bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
United Kingdom: Media System
Authors: Wring Dominic
Published: September 2017

The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (population 58.8 million; 2001 census) dates from the treaty that ceded an independent Irish Free State in 1921. This had followed on from the 1918 general elections, the first under near‐universal suffrage, which had seen a rise in support for separatists in Ireland and the youthful Labour party in other parts of the country. Within a generation, Labour had replaced the Liberals as the principal opposition to the Conservatives. The immediate post‐World War II Labour government embarked on a major program of social reform, but changes to the famously unwritten Britain constitution were less forthcoming.
United Nations, Communication Policies of
Authors: Derieux Emmanuel
Published: September 2017

Although great importance is not always attached to the political, economical, social, or cultural role of communication activities, their influence on international relations certainly has not escaped the concern of the United Nations (UN). No matter what its limitations are, international law is not only formal but also symbolic. Further, it has a moral or diplomatic value and, albeit weak, a legal value through international conventions. The UN draws up certain essential general principles for communication. It also provides a framework on which specialized institutions are established to formulate various global communication policies.
Vatican Radio
Authors: Padovani Cinzia
Published: September 2017

Established in 1931, Vatican Radio (VR) is one of the world's oldest international broadcasting services. Its birth can be traced back to the
Lateran Treaty
, signed in 1929 by Benito Mussolini and the secretary of the Vatican State, Cardinal Gasparri. Aimed at resolving 59 years of tense relationships between the kingdom of Italy and the Holy See, the treaty was intended to compensate the Holy See for what it had lost when Rome, previously under the control of the pontiff, was annexed to the Italian kingdom in 1870. In addition to establishing the Vatican's own borders, jurisdiction, currency, and even stamps, the treaty made it Italy's responsibility to ensure the “necessary link, directly also with other States, of the [Vatican's] telegraph, telephone, and radio and postal services,” thereby paving the way for the Vatican to establish its own broadcast media. As a further endorsement of the legitimacy of the pontiff's previous control over Rome, Mussolini agreed to pay more than one billion Italian lira in compensation. This was of great ideological significance: the dictator would now be able to count upon the Catholic elites, who welcomed his generosity and the new “harmony” established between the Italian state and the Vatican. For the then pope, Pius XI, Mussolini was the “man of Providence.”
Verbal Aggressiveness
Authors: Hample Dale
Published: September 2017

Verbal aggressiveness and argumentativeness are distinct but closely related concepts that apply to conflictual interpersonal interaction (→ Argumentative Discourse; Conflict Resolution; Interpersonal Communication; Interpersonal Conflict). Verbal aggressiveness is the inclination to attack the other person's feelings or identity. Argumentativeness is the motivation to attack the other person's position, arguments, or statements. Both are types of aggressive communication, which can be subdivided into two categories: constructive and destructive. Constructive aggressive communication can be assertive or argumentative. Destructive aggressive communication also has two subdivisions: hostility and verbal aggressiveness. Assertiveness and hostility have received little research attention. Verbal aggressiveness and argumentativeness are often assessed together in empirical investigations. Males generally score higher than females on both measures, and cultural differences have been explored (though without a simple generalized conclusion to this point). Dominic Infante is the originator of the current work on these two topics.
Verstehen vs Erklären
Authors: Lindlof Thomas R.
Published: September 2017

During much of the twentieth century, the dichotomy between
verstehen
(interpretive understanding) and
erklären
(causal explanation) helped frame the debates about the epistemological foundations, purposes, and methods of the social sciences (→ Research Methods). Similar in many respects to the nomothetic/idiographic controversy (→ Idiographic vs Nomothetic Science), the key issue was whether it is possible – or desirable – to achieve unity between the natural and social sciences. The concept of
verstehen
, in particular, posed a challenge to this idea of unification. By the end of the twentieth century, the coexistence of multiple forms of inquiry had become an accepted state of affairs in all of the social sciences, including communication research, and dampened the urgency of this issue. However, the legacy of the
verstehen
/
erklären
dichotomy lives on in the worldviews and practical activities of scholars. In such realms as the methods they use, the theoretical traditions they uphold, and the curricula they teach, there can still be found the imprint of the split between interpretive inquiry and causal explanation.
Victimization, Secondary
Authors: Kunczik Michael
Published: September 2017

An aspect of mass media violence largely ignored in mass communication research and criminology is the effect news coverage has on victims of reported crimes (→ Crime Reporting). Few studies address the reaction of the social environment to the victims after a crime (→ Reciprocal Effects). “Secondary victimization” is defined as the victimization of the crime victim due to media coverage. It must also be taken into account that coverage of the crime can benefit the victim reported about, in that it helps them to deal with the fact of having become a crime victim.
Video Malaise
Authors: O'Keefe Garrett J.
Published: September 2017

