bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Ideology and Unstable Party Identification in Canada: Limited Rationality in a Brokerage Party System
Authors: Stevenson H. Michael
Published: November 2009

This article examines changes in individuals' identification with Canadian federal political parties in the period 1977 to 1981. The analysis suggests that differences in class and ideology have a significant, if not very large effect on shifts in partisan identity. There was a slight bias toward more upper-class identification with the Progressive Conservative party and more lower-class identification with the Liberal party. Unstable partisans were at least as ideologically constrained as stable partisans, and partisan instability was more pronounced amongst the more left-wing individuals. Changes in partisanship were more likely among younger respondents, particularly lower-class and more left-wing youth. The largest bloc of unstable partisans was closest ideologically to the more left-wing stable New Democratic party partisans, and shifted only between the New Democratic and Liberal parties. A smaller bloc moved to the Progressive Conservative party and was ideologically closest to its more right-wing stable partisans.
Geography and the Electoral System
Authors: Johnston Richard , Ballantyne Janet
Published: November 2009

Does the single-member plurality electoral system encourage a party to make sectional appeals? As put, such a question would daunt the most energetic historian of party strategy. But we can address a closely related question: does the single-member plurality system actually reward parties whose support is geographically concentrated and punish parties whose support is dispersed?
The United States and the Global Economic Blockade of Cuba: A Study in Political Pressures on America's Allies
Authors: Morley Morris H.
Published: November 2009

The aim of this study is to provide an empirical basis for theories about political coalitions formed to apply economic sanctions against a target country. An excellent example is the economic blockade of Cuba by the United States, during which successive Republican and Democratic administrations have pursued economic measures to achieve a political objective. This study investigates the degree of cooperation and cleavage among Washington's capitalist-bloc allies with this effort to establish multilateral economic pressures against the Cuban Revolution. The analysis suggests that, despite the growth of economic competition during the 1960s and 1970s, such strains were not reflected at the level of political relationships.
Le partage fiscal banlieue-ville centrale : les Montréalais subventionnent-ils les banlieusards?
Authors: Collin Jean-Pierre
Published: November 2009

According to the central city exploitation thesis, commuting suburban workers, students and shoppers do not adequately compensate the central city for the public sector benefits they enjoy daily. Assessment of the actual cost of the provision of public services to commuters versus their revenue contribution shows that, in the years 1969 to 1980, suburbanites generated more gains than were required to finance the additional operating costs they imposed on the city of Montreal and nearly offset the part of capital expenditures for which they were responsible. However, in terms of the social costs, commuting results in a deficit for the central city due to the predominant use of the automobile as the mode of transport.
Overwhelming Majorities in the Legislature of Alberta
Authors: Levesque Terrence J. , Norrie Kenneth H.
Published: November 2009

Les majorités écrasantes de l'Assemblée législative albertaine

On s'interroge sur le phénomène des majorités écrasantes de l'Assemblée législative albertaine. Ce cas présente un intérêt particulier dans la mesure oû il semble contredire les prédictions du principe de proportionnalité de la théorie de la victoire par une coalition minimale. Nous tentons de démontrer que le comportement des électeurs et des partis politiques de l'Alberta est assez compatible avec la notion de comportement politique rationnel. Nous montrons également que l'on peut donner une image plus rigoureuse et plus satisfaisante de l'histoire électorate de cette province que l'on ne l'a fait jusqu'ici en situant les résultats électoraux dans un modèle approprié.

Nous résumons la documentation sur cette question puis nous présentons le concept de comportement politique rationnel. Ensuite nous développons une variante du modèle en tenant compte de la situation particulière de l'Alberta. Notre modèle nous indique la dimension de la majorité gagnante en tant que fonction des différentes variables retenues. En dernier lieu nous vérifions empiriquement notre hypothèse.
Male-Female Political Involvement Differentials in Canada, 1965–1974
Authors: Black Jerome H. , McGlen Nancy E.
Published: November 2009

La participation politique des hommes et des femmes au Canada, 1965–1974

Nous nous demandons si le niveau de participation politique des Canadiennes a augmenté par rapport à celui des hommes entre 1965 et 1974, c'est-à-dire au cours de la montré des mouvements féministes. Nous fondant sur des sondages nationaux réalisés au moment des élections de 1965 et de 1974 utilisant différents indices de participation politique nous montrons que les femmes ont en effect comblé l'écart de participation entre les hommes et elles-mêmes, même si des différences se maintiennent quant à certaines formes de participation. Nous prenons en consideration plusieurs hypothèses qui tentent d'expliquer les différents niveaux de participation politique féminine. Nous vérifions ces hypothèses à l'aide d'une méthode d'analyse appropriée. Quelques conclusions fondamentales se dégagent de ces tests, notamment: (1) certaines catégories de femmes participaient autant que les hommes dès 1965 et certaines dépassaient même les hommes; (2) les catégories de femmes dont le niveau de participation politique était le plus bas en 1965 ont connu la plus forte augmentation de participation de 1965 à 1974 (en particulier parmi les Franco-Québécoises); et (3) l'hypothèse selon laquelle la participation politique féminine est reliée à sa participation au monde du travail n'est vraie que pour les femmes de carrière. Les données des sondages ne nous permettent malheureusement pas de conclure que l'augmentation de la participation féminine découle directement de l'influence des mouvements féministes. Les modèles de participation féminine dont vous disposons indiquent néanmoins que ces mouvements ne sont pas négligeables.
The Reality versus the Ideal: J. S. Mill's Treatment of Women, Workers, and Private Property
Authors: Hughes Patricia
Published: November 2009

