bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Applying the Chronic Care Model to Homeless Veterans: Effect of a Population Approach to Primary Care on Utilization and Clinical Outcomes
Authors: O'Toole Thomas P. , Buckel Lauren , Bourgault Claire , Blumen Jonathan , Redihan Stephen G. , Jiang Lan , Friedmann Peter
Published: October 2010

Objectives. We compared a population-tailored approach to primary care for homeless veterans with a usual care approach.

Methods. We conducted a retrospective prolective cohort study of homeless veterans enrolled in a population-tailored primary care clinic matched to a historical sample in general internal medicine clinics. Overall, 177 patients were enrolled: 79 in the Homeless-Oriented Primary Care Clinic and 98 in general internal medicine primary care.

Results. Homeless-oriented primary care–enrolled patients had greater improvements in hypertension, diabetes, and lipid control, and primary care use was higher during the first 6 months (5.96 visits per person vs 1.63 for general internal medicine) but stabilized to comparable rates during the second 6 months (2.01 vs 1.31, respectively). Emergency department (ED) use was also higher (2.59 vs 1.89 visits), although with 40% lower odds for nonacute ED visits than for the general internal medicine group (95% confidence interval = 0.2, 0.8). Excluding substance abuse and mental health admissions, hospitalizations were reduced among the homeless veterans between the 2 periods (28.6% vs 10.8%; P < .01) compared with the general internal medicine group (48.2% vs 44.4%; P = .6; difference of differences, P < .01).

Conclusions. Tailoring primary care to homeless veterans can decrease unnecessary ED use and medical admissions and improve chronic disease management.
Smoking Characteristics of Adults With Selected Lifetime Mental Illnesses: Results From the 2007 National Health Interview Survey
Authors: McClave Annette K. , McKnight-Eily Lela R. , Davis Shane P. , Dube Shanta R.
Published: October 2010

Objectives. We estimated smoking prevalence, frequency, intensity, and cessation attempts among US adults with selected diagnosed lifetime mental illnesses.

Methods. We used data from the 2007 National Health Interview Survey on 23 393 noninstitutionalized US adults to obtain age-adjusted estimates of smoking prevalence, frequency, intensity, and cessation attempts for adults screened as having serious psychological distress and persons self-reporting bipolar disorder, schizophrenia, attention deficit disorder or hyperactivity, dementia, or phobias or fears.

Results. The age-adjusted smoking prevalence of adults with mental illness or serious psychological distress ranged from 34.3% (phobias or fears) to 59.1% (schizophrenia) compared with 18.3% of adults with no such illness. Smoking prevalence increased with the number of comorbid mental illnesses. Cessation attempts among persons with diagnosed mental illness or serious psychological distress were comparable to attempts among adults without mental illnesses or distress; however, lower quit ratios were observed among adults with these diagnoses, indicating lower success in quitting.

Conclusions. The prevalence of current smoking was higher among persons with mental illnesses than among adults without mental illnesses. Our findings stress the need for prevention and cessation efforts targeting adults with mental illnesses.
Potential Health Impact of Switching From Car to Public Transportation When Commuting to Work
Authors: Morabia Alfredo , Mirer Franklin E. , Amstislavski Tashia M. , Eisl Holger M. , Werbe-Fuentes Jordan , Gorczynski John , Goranson Chris , Wolff Mary S. , Markowitz Steven B.
Published: October 2010

We assessed humidity-corrected particulate matter (PM2.5) exposure and physical activity (using global positioning system monitors and diaries) among 18 people who commuted by car to Queens College, New York, New York, for 5 days, and then switched to commuting for the next 5 days via public transportation. The PM2.5 differed little between car and public transportation commutes (1.41 μg/M3·min; P = .226). Commuting by public transportation rather than by car increased energy expenditure (+124 kcal/day; P < .001) equivalent to the loss of 1 pound of body fat per 6 weeks.
Changes in Mental Well-Being in the Transition to Late Life: Findings From MIDUS I and II
Authors: Snowden Mark , Dhingra Satvinder S. , Keyes Corey L. M. , Anderson Lynda A.
Published: October 2010

The number of adults aged 65 years and older is increasing rapidly, creating public health challenges. We used data from the 1995 and 2005 national surveys of Midlife in the United States (MIDUS) to compare changes in mental well-being of participants (n = 1007) of 3 age cohorts (ages 45–54 years, 55–64 years, and 65–74 years in 1995). Older adults experienced a slight decline in mental well-being not seen among younger participants and not explained by demographic variables, physical ailments, mental illnesses, or chronic conditions.
Mental Health Promotion as a New Goal in Public Mental Health Care: A Randomized Controlled Trial of an Intervention Enhancing Psychological Flexibility
Authors: Fledderus Martine , Bohlmeijer Ernst T. , Smit Filip , Westerhof Gerben J.
Published: October 2010

Objectives. We assessed whether an intervention based on acceptance and commitment therapy (ACT) and mindfulness was successful in promoting positive mental health by enhancing psychological flexibility.

