bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
State Constitutional Development through Amendment, 1930
Authors: Godshall W. Leon
Published: May 2006

State activity in the amendment of constitutions seems to fluctuate between off-seasons in odd years and periods of expansion in even years. In 1927, when this annual survey was inaugurated, seven states were included. In 1928, attention was directed toward eighteen states. The number was reduced to five in 1929, only to swell to a new height of twenty-one in 1930. As heretofore, the constitutional changes are reviewed by states rather than by subject-matter, and the effect of each amendment upon earlier constitutional provisions is indicated. A word is said concerning the amendment process in each state surveyed.

Massachusetts. Commencing in 1935, and continuing every tenth year thereafter, a census of the inhabitants of each city and town is to be taken and a special enumeration made of the legal voters therein for the purpose of determining the representative districts for the ten-year period beginning with the first Wednesday in the fourth January following the special enumeration. Districts established in 1926 continue in effect until the first Wednesday in January, 1939. Provision is made for the division of towns of twelve thousand population and over into representative districts; but no precincts in such towns may be divided. In taking the census, the enumeration of legal voters must specify the number residing in each precinct of the town. Towns of less than twelve thousand inhabitants may not be divided into representative districts. County commissioners are authorized to create representative districts and to apportion representatives among them. The total number of representatives (240), senators (40), and councilors remains unchanged (new Articles 21 and 22 in substitution for old Articles 21 and 22). It is necessary that constitutional amendments be approved by a majority of the Senate and by two-thirds of the House of Representatives in two successive legislatures, and by a majority of electors voting thereon at a popular election.
The Emancipation of Iraq from the Mandates System
Authors: Evans Luther Harris
Published: May 2006

The purpose of this article is to indicate how the competent authorities of the League of Nations came to accept the view that Iraq should be considered ready for the termination of the mandate, and how they worked out for the case of Iraq the detailed application of the general principles of mandate termination. The development of the general principles here applied for the first time is the subject of a separate study.

The Iraq Mandate. Iraq was placed within the provisions of Article 22 of the League Covenant by the Council “decision” of September 27, 1924. By that decision, the Council adopted the treaty of alliance between Great Britain and Iraq, of October 10, 1922, and certain subsidiary agreements, as defining the relations of the mandatory and the mandated territory, and as giving effect to Article 22 of the Covenant. The decision provided that the British government should assume responsibility, toward all members of the League accepting the arrangement, for the fulfillment by Iraq of the terms of the treaty of alliance. Steps would be taken for the negotiation of such special extradition agreements as should be necessary. An annual report to the satisfaction of the Council should be made as to the measures taken during the year to carry out the provisions of the treaty of alliance, and copies of all laws and regulations promulgated during the year should be attached thereto. The British government undertook not to agree to any modification of the treaty of alliance without the consent of the Council. Disputes with members of the League not settled by negotiation should be referred to the Permanent Court of International Justice.
First Session of the Seventy-seventh Congress, January 3, 1941, to January 2, 1942
Authors: Riddick Floyd M.
Published: May 2006

The first session of the Seventy-seventh Congress witnessed much activity in both houses, resulting, however, mainly in appropriation measures and defense legislation. Most of the bills carried through to enactment were calculated to meet the expectations of the President as set forth in his annual message of January 6, 1941. In that message, the President assured Congress that the “future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders…. The immediate need,” he said, “is a swift and driving increase in our armament production.” Before the session came to a close, joint resolutions declaring war on Japan, Germany, and Italy were passed. Thus it was perhaps the most epoch-making and influential legislative year, for the future affairs of our people, of any since the “founding fathers” assembled in New York City on March 4, 1789, to start legislating under the new national constitution.
The Progress of Administrative Reorganization in the Seventy-Fifth Congress
Authors: Harris Joseph P.
Published: May 2006

Congress adjourned on August 21 without enacting any part of the program for administrative reorganization and management of the federal government recommended by the President's Committee on Administrative Management, and endorsed by the President in a message to Congress on January 12. The program was sidetracked until late in the session by the court reform proposal. While no action was taken, all of the major recommendations of the Committee have been incorporated in bills which have been reported out for passage in both houses, and two bills were passed by the House. The other bills are on the calendar for consideration at the next session, and will not have to go through the original committee stage again. Presumably these measures will receive early attention when Congress meets, and it seems probable that a large part of the program will become law.
Italy's Fascist Bureaucracy
Authors: Cole Taylor
Published: May 2006

