bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Bemerkungen zu den gegenwärtigen Möglichkeiten textkritischer Arbeit aus Anlass Einer Untersuchung Zum Cäsarea-Text der Katholischen Briefe
Authors: Aland D. Kurt
Published: February 2009

Die neutestamentliche Textforschung befindet sich gegenwärtig in einer entscheidungsvollen Zeit. Der große Wandel begann vor 40 Jahren mit dem Bekanntwerden der Chester-Beatty-Papyri. Gewiß besaß man schon vorher eine größere Zahl von Papyri aus der Zeit vor den großen Rezensionen des 4. Jahrhunderts (deren Entstehund man sich ähnlich wie die einer modernen kritischen Ausgabe vorstellte: aus der großen Zahl vorliegender Handschriften wurden die textlich besten ausgewählt und aus diesen dann mit den Mitteln der Philologie (d.h. rezensierend) der ideale Text hergestellt. Da das den Urhebern der Rezensionen vorschwebende Ideal wie ihre Methoden verschieden waren, fielen diese verschieden aus). Aber bei den damals bekannten frühen Papyri handelte es sich nur um Fragmente, noch nie war der Text der Zeit um 200 in derartiger Breite sichtbar geworden, wie es jetzt durch die Chester-Beatty-Papyri geschah. Wie schwierig der Prozeß des Umdenkens war, den dieses Phänomen erforderte, kann man an Äußerungen selbst prominenter Textkritiker jener Zeit verfolgen. Er war noch nicht zu Ende, als vor rund 15 Jahren die Bodmer-Papyri bekannt wurden. und auch waren in den bisherigen Denkschemata noch unterzubringen (auch sie gehörten eben zu dem verwilderten Text der Frühzeit, welcher die Notwendigkeit, aber auch die Bedeutung der Rezensionen des 4. Jahrhunderts bewies). dagegen mit seiner unmittelbaren Nähe zum Codex Vaticanus erschütterte die Vorstellung von den Textrezensionen des 4. Jahrhunderts und damit entscheidende Voraussetzungen der bisherigen textkritischen Theorien von Grund auf. Daß das noch nicht überall zur Kenntnis genommen worden ist, ändert nichts am Tatbestand, auch in der Textkritik braucht das Neue seine Zeit, um sich durchzusetzen.
Women Holy in Body and Spirit: The Social Setting of 1 Corinthians 7
Authors: MacDonald Margaret Y.
Published: February 2009

In an elegant discussion of the roles of women in the Pauline congregations, Wayne Meeks has drawn attention to Paul's apparently deliberate attempt to make parallel statements about the respective obligations of males and females in 1 Cor 7 and in 1 Cor 11. 2–16. In the same study, Meeks makes a second observation about 1 Cor 11. 2–16: ‘If the passage places most emphasis on the female, that must be because in Corinth it is the charismatic women who are donning the attire of the opposite sex’. There is indeed a fairly wide consensus that the problem underlying the instructions about head attire in 1 Cor 11 is with women. Is there a connection between the antics of the women of 1 Cor 11 and Paul's exhortations in 1 Cor 7? Are we to conclude that 1 Cor 7 also responds to a situation instigated by females? Or, does the fact that the parallelism in 1 Cor 7 is even more extensive than in 1 Cor 11 imply that, in his discussion of marriage and celibacy, Paul was equally concerned with the practices of men and women?
The Problem of the Antisemitic Comma between 1 Thessalonians 2.14 and 15
Authors: Gilliard Frank D.
Published: February 2009

The importance of Paul's first extant letter to the study of early Christianity has clearly been demonstrated by the attention paid to just a small part of it, the ‘dreadful text’ of 1 Thessalonians 2.14–16, a ‘passionate, generalizing, hateful’ diatribe against the Jews for having killed both the Lord Jesus and the prophets and for interfering with Paul's mission to the Gentiles. Or so it has seemed to most historians, theologians, and exegetes of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries who have studied the passage. Those early, stunning verses of Paul, written probably in 50 or 51 C.E. from Corinth to his recently founded church in Thessalonica, have proved especially embarrassing to Jews and Christians who, in post-Holocaust self-examination and post-Vatican II ecumenical spirit, have been trying to exorcise the demons of antisemitism. How could Paul, a proud Jew and Pharisee, so categorically condemn his own people? And how can so early and sweeping a condemnation be explained by scholars who argue that such virulent antisemitism did not in fact develop until the latter part of the century, after the destruction of the Temple and the council at Jamnia?
The Place where Jesus is: Allusions to Baptism and the Eucharist in the Fourth Gospel
Authors: Cosgrove Charles H.
Published: February 2009

According to John 6.52–59, participation in the eucharistic meal is necessary for ‘life’: ‘Unless you eat the flesh of the Son of Man and drink his blood, you have no life in you’ (v 53). The manifest allusion here to the Lord's Supper, together with the insistence on its indispensability for Life, has led a majority of interpreters to conclude that this passage is ‘sacramentalist’. This conclusion has found reinforcement in what looks like a close parallel from Ignatius, whose writings are presumably contemporaneous with the Fourth Gospel:
The Mental Attitude of Jesus at Bethany: John 11. 33, 38
Authors: Story Cullen I K
Published: February 2009

Both secular and sacred texts indicate that the verb έμβρ. and its congeners may convey, at times, a more violent expression of ‘wrath’ such as is found in the description of the persecutors of Christians in Gaul (Eusebius) or in the meaning of ‘curse’ (cf. Hermias on Empedocles) or ‘exasperation’ (Aquila in Jer 10.10) or even as a substitute for όργή (Symmachus and Theodotion on Ezek 21.36). At other times, έμβρ. and its congeners shade into the meaning of έπειλή ‘threat’ (Basil on Ps 37) or even of έπιτιμάω ‘rebuke’ (cf. Symmachus on Isa 17.13).
The Influence of Galatians on Hebrews
Authors: Witherington Ben
Published: February 2009