La réalité contre l'idéal ou les femmes, les travailleurs et la propriété privée chez J.-S. Mill

On fait avec raison l'éloge de La liberté de J.-S. Mill à litre de défense rigoureuse et passionnée de l'émancipation personnelle, de la libération dujoug de la tradition et de la reconnaissance de la liberté et de l'égalité comme objectifs sociaux. Ce sont certainement des thèmes majeurs dans le traité de Mill. Par ailleurs Mill écrivit que les travailleurs ne devaient pas jouir de l'égalité politique et que la division du travail entre les hommes et les femmes était souhaitable. Cette question de l'inégalité est également une question dominante dans l'ouvrage de Mill.

Ces deux thèmes sont manifestement en opposition et il importe de les expliquer. La clé de ce paradoxe se trouve, selon moi, dans l'attachement de Mill à la propriété privée. La défense de l'égalité et la promotion de l'individu étant incompatibles avec la défense de la propriété privée, Mill a été forcé de choisir ce qui était le plus important pour lui. Il a choisi, consciemment ou pas, la propriété privée rejetant ainsi son plaidoyer pour la liberté et l'égalité des travailleurs et des femmes.

Nous n'avons qu'à comparer la « bonne société » abstraite de Mill à la société incarnant ses idées sur les travailleurs et les femmes pour constater l'écart entre ces deux sociétés. Nous voyons que Mill craignait que la société idéale abstraite ne compromette la propriété privée et que sa définition de la propriété privée écarte l'égalité et la liberté.
Comment: Overcoming His-story? Ms. Hughes's Treatment of Mr. Mill
Authors: Feaver George
Published: November 2009

There is something intrepidly parochial in Patricia Hughes's account of Mill's views. Her very opening statement, with its new vision of society, its “emerging social forces,” its principals “trapped by traditional influences,” sets the tone for the enterprise which follows—an historical melodrama with J. S. Mill, the patron saint of contemporary liberalism, reborn in Canada without his aspergillum, an affable enough character, a sort of Bruno Gerussi of the political thought set, his do-gooder's heart generally in the right place but his head usually muddled: an admirably earnest figure, even, who some how always misses the point but, up to now, has gotten away with it. Our aspiring script-writer intends to set things right, to show how we can redo the storyline (which may require substituting another nineteenth century great in the leading role), so as to combine passion and theory in a really radical vision of a fully liberated society.
L'administration québécoise de 1867 à 1900: un Etat en formation
Authors: Gow James Iain
Published: November 2009

The growth of the activities of the state of Quebec from 1867 to 1900 is examined in light of expectations drawn from theoretical and empirical studies pertaining to other states. Contrary to these expectations, the state in Quebec during these years gave a low priority to the police function and was very slow to organize revenue collection on a sound basis. Instead, high priority went to railway construction, to the administration of justice (other than the police) and to education. This pattern of intervention is said to be due to the difficult economic situation which prevailed from 1873 to 1896, to the uncertainties of the new federal system and to the constraints issuing from the laisser-faire ideology and the power of the Church. Given the major objective of economic development and these constraints, the choice of strategies open to governments was limited.

Also examined in this article is the administrative system created to carry out these activities. The governments of these years did little to change the system which they inherited from the United Canadas. Although it was not complex, this system did call on a wide variety of professional talent in the civil service. The civil servants were relatively well off in terms of salary and hours of work but, in political terms, they had little power. Here, as in the case of expanding state activities, progress was far from being continuous.
The Consistency of Inconsistency: Party Identification in Federal and Provincial Politics
Authors: Blake Donald E.
Published: November 2009

La forte fréquence de dualités partisannes—identifications partisannes qui varient lors des élections fédérales et provinciales—est une des particularités du système politique canadien. L'auteur cherche à découvrir les sources de ces dualités ainsi qu'à évaluer la possibilité d'identification partisanne à un seul niveau. Des hypothèses soulevées par une analyse du degré de séparation des systèmes poiitiques fédéraux et provinciaux sont testées avec des données d'enquête concernant la Colombie Britannique.

