bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Some Perspectives on Evaluating Social Welfare Programs
Authors: Ferman Louis A.
Published: June 2007

The premise of this paper is that an evaluator's activity encompasses two distinct dimensions—a logic of inquiry and a system of social interaction that includes the evaluator, the sponsor of the evaluation, and the staff of the agency being evaluated. The influence of the social context is important and shapes some of the considerations of logical inquiry. It is obvious that participants in an evaluation may have varying perspectives on the purpose of evaluation and on how it should be conducted. These conflicting networks of self-interests and values are important data to be considered in any evaluation, and frequently act as a barrier to the involvement of academicians in evaluation activities. These same considerations often influence the utilization of the findings of an evaluation. We are suggesting that as an initial point of reference in utilization, the potential information-user must be involved in the inquiry process as an active participant, giving him an investment in the produced output of the study. Finally, it appears that the use of social science research tools in evaluation is sound, but that difficulties arise from using them in a particular social context.
The New Morality and the Religious Communities
Authors: Laney James T.
Published: June 2007

The new morality is both a behavioral phenom enon and an articulation of a contemporary ethic. Behaviorally speaking, the new morality is a rejection of more traditional models of the moral life and a strong endorsement of new modes. As such, it exhibits elements common to any ethic: adherence to and advocacy of its values and rejection and denial of others. Proponents of the new morality as an ethic, on the other hand, not only have interpreted it to be a repudi ation of legalism, but have also considered it to be an ethic beyond objective obligation. By defining new morality pri marily in the categories of love, they have sought to relieve this "new" morality of all structured constraints. Although it is true that the new morality is more relaxed about older notions of right and wrong, it would be a serious mistake to assume, as have situational ethicists, that practical ethics, as expressed in the new morality, has eliminated the place and function of obli gation. Unfortunately, the debate in the churches over the new morality has misconstrued the rejection of accepted models of Christian behavior as the repudiation of all normative ethics. The serious task remaining is to find new and adequate expres sion for modern sensibilities within the context of Christian love.
Catholic Church Professionals
Authors: Fichter Joseph H.
Published: June 2007

Like the church they serve, the full-time Roman Catholic professionals, including religious Sisters and Brothers as well as priests, are experiencing a period of crisis. Fewer people are entering this career, and many are leaving it. The main losses are in the specialized ministries in which the best- educated have been engaged. Meanwhile the traditional struc tures are being revised and replaced with experimental forms. The authoritarian system is giving way to collegiality at all levels, from relations with the laity to those with the hierarchy. A new focus on task-orientation has emphasized professionali zation which, in turn, has promoted self-fulfillment and relative autonomy. Seven out of ten of the church professionals in America are religious Sisters who are reorganizing their com munities around smaller task forces with much greater local self-direction than ever before. The traditional assumption that a celibate clergy is much more effective professionally than a married clergy is now being widely questioned. The religious orders, while maintaining celibacy, are re-evaluating the prac tical aspects of the vows of poverty and obedience. The in creasing "openness" of the church is reflected in the seminaries and training places of church personnel, who are now receiving a much broader and diversified professional preparation.
Protestant Clergy: New Forms of Ministry, New Forms of Training
Authors: Luecke Richard Henry
Published: June 2007

Training for the new breed of clergy is not a matter of learning "new forms," but of engaging in research and development closely related to action. Its purpose is not merely to steer the ship of the church through present rapids, but to prepare its members for participation in perpetual rapid change. "Urbanization" has produced new developments within previous specialized ministries, like those devoted to industry, counseling, and human relations. It has also pro duced new training centers in which clergymen-participants work at societal projects while developing their roles with respect to urban issues. "Ministerial" functions are found, both within congregations and within other societal groups, through helping people to participate on the basis of shared symbols and ethical convictions. Seminaries have responded by putting their students out to training centers or by seeking to adopt those functions into their own programs; their curric ular dilemmas seem acute instances of those which are per plexing most higher schools in the society. The future of sepa rate urban training may depend on tightened belts and on enlarged (but similarly committed) constituencies.
Indicators of the Capacities for Societal Guidance
Authors: Etzioni Amitai
Published: June 2007

This paper discusses the continuation of an effort to develop indicators for macrosociological concepts. Indicators for two concepts are suggested: for the knowledge that a societal unit commands and for the mobilization of its membership. The theoretical justification for focusing on these two concepts is briefly discussed, and the merits and shortcomings of various indicators are explored.
Indicators of Change in Political Institutions
Authors: Long Norton E.
Published: June 2007

