bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
A
lves,
M
argarida
M
aria (1943–1983)
Authors: de Cássia Rodrigues Fabiana
Published: September 2017

Margarida Maria Alves was born in Alagoa Grande in the state of Paraiba, Brazil. From a rural area, she battled for workers' and women's rights. In 1973, she was elected the first woman president of Alagoa Grande trade union and served in this position for ten years. During this period, she took owners of sugar factories and big landholders to court over labor rights, fighting for such things as an eight‐hour workday and legal vacations. At that time, in the 1980s, a National Agrarian Reform Plan was created, and violence in the countryside increased. In this context, a masked gunman murdered Alves on August 12, 1983, in front of her house, in the presence of her husband and children. The assailant escaped, and the crime remains unpunished. Alves has been nationally recognized as a symbol in the struggle for agrarian reform and women's rights. A human rights foundation has been named for her, and her motto is well known: “Better to die fighting than starving.”
Amana InspirationistUtopians
Authors: Goff Richard
Published: September 2017

One of the more enduring Utopian communities is the Community of True Inspiration. Comparable to the Shakers and Hutterites in longevity, their teachings have existed for nearly 300 years, their communal society existed 85 years, and their legacy continues in the form of the Amana Church and Amana Society, Inc. (Amana Refrigeration). Akin to the Rappites, the Community of True Inspiration traces its origins to eighteenth‐century Pietism. In the 1840s, Christian Metz, a Pietist leader, motivated by divine prophecy, resolved to migrate to America. Metz, along with approximately 700 others, settled near Buffalo, New York, and called their new home Ebenezer.
A
merican
C
ivil
W
ar (1861–1864)
Authors: Lame Mark A.
Published: September 2017

The American Civil War has long been one of the most popular subjects in US history. Its frequent treatment as a military narrative, framed by political considerations and commentary, often obscures the social and economic tensions that underlie the political protests that erupted in what has often been described as the Second American Revolution.
American Civil War and Slavery
Authors: Burton Orvilk Vernon , Burton Beatrice
Published: September 2017

In many respects the American Civil War was the largest – and most successful – slave rebellion in the United States. Through African Americans' actions, the Civil War proved successful for the Union, leading to the ratification of the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution, which protects all citizens from enslavement. The number of fugitive slaves played a pivotal role in the Civil War's success. As early as Abraham Lincoln's election in 1860, many slaves thought the fact that the Republican had been elected president meant that slavery had come to an end. To celebrate Lincoln's inauguration, for example, 17 slaves in Petersburg, Virginia declared their freedom and left their owner's plantation. The number of runaway slaves increased dramatically with the onset of the Civil War.
Amo, Anton Wilhelm (1703–1759) and Afro‐Germans
Authors: Atkins Joshua Kwesi
Published: September 2017

Anton Wilhelm Amo (sometimes referred to by the anglicized name Anton William Amo), one of the first Africans to study and teach at European universities, was a philosopher from the West African region now known as Ghana. He lectured at the German universities of Halle, Wittenberg, and Jena. He published on a variety of issues, ranging from black people's rights in eighteenth‐century Europe, to medicine, epistemology, and psychology. His academic career, his stance for black people's rights, his affirmation of his African identity, as well as his decision to return home to find his family, are outstanding achievements at a time when many other West Africans – including his own brother, who was deported to Suriname – were stripped of their rights, denied their humanity, and enslaved in European colonies.
Anabaptist Movement
Authors: Marik Soma
Published: September 2017

The Reformation had several strands, including the “Radical Reformation,” which refers to all individuals and groups who rejected both the Roman Catholic tradition and the mainstream Protestant alternatives. Many radicals and their leaders, mostly literate ex‐clergy, rejected any connection with the state and any state church. They appealed to the same audience and used some of the same anti‐Roman or anti‐clerical arguments as did the preachers of the mainstream Reformation, but they had a more popular social base. Often called Anabaptists, or “rebaptizers” by their contemporary Catholic and Protestant enemies, they advocated adult rather than infant baptism and saw the church as a body of saints in which membership was voluntary, and the most severe form of discipline was banning or shunning. In their separation from the temporal domain, many Anabaptist groups refused to serve the state as magistrates or soldiers, and some even refused to pay war taxes.
Anarchism, Australia
Authors: James Bob
Published: September 2017

At least as early as the 1840s (“Australia” having only been settled by white Europeans in 1788), the term “anarchist” was used as a slander by conservatives against their political opponents; for example, by W. C. Wentworth against Henry Parkes and J. D. Lang for speaking in favor of Australian independence from Britain. This opportunistic blackening of reputations has continued to the present day. What has also continued is that Australian attempts to express the philosophy positively have reflected other countries' concerns or global rather than local issues.
Anarchism, Belgium
Authors: Buelinckx Erik
Published: September 2017

