bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Oestrogen Receptor β: Role in Neurohypophyseal Neurones
Authors: Sladek C. D. , Somponpun S. J.
Published: April 2004

The robust expression of oestrogen receptor β (ER‐β) in magnocellular vasopressin neurones has focused attention on the role of this receptor and the gonadal steroids in the regulation of vasopressin secretion. Although the effects of gonadal steroids on vasopressin secretion have been the subject of many studies, there is no consensus in the literature as to their role. Possible reasons for the diverse findings are discussed, including diversity in the types, site and level of expression of steroid receptors across species, gender and physiological conditions. The physiological regulation of expression is of particular interest because ER‐β mRNA expression in vasopressin neurones is inversely correlated to the osmotic state of the animal. Chronic hyperosmolality inhibits ER‐β mRNA expression in magnocellular vasopressin neurones, while chronic hypo‐osmolality enhances expression. This is consistent with an inhibitory role for ER‐β because hyperosmolality is a potent stimulus for vasopressin secretion, whereas vasopressin secretion is maximally inhibited by chronic hypo‐osmolality. An inhibitory role is also indicated by in vitro experiments demonstrating inhibition of osmotically stimulated vasopressin secretion by oestrogen and testosterone, and ER‐β mediated inhibition of NMDA‐stimulated vasopressin secretion. The challenge remains to elucidate the mechanism of this inhibition, and to understand its significance for maintenance of whole‐body fluid and electrolyte homeostasis.
Explaining Nationalist Violence
Authors: Hechter Michael
Published: April 2004

Abstract. Nationalism often involves risky and violent action. This has led many scholars to believe that its roots must be irrational. This attribution is ambiguous, however, because it fails to distinguish between two quite different meanings of the term ‘irrational’. In principle, nationalism can emanate either from social or from individual irrationality. Only the latter kind of irrationality is theoretically provocative, however. The hallmark of rational individual action lies in its instrumentality. Whereas many aspects of nationalism have been analysed successfully using instrumental behavioral assumptions, nationalist violence has been a significant exception. This article offers a framework for the explanation of nationalist violence in instrumental terms. It concludes by suggesting that the temptation to view nationalism as an outcome of individual irrationality should be resisted.
Nationhood, Communism and State Legitimation
Authors: Schöpflin George
Published: April 2004

Abstract. Four states have disappeared as a result of the collapse of communism and many others have come into being. I want to look at the reason why these states have disappeared, what this says about the nature of state‐sustaining ideologies and what the disappearance tells us about the relationship between statehood and nationhood. I will also look at the effectiveness of communism as a state‐sustaining ideology. The four are, obviously, the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia and East Germany. In each case, the survival of the state was linked to communism and the end of communism brought their continued existence into jeopardy. I shall not be looking at the Soviet Union in detail.

Broadly, the construction of political identities can come about in two ways – by ethnicity or by the state. Each gives rise to a different set of loyalties, creates its own panoply of rituals etc. When the two coincide, the mythical nation‐state can be said to be in being, but this hardly exists in reality (Iceland may be the sole exception in Europe).
Territoriality: The Transcendental, Primordial Feature of Modern Societies
Authors: Grosby Steven
Published: April 2004

Abstract. This article argues that one feature of all societies is territoriality and that one element of territoriality is the transcendental, primordial attachment. Consequently, the article is critical of arguments which view territoriality, including that of modem society, as primarily a post‐Cartesian strategy of control or access. The phenomenon of the territoriality of modern societies and the this‐worldly, transcendental referents in the collective self‐consciousness which it presupposes also call into question the assumption of the putatively pervasive, contractarian individualism of modem society.
Nationalism or ‘Tribalism’: The Evolution of Cape Afrikaner Ethnic Consciousness in the Late Nineteenth Century
Authors: Tamarkin Mottie
Published: April 2004

Abstract. This article seeks to explore the evolution of the ethnic consciousness of the Afrikaners in the Cape Colony at an initial and crucial stage. The colonial Cape Afrikaners are treated as a core community, distinguished from Afrikaner communities in other states in South Africa. It is argued that their collective consciousness was shaped primarily by their core colonial experience rather than by their ethnocultural commonality with the other diaspora Afrikaner communities. Having been socialised into the British colonial state, they have evolved a collective consciousness premised on neither ethnic self‐determination nor ethnic exclusiveness. Correspondingly, their political outlook incorporated both British imperialism and Cape white multi‐culturalism. They were mobilised ethnically to secure their share in the spoils of the British colonial state rather than to attain ethno‐nationalist goals.
National Self‐Determination: Dilemmas of a Concept
Authors: Neuberger Benyamin
Published: April 2004