Political science has been largely absorbed in aimless institutional description, rather than in the attempt to explain humanly significant change. Unlike economics—war and revolution apart—it has no phenomena of the order of the business cycle, inflation, growth rates, and the like, of demonstrable human consequence, of which it seeks to give theoretical comprehension, and to develop intervention strategies from this comprehension. Without explanatory theory, it has no occasion to develop indicators except as the implicit theory of common sense suggests the value of such indicators. For the most part, such indicators as we have were developed as predictors and are without explanatory value. This state of affairs is now in the process of alteration. The reports of the Kerner and Eisenhower Commissions, however unsatisfactory, provide scenarios of significant social change, with partially explicated theory to account for it, and with some specification of the relevant variables. The movement of these variables suggest theoretically significant indicators whose values could predict significant change. Fruitful development can be expected as our capacity for evaluation highlights humanly important phenomena whose explanation will suggest the indicators necessary for the use of that capacity.
Cultural Indicators: The Case of Violence in Television Drama
Authors: Gerbner George
Published: June 2007

The cultural transformation of our time stems from the extension of the industrial-technological revolution into the sphere of message-production. The mass production and rapid distribution of messages create new symbolic environments that reflect the structure and functions of the institutions that transmit them. These institutional processes of the mass-production messages short-circuit other networks of social communication and superimpose their own forms of collective consciousness—their own publics—upon other social relationships. The consequences for the quality of life, for the cultivation of human tendencies and outlooks, and for the governing of societies, are far-reaching. Informed policy-making and the valid interpretation of social behavior require systematic indicators of the prevailing climate of the changing symbolic environment. A central aspect of cultural indicators would be the periodic analysis of trends in the composition and structure of message systems cultivating conceptions of life relevant to socialization and public policy. Findings of studies of the portrayal of violence in network television drama illustrate the terms of such analysis, and demonstrate the need for more comprehensive, cumulative, and comparative information on mass-cultural trends and configurations.
Resources and Social Structure: Some Conditions of Stability and Change
Authors: Burch William R.
Published: June 2007

Human societies exist within certain resource limits. Those limits reflect particular combinations of ma terials, language, and social structure and determine tenden cies toward social stability or change. Such issues seem best approached metaphorically. Energy stands for the level of resource-development a particular society has reached. Per meability indicates how distribution is arranged by the social structure; and myths stand for the group's available percep tions and its trajectory of belief. Such metaphorical co-ordi nates may permit prediction as to the future of a society. For example, the emergence of Western industrialism was dependent upon the surplus energy of a frontier: with the closing of that frontier, the associated social structures and mythologies now seem ill-adapted to the new environmental limits.
Emerging Legal Strategies: Judicial Intervention
Authors: Sax Joseph L.
Published: June 2007

Citizen-initiated environmental litigation is a response to the inability of traditional administrative agencies to accommodate to newly recognized ecological perspectives in the management of natural resources. Old-line agencies, freighted by single-mindedness, a particular sense of mission and alignment with limited constituencies, are often unequal to the broadened perspectives which modern legislation and new public attitudes demand of them. Highway departments, for example, are charged with continuing to attend to the building of the "shortest, cheapest and straightest" roads, minimizing or ignoring new mandates to concern themselves with the environmental effects of their work. In conse quence, important policy decisions are undermined or dis torted. Judicial assistance is sought to return important policy decisions to a forum in which democratic processes work more effectively. One such incipient technique is the judicial "remand" of administrative action to the legislatures.
The Technological Imperative—Social Implications of Professional Technology
Authors: Hertz David B.
Published: June 2007

Engineers and technologists have always con sidered themselves to be protagonists and leaders in man's struggle against nature. Each successful engineering project has been conceived as one more victory in the campaign to master the natural environment. By virtue of their successes, feeling has grown that there were no results that could not be achieved. But should man consider nature his enemy? If so, how can we win? Each time that technology has changed nature, there have been negative effects which had not been foreseen. These negative spillovers have rapidly multiplied the total environmental problem of the planet. It has now become clear that increasing population and changes in the rate of energy consumption are pushing toward a destructive total thermodynamic balance. If this change is not to be catastrophic, man will have to find a way to achieve an energy equilibrium. The technologist and engineer must be at the forefront of this search. For some reasonable expectation of success, a new approach will have to become part of technological problem-solving. This approach must involve technological assessments and evaluations that include much broader constraints than have been imposed in the past. The technological imperative calls for the reconstruction of engi neering and technological curricula to include truly effective evaluation and assessment of proposed solutions to techno logical problems.
Authority and Responsibility for Environmental Administration
Authors: Caldwell Lynton K.
Published: June 2007