Neglected by foreign critics of the Fascist régime and taken for granted by the Italian people, the bureaucracy of Italy has been eclipsed by more spectacular institutions. This “core of modern government” has been concealed by a black-shirted periphery embossed with some corporative theories. From this center, some studies of more than the mere structural features of Fascist Italy might well begin. In any case, the “peculiar Anglo-Saxon pastime of making foreign personnel studies,” as an Italian civil servant recently observed, will admit of a consideration of certain of the functional elements of the Italian bureaucracy—the hierarchical and career aspects.
British Influence on the American Press, 1914–17
Authors: Peterson H. C.
Published: May 2006

The primary objective of a political propaganda campaign is to establish an attitude of mind, a climate of opinion. When such a campaign is successful, the point of view which it has created acts as a censor or interpreter of news. The anti-German attitude displayed by the American press between 1914 and 1917 was the result of such a campaign. It was not accidental, and it was not the result of guilt resting exclusively upon Germany.
Militant Democracy and Fundamental Rights, II
Authors: Loewenstein Karl
Published: May 2006

Some Illustrations of Militant Democracy. Before a more systematic account of anti-fascist legislation in Europe is undertaken, recent developments in several countries may be reviewed as illustrating what militant democracy can achieve against subversive extremism when the will to survive is coupled with appropriate measures for combatting fascist techniques.

1. Finland: From the start, the Finnish Republic was particularly exposed to radicalism both from left and right. The newly established state was wholly devoid of previous experience in self-government, shaken by violent nationalism, bordered by bolshevik Russia, yet within the orbit of German imperialism; no other country seemed more predestined to go fascist. Yet Finland staved off fascism as well as bolshevism. At first, the political situation was not unlike that of the Weimar Republic in the years of disintegration. The Communist party, declared illegal by the High Tribunal as early as 1925, reconstituted itself and, in 1929, obtained a large representation in the Riksdag, thereby blocking any constitutional reform. Under the decidedly extra-constitutional pressure of the nationalist and semi-fascist movement of the Lapuans, the Communists were so intimidated that nationalists, and progressives (bourgeois liberals), against the opposition of the social Democrats, were able to carry the constitutional reforms which not only strengthened the position of the government but also eventually barred subversive parties—meaning, at that time, the Communists—from national and communal representation.
The Veto Record of Franklin D. Roosevelt
Authors: Robinson George C.
Published: May 2006

In two administrations over a period of approximately eight years, President Franklin D. Roosevelt has established a record in his exercise of the veto power—not a record in quantity of measures disapproved, but a record in the wide range of subjects drawing his attention and his adverse action. President Cleveland, in his two non-consecutive administrations, retains the record for total number of measures disapproved, although President Roosevelt has run ahead of him in the use of the pocket veto. It should be noted, however, that most of the Cleveland vetoes were applied to individual pension or military relief bills. The practice of Congress in more recent administrations has been to combine pension and relief measures into one omnibus bill, to be consistently, although not always successfully, disapproved by successive presidents.
The Educational Function of Social Scientists
Authors: Leigh Robert D.
Published: May 2006

For the purposes of my discussion, I am defining “educational function' broadly. I take it to comprehend not merely instruction of the youth who regularly resort to academic lecture halls and libraries, but also the impact of such special knowledge as we accumulate upon the adult population generally, and especially upon the officials in government, industry, commerce, agriculture, and labor with responsibility for policy, decision, and operation of our major political and economic institutions.

The entire burden of my remarks is a plea that in the years ahead we move together as a family of related intellectual workers to define more precisely the profession of social scientist. Especially, I urge that we consider together the broadening of the domain of our profession so that, although it remains based in academic life, it will penetrate, as a recognizable, self-disciplined group of investigators and staff advisers, the major extra-academic institutions of our national life.
The Political Theories of Modern Religious Pacifism
Authors: Sibley Mulford Q.
Published: May 2006

Almost every age in human history has developed philosophies of ethical and political pacifism which endeavor to treat in their own peculiar way questions raised by the realities of power and violence in human politics. The modern age being no exception, this essay has for its purpose an examination of the conceptions held by two major schools of pacifism in the political thought of the twentieth century. Although their philosophies are closely akin, they are yet sufficiently dissimilar in context and approach to justify separate treatment. With roots deep in the historic soil of past philosophies of non-violence, the twentieth-century interpretations yet strike a note of their own and pose in sharp form some of the most troublesome problems of modern politics.

