bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Deficit Finance and Economic Development in the Sudan
Authors: Suliman Ali Ahmed
Published: November 2008

This study attempts to measure and analyse the importance of deficit finance in the economic development of the Sudan during the period 1960–9, mainly covered by the Ten-Year Plan of Economic and Social Development, 1961/2 to 1970/1, not implemented beyond 1969. In the light of these findings I shall also review the implications for the success of the present Five-Year Plan, 1970/1 to 1974/5, but since I am basically concerned with the rôle of deficit finance, I shall not attempt to appraise the overall national economic policies and trends, although these significant variables obviously affect each other.
Population, Labour Force, and Economic Growth
Authors: Pickett James
Published: November 2008

No question is currently more topical in development studies than that of employment. This strong concern, which has been linked to income distribution and continuing poverty, as well as more-or-less open unemployment1, is relatively recent in origin. It has generated a number of missions to developing countries by the I.L.O., seen the design (by the same international organisation) of a world employment programme, and given rise to much academic writing. One mildly puzzling feature is that many policies have been prescribed on very limited data.
The Technological Dependence of Developing Countries
Authors: Patel Surendra J.
Published: November 2008

In less than two centuries the process of industrialisation has spread from a tiny triangle in Britain to nearly 25 per cent of the world population. But it has so far largely by-passed the Third World, including China and socialist East Asia, and the southern periphery of Europe from Portugal to Bulgaria. These developing countries account for almost 75 per cent of the world population, but for only 20 per cent of the world income. On the other hand, the developed countries, with only 25 per cent of the population, have an average income per capita about ten times as high, and account for as much as 80 per cent of the real world output.
Parliament in a One-Party State—the Bunge of Tanzania, 1965–70
Authors: Kjekshus Helge
Published: November 2008

The introduction of the one-party system in Tanzania in 1965 was in part explained as a means of rescuing the National Assembly or Bunge from decline and decay. This institution had become a rubber stamp, according to the Presidential Commission, making few meaningful contributions to the system of government: debates had become ‘lifeless and superficial’, and legislation was passed rapidly and uncritically, ‘without challenge to basic principles or careful examination of detailed provisions’. The President had appropriately raised the question of whether the National Assembly should be formally removed from the structure of the state, or amalgamated with that of the ruling party.
Military Dependence: the Colonial Legacy in Africa
Authors: Crocker Chester A.
Published: November 2008

Thepast five years have seen a dramatic increase in the attention paid to the African military by scholars, journalists, and policy-makers. This trend is the direct result of the orgy ofcoup d'états, beginning in 1965, which have toppled governments of all political hues in every major region except white-dominated Southern Africa. As this article is written, well over one-third of the O.A.U.'s membership is under military rule, and there is little reason to believe that army officers will lose interest or effectiveness in the political arena.
Nigeria's New Political Institutions, 1975–9
Authors: Phillips Claude S.
Published: November 2008

In October 1970, after the civil war had ended, General Yakubu Gowon reiterated his earlier pledge that military rule would be terminated on 1 October 1976, but two years before that date he postponed the return to civilian rule indefinitely on the grounds that Nigerians had not yet demonstrated ‘moderation and self-control in pursuing sectional ends’.1 In July 1975, nine years after his own elevation to Head of the Federal Military Government (F.M.G.), Gowon was removed by a coup d'état led by Brigadier Murtala Mohammed, who cited mismanagement as the immediate reason. However, after the coup, ‘well-placed spokesmen for the new administration…reaffirmed that the goals of the coup were to restore the good image of the military and to create conditions which will make reactive military intervention unnecessary in the future’.2
Modernisation and Football in Cameroun
Authors: Clignet Rémi , Stark Maureen
Published: November 2008

It is known that the forms of physical education practised among ancient Greek communities reflected the differential importance attached to military and artistic activities.1 Similarly, today, variations in the relative pre-eminence of collective over individual sports are likely to reflect contrasts in the socio-economic and cultural profiles of contemporary societies.2 Moreover, modes of social participation in a particular game should be affected by the patterns of interaction prevailing in the society at large.
The I.M.F. in Africa: Unnecessary and Undesirable Western Restraints on Development
Authors: Schoenholtz Andrew I.
Published: November 2008

The International Monetary Fund has established itself as the most important economic actor among the many international agencies of our day. Indeed, the most powerful market-economy governments and banks now look to it for leadership in assessing and resolving the key difficulties of world finance. But the I.M.F. has yet to resolve the major problem that it faces as an institution and that its most influential members refuse to recognise as they try to fashion a world economic order: dominated politically, legally, and institutionally by the market élite, the Fund has yet to make the cultural and political leap necessary to understand and work with, rather than against, the majority of its members who are in the Third World. Until the I.M.F. does so, it will continue to be harshly criticised and distrusted by the less-developed countries (L.D.C.s), and it will never achieve either its economic and political potential as a major international agency, or its supposed goal of ordered world economic prosperity.
Villagisation in Ethiopia's Arsi Region
Authors: Cohen John M. , Isaksson Nils-Ivar
Published: November 2008

