bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Nationalist China's Armed Forces
Authors: Kallgren Joyce
Published: March 2009

Formosa has the unenviable distinction of having proportionally more men under arms than any other country. With resources and manpower being poured into keeping approximately 600,000 men in readiness for an eventual return to the mainland the military presence inevitably pervades Formosan life. Military needs conflict with personal freedom and restrain economic growth. Yet for all the efforts of the Nationalist government—sustained by huge amounts of American aid—the changing international scene and difficulties within the Nationalist forces make a return to the mainland less likely as time goes by.
A Formosan's View of The Formosan Independence Movement
Authors: Joktik Ong
Published: March 2009

The ancestors of the contemporary Formosans abandoned the Chinese mainland with its poverty and inequalities, in the latter half of the sixteenth century, and emigrated to Formosa in order to open up and settle in new territory. Yet they have had little independence. The Dutch East India Company conquered Formosa and used it as a commercial base between 1624 and 1661; Koxinga and his supporters expelled the Dutch in 1661 and used Formosa as an anti-Manchu base until 1683; then the Manchus of the Ch'ing Dynasty gained control of Formosa until 1895; the island was ceded to the Japanese in 1895 and it was not until the collapse of Japan hi 1945 that the Chinese Nationalist Government was able to rule Formosa.
The Institution of Contracts in the Chinese People's Republic (Part 2)
Authors: Pfeffer Richard M.
Published: March 2009

It should not be difficult to understand that even if the device known as a “contract” in China is not a contract in the Western sense in terms of the descriptive definition offered at the beginning of the first part of this article, it may still perform some of the functions that contracts perform in the West. Further, in order to perform those functions it may be necessary that rules—laws—be adopted for purposes of efficiency and administrative convenience.
Mongolia in the Sino-Soviet Dispute
Authors: Rupen Robert A.
Published: March 2009

Mongolia has unexceptionably, unqualifiedly, and unhesitatingly supported the Soviet Union in all aspects of its dispute with China. It signed the test-ban treaty (on August 8); it publishes all the Soviet attacks on China immediately, and publishes Chinese attacks on the Soviet Union only after the Soviet press does so; it vilifies Albania; and praises and deals with Yugoslavia. A semi-weekly Russian-language newspaper was inaugurated in Ulan Bator on January 1, 1963 (Novosti Mongolii), and the introduction of an expanded and intensified programme of Russianlanguage instruction throughout the country was announced on May 24. In August, the Mongolians reorganised its State Planning Commission to include a separate division for agriculture and one for industry, along the lines of the reorganisation of the Soviet Communist Party. Mongolia supported the inclusion of the Soviet Union in Afro-Asian councils (at the conference of journalists in Indonesia), and in the United Nations moved that Iraq be condemned for its attack on the Kurds. Every day in every way it has been a firm supporter of the Soviet Union in the Sino-Soviet quarrel and in all things.
The Despotism of Concepts: Wittfogel and Marx on China
Authors: Meisner Maurice
Published: March 2009

Despite his claim to have advanced beyond Marxism and arrived at an entirely new conception of the nature of traditional non-Western societies, it is somewhat surprising to learn that Professor Karl Wittfogel still feels the need to seek the testimony of no less an “authority” on Asia than Karl Marx. In a recent article in this journal Professor Wittfogel has once again examined the canons of Marxism in order to find support for the theory of “Oriental despotism.” In this case the articles that Marx and Engels wrote on China during the 1850s have been rescued from obscurity and presented as major canonical texts in the evolution of the doctrine of “Oriental despotism.”
Democratic Management in the Rural Communes
Authors: Townsend James R.
Published: March 2009

At the lowest level of state administration in China some direct popular control of government is formally sanctioned. It is, therefore, at this level that the apparent conflict between the Chinese Communist Party's desire for mass participation in government and Party leadership over policy formation and execution can be analysed. The rural communes serve as a logical point of departure in this analysis. When formed in 1958, the rural communes replaced the hsiang as the basic unit of government administration for roughly 80 per cent, of the population. At the same time “democratic management,” a Party term for all kmds of mass political activity was emphasised, and by the autumn of 1958 a movement for the “Democratisation of Management” was under way. By December of the same year, however, the Central Committee of the Party warned that “militarisation of organisation” (another battle cry of that period) must not be used as a pretext to impair “democratic life” in the communes. From then on, the rural communes have been, in effect, a testing ground for the Party's policy towards popular participation in government.
The Purge of Provincial Leaders 1957–1958
Authors: Teiwes Frederick C.
Published: March 2009

