bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Conclusion
Authors: Smith Gary
Published: November 2020

We live in an incredible period in history. The Computer Revolution may be even more life-changing than the Industrial Revolution. We can do things with computers that could never be done before, and computers can do things for us that never could be done before. I am addicted to computers and you may be, too. But we shouldn’t let our love of computers cloud our recognition of their limitations. Yes, computers know more facts than we do. Yes, computers have better memories than we do. Yes, computers can make calculations faster than we can. Yes, computers do not get tired like we do. Robots far surpass humans at repetitive, monotonous tasks like tightening bolts, planting seeds, searching legal documents, and accepting bank deposits and dispensing cash. Computers can recognize objects, draw pictures, drive cars. You can surely think of a dozen other impressive— even superhuman—computer feats. It is tempting to think that because computers can do some things extremely well, they must be highly intelligent. However, being useful for specific tasks is very different from having a general intelligence that applies the lessons learned and skills required for one task to more complex tasks or to completely different tasks. With true intelligence, skills are portable. Computers are great and getting better, but computer algorithms are still designed to have the very narrow capabilities needed to perform well-defined chores, not the general intelligence needed to deal with unfamiliar situations by assessing what is happening, why it is happening, and what the consequences are of taking action. Humans can apply general knowledge to specific situations and use specific situations to improve their general knowledge. Computers today cannot. Artificial intelligence is not at all like the real intelligence that comes from human brains. Computers do not know what words mean because computers do not experience the world the way we do. They do not even know what the real world is. Computers do not have the common sense or wisdom that humans accumulate by living life. Computers cannot formulate persuasive theories. Computers cannot do inductive reasoning or make long-run plans.
Anatomy of the head and neck
Authors: Longridge Nicholas , Clarke Pete , Aftab Raheel , Ali Tariq
Published: November 2020

Both are routine questions encountered by students during their time in dental school, and both require sound knowledge of the anatomy of the head and neck. From wrestling with basic anatomical concepts and planes to tracing the branches of the external carotid artery, anatomy will underpin the rest of your practising career and is a fundamental building block on which all other knowledge can be laid down. Basic ana­tomical knowledge begins with the osseous structures of the head and neck, blood vessels, lymphatics, and nerves. Interpretation of this know­ledge is required for functional and clinical applications, which is a daily occurrence for practising dentists and dental care professionals. Such a large subject is difficult to assess in a small number of questions, but this chapter touches on aspects of developmental embryology and tooth formation, along with functional anatomical questions designed to test the theory behind some common dental procedures and clinical presen­tations. Undoubtedly, excellent knowledge of the innervation and blood supply to the teeth and surrounding structures will be most beneficial for dentists and dental care professionals during their practising careers. Key topics include: ● Anatomical planes and terminology ● Craniofacial development ● The musculoskeletal system, including ossification and bony remodelling ● Innervation and vascular supply to the head and oral cavity, including the cranial nerves ● Structure of the eye, ear, nasal cavity, and oral cavity ● Odontogenesis ● Histology of the oral cavity.
Security
Authors: Baecker Ronald M.
Published: November 2020

Throughout history, humanity has invented valuable technologies and ways to organize society. These innovations are typically accompanied by risks. Fire cooks food, and also provides heat on cold nights. Yet, when left unchecked, fire can cause huge damage as well as loss of life. Cities enabled new forms of community and commerce. However, they brought us more thievery, and made it easier for epidemics to spread. The automobile allowed a separation of locales for work and residence; trucks allowed goods to be shipped long distances. But vehicular accidents have caused far greater injury and loss of life than did mishaps with horses and mules. Information technology, like other technologies, has potential for good and for harm. In the first six chapters, we introduced aspects of human activity, such as education, medicine, and government, in which IT has been transformative and mostly positive. The next three chapters examine areas in which the negatives of IT are dominant, in which risks seem everywhere. This chapter focuses on security. IT security flaws are exploited by outsiders for personal or political gain. In Chapter 8 we shall look at safety, where the risks are often injury or loss of life. In Chapter 9, we shall look at privacy, where the risks are exposure of private, confidential, and even sensitive information. Security is the attribute of a computer system that ensures that it can continue to function properly after an attack. Attacks against computer systems happen routinely now, are in the news almost every week, and are accelerating in numbers and in impact. Damage to both individuals and organizations—financial losses, chaos, and deteriorating morale— is severe. We shall provide a primer on the multitude of ways computer systems, from large networks to mobile phones, can be ‘hacked’ so that they no longer function properly. We shall define the most common kinds of destructive software, often called malware. We will discuss large-scale data breaches, which now happen frequently and expose the personal data of millions to billions of people. The word hackers refers to individuals who disrupt digital technologies and thereby damage the functioning of an institution or a society.
Afterword: Developments in autumn 2018
Authors: Baecker Ronald M.
Published: November 2020

