bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Problems of Interpretation and Dating
Authors: Ling Roger , Arthur Paul , Clarke Georgia , Lazer Estelle , Ling Lesley A. , Rush Peter , Waters Andrew
Published: November 2020

Working out a relative chronology depends upon judicious observation of wall abutments and anomalies in plan, combined with variations in building materials and techniques; it is necessary, however, to emphasize the problems of interpretation, and the difficulty of arriving at absolute dates. The position of many walls in the chronology cannot be firmly resolved. An obvious problem is that large tracts of the insula, especially In the Casa del Menandro, but also in the Casa del Fabbro and the Casa degli Amanti, still contain well-preserved wallpaintings which totally conceal the fabric of the walls beneath. Another is that building materials were reused, which means that walls erected at different periods (especially in opus incertum) could be similar in appearance; it is therefore hazardous to assign dates on general appearance. Conversely, building styles of varying appearance can occur in a single phase: the south-eastern quarter of the Casa del Menandro, as already noted, appears to have been built in one operation but incorporates both incertum and reticulatum and employs three quite different types of quoins. Moreover, while every other incertum wall in this quarter is faced with only Sarno stone, lava, cruma, and tuff, the north wall of the stable (room 29), which is of one build with the wall dividing the north portico of the yard (34B) from the adjacent corridor P, contains also some fragments of tile. Even butt joints can be misleading. Where two walls meet in a straight joint, it is often difficult to tell which was built first. Sometimes a wall which seems to abut against another may have been cut back to accommodate the second wall and any resulting gap plugged with new material which is difficult to distinguish from the old. The presence of a butt joint is, in any case, not always significant, since contemporary walls were not necessarily bonded together, or were bonded only at a high level. The safest criterion for recognizing two separate phases is the presence of a plaster facing on one of the two contiguous surfaces. Further problems have been caused by the restorations of the 1930s.
I 10, 5 and 6
Authors: Ling Roger , Arthur Paul , Clarke Georgia , Lazer Estelle , Ling Lesley A. , Rush Peter , Waters Andrew
Published: November 2020

This complex, straddling the north-west angle of the Casa del Menandro and the northeast angle of the Casa del Fabbro, consists of two separate elements. The first, occupying the ground floor, is a shop-cum-workshop (measuring approximately 3.50 m. × 4.60 m.) entered from entrance 6 (Pl. 73), with what is perhaps a living room (6A, measuring 2.30 m. × 4.50 m.) to the east of it. The second is a staircase (5), 1 m. wide, which ascends directly from a street doorway (Pl 73 (at the left)), between the two ground-floor rooms, to an apartment above Menandro rooms 5-7. There is no connection between the ground-floor establishment and the upstairs apartment, though the latter could clearly not have been installed without the cooperation of whoever owned the former (indeed, they were probably both the property of the owner of the Menandro (pp. 250-1)). The space underneath the staircase was exploited to create two arched recesses opening from the living room of the downstairs establishment (Pl 74; Fig- 39 (S22)), while the passage linking the living room with the shop passes under the higher part of the stairs (cf. Pl 76). The living room was lit by a square window in the north wall (Pl 75); the staircase by a window directly above its door. The apartment above Menandro rooms 5-7 has been mentioned in the discussion of the Casa del Menandro (pp. 51, 55, 56). The angle of the stairs and the level of the doorway at the top of them (Pl 76 ; Fig- 39 (S21, S23)) is consonant with a floor-level of 3.30 to 3.50 m. above the pavement of the Menandro ground floor. There was an upper floor also above our room 6A, with a latrine at the east end of the north wall, flushed by a downpipe which descends in the angle of the room (Pl 75). The level of this upper floor can be estimated at 3.25 m. above the ground floor, which (since the floor level in 6A is slightly higher than that of the adjacent rooms of the Casa del Menandro) would have tallied closely enough with the independent apartment entered from 110, 5.
The Greek Economy and Its Market Elements
Authors: Moller Astrid
Published: November 2020

