bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Anticipating the Health Needs of Americans: Some Economic Projections
Authors: Weisbrod Burton
Published: March 2007

Per capita demand for medical goods and serv ices depends upon three categories of variables: (1) consumer preferences, (2) consumer purchasing power, and (3) prices of medical goods and services compared with other goods and services. Forces in each category are operating to raise market demand. Research is providing new and improved drugs and therapeutic devices which tend to affect prefer ences and direct spending toward health. Rising income is similarly leading to increased demand for medical goods and services; and more crowded urban living quarters with rising prices of household servants are increasing the difficulty of home care for the ill and are producing an enhanced demand for hospital services. While additional medical resources will be needed to meet the rising per capita demand, both the ratios of physicians and hospital beds to population are declining. Adverse effects of the declining relative number of physicians are being reduced by rising physician productivity, but the relative decline in the number of hospital beds is particularly serious in the light of increased per capita use of hospitals. Increased demand for health services is also being reflected in the government medical research and health services budgets. For some years, the percentage of income devoted to the prevention of illness and to treatment of the ill will grow.
Self-Portrait: The Teen-Type Magazine
Authors: Brown Charles H.
Published: March 2007

Just as the true-story type of magazine arose to cater to the newly literate public some forty years ago, so the teen-type magazine has arisen in the last decade to cater to the high school public that can write, at least write letters. These new magazines vary slightly with respect to the age of the target public and with respect to intensity and "kooki ness," but they all include fan club departments and pen-pal departments. And they all include dozens of letters. The major problems of readers are shyness, weight, and skin con dition. The major preoccupation is with relations with the other sex. There is a large cultic element in these magazines, articles about popular singing, television, and moving picture performers constituting a considerable proportion of their con tents. The portrait of teen-agers which they themselves paint in their letters is shown to be correct; it corresponds almost exactly with the picture which a national survey assembled on the basis of years of questioning teen-agers. Although the readers of these magazines are absorbed in personal moral problems, they are completely adrift with respect to morality in the larger issues of the day, as shown by the position with respect to payola. There is some evidence that these maga zines have underestimated their publics. The most recent venture in this field shows a broadening of interest to include major issues of the day.
Athletics in High School
Authors: Coleman James S.
Published: March 2007

Research—based on the visibility of athletic stars, on most desired achievement, on the composition of the leading crowd, on status criteria in leading-crowd membership, on popularity—demonstrates conclusively that athletics is far and away more important as a value among high school stu dents than intellectual achievement. And the school itself seems to encourage rather than to discourage this relative evaluation. There must be basic reasons for these phenomena, and these may be discerned in the functions performed by ath letics not only in the school but also in the community. Among boys, for example, it has been found that athletics has a demo cratizing effect, breaking up organization based on background and reconstituting it on the basis of common activity or achievement. Athletics serves an important function in moti vating students. It generates strong positive identification with the school ; without athletics the school would be lifeless for the student, deficient in collective goals. With athletics, it is possible for all students to identify with their school through their teams. Not only schools but whole communities depend upon the collective enthusiasm generated by their local high school athletic teams. The problem for the school is to find a way to have the functions now performed by athletic teams performed in ways more conducive to the intellectual aims of the school. Debate used to serve this function, music contests may also, as well as drama contests, and mathematics tournaments. It is possible that social and economic games played by means of complex computers may come to perform, on a far more intellectual level, the integrating function now performed almost exclusively by athletics.
Work and the Teen-Ager
Authors: Dansereau H. Kirk
Published: March 2007

Adult and adolescent differences in attitude toward work partly result from age-grade differences charac teristic of all cultures, but they are accentuated and prolonged by adult edict. Although teen-agers recognize the values of work, they are forbidden to enter the adult labor market and, in the absence of creative alternatives, are compelled to go to school even when school is wholly nonfunctional to them. Entrance into the adult work world is, thus, made difficult. Even when the teen-ager does enter it, he is discriminated against. The change from school to work often results in culture shock in the neophyte. This could be mitigated by suitable pre-employment socialization in which responsibility as well as mechanical skills would be recognized. It is conceivable that, as industrialization changes the nature of work and automation reduces the quantity required, adult culture will be organized around leisure rather than around work. In this sense, teen-age culture, with its emphasis on fun, may be a functional prototype of future adult culture.
Sexual Codes in Teen-Age Culture
Authors: Reiss Ira L.
Published: March 2007