The first is Hindu pacifism. At its heart is Hindu religious philosophy, which holds to the conception of a world in which individuals are separated from the whole, or from God. Desire and lust after the things of the world constantly keep men from losing themselves in the Reality which this world tends to hide or make obscure. The universe is dualistic: the material is evil, the non-material, or spiritual, good.
Congress and the Control of Radio-broadcasting, I
Authors: Friedrich Carl J. , Sternberg Evelyn
Published: May 2006

I. THE PROBLEM

Ever since the first regularly scheduled public radio-broadcast in 1920, Congress has played a unique and central rôle in the control of radio-broadcasting. As an agency for legislation, it has created the regulatory mechanisms under which the radio industry functions, and it has written the laws which govern this important area of communications. Congress, in fact, has set the pattern within which the various groups and interests operate, subject, of course, to the working rules of the capitalist order. In doing so, Congressmen have been at the beck and call of millions of constituents interested in radio as listeners or broadcasters, as educators or clergymen, as big or little business men. In caring for all of these varying interests, Congress has concerned itself with a few broad problems: what is heard on the radio, who shall control what is heard, who is able to hear what goes over the air, and who profits from radio. But Senators and Representatives are not merely the puppets of various pressures; they have a distinct political interest in programming, profits, and control. They have in radio a potent molder of public opinion—a powerful instrument which can help them to victory or defeat in the next election—and they have used it and will continue to use it to serve their personal fortunes, their parties, and their platforms.
Don Luigi Sturzo—Christian Democrat
Authors: Moos Malcolm
Published: May 2006

The future government of Italy portends a challenge of enormous magnitude for the Catholic Church. Subject as it has been to periodic attacks for reactionism, the Church has been hard pressed to throw off the stigma of its association with Franco in Spain and its willingness to deal with Mussolini's Fascist régime. In the light of these accusations, coupled with rather widespread doubt whether church orthodoxy is compatible with political democracy, it seems altogether appropriate to examine the political theories of one of the leading exponents of liberal Catholicism—Don Luigi Sturzo.

A little over twenty years ago, foreign correspondents, eagerly seeking a label for the “mystery man of Italian politics,” referred to him as a clerical socialist. If the term “clerical socialism” is synonymous with Christian socialism, such a characterization might be a proper one for this Sicilian priest. Certainly Sturzo was a champion of the Christian socialist movement which urged the correction of economic injustices but decried the materialism of the Marxists. He approved of the Guild of St. Mathew's sympathy for the unionism and socialism of the nineties and the Roman Catholic Social Guild. The latter found its incentive in the papal encyclical Rerum Novarum and the “scholastic traditions in restraint of usury and economic injustice.” Both of these organizations were associated with Christian socialism. But, although Christian socialism and clerical socialism have occasionally been placed in the same category, the latter is too ambiguous a term to permit a precise classification.
Administration, a Foundation of Government
Authors: Beard Charles A.
Published: May 2006

The authors of the Constitution of the United States regarded it as a triumph for the human spirit in America that a new form of government could be established by the process of discussion, deliberation, and popular action, as distinguished from the age-long processes of violence. Looking backward from their time and forward into our own, we may say that they were justified in their celebration.

With reference to a far less momentous occurrence, this modest occasion, we may properly regard as a triumph for the same spirit a voluntary action of public officials and interested citizens looking to the resolute and continuous improvement of the public services. It is this action, the establishment of a Society for Public Administration, that we are ratifying and approving today. These officials and these citizens are no hirelings of a despotic power, taking orders from above. They are not seeking the aggrandizement of a class, bent on exploiting and holding down a subject people. They are not concerned primarily with emoluments, promotions, and honors as such. On the contrary, they are proposing to search their own hearts and minds, to study ways and means of making more efficient and economical the services rendered by government to the people. They do not wish to diminish either civil liberties or individual responsibilities in society. On the contrary, they cherish these eternal values and intend to discover and develop schemes and methods of administration deliberately adapted to the perpetuation of these precious elements in the American heritage.
The Theory of the State as a Sovereign Juristic Person
Authors: Cole Kenneth C.
Published: May 2006

The casual student of Western political history encounters sovereignty in a number of guises. In the stage of absolute monarchy, it was a personal endowment of princes; in the stage of democracy, it seems to be a collective endowment of the “nation” or the “people.” In the latter period, moreover, a definition of law as the command of a sovereign becomes increasingly popular.

These various contexts for sovereignty will already have suggested the protean possibilities of the general conception, but the student will have had little difficulty in sensing its generally anti-constitutional influence. Even popular sovereignty, which sounds the least dangerous, has had to be offset by opposing institutions in accounting for the relatively high constitutional morality of the democratic system.