Abstract. This article deals with the principle of national self‐determination, its historical roots, interpretations, dilemmas, contradictions and double standards. An attempt is made to divide the concept into its analytical components and to demonstrate that the words ‘national’, ‘self and ‘determination’ mean different things to different people. Issues – such as goals and means of national selfdetermination, the question of ‘settlers’ and of the ‘critical date’, the irreversibility of ‘determination’, the right of secession and the domino theory of secession, the minimal size of viable states and the collision between the principle of national selfdetermination and other international norms and values – are also discussed. The analysis is based on modern case studies and on the political thought of nationalist ideologues and politicians.
Does Race Matter?
Authors: Van Den Berghe Pierre L.
Published: April 2004

Abstract. This essay contends that behaviour can only be understood within an evolutionary framework that gives equal weight to genes and environment. Our cultural environment itself evolved, in part through natural selection of genes and in part through other mechanisms. Racism, however, involves association of genetically caused differences in physical appearance with characteristics to which they are wholly unrelated. Yet this association has a biological cause: fitness maximisation through nepotism. This association, therefore, has an effect upon the life chances and reproductive success of genetically different groups and, therefore, upon the process of human evolution.
Nations and Nationalisms: Towards More Open Models
Authors: Jenkins Richard
Published: April 2004

Abstract.Starting from the proposition that nationalism is bound up with ethnicity, Barth's view that ethnicity is defined by actors and that ethnicities are situationally variable is drawn upon to argue that narrow definitions of nationalism – as a specifically modem political ideology which is bound up with the nation‐state – overstate their case. Instead of nationalism we should be talking about nationalisms, which can only be understood in their local and historical contexts. An open definition of nationalism is offered, which permits abstraction and generalisation while accommodating empirical heterogeneity. Material from Wales, Northern Ireland and Denmark is presented to illustrate some of the differences between local nationalisms.
Essential Constructions? The ‘Cultural Bases’ of Nationalist Movements
Authors: Penrose Jan
Published: April 2004

Abstract.This article has three fundamental objectives. The first is to explore ways in which ideas about culture are relevant to nationalism. The second is to identify common ‘cultural bases’ which are called on to support secessionist and irredentist movements. The third, and perhaps most challenging objective, is to explore the character of these ‘cultural bases’ as well as the sources of their empowerment. To fulfil these goals the article is divided into five main sections. The first section introduces the argument that while the cultural bases of secessionist and irredentist movements are extremely influential motivators and legitimators of human actions, they are not, in themselves, ‘natural’ or immutable. This position is elucidated in the second section, where it is argued that the particularintellectual cultureof eighteenth‐century Western Europe gave rise to the concept of nation which, in turn, incorporatedspecific culturesinto its definition of the fundamental units of humanity. This discussion is used as a basis for advancing the argument that the powerful capacity for ideas about culture to stimulate and reinforce secessionist and irredentist movements stems from two main sources, one of whichisessential to human beings (i.e. theprocessof group formation) and one of which is constructedasessential (i.e. the concept of nation). In the fourth section the effectiveness of this combination is briefly illustrated by exploring shifts in the cultural bases which have been used over time to legitimise nationalist movements in Friesland, Quebec and Scotland. The concluding section uses the understanding of how ‘cultural bases’ are constituted and deployed to evaluate their impact and their ‘desirability’. It also suggests ways in which an awareness of the factors and processes associated with the construction and empowerment of culture can open the door to deploying them differently to achieve alternative ends.
Nationalism and National Movements: Comparing the Past and the Present of Central and Eastern Europe
Authors: Hroch Miroslav
Published: April 2004

Abstract. This article compares the ‘new nationalism’ in post‐communist countries since the 1980s with the ‘classical’ national movements o the nineteenth century. Looking for analogies and differences between these two processes, it seeks to achieve a better understanding and more profound interpretation of contemporary ‘nationalism’. Most important analogies are: both national movements emerged as a result of (and as an answer to) the crisis and disintegration of an old regime and its value system; in both cases we observe a low level of political experience among the population, the stereotype of a personalised nation, and of a defensive position. Similarly both movements define their national border by both ethnic and historical borders: in both cases, the nationally relevant conflict of interests plays a decisive role. Among the differences are: the extremely high level of social communication in the twentieth‐century movements, combined with a ‘vacuum at the top’ (the need for new elites) and with deep economic depression. The ‘contemporary’ national movements fought for the political rights of undoubtedly pre‐existing nations (above all, for full independence), while the ‘classical’ ones fought for the concept of a nation‐to‐be, whose existence was not generally accepted. Nevertheless, in both cases, similar specifics of the nation‐forming process under conditions of a ‘small nation’ can be observed. The author does not view nationalism as a ‘disease’ or external force: but rather as an answer given by some members of the nation to new challenges and unexpected conflicts of interests, which could be interpreted as national ones.
Theorising Ethnicity and Ethnic Communalisations at the Margins: From Quebec to the World System
Authors: Juteau Danielle
Published: April 2004

Abstract.This article explores the changing and competing relations between multiple forms of ethnic communalisations in Quebec, as the Quebecois nation is now confronted by pressures to redefine its boundaries in more inclusive terms. This specific case allows me to address two major theoretical questions. First, I re‐examine the usefulness of the dominant mode of classification of nations, the binary opposition between ethnic and territorial nations. I then develop a perspective which makes visible the construction of the external and internal dimensions of ethnic boundaries as well as their interrelations.

