historical" conception of duty is discussed to show that in fact, his position on the place of values in historical research was indistinguishable to Weber's, since at the centre of both is the doctrine that judgements about what to do can never be simply deduced from scholarly study, but instead must be willed in practice itself.
Contextualism: From Modernist Method to Post-analytic Historicism?
Authors: Bevir Mark
Published: July 2010

This article provides a critical history of the Cambridge School of intellectual history. Laslett's work on Locke appeared to vindicate modernist historicism. Laslett shunned the broad narratives of romantic developmental historicists. He relied on bibliographies, unpublished manuscripts, and other evidence to establish atomized facts and thus textual interpretations. Pocock and Skinner's theories defended modernist historicism. They argued historians should situate texts in contexts and prove interpretations correct by using modernist methods to establish empirical facts. They attacked approaches that read authors as contributing to perennial debates or aiming at a coherent metaphysics. I argue we should reject modernist historicism with its methodological focus; we should adopt a post-analytic historicism focused on philosophical issues arising from analyses of the human sciences as studying actions by attributing meanings to actors and showing how these meanings fit into larger webs of belief.
Where is the Gospel, What Happened to Culture? The Reformed Church in Syria and Lebanon
Authors: Awad Najeeb
Published: July 2010

This paper is an attempt to address the question of gospel culture relationship from a Near Eastern perspective. Given the identity crisis challenge that the Reformed church of Syria and Lebanon is facing today, this paper discusses the following questions: is the gospel message, which is being enunciated by the Near Eastern Reformed ancestors of the American missionaries, applicable or not to the region's cultural and societal identity? Why are there features of conflict between the Reformed Near Eastern church's beliefs and values and the surrounding Christian cultural setting? Is this the responsibility of the missionaries or of the local, Arabic speaking Reformed church? These questions are answered by exposing two contemporary challenges that burden the Reformed church in the Near East. The first one is the relationship of the Reformed church to the theological and spiritual heritage of Eastern Christianity. And the second one is the relation of the Reformed ecclesial order, which is congregational and democratic in nature, to the Eastern ecclesial and social structure, which is hierarchical and autocratic in nature.
The Psychology of the Spirit and Oepke Noordmans
Authors: Theron Johann
Published: July 2010

Oepke Noordmans, the Dutch theologian, has described the Holy Spirit as interpreter and comforter. This chapter explores Noordmans' critical anthropology by showing how the Spirit's interpretation of the cross of Christ to comfort mankind critically challenges the positive humanistic anthropology in our society today. Sin cannot be scientifically explained, but expresses mankind's relationship to God. Kierkegaard, Dostoyevsky, and Kohlbrugge contribute to the discussion.
Theology in Higher Education in Post-Soviet Russia (1991–2008)
Authors: Maksutov Ivar
Published: July 2010

In this article the most urgent problems, which have arisen in the introduction of theology to Russian higher education, are examined step-by-step as examples of the situation in the post-Soviet area. Starting from the historical background of the question, the article describes the collapse of the study of religion and theology after the October Revolution in 1917 and looks at the status of theologians in Soviet society and their identity in present-day Russia. Subsequently, it analyzes theology as an educational discipline in Russia and concludes with the problem of the complex relationship between theology and the academic study of religion in contemporary Russia, which developed against the Soviet background of Russian science.
Hindu Ritual Dynamics: Case Studies from Contemporary Western Europe: Introduction
Authors: Nugteren Albertina
Published: July 2010

In the study of religion, Ninian Smart and Kim Knott were among the first to make a plea to investigate 'ethnic minority' or 'migrant' religion, and to indicate trends and patterns. In the 1990s a gradual vocabulary shift, from 'migration' to 'diaspora,' took place, at least in religious studies. Diaspora communities have increasingly become visible in public life, and their places of worship have begun to be recognisable features of the religious mosaic in many European cities. This special issue on Hindu ritual dynamics in western Europe starts with an introductory essay on some of the basic expressions used in the descriptions and analyses by the various authors. The introduction gives the reader a first impression of the ritual space that Hindu communities in the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Norway, and Switzerland are occupying today.
Establishing Tamil Ritual Space: A Comparative Analysis of the Ritualisation of the Traditions of the Tamil Hindus and the Tamil Roman Catholics in Norway
Authors: Jacobsen Knut
Published: July 2010

