bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Some Rubrics in the Athenian Quota-Lists
Authors: Lepper F. A.
Published: May 2006

The Rubrics to be discussed here are five in number:andThey have often been discussed before, both singly and together, but their relationship to each other was given a new prominence by Meritt's ordering of the lists for the Assessment Periods in which they appear. If his arrangement of them is accepted as a starting-point for discussion, the results for the tribute-history of the cities in these Rubrics are as set out in the table inATL(iii 87). From this general picture of the Rubrics the following points emerge:

(1)ἄτακτοιcities are first noted as such inATL's List 20 (435/4), in which five cases are observable—Gale, Pharbelos, Othoros, Chedrolos and Miltoros—all in the Thrakian panel. These cities may all have appeared in List 19 (436/5) making similar payments, but ifATL's placing of their entries in that list is correct, they were not then noted asἄτακτοι. Before List 19 two of them (Gale and Miltoros) had never made any appearance in the lists, as we have them, at all; one (Chedrolos) last appeared in 447/6 and was absent from a full panel in 443/2; and the remaining two (Pharbelos and Othoros) had appeared fairly regularly down to 441/0 and are not known to have been absent ever. In all cases where anἄτακτοςhas paid before, it pays exactly the same amount as it paid in its latest known payment before 436/5.
Iambic Rhythm in Plutarch's ‘Life of Marius’
Authors: Pye D. W.
Published: May 2006

In a recent article on Plutarch's style in the Marius, T. F. Carney, asserting Plutarch's ‘ability to orchestrate the action of a passage in the words used to express that action’, quotes 37.1

and states that this is an all but complete Iambic Septenarius or Octonarius. How far does it fall short? δρῶσιν ἱππέων will occupy not the first 1½ metra of the line but the second ½ metron and the next metron, as the two long syllables of ἵλην cannot occupy the second half of a metron. The next 1½ metra, then, are ἵλην πρόσωθεν ἐλαύν-. Here we must stop, as the remainder of ἐλαύνοντας cannot stand in the second half of a metron, –οντ– being long. Altogether, then, we have ½ metron followed by 2½ metra, with -οντας excluded. In fact, it would be better not to think of a Septenarius or Octonarius and to be content with saying that the quoted words show a strong iambic rhythm. Or we might say that an iambic passage is immediately followed by another iambic passage
The Vital Heat, the Inborn Pneuma and the Aether
Authors: Solmsen Friedrich
Published: May 2006

A short section of Aristotle's de generatione animalium embodies his final answer to the question how the faculties of soul are transmitted from parent to offspring. Aristotle here speaks in a tone which is dogmatic as well as enthusiastic; he is able to announce a new discovery. There is, he sets forth, in the sperma a peculiar substance (σῶμα) which has some connection with soul and differs in quality as the souls themselves differ in worth. This substance is identical with two of the entities mentioned in our title and ‘analogous’ to the third.

Πάσης μὲν οὖν ψυχῆς δύναμις ἑτέρου σώματος ἔοικε κεκοινωνηκέναι καὶ θειοτέρου τῶν καλουμένων στοιχείων ὡς δὲ διαφέρουσι τιμιότητι αἱ ψυχαὶ καὶ ἀλλήλων, οὕτω καὶ ἡ τοιαύτη διαφέρει φύσις. πάντων μὲν γὰρ ἐν τῷ σπέρματι ὑπάρχει ὅπερ ποιεῖ γόνιμα εἶναι τὰ σπέρματα, τό καλούμενον θερμόν. τοῦτο δ᾿ οὐ πῦρ πὐδὲ τοιαύτη δύναμίς ἐστιν, ἀλλὰ τὸ ἐμπεριλαμβανόμενον ἐν τῷ σπέρματι καὶ ἐν τῷ ἀφρώδει πνεῦμα καὶ ἡ ἐν τῷ πνεύματι φύσις, ἀνάλογον οὖσα τῶν ἄστρων στοιείῳ.

The sentences which follow state that fire has no generative or procreative power, yet such a power must be present in the Sun and in the θερμόν, the vital heat of living beings. Clearly, then, this θερμόν cannot be identical with the fire.

Nowhere else in the body of his preserved work does Aristotle establish this close connection between the vital heat, the pneuma, and the element of the stars, the so-called aether. These three concepts differ as much in their origin and past history as in their function and place within Aristotle's own physical or biological system. A brief sketch of them—skipping by necessity many significant episodes in the history of each—will suffice to make this clear.

What needs here to be said about the ‘element of the stars’ is indeed not much. It was Aristotle himself who added this element to the canonic four of the Empedoclean and Platonic tradition. The dialogue On Philosophy and the First Book On the Heaven secured it its place. It is divine, un-ageing, and unchanging, and yet a material element. Like the other elements it has its specific ‘natural motion’, to wit the circular, which makes it possible for Aristotle to explain by a physical ‘hypothesis’ the celestial motions for which Plato had resorted to the World-Soul. The place of this element is the entire heavenly region, extending from the First Heaven to the moon; below this, in the regions occupied by the four other elements, it is never to be found.
On Strategy and Oracles, 480/79
Authors: Hands A. R.
Published: May 2006