The Epistle, or perhaps preferably The Homily to the Hebrews, has always been one of the more intriguing and neglected documents in the NT canon. The history of the difficulties this document had getting into the canon do not need to be rehearsed here. It appears in the end Hebrews made it into the canon because it was deemed a Pauline letter, or at least a document that came from the larger Pauline circle.
I Peter and the Gospel Tradition
Authors: Best Ernest
Published: February 2009

Recently renewed attempts have been made to argue that resemblances between I Peter and Gospels indicate authorship of the epistle by the Apostle Peter. We shall attempt to re-assess the evidence both from the point of view of authorship and in relation to the state in which the gospel tradition existed at the time of its use by the author of I Peter. Since many of those who argue for Petrine authorship of the epistle take a conservative view of the transmission of the gospel tradition, we shall try to allow for this angle, though not necessarily adhering to it.
‘People of God’ in St John's Gospel
Authors: Pancaro Severino
Published: February 2009

‘Do you not understand that it is expedient for you that one man should die for the people, and that not all the nation perish?…he prophesied that Jesus should die for the nation, and not for the nation only, but also to gather the scattered children of God into one’.
People and Community in the Gospel of Matthew
Authors: Tagawa Kenzo
Published: February 2009

A number of recent works have attempted to deal with the theological thought of the evangelist Matthew using the method of ‘Redaktionsgeschichte’. But as yet Hans Conzelmann's Matthew has not appeared. Certainly the joint work of G. Bornkamm, G. Barth and H. J. Held, the works of R. Hummel, G. Strecker, K. Stendahl, W. Trilling and others have contributed considerably to this field of study. But at the present time there is no agreement among scholars on the fundamental problem of what is the essential concern of Matthean theology. It is true that the Law of Moses and accordingly the problem of the fulfilment of Old Testament prophecies is one of the most important problems for Matthew, and that the present state of the church and the expectation of the eschaton, especially of the last judgement, are also elements indispensable for understanding the thoughts of the evangelist. But the fundamental problem is how to discover the basis of Matthew's theology, by means of which the interpreter can understand these individual elements as organically combined.
Who Wrote Matthew?
Authors: Abel Ernest L.
Published: February 2009

Scholars have noted the imprint of at least three distinctive sources in the gospel of Matthew: the gospel of Mark, the Q document, and material known (or created) only by ‘Matthew’ and commonly designated as M. There is, in addition, evidence suggesting that numerous phrases and sentences have been interpolated into various passages of the original text by different editors of the gospel.
Symbolic Money-changers in the Temple?
Authors: Buchanan George Wesley
Published: February 2009

J. Neusner and E. P. Sanders have directed scholarly attention to Mark 11. 15–19 and its parallels. Sanders used this pericope to demonstrate his belief that this was the most trustworthy report of any of Jesus' teachings and actions, and Neusner presumed its historical validity while conjecturing that on this occasion Jesus repudiated Jewish temple sacrifice and intended to substitute for the tables in the temple the Eucharist table as a means of obtaining atonement. These are bold claims and prompt a further analysis of the relevant passage:
John 21
Authors: Neirynck Frans
Published: February 2009

The choice of the topic for this lecture* has been influenced by the publication, in the course of last year, of some significant new monographs on questions related to John 21. In several quarters of Johannine studies, we can observe a reconsideration of Chapter 21 in its relation to the Gospel, with renewed interest in the problem of the Beloved Disciple. There is alsoa revival of the source-critical approach, with new reconstructions of the traditional miracle story behind the verses 1–14. And, of course, there is continuing debate on Joh's use of the Synoptics, from which, to say the least, John 21 is not wholly absent. I begin my presentation with the first part of the Chapter, verses 1–14, and the hypothesis of a ‘pre-Johannine’ source.
Neutestamentliche Textforschung Und Textgeschichte. Erwägungen zu einem notwendigen Thema
Authors: Aland B.
Published: February 2009

Aufgabe der Textkritik ist es nach herkömmlicher Definition, den Urtextzu findenundihn nachprϋfbar zu begrϋnden. Auch wer vielleicht beim ersten Teil dieses Satzes meint, diese Aufgabe sei doch im wesentlichen schongetan (die weitgehende übereinstimmung der Editionen des Neuen Testaments der letzten 100 und mehr Jahre könnte ihn darin bestärken), bzw. sie sei bis auf exegetisch unerhebliche Stellen getan, wird beim zweiten Teil des Satzes zugeben mϋssen, daß sie noch nicht oder noch nicht ausreichend getan ist.
The Golden Rule: Exegetical and Theological Perplexities
Authors: Ricoeur Paul
Published: February 2009

The problem which I offer for your discussion may be raised in the following terms: if one assumes that the Golden Rule constitutes the basic moral rule about which the wisest may agree, what happens to this rule when it is put within a religious perspective, more precisely, within the perspective delineated by the symbolic network characteristic of the Jewish-Christian scriptures?
Poetry and Theology in Colossians 1. 15–20
Authors: Wright N. T.
Published: February 2009

In this article I shall argue for two points: first, that Col 1. 15–20 exhibits, without the deletion of any of its parts, a clear structure which can, in some meaningful senses, be called ‘poetic’; second, that the passage,read as a poemin the way I shall suggest, exhibits a characteristically Pauline form of what we may call Christological monotheism. This will point on to some further suggestions regarding the place of the passage within Colossians as a whole.
Who Is a Jew and Who Is a Gentile in the Book of Acts?
Authors: Sanders Jack T.
Published: February 2009

