bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Corruption and Mismanagement in Botswana: a Best-Case Example?
Authors: Good Kenneth
Published: November 2008

IndependentBotswana has developed on three main pillars: rapid and sustained economic growth (over the decade to 1992, for example, at 8.4 per cent a year, third-highest among all developing countries, and far in excess of any other in Africa); multi-party or liberal democracy; and an efficient central state, the main features of which have been identified and praised by observers. With growth, an accompanying build-up of a relatively strong governmental system took place, with activities especially focused on finance and planning. The civil service was maintained at a high level, according to Ravi Gulhati, by avoiding rapid localisation, by providing high compensation for officials, and by keeping well-defined lines of authority and accountability. Able people were placed in key positions and kept there for extended periods. The political elite fairly consistently sought expert advice from leading bureaucrats, and the two groups have displayed a closeness and mutuality of interest built upon their common involvement in cattle and commerce, and the not uncommon tendency for cabinet ministers to arise from the ranks of the senior bureaucracy.
The Management of Educational Crises in Côte d'Ivoire
Authors: Daddieh Cyril Kofie
Published: November 2008

Since the attainment of formal political independence in the early 1960s, African leaders have been grappling with the problem of how to manage domestic political conflicts in such a way that their resolution will facilitate, rather than undermine, the maintenance of incumbent régimes. This task, never easy in the best of circumstances, has become even more daunting in recent years as the ongoing economic crisis has deprived most African states of the resources necessary for the continued use of co-optation as the most effective technique for dealing with critics who have their own political aspirations. A further complication is that the ‘frustrations of independence’ have eroded the prestige and personal legitimacy that was once enjoyed by the generation of anti- colonial leaders partly as a result of what might be described as the ‘elder tradition’ in African political culture.1
Political Impediments to Economic Rationality: Explaining Zimbabwe's Failure to Reform its Public Sector
Authors: Herbst Jeffrey
Published: November 2008

After Many years of exhortations, it is now widely claimed that African governments are beginning to implement the reforms needed to fundamentally alter their economies.1 Zimbabwe, after achieving independence 15 years later than most of the continent, has been singled out as a country that immdiately recognised the lessons of African economic failures and therefore adopted more rational policies.2 However, efforts to rationalise the public sector have often proceeded much slower than other reforms designed to reverse ‘the trend of chronic economic decline’, notably by reducing over-valued currencies, increasing agricultural prices, and lowering real urban wages.3 Even Zimbabwe, despite its record of relatively good economic management, has not been able to adopt a package of policies which would resolve the severe problems of its parastatals, namely those companies/corporations/other organisations owned by the state that operate outside the formal governmental apparatus. In Zimbabwe specifically and in Africa generally, the political imperatives of leaders have often prevented the adoption, let alone the implementation of comprehensive public-sector reforms.
The South African Elections of 1994: the Remaking of a Dominant-Party State
Authors: Southall Roger
Published: November 2008

The South African elections of 1994 constituted one of those rare historical moments when humankind made a significant step forward. The peaceful culmination of a liberation struggle, which for years many had feared would end in a bloodbath, registered not only a triumph for the democratic ideal but the resounding defeat of racism as an organising principle of government. If its more recent reference point was the collapse of dictatorial régimes throughout Eastern Europe during 1989–90, it can more distantly be identified as following in the grand tradition of 1789, confirming and extending and elaborating the ‘rights of man’. Yet historical ‘progress’ rarely unfolds in an uncomplicated way, and — however momentous and however much the external world may be willing it to succeed — South Africa's new democracy, by fairly general agreement, faces daunting tasks.
Trapped in the Traffick: Growing Problems of Drug Consumption in Lagos
Authors: Klein Axel
Published: November 2008

Theliterature on drugs in Africa includes policy statements by government officials which, by and large, follow the line set by international organisations created to design counter-measures to drug consumption and trafficking, such as the World Health Organisation (WHO) and the International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) of the United Nations. At this level the debate revolves largely around the effectiveness of different preventative strategies; control programmes and the performance of agencies are evaluated, and authors often bewail the perversion of moral values in the countries concerned, while appeals for financial assistance figure frequently in the media. Much less well known are the oral traditions and the popular culture in which the drug users, traffickers, and barons are ascribed certain roles. I would like to compare the material contained in these different bodies of work with my own field observations from the drug ‘scene’ in both high and low density areas of Lagos.
Non-Commercial Systems of Land Allocation and their Economic Implications: Evidence from Burkina Faso
Authors: Stamm Volker
Published: November 2008

The preliminary results of on-going research in Burkina Faso, undertaken in collaboration with the University of Ouagadougou, suggest that the lack of titled land and land markets does not necessarily imply serious economic disadvantages, such as little investment or low productivity, and that the transaction costs of moving from a traditional to a modern system of land tenure would be far higher than if old arrangements continued to operate.
Nation Building and Image Building in the Tanzanian Press
Authors: Condon John C.
Published: November 2008

