bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Numerical Estimates of the Compressive Strength of Impact-damaged Sandwich Composites
Authors: Hwang Youngkeun , Lacy Thomas E.
Published: May 2006

Improved numerical models have been developed for predicting the compressive strength of impact-damaged sandwich composites comprised of woven-fabric graphite-epoxy facesheets and Nomex honeycomb cores. The proposed methodology contains three key elements: (1) the use of nondestructive inspection estimates of damage, (2) the incorporation of nonlinear through-the-thickness core-crush constitutive response to account for core failure, and importantly (3) the simulation of progressive loss of facesheet structural integrity based upon userspecified ply failure criteria. The finite element predictions of residual strength for panels impacted with relatively blunt objects correlate well with the experimental observations; this is in contrast to a number of estimates from literature that tend to overestimate the strength. The proposed approach may potentially facilitate sandwich design by providing insight into the relationships between material configuration and damage that lead to improved damage tolerance characteristics.
The Wartime Utility of Precision Versus Brute Force in Weaponry
Authors: Mandel Robert
Published: May 2006

Given the tangible success with precision-guided munitions in recent conflicts, a pressing need exists to question reliance on this kind of weapon, and more specifically to begin to isolate when low destructiveness precision munitions (differentiated from massively destructive imprecise weaponry by their high accuracy and low casualty rate) are most and least effective in warfare. To do so, with particular focus on U.S. foreign security policy, this study discusses the precision weaponry debate; the precision/brute-force tradeoff; the motives and goals for developing precision weaponry; brief case studies of Operation Desert Storm from the 1991 Gulf War, Operation Allied Force from the 1999 Kosovo conflict, Operation Enduring Freedom from the 2001-2002 Afghanistan conflict, and Operation Iraqi Freedom from the 2003 Iraq War; the conditional utility of precision weaponry; and the dangers of overreliance on these arms.
Civil-Military Relations in a Neo-Kantian World, 1886-1992
Authors: Choi Seung-Whan , James Patrick
Published: May 2006

International conflict, crisis, and war, along with civil-military relations, stand together as sustained interests among scholars and policy-makers. But how often are these important subjects considered in relation to each other? It would seem that the nexus of international conflict and civil-military relations is in need of sustained and systematic research, if events such as militarized interstate disputes (MIDs) are to be more fully explained and understood. In this article, we attempt to introduce civil-military relations, from the perspective granted by comparative politics, into the neo-Kantian world of international relations. Based on a statistical analysis, which relies upon a logistic regression of crossnational, time-series data, we find that military influence in civil-military relations significantly increases MID involvement. This result indicates that building a bridge between the fields of civil-military relations and international relations is essential to account for MIDs and other commonly studied forms of conflict.
Striking the Balance: Strategy and Force in the Russo-Japanese War
Authors: Hamby Joel E.
Published: May 2006

The Russo-Japanese War holds distinct lessons for historians and national decision-makers alike. It was a remarkable event in human history that demonstrated two totally different ways of waging war, one the antithesis of the other. In addition to the seven critical points, one is struck by the largely human element and personal character of strategy and diplomacy throughout the war. The Japanese were able to make their largely informal and extra-constitutional system of government work because it was composed of highly experienced and dedicated men who understood their objective and were willing to sacrifice their personal agendas to accomplish the task. Their mission, though the particulars were not shared in a democratic process, resonated within the parliamentary body and throughout their public. They conducted their war with rationality and experience one would not have expected of an industrial state so young.
Risks and Recruitment in Postmodern Armed Forces: The Case of Belgium
Authors: Manigart Philippe
Published: May 2006

Taking the Belgian Armed Forces as a case study, this article assesses the impact of new constabulary missions on the recruitment prospects of military personnel in postmodern armed forces. In particular, it analyzes the complex relationship between these new missions, the risks to personnel, the public image of the armed forces, and recruitment prospects. The article first compares the objective level of risks of various occupations and describes the impact of the Rwandan tragedy on the official Belgian defense policy concerning troop deployments. Second, a theoretical framework is presented within which the issue of risks and recruitment can be analyzed. Finally, empirical data coming from various surveys conducted among representative samples of the Belgian population and of the Belgian Armed Forces are used to illustrate this framework.
The Public Military High School
Authors: Hajjar Remi M.
Published: May 2006

