bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Electoral Systems and Democratization in Southern Africa
Authors: Reynolds Andrew
Published: October 2003

This book is one of the series Oxford Studies in Democratization, and examines electoral systems and democratization in southern Africa. The design of electoral systems and executive types is increasingly being recognized as the key lever of constitutional engineering to be applied in the interests of political accommodation and stability in ethnically divided societies. In this comparative study of democratic design in southern Africa, Andrew Reynolds finds that the decisions about how to constitute representative parliaments have wide-ranging effects on the type of parties and the party system that develops, the nature of executive–legislative relations, and the inclusiveness of both majority and minority interests in the process of governance. While electoral system design is the primary focus of the book, the related constitutional issues of whether to choose a presidential or parliamentary system, and whether to entrench consensual, consociational, or majoritarian government are also discussed. In analysing the experiences of Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe, the author presents conclusions that help shed light on the success or failure of democratic design in other fledgling democracies, in both Africa and beyond.
Introduction
Authors: Reynolds Andrew
Published: October 2003

This work deals with the region of southern Africa in relation to democratic consolidation, dynamic modes of representation, and the mitigation of ethnic (and regional) conflict. It starts with the premise that all three objectives are desirable, and poses the question: which institutional arrangements will best facilitate effective representation, political stability, and interethnic accommodation in the emerging democracies of southern Africa? The answer to this question is sought through a comparative analysis of the effect of institutional structures in five case study countries – Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe – chosen because all have made the transition from non-democratic government to multiparty competition with varying degrees of success, and they represent at least half of the southern African region, so they comprise a useful cross section of democratic types, societal dynamics, and institutional arrangements. The study uses a hybrid methodology drawn from both new institutionalist and cultural, ‘rich descriptive’, traditions, hence, it utilizes comparative electoral systems methodology; at the same time, the discussions of the case studies are based on detailed social and politically historical descriptions. The Introduction is arranged in five main parts which: address the relevance of question of the best institutional arrangements for democratization; define the dependent (object of study), intervening, and independent (macro-institutional explanatory) variables used in the study; explain why the focus of the study is on political institutions, and discuss various alternative approaches that could have been taken; and give an outline of the contents of the chapters that follow.
Defining and Measuring the Trajectory of Democratization
Authors: Reynolds Andrew
Published: October 2003

This is the first of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book. It qualitatively and quantitatively assesses the trajectory of the five case studies along the lines of their political stability, ethnic accommodation, and the long-term prospects for democratic accommodation. In attempting to find useful indicators of the trajectory of democratization in each of the five country case studies, six possible approaches are considered: political violence (the measurement of politically related deaths), economic indicators, political and societal indicators (political rights and civil liberties; media freedom and influence), electoral indicators (turnout; spoilt ballots), and ethnic accommodation (worsening ethnic and interregional relations, as exemplified by Zambia and Malawi; improving ethnic relations, as exemplified by Namibia and South Africa; and ethnic relations with an uncertain trajectory, as exemplified by Zimbabwe). Eight institutional indices of democratization are chosen from these: ethnic accommodation, political violence, economic performance, civil liberties, political rights, free media, electoral turnout, and spoilt ballots. The findings on these indicators for each case study are summarised in a table.
Defining the Intervening and Explanatory Variables
Authors: Reynolds Andrew
Published: October 2003

This is the second of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book, as well as providing qualitative discussions of democracy in the five country case studies used: Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. It first defines the intervening variable of ‘inclusion’, which is described as key to the explanation of how conflicts are best managed within divided societies, and discusses its relationship to the macro-institutional explanatory (independent) variables used in the study. It then defines and describes how to measure each of the explanatory variables used: electoral system type; democratic type (coalitions and grand coalitions – consensual– versus concentrations of executive power; fusion – majoritarian – or separation of executive and legislative powers; unicameralism or bicameralism; type of party system; issues dimensions of partisan conflict; unitary versus federal government; constitutions, minority vetoes, and judicial review); and executive type (presidential or parliamentary). The data obtained for each country are discussed, compared, and summarised in tables.
Plurality Case Study Election Results: Malawi, Zambia, and Zimbabwe1
Authors: Reynolds Andrew
Published: October 2003