The press in Tanzania mirrors the political consciousness of a newly independent state and reflects some of the ambiguities that accompany political articulation in a one-party democracy. In this analysis of the four daily newspapers, special attention has been given to the ‘news geography’ which is presented in an attempt to anticipate the world image or ‘psychological geography’ which results from reading the daily newspaper. For even the selection of what news to print reflects the tensions and conflicts between an ideal news policy and the limitations imposed by the lack of funds, personnel, and the influence of the western news services.
The New States of Southern Africa
Authors: Spence J. E.
Published: November 2008

A Year has elapsed since the granting of independence to Basutoland and Bechuanaland and, on an academic level at least, there appears to be no slackening of interest in the problems besetting the new states of Lesotho and Botswana and the remaining territory of Swaziland which is due to receive independence in 1968. Each of the books considered here contributes in varying degree to our understanding of their prospects in an environment in which internal stresses combine with external dependence upon a powerful neighbour to limit the choices of their governments in many crucial areas of policy.
Political Theory and African Politics
Authors: Lofchie Michael F.
Published: November 2008

The subject-matter of African politics has always presented a special challenge and a special problem to political scientists, namely to develop a theory which would make sense of a vast, inchoate, and unfamiliar body of material. This problem has become particularly acute in the last year or two. The rapid deterioration of African political parties, a series of military coups, recurrent crises of national unity, and heightened tendencies towards anomic and violent behaviour have not only cast doubt on previous assumptions as to the nature of African political life but have also led to a heightened mood of theoretical uncertainty among political scientists.
New Forms of Foreign Investment In Africa
Authors: Helleiner G. K.
Published: November 2008

There has been an extended discussion in universities, governments, and international organisations throughout the post-war years of the potential and the means for increasing the flow of private long-term capital into the under-developed areas. This flow has been intended to ease the immediate constraints, principally those of capital and foreign exchange, upon development in these areas. Yet, in 1966, private foreign investment in the under-developed areas fell by 12 per cent, and by an absolute amount greater than the increase in official aid. This investment is, in any case, highly concentrated in a very few under-developed countries. Since 1964, income payments on earlier private investments have probably exceeded the total inflow of private capital which the developing areas have received.1 What prospects exist for gaining more private capital for the use of the under-developed world?
An Analysis of Kenyan Foreign Policy
Authors: Howell John
Published: November 2008

In foreign affairs, Kenya presents various faces to the international community. In global terms external policy has been markedly radical in nature and characterised by a strong sense of morality and idealism. Rarely does a major Kenyan foreign policy statement fail to contain some allusion to the inequalities of the present international order or some reassertion of both the desirability and the attainability of a peaceful and just international community of nations. In East African affairs, however, Kenya's policy has often been governed by rather more conservative and legitimist thinking, notably where any radical departure from the status quo is contemplated. It would appear that where foreign policy issues touch directly on primary Kenyan interests—say, national security, national development—the overt radicalism of Kenya's broad international policy is subject to considerable restraint. This ambivalence in Kenya's foreign relations can probably be best explained by examining separately the basically domestic pressures towards a broadly radical policy internationally and towards a more cautious conservatism within East Africa. One further aspect of Kenya's foreign relations is in the field of inter-African affairs, where tentatively one may suggest that Kenya has come to play the role of a prestigious neutral between two amorphous, but often distinct, groupings of what have been termed ‘radical’ and ‘moderate’ states.1 Here, foreign policy is far less a product of domestic pressures, and contingencies of history and factors of personality reassert their importance in foreign policy analysis.
Industrial Sociology in Africa: Foundations and Prospects
Authors: Smith Willie
Published: November 2008

How sensibly can one talk of industrial sociology in a non-industrial continent? Industrial sociology has been called the ‘special’ sociology whose task should be to carry through scientifically the analyses of the social relationships and interactions present within the industrial organisation in all its theoretical depth and breadth.1 Raif Dahrendorf, for instance, in Industrie und Betriebssoziologie (Berlin, 1962), whilst accepting industrial sociology as one of the ‘special’ sociologies, makes the reservation that it is concerned with the industrial society. But since the whole process of industrialisation was a historical one, the limitation of industrial sociology to any specific period must be an open question, especially since every kind of society requires the production of goods and services through industrial organisation. Elsewhere I have questioned the premises and validity of Dahrendorf's assertion;2 but it must be admitted that in its present form this special sociology has little or no meaning for the pre-industrial societies largely because they have not yet been exposed to it as a scientific tool. Nevertheless, sociological researches in pre-industrial societies can demonstrate the operational use of industrial sociological categories, such as performance efficiency and incentives, managerial techniques, industrial commitment, and the effect of industrial work on personality, as will be shown below by surveying the work of C. H. Northcott, W. Elkan, and Y. Glass in pre-industrial societies of Africa.
The Revolutionary Transformation of Ethiopia's Twentieth-Century Bureaucratic Empire
Authors: Keller Edmond J.
Published: November 2008