While, therefore, it is not surprising to find sovereignty again (and in a still different guise) when we examine the leading conceptions of American public law, one well may marvel to find it accorded a key position among them. For, strange to say, the sovereignty of the state is widely accepted as the cornerstone of a legal edifice which the lawyers themselves appear to have laid.
Georgia's Proposed New Constitution
Authors: Saye Albert B.
Published: May 2006

Fully as interesting as the provisions of the proposed new constitution that will be submitted to the voters of Georgia at a special election on August 7, 1945, is the method by which the document was framed. The constitution of the state now in force, adopted in 1877 soon after the state was freed from carpet-bag rule, is a long and complicated document, filled with detailed limitations on the government, particularly in the field of finance. As a result of the inclusion of numerous provisions statutory in nature, the document has been amended three hundred and one times in a period of sixty-eight years. Recognizing the need for a new constitution, the Institute of Public Affairs of the University of Georgia drew up A Proposed Constitution for Georgia in 1931. This document proposed a thorough revision of the structure of the government, including such radical changes as the substitution of 30 districts for the existing 161 counties as the basis of representation in the General Assembly. The widespread publicity given the document served to stimulate interest in constitutional revision, and most of the press of the state, notably the Atlanta Journal, has in recent years actively supported the movement.

In March, 1943, the General Assembly passed a resolution, sponsored by Governor Ellis Arnall, providing for a commission of twenty-three members to revise the constitution. The commission was to be composed of the governor, the president of the senate, the speaker of the house of representatives, three members of the senate appointed by the president, five members of the house appointed by the speaker, a justice of the supreme court designated by the court, a judge of the court of appeals designated by the court, the attorney general, the state auditor, two judges of the superior courts, three practicing attorneys-at-law, and three laymen to be appointed by the governor. The resolution provided that the report of this commission should be submitted to the General Assembly either in the form of proposed amendments to the constitution or as a proposed new constitution, to be acted upon by the General Assembly and submitted to the people for ratification or rejection.
Neglected Aspects of Political Science
Authors: Beard Charles A.
Published: May 2006

Since our Association was founded more than forty years ago, many things have happened under the head of political science. Men and women as political animals have supplied scholars with new data sufficient in volume and variety to satisfy the most exacting minds in the profession. At our annual sessions, numerous learned papers have been read and discussed. At our universities, new courses of studies have flowered luxuriantly. From the workshops of the guild, books and articles have poured forth in a copious stream. Several of our members have achieved distinction, indeed renown, in the public services; while, as far as I can discover, none has been sent to prison under the presidential decree of 1947 against that type of lawful dissent stigmatized as subversive activity. As if in testimony to our good works, it should be added that the amount of money now laid out per annum for political science is many times the sum expended long ago when we were young.

It might seem, then, an act of temerity even to suggest that anything under the sun has been neglected or less than perfectly disposed of in our golden age, our best of promised lands. Undoubtedly it is temerarious for one like myself, with eyes full of beams, to raise questions about stray motes in the eyes of members who may be properly satisfied with their accomplishments. Yet, on the other hand, there is some authority in our tradition and methodology, no less than in the practice of free enterprise, for occasional surveys or audits designed to find out whether in fact our liabilities are fully covered by assets, fixed and liquid.
Some Notes on Party Membership in Congress, II
Authors: Berdahl Clarence A.
Published: May 2006

The progressive movement developed for the campaign of 1924 into La Follette's Progressive party operating as a third party, with many of the progressive Republicans giving it active support and thereby bolting the Republican nominee, President Coolidge; and immediately following the election, won easily by the Republican party, the Republican leaders began to suggest punishing the bolters by treating them, in respect to committee assignments, as members of a third party and no longer as Republicans, and thus depriving them of their seniority on committees, a privilege which had put many of them in good positions. Senator Watson (Indiana), who became chairman of the Republican Committee on Committees in the Senate, indicated that “Senator La Follette and all those who read themselves out of the party” would lose their present committee places in the new (69th) Congress and would be given places according to their new party strength; Senator Moses (New Hampshire), slated for president pro tem. of the Senate, said: “Senator La Follette has gone out of the Republican party and has gone voluntarily. He has headed the national ticket of a new party which he undoubtedly hopes to perpetuate.
II. Policy Formulation for National Security
Authors: Souers Sidney W.
Published: May 2006

The National Security Council, created by the National Security Act of 1947, is the instrument through which the President obtains the collective advice of the appropriate officials of the executive branch concerning the integration of domestic, foreign, and military policies relating to the national security. An outline of the genesis of this new governmental agency will indicate in part its present rôle.

