bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Welfare Reform and Labor Force Exit by Young, Low-Skilled Single Males
Authors: Groves Lincoln H.
Published: February 2016

While the labor market woes of low-skilled male workers in the United States over the past several decades have been well documented, the academic literature identifying causal factors leading to declines in labor force participation (LFP) by young, low-skilled males remains scant. To address this gap, I use the timing and characteristics of welfare-reform policies implemented during the 1990s and fixed-effects, instrumental variable regression modeling to show that policies seeking to increase LFP rates for low-skilled single mothers inadvertently led to labor force exit by young, low-skilled single males. Using data from the Current Population Survey and a bundle of work inducements enacted by states throughout the 1990s as exogenous variation in a quasi-experimental design, I find that the roughly 10 percentage point increase in LFP for low-skilled single mothers facilitated by welfare reform resulted in a statistically significant 2.8 percentage point decline in LFP for young, low-skilled single males. After conducting a series of robustness checks, I conclude that this result is driven entirely by white males, who responded to welfare-reform policies with a 3.7 percentage point decline in labor supply. Young black males, as well as other groups of potentially affected workers, appear to be uninfluenced by the labor supply response of less-educated single mothers to welfare reform. Impacts on young, single white males are large and economically significant, suggesting that nearly 150,000 males departed the formal labor market in response to directed welfare-reform policies.
Holistic Consumer Evaluation of Retail Corporate Brands and Impact on Consumer Loyalty Intentions
Authors: Dwivedi Abhishek , Merrilees Bill
Published: February 2016

We offer a holistic framework of consumer evaluation of retail corporate brands called perceived customer equity. Drawing upon the customer equity theory, we hypothesize that perceived customer equity is a higher-order consumer evaluation that is measured via brand equity, value equity and relationship equity. A major theoretical contribution of our study is that we offer a novel holistic (versus an atomistic) perspective to retail corporate brands. Additionally, consistent conceptualization as well as operationalization of perceived customer equity overcomes limitations in image-based measures that tend to rely on idiosyncratic approaches to capturing consumer perceptions. We offer a novel mindset to managing retail corporate brands. Our analysis, conducted using a consumer survey, supports our conceptualization of perceived customer equity as a second-order construct. Moreover, we observe that perceived customer equity significantly explains consumer loyalty intentions, and explains greater variance in the outcome relative to that achieved jointly by the three dimensions.
Campaign Cost and Electoral Accountability
Authors: Prato Carlo , Wolton Stephane
Published: February 2016

The increasing cost of political campaigns and its impact on the electoral process are issues of paramount importance in modern democracies. We propose a theory of electoral accountability in which candidates choose whether or not to commit to constituency service and whether or not to pay a campaign cost to advertise their platform. A higher campaign cost decreases voter welfare when partisan imbalance is low. However, when partisan imbalance is high, a higher campaign cost is associated with a higher expected level of constituency service. More costly campaigns can thus have a rebalancing effect that improves electoral accountability. We discuss the implications of our findings for campaign finance regulation and present empirical evidence consistent with our key predictions.
Modulation of selenium tissue distribution and selenoprotein expression in Atlantic salmon (Salmo salarL.) fed diets with graded levels of plant ingredients
Authors: Betancor Monica B. , Dam Thi M. C. , Walton James , Morken Thea , Campbell Patrick J. , Tocher Douglas R.
Published: February 2016

Increased substitution of marine ingredients by terrestrial plant products in aquafeeds has been proven to be suitable for Atlantic salmon farming. However, a reduction inn-3 long-chain PUFA is a consequence of this substitution. In contrast, relatively little attention has been paid to the effects of fishmeal and oil substitution on levels of micronutrients such as Se, considering fish are major sources of this mineral for human consumers. To evaluate the effects of dietary marine ingredient substitution on tissue Se distribution and the expression of Se metabolism and antioxidant enzyme genes, Atlantic salmons were fed three feeds based on commercial formulations with increasing levels of plant proteins (PP) and vegetable oil. Lipid content in flesh did not vary at any sampling point, but it was higher in the liver of 1 kg of fish fed higher PP. Fatty acid content reflected dietary input and was related to oxidation levels (thiobarbituric acid-reactive substances). Liver had the highest Se levels, followed by head kidney, whereas the lowest contents were found in brain and gill. The Se concentration of flesh decreased considerably with high levels of substitution, reducing the added value of fish consumption. Only the brain showed significant differences in glutathione peroxidase, transfer RNA selenocysteine 1-associated protein 1b and superoxide dismutase expression, whereas no significant regulation of Se-related genes was found in liver. Although Se levels in the diets satisfied the essential requirements of salmon, high PP levels led to a reduction in the supply of this essential micronutrient.
Did TARP Banks Get Competitive Advantages?
Authors: Berger Allen N. , Roman Raluca A.
Published: February 2016

