bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Buoyancy generated turbulence in stably stratified flow with shear
Authors: Hwang Jin H. , Yamazaki Hidekatsu , Rehmann Chris R.
Published: May 2006

The energy evolution in buoyancy-generated turbulence subjected to shear depends on the gradient Richardson number Ri and the stratification number St, which is a ratio of the time scale of the initial buoyancy fluctuations to the time scale of the mean stratification. During an initial period, the flow state evolves as in the unsheared case. After this period, shear generates fluctuating velocity components for St=0.25, but it depletes the fluctuating vertical velocity component and temperature variance faster than in the unsheared case for St=4. Weak shear causes the kinetic and total energy to decrease faster than in the unsheared case, whereas strong shear adds more energy in comparison with the unsheared case. Energy increased with time in only one case considered (St=0.1 and Ri=0.04). When St>1, the nonlinearity of the flow does not become significant even when Ri is small. Thus, results from rapid distortion theory and direct numerical simulation compare well. In particular, the theory reproduces trends in the energy evolution for St>1.
Finite-amplitude modulated Taylor-Couette flow
Authors: Zhang Jing , Khayat Roger E.
Published: May 2006

The Taylor-Couette flow with finite-amplitude modulated cylinders is examined in this study. A spectral/finite-difference approach is used based on domain transformation. The governing equations are mapped over the rectangular domain, and the flow field is represented spectrally in the axial direction, which, together with the Galerkin projection, led to a system of equations that are solved using a variable step finite-difference discretization. The vortex formation and pattern selection are examined after the validity of the method is established. The inner and outer cylinders are modulated in phase, and are free to co- or counter-rotate at different speed. It is found that the presence of modulation leads to the emergence of steady vortex flow even at vanishingly small Taylor number. The vortex structure is found to have the same periodicity as the forcing, even after the critical Taylor number corresponding to the onset of vortex flow straight cylinders is exceeded. The outer to inner cylinder velocity ratio controls not only the vortex strength and the nonlinearity but also the size, location, and breakup of the vortices. It is also found that the forcing wave number that generates the most intense vortex flow varies slightly with Ta and is different from the critical wave number predicted by linear stability analysis for straight cylinders.
Numerical simulation of multiple bubbles growing in a Newtonian liquid filament undergoing stretching
Authors: Foteinopoulou Katerina , Mavrantzas Vlasis G. , Dimakopoulos Yannis , Tsamopoulos John
Published: May 2006

Our recent finite element-based study of the deformation of a single bubble in a Newtonian or viscoelastic filament undergoing stretching is extended here to the case of multiple bubbles simultaneously growing in the stretched medium. The filament, having initially the shape of a cylinder with uniform radius, is confined between two disks and is continuously stretched by pulling the upper disk along the filament axis with a constant velocity; the lower disk is assumed stationary. All bubbles are taken to lie along the axis of symmetry of the filament and undergo deformation and/or growth with the medium being stretched. The governing equations are solved by a finite element/Galerkin method coupled with an implicit Euler method for the time integration, using an adaptive time step. The problem of the multiple bubble-liquid interfaces is addressed by a robust mesh-generation scheme that solves a set of elliptic differential equations for the locations of the nodal points. The resulting numerical scheme is accurate and extremely stable, independently of the number of bubbles assumed in the filament. It has allowed us to address multiple bubble growth in the filament, and investigate how their interaction affects the response of the system to the applied deformation. Numerical results are presented quantifying the dependence of bubble dynamics on bubble-liquid surface tension, filament aspect ratio (especially as this is decreased to very low values), relative bubble size, and bubble-bubble separation. The tensile force on the upper plate is also calculated and reported as a function of time and number of bubbles present in the film. Overall, our numerical calculations demonstrate the dominant role of the pressure field in the elongating filament: for the case of Newtonian fluids considered here, the force needed to maintain the flow comes solely from the pressure field, while for geometries with small aspect ratio, pressure attains large negative values near the centerline, in accord with the predictions of simple arguments from lubrication theory to the extent this applies to this problem.
A numerical study of electrostatic interactions between two charged conducting droplets
Authors: Su Y. H.
Published: May 2006

