bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Puritanism and Science: A Reinterpretation
Authors: Morgan John
Published: June 2009

Compared to the rather large corpus of modern writing on puritan political and socio-economic opinions, very little has reached print concerning early-seventeenth-century puritan views on the intellect and the proper uses of reason. Much of what does exist is concerned primarily with the question of a connexion between puritanism and the ‘rise of science’ or the development of a learned mentality more interested in discovery than in repetition. Debate over the connexion has centred on the role of puritanism as a catalytic philosophy which drove men to cast off the bonds of ancient (classical) wisdom and search God's handiwork for further clues to the identity of the Master himself and his providence for the world. Most argument has relied on parading puritans who were, or were not, supporters of scientific endeavour. The evidence has, in the main, been highly selective. There has been very little consideration of the intellectual background of puritanism as a school of thought. Most of the evidence, too, has been taken from the years of the Revolution, when the meaning of the term ‘puritan’ was very different from what it had been eighty, or even thirty, years earlier. This article seeks to correct both these problems of methodology and interpretation by considering puritanism as a set of ideas which could lead to but one intellectual conclusion. It is the contention here that the argument that puritanism offered incentive and support to the ‘new learning’ cannot be supported from the evidence drawn from an examination of early-seventeenth-century puritan writers.
Neither Politique nor Patriot? Henri, duc de Montmorency and Philip II, 1582–1589
Authors: Davies Joan
Published: June 2009

In 1581 Antoinette de La Marck, the devout duchesse de Montmorency made a pilgrimage to the shrine of the Virgin at Montserrat in Catalonia. The next year her husband Henri de Montmorency, the governor of Languedoc, corresponded with the viceroy of Catalonia about the problem of banditry which was rife on both sides of the frontier. In 1583, Montmorency's servant carried letters to Charles Emmanuel, duke of Savoy, hidden in the soles of his shoes. During the festivities for the wedding of Charles Emmanuel to the infanta Catalina in 1585, Giuseppe Lercaro, Montmorency's Genoese-born intendant desfinances, spent some ten days in Barcelona concealed in the lodgings of Savoy's ambassador and had several clandestine interviews with both the duke and his new father-in-law Philip II. In 1588 Philip offered 100,000 francs towards the dowry of Montmorency's daughter Charlotte, provided that she married the son of the due de Guise and thus reconciled the two families whose rivalry had dominated the French political scene since the 1540s. These incidents, unremarkable as they may individually appear, formed part of the negotiations between Henri due de Montmorency and Philip II which, in notable contrast to those of the Spanish king with the Guise family, have been little studied by historians. Consequently, Montmorency's reputation now is generally that of a politique and patriot. This paper offers a rather different appraisal of him.
Popular Politics and Public Policy: The Excise Riot at Smithfield in February 1647 and its Aftermath
Authors: Braddick Michael J.
Published: June 2009

On 15 February 1647 hostility to the excise flared up at Smithfield market in London. A riot occurred when a purchaser of livestock refused to pay his excise and attempted to remove his livestock without doing so. When he was stopped by ‘the guard’ a crowd gathered in his defence. It was dispersed but another crowd gathered later burning down the excise office and ‘80. or 100.li [was] scattered and purloined’. The rioters were said to have drawn encouragement from excise disturbances in Norwich shortly before. The crowd that gathered later was led by butchers one of whom, William Taylor, was reported to have said that he would ‘bear down the Excise by Force’. TheKingdom's Weekly Intelligencercould not ‘heare of any man killed’, but remarked that the tumult ‘did arise to such a hight that many of the Officers of the excise were beaten, [and] their books torn’. TheWeekly Account, emphasizing the seriousness of the riot, reported that the ‘Lord Mayor and Sherriffes of the City were forced to come in person to pacifie the tumult’.
Class and Gender: Conflicting Components of Women's Behaviour in the Textile Mills of Lille, Roubaix and Tourcoing, 1880–1914
Authors: Hilden Patricia
Published: June 2009

There is at present much interest in historical explanations for the political attitudes and collective behaviour of industrial workers. Typically, such I explanations develop out of descriptions of production relations. In some cases, historians have adduced the constituents of such relations (including shopfloor conditions, job skills and hierarchies of workers and employers) to explain strikes, unions, and mass-based political parties. In other cases, historians of labouring people have emphasized one or another of these elements – e.g. relative levels of skill – in efforts to explain collective behaviour. Still others have taken a more general view, ascribing workers' collective rebellion to the history of industrial capitalism itself; in this view, conditions for rebellion depend upon the historical moment, or conjuncture.
The Price of Offices in Pre-Revolutionary France
Authors: Doyle William
Published: June 2009