Even before World War II, a few far-sighted men were seeking for a means of correlating our foreign policy with our military and economic capabilities. During the war, as military operations began to have an increasing political and economic effect, the pressure for such a correlation increased. It became apparent that the conduct of the war involved more than a purely military campaign to defeat the enemy's armed forces. Questions arose of war aims, of occupational policies, of relations with governments-in-exile and former enemy states, of the postwar international situation with its implications for our security, and of complicated international machinery.
Japan's Constitutions: 1890 and 1947
Authors: Quigley Harold S.
Published: May 2006

The Meiji constitution was in effect from November 29, 1890, until May 3, 1947, a period of fifty-six years and approximately five months. The present constitution, which may be known after the demise of Emperor Hirohito as the Showa constitution, was proclaimed in effect by Premier Yoshida Shigeru in the presence of Hirohito on May 3, 1947. The proclamation was read from a platform on the Palace plaza in Tokyo. The audience of five thousand people which stood in the rain before the platform was small in comparison with the huge crowd that surged around the imperial carriage on November 3, 1946, following the official ceremony of promulgation; but it was equally enthusiastic in its demonstration of loyalty. On both occasions, it was apparent that the embarrassed-looking, bespectacled little Emperor, and not the constitution, was the center of popular interest.
Britain Begins to Rebuild her Cities
Authors: Woodbury Coleman
Published: May 2006

During the past few months, many Americans have been preparing verbally to bury Great Britain and her Empire. They seem to consider this the prerogative, if not the duty, of relatives of one who has long fought off various economic and social ills and more recently has suffered a series of bad setbacks.

Without doubt, Britain's economic position is serious. A vigorous, diversified, international trade is essential to maintaining or increasing her prewar standard of living. Before the war, she paid for roughly sixty per cent of her imports by tangible exports of goods and materials of various kinds. The other forty per cent was taken care of by returns on her foreign investments and by shipping, financial, insurance, and other services. The war and its aftermath have cut down alarmingly her foreign exchange from these latter sources and, at the same time, have added to her overseas expenditures to meet financial charges on her war borrowings, to maintain troops, and to meet her share of occupation and rehabilitation costs in other countries.

In short, Britain can maintain the standard of living of most of her population only by increasing her exports substantially above prewar levels. As the sign-boards say: “To fill the shops, we must fill the ships.” And this must be done against the handicaps of war losses and damage, labor shortages, loss of many prewar markets, widespread fatigue, a limited diet, and last but not least, obsolete equipment in such basic industries as coal and textiles.
Public Administration in the Atomic Age
Authors: Bromage Arthur W.
Published: May 2006

On September 23,19…, in Roscommon county in the Southern Peninsula of Michigan, the county clerk called the local officials together at the court house. Of the county administrators, the sheriff, treasurer, prosecuting attorney, circuit court judge, register of deeds, health and welfare administrators, and highway engineer were present. Many of the township supervisors had managed somehow to reach the court house in spite of the streams of refugees pouring northward from the destroyed industrial cities of southern Michigan. Already the county was bursting with new and unforeseen problems of public administration. The traffic jam on U. S. highway 27 from Lansing northward was something beyond the memory of the oldest living inhabitant. Near Houghton Lake, this traffic was jammed by another stream which had followed U. S. 23 northward from Saginaw and Bay City, turning inland at Standish by way of state highways 76 and 55 to connect with U.S. 27. The flight of stampeding and determined refugees was flowing like a river through the county seat of Roscommon and ever northward toward Cheboygan and Mackinaw City at the tip of the Lower Peninsula of Michigan.

“This meeting was called,” said the clerk, “to discuss how we can handle this emergency. One of the state police officers who has been on reconnaissance with a deputy sheriff will tell us what we are up against in this area. For 36 hours our telephone and telegraphic communications with Washington and Lansing have been out. We are on our own and must make the best of a terrible emergency.”
Establishment Boards in the Federal Civil Service
Authors: Jouno Randolph J.
Published: May 2006

Legal Basis. On February 4, 1946, President Truman, by Executive Order 9691, further decentralized personnel administration to the departments and agencies. The order states: “In order to assure the maximum utilization, in the recruitment and placement of persons for the Federal service, of the field service resources of the departments and agencies, the Civil Service Commission, after consulting the departments and agencies concerned, may establish United States civil service boards of examiners in the field service, composed of officers and employees of the departments and agencies concerned.” Boards of examiners are not new. The Civil Service Act of 1883 directs the Commission, “where examinations are to take place,” to “designate and select a suitable number of persons, not less than three, in the official service of the United States, … after consulting the head of the department or office in which such persons serve, to be members of boards of examiners. …” The Commission “may at any time substitute any other person in said service … in the place of anyone so selected.” Civil Service Rule IV, promulgated by an earlier President in accordance with the basic act states: “The Commission shall designate from among persons in the Federal service … such boards of examiners as it shall deem necessary. Their members shall perform such duties as the Commission may direct, in connection with the execution of the Civil Service Act and these Rules, and in the performance thereof they shall be under the direct and sole control of the Commission. Such duties shall be considered part of the duties of the office in which they are serving, and time shall be allowed therefor during office hours.”
The British Civil Service in Transition
Authors: Gladden E. N.
Published: May 2006

