bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Demography and Social Movements and Revolutions
Authors: Hosoki Ralph I.
Published: January 2013

Originating with the strain and breakdown theories of the classical collective behavior tradition that dominated in the 1960s, the analytical repertoires for understanding contentious politics expanded to include structuralist (political opportunity) and post‐Marxist approaches as well as resource mobilization theories in the 1970s and 1980s, and constructivist and cultural approaches in the 1980s and 1990s (McAdam, Tarrow, & Tilly 2009). This progression entailed a general shift from deterministic collective behavior paradigms that focused on external causal explanations of movement emergence to more agency‐oriented resource mobilization paradigms that emphasized the importance of internal movement dynamics and rational, agentic, and interest‐based decisions of movement actors and collectives (Buechler 2004). Furthermore, collective action—originally understood by strain and breakdown theorists as irrational, disruptive, and spontaneous behavior stemming from social breakdown—was gradually cast in a more positive light with the emergence of empirical studies in the 1970s that pointed to organizational solidarity and not social malintegration as the necessary condition for collective action (Useem 1998; Buechler 2004). Somewhat lost in this transition, however, was the emphasis placed on what Goldstone and McAdam (2001) term, themacro determinants of contention. With the demise of strain and breakdown theories, the emphases placed on opportunities (over threats), and the conceptualization of contentious actors as rational entities, contemporary studies on social movements and revolutions have largely undervalued systematic efforts to understand how social and demographic factors might affect the emergence and development of political contention.
Elections and Social Movements
Authors: Heaney Michel T.
Published: January 2013

Social movements are organized efforts to bring about change in public policies and/or society. Elections are a mechanism whereby citizens decide collectively who occupies positions of responsibility in government. These two phenomena are reciprocally interrelated with one another (McAdam & Tarrow 2010). By affecting who wins elections, social movements may be able to influence changes in public policies and/or society. The outcomes of elections may affect the motivations of individuals to devote their time and energy to social movements. The interactions between electoral actors and movement activists are sometimes cooperative, and at other times conflictual, depending on the strategies employed by these actors (Schwartz 2010).
Extremism
Authors: Caiani Manuela
Published: January 2013

Extremism has become a very common term nowadays, both in social science and outside the academic sphere. However, its usage is rather awkward: nobody has arrived at a satisfactorily comprehensive definition. The concept refers to individuals or groups who advocate or resort to measures that lie beyond the moral and political center of society (Eatwell & Goodwin 2010: 8). It can be associated with ideologies (values systems) or behaviors. Historically, it has been also used to indicate totalitarian regimes such as communism and fascism. When applied to politics, extremism is commonly defined by the elements anticonstitutionalism and antidemocracy; it is the rejection of the fundamental values, procedures, and institutions of the democratic state (Carter 2005). In this sense some scholars, taking into account an action‐based and a values‐based form of extremism, also distinguish it as consisting of three components: extraordinary, excessive, and intolerant political opinion, belief, or activity; violent political activity; and activity aimed against the democratic constitutional state (Downs, Manning, & Engstrom 2009).
Factions/Factionalism
Authors: Kretschmer Kelsy
Published: January 2013

A faction is a subgroup within a larger organization that is in conflict with other members of that organization. Factions occur when a subset of organizational members begin to develop a distinct collective identity that is at least partially at odds with other members. Factionalism refers to this conflict between an organizational faction and other members, or between competing organizational factions. Strictly speaking, factionalism refers to this intra‐organizational conflict. However, many social movement scholars have used the concept of factionalism to understand inter‐organizational conflict within a broader social movement. In other words, we can use the language of factions to understand a wider range of phenomena, including how different branches of a social movement form and interact. Scholars have paid attention to the ways factions originate, to how they disperse or strengthen over time, to the different outcomes of factionalism, and the consequences of factionalism for social movements generally.
Fields of Contention
Authors: Crossley Nick
Published: January 2013

Contentious politics, in Tilly's sense, involves multiple relays of interaction (Tilly & Tarrow 2008). Activists interact amongst themselves, both within and between “social movement organizations” (SMOs); they interact with opponents and elites; with police and other security forces; and often also with journalists and even academics. The outcome of contentious politics is generated by these interactions and the concept of “fields of contention,” as coined by Crossley (2003, 2006), is intended to capture the network which they form.
Frame Disputes
Authors: Benford Robert D.
Published: January 2013

