bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Contributions to the History of Southern Aeolis
Authors: Ramsay W. M.
Published: May 2006

The journey which Aelius Aristides made in the year 167 A.D. from Smyrna to Pergamus, and which he relates with much detail in the opening of the fifth book of his Hieroi Logoi, is the most valuable evidence left as to the relative situation of Smyrna, Larissa, Cyme, Myrina, and Gryneion: and a careful study of it is the best foundation of a knowledge of Southern Aeolis. The main facts are as follows (Arist. ed. Dind. i. p. 534). On the first day his baggage was sent on in front to Myrina to be ready when he arrived in the evening. When carriages had been got ready and he himself was prepared to start, noon had arrived. In the great heat he did not like to undergo the fatigue of travelling at this hour, and waited at his house in the suburbs of Smyrna till the heat passed. The comfort of his villa was seductive, and some matters of business detained him, so that he lost a great deal of time, and when he reached the khan before the Hermus, the sun was setting. He deliberated whether he should spend the night there, but the discomfort consequent on passing the night in a bad inn without his baggage made him resolve to go on. As he was crossing the Hermus, night had just set in, which shows that it was about one hour after sunset. A cool wind invigorated him, and he was glad on reaching Larissa, ἤδη βαθείας ἑσπέρας, that the baggage was still in front, and that the inn was no better than the previous one. A little after midnight he reached Cyme. Every place was shut up, and he encouraged his followers, who apparently were anxious to stop here, to go on. On the journey the cold became more severe. About cock-crow he reached Myrina, and found his baggage in the street, as it had reached the town after every place was shut. After in vain trying to get admission to any inn, they at last were received into the house of a friend. As they entered it was still quite dark, but after a fire had been kindled the morning star had arisen, and the light of day began to appear. He resolved, therefore, not to go to sleep by day. His road then lay through Gryneion, where he stayed some time to sacrifice to Apollo, to Elaea, where he spent the night; but in these cases no indication is given of the time required for the journey.
On An Inscription at Cambridge: Boeckh, C. I. G. 106
Authors: Hicks E. L.
Published: May 2006

This inscription, which affords no external indications of its origin, was published by Böckh among the Attic decrees on very slender grounds, which he himself practically recalls in the Appendix, C. I. G. vol. i. p. 900. With reason, therefore, Köhler in vol. ii. of new Berlin Corpus has not included it among the Attic decrees. In December 1880, I re-read this inscription, together with most of the other marbles in the Library of Trinity College, Cambridge. I verified the reading of the first line given by Dobree (Appendix to Rose's Inscriptiones Graecae), and adopted by Bockh, Appendix l. c. To the text of the decree there is therefore nothing to add, and it will suffice to append a copy of it in cursive. But I hope to show that the decree is from Halikarnassos, and to identify the revolution of Troezen to which it alludes.
Apollo Hikesios
Authors: Head Barclay V.
Published: May 2006

In an article by J. Y. Akerman (Num. Chron. iv. p. 97) is the following inscription:—

Obv. Head of Antoninus Pius.

Rev.. Apollo Embasius of the Ephesians. A galley. (Vaillant, Num. Graeca.)

On turning to Vaillant's work, p. 291, I find the coin referred to by Akerman quite differently described:—

. Apollo stans nudus, dextrâ demissâ sinistro cubito columnae imposito, telum gerit: ex adverso Diana Venatricis habitu, dextrâ pariter demissâ, sinistrâ jaculum tenet. Num. Antmiini Pii. Apollinis fuit cognomen, hoc est, ascendens navim, &c.

Eckhel also cites Vaillant's description and remarks (ii. 516), ‘Apollonius Lib. I. Argonauticorum saepius meminit et quem venerati sunt Argonautae velut qui tueretur eos qui ad iter maritimum accincti ingrediuntur navim, praestaretque salvos egredi. Numen urbi opportunum cujus amplum fuit mari commercium.’
Countries and Cities in Ancient Art
Authors: Gardner Percy
Published: May 2006

Cities may be regarded in two lights. Firstly, they may be considered as collections of houses, with public buildings, market-places, and walls; as features of the natural landscape; as definite localities, with form, arrangement, and parts. Secondly, they may be regarded as bodies politic; as masses of inhabitants rather than groups of buildings; as personal rather than local. And it is obvious that by far the greatest interest attaches to them in the second aspect. In the first, however beautiful, they are but material, outward and visible; in the second they are living, spiritual, and immortal, with beliefs and customs, with heart and conscience. It is the people who make their city in its physical aspect, and it is only interesting as incorporating their history, and representing their character.

This is of course true always and everywhere. But no nation has been more fully alive to the truth than the Greeks. Among them the city was more homogeneous, more fully organized, more unified than among us, was more of a person and less of a place. If we further consider how strongly Greek art tended to avoid natural scenes of any complication, and to clothe all kinds of powers and abstractions in human form, we shall see how natural it is that the national painting and sculpture of the Hellenic race are scarcely ever occupied in bringing before us the external view of cities, but devote their energies to the portrayal of bodies politic in their human and moral aspects with the best resources at their disposal.
Decrees from Lisse or Lissae in Lycia
Authors: Hicks E. L.
Published: May 2006

In the preceding pages Mr. Bent has given a brief account of his recent tour. The chief interest of it centres in the discovery of the sites of several Carian and Lycian cities, some of them hitherto unknown even by name. Mr. Bent has placed in my hands, for publication in this Journal, a number of impressions and copies of inscriptions from these sites and from other localities. Unfortunately they arrived in England just too late for them to be made ready for these pages. But the following are inserted by way of an instalment. The first two documents discover to us an unknown Lycian town. The third adds one more name to our list of Greek artists.

