bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Les élections communales du 10 octobre 1976 : Analyse des résultats
Authors: Fraeys William
Published: July 2021

For the first time, the municipal election of 10 October 1976 was held in new units resulting from the merger of numerous boroughs («communes»). This is the reason why the political character of the poll became more outspoken.The results of the present election should be compared not only with the preceding municipal poll in 1970, but also with the result of the two parliamentary elections (1971 and 1974) which took place since then.This analyses leads us to the conclusion that in the Walloon region, «Rassemblement Wallon» suffered an important setback in comparison with 1974 for the benefit of Christian Democrats and to a lesser extentof the Socialist Party.In the Flemish region, a great stability may be noted with respect to the opinion expressed in 1974. At the utmost, a very slight Socialist loss may be observed as wel! as a Liberal quasi status quo and a moderate rise for the Christian Democrats.Although FDF's progress with respect to 1974 cannot be denied, its extent is not sufficient to bring this party back to its 1971 record level.  To conclude one might say that should the voters have voted in a similar way to elect a Parliament, the Chambers would not be much different from what they are now, but for a loss of seats for «Rassemblement Wallon» which would benefit to the Christian Democrats in the first place and to a lesser extent to the Socialists and PDF as well.
L'image du Flamand dans la tradition populaire wallonne depuis un siècle
Authors: Quairiaux Yves , Pirotte Jean
Published: July 2021

How, according to the folk-tradition, do the Walloons see the Flemish population ? An analysis of a stereotype is attempted here, considering the importance of stock-phrases and tags with regard to relations between populations. For an historian, the study of the folk-tradition sets a lot of problems concerning the research and the critical use of a complex documentation : oral tradition (popular phrases, songs, by-words, interviews), French and dialect al literature (navels, dramatic works, satirical writings), newspapers, etc. With such a documentation, we are able to describe some «patterns» of Flemings : the pedlar, the play-character, the militant Fleming, the farmer, the agricultural labourer and the worker. These portraits generally emphasize the dull-witted and rough appearance of the Fleming. The rise of these ideas, at a some time, among the Walloon population appears resulting from the social and cultural position of a great deal of the Flemish immigrants into the Walloon area.
Het ontstaan en de ontwikkeling van de Liberale partijvorming op Europees vlak
Authors: Engels Jan
Published: July 2021

First international contacts between Liberals date back to just after the First World War with the creation of the Liberal World Union in 1924. Regular meetings among Liberals began in 1947 within the Liberal International, which at once published the «Oxford Manifesto» reaffirming basic liberal principles. Among the subjects discussed : the European integration. Another contribution to the European cooperation was made by the Liberal Movement for a United Europe, created by the Belgian liberal leader Roger Motz.At a congress in Stuttgart in March 1976 a Federation of Liberals and Democrats was officially created. Fourteen parties initially joined the Federation, two however dropped out.In November 1976 at a Congress in The Hague, first preparations were made for a European election programme, which was approved in Brussels in November 1977, at the conclusion of a democratie consultation of all parties.This programme maps out a number of liberal ideas on the future cooperation in Europe in various fields of activity. There were no major divergencies between the various member-parties of the Federation.It is identical in its contents for all ELD parties.
Recente economische ontwikkelingen in Vlaanderen
Authors: Van Gheluwe Guido , Lisabeth Carlos , Mange Etienne
Published: July 2021

Since 1973 the world economy has been characterized by a relatively slow pace of expansion in output and trade, accompanied by high unemployment and strong inflationary pressures (stagflation). With this has gone an emerging energy problem, monetary instability, a growing pressure for protectionism, a declining demand for certain products and a change in the pattern of the international movement of labour and capital.In this article, the consequences of these international features for the Flemish economy are analysed. From this analysis, it has become clear that the international economic crisis has revealed more clearly the structural problems of the Flemish economy, especially in the field of economic growth, competitiveness, pattern of investments and industrial structure.  This has resulted in a very high unemployment rate, which moreover will probably not disappear with an eventual improvement of theinternational economic situation : whereas the Flemish economy has gained largely from the oil based industrial expansion, it is not participating at present in the socalled third, by sofisticated technology led industrial revolution.Consequently, more and more labour-intensive activities are taken over by less developed countries, whereas some of the capital-intensive industrial sectors have to cope with a growing technological gap.To stem this unfavourable development, there is an urgent need for a powerful and planned structural policy, which must as a matter of priority force back the unemployment rate to an acceptable level. In this context, regionalisation might be a powerful instrument, as it offers to the regions the possibility of creating own solutions for their own problems.
De politieke krisissen in 1978 : de krisis van het politiek vertrouwen
Authors: Platel Marc
Published: July 2021