As in surrounding countries, the anarchist movement in Belgium had its beginnings around the mid‐nineteenth century. Belgium, created in 1830 by what started as partly a proletarian revolution which quickly turned into a bourgeois one directed by the superpowers of that time, adopted a rather liberal constitution, mainly regarding freedom of speech and publishing. Belgium was one of the first industrialized countries, and over the following decades it became attractive to fleeing revolutionaries from all over Europe. Until 1848, paternalistic bourgeois led the workers' organizations. In the 1850s there were the influences of Utopian socialists like Henri de Saint‐Simon (1760–1825), Charles Fourier (1772–1837), and Victor Considérant (1808–93), later followed by Pierre‐Joseph Proudhon's sojourn as a political refugee from 1858 to 1862, and the publishing of many of his works in Brussels. Of special interest, too, was the rationalist socialism of Hippolyte Colins (1783–1859).
Anarchism, Brazil
Authors: Cohn Jesse
Published: September 2017

The anarchist movement had a substantial presence in Brazil in the early twentieth century. Eclipsed by the ascension of the communist left and crushed by anti‐communist military regimes, it still survives, and its traces can be seen in some contemporary political and cultural movements.
Anarchism, Canada
Authors: Antliff Allan
Published: September 2017

The history of European‐influenced anarchism in Canada begins in the late nineteenth century as the process of colonial state‐building reached its apogee. Two US‐based French‐language anarchist‐communist journals,
La Torpille
and
Le Réveil des masses
(produced by exiled Paris Communards), circulated in Quebec during this period, but their readership remains elusive. Just before World War I, anarchist groups are documented in urban centers such as Montreal, Winnipeg, Calgary, and Toronto and in the newly established western province of British Columbia. The anarchist‐syndicalist Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) was mobilizing unskilled and racially oppressed workers (Chinese immigrants, for example) in the thousands. The IWW also circulated a bilingual French/English newspaper,
Travailleur/The Worker
, in Quebec and Ontario. Responding to government repression during World War I, a competing organization, the One Big Union (OBU), was formed in the spring of 1919 by former IWW activists and members of the Canadian Socialist Party. Co‐opting IWW organizational tactics, it rejected anti‐state syndicalism in favor of reformism. Within months of its founding, the OBU was organizing general strikes in Calgary, Winnipeg, and Edmonton, but the tenor of militancy quickly fell away. Weakened by defections to the OBU, the IWW's last large‐scale organizing drive swept the logging camps of British Columbia in 1924. Thereafter the union declined so precipitously that by the 1930s it was “little more than a debating society.”
Anarchism, Chile
Authors: Gambone Larry
Published: September 2017

The first Chilean anarchists were mutualists. Francisco Bilbao and Santiago Arcos visited Paris during the revolution of 1848 and were influenced by the mutualist anarchism of Pierre Proudhon and the Christian socialism of Felicité de Lamennais. Returning to Chile in 1850, they formed La Sociedad de la Igualidad (Equality Society) (SI) Within a year the group was suppressed by the authorities, but not before the La Serena branch enrolled 100 artisans in the first functioning mutual aid society. Other mutualist societies were formed in the late 1850s, but it was not until 1862, with the founding of La Union in Santiago, that mutualism became influential among artisans. La Union branches spread to more than a dozen cities, providing medical services as well as a workshop for the unemployed.
Anarchism and Culture, 1840–1939
Authors: Cohn Jesse
Published: September 2017

Anarchism has traditionally laid great emphasis on the construction of a “counterculture” – a sphere of imagery, symbolism, and sensory experience imbued with its own emancipatory values. In this respect, it does not differ essentially from other social movements with vastly different aims. More unique is the tendency of anarchist culture to blur distinctions between the
creation
and
reception
of culture as well as between the
ideal
and the
real
in representation.
Anarchism, Denmark
Authors: Hare J. Laurence
Published: September 2017

Since the 1970s Denmark has been a focal point for modern anarchists, not for its theoretical contributions, but for its possibilities for lifestyles and actions widely considered to be anarchist in nature. Organized anarchy, however, has been historically weak in Denmark in comparison to the rest of Western Europe. Despite Danish engagement with the First International and the emergence of a short‐lived syndicalist movement in 1906, a complementary anarchist organization failed to coalesce before the late twentieth century. Indeed, the reformist quality of the Danish Socialist movement led the country's most prominent anarchist, Jean‐Jacques Ipsen (1856–1936), to emigrate to Paris in 1889.
Anarchism, France
Authors: Daniel Evan Matthew , Heath Nick
Published: September 2017

From the 1840s to the 1920s an upturn in the number of anarchists in France had an important impact on the development of anarchist thought. In its most basic formulation, anarchism meant the absence of government, not the absence of organizational structures; however, different ideas about how society should be organized legally and economically engendered theoretical evolution and synthesis. Various anarchist tendencies evolved and emerged at this time, both internationally and from within France, such as collectivism, anarchosyndicalism, and anarchocommunism.
Anarchism, Germany
Authors: Cohn Jesse
Published: September 2017

The writings of German anarchists such as Max Stirner (a.k.a. Johann Kaspar Schmidt, 1806–56) and Gustav Landauer (1870–1919) have had a profound impact on anarchist movements from New York to Paris, Moscow, Tel Aviv, and Buenos Aires. Even as exiles or emigrants, anarchists from Germany left their mark on history, as in the United States, where they accounted for five of the eight sentenced to death for the Haymarket bombing of 1886, or in the East End of late Victorian London, where Rudolf Rocker (1873–1958) became a preeminent leader among the Jewish immigrant workers. Within Germany, anarchist ideas – if not a coherent anarchist movement – predate the foundation of the German nation‐state.
Anarchism, Hungary
Authors: Bozóki András
Published: September 2017

