bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Graduate Studies in the Social Sciences
Authors: Angus H. F.
Published: June 2006

Canadian universities have not been as enterprising as their American neighbours in seeking out new ways of serving the community; but they have deviated far enough from the straight and narrow path of academic scholarship to develop a sense of guilt for which atonement may be offered by devoting a part of their resources to the promotion of graduate studies.

In the United States we find a desperate effort being made to save the M.A. degree from the fate which has befallen the B.A. degree, by applying truly heroic remedies, such as insistence on serious qualifications for admission to candidacy, on “graduate standards of attainment,” on “proper use of spoken and written English,” on “a reading knowledge of at least one foreign language … as indispensable background and not merely as a tool for research.” A candidate should have obtained “an average grade which places him in at least the first third of his class” and “due attention should be paid to those qualities known as personality and, in particular, to moral character.”

A sense of guilt may be a very potent force, but it requires rationalization. Various reasons have been assigned for promoting graduate studies in Canada. Professor Brebner contends that an increased output of scholars, retained in Canada, could be employed in “the creation of Canadian culture.” In so doing they would solve what Professor Brebner considers ought to be “the most urgent problem for Canadian post-war planners,” namely “how to make Canada so cordial and attractive a place” that Canadians “who excel in any field” will be content to live and work there. It is nearly fifty years since American universities set about the task of meeting “needs for the satisfaction of which approximately 300 out of a total of some 500 advanced students at the time considered it necessary to go abroad.” Canadians have continued to pursue graduate studies in other countries, but it is possible to argue that young Canadians cannot rely as much as in the past on the opportunities offered for advanced work at British and American universities.
What Price Provincial Autonomy?
Authors: Perry J. Harvey
Published: June 2006

At the outset I will freely confess that the preparation of this paper has caused me some misgivings. For one thing, the times beg to Heaven for a masterfully brilliant statement on the subject of federal-provincial financial relations, and few occasions could be more propitious for such a performance than the present. For another I was disturbed to find that my efforts this morning are itemized in the programme under the heading “Economics,” which suggests that I am an economist and that my subject falls primarily into that field of study.

As to making a brilliant analysis, the challenge that others might have felt was barely aroused in me and succumbed very quickly. I am beginning to feel that I now hold a record for having sustained complete sterility of new thought on federal-provincial relations over a longer period of active writing and study than any other person in Canada. Recently my score in this respect has been perfect, and the thought of abandoning this unique position was more than I could contemplate. I had somewhat more of a problem in making peace with the programme, however. I hesitate to classify the subject as part of “Economics,” but at least I am impelled to agree that it should fall within one of the social sciences. My own difficulty in deciding which one is that years of close contact with negotiations between the federal and provincial governments have shown me that in practice this subject is a compound of a great deal of simple arithmetic, a considerable element of practical politics, and a modicum of pretentious nonsense. Whether these are the earmarks of “Political Science,” “Political Economy,” or simply “Economics” I will leave it to the adherents of these disciplines to decide for themselves. For my part I am content to leave the subject unclassified, allowing it to follow its own bent and speak its own language. I have tried, however, to extract it from the heat of political skirmishing so that we can look at it in some detachment, and as well for the most part the all-important question of federal arithmetic has been left in abeyance.
Two Restrictions on Provincial Autonomy
Authors: Angus H. F.
Published: June 2006

The question underlying the tax agreements is whether the advantages of uniformity in the three chief progressive taxes outweigh the disadvantages involved in restricting provincial autonomy. The federal government can use the taxes in question not only to control the economy but also to avoid the injustice of double taxation and the waste of unequal taxation. In 1867 customs duties and excise taxes were handed over to the federal government for much the same reasons. They could be used to control the economy and it was desirable that interprovincial trade should be free. In both cases the problem had to be faced of ensuring to the provinces revenues adequate for their needs.

Although the tax agreements have increased the de facto autonomy of some provinces by enabling them to find money for social services which have come to be considered essential in Canada, they have involved some restriction of provincial autonomy in two important respects. By depriving the provinces of the taxes which can most easily be made progressive they prevent them from placing the burden of new social services on the shoulders best able to bear it; for example, the cost of hospitalization in British Columbia is defrayed by a sales tax. In the second place the federal government has made some of its payments to the provinces conditional and has thus encouraged and, indeed, almost compelled them to accept the priorities in expenditure chosen by the federal government. This process is sometimes called buying control. Conditional subsidies do not have this effect when the federal government and the provincial governments are substantially partners in a matter of common interest. However, a subsidy given in aid of any service which is distinctively provincial, for example, education, might easily carry conditions giving effect to federal policy. It is in these two ways that the tax agreements are a threat to provincial autonomy and a serious modification of the Canadian federal system.
The Measurement of Inter-Industry Relationships in Canada
Authors: Sawyer John A.
Published: June 2006