The term “video malaise” was coined by political scientist Michael Robinson in 1975 in reference to a hypothesis that viewership of televised public affairs programming results in an increased sense of malaise, or vague cynicism or detachment, regarding political institutions, processes, and actors. The rationale was based on a discernible decrease in the 1960s and 1970s in political trust, confidence, and efficacy (→ Political Efficacy) among US citizens, coupled with the rise of → television news and related programming as their dominant source of political information (→ Political News). Various scholars and critics had previously claimed that television posed a unique presentation format and a perceived negative tilt against established political institutions and values. Similar views were voiced in other western democracies (→ Political Cynicism; Negativity).
Violence against Journalists
Authors: Nerone John
Published: September 2017

Violence against journalists is universal, found everywhere there is journalism. But the level and type of violence vary according to a series of factors, involving the general level of violence in a society or political system, the level of professionalism in the news media, and the extent to which violent action is useful in representing public opinion. Violence against journalists almost always includes a symbolic dimension; in some cases, the violence is primarily symbolic.
Violence as Media Content
Authors: Signorielli Nancy
Published: September 2017

Most of what we know about violence in the media has explored violence on → television. While some studies of television violence were conducted during the 1950s and 1960s, most of the information about the amount of violence on television in the US comes from the long‐term research conducted as part of the Cultural Indicators (CI) Project's analysis of samples of prime‐time network programs (1967 to 2002; → Cultivation Theory; Gerbner, George) and the National Television Violence Study's (NTVS) short‐term analysis of a larger sample of network and cable channels from the mid‐1990s (→ Television Networks; Cable Television). In the UK, information about television violence comes from an analysis of samples of programs from the mid‐1990s. Knowledge about television violence in other countries (Japan or the Netherlands, for example) comes from studies looking at violence in samples of programs taken at one point in time. Most of these studies, whether conducted in the US or in other countries, focus on physical violence (hurting or killing) because emotional violence is extremely difficult to define and isolate in a consistent way.
Violence as Media Content, Effects on Children of
Authors: Bushman Brad J. , Huesmann L. Rowell
Published: September 2017

Many children today spend more time consuming media than they spend attending school, or in any other activity except for sleeping. By “media” we mean any form of mass communication such as → television, → Internet, video and computer games (→ Video Games), comic books (→ Comics), and → radio. Violence is a dominant theme in most forms of media. For example, content analyses show that about 60 percent of television programs in the United States contain violence, and so do about 70–90 percent of the top‐selling video games. By “violence” we mean an extreme act of physical aggression, such as assaulting another person (→ Violence as Media Content).
Violence as Media Content, Effects on Children of
Authors: Bushman Brad J. , Rowell Huesmann L.
Published: September 2017

Many children today spend more time consuming media than they spend attending school, or in any other activity except for sleeping. By “media” we mean any form of mass communication such as → television, → Internet, video and computer games (→ Video Games), comic books (→ Comics), and → radio. Violence is a dominant theme in most forms of media. For example, content analyses show that about 60 percent of television programs in the United States contain violence, and so do about 70–90 percent of the top‐selling video games. By “violence” we mean an extreme act of physical aggression, such as assaulting another person (→ Violence as Media Content).
Virtual Communities
Authors: Steinmueller W. Edward
Published: September 2017

Largely due to Rheingold (1993), the term “virtual communities” has become the most popular way to identify interpersonal and Internet‐based communication networks to form, maintain, or extend social relationships. In 1993, Rheingold was writing ethnographies (→ Ethnography of Communication) of the communities anticipated by pioneers such as Licklider (1968), who imagined the → Internet as the source of new meeting places and as a revolutionary advance in communication capability. For social scientists, virtual communities represent a new platform for the observation and testing of theories of interpersonal communication behavior (Sproull & Kiesler 1986), structuration (Orlikoski 1992; DeSanctis 1994), and identity (Turkle 1995; → Personal Communication by CMC). A distinctive literature employing various combinations of underlying theories has emerged (e.g., Kollock & Smith 1999; Wellman & Gulia 1999).
Virtual Reality
Authors: Cubitt Sean
Published: September 2017

Virtual reality (VR) has at least three dominant meanings in communications. Though the distinctions blur in some analyses, these largely discrete areas are: (1) immersive audiovisual technologies; (2) technologies that achieve a similar effect through their ubiquity and apparent removal from mundane reality; and (3) technologies, architectures, and social processes that in some degree resemble immersive technologies, and the thesis that social life in the contemporary world is itself virtual. A fourth usage of the term “virtual” to denote a philosophy of becoming is also emergent.
Visual Culture
Authors: Cartwright Lisa
Published: September 2017

Visual culture is an area of study focused on practices of looking and the role of visual representations in the arts, popular and alternative media cultures, institutional and professional contexts, and everyday life. Art history, film and media studies, → cultural studies, sociology, and anthropology are some of the fields in which visual culture study is conducted. Forms of → visual representation studied include → museum display, fine art, film and → Television, old and new media, computer and → video games, digital culture, medical images such as X‐rays and sonograms, and advertising (→ Art as Communication; Painting; Cinema; Film as Popular Culture; Television, Visual Characteristics of; Video; Digital Imagery; Advertisement, Visual Characteristics of).
Visual Representation
Authors: Jewitt Carey
Published: September 2017