We investigate whether the Troubled Assets Relief Program (TARP) gave recipients competitive advantages. Using a difference-in-difference (DID) approach, we find that: i) TARP recipients received competitive advantages and increased both their market shares and market power; ii) results may be driven primarily by the safety channel (TARP banks may be perceived as safer), which is partially offset by the cost-disadvantage channel (TARP funds may be relatively expensive); and iii) these competitive advantages are primarily or entirely due to TARP banks that repaid early. These results may help explain other findings in the literature, and yield important policy implications.
Amarasi
Authors: Edwards Owen
Published: February 2016

Amarasi (ISO 693–3 aaz), spoken in the south-western part of the island of Timor, is at one end of the complex Uab Meto language chain. Uab Meto (also called Dawan[ese], Timorese or Atoni) is a cluster of closely related Austronesian languages and dialects spoken in Timor.
The role of infant nutrition in the global epidemic of non-communicable disease
Authors: Singhal Atul
Published: February 2016

Non-communicable diseases (NCD) and atherosclerotic CVD in particular, are the most important health problems of the 21st century. Already in every world region except Africa, NCD account for greater mortality than communicable, maternal, perinatal and nutritional conditions combined. Although modifiable lifestyle factors in adults are the main determinants, substantial evidence now suggests that factors in early life also have a major role in the development of NCD; commonly referred to as the Developmental Origins of Health and Disease hypothesis. Factorsin utero, early postnatal life and throughout childhood, have been shown to affect NCD by influencing risk factors for CVD such as obesity, diabetes, hypertension and dyslipidaemia. Infant nutrition (e.g. breastfeeding rather than bottle feeding) and a slower pattern of infant weight gain have been shown to be particularly protective against later risk of obesity and CVD in both low- and high-income countries. The mechanisms involved are poorly understood, but include epigenetic changes; effects on endocrine systems regulating body weight, food intake and fat deposition; and changes in appetite regulation. As a consequence, strategies to optimise early life nutrition could make a major contribution to stemming the current global epidemic of NCD. This review will consider the role of early life factors in the development of NCD, focusing on the impact of infant nutrition/growth on obesity and CVD. The review will highlight the experimental (randomised) evidence where available, briefly summarise the underlying mechanisms involved and consider the implications for public health.
The Radical German Reformer Thomas Müntzer (c. 1489–1525): The Impact of Mystical and Apocalyptical Traditions on his Theological Thought
Authors: Honée E. M. V. M.
Published: February 2016

Thomas Müntzer’s name is inseparably interwoven with the early history of the German Reformation. This reformer was active during the third decade of the sixteenth century and this mainly in Thüringen, an area in the eastern part of the German Empire belonging to the electorate of Saxony. As such it was to come early under the influence of the Lutheran reform movement initiated in Wittenberg.
The Restricted Eschaton of the Dutch Roman Catholics in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries
Authors: Clemens Th.
Published: February 2016

What did the eschaton of the Dutch Roman Catholics in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries look like? That is the question I will attempt to answer in this article. Before doing so, I should like to note that it is essential to know the expectations, eschatological and otherwise, of a group to get to know its mentality. It is difficult, however, to gauge the nature of expectations and the way in which they operate and it is impossible to arrive at exact ‘measurements’. This article will therefore above all be concerned with the way in which expectations were nourished by doctrinal and devotional books. In addition, it will also refer to the literature about the history of the so-called Dutch Mission—the Roman Catholic Church in the Republic of the United Provinces—in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
In the Beginning was Chronology: An Early Eighteenth-Century Attempt to Model the Eschaton on the Creation
Authors: Roelevink Johanna
Published: February 2016

When T. S. Eliot contemplated the void and the darkness after the Creation, he assumed that there must have been a predetermined moment through which time was made:

for without the meaning there is no time, and that moment of time gave the meaning.

We are about to meet an early eighteenth-century scholar who tackled the very same problem, the relation between the lapse of’historical’ time and the ultimate meaning of history. But to him, like so many others, time just started with the movement of the stars, which mercifully also provided adequate means for measuring it. In the beginning was chronology. And in its inexorable progress the lapse of time would also in due course spell the end of the world. But when precisely? The answer of our particular scholar to this question sounds deceptively simple. The Bible teaches that God created the world in six days and rested on the seventh. Again, Holy Scripture reveals that to him one day is as a thousand years and a thousand years as one day. So here, by way of analogy, we have the outline of world history. Once having computed the date of the Creation, we can easily deduce that Our Lord Jesus Christ will return on 11 November 1740 to inaugurate his glorious reign.
St Bernard of Clairvaux and Jerusalem
Authors: Raedts Peter
Published: February 2016