Methods. Participants were 93 adults with mild to moderate psychological distress. They were randomly assigned to the group intervention (n = 49) or to a waiting-list control group (n = 44). Participants completed measures before and after the intervention as well as 3 months later at follow-up to assess mental health in terms of emotional, psychological, and social well-being (Mental Health Continuum–Short Form) as well as psychological flexibility (i.e., acceptance of present experiences and value-based behavior, Acceptance and Action Questionnaire-II).

Results. Regression analyses showed that compared with the participants on the waiting list, participants in the ACT and mindfulness intervention had greater emotional and psychological well-being after the intervention and also greater psychological flexibility at follow-up. Mediational analyses showed that the enhancement of psychological flexibility during the intervention mediated the effects of the intervention on positive mental health.

Conclusions. The intervention is effective in improving positive mental health by stimulating skills of acceptance and value-based action.
The Effects of Physical Practice on a Novel Mental Imagery Task as Measured by Electroencephalography (EEG)
Authors: Cremades J. Gualberto , Hilliard Tamesha M , Gapin Jennifer I
Published: October 2010

Studies have shown that the use of mental imagery can improve performance (Mamassis & Doganis, 2004; Martin, Mortitz, & Hall, 1999). However, these studies only use outcome measures to show the benefits of mental imagery/practice. Researchers have not yet examined the underlying cognitive processes of imagery performance as individuals physically learn a new skill. The purpose of this study was to determine the effects of physical practice on EEG activity when imagining a dart throwing task. EEG activity from P4, P3, O2, and O1 was recorded from 30 volunteers. Participants were randomly assigned to either a physical practice condition or a non-practice condition. Ten two-second epochs were recorded and analyzed for both the pre-test and post-test. A separate 2 x 2 x 2 x 2 (Hemisphere x Sites x Test x Practice) mixed model design was conducted for each EEG frequency band (i.e., lower alpha, upper alpha, lower beta, and upper beta). Results revealed a significant interaction test by practice in the lower alpha band (p > .05). Further, there was a significant interaction test by site (p < .05) in the lower alpha band. Lastly, a significant interaction site by hemisphere was shown in the lower beta band (p < .05). The results suggest that either the task was not complex enough to detect differences or the participants did not have adequate physical practice. In addition, the occipital sites were less involved in attention and effort during the post-test imagery performance while the parietal sites were as involved as the pre-test. The imagery script used for this study emphasized feeling the movement prior to imagery performance, and this may have resulted in the parietal region being activated during the pre- and post-test. However, the occipital region at the left hemisphere was more stimulated than the right hemisphere, suggesting the cognitive processing of imagery instructions.
Generic Hockey-Stick Model for Estimating Benchmark Dose and Potency: Performance Relative to BMDS and Application to Anthraquinone
Authors: Bogen Kenneth T.
Published: October 2010

Benchmark Dose Model software (BMDS), developed by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, involves a growing suite of models and decision rules now widely applied to assess noncancer and cancer risk, yet its statistical performance has never been examined systematically. As typically applied, BMDS also ignores the possibility of reduced risk at low doses (“hormesis”). A simpler, proposed Generic Hockey-Stick (GHS) model also estimates benchmark dose and potency, and additionally characterizes and tests objectively for hormetic trend. Using 100 simulated dichotomous-data sets (5 dose groups, 50 animals/group), sampled from each of seven risk functions, GHS estimators performed about as well or better than BMDS estimators, and a surprising observation was that BMDS mis-specified all of six non-hormetic sampled risk functions most or all of the time. When applied to data on rodent tumors induced by the genotoxic chemical carcinogen anthraquinone (AQ), the GHS model yielded significantly negative estimates of net potency exhibited by the combined rodent data, suggesting that—consistent with the anti-leukemogenic properties of AQ and structurally similar quinones—environmental AQ exposures do not likely increase net cancer risk. In addition to its simplicity and flexibility, the GHS approach offers a unified, consistent approach to quantifying environmental chemical risk.
Equations to Estimate Creatinine Excretion Rate
Authors: Ix Joachim H. , Wassel Christina L. , Stevens Lesley A. , Beck Gerald J. , Froissart Marc , Navis Gerjan , Rodby Roger , Torres Vicente E. , Zhang Yaping (Lucy) , Greene Tom , Levey Andrew S.
Published: October 2010

Background and objectives

Creatinine excretion rate (CER) indicates timed urine collection accuracy. Although equations to estimate CER exist, their bias and precision are untested and none simultaneously include age, sex, race, and weight.

Design, setting, participants, & measurements

Participants (n = 2466) from three kidney disease trials were randomly allocated into equation development (2/3) and internal validation (1/3) data sets. CER served as the dependent variable in linear regression to develop new equations. Their stability was assessed within the internal validation data set. Among 987 individuals from three additional studies the equations were externally validated and compared with existing equations.

Results

Mean age was 46 years, 42% were women, and 9% were black. Age, sex, race, weight, and serum phosphorus improved model fit. Two equations were developed, with or without serum phosphorus. In external validation, the new equations showed little bias (mean difference [measured − estimated CER] −0.7% [95% confidence interval −2.5% to 1.0%] and 0.3% [95% confidence interval −2.6% to 3.1%], respectively) and moderate precision (estimated CER within 30% of measured CER among 79% [76% to 81%] and 81% [77% to 85%], respectively). Corresponding numbers within 15% were 51% [48% to 54%] and 54% [50% to 59%]). Compared with existing equations, the new equations had similar accuracy but showed less bias in individuals with high measured CER.