‘Wall-stone of a building inland from Lydae, about five miles.’ It is the next stone in the same course with the following. From Mr. Bent's impression.
I. The Trumpet of the Areopagos. II. The Libation-ritual of the Eumenides
Authors: Verrall A. W.
Published: May 2006

There are two difficult passages in the Eumenides of Aeschylus to which it may be well to invite the attention of Greek students in general and of archaeologists in particular. It seems probable that the solution in each case is to be sought from archaeology as much as from linguistic and textual criticism.

It will be remembered that in the Eumenides, Athena, having undertaken the consideration of the suit between Orestes and his pursuers, the divine Avengeresses, pronounces the case to be improper for decision either by herself or by a single mortal arbitrator, and accordingly assembles and constitutes a court, the first court on the hill of Ares, for the purpose of the trial (Eum. 470–489). The court assembles accordingly, and Athena opens the proceedings by causing solemn silence to be proclaimed. There can be no doubt that the formalities and accompaniments of this legendary institution are imitated from those actually used in the historical tribunal. It is with this proclamation that the present question is concerned.
The Eastern Pediment of the Temple of Zeus at Olympia, and the Western Pediment of the Parthenon
Authors: Waldstein Charles
Published: May 2006

In proffering this attempt at providing a new principle for the interpretation of the Eastern Pediment of the Temple of Zeus at Olympia, founded upon the recognition of the general principles of pedimental compositions as they manifest themselves after a careful study of the extant monuments of this class, and, more especially, upon a comparison between this Olympian pediment and the western pediment of the Parthenon, the writer fears that he may meet with prejudice on the part of those who have already fixed in their minds an essentially different mode of approaching the subject. He fears this the more as it is entirely beyond his power on this occasion to give a full account of these general principles, or rather of the traditional forms of rendering mythological scenes in compositions of this class, as they have manifested themselves to him in studying a considerable number of ancient representations of mythological scenes for the purpose of elucidating the composition of the pediments of the Parthenon.
Boreas and Oreithyia on a late Attic Vase
Authors: Gardner Percy
Published: May 2006

The vase which is the subject of the present paper was acquired a few years ago in Italy for the Ashmolean Museum. The find spot was given as Capua.

The vase is a bell-krater, in height 20⅝ in. (m ·523) in diameter 19⅝ in. (m ·498). There is a wreath above, and a line of maeander pattern beneath the figures. The sides of the vase have a decoration of unusual richness. An elaborate pattern of palmettes rises to the handles, the roots of which are surrounded by the so-called egg-moulding (Eierstab). The reverse type is one of the conventional groups usual in this class of vases. Three youths, their long hair bound with wreaths (white), and wrapped in himatia, are standing together in a building which is indicated by a column rising in the midst. In the back-ground are hung up two square frames (dedications?); two tall curved leaves like notes of interrogation rise from the ground.
The Lions of Kybele
Authors: Crowfoot J. W.
Published: May 2006

These words are taken from a short choric dance-song addressed to Kybele. The verses are of singular interest: the epithets express the inner being of the Great Mother, as it was conceived by her Phrygian worshippers, and the local colouring is unexpectedly faithful; there can be no doubt for instance that Sophokles distinguished accurately between Kybele and Demeter. The chorus is thus of high historical value to the student of religions: we have very little evidence of such an early date from the country itself and we know even less of the relations, sentimental and other, then existing between Athens and Phrygia. The next Attic witness—Demosthenes—heaps ridicule upon the Phrygian mysteries. A century more of Persian rule may have been accompanied by a general deterioration of the Anatolian mysteries: in the time of Sophokles more visible relics of the glories of Lydia and Phrygia may have been standing, but this is a matter of speculation.
The Mantinean Basis: a Note
Authors: Gardner Percy
Published: May 2006

In a paper published in this Journal last year (xvi. p. 280) I proposed an arrangement of the sculptures of this basis. Unfortunately I overlooked a very able paper on the same subject by Dr. Amelung, Die Basis des Praxiteles aus Mantinea, München 1895, in which certain observations of a technical kind in regard to the sculptures are made, observations which must be carefully considered before any arrangement of the basis can be regarded as established. I give a translation of these observations.