Although Jesus wept while mourning the inevitable destruction of the city (Luke 19. 41), and St Paul taught the Christians of Galaria to look for it not on earth, but in heaven (cf. Gal. 4.25-6), the Christian imagination has always been haunted by the city of Jerusalem. As early as the second century Melito of Sardis travelled to Jerusalem to see for himself ‘the place where these things were preached and done’. And as soon as Christianity became a licensed religion under the protection of the Emperor, Christians from all parts of the Empire began to flock to Jerusalem to see for themselves the holy sites ubi steterunt pedes eius, where once his feet stood (Ps. 132. 7) Churches were built to mark all the places mentioned in the Gospels, monasteries were founded to receive the pilgrims, and stories began to circulate about the spectacular conversions which happened to pilgrims while visiting the Holy Places, such as that of St Mary of Egypt who turned from a nymphomaniac into a desert mother on the very doorstep of the church of the Holy Sepulchre. Quite soon earnest Church Fathers like St Jerome and St Gregory of Nyssa, both of them pilgrims to Jerusalem, had to issue dire warnings that true Christianity was a matter of the heart and not of geography, and that a trip to Palestine might perhaps be helpful but certainly not necessary in order to find Christ.
Women in the Crusader States: The Queens of Jerusalem (1100-1190)
Authors: Hamilton Bernard
Published: February 2016

The important part played by women in the history of the crusader states has been obscured by their exclusion from the battle-field. Since scarcely a year passed in the Frankish east which was free from some major military campaign it is natural that the interest of historians should have centred on the men responsible for the defence of the kingdom. Yet in any society at war considerable power has to be delegated to women while their menfolk are on active service, and the crusader states were no exception to this general rule. Moreover, because the survival rate among girl-children born to Frankish settlers was higher than that among boys, women often provided continuity to the society of Outremer, by inheriting their fathers’ fiefs and transmitting them to husbands many of whom came from the west.
Correspondence Fraternelle; The SPCK, The SPG, and the Churches of Switzerland in the War of the Spanish Succession
Authors: Duffy Eamon
Published: February 2016

Throughout the last quarter of the seventeenth century a spectre was haunting Europe, the spectre of Catholicism. The Savoyard invasion of the Vaudois, the accession of a catholic elector in the Palatinate, the ill-judged policies of James II in England, above all the revocation of the edict of Nantes in France, served to persuade protestants of the dangers besetting the reformation. The nine years war, therefore, could be looked on as a crusade, and William III as God’s instrument for the preservation of the Gospel, Ezechias Alterus, Europae totius tutelaris Pater, Hostium veritatis Flagellum. The peace which followed the treaty of Ryswick did not materially alter this view; refugees from France, Orange and Piedmont provided uncomfortable reminders that the Beast was not dead, but sleeping.
Constantine and the Church
Authors: Hall Stuart G.
Published: February 2016

Constantine was already on his way to sainthood when Eusebius of Caesarea delivered panegyrics in his honour in 335—6. His Laudes are in the tradition of pagan panegyric, in which the virtues of the emperors were praised, especially their piety to the gods and the divine favour to them. Such had earlier been given to Constantine himself, relating him to his persecuting predecessors. But now it is his services to the one God the Creator, who inspired him with justice and wisdom to rule the Empire, to root out idolatrous error, and to set up the symbol of the Cross for mankind’s salvation. In the Life of Constantine, which must be largely or wholly from Eusebius, the whole career is surveyed in a form which combines panegyric, biography, history, and proclamation. The Emperor was, it was claimed, deeply, skilfully, and consistently Christian. He had fulfilled apocalyptic prophecy by destroying the persecuting dragon that corrupted the world, represented chiefly by Licinius. Constantine had filled the Empire with churches and Christian governors; he had pacified barbarians and brought them to the knowledge of God and the rule of law. In death he lay between monuments of Apostles, sharing the prayers of the Church to whose bosom he had finally been received in baptism. Coins depicted his ascent to heaven on a quadriga (a pagan tradition which Eusebius saw with Christian eyes), and the sons of his body continued to exercise his single, quasi-divine government of the world.
The Church and the Nation: the Example of the Mendicants in Thirteenth-century Poland
Authors: Kłoczowski Jerzy
Published: February 2016

Let us briefly recall the point of departure for the history of the relations between the Church and the Polish nation in the ninth and tenth centuries, that is, at the time when a strong monarchy had been formed between the Vistula and the Oder rivers, within the borders approximating to those we see today. These centuries were decisive not only for Poland, but also for other central and east European countries—for Bohemia, Hungary, Kiev, Ruthenia, and also for Scandinavia. In all these countries the emergence of the state structure went together with the official adoption of Christianity by the rulers and the social élites. The authorities also saw to it that at least the minimum requirements of the new religion were introduced and observed throughout the population. Around AD 1000 the borders of European Christianity had expanded to a fairly impressive size, and therefore this is a moment of special significance in the history of the European community. Only relatively small areas of heathendom remained unaffected, particularly the region of the Baltic coast—and it was in this region where the last stage of European Christianization took place, namely, the baptism of Lithuania in 1386–7, whose six-hundredth anniversary we celebrated recendy.
The Merging of Religious Elements with National Consciousness in the Historical Works of Jan Długosz
Authors: Borkowska Urszula
Published: February 2016

