bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Automation and Skill
Authors: Wolfbein Seymour L.
Published: March 2007

In the decade of the fifties, automation appears to have contributed to an acceleration of the long-term growth of the generally higher skilled, white-collar, service-oriented activities. This trend shows up both in the over-all statistics of occupational distribution and in the detailed case studies of automation in particular establishments. One apparent effect of the rising level of skill and educational requirements ac companying automation has been a disproportionate concen tration of unemployment—especially long-term unemployment —on the unskilled and semiskilled workers. The outlook for the present decade is that the greatest growth will be in the number of jobs requiring high skill or high educational attain ment. While we do not have extensive data concerning the specific skills and talents which automation demands, present indications are that emphasis must be put on training and edu cation which make individuals as maneuverable, flexible, mo bile, and responsive to change as possible.
Automation and the Management Process
Authors: Whisler Thomas L. , Shultz George P.
Published: March 2007

Automation of information processing has im mediate effects upon management jobs and the management process of decision-making. The mediating instrument is the computer along with various mathematical and statistical techniques associated with its application to decision prob lems. Use of the computer places strong emphasis upon ra tionalizing and quantifying decisions. Many of these decisions are then incorporated into the machine, leaving managers to spend an increasing percentage of their time on problems in volving interpersonal relations. Organization structure is af fected. The number of levels tends to shrink, the grouping of activities to shift, and the structure of authority and con trol to become centralized. Society will feel the impact of these changes in large part through changing demands made upon the educational system and through possible changes in attitudes and behavior of the managerial group. An impor tant aspect of this application of automation is that both the key decisions with reference to use of the computer and major impacts of these decisions fall on the managerial group, al though different individuals may be involved in the two phases.
Guerrilla and Sabotage: Organization, Operations, Motivations, Escalation
Authors: Zawodny J.K.
Published: March 2007

Undergrounds—and guerrilla and sabotage units —are groups in frustration. They develop gradually, by discernable and symptomatic steps, in response to social and political discontents. Active members are volunteers and pre sumably feel deeply the sense of frustration which is at the root of the movement. Although a local population will not be totally involved in guerrilla and sabotage activities, a wide spread popular sympathy with the movement is necessary for sustained operations. Counterterror measures appear to be important in motivating individuals to participate actively, in the hope of gaining security or revenge against the enemy. Cultural and geographical factors limit and influence methods of operation. The political or military background of the leadership also influences the choice of organizational and operational alternatives. Regardless, the application of vio lence must be morally rationalized; control must be balanced against security in deciding how much to centralize; considera tions of weapons availability must precede the appraisal of tactical possibilities and a formulation of strategy. Assuming success, the revolutionary movement contains the seeds of future counterrevolution, for no political leadership can satisfy all the aspirations of the rank and file, and recourse to violence may be taken again. Always, the local population is the key to success or failure in pursuing or combating guerrilla and sabotage operations.
Patterns of Subversion by Violence
Authors: Rhyne Russell
Published: March 2007

One of the aspects of unconventional warfare is the use of violence applied concurrently to the weakening of the state and to the corruption of its social bases. Two streams of historical development are discernible. The first of these involves the tactics of guerrilla war; it is illustrated by the pattern of opposition to Napoleon's armies by Spanish irregulars. The second is that of revolution utilizing violence as a principal tool for altering society; it is illustrated by the Arab revolt during World War I and by the Nazi take-over in Germany, which was one of the few examples of the suc cessful subversion of an economically developed country. The union of these two streams is accomplished in the modern synthesis of Mao Tse-tung. That synthesis, applicable chiefly to nascent, underdeveloped nations with relatively open societies, uses violence in such a way as to make society sick before the state is overthrown, letting the proposed Communist alternative shine by comparison. This pattern achieves a remarkable internal harmony, employing the same violent means to weaken the state, to subvert it by corroding the habits essential in an open society, and to train the members of the authoritarian administration to be established after victory.
The Economic Basis of Politics in Latin America
Authors: Belaunde Victor Andres
Published: March 2007