Focusing on processes of ethnic communalisation allows me to transcend both the former static, primordialist, empiricist, essentialist, naturalist and absolutist conception of ethnicity and some of the more recent radical constructivist conceptions which envisage ethnicity as an infinite slide of the signifier, a fantasy, a game. Finally, I locate ethnic communalisationsandtheir theorisation within the framework of modernity and of the world system; by recognising the unequal relations which often underlie ethnic forms of communalisation, it becomes possible to decentre the conceptualisation and the theorisation of ethnicity, which are inseparable from ethnic relations themselves and from the position held by different countries within the world system.
Economic Integration and the Politics of Independence
Authors: Meadwell Hudson , Martin Pierre
Published: April 2004

Abstract.Are nationalism and international economic integration irreconcilable? This paper explores the theoretical connections between these two phenomena and develops a framework to assess the implications of international economic integration for nationalist movements in the developed West. We focus upon the structural context of nationalism in democratic societies, emphasising the impact of changes in the international political economy and the influence of domestic institutions. Although the demand for secession may not stem from economic calculations, the expected costs and benefits of independence are constraints to nationalist mobilisation and are conditioned by the structure of the international political economy. We identify three ideal types of international structures and discuss how the strategies and prospects of nationalist movements are shaped within each of them. We find that a structure of ‘institutionalised interdependence’ is most conducive to nationalist mobilisation in a liberal democratic context, but the impact of economic integration depends largely upon conditions defined by domestic institutional structures.
International Norms and Latin American States' Policies on Indigenous Peoples
Authors: Banton Michael
Published: April 2004

Abstract.International pressure upon Latin American governments to protect the rights of indigenous peoples has increased since the late 1960s. The reports submitted under the International Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination by Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Peru and Venezuela are reviewed. They tend to emphasise policies for national integration and the preservation of indigenous cultures, and to neglect the effects of urbanisation. Political elites are coming slowly to appreciate the nature of the claims advanced by indigenous peoples.
‘Balkan Mentality’: History, Legend, Imagination
Authors: Kitromilides Paschalis M.
Published: April 2004

Abstract. In this article I attempt to do two things. First I consider in what sense it could be reasonable to talk of a ‘Balkan mentality’, shared across national divisions by all peoples in Southeastern Europe. I argue among other things that nationalism and its impact on culture and scholarship has been a major stumbling block for the conceptualisation of a shared ‘Balkan mentality’. Secondly, I go on to examine one possible context in which a shared mentality could be said to have existed among the Orthodox Christians in the Balkans. I suggest that such a context could be located in the pre‐nationalist Balkan society of the eighteenth century, a period in which the region was politically united by Ottoman rule. To illustrate the content of the mental outlook shared by the Balkan Orthodox in the eighteenth century I examine the autobiographical writings of three major authors, one writing in Greek (Caisarios Depontes), one in Bulgarian (Sofroni Vračanski) and one in Serbian (Matija Nenadović). I identify the shared mental elements reflected in their texts and point out how the transition to a national self‐conception taking place at the turn of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries in the Balkans, marked the end of this shared ‘Balkan mentality’. The study is thus an exploration in the ‘prehistory’, as it were, of nationalism in the Balkans, an exploration which also looks at the symbolic origins nationalism in the region as reflected in the texts of two of the three authors.
Outbidding to Radical Nationalists: Minority Policy in Estonia, 1988–1993
Authors: Metcalf Lee Kendall
Published: April 2004

Abstract. Given the pressure exerted by Russia and the international alter focused on Estonia as a result, why did Estonia opt to deny citizenship to the maji of its Russian‐speaking population and to disenfranchise them at a time v decisions about the basic structure of the state were being made? Com explanations for radical policy towards other ethnic groups focus on histo animosity or changes in demographics. However, I argue that these explanations insufficient to explain the changes in Estonian policy over time. Instead I focus 01 political process, dividing the Estonian drive for independence into three stags discuss the increasing relaxation of the political constraints on outbidding to rai nationalists. The conclusion examines the impact of Estonia's policies on et relations and discusses the implications for domestic and international policy.
Language and Nationalism: Comparing Flanders and Tanzania
Authors: Blommaert Jan
Published: April 2004