The fifteenth century was a very important period in the history of the Polish State and nation. It had a particular significance for the development of national consciousness. The union of the Polish kingdom with the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (1385) changed not only the boundaries of this new and unified state called the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, but also created new and specific conditions for the development of the nation. The different nationalities of the jagiellonian state, Poles, Ruthenians, Lithuanians, Germans, Jews, and Armenians played an important role in the lively exchange of cultural experience on the basis of a sometimes uneasy partnership. Poland guaranteed privileges to the lords, both spiritual and temporal, to the gentry, and to the patricians, estates that had emerged in the course of the fourteenth century. These were united by common sentiment and desire for a strong political foundation. The urban and rural populations of both Polish and non-Polish speakers were bound together by loyalty to the Crown and its territory. Like other groups in late-medieval Europe they saw such a political union as advantageous.
The Polonization of Christianity in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries
Authors: Tazbir Janusz
Published: February 2016

The process of adapting universal religions to local cultures, conditions, and milieux is as old as the religions themselves. As far as Christinity is concerned, it was also subject to the continuous blending of general doctrinal principles with the national form of their expression, especially with age-old traditions in folklore. Consequently, Frankish or Germanic Christianity differed considerably from the Slavic version, while the latter again differed from that prevailing in the Eastern Roman Empire. Although in missionary areas the Church sometimes approved of investing the cult with specific features, taking into account the nationality and mentality of its congregations, in Europe itself conflicts between local church authorities on the one hand and Rome on the other often broke out over these matters. They found expression and were finally ossified in successive divisions of Christianity; beginning with the Great Schism of 1054, through the attempt to organize a national church in Bohemia (the Hussite Movement), to the permanent split brought about by the Reformation.
The Problem of the Nation in the Preaching of Archbishop Jan Paweł Woronicz,1757–1829
Authors: Brzozowski Mieczysław
Published: February 2016

Jan Paweł Woronicz—Polish archbishop, preacher, and poet, who lived in the second half of the eighteenth century and in the first third of the nineteenth century—presented in his writings a very characteristic and conceptually uniform vision of the nation. Generally speaking, one can say that this vision was based on the principles of divine finality and providence. It perceived individual nations as realities planned and created by God, aimed at precisely determined goals and provided with continual divine providence. These views are not the fruits of the Enlightenment, but can be traced back to biblical sources and to the writings of St Augustine and Jacques Bénigne Bosuet (1627–1704). However, in Poland these ideas are deeply rooted in the concepts already expressed by Jan Długosz (1415–80), Stanisław Orzechowski (1513–66), Stanisław Sarnicki (1532–97), Piotr Skarga (1536–1612), Wespazjan Kochowski (1633–1700), and Szymon Starowolski (1588–1656).
Polish Revolutionaries of the Nineteenth Century and the Catholic Church
Authors: Kieniewicz Stefan
Published: February 2016

The subject of my paper lies in a field of studies seldom pursued in Church historiography. Catholic historians in Poland are concerned principally with the study of the Church itself: its spiritual life, organization, political role, and contribution to national life. Much less attention is given to adversaries of the Church; so that, generally speaking, the study of non-Catholic (and non-Christian) trends or sectors in society is currently left to Marxist or liberal scholars. This is a pity.
The Relationship Between Established Protestant Church and Free Church: Hermann Gundert and Britain
Authors: Brecht Martin
Published: February 2016

The present-day exchange of British and German research into church history can hardly be described as flourishing. Very seldom are historical topics from the other country ever investigated. This even applies to those areas where the paths of German and British church history have met. One notable exception is Professor Reginald Ward, who has not only striven to establish contacts with German church historians, but has also himself published a number of works on German church history. It is therefore only fitting to express appreciation of such amicable relations through the years by a study of German-British history. The scope for such a study embraces the fields of Pietism, Methodism, and the revival movement.
Anglican Evangelicalism in the West of England, 1858–1900
Authors: Kent John
Published: February 2016

The Church of England Clerical and Lay Association (Western District) for the maintenance of Evangelical Principles was started in 1858 as part of a ‘more comprehensive plan for a general organized association’ of Anglican Evangelicals. The case for such an association was graphically made by an anonymous clerical pamphleteer:

Now that the Church of England seems called upon to choose, whether she will give her allegiance to Christ, or to Anti-Christ either as Roman or Neologian or a compromise of both—now that hundreds have actually passed away to Rome, and also that so considerable a number of the younger Clergy are more or less under the seductive influence of her errors so as to render it difficult to meet with like-minded men as fellow-helpers,—now that the State, hitherto bound up with the Church, apparently either contemplates casting her adrift or reducing her to a conation of political servitude,—under these, our present exigencies, the desire for union becomes more intense and irresistible. We want to know each other’s thoughts and feelings. We are in great need of mutual information and counsel. We thirst for sympathy and encouragement. We want to act together as one man.
The Emergence of the Nonconformist Social Gospel in England
Authors: Thompson David M.
Published: February 2016