This article explores an innovative secondary educational institution: a public military academy. Data were collected through observations, interviews, paper content analyses, and surveys in an urban military high school. The data reveal how the school's unique military subculture develops students by enabling them to accrue various forms of social capital, including military capital, and by developing cadets’ civility, leadership skills and agency, discipline, and propensity for education. Therefore, the institutional product or academy graduate should possess enhanced life skills and increased chances to achieve upward mobility, making this school a potentially powerful educational institution for underprivileged urban-minority youth. Future research should explore how this school compares to other urban public schools, parochial schools, and private military schools and the life outcomes of the students from these different schools. The research has broad implications for the potential power of public military schools, especially in urban environs.
To Text or Context? Endotextual, Exotextual, and Multi-textual Approaches to Narrative and Discursive Organizational Studies
Authors: Barry David , Carroll Brigid , Hansen Hans
Published: May 2006

Organizational researchers doing narrative and discursive research have three choices in how they approach a text: an ‘endotextual’ approach where the researcher works within a text, an ‘exotextual’ approach where the researcher works outward from a text to its context(s), or a combined exo/endotextual approach which embeds a textual analysis within contextual inquiry. Although all three methods are now widely used in mainstream organizational research, the merits of combining, sequencing, or separating them have never been systematically considered. After reviewing the advantages and limitations of each perspective, we discuss an experiment in which endo and exo methods were applied to a skit co-written by management and a communications company specializing in organizational theater. The finding that using one approach creates multiple, subtle blind spots towards the other, and even more significantly affects a researcher's capacity to effectively adopt a combined method, is used to construct an alternative ‘diatextual’ framework. This is used to frame a discussion of how multi-method textual studies of organizations might be conducted in the future.
It’s New but Is It Good? New Product Development and Macromarketing
Authors: Lehmann Donald R.
Published: May 2006

New product development is integral to marketing. There are questions, however, regarding the extent to which new products are good and for whom they are good. While benefits may be obvious for manufacturers, sellers, and users of any particular product, stakeholders beyond the transaction and direct usage of said product may receive no benefits and perhaps may be harmed by new products. Some of the complex systemic effects of new products are examined in this article, with the hope that readers will ponder some of these complexities and various trade-offs and, more important, devise measures and practices that might help to determine the extent to which products truly are or can be systemically “good.”
Identifying Quality-of-Life Priorities for Societal Development: Using a Market Orientation to Benefit Citizens
Authors: Peterson Mark
Published: May 2006

Both national and international policy makers have long needed a better understanding of the relative importance of quality-of-life (QOL) dimensions in a society. By taking a market orientation to benefit citizens, this research uses con-joint analysis and primary data from respondents in three countries (the United States, France, and Turkey) to explore how individuals assign importance weights across seven dimensions of QOL. The mean values for the importance weights of these QOL dimensions in each country of this study were compared with those of an equal-weighting scheme and were found to be different in most instances. In addition, the same pattern of heterogeneity among the weights of the key QOL dimensions was observed across the three countries of this study.
Compression Properties of E-glass/Polyurethane Composites
Authors: Algood Rajshekhar , Sharma S. C. , Syed Akeel Ahmed , Rajulu A. Varada , Krishna M.
Published: May 2006

Polyurethane (PU)/E-glass composites with different reinforcement contents are prepared. The compression strength and hardness of these composites are evaluated. These properties are found to be enhanced by the reinforcement with glass.
State Morality in International Relations
Authors: Williams Bruce
Published: May 2006

Much has recently been said concerning the moral obligations of the state. It is not infrequently asserted that it is the moral duty of a state to assume some function in the interest of international society. The reaction against the philosophy which considered all state action as moral and which posited the realization of national aims as a paramount ethical end, has been followed by an increasing emphasis on the ethical liability of the state to interests in addition to its own.

In attributing moral obligations to the state, the ethical standards of the individual are frequently invoked as applicable to state conduct, and upon this analogy judgment is often pronounced on problems of international right and wrong. The question, however, defies settlement by this simple identification of two moral entities essentially dissimilar in their nature. The ascription of ethical duties to the state, wholesome as it is readily conceded to be, requires considerable analysis lest an undue inference be drawn from the mere fact of its admission. To concede the state as a moral entity does not of itself suffice. The manner of its response to moral questions; its distinctive position in a society which yet lacks many of the elemental requisites for moral progress; the forces limiting the movement of international ethics to a higher level—an inquiry into problems such as these would seem more profitable than the constant reiteration of a principle which probably few persons would longer be disposed to deny.
Diplomatic Affairs and International Law, 1912
Authors: Reinsch Paul S.
Published: May 2006