On the basis of Labarbe's new arguments in favour of July 21st rather than August 19th as the date of the full moon occurring about the time of the Thermopylae campaign, which involves our acceptance of a gap of something like five weeks between the Persian arrival in Attica and the battle of Salamis, R. Sealey has recently revived (Hermesxci (1963) 376–7) Munro's view that the Greeks had placed a regular garrison on the Acropolis in 480, so enabling it to hold out against the Persian assault for a considerable period and delaying any further military or naval operations. The validity of Labarbe's arguments has now been challenged by C. Hignett,Xerxes' Invasion of Greece, 449–51 (cf.A. R. Burn,Persia and the Greeks, 403–5), who also meets, 212 f., most of the arguments originally put forward in support of the same thesis by Bury (CR× 1896). Hignett himself explains the delay before Salamis, on his view a delay of some three weeks, in terms of the unwillingness of the Persians to enter the Salamis strait, coupled with their recognition that it was impossible to by-pass it. The Acropolis is held to have resisted, rightly I believe, for only a few days, a resistance to be explained by its natural strength rather than because of any garrison placed upon it. The dismay attributed to the Greeks by Herodotus (viii 56) upon the news of the fall of the Acropolis, however, still appears to Hignett a difficulty needing explanation and he suggests that Herodotus' emphasis upon it may be no more than a transitional device leading up to the next act of the drama (203).
Lute-Players in Greek Art
Authors: Higgins R. A. , Winnington-Ingram R. P.
Published: May 2006

The primary purpose of this article is to publish two terracotta representations of lute-players in the British Museum. The subject is rare, but not quite so rare as might be supposed from the scarcity of literature about it. It has, therefore, seemed worth while to add a Ust of the examples known to us—a list which does not claim to be exhaustive—and to discuss briefly some of the problems which they raise. We do this in the hope that it may stimulate further investigation of a neglected theme.

Between lutes and lyres there is a difference of principle which could hardly be more fundamental. The strings of the lyre are relatively numerous, but, in default of a fingerboard, fret-board, or neck, against which they could be firmly pressed (or ‘stopped’), the possibilities of obtaining more than one note from each string, in so far as they existed, must have been limited as to the number and quality of notes obtainable. The lute has few strings, but they are stretched over a solid neck, or a prolongation of the sound-box, against which they can be pressed so as to shorten the string-length and produce notes of higher pitch than those of the open strings; each string can thus provide a number of notes of approximately equal quality. Lutes and lyres were both common in Asia and in Egypt. In Greek lands the lyre predominated, and no examples of the lute are found in art before the fourth century B.C. The examples known to us are mostly terracottas.
Attic Geometric Vase Scenes, Old and New
Authors: Boardman John
Published: May 2006

The New York crater, 14.130.15 (PLATES I–III), was first published by Miss Richter fifty years ago. Since then it has frequently been accorded illustration and comment both for its figure scenes—notably the prothesis, the chariot friezes and the occurrence of ‘Siamese twin’ warriors—and for its place in the development of Attic Geometric vase painting. There are, however, a number of features in the figure scenes which have escaped notice hitherto in publication, and which are of some interest to the student of Geometric funeral practice and iconography.

The prothesis itself (PLATE II a) is conventional enough in most of its details. The child crouching over the legs of the dead man extends his arms over them. The child standing behind the head tears his hair with one hand while the other seems to be stretched towards the dead man's mouth. Certainly no branch or fan is held—the motif found in some other prothesis scenes. Before the child's leg is a small fish. The gesture and the fish (an odd filling device, if it is one) are not readily explained but may be borne in mind when other features of the frieze are discussed.
A Caeretan Hydria in Dunedin
Authors: Anderson J. K.
Published: May 2006

The vase here described was recently presented to the Otago Museum in commemoration of the distinguished services of Dr. H. D. Skinner, for many years Director of the Museum. It was formerly on the Rome market. It is restored from fragments, and missing pieces of the neck, mouth, and shoulder have been replaced by plaster. The joints and plaster restorations have been carefully painted over, and there has been a good deal of repainting where the glaze was worn. On the mouth, neck, and shoulder the restorations, though extensive, merely fill gaps in a well-defined pattern, and can therefore be passed over without a detailed description. The repainting of the figures on the body of the vase will be described at greater length below. The clay is a fine, clear red, rather lighter than the usual colour of Attic. The principal dimensions of the vase are as follows (measurements in metres):

The body is ovoid, with high, flat shoulders. It is separated from the wide flaring foot by a low, raised ridge. A similar ridge separates the shoulder from the neck, which is cylindrical with slightly concave sides. The lip flares widely. The side handles are small and slope slightly upward; they are attached just above the widest part of the vase and below the sharpest curve of the shoulder. The vertical handle is divided by three deep, vertical grooves. The inside of the mouth and the upper surface of the foot are ornamented with rounded tongues of black glaze. These were painted alternately red and white, but the paint, which was applied on top of the black glaze, is now much worn. On the lower part of the body are short black rays; above these is a rather wider zone with a chain of five-petalled lotuses linked to five-leaved palmettes.
Plato as Dramatist
Authors: Tarrant Dorothy
Published: May 2006

Editors and translators have long recognised the dramatic element in Plato's work. It might seem superfluous to take up this subject in detail; but the detail in some aspects does not, in fact, appear to have been closely studied or recorded.

The desire to honour the personality and to perpetuate the method of Socrates is an obvious motive for Plato's choice of the dialogue form as medium for his own published expositions of philosophic thought. Such thought takes naturally, for him, the form of Socratic inquiry and response. But much more than this, in interest, inspiration, and technique, goes to the making of the Platonic dialogue. It is this background and this execution that are now to be considered.