The article describes the political crises of June and October 1978 in Belgium.For reasons connected with time and space, this contribution ends with the formation of the Vanden Boeynants transition-government, although even with the formation of the Martens-cabinet in April 1979the problems are not yet solved.The formation of this cabinet has been a long-drawn effort, hampered by substantial obstacles, that have been present since June 1978: the difficulties to elaborate both a crisis-management-policy and a consensus concerning a new constitution. Moreover, all this remains overshadowed by fear and distrust from the other political parties towards de Flemish christian-democrats, who usually succeeded in keeping their internal quarrels a really inside affair. The crisis of 1978 has proved on the other side, that the Egmont-Stuyvenberg agreement on the federalisation of Belgium was neither well-balanced nor mature.
De fysiocratie : toonaangevend politiek en sociaal-economisch stelsel in het Frankrijk van de XVIIIde eeuw
Authors: De Meyere Pieter
Published: July 2021

In France the XVIIIth century was characterized by the Enlightenment as a philosophical phenomenon and Physiocracy as an expression of new economic thinking. But the Physiocrats were not merely a school of economic thought; they were also a school of political action. Kings, princes and high public servants were among their pupils. The great French Revolution itself was influenced by their writings. And the force of their work is still not wholly sprent. In order to appreciate the theory and significance of the Physiocracy it is necessary to take into account the circumstances of its time. Physiocracy is a doctrine which esteems that agriculture is of more importance than industry and commerce. In this article following subjects of the physiocratic doctrine are dealt with : the natural order, property and liberty ; the relations between the government and the individual citizen ; the theory of the produit net and the Tableau Economique of François Quesnay. The evaluation also includes the question about the expansion of Physiocracy. Indeed, it had many followers in several countries of Europe and was also the first real School of economic thinking. By its systematic approach, Physiocracy established the economy as a science. All the aspects of Physiocracy which have been mentioned above are intimately bound together and are in several aspects the economic precursor of the French Revolution.
Luxembourg : A case study of legislation in a mini-state
Authors: Wing Martin A.
Published: July 2021

Whilst Luxembourg may be classified as a mini-state, its small size and population have not removed «politics» from public administration. Having outlined the legislative system, this article examines in detail the passage of the legislation for direct elections to the European Parliament focusing on the roles and functions of the relevant actors and institutions. This case study approach reveals a smooth parliamentary stage for legislation concealing a set of devices for resolving contentious or troublesome issues : special ad hoc committees to advise on legislative drafts ; parliamentary committees ; splitting legislation so that legislators are formally committed to a principle before they have seen the details ; the use of delaying tactics to preclude discussion of alternatives. In addition to demonstrating these, the case also examines the effectiveness of the three main institutions, the Council of State, the Chamber of Deputies and the Government, particularly the predominance ofthe latter, on major issues. In contradistinction, however, the Council of State, despite its formally weak status, is shown to exercise a positive influence.
De stemmingen over het investituurdebat in Kamer en Senaat (1944-1979)
Authors: Holvoet Luk
Published: July 2021

In this article an analysis is made of the voting behaviour of Members of Parliament and political parties after the parliamentary debate on the investiture of a new cabinet.  The voting behaviour does differ from the classical coalition-opposition voting pattern. Indeed the emerging general pattern shows that a majorityof the members of the coalition parties - but by no means all of them - approve the governments' declaration and that a majority of the members of the opposition rejects it.Deviant voting behaviour after this parliamentary debate is not a general phenomenon and mostly only some majority members vote contrary to their whip's instructions. This dissident stand is taken mainly when cabinets can rely on a broad parliamentary majority. This deviant voting seems to be positively correlated to the size of the coalition.The directly elected Members of Parliament most easily vote in an unorthodox manner. The individual Members of Parliament motivate their deviant vote referring to the opinion of their electorate.
Het stemgedrag in het parlement : Onderzoek in de Kamer van Volksvertegenwoordigers voor de periode 1954-1965
Authors: Langerwerf Etienne
Published: July 2021

This article covers the voting behaviow- of the three major belgian parties: CVP (christian democrats), BSP (socialists) and PVV (liberals) during three legislatures (from 1954 to 1965) in which all three partieswere twice in government and once in the opposition.The cohesion between the government parties bas been very high. This is also the case within each party. Deviations from the so-called «partyline» are minimal, especially within the socialist party.Looking at the final votes, two voting patterns dominate : government versus opposition and unanimity.All amendments, except those introduced by the government, were rejected.  The major conclusion is that the  role of the public session of the House is reduced to a mere registration function.
La réforme régionale italienne : Un bilan à l'occasion des élections régionales des 8 et 9 juin 1980
Authors: Guillermet Catherine , Ryngaert Johan
Published: July 2021