The anarchist tradition in Hungary survived for almost 40 years from the 1880s to 1919, represented by four different waves. The first involved an anarchist‐influenced radical socialist group led by Ármin Práger and András Szalay, from 1881 to 1884. These radicals were well acquainted with the principles, revolutionary rhetoric, and cultivation of the propaganda of the deed associated with Johann Most, a social democrat who became an anarchist. The banning of socialist organizations by Germany's “exceptional legislation” in 1878 had a direct influence on Hungarian radicals as a significant number of German socialists and anarchists settled in Austria and Hungary. By their intermediation, the radical revolutionary point of view could then recruit many adherents. The “radical‐socialist” group did not reject violent means of struggle against the system, but it was quickly crushed by the firm intervention of the government in 1884.
A
narchism,
I
ndia
Authors: Cohn Jesse
Published: September 2017

In the context of India and its anti‐colonial struggle, the meaning of the word “anarchist” has been highly variable and contested since the turn of the twentieth century. The British colonizers then called Indian radicals – particularly rebels in Bengal, who had begun to use explosives as a means of fighting – “anarchists.” Around the same time, on a 1909 visit to London, Mohandas K. Gandhi, deeply influenced by the radical pacifism espoused by Leo Tolstoy, debated anti‐colonial tactics with the residents of India House, among whom he encountered young radicals whose ideology he, too, described as “anarchist,” although he may have meant by this merely that they were advocates of armed struggle. While Gandhi's manifesto,
Hind Swaraj (Indian Home Rule)
, repudiated their “brute force” methods (Gandhi 1989: 104–5), seven years later he was to alarm his allies by announcing, at the opening of Benaras Hindu University, that “I myself am an anarchist, but of another type” (1989: 134). This assertion was to be strongly endorsed by self‐defined anarchists of other nations – not only anarcho‐pacifists such as Brazil's Maria Lacerda de Moura (1887–1945), who cited Gandhi as a positive example in her anarchist‐feminist attack on militarism, but also by exiled Bombay radical Mandayam Prativadi Bhayankara Tirumal Acharya (a.k.a. M. P. T. Acharya, 1888–1954).
Anarchism,
I
srael and
P
alestine
Authors: Gordon Uri
Published: September 2017

Anarchism has been a political undercurrent in Israel and Palestine for a century, appearing in three disconnected waves: the libertarian socialism of the early Kibbutz communes, the publishing and cultural activities of Yiddish‐speaking immigrants, and contemporary Israeli anarchism. In Palestinian society there are individual sympathizers but no organized anarchist movement, with Marxist parties such as the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) leading the secular left wing. Yet the first Intifada (1987–9) drew widespread support from anarchists as a grassroots uprising involving tax refusal, general strikes, urban confrontation, and the establishment of underground schools and mutual aid projects. Since 2000, Israeli and international anarchists have been leading solidarity campaigns in Palestine.
Anarchism,
I
taly
Authors: Sergi Vittorio
Published: September 2017

Anarchism in Italy has its origins in the second half of the nineteenth century in the context of the political radicalism of intellectuals and popular leaders who struggled for national liberation and a republican government, such as Giuseppe Garibaldi (1807–1882) and Carlo Pisacane (1818–1857). From 1864 on, the influence of Mikhail Bakunin was decisive in the creation of a radical and autonomous political doctrine. Together with initial industrialization in the urban centers of the center and north of the country, there was an important growth in workers' associations (
società operate
), often organized by profession, in which anarchism found supporters. In the south of the country, the majority of workers were landless peasants who, led by an enlightened elite, had engaged in several failed insurrections. This activity was soon channeled into continuous guerilla actions often mixing brigandage with social protest. In 1869, under the influence of Bakunin, Carlo Gambuzzi and Stefano Caporosso founded the first anarchist journal,
Eguaglianza
(Equality), in Naples, edited by Michelangelo Statuti. The first Italian anarchist organizations, such as the Federazione Operaia Napoletana (1874), emerged in the south. There, Bakunin found important supporters and natural leaders such as Carlo Cafiero (1846–1892) and Errico Malatesta (1853–1932). When anarchist tendencies spread to the north, from Rome to the eastern region of Marche and Romagna, Tuscany, and the industrial centers of Milan, Turin, and Genoa, they gained supporters among the working class, artisans, and the urban underclasses. Italian anarchist organizations and groups were part of the First International Workingmen's Association, and at the first meeting of the Italian section of the International, held in Rimini from August 4 to 6, 1872, Cafiero and Andrea Costa (1851–1910) supported the anarchist position against the Marxist currents that would soon drive the anarchists out of the International.
Anarchism,
J
apan
Authors: Raddeker Hélène Bowen
Published: September 2017

