bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
An Analysis of the 1932 Presidential Vote in Chicago
Authors: Gosnell Harold F. , Gill Norman N.
Published: May 2006

In many ways, the city of Chicago is typical of the United States as a whole in the twentieth century. It is a cross-section of the mixture of races, religions, sects, linguistic groups, and economic classes that go to make up modern America. In the past two decades, the political behavior of the citizens of Chicago in national elections has been similar to that of the entire American electorate. Except for the election of 1916, when Hughes carried the city by a narrow margin, the presidential candidate who carried Chicago also carried the electoral college.

At irregular intervals, there have occurred in American party history certain crucial presidential elections which appear to have set the party alignments for several decades. The election of 1896 was such an election, since it determined the supremacy of the Republican party for a period of a quarter of a century, interrupted only by the Wilson Administration, which came to power because of a split in the Republican ranks. A new era in American politics was definitely started by the election of 1932 which ended the Republican dominance. An intensive study of the behavior of the voters in Chicago during this political upheaval will throw some light upon the motivation of the voters in the entire United States.
The Course of Judicial Review in the State of Ohio
Authors: Aumann F. R.
Published: May 2006

The first constitution of Ohio was framed in 1802, and was not submitted to popular vote for approval. Fashioned by followers of Thomas Jefferson, the new government had as its cardinal principle the doctrine of legislative supremacy. With no power over patronage, and with the veto power denied to him as well, the governor was but a “shadow executive.” Since the judges were appointed by the legislature for the limited term of seven years, the judiciary also played a subordinate rôle.

Although the fundamental character of the constitution was conceded, it was a question in the mind of many as to who should determine the nature and scope of that instrument. To ardent Jeffersonians, this matter presented little difficulty; in their judgment, the legislature was fully competent to settle any question that might arise as to the nature of the constitution.
Who Should Reorganize the National Administration?
Authors: Hurt Peyton
Published: May 2006

The controversy of last winter between a Republican President and a Democratic Speaker of the House of Representatives over the President's suggestion that he be authorized by Congress to reorganize the national administrative departments, subject to a veto within sixty days by Congress, calls to mind the fact that during the past twenty years opinion has been almost unanimous in favor of thoroughgoing administrative reorganization, although no legislation going this far has been enacted. Of the various plans proposed, some have been extensive, contemplating complete reorganization of the executive departments, while others have been devoted to special phases of the problem. But on one point all agree, namely, that the national administration must be reorganized before it will function with the desired economy and efficiency. Now, after years of delay, the problem comes to the fore with renewed vigor. Stimulated by the urgent need for economy in federal expenditures, Congress, the President, and the public are again agreed that reorganization is highly desirable as a means of balancing the budget and securing greater efficiency in government.
Comparative Civil Service Statistics: Germany
Authors: Marx Fritz Morstein
Published: May 2006

“Almost no other art requires such high moral qualifications as statistical comparison.” Dr. Arnold Brecht, then Ministerialdirektor in Prussia's state administration, thus prefaced, about three years ago, his Carnegie lecture at the Berlin Hochschule für Politik in which he cautiously analyzed public expenditures in the United States, England, France, and Germany. And he added: “The international comparison of public expenditures should serve only one end—the contest of all countries for the most constructive and lowest expenditures.”

It is a truism that public interest in present-day government centers around the pressing problem of how to achieve an administrative system conducive to the “most constructive and lowest expenditures.”
Recent Trends in Local Government in Michigan
Authors: Bromage Arthur W.
Published: May 2006

During the first five months of 1935, interest in local governmental problems in Michigan was centered in the regular session of the legislature. The 1935 session should be congratulated on letting some measures lie fallow in committee and on defeating others. Among these bills were several which would have played havoc with the operation of the general property tax in local units. They would have provided for the blanket cancellation of delinquent taxes and for broad exemptions from the property tax. It was the defeat of such proposals rather than any positive program that redounds to the credit of the legislature.
Constitutional Law in 1935–36: The Constitutional Decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States in the October Term, 1935
Authors: Cushman Robert E.
Published: May 2006

As was pointed out a year ago in this Review, the Supreme Court was able to deal with the cases involving the New Deal which came before it during its 1934 term without any striking enlargement of judicial power and without the announcement of any novel constitutional doctrine. The N.R.A., the Gold Clauses, the Farm Bankruptcy Act, were dealt with by the familiar processes of deciding whether Congress had actually exercised a power not granted to it by the Constitution, or had exercised a granted power in a forbidden way. The New Deal issues which came to the Court during the 1935 term were quite as far-reaching in significance and were certainly not of a routine variety. They involved, in some cases, constitutional clauses never before interpreted by the Court. Some of the federal laws under attack were obviously exercises of delegated powers, but at the same time, they exercised delegated powers for purposes which were novel and which had been commonly supposed not to be within the reach of federal authority. In dealing with laws of this type, the Court brought forward and established as a working implement of constitutional construction the so-called doctrine of “dual federalism.”
County and Township Government in 1939
Authors: Snider Clyde F.
Published: May 2006