The purpose of this essay is to make a contribution to the study of religious pluralism in the south Asian diasporas. The essay compares the establishment of ritual traditions of the Tamil Hindus and the Tamil Roman Catholics in Norway. There are several parallel developments, and the essay identifies some of these similarities. It is argued that features sometimes assumed to be unique of the Hindu diaspora may not always be so, but may be common features of several of the religious traditions of south Asia in the diaspora. Attention to the plurality of religious traditions in the south Asian diasporas is therefore sometimes a better strategy than the study of each religious tradition in isolation.
Journeying Towards Multiculturalism? The Relationship between Immigrant Christians and Dutch Indigenous Churches
Authors: Frederiks Martha Th. , Pruiksma Nienke
Published: July 2010

Due to globalisation and migration western Europe has become home to adherents of many different religions. This article focuses on one aspect of the changes on the religious scene; it investigates in what way immigration—and Christian immigrant religiosity particularly—has affected the structure and identity of the Dutch Roman Catholic Church and the Protestant Church in the Netherlands. We argue that the Roman Catholic Church in the Netherlands has been able to accommodate a substantial group of immigrants whilst the PCN seems to encounter more problems responding to the increasingly multicultural society. We conclude that both churches, however, in structure and theology, remain largely unaffected by the influx of immigrant Christians.
William Henry Fitchett: Methodist, Englishman, Australian, Imperialist
Authors: Stuart John , Welch Ian
Published: July 2010

Historians of colonial Australia have long been fascinated by the effects of religious change on urban New South Wales and Victoria in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. This period, it is generally acknowledged, was one of evangelical revival amongst Anglicans and nonconformists alike. Well known (and sometimes world-renowned) evangelists from Great Britain and the United States invariably included cities such as Sydney and Melbourne on their international itineraries. But the local evangelical presence was strong; and this article focuses on William Henry Fitchett, a Melbourne-based evangelical Methodist clergyman who has largely escaped the attention of historians of religion. The reason he has done so is because he achieved fame in a rather different field: as a popular author of imperial histories and biographies. His published works sold in the hundreds of thousands. Yet he also wrote many serious works on religious matters. This article places Fitchett in the context of evangelical mission and revival within and beyond Australia, while also paying due attention to the influence of religion on his writing career. Les historiens de l'Australie coloniale ont longtemps été fascinés par les effets des transformations religieuses dans le monde urbain de New South Wales et Victoria durant le dernier quart du 19e siècle. Cette période est généralement considérée comme ayant été celle d'un Réveil évangélique parmi les Anglicans et les non-conformistes. Des évangélistes connus (et parfois mondialement connus) venus de Grande Bretagne et des Etats-Unis incluaient invariablement dans leurs périples internationaux des villes comme Sydney et Melbourne. Mais la présence évangélique locale était aussi forte, et cet article se concentre sur un pasteur de l'Eglise Méthodiste évangélique basé à Melbourne, William Henry Fitchett, qui a largement échappé à l'attention des historiens de la religion. La raison en est qu'il s'est rendu célèbre dans un domaine autre que religieux, à savoir comme auteur populaire d'histoires et biographies impériales. Les travaux qu'il a publiés se sont vendus par centaines de milliers d'exemplaires, mais il a aussi écrit des œuvres sérieuses sur des questions de religion. Le présent article replace Fitchett dans le contexte de la mission évangélique et du Réveil en Australie et au-delà, tout en se penchant sur la question de l'influence de la religion sur sa carrière d'auteur.
Defining the Heathen in Ireland and Africa: Two Similar Discourses a Century Apart
Authors: Bateman Fiona
Published: July 2010

This article looks at two different missionary projects separated by space and time: British Protestant missions to Ireland in the mid-nineteenth century; and Irish Roman Catholic missions to Africa in the 1920 and 1930s. It argues that in both cases missionary discourses were strongly influenced by prevailing public attitudes towards the 'other', in the earlier case the Irish, in the later case, the Africans. Using evidence from a range of contemporary mission publications, the article highlights the similarity between British Protestant efforts to 'colonise' Ireland in religious terms and later Irish Catholic attempts to create a 'Spiritual Empire' in Africa in the context of the recently-formed Irish Free State and in contrast to the ostensibly materialistic and corrupting influences on Africa of British imperialism. Cet article se penche sur deux projets missionnaires séparés dans le temps et l'espace: les missions protestantes britanniques en Irlande au milieu du 19e siècle, et les missions catholiques irlandaises en Afrique dans les années 1920-30. Il montre que, dans les deux cas, le discours missionnaire a été influencé par la façon dont le rapport à l'«Autre,» qu'il soit irlandais dans un cas ou africain dans l'autre, était généralement conçu. Par l'analyse de nombreuses publications missionnaires, le texte révèle les similarités existant entre les efforts des protestants britanniques pour «coloniser» religieusement l'Irlande et, plus tard, les efforts des Catholiques irlandais pour créer un «Empire spirituel» en Afrique dans le contexte du nouvel Etat Libre d'Irlande et d'un désir de se distinguer des influences matérialistes et néfastes de l'impérialisme britannique en Afrique.
Les Lieux de L'expansion Évangélique à Cotonou : Centralité des Espaces Cultuels et Dilution des Espaces du Prosélytisme
Authors: Mayrargue Cédric
Published: July 2010

