bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Eschatology and Politics
Authors: Tinder Glenn
Published: August 2009

THE outlook implicit in eschatology — that worldly events are moving toward a climax in which history will be terminated, and its trends overruled or fulfilled, according to a divine determination — is dim and implausible in the modern mind. The Biblical and Augustinian pictures of the end of history, the resurrection of the dead, and the Last Judgment, are likely to seem the most outworn vestments of religious faith; and even without these particular vestments, many find it difficult to conceive soberly of an ordained end of the world and history. This is especially clear in the case of the nonreligious. Their main ideologies during the past century or more, such as liberal progressivism, socialism, and communism, have all, in their typical forms, presupposed the finality of earthly developments. But even among religious people, the weakness of eschatology is manifest. It is true that there are some theologians, such as Reinhold Niebuhr and Rudolf Bultmann, who have been concerned with eschatological ideas. But outside of small, intellectual circles eschatology has been largely monopolized by popular sects tending to specialize in lurid visions of “hellfire and brimstone.” The enfeeblement of eschatology even among the religious is apparent in the political outlook which is perhaps more intimately connected than any other in recent times with religious faith — conservatism. Burke and his followers have had remarkably little concern with the question of history's being ended and overruled. One can feel that in his attack on the French Revolution Burke was thinking less of God's judgment on all of history than he was of what he believed to be His manifest presence in history's residue of traditions and institutions. Thus, neither on the “left” nor on the “right,” and neither among the irreligious nor among the religious, are men today very much inclined to envision their history as subject to any sort of climactic interruption and judgment.
Stalin's Postwar Foreign Policy and the National Liberation Movement
Authors: Carlisle Donald S.
Published: August 2009

ONE of the major issues over which the Russians and the Chinese have disagreed is the emphasis to be placed on violent or nonviolent tactics in the “national liberation movement” in underdeveloped countries. Recent developments in Viet Nam have focused new attention on this dimension of the Sino-Soviet conflict. American bombings of North Viet Nam have elicited widespread protests in the West based on the fear that this militant response to the South Viet Nam “Liberation Front” portended the involvement of the United States in a major war on the Asian continent that might escalate into a nuclear holocaust. Some commentators have also expressed the fear that the American military reaction might close the split in the Sino-Soviet alliance and drive the two Communist giants together. It is perhaps timely then that we turn our attention to the study of the major features of Soviet strategy regarding Asia and reexamine the earlier phases of Moscow's involvement in underdeveloped countries as they emerged after the Second World War. This reexamination might provide insight into the conditions prompting the Soviet militant strategy between 1948 and 1951 and the subsequent tempered withdrawal and retreat from the risk of a direct confrontation with the West; it might also shed light on Moscow's formula for calculating costs and consequences and illuminate the roots of present conflicting Russian and Chinese approaches to the national liberation movement in underdeveloped countries.
Congress and the Supreme Court During the Marshall Era
Authors: Steamer Robert
Published: August 2009

ALTHOUGH the dynamics of American politics demand perpetual and creative alterations in the constitutional system, the building of the original complex of arrangements on the foundation provided by the framers was probably the most precarious undertaking in America's history. It was the task of Congress to turn the blueprint for a government into an operating reality, and all at one time. Any structural weakness might have brought down the entire edifice or, at least, would have forced some rebuilding at a later time under new stresses and strains. The establishment of the Supreme Court was peculiarly significant since, paradoxically, the Constitution deemed it as coordinate and co-equal with the Presidency and the Congress, and yet the Court was a creature of Congress in the sense that its detailed form and substance depended upon a statutory enactment. Had the framers spelled out in Article III the precise structure of a federal judicial system, prescribed the detailed nature of the Supreme Court's appellate jurisdiction, and explicitly authorized judicial review, much of the conflict which continues to this day might have been avoided. Instead, the Constitution left these important questions open to legislative discretion and the stage was set for frequent legislative-judicial altercations which at times have almost reached an irreparable constitutional crisis.
Game Theory and Generalization in Ethics
Authors: Hopkins Raymond F.
Published: August 2009

SINCE World War II and particularly in the last decade game theory has acquired broad interest, attention, and application by behavioral scientists. Basically, game theory is an attempt to simulate mathematically a situation of decision-making so as to discover the most rational decision. Situations involving two or more “persons” (that is, sets of individuals, groups or environments with isomorphic interests and/or capabilities) can be simulated. Currently game theory is employed in both university and corporate research for studying problems in the areas of economics, sociology, political science, international relations, and militarydefense strategy.
Hume's Aristocratic Preference
Authors: Beitzinger A. J.
Published: August 2009