Lorsque la variable « force de l'attachement au parti au niveau pertinent » est controlée, on s'attendrait, au niveau théorique, qu'il n'y ait pas de différence entre les électeurs qui ont une double allégeance et les partisans cohérents en ce qui concerne la tendance à changer le choix entre élections, tant au niveau fédéral que provincial. Cette supposition se vérifie aussi bien pour la Colombie Britannique que pour le Canada dans son ensemble.
Does the Candidate Make a Difference? The Macro-Politics and Micro-Politics of Getting Elected
Authors: Irvine William P.
Published: November 2009

Dans les discussions qui traitent de la réforme du système électoral au Canada on prétend que le système actuel répartit d'une manière efficace les responsabilités et les possibilités d'action de telle sorte que les députés s'occupent des préoccupations des électeurs et servent d'intermédiaires entre eux et un système gouvernemental qui sans cela paraît anonyme dans son étendue. On étudie cette proposition à la lumière et de l'ensemble des informations disponibles et des données fournies par une enquéte (ces dernières données proviennent en grande partie mais non en totalité d'une étude faite sur les élections canadiennes de 1979).

Les résultats les plus importants prouvent que les députés canadiens sont plus accessibles et plus utiles à leurs électeurs que leurs collègues britanniques, quoique les deux groupes aient, et ce n'est pas surprenant, plus de contacts avec les électeurs actifs qu'avec le reste des électeurs. Et pourtant l'importance donnée au député local par les électeurs quant au vote a diminué depuis 1965; par contre, les évaluations des candidats d'un parti dépendent bien plus de l'approbation de leur parti (et à un degré moindre de l'image de leur chef) que des relations ou des services rendus par le député.

Bien que l'on puisse connaître, en utilisant l'ensemble des informations, les candidats qui semblent surpasser l'ensemble des candidats de leur parti ou, au contraire, ne pas arriver à leur hauteur durant cette période de fluctuation qui sépare les élections, leurs activités, jugées inférieures ou supérieures selon le cas, ne sont pas recompensées par le système électoral. Si les activités de tous les candidats étaient conformes à la moyenne de leur parti, une minorité de sièges seulement passerait au parti adverse.

On pourraitfaire remarquer, en terminant, qu'en depit de la publicité faite autour des services rendus par un député ces services n'ont qu'unfaible rapport avec une augmentation de la perception de la conjoncture politique. Quelques députes rendent de grands services—leur nombre est trop restreint—et pourtant ils ne peuvent pas se mettre à la disposition d'un assez grand nombre de personnes, même dans leur circonscription, pour établir une liaison efficace entre la population et le gouvernment.
Le Public Choice et la croissance de l'Etat
Authors: Blais André
Published: November 2009

This article re-examines the main propositions which underlie Public Choice argumentation in respect to the growth of the state and evaluates their plausibility in light of current knowledge. The majority of the hypotheses are confirmed, at least partially. Their principal contribution is at the level of strategies which can be attributed to political and bureaucratic personnel, although the influence of the latter appears to be exaggerated.

The Public Choice explanations remain very partial. Taking state intervention as a theme, Public Choice shows well how once an activity is begun, it has a tendency to expand. However, Public Choice says nothing of the social dynamics responsible for the fact that the state has been induced to intervene from the start. Intervention has had as its first function the quelling of social conflicts. The argumentation of Public Choice can explain only the recent growth of the state at the end of the 1960s and beginning of the 1970s. The new trend of putting a ceiling on government expenditures rests largely unexplained. These gaps are not inherent in the model and can be corrected. When the Public Choice authors adopt a more historical perspective, which brings about a relative treatment of the phenomenon, they will be able to propose more convincing interpretations.
Minority Government in Ontario, 1975–1981: An Assessment
Authors: Lyon Vaughan
Published: November 2009

Ontario's two minority governments provide political scientists an opportunity to analyze how a government and legislature will function when executive control is curtailed by the electorate. It also affords an opportunity to observe the dynamics of legislative reform in a situation where backbenchers have unaccustomed clout. Relying on a survey of “insider” opinion, the article finds that MPPs showed little interest in reforms other than those which improved their services. Further, it finds that all the normal functions attributed to the legislature were performed better in a minority situation. However, while the majority of respondents had positive overall assessments of the minority experience, they had a variety of reservations about perpetuating it in some way. The article points up the dilemma that there appears to be no way to “capture” the widely recognized positive aspects of minority administrations within the norms of parliamentary government accepted by legislators and no willingness on their part to vary these norms.
L'analyse structurale des lois
Authors: Lemieux Vincent
Published: November 2009

The Structural Analysis of law

Rules of law can be considered as “planned” orders which prescribe relations of control between social actors. From a network perspective, control is defined as constraints on the variety of social communication. It bears upon the transmission of norms, of status, of human and material resources, of informational resources, and of controls themselves. Each of these dimensions allows for a structural analysis where different types of structures can be identified from the more centralized ones to the less centralized ones. These different types are named: coarchy, stratarchy, hierarchy, and anarchy.

The electoral representation rule which was adopted by the Quebec National Assembly in 1979 is analyzed to illustrate such a method of analysis. It appears, as a result, that the structures of the more important control relations (those bearing on the transmission of norms and status) generally speaking are more centralized than the structures of less important ones (those bearing on the transmission of resources).

