bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Lead extractions in patients with cardiac implantable electronic device infections: Single center experience
Authors: Goya Masahiko , Nagashima Michio , Hiroshima Ken‐ichi , Hayashi Kentaro , Makihara Yu , Fukunaga Masato , An Yoshimori , Ohe Masatsugu , Yamazato So‐ichiro , Sonoda Ko‐ichiro , Yamashita Kennosuke , Katayama Kouji , Ito Tomoaki , Niu Harushi , Ando Kenji , Yokoi Hiroyoshi , Iwabuchi Masashi
Published: March 2016

Background

Lead extraction using laser sheaths is performed mainly for cardiac implantable electronic device (CIED) infections. However, there are few reports concerning the management of CIED infections in Japan.

Methods and results

Lead extraction procedures were performed in 183 patients targeting 450 leads (atrial leads: 170, ventricular: 181, implantable cardioverter‐defibrillators (ICDs): 79, and coronary sinus: 20). One hundred twenty patients (65.6%) presented with pocket infections without the presentation of an endovascular infection. Blood cultures were positive at least once in 63 patients (34.4%). Complete procedure success was achieved for 437 leads (97.1%) while partial removal occurred in nine, and failure in four leads. Major complications directly related to the procedure occurred in five patients (2.7%). Two of the four patients with a cardiac tamponade required a surgical repair. All patients received intravenous antibiotics, at least, one week after the procedure. Pocket or systemic infections were successfully controlled in 181 patients (98.9%). Coagulase‐negative staphylococci (30.1%) and Staphylococcus aureus (37.1%) were the most common causes of CIED infections.

Conclusion

The current status of CIED infections in Japan seems to be similar to that previously reported from foreign countries. The optimal treatment of CIED infections involves the complete explantation of all hardware, followed by antibiotic therapy.
What Matters: Quantity or Quality of Pornography Use? Psychological and Behavioral Factors of Seeking Treatment for Problematic Pornography Use
Authors: Gola Mateusz , Lewczuk Karol , Skorko Maciej
Published: March 2016

Introduction

Pornography has become popular with Internet technology. For most people, pornography use (PU) is entertainment; for some, it can result in seeking treatment for out-of-control behavior. Previous studies have suggested that PU can influence sexual behaviors, but the direct relation between frequency of PU and treatment-seeking behaviors has not been examined.

Aims

To investigate whether individuals seeking treatment as a consequence of their problematic PU do so because of their quantity of pornography consumption or because of more complex psychological and behavioral factors related to PU, such as the severity of negative symptoms associated with PU and/or subjective feeling of loss of control over one's behavior.

Methods

A survey study was conducted of 569 heterosexual Caucasian men 18 to 68 years old, including 132 seeking treatment for problematic PU (referred by psychotherapists after their initial visit).

Main Outcomes Measures

The main outcome measures were self-reported PU, its negative symptoms, and actual treatment-seeking behavior.

Results

We tested models explaining sources of seeking treatment for problematic PU with negative symptoms associated with PU and additional factors (eg, onset and number of years of PU, religiosity, age, dyadic sexual activity, and relationship status). Seeking treatment was significantly, yet weakly, correlated solely with the frequency of PU (r = 0.21, P < .05) and this relation was significantly mediated by negative symptoms associated with PU (strong, nearly full mediation effect size; k2 = 0.266). The relation between PU and negative symptoms was significant and mediated by self-reported subjective religiosity (weak, partial mediation; k2 = 0.066) in those not seeking treatment. Onset of PU and age appeared to be insignificant. Our model was fairly fitted (comparative fit index = 0.989; root mean square error of approximation = 0.06; standardized root mean square residual = 0.035) and explained 43% of the variance in treatment-seeking behavior (1% was explained by frequency of PU and 42% was explained by negative symptoms associated with PU).

Conclusion

Negative symptoms associated with PU more strongly predict seeking treatment than mere quantity of pornography consumption. Thus, treatment of problematic PU should address qualitative factors, rather than merely mitigating the frequency of the behavior, because frequency of PU might not be a core issue for all patients. Future diagnostic criteria for problematic PU should consider the complexity of this issue.
Another global history of science: making space for India and China
Authors: SIDDIQI ASIF
Published: March 2016

Drawing from recent theoretical insights on the circulation of knowledge, this article, grounded in real-world examples, illustrates the importance of ‘the site’ as an analytical heuristic for revealing processes, movements and connections illegible within either nation-centred histories or comparative national studies. By investigating place instead of project, the study reframes the birth of modern rocket developments in both China and India as fundamentally intertwined within common global networks of science. I investigate four seemingly disconnected sites in the US, India, China and Ukraine, each separated by politics but connected and embedded in conduits that enabled the flow of expertise during (and in some cases despite) the Cold War. By doing so, it is possible to reconstruct an exemplar of a kind of global history of science, some of which takes place in China, some in India, and some elsewhere, but all of it connected. There are no discrete beginnings or endings here, merely points of intervention to take stock of processes in action. Each site produces objects and knowledge that contribute to our understanding of the other sites, furthering the overall narrative on Chinese and Indian efforts to formalize a ‘national’ space programme. The focus on these four sites reveals a global network of science in motion, linked by the common goals of building powerful rockets to explore space.
Absorption of plant lignans from cereals in an experimental pig model
Authors: Bolvig Anne Katrine , Adlercreutz Herman , Theil Peter Kappel , Jørgensen Henry , Bach Knudsen Knud Erik
Published: March 2016