IT HAS often been correctly remarked that a pronounced aristocratic preference informed the political thought of David Hume. This paper will attempt to show: 1) the philosophical basis for an aristocratic approach to politics which Hume provided in his logic, ethics, and esthetics; 2) the manner in which this aristocratic preference influenced his political thought; 3) the fact that this preference represented, in its various manifestations, a normative intrusion upon his experimental method; and 4) the sources of this preference in Hume's personality and in the cultural and social values shared by “gentlemen” of Britain's Augustan Age.
Communist Policy and the Third World
Authors: Mosely Philip E.
Published: August 2009

THE “third world” of the developing and, for the most part, newly independent nations is, for Communists of all brands and allegiances, both a crucial arena of political competition against the “imperialists” and the center of their hopes for new victories. Yet there are important differences in the way Moscow and Peking view these opportunities. The Soviet leadership believes that the many poor and ambitious countries will, later if not sooner, decide that Communism offers them the best prospects for raising their status in the world. Chinese Communist propaganda, on the other hand, calls for an ever more militant struggle of “national liberation” to expel the “imperialists” from Asia, Africa, and Latin America and to unite the developing countries under Peking's leadership. Thus, in addition to being a principal focus of Communist hopes and efforts, the question of the “correct” policy toward the third world has unleashed deep-set rivalries and antagonisms between and within ruling and nonruling Communist parties alike.
Profile of Crisis: The Review of Politics, 1939–1963
Authors: Fitzsimons M. A.
Published: August 2009

The first issue of The Review of Politics was published in 1939, the year of Hitler's attack on Poland. The new magazine, thus, appeared at the end of one historical period, the interwar years, and at the beginning of the new age initiated by the Second World War. The years, 1918–1939, were themselves years of the working out of the crisis of which the First World War was an issue. That war, inhuman in its demands and protracted shock effects, had finally been sustained by Utopian and revolutionary hopes. The continuing crisis, compounded by that war, had been intensified by the world depression as well as by the period's characteristic political responses to the crisis. Often enough, the center and part of the right preferred to believe that things had not changed and that there was no crisis. On the left, widely enchanted by the Soviet Union's cooperation with history, seen as the ruthless work of justice, there was an astonishing unconcern about human liberty and a blindness to suffering. The right, too, often surrendered itself to the fraudulent conservatism of fascism, to political salvation by violence. So, in 1939, war, notably global in scope, came again.
American Polities in the Gilded Age
Authors: De Santis Vincent
Published: August 2009

The period in American politics from Rutherford B. Hayes to William McKinley has been kicked and scuffed among historians until there is little left of its reputation. “No period so thoroughly ordinary has been known in American politics since Christopher Columbus first disturbed the balance of power in American society,” wrote Henry Adams. “One might search the whole list of Congress, Judiciary, and Executive during the twenty-five years from 1870 to 1895 and find little but damaged reputation. The period was poor in purpose and barren in results.” The impulse to spring to the aid of the underdog has brought forth champions of the cultural, literary, and technological achievements of the Gilded Age, but none to defend its political record. “Even among the most powerful men of that generation,” said Adams, speaking of the politicians, there was “none who had a good word for it.” Most historians believe that at no other time in American history was the moral and intellectual tone of political life so uniformly low nor were political contests so preoccupied with patronage.
Kennedy's Grand Democratic Design
Authors: Riemer Neal
Published: August 2009

This Article will explore four major questions. Is there a grand democratic design to be detected in John F. Kennedy's political philosophy? Was the design coherent? May it still profitably guide us today? And does it have enduring significance?

Perhaps these questions ask too much of a President whose primary task is statesmanship and not philosophy or science. Yet if political theory is a “critical study concerned with harmoniously relating the normative, empirical, and prudential components of politics,” then even a focus on Kennedy's public policy inevitably throws light on his goals and his grasp of political reality. And as the statesman seeks (in the light of political possibility) to advance his policies in order to fulfill his purposes, he must in some fashion grapple with the fundamental problems of politics. Consequently, recognizing that Kennedy's approach to the key problems of political philosophy will not be critical, comprehensive, or complete, we may still want to explore his approach in the context of his own grand democratic design.
The Truman Administration and the Separation of Powers: the Case of the Marshall Plan
Authors: Quade Quentin L.
Published: August 2009

