bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Barcodes I
Authors: Pargeter Robert
Published: January 2007

Some public libraries use a barcode on the date slips in their books which is easily cracked by anyone with a knowledge of binary arithmetic, but those with which we are now so familiar on purchased goods are much more of a puzzle, as there appears to be little correlation between the printed digits and the bars by which they are represented – a little trial will reveal that it is certainly not one-one!

Even with a large number of examples to experiment with, I very much doubt if anyone not in the secret would succeed in solving the problem, which it is the object of this article to elucidate.
A thousand million leagues
Authors: Barnard Tony
Published: January 2007

Some time ago a friend, who was organising a chess league, rang me up and asked “How many different ways are there of arranging a roundrobin league tournament?” Thinking of his phone bill I told him I’d ring him back. Which was just as well, because the problem was much more difficult dian I had realised. Indeed it is unsolved in general. In the language of graph theory it is the problem of finding the number of onefactorisations of a complete graph. These and related objects have been the focus of considerable study both in combinatorics and recreational mathematics and, although the enumeration question remains unanswered in general, it is, even for small numbers of players, remarkably full of interest.
Formula funding of schools: some mathematical results
Authors: Fox Michael
Published: January 2007

Schools run by local authorities have an annual budget which is calculated by formula. The formula used for funding my school is quite easy to understand and its components all seem reasonable, yet it can cause some unexpected problems for an unwary manager.

Most of the funding depends on the number of pupils, each being worth an annual amount according to his or her age. If a comprehensive school has fewer than 750 pupils it is regarded as being small, needing extra money to provide an adequate curriculum. This extra is given as a bonus for each pupil; and tapers to zero as the numbers reach 750.
The magic hexagram
Authors: Bolt Brian , Eggleton Roger , Gilks Joe
Published: January 2007

It was at the Fifth Southeast Asian
Conference on Mathematical Education (June 1990,
in Brunei Darussalam) that Brian Bolt posed the
question: Can the numbers 1 to 12 be
arranged within the hexagram below to give equal
sums in the six indicated
directions? This is the
Magic Hexagram
Problem.
My favourite polynomial
Authors: MacHale Desmond
Published: January 2007

Ever since I was a schoolboy, my favourite
polynomial has been

It is a wonderful polynomial, with lots of
beautiful and useful properties which, alas, do
not seem to be known to the present generation of
mathematical students. To remedy this, we collect
together some of the known properties of this
polynomial and present some additional properties
which appear to be new.
Dust clouds from the sixteenth century
Authors: Kool Marjolein
Published: January 2007

Pupils from the age of 12 to 16 can occupy themselves for hours with their skate-board, walkman or the video-recorder, while their concentration during a lesson of mathematics vanishes often within a few minutes. What could be the cause? Isn't it possible to keep their attention during the lessons? Of course, I'm not the only one posing this question. Many solutions have been proposed in the past for this concentration and motivation problem. In this article I just want to add another one. I do not have the illusion that I am presenting the ultimate solution, simply because it does not exist. For a good teacher having one solution only is not enough. He or she has to combine and diversify the various ideas continuously. The keyword for the lessons of a good teacher is variation.
Homage to Babylonia
Authors: Mackinnon Nick
Published: January 2007

This article describes some of my experiences of using the mathematics of the Old Babylonian period in my classes. It will not be a connected account of Babylonian mathematics – for that readers can turn to the excellent and easily available book The exact sciences in antiquity [1] and the article will make little sense unless you have read that book or others like it, or know a little about cuneiform mathematics already. I have got to stress that reading a book like Neugebauer's is the minimum preparation before presenting the material that this article discusses. I have neither the time nor the ability to discuss the context in which these materials should be placed. Indeed, placing these materials into their exact historical context is not really possible: even professional historians do not agree about what might seem to the amateur quite simple matters. So in this article I shall be offering readers some nice resources that I have enjoyed using with classes, I shall discuss how they might be used at various places in the curriculum, and indicate some of my faltering attempts to integrate this material into my pupils' general education.
A proof of Eperson's conjecture
Authors: Hirschhorn Michael D.
Published: January 2007

Eperson's conjecture is that if n ⩾ 3 is odd then 3n2 can be written in at least two ways as a sum of three squares. We shall give a fairly elementary proof of this, from scratch.

Let q be a real or complex number with

Define for n ⩾ 1.
Playing with Pythagoras and geometric arithmetic
Authors: McNeill Charles
Published: January 2007

I just couldn't see it; that was my difficulty with many mathematical abstractions: if I couldn't visually process a maths concept I would resort to rule, hoping that some day it would make sense.

