bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Aristocracy, Agriculture and Liberalism: the Politics, Finances and Estates of the third Lord Carrington
Authors: Adonis Andrew
Published: June 2009

Politicians in the 1880s believed they were introducing ‘democracy’ into Britain and many feared the – possibly revolutionary – challenge it posed to the existing social and political orders. Historians have for some time recognized that the aristocracy continued to play a significant role in each until at least the First World War. The peers' social hegemony, strong institutional position and relative economic security were a formidable combination. Few would now accept Ensor's view that the 1880s witnessed the beginning of ‘the economic dethronement of the landowners’, and that ‘political headship [could not] long survive economic defeat’. The durability of the late-Victorian aristocracy remains, however, a phenomenon more frequently asserted than examined. The peerage was the sum of its individual members; yet the few ‘micro’ studies hitherto published have concentrated on the ‘aristocracy of the aristocracy’ – the elite of wealth and power, mainly dukes, within the peerage. We know little of the mass of peers who were far less favourably placed, suffered real financial difficulties, but whose tenacity and continued sense of purpose were crucial to the peers' ability to survive.
Starting in reason, ending in passion. Bryce, Lowell, Ostrogorski and the problem of democracy
Authors: Pombeni Paolo
Published: June 2009

This essay deals with the problem of the roots of Ostrogorski's well-known approach to the problem of political parties, showing that: (1) Ostrogorski's approach is highly dependent on the nineteenth-century debate among the English intelligentsia about a supposed ‘American model’; (2) James Bryce was at the centre of an intellectual network assuming that ‘modern politicsxyr could become the subject of a sort of ‘scientific approach to politics’ more up to date than the traditional one depending on Tocqueville's school; (3) Ostrogorski betrayed Bryce's expectation of a balanced research on the transformation of modern politics because of his dependence on an old-fashioned liberal mind (as evident from his correspondence); (4) this cleavage between the two interpretations of political development was perceived and led to a certain discussion among English and American political scholars (and in this framework Lowell's contribution is peculiarly worthy of attention).
Profiting from Religious Reform: The Land Rush of 1559
Authors: Jones Norman L.
Published: June 2009

‘Supremacy and Uniformity’, wrote A. F. Pollard, ‘occupied less of the time of parliament [in 1559] … than did the scramble for episcopal lands …’ This fact, apparent to anyone who glances at the Journal of the House of Commons for 1559, has been ignored by historians who wrote before Pollard and by those who wrote after him. Concerned only with bills dealing with religion, scholars failed to recognize that proposals concerning the distribution of ecclesiastical lands dominated the session. During the two months before Easter private land bills monopolized the Commons' time for three weeks, ruining any timetable the government might have had and helping to persuade, if not forcing, the queen to continue the session after Easter.
The Politics of State Coercion in Inter-War Britain: The Mines Department of the Board of Trade, 1920–1942
Authors: Kirby M. W.
Published: June 2009

One of the more remarkable features of the Second World War was the emergence of a ‘reforming consensus’ within the two major political parties in Britain. As Addison has pointed out ‘a massive new ground emerged in British polities’ and Conservative and Labour leaders alike openly began to espouse the case for ‘“pragmatic reform” in a mixed economy’. By 1945 the emphasis on social equity in ‘the people's war’ and the removal of lingering doubts as to Labour's fitness to govern, had combined with collective memories of the inter-war period, with its mass unemployment and social distress, to produce a new ‘left of centre’ consensus on the issue of postwar reconstruction. This applied not just to the maintenance of full employment and the inauguration of a ‘welfare state’, but also to the reorganization of certain industries. In this latter category by far the most appropriate illustration of the basic measure of agreement between the parties is provided by their approach to the reconstruction of the coalmining industry. As with other industrial sectors the Labour party was irrevocably committed to nationalization as the key element in its reconstruction programme. In this instance there was, of course, a major difference with the Conservatives who wished to retain, as far as possible, the basic principles of private enterprise. But divorced from the rhetoric of laissez-faire capitalism, what did this mean in practical terms? It is worth noting that the successive modifications during the thirties to the statutory cartel system instituted under part I of the Coal Mines Act, 1930, had been made at the instigation of a Conservative-dominated National government and had meant that the freedom of action of the individual colliery undertaking was severely circumscribed by 1939.
Independence, Deference, and Voter Participation: The Behaviour of the Electorate in Early-Eighteenth-Century Kent
Authors: Landau Norma
Published: June 2009