One of the most distinctive features of the French Ancien Régime was the sale of offices. Several European states resorted to this method of tapping the wealth of their richer subjects in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, but nowhere did venality spread further through society than in France, and nowhere did its importance persist so long. Although the revolutionaries of 1789 abolished it, it reappeared for certain public functions in the early nineteenth century, and has not quite vanished even today. The origins and early history of the system have been authoritatively studied, but its eighteenth-century history has received very little attention. This is all the more curious in that France continued to be governed largely by holders of venal offices, they constituted the backbone of opposition to the government in the form of the magistrates of the parlements, and huge amounts of capital continued to be absorbed by office-buying. Even so, most historians consider that by this time the venal system was in decline. This seemed to be demonstrated by unsold offices remaining on the market, and above all by falling, office prices. For Alfred Cobban, indeed, these trends were symptoms of the decline of a whole class, the officiers. Here was ‘a section of society which was definitely not rising in wealth, and was barely holding its own in social status’ as falling office prices showed. ‘The decline seems to have been general, from the parlements downwards, though until the end of the eighteenth century it was much less marked in the offices of the parlements than in those of the présidiaux, élections, maréchaussées and other local courts.’ Resentment at this decline explained the revolutionary fervour of the officiers, whom Cobban had previously shown to be the largest bourgeois group in the National Assembly; and 1789 was largely the work not of a rising capitalist bourgeoisie, but rather of a declining professional one.
The Politics of Anti-Bolshevism: the French Government and the Russo-Polish War, December 1919 to May 1920
Authors: Carley Michael Jabara
Published: June 2009

On 26 April 1920 the Polish army launched a major offensive against Soviet Russia. The question of the French government's role in the unleashing of this attack has long been a matter of historical debate. P. S. Wandycz, whose work is the most recent detailed account of French eastern policy during the early twenties, attributes no major responsibility to the French for the outbreak of all-out war on Poland's eastern frontier. He states that the Quai d'Orsay was unenthusiastic about a Polish campaign and that the Poles had acted on their own initiative. N. Davies asserts that ‘Allied policy sought to discourage Poland from attacking Russia.’ ‘Without formally forbidding a Polish offensive,’ he writes, the Allies ‘emphasized that it “the offensive’ could not enjoy their support. On the other hand, Soviet and European Left-wing opinion has long condemned the Polish attack as a direct result of French influence. Vladimir Potemkin noted that Poland was incapable of waging a full-scale war with its own resources and that consequently Allied influence had to be decisive in determining Warsaw's attitude toward a continuation of the war.
The Legal Status of the Petition of Right
Authors: Reeve L. J.
Published: June 2009

One hundred years ago the most scholarly of the whig historians, Samuel Rawson Gardiner, gave the Petition of Right a leading place in his interpretation of early Stuart England, as the beginning of a constitutional revolution in which parliament took sovereignty from an autocratic Stuart monarchy. To Gardiner this was part of a movement, his portrayal of which was coloured by ideas of patriotism and moral good, and which had the sanction of historical inevitability. Clearly there were serious flaws built into Gardiner's view: teleology, narrowness of theme, implausible simplicity, belief in inevitable progress, and the selective attribution of unconscious motives to men such as Sir John Eliot. Recent historiography has demonstrated the inherent weaknesses of the traditional liberal-whig and indeed the Marxist views of this period. A most stimulating revisionist argument and a whole industry of scholarship seem likely to reduce Gardiner's work to a great narrative, graced frequently with sane judgement, but in conceptual terms virtually abolished. Nevertheless the Petition of Right remains a salient and significant feature of the early Stuart landscape. Conrad Russell has established clearly that the making of the Petition was important as the culmination of a national war crisis and as an ideological watershed. Indicative of an emerging fear of subversion – of the alteration of government and religion together – it anticipated the attitudes of those in the Long Parliament who came to oppose the Caroline regime. The Petition needs to be given due attention in seeking to understand the important relationship between the political events of the 1620s and those of the 1640s.
Women and the Labour Movement in France, 1869–1914
Authors: Hilden Patricia J.
Published: June 2009

In histories of European trade union movements, the observation that women industrial workers were rarely found among the membership has become axiomatic. In virtually every developed nation, it seems that once the industrial order was established, predominantly male trade unions were everywhere the rule, and female unions and trade unionists everywhere notable exceptions.
The Spears Mission in the Levant 1941–1944
Authors: Roshwald Aviel
Published: June 2009

During the second world war, Syria and Lebanon lay on the fringe of the major Middle Eastern military campaigns fought between the Allied and Axis powers. They stood, however, at the focal point of relations between the British and the Free French, due to the anomalous situation which arose in the Levant states in 1941.
The Political Consequences of Seretse Khama: Britain, the Bangwato and South Africa, 1948–1952
Authors: Hyam Ronald
Published: June 2009