The study and conceptualization of visual representation were primarily associated with art and art history prior to the twentieth century, and drew on the analytical tools of iconology with a focus on the artist's intention and perception (→ Iconography). With the advent of → semiotics, followed by other theories of the visual, the twentieth century marked a broadening in conceptions of visual representation from the realm of art to the realm of the everyday. Studies of visual representation have expanded to include the images that surround people everyday. This includes studies of images in film (Metz 1990), the use of photography (Sontag 1979), advertising (Goffman 1979), scientific imagery (Latour & Woolgar 1986), learning and development (Kress 1996), and the representation of social identities (Hall 1997). This expansion of the domain of the visual has influenced how visual representation is theorized and approached, including a shift in focus from the image to contexts of production and viewers. Today a range of theories is applied to understanding the visual, including theories drawn from anthropology, art history, cognitive psychology, cultural studies, linguistics, psychoanalytical theories, and sociology.
Voice of America
Authors: Cull Nicholas J.
Published: September 2017

Voice of America (VOA) is a multilingual international broadcasting service funded by the US government, which, since its creation in 1942, has played an important role in projecting American news, culture, and policy to the world (→ International Radio; News; Culture: Definitions and Concepts).
Voyeurism
Authors: Gibson Pamela Church , Kirkham Neil
Published: September 2017

Voyeurism (from the French
voir
– to see) is a term used to describe the act of observing the actions of other people in order to provoke sexual arousal. Although all‐encompassing, it is often associated specifically with the behavior of adolescent males, who frequently engage in voyeuristic activities in the period leading up to sexual maturity.
West Asia: Media Systems
Authors: Nötzold Katharina
Published: September 2017

The media landscape of West Asia includes countries and media systems as diverse as Turkey, with big media conglomerate holdings; Lebanon, whose media strongly influence developments in the Arab media sector, state‐controlled Syrian media, partly controlled media under the Palestinian National Authority (PNA); and pro‐government media in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan.
Woman as Sign
Authors: Byerly Carolyn M.
Published: September 2017

Woman as → Sign is a → semiotic construct developed by feminist scholars trying to explain the ways in which women's status in patriarchal society is understood, communicated, and acted on through institutional practices. Film scholar Laura Mulvey's (1975) application of psychoanalysis to → film theory was foundational to the construct's development. Mulvey argued that woman stands in patriarchal culture “as signifier for the male other” within a symbolic system in which men are permitted to live out their fantasies of domination both linguistically and through images they create (1975, 7). Feminist anthropologist Elizabeth Cowie (1978) coined the term “woman as sign” on the basis of her work with Claude Lévi‐Strauss on kinship systems that featured the exchange of women (e.g., a bride leaves her father's house to live in her husband's house). Woman's status in such systems, she said, is economic but also that of a sign, which conveys an understanding of subordination and enables her to be exchanged physically among men. Cowie advocated a revolution in kinship systems to create more egalitarian
sex roles
and the meanings associated with them.
Women in the Media, Images of
Authors: Rakow Lana F.
Published: September 2017

Images of women in the media have presented a serious problem and challenge to feminist activists and scholars concerned about women's status in society. In the US in particular, but also in other parts of the world, the type, quality, and number of → images of women in various fictional and nonfictional → Genres (in film, television, and magazines especially) have been well documented since the 1970s. Consistently, such research documents women's subordinate status to men, demonstrated by their key absences (such as in → news) and attention to physical appearance or domesticity (such as in commercial advertising). While documenting problematic visualizations of women has been a dominant approach to assessing women's relationship to the mass media, other approaches have raised challenges about the theoretical and political shortcomings of a focus on “images.” Consequently, more sophisticated understandings of the relationship between mass media, reality, and political and economic structures have taken hold in feminist communication scholarship (→ Reality and Media Reality; Media and Perceptions of Reality).
Women's Communication and Language
Authors: Walker Kandi L.
Published: September 2017

With the general growth of gender research across multiple disciplines, it is not surprising that issues surrounding women's language and communication have become a popular area of study (→ Feminist and Gender Studies). Research in this area has been traced back to a 1664 report that cited differences in speech forms of “Carib” women and men (Jesperson 1922). This research was the beginning of a fruitful area of study looking at language use, speech styles, and communication strategies associated with women.
Women's Communication and Language
Authors: Walker Kandi L.
Published: September 2017

With the general growth of gender research across multiple disciplines, it is not surprising that issues surrounding women's language and communication have become a popular area of study (→ Feminist and Gender Studies). Research in this area has been traced back to a 1664 report that cited differences in speech forms of “Carib” women and men (Jesperson 1922). This research was the beginning of a fruitful area of study looking at language use, speech styles, and communication strategies associated with women.
Web 2.0 and the News
Authors: Hermida Alfred
Published: September 2017