Take the Pythagorean Theorem. It has been around for two millenniums plus, readily understood by all academically exposed to the liberal arts by the time they reach puberty; but me, I knew it, a2 + b2 = c2 and the picture of three little squares huddled around the perimeter of a right triangle, that was no help. Why not three equilateral triangles around the perimeter Of course a2 √3/4 + b2 √3/4 = c2 √3/4 is a bit ungainly, but it would work.
One hundred years on
Authors: Hoare Graham T. Q.
Published: January 2007

David Hilbert, one of the giants of mathematics, delivered a lecture at the International Congress of Mathematics at Paris in 1900. The first part of the lecture, a preamble to his announcement of the now-famous 23 problems, began with the words:

’Who of us would not be glad to lift the veil behind which the future lies hidden; to cast a glance at the next advances of our science and at the secrets of its development during future centuries? What particular goals will mere be toward which the leading mathematical spirits of coming generations will thrive? What new methods and new facts in the wide and rich fields of mathematical thought will the new centuries disclose?
Northern Anatolia before Classical Times
Authors: Burney C. A.
Published: January 2007

That part of northern Anatolia known in Greek and Roman times as Bithynia and Paphlagonia comprises a number of high ridges running from west to east, through which the rivers break their way in their tortuous courses down to the Black Sea. The region discussed in this article in fact comprises Paphlagonia, the eastern half of Bithynia and part of Phrygia, from the lower Sakarya to the mouth of the Halys; but, since these names do not apply to the Bronze Age, the whole will be termed northern Anatolia. As far south as the crest of the main ridge bounding the Anatolian plateau along its north side the land has a maritime climate quite different from that of either the plateau or the Mediterranean coast: rainfall is abundant, even at times in the summer; deciduous forests cover these north-facing slopes, right to the top. Sinop provides the best natural harbour on this coast. The change to the steppe country of the plateau is abrupt.
Two Inscriptions from Pisidian Antioch
Authors: Levick Barbara
Published: January 2007

During the Excavations at Pisidian Antioch conducted for the University of Michigan in 1924 by Professor D. M. Robinson with the help of Sir W. M. Ramsay, a number of inscriptions seem to have been discovered and transferred to the garden of the ortokul in the neighbouring town of Yalvaç. Some remained unpublished, perhaps even unrecorded, and were copied by the present writer during her stay in Yalvaç, in the summer of 1955. Amongst these stones (although it may well have been brought to the school garden on some other occasion) is a block which, broken though it is, still bears substantial portions of two separate inscriptions. One yields fresh information about the constitution of the colony established by Augustus at Antioch in 25 B.C., while the other, a dedication to Gratian and his fellow Augusti, shows Latin in use at Antioch at a very late date in its history and reveals the name of a hitherto unknown governor of Pisidia. The present dimensions of the stone are 0·585 m. by 0·785 m. by 0·585 m. See Plate III.
Yanik Tepe, Shengavit, and the Khirbet Kerak Ware
Authors: Amiran Ruth
Published: January 2007

The problem dealt with in the following note, concisely worded in the title, has been occupying the attention of many scholars for quite some time, but seems now to have anchored at a haven, from which further research is already in progress. It may be considered a generally consented assumption, that the phenomenon of the Kh. Kerak Ware (which comprises all the occurrences of this distinctive ware, from Tabara el Akrad Levels IV–I, Amuq Phase H, Hama Niveau K5 in the north, to all the sites in Palestine, as far south as Jericho Tomb A, Tomb F4, etc.) is part of a much larger phenomenon, which stretches over a much wider area. It is evident that we cannot understand a single element, the Kh. Kerak Ware, unless we see it as belonging to a whole phenomenon. It is the great affinity, indeed almost homogeneity of the pottery, both shapes, surface treatment and decoration, which unifies the whole wide range of separated regions, from Transcaucasia (the Kura-Arax culture of B. Kuftin), Armenia and Azerbaidjan, through Eastern and Central Anatolia, to the whole length of the Levant, into one phenomenon.
The Church of the Evangelists at Alahan: A Preliminary Report
Authors: Gough Michael
Published: January 2007

The publication of another article on the monastery complex at Alahan in Isauria so soon after the appearance of Professor P. Verzone's monograph and Professor G. Forsyth's paper on the same monument may seem premature, and to require some explanation. It can, however, be reasonably justified on the differing times and circumstances in which the various articles appeared.

In autumn 1955, I published “Some Recent Finds at Alahan (Koja Kalessi)”, an article based on two short visits which I had made to the monastery during 1952 and 1953. This paper coincided with the publication of the Turkish text of Professor Verzone's monograph, compiled after a stay at Alahan in the summer of the same year. Meanwhile, I had previously requested and obtained permission from the Turkish General Directorate of Museums and Antiquities to carry out limited soundings in the monastery complex, in particular in the building designated Chiesa n. 1 by Verzone. These soundings were, in fact, carried out in the interval between Verzone's visit and the publication of his monograph.
Agricultural Productivity and Past Population Potential at Aşvan
Authors: Hillman Gordon
Published: January 2007

This paper is not a discussion of archaeological evidence for past population levels in our area, nor of likely sequences of change in population through time. Instead, it is a set of estimations of upper levels of population that would have been possible at recent and ancient agricultural settlements in the Aşvan region, assuming certain combinations of territory, land management systems and levels of productivity. This contrasts, therefore, with the approach more frequently adopted in estimating past population levels which uses settlement size and structural remains.