The fall of the Mycenaean world marks a deep historical break. Mycenaean society was characterized by a redistributive economy, indicated by accurate book-keeping in its centres. According to Finley, in the following Dark Ages, Greek society was largely determined by reciprocity, thus differing not only from the preceding Mycenaean age but also—fundamentally—from the advanced civilizations of the Near East. Reciprocity can still be found in Herodotus, who records traces of consolidation of social relationships through the exchange of gifts. The friendship between Polykrates of Samos and Pharaoh Amasis, for example, was strengthened by means of gifts and counter-gifts; the alliance between Kroisos and the Spartans came about through the gift of a krater as a reciprocal present for gold. Given the absence of great centres of redistribution for the collection and reallocation of land, labour, and products, Greek society and its economy should be regarded as developing along completely different lines to those of the Near Eastern civilizations. Any attempt at commenting on trade in Archaic Greece seems a risky undertaking in that the results depend wholly on the approach applied and the questions asked. Written sources are rare and difficult to interpret. Archaeological sources, for their part, while extensive and varied, are no easier to explain. Do we have to assume that every sherd of pottery, every ivory fragment, and every oriental seal arrived at its place of discovery through trade—indeed, what precisely do we mean by ‘trade’? My feeling is that it is impossible to find a definition of the term that is both general and really useful; nonetheless, the review of a few attempts aiming at such a definition will serve to indicate at least some possible direction. Polanyi has rightly observed that trade can signify not only the two-way movement of commodities through a market—that is, via supply-and-demand price mechanisms and involving the use of money—but also peaceful, usually two-way movements of objects over a considerable distance directed at acquiring items which are not available on the spot. He uses the word ‘trade’ for every form of exchange, however, making it necessary for us further to determine and define its meaning in each case. Polanyi’s remarks are of great assistance if one is seeking to grasp the variety of exchanges, but not if one wishes to differentiate pre-market-economy trade from other forms of exchange.
The Archaeological Material from Naukratis
Authors: Moller Astrid
Published: November 2020

The discovery of Naukratis by Sir William Flinders Petrie more than a hundred years ago resulted in a veritable flood of historical and archaeological research, one which shows no signs of abating. The reason for so much attention lies not only in the discovery of countless Archaic pottery fragments of previously unknown styles but also in the fact that many fragments bear inscriptions in Archaic alphabets. It is not surprising, therefore, that the continuing interest in Naukratis has come primarily from archaeologists, attempting, for example, to explain Egyptian influences upon Greek art by means of Greek contact with Egyptians in Naukratis. However, there have also been numerous attempts within the field of ancient history to evaluate the phenomenon of Naukratis. While this chapter will be devoted to the archaeological material, taking stock of what has been found in the light of the results produced by recent research, the following chapter will present a historical interpretation of this material and the literary sources, based on Karl Polanyi’s ideal-type ‘port of trade’ as discussed above. Naukratis lies 83 km. south-east of Alexandria, in the western part of the Nile delta. There is no direct road between Naukratis and the Cairo–Alexandria motorway, rendering access to the ancient site exceedingly difficult; indeed, it becomes almost impossible in winter, when heavy downpours of rain turn the untarred roads into mud tracks. Nor does Naukratis nowadays offer any architectural attractions to the tourist; furthermore, the old area of excavation, covering about 950×580 m., is largely covered today by a lake. Finally, even the first excavations of 1884–1903 unearthed very little of the temples mentioned in Herodotus 2. 178. It was impossible for me to carry out an autopsy of all the discoveries and finds that have been made, and so I will refer to the available site reports and publications concerning the material from Naukratis. Unfortunately, the former are incomplete in the extreme: they appeared immediately after the campaigns, with no insistence upon comprehensiveness. Many finds were sorted out and destroyed at the excavation site itself; quite a few were distributed to museums, institutions, and private individuals all over the world—in part in return for subscriptions to the Egyptian Exploration Fund—before they could be published. Some of these finds have meanwhile been published in the catalogues of the various museums.
War Epidemics
Authors: Smallman-Raynor Matthew , Cliff Andrew
Published: November 2020

Down the ages, war epidemics have decimated the fighting strength of armies, caused the suspension and cancellation of military operations, and have brought havoc to the civil populations of belligerent and non-belligerent states alike. This book examines the historical occurrence and geographical spread of infectious diseases in association with past wars. It addresses an intrinsically geographical question: how are the spatial dynamics of epidemics influenced by military operations and the directives of war? The term historical geography in the title indicates the authors' primary concern with qualitative analyses of archival source materials over a 150-year time period from 1850, and this is combined with quantitative analyses less frequently associated with historical studies.
Regional Cultures of Production
Authors: Gertler Meric S.
Published: November 2020