The Government of Socialist Ethiopia has decided to move all rural inhabitants into newly established villages as part of its strategy for promoting economic growth through agrarian socialism. Known as ‘villagisation’, this programme started in 1978 in parts of Bale Region and continued in Hararghe Region in 1984. Based on this experience, as well as on lessons learned while resettling those evicted to make way for state farms in the Wabe Shebelli valley, the Government began a nationwide campaign in late 1985 designed to move some 33 million rural people into consolidated settlements by 1995.1
Donor Dependency and American Arms Transfers to the Horn of Africa: the F-5 Legacy
Authors: Lefebvre Jeffrey A.
Published: November 2008

Political analysts often tend to focus upon periods of high-level diplomatic tension or ‘crises’ when examining and attempting to draw conclusions about foreign policy. Since these critical and highly visible episodes generally bring to the foreground the underlying combinations of geo-political, strategic, economic, ideological, and bureaucratic elements, as well as individual styles of leadership which affect interstate relations, this attraction to political drama is understandable. But in adopting a ‘crisis’ approach for determining when and what events merit serious exploration, consequential changes may be overlooked, or recognised belatedly, which have subtly crept into a particular government-to-government relationship during relatively uneventful times. The need for scholars to look to the past with more discerning eyes, as well as for foreign policy decision-makers to keep abreast with the day-to-day non-crisis international affairs of state, can be illustrated by the long-term impact of fundamental changes which occurred in the policy of the United States towards the Horn of Africa during the relative calm of the mid-1960s.
Things Fell Apart? Yoruba Responses to the 1983 Elections in Ondo State, Nigeria
Authors: Apter Andrew
Published: November 2008

ON 16 August 1983, towns throughout Nigeria's Ondo State erupted into violence. The ostensible cause was popular reaction against rigged gubernational elections which favoured a National Party of Nigeria (N.P.N.) candidate in an overwhelmingly Unity Party of Nigeria (U.P.N.) State. It is easy to dismiss the violence in Undo (and in Oyo State too) as the protest of a frustrated plebiscite – as indeed it was. But western accounts of ‘the breakdown of democracy’ in Africa, so often associated with primordialism, tribalism, and class conflict in plural societies, seldom grasp experiences of the breakdown itself.1 From the external perspectives of national integration and voting behaviour, popular violence involving mobs and crowds is characterised as affective, ‘irrational’ action, in contrast to the ‘rational’ norms of institutionalised democracy.2
The Material Roots of the Suspended African State: Arguments from Somalia
Authors: Samatar Abdi , Samatar A. I.
Published: November 2008

In this historical conjuncture of profound socio-economic disorders, the condition of the peoples of the so-called periphery is as desperate as it has ever been. Understanding the making and nature of their predicament is certainly one of the most basic conundrums in development studies in general, and the study of Africa in particular. A useful way of looking at the continent's dilemma is to focus on two broad factors: structural constraints and subjective conditions. The first speaks to the complex of historical circumstances, habits, and rules bequeathed by the past – ‘the grid of inheritance’, to borrow from E. P. Thompson – and the overbearing logic of the contemporary global systems of production, exchange, and information. The second signifies political choices that are made as the battle with the past, the present, and for the future continues.
Beyond Capitalism and Socialism in Africa
Authors: Sklar Richard L.
Published: November 2008

Ideological conflict between capitalism and socialism is more than 150 years old in the industrial countries of Europe and North America. Its gradual extension to other parts of the world during the twentieth century has entailed a basic alteration of the terms of debate. Within the leading industrial countries, partisans have debated both the economic merits of privately-owned productive capital, and the justice of profit-taking as a right of such ownership. In socialist thought, ‘social justice’ has meant that the whole product of labour belongs to those who actually produce it; hence its value should be realised by the producers themselves, either individually, or collectively through public institutions. On that basis, socialists have promised to construct an efficient, humane, and just social order. With equal conviction, proponents of capitalism hold that no alternative economic system produces as large a volume of goods, jobs, and other material benefits for as high a percentage of the population; that social inequality is inevitable, regardless of the property system in effect or the organisation of economic production; and that justice, in any case, is always individual, never ‘social’.
Political Succession in Zaïre, or Back to Machiavelli
Authors: Willame Jean-Claude
Published: November 2008