Conclusions

CER can be estimated with commonly available variables with little bias and moderate precision, which may facilitate assessment of accuracy of timed urine collections.
Beleske o Glasincu
Authors: Vasic Rastko
Published: October 2010

nema
Tragom ranih keltskih uticaja na prostoru Timocke Krajine
Authors: Sladic Miodrag
Published: October 2010

nema
Pitanje ilirske komponente stanovnistva jugoistocnog dela Donje Panonije u savremenim istrazivanjima
Authors: Milin Milena
Published: October 2010

Following the Symposium on distribution of the Illyrians (4th to 2nd centuries B.C., Sarajevo, 1964), the view that the northern border of the Illyrians ran along the line even much southerner than the Sava (nn.2-8) has been firmly established in our archeology; this attitude has been extended to the Illyrian tribes in Roman times (n.7). At the same time, historians of the pre-Roman and Roman periods in the Balkans still hold the view of predominantly Illyrian origins of the tribes from Lower Pannonia, between the Danube and the lower course of the Sava river (n.9), based on contemporary historiographic epigraphic and linguistic evidence. Therefore, the author dwelled on the issue whether the Illyrian name, and in which meaning, may be applied to the inhabitants of Lower Pannonia in the Roman times as well. According to ancient literary sources (Strabo and Apian) it follows that the Pannonian tribes in the ancient times were deemed to be Illyrian (pp. 2-3). Furthermore in mythology, the Pannonios was the descendant of Illyrians (App. Illyr. 2; cf. Papazoglu 1969, 265 n. 233), which points to the common awareness of being part of Lower Pannonia and other Illyrian tribes. Important evidence for this issue is deemed to be anthroponyms as well; Pannonian names in the research to date have shown to be different from Illyrian (p. 7 with note). The author gives the examples of names Dassius and Liccaius, epigraphically confirmed with Breuck and Amantino (6, note 30, and p. 7 with note), which she considers to have originated from Illyrian territory proper; that is proved by a wax tablet from Dacia, where the words Dassius Verzonis, Pirusta ex Kavieretio and Liccaius Epicadi were written (tab. cer. VI; cf. p. 8). As is well known, parts of the Illyrian population from southern Dalmatia were relocated to work in Dacia mines; that this is the case here as well is proved by referring to an Illyrian ethnic, Pirust, as well as the name of the village. On account of the closeness in spiritual and cultural spheres, the awareness of the common mythical forefather, similarities or sameness in anthroponyms, there is no justification, at least regarding the Roman times, for distinguishing the inhabitants of Pannonia from (other) Illyrians, even if the issue of their ethnical connection or identicalness is not considered.
Ëtnolingvisticeskoe kartografirovanie fragmentov maslenicnoj obrjadnosti Juznyh Slavjan
Authors: Plotnikova Anna
Published: October 2010

nema
Slav beliefs on changelings
Authors: Radenkovic Ljubinko
Published: October 2010

Beliefs and legends that certain mythological creatures - fairies, witches, the devil, (vile, vestice, djavo, boginka, mamuna, baenik, domovoj, leshi) etc. can take away the child from the mother and exchange it for its own in the image of the abducted child, are widespread with the West and East Slavs, while with the South Slavs they are found only in the northern parts, in Pannonia. Such demonic child is most often called: podmece (with the Serbs), podvrsce (with the Croats), podmenek (with the Slovenians), odmienjec (with the Poles), odminok (with the Ukrainians), obmen (with the Russians), etc. According to the folk beliefs, a changeling differs from the other children by its sluggish growth, voraciousness, and persistent desire to harm or spite other members of the household. Slav legends mention the ways of stealing the human and planting the demonic child (a), recognizing the demonic child (b), and disposing of it and restoring the rightful child (c). In order to prevent the demon from exchanging her child, the mother must observe certain rules of conduct during pregnancy and in the 40 days following the childbirth. Certain measures of magical protection are also undertaken, as: placing sharp iron objects near the nursing woman, then brooms, leaving the candle to burn all night, burning frankincense in her presence, sprinkling her with holy water, etc. The legends on changelings were most probably adopted by the Slavs from the neighboring western peoples (Germans), and included in the already present beliefs that the birth of a child is a gift from the other world, and that the mother must take great care of the gift and be grateful for it. Otherwise, the one bestowing the gift may take it away as well.
O tabiuzaciji naziva misa na centralnom Balkanu
Authors: Stanisic Vanja
Published: October 2010

nema
The contracts in “other” languages and Ottoman Shari’ah Court (16th - 18th c)
Authors: Fotic Aleksandar
Published: October 2010