Authority and responsibility for ecologically sound policies for man-environment relationships are confused by the lag between the changing circumstances of man-on- earth and his assumptions, behavior patterns, and institutions. In the United States, many attitudes which were hitherto feasible have now become harmful. Sanctification of political forms and unrealistic appraisals of the tendencies of techno logical society severely handicap present efforts to cope with environmental problems. If society is to deal effectively with these problems, political and administrative leadership will be required to help the people to understand the necessity for certain changes in their expectations, laws, and public institu tions. A new, ecologically valid politico-ethical ideology is needed to legitimize the tasks of public authority and responsi bility that an effective effort to cope with man's environmental problems would require. A dual crisis of attitudinal and institutional inadequacy must be surmounted if the resulting crisis of the environment is to be overcome.
The Case For and Against Military Withdrawal from Vietnam and Korea
Authors: Greene Fred
Published: June 2007

The pros and cons of rapid military withdrawal from Vietnam are both strong, but in the public debate are not mutually responsive. The case against rapid withdrawal from Vietnam rests on the presumed danger of the precedent of broken United States commitments, the blow to the viability of divided states elsewhere, the increase in the prestige of China, the domino theory, the encouragement of other wars of liberation. The case for withdrawal, based on a notion of the demise of the monolithic, unalterably aggressive nature of world communism, argues that Southeast Asia is not of vital interest to us, that Hanoi's actions are, if not justified, understandable, and that Communist governments in Southeast Asia are neither particularly dangerous to us nor anathema to their populaces. Vietnamization has many advantages for us, but, given a weak government, runs the risk of a failure, endangering American troops. Troops should be withdrawn from South Korea, both for its good and our own.
The American Posture Toward India and Pakistan
Authors: Talbot Phillips
Published: June 2007

Difficulties abound in India and Pakistan, but the twenty-year-old American effort to develop a constructive posture toward both of these large South Asian nations remains valid and important for the coming decade. The problem is to find equilibrium in conflicting drives for nationalism, security, and development. Deep-running nationalism in India and in Pakistan hungers for psychological self-sufficiency but also fuels the continuing confrontation between the two countries. This confrontation further affects their respective views of security needs. To add to the complexity of the situation, the rivalries between them are components of their relationships with the Soviet Union, with Communist China, and with the United States. The prospective post-Vietnam roles in Asia of China, Japan, the Soviet Union, and the United States are of concern in the subcontinent; they could, for example, influence India's nuclear policy. Finally, both India and Pakistan give very high priorities to economic development, in which outside powers also have a clear stake. Collapse of the development process would have ramifications far beyond the subcontinent. Local efforts are, of course, the key to development but foreign assistance is also essential. Present development assistance levels are virtually the lowest in the world, per capita. If not increased, their inadequacy will have consequences that cannot fail to enmesh more affluent parts of the world. Thus, such questions as development administration, fiscal policies, debt management, trade policies, and aid levels call for high priority attention. Whether there is well-based and continuing progress in the subcontinent through this decade will have much to do with the possibilities of stabilized peace in the rest of Asia.
Issueless Riots
Authors: Marx Gary T.
Published: June 2007

Recent work on collective violence has produced a needed corrective to the one-sided image of riotous crowds held by earlier theorists. But we have failed to give adequate attention to instances of rioting crowds where protest, ideology, and grievance are relatively absent. The exclusive contempo rary focus on protest riots (however interesting and accessible) may obscure certain general predisposing factors, psychological states, social processes, and consequences found in the most diverse types of riot. It may also inhibit the comparative analysis of different types of violent outbursts. Certain di mensions that can be used to characterize riots are reviewed and a typology of forms of riot is developed by combining two of them: whether a generalized belief is present and whether the riot is instrumental in helping solve a group's problem. Some hypotheses and three types of riots are discussed: (1) instrumental riots in which a generalized belief is present, as in the eighteenth and nineteenth century European food and industrial riots studied by Rudé and Hobsbawn; (2) riots in which a generalized belief is present but which are not instrumental in resolving a group's problems, such as most pogroms and communal riots, (3) issueless or unprincipled riots, in which a generalized protest belief is absent and which have slight implications for social movements and change.
Two Critics in Search of a Bias: A Response to Currie and Skolnick
Authors: Smelser Neil J.
Published: June 2007