I sent this manuscript to Oxford University Press on 29 August 2018. The book emerged in April 2019. Much happened in the interim. I submitted this update on 4 January 2019, summarizing matters of consequence in autumn 2018, as well as important things I learned in that period. A recent Microsoft blog suggests that I was too positive in my portrayal of a shrinking digital divide. In the USA, 35 per cent of the population report they do not use broadband communications at home. Wikipedia continued to grow, fuelled in part by its foundation’s effort to engage underrepresented ‘emerging communities’. Battles in the USA over net neutrality intensified after the federal decision to abandon the policy. The state of California passed a tough net neutrality; the New York state attorney initiated an enquiry asking whether the federal decision had been swayed by millions of fraudulent comments. There were more innovations in sensory substitution to enable digital inclusion. At Caltech, researchers developed a system that allows blind people to receive an audio description of what is in their gaze: the objects appear to describe themselves in words. Women continued their struggle for equality and against gender discrimination in high-tech firms. Despite the importance of digital technologies for seniors to help combat loneliness, and to access banking and other online services, many are still digitally disengaged. Research shows that seniors perceive risk in being online, are reluctant to invest the time needed to gain and maintain digital proficiency, and are sometimes concerned that internet use would be inconsistent with their values, for example, the desire to support local stores. I was also too positive in my analysis of the impacts of sharing and stealing digital media and the power of digital media firms such as Google, Netflix, Facebook, and Amazon (see also the discussions of corporate concentration in Sections 12.9 and 14.12). Professor Jonathan Taplin has summarized how devastating these impacts have been, not just to digital media companies such as music and newspaper publishers, but to media creators such as composers and reporters. Consumer spending on recorded music dropped from almost US$20 billion in 1999 to US$7.5 billion in 2014.
Teleconnections
Authors: van den Dool Huug
Published: November 2020

Mankind has long been intrigued by the possibility that weather in one location is related to weather somewhere else, especially somewhere very far away. The fascination may be mostly related to possible predictions that could be based on such relationships. The severe weather that harmed the British Army in the Crimea in November 1854 (Lindgrén and Neumann 1980) was due to a weather system moving across Europe, suggesting it could have been anticipated from observations upstream. It took analyses of many surface weathermaps, an activity starting around 1850, to see how weather systems have certain horizontal dimensions, thousands of kilometers in fact, and move around in semisystematic ways. It thus followed that, in a transient sense, the weather at two places can be related, and in a time-lagged sense that weather observed at one (or more) places serves as a predictor for weather at other locations. The other reason for fascination with teleconnection might be called “system analysis”. The idea that given an impulse at some location (“input”) a reaction can be expected thousands of miles away (the “output”) through a chain of events, is intriguing and should tell us about the workings of the system. It is akin to an engineer testing electronic equipment. Unfortunately, Nature is not a laboratory experiment where we can organize these impulses. Only by systematically observing what Nature presents us with, may we dare to search for teleconnections in some aggregate way. The word teleconnection suggests a connection at long distance, but a stricter definition requires some thought and pruning down of endless possibilities. We need to make choices about (a) simultaneous vs time-lagged teleconnections, (b) correlations vs other measures of “connection”, (c) transient vs standing teleconnections, (d) teleconnections in filtered data (e.g. seasonal means) vs unfiltered instantaneous (e.g. daily) data, and (e) one or more variables. On (a), (b) and (e) our choice in this chapter is simultaneous, use of linear correlation (except in section 4.3 where other measures of teleconnection are discussed), and a single variable respectively. On possibilities (c) and (d) we keep our options open.
The Archaeological Imagination
Authors: Hauser Kitty
Published: November 2020

