bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Concept of Rebirth as the Christ and the Initiatory Rituals of the Bridal Chamber in theGospel of Philip
Authors: Franzmann Majella
Published: July 2016

In this article I begin with an outline of the connection between theological concepts related to the person of the Gnostic Christian Saviour and the ritual practice of Gnostic Christian groups. After setting the scene in this general way, I look specifically at theGospel of Philip, investigating the connection between the description of the rebirth of the Saviour at the Jordan and the rebirth of the Gnostic in the ritual of the bridal chamber.

The Nag Hammadi corpus, to which theGospel of Philipbelongs, contains many texts which may be identified as Gnostic Christian, partly because of the fact that, in these texts, the key figure of the Saviour or Revealer is identified as Jesus or Christ. The work that Jesus performs in the world for the Gnostics is revelation, for the most part, rather than redemption in the sense in which mainstream Christianity identified his activity. His revelation may involve imparting secret knowledge, especially during that time prior to his final ascent into the heavenly region of light (for those texts which are closely aligned with the mainstream Christian pattern of descent and several stages of ascent for Jesus), but it must be generally categorised as activity designed to awaken the Gnostic to the insight (gnosis) which this person already possesses.
The Conjectures of Guyet in the Text of Juvenal
Authors: Willis James
Published: July 2016

The name of Guyet as an emendator will be known to those who use Professor Clausen's edition of Juvenal, e.g. on 6.65 and 632-3; 7.138; 8.6-8. From Professor Courtney's commentary (p. 62) they will learn that the notes of Guyet were published by M. de Marolles in his edition of 1658. The attentive reader will note also that between the first and the second printing of Clausen's edition the credit for deleting 8.6-8 was transferred from Jachmann to Guyet—a circumstance which in itself suggests that the rediscovery of Guyet's conjectures is of recent date. The serious student of the text of Juvenal may therefore be grateful for the following facts.
On Declining an Invitation in Homer and in Everyday Talk: Context, Form, and Function
Authors: Minchin Elizabeth
Published: July 2016

Speech-act theory starts from the premise that the minimal unit of spoken communication is not the word or sentence but the production of words or sentences in the performance of certain kinds of acts, such as challenging, entreating, apologising, thanking, or rebuking. Some speech acts may be expressed quite economically, in a few words (for example, ‘I congratulate you’); others require a sequence of sentences or syntactic chunks to achieve their illocutionary function—that is, to fulfil the intention of the speaker. In a recent paper, drawing on two fields of study outside Classics—cognitive psychology and discourse analysis—I examined a single set of speech acts recorded in the Homeric epics: the rebukes which Homer's characters address to one another in the course of theIliadand theOdyssey. In that paper I demonstrated that all speeches in Homer which we identify as rebukes share a common structure, or format, and that this format is remarkably similar to the format to which we ourselves—in middle-class communities in the Western world—refer when, for example, we chastise a child. And I proposed that this notion of format-based speech may be extended perhaps even to the full range of speech acts observable in this everyday world and in the Homeric epics, of which apologies, challenges, words of consolation, and refusals of invitations are examples.
The Harmony of Fixed Fate and Free Will in theIliad
Authors: Wong Edwin
Published: July 2016

Eberhard argues convincingly in his 1923 volume,Das Schicksal als poetische Idee bei Homerthat fate is a narrative device in theIliadandOdysseywhich guides the narration towards resolution. As an example of fate at work, he cites the narrator harnessing fate to fulfil ‘what must happen’ when Zeus finds the deaths of Sarpedon and Hector difficult. Movement towards resolution, however, is not the only force motivating the narration. Achilles' vacillations between remaining or quitting pull the narration away from resolution: such episodes suggest the idea of an apparent freedom within fate. If Iliadic fate or free will were unwavering dogmatic notions, their coexistence would be problematic. But perhaps harmony between the two is possible when free will in theIliadis—like Eberhard's conception of fate—a poetic or narrative device.
Unimpeachable Sponsors of Imperial Autocracy, or Augustus' Dream Team (SuetoniusDivus Augustus94.8-9 and Dio Cassius 45.2.2-4)
Authors: Wardle D.
Published: July 2016

Of all the extant sources, Suetonius'Life of Augustuscontains the fullest, and certainly the most systematic, treatment of the supernatural indications of the future Augustus' greatness. Suetonius deploys the full range of divinatory techniques – both those administered by the institutions of the Roman state religion (augurs andharuspices) and those excluded from its ambit (astrology and dreams) – to underline divine approval for the dominance of Augustus. Scholars have readily explained the appearance of this unparalleled congeries of supernatural support by adducing the personal belief in supernatural phenomena of Suetonius and Dio, the two principal mediators of this material.
Catullus 17 and 67, and the Catullan Construct
Authors: Deuling Judy
Published: July 2016