‘All three slabs are on their left end cut off by a straight line, and have there at bottom a vertical dowel-hole, to receive a dowel rising from below. Thus all on this side joined other slabs. Both the slabs with figures of Muses on their right end have similar flat surfaces. The Marsyas slab is different. At its right end the marble projected above and below so far as the mouldings are concerned, but these projecting mouldings are roughly cut off. The surface of the end between the projections is not perfectly flat, but follows a slight curve. It is evident then that this slab at its right end met neither of the Muse-slabs. Clearly the cornice and basis projected from the front of the basis to the side, and were roughly cut away when the slab was fitted into the pavement of the church.
Venatio Alexandri
Authors: Perdrizet Paul
Published: May 2006

We learn from Pliny and Plutarch that there was in the sanctuary at Delphi a large bronze group, the work of Lysippus and Leochares, with a dedication by Craterus, Alexander's lieutenant, representing the rescue of Alexander by Craterus in a lion-hunt. The precision with which certain details are mentioned, (in particular the dogs) seems to show clearly that Plutarch was speaking de visu of this work of art; there is no need to imagine that it was transported to Rome and that it was there he saw it. It is therefore quite possible to suppose that it was still in existence at Delphi at the time of Pausanias's visit. As the Periegetes makes no reference to it, his enemies will not fail to take advantage of this omission; unjustly, for Pausanias did not undertake to give a complete enumeration of even the most important ex-votos, with which in his time the sanctuary at Delphi was still crowded.
Iron in Homer
Authors: Jevons F. B.
Published: May 2006

Iron is mentioned in the following passages of Homer (ὅστις ποτ᾿ ἐστίν, εἰ τόδ᾿ αὐτῷ φίλον κεκλημένῳ, τοῦτό νιν προσεννέπω), and in these passages only:—

Δ 123, 485, 510; Ε 723; Ζ 48; Η 141, 144, 473; Θ 15; Ι 366; Κ 379; Λ 133; Ρ 424; Σ 34; Υ 372; Χ 357; Ψ 30, 177, 261, 834, 851; Ω 205, 521; a 184, 204; δ 293; ε 191; ι 393; μ 280; ξ 324; ο 329; π 294; ρ 565; τ 13, 211, 494, 587; φ 3, 10, 61, 81, 97, 114, 127, 328; ψ 172; ω 168, 177.

These passages form a basis for discussing two interesting and important points in the Homeric question: (1) whether Homer's acquaintance with iron differs so much in different books that we must believe those books to belong to different ages; and (2) whether iron plays such different parts in Homer and in Mycenae that we cannot believe the Homeric age to be coincident with the Mycenaean period.
The Procedure of the Gortynian Inscription
Authors: Headlam J. W.
Published: May 2006

I propose in the following article to inquire what can be determined concerning the procedure of the Gortynian Inscription. It is scarcely necessary to insist on the importance of the subject. This is the only document that we have that gives us an authentic record of the earlier stages of Greek law. The history of Greek law is little known; knowledge of it is most valuable for the light that it throws on the social and political life of Greece, and especially because it supplies a most important element in the comparative study of law. The legal side of history can never be neglected with impunity. Even though the Greeks never became such accomplished lawyers as the Romans, their legal and political institutions were closely connected, and our ignorance of their laws often prevents us from understanding their politics.

It is however for its relation to the laws of other nations that Greek law deserves chiefly to be studied. Our knowledge of the early legal antiquities of European races is still very limited.
Harpies in Greek Art
Authors: Smith Cecil
Published: May 2006

It would seem to be a difficult matter in archaeology to get rid once for all of an erroneous idea which has firmly asserted itself; at any rate it is desirable when an error has been combated without complete success, to adduce any fresh proofs of the truth that may occur. For this reason I venture to reintroduce a question which, as many will doubtless think, has really been finally settled, I mean the distinction which, to the Greek mind at any rate, existed between the Siren and the Harpy. These two mythological creations were to the Greeks as regards outward form as widely distinct as possible; the Siren has in Greek art the form of a bird with human head, or human bust and arms; the Harpy has invariably the winged figure of a woman, with no other distinguishing feature, unless it be that in one instance her hands are drawn in a method suggestive of claws. And yet we hear it constantly asserted that the Harpy has sometimes in Greek art the body of a bird, like a Siren; and when a figure occurs which has a bird's body with the upper part of a woman's body, this is still described, as in the old catalogues, as ‘a Siren or Harpy.’

The error has arisen principally owing to the fact that in the later monuments and literary notices the type of the Harpies became assimilated to that of the Sirens.
New Evidence on the Melian Amphorae
Authors: Hopkinson J. H. , Baker-Penoyre John ff.
Published: May 2006

The importance of the ‘Melian Amphorae’ in the history of early vase-painting has long been recognised, but the difficulty of locating an isolated fabric which in itself consisted of only five complete examples, all of uncertain provenance, has hitherto prevented any adequate treatment. Any extension of the class would therefore have been welcome. But the amphora which is now added to the list (vide Appendix) has a value in itself beyond its cumulative importance. Not only is there stronger evidence in this case than in any of the others that the vase was actually found in Melos, but the decoration of the vase adds new figure-subjects and new schemes of ornament to those previously recognised as characteristic of the class. Indeed the whole ‘Melian’ class as at present constituted consists of large and elaborate vases, ceramic masterpieces, each of which possesses its own individual scheme of decoration. This appears very clearly in a comparison of the present amphora with two typical examples from those previously published, namely, the Herakles and the Artemis amphorae. In the Herakles vase the painter has produced his effect by an elaborate and ornate treatment both of the figure-scenes and of the ornament forms.
Greek Lyric Metre
Authors: Headlam W.
Published: May 2006