The Dominion Bureau of Statistics is currently completing a table of the inter-industry flow of goods and services in Canada for the year 1949. This paper is a preliminary report on the project which tries to answer the following questions: (1) What are the objectives of the Bureau's study of inter-industry relationships? (2) What are the principal characteristics of the 1949 table of inter-industry flows? (3) What are the principal sources of the data, the methods of estimation, and the reliability of the estimates? (4) What are the limitations of the use of the 1949 table for input-output analysis? The task of evaluating the results of the project must be left until the table has been completed and has been carefully studied.

The primary reason for constructing a set of inter-industry accounts for 1949 was to bring together, in an integrated framework, industrial and other economic statistics collected by the Bureau in order to create a tool for statistical management which draws attention to inconsistencies in classification and gaps in the data. The backbone of a good statistical system is standard classification of industries and commodities but, to ensure that the classifications are being implemented uniformly and to ensure that the classifications are analytically useful, statistics based on them should be integrated in some suitable framework. A table of inter-industry flows is ideally suited for this integration since one of its main features, as will be explained later, is that the total value of output of an industry is defined to be identical to the total value of input. If input and output can be estimated independently, the discrepancy between the two estimates provides an indicator of the accuracy of the data. Moreover, as Dr. Milton Gilbert has suggested: “It is only by having such an all-embracing framework that one can establish any order of priority in statistical collection. Otherwise the national ‘program’ of data-gathering tends to be like the program of a variety show; the first act is an acrobat, the second is an Irish tenor, the third is a tap dancer, and so on, with no connection between them. The parts of the program do not make up a whole drama or tell one story.”
Canadian Tariff Policy
Authors: Barber Clarence L.
Published: June 2006

During the recent session of Parliament a Conservative member flourished a small garment before the House to dramatize the fact that a Canadian baby is surrounded by the influence of our tariff from the time he is first wrapped in a tariff-protected blanket until at length he is driven out to some cemetery in a tariff-protected hearse and interred in a tariff-protected coffin. And yet I suspect that most economists have been less surprised at the continued importance of our tariff than at the consistency with which Canada has moved in the direction of freer trade during the past decade or more. One admittedly defective measure of tariff levels, the ratio of the total amount of duty collected to the total value of dutiable imports, has fallen from 29.6 per cent in 1933 to 18.6 per cent in 1953 and during the past few years has been at its lowest level since Confederation. Moreover, despite the acute import competition in a number of industries during recent years, the Government has steadily refused any openly protective measures on their behalf. The sharp declines in employment in our woollen textile and deep-sea shipping industries suggest a willingness to tolerate substantial readjustments in employment arising at least in part out of the changing pattern of international competition. The active role our Government has taken in supporting the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, the International Monetary Fund and the International Bank and in pressing for a removal of quantitative restrictions and the restoration of a more multilateral pattern of trade is further evidence of tins freer-trade attitude. After a regrettable lapse in 1947, Canada has been one of the few countries that has managed to avoid the use of import quotas since the end of the war and is almost alone in her abandonment of exchange controls. Then too, in line with the provisions of GATT, our regulations with respect to the valuation of goods for duty purposes and the application of dumping duties have been revised and in some respects made even more liberal than a strict interpretation of GATT would require. Even the party of Sir John A. Macdonald no longer gives outright support to the cause of protection. One European economist has suggested that Canada now has the most open economy in the world. Nowhere else is the international movement of goods, people, and capital as free as it is across the Canadian border.
Concentration of Economic Power and the Economic Elite in Canada
Authors: Porter John
Published: June 2006

Membership in an élite group implies a role by virtue of which the individual has the power to make effective decisions and to co-ordinate activity in a particular sector of the social structure. In simpler types of social structure, or the “folk” society, decision-making roles tend to be fused with other roles such as headship of kinship units or magical and religious functions. In industrial types of social structure with a great differentiation of social life, decision-making and co-ordinating roles are assigned to members of élite groups. The élite groups which can be distinguished are the economic, political, bureaucratic, military, and, where the ideology has a strong religious component, church hierarchies. Where the ideology tends to be secular, the position held by church hierarchies is taken over by an intellectual élite. The spheres of influence of the several élite groups are not always clearly defined, but in general they correspond to essential social functions.