Presidential responsibility for foreign policy is something of a commonplace today. Indeed, most analysts see Presidential dominance in foreign affairs as a more or less necessary result of the conditions of the times, which often demand the kind of unified and prompt action which only the Presidency is capable of in the American system. Yet it can be argued that the very factors which have brought Presidential conduct of foreign relations into the national spotlight have simultaneously worked to limit the decisiveness of his control over foreign policy. The period since World War I, and particularly since World War II, has seen the United States becoming more deeply involved in what can be called “positive” policy, policy that requires financial support, or new administrative authorizations, or the assignment of new personnel. And the natural corollary of such policies is the growth in significance of that element of government, which must give legislative authorization for any such undertakings. There has been, in a sense, a reassertion of traditional separation of powers in the area of foreign policy.
Irrationalism and Myth in Georges Sorel
Authors: Rouanet S. P.
Published: August 2009

The First World War is sometimes credited with the dissolution of the well-ordered universe of the nineteenth century. In fact, by 1914 there was very little left to destroy, for most of the essential work had already been accomplished. The aftermath of the war merely helped to make the collapse of order and stability more visible. But the post-1918 atmosphere of gloom, later crystallized in the “Lost Generation” and in the escapist movements of the twenties, gave the impression that the war had been responsible for the moral and intellectual Zusammenbruch of the period. The feeling of decay was everywhere; the old values, the former certainties and criteria had vanished, leaving an impression of emptiness behind. The old order had crumbled, without dignity, “not with a bang but with a whimper,” as T. S. Eliot put it.
Justice Field and Inherent Rights
Authors: Goedecke Robert
Published: August 2009

Current American problems with respect to the treatment of minority groups have led to the return to popularity of the terminology of a philosophy of inherent rights. Although in popular debates the concepts of “civil rights” and “basic rights” are used loosely, without much regard for a comprehensive jurisprudence, they recall a philosophy of law at odds with pragmatism, a philosophy whose roots go back to ancient Stoicism, and a philosophy consistently maintained and applied by a Justice of the Supreme Court, Stephen Johnson Field, during his thirty-four years on the highest court. In the currents of popular legal opinion a few decades ago, all notions of “rights” tended to be scorned by publicists in legal and political thought, in favor of the more factual studies of power and interest groups. This was done in the name of pragmatism and realism. Although such pragmatic thought continues to hold sway in the economic areas of law and politics, in the area of the law of persons there is a tension between recognition of group demands and formal, moral appeals to law and equality. And where the pragmatists and activists of a generation ago placed their hopes for progress on the flexibility of arbitration boards and administrative tribunals, the locus of hopes, power, and controversy has now shifted to the system of formal law and, in particular, to the Supreme Court. In this shift, the position of Justice Field has likewise shifted: anathema to the proponents of basing all law on considerations of economic interests, because of his “sterile formalism,” he has recently been quoted extensively by Chief Justice Warren in a crucial opinion, and if on the Court today, would be considered an “activist.”
Don Sturzo and the Ethical Value of Society
Authors: Chamberlain Gary L.
Published: August 2009

To Most of the world, Don Luigi Sturzo is known, if at all, as an astute political thinker and as founder of the Popolare Party in Italy following the First World War. Sturzo's own political career began in 1905, when he was elected mayor of the Sicilian town of Caltagirone, in spite of the fact that he himself was a priest. As he attests, he was brought to engage actively in politics, then as well as in 1918, when founding the Popolare, because he saw that social action, which his own town in Sicily needed badly, was impotent without the necessary political action to aid in carrying out reform.
Germany's Postwar Socialism: Nationalism and Kurt Schumacher (1945–52)
Authors: Vardys V. Stanley
Published: August 2009

Although the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) did not officially abandon Marxism until the Bad GodesbergParteitagin 1959, both intellectually and politically the party's ideology was revised under the leadership of Kurt Schumacher whose “passion, intellect, and will” dominated the SPD for seven years following World War II (1945–52). The final disintegration of German Marxism under Kurt Schumacher can be demonstrated by examining the three crucial elements of Marxist socialist ideology: (1) motivation for socialism, (2) theory of the socialist movement, and (3) relations between German nationalism and socialism.
Tocqueville and the Tyranny of the Majority
Authors: Horwitz Morton J.
Published: August 2009

UNTIL the time Alexis de Tocqueville wrote Democracy in America, the problem of tyranny of the majority had dominated the political thought of no other nation as it had that of America. In the half century before the appearance of Tocqueville's great work, Americans had maintained a virtual monopoly of concern over the question of how popular sovereignty and individual liberty could peacefully coexist. The French Revolution, it is true, raised similar questions abroad, and if we take Burke's concern as representative, we see that he too was seriously troubled over the prospect that democratic tyranny would become the inevitable offspring of popular sovereignty. But despite Burke's eloquent and penetrating analysis, majority tyranny did not become a major preoccupation of English political thought, and to the extent that there was concern with the problem, as in the debate over the Reform Bill of 1832, discussion was confined to the obvious and straightforward issue of whether the suffrage should be extended. In America, on the other hand, the majority problem continued to be a persistent political issue from the beginning and, even today, a host of public questions revolves around the scope of majority rule. Yet for all the attention Americans paid to the majority question before Tocqueville entered upon the scene, they had hardly scratched the surface, and the Frenchman, therefore, was able to suggest an approach that they had not even considered.
The Historic Origins of Liberalism
Authors: Dawson Christopher
Published: August 2009