Independent or deferential: the voters of the reign of Queen Anne have been subjected to statistical analysis and their honour has been vindicated. Recent studies of the behaviour of the early-eighteenth-century electorate have declared that these voters were independent. The mid-eighteenth-century electorate, in contrast, was deferential, and the difference between the two electorates has led to speculation about the relation of voter behaviour to social and political structure. Since the politics of Anne' reign was dominated by party, it has been suggested that the existence of party depended, in part, on the presence of an independant electorate. As the structure of mid-century politics can be described without reference to party, it has likewise been postulated that the disappearance of party is a symbol of oligarchic subversion of electoral independence. Yet it may be that the importance of party and other formal political structures as indices of change in the conduct and society of eighteenth-century Englishmen has been overestimated. If the early-eighteenth-century electorate was not as independent as recent interpretations suggest, there is no need to assume a subtle but radical alteration of social structure to explain an alteration in voter behaviour. Change in political structure may not be significantly related to the behaviour and society of England's voters.
A Spanish Statesman of Appeasement: Medina De Las Torres and Spanish Policy 1639–1970
Authors: Stradling R. A.
Published: June 2009

In spite of the current renaissance of interest and research in the history of Habsburg Spain, very little of significance has yet appeared in English on the post-Olivares period of Spanish government and policy – the period in which the Spanish monarchy declined from a position of European hegemony to that of a second-rate power, the virtually helpless prey of her continental and maritime adversaries. The nineteenth-century histories of Dunlop and Hume, which interspersed sections of court diaries with superficial, descriptive chronicles of foreign and military affairs, were not substantially improved upon by R. Trevor Davies' (admittedly posthumous) study of Spain in Decline. The more recent I studies by Professors Elliott, Lynch and Domínguez Ortiz tend to be somewhat exiguous on the years following the great crisis of 1640 (albeit to differing extents) whilst displaying a common freshness of approach and presentation. This is quite understandable, since the situation in Spanish historiography itself is not much better. The uniformly dismal, perhaps still humiliating, features of this period are a natural deterrent to study in contemporary Spain. Domínguez Ortiz and Valiente apart, researched monographs are non-existent, and it has been left to the Anglo-Saxons to venture, on a modest scale, into the uncharted territories of administrative and monetary history.
Party Conflict and Political Stability in Monmouthshire, 1690–1740
Authors: Jenkins Philip
Published: June 2009

In the 1960s Professor Plumb discussedThe growth of political stability in England 1675–1725. In the seventeenth century, he noted, party violence and political conflict were frequent events, resulting in open civil war in the 1640s and several perilous crises in later years. Stability (he argued) developed from the 1720s by means of the ubiquitous use of political patronage by the Whig government, and Sir Robert Walpole's judicious ability to avoid too many controversies that stirred political passions. The government simply offered too many tempting jobs and places for any but the staunchest tory to resist. At the same time, elections became more expensive and less frequent, so a parliamentary seat was a long-term investment for a wealthy family. Of course, this account has been challenged. The tory opposition continued to exist, and to develop creative new methods of organization and propaganda. However, Britain clearly had a much more stable and secure political system in the eighteenth century.
Whigs, bishops and America: the politics of church reform in mid-eighteenth-century England
Authors: Taylor Stephen
Published: June 2009

The eighteenth century is traditionally seen as an interlude between two vigorous movements of church reform. This article explores the problems and attitudes which underlay the absence of major structural reform of the Church in this period. To do so, it examines the failure of attempts, especially those of the 1740s and 1750s, to create an anglican episcopate in the American colonies. The leaders of the Church of England were agreed that the need for American bishops was pressing, on both pastoral and administrative grounds, and the 1740s and 1750s witnessed two proposals for their creation which were supported by virtually the whole bench of bishops. Both failed. The whig ministry resolutely opposed these initiatives, largely out of fear that any debate of church reform would revive the political divisions of Queen Anne's reign. The bishops, moreover, were prepared to submit to this ministerial veto, despite their belief in the necessity of reform, not through political subservience, but because they too feared renewed controversy about religion and the Church, believing that such controversy would revive both anti-clerical attacks from without and bitter divisions within.
Fen Drainage, the Central Government, and Local Interest: Carleton and the Gentlemen of South Holland
Authors: Kennedy Mark E.
Published: June 2009

In 1591 Julius Caesar, then judge of the High Court of Admiralty, initiated ‘ an important experiment…in the Admiralty court's continuing quest for greater respect and authority’. Despite high expectations on the part of Caesar, however, the experiment, a circuit of the west and southwest of England undertaken ‘in hopes of forcing the local authorities in those regions to submit to the supremacy’ of the Admiralty, was abortive. Caesar, beset by corrupt local officials and profiteering inhabitants, abandoned his circuit when only half completed and after obtaining results far less than he had anticipated. Caesar's failure, according to Lamar Hill, the historian of the ill-fated experiment, was not merely that of one Westminster bureaucrat unable to impose his authority in the provinces.
Jack, Tommy, and Henry Dubb: The Armed Forces and the Working Class
Authors: Englander David , Osborne James
Published: June 2009