Ethiopia has long been regarded as the only African state, along with Liberia, to have escaped the ravages of European colonialism, the epitome of African independence and self-determination.1 It was also considered a stable, relatively integrated, and viable political community amidst a continent of new states characterised by chronic instability.2 But by 1974, most if not all of these myths were in the process of being broken, as Ethiopia struggled for its very existence against pressures from within and without that threatened to dismember the Empire.
The Political Survival of Traditional Leadership
Authors: Miller Norman N.
Published: November 2008

Viewed from the higher echelons of government in the new nations, the rural leader is an insignificant individual who goes about managing his local affairs and carrying out—with varying degrees of success—the policies and hopes of the government. Viewed from below, from the inner recesses of the village, the leader is a man of authority; a man who has used wealth, heredity, or personal magnetism to gain a position of influence. As seen by nation builders and development experts, the rural leader is tacitly pointed to as the key to success. It is he who can mobilise the people. It is through him that more energy will be expended, more muscles used, and more attitudes changed. Conversely, it is the leader's lack of initiative that will entrench the status quo and doom the modernisation schemes before they begin.
Conference on the Rural Base for National Development
Authors: Chambers Robert
Published: November 2008

This conference, held under the auspices of the British Ministry of Overseas Development, was the twenty-first in the series of annual University of Cambridge Overseas Studies Committee conferences. Originally devoted to colonial administration and development, especially in Africa, their concern has now spread to the third world as a whole. All the same, among the 150-odd academics, administrators, and politicians who attended, Africans and Africanists still predominated, as did African examples in the 14 papers presented.
Commonwealth Regional Seminar on Training for Public Administration
Authors: Kagwe Solomon
Published: November 2008

This seminar, held at the Kenya Institute of Administration under the auspices of the Commonwealth Foundation, was attended by the principals and some of the staff of schools and institutes of public administration in Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Mauritius, Malawi, Zambia, Lesotho, Swaziland, and Botswana; in addition, C.A.F.R.A.D. and E.C.A. were represented by observers. The proceedings were under the general chairmanship of J. E. Kariuki, principal of the Kenya Institute of Administration. Papers on five main subjects formed the basis for discussion.
Barotseland: the secessionist challenge to Zambia
Authors: Caplan Gerald L.
Published: November 2008

Few of the new nations of Africa lack, as part of their colonial heritage, their potential Biafras—hence the reluctance of most African states to recognise the secessionist Eastern Region of Nigeria. This article is concerned with one of them, the Barotse Province of Zambia, and attempts to illuminate the historical background of the situation, the motives of the Lozi ruling class in demanding secession, and the methods by which successive colonial and independent governments have met this challenge.
A Whig Interpretation of African Nationalism
Authors: Mohan Jitendra
Published: November 2008

A recent trio of books by Professor Ali Mazrui deals largely with the phenomenon and impact of Africa's emergence into independence. The Anglo-African Commonwealth (Oxford, Pergamon Press, 1967) argues the fertilising influence of English and English liberal ideas on the growth of African nationalism, and explores the changing character and role of the Commonwealth due to its progressive ‘Africanisation’ over the past decade. On Heroes and Uhuru-Worship (London, Longmans, 1967) is a collection of papers on ‘the politics of African independence’.
Conference of Heads of State and Government of West Africa
Authors: Mensah J. H.
Published: November 2008

This conference was attended by the Presidents of Guinea, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Upper Volta, and Senegal, the Prime Minister of the Gambia, the representative of the Chairman of the National Liberation Council of Ghana, and the representative of the Head of the Federal Military Government of Nigeria.

The initiative had been taken by the Heads of the Senegal River Basin States (Guinea, Mali, Mauritania, and Senegal) following meetings held by them at Nouakchott in November 1965, and at Bamako two years later. They proposed that such a conference should be held at Monrovia in order to create a West African regional group, and requested President Tubman of Liberia to play host. The conference was organised in two stages: a ministerial preparatory meeting, from 17 to 21 April, and the session of the Heads of State and Government, from 22 to 24 April 1968.
The Myth of a State
Authors: Goody Jack
Published: November 2008

That the distinction between myth and history is a tenuous one hardly requires elaborate documentation. Anthropologists have recorded the way in which accounts of the tribal past, recorded in genealogies, change with the organisation of the social groups to which they refer. In Malinowski's phrase, they serve as the ‘mythical charters’ of the social system. But this is a feature not only of non-literate societies.
Inter-regional Economic Relations in the Nigerian Footwear Industry
Authors: Nafziger E. Wayne
Published: November 2008