The history of the secularization of modern culture has yet to be written, and the reasons for this are easy enough to understand. For on the one hand, the mind of the secularized majority has been so deeply affected by the process of secularization that it cannot view that process in an objective historical manner, while on the other, the religious minority has been forced into an attitude of negative opposition which is no less unfavorable to dispassionate study. Nevertheless, it is emphatically a problem which requires an historical approach. The process of secularization was a historical movement no less than the Reformation, a minority movement which was gradually transmitted to wider circles until it eventually won the key positions of social and intellectual influence through which it dominated European society. This movement, which was already known as the Enlightenment in the eighteenth century, and the accompanying ideology, which later acquired the name of Liberalism, have long been studied by historians chiefly in Germany and France, though in a somewhat piecemeal fashion; but their work has not hitherto been fully assimilated by educated opinion in England and America. Here the tendency has been to concentrate attention on political and economic change, and above all on the American and French revolutions. But we have not paid enough attention to the intellectual revolution that had already taken place before there was any question of a political one. Yet it is this intellectual revolution that is responsible for the secularization of Western culture. This intellectual movement, like most of the movements that have changed the world, was religious in origin, although it was anti-religious in its results. It owed its dynamism to the resistance of a religious minority and its diffusion to the illjudged and unjust, though sincere, action of religious orthodoxy. It is indeed, the supreme example in history of the way in which religious persecution and repression defeats its own object and serves the cause it is attempting to destroy.
The Rejuvenation of French Catholicism: Marc Sangnier's Sillon
Authors: Dansette Adrien
Published: August 2009

French social Catholicism—by which we mean the sum of all the efforts of Catholics in France to fight against the material and moral misery that the industrial revolution and economic liberalism inflicted upon the workers — has followed two general tendencies, one aristocratic and the other democratic.

The first, developed in the legitimist world of the Restoration, gave rise to a rightist Catholic social tradition which placed all its confidence in the authority of the upper classes and in the virtue of institutions. The second, which recruited its partisans from among the lower bourgeoisie and among the intellectuals, gave rise to a leftist tradition, that of Christian democracy, and placed its trust in popular liberty.
Don Luigi Sturzo 1872–1959
Authors: Caponigri A. Robert
Published: August 2009

With the passing of Don Luigi Sturzo, in the depth of the Roman summer, a presence and a power passed from among us and with its passing brought to a close an era in the history of the Christian spirit.

In memorializing a life so filled with achievement, it is a temptation to fix attention upon action and event. This would be a mistake. It is far more important to fix the image of the person, for it is from the person, as originative center, that the achievement flows. The sentiment which, before all others, the presence of Don Sturzo awakened was awe. Not the awe of invested power of rank and status, of resource and influence, though these he attained in a measure and in a measure spurned. Rather, it was awe of the living and almost limitless spiritual élan which the human person can enclose and a frail body incorporate. This spiritual power was in him a compressed flame, and an unsheathed sword. Inevitably, with time and continued acquaintance, this first sentiment was succeeded by another, which can only be called love. Again, however, not the love of man toward man, strong and ennobling as that might be, but the love which only the charity of Christ, having taken residence in a man, can inspire. For Don Sturzo lived by the charity of Christ alone. It was in him the oil which fed the flame and the hand which unsheathed the sword.
Necessity and Principle: Woodrow Wilson's Views
Authors: Martin Laurence W.
Published: August 2009

WoodrowWilson continues to arouse remarkably sharp and sustained controversy among those concerned with the recent revival of interest in the problem of ethics in foreign policy. Much of this debate is joined over the apparent antithesis between ethical demands for amicable cooperation among states and a compulsion to adopt antagonistic policies in order to survive in the rough and tumble of international politics. One side in this debate regards Wilson as the exemplar of sane views; the other attacks him as the chief symbol of naive misunderstanding.
Corporative Organization of the Third Reich
Authors: Cole Taylor
Published: August 2009