Western anarchism was known in Japan from the turn of the last centuary, but Japan also had its own libertarian traditions. Some early twentieth‐century anarchists pointed to the horizontal features of village communalism in Japan's Tokugawa era (1600–1867), while others claim Andō Shōeki, an eighteenth‐century doctor, as an anarchist forbear. For Andō, all traditional thought in Japan was mere ideology, an excuse to rob the people. Though he was himself a samurai, Andō saw the samurai ruling class as parasites living off the proverbial sweat of peasant labor and felt that all should engage in “direct cultivation,” coupled with what we might call mutual aid. He contested the antimony of high and low in traditional thinking that had informed “unnatural” and oppressive social relations, including hierarchical relationships between the sexes.
Anarchism, the
N
etherlands
Authors: Altena Bert
Published: September 2017

In 1885 anarchism gained a foothold in the Netherlands and by the late 1880s groups were active in Amsterdam, the Hague, and Rotterdam. From January 1888 they published
Anarchist
, which survived eight years without charging subscription fees.
Anarchism,
N
orway
Authors: Kuhn Gabriel
Published: September 2017

Three authors of the 1800s are widely regarded as predecessors of Norway's anarchist movement: Marcus Thrane (1817–90), who instigated the “Thrane movement” by founding the Drammens Arbeiderforening (Drammen Labor Union) in 1848 under the influence of Pierre Joseph Proudhon; famed playwright Henrik Ibsen (1828–1906), who proclaimed a “no‐state theory”; and Hans Jæger (1854–1910), most prominent representative of the Kristiania Bohème, a movement of the 1880s best known for propagating sexual liberty and gender equality.
Anarchism,
P
hilippines
Authors: Fernandez Erwin S.
Published: September 2017

Anarchism influenced Jose Rizal (1861–96), martyr of the Philippine Revolution, and his fellow Filipino anti‐colonialist, Isabelo de los Reyes (1864–1938). One of the international contexts that shaped Rizal's second novel,
El Filibusterismo
(1891), was the growth of anarchist activities in Spain and France, reflected in the novel as the doomed plot to set off a nitroglycerine lamp at a wedding reception with all of the colonial elite present.
Anarchism,
P
oland
Authors: Romanska Magda
Published: September 2017

From 1772 until 1918 Poland as such did not exist; the country was partitioned by Russia, Prussia, and Austria. The anarchism movement thus sprang from the emancipatory impulses of various nineteenth‐century underground groups that fought to reestablish the Polish state. The area occupied by Tsarist Russia experienced the bloodiest persecutions. The first anarchist group, consisting mostly of young Poles of Jewish descent, was organized in 1903 in Bialystok. In the following years, the group's activities spread to other cities: Warsaw, Lódz, Kielce, Siedlce, and others. The goal of these groups was to disrupt the civil order set by the occupants. They often engaged in acts of terror: robberies, assaults on the police, bombings, and so forth. At the same time, some anarchist groups began to be interested in anarchosyndicalism, which rejected terrorism and focused on organizing revolutionary trade unions and engaging in various propaganda activities.
Anarchism,
R
ussia
Authors: Heath Nick
Published: September 2017

Despite the fact that two of the most important theoreticians of anarchism, Mikhail Bakunin and Peter Kropotkin, were Russian, anarchism in that country never really developed as a movement until after the beginning of the twentieth century. Whilst Bakunin made strenuous efforts to recruit among Russian exiles, no credible organization modeled on his ideas emerged in the home country during his lifetime.
Anarchism and Sabotage
Authors: Franks Benjamin
Published: September 2017

Anarchists have tended to view the tactic of sabotage more favorably than orthodox Marxists. This category of political behavior is usually associated, as the sociologist Pierre Dubois (1979: 21) describes, with three types of industrial action: the deliberate destruction of the machinery of production; the disruption of the labor process; or the cessation of productive labor. It consequently takes many forms, from arson and vandalism, through to go‐slows and working without enthusiasm, to strikes and occupations. For the former radical syndicalist Elizabeth Gurley Flynn (1993), it is any action in which the worker deliberately attempts to reduce the economic efficiency of their labor.
Anarchism,
S
pain
Authors: Guirao Pedro García
Published: September 2017

It is commonly accepted that the history of Spanish anarchism started in the early nineteenth century with the economist and social reformer Ramón de la Sagra (1798–1871). In 1845, he launched the first anarchist periodical,
El Porvenir
, which introduced to Spain the ideas of Proudhon, Fourier, and Saint‐Simon. Between 1848 and 1849, de la Sagra and Proudhon founded the Banco Popular. Despite this, the Spanish anarchist movement did not properly get underway until after the International Workingmen's Association (IWA) meeting in London in 1864, when the supporters of Bakunin sent the Italian Giuseppe Fanelli to Spain. His mission was to establish the Spanish section of the First International (Sección Española de la Primera International), which occurred in 1869. The triumph of Bakunin's anarchosyndicalist theories was so great that when Pablo Lafargue arrived in Madrid in 1871 with the intention of founding a workers' political party, he was told by the Catalan statesman Francisco Pi y Margall that a Marxist political party would never succeed in Spain.
Anarchism in theUnitedStates to 1945
Authors: Creagh Ronald
Published: September 2017