It must be confessed that, outside the inner circles of the administration, people in Great Britain show little interest in their civil service. It is taken for granted by the majority and used as an Aunt Sally by a considerable minority to whom the merest suspicion of that much overworked epithet, “bureaucrat,” acts as a red rag to a bull. Much wider interest in the British civil service has, in fact, been shown in the United States, whence the most illuminating writings on the subject have almost invariably emanated. For this reason, the present writer believes that there must be many members of the American Political Science Association who will be interested in a brief survey of civil service development, with particular reference to the changes at present in hand. It might be as well to point out that this essay is written with all the prejudices of a writer in Britain, e.g., with regard to the importance of open competitive recruitment and a quite different approach to veteran preference; but this in itself may add something to the article's interest.
Food Front in Australia
Authors: Daniel Howard , Belle Minnie
Published: May 2006

Before the war, Australia was a great food-producing country—in fact, she had, per capita, the greatest food supply in the world—yet there was no one department in the Commonwealth government in which the task of administering that food supply was centralized. No constitutional or statutory basis existed for control by the Commonwealth of food production, processing, and distribution. Agriculture was a function of the individual states, all of whom maintained separate departments of agriculture. Since the export of certain basic agricultural products such as wool and wheat was essential to the economy of Australia, a loosely-knit system of marketing boards affiliated with the Commonwealth Department of Commerce had developed to supervise the sale of these commodities. However, several of these boards, such as the Dairy Produce Board and the Dried Fruits Export Control Board, which had derived their powers originally from special legislation, experienced difficulties because of constitutional restrictions. In 1936, the Privy Council declared invalid a series of marketing laws relating to dried fruits, dairy products, and wheat. Section 92 of the Constitution, which requires free trade among the states, was interpreted by the Council as constraining the Commonwealth as well as the states. Under the wartime emergency powers granted to the Commonwealth by the National Security Regulations of 1939–40, these agencies and many additional similar ones received legal basis.
The Revival of German Unions of Local Authorities After World War II
Authors: Wells Roger H.
Published: May 2006

A democratic and peace-loving Germany must have sound political, economic, social, and ethical foundations. On the political side, this means, among other things, the restoration of local self-government, destroyed by Nazi rule and now in process of being rebuilt. Fortunately, Germany has a long tradition of local self-government on which to build. The tradition reaches back to the Middle Ages, but was lost in the centralizing absolutism of modern times. With the reforms of Stein in 1808, a new chapter in the history of local self-government began which lasted on down through the Bismarckian Empire and the Weimar Republic.

One of the attributes of local self-government is freedom of association. In other words, local authorities may voluntarily unite in associations for the promotion of their mutual interests and the defense of their rights against encroachments by the state. For example, the United States has its state leagues of municipalities, federated into the American Municipal Association, France has its Union des Villes et Communes de France, and Britain has its Association of Municipal Corporations. The same was true of pre-Hitler Germany, with its various unions of cities (Städte), rural counties (Landkreise), rural communes or municipalities (Landgemeinden), and provinces.

The first German union of local authorities was the Hanover Städteverein founded in 1866 while Hanover was still an independent kingdom. Thirty years later (1896), the cities of all Prussia formed the Preussischer Städtetag. In that same year, the Bavarian cities were also organized. These various state unions were finally united (1905) into an all-German association known as the Deutscher Städtetag. In addition to the state unions, larger cities were direct members of the organization—usually cities with more than 25,000 inhabitants and constituting Stadtkreise (city-counties or county-boroughs, to use the English terminology). In 1931, 279 cities held direct membership in the Deutscher Städtetag.
The Utilization of Social Scientists in the Overseas Branch of the Office of War Information
Authors: Doob Leonard W.
Published: May 2006

Many social scientists employed by the government or in the armed services during the war found their research and scientific wisdom not eagerly accepted, wisely interpreted, or sensibly followed by policy-makers. Unlike some of the old-line departments, the war agencies had no established procedure for utilizing social science. Social scientists had a place on the ever-changing organization charts, sometimes merely because it was somewhat vaguely felt that all kinds of brains, even academic, were necessary to win a total war. Often they had to carve out for themselves the specific rôles they wished to play. They functioned, not in accordance with the charts, but within what Mansfield and Marx call informal organizations of their own making.