Scholars have very little information on inter-regional economic relations within African countries. This article focuses on patterns of inter-regional and socio-ethnic group migration and business relations in Nigeria,1with special reference to entrepreneurs who make or deal in footwear. The material presented refers only to the two-year period prior to thecoup d'étatof January 1966.
The Reorganisation of Nigeria's Administration
Authors: Murray D. J.
Published: November 2008

The period of military rule in Nigeria has brought fundamental changes in the country's administrative system, which foreshadow further significant ones to come. This is a useful point at which to summarise the changes so far made and consider what major problems remain.

Nigeria achieved independence from colonial rule in i960 with a federal system of government in which the administrative system was largely modelled on that of Britain. The Federation consisted at that stage of three Regions, the smallest of which was larger in terms of population than all but six of the 48 mainland countries in Africa. The federal and regional administrations were organised along lines familiar to the British civil service: the centrally deployed staff of the ministries and departments were divided into administrative, executive, secretarial, clerical, and miscellaneous classes, while specialised classes existed for those in the professional and technical grades. In addition, statutory corporations were established at both federal and regional levels to operate public enterprises, notably for marketing and development finance.
The N.C.N.C. and Ethnic Unions in Biafra
Authors: Smock Audrey Chapman
Published: November 2008

The omnipresence of ethnic factors as a determinant in Nigerian politics during the first republic appears almost as a truism for Africansts today. The fragmentation of Nigeria into two units with the secession of Biafra on 30 May 1967 constitutes the most tragic and vivid manifestation of the consequences of ethnic confrontation. But in addition to these well-known ethnic-bloc politics at the macropolitical— Federal—level, competition based on ethnic groups also characterised the regional and local political systems. After all, the separate identities of such ethnic groups as the Ibo, the Yoruba, and the Hausa—Fulani only became relevant and generally accepted subsequent to the Introduction of a representative political system after World War II.
Symposium on Technology as a Social Process in Africa
Authors: Gregori Thomas R. De
Published: November 2008

This symposium was sponsored jointly by the Society for the History of Technology (S.H.O.T.) and by the anthropology section of the American Association for the Advancement of Science (A.A.A.S.), arising from their annual meetings in Dallas, Texas, in December 1968. The session was clearly exploratory, in that the participants recognised the need for a systematic and integrative study of technology in African history, especially of its importance in defining cultural systems, in role differentiation and the division of labour between men and women in African communities, its interaction with the social and political system of a people—as demonstrated, for example, by irrigation systems—and its interrelationship with social needs and rituals in the evolution of music in Africa.
Studying Ethnic Consciousness in Tropical Africa
Authors: Wadlow René V. L.
Published: November 2008

Malagasy literary output and books about the Republic have already been dealt with in a bibliography of major importance, by Guillaume Grandidier, Bibliographie de Madagascar, vols. I and n (Paris, 1905-6 and 1935), vol. in (Tananarive, 1957), and vol. iv (in preparation). Since 1964 the national and university libraries have been working jointly on an annual bibliography, of which two volumes, for 1964 and 1965, have been published (Tananarive, 1967 and 1968). This short note does not aim to offer a complete bibliographical survey, but to provide for cultivated English-speakers a short but comprehensive list of non-specialised publications which would enable the ‘common reader’ to acquire a respectable knowledge of Madagascar.
The Indian Council for Africa
Authors: Ali Shanti Sadiq
Published: November 2008

With the emergence of India and African countries as free nations, it was acknowledged that they had a vital role to play in forging new relationships based on the principles of equality and mutual respect for one another. It was also considered important that they should promote friendship, understanding, and goodwill on a people-to-people basis through non-official agencies. This is how the Indian Council for Africa came into being in 1959, under the stewardship of Jawaharlal Nehru and Mrs Indira Gandhi as its Chief Patron. It was realised, however, that the Council, to be effective, should be as representative and national in character as possible, and one can therefore find a wide cross-section of Indian public opinion reflected in its membership. This includes eminent public figures, members of parliament, educationists, social workers, scholars, journalists, and businessmen.
Sanctions and the Rhodesian Economy
Authors: McKinnell Robert
Published: November 2008

On 11 November 1965 the Rhodesian Front Government of Mr Ian Smith unilaterally declared Rhodesia to be independent of the residual jurisdiction of the United Kingdom.