Recent years have witnessed a growing interest in the problems of local government in rural areas. Increasing demands upon the taxpayer for the support of government and its services have emphasized the need for modernization of our local political institutions. Although advances in this direction are inevitably slow, each year brings some progressive steps, the cumulative effect of which, over a number of years, should be considerable. In 1939, with most state legislatures in session, numerous statutes were enacted which had as their purpose the readjustment of governmental areas or functions, the improvement of local-government organization or finance, or the promotion of coöperation among various governmental units. At the same time, there were instances in which local units themselves sought, under existing authority, to undertake the performance of new services or to provide their inhabitants with governmental forms or procedures better suited to present-day needs. As in previous years, the developments of 1939 will be summarized under the following headings: (1) areas; (2) organization and personnel; (3) functions; (4) finance; (5) optional charters; and (6) intergovernmental relations.
Permanent Advisory Committees to the British Government Departments
Authors: Perkins John A.
Published: May 2006

A significant development in British government since the turn of the century is the permanent advisory committees to the British executive departments. Writing in 1926, Professor John A. Fairlie stated: “Detailed information as to the operation of such advisory committees is not available; but the multiplication of such bodies in recent years is an indication that they have been found useful.” At the time when this statement was written, there were 60 permanent advisory committees. In the subsequent 13 years, 37 additional ones have been established, making a total of 97 at the present time. This continued multiplication, and the extensive use of such committees made by the departments, indicates that they fill an imperative need in British government by providing expert advice. Likewise, they serve to protect the public interest, because they furnish an adequate safeguard for the public against a bureaucracy whose powers are increasing as the expansion of governmental functions continues.
VI. Political Parties and Elections
Authors: Berdahl Clarence A.
Published: May 2006

Even before the actual outbreak of the war in Europe, there were indications of uneasiness among our politicians over the approaching storm. The Democrats, in their platform of 1936, and in speeches and actions of President Roosevelt (especially his “quarantine” speech of October, 1937), showed themselves somewhat more aware than the Republicans that the United States might somehow be involved; but, in the end, both parties united on the neutrality policy designed to keep us isolated and therefore presumably safe from the aggressions already clearly under way. Before the national conventions of 1940, however, Dunkirk and the fall of France made seriously possible the conquest of England and the surrender of the British navy, and the consequent danger to the United States began to influence materially the course of American politics. Within the Democratic party the third-term tradition was forgotten and Mr. Roosevelt was renominated, largely because of the war situation and his experienced leadership in respect to the problems involved. The Democratic party not only continued to stand aggressively for the New Deal, but had somehow become a “war party,” in the sense of anticipating possible war for the United States and preparing for it both by increasing our own defenses and by aiding those countries already resisting aggression.
International Administration: Lessons from the Experience of the League of Nations
Authors: Ranshofen-Wertheimer Egon F.
Published: May 2006

The time has come to prepare in advance everything that can legitimately be prepared for the revival of international activities after the present catastrophe. Since there are too many unknown factors, it is impossible to envisage the international machinery of the future in all of its details. We cannot as yet foresee the shape that the agency or agencies eventually superseding the League of Nations will assume. The international organization-to-be will certainly assume a striking difference in character, dependent on whether the League is reconstructed or a different type of international agency is created. From an administrative point of view, however, the problems will not be so different from what they were before; it will therefore be fruitful to discuss some of these problems in the light of the Geneva experience.
Political Groups in the Japanese House of Peers
Authors: Fahs Charles B.
Published: May 2006

The political groups in the Kizoku-in, or House of Peers, are of more importance than the scant attention paid them by both native and foreign students of Japanese government implies. In fact, one of the six groups habitually controls the House, which, in turn, is one of the strongest national second chambers existing today. As a result, the Kenkyū-kai, or Study Association, commands steady, the other groups intermittent, patronage in the form of appointments to cabinet or sub-cabinet positions and concessions to their legislative wishes. The political groups in the House of Peers became a concern of Japanese statesmen shortly after the organization of the Diet in 1890; they are today debated in relation to the proposals for legislative reform which have been repeatedly urged since 1932. Although but minor wheels in the mechanism, some knowledge of their place and function is essential to an adequate understanding of the operation of the complicated Japanese political machine.