Abstract. Language is often a central issue in nationalist ideologies. It is seen as a crucial element in the definition of people's identities, and it is often a battlefield for nationalist activities. An analysis of how language is conceptualised and made part of a particular nationalist struggle may yield insights into the ideological structure of this particular nationalism, and thus lead to more refined ways of distinguishing between various types of nationalisms. In this article, a comparison is made between language in Flemish nationalism and in Tanzanian post‐Ujamaa nationalism. In both cases, great emphasis is placed by the nation‐builders on the central role of language in attaining the nationalist goals. However, a comparison of both cases also yields significant differences. The Flemish view of language is predominantly ethnic. Dutch is seen as an inalienable marker of identity, shared with the Dutch people, and creating a fundamental difference with the Walloon Belgians. Also, language is closely associated with the territory on which it is being spoken, which yields a homogeneistic and assimilationist attitude towards speakers of other languages on Flemish temtory. In Tanzania, Swahili is seen as an instrument for attaining a socialist political‐ ideological hegemonisation of the state. Swahili is chosen not for cultural reasons, but because it allows for egalitarian, socialist connotations. Underlying both language ideologies are basic differences in the structure of nationalism in Flanders and Tanzania, Flanders being an example of ethnic nationalism and Tanzania an example of socialist state nationalism.
A Theory of Ethnic Group Boundaries
Authors: Chai Sun‐Ki
Published: April 2004

Abstract.Despite widespread agreement that ethnic boundaries are malleable rather than fixed, theories of ethnicity and collective action have been unable to adequately explain why individuals choose to mobilise collectively within particular boundaries rather than others. The boundaries of groups engaging in ethnic collective action are always taken for granted at some level rather than problematised. This leads to an undesirable reification of ethnic groups as actors.

The theory presented in this article integrates a social psychological view of motivation with a rational choice view of action to provide a systematic way of predicting the boundary location of ethnic groups that begin to mobilise in societies undergoing modernising structural change. It first focuses on the link between cooperation and altruism in small communities. It then predicts how altruistic preferences, in conjunction with structural factors and rational behaviour, will generate boundaries for larger‐scale ethnic collective action that transcends yet incorporates such communities. The theory's predictions are then applied to explain the location of group boundaries in four very prominent cases of ethnicity ‘creation’ and collective action in this century.
Nationalism and Historicity
Authors: Hall Patrik
Published: April 2004

Abstract. In this article the nation is shown to be a historical subject. As such, it is constructed and constantly reconstructed by discursive practices of power and knowledge. The author argues that the symbiotic interlinkage between nationalism and the organising knowledge principle of historicity, is an example of a power practice in the modern state. Throughout the article, it is shown that this practice is produced by interaction between the institutionally represented, sovereign or objective state and intellectual knowledge and its institutionalisation within the state as an academy, which acquires sovereignty in the production of objective truth. This peculiar discursive representation of making what really is personal interactions and struggles into official institutions has managed to produce the subject of the historical nation. The empirical case of Sweden is briefly discussed. During the age of great power, an exclusivist discourse of noble genealogical distinction of the ‘Goths’ was established. In modem Sweden, this genealogical myth is transformed to a popular national myth of exclusivity, a myth with great power potentials in the ‘national projects’ of modem politics.
The Interregnum: The South's Insecurity Dilemma
Authors: Glenn John
Published: April 2004

Abstract. This article investigates the ‘insecurity dilemma’ facing many Third World states arising from the fact that multiple ethnic communities reside within their borders. In terms of analysing the types of states that exist in the ‘South’, much of the literature on this phenomenon serves to confuse the various elements of state power and, therefore, the reasons for the existence and persistence of internal threats to Third World states. It is posited that the ‘insecurity dilemma’ has three possible sources: a lack of coercive means by the state for imposing its rule; a deficient infrastructure; and a lack of legitimacy. In examining the persistence of the ‘insecurity dilemma’ the article focuses on the third dimension of state power and the possible diminution of challenges from ethnic communities within a state's borders via the process of nation‐building. The possibility that it will only be a matter of time before the embryonic states of the South will emulate the success of European states in achieving some degree of domestic consensus is highly questionable when the processes of nation‐building are examined, for two reasons. Firstly, the emphasis placed on ‘modernisation’– infrastructural development and state imposition of a national ‘high’ culture – may be misplaced. Secondly, because of their peripheral status in the world economy the assimilative tendencies associated with ‘modernisation’ may take an extremely long time in arriving.
Public Opinion, National Integration and National Identity in Spain: The Case of the Barcelona Olympic Games
Authors: Hargreaves John , Ferrando Manuel Garcia
Published: April 2004