Anyone who sets out to examine the theology behind Nonconformist social thought and action in the late nineteenth century has to answer two questions: Did such a theology exist? and Was it important? The second question is more fundamental. Twenty years ago John Kent argued that the realities of politics put an increasing strain on the late Victorian claim to a Christian conscience in public affairs, and that in any case Nonconformists did not enjoy a monopoly of moral concern in politics. Like other Liberals, they ‘found themselves trying to reconcile the older Cobden-type ideals of liberty, peace, arbitration and anti-militarism with a new belief in the positive values of an allegedly Christian British Empire’. The result was that ‘the struggle for political power coarsened their moral sensibility’. In such an analysis the emphasis falls on action rather than thought, and in domestic affairs particularly on the political campaigns for social purity, temperance, or against gambling, where they are easily dismissed as the result of evangelical pietism, class moralism, or social reaction. David Bebbington deliberately eschewed theology in his study of the Nonconformist Conscience. ‘Because the focus is on political issues that concerned Nonconformistsen masse’, he wrote, ‘the theological views of their leaders, and even their versions of the social gospel, do not loom large.’ In his thesis he also commented that ‘theology was largely unfashionable, even in sermons’, citing Charles Berry, a leading Congregationalist, as an example. Nevertheless, he did not deny that there was a theology.
La Notion De Dignité Humaine Selon Erasme De Rotterdam
Authors: Margolin Jean-Claude
Published: February 2016

Le platonisme florentin, et surtout le fameux discours de Pic de la Mirandole de dignitate hominis sont souvent considérés comme les manifestations primordiales de l’humanisme européen, pour peu que Ton accorde à ce dernier concept si controversé de par sa polysémie elle-même, le sens d’une philosophic ou, à tout le moins, d’une attitude mentale exaltant la grandeur ou la liberte de l’homme. La dignité de l’homme serait moins une valeur ajoutée a l’homme que l’expression même de son essence, ou sa définition spécifique: homo loquens, homo rationalis, zôon politicon, la notion de dignité subsumerait toutes les autres caractéristiques de l’homme, tant il est vrai que le don de la parole — qui distingue l’homme des animaux, capables seulement d’exprimer des sons (sonitus, mais non point voces ou verba) — la puissance de la raison — qui le distingue également des bêtes brutes, mues par l’instinct — ou encore la volonté de former avec ses semblables une communauté civile — si différente des rassemblements de hordes ou de troupeaux de bêtes — constituent des aspects ou des modalités de la dignitas.
Protestant Veneration of Mary: Luther’s Interpretation of the Magnificat
Authors: Müller Gerhard
Published: February 2016

According to Protestant understanding, veneration of Mary is only permissible when it is based on Scripture. When such scriptural proof is given, it should neither be used polemically against other churches nor be dismissed on account of unbiblical influences and pressures: the Bible is, and remains, the one foundation for all Evangelical Christians. In the New Testament, Mary is mentioned in particular in the birth stories of Jesus, recorded in the Gospels of Matthew and Luke. Beyond this, she appears only incidentally in the accounts of Jesus’ ministry. Here a certain detachment from the activities of Jesus can be discerned. None the less, in the Gospel of John, Mary is seen as standing under the Cross. This, in turn, helps to explain how the veneration of Mary originally arose. At the same time, however, veneration of Mary remains a part of the veneration of Jesus, as die Lord of the Anointed God.
Religious Verse in French Neo-Latin Poetry until the Death of Francis I And Marguerite of Navarre
Authors: McFarlane I. D.
Published: February 2016