The geographies of the American nations are extremely varied and give rise to different problems of develop ment not only as between the United States and Latin America but also as between the Latin-American countries themselves. Generally, the United States has had a frontier more amenable to settlement and development along democratic lines—on the bases of equality and individual initiative—than any of the Latin-American countries. In Latin America, land and agri culture remain organized much as they had been in colonial days. Trade has consisted of raw-material exports and manu factured imports. Industrialization has begun, but supported by foreign capital. A middle class, so long nonexistent, has developed, but it has followed the liberal professions in num bers disproportionate to the need for such services. The polit ical pattern of bureaucratic caesarism—already existing on the bases of the predominance of great landed estates, undeveloped industry, the paternalistic state, and the absence of new areas of individual opportunity—has been intensified by the de mands of the professional middle class for suitable positions. The development of Latin-American countries depends upon corrective co-operation between the governments and the people to bring about agrarian reform, urban renewal and development, education, and industrialization. Prompt action, particularly in agrarian reform, can enhance the stability of democratic regimes.—Ed.
Making Foreign Policy on the New Frontier
Authors: Marshall Charles Burton
Published: March 2007

The test of organization in foreign policy is whether it produces coherence and effectiveness in the nation's undertakings in external affairs. Coherence requires not only co-ordination in planning and operations but also the establish ment of premises and goals by which to set perspectives for judgment. This is a function of political leadership in the better sense of both terms—a function to be discharged only by the President under the American constitutional order. A salient characteristic of the conduct of foreign policy on the New Frontier is the re-emergence of presidential concern and zeal. To an unprecedented degree, these attributes have been made manifest in day-to-day work of the establishments con cerned in foreign policy. Emphasis on the device of task forces and the extraordinary prominence of the White House staff have been accompanying phenomena. The style has been impressive. Public support has come in response, and the prevailing disposition is to give the present administration an A for effort. Both its popularity and its problems have en dured. The grave test of its version of premises and goals has not yet been surmounted. An important point on which to base reservations is a question whether the empirical processes of policy-making are not being overdone, blurring out distinc tions between questions properly to be decided at the presi dential level of authority and those better left to subordinates to settle.
American Hegemony and the Prospects for Peace
Authors: Niebuhr Reinhold
Published: March 2007

The problems of a tolerable and enduring peace under the circumstances of tentative peace through balance of terror are political. The contest of power is between two blocs, each built around a hegemonic nation of imperial tech nological, economic, and military strength. Democracy may be a necessity of justice, but the authoritarian oligarchy of the Soviet Union changed a backward and feudal Russia into a technically competent modern state, a material revolution which the poorer nations of the world desire for themselves. Democracy is not uniformly relevant everywhere; depending upon cultural and economic variables, compounds of democracy and dictatorship are inevitable. The United States must learn the difference between reversible nondemocratic regimes and regimes irreversible because theirs is a fanatic communism. Although of imperial size and strength, the United States has a strong tradition of anti-imperialism, attributing imperialism to monarchy. The Soviet Union uses the charge of imperialism as a weapon against the West, attributing imperialism to capitalism. The creative aspects of imperialism are not ap preciated by either side. In terms of peace, some decisions are not for either the United States or the Soviet Union, the heg emonic nations, to make. Unpredicted and unpredictable emergencies arise in the course of history. One can only affirm that the defense of an open society is not futile and that the burden of the defense will ennoble rather than corrupt the culture that bears it.—Ed.
Alternative Views of Big Business Goals and Purposes
Authors: Johnson Harold L.
Published: March 2007

Instead of profit maximization as a single goal of big business, organization-theory, game-theory, and behavioral- science views indicate that the objectives of modern enterprise are plural and complex. Organization theory emphasizes the coalition character of big business, suggesting that with many participants comes variety in goals. Games in theory and in experiment reveal that players often carry to circumstances of rivalry and bargaining ideas of fairness and mutual restraint. The normative aspects of business affairs and changing role expectations concerning big business make available a be havioral basis for discussion of nonprofit goals. These views of business goals offer analytical frameworks by which social responsibility and ethics can be studied. Such behavior thus is not an odd mutation in a world of profit maximization. It reflects the coalition dimension of big business and the social environment in which decisions are made. To complicate things, these models also indicate the importance of profit, efficiency, and innovation goals in business, confronting par ticipants in big business and the people of the United States with dilemmas of choice. These choices are serious, for with them comes simultaneous impact upon the institutional ar rangements of the American economy.
Ethics and the Rule of Law
Authors: Leys Wayne A.R.
Published: March 2007

What is a businessman's moral duty when there is real uncertainty in the law? Uncertainty in the meaning of legal regulations must be distinguished from uncertainty that the law will be enforced and uncertainty that the law will ac complish its intended purpose. Assuming a moral obligation to obey laws that are reasonably clear in their applications, a businessman has no obligations to guess that an uncertain law requires the greatest conceivable sacrifice. There is no moral culpability in trying to secure interpretations that are convenient and profitable. A manager does, however, have an obligation not to expose his enterprise to unbearable risks and not to sabotage the rule-making process, though there may be hopeless disagreement as to the identity of those who are doing these things. The common objections to bare compliance with law do not identify a fault in the attitude toward law but rather a defect in extralegal matters. As long as systems of social control are imperfect, there is good reason for not lumping legal and extralegal duties together under the word "responsibility."
The Corporation and the Shareholder
Authors: Weaver David B.
Published: March 2007