Frame disputes refer to differences of opinion or preference regarding claims associated with framing activities that social movement actors fashion. Frame disputes are a pervasive dynamic within social movements, one of several contested discursive processes within the movement arena (Benford & Snow 2000). The concept derives from Erving Goffman's observations inFrame Analysisthat interpretations of what's going on in a particular circumstance are subject to disagreement. On such occasions “reality” must be negotiated. In the context of social movements, frame disputes erupt within a movement organization (intraorganizational dispute) and/or between representatives of two or more SMOs within a social movement (interorganizational dispute). Frame disputes in the wider political arena, such as those that often arise between social movements and their opponents (e.g., countermovements, targets of change, media, etc.), have been referred to as “framing contests” (Ryan 1991). The focus of this entry is on interpretive and discursive disagreements that occurwithina social movement.
Free Spaces
Authors: Polletta Francesca , Kretschmer Kelsy
Published: January 2013

Free spaces are small‐scale settings within a community or movement that are removed from the direct control of dominant groups, are voluntarily participated in, and generate the cultural challenge that precedes or accompanies political mobilization. Since the term became popular in studies of movements in the 1980s, scholars have sought to better identify the features of particular institutional sites that equip them to spur political challenges. They have also probed the role of free spaces in authoritarian regimes, in right‐wing movements, and in relation to new digital technologies.
Globalization and Movements
Authors: Agrikoliansky Eric
Published: January 2013

Has globalization revolutionized contentious politics? Starting in the 1990s, a number of researchers announced that the growing internationalization of economic, cultural, and political exchanges, combined with nations' growing loss of control over these flows, had led, or would lead in the near future, to profound changes in social movements. The emergence of “transnational advocacy networks” (Keck & Sikkink 1998) and “transnational social movement organizations” (Smith, Chatfield, & Pagnucco 1997) foreshadowed the rise of the “global public sphere” (Guidry, Kennedy, & Zald 2000) and the “transnational civil society” (Florini 2000). These global social movements had seemingly moreover invented a third repertoire of actions (Cohen & Rai 2000), defined by its transnational character and solidarity. In the same way as the growth of market capitalism and liberal ideology, and the rise of the nation‐state, had reconfigured national protest movements in the nineteenth century (Tilly 1986), economic globalization and the free‐enterprise culture that accompanied it, together with the forecast decline of nation‐states, had apparently produced another substantial transformation in contentious politics at a global level.
Identity Politics
Authors: Bernstein Mary , Taylor Verta
Published: January 2013

The term “identity politics” refers to activism engaged in by status‐based social movements organized around such categories as gender, race/ethnicity, and sexuality, in contrast to class‐based movements. The term also applies to any mobilization related to politics, culture, and identity. It is sometimes used in a derogatory manner to criticize movements as exclusionary and focused on individual rather than societal change. Debates about the validity of identity politics reveal competing theoretical ways to understand the relationships among experience, culture, identity, politics, and power.
Immigration, Protest, and Social Movements
Authors: Weffer Simon
Published: January 2013

As pointed out in her 2010 piece on the state of the discipline vis‐à‐vis the immigration literature, Menjivar argues that the links between immigration and protest (or social movements more broadly) have been few and far between. In fact, she states that link “…has remained underdeveloped and thus could stand to benefit from a more active dialog” (18). She further argues that the immigration protests of 2006 in the United States served as a jumpstart to the study of the relationship between immigration and protest. While it is true that the study of this connection between immigration and protest has been sparse, there are four specific venues in which we can see this relationship engaged and examined: (1) immigration as an explanatory variable in protest research; (2) specific immigration‐related movements; (3) the aforementioned 2006 protests; and (4) the study of immigration and protest in a non‐US contexts.
Indymedia (The
I
ndependent
M
edia
C
enter)
Authors: Milan Stefania
Published: January 2013

Indymedia, short for Independent Media Center (IMC), is a global network of independent media organizations offering grassroots anticorporate news coverage. Its website,
indymedia.org
, operates as an “open publishing” platform, enabling anyone with Internet access to upload text and digital files.
Injustice Frames
Authors: Gamson William A.
Published: January 2013

Students of social movements with different orientations share an emphasis on the importance of a strong injustice component in the political consciousness that supports collective action (Moore 1978: 88; McAdam 1982: 51; Turner & Killian 1987: 202). The main challenge on this point comes from those who accept that a sense of grievance is necessary but argue that it is so ubiquitous that it lacks any explanatory value (Oberschall 1973: 133–134; McCarthy & Zald 1977: 1215). But the view that grievances have little explanatory value, since it is so easy for leaders or organizations to link more elaborate world views with the sufferings of the “lower orders,” has not prevailed (Gamson 1992).
Internet and Social Movements
Authors: Carty Victoria
Published: January 2013