The dominant fact in foreign affairs in the year 1912 was the existence of the wars against Turkey. Turkey in Europe, and the entire Balkan region, had long been looked upon as the powder barrel of Europe. Anxiety concerning the future of this region had become a constant fear in European diplomacy, and although scares were of frequent occurrence, the nerves of Europe did not seem to get accustomed to them. Every war-cloud arising in that region seemed to threaten a storm that would sweep the entire continent. It was, therefore, natural that when Italy became involved in a war with Turkey, European policy should be full of apprehensions, and should exert itself to the utmost to tide over the dangerous situation. It did secure the limitation of the area of hostilities during the war over Tripoli, but its efforts to prevent the Balkan states from taking advantage of the opportunities afforded were fruitless, and the future seemed very uncertain, indeed. But when war had been begun, the action of the Balkan allies revealed an organization so effective, a management so capable, that a new status was almost immediately created in the Balkan region.
General Tendencies in State Constitutions
Authors: Dealey James Quayle
Published: May 2006

Throughout classical and medieval philosophizing runs a theory of a paramount or fundamental law, permanent in kind, because fixed in nature. This theory in its modern form, after voicing itself for a time in the Cromwellian period, came to the front in the American Revolution and found its proper expression in the written constitution. In our federal system, owing to the rigidity of the national Constitution, the development of that document must be traced in the varying decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States. In the Commonwealths a more flexible system of amendment prevails, and for that reason changes in what the States consider to be their fundamental law, may be traced more easily in the constitutions themselves, subject as they are to frequent revision and amendment.

In the Revolutionary period these constitutions were few in number, small in size, and contained a mere framework of governmental organization. Since that time some two hundred State constitutions have been made or revised. The forty-five now in force average in length over fifteen thousand words, the longest, that of Louisiana, having about forty-five thousand. In place of fundamentals only, they are filled with details, so petty in many instances, as hardly worthy even to be dignified as statutory.
French Colonization in North Africa
Authors: Balch Thomas Willing
Published: May 2006

In the contest of the western powers of Europe to colonize the New World, France, owing to a mistaken policy, failed completely and saw her flag and sovereignty practically driven back from this hemisphere. The early attempts of Admiral de Coligny to colonize the Huguenots first in Brazil and then in Florida, were, owing to the indifference and even opposition of the French crown, abortive. And in the later effort of the French crown to colonize in Canada and Louisiana, the attempt to bring over the remains of feudalism as opposed to the strong individualism that characterized the English settlers, reinforced by the Hollanders in New Netherlands, the Swedes and the Germans in Pennsylvania, and the Huguenots in Virginia and the Carolinas, doomed the French settlers, in the valley of the Saint Lawrence and at the mouth of the Mississippi, to defeat in their effort to extend their language and supremacy over the continent of North America.
The Usurped Powers of the Senate
Authors: Low A. Maurice
Published: May 2006

A century of constitutional government in the United States has served to emphasize the wisdom of Hamilton's warning of “the tendency of the legislative authority to absorb every other.” He clearly foresaw and attempted to guard against, dangers that today are only too apparent. “In governments purely republican,” he wrote, “this tendency is almost irresistible. The representatives of the people, in a popular assembly, seem sometimes to fancy that they are the people themselves, and betray strong symptoms of impatience and disgust at the least sign of opposition from any other quarter; as if the exercise of its rights, by either the executive or the judiciary, were a breach of their privilege and an outrage to their dignity. They often appear disposed to exert an imperious control over the other departments; and, as they commonly have the people on their side, they always act with such momentum as to make it very difficult for the other members of the government to maintain the balance of the Constitution.”

Never did human ingenuity devise a more nicely balanced system of government than when the framers of the Constitution allocated to the executive and to the legislature the exercise of powers not to be infringed by the other; but like many things human the intent has been perverted. Every person familiar with the Constitution, the debates in the convention, and the writings of Madison, Hamilton, and Jay in The Federalist, must know that the purpose of the framers of the Constitution was to create a system of government by which the President should become neither the creature nor the controller of the legislature; and by vesting certain exclusive powers in the popular branch and certain other powers in the Senate to provide that the line of demarcation between the two houses should not be overstepped.
The Extraordinary Session of the Philippine Legislature, and the Work of the Philippine Assembly
Authors: Robertson James Alexander
Published: May 2006

Early in 1910 it was rumored in Manila that an extraordinary session of the Philippine legislature was to be called, in order that the necessary appropriations might be made for the fiscal year 1910–1911. These rumors received no direct confirmation until the proclamation issued by the Governor-General on February 28, calling an extraordinary session to convene on March 28.
Conclusiveness of Administrative Determinations in the Federal Government
Authors: Powell Thomas Reed
Published: May 2006

The Federal Constitution provides that no person shall be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law, and vests in the Federal Supreme Court the ultimate power to determine what is due process. The legality of any interference with person or property may always be questioned in judicial proceedings, and therefore depends, in the last analysis, upon its conformity to a rule of law laid down by the courts.