Ten years after they were set up, the Italian regions have fallen into general discredit. They are discredited by the central government who regards them as a source of support for the opposing Communist Party and has sought to undermine this reform by depriving the regions of all true autonomy. The regions are discredited by the public opinion by not fulfilling the expectations placed in them. Such an assessment does not stand up to a close examination of regional practices : some geographical differences rapidly become obvious, but especially evident are the political differences. In fact, the regions are the product of an apparent agreement between the political parties and have always suffered from political bargaining which explains the national scale of the issues raised at the last elections. Strengthened by the favorable results obtained in certain regions, the Communist Party was quick to turn this statement of the electoral opinion into a « referendum » about the newly formed Cossiga government.
Le lieu du Pouvoir en France et en Grande-Bretagne
Authors: Hearn Michael E.J.
Published: July 2021

This article stems from the assumption that power lies with the President of the Republic in France and with the Prime Minister in Britain.The source of this power rests in the process of direct election to the highest position in the decision making apparatus.As a consequence, emphasis is made on the solitary nature of decision making; explains the differences between the «dignified» and «efficient», parts of the Constitutions; and encompasses the human factor which form part of any assessment of the notion of power.
Wet en werkelijkheid inzake het taalevenwicht in het Belgisch officierencorps : Een overzicht van de periode 1938-1982
Authors: Houben Kris
Published: July 2021

The linguistic ratios in the Belgian army are regulated by the Act of July 30. 1938. This Act claimed at a complete equality between both important national languages, in order to put an end to the French quasimonolinguality of the military elite.Although the 1938 Act has been rather ineffective for more than fourty years, the linguistic situation in respect of the Belgian army officers has improved considerably since 1970.A closer cxamination reveals that this principal idea of equality has not been realized as to the field officers and the general officers, but that approximately the linguistic balance is attained among the lower officers.
Les élections communales à Liège : cartels, polarisation et les écologistes au pouvoir
Authors: Beaufays Jean , Hermans Michel , Verjans Pierre
Published: July 2021

The main explanation of the financial difficulties of the city of Liege are, on one hand, the growth of outlays due to the fusion of the communes in 1977, and, on the other hand, the rise of the interest rates.For the elections of October 1982, a «labour» coalition faced a «conservative» coalition. After the elections, the «labour» joined with the ecologists. For the first time, the ecologists are at the head of a big city, a city that is virtually in insolvency.
Une généalogie des organisations de partis
Authors: Seiler Daniel-Louis
Published: July 2021

The first aim of the article is to present the lineage of party organizations integrating several "classical" approaches. Therefore a second aim is to set up a structural model able to catch the evolution of any typeof modern party organization.One assumes that Party Structure is an invariable element which subsumes several organizational translations. Same are protopartisan translations : leagues, armed and unarmed f actions, parliamentary groups.  Some are partisan translations : modern party organizations.  This assumptions means a corollary: organizations tend to adapt to the kind of party competition they have to afford in order to have accessto governmental power. The model combines the assumptions in a two dimensional matrix.The first dimension is concerned with the organization's major historical goal. It takes three values : a) to elect of MP's ; b) to promote a Weltanschauung; c) to elect the President.The second deals with mobilization and takes three values : adapted 1 ° to the age of «Registration Societies» ; 2° the age of «One man, one vote system» ; 3° the post McLuhan age of electronic media.The combination of the dimensions gives three lineages: Cadre Parties including Notability Parties, Voters Parties and Indirect Parties; Mass Parties including Activist Parties and Social Integration Parties; MachineParties.
Une confédération belge : Solution institutionnelle équitable pour la Flandre, la Wallonie et Bruxelles
Authors: Quevit Michel
Published: July 2021

By the law of the 8 August 1980 concerning the institutional reform of the state, the Belgian political system is becoming a federalistic country. Nevertheless, after three years of implementation, most of political scientists state that these constitutional reform is incomplete and inadequate to solve functionally the economical, political and cultural complexities of the relationships between Flanders, W allonia and Brussels. A confederation based on three components equally autonomous by preserving economic integration and monetary unity could be a better framework to establish equitable relationships between the three regional components of the belgian political structure. These proposal of creating a Belgian confederation presents specific adaptations in allocation tasks, functions and competences that are the results of historical factorsand cultural caracteristics of the Belgian community.
De verdeling van de nationale en regionale bevoegdheden
Authors: Neels Leo
Published: July 2021