Focusing on the ways in which evangelical movements appropriate space, this article analyses the current dynamics of Christian expansion in Cotonou (Benin). Religious actors use all the opportunities the city off ers in terms of space, as they invest more and more sites with evangelical symbols. A double process is at play: on the one hand, the dynamics of these highly volatile and scattered sites, which are overrun by religious manifestations and give the impression that the whole city is being proselytized and, on the other, the valorisation of sites of worship as symbols of permanency and settlement for religious entrepreneurs. e paper concentrates on three processes: the centrality of sites of worship as the main framework of religious activity; the fragmentation of sites of proselytism which results in the presence of Christian actors in places that have no worshiping dimension and that were initially dedicated to other types of social activities; finally, the dilution of spaces of proselytism leading to the occupation of collective sites as well as the private sphere (squares, streets, concessions). Cet article étudie les dynamiques de l'expansion chrétienne à Cotonou (Bénin) à partir des modes d'appropriation de l'espace par les expressions évangéliques contemporaines. Les acteurs religieux utilisent toutes les opportunités que leur off re la ville en termes d'espace : de plus en plus de lieux sont investis par des acteurs et des symboles évangéliques. Un double processus est à l'œuvre : d'un côté une dynamique d'éclatement et de volatilité des espaces investis par le religieux, comme si la ville entière constituait un terrain de prosélytisme, de l'autre une logique de valorisation des lieux de culte, symbole de permanence et d'enracinement pour les entrepreneurs religieux. Trois processus sont étudiés : la centralité des lieux de culte comme cadre principal de l'activité religieuse ; la fragmentation des lieux du prosélytisme qui se traduit par la présence d'acteurs chrétiens dans des espaces n'ayant aucune dimension cultuelle et dédiés initialement et principalement à d'autres activités sociales ; la dilution des espaces de prosélytisme, enfi n, correspondant à une occupation de lieux collectifs et d'espaces privés : places, rues, concessions.
Rembrandts eerste Amsterdamse periode
Authors: Broos Ben
Published: July 2010

In 1925 W. Martin published Pieter Lastman's painting Coriolanus and the Roman Women (Dublin, Trinity College). He read the date as 1622, which is stated in all subsequent publications. In the Lastman exhibition at the Rembrandthuis in 1991 the signature was transcribed as 'PLastman fecit A

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1625'. This reading was, albeit unnoticed, a new source of information about Rembrandt's debut. Lastman's importance as Rembrandt's teacher is known. His Coriolanus turned out to be a key work, as has been stressed by Schatborn and Schwartz. On the basis of this painting, Rembrandt's training stint with Lastman has been dated 1624-1625 (Haak, Van de Wetering, White). Broos favoured 1625-1626, contending that this is suggested by Rembrandt's paintings of those years. Rembrandt's status in Lastman's workshop evidently entitled him to sign his own work. This view is contradicted by Defoer, who deems it unlikely that work signed by pupils would have left the master's workshop. It now appears that this actually did happen. In the year that Lastman painted his Coriolanus (1625), Rembrandt signed his first biblical painting, The Stoning of St. Stephen. This work, and notably the History painting in Leiden, is, also according to Chr. Vogelaar, inconceivable without the example of Coriolanus. A series of pictures dating from 1625 and 1626 were painted under Lastman's supervision. Henceforth they will have to be assigned to Rembrandt's first Amsterdam period, although they were hitherto regarded as dating from his time in Leiden. In the 1630s and also towards the end of his life, Rembrandt bore witness to his admiration of Lastman. Rembrandt must have been in Amsterdam in 1625 and 1626. During his stay there he met Hendrick van Uylenburgh, who settled in Amsterdam in 1625. Rembrandt was in contact with him, invested in his business, moved into his house in 1631, met his niece Saskia there and fell in love with her. The year 1625 undeniably marked a turning point in the life of the Leiden painter who was to become a burgher of Amsterdam.
Une oeuvre retrouvée de Hans van den Elburcht, franc-maître à Anvers en 1536
Authors: Delvingt Anne
Published: July 2010