The most usual method of disturbing the individual in the enjoyment of his personal and property rights is by judicial proceedings, and no person without authority of some branch of the government can constitutionally imprison him or permanently appropriate his property by any other means. Conceivably, the doctrine might have obtained that the government and its agents acting in official capacities must also have recourse to the courts in any undertaking affecting private rights. But “due process” has been interpreted as meaning process in conformity with certain fundamental principles, rather than any specific and required mode of procedure. The courts have held that, in certain instances, the government may interfere with private rights through the action of its administrative agents, and that such agents may be vested with the power of final and conclusive determination of the facts on which their action is based.
The New Albanian Constitution
Authors: Christie Emerson B.
Published: May 2006

The constitution adopted by the constituent assembly at Tirana on March 3, 1925, is the third organic law of the country to appear in the last twelve years. The first was the organic statute issued at Valona on April 10, 1914, by the International Commission of Control in Albania. By the terms of this instrument the new state was constituted a hereditary monarchy under the protection of Great Britain, France, Russia, Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy. The next act organizing the state was the provisional constitution adopted by Albanian leaders at Lushnia in January, 1920, and amended in 1922.
Constitutional Law in 1917–1918. II: The Constitutional Decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States in the October Term, 1917
Authors: Powell Thomas Reed
Published: May 2006

There is little or no homogeneity to the questions to be considered under the head of retroactive legislation. A dispute whether a state has passed a law impairing the obligation of contracts may turn on a question as to the proper interpretation or application of language, or on opposing views of what is sufficient consideration or what agreements are against public policy. It was under the obligation-of-contracts clause that the Pennsylvania Hospital case decided that the power of governmental authorities to exercise eminent domain could not be bargained away. The crucial question is more often whether alleged rights existed than whether undoubted rights have been impaired. The Fourteenth Amendment and the doctrine of vested rights combine to make the obligation-of-contracts clause almost superfluous, as it is difficult to think of any impairment of the obligation of contracts which that clause inhibits which could not equally well be held deprivations of liberty or property without due process of law.

This is apparent from the fact that retroactive legislation by Congress is questioned under the due-process clause of the Fifth Amendment, a contract being regarded as a property right that can be interfered with only when there is sufficient justification for what is done.
Decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States on Constitutional Questions: 1914–1917. I
Authors: Powell Thomas Reed
Published: May 2006

In previous issues of this Review Professor Wambaugh and the late Judge McClain have summarized the decisions of the Supreme Court on constitutional questions from 1909 to 1914. It is the purpose of this and a succeeding paper to deal in like manner with the decisions of the last three years. Owing to the number of cases decided during the triennium, the writer must content himself with the rôle of annalist and refrain from assuming that of analyst. For the benefit of those who desire fuller comment or criticism, references are given to articles and notes in various legal periodicals discussing the more important cases.

Since the expiration of the October term of 1913, three changes have occurred in the personnel of the bench. Mr. Justice Lurton died July 12, 1914, and his successor, Mr. Justice McReynolds, took his seat October 12, 1914. Illness prevented Mr. Justice Lamar from participating in any of the decisions of the October term of 1915. He died on January 2, 1916. The commission of Mr. Justice Brandeis, who succeeded him, was not recorded until June 5, 1916, so that during the 1915 term only eight justices participated in the work of the court. Mr. Justice Hughes resigned June 10, 1916, to accept the Republican nomination for the presidency, and his successor, Mr. Justice Clarke, took his seat on October 9, 1916. The bench as at present constituted consists of Chief Justice White, appointed associate justice by President Cleveland and chief justice by President Taft; Mr. Justice McKenna, appointed by President McKinley; Justices Holmes and Day, appointed by President Roosevelt; Justices Van Devanter and Pitney, appointed by President Taft; and the three new justices appointed by President Wilson.
Government by Special Consent
Authors: Beard William
Published: May 2006

American political theorists have long assumed that the various governmental units composing the United States act only in accordance with the powers bestowed upon them by constitutions and conforming laws of their respective jurisdictions. But in recent years they have received an electric shock through the development of “government by special consent.” Basically, the new principle means that a supervisory authority can in reality exercise rights over persons and property not brought under its wing by the constitution under which it operates—provided certain public agencies or private parties agree to the extension. This practice, which has not yet received philosophical treatment, has enabled the several governments of the Union to conquer new worlds without resorting to the long, difficult, and unwieldy process of constitutional amendment. The novel method of transfer by agreement is both rapid and flexible. But why, one is led to inquire, do independent bodies surrender portions of their “sovereignty” to other groups? Certainly not through mere altruism. They do it “for value received,” be it financial aid, convenience, advertising advantages, or other rewards. In all ages, from biblical days to the latest moment, birthrights have been sold for “pottage.”