The emergence of new information communication technologies (ICTs) such as the Internet and the digital media boom in general, have strongly affected scholarship on social movements. The Internet has fuelled a new source of political energy that posits a new relationship between ICTs, political struggle, and public life. Electronic social movement organizations (SMOs) and online activists are redefining political struggle across the dimensions of contentious politics in terms of recruitment, mobilizing, strategizing, fundraising, and protest activities. The explosion of e‐movements, e‐protest, and e‐activism highlights the importance of the Internet as an organizational tool to the dissemination of information and wired activism, and shows it has become a significant, if not essential, repertoire for social movement actors (Carty 2010). Many scholars therefore argue that the novel intricacies of the ICT‐driven “network society” require a fundamental re‐conceptualization of social mobilization that was originally formulated for face‐to‐face contact.
Law and Social Movements
Authors: Boutcher Steven A. , Stobaugh James E.
Published: January 2013

Legal institutions, elites, and norms played an important role in the development of social movements over the latter half of the twentieth century, yet social movement scholars have only recently begun to take notice. The subfield of law and social movements has developed in two separate but increasingly integrated fields—legal scholarship and social movement scholarship—and has developed around two broad sets of research questions. First, is litigation an effective strategy for social movements? Second, what role does law play in shaping the trajectories of social movements? Early research tended to focus on the question of effectiveness, but more recent scholarship has expanded to include analyses focusing on the dynamic role that law plays in shaping movement trajectories. Here we focus on how legal institutions and strategies have been incorporated into existing social movement theories.
Participation in Social Movements
Authors: Corrigall‐Brown Catherine
Published: January 2013

Social movements are one of the pre‐eminent vehicles for social change in contemporary Western society. From the civil rights movement to those for women, gays and lesbians, and the environment, social movements have left an indelible mark on public policy and cultural values. While social movements are larger than the individuals who comprise them, their survival and success is based on the participation of individuals. In fact, the rise and fall of campaigns at the macro‐level is largely the result of the shifting involvement of individuals in and out of movement organizations at the micro‐level. The discussion that follows outlines the variety of ways in which individuals can participate in social movements and the major factors which predict differential recruitment to social movements.
Participatory Budgeting
Authors: Röcke Anja
Published: January 2013

Participatory budgeting (PB) is a process that directly involves local people in the definition of priorities and/or spending for a defined public budget. PB represents aninstitutionalform of civic engagement implemented by an official body, but possibly involving social movement organizations (SMOs) in different ways. At the end of the 1980s, PB was jointly invented by local SMOs and members of the newly elected Workers' Party in the city of Porto Alegre, Brazil (1.4 million inhabitants). It is based on neighborhood assemblies and thematic meetings that take place throughout the year and involve volunteer citizens (principle of grassroots democracy). Allocation criteria are used in the discussions about local infrastructure in order to redistribute funds to those with the greatest needs (principle of social justice). Specific boards of citizen delegates, trained by independent nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), ensure that local priorities are taken up in the budget to the largest extent possible (principle of citizen control). In Porto Alegre, this process has led to huge changes: it involved large parts of the (poor) population—up to 33 600 people in 2002, reduced corruption, and rendered public administration more efficient and transparent (Abers 2000; Avritzer 2002; Baiocchi 2005). As a result it created great enthusiasm around the world and is recognized as good practice by international organizations. Although a government change in 2004, financial problems, and the newly established link between PB and ideas of “governance” have modified the original process, it has been widely diffused to Brazil, Latin America, and other continents. In 2010, between 795 and 1469 versions existed in the world: 511–920 in Latin America and the Caribbean, 174–296 in Europe, 2–10 in North America, 40–120 in Asia, 66–110 in Africa, and 2–10 in Oceania (Sintomer et al. 2010).
Petitions
Authors: Contamin Jean‐Gabriel
Published: January 2013

Petitions are usually defined as “protest texts which are intended to be signed by a number of persons, at least one of whom has not the opportunity to amend it.” This element of the repertoires of collective action has rarely been studied in sociology because it seemed too obvious. But, because it might be less obvious than it appears, it might be a fruitful opening to questioning social movement theory.
Social Control
Authors: Earl Jennifer
Published: January 2013

Social control is such a widely recognized concept that one would suspect that a consensual definition of it exists. That is not the case. While one can generally define social control as the formal and informal processes that socialize, sanction, and/or reward individuals for conformity, and produce social regularity, specific definitions of social control vary widely (see Meier's 1982 discussion on this point and his fascinating history of the concept). In its broadest definition, childhood socialization plays an important role in social control, ongoing social influence processes such as shaming rituals play critical roles in informal social control, and law enforcement and the legal system play critical roles in formal social control. Moreover, social control can involve fairly innocent creations of conformity that generally bring great social good (i.e., driving on the same side of the street and acknowledging and abiding by common rules of the road) or can involve a dark side where conformity is achieved through the loss of liberty, individuality, and free expression. Perhaps because of this breadth and dimensionality, Sutton (1996) has argued that the concept goes too far and is too imprecise; he recommends abandoning the term altogether and using a more precise term such as sanctioning instead.
Social Movements
Authors: Snow David A.
Published: January 2013