Web 2.0 is a term → Internet entrepreneur Tim O'Reilly popularized to describe a stage in the development of the world wide web as a platform. It refers to a set of technical changes that allow technically unskilled users to have dynamic interactions on the web, facilitating a broad range of activities in the creation, dissemination, and sharing of digital content. Web 2.0, as an architecture of participation (O'Reilly 2005), frames users as collaborating in the production, shaping, and distribution of → news and → information, rather than passively consuming content that others create (→ Computer–User Interaction; Interactivity, Concept of).
Well‐Being and Media Use
Authors: Reinecke Leonard , Vorderer Peter
Published: September 2017

The question of how media use affects the psychological well‐being of media users has received attention from a number of communication scholars since the early days of the field. However, research has primarily tended to emphasize the risks and negative effects of media use on well‐being, such as detrimental consequences of escapist or excessive media use (→ Addiction and Exposure; Escapism; Media Effects). More recent work, particularly in the field of entertainment research, has started to expand this view by drawing connections between media use and positive effects on well‐being (→ Enjoyment/Entertainment Seeking).
Yellow Journalism
Authors: Kaplan Richard L.
Published: September 2017

The term “yellow journalism” first emerged in the United States as a pejorative to characterize the news produced by publishers William Randolph Hearst and Joseph Pulitzer in their competition for New York City readers during the late 1890s. Their success in achieving daily circulations surpassing one million helped spread their innovations, including → sensationalism, to other newspapers. With Pulitzer and Hearst, the US news industry joined that of other industrialized democracies at the turn of the century, including Sweden, Germany, Canada, and England (with the Northcliffe revolution), in evolving from a limited “class” press to a “mass” medium. These mass newspapers adopted varying proportions of sensationalism, populism, and socialism to address the interests of new, urban, working‐class, and immigrant readers. In response, the established upper‐class journals fought back on matters of taste and politics, in part by disputing the legitimacy of the new journalism and castigating it as yellow (→ Newspaper, History of).
Youth Culture
Authors: Kahn Richard , Kellner Douglas
Published: September 2017

As the social historian Philippe Aries reminds us (1962), “childhood” and “youth” are socially constructed conceptions of age and not biological givens. Indeed, the idea that a transitional period of youth occurs between childhood and adulthood is a relatively recent invention, beginning with Rousseau's
Emile
in mid‐eighteenth‐century Europe, which celebrated childhood and delineated stages of youth. Generational terms referring to the “lost generation” of the 1920s, or the “silent generation” post‐World War II (1950s), began emerging in the twentieth century. During the post‐World War II period, “youth culture” was widely used to describe the growing music and rock culture and consumer and fashion styles of the era that quickly mutated into the counterculture of the 1960s.
C
abañas,
L
ucio (1938–1974)
Authors: González Benjamín Anaya
Published: September 2017

The former leader of the Poor People's Party (Partido de los Pobres, PDLP), teacher Lucio Cabañas Barrientos was born in Atoyac de Álvarez on December 12, 1938 and killed in combat against the Mexican army in Tecpan de Galeana on December 2, 1974, both villages located in the southern state of Guerrero, Mexico.
Cabral,Amilcar (1924–1973)
Authors: Adeniran Adebusuyi I.
Published: September 2017

Pan‐African socialist, poet, and revolutionary theoretician, Cabral was central to the establishment of the African Party for the Independence and Union of Guinea and Cape Verde (Partido Africano da IndependeCncia da Guiné e Cabo Verde, PAIGC) between 1956 and 1959. He also assisted Agostinho Neto (1922–1979) in creating a freedom party in Angola. Cabral was a major proponent of armed struggle in liberating African society from colonial rule, and is today considered to be one of the greatest cultural advocates of contemporary African society.
C
afiero,
C
arlo (1846–1892)
Authors: Shantz Jeff
Published: September 2017

Carlo Cafiero was an Italian anarchist who advocated insurrectionary actions until his conversion to social democracy later on in life. Cafiero was born into a wealthy, noble family in Barletta, Italy. His life was transformed through his encounter with the horrible conditions facing the working class of London. Renouncing his diplomatic career and wealth, he joined the International Workingmen's Association, becoming an associate of Marx and Engels in 1871. Sent to Italy to win the Italian working class to Marxism, Cafiero was soon won to anarchism by Mikhail Bakunin (1814–76) and Errico Malatesta (1853–1932).
Cambodia, Anti‐Colonial Protests, 1863–1945
Authors: Corfield Justin
Published: September 2017

During the 90 years of the French Protectorate of Cambodia (1863–1953) the French faced a number of challenges to their rule. They assumed rule on August 11, 1863 under the “Treaty of Friendship, Commerce, and French Protection,” signed by King Norodom (1834–1904). This treaty established the French Protectorate of Cambodia whereby the French would control foreign policy and defense matters, with the king maintaining his rule, albeit heavily restricted.
Cambodia, Communist Protests and Revolution
Authors: Corfield Justin
Published: September 2017