We have the familiar tradition, recorded by Diogenes Laertius (III. 6) as received from Dicaearchus, that Plato wrote dithyrambs, lyrics, and tragedies, and was about to compete with a tragedy in the theatre of Dionysus when, still at an early age, he ‘heard’ Socrates, burnt his poems, and took up philosophy.
A Boeotian Krater in Trinity College, Cambridge
Authors: Ure A. D.
Published: May 2006

In the Library of Trinity College, Cambridge, there is a red-figured bell krater of Boeotian fabric (pl. iva, b). The front of the vase shows Thetis riding on a sea-horse with the shield of Achilles on her arm; on the back there is a large female head and a tendril; beneath each handle is an ivy leaf. A border of leaves in BF decorates the rim, and there are tongues round the base of the handles except at the back of one of them, where the leaf that terminates the tendril comes so close to the handle that there is hardly room for them.
Fifth-century tragedy and Comedy: Asynkrisis
Authors: Taplin Oliver
Published: May 2006

At the very end of Plato'sSymposiumour narrator awakes to find Socrates still hard at it, and making Agathon and Aristophanes agree that the composition of tragedy and comedy is really one and the same thing:… προсαναγκάӡειν τὸν Σωκράτη ὁμολογεῖν αὐτοὺс τοῦ αὐτοῦ ἀνδρὸс εἷναι κωμωιδίαν καὶ τραγωιδίαν ἐπἰсταϲθαι ποιεῖν, καὶ τὸν τέχνηι τραγωιδοποιὸν ὄντα καὶ κωμωιδοποιὸν εἷναι. ταῦτα δὴ ἀναγκαӡομένουϲ αὐτοὺϲ … the two playwrights succumb to sleep, leaving Socrates triumphant. Socrates had to ‘force’ his case; and it is a fact that, though we know of well over 100 fifth-century playwrights, we do not know of a single one who produced both tragedy and comedy. In a famous fragment the comedian Antiphanes (fr.191K) complains that the tragedians have an easy time—familiar stories, thedeus ex machinaetc.—ἡμῖν δὲ ταῦτ' οὐκ ἔсτιν … It is a matter of ‘them’ and ‘us’. Furthermore, there was an entire separate genre besides tragedy and comedy. As Demetrius put it (de eloc.169), τραγωιδία χάριταϲ μὲν παραλαμβάνει ἐν πολλοῖϲ, ὁ δὲ γέλωϲ ἐχθρὸϲ τραγωιδίαϲ· οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐπινοήϲειεν ἄν τιϲ τραγωιδίαν παίӡουϲαν, ἐπεὶ ϲάτυρον γράψει ἀντὶ τραγωιδίαϲ.
A Sam Wide Group Cup in Oxford
Authors: Boardman John
Published: May 2006

Mrs Ure has recalled attention in recent JHS Notes (lxxxviii [1968] 140 f.; lxxxix [1969] 120 f.) to the class of fifth-century Corinthian cups and other small vases studied formerly by Sam Wide (in AM xxvi [1901] 143 ff.) and her (in JHS lxix [1949] 18 ff.). It is surely time the class had a name and, with Mrs Ure's approval, I suggest ‘The Sam Wide Group’. Mrs Ure mentions a cup of the group in Oxford and I take this opportunity to publish it. It is in private possession but at present exhibited in the Ashmolean museum, whose photographs of it are shown here (Plate II 1–2). The fabric and the outside decoration (partly painted handles, tongues on the lip, a band within the concave foot) are wholly normal for this group. The cup interior, which carries the figure decoration, measures 9.2 cm across. The paint is a reddish brown, used with varying intensity from the pale wash for hatching to heavy stippling over painted areas (as the cloak). The scene is of Oedipus and the Sphinx—with a difference which is easier to describe than explain. Oedipus sits at the left, his petasos slung behind his neck, his sword drawn and held upright over his knees. A chlamys fastened round his neck appears to be raised in a protective gesture over his head. Passing from the ridiculous to the sublime we might compare the gesture of a Niobe protecting her child. The left arm holding the drapery is not shown, but this explanation seems the most plausible. The only alternative is that this is the rock on which we might expect the Sphinx otherwise to be sitting, and which can be shown in this form. The monster is perched on a column with a volute capital which is not strictly Ionic but of the type commonly seen on vases for structures or furniture. A high plinth over the volutes serves as base for the creature, rocking back on its haunches, balancing, it seems, on a springy tail.
The Technique of the Erbach Griffin-Protomai
Authors: Haynes D. E. L.
Published: May 2006

In his publication of the six grirfin–protomai formerly in the Erbach collection U. Jantzen notes how closely they agree in height not only among themselves but also with three other protomai of identical type, two in Munich and one from the Samian Heraion. By the kindness of their present owner I have recently had an opportunity of taking detailed measurements of the Erbach set; and Dr Michael Maas, to whom I am greatly indebted, has supplied me with the corresponding dimensions of the Munich pair. The results are compared in the table.

The eight protomai, it will be seen from the table, are remarkably consistent with one another not merely in height but in all their main dimensions—too consistent, surely, to allow us to suppose that they were cast by the direct lost–wax process, for which a casting-model would have had to be fashioned by hand for each protomc separately.
Athens and Egesta
Authors: Smart J. D.
Published: May 2006

This paper is principally concerned with two fifth century Athenian inscriptions and their interpretation. The first,IGi219, was discovered on the Akropolis and first published by Ulrich Köhler in 1867. Some twenty years later it was re-examined by H. G. Lolling, who was the first to see that it concerned relations between Athens and Egesta. It has subsequently been the object of the usual ingenious attempts at restoration. I give below a conservative text.
Θρᾷξ, Δυτȋνος, Καταρράκτης
Authors: Anderson J. K.
Published: May 2006

During the course of four months' work with oil-damaged sea-birds at the Richmond Bird Rescue Centre in California, I made notes which may help to establish meanings for the following names, which are left doubtful in D'Arcy Wentworth Thompson's Glossary of Greek Birds.