The British Government understandably regarded U.D.I, as illegal and unacceptable, and sought ways to terminate the rule of Smith's party. In the absence of an internal uprising, the British Government, having eschewed the use of force, resorted to a policy of economic sanctions to effect the desired political and social changes. These were intended to affect incomes, employment, and economic activity generally, so as to generate dissent and disaffection among the white population, who, it was hoped, would either emigrate or force a return to legality, the negotiating table, and progress towards a mutually acceptable form of independence.
Agricultural Development in the Ivory Coast and Ghana
Authors: Due Jean M.
Published: November 2008

Situated side by side on the west coast of Africa, of similar size, and having similar national incomes per capita and capacity for development at independence, Ghana and the Ivory Coast present marked contrasts in the development of both agriculture and industry.1 Ghanaian politicians led the African independence movement, with Ghana receiving independence in 1957. The Ivory Coast was granted independence in 1960 with little indigenous effort. In the early years of independence Ghana welcomed aid and technical assistance from both private and government sources in the west, but after 1961 turned more and more to the Communist world and a philosophy of socialisation of agriculture and industry.2 During the five-year period from 1961 until Nkrumah was overthrown in early 1966, the development emphasis was on state farms and factories: 125 of the former were established by the State Farms Corporation, 84 by the Workers' Brigade and Young Farmers' League, and 870 by the co-operatives.
European Exploration and Africa' Self-Discovery
Authors: Mazrui Ali A.
Published: November 2008

Thespirit of geographical exploration in Africa is historically linked both to science as a social commitment and to anti-science as an intellectual rebellion. This article is a reflection on this basic ambivalence in the meaning and philosophical implications of a transient episode in African history. What needs to be remembered is that men cast in certain roles, such as explorers, become not merely historical figures but also intellectual symbols. I leave it to the historians to study the explorers as figures in history, being here concerned with them as symbols in thought. What have these men and their activities meant in the interplay of ideas between Europe and Africa? What impact have they had on African self-consciousness? What is their place in the evolution of the scientific spirit in Africa? What bearing do they have on the quest for a scientific approach to the study of Africa's past? These questions are, indeed, too large to be adequately handled in a short article. But they need to be asked, and may thus help to define its context.
Ethnic Inequalities in Kenya
Authors: Rothchild Donald
Published: November 2008

‘The time has come’, writes James S. Coleman, ‘to recognize the professional respectability as well as the practical essentiality of the ancient and honorable hybrid discipline of political economy.’1Such an approach to the study of developing countries is as timely as it is prudent. This article attempts to apply the approach of political economy to the question of elite recruitment, the process by which individuals are selected and assigned to strategic, political, and administrative roles.2It seeks to examine recruitment as a conflict of interests facing decision- makers in Kenya. Such a task seems most meaningfully handled by enlarging the boundaries under examination to include recruitment of the élite who are to manage Kenya's economy as well as its political structure. This method of analysis leads almost inevitably, under Kenyan circumstances, to a discussion of the crucial issue of resource allocation, for the priorities established in expenditure patterns are of direct relevance to the opportunity for members of various ethnic groups to compete in the market place for political and economic positions.
The Inevitability of Instability
Authors: O'Connell James
Published: November 2008

Political instability upsets particularly those observers whose own countries have had no experience of it for many generations. They often exaggerate its effect on social and economic life and expect the activities of society practically to cease, where governments topple. But, beyond this miscalculation of effects, observers sometimes conclude that governmental instability in the developing countries reflects some human inferiority of their peoples. Unfortunately this kind of belief also tends to take root among literate opinion-makers in the developing countries, who often are no better than outsiders in interpreting the complexities of their own situation. In this development there are dangers of damage to political and social morale which could be much more serious than temporary phases of internal economic disruption and foreign disinvestment. What in fact are the reasons for the fall of governments in post-colonial Africa?
Institut d'étude du développement économique et social, Paris
Authors: Merllie Louis
Published: November 2008

The aims of I.E.D.E.S. (the Institute for the Study of Economic and Social Development), which is directed by Professor Francois Perroux and forms a part of the Collège de France, are both to teach and to make comparative studies of the economic, social, cultural, administrative, and other problems arising from the present situation and the potential development of the so- called under-developed and developing countries. It is the only really important university institution in France whose aims are so defined. During the past io years it has already undertaken and completed a considerable number of activities, which are summarised below under three main headings. These activities will be continued in our study of the different countries of Africa.
Seminar on Social Research in the North-East African Region
Authors: Lewis I. M.
Published: November 2008