On September 30, 1960, Cambodian communists held a secret congress at Phnom Penh railway station where, under the leadership of Tou Samouth, they changed their name from the Khmer People's Revolutionary Party to the Communist Party of Kampuchea. They were uncertain what to do in the short term. Some clearly favored an accommodation with King Norodom Sihanouk, the current ruler, and a number of leading communists joined the Sangkum Reastr Niyum (Popular Socialist Community), commonly referred to as the Sangkum, which had been founded in 1955 by Sihanouk. Others were keen on launching an armed struggle, while another group wanted a closer alliance with the Vietnamese communist movement. Although a number clearly supported what Sihanouk was doing in terms of providing education and health care for the vast majority of people in the country, and they welcomed his rapprochement with China, they were nervous about the level of influence of men like Lon Nol, the police chief and now army strongman who was clearly anti‐communist and pro‐American. They were also bitter over the incident on August 11, 1957, when Sihanouk invited some left‐wing democrats to the palace for a debate: the five who appeared met with Sihanouk but were beaten up by palace guards when the prince left the room. In 1962, Tou Samouth was betrayed, arrested, tortured at Lon Nol's house for a week, then taken to the Stung Meanchey pagoda, where he was killed. He refused to name any names, and after his death Saloth Sar (later known as Pol Pot) was elected as the leader of the communists, who changed their name again to the Workers' Party of Kampuchea.
C
ambodia, Rebellion Against France
Authors: Corfield Justin
Published: September 2017

Although French colonial rule was officially restored on October 16, 1945, the French Protectorate of Cambodia was much weaker than it had been prior to the fall of France in 1940. In its last eight years it was to face many problems, both from internal rebellions, often helped by people in neighboring Vietnam and Thailand, and from major constitutional opposition from Cambodian socialists, often with the help of French socialists. These forces sometimes fought each other but often made common cause, leading to France having to grant Cambodia full independence on November 9, 1953.
Camejo, Pedro or Negro Primero (1790–1821)
Authors: Ross Catherine
Published: September 2017

Pedro Camejo was born into slavery as a servant of the Spanish royalist Vicente Alonzo in San Juan de Payara (Estado Apure, Venezuela). Forced to serve under the Spanish army, he fought against the independence fighters led by Simón Bolívar until joining them in the battle for independence in 1816. Until his death in the famous (second) Battle of Carabobo against the troops of Miguel de la Torre in 1821, which finally led to Venezuelan independence, he served under the eminent general José Antonio Páez, who, apart from playing an important role in the fight for independence, was elected president of Venezuela after 1831. Pedro Camejo, who is also known as “El Negro Primero” (the first black), stands as a symbolic figure of courage and strong will who made his way from slavery up to participating in the glorious struggle for independence from the Spanish colonialists, reaching the rank of lieutenant.
Camus, Albert (1913–1960)
Authors: Han Jin H.
Published: September 2017

Albert Camus, French novelist, essayist, and playwright, was a major exponent of existentialism along with Jean‐Paul Sartre. His writings centered on the notion of human alienation from the world and from one's own self. His philosophy taught that one should embrace courageously the absurdity of life and pursue truth and justice through moral rebellion. He was awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1957.
Canada,LaborProtests
Authors: Bent David L.
Published: September 2017

Labor protests accompanied the rise and maturation of industrial capitalism and urbanization in Canada during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and continued in new forms afterwards. As the employment relationship became more common, workers sought to improve their economic position and the condition of their workplaces through collective action and protest, which in turn led to the birth of a more formal Canadian labor movement.
C
anada,
R
ebellion of 1837–1838
Authors: Henris John Robert
Published: September 2017

The Canada Rebellion of 1837 and 1838 resulted from a number of disparate political and social grievances that increasingly gained momentum among political reformers and the rural populace during the 1830s. In Lower Canada, Louis‐Joseph Papineau led the Parti Patriote and spoke out against the power of the Chǎteau Clique, a group of wealthy British and French Canadian businessmen wielding almost absolute political authority in Lower Canada. Papineau increasingly agitated for reforms providing individual voters, as well as the elected assembly, with more political power. In Upper Canada William Lyon Mackenzie led other reformers against a group of similarly privileged officeholders known as the Family Compact. Despite the seeming collusion of reformers in Upper and Lower Canada, there were substantial differences. A strong current of French Canadian nationalism ran through many of the supporters of the Papineau faction, while many of McKenzie's rural supporters originally came from the United States and harbored particular resentment toward the monopolization of large tracts of land by the Anglican Church. Such longstanding grievances were only exacerbated by the agricultural and economic crisis of the 1830s. The international wheat market collapsed and harvests were poor on a number of occasions during the 1830s as well.
Canudos, Religion and Rebellion in 19th‐Century Brazil
Authors: Pinheiro Diogo L.
Published: September 2017