Ruth Williams was not a typist. She was apt to be put out when the newspapers called her that. In fact she was a secretary, a confidential clerk, with a firm of Lloyds' underwriters in London. On 30 September 1948, at a registry office in Kensington, she married Seretse Khama, heir to the chieftaincy of the Bangwato in the Bechuanaland Protectorate. No-one knew whether the Bangwato would accept a white consort. British newspapers ran features headed ‘Shall typist be a Queen?’ (Sunday Dispatch, 28 November 1948), and ‘This girl can upset the peace of Africa’ (Sunday Express, 10 July 1949). White opinion in South Africa was aghast: the marriage was condemned as ‘distasteful and disturbing’ (Johannesburg Star, 28 June 1949), as ‘striking at the root of white supremacy’ (Natal Witness, 2 July 1949). Ruth's parents opposed the marriage and did not attend the ceremony. Her father, George Williams, was a retired Indian army officer, working as a commercial traveller. Ruth was born in 1923, and brought up in Blackheath and Lewisham. She attended Eltham High School, took polytechnic classes in cookery, and served for four years in the war as a corporal-driver with the W.A.A.F. Together with her sister Muriel, she was a churchgoer, keenly interested in the African work of the London Missionary Society. They were constant visitors to the colonial students' hostel at Nutford Place in Bayswater. It was at an L.M.S. meeting in 1947 that she met Seretse, a quiet, friendly, relaxed and thoroughly Anglicized law student of twenty-seven, with an alert mind and honest manner. The sexual attraction between them was apparently strong. But there was also in their decision to marry a challenging element of anti-apartheid zeal. Ruth abhorred the colour bar, and felt she could do at least as much good in Bechuanaland as missionary wives had done.
Voluntary Societies and British Urban Elites, 1780–1850: An Analysis
Authors: Morris R. J.
Published: June 2009

Whilst it would be wrong to claim that voluntary societies in Britain were new in the period 1780 to 1850, the growth of large industrial and urban populations was accompanied by an increase in the foundation and prosperity of such societies. These societies were diverse in their purpose, form, size and membership. Edward Baines, junior, one of the self-appointed tribunes of the industrial middle class, in 1843 described recent developments as follows:
The politics of London air John Evelyn's Fumifugium and the Restoration
Authors: Jenner Mark
Published: June 2009

Historians have commonly described John Evelyn's pamphlet about London smoke pollution, Fumifugium, as a precocious example of environmental concern. This paper argues that such an interpretation is too simple. Evelyn's proposals are shown to be closely related to political allegory and the panegyrics written to welcome the newly restored Charles II. However, the paper also shows that Fumifugium was not simply a literary conceit; rather it exemplified the mid-seventeenth-century Ėnglish interest in the properties of air that is visible in both the Hartlib circle and the early Royal Society.
Law and order in Habsburg Venetia 1814–1835
Authors: Laven David
Published: June 2009

Much recent historiography has adopted a revisionist approach to Habsburg policy in restoration Italy, jettisoning the ‘black legend’ which long surrounded Austrian rule of Lombardy-Venetia. Nevertheless the Habsburg police still tend to be portrayed as essentially repressive, constantly preoccupied with the threat of revolution. This case study of the police in the Venetian provinces during the reign of Francis I challenges such a view. It looks first at the problem of establishing forces of law and order in the aftermath of Napoleonic rule, demonstrating how under-funding conservatism and a desire for uniformity with the rest of the empire meant that the Venetian constabulary was often ill-suitedfor the prevention of crime. Then follows an examination of the part played by the police in the administrative machine. This emphasises a number of roles performed by higher-ranking police officials and the secret police, and suggests their major concerns were not merely with the threat of revolution, but with gathering information essential for efficient government, and with maintaining a watchful eye over other branches of the bureaucracy. These in turn contributed considerably to the efficiency of Habsburg rule and the remarkable political passivity of the Venetian provinces in this era.
Popular culture and public debate: London 1780
Authors: Andrew Donna T.
Published: June 2009

This paper examines an important and rather neglected forum for popular discussion – the debating society – in London in 1780. This was the first full year that debating societies left their semi-private, club-like sites and took to new rooms, all across the metropolitan area. These new venues were large (seating between 400 and 1200) commercial settings, where men and women could come to speak and to listen, to enjoy an evening of rational entertainment at a small price. Using the many daily London newspapers as its main source, this essay examines the audiences present at these debates, the types of questions asked and the nature of the responses, when known, and surveys the wide range of reactions to such activity. Finally, it suggests some explanations for and evaluations of the growth and decline of this important cultural form.
Research, rumour and propaganda: Anne Boleyn in Foxe's ‘Book of Martyrs’
Authors: Freeman Thomas S.
Published: June 2009

Recent scholarship has questioned the accuracy of John Foxe's depiction of Anne Boleyn as an evangelical and a patron of reformers. It has even been suggested that Foxe exaggerated or invented the material he presented on the evangelical zeal of Henry VIII's second queen. A thorough examination of Foxe's sources, however, reveals that he based his account of Anne on material ultimately derived from those who knew her or had benefited from her support. It can also be demonstrated that much of Foxe's account of Anne is confirmed by independent sources. Finally, careful comparison of the material on Anne in the different editions of Foxe's work printed during his lifetime, and analysis of their variations, indicates when Foxe acquired his information about Anne. This, in turn, reveals a great deal about the circumstances in which Foxe composed his account and the specific political and polemical purposes which influenced it. Foxe's account of Anne was one-sided and biased but the information he presented on her was, as far as it went, accurate and it should not be discounted in any scholarly assessment of Henry's queen.
Treason's Reward: the punishment of conspirators in the Bye plot of 1603
Authors: Nicholls Mark
Published: June 2009

