bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Independent Labour Party and Foreign Politics 1918–1923
Authors: Dowse Robert E.
Published: December 2008

The Independent Labour Party, which was founded in 1893 had, before the 1914–18 war, played a major part within the Labour Party to which it was an affiliated socialist society. It was the largest of the affiliated socialist societies with a pre-eminently working-class membership and leadership. Because the Labour Party did not form an individual members section until 1918, the I.L.P. was one of the means by which it was possible to become an individual member of the Labour Party. But the I.L.P. was also extremely important within the Labour Party in other ways. It was the I.L.P. which supplied the leadership – MacDonald, Hardie and Snowden – of both the Labour Party and the Parliamentary Labour Party. It was the I.L.P., with its national network of branches, which carried through a long-term propaganda programme to the British electorate. Finally, it was the I.L.P. which gave most thought to policy and deeply affected the policy of the Labour Party.
Conflict of Revolutionary Authority: Provisional Government vs. Berlin Soviet, November-December 1918
Authors: Friedlander Henry Egon
Published: December 2008

The Russian revolutions of 1905 and 1917 saw the first appearance of workers' and soldiers' councils, called Soviets. In 1917 the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet, acting for all the Russian Soviets, became the chief competitor of Kerensky's Provisional Government. The Bolsheviks, employing the slogan “All Powers to the Soviets”, used the Petrograd Soviet in their drive for power. In the October Revolution the Soviets, dominated by the Bolsheviks, replaced the Provisional Government as the government of Russia.
The French Left-Wing Radicals
Authors: Loubère Leo A.
Published: December 2008

During the first three decades of the Third Republic there appeared a group of left-wing republicans who became known as Radical-Socialists. As a group they had many ideas in common and tended to vote on many issues with a rather high degree of unity. However, a careful study of their voting record allows three divisions to be made among them. On the extreme Left were the hard core Radical-Socialists (HCRS). They are so designated because their voting record attained a total of about 90% on bills and orders of the day of an advanced social nature. Somewhat less consistent were the Radical-Socialists (RS) who attained at least 75%. Among the former were deputies whose stand for reform was about as consistent as that of the average Socialist. Some of the most famous were Georges Clemenceau, Camille Pelletan, Georges Perin, Tony Révillon, Désiré Barodet, Henri and Félix Mathé, Armand Duportal, Félix Cantagrel, Camille Raspati, Sigismond Lacroix, Ernest Lefèvre, Martin Nadaud, Stéphan Pichon, Emile Chautemps and Marius Chavanne. Among the Radical-Socialists were Antoine Achard, Jules Baulard, Henri Maret, Germain Casse, René Goblet, Paul Doumer, Edouard Lockroy, Gustave Mesureur, Louis-Bernard Montaut, Michel Salis, Emile Brousse, Jules Lasbaysses, Roque de Fillol, Gustave Hubbard, and Benjamin Raspati. Another group, somewhat peripheral to the present study but included in order to round it out, were the social Radicals(SR), or Radicaux de Gauche, as they called themselves after 1881. Their voting record averaged about 60%. The term “left-wing Radicals” includes all the above categories. The moderate or orthodox Radicals were really advanced liberals as regards social legislation, and do not form part of the groups examined in this essay.
Zur Verfasserschaft der Berichte „Aus Deutschland” in der Genfer Espérance
Authors: Silberner Edmund
Published: December 2008

Das seinerzeit unter den Polen und Italienern ziemlich populäre Tagesblatt „L'Espérance” erschien unter der Leitung des Franzosen Armand Lévy von 1859 bis 1861 in Genf. Lévy stand in Verbindung mit dem Prinzen Napoleon, bekannt unter den Spottnamen Plon-Plon und „roter” Prinz. Die „Espérance” war aber kein von der französischen Regierung subventioniertes Blatt. Sie nahm finanzielle Unterstützungen ausschliesslich von den gegen ihre eigenen Regie-rungen kämpfenden Patrioten an, hauptsächlich wohl von Italienern und Polen. Cavour gewährte der Zeitung keine Unterstützung, weil er sich mit Preussen und Russland nicht verfeinden wollte.
K. Marx und sein „Privatsekretär” Th. Sanders
Authors: Rosdolsky Roman
Published: December 2008

In manchen Marx-Bibliographien wird ein Brief angeführt, den Karl Marx vier Tage vor seinem Tode an einen „hervorragenden Sozialdemokraten” in Wien gerichtet und den er – als schwerkranker Mann – einem angeblichen Freund und „Privatsekretär”, Namens Thomas Sanders in die Feder diktiert haben soll. Daß es sich dabei um eine plumpe Fälschung handelt, wurde schon 1884 im II Jg. der Kautskyschen „Neuen Zeit”, in einem der Wiener „Presse-Korruption” gewidmeten Artikel festgestellt. Der Verfasser des gefälschten Marx-Briefes war der Wiener Journalist Viktor Hahn, der sich darauf spezialisierte, Briefe bekannter Persönlichkeiten (so z.B. L. Kossuths, Rich. Wagners, des Frauenmörders Hugo Schenck u.a.) zu erfinden und sie dann für gutes Honorar in diversen Tageszeitungen zu „verwerten”. – Im gegebenen Falle handelte es sich ausserdem darum, Marxens Autorität im sog. Merstallingerprozeß, der gerade damals in Wien stattfand, gegen die „Anarchisten” ins Feld zu führen. (Der fabrizierte Brief wurde auch während der Gerichtsverhandlung vom Staatsanwalte zitiert.)
The Political Role of the Free Unions and the Failure of Council Government in Hamburg November, 1918 to March, 1919
Authors: Comfort Richard A.
Published: December 2008