This chapter and the next describe the political histories of the case studies presented in the book, paying particular attention to their democratic transitions, institutional choices, and experience of multiparty elections. Together with Ch. 7, they form the historical, empirical, and quantitative heart of the book, providing the foundational evidence against which earlier postulated theories are gauged (Chs 1 and 2), and upon which subsequent comparisons, recommendations, and conclusions are based. Chapter 5 deals with the plurality single-member districts (SMD) case studies undertaken in Malawi and Zambia, and the proportional representation (PR) and plurality SMD case studies in Zimbabwe (which used PR for its first two elections and plurality SMD for the next three). For each case study, full numerical results are given, along with an explanation of the electoral system formula and how that system came to be used; also included are summaries of the implications, for both parties and government, of election results, defining aspects of each newly elected parliament, and the election campaign that preceded it; the question of the validity and legitimacy of each published result is also addressed. A re-running exercise is carried out in Ch. 7 that uses the results presented here, and is based on the alternative vote in single-member districts (AV-SMD), the alternative vote in multi-member districts (AV-MMD), list PR in regionally defined multi-member districts, and list PR in one national multi-member districts; the list PR elections held in Zimbabwe are also re-run in Ch. 7 under plurality SMD, AV-SMD, and AV-SMD, together with the list PR method not utilized in the actual elections.
PR Case Study Election Results: South Africa and Namibia
Authors: Reynolds Andrew
Published: October 2003

This chapter and the previous one (Ch. 5) describe the political histories of the case studies presented in the book, paying particular attention to their democratic transitions, institutional choices, and experience of multiparty elections. Together with Ch. 7, they form the historical, empirical, and quantitative heart of the book, providing the foundational evidence against which earlier postulated theories are gauged (Chs 1 and 2), and upon which subsequent comparisons, recommendations, and conclusions are based. Chapter 6 describes and analyses elections held under proportional representation (PR) in South Africa and Namibia. For each case study, full numerical results are given, along with an explanation of the electoral system formula and how that system came to be used; also included are summaries of the implications, for both parties and government, of election results, defining aspects of each newly elected parliament, and the election campaign that preceded it; the question of the validity and legitimacy of each published result is also addressed. A re-running exercise is carried out in Ch. 7 that uses the results presented here, and is based on plurality SMD, AV-SMD, and AV-MMD, together with the list PR method not utilized in the actual elections.
Re‐running Elections Under Alternative Electoral Systems
Authors: Reynolds Andrew
Published: October 2003

Together with Chs 5 and 6, Ch. 7 forms the historical, empirical, and quantitative heart of the book, providing the foundational evidence against which earlier postulated theories are gauged (Ch 1 and 2), and upon which subsequent comparisons, recommendations, and conclusions are based. Chapter 7 deals with the methodology used for an election re-running exercise under alternative electoral systems, presents the results obtained for each of the five country case studies presented in the book, and discusses the practical implications of each set of re-running observations, as well as the positive and negative consequences for stability and representative government; further details of the methods used for crafting districts for re-runs are given in an appendix at the end of the book. The chapter first discusses the importance of re-running evidence, and second, outlines the range of alternative electoral systems used for the re-runnings, justifying their inclusion in the exercise, and addressing the underlying assumptions and methodological objections. Third, results are given of plurality single-member districts (SMD) elections re-run in Malawi, Zambia, and Zimbabwe under the alternative vote in single-member districts (AV-SMD), the alternative vote in multi-member districts (AV-MMD), list proportional representation (PR) in regionally defined multi-member districts, and list PR in one national multi-member district. Finally, the results are given of re-running the list PR elections held in Zimbabwe, South Africa, and Namibia under plurality SMD, AV-SMD, AV-MMD, and the list PR method not utilized in the actual elections.
Conclusion: The Case for Democratic Optimism
Authors: Reynolds Andrew
Published: October 2003

This concluding chapter briefly makes a case for democratic optimism, showing that a clear pattern is emerging which suggests that contrary to the predictions of societal breakdown across sub-Saharan Africa, those countries with institutional mechanisms that create an atmosphere of inclusion are doing better than those that have opted for more exclusionary structures. South Africa and Namibia best exemplify the inclusive typology and have performed well on a number of fronts since multiparty democracy was introduced in 1994 and 1989, respectively. Drawing on these stories, it has become widely accepted that the only realistic solution for settling the problems of the war-torn, divided societies of Africa is the institution of inclusive arrangements. This thesis is discussed, with examples from across Africa, and the question is posed and discussed as to whether elections are nothing more than ethnic and racial censuses in Africa. The chapter ends by briefly looking at inclusion in practice – the nuts and bolts of constitutional design.
Introduction
Authors: McLean Iain
Published: October 2003

Introduces basic concepts of social choice. Describes the median voter theorem for one issue dimension, and its chaotic failure in more than one. It explains what rhetoric and heresthetics are, also how veto games and credible commitments have operated in British politics since 1846. It introduces W.H. Riker's account of the triumph of Abraham Lincoln in 1860.
Irish Potatoes and British Politics: Peel, Wellington, and the Repeal of the Corn Laws
Authors: McLean Iain
Published: October 2003

