bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Genetic Penetrance From MZ Twins of Absent C-Triradius, A Palmar Dermatoglyphic Trait
Authors: Kloepfer H. W. , Parisi Paolo
Published: July 2016

Among 59 sets of MZ male twins and 48 sets of MZ female twins from Italy, 7 male sets (11.9%) and 7 female sets (14.6%) had absent c-triradius on one or more palms; among 214 individuals who had a MZ twin, 19 (8.9%) had absent c-triradius in one or both palms. Due to small numbers these percentages are comparable to the occurrence of absent c-triradius found in 8.2% of 3946 Caucasians. When one member of a set of MZ twins showed the trait in one or both palms, 35.7% (5/14) of the other members also showed the trait in one or both palms. When an individual showed the trait in one palm, 26.3 % (5/19) of the other palms also showed the trait. These two estimates of penetrance combined give an average value of 30.3%, (10/33) which is comparable to an estimate of 30% found in a study of 478 family units in which transmission was compatible with an autosomal dominant gene.
Embryonic Determination of Brain Programming Asymmetry - A Neglected Element in Twin-Study Genetics of Human Mental Development
Authors: Boklage Charles E.
Published: July 2016

Departures from the usual human brain asymmetry, manifested in unusual laterality of motor dominance and/or speech representation, seem to have some genetic basis, and have been found associated with: schizophrenia, epilepsy, alcoholism, dyslexia, dysphasia, autism, and mental retardation. This can also derive from embryonic disturbances, as evidenced by excessive association with: first births, late births, birth difficulties, and twinning. MZ twins develop from embryos which have often split after at least some commitments to the cellular development of bilateral symmetry have been made. The effects of such a split are visibly recorded in mirror-imaging, in tooth emergence patterns, in shapes of mouth, nostrils, eyes, and ears, in hairwhorl placement and pattern. Brainfunction laterality is also found to be subject to mirror-imaging.

Data from the 1972 publication of the Gottesman and Shields genetic twin study of schizophrenia serve to illustrate the power of the neglected embryonic discriminator: Fully one-third of their MZ schizophrenic sample {nearly ten times the best population estimate) were characterized as lefthanded or ambidextrous. If the sample is divided between pairs with and without any sign of laterality disturbance, the results are very strikingly altered. The pairs with no sign of laterality disturbance are 88% concordant, whereas unusual laterality pairs are 24% concordant. Several severity indicators are in excess, by ratios of 2 to 10-fold, among the RH pairs. Nuclear subtypes are (2.5) times as frequent, and schizoid premorbid personalities are twice as frequent, among the RH pairs.
Etudes Gemellaires Dans La Genetique Clinique: Le “Clinical Cotwin Method”
Authors: Gedda L.
Published: July 2016

The purpose of this review is to bring out the clinical value of a twin pair, when a disease strikes one or both partners. A “Clinical Cotwin Method” is thus described.

In the case of concordant disease in MZ twins, the points of interest suggested by this method are the study of (1) the etiopathogenesis of the disease; (2) the genetic variability in the manifestation of such disease; (3) the variability of expression of the morbid genotype; and (4) the chronogenetic variability, that is, the possible difference between times of onset of disease, of its symptoms, and of its outcome. In the case of discordant disease in MZ twins, either one twin is ill and the other healthy, or else, twins have two different diseases. In the first case, the clinician finds an excellent basis of comparison in the healthy twin, which allows him to extend his knowledge of the morbid phenotype and to discover minimal symptoms which would otherwise go unobserved. In the case of two different diseases which strike MZ twins simultaneously, comparative analysis of the general symptoms is possible, which allows a deeper knowledge of the etiopathogenesis of the morbid processes. DZ twins also are of high scientific interest because their semiequivalent genotypes have simultaneous times of departure. This situation differs from that of full sibs and that of half sibs; it is also very useful to analyze the disease that DZ twins face in the same physical time. Both twin care and scientific research can be greatly helped by hospital department of twins, as well as outpatient departments or consultants for occasional and routine visits.
A Few Remarks on an Oculistic and Orthoptic Screening of 61 Monozygotic Twin Pairs
Authors: Barbati-Crouzet R.
Published: July 2016

An oculistic and orthoptic screening has been carried out on a sample of 122 twins aged 6 to 10 years (31 MZ male and 30 MZ female pairs). A few remarks could be made, concerning both twins as such and the heritability of the traits under examination. The twins appear to differ from the general population of singletons of the same age on account of a lower frequency of ametropia and strabismus as well as of a high frequency of epicanthus.
Hypothesis of an Ovular Regulation of Pregnancy Weight-Gain
Authors: Papiernik E. , Gerard L. , Hult A. M. , Schneider L.
Published: July 2016

A retrospective study of 127 twin pregnancies has been carried out, considering the relation between maternal weight-gain and zygosity of the ovum. At 28 weeks of gestation, the maternal weight-gain distribution goes on according to a bimodal curve, the analysis of which shows that each pike corresponds to one twin-pregnancy variety. Whatever the considered term might be (28-32-36 weeks), the maternal weight-gain is higher in DZ than in MZ pregnancies, and it should be pointed out that toxemic pregnancies, in each group, have nothing to do with this difference. This maternal weight-gain difference may reflect the known quality difference between MZ and DZ ova. The data lead to set up the more general hypothesis of an ovular regulation factor of the maternal weight-gain, in addition to classic data such as the own fetal weight, its annexes, and maternal diet.
Psychopathologic Problems in Twins During Childhood
Authors: Bernabei Paola , Levi Gabriel
Published: July 2016