Θρφξ. Mentioned only in Dionysius, Ixeuticon ii 14, iii 25, where it is coupled with the κόλυμβος as a bird that sleeps upon the water. Κόλυμβος or κολυμβίς is almost certainly the Little Grebe, being described by Alexander of Myndus (ap. Athen, ix 315d) as ‘smallest of all the water birds’, and θρᾷξ should also be a grebe. As the grebes treated at Richmond recovered their health, there was abundant opportunity to observe the bird's preference for sleeping on the water, and it was in fact accepted as a rule that birds should spend two days and nights continuously on the water in an outdoor artificial pool before being released in the sea. These were Western Grebes (Aechmophorus occidentalis), a species unknown in the eastern hemisphere. For θρᾷξ I would suggest the Great Crested Grebe (Podiceps cristatus cristatus), which is certainly known in Thracian waters—‘nowhere so numerous as in the harbour of Istanbul’ in March. But I would suggest that its name (or nickname—οἱ καλουμένοι θρᾷκες: Dionysius loc. cit.) comes rather from its crest, comparable to that of the fox-skin cap and helmet nowadays called Thracian. In a writer of the Roman Imperial period there may also be some reference to ‘Thracian’ gladiators. Western Grebes are very pugnacious birds, until one has gained their confidence, and Great Crested Grebes may share this characteristic.
The tragic wedding
Authors: Seaford Richard
Published: May 2006

Wedding ritual in tragedy tends to be subverted. In explaining and arguing for this generalisation I hope also to shed new light on some of the passages deployed.

My starting point is the actual wedding ceremony. How did the Athenians of the classical period imagine that it was celebrated? Our evidence derives largely from contemporary drama and vase-painting. The picture presented by this evidence coheres very well in certain respects with that derived from other periods and places: Sappho, Catullus' imitation of the Greek, the lexicographers, and so on. For example, one important element that is found in the Attic and the non-Attic evidence alike is the ambiguity, for the bride, of the transition. The abrupt passage to her new life contains both negative and positive elements. On the one hand it is like the yoking of an animal or the plucking of a flower. It means isolation, separation from her friends and parents. It is an occasion of resentment and anxiety, comparable to death.
Aristotle, Metaphysics 1019a4
Authors: Waterfield R. A. H.
Published: May 2006

The broad context is a discussion of priority and posteriority, which runs from 1018b9–1019a14 (compare Categories 14a26–b24). A type of priority is described at 1019a2–4, and then further discussed at 1019a4–14. It is described as follows: ‘All those things are said to be prior in respect of nature and being, which can exist without other things, while those other things cannot exist without them.’ My concern in this note is with the parenthesis which immediately follows: ‘This is a distinction which Plato employed.’

All the commentators despair of locating this reference to Plato. Some, like Tredennick, (ad loc. in his Loeb edition), simply despair; others, like Ross (ad loc. in his edition), speak of ‘an oral utterance’, and are accordingly tempted towards finding yet another reference to the Unwritten Doctrines, either in the vague sense that anything not in the dialogues is by definition ‘unwritten’, or more specifically in the sense of some aspect of the doctrine of ideal numbers (e.g. Trendelenburg, cited by Ross).
A Vase-Painter in Dunedin?
Authors: Green J. R.
Published: May 2006

The name vase of the Richmond Painter (datable c. 450–440 B.C.), formerly in the collection of Sir Francis Cook in Richmond, has been in the Otago Museum, Dunedin, since 1948. The traditional description has been (A) Nike (B) youth (Plate III, a–b). What does not seem to have been observed before, at least in print, is that the youth holds a short straight object in his right hand, in added red that has faded (Plate III, c). It is hard to see what this object can be but a brush, and if it is a brush, for what skill the Nike can be rewarding the youth other than vase-painting.

It would be pleasant if we could add this piece to the meagre list of representations of vase-painters, the more so since Beazley made it the painter's name vase. What is interesting too is the fact that the youth holds the brush in the normal way, in the fingers rather than the fist. The fist hold may be useful when writing with a stylus, but vase-painters usually show vase-painters with the finger hold—which again makes the four artisans on the Caputi Hydria a curious exception.
Hyperesia in naval contexts in the fifth and fourth centuries BC
Authors: Morrison J. S.
Published: May 2006

L. J. D. Richardson'S article ΥΠΗΡΕΤΗΣ, CQ xxxvii (1943) 55–61, asserted the manifest truth that the word hyperetes, for which ‘an unattested original meaning “under-rower” has been universally assumed, had ceased to be used literally by the time our records, literary and epigraphic, begin’. ‘When ὑπηρέτης and its derivative ὑπηρετέω first appear (in Herodotus saepe), both the particular transferred sense “servant” and the generally transferred sense “subordinate” were already well established to the exclusion of the original meaning (whatever it was), and, what is more, the metaphor from the seafaring usage seems to be already “dead”. The essential note, however, in the group of words (ὑπηρὲτης, ὑπηρετέω, ὑπηρεσία, ὑπηρετικός) is not hard to assess: it is implicit, unquestioning service in response to another's authoritative bidding.’ The truth of this assessment for the fourth as well as the fifth century is plain from an examination of the very frequent use of the word in, e.g., Plato. Richardson proceeded to point out ‘a source of confusion in the dictionaries’ (which still prevails), viz., that of the four chief members of the group of words mentioned, hyperesia alone, having become ‘figurative (as service) in all areas, was then reapplied in the naval domain’, as a name for part of the ship's company of the fifth- and fourth-century trireme. This pattern (of reapplication in a naval context) is in fact also true of hyperesion and hyperetikos. The former is the name given by Thucydides and Isocrates to the oarsman's cushion, called proskephalaion by Hermippus and Theophrastus, while the latter is used of a naval dispatch boat.
Placing Sectio Canonis in historical and philosophical contexts
Authors: Barbera André
Published: May 2006