InLove by the NumbersHelena Dettmer suggests that poem 17, which beginso Colonia, quae cupis ponte ludere longo, belongs to a disparate group of poems within the Catullan corpus, which contains poems with personified inanimate objects. Yet two of that larger group, poem 17 and poem 67 (addressed to a house door orianua), are more closely drawn together by their settings, which the author hints are northern and specific while leaving them undefined and general. Furthermore, the two represent personified wooden objects, a bridge (poem 17) and a door (poem 67), while the broader group of poems includes personified estates and poetry. Finally, the metre of poem 17 is unique within the Catullan corpus. It sets the poem apart from the others and assists in defining its character.
Embracing the Young Man in Love: Catullus 75 and the ComicAdulescens
Authors: Uden James
Published: July 2016

In the prologue of Terence'sEunuchus, written, according to the didascalia, in 161 BC, the author of the play defends himself against the charge of literary theft. He denies completely any knowledge on his part that the Greek plays he had combined to produce his own play had already been translated into Latin. In the alternative, he argues against the charge of comic theft by way of the very nature of stock characters. ‘If’, argues Terence, ‘a man isn't allowed to make use of the same characters [personae] as other writers, how, all the more, is he allowed to write of the running slave, to make his matrons good and his prostitutes wicked, his hanger-on greedy, his soldier arrogant; how is he allowed to have a child substituted, an old man deceived through his slave, to love, to hate, to be suspicious?’ This last line —amare odisse suspicari— aims to evoke the characteristic attitude of the comicadulescens, whose emotional vacillation is presented as just another stock aspect of the genre, a literary inheritance as clich6d as any of the comedy's archetypal stock characters. ‘Nothing is said nowadays which hasn't been said before’, concludes Terence. Mid second century BC, and the Latin literary lover is already afflicted by textual, as much as emotional, exhaustion.
Genre and Fact in the Preface to Cicero's De Amicitia
Authors: Burton Paul
Published: July 2016

One can prove imposture; never authenticity.

– Roland Barthes

Over 250 years ago, the Cambridge clergyman Conyers Middleton, one of the first biographers of Cicero in the English language, said of the Laelius De Amicitia, ‘this agreeable book … must needs affect us more warmly when it is found at last to be a history, or a picture drawn from the life, exhibiting the real characters and sentiments of the best and greatest men of Rome.’ Middleton thus accepted at face value Cicero's claims in the preface to his treatise on friendship that he has reproduced, in some form, an actual conversation that took place in 129 BCE between C. Laelius and his sons-in-law C. Fannius and Q. Mucius Scaevola.
The Ambitions of Quintus Labienus ‘Parthicus’
Authors: Curran John
Published: July 2016

Late in 41 or early in 40 BC a force of Parthians embarked upon an unusually vigorous and penetrative irruption into the Roman province of Syria. Prominent among those commanding the Parthians was Q. Labienus who had earlier been sent to the court of the Parthian king by the assassins of Caesar as they made their own preparations for war with the dead dictator's supporters. Marooned by the outcome of the battle of Philippi, Labienus became resident at the court of the Parthian king Orodes, returning to Roman territory in the company of the invaders. The force concentrated first on Syria and surrounding territory but by the spring of 40 BC a thrust was made with Labienus at its head into the provinces of Asia Minor. Initially, prominent citizens of the region were left to make their own responses to Labienus but presently a successful Roman counter-attack was mounted under the leadership of P. Ventidius Bassus. The invaders were swiftly defeated but not before Labienus had deployed the striking self-designation ‘Parthicus’. Bassus himself duly triumphed in November 38 BC and became the only non-imperial holder of ‘Parthicus’ as a cognomen.
In Quest of Basil's Retreat: An Expedition to Ancient Pontus
Authors: Silvas Anna M.
Published: July 2016

Basil of Caesarea (AD 329–378), his brother, Gregory of Nyssa (335–394), and their friend, Gregory Nazianzen (328–389), are a group of three great Christian thinkers of the late 4th century AD known as the ‘Cappadocian Fathers’. All were steeped in the culture of traditional Hellenism, and at the same time were great theologians and leaders who steered the Christian church of the eastern Roman empire in the turbulent years of the late 4th century. Theologically they are best known for bringing to a close the Arian controversy that had wracked the Christian church for most of the 4th century. Basil, called ‘the Great’ in the Christian tradition for his leading role in steering the Arian controversy to a conclusion, is also known for his reforms of the unruly ascetic movement in Asia Minor, documented in such works as hisAsketikon. As a result of his labours he effectively established Greek cenobitic (common-life) monasticism. But his influence as a preceptor of Christian monasticism was destined to spread far, both east in Syria and in the Latin West. A Latin translation was an important source of theRule of St Benedict, which set the tone of western monasticism for many centuries to come.
Comic Metrical Signatures in Menander's Dyskolos
Authors: Blyth Dougal
Published: July 2016

Many scholars have commented on Menander's facility in alternating between tragic and comic forms of the iambic trimeter, and the subtle effects he creates thereby in manipulating the mood of a scene. But characteristically these effects are interpreted solely in dramatic terms, and the statements made are rather vague, at the most detailed (and rarely then) merely noting that in a given line a particular tone is created by the overall form of metre used. What I aim to show is that deliberate metrical manipulation of a quite different kind is also involved, and in order to appreciate better Menander's art we need to attend to the metrical form of individual words.
Cicero’s Retreat from Rome in Early 58 BC
Authors: Bellemore Jane
Published: July 2016