In December 1957, after the rectification-turned-anti-rightist campaign, an eleven-month series of provincial purges began. They affected twelve Chinese provinces and autonomous regions, in roughly chrono-logical order: Chekiang, Anhwei, Kansu, Tsinghai, Shantung, Hopei, Yunnan, Kwangtung, Sinkiang, Kwangsi, Honan, Liaoning and Shantung, again. With the exception of the Liaoning and second Shantung purges, all of these cases were reviewed at the second session of the Eighth Party Congress in May, 1958. The victims of the purges included four alternate members of the Central Committee, one provincial first secretary, eighteen members of standing committees of provincial committees, five secretaries of provincial committee secretariats, ten members of these secretariats, four governors, and ten vice-governors as well as approximately twenty-five other officials holding Party or government positions on the provincial level. In brief, this was no minor matter.
China in Mid-1966: “Cultural Revolution” or Struggle for Power?
Authors: Joffe Ellis
Published: March 2009

No observer of the Chinese political scene will argue with a frontpage headline in the New York Times of June 26, 1966, which said that a “titanic struggle” was taking place in China. This struggle has thrown China into turmoil and has already claimed the political careers of at least one senior Politburo member, two top Party propaganda officials (one of them an alternate member of the Politburo) as well as numerous Party and non-Party functionaries—and the full extent of the purge has yet to come to light. The Chinese themselves, with characteristic restraint, have proclaimed that “this great cultural revolution has no parallel in scale, in sweep, in strength or in momentum.” Whatever the final outcome of this “revolution,” it can be safely said that the Chinese political landscape will be considerably altered after it has run its unpredictable course.
Victims of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution
Authors: Klein Donald W.
Published: March 2009

The political demise of Politburo member P'eng Chen in 1966 is one of the most significant political events in the Chinese Communist movement since Mao Tse-tung gained control of the Party in the late thirties and early forties.

The 64-year-old native of Shansi is a tall, robust man who worked in north China in the labour movement during the twenties and early thirties. He has been a Party member since 1926. P'eng allegedly spent some time in jail in the early thirties, but by the mid-thirties he was a top Party operative in the Peking area where he played a major role in contacting and recruiting students into the CCP. In these endeavours he seems to have been working directly under Liu Shao-ch'i.
Ch'ü Ch'iu-pai and the Chinese Marxist Conception of Revolutionary Popular Literature and Art
Authors: Pickowicz Paul G.
Published: March 2009

It is now generally agreed that the intensity and magnitude of social commitment witnessed in China's revolutionary literary movement of the 1920s, 1930s and 1940s is unparalleled among literary movements of the modern period. Accordingly, an increasing amount of scholarly attention is being directed to the general problem of the relationship between literature and revolution in China. Unfortunately, however, our overall conception of the scope of this revolutionary activity remains exceedingly narrow. One reason for this may be that for many scholars the subject of literature and revolution immediately brings to mind the dynamic, but familiar, New Culture literary revolution and the May Fourth generation of westernized revolutionary writers. As a result, discussions on literature and revolution normally dwell on the literary activities and views of a familiar cast of literary intellectuals featuring Lu Hsün, Kuo Mo-jo, Mao Tun and a variety of new players “introduced” from time to time. Unhappily, this pre-occupation with revolutionary elites and the western culture which so profoundly inspired them tends to obscure the role of a second and equally important force on the revolutionary literary and cultural scene, the diverse popular literary and artistic movement.
The Approach of the Chinese Communists to the Study of International Law, State Sovereignty and the International System
Authors: Ogden Suzanne
Published: March 2009

The attitudes of Chinese Communist legal writers and political theorists towards international law, their conception of its functions, and their interpretation of the meanings of the key terms are predictably different from, and often opposed to, those of writers in the western tradition. Such differences existed before the establishment of the People's Republic of China, and they became more pronounced with the Chinese Communists' adoption of Marxism-Leninism as their official state ideology. The divergence has become increasingly centred on the concept of sovereignty, and on the assumptions as to its nature and its relationship to international law.
The Concept of the State: Sun Yat-sen and Mao Tse-tung
Authors: Bedeski Robert E.
Published: March 2009

In communist theory, the state is a coercive apparatus that exercises the dictatorship of a single class. Proletarian revolution consists of seizing that apparatus from the oppressing capitalist class and establishing the dictatorship of the working class. The dictatorship of the proletariat is a transitional period in which the final remnants of capitalism are eliminated and the means of production socialized. During this peiod the Communist Party, as the vanguard of the proletariat, exercises leadership in the dictatorship in order to guide the state to full socialism and the eventual withering away of the state.
Fiction of the Yenan Period
Authors: Birch Cyril
Published: March 2009

During the Yenan period the Chinese Communists built up a literature as they built up a party organisation and an army: as an instrument of policy, fashioned in accordance with Marxist principles. Like the organisation and like the army, the literature served the needs of the time. Plays, poems, stories, novels, ballads, reportages flowed in profusion from professional writers emerged from Kuomintang jails; from trainees of the Lu Hsün Academy in Yenan itself; from farmers and soldiers who after initial success were welcomed into the ranks of “art workers.” These writings whipped up popular support for the new government and established flesh-and-blood examples of behaviour-patterns for the new society. More effectively than any textbook of theory, they gave instruction in practical Communism.
North Vietnam's Party Congress
Authors: Honey P. J.
Published: March 2009