Rudyard Kipling’s stories for children Puck of Pook’s Hill and Rewards and Fairies were first published in 1906 and 1909–10 respectively. In these stories, Puck (Shakespeare’s Puck of A Midsummer’s Night’s Dream and the last ‘fairy’ to survive in England) meets two children, Dan and Una, in the Sussex countryside where they live in the early twentieth century. Puck introduces the children to various historical characters—a Roman Centurion, a Norman Knight, and so on—who tell them stories about the past, and in particular the history of their locality. In these stories it is the land itself that is the bearer of historical meaning, as revealed by Puck and these messengers from the past. Indeed, time and space are seen to be inseparable, since a place and its features are often literally constituted by what has happened there. ‘Puck’s Song’, the opening poem of Puck of Pook’s Hill, makes this connection plain:… See you the dimpled track that runs, All hollow through the wheat? O that was where they hauled the guns That smote King Philip’s fleet . . . Puck reveals to the children the antiquity of some of the landscape’s features:… See you our little mill that clacks, So busy by the brook? She has ground her corn and paid her tax Ever since Domesday Book…. Sometimes it is a past that has left no trace that Puck restores, through storytelling, to the landscape:… See you our pastures wide and lone, Where the red oxen browse? O there was a City thronged and known Ere London boasted a house…. Puck, who is thousands of years old (‘the oldest Old Thing in England’), is the witness of the history of the British Isles since ‘Stonehenge was new’, and has an epic memory. All of history is available to him, both impossibly distant yet immediately present in his mind, as it is in the landscape he inhabits, which bears the marks of the past. The figure of Puck is a literary device through which Kipling could liberate himself from the limitations of written history, for within the frame of the stories, Puck’s testimony as the witness of time—however fanciful—is indisputable.
Nuclear fission
Authors: Ion Sue
Published: November 2020

This chapter will cover the nuclear fission option as a future energy supply, and will essentially address the question: can nuclear fission plug the gap until the potential of nuclear fusion is actually realized? (The potential for fusion is considered in detail chapter 7.) To put this question into context, let us first look at some of the key issues associated with nuclear fission, which currently supplies around one fifth of the UK’s electricity. Most large scale power stations produce electricity by generating steam, which is used to power a turbine. In a nuclear power station, the principle is the same, but instead of burning coal, oil, or gas to turn water into steam, the heat energy comes from a nuclear reactor. A reactor contains nuclear fuel, which remains in place for several months at a time, but over that time it generates a huge amount of energy. The fuel is usually made of uranium, often in the form of small pellets of uranium dioxide, a ceramic, stacked inside hollow metal tubes or fuel rods, which can be anything from a metre to four metres in length, depending on the reactor design. Each rod is about the diameter of a pencil, and the rods are assembled into carefully designed bundles, which in turn are fixed in place securely within the reactor. There are two isotopes (or different types) of uranium, and only one of these is a material which is ‘fissionable’—that is to say, if an atom of this uranium isotope is hit by a neutron, then it can split into two smaller atoms, giving off energy in the process and also emitting more neutrons. This, and other pathways, are illustrated in Fig. 6.1 (Source: CEA). Controlling the reaction, so that the energy from the fission of uranium atoms is given out slowly over a period of years, requires two aspects of the process to be carefully balanced. 1. First, there must be enough fissile atoms in the fuel so that—on average— each fission leads to exactly one other. Any fewer, and the reaction will die away.
Sustainable hydrogen energy
Authors: Edwards Peter P. , Kuznetsov Vladimir L.
Published: November 2020

Hydrogen is the simplest and most abundant chemical element in our universe— it is the power source that fuels the Sun and its oxide forms the oceans that cover three quarters of our planet. This ubiquitous element could be part of our urgent quest for a cleaner, greener future. Hydrogen, in association with fuel cells, is widely considered to be pivotal to our world’s energy requirements for the twenty-first century and it could potentially redefine the future global energy economy by replacing a carbon-based fossil fuel energy economy. The principal drivers behind the sustainable hydrogen energy vision are therefore: • the urgent need for a reduction in global carbon dioxide emissions; • the improvement of urban (local) air quality; • the abiding concerns about the long-term viability of fossil fuel resources and the security of our energy supply; • the creation of a new industrial and technological energy base—a base for innovation in the science and technology of a hydrogen/fuel cell energy landscape. The ultimate realization of a hydrogen-based economy could confer enormous environmental and economic benefits, together with enhanced security of energy supply. However, the transition from a carbon-based(fossil fuel) energy system to a hydrogen-based economy involves significant scientific, technological, and socio-economic barriers. These include: • low-carbon hydrogen production from clean or renewable sources; • low-cost hydrogen storage; • low-cost fuel cells; • large-scale supporting infrastructure, and • perceived safety problems. In the present chapter we outline the basis of the growing worldwide interest in hydrogen energy and examine some of the important issues relating to the future development of hydrogen as an energy vector. As a ‘snapshot’ of international activity, we note, for example, that Japan regards the development and dissemination of fuel cells and hydrogen technologies as essential: the Ministry of Economy and Industry (METI) has set numerical targets of 5 million fuel cell vehicles and10 million kW for the total power generation by stationary fuel cells by 2020. To meet these targets, METI has allocated an annual budget of some £150 million over four years.
Energy efficiency in the design of buildings
Authors: Dell Gerhard , Egger Christiane
Published: November 2020