Social movements and related phenomena, such as protest demonstrations and revolutions, are collective actions through which aggrieved collectivities give voice publicly to various grievances and press relevant authorities to attend to the associated claims and/or demands. The grievances generally range from political and religious oppression to socioeconomic inequalities to procedural and/or rights‐based inequalities to all kinds of lifestyle concerns and perceived social and environmental harms. Although there are more institutionalized and typically less public forums in which collectivities can express their grievances and concerns, particularly in democratic societies, social movements have functioned as an important vehicle for articulating and pressing an aggrieved collectivity's interests and claims for much of human history. Certainly many of the most significant events and changes throughout the course of human history—such as the rise and spread of Christianity and Islam, the Reformation, and the French, American, Russian, and Chinese communist revolutions, for example—cannot be fully understood apart from the operation and influence of social movements. Similarly, many of the world's most influential and famous figures—such as Jesus Christ, the apostle Paul, Muhammad, Martin Luther, Lenin, Gandhi, Mao Zedong, Martin Luther King, Jr, and Nelson Mandela—gained their celebrity and influence, in part, from the movements with which they were associated and/or lead. And, today, it is difficult to name a contested social issue with which a social movement is not associated on at least one side of the issue. Whatever the issue—abortion, animal rights, border control, civil rights, human rights, democratization, environmental warming, gender equality, gun control, immigration, labor and unions, nuclear weapons, religious freedom, war, water conservation and control, and world poverty—one typically finds one or more associated social movements. Whether we live in a “movement society” or world, as some scholars have suggested (Meyer & Tarrow 1998), there is little question but that social movements are important social phenomena and that our understanding of the social world, both past and present, is partly beholden to our understanding of social movements and the activities and events with which they are associated.
Threat
Authors: Van Dyke Nella
Published: January 2013

Social movements sometimes emerge in response to threats. Over recent years, the literature on social movements has emphasized the importance of political opportunities in fostering mobilization. When actors see that the political environment is becoming more receptive to their claims, for example, if new allies appear in the institutional political environment, then they will be more likely to mobilize to take advantage of the opportunity. Research shows that political opportunities have influenced a range of movements, including civil rights (McAdam 1999), women's (Costain 1992), and environmental movements (Almeida & Stearns 1998), to name just a few. However, a growing literature demonstrates that threats can be important triggers for mobilization as well.
Anti‐World Bank and
IMF
Riots
Authors: Wood Lesley J.
Published: January 2013

Anti‐World Bank and IMF riots are sometimes called “austerity protests.” These are large collective actions that include political demonstrations, general strikes, and riots triggered by grievances over state policies of economic liberalization urged by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) as conditions on obtaining loans. These “structural adjustment” conditions may involve the reduction of government subsidies and/or the increasing price of basic staples like food, water, and domestic gas. Most of the time the participants demand lower prices, restored government subsidies, wage increases that will compensate for higher prices, or jobs. Sometimes they demand the rejection of foreign debt.
Asylum, Refugee, and Immigration Movements in Australia
Authors: Tazreiter Claudia
Published: January 2013

Asylum, refugee, and immigration movements in Australia represent distinct, as well as overlapping, repertoires of collective action on behalf of others who are often silent, or silenced in public debates. Various categories of newcomers have differential rights as noncitizens, residents, or “illegals” and these differences are also reflected in the emergence and vigor of social movements in defence of the “rightless” (Agamben 1998; Dauvergne 2008). These movements have formed, engaged in forms of protest, advocacy, and collective action, and subsided in various waves in reaction to public policy that seeks to restrict the rights of migrants. In Australia such restrictions have manifest in forms of border control, in limiting access to courts and judicial review processes, through detention, and through deportation. Often the most vulnerable groups of migrants have been the targets of such measures, and it is these groups that movement actors have been engaged in defending.
Consumer Movements
Authors: Forno Francesca
Published: January 2013

The term consumer movement indicates a specific area of activism made up of individuals, informal groups, and organizations seeking to empower people both as buyers, enabling them to get the most for their money, and as a political force, striving to rewrite the rules of the marketplace.
Ethnic Movements
Authors: Okamoto Dina
Published: January 2013