It has been now nearly a quarter century since W. C. van Unnik labelled the two-volume work to which we refer in abbreviated form as Luke–Acts as ‘a storm center in contemporary scholarship’. He referred in particular to the issues of redaction criticism, of the purpose of Acts, of the theological approach in Luke–Acts to the problem of the delay of the parousia, of the author's treatment of Paul, of the character and function of the speeches in Acts, and of whether it was proper to refer to the theological position of Luke–Acts as ‘early Catholic’ and therefore, in the minds of the German Lutheran theologians who were raising that question, as degraded, fallen from the early purity of Paul's Christianity, and unworthy of theological consideration today.
The Death of Jesus in Mark and the Miracle from the Cross
Authors: Jackson Howard M.
Published: February 2009

At the primary, narrative level the riddle of Mark's brief account of Jesus' death and its immediate aftermath must still be pronounced unsolved. There has been a steadily growing awareness among scholars that, for all the insights they have afforded us, form and redaction criticism have tended to deprive the Evangelists of reputations for competence as narrators and their story-lines of coherence and integrity and that this tendency does them injustice. Yet though the latest study of Mark 15. 37–39 is sensitive to this issue, it cannot be pronounced successful in making complete sense of Mark's narrativequanarrative. This paper offers a solution to the riddle and argues what I realize is the rather radical thesis that Mark intended a connection between the events of these verses that has never been fully and properly understood.
The Parable of the Vine: Rediscovering a Lost Parable of Jesus
Authors: Bauckham Richard
Published: February 2009

Chapters 144–148 of theActs of Thomascontain a long prayer of the apostle Judas Thomas, in which he anticipates the completion of his apostolic task at his approaching martyrdom.1The prayer has one dominant theme: the apostle prays that, since he has faithfully accomplished the work God has given him to do, he may inherit his heavenly reward. This theme is elaborated by means of, first, a series of allusions to Gospel parables (145 [end]–146), and then a series of allusions to metaphorical sayings of Jesus (147). It is the sequence of parable allusions which concerns us here. For the text of this passage not only the Syriac but also two divergent Greek versions (represented by MS. U and by MS. P and four other MSS.)2are extant. There are some differences between the three versions, but, apart from the loss of a few lines in MS. U by homoioteleuton at the end of ch. 145 and the beginning of ch. 146,3the sequence of parables is the same in all three. It begins (at the end of ch. 145) with a mixture of allusions to the parables of the Sower (Matt 13. 3–8, 18–23) and the Tares (Matt 13. 24–30, 37–43), which the author may have known in a conflated version, rather than in the canonical versions. At the beginning of ch. 146 there is a passage which alludes to no known parable. Then the sequence continues with allusions to the parables of the Talents or Pounds (Matt 25. 27; Luke 19. 23), the Pounds (Luke 19. 16, 26), the Unmerciful Servant (Matt 18. 28–34), the Great Supper (Luke 14. 16–24), the Wedding Garment (Matt 22. 2–3, 11–13), the Watching Servants (Luke 12. 35–36),4the Servant put in Authority (Matt 24. 45–46; Luke 12. 42–43), and the Thief (Gospel of Thomas21, 103; cf. Matt 24. 43; Luke 12. 39).5In each case Thomas identifies himself with a character in the parable, and claims either to have done what a praiseworthy character in the parable did (the servant who traded his pound and gained ten, the watching servants whose lamps remained alight, the wise servant who remained vigilant in his master's absence, the householder who stayed awake to guard his house6) or to have done what a blameworthy character in the parable should have done but failed to do (the servant who should have deposited his money with the bankers, the supper guests who should not have made excuses, the wedding guest who should have worn a wedding garment).7
The Temptation Stories and their Intention
Authors: Pokorný Petr
Published: February 2009

Extensive literature about the Temptations provides a collection of parallels from the history of religion, biblical material and a wide range of individual observations.
A New Possibility for the Three–Clause Format of Jude 22–3
Authors: Allen Joel S.
Published: February 2009

The three clauses of Jude 22–3 (as they appear in the ℵ reading) refer to one group of persons (the doubting) rather than three. Jude 22–3 should be translated: ‘Have mercy on those who are doubting; save them, seizing them from the fire; have mercy on them with fear, hating even the garment stained by the flesh.’ This thesis is substantiated by analysis of 1) the weakness of other attempts to make sense of the reading, 2) analogous Biblical and classical texts, 3) verses in Jude which display similar use of the idiom in question, and 4) context and thought–flow.
A Precursor of the Nrsv?‘Sons and Daughters’ in 2 cor 6.18
Authors: Olley John W.
Published: February 2009

The phrase ‘sons and daughters’ in 2 Cor 6.18 provides the only instance of θυγάτηρ in all of the letters ascribed to Paul. It is argued that (1) the OT allusions in vv. 16–18 are from similar contexts of warning against combining the worship and service of God with that given to other gods, with (2) v. 18 being an echo of Deut 32.19, another instance of Paul's use of Deut 32. (3) Another influence is the OT practice, unlike that of the NT, of predominantly using both ‘sons’ and ‘daughters’ in parenting and family contexts.
Philippians as a Macro-Chiasm and its Exegetical Significance
Authors: Porter Stanley E. , Reed Jeffrey T.
Published: February 2009

This article, a rejoinder to a recent article in this journal by A. B. Luter and M. Lee, responds to their presentation of a macro-chiastic analysis of Philippians by examining two issues. The first is the use of chiasm in recent New Testament study, where it is shown that there is a lack of methodological rigour in explication of the concept. The second scrutinizes analyses of Philippians using chiasm with regard to three areas: macro-chiasm as a method, the nature and quality of macro-chiastic claims regarding the structure of Philippians, and its possible use in determining the literary integrity of Philippians.
Kann die Bibel heute noch Grundlage für die Kirche sein?
Authors: Luz U.
Published: February 2009