Plant lignans are diphenolic compounds ingested with whole grains and seeds and converted to enterolignans by the colonic microbiota. In the present study, we investigated absorption and metabolism of plant lignans and enterolignansin vivoafter consumption of cereal-based diets. Six pigs fitted with catheters in the mesenteric artery and portal vein and with a flow probe attached to the portal vein along with twenty pigs for quantitative collection of urine were used for this study. The animals were fed bread based on wheat flour low in plant lignans and three lignan-rich breads based on whole-wheat grain, wheat aleurone flour or rye aleurone flour. Plant lignans and enterolignans in plasma were monitored daily at fast after 0–3 d of lignan-rich intake, and on the 4th day of lignan-rich intake a 10-h profile was completed. Urine samples were collected after 11 d of lignan-rich diet consumption. The concentrations of plant lignans were low at fast, and was 1·2–2·6 nmol/l after switching from the low-lignan diet to the lignan-rich diets. However, on the profile day, the concentration and quantitative absorption of plant lignans increased significantly from 33 nmol/h at fast to 310 nmol/h 0–2·5 h after ingestion with a gradual increase in the following periods. Quantitatively, the absorption of plant lignans across diets amounted to 7 % of ingested plant lignans, whereas the urinary excretion of plant lignans was 3 % across diets. In conclusion, there is a substantial postprandial uptake of plant lignans from cereals, suggesting that plant lignans are absorbed from the small intestine.
The Remonstrance of December 1661 and Catholic politics in Restoration Ireland
Authors: Creighton Anne
Published: March 2016

In January 1649, after the conclusion of the second peace treaty between James Butler, marquis of Ormond, the king’s intermediary, and representatives of the Confederate Catholics, Ormond addressed the General Assembly in Kilkenny: ‘There is a door, and that a large one, not left, but purposely set open, to give you entrance by your future merits to whatsoever of honour or other advantage you can reasonably wish.’ The treaty was signed on 17 January; thirteen days later, Charles I was executed. The ‘door’ of opportunity for Irish Catholics was firmly shut.
Ulster opposition to Catholic emancipation, 1828–9
Authors: Kingon Suzanne T.
Published: March 2016

The centre stage of early nineteenth-century Irish politics has long been held by Daniel O’Connell and the Catholic Association. This may be justifiable, as O’Connell created a mass constitutional movement for liberal reform out of a Catholic, peasant population on the fringe of Europe. Less justifiable is the single perspective that sees the struggle for Catholic emancipation as Catholic Ireland’s battle with the British establishment. In 1828 and 1829 there was also a massive Protestant political campaign in Ireland. This centred on the new Brunswick Clubs and Ulster. Yet anti-Catholic and Ulster politics merit few sentences in narratives of these years. Indeed, there is a general neglect of Ulster politics in the first half of the nineteenth century. Presbyterianism, the evangelical revival, Catholicism, sectarian conflict, the Orange Order, the Irish Yeomanry, the economy and the growth of Belfast as a city have all received detailed treatment, but the nuances of politics remain vague. The Catholic Association appears to have reduced Ulster’s importance in shaping political developments in the island as a whole from its high-water mark of the 1790s. This does not, however, justify simply leaving Ulster out of the story. This article aims to look at the Ulster anti-emancipation campaign and to correct the skewed picture of Ireland in these years.
Sir Richard Bolton and the authorship of ‘A declaration setting forth how, and by what means, the laws and statutes of England, from time to time came to be of force in Ireland’, 1644
Authors: Kelly Patrick
Published: March 2016

The seventeenth-century tradition that the Irish lord chancellor, Sir Richard Bolton, was the author of the 1644 Declaration asserting the legislative independence of the Irish parliament has long been considered unreliable. Following the arguments of the Declaration’s eighteenth-century editor, Walter Harris, it has been usual to attribute the work to the Catholic lawyer Patrick Darcy, author of An argument delivered … by the express order of the House of Commons … 9. Iunii 1641 (Waterford, 1643).
Republicanism, agrarianism and banditry in the west of Ireland, 1798–1803
Authors: Patterson James G.
Published: March 2016

On 22 August 1798 the United Irishmen’s long-term efforts to obtain French support finally came to fruition with the appearance of three frigates in Killala Bay on the coast of Mayo. Unfortunately for them, their allies had come too late, for the rebellion of 1798 had been suppressed several weeks earlier. Moreover, the French landing force numbered barely a thousand men. Nonetheless, this belated and undersized army was joined by thousands of Irish volunteers and scored several local victories before being overwhelmed at Ballinamuck in County Longford on 8 September.
Sisters of the brotherhood: female Orangeism on Tyneside in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries
Authors: MacPherson D.A.J. , MacRaild Donald M.
Published: March 2016