The buildings sector accounts for 40% of European energy requirements. Two thirds of the energy used in European buildings is consumed by private households, and their consumption is growing every year as rising living standards lead to an increased use of air conditioning and heating systems. Research shows that more than one-fifth of the present energy consumption and up to 30–45 million tonnes of CO2 per year could be saved by 2010 by applying more ambitious standards both to new and refurbished buildings–these savings would represent a considerable contribution to meeting the European Kyoto targets (European Council, 2002). Without comprehensive measures, energy consumption and CO2 emissions from the building sector will continue to grow. Sustainable energy strategies for buildings will therefore increase in importance. Even today, so-called ‘zero emission buildings’ can be realized with existing planning approaches and technologies. Such buildings do not need an external energy input (for example from oil, gas or supplied electricity) other than solar energy. This is achieved by a combination of a high-level of energy efficiency and renewable energy technologies. This chapter focuses on buildings in the housing and service sectors, presents new building design strategies, technologies, and building components as well as the new legal framework set by the European Buildings Directive. It also discusses the question of raising awareness, and presents some thoughts on how changing life patterns may impact the buildings of the future. Residential buildings mainly need energy for space heating; with present building standards, space heating represents about 70% of the overall energy demand of existing buildings. In many European countries there are substantial efforts to increase energy efficiency—nevertheless, not all the potential for energy savings has been realized by far, and oil is still a major energy source for heating. In recent years, heat demand for new buildings was reduced significantly by technical measures. However, the number of low energy or passive buildings in Europe is still very limited, despite the fact that they can be constructed at acceptable costs.
Diversity and stability in ecological communities
Authors: Ives Anthony R.
Published: November 2020

How the diversity of an ecological community affects its stability is an old and important question (Forbes, 1887; Elton, 1927; Nicholson, 1933). The science of ecology grew out of the study of natural history in the nineteenth century, when nature was viewed as wondrous, mysterious, complex, and largely in balance (even if murderous to experience from an individual’s point of view; Forbes, 1887). Whereas our current scientific view is more textured and guarded, the ‘balance of nature’ still permeates the popular press. Some vestiges also remain in the scientific literature. Over the last 100 years, conclusions about the relationship between ecological diversity and stability have varied wildly (May, 2001; Ives, 2005). The goal of this chapter is to show that these wildly varying conclusions are due largely to wildly varying definitions of both stability and diversity. To do this, I will take two tacks, one for stability and the other for diversity. For stability, I will give an abbreviated history of the changing definitions of stability, merging both empirical and theoretical studies. I make no pretence of being comprehensive, but will instead pick highlights that show how the definition of stability often changes from one study to the next. For diversity, I will present a theoretical model to illustrate how different ‘diversity effects’ on stability can be parsed out. This model shows in a concrete way how any theoretical study (and, for that matter, empirical study) necessarily makes a long list of assumptions to derive any conclusion about diversity and stability. The multiple definitions of stability, and the multiple roles of diversity, argue against any general relationship between stability and diversity. In the final section of the chapter, I will argue that understanding the relationship between diversity and stability requires the integration of theory and experiment. Theory is needed to define in unambiguous terms the meanings of stability and diversity. Experiments are needed to ground theory in reality. Unfortunately, rarely is this done. To present an abbreviated history of the changing definitions of stability, I will discuss theoretical and empirical studies side by side.
Dynasties
Authors: Zalasiewicz Jan
Published: November 2020

Developing a methodology is everything in a science. Once you have it, you can go on to extract information, facts—a narrative—from the natural world. To human scientists and non-scientists alike, the use of fossils as evidence of past events on Earth is now taken for granted, is indeed ingrained into popular culture. Dinosaurs, for instance, stalk through our TV screens and cinemas and shopping malls, as virtual animations and plastic models and soft fluffy toys and comic book covers. An Age of Dinosaurs is widely accepted as a long-vanished era, a world lost within deep time. Our extraterrestrial investigators will, at some stage in their studies, be ready to try to recreate for themselves the eras of long-vanished animal and plant dynasties on this planet, to construct a coherent history out of the scattered relics preserved in the Earth’s abundant strata. By coming to understand the Earth’s marvellously regulated heat-release engine, that drives the tectonic plates, they will appreciate the continuous creation and preservation of strata. By getting to grips with the more subtle puzzle of how sea level has risen and fallen, they will have some idea of the finer controls on the preservation of the stratal record. And, as they grapple with these problems, they would undoubtedly try to put the strata themselves into some sort of order, just as did our Victorian and pre-Victorian predecessors. These pioneering geologists, after all, could recognize a prehistory when they saw one, even as they were still far from divining the workings of the Earth machine that lay at the heart of the story they were pursuing. What kind of strata will be available for study, one hundred million years from now? Many, if not all, of the classic fossil localities that we treasure today will have gone forever, eroded into scattered grains of sedimentary detritus that will ultimately accumulate on sea floors of the future. The Solnhofen Limestone of Germany, that yielded the archaeopteryx, will likely be gone. The Burgess Shale of British Columbia, with its wonderful array of early soft-bodied organisms from the Cambrian Period, half a billion years back, is almost certain to disappear, perched as it is high up a fast-eroding mountainside.
An Alternative Account of the History of Archaeology in the Nineteenth Century
Authors: Diaz-Andreu Margarita
Published: November 2020