Financial pottage needs no introduction to most American observers. They are well aware that various states in the Union, for example, have agreed to accept national control over their internal roads, educational affairs, forestry, agriculture, and other matters in exchange for monetary assistance from the federal government. Such transfers of authority for cash are of mutual benefit.
The Judicial Veto and Political Democracy
Authors: Moore Blaine F.
Published: May 2006

Since the United States has theoretically no police power, and since the federal Constitution is essentially a political document, the national judiciary must in the main use political clauses of the organic law as the basis for nullifying statutes. While clauses of this nature are thus frequently made to serve as a basis for the decisions, the great majority of statutes nullified by the United States supreme court have pertained in fact to economic and social rather than political matters. While the court has nullified in all about thirty-three federal statutes, the scope of this discussion will permit of a summary only of the more important statutes which have directly affected political questions.

The political principle of separation of powers has afforded the basis for the nullification of seven federal statutes. All these decisions have, however, affected the power and jurisdiction of the court itself; and in every jurisdictional case, with but one unimportant exception, the court has refused to accept authority which congress attempted to bestow upon it.

While the court has thus almost uniformly limited its authority in the jurisdictional cases, in one instance the principle promulgated was most momentous—the one laid down in Marbury vs. Madison.
Legislatures and Foreign Relations
Authors: Myers Denys P.
Published: May 2006

In a previous paper foreign relations as a phase of governmental activity were considered chiefly as an international phenomenon. Such relations were there discussed largely in their political bearing and some attempt was made to deduce from practice the considerations which affect foreign offices and the conditions encountered by diplomatic personnel. The problems of secrecy in negotiations and of secret treaties were examined and an effort made to indicate how much knowledge of both may be justifiably concealed. The present paper is a study of legislative control over foreign relations.

Systems of legislative handling of foreign relations may be distinguished as of three types, which we may designate as the continental, the executive, and the American. The American type is characterized by an imposed agreement between the executive and legislative departments of government before treaties can become binding upon the state. The continental type is characterized by a less complete dependence of the executive upon the legislative department in respect to treaty ratification. The executive type is characterized by an almost complete independence of the executive respecting treaty ratification.

All systems recognize definitely that the conduct of foreign relations is an executive function. None denies the patent facts that it is the place of the executive to speak and act for the state, and that, in all matters not definable as legislation, the minister can definitely bind the state. Innumerable decisions under all systems are reached by the department of foreign affairs without any but the executive branch of the government knowing anything of them until they are recorded facts.
Petty Business in Congress
Authors: Luce Robert
Published: May 2006

In the national House of Representatives that adjourned on March 4,1931, there were introduced 18,356 bills and resolutions, in the Senate 7,080, making a total of 25,436 in two years. Favorable reports were made in the House on 2,734. Of these measures, 747 died on the House calendars, that is, were not acted upon. Measures that passed the House and were not acted upon in the Senate numbered 537; those that passed the Senate and not the House, 381; making a total of 913 that fell between the branches.

The measures that became law numbered 1,524, a figure to be reconciled with the previous figures by taking into account the instances where identical bills were introduced in House and Senate and one of them was laid aside. It is to be borne in mind that individual pension bills are combined in two or three big bills, which makes the showing not quite so bad as it appears on the face. This, however, does not alter the fact that more than one quarter of the measures reported to the House were not acted upon at all, and that between 800 and 1,000 passed one branch and were not acted upon by the other.
Is the International Labor Organization Autonomous?
Authors: Steinbicker Paul G.
Published: May 2006

When the United States last year became a member of the International Labor Organization, many people deplored the decision as being the first covert step toward full membership in the League of Nations. Those whose outlook was more sympathetic to international cooperation replied, in defense, that the Labor Organization is independent of the League, having its own buildings, its own separate organs, its own secretariat, and so on; that its membership is not identical with that of the League; and that therefore a state, by becoming a member of the Labor Organization assumed no connection whatever with the League.
Business Conditions in Presidential Election Years
Authors: Ogburn William F. , Jaffe A. J.
Published: May 2006