The incidents of a shareholder's interest and his relationship to the corporation depend upon the characteris tics of the corporation as well as the legal theory of such inter ests. The most common form of shareholding in this country is ownership of shares in a large corporation whose shares are widely held and actively traded, usually on a national exchange. In such companies, shares are so widely scattered that the tra ditional legal concept of control exercised by the shareholders becomes unworkable. Corporate management becomes virtu ally independent of any kind of internal control, raising ques tions of the proper definition of its legal and ethical responsi bilities and the means of their enforcement. Management responsibilities to shareholders should be defined with reference to shareholders' legitimate expectations, a reflection of goals of passive investors rather than those of co-owners in a business enterprise.
Businessmen and Their Rivals
Authors: Lekachman Robert
Published: March 2007

Ideology about business activity in the United States is linked to principles of free enterprise and individual action, coupled with the nineteenth-century model of indus trial atomism. Ideology and practice are widely disparate. A combination of technical, financial, and marketing factors has made it possible for the large corporations effectively to make public policies, that is, policies affecting not only their internal workings but also their customers, their suppliers, their communities, their rivals, and even the government. The fed eral government has responded with antitrust legislation sensi tive to the menace of inordinate private power to free consumer choice, individual initiative, and effective democracy. Busi ness managers of the oligopolized industries, in turn, have used price leadership, advertising, and styling and packaging as al ternatives to monopolistic combination for limiting the scope of effective competition and diminishing the uncertainty which has always accompanied genuine competition. Recent actions by federal courts and the President indicate that, in conflicts affecting the public interest between law, ideology, business practice, and the realities of power, business giants retain their right to power on the condition that their power is used for broader purposes than the interests of their own stockholders or managers. Efforts of the giant corporations to minimize competition suggest a stagnation and enervation of which the implications are slow economic growth and lagging redistribu tion of income.—Ed.
The Corporation and the Local Community
Authors: Long Norton E.
Published: March 2007

The corporation and the local community repre sent sometimes conflicting ends for members of the corporate hierarchy. There is a citizenship of the corporation and a citizenship of the local territorial community that may and do conflict. The corporation offices constitute many of the top status positions in the local community; the behavior of cor porate managers influences that of many others. Where cor porate managers are more loyal to the corporation than to the local community, the natives, the local citizens, are as likely to resent this as exploitation as are the people of a banana re public to resent the alien rule of the fruit company. Yet cor porate managers are supposed to be primarily businessmen run ning a business on a competitive basis. If they forget this and run a welfare organization, the business and the economy suffer. The conflict between immobile territorial loyalities and the need for the mobile recombination of the factors of produc tion is built into the situation. Corporate managers cannot escape involvement in local politics, for they have power. They must, in a sense, be alien if they are true to the interests of the corporation and, indeed, to the larger economy. But, if they are visibly alien as irresponsible holders of power over local lives, they must be hateful to the natives. The dilemma is real, and no public-relations wand will wave it away.
Contemporary American Liberalism
Authors: Grimes Alan P.
Published: March 2007

Liberalism in America has been at a low ebb ever since the Second World War. This is evident in the decline in circulation of liberal periodicals as well as in the decline in in fluence of politics of the left. The decline of politics of the left is attributed to postwar reaction, the Cold War, the rhythm of politics, excessive loyalty enthusiasm, and defense prosperity. The extent of this prosperity, however, is questioned. The ab sence of an effective and aggressive left has modified the force of moderate liberalism in both ideology and politics. A survey of college students at Michigan State University reveals that, while liberalism is still the accepted ideology of a majority of students, it is probably neutralized by an acceptance of the po litical role of conservative reference groups.
Liberals, Conservatives, and Labor
Authors: Cortner Richard C.
Published: March 2007

Industrialism and the rise of labor in the United States produced a conservative ideology which sought to defend the existing politico-economic system along generally laissez- faire lines. And the constitutional legitimization of this ide ology confined rather rigidly political attempts to adjust labor policy to industrialism. The liberal attack upon this ideologi cal and constitutional edifice was accepted politically with the legislation of the New Deal era. The result was the final re pudiation of laissez-faire constitutionalism and the commitment of labor policy completely to the political processes. It is this framework within which have been fought recent liberal-con servative conflicts on such issues as union security, labor and politics, and the issue of labor and inflation. This liberal-con servative conflict, however, has often concealed the essential conservatism of American labor and its basic commitment to the existing economic and political system. And the advent of technological change may more significantly affect the labor movement than the policy issues which at present constitute the cleavage between liberals and conservatives.
The Ideological Basis of Conservation and Natural- Resources Policies and Programs
Authors: Wengert Norman
Published: March 2007