With numerous applications prevailing in science and engineering, the dynamics of charged droplets coupled together via electrostatics is of great interest to many researchers. In this study, the liquid droplets are assumed to be inviscid, incompressible, and electrically conductive. The boundary integral method is used to solve the three Laplace equations governing the dynamics of the two axisymmetric, inviscid charged droplets (two for hydrodynamic problems with interior domains and one for the electrostatic problem with exterior domains). Time integration of the associated dynamical system is achieved by using the fourth order Runge-Kutta method. The present results suggest that the electrostatic interaction has only a localized effect on the motions of the two coupled droplets. Global analysis based upon Legendre modes may not be a meaningful approach in the current study. Consequently, some interesting aspects of the dynamics of two electrostatically coupled charged droplets are illustrated via various examples.
Economic Organization for War
Authors: Bogart Ernest L.
Published: May 2006

As shown in the struggle recently ended, modern war means “a nation in arms.” The old-time distinction between fighters and workers was almost obliterated, and there was an industrial army as well as an army in the field. The labors of the men and women behind the lines were essential to the effective operations of the men in arms. That this condition was recognized by the governments themselves is shown by the classifications of workers, according to which those whose special skill or ability was essential to the conduct of war industries were taken out or kept out of the army and retained in the factories, mines, workshops, and fields. In various ways the old lines between soldier and civilian, between war operations and the work of production, were broken down. The Germans made no distinction between war vessels and merchantmen. They deliberately destroyed coal mines and factories, growing crops and cattle; this was done with a military purpose, for the sake of lessening the military strength of the enemy. So, too, the former distinction between contraband and free goods was obliterated. Whole nations were in arms, and all their resources were mobilized to carry on the titanic struggle.

This world conflict has taught us that war is not waged altogether by armies in the field. It is a contest between the industrial organization and technique of the opposing nations. It is not carried on by money alone, but by the total resources, material and human, that can be concentrated in a combined, productive effort. The World War gave the first opportunity for a complete application of the modern factory system of production in warfare.
The Luxemburg Chamber of Deputies
Authors: Putnam Ruth
Published: May 2006

Why should legislative proceedings in the grand duchy of Luxemburg be given consideration? It is a country with an area less than that of Rhode Island and with a population (260,000) which would barely fill a second class city—a mere atom in the world's history. Nor has it played an heroic part in the great crisis. Here is the excuse. The discussions in the chamber of deputies have reflected, not in their depths but in their shallows, nearly all the phases of the seething unrest which agitates larger nations, and therein lies the reason for offering a few pictures drawn from the official records of the grand ducal chamber— the German reports as they are sent out daily, translated from the proceedings in French, and the final French comptes-rendus. They are miniatures of the processes of readjustment in progress across the Atlantic.

The Luxemburg chamber of deputies is a legislative body that has been evolved by a series of still visible leaps and jumps from the simplest feudal conditions to the assembly recently elected by universal adult suffrage on a basis of proportional party representation according to the system of the scrutin de liste. Its modernity is so complete that a Socialist woman has obtained a seat, yet the conservative character of the forbears of the body is not entirely lost to view in the mists of the past.

The old duchy of Luxemburg—a countship until raised to higher dignity by an imperial brother of its count (1354)—lost its early independence in the fifteenth century (1441), and thenceforth shared the political lot of the Belgic provinces under Burgundian, Spanish and Austrian rule.
Suffrage Provisions in State Constitutions
Authors: Porter Kirk H.
Published: May 2006

Within recent years there has been a tendency to give more careful attention to the technique of legislation. In the past proposed laws have often been prepared by legislators who knew what they wanted, but were not able to express their wishes in scientifically constructed form. It is desirable of course that representatives of the people should determine legislative policy; and yet it is not counter to any intelligent principle of democracy that the drafting of bills should be done by experts who can put in brief though adequate phrases the essence of what the technically unskilled representative may want. It should be their task to use political machinery intelligently, and to warn the overzealous advocate against using it in a vain attempt to achieve an end which mayhap cannot be secured through political machinery at all. It is right that the people, through democratic channels of popular assemblies, should determine what they want; but it is no less proper that use should be made of those with special training to formulate ways and means.