The history, organization, and influence of these groups is not easy to determine; the scarcity of reliable sources, even in Japanese, makes doubly confusing the large number of diverse yet meaningless group titles which have been employed since 1890.
State Constitutional Law in 1938–39
Authors: Grant J. A. C.
Published: May 2006

The years 1936–38 were remarkable for the vigorous manner in which the courts attempted to preserve “the American system” from the return of the guild. The right to engage in a normal trade or calling without passing too rigorous an examination as to one's capabilities and training, to charge such prices for services as one sees fit regardless of the wishes of a dominant majority of those engaged in a particular trade or calling, and to close when one wishes rather than when a “code authority” commands, were given judicial protection. The past year has witnessed a partial change of heart. Apparently, opponents of the new economy of control are about to be told to “go to the polls, not to the courts.” Even more remarkable has been the increasing tendency on the part of the legal profession, under an expanding doctrine of “inherent” powers, to take back from the legislature and from the people the right to control that profession. This tendency continued unabated during the past year. In most fields, the cases were merely typical of the normal run of decisions on state constitutional questions.
I. The New Office of American Republic Affairs in the Department of State
Authors: Stuart Graham H.
Published: May 2006

The mere announcement of a well-thought-out foreign policy is not sufficient unless adequate machinery is available to make it effective. We have always thought of ourselves as buenos amigos to the republics south of the Rio Grande, but we have not always been able to make them believe it. Conceding that one of the reasons has been certain sins of commission, certainly another has been the sin of omission. The agencies for carrying out our foreign policies both in Washington and in the field were not geared to the load put upon them.

Even before the promulgation of the Monroe Doctrine in 1823, the United States was keenly interested in the young sister republics to the south. However, for almost a century, the Department of State treated the world as a geographical unit in the conduct of foreign relations. It was not until 1870, when Secretary of State Hamilton Fish set up two geographical bureaus, that the second bureau was given jurisdiction over the Latin American region as well as certain other areas.

The Division of Latin American Affairs, established in 1909, is the second oldest of the geographical divisions, and its jurisdiction was limited to the twenty American Republics. When the Division was overwhelmed with work pertaining to Mexico during the latter's revolutionary period, a Division of Mexican Affairs was established in 1915, and it remained in existence until 1937, when the new Division of the American Republics was established and given jurisdiction over relations with all twenty American Republics. This arrangement lasted until the reorganization of January, 1944, when the Office of American Republic Affairs was established and subdivided at first into six, and later five, divisions upon a regional basis. Another division, named the Division of American Republic Analysis and Liaison, was added by Departmental Order No. 1271, dated May 3, 1944.
Town and City Consolidation in Connecticut
Authors: White Max R.
Published: May 2006

Town and city consolidation in Connecticut serves purposes similar to those of city and county consolidation. Duplicating corporate bodies and officials are eliminated, and one government provides those services that are required only in urban areas as well as those required by both rural and urban areas. In addition, by the use of separate taxing districts a method has been developed whereby the people of the entire area pay for the general services while the people in the urban area do, and the people in the rural area do not, pay for the special urban services. Thus, it is possible to bring together a farming area and a city area under one government.
Constitutional Law in 1946–47: The Constitutional Decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States in the October Term, 1946
Authors: Cushman Robert E.
Published: May 2006

Fred M. Vinson took his seat as Chief Justice of the United States at the beginning of the 1946 term; there were no other changes in the personnel of the Court. Mr. Justice Jackson returned to the bench after his year's absence in Nuremberg. Continuing disagreement among the justices was shown by the fact that in twenty-three cases four justices dissented, and in twenty-four cases three dissented. The number of concurring opinions filed remained high.
The Term of Office of the President
Authors: Brown Everett S.
Published: May 2006

On March 21, 1947, the House of Representatives concurred in the Senate amendments to House Joint Resolution 27, which proposed an amendment to the Constitution of the United States placing a limit on the number of terms a President may serve. The vote in the House on so important a question was amazingly small—81 ayes, 29 noes, a total of 110 votes. Objection to the vote on the ground of absence of a quorum was made and then withdrawn. The necessary vote of two-thirds was declared to have been taken, and the way was cleared for possible ratification by the legislatures of the states.

The pertinent part of the proposed amendment in its final form is as follows:

“No person shall be elected to the office of the President more than twice, and no person who has held the office of President, or acted as President for more than two years of a term to which some other person was elected President shall be elected to the office of the President more than once. But this article shall not apply to any person holding the office of President when this article was proposed by the Congress, and shall not prevent any person who may be holding the office of President, or acting as President, during the term within which this article becomes operative from holding the office of President or acting as President during the remainder of such term.”