For many years ‘there has been a widespread sense of expectancy’ in Zaïre, a premonition of ‘fin de reégime’. Yet as Crawford Young went on to explain as early as 1979, although a ‘dissolution of the current fabric of power is an ever-present possibility… the surprising survival capacity of the régime makes risky any assertion of the inevitability of such a change.’1 During the last two decades there have been repeated reports that the political life of Zaïre' authoritatrian and absolute Head of State has been in grave danger for a whole variety of reasons, including the alleged loss of support from some powerful army general or ‘baron’, or the ruined credibility of his régime among international financial organisations, etcetera. The fact that Mobutu Sese Seko continues to remain in power as President means that we need to question our understanding of the situation in Zaïre. Before addressing ourselves to the issue of political succession and of possible scenarios in the future, I shall try to explain the main reasons for the ‘survival capacity’ of the power structure.
An Independent Press Working Against Famine: the Nigerian Experience
Authors: Reddy Sanjay
Published: November 2008

The proposition that an independent press can play an extremely positive rôle in focusing attention on, and directing a response to, a food-crisis situation has been put forth by Amartya Sen, who has attempted to explain differential successes in preventing famines partly on this basis,1 supported convincingly in the Indian context by N. Ram,2 editor of the influential newspaper, The Hindu (Madras). As a contribution to the evidence in favour of this proposition, and its relevance to Africa, this article examines the contribution made by one newspaper during 1973–1974 in mediating the public and governmental response to the famine which struck the north of Nigeria.
Have Men Become the Weaker Sex? Changing Life Situations in Kisii District, Kenya
Authors: Silberschmidt Margrethe
Published: November 2008

The ‘discovery’ of third-world women and their situation followed in the wake of research by feminists in western societies. In the late 1960s, Ester Boserup documented that especially African rural women had experienced a major increase in their workload during this century; they had become the main producers not only of subsistence food but also of cash crops.
Beyond Reform: Adjustment and Political Power in Contemporary Mozambique
Authors: Bowen Merle L.
Published: November 2008

Faced with global depression and political readjustments in the late 1980s, all states in Africa have been trying to implement major reforms. For socialist régimes, however, the demands have been the more daunting since these changes have often directly threatened the ideology (and the aspirations) of creating a more egalitarian social order in the wake of colonial rule. Their states faced fundamental social, economic, and ideological transformations, as well as political reconstruction; what was required was no less than the replacement of a socialist with a capitalist market economy, and corresponding alterations in property relations that involved enterprises such as peasant holdings, small family firms, and co-operatives, as well as large-scale farms, factories, and plants under state control. These reforms not only affected the lives of ordinary people, but also reshaped the power and privileges of the government, party leaders, and others directly dependent upon the state.
The Arduous Democratisation Process in Algeria
Authors: Tahi Mohand Salah
Published: November 2008

Soonafter Algeria's independence in 1962, one of the so-called ‘Historic Leaders’ who had founded theFront de libération nationale(F.L.N.) in 1954, Mohamed Boudiaf, announced that the F.L.N. was dead and declared his opposition to Ahmed Bella's army-backed régime. Boudiaf explained why he disagreed with the policies and actions of the Government in a book entitledOu va l' Algerie?, ‘Where is Algeria Going?’ (Paris, 1964), and remained in exile in Morocco until called back home in 1992 by the same army to preside over theHaut comité d' état(H.C.E.) that would suppress the electoral process and introduce another state of siege.
The Indian Ocean Creole Islands: Geo-politics and Decolonisation
Authors: Houbert Jean
Published: November 2008

Decolonisation was a policy of the West, as well as a process reflecting the radical transformation of the configuration of power in the international system. The Soviet Union, perceived as poised to dominate Eurasia, had to be ‘contained’ lest it expanded into the Rimland and challenged the West at sea. This geo-political obsession was reinforced by the ‘loss of China’ and the outbreak of the bitter struggle between North and South Korea. But the cold war was about ideology as well as military power, and containment was therefore not just a question of building pacts but of fostering the ‘right’ kind of political régimes.
Political Violence, ‘Tribalism’, and Inkatha
Authors: Adam Heribert , Moodley Kogila
Published: November 2008

Probably no other aspect of the South African conflict has elicited more divergent explanations and misinterpretations than the ongoing political violence. It is variously attributed to (1) de Klerk's double agenda and unreformed police; (2) a ‘third force’ of right-wing elements in the security establishment, bent on derailing the Government's negotiation agenda; (3) Inkatha–A.N.C. rivalry, engineered by ambitious Buthelezi in danger of being sidelined as an equal third party; (4) the A.N.C.'s campaign of armed struggle, ungovernability, and revolutionary intolerance; (5) ingrained tribalism, unleashed by the lessening of white repression that merely resulted in ‘black-on-black’ violence formerly held in check; (6) the legacy of apartheid in general, a ‘lost youth’ generation. Helen Suzman, for example, singled out sanctions for at least ‘part of the blame’ in her 1991 presidential address to the Institute of Race Relations, while its director, John Kane-Berman, lists all parties as having ‘bloody hands’.
Governance, Cultural Change, and Empowerment
Authors: Landell-Mills Pierre
Published: November 2008