Some states have already established legislative reference bureaus which do the work of bill drafting. The individual legislator goes to the bureau with a general outline of a law he has in mind. The bureau renders expert advice on the subject matter of the bill, if such advice is wanted, and proceeds to draft a measure embracing the subject in hand. The staff connected with the bureau should be prepared to offer advice as to the constitutionality of the proposed law, to cite precedents in other states if such can be found, and to express an opinion as to the probable attitude of the courts when interpreting it. Information should be at hand regarding the experience of other states, or indeed other countries, with similar legislation.
The Separation of Powers in the Eighteenth Century
Authors: Carpenter William Seal
Published: May 2006

“Justice is the end of government. It is the end of civil society.” Thus the authors of The Federalist defined the purposes of the government created by the Federal Convention. But they reached this definition as the conclusion to a discussion of the factious nature of mankind. Madison had already remarked that the causes of faction could not be removed without abolishing the liberty which is essential to political life. He believed, however, that the control of its effects was within human power. To the mind of the Virginian the vital political forces in the state should be tied up in a nice poise through the clauses of a written constitution. A government so contrived would, as Madison believed, “secure the permanent interests of the country against innovation.”

The ideal which Madison envisaged was one of dynamic equilibrium. He thought that by deriving the various branches of the government from different sources all positive action to the detriment of established order and guaranteed rights would be checked from the outset. Every safeguard against “the mutability of public councils” was to be embodied in the interior structure of the government itself. It was not enough that government should have a dependence upon the people; “experience has taught mankind the necessity of auxiliary precautions.”

The political experience to which Madison referred was fresh in the minds of all the men who assembled at Philadelphia in the summer of 1787. It was afforded by the thirteen states, in none of which did political practice square with the expressed provisions of its constitution.
An Irish Free State Senate Election
Authors: Gosnell Harold F.
Published: May 2006

In the fall of 1925 a unique electoral experiment was carried out in the Irish Free State. Nineteen senators were elected according to a system which presents a peculiar combination of electoral features. The aim of the framers of the Free State constitution was to provide a second chamber composed of men of experience and recognized ability. To this end they devised the following system: (1) the entire nation was to serve as a single electoral constituency; (2) the nomination of the candidates was left to Parliament; (3) the franchise was limited to citizens over thirty years of age; (4) the Hare system (single transferable vote) of proportional representation was to be used for the marking and counting of the ballots; (5) the senators were to be elected for twelve-year terms; and (6) onefourth of the senators were to be elected at each triennial election.
The Future of the Consular Office
Authors: Potter Pitman B.
Published: May 2006

The consulate is an old and a dignified office. Through various vicissitudes the consul has come down to us from the days when, with the dawn of new courage and enterprise, the closing of the Middle Ages saw the revival of international trade and travel in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Hence the future of that office must be of considerable interest from an historical point of view, to say nothing of the interest which all of us who expect to do any foreign traveling ought to feel in the fate of the traveler's best friend. All of this is doubly true in view of the fact that serious changes in the consulate are in point of fact impending, or even taking place before we have had time to notice them.

Almost everyone who has even a slight acquaintance with the history of international relations is aware of the way in which the consular office has already lost much of its old standing through the abolition of privileges of extraterritoriality in modern states. Originally, the consul was a judge in many cases between citizens of the state which he represented who were permanently, or even only temporarily, residing abroad. Today in all Western states he has come to exercise judicial powers only with respect to seamen on vessels flying the flag of his appointing state. The result has been a great diminution of his powers and prestige, a change so pronounced and of such long standing that few nowadays appreciate the great dignity and influence of the consular office in its earlier history.
Some Applications of Statistical Method to Political Research
Authors: Rice Stuart A.
Published: May 2006

This paper deals with the applicability of statistical principles and methods to research in political science. The subject is virgin and comprehensive. At the outset it will be necessary to delimit the treatment to be given it here, and to state some of the premises upon which this treatment will be based.