The two ‘great unknowns’ of Irish migration history, women and Protestants, have received deserved attention in the decade or so since Donald Akenson first drew attention to them as lacunae in an otherwise growing field of scholarly concern. A review of the literature, however, demonstrates that Irish women have benefited more than Protestants from recent research. Despite pioneering efforts, much of the work on the non-Catholic dimension tends to be general or indicative in approach, with little of the depth and range now associated with Irish women’s experiences of migration.
Government, parliament and the constitution: the reinterpretation of Poynings’ Law, 1692–1714
Authors: McGrath Charles Ivar
Published: March 2016

The history of Poynings’ Law is complex and multifaceted. Much has been written about it, at times with the end result being a recognition that to investigate Poynings’ Law is to venture into a quagmire. At the same time, a number of important works have been published over the years that throw light upon specific periods in the history of that law. Until recently much of the focus has been on the period stretching from the passage of the law in 1494-5 up to 1641, with some significant excursions into the eighteenth-century history of the law.
The politics of prostitution and the politics of public health in the Irish Free State: a response to Susannah Riordan
Authors: Howell Philip
Published: March 2016

In an earlier article inIrish Historical Studiesthe present author argued that the beginnings of the Irish Free State’s campaign against venereal disease were caught up in a politics of prostitution that mobilised nationalist, republican and post-colonial sentiments, revolving around the struggle between military and civilian authority, and invoking the moral arbitration of the Catholic church. Susannah Riordan’s recent response has clarified the administrative history of interdepartmental inquiries into the threat posed by venereal diseases, setting concerns over the role of prostitution in propagating disease within the context of the wider public health programme. She properly identifies inquiry references to ‘prophylaxis’ with chemical disinfection following exposure to infection, and rightly separates the report filed by Major Donal Carroll, the army’s chief sanitary officer, from that of Dr Robert Percy McDonnell, Medical Inspector of the Department of Local Government and Public Health.
Jeremiah Jordan M.P. (1830–1911): Protestant home ruler or ‘Protestant renegade’?
Authors: McMinn Richard , Phoenix Éamon , Beggs Joanne
Published: March 2016

The 1886 general election found Parnell at the helm of a well-disciplined nationalist party. In its struggle for home rule, the Irish Parliamentary Party (I.P.P.) had been helped along the way by the newly formed Irish Protestant Home Rule Association (I.P.H.R.A.), which in July 1886 had no fewer than six M.P.s in its ranks. Jeremiah Jordan, nationalist Member of Parliament for West Clare, was one of the six. Born in 1830 at Tattenbar, near Brookeborough, County Fermanagh, the son of a tenant farmer and a Wesleyan Methodist, he was educated at Portora Royal School, Enniskillen. He started a grocery and provision business in Church Street, Enniskillen, and the town’s Young Men’s Society served as a training ground for his intellectual and oratorical skills, as did his appointment as a part-time Methodist lay preacher. Jordan had a passion for the sport of hunting and an intense dislike of idleness.
The social composition of the senior officers of the Royal Irish Constabulary, 1881–1911
Authors: Campbell Fergus
Published: March 2016

In an influential article, William Lowe and Elizabeth Malcolm have argued that the Royal Irish Constabulary (R.I.C.) became ‘domesticated’ between its formation in 1836 and its disbandment in 1922:

[I]t was naturalised by becoming in its composition more truly representative of the Irish population; it was attached to home as its duties became more routine, more akin to housekeeping than to peace-keeping; and it was tamed because its ability to use force was greatly diminished ... [T]he RIC was by the early years of the twentieth century very much a civil police force, reflecting very accurately in its composition the socio-economic structure of Irish society and in its operations the needs of small, relatively law-abiding, rural communities.
A liberalisation of Irish social policy? Women’s organisations and the campaign for women police in Ireland, 1915–57
Authors: Shepard Christopher
Published: March 2016

For much of the twentieth century, Ireland was quite unusual in comparison with other western European nations in its exclusion of women from policing. By the time women were allowed to join the national police force, the Garda Síochána, in 1957, women were already established in the police forces of Britain, Germany and France, as well as that of Northern Ireland. Further afield, women were already employed in police forces in Poland, New Zealand and the U.S. The appointment of women police was a major demand of feminists, moral campaigners and social reformers during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, all of whom sought better protections for women. As in the U.K., U.S. and many European countries, women’s organisations in the Irish Free State were to the forefront of the debate over the need for women police. Beginning with the Irish Women’s Suffrage and Local Government Association (I.W.S.L.G.A.) in 1915, women’s organisations such as the National Council of Women, Joint Committee of Women’s Societies and Social Workers (J.C.W.S.S.W.), and the Catholic Women’s Federation campaigned relentlessly for nearly half a century in the face of governmental indifference and obstruction. When the first class of ‘experimental’ women police emerged in 1958 from the Garda training college in Templemore, County Tipperary, women’s organisations hailed it as a victory.
Sheriffs’ sales during the land war, 1879–82
Authors: Pole Adam
Published: March 2016