A case study of the Repeal of the Corn Laws (1846) under Peel and Wellington. They manipulated the issue dimensions, and got a measure passed in both houses that damaged the material interests of the median MP and peer.
Dishing the Whigs: Disraeli, Salisbury, and the Relaunching of the Tory Party 1846–86
Authors: McLean Iain
Published: October 2003

A case study of the relaunch of the Conservative Party, which had been shattered in 1846, under Disraeli and Salisbury. Explains how Disraeli enacted the Second Reform Act in 1867, although it damaged the material interests of the median MP and peer. Examines the rebasing of the Conservative Party under Disraeli and Salisbury as the party of popular imperialism.
The Patriot Game: Rhetoric and Heresthetic in the Anglo‐Irish Treaty Negotiations of 1921
Authors: McLean Iain
Published: October 2003

The second of two case studies of Lloyd George. Explains how he was able to enact the Irish Treaty of 1921 in three parliaments and three executives, when he controlled a majority in only one of the six bodies, and that a very bare majority. Although his threat strategy was not credible, he forced the Irish delegate into a sequential game, because each Irish delegate, when forced to decide, in turn strictly preferred signing the Treaty to not signing it. Lloyd George succeeded in removing the Irish question from British politics for fifty years, and partly succeeded in removing the British question from Irish politics.
‘There Is No Alternative’: Margaret Thatcher and Tony Blair
Authors: McLean Iain
Published: October 2003

A case study of the rhetoric and heresthetics of Margaret Thatcher, Tony Blair, and Gordon Brown. It examines Thatcher's slogans: the free economy, where she succeeded, and the strong state, where she failed. The first changed the universe of political debate; the second destroyed the Conservative Party, as it split into its Europhile and Eurosceptical wings. The most successful heresthetic since 1997 has been Brown's grant of central bank independence within days of taking office.
The World of Big Business Before 1914
Authors: Cassis Youssef
Published: October 2003

Analyses the world of big business before 1914. Companies with a share capital of £2 million or more, and a workforce of 10,000 or more are considered as large. It emphasizes the weight of banking and heavy industry in German and French big business and points to greater diversity in Britain.
From the 1920s to the 1950s
Authors: Cassis Youssef
Published: October 2003

Analyses the development of big business in Britain, France and Germany from the 1920s to the 1950s. Companies with a share capital of £3 million or more in 1927 and £5 million or more in 1953 and a workforce of 10,000 or more for both years have been considered as large. While the number of large companies, especially in the new industries, increased everywhere, this was the period when Britain's advance, both in quantity and diversity, was most evident. German big business displayed remarkable stability given the political upheavals experienced by the country during this period. The foundations of modern big business in France were laid during these years and not, as too often assumed, in the 1960s.
Recent Developments
Authors: Cassis Youssef
Published: October 2003

Examines the more recent developments of European big business, from the 1960s to the late 1980s, which can be seen as the golden age of the industries of the second industrial revolution. The number of large as well as giant (with a workforce of 100,000 or more) companies increased significantly, and greater convergence in the size and sectoral distribution of the largest companies can be observed.
Profits and Profitability
Authors: Cassis Youssef
Published: October 2003

Compares the profits and profitability of the largest British, French and German companies. The analysis is based on net published profits. Given their larger size, British companies tended to generate higher profits than their continental counterparts throughout the twentieth century. They have proved more profitable, consistently achieving a higher return on equity.
Survival
Authors: Cassis Youssef
Published: October 2003

Considers the ability of large firms to survive and grow in the long term. Survival has been defined as a company's ability to remain both independent and sufficiently large to enjoy big business status. The French large firms of the pre‐1914 years were the most successful in that respect, but of the large European corporations of the 1920s, the British proved the more resilient. Interestingly, this longevity was not achieved at the expense of growth.
Competence
Authors: Cassis Youssef
Published: October 2003

It looks into the shaping of businessmen's individual skills from a comparative perspective. Particular attention is given to family and socio‐professional backgrounds (whether they were founders, inheritors or salaried managers), education and training (with a discussion of the role of the public schools in Britain, the grandes écoles in France and technical education in Germany), and early career patterns (private firms, corporate ladder and state administration).
Decision‐Making
Authors: Cassis Youssef
Published: October 2003

Examines the process of decision‐making. Though much of this process remains enshrined in secrecy, four structural factors affecting it can be analysed and compared: the functioning of company boards, the structure of the firm, multiple directorships, and the relationships between banks and industry.
Wealth, Status, and Power Before 1914
Authors: Cassis Youssef
Published: October 2003