It is, perhaps, all too easy for the student of German political history to adopt the device of speaking of events in the capital city as if they could be taken to represent developments occurring on a national scale. But it is far less accurate to use Berlin in this way than it is to use, for example, Paris or London. For one must keep in mind that the federal structure of Germany was by no means a mere legal fiction. Local political issues and the local organizations of the national parties retained considerable importance throughout the Weimar period. Indeed, one could well argue that in a number of instances, especially in the early years of the Republic, local political struggles were decisive for the formation of national policies.
Zur Geschichte des Bundes der Kommunisten die Aussagen des Peter Gerhardt Röser
Authors: Blumenberg Werner
Published: December 2008

Seit einigen Jahren hat eine grössere Anzahl von Forschern der Geschichte des Bundes der Kommunisten viel Aufmerksamkeit zugewandt. Ihrer Arbeit ist eine ganze Reihe beachtlicher Spezialstudien zu verdanken.1 Das gröksste Verdienst dieser Publikationen ist es, dass in ihnen ausserordentlich reichhaltiges Material über die polizeiliche Verfolgung des Bundes zusammengetragen wurde, und zwar vor allem aus dem Deutschen Zentralarchiv II, Merseburg, dem Brandenburgischen Landeshauptarchiv, Potsdam und dem Sächsischen Landeshauptarchiv, Dresden. Wir erhielten so eine wohl erschöpfende Darstellung des Kesseltreibens gegen den Bund der Kommunisten, das auf direkten Wunsch des an Verfolgungswahn leidenden Friedrich Wilhelm IV. veranstaltet wurde und bei dem die deutschen Regierungen und Polizeibehörden einträchtig zusammen-arbeiteten. Der Verlauf des Kölner Kommunistenprozesses von 1852 wurde durch die Wiedergabe zeitgenössischer Presseberichte im Detail vergegenwärtigt. Mit den Winkelzügen, Provokationen und Fälschungen der Polizei sind wir vertraut, und auch unsere Kenntnis der Hintergründe dieser Verfolgungsaktion wurde durch die Mitteilung amtlicher Schriftstücke wesentlich erweitert.
Marx' und Engels' Auseinandersetzung Mit Darwin
Authors: Lucas Erhard
Published: December 2008

Seit der vollständigen Veröffentlichung der Marxschen Frühschriften ist es gesichertes Ergebnis der Forschung, daΒ der philosophische Ansatz des jungen Marx fundamental von dem verschieden ist, was der späte Engels im weltanschaulichen System des “Anti-DÜhring” (1877/78) als Marxismus formuliert hat. Iring Fetscher hat diesen Gegensatz vorläufig abschlieΒend dargelegt. Chronologisch differenziert wurde dieses Bild durch Hermann Bollnow, der gezeigt hat, daΒ sich Engels, der bei der “Deutschen Ideologic” (1845) zur völligen Identität der Auffassung mit Marx gelangt war, bereits in seinen “Grundsätzen des Kommunismus” (1847) in Richtung auf den “Anti-Dühring” von Marx entfernt hat – wenn auch erst in einem MaΒe, daΒ nur die feinsten interpretatorischen Mittel dem auf die Spur kommen können. Alfred Schmidt hat dann nachgewiesen, daβ der Kritik der politischen ökonomie des mittleren und späten Marx ein nicht-ontologischer Materialismus zugrundeliegt, während Engels' “Naturdialektik” zwar um die Gefahr der Ontologie weiΒ, jedoch nur unzureichend gegen sie gesichert ist und in den entscheidenden Aussagen in einen metaphysischen Materialismus abgleitet. Die DifFerenz zwischen Marx und Engels ist also bisher in den prinzipiell-philosophischen Fragen untersucht worden. Wir wollen an Hand der Auseinandersetzung, die Marx und Engels mit Darwin geführt haben, die DifFerenz auf einem anderen Felde darstellen und dabei zu zeigen versuchen, wie sich die unterschiedlichen philosophischen Ansätze auf ein Randproblem – und um das handelt es sich hier natürlich – ausgewirkt haben. Die bisherige Literatur über die Beziehung von Marx und Engels zu Darwin, auch in anderer Hinsicht ungenügend, ist nicht bis zu dem Punkt vorgedrungen, an dem eine Differenz zwischen Marx und Engels sichtbar wird.
Johann Philipp Becker und die Revolution 1848
Authors: Trübner Georg
Published: December 2008

Der Revolution des Jahres 1848 gingen wichtige politische Ereignisse in mehreren Ländern Europas voraus. Die Niederwerfung des Krakauer Aufstandes 1846 und die auf die Einverleibung der Herzogtümer Schleswig-Holstein gerichtete dänische Politik wurden von allen fortschrittlichen Kräften abgelehnt. Der Ausgang des Schweizer Sonderbundkrieges war in den liberalen Kreisen Europas mit Genugtuung aufgenommen worden.
The Discussion of Public Works Programmes, 1917–1935: Some Remarks on the Labour Movement's Contribution
Authors: Mackay Donald I. , Forsyth David J. C. , Kelly David M.
Published: December 2008