The points in time at which these hypothetical situations (with their corresponding population levels) were likely actually to have existed in the Aşvan region are not considered in detail here. We may be in a position to fix time correlates in some cases once we have more data on local erosion and sedimentation history and once we have assembled all data arising from the site materials, in particular the data from the very large quantities of plant and animal remains.
Modern Agricultural Technology in Aşvan
Authors: Williams David
Published: January 2007

The reason for the drawing and recording of agricultural tools in the Aşvan bölgesi is partly to study the objects themselves, but mainly to examine the relationship between the tools and the activities for which they were designed and to consider various other features of man/environment interaction which they represent. The significance of agricultural tools in terms of human activities is such that their study forms a necessary component of the baseline situation under study in the Aşvan project (see earlier papers in this volume). This significance holds both for the present situation and also can be extrapolated into the archaeological past.

The agricultural tools, as recorded, range in type from the more generalized to highly specialized. The specialized may be used in only one activity, but these individual activities can only exist as part of an established agricultural system; any archaeological evidence of the corresponding tools forms ideal evidence for the past agricultural systems. For example, ploughs and threshing sleds are for ploughing and threshing only, but both activities need draught animals; threshing relates to cereal agriculture, and so on. Less specialized tool types may reflect less closely inter-connected activities; reaping knives for example, represent reaping of all kinds of crops, weeding, clearing of fallow land and cutting of scrub for fodder or firewood; any interpretation of reaping knives in archaeological context must allow for this diversity of usage.
The Saint and the Major-General.
Authors: Lewis Geoffrey
Published: January 2007

The following note is dedicated to Seton Lloyd, in admiration and affection, and with happy memories of the Red Tower and the Sponge Beach before the motels came.

On the ridge above what was, until mid-1971, Robert College of Istanbul and is now the Bosphorus University, is a little cemetery containing, among others, a number of Bektashi tombs; it adjoins the site of a now vanished Bektashi tekke and is locally known as Evliyalar, ‘The Saints’. J. Kingsley Birge mentions and illustrates both cemetery and tekke in his The Bektashi Order of Dervishes. His illustration No. 23 “is of the plot where, according to tradition, Janissary-Bektashi skirmishers were buried after being killed in a raid just prior to the capture of Constantinople in 1453.” There is a marker on the plot, inscribed hādhā maqām shuhadā' sana 855, “This is the place of those who fell in 855/1451–2.”
The Negatives in Hieroglyphic Luwian
Authors: Hawkins J. D.
Published: January 2007

The reading of the Hieroglyphic signshad from the early days of decipherment been linked with that of other signs, in particular with, and with the two forms of the RELATIVE, an association based on similarity of appearance as well as the parallelism of the distinction by means of the double stroke at the base. The evaluation ofas the “vowel series”i/ī/a/āby Meriggi, and the recognition of the RELATIVE signs as such by Forrer, divided the way between these two groups. The phonetic reading of the relative remained long in doubt. An earlier reading asiaetc., based on a confusion with the “vowel signs” was rejected by Gelb, while Gelb's own reading ofkiwas discarded by Bossert, who on largely invalid grounds postulated a phonetic developmentkwa>hwa>wa. In spite of the dubious points in his argument, Bossert has generally been followed, at least in his readinghwa, especially since the identification of a number of Hieroglyphic verbs employing in their writing the signs REL/REL2with corresponding cuneiform Luwian verbs written with ahuorku(-wa). Most recently it has been argued that the relative belongs to the class of -i-stems with a presumed readinghwi-.
Blucium and Peium: The Galatian Forts of King Deiotarus
Authors: Mitchell Stephen
Published: January 2007

The topography and historical geography of Galatia, the area of central Anatolia which extended roughly from the modern Sivrihissar to Yozgat and which was occupied from the 3rd century B.C. by three Celtic tribes, is a subject which has remained obstinately obscure, despite its interest to Classical archaeologists and historians and to Celtic scholars. Progress in fixing the topography of the region after it became a Roman province in 25 B.C. has been made more readily, mainly thanks to two factors: first, the existence of an elaborate and important road system whose remains can still be traced on the ground, and second, the occasional find of inscriptions containing place names by which sites can be identified. No such assistance is available for the pre-Roman period, and, until comparatively recently, only three names could be placed on the map of independent Galatia without an accompanying question mark, Ancyra, Pessinus and Tavium which, under the Roman domination, became the capitals of the three Celtic tribes, the Tectosages, the Tolistobogii and the Trocmi. It was impossible to identify the other Galatian strongholds, which had disappeared from history after the organisation of the Roman province, with places named in the literary sources, even when their traces could be identified on the ground.
R.E.C.A.M. Notes and Studies No. 1: Inscriptions of Ancyra
Authors: Mitchell Stephen
Published: January 2007

Even a hurried glance at the walls of the Byzantine citadel, or a rapid inspection of the material collected by the Ankara Archaeological Museum at the depot in the Roman baths is enough to show that Ankara contains a richer collection of Greek and Latin inscriptions than almost any other city of the Anatolian plateau. A long sequence of epigraphic publications stretches back to 1555 when the companions of Augier Ghiselin de Busbecq, ambassador to the court of Suleiman the Magnificent, made the first copy of theRes Gestae, inscribed on the walls of the temple of Rome and Augustus. Since then a succession of travellers and epigraphists has added to the total of known inscriptions, and even if none of their discoveries can rank beside the record which the first emperor published of his life and actions, many of them are of considerable importance both for the history of Ancyra itself and in the wider context of the Roman Empire and the Byzantine world.