The five years 1917–21 are commonly regarded as a period of unusual turmoil in Britain when fears of revolution reached an intensity unknown in more than three generations. In explaining this unrest, historians have naturally concentrated upon the organized Labour movement; upon the complex dialectics of a conservative rank-and-file marshalled behind creative revolutionary leaders in the engineering trades; and, in the trades unions and Labour party, upon the genesis and meaning of Clause IV. In all such studies the state's most powerful servants have, however, commanded relatively little attention. Other than as an instrument of public order intruding into industrial disputes, historians of the working class have shown scant interest in the serviceman who remains very much the ‘candy man’ in uniform. This article, by way of redress, is concerned to examine the character of unrest in the armed forces, to compare and contrast disaffection in the army and navy, and to review Labour's response to both veteran and serviceman.
Urban Liberalism and the ‘lost generation’: politics and middle class culture in Norwich, 1900–1935
Authors: Doyle Barry M.
Published: June 2009

This article utilizes the metaphor of the post-war Lost Generation to investigate the chronology of middle class political realignment and Liberal decline. It suggests that the Liberalism of twentieth-century Norwich owed its existence to the perpetuation of a closed culture based on business, chapel and urban residence. It questions the degree to which dissenting Liberals had been assimilated into the dominant ideology before 1914 by reference to marriage ties and associational links such as the freemasons. It asserts that the downfall of this Liberal culture in the long run, though not immediately, was the result of the Great War, which allowed the younger generation to break out of their insular world and mix more freely with the Anglican upper-middle class. However, it also demonstrates that the closed culture was such that those of the Edwardian political generation, although affected by the War, did not reject their Liberalism. Most continued to actively support the party into the 1930s, questioning the view that the middle classes had largely deserted the Liberals by 1924. Rather, it was the political maturation in the 1930s of the War generation which heralded the end of urban Liberalism and the triumph of middle class Conservatism.
Constitutions old and new: Henrion de Pansey before and after the French revolution
Authors: Salmon J. H. M.
Published: June 2009

Henrion de Pansey (1742–1829) is an important but neglected constitutional historian whose views on the French past served as a commentary on the unwritten and written constitutions of his own age. A feudal lawyer before the revolution and an appeal judge under Napoleon and the restored Bourbons, he published a variety of works combining liberal sentiment with judicial traditionalism. His career illustrates the shift of moderate conservative opinion across the revolutionary divide. The alteration in his political thought is best understood through its conjunction with the three historical modes prevalent in his time: a discontinuous approach, accepting the past as a series of different regimes interrupted by revolutions; a developmental view, charting the progressive growth of institutions from seeds planted in antiquity; and a fundamentalist habit of thought that saw change as decline from pristine perfection. The jurists of sixteenth-century France remained Henrion's most admired models, and he used his roseate vision of the early modern French monarchy as a sometimes critical commentary on the constitutions designed in his own day. In prerevolutionary days he recast the ideas of the sixteenth-century rationalizer of feudalism, Charles Dumoulin, into Enlightenment terms. After the revolution, De l'Autoritéjudiciaire (1810) depicted the moderating role of the judiciary as defenders of past constitutions, and formed an oblique commentary on Napoleon's civil code. Des Pairs et de l'ancienne constitution (1816) appraised the charter of 1814. It accepted a measure of popular participation in government, but held judicial expertise essential in legislation. Des Assemblées nationales (1826) shifted the emphasis from judicial oversight to the separation of powers and representative government, although Henrion, like Guizot and the doctrinaires, remained critical of popular democracy.
Patterns of parliamentary legislation, 1660–1800
Authors: Hoppit Julian
Published: June 2009

Before 1689 parliament met relatively infrequently and unpredictably, passing limited amounts of legislation. After that date parliament met annually and enacted a significantly enhanced volume of legislation. By relating attempts to legislate to patterns of acts this transformation is explored at a very general level. Some explanations are advanced, largely by examining institutional arrangements and the subject matter of legislation. Finally, some general observations on the significance of this ‘revolution in parliament’ are advanced.
Gallican Liberties and the Politics of Later Sixteenth-Century France
Authors: Powis Jonathan
Published: June 2009

What lay behind the anxiety of so many Frenchmen of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries to defend the ‘liberties of the Gallican church’? In a stimulating essay published in 1971, Professor W. J. Bouwsma argued that Gallican ideas transcended any purely national setting, and that they should be studied (to borrow Febvre's distinction) from the standpoint of religious rather than of ecclesiastical history. Beyond the narrowly institutional concerns of traditional French approaches to the subject, Professor Bouwsma glimpsed among the upholders of Gallican liberties a certain cast of mind: a disposition towards religious renewal, an acceptance of the diversity of local church arrangements, and a corresponding distaste for the dogmatic certainties and standardizing ambitions of Tridentine Catholicism. So Professor Bouwsma argued.
The Fédérés of Dijon in 1815
Authors: Alexander Robert
Published: June 2009