Such a scheme of élite groups has been suggested by Professor Aron as a more useful analytical device in the study of power than the classes of Marxian theory. It might be added that a scheme of élite groups is also more useful than the “Warner” system of classification which is more relevant to prestige than to power. Hollywood film stars might be considered both “capitalists” and “lower-uppers” but they do not exercise power, although the élite groups who do exercise power might use them for purposes of prestige in the way that advertising and political campaigns suggest.
Exchange Stabilization in Canada, 1950–4
Authors: Eastman Harry C. , Stykolt Stefan
Published: June 2006

On October 1, 1950, Canadian authorities abandoned the policy of maintaining a fixed rate of exchange for the Canadian dollar for the first time since the beginning of the Second World War. Thereafter the dollar was allowed to fluctuate with little interference from official quarters. The significance of this event extends beyond the evolution of exchange policy in Canada, for it must have affected the attitudes of those countries that have been studying a more flexible exchange system than the one envisaged by the Articles of Agreement of the International Monetary Fund.

Canadian monetary authorities have been pursuing a policy designed to reduce changes in the value of the Canadian dollar. Official policy has been described as follows: “Transactions of the Exchange Fund Account in the market in United States dollars were directed to helping to maintain orderly conditions without preventing basic supply and demand factors from determining the level of the rate.” It is argued in this paper that a stabilizing agency that operates according to the commonly accepted principle of resisting all movements in the rate does not, in fact, contribute to that rate's stability. An examination of the operations of the Canadian Exchange Fund Account from September, 1950, to December, 1954, supports this argument. An analysis of the meaning of stabilizing policy will precede the discussion of Canadian experience.
A “Constitutional Crisis” in British Columbia
Authors: Stanley George F. G.
Published: June 2006

In his book on the principles governing the exercise of the royal power of dissolution of Parliament, Dr. Eugene Forsey cites as one of the Canadian precedents of grant and refusal of dissolution, the actions of Lieutenant-Governor Thomas R. McInnes in British Columbia in 1898 and 1900. Owing to the pressure of space, the constitutional issues raised in the Pacific Coast province received but scant notice in Dr. Forsey's study. These issues are, however, of the first importance in the constitutional history of Canada, not only because they involved the exercise of the royal power of dissolution in an unusual and arbitrary manner, but because they led, finally, to the intervention of the federal government and the removal of the Lieutenant-Governor from his appointment.

In part, the crisis which developed in British Columbia sprang from the peculiar personality of the Lieutenant-Governor himself. Like Sir Charles Metcalfe, Thomas Robert McInnes was a man with a strong sense of duty—that quality emerges clearly from his correspondence; he was likewise a man of strong views which he held strongly. There was little of the compromiser or mediator about McInnes. He wore no velvet glove nor did he speak with a soft voice. He lacked in great measure that suavity and self-effacement so necessary to the successful incumbency of Government House. One thing he did not lack was courage, an admirable quality, but dangerous when backed by stubbornness rather than by discernment.
Empirical Studies of Demand
Authors: Hood Wm. C.
Published: June 2006

Recently, and within a period of about twelve months, two monographs on empirical studies of demand have appeared, each reporting on the related economic and statistical theory as well as the results of extensive studies of data. Nearly two decades having now passed since the publication of the two other memorable volumes in this field, an attempt will be made in this paper to compare the recent works not only with each other, but also with these earlier classics.

The revival of interest in the Pareto-Slutsky approach to the theory of demand, occasioned by the papers of Hicks and Allen and Schultz occurred before the publication of any of the four volumes under review and each contains some account of this theory and its empirical implications. Allen and Bowley, concerned entirely with the analysis of data on family budgets, used the theory in the derivation of their hypothetical form of the relation between expenditure on a particular commodity and total expenditure (now commonly called the Engel curve). They showed that if a consumer behaves according to the postulates of the theory and if in addition his pattern of tastes is of a special variety, then his Engel curves will be linear. This is the main empirical implication deduced and subjected to test by these authors. Schultz's elegant account of the theory of demand is written with profound knowledge of the Pareto and Slutsky contributions and still must be classed as “modern” in all respects.
Clergymen, Teachers, and Psychiatrists: A Study in Roles and Socialization
Authors: Naegele Kaspar D.
Published: June 2006

Experience, not design, first confronted me with contrasts in the roles of clergymen, teachers, and psychiatrists. On second thoughts these contrasts seemed theoretically important. Their importance will here be assessed on the basis of a tradition of developing thought that as such must, however, be taken for granted. Still, the concrete observations from which this essay takes its departure, as well as the conditions under which they were made and initially interpreted, need prior attention. Subsequently various theoretical proposals will then have their proper balance in material that at best can illustrate them. Rigorous assessment must, as usual, come later still.