The influence of the business cycle on politics has been studied by Rice and Tibbitts. But the influence of politics on the business cycle has not been systematically investigated, although Ayres has shown that prosperous times are about equally divided between Republican and Democratic administrations, and Mitchell has shown that the curve of business during presidential administrations is not at all like the business cycle. There is a popular impression that business is not as good during the year of a presidential election as in other years. It is the purpose of this paper to present the results of an investigation of this question.
Executive Orders—A Bibliographical Note
Authors: Brown Everett S.
Published: May 2006

Sharp criticism by Chief Justice Hughes and Associate Justice Brandeis of the Supreme Court, in the Eastern Texas oil case, of the haphazard manner in which executive and administrative orders having the force of law are distributed attracted public attention to a much-needed reform which has been advocated at intervals by political scientists. Lack of definite information concerning the issuance of these orders, combined with their rapidly increasing number and importance under the codes of fair competition, are factors in the growing demand that they be published in some definite and available form.

If one consults the Catalogue of Public Documents, under the subject “executive orders,” one finds the following: “See notes, entries, and lists of references under President of the United States. Executive orders—also subjects of orders.”
The Individual in International Organization
Authors: Hill Norman L.
Published: May 2006

International organization is generally regarded as an aggregate of machinery and processes whereby states cooperate with each other for the attainment of common objectives. Granting the validity of this conception, it may be shown that the fields in which states coöperate are of vital importance to individual persons. The international treatment of economic questions looks toward the improvement of the economic status of the individual. The cooperative efforts of states in regard to so-called political questions, such as disarmament, arbitration, and alliances, either promote amicable relations conducive to profitable transactions between the nationals of different countries or lead to hostile activities that injure economic activity and place the individual under the necessity of bearing arms.
Nature and Aims of the National Socialist German Labor Party
Authors: Pinsdorf Kate
Published: May 2006

The last election to the Reichstag brought the unexpected and rather extraordinary rise of the National Socialist German Labor party from twelve to 107 seats. It is the party of the extreme right. In nationalistic radicalism, it compares with the German National People's party, led by Hugenberg, much as in social radicalism the Communist party compares with the Social Democrats. Until recently, the National Socialists could be passed over as a negligible group of fanatics. But the party's present importance as the second strongest in the Reichstag, and the contradictory and confused ideas that are current about it, make worth while some inquiry into its nature and the causes of its rapid advance.

To start with, the party differs from its rivals in that personal leadership and military discipline are at its foundations. Besides having contributed more than any other single man to the building up of the party, Adolf Hitler is also its leader in the strictest sense of the word. A few facts about his life may show how it was that he could become the exponent of so large a number of German people.

Hitler was born in Austria in 1889 and until his fifteenth year lived in modest bourgeois surroundings, his father being a lower state official. This explains why he always has been, and still is, at heart a man of the middle classes. After the death of his parents, he was forced to earn his living as an unskilled laborer, and for some five years he lived the life of a proletarian among proletarians, completely cut off from his former middle-class environment.
Some Bibliographical Aids to the Use of British Government Publications
Authors: Brown Everett S.
Published: May 2006

It is a well recognized fact that government publications are frequently the most valuable, and sometimes practically the only, reliable source of information on many phases of political, social, and economic life. Every bibliographical aid to their use, therefore, is to be highly welcomed by the student of government; and, fortunately for him, these aids are being rapidly multiplied. A noteworthy illustration is the List of Serial Publications of Foreign Governments, 1815–1929, now being prepared by Miss “Winifred Gregory under the general direction of a joint committee of the American Council of Learned Societies, the National Eesearch Council, and the American Library Association. Under each country will be listed, in a classified arrangement, the reports and other serials which record governmental activities since 1815. Section two of the preliminary checking edition of the List is devoted to the British Overseas Empire (except Canada).

Angus Fletcher, librarian of the British Library of Information in New York, points out that “the publication of official documents is a relatively recent development in English parliamentary history. It was not until 1837 that official documents were finally made available to the public, in the form of the regularly issued Parliamentary Papers as we know them today. The publication of Non-Parliamentary Papers is of stilllater origin.” The establishment of His Majesty's Stationery Office was a result of Burke's Act for Economical Reform in 1782, prior to which time the service of this office had been granted as a monopoly to persons in favor at court. The student entering on a study of British public documents can well afford to review the very readable and valuable historical account of the records of Parliament given by Sir Courtney Ilbert, wherein he traces the development of the written reports of the journals and debates from their beginnings.
The Legal Meaning of the Pact for the Renunciation of War
Authors: Gonsiorowski Miroslas
Published: May 2006