The so-called Bye plot of 1603 is one of the best documented in that procession of treasons which confronted late-Elizabethan and early-Jacobean governments. For more than a century, it has also been almost entirely neglected by historians. Through an examination of the cases made against seven suspects – William Clark, George Brooke, Sir Griffin Markham, Anthony Copley, Bartholomew Brookesby, Sir Edward Parham, and John Scudamore – the methods by which the state acquired and deployed evidence in advancing the prosecution are here detailed and analysed. Comparison of each man's fate also reveals how, although the crime of high treason carried but one penalty, the punishments handed down, ranging as they did from execution to discharge before trial, reflected both the prisoners' own conduct and the current political imperatives in a year of dynastic change.
Reply to Reflexions on the case of Antonio Rivero and Sovereignty over the Falkland Islands
Authors: Ware Richard
Published: June 2009

In response to John Muffty's critique of my communication concerning the case of Antonio Rivero, I would accept that my references to the whole document contained in P.R.O., HO 48/30 case 5 as ‘the opinion’ were misleading, given that most of it, as I noted in my original communication, consists of the presentation of the case. However, this is immaterial to the conclusion. The point is that the document contains statements which do not easily square with what was then the official British line on sovereignty over the Islands, namely that British sovereignty had been sustained ever since the evacuation of Port Egmont in 1774 by what Sir Herbert Jenner in 1829 had described as ‘the symbols of property and possession’, i.e. a single stone plaque. For example, the reference in the document to the attention of the British government having been ‘altogether withdrawn’ from the Islands between 1774 and 1829 seemed to me to suggest a sceptical view of Jenner's argument.
Sexual Heresy at the Court of Henry VIII
Authors: Warnicke Retha M.
Published: June 2009

Scholars have long described the reasons for Anne Boleyn's execution and the nature of her guilt. Recent analyses have suggested that Henry VIII lost interest in his second wife after she miscarried of a male child in 1536 and that his secretary, Thomas Cromwell, wanted to exclude her family from positions of power at court. With royal approval, so it is claimed, Cromwell caused the queen and five men to be executed for the fictitious crimes of adultery and incest. Although some scholars have conceded that she was careless of her honour, most have assumed that Anne was not guilty of these charges. Historians have consequently adopted the cynical conclusion that Cromwell succeeded in orchestrating a wide-ranging conspiracy involving numerous people with the intention of using the legal system to kill six innocent victims in order to satisfy both his own schemes for power and the king's domestic whims.
The Levellers and the Conquest of Ireland in 1649
Authors: Carlin Norah
Published: June 2009

As Oliver Cromwell set out on his controversial reconquest of Ireland in 1649, it was widely believed in England that the Levellers were opposed to all English rule in Ireland, and that these pro-Irish views were responsible for the mutinies and disorders in the commonwealth's armies which delayed the setting out of Cromwell's expedition.
Blackstone and the Science of Law
Authors: Lobban Michael
Published: June 2009

Blackstone's Commentaries have traditionally evoked two responses. On the one hand, from Bentham on, the work has been seen as confused and contradictory, based on theoretical foundations which were either irrelevant to his task, or ignored in practice in the book. On the other hand, although his achievement and in particular his theorising have been criticised, the Commentaries have also been seen as the first attempt to systematise English law and to ground it on solid principles, thereby creating a new ‘science of English law’. Both Lord Mansfield and Bentham himself praised Blackstone on this score, while Sir William Jones enthused that ‘his Commentaries are the most correct and beautiful outline that was ever exhibited of any human science’ Modern writers have agreed that Blackstone made a significant contribution to the development of law as a science.
II. Henry VII: Rapacity And Remorse
Authors: Elton G. R.
Published: June 2009

In myEngland under the Tudors I took the liberty of advancing the view that Henry VII’s reputation for rapacity and extortion is probably not borne out by the facts and that his policy did not turn from just to unjust exactions. Though I knew, of course, that this opinion contradicted one held by many since Henry VII’s own time I did not imagine it to be provocative; I thought that the work of such scholars as Professors Thorne and Richardson, Miss Brodie and Mr Somerville, had shown the old notions to be quite as mistaken as I maintained. However, I have since discovered that I was too simple in that assumption; in particular, I have been challenged to say how I would dispose of the well-attested facts that Henry VII deteriorated in the second half of his reign into a grasping miser and that he showed deep remorse in his last weeks. The short answer is that I do not regard the first fact as attested at all and cannot believe that remorse in the face of death should be interpreted so trustingly. But, since the issue still appears to be in doubt, I should like to rehearse it here rather more thoroughly. I believe that this historical revision results from an important change in historical method which involves both a more critical attitude to the sources and a better understanding of that age in its own terms.
I. Henry VII's Last Years Reconsidered
Authors: Cooper J.P.
Published: June 2009