For four years I was on the staff of “a mental health project,” called the Human Relations Service, as a sociologist. It was the intention of this project to extend the traditional patterns of psychiatric practice and to gather relevant knowledge about matters of emotional balance to be found in a town of 20 thousand fairly well-to-do people in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. The staff of the project included psychiatrists, a psychiatric social worker, clinical psychologists, and various social scientists. Administratively the H.R.S. was linked with the community through an executive committee the chairman of which was the local Unitarian minister. The project, in other words, was committed to research as well as service, including short-term psychotherapy.
Equilibrium Growth in an International Economy
Authors: Johnson Harry G.
Published: June 2006

In recent years Keynesian theory has been extended to the analysis of economic growth by the introduction of a relation between investment and productive capacity to supplement the Keynesian relation between investment and effective demand. Combination of the two relations permits the specification of an equilibrium rate of growth, defined as that rate of growth which maintains full employment of capacity. So far, however, except for some rather brief compients by Mr. Harrod, the development of this model has been largely confined to a closed economy. It is the purpose of this article to extend the model to a two-country international economy, and to deduce certain conclusions about equilibrium growth in such an economy. The analysis proceeds from consideration of an open economy, the rate of expansion of demand for whose exports is given, to consideration of a two-country closed system; and from the assumption that balance-of-payments equilibrium is preserved by international lending and borrowing (Part I) to the assumption that it is preserved by exchange rate adjustment (Part II). No attempt is made to deal with the stability of growth equilibrium and the results of departures from it; because of this, and because of the extremely simple assumptions on which the analysis is conducted, the conclusions derived are of limited practical application. Nevertheless, it is hoped that they may have some usefulness as a logical frame of reference for discussion of international growth problems.
Innis and Economics
Authors: Easterbrook W. T.
Published: June 2006

Over the three decades of teaching and research allotted Harold Innis, no subject concerned him more than, the state of economics. He looked to economic history to enrich and broaden economic thought, and he sought to explain fashions in economics and to make economists intelligible to themselves. Although Veblen's influence left its mark on his work, Innis remained throughout a disciple of Adam Smith and no name appears more frequently in his observations on economics past and present. His plea was, as he put it, for “a general emphasis on a universal approach” and in his unfinished paper he writes, “The economic historian must test the tools of economic analysis by applying them to a broad canvas and by suggesting their possibilities and limitations when applied to other language or cultural groups.”

Apart from this search for perspective in economic thought there were other elements of continuity in Innis's thinking which give his life's work a coherence and a unity whether his interest centred on Canadian economic history or the duration powers of empires. It is scarcely necessary here to refer to his dislike of concentrations of power in any form or to his uncompromising belief in the free and creative powers of the individual, attitudes which stamp his research from beginning to untimely end. In his writings on economic history, technological change, free or controlled, links past and present. In his more specific references to economics, the pricing system provides the key to his reflections on the state of the subject. Early in his work there is present the same price-technology dichotomy that is to be found throughout Veblen's writings; later Innis sought to resolve this dichotomy in his studies of communication in which he saw technology and pricing as elements interacting with politics, law, and religion in a larger network of human relationships.
Dominion-Provincial Financial Arrangements: An Examination of Objectives
Authors: Waines W. J.
Published: June 2006

The present status of Dominion-provincial arrangements is the consequence of the constitutional and administrative decisions made in 1867 as developed over subsequent decades and the course of economic, social, and political developments and the correlative budgetary changes in both federal and provincial fields. The purpose of this paper is to set out the historical objectives of Dominion-provincial financial policies, to examine the shifts which have occurred in these objectives from time to time, and to attempt a statement of the appropriate objectives in the Canadian system. Much of the subsequent argument has to do with the fiscal consequences of federalism in Canada and with the fact that changing circumstances have imposed on the junior levels of government, and to some extent on the federal Government also, financial responsibilities which it was not originally contemplated they would have to bear.