That, after all that has been written on the subject, I imagine to be still the question in the bosom of most readers when they are confronted with a piece of Lyric metre at all complicated. Those who are fortunate enough to have an ear for rhythm, and thus the capability of understanding, are still left, it seems to me, to hear a piece of metre as an uninstructed person hears a piece of music: though he may experience to a considerable degree a sense of vague and general satisfaction, he will lack the understanding of a musical adept. But a musician, hearing a sonata, follows what is being done; observes the themes of which the composition is constructed; notes the treatment of them, how they are developed, varied, and combined; perceives their ethical significance, and feels intelligent artistic pleasure. For all that I can see, the books on lyric metre do not put a student in the position to do this.
Pheneus and the Pheneatiké
Authors: Baker-Penoyre John ff.
Published: May 2006

At three o'clock on the afternoon of July 6th, 1901, I stood at the extreme edge of the col between Mount Skipieza and Mount Saïta, staring with a mixture of incredulity, irritation, and interest at the scene before me. Where I had expected to see the lake of Pheneus, a blue expanse of twenty-five square miles of water, there lay a fertile stretching plain, for the most part a blaze of golden corn, while here and there a white point of light shewed where a fustanella'd harvester was at his peaceful toil. Nearer, the corn gave place to an ugly foreground of sun-cracked clay, while just at my feet, stretching from side to side of the narrowing valley, lay a mere ribbon of slate-coloured water—all that is left of the lake of Pheneus to-day.

I knew that such changes in its condition had been noted by travellers from Pausanias downwards, but this last and I believe final disappearance of the historic lake seems to have passed without notice in Athens and elsewhere.
An Investigation of the Topography of the Region of Sphacteria and Pylos
Authors: Grundy G. Beardoe
Published: May 2006

The expenses of this investigation were to a great extent defrayed by grants of money which the University of Oxford and the Principal and Fellows of Brazenose College were kind enough to vote me for the purpose.

I am greatly indebted to the advocacy of my friends Professor Pelham and Mr. Macan in obtaining these grants.

In the winter of 1892–3 I did some topographical work in Southern Boeotia. The results of that work were, to myself at any rate, satisfactory in the sense that I felt when the work was finished that I had done something towards clearing up my own ideas with regard to important parts of the histories of Herodotus and Thucydides, and that I might possibly, if I stated my views with sufficient clearness, help to free the minds of others from difficulties to which the study of those portions of the histories must inevitably give rise.
A New Fragment of the ‘Edictum Diocletiani’
Authors: Tod Marcus Niebuhr
Published: May 2006

During a visit to Corone (the ancient Asine and medieval Coron) in March of this year, I copied and took impressions of a stone which had been recently found in the Venetian fortress there, not far from the church of Ἄγιος Χαράλαμπος. It is a fragment of a white marble stele, of which only the left margin is preserved. Height ·365 m.; breadth ·16 m.; thickness ·09 m.

The letters are small and carelessly formed, often running into each other and rendering the reading somewhat difficult.
A Marble Head perhaps from Sunium
Authors: Gardner Percy
Published: May 2006

The charming little head which is represented on Pl. VI. was bought six or more years ago at Lamia by the Rev. R. F. Acland-Hood from a Greek who professed to have dug it up himself in the neighbourhood of the temple of Athena at Sunium. Mr. Acland-Hood had intended to give it to the Museum at Zanzibar: but he kindly consented to make it over to the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford in exchange for other antiquities provided by Mr. Arthur Evans and myself.

The height of the head from the chin to the top is 4½ inches (cm. 11·5). At the back is a fracture which indicates that it was there joined on to the ground of a relief. I have tried to mount it in exactly the attitude and position in which, to judge from the fracture, it originally stood.

That the head belonged to a figure in high relief is clear from the fracture. But even apart from that, it would be certain. For the back of the head is very roughly worked, and is certainly not intended to be seen. The marble is according to Mr. J. L. Myres, a competent geologist, Parian. The preservation is excellent, only the tip of the nose being somewhat injured.
Archaeology in Greece, 1894–5
Authors: Gardner E. A.
Published: May 2006

The excavations between the Pnyx and the Areopagus, made by the German School under the direction of Professor Dörpfeld, have been continued once more during the present season. In consequence of the great interest of the topographical problems involved, it was decided last year that the site should be expropriated by the Greek government, and thus the excavators are no longer hampered by the necessity of piling up the earth near at hand, so that it could be put back again if required. The liberal subvention made by the German government to its School was supplemented this year by private subscriptions, for the purpose of these excavations, and consequently it was possible to continue them for a considerable time, and to clear a large area. Unfortunately it has hitherto proved impossible to divert the modern road, which runs right through the site, and conceals the place where Professor Dörpfeld supposes that the fountain Enneacrunus once stood. Until this also can be removed, we can hardly expect to arrive at certainty on the point.