In early 58, the tribune Clodius proposed alex de capite civis Romanireaffirming the essence of an earlierlex Sempronia,that no Roman citizen should be put to death without a trial. Since Cicero, as consul in 63, had overseen the summary execution of five men, he was, without doubt, the target of Clodius’ rogation. On the day before the billde capite civis Romaniwas voted upon, however, and at the insistence of friend and foe alike, Cicero departed from the city, but his ‘timely’ exit did not put an end to this episode. Very soon after his departure, chattels were removed from his estates under the aegis of the consuls, and his wife was subjected to financial harassment.
Remembering Ovid: The Io Episode in Valerius Flaccus' Argonautica
Authors: Davis P.J.
Published: July 2016

The insertion of the story of Io into Book 4 of Valerius' narrative of the Argonauts' voyage to Colchis follows a familiar pattern, for here we have an apparently irrelevant digression, delivered by a figure of authority, which experienced readers of Roman epic will expect to encapsulate some of the poem's key issues. Some will think of Evander's tale of Hercules and Cacus in Aeneid 8 or of Adrastus' account of Apollo and Coroebus in Thebaid 1. And then there is Lucan's version of the struggle between Hercules and Antaeus in Pharsalia 4. Theoreticians will invoke the concept of ‘mise-en-abîme’, because Valerius' inclusion of this standard epic device creates semiotic expectations.
Parmenides B1.3: Text, Context and Interpretation
Authors: Tarrant H. A. S.
Published: July 2016

It is an almost universal principle that texts should not receive emendation until the reading of the MSS. has received careful consideration. An initial awkwardness may, after reflection, prove to be a poet's sacrifice of style to achieve some higher end – an allusion to traditional literature, a word-order reflecting the structure of his ideas, or the accurate expression of ideas which are not easily put into verse. The last reason is usually held responsible for the short-comings of Parmenides' poetry, while in his prologue, with which I am here concerned, sacrifices of the first kind may also be expected, as literary allusions have been proved plentiful and significant. In a previous publication I have also argued for a carefully contrived word-order at B8.53, hinting that this may also be the case at B1.3. If my hunch were correct, then it would involve restoring the manuscript reading in that line.
Representations of Roman Children and Childhood
Authors: Rawson Beryl
Published: July 2016

Studies of aspects of ‘the Roman family’ have developed so quickly and so prolifically in recent decades that it is already possible to write of work of the 1980s as the accepted orthodoxy and to have new, vigorous debates which are stimulating and questioning and deepening our understanding of the complexities of that central institution of Roman society. Other social histories of Rome are now taking account of this, in ways that go far beyond earlier histories' legalistic or political approach to Roman families. The role of children can now be studied against that nuanced and variegated background. There is already one full-length study (Wiedemann 1989) and I expect to have another ready soon.
The Linguistic Unity of the Historia Augusta
Authors: Adams J.N.
Published: July 2016

It may well be that the much-debated question whether the HA is the work of one or more authors can be settled finally on linguistic grounds. Elsewhere I have produced some linguistic evidence which points to unity of authorship, and in this article I discuss some more evidence of the same kind which suggests the same conclusion.

Dessau drew attention to certain expressions which occur in all or most of the Scriptores and which he regarded as inconsistent with multiple authorship. His remarks are interesting but inconclusive, for most of the expressions could be cliches in use in literary varieties of Latin or borrowed by one Scriptor from another. Conflictum habere (= proelium committere), for example, which he had found nowhere else (op. cit. 387), occurs not only in Augustine (Civ. xix 4) and Hegesippus (i 30.7), but also in Vegetius’ Epitoma rei militaris (i 16). It may have been current in military Latin in the fourth century. To be decisive linguistic evidence must consist of unobtrusive mannerisms common to most of the Scriptores which were not general in literary Latin.
Thucydides at Amphipolis
Authors: Ellis J. R.
Published: July 2016

Posterity has on the whole judged Thucydides not ungenerously over his failure to save Amphipolis in the winter of 424. Although some of those who have attempted to analyse the military circumstances of the loss, almost wholly from the historian’s own account, have found him culpable in some way, most scholars have preferred not to add their condemnation to that of the Athenian demos. Rather the majority have tended towards the non-committal or have celebrated what they have seen to be the author’s resolute determination, in his failure to present a palpable self-defence, not to be diverted from the primary aims of his work. Gomme even suggested reasons why Thucydides may actually have been in the right and why, by consequence, his exile may have been a perversion of justice. But in the end, of course, as Gomme and many others have realized, we simply do not have the evidence to judge with any certainty.
The Lex Agraria of 111 B.C. and Procedure in Legislative Assemblies
Authors: Develin R.
Published: July 2016