However, any general study of these inscriptions and their historical implications has been hampered by the fact that they are scattered in a wide range of publications, many of them difficult to obtain. This situation has been partially remedied by Professor E. Bosch'sQuellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Ankara im Altertum, completed in its essentials by 1945, but only published after the author's death by the TTK press in Ankara in 1967. This contains a large proportion of the source material relevant to the city's history from its earliest appearance in the classical sources to the age of Constantine, accompanied by a commentary in German. However, despite its usefulness, the book has not fulfilled the need for a fullcorpusof the city's inscriptions.
An Athena Parthenos from Cilicia
Authors: Williams Hector
Published: January 2007

In the winter of 1974 farmers working in their fields near the village of Selimiye about fifteen kilometres south-east of Ceyhan uncovered a small round limestone altar bearing an image in relief of the goddess Athena (Pl. XVII a). The form and attributes of the figure—left hand on shield, left leg slightly bent, Nike on right hand, aegis on breast—clearly indicate that the relief owes much to Pheidias' great chryselephantine statue in Athens. It may thus be added to a considerable number of representations dating back to Hellenistic times that show the interest in Pheidias' masterpiece in southeastern Asia Minor. In itself it is important as an addition to the handful of reliefs depicting one of the most famous monuments of antiquity.

The altar joins a number of other similar monuments, mostly funerary in nature, of varying dimensions in the Adana regional museum. Its height is 0·64 m., its diameter at the base 0·38 m. It consists of a flat round base supporting a series of mouldings (torus, cyma reversa, fillet—Fig. 1a), a central drum divided unequally into a lower and a slightly projecting upper section, a further series of mouldings (fillet, ovolo—Fig. 1b) above which rises a biconical rim with flattened edge, a short continuation of the drum and finally a capping moulding (much mutilated in our specimen). The top is slightly convex with a shallow, rough depression in the middle 0·011 m. deep and 0·11 m. in diameter. Except for the relief and surrounding area the whole stone is dressed down with a claw chisel. There is some entasis apparent in the central portion of the drum.
Remarks about some Assyrian Reliefs
Authors: Porada E.
Published: January 2007

To offer Richard Barnett remarks about Assyrian reliefs is a matter of self-indulgence. I wanted to have the reaction of this scholar most likely to be interested in my ideas about the meaning of the two principal scenes of the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III (858–24 B.C.); the role of the ziggurat in Assyria, on which I will touch only slightly; and a fragment from the reliefs of Sennacherib (704–681 B.C.). I have had to appeal for his aid for the classification of the latter since he is preparing the publication of the collected reliefs from the palace of Sennacherib with the help of Erica Bleibtreu.

Each of the two scenes at the top of Shalmaneser's obelisk, Plate I, a—b, shows a foreign prince kneeling before the Assyrian king with hands and beard touching the ground in the posture of the greatest humility. The lower scene is often reproduced alone because the foreign ruler is Jehu of Israel, whose biblical association is of interest to the general public. The similarity of the two scenes, is unique and invites a search into its meaning. Fortunately, the identity of both foreign rulers is indicated in the inscription above the scenes.
“Louez-le sur la Harpe et la Lyre”
Authors: Spycket Agnès
Published: January 2007

Ce verset du Psaume 150 s'applique bien à Richard D. Barnett, car durant sa féconde direction du Department of Western Asiatic Antiquities, il a fait restaurer, entre autres objets des tombes royales d'Ur, la harpe de Pu-abi et la lyre en argent. Ces réflexions sur les harpes et les lyres mésopotamiennes m'ont donc été suggérées par son article paru en 1969 dansIraq XXXI: “New Facts about Musical Instruments from Ur” (pp. 96–103).

Il faut bien souligner que sans les instruments des tombes d'Ur, “royalement” exhumés par Sir Leonard Woolley, notre matériel de base serait uniquement iconographique, ce qui n'est certes pas négligeable; mais les représentations d'instruments sur les reliefs et les cylindres-sceaux ne nous renseignent pas comme les objets eux-mêmes; par contre elles permettent de préciser la position du musicien par rapport à l'instrument – debout ou assise –, suivant la taille de la lyre et de la harpe. Les femmes dominent dans les tombes d'Ur: les quatre lyres du “Puits de la mort” étaient jouées par quatre femmes au moment de l'holocauste.
The Dream of Kurigalzu and the Tablet of Sins
Authors: Finkel Irving L.
Published: January 2007

A rather choice cuneiform fragment from the British Museum forms the subject of the present note, viz. BM 47749 = 81-11-3, 454, here copied as Fig. 1. The composition may be conveniently classed in the “historical-literary” genre, or more specifically, in the “historical epic” genre, although at present no more than one-quarter of the original tablet is available. It is with much pleasure that I dedicate this study to the distinguished sometime Keeper of the Department of Western Asiatic Antiquities who is the recipient of this celebratory volume, and who for so many years had the resources of the British Museum tablet collections under his care.