Thefirst three decades of African independence have been an economic, political, and social disaster. The number in absolute poverty is rising faster than anywhere else in the world, and is expected to exceed 250 million by the turn of the century. Once fine universities are in decay, and governments are chronically over-staffed and underperforming. This sad state of affairs is not simply a consequence of an unfortunate coincidence of collapsing commodity prices and mismanagement, but rather because of a fundamental flaw in the prevailing development paradigm. This was based on the erroneous proposition that state institutions derived from metropolitan models could be made the engine of development in the post-colonial era. In retrospect, it is all too obvious that the underlying cultural premises of these institutions were alien to the vast majority of Africans, and they started to crumble the moment the colonial administrators left.
Drought, War, and the Politics of Famine in Ethiopia and Eritrea
Authors: Keller Edmond J.
Published: November 2008

During almost two decades, beginning in the early 1970s, the Horn of Africa was racked by the ravages of hunger and war. Natural disasters are not new to the region, which historically could count on at least seven major droughts each century, but in the current era they have been increasing, in part due to massive deforestation and the changing pattern of weather. It is estimated that in Ethiopia alone, because of soil erosion and deforestation, 30,000 million tons of top-soil are lost each year. A second important factor affecting the severity of famine has been the dramatic escalation in the level and intensity of civil conflict, nowhere more evident than in Ethiopia.
Traditional Participation in a Modern Political System — the Case of Western Nigeria
Authors: Munoz Louis J.
Published: November 2008

Theconstitutional development of Nigeria which started under the British occupation has been marked by two fundamental principles: the decision to set the political evolution of the country on a federal basis, and the effort, far less successful, to integrate the traditional institutions into a modern political system. This second principle will be the subject of this article, which I hope will also shed some light on the complex relationships between tradition and modernity, and thus show the importance of ‘primordial loyalties’ in political life.
The Inscriptions on the Vehicles of Ghanaian Commercial Drivers: a Sociological Analysis
Authors: Date-Bah Eugenia
Published: November 2008

Throughout Ghana many commercial passenger vehicles bear mottos and names, boldly written on their bodies, usually at the front. The widespread nature of these inscriptions would seem to suggest that they are a part of the occupational sub-culture, namely the distinctive pattern of behaviour, norms, and customs which serves to identify commercial transportation. A general theme running throughout the present study is that this sub-culture reflects not only the unique needs of the drivers, but also the socio-economic and cultural environment within which they operate.
Setbacks to Political Institutionalisation by Praetorianism in Africa
Authors: Agyeman Opoku
Published: November 2008

Praetorianism has been authoritatively defined as a situation in which ‘the military class of a given society exercises independent political power within it by virtue of an actual or threatened use of military force’.1A praetorian state, by elaboration, is one in which the military tends to intervene andpotentiallycould dominate the political system. The political processes of this statefavorthe development of the military as the core group and the growth of its expectations as a ruling class; its political leadership (as distinguished from bureaucratic, administrative and managerial leadership) is chiefly recruited from the military, or from groups sympathetic, or at least not antagonistic, to the military. Constitutional changes are effected and sustained by the militaty, and the army frequently intervenes in the government.2
Sankara and the Burkinabé Revolution: Charisma and Power, Local and External Dimensions
Authors: Skinner Elliott P.
Published: November 2008

Captain Thomas Sankara, Comrade President of Burkina Faso, was assassinated on 15 October 1987, allegedly in accordance with the wishes of Captain Blaise Compaoré, Major Jean-Baptiste Lingani, and Captain Henri Zongo. These three officers, said to have feared for their lives, had ordered the arrest of Sankara in order to avoid plunging their country into a blood-bath. The radio broadcast announcing the execution referred to Sankara as a ‘renegade’, a ‘traitor to the revolution’, ‘an autocratic mystic’, and a ‘paranoid misogynist’. It added that the ex-President's ‘high treason’ was illustrated by his trampling upon all organisational principles, his betrayal of the noble objectives of the democratic and popular revolution, his personalisation of power, and by his ambitious use of mysticism to solve the concrete problems of the masses. ‘This’, the broadcast concluded, ‘was inexorably leading us towards total chaos.’1 When he finally broke his silence, Compaoré, the alleged leader of the coup d'état, accused Sankara of ‘wanting to lead the world revolution’.
Financial Sector Failures in Western Africa
Authors: Honohan Patrick
Published: November 2008

At a time when radical reforms are being implemented not only in Eastern Europe and Russia, but also in a number of ex-socialist economies in Africa, a review of an earlier wave of relevant financial changes in the post-independence era can be instructive. Previously, currency and banking arrangements were largely equivalent to those of the colonial powers, but in or about 1960 for most states, and as late as 1975 for the ex-Portuguese territories, real choices had to be made, and the ruling régimes chose a variety of quite divergent paths.
Commerce in Côte d'Ivoire: Ivoirianisation without Ivoirian Traders
Authors: Boone Catherine
Published: November 2008