With the shifting nature of capitalist competition in recent years, many have argued that systems of innovation and production have become more social in nature. This assertion has two distinct but related components. First, production systems are coming to be characterized by a more finely articulated social division of labour, achieved through the process of vertical disintegration of large firms and the growing use of various forms of outsourcing, including subcontracting to smaller supplier firms. This externalization of the production process is said to offer the chief advantage of agility in meeting the needs of ever more rapidly changing and fragmented markets. As market demands shift qualitatively, producers are able to respond more effectively in such ‘open’ systems because they can more readily absorb the innovative ideas of supplier firms to help them devise new products and improvements, and because they can rework their sources of supply to match the particular attributes of the ‘product of the moment’, in both cases drawing upon the rich resources of a large collection of suppliers. The second component is that, as individual firms come to rely more heavily on their relations and exchanges with other firms, non-market forms of interaction become more important. Viewed in terms of the Williamsonian continuum between public markets and private hierarchies, much of the interesting action is seen to be taking place in the middle ground: relations are social, but are increasingly buttressed by trust. In particular, as Harrison (1992) pointed out in a classic essay, for these innovative production systems to function properly, firms must develop a considerable degree of interdependence on one another (including surrendering proprietary information) but will only do so when a relationship of trust has been established. Such relations are more likely to arise when firms interact with one another directly and repeatedly over time, as they will tend to do when they are located in the same region (see Crewe 1996). However, as sociologists such as Granovetter (1985) have pointed out, this interaction takes place through informal as well as formal mechanisms, and is reinforced by shared histories and cultures.
Surveying and Mapping
Authors: Dale Peter , McLaughlin John
Published: November 2020

Recent major property formalization projects have had total estimated costs ranging from US$20 million to more than US$250 million with loans ranging from US$2 million (to support feasibility studies) up to approximately US$100 million. In general these costs have been required for: • institution strengthening: 10–15 per cent • mapping: 20–5 per cent • adjudication and surveying: 30–50 per cent • registration: 20–5 per cent. This chapter reviews aspects of the adjudication, surveying and mapping of property, processes that are used to identify and record the land to which ownership rights are attached. There are essentially four basic processes involved: • Adjudication and the definition of the boundaries of the parcel. • Legal delineation and monumentation of property boundaries. • Preparation of descriptions of the properties, usually in map form. These processes are essential components in the initial formalization of property and in the subsequent use and transfer of formal property rights. They provide much of the information necessary for the overall planning and coordination of land titling projects, for assessing evidence in support of the initial registration of title, for the actual delimitation and registration of boundaries. 'They also form the basis for the subsequent re-establishment of boundaries in the case of uncertainty, dispute, or subdivision. Cadastral surveying is the term generally used to describe the gathering and recording of data about land parcels, even where the records do not form part of an official cadastre. When properties are initially registered, government officials have traditionally undertaken the processes of cadastral surveying and land title adjudication. The costs are then paid for by the state or through aid programmes. More recently, private sector surveyors have carried out some of the work on contract in an attempt to reduce actual costs and to accelerate the pace of projects. The surveys of changes to the boundaries that take place after the initial survey (through consolidation, subdivision, amendment, etc.) may be undertaken by the public sector but are more often carried out by private licensed surveyors.
Policy Issues in Land Administration
Authors: Dale Peter , McLaughlin John
Published: November 2020

Land administration strategies and processes need to be structured within a broad policy framework, the shape of which will depend on the jurisdiction concerned. A common thread between systems will be the promotion of economic development, social justice and equity, political stability, and environmentally sustainable development. The processes of re-engineering, total quality management, and other management reforms discussed in Chapter 9 were originally designed for use in the private sector so that organizations could respond better to the demands of the market place. More recently, they have increasingly been adopted by public sector administrators who have been forced to respond to the market oriented approach and hence have been required to upgrade land administration systems. In the United States the processes of re-engineering have been packaged under such labels as ‘entrepreneurial government’ and ‘reinventing government’ and were addressed in the National Performance Review (known as the Gore Commission) which had a mandate to ‘re-invent and to reinvigorate the entire national government’. The ideas were picked up by many other governments—from Australia to the UK (Butler 1994), the Netherlands to New Zealand, and Singapore to Sweden-regardless of party or ideology. Although reinventing government means different things to different people, it has generally entailed: 1. restructuring the way government services are organized; 2. developing new strategies and processes for managing government services (for instance, simplifying administrative programmes); 3. empowering the recipients of public services. As with the private sector, a crucial component of reinventing government has been the effective use of information technology (IT). Governments in general have only recently begun to review their national information strategies and to develop new ways in which they deliver services to citizens and businesses. Over the past few years, IT has changed the way that many people live through the creation of new products and services. Examples include the use of credit and debit cards, the ability to withdraw cash from a ‘hole in the wall’ even in a foreign country, the mobile phone and fax machine, and access to information on the Internet. Information technology now makes it possible for citizens and businesses to deal directly with government agencies if they so wish (UK Government 1996).
Water, Power, and the Andean City: Situating Guayaquil
Authors: Swyngedouw Erik
Published: November 2020