The distribution of competences between the national state, the communities and the regions is subject to criticism. The state reform laws f 1980 have admittedly led to many confiicts, due to a lack of clearnessof the terms of the law and to the incomplete character of the reform.A clear option is to be made between a federal regime as such, a regionalised state and separatism; so far this option has only been postponed, which leaves the actual state structure rather confused and hardly workable.A series of conditions both of a politica! and a legal nature have to be fulfilled in order to clear the situations.
De activiteitsgraad van de Belgische senatoren tijdens de zitting 1982-1983
Authors: Hocepied C.
Published: July 2021

This research on the rate of actzvzty of the Members of the Belgian Senate is a remake of a study made five years ago by M. Dèweerdt, although the method is different (a global quotation has been used instead of summing up the length of bills, oral and written questions, etc... ) the results are nearly the same.Half of parliamentary work (legislation and control) is performed by less than one fifth of the Members. The directly elected Members, who are also Members of the «Vlaamse Raad» or of the «Conseil de la Communauté française» or of the «Conseil Régional Wallon», seem also less active than their indirectly elected colleagues, which does not plead for the legally organized cumulation of mandates.The Members in charge of a municipal mandate are also less active than their colleagues. On the contrary, it was impossible to trace any link between language, parliamentary position (membership of majority or opposition), or sex and rate of parliamentary activity.
Verkiezingen en kiesstelsels
Authors: Falter Rolf
Published: July 2021

Nineteenth-century literature on electoral systems and elections in Belgium was generally made of political pamphlets. Politicians were the most interested in the subject, which seems quite logical for the elections, butis also true for the electoral legislation, because this bas almost continuously been a topic in the political fights in Belgium between 1830 and 1914. Therefore, a lot of research-work on electoral legislation and data was done in the discreet study-roms of local party-offices, as can be learned from the archives of nineteenth-century politicians.The valuable information resulting from this research was usually kept secret for the outside world, for which the politicians reserved their more propagandistic tracts.  Nevertheless, out of the bulk of pamphlets on electoral systems and elections, a few books deserve some special attention. Like those aiming to gather the existing electoral data needed for further research : large compilations of vast amounts of jurisprudence on the rather loose electoral laws, or first and timid attempts to make electoral statistics available for the larger public. Analysing just held elections seems on the other hand to have been a sart of monopoly of the politicians themselves. Even if they tried in the first place to fit in the verdict of the electors into their propagandistic schemes, it should be stressed that they also gave timid evidence of trying to respect at least the statistical facts (cf. abstract 1, which is an analysis by the catholic leader Charles Woeste of the part the introduction of the secret ballot in 1877 played in the defeat of bis party one year later).It was only when, from 1890 to 1893, the Belgian constitution was revised, that the subject of electoral systems and elections became also a matter of interest for academic circles. University-professors then began to publish voluminous blue-prints for a new constitution, thereby usually replacing their scientific detachment by politica! engagement. An exception to this is the remarkably serene «mathematical tract» of Victor D'hondt, a law-professor at Ghent University, who in 1882 gave his name to what was to become the most applicated system of proportional representation in the world (cf. abstract 3).After 1900 the first more or less scientific works on the subject, based on critical research, were published: one written by the law-professor of Louvain, Leon Dupriez ( who, in abstract 4, fries to explain why in Liège the workers generally had fewer votes in the plural system than their colleagues of Hainaut), the other one by his French colleague of Montpellier, Joseph Barthélemy, who wrote a voluminous history of the Belgian electoral systems since 1830 (and, in abstract 5, examines the application of proportional representation in the politically motivated nominations at the Belgian courts). Bath in the first place seem to have wanted to improve the knowledge on the subject. Their research and analysis for the first time was not subordinated to their personal political engagement.
De Vlaamse beweging
Authors: Wils Lode
Published: July 2021

The Flemish Movement was born out of the democratic and especially, the national enthusiasm of the Belgian revolution of 1830. lts purpose was the recovery of the people language in public life (pp. 1-3).  Till the defeat of France in the France-German war of 1870-1871 she wanted to protect Belgium from annexation by France. The revolution of 1848 in Europe and the threat of Belgium by «the dictator» Napoleon III, reinforced its democratic character and connected it with the movement for enlargement of the voting-right, for decentralization and anti-militarism. Therefore she was supported also from the Walloon patriots and democrats, especially out of the catholic party (pp. 8-11).From 1847 onwards its morale and politics which were close to the church opinion ( pp. 4 and 6), were openly tempted by a group for whom the Flemish Movement had to have a liberal character (pp. 5 and 7). In that group, most of them rejected the enlargement of votingright because it would be in the interest of the catholics (pp. 12-13), and they condamned the cooperation of some liberals with the Flemish minded catholics (pp. 13-15). The introduction of the universal suffrage in 1893 led to a reinforced Flamingant agitation (p. 18).She was backed upon the christian-democrat peasant- and labour movement, but did get little response in the socialist party. The interest for political action in the Flemish Movement stayed weak (pp. 17-21).
Le phénomène Le Pen en France
Authors: Petermann Simon
Published: July 2021