Under these circumstances, the confirmation or refutation of Dr. Dörpfeld's theories of Athenian topography in this region has still to depend on the evidence offered by the surrounding buildings. Here too nothing decisive has yet been found, though many very interesting discoveries have been made, which are cited with great ingenuity by Professor Dörpfeld as tending to corroborate his theory.
Lives of Homer. II
Authors: Allen T. W.
Published: May 2006

We have next to inquire into the relation of these lives to one another. One way of doing this is to consider the authorities they quote. The Herodotean Life naturally stands on one side; IV. also as being clearly V. less its quotations, may be neglected. I mark with an asterisk the ἅπαξ ϕερόμενα in each case.
Elpis-Nemesis
Authors: Marshall F. H.
Published: May 2006

The two objects figured on Plate VII. are casts from the two sides of a limestone mould in the British Museum (Fig. 1). The mould is grooved round the edge, where it is a good deal broken away. The diameter is 11·4 cm., the thickness, 1·9 cm. The mould was acquired by the Museum in 1910. Its provenance is not known. The descriptions which here follow apply to the casts.
Kleophrades
Authors: Beazley J. D.
Published: May 2006

Hartwig was the first writer to give a detailed account of the important painter who for the sake of convenience may be called Kleophrades. Nine vases are assigned by the author of Meisterschalen to an artist whom he terms ‘Amasis II.’; but the name under which he grouped them rests upon an untenable restoration of the fragmentary inscription

on the foot of a cup in the Cabinet des Médailles. The last and broken letter can only be a and we cannot therefore restore Ἄμασις ἔγραφαεν the choice lies between Ἀμάσιος ὑύς and Ἄμασις καλός, and of these the former, which is Six's reading, is probably preferable. In any case the manufacturer from whose workshop the cup came was called Kleophrades.
The Dedicated Ship of Antigonus Gonatas
Authors: Tarn W. W.
Published: May 2006

This paper is the sequel to one dealing with the chronology of the battles of Andres and Cos, published in the last number of this Journal: in it I propose to consider such information as we have about a great ship belonging to Antigonus Gonatas, which may throw some little additional light on these two battles. It is perhaps unnecessary to recall the fact that the third century B.C. was distinguished by a colossal series of experiments in the building of large warships, and that the limits of the effective history of these in action, so far as known to us, coincide pretty well (omitting Antony's revival) with those of the effective action of the Antigonid dynasty at sea: that is to say, ships larger than hexereis are not heard of in action earlier than the time of Antigonus I. or later than the time of Philip V. I make one assumption in this paper, if it be an assumption and not an axiom: I shall suppose that what is true alike of the earliest flint axes and of the modern battleship was true of the naval war-machines of the third century B.C., and that the advances made in building, dimly as we can distinguish them, were due, not to this or that chance or whim, but to a linked process of development.
Some Bronzes recently acquired for the Ashmolean Museum
Authors: Gardner P.
Published: May 2006

In 1897 Professor Furtwängler, whose loss we feel more and more, published in the Proceedings of the Academy of Munich certain early bronzes from various parts of Greece and Italy, and belonging to various Museums. He then observed how great is the importance of these bronze statuettes of good Greek work, seeing that larger bronze statues have almost wholly disappeared, and the masterpieces of the great bronze-casters survive only in marble copies of the Roman age. With this suggestive observation I fully concur.

The excavations of recent years have brought to light a considerable number of important Greek bronze statuettes, which can be in some measure dated by the circumstances of finding, as well as by style. Many of these are in the National Museum at Athens, published by De Ridder. A certain number, as is natural in the case of such small and valuable objects, have been exported from Greece and Italy and purchased by great Museums or by private collectors. Unfortunately in regard to many of these the place and circumstances of finding must always be doubtful, as it is not in the interest of the seller that the truth should be known.
The Olympian Theatron and the Battle of Olympia
Authors: Dyer Louis
Published: May 2006

Once only—seven years after the battle of Leuctra—there was actual fighting within the sacred precinct, the Altis, of Olympia,—in the 104th Olympiad (364 B.C.). From time immmoreial, before and since that year, the inhabitants of Elis, as Polybius (iv. 73) phrased it 200 years later, ‘enjoyed on account of the Olympian games’ so unique and privileged a dispensation that Olympia and the whole of Elis was a Holy Land, and feared no ravages of war. The Eleans, by the same token, were ideally conceived of as living consecrated lives (ίερὸν βίον) and enjoyed immunity from battle and sudden death. In his account of the one and only battle of Olympia, Xenophon—writing after he had lived for twenty-three years within an afternoon's stroll of the Olympian Altis—alludes in passing to the θέατρον by way of explaining just where the fighting took place.
Theopompus (or Cratippus), Hellenica
Authors: Underhill G. E.
Published: May 2006

‘Since the discovery of the ῾Αθηναίων Πολιτεία in 1890’ the learned editors of the Oxyrhynchus papyri tell us, ‘Egypt has not produced any historical papyrus at all comparable in importance to these portions of a lost Greek historian, obviously of the first rank, dealing in minute detail with the events of the Greek world in the years 396 and 395 B.C.’ Drs. Grenfell and Hunt are indeed to be congratulated first on having made so great a discovery—a piece of luck which their long and arduous labours, systematically and scientifically conducted, have so richly deserved—and secondly they are still more to be congratulated on the success with which they have pieced together and deciphered the text and illumined their interpretation with clearly written and closely argued introduction and notes. They have not contented themselves, as they well might have done, merely with arranging and deciphering the text—a work demanding the greatest patience and the most exact scholarship—but they have boldly tackled, and with great acumen, the difficult question of the authorship of the work and many historical problems raised both by the fragmentary nature of the text itself and by comparison of its statements with those of other extant authorities.
Three Bronze Figures from Asia Minor
Authors: Cowper H. S.
Published: May 2006