The research evidence on sexual codes seems somewhat at odds with the popular view that teen-agers have a type of youth culture which, in its irresponsibility, extremism, and defiance, is in sharp conflict with the adult culture. The venereal disease rates, unwed motherhood rates, and studies of teen-age attitudes give evidence of a more conservative behavior pattern than exists for older couples. The most popular teen-age sexual codes are the double standard for boys and a petting-with-affection code for girls. Another code, which is minor and is strongest among older teen-agers, is permissiveness-with-affection, which allows coitus if there is a stable affectionate relation present. The custom of going steady is closely related to these codes, because our culture looks much more favorably upon sexual behavior when it occurs in such a stable, affectionate context as going steady affords. Finally, it should be noted that there are sharp class differences in sexual codes, and other factors such as education, religion, and ethnic group membership also affect teen-age sexual attitudes.
Rural Youth: A Case Study in the Rebelliousness of Adolescents
Authors: Bealer Robert C. , Willits Fern K.
Published: March 2007

The existence of cultural continuity from genera tion to generation within society supports in advance the notion that adolescents do not generally rebel against and reject traditional values and parental norms. Thus, it is not sur prising that research findings disagree with the popular stereotypes of rebellious adolescent behavior. The disagree ment between parent and adolescent as to the stage at which the adolescent may participate in the activities which sym bolize adulthood is as temporary as the period of adolescence. While this disagreement may be responsible for the popular image of rebellious youth, it cannot accurately be described as a group rejection of societal norms; it is, rather, an indi vidual resistance to specific authority patterns. In these re spects, rural farm, rural nonfarm, and urban youths behave in the same ways. But, even when rural and urban dwellers are involved in the same degree in youth subculture, rural residents are more traditional in their values than urban dwellers. Within rural residence groups, farm youth tend to be less permissive than nonfarm youth. Traditional ideas, like all ideas, change, but the traditional values of farm youth have changed less, proportionately, than the values of non farm youth. Although a conclusive explanation is not avail able, a likely one would be that parents most attracted to the traditional values of the farm have been the ones to remain on the farm. Since parental viewpoints are accepted at ap proximately the same rate by farm and nonfarm youth, it follows that farm youth would be the more traditional in their values.—Ed.
The Italo-American Teen-Ager
Authors: Ianni Francis A.J.
Published: March 2007

In Italy, the Italian peasant family of the turn of the century had been a patriarchal, well-integrated economic unit. Adolescence as an age grade was almost nonexistent. When these families emigrated to the United States, they were drawn to the cities, and the family-community-centered life they had led in Italy was no longer possible. The response of the first generation teen-ager in the United States was charac terized by cultural conflict, and the street corner gangs re sulted. The second generation teen-ager, much more a product of lower-class urban American society than the tradi tional Italian culture of his grandparents, yet still faced with less than complete acceptance by the dominant culture, chose one of three characteristic modes of adjustment. Some re jected any continued identification as Italo-Americans; others sought to re-embrace the Italo-American cultural pattern. Most attempted a compromise by seeking integration into American culture while retaining contact with the immigrant family and way of life. These modes of adjustment have also influenced the third generation teen-agers of these families. Those characteristics which set them apart from other teen agers result from the general position of Italo-Americans in the social structure. As the process of assimilation continues, these differences will disappear.
Jewish Teen-Age Culture
Authors: Boroff David
Published: March 2007

Viewed in historical terms, the image which Jewish teen-agers have of their milieu represents a decisive break with the past. The sense of uniqueness, of special destiny, seems to be fading. Jewish life is conceived of as middle class, nonideological, and entirely consonant with the dominant modes of American life. The younger teens have even less sense of being differentiated from the mass of Amer ican teen-agers than have the older teen-agers. If there is any significant difference between Jewish teen-age culture and the dominant models, it is that the Jewish version is somewhat less cultistic and less sharply set off from adult life. With respect to two touchstones of Jewish life—the scholarly tradi tion and the cohesion of family life—counterimages have developed among Jewish teen-agers. And, except among Orthodox children, the attitude toward religion shows a not unexpected downward arc toward indifference and secularism. It is significant in Jewish culture in the older teen years that it is largely college-oriented. Although their attitudes hardly differentiate these teen-agers from their non-Jewish peers, they tend to live in a vast, self-enclosed Jewish cosmos with relatively little contact with the non-Jewish world. Social life is characterized by extraordinary zeal and singular lack of privacy. Marriage, particularly for girls, is a prime value. Jewish teen-age culture is predominantly urban in environ ment. Small-town residence encourages one vein of Jewish teen-age contraculture. Other veins are Orthodoxy and critical intellectualism.—Ed.
Offenses Against the State
Authors: Packer Herbert L.
Published: March 2007