In many situations, there was a discrepancy between what social scientists thought they could do and what the policy-makers were prepared to let them do. Some sought deliberately to bridge the gap by promoting and marketing their disciplines and themselves. Like their colleagues in the natural sciences, they wished to be consulted when problems involving their own expertness were involved.

The informal techniques that social scientists employed in behalf of social science and themselves are worth recording because certainly similar ones must often be utilized whenever social scientist meets policy-maker. They should be mentioned to any social scientist about to enter government service, so that he can at least be aware of the problem and more easily survive the initial period of disillusionment and misery. They belong, it seems, within the purview of the student of public administration.
Political Influence and Agricultural Research
Authors: Hardin Charles M.
Published: May 2006

Public programs for agriculture challenge social scientists. How do public aids to agriculture affect the economic freedom of farmers? Can losses of economic freedom be balanced by gains in political self-determination through farmers sharing in the adoption and management of public programs for agriculture? Is governmental power conveyed to farm organizations whose leaders (however “broad-gauged” and public-spirited”) lack institutional responsibility to the public? Notwithstanding mutual interdependence of various aspects of the “farm problem,” is there a tendency toward splintering public policy among separate agencies in different commodity fields and among conservation, educational, regulatory, research, and credit agencies? Can the content of public policy be divorced for research from the process of policy formation and execution? Can federalism survive the vigorous development of regulatory programs administered from Washington? Contrarily, does federalism introduce factors which tend to defeat administrative responsibility in federal agencies? Is it possible for publicly-supported research freely to probe controversial issues raised by public policy?

Such questions are increased in pertinence by current circumstances. Major re-directions of farm programs seem in prospect. The Committee on Agriculture in the House of Representatives is holding the first comprehensive hearings on agricultural policy since 1937. Meanwhile, Congress has authorized an expanded research program for agriculture which in itself may embody a marked shift in policy.

Consider the implications for social science of the Hope-Flannagan Act (P.L. 733, 79th Congress). While including important traditional elements, the measure reflects the judgment that the country was thrown into ill-conceived regulatory programs in the 1930's and the assumption that redoubled research into the entire production and distribution process will discover ways to construct public policy which would be at once less arbitrary and more effective than New Deal measures. The challenge to the natural and social sciences concerned with argriculture is clear and profound.
Is the British Commonwealth Withering Away?
Authors: Wheare K. C.
Published: May 2006

At a great crisis in the history of the American Commonwealth, Abraham Lincoln in a speech delivered in June, 1858, used these words: “If we could first know where we are and whither we are tending, we could better judge what to do and how to do it.” The British Commonwealth has reached a crisis in its affairs, but the nature of the crisis escapes the diagnosis of most students and many are inclined, therefore, to echo the words which Lincoln used nearly a hundred years ago. It seems worth while, accordingly, to set down as simply as possible some of the changes that have occurred in the structure and composition of the Commonwealth in recent years, in the hope that, on this basis, some judgment may be hazarded about “where we are and whither we are tending.”

When the War ended in 1945 the British Commonwealth could still be described in the terms adopted almost twenty years before, at the Imperial Conference of 1926, as a group of “autonomous communities within the British Empire, equal in status, in no way subordinate one to another in any aspect of their domestic or external affairs, though united by a common allegiance to the Crown and freely associated as members of the British Commonwealth of Nations.”
The Implementation of the Italian Constitution
Authors: Adams John Clarke , Barile Paolo
Published: May 2006

The new Italian Constitution was written by the 556 deputies the Italian people elected to their first Constitutional Assembly on June 2, 1946. The Assembly approved the Constitution on December 22, 1947, by a vote of 453 favorable, 62 opposed, and 31 absent. After this approval the Constitution was promulgated by the Provisional President of Italy, Enrico de Nicola, and became effective ten days later, on January 1, 1948. Numerous evaluations of the Constitution are available, and it is not our purpose here to duplicate this work. We are concerned solely with discovering to what extent the Constitution was actually in effect during the four and one-half year period following its promulgation and with explaining, if possible, why there has been so much delay in implementing some of its basic provisions.