Religious poetry inevitably echoes the traditions and trends that are evident in the period. At first there are authors who followed paths that persisted well after the beginning of the sixteenth century, but pre-Reformation and Reformation attitudes were bound to mirror themselves among the writers, both in the vernacular and neo-Latin poetry. The ideas of the Reformation affect the neo-Latin poets especially during the 1530s, but they form, as it were, a bulge in the main current, modifying form and themes, but by the end of the period, conservative attitudes have re-established themselves. Neo-Latin may have benefited from the circumstances: Latin has some resonance beyond the frontiers as well as at home, and Protestant thinkers were not as hostile to the classics as may be assumed. There was perhaps a tendency—I will not say more—for censorship to be more lenient to a language that was not accessible to the menu peuple; and humanism, often associated with the new religious ideas, was open at an early stage to neo-classical and classical fashions. It is well known that the ‘lyric’ Horace, not popular at the closing of the Middle Ages, came first through the neo-Latin poets rather than through the Pléiade and its precursors. Horace was not unfamiliar to authors, even in the 1510s, though it was during the 1530s that his lyric poetry was familiar to poets, many of whom came to see what his metres could do for the psalm paraphrasts. In the 1520s or early 1530s, when the Sorbonne’s influence was mitigated, if not entirely reduced, this coincided with the growing interest in Erasmus and the themes he popularized. Regional centres acquired more vigour than Paris; in any case, pedagogic movement fostered the exchange of ideas. This does not mean a general trend towards Reformation in all neo-Latin circles; it is too simple to divide persons and attitudes by locations: many places had conservative attitudes and advanced views. Some Protestants fled to Geneva and beyond; here and there, authors did not publish all they had written in their lifetime; some were floaters whose thinking was affected by the passage of time or circumstance; for a few, discretion was the better part of valour, and one cannot trust literally what was said at any particular moment. And documents and printings suffered from the ravages of time and fortune.
Church Ordinances and Regulations of the Dutch Synods ‘Under the Cross’ (1563-1566) Compared With the French (1559-1563)
Authors: Knetsch F. R. J.
Published: February 2016

In 1559 Philip II left the Netherlands for Spain, where, from then on, he was to rule his empire. The government of the Provinces united by his father, Charles V, was left to his bastard sister Margaret, Duchess of Parma. Although she faithfully followed the Habsburg line, which in religion meant opposing Protestantism, her reign was characterized by a certain lack of firmness, enabling opposing factions to assert themselves. Shortly before Philip’s departure, Henry II, his French rival, had died in a tournament. His children and widow were as unable to quell the religious unrest in France as Margaret was in the Netherlands. In this situation, Calvinism grew irresistibly: from around 1555, it had already increased greatly in strength under Henry II, and in 1559 it had managed to hold a synod in Paris. That synod, as well as drawing up a Confession of Faith, produced its Discipline or Church Ordinance; and the best way of tracing the growth of Calvinism is to examine how rapidly the synods met, and to see how the Church Ordinances were adjusted to meet particular circumstances. That this development in the French Reformed Church had repercussions in the adjoining Netherlands, where the same language was spoken, at least in part, needs scarcely to be emphasized. Besides, during the reign of Elizabeth I, Calvinist refugee congregations were established in England, and these, in turn, could be used as bases for serving the Netherlands.
Gregory the Great on Kings: Rulers and Preachers in the Commentary on I Kings
Authors: Markus R. A.
Published: February 2016

Since King Alfred, and before, Gregory’s Pastoral Rule has been understood to apply to rulers as well as to bishops. A rich repertory of moral and spiritual qualities, as well as of duties and responsibilities, was thus made available for sketching an ideal that kings no less than bishops could be measured against. The question of whether this ambiguity in its reference had been intended by its author, or foisted upon it by subsequent generations who were less able to distinguish between the various offices, whose occupants might be referred to as rectores, has never been satisfactorily resolved. There is an important piece of evidence which might be expected to help to clarify this puzzle, Gregory’s Commentary on I Kings. It has not, however, been widely utilized, as the authenticity of the work has, until recent years, been in doubt.
Philip Augustus and John: Two Sons in Innocent III’s Vineyard?
Authors: Bolton Brenda M.
Published: February 2016

My debt to Michael Wilks is great indeed. A valued family friendship for over twenty years has survived interminable power-struggles played out on the Monopoly board, his two sons taking the lead. One other event involving his two sons forms part of Bolton family folklore when, following a barbecue in St Albans, a hedge suddenly went up in flames. Michael Wilks was soon to the fore in quelling the conflagration. Our friendship still survived! I have always been grateful for his wise advice and constant support in academic matters as in other ways. Since April 1985, we have shared a Special Subject on ‘The Pontificate of Innocent III’, each respecting the other’s opinions where they differed. This divergence was always grasped by our students, who have teasingly played us off against each other to the great enjoyment of all. My contribution to his Festschrift contains much that he will recognize. Here were two other sons, whose fire needed to be doused if the hedge of the Lord’s Vineyard was not to be destroyed. But more time for action was needed in Rome at the turn of the twelfth century than in St Albans in 1975!
The Jews, The Law, and The Church: The Concept of Jewish Serfdom in Thirteenth-Century England
Authors: Watt J. A.
Published: February 2016

The concept of Jewish serfdom has always figured prominently in interpretations of the medieval Jewish European past. It has seemed at once to hold the key to the understanding of Jewish status at both civil and ecclesiastical law and to mark in an especially dramatic way the degraded position (to some historians, a legal condition of rightlessness) forced on Jews in the period that witnessed a marked deterioration in their position in Christendom. ‘Crucial for an understanding of the entire Jewish position in the medieval world’, Salo Baron has written, summarizing a long-established interpretation, ‘is the institution of “Jewish serfdom”.’ And Gavin Langmuir sees the concept as dominating present historiography about the legal status of medieval Jews. This dominance, however, he has challenged: ‘To speak of Jews as royal serfs or “serfs” only obscures legal realities… Neither Jewish status in canon law nor Jewish status in secular law are accurately described as Jewish serfdom.’
François De Meyronnes and Hierarchy
Authors: Luscombe David
Published: February 2016