Theoreticians have always stood in the vanguard of revolutions with programs which were designed to chart the course for nascent political régimes. When the Third Reich was officially ushered in, enthusiastic exponents of a corporative state (Ständestaat) or corporative organization (ständischer Aufbau) were at hand to act as engineers for an uncharted future—in fact, a future which occasionally offered faint glimpses of perpetuity. Some of the corporative “soap bubbles,” as Max Weber once termed them, quickly burst while others remained intact. Some of the bubble-blowers were swept on by the revolutionary forces or they gathered by the wayside to appraise the residue of their theories. In any case, the period from 1933 to the outbreak of the present war has been sufficient to allow for a survey of the corporative developments in Germany in the light of their theoretical background and institutional expression.
The Evolution of Soviet Constitutional Law
Authors: Alexeiev N. N.
Published: August 2009

This article may be considered as a continuation of such preceding studies as have been published by the author on the question of the constitutional order in the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics. But this time the author has deemed it expedient to change the method adopted in his former writings, in studying Soviet constitutional law. Had the old method been applied, it would have been sufficient to give a juridical analysis of the principal event in the development of Soviet constitutional law in the course of these last years, which was the promulgation of the latest Constitution, of June 11th, 1936, and also the constitutions which were elaborated on a similar basis and promulgated in the different Republics forming part of the U.S.S.R. But it will scarcely be found adequate to apply strictly juridical methods to such political bodies of a recent type where the text of the constitution and, in general, all written law, very often serve only propaganda purposes, intended to disguise the real relations existing between the rulers and the ruled.
Edmund Burke's View of History
Authors: Weston John C.
Published: August 2009

A studyof Edmund Burke's theory of history has not, to my knowledge, been undertaken before. There are two principal justifications for it. The first is that since Burke is, as some have claimed, “the principal founder” of the Romantic theory of history, his theory of history, as one aspect of the complicated association of thought and feeling called Romanticism, is important in the history of ideas. The second reason is that almost all of Burke's politics depends on his view of history or, at least, can be explained by it.
Some Perspectives on the Nature and Role of the Western European Communist Parties
Authors: Morris Bernard S.
Published: August 2009

The international Communist movement is commonly described as a conspiracy and so, in part, it is. It is a conspiracy in the sense that the national Communist parties are members of a coordinated international political movement which attempts to undermine the present social and economic order and replace it with the Soviet brand of collectivism. It is also a conspiracy in the sense that Communist parties, unlike other national parties, would, if given power, deliberately place their countries under the domination of, or at least align them with the USSR. The Communist parties with their clandestine organization and their addiction to violence when they think they stand to gain by its use, simply cannot be put on a par with other political parties. All this is well known and needs no retelling.
Original Sin vs. Utopia in British Socialism
Authors: Hacker Andrew
Published: August 2009

Since the end of World War II, Great Britain has provided a happy hunting ground for students of politics, whose chief prey has been the British Labour movement. Perhaps it is because some considered the Labour Government of 1945–51 to be an “experiment,” and experiments of any sort ought to be watched closely. Or it may be that here was a party with a mass backing which, at the same time, had a corpus of theory which it professed to be implementing; hence the consistency between the words of the ideologues and the actions of the politicians could be measured. Yet for all the consideration of Socialist theory, Labour ideology, and Transport House practice, scholars have tended to neglect the psychological and metaphysical bases of the movement's approach to politics. An examination of the presuppositions regarding the nature of man is vital to the understanding of any political theory—or, for that matter, any practical program of action. While studies of nationalized industries, foreign policy, the bureaucracy, and the internecine warfare of party factions are desirable and of interest, if we are to put our observations in philosophical perspective we must base our investigation of British Socialism and the British Labour movement on its views of human nature.
The Mediaeval Theory of the Tyrant
Authors: Parsons Wilfrid
Published: August 2009

In that famous passage in his De Civitate Dei which has been called the first “Mirror of Princes,” St. Augustine outlines the qualities of the good king. The passage is toolong to quote here, but certain of the qualities listed are pertinent to this discussion. He tells us that kings are happy

If they rule justly; … if they make their power the handmaid of His majesty by using it for the greatest possible extension of His worship; … if more than their own they love that kingdom in which they are not afraid to have partners; if they are slow to punish, quick to pardon; if they apply that punishment as necessary to government and the defense of the republic, and not to gratify their own enmity; … if they prefer to govern depraved desires rather than any nation whatsoever; and if they do all these things, not through ardent desire of empty glory, but through love of eternal felicity, not neglecting to offer to the true God, who is their God, for their sins the sacrifices of humility, contrition, and prayer.
The International Aims and Policies of the Soviet Union: the New Concepts and Strategy of Khrushchev
Authors: Ulysses
Published: August 2009