Historians of science (whether philosophers, epistemologists, historians of science, or sociologists of science) have been stubbornly reluctant to deal with archaeology in favour of other disciplines such as geology and medicine. Most histories of archaeology have, therefore, been written by archaeologists and this book is no exception. Being trained in the subtleties of stratigraphy and typology does not, however, provide archaeologists with the necessary tools to confront the history of their own discipline. Many of the histories of archaeology so far written revolve around a narrow, almost positivistic, understanding of what the writing of one’s own disciplinary history represents. This volume attempts to overcome these limitations. Questions addressed have been inspired by a wide range of authors working in the areas of history, sociology, literary studies, anthropology, and the history of science. It uses the case of nineteenth-century world archaeology to explore the potential of new directions in the study of nationalism for our understanding of the history of archaeology. Key concepts and questions from which this study has drawn include the changing nature of national history as seen by historians (Berger et al. 1999b; Hobsbawm 1990) and by scholars working in the areas of literature and political studies (Anderson 1991); transformations within nationalism (Smith 1995); new theoretical perspectives developed within colonial and post-colonial studies (Asad 1973; Said 1978); the relationship between knowledge and power (Foucault 1972 (2002); 1980b); and the consideration of social disciplines as products of history (Bourdieu 1993; 2000; 2004). Perhaps historians and sociologists of science’s lack of enthusiasm to engage with archaeology derives from its sheer lack of homogeneity. The term comes from the Greek arkhaiologia, the study of what is ancient. It most commonly encompasses the analysis of archaeological remains, but the emphasis on what body of data lies within its remit has always differed—and still does—from country to country and within a country between groups of scholars of the various academic traditions. For some it revolves around the study of artistic objects, as well as of ancient inscriptions and coins, for others it encompasses all manifestations of culture from every period of human existence.
Informal Imperialism in Europe and the Ottoman Empire: The Consolidation of the Mythical Roots of the West
Authors: Diaz-Andreu Margarita
Published: November 2020

‘Informal colonialism’ and ‘informal imperialism’ are relatively common terms in the specialized literature. The term ‘informal colonialism’ was coined—or at least sanctioned—by C. R. Fay (1940: (vol. 2) 399) meaning a situation in which a powerful nation manages to establish dominant control in a territory over which it does not have sovereignty. The term was popularized by the economic historians John Gallagher and Ronald Robinson (1953), who applied it to study informal British imperial expansion over portions of Africa. The difference between informal and formal colonialism is easy to establish: in the first instance, complete effective control is unfeasible, mainly due to the impossibility of applying direct military and political force in countries that, in fact, are politically independent. They have their own laws, make decisions on when and where to open museums and how to educate their own citizens. Yet, in order to survive in the international world they need to build alliances with the main powers, and that comes at a price. Many countries in the world were in this situation in the middle and last decades of the nineteenth century: Mediterranean Europe, the Ottoman Empire, Persia, and independent states in the Far East and in Central and South America. A simple classification of countries into imperial powers, informal empires and formal colonies is, however, only a helpful analytical tool that shows its flaws at closer look. Some of those that are being included as informal colonies in Part II of this book were empires in themselves, like the Ottoman Empire and, from the last years of the century, Italy (La Rosa 1986), and therefore had their own informal and formal colonies. The reason why they have been placed together here is that in all of them there was an acknowledgement of a need for modernization following Western-dominated models. They all had the (northern) European presence in their lands—at first primarily British and French, followed by Germans and individuals of other European states, mainly from other empires either alive such as that of Austria- Hungary or in decline like Sweden and Denmark.
Colonialism and Monumental Archaeology in South and Southeast Asia
Authors: Diaz-Andreu Margarita
Published: November 2020