Dr Elton has now written at length (Historical J. I (1958), 21–39) to support his view that Henry VII's reputation for rapacity was undeserved, while the idea that this ‘policy turned from just to unjust exactions was based only on insufficient knowledge of the facts’. He may have shown that Henry's actions were legal; he has not shown that they were just.What is unpopular is not necessarily unjust, but the opinions of subjects merit as full and sympathetic treatment as the policies of kings. Dr Elton's argument is of a type with those which claimed that, since Hitler's was a legally constituted government, it was sentimental to complain that its persecution of the Jews was unjust.
III. The Association Movement of 1792–3
Authors: Mitchell Austin
Published: June 2009

The fear of revolution, which was to play such an important part in early nineteenth-century English history, was felt for the first time in 1792. Before that year there had been constant fear of disorder, and frequent riots had demonstrated that the forces of order could at times be set at naught and property endangered. In 1792, however, propertied classes and government began to fear not sporadic and localized outbursts of violence, but an alleged nation-wide conspiracy aimed at the overthrow of both property and government, and the end of social subordination.
1. ‘The Committee of Council at the War-Office’: An Experiment in Cabinet Government Under Anne
Authors: Burton I.F.
Published: June 2009

Dr J. H. Plumb'S recent paper to the Royal Historical Society produced positive proof that the ‘lords of the committee’ of the early eighteenth century were simply the members of the cabinet when meeting by themselves in Whitehall instead of in the presence of the queen at one of the royal palaces.1 With this identification now certain, an investigation is possible into those specialist sub-committees which appear to have been responsible for naval and military affairs at various times under Anne, and about which, in Dr Plumb's own words, ‘further evidence would be invaluable’.2 One such body was the ‘committee of council which sits at the war-office ‘, the existence of which is attested by two letters of 1711 from Henry St John, then secretary of state, to the duke of Marlborough.3 Almost nothing has been discovered about this committee, although its existence has been well known to historians for more than fifty years,4 but now a search of war-office and other records has produced sufficient evidence for the committee to be identified and its membership, procedure, function, and history ascertained.
The Duke of Newcastle, The Earl of Halifax, and the American Origins of the Seven Years' War
Authors: Clayton T. R.
Published: June 2009

On the fourth of July 1754 a garrison of Virginians, under the command of the young George Washington, marched its British colours out of a small log fort in an isolated valley of the Appalachian mountains, where it had capitulated to a French detachment the previous evening. Washington's defeat had an impact upon world history no less significant than did his more famous victories subsequent to a more dramatic removal of British colours, on another fourth of July twenty-two years later. The French expulsion of British colonials from the Ohio valley led to nine years of war in America and quickly escalated into seven years of general war, so wide in its geographical extent that Churchill called it the first world war. At the end of hostilities in 1763 the acquisition from France of Canada and a number of West Indian islands laid the foundations of the nineteenth-century British empire.
III. The Yorkshire Association, 1780–4: a Study in Political Organization
Authors: Christie Ian R.
Published: June 2009

The Yorkshire Association of the early 1780's marked the first effective extension of modern political radicalism in Great Britain from the metropolitan region into the provinces. During what may for convenience be described as the first—the Wilkite—phase of British radicalism, in the early 1770's, the focus of the radical movement had lain in and around London. Attempts to stir up the country provoked only a brief response in a very few constituencies. There was little trace anywhere of sustained radical activity. Provincial apathy at the general election of 1774 caused acute disappointment to the metropolitan radicals. Six years later the situation had changed remarkably, and from 1780 till 1784 politics in Yorkshire were dominated, and in the rest of England considerably affected, by that remarkable political phenomenon, the Yorkshire Association. Starting in December 1779, an extraordinary, widespread upsurge of discontent among the members of the ‘upper class’ in the county, provoked by the North ministry's inept handling of the American crisis, first produced the well-supported petition of 1780 for economical reform, and was then channelled and organized into an instrument of agitation for reform of the parliamentary system. The association proper came into being between its adoption at a county meeting on 28 March 1780 and the middle of the following August, when the parchment copies which had been circulated for signature were gathered in and the roll of some 5800 names was compiled from them.
3. New Light On The Priestley Riots
Authors: Robinson E.
Published: June 2009