Such a structural analysis can be applied to other “planned” orders: for example, regulations and decrees, constitutions and statutes of organizations. It also can be applied to “live-in” orders, that is to say to operative control relations, which are subject in various degrees to the “planned” orders.
The Role of House Leaders in the Canadian House of Commons
Authors: Thomas Paul G.
Published: November 2009

Le rôle du leader de la Chambre des Communes du Canada

On a jusqu'ici porté peu d'intérêt dans les milieux académiques à l'influence des institutions et processus partisans sur la formation des comportements des individus à la Chambre des Communes du Canada. Pour combler cette lacune, cet article analyse l'origine et l'évolution du rôle du leader de la Chambre dans chacun des trois partis représentés aux Communes à Ottawa.

Le poste de leader du gouvernement à la Chambre, d'abord à temps partiel, informel et secondaire a évolué pour finalement devenir un portefeuille ministériel clefau cabinet. Le leader du gouvernement à la Chambre est devenu en quelque sorte le gérant général du processus législatif et le chef des forces gouvernementales sur le champ de bataille parlementaire.

Une partie de la tâche du leader consiste â travailler avec ses homologues de l'Opposition; cet article examine la nature de leurs interactions.

Etant donné les revendication croissantes dont le Parlement est l'objet, l'utilisation efficiente du temps est devenue très importante et le devoir de gérer le temps repose de plus en plus sur les leaders à la Chambre.
The Plural Society and the Western Political Tradition
Authors: McRae Kenneth D.
Published: November 2009

La société pluri-culturelle et la tradition politique occidentale

Nous nous penchons sur la façon dont la philosophie politique occidentale conçoit la société pluri-culturelle. Nous pensons que la tradition occidentale depuis ses débuts en Grèce classique a fait preuve d'un manque évident de sympathie à l'égard de la pluralité culturelle. Ici, le concept de pluralité culturelle ou sociale se rapporte à une société compartimentée ou cloisonnée (« segmented ») et ne doit pas être identifié au « pluralisme » de la pensée politique britannique et américaine du XXe siècle.

Nous avons retenu, pour approfondir cette hypothèse, le stoïcisme, les relations de l'Eglise et de l'Etat au moyen âge, la Réforme protestante, l'essor des régimes monarchiques au XVIe siècle en Europe et Vemergence des mouvements nationalistes depuis la Révolution française. Les quelques hommages que Von rend dans la philosophie occidentale à la société pluri-culturelle ne sont qu'accessoires et sont le plus souvent les conséquences inattendues de forces politiques. Le concept de tolérance religieuse dans les sociétés pluri-confessionnelles en est un bon exemple.

Ceci dit, nous pensons que la pensée politique occidentale comporte plusieurs éléments favorables à la pluralité culturelle et qu'il importe en premier lieu de les approfondir si l'on veut élaborer une doctrine politique adaptée a la pluralité culturelle des sociétés contemporaines. D'autres éléments d'une telle pensée politique peuvent se trouver dans la philosophie politique non-occidentale, dans d'autres sciences humaines et dans la vie politique des sociétés pluralistes elles-mêmes.
The Processes of Reorganizing Local Government in Canada
Authors: Higgins Donald
Published: November 2009

Of all the levels of the state or government in Canada, the local one is the most often subjected to structural change or reorganization. The processes by which that change occurs—or by which it is postponed or avoided—are the focus of this article. In particular, the consequences of choosing one process of change rather than another are explored. After developing a framework to define and explore the processes of change, the article proceeds to analyze 81 instances between 1953 and 1983 in which reorganization of local government in Canada either actually occurred or was merely proposed.
Regionalization and Economic Crisis in Belgium: The Variable Origins of Centrifugal and Centripetal Forces
Authors: Covell Maureen
Published: November 2009

This article examines the impact of economic crisis on the process of regionalization in Belgium and the influence of both on the balance of centrifugal and centripetal forces in the Belgian political system. It argues that the usual approach to this suject, which identifies centripetal forces with the national government and centrifugal forces with regional governments, misses the possibility that important proponents of further fragmentation may be located at the national level. The economic crisis of the early 1980s did lead to an increase in centrifugal pressures in the system but not to an increase in the power of the new regional executives. Rather, it led to a major rearrangement of the economic policy-making process at the national level.
Politics on the Last Frontier: Consociationalism in the Northwest Territories
Authors: Dacks Gurston
Published: November 2009

It is widely held in the Northwest Territories that consensus rather than partisanship may be the most appropriate principle to guide the anticipated restructuring of the Territories' government. This note argues to the contrary that the social basis for consensus politics is absent in the NWT and that present practice in the Legislative Assembly of the NWT owes more to nonpartisanship than to consensus and does not predict a consensual future. However, this practice also does not necessarily point to a parliamentary system in the future; this study identifies four alternative systems as possibilities. It argues that, whatever the format of the Assembly, consociationalism, including significant devolution of power to local governments, represents the most promising direction to explore because it reflects the Territories' social structure and addresses the fundamental concerns of the cultural communities of the NWT.
Acts of Commission and Acts of Omission: Legal-Historical Research and the Intentions of Government in a Federal State
Authors: Howlett Michael
Published: November 2009