In the nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth century, political and economic power was concentrated in just a few countries. Having eclipsed the most mighty early modern empires—those of Spain and Portugal, the Ottoman Empire, The Netherlands, and the Scandinavian countries— Britain, France, the Russian, and the Austro-Hungarian Empires became the major European powers. Later, these were joined by the newly formed countries of Germany and Italy, together with the United States of America and Japan. In these countries elites drew their might not only from the industrial revolution but also from the economic exploitation of their ever-increasing colonies. Colonialism, a policy by which a state claims sovereignty over territory and people outside its own boundaries, often to facilitate economic domination over their resources, labour, and markets, was not new. In fact, colonialism was an old phenomenon, in existence for several millennia (Gosden 2004). However, in the nineteenth century capitalism changed the character of colonialism in its search for new markets and cheap labour, and the imperial expansion of the European powers prompted the control and subjugation of increasingly large areas of the world. From 1815 to 1914 the overseas territories held by the European powers expanded from 35 per cent to about 85 per cent of the earth’s surface (Said 1978: 41; 1993: 6). To this enlarged region areas of informal imperialism (see Part II of this book) could be added. However, colonialism and informal colonialism were not only about economic exploitation. The appropriation of the ‘Other’ in the colonies went much further, and included the imposition of an ideological and cultural hegemony throughout each of the empires. The zenith of this process of colonization was reached between the 1860s and the First World War, in the context of an increasingly exultant nationalism. In a process referred to as ‘New Imperialism’, European colonies were established in all the other four continents, mainly in areas not inhabited by populations with political forms cognate to the Western powers. In the case of Africa, its partition would be formally decided at an international meeting—the Berlin Conference of 1884–5.
Household Production and the Large Farm Sector
Authors: Pallot Judith , Nefedova Tat'yana
Published: November 2020

Household production varies according to the range of resources available to it; different environments give rise to different types of production, setting limits upon what can be produced. But as we saw in the previous chapter, in order to gain access to the environmental resources they need, households are at the mercy of a variety of gatekeepers that include local authorities, large farm managements, other private landowners, and the community at large. Among the other actors with which rural households have to interact, by far the most important in most regions are the large farms or ‘agricultural enterprises’. In this respect, there is continuity with the Soviet period when the managements of collective and state farms determined the social, cultural, and political character of rural places and the economic welfare of the rural population. Collective and state farms were like ‘company towns’, but with their authority extending over large territories and embracing a number of populated places. Figure 5.1 shows the territorial arrangement typical of a collective farm during the Soviet period. Since 1991, many of their former areas of authority, both formal and informal, have been withdrawn from large farms; they have lost control of land under rural settlements and they have reduced influence over a range of local services where their interventions used to be decisive. To advocates of market reforms, the retreat of large farms from these areas is a welcome rationalization of the agrarian economy and part of the process of redirecting farm activities towards producing agricultural products by the most efficient means possible. But this retreat has often left a gap that cashstrapped local authorities and private enterprise have not yet been able to plug, so that rural people’s experience of the market transition is of the loss of formal employment and a reduction in the level of services they previously enjoyed. In this situation, it is not surprising that rural Russia has been the scene of a muted, but real, contestation of market reform on the part of people intent on defending their access to resources and services to which they still believe they are entitled.
The surface anatomy of the thorax
Authors: Atkinson Martin E.
Published: November 2020

The thorax is the region of the body commonly known as the chest between the neck and the abdomen. The thoracic cavity is the hollow in the thorax that is occupied by the thoracic viscera, the heart and its associated vessels in the midline, and the lungs laterally. The thoracic viscera are enclosed by the bony and muscular thoracic cage. The bony components of the cage are the 12 thoracic vertebrae posteriorly, the 12 pairs of ribs and their anterior cartilaginous extensions, the costal cartilages that meet the sternum anteriorly. The intercostal muscles fill the intercostal spaces between the ribs and are involved in ventilation. Another muscle involved in ventilation is the diaphragm, a sheet of muscle that separates the thoracic from the abdominal cavity. If you are not familiar with the basic outline and arrangements of the circulatory and respiratory systems, refer back to Chapters 4 and 5 before reading this section. A good way to appreciate where these structures lie in relation to each other is to examine their surface anatomy, the position of internal organs related to features that can be observed or palpated (felt) on the surface of the body. Relating surface anatomy to deeper structures is a clinical skill essential not only to the study of the thorax, but also of structures in the head and neck important in dental practice. In the clinical examination of the living subject, the position of the internal thoracic organs is defined with reference to a set of vertical and horizontal lines running through the surface of bony landmarks. The significant vertical lines are shown in Figure 9 .1 as the: 1. Mid-sternal line—in the median plane anteriorly; 2. Mid-clavicular line—through the midpoint of the clavicle; 3. Mid-axillary line—midway between the anterior and posterior axillary folds, formed from skin overlying muscles. If you raise your arm while looking into a mirror, the two folds are obvious; they can also be palpated very easily even with clothes on. 4. Median posterior line—in the median plane anteriorly. The horizontal position can be defined with reference to the ribs or, less easily, the vertebrae.
Introduction to the central nervous system
Authors: Atkinson Martin E.
Published: November 2020