Offenses against the state fall into two cate gories : conduct inimical to the very existence of government, and offenses which affect the orderly and just administration of public business. Treason, which shades into sedition or advocacy of overthrow, and espionage are examples of the for mer. Although the United States Constitution was designed to limit the definition of treason to exclude "constructive trea son" as used in England, sedition laws giving similar effect have been passed in times of crisis. First Amendment problems have made prosecutions for subversive activities of livelier interest in constitutional than in criminal law. Examples of offenses which obstruct governmental operations include per jury, bribery and corruption, and criminal libel and contempt by publication. Convictions for actions to obstruct are gen erally difficult to obtain. Prosecution for perjury, however, has been undertaken in a number of cases in which the stat ute of limitations proscribed prosecution for espionage or a more serious charge or where a conviction on another charge could not be obtained. It has always been difficult to delineate satisfactorily free political activity and extralegal conspiracy contemplating force and arms rather than persuasion and the ballot. To the credit of American political institutions, patri otic excesses, popular, legislative, or administrative, have gen erally been checked by an independent bar and an independent judiciary, and criticism of governmental action which jeopard izes political liberty is freely voiced in Congress, the courts, and the press.—Ed.
Industrial Relations and Automation
Authors: Killingsworth Charles C.
Published: March 2007

In industrial relations, "automation" is frequently used as a synonym for "displacement." More precisely de fined, automation can have various direct and immediate ef fects on jobs. It may eliminate jobs outright; it may elimi nate parts of several jobs; it may require new combinations of skills; and it may affect responsibility, working conditions, and the extent of worker control over rate of output. The im pact of these effects has varied greatly in the past decade, de pending on the nature of the work rules in the industry or the operation. Automation has been adopted most extensively in industries or operations which impose few barriers to reas signment of job duties—or in operations where collective bar gaining is rare. Where automation has encountered rigid job lines and other restrictive work rules, labor-management con flict has at times been intense. As automation becomes more flexible and economical, it may invade such areas to an increas ing degree. Labor and management and the government have adopted a variety of measures to prevent or alleviate displace ment and to study proposals for future bargaining.
Automation and Unemployment: A Management Viewpoint
Authors: Denise Malcolm L.
Published: March 2007

The relationship between automation and unem ployment is widely misunderstood. More efficient use of la bor through automation and technological advance is the basis of economic growth. It has not meant unemployment in the past, for displaced workers have been absorbed in other and better jobs. Contrary to a common assumption, automation today is not "displacing" workers more rapidly than in the past. Automation has preserved and increased, rather than reduced, Ford employment. We cannot identify any substan tial group of laid-off employees whose unemployment is at tributable solely to automation. Ford employment depends on sales, and there has been no consistent increase in units pro duced per employee. Recovery in auto industry employment after the 1958 recession was limited not by automation but by the market shift toward smaller, simpler, lighter cars which take less work to build. Automation does not lend itself readily to many operations, and it is not likely to advance so rapidly that accommodations cannot be made. Indeed, it will not be easy to maintain the historical rate of productivity in crease. Efforts to explain unemployment as a result of auto mation have done much more to confuse than to advance the search for better solutions to unemployment problems.
Unconventional Warfare: One Military View
Authors: Yarborough William P.
Published: March 2007

Unconventional warfare—itself part of the broader area known as special warfare—encompasses guerrilla warfare, escape and evasion, and conduct of subversion against hostile states during wartime. The specific modes of uncon ventional warfare pursued depend upon the general war con text. Although nuclear war or large-scale conventional war would produce opportunities for unconventional warfare ac tivity, the brush-fire war and cold war situations currently bring guerrilla and counterguerrilla actions into constant inter play. The unconventional, or Special Forces, soldier differs from the conventional soldier in degree; as well as being skilled in weaponry, demolition, communications, and medical aid and sanitation, he must possess high integrity and loyalty, tolerance, endurance, and stability, and he must be capable of decision and leadership in an alien environment. The United States counterinsurgency concept contemplates aggressive operations ranging from civil actions to fill voids into which communism could move to actual participation in guerrilla-hunting beside Free World colleagues whom the United States has helped train. The power of special warfare as an instrument lies more in the surging force of human will and values than in weaponry. In terms of allocation of manpower, training time, and resources, all military logic indicates a rising importance of special warfare as a part of any of the types of conflict in which the United States is likely to become involved.
International Law and Its Protection for Participants in Unconventional Warfare
Authors: Greenspan Morris
Published: March 2007