The allocation of functions between the Dominion and the provinces by the Act of 1867 was clearly intended to place on the Dominion those which financially were the most onerous. The heavy costs of development, including the public debt, national defence, and national government were to be borne by the Dominion, while the supposedly lighter costs of public welfare, education, provincial development, and provincial administration were given to the provinces. On the revenue side, the lucrative taxes—customs and excise—were given exclusively to the Dominion and the direct taxes also were given to the Dominion, though not exclusively, to use if it so desired. The provinces were limited to direct taxes, which, with the exception of real property taxes, it was supposed they would be reluctant to use, and to the relatively unproductive licences, fees, and fines. While the federal Government was to pay annual grants to the provinces, the Act of 1867 stipulated that “such grants shall be in full settlement of all future demands on Canada.” This interpretation of intention at Confederation is accepted generally by the historians of the period and is supported by many statements of participants in the Confederation debates. In the period immediately following Confederation these objectives were realized.
Welfare and Redistribution
Authors: Douglas Monteath
Published: June 2006

This paper presents the conclusions of observation, not research, and is therefore expressed as personal opinion. It seems to me that much that has been said about “social security” has been subject to two influences tending to hallucination. First, it is a matter in which young men have seen visions, and old men have dreamed dreams and nightmares. Secondly, the machinery of legislative and administrative procedures, and the very magnitudes of money involved, encourage preoccupation with apparatus. Between rhetoric and jargon there has been too little room for matter-of-fact appreciation of what these arrangements in our national housekeeping really amount to. I thought I might therefore take this opportunity of discussing these arrangements as I see them in plain functional terms.

As to economic consequences, I have no discoveries to offer. There is indeed a very large field of research here, inviting work that will have to proceed by gradual and piecemeal results. Very little is yet known, for example, about the distribution of incomes below the income tax exemption limits, or about the families that depend on them, although such families comprise a large proportion of the population. On such questions as these one can only speculate. But speculation will perhaps be nearer the mark if it starts from a view of our present policies that is reasonably free from emotional or institutional obstructions.
The Nolan Case
Authors: MacGibbon D. A.
Published: June 2006

This paper owes its origin to pure curiosity on the part of the writer about the construction placed upon the National Emergency Transitional Powers Act, 1945, by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. It is somewhat remarkable that eleven eminent Canadian jurists out of thirteen should agree substantially in their interpretation of this Canadian statute and that their opinions should be decisively, one might say emphatically, rejected by the Committee.

The Nolan Case, as it is commonly known, came before the Chief Justice of the Trial Division of the Court of King's Bench of Manitoba in March, 1948. The question to be determined was whether the Canadian Government, acting through the Wheat Board, could legally appropriate 40,000 bushels of western barley belonging to a grain merchant named Nolan under the powers conferred upon it by the National Emergency Transitional Powers Act. The trial judge in a closely argued opinion held that the federal administration had exceeded its powers. This decision was appealed by the Government in the Manitoba Court of Appeal where the five justices, unanimously and in strong terms, upheld the verdict of the trial court. On a further appeal to the Supreme Court of Canada five Supreme Court justices, including the Chief Justice, out of seven who sat on the appeal, rejected the contentions of the Government.
Hungarian Immigrants in North America
Authors: Kosa John
Published: June 2006

Sociologists have formulated a number of general theories to explain the residential mobility of immigrants in American cities and the formation of immigrant colonies. One such theory, brought forth by the Chicago school of sociology, conceived the residential mobility of immigrant groups in reference to subsequent waves of immigration. According to that theory, an immigrant group, upon first arriving in a city, tends to settle in a compact community near the centre of the city which is usually a deteriorated area, a slum. As the individual immigrants improve their economic position, they move from this settlement to more desirable neighbourhoods; their place in the old colony, however, is taken by new immigrants. In such a process the older ethnic group may invade a new area near the centre of the city or it may move out entirely from that part of the city to be succeeded there by another ethnic group. This wave theory was successfully applied to Canadian cities to explain the foreign islands of Montreal and the Jewish community of Winnipeg.

Recently Walter Firey has put forth another theory that regards the foreign colonies as more static formations in the ecology of large cities. His study of the Italian settlement in the North End of Boston has showed that Italian immigrants localize social solidarity in their ethnic area. They gather in a section of the city where they are among themselves and may maintain rather undisturbed their special type of life with its old system of values. Thus, the theory of localized social solidarity would imply that ethnic groups show less residential mobility than the native-born population and do not fall in line with the constant “filtering process” whereby the average resident tends to filter, according to his socio-economic success, into better residential districts with higher rents.
Private Enterprise and International Capital
Authors: Hartland Penelope
Published: June 2006