Between the 16th and 18th centuries, as subsequently as well, non-Muslim subjects of the Ottoman Empire used as lawful proof in the Shari?ah court various documents, contracts, written in non-Ottoman languages. What is particularly worth emphasizing, is the fact that these contemporary documents, written in Cyrillic script and in the Serbian/Bulgarian language, as well as those in the Greek language, not rarely involved even Muslim and non-Muslim subjects. Even very important ones: concerning payment of debts and giving land as security. On the basis of few h?ccets preserved at Hilandar it has been shown that such documents were indeed acknowledged by the Ottoman Shari?ah courts, and as reliable and valid evidence. The h?ccets refer to them as m?loviya/m?l?yia (??????) - undoubtedly derived from the Greek term omologia (????????) - regardless of whether a document was in Greek or in some of the Slavic languages. Writing omologias in mixed milieus, with predominantly Christian population, shows that Muslim community sometimes accepted local customs and traditions of the zimm?s. They were influenced by local customs although there was open and more secure opportunity to register loans at k?d??s Shari?ah court.
Knezinska i seoska samouprava u Srbiji 1739-1788-delokrug i identitet lokalne samouprave u Srbiji od Beogradskog mira (1739) do Austrijsko-turskog rata (1788)
Authors: Svircevic Miroslav
Published: October 2010

nema
Montenegro as perceived by a British diplomat: The Hugh Rose's report of 1852.
Authors: Antic Cedomir
Published: October 2010

The following article deals with the image of Montenegro, a little country from the south-east European periphery, as perceived by a member of the nineteenth century British political elite. The history of this petty entity, less populated than an average English city, became especially important on the eve of the Holly Places Crises (of Palestine, 1853). A single dispute over the Montenegro-Ottoman border threatened to turn into European war, just a year before the Crimean War commenced. In regard the Montenegrin question, the always sensitive European "balance of power" was upset with the appearance of the unexpected alliance between Russia and Austria. The unique interest of the British Empire then started, for a short period of time, to be tied in with this almost unknown principality. The attitude of British diplomacy to Montenegro, image of the principality reconstructed in the Colonel Hugh Rose's report and its sources, could contribute not only to the advance the history of British foreign relations, but also to the development of the history of Montenegro.
From the history of Serbian question in Macedonia: Culturological aspect
Authors: Radic Prvoslav
Published: October 2010

Contemporary Serbian Question in Macedonia is most closely related to major political events in the Balkans in 19th and 20th centuries. Starting from the social and historical processes in this region of the Balkans, the author examines this question through several fundamental periods, wishing to look into the status of Serbian population in Macedonia of the time against this background. The first period began with the First Serbian Uprising (1804) heralding the creation of the first free Serbian state in the Balkans, and ended with the conclusion of Liberation Wars (1878) leaving considerable Serbian territories liberated. The second period started at the time of conclusion of liberation wars and lasted till the beginning of the Balkan Wars in 1912. The third period was the one from the conclusion of Balkan Wars till the end of World War II (1945). The fourth period commenced at the end of World War II and lasted till the disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the 1990s. The last, fifth period refers to the contemporary state of affairs in the Republic of Macedonia since the disintegration of the SFRY, i.e. the independence of the Republic of Macedonia in 1991. The analysis of the status of Serbian Question here is predominantly related to the culturological aspect through examining the circumstances in education literature, and in culture in general. It shows that the status of Serbian ethnic minority in Macedonia was closely related to social, historical and political setting in these areas of the Balkans. In the new social and political environment, the status of the remaining Serbian ethnic minority in Macedonia is uncertain. In the recent decades, unstable political circumstances in this area have had adverse effects on the presence of Serbian ethnic element in Macedonian territories, even more so since it fails to receive sufficient national support from both sides.
New contribution to studying fresco of Holy Virgin Milkprofferer in Pec
Authors: Radovanovic Janko
Published: October 2010

In the church dedicated to Holy Virgin Odigitria in the Patriarchate of Pec, the foundation of Archepiscope Danilo II, among several images of Virgin Mary the greatest attention of the researchers was attracted by Holy Virgin the Milkprofferer (Nurturer). Mother of God was painted on the southern wall of the narthex, sitting in the throne with the child Christ suckling in her lap. On the left and right side two angels are represented, showing their respect. To the right, three young women or girls approach, greeting her with their arms outstretched. The fresco was painted about 1330. Close links between the theological ideas expressed in the Akathist service (praise to Holy Virgin Odigitria) and the fresco of Holy Virgin the Milkprofferer are evident. Those ideas found their expression also in the fresco of Holy Virgin the Milkprofferer in the monastery Matejci near Kumanovo, painted a quarter of a century later.
Vizantijski car i freske u priprati Mileseve
Authors: Cvetkovic Branislav
Published: October 2010

nema
La sépulture 1-3/378 de la nécropole de Pecine près de Kostolac
Authors: Popovic Petar , Jovanovic Borislav
Published: October 2010

(francuski) La n?cropole du site de Pecine pr?s de Kostolac (sur le territoire de la future Viminicium) o?re le plus ancien horizon de tombes celtiques dans le Podunavle serbe. On notera en particulier l?ensemble fun?raire 1-3/378 dat? de la premi?re d?cennie du III?me si?cle av. J.-C. Une des trouvailles remarquables en provenant est un bracelet orn? de corail qui se range parmi les rares exemplaires issus d?un artisanat exceptionnel par sa qualit? artistique. C?est ? l??poque de la migration celte, ayant emprunt? les r?gions orientales de la cuvette des Carpates, que cette parure f?minine est parvenue dans la partie centrale des Balkans.
Notes on Glasinac: The Autariatae
Authors: Vasic Rastko
Published: October 2010