There is no aggregate shortage of water in Latin America. The Amazon’s output into the Atlantic Ocean is about 150,000 cubic metres per second and a whole host of smaller rivers—the Magdalena, Orinoco, San Francisco, Uruguay, and Usumacinta rivers, to name but a few—all carry more than 1,000m3/sec of water into the ocean at their outlets. In contrast, Buenos Aires, Mexico City, and São Paulo, the three largest cities in Latin America, consume around 50 to 80m3/second, clearly a very small amount when compared to total available regional water resources (Anton 1993: 163). However, Mexico City is situated in an extremely water-scarce area, and other cities such as São Paulo, Brasilia, Guatemala City, Quito, and Bogota are located far from plentiful sources of water. Elsewhere, though, large cities and abundant water sources are in close proximity, yet large parts of their population still suffer from a lack of clean, cheap, and convenient water, a situation of scarcity in the midst of abundance. This chapter will examine the problems faced by the urban poor in Latin America in accessing potable water, and will examine the problems associated with its delivery. Although it contains some very arid areas such as the Atacama Desert, Latin America is a humid region. Until recently, water was regarded as an abundant resource, and justifiably so: Latin America’s annual precipitation is 60% above the world average and the average annual run-off of 370,000m3 is 30% of the world total (Biswas 1979: 16). A glance at water consumption levels in Latin American cities indicates no aggregate shortage of water. Table 3.1 suggests that average daily water consumption in Latin America’s big cities is comparable with that of cities in the developed world, and significantly higher than is the case in African and some Asian cities. Given that the very minimum amount of water deemed necessary to sustain life has been estimated at 5 litres per capita per day (LCD) (World Bank 1976), and that under most circumstances 30/40 LCD is deemed sufficient for a reasonable level of personal and community health (Kirke and Arthur 1987: 125), even the city with the lowest consumption level would appear to have a plentiful supply of water.
Cryosphere
Authors: Hinkel Kenneth M. , Ellis Andrew W.
Published: November 2020

The cryosphere refers to the Earth’s frozen realm. As such, it includes the 10 percent of the terrestrial surface covered by ice sheets and glaciers, an additional 14 percent characterized by permafrost and/or periglacial processes, and those regions affected by ephemeral and permanent snow cover and sea ice. Although glaciers and permafrost are confined to high latitudes or altitudes, areas seasonally affected by snow cover and sea ice occupy a large portion of Earth’s surface area and have strong spatiotemporal characteristics. Considerable scientific attention has focused on the cryosphere in the past decade. Results from 2 ×CO2 General Circulation Models (GCMs) consistently predict enhanced warming at high latitudes, especially over land (Fitzharris 1996). Since a large volume of ground and surface ice is currently within several degrees of its melting temperature, the cryospheric system is particularly vulnerable to the effects of regional warming. The Third Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) states that there is strong evidence of Arctic air temperature warming over land by as much as 5 °C during the past century (Anisimov et al. 2001). Further, sea-ice extent and thickness has recently decreased, permafrost has generally warmed, spring snow extent over Eurasia has been reduced, and there has been a general warming trend in the Antarctic (e.g. Serreze et al. 2000). Most climate models project a sustained warming and increase in precipitation in these regions over the twenty-first century. Projected impacts include melting of ice sheets and glaciers with consequent increase in sea level, possible collapse of the Antarctic ice shelves, substantial loss of Arctic Ocean sea ice, and thawing of permafrost terrain. Such rapid responses would likely have a substantial impact on marine and terrestrial biota, with attendant disruption of indigenous human communities and infrastructure. Further, such changes can trigger positive feedback effects that influence global climate. For example, melting of organic-rich permafrost and widespread decomposition of peatlands might enhance CO2 and CH4 efflux to the atmosphere. Cryospheric researchers are therefore involved in monitoring and documenting changes in an effort to separate the natural variability from that induced or enhanced by human activity.
Environmental Perception and Behavioral Geography
Authors: Amedeo Douglas M. , Golledge Reginald G.
Published: November 2020

Three foci and combinations of them constitute the basis for nearly all of EPBG’s concerns: human activities, human experiences, and all forms of empirical surroundings. With these as fundamentals, this specialization is viewed as a working framework for exploring situations of people engaged in activities and having experiences in ordinary spatial and/or environmental contexts (Goody and Gold 1985, 1987; Aitken et al. 1989; Golledge and Timmermans 1990a, b; Aitken 1991, 1992; Kitchin 1996). For at least the 1960s and 1970s, common ways of exploring human geographic issues entailed framing them as spatial-like representations for observation and study. The main focus was on structural features of spatial patterns such as density differences, dispersions, clusters, arrangements, shapes, configurations, connectivities, and spatial hierarchies, among others, and the typical research goal was to describe and account for those features over time (Amedeo and Golledge 1986; Abler et al. 1971; Haggett 1966; Haggett and Chorley 1969). The reasoning employed in works such as these followed the ways in which the issues themselves were represented. It included examinations and evaluations of spatial co-variances, distance-decay regularities, contagious and competitive effects in spatial diffusions, spatial clustering in regionalizing and in regional ecologies, and more general applications of process-form type arguments. These approaches were largely structural in perspective and had few, if any, provisions for consideration of individual behavior and experience. Concurrent with this spatial-structural perspective, however, efforts were also being devoted to understanding human decision-making in spatial contexts. Consumer choices in market places, industrial and retail location decisions, trip determinations, competitive decision-making in space, and spatial-allocation determinations were some of the main topics investigated (Golledge and Stimson 1997). This emphasis on spatial decision-making no doubt generated the impulse for further behavioral research in geography. It did so largely through the effects of its successes and limitations, both of which provided many opportunities for thoughtful criticisms and explorations into additional behavioral issues. Its successes demonstrated that knowledge about people acting in spatial contexts could be gained by focusing on individuals as spatial decision-makers and studying their concomitant spatial search and learning processes (Golledge 1969; Golledge and Brown 1967; Gould 1965).
Political Geography
Authors: Toal Gerard , Shelley Fred M.
Published: November 2020