The construction of Pythagorean musical theory rests philosophically on the foundation provided by Sectio Canonis. Indeed, the treatise may have performed this role historically too. Andrew Barker has recently contributed to this journal a discussion of the methods and aims of the Sectio—JHS ci (1981) 1—16. In so doing he has pinpointed lapses in the theoretical reckoning of the treatise, especially in the case of proposition 11 (P11). I should like to reply to Barker's article. My remarks concern the authorship and date of the treatise, the introduction, a few propositions, and ultimately the historical and philosophical settings for the Sectio.
Further notes on Page, Further Greek Epigrams
Authors: Lewis D. M.
Published: May 2006

P. 5: Ἀμύντου is the normal genitive of persons we normally call Amyntas.

Vv. 9–10: the date and family placing of Hipponikos discussed, on a premise rightly denied by Page, J. K. Davies, Ath. Prop. Fam. 256.

Pp. 20 ff: P. M. Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria i 778–80; I confess to some doubt about Egyptian Chersonesos.

P. 87: we might consider the gentilicium Satrius, though the reading habits of Satrius Secundus (Tac. Ann. iv 24) are hardly relevant.
Alexander and the Iranians
Authors: Bosworth A. B.
Published: May 2006

The last two decades have seen a welcome erosion of traditional dogmas of Alexander scholarship, and a number of hallowed theories, raised on a cushion of metaphysical speculation above the mundane historical evidence, have succumbed to attacks based on rigorous logic and source analysis. The brotherhood of man as a vision of Alexander is dead, as is (one hopes) the idea that all Alexander sources can be divided into sheep and goats, the one based on extracts from the archives and the other mere rhetorical fantasy. One notable theory, however, still flourishes and has indeed been described as one of the few certainties among Alexander's aims. This is the so-called policy of fusion. As so often, the idea and terminology go back to J. G. Droysen, who hailed Alexander's marriage to Rhoxane as a symbol of the fusion (Verschmelzung) of Europe and Asia, which (he claimed) the king recognised as the consequence of his victory. At Susa the fusion of east and west was complete and Alexander, as interpreted by Droysen, saw in that fusion the guarantee of the strength and stability of his empire. Once enunciated, Droysen's formulation passed down the mainstream of German historiography, to Kaerst, Wilcken, Berve and Schachermeyr, and has penetrated to almost all arteries of Alexander scholarship. Like the figure of Alexander himself the theory is flexible and capable of strange metamorphoses. In the hands of Tarn it developed into the idea of all subjects, Greek and barbarian, living together in unity and concord in a universal empire of peace. The polar opposite is an essay of Helmut Berve, written in the heady days before the Second World War, in which he claimed that Alexander, with commendable respect for Aryan supremacy, planned a blending of the Macedonian and Persian peoples, so that the two racially related (!)Herrenvölkerwould lord it over the rest of the world empire. On Berve's interpretation the policy had two stages. Alexander first recognised the merits of the Iranian peoples and placed them alongside the Macedonians in his court and army hierarchy. Next came the ‘Blutvermischung’, the integration of the two peoples by marriage.
Polybius' other view of Aetolia
Authors: Sacks Kenneth S.
Published: May 2006

The discovery and publication two decades ago of the Roman-Aetolian treaty of 212/11 has helped to place Polybius' reliability as a source under close scrutiny. As a result, his account of the confrontation between the Aetolians and Flamininus at Tempe, in 197, may not stand the test of a comparison. Yet in order to use the preserved inscription as a control for this specific event, Polybius' general feelings concerning Aetolian responsibility for the consequent Syrian War must also be considered. Historians have hitherto assumed that if Polybius is demonstrably antagonistic towards his northern neighbours when recording affairs of the third century, he must be equally so for those of the second century. A close examination of Polybius, however, will reveal substantial reasons for doubting such an assumption.

For events of the third century, where he is most completely preserved, Polybius is indeed prejudiced against the Aetolians. He unleashes his venom both when following Aratus' Ὑπομνήματα to 220 and afterwards when employing various sources. To Polybius, the Aetolians are violent and aggressive in spirit (iv 3.5), cruel (iv 18.7–9), impious (iv 62.2), haughty (iv 64.8), inhuman (iv 67.3–4), and cowardly (iv 79.1). They are also natural revolutionaries (xiii 1.2), spendthrifts (xiii 1.1), and liars (iv 29.4–5). Though at times Polybius considers their behaviour scandalous (iv 27.1–8), he admits that the Greeks have become quite inured to it (iv 16.1–2). The most grievous faults of the Aetolians, however, are their desire for aggrandizement and lust for booty.
The ephebic oath in fifth-century Athens
Authors: Siewert P.
Published: May 2006

To defend the fatherland, to obey the laws and authorities, and to honour the State's cults are the principal points the Athenian citizen promised to fulfil in his oath of allegiance—called ephebic, because he took it as a recruit (ephebos)—at least since the second half of the fourth century B.C. (Lycurg.Leoc.76). These duties are fundamental for the citizen's attachment to hispolis, so one will hardly assume that the content of the oath depends upon the existence of the Athenian institution of cadet-training (ephebeia) which is attested by inscriptions not earlier than 334/3 B.C. Some ambiguous passages in fifth- and fourth-century authors give no reliable clue to determine the form or origin of theephebeia.I shall consider sworn civic duties and the organisation of military training as different things, and shall treat the oath independently from the disputed question of when theephebeiacame into existence. My purpose is to draw attention to some fifth-century allusions to the oath which seem to have remained unnoticed so far.