Some Psychopathologic problems occurring during childhood in twins are discussed from the point of view of mental health. On the basis of case history of twins affected by neurologic or psychiatric disorders some typical situations have been examined: (1) Psychopathologic problems arising from perinatal death of the cotwin; (2) Psychopathologic problems arising from the death of the cotwin during late childhood; (3) Psychopathologic problems arising in the pair from organic or neuropsychaitric event in one of the twins; (4) Psychopathologic problems of the twins due to disorders of personal identity and the interaction between the twins. The cases are analyzed from a psychodynamic point of view, in relation to the development of personality in the twins, and from a psychosocial point of view, in relation to the cultural stereotype of the twins during the socialization process and in the context of parental dynamics.
ALMOST NONNEGATIVE CURVATURE ON SOME FAKE 6- AND 14-DIMENSIONAL PROJECTIVE SPACES
Authors: RAJAN PRIYANKA , WILHELM FREDERICK
Published: July 2016

We apply the lifting theorem of Searle and the second author to put metrics of almost nonnegative curvature on the fake $\mathbb{R}P^{6}$s of Hirsch and Milnor and on the analogous fake $\mathbb{R}P^{14}$s.
Studies on the nutrition of marine flatfish. The thiamin requirement of turbot (Scophthalmus maximus)
Authors: Cowey C. B. , Adron J. W. , Knox D. , Ball G. T.
Published: July 2016

1. Seven groups of young turbot (Scophthalmus maximus) were given diets containing graded levels of thiamin (0.19–50 mg/kg) for 16 weeks and their growth rate was measured during this period.

2. Good growth was obtained on all these treatments except in the group given the lowest dietary thiamin level (0.19 mg/kg). These fish grew normally until the 12th week but thereafter their weight did not increase.

3. Measurements of erythrocyte transketolase (sedoheptulose-7-phosphate: D-glyceraldehyde-3-phosphate glycolaldehydetransferase;EC2.2.1.1) activity at the end of the experiment and of percentage stimulation of erythrocyte transketolase by thiamin pyrophosphate indicated that the apoenzyme was saturated with coenzyme at a dietary thiamin level of 2.6 mg/kg, but not at 1.1 mg/kg.

4. An 8th group of turbot given the thiamin antagonist pyrithiamin (40 mg/kg diet) grew normally for 6 weeks. Thereafter mortalities began to occur and all fish died by the 10th week. No clear-cut signs of thiamin deficiency were observed.

5. The dietary thiamin requirement of turbot is much lower than published requirements of freshwater fish other than carp (Cyprinus carpio) and appears to be between 0.6 and 2.6 mg/kg diet.
New inhibitors of methane production by rumen micro-organisms. Development and testing of inhibitors in vitro
Authors: Czerkawski J. W. , Breckenridge Grace
Published: July 2016

1. A procedure is described for assaying in vitro the activity of various inhibitors of methane production by rumen micro-organisms.

2. Methods of preparation of various inhibitors are described together with attempts to characterize these compounds by determining their physical properties (physical state, density, chromatographic behaviour), their hydrolysis by rumen contents and their relative potency as inhibitors.

3. The results of preliminary studies with trichloroethanol and its ester with pivalic acid are given.

4. The inhibitory activities of several groups of related compounds are reported. These include the polyhalogenated alcohols and their esters with pivalic acid, the esters of trihalogenated alcohols and monobasic fatty acids from C2to C16and the trihalogenated alcohol esters of dibasic acids. The results of experiments with esters of alcohols and polyhalogenated carboxylic and sulphonic acids are also given.

5. It is concluded that the mechanism of action of the inhibitors might be similar to that of known polyhalogenated methane analogues (e.g. chloroform). The relative activity of various compounds might be partly governed by the ease of their absorption into the microbial cells and by the extent to which the esters can be hydrolysed by rumen contents.

6. The results show that some substances are very poor inhibitors, unless they are esterified (e.g. trichloroacetic acid) but on the whole the esters in which the polyhalogen grouping is on the alcohol portion of the molecule are better inhibitors than those in which it is on the acid portion of the molecule.
Oxidative stress in dairy cows naturally infected with the lungwormDictyocaulus viviparus(Nematoda: Trichostrongyloidea)
Authors: da Silva A.D. , da Silva A.S. , Baldissera M.D. , Schwertz C.I. , Bottari N.B. , Carmo G.M. , Machado G. , Lucca N.J. , Henker L.C. , Piva M.M. , Giacomin P. , Morsch V.M. , Schetinger M.R.C. , da Rosa R.A. , Mendes R.E.
Published: July 2016