Since its success in the European elections of the 17th ]une 84, the National Front of J.M. Le Pen represents today the extreme right which had disappeared as a politica! force, if not as a way of thinking in France.  With 10,95 % of the votes cast, the National Front becomes a political force which must be taken into account, especially when by-elections take place. This ultra-nationalist and populist party focuses the political debate almost exclusively on insecurity and immigration problems but also develops the traditional themes of the extreme right (France's moral and spiritual decline, the struggle against communist subversion... ).  The National Front's electorale has poor sociological caracteristics and largely overlaps the traditional extreme-right. The disenchantment of a part of the electorate of the left, the drifting to the right of an important fraction of the electorate, the rising of xenophobia and racism are the principal causes for the relative success of J.M. Le Pen.
Réflexions sur l'administration intermédiaire
Authors: Schepers Stefan
Published: July 2021

Widespread consideration of the role of the public sector was bound to develop in a society confronted by a serious economic crisis.The reforms of local government carried out in the 60s and 70s have not led to the strengthening of local authorities and their means, as claimed deceptively in politica! speeches, hut towards more influence by central government on these authorities and ultimately to its increased power over the administration of society.There is not doubt that the state in its diligence to run almost everything is not only failing in its task of governing hut is also putting society at risk. The administrations which come under the intermediary authorities could form a useful counterforce against the ever present invasion of the state.For reason of its reduced capabilities local government shows the first virtue of not being able to claim hegemony, but also of being an instrument close to the citizen and his control. Furthermore it could manage many tasks in the best way.
Verschuivingen en partijvoorkeur tijdens de parlementsverkiezingen van 13 oktober 1985
Authors: Swyngedouw Marc
Published: July 2021

This article is based on a quantitative evaluation of the shifts in voting behaviour of the Flemish population, from the national elections in 1981 to those in 1985. Using the variables sex, age and occupational status a further analysis is made of the voting behaviour of the different subgroups.Firstly the article describes the methodology by which the mobility tables were calculated using statistica! information from poll surveys and the results of the elections. In the second part the results of the analysis, using log-linear modelling, correspondence analysis and cluster analysis,are presented.The results indicate significant shifts between the different parties. Furthermore they indicate that the sex of the voter has no significant influence on his voting behaviour. Finally, the odds ratios are calculated for the different subgroups with regard to the likehood of a voter moving (changing his voting behaviour) or staying.
Comportements et motivations des électeurs liégeois lors du scrutin du 13 octobre 1985
Authors: Doutrelepont René
Published: July 2021

During the Belgian legislative elections on 13 october 1985, the Centre Liégeois d'Etudes de l'Opinion (CLEO), University of Liège, polled voters leaving the voting booths. The objective was to determine the characteristics of electors of the various parties according to the usual criteria of identification (sex, age, socio-economic status, education, religion, revenue, previous votes). The motives and wishes of the voters were also recorded (problems influencing the final vote decision, timing of the decision, attitude toward the incumbent government, type of coalition desired for the new government). The poll consisted of a representative sample of one thousand French speaking voters in the province of Liège.Most of the article presents the results obtained by cross-tabulating various identifying and motive variables with the political parties. In this way, we measure and demonstrate the relative importance of all the independent variables on the distribution of votes, except for sex which seems have little influence.
De machtsbases van België in de internationale politiek
Authors: Dewachter Wilfried , Verminck Mieke
Published: July 2021

Based on a extensive computation of power capabilities, the position of Belgium in international politics can reliably be assessed. Belgium belongs to a first stratum (N = 21) of followers states. Its best functional fields are international economie relations and those concerning science and technology. A globalisation of all functional fields runs at the expense of its international position.A splitting up of the country would relegate the emerging states, Flanders and Wallonia, to the second more numerous stratum of still less powerfull followers. Whereas a politically unified Europe would mean a participation on a consickrably more powerful level.
La prise de décision belge en politique extérieure : cohésion, tensions, controle et influences
Authors: Franck Christian
Published: July 2021