A comparison of international capital flows which are occurring today to economically undeveloped areas, with similar international investment in economic development which occurred prior to World War I is almost inevitable and indeed has often been made more or less explicitly. The obvious differences between the two periods lie in the proportion of private capital in the total of international investment in undeveloped areas, and in the pace of economic development then and now. Capital flowing to undeveloped areas today is preponderantly from public bodies: various agencies of the United States Government, the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, or the United Nations. By contrast, international capital invested in economic development prior to World War I was exclusively from private sources. Then, too, the areas which were developed prior to 1914 experienced within a decade tremendous increases in population of 30 to 50 per cent and increases in the output of their major industries of 200 to 400 per cent. The purpose of this paper is to examine the role of private enterprise and initiative in the international investment in undeveloped areas in the period from 1875 to 1914 and the reasons for the relatively unimportant position of private international capital in economic development today.
The Mechanism of Adjustment in Canada's Balance of Payments, 1921–9
Authors: Malach Vernon W.
Published: June 2006

During the period 1921-5 Canada's upswing was generally less intense than those abroad and the consequent sharp rise of merchandise exports relative to imports rendered the current account balance on the whole progressively less passive or more active. During the period 1926-9, on the other hand, Canada's upswing was more intense, for the most part, than those abroad; and the resulting relative rise of merchandise imports made the current account balance progressively less active or more passive. This rise of the current account to a peak in 1925 and its continuous fall thereafter was the dominant characteristic of Canada's international accounts during the upswing, the current account balance being the major independent variable. During the years 1922-5 when Canada was ostensibly on the paper standard all the expected short-run adjusting forces were generally in operation. Similarly the short-run adjusting forces expected under gold standard conditions were found in the main in the 1926-9 period. The major adjusting force in both halves of the upswing was the equilibrating movement of long-term capital, in response mainly to differences in the speed of business expansion at home and abroad. Thus the major disturbing factor in Canada's international accounts, the current account, and the major equilibrating factor, long-term capital movements, seem to have had a common cyclical origin. However, adjustment was incomplete in the first half of the upswing, despite primary and secondary (multiplier-accelerator) income effects and favourable price changes–partly because of the contraction of bank loans and the changes in income distribution.
Canadian Post-War Monetary Policy, 1946–52
Authors: McIvor R. Craig , Panabaker John H.
Published: June 2006

The purpose of this paper is to analyse and evaluate Canadian post-war monetary policy, in the light of the recurring inflationary pressures to which the economy was subjected. In the evaluation of past events, even the least perceptive critic possesses two great advantages, that is, published statistical data and the revelations of hindsight. When rightly used, hindsight is a valuable guide, but the critic must be careful to distinguish two significant questions: (1) In the light of the relevant contemporary circumstances, what alternatives were available to policy-makers at the time decisions were made? (2) What were the merits or demerits of the policies adopted, when viewed in the light of subsequent events, that is, given the same problem again, would different policies be adopted?

Any analysis, to be useful, must guard against oversimplification and unrealistic abstraction, and it is therefore impossible to evaluate Canadian postwar monetary experience fairly unless the analysis moves beyond the consideration of primarily domestic influences to an adequate recognition of the economic difficulties posed by violent shifts in our balance of payments. The following criticism of specific aspects of Canadian policy does not imply any over-all condemnation, for although we may deplore the damage which inflation has wrought, it must be admitted that its post-war development in this country has been relatively moderate, despite the substantial limitations imposed upon Canadian monetary policy by our open economy.
The Constitutional Crisis of 1889 in Newfoundland
Authors: Mitchell Harvey
Published: June 2006

The constitutional crisis of 1889 in Newfoundland offers an excellent example of what may occur when a governor, in the full belief that he is adhering to the strict observance of his constitutional position, yet manages to defy its limits, bring it into disrepute, and earn the opprobrium of nearly all concerned. That the Governor of Newfoundland did so, as the unsuspecting instrument of a political struggle, points up the dangers of appointing to high office men with little or no appreciation of the duties and responsibilities they are called upon to assume. The crisis of 1889 proves above all the importance that must be attached to the choice of men of good intelligence, even temper, and flexibility. When to insist on the exercise of his prerogatives and when to desist are questions that a governor can only solve by considering as far as possible the results of the choice he makes. A very difficult decision, admittedly, but one which will primarily depend on the governor's tact, influence, articulation, the vital features of his official personality. There is no need to stress the importance of the problem discussed below; the list of constitutional authorities who have studied similar questions is an impressive and well-known one.