Unconventional warfare is governed by inter national law. In the context of the cold war, it must be con sidered in relation to both international and internal war. In international war, volunteers are lawful, as are troops belonging to an authority not recognized by the enemy. Guerrillas are lawful combatants if they belong to an organized resistance movement of a party to the conflict, are commanded by persons responsible for their subordinates, wear a fixed distinctive sign, carry their arms openly, and obey the laws and customs of war. Lawful participants in a levée en masse must comply with the last two conditions. In countering guerrilla activity, reprisals may not be used against prisoners of war or civilians in occu pied territory. Hostages may, in general, not be taken. If in habitants in guerrilla areas are deported, their welfare must be safeguarded. Captured unlawful combatants can only be sen tenced by a competent tribunal. In occupied territory, the death penalty against an unlawful combatant is only possible if the pre-occupation law of that territory allowed it. Espio nage, sabotage, corruption, and propaganda may be employed in war. In civil and colonial war, both sides must obey the code laid down in Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions of 1949.
Cuba: A Case Study of a Successful Attempt to Seize Political Power by the Application of Unconventional Warfare
Authors: Kling Merle
Published: March 2007

The form of violence resorted to by Fidel Castro and his followers was guerrilla warfare. In contrast with the traditional coup d'état of Latin-American politics, the Cuban revolution led by Castro involved protracted military warfare and sweeping social, economic, and political changes. Among the factors which appear to correlate with Castro's successful seizure of political power are the undermining of the moral authority of the regime of Fulgencio Batista; the exploitation of the charismatic qualities of Castro's style of leadership; the attraction of support among the peasantry; the initial retention of middle-class adherents; the application of the military doc trines of guerrilla warfare; and the neutralization of the power of the United States. Lessons drawn from this seizure of power must be stated cautiously and, inevitably, will reflect our preconceptions. The Cuban experience, however, suggests that guerrilla warfare is not exclusively a problem in military tactics, that publicity may promote the interests of a guerrilla movement, that the motivations of guerrilla leaders probably originate in distinctive traits of personality, that persons with rural backgrounds and residence provide indispensable support for a guerrilla army, and that each guerrilla movement appears to incorporate certain unique elements. An extensive commit ment to guerrilla warfare, accordingly, may not represent the most appropriate response of a highly industrialized country to hostile guerrilla activity in another country. The United States, in order to cope with the problems associated with guerrilla warfare, requires a relevant model of the future which allows for change.
Unconventional Warfare: American and Soviet Approaches
Authors: Bjelajac Slavko N.
Published: March 2007

Unconventional warfare is a weapons system of hot and cold wars which is utilized for achievement of political and military goals. It is a type of warfare used equally by conventional military forces, paramilitary organizations, and civilian populations. The Sino-Soviet bloc's governments consider it an indispensable weapon of their political and military aggression and for promoting the goals of world com munism. It has become the principal weapon of revolutionary and anticolonial movements and of wars of liberation. The preparedness of the United States and her allies in meeting such wars intelligently and effectively must be much more than of a military nature. The battle must be waged for the minds and hearts of peoples. The character of counter insurgency requires techniques of a pacifying rather than a destructive nature. The United States national strategy and policy in regard to unconventional warfare can be used for safeguarding United States and allied interests in the period of peaceful coexistence; for the protection of rear areas and communication zones of United States expeditionary forces in both limited and general war; as an offensive and defensive weapons system for supporting the United States and allied total war effort; and, finally, for the protection of vital in dustrial complexes and key industries in the United States and in allied and friendly countries in the event of general war.
The Chemistry of Political Change in Latin America
Authors: Wilgus A. Curtis
Published: March 2007

Latin America is a politico-social laboratory. During the nineteenth century, following independence, three elements profoundly influenced life and thought: the Catholic church, the aristocracy, and the military. To these, as active political elements, were added a middle class, labor groups, and Communist and Leftist movements in the twentieth cen tury. The contrasts between "haves" and "have-nots" re main glaring. Latin-American constitutions are various and tend to be transient. Presidencies tend to evolve into dictator ships. The franchise has been widened, but electoral practices are erratic. Political factions, rather than national parties with continuity, are characteristic. Political campaigns are interesting, exciting, and dangerous. Politicians enjoy high social prestige. Revolutions in Latin America, given these conditions, are inevitable; Latin-American politics are volatile. United States policy toward Latin America is and can be catalytic in its effect. Much misunderstanding must be re placed with understanding, however, if the results are to be achieved for which everyone hopes.—Ed.
Has the United States Overextended Its Commitments to Resist Communism?
Authors: Fischer Louis
Published: March 2007