Abstract. This article analyses the impact of the Barcelona 1992 Olympic Games on national integration and national identity in Spain with respect to the conflict of interests that developed around the Games between the centre and Catalonia. We argue that polarisation along nationalist lines was limited in large part because national identity in Spain today is not predominantly a unitary and exclusive entity. Dual identity, loyalty to both Spain, on the one hand, and to one's region, or nation as in the case of Catalonia, on the other, and inclusive nationalism that does not aim at complete national independence, increasingly have tended to predominate in the last decade and a half. The Olympics, then, not only polarised relations between Catalonia and Spain, they also served to accommodate antagonisms between them and thus to maintain a delicate, fragile balance of power in the new España de las autonomías.
The Creation and Dissolution of the Multinational State: The Case of Yugoslavia
Authors: Sekulic Dusko
Published: April 2004

Abstract. The article draws on Randall Collins' interpretation of a Weberian sociology of legitimacy and the importance of geostrategy in explaining the contrasts between the creation and dissolution of Yugoslavia. The creation of Yugoslavia is interpreted as the outcome of the expansionist policy of the Serbian elite which was justified by the inclusion of all the ethnic Serbs into one state and made possible by the geostrategically weak positions of the Croatian and Slovenian elites. Different starting positions and motivations for unification led to a struggle among elites over the definition of the newly united state, particularly over the centralization–federalisation issue. The situation of communist Yugoslavia was a different one – the country was balancing between the ‘East’ and the ‘West’. This balance – which, along with the memories of the ‘liberation struggle’, was the main source of the legitimacy of the regime – was destroyed with the cessation of the cold war. The newly created situation had two important results. First, the potential threat from the communist east had disappeared. Second, Slovenia and Croatia were attracted to the idea of integration into western Europe. This situation was substantially different than in the period of the creation of the Yugoslav state, in which western Europe was perceived as a potential threat to the existence of Croatia and Slovenia. Now, the perception of threat came from the east – from the ‘unreformed’ Serbia. The attraction to the west was much weaker in Serbia, where the old communist power structure stayed intact. The new situation, and the political elites' perception of it, created the tension which finally destroyed the basis of the multinational state.
The Sources of Support for Separatism: Public Opinion in Three Soviet Republics
Authors: Hesli Vicki L. , Reisinger William M. , Miller Arthur H.
Published: April 2004

Abstract. The replacement of the Soviet Union by independent states rather than by a loose confederation of component republics reflects (in part) the demands for change that were being expressed by mass publics. What caused the people to reject decentralisation of authority within the existing state structure and chose rather to support movements that insisted on the establishment of independent states? We examine whether concerns about ‘discriminatory redistribution’ and ‘cultural preservation’ were more important than questions of ‘efficiency’ or ‘relative deprivation’ as motivations behind support for secession. The analysis is based upon public opinion data from Russia, Ukraine and Lithuania gathered in May of 1990 and in June of 1991. We conclude that although issues related to cultural preservation and discriminatory redistribution were foremost in the minds of separatists, concerns about efficiency and improved management in government are also relevant for understanding support for separatism.
Kazimierz Kelles‐Krauz (1872–1905): A Pioneering Scholar of Modern Nationalism
Authors: Snyder Tim
Published: April 2004

Abstract. This essay attempts to place the contributions of the sociologist Kazimierz Kelles‐Krauz (1872–1905) within the history of the scholarship of nationalism. Though absent from present scholarly literature on the question, Kelles‐Krauz's contribution to the study of nationalism was outstanding. The article advances three arguments: that Kelles‐Krauz was among the first to treat modem nationalism as an object of serious study, that his approach was more typical of our day than his, and that his arguments anticipated many of the major positions of today's scholars. In order to defend the first claim, the article briefly considers the contributions of scholars who preceded Kelles‐Krauz. In order to defend the second and third claims, the article briefly characterises Kelles‐Krauz's sociological method and presents his answers to some of the central questions of today's scholarly literature on nationalism.
Nationalism, Loss‐Gain Framing and the Confederate States of America
Authors: Taubman Geoffry L.
Published: April 2004

Abstract.In recent years, numerous states have become racked with internal secessionist strife. Why have calls for independence by regional subgroupings been heeded even after long periods of inter‐ethnic peace or in regions without any previous history of secessionist activity? I contend that this question can be answered by examining the phenomenon ofloss‐gain framing, in which people are motivated to adopt risky stratagems, like secession, due to fears of unacceptable losses.