Besides classical issues of parliamentary control and pressure groups' influence, coordination between ministers and administrations involved in foreign policy making and harmonization of national foreign policy with external cultural relations led by the french, flemish and german Communities are the major problems belgian foreign policy making has to cope with.Divergences on options or heterogeneity of functional missions (Finance and Third World Cooperation e.g.) require arbitration and cooperative procedures provided by foreign affairs ministerial comitee at the governmental level. Competition for leading role and confrontation of functional paradigms foster «bureaucratic politics» between services. European affairs constitues a major issue for bureaucratic coordination.Attribution to the Communities of assessment power to cultural agreements and reservation to national government of the treaty making power let arise a kind of illogism and a conflict of competences that pragmatic concertation tends to get round.As to parliamentary control, it consists in a greater influence of majority's deputies than in an effective opposition's countervailing power to amend coalition foreign policy. So play pressure groups a role in influencing bilateral much more than multilateral affairs.
Sociale verkiezingen 1987 : Kaderleden verzwakken traditionele vakbonden
Authors: Tegenbos Guy
Published: July 2021

In 1987 the centre-right coalition was able to break through partially the triopoly of the three trade unions - the christian ACV, the socialist ABVV en the liberal ACLVB - by admitting to the four-yearly social elections separate lists of candidates for the members of the executive staffs.As a result of this, the position of the three unions weakened. The decline was most strongly felt by the ABVV; the socialist union lost 2.6 %. The minor loss of 0.7 % enabled the christian ACV to regain its position as the strongest Belgian union, a position which was taken for the first time in 1979 and was lost again in the elections of 1983.After thë recent social elections, neither the unions (43.7 % ), nor the « independent » National Confederation of the Executive Staff Members (34 .1 %), nor the individual lists of the members of the executive staffs (222 %) can cÏaim io be « the representator » of the members of the executive staffs.Through the analysis of the 1987 results, it is found once more that social elections are little affected by political events. The results of the social elections are in no way correlated to the results of the politicalelections.
De werkgevers in het politiek beslissingsproces voor economische aangelegenheden
Authors: Vandeputte Robert
Published: July 2021

The employers, although small in size, dispose of an important influence in economic decision-making.Before the second world war, economic problems were exclusively dealt with by the government and the employers. After world war II, trade unions came more into relief. They were involved in consultations as athird partner. Consequently the impact of the employers faded somewhat.Currently the employers dispose of various channels to influence economic decision-making; e.g. contacts with civil servants, consultations in study centres of political parties, international relations, etc.Nevertheless the efficacy of employers's power is hindered by internal quarrel, strong individualism, and by the position of trade unions.
Gesprekken tussen federalisten in de jaren zestig : De Vlaamse Volksbeweging op zoek naar bondgenoten in Wallonië
Authors: Vandeweyer Luc
Published: July 2021

Belgium is a rare example of a centralist state who federalized itself in a peacefull way by several steps since 1970. This process - still going on - is fundamentally provoked by the development of two subnations within the Belgian body: the flemish and the walloon. Within both of these nationalist movements there was a small elite who saw each other as allies in the struggle for federalization. They took contact during the sixties, a decade of heavy nationalistic agitation.Studying these contacts makes clear that the alliance had no fundaments in the broader base of the movements. But still they are necessary to understand the previous history of the federalization process.
Fiscaliteit en politiek : het lokaal niveau : Een analyse in de 308 Vlaamse gemeenten
Authors: Ackaert Johan
Published: July 2021

Due to the financial crisis of the Belgian central administration and the financial difficulties of local government, municipal taxes are gradually taking a higher place in the rank of municipal income sources. One could expect a differentiation between the presence of some political parties in the board ofmayor and aldermen (the local majority) on the one hand and the burden of taxation (and its amount of increase) on the other hand. Concerning this amount of increase, the data showed no evidence to prove that differentiation in the Flemish municipalities.  Still we noticed a small variation in the burden of taxation according as to theweight of the socialist group within the local majority. Nevertheless factors as population and the level of mean income in the municipalities were more important to explain the burden of taxation. The results of the municipal-council elections of 1988 are not affected by the increase of the local burden of taxation.
De relatie parlement-regering in België
Authors: De Croo Herman
Published: July 2021

This article analyses the complex relationships between the elected parliament and the government.Firstly, effective political participation of the constituency in the election of its parliamentary representatives is limited because of the pre-selection of the candidates by the parties themselves. Secondly, the freedom of the parliament is restricted by the complex network of pressures and counterpressures between legislature and executive. Parliament has recently tried to regain some of its influence by organising special parliamentary inquiry committees and by resorting to professional help for assistance in its legislative work . However, the growing professionalisation might become yet another restriction to the parliamentarians' freedom of political action. Thirdly, parliamentary legislative power is undermined by the subtile way governmental decision making ends in legislation.The mass media seem increasingly unable to translate this complexity to the public. As a result the public becomes more and more indifferent to the functioning of the system, which could endanger the genuine democratic influence of the people in the parliamentary system.
La rénovation du Parlement
Authors: Nothomb Charles-Ferdinand
Published: July 2021