The origins of the Martyrdom of Saint James the Less, an anonymous painting in the convent of the Sisters of Charity at Saint-Grhislain, have been traced. It was formerly one of the wings of a triptych that stood on the altar of the Fishmongers Guild in Antwerp Cathedral until 1798. The style and type of the figures in the Martyrdom of Saint James the Less are, in fact, analogous to those in the central panel of this triptych, the Miraculous Draught of Fishes (Antwerp Cathedral) as well as in its left wing, the Baptism of the Eunuch by Saint Philip, which was recognised in 1966 by Josua Bruyn in the Boijmans Van Beuningen Museum in Rotterdam. The subjects of the triptych's individual panels correspond with the dedication of the Fishmongers' Altar to Saints Peter, Philip and James the Less at the end of the sixteenth century. The Martyrdom of Saint James the Less is an extremely rare subject in Early Netherlandish painting, which serves as a decisive argument for identifying the panel in Saint-Ghislain as the right wing of the triptych. The artist, Hans van den Elburcht, employed the same engraving dated 1556 for the composition of the central panel as well as for two figures in the right wing, which thus provides a Terminus post quem of 1556 for the production of the triptych. A date of execution in the 1570s is most likely, since the style of the work is close to that of compositions by Maerten de Vos of the 1560s (cf. a series of the story of Rebecca in Rouen). Consequently, Van den Elburcht's triptych probably replaced an altarpiece that was destroyed during the Iconoclastic fury of 1566.
Philip van Dijk, een achttiende-eeuwse Haagse schilderkunsthandelaar met een lokale en internationale clientèle*
Authors: Altes Everhard Korthals
Published: July 2010

Philip van Dijk was an important eighteenth-century painter-dealer. During this period lots of dealers in paintings started out as painters, a combination also found previously in the seventeenth century. Quite a few painters began dealing due to the falling demand for contemporary art in the eighteenth century, and some of them sought new outlets abroad where there were many well-off collectors interested in both contemporary Dutch painters and the masters of the seventeenth century. Van Dijk, too, built up a clientele both locally in The Hague and abroad. Bills and receipts from Johan Hendrik, Count of Wassenaer Obdam, show that Van Dijk was actively involved in putting together the count's collection for more than 20 years. He bought old master paintings at auction as well as privately, painted several works himself, and was also a restorer. He provided similar wide-ranging services to Wilhelm of Hesse-Kassel, and bought paintings on the Dutch market for him. As a result of his painting skills, Van Dijk must have had a good eye for quality, and he could tell the difference between an original and a copy. Wilhelm sent the young painter Freese to Van Dijk's studio in The Hague, not just as an apprentice but also to learn the finer points of art dealing. Van Dijk was most likely also involved in the purchasing of paintings by other German rulers, among them Augustus III of Saxony and Christian Ludwig of Mecklenburg-Schwerin.
'gedaen door N. de Vos, tot Antwerpen'. Lotgevallen van de portretten van Joris Vezelaer en Margaretha Boghe, voorouders van Constantijn Huygens, geschilderd door Joos van Cleve
Authors: Schlüter Lucy L.E.
Published: July 2010

Based on four letters dating from the period between December 1652 to January 1653, the article documents the vicissitudes of the portraits (and copies of them) of Joris Vezelaer and Margaretha Boghe. This couple, portrayed by Joos van Cleve in about 1518, were identified by Horst Gerson as the parents of Constantijn Huygens on his mother's side. Huygens, eager to obtain the original portraits or at least copies of them, makes enquiries from the art dealer Matthijs Musson in Antwerp and from the nephew (and niece) Buyex Alewyn, former guardians of the parental heritage in Deurne, but to his great surprise discovers copies which had been put on the market. Beatrix de Cusance, duchess of Lorraine, was so charmed by Huygens' enthusiasm for the ancestral portraits that she decided to buy them and present them to Constantijn. According to Buycx's letter of January 1653 the original portraits were sent to Vienna after the painter De Vos of Antwerp had made two sets of copies. Buycx, who owned one of these copies, consented to retrieve the original portraits from Vienna. This appeared to solve the problem of ancestral portraits, but no matter how grateful Huygens was to the Duchess of Lorraine, he was apparently not satisfied with mere copies. In a letter written fifteen years later (December 1667) it appears that Jacob Buycx had obtained further information about the location of the portraits, but had been unable to track them down after the sister of his wife, Helena Alewyn of Vienna, had received them. Buycx presumed an heir in Vienna, perhaps a Salicouffer, had them in his possession. From the Huygens collection of letters it appeared that there was another letter with information of the portrait panels. This letter, written in Dutch from Vienna (dated December 1, 1667) from an unknown writer to an unknown recipient indicates that a member of the Zollickhoffer family who had come down in the world may have sold the portraits. The letter also mentions the merchant Golddast of Vienna, who had been approached by someone in Holland to trace the "gentleman from Zuylichem" for a considerable amount of money. Unfortunately for Constantijn, however, the original portraits failed to return. One set of copies of the ancestors on both sides of the family remained until well into the eighteenth century - until 1786 - in the Huygens collection of family portraits, but to this day the whereabouts of neither of Margaretha Boghe's two copies have been traced.
Philips Angels Lof der schilder-konst
Authors: Miedema Hessel
Published: July 2010