“This is an historic event of great significance in the political life of the Vietnam Workers' Party and people. With incomparable feelings of joy, we warmly congratulate the conference on its important achievements.” So ran the editorial in the Jen-min Jih-pao (People's Daily) on the morning of September 12, although—unless the Chinese are a nation of masochists, which I refuse to believe—it is hard to discover the reason for this jubilation, for China had just suffered her most humiliating defeat to date in the ideological war she is waging against the Soviet Union. The occasion was the Third Congress of the Vietnam Lao-Dong, or Workers', Party, which met in Hanoi from September 5 to 10. Since it was the first such congress for nine years, the Vietnamese Communists had spared neither trouble nor expense to make it a resounding success. Official delegations from the fraternal parties of eleven Communist states attended, together with representatives from Communist parties of seven non-Communist countries and fraternal diplomats stationed in Hanoi. The date of the congress had been carefully fixed so that proceedings would open three days after North Vietnam's National Day, and the foreign visitors had been invited to come a few days early to sample the delights of this celebration too.
Diplomacy and Revolution: The Dialectics of a Dispute
Authors: Lowenthal Richard
Published: March 2009

The policy declaration and the appeal to the peoples of the world adopted last December by the Moscow conference of eighty-one Communist parties mark the end of one phase in the dispute between the leaderships of the ruling parties of China and the Soviet Union—the phase in which the followers of Mao for the first time openly challenged the standing of the Soviet Communists as the fountain-head of ideological orthodoxy for the world movement. But the “ideological dispute” which began in April was neither a sudden nor a self-contained development: it grew out of acute differences between the two Communist Great Powers over concrete diplomatic issues, and it took its course in constant interaction with the changes in Soviet diplomatic tactics. Hence the total impact of that phase on Soviet foreign policy on one side, and on the ideology, organisation and strategy of international Communism on the other, cannot be evaluated from an interpretation of the Moscow documents alone, but only from a study of the process as a whole, as it developed during the past year on both planes.
Soviet Agriculture as a Model for Asian Countries
Authors: W. K.
Published: March 2009

Throughout Asia agriculture is still the largest single economic sector and the village is the principal form of human society. Outside Japan on the Pacific and Israel on the Mediterranean shores of the Asian continent the villages provide the homestead and determine the way of life of three-quarters to four-fifths of the population, and as a rule two-thirds to three-quarters of the working people are engaged in agricultural pursuits. Villagers not occupied in this way usually earn their living by processing, financing and trading the products of their communities. The town dwellers, rapidly increasing in absolute numbers and as a proportion of the total population, are rarely far removed geographically and in their mental make-up from their ancestors. As much as two-thirds of their personal expenditure is spent on foodstuffs and thus a substantial portion of urban incomes flows back to the countryside.
Ten Years of Storm
Authors: Ching-Wen Chow
Published: March 2009

In our third issue, Lord Lindsay of Birker reviewedFeng Pao Shih Nien, an account of the Communist Chinese régime given by a leader of the China Democratic League who had co-operated with it until 1956 when he fled to Hong Kong. Since then, the book has appeared, reduced in size, in an English translation entitledTen Years Of Storm. In his review, Lord Lindsay indicated the main points of interest in Mr. Chow's work. Here we print, with the kind permission of Holt, Rinehart and Winston, two eyewitness accounts from the book. The first describes an episode during the 1951 campaign against counter-revolutionaries; the second is even more personal, telling as it does of the attacks made on Mr. Chow himself during the “Three-Anti Movement” against waste, corruption and bureaucracy in 1952.
Russia's Largest Satellite
Authors: Kirby Stuart
Published: March 2009

China is credited with having “gat on her feet.” But the metaphors must be mixed—like the feelings of the Chinese themselves. China also leans on Russia, and is “riding a tiger” (or the modern equivalent, a tank or a rocket). In 1949, Chinese Communism was apparently the only decisive component in the “China Problem”; not now. The decade saw swift and brutal intensification of Communist purposes, internally on the mainland and externally in outward thrusts, leading to great stresses, much loss of the initial support and toleration enjoyed by the régime, and increasing opposition.
The Creation of State Power
Authors: Wint Guy
Published: March 2009

In my judgment the most striking fact in the new China is the creation of state power. Traditionally, in the agrarian empires of Asia, the government has had relatively little power: at least power of a fundamental kind. It might take arbitrary and startling action; but the total result of such deeds was small. A government, however impressive its trappings, could seldom carry through a sustained reforming policy. In China, custom or Confucius was sovereign, not the emperor.
Economic Development
Authors: Li Choh-Ming
Published: March 2009