Côte D'Ivoire retains a central place in discussions on the development of African capitalism. Dramatic increases in agricultural and industrial production in the post-colonial period, coupled with the régime's unequivocally liberal and pro-capitalist discourse, contributed to the image of the Ivoirian state as aggressively promoting the expansion of local and foreign capital. By the late 1970s, it was clear that a select stratum of Ivoirians had amassed private fortunes in the industrial sector, agro-industry, and real estate. Less clear is the significance of this fact for understanding the internal dynamics and development trajectory of Ivoirian capitalism. The idea that the Ivoirian bourgeoisie diversified from its base in agriculture to become one of the most dynamic and influential business classes in sub-Saharan Africa remains plausible, but it evokes no consensus among analysts. Indeed, students of Ivoirian capitalism have been more inclined to argue that the state itself remains the main source of private fortunes, that local capital is thoroughly subordinated to foreign capital, and that indigenous business interests are ensnared in the clientelistic networks of the régime.
The Political Economy of Tourism in Tunisia
Authors: Poirier Robert A. , Wright Stephen
Published: November 2008

TheAfrican continent currently faces severe political and economic crises. Massive debts, unpopular structural adjustment programmes (S.A.P.s), spiralling population growth, democratisation, and régime transformation are all testing national cohesion. Externally, the rapidly changing global environment, marked by the demise of the cold war and the continuing difficulties being experienced in Europe and the Middle East, also provides immense challenges to African policy-makers.
Nigerian Intellectuals and Socialism: Retrospect and Prospect
Authors: Sil Narasingha P.
Published: November 2008

ManyNigerian intellectuals have persisted in their enthusiasm for a socialist revolution. Historians, political scientists, sociologists, economists, novelists, and playwrights in the universities have presented a Marxist critique of the political economy and society, and variously sought to provide a socialist solution to the multiple ills of their country. For example, in November 1985, Tunji Braithwaite was insisting that ‘socialism is the way out’ of the political and economic impasse besetting the nation, while Krees Imodibie was claiming that the Nigerian social ethos expressed the essential precepts of socialism. Even the National Political Bureau appointed in 1986 by President Ibrahim Babangida to devise the blueprint of a civilian government for the 1990s recommended, albeit rejected by the Armed Forces Ruling Council, ‘that Nigeria should adopt a socialist socio-economic system’.
Re-establishing a Multi-Party State: Some Constitutional Lessons from the Seychelles
Authors: Hatchard John
Published: November 2008

Several African countries have found that the road towards the reintroduction of multi-party politics is not easy. This short article examines aspects of constitutional developments in the Seychelles, and argues that three fundamental criteria are necessary for a genuine return to democratic pluralism: the implementation of a proper and fairly organised electoral process, the drafting of a new constitution which represents the wishes of the people, and the effective de-linking of ruling party and government.
Leadership and Personal Danger in African Politics
Authors: Wiseman John A.
Published: November 2008

To be a political leader in many parts of the world is to follow an extremely hazardous and insecure occupation. In addition, in sub-Saharan Africa, but elsewhere as well, the element of personal danger exists in a particularly acute form. Althought the extent to which this is true varies considerably not only from place to place but also over time, the evidence of the past 30 years clearly suggests that there are remarkably few states in which an individual could contemplate embarking on a career in politics free from the dauger of incurring severe personal penalties at some stage.
Ethnic Conflict in the ‘Tribal Zone’: the Dizi and Suri in Southern Ethiopia
Authors: Abbink Jon
Published: November 2008

The number of ethno-regional conflicts in the world has grown in intensity during the last few decades as a result of political and economic crises, and one of the unsolved paradoxes of this world-wide trend is that there seems to be a basic contradiction between the two core concepts of ‘democratisation’ and ‘ethnic self-determination’.
The South African Defence Force and Political Reform
Authors: Howe Herbert M.
Published: November 2008

South Africa's security establishment, specifically the South African Defence Force (S.A.D.F.), illustrates important linkages between national security and political reform. The military and police influence reconciliation, for better or for worse, in all post-conflict states, especially those experiencing an interregnum between authoritarianism and hoped-for democracy, and in which no undisputed ‘winner’ has yet emerged. Alexis de Tocqueville noted long ago that ‘the most perilous moment for a bad government is one when it seeks to mend its ways’, Reform and political change, as Samuel Huntington observes, ‘may contribute not to political stability but to greater instability …[and] encourages demands for still more changes which can easily snowball’. Both suddenly unrestrained popular demands and forces loyal to the ancien régime (including the military) may threaten the process and outcome of reform.
What Can Africa Learn from Taiwan? Political Economy, Industrial Policy, and Adjustment
Authors: Bräutigam Deborah A.
Published: November 2008