The small group of historical epics discussed by A. K. Grayson includes three Late Babylonian copies of texts from Babylon describing events under second millennium kings, two of which are concerned with Kassite kings; a Kurigalzu (probably Kurigalzu II), and Adad-šuma-uṣur. The present Late Babylonian text, BM 47749, is likewise concerned with one of the kings named Kurigalzu, but differs from the published manuscripts in having one, rather than two, columns per side.
The Sumerian Deluge Myth
Authors: Kramer Samuel Noah
Published: January 2007

The Sumerian deluge myth is inscribed on a six-colume Nippur tablet in the University Museum, of which only the lower third is preserved. It was first published by Arno Poebel in 1914, inPBSV no. 1, and was edited by him with exemplary detail, care, and circumspection in the same year inPBSIV pp. 9–70. In 1950, I published a new translation of the text inANETpp. 42–4 – except for a few modifications, it was based entirely on Poebel's edition. In more recent years, two scholars have made serious attempts to retranslate and reinterpret the text. In 1969, Miguel Civil published a new transliteration and translation of the myth in Lambert and Millard'satrahasispp. 138–45 (philological notes ibid. pp. 167–74). In 1981, Thorkild Jacobsen published a new transliteration, translation and interpretation of the composition which he entitled “The Eridu Genesis”, inJBL100/4 pp. 513–29. Both Civil and Jacobsen have made a number of significant and useful lexicographical, grammatical and interpretative suggestions. But neither of them have resolved the baffling difficulties and obscurities that abound in the text, and much of its contents still remains puzzling and enigmatic, especially the first part of the myth relating the events leading up to the divine decision to destroy mankind by sending a devastating flood on the land.
qlqlt' tubkinnu, Refuse Tips and Treasure Trove
Authors: Greenfield Jonas C. , Shaffer Aaron
Published: January 2007

The Tell Fekherye inscriptions contained more than one surprise for both the Assyriologist and the Aramaist. In this article we will deal with Aramaicqlqlt' which was previously known from texts in various Aramaic dialects from the first millennium C.E. and also withtubkinnuits equivalent in the Akkadian text. Richard Barnett, to whom this article is dedicated, has opened one of the great treasure troves to the scholarly world – the Western Asiatic collections of the British Museum. We take this occasion to also comment on treasure trove in the ancient world.

The wordqlqlt'occurs in the Tell Fekherye inscription in 1. 22 of the Aramaic text:wmn qlqlt' llqṭw 'nšwh š‘rn klw“may his people scavenge barley to eat from the rubbish dump(s)”. The nounqlqlt' in this form occurs in various Targumic texts. Thus in 1 Sam 2:8 (= Ps 113:7)mē'ašpōt yārīm 'ebyōn“He lifts up the needy from the refuse heap” is translatedmiqqilqilātā/mĕrīm/yerīm hĕšīkā. Theša‘ar ha-ḥarsītof Jer. 19:2 is translatedtĕra‘ qilqiltā“dung gate” and the enigmaticśēfātayimof Ps 68:14 was interpreted as a plural of 'ašpā“dung heap, refuse dump” and translatedqilqilātā.The same translation was offered for 'ašpātōtof Lam 4:5.
The Myth of Girra and Elamatum
Authors: Walker Christopher
Published: January 2007

Dr. Barnett has long taken an interest in the recovery of Mesopotamian mythology, and many is the time that he has suggested to us that the enigmatic scene on a cylinder-seal represents “a myth now lost”. It is a pleasure therefore to dedicate to him the first edition of a newly recovered fragment of an Old Babylonian myth concerning the fixing of the destiny of Girra, the god of fire and giver of light to man, after his defeat of Elamatum.

BM 78962 (Bu 89-4-26, 257) is one of a collection of tablets purchased by E. A. W. Budge in Baghdad, and said by him to include tablets from Sippar and Tell ed-Der. The collection includes the Old Babylonian Atrahasis tablets BM 78941 and 78942, the provenance of which has been discussed by Lambert and Millard. It seems reasonable to assume that BM 78962 like them comes from Sippar or Tell ed-Der and to date it on palaeographical grounds to the reign of Ammisaduqa or thereabouts. The content of the tablet was quite obscured by dirt and salt until 1973 when it was baked and cleaned by Mr. C. A. Bateman.
Glass Inlays and the Classification and Dating of Ivories from the Ninth-Eighth Centuries B.C.
Authors: Barag D.
Published: January 2007

The extensive use of glass inlays on ivories and as separate inlays together with ivories, presumably on the same furniture, is one of the features characteristic of Western Asiatic ivories dating from the ninth and eighth centuries B.C. Their introduction marked a clear departure from second millennium B.C. traditions of ivory carving and their disappearance after the eighth century B.C. coincided with the end of the Golden Age of Western Asiatic ivory carving.

In this discussion I intend to call attention to some phenomena connected with the use of glass inlays on and together with ivories from the ninth and eighth centuries B.C. rather than presenting a full review of the subject — a project beyond the scope of the present study. It will be shown that the distinction between non-inlaid and inlaid groups of ivories in Phoenician style has a bearing on their attribution to different workshops and possibly also on their chronology.
The Revadim Seal and its Archaic Phoenician Inscription
Authors: Sass Benjamin
Published: January 2007

This seal, one of the earliest with a linear alphabetic inscription, was found in 1959 at Kibbutz Revadim in the Shephelah (Fig. 3). Its find spot lies about three kilometres west of Tel Miqne (Khirbet el-Muqanna'), identified with Ekron of the Philistine Pentapolis. The seal is a scaraboid of hard limestone, most probablymizi hilu, measuring 16 × 13 × 7·5 mm, intended for a ring, as indicated by the two drilled holes that do not meet. The back and sides of the seal are plain. The base carries the owner's name and a scene engraved in a linear, schematic style (Fig. 1, Pl. XLII).