When Napoleon returned from exile on the island of Elba, he immediately set about gathering the support that he hoped would re-establish him as ruler of France. No sooner had he disembarked at Antibes on 1 March 1815 than he began issuing proclamations in which he portrayed himself as the leading soldier of the Republic and a man of the Revolution. His appeals found a welcome response in the French populace that astonished his opponents and perhaps surprised the emperor as well. Napoleon had changed the very nature of Bonapartism by allying himself with the tradition of the Revolution, and the federation movement which swept across France during the six weeks prior to Waterloo was a direct response to his new appeal.
British Politics and Social Policy during the Second World War
Authors: Jefferys Kevin
Published: June 2009

This article sets out to examine the relationship between party politics and social reform in the Second World War. The issue of government policy towards reform was raised initially by Richard Titmuss, who argued in his official history of social policy that the experience of total war and the arrival of Churchill's coalition in 1940 led to a fundamentally new attitude on welfare issues. The exposure of widespread social deprivation, Titmuss claimed, made central government fully conscious for the first time of the need for reconstruction; the reforms subsequently proposed or enacted by the coalition were therefore an important prelude to the introduction of a ‘welfare state’ by the post-war Labour administration. These claims have not been borne out by more recent studies of individual wartime policies, but as a general guide to social reform in the period the ideas of Richard Titmuss have never been entirely displaced. In fact the significance of wartime policy, and its close relationship with post-war reform, has been reaffirmed in the most comprehensive study of British politics during the war – Paul Addison's The road to 1945. For Addison, the influence of Labour ministers in the coalition made the government the most radical since Asquith's Liberal administration in the Edwardian period. The war, he notes, clearly placed on the agenda the major items of the post-war welfare state: social security for all, a national health service, full employment policies, improved education and housing, and a new system, of family allowances.
III. Lord Macaulay, 1800–59
Authors: Browning Andrew
Published: June 2009

It was the fortune of Thomas Babington Macaulay to be born into a chaotic world; to grow to manhood amidst constant wars, revolutions, counterrevolutions and reform movements scarcely distinguishable from revolutions; to take a leading part in some of these movements at home and in India, and to be an eye-witness of others in France; to live long enough to see the gradual return of stability on a foundation holding out the brightest hopes for the future, and to die early enough to escape even the first faint indication that these hopes were not to be fulfilled. He was born (on the anniversary of the battle of Agincourt, as he loved to recall) between the fall of the republic in France and the rise of Napoleon to despotic authority. He entered Trinity College, Cambridge, with which he and his family were to have so long and so distinguished an association, between the battle of Waterloo and the battle of Peterloo. He attained his majority amidst the revolutions of 1821, entered Parliament amidst the revolutions of 1830, and published the first two volumes of his History amidst the revolutions of 1848. He was still at the height of his powers when the Great Exhibition of 1851 was hailed as ushering in a new era of peace and prosperity, and died eight years later, just in time to avoid witnessing the series of wars which marked the third quarter of the nineteenth century and the beginning of that bitter commercial rivalry and international tension which foreshadowed the eventual collapse.
The National and Local Significance of Wyatt's Rebellion in Surrey
Authors: Robison William B.
Published: June 2009

Though much has been written about Wyatt's rebellion, it remains controversial. There is, first of all, lively debate about the rebels' motives in rising against Mary Tudor in January and February 1554. It is generally agreed that some rebels wished only to force changes in royal policy, while others sought to replace the queen with her sister Elizabeth and Edward Courtenay, the earl of Devon. But, while D. M. Loades and his adherents contend that the rising was caused almost entirely by opposition to Mary's proposed marriage to Prince Philip of Spain, others argue – to varying degrees – that religion was significant and that many rebels were protestants seeking to thwart a catholic restoration.
The Structure of the Royalist Party, 1642–1646
Authors: Hutton Ronald
Published: June 2009

In the last forty years the accepted portrait of the parliamentarian party during the Great Civil War has changed almost beyond recognition. A score of books and articles have been devoted, with much debate, to reinterpreting the nature of the factions comprising that party. By contrast, the accepted view of its opponent, the royalist party, is still that established by Gardiner over a hundred years ago. This situation is not unduly surprising. Some of the principal sources for a study of the royalist party, such as the journals of the royalist parliament, were destroyed at the end of the war. Furthermore, the royalists may seem ultimately less significant objects of study than their rivals, in that they lost the war and therefore contributed nothing, save as a menace, to the subsequent formation of English polity and the making of the modern world. Though not surprising, such an attitude is none the less indefensible. Considerable material for such a study does survive. Clarendon's comments, whether in his History1 or his Life2, are well known. By contrast other retrospective sources, notably Prince Rupert's ‘Diary’, a summary of his career by an unknown admirer,3 are almost unused. These may be compared with the contemporary evidence of hundreds of letters preserved in the British Library, Bodleian Library and local record offices. In favour of such a study, it may be argued that until the royalist party is understood the nature of the Great Civil War cannot be properly appreciated. Moreover, the significance of the parliamentarian victory for a future England is only clear if some suggestion can be made of the possible consequences of a royalist triumph.
Northcliffe and Lloyd George at War, 1914–1918
Authors: McEwen J. M.
Published: June 2009