The aim of this study was to analyse the oxidative and anti-oxidant status in serum samples from dairy cows naturally infected byDictyocaulus viviparusand its relation with pathological analyses. The diagnosis of the disease was confirmed by necropsy of one dairy cow with heavy infection by the parasite in the lungs and bronchi. Later, blood and faeces were collected from another 22 cows from the same farm to measure reactive oxygen species (ROS) levels, thiobarbituric acid-reactive substances (TBARS), catalase (CAT) and superoxide dismutase (SOD) activities on day 0 (pre-treatment) and day 10 (post-treatment with eprinomectin). Faecal examination confirmed the infection in all lactating cows. However, the number ofD. viviparuslarvae per gram of faeces varied between animals. Cows showed different degrees of severity according to respiratory clinical signs of the disease (cough and nasal secretion). Further, they were classified and divided into two groups: those with mild (n= 10) and severe disease (n= 12). Increased levels of TBARS (P< 0.001), ROS (P= 0.002) and SOD activity (P< 0.001), as well as reduced CAT activity (P< 0.001) were observed in cows with severe clinical signs of the disease compared to those with mild clinical signs. Eprinomectin treatment (day 10) caused a reduction of ROS levels (P= 0.006) and SOD activity (P< 0.001), and an increase of CAT activity (P= 0.05) compared to day 0 (pre-treatment). TBARS levels did not differ with treatment (P= 0.11). In summary, increased ROS production and lipid peroxidation altered CAT and SOD activities, as an adaptive response againstD. viviparusinfection, contributing to the occurrence of oxidative stress and severity of the disease. Treatment with eprinomectin eliminated the infection, and thus minimized oxidative stress in dairy cows.
Welsh–Indigenous Relationships in Nineteenth Century Patagonia: ‘Friendship’ and the Coloniality of Power
Authors: TAYLOR LUCY
Published: July 2016

This article discusses the colonial encounter of the Welsh and Tehuelche/Mapuche in the Welsh colony (Y Wladfa Gymreig), founded 1865. The Welsh sought to create a Welsh-speaking utopia in the ‘empty’ lands of Patagonia, paradoxically using this colonisation as a way to resist disparagement of the Welsh language and culture by an English-dominated state. The article deploys a ‘coloniality of power’ perspective and explores archive materials that reveal how both the Welsh and the indigenous communities whose land they colonised were caught up in coloniality and expanding capitalist modernity. I conclude that exploring the ambiguous relationship which results from this encounter complicates and deepens our understanding of how the coloniality of power works. Particularly, I argue that stripping away the ‘myth of friendship’ between the Welsh and indigenous is vital, not to diminish moments of genuine mutual affinity but rather to show how these are caught up in processes of colonialisation.
Most of the genetic covariation between major depressive and alcohol use disorders is explained by trait measures of negative emotionality and behavioral control
Authors: Ellingson J. M. , Richmond-Rakerd L. S. , Statham D. J. , Martin N. G. , Slutske W. S.
Published: July 2016

Background

Mental health disorders commonly co-occur, even between conceptually distinct syndromes, such as internalizing and externalizing disorders. The current study investigated whether phenotypic, genetic, and environmental variance in negative emotionality and behavioral control account for the covariation between major depressive disorder (MDD) and alcohol use disorder (AUD).

Method

A total of 3623 members of a national twin registry were administered structured diagnostic telephone interviews that included assessments of lifetime histories of MDD and AUD, and were mailed self-report personality questionnaires that assessed stress reactivity (SR) and behavioral control (CON). A series of biometric models were fitted to partition the proportion of covariance between MDD and AUD into SR and CON.

Results

A statistically significant proportion of the correlation between MDD and AUD was due to variance specific to SR (men = 0.31, women = 0.27) and CON (men = 0.20, women = 0.19). Further, genetic factors explained a large proportion of this correlation (0.63), with unique environmental factors explaining the rest. SR explained a significant proportion of the genetic (0.33) and environmental (0.23) overlap between MDD and AUD. In contrast, variance specific to CON accounted for genetic overlap (0.32), but not environmental overlap (0.004). In total, SR and CON accounted for approximately 70% of the genetic and 20% of the environmental covariation between MDD and AUD.

Conclusions

This is the first study to demonstrate that negative emotionality and behavioral control confer risk for the co-occurrence of MDD and AUD via genetic factors. These findings are consistent with the aims of NIMH's RDoC proposal to elucidate how transdiagnostic risk factors drive psychopathology.
Why the problem of evil undermines the problem of divine hiddenness
Authors: DUMSDAY TRAVIS
Published: July 2016

The two most prominent arguments against theism are the problem of evil and the problem of divine hiddenness. Here I argue that if the evidential problem of evil is truly forceful, it could block the ability of God to reveal His existence in a rationally indubitable way, which would in turn undermine the evidential problem of divine hiddenness.
Anatolian marashanha and the many uses of fennel
Authors: Durnford S.P.B. , Akeroyd J.R.
Published: July 2016

The Hittites used the seeds of a particular plant, now known to have been called marashanha, in a ritual for cursing a conquered city to ensure its desolation. Other parts of the same plant provided food and medicine. We have combined textual, botanical, linguistic and herbalist evidence to propose that marashanha denoted at least one species of fennel. This plant readily colonises deserted habitation sites and possesses properties in common with marashanha. We further propose that the Anatolian word ‘marashanha’ has a common origin with the Greek word for fennel, ‘marath(r)o-’, and that the impact of folk etymology on the latter reflects the use of fennel as a female contraceptive. Fennel's ability to inhibit conception accords with the barrenness which the Hittite ritual sought to impose upon a conquered city.
Archaeological identification and significance ofÉSAG(agricultural storage pits) at Kaman-Kalehöyük, central Anatolia
Authors: Fairbairn Andrew , Omura Sachihiro
Published: July 2016