Weit enfernt davon, einen klaren und eindeutigen Sinn der biblischen Texte zu liefern, hat sich die neuzeitliche Exegese als eine wichtige Wegbereiterin des modernen Pluralismus erwiesen. Die historische Kritik beschränkt sich in ihren Textrekonstruktionen konsequent auf die Vergangenheit und überlässt es dadurch den Leser/innen, die für sie heute gültige Bedeutung der Texte selbst zu bestimmen. Durch die Wendung zur Sprache haben wir gelernt, Texte als sprachliche Konstruktionen von Wirklichkeit zu sehen, deren Sinn von den jeweiligen Leser/innen in höhem Masse mit konstituiert wird. Das Studium der Wirkungsgeschichte macht heutigen Leser/innen die Geprägtheit und zugleich die Partikularität ihrer eigenen Lesungen der Texte deutlich. Die heutige Exegese muss den von ihr selbst mitgeprägten Pluralismus bejahen und versuchen, die Sache ihrer Texte auf dem ‘Marktplatz’ der Weltanschauungen, Meinungen und Deutungen in öffentlichem, rationalem und offenem Diskurs zu vertreten und so auf die Fremdheit der Geschichte Jesu und den von den biblischen Texten bezeugten Gott hinzuweisen.
Paul's Thinking about Resurrection in its Jewish Context
Authors: Segal Alan F.
Published: February 2009

Paul describes his discipleship and mission, in short his apostolate, in terms of his vision of the resurrection of the exalted Christ. The glorious body of Christ and the spiritual body are similar in substance because one is transformed into the other, a conclusion based on his own experience of visions of the risen Christ in a body but not a physical body in normal sight. This notion of Christ's risen activity contrasts strongly with the later gospel description of the risen Christ. It comes out of Jewish apocalypticism, revalued to express his new Christian vision of the end.
Der Jakobusbrief im Licht frÜhjÜdischer Diasporabriefe
Authors: Niebuhr Karl-Wilhelm
Published: February 2009

Ausgehend von der Gestaltung des Briefpräskriptes wird der Jakobus–brief in textpragmatischer Hinsicht als apostolischer Diasporabrief interpretiert. Intention, sprachliche Gestaltung und wesentliche Themen entsprechen der Tradition frühjüdischer Diasporabriefe (EpJer, 2 Makk 1–2,syrBar78–86,ParJer6.17–23). Die Überlieferung der frühjüdischen Diasporabriefe in griechischer Sprache verweist auf die Funktion des Griechischen als Medium der Einheit des Gottesvolkes unter den geschichtlichen Gegebenheiten des Frühjudentums. Aus dem Ver–gleich mit zentralen Aussagezusammenhängen der frühjüdischen Briefe (Gottesverständnis, Aussagen über das Gottesvolk, Zukunftserwartungen, Toraverstandnis) ergibt sich, daβ der Jakobusbrief mit ähnlichen sprachlichen Mitteln und durch eng verwandte Überlieferungen die Identität der Briefadressaten als an Christus glaubende Glieder des Gottesvolkes stärken will.
The Scrupulous Priest and the Good Samaritan: Jesus' Parabolic Interpretation of the Law Of Moses
Authors: Bauckham Richard
Published: February 2009

The parable of the Good Samaritan presents Jesus' distinctive interpretation of the Torah in parabolic form. When it confronts a priest with a dead or dying man, it sets up an unusual, halakhically debatable situation, since the commandment that a priest avoid contracting corpse-impurity conflicts with the commandment to love the neighbour. One commandment must take precedence. Jesus' Jewish contemporaries would have disagreed as to how the priest should behave, but the general halakhic principle which the parable suggests – that the love commandment should always override others in cases of conflict – seems to be unparalleled.
Paul And Philo on Circumcision: Romans 2.25–9 in Social and Cultural Context
Authors: Barclay John M. G.
Published: February 2009

Stimulated by the work of D. Boyarin, the topic of circumcision is examined in Philo (Spec. Leg.1.1–11;Migr. Abr.89–93) and Paul (Rom 2.25–9). Philo limits his allegorizing tendencies in view of the conservative instincts of the Jewish community. Paul is far more radical in relation to Jewish opinion: Rom 2.29 indicates his willingness to dispense with human praise in such matters. On the other hand, his intellectual framework is far less acculturated than that of Philo;paceBoyarin, none of the contrasts in Rom 2.28–9 reflect Hellenizing influence. Paul's hermeneutical revolution matched no contemporary form of Judaism.
ΠIΣTIΣ XPIΣTOY
Authors: Hooker Morna D.
Published: February 2009

Modern translations of the New Testament are united in understanding the phrase πίστις Χριστοû to mean ‘faith in Christ’. In recent years, however, an increasing number of scholars have been advocating the interpretation of πίστις Χριστοû which takes it as a subjective rather than an objective genitive, and understands the phrase as a reference to Christ's own faith or faithfulness. Indeed, there has been so much support for this view in North America that one recent exponent wrote: ‘The correctness of the translation of πίστις Iησοû Χριστοû as the “ faith or faithfulnessofJesus Christ” has by now been too well established to need any further support.’ If he is right, then there is little need for this paper. But I suspect that there is still a large body of opinion, especially on this side of the Atlantic, which holds to the more traditional interpretation. Indeed, those commentators who mention the suggestion tend to dismiss it in a footnote. Thus it would be fairer to say that if any kind of conclusion has been reached, it is that the question is one which cannot be settled on the basis of appeals to grammatical construction alone. This issue can be settled only by exegesis, and because New Testament scholars approach the texts with widely differing presuppositions, they are likely to interpret the phrase in very different ways.
Die Entstehung Der Ersten ‘Christlichen Gemeinde’ Roms im Kontext der Jüdischen Gemeinden
Authors: Stegemann Rudolf Brändle/Ekkehard W.
Published: February 2009