Organized by groups whose distinctiveness is based on national origin, culture, language, religion, territory, or phenotype, ethnic movements are enacted with the purpose of promoting or resisting social change. Ethnic groups express grievances or claims on behalf of the larger collective through organized group efforts which are often directed at actors and institutions or other ethnic groups. The target of an ethnic movement can vary depending upon its goals, which can include improving the status of minority groups, influencing policy, or demanding independence. Like other social movements, ethnic movements are enacted, in part, outside of institutional channels and may threaten the status quo. While many ethnic movements are peaceful, those associated with secessionist and separatist movements may engage in ethnic violence. No matter what tactics and strategies are used, the emergence of ethnic movements within multi‐ethnic states—the vast majority of countries around the world—presents a challenge to democratic nations and civil societies.
Freedom Summer (
U
nited
S
tates)
Authors: McAdam Doug
Published: January 2013

Freedom Summer is the colloquial term by which we now refer to one of the major campaigns in the US civil rights movement. Known at the time simply as the Mississippi summer project, Freedom Summer was the brainchild of Robert Moses, veteran field secretary for the Student Non‐Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). Though officially sponsored by a coalition of civil rights groups, the SNCC was the driving force behind the 1964 project. The ostensible goal of the project was to register as many black voters as possible in advance of the 1964 presidential election. But there was perhaps a more important underlying aim. At the time of the project the SNCC had been working in Mississippi for three years with little to show for its effort. The organization's work in the state was at a stalemate. By bringing a large number of Northern, mostly white student volunteers to the state to work during the summer, the organization hoped to break the stalemate. More to the point, they hoped that the presence of the white volunteers would bring the national media as well, helping to dramatize the continued denial of civil rights to black Mississippians as well as the ongoing violence against civil rights workers in the state.
Friedan, Betty (1921–2006)
Authors: Threlfall Monica
Published: January 2013

Friedan is widely considered to be the founder of modern US feminism, and as this ushered in the second wave of feminism in Europe and later sparked off new first waves in many other countries until it became a worldwide movement, it is not surprising that Friedan sometimes claimed to have changed the course of human history. Certainly Friedan, born soon after World War I, was well in advance of her era's thinking when she undertook her original project to examine whether housewives were happy with their lot. But her first book containing the bombshell of women's pervasive discontent was also timely as it was published in the same year as the official Kennedy Commission on the Status of Women's reportAmerican Women, which also questioned women's exclusion from nondomestic life. The discrimination of women was on the agenda, and the moment for sex equality had come.
Grassroots Movements
Authors: Horton Lynn
Published: January 2013

Much research has recognized the increasing prevalence and importance of grassroots movements, particularly in contemporary struggles over globalization. A number of case studies explore the goals, tactics, and trajectories of specific grassroots mobilizations in such areas as environmental justice, indigenous land struggles, women's rights, and slum dweller movements. While more systematic, comparative examination of such movements is relatively limited, it is possible to identify a set of common elements that broadly characterize grassroots movements. These include status of members, scope of activities, forms of leadership and participation, and global linkages. Grassroots movements also often experience tensions between their role as incubators of innovative, even radical, ideologies and practices and the necessity to further transform themselves into more institutionalized social movement organizations.
Hackers
Authors: Stobaugh James E. , Cross B. Remy
Published: January 2013

Computer hacking and online protests have increasingly become options for social movement organizations (SMOs) looking to disrupt oppositional institutions or gain exposure for their cause. While many, and perhaps most, SMOs maintain at the very least an online presence in the form of a website, some groups have begun to use online communication as a means of advancing their own goals (Wray 1999).
H
amas (
P
alestine)
Authors: Gunning Jeroen
Published: January 2013

The Islamic Resistance Movement, better known by its Arabic acronym HAMAS, was founded at the start of the first Palestinian Intifada between December 1987 and January 1988. It began as the resistance wing of the Palestinian Muslim Brotherhood, established in the mid‐1940s as the Palestinian branch of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood. By the mid‐1990s, Hamas had eclipsed its parent organization and had become the main opposition party to Fatah (Hroub 2000; Mishal & Sela 2006).
K
orean Residents Movement in
J
apan
Authors: Chapman David
Published: January 2013

In early 1945 approximately two million Koreans were living in Japan. At the end of World War II almost one and half million returned to Korea and around 600 000 remained in Japan. In late 1945 the newly formed League of Koreans (Zainippon Chōsenjin Renmei) called for the eradication of imperialism and militarism, the abolition of Japan's Emperor System and the independence of Koreans in Japan. The first postwar large‐scale protest of resident Koreans in Japan ensued, with a rally of many thousands held in Hibiya Park on December 28, 1945. Many of the protesters expressed grievances and demands relating to the protection of property, personal safety, salary payments, benefits, and the prosecution of those responsible for the massacre of Koreans during the 1923 Great Kanto earthquake.
M
andela,
N
elson (1918–)
Authors: van Kessel Ineke
Published: January 2013