In the ten years of Communist rule since late 1949 a thoroughgoing revolution has taken place on the Chinese mainland in economic organisation, savings and investment, and distribution, with profound effects on the daily lives of the people. Peking has claimed that immense progress has been made on all economic fronts, including the real income of industrial and agricultural workers. It has felt confident enough to shorten from fifteen to ten years (beginning 1958) the target period at the end of which its output of electric power and certain major industrial goods would match or exceed that of Britain. In the non-Communist world, commentators vary greatly in their judgments; they range from those who reject all the official statistics and consider no important progress to have been made during the period, to those who not only accept the claims in tato but have advanced all sorts of arguments to defend even those claims that Peking has later had to repudiate.
The Sino-Soviet Alliance
Authors: North Robert C.
Published: March 2009

Western visitors to the Soviet Union report a growing Russian anxiety about Communist China and its inclinations and potentialities. The Soviet “man in the street,” who recalls what Leningrad and Kiev and Minsk and Odessa experienced during the Second World War, maintains a sober respect for the world's new weapons—whether nuclear, bacteriological or something even more dreadful that is only whispered about. He is increasingly ready to believe, moreover, that Western capitalist peoples share this sober respect, but Communist China gives him cause for deep uneasiness. Is it possible that China might trigger a war which both the Soviet Union and the West would prefer to avoid?
China and Asia
Authors: Wint Guy
Published: March 2009

The foreign policy of Communist China was born in the loess caves of Yenan during the period 1935–45. For the first time after years of fighting, the Communists had leisure for reflection. Their government began to be a magnet for the younger members of the intelligentsia who repudiated the Kuomintang because the Kuomintang had proved unable to defend China's national interests; they were willing to try Communism as the cure for Imperialism. Already the Communist leaders were confident that in the long run they would come to power. In Yenan, in lectures and seminars, they built up concepts and the world picture which, with surprisingly little modification, have governed their foreign policy ever since.
The Legend of the “Legend of ‘Maoism’”
Authors: Schwartz Benjamin
Published: March 2009

The following remarks (which I hope will be my last on Prof. Wittfogel's “The Legend of ‘Maoism’”) will hardly bear the appearance of a coherent essay. They are simply a collection of fragmentary replies to his own fragmentary points of attack. For some years now Prof. Wittfogel has been obsessed with the view that Fairbank, Schwartz and Brandt (an indivisible entity) have committed an “error” (not an accidental error!) which has led to incalculably evil results in our struggle with world Communism.
The Russian and Chinese Revolutions
Authors: Seton-Watson Hugh
Published: March 2009

The comparison of the revolutionary movements, the seizure of power by the Communists, and the establishment and evolution of totalitarian régimes in Russia and China is a vast field of study in which little work has yet been achieved. The obvious obstacle is of course the scarcity of scholars in the non-Communist world who are familiar with the language, culture and history of both Russia and China. A truly formidable intellectual equipment is required. Dr. Karl Wittfogel and Dr. Benjamin Schwarz are outstanding among the few who possess it. One hopes that among the rising generations of the western nations the necessary combination of knowledge will become more frequent. Meanwhile those of us who have specialised in the Russian or East European field must learn what we can of China from secondary works and from those original documents which are available in translation. Well aware of the inadequacy of our understanding of Chinese affairs, we can only put to our Sinological colleagues problems which have arisen in the history of the Soviet or European Communist movements or regimes, and ask their opinions on the relevance of these problems, or on the reasons why they are not relevant, to China. It is in this spirit that the following observations are offered, as a contribution not to knowledge but to discussion. The points which I wish to raise are mainly concerned with the relationship of the Communist movement to social classes during its rise to nower.
The Chinese Legal System: Reforms In The Balance
Authors: Dicks Anthony
Published: March 2009

Judged by almost any standard, law and the legal system in China today form part of a growth industry. Although the pace has been uneven and has at times seemed to falter, the growth has been maintained for more than a decade, since the end of the Cultural Revolution and the inauguration of the Four Modernizations. The most easily visible aspect of this phenomenon is the volume of legislation, unprecedented in any other period since 1949. The output is difficult to monitor precisely, because although the major laws and regulations issued by the National People's Congress and the organs of the central government are now for the most part regularly published, the majority of regulations issued at the ministerial or lower levels of the central government are still not published in such a way as to be easily accessible, if they are published at all; and the amount of local legislation which filters out of the area in which it applies is still limited.
China's Drive to Close the Technological Gap: S&T Reform and the Imperative to Catch Up
Authors: Simon Denis Fred
Published: March 2009

It would appear that many western observers of China, with some recent notable exceptions, have systematically underestimated the importance attached to S&T (science and technology) development by both the Maoist and post-Mao leadership. This article will argue that it is difficult to understand the complexities of Chinese affairs since 1949 within the political, economic and military spheres without direct reference to China's research and development (R&D) and education systems.
Kenneth R. Walker: An Appreciation
Authors: Howe Christopher B.
Published: March 2009