This little archaic figure (Figs) I purchased in 1901 at Vathy in Samos, and with it a fine bronze sword, of which hereafter. The peasant who sold it to the Samian from whom I got it was reported to have said that they were discovered together at the village of Castania near Carlovasi. It is undoubtedly an early example of Greek figure-casting. The figure itself is four inches high, but there are two projections from the soles of the feet, making it four-and-a-half inches high over all. These projections are intentionally formed, to fix the figure upright on its base. The figure stands rigidly upright, with feet apart and arms detached from the body at the elbow and raised rather higher than the horizontal line. The figure would be absolutely symmetrical about its middle plane if it were not for the hands, of which the right is open with the palm turned to the figure's own left, while the left hand is closed and perforated as if to grasp something. The lower part of the body is without modelling and resembles a rounded board or a flattened bolster. There is no attempt to model the bosom. The face itself is long, with rather wide and high cheekbones: the eyes are wide and staring as in most very early Greek work: the hair lies low on the forehead. The mouth, though fairly well marked, wears no smile; on the contrary, the lower lip is thrust forward a little. Neither fingers nor toes are marked with any certainty.
Thasos. Part II.—Topography
Authors: Baker-Penoyre John ff.
Published: May 2006

The initial chapter of M. Perrot's memoir on Thasos makes it unnecessary to give any general description of the position, aspect, and climate of the island. But since he wrote before the Austrian staff-map, which contains rough contours, was produced, it will be well to supplement and correct his remarks on the mountain system of the island.

On this M. Perrot wrote (p. 7):—

‘Le système des montagnes de l'île est assez confus, et très difficile à établir sur une carte. Le seul trait remarquable et qui frappe tout ďabord, c'est une chaîne principale, très étroite au sommet et souvent taillée en lame de rasoir, qui traverse l'île à peu près de l'est à l'ouest, en jetant vers le sud et le nord ďépais contreforts et des vallées sinueuses. Les points les plus élevés de cette longue crête, qui serre toujours de près la côte nord, sont le Saint-Élie (960 mètres) et l'Ipsario (1030 mètres) . . . tout le pays au sud de cette chaîne, environ les deux tiers de I'île, est formé de hauteurs qui se mêlent et courent en tout sens, et ne dépassent guère cinq ou six cents mètres.’
Vases recently acquired by the British Museum
Authors: Walters H. B.
Published: May 2006

This paper is in continuation of one which appeared in Vol. xviii, of the Journal (1898). It deals with the more interesting of the hitherto unpublished black-figured vases acquired by the British Museum during the last twelve years, to which are added two of later date. I hope in a future paper to publish on similar lines some of the red-figured vases and white lekythi acquired subsequently to the issue of the third volume of the Vase Catalogue in 1896.
Kothons and Vases of allied types
Authors: Burrows R. M. , Ure P. N.
Published: May 2006

The vases to be discussed in this article have as their common element a flat body and the turned-in rim that we now associate with an unspillable inkpot. The question of their name and use has already been the subject of much indecisive discussion, the fullest and ablest statement of the problem being given by E. Pernice, Jahrbuch 1899, pp. 60–72, where he maintains that the vases were all censers. Pernice had before him, however, a comparatively small number of typical vases, those he actually quotes being only 20. The fact that at Rhitsóna we had excavated 112 such vases suggested to us that it was worth while to see what light could be thrown on the problem by statistics dealing with all the vases extant. The new evidence does not definitely solve the problem. It does, however, emphasise and increase the serious objections already raised by Kourouniotes to Pernice's theory; and makes it not improbable that some, at least, of these vases were lamps, a view which has never yet been argued, either for or against. Our object in the present article is not to prove a theory but to state evidence.
The Master of the Berlin Amphora
Authors: Beazley J. D.
Published: May 2006

One of the best Greek vases we possess is the amphora No. 2160 in the Berlin Museum (Fig. 1 and Pll. XV.–XVI). There is something specially charming about these graceful woodland people, the dreaming Silens and their instruments of music, young Hermes with winged head and feet, the gentle fawn. The question, however, who painted the piece, has been variously answered. Furtwängler, in his catalogue, thought of Brygos, but some years later he attributed the vase to the painter called Kleophrades; and Winter said it was by Euphronios. A year ago, the present writer indicated five other vases by the same hand; and he now proposes to examine the work of this anonymous painter, who may be called the Master of the Berlin amphora; for although we possess a fair number of his paintings, none is quite so elaborate as this, though some of them are rightly admired.
Admetus, Verrall, and Professor Myres
Authors: Sheppard J. T.
Published: May 2006