The United States, given the present world situation, is undercommitted, not overcommitted, in foreign affairs. The United States has entered the twentieth century. With the help of the United States, West Europe has, also. Africa, Asia, China, Latin America remain in the nineteenth century, some areas in the eighteenth century. Japan is industrially and technologically in the twentieth century and socially in the nineteenth or an earlier century. There are in the United States, to be sure, vestiges of earlier ages. The present world conflict arises from disparities in development between camps. In terms of relations between the major camps, the major crises since World War II offer a formula: Where either the United States or the Soviet Union was so committed in a given situation that the entry of the other would have resulted in a third world war, the other did not enter. The United States and the Soviet Union would both be well advised to commit themselves to working out a single standard of international morality. By banning imperialism, by what ever name it is called, an eventual banning of the bomb could be effected. By stopping Communist incendiarism in the less- developed regions of the world, more imagination and sub stance could be directed toward raising living standards for all. By this course, the United States could safely reduce its com mitments and, at the same time, do yet more good.—Ed.
The Future Role of the United States in the United Nations
Authors: Cleveland Harlan
Published: March 2007

The power, resources, and influence of the United States place her in the middle of whatever matters come before the United Nations. The United Nations fits into American foreign policy through four functions: as a place for direct con frontation between the great powers; as a third party to keep the great powers apart; as a third party in other people's disputes; as an agency for nation-building. Thus, the United Nations is a safety valve for international tensions and a place to have conferences. It can also be an executive organization for peace, provided solutions to two problems are found: In view of the increasing number of sovereign states represented in the United Nations, how is the real power situation in the outside world to be reflected within the General Assembly? Can the United Nations be made to function as a peace-keeping agency adequate to enable the nations to begin to disarm? Concerning the future, it can be predicted for the United States that she will find less cause for worry over "swirling majorities" in the General Assembly, that she will continue consistently to be with the side of the majority, that—provided the organ ization is not overloaded—she will meet only occasional and not frequent disappointments, and that she will maintain her habit of leadership in the United Nations, because that is the inescapable price of power.—Ed.
The Adequacy of Internal Corporate Controls
Authors: Wallace Kirkpatrick W.
Published: March 2007

In order for a corporation's activities and con duct to be what its top management wants, there must be ade quate internal corporate controls to assure that management knows what is, in fact, going on and that management's in structions are being carried out. The antitrust electrical cases, the heavy losses suffered by General Dynamics through its Con- vair division, and Chrysler's troubles over conflict of interests among its executives are illustrations which point out the fail ure of internal systems of control. In each case, top manage ment did not have the benefit of adequate internal controls so that it could prevent illegal or improper or unfortunate events from occurring, to the detriment of the corporation. These in stances suggest the timeliness of an inquiry into the adequacy of internal corporate controls in the large American corpora tions in order to ascertain what really is "the corporation."
Some Hidden Costs of Industrial Peace
Authors: Nossiter Bernard D.
Published: March 2007

Peaceful union-management relations may frus trate rather than forward the goals of society. Antisocial har mony ranges from outright collusion between union leaders and employers to tacit acceptance of a wage-price spiral that benefits a privileged group at the expense of the many. Un desirable or questionable forms of labor-management harmony include joint acceptance of discriminatory employment prac tices, preserving markets from outside competition, and com bined special-interest lobbying. The movement towards in creasingly refined definitions of national economic goals re quires new institutional arrangements to assure that these goals play some role in union and management decision-making.
Federal Aid to Education on the Conservative-Liberal Scale
Authors: Buchanan William
Published: March 2007

Virtually any popular definition of conservatism will lead one to expect conservatives to oppose federal aid to education, which they do. Overwhelming support of federal aid has characterized public opinion for a quarter of a cen tury. Attitudes on the issue are consistent with other elements of a conservative-liberal continuum on domestic welfare issues. Sentiment for federal aid appears to be frustrated by the un willingness or inability of supporters among the low-status groups to articulate financial means with educational ends. Hairbreadth failures of education bills in Congress result from the attachment to them of matters of race and religion which are "nonnegotiable." Action has been prevented by the lack of a concurrent majority. School-aid measures draw intense opposition for quite different reasons from unlikely combina tions of minorities. These have included southern segregation ists, northern Democratic integrationists, Catholics, anti-Catho lics, and a Republican leadership unrepresentative of the party. Of the strains of philosophical conservatism, economy and anti- centralism are the most relevant to the issue. Devotion to edu cation per se is, for most Americans, a second-priority value.
Conservatism and Liberalism in American Protestantism
Authors: De Visme Williamson Rene
Published: March 2007