Notwithstanding the manifold activities of the Soviet Government in world affairs since Nikita Khrushchev took over the heritage of Stalin, there is still a wide-spread lack of understanding in the non-communist world of the international aims and policies of Stalin's successor. This situation islargely due to the image of Khrushchev's goals and policies which communist propaganda has built up throughout the world — an image which is a pretty complete misrepresentation of the reality. A very effective role in this propaganda has been played by the term, policy of peaceful coexistence, which Khrushchev has chosen to describe his new course. The selection of this term was a master strokeon the part of the communist leader in view of the great success which this slogan has had in blurringand confusing the thinking of Western writers and commentators on Soviet foreign policy.
Marxism and the Paradox of Contemporary Political Thought
Authors: Rothman Stanley
Published: August 2009

With all the volumes that have been written about Marx and Marxism in recent years, there has beenlittle or no attempt, in the English-speaking world at least, to relate his thinking to the general development of modern European philosophic speculation. Fundamentally this is because Marx has received short shrift as a philosopher. Both English and American commentators have been almost entirely concerned with his role as “social scientist” and polemicist, and hence have concentrated their attention upon his historical materialism and his critique of capitalist society.
Roosevelt and the Aftermath of the Quarantine Speech
Authors: Haight John McV.
Published: August 2009

On october 5, 1937, President Franklin D. Roosevelt aroused the democratic world by calling for a quarantine of the aggressor nations. Since that morning in Chicago there has always been uncertainty as to how the President meant to implement his speech. A review of the available documents concerning the aftermath of the quarantine speech provides four additional notes which help clear up this uncertainty. The first demonstrates that Roosevelt instead of backing down before seemingly overwhelming opposition from the American public, believed he could persuade not only his fellow countrymen but “90 percent of the population of the world” to quarantine the aggressor nations. The second shows that the President looked upon the Nine Power Conference which met in Brussels during November, 1937, as an opportunity to initiate positive action in the Far East. The third, by an analysis of the activities of Norman Davis, the American delegate to that conference, indicates the extent to which the President was willing to go in imposing a quarantine against Japan. The last note attempts to explain briefly why by mid November Roosevelt finally “pulled in his horns” and permitted the Nine Power Conference to disintegrate. From these notes comes further support for the conclusions that the man who met defeat at Brussels was President Roosevelt and the policy which failed to be adopted was that of a quarantine, of containment, of the aggressor nations.
Authority in the Twentieth Century
Authors: Arendt Hannah
Published: August 2009

The rise of fascist, communist and totalitarian movements and the development of the two totalitarian regimes, Stalin's after 1929 and Hitler's after 1938, took place against a background of a more or less general, more or less dramatic breakdown of all traditional authorities. Nowhere was this breakdown the direct result of the regimes or movements themselves, but it seemed as though totalitarianism, in the form of regimes as well as of movements, was best fitted to take advantage of a general political and social atmosphere in which the validity of authority itself was radically doubted.
Toynbee and World Politics: Democracy and Foreign Policy
Authors: Thompson Kenneth W.
Published: August 2009

The first two decades of the twentieth century witnessed the flowering of a philosophy of international politics that was unambiguously simple, straightforward and capable of engendering widespread popular appeal. This philosophy looked in a spirit of buoyant optimism to democracy and national self-determination as the twin sources of international peace and order. The creation of popular regimes on the Anglo-American model everywhere throughout the world was heralded as a sure corrective to the harsh conflicts that for centuries had wracked international life. New nations brought into existence at the will of a self-conscious community of peoples would dissolve the rivalries and frictions that had always led to conflict among contiguous social groups. The faith of modern Western homo sapiens in man's potentialities for unending progress found its expression on the international scene in the assurance that a brave new world merely awaited the fulfillment of these goals.
On the Russian Revolution: Was Stagnation its Cause?
Authors: Timasheff N. S.
Published: August 2009

The Russian Revolution is one of the major events in the history of the 20th century. It is one of the “turning points” not only in the history of Russia, but also in universal history. Its result, i.e., the creation, in Russia, of a Communist society, has become a challenge to the Western World, as an invitation to imitation, and, at the same time, as a threat of forcible transformation
Reflections on Soviet and American Negotiating Behavior
Authors: Kertesz Stephen D.
Published: August 2009

Negotiation, the essential activity of diplomats, is an important phase in the process of shaping and executing foreign policy.* “Il faut négocier, négocier et toujours négocier,” suggested Talleyrand. Sir Harold Nicolson has even expressed the wish that the word “negotiation” be substituted for the word “diplomacy” because of the disagreeable flavor of the latter to many people. Success or failure of foreign policy is greatly influenced by the skill of negotiators, whose behavior can be more important for the course of history than is generally recognized. The skill of a negotiator, however, is determined not only by personal ability, but, more importantly, by the total political context, domestic and foreign, within which he operates.
Gandhi's Contribution to Social Theory
Authors: Appadorai A.
Published: August 2009