Evidence for the presence of storage pits described in Hittite texts by the SumerogramÉSAGis presented from Kaman-Kalehöyük, a multi-period tell site in central Turkey occupied during the second and first millennia BC. Small earthen pits matching the description ofÉSAGwere part of the normal suite of domestic installations at the site throughout the period. Similar to pits seen across western Eurasia, they were probably used to store seed corn or seed for trade. Large earthen pits (>7m in diameter) were also present that matched the description of theÉSAGform, and in some cases contained archaeological cereal remains. Evidence from Kaman showsÉSAGwere part of Anatolian life for at least 4,000 years and suggests that the term was generic for lined, earthen storage pits. The presence of so many small pits at Kaman-Kalehöyük showed that it was an agricultural production site for much of its existence. The appearance of the large pits, confined to the Hittite period, reflects centralised control of grain supply, probably by the Hittite Kingdom, and fits a pattern seen at other sites in the region during the second millennium BC.
Pedestals as ‘altars’ in Roman Asia Minor
Authors: Coulton J.J.
Published: July 2016

The Greek wordbomosusually means ‘altar’, but in inscriptions of the Roman period it sometimes refers to statue bases and other forms of support, where the meaning ‘altar’ is not appropriate. Many scholars believe that in addition to its normal meaning of cult or votive altar and (by extension) funerary altar,bomoscould also mean a pedestal, socle or platform in general. This paper examines the use of the termbomosin Roman Asia Minor for statue bases, for pedestals for sarcophagi, ash chests and columns, and for other structures which are not altars, concentrating particularly on their shapes. It concludes that in all these cases the element calledbomoshad the shape of a normal type of altar, and that in many cases (but not all) it also carried some of the symbolic value of an altar.
The Malatya-Elazığ region during the Middle Bronze Age: a re-evaluation of the archaeological evidence
Authors: Şerifoğlu Tevfik Emre
Published: July 2016

The Malatya-Elaziğ area is one of the most intensively studied regions in eastern Turkey, but archaeologically the general picture is still not very clear. Most of the archaeological excavations and surveys in the area were conducted as part of the Keban and Turkish lower Euphrates salvage projects within a very short period of time. Although the project results were published, still most of the original data is not available and few intensive field projects have since undertaken to fill the gaps between the previously studied areas. As the survey areas are now under water, there is no opportunity to re-survey the areas covered. Under these circumstances, it seems useful to re-analyse the available material in conjunction with evidence provided by other disciplines like geography, geology and even biology up to an extent, aided by certain computer applications; predominantly GIS software but also certain computer programs used by other disciplines for specific analyses. This re-evaluation of the current evidence has made it possible to identify a settlement system that was formed of small clusters of sites, and it can also be suggested that the area was divided into three cultural zones during most of the Middle Bronze Age.
Magic and Property: The Legal Context of Apuleius' Apologia
Authors: Taylor Tristan
Published: July 2016

This paper examines Apuleius' Apologia from the perspective of its legal context. The paper asks three questions: first, what was the legal situation in relation to the property issues central to the motivations of Apuleius' accusers? Second, what would the legal effects of a conviction have been on these property concerns? And, finally, what light do our answers to these questions shed on the Apologia itself? The applicable legal rules suggest both that some of the concerns of the prosecutors were ill-founded and that the prosecution would have achieved little in a legal sense in terms advancing their alleged ends. These observations suggest several potential conclusions: first, that Apuleius' accusers sincerely believed their accusation of magic and thought that it was only the magical skill of Apuleius that threatened their aspirations to Pudentilla's estate. Conversely, it may be that the accusers were simply ignorant about the law, vindictive towards Apuleius, or both. Third, that Apuleius has misrepresented his accusers' motivations. Finally, these conclusions on matters of law could even be taken to suggest that the speech does not represent a genuine case, but rather is a work of fiction concocted by Apuleius for literary purposes.
Dealing with Caesar: Finding Politics between 42 and 27 BC
Authors: Welch Kathryn
Published: July 2016

The idea that ‘the republic died at Philippi’ was an essential element in the discourse of the principate because it denied legitimacy to the resistance that followed. Yet, until 36, the republicans' control of the seas under Sextus Pompeius' leadership allowed the continuation of military resistance which all too often was embarrassingly successful. Restoring Sextus Pompeius to his rightful place in the alliance against the triumvirate allows us to rethink the narrative of the war as well the ways his supporters contributed to the politics of thenovus statuseven after his defeat.
Clodius and Cicero: A Question of Dignitas
Authors: Lacey W. K.
Published: July 2016

Nobody has seriously questioned the proposition that the enmity between Clodius and Cicero dated from their clash over Clodius' impeachment for sacrilege at the Bona Dea Festival of 62 B.C., nor has anyone seriously doubted that the basic evidence on which an assessment of these events must rest is contained in the five letters of Cicero, ad Atticum i 12-16. The treatment of this evidence however has produced very divergent results; the purpose of this paper is to argue that the story told by these letters is clear, coherent and comprehensible, and that the conflict which developed was not based on psychological motivations (deep or otherwise) but on a conflict of dignitas.
The Lament For Adonis: Questions Of Authorship
Authors: Matthews R.J.H.
Published: July 2016