Canudos was the name of the abandoned farm where Antǒnio Vicente Mendes Maciel (1830–97), popularly known as Antǒnio Conselheiro (the Counselor), and his followers settled in 1893. It is now associated with the massacre of Belo Monte, the most brutal event of the early days of the Brazilian republic, which had been established in 1889. Though the exact figures are the subject of some historical controversy, at least 15,000 people were killed by the army, many of them after their capture. This event had a profound impact on Brazilian self‐identity and inspired one of the greatest novels of lusophone literature,
Os Sertões
, by Euclides da Cunha (1866–1909). The official version of what transpired in Canudos described Antǒnio Conselheiro as a religious fanatic who was staunchly opposed to the recently established republic and who used his charisma to attract thousands of uneducated peasants to the village he created. Recent historiography has called this into question, and there exist different definitions of the events at Canudos, which have been called a war, a revolt, and a massacre at different points in time by different people.
Caonabo (d. 1496)
Authors: Uriona Viviana
Published: September 2017

Caonabo was a cacique of the Cibao region on Hispaniola Island at the time Christopher Columbus arrived in the Americas. A native of the Caribs tribe, he was well known and feared for his skills and ferocity in combat. When Columbus tried to land on the north coast of the island (now known as Punta Flecha), he suffered an attack of arrows and was pursued by Caonabo.
Cape Verde, Independence Struggle
Authors: Corfield Justin
Published: September 2017

The Cape Verde Islands, off the west coast of Africa, were taken over by the Portuguese from 1462, with governors appointed from 1698. When the Portuguese arrived, the islands were uninhabited and the Portuguese quickly established vineyards, bringing slaves from adjacent parts of Africa and turning the Cape Verde Islands into a transit point for the transatlantic slave trade. In 1585 the English buccaneer Sir Francis Drake attacked Riberia Grande, on the northernmost of the Cape Verde Islands. This, and the worry about possible slave revolts, led the Portuguese to fortify their bases on the islands. Portuguese rule then remained unchallenged until the twentieth century, with little unrest during most of the period. Even so, the harsh conditions caused by food shortages and a rapid depletion in arable land caused many Cape Verdeans to migrate to other parts of the Portuguese empire or the United States.
Caracazo
, 1989
Authors: Twickel Christoph
Published: September 2017

The
Caracazo
, also known as 27 F, was a spontaneous rebellion that began on February 27, 1989 in Venezuela's capital city of Caracas and which lasted about five days. The popular revolt – in response to a package of economic measures applied by the government – not only led to the worst state‐led massacre in twentieth‐century Venezuela, but is also seen by many as the starting point of a mass movement that a decade later brought Hugo Chávez to power.
Cardenal, Ernesto (b. 1925)
Authors: Brett Edward T.
Published: September 2017

Ernesto Cardenal was a leader in the effort to overthrow the dictatorship of Anastasio Somoza Garcia dictatorship in Nicaragua. Born into a wealthy family in Granada, Cardenal attended Catholic schools run by Christian Brothers and Jesuits and joined a circle of Nicaraguans opposed to the Somoza dictatorship. In 1942 Cardenal entered the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México. After receiving a licentiate (master's degree) in letters in 1947, he went to New York where he studied literature for two years at Columbia University. Following another year of European travel and study in Spain, he returned to Nicaragua in 1950. By this time, he was already receiving notice for his romantic and political poetry.
C
aribbean Islands, Protests Against
IMF
Authors: Harrison Kristina Hinds
Published: September 2017

English‐speaking Caribbean countries share colonial pasts, a common sea, developing country status, and often financial difficulties. Financial troubles in this Caribbean sub‐region have led Barbados, Belize, Grenada, Jamaica, the Commonwealth of Dominica, the Cooperative Republic of Guyana, and the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago to seek loans from the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Such IMF assistance has been contentious and has resulted in protests in five of these seven small states.
C
arney,
J
ames
F
rancis “
G
uadalupe” (1925–1983?)
Authors: Brett Edward T.
Published: September 2017

James Francis Carney was born in Chicago, Illinois. After living in several cities in Ohio, his family settled in St. Louis, Missouri in 1941, where he was awarded a football scholarship to St. Louis University. When the US entered World War II, however, he left school to serve in the Army Corps of Engineers. Following the war, he entered the University of Detroit to study engineering. In August 1948 he decided to study for the Jesuit priesthood and therefore began matriculating at the order's seminary in Florissant, Missouri. After 13 years of study and pastoral training he was ordained in 1961.
C
arson,
R
achel (1907–1964)
Authors: DeMarco Patricia
Published: September 2017

Rachel Louise Carson was born on May 27, 1907 in Springdale, Pennsylvania, a small industrial town on the banks of the Allegheny River. She was the third child of Marion and Robert Carson, people of modest means, who settled in the Allegheny Valley in 1906. Rachel Carson's father had a dream to develop his 65 acres of land for residential use to offer homes for the burgeoning town of Pittsburgh. This dream never materialized in his lifetime, but the area surrounding the Carson homestead is now a suburban neighborhood with a high school and junior high school on the former Carson property.
CedarRevolution,Lebanon
Authors: Alexander Kristian Patrick
Published: September 2017