This article examines the enigma of why most white American Southerners in 1861 willingly fought for the establishment of the Confederacy, a nation based upon slavery, despite the fact that most Southerners did not own slaves and had continuously rejected secessionist appeals for years. Confederate President Jefferson Davis overcame this reluctance by emphasising what all Southerners – slaveholder and non‐slaveholder alike – would lose by remaining in the United States rather than accentuating what would be gained by secession.
Deconstructing/Reconstructing Ethnicity
Authors: Pieterse Jan Nederveen
Published: April 2004

Abstract.Ethnicity is here viewed as a continuum, varying widely in terms of salience, intensity and meaning, along which several types of ethnicity can be distinguished.Domination ethnicityis where a nation imposes monocultural control – it can be regarded as a form of ethnicity.Enclosure ethnicityhas three variants – dormant ethnicity, cultural confinement, and inward‐looking ethnicity.Competition ethnicitycompetes over resources of the state and development. Finally,optional ethnicityis of low intensity and is light, volitional and fluid, as in the case of ethnic entrepreneurs and symbolic ethnicity. What is considered as well are thedynamicsof ethnicity, shifting from one mode to another. The politics of ethnicity is here taken up in terms of emancipation and domination. Perspectives on ethnicity are framed by the changingmeanings of ethnicityover time. The final question concerns theendgames of ethnicity, or the paths of change of different types of ethnicity, and how each relates to ethnic conflict regulation.
Motifs, Metaphors and Mythomoteurs: Some Reflections on Medieval South Asian Ethnicity
Authors: Sabaratnam Lakshmanan
Published: April 2004

Abstract.This article takes account of medieval literary sources in Sinhala Sri Lanka and Tamil South India to describe the existence of notions of ethnic loyalty and ethnic categorisation in premodern societies. Literary tropes such as metaphors and motifs in the two cultural areas are discussed in detail and placed in the context of sociological concepts such as lateral and vertical ethnie. In doing so the argument is made that there have been forms of politicised ethnic solidarity in the past, and that these forms are parallel to modem nationalism.
Unmasking Britannia: The Rise and Fall of British National Identity
Authors: McCrone David
Published: April 2004

Abstract. British national identity is a supranational identity deriving from an imperial past. Warfare created Britain in the eighteenth century, and at first glance mass war in the twentieth century seemed to reinforce it. War, however, was a twoedged sword. On the one hand, it dominated the lives of Britons between 1900 and 1945, yet war and its social‐political demands weakened the fabric of the British state which was designed to be a nation‐state, rather a state‐nation. The more it demanded loyalty to its national icons, the more it became clear that these were not ‘national’ at ail. In many ways war forged state and nation but in a way that has led to its possible break‐up.
Between Normality and Particularity – National Identity in West Germany: An Inquiry into Patterns of Individual Identity Constructions
Authors: Rossteutscher Sigrid
Published: April 2004

Abstract. This article is an empirical investigation into the question of West German national identity. On the basis of 187 qualitative interviews we distinguish five structural types and seventeen different narratives of individual identity building. We show that national identity is an inevitably contested concept because it is comprised of a diversity of emotions and attitudes and is based on different individual needs. This article evaluates the particularity and normality of West German national identity in the context of universal developments like globalisation and individualisation. The exposure of the tremendous crimes of the period of Nationalsozialsimus and the subsequent construction of a ‘morally correct’ identity have to be understood as a particularity of the German case. In other respects German national identity seems to be more normal than deviant.
Psychology, Psychoanalysis and Theories of Nationalism
Authors: Finlayson Alan
Published: April 2004

Abstract. This article reviews some psychological and psychoanalytic social theories to see what they have to offer in terms of an understanding of nations and nationalism. Three approaches are reviewed in turn: discursive psychology, the psychoanalytic work of Theodor Adomo and the Lacanianism of Slavoj Zizek. In critically analysing and drawing on these varied perspectives it is argued that we need to develop a theory of nationalism that focuses on the production of the national ‘subject’. It 0069s further argued that this theorisation enables us to relate nationalism to wider questions of ideology and political identity in modern societies. Drawing out the contours of such a theory the article intimates the sorts of research directions in which this might lead.
Dissolution and Reconstruction of National Identity: The Experience of Subjectivity in Taiwan
Authors: Wong Timothy Ka‐Ying , Sun Milan Tung‐Wen
Published: April 2004

Abstract. Due to unique historical and structural conditions Taiwan society has long been troubled by a national identity problem. While this dilemma has captured significant academic interests in recent years, most treatments of the subject pay insufficient attention to the subjective factors which shape the national identity discourse on the island. This study attempts to reconstruct, from the subjects' perspectives, the discourses on national identity as they are devised by Taiwan residents. Based on Q methodology, we identify five discourses: Chinese nationalism, status‐quoism, confused identity, Taiwan‐prioritism and Taiwanese nationalism. These discourses are intertwined along the independence/unification continuum and share the common ground of respect for democratic institutions and liberal values and an awareness of Taiwan's de facto autonomy/independence. Our findings stand in sharp contrast to the ‘unification/independence’ dichotomy or the ‘unification/status quo/independence’ trifurcation commonly applied by the existing literature. Thus, the findings may serve as the basis for constructing a more comprehensive analytical framework facilitating further research on national identity issues in Taiwan.
Dynamics of Disintegration: Diaspora, Secession and the Paradox of Nation‐States
Authors: Shain Yossi , Sherman Martin
Published: April 2004