The Lament for Adonis or Epitaphios Adonidos has since the mid-sixteenth century commonly been known as ‘Bion 1’. In editions of Greek Bucolic it comes along with four long and four short poems allegedly by Moschus, a number of short poems or fragments by Bion of Smyrna, and a long fragment (32 lines) also since 1568 often attributed to him. This subcollection is sometimes conveniently called ‘Minor Bucolic’: ‘minor’ in relation to the much bulkier surviving work of Theocritus and ‘bucolic’ apparently only by association with him and through the clear reputation of Moschus and Bion in ancient times as bucolic writers. Editions of Minor Bucolic, i.e. Moschus and Bion published other than as an appendix to Theocritus (though sometimes combined with Callimachus, Musaeus, or ‘the Nine Poetesses’), appeared in 1565 (Meetkercke, Bruges), 1568 (Orsini, Rome), 1655 (Whitford, London), 1686 (Longepierre, Paris), and then copiously in the eighteenth century; I count at least eight in the years 1746-1795.
Palinurus and his Rudder: Vergil, Aeneid 5.858-9
Authors: Dyson M.
Published: July 2016

The precise relationship between the two accounts of the death of Palinurus in the Aeneid (5.833-71, 6.337-83) remains elusive, in spite of the wealth of discussion bestowed upon them in recent years. When the helmsman falls overboard in Book 5, according to the narrative, sea and sky are serene, but in the version which his spirit recounts to Aeneas in the underworld in Book 6, there is suggestion of rough seas, great waves rising and violent winter wind. On the other hand, the two accounts have not been developed in total separation, with the natural causation of a storm replacing the supernatural operation of the god Sleep as an explanation of Palinurus’ undoing. For, although Palinurus in his own version of events does not men tion Sleep—how could he, since the god came in human disguise?
The Urban Unpopularity of Lucius Appuleius Saturninus
Authors: Beness J.L.
Published: July 2016

‘As in the decade after C. Gracchus' murder, so in the decade after Saturninus’ murder popular fervor abated …’

In the unexceptional judgement quoted above Saturninus is clearly identified with the ‘popular cause’ and from that equation all sorts of assumptions flow. The presumption that Marius turned to Saturninus (as to Glaucia) because he needed his strengths, amongst which, it is assumed, was his influence with the populace, is rarely challenged. That is understandable. The presumption of Saturninus' popularity would seem to be based onancientjudgement.
Pelagonius and Columella
Authors: Adams J.N.
Published: July 2016

Horse doctors of the Roman period were often, but not always, of low social status. On the one hand we hear of ueterinarii I mulomedici who were slaves or freedmen, but on the other hand the Greek-speaking Theomnestus was the friend of an emperor (probably Licinius), and accompanied him on an expedition: note particularly Hipp. Ber. 34.12, CHG I, p. 183.22 f. . Apsyrtus too, whatever his date, was a of some status.
The Macedonian Navies of Philip and Alexander until 330 B.C.
Authors: Hammond N.G.L.
Published: July 2016

In this article it is argued that Philip developed a considerable navy in the course of his reign, and that Alexander took that Macedonian navy as well as the Greek navy when he first entered Asia in 334 B.C. I shall discuss the literary testimonia in two sections, one for Philip and the other for Alexander.

1. Aeschines 2.72.

Setting out from Macedonia, Philip was contending with us no longer for Amphipolis but already for Lemnos, Imbros and Scyros, our possessions. And our citizens abandoned the Chersonese, which was by general agreement an Athenian property.
Dating theOdes of Solomon
Authors: Lattke Michael
Published: July 2016

41 verse texts are extant of the original 42 poems (also described as hymns, psalms or songs) which comprise the so-calledOdes of Solomon—a corpus not to be confused with the 18 so-calledPsalms of Solomon.As can be seen from the Appendix, the history of the discovery and publication of these poems began with C.G. Woide at the end of the eighteenth century.1 Up to that time the only evidence for theOdes of Solomonwas twofold. On the one hand, there was an enigmatic Latin quotation of three lines (i.e. 19:6-7a) in theDivinae Institutionesof Lactantius (c.240-c.320). On the other hand, the mere titlewas listed together with the better knownin the so-calledof Ps.-Athanasios and theascribed to Nikephoros Patriarch of Konstantinopolis (c.750-828). In these two canon-listsPsalmsandOdesappear in this order among the Old Testament's ‘antilegomena’ which is a category between ‘canonical’ and ‘apocryphal’.
The Concept of Miracle in Homer
Authors: Fisher R.K.
Published: July 2016

My aim is to establish whether there is a concept of ‘miracle’ or ‘the miraculous’ implicit in the Homeric poems (and therefore perceived and understood by Homer's audience). Such a question is fraught with difficulties, as it necessarily involves broader (and still widely debated) issues such as Homeric man's view of the gods and the essential nature of the early Greek oral epic tradition. But, if an answer can be found, it should in the process help us to gain more insight into those wider issues—the theological basis of the Iliad and the Odyssey, and the world-view of Homer's audience.
Homer, Ovid and Heroides 1.15–16
Authors: Kelly Michael
Published: July 2016

quando ego non timui graviora pericula veris?res est solliciti plena timoris amor.in te fingebam violentos Troas ituros;nomine in Hectoreo pallida semper eram.15 sive quis Antilochum narrabat ab Hectore victum, Antilochus nostri causa timoris erat;sive Menoetiadenfalsis cecidisse sub armis flebam successu posse carere dolos.sanguine Tlepolemus Lyciam tepefecerat hastam, 20 Tlepolemi leto cura novata mea est.denique quisquis erat castris iugulatus Achivis, frigidius glacie pectus amantis erat.(Ovid, Her. 1.11–22)