On Saturday 12 February 1881 two horses belonging to Andrew Kettle, executive member of the Land League, were auctioned at a sheriff’s sale at his residence, Kilmore Cottage, Artane, County Dublin. Lord Talbot de Malahide, Kettle’s landlord, obtained a decree to have Kettle’s goods seized and sold to obtain the £40 in rent Kettle had refused to pay. Norris Goddard, solicitor of the Property Defence Association, a landlord defence organisation, opened the bidding on the first horse at £5 but was soon outbid by Kettle’s brother at £20. A second draught horse was then auctioned to Kettle’s brother for £30, thus raising enough to cover the debt and costs.
John Bramhall’s other island: a Laudian solution to an Irish problem
Authors: Cunningham Jack P.
Published: March 2016

When John Bramhall arrived on the shores of Ireland in 1633 to begin his new job as chaplain to the (also newly appointed) lord deputy, Thomas Wentworth, he was probably not yet forty years old. He immediately set about his role with the type of energy and ruthless devotion that came to characterise the Laudian regime that sent him. As John Morrill has indicated, nothing in the previous reign had prepared the Irish Protestant establishment ‘for the onslaught on their church to be mounted by William Laud.’ Historically, one of the problems with the Laudians is that while it is clear what they did, it is less clear why they did it. Typically, and shrewdly, they did not tend to be verbose concerning their motives.
The United Irishmen and social reform
Authors: Quinn James
Published: March 2016

When questioned by a parliamentary committee after the rebellion of 1798, the United Irish leader Thomas Addis Emmet predicted that ‘if a revolution ever takes place, a very different system of political economy will be established from what has hitherto prevailed here’. Was there any real substance to this claim? Did Emmet’s words indicate that the republican leadership genuinely sought a radical reshaping of society, or was he simply indulging in empty rhetoric that a broken United Irish movement could never make good?

It has always been difficult to pin down the United Irishmen’s socio-economic views: their pronouncements in this area were few and were generally couched in vague terms. This is hardly surprising. Given that the society’s membership was far from socially homogeneous, the leadership no doubt recognised the difficulties involved in trying to produce an agreed programme of social reform. In an organisation one of whose earliest rules had been ‘to attend to those things in which we agree, to exclude from our thoughts those in which we differ’, it was generally judged prudent to steer clear of such a potentially divisive subject. Moreover, the readiness with which the government instigated prosecutions of outspoken radicals, particularly after the outbreak of war in 1793, made advisable a degree of caution in any statements which could be construed as threatening the established social order. Nevertheless, the society did address the issue of social reform from time to time, and individual United Irishmen also espoused a variety of proposals. This article will attempt to examine some of the strands of United Irish social thinking and to determine if the movement had such a thing as a coherent programme of social reform.
Who fears to speak of politics? John Kells Ingram and hypothetical nationalism
Authors: Peatling G.K.
Published: March 2016

John Kells Ingram was born in County Donegal in 1823. His ancestry was Scottish Presbyterian, but his grandparents had converted to Anglicanism. He was educated at Trinity College, Dublin, the most prestigious academic institution in nineteenth-century Ireland. In a brilliant academic career spanning over fifty years he proceeded to occupy a succession of chairs at the college. His published work included an important History of political economy (1888), and he delivered a significant presidential address to the economics and statistics section of the British Association for the Advancement of Science (1878). Ingram influenced, and was respected by, many contemporary social and economic thinkers in the British Isles and elsewhere. In an obituary one of Ingram’s friends exaggerated only slightly in describing him as ‘probably the best educated man in the world’.

Yet contemporary perspectives on Ingram’s career were warped by one act of his youth which was to create a curious disjunction in his life. In 1843, when only nineteen years old, Ingram was a sympathiser with the nationalist Young Ireland movement. One night, stirred by the lack of regard shown for the Irish rebels of 1798 by the contemporary O’Connellite nationalist movement, he wrote a poem entitled ‘The memory of the dead’, eulogising these ‘patriots’. Apparently without much thought, Ingram submitted the poem anonymously to the Nation newspaper. It appeared in print on 1 April 1843 and, better known by its first line, ‘Who fears to speak of ’Ninety-Eight?’, became a popular Irish nationalist anthem.
John Derricke’s Image of Irelande, Sir Henry Sidney, and the massacre at Mullaghmast, 1578
Authors: Carey Vincent P.
Published: March 2016

One of the bitterest fruits of human conflict is the resort to massacre. From the St Bartholomew’s Day massacre in 1572 to ethnic cleansing in Bosnia, combatants have regularly attempted to defeat their enemies through acts of indiscriminate killing. The history of early modern European colonial expansion is replete with such incidents. The remembering and recounting of them has become the stuff of historical and political controversy. The aim of this article is not to review these painful episodes, but to examine the sixteenth-century context in which these resorts to massacre occurred; to focus on one particular atrocity that achieved some notoriety in Ireland in the early modern period; and to suggest that a now largely forgotten episode, at Mullaghmast in County Kildare in 1578, was part of a pattern of conquest which implicated not only the soldiers and settlers who served in the Gaelic localities, but also the upper echelons of the English administration in Ireland. This pattern was accompanied by an apologetic ideology of civility and savagery best reflected in a central text, John Derricke’s Image of Irelande (1581). Derricke’s Image provides us with sufficient evidence to suggest that indiscriminate slaughter was an accepted tool in the effort to subdue Gaelic Ireland. Indeed, Derricke’s text adds weight to the conclusion that the atrocity at Mullaghmast in 1578 implicates no less a figure than Sir Henry Sidney, the quintessential renaissance English official in Ireland. Mullaghmast is important not only because it demonstrates the officially sanctioned brutality of the conquest, but also because it raises the question of how memory and history are constructed.
Women and the Irish chancery court in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries
Authors: O’Dowd Mary
Published: March 2016