Arethere lessons Africa can learn from Taiwan and the other East Asian newly industrialising countries (NICs)? Evaluating the relevance of their experience is fraught with difficulties inherent in making comparisons across regions, during different periods of time, with different preconditions. Clearly, developments in Africa have to be based on local institutions, values, and resources. Yet Taiwan's successful combination of industrialisation and growth with equity reflects goals that are important for African policy-makes. The country's G.N.P.per capitaincreased from $143 in 1953 to $7,284 in 1990. Even during the 1980s, its economy grew at an average annual rate of 8·2 per cent as against only 0·5 per cent in sub-Saharan Africa for the period 1980–7. Taiwan's sustained growth has been widely shared by all income groups, with the top fifth of households only receiving 4·5 times as much as the bottom fifth. By way of contrast, in Côte d'Ivoire (1986–7) and in Botswana (1985–6), the share of the top 20 per cent was respectively almost ii and 24 times that of the bottom 20 per cent.
Limiting Administrative Corruption in Sierra Leone
Authors: Kpundeh Sahr John
Published: November 2008

During the era of the All People's Congress (A.P.C.), 1968–92, the state machinery and resources of Sierra Leone were used to promote the interests of a relatively small number of persons rather than those of the general public. A system of patronage thrived under this ruling party primarily because membership of particular groupings was a more acceptable qualification for position than an individual's actual capabilities. The ensuing intrigues deterred development in the country because members of cliques were only accountable to their leader and his top officials.
The State and Maritime Nationalism in Côte d'Ivoire
Authors: Iheduru Okechukwu C.
Published: November 2008

Oneof the intriguing paradoxes of Côte d'Ivoire is that while the political class has become famous for its ‘open-door’ capitalism, the Government headed by Félix Houphouët-Boigny consistently heightened its rhetoric of ‘Ivoirianisation’ through which it purported to indigenise the economy. The fact is that capitalism controlled by foreigners has generally gained the upper hand with state connivance or approval. Where local capitalism exists, it is often spearheaded by the state as participant and competitor, rather than as a facilitator of indigenous enterprise. Shipping offers a good example of this dual approach, where the state became the vanguard of a vigorous national and regional drive for maritime independence, but at the same time pursued its self-declared ‘open-door’ strategy which ensured continued domination of the sector by foreigners.
Zaïre: the Shattered Illusion of the Integral State
Authors: Young Crawford
Published: November 2008

Zaïre, by the early 1990s, by some accounts had all but vanished. One senior American diplomat described it as nothing more than the presidential vessel ‘Kamanyola’ anchored safely offshore in the Zaïre River, an élite praetorian guard compensated in hard currency, the remote marble city of Gbadolite, a shrivelled state superstructure nourished by diamond smuggling. Its perennial President, Mobutu Sese Seko, was characterised contemptuously by a French official as ‘a walking bank account in a leopard-skin cap’. More than a decade ago, a former publicist for the central régime had relegated the once-powerful state to a zone of non-existence: ‘The state does not exist or no longer exists in Za’. The 1992 National Conference resolved to expunge Zaire from history by restoring its earlier colonial and post-colonial nomenclature of ‘Congo’.
The End of an Era: the Rise and Fall of G.D.R. Aid
Authors: Howell Jude
Published: November 2008

The reunification of Germany on 3 October 1990 marked the end not only of a socialist experiment but also of an alternative source of aid to developing countries as far apart as Vietnam, Cuba, and Mozambique. Whilst the Soviet Union was the major socialist provider of assistance, the former German Democratic Republic (G.D.R.) played a not insignificant rôle. Yet how great was the loss to the developing world when the G.D.R. rapidly disintegrated? What was distinctive about its aid compared with that of capitalist donors? What happened to the projects, experts, overseas students, and foreign workers once Germany reunified?
Africa Science Board, National Academy of Sciences, U.S.A.
Authors: Dillon Wilton S.
Published: November 2008

Science, one of the most universal and public of human systems to understand and control nature, has prompted a whole new area of international co-operation between African scientists and their colleagues in other countries. Such co-operation recognises the desires of African scientists to contribute to the advance of knowledge. It also recognises the desire of scientists abroad to take advantage of the rich opportunities for research in the various environments of Africa on a wide variety of problems of theoretical and practical significance.
Seminar on Economic Co-operation in Africa
Authors: Bretton Henry L.
Published: November 2008

As newly independent states of Africa are coming to grips with the pressing economic problems which they inherited, and as new problems arise, the need for economic co-operation, on a multilateral, regional, or even a continental basis suggests itself with increasing urgency. Some of the existing organisations are making modest headway. Others are encountering severe weather over a variety of issues and difficulties. It was one of the major aims of this international seminar to provide a non-political forum for the fruitful exchange of views, and an opportunity for the continuation of old, as well as the establishment of new, contacts between government officials and scholars from various parts of the world, and to attempt to relate to Africa the accumulated experiences of schemes of economic co-operation in various parts of the world. The seminar was sponsored jointly by the Congress for Cultural Freedom and the host college—University College, Nairobi.
The Bantustan Proposals for South-West Africa
Authors: D'Amato Anthony A.
Published: November 2008