Gandhi (1869–1948) is known primarily as the leader who led the national movement for the freedom of India from British rule; he also has an important place in social theory. “The only nonofficial figure,” says Louis Fischer, “comparable to Gandhi in his effect on man's mind is Karl Marx.” His Collected Works, including his speeches, writings, and letters, have appeared in thirty volumes with some forty more scheduled for publication. The more important of his writings from the point of view of social theory are found in two weekly journals which he edited, Young India (1919–32) and Harijan (1933–48); his social and political ideas can also be gleaned from Hind Swaraj (1908) or Indian Home Rule, The Story of My Experiments With Truth (2 vols. 1927, 1929), Delhi Diary (1948), and Satyagraha in South Africa (1950).
The Social Significance of Cooperation
Authors: Ward Leo R.
Published: August 2009

When the earliest cooperative units were formed, the members seem to have assumed that the step had relevance only for themselves and only for their economic good. At Fenwick in Scotland
eleven men agreed in 1769 “to take what money we have in our Box and buy what victual may be thought Nessassar to sell for the benefit of our society.” The sole end was the economic benefit of the little group. Near the close of the century, “the poor inhabitants” of Hull in England set up a cooperative mill. The harvest had been lean, and the price of flour was very high, so that the people felt “much trouble and sorrow” in their persons and families, and thought they should take every care to preserve themselves “from the invasion of covetous and merciless men in the future.” They also asked the mayor to give something toward “this great enterprise.”
Religion and the Modern Mind
Authors: O'Malley Frank
Published: August 2009

St. Thomas knew that the voices of human truth must be quiet before the tremendous and wonderful sound of THE WORD. For by THE WORD men can save their own words from vacancy and death, from becoming an affliction to their fellows, a bewilderment and an embarrassment, if not a ruin, to all who heed them or expect to be guided by them. Here I shall devote myself to the necessity of the wisdom of religious knowledge for modern writers and thinkers—to be considered specifically—and to its power especially among those who have clearly submitted their talent and intelligence to the service of The Word, the service of Christ the King.
The Crisis in French Foreign Policy
Authors: Duroselle J. B.
Published: August 2009

We are living at a time when events move more rapidly than in the past. It is therefore very difficult, even in an article for a review, to sum up the situation, and still more difficult to see even a short distance into the future. This is true for any country, even for those, like the United States and the Soviet Union, which have greater autonomy and greater power in the bipolar world in which we live. But it is probably in the case of France that the task is most difficult of all, for in this country the general problems are complicated by a particular kind of crisis growing out of internal conditions. As I write these lines, it is impossible for me to have the slightest idea as to what French foreign policy will be when the article is published.
The Revision of Marxism
Authors: Bailey Sydney D.
Published: August 2009

In any study of the dissemination of ideologies, Marxism must claim a special place for two reasons. First, Marxism is both more precise and more all-embracing than any rival ideology, and its advocates claim not only that it is a “good” ideology but that it is the only correct ideology. Second, Marxism has been revised, by people who call themselves Marxists, in a way that would have astonished its founder.
The Evangelism of Georges Bernanos
Authors: O'Malley Frank
Published: August 2009

Georges Bernanos is established as a great novelist. But today the author of The Stdr of Satan and The Diary of a Country Priest stands as a prophet. The honest, impassioned and radical judgments of A Diary of Our Times and of the recent Plea for Liberty are those of a man who can no longer contain his devotion to people, his profound concern for their souls, within the limits of any art pattern. He must break out, no matter how wonderful his power within the realm of art, and evangelize his convictions more directly. It is common now to see important poets and novelists assuming responsibility for the social salvation of mankind: the mention only of T. S. Eliot, John Dos Passos, Thomas Mann and Sigrid Undset (separated widely in art and outlook, of course, but all united in their criticism of modern civilization and in their hope that justice may finally exist among the men of the earth) will be sufficient verification. This is not a time, it appears, in which the pure speculations and naked truths of philosophers and theologians easily subdue and win minds. For this is a day of the denial of absolutes and the measured thought of formal philosophers and formal religious thinkers, even the most true and sympathetic, has small influence with the multitudes of confused. So poets and artists, out of their more concrete and more attractive, unanalytical handling of experience, rise to speak.
Public Policy in Constitutional Reform
Authors: Wilson Francis G.
Published: August 2009