Agrarian legislation in the immediate aftermath of the Gracchi is the subject of continuing debate. Appian (BC i 27) records three laws, the last two of which are specified as being tribunician: the first removed the inalienability of land holdings; the second was perhaps the measure of Sp. Thorius, mentioned also by Cicero, which stopped land distribution, confirmed possession rights on the land and imposed a rent, the proceeds of which were to help the poor; the third abolished this rent. Appian provides chronological clues of a sort: the first measure came ‘not long after’ the death of C. Gracchus, the third ‘not long after’ Thorius’ law, and the whole business was perhaps finished within fifteen years άπò τῆς Γράκχου νομοϑεσίας. I say ‘perhaps’ because it remains arguable whether the point of reference for these fifteen years is Tiberius or Gaius Gracchus. I intend to argue elsewhere that Tiberius is meant, but as such an argument cannot be regarded as conclusive, there is still a point in this respect in examining the lex agraria which is the inscription CIL i2 585. The law is naturally important in its own right. It is dated internally to 111 B.C. and attempts have been made to equate it with either the second or third of Appian’s laws. If it was the second, this allows a retention of the fifteen years and the placing of the third law in 109 or 108. But if Appian has accurately reported the second law, it imposed a rent, while the first part of the inscriptional law talks of removing rent.
Identification of Speakers in Greek Drama
Authors: Manton † G.R.
Published: July 2016

I am sure I was not the only student who, when he first made his way stumblingly through the opening lines of the Persae, called to mind the raising of the curtain on the first act of The Mikado. But Aeschylus tells us a good deal more in his opening lines than the identity of the chorus of elders. They are the men left behind when the Persian host went to Greece, and they have been appointed by King Xerxes, son of Darius, to guard the wealth and splendour of the royal palace and oversee the land.

What I want to show in this paper is that what seems so natural in the Persae is achieved throughout tragedy and old comedy through a conscious adherence, as far as the identity of characters is concerned, to a convention. It is a convention which arises from the nature of Greek drama as a literary form primarily designed for performance.
Astrology for Maecenas
Authors: Kidd D.A.
Published: July 2016

Astronomical themes, with a rather limited scope, were a minor but recurrent element in ancient poetry, and Horace makes considerable use of them in the Odes. Most of the examples involve risings and settings as guides to the time of year, and most are within the range of the phenomena mentioned in Hesiod’s Works and Days. But in Odes 3.29.17-20, for the special interest of Maecenas, Horace breaks new ground by drawing more topical material from the Julian calendar, to remind his friend that it is now July and too hot for working in Rome: the (evening) rising of Cepheus on the 9th, the (morning) risings of Procyon on the 15th and Regulus on the 29th, and the entry of the sun into Leo on the 17th. Such an array of calendaric lore is clearly designed to appeal to Maecenas, who must have had a particular interest in astronomical phenomena.
Passer Catulli: The Evidence of Martial
Authors: Pitcher R.A.
Published: July 2016

Six epigrams of Martial are relevant to the question of his interpretation of passer in Catullus 2 and 3. Five of these, 1.7 and 109; 4.14; 7.14 and 11.6 are mentioned by Howell in his discussion of the problem in A Commentary on Book One of the Epigrams of Martial (London 1980), 122; to these must be added 14.77 which, although it does not specifically mention passer, certainly refers to it in the words qualem, dilecta Catullo, Lesbia plorabat. One of these epigrams, 11.6, is cited by Giangrande to support his argument that passer in Catullus is an equivalent for mentula on the grounds that Martial also used passer with the same meaning. On this point Howell comments: ‘if one accepts the interpretation of the passer poems recently persuasively reargued by G. Giangrande. . . then one must reinterpret not only this epigram [1.7], but the other four . . . in which M. refers to Catullus’ passer,’ and then proceeds to interpret Martial accordingly. A reading of the epigrams in question, however, reveals that such blanket reinterpretation is not only unnecessary, but also does grave injustice to the subtle ambiguity of Martial’s epigrammatic style.
Propaganda and the Imperial Coinage
Authors: Levick Barbara
Published: July 2016

During the first half of this century the view came to be widely held by numismatists, and by many Roman historians too, that the types chosen for the Roman imperial coinage were to be interpreted as a means of influencing public opinion, of reconciling his subjects to the rule of the Princeps, and of explaining imperial policy to them; in short, as propaganda. Thus for C.H.V. Sutherland coins are, in essence, ‘organs of information’, while in the words of M. Grant, ‘Roman coinage . . . served a propagandist purpose far greater than has any other national coinage before or since . . . This was the means which the Roman government . . . used to insinuate into every home in the empire each changing nuance of imperial achievement and policy’.
Notes on the Language of Vita Aesopi G
Authors: Shipp † G.P.
Published: July 2016

This version of the life of Aesop is known only from the one manuscript, which had belonged earlier to the library of a monastery near Frascati, from which it disappeared with no mention of it after 1789 till it was rediscovered in the Pierpont Morgan collection in 1929. It was published in 1952 by B.E. Perry at the University of Illinois Press (Urbana) in his fine Aesopica I, 35-77, with much other material, including a full account of the manuscripts of the other version of the life, W.