Few treaties have been the object of such different and contradictory constructions as the Pact for the Renunciation of War. For some writers, the Pact constitutes a mere gesture and has only a moral value. For others, it condemns any act of force whatever and imposes upon the contracting parties a positive obligation to settle all disputes by pacific means. There are still others who take a stand between these two extreme views, but they are far from reaching an agreement as to the exact meaning of the Pact. Such a divergence of opinion is largely due to the fact that this treaty has been generally contemplated from a political rather than from a legal point of view. While the opponents of the Pact have endeavored to minimize its importance, the supporters have been at pains to enlarge its scope by means of an extensive interpretation. Instead of attempting to examine carefully the legal issues involved and to arrive at a conclusion as a result of an objective investigation, both camps have striven to find arguments likely to support their preconceived opinions. Owing to the personal authority of certain writers who have taken a part in this discussion, some arguments which they have advanced have made considerable impression and have been adopted uncritically by a large body of opinion, although they lack any legal foundation.
The Antithesis of Nature and Art, and Rousseau's Rejection of the Theory of Natural Rights
Authors: Ogden Henry V. S.
Published: May 2006

In spite of all that has been written about Rousseau's political theory, he is still generally regarded as a proponent of the theory of natural rights. His political writings are thought to contain an exposition of that theory, and they are believed to have been highly influential in spreading it. Thus Professor Crane Brinton, writing in the Encyclopædia of the Social Sciences, says that although Rousseau added little to the actual dogmas of the theory of natural rights, “he did much to give it proselyting strength” and he “gave the doctrine of natural rights, hitherto endowed with the solid and effective but imaginatively limited prestige of nature as reality, as uniformity, and as the “golden mean,” the additional prestige of nature as mystic strength, as magna mater.” But it has already been shown that Rousseau's political doctrine was neither wellknown nor influential in France until the doctrine of natural rights lost its vogue and the authoritarian doctrines of Robespierre and the extremists of 1793 superseded it.
Fascist Italy's New Legislative System
Authors: Steiner H. Arthur
Published: May 2006

In the historic chamber of the Montecitorio on March 23, 1939, the Fascist régime unveiled its latest legislative model, the third in a series. The royal session of the Senate and the new Fascist and Corporative Chamber (Camera dei Fasci e delle Corporazioni [C. F. C.]) opened the thirtieth legislature just twenty years after the founding of the fascio of Milan.
Safeguarding American Neutrality
Authors: Simsarian James
Published: May 2006

Legislative safeguards for the preservation of the neutrality of the United States enacted by Congress in the fall of 1939 immediately took on added significance as the sea warfare of the belligerent powers in Europe increased in intensity. The many losses of neutral as well as belligerent vessels due to unanchored mines, submarine attacks, and other activity confirmed the prevalent opinion in the United States that the withdrawal of American persons, vessels, aircraft, and cargoes from the area of combat in the waters of northern and western Europe was a wise move. The seizure by British warships of cargoes from German ports or of German origin or ownership, although carried on neutral vessels, added to the dangers to which neutral shipping was exposed.
The Reference Committee of the Ohio House of Representatives
Authors: Baker Roscoe
Published: May 2006

In 1921, the House of Representatives of the Ohio General Assembly established a committee of eight members whose duty it was to scan all bills introduced for the purpose of determining whether they were frivolous or irrelevant, not introduced in good faith, or duplications of existing law. When this committee had satisfied itself on these points, bills were to be reported back to the House with recommendations of assignment to appropriate standing committees, thus relieving the speaker of this particular duty. In 1929, the rule covering the functions of this Reference Committee was amended so as to permit it to recommend changes, combine bills, and give its approval to “the form and legal effect” of bills. Other changes in 1937 and 1939 dealt with the number of members serving on the committee, and allowed the committee eight legislative days, instead of six, for disposing of bills. The rule under which the committee now functions is as follows:

“When a bill has been read the first time, it shall be referred to the Reference Committee for its consideration and report within eight legislative days after such reference. If it be apparent to said committee that any bill is of a frivolous nature, or that it was not introduced in good faith, or that it is a duplication of a House bill, or can easily be handled as an amendment to a House bill already introduced, or that it is in conflict with or a duplication of an existing statute without making proper provision for the repeal or amendment of such existing statute, said committee shall report said bill back to the House for its return to the author with a notation thereon of the reason for its return.
Organization of the Executive Branch of the National Government of the United States: Changes between November 15, 1941, and March 31, 1942
Authors: Schmeckebier L. F.
Published: May 2006

As in previous lists, mention is here confined generally to units specifically authorized by law or established by the President by executive order or reorganization plans under general authority vested in him. Changes in units created by heads of departments or independent establishments are excluded unless of major importance.