Conservation and resources policies and programs have not been rooted in explicit, fully developed ideological concepts. Instead, they have grown out of the necessities and desires to deal with narrowly defined problems. In this re gard, this program area serves as a paradigm of the American politico-governmental process which stresses pragmatic prob lem-solving. Although a variety of ideological concepts may be attributed to or inferred from particular policies or pro grams, only one clear-cut issue with strong ideological over tones can be identified as common to all programs in this sub ject-matter field. This is the attitude or philosophy with re spect to the role of government, the recognition of the social character of resource problems and of the necessity to use gov ernment to accomplish conservation and resource goals. Al though not a grand ideological conception in the classic sense, this progovernmental emphasis, in the context of a prag matic approach to societal problems, has had and will continue to have far-reaching consequences for the American govern mental system.
Southern Racial Attitudes: Conflict, Awareness, and Political Change
Authors: Matthews Donald R. , Prothro James W.
Published: March 2007

Differences in racial attitudes between southern whites and Negroes are extreme and intensely felt. As south ern Negroes become more militant and politically powerful, and as the national government intervenes more vigorously in their behalf, the consensus within the two races and conflict be tween them produce problems for which the normal processes of compromise and accommodation are largely inoperative. The majority of neither race correctly perceives the attitudes of the other. Negro opposition to segregation is unlikely to change, and pressure from the rest of the nation is unlikely to dimin ish. The attitudes of white southerners are gradually being altered. In the "peripheral" South, the greater awareness by whites of Negro discontent, the existence of a significant mi nority of white moderates, and the growing number of Negro voters make the accommodation of racial conflict politically possible. In the deep South, white awareness of Negro opinion and the number of white moderates and Negro voters are too small at present to permit white politicians to compromise. But forces within the South and from outside seem to be working in that direction.
Chicago: Shades of Capone
Authors: Peterson Virgil W.
Published: March 2007

In the late 1800's, an alliance was formed between First Ward political leaders in Chicago and gamblers and brothel owners. The underworld became organized, and eventually the infamous Capone gang was spawned. Headed successively by Big Jim Colosimo, Johnny Torrio, Al Capone, Frank Nitti, and Tony Accardo, the syndicate is still active in gambling and vice—always sources of underworld wealth. Capone gangsters have maintained a vital interest in the beer industry from Prohibition to the present time. They have corrupted labor unions and exerted influence over trade associations. They have invaded the field of finance, food business, automobile sales, and the coin-machine industry. Running through the diversified activities of the Capone organization is a pattern of ruthless discipline imposed by violence. Of fifteen gang killings in the Chicago area in 1961, eight of the victims had connections with Capone-syndicate gambling establishments and five were dealing with loan sharks. A union president who opposed the misappropriation of union funds by a Capone hoodlum was ambushed and slain by two gunmen imported from Detroit. During the Roaring Twenties, the gang leader was ostentatious and flashy. Today, although he has outward refinements, he has not basically changed. His methods of operation remain much the same as they were in years gone by.
Maryland: A Law-Enforcement Dilemma
Authors: Zumbrun Alvin J.T.
Published: March 2007

There is general agreement that the most dif ficult problem confronting law-enforcement agencies today is the suppression of organized illegal gambling—which far out weighs the legal gambling. The national illegal-gambling figure has been established at approximately fifty billion dollars a year, and it is estimated that two of every seven Americans are gambling regularly. During the period of the Volstead Act, bootleggers were the treasurers of the underworld. Today, their successors are the backers and lay-off men in the illegal-gambling industries. Generally speaking, the fight against this type of organized crime has been a losing one, because the average better is an otherwise law-abiding citizen who does not feel that he is doing anything criminal. The alternative approaches to the problem are either to regulate and control gambling much more sensibly than we currently are doing or to punish the players as severely as the writers. The current approach is akin to hunting elephants with a squirrel gun. The racketeers are not complaining at all. With the chance of being caught only one in a hundred in any given year, their job security is enviable and their income is excellent.
A Federal Viewpoint on Combating Organized Crime
Authors: Miller Herbert J.
Published: March 2007