Many people have failed to understand the Alcestis, and for the reasons Goethe suggests. Romanticists are grieved because Admetus, Pheres, and Heracles are human beings. As M. Masqueray observes, ‘Notre hypocrisie s'accommode mal d'une telle franchise.’ Verrall is delighted that the characters should be human beings, but refuses to permit them to ‘talk Greek.’ His ‘rational’ theory that the object of Euripides was to ‘expose’ the miraculous legend, by suggesting that Alcestis never died at all, rests on an assumption that, to an Athenian, the resurrection of the heroine, ‘as a piece of history, asserted or denied,’ was a matter of religious moment. But, for a Greek, the truth of the alleged resurrection involved no vital issues. The first lesson of religion was not ‘Believe that Apollo, through Heracles, could raise Alcestis from the dead, and, believing, have faith and hope,’ but something very different: ‘Know that thou art mortal, and, being mortal, practise moderation.’ It was the unorthodox, the ‘progressive,’ who, in ancient Athens, ventured to believe that mortal men should ‘practise immortality.’ Euripides contributed to new ideas by criticising the old. But his task was as far removed from that of Verrall's ‘Professor T. H …’ as was the mind of Nikias from that of Mr. Gladstone. For an ordinary Athenian the point was not that Alcestis rose from the dead, but that she died to save her husband's life. To argue the possibility or impossibility of her resurrection would, I submit, have appeared to the Athenian as trivial as it is depressing. If we want to understand Greek plays, we must remember that they were written by Athenians for an audience which was pagan, not Christian, Greek, not English. The characters talk Greek. It is our business, before we begin to criticise, to ascertain exactly what they say.
A Portrait of a Ptolemaic Queen
Authors: Hinks Roger
Published: May 2006

The miniature head published here has not been described in detail before. It was found at Naucratis during the excavations of the Egypt Exploration Fund in 1885–6, and presented by the Committee of the Fund to the British Museum in 1888. Its height, from the crown of the head to the flat base of the neck, is 59 millimetres; its length, from the tip of the nose to the circular disk at the back of the coiffure, is 56 millimetres. It is made of greyish-white clay, coated, except on the eyes and base, with a fine greenish-blue glaze; the eyes are left in the light colour of the clay, and the pupils do not appear ever to have been marked. The thin diadem and the earrings are glazed lemon-yellow, for gold. The earrings consisted originally of a thick ring with a conical pendant; both of these pendants have been broken away from the cheek, leaving only the rings intact.

The forehead is long and receding. The arching brows are sharply defined; and the eyes are large and wide open, with delicately drawn lids. The nose is straight, fine, and round-tipped. The mouth is very short and sinuous, with deep-set corners, and crisp, protuberant lips. The ball of the chin is very round; and underneath it is a full roll of flesh, with three more rolls on the neck, which is long and was evidently never attached to a body.
Cornelius Nepos on Marathon
Authors: Cary M.
Published: May 2006

In the discussion on the battle of Marathon which Mr. How and Mr. Casson have recently carried on in this Journal, both these scholars have assumed that the Athenians fortified their position by artificial means.

This opinion seems to be construed out of a passage in Cornelius Nepos, the text of which, to judge by Mr. Casson's quotations, is read by him as follows :—

Dein postero die sub montis radicibus acie regione instructa nova arte vi summa proelium commiserunt: namque arbores multis locis erant rarae; hoc Consilio, ut et montium altitudine tegerentur et arborum tractu equitatus hostium impediretur, ne multitudine clauderentur.
A Series of Terracottas representing Artemis, found at Tarentum
Authors: Harden D. B.
Published: May 2006

Among the many thousands of terracottas recently recovered from the soil at Tarentum, there is one large group which has not yet received much mention in print. I refer to a series of some hundreds of female statuettes which have been identified by Duemmler and Winter as Artemis figures. The majority of these figures are at present in the Museo Nazionale at Taranto, though some few have found their way into museums elsewhere.

In the main type of the figures there is little variation. They usually range from eight to twelve inches in height, and are standing, female, draped figures each with one or more attributes. They all wear either a lion-skin head-dress, or a lion-skin apron; some, indeed, show both the head-dress and the apron. Most of the examples are single-moulded statuettes with unmodelled back, but there are a few which are almost reliefs. The figurines are for the most part rough and not retouched after moulding, though there are some finely modelled exceptions to this rule.
A Fragment of an Ivory Statue at the British Museum
Authors: Lethaby W. R.
Published: May 2006

About three years ago I sent some slight notes on chryselephantine sculpture to the Journal, but withdrew them again for expansion. In the main they were intended to bring out the value, as evidence of the methods used in working ivory for statues, of a small ivory mask in the British Museum. The article by Signor Carlo Albizzati on an ivory mask in the Vatican, published in the last part of the Journal, offers a new occasion for calling attention to the London fragment. In the ‘Guide to the Second Vase Room’ by Newton and Murray (Part I. 1878) it was described thus: ‘No. 15, Part of a Mask. The forehead, cheeks, chin, and nose cut off with smooth joints; the sockets of the eyes empty: the base of the nose is broad, and the lips full and prominent, as in the Egyptian type; inside the nostrils are the remains of vermilion. The mask has probably been completed with other carvings fitted on at the joints and with eyes in some other material. Height 3½ inches. Bequeathed by Sir Wm. Temple.’ The wording of this suggests that the fragment was supposed to be a part of some ornamental composition, but it will not now be doubted, I believe, that it is a part of a head in the round which was made up of several pieces. Our fragment—the central part of the face—had next to it two side pieces to complete the cheeks and another for the chin.
A New Copy of a Portrait of Demosthenes
Authors: Casson S.
Published: May 2006

This marble head was acquired by the Ashmolean Museum in 1923 from a British officer, Mr. L. T. Bower, who had purchased it in Constantinople. The vendor stated that it had come from Eski-Shehr in Asia Minor, the ancient Dorylaeum (Fig. 1).