American Protestantism is diverse and multiform. There is no single voice that can speak officially for it. There are, however, several currents and crosscurrents within and among the Protestant denominations. Some of these are con servative and others liberal in a theological sense. Numerous differences separate the two, but most of them can be traced back to their position with regard to the Bible, with some modifications introduced by different conceptions of the church. Protestants who are conservative or liberal theologically have a tendency to follow through politically, but there are changes taking place which are breaking down this parallelism. The neo-orthodox movement is conservative theologically but lib eral politically. The ecumenical movement is neither as yet, but, because it is international and interdenominational and draws support from both conservative and liberal theological camps, it will probably develop its own political orientation.
Liberal-Conservative Divisions by Sections of the United States
Authors: Fenton John H.
Published: March 2007

A survey of congressional voting records in the period between 1955 and 1960 indicates that the East is the least conservative section of the country, measured by atti tudes on economy questions and foreign policy. This is true for both eastern Democrats and eastern Republicans. East ern resistance to right-wing thought conforms to past history in the sense that the East is in the mainstream of American political and economic life. The conservative strength in Congress is found in the southern Democrats and the mid western Republicans. The South, no longer a monolithic spokesman for low tariffs and agricultural aid programs, now is more likely to speak for Standard Oil, Alcoa, and textiles. The extreme right-wing is at home in the small towns of the Midwest and in white-collar cities, where small business suf fers the painful results of changes in the national and local power structures. The liberal orientation of the West reflects a high degree of urbanization and the power of labor unions. Competition between political parties in the East and West is more issue-oriented than in the South and Midwest.
New York: Criminal Infiltration of the Securities Industry
Authors: Lefkowitz Louis J.
Published: March 2007

Preserving confidence in our securities market is of great importance, because few Americans are not affected by its rise and fall. In recent years, persons with criminal records have attempted by various guises to infiltrate the se curities market, posing major problems for governmental regu latory agencies in the securities field. New York State has attempted by statute to eliminate persons with felony convic tions from engaging in the securities business. Another prob lem in New York was high-pressure "boiler room" operations. A New York statute now requires registration of securities salesmen, in an effort to alleviate that problem. The gangster element has found it increasingly difficult to conduct business in New York under these enactments. There is a tremendous need for national and international co-operation in securities regulation. The North American Securities Administrators, operative in the United States, Canada, and Mexico, aims at promoting co-operative governmental efforts in the field. No similar international group exists. Assistance from the public itself, by way of complaints to regulatory agencies, is essential for timely enforcement of existing statutes. Through co-operation among supervising agencies and assistance from an alert and educated public, the problem of criminal activity in the securities business can be solved.
New Approaches to the Control of Organized Crime
Authors: Ploscowe Morris
Published: March 2007

There are no simple panaceas or easy solutions to the problems of organized crime. If the threat of organized crime to our economic and social system is to be eliminated, fundamental changes will have to be made in substantive laws, investigative processes, and police organization. The changes should both decrease the profits obtainable through organized crime and strengthen law-enforcement efforts against organized crime. Legalization of the distribution of narcotic drugs— under strict medical and clinical controls—to chronic addicts would substantially reduce revenues to criminal drug traf fickers. Legalization of gambling does not eliminate the criminal element in it; therefore, stiffer law enforcement of more adequate state antigambling laws is indicated. The isolation of law-enforcement agencies should be broken down by strengthening the Anti-Racketeering Unit of the federal Department of Justice for purposes of pooling information obtained through criminal investigations and of co-ordinating efforts. Further, the isolation and inertia of local law- enforcement agencies should be eliminated through expansion of state activity in connection with local law enforcement. Police efficiency should be improved and police corruption—or "fixing"—eliminated in dealing with gambling and organized crime. Procedures available for gaining evidence and com pelling testimony should be strengthened in order to pierce the wall of silence that surrounds organized crime.—Ed.
Britain and the New Europe
Authors: Gore David Ormsby
Published: March 2007

Any discussion of European economics and Eu ropean defense will not be practical and realistic unless based on the assumption that Britain is essentially a part of Europe. Economically, Europe, including Britain, is playing a vital role in the development of the underdeveloped countries. Britain's contribution represents a greater proportion of its resources than that of the United States. Militarily, for the purposes of collective defense, including nuclear defense, all the nations of the North Atlantic alliance, both North American and Euro pean, are interdependent. Their collaboration must be organ ized on a basis of equal partnership. With this end in view, we are now seeking to enable Europe to play a more influential part in the policy-making, the management, and control of the nuclear power of the alliance. Western economic and defense policies must support each other. The Cold War is, in many ways, a total war. The Communist total challenge must be met by a total response—political, economic, and strategic.
Will European Union Bring about Merged National Goals?
Authors: Lerner Daniel
Published: March 2007