Üblicherweise spricht man von den Anfängen einer ‘christlichen Gemeinde’ in Rom, wenn man von den Anfängen des Christus-glaubens in Rom sprechen will. Wir haben uns im Titel unseres Beitrages dieser Konvention angeschlossen. Wir möchten aber von vornherein darauf aufmerksam machen, daβ diese Terminologie anachronistisch ist. Es ist zwar wahr, daβ Christusgläubige schon früh von auβen als eine eigenständige Gruppe erkannt und als solche auch Opfer von Maβnahmen römischer Machtpolitik werden konnten. Unseres Erachtens geschieht das spätestens unter Nero. Doch ist die Bezeichnung ‘Christianer’ (Xριστιανοί lat.ChrestianioderChristiani) erst in Dokumenten nach 70 faβbar (Acta 11.25; TacitusAnn. 15.44; SuetonNero16.2). Bemerkenswert ist, daβ in Suetons Hinweis auf das Claudiusedikt (‘Da die Juden unter ihrem Anführer Chrestos beständig Unruhe stifteten, vertrieb er sie aus Rom’) die Christusgläubigen noch ethnisch und religiös ganz zu den Juden gerechnet werden. Wir kommen auf diese Stelle später zurück, möchten jetzt aber schon darauf aufmerksam machen, daβ Sueton unter Claudius jedenfalls keine ‘Christianer’ in Rom erwähnt. Gewiβ stimmen wir denjenigen Gelehrten zu, die annehmen, daβ Chrestus hier gleich Christus ist, d.h. Jesus (Christus) meint. Wir können also auf Grund von Suetons Notiz annehmen, daβ es schon unter Claudius Anhänger des Christus-glaubens in Rom gab. Doch hat M. Stern recht, wenn er schreibt, ‘However, the words of Suetonius could convey the impression that Christus himself was present at Rome at that time, and that the disturbances were instigated by him personally, while Tacitus, indeed, was better informed on the whereabouts of Christus.’
Papyrus Egerton 2: ‘Missing Link’ Zwischen Synoptischer Und Johanneischer Tradition
Authors: Erlemann Kurt
Published: February 2009

Kaum ein Papyrusfund hat in diesem Jahrhundert so Furore gemacht wie der des P. Lond. Christ. I, oder, unter seiner bekannteren Inventarnummer, Papyrus Egerton 2. 1934 von einem ägyptischen Händler an das British Museum London verkauft, gilt er seit seiner Erstedition 1935 als eine der ältesten christlichen Handschriften auf Papyrus, paläographisch zu datieren um 200P. Keine Frage, daβ das Schriftstück das Interesse der neutestamentlichen Forschung auf sich zog, waren doch aus ihm möglicherweise neue Erkenntnisse über die Geschichte der synoptischen Tradition zu erwarten. Die Grundfrage, die seit seiner Entdeckung an das Evangelienfragment gestellt wird und weiterhin zu stellen ist, ist dementsprechend die nach dem literarischen Verhältnis zu den kanonischen Evangelien. Die Alternative heiβt: Entweder ist Egerton diesen gegenüber sekundär und ohne groβen Wert für den Historiker, oder er bietet eine von den Evangelien unabhängige, ja möglicherweise sogar ältere Überlieferung.
Luke's Great Omission and his View of the Law
Authors: Pettem Michael
Published: February 2009

According to the most widely accepted theory, Luke and Matthew used the gospel of Mark as the main source for their own gospels. In so doing, Matthew reproduced almost all the contents of Mark; Luke however omitted one large block of Marcan material: Mark 6.45–8.26. Luke may have omitted this section because his copy of the gospel of Mark was lacking this section, or because, although he knew this material, he chose to omit it from his gospel.
Christ's Slave, People Pleasers and Galatians 1.10
Authors: Dodd Brian J.
Published: February 2009

Galatians 1–2 is a well-worn scholarly path, but Gal 1.10 is a suggestive marker that has been overlooked by many exegetical travellers:

‘For now do I seek the approval of humans or of God? Or do I seek to please people?

If I were still pleasing people, I would not be Christ's slave.’
Unravelling Colossians 3.11b
Authors: Campbell Douglas A.
Published: February 2009

Scholars have always found the series in Col 3.11b difficult to interpret gracefully. There it is stated that in Christ the distinction with βάρβαρος, Σκύθης ‘barbarian, Scythian’, has been abolished, along with that between the more comprehensible oppositions of ‘Greek and Jew, circumcision and uncircumcision … slave, free’. The increased sensitivity of contemporary NT scholars to the social dimension of texts, as well as to their rhetorical and stylistic deployment, however, may at last offer the possibility of unravelling this intriguing set of antitheses, particularly at its critical point, that is, the interpretation of Σκύθης.
The Old Testament Background of Rev 3.14
Authors: Beale G. K.
Published: February 2009

Christ describes himself in Rev 3.14 as ‘the Amen, the faithful and true witness, the beginning of the creation of God’. Commentators have suggested a variety of backgrounds for the threefold title. The purpose of this study is to review these proposals and argue in support of one of them.
A Survey of Recent Research on the Ancient Versions of the New Testament
Authors: Metzger Bruce M.
Published: February 2009