A decade ago there appeared a volume of twelve essays on Lloyd George, written by a dozen young historians and edited by A. J. P. Taylor. These pieces, of varying merit and degree of interest, ranged widely from pre-1914 social reform to the Greek question and even to the Second World War.1 Yet strangely enough one of the most colourful patches of the huge canvas that was Lloyd George's life did not receive so much as a passing glance - namely his relations with the press. Taylor had hinted at the possibilities in that sphere when preparing a volume of his own essays a few years earlier. There he placed in sequence two entertaining chapters of quite unequal length and importance, one entitled ‘Lloyd George: rise and fall’ and the other ‘The Chief’.2 The latter requires a little explanation, for ‘ Chief was the style of address beloved of Alfred Harmsworth, Viscount Northcliffe, the man who owned The Times, Daily Mail, Evening News, and a host of other newspapers and journals. Quite simply he was the greatest press lord of them all, and Fleet Street has known many. While it is manifestly impossible in a few pages to explore in detail the full story of Lloyd George and the press, we can profitably follow his relations with Lord Northcliffe during the years 1914 to 1918 when these two giants were at the peak of their power and their fortunes were intertwined in many and strange ways. During the war Northcliffe was frequently called (and with utmost seriousness) ‘The Most Powerful Man in the Country’, while at the end Lloyd George was ‘The Man Who Won the War’. Often it seemed that the stage was not big enough for both and the British people must choose between them. Not until 1918 did two events - the ‘Maurice debate’ and the ‘Coupon election’ - prove conclusively that in the final analysis Lloyd George's power was real while Northcliffe's was largely illusory. Perhaps none was more surprised at this outcome, certainly none was more relieved, than Lloyd George himself. The reasons will become apparent as the history of their wartime relationship unfolds.
III. Lord Clarendon and the Cretan Question, 1868–9
Authors: Robson Maureen M.
Published: June 2009

The Conference of Paris, which met early in 1869 to settle the dispute between Turkey and Greece over the Cretan question, appears in retrospect as one of many abortive attempts to resolve an insoluble situation. The Cretan rebellion, stemming from religious and ethnic conflicts endemic in those parts of the Turkish empire which embraced Christian communities, invites modern parallels; while the attitudes of the spectators were governed not only by the immediate needs of their external policies, but by principles often based on ideological considerations. Panhellenism and panslavism came into conflict with the traditional desire to support Turkey. Liberal sympathy with the insurgents precipitated legal problems identical with those created by the American Civil War. Yet, apart from the intrinsic interest of any aspect of the Eastern question, and the importance of any issue which influenced the development of international law, the conference has a significance of its own as an attempt to apply the process of mediation. This requires explanation, since at first sight there is little to distinguish the conference from previous workings of the concert of Europe. During the peace conference at the close of the Crimean War the plenipotentiaries made an informal recommendation that ‘states between which any serious misunderstanding may arise should, before appealing to arms, have recourse as far as circumstances might allow to the good offices of a friendly power’. The conference of 1869 put into practice1 for the first time this Protocol no. 23 of the Treaty of Paris of 1856.
I. Definitions of Treason in an Elizabethan Proclamation
Authors: Youngs Frederic A.
Published: June 2009

Note, the King by his proclamation, or other ways, cannot change any part of the common law, or statute law, or the customs of the realm … also the King cannot create any offence by his prohibition or proclamation, which was not an offence before, for that was to change the law, and to make an offence which was not; for ubi non est lex, ibi non est transgressio; ergo, that which cannot be punished without proclamation, cannot be punished with it…
VII. Cecil Rhodes and the Second Home Rule Bill
Authors: Taylor G. P.
Published: June 2009

The main way in which the second Home Rule Bill differed from the first was in its provision for the retention of Irish M.P.s at Westminster. Cecil Rhodes played an important part in bringing about this change, both in the way in which he obtained Parnell's support for continued Irish representation in die Imperial Parliament, and in the assistance he gave to the Liberal Party to regain power in 1892. But while most of the facts about Rhodes' only major incursion into British politics have long been well-known, his actions have been obscured; either through misunderstanding, or because they have been considered as peripheral to the more important aspects of their subjects by biographers of Parnell and Rhodes himself and by writers on the home rule crises, and so have been underestimated.
Charles Kingsley at Cambridge
Authors: Chadwick Owen
Published: June 2009

That Magdalene College should commemorate the centenary of a celebrated son is generous, in two ways. First, because modern England owes a felt debt to Newman, whether it is to Cardinal Newman or only Mr Newman; and since the quarrel between Kingsley and Newman still reverberates out of the Victorian age like the quarrel between Wilberforce and Huxley, anyone who feels any kind of debt to Newman is bound to have less than the highest natural sympathy for Kingsley. The second reason is that Kingsley's attitude to his own college was at one time so tense with contempt, and diis contempt expressed publicly, and read in all the middle-class homes of England, that the contemporary fellows of the college might be pardoned for being tepid when in i860 he came back to Cambridge as a don.
The Confederacy and the Purge of the Unionist Free Traders, 1906–1910
Authors: Sykes Alan
Published: June 2009