As one of the leaders of the resistance against apartheid in South Africa, Nelson Mandela constructed and lived different images of himself over the years to suit his various audiences at home and abroad. His roles included those of youth activist, volunteer‐in‐chief in campaigns of civil disobedience, lawyer, defendant, and prisoner, leader of the African National Congress (ANC), commander‐in‐chief of the ANC's armed wing Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), the world's most famous political prisoner, president of South Africa (1994–1999), elder statesman, as well as that of universal icon in the struggle for justice and reconciliation. However, Mandela's opponents portrayed him differently, with the South African government framing him as a terrorist and a communist. The label “terrorist” was also used by the US government, which placed Mandela and other leading ANC members on a list of “terrorists” who were barred from entering the country unless a waiver was granted by the US secretary of state. Mandela's name was finally removed from this list in July 2008, just before his 90th birthday.
MollyMaguires (UnitedStates)
Authors: Martin Andrew
Published: January 2013

The history of organized labor in most industrialized nations tends to be quite violent. This is especially true in the US, where employers often relied upon their own private security force, or the apparatus of the state, to quell labor unrest. Many labor unions during this period fell victim to a political and economic climate that granted business elites considerable discretion in ridding their workforce of union influence. Notorious instances included the lynching of Wobbly activists like Joe Hill, the Haymarket Riot of 1886 in Chicago, and a railway strike in 1877 that resulted in significant civilian casualties inflicted by state militia. These and other instances of violence, not surprisingly, led some unions, and many individual workers, to respond with violence of their own. The case of the Molly Maguires is an especially interesting historical example of the violence that sprang out of contentious industrial relations in America.
N
ational
O
rganization for
W
omen (
NOW
) (
U
nited
S
tates)
Authors: Gilmore Stephanie
Published: January 2013

The National Organization for Women (NOW) was the largest explicitly feminist organization of the post‐World War II women's movement, and remains active into the twenty‐first century. NOW was founded in June 1966, at the third annual meeting of the President's Commission on the Status of Women (PCSW); at this meeting in Washington DC, delegates refused to pass a resolution mandating the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) to hear cases related to on‐the‐job sex discrimination cases. Commissioners Aileen Hernandez and Richard Graham had been pushing the EEOC to hear cases of sex discrimination, but were outnumbered by three other commissioners who denied sex discrimination as a violation of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act. Sonia Pressman Fuentes, an EEOC attorney, suggested that women needed an organization to speak on behalf of women as the NAACP and other organizations had done for African Americans; she also coined the name “National Organization for Women.” Pauli Murray, law professor at Yale and PCSW delegate, joined Hernandez, Graham, Fuentes, and others in denouncing the EEOC's decision. When journalist Betty Friedan called a meeting in her hotel room, between 15 and 20 women and men joined her and began the planning stages for what would become the National Organization for Women. Since Friedan was not formally involved with the PCSW, she was appointed the spokesperson. When the group met in October 1966 to create bylaws and a statement of purpose, Friedan was elected president of NOW.
R
ed
B
rigades (
I
taly)
Authors: Bosi Lorenzo
Published: January 2013

The origins of the Red Brigades (Brigate Rosse in Italian; hereafter BR), which emerged in October 1970, are to be found in the Collettivo Politico Metropolitano (CPM), formed in Milan in September 1969 with the support of various local workers' and students' committees. Among other left‐wing armed groups operating in Italy since the early 1970s the BR was the largest, the leading organization in terms of degree of political violence deployed, claiming 145 killings, and most long‐lived, lasting, despite splitting up into various groups and wings, until the end of the 1980s. It was strictly organized into city columns: Milan and Turin were the first, which were subdivided into brigades with three‐ to five‐member “cells.” Over time the city columns expanded into Rome, Genoa, Naples, and Venice. Over the 1970s and the 1980s it was estimated as being composed of over 400 full‐time members, plus an unknown number of supporters.
Social Movements in
I
ndia
Authors: SinghaRoy Debal K.
Published: January 2013

Indian society has long been a breeding ground for a range of tribal, caste, peasant, worker's, women's, ethnic, regional, environmental, human rights, gay rights, and animal rights movements, and many other social movements under the auspices of varied ideologies and organizations. This entry outlines the emergence and dynamics of some of these movements in the context of societal transitions in contemporary India.
State‐Sponsored Social Movements
Authors: Su Yang
Published: January 2013