Authority for General Reorganization. Public Law 354, 77th Congress, approved December 18, 1941, authorizes the President to make redistribution of functions among executive agencies; the authority is limited to “matters relating to the conduct of the present war” and excludes any part of the General Accounting Office and its functions. This act is to be in force during the continuance of the present war and for six months thereafter, or until such earlier time as Congress by concurrent resolution or the President may designate. At the termination of the act all agencies will exercise the same functions as heretofore or as hereafter by law may be provided, any authorization of the President to the contrary notwithstanding.
Wartime Rationing and Governmental Organization
Authors: O'Leary Paul M.
Published: May 2006

Prior to Pearl Harbor, few Americans had given any serious and sustained thought to rationing as a form of wartime economic control. The United States was felt to be a land of chronic surplus in which rationing had no place. To be sure, certain industrial raw materials had become scarce under the impact of the defense program early in 1941, and had been subjected to priorities control by the Office of Production Management. But rationing of consumers' goods was not taken very seriously. Mr. Ickes' East Coast gasoline “shortage” of the late summer and early fall of 1941 had evaporated quickly. There were, of course, a few bright young men in the back rooms of Leon Henderson's O.P.A. who knew that strict wartime price control of consumers' goods would eventually necessitate rationing, price increases not being permitted to control distribution of relatively scarce goods. But even in the O.P.A. the immediate pressure of other duties, principally the control of prices of basic raw materials and the preparation of a price control act then being considered by Congress, prevented the creation of any real rationing organization. Pearl Harbor found the United States with no rationing plans, no rationing organization, and no real appreciation of the indispensability of rationing in a genuine all-out war effort.
The First Session of the Seventy-eighth Congress
Authors: Riddick Floyd M.
Published: May 2006

In his budget message for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1944, which really should be labelled the State of the Union Message, President Roosevelt presented in outline his legislative program, which occupied Congress for the session. The message was devoted primarily to war expenditures, farm and food program, stabilization program, civilian control, non-war expenditures, the debt limit, and a pay-as-you-go tax system.

Organization. The political complexion of the Seventy-eighth Congress differs considerably from that of the Seventy-seventh, particularly in the House. The Republicans gained 47 Representatives and ten Senators, while the Democrats lost 45 Representatives and nine Senators. The third parties retained the same number of Representatives, but lost one Senator. The change in personnel was even greater, with thirteen changes in the Senate's membership and 106 in that of the House. The chairmanship of three standing committees of the Senate and fifteen of the House were changed at the beginning of or during the session.
Nationalised Industries in Britain and France
Authors: Robson William A.
Published: May 2006

The trend towards public ownership or control of certain basic industries and services, particularly those relating to fuel, power, transport and banking, is a secular movement of world-wide dimensions. Traces of it can be found, in greater or less degree, in almost every country which is economically developed, and in many backward ones as well.

The political scientist who studies this subject in his own country is almost certain to feel strongly tempted to consider developments elsewhere. There is a deep fascination in comparing and contrasting the manner in which this great movement manifests itself in different countries. The pattern of development will inevitably be influenced by history, and by variations in the political, economic, legal, psychological and sociological characteristics of the several nations. These divergences, however, serve to heighten the interest by enabling us to distinguish the fundamental elements of general significance from the incidental aspects of local significance due to national idiosyncrasies.
Administrative Ethics and the Rule of Law
Authors: Marx Fritz Morstein
Published: May 2006

“Anybody we like is efficient. Anybody we do not like is a bureaucrat.” This good-natured comment on legislative attitudes toward the executive branch was made recently in Congress by an experienced lawmaker, speaking as chairman of a subcommittee of the House Committee on Appropriations. The epigram may be relished for its knowing humor, but its greater significance lies in the light it sheds on one of the most important problems of modern government—the problem of insuring responsible administration in the framework of democratic society.

For, of course, one way of getting nowhere in attempting a solution of this problem is to reduce it to a matter of personal preference. In the broader context, it is plainly irrelevant whether or not “we,” as citizens or as lawmakers, happen to “like” the individual administrative official we confront, or the particular public agency, or the functions that have to be performed under the laws, or the general direction in which things are moving in response to the policies of those elected to exercise political control. Nor do our likes and dislikes furnish a trustworthy criterion to mark the border line between “efficient” public service and “bureaucracy.”

And yet, for the administrative official it is a familiar experience to encounter sharp animosity on the part of some legislators, as well as some elements of the public, precisely for doing his statutory duty. In a party system like ours, which puts only a small premium on political solidarity, the frequency of such experience is increased because lawmakers exercise great freedom of dissent from legislative measures passed with the support of their own party.