The decade and a half since the last review article on political geography by Reynolds and Knight (1989) in Geography In America has been one of extraordinary geopolitical transformation and change. Not only did the Cold War come to an end with the fall of the Berlin Wall and the dissolution of the Soviet Union but the spectacular terrorist attacks of September 2001 brought the “post-Cold War peace” to an end also. In the early 1990s the threat of superpower nuclear war faded as an omnipresent nightmare in international relations. Yet new threats and dangers quickly emerged to take the place of those imagined during the Cold War. Concern grew about “rogue states,” genocidal ethnonationalism, global warming, and the dangers of nuclear proliferation (Halberstam 2001; Klare 1995; Odom 1998). Fears about terrorism also grew with a series of bombings, from Paris, London, and Moscow to Oklahoma City, New York, and Atlanta. United States troops and embassies in Saudi Arabia, Tanzania, Kenya, and Yemen were the targets of terrorist attacks. But it was only after the disruption, shock, and panic of the devastating terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 and subsequent incidents of bioterrorism that world politics was given new definition and clarity by the world’s most powerful state. The new metanarrative of geopolitics is the “war against terror.” Beyond the high dramas of geopolitics, already existing trends in everyday economic and political life deepened in the last decade and a half. New social movements have forced questions concerning the politics of identity and lifestyles onto the political agenda. The globalization of financial markets, telecommunication systems, and the Internet further rearranged governing notions of “here” and “there,” “inside” and “outside,” “near” and “far.” With global media networks broadcasting news twenty-four hours a day and the Internet spreading a world wide web, the “real” geographies of everyday life were becoming strikingly virtual as well as actual (Wark 1994; Mulgan 1997). Informationalization, and the relentless pace of techno-scientific modernity were transforming everyday life and education in the United States’ colleges and universities. Celebrated by the culture of transnational corporate capitalism, these tendencies brought enormous wealth to some, further polarizing income inequalities across the planet while also introducing unprecedented vulnerabilities and uncertainties into what was becoming “global everyday life.”
Water Resources
Authors: Wescoat James L.
Published: November 2020

Water resources geography expanded its spatial, regional, and intellectual horizons during the 1990s. Tobin et al. (1989) reviewed earlier US geographers’ contributions to the hydrologic sciences, water management, water quality, law, and hazards; and they identified three emerging topics: (1) theory development and model formulation; (2) applied problem-solving and policy recommendations; and (3) international water problems. This chapter assesses progress along those and other fronts, beginning with historical and disciplinary perspectives. Charting the progress of a field requires a sense of its history, and Platt’s (1993) review of geographic contributions to water resource administration in the US offers a useful perspective on policy-related research, beginning with George Perkins Marsh and John Wesley Powell. Doolittle (2000) reaches back to Native American antecedents in water resource management in North America (cf. chapters in this volume on cultural ecology, historical geography, and Native American geography). Carney (1998) sheds light on African influences on rice cultivation in the southeastern US. Research on European antecedents ranges from seventeenth-century “hydrologic” theories in England (Tuan 1968) to hydraulic engineering at the École des Ponts et Chausées in France, water courts in Spain, and more distant Muslim and Asian contacts (e.g. Beach and Luzzader-Beach 2000; Bonine 1996; Butzer 1994; Lightfoot 1997; Swyngedouw 1999; Wescoat 2000). In the field of water law and institutions, Templer (1997) has linked recent geographic work on Western water laws with earlier research in political geography. A historical geographic study of water rights transfers from irrigated ranches in the South Platte River headwaters to Denver, Colorado, has shed new light on how urban economic and political power employ and reshape water law (Kindquist 1996). The battle between Owen’s Valley and Los Angeles continues to stimulate historical geographic research on relations among facts, laws, and their social meanings (Sauder 1994). Although a geographic perspective of international water laws has yet to be written, databases on transboundary conflicts and agreements shed light on the evolution of international water law (Wolf 1997, 1999a, b; and , last accessed 10 February 2003). Historical or contemporary, the pragmatic spirit of water resources geography remains strong (Wescoat 1992).
Rural Development
Authors: Forbes William , Kaktins Sylvia-Linda
Published: November 2020