MS. G is from the end of the tenth century. Perry thinks that the original goes back to the first century A.D. and reflects the strong interest in popular versions of Aesop’s life in Egypt at this period. It has a pronounced Egyptian colouring, Isis playing a prominent part in the naive and bawdy story, with a strong opposition to Apollo. Four papyrus fragments similar to G have been found (see Perry, op. cit. 1), and various Eastern versions of part of the story are known. The manuscript has many koine features that agree with Perry’s dating, and the language can often be usefully illustrated from the modern Demotic. Features that are more likely to be errors of tradition in the manuscript are mainly unimportant late spellings.
Solon’s Act of Mediation
Authors: French A.
Published: July 2016

Aristotle was evidently employing the vocabulary of fourth-century politics to express his contemporaries’ reconstruction of what had happened in early sixth-century Athens: it was as natural for him to explain in terms of oligarchs versus democrats what had been a situation of civic discord in archaic times, as it is for twentieth-century students to see it in terms of a power clash between organized political parties or of an industrial class struggle. But the liberation by statute of a demos from slavery was a concept strange to Aristotle’s world; and so he defined what he thought the tradition meant in this case:
Female Speech in Latin Comedy
Authors: Adams J.N.
Published: July 2016

Evidence has been accumulating from many languages for the existence of distinctive forms of female speech. A consistently observed characteristic of women is that they are more likely than men of the same social class and age to favour usages which belong to an accepted standard or are of high prestige. Women seem to be more conservative than men. They are also widely believed to be more given to polite linguistic forms. It has, for example, been suggested that men use plain imperatives more often than women; women favour modifiers to soften the impact of an order. Numerous other female traits have been found in different languages. In English certain intonation patterns are said to be typical of women. Other pronunciation differences have been noted in various languages, such as the omission or substitution by one sex of a sound used by the other sex. Women have also been shown to differ from men in their use of such words as particles, personal pronouns, titles and kinship terms.
Pilate’s Wife?
Authors: Smith J. Carington
Published: July 2016

According to St. Matthew, Pontius Pilate had a wife; after a warning dream, she spoke out against her husband’s decision concerning Christ. The gospel does not mention her name, but a number of apocryphal writings, composed between the third and seventh centuries, give her the cognomen of Procia, under which name, and as the wife of Pilate, she is included in the calendars of the Greek Orthodox and Ethiopian Churches. The earliest source which adds the nomen Claudia to the cognomen Procla was available to St. Jerome, and so extant in the early fifth century — but versions of it surviving today are said to bear little relation to the one he referred to, and their authenticity is doubtful. The name Claudia Procia nevertheless attached itself to the legend, and under it Pilate’s wife has survived even into the fiction of this century.
The Purpose of the Aeneid
Authors: Williams R.D.
Published: July 2016

The ancient critics were not in doubt about the purpose of the Aeneid: it was to glorify Rome and Augustus. In the Donatus-Suetonius life we read (21) ‘Last of all he began the Aeneid, a varied and complicated theme, a sort of equivalent of both Homer’s poems; also it was concerned with characters and events which were both Latin and Greek, while in it (and this was his special interest) there would be contained the origin of the city of Rome and of Augustus’ (… in quo, quod maxime studebat, Romanae simul urbis et Augusti origo contineretur). Similarly Tiberius Claudius Donatus says (Prooem. Aen. i): ‘he had to depict Aeneas as a worthy first ancestor of Augustus, in whose honour the poem was written’ (talem enim monstrare Aenean debuit, ut dignus Caesari, in cuius honorem haec scribebantur, parens et auctor generis praeberetur). And again, Servius (in the introductory note to his commentary on the Aeneid): ‘Virgil’s intention is to imitate Homer and to praise Augustus by means of his ancestors’ (intentio Vergilii haec est, Homerum imitari et Augustum laudare a parentibus); and he quotes a magno demissum nomen Iulo (i 288).
Immortality and Procreation in Plato’s Symposium
Authors: Dyson M.
Published: July 2016

The crucial point about this passage was well brought out by R. Hackforth: the immortality here envisaged ‘does not spring directly from the apprehension of, but from the begetting of true virtue (sc. in another’s soul).’ And Hackforth drew the conclusion that ‘consequently the philosopher can no more than the ordinary man become immortal (note) save by vicarious self-perpetuation.’ The importance of this contention is that it offers us a Plato without a belief in personal immortality such as is prominent in other dialogues in which a similar version of the theory of Forms appears and that, because of this difference, the ‘ascent’ passage and the explanation of the creativity eros cannot be used directly in conjunction with dialogues in which a conflicting view of immortality appears, as part of a Platonic theory of eros.
Plutarch’s Late-Republican Lives: Between The Lines
Authors: Hillard T.W.
Published: July 2016

A great deal of modern scholarship has been expended on the subject of Plutarch’s sources and on the manner in which he composed hisLives. As a result of the painstaking analyses of the fifty or so cross-references in theLives, a rough order in which they were probably written can now be descried and this has been a great boon for those who would use the information therein for historical purposes. As regards thoseLivesdealing with the luminaries of the late Republic, it can be said that theLucullusand probably theSertoriuswere among the first four sets to be written, that theCiceroappeared with theDemosthenesin the fifth set, then came theSulla, theBrutus, theCaesar, thePompeius, and subsequently theCrassus, Cato minor, AntonyandMarius. (The order of the last four cannot be fixed, nor can the place of theLivesof the Gracchi.) A knowlege of this sequence explains the differences and occasional contradictions between individualLivesby exposing Plutarch’s earlier unfamiliarity with certain traditions and suggesting divergent source traditions which surfaced only when Plutarch was researching a particular character. (This, of course, makes the material even more valuable.)
Lysias’ Speeches and the Debate About Participation in Athenian Public Life
Authors: Sinclair R.K.
Published: July 2016