Not Many years ago most political scientists accepted the proposition that it is the spirit and tradition of a political system rather than its structure that informs and governs its operation. We may regard such a proposition as a truism; yet its acceptance came in the wake of what might be called the “second era” of democratic reform in the United States. That era had seen the destruction of the old system of making nominations and the rise of party regulation, the adoption of direct primary elections, and of other devices for direct government, such as the initiative, referendum and recall. It had seen, likewise, the enactment of corrupt practice acts, the growth of the merit system in the choice of civil service personnel, the turn to the popular election of United States senators, attempts at administrative reorganization and other devices for increasing the voter's control over his government.
Congress and the Future
Authors: Voorhis Jerry
Published: August 2009

The American nation was born of the struggle between colonial legislatures elected by the people as their direct representatives and the executive power of the English king. It was to the colonial legislatures that the people of the Colonies looked for the defense of their liberties, and it was from their membership that most of the outstanding leaders of the American Revolution came. The Declaration of Independence was the work of the Continental Congress, an essentially legislative body, and until the formation of the Constitution the government of the American Republic consisted of that legislative body and of it alone. The deepest concern of the majority of the delegates to the Constitutional Convention, as well as of the people whom they represented, was that the Constitution might set up toe strong an executive. They feared that such an executive might, as executives had done so frequently in the past, rob the people of their liberties and take unto himself powers inconsistent with the ideals for which the Revolutionary War had been fought.
The Prophet of German Nihilism—Ernst Juenger
Authors: Guerster-Steinhausen Eugene
Published: August 2009

Is There a philosophy behind what we call Nazism? Humanists addicted to progress will resent this question as a sacrilege against the dignity of the human spirit. H. J. Laski seems to speak from the heart of the majority of anti-Nazis by refusing to look at Nazism and Fascism as anything else than a spiritless system of oppression in the service of monopolistic capitalism.
The Development of Newman's Political Thought
Authors: Ryan Alvan S.
Published: August 2009

An Account of Newman's political thought must explain a paradox. Newman declared that the principal aim of his life was to combat religious liberalism; and however novel may have been his approach to many problems, no charge against the orthodoxy of his theological writings has ever been sustained. Yet Newman was considered dangerously liberal by many. A few years after Newman had been made a Cardinal, Lord Selborne, during an audience with Pope Leo XIII, chanced to mention the name of Newman. The Pope's face brightened. “It was not easy; no, it was not easy. They said he was too liberal; but I was determined to honour the Church by honouring Newman. I have always felt a deep veneration for him. I am proud that it has been given me to honour such a man.” In what sense could it be said of Newman that he was too liberal? A study of his political thinking will, I think, take one far toward an answer to the question.
Moral Doubts About Present Political Diagnoses
Authors: Thompson Kenneth W.
Published: August 2009

Few periods in history have left observers more unsettled and anxious than our contemporaries about the sufficiency of prevailing moral and political diagnoses. The din of public debate drowning out quiet thought and reflection may explain some of the confusion. Yet the strident clashes that break out between right and left, and with increasing frequency and fervor between radicals and liberals, compound but have not created the problem. Instead, the core of the problem appears to be a widespread questioning sweeping across society and sowing seeds of doubt about the sufficiency of all past and present social and political doctrines. For the first time in their lives more and more people express uncertainty that any prevailing doctrine meets our needs and on this there is less of a generational gap than is sometimes assumed.
Just Wars and Selective Objectors
Authors: Rohr John A.
Published: August 2009

Whenever Americans have gone to war, the problem presented by the conscientious objector (CO) has always arisen. Various solutions have been tried but until the present war in Vietnam the problem has always focused on men who were opposed to bearing arms in any war. Today, as in the past, there is no dearth of such men, but in addition to the traditional pacifist, a new type of CO has arisen—the selective conscientious objector (SCO) whose scruples do not extend to all wars, but only to particular wars that fail to meet certain moral norms. These norms are usually derived from the just war doctrine.2 The SCO has figured prominently in several important cases in the federal courts. He raises the interesting constitutional question of whether the government's present policy of exempting from military service only those conscientious objectors who oppose all wars is not a violation of the free exercise of religion of the “just warriors” who oppose only certain wars.
The Republican Congressional Comeback of 1938
Authors: Plesur Milton
Published: August 2009

Whenhistorians come to assess the Eisenhower era they will ponder the fact that for the first time in American history a popular president was faced with an opposition Congress for six out of his eight years in office. Unquestionably, they will attribute part of this phenomenon to the fact that the President was stronger than his party. But they will also have to contend with the lack of divisive issues on Capitol Hill. This juxtaposition which has persisted so long dates from the G.O.P. revival of the later 1930's. This resurgence in turn brought about an alliance between Northern Republicans and Southern Democrats which explains so much about recent American politics. It is the purpose of the present study to investigate the causes of the Republican upsurge which once more made the Party a force of respectable opposition and laid the groundwork for its restoration to full power in 1952.