Interpretation of the intentions of government in policy matters is a crucial, if normally implicit, aspect of policy analysis. Canadian policy analysts enjoy a significant advantage in having at their disposal a large body of legal-historical evidence of policy conflict between levels of government, which, if properly interpreted, can aid the process of determining the intentions of government policy. Using an example of conflicting interpretations of government intentions contained in the literature on Canadian political economy, it is argued that the use of legal-historical records can aid policy analysts by providing evidence of policy alternatives not only in the case of policy decisions, or “acts of commission,” but also in the case of nondecisions, or “acts of omission.”
The Two Energy Crises and Canadian Oil and Gas Interest Groups: A Re-examination of Berry's Propositions
Authors: Toner Glen , Doern G. Bruce
Published: November 2009

This article examines the impact of two policy crises on the structure and behaviour of Canadian oil and gas interest groups. It first retests Glyn Berry's three propositions developed in 1974 after the first energy crisis, in light of the second energy crisis in 1979–1980. It then generates and examines two further propositions. The three propositions retested are: that interest group influence declines during a crisis; that if the crisis necessitates intensive federal-provincial bargaining, this tendency is accentuated, and that when facing a serious governmental threat the group under attack will seek to exert its influence as widely as possible. The article shows that the evidence from the second crisis supports the validity of the above propositions, but in addition two further hypotheses are examined and found valid. These are: that in post-crisis periods interest group influence is re-established, but that where crises broaden the scope of policy, interest groups are restructured so as to accommodate the broadened interests which both benefit from and are harmed by the crisis policy response. The interest groups examined are the Canadian Petroleum Association, the Independent Petroleum Association of Canada, the Canadian Association of Oilwell Drilling Contractors, and the Canadian Gas Association.
Critics of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council: The New Orthodoxy and an Alternative Explanation
Authors: Vaughan Frederick
Published: November 2009

By way of a critical assessment of the leading authorities on the critics of the Judicial Committee, this article argues that the proper appreciation of what the law lords did to the terms of the BNA Act can be found in an understanding of their perception of their unique function. Supporters of the Judicial Committee's decentralization of the terms of theBritish North America Acthave tended to rely on either G. P. Browne's book on the subject or Alan Cairns's article in this Journal (4 [1971], 301–45). The purpose of this article is to challenge those authorities and offer an alternative explanation.
Comment on “Critics of the Judicial Committee: The New Orthodoxy and an Alternative Explanation”
Authors: Russell Peter H.
Published: November 2009

I appreciate the opportunity Professor Vaughan's article provides to clarify some of my thoughts on the Judicial Committee and constitutional interpretation.

Vaughan and I are in agreement on two broad points. First, the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council read a theory of classical federalism into the BNA Act. This theory of divided sovereignty was expressed most clearly by Lord Watson in the Maritime Bank case. Secondly, the BNA Act's treatment of federalism is highly centralist, both in the division of powers and in the federal government's imperial powers over provincial governments. Both these points are contained in the following passage from my introduction: “In their anxiety to preserve a division of powers appropriate for “classical federalism” and thereby resist the strongly centralizing tendencies of the constitutional text, the Judicial Committee developed an acute sensitivity to the competing claims of the provinces and the federal government.” I think Professor Vaughan would agree with that statement.
CCF-NDP Popularity and the Economy
Authors: Erickson Lynda
Published: November 2009

This note examines the impact of changing economic conditions on the popularity of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation-New Democratic party from 1954 to 1984. Using a form of aggregate analysis to test hypotheses developed from the literature, the study finds considerable variability over time periods, especially in the effects of income and inflation. It is suggested this may be a result of the brokerage party system and the minority status of the CCF-NDP in that system. More consistent results were evident for unemployment but the impact of unemployment was negative and therefore contrary to that hypothesized. The importance of this factor in NDP popularity, however, seems to have declined in the last decade.
Campaigns, Images and Polls: Mass Media Coverage of the 1984 Canadian Election
Authors: Wagenberg R. H. , Soderlund W. C. , Romanow W. I. , Briggs E. D.
Published: November 2009

Short-term factors played a greater than usual role in the 1984 national election. Media coverage of the campaign therefore had a crucial impact. This study documents the coverage of leaders, parties and substantive issues by the major television and radio networks and 18 newspapers selected by region and language. A major finding is that the media reported results of public opinion polls to an unprecedented degree. This was one facet of the featuring of “horserace” issues over more substantive socio-economic ones. The data lend credence to the fears of those who feel that essential democratic goals of the electoral process are being undermined. The study also suggests rethinking the “no effects” theory of polling and electoral behaviour.
Values and Technology: George Grant and our Present Possibilities
Authors: Emberley Peter C.
Published: November 2009