The pre‐1914 years were the formative years, the years of big business social and political apprenticeship, the period during which accumulated wealth translated into social status and political influence. Ch. 8 compares the socio‐political position reached by the British, French, and German business leaders at the beginning of the twentieth century. A specific configuration had already emerged, though it was still to evolve in the course of the century.
Business Élites in Contemporary Europe
Authors: Cassis Youssef
Published: October 2003

Considers how business elites have fared in upheaval and prosperity. While business leaders have clearly been at the top of the social hierarchy since 1918, wealth, or at least great wealth, has no longer been the primary source of the business leaders’ status and power. Relations with other elite groups could be conflictual, and lead to temporary setbacks. Above all, business leaders have been confronted with a much higher level of state intervention, which has heavily affected their own political involvement.

Convergence has been an uneven process, which only gathered pace after the Second World War, and did not eradicate national singularities.
Is Universalism Ethnocentric?
Authors: Hollis Martin
Published: October 2003

Martin Hollis (in one of his last writings before his untimely death) opens up the first section, Is Universalism Ethnocentric?, with a fiery defence of Enlightenment universalism and an attack on the relativist who says ‘Liberalism for the liberals; cannibalism for the cannibals.’ Focusing especially on universal claims about human nature, civil society, and the best forms of government, Hollis argues for a substantive and not merely procedural liberalism as a ‘fighting creed with universalist pretensions’ that can justify ‘robust and sharp‐edged moral declarations’. As Hollis argues, universalism works for minorities too. This is because excluded minorities must show that they have been wrongly excluded; they need a standpoint that is ‘not cognitively arbitrary’ to exclude racists and sexists.
‘Nous’ et ‘les Autres’ The Politics of Complex Cultural Dialogue in a Global Civilization
Authors: Benhabib Seyla
Published: October 2003

Seyla Benhabib's case for universalism is somewhat more cautious. She approaches the lead question through the negative, by contesting various fashionable versions of cognitive relativism, radical incommensurability, and untranslatability. She then shows the untenability of the (mosaic) multicultural version of relativism. Such relativism, Benhabib says, is ‘poor man's sociology’, relying upon a holistic view of cultures and societies (even evident in the work of Kymlicka) that is at odds with our mixed‐up global world, a context‐transcending ‘pluralist universalism’ becomes ever more a necessity, but fortunately also a reality.
Cultural Pluralism and Partial Citizenship
Authors: Spinner‐Halev Jeff
Published: October 2003

In his response to our second lead question, Does Multiculturalism Threaten citizenship? , Jeff Spinner‐Halev distinguishes between various kinds of multiculturalism in practice. ‘Thick’ multiculturalism (also dubbed ‘cultural pluralism’), which seeks state funds for group separation, is a threat to citizenship. ‘Inclusive’ multiculturalism, according to Spinner‐Halev, the mainline brand, enhances citizenship – an example being the turban‐wearing Sikh in the Canadian Royal Mountain Police. Discussing the case of Hutterites, Spinner‐Halev introduces a third kind of multiculturalism for insular communities that stay away from the society's common life and invoke what he calls ‘partial citizenship’. This is a variant of ‘thick’ multiculturalism, without, however, asking for state funds. If the exit for apostates is guaranteed, partial citizenship poses no threat to citizenship, and is to be tolerated. Spinner‐Halev's approach is pragmatic, not principled: if the context allows (say in ethnically homogenous Sweden), even thick multiculturalism may be exceptionally tolerated.
The Paradox of Multicultural Vulnerability: Individual Rights, Identity Groups, and the State
Authors: Shachar Ayelet
Published: October 2003

Ayelet Shachar is a good deal less ‘catholic’, pointing at the losses in individual rights that multicultural accommodation may entail. She calls a ‘paradox of multicultural vulnerability’ a situation in which group members may reap some benefits from multicultural accommodation, while individuals with ‘other’ identities (for instance, women) bear disproportionate costs for preserving their group's identity. Discussing religious family law in Israel, she puts her finger on a sore spot in Kymlicka's theory of multicultural citizenship, which prohibits individual rights violations in principle but lets them pass in practice.
Comments on Shachar and Spinner‐Halev: An Update from the Multiculturalism Wars
Authors: Kymlicka Will
Published: October 2003

The author is commenting on the two previous chapters. He begins with the observation that the first wave of multiculturalists made arguments from justice; liberal states were charged with treating their minorities unjustly, and so justice required their accommodation. The previous two chapters indicate that, at the theoretical level, the first wave has been a success. Next, theorists and politicians must deal with the injustices caused by particular multicultural policies, as is illustrated in Ch. 4, as well as the general impact of multiculturalism on citizenship, as illustrated in Ch. 5. The author attempts to situate these two issues within the larger multicultural debate.
Against Collective Rights
Authors: Tamir Yael
Published: October 2003