In the following chronicle an attempt is made to survey recent research on the ancient versions of the New Testament. By recent is meant publications which appeared during the five-year period from 1950 to 1954. Under the rubric ancient versions are included the following versions which were made during the first millennium of the Christian era: the Latin, Syriac, Coptic, Gothic, Armenian, Old Georgian, Ethiopic, Arabic, Sogdian and Old Slavic versions. In some cases it was difficult to discriminate between studies dealing with patristic authors and their Scriptural text, and studies dealing with the early versions per se. In most of such cases it was thought wise to follow an inclusive policy and to make some reference to the patristic study.
The ‘Parable’ of the Sheep and the Goats
Authors: Robinson J. A. T.
Published: February 2009

The vision of the Last Judgment with which St Matthew concludes so magnificently the teaching ministry of Jesus stands out from the Gospel pages with a unique and snow-capped majesty. It is a literary tour de force never quite approached elsewhere in the First Gospel, and it possesses that grandeur of simplicity which removes it toto coelo from the lurid and melodramatic scenes of the End which Jewish apocalyptic, like subsequent Christian thought, found it necessary to paint. As Professor T. W. Manson says, and Professor J. Jeremias agrees (The Parables of Jesus, p. 144), ‘It contains features of such startling originality that it is difficult to credit them to any-one but the Master himself’ (The Teaching of Jesus, p. 249); or, again, in the more recent words of Théo Preiss, it evinces ‘a sobriety of feature and colour, a reserve, a bareness which can come from hardly any other source but that of Jesus himself’ (Life in Christ, p. 47).
The Pastoral Epistles and Duncan's Ephesian Theory
Authors: Harrison P. N.
Published: February 2009

In my recent contribution to The Expository Times I acknowledged my indebtedness to Dr G. S. Duncan, whose book (St Paul's Ephesian Ministry(1929)) has convinced me that Philemon and most of Colossians, which I had always thought originated in Rome, were written, as he maintains, at Ephesus; and this has enabled me to simplify, and so to improve, my views concerning the occasions and number of genuine notes in II Timothy. But I found it impossible within the time and space at my disposal to give more than a brief summary of my reactions to Duncan's work in its bearing on the problem of the Pastoral Epistles, and said nothing at all about the bearing of those Epistles on his theory. So, pending his own contribution to the same series of articles, it seems desirable to set down in rather more detail the reasons why, having gone so far to meet him, I cannot go the rest of the way.
God as Father in the Synoptic Gospels
Authors: Montefiore H. W.
Published: February 2009

Did Jesus believe in a doctrine of Universal Fatherhood? Such a belief not many years ago was almost axiomatic in Liberal Christian circles. ‘In the combination of these ideas—God the Father, Providence, the position of men as God's children, the infinite value of the human soul—the whole Gospel is expressed.’ But lately, after an examination of the gospel evidence, it has been denied that Jesus believed that God was the Father of all men. ‘In spite of what is commonly supposed, there is no ground whatever for asserting that Jesus taught a doctrine of “the Fatherhood of God and the Brotherhood of man”…There is no hint anywhere, either that he himself believed, or that he taught a doctrine of Universal Fatherhood.’ Professor Sparks arrives at this conclusion by considering all the times that Jesus is recorded as having used Father as a word for God. ‘The bulk of his recorded references to God as Father are Messianic; and apart from one, at the best ambiguous, reference in Matthew, all his references to God as the Father of men are in passages where he is speaking to his disciples’ (p. 260). With this we may compare the words of Dalman: ‘Much rather is God regarded as the Heavenly Father of His own disciples or else as the Heavenly Father of Jesus himself.’ Dalman indicates the unique personal relationship which subsists in the first place between God and Jesus himself, and also between God and those who are his, who can be spoken of as ‘sons of the theocracy’ (Matt. xiii. 38).
L'Evangile Johannique et l'Histoire du Salut
Authors: Cullmann Oscar
Published: February 2009

Si nous énoncions notre sujet sous forme d'une question: l'évangile johannique connaît-il une histoire du salut, nous serions tentés, de prime abord, d'y donner une réponse négative. En effet, le quatrième évangile ne se distingue-t il pas des autres évangiles précisément par le fait que tout se passe, ici, en dehors d'une histoire ‘horizontale’? Ne s'agit-il pas d'un ‘nunc aeternum’, d'une irruption du ‘tout autre’ dans chaque instant, d'une histoire dont le symbole ne serait pas la ligne, mais le point? Le prologue de cet évangile ne place-t-il pas, à priori, la pensée johannique sur un plan opposé à celui de l'histoire du salut? L'affirmation concernant la relation entre Jésus et Jean-Baptiste à la fin de ce prologue: ‘celui qui vient après moi a été avant moi, car il a été le premier par rapport à moi’, ne prouve-t-elle pas que Jésus-Christ, pour cet évangéliste, signifie ‘fin de l'histoire’? La déclaration du Christ johannique au chap. viii. 58: ‘avant qu'Abraham ne füt, je suis’, ne confirme-t-elle pas que la perspective n'est plus celle de l'histoire du salut? D'autre part, la tension entre ‘ce qui est déjà accompli’ et ‘ce qui n'est pas encore achevé’, cette tension si caractéristique de toute la pensée du Nouveau Testament et qui marque une évolution temporelle, ne disparaît-elle pas dans notre évangile, puisque tout y est accompli en Christ? Le jugement qui a lieu déjà (chap. xii. 31, νυν κρίσıς έστίν), la résurrection déjà réalisée (chap. xi. 25), ne mettent-ils pas en évidence que l'eschatologie johannique n'est plus une eschatologie temporelle dans le sens d'une histoire du salut?
Things Sacrificed to Idols
Authors: Barrett C. K.
Published: February 2009