Under this amendment a President might conceivably serve not to exceed ten years. The primary object of the latter part of the complicated proposal was to except President Truman from its application. In order to be valid, the proposal must be ratified within a period of seven years after its submission to the states.
How Far Does the Constitution Separate Church and State?
Authors: Lardner Lynford A.
Published: May 2006

Several years ago the Supreme Court of the United States touched off a flood of controversy when it made two attempts to breathe life and meaning into the constitutional injunction that “Congress shall pass no law respecting an establishment of religion.” In the first case, Everson v. Board of Education, a bare majority decided that a New Jersey township did not violate the injunction when it permitted the use of public funds to pay the transportation charges on common carriers for children attending public and Catholic schools. But in the second case, McCollum v. Board of Education, a majority of eight decided that the Constitution was violated when the Board of Education of Champaign, Illinois, made provisions for a short weekly period of religious instruction to be given during school hours to children whose parents requested that they be permitted to attend these classes. The instruction available during the school year 1945–1946 was either Roman Catholic, Jewish, Protestant or Interdenominational, the instructors being provided at no expense to the Board of Education by the religious groups concerned.
Politics of British Conservatism
Authors: Epstein Leon D.
Published: May 2006

A rough measure of the resilience of the British Conservative party is indicated by the relatively rapid comeback from the electoral defeat of 1945. Instead of a twenty years' exile, like that of American Republicans, the Conservatives were out of office only six years. To be sure, their return to power was by a very slim parliamentary majority, representing less than half the popular vote cast in the General Election of 1951. And the ups and downs of the Conservative Goverment's popularity, as reflected in by-elections during 1952 and 1953, have shown little more than a capacity to hold the existing narrow margin. For many it must still seem difficult, as it did for Professor Herman Finer in the late 1940's, “to conceive a policy which, within some decades even, might win back for the Conservatives enough votes to support a solid government.” Naturally the Conservatives themselves have hardly accepted the fate of serving only an occasional interregnum between periods of Labour rule. Almost entirely without the spectacular issues which have characterized recent electoral successes of American Republicans, the British Right has sought to refute the assumption that it is incapable of presenting a sufficiently attractive political alternative to socialism.
Comments on the Theory of Organizations
Authors: Simon Herbert A.
Published: May 2006

This is an attempt to sketch in very rough form what seem to me some of the central concepts and problems of organization theory. In the first section I have tried to define the field of organization theory and to indicate with some care what justification there is for regarding it as a distinct area of theory, related to, but by no means identical with, the theory of small groups and the theory of social institutions. The comments in the second section on subject-matter areas simply spell out the implications, many of them perhaps obvious, of the central argument of the first section.

This paper is concerned with all kinds of organizations, and not simply with those that fall within the area of public administration. This definition of the scope of organization theory reflects my own conviction that there are a great many things that can be said about organizations in general, without specification of the particular kind of organization under consideration. Moreover, even if we were interested solely in governmental organizations, I believe that a great deal can be learned from the comparison of their characteristics with those of other kinds of organizations, and from attempts to explain the similarities and differences that are found. Neither of these statements denies the existence of numerous and important phenomena that are peculiar to governmental organizations or the need for theory in public administration to deal with these phenomena.
Political Science and Public Administration: A Note on the State of the Union
Authors: Martin Roscoe C.
Published: May 2006

By tradition public administration is regarded as a division of political science. Woodrow Wilson set the stage for this concept in his original essay identifying public administration as a subject worthy of special study, and spokesmen for both political science and public administration have accepted it since. Thus Leonard White, in his 1930 article on the subject in the Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, recognizes public administration as “a branch of the field of political science.” Luther Gulick follows suit, observing in 1937 that “Public administration is thus a division of political science ….” So generally has this word got around that it has come to the notice of the sociologists, as is indicated in a 1950 report of the Russell Sage Foundation which refers to “political science, including public administration….” “Pure” political scientists and political scientists with a public administration slant therefore are not alone in accepting this doctrine, which obviously enjoys a wide and authoritative currency.