This essay is mainly a response to the foregoing one, in which Elliott Currie and Jerome Skolnick attempt to find an antidemocratic, irrationalist, "LeBonist" bias in my book, Theory of Collective Behavior. After noting some errors and misinterpretations in their essay, I attempt to dem onstrate that they take one of my several determinants and inflate it into an explanation, that they collapse several attributes that are analytically separate in my work, and that they turn my selection of determinants into simple value- preferences. The essay concludes with a general discussion of the issue of "discrediting" adherents to social movements by analyzing their ideologies in terms of determinants other than those contained in the ideologies themselves. I attempt to spell out my own position on these matters, and to locate some inconsistencies in Skolnick's approach to protest move ments in The Politics of Protest.
Police Violence and Its Public Support
Authors: Gamson William A. , Mcevoy James
Published: June 2007

The paper analyzes two models of social support for totalitarian social movements, the mass society model, and the class conflict or interest group model. Using national sur vey data, the authors formulate and test the implications of each of these models in terms of generating support for police vio lence among the mass public. With the exception of a positive relationship between education and rejection of police violence, the mass society model is not well supported by the data exam ined by the authors. Generally strong support is present for the class conflict model.
Patterns in International Warfare, 1816-1965
Authors: Small Melvin , Singer J. David
Published: June 2007

Patterns in international violence are discovered through the quantitative analysis of international wars which resulted in more than 1,000 battle-connected deaths. Between 1816 and 1965, members of the state system participated in 50 such interstate wars and 43 such colonial and imperial conflicts. Although no secular trends are evident in terms of the fre quency, magnitude, severity, and intensity of these wars, the data suggest a twenty-year cycle in the magnitude of systemic war. Over two thirds of all of the wars began in either the spring or the autumn. Major powers have engaged in a dis proportionate number of wars and have suffered the most bat tle-connected deaths. These same powers, however, have won most of their wars. Those on the victorious side have often been the initiators of military hostilities. Enduring military friendships and enmities have been uncommon over the 150- year period. Further use of these basic war data should be helpful in the assault upon the centuries-old problem of the causes of war.
The Usefulness of Commission Studies of Collective Violence
Authors: Campbell James S.
Published: June 2007

Pessimism about the usefulness of national advisory commission studies of episodes of collective violence results in part from undue attention to the short-term fate of commission recommendations that particular governmental actions be taken in response to the violence. The major part of the true usefulness of commissions lies rather in their special ability to transmit to the public and to political leaders find ings of fact about the causes and consequences of episodes of collective violence. It is chiefly through the persuasiveness of these findings that commissions actually do make a signif icant contribution to the determination of public policy. The quality of commission findings about collective violence, and hence their persuasiveness, can be improved to the extent that the social sciences provide commissions with a better understanding of commonly-used analytical concepts, such as "political action," "cause," "intent," "leader," "demand," "grievance." With examples from current commission litera ture (chiefly the Kerner Report), it is argued that sharpen ing these analytical tools can pay large dividends in public understanding of, and response to, episodes of collective violence.
The Obligations of American Social Scientists
Authors: Green Philip
Published: June 2007

The involvement of social scientists with government poses a serious threat to the independence of social science. In order that social science may be useful to government officials, it must meet their criteria of reality and practicality. At the technical level this may mean accepting official categories of discourse; more broadly it will mean that certain problems do not get studied, unless the research can be structured so as to suggest "constructive" and politically tenable solutions, and unless the social scientist adopts a manipulative attitude toward the subjects of his research. The HEW document, Toward a Social Report, and Project Camelot illustrate some of these difficulties. Complete independence of social scientists from public or private external influence is impossible, however. Their adherence to a posture of "counter-valence"—for example, diversifying their sources of patronage and favoring less powerful groups and institutions as clients— would come closest to achieving the practicable equivalent of such intellectual independence. In particular, they should avoid lending themselves to any strengthening of the Presidency or other institutions of centralization, and to any furtherance of officials' manipulative attitude toward mass opinion. In their professional associations they should, finally, adopt ethical canons in pursuit of these ends.
The Political Uses of Social Research
Authors: Orlans Harold
Published: June 2007