Joseph Priestley’s statement in his letter to the editor of the Morning Chronicle, 7 March 1793, that: ‘I am not, nor ever was, a member of any political society whatever, nor did I ever sign any paper originating with any of them...‘ seems to be about as unequivocal as it could have been made. It is true that these words were written in reply to Burke’s charge that Priestley had given ‘his name to the sentiments in the Correspondence of the Revolution Society in England with the Jacobin Societies in France’, but the charge was not new, and the danger to Priestley less critical than it had been at the time of the Priestley Riots in July 1791. In the absence of any evidence to the contrary, Priestley’s denial has been taken at its face-value, and even those who have had no sympathy with his point of view have been able to regard him as honest if misguided. Two letters recently discovered, however, shed new light on Priestley’s statement and suggest that he was less frank. The first, dated 27 June 1791, just over a fortnight before the riots, is from Priestley to James Watt, inviting him ‘as a friend of liberty civil and ecclesiastical’ to join the Warwickshire Constitutional Society.1 The second is a joint reply from Matthew Boulton and James Watt to Priestley’s invitation. This suggests that Boulton must have received a similar letter from Priestley to that sent to Watt.
III. The End of the Crimean System: England, Russia and the Neutrality of the Black Sea, 1870–1
Authors: Mosse W. E.
Published: June 2009

The neutralization of the Black Sea was, perhaps, the most important single result of the Crimean War. Regarded by the western allies as a valuable new element in the security of Turkey, it was resented by the Russians as an intolerable insult to their national honour. It rapidly became the object of a diplomatic struggle. Whilst allied—and especially British—diplomacy watched with a jealous eye over its observance, the Russian Government left no stone unturned to secure its early abrogation. With treaty revision the principal object of Russian diplomacy, any European issue between 1856 and 1870 regardless of its origin, became entangled in some form or other with the Black Sea Question. On more than one occasion, the problem forced itself on the attention of the cabinets.
II. The Acquittal of Sir George Wakeman: 18 July 1679
Authors: Kenyon J. P.
Published: June 2009

On Friday, 18 July 1679, Sir George Wakeman, Bt., a Roman Catholic of an old Gloucestershire family, and formerly physician to the Queen, was arraigned before a special commission of oyer and terminer at the Sessions House, Old Bailey, charged with high treason, in that he had conspired to murder the King. He was acquitted, as were the three Benedictine monks, William Marshal, William Rumley and James Corker, arraigned with him.
IV. The Colonial Office and the Abolition of Slavery
Authors: Reckord Mary
Published: June 2009

Under pressure from the anti-slavery interest in the House of Commons, the British Government undertook, in 1823, to reform West Indian slavery and prepare the slaves for eventual freedom. This policy of amelioration was based on the assumption that the West Indian planters would co-operate with the British Government to improve slave conditions. As George Canning explained to the House of Commons, ‘The masters are the instruments through whom, and by whom, you must act upon the slave population.’ Ten years later the reform programme was abandoned in favour of abolition. This change of policy reflected, in part, the conversion of officials at the Colonial Office who began to urge the need for emancipation in 1831. For eight years the Colonial Office made persistent efforts to induce the co-operation of the West Indian planters; these attempts failed and a mass of evidence accumulated which suggested that the slave system could not be improved, it could only be abolished. This article demonstrates the efforts made by the Colonial Office to effect amelioration in the legislative colonies with particular reference to Jamaica and the nature of the evidence which demonstrated that emancipation was the only viable solution to the problem of West Indian slavery.
V. James Mill's Politics: A Rejoinder
Authors: Thomas William
Published: June 2009

I am grateful to Professor W. R. Carr for giving my article on James Mill more attention than it deserved. I had many doubts about its suggestions, and more about the way they were expressed, and had hoped that an expert critic versed in Mill might help to remove them. His ‘James Mill's Politics Reconsidered: Parliamentary Reform and the Triumph of Truth’ contains so much that I can accept and profit from, that I am only at a loss to account for the captious vehemence of his language. For our arguments do not seem to me so much to conflict, as to cross and diverge. I was concerned with the Essay on Government as a practical document. I argued that it had less bearing on the movement for parliamentary reform culminating in the Act of 1832 than had been supposed. The effect of his criticism is to remove the Essay into a world of abstract speculation, even more divorced from the problems which beset the parliamentary reformers in the 1820s than I had claimed. Probably he would not admit this, because his real charge is not that I think Mill and his followers made no practical contribution to the Reform Act, but that I have not, as he has, pieced together the various parts of Mill's thought into that mosaic of ‘glittering clarity’ cemented by ‘strenuous logic’ which he conceives it to be.
Agent of Empire? The National Bank of Turkey and British Foreign Policy
Authors: Kent Marian
Published: June 2009

‘The National Bank of Turkey was founded in 1909 with British Government encouragement and support to further British economic enterprise in the Ottoman Empire’ so we are told in all die standard and respectable works on the subject. This is correct in form but incorrect in substance, for one cannot accept the implications it carries with it, in some cases explicitly stated. These are that, in the first place, the Foreign Office was instrumental in actually starting the Bank, in the second place, that the Bank succeeded very far in its objects, and in the third place, that it ever received much Foreign Office support in what it sought to do.
Thomas Norton the parliament man: an Elizabethan M.P., 1559–1581
Authors: Graves M. A. R.
Published: June 2009