Yael Tamir argues that the notion of collective rights, understood as entitlement bestowed on a group rather than the individuals that make up a group, should be rejected in principle. According to Tamir, the notion of a collective right is meaningless, because groups are not moral agents; it is unnecessary, because most morally relevant interests to be protected by such rights can be protected by individual rights, and those that cannot are better taken care of by contingent policies or institutional arrangements that are not couched in a discourse of rights; and it is dangerous, a threat to the individual rights of members and non‐members alike.
Minorities and Immigrant Incorporation in France: The State and the Dynamics of Multiculturalism
Authors: Schain Martin A.
Published: October 2003

Martin Schain hammers the last nail into the coffin of hypostasized ‘national models’ of immigrant integration. His comparison of France and the US shows that the ‘pluralism’ attributed to the American model has been of very recent origins, and that the ‘Republicanism’ attributed to the French model has been hollowed out by the state's practical interest in incorporating (and controlling) its immigrant population, which has entailed de facto multicultural policies in allegedly ‘assimilationist’ France.
‘Good to Think’: The American Reference in French Discourses of Immigration and Ethnicity
Authors: Fassin Éric
Published: October 2003

Eric Fassin tackles the same theme from a sociology of knowledge angle. He shows how the ‘rhetoric of America’ in France has served the political purposes of French intellectuals, who found in the discourse of culture and ethnicity a welcome replacement for their outworn discourse of class. Fassin thus hints at a sociology of multiculturalism, whose topic is not oppressed groups but intellectuals making claims about them on their behalf.
Comments on Glazer, Schain, and Fassin: How can We Be European?
Authors: Favell Adrian
Published: October 2003

The author links the contextual evidence provided by the three previous chapters (which compare France and the US) to the more general philosophical questions concerning multiculturalism posed in the introduction to the volume. He argues that all the chapters point towards an even more relevant comparison that ought to be made, between the US and the European Union.
Who Wins and Who Loses in the City of London from the Establishment of European Monetary Union
Authors: Talani Leila
Published: October 2003

The author analyses the different positions in relation to the single European currency of the many different types of firm and interest organizations in the London financial sector. There is considerable diversity in their evaluation of the development, and also in their attitude to eventual UK adoption of the euro.
The Joy of Flux: What Europe May Learn from North America's Preference for National Currency Sovereignty
Authors: Clarkson Stephen
Published: October 2003

NAFTA has not followed the EU in developing a single currency. The author analyses the case for and against a potential US dollar union from a Canadian perspective, explaining a preference for avoiding monetary union.
Policies, Institutions, and the Euro: Dilemmas of Legitimacy
Authors: Verdun Amy , Christiansen Thomas
Published: October 2003

Whereas in democratic national systems institutions are legitimated by a political community, at the European level institutions are constructed in order to produce such a community. As a result, institutions like monetary union run a risk of having low popular legitimacy. The authors use this issue to consider the general problem of EU legitimacy.
The Role and Status of the European Central Bank: Some Proposals for Accountability and Cooperation
Authors: Taylor Christopher
Published: October 2003

Starting from concerns at the lack of legitimacy and accountability of European monetary institutions, the author develops proposals for improving the accountability of the European Central Bank and embedding it in a democratic institutional context resembling that of individual member states.
Fiscal Federalism and the Reality of the European Union Budget
Authors: Tondl Gabriele
Published: October 2003

Loss of financial policy autonomy could create major problems for weaker national economies within European monetary union. Considerable progress could be made in tackling this if member governments were prepared to accept an element of fiscal federalism in order to redistribute resources across EU regions and member states.
Before Negative and Positive Liberty
Authors: Pettit Philip
Published: October 2003

The negative conception of freedom as non‐interference and the positive conception of freedom as self‐mastery are not the only available ideals of liberty; a third alternative is the conception of freedom as non‐domination, which requires that no one is able to interfere on an arbitrary basis— at their pleasure—in the choices of the free person. This is the conception espoused in the long republican tradition. Thus republicans regarded all of those who are subject to another's arbitrary will as unfree, even if the other does not actually interfere with them; there is no interference in such a case but there is a loss of liberty. And, in cases where a regime of law did not subject people to an arbitrary will, they thought that legal coercion was not a compromise of people's liberty; there is interference in such a case but no loss of liberty. As the conception of freedom as non‐interference was introduced by Hobbes to defend Leviathan against republicans, it was used to defend British rule in the North American colonies against the republican criticism that Parliament had arbitrary power over the colonists. This new conception became respectable through the work of people like Bentham and Paley, who saw in it a way of conceiving of freedom that would allow even dominated agents like women and servants—so far as they did not suffer actual interference —to count as free. Unlike traditional republicans, Bentham and Paley did not feel able to limit the constituency of citizens to the mainstream, propertied males, and their inclusivism in this respect, which neo‐republicans must also share, may explain why they regarded the republican ideal of freedom too demanding.
Liberty as Non‐Domination
Authors: Pettit Philip
Published: October 2003