The problem raised by the use of food offered in sacrifice to idols, remote though it is from modern western Christianity, played a large part in Christian thought in and for some time after the New Testament period. The evidence for this statement, so far as the New Testament is concerned, is, briefly, as follows.
Christusherrschaft und Kirche im Kolosserbrief
Authors: Lohse E.
Published: February 2009

Πάντα έν καί πασıν χρıστος (Kol. iii. II) — diese Botschaft wird im Kolosserbrief als Antwort auf Fragen entfaltet, die die Gemeinde zutiefst beunruhigten. Lehrer waren gekommen, die eine φıλοσοφία (ii. 8) zu bringen vorgaben, die sie als geheime Offenbarung des göttlichen Seinsgrundes der Welt verstanden und den Christen anboten, um Schutz vor der bedrohenden Gewalt der στοıχεία του κοσμου (ii. 8, 20) und Erfüllung mit göttlicher Kraft zu vermitteln (ii. 9f.). Der ausgesprochen synkretistische Charakter dieser Lehre ist von M. Dibelius und G. Bornkamm überzeugend aufgewiesen worden und braucht hier nicht näher beschrieben zu werden: Sakramentale Weihen, die aus den Mysterienreligionen herrühren, gnostische Vorstellungen und jüdisch-gesetzliche Weisungen sind so verbunden worden, daß sie im Verein miteinander der Verehrung der Weltelemente Ausdruck verleihen und die Beachtung von Tabu-Vorschriften einschärfen, damit schädigende Einflüsse abgewehrt werden und die göttliche Erfüllung ungehindert sich voliziehen kann.
Present and future Eschatology in Luke
Authors: Ellis E. Earle
Published: February 2009

Professor W. G. Kümmel'sPromise and Fulfilmentmarked a permanent advance in the understanding of the eschatological teaching of Jesus. Going beyond the ‘realized’ eschatology of C. H. Dodd and the ‘futurist’ eschatology of J. Weiss and A. Schweitzer, Kümmel demonstrated that for Jesus the kingdom of God was both a present reality and an imminent future expectation. The present study examines several texts in Luke in which the present and future manifestations of the kingdom are set in juxtaposition. It is hoped that this will illuminate the Evangelist's understanding of an important theme as it is related to other Gospel traditions and to the proclamation of Jesus.
The Synoptic Son of Man Sayings in Recent Discussion
Authors: Marshall I. H.
Published: February 2009

In recent years there appeared to have developed a general consensus of opinion in the English-speaking world about the use of the term ‘Son of man’ in the Synoptic Gospels which may be summed up as follows: Jesus adopted the title ‘Son of man’ from Daniel vii, where it signifies one who was destined to receive kingship from God, and used it with reference to himself in three types of saying, namely group A with reference to his present activity in his earthly ministry; group B with reference to his suffering, death and resurrection; and group C with reference to his future coming, exaltation and function at the last judgement. Genuine sayings of Jesus are to be found in each of these three categories, and together they give us a picture of Jesus as One destined for triumph and sovereignty but achieving this destiny by the path of humiliation, rejection and suffering which was prophesied for the Servant of Yahweh. It is often held that Jesus' use of the title may have had a certain ‘collective’ nuance; just as in Daniel vii it indicated a representative or symbol of the saints of the Most High, so in the Gospels it may refer to the people of God whose head Jesus conceived himself to be.
Christian Origins in Jewish Tradition
Authors: Bammel Ernst
Published: February 2009

Scholars who set out to clarify a particular issue can proceed along one of two different lines: either they can scrutinize the existing sources critically or they can compass land and sea to discover new sources. As the former procedure is the established one so far as Christian origins are concerned and as it is indeed advisable since the New Testament sources are something apart, it may easily be understood that some more radical minds should venture to explore the other course. Voltaire was one of these. He urged his correspondent to consult the Jewish Toledoth Jeshu as they stem from the first century and contain ‘des choses beaucoup plus vraisemblables que dans nos évangiles’. Other men followed in his steps. But attempts to write a history of Jesus based on the Jewish reports and centred on details related by them—attempts made by some rare birds of the last century—were bound to prove unsuccessful. Jewish scholarship was quick to realize this and to dissociate itself from the Toledoth (and other material) as from absurdities or a ‘Schmarren’—something like a penny-dreadful—not worth looking at. There the matter rested.
The Authorship of ‘The Gospel According to Matthew’:. A Reconsideration of the External Evidence
Authors: Petrie C. Stewart
Published: February 2009

Until the latter half of the eighteenth century, the apostolic authorship of ‘the Gospel according to Matthew’ seems to have been generally accepted. But questions and doubts began to arise from different points of view in the examination of what were regarded as the relevant documents; and it would be a reasonable assessment of the general opinion of current scholarship to say that, whilst it may be agreed that Matthew is probably in some sense behind the Gospel that bears his name, there are few, if any, who would claim for him complete responsibility for the work. Yet, in the second, third and fourth centuries of the Christian era, the authorship of Matthew was not merely unquestioned: it was repeatedly and positively affirmed. These affirmations, however, have been subjected to close scrutiny, and even the basic declaration of Papias of Hierapolis, a declaration that belongs to the earlier part of the second century, has been used to refute the claim to apostolic authorship. It is the purpose here to examine the early evidence again, in the hope of finding some solid ground in the critical morass where so many seekers are apt to lose their way.
Paul: ΣОФОΣ and ПNΕΥΜΑΤΙΚΟΣ
Authors: Scroggs Robin
Published: February 2009