One of the by-products of the Keynesian Revolution has been a painstaking search for precursors of Keynes. Diligent academics have compiled an impressive array of “proto-Keynesians”, although some have only slender claims to the title. There has been a preoccupation with those writers whose contributions were exclusively theoretical. This bias is surprising in view of the nature of Keynes' own approach which was to progress from policy prescription to theory. The “proto-Keynesians” in general failed to proceed to Keynesian policy prescriptions, being unable to withstand the attacks of orthodox theorists; yet some commentators, ignorant of theoretical niceties, intuitively arrived at policy programmes which Keynes later endorsed. This latter group placed particular emphasis on public works programmes as a method of combating unemployment. Economists have credited the Liberal Party, J. M. Keynes and H. D. Henderson with being the first, in the inter-war years, to emphasise public works as one solution to the problem of chronic unemployment. Klein, examining Keynes' and Henderson's arguments in support of the Liberal Party's 1929 General Election commitment to a public works programme, states that “no one was thinking seriously along these lines at the time of the Great Depression.” Most other commentators have stressed the original nature of the Liberal programme of 1929, notably Harrod, Macgregor and Dillard. The purpose of this paper is to indicate the contribution of the Labour movement to the inter-war discussion of public works. It is contended that there has been undue emphasis on the Liberal Party's literature of the 1920S and early 1030s. In fact, the Liberal programme was in many respects similar to that which had been expounded by trade unionists and the Labour Party since 1917. To establish this argument it is necessary, first, to outline the historical background against which the inter-war discussion of public works took place.
Socialist Sunday Schools in Britain, 1892–1939
Authors: Reid F.
Published: December 2008

Recent interest in the social conditions which underlay the emergence in Britain of independent labour politics in the last decade of the nineteenth century has thrown a good deal of light on the Labour Church movement. Dr. E. J. Hobsbawm, in a characteristically stimulating chapter of his Primitive Rebels, set the Labour Churches within the context of the “labour sects” which he isolates as a phenomenon of nineteenth century Britain and defines as “proletarian organisations and aspirations of a sort expressed through traditional religious ideology”. The concentration of academic attention on the Labour Church has given rise to the mention of a little known phenomenon of the British working-class movement, Socialist Sunday Schools which, it is usually suggested, were little more than a fringe activity of the Labour Churches. It is the object of this paper to give some account of the history of Socialist Sunday Schools in Britain until 1939 and to suggest that they too constitute a “labour sect” cognate with the Labour Church but organisationally and geographically distinct from it and therefore representing an extension of the working-class sectarian tradition beyond the limits of the nineteenth century within which Hobsbawn seems to confine it.
Etienne Cabet and the Problem of Class Antagonism
Authors: Johnson Christopher H.
Published: December 2008

The place of Etienne Cabet in the history of French and European socialism has been misunderstood and its real importance diminished in part due to the only detailed study of his life and thought, Jules Prudhommeaux's Icarie et son fondateur Etienne Cabet (Paris: Cornély, 1907). This work possesses many merits but is limited by the framework made explicit in its subtitle: “a contribution to the study of Experimental Socialism”. The author is principally concerned with Cabet as the creator of a communist colony in the backwoods of America. This emphasis relieved Prudhommeaux of the task of investigating the role of Cabet in the turbulent politics of France before and during the Revolution of 1848. By ignoring this period of Icarian history, he inadvertently strengthened the impression that Cabet's historical significance was as the Utopian archetype. Such was not the unique image of the father of Icarian communism during the 1840's, however.
Revolution und Legalität
Authors: Steinberg Hans-Josef
Published: December 2008

Im Januar 1895 war der Geschäitsführer des Verlags „Buchhandlung Vorwärts”, Richard Fischer, „beim Durchblättern alter Zeitungen” auf Marxens Artikel „Die Juniniederlage 1848”, „Der 13. Juni 1849” und „Folgen des 13. Juni 1849” gestoβen, welche 1850 in den ersten drei Heften der Neuen Rheinischen Zeitung. Politisch-ökonomische Revue erschienen waren. Am 30. des Monats bat er Engels in einem Brief um dessen Zustimmung zur Herausgabe der völlig unbekannten Marxschen Arbeit in Form einer Broschüre. Gleichzeitig ersuchte er ihn, eine Einleitung dazu zu verfassen. Da Fischer die Schrift spätestens im März herausbringen wollte – er hielt Engels vor Augen, daβ nach einer möglichen Annahme der Umsturzvorlage das Erscheinen der Marxschen Arbeit in Frage gestellt sei –, drängte er auf eine umgehende definitive Antwort. Engels monierte zwar am 2. Februar die Art und Weise, in der er zeitlich unter Druck gesetzt würde, stimmte aber dem Plan Fischers zu und versprach, die gewünschte Einleitung in Angriff zu nehmen. Darüber hinaus erweiterte er die Marxschen Artikel um jene Abschnitte aus der „Revue” des fünften und sechsten Heftes der Neuen Rheinischen Zeitung, die die Ereignisse in Frankreich behandelten. Aus drei Vorschlägen, die Engels machte, wählte Fischer den Titel „Die Klassenkämpfe in Frankreich 1848 bis 1850”.
Socialism in the Nord, 1880–1914. A Regional View of the French Socialist Movement
Authors: Baker Robert P.
Published: December 2008