Of all the crown courts in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Ireland, the chancery court has received the most favourable judgement from historians. Through its exercise of equity, the chancery court has been perceived as a mediator between English common law and Gaelic customary law. Equity provided the chancellor with the possibility of considering a judgement from the point of view of ‘reason and conscience’, to ensure what W. J. Jones has called the ‘protection of the innocent from the ruthless specifications’ of common law courts. In Irish terms this meant that the chancellor was prepared to consider Gaelic forms of partible inheritance from the standpoint of equity. In Gaelic society land descended according to a variety of customs which, it was argued in chancery, had been observed ‘time out of mind’ in a particular family or region and therefore in fairness or equity might be upheld even if they were contrary to common law practice.

This benign view of the Irish chancery court’s attitude to Gaelic customary law has much in common with the attitude of the English chancery court towards women. Historians of early modern England have portrayed chancery as a judicial forum which provided women with legal redress which would have been denied them at common law. Female litigants in the sixteenth-century English chancery court included single, widowed and married women. Under common law, only single women and widows were entitled to legal representation in their own right. Married women, as femmes couvertes, were legally merged with their husbands on marriage, and so could not bring cases in their own name at common law. In the English chancery court, however, a small number of married women were permitted at the discretion of the chancellor to sue on their own without their husbands. In the course of the sixteenth century the English chancery also contributed to the extension of the legal franchise of women.
Nationalist responses to two royal visits to Ireland, 1900 and 1903
Authors: Pašeta Senia
Published: March 2016

In July 1903 Maud Gonne hung a black petticoat from the window of her Dublin home, insulting her unionist neighbours and provoking what became known as ‘the battle of Coulson Avenue’. Aided by nationalist friends, athletes from Cumann na nGaedheal and her sturdy housekeeper, she defended her ‘flag’ against police and irate neighbours. Gonne’s lingerie — allegedly a mark of respect for the recently deceased pope — flew in stark and defiant contrast to the numerous Union Jacks which lined her street in honour of King Edward VII’s visit to Ireland. This episode heralded a month of spectacular protest which polarised nationalist opinion. Like the visit to Dublin of Queen Victoria in 1900, King Edward’s tour provoked both enormous public interest and rivalry between various Irish institutions which vied to express their loyalty to the crown. But the royal tours also instigated fierce debate within the nationalist community and highlighted the ever deepening rifts between constitutional nationalism and ‘advanced’ nationalism.
Symbolic mirrors: commemorations of Edward Carson in the 1930s
Authors: McIntosh Gillian
Published: March 2016

The 1930s in Northern Ireland was a period of rituals, performed for the population at large. Such unionist demonstrations and theatrical set pieces were unique manifestations of unionist culture. In a period of austerity and high unemployment in Northern Ireland, and increasingly aggressive nationalism in the Irish Free State, they were also a response to political developments. The demonstrations of the 1930s provided unionists with a common political tradition with which to identify, as well as an affirmation of the state, particularly through unionist involvement in royal occasions. The colour and drama of these ceremonies was forcefully conveyed through the pages of the main unionist papers, the Belfast Newsletter, the Northern Whig and the Belfast Telegraph, as the theatricality of the third home rule drama had been. The attention given to these rituals in the press in Northern Ireland is important because it was through the press that these often elitist events were made accessible to the population at large. Through press coverage, which was as comprehensive as it was dramatic, the masses were at least given a sense that they were participating in the collective life of their community. The major ceremonial festivals of this decade were those which celebrated Edward Carson: the opening of the Stormont parliament, which was presented as the first monument to the former unionist leader; the unveiling of the statue honouring him in 1933; his funeral in 1935; and the unveiling of a plaque in his honour in 1938. Andrew Gailey has already outlined the way in which Carson’s ‘performances’ were orchestrated in the period of the third home rule crisis. Carson’s appearances were, he argues, limited to ‘maintain an air of mystery’, while unionist meetings were made a ‘social occasion to remember, with large crowds, local bands and choirs and with the entertainment of theatrical parades, inspections, mounted escorts of lancers’. In the 1930s similar theatrical techniques were employed; unionist commemorations in this period were marked by distinctive ceremonial settings, formal speeches and, often, impressive dress. Loudspeakers were installed at the opening of parliament, and also at the unveiling of the Carson statue and during his funeral, in order to enable the audience to feel more intimately involved in the proceedings.
The lost origins of Ireland’s involvement in Europe: the Irish response to the Briand Plan, 1929–30
Authors: Geiger Till , Kennedy Michael
Published: March 2016

In a collected volume assessing Ireland’s involvement in European integration Gearóid Mac Niocaill and Gearóid Ó Tuathaigh wrote that

With the establishment of an Irish National State in 1922 the opportunities for expanding Irish links with Europe seemed greatly enhanced. It remained to be seen if these opportunities would be taken.