A state‐sponsored social movement refers to a popular movement initiated and endorsed by the central leadership of the state and organized by the government's apparatuses. Collective action events are peopled by citizens in their capacity as nonstate actors, but the main source of claims, leadership, and organizational resources is from within the state itself, and state actors, in their official capacities, serve as the main organizers. Examples range from a daily ritual that the government calls for its citizens to perform (such as a pledge of allegiance) to a campaign of persecutions against its minorities (such as genocide). Oft‐cited historical events such as the Nazi persecution of Jews in Hitler's Germany and the Cultural Revolution in Mao's China, are considered to be state‐sponsored movements. Other less extreme examples also belong to the category, as will become clear when the concept is further clarified.
StudentNonviolentCoordinatingCommittee (SNCC) (UnitedStates)
Authors: Polletta Francesca
Published: January 2013

The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) was formed in the spring of 1960 to support the student sit‐ins against segregation that were sweeping the south. By 1962, the group had metamorphosed into a cadre of activists who combined direct action with political organizing in the most repressive areas of Mississippi and southwest Georgia. Never a membership organization, SNCC (pronounced “Snick”) had 160 staffers at its largest. It lasted only eight years and it could take credit for no landmark civil rights legislation or policy. Yet, then and now, SNCC's influence far outstripped its size, longevity, or easily measurable accomplishments.
Women's Movements in
E
urope
Authors: Bereni Laure
Published: January 2013

Women's movements in Europe appeared during the second half of the nineteenth century, a time of nation‐state building and slow progress towards the realization of democratic principles. Women were excluded from the political realm, but they could increasingly organize on behalf of their (constrained) identities as women. Among the various emerging women's organizations, mostly dedicated to philanthropic and social reform work, some sought to challenge women's subordination to men. By the first decades of the twentieth century, a number of these organizations began to identify as “feminist,” after the term coined by French suffragist Hubertine Auclert. While not all women's movements overtly struggled against gender hierarchy and saw themselves as feminist, all addressed women as a constituency and devoted a large part of their energies to work
for
women.
Moral Shocks/Outrage
Authors: Mariel Lemonik Arthur Mikaila
Published: January 2013

Many analysts of social movements are interested in how it is that people come to participate in social movement activity. The decision to participate is not a simple one—social movement participants may face significant risks and personal costs, such as arrest or violence, if they become involved. In addition, individuals often perceive social movements as being able to obtain desired goals without their own personal action, a dilemma that has come to be known as the “free‐rider” problem (Chong 1991). Some popular explanations for individuals' decisions to join social movements have included biographical availability and mobilization through preexisting social networks (Snow, Zurcher, & Ekland‐Olson 1980). However, there are individuals who participate in social movements without being connected to any existing networks or being in any significant way biographically available. The moral shocks perspective shows how these individuals, often ignored in research about participation in social movements, can recruit themselves into social movement activity due to their experience of a moral shock.
Racist Social Movements
Authors: Blee Kathleen
Published: January 2013

Racist movements are organized, collective efforts to create, preserve, or extend racial hierarchies of power and privilege. Such movements explicitly espouse the ideologies of white supremacism and/or anti‐Semitism (anti‐Judaism or hatred of Muslims or Arabs) that were consolidated in the Western world in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Manifestations of intergroup antagonism in earlier times, even conflicts that cross what later would be regarded as racial lines, generally are not considered racial movements because these are not based in modern ideas of race as an essential, biological, polarized, and unchanging attribute of social groups. Denoting as racist only social movements that take place in Western societies is a common practice in sociological research, as most scholars regard white supremacism and anti‐Semitism as the legacy of ideologies by which European colonists sought to exonerate their brutal conquests and occupations (Frederickson 2002). However, this restriction has been challenged by studies that use the concept racist (or racial) movements to describe subnational intergroup antagonisms in a number of non‐Western societies, including China, India, Indonesia, and Russia.
Animal Rights Movement
Authors: TraÏni C.
Published: January 2013

In the English‐speaking world, the expression “animal rights movement” is used to designate activist organizations that, since the late 1970s, have denounced the exploitation of animals. By then, however, the history of social movements for the protection of animals was already more than 150 years old. Indeed, since the start of the nineteenth century, activists appalled at the human treatment of animals have mobilized against the brutality of our customary behavior. The initial concern was with the treatment of cattle and it is only through a gradual sociological process that animal protection extended to pets and then, much later still, to wild species and to their natural environment. This long history of mobilization for the protection of animals is inevitably linked to the evolution, not merely of socially acceptable emotions, but also of the threshold of tolerance of uncontrolled violence (Élias & Dunning 1986). Methodologically, historical analysis has proven essential in reconstructing the genesis of the variety of emotional gratifications thanks to which animal advocacy can still today mobilize activists of widely varying sociological profiles.
Labor Movement
Authors: Fantasia Rick , Voss Kim , Eidlin Barry
Published: January 2013