What Southern Africa will look like a generation from now is an immediate problem for the South African Government's top policy makers, who realise the precarious nature of apartheid. These planners have rejected both the do-nothing approach of the right-wing elements (e.g. the Republican Party) in South Africa and the multi-racial society solution pressed by Mrs Helen Suzman, the only Member of Parliament of the (relatively) left-wing Progressive Party. Between these two alternatives a host of partition schemes have been advocated, and one of them has been accepted: the ‘Bantustan’ proposals. By geographical isolation of each of the non-White ethnic groups into separate homelands or ‘Bantustans’, leaving the remainder of the territories of South Africa and South-West Africa to the Whites, the Nationalist Government is proceeding to change the face of Southern Africa.
African Voting in the United Nations General Assembly
Authors: Meyers Benjamin D.
Published: November 2008

This article is an attempt to use some of the quantitative techniques of political science to provide a factual description of the voting behaviour of the African members in a selected session of the United Nations General Assembly. Drawing primarily upon methodology that has been used in studies of the United States Congress, 67 roll-call votes of the eighteenth session have been used to answer three questions which would seem primary to this description: (i) On what types of issues are the African states united and on what are they divided? (2) On divisive issues, into what groups are they divided? (3) How do the groupings vote, combine, and divide on these divisive issues?
Symposium of West African Archaeologists
Authors: Crowder Michale
Published: November 2008

This group of 13 archaeologists came mostly from universities and research institutes in Ghana, Nigeria, Senegal, and Niger, with two from American universities. They met under the auspices of the Institute of African Studies, Fourah Bay College—the first time that Sierra Leone has played host to an archaeological symposium. Each participant had been actively engaged on fieldwork in Africa and presented the results of his research.
Standing Conference on Library Materials on Africa
Authors: Bloomfield Valerie
Published: November 2008

The Standing Conference on Library Materials on Africa (S.C.O.L.M.A.) was established in 1962 to improve the coverage of publications needed for African studies, by co-ordinating their acquisition and facilitating their use through bibliographic and other projects. Surveys in progress of periodicals and debates published in Africa have confirmed that there are substantial gaps in U.K. holdings of African material. Libraries collect the important publications from the regions in which they are interested, and thus acquire a great deal of the same material, but financial and other considerations prevent them from obtaining material which is less important but still of value for research.
Some Recent Contributions to the Literature on Economic Development
Authors: Ewing A. F.
Published: November 2008

Since the end of World War II there has been a marked change in at least the emphasis in economic writing. The history of economic theory seems to be studded with controversy; successive writers overthrow their predecessors, and the problem is not made easier by the tendency of the various schools each to claim to have discovered universal truths. In perspective, it is more sensible to see how each major writer or school has attempted to grapple with the problems of the day. What was said was generally illuminating but the principles drawn up were not necessarilly relevant, and were sometimes downright misleading, in relation to another period or another group of countries.1Nevertheless, each writer how much Karl Marx owed to Adam Smith and Ricardo. At a very different time, J. M. Keynes deliberatelly attempted to demonstrate how misleading ffro the problems of the 'thirties in the developed western world was the system evolved in the preceding century. Although he was clearly right, it is not difficult to discern the extent to which he was a pupil of Alfred Marshall.
Conference on Education, Employment, and Rural Development
Authors: Sheffield J. R.
Published: November 2008

This conference was sponsored by the University College Nairobi, with the generous assistance of the Dulverton Trust and the Ford Foundation. The 82 participants included academic staff from the University Colleges of Nairobi, Makerere, and Dar es Salaam, and their associated research institutes, ministers and senior civil servants from the three East African governments, representatives of F.A.O., I.L.O., and a number of national and international aid agencies, and officials concerned with rural development programmes in East Africa, Nigeria, France, Denmark, and West Germany.
Rhodesia: The Constitutional Conflict
Authors: Barber James P.
Published: November 2008

The Rhodesian rebellion was announced by no whiff of grapeshot but by Mr Ian Smith declaiming that he and his colleagues, ‘in humble submission to Almighty God’, were giving Rhodesia a new constitution, ‘so that the dignity and freedom of all men may be assured’. Subsequently the rebellion has continued to centre around a constitutional dispute. Although there have been armed clashes between the Rhodesian security forces and some guerrilla fighters who have infiltrated from Zambia, there has been no conflict between the forces of the legal authority, the British Government, and those which obey the rebel régime.
Studies on Non-alignment
Authors: Brown Irene
Published: November 2008

The ability of the new nations to think for themselves has surprised their former rulers as much as their capacity for self-government. In many circles it has not only caused surprise but some dismay. It was hoped that the older and wiser rulers would still continue to rule other men's minds if not their countries. Nothing has so disappointed these hopes as the development in the newly independent states of a rich and complex idea of non-alignment, and as a result this idea has been much misunderstood and much resented. Scholars have realised only recently that it is now an integral part of contemporary political thought.
Political Science and National Integration—A Radical Approach
Authors: Sklar Richard L.
Published: November 2008