This paper was written before the appearance of Leslie Derfler's “Reformism and Jules Guesde: 1891–1904” (International Review of Social History, XII (1967), pp. 66–80). It is not specifically aimed at answering or refuting Derfler's article; however, it adds to his discussion of French reformism and Jules Guesde. Derfler and I agree that an analysis of Socialist theory is of secondary importance for the historian trying to unravel the complexities of French Socialism; for “doctrinal discord” Derfler substitutes “personal enmity” as the key to understanding. I believe that investigation of Socialist organization in France will provide added insights into the reformist and revolutionary movements within French Socialism.
The Potato Blight in the Netherlands and its Social Consequences (1845–1847)
Authors: Bergman M.
Published: December 2008

The potato blight which in the 1840s became so destructive in Ireland as to cause wide-spread distress and much loss of life also brought the Netherlands to the verge of famine. The purpose of this article is to evaluate the extent of the damage to the Dutch potato crops in the “hungry forties” and to consider some of its consequences: the rise of the food prices, the spread of pauperism, social unrest, the attitudes of the population and the measures taken by the Government.
The Government and the General Strike, 1926
Authors: Mason A.
Published: December 2008

The British General Strike of 1926 was one of the turning points of the inter-war years. The defeat which the trade unions suffered at the hands of the Government successfully discredited the idea of widespread industrial action as a method of obtaining the demands of labour. It did much to ensure the relatively quiescent acceptance by labour of the persistent unemployment of the thirties. It removed the threat to the established order which had existed since the turbulence of the immediate post-war years and provided the necessary preliminary to the increasing respectability of trade unions as a pressure group. The definitive history of the general strike has yet to be written, and that the subject remains open to differing emphasis and interpretation is evidenced by the most recent writing on the subject by A. J. P. Taylor and John Saville. The Public Records Act of 1967, by making available a large collection of Cabinet and Departmental papers, has opened up the possibility of a revision of our view of the strike and provided much important additional detail, notably about the Government's role in the events of 1925-26. Of the matters which still exercise the minds of historians of the General Strike, four main questions have been selected for consideration. First of all, there is the intriguing problem of the 1925 industrial crisis when the Government averted an embargo on the movement of coal by granting a subsidy to the coal industry and appointing a Royal Commission to enquire into the future of the industry.
The Labour Party and Education for Socialism
Authors: Barker Rodney
Published: December 2008

No socialist since Robert Owen has had any excuse for being unaware of the relationship between educational reform and social and political change, and a perception of this relationship was a feature of nineteenth century socialism and liberalism. The attention which the educational principles and policies of socialist, labour, and radical movements in Europe have recently received has thus been well deserved. The socialists have however come off better than those organisations which have been designated as merely “labour”, and two valuable contributions to the literature dealing with Great Britain – Professor Simon's Education and the Labour Movement, 1870–1920, and Dr Reid's article on the Socialist Sunday Schools – are concerned with the programmes and beliefs of left wing socialist bodies, rather than with those of the ideologically more diffuse but politically more important Labour Party. Both these contributions may perhaps profitably be placed in a new perspective by an examination of the attitudes adopted within the Labour Party and within its industrial half-brother the Trades Union Congress, to the problems raised by the content and character, as opposed to the structure and organisation, of the education available to the working class.
Intelligentsia Socialism and the “Workers' Revolution”: The Views of J. W. Machajski
Authors: D'Agostino Anthony
Published: December 2008

The notion that the leadership of industrial society must eventually be ceded to an educated elite of technical and administrative experts is an important theme in the social thought of the last two centuries. It can be found as early as Saint-Simon's plans for the Système Industriel. As a criticism of the supposedly anti-proletarian aspects of Socialism it is commonly thought to have originated with James Burnham's idea of a “managerial revolution” and appeared later with Milovan Djilas's “new class”. Actually the criticism of “State Socialism” in general, and of Marxism in particular, for an alleged tropism toward managerialism was also a weapon in the arsenal of nineteenth century anarchism. An integral part of Bakunin's criticism of Marx, whom he called the “Bismarck of Socialism”, was the contention that Marxism in power would organize society “under the direct command of state engineers who will constitute a new privileged scientific-political class”. This thesis has had its most consistent and rigorous formulation in the work of Jan Waclaw Machajski, a Polish-Russian revolutionary who based his theory on the conviction that Socialism was not the ideology of the proletariat but of what he called the “intellectual workers”, the new middle class of white collar employees generated by industrial capitalism. The most important antagonism in modern society, thought Machajski, was that between the educated – to whom he gave the inclusive term “bourgeois society” – and the uneducated manual laborers. He argued that a portion of educated society, the Socialist intelligentsia with Marxists in the forefront, was attempting to gain for itself a privileged position in capitalist society by turning the labor movement away from direct action for higher wages and toward a struggle for parliamentary power which could only benefit the intellectual workers.
The Implementation of the 1834 Poor Law Amendment Act on Tyneside
Authors: McCord Norman
Published: December 2008

The Poor Law Amendment Act of 1834 was a measure of major importance, both as an administrative innovation and because of its social effects. The Ministry of Health archives in the Public Record Office include in the Poor Law Papers a very large and valuable source for the social history of nineteenth century Britain. Much more work on this mass of evidence will be necessary before any very reliable assessment of the effect of the New Poor Law can be made. This paper is an attempt to use a small selection of these papers to discuss the way in which the system prescribed by the 1834 Act was introduced into Tyneside, already an important region of economic growth in these years.
The German Center Party and the Reichsbanner
Authors: Knapp Thomas A.
Published: December 2008