Although there is a consensus about the representative parliamentary system throughout Europe, it is in a state of crisis.To renovate Parliament means to restore the essential functions of that institution : budgetary power, legislative action and control of the government.In the field of budget a reform to institute a general budget on expenditure and to impose stricter rules on the funds as well as a very tight budgetary schedule for the government, beside the budget on revenues, was passed by the House at the end of March 1989.In the legislative sphere new approaches should be considered so as to enable Parliament to reduce the complexity of the legislation, to correct badly written texts and to get rid altogether of superfluous texts.The citizens' rights can only be fully safeguarded by a well functioning legislative assembly.  A rationalisation of the control on governmental action is necessary in the field of parliamentary commissions and particularly the commissions of enquiry, petitions and the scrutiny of State expenditure.To conclude it should be noted that the renovation of Parliament must go hand in hand with better relations with the common citizen.
lnformatiestromen en gegevensbanken inde parlementaire werkzaamheden
Authors: Vanvelthoven Louis
Published: July 2021

Opening up as many sources of information as possible is particularly conducive to the development of workable policy plans and to efficient decision-making in a democratic political system. It follows that MPs can greatly benefit from using computerized information systems.As far as the parliamentary activities are concerned, we can distinguish between internal and external information flow. The contents of the parliamentary documents, the procedure for processing them and the information on the parliamentary control are part of the internal information flow. The external information on the other hand refers to the relations between the MPs and the executive and the judiciary branches, supranational and international institutions as well as the library.To date, the House of Representatives has been the only assembly that has set up a computerized information system . The data bases of the House comprise : the parliamentary documents and the state of advancement of all proceedings linked to these documents (bath in the House and in the Senate) until the publication of the text in the official state journal. Other databases relate to the parliamentary control : interpellations, motions, oral questions and the entire text of the written parliamentary questions.The record of the House will also be stored in a data base giving references. The library fund has been integrated in the interlibrary network DOBIS-LIBIS.  A data base was also designed for the press information, and linked to an image processing system.What has been realized in the House to date must also be feasible for the other parliamentary assemblies. Viewed from that perspective, it seems advisable that data bases be centralized in one parliamentary information DP centre. Access to this centre should be particulary user-friendly and uniform, so much so that all MPs can make maximum use of it.The system set up by the House meets with an ever increasing demand from other possible users. In this context, attention should be drawn to the interconnection of this system with other parliamentary assemblies, the extension of the system to other users in the House ofthe MPs and the external access to the system via the telephone network: direct access for the universities, and for certain public and private institutions and individual MPs, and the BISTEL and/ or VIDEOTEX access.The majority of the public data bases linked to the telephone network can be interrogated via the BISTEL system, hut many interesting applications are not accessible via the telephone network as they function in closed circuits.Opening up data bases by linking them to the telephone network, implies that the problem of cost and privacy be carefully examined. As to privacy, we should reflect on the public or confidential character of the data and its consequences, on safeguarding the information stored in the system and on the evolution ofcommunications technology from the perspective of a continental European communications network.
Audit als functie van het Rekenhof
Authors: Beckers Jos
Published: July 2021

The Belgian Auditor's Office is not competent to judge good management. Parliamentary initiatives have been taken to extend its competence towards an efficiency, effectiveness and economy control.  Up till 1985 the Belgian budget was drawn up according toa classification system with insufficient regard for the application ofmanagement objectives to budgetary allocation.  Based on notions originating from the P.P.B.S. system the budget is drawn up now by programmes assigned to organisation divisions. In the future the parliamentary budget procedure could be transformed into a ratification of the General Budget of Expenses and a supervision of the execution of the departmental budgets. The General Budget will contain the programmes. A similar system offers the external controller a better management and control instrument.An efficiency control exists in various farms in Germany, Great-Britain, Ireland, the Netherlands, France, Spain and Canada. The European Auditor's Office evaluates good financial management too.
Het strijdpunt als besluitvormingstype in de Belgische politiek
Authors: Dewachter Wilfried
Published: July 2021

Within the Belgian political system political issues are hard to deal with. The institutions do not provide a problem-solving mechanism : no ref erendum, no direct election of a one-party cabinet. Moreover, electoral campaigns usually involve a lot of heterogeneous issues and almost never focus upon a single one. Active political participation of citizens is, by definition, selective and, compared with electoral participation, limited, although, the number of people taking part in a political demonstration is sometimes considerable. An investigation of the Belgian political elite shows that active political participation, sparked off by a single issue, can be considered as one of the most polyarchie types of political decision-making in Belgium. This involves an increase of tension and conflict, a slowing down of the process of decision-making and a selective accessibility to this type of participation. Belgian politicians try to avoid these difficulties by either opting for non-decision or consociational politics.
Les élections européennes de 1989 : Analyse des résultats pour la Belgique
Authors: Fraeys William
Published: July 2021