Professor Kenneth R. Walker died on 28 July 1989 at the age of 57. He was a pioneer of modern Chinese studies in Britain. His achievements were outstanding as a scholar, teacher, developer of the field and as a contributor to this journal.
Rural Society: Hong Kong's New Territories
Authors: Watson James L.
Published: March 2009

At midnight on 30 June 1997 the 99-year lease on the New Territories expires. Although the Chinese Government has yet to announce final plans for a resumption of control, the most recent indications are that British administration will cease on that date It is commonly agreed that Hong Kong cannot survive as an “independent territory” without the New Territories (technically the island of Hong Kong and parts of Kowloon south of Boundary Street are not involved in the 1898 lease). The purpose of this short article is to acquaint the general reader with some aspects of the history and social structure of the New Territories, and the unique Chinese sub-culture that has emerged.
Macroeconomic Changes in the Chinese Economy During the Readjustment
Authors: Yeh K. C.
Published: March 2009

The Third Plenum of the Chinese Communist Party's 11th Central Committee that convened in December 1978 marked the beginning of a new phase in China's economic development. This article examines the major development policies and broad economic trends since 1978, and assesses the prospects for future growth. Section I sketches the economic legacies of the 1970s that shaped the economic policies and performance of the current period. Section II outlines the new development strategy and compares it with the strategies of the past. The rate of economic growth and structural changes are discussed in Section III. Section IV summarizes the findings and concludes with brief comments on the major constraints on future economic growth. One important issue, economic reform of the system, has been deliberately omitted because (with the exception of those in the agricultural sector) they are still in an experimental stage. While the focus of this study is on macro-economic policies and trends, these issues are closely related to micro-economic developments because economic policies are based on the leadership's perspective on developments at the micro level and economic trends reflect the implementation of macro policies by the micro-economic units.
The Distribution System for Producers' Goods in China
Authors: Koziara Edward Clifford , Yan Chiou-Shuang
Published: March 2009

The Chinese distribution system is markedly different from its American equivalent. The bulk of the nation's products, especially producers' goods, are allocated according to the state plan and distributed through state-controlled channels and facilities. As most of the products are purchased by the state there would appear to be no need for sales marketing; the primary function of the distribution system is merely to handle the physical flow of goods. However, goods are often in short supply. Therefore, to ensure an adequate supply of inputs to fulfil the production quotas, numerous purchasing agents are used to locate the necessary inputs for enterprises. Basically, the commodity flow is pulled by the buyers rather than pushed by the sellers. This supply insufficiency leads to many problems, including commodity hoarding by users and producers alike. Consequently, the level of idle inventory is unnecessarily high and the size and speed of the commodity flow reduced.
Problems of Manpower Absorption in Rural China
Authors: Orleans Leo A.
Published: March 2009

Traditional China was often singled out in economic texts as an example of a country in which a large population and a backward economy had combined to create “underemployment” or “disguised unemployment” in agriculture. Although estimates varied, it was suggested that in countries such as China the rural labour force could be reduced by as much as 25 per cent, without diminishing the agricultural output. The problem was intensified during the winter months when seasonal unemployment forced minions of peasants to seek some form of work in the already overcrowded cities. Because of the relatively slow growth of China's cities and since no major efforts were made to expand the acreage under cultivation, the long-range trend was an increasing population pressure on already available arable land. Although, as a result of characteristically high death rates, the natural increase of the population in rural China was generally low (in periods of natural and man-made calamities the death rates even exceeded the birth rates), the population nevertheless continued to grow, with ever-increasing numbers seeking a livelihood.
India's Communist Party Split
Authors: Katrak Savak
Published: March 2009

The sixth congress of the Communist Party of India (CPI) met at Vijayawada, Andhra, from April 7 to April 16. Since it was the first such congress to be held since the beginning of the frontier disputes between India and China, it was clearly of some importance. The disputes have created bitter divisions within the party, and the ideological rift between the Soviet Union and China has intensified these divisons. For nearly two years the CPI has been unable to function effectively and the rift within it is openly acknowledged by members.
Power and Pressure Groups in North Vietnam
Authors: Fall Bernard B.
Published: March 2009

As in many other Communist states (and quite a few non-Communist ones) there is in the DRV (Democratic Republic of [North] Vietnam) a sharp difference between the theoretical and the actual structure of governmental powers.