But if public administration is reckoned generally to be a child of political science, it is in some respects a strange and unnatural child; for there is a feeling among political scientists, substantial still if mayhap not so widespread as formerly, that academicians who profess public administration spend their time fooling with trifles. It was a sad day when the first professor of political science learned what a manhole cover is! On their part, those who work in public administration are likely to find themselves vaguely resentful of the lack of cordiality in the house of their youth.
Comparative Dynamics of Parliamentary Governments
Authors: Baron David P.
Published: May 2006

This article presents a dynamic theory of parliamentary governments that incorporates attributes of the institutional system in a country, exogenous events that shape parliamentary and electoral opportunities, and the strategies of the government and the opposition as structured by institutions and preferences. The dynamics are investigated in an infinitely repeated game in which events in the form of shocks to income or government resources occur and the government responds with a legislative proposal that is subject to a confidence or censure procedure and may lead to government continuation, reorganization, or dissolution. With a majority confidence procedure, governments are stable, and if parties are politically patient, voting cohesion within the government is high. A censure motion initiated by the opposition can result in voluntary dissolution of government, and the approach of required elections increases the likelihood of dissolution. If the events represent fluctuations in aggregate income, governnment dissolution occurs in good times for the government leader and bad times for the other parties.
International Crises and Domestic Politics
Authors: Smith Alastair
Published: May 2006

Audience costs enable leaders to make credible commitments and to communicate their intentions to their adversaries during a crisis. I explain audience costs by simultaneously modeling crisis behavior and the domestic reelection process. I assume that a leader's ability influences the outcome of a crisis. As such, voters use outcomes as a signal of their leaders' quality. Leaders have incentives to make statements that deter their enemies abroad, since these statements also enhance their standing at home. Yet, such “cheap talk” foreign policy declarations are only credible when leaders suffer domestically if they fail to fulfill their commitments. In equilibrium, false promises are only made by the least competent types of leaders. Leaders that break their promises suffer electorally. Because initial domestic conditions and institutional arrangements affect the vulnerability of leaders to these domestic costs, such factors influence the credibility of policy declarations and, therefore, the crisis outcome.
Party Systems and Electoral Volatility in Latin America: A Test of Economic, Institutional, and Structural Explanations
Authors: Roberts Kenneth M. , Wibbels Erik
Published: May 2006

Three different theoretical explanations are tested for the exceptionally high level of electoral volatility found in contemporary Latin America: economic voting, institutional characteristics of political regimes and party systems, and the structure and organization of class cleavages. A pooled cross-sectional time-series regression analysis is conducted on 58 congressional elections and 43 presidential elections in 16 Latin American countries during the 1980s and 1990s. Institutional variables have the most consistent effect on volatility, while the influence of economic performance is heavily contingent upon the type of election and whether the dependent variable is operationalized as incumbent vote change or aggregate electoral volatility. The results demonstrate that electoral volatility is a function of short-term economic perturbations, the institutional fragilities of both democratic regimes and party systems, and relatively fluid cleavage structures.
Estimating the Effect of Campaign Spending on Senate Election Outcomes Using Instrumental Variables
Authors: Gerber Alan
Published: May 2006

To examine the traditional view that challenger spending is more effective than incumbent spending, I reestimate the effects of spending using instrumental variables that affect a candidate's ability to raise campaign funds, such as candidate wealth levels. When the endogeneity of candidate spending levels is properly taken into account, the marginal effects of incumbent and challenger spending are roughly equal. In contrast to previous research showing that, because of higher marginal returns to challenger spending, the incumbent's spending advantage cannot explain high incumbent reelection rates, this article shows that in an average Senate election the incumbent's spending advantage yields a 6% increase in the incumbent's vote share. That incumbent spending wins elections has direct implications regarding the consequences of campaign finance reform. My findings imply that equalizing spending levels may significantly increase incumbent defeat rates, and caps on candidate spending may improve the chances of challengers.
Liberal Democratic States and Responsibilities to Refugees
Authors: Gibney Matthew J.
Published: May 2006

In this article I employ the resources of political theory to examine and provide an answer to the question of how liberal democracies should respond to the claims of refugees to enter and reside in their territory. I begin by considering questions of value: I argue that a convincing ethical ideal must strive to balance the competing claims of citizens and refugees. Moving to issues of agency, I show that any standard must also accommodate itself to the difficulties of predicting the consequences of entrance, the responsibilities states currently accept, and the way that politics constrains the efforts of states to assist refugees. I conclude by proposing the principle of humanitarianism as a way of reconciling the demands of value with those of agency. I argue that adherence to this principle would improve the refugee policies of liberal democratic states.
A Social Science Approach to Race, Redistricting, and Representation
Authors: Epstein David , O'Halloran Sharyn
Published: May 2006

In his critique of our earlier paper on majority-minority voting districts, David Lublin suggests that our conclusions with respect to the election of minorities to office are flawed, and that we incorrectly estimate optimal districting strategies for the substantive representation of minority interests in Congress. Subjecting these claims to direct empirical examination, we find that our previous results are unaltered by the inclusion of Latino voters in our estimates of equal opportunity, and that incumbency advantage cannot fully explain the recent victories of minority candidates in the South. Neither do the critiques of our results regarding substantive representation stand up to systematic analysis: Evidence at both the state level and over time confirm our conclusion that districts on the order of 45% black voting age population maximize the expected number of votes for minority-supported legislation.
The Possibility of Self-Government
Authors: Bird Colin
Published: May 2006