The problem of paramilitary organizations in Germany after 1918 forms an interesting and crucial chapter in the story of the ill-fated Weimar Republic. The organizations which gained the most notoriety stood on the far political right, unreconciled and unreconcilable both to military defeat and to the republic which was the child of that defeat. But the republic did have its militant defenders, who were recruited on the democratic left and organized in the Reichsbanner. The history of the Reichsbanner not only vividly demonstrated “the sharpness of political antagonisms” in the republic, but also reflected several developments during Germany's so-called golden years after 1924: the balance of political forces, Catholic-socialist and bourgeois-socialist relations, and in no small degree the disintegration of the Weimar Coalition (Social Democratic Party, Democratic Party, and Center Party).
Augustus Hardin Beaumont: Anglo-American Radical (1798–1838)
Authors: Maehl William H.
Published: December 2008

Augustus Hardin Beaumont is known as a secondary figure of English radicalism during the 1830s. He came to England from Jamaica in the spring of 1835 and by the end of January 1838 he was dead. He was briefly associated with the London Working Men's Association in its early stages and then went to the Northeast where he founded the Northern Liberator. Historians of Chartism have noted him in passing and they have recognized his almost frenzied militancy in support of democratic reform. Most agree with Francis Place's judgment that “his eccentricities sometimes bordered upon insanity”, but beyond that they tell us little more about him.
International Red Aid and Comintern Strategy, 1922–1926
Authors: Ryle J. Martin
Published: December 2008

Of the numerous front organizations spawned by the Communist International, none became more widely known or more active than International Red Aid (IRA). Created in 1922, IRA served the Comintern for over twenty years until it was dissolved with its parent in 1943. At its peak (1932–1933) this front attained a membership of over fourteen million, scattered over seventy-three national sections. It claimed to have provided relief and aid for thousands of Communist and non-partisan revolutionaries who were subjected to the persecutions of “bourgeois class justice” and “white terror”. From its presses poured a steady stream of propaganda in a dozen languages – handbills, leaflets, pamphlets, books, and periodicals. The Red Aid leadership initiated and conducted protest demonstrations and campaigns on behalf of the most celebrated causes of the 1920's and 1930's: Sacco and Vanzetti, the Scottsboro Boys, Tom Mooney, the Reichstag Fire Trial, Ernst Thälmann, Antonio Gramsci, and the Spanish Civil War.
The Attitudes of Friendly Societies towards the Movement in Great Britain for State Pensions, 1878—1908
Authors: Treble James H.
Published: December 2008

The last three decades of the nineteenth century were marked in British social history by a vigorous and far-reaching debate about the causes and incidence of poverty amongst the elderly. By the early 1890s this controversy had produced a sharp cleavage of opinion between those commentators who held that old-age pauperism was largely a product of character defects and those who attributed it to certain social and economic ills which the individual, acting alone, could never hope to remedy. Social thinkers who subscribed to this latter view – the loosely labelled collectivist school of thought – were not content, however, merely with the work of analysis; they were equally anxious to find a panacea for one of the main social problems of the day. In the end the solution they most widely canvassed was the introduction of an old age pensions scheme in which the state would have a vital rle to play. But perhaps of more significance for the development of social services in Great Britain, three of the leading advocates of state intervention endeavoured, in their own distinctive styles, to translate this general declaration of intent into detailed programmes of action.
Otto Bauer et la Russie Sovietique: Quatre Lettres Inedites d'Otto Bauer A Karl Kautsky
Authors: Bourdet Yvon
Published: December 2008

L'Institut international d'histoire sociale d'Amsterdam conserve dans le fonds Kautsky soixante-douze lettres d'Otto Bauer. Malheu-reusement les rponses de Karl Kautsky n'ont pas t retrouves et sont considres comme perdues. Aprs l'chec de l'insurrection ou-vrire du 12 fVrier 1934, en Autriche, Otto Bauer dut se rfugier Brno, en Tchcoslovaquie; la police de Dollfuss fouilla son apparte-ment et emporta tous les papiers. Plus tard, en 1938, quand Otto Bauer eut migre Paris, les bureaux de Brno furent ferms et on brǔla encore des documents parmi lesquels des lettres dont on assure qu'elles taient sans importance. Toujours est-il que les lettres de Bauer Kautsky constituent l'essentiel de ce qui a t sauv de sa correspondance.
Science and Charity: Count Rumford and His Followers
Authors: Redlich Fritz
Published: December 2008

The topic of this paper might at first glance appear to lack interest. In fact, however, it is for many reasons of real significance. The men who brought about the set of achievements, to be discussed, and its migration, respectively, played roles on the stages of history, science, and business; and a whole bundle of social and economic problems was solved by a concatenation of measures. Last but not least, we can study here almost step by step a case of eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century institutional migration.
The Scottish Prohibition Party and the Millennium
Authors: Walker William M.
Published: December 2008