Historians have adopted two approaches in their study of anarchism in the United States. Some narratives concentrate on individuals and grassroots movements with relatively well‐defined connections to a historical anarchist movement. Others seek traces of anarchism in a broader sense, in fields such as art or philosophy or in some independent group or personality. There is indeed no single “essence” of anarchism but a wealth of perspectives as well as unexpected rebirths.
Anarchism in theUnitedStates, 1946‐present
Authors: Kuhn Gabriel , Cohn Jesse
Published: September 2017

In the first decades after World War II, anarchism did not play a significant role in US politics. One notable organization emerging in the 1950s was the Libertarian League (dissolved in the late 1960s) around anarchosyndicalist Sam Dolgoff (aka Sam Weiner, 1902–90), but the immigrant communities that anarchists like Dolgoff came from were rapidly integrating, leaving African Americans as the largest pariah group – a community in which anarchists had almost no presence. The pacifism espoused by some anarchists during World War II, in contrast to communists' support for the war after the German invasion of the Soviet Union, further marginalized the movement, though endearing them to a segment of bohemia on both coasts. In this countercultural milieu, the writings of Paul Goodman (1911–72) proved influential.
Anarchocommunism
Authors: Cohn Jesse
Published: September 2017

Anarchocommunism, sometimes also called “anarchist communism” or “libertarian communism,” is the tendency within anarchism advocating the abolition both of the state and the system of wages and prices. Under “the communism of the free,” as Peter Kropotkin (1842–1921) called it, the communist distributive ethic – “from each according to ability, to each according to need” – would constitute the extension of individual freedom into the economic realm, permitting each to take and to give at will, in keeping with the dictates of his or her conscience (1892/1995: 36).
Anti‐Franco Worker Struggles, 1939–1975
Authors: Eaude Michael
Published: September 2017

General Franco came to power through the Spanish Civil War (1936–9) following a military coup on July 18, 1936. The immediate reaction of the working class in the main cities such as Barcelona and Madrid defeated the coup and, especially in Catalonia, full‐scale social revolution broke out.
Anti‐Napoleonic Wars of Liberation (1813–1815)
Authors: Lüke Martina G.
Published: September 2017

The Wars of Liberation ended the period of revolutionary and post‐revolutionary wars in Europe since 1792 and the French occupation in Germany, Italy, and Spain. They are part of the Napoleonic Wars and the War of the Sixth Coalition.
Anti‐Nuclear Campaign, Britain
Authors: Maddern Stacy Warner
Published: September 2017

Opposition to nuclear weapons emerged in Britain in 1955 following the government's announcement that it would manufacture a hydrogen bomb. In the midst of the Cold War, on July 9, 1955, Bertrand Russell issued the Russell‐Einstein Manifesto, which targeted the dangers posed by nuclear weapons and urged world leaders to find alternative peaceful methods to resolve international conflict. This manifesto became the basis for the Pugwash Conferences on Scientific and World Affairs, which brought together a group of scholars to seek solutions that might reduce armed conflict and global security threats. In 1957, the issue of nuclear disaster was further exposed when J. B. Priestley published an article in the
New Statesmen
entitled “Russia, the Atom and the West,” which suggested an imminent threat to Britain.
Anti‐Nuclear Protest Movements
Authors: Rubinson Paul
Published: September 2017

Residents of the planet Earth did not sit idly by as nations developed nuclear weapons capable of mass destruction during the twentieth century. Citizens of all nations demanded a damper on the nuclear arms race, resulting in arms control treaties that restricted the development, testing, and proliferation of nuclear weapons across the globe, extending even to Antarctica and outer space. And yet the true legacy of the anti‐nuclear movement remains unclear. Its champions credit the movement with branding nuclear weapons with a mark of abhorrence that prevented their use. The movement's leading historian, Lawrence Wittner (1993), has argued that anti‐nuclear activists shifted the geopolitical landscape away from nuclear confrontation and the Cold War. According to Wittner, it was the world anti‐nuclear movement that shook the foundations of the nation‐state system, as “opponents of the Bomb, by subjecting it to an onslaught of criticism, helped turn public sentiment against the weapon and thereby made it politically less acceptable as an instrument of war and diplomacy” (pp. ix‐x).
Anti‐Racist Action (ARA)
Authors: Staudenmaier Michael
Published: September 2017

Anti‐Racist Action (ARA) has been a militant form of anti‐fascist organizing in North America for two decades. ARA is best described primarily as an organizing model, and only secondarily as a formal organization. The Anti‐Racist Action Network functions as a loose coordinating framework. While emphasizing physical confrontation with fascists, ARA groups have also struggled against institutional forms of white supremacy, and against sexism and homophobia. Although it has been strongly influenced by anarchism, Anti‐Racist Action has remained largely non‐sectarian and open to activists of many ideological backgrounds.
Anti‐Slavery Movement, British, and the Founding of Sierra Leone
Authors: Ackerson Kenneth Wayne
Published: September 2017