Rapid unification of Europe is apparent in the economic sphere, but the European community lacks the neces sary spiritual quality for unification which would be demon strated in the merging of political or cultural national goals. Europe has undergone in one generation a transformation from which it has not altogether recovered. Formerly, Europe was at the center of world power. This was upset, and Europe became largely dependent on American policy and American power to take over the responsibilities it could no longer meet. The 1950 decade brought European leaders to the recognition that no European nation alone was able to guarantee either its own prosperity or its own security. Only by accepting the difficult condition of dependency were European leaders able to move beyond nationalism toward new forms of transna tional responsibility. This entailed the quest for merged national goals and for ways of expressing them in institutions and in practices. There has been a steady growth of commit ment to the European idea and of readiness to sacrifice national interests and controls in order to maintain and strengthen the European community. There is a commitment to NATO and to United States leadership, but this is not as strong in France as elsewhere. De Gaulle's successes have influenced European elite opinion, and, for the period immediately ahead, the national goals of European leaders appear to be diverging rather than merging. The burden of European union obvi ously is on the European leaders, but it must be shared intellectually, morally, and politically by the United States. —Ed.
The Effect on NATO of the Projected European Union
Authors: Tyler William R.
Published: March 2007

As Europe moves toward unity and is increas ingly able to speak with clarity, precision, and authority on given issues, European relationships with the United States and NATO will change. In the long run, this change will be constructive and will provide an additional unifying factor in NATO. The interests, needs, and ambitions of the fifteen member states of NATO are not the same, but, if harmony can be achieved within the European Economic Community, this can further unify the NATO alliance, certainly in non- military affairs. If member nations of NATO pursue common ideals and follow common policies, the development of different concepts of military strategy will not occur. Unity is not only a goal of the United States foreign policy but also an abiding necessity recognized by the peoples of Europe. An atmosphere and feeling of security, essential to the growth of co-operative ventures by NATO and the European Community, must rest upon economic strength and prosperity, for only prosperous nations can afford the military program upon which security depends. Attitudes of responsibility are also crucial. Each country must realize that responsibility to its own people is closely related to responsibility in holding together and strengthening the Atlantic community. As attention is directed in the immediate future toward domestic politics in many of the Atlantic countries, less attention may be devoted to NATO. We must, nevertheless, push forward if disarmament, stability, and peace are to be achieved.—Ed.
The Impact of the Franco-German Entente
Authors: Deutsch Harold C.
Published: March 2007

The Franco-German entente has a broad scope, treating of cultural, economic, and military matters. Its impact was initially encouraging, for a reconciliation between France and Germany appeared to be a symbol of the victory of the present era over history. Subsequent events have con tributed to a view of it as an effort to turn back history and to play an old game of power politics with a new alignment. De Gaulle has cast himself and France in the role of federator for Europe and tends to regard as intolerable any combination which includes close association with the United States. Adenauer is desirous of assuring his place in history by effect ing a Franco-German reconciliation, and many of his views correspond to a little-Europe policy. There are some indica tions that the Germans might be reluctant allies of the French. German opinion was disturbed by the French veto of British membership in the Common Market and De Gaulle's apparent repulse of the United States. Differences may arise over a German contribution to the development of a French nuclear force independent of NATO. De Gaulle is unenthusiastic about German reunification. The success of Caesaristic, di rected democracy in France may adversely influence the development of democratic institutions in Germany. The role of the individual in international politics seems to have been reasserted through the Franco-German association, yet the urgency of international problems occasioned by nuclear arma ments makes it vital to rise above purely individual considera tions in the broader arena of world politics.—Ed.
Economic Policy and Political Power in Communist China
Authors: Schurmann Franz
Published: March 2007

Developmental strategy in Communist China is a complex of ideological, political, economic, and social vari ables. During the fourteen years of the Chinese People's Re public, the leadership has applied two distinct developmental strategies, one for each of the two five-year plan periods. The first strategy, adapted from the Soviet model, aimed at select development of a modern sector with savings largely generated by the remainder of the economy. The political means chosen were centralized planning and direction with strong emphasis on administrative authority. Hardly were the preconditions for carrying out the first strategy present when the leadership began to modify the system, moving gradually toward a new strategy which achieved full form during the Great Leap For ward. This, in many significant respects, reversed earlier poli cies. Simultaneous development of the entire economy was stressed. Politically, it involved a far-reaching decentraliza tion of authority, with newly created regional and local power wielded by party committees. Socially, it stressed the func tions of the party and the working masses, correspondingly squeezing administrators, technicians, and "intellectuals." Over-all disorganization led early in 1961 to radical modifica tion of Great Leap Forward policy toward national economic "balance." There has been a return to rational bureaucratic modes of operation, but much economic decentralization ef fected late in 1957 remains. Though the economy appears again to be moving, there are indications of political indecision. No new further strategy of development has been announced.
Russia, China, and the Underdeveloped Areas
Authors: Gelman Harry
Published: March 2007