Many have suggested that the findings of social choice theory demonstrate that there can be no “will of the people.” This has subversive implications for our intuitive concept of self-government. I explore the relation between the notion of a “social will,” that of self-government, and the impossibility theorems of social choice theory. I conclude that although the concept of the social will is essential to that of self-government, the findings of social choice theory do not cast doubt upon the possibility of either. Unlike many attempts to respond to the threat posed by social choice theory, my argument does not require any appeal to the problematic notion of the common good.
The Fear of Death and the Longing for Immortality: Hobbes and Thucydides on Human Nature and the Problem of Anarchy
Authors: Ahrensdorf Peter J.
Published: May 2006

Recent challenges to the modern secular state invite us to reexamine the arguments made by its theoretical founders, especially Hobbes. Hobbes argues that the desire for security is the most reliable and rational desire of our nature, and the state based on satisfying that desire is fully in harmony with human nature and therefore fully capable of solving the problem of anarchy. I will examine his argument that anarchy, although in some sense the natural human condition, can be overcome once and for all through political institutions that ensure the rational fear of death will control humans' destabilizing hopes and longings for immortality. I then turn to Thucydides, the classical thinker whom Hobbes admired most and who seems closest to Hobbes in outlook, and consider his more somber thesis: Because human hopes for immortality are more powerful than the fear of violent death, anarchy will return over and over again.
An Institutional Explanation of the Democratic Peace
Authors: de Mesquita Bruce Bueno , Morrow James D. , Siverson Randolph M. , Smith Alastair
Published: May 2006

We examine formally the link between domestic political institutions and policy choices in the context of eight empirical regularities that constitute the democratic peace. We demonstrate that democratic leaders, when faced with war, are more inclined to shift extra resources into the war effort than are autocrats. This follows because the survival of political leaders with larger winning coalitions hinges on successful policy. The extra effort made by democrats provides a military advantage over autocrats. This makes democrats unattractive targets, since their institutional constraints cause them to mobilize resources for the war effort. In addition to trying harder, democrats are more selective in their choice of targets. Because defeat is more likely to lead to domestic replacement for democrats than for autocrats, democrats only initiate wars they expect to win. These two factors lead to the interaction between polities that is often referred to as the democratic peace.
The Effects of Negative Political Advertisements: A Meta-Analytic Assessment
Authors: Lau Richard R. , Sigelman Lee , Heldman Caroline , Babbitt Paul
Published: May 2006

The conventional wisdom about negative political advertisements holds that no one likes them, but they work, that is, they have the consequences their sponsors intend. Moreover, many analysts have expressed concern over the detrimental effects of such negativism on the American political system. We examine the accuracy of the conventional wisdom and the legitimacy of the fears about the consequences for the political system via meta-analysis, a systematic, quantitative review of the literature. The data do not support either contention. Negative political ads appear to be no more effective than positive ads and do not seem to have especially detrimental effects on the political system. Eleven subsidiary hypotheses about particular circumstances in which significant effects are likely to be found are tested and rejected. Discussion focuses on why negative political advertisements have become so popular in practice when there is so little evidence that they work especially well.
Negative Campaign Advertising: Demobilizer or Mobilizer?
Authors: Wattenberg Martin P. , Brians Craig Leonard
Published: May 2006

As political campaigns become increasingly adversarial, scholars are giving some much-needed attention to the effect of negative advertising on turnout. In a widely recognized Review article and subsequent book, Ansolabehere and his colleagues (1994, 1995) contend that attack advertising drives potential voters away from the polls. We dispute the generalizability of this claim outside the experimental setting. Using NES survey data as well as aggregate sources, we subject their research to rigorous real-world testing. The survey data directly contradict their findings, yielding no evidence of a turnout disadvantage for those who recollected negative presidential campaign advertising. In attempting to replicate Ansolabehere et al.'s earlier aggregate results we uncover quite substantial discrepancies and inconsistencies in their data set. We conclude that their aggregate study is deeply flawed and that Ansolabehere et al. exaggerated the demobilization dangers posed by attack advertising, at least in voters' own context.
Legislative Professionalism and Incumbent Reelection: The Development of Institutional Boundaries
Authors: Berry William D. , Berkman Michael B. , Schneiderman Stuart
Published: May 2006