This seminar was held at the Institute of Ethiopian Studies, under the general chairmanship of Dr I. M. Lewis of University College, London. It was organised by Dr Richard Pankhurst and ProfessorJ. Comhaire, with financial assistance from the British Ministry of Overseas Development. The seminar was attended by anthropologists currently engaged in field-work and by members of the Haile Selassie I University's Faculties of Arts, Law, Medicine, Business Administration, and the Institute of Ethiopian Studies, as well as staff of the Ministry of Community Development and Public Health. A number of visiting scholars, including Professor V. L. Grottanelli, participated in the meeting. Reports were received on field-work in Somalia and the Sudan as well as in Ethiopia: and the following papers were given: Dr D. Hecht on ‘Sacred Kingship in Africa’Fekadu Gedamu on ‘The Social Organisation of the Kistane Gurage’; J. Stauder on ‘The Social Organisation of the Mahangir’Dr. M. Lewis on ‘Possession Cults in Northern Somalia’A. Orent on ‘The Doce Cult in Kaffa’Virginia Luling on ‘Spirit-possession Cults in Mogadiscio’Terefe Walde Tsadik on ‘The Muyat Cult in Shoa’R. Hallpike on ‘Status of Craftsmen among the Konso’M. Cittadini on ‘Kunama Marriage’and J. Lisowski on ‘Biometrics of N.E. African Migrations’. Development papers were given by P. Sand on ‘Law as a Factor of Social Change’G. Savard on ‘Social Factors in Development’M. de Young on ‘Markets in Ethiopia’S. Messing on ‘Medical Attitudes and Practices in Ethiopia’and R. Bahar on ‘Rural Housing in Ethiopia’.
Divided Against Itself: South Africa's White Polity
Authors: Orlik Peter B.
Published: November 2008

What many prominent Afrikaners heralded as a new era of independence began on 6 October 1960, when a referendum was held to determine whether or not the populace wished South Africa to become a republic. As in virtually all other aspects of national political action, only Whites could voice their opinion via the ballot. Supported by the largely Afrikaner Nationalist Party and opposed by the predominantly English-stock United Party, the referendum, passed by approximately 850,000 to 776,000 votes, probably constituted one of the best indices of the relative strength of Afrikaner and non-Afrikaner elements among South Africa's ruling White polity.1 This dichotomy within the White elite and the friction which still sustains it have their roots in the late nineteenth century, when the Briton vanquished the Boer. Now, the situation has largely reversed itself while the animosities remain.
Agricultural Research in Eastern and Southern Africa
Authors: Pereira H. C.
Published: November 2008

Before commenting on the situation in separate countries, it is useful to look briefly at the over-all state of natural resources science in Africa. This was reviewed in detail six years ago at a U.N.E.S.C.O. conference in Lagos and there has been no major change in the picture of fragmentation of effort, with as yet no effective machinery for co-operation. Some rather slow pro. gress was made by the C.C.T.A. among the countries south of the Sahara towards the co-ordination and sharing of scarce scientific resources, but this initiative has not yet been effectively regained by its successor organisation, the Scientific and Technical Research Committee of the Organisation of African Unity.
Conference on Africa in World Affairs: the next 30 years
Authors: Patel Hasu H.
Published: November 2008

This conference was held at Makerere University College under the auspices of the World Order Models Project, in association with the World Law Fund. Those who presented papers came from Canada, Congo-Kinshasa, Ghana, Kenya, Malawi, Nigeria, Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda, U.S.A., Zambia, the East African Community, and the U.N. Economic Commission for Africa. Distinguished visitors included Professor W. Abraham, the Ghanaian philosopher, and the noted African poet, Okor p'Bitek, who both came from the United States.
Aspects of Soviet–African Economic Relations
Authors: Rubinstein G.
Published: November 2008

The last decade has witnessed a rapid development of economic relations between the Soviet Union and independent African countries. In examining certain economic and geographical aspects of this development, it should be borne in mind that Soviet–African economic relations are a quite new trend in world affairs. Before World War II the Soviet Union's foreign trade was conducted mainly with the advanced capitalist countries. Since the majority of the under-developed countries were very limited. Egypt was the only African country trading with the Soviet Union at the end of the 1920s. But Great Britain, then dominating Egypt, blocked any trade agreement between the two states. The volume of trade between them was very small, and at the beginning of World War II it ceased almost completely.
Notes on Three Innovators in Lesotho
Authors: Wallman Sandra
Published: November 2008

It would be naïve to suppose that any one variable could ensure the success of planned change. The factors contributing to failure and success are numerous, and the possible interrelations between them immensely complex. The acceptability of the innovator is therefore no more than a small part of the success of a development project. But, if the analysis of one specific example of this single factor allows a better understanding of one necessary condition of change, it will also increase the possibility of control over one potential area of failure.
Economic Growth and Political Change: the South African Case
Authors: Greenberg Stanley B.
Published: November 2008