Article 4 of the DRV Constitution of January 1, 1960, adequately covers the subject of the theoretical source of power in North Vietnam: “All powers of the DRV belong to the people, who exercise them through the intermediary of the National Assembly and of People's Councils at every echelon, elected by it and responsible to it….”
Collectivisation and Rice Production
Authors: Van Chi Hoang
Published: March 2009

Until 1949, Communist rule was still restricted to states where wheat forms the basis of agricultural production. But when Mao Tse-tung extended his control to territories south of the Yangtse river, thereby enabling Ho Chi Minn to establish later a twin régime hi North Vietnam, the problem of collectivisation first appeared in tropical areas where rice is the main agricultural crop. From then on, an unforeseen problem of major importance has confronted the two Asian Communist leaders. Unlike their other colleagues in the Socialist camp, these two have had to adapt the rigorous norms of the collective system to the production of rice, an extremely delicate aquatic plant. Their relentless efforts to accomplish this are unprecedented and, now that the practical experiment has been in progress for several years, it is possible to make a preliminary appraisal of the results.
Statistics and Planning at the Hsien Level in Communist China
Authors: Li Choh-Ming
Published: March 2009

How good are Communist China's statistics? An attempt to answer this basic but vexing question has led me to investigate the working of its state statistical service. Since there was hardly any statistical system to speak of before 1949, did Peking manage to set one up that was actually workable? When did this happen and how did it develop? Where were official statistics produced and finalised? Were they used for planning purposes at different government levels? How were basic data obtained from the primary reporting units in different sectors of the economy? What mechanism was introduced to provide a degree of control over the quality of data? What were the size and quality of the statistical working force? What did occur in 1958 and 1959 when current official statistics had to be scaled down drastically from earlier officially authenticated claims? Are the revised figures satisfactory? Why have so few statistical materials been released since 1959? The search into these and many more questions has resulted in a volume on The Statistical System of Communist China, recently (1962) published by the University of California Press.
The Role of Law in Traditional, Nationalist and Communist China
Authors: Michael Franz
Published: March 2009

Any treatment of such a basic topic as the role of law in China, old or new, becomes meaningful only if it is related to a discussion of the philosophy of law in our own tradition. In order to make an evaluation that brings the Chinese situation into relief, one has to compare, contrast, or relate the role of law at the different stages of China's development with its role in the Western tradition. Since the basic philosophical assumptions, on which all definition and discussion of law are based, are themselves controversial in our own tradition, this is a very hazardous undertaking; but it is crucial to any understanding of China, past and present.
County Administration in Fukien
Authors: Falkenheim Victor C.
Published: March 2009

In most contemporary developing societies, the responsibility for directing broad social and economic change is assumed by the government. The success or failure of these government sponsored programmes often hinges narrowly on the degree of administrative capacity at the regional and local levels. Programmes which are otherwise well designed and funded at the national level may founder for lack of effective local organization.
Building ‘Railroads on the Sea‘: China's Attitude towards Maritime Law
Authors: Kamminga Menno T.
Published: March 2009

It is very likely that in the near future the oceans will constitute the main source of international conflict. The world has an ever increasing need for the ocean's fish and minerals, and modern technology now makes it possible to exploit these resources to a degree previously unheard of. But only the industrialized countries can afford such exploitation because of the tremendous amounts of money and expertise involved. The less developed countries are no longer prepared to accept such a situation and they have called for the establishment of international regulations that would ensure a fair distribution of the ocean's resources. An attempt to deal with these problems was made at a U.N. conference held in Caracas, Venezuela, which opened on 20 June 1974.
New Light on Mao: His View of the World
Authors: Gittings John
Published: March 2009

As much as one-quarter of the contents of the two Wan-sui volumes deals with matters relating either to the theory or the practice of foreign policy. Very little material of this kind had emerged in the earlier “unofficial” collections of Mao's speeches and writings which came to our knowledge after the Cultural Revolution, and this latest acquisition breaks entirely new ground. As far as the “official” record is concerned, we have until now known more of Mao's views on international affairs before 1949 than after the Liberation. During the 1950s there were a few formal statements on Sino-Soviet relations – telegrams, greetings and the like which required very close analysis to reveal the complex web of tensions beneath the surface. There were some brief and fairly stereotyped descriptions of the international scene in Mao's published speeches to Party and Government conferences. The second decade of the People's Republic was served rather better in the “official” record, but only if one regarded the major documents in the Sino-Soviet polemic as either written by Mao or expressing his views. There were some well-publicized reports of Mao's various meetings with Third World visitors in the 1960s though the level of conversation with, in the main, overawed and deferential amateurs clearly never taxed Mao's intellect. One could perhaps have pieced together the scraps of documentary evidence to construct the bare bones of Mao's outlook on the world, but it would have lacked all the flesh and substance now imparted to it by the Wan-sui documents.
Sino-Soviet Competition in North Korea
Authors: Bradbury John
Published: March 2009