The socio-economic composition of the assembly and the law-courts in the period from the mid-fifth century to 322 B.C. constitutes one of the most intractable problems in the history of Athenian public life. The difficulties arise from two major sources: the paucity and the character of the evidence, and the possible range of variables that may have affected participation in the Ekklesia and the Dikasteria.
Spurii and the Roman View of Illegitimacy
Authors: Rawson Beryl
Published: July 2016

‘Illegitimacy has been called a social problem for the last two centuries and a moral problem from time immemorial’ (Laslett 1980: 1). Many studies of ancient Roman society have dwelt on morals, and many texts of Roman law give much detail on family law and the law of persons. By contrast with studies of modern law and society, however, there has been little focus on the ‘idea’ of illegitimacy in ancient Rome and no extended discussion of what was involved in being an illegitimate child in that society.
When did Valerius Maximus write the Dicta et Facta Memorabilia ?
Authors: Bellemore Jane
Published: July 2016

There can be no doubt that Valerius Maximus completed the Dicta et Facta Memorabilia during the reign of Tiberius (A.D. 14-37), although he refers to this emperor only in general terms, as ‘Caesar’, for example, in the preface to the work or, more usually, as princeps. Despite the fact that Tiberius is not named as such, there are references that note his status as ruler of Rome. First, it is made clear by Valerius that Augustus is dead, and, in addition, there are two specific exempla that show that Tiberius is the current princeps.
Horace, Odes iii 4.10
Authors: Treloar A.
Published: July 2016

me fabulosae Vulture in Apulo

nutricis extra limina Pulliae

nutricis extra limina Pulliae

ludo fatigatumque somno

fronde nova puerum palumbes

texere

IO nutricis ΞΨPph. σχAГσχ altricis F var. δ | limina pulliae Ξ (acc. R1) σχГPph.? limen apulliae Turicensis, δ2, qui ambo ad Q pertinent limen apuliae ΨγEM Pph.? provinciae nomen pro nutricis posuit σχAГ; cf. σχAГ ad v. I8 I. Dauniae Paldamus

Thus the text and apparatus of Klingner’s 3rd Teubner edition (1959).

On the evidence of the MSS., the Teubner editor is clearly right in printing nutricis, limina and Pulliae. It remains to explain how the false readings arose and to justify the text as written by Horace, which some have found objectionable. On this a little new evidence can be adduced, but a preliminary review of the problem may be helpful.
Horace, Odes i 12.35
Authors: Treloar A.
Published: July 2016

Romulum post hos prius an quietum Pompili regnum memorem an superbos Tarquini fascis, dubito, an Catonis nobile letum.

The stanza presents a number of difficulties:

(1) the grammatical structure of memorem; (2) the identity of Tarquin and hence the meaning of superbos; (3) the propriety of a reference to Cato.

As often in Horace an examination of the structure of the ode will help in the solution of problems within a stanza.

The clear reference to Pindar’s Second Olympian in verses 1-3 is an indication that the ode will be in Horace’s ‘Pindaric style’, in which there is a characteristic development of his thought in groups of stanzas. In this case the ode is constructed in triads of stanzas, the nearest approach Horace could make to the structure of a Pindaric ode. The ode may be analysed as follows:
Notes on Plautine and Other Latin
Authors: Shipp G.P.
Published: July 2016

Aug. Serm. 378 distinguished clearly between arrabo and pignus: quando datur pignus reddit homo quod accepit re completa propter quam pignus accepit, arra autem quando datur non recipitur sed super additur ut impleatur. The same distinction is drawn by Isid. Orig. v 25.20. Especially significant is the assumption by Gellius, that there was a usual distinction known to everybody, and his consequent explanation of why Quadrigarius used arrabo where pignus would be expected (xvii 2.21): Cum tantus, inquit, arrabo penes Samnites populi Romani esset. Arrabonem dixit sescentos obsides et id maluit quam pignus dicere, quoniam vis huius vocabuli in ea sententia grantor acriorque est. Quadrigarius used arrabo, I take this to mean, because it expressed more keenly the bitterness felt by the Romans at being forced to leave their fellow-citizens in pawn. (If this is so arrabo would already be in sordidis verbis, though Gellius ascribes this colour of the word to his own times as against those of Quadrigarius.)
The Occasion of St Basil’sAddress to Young Me
Authors: Moffatt Ann
Published: July 2016

This short document from the fourth century gave guidance to students who were getting an education in the tradition of the ancient Greco-Roman schools. Basil came out more strongly than any other early Church theologian in favour of the view that pagan literature, while not being authoritative, could be studied by Christians at school to their advantage. This view held good for many Christians in the Greek-speaking Byzantine world for the next thousand years and was endorsed in the West at the Renaissance when theAddresswas published in many editions throughout Europe. Leonardo Bruni first translated it into Latin in 1405, and it paved the way for his translation of classical texts, of Demosthenes, Aeschines, Plutarch and Xenophon, Plato and Aristotle.
Very Much The Safest Plan or, Last Words in Sophocles
Authors: Hester D.A.
Published: July 2016