Interference involves an intentional or quasi‐intentional worsening of someone's choice situation and occurs on an arbitrary basis to the extent that it is not forced to track the interests and ideas of those who suffer the interference. One party dominates another just so far as they have the capacity to interfere on an arbitrary basis in some of the other's choices; where such domination occurs, it will tend to be a matter of common knowledge among relevant parties but that is not part of the definition. Domination in the sense defined may occur without actual interference: it requires only the capacity for interference; and interference may occur without any domination: if the interference is not arbitrary then it will not dominate. Non‐domination may be advanced in a society either through people coming to have equal powers, or through a legal regime stopping people from dominating one another without itself dominating anyone in turn. When someone enjoys non‐domination, it will usually be a matter of common knowledge among relevant parties, so that non‐domination has a subjective and inter‐subjective aspect: it is associated with tranquillity, in Montesquieu's phrase, and with the ability to look others in the eye. Notwithstanding the allegations of Paley and early liberals, freedom as non‐domination is not a confused ideal, it comes in degrees both of intensity and extent, and it is not an impossibly radical ideal; the rich demands that it would make on the state look capable of being satisfied in our world, even if they were not capable of satisfaction in Paley's.
Non‐Domination as a Political Ideal
Authors: Pettit Philip
Published: October 2003

The superior value of non‐domination needs to be established in a comparison with freedom as non‐interference. It comes out in the fact that its maximization would require the promotion of three benefits that the maximization of non‐interference could ignore; these are the absence of uncertainty, the absence of a need to defer strategically to the powerful, and the absence of a social subordination to others. The connection between freedom as non‐domination and these benefits is such that that freedom is a primary good, in John Rawls's sense; it is something that people have reason to want for themselves, no matter what else they want. But freedom as non‐domination is not the sort of good that can be left to people to pursue for themselves in a decentralized way; all the signs are that it is best pursued for each under the centralized, political action of all: it is best pursued via the state. The political pursuit of freedom as non‐domination should be attractive, not just for small homogeneous polities but also in the modern, pluralistic state. The natural way to cast freedom as non‐domination is in the role of a value that the state should try to promote, not in the role of a constraint that it has to honour; this, moreover, is the way in which it is generally cast in the republican tradition: the tradition is consequentialist in character. There are two dimensions that need to be taken into account in the promotion of freedom as non‐domination—the intensity of non‐domination and the extent of undominated choice—but some plausible assumptions mean that we should look to intensity first and extent only in the second place. When non‐domination is promoted by certain political and other institutions—when people are guarded against possibilities of arbitrary interference in their lives—that effect is not causally distinct from the institutions; like the immunity produced by antibodies in the blood, the non‐domination is constituted by such institutional arrangements: it has an inherently institutional existence.
Republican Aims: Causes and Policies
Authors: Pettit Philip
Published: October 2003

Looking at what the republican state should do, the first thing to notice is that republicanism offers the state a pluralistic language in which to formulate the grievances it should seek to rectify: a language of freedom in which it is possible to make sense of a variety of claims that are made on the state. The significant features of the ideal on the policy front are as follows: one, that the ideal is politically less sceptical than the ideal of freedom as non‐interference, since it recognizes the possibility of non‐dominating government; and two, that it is socially more radical, since it requires not just the absence of arbitrary interference but also the absence of capacities for arbitrary interference. In five large areas of policy‐making—external defence, internal protection, personal independence, economic prosperity, and public life—it is possible to discern the broad and often distinctive outlines of what a republican philosophy of government would require; but the requirements can only be detailed in the light of empirical information: republicanism is a research programme for policy‐making, not a once‐for‐always blueprint.
Republican Forms: Constitutionalism and Democracy
Authors: Pettit Philip
Published: October 2003