As scientific disciplines, the social sciences are more limited, and hence less useful to government, than either the social science "establishment" or its radical critics contend. However, as a rationale for political action and inaction, and as a mode of political discourse, they have many demonstrable uses. The social sciences are not "value free" but a social enterprise of some complexity. At the same time, the federal government is not a conspiracy but a collection of subsystems loosely brought into coherence through the combined policy functions of the President and the Congress. At one level of government, social scientists contribute an orderly collection of facts and information. At another, they contribute to the interpretation of information. But in this interpretive role, their performance cannot be understood in apolitical terms; several kinds of politics influence their behavior: personal, professional, tactical, and party.
Social Scientists and the Riot Commission
Authors: Lipsky Michael
Published: June 2007

This paper examines the temporal, political, conceptual, and methodological constraints encountered by social scientists working for the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (Kerner Commission). Focusing on efforts to develop a synthetic, theoretical explanation of the causes of disorders, to collect data on riot cities, and to adhere to accepted forms of social research, we discuss a fundamental tension between procedures preferred by social scientists and the demands of staff directors who must anticipate the ways in which commissioners will receive staff research. Under the circumstances, social scientists in some cases may conduct research on limited questions without significant interference in work schedules or modes of presentation. However, because of these constraints more often social scientists and their work serve to legitimate procedures and findings which are primarily developed without social science contributions.
After Containment: The Functions of the Military Establishment
Authors: Huntington Samuel P.
Published: June 2007

After World War II, the United States reconstituted its military policy for the third time in its history. A strategy of deterrence was adopted as the military counterpart to a foreign policy of containment. This strategy involved military alliances, overseas deployments, larger and diversified military forces, higher levels of readiness, and development of programs for strategic retaliation, continental defense, European defense, and limited war. By 1972, the original basis for this strategy was disappearing: public support for military burdens had decreased; the Soviet Union had achieved military parity with the United States; Europe, Japan, China were independent centers of economic and political power; local hegemonic powers had emerged in the Third World. For the foreseeable future, only the Soviet Union is in a position to aspire to global preeminence and thus pose a significant threat to U.S. security. Hence the U.S. must aim to avoid: military inferiority vis-à-vis the Soviet Union, diplomatic isolation among the major powers, and exclusion by the Soviet Union from political or economic access to any major portion of the Third World. These goals require military forces to support diplomacy as well as to maintain deterrence. More specifically, they require: a redefinition of the role of the strategic retaliatory force, recognizing its diplomatic as well as deterrent functions; the adaptation of U.S. forces deployed in and designed for the defense of Europe to the more general purpose of great power reinforcement; and the conversion of limited war forces into counterintervention forces to deter Soviet military intervention in the Third World. While civilians played a major role in developing the strategy of deterrence, the principal responsibility for elaborating these changes in strategy will rest with military officers.
The Military on Capitol Hill: Prospects in the Quest for Funds
Authors: Benson Robert S.
Published: June 2007

Public backing for defense expenditures is at its lowest ebb in recent history. Despite pervasive disenchantment, public knowledge about military programs remains limited and the translation of that disenchantment into effective political action even more restricted. Congressional lobbyists on both sides of military issues remain relatively ineffective. Congress, reacting to waste and poor weapons system performance, is doing an improved job of scrutinizing military programs and weeding out proven failures, but has remained impotent in canceling new programs its members consider ill advised. Overall, Congress has very little impact on military expenditure levels. Presidents regularly succeed in getting approved virtually the full range of military programs they request from Congress. During President Nixon's second term, that trend is expected to continue. While he might prefer to see his 1976 military budget rise above $100 billion, the President's greater wish to hold down taxes and total federal spending is likely to produce a 1976 military budget slightly in excess of $90 billion.
Cutting Back Military Spending: The Vietnam Withdrawal and the Recession
Authors: Benoit Emile
Published: June 2007