The measurements of the head are as follows: —

Height from fracture of neck to top of head, 30 cm.

Height from chin point to top of head, 28·3 cm.

Width of face between the front of the ears, 17·3 cm.

Depth between back of head and eyebrows, 23·2 cm.

Width of neck, 13·8 cm.

Length of nose from bridge to tip (which is intact), 5·9 cm.

Width of nose at nostrils, 4·7 cm.
A New Vase signed by Pamphaios
Authors: Braunholtz Mary Herford
Published: May 2006

By the courtesy of the Hon. Marshall Brooks I am able to publish here a red-figure kylix now in his possession at Portal, Tarporley.

Of the provenance of the vase nothing is known. The present owner has kindly supplied me with the following particulars, which are all that is known of its history since its discovery. It formed part of the collection of Greek vases and Greek and Etruscan antiquities belonging to Miss Caroline Augusta Tulk, of Failand House, Bristol, which in 1864, after her death, was sold by auction by Messrs. Fargus Brothers of Bristol. At this sale it was acquired by Mr. Edward Preston, from whose collection it passed by purchase into that of the present owner, a few years ago. In the Sale catalogue of 1864 the number of the kylix was 270. This is the only printed record of the vase which I have been able to trace. This fact is the more remarkable since the foot bears the name of the potter Pamphaios, already well known and associated with some of the most notable of Greek vase-paintings; and apart from this, the quality of the draughtsmanship on side A of the exterior is such as to claim attention on its own account. Fortunately, this side is the least damaged part of the vase; the rest has suffered a good deal from breakage and from restoration not too well carried out.
Notes on Greek Sculpture
Authors: Gardner Ernest A.
Published: May 2006

There is probably no sculptor as to whose work our notions have been more completely revolutionised in recent times than Myron. This change is due partly to new discoveries, but more to the identification of statues already known and exhibited. It is above all Myron's treatment of the head that has been hitherto inadequately realised, and for this the Massimi head, widely known through casts and photographs, is to a great degree responsible. The somewhat dull and heavy expression of this head does indeed remind us of Pliny's words, ‘ipse tarnen corporum tamen studiosus animi sensus non expressisse (videtur).” And the copyist who made this statue may very probably have been influenced by some such commonplace of artistic criticism. But the recent identification of two more extant works of Myron, the Perseus of the Antiquarium at Rome (Plate V) and the Athena in Frankfort, together with the replicas of the head of this last statue in Dresden and in the Vatican cellars, have completely changed our impressions as to his style, and are likely to have far-reaching results. Another statue that has recently come to be attributed generally to Myron is the well-known Cassel Apollo and its numerous replicas in various museums—notably a head in Vienna (Fig. 1) and another in the National Museum at Athens. All of these show the simplicity and severity of the art of the earlier part of the fifth century, together with a certain dignity and richness of effect which lead up to the work of Phidias. Above all, there is a fullness of intellectual and even spiritual life about them which contrasts strangely with the Massimi head. Correct inferences as to the style of Myron had already been drawn by Furtwängler and others. And it is particularly interesting to note in this connexion how Furtwängler traced the influence of Myron upon Cresilas. The expression which that sculptor gave to statues like the Diomed and the Amazon was especially admired by ancient critics in his wounded figures.
An Index of Greek Ligatures and Contractions
Authors: Wallace William
Published: May 2006

This Index owes its origin to the deciphering of a folio printed in Greek in Paris in 1628. As other books came under my eye, I found that in addition to the ligatures which I had analysed there were still many others, and I was so beguiled by their manifold and often obscure forms that I went far afield in my researches. It was surprising, no less than disconcerting, that with the exception of Proctor, to whom reference will presently be made, no one in modern days had occupied himself with a phase of Greek typography which, owing to its crabbedness and elusive contractions, based no doubt upon the Tironian practices of the scribes, had estranged students from the study of later Greek literature.

Beginning with the Baskerville fount of 1763, I worked backwards, overtaking the Paris fount, till, with a Froben as a complication, I was entangled in an Aldine. This led me to Proctor's erudite monograph on The Printing of Greek in the Fifteenth Century, which was of great value, for by its means I was able to verify my own decipherings and at the same time to add to my list fresh examples from the texts and founts which he had analysed.

Apart from Proctor's work only three lists were accessible. The first was that of Aldus Manutius (1494–5), who gave clues to the more complicated sorts in one of his founts, adding that he passed over many ‘connexiones’ as they could be identified very easily. The next list was that printed at the end of the Greek Grammar of Ramus (Hanover, 1605), in which the Aldine ‘connexiones’ were included and others as well, a thoughtful proceeding if the Grammar was to be of any use, for it was printed almost entirely in ligatures.