The republican state must not only seek to combat the effects of dominium in giving rise to domination, it must also guard against the domination that can be associated with the imperium of government. If the way in which government operates is not to be subject to manipulation on an arbitrary basis, then there are a number of constitutionalist conditions, which it must plausibly fulfil and these have also been identified as important in the republican tradition. They include the rule of law, the separation of power, and counter‐majoritarian safeguards. Not all discretion can be profitably removed, however, and the only way for a republican regime to guarantee that this exercise of discretion is not hostile to the interests and ideas of people at large, or of some section of the community, is to introduce systematic possibilities for ordinary people to contest the doings of government. This points us towards the ideal of a democracy, based not on the alleged consent of the people, but rather on the contestability by the people of everything that government does. A contestatory democracy will have to be deliberative, requiring that decisions be based on considerations of allegedly common concern, if there is to be a systematically available basis for people to challenge what the government does. It will have to be inclusive, making room for people from every quarter to be able to press challenges against legislative, executive, or judicial decisions. And it will have to be responsive to the contestations that are brought against government decisions.
Checking the Republic
Authors: Pettit Philip
Published: October 2003

What steps can be taken to place checks on those who run the republic, given the imperfections of human nature? The institutional resources available for guarding against corruptibility boil down to possibilities of sanctioning and screening: possibilities of punishing or rewarding what people do and possibilities of screening for the presence of suitable agents and options. One strategy in institutional design is to start from the need to cope with the worst agents around—the so‐called knaves—and to introduce sanctions that will serve even to control such anti‐social types, but this is subject to well‐known difficulties, all of which derive from the fact that most people are not knaves: they may be corruptible but they are not corrupt. A better strategy starts from the assumption that many people are not knaves and tries to build to that strength; it would support a screening for suitable agents; then a form of sanctioning designed to work with such non‐knavish agents; and, finally, a structure of fall‐back sanctioning that can cope with occasional knaves. The most important element required under this complier‐centred strategy is associated with the way in which people reward one another with their esteem, punish one another with their disesteem. Such a regard‐based form of sanctioning, which operates in an essentially non‐intentional way—as if by an intangible hand—can discipline agents while communicating a positive image of their virtue.
Civilizing the Republic
Authors: Pettit Philip
Published: October 2003

The laws that advance the aims of the republic, institutionalize its forms, and establish regulatory controls need to be supported by republican civil norms; the legal republic needs to become a civil reality. One reason that widespread civility is needed is that people can be assured of their non‐domination only so far as others recognize normative reasons for respecting them, not just reasons connected to fear of legal sanctions. Another is that if the republic is to be systematically sensitive to the interests and ideas of people—often newly emergent, newly articulated interests and ideas—then there have to be people who are virtuous enough to press appropriate claims; this applies both in the politics of difference and in the politics of common concerns. And a last reason why widespread civility is needed is that the public authorities cannot hope to identify and sanction all offences against republican laws and norms; ordinary people also have to be committed enough to perform in that role or to support the efforts of the authorities. Widespread civility is likely to be supported by the intangible hand of regard‐based sanctioning, since the honourable are destined in most circumstances to be the honoured, and the state must be careful not to impose forms of sanctioning, which might get in the way of that process. Civility or civic virtue may not be so difficult to achieve, as it often seems. It involves not just the internalization of public values and the disciplining of personal desires; given the communitarian nature of freedom as non‐domination, it also involves identification with larger groups, even with the polity as a whole, and access to new and satisfying identities.
Social Rights Under the Constitution
Authors: Fabre Cécile
Published: October 2003

The desirability, or lack thereof, of bills of rights has been the focus of some of the most enduring political debates over the last two centuries. Unlike civil and political rights, social rights to the meeting of needs, standard rights to adequate minimum income, education, housing, and health care are usually not given constitutional protection. The book argues that individuals have social rights to adequate minimum income, housing, health care, and education, and that those rights must be entrenched in the constitution of a democratic state. That is, the democratic majority should not be able to repeal them, and certain institutions (for instance, the judiciary) should be given the power to strike down laws passed by the legislature that are in breach of those rights. Thus, the book is located at the crossroads of two major issues of contemporary political philosophy, to wit, the issue of democracy and the issue of distributive justice. It stems from the perception that there may be conflicts between the demands of democracy and the demands of distributive justice, both of which are crucially important, and from the resulting recognition that the question of the relationship between these two values cannot be ignored.
Social Rights
Authors: Fabre Cécile
Published: October 2003

I argue that if one accepts the four assumptions I outlined above, one must accept the claim that individuals have social rights to adequate minimum income, housing, education, and health care, i.e. rights to these resources, which are necessary for us to lead what everyone would have to agree is a minimally decent life. In arguing for this conclusion, I set out in detail the conceptions of rights, autonomy, and well‐being that underpin my case for the constitutional entrenchment of social rights.
Negative and Positive Rights
Authors: Fabre Cécile
Published: October 2003