The Greek Geographer Strabo says the Autariatae used to be the largest and the strongest of Illyrian tribes. The historical context in which they are mentioned is dated to the second half of the fourth century BC, but the tribe is described as neither strong nor large. After that date, there is no further record of them. Therefore the inference seems reasonable that their acme should be dated to a period prior to the fourth century BC. According to archaeologists and modern historians, the Autariatae lived in south-eastern Bosnia, south-western Serbia and northern Montenegro, i.e. in the territory where a powerful Early Iron Age group has been identified and named the Glasinac group after the Glasinac plateau east of Sarajevo. It was at the peak of its power between the mid seventh and mid fth centuries BC as dated by settlements and graves as well as a large number of small finds weapons, pottery, jewellery, imported bronze vessels etc. On the strength of these chronological and chorological parallels, numerous instances of correspondence that cannot be coincidental, the author presumes a possible link between the Glasinac group and the Autariatae. And yet, despite many arguments for the identification of the Autariatae with the Glasinac group it remains a hypothesis, more or less plausible. Identifications of the kind are always tentative. But if there is in the central Balkans an archaeologically attested group that may be identified with a tribe referred to in classical sources, then it certainly is the case of the Glasinac culture and the Illyrian tribe of Autariatae. The issue should be viewed from a different angle too. Namely, despite the relatively clear chronology of the Iron Age in the Balkans, with precisely delineated developmental stages and with classes of material typical of each stage, regional groups are difficult to differentiate. The only one that stands out as a distinctive cultural whole in all of its developmental phases is the Glasinac group in the west, while in other areas the small number of graves still makes reliable identification of groups impossible despite plentiful ?nds. For that reason one cannot speak with any certainty about the material culture of the Triballi, the Dardanians or even the Paeonians, to mention but the main ethnic groups. Or, more precisely, at present there are no groups as clearly differentiated as the Glasinac culture that may be identified with those tribes. Further research will undoubtedly clarify these obscurities. Meanwhile, patience is needed and the acceptance of what seems plausible at the moment - a connection between the Glasinac group and the Autariatae.
Opasnoe vremja v narodnyh predstavlenijah Slavjan
Authors: Radenkovic Ljubinko
Published: October 2010

(ruski) V tradicionnoj kul'ture slavjan vremja vosprinimaetsja kak zivoe suscestvo. Ono zakonomerno istekaet, kak voda iz istocnika, napolnjaet prostranstvo i po uze ustanovlenomu puti izcezaet. Poskol'ku voda mozet byt' prozracnoj ili mutnoj, medlennoj ili bystroj, poleznoj ili vrednoj dlja celoveka, vremja takze nadeljaetsja opredelennoj semantikoj: ono mozet byt' cistym ili necistym, blagoprijatnym ili opasnym. V osnovnom, dnevnoe vremja prinadlezit celoveku, nocnoe vremja prinadlezit pokojnikam i demonam. No po pover'jam slavjan polden' toze - opasnoe vremja: dnem suscestvuet opasnyj moment, "lih cas", svoeobraznaja "dyra" vo vremeni, kogda celoveka, esli on popadaet v nee, ozidaet nescast'e. V predlagaemoj stat'e, analiziruetsja sootnosenie vremeni i mifologiceskih suscestv v pover'jah slavjanskih narodov.
The boundary between the domains of the Kosaca and the Brankovic south of the Tara river
Authors: Lukovic Milos
Published: October 2010

With the partitioning in 1373 of the domain of Nikola Altomanovic, a Serbian feudal lord, the old political core of the Serbian heartland was shattered and the feudal Bosnian state considerably extended to the east. The region was crossed by the Tara river, mostly along the southeast-northwest "Dinaric course". Although the line along which Altomanovic?s domain was partitioned has been discussed on several occasions and over a comparatively long period, analyses show that the identification of its section south of the Tara is still burdened by a number of unanswered questions, which are the topic of this paper. An accurate identification of this historical boundary is of interest not only to historiography, but also to archaeology ethnology, philology (the history of language and dialectology in particular) and other related disciplines. The charters of Alphonse V and Friedrich III concerning the domain of herceg Stefan Vukcic Kosaca, and other historical sources relating to the estates of the Kosaca cannot reliably con?rm that the zupa of Moraca belonged to the Kosaca domain. The castrum Moratsky and the civitate Morachij from the two charters stand for the fortress near the village of Gornje Morakovo in the zupa of Niksic known as Mrakovac in the nineteenth century, and as Jerinin Grad/Jerina?s Castle in recent times. The zupa of Moraca, as well as the neighbouring Zupa of Brskovo in the Tara river valley, belonged to the domain of the Brankovic from the moment the territory of zupan Nikola Altomanovic was partitioned until 1455, when the Turks ?nally conquered the region thereby ending the 60-year period of dual, Serbian-Turkish, rule. Out of the domain of the Brankovic the Turks created two temporary territorial units: Krajiste of Issa-bey Ishakovic and the Vlk district (the latter subsequently became the san?ak of Vucitrn). The zupa of Moraca became part of Issa-bey Ishakovic?s domain, and was registered as such, although the fact is more di?cult to see from the surviving Turkish cadastral record. The zupa of Moraca did not belong to the vilayet of Hersek, originally established by the Turks within their temporary vilayet system after most of the Kosaca domain had been seized. It was only with the establishing of the San?ak of Herzegovina that three nahiyes which formerly constituted the Zupa of Moraca (Donja/Lower Moraca, Gornja/Upper Moraca and Rovci) were detached from Issa-bey?s territory and included into the San?ak of Hercegovina. It was then that they were registered as part of that San?ak and began to be regarded as being part of Herzegovina.
Bulgaria in old Serbian accounts of pilgrimage
Authors: Jovanovic Tomislav
Published: October 2010