In the first place, the topic is unrelated to questions of public finance, or any of the bookkeeping aspects of government. I shall confine attention to more fundamental problems, distinctly psychological and sociological as well as political in character. These have to do with the nature and operation of forces that give rise to political activity and that determine its forms and its direction. A socio-political-psychology, quantitative in method, is the goal with respect to which orientation is sought.

In the second place, only data of a kind now available for research will be considered. Every statistician will agree with Professor Merriam's demand for the development and extension of governmental reporting, but my immediate concern is with undeveloped possibilities of utilizing existing materials.

In the third place, the desirability of a quantitative approach to political research problems is taken for granted. Yet the statistical method has serious limitations, not merely because it can never replace logic as a means of interpretation, but also because it is not universally available for scientific inquiry. The developments of recent years in the field of abnormal psychology, for example, have no quantitative method of discovery behind them. When subjective processes give rise to or accompany behavior, measurements of the latter may be possible.
Reconstruction of the Hungarian Parliament
Authors: Graham Malbone W.
Published: May 2006

Since the revolution of 1918 the Hungarian Chamber of Magnates, noted among upper chambers for its longevity, has been in a state of suspended animation. Unlike the lower house, the Chamber of Deputies, which disappeared under the tidal wave of revolution at the outset of the Karolyist régime, it never was formally dissolved. Both houses of the Hungarian parliament, yielding to political realities, suspended their sessions and disbanded, many of the members of the upper chamber scurrying to regions under Allied occupation for protection against possible excesses of the revolution. Following the brief interlude of extra-constitutional Karolyist republicanism, under the legislative auspices of the Hungarian National Council, came the communist revolution which swept before it all remnants of the older constitutional structure. But not for long. On the collapse of the Hungarian Commune it became the onerous task of the Allied Governments to find, or to create, a constituent authority capable of assuming unreservedly the obligations of peace-making and domestic reconstruction. The First National Assembly, elected by decree of Stephen Friedrich, then the liaison between the Hungarian nationalists and the Great Powers in Paris, was the result. This single-chambered body, distinctly smaller than the old Chamber of Deputies because of the territorial reduction of Hungary, became, for the purposes of the Allied Governments, the sole repository of national power, and was acknowledged by them, as well as by the nation itself, to have constituent authority.
Second Session of the Sixty-Ninth Congress: December 6, 1926, to March 4, 1927
Authors: Macmahon Arthur W.
Published: May 2006

Short sessions are short enough—sixty-seven days of actual meetings in that of the Sixty-ninth Congress—but the public's memory is even shorter. It thinks of the recent session almost wholly in terms of the colorful Senate filibuster at the end and forgets that such occurrences are the rule rather than the exception in the short sessions of Congress. When Senator Reed of Pennsylvania was chided by Senator Pittman for “putting your will against the rest of the Senate,” he replied: “As I have a right to do”; and he could point his rejoinder by recalling Mr. Pittman's own obstructive action at the termination of Congress two years before. The system itself invites congestion and obstruction. Rapping for order and snapping “sit down” (the printed proceedings do not record this but give the extinguished Pat Harrison's expiring lament, “Oh, it is a shame to spoil a good speech like this!”), Mr. Dawes snatched the last two minutes from the Senate in order to say that “the Chair regards the results of the present legislative session as primarily due to the defective rules of the Senate” (p. 5687) With equal logic, and perhaps more soundly, one may find in the situation on March 4 reasons for sharpening the question why the Norris constitutional amendment to change the scheme of congressional sessions, which passed the Senate on February 14, 1926, and which was favorably reported in the House within the same month, was not allowed to come to a vote.
The Parliament of the Republic of China
Authors: Goodnow F. J.
Published: May 2006

A study of the history of China would serve to reveal the fact that notwithstanding the great duration of Chinese political life there has been comparatively speaking little change in the political organization of the country. With the exception of the abolition of, to use a European expression, the “feudal system” which existed for several centuries before about 200 B. C., Chinese history presents no instance of any important change in political forms.