Rural development could be defined simply as economic development in rural areas. However, practitioners and researchers find rural development involves more than mere economic strategies. Many rural communities struggle with changes from resource extractive to service-based economies, along with cultural impacts of globalization (Harrington 1995; Ewert 1997). Rural development in response is becoming integrative like geography, considering class structure, community values, natural resources, social capital, sustainability, and regional and global forces (World Commission on Environment and Development 1987; Straussfogel 1997; Heartland Center for Leadership Development 1998). Rural development has represented an explicit research perspective within geography since 1982. Geographers, through their ability to integrate human and physical aspects of place, can help communities assess complex change and devise strategies to meet their goals (Stoddart 1986; Turner 1989; Abler et al. 1992). Integrated descriptions of human and physical aspects of place can benefit relationships with undergraduate students (Marshall 1991), other geographers (Bowler et al. 1992), rural development researchers in other fields, and rural development practitioners (Kenzer 1989). Geographers may be especially useful in the interdisciplinary world of sustainable development (Wilbanks 1994). The Rural Development Specialty Group began in 1982 as the result of an International Geographic Union (IGU) working group meeting in Fresno, California. The group was formed “to promote sharing of ideas and information among geographers interested in the many facets of rural development.” Richard Lonsdale (University of Nebraska) and Donald Q. Innis (State University of New York at Geneseo) were co-founders. Subsequent leaders included Vincent Miller (Indiana University of Pennsylvania), John Dietz (University of Northern Colorado), Al Larson (University of Illinois at Chicago), Paul Frederic (University of Maine at Farmington), Henry Moon (University of Toledo), Brad Baltensperger (Michigan Technological University), Karen Nichols (State University of New York at Geneseo), William Forbes (University of North Texas), and Peter Nelson (Middlebury College). The group may soon merge with the Contemporary Agriculture and Rural Land Use Specialty Group, forming a larger Rural Geography Specialty Group that will continue to provide a forum for rural development research in geography.
The History of Geography
Authors: Martin Geoffrey J.
Published: November 2020

The history of geography is an untidy term that sprawls across an extended chronology and embraces an illdefined body of thought, knowledge, and ideas. Different countries have different histories of geographical thought, and not infrequently North American practitioners study one or more of these national histories. The period of investigation for some may exceed two thousand years while for others it may be decades only. There is no mainstream, but a variety of individual efforts—some oriental, some occidental, some published, others unsung—that do not of themselves come together. The historian of geography studies what other people have thought, said, and studied concerning matters geographical. Islands of knowledge form in seas of ignorance. The canvas is vast and for most of us choices must be made. Over the last thirty years it is probably true to assert that a majority of workers in this enterprise have made special studies of segments of the history of North American geography and its antecedents. The larger purpose of this type of investigation is to understand what has gone before, to comprehend how progress is made in the advancement of thought and how such a body of knowledge in its evolution brought us to recent time. It is a form of historical inquiry cognizant of the context of times past and guarded as to the limitations imposed upon us by lack of sources. In this country, among the academic pioneers of this genre were E. van Cleef, C. T. Conger, J. Paul Goode, C. O. Sauer, E. C. Semple, and E. L. Stevenson of whom four undertook some of their studies in Germany. Arguably, formal recognition of this branch of our field was entered into the literature by Wright (1925, 1926). Development of this body of knowledge has, however, been slow. Occasionally the terms “history of geography” and “historical geography” have been mistaken for one another or used interchangeably. The history of geography seeks to reveal the direction that individuals, institutions, books, beliefs, and concepts have taken in the eventual construction of a discipline and profession. The history of geography relates to and intermingles with histories of other fields (most notably perhaps with geology).
Canadian Studies
Authors: Merrett Christopher D. , Rumney Thomas
Published: November 2020