Philips Angel's Lof der schilder-const (In Praise of Painting, 1642) is one of the few pieces of writing we have as a source of notions on the theory of painting in the Netherlands. Yet it was not intended as an art-theoretical treatise: Angel read the text at a St. Luke's feast as part of the activities that were being undertaken to acquire guild rights for Leiden painters. In order to assess the value of the theoretical notions on which the paper is based, it is therefore necessary to analyse as far as possible the circumstances of its writing. First the Angel family is examined. Orginally from Antwerp, the Angels moved north in the 1590s, probably because of the Eighty Years' War, settling in Middelburg and Leiden. They were fairly prosperous middle-class citizens, mostly schoolteachers, painters and small shopkeepers. Both the Middelburg and Leiden branches produced painters called Philips Angel. The Middelburg Philips, almost certainly identical with a painter called Philips Angel who was active in Haarlem, is known to have produced quite a lot of paitings. Only one small etching by the Leiden Philips has survived; nothing is known of any paintings by him. The Leiden Philips, the author of Lof der schilder-const, had a turbulent career. He joined the painters who pressed for guild rights in Leiden, to which end he held his speech in 1641. As early as 1645, though, he gave up painting and travelled as an employee of the United East-Indian Compary to Indonesia. From there, promoted to the high rank of chief merchant, he was sent to Persia. He was dismissed on grounds of embezzlement, but managed to procure the post of court painter to the Shah. By 1656, however, he was back in Batavia (Jakarta), where he again obtained a number of highly regarded positions. Fired again for mismanagement and defalcation, his end was inglorious. The Lof der Schilder-const shows evident signs of a general tendency among Dutch painters of the mid-seventeenth century to claim a higher status for their profession. The text is duly meant less as a theoretical treatise than as a rhetorical amplificatio of the painter's profession. The author seems to have been reasonably well-read, although by no means scholarly; nor was he very conversant with the Italian art theory of his day. Scrutiny of the text reveals his superficial and undiscerning paraphrases of the few sources at his disposal (mainly Karel van Mander's Schilder-boeck and the Dutch translation of Franciscus Junius' De pictura veterum). Much of his eulogy is a summing-up of the distinguished characteristics a painter ought to have. The remarkable thing is that not one of those characteristics provides specific insight into the professional practise of the Leiden painters around 1641. As far as they are at all relevant to what was being painted in Leiden at that time - take the Leiden 'Precise School' of Gerard Dou's circle -, his remarks provide little more insight than a superficial consideration of the paintings would arouse in any layman.
'de beste Schilders van het gantsche Nederlandt' Karel van Mander en het Haarlemse cultuurbeleid 1603-1606
Authors: Van Bueren Truus
Published: July 2010