People of quite diverse social position and perspective have turned to economic growth as a source of political change in South Africa. Contained within the concept of growth, they maintain, are processes — capital accumulation and class formation, business enterprise and markets, changing skill and capital requirements – that, at the very least, allow some blacks a more secure and higher living standard, that may bring greater equality between the races, or more profoundly, confound traditional racial lines and privileges of quite diverse social position and perspective have turned to economic growth as a source of political change in South Africa. Contained within the concept of growth, they maintain, are processes — capital accumulation and class formation, business enterprise and markets, changing skill and capital requirements – that, at the very least, allow some blacks a more secure and higher living standard, that may bring greater equality between the races, or more profoundly, confound traditional racial lines and privileges. Indeed, some argue that growth undermines the foundations of the racial state. Many of those who posit a relationship between economics and politics, take the next logical step: supporting actions, including foreign investment, that foster economic growth and, presumably, political change in South Africa.
South African Black Trade Unions as an Emerging Working-Class Movement
Authors: Marx Anthony W.
Published: November 2008

The Recent resumption of popular protest signals a new phase in South Africa's internal opposition, characterised notably by the rising political engagement of black labour unions and their federations. Membership in these unions has reached over a million workers, reflecting the dramatic expansion of South Africa's industrial manufacturing sector in the last 20 years. With severe restrictions placed on the leading national and local political organisations since 1985, the unions have developed beyond their initially narrow concerns for their members into the forefront of opposition to established economic and political order. As a result, class consciousness and working-class organisation have increasingly been combined with, and taken precedence over, previous conceptions of opposition based on racial and national identity. This development has exacerbated both remaining ideological divisions and pressures for united action within the union movement.
Peasant Politicisation and Economic Recuperation in Ghana: Local and National Dilemmas
Authors: Mikell Gwendolyn
Published: November 2008

There is increasing evidence in Ghana, as well as in other African countries, to suggest that the relationship between rural production and nation-state politics is more complex than has been realised. In the late 1970s, it appeared to some analysts that global market fluctuations, continuous rural extraction and exploitation by the state, disdain for traditional institutions, and ‘urban bias’ had so ravaged Ghanaian rural producers that they were continuing to distance themselves from the state and its vaunted political economy. This peasant behaviour, although symptomatic of deep economic and other socio-cultural problems, was viewed as creating a basis for political instability within which riots, coups, and social disorder occurred with great frequency.1 Political scientists generally downplayed these complex socio-cultural factors, and argued that it was lack of political integration which failed to correct the fragmentation and incoherence within the newly independent states, and which made political stability and national development impossible. Here seemed to be another example of the ‘chicken and egg’ phenomenon, in which politics and economic stability were so inextricably interwoven that it was not feasible to have one without the other.
Rice Politics in Cameroon: State Commitment, Capability, and Urban Bias
Authors: Walle Nicolas Van De
Published: November 2008

It has become the common wisdom among students of sub-Saharan Africa since the publication of the so-called Berg Report that the poor performance of agriculture in the continent is a result of the economic policies pursued by most governments.1 Their intervention in the economy, according to several authors, has systematically favoured those living in the towns and cities at the expense of the vast majority in the rural areas. Urban bias is allegedly the consequence of the inability of the state to resist pressure from urban constituencies. Robert Bates, in particular, has been influential in disseminating the view that these policies are chosen because they have a political rationality, even if they are economically irrational.3 His central contention has been that state allocations in Africa have favoured urban at the expense of rural constituencies because the former are able to exert more influence on decision-makers.
Women and the Changing Urban Household Economy in Tanzania
Authors: Tripp Aili Mari
Published: November 2008

Women in Tanzania's largest city, Dar es Salaam, used to be described as ‘relatively inactive’ as regards paid work or self-employment.1 One study undertaken in 1971 found that only one-fifth of urban women were either working for wages (13 per cent) or earning their own sources of income (7 per cent).2 The situation could not have been more different in the late 1980s, with as many as 66 per cent in Dar es Salaam being self-employed. Although about the same proportion of women were in some kind of paid employment as during the previous decade, it appeared that since then many of them had been leaving their place of work to farm and to engage in small income-generating projects, known as miradi midogo midogo or shughuli ndogo ndogo in Kiswahili3.
Uranium: a Case-Study in Franco-African Relations
Authors: Martin Guy
Published: November 2008

France continues to wield considerable power and influence in Africa three decades after her former colonies achieved their independence. Based on a variety of socio-economic, political, and cultural interests, many of her actions in Africa are essentially neo-colonial in so far as they are designed to perpetuate the prevailing pattern of dominance.1 Yet, France also suffers from an almost excessive dependence on African sources for the supply of cheap minerals essential to her economy and national defence.
Economic Integration in Africa: Enhancing Prospects for Success
Authors: Johnson Omotunde E. G.
Published: November 2008