It is well established that legislators from highly professionalized bodies are more likely to win reelection than members of less professionalized legislatures. We find that the effect of professionalization on incumbent electoral success is far more pervasive. As the level of professionalism of a legislature increases, the effects of external political and economic forces (such as coattails from higher level elections and national economic conditions) on a legislator's chances for reelection diminish in strength. This implies that legislative professionalization promotes institutionalization by establishing boundaries that insulate members from external shocks. We reach these conclusions by specifying and testing a district-level model of state legislative election outcomes, using as dependent variable the probability that an incumbent will win reelection. The model is estimated with probit using data for more than 42,000 state legislators from 1970 to 1989.
Disaggregating and Explaining Corporate Political Activity: Domestic and Foreign Corporations in National Politics
Authors: Hansen Wendy L. , Mitchell Neil J.
Published: May 2006

Corporate political activity is usually operationalized and analyzed as financial contributions to candidates or political parties through political action committees (PACs). Very little attention has been paid to other dimensions, such as lobbying, in a systematic way. On a theoretical level we address the issue of how to conceive of PAC contributions, lobbying, and other corporate activities, such as charitable giving, in terms of the strategic behavior of corporations and the implications of “foreignness” for the different types of corporate political activity. On an empirical level we examine the political activities of Fortune 500 firms, along with an oversampling of U.S. affiliates of large foreign investors for the 1987–88 election cycle.
Presidential Pork: Executive Veto Power and Distributive Politics
Authors: McCarty Nolan M.
Published: May 2006

It is often argued that executive powers such as the veto serve to reduce particularistic spending by the legislature. I argue that the effect of the executive veto depends strongly on assumptions about both the nature of executive preferences and the institutional structure of executive-legislative bargaining. To support these claims, I develop a model of distributive policymaking subject to an executive veto. This framework incorporates variation in presidential objectives and formal powers into a dynamic bargaining model. In equilibrium, stronger veto power leads to a lower level of distributive spending, but the effects are mitigated to the extent that the president prefers spending in some districts over others. The model also generates new insights and predictions about fiscal policy under the separation of powers, including the effects of divided government, electoral rules, and term limitations for the executive.
Political Parties and Foreign Aid
Authors: Thérien Jean-Philippe , Noël Alain
Published: May 2006

The influence of partisan politics on public policy is a much debated issue of political science. With respect to foreign policy, often considered as above parties, the question appears even more problematic. This comparison of foreign aid policies in 16 OECD countries develops a structural equation model and uses LISREL analysis to demonstrate that parties do matter, even in international affairs. Social-democratic parties have an effect on a country's level of development assistance. This effect, however, is neither immediate nor direct. First, it appears only in the long run. Second, the relationship between leftist partisan strength and foreign aid works through welfare state institutions and social spending. Our findings indicate how domestic politics shapes foreign conduct. We confirm the empirical relevance of cumulative partisan scores and show how the influence of parties is mediated by other political determinants.
Nanocrystalline Titanium(IV) Oxide as an Efficient Heterogeneous Catalyst for Tandem Michael and Nucleophilic 1,2‐Addition to Enones
Authors: Kantam M. Lakshmi , Laha Soumi , Yadav Jagjit , Choudary B. M. , Sreedhar B.
Published: May 2006

Nanocrystalline titanium(IV) oxide was found to be an efficient heterogeneous catalyst for the conjugate 1,4‐addition of indoles with α,β‐unsaturated ketones to afford β‐indolyl ketones in excellent yields. The subsequent catalytic 1,2‐addition of Me3SiCN to carbonyl compounds can be performed in one pot with moderate to good yields. Low sensitivity towards traces of moisture and high tolerance of different functional groups make nanocrystalline titanium(IV) oxide suitable for carrying out multistep synthetic sequences.
Biocatalytic Racemization of α‐Hydroxy Ketones (Acyloins) at Physiological Conditions using Lactobacillus paracasei DSM 20207
Authors: Nestl Bettina M. , Kroutil Wolfgang , Faber Kurt
Published: May 2006

Biocatalytic racemization of open‐chain and cyclic dialkyl‐, alkyl‐aryl‐ and diaryl‐substituted acyloins was accomplished using whole resting cells of Lactobacillus paracasei DSM 20207. The mild (physiological) reaction conditions ensured the suppression of undesired side reactions, such as elimination or condensation. This novel biocatalytic isomerization protocol represents an essential tool for the deracemization of pharmacologically important building blocks.
Unterspannte Holzbalkendecke (UHB‐Decke) – Ein neuartiges Decken‐Sanierungsverfahren mit gekreuzten Vollgewindeschrauben
Authors: Heller Hanfried
Published: May 2006