Joseph Chamberlain's speech at Birmingham on 15 May 1903, which began the tariff reform campaign, produced divisions within the Unionist party on a scale unknown since the repeal of trie Corn Laws. Announced to a party tired and jaded after its difficulties in the conduct of the Boer War, imperial preference offered an outlet for frustrated imperialist idealism, a cause to which the enthusiasts of the party could devote themselves, ‘… in a few hours England, indeed the whole Empire, was in a ferment of indescribable excitement’ Enthusiasm for the new cause rapidly developed into intolerance towards any other opinion. In the summer of 1903 supporters and opponents of the new policy organized themselves into rival leagues: ‘For a decade the Unionist party, the great exemplar of political pragmatism, was consumed by ideological passion’. The epitome of this intolerance and ideological passion was the Confederacy, ‘this extraordinary phenomenon in English politics — a secret society with all the trappings of oaths, threats and codes’,s ‘a secret society of extremist wholehoggers … [which] … saw itself as the inquisitorial arm of the tariff reform movement…’ and whose avowed object was ‘to drive the enemies of tariff reform out of the Conservative party’.
Bishop Gardiner, Machiavellian
Authors: Donaldson Peter
Published: June 2009

Some years ago my attention was drawn by Professors Paul Kristeller and William Nelson of Columbia University to two manuscripts – one in the Bibliothèque Publique de Besançon and the other in the Escorial – of a text that appeared to be the last work of Stephen Gardiner, a leading conservative churchman, diplomat and publicist in the Henrician period, and, from 1553 until his death in 1555, Mary Tudor's chancellor. The text is in Italian, and is titled Ragionamento dell’advenimento delli inglesi et normanni in Britannia – ‘ A discourse on the coming of the English and Normans to Britain’. The translator, George Rainsford, worked from an English original now lost, and appended to the Gardiner text his own Ritratto d'Ingliterra or ‘Description of England’; he dedicated the composite volume to Philip II, among whose books the Escorial manuscript had been. The dedication is dated 16 March 1556, some four months after Gardiner's death. Both the Gardiner text and the Rainsford appendix have now been published.
Repairing the entente cordiale And The New Diplomacy
Authors: Cassels Alan
Published: June 2009

At the close of World War I two schools of thought about the future conduct of international relations emerged into plain view. On the one hand, the traditionalists presumed that the principles and practices of pre-1914 diplomacy could and should be sustained. This implied a routine of continual competition among the sovereign nation states, the anarchy of which was mitigated only by the collective fear of hegemony by one state (the mechanism of the balance of power) and by a sense of belonging to a common civilization (the old Concert of Europe). Tacitly accepted as the final arbiter of vital questions was the instrument of war. On the other hand, the First World War had provided ample grounds for a swingeing critique of Realpolitik when practised in an age of mass armies and technological warfare.
Espionage in Africa: the Case of the Duchess
Authors: Pearce Robert
Published: June 2009

The effects of the Second World War on British colonial Africa were far-reaching and unexpected. Colonial governments, hitherto concerned with establishing and preserving law and order, with administration, the collection of taxation, and with slow economic development, had perforce to divert their energies into more varied and unorthodox channels. Troops were recruited from the colonies and in addition local Home Guards were formed. African colonies acquired a new strategic importance and became the scene for new intelligence and counter-espionage activities: this was especially so after the French government signed the armistice with Germany on 22 June 1940. On the following day the British government promised that if French overseas territories continued the war against the Nazis Britain would guarantee their integrity and economic stability, as well as providing funds to pay the salaries and pensions of French colonial officials. The governor of Nigeria, Sir Bernard Bourdillon, did much to encourage the rallitmcnt of neighbouring Vichy colonies to the Free French cause of General de Gaulle. It was part of French propaganda to exaggerate British involvement in the French colonies and to paint de Gaulle as simply a tool of British imperialism; and it was part of Britain's propaganda to minimize her own role and to stress that the British were simply supporting the initiatives of the Free French. As a result we have not yet been presented with a balanced and scholarly assessment of the contribution which the British in Nigeria made to the ralliement of French Equatorial Africa and the Cameroons in August 1940.
A General Theory of Party, Opposition and Government, 1688–1832
Authors: Clark J. C. D.
Published: June 2009