Lines 15-16 of Penelope’s letter have given rise to much debate over the years because numerous scholars have found that the couplet contains a mistake over the fate of Antilochus. Some attribute the mistake to scribal corruption in the transmission of the text, others to Ovid himself. Such a cloud of scholarly dust has the passage raised that no apology is necessary for yet another attempt to clarify so minor a point. The crux of the problem lies in the meaning of victum.
Some Thoughts about theFastiof James George Frazer
Authors: Gee Emma
Published: July 2016

The abridged version ofThe Golden Boughhas in the 1990s alone been reissued in several paperback editions. This would have pleased its author, with his penchant for successive editions and modifications of his own works. Sir James Frazer is still being read, at least in epitome, despite the fact that his anthropological work is apparently considered something of a dinosaur. At the same time, bemused Classics undergraduates are still getting their first contact with Ovid’sFastithrough Frazer’s Loeb translation of 1931, and doing battle with his 1929 commentary as the only one available in English on Ovid’s calendar-poem in its entirety.
Was the Athenian Gnome Dikaiotate a Principle of Equity?
Authors: O'neil James L.
Published: July 2016

Modern scholars have expressed divergent views on the role played in Athenian law courts by , ‘the most just opinion,’ which the dikasts swore to observe in the heliastic oath. The most common view is that this embodied a principle of equity under which the precise letter of the law could be overridden. Hirzel and Vinogradoff are the leading advocates of this view. A variant has been proposed by Jones and Plescia, whereby this was not the intention of the oath, but it was used by speech-writers and accepted by the jury-courts in this fashion.

A minority view is advanced by Meyer-Laurin, Wolff and Meinecke, that ‘the most just opinion’ was only a subsidiary means of decision, applied only when the law gave no guidance on a particular point. Biscardi proposes a middle way, in that ‘most just opinion did not override the letter of the law but was used as a principle of equity in the interpretation and formulation of the laws.’
Theatre Sports and Martial's Literary Programme inEpigrams, Book One
Authors: Garthwaite John
Published: July 2016

In spite of their amorphous appearance Martial's books of epigrams are carefully crafted, especially at the beginning of the volumes where the poet typically sets the scene and outlines ideas to be expanded in the body of the collection. Any analysis of the opening of Book 1, however, is complicated by the likelihood that the surviving text is a revised version (subsequently published as part of a codex edition of two or more books), the original having been released on its own in traditional roll form. So, among others, 1.1 and 1.2 are generally considered to be later additions, written for the compendium, leaving 1.3 as the first epigram and intended introduction of the original book. Regardless of the date of the first two epigrams, 1.3 does seem in both tone and content to perform a prefatory role, as Citroni especially has argued.
Testing the Legend: Horace, Silius Italicus and the Case of Marcus Atilius Regulus
Authors: Williams Gareth
Published: July 2016

After Marcus Atilius Regulus made inroads into North Africa as consul in 256 B.C. during the first Punic War, the Carthaginians were apparently ready to negotiate a settlement, but Regulus offered terms so harsh that they were refused out of hand. At this point Xanthippus, the Spartan mercenary-general, arrived on the Carthaginian side and soon made an impact as a shrewd and uplifting leader, not least because, in a dramatic reversal of fortunes, he captured Regulus, by then proconsul, by ambush in 255. Regulus' subsequent fate, embellished in the later literary-historical tradition, was enshrined in die familiar version here represented by Valerius Maximus:

Sed quae ad custodiam religionis attinent, nescio an omnes M. Atilius Regulus praecesserit, qui ex victore speciosissimo insidiis Hasdrubalis et Xanthippi Lacedaemonii ducis ad miserabilem captiui fortunam deductus ac missus ad senatum populumque Romanum legatus, ut se et uno et sene complures Poenorum iuuenes pensarentur, in contrarium dato consilio Carthaginem petiit, non quid  ignarus ad quam crudeles quamque merito sibi infestos † deos † reuerteretur, uerum quia iis iurauerat, si captiui eorum redditi non forent, ad eos sese rediturum. potuerunt profecto di immortales efferatam mitigare saeuitiam. ceterum, quo clarior esset Atili gloria, Carthaginienses moribus suis uti passi sunt, tertio Punico bello religiosissimi spiritus tarn crudeliter uexati urbis eorum interitu iusta exacturi piacula.
‘A fanatical yet rational devotion’ Augustus and the Legions
Authors: Ridley Ronald T.
Published: July 2016

There is surely no one any more who requires convincing that the basis of the Augustan principate was the control of the legions. Augustus may have paraded his tribunician power and played down hispotestasas a magistrate, but theRes Gestaeis above all else the record of the generalissimo in control of the entire military resources of the empire. That control remained almost unchallenged for forty-four years.