Organized crime presents the leading contempo rary challenge to federal and state law-enforcement officials. Factors which frequently make effective prosecution difficult include: the effective organization and technical skills of the criminal syndicates, top racketeers' insulation from the daily operations of their illegal enterprises, the use of complex busi ness transactions and seemingly normal business operations to cloak illegal ventures, the unavailability of witnesses ready to testify regarding inside operations, and the control that racketeers sometimes gain over local law-enforcement officials. Under our federal system, the states have traditionally assumed primary responsibility for curtailing criminal activity and maintaining public order. However, with recently increased awareness of the national scope of the problem has come a greater role for the federal government in combating organized crime. The early federal statutes were directed at crimes of violence of the type most often committed at that time by notorious gangsters; more recent federal legislation has been aimed primarily at illegal-gambling activities. Federal in vestigative resources have been co-ordinated, and prosecution has been assigned to the recently enlarged Organized Crime and Racketeering Section of the Criminal Division in the Department of Justice, whose members work with local United States Attorneys in developing and trying criminal cases under all available statutes.
An Interdisciplinary Attack on Organized Crime
Authors: Tyler Gus
Published: March 2007

Organized crime is a many-sided institution. The effort to cope with it requires the thinking of many disciplines and the co-ordination of many agencies. The first line of defense is the law-enforcement system. But, by itself, law enforcement cannot deal with the problem, either to control or to eradicate. The case for a new interdisciplinary and multidisciplinary attack on organized crime is implicit in three facts: first, the growth and present immensity of organ ized crime; second, its capacity for renewal and adaptation; third, the contributions to the understanding of organized crime by men of many callings who have not been or are not primarily law officers or criminologists. An unofficial institute or center on organized crime could co-ordinate knowledge, insight, and action; could serve in a tutorial capacity for future profes sionals in the field; could propose rounded approaches to the problem to deal with both symptoms and causes.
The Projected European Union and the Question of German Unity
Authors: Heinrich Knappstein K.
Published: March 2007

The political union of Europe and the question of German unity are interrelated as political realities and visions. The political union is still something of the future— despite the integration which has been developed in so many fields. The profile of the projected union is undetermined in a number of essential elements, such as membership, outside relationships, and the like. The union is, however, a matter of serious political concern for many governments, political parties, and the public since World War II. The functional integration of the Six has been brought about without the preponderance of any one nation over the others. Although national entity has become something less of a problem, the question of German unity is an essential problem in terms of policy, peace, and security and of the future of Europe. The question has national, international and distinctively European implications. The future union is not limited to any particular area in Europe. Except for the Soviet Union, there are no potential nonmembers by definition. The division of Germany is part of the division of Europe and, in this sense, is a concern of all. A Europe which would limit itself to preserving the liberties of the free people and would surrender hope for those who are not free would not be a Europe minus something nonessential; it would not be European at all, but, rather, an association of selfish purpose separating and dividing nations, not uniting them.
The Future of Political Unity in Western Europe
Authors: Kohn Hans
Published: March 2007

The Franco-German treaty does not represent a move toward genuine European unity; it is a mistake in terms of promoting unification in that it is an exclusive treaty. An adequate defense of Western democratic values requires a multinational treaty that includes all the North Atlantic countries, one which repudiates authoritarianism, dogmatism, and exclusive nationalism and provides for mutual consulta tion and close co-operation on all levels. World War II was followed by a period of political and economic weakness in Europe during which old-style nationalism appeared to wane. Recovery, which Western Europe owes to the United States, led, at least in France, to the resurgence of old nationalism, which turned against the United States, and to the revival of hegemonic aspirations. NATO, conceived not solely to defeat the Soviets but also to strengthen democracy, freedom, and wel fare within Western civilization, was weakened as Europeans came to lose much of their fear of Soviet military aggression. It is principally President de Gaulle of France who does not believe in a united Europe or in an Atlantic community or in the United Nations. He is unable to understand that neither the United States nor Great Britain is as passionately national istic as he is He is anxious to assure primacy for France in Western Europe and to make of continental Europe a third force in world affairs. In view of this, the United States should not attempt to exercise its hegemony as such but should, rather, set an example of true co-operation and consultation.—Ed.
The Chinese and the Russians
Authors: Mehnert Klaus
Published: March 2007