The labor movement is a broad, multidimensional social formation that is generated from the social structures of work and industry in a society. It may comprise both legally recognized and formally sanctioned institutions (like trade unions, political parties, and works councils) as well as less formal groupings of workers and their allies (industrial actions, organizations of strike supporters, workers centers, dissident movements within unions, cultural forms, etc.). Labor movements operate at the intersection of economic practice, civil society, and the state. They are more or less firmly institutionalized in any given society in any given historical period, and can be partly characterized by the extent to which extra‐institutional practices are permitted and have been incorporated into the routine operations of industrial and labor relations. The social and organizational composition of a labor movement, as well as the degree to which its practices have been institutionalized, are thus two important analytical axes through which the social logic of a labor movement can be discerned.
Attac
Authors: Uggla Fredrik
Published: January 2013

Founded in France in 1998, Attac (Association pour une taxation des transactions financiers pour l'aide aux citoyens) has been one of the most prominent groups in the so‐called global justice (also known as the antiglobalization or the alter‐mondialization) movement, with tens of thousands of members in its country of origin, and national chapters in dozens of other countries. The group has mixed a critique of liberal economic policies in general with a very specific demand: the introduction of a tax on financial transfers as a method to restrain financial markets and raise revenue for development projects.
Consciousness, Conscience, and Social Movements
Authors: Snow David A. , Lessor Roberta G.
Published: January 2013

Few concepts and/or processes have so intrigued and perplexed philosophers, theologians, social scientists, and, more recently, neuroscientists, as that of consciousness (Ornstein 1973; Jaynes 1976; Velmans & Schneider 2007). At its core, “consciousness” translates into awareness, both internal awareness of self and external awareness of context. “Conscience,” on the other hand, can be regarded as the moral component or value‐laden dimension of consciousness. Conscience constitutes the core of the “superego” of the Freudian triadic structure of the self (Freud 1962), and the “me” of the Meadian dyadic structure of the self (Mead 1962). In both cases, conscience can be construed as the socially or culturally constraining part of self, and thus inextricably linked to consciousness. Both consciousness and conscience figure prominently in theorizing and analyzing social movements.
Green Movement in
I
ran
Authors: Rezai Hamid
Published: January 2013

Like analysts of Iran during the 1970s, current observers of Iranian politics overwhelmingly described the outbreak of massive protests in the aftermath of the controversial presidential election on June 12, 2009, known as the Green Movement, as surprising and unpredictable. Yet many actors on the ground accurately anticipated the post‐election turbulence. Shortly before the election, as rumors about possible election fraud spread through text‐messaging and online media, masses of supporters of Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karrubi, two presidential candidates in the race against incumbent Mahmood Ahmadinejad, shouted slogans such as “agar taqallob besheh Iran qiamat misheh,” or “if there has been cheating [in the election], Iran will explode” (Fassihi 2009). When state officials declared Ahmadinejad as the clear winner the next day, claiming that he had received 62 percent of the votes, millions of Iranians poured into the streets shouting “r'aye man kojast?” or “where is my vote?” to express outrage over what they perceived to be electoral fraud. Since then, many protesters across Iran have been killed and thousands arrested. Several hundred activists have left the country to escape state repression.
Meetings
Authors: Haug Christoph
Published: January 2013

A meeting is a gathering of three or more participants who maintain a single focus of cognitive and visual attention while engaging in multiparty talk that is ostensibly related to some common business of the participants (cf. Schwartzman 1989: 7, 61, 274–275); it has clearly marked boundaries in time (beginning and end are officially announced) and space (a spatial environment of mutual monitoring possibilities). These boundaries partially suspend the social structures of the meeting's environment, thus creating a relatively autonomous unit of social life. The meeting develops its own structures which both enable and constrain the interactions of the participants. These structures include the sequential organization of meeting talk (turn‐taking) and topics (agenda), the need to be relevant with regard to the current topic, procedural rules, as well as a number of functional roles related to the maintenance of the meeting itself, usually including the role of a facilitator. These structures are culturally contingent and social movements often develop their own specific meeting culture which—consciously or unconsciously—reflects much of the movement's identity and the goals for which it strives.
Politics of Grief and Grieving “Mothers” Movements
Authors: Flam Helena
Published: January 2013

Recently social movement research has opened to the idea that emotions are important to collective action. Social movements challenge emotions, such as loyalty, gratitude, or love, that cement society, and reinforce the established institutions and relations of domination. They also redirect (empathy, anger, loyalty), weaken (fear, in‐group animosities), convert (shame into anger) or intensify (anger with the opponent, in‐group solidarity) the emotions of their members to sustain the momentum, help win over accidental onlookers and deal with movement opponents (Flam & King 2005). An entire spectrum of emotions in various constellations plays a role in social movement mobilization, internal dynamics, and demise. Of these solidarity, shame, anger, pride, and fear receive most attention.