Die UHB‐Sanierung ermöglicht die statische, schwingungs‐ und schalltechnische Ertüchtigung alter Holzbalkendecken ohne die Öffnung der Gefache. Kreuzweise angeordnete Spezialschrauben übernehmen die dabei entstehenden hohen axialen Zug‐ und Druckbeanspruchungen. Außerdem entsteht ein großer Verschiebungsmodul, der das nachgiebig verbundene Verstärkungssystem sehr günstig beeinflußt. (© 2006 WILEY‐VCH Verlag GmbH & Co. KGaA, Weinheim)
Europäische Baunormen im Test – Charakteristische Werte nach DIN EN 1990, DIN EN 1926 und DIN EN 13162
Authors: Fischer Lutz
Published: May 2006

Die Ermittlung des Nennwerts ist Ausgangspunkt für die Berechnung des Bemessungswerts. Eine Analyse zeigt, daß die in DIN EN 1990 geforderte Zuverlässigkeit nicht immer gewährleistet ist:

– Verwendung von Quantilfaktoren für ein Konfidenzniveau P = 1 –α = 0,50 bei der Bestimmung des charakteristischen Wertes (ENDIN 1990)

– Anwendung von Quantilfaktoren der Normalverteilung im Fall der logarithmischen Normalverteilung für ein Konfidenzniveau P = 1 – α ≠ 0,50 (EN DIN 1990)

– direkte Bestimmung des Bemessungswerts auf der Basis einer Stichprobe von n = 4, 5, 6, … für ein 99,9%‐Quantil (EN DIN 1990)

– Überprüfung, ob die zugrunde gelegte Verteilungsfunktion und die Meßergebnissen in Übereinstimmung stehen (ENDIN 1926)

– Schätzung des Quantils der Wärmeleitfähigkeit λ90/90 aus dem Quantil des Wärmedurchlaßwiderstandes R10/90 und umgekehrt (EN DIN 13162).

Es besteht die Notwendigkeit der Konsistenz zwischen den harmonisierten europäischen Normen und den technischen Regeln. Daher will dieser Beitrag Empfehlungen für notwendige Korrekturen geben. (© 2006 WILEY‐VCH Verlag GmbH & Co. KGaA, Weinheim)
Multispectral/hyperspectral image enhancement for biological cell analysis
Authors: Nuffer Lisa L. , Medvick Patricia A. , Foote Harlan P. , Solinsky James C.
Published: May 2006

Background:

Microscopes form projected images from illuminated objects, such as cellular tissue, which are recorded at a distance through the optical system's field of view. A telescope on a satellite or airplane also forms images with a similar optical projection of objects on the ground. Typical visible illuminations form a displayed set of three‐color channels (Red Green Blue [RGB]) that are combined from three image sensor arrays (e.g., focal plane arrays) into a single pixel coding for each color present in the image. Analysis of these RGB color images develops aqualitativeimage representation of the objects.

Methods:

Independent component analysis (ICA) is used for analysis and enhancement of multispectral images, and compared with the similar and widely used principal component analysis.

Results:

The data examples indicate that the ICA enhancement, and the resulting RGB image combination display, can be useful in processing datacubes of cellular data where isolation of unknown subtle image elements representing objects is desired.

Conclusions:

ICA image enhancement can aid processing of datacubes of cellular data by clarifying subtle image elements. These parallelizable algorithms can be implemented for real‐time, online analysis. © 2006 International Society for Analytical Cytology
Analysis of origin and growth of the thyroid gland in zebrafish
Authors: Alt Burkhard , Reibe Saskia , Feitosa Natalia M. , Elsalini Osama A. , Wendl Thomas , Rohr Klaus B.
Published: May 2006

The zebrafish thyroid gland shows a unique pattern of growth as a differentiated endocrine gland. Here, we analyze the onset of differentiation, the contribution of lineages, and the mode of growth of this gland. The expression of genes involved in hormone production and the establishment of epithelial polarity show that differentiation into a first thyroid follicle takes place early during embryonic development. Thyroid follicular tissue then grows along the pharyngeal midline, initially independently of thyroid stimulating hormone. Lineage analysis reveals that thyroid follicle cells are exclusively recruited from the pharyngeal endoderm. The ultimobranchial bodies that merge with the thyroid in mammals form separate glands in zebrafish as visualized by calcitonin precursor gene expression. Mosaic analysis suggests that the first thyroid follicle differentiating at 55 hours postfertilization corresponds later to the most anterior follicle and that new follicles are added caudally. Developmental Dynamics 235:1872–1883, 2006. © 2006 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.