I complete the argument for social rights undertaken in Ch. 1, by looking at differences between negative rights that our autonomy and well‐being be respected, and positive rights, of which social rights are a subset, that they be promoted. In doing so, I argue for what I call negative social rights, to wit, rights that the government does not deprive us of the four types of resources under study if we have come to reply upon them and if by so depriving us it would bring us below the threshold of a minimally decent life.
Constitutional Social Rights
Authors: Fabre Cécile
Published: October 2003

I argue that it is legitimate to constrain democratic majorities, by way of the constitution, to respect and promote those fundamental rights of ours that protect the secure exercise of our autonomy and enable us to achieve well‐being. Insofar as, by virtue of Ch. 1, social rights are such fundamental rights, it follows that they should be constitutionalized.
Constitutional Social Rights and Democracy
Authors: Fabre Cécile
Published: October 2003

I reject the claim that bills of social rights are undemocratic and therefore unacceptable. I argue that they are indeed undemocratic in some cases, but that this is not a good reason for rejecting them. In the course of defending this claim, I distinguish between democratic rights, namely, those rights the respect of which is necessary for a regime to count and function as a democracy, and undemocratic rights, namely, those rights the respect of which is not necessary for a regime to count and function as a democracy. I also look at different ways in which the judiciary could protect constitutional social rights; I claim that the constitutional court should tell the government when it has breached a right and should set a deadline for the provision of remedies, but should not tell the government which remedies to provide, and how it should provide them. I thus delineate the scope for democratic decision‐making when constitutional social rights are at issue.
The Ethics of Nationalism
Authors: Moore Margaret
Published: October 2003

The Ethics of Nationalism is about the normative limits of nationalism. It assesses three justificatory arguments for the institutional recognition of national identity and argues that they suggest the appropriate limits of national accommodation. There are two kinds of projects associated with nationalism—nation‐building projects and national self‐determination projects—and these are often in tension with one another, at least in practice. The book discusses guidelines for determining when one is more appropriate than the other and the extent to which states can legitimately engage in nation‐building. The discussion of national self‐determination draws not only on the normative arguments for institutional recognition of national identity but also on claims to particular pieces of territory.
The Intrinsic Argument (Or, Are Nations Moral Communities?)
Authors: Moore Margaret
Published: October 2003

This chapter is concerned with moral arguments about membership in a national community, focusing on David Miller's On Nationality and Tom Hurka's article ‘The Justification of National Partiality’. It examines the bonds of attachment that co‐nationals feel towards those who share the same national identity, and the moral importance that should be placed on that.
Beyond the Cultural Argument
Authors: Moore Margaret
Published: October 2003

This chapter examines arguments that link national community with a particular type of culture, and then links culture with something that is valued (autonomy, well‐being). Versions of this argument have been put forward by Tamir, Miller, Kymlicka, MacCormick, Margalit, and Raz. This chapter argues that it is important to distinguish between a culture and national identity.
The Ethics of Nation‐Building
Authors: Moore Margaret
Published: October 2003

This chapter draws on the analysis of the previous three chapters of normative theory to examine the kinds of nation‐building policies that the state is justified in pursuing. It examines the relationship between multiculturalism and political autonomy claims of minority nationalists and justifies differential treatment of the different types of identity groups.
Just‐Cause, Administrative Boundaries, and the Politics of Denial
Authors: Moore Margaret
Published: October 2003

This chapter examines the dominant conception of self‐determination in the decolonization period, and in much international law and practice, according to which self‐determination occurs within existing administrative units and there is civic integration within that territory. This chapter argues that this conception of self‐determination is only appropriate in a limited range of cases.
Implications: The Ethics of Secession
Authors: Moore Margaret
Published: October 2003

This chapter is concerned with the possibility of developing (both domestic and international) principles and procedural mechanisms to cope with groups that aspire to be collectively self‐governing.
The Dynamics of Welfare State Expansion
Authors: Iversen Torben
Published: October 2003

This is the second of three chapters on the sources of pressure on contemporary national welfare states, all of which seek to show how examining the sources of strain carries implications for identifying who is likely to fight with whom over what; the authors of the three chapters are not of one mind on this issue. Iversen's analysis seeks to show that de‐industrialization—caused by the dramatic increases in productivity in the manufacturing sector rather than by globalization—is the crucial motor of social change. He directly challenges a variant of the globalization thesis that has been popular among scholars: the idea that exposure to the heightened labour market risks of an open economy fuelled the expansion of the welfare state as a form of compensation. Instead, he marshals considerable evidence for the view that it is the shrinkage of the manufacturing sector, and not economic (trade) openness, that fuelled the growth of compensatory social policy. He finds little evidence in favour of the view that the various dimensions of globalization constitute a source of real threat to the contemporary welfare state.