This oath is transmitted by Pollux (viii 105 f.), Stobaeus (iv 1.8), and a fourth-century inscription from the Attic deme Acharnae. I give the epigraphic version, following G. Daux's text. I omit the first part of the whole inscription (lines 1–4: dedication of the stele by the priest of Ares and Athena Areia, Dion of Acharnae) and the last part (lines 20 ff.: oath before the battle against the Persians at Plataea).
Bentley, Philostratus, and the German printers
Authors: Hägg Tomas
Published: May 2006

Referring to a copy of F. Morel's edition of Philostratus (Paris 1608), which contains MS notes by Richard Bentley and bears the shelfmark 679.g. 13, the British Museum General Catalogue of Printed Books clxxxix (London 1963) Col. 253 states:

Imperfect; wanting all that in the preceding copy follows the work of Euscbius against Hierocles. The first four leaves are inserted from another edition, and between the fourth and thirteenth page the leaves are wanting.
The Enneakrounos fountain-house
Authors: Owens E. J.
Published: May 2006

The question of the location of the Enneakrounos fountain-house is one of the most controversial problems in Athenian topography.* It is known that a spring, which had been called Kallirrhoe, was embellished and given the name Enneakrounos during the Peisistratid tyranny. The location of the fountain-house, however, is disputed. Some references place Enneakrounos in the vicinity of the Ilissos stream to the south-east of the city; other sources state or imply a location in the city centre.
The Arabic version of Galen's De elementis secundum Hippocratem
Authors: Wilkie J. S. , Lloyd G. E. R.
Published: May 2006

The following notes are the outcome of a study of Hunain's translation of Galen's treatise De Elementis Secundum Hippocratem. As we have remarked in connection with the translations of the De Sectis ad eos qui introducuntur, JHS xcviii (1978) 167, and of the Ars Parva, JHS ci (1981) 145, we have found Hunain's versions in general very accurate. The most important apparent divergences from the Greek texts of Helmreich and of Kühn are set out below, the most interesting being, perhaps, the reference to Diodorus as well as Leucippus in ch. 2, where Galen contrasts the theory he ascribes to the followers of Epicurus (that atoms are unbreakable because of their hardness) with that which he attributes to the followers of Leucippus (in the Arabic version to Diodorus and Leucippus), namely that the atoms are indivisible because of their smallness.
Notes on Greek tragedy, I
Authors: Stinton T. C. W.
Published: May 2006

Pelasgus goes off to summon his people, bidding the chorus pray for their desires to be fulfilled. They appeal to Zeus to ward off the lust of men, and in the antistrophe claim his support as the ancestor of Epaphus. M's γϵνέσθω in 527 must mean fiat, an impossible sense with no closer analogue than LXX γένοιτο γένοιτο. Schütz' γένϵι σῷ, adopted by most modern editors, gives good sense with little change, but removes the sense-pause at period-end (here marked by hiatus and the sequence ). Period-end without pause is sufficiently infrequent in Aeschylus (about 10%) to deter us from introducing it by emendation, and especially infrequent when marked by hiatus (about 6%). Moreover, πϵίθου or πιθοῦ is not a word used by mortals to gods in prayer (though Pindar so addresses his Muse, P. 1, 59).
A supplementary note on Meniskoi
Authors: Cook R. M.
Published: May 2006

The casts of Greek and Roman sculpture in the Museum of Classical Archaeology at Cambridge were treated and repaired recently by M. B. Laymann, now of Heidelberg. During his final visit, in 1975, he also restored a cast of the Peplos kore (Fig. I ), supplying the missing parts by analogy, colouring it according to published indications and adding a meniskos, which is conjectural in form, size and height. As for its height, the meniskos cannot have been much lower, to judge by what remains of the spike of other korai (Acropolis 670, 673, 682); and if it had been much higher, it would have given less protection against bird droppings and from experiment my impression is that the effect, particularly of the longer spike, is more disturbing. The size decided on was that just large enough to protect the head; though Aristophanes (Birds, 1114–7) may imply that it protected the whole of a statue, such an extension seems to me awkward visually and in practice would have made the contraption liable to damage in a high wind.
Hiketeia
Authors: Gould John
Published: May 2006

To Professor E. R. Dodds, through his edition of Euripides'Bacchaeand again inThe Greeks and the Irrational, we owe an awareness of new possibilities in our understanding of Greek literature and of the world that produced it. No small part of that awareness was due to Professor Dodds' masterly and tactful use of comparative ethnographic material to throw light on the relation between literature and social institutions in ancient Greece. It is in the hope that something of my own debt to him may be conveyed that this paper is offered here, equally in gratitude, admiration and affection.