What we shall find is that some enabling legislation was passed by the Constitutional Assembly in the interim period between the effective date of the Constitution and the election of the first Parliament in April, 1948. Parliament has implemented a few more constitutional provisions, but vast and basic sections of the Constitution are still ineffective, owing to Parliament's inaction. To a lesser degree the administration and the courts are in a position to implement the Constitution.
Notes on the Theory of Political Opinion Formation
Authors: Leiserson Avery
Published: May 2006

The role of public opinion in the political process is more often justified than explained by political theorists. Insofar as contemporary theory offers an explanation, it replaces the primitive democratic notion of “The People as Legislator” with a neo-idealistic conception of public opinion as the “sense of the community” (A. D. Lindsay), an emergent product of the process of public discussion that enfolds the struggle of private group leaders, public administrators, and political representatives to influence the substance and direction of governmental policy.

However, this is not the meaning of the term as used either by the man in the street or by the social scientist. In both popular and scientific language “public opinion” has come to refer to a sort of secular idol, and is a “god-term” to which citizens, scientists, and office-holders alike pay allegiance, partly as an act of faith, partly as a matter of observation, partly as a condition of sanity. The public opinion idol has its high priests, claiming to be expert translators of the oracles of the personified deity. The idol aIso has its heretics, divided like all protestants into many denominations. The least heretical sect, perhaps, consists of those who postulate a conceptual fiction somewhat resembling the legal relation of “principal-and-agent,” except that they recognize that political representatives possess the power to act as trustees as well as agents of their amorphous principal.
The Government Sector of the American Economy
Authors: Staats Elmer B.
Published: May 2006

Americans differ in their views as to the proper role of the government in our economy. It is generally agreed, however, that government—state, local, and national—has become the most important single factor affecting the level of economic activity. The purpose here is not to discuss the arguments for or against a greater or lesser role to be played by government, but to outline the more significant ways in which this role manifests itself in our daily economic life.

The remarks which follow obviously cannot treat in detail the relationships between government and industry. They are intended rather to set forth in overall terms the importance of various governmental programs to the economy as reflected in governmental budgets at all levels. Examples and illustrations are drawn primarily from the federal budget, although the importance of governmental action upon the economy at the state and local level has been too frequently underestimated.

This paper discusses, first, the overall impact of the budget upon the economy; second, the effect of the changing emphasis in the budget upon national security programs in a peacetime period; and, third, the process through which more effective public understanding and control of governmental expenditure can be achieved.
Some Aspects of the Security Problem in the Middle East
Authors: Hoskins Halford L.
Published: May 2006

On April 4, 1949, the representatives of twelve European and American nations, assembled in Washington, D. C., affixed their signatures to an instrument called the North Atlantic Treaty. This was the crucial step in the formation of one of the most impressive alliances ever entered into by sovereign states. The pact bore testimony to the rise of a new menace in the world, a menace spearheaded by a specious form of communism and powered by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, whose postwar activities left to the free nations no practicable alternative other than to seek safety in a regional collective security pact.
The Politics of Collective Bargaining: The Postwar Record in Steel
Authors: Harbison Frederick H. , Spencer Robert C.
Published: May 2006

The postwar record of collective bargaining in the steel industry is both important and unique. It is important because steel is a traditional “patternsetter” for large segments of American industry. The key bargains which are negotiated in this industry establish the benchmarks for the negotiations among thousands of employers and their unions, and the relationships between “Big Steel” and the United Steelworkers of America have a profound influence on the whole industrial relations climate of America. Everyone is concerned with the outcome of steel's bargains—unions, employees, companies, the public, and particularly the government.

The record is unique by virtue of the extent of government involvement in collective bargaining matters in this industry. Since the end of the war, there have been three nation-wide steel strikes. The first, in 1946, lasted about three weeks; the second, in 1949, went on for over a month; and the third, in 1952, kept the industry at a standstill for fifty-five days. In all three cases the government was a principal party in the dispute.
Revisionist Opinion in Post-Treaty Japan
Authors: Mendel Douglas H.
Published: May 2006

Over two years have passed since the Japanese peace treaty came into effect and Japan once again embarked on a relatively independent course. In view of the unprecedented scope and method of the Allied Occupation, many divergent postaudits can be expected to emerge in the near future dealing with the relative success or failure of Occupation reforms and with post-treaty revisions made by the Japanese government. Such studies can be valuable for the understanding both of Japanese domestic politics and of American policy toward Japan.

It is the purpose of this paper to analyze some results of a two-pronged voter and leadership survey of post-treaty Japanese political opinion made by the author between the fall of 1952 and the late summer of 1953. Few scholars would be bold enough to draw final conclusions on the Occupation from a one-year study of Japanese opinion, but history's verdict on the subject will be determined largely by native opinion rather than by the theorizing of foreign observers. And, in the first year after the treaty, certain patterns of Japanese opinion crystallized sufficiently to permit us to make tentative conclusions about Japanese revisionist attitudes.