Gathering in opposition to Syrian military control of Lebanon through a surrogate government that denied freedom and basic rights, peaceful demonstrations were led by a multi‐confessional coalition of Lebanese in 2005. While many believed that Syria had successfully restored peace and political order after the 1980s civil war, a growing number opposed their military presence, even if a withdrawal could potentially renew communal and factional conflicts.
C
ésaire,
A
imé (1913–2008)
Authors: Romanska Magda
Published: September 2017

Aimé Césaire, a writer, activist, and playwright, was born on June 25, 1913 in Martinique. In 1932 he moved to Paris, where he attended the Lycée Louis‐le‐Grand. In 1934 he published the essay “L'Etudiant noir” (The Black Student), in which the word
négritude
was used for the first time. In 1935 Césaire was accepted into the Ecole Normale Supérieure and he became actively involved in the Négritude movement, which aimed to liberate African and Caribbean countries from colonial rule. In 1939, on the eve of World War II, Césaire returned to Martinique, where he began teaching at the Lycée Victor Schoelcher. At that time he also traveled and lectured in Haiti. In 1945 he became a mayor of Fort‐de‐France and deputy of the Communist Party to the National Assembly. The new position allowed him to request that Martinique and Guadeloupe become departments of France; the request, although controversial, was granted in 1946. In 1948 Césaire published his landmark
Anthologie de la nouvelle poésie négre et malgache
, introduced by Sartre's essay “Black Orpheus.”
Charismatic Leadership and Revolution
Authors: Rubinson Paul
Published: September 2017

Conventional wisdom dictates that a social movement's success depends on a charismatic leader. Such an individual can galvanize the masses through passionate oratory and mobilize people into action for their cause. Men and women as diverse as Mohandas Gandhi, Adolf Hitler, Jesus Christ, and Mother Jones have been cited as leaders who used their charisma to bring people to their cause through sheer force of personality, rhetoric, and will. From this perspective, a charismatic leader becomes the physical embodiment of a movement's cause, leading by eloquence, passion, and example. But charismatic leaders appear relatively rarely, and movements have often succeeded without one. While a charismatic leader can indeed awaken the forces of social change, their relationship to their movement is far more complicated than the traditional leader‐follower dynamic. Furthermore, a charismatic leader can be a curse if a movement relies too heavily on him or her. Finally, the concept of a charismatic leader was shaped, to an extent, by the specific context in which it was created, which has led social movement scholars to move beyond an exclusive focus on charisma.
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harter 77
Authors: Santora Joseph C.
Published: September 2017

In 1977, as more and more Czechoslovakians strived for greater freedoms and human rights, 243 citizens from different walks of life signed a document published in a West German newspaper calling for the government to conform to international human rights rules of behavior. Two of the most important articles that the Czechoslovakian activists demanded adherence to were the Helsinki Accords and United Nations protocols for human rights. Charter 77 took on national prominence as more and more prominent citizens signed the document.
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harusathira,
P
rapas (1912–1997)
Authors: Corfield Justin
Published: September 2017

Prapas Charusathira was appointed deputy prime minister of Thailand and minister of the interior in December 1972, during a difficult time in his country's history, becoming the military strongman who tried to end the pro‐democracy movement in Thailand. Prime Minister Thanom Kittikachorn had dissolved parliament the previous November, banning all political parties. Charusathira, a tough army general who had been deputy prime minister from 1963 to 1971, was to provide the brawn to ensure there were few demonstrations. Charusathira saw his greatest achievement as maintaining an anti‐communist Thailand.
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hávez,
C
ésar (1927–1993) and the
U
nited
F
arm
W
orkers
Authors: Zirakzadeh Cyrus Ernesto
Published: September 2017

Toward the end of the twentieth century, César Chávez promoted a distinctive type of social rebellion in the United States, which became associated with the phrase
la Causa
and with a hybrid poor‐people's organization, the National Farm Workers Association (later renamed United Farm Workers, or UFW). Chávez, a passionate activist who knew how to arouse listeners, celebrated the spirited and unruly citizen who confronts bosses and government officials alike and who refuses to suffer injustice silently. Conversely, Chávez distrusted the selfish ambitions of not only the wealthy but of elected politicians (including self‐described liberals), and sought to pressure government leaders into action that they (in Chávez's opinion) would normally not undertake if exposed to convincing arguments alone.
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hernyshevsky,
N
ikolai
G
. (1828–1889)
Authors: Le Blanc Paul
Published: September 2017

Nikolai Gavrilovich Chernyshevsky (1828–1889) was a Russian revolutionary populist thinker, writer, and activist. Chernyshevsky's “populism” blended various elements: a commitment to Enlightenment thought; hostility to the tsarist autocracy; a desire for a democratic society and a socialist economy; a human community in which human freedom would be available to all; and a belief that the masses of Russia's people, particularly the vast laboring classes of countryside and city, must become involved in the struggle for this better future. He became a powerful influence among the Russian intelligentsia in his generation and beyond, due to his writings, his example, and his virtual martyrdom – for “the translation of Populist Socialism into active politics,” historian Franco Venturi has noted, “cost Chernyshevsky his life.”
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hile, People's Power
Authors: Bravo José Molina
Published: September 2017