The Russians have been and still are Europeans, not less so than other peoples who—like the Spaniards—have lived part of their history under foreign domination—in Rus sia's case, this was Tatar domination. Hence, the Russians differ from the Chinese as much as other Europeans do. This fact is illustrated by comparison of the Chinese and the Rus sians with regard to their intellectual, spiritual, and emotional aspects. In some respects, the Russians are even remoter from the Chinese than other European peoples because they have been molded by a particularly emotional form of Christianity which is very far removed from the matter-of-factness of Con fucianism. In the field of social organization, the two main peculiarities of China—the power of the clan over its members and the formation of the ruling elite by examinations—have no counterpart in Russia. In turn, the slavelike position of the Russian peasant and the power of the hereditary nobility around the czar were unknown in China. The explanation for the victory of communism in the two vastly different countries is, thus, not to be found in a particular predisposition of the Chinese and the Russians to communism but in peculiar histori cal circumstances, forces, and personalities which operated in each country, largely as a result of the Western impact which hit both these huge, proud, gifted, and economically backward nations.
The Persistence of Tradition in Chinese Foreign Policy
Authors: Mancall Mark
Published: March 2007

Communications are poor between Communist China and both the Soviet Union and the United States. Ac cording to the traditional Chinese world view, the world order was hierarchical, not egalitarian, with the central authority being China; Chinese centrality was a function of civilization and virtue; the world hierarchy was universal; national power was the reflection of national virtue; external society was the extension of internal society. The tribute system and the use of physical and economic power in times of strength and the technique of "divide and rule" in periods of weakness were tactics which enabled China to maintain pre-eminence. China and Russia evaded clash for purposes of commerce. The great and unresolved challenge to the Chinese system came from the Western maritime powers. European imperialism forced China to recognize the existence of an alternative international power materially more powerful than China and broke down the au tonomous Sinitic world order. The breakdown of the institu tions of the traditional world system after 1842 took place faster than the erosion of the assumptions on which the order was based. Survivals of the tradition in Communist China grow into and reinforce modern nationalism and provide China with a distinct sense of superiority over all foreigners, includ ing Russians. Accommodation between Peking and Moscow, if it comes, will, of necessity, be conscious and contrived.—Ed.
Demons in Paradise: The Chinese Images of Russia
Authors: Hsia T.A.
Published: March 2007

Russia is an object of both hatred and hope for the Chinese. Those who remember Russia's record of aggres sion regard the Russians as demons, but those who place hopes in the October revolution of 1917 regard Russia as if it were al ready a paradise. There is reason to believe that Mao's po lemics against the "revisionists" meet with greater welcome in Communist China than did his former policy of "leaning to one side." Russian literature should present a more profound picture of Russian life, but, if it has failed to do so in China, it is perhaps because its influence does not equal the strong nationalist or ideological prejudice.
Sino-Soviet Military Relations
Authors: Garthoff Raymond L.
Published: March 2007

Military relations between the Soviet Union and Communist China were never as close as many have assumed, and since 1960 they have been virtually nonexistent. The Chinese have accepted a penalty to their military power as part of the cost of challenging Moscow's leadership in the Com munist world. For the Soviets, the cost has been slight, though they have expended whatever leverage in mutual relations their selective military aid once gave them. In the postwar con cluding phase of the Chinese civil war, Soviet support to the Chinese Communists was quite limited. During the Korean war, considerable supply of weapons was provided, though China was compelled to purchase this materiel. Only in the post-Stalin period was selective assistance given to building a Chinese capacity to produce its own conventional weapons and even more circumscribed support to nonweapons nuclear de velopment and to modern aircraft and missile development. But, as a consequence of declining political relations, as ear lier noted, even this assistance was virtually cut off in 1960. Moreover, the Soviets have clearly kept a close leash on mili tary commitments to support Communist China. These limi tations on weapons and commitments, limiting in turn Chinese freedom of action, have clearly been one of the sources of the Chinese impetus to acquire their own nuclear military power.
Sino-Soviet Economic Relations, 1959-1962
Authors: Hoeffding Oleg
Published: March 2007

The peak in Sino-Soviet trade was reached in 1958-1959, when it accounted for half of China's total trade. It declined heavily in 1960-1962, as did China's trade with Eastern Europe. The decline reflected China's economic crisis as well as the Sino-Soviet conflict. Apart from the recall of Soviet experts in 1960, there is no clear evidence of overt So viet economic warfare. The Soviet Union exerted severe eco nomic pressure, but did so in the businesslike guise of cutting exports to China, in response to China's reduced ability to pay. However, the Soviet Union has tempered this closefisted atti tude with a few semicharitable gestures. Commercial rela tions, although visibly strained by the political dispute, have remained formally correct. But the collapse of China's trade with the bloc, the severe curtailment of imports other than grain from the West in 1961-1963, and poor prospects of ob taining long-term credits in the West have deprived China of the opportunities she had prior to 1960 of harnessing foreign trade to the needs of her industrialization drive. Peking's all- round intransigence, for the time being, makes China virtually the only underdeveloped country not receiving economic aid from any source.
Factors of Unity and Factors of Conflict
Authors: Lowenthal Richard
Published: March 2007