Certain historians are inclined to view the political awakening of Asia and Africa as part of an ongoing, world-wide, social revolution, previously inaugurated in Europe and America. In that perspective, colonial nationalism and its aftermath appear to involve primarily another ‘revolt of the masses’, another rising of the ‘great uwashed’, another ‘search for status’ by the lower classes of the world.
The Rise of the Algerian Elite, 1900–14
Authors: Saadallah Belkacem
Published: November 2008

The present leaders in the Third World are mainly drawn from élites who, in one way or another, were the product of the colonial era. Algeria, of course, is no exception. Although she was always part of the Arab world, French rule, to which she was subjected for more than a century, left a strong impact. One of the results of the colonial era in Algeria was the rise, in the late nineteenth century, of a French-educated elite who tried, despite their limited number, to find a formula by which the native and colonial societies could live together harmoniously. The purpose of this short study is to trace the origins of these Algerians who, without doubt, were among the pioneers of these élites in Africa.
The Political Thought of Modibo Keita
Authors: Snyder Francis G.
Published: November 2008

Given present social, economic, and political conditions in developing countries, the political élites of these countries clearly merit study. To a great extent, ‘l'indépendance vaut ce que valent ou ce que veulent les dirigeants’ (‘independence reflects the worth or the wishes of the leaders’).1More specifically, Mali's Modibo Keita has played an important role not only in his own country but in African politics generally. Yet little research and writing has touched on his thought on politics and related topics. This essay seeks to examine these ideas, in introductory fashion, and to provide a basis for further and more detailed research.
L'Académie Malgache
Authors: Valette Jean
Published: November 2008

The Malagasy Academy is certainly the oldest learned society in the whole of French-speaking Africa, and in fact it is still original in the sense that there are few like it in the countries of the third world.
The International Labour Organisation in Africa
Authors: Sutcliffe Peter
Published: November 2008

A new policy of decentralisation of activities is leading to a substantial strengthening of the field structure of the I.L.O. in Africa. The policy has been formulated in the light of the growing trend towards regional and subregional economic and social development, and the increase in I.L.O technical co-operation activity around the world. I.L.O.'s work has in fact shown its most noticeable expansion in the African region; in terms of expenditure, the region now claims the largest allocation—over 35 per cent, as against 27 per cent in 1952—of the Organisation's total resources for technical co-operation.
The Distorted Growth of Import-Substitution Industry: the Zambian Case
Authors: Seidman Ann
Published: November 2008

THE importance of industrial growth is widely agreed in Zambia, as elsewhere.1In the post-independence era, Zambia's manufacturing sector actually did grow at a rate exceeding that suggested by the U.N. experts as critical for attainment of the goals of the ‘Development Decade’ of the 1960s.2But the rapid expansion of manufacturing industry did not contribute significantly to the spread of increased productivity in all sectors of the Zambian economy.
Borderline Politics in Ghana: the National Liberation Movement of Western Togoland
Authors: Brown David
Published: November 2008

Theinter-state boundaries of Africa have changed remarkably little since the end of colonial rule, despite their lack of contiguity with the economic, ethnic, and political realities of African societies. In the few cases where attempts have been made to reject, in principle, the boundaries which were inherited at the time of independence, the demands for change have emerged in three major forms: as irredentist claims by established states based mainly on assertions of pre-colonial hegemony; as calls for the re-establishment of early colonial states which had been either partitioned or integrated into a larger state by the time of decolonisation; or as ethnic nationalist demands by partitioned communities.1
Social Disorganisation in Uganda: Before, During, and After Amin
Authors: Southall Aidan
Published: November 2008

The defeat of Amin and the liberation of Uganda by Nyerere's Tanzania is the most significant African event of the last decade. With it Africa came of age, able to criticise itself, no longer determined to support the honour of corrupt rulers against the world simply because they are black. Amin's buffoonery at last grew tiresome with surfeit. He was a clown who lived his life of power, self-indulgence, and tyranny to the utterance, making himself and his country a total jest, so that all the world must recognise the basic absurdity and iniquity of post-uhuru military régimes in Africa.
From Peacekeeping to Peace Enforcement: The UN Operation in Somalia
Authors: Thakur Ramesh
Published: November 2008

[Peacekeepers] shouldnot…have the obligation, the soldiers, or the equipment to engage violators in hostilities. International peacekeeping forces express and facilitate the erstwhile belligerents' will to live in peace; they cannot supervise peace in conditions of war. Turning them into a fighting force erodes international consensus on their function, encourages withdrawals by contributing contingents, converts them into a factional participant in the internal power struggle, and turns them into targets of attack from rival internal factions.