England has not known a simple two-party system, oraparty system of any sort. The lineage of English parties is fragmented and discontinuous. Most of the apparent continuities, like the myth of a long-standing two-party system, have been invented in retrospect by politicians and publicists seeking the justification of a pedigree. Party itself has not been a constant phenomenon, which could be defined by the political scientist and then searched for by the historian. The English experience, rather, is of a succession of discontinuous two-, three-, even four-party systems whose components both develop and relate to each other through changing conventions. Often the fiction of the ‘two-party system’ has disguised the reality of three or more parties; parties which, themselves, can be the vehicles for a wide range of issues. It is a commonplace, which was evident to Hume and Bolingbroke, that whigs and tories exchanged many of their policy commitments in the early eighteenth century; but the same suggestion has been made of the Conservative and Labour parties today. The content of a party's programme has always been almost infinitely flexible;exceptin respect of the questions raised by a small number of threats, challenges or problems. The existence and endurance of party systems has usually articulated the ideological polarity which such challenges induce.
The Thiers Government and the Outbreak of Civil War in France, February–April 1871
Authors: Tombs Robert
Published: June 2009

In the numerous works devoted to the French civil war of 1871, nothing has so much been taken for granted as the motives of the government during the six weeks that separated its taking office on 19 February and the outbreak of fighting on 2 April. Thiers and his colleagues are part of the myth of the Commune, the scribes and pharisees of the revolutionary passion play. They fill the roles well: there are few figures so unprepossessing in the history of nineteenth-century France.
The Inheritance of Milk Yield in Ayrshire Cows
Authors: Smith A. D. Buchanan , Scott R. J. , Fowler A. B.
Published: June 2009

The possibility that some of the factors governing the inheritance of milk might be inherited in a sex-linked manner has been suggested by one of the writers. The need was felt for further investigation. There are two main avenues by which this question may be explored: by planned experiment with cattle or by a study of the existing milk records. The former method is slow and very costly, but would probably give conclusive results. The latter does not require experiment to provide the necessary facts, but the data may be somewhat vitiated by lack of control over conditions of nutrition and husbandry which undoubtedly affect, to a great extent, the amount of milk which a cow may yield in a lactation.
15. The Influence of Bacilli of the Colon Group on Cheddar Cheese
Authors: Whitehead H. R.
Published: June 2009

1. Representative strains of organisms of the colon group have a deleterious influence on the flavour of Cheddar cheese when they are added to the milk immediately before the start of the process of cheese manufacture.

2. They do not produce gas holes in the cheese, even when present in large numbers, provided that an active culture of lactic streptococci is used as “starter.” It seems most probable that their metabolism is modified by association with the lactic streptococci, so that, although the colon bacilli grow in the cheese, they produce little or no gas.

3. Under the conditions of these experiments, they have no influence on the texture of the cheese.

4. They do not appreciably affect the production of acid by the “starter” in the milk or curd.

5. Under the experimental conditions described, they do not cause decolorisation of annatto in a coloured cheese. It seems unlikely, therefore, that they are responsible for mottling in cheese.
29. The Effect of Heat upon the Rennin Coagulation. II
Authors: Moir George M.
Published: June 2009

1. Clean milk has been “flash” pasteurised at 165°F. Portions of the same raw milk have been treated with small amounts respectively of starter culture and lactic acid, so as to raise the acidity, before being similarly pasteurised.

2. Comparison of the whey obtained by rennetting the three raw portions has shown that those from the acidified milk contained more soluble protein than the original.

3. The differences between the raw and pasteurised milk in their coagulation time with rennin have been found to be proportionately much greater in the acidified portions.

4. These differences in coagulation time have been shown to be correlated with decreases in the amount of soluble protein found in. the whey separated from the coagulum.

5. These experimental results, together with those of other investigators, have been made the basis of a suggestion that the decreased coagulability of heated milk with rennin is partly due to flocculation of soluble milk protein upon the casein micelles.
44. A Study of Some Points of Conformation and Milk Yield in Friesian Cows
Authors: Garner Frank H.
Published: June 2009

1. After a preliminary trial with Shorthorn cows in Berkshire, some 461 Friesians were measured in Minnesota, U.S.A., and an attempt was made to correlate 19 measurements with milk yields.

2. Significant coefficients of correlations were obtained for:

Length from withers to hooks and milk yields;

Height at hooks and milk yield; Height at pins and milk yield;

Circumference of chest and milk yield;

Circumference of barrel and milk yield;

Area of milk wells and milk yield.

3. Correlation coefficients that were almost significant were obtained for:

Width at barrel and milk yield;

Width at hooks and milk yield.

4. The best producing cows had the largest milk wells. This was not because they were the biggest cows, for there was practically no loss of coefficient of correlation for milk yield and size of milk wells when the partial correlation for area of milk wells and yield was calculated with height at hooks held constant.

5. Evidence is presented which shows that the areas of milk wells do not increase with mere skeletal growth of cows over 4½ years old, but with increased milk production. This fact makes the area of milk wells a still more reliable indicator of milk-producing power.