Dental students and practitioners need a working knowledge of the central nervous system (CNS) for several reasons. • A general knowledge of the structure and function of the nervous system is required to understand the major roles it plays in controlling body functions. • The cranial nerves innervating the head and neck, including the oral cavity, underpin all functions in these areas; knowledge of these nerves, including their connections to the CNS is vital to understanding the anatomy and physiology of this region. • Clinically, dental students and practitioners will frequently encounter patients suffering from one or other of the many diseases affecting the central and peripheral nervous system. Satisfactory dental management of such patients requires some understanding of their illness which in turn requires knowledge of the general structure of the nervous system. The anatomy of the nervous system was described long before we understood much of its function. Like all other parts of the body, everything is named; some of the names seem to defy the logic of anatomical nomenclature used to describe structures elsewhere in the body introduced in Chapter 1. Some of the structures visible to the naked eye were named by their fanciful resemblance to everyday objects such as olives; their names, therefore, bear no resemblance to their function. However, the nerve tracts that connect different areas to form functional pathways are described using a consistent system of naming. Only the most important structures that can be observed in dissected brains or form important landmarks in functional pathways are included in these chapters on the nervous system. It is important to appreciate that much of the detailed structure of the brain can only be observed microscopically. Special microscopical methods are required to show its structure and even then, a practised eye is required to interpret them. Nevertheless, it does help to know the outline of how the connections and functions of the nervous system have been investigated to understand how we have arrived at our present level of knowledge. Initially, careful clinical observations of signs and symptoms prior to death were correlated with post-mortem changes in the brain.
The skull
Authors: Atkinson Martin E.
Published: November 2020

Dental students and practitioners require a sound knowledge of the structure, growth, and development of the skull as a whole. The structure of the skull can be examined and studied more efficiently if you have access to a dried skull or one of the very good plastic replica skulls which are now available; you can identify the structures on the diagrams accompanying the following descriptions and examine a skull at the same time to appreciate the size and relationships of individual components. This chapter outlines the basic principles of the development and structure of the skull and includes some reference to individual bones where this makes understanding easier. The more detailed aspects of particular regions of the skull will be covered in the appropriate chapter describing the whole anatomy of that region; it is much easier to learn the parts of the skull in context of overall structure and function rather than learning a long list of bones, foramina, and muscle attachments in isolation from the related soft tissue structures. Only the maxilla and mandible which are bones of significant clinical importance are described as separate bones. As already demonstrated in Chapter 20, the skull is the structural basis f or the anatomy of the head. The skull has many functions. • It encloses and protects the brain. • It provides protective capsules for the eyes and middle and inner ear. • It forms the skeleton of the entrances to the respiratory and gastrointestinal tracts (GIT) through the nose and mouth, respectively. Those skull components that form the entrance to the GIT also house and support the teeth and soft tissues of the oral region as part of this function. As already outlined in Chapter 20, the skull is made up of several bones joined together to form the cranium which articulates with the separate mandible forming the lower jaw at the temporomandibular joints. The cranium specifically refers to the skull without the mandible; the terms ‘skull’ and ‘cranium’ are not strictly synonymous but they are frequently used as though they are. The cranium can be subdivided into the braincase enclosing the brain and the facial skeleton.
The orbit
Authors: Atkinson Martin E.
Published: November 2020