The present public complacency about the possible economic effect of further defense cuts probably reflects not so much a confidence that we could adjust to defense cuts without hardship, as a doubt that any further substantial cuts are imminent. Indeed, despite the Vietnam withdrawal, and despite Strategic Arms Limitation Talks, the outlook for major cuts now seems unpromising for the near future. By explaining the 1969-1971 recession as attributable to the Vietnam withdrawal, President Nixon has, however, strengthened the association in the public mind between defense cuts and economic hardship. In our opinion, this explanation is quite unjustified. This recession must be blamed not on defense cuts, but on the failure of public policy to supply adequate offsets to the defense cuts. This is shown by the fact that the loss of gross national product in relation to the size of the cuts was much bigger than after the Korean War or World War II and by the failure to allow non-defense federal programs to expand as the defense programs were cut back. Our ability to transfer defense resources to civilian uses without serious economic difficulties or loss has greatly improved over the last decade. There is now a greater willingness to accept budget deficits, to provide tax reductions, and to expand essential public programs—and there has been considerable experience with manpower retraining programs. But we cannot apply these capabilities in a situation where an economic recession is deliberately induced in a misconceived effort to combat inflation.
The Social Demography of the All-Volunteer Armed Force
Authors: Janowitz Morris
Published: June 2007

With the termination of the Selective Service System in 1973, the armed forces will be reduced in size, but for the first time the United States will have an expanded military operating as a "force in being" rather than a cadre for mobilization. Several fundamental public policy questions are involved: will the armed forces be able to recruit the necessary number and quality personnel; will this force be relatively representative of the larger society. With present reduction in force levels, recruitment is made more difficult because of lack of career stability and declining opportunities. The end of the draft has already resulted in shortages of skilled and technical personnel as well as declining enrollment in Reserve Officers Training Corps (ROTC) and National Guard and reserve units. Together with age restrictions and educational guide lines, this suggests that progress toward numerical quotas is in part a compromise in quality. A review of the characteristics of the manpower pool indicates that it is weighted toward the low-income and modest social status group. The social demography of the armed forces is not predetermined, but it will play an important role in the internal viability of the armed forces in civil-military relations in the post-Vietnam period.
The Utilization of Women in the Military
Authors: Goldman Nancy
Published: June 2007

In the decade of the 1970s there will be an increase in the number and percent of women in the United States military. Trends indicate that this rise will move steadily but gradually from less than 2 percent women in the armed services to approximately 4 percent. Although the number and percent of women in uniform will remain small, their increase will assist in meeting the expected "short fall" in manpower. The trend to expand the number of women in the military will continue in the 1980s, but it seems unlikely that a 10-percent level, which could be considered possible, will be reached. Historically in industrialized countries women have been excluded from armed combat roles and significant positions in administration. They have served as nurses, secretaries, and clerks and in routine types of communications. Each service has made plans and proposals to increase the number of women and the variety of jobs open to them and to deal with other expressed dissatisfactions, such as living quarters and regulations related to the retention of the careers of married women. Additional problems of protocol between the sexes and the integration of women in the military will have to be faced. Although it is likely that the military will continue its tradition of excluding women from direct combat positions, with an increased emphasis on deterrence there will be an increase in the number of positions in which the "fighting spirit" is irrelevant, many of which will become available to women.
Military Research and Development: Implications for the Civil Sector
Authors: Bobrow Davis B.
Published: June 2007

Military research and development ( R & D ) , whatever its national security contribution, allegedly imposes substantial opportunity costs on the civil sector. A factual analysis does not support the view that military R & D has recently been or in the future will be a dominant reason: for funding and manpower shortages in civilian R & D, for the lack of technological supremacy in American industry, for the lack of technological solutions to major problems of domestic society, or for the emphasis on externally funded research in U.S. colleges and universities. Instead, financial trends suggest that an absence of demand for R&D in the civil sector and multiple funding opportunities for research in academic institutions are and will be more important causes of these problems. Military R & D can also provide learning for civil sector R&D. The experience of the Defense policy analysis organizations is particularly pertinent. It suggests that such organizations will be of continuing value to the civil sector to the extent that they serve several masters and release their results to legislative as well as executive officials. However, they are likely to encounter inadequate demand for their work as compared with that for hardware and suffer as their sponsors experience funding restrictions and sharp criticism of their programs.
Racism and the Early American Legal Process, 1619-1896
Authors: Higginbotham A. Leon
Published: June 2007

An understanding of the early American legal process is central to dealing with the racial disparities of today. From 1619 to 1860 the American legal process was one which expanded and protected the liberties of white Americans—while at the same time the legal process became increasingly more harsh as to the masses of blacks, with a steady contraction of their liberties. The United States Constitution sanctioned slavery, so that under federal law the slave "had no rights which the white man was bound to respect." Though the Emancipation Proclamation and the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments significantly expanded the actual rights and options of blacks, nevertheless from 1865 to 1896 the legal process failed to effectuate the full potential of the rights intended and assured under the constitutional amendments.
Black Workers Inside the House of Labor
Authors: Gould William B.
Published: June 2007