The character of the political organization which existed both prior and subsequent to the abolition of this “feudal system” was absolute monarchy, what is sometimes called autocracy. In this respect China differed little if any from other Asiatic peoples, whose great contribution to the political development of the human race has been the conception of an all powerful king or monarch in whom all the functions of government were concentrated.
Cincinnati
Authors: Lowrie S. Gale
Published: May 2006

The charter group was again successful in the November elections in Cincinnati and retained the six seats won in the first contest, while the Republican organization lost one seat to an Independent candidate. Seven of the nine councilmen were reёlected to office. The victory of the charter ticket was due in large measure to public approval of the unusual accomplishments of the last two years, and in part to the political sagacity of the leaders throughout the series of campaigns. The election of 1924, which resulted in the adoption of the council-manager form of government with a council chosen by proportional representation, and the election of two years ago which “kept the charter in the hands of its friends,” have been described in the pages of this journal. It was appreciated that the real test of the reform movement would come at the election of 1927 when the charter party would be on the defensive. This test has now been met.

Cincinnati was fortunate in the character of the men who composed the first council under the new system. They employed a manager with administrative ability, a charm of manner which quickly ingratiated him with the people, and a personality which complemented the personal qualities of the councilmen themselves. These men elected by the people did not refuse leadership, and the mayor especially has become a dominant force in the community. The combination of Mayor Seasongood and Manager Sherrill is an unusual one. The former is a leader of reform; the latter, the man to carry out the policies which the representatives determine upon. Consequently, the manager himself never became a campaign issue. Both groups pledged him support. As the mayor said of him, “He personifies the people's own desire for good government.”
Judicial Review of Legislative Acts in Germany
Authors: Blachly F. F. , Oatman Miriam E.
Published: May 2006

The German commonwealth is a federation of states, each operating under its own constitution and laws; though subject to the national constitution, which is the fundamental law of the commonwealth, and to other national laws and ordinances. Hence the general problem of judicial review over legislative acts, in so far as it relates to the central government, includes (a) the question of the right of judicial review of state constitutional provisions or state laws and ordinances, when in conflict with the national constitution, laws, or ordinances, and (b) the question of the right of judicial review in respect to national laws, as against the national constitution.
The New French Electoral Law and the Elections of 1928
Authors: Sharp Walter R.
Published: May 2006

The year 1928 will witness national elections in at least three of the great western democracies of the world. The first of these important electoral contests took place in France on the last two Sundays in April. Following a campaign of unique character, some 8,000,000 voters went to the polls to pass judgment upon the record of M. Poincaré's National Union government—a government headed, strangely enough, by the same man whom the electorate had seemingly repudiated four years earlier. Not only was this contest unusual in that it brought into play certain new kinds of campaign technique, but when carefully analyzed in the light of the operation of the new electoral law, the outcome almost defies any logical interpretation. On the surface, it has been heralded as a great personal triumph for Premier Poincaré as the “savior of the franc.” But more than that one cannot say; for he presented his case without the least semblance of a political program, and the party complexion of the newly elected Chamber of Deputies is baffling. Nor is one certain that it faithfully reflects the existing state of public opinion in the nation.

A resumé of the provisions of the latest electoral law, enacted in July, 1927, is necessary for a full understanding of what happened at the polls. In France, as all students of politics know, “electoral reform” is a perennial question. Since 1871 five successive systems of voting have been used: to 1885, the scrutin uninominal, or d'arrondissement; from 1885 to 1889, the scrutin de liste; from 1889 to 1919, the scrutin uninominal again; from 1919 to 1927, the scrutin de liste, with partial proportional representation; and now a reversion once more to the old scrutin uninominal.
Present Tendencies in American Politics
Authors: Ford Henry Jones
Published: May 2006

For the first time since its sessions began in 1904, the American Political Science Association was last year unable to hold its regular annual meeting. For fourteen years, in unbroken series, the association had brought its members together for conference and discussion; but last year, with more matter in its field engaging thought and provoking study than ever before, the association had to suspend its activities. This was due to circumstances so well known that the matter would be scarcely worth mentioning were it not that it exhibits a plight in which political science is apt to find itself whenever the ordinary course of events is interrupted by some great catastrophe.