A rather small portion of old Slavonic literatures is thematically linked with the journey to the Holy Land. Of many Serbian pilgrims over the centuries only three left more detailed descriptions of Bulgarian places and parts: patriarch Arsenije III, Jerotej of Raca and Silvestar Popovic. They described, each in his own way, some of the places and areas along the road to Istanbul or Salonika. Their vivid depiction of encounters with people and observations about the places they saw on their way reveal only a fragment of life in the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Ottoman empire. In a seemingly ordinary way, they incorporate into their own epoch the legends heard from the people they met. The descriptions of Bulgarian parts in the Serbian accounts of pilgrimage have all the appeal that generally characterizes travel literature. Although their literary value is modest they belong among the works characterized by the simplicity and immediacy of experience. Rather than being the result of a strong literary ambition, they are witness to the need to speak about the great journey, quite an adventurous enterprise at the time.
A propos du futur et de la modalité: Description du futur en valaque - dialecte daco-roumain de Serbie orientale
Authors: Petrovic-Rignault Marijana
Published: October 2010

(francuski) L?article est une description des temps du futur en valaque, dialecte daco-roumain de Serbie orientale. Les valeurs temporelles et modales des formes ?tudi?es dans ce parler de Valakonje ont ?volu? de fa?on diff?rente du roumain standard, d?o? la n?cessit? d?une description aujourd?hui.
Ash fell from the skies to the earth: The eruption of the Vesuvius in 1631 AD and the Balkan lands
Authors: Mrgic Jelena
Published: October 2010

After the most notorious eruption of the Vesuvius in 79 AD, the one that occurred on 16th December 1631 resulted in thousands of human victims and large-scale damage. According to modern volcanology studies, the amount of dust and ash emitted on this occasion was only three times smaller that in the famous eruption of Krakatau in 1883. Numerous historical sources registered the fall of volcanic ash, which is proved to be the true meaning of three Serbian marginal notes presented in this article. Anonymous monks in the monasteries of St. George near Pljevlja, Polosko and another one which still cannot be precisely identified, reported the fallout of ash on Wednesday, December 7, according to the Julian, i.e. 17 according to the Gregorian calendar. Considering the velocity of ash clouds, it is assumed that in both cases it could have been the first thing they saw at dawn, on the day after the eruption (cf. the map in this paper). Along with the "black powder", the same kind of historical sources - Serbian marginal notes, and The Chronicle of Fra Nikola Lasvanin - also provide the data on "red/bloody snow" on three separate occasions (1638, 1640 and 1690). These phenomena can be scientifically explained as deposits of desert dust from northern Africa brought by south-southwest air currents over the Balkan region. The last issue discussed in this paper is the possible connection between this particular volcanic eruption and short-term climate changes it may have caused in the Balkans.
The sacral topography of the Monastery of Treskavac
Authors: Smolcic-Makuljevic Svetlana
Published: October 2010

The stretches of Mt Treskavac with Zlatovrh, a dominant peak in Pelagonija and its distinctive rocky landscape have offered a suitable setting for exercising austere monastic practices ever since medieval times. The sacred area formed around the Monastery of the Dormition of the Virgin in medieval times was founded on the antique sacred place of Kolobaise and the temples of Artemis of Ephesus and Apollo Euthanatos. To medieval renovation of the monastery besides the Byzantine and Bulgarian rulers, also contributed the Serbian rulers of the Nemanjic house, kings Milutin, Stefan of Decani and Dusan. Testimonies to a stay at Treskavac were left by the Serbian nobles enochiar Dabiziv and tepcija Gradislav. The cult of the Virgin of Treskavac confirmed in the written sources beginning with king Dusan's charters to the monastery (1334-1343), left its trace both in the wall-painting of the monastery church and in the activity of manuscript copying cultivated in this monastic center. Over the centuries, many pilgrims, from the royalty local lords and members of well-to-do families to priests and monks Orthodox Christians but also non-Christians, came to show their respect to the Virgin of Treskavac. A small cave church has been recently registered in the immediate vicinity of the monastery. An evidence of the eremitic way of life, it confirms the information contained in king Dusan's charters. Namely, they compare the way of life of the monks of Treskavac with the ascetic practice of Mount Athos and Mount Sinai. The area of Mt Treskavac also shows several rock paintings with a cultic function. This authentic manner of marking out a sacred area may be explained by the prophylactic role of the Virgin, or a Christian saint, in a barely passable, perilous landscape. Springs and drinking fountains constitute another important element of the monastery's topography. Through the monks' continuous and devout effort put into shaping the landscape, the fresh and icy cold water from the mountain springs has been captured and channeled into drinking fountains for the use both of the dwellers of the monastery and of pilgrims.
Phoenix, Achilles and a narrative pattern
Authors: Jensen Skafte
Published: October 2010