Karel van Mander's Schilder-Boeck was published in 1604. During this period the Haarlem city council was pursuing an active cultural policy in which painting played a central role. In 1603, the porter at the Prinscnhof was instructed not to refuse admission to people who wanted to view the paintings and other objects of art housed there. That same year Hendrik Goltzius, Cornelis van Haarlem and Hendrik Vroom were commissioned to paint pictures of their own choice to commemmorate their art. The paintings were to hang in the Prinsenhof. In 1605 the council cndcavoured to ensure the city's claim to a number of paintings from the Jansklooster. This monastery, unlike others in Haarlem, had not been seized when the city became Protestant. The monks were allowed to keep their property until the last one died, but not to adopt any more monks. In 1605 the council demanded an inventory of the immovables and of the paintings too. The majority of the paintings in the inventory, which was supplied a year later, proved to be the work of highly esteemed artists. Although by no means all the art in the monasterey was listed, the city council did not protest. The intention had simply been to secure the important paintings with a view to placing in the Prinsenhof when the time came. Karel van Mander and his friends Cornelis van Haarlem and Hendrik Goltzius undoubtedly contributed to the creation of a climate in which such an art policy was feasible. Van Mander had spent years preparing his Schilder-Boeck, and had paid a great deal of attention to Haarlem painting. In his efforts to gather information the had established numerous contacts. He had carefully described he paintings in the Prinsenhof, and had also seen works by Haarlem painters belonging to private individuals. One such man was Gerrit Willemsz. van Schoterbosch, a burgomaster who had been on the council when that body commissioned Cornelis van Haarlem to make four paintings for the Prinsenhof during the last decade of the 16th century, and also during the period discussed here, 1603-1605. What were the aims of the city council in pursuing this cultural policy? There are two possibilities, both of which are encountered in the Schilder-Boeck. Van Mander wanted to elevate painting to a higher status than a craft. In his praise of painting he therefore dwelt at length on art lovers who collected paintings for art's sake. May not the city council have desired to assemble such a collection? If so, something very special was happening in Haarlem. Perhaps there is more to be said for the other possibility, to which Van Mander also refers: the council could have enlisted the Haarlem painters to sing the praises of the city.
Een en ander over Van Mander
Authors: Reznicek E.K.J.
Published: July 2010

Five drawings by Karel van Mander are discussed. The two early ones were done while he was in Italy. Van Mander's frescos in Terni, including St. Bartholomew's Night, are then compared with Vasari's paintings in the Sala Regia in the Vatican as derivations. This is preceded by a review of the relevant bibliography, notably Noë, Miedema, Melion and Sapori. The article ends by advocating a multilateral, balanced, methodical approach.
Het portret van Jacobus Hendriksz. Zaffius door Frans Hals
Authors: Van Thiel Pieter J.J.
Published: July 2010

The bust of Jacobus Zaffius (figs. 1 and 2) in Haarlem's Frans Hals Museum was discovered in 1919. Since that time it has been regarded as a fragment of a large portrait of Zaffius painted by Hals in 1611 and believed to be lost. Jan van de Velde made a print of the missing portrait in 1630 (fig. 3). Recently it emerged that the panel on which the bust is painted is bevelled all round, and that the ground and paint continue over the edges. This means that it cannot be a fragment. The theory that Hals himself painted the copy is untenable. The weak design and indifferent pictorial quality suggest that the painting is a contemporary anonymous copy. An attempt to identify the companion portraits of a man and a woman in Birmingham and Chatsworth (figs. 4 and 5), variously dated as 1610/11 and 1617/18, with a view to establishing their true dates, has failed. It was hoped that if discovered to have been painted in or around 1611, they might have served as material for a stylistic comparison. The investigation yielded only a few supplementary heraldic (fig. 6) and genealogical data. Research in the Haarlem municipal archives uncovered new information pertaining to Zaffius' financial capital and family connections. As archdeacon of the diocese of Haarlem and provost of the Haarlem chapter, Jacobus Hendriksz. Zaffius (Amsterdam 1534-1618 Haarlem) experienced the turbulent history of the Dutch Catholic church during the birth of the Republic. Towards the end of his life he added a few houses to a recently founded bofje of almshouses (fig. 9). Van de Velde's print was made in 1630, when Catholicism had established itself in the Dutch archdiocese and embarked on the documentation of its own history in the form of, among others, portraits of prominent figures of the past.
David de Hooch, een I7de-eeuws landschapschilder
Authors: De Kinkelder Marijke C.
Published: July 2010

In I990 two paintings turned up - originally constituting one larger panel, cat. 9a and 9b - which might be attributed to a little-known landscape painter: David de Hooch, active in Amsterdam, possibly Utrecht and perhaps The Hague between I639 and I655, as can be deduced from scant archival data and stylistic afflnities. Doubtlessly influenced by Bartholomeus Breenbergh's works of the I630s, De Hooch painted mainly Italianate landscapes, probably without ever having travelled to Italy himself. Most of the works assembled here were known under different and sometimes unlikely attributions such as Breenbergh, his namesakes and possible relatives Charles and Horatius de Hooch, Willem de Poorter, Anthonie van der Croos, Cornelis Decker and even Aelbert Cuyp. Here, eighteen paintings are presented and catalogued in a provisional chronology: five earlier, clearly somewhat inexperienced works, leaning heavily on examples by other painters (cat. I - 5), are followed by six paintings which show the artist gradually developing his own style (cat. 6 - II). The last seven pictures (cat. I2 - I8) most probably date from De Hooch's mature period, in all likelihood the first half of the I650s. Most of these are fairly large formats, on which the artist achieved quite well-constructed, unified compositions with a convincing atmosphere.
Wat bedoelde Rembrandt in zijn derde brief aan Constantijn Huygens over diens huis te zeggen?
Authors: Bruyn J.
Published: July 2010