In President Lowell's standard work on Governments and Parties in Continental Europe, he remarks that to him “the State sometimes presents itself under the figure of a stage-coach with the horses running away. On the front a number of eager men are urging the most contrary advice on the driver, whose chief object is to keep his seat; while at the back a couple of old gentlemen with spy-glasses are carefully surveying the road already traversed.”
The Committee System in State Legislatures
Authors: Smith C. Lysle
Published: May 2006

Every state legislature in the United States is divided into a considerable number of standing committees. In spite of obvious advantages which seem to render it indispensable, the development of the committee system has been attended by great evils. Indeed, it is perhaps not too much to say that with the committee system the worst evils connected with legislative organization and procedure are intimately associated.

It is the chief purpose of this paper to point out the principal weaknesses or defects of the committee system in connection with state legislatures generally, and particularly the defects which have appeared in the practical operation of the system in the Illinois legislature; and at the same time to discuss certain proposals designed to remedy these defects.

These weaknesses and proposed remedies will be taken up in the following order:I. Defects in the methods of making committee assignments.II. Defects due to the number of standing committees.III. Defects due to the size of committees.IV. Defects due to the lack of a definite and fixed schedule of committee meetings.V. Defects due to the lack of publicity and to the irresponsibility surrounding committee proceedings.VI. Defects due to the insufficient control of each house over its committees.VII. Defects peculiar to the committee on rules and the conference committee.
Federal Aspects of Preferential Trade in the British Empire
Authors: Allin C. D.
Published: May 2006

The battle over the Corn Laws was fought out in Great Britain as a domestic issue. But it had nevertheless a great imperial significance. During the mercantilistic régime the colonies had been regarded as a commercial appanage of the mother country. The victory of the free traders opened up a new era in the economic history of the empire. The colonies were released from the irksome restrictions of the Navigation Laws. They acquired the right to frame their own tariffs with a view to their own particular interests. In short, they ceased to be dependent communities and became self-governing states.

But the emancipation of the colonies was by no means complete. The home government still claimed the right to control their tariff policies. The colonies were privileged, indeed, to arrange their tariff schedules according to local needs; but it was expected that their tariff systems would conform to the fiscal policy of the mother land. The free traders, no less than the mercantilists, were determined to maintain the fiscal unity of the empire. There was still an imperial commercial policy; its motif only had been changed from protection to free trade. The colonies were still bound to the fiscal apron strings of the mother country; but the strings were no longer so short, nor the knots so tight as they had formerly been.
The Russian Soviet Constitution
Authors: Gettell Raymond Garfield
Published: May 2006

Among the results of the recent great war will be the appearance of a number of important constitutional documents. These will include new constitutions for existing states, such as Russia and Germany, new constitutions for newly-created states, such as Poland and the Slav republics, and an attempt to establish at least a partial constitution for a world confederation. The first of these documents to be published, and one which contributes many new devices in government and new ideas in political theory, is the Fundamental Law of the Russian Socialist Federated Republic, adopted on July 10, 1918, by resolution of the Fifth All-Russian Congress of Soviets.
The Attempted Revision of the State Constitution of New York
Authors: Benjamin Gilbert Giddings
Published: May 2006

The American people, especially in the eastern portion of the United States, are averse to political and social change particularly in institutions that have existed for a long period of time. A recent critic of American life has the following to say as a reason for this attitude of the American people:

“Among the many characteristics which foreign observers have ascribed to Americans are two about which there has been little difference of opinion. We are good-natured and we are individualists. Sermons have been preached against our good nature, so we need not dwell upon it. Much more important is our individualism—our absorption in individual interests and our reluctance to undertake things in combination with our neighbors or through the government. That individualism is an American characteristic is proved by a number of familiar facts. Thus the phrase ‘social reform,’ which in other countries suggests comprehensive plans of state action, is still usually associated in the United States with the welfare work of private corporations, private endowed schools of philanthropy…. Again, the coöperative movement which has made such signal progress in Europe, is in its infancy here.
The Czechoslovak Advisory Board for Economic Questions
Authors: Herring E. Pendleton
Published: May 2006