The article is an effort to think through the relation between the language of values, values education, and technology. It links Nietzsche's account of nihilism as the cognitive effort to create the illusion of adaptation and mastery of what is contingent and spontaneous and the process by which these life-denying values cause themselves to be devalued with a consideration of how psychology is turned to adjusting individuals and populations to the efficient securing of technological processes. George Grant's writings are employed as the vehicle of access to these reflections.
Regional Ministers, National Policies and the Administrative State in Canada: The Regional Dimension in Cabinet Decision-Making, 1980–1984
Authors: Bakvis Herman
Published: November 2009

Regional ministers, it is said, have declined in importance over the past three decades. While granting the disappearance of figures whose influence spanned broad regions, this article argues that in the last cabinet of Pierre Trudeau (1980–1984) the regional minister system was to a degree revived and formalized within the context of cabinet decision-making. The impact of this system is examined with respect to regional development and employment creation programmes. To account for the renewed influence of regional ministers, attention is focussed on changes in the machinery of government and on the political and economic climate of the time. The case of one minister in particular, Lloyd Axworthy, suggests that a contemporary regional minister's success is dependent primarily on the ability to mobilize the resources of the administrative state.
The Conception of “Reason” in Modern Ecological Theory
Authors: Mellos Koula
Published: November 2009

This article examines two opposing theoretical paradigms on social, political, economic and ecological questions, namely the neo-Malthusian and the futurological. It argues that these paradigms share an underlying Hobbesian assumption of human nature but differ in their response to this assumption. It argues further that the opposing response to a common assumption holds the key to their respective conceptions of reason. Finally, the article assesses the validity of the paradigms as models for public policy-making and outlines the relative theoretical and practical problems of each.
Rejoinder to “A Note on ‘Hartz-Horowitz at Twenty’: The Case of French Canada”
Authors: Forbes H. D.
Published: November 2009

A rejoinder to a rejoinder must be brief, even if the issues it discusses are complex. Nelson Wiseman's rejoinder to my article on Hartz and Horowitz raises no important questions about my presentation of Hartzian theory, so I shall concentrate on his objections to my interpretation of French-Canadian history.
Friends at Court: Federalism and Provincial Elections on Prince Edward Island
Authors: Stewart Ian
Published: November 2009

Only in Prince Edward Island have voters tended to elect provincial administrations of the same party stripe as the federal government. The authorargues that this has not occurred purely by chance and that, in fact, provincial campaigns have historically revolved around the issue of being “in line” with Ottawa. Presently, support for federal-provincial partisan congruence is rooted in those Islanders who can be characterized as “political animals” as well as in the dominant groups of the Island's social structure. The author concludes that the deviating provincial election of 1982 does not represent a fundamental change in the Islanders’ political orientations.
Canada and the International Politics of Oil: Latin American Source of Supply and Import Vulnerability in the 1980s
Authors: Haglund David G.
Published: November 2009

Le Canada et les politiques internationales sur le pétrole: Source latino-américaine d'approvisionnement et vulnérabilité de l'importation dans les années 1980

Cet article étudie le degré de dépendance du Canada vis-à-vis les importations de pétrole brut (mesurée par la proportion de la consommation totale fournie par les importations) et l'étendue de la vulnérabilité découlant de cette dépendance dans l'hypothèse d'un tarissement, à la source, dans les années 1980. Non settlement le Canada est-il devenu de plus en plus dépendant de ses importations de pétrole brut, mais sa dépendance vis-à-vis des pays du Moyen-Orient s'est accrue de manière significative. Cet article tend à prouver que la dépendance du Canada va s'amplifier, du moins à moyen terme et que les fournisseurs du Moyen-Orient (et plus spécifiquement les Etats du golfe persique comme l'Arabie Saoudite) vont continuer à fournir un part de plus en plus grande de notre pétrole brut, à moins que le Canada ne cherche à diversifier ses sources d'approvisionnement. L'alternative la plus probable d'importation de pétrole brut semble être le Mexique. C'est pourquoi cet article cherche à evaluer le potentiel des champs pétrolifères mexicains, au cours de cette décennie, et étudie lesfacteurs qui peuvent inftuencer la politique d'exportation pétrolière de ce pays. L'étude louche aussi la capacité de production et la politique d'exportation du Vénezuéla qui, croit-on, dans les prochaines années, ne sera pas en mesure d'exporter d'aussi grandes quantités de pétrole brut au Canada qu'il ne le fait présentement.
Agreeing to Disagree: Elite Bargaining and the Revision of the Belgian Constitution
Authors: Covell Maureen
Published: November 2009

Cet article est une étude sur les essais de l'élite politique belge de résoudre les conflits entre Flamands et Wallons en offrant à chaque groupe une certaine autonomie dans le contrôle de leurs affaires économiques et culturelles. Malgré le fait que la réforme constittitionnelle établissant les principes généraux de cette décentralisation ait eu lieu en 1970 et que les institutions pour permettre l'autonomie culturelle aient été établies tout de suite après, ce n'est qu'en 1980 qu'on a promulgué la loi établissant l'autonomie régionale. Entre 1970 et 1980 six gouvernements ont mené des négociations pour tenter d'arriver à un accord sur la question, cependant, comme résultat des conflits soulevés par leurs essais, ils ont tons échoué et ils sont tons tombés.