The seal was published in 1961 by R. Giveon, who assigned it to the wellknown class of late Iron Age (mainly 8th—7th century) personal seals from Palestine and neighbouring countries. In an article published a year later, F. M. Cross, on palaeographic grounds, dated the seal to the 12th century. His view won wide acceptance. In this paper, offered with gratitude and admiration to Richard D. Barnett, whose student I had the privilege to be, I wish to re-evaluate the Revadim Seal and its date.
The Oenoanda Survey: 1974–76
Authors: Hall Alan
Published: January 2007

Oenoanda in the Cabalis was the most southerly city of the Tetrapolis led by Cibyra in the late Hellenistic period; and it dominated both its close neighbour Termessus Minor and the fertile mountain valley through which runs an upper stretch of the river Xanthus. When L. Licinius Murena broke up the Cibyratis in 84 B.C., Oenoanda became a member of the Koinon of the Lycians. Little is known of its earlier history.

The remains lie on the southern side of the Seki valley, on a hill which overlooks the modern road from Fethiye to Korkuteli, at the point where it crosses the river. The road to Seki diverges just south of the bridge, and the site of Termessus Minor lies on the other side of the river. Oenoanda's main buildings are grouped on a saddle-ridge below and south of the acropolis hill, some 300 metres above the valley. Against the lower slopes of this hill lies the theatre.
Aegean Trade and Settlement in Anatolia in the Second Millennium B.C.
Authors: Mee Christopher
Published: January 2007

The evidence of Minoan and Mycenaean trade with and settlement in Anatolia has never been comprehensively studied. Bittel (1967:5–23), Buchholz (1974:365–8), Cook and Blackman (1959–60:39–50, 1964–5:44–55, 1970–1:39–53), D. French (1969:73–4), Hiller (1975:406–11), Hope Simpson and Lazenby (1973:174–9), Lloyd and Mellaart (1955:81–3), Mellaart (1968:187–90) and Stubbings (1951:22–4 and 88–9) have discussed some of the sites involved but not in depth. Obviously it is only by considering the evidence as a whole that a definitive assessment is possible, so that a further study is not superfluous.

Problems arising from the decipherment of the Boğazköy/Hattusas archives are not considered but I would hope that this study might nevertheless assist those concerned with the political geography of Anatolia in the second millennium.
Lycian Relations with Persians and Greeks in the Fifth and Fourth Centuries Re-examined
Authors: Childs William A. P.
Published: January 2007

Between 547/6 and 541/0 Cyrus the Great defeated Croesus and the Persian Empire reached the Aegean. In the years following, his general, Harpagus the Mede, subdued the coastal Greek cities and sacked Xanthos which put up a struggle to the last. It is to be assumed that the rest of Lycia fell without event. Western and southwestern Asia Minor was divided into two administrative areas, Lydia and Ionia (Yauna). Although the Lydian satrapy was often predominant, the basic unit in the southwest was Ionia which comprised during much of its existance Ionia proper, Aeolia, Caria, Lycia, Milyas, and Pamphylia. This large area left Lycia without a satrap in the proximity and consequently without a provincial court with its attendant strong official influence.
Byzantine Malagina and the Lower Sangarius
Authors: Foss Clive
Published: January 2007

Malagina was a place of considerable strategic importance in the Byzantine period, from the Dark Ages until the final collapse of imperial rule in Asia Minor. Frequent mentions in the sources indicate that it was a major base, a station on the route of imperial armies to the East, and the seat of the stables from which the expeditions were supplied. It had an administration of its own, and grew in importance as the Empire shrank. Although its general location, on the Sangarius river, has never been in doubt, the site has so far failed to be convincingly identified, in spite of serious attempts. Thanks to investigations in the field, it is now possible to provide Malagina with a precise location, and to identify and describe its fortress, whose remains add considerably to our knowledge of the site and its history. For the sake of completeness, these remains will be discussed in the context of what is known of the Byzantine and Ottoman history of the site.

The first appearance of Malagina is in a curious text, an apocalyptic prophecy attributed to St. Methodius, but actually dating from the late seventh century. Its chronology can be determined from its forecast that the Arabs would break into Constantinople. Although that never happened, the prophecy has reasonably been associated with the great siege of 674–8. In preparation for that attack, the Arabs would, it announces, divide their forces into three parts, of which one would winter in Ephesus, another in Pergamum, and the third in Malagina. Although this provides no specific information about the site, it shows that Malagina was then considered an important military base, a likely goal for an Arab attack. It may also indicate that the place was actually taken and occupied by the Arabs on that occasion. In any case, Malagina was in existence by the seventh century.
A Rock-Working at Cursat Castle
Authors: Morray D. W.
Published: January 2007

The castle of Cursat, modern Koz Kalesi, situated ten kilometres south of Antakya in Turkish Hatay, has been well covered: van Berchem (1914/5), Jacquot (1931) and Deschamps (1977). They draw attention to the conspicuous visible features, largely of 13th century Frankish origin, in the western and southern walls of Cursat, in particular salients A and B of the plan (Fig. 1). However, none of these previous investigators reports anything of significance on the eastern flank of the site, marked C on the plan, beyond noting the existence of a cistern, and several subterranean apartments.