However, Patrick Keatinge reminded readers of the same volume that ‘Up to the late 1950s Ireland’s diplomatic persona was only slightly “European”.’ Most Irish diplomatic historians would agree with this interpretation, arguing that Britain, the Commonwealth and the League of Nations remained the primary focus of Irish foreign policy in the inter-war period. Supporting Keatinge’s interpretation, the existing historical literature suggests that Irish diplomats were rather slow in renewing the perceived longstanding contacts with continental Europe before the Second World War. Indeed, Roy Foster has criticised the discursive claim of Ireland’s longstanding contacts with continental Europe, made by many Irish policy-makers at the time of Ireland’s entry into the European Economic Community in 1973, as a ‘grandiose self-delusion’. Most historical accounts, therefore, suggest that Ireland’s involvement in Europe tentatively started with the involvement in the Marshall Plan and participation in the Council of Europe.
Emigration and the Irish abroad: recent writings
Authors: Jackson John A.
Published: March 2016

There has been a remarkable revival of interest in the Irish abroad within the past ten years. In part this is attributable to the new confidence experienced by the Irish at home with the economic success of the ‘tiger economy’ and the decline of ‘migration by necessity’. Equally the Irish abroad, especially in the United States, have risen to the top of the immigrant pile and have achieved prosperity and assurance of their position in their adopted homelands. This itself has led to a reduction in some of the inhibitions that have held back serious attention to the history of the immigrants and to a recognition of their place in the sun. Public awareness has been further stimulated by changing patterns of immigration and by the development of new attitudes towards immigrants in the host societies, now including Ireland itself. Such changes have created a need to give meaning to the term ‘plural society’ and to challenge the racism that has characteristically followed in the wake of increased numbers of immigrants.

These seven books are representative of a large number that have begun to address the topic in the last few years from an historical point of view. For the most part they relate to the Irish in Britain but use the focus on the immigrants to open up issues about the history of Ireland and Britain and the role of each in an emerging global system. For example, one of them is a comparative account of the Irish in Liverpool and Philadelphia which
allows consideration of some of the broader questions regarding the treatment of the Irish immigrant in the literature both by historians and other interested scholars.
Henry Grattan, the Regency Crisis and the emergence of a Whig party in Ireland, 1788–9
Authors: Herman Neil
Published: March 2016

The Regency Crisis that proceeded from the apparent insanity of George III in October 1788 has a twofold importance in Irish political history. In an Anglo-Irish context, it can be argued that this episode crucially accelerated the hardening of British opinion in support of a political union with Ireland, and therefore marked a stage in the long ‘prelude to union’. But the Regency Crisis was also significant in purely domestic terms. Its consequences for the development of Irish parliamentary politics form the central concern of this article, the primary object of which is to analyse the course of events in Ireland and especially the evolving motives of the key individuals and factions in opposition between November 1788 and March 1789. The process not only made for intrinsically thrilling political drama; the ‘opposition’ response to the machinations of government on this issue paved the way for the advent of an Irish Whig party that was to transform the balance of power in the Irish parliament during the course of its final decade.
The confessionalisation of Ireland? Assessment of a paradigm
Authors: Robinson-Hammerstein Helga
Published: March 2016

Historians feel the need to label their research. These labels can be either descriptive, for example by dynasties, such as ‘Tudor and Stuart history’, or interpretative (analytical), such as ‘the age of Reformation and Counter-Reformation’. Alternatively, labels can be used as heuristic devices: ‘confessionalisation’ in preference to ‘Reformation and Counter-Reformation’. The theoretical approach expressed in the ‘confessionalisation paradigm’ claims to open up a perspective on all the essential forces at work in the era, whereas the empirical research, assumed to be covered by the more conventional labels, is deemed too compartmentalised.
The ‘best and most forward-looking’ in Ulster unionism: the Unionist Society (est. 1942)
Authors: Mulholland Marc
Published: March 2016

During the premiership of Captain Terence O’Neill, from 1963 to 1969, an inclusive, liberal unionism for the first time guided the policies of the Northern Ireland state. Liberal roots in the Unionist Party, however, were never deep, and liberal unionism was effectively destroyed by the onset of the ‘Troubles’. It was an ambiguous creed, more pro-British than anxious to conciliate Irish nationalism. Liberal unionism’s aversion to overt and offensive anti-Catholicism struck a chord with perhaps the majority of the Protestant population. However, it did not encourage a proactive stance; rather a passive reciprocation of nationalist ‘goodwill’, defined, in effect, as acquiescence. It was an ideology of comfortable superiority. This can be illustrated by the fate of the Unionist Society. Uniquely for any unionist organisation of the post-war era, this association has left all its records open for inspection. The weaknesses and strengths of liberal unionism over a thirty-year span can thus be elucidated by a case-study examination of the Unionist Society.
The Geraldine ambitions of the first earl of Cork
Authors: Little Patrick
Published: March 2016