The Governor in question was Sir Terence O'Brien, a military man who had qualified as an engineer and surveyor in India, had for some years been Inspector General of Police in Mauritius, and, immediately before coming to Newfoundland in 1889, had served as Governor of Heligoland. His immediate concern in Newfoundland was, as befits a man with military experience, the fortification of St. John's against attack in the event of a global conflict which he saw as imminent; but this project was fated to suffer the indifference of a government that did not share his views. In November, 1889, the Governor's attention was abruptly diverted from his scheme of defence to a situation that appeared quite normal and might have remained so but for a combination of events that he grasped only imperfectly.
Government Economic Controls in the British Building Industry, 1945–9
Authors: Rosenberg Nathan
Published: June 2006

Most discussions of the control of investment during the late 1930's and the Second World War had their origin, for obvious reasons, in the desire to regulate the aggregate level of economic activity. An unfortunate consequence of this preoccupation was that insufficient consideration was given to another problem of great importance: the determination of the uses to which investment resources are put.

It was precisely this problem of the allocation of investment resources which became a matter of major concern to the Labour Government in Great Britain in the years after the Second World War. This paper will examine the manner in which the problem was handled with respect to investment in building, investment in plant and equipment will be ignored since no serious attempt was made to regulate it. The Government did not go much beyond entering into “gentlemen's agreements” with engineering firms respecting the percentage of their output which they planned to devote to export purposes-agreements of the sort which D. H. Robertson has delightfully described as “… the characteristic English processes of jollying along—of encouragements which are not quite promises, frowns which are not quite prohibitions, understandings which are not quite agreements.”

The control of investment in building, by contrast, was a very ambitious venture. The Labour Government's experience in operating these controls is interesting for the light it sheds on problems of government planning for a major private industry. Moreover, this experience is particularly important since the industry concerned is one which is likely to play a crucial role in the programmes for development and welfare undertaken by many governments. The central focus of this paper, therefore, will be on the problems which arose in the attempt to control the pattern, as well as the volume, of activity in construction.
British Steel: A Unique Record of Public Regulation
Authors: English H. E.
Published: June 2006

The iron and steel industry of the United Kingdom is unique in at least three respects which are important in any examination of its present condition and prospects. It is the world's oldest capitalistic iron and steel industry. It is widely dispersed geographically—a factor which distinguishes it particularly from the steel industries of other western European countries with which it is most in competition. Finally it has experienced what must surely be the most extended period of changing economic and political circumstances to which any industry in a predominantly private enterprise nation has been subjected in modern times.

While the intention here is to concentrate upon the political economy of the industry in recent years, it is useful to begin with some review of relevant geographical, structural, and historical factors. The structure of the industry is summarized in Table I.

The geographical dispersion of the industry contrasts rather sharply with the concentration of German steel in the Ruhr and of the French industry in Lorraine. It is, however, not difficult to explain in terms of the original wide-spread occurrence of coal and iron in Great Britain and of the specialized steel-making and steel-using skills which have developed in various parts of the country since 1850, even earlier in the instance of Sheffield. In Scotland and to some extent on the northeast coast and around Sheffield the industry has continued strong mainly because of the market for steel and the supply of specialized labour and knowledge, which has survived the exhaustion of coal or iron ore in these districts. In fact both the northeast coast and Yorkshire retain important reserves of coal, and other more recent considerations have helped to sustain and expand production in these sectors.
Federal-Provincial Voting Patterns in Canada
Authors: Scarrow Howard A.
Published: June 2006

In nearly every recent commentary on Canadian political parties one observation has been repeatedly emphasized. It is that the Canadian electorate has shown an inclination to put in power at the provincial level parties which stand in opposition to the party which has been entrusted with power at Ottawa. The writers who have stressed this phenomenon have been impressed by the fact that during the latter years of their national ascendancy the Liberals were in control of only a few of the smaller provinces (by 1957 only Prince Edward Island, New Rrunswick, and, through a coalition, Manitoba), while in the other and larger provinces the Progressive Conservatives, C.C.F., Social Credit, or Union Nationale were firmly entrenched. From this observation three conclusions, either explicit or implicit, have generally been deduced. The first is that during the latter years of the Liberal régime the real opposition to the Government was not to be found at the Speaker's left in Ottawa, but rather in the provincial capitals. The second is that the individual Canadian voter has alternated his party choice at provincial and federal elections, and by so doing has demonstrated a type of voting behaviour which is not usually to be found in federations. The third conclusion is that in favouring one party provincially and another party nationally the Canadian voter is motivated by a calculated desire to balance the power of the one against the other. The purpose of this article is to examine the pattern of provincial and federal election results and to determine the extent to which these conclusions are supported by the available evidence.
The Development of National Transactions Accounts: Canada's Version of or Substitute for Money Flows Accounts
Authors: Read L. M.
Published: June 2006