In his most recent return to a thesis first stated in 1957, Professor Norman Cohn remains convinced of the “parallels and indeed the continuity” between medieval millenarianism and modern totalitarianism. While Professor Cohn's treatment of this theme has in 1970 been stated “more briefly” than in 1957, it is difficult to share his view that it has simultaneously been rendered “more clearly”. Indeed the latest edition of The Pursuit of the Millennium might easily persuade the reader that Professor Cohn had surrendered that hypothesis which formed a major interest of his work.
The Pig or the Stye: Drink and Poverty in Late Victorian England
Authors: Brown J. B.
Published: December 2008

In the last third of the nineteenth century, the relationship of poverty and drunkenness became a topic of bitter social controversy. The debate often had hopelessly polarized positions, being reduced in crudest form to a disagreement over whether poverty caused intemperance or the reverse. The very emotionalism and repetition of the argument, while disappointing to the logician, was a clear sign of the deep passions that the question invoked. While contributors to this debate stretched across the spectrum of religious and political alignment, the controversy was essentially the creature of the left. As will be argued, the question of self-inflicted poverty through drunkenness excited the Liberal and emergent socialist-labour parties far more than it did the Conservative-Unionist sector.
“Captain Swing” in the West Midlands
Authors: Richards Eric
Published: December 2008

“Captain Swing” had small success in the West Midlands. As Hobs-bawm and Rudé correctly point out, Staffordshire and Shropshire were among those “counties only marginally affected by the labourers' movement”. There were few cases of incendiarism and the whole episode in this area was somewhat anticlimacteric in character. Nevertheless the threat of “Captain Swing” in the last months of 1830 and into 1831 did not leave the West Midlands unmoved. It had the incidental effect of uncovering some of the otherwise subterranean rifts and divisions in rural society. In the fragments of evidence that survive, one can see that “Swing” induced a number of responses from the various sections of rural life in Staffordshire and Salop – attitudes were exposed and recriminations voiced. In effect, the fear of conflict rendered explicit social and economic circumstances which otherwise one can only guess at.
J. R. Stephens and the Chartist Movement
Authors: Kemnitz Thomas Milton , Jacques Fleurange
Published: December 2008

Joseph Rayner Stephens's active participation in the Chartist movement was limited to three months in the autumn of 1838. His Chartist career began in mid-September when he was elected as a delegate to the Convention by the men of Ashton-under-Lyne and had ended before he was arrested at the end of December. During that time he spoke at meetings not only in Lancashire and the West Riding of Yorkshire but also at places as far afield as Carlisle and Norwich. He was elected a delegate to the Convention at Ashton, at the great South Lancashire demonstration, at Stockport, and at Norwich. He was a commanding figure on Chartist platforms, and historians of the movement have devoted a great deal of attention to him. His vivid and forceful language, prominence in the early stages of the agitation, early arrest, and seeming recantation of Chartism all provide choice material for historians, who have been quick to exploit it. By all hands, Stephens is given credit for the part he played in arousing the working men of the North of England and for fostering in them a sense of identity to which the Chartists could appeal. This was a fundamentally important contribution to the development of the Chartist movement. But historians have not clearly raised two important questions about Stephens's role in the movement. First, did Stephens think when he was participating in the movement that its immediate goal – enactment of the People's Charter – was worth-while? Timing is important here for many historians have noted that he renounced the movement between the time of his arrest in December, 1838 and his trial in August, 1839. Second, did his impact on the agitation extend beyond arousing the men of the North? These questions are related, for his skepticism about Chartist goals helped to shape his impact on the movement.
Der Deutsche Social-Demokratische Arbeiterverein in Kopenhagen Und Die Dänische Arbeitėrbewegung
Authors: Lahme Hans-Norbert
Published: December 2008

Von den verschiedenen Auslandsorganisationen sozialdemokratischer deutscher Arbeiter und Handwerker im neunzehnten Jahrhundert sind die drei Kopenhagener, der Deutsche social-demokratische Arbeiterverein (1875–77), die Deutsche Lesegesellschaft (1887–91) und der Deutsche Arbeiterverein Vorwärts (1894–1914) bislang von der historischen Forschung unbeachtet geblieben. Dies erscheint unberechtigt, denn, mag es auch zutreffen, dass die drei Vereine zu den weniger bedeutenden Auslandsorganisationen deutscher Sozialdemokraten gehörten, für die dänische Arbeiterbewegung war der älteste der drei Vereine von grosser Bedeutung. In der Mitte der siebziger Jahre des vorigen Jahrhunderts war er nicht nur das einzige Bindeglied der dänischen Arbeiterbewegung zwar weniger zur organisierten deutschen Sozialdemokratie als zur Ideenwelt deutscher Arbeiter und Handwerker, sondern zeitweilig auch das einzige Milieu innerhalb der dänischen Arbeiterbewegung, in dem theoretische Fragen diskutiert wurden. Die Aufgabe, diesen Verein darzustellen, erschien deshalb lohnend; dabei erwies es sich als notwendig, ihn in die Geschichte der dänischen Arbeiterbewegung, in die er voll integriert war, einzubetten.
Employers' Associations in the Port of Liverpool, 1890–1914
Authors: Bean R.
Published: December 2008