In Horst Gerson's edition of the seven letters Rembrandt addressed to Constantijn Huygens (notes 1 and 2), part of the last paragraph of the third letter has been misread in the transcription and was consequently rendered incorrectly in the translation. Referring to a painting he wished to present to Huygens, Rembrandt wrote that it 'will be presented to my lord at his house' ('sal mijn heer vereer[t] werden in sijnen Huijsen'). Unfortunately, Rembrandt omitted a t and wrote the words to form a single word. In the transcription an e was added, which resulted in the non-existent word 'vereerweerden'. The passage was then translated, quite imaginatively, as '[the picture] will be worthy of my lord's house'. This version has been generally accepted in English and even in Dutch renderings of the letter (note 5) and has been used as a starting point for speculations on Rembrandt's 'baroque' style and Huygens's 'classicist' taste (note 6). However, it clearly invests Rcmbrandt's words with a programmatic significance which is completely alien to what was merely a practical piece of information.
Nogmaals Pieter Bruegels Nestrover
Authors: Schlüter Lucy , Vinken Pierre
Published: July 2010

In The Bird Nester Bruegel combines two proverbs whose respective English translations are: 'He who knows where the nest is, knows it; he who robs it, has it' and 'He who falls from the edge of the ditch into it', which also call transiency and death to mind. The composition of the painting and the symbolic significance of all the carefully chosen elements are bound to have reminded the educated contemporary beholder of the inevitability of death. Every detail in the picture conveys the same message. No more conclusive explanation than that of a memento mori has ever been offered for this mysterious painting.
Een schilderij van Jacopo Palma il Giovane in een vroeg zeventiende-eeuwse Amsterdamse verzameling
Authors: Cohen-Willner Saskia
Published: July 2010

In this article a drawing by Palma il Giovane, now owned by the Staatliche Graphische Sammlung in Munich, is identified as a study for a painting by the same artist. The present whereabouts of this painting, which early on in the 17th century was in the collection of the Amsterdam merchant and art-lover Hendrick van Os, are unknown. Identification of the drawing was facilitated by the lengthy description of this work in Karel van Mander's biography of Palma Giovane in the Italian Lives of his Schilderboeck (Haarlem 1604). Van Mander describes the painting as showing Venus, Juno and Minerva seated at a table, while the angry Discord has just thrown the apple of discord in their midst. His description of the Van Os painting conforms perfectly, almost down to the smallest detail, with the Munich drawing. Van Mander, during his entire stay in Italy, never visited Venice. For his notion of Venetian painting he relied largely on the information he received from visitors to Venice and its surroundings or on Venetian works he had seen elsewhere, either in other Italian cities or in the Netherlands. For his description of Palma Giovanc's artistic skills Van Mander could rely on his firsthand knowledge of the painting owned by Hendrick van Os.
De Romeinse Panorama's van Jan de Bisschop en Theodoor Matham
Authors: Zwollo AN
Published: July 2010

In many cases it is possible to identify the sources from which Jan de Bisschop copied his Italianate landscapes and town views. A Map of Rome, drawn by Jan de Bisschop and engraved by J. Lamsvelt (fig. i), is likewise based on an earlier example, Matteo Gregorio De Rossi's map of I668. One of the items in the exhibition devoted to Jan de Bisschop at the Rembrandthuis, Amsterdam, from December I9 I992 to February 28 I993, was a Panorama of Rome from the Pierpont Morgan Library in New York (fig. 3). The author, Michiel Plomp, asserts that Jan de Bisschop based this work on the Panorama of Rome by Theodoor Matham, who was active in Rome between I633 and I637. Hitherto only two sections of Matham's panorama were known in the Print Room of the Rijksmuseum in Amsterdam (figs.4a and b). For a proper comparison of the two panoramas, Matham's third, right-hand section showing a View of Castel S. Angelo and S. Pietro, should be taken into consideration (figs.2 and 4c). This drawing is kept in the Kennemerland Archive Office at Haarlem. Matham's panorama can be dated to I637-I645, after his return to Amsterdam. In the catalogue of the sale of the Neyman collection planned for late June I776 in Paris, the three sections of Matham's panorama are still listed as a single lot. Compositionally, the two panoramas are very similar. Both extend from the Villa Medici to S. Pietro, and both are seen from two different viewpoints north of the Porta del Popolo. However, a few differences can also be observed. Some of the topographical elements are more distinct in Jan de Bisschop's panorama than in Matham's: the shape of Bernini's belfry, the position of the Obelisco Flaminio on the Piazza del Popolo, and the course of the Tiber. It is therefore highly unlikely that Jan de Bisschop based his panorama on the sections of Theodoor Matham's in Amsterdam and Haarlem. Did Jan de Bisschop perhaps consult Matham's preliminary, on-the-spot sketches? Or are we to assume that a third draughtsman is involved, and that both Matham and De Bisschop based their panoramas on his work?
Vital- Und Supravitalfärbung Verschiedener Organe Und Organsysteme Von Amphioxus Lanceolatus
Authors: Van Weel P.B.
Published: July 2010