Richard Boyle, first earl of Cork, was a most unlikely antiquarian. A self-made man and a ruthless politician, by the early 1630s he had become the richest landowner in Munster and was entertaining ambitions to rule Ireland as Lord deputy. Yet in the same period the ‘great earl’ spent much time and effort sifting the archives for genealogical information about one of the most ancient noble houses of Ireland — the Fitzgeralds, earls of Kildare and Desmond. In 1627 Cork paid for repairs to the ‘pedigree box’ he kept in his study at Youghal, and it was soon put to good use. In 1632 Cork ‘and … other his judicious friends by him imployed herein’ spent time searching ‘several ancient records and sundry other deeds and muniments’ in order to produce a genealogy of the senior branch of the Fitzgerald clan, the earls of Kildare. And shortly afterwards Cork prepared a ‘fair pedigree of the house and descent of the ancient and noble family of the Fitzgeralds earls of Desmond, drawn up by myself, and friends’ searches of ancient records’, which he later sent to Thomas Russell, whose own ‘Relation of the Fitzgeralds’, published in 1638, was dedicated to and probably commissioned by, the earl. Why should a blunt businessman and wily politician such as the earl of Cork spend so much time and effort researching the genealogies of the defunct dynasties of medieval Ireland?
Interpreters and the politics of translation and traduction in sixteenth-century Ireland
Authors: Palmer Patricia
Published: March 2016

The story of late Tudor Ireland is, in part, a story of language. The political and military developments that brought New English and native Irish into a closer and increasingly violent proximity also brought two languages into confrontation. The issue of language difference became caught up in the wider conflict: the Irish language joined glibs, brehons and pastoral nomadism as yet another element in the Elizabethans’ dystopic assessment of Gaelic Ireland; in turn, the promotion of English — and the linguistic colonisation which that entailed — assumed its place in their agenda of conquest. Leaving aside larger questions of policy and ideology, language itself — and the experience of language difference — was part of the texture of that encounter. Yet the question of precisely how exchanges across the language frontier were managed has been largely ignored. The misunderstandings between Elizabethan newcomers and the Gaelic Irish were, at their simplest level, literal.
Personal letters and the organisation of Irish migration to and from New Zealand, 1848–1925
Authors: McCarthy Angela
Published: March 2016

Between 1840 and 1914 approximately a third of a million people left Ireland for Australasia. Of this total, New Zealand received a comparatively meagre amount. For instance, when the Irish peaked in sheer numbers in New Zealand in 1886, they supplied just 51,408 of the country’s total population of half a million. Despite such low numbers in comparison with those arriving in other destinations in the Irish diaspora, investigation of the Irish in New Zealand has flourished during the last decade or so. This recent historiography, however, lacks the sustained intensity and depth of work exemplified in other regions of settlement in the diaspora from Ireland. Nevertheless, significant advances have been made in central issues such as the critical importance of kin and neighbourhood networks in the processes of relocation and adaptation from Ireland to New Zealand.
‘The first chapter of 1798’? Restoring a military perspective to the Irish Militia riots of 1793
Authors: Nelson Ivan F.
Published: March 2016

The riots that followed the introduction in 1793 of a system of raising the newly refounded Irish militia regiments by ballot have attracted the attention of several historians. In more recent years the political importance of the episode has been emphasised, and the riots have been represented as marking a crucial stage in the breakdown of social and political relations within Ireland in the 1790s that eventually resulted in rebellion.

This was not the view of Sir Henry McAnally, author of the only complete history of the militia itself, which was written in the 1930s and published in 1949. As befitted the work of a retired civil servant, McAnally’s history was very careful and restrained in its account and analysis of the Militia Act of 1793 and the introduction of the ballot. He did not devote much attention to the operation of the act, regarding the ensuing riots as peripheral to his main focus of interest. Indeed, in comparison to the widespread and serious rioting that accompanied the establishment of the English Militia in 1757, the Irish disturbances appeared to McAnally to be a transient phenomenon, of limited significance. They did not leave ‘in the popular soul any such bitter memories as remained after other episodes in Irish history’. ‘May 1793 is not one of the black months in that story,’ he wrote; ‘it is not the first chapter of 1798.’
Comparative osteology of the axial skeleton of the genusPampus(Family: Stromateidae, Perciformes)
Authors: Jawad Laith A. , Jig Liu
Published: March 2016

Seven osteological characters of the axial skeleton are studied in the eight species of the genusPampus. The characters include: pattern of interdigitation of the dorsal- and anal-fin pterygiophores with the neural and haemal spines of the vertebrae, structure of the vertebral column, distribution of the dorsal- and ventral- procurrent caudal-fin rays, distribution of the principal caudal-fin rays and the morphology of the caudal-fin skeleton. All these features appear to be useful in the characterization of the eight species of the genusPampus. Formulae for the structure of the vertebral column, the dorsal- and anal-fin pterygiophores’ interdigitation with the neural and haemal spines of the vertebrae, distribution of the dorsal and ventral procurrent caudal-fin rays, and distribution of the principal caudal-fin rays were developed.Pampus nozawaewas recently considered a synonym ofP. argenteus. However, according to the characters used in the present study, this species is notably distinct fromP. argenteus.
Ascaris and hookworm transmission in preschool children in rural Panama: role of subsistence agricultural activities
Authors: KRAUSE RACHEL J. , KOSKI KRISTINE G. , PONS EMÉRITA , SINISTERRA ODALIS , SCOTT MARILYN E.
Published: March 2016