6. The results obtained confirm the value of some of the points which stockmen have considered in judging dairy cows. They emphasise the necessity for considering all the points together, but indicate that certain points deserve special consideration.
46. The Effect of Nine-, Twelve- and Fifteen-Hour Intervals during the Day and the Night on Milk Production
Authors: Campbell K. W. D.
Published: June 2009

The work herein reported has shown that more milk and fat were produced per hour during 9-, 12- and 15-hour night intervals than during intervals of the same length during the day.

The milk increment was, however, greater than the fat increment.

With midday and midnight milking hours more milk and fat were produced per hour from midnight to midday than from midday to midnight.

In this case the fat increment was the greater.
51. The Plate Method of Estimating the Bacterial Content of Milk—the Limitations of Procedure in Common Use, with Suggested Improvements
Authors: Malcolm James F.
Published: June 2009

The plating method of estimating the bacterial content of milk is the most important means of determining the number of living organisms present, and is the one most frequently employed. It is well recognised, however, that accurate counts cannot be obtained by this method, since considerable errors may be involved through the difficulty of ensuring the separation of chains and clusters of organisms so that each organism is represented by a separate colony, through the inability of some classes of bacteria to grow on the medium employed, and through the fact that the presence of one group of organisms may inhibit the growth of others—particularly on crowded plates. It appears that the difficulties in obtaining uniformity of counts for duplicate tests may be increased in the case of milk because this fluid is heterogeneous in nature, and the bacterial contaminants are liable to occur not only as groups or individuals freely dispersed in the liquid but also in association with matter in suspension, especially the clusters of fat globules. Consequently the bacterial counts are likely to vary with the extent to which the clusters of fat globules are broken up or aggregated by the manipulations.
57. A Bacterial Milk Taint
Authors: Cunningham A.
Published: June 2009

1. The production in milk of an aroma resembling that of amyl alcohol was due to the growth of white and orange micrococci, similar to those described asM. caseolyticusby Evans(2).

2. The taint was observed when the cows were housed, but disappeared when they were put out to grass.

3. The source of the causal micrococci was found to be the floor of the cowshed. The taint disappeared when the latter was washed and disinfected.

4. The aroma of amyl alcohol was produced in media containing leucine as the sole organic compound.
91. A Statistical Examination of the Interrelationship and Variability of Plate Count, Presumptive Coliform Content and Keeping Quality of Raw Milk
Authors: Barkworth H.
Published: June 2009

The writer seeks to establish the interrelationship and variability of the three tests used for gauging the hygienic quality of milk, plate count, coliform content and keeping quality. Keeping quality is denned, and after discussing previous work and source of material, and noting the technique followed, the method of classification is described. Plate count and coliform content are treated logarithmically. Treatment of keeping-quality results presents especial difficulties, and the test is described in detail to disclose these, and reasons given for tabulating by half-days. The relationship between plate count and keeping quality is linear, but non-linearity occurs in those relationships which concern coliform content. This is because the first group “absent from 1 ml.” is not truly a definite class, but contains samples of superior quality. It is shown that an increase of one “stage” of coliform contamination reduces the average keeping quality as much as an increase of 0–54 in the logarithm of the plate count (approximately seven times). Variability of each term is discussed. The standard deviation of keeping quality is of the order of 1 half-day, that of logarithm of plate count is 0·77 and that of logarithm of coliform content in excess of unity. These variabilities are too great to permit of reasonable forecast of one term from the other two.
111. The Nutritive Value of Proteins for Maintenance
Authors: Morris Samuel , Wright Norman C.
Published: June 2009

The results of the present experiments may be summarised as follows:

(1) When minimal quantities of protein are fed in the maintenance rationof steers, a deficiency of lysine will lead to a marked increase in the urinary N output. A deficiency of cystine has no effect.

(2) The catabolism of body tissue is shown by the high creatine excretionand the S: N ratio of the excess S and N excreted. This is probably the resultof excessive deamination with the production of a mild acidosis.

(3) As regards urinary partition of N there is some indication that alysine-deficient diet causes a decreased percentage excretion of urea N and anincrease of ammonia N.

(4) The biological values have been calculated, the only marked difference occurring with wheat gluten, a protein very deficient in lysine

(5) An approximate value for the lysine requirements for maintenance has been calculated, i.e. 0·80 g. lysine N per 1000 lb. live weight.
120. The Types Of Coliform Bacteria in Bovine Faeces
Authors: Malcolm J. F.
Published: June 2009

1. In an examination of the coliform flora of 114 specimens of bovine faeces, 342 cultures of coliform bacteria were isolated by the ordinary methods.Of the cultures obtained, 330 (or 96·4 per cent.) were typicalBact. coliandonly twelve (or 3·5 per cent.) were ofBact. aerogenes, Bact. cloacaeand other Koser-positive types. The most prevalent types ofBact. coliwere MacConkey's B, No. 71 orBact. coli communior(185 cultures or 56 per cent.), MacConkey's B, No. 34, orBact. coli communisEscherich (sixty-nine cultures or 20·9 per cent.), and MacConkey's B, No. 1 (twenty-three cultures or 6·9 per cent.).