Book 9 of the Iliad, universally considered one of the most marvelous in the poem, has also been a bone of contention in many scholarly debates. Suggesting that an important aspect of the speech Phoenix gave as a member of Agamemnon?s embassy to Achilles has nevertheless been overlooked by scholars, the paper makes it the focus of its interest. Unlike most researchers, who have taken the side of the envoys, the author casts a different light on Achilles? reasons for declining the embassy and suggests that the text invites the readers to share their sympathies between the characters.
Anthropological traces of Slav presence in Kosovo and Metochia
Authors: Mikic Zivko
Published: October 2010

At the current level of anthropological research on medieval populations of Kosovo and Metochia, the total of five skeleton series is available Maticane, Djonaj, Rezala, Kuline and, partly, Novo Brdo. The necropolises roughly cover the period between the tenth and sixteenth centuries. Their anthropological contents indicate curvoccipital dolichocranial Slavs, and a planoccipital brachycranial population buried mostly around Orthodox churches.
Charity, good deeds and the poor in Serbian epic poetry
Authors: Petrovic Sonja
Published: October 2010

The analysis of relation between the poor and the concept of charity in Serbian epic poetry is initiated as part of the research project "Ethnic and social stratification of the Balkans", which includes study of social margins and subcultures in oral literature. Charitable activities directed toward the poor are discussed as social models, but also as a complex way of social interaction between the elites and the poor, which left its mark on oral tradition and epic poetry. Care for the poor, almsgiving and charitable deeds were a religious obligation, and in the course of time, the repetitiveness and habitual character of poor relief became an important issue in structuring cultural patterns. Ethical, educative and humanistic potential of charity, and its being founded on cases witnessed in real life directly connect charity to the shaping of poetic narrative models. Epic models reflect and poeticize socio-cultural patterns and characters, which is represented both in medieval documents and in epic tradition, in similarity of their themes and formulas on the level of contents and structure. This resemblance has led to the conclusion that charitable giving, care for the poor and salvation of soul existed as specific patterns and intergeneric symbols, which were handed down in various oral and written forms.
The vernacular discourses of historical victimage of Kosovo Serbs and Albanians
Authors: Zdravkovic Helena
Published: October 2010

This ideological criticism study examines the vernacular discourses of historical victim age of Kosovo Serbs and Albanians. The participants amalgamate personal and collective memories with official national histories to explain present victimization as a continuance of historical victim age. This use of the past legitimizes their national and political claims, and also justifies violence against the other group. Historical victim age offers a rationale for hating the Other and perpetuating a vicious cycle of violence in intractable conflict.
Pre-roman and Roman Dardania historical and geographical considerations
Authors: Petrovic Vladimir
Published: October 2010

This paper on Pre-Roman and Roman Dardania is an attempt to review, in a somewhat restricted article form, several important issues marking the development of the Dardanian areas in a period between the earliest references to the Dardani in written sources and their inclusion in the administrative structure of the Roman Empire. Historical developments preceding the Roman conquest of Dardania are analyzed, as well as its boundaries, and the character and administrative structure of the conquered territory. Changes that Dardanian society underwent are paid special attention, and phases in the development of urban centres and communications outlined.
Such were the times Serbian peasant women born in the 1920s and 1930s and the stories of their lives
Authors: Petrovic Tanja
Published: October 2010

Eight life stories of peasant women from Serbia born in the 1920s and 1930s serve as a basis for analyzing two phenomena characteristic of the Serbian patriarchal family: marriage against the woman's will and her subordinate position in the family. The analysis points to the ways in which the women themselves perceive these phenomena and to verbal strategies they use in constructing their life stories.
Patterns of martyrial sanctity in the royal ideology of medieval Serbia continuity and change
Authors: Marjanovic-Dusanic Smilja
Published: October 2010

Especially important for the development of the holy king concept with the Serbs appears to be the early period of Serbian sovereignty, initially in Zeta, and subsequently in Raska under Stefan Nemanja and his descendants. During the eleventh century, cults of royal martyrs arise across the Slavic world, receiving a most enthusiastic response connected with the spread of the martyrial and monastic ideals in Byzantium. The cult of St Vladimir is the earliest royal saint's cult with the Serbs, and it is rightfully set apart from the ideologically consistent whole encompassing the subsequent cults of the Nemanjic rulers. The cult of this royal saint undergoes a change in the twelfth century as regards the image of the exemplary ruler. The martyrial cults of holy kings emerge in medieval Serbia only in the fifteenth century, under the influence of completely different motives. The cults of national royal saints associate domestic dynasties with the Old Testament-based traditions of God-chosenness, which play a central role in the processes of securing political legitimation for ruling houses. At the turn of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, we can see both the national and universal relics being used for raising an awareness of chosen ness observable in expanding the sacred realm as the fatherland's prayerful shield. In that sense, all-Christian relics, especially those of Constantinopolitan provenance, become integrated into domestic traditions.
Mount Athos, Wallachian princes (Voyvodes), John Kastriotis, and the Albanian tower, a dependency of Hilandar
Authors: Bojovic Bosko
Published: October 2010