After two decades of poor economic performance in most of the countries of the region, and with the recent political and prospective economic changes in Eastern Europe, as well as the European Community's forthcoming ‘single market’ in 1992, debates in African circles have intensified on political democracy, structural adjustment, and economic integration. The last of these topics is the concern of this article, which discusses the major factors behind the slow progress, and sometimes failure, of integration attempts in Africa, and then, inter alia, proposes ways in which the chances of success can be enhanced, and progress towards regional integration thereby accelerated.
The Senegal–Mauritania Conflict of 1989: a Fragile Equilibrium
Authors: Parker Ron
Published: November 2008

Though the issues of the 1989 Senegal–Mauritania conflict were deep-rooted, the unexpected passions unleashed within the respective populations caught both Governments off-guard, leading to a total stand-off and the failure of all attempts at resolution. This occured among states which previously had experienced peaceful relations, were making progress in joint economic development efforts, and whose markets were intertwined through trade and labour migration.
The Non-Interventionary Norm Prevails: an Analysis of the Western Sahara
Authors: Von Hippel Karin
Published: November 2008

Fears that the supposedly sacred norm of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of other states has eroded in the last few years are not entirely groundless. Excuses to intervene, that now receive sanction by the Security Council of the United Nations, include humanitarian concerns, as in Somalia and Rwanda, international peace and security, as in Kuwait and Bosnia, and the denial of democracy, as in Haiti, all of which differ from the interventions of the cold war years. As Thomas Buergenthal has pointed out, ‘Once the rule of law, human rights and democratic pluralism are made the subject of international commitments, there is little left in terms of governmental institutions that is domestic.’
Land Tenure Reform in Tanzania: Legal Problems and Perspectives
Authors: Coldham Simon
Published: November 2008

In January 1991 President Ali Hassan Mwinyi appointed a Commission of Inquiry into Land Matters, under the chairmanship of Professor Issa Shivji, with extremely broad terms of reference. It was mandated not only to review laws and policies concerning the allocation, tenure, use, and development of land, and to make recommendations for reform, but also to examine the nature of the disputes that had arisen, and to propose measures for their solution. More generally, it was to hear complaints from the general public and to look into any other matters connected with land that it deemed appropriate. The appointment of the Commission might be interpreted as tacit official acknowledgement that the land policies of the preceding 25 years had, in many ways, been a failure, and that now was the time to formulate a new approach in keeping with the economic changes embraced in the mid-1980s
Continuity and Change in the Practice of Clitoridectomy in Kenya: a Case-Study of the Abagusii
Authors: Gwako Edwins Laban Moogi
Published: November 2008

In Kenya, the Kuria, Suba, Meru, and Abagusii are among the contemporary cultural groupings which continue to believe in the importance of female circumcision. The ceremonies may have been partly abrogated or modified, but operations to cut off the tip of the clitoris of young girls are still carried out, not least in the expectation that the needed spirit of endurance will shape their character into adulthood. Although the primary objective of clitoridectomy is to initiate female children into womanhood, it is also performed in many African countries to ensure virginity, to enhance fertility and fecundity, and to promote cleanliness.
School Wars: Church, State, and the Death of the Congo
Authors: Boyle Patrick M.
Published: November 2008

Two conventions tend to shape appraisals of the Belgian Congo and the manner of its decolonisation. The first describes the colonial power structure as an alliance of state, church, and large corporations.1 This trinity was ‘not only… a virtually seamless web’, writes Crawford Young, ‘but each component, in its area of activity, was without peer in Africa in the magnitude of its impact’.2 The second convention typically portrays decolonisation as tumultuous, chaotic, bungled, or simply ‘gone awry’.3 Indeed, the mutiny and secession movements that followed hard upon the proclamation in June 1960 of the Republic of the Congo (renamed Zaïre in October 1971) resulted in the rapid internationalisation of responses to them, thereby demonstrating the fragility of domestic political arrangements.
The Politics of Ethnicity in Malawi's Democratic Transition
Authors: Kaspin Deborah
Published: November 2008

While the western media were directing their gaze towards South Africa's political restructuring, another democratic transition was taking place to the north that was no less remarkable and no more imaginable a few years ago. Since Malawi obtained independence in 1964, it had been governed by Dr Hastings Banda (as he was then known) and the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) under a system of absolute rule which the country's élites refused to reform or relinquish. In March 1992 the Catholic bishops issued a formal protest against President H. Kamuzu Banda's political high-handedness, initiating a popular movement for democratic reform and anti-régime demonstrations by university students and staff, as well as factory workers.1 When additional pressure was exerted by the international community, holding foreign aid hostage to democratisation, the Government finally yielded, holding a referendum for multi-party democracy in June 1993 that led to presidential and parliamentary elections in May 1994. Banda and the MCP were ousted, Bakili Muluzi and the United Democratic Front (UDF) were elected, and Malawians of all parties revelled in the freedom to be openly, aggressively political.