This longitudinal study explored whether aspects of subsistence agriculture were associated with presence and intensity of Ascaris and hookworm in preschool children in rural Panama. Questionnaires were used to collect data on household socio-demographics, child exposure to agriculture and household agricultural practices. Stool samples were collected from children (6 months–5 years) at 3 time points, with albendazole administered after each to clear infections, resulting in 1 baseline and 2 reinfection measures. A novel Agricultural Activity Index (AAI) was developed using principal components analysis to measure the intensity of household agricultural practices. Zero-inflated negative binomial regression models revealed baseline hookworm egg counts were higher if children went to the agricultural plot and if the plot was smaller. Baseline and reinfection Ascaris egg counts were higher if children went to the plot and households had higher AAI, and higher at baseline if the plot was smaller. Caregiver time in the plot was negatively associated with baseline Ascaris egg counts, but positively associated with baseline hookworm and Ascaris reinfection egg counts. Children who spent more time playing around the home were less likely to be infected with Ascaris at baseline. We conclude that preschool child exposure to subsistence agriculture increased Ascaris and hookworm intensity.
Heavy metal accumulation in Lacistorhynchus dollfusi (Trypanorhyncha: Lacistorhynchidae) infecting Citharichthys sordidus (Pleuronectiformes: Bothidae) from Santa Monica Bay, Southern California
Authors: COURTNEY-HOGUE C.
Published: March 2016

The accumulation of heavy metals in macroparasites of fish has been widely studied in freshwater environments. Less is known about metal uptake in cestodes parasitizing marine fish. Lacistorhynchus dollfusi is a common larval cestode parasite of Pacific sanddab (Citharichthys sordidus), a flatfish species inhabiting Santa Monica Bay. The ability of this cestode to concentrate metals in its tissues was compared with metal levels in its sanddab host. Fish and cestode tissue were analysed for 14 elements using Inductively Coupled Plasma Mass Spectrometry. The elements analysed were silver (Ag), arsenic (As), cadmium (Cd), chromium (Cr), copper (Cu), iron (Fe), mercury (Hg), potassium (K), lead (Pb), rubidium (Rb), selenium (Se), strontium (Sr), titanium (Ti) and zinc (Zn). Three of the 14 metals (Cu, Hg and Zn) were significantly greater in concentration in L. dollfusi compared with their levels in the liver, intestine and muscle of their fish host. They ranked in concentration from highest to lowest as follows: Zn > Cu > Hg. The ability of the cestode L. dollfusi to uptake metals at higher concentrations than its host warrants its consideration as a candidate for a heavy metal accumulation indicator of pollution exposure in Pacific sanddab.
USE OF PATIENT ASSESSED HEALTH-RELATED QUALITY OF LIFE INSTRUMENTS IN PROSTATE CANCER RESEARCH: A SYSTEMATIC REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE 2002–15
Authors: Torvinen Saku , Bergius Susanne , Roine Risto , Lodenius Leena , Sintonen Harri , Taari Kimmo
Published: March 2016

Objectives:The objectives of this study were to identify and qualitatively describe, in a systematic literature review, published studies that collected prostate cancer patients’ health-related quality of life (HRQoL) estimates by using validated, generic instruments.

Methods:Systematic searches of the literature were made using the Medline, Cochrane Library, PsycINFO, and CINAHL electronic databases from 2002 to 2015.

Results:The search identified 2,171 references, of which 237 were obtained for full-text assessment; thirty-three of these articles were deemed relevant and included in the systematic review. An indirect valuation method was used in 73 percent (n= 24) of the studies. The most commonly used HRQoL instrument with an indirect valuation method was the EuroQol (EQ-5D;n= 21), and the second most common was the 15D (n= 5). A direct valuation method was used in 48 percent (n= 16) of the studies. Of these, the Visual Analogue Scale (VAS) was the most often used (n= 10), followed by the Time-Trade-Off (n= 6). HRQoL scores varied in localized and early stage disease between 0.63 and 0.91, and in advanced or metastatic disease stage between 0.50 and 0.87. There was also variance in the HRQoL instruments and study methods used, which explains the large variance in HRQoL scores between the various disease stages.

Conclusions:Although utility and quality-adjusted life-years gained are considered important measures of effectiveness in health care, the number of studies in which utilities of prostate cancer patients have been estimated using generic HRQoL instruments, based on either direct or indirect measurement of HRQoL, is fairly small.
Some applications of eta-quotients
Authors: Eum Ick Sun , Koo Ja Kyung , Shin Dong Hwa
Published: March 2016

We show that every modular form onΓ0(2n) (n⩾ 2) can be expressed as a sum of eta-quotients, which is a partial answer to Ono's problem. Furthermore, we construct a primitive generator of the ring class field of the order of conductor 4N(N⩾ 1) in an imaginary quadratic field in terms of the special value of a certain eta-quotient.