As a result, they overlook two interesting features which this writer discovered in the Spring of 1989. These consist of a vertical shaft, cut in the rock, which descends from the level of a subterranean complex below the eastern terreplein, and a lower chamber at the level of the base of the castle ramparts, which receives the shaft.

The complex, comprising a Firing-platform, cistern and another apartment, possibly a bath, was noted by van Berchem and his successors. But the shaft and the lower chamber have not been recorded.
Notes on the Monuments of Turkish Thrace
Authors: Ötüken Yildiz , Ousterhout Robert
Published: January 2007

The following notes represent the results of two visits to Turkish Thrace made by the authors during the summers of 1987 and 1988. In 1987 we visited Edirne, Vize and Enez, as well as several Byzantine fortifications at other locations. We returned to Edirne, Vize and Enez in 1988, and in addition we explored the coastal region southwest of Tekirdaǧ. We encountered numerous monuments of the Byzantine and post-Byzantine periods in these areas that have not been subjected to scholarly scrutiny—at least not since the population exchange of 1922–3 dramatically altered the demographic picture of Thrace. Our purpose in presenting this information is not to provide the complete documentation for each site visited, nor to provide a complete listing of the historical monuments of the region. Rather, we would like to make the scholarly community aware of the unpublished or unstudied monuments of Thrace, as well as the possibilities for further research in the area.
R.E.C.A.M. Notes and Studies No. 9: The Milyadeis and their Territory
Authors: Hall Alan S.
Published: January 2007

At the end of a passage in Strabo's Geography (XIII, 631), where he gives an account of the foundation of Kibyra and the extent of its power in the first century B.C., we find a succinct definition of the territory of the neighbouring Milyas (τῆς ὀμόρου Μιλυάδος):

“The Milyas is the territory from the defiles by Termessus and the passage through them to Isinda, stretching in a mountainous area as far as Sagalassus and the territory of Apameia.”

In spite of its precision, Strabo's definition of the Milyas is inadequate in several ways. First, the geographical limits are set from south to north, but not from east to west. Secondly, it is only a brief footnote to his account of the Kibyratis, and lacks comparable information about the language, settlements and history of the inhabitants of this neighbouring region. Probably a dearth of information in Strabo's sources restricted him to a statement of what was agreed to be the core of a once extensive territory; earlier writers, such as Herodotus and Polybius, had referred to the Milyas in terms which show that it extended more widely in earlier centuries.
A Group of Terracotta Wagon Models from Southeastern Anatolia
Authors: Özgen Engin
Published: January 2007

Four-wheeled wagons, which can be considered as one of the major breakthroughs of man's technological evolution and range over a considerable period of time, seem to appear as pictographic signs on inscribed clay tablets from Uruk in southern Mesopotamia during the fourth millennium B.C. These simple vehicles which are depicted with a roofed superstructure were probably drawn by a pair of bovids the existence of which is attested in the ancient Near East both by literary sources and osteologically. The evidence for four-wheeled wagons, this time without a roof, becomes extensive in the following millennium as represented on the “Standard of Ur”, the “Vulture Stele”, specimens of vase painting, sealing and seals, terracotta and metal wagon models and actual wagon remains. In the beginning of the third millennium B.C. they are depicted in military contexts, hence the name “battle cars”, whereas there is no evidence for a similar use towards the end of the period and following millennia. It seems that they were relegated to cult use in the later third millennium B.C. and continued to the early second millennium B.C.
Amorium 1987: A Preliminary Survey
Authors: Harrison R. M.
Published: January 2007

Amorium is in eastern Phrygia, 170 km. south-west of Ankara, 70 km. north-east of Afyon, 12 km. east of the town of Emirdaǧ, and near the source of the Sakarya (Sangarius) (Fig. 1). It lies on the north-facing lower slopes of the mountains of Emirdaǧ (the Turkish town, previously called Aziziye, has the same name), and the ancient site of Amorium lies within the relatively recent village of Hisarköy. The mountain of Emirdaǧ gives rise to various streams which flow into a tributary of the Sakarya, and at Amorium the view to the north extends over some 50 km., showing, in the middle distance, the tree-lined course of the river, and the mountains of Sivrihisar beyond. The ancient town (which includes a large prehistoric hüyük) was mentioned by Strabo, and indeed the name of Amorium appeared earlier on coins, in the second or first century B.C. The site was rediscovered by W. J. Hamilton in 1836.
A Reinterpretation of the Milawata Letter in the Light of the New Join Piece
Authors: Bryce T. R.
Published: January 2007

At the Rencontre Assyriologique held in Vienna in July, 1981, Dr. Harry Hoffner Jr. presented a paper in which he discussed a new join he had made to the Milawata letter, a document long recognized as being of considerable importance for Hittite historical studies, although one which is frustratingly fragmentary and incomplete.