Some knowledge of the anatomy of the orbit is required by dental students and practitioners because it forms the upper part of the facial skeleton and some of the nerves and vessels supplying dental structures pass through it. Trauma to the middle third of the face, the upper facial skeleton, frequently involves the orbits and the structures they contain. Infections of the oral region occasionally spread to the orbit. In the following description, the emphasis is on those aspects of orbital anatomy of dental relevance; no description of the structure of the eyeball or the mechanisms of vision is included. The orbital cavities contain the eyeballs (globes), their associated muscles, vessels, nerves, the lacrimal apparatus, and a large amount of fat to cushion and protect the globes. Each cavity is pyramidal in shape. The base is the orbital opening on to the face; the roof, floor, and medial and lateral walls converge to the apex at the posterior aspect of the orbit. The long axis of the orbit from apex to surface runs forwards and laterally. The bones that form the orbit are illustrated in Figure 30.1 ; use the figure and a dried or model skull if possible as you read the following description. Most of the roof of the orbit is formed by the inferior surface of the orbital part of the frontal bone with a small posterior contribution from the lesser wing of the sphenoid ; this is pierced by the optic canal through which the optic nerve exits the orbit. The lateral wall is formed by the orbital surfaces of the zygomatic bone anteriorly and the greater wing of the sphenoid posteriorly. It separates the orbital cavity from the infratemporal fossa anteriorly and from the middle cranial fossa posteriorly. The floor of the orbit is occupied by the thin plate of bone forming the upper surface of the body of the maxilla ; this plate of bone is also the roof of the maxillary paranasal air sinus over most of its extent although the palatine bone forms a minute triangular area at the posteromedial corner.
Introduction
Authors: Tuck Adrian F.
Published: November 2020

The atmosphere consists of molecules in motion, yet it is often hard to find any mention of the fact in meteorological texts. This absence is also true of substantial areas of physics and chemistry which have evolved to provide quantitative descriptions of the behaviour of atoms and molecules in the gas phase: in particular, non-equilibrium statistical mechanics and molecular dynamics have had less overlap with the theory and observation of turbulence than perhaps might have been expected. Meteorology of course has had fluid mechanics at front and centre for over a century and has had to face issues in turbulence for over half that time. The purpose of this book is to show that atmospheric turbulence is an emergent property arising from the anisotropic environment of populations of gas molecules, linking molecular dynamics with fluid mechanics through the generation of vorticity. The anisotropies arise from gravity, planetary rotation, the solar beam, and the nature of the topography, the sea and ice surfaces, and the vegetative cover. We shall see that analysis of high resolution data of adequate quality, as yet available largely from only a few aircraft, leads to the emergence of a correlation of the multifractal, turbulent scaling at the smaller scales with some characteristics of the larger scale meteorological flow, such as the intensity and depth of jet streams. Lest the reader should think that the formulation of events at the microscopic scale has little or nothing to do with the central concerns of modern meteorology, we note that climate is determined through the absorption and emission of photons by molecules in the atmosphere and at the surface. The nature and distribution of these molecules is determined by photochemical kinetics acting in the presence of turbulent transport and biogeochemical fluxes from the surface. Quantitative calculation of the rates of these processes must necessarily account for both the skewed probability distributions of molecular velocities maintained interactively by vorticity structures and the effect of the scale invariant turbulent structures, on such large volumes of chemical reaction as the stratospheric polar vortex.
‘A colony so fertile’
Authors: Hingley Richard
Published: November 2020

In A Specimen of a History of Oxfordshire, the Reverend Thomas Warton reflected on the significance of the Roman pavement at Stonesfield (Oxfordshire) and explored the two main themes which structure chapters three and four: he writes of Roman settlers who migrated with their families to Britain but suggests that wealthy and well-connected Britons might have built villas like the example uncovered at Stonesfield. From the late seventeenth century to the beginning of the twentieth, the debate about the nature of society in Roman Britain drew upon these contrasting images to explain the character of the Roman occupation of southern Britain. Certain writings of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries had developed the idea of the passing on of civility from the Romans to the British, which could be used as a source of patriotic reflection. There was less confidence in this idea during the eighteenth century, when influential works on the Walls and the northern stations promoted a primarily military interpretation of Roman sites in the south. In the introduction to his volume of 1793, Roy presented a thoughtful assessment of contemporary understanding of Roman Britain and emphasized its military nature. Following earlier examples, he divided the monuments of the Roman empire into two types: the public buildings—the temples, amphitheatres, and baths well known to British gentlemen from their visits to Italy—and the military sites. Roy emphasized that, with regard to military remains of Britain ‘perhaps no quarter of their vast empire, not even Italy itself, furnishes so great a variety; and many of them exceedingly perfect’. By contrast, in reflecting on public buildings, he states that ‘Britain affords very few vestiges of any consequence’. Indeed, it is true that, by the late eighteenth century, there was very little published evidence for public buildings to compare with the extensive evidence for the military sites of southern Scotland and northern England. Roy argued, ‘neither is it probable that the Romans ever executed many of those costly edifices in this island’. At the time Roy was writing (c.1773), little excavated evidence had been found for public buildings or ornate architecture anywhere in Britain.