The idea of Canadian Studies runs counter to recent economic trends that challenge the salience of the boundary between Canada and the United States. Books such as Nine Nations of North America (Garreau 1981) declare that the boundary is an irrelevant curiosity from a bygone era. Regional boundaries are more important than national boundaries when studying the geography of North America. Canada is viewed as nothing more than the “thirteenth Federal Reserve District” of the United States (Kindleberger 1987: 16). These statements suggest that Canada is not different from the United States, so why study geography from a Canadian perspective? One response is that the study of Canada endures because scholars persist in the idea that events (and the perception of events) in Canada differ from those elsewhere in North America. This chapter emphasizes research conducted by members of the Canadian Studies Specialty Group (CSSG) of the Association of American Geographers (AAG) between the late 1980s to the present. However, where relevant, we also include research conducted by other AAG members, scholars from the Association for Canadian Studies in the United States (ACSUS), and in some cases, Canadian and other scholars who have published in American journals. While we intend to present a comprehensive survey, it is by no means exhaustive. Our goal is to identify some major themes and diverse ways that Canadian geography has been studied in the United States. The chapter examines research conducted from the late 1980s to the present, and is organized around six themes: (1) economic geography and free trade; (2) political geography of national identities; (3) urban and social geography; (4) Canada’s regions: historical and cultural perspectives; (5) physical geography; and (6) the future of Canadian Studies. The deregulation of the Canadian economy accelerated with the implementation of the Canada-United States Free Trade Agreement (FTA) in 1989 and the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in 1994. Free trade influenced much of the recent research done on Canada’s economic geography. Prior to the FTA, Americans paid little attention to the Canadian economy (Romey 1989). The neglect stems from the lack of controversy between Canada and the United States.
Latin American Geography
Authors: Robinson David J. , Caviedes César
Published: November 2020

The brief essay that constitutes this chapter demonstrates a resurgence of work on the region that bodes well for the future. A new generation of scholars is replacing those who have for many years provided leadership in a variety of subfields. Several old hands have retired, some are still publishing con gusto (Denevan, Siemens, Horst, Preston), others we have lost forever (Parsons, Stanislawski, West, Eden) though through their works (Denevan 1989, 1999; Pederson 1998) and their students they remain with us. It perhaps needs to be said that this brief account of the Latin Americanist historiography of the last decade should not be viewed in isolation. Too often we are marginalized as mere “regionalists” in an age that surely lacks well-trained ones (National Research Council 1997). Our efforts, be they in historical, environmental, cultural, political, or socioeconomic also need to be seen as crucial components of each of these thematic subfields. The work of North American geographers in the different fields of physical geography is being conducted under the paradigmatic premiss that the environment is a physical milieu and the place of residence and activity for humans. From that perspective, global environmental change, climatic crises, and increased pressures on biotic resources by increasing populations have been among the concerns of the scholars and politicians who, in 1992, called the Global Conference on the Environment (UNCED) in Rio de Janeiro. There, new agendas for the integrated study of humans and the biosphere were formulated. Investigations about past and present impacts of humans on natural environments have refocused on the ways in which socioeconomic circumstances preside over environmental change (Turner 1991). The explanatory avenues and paradigmatic tenets of the natural and social sciences are now closely integrated in the treatment of humans and their environments (Turner 1997a). Latin America, where demographic growth and urban sprawl are testing the resilience and the limits of natural environments, and resource exploitation is exerting critical pressure on finite resources, provides a showcase for this type of analysis.
Solvable and Unsolvable Problems (1954)
Authors: Turing Alan
Published: November 2020

In Chapter 1 Turing proves the existence of mathematical problems that cannot be solved by the universal Turing machine. There he also advances the thesis, now called the Church–Turing thesis,that any systematic method for solving mathematical problems can be carried out by the universal Turing machine. Combining these two propositions yields the result that there are mathematical problems which cannot be solved by any systematic method—cannot, in other words, be solved by any algorithm. In ‘Solvable and Unsolvable Problems’ Turing sets out to explain this result to a lay audience. The article first appeared in Science News, a popular science journal of the time. Starting from concrete examples of problems that do admit of algorithmic solution, Turing works his way towards an example of a problem that is not solvable by any systematic method. Loosely put, this is the problem of sorting puzzles into those that will ‘come out’ and those that will not. Turing gives an elegant argument showing that a sharpened form of this problem is not solvable by means of a systematic method (pp. 591–2). The sharpened form of the problem involves what Turing calls ‘the substitution type of puzzle’. An typical example of a substitution puzzle is this. Starting with the word BOB, is it possible to produce BOOOB by replacing selected occurrences of the pair OB by BOOB and selected occurences of the triple BOB by O? The answer is yes: … BOB → BBOOB → BBOBOOB → BOOOB …Turing suggests that any puzzle can be re-expressed as a substitution puzzle. Some row of letters can always be used to represent the ‘starting position’ envisaged in a particular puzzle, e.g. in the case of a chess problem, the pieces on the board and their positions. Desired outcomes, for example board positions that count as wins, can be described by further rows of letters, and the rules of the puzzle, whatever they are, are to be represented in terms of permissible substitutions of groups of letters for other groups of letters.
The Homo Sapiens Peopling of Europe
Authors: Mellars Paul , Sherratt Andrew
Published: November 2020