Europeans had visited the West African coast since the 1400s, and the area that became Sierra Leone was explored first by the Portuguese in the 1460s. Contact and settlement attempts were sporadic until after 1600, however. Not surprisingly, the earliest semi‐permanent white settlements established in West Africa were slave‐trading outposts, but a British botanist, Doctor Henry Smeathman, was the first to suggest a permanent settlement to combat, rather than foster, the slave trade.
Anti‐Slavery Movement, United States, 1700–1870
Authors: Gamber Francesca
Published: September 2017

The use of enslaved African labor to wring profits from the plentiful natural resources of the New World began in what would become the United States in the seventeenth century, but the system ironically carried the seeds of its own demise. Opposition to slavery in the United States began as soon as the system itself did, and as plantation slavery expanded over the course of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, anti‐slavery sentiment only grew stronger and gained more adherents. Opponents of slavery offered a number of possible solutions that ranged from supporting gradual abolition of slavery that compensated slaveholders for the loss of their investment, to relocation of freed slaves to Africa, to the pursuit of immediate abolition without compensation through either violent or non‐violent means. Though formal abolition societies never claimed more than a small percentage of the population among their members, the sustained efforts of white abolitionists as well as free and enslaved African Americans kept anti‐slavery dissent within public view. Often fraught with internal disagreements over goals and tactics, the anti‐slavery movement in the United States succeeded in bringing about the abolition of slavery at the end of the Civil War and in pioneering techniques that would be used by generations of later activists.
Anti‐War Activism, Yugoslavia, 1990s
Authors: Kanzleiter Boris
Published: September 2017

The outbreak of war in the former Yugoslavia in 1991/92 was a first reminder that the collapse of socialism in Eastern Europe and the end of the Cold War would not lead to a period of prosperity and peace, as many had hoped, but to a world of increasing conflict and social destruction. During the military conflicts in Slovenia in 1991, Croatia 1991–5, Bosnia‐Herzegovina 1992–5, Kosovo 1996–9, Serbia 1999, and Macedonia 2001, an estimated 150,000 people were killed and millions were made homeless. The breakup of the multinational state, war atrocities, and images of “ethnic cleansing” were widely interpreted as signs of a new era of a “clash of civilizations” and “ethnic conflict.”
April Revolution, Nepal, 2006
Authors: Dhar Sushovan
Published: September 2017

On June 1, 2001, King Birendra of Nepal, his wife, and several members of the royal family were shot and killed by his son, Crown Prince Dipendra, who then committed suicide by shooting himself. Prince Gyanendra, the younger brother of King Birendra, was crowned king.
Aquino, Benigno, Jr. (1932–1983)
Authors: Navarro Atoy M.
Published: September 2017

Benigno Aquino, Jr. (1932–83), popularly known as Ninoy Aquino, was a Filipino patriot and politician, considered the most prominent oppositionist senator in the Philippines during the presidency of Ferdinand Marcos. He is recognized as one of the rallying symbols of the Philippine People Power Revolution and regarded as a national hero, with the anniversary of his death commemorated as a national holiday called Ninoy Aquino Day.
Arab Left and Socialist Movements, 1861–1930
Authors: Isaac Steven
Published: September 2017

One of the key problems pointed out by scholars in defining Arab socialism resides in the term “socialism” itself. The term has a multivalent history within Arabic more as a symbol than as a label with a clearly attached dogma. The Ottoman world paid little attention to the 1848 revolutions that brought contending visions of socialism to the center of European debates. Nonetheless, socialism, if not a full understanding of its claims and agendas, began to seep into the Middle East as refugees brought treatises and revolutionary pamphlets in their original European languages into Istanbul. In 1861, the neologismishtirakmay have appeared for the first time to describe socialism in an English‐Turkish lexicon. The term was apparently built from the rootsh‐r‐k, describing a form of common ownership of water, fire, housing, and other necessities before the Prophet Muhammad's time. This idea of communal property was effectively endorsed in the Constitution of Medina, the agreement under which Muhammad's refugees from Mecca merged their future with that of the “helpers” (ansar) who received them in Medina.
Aracaré (d. 1542)
Authors: Thimmel Stefan
Published: September 2017

Aracaré, a chief of a tribe of the indigenous Guaraní in the actual state of Paraguay, was the first and one of the most important leaders who resisted the Spanish conquistadors in the sixteenth century. In 1542 Aracaré and approximately 800 Guaraní people guided Alvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca in his expedition to find the mystic kingdom of Peru with all the promised gold and treasures. However, the famous cacique only pretended to lead the conquerors to the Promised Land, instead going upstream the Rio Paraguay. Contrary to other representatives of the Guaraní, he realized early that his people would have to suffer under the regime of the Spanish Corona. So during the expedition more and more Guaraní scouts disappeared and the Spanish lost themselves in the impermeable jungle. Aracaré utilized the situation to attack the troops of Cabeza de Vaca, and the desperate Spanish soldiers had to withdraw and abort the expedition. Shortly afterwards there was a second expedition, but the recruited Guaraní once again only presumed to guide the conquerors; in effect they were leading them to regions where the cacique Aracaré commanded his fellowships. They got lost and they were attacked by the chief's men. For Cabeza de Vaca, Aracaré became the main enemy. Finally Aracaré was caught by the Spanish troops and at the end of 1542 he was hanged. This led to the first real rebellion of indigenous people in the Paraguayan territories (1543), led by Tabaré, Aracaré's brother.
Arafat, Yasser (1929–2004), Fatah, and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO)
Authors: Davidson Lawrence
Published: September 2017