Without doubt, the join provides important new information on historical and political developments in western Anatolia in the period when the letter was written, during the 13th century B.C.; more specifically, it throws interesting new light on the circumstances in which it was written, and may help indirectly to establish the identity of both its author, a Hittite king, and its recipient. Perhaps of most immediate interest is the fact that we now have the name of another king of Wilua—Walmu. Walmu was already known to us from the original text, but the two passages in which his name appeared were too fragmentary to provide any more specific information about him. The new join provides us not only with this information, but a good deal more besides.
Iron in Anatolia and the Nature of the Hittite Iron Industry
Authors: Muhly J. D. , Maddin R. , Stech T. , Özgen E.
Published: January 2007

The development of the skills necessary for working in iron, making possible the transition from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age, has long been regarded as one of the major break-throughs in man's technological history. For Lewis Henry Morgan, writing in 1877, the smelting of iron ore was a development on a par with the domestication of animals (Morgan 1877:39):

“The most advanced portion of the human race were halted, so to express it, at certain stages of progress, until some great invention or discovery, such as the domestication of animals or the smelting of iron ore, gave a new and powerful impulse forward.”

The importance of the appearance of iron as a practical, utilitarian metal has usually been seen in terms of a military context. With iron it was possible to produce weapons not only superior to those of bronze but also much cheaper. These improvements made it possible to arm a large peasant infantry in order to challenge the military superiority of the chariot forces of the Late Bronze Age aristocracy, armed with bronze weapons.
Sagalassus and Cremna 1986
Authors: Mitchell Stephen , Waelkens Marc
Published: January 2007

A second season of survey work at Sagalassus and Cremna in Pisidia was started on 2 July and continued until 12 August 1986. This was the most recent instalment of a project to carry out detailed archaeological and architectural studies of the surviving remains of the Graeco–Roman cities of this region. Between 1982 and 1984 we had worked at the Roman colony of Pisidian Antioch, and a final report is nearing completion. In 1985, we began at Cremna, another Roman colony, with the intention of complementing the excavation of the site carried out in the early 1970s by a team from Istanbul University led by Professor Jale İnan, and also spent a few days of preliminary reconnaissance at the metropolis of Roman Pisidia, Sagalassus (see AS. XXXVI, 1986, 8–10). All the field work has been funded by the British Academy, the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara, the Roman Society, and the Craven Committee of Oxford University. In 1986 the team worked at Sagalassus until 24 July, thereafter we were at Cremna. The participants were Dr. Stephen Mitchell, Dr. Marc Waelkens, Dr. Gregory Horsley, Dr. Edwin Owens, Mr. Robin Fursdon (chief surveyor), Roger Bruton, Mark Critchley, Helen Thackray (student surveyors), Roger and Miranda McKearney.
The Kululu Lead Strips Economic Documents in Hieroglyphic Luwian
Authors: Hawkins J. D.
Published: January 2007

The present study incorporates the results of work which I did on the KULULU lead strips in Ankara in the spring of 1978. There by the kind permission of Professor Tahsin Özgüç I was enabled to examine all the lead strips thoroughly. The texts presented here are based on tracings of collated photographs of the strips made at that time. I am most grateful to Professor Özgüç for his help and encouragement.

The manuscript of this article was submitted to Belleten for publication in 1979, but due to unforeseen circumstances has remained unpublished until the present. It has therefore been decided to publish it in the present form without further delay. Since the original submission of the manuscript to Belleten, however, two major contributions on the KULULU lead strips have appeared:

(1) Sargon Erdem: “Le strisce di piombo di KULULU” (Studia Mediterranea Piero Meriggi dicata (ed. O. Carruba; Pavia, 1979), 143–164);

(2) Piero Meriggi and Massimo Poetto: “Note alle strisce di piombo di KULULU” (Investigationes Philologicae et Comparativae: GS für Heinz Kronasser (ed. E. Neu; Wiesbaden, 1982), 97–115).
The Hittite Names of Kerkenes Dağ and Kuşaklı Höyük
Authors: Gurney O. R.
Published: January 2007

A major Hittite city-mound in the vicinity of the Kerkenes Dağ having been identified by Dr. Summers (see previous article), the question naturally arises whether their ancient Hittite names can be determined. Unfortunately this central area of the Hittite kingdom was completely distorted in The Geography of the Hittite Empire (1959) by the misplacing of Pala-Tumanna and Nerik and the places, such as Mt. Ḫaḫarwa, associated with them. Allusions to “the sea” locate these places firmly, with Zalpa, at the opposite end of the zone occupied by the Kaška folk, in the far north by the mouth of the Kızıl Irmak, and the maps in that book must be disregarded.

Kuşaklı Höyük stands in the basin of the Kanak Su which rises just above the site of Alişar. This stream is a tributary of the Delice Su which flows north-westward into the Kızıl Irmak and which Forlanini has suggested might be the Hittite “Red River”, said to have “mingled its waters with the Maraššantiya”, but the Kanak Su and its tributaries have not yet been certainly identified in the Hittite texts.