Ever since A. W. Schlegel the role of the Sophoclean chorus has been the subject of debate. To him the chorus was ‘the ideal spectator’, by which he meant that it moves at a deeper level than the actors and interprets the meaning of the play to us: it is as Schiller put it, ‘not an individual, but a general reflection’. This might be called one of the extreme views of the role of the chorus; even those who do not take it in general, such as Helg and Helmreich, still see some of the choral odes as a kind of parabasis, in which Sophocles lets the plot go and speaks to us in person. The main candidates are the first stasimon of the Antigone and the second stasimon of the Oedipus Rex. It is not clear whether these ‘messages’ were for posterity or Pericles; in my view these odes are entirely explicable in the dramatic context in which they occur; at least, the burden of proof lies with those who would maintain otherwise.
Horace, Odes i 12 yet again
Authors: Dunston A.J.
Published: July 2016

Three articles in recent numbers of this journal have discussed Odes i 12 quem uirum, particularly lines 33-6. In Vol. iii (1969), 48-51, A. Treloar accepts a theory of a ‘triadic’ structure of the ode by which all those persons referred to in stanzas 7-9 (lines 25-36) are to be regarded as ‘heroes’: he further accepts the παρὰδoσις Catonis (35) and suggests that in Tarquini (35) is a reference to L. Tarquinius ‘Collatinus’. In Vol. v (1971), 68-76 H. D. Jocelyn expresses mistrust of such a structure, and after discussing what the words ήρως and heros are capable of meaning argues that Horace may only have been referring to two categories of beings, namely ‘gods’ and ‘men’. He further suggests that the Tarquin referred to is ‘Superbus’. In Vol. vi (1972), 60-2 Treloar responds. From now on these articles will be referred to as T1, J and T2 respectively, with the addition of the appropriate page-number.
Italicus and Claudius: Tacitus, Annales xi 16-17
Authors: Keddie J.N.
Published: July 2016

The fortuitous survival of ILS 212 provides an important control against the historical technique of Tacitus. But elucidation of the Emperor’s speech to the Senate in the light of external epigraphic evidence has tended to overshadow the normal internal correspondences of Tacitean narrative. Significantly, only a few pages prior to the memorable event of 48, we find in the German digression of 47 superficial and deep reflections by the historian on the admission of the Gauls to the Senate, and on the Princeps responsible for that step.
The Murder of Philip II
Authors: Develin R.
Published: July 2016

The relationship of the ancient historian to his sources has not infrequently been compared to detective work. When the problem in hand is to discover the circumstances surrounding a murder, it is little wonder that ancient historians delight in retreading the same ground, encouraged by the absence of a final solution. There are a number of such mysteries thrown up by the world of antiquity, some more mysterious than others. Often there is the problem that at least one major suspect in some sense succeeded the victim in power, a dual problem in fact, since if guilty, the successor could cover up his tracks, if innocent, but nonetheless beneficiary of the death, he would incur suspicion anyway. I use the masculine pronouns, but female involvement is frequent — think of Livia and Agrippina. The case in hand is such as to excite curiosity: there seems to be an amount of evidence sufficient for a solution and the involvement of Alexander III raises tantalizing questions. Nor do we lack modern parallels to add spice to our investigation. The attempt to explain the assassination of President John Kennedy continues. Was there one gunman or, as now seems likely, two at least? Does that point to a conspiracy? There are further and more remarkable suggestions which, whatever their validity or otherwise, show a similarity with our case.
Invitations to the Prytaneion at Athens
Authors: Henry Alan.S.
Published: July 2016

In part I of a recent article entitled ‘Entertainment in the Prytaneion at Athens’ Michael Osborne deals with the rationale of invitations extended by the Athenians by decree, whether for a single occasion (δεῖπνον, ξἐνια) or as a permanent award (σίτησις). The present paper is concerned only with the former, and will address itself in particular to two interrelated matters: I. the eligibility of benefactors (as opposed to envoys) to receive invitations; and II. the differentiation between citizens and foreigners as regards the type of entertainment provided.
Virgil and the Conquest of Chaos
Authors: Horsfall N.M.
Published: July 2016

The hunt for Virgil’s sources has been, by unspoken agreement among Latinists, largely abandoned. This regrettable development may in part have been a by-product of the justifiable revulsion against the excesses of Quellenforschung as practised c. 1880-c. 1930 (everyone read Posidonius and Varro; no-one else was read), in part by the opening of alluring new vistas in Virgilian studies, where apparent progress might be made without the need of painstaking consultation of HRR,GRF,FGH,FHG and similar collections. It has therefore escaped notice that just as the detailed examination of Virgil’s use of Homer (Knauer, Die Aeneis und Homer) or even of the Homer scholia (Schlunk, Virgil and the Homeric Scholia) can lead to immensely valuable advances in our understanding of the poet’s compositional techniques, so the survey of Virgil’s prose sources and the analysis of how he handles the material available to him can be employed to precisely comparable ends. It is the purpose of this paper to indicate some ways in which such a survey may be put into effect.
Agribusiness in the Agricultural Financial Crisis
Authors: Glover Glenn H.
Published: July 2016