The most dramatic agitations and triumphs of the “new” unionism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, together with its reversals and defeats by an organised employers' counter–offensive, occurred on the waterfront at British ports. The reasons for the revival and unsteady continuance of trades unionism in the ports at this period have been well detailed, but serious analysis of the origins and growth of countervailing employer interest groupings in labour matters, at a time when shipowners felt compelled to meet organisation with organisation, has been altogether more sparse. The initial strategy of many employers was to set their face against unions “to get back to what they believed to have been the golden age of British labour”, with freedom for men to work on their own terms without union interference or, if not openly attacking unions, at least refusing to acknowledge their existence and come to terms with them as bargaining agents. Conflict was endemic in the British shipping industry at this time, and employment relations were regulated unilaterally either by the employers or, in some cases where they were sufficiently strongly organised, by the unions. Yet, by the First World War employers had granted “recognition” and arrived at an accommodation with the unions over certain clearly defined areas of interest, with the result that henceforth industrial relations in the ports would be conducted via bilateral and joint regulation on a much more orderly and stable basis.
Briefe Rosa Luxemburgs im IISG – Ein Nachtrag
Authors: Langkau Götz
Published: December 2008

Über Briefe Luxemburgs im Internationalen Institut für Sozialge-schichte teilt Nettl mit: “Der größte Teil der Briefsammlung im IISG ist jetzt veröffentlicht […]. Einige unveröffentlichte Briefe befinden sich noch in verschiedenen Sammlungen des IISG, zum Beispiel im Guesde-Nachlaß.”

Außer den dort ausdrücklich erwähnten Veröffentlichungen Blumen-bergs seien hier auch jene älteren Editionen genannt, zu denen sich die Vorlagen heute ganz oder teilweise im Besitz des Instituts befinden: neben den beiden von Luise Kautsky zusammengestellten Briefsamm-lungen sind dies Luxemburgs Briefe an P. B. Aksel'rod und diejenigen an H. Roland Holst. Einzelne, diese Veröffentlichung ergänzede Stücke, die Briefe an Guesde und einige Neuerwerbungen werden hier zusammengefaß und damit die noch unveröffentlichten Briefe Luxemburgs in den Beständen des IISG vorgelegt.
Industrialisation and Urban Growth in North-East England
Authors: McCord N. , Rowe D. J.
Published: December 2008

The twin processes of industrialisation and urbanisation lie at the heart of the evolution of modern British society, in North-East England as in other areas of large scale industrial development. Despite the cardinal importance of the interaction between these two processes the relationship is only very imperfectly understood; this weakness is in part due to the limited amount of investigation which has taken place, in part to serious deficiencies in the surviving evidence, and in part to the inherent complexity of the subject. As yet, for example, we have no adequate studies of the major industries of the region, including coal-mining and shipbuilding, while our knowledge of the development of urban communities is very far from complete. In addition much of the archaeological evidence for the older parts of the industrial communities has disappeared, or is disappearing, often without adequate study or record. In these circumstances an essay on the relationship between industrialisation and urbanisation in North-East England must be tentative and limited, and should be seen as an attempt to bring together some of the available material rather than one which offers an explanatory model.
The Origins of the 1852 Lock-Out in the British Engineering Industry Reconsidered
Authors: Murphy P. J.
Published: December 2008

The engineers' lock-out of 1852 is just one of those historical events which, while receiving extensive coverage and being long pondered over, remain to this day a bone of contention. In terms of scale and in the sophistication of the tactics employed, it “was the first of a new class of strikes or lock-outs”. It aroused more sustained interest than any previous industrial dispute. It stimulated “a discussion of the strike by the press, so comprehensive and exhaustive that a reproduction of the newspaper articles would fill volumes”. At this time, the only other trade unions of any appreciable size were still less than half the strength of the Amalgamated Society of Engineers. Some earlier combinations had been larger, but they had been formed solely in relation to specific strikes and, as such, were ephemeral in character. The mass movements of 1830–34 generally rested upon the precarious financial foundations of irregular levies. The Webbs concluded that a “trade society which […] could count on a regular income of £500 a week was without precedent.”
The Quality of Life in Melbourn, Cambridgeshire, in the Period 1800–50
Authors: Mills Dennis R.
Published: December 2008

For most of the present century economic and social historians have intermittently debated the question of the standard of living during the first phase of the Industrial Revolution, 1780–1830. As both the “pessimists” and the “optimists” acknowledge, too much emphasis can easily be placed on wage levels and the more easily measured aspects of the question, to the neglect of the quality of life and its non-quantifiable aspects. Insufficient explicit attention has also been paid to the divergent experience of different occupations and different districts of the country.
The Origins and Transformation of Early Irish Republicanism
Authors: Elliott Marianne
Published: December 2008

The history of Irish republicanism has always suffered from an excessive concentration on its later phases. But much light can be thrown on its essential characteristics by a closer examination of its origins. A full understanding of such a contradictory movement would require an investigation of the mutations in public consciousness during the last three centuries. But most historians agree in tracing its origins to the United Irish Society of the 1790's, when the attitudes and conditions which were to dictate the future course of republicanism and loyalism were crystallised. In the light of recent events in Ireland interest in the United Irishmen has revived. However, even recent research has failed to explain satisfactorily the swift transformation of the United Irishmen's secular republicanism by the traditional fears and aspirations of the Catholic population. Nor has anyone attempted to answer the very basic question of how large sections of a non-political and essentially loyal peasantry could in the short period of the 1790's have acquired many of the fundamental traits of later separatist movements. Already by the turn of the century popular oral culture, latterly dominated by themes taken from Gaelic mythology, speaks instead of dead rebel heroes, of the English oppressor and the Protestant enemy. This new anti-English flavour in popular culture is particularly significant; English rule in Ireland had not been seriously questioned since the twelfth century, and the failure of the Bruce invasion in the fourteenth century was an indication of general Irish indifference to the nature of central government, provided life's daily routine remained undisturbed. This attitude characterised Irish thinking for the next four centuries, and like peasant communities elsewhere, the Irish remained essentially apolitical and parochial in outlook. They were scarcely the material from which a movement of national liberation could be fashioned.
Recent Research on Poverty in Tudor-Stuart England: Review and Commentary
Authors: Harvey Richard
Published: December 2008