Victimised by its strategic location throughout history, North Korea appears once again to be the scene of competition for dominant influence between its powerful neighbours. As the recent statement by Chairman Kim Il-sung quoted above suggests, the Communist régime in North Korea was apprehensive about the mounting crisis in Sino-Soviet relations in the summer and autumn of 1960. What it did not reveal is that the issues involved in the Sino-Soviet dispute had already exercised a profound effect on the domestic and foreign policies of this Asian satellite for a period of several years.
An Intellectual Weed in the Socialist Garden: The Case of Ch'ien Tuan-sheng
Authors: Johnson Chalmers A.
Published: March 2009

If one were to imagine what occupation one might like to follow in a Communist state, it is unlikely that one would choose that of Westerntrained political scientist. The intellectual apparatus associated with social science alone makes such an occupation untenable in the face of Communist ideology. Social science, as practised in the democracies, may be said to be non-existent in the Communist world. However, this does not eliminate the practical problem that faces the newly established Communist régime of what to do with those social scientists, and certain other types of intellectuals, who are already present. The problem becomes doubly complicated if the professors, journalists, and authors welcomed the advent of the new government and regarded themselves as “progressives”—as many of them did in China. One of the most striking ironies of ssu-hsiang kai-tsao (thought reform) in 1951–52 and of the rectification movement of 1957 was that the accused had, to varying degrees, all supported the régime when it came to power and had tried sincerely to work within its frame of reference.
Communist China's Agricultural Calamities
Authors: W. K.
Published: March 2009

Communist China is entering yet another year of calamities of major proportions. They stem chiefly from its unbalanced fanning industry and affect every sector of its economy.

Chinese and Western analysts have come full circle in their assessment within the last three years. In China the exuberance of the Great Leap Forward has given way to the gloom of austerity programmes and emergency regulations. Abroad, the voices praising the miracles of 1958 have been displaced by those reporting disaster and starvation. Those advising caution and moderation in the face of obvious Chinese exaggerations tend to be dismissed now as they were then.
Agricultural Science and its Application
Authors: Phillips Ralph W. , Kuo Leslie T. C.
Published: March 2009

China is a vast country, varying widely in its land, its climate, its agriculture and its people. Extending across some 35 degrees of latitude, and with extreme ranges in elevation and in precipitation, it has many types of agricultural production. At one extreme are the intensively cultivated rice fields of the south. On some of these, two crops of rice are grown per year; some are drained after the rice harvest for the production of a crop of winter vegetables. At the other extreme are the grassland areas of the northern Manchurian provinces, Inner Mongolia, Kansu, Chinghai, west Szechwan, Tibet and Sinkiang, with their herds of sheep, goats, cattle, yaks and camels. In between is the so-called wheat area, north of the Chingling Mountains and extending to the edge of the grasslands.
Genetics
Authors: Li C. C.
Published: March 2009

Genetics is the science of heredity. In the Western world modern genetics has a history of nearly a hundred years, beginning with the discovery of laws of heredity established by Mendel in 1866. Then, early in the 1930s, a Soviet genetics emerged. The foremost proponent of this new science is the Soviet Academician and agriculturist Lysenko. Let me sum up briefly the differences between Western and Soviet genetics. Modern genetics has established that hereditary material is located in the chromosomes of the nucleus of reproductive cells (sperms and eggs). This material is organised into functionally separate units called “genes.” Hence, it is known as the gene theory or the chromosome theory of heredity. On the other hand, Lysenko and his followers believe that every particle of an organism plays a part in heredity; the particles assimilate the influence of environment and pass it on to the next generation. Thus, if an organism can be forced or trained to assimilate certain environmental elements, there will be hereditary changes in their offspring. Lysenko borrows the prestige of Michurin, a skilful and successful Soviet horticulturist by calling this doctrine Michurinism, while we refer to it as Lysenkoism.
Bulgaria: Leaping Forward without Communes
Authors: Brisby Liliana
Published: March 2009

The Chinese poet's call to Bulgaria to follow China's path into a bright Communist future reflects a view of the relationship between the two countries, which towards the end of 1958 was widely held in the West. Bulgaria's “Great Leap Forward” and the methods used to mobilise the masses for the Utopian plan for the economic break-through were linked with the visit of two high-powered Bulgarian delegations to China and interpreted by some observers as signs that the Party leaders in Sofia were deviating from the Moscow course in an attempt to hitch their wagon to the rising star of Peking.
East Germany: Peking-Pankow Axis?
Authors: Esslin M. J.
Published: March 2009

To the ordinary man in the drab East German street Communist China is a bore: it strikes him that the main use of this remote and shadowy ally is to help inflate the numerical strength of the “socialist camp” by a few useful hundreds of million souls. He realises that this is meant to overcome his feeling of isolation, to convince him that he is allied not only with a collection of uncouth Balkan tribes and formidable but unloved Russians, but also with a nation that can be claimed to be among the oldest civilised countries of the world, that had invented gunpowder long before even a German monk, Berthold Schwarz, invented it for the West. But on the whole the exploitation of the cultural prestige of the Chinese ally is poverty stricken and inept. Reprints of pre-war editions of a few Chinese novels like The Dream of the Red Chamber, an occasional art book of Chinese paintings or an edition by the publishing house of the Ministry of National Defence of an old Chinese Treatise on the Art of War by Sun Tzu, translated from the Russian, hardly carry great weight or conviction.
Hungary: Glad Tidings from Nanking
Authors: Aczél Tamás
Published: March 2009