François de Meyronnes, of the Order of St Francis, has long been respected as an important figure in the history of later medieval philosophy and theology, but Père de Lapparent, in 1940-2, first revealed in full the vigour and the extent to which François also devoted himself, in his teaching and publishing and in his other activities, to the cause of the Angevin Kingdom of Naples. François was born in Angevin territory, at Meyronnes, near Barcelonnette, in the valley of the Ubaye in Provence. He studied under Duns Scotus in Paris and taught there alongside Pierre Roger, later Pope Clement VI. On 24 May 1323 Pope John XXII wrote to the Chancellor of the University, at the request of Robert, King of Sicily (1309-43), to ask for the licentia docendi to be bestowed upon François, who was then Bachelor of Theology. John XXII also sought François’ opinion on the question of the poverty of Christ and of the Apostles before publishing the Bull Quia quorundam (19 November 1324), and in the same year, 1324, he sent François to Gascony with instructions to negotiate peace between King Charles the Fair and King Edward II of England.
Papal Authority and Religious Sentiment in The Late Middle Ages
Authors: d’Avray David L.
Published: February 2016

Undergraduate ideas about medieval papal history tend to take the following form. In the late eleventh and early twelfth century the papacy led a reform movement and increased its power. In the mid- to late twelfth century its spiritual authority waned as its legal activities expanded. Innocent III gave a new lease of life to the institution by extending its protection to those elements in the effervescent spiritual life of the time which were prepared to keep their enthusiasm for evangelical preaching and apostolic poverty within the limits of doctrinal orthodoxy. By the middle of the thirteenth century, however, the papacy was more preoccupied with Italian politics than with the harnessing of spiritual enthusiasm. Its power and prestige remained great until the beginning of the fourteenth century, when Pope Boniface VIII was humiliated by the forces of the French King, acting with the Colonna family. The ‘Babylonian Captivity’ at Avignon, which followed shortly afterwards, was a period of grandiose claims and real weakness in relation to secular powers (especially France), of financial exploitation of the clergy, and of costly involvement in Italian wars. The Great Schism and the Conciliar Movement marked a still lower point in the religious prestige of the papacy. In the later fifteenth century the superiority of pope over council came to be generally recognized. Moreover, the papal state, in central Italy, was consolidated to provide a relatively secure base, and popes became patrons of painting and humanism. The patronage was a largely secular matter, however, and the papal court that of a secular prince. As for the popes’ control over the Western Church, it was limited, at least in practice, by the power of kings and princes over the clergy of their territories. Above all, the idea of sovereign papal authority in the religious sphere no longer had any connection with the real forces of religious sentiment and spirituality.
Conciliarism, Papalism, and Power, 1511-1518
Authors: Burns J. H.
Published: February 2016

If ‘the later conciliar controversy’ may be regarded as having come to an end by the middle of the fifteenth century, the years considered here may perhaps be seen as the period of the last controversy of quite that kind. It is true that words like ‘first’ and ‘last’ are always hazardous in historical discourse, and perhaps nowhere more so than in the history of ideas. Clearly the argument about the place of general councils in the polity of the Church had not completely died away in the second half of the fifteenth century; nor did it come to a sudden end in 1518 (specified here as the year which saw the Concordat of 1516 reluctantly accepted by the University of Paris and also the publication of John Mair’s Commentary on St Matthew’s Gospel, with its strenuous assertion of conciliarist principles). Twenty years more were to pass before the posthumous publication of the longest single work generated by the entire conciliar controversy, Domenico Giacobazzi’s De concilio. And seven years later it was, of course, a council of the Church that faced the challenge of what had, from small beginnings within the period examined here, become a schism more fundamental and far-reaching than that which had precipitated the original conciliar movement. Even at Trent, moreover, there were those who were prepared to speak up for ‘conciliarist’ principles and policies. Yet it still seems true to say that the years of the Council (or what purported to be the Council) of Pisa and Milan, and of the Fifth Council of the Lateran, saw the last significant and direct confrontation between conciliarism and papalism as those positions had developed in the ecclesiology and ecclesiastical politics of the period inaugurated by the Great Schism. No doubt this last act was an anticlimax, a controversy over the dubious claims of a conciliabulum which was at least politically used if not originally inspired by purely political motives. In the history of ideas, however, and perhaps especially in the history of political ideas, the debate is not so easily dismissed.
The Conciliarism of John Mair: A Note on A Disputation on the Authority of a Council
Authors: Cameron James K.
Published: February 2016