Yasser Arafat was born in Cairo (this is disputed; some sources say Gaza and others say Jerusalem) on August 24, 1929. He was the youngest of seven children of a well‐to‐do merchant family. His mother died when he was five years old and his father sent him to live in the house of his maternal uncle in Jerusalem. At the time, Palestine was controlled by the British under the League of Nations Mandate for Palestine. The 1930s saw growing Arab rebelliousness against British rule and Arafat's place of residence was raided by British troops. This incident constituted one of his earliest memories.
Arbenz, Jacobo Guzmán (1913–1971)
Authors: Zito Dima
Published: September 2017

Jacobo Guzmán Arbenz was president of Guatemala from 1951 to 1954. After implementing democratic and economic reforms, he was overthrown by a CIA‐organized coup d'état and replaced by a military dictatorship.
Arch, Joseph (1826–1919)
Authors: Maddern Stacy Warner
Published: September 2017

Joseph Arch is considered one of the key figures in the development of British trade unionism because of his efforts to help organize England's agricultural laborers. Born in 1826 in Barford, Warwickshire, Arch was the son of a farm laborer who later became a Primitive Methodist preacher. In the early 1870s, when farm laborers in the southern and central areas of England began protesting low wages and harsh working conditions, Arch came to their aid by creating the National Agricultural Labourers' Union (NALU).
Argentina, General Strike, 1975
Authors: Sartelli Eduardo
Published: September 2017

The general strike of June–July 1975 inscribes itself in the most intense period of class struggle in Argentina, a period which begins with Cordobazo (1969) and ends with the military coup of March 24, 1976. The strike belongs to the last revolutionary wave of the twentieth century, which begins with the Cuban Revolution and ends with the revolution in Nicaragua (1979). In Argentina, this particular event marked the highest point of revolutionary struggle led by the industrial working class, with the arrival of revolutionary tendencies to the industrial belt of greater Buenos Aires, which until then had been isolated from the processes taking place elsewhere in Argentina. The strike was led by organizations of the “new” left (Trotskyites, Guevaristas, Maoists) together with the Peronist left (Montoneros), thus displacing the hegemonic peronist union bureaucrats. The movement led to the demise of Celestino Rodrigo, the minister of economy in the government of President Isabel Perón, and his furious plan of economic adjustment called
rodrigazo
. It also led to the resignation (and fleeing the country) of José López Rega, minister of social welfare and main organizer of the paramilitary squads of the Triple A (Argentine Anti‐communist Alliance), which were responsible for dozens of political murders. The general strike of June–July 1975 marks the end, then, of the peronist experience.
Argentina,
Grito de Alcorta
Peasant Rebellion, 1912
Authors: Tarcus Horacio
Published: September 2017

In June 1912, in Alcorta in the province of Santa Fé, a group of farmers declared a rural strike that became known as the
Grito de Alcorta
and extended to other Argentinian provinces. The farmers were small family producers, many of them immigrants, who rented the land they worked under extremely onerous conditions, paying landowners, colonial companies, or large commercial corporations (such as Dreyfus and Bunge & Born) between 34 and 50 percent of their production. They were also responsible for threshing, packing, and leaving the produce at the train station.
Argentina, Human Rights Movement
Authors: Tarcus Horacio
Published: September 2017

Argentina's long history of human rights movements began in the early twentieth century with activists linked to leftist political movements. Socialist lawyers defended working‐class leaders who led protests and demonstrations, while anarchists and syndicalists demanded the release of anarchists Simón Radowitsky, Sacco and Vanzetti, and the “Bragado prisoners,” among others. The Pro‐Prisoners Committee in the 1920s and the 1930s, the Red Socorro and its successor, the Argentine League for the Rights of Man, were inspired by communists and the more ecumenical Permanent Assembly for Human Rights.
Argentina, Labor Unions and Protests of the Unemployed, 1990s
Authors: Kabat Marina
Published: September 2017

Organizations of the unemployed stepped into the limelight of Argentinian political life in the 1990s. Their mobilizations were a response to both the high unemployment rate and the economic recession that followed from the Tequila Effect: the economic crisis of the Southern Cone that resulted from the Mexican economic crisis of 1994. These organizations experienced a tremendous growth that allowed them to move from scattered and isolated actions associated with protest movements into the development of a national struggle with a broader spectrum of demands.
Argentina,
Piquetero
Movement
Authors: Pascucci Silvina
Published: September 2017

The existence of the
piquetero
movement marked a milestone in the political history of the post‐dictatorship Argentinian working class. The movement's name is derived from its members' affinity for direct action methods, especially picketing, blocking roads, and occupying buildings and factories during moments of intense struggle. The most common image of the
piquetero
is a person armed with sticks and stones, wearing a hood, and blocking the traffic with blazing fires.
Argentina, Socialist and Communist Workers' Movement
Authors: Sartelli Eduardo
Published: September 2017