While both construction and industrial unions have made some efforts to remedy racial discrimination in employment, their failure to come to grips with systematic practices of discrimination has made the federal judiciary the main forum for the resolution of such disputes. Institutional practices that can have a discriminatory impact upon black workers and racial minorities remain in effect. Contrary to public belief about rank and file and local union resistance to national union policies that promote civil rights, it is the official policy of the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO) not to alter such procedures which are negotiated in the collective bargaining process—and which screen out blacks disproportionately to whites. Even unions with a substantial black membership continue to have lily-white executive boards at the national level. More blacks are moving into leadership positions—especially in the United Auto Workers (UAW) and some of the public employee unions. However, in the interim the phenomenon of black workers in white-led unions is bound to produce discontent, black worker organizations, and, in some instances, industrial strife.
Employment Discrimination and the Law
Authors: Rosenthal Albert J.
Published: June 2007

While there have been prohibitions, by the federal, state, and local governments, against racial discrimination in employment since the 1940s, the major legal weapon against such discrimination has been Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The largest part of the burden of enforcing this statute has not been borne by the federal government, but rather by civil rights organizations, whose resources have been limited. A remarkable record of favorable judicial decisions has been achieved in cases brought under this statute. Nevertheless, the disparities between blacks and whites in average income and in proportionate unemployment have not been markedly reduced. Stronger legislation and a greater commitment on the part of all branches of government as well as the public seem necessary if there is to be more significant progress toward truly fair employment practices.
Racial Discrimination in the Electoral Process
Authors: McKay Robert B.
Published: June 2007

Nearly a century ago the Supreme Court of the United States acknowledged that the right to vote is "a fundamental political right, because preservative of all rights." A Court thus armed with lofty ideals might have been expected to apply the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to strike down racially discriminatory restrictions on the franchise that were adopted by many states after the Reconstruction period ended with the Hayes-Tilden Compromise of 1876. However, the Supreme Court largely confined its efforts to rhetoric and for many decades closed its eyes to the use of the white primary, literacy tests, the poll tax, and other devices to deny black citizens the vote. The white primary was at last outlawed in 1944, but Congress did not act until 1957. The Civil Rights Acts of 1957, 1960, and 1964 were well intended but not very effective. The Voting Rights Act of 1965, as amended in 1970, is now the principal vehicle for protection of the franchise against racial discrimination. It forbids literacy tests and other discriminatory tests and devices and requires federal approval of any changes in voting qualifications or procedures in states with a history of voting discrimination.
Legal Education for Blacks
Authors: Parker Kellis E. , Stebman Betty J.
Published: June 2007

The need for additional black lawyers should be obvious to all. No attempt will be made here to rehearse the arguments that were made in the early sixties regarding the desirability of minority recruitment programs. Rather, this article attempts to depict the past and present experiences of black law students. Their story in legal education is viewed in the natural history of matriculation in a law school. Thus, admissions, financial aid, attrition, bar examinations, and placement are among the topics discussed. Additional data are included on the organizations extant which have made and are continuing to make it possible for enough blacks to participate in legal education to make this article possible.
Communication in Development
Authors: Rogers Everett M.
Published: June 2007

First, the role of mass media and interpersonal communication in development in Latin America, Africa and Asia is reviewed. Then, research and development program experience are synthesized to show: (1) that at present, the mass media play a major role in creating a climate for modernization among villagers, but are less important in diffusing technological innovations—although their potential for doing so is high; (2) that mass media channels are more effective when combined with interpersonal channels, as in media forums; and (3) that the traditional mass media, such as village theater and traveling storytellers, have an important potential for development purposes, especially when they are combined with the modern electronic and print media.
International Transmission of Information and the Business Firm
Authors: Carlson Sune
Published: June 2007