The divergence between Soviet and Chinese Communist policy toward the underdeveloped areas has de rived largely from differing views of national interest. The advent of nuclear weapons has fostered a Soviet wish to con trol the risk of local-war clashes that might involve the Soviet Union in total war. For this and other reasons, the Soviets have attempted to reduce the emphasis given armed "anti- imperialist" struggles generally while continuing to encourage such violence in particular cases judged to be both profitable and of little risk. Moscow has also favored a cautious policy toward newly independent states, relying upon the gradual growth of Soviet political and economic influence to induce the ruling "national bourgeoisie" to accept estrangement from the West, dependence on the bloc, and eventual domination by the local Communist party. Communist China, on the other hand, regards militant action throughout the underdeveloped world as the principal weapon available to it to strike at and isolate the United States. Peking has, therefore, strongly opposed every Soviet policy which in the Chinese view might inhibit such militancy. The Chinese Communists have also posed, with some hypocrisy, as consistent defenders of the interests of Communist parties betrayed by the Soviet Union in its con ciliation of the "national bourgeoisie."
Russia and China View the United States
Authors: Dallin Alexander
Published: March 2007

Soviet Russia and Communist China see the United States in significantly different ways. The present divergence can be related to antecedents such as the enmity between the United States and the Chinese Communists before their seizure of power and the nonrecognition of the present regime by the United States. More important, the quest of the Peking re gime for national "unification"—including Taiwan—and for great-power status—both opposed by the United States—have no analogue in the Soviet Union. The significant differences between Chinese and Soviet perceptions arose after November 1957, when Peking and Moscow began to pursue conflicting strategies. Moscow rather uncertainly strove for a détente with the United States; Peking insisted on the continued need for "struggle" and "action." The differences were entirely in keeping with the broader Sino-Soviet gulf regarding the nature of thermonuclear war and the prospects of "peaceful coexist ence." Peking has been frustrated by Soviet failure to give military support to China against the United States and has amply publicized the inconsistencies of Soviet policy toward the United States. Neither the Soviet Union nor Communist China can compel the other to adopt its views and policies re garding the United States. To the United States, it matters greatly which of the two Communist powers and strategies emerges victorious.
Intergovernmental Relations as Seen by Public Officials
Authors: Mcculloch Robert W.
Published: March 2007

Public officials reflect almost as wide a divergence of attitudes toward intergovernmental relations as would be found among the whole population. It is not possible to at- attribute a single pattern of attitudes to all public officials. It may be possible to identify a pattern of attitudes which char acterizes a group or subgroup of public officials. Professor Weidner found the most favorable attitude toward intergovern mental relations of any subgroup to be among welfare officials. Some information about the attitudes of officials was revealed by the 1955 questionnaire of the House Committee on Govern ment Operations. In 1957-1958, Congressman L. H. Fountain, Chairman of the Subcommittee on Intergovernmental Relations of the House Committee on Government Operations, conducted extensive hearings producing a mass of data about the attitudes of public officials. Then in 1962, the Senate Committee on Government Operations, through its staff, conducted an exten sive survey by questionnaire of the attitudes of all levels of public officials. An analysis of the data secured by a ques tionnaire submitted to national, state, and local officials in Minnesota was published in 1960. The study sets a pattern which could be followed in other states to determine the extent to which its findings are typical of all states in the context of examining intergovernmental relations as human relations.
The Pattern of Development in Latin America
Authors: Adams Richard N.
Published: March 2007

Economic development in the industrial nations of the North was led by an always advancing technology. The society adjusted by increments to advances, and an ideology of free enterprise developed congruently. In the industrial revolution, the Latin-American countries were an agrarian and mineral hinterland. Now that industrialization, as such, is pressing on them, they cannot adapt rapidly to the influx of complex technology. They must reconstruct certain aspects of their society before the technology can operate at all. This means that social inventions must precede the technological. Strong governments must take this responsibility, since they are the only agents that operate with legitimate authority throughout the nation state. To date in Latin America, only Mexico seems to have initiated the major steps that may permit it to move from a nation of secondary development patterns to primary development.