William Harris brilliantly demonstrated that under the Republic military glory was the preeminent virtue of Roman politicians. The state was now in the control of one man, but nothing had changed, except that the stakes were higher. Edward Gibbon, of course, detected the truth. He had, after all, both political and military experience – however inglorious.
Bridal Songs: CatullanEpithalamiaand PrudentiusPeristephanon3
Authors: Clarke Jacqueline
Published: July 2016

Prudentius' account of the martyrdom of the young Spanish girl Eulalia inPeristephanon3 is particularly interesting because not only does it consist of her defiance of an order to pay homage to the pagan gods but also a rejection of pressures to get married. If martyrdom constituted an act of rebellion against the conventions of pagan society, then female martyrdom was doubly so and the ways in which it was presented to a community in which Christianity was still struggling to establish its reputation is worthy of detailed examination. Prudentius was arguably the Christian poet most influenced by his pagan predecessors, making an active effort to compose poetry worthy of the great Latin poetic tradition. When examining the classical antecedents ofPeristephanon3, scholars have largely concentrated upon its Virgilian echoes, emphasising the heroic dimensions of Eulalia's conduct by comparing her to Virgilian ‘heroines’ (the Sibyl, Camilla and Dido) who challenge conventional female roles. Some critics have pointed to elements of an epithalamium within the poem but they have related this imagery to late antique epithalamia or to theSong of Songsrather than looking for antecedents within classical poetry.
Royal Scythians and the Slave-Trade in Herodotus' Scythia
Authors: Braund David
Published: July 2016

Herodotus has a lot to say about slavery and about particular slaves and groups of slaves. The broad theme was, of course, central to his historical conception and presentation of the Persian Wars and of warfare in general, as well as being key to the contrastingnomoiwhose range and significance he is concerned to explore. Against that large background, I wish to examine Herodotus' understanding of slavery and slave-trading on the north coast of the Black Sea, with a view to a fuller appreciation of hisHistoriesand of exchange in the region. Three broad observations will assist.
Cornford Mythistoricus
Authors: Horsley G.H.R.
Published: July 2016

For D.H. Kelly

Un homme d'esprit sent ce que les autres ne font que savoir

(Montesquieu, Oeuvres complètes [Paris 1951] 1.57)

Although F.M. Cornford’s name was already known to me from his commentary on Plato’sTheaitetos,my first acquaintance with hisThucydides Mythistoricuscame in my earliest years of teaching Ancient History in the mid-1970s under the tutelage of the one to whom this essay is dedicated. I have drawn on Cornford’s book regularly when teaching Greek History, and found it useful as a provocation to students reading Thucydides. With the centenary since its publication looming, two years ago I felt it was high time to learn more about the context in which the book arose. Already a generation ago, W.M. Calder III identified Cornford as ‘an outstanding scholar, a personality, and a man involved in the issues of his time’ who merits a biography.
The Poet and the Praetor: Travel Narratives from Early Second-Century Italy
Authors: Turner Andrew
Published: July 2016

Travel was an inescapable fact of life for the citizens of early second-century CE Rome. People constantly travelled from Rome to Italy, from Rome to the provinces, and from the provinces to Rome; on business, public or private, as immigrants, or for personal reasons, including health and tourism. News of travel was also ever present. In a rigidly hierarchical society which paid continual homage to the princeps, but which also maintained the fiction that his actions were accountable to the Roman people, his extensive travels throughout Italy and the provinces were constantly documented and available for all citizens to see – through inscriptions, through panegyric, and through coins.
Chione's Bikini: Affectation or Normal Bathing Attire?
Authors: Watson Patricia
Published: July 2016

Narrat te, Chione, rumor numquam esse fututam

atque nihil cunno purius esse tuo.

Tecta tamen non hac, qua debes, parte lavaris:

si pudor est, transfer subligar in faciem.

Martial,Ep. 3.87

Rumour has it, Chione, that you have never been fucked and that nothing is purer than your cunt. But when you take a bath you don't cover yourself in the place you should: if you have any modesty, transfer your loincloth to your face.

The epigram is an amusing attack on ameretrix(‘prostitute’), with the ironic sobriquet Chione (‘Snow White’) who, though technically a virgin, in fact specialises infellatio. To make the point that it is Chione's mouth, rather than hercunnus(‘cunt’), which is impure, Martial suggests that when bathing she should modestly cover that part which in her case is put to sexual use, that is, her mouth, by transferring hersubligar(lit. ‘loin-cloth’) from her bottom half to her face. Although the meaning is clear and the piece looks uncomplicated enough, a discussion of the precise way in which the humour works, and second, of the underlying social customs, offers unexpected rewards.
Bad Hair Day: Some Mementos of New Comedy Refurbished
Authors: Pütz Babette , Sheedy Kenneth
Published: July 2016

Masks having a bad hair day? Two terracotta masks now in the Museum of Ancient Cultures, Macquarie University (figs 1-5), and the Classics Museum, Victoria University of Wellington (figs 9-12), seem to be in this embarrassing situation. Both of these tonsorially-challenged characters display highly unusual features (indeed the entire forehead of the male mask seems somewhat deformed) but a closer look suggests that in both cases their bad hair is the result of ‘tampering’ with classic mask representations or their moulds. That is to say, existing moulds have been modified and then brought back into use, or examples of each mask-type have been used as the basis for new moulds. Furthermore, the changes can be shown to have occurred at a much later date than that of the original masks or moulds. These changes confuse the identity of the mask, suggesting that those responsible for their later production did not fully understand the original iconography. They are thus of interest as evidence for the later reuse of artefacts relating to theatre, though we suggest in our conclusion that, in spite of their theatrical derivation, their purchaser was not primarily interested in them as souvenirs of Greek drama.
Roman Strategy in Cisalpina, 224-222 and 203-191 B.C.
Authors: Hoyos B. D.
Published: July 2016