Thomas Norton is one of Sir John Neale's parliamentary heroes. Neale demonstrates his importance in the ‘puritan choir’, that organized opposition party which was so active in the parliaments of 1563–66 and 1571. He and his colleagues are variously described as ‘troublesome’, ‘rebellious’, ‘hostile’, ‘nuisances’, ‘zealots’, ‘agitators’and ‘hotheads’, and Norton himself is depicted as ‘one of the most conspicuous of our ‘‘choir’’’. The result is a generally accepted portrait of a puritan agitator, tactician, and parliamentary organizer.
Women's Struggle for Professional Work and Status in the Church of England, 1900–1930
Authors: Heeney Brian
Published: June 2009

Of all the professions none has proved more resistant to the inclusion of women than the Christian ministry; no branch of the church stemming from the Reformation has been firmer in asserting the ‘disability of sex’ for ordained ministers than has the Church of England. The contemporary struggle to open the priesthood to women is the latest phase in a long movement of church feminism which permeated the Church of England from the very last years of Victoria's reign, a movement which, by 1930, had succeeded in considerably increasing women's influence and even ministry in the English Establishment although it had failed in its more radical aims. As they battled for the right to vote for (and sit on) elective church councils, as they sought equality of ministry with male laity, as they searched for vocationally fulfilling modes of pastoral care and evangelism which respected the ban against ordination, and as they assaulted that ban itself, able and ambitious church feminists have been continually frustrated by sexist prejudice, clerical exclusiveness, and entrenched religious tradition.
The old European States-system: Gentz versus Hauterive
Authors: Forsyth Murray
Published: June 2009

The contemporary international system is at once the continuation and the negation ofthe old European states-system. It is the continuation in the sense that the world is nowpeopled with the same kind of political bodies that were formerly concentrated within thearea of Europe alone, namely sovereign states. The overseas empires of Britain, France, Spain, and others, represented both the subordination of the rest of the world to Europe, and the media through which the state as a political structure was exported from Europe. The dissolution of these empires, foreshadowed by the independence of the United States and the emancipation of Spain's Latin American colonies, and accomplished definitively in the half-century following the Great War, signified the extension of inter-state relationships to the world in general, while it marked the end of the domination of the European states in particular.
Pacifism and Politics in Britain, 1931–1935
Authors: Pugh Michael
Published: June 2009

In the 1930s the British peace movement expanded rapidly from a preserve of small elitist peace societies into a mass phenomenon. More specifically, it was in the period from the Manchurian crisis to the Italo-Ethiopian war that what has been loosely called ‘pacifism’ gained political weight. Whilst its effect on the making of foreign policy has been the subject of much historical inquiry, the manifestations of the peace debate, including the famous Peace Ballot, can best be explained in the domestic context of party and pressure-group politics. The divisive nature of war rejection as an issue then becomes clearly apparent. Indeed the argument that the peace movement was a point of consensus can only be valid at a superficial level. One can agree with Marwick that a ‘middle opinion’ preferring peace to war developed in the thirties.1But in public discussion about collective security pacifists caused schisms which hindered the clarification of party and pressure-group policies.
The Expansion of Europe and the Spirit Of Capitalism
Authors: Rabb Theodore K.
Published: June 2009

The argument presented here rests on three assumptions. The first is that, at least in commercial terms, a capitalist system was in operation in Europe by the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Its features included a well-developed structure of international exchange, complex trade patterns, sophisticated methods of organization and finance, a realization of the importance of ‘putting money out to work’, and a versatility of mercantile activity that was a product of the most spectacular boom, expansion of trade, and growth of the merchant community that Europe had ever seen.
The Dairying Industry in Eastern Australia
Authors: Wadham S. M.
Published: June 2009

The Australian dairy industry has in the past made remarkable progress in certain areas where the rainfall is conducive to the production of good natural pasturage. As long as land prices remained reasonably low, dairying was a fairly profitable form of primary production on the better soils in the regions of high rainfall. These are chiefly found on the seaward side of the Great Dividing Range which stretches from Queensland to Western Victoria. Later, irrigation areas suitable for dairying were opened in the Murray basin and still later the south-western corner of the continent has seen extensive dairying areas developed. In each State the industry evolved on its own lines and the degree of control over the various stages of the production of butter and cheese exercised by the respective State Departments of Agriculture differs considerably. In some States the main effort has been in the direction of control of the dairies; in others the factories have received most attention. Again, in other regions legislative control is still rather weak.
16. A Note on the Direct Microscopic Count of Bacteria in Milk
Authors: Whitehead H. R.
Published: June 2009