The origins of socialism in Argentina go back to the second half of the nineteenth century and are linked to the action of typographers. The first workers' mutuality society, the Bonaerense Typographical Society, was organized in the 1850s. Soon, other similar organizations linked to corporate interests and ethnicity appeared. Most had an eclectic ideology, mixing Utopian socialism with republican liberalism. The best example of this convergence is the newspaper
El Artesano
, the first socialist publication in Argentina, which began to be published in 1863 by Bartolomé Victory y Suárez, a pioneer of the Argentine workers' movement and socialism. But it would be the typographers who made contacts with the International Workers' Association in 1870, and who were consequently chosen by the Marxist sector of the International to lead their expansion in Latin America. The presence of the International in Argentina was reinforced by a large number of exiles coming from the 1871 Paris Commune. Again the typographers played a prominent role by organizing the first union and carrying out the first strike in 1878. From then on the Argentine worker movement grew, accompanying the pace of the development of the working class after successive migration waves that caused it to grow in size and quality, considering the considerable union and political experience that many immigrants brought with them.
Argentina, University Reform, 1918
Authors: Rodríguez Rosana López
Published: September 2017

The University Reform of 1918 was a milestone in Argentina and Latin American student struggles, resulting in the installation of democratic principles that are still intrinsic to university systems today. These principles and reforms include: university autonomy, co‐governance of university councils, fair and open admission procedures, selection of university officials through public examination and democratic means rather than by nepotism and seniority, and substantive academic freedom to insure a plurality of ideas. The movement for reform also had a strong impact on wider social struggles, especially with regard to worker–student collaboration, which helped the reforms to take on a politically progressive slant.
Argentina, Worker Actions, October 17, 1945
Authors: Horowicz Alejandro
Published: September 2017

The battle fought and won on October 17, 1945 by workers through a massive mobilization in the Plaza de Mayo in Buenos Aires brings class struggle into the arena of parliamentary politics in Argentina. It was a decisive victory. Between 1930 and 1945, the period of military government known as the era of “patriotic fraud” made it impossible for workers and other citizens to vote. Prior to those years, most workers were foreigners and therefore did not vote. Through the October 17 mobilization, workers achieved a new status, acquiring full political citizenship under their own leadership and initiative.
Aristide, Jean‐Bertrand (b. 1953)
Authors: Saintine Thierry
Published: September 2017

Jean‐Bertrand Aristide was the leader of the Haitian Rebellion of 1980–90, which culminated in the deposition of the US‐imposed dictatorship of François and Jean‐Paul Duvalier. As a young Catholic priest in the 1980s, Aristide used his pulpit to rally the destitute peasantry for economic justice and democracy. He was instrumental in organizing the Haitian peasantry to engage in mass resistance against the military‐dominated government through advocacy of economic equality and democratic rights for all citizens of Haiti. Following the overthrow of the Duvalier regime, Aristide decisively won a popular election as the first democratic president of Haiti since independence in 1804.
Assembly of the Poor
Authors: Bennett Terri
Published: September 2017

The Assembly of the Poor (AOP) is a large network of grassroots activists from across Thailand, comprised predominantly of peasant farmers and urban slum dwellers, but joined by development non‐governmental organizations (NGOs) and academic allies. Founded in 1995, the group has united around various issues that disparately affect the nation's poor, including natural resource use, land and property rights, and safe working conditions. The AOP also pressures policymakers toward agricultural policy that supports small‐scale farmers and food sovereignty. Membership has fluctuated, but at times up to 200,000 activists have belonged to the Assembly. Among other successes, the AOP has been instrumental in bringing public attention to the plights of both the rural and urban poor, garnering support for structural changes in favor of the poor, and challenging a top‐down development paradigm that champions technocratic, state‐led projects devoid of local input.
Asturias Uprising, October 1934
Authors: Durgan Andrew
Published: September 2017

In October 1934 the coal miners of Asturias rose up against the Spanish government and for two weeks not only held off the army units sent to crush them, but created their own embryonic “socialist republic.” The Asturian uprising was part of a far wider domestic and international crisis that marked a decisive step towards Civil War (1936–9).
Atlantic Port Seaman Resistance, American Revolutionary Era
Authors: Marin Craig
Published: September 2017

In November 1747 the inhabitants of Boston were up in arms. What began as a group of 300 sailors swelled, according to one contemporary source, into a “mob” of several thousand residents of the port town. The protestors focused their anger on the press gangs sweeping the port for sailors to replace the 50 who had deserted from a British naval vessel, theLark, under the command of Commodore Christopher Knowles. Part of the mob gathered at the waterfront, where they successfully intercepted some of theLark'sofficers attempting to return to their vessel with forced recruits. To further interfere with the press gang, a contingent of the crowd seized what they mistakenly assumed was a naval barge and carried it through the streets of the town, eventually setting it ablaze on Boston Common. The Massachusetts governor attempted to intervene but was threatened by the crowd that had gathered around the Provincial Council Chamber. With some of his officers seized as hostages until the return of the pressed sailors and townsmen, the enraged Commodore Knowles threatened to bombard the town with his cannons. The protests and exchange of threats only ended when Knowles agreed to release the pressed men.