The first two chapters of I Corinthians are an important source for illuminating Paul's understanding of his missionary proclamation and teaching. The evidence is, however, by no means unambiguous and has been variously assessed. At one extreme stands a view such as that of Hans Windisch, who believes that Paul's christology here, as elsewhere, has been decisively influenced by Jewish wisdom teaching. Completely in the opposite direction goes the recent work of Ulrich Wilckens, who rejects any essential relationship between Paul and wisdom theology. Wilckens's studies represent a prominent tendency in recent scholarship and well merit more detailed exploration than the outline that is possible here. According to this scholar the Corinthian opponents are gnostics. Their wisdom is derived not from Greek rhetoric but from a revelatory theology whose chief offence to Paul is that it denies significance to the cross. Yet in the crucial section, I Cor. ii. 6–16, Paul himself would almost appear to be the gnostic, so similar are his words and ideas to gnostic views. The apostle's language here stems, however, from the Corinthian theology, not from his own characteristic thought. What Paul intends to do is in fact to attack the gnostic christology; but since he actually shares many ideas with the gnostics, this section, despite its intent, could actually be taken entirely in the gnostic sense. The paradoxical result of Wilckens's argument is that in those sections where Paul describes the Corinthian wisdom, one finds only Paul's derogatory and inaccurate judgement, while in the section where Paul would seem to be speaking of his own wisdom teaching, one can see the real view of the Corinthians.
Law in the New Testament: The Parable of the Prodigal Son
Authors: Duncan J. , Derrett M.
Published: February 2009

Luke xv. 11–32, an elaborate, circumstantial, in fact the longest, parable, calls now for the endeavours of a symposium. This paper cannot do more than open the legal aspects, which have already been handled by Professor David Daube and Professor Jean Dauvillier, and the symbolic aspects, which have been ignored. A complete investigation of the symbolism is not to be looked for until the midrashic links between the parable and its associated passages in Deuteronomy have been expounded by an expert in the technique of delivery of sermons amongst the Jews. Our parable's place in a lectionary cycle has been identified, and the implications of this also must be brought out: in part these will overlap with the work just alluded to, and in part they will reveal the early church's view of the parable's implicit significance. This work, however, will relate to the stage at which the parable became a written document, and to its worth for those who first used it in liturgy. This paper is concerned with Jesus’ own meaning, so far as we can rediscover it from the shape and content of the parable in the light of contemporary attitudes. Though this means covering ground already covered often, and much current exegesis will be confirmed, there is more by way of subtle statement and even more subtle contention in the parable than could have been realized before. Close studies of the vocabulary from Wetstein to J. Jeremias do not help us much at this stage of refinement; but it is interesting to note that in Jeremias's view, well substantiated as to the greater part of the parable, traces of the semitic origin of the document before us are visible throughout.
Le Livre de la Sagesse dans le Nouveau Testament
Authors: Romaniuk Casimir
Published: February 2009

‘Il y a beaucoup de raisons d'affirmer — constatait G. Kuhn il y a plusieurs années déjà — que le livre de la Sagesse jouissait d'une grande estime chez les auteurs du Nouveau Testament. On le lisait assidûment et ses traces se retrouvent aujourd'hui aussi bien chez saint Paul que dans l'Apocalypse, dans les Evangiles et, peut-être, dans I'Epître aux Hébreux et dans l'Epître de Jacques.’
L'expulsion des marchands du Temple
Authors: Trocmé Étienne
Published: February 2009

Les quatre Evangiles canoniques, comme l'on sait, relatent la façon dont Jésus, peu après qu'il eut pénétré pour la première fois dans le Temple de Jérusalem, en chassa les marchands d'animaux et les changeurs, puis commenta cet acte (Marc xi. 15–19; Matt. xxi. 12–17; Luc xix. 45–6; Jean ii. 13–22).Ces quatre récits sont très brefs, même si l'on tient compte de la concision qui caractérise les évangélistes. Rien qui ressemble ici à la relative ampleur des narrations de la Passion ou de certains récits de guèrison. Les évangélistes racontent en passant un épisode auquel ils ne paraissent pas à première vue attribuer une importance exceptionnelle. Mais ils le font sans réticence importante, puisqu'aucun d'eux n'a passé l'événement sous silence ou ne s'est efforcé de présenter une défense du geste de Jésus. Bref, il s'agit apparemment pour eux d'une anecdotesignificative parmi bon nombre d'autres.
Codex Sinaiticus in the Gospel of John: A Contribution to Methodology in establishing textual relationships
Authors: Fee Gordon D.
Published: February 2009

In his important study on the origin of text-types, Ernest C. Colwell concludes with ten suggestions for further investigation and criticism. The ninth of these suggestions reads: ‘The textual history of the New Testament differs from corpus to corpus, and even from book to book; therefore the witnesses have to be regrouped in each new section.’ A corollary to this suggestion is the fact that certain manuscripts also differ from book to book—and even within books—as to the type of text they represent. Codex W, which makes a distinct change from a Neutral to a Byzantine type of text at Luke viii. 12 and is Western in Mark i. I–V. 30, is an example of this kind of ‘divided’ MS. Therefore, in the latest manuals text-type groupings which both regroup from corpus to corpus and recognize the ‘divided’ nature of certain MSS, appear as a matter of course.
The Silence of Jesus
Authors: O'neill J. C.
Published: February 2009

Did Jesus think he was the Messiah? To answer this question we have to go back to the seminal work of the great German New Testament scholar, Wilhelm Wrede (1859–1906).
Schreiben des Lukas? Zum sprachlichen Problem der Pastoralbriefe
Authors: Strobel August
Published: February 2009

Zwischen den Pastoralbriefen und dem lukanischen Schrifttum gibt es zahlreiche auffallende Berührungspunkte sprachlicher, gedanklicher und sachlicher Art. Im folgenden möchten wir versuchen, eine einigermaßen umfassende Übersicht zu geben, um damit die Dringlichkeit des Problems zu erweisen. Seine Geschichte ist so alt wie die wissenschaftliche Erforschung der Pastoralbriefe selbst.