The current agricultural crisis has impacted virtually every aspect of agribusiness. Many sectors of the general economy not directly linked to agribusiness have also felt the crisis. Information provided in this discussion is intended to: facilitate understanding of the current financial situation in agriculture, identify factors that have contributed to the situation, and explore alternative strategies for agribusiness firms.
Foreign Economic Development: The Need and How Well It Is Being Met
Authors: Davidson Ralph K.
Published: July 2016

Today, the need for economic development is self-evident to the millions of people in Asia, Africa and Latin America who suffer from malnutrition, are ill-housed, poorly educated, and either unemployed or grossly underemployed. The ultimate objective of economic development is to raise the standard of life – the quality of life - for the mass of the people, to widen their area of choice, to open up new opportunities for human well-being. The less developed countries have two-thirds of the 3.5 billion people but receive only 12.5 percent of the world's gross national product. Life appears to be an economic treadmill with the future blighted by an excessive rate of population growth for millions of people. India provides a good illustration of the problem. With an estimated population of 525 million at mid-1968, India had 15 percent of the world's population, 2.4 percent of the world's land area, hardly 2 percent of the world's income, and an annual per capita income level of around $75.
The Distribution of Benefits from the 1968 Upland Cotton Program
Authors: Hill Roger P.
Published: July 2016

While attempting to quantify and examine the distribution of payments from the 1968 Upland Cotton Program, some comparisons will be made of the distributive aspects of previous cotton programs.

Economists have long been concerned with the impact of government farm programs, but have focused much of their attention on resource use and aggregate returns under alternative programs. At the same time, it has been recognized that farm programs, through income transfers, had certain distributive impacts. One of the first and most comprehensive studies of the distribution of benefits from certain farm programs was conducted by James T. Bonnen.
Part-Farm General Cropland Retirement: Effects of Some Alternative Program Specifications
Authors: Irwin George D. , Sharples Jerry A. , Berry John H.
Published: July 2016

The impact of technological advance in reducing the need for agricultural land has been more or less recognized since at least the early 1950s. After experiments with general cropland retirement in the 1956-60 Conservation Reserve Program, U. S. farm policy turned to annual acreage adjustments, commodity by commodity. Now farm policy proposals once again include the general cropland retirement approach, either alone or in combination with annual commodity programs.
A Proposed Procedure for Distributing Assessments Among Beneficiaries of Small Watershed Projects
Authors: Lacewell Ronald D. , Eidman Vernon R.
Published: July 2016

Conservancy districts can plan and apply land treatment and structural measures to reduce flooding and associated damages. The Conservancy District Act permits conservancy districts to appraise benefits and levy assessments to pay the cost of installing, operating, and maintaining works of flood protection not included in legislative appropriations. We are concerned with the method whereby these specified costs are distributed among flood plain farmers.

The assessment criterion is: Each beneficiary shall be assessed in relation to the proportion of benefits received. That is, flood plain farmers are to pay the proportion of specified flood protection costs that equal the proportion of total benefits received. The objective of assessing is consistent and equitable, but there is yet to be developed a method for computing assessments which meet this norm or objective.
Feed/Cattle Price Relationships and the Optimum System and Location of Cattle Feeding in Texas
Authors: Williams Ed , Farris Donald E.
Published: July 2016

Texas has developed into a major cattle feeding State during the past few years, mainly because of the existing favorable feed/cattle price relationships. These price relationships are the result of the surplus production of both grain sorghum and feeder cattle within the State and the demand for fed beef in Texas, in other Gulf Coast States, and in California.
The Middle Sized Farming Operation: A Goods-and-Services Firm?
Authors: Ginzel J. A. , Kehrberg E. W. , Irwin G. D.
Published: July 2016

Traditionally, the economics of farm number adjustments have been inferred from the relative positions of firms on a longrun average cost curve. The steep slope of the left portion of the commonly drawn curve suggests demise of the smaller units as fast as off-farm and inter-farm markets can absorb their labor and land resources. On the less steeply declining middle portion of the curve, insufficient volume of output (income) is suggested as a cause of firms quitting. The argument is supported by the fact that most empirical estimates do not show the long-run cost curve rising at large outputs. This places downward pressure on product prices, reducing per unit margins, and creating income problems for the middle group of firms. Adjustments in the farming sector are then viewed as constrained by the limitations of factor and product markets, as well as by values and traditions of farm people.
Economic Research Programs for Community Development – Why Do It?
Authors: Motes W. C.
Published: July 2016

We can no longer afford to approach the longer-range future haphazardly. As the pace of change accelerates, the process of change becomes more complex. Yet, at the same time an extraordinary array of tools and techniques has been developed by which it becomes increasingly possible to project future trends - and thus to make the kind of informed choices which are necessary if we are to establish mastery over the process of change.
Economic Effects of Intersectoral Income Transfers
Authors: Duymovic Andrew A. , Farrish Raymond O. P.
Published: July 2016

As dissatisfaction with existing welfare programs has become more widespread, increased attention has been given to various income transfer plans that would gurantee all U. S. citizens a minimum annual income. One alternative which is being given serious consideration is the negative income tax (NIT). The negative income tax has been proposed in various forms, most notably President Nixon's family assistance plan.