A. H. McDonald's contribution to the study of Rome's reconquest of Gallia Cisalpina raises several important questions concerning that momentous development. Momentous it surely was, for it brought under Roman rule a territory which was to be one of the heartlands of Roman, indeed western, culture in later ages. Another look at some aspects of the conquest and reconquest may thus be forgiven.
A Date with Adonis
Authors: Simms Ronda R.
Published: July 2016

During the classical period Athenian women gathered once a year to celebrate the Adonia. With ritualised lament they shared Aphrodite's grief over the death of Adonis, her youthful lover. This was not an official festival of the state or any of its political subdivisions; it was not publicly financed or regulated. It was celebrated informally by small, ad hoc groups of women (citizens and non-citizens, friends, relatives, neighbours) on the roofs of their houses. This unusual festival has long intrigued modern commentators, who have suggested a wide variety of interpretations regarding its nature and meaning—including one recently offered by this author. My purpose in this short article is to focus on one particular aspect of the Adonia—its date. Like almost everything else about this festival, its celebration-date has been the subject of scholarly controversy. Three seasons of the year have found advocates, winter being the lone discard.
Tribute to a Statesman: Cicero and Sallust
Authors: Stone Martin
Published: July 2016

Sallust had something to say about Cicero. It could not be otherwise in the circumstances: the conspiracy of Catiline was the chosen subject of his first historical essay, and he agreed with Cicero that it was a crime unparalleled to that date. Cicero's activities in suppressing it would be central to the narrative, and his character relevant to anything in it covered by the term ‘human interest’. Even minimisation of Cicero would require preparation in the text for the natural questions of Sallust's readers. As he wrote, Cicero was either engaged in a political duel with Mark Antony or had recently succumbed. Was the orator a troublemaker or a hero? He would be the same man in 44-3 as he was in 63 unless the historian enforced a contrast; which he does not.
Jordanes on Eugenius: Some Further Possibilities
Authors: Baldwin Barry
Published: July 2016

In a recent paper (Antichthon 9 [1975], 81-3), Brian Croke usefully draws attention to Getica xxviii 145, wherein Jordanes seemingly makes a fool of himself by connecting Eugenius with the murder of Gratian. There is one immediate dividend to be had: this reference (and also Jordanes’ other discussion at Romana 317-18) may be used to supplement the entry for Eugenius in The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, which ignores Jordanes. However, it is not enough to accuse the chronicler of ‘the most vile error’ and leave it at that. Other explanations are possible, and merit a hearing. Hence a warrant for the following remarks.
The Role of the Lukka People in Late Bronze Age Anatolia
Authors: Bryce T. R.
Published: July 2016

In a number of Near Eastern texts dating to the period of the Hittite New Kingdom, the term Lukka appears as a geographical and/or ethnic designation for one of the Late Bronze Age population groups of western Anatolia. Unfortunately we have no documents which deal primarily or specifically with the Lukka people; what we know of them rests essentially on incidental references in Hittite treaties, letters, prayers and historical records, along with several references in non-Hittite sources. Yet although the evidence is meagre, it still provides a relatively clear picture of the general character of the Lukka people and the role they played in the political and military affairs of Hittite Anatolia.
The Lamian War — A False Start?
Authors: Ashton N.G.
Published: July 2016

In the early months of 324 B.C., Harpalus, treasurer to Alexander the Great, fled Babylon westwards rather than run the risk of remaining to face his king, whose return from the Indian expedition was marked by a widespread purge of satraps and generals. With a sizeable complement of ships, mercenaries and money, Harpalus appeared off Cape Sunium in Attica in mid-summer, seeking entry into Athens, and despite an initial refusal, was subsequently admitted, only to be placed under arrest soon afterwards. His detention was brief, however, and having successfully escaped from custody, he fled the Greek mainland, presently to meet his death at the hands of his own men. At Athens investigations were instigated, and following a protracted preliminary inquiry by the Areopagus, a number of prominent Athenian statesmen were named as having accepted bribes from Harpalus. The most notable outcome of the subsequent cases argued before the appointed dicastery was the conviction of Demosthenes who, on being unable to pay the allotted fine, went into temporary exile in southern Greece in the first half of 323 B.C. Such, in barest detail, is the Harpalus Affair, about which much has been written by numerous scholars in an attempt to explain satisfactorily the roles of both Harpalus and Demosthenes in the above-outlined sequence of events.
Augustus and the Senate: 23 B.C.
Authors: Lacey W.K.
Published: July 2016

While the exact meaning of Res Gestae 34, the powers of Augustus at various moments in his principate, and the significance of his auctoritas have been extensively argued, more practical questions about how his political arrangements might have been set into action have not generally excited much interest. In 1974 I put forward a suggestion about how the so-called first settlement of 27 B.C. came about. It was, in brief, that Octavian, as he then was, used the traditional consular mechanisms, and proposed for debate in the Senate a motion, de provinciis consularibus, and this explains why, on the one hand, the result of the debate was that he had provinces allocated to him, and, on the other, claims could be made that the res publica was restored, because one of the things which characterized res publica (as distinct from dictatorship or triumviral rule) was that the determination of who should command which army stationed in the provinces now lay, ostensibly at least, with the publicum consilium, the Senate.