Abstract. The underlying logic of an international system based on nation‐states should lead to the gradual elimination of trans‐national loyalties, intra‐national divisions and stateless communities. Paradoxically, current realities indicate that the reverse is true, with these phenomena becoming more and more prevalent. The article proposes a comprehensive analytical framework for the study of the complex relationships between diaspora formation, secessionist (and irredentist) drives and the existing nation‐state system. It traces the genesis, and the subsequent effects, of differing variants of diaspora formations and secession (irredentist) movements to the interplay between two distinct independent variables: (1) the formation and disintegration of different nation‐types (ethno‐focal or ideo‐focal); and (2) the modus operandi of different regime‐types (libertarian or authoritarian). The processes produced by these interactions generate a perennial source for the rejuvenation of old identities and the awakening of new ones, which in turn constitute an incessant challenge to the prevailing state system. Thus rather than becoming an anomalous anachronism of the past, diasporas and separatist sentiments appear to be not only an endemic feature of the international system, but a pivotal element in comprehending the direction of present and future trends in it.
Corporatism as Ethnic Compromise: Labour Relations in Post‐Apartheid South Africa
Authors: Adam Heribert
Published: April 2004

Abstract. Conventional wisdom associates corporatism with undemocratic elite collusion, or worse, with the fascist order of Mussolini, Franco or Perq́n. However, another form of corporatism involves institutionalised bargaining between representatives of organised interest groups. This democratic corporatism engages in trade‐offs between labour unions, business and state bureaucrats. Where these groups largely coincide with different ethnic constituencies, as in South Africa, the outcome of their bargaining also amounts to an ethnic compromise. This analysis explores the scope, potential and limitations of corporatist labour relations in the new South Africa. Embraced by the African National Congress (ANC) government, legalised codetermination none the less encounters strong reservation from both socialist union leaders as well as the white business establishment. Alienated workers feel shortchanged by elite deals which are also resented by fragmented business sectors. How far state representatives can mediate between different ethno‐racial/class interests and realise the promise of less adversarial relations for mutually beneficial growth and stability is being probed with an analysis of the National Economic Development and Labour Council (Nedlac). Liberal South African analysts fear a one‐party dominant state, because of likely future ANC hegemony and ethnic voting habits. This legitimate anxiety, however, needs to be balanced by the important checks placed on the ANC by corporatism. Even a poorly implemented corporatism of consensus seeking, it is argued, proves better than an ethno‐racial adversarialism of an alternative to the non‐racial ANC.
Internal Colonialism and Cultural Divisions of Labour in the Soviet Remblic of Estonia
Authors: Mettam Colin W. , Williams Stephen Wyn
Published: April 2004

Abstract. The political problems which emerged in Estonia towards the end of the period of Soviet rule have been widely discussed in academic literature, together with descriptions of the deep structural problems believed to have contributed to ethnic mobilisation. Despite rigorous discussions (which have typically taken politico‐historical perspectives) there is a lack of theoretical analysis of the Estonian case. This article argues that many aspects of ethnic grievances in Soviet Estonia bear a striking similarity to theoretical issues raised in discussions of internal colonialism, and applies these theories to elucidate the Soviet Estonian case study. The relationship between core and peripheral areas is examined first with particular reference to the creation of a cultural division of labour which has the potential to promote ethnic group formation. Alternative cultural divisions of labour (both hierarchical and segmental) within the periphery are then analysed and their importance in ethnic group formation and mobilisation via reactive and interactive mechanisms evaluated. After comparing these theoretical issues with the case study of Soviet Estonia, the article concludes that internal colonialism retains sufficient analytical insight to warrant further research, both on a theoretical basis and also in its application to societies which have experienced Soviet style development.
The Outbreak of Nationalism on Former Yugoslav Territory: A Historical Perspective on the Problem of Supranational Identity
Authors: Godina Vesna V.
Published: April 2004

Abstract.In the text some questions about the genesis of radical nationalism on the former Yugoslav territory are discussed. The author's main thesis is that what happened during the outburst of nationalism was an alteration in the status of national identification, particularly in its relation to ‘supranational’ Yugoslav identification; that is, the eruption of radical nationalism was the result of reorganisation within an identification matrix. This thesis is first clarified by a short historical survey of the status of national identification before the outburst of nationalism, and secondly by an analysis of the main changes in the identification matrix during the outbreak of nationalism. Additionally, some of the main characteristics of political socialisation in the Yugoslav socialist state (especially the function of the value ‘brotherhood and unity’), as well as the possibility for future non‐conflictual relations between the nations of former socialist Yugoslavia are discussed.
In Search of the Authentic Nation: Landscape and National Identity in Canada and Switzerland
Authors: Kaufmann Eric , Zimmer Oliver
Published: April 2004