Organized for the third time, the elections for the European Parliament at direct universal suffrage, in June 1989, had the following main characteristics: a still weak turnout, a progress for the socialist parties in most countries, a rather distinct rise of the Environmentalists and an indisputable rise of some far-right parties.In Belgium, the results cannot be compared exclusively with those of the 1984 European election. They must be seen in the continuation of the 1985 and 1987 general elections.Then, the main characteristics are as follows : a near disappearance of the farleft lists associated with the absence of communist lists, a very marked rise of the Environmentalists, stronger in the Walloon Region than in Flanders, a progress for the Christian lists, especially for the C.V.P. in the Flemish districts, a setback for the Flemisch Socialists and a progress for the French-speaking Socialists in comparison with the 1984 poll. This progress, however, was not important enough as to enable them to regain their 1987 level. The Liberals are experiencing a setback compared with 1987 in the three regions of the country and, as far as the P.R.L. is concerned, even in comparison with 1984 and 1985.The Volksunie is suffering a serious setback, that is certainly benefitting to the Vlaams Blok, which, however, is also attracting voters from different political origins on issues similar to those of the far right.The analysis also contains a comparison between the results of the European election and those of the election for the Council of the Brussels-Capital Region, in a set of three districts where the voters were exactly the same.
Actiemiddelen van drukkingsgroeperingen in België : Onderzoek aan de hand van het Vrouwen Overleg Komitee, de Bond Beter Leefmilieu, het Vlaams Artsensyndicaat en de Belgische Boerenbond
Authors: Vanhoren Ingrid
Published: July 2021

There is a relationship between the different means of action of pressure groups - aimed at exerting pressure on the national government - and its effectiviness on policy level. Because a theoretical analysis is indispensable for further emperical research, the study first focuses on a general survey of possible means of action. This theoretical scheme is applied to four pressure groups. The analysis ofJour quite different pressure groups: 'Vrouwen Overleg Komitee', 'Bond Beter Leefmilieu', 'Vlaams Artsensyndicaat' and 'Belgische Boerenbond' shows that the use of indirect means of action produces a greater effectiviness on policy level. But the choice of the means of action by an organisation depends on several determining factors. Following hypothesis can be sustained by this emperical study: stronger pressure groups, like Vlaams Artsensyndicaat and Belgische Boerenbond (because of the determining factors), mostly use indirect means of action and are characterised by a greater effectiviness than the two other organisations.
De liberalisering van abortus als strijdpunt in de Belgische politiek 1971-1990
Authors: Hooghe Marc
Published: July 2021

In the spring of 1990, Belgian Parliament adopted a partial liberalization of abortion. Belgium is one of the last western countries to take such action. Public awareness on the issue fully developed in the early seventies, as abortion came to be regarded as a life-style issue. The rift between opponents and advocates of legal change coincides with the cleavage between catholics and non-believers in Belgian society, and this makes abortion a potentially disruptive issue for the political system. Therefore, Government avoided taking any decisions, and  refered the question to a special commission, and later to Parliament. This resulted in a process of non-decisionmaking, which seems typical for the way a consensus democracy, like Belgium, tries to defuse highly disputed issues. The fact that abortion ultimately was partially liberalized, seems to reflect the dramatic changes that secularization bas brought to Belgian society the past decades.
La participation politique en Belgique ... : Essai de mesure des attitudes
Authors: Collinge Michel
Published: July 2021

Political participation in Belgium is analysed according to two types of political participation : conventional participation and protestation, measured by a Guttman scale. The study describes the two types of political participation in the different regions in Belgium: Flanders, Wallonia and Brussels. A comparaison with some western countries is made. Political participation in Belgium is weak. It depends on the regional division and the sociological characteristics.  Moreover, political participation is linked to the Belgian traditionnal clivages.
Tweehonderd jaar privatiseringsdebat in België : Historische reflectie over het wel en wee van de Belgische (tele)communicatiebedrijven
Authors: Van Der Herten Bart , Verhoest Pascal
Published: July 2021

The debate on the privatization of some public enterprises in Belgium has been reopened. Pros and cons seem to be inspired by ideological and political imperatives rather than by scientific  considerations. The way in which similar debates were carried out during Belgian history, highlights some features of the actual debate. This paper traces back the way in which the tensions between thepublic and the private sectors have been approached and regulated. This historical analysis points to some inconsistensies and shortcomings of actual opinions on telecommunications regulation in  Belgium, and more generally to the social function of telecommunications in contemporary society.