While the transmission costs of information depend, above all, on the geographical distance and the communication channels used, the collection and interpretation costs are influenced primarily by what may be called the cultural distance. Differences in levels of general economic development, in educational levels, in languages and in general culture represent barriers to the international transfer of information. Since the establishment and the operation of subsidiaries in foreign countries require more information and more complex information than the mere exporting and importing of goods, the barriers become correspondingly more important. For this reason firms seem to establish their first subsidiaries in countries with which they have close cultural relations. While a business firm normally wants to capitalize its stock of knowledge through the production and sale of goods, situations may arise in which the sale of information to a foreign firm is the only possible alternative. However, supplying an outside firm with technical information or with production, marketing and management know-how is a more difficult and risky task than supplying information in connection with the export of goods or the operation of a foreign subsidiary.
National Information Policy
Authors: Lamberton Donald M.
Published: June 2007

National information policy seeks to put into practice the notion that the social and economic system will function more efficiently if improved information-flows to the decision-making centers can be ensured. The essence of such a policy emerges as a problem of resource allocation. Already, an information industry of impressive proportions has developed. Parallel with this development, the scope of information policy has widened from a preoccupation with science to a full appreciation of the integrated nature of the information process which involves inquiring, communicating and deciding. Those responsible for shaping information policy must determine the appropriate mix of information inputs to achieve social objectives, while at the same time they must have regard for equity considerations.
Political Exile in Latin America
Authors: Sznajder Mario , Roniger Luis
Published: June 2007

Political exile is a major constitutive feature of Latin American politics. It has contributed to the establishment of the rules of the political game on a transnational basis, both before and after the consolidation of states. It is linked to the tension between the hierarchical structure of these societies and the political models that predicated participation, the process of fragmentation and conflictive territorial boundaries, and the evolution of factionalism into modern politics, spurring civil wars, political violence, and polarization. This article analyzes exile as a selective elite mechanism, its transformation into a mass phenomenon, and the creation of communities of Latin American exiles and expatriates, influential in the framework of transnational politics.
A Comparison of Free-Response and Multiple-Choice Forms of Verbal Aptitude Tests
Authors: Ward William C.
Published: June 2007

Three verbal item types employed in standardized aptitude tests were administered in four formats—a conventional multiple-choice format and three formats requiring the examinee to produce rather than simply to recognize correct answers. For two item types—Sentence Completion and Antonyms—the response format made no difference in the pattern of correlations among the tests. Only for a multiple-answer open-ended Analogies test were any systematic differences found; even the interpretation of these is uncertain, since they may result from the speededness of the test rather than from its response requirements. In contrast to several kinds of problem-solving tasks that have been studied, discrete verbal item types appear to measure essentially the same abilities regardless of the format in which the test is administered.
The Use of Path Analysis to Estimate Teacher and Course Effects in Student Ratings of Instructional Effectiveness
Authors: Marsh Herbert W.
Published: June 2007

A path analytic technique is described for obtaining separate estimates of variables that are normally confounded. The particular problem involves ascertaining the relative contributions of the instructor and the course being taught in determining student ratings of teaching effectiveness. A series of six different path analytic models were used to estimate teacher and course effects, along with a variety of other parameters. The best model indicated that the effect of the teacher is about five times as large as the effect of the course and that the difference is even larger for components such as Overall Instructor and Instructor Enthusiasm. In contrast to the student rating items, background/demographic variables such as class size, students' prior subject interest, and reason for taking a course were largely a function of the course rather than the instructor.
A Sampling Model for Validity
Authors: Kane Michael T.
Published: June 2007

A multifacet sampling model, based on generalizability theory, is developed for the measurement of dispositional attributes. Dispositions are defined in terms of universes of observations, and the value of the disposition is given by the universe score, the mean over the universe defining the disposition. Observed scores provide estimates of universe scores, and errors of measurement are introduced in order to maintain consistency in these estimates. The sampling model provides a straightforward interpretation of validity in terms of the accuracy of estimates of the universe scores, and of reliability in terms of the consistency among these estimates. A third property of measurements, import, is defined in terms of all of the implications of a measurement. The model provides the basis for a detailed analysis of standardization and of the systematic errors that standardization creates; for example, the hypothesis that increases in reliability may cause decreases in validity is easily derived from the model. The model also suggests an explicit mechanism for relating the refinement of measurement procedures to the development of laws and theories.
Generalizability of a Measure of Visitor Satisfaction with 0utdoor Recreation
Authors: Schomaker John H. , Knopf Richard C.
Published: June 2007

A measure of visitor satisfaction with outdoor recreation is important for effective management. Cronbach's theory of generalizability was used to estimate the effects of time of measurement, item context, and item content on a recreation satisfaction measure, which was given to floaters on two rivers. The influences of item content, item context, and times were large, small, and none, respectively.