After the Ottoman conquest of the Balkan states, the princes of Moldavia and Wallachia, now the sultan's vassals, assumed responsibility for the Athonite monasteries. Reference in their donation charters to the founders of Hilandar Simeon Nemanja and St Sava ensured liturgical continuity, their names being added to a string of distinguished historical figures mentioned in prayers which contributed to the legitimacy and prestige of their power. The absence of such names from the charters to the Albanian Tower, or the Church of St Elias, two dependencies of Hilandar, may be explained by the fact that their founders were not that famous. Securing refuge at the time of the Ottoman invasion, John Kastriotis donated two villages to Hilandar in 1426, and in 1430 made an arrangement (adelphaton) for lifetime use of the Tower on behalf of his four sons. One of them died on Mt Athos in 1431, and John himself, now monk Joachim, died in 1437. All the evidence testifies to close and long-lived connections between Albanian feudal lords and the Serbian imperial laura.
The enlightenment and the beginnings of modern Serbian culture
Authors: Trgovcevic Ljubinka
Published: October 2010

The Enlightenment, mostly in its Austrian form, influenced in many ways the Serbs both in the Habsburg Empire and in the Principality of Serbia, still under Ottoman suzerainty. First, its emphasis on the value of knowledge and science raised the awareness of the importance of education and contributed to its development. Religious tolerance and anticlericalism placed Orthodox Serbs side by side with representatives of other nations and religions and helped them to liberate themselves from the strong traditionalist impact of their church. Both education and a new awareness of their own rights strengthened national consciousness, eventually leading to the creation of a nation state and modern national culture.
France and the Serbian government's Yugoslav project
Authors: Pavlovic Vojislav
Published: October 2010

The French government and statesmen had never considered the creation of a unified South-Slav state as an objective of the Great War. Officially acquainted with the project through the Nis Declaration in December 1914 they remained silent on the issue, as it involved both the dissolution of the Dual Monarchy and, following the Treaty of London in May 1915, an open conflict with Italy. In neither case, then, did French diplomacy deem it useful to trigger such a shift in the balance of power in Europe just to grant the wishes of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. Naturally, in the spring of 1918 the dismantlement of Austria-Hungary was envisaged, but with the view to weakening the adversary camp, while the destiny of the Yugoslav provinces remained undecided. Moreover, war imperatives required extreme caution in relation to Italian intransigency. The Italian veto weighed heavily on French politics, to the extent that even the actual realization of the Yugoslav project, proclamation of a unified state on 1 December 1918 in Belgrade, took place without a consent or implicit support on the part of the French government.
Franco-Serbian relations within the Armée D'Orient 1915-1918
Authors: Troude Alexis
Published: October 2010

The paper offers an atypical approach to the Franco-Serbian collaboration on the Salonica Front in that it seeks to view it from the perspective of participants rather than to base itself on reports submitted by the respective military commands. Interesting and frequently contradictory personal experiences drawn from the encounter of two culturally and geographically remote worlds reflect the daily life of French and Serbian soldiers. Observing Franco-Serbian relations at three parallel levels everyday contacts on the front, support of French scholars and intellectuals to Serbia, and diplomatic relations between the two countries - the paper builds an argumentation for the process of establishing French influence in Serbia and the Balkans.
Serbo-Albanian bank in Albania 1925-1927
Authors: Misic Sasa
Published: October 2010

The Serbo-Albanian Bank was founded at Cetinje in 1922, at the time Yugoslav-Albanian diplomatic relations were established, with the purpose of opening its branch offices in Albania in order to contribute to closer economic relations between the two neighboring countries. The Bank was unable to achieve its goal in the first two years of operation, as it had not obtained the necessary licenses from the Albanian authorities. The branch office in Scutari was opened only in early 1925. Another topical issue at the time was the creation of the Albanian National Bank as the central monetary institution that would function as a regulator of the entire economic life of Albania. Supported by the Yugoslav state, the Serbo-Albanian Bank planned its transformation into an Albanian central bank, but without success. Namely, it was Italian capital that assumed a leading role in the Albanian National Bank founded in September 1925. In spite of this failure, the branch office of the Serbo-Albanian Bank commenced its operations in Albania. Under its roof, it set up the Privileged Trading Agency, and expressed interest in obtaining exploration and excavation concessions for the copper mine in the region of Puka in northern Albania. It was granted the concession by the Albanian government, but failed to set up a copper exploitation company. Facing numerous difficulties, the major of which was lack of the necessary cash for operation and significant business losses in Albania, the branch office was closed in 1927, pursuant to the decision of the Cetinje headquarters.