Recent research on poverty in Tudor-Stuart England has produced no surprises, no controversies. The scene has been one of quiet industriousness. Yet surely a stock-taking from time to time serves a useful purpose in any area of historical investigation. It clarifies. It offers an understanding of the current state of the question. It asks, what questions are now being posed? What interpretations are being advanced? What appears to be the most promising of the current areas of inquiry? This essay is a selective review of the fruits of recent research on the three questions which have particularly interested students of poverty in Tudor-Stuart England. Those questions are: 1) how were the poor defined?, 2) what was public policy toward them?, and 3) how did Englishmen themselves understand the problem of poverty?
French Workers and the Temperance Movement
Authors: Prestwich P. E.
Published: December 2008

In 1852, when the medical discoverer of alcoholism, Magnus Huss, was being honoured by the Académie française, a spokesman for the Académie wrote that “France has many drunkards, but happily, no alcoholics.” Sixty years later, on the eve of World War I, if one is to believe the reports of parliamentary commissions, economists, hygienists and social reformers, France had few drunks but a plethora of alcoholics, from the Breton peasant who fed calvados to his children to the worker of Paris and the Midi who had abandoned wine, that “natural and hygienic drink”, for the evils of mass-produced industrial alcohol, especially absinthe. By 1914, alcoholism was considered one of the three grands fléaux, or great plagues, that had struck France in the late nineteenth century, and it was blamed for all the ills of society, from a rising rate of criminality, suicide and mental illness to depopulation, revolutionary worker movements and even feminism. Alcoholism was, therefore, not just an individual misfortune, but a national tragedy. It had become, in the words of Clemenceau, “the whole social problem” and as such required the mobilized forces of the country to conquer it.
The State and the Steam-Boiler in Nineteenth-Century Britain
Authors: Bartrip Peter W. J.
Published: December 2008

The search for the origins of government intervention in the nation's economic life has long interested historians of Victorian Britain. Indeed, in recent years it has given rise to an extended and enthusiastic controversy. This debate is so well known and has been so often summarised that it is only necessary to observe here that the core of the argument has been about whether government growth was generated more by ideology (Benthamism) or force of circumstances (Professor MacDonagh's “intolerable situation”). There is, however, consensus on several other points, namely, that the mid nineteenth century was not the “golden age” of laissez-faire that Dicey supposed and that government inspection was crucially important as the agency of state intervention.
Industrial Welfare and Labour Regulation in Britain at the Time of the First World War
Authors: Whiteside Noelle
Published: December 2008

War, it has been asserted, stimulates the development of public welfare. Increased physical and social mobility, fostered by wartime conditions, exposes social inequalities and injustices, gives rise to demands for redress and thereby encourages government to introduce social reforms. This argument implies that, in order to maintain national solidarity in the face of a common enemy, central government becomes more sensitive to external political demands and thereby more – rather than less – responsive to democratic pressure. Certainly, during the First World War, it is possible to see increased state involvement in a number of initiatives designed to effect social improvement. This article examines one of them. It aims to analyse the role of central government in stimulating the development of private industrial welfare in Britain during this period. However, as will be shown below, the growth of industrial welfare – especially in the latter part of the war – was not designed to further industrial democracy. Rather,the form it took implicitly placed new constraints on the right of organised labour to demand improvements in working conditions. Although outwardly the industrial welfare movement sponsored by government seemed to win benefits for the working man, the use of scientific method to legitimate these improvements did not imply an increase in the power of organised labour to determine working conditions.
Urban Conflict and Popular Violence The Guildhall Riots of 1740 in Newcastle Upon Tyne
Authors: Ellis Joyce
Published: December 2008

On 26 June 1740 the “very beautiful and sumptuous” Town Court or Guildhall of Newcastle upon Tyne was systematically wrecked by a crowd of angry townspeople, keelmen and local ironworkers, who smashed the woodwork and windows, tore the paintings, and ransacked the archives and treasury. Contemporary observers were stunned by this unprecedented orgy of destruction, because the campaign of intermittent and fairly orderly protests against the high price of grain which had preceded the 26th had not prepared them for the scale and ferocity of the assault on the corporation's most ostentatious monument to its wealth and authority. The outbreak of popular violence confirmed some people's suspicions that “respectable” grievances served only as a pretext for the mob's brutish desire to loot and plunder: to others it vindicated the traditional argument that it was not only unjust but also unwise “to provoke the necessitous, in times of scarcity, into extremities, that must involve themselves, and all the neighbourhood in ruin”.
Die Deutsche Sektion in Paris
Authors: Langkau Götz
Published: December 2008

Warum in einem Kommuneband die Geschichte einer „vergessenen” Pariser Sektion der Internationalen Arbeiterassoziation behandeln, die schon im August 1870 aufhörte zu existieren?