The working out of the anger of Achilles in theIliadbegins with a great scene of divine supplication in which Thetis prevails upon Zeus to change the course of things before Troy in order to restore honour to Achilles; it ends with another, human act in which Priam supplicates Achilles to abandon his vengeful treatment of the dead body of Hector and restore it for a ransom. The first half of theOdysseyhinges about another supplication scene of crucial significance, Odysseus' supplication of Arete and Alkinoos on Scherie. Aeschylus and Euripides both wrote plays called simplySuppliants, and two cases of a breach of the rights of suppliants, the cases of the coup of Kylon and that of Pausanias, the one dating from the mid-sixth century, the other from around 470 B.C. or soon after, played a dominant role in the diplomatic propaganda of the Spartans and Athenians on the eve of the Peloponnesian War.
The Poet inspired?
Authors: Handley E. W.
Published: May 2006

There is in the Ashmolean Museum (1968.777) a Hellenistic plaster relief with a festive scene of a most intriguing character (plate 1a). Its mood, I should like to think, is not alien to some of the lighter emotions which play round a celebratory volume; and perhaps this note, beginning from a re-interpretation of one detail of that scene, may end by adding a little to its claims on the manifold interests of the volume's distinguished recipient—not least if we find that it has some connection, of whatever kind, with the world of Greek drama.

The relief is a cast, made in a mould taken from a metal cup. The class of artefacts to which it belongs has been illuminated by a discussion from Miss Gisela Richter; in 1964, while still in private hands, and not long after its acquisition by purchase in Egypt, this particular specimen achieved the distinction of publication in an extensive and very fine study by Mrs Dorothy Thompson; what I have to add here, it will be seen, is in the nature of a tentative excursus to that work.
Alexander's brothers?
Authors: Unz Ron K.
Published: May 2006

Our knowledge of the early life of Alexander the Great is based upon very slender literary evidence. Arrian devotes only a few sentences to the years prior to Alexander's campaigns. Plutarch's coverage of Alexander's youth is also very condensed, and both he and Arrian rely almost exclusively upon pro-Alexander sources such as Ptolemy and Aristoboulos. The books of Curtius which deal with the early years of Alexander have been lost, and Diodorus' coverage is as usual very scanty. Justin's epitome of Trogus is among our longest and most comprehensive accounts, but it is often rhetorically unreliable and careless with details. Yet apart from occasional flashbacks and allusions in these sources and a few fragments of other historians, this evidence—heavily biased, meager, and unreliable as it is—comprises all we know concerning the first twenty years of Alexander's life.
The Portland vase: new clues towards old solutions
Authors: Hind John
Published: May 2006

The number of interpretations of the scenes (or scene, if it is regarded as one continuous one) on the two sides of the Portland Vase had by the end of 1992 reached the impressive total of forty-six. All of these, while involving valuable observations about the figures, their poses and setting, fall a long way short of proof. Most are over-complicated, introducing implausible identifications of figures and scenes. This is true of the most recent attempts by Painter and Whitehouse in the Journal of Glass Studies, repeated in the volume on Roman glass jointly edited by one of the same writers, and of a note in JHS cxii (1992) by Harrison.
The introduction of athletic nudity: Thucydides, Plato, and the vases
Authors: McDonnell Myles
Published: May 2006

A swell of recent books on Greek athletics has resurrected, often no higher than a footnote, an old question: when did Greek athletes begin to exercise nude? Bronze Age archaeology and the Homeric poems make it fairly certain that athletic nudity was not practiced before the late eighth century. The evidence for its introduction is, however, contradictory. A complex, confused, and predominantly late tradition crediting the innovation variously to the Olympic victor Orsippos of Megara (or of Sparta), Akanthos of Sparta, or to an unnamed Athenian athlete, places it in the eighth or seventh centuries. But both Thucydides and Plato report that it was only shortly before their time that Greeks stopped wearing the zoma and began to compete nude.
Nomos in Attic rhetoric and oratory
Authors: Carey C.
Published: May 2006

Forensic oratory must of necessity deal with the subject of law, and rhetoric which aspires to be of use in the courts must offer the potential litigant or logographer guidance on the way to deal with questions of law. Accordingly, Aristotle devotes some space to this issue in the Rhetoric. Although the morality of Aristotle's advice has been debated, little attention has been paid to the more basic question of the soundness of his advice. The aim of this paper is to examine Aristotle's presentation of the rhetoric of law in the Rhetoric in comparison with actual practice in surviving forensic speeches. The fourth century Rhetorica ad Alexandrum, commonly ascribed to Anaximenes of Lampsakos, also offers advice on the manipulation of argument from law, and the general similarity of that advice to Aristotle's suggests either direct influence or a common source. Anaximenes' discussion of the use of law in forensic oratory is both more brief and less systematic, and will be given more cursory treatment.
The Portland vase revisited
Authors: Harrison S. J.
Published: May 2006

D. E. L. Haynes' 1964 booklet The Portland Vase and Bernard Ashmole's article of 1967 ushered in a spate of renewed speculations concerning the scenes depicted on the Portland Vase (FIG 1). Despite the considerable literature since then, I venture to propose a new interpretation of part of the vase. First of all, it should be said that I accept the view of Ashmole (and others) against Haynes (and others) that the vase depicts two separate scenes and not one continuous one. I also accept (with many others) Ashmole's interpretation of the first scene as the love or marriage of Peleus and Thetis; the two lovers are figures A and C, Thetis being marked out as a sea-goddess by the sea snake in her lap, with Eros (B) and Zeus or Poseidon (D) looking on.
Redistribution of land in Solon, fragment 34 West
Authors: Rosivach Vincent J.
Published: May 2006