Abstract. While the study of nationalism and national identity has flourished in the last decade, little attention has been devoted to the conditions under which natural environments acquire significance in definitions of nationhood. This article examines the identity‐forming role of landscape depictions in two polyethnic nation‐states: Canada and Switzerland. Two types of geographical national identity are identified. The first – what we call the ‘nationalisation of nature’– portrays zarticular landscapes as expressions of national authenticity. The second pattern – what we refer to as the ‘naturalisation of the nation’– rests upon a notion of geographical determinism that depicts specific landscapes as forces capable of determining national identity. The authors offer two reasons why the second pattern came to prevail in the cases under consideration: (1) the affinity between wild landscape and the Romantic ideal of pure, rugged nature, and (2) a divergence between the nationalist ideal of ethnic homogeneity and the polyethnic composition of the two societies under consideration.
Nationalism and Sexuality, What are the Issues?
Authors: Pryke Sam
Published: April 2004

Abstract. This article attempts to clarify in a systematic fashion the relationship between nationalism and sexuality. Whilst a relationship is now generally recognised between the two phenomena, it has been neglected relative to other issues. There are genuine reasons for this, the relationship being fraught with conceptual and empirical problems. Such problems are evident in the writings to date directly on nationalism and sexuality. This discussion attempts to initially disentangle racism and gender from nationalism and sexuality, respectively, before outlining what I consider to be the three major intersections: national sexual stereotypes, sexuality in national conflict and sexuality in nation‐building. Each of the intersections are indicated by an assessment of their conceptual relationship, and illustrated by various historical instances.
Dog in the Night: The Limits of European Nationalism, 1789–1895
Authors: Farrar L.L. , McGuire Kiernan , Thompson John E.
Published: April 2004

Abstract. The article questions the widely held view that nationalism was a significant feature of modem civilisation and particularly of nineteenth‐century Europe. Two groups of events are chosen for examination: reputedly classic instances of nationalism (the French Revolution, German responses to Napoleon, the Italian and German revolutions of 1848, Italian and German unification and the Eastern crisis of 1875‐8), and important international events which in an age of nationalism should reflect it (the Crimean War, Bismarck's alliances and the Franco‐Russian alliance). Defined as the effort of nation/peoples to defend/extend their power, nationalism is evaluated specifically for its breadth of support and its influence on decision‐makers which prove to be limited. This conclusion has implications not only for these events but also brings into question the established system of historical periodisation which presumes the distinctiveness of the nineteenth century and modem civilisation precisely because of their distinguishing features such as nationalism.
The Autonomy Argument for Liberal Nationalism
Authors: Patten Alan
Published: April 2004

Abstract. The article examines a recent normative argument for ‘liberal nationalism’ that can be found in the work of a range of influential contemporary writers. That argument seeks to defend the view that the state has a responsibility to preserve and promote national cultures. It does so by arguing that the liberal ideal of an autonomous individual chooser presupposes a rich and healthy national culture which provides, and gives meaning to, the options which an individual faces. The claim of the present article is that the liberal nationalist argument is much less successful than these writers would like to think. Although the argument may be valid in certain restricted contexts, the article shows that it runs into severe difficulties for a wide range of central cases that nationalists have traditionally been concerned with.
Britishness or Englishness? The Historical Problem of National Identity in Britain
Authors: Langlands Rebecca
Published: April 2004

Abstract. The dominant ‘modernisation’ perspective on the nature of nations and national identities characterises these phenomena as purely modern artefacts which function as sociological cement for complex industrial societies. In opposition, Anthony D. Smith has elaborated an ‘ethno‐symbolist’ framework which posits the possibility of pre‐modern antecedents to modern national identities. According to Smith, modern states which have been able to establish their official cultures on the ethnicity of a demographically dominant and cohesive ethnic core are likely to be more stable than states that are divided by the rival histories and traditions of competing ethno‐national communities. This paper evaluates Smith's ethno‐symbolist thesis by applying his work on the relationship between states and ethnic cores to the historical example of Britain. What is Britishness? Is it just a transnational state patriotism, or is it a secondary form of national identity constructed largely in English terms?
Nationalism, Ethnicity and Religion: Fundamental Conflicts and the Politics of Identity in Tanzania
Authors: Campbell John
Published: April 2004

Abstract. This article explores the competing relations between ethnic, religious and racial identities in contemporary Tanzania at a time of rapid socioeconomic change and in the face of the declining authority and legitimacy of the state. During nearly four decades of one‐party rule the state has pursued policies ‐ educational, linguistic, developmental, etc. ‐ aimed at constructing a secular national identity capable of uniting diverse social groups under the banner of African socialism. However, economic retrenchment in the 1980s and political liberalisation in the 1990s has contributed directly to a series of upheavals leading many Tanzanians to redefine the structures of common difference and to a fracturing of national identity. This article seeks to understand the reasons for the upsurge of conflict and cultural fragmentation in the 1990s.