1. Basische Farbstoffe (Toluidinblau, Neutralrot, Methylenblau, Nilblausulfat) färben in allen Zellen präformierte, teils paraplasmatische Granula und Einschlüsse. Die Lipochondrien, die nicht paraplasmatischer Natur sind, haben in polarisierten Zellen eine überwiegend bestimmte Orientierung, während sie, z.B. in den pigmenthaltenden Zellen der Kiemenspalten, im ganzen Plasma verteilt liegen. 2. Die Darmzellen färben sich im allgemeinen sehr schwer, während die Färbungsbereitschaft verschieden ist, nämlich: A. je nach dem Ernährungszustand, B. je nach dem Arbeitsstadium, c. je nach der Aufnahmebereitschaft der Zellen selbst. Wahrscheinlich reguliert die Basalkornzone die Aufnahme der verschiedenen Stoffe. Die Darmzellen vermögen also das Eindringen basischer Farbstoffe zu wehren. Die anderen untersuchten Zellarten vermögen dies nicht. 3. Mit Janusgrün B färben sich die Mitochondrien in geringerem oder höherem Masse. Sie liegen als kleine Granula-ketten in der Zelle regellos verteilt, in polarisierten Zellen jedoch meistens in der Längsachse. In den Solenocyten sind Mitochondrien vital nicht aufzufinden. 4. Mit sauren Farbstoffen werden nur vorhandene Zelleinschlüsse gefärbt. Neuentstehung gefärbter Granula findet nicht statt. In den Darmzellen werden allgemein nur die Lipochondrien tingiert. Die Zellen des Kiemenkorbs verhalten sich sauren Farbstoffen gegenüber nicht alle gleich. Die Anfärbung der Lipochondrien (und manchmal die diffuse Plasmadurchtränkung) der Solenocyten lässt vermuten, dass diese im Stande sind ausser Wasser auch gelöste Stoffe aufzunehmen und weiterzubefördern. Sie würden dann auch excretionsfähig sein. 5. Die Leukomethylenblauoxydation erscheint zuerst diffus im Grundplasma (diffuse Bläuung). Spezielle Oxydo-Redukase-träger sind also nicht vorhanden. Sekundär wird das Methylenblau von den Lipochondrien gespeichert.
The Influence of Temperature Upon Gas-Exchange in Fish
Authors: Punt A.
Published: July 2010

Q00 values are calculated for CO2-output of tench (Tinca tinca L.) and Cichlasoma bimaculatum (L.). For normal tench the Q10 is maximal at temperatures, between 10Â° and 17.5Â°. By accustoming the animal during several weeks to higher temperatures, the maximal value for Q10 is to be found at a higher temperature too. The gas-exchange of Cichlasoma bimaculatum did not show a maximal Q10 within physiological range of temperature.
Reformed Education in Early Modern Europe: a Survey1
Authors: Ehrenpreis Stefan
Published: July 2010

Reformed education in sixteenth-century Europe shared common aims and methods with the educational models of other confessions, but the Reformed put them into action earlier and with greater force. Reformed educational models were characterized both by the integration of the educational idea into the local parish level and by a utopian concept of universal reform. The Reformed used international networks of scholars and publishers to disseminate their ideas. In the second half of the seventeenth century, Reformed models neglected the new, popular methods of mass instruction and, at the same time, their acceptance declined.
Preaching Practice: Reformed Students' Sermons
Authors: Maag Karin
Published: July 2010

This contribution assesses the ways in which Reformed theology students in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries learned how to preach. Based on Genevan and French sources, as well as a training manual for pastors by Andreas Hyperius, the author argues that although the sermon stood at the center of Reformed worship, the training in homiletics given to future pastors was rather haphazard. Consistency of preparation was also hampered by disputes between various church authorities over the oversight of candidates, and by the candidates' own emphasis on form over substance in their sermons, particularly in the early seventeenth century.