Russian and Chinese national interests tend to ward opposition. The Sino-Soviet alliance is wholly due to seizure of power by Chinese Communists and to conflict with the same enemies. Economic, military, and diplomatic dis parities have created a lopsided material dependence of Com munist China on the Soviet Union, resulting in divergent views on priorities within the alliance, and have caused them to dis agree on proper strategy in relation to the United States, anti- imperialist revolutionary movements, and independent neutral powers. Among states governed by totalitarian, ideological parties, these disagreements have naturally assumed the form of different interpretations of the common doctrine. Lacking other means of effective pressure on the Soviets, the Chinese have developed these differences into a systematic challenge to Soviet ideological authority. A Soviet attempt to evade this challenge and to preserve unity on the basis of toleration of in evitable differences and adjustment by compromise has failed; both sides have recognized the inevitability of factional schism for some time. They have built two rival Communist camps with separate policies. Underlying opposition of national in terests is increasingly appearing, and doctrinal differences are hardening. Though a serious attempt to return to policy co ordination is unlikely, the formal bond of the alliance may well continue as reinsurance against the common enemy so long as both countries are ruled by Communist party regimes.
The Shaping of Intergovernmental Relations in the Twentieth Century
Authors: Elazar Daniel J.
Published: March 2007

The American federal system has always been characterized by the co-operative interrelationship of federal, state, and local governments which serve the same people, generally share the same goals, and are faced with the same demands. Co-operative federalism as we know it is not de centralization but noncentralization, predicated on broad na tional legislative and fiscal powers joined with a traditional penchant for maintaining maximum local control over govern mental activities. The pattern of intergovernmental relations in the twentieth century has remained within the co-operative tradition established earlier, modified only as necessary in light of the great expansion of government activity in American so ciety since 1913. Because of the present pervasiveness of government in the United States, this means that every level of government is involved in virtually every governmental ac tivity. Intergovernmental relations may involve informal co operation, contracts for simple sharing, interchange of person nel, interdependent activities, grants-in-aid, tax offsets, and shared revenues. The precise character of the co-operative relationship is tailored to fit each program through the politi cal process in which representatives of the federal, state, and local governments and concerned private interests all partici pate. Intergovernmental relations in the twentieth century have evolved through four periods and into a fifth, each of which has contributed something important to the present pat tern of American federalism. Noncentralized government has been maintained in the face of many centralizing pressures only because its mechanisms have been sufficiently flexible to respond to the changing interests of the American people.
The Role of the Federal Government in the Design and Administration of Intergovernmental Programs
Authors: Colman William G.
Published: March 2007

The Congress and federal departments and agen cies are continually concerned with intergovernmental rela tions as new federal programs involving state and local gov ments are formulated, enacted, and administered. Institu tional arrangements for considering and dealing with problems of federal-state-local relations include the following: Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations—a continuing, 26-member, bipartisan body made up of representatives from national, state and local levels of government; Intergovern mental Relations Subcommittees of the Senate and House Committees on Government Operations; a consultant to the President on intergovernmental relations; a special assistant in the Budget Bureau; and assistant secretaries or special as sistants on federal-state-local relations in several departments and agencies.
State and Local Government Participation in the Design and Administration of Intergovernmental Programs
Authors: Adrian Charles R.
Published: March 2007

State and local governments may be viewed as participating in decision-making within the federal system ac cording to the states' rights model, which is competitive in concept, or the Grodzins model which emphasizes co-opera tive sharing of decisions. Empirical evidence gives greater support to the latter theory. Expanding on the Grodzins model, we find that relationships among levels of government take place primarily along functional lines. Friction results from varying levels of professionalization in the bureaucracy and between bureaucracies and legislative bodies at all levels. Reasons for these patterns are discussed. State government participation in shared decision-making is limited in compari son with the national government principally in terms of finan cial capacity. Yet, the states—even with gerrymandered legislatures—and local governments have made a greater ef fort to finance domestic programs than has the national gov ernment. Urban-rural frictions have, however, had the effect of reducing the states' share of participation in domestic policy-making, and prevailing values and patterns of finance have encouraged the steady development of an invisible gov ernment of special districts. State government activities in domestic programs will expand faster than those at other lev els in the future. The national government, according to pro jected trends, will not dominate policy development, but will barely hold its own in relation to state and local governments.
Conflict and Co-operation among Local Governments in the Metropolis
Authors: Crouch Winston W.
Published: March 2007