In Chile during the period of the People's Unity (Unidad Popular, UP) government (1970–3), people's power was conceived by revolutionary‐oriented currents as the movement toward socialist transformation by self‐organization, self‐management, and the construction of participation and decision structures from below. It was a concept supported by mobilizations, organizations, and alliances of political parties, unions, students, community organizations, and peasants.
Chile, Protests and Military Coup, 1973
Authors: Wagenmann Uta
Published: September 2017

The 1973 military coup did not only eliminate Unidad Popular (Popular Unity, UP), the only elected government in Chile dominated by Marxist parties. Beyond interpretations concerning Chilean society, it can be seen as a landmark within the global process of reframing fascist methods in terms of “freedom” and “democracy.” Moreover, the putsch was the starting point for a momentous historical change: under Augusto Pinochet, Chile – a veritable laboratory of class struggle – became the first factory of neoliberalism.
Chile, Social and Political Struggles, 1850–1970
Authors: Hernández Héctor Guerra
Published: September 2017

Protest in Chile from 1850 to 1970 emerged as the working class sought to improve labor and living conditions against a dominant national oligarchy, which had consolidated control over land and industry. To maintain its grip on power and control over natural resources and industry, the oligarchy repressed strikes and other forms of labor militancy, leaving the working class particularly receptive to radical political ideologies. This led to the emergence of strong anarchist, socialist, and communist movements. As labor's capacity to resist grew, the state and its oligarchic benefactors periodically advanced reforms to improve working conditions by legally expanding labor rights and permitting a process of negotiation and bargaining.
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hiluba,
F
rederick (b. 1943)
Authors: Larmer Miles
Published: September 2017

Frederick Chiluba was a product of the powerful Zambian trade union movement, which played a leading role in overthrowing the post‐colonial one‐party state of Kenneth Kaunda's United National Independence Party (UNIP) in 1991. Chiluba's subsequent election as president of Zambia, a position he held for ten years, was the labor movement's greatest triumph – and its greatest disaster. Under his presidency, employment collapsed as part of the wider devastation resulting from economic liberalization. Chiluba serves as a warning that leaders who emerge from social movements to take up national political leadership are sometimes the bitterest enemies of those movements once in power.
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hina, Protest and Revolution, 1800–1911
Authors: Lubitz Leonard H.
Published: September 2017

The nineteenth century would come to be defined in Chinese history as a particularly fervent period of rebellions. Some scholars surmise that this is a result of a confluence of various factors, the most important of which were the stresses of a regime attempting to remain in force over a growing population while also being engaged in various military actions such as the Opium Wars, the advent of foreign sovereign powers on Chinese soil, economic difficulties, and natural disasters, the latter portending the end of a regime according to the cultural beliefs of the Middle Kingdom.
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hina, Student Protests, 20th Century
Authors: Greene J. Megan
Published: September 2017

Prior to the twentieth century, student protest was a relatively uncommon phenomenon in China. The only large academic institutions that existed were state‐run academies populated by students who had performed exceptionally well in the civil service examinations. Most students were the sons of elites, and they were trained by private tutors or in very small village schools in the Confucian texts, so that they too would be able to pass the civil service examinations. In other words, student culture, to the extent that it existed, centered on the examinations and examination venues, where virtually all of the participants had been rigorously trained in the ideological orthodoxy that the state wished to perpetuate. By the early twentieth century, however, a new student culture arose, and it was one in which students took a leading role in calling for and shaping new political and social structures through protest. Throughout the twentieth century, Chinese students have used protest as a tool to try to accomplish political goals.
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hinese Nationalist Revolution, 1911
Authors: Bhattacharyya Amit
Published: September 2017

The Revolution of 1911 in China signaled the end of the Manchu (also known as Ching/Qing) dynasty and the establishment of the republican form of government in China. It was also called the
Hsin‐hai
revolution because 1911 is a Xinhai year in the sexegenary cycle of the Chinese lunar calendar. Three distinct phases are discernible in this revolution, as different social forces and political groups played their role in it – the new gentry, western‐educated intellectuals, reformists, the later‐Ching reformers, constitutionalists, secret societies, toiling people, overseas Chinese students and, above all, the revolutionaries who assembled under the leadership of Sun Yat‐sen.
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hipko Movement
Authors: Menser Michael
Published: September 2017

The Chipko movement was an action of local peasants and villagers against state‐contracted commercial forestry operations in the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh from 1973 to 1981. Chipko achieved worldwide recognition thanks to the image of villagers non‐violently preventing the cutting down of trees by clasping them in their arms. But more importantly, Chipko showed that peasants themselves were capable of successfully responding to the social dislocation caused by ecological degradation. Chipko has inspired other movements throughout the world.