When, in the spring of 1949, the Chinese Communist troops captured Nanking in an impetuous surprise advance, there was a Peace Congress in session at Prague. The news of the fall of Nanking was greeted with a raging thunderstorm of claps and rhythmic applause. There followed an outbreak of promiscuous hugging all over the place. The Chinese delegates were carried on fervent shoulders all round the conference room. A Hungarian poet who attended the Congress as a member of the Hungarian delegation withdrew to a sound-proof distance from the jubilant crowd, only to return delivered of a poem written in honour of the Chinese People's Army. The fruit of his labours, entitled “Glad Tidings from Nanking,” was translated that very day into Russian, and later into Chinese. The era of the Grand Victory celebrations had begun.
Poland: The Small Leap Sideways
Authors: Labedz Leopold
Published: March 2009

In September 1956, Ochab, then the First Secretary of the Polish C.P., visited Peking to attend the Congress of the Chinese C.P. When the Soviet delegate, the “liberal” Mikoyan, reproached him abusively for tolerating “anti-Soviet ideas,” the Pole received words of support from his host, Mao Tse-tung. According to Warsaw sources, this was later confirmed in a special letter from Mao and is supposed to have played an important part in inducing Ochab to switch to Gomulka. Thus, the Chinese attitude helped to stiffen Polish resistance when in October 1956 the Soviet delegation headed by Khrushchev landed in Warsaw and threatened to intervene militarily. It is also said that some Chinese leaders in Moscow had argued against the use of force in Poland even before this.
Rural Finance in China
Authors: Tarn On-Kit
Published: March 2009

There is a common policy bias against creating an appropriate economic environment for rural growth in many less developed countries as governments attempt to strive for rapid industrialization through various interventions in both the urban and rural sectors. As a result, signals for resource flows are distorted and incentive to raise agricultural productivity is destroyed. Such structural distortions and the low level of income mean that investment in agricultural production is often unattractive and therefore funds for that purpose are scarce. Many developing countries have, over the past 40 years, attempted to alleviate this perceived inadequacy of credits, which was seen as the only inhibiting factor to rural development, by the provision of highly subsidized and controlled finance through the creation of specialized credit institutions. However, there is an increasing recognition that this conventional approach has failed to achieve its aim and its premises are seriously challenged.
Analysis of Wages and Bonus Payments Among Tianjin Urban Workers
Authors: Hu Teh-Wei , Li Ming , Shi Shuzhong
Published: March 2009

In a market economy, wages are determined by supply and demand. However, in China the government has a set of guidelines that explicitly determines the wages of workers in industry and the public sector. Although these guidelines are known to researchers on the Chinese economy, whether the actual wages truly reflect the guidelines has not been studied extensively.
China's Three Gorges Dam: Questions and Prospects
Authors: Boxer Baruch
Published: March 2009

The idea of building a massive dam in the Yangtze gorges has fired the imagination of Chinese and foreign engineers, adventurers and entrepreneurs since the 1920s. Politicians, financiers, presidents and chairmen have been bombarded and bamboozled with the nuts and bolts of Three Gorges and the impassioned views of project proponents and opponents. The crescendo of debate has risen steadily through decades of civil unrest, war, revolution, and national upheaval and reconstruction. Still, despite this long gestation, Chinese and foreign perspectives on the place and purpose of the proposed dam are remarkably limited in concept and substance.
Assault on the Reforms: Conservative Criticism of Political and Economic Liberalization in China, 1985–86
Authors: Sullivan Lawrence R.
Published: March 2009

Following Hu Yaobang's resignation as general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party on 16 January 1987, the political and economic reforms sponsored by Deng Xiaoping since 1978 came under intense criticism. Warning against “bourgeois liberalization” and renewed “spiritual pollution” from the west, Party conservatives reacted to student demonstrations in December 1986 by reversing the “Double Hundred” policy of literary and scientific freedom and by engineering the purge of the ardent westernizers Fang Lizhi, Liu Binyan and Wang Ruowang. Deng Liqun's “Leading Group to Oppose Bourgeois Liberalism,” Chen Yun's Central Discipline Inspection Commission (CDIC), and the outspoken Peng Zhen emerged as the main ideological watchdogs favouring restrictions on individual expression. But even the pro-reformer Zhao Ziyang condemned western ideas as “pernicious,” just as his chief secretary Bao Tong, warned intellectuals against “writ[ing] only about (the merits) of developed capitalist countries.”