Dans cet article, l'auteur affirme que la littérature courante axée sur le conflit ethnique, mettant l'accent sur la gestion du conflit et limitant le rôle de l'élite politique à la solution de ce conflit, ne constitue pas une voie valable pour comprendre le processus de négotiation constitutionnelle. L'auteur soutient qu'une approche fondée sur des modèles de négotiation internationale, mettant l'accent sur le déroulement du conflit ainsi que sur sa gestion dans le processus de négotiation, est plus utile pour comprendre le succès on l'echec des négociations constitutionnelles en Belgique. Dans cet article on applique deux de ces modèles aux deux des plus récents tours de négotiations constitutionnelles: un cadre d'analyse général et une théorie de jeux dérivés d'un ensemble de matrices.
Le système et la vie politique en Tchécoslovaquie de 1945 au coup de Prague en 1948
Authors: Bradley John F. N.
Published: November 2009

This article deals with the political development in Czechoslovakia 1945–1948, a crucial period in Eastern Europe for a liberal democratic system in that country. In 1945 the Soviet leader, Stalin, gave his personal approval for this experiment to go on and the Czechoslovak communist party followed his instruction, participating fully in the government. As in international affairs Czechoslovakia was to act as a bridge between the West and East; internally it was to serve as a model of peaceful transition from “bourgeois” democracy to “people's” democracy. The model is examined in some detail. Since attempts were made in 1968 to re-establish it in the new conditions of the 1960s, it was accepted as a political model for the Euro-communists. After 1947, with the onset of the cold war the Czechoslovak communists changed their minds (Stalin probably also) and began to plot to seize power, which they easily achieved in February 1948. The article is based on published communist sources, especially those during the period of the Prague spring, and diplomatic reports from Czechoslovakia deposited at the British Foreign Office.
George Grant and the Embrace of Technology
Authors: Box Ian
Published: November 2009

There is a disturbing quality to George Grant's more recent work that reflects less the substance than the obscurity of his so-called prophetic message. Gloomy reflections on the human prospect are, after all, not uncommon today, and while critics may describe yet another dismal forecast as pessimistic, they are unlikely to be “perplexed” by it or be struck by its “cranky obscurity.” The problem with books such asTime as HistoryorEnglish-Speaking Justiceis not that their message is unpalatable but that one is never really sure just what the message is. Certainly Grant's work resists any simple ideological packaging. He has consistently repudiated the Utopian politics of the left and is well aware of the impossibility of conservatism in the modern world. Neither can it be said that in his writing Grant simply adopts the role of social critic. While apparently critical of modern society he is well aware that we are all moderns today, reminding us of the foolishness of attempting a return to the past as if the discoveries of the modern age had not been made.
Voting Behaviour and the Outcome of the 1979 Federal Election: The Impact of Leaders and Issues
Authors: Clarke Harold D. , Jenson Jane , LeDuc Lawrence , Pammett Jon
Published: November 2009

Given the Liberal party's dominant position in Canadian federal politics, it has been extremely difficult for the Progressive Conservatives to effect an electoral breakthrough and win enough parliamentary seats to form a government. In this century, the Conservatives have been in power for only 22 years. The last time the party formed a majority government was in the spectacular Diefenbaker victory of 1958 which gave the Conservatives 208 of 265 seats. After the demise of the Diefenbaker government in 1963, the Conservatives languished in opposition until 1979 when they won a plurality of seats and Joe Clark formed his short-lived government. It is the election of 1979 which provides the focus of analysis in this article, and especially the success of the Conservatives in supplanting the Liberals, although not with a majority government.
Interest Groups, Representation and Conflict Management in the Standing Committees of the House of Commons
Authors: Skogstad Grace
Published: November 2009

Proposals to strengthen regional representation in national institutions are premised on the assumption that representation of (regional) interests and accommodation of conflicts between competing interests are compatible roles, and most likely when national decision makers represent all contending interests. The article argues that the two roles are not necessarily compatible. The behaviour of MPs on the agriculture and transport committees in debating three bills during the 32nd Parliament shows considerable efforts at representation but much less at conflict management. The emergence of specialist interest groups promotes representational efforts by MPs but often at the expense of conflict management. Other factors affecting the joint occurrence of interest representation and interest accommodation include the individual and collective characteristics of members, their partisan incentives, and the diversity of the goals of their client groups.
Michael Oakeshott as Liberal Theorist
Authors: Coats Wendell John
Published: November 2009