The past two decades have witnessed a remarkable development in the science of national accounting. This development has taken or is taking place in three interrelated systems of accounts: first, the national product accounts; second, input-output accounts; and, third, money flows or flow of funds accounts. The national product accounts are concerned with transactions reflecting the economy's over-all productive accomplishment, that is, principally with incomes and expenditures measuring the value of final product. The input-output accounts focus on transactions between productive establishments and thereby supplement the national product accounts by providing an intensive analysis of technological interrelationships within the economy. The money flows or flow of funds accounts trace transactions in financial claims as well as goods and services and thereby contribute—what is lacking in the other two systems—an intensive analysis of financial interrelationships within the economy. The national transactions accounts in process of preparation in Ottawa are a version of this third type of accounts.
The Formation of Borden's First Cabinet
Authors: Macquarrie Heath N.
Published: June 2006

The return of the Conservatives to power in 1911 was the signal for a mad scramble for place and position by the men who had weathered fifteen lean and hungry years of political adversity. In forming his cabinet, Borden was subjected to all the usual pressures exerted on such occasions and, in addition, he had to take cognizance of certain special factors arising from the election campaign just concluded. But in the cabinet-making process much more is involved than an awareness of constitutional conventions and an appreciation of the political realities of the moment. The selection of the personnel of his government is a most difficult task for a prime minister and one which involves a host of considerations, administrative, political, and personal. In the discharge of this important duty, much may be revealed of the qualities of leadership of the party chieftain. This was certainly true of Robert Borden, and a study of his first essay at cabinet-making is instructive and rewarding.
The Support of Social Science Research in Canada
Authors: Clark S. D.
Published: June 2006

When the executive committee of the Canadian Social Science Research Council met in Ottawa on September 6, 1957, concern regarding the future programme and policy of the Council led it to establish a special committee with Professor S. D. Clark as chairman to give consideration to the kind of support for research which Canadian social scientists appeared to need most. To aid the committee in its task, Professor Clark was asked to visit as many of the universities of Canada as possible. Visits were made to the universities of New Brunswick, Mount Allison, Dalhousie, Saint Mary’s, Acadia, Saint Francis Xavier, Memorial, Laval, McGill, Montreal, Queen’s, Ottawa, Carleton, McMaster, Western, Assumption, Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Alberta, and British Columbia, and to United College and Victoria College. In addition, interviews were arranged with two persons from each of the following institutions: Regina College, Brandon College, and Bishop’s University. The report of the committee was presented to the Council at a special meeting on November 30. In view of the interest which the report aroused, Professor Clark was asked at the meeting to prepare for publication a paper setting forth some of the ideas and thoughts which had found expression in his report to the Council. The paper he prepared is now published as a special supplement to the Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science, the costs of publication being met by a grant from the Canadian Social Science Research Council. To the University of Toronto which kindly released Professor Clark from his teaching duties during the Fall Term, 1957, and to Professor Clark himself, the Council is deeply indebted.
Trends in Class Fertility in Western Nations
Authors: Wrong Dennis H.
Published: June 2006

Although the birth-rate has declined in all Western nations since the middle of the nineteenth century, the decline has not been equal among the various groups that compose their population. Measures of fertility for national units conceal differences in the fertility of the many distinct groups in urban-industrial societies. Changes in the pattern of these differences are of particular significance in the later stages of the demographic transition from high to low birth-rates and death-rates which the Western world has undergone in the past century. Changes in the birth-rate rather than in the death-rate are the main determinants of growth in societies where mortality has been brought under control by modern medicine and public health practices.

Demographers have often treated differential fertility as a special, virtually autonomous subject instead of viewing it in the broad historical context of the Western demographic transition. In fact, as J. W. Innes has pointed out, few studies have been made of trends in differential fertility by comparison with the numerous studies which simply establish the existence of group differences in fertility at a single point in time. The present paper is concerned with class differences—probably the most pervasive of all group differences in advanced societies. The attempt is made to gather together by historical period the available data on trends in class differences in fertility for several Western countries in order to present a systematic picture of the way in which these differences have evolved in modern times.

The problem of dividing a population into socio-economic classes that are genuinely distinct from one another in a sociologically meaningful sense has been widely discussed by sociologists. Demographers, however, usually work with official data which provide only limited information on the characteristics of populations. They are, therefore, unable to employ the more refined indices of class developed by sociologists and are forced to use as indices such relatively simple objective attributes as income, occupation, or education.