A metropolitan area is made up characteristically of numerous local units of government. All of these units form an interrelating system. Most of them draw heavily from the same tax base. Each city's street pattern affects regional traffic flows; each set of zoning regulations influences the total metropolitan land-use pattern; a major disaster hurts several communities. The American states, until recently, have not given much attention to interlocal relations. Their legal frameworks, different from that in England and Canada, induce local officials to think that their governments can act in isolation from the surrounding communities. Recent popu lation and economic growth has increased the number of met ropolitan local governments. This growth has increased the potential for intergovernmental conflict. Some of the con flict has been resolved by short-term accommodations. Nu merous experiments with new means for resolving the con flicts are being tested. Some methods are informal; others are formal in nature. Professional administrators and as sociations of elective local officials are doing much of the ex perimenting. Much of it involves exchange of information and negotiation of demands. Continuing conferences of local officials try to develop new means for regional policy-making. Federal grant-in-aid policy is also encouraging interlocal co operation.
The Rise and Growth of Swedish Institutions for Defending the Citizen against Official Wrongs
Authors: Wennergren Bertil
Published: March 2007

In Sweden, the rule of law was recognized more than a thousand years ago. Swedish law has its roots in Germanic law. The country has had the privilege of developing its legal institutions in a relatively undisturbed, although, of course, not uninfluenced, way. The development has therefore been extraordinarily continuous. With regard to institutions for defending the citizen against official wrongs, the king comes into focus in his role of guardian of the law. But institutions to which this function was delegated—royal courts, royal officials, and the like—also demand attention. The potentiality of local courts to protect citizens must not be forgotten, nor the control of bureaucracy that parliament, the Riksdag, developed. Here the system of document publicity, as well as the office of the Ombudsman enter the picture. It should be kept in mind that control of bureaucracy is built upon the fact that Swedish officials have, for a long time, performed their duties under a severe penal responsibility. In order to provide a background to later articles in this volume of THE ANNALS, special attention is paid to institutions related to the institution of the Ombudsman.
Finland's Defenders of the Law
Authors: Hidén Mikael J.V.
Published: March 2007

In Finland, there are two organs supervising the legality of the actions of all tribunals and public agencies. The older one, that of Chancellor of Justice, has traditions dating back to the time, before 1809, when Finland still belonged to Sweden. The Chancellor works in close collaboration with the government and also acts as its legal adviser. The Chancellor is also head of all public prosecutors and is thus also entitled to investigate actions by private citizens. The younger of the two organs, the Parliamentary Ombudsman, was created after the country became independent, by the constitution of 1919. Except that the Ombudsman is entitled to supervise only actions by public officials, the two guardians of the law have similar over-all powers of authority, ranging from the municipal and church authorities to the government itself. In initiating their investigations, as well as in collecting the information needed, they have total freedom: freedom to use any lawful source of information and unlimited access to all documents, internal minutes included, as well as the right to attend meetings of all authorities under their supervision. The way of processing the information can be tailored to fit the case in hand. All decisions are checked personally by the Chancellor or the Ombudsman himself. Although their reaction to a given situation is at their own discretion, and although both guardians of law have the power to prosecute, or to order a prosecution or disciplinary action, such solutions have, over time, given way to a more flexible reaction—a reminder, issued to either the official or the agency concerned. The majority of cases originate in complaints from private individuals. In recent times, only about 6 per cent of the complaints have led to some kind of action by the two guardians of the law.
The Ombudsman in the States
Authors: Unruh Jesse M.
Published: March 2007

In response to a world-wide movement in the late 1950's to encourage all governments to adopt the Scandinavian Ombudsman institution, United States scholars wrote books and articles on, and statesmen introduced bills for the establishment of, such an institution at all levels of government. This essay concerns the Ombudsman in the states. Bills to create this office have been introduced in twenty-six states, the first by State Representative Eddy in Connecticut. So far, only one proposal has been enacted into law, namely, in Hawaii. Speaker Unruh of the California State Assembly introduced an Ombudsman bill in the 1965 and 1967 sessions of the legislature, which was passed by the Assembly but rejected by the Senate. The arguments for and against the creation of an Ombudsman office are considered. While the author believes that more precise studies and explanations are needed to overcome the apathy of the public and the resistance of legislators to this reform, he concludes that the best demonstration of the feasibility of this institution in the states can result only from actual experience.