In his important and incisive essay ‘What was conciliarism? Conciliar theory in historical perspective’ Antony Black draws attention to the use made of biblical passages by conciliarist writers. He writes, ‘from Gerson onwards, and most markedly in Segovia, we hear the rebuke that the canonists have misunderstood the structure of ecclesiastical authority by introducing notions derived from secular, Roman law; we hear the call to return to scripture and patristic tradition.’ Among the passages used by them he cites ‘the dominical precept to “tell the community (die ecclesie)” if a brother errs persistently (Matthew 18.15-20)’. This appeal to the dominical precept in matters of community discipline was not new. Indeed, its use in this connection has a long and interesting history. One of its earliest appearances is in the Rule of St Benedict.
Monks, Friars, and the Royal Supremacy in Sixteenth-Century Yorkshire
Authors: Cross Claire
Published: February 2016

The revolutionary changes initiated by the Government in the 1530s obliterated at a stroke the centuries-old division in England between Church and State. The preamble of the Act in Restraint of Appeals to Rome of 1533 marks particularly clearly the country’s transition from a dual to a single allegiance, setting out in a quite unequivocal expression of the new royal supremacy how

by divers sundry old authentic histories and chronicles it is manifestly declared and expressed that this realm of England is an empire, and so hath been accepted in the world, governed by one supreme head and king, having the dignity and royal estate of the imperial crown of the same, unto whom a body politic, compact of all sorts and degrees of people divided in terms and by names of spiritualty and temporalty, be bounden and owe to bear next to God a natural and humble obedience; he being also institute and furnished by the goodness and sufferance of Almighty God with plenary, whole and entire power, preeminence, authority, prerogative and jurisdiction to render and yield justice and final determination to all manner of folk resiants or subjects within this realm, in all causes, matters, debates and contentions happening to occur, insurge or begin within the limits thereof, without restraint or provocation to any foreign princes or potentates of the world.
Northern Cathars and Higher Learning
Authors: Biller Peter
Published: February 2016

The confluence between speculative thought and universities on the one hand and broad-based heretical movements on the other hand was a predominant theme in Bunny Leff’s great and monumentalHeresy in the Later Middle Ages, notably in the case of Wyclif, Hus, and the popular propagation of their ideas. The first arm of this theme, university learning, seems to have no place in the history of Catharism. Where are there equivalent Cathar masters? In a university setting we do haveCatholictheologians’ discussion ofdualism, but is this more than a footnote in the history of Catharism? Take for example the University of Paris, its theology faculty, and the bachelor’s exercise of lecturing on theSentencesof Peter Lombard, where the question of there being one or several principles of things arose in the first distinction of the second book, and take three 1250s commentators. Tackling this question during his bachelor years (1252-6), St Thomas states five arguments in favour of plurality of principles, citing one logical and three natural works of Aristotle. He postpones naming the proponents of plurality until his response. Here he combines Aristotle’s survey of them in the first book of theMetaphysicsand the Church’s experience of dualist heresy in a list: early natural philosophers, Empedocles and Pythagoras, and the heresy of the Manichees. Such a sentence commentary, showing us a formal proposition, one among several philosophical dualisms which were being ventilated in the theological schools of Paris, seems remote from the inquisitor’s register through which we see Cathar perfects and their followers living out theological dualism in fortified villages down south in Languedoc.
The Instructional Programme of the Mendicant Convents at Paris in the Early Fourteenth Century
Authors: Courtenay William J.
Published: February 2016

The history of teaching and study at the Parisian convents of the mendicant orders has largely been viewed and written as part of the history of the university of Paris. The Parisian doctors of theology at the Dominican, Franciscan, Augustinian, and Carmelite convents, from the time of Bonaventure, Albert, Thomas, and Giles of Rome until the end of the Middle Ages, were regent masters, or professors, at the university, at least for a year or more after inception as masters. And presumably mendicant students sent to Paris for theological study were being sent there for university studies; the brightest of them would be expected to complete the university degree in theology. The connection between the mendicant masters and the intellectual history of the university of Paris in the second half of the thirteenth century is so strong that it is almost impossible to think of these convents except as religious colleges attached to the university of Paris.
Were The Lollards a Sect?
Authors: Aston Margaret
Published: February 2016

Historians should not need Wyclif to alert them to the dangers of words. Even if our professional futures are unlikely to be threatened, as his was, by the challenging of accepted terms, the words we use can lead us into false positions, and we sometimes need, like Wyclif, to probe the historical dimension of our terminology. What exactly do we mean when we call Wycliffites or Lollards a ‘sect’? How does our word relate to contemporary usage? Do we import alien interpretations by failure to recognize semantic change? If ‘sect’ is a word that leads us into something of an impasse, this paper does not attempt the impossible of pointing to a way out; my aim is merely to indicate some of the hazards of the linguistic terrain and to suggest that looking at the term may itself tell us something useful about Wycliffites and contemporary attitudes towards them.