The origin of our own species, Homo sapiens, has sometimes been described as ‘the hottest topic in palaeoanthropology’ (Shreeve 1995). Lively debate has surrounded this issue throughout this century and the debate continues, if in a slightly more muted form, down to the present. Indeed in some ways recent discoveries have tended to fuel the debate. Needless to say the issues extend far beyond the realms of Europe, but the evidence from Europe itself remains critical to many aspects of these debates, owing to the exceptional detail and clarity of the relevant archaeological and human skeletal records in many parts of the continent. The approach I wish to adopt here is to look first at the evidence for the initial appearance of fully Homo sapiens populations in Europe generally, and then to extend this focus, more briefly, to other regions. As we shall see, the evidence from Britain itself inevitably forms only a small part of this picture, but one which adds some important elements to the wider international perspective. The long-running debates over modern human origins reduce essentially to two sharply polarized perspectives (Stringer and Gamble 1993; Stringer and McKie 1996; Wolpoff and Caspari 1997). On the one hand is the so-called ‘multi-regional evolution’ or ‘regional continuity’ model, which asserts that in effectively all parts of the old world there was an essentially continuous, gradual process of both biological and cultural evolution from the various Homo erectus-like populations which first spread from Africa over a million years ago, and which eventually led to the emergence of fully modern populations within each region—though with a good deal of peripheral gene flow between the different regional populations throughout this period (Wolpoff and Caspari 1997). On the other hand there is the more dramatic population dispersal or ‘Garden of Eden’ hypothesis.
Tribes and Empires c.1500 bc–ad 500
Authors: Cunliffe Barry , Millet Martin
Published: November 2020

The period of two thousand years or so which we set out to cover here— roughly 1500 bc to ad 500—begins at a time when the evidence available to us is purely archaeological, untainted by the vagaries of history, and ends when the gleanings from archaeology have to be reconciled with a rich historical tradition and the varied interpretations of linguists. Thus, in spanning the millennia, we bridge the disciplines. The first historian to consider the tribes of the British Isles from a truly informed position was Tacitus. Writing towards the end of the first century ad he had access not only to the vague and anecdotal writings of the Posidonian tradition and the observations of Julius Caesar on the tribal situation in the south-east, but he was also able to draw upon the reminiscences of his father-in-law, Julius Agricola, who had spent many seasons campaigning in Britain first as a legionary commander and later as governor of the province. Agricola travelled from one end of the island to the other and, incidentally, was probably responsible for killing more Britons than any other Roman. Assessing the varied array of evidence available to him in an attempt to characterize the British population, Tacitus showed the commendable restraint of an historian in his famous summation . . .who the first inhabitants of Britain were, whether native or immigrant remains obscure: one must remember, we are dealing with barbarians. (Agricola, 11). . . After several centuries of hard archaeological endeavour the situation has changed little. Forty years ago, in considering the formation of the British people, we would have been much more confident. We would have talked of a series of ‘invasions’ bringing in successive waves of new people from the Continent— Deverel-Rimbury folk in the Late Bronze Age about 1000 bc, Hallstatt overlords resplendent on their horses and wielding long slashing swords in the seventh century, invaders from the Marne region around 400 bc and Belgae first raiding and then settling in the south-east in the first century bc (Hawkes and Dunning 1931).
Extension of Martin-Löf’s type theory with record types and subtyping
Authors: Betarte Gustavo , Tasistro Alvaro
Published: November 2020

Our starting point, to which we refer hereafter as type theory, is the formulation of Martin-Löf’s set theory using the theory of types as a logical framework (Martin-Löf 1987; Nordström et al. 1990). The question that we address is that of the representation of systems of structures such as algebraic systems or abstract data types. In order to provide a general means to this end, we extend type theory with a new mechanism of type formation, namely that of dependent record types. This allows us to form types of tuples in such a manner as to allow any arbitrary set (i.e. not restricted to be among those generated by a fixed repertoire of set forming operations) to be used as a component of tuples of those types. Such types of tuples cannot be formed in the original theory. Moreover, as is well known from the theory of programming languages, a natural notion of inclusion arises between record types. Given two record types p and p′, if p contains every label declared in p′ (and possibly more) and the types of the common labels are in the inclusion relation then p is included in p′ in symbols, p ⊑ p′. This is justified because then every object of type p is also an object of type p’, since it contains components of appropriate types for all the fields specified in p′. Our extension contains the form of judgement α ⊑ β expressing that the type α is included in the type β and corresponding proof rules, which generalize record type inclusion to dependent record types and propagate it to the rest of the types of the language. In the present formulation, no proper inclusion between ground types is allowed. Having type inclusion represents a considerable advantage for the formalization of the types of structures in which we are interested. In particular, systems of algebras will be represented as record types and, according to the subtyping rule explained above, any algebraic system obtained by enriching another with additional structure will be a subtype of the original system.