In the course of some experiments on the manufacture of cheese, in which it was necessary to add cultures of various organisms to milk in the cheese vat immediately before the addition of rennet, a curious anomaly in the direct microscopic count (Breed method) was observed. The organisms to be used were grown for 24 hours on a meat-extract peptone agar. The growth was then washed off with sterile saline, and the resulting suspension was added to the milk in the vat. After the milk had been stirred thoroughly, samples were taken and a direct count, according to the method of Breed, was carried out in order to determine approximately the number of organisms which had been added. With several of the types of organisms used (staphylococci, streptococci and Gram-positive bacilli) this procedure gave a reasonable result but, in the case of Gram-negative bacilli of the coliform group, it was rarely possible to detect under the microscope any definite organisms, except those present originally in the milk and observed in the control sample. This observation proved consistent over a long series of experiments.
21. The Influence of the Stage of Lactation on the Natural Acidity of Milk
Authors: Houston J.
Published: June 2009

Weekly tests of the acidity of the evening milk of each cow in the herd of the Agricultural Research Institute of Northern Ireland, Hillsborough, Co. Down, were made over a period of almost two years. A graph showing the influence of the stage of lactation on the acidity of the milk is given.
79. Studies in Cheddar Cheese. II. The Effect of Controlled Oxidation-reduction Potential on Ripening. III. The Rôle of Rennin, Pepsin and Lactobacilli
Authors: Davies W. L. , Davis J. G. , Dearden D. V. , Mattick A. T. R.
Published: June 2009

II. When added as an oxidant to cheese, copper, to the extent of 36 p.p.m., produced an abnormal flavour and markedly inhibited the ripening process. The remaining oxidants (KNO3, KCIO3 and KCIO4) held the cheese at a higher potential and decreased the amount of proteolysis, especially after five months.

Potassium cyanide had no effect on the proteolysis or the oxidation-reduction potential.

It is concluded, therefore, that normally the flora of cheese holds the oxidation-reduction potential at such a point that proteolysis is diminished if the potential is raised to the oxidative side.

III. Variations in the amounts of pepsin and rennin appeared to have little effect on flavour, texture, body or ripening. There was apparently no correlation between clotting time and extent of proteolysis. The addition of lactobacilli with the starter appeared to accelerate the protein degradation in the early stages of ripening.
105. The Phosphatase Test for Pasteurised Milk
Authors: Kay H. D. , Graham W. R.
Published: June 2009

Details are given of two simple tests for efficiency of pasteurisation. The first, test A, may be carried out completely within half an hour, and will detect any gross errors of pasteurisation technique. The second, test B, is more searching, and will reveal minor errors of technique as follows:

(a) 1½° F. below the minimum temperature for pasteurisation, or (b) heating (at 145° F.) for 20 instead of 30 min., or (c) admixture of 0·25 per cent, of raw milk with properly pasteurised milk. Taken together, the two tests form an efficient method for the laboratory diagnosis of faulty pasteurisation.
106. The Role of Rennet in the Ripening of Cheddar Cheese
Authors: Sherwood I. R.
Published: June 2009

Attempts were made to eliminate the bacterial factor in Cheddar cheeseripening, through the agency of chloroform, and an assessment of the role of rennet was thus rendered possible.

After investigating the effect of chloroform and toluene upon the proteolytic action of rennet and trypsin in milk, the results obtained were applied in studies upon the ripening of cheese in the presence of chloroform. Cheese of normal manufacture was chloroformed at the salting stage or one week or more after manufacture (when the curd had lost its rubbery nature and the germicide was more easily incorporated). Owing to the weakened activity of enzymes in the presence of germicides, it was necessary to employ larger proportions than usual of rennet, measured additions generally being made at the time when the chloroform was added. Under these conditions the general course of protein degradation, as measured by determinations of soluble nitrogen and non-protein nitrogen, was found to be identical with that occurring in normal control cheeses. Strong evidence was thus afforded that rennet is the only important agent attacking cheese protein during the ripening process.

In the partition between the non-protein constituents of the normal and chloroformed cheeses, respectively, there were observed definite differences which tended to remain constant over the greater part of the ripening period. The relatively higher proportion of subpeptone nitrogen in the normal cheese was shown to be due, at least in some measure, to bacterial action.

Cheese ripened in the presence of chloroform developed no volatile acid, and no cheese flavour could be detected.
108. Studies on the Chemistry of Cheddar Cheese Making. II. The Buffer Capacity of Wheys
Authors: Dolby R. M. , McDowall F. H.
Published: June 2009

1. The buffer values of wheys obtained at various stages of the cheesemaking process have been determined over the pH range 3·5—7·5.

2. The buffering between pH 3 and 5 is shown to be chiefly due to lactate, while that at higher PH values is chiefly due to calcium phosphate.

3. The results of the buffer determinations are shown to be in accord with the analyses of the mineral constituents of wheys reported in the first paper of this series (1).
112. Feeding Butterfat to Dairy Cows
Authors: M'Candlish Andrew C. , Struthers James P.
Published: June 2009

1. The feeding of butterfat in the form of butter or cream had no significant influence on the yield or composition of the milk.

2. At the beginning and end of the fat-feeding periods there was atendency for some of the cows to go off feed.