οἱ δ᾿ ὲφ᾿ άρπαγῆισιν ἧλθον ὲλπίδ᾿ εἶχον ἀφνεήν, κάδόκ[ε]ον ἕκαστος αύτῶν ὅλβον εύρήσειν πολύν, καί με κωτίλλοντα λείως τραχὺν ὲκφανεῖν νόον. χαῦνα μὲν τότ᾿ ὲφράσαντο, νῦν δέ μοι χολούμενοι λοξὸν ὀφθαλμοῖς όρῶσιν πάντες ὥστε δήϊον. οὺ χρεών ἃ μὲν γὰρ εἶπα, σὺν θεοῖσιν ἤνυσα, ἄ‹λλ›α δ᾿ οὺ μάτην ἔερδον, οὺδέ μοι τυραννίδος άνδάνει βίηι τι[..].ε[ι]ν, οὺδὲ πιεί[ρ]ης χθονὸς πατρίδος κακοῖσιν ὲσθλοὺς ἰσομοιρίην ἔχειν
The Woman at the Window: Observations on the ‘Stele from the Harbour’ of Thasos
Authors: Graham A.J.
Published: May 2006

The stele from the harbour (‘la stèle du port’) of Thasos,SEGxlii.785, has been so named because it was dredged up from the small fishing harbour on 13 June, 1984. The inscription is of the greatest importance for Thasian epigraphy and dialect as well as for its contents, and has been amply published by H. Duchêne. While the stele of Thasian marble is preserved complete, the inscribed surface has suffered much from the effects of its immersion in the sea. The lower part is well preserved, and from line 42 to the end (49) there is no problem in reading the letters on the stone. Above that, it is a very different matter; some parts seem irretrievably lost, and much of the preserved lettering consists of faint traces only. My own examination of the stone confirmed that we can have complete confidence in Duchêne's facsimile. He and those who helped him have achieved wonders of skilful decipherment on this difficult text. Unless fancy new technology may one day offer better ways of recovering the letters on the stone, it seems unlikely that the readings published by Duchêne could be improved.
The Etymologies in Plato'sCratylus
Authors: Sedley David
Published: May 2006

Socrates is asked to arbitrate a dispute about the ‘correctness of names’ between Cratylus and Hermogenes. While Hermogenes regards the assignment of names as merely arbitrary, Cratylus holds that they belong to their nominata either naturally or not at all. He has annoyed Hermogenes by informing him that Hermogenes is not his real name. But he is too laconic to offer any explanation, thus leaving it to Socrates himself to work out the etymological principles which his theory implies.
The western approach to the Athenian akropolis
Authors: Shear Ione Mylonas
Published: May 2006

The structures along the west side of the Athenian Akropolis have long delighted visitors approaching the site and have challenged scholars for generations. By happy coincidence a variety of different studies has recently been published which emphasized different aspects of the approaches to the citadel and once again remind us of the many problems still remaining to be solved.

Ira S. Mark concentrated on the shrine of the Athena Nike. He dealt primarily with the Mycenaean bastion enclosed within the later ashlar masonry of the classical podium, the various early remains of the shrine, which lie roughly 1.30 m. below the floor level of the classical temple, and the historical background of the temple itself. He published a few of the many early drawings of the bastion made by Nikolaos Balanos and his associates and re-examined the early walls crowning the archaic bastion, which he divided into various stages. Although, in my opinion, his chronology needs adjustment, his division of the walls built along the edges of the basion into different phases helps us to understand in more detail the history of the site and is a welcome addition. One of these earlier walls, which had long been considered to be Mycenaean, was dated by Mark to a much later phase (Fig. 1, 15). He suggested that the wall was a post-Mycenaean addition built in this position to enclose the east side of the shrine. This wall lies parallel to the West Cyclopean Wall and had been thought to represent the eastern limit of the bastion. The fragmentary remains of this wall, which are no longer visible, were originally recorded by Panagiotis Kavvadias and Georg Kawerau and its existence has bedeviled all attempts to restore a Mycenaean gate in this area.
Molten wax, spilt wine and mutilated animals: sympathetic magic in near eastern and early Greek oath ceremonies
Authors: Faraone Christopher A.
Published: May 2006

The so-called ‘Cyrenean Foundation Decree’ describes and paraphrases what appears to be the oath of the seventh-century Theran colonists who founded the city of Cyrene in Libya. This oath contains a conditional self-imprecation, a common enough feature of many Greek oaths, but one which in this case involves wax effigies in what can best be described as a ritual employing ‘sympathetic magic’:
Phineus as monoposiast
Authors: Steinhart Matthias , Slater William J.
Published: May 2006

The name vase of the Phineus painter in Würzburg is the largest of all known Chalcidian cups. Dated c. 530, it is also one of the most important narrative works of art of the sixth century (PLATE V). Accordingly, it is scarcely surprising that the vase itself has been often described and interpreted. If we offer now a further analysis, it is rather to exemplify and elaborate the judgment of Erika Simon that ‘the vase has the same charm as the fragments of archaic lyric’. In fact, we believe that the vase provides us with a closer and more interesting parallel to archaic lyric than has been realized, and at the same time allows us to perceive that the artist was deliberately attempting to provide us not just with a mythical history, but more specifically with an exemplum, a story from which we are required to make a deduction by analogy, or with an ainos, a story where the point is not explicitly stated, both well known features of archaic narrative.
Crooked speech: the genesis of the Spartan rhetra
Authors: Ogden Daniel
Published: May 2006

This paper argues for a new interpretation of the rider to the Spartan rhetra. The rider's obscure terms should not be pressed for specific institutional correlates, for its language draws upon the imagery of the exposure of deformed children. The primitive nature of the thought behind the rider suggests that it may actually be an older document than the main text of the rhetra, and such a hypothesis helps to resolve some difficulties concerning the rhetra itself and early Spartan history.