This article cautions against facilely casting Oakeshott's thought in the mold of either Kantian liberalism for its account of civil association as purely formal association to which rational individuals could consent, or Burkean liberalism for its emphasis on the continuity of general practices and traditions in diurnal politics. Oakeshott's work is then thematically summarized with an eye to showing its artfulness and originality as a synthesis of modern European individualism, providing a theoretical account of civil association which combines, without logical contradiction, the Aristotelian idea of politics as the activity of attending to the arrangements of the whole, and the liberal (and Christian) idea of the individuality of value, mediated (and made logically possible) by the Roman idea of civil obligation to the form of authority.
Structures in turbulent boundary layers subjected to adverse pressure gradients
Authors: LEE JOUNG-HO , SUNG HYUNG JIN
Published: November 2009

The effects of adverse pressure gradients on turbulent structures were investigated by carrying out direct numerical simulations of turbulent boundary layers subjected to adverse and zero pressure gradients. The equilibrium adverse pressure gradient flows were established by using a power law free-stream distribution U∞ ~ xm. Two-point correlations of velocity fluctuations were used to show that the spanwise spacing between near-wall streaks is affected significantly by a strong adverse pressure gradient. Low-momentum regions are dominant in the middle of the boundary layer as well as in the log layer. Linear stochastic estimation was used to provide evidence for the presence of low-momentum regions and to determine their statistical properties. The mean width of such large-scale structures is closely associated with the size of the hairpin-like vortices in the outer layer. The conditionally averaged flow fields around events producing Reynolds stress show that hairpin-like vortices are the structures associated with the production of outer turbulence. The shapes of the vortices beyond the log layer were found to be similar when their length scales were normalized according to the boundary layer thickness. Estimates of the conditionally averaged velocity fields associated with the spanwise vortical motion were obtained by using linear stochastic estimation. These results confirm that the outer region of the adverse pressure gradient boundary layer is populated with streamwise-aligned vortex organizations, which are similar to those of the vortex packet model proposed by Adrian, Meinhart & Tomkins (J. Fluid Mech., vol. 422, 2000, pp. 1–54). The adverse pressure gradient augments the inclination angles of the packets and the mean streamwise spacing of the vortex heads in the packets.
Directivity of acoustic emissions from wave packets to the far field
Authors: OBRIST DOMINIK
Published: November 2009

We investigate the acoustic emission from wave packets to the far field. To this end, we develop a theory for one- and two-dimensional source fields in the shape of wave packets with Gaussian envelopes. This theory is based on an approximation to Lighthill's acoustic analogy for distant observers. It is formulated in the spectral domain in which a Gaussian wave packet is represented again by a Gaussian. This allows us to determine the directivity of the acoustic emission (e.g. superdirectivity and Mach waves) by simple geometric constructions in the spectral domain. It is shown that the character of the acoustic emission is mainly governed by the aspect ratio and the Mach number of the wave packet source. To illustrate the relevance of this theory we use it to study two prominent problems in subsonic jet aeroacoustics.
IS IT ALWAYS RATIONAL TO SATISFY SAVAGE'S AXIOMS?
Authors: Gilboa Itzhak , Postlewaite Andrew , Schmeidler David
Published: November 2009

This note argues that, under some circumstances, it is more rational not to behave in accordance with a Bayesian prior than to do so. The starting point is that in the absence of information, choosing a prior is arbitrary. If the prior is to have meaningful implications, it is more rational to admit that one does not have sufficient information to generate a prior than to pretend that one does. This suggests a view of rationality that requires a compromise between internal coherence and justification, similarly to compromises that appear in moral dilemmas. Finally, it is argued that Savage's axioms are more compelling when applied to a naturally given state space than to an analytically constructed one; in the latter case, it may be more rational to violate the axioms than to be Bayesian.
COPING RATIONALLY WITH AMBIGUITY: ROBUSTNESS VERSUS AMBIGUITY-AVERSION
Authors: Nehring Klaus
Published: November 2009

Al-Najjar and Weinstein (2009) argue that the extant literature on ambiguity aversion is not successful in accounting for Ellsberg choices as rational responses to ambiguity. We concur, and propose that rational choice under ambiguity aims at robustness rather than avoidance of ambiguity. A central argument explains why robust choice is intrinsically context-dependent and legitimately violates standard choice consistency conditions. If choice consistency is forced, however, ambiguity-aversion emerges as a semi-rational response to ambiguity.
REJOINDER: THE “AMBIGUITY AVERSION LITERATURE: A CRITICAL ASSESSMENT”
Authors: Al-Najjar Nabil I. , Weinstein Jonathan
Published: November 2009

The pioneering contributions of Bewley, Gilboa and Schmeidler highlighted important weaknesses in the foundations of economics and game theory. The Bayesian methodology on which these fields are based does not answer such basic questions as what makes beliefs reasonable, or how agents should form beliefs and expectations. Providing the initial impetus for debating these issues is a contribution that will have the lasting value it deserves.