A characteristic post-war institutional development has been the appearance, under one guise or another, of instrumentalities for the representation of functional or economic interests. There is scarcely a nation in Europe that has not in some fashion taken cognizance of social and economic groups by their recognition through definite legal agencies. Witness the Italian lower house, with representation based upon Fascist corporations; and note the Consiglio Superiore dell' Economia, the German Reichswirtschaftsrat, and the Conseil National Économique of France. These bodies are too well known to warrant comment. Czechoslovakia, however, has an agency for expert economic counsel and guidance that challenges comparison and invites examination. Her Advisory Board for Economic Questions is noteworthy as one of the most carefully contrived of institutions for the representation of interests and classes. This board, together with the bodies just mentioned, demonstrates the working compromises that have been made with parliamentarism in view of the ever-increasing technical complexities of the present day “public-service state.”

Functional representation is recognized in varying forms in a large number of countries. The mere extent of this development is significant of the change in attitude that is taking place toward the state. The concept has been acknowledged in word, if not in action, in the constitutions of Yugoslavia, Poland, and Danzig. By decree or statute, the principle has been accepted in Spain, Turkey, Mexico, and Japan. Estonia, Latvia, and Luxembourg must likewise be added. There has been agitation in Norway for an economic council. Plans have been considered toward this end in Greece, Austria, Rumania, and Portugal.
The Sovereignty of the British Dominions: Law Overtakes Practice
Authors: Elliott W. Y.
Published: May 2006

It is interesting that this work by Professor Keith, who is acknowledged everywhere to be the most authoritative of the commentators on the constitutional system of the British Empire, should have appeared at the very moment when the Conference on Dominion Legislation and Merchant Shipping Laws began its sittings in London in October, 1929. If it was intended to guide their deliberations, the publication of the Report of the Conference in February, 1930, shows how widely a conservative statement of the existing law and practice will differ from the new structure of Dominion autonomy, once the Report is accepted by the Imperial Conference, by the Parliament in Great Britain, and by the legislatures of the Dominions. For where Professor Keith saw in the “equal status” of the now classic Balfour Report of 1926 only “exaggerated language,” “careless phraseology,” and “rhetoric,” the Conference took this “root-principle” seriously and applied it throughout. As the Conference contained all the most important legal advisers and civil servants of the governments concerned, besides four Dominion ministers, its report will almost certainly be accepted by the Imperial Conference.

The experts recognized only one general principle from Professor Keith's work: that any changes which are to be made in the legal status quo in relation to certain subjects would have to be accomplished by acts of the British Parliament. These subjects are: (1) disallowance and reservation, (2) the extraterritorial operation of Dominion legislation, (3) the over-riding powers of British legislation laid down by the Colonial Laws Validity Act of 1865, (4) the right of Great Britain alone to legislate on royal titles and the succession to the throne, and (5) the making of basic changes in Merchant Shipping and Colonial Courts of Admiralty Acts.
British Malaya
Authors: Fairlie John A.
Published: May 2006

Malaya is a peninsula in southeastern Asia, until recently of slight importance in the affairs of the world at large. During the present century, however, it has come to be of increasing significance for its output of rubber and tin, and its population has doubled since 1900. Economic and political affairs are in the main controlled by the British, but under different legal arrangements for different sections. The Straits Settlements form a British colony, comprising several islands, including Singapore and Penang, and two small mainland areas, at Malacca and Wellesley, with a total area of 1,508 square miles and a population of over a million. Rather more than half of the region is included in a federation of four Malay States, established in 1895, under a British protectorate. These have a total area of 27,500 square miles, with a population of about one and a half millions. There are also five other petty states, with a total area of 23,486 square miles and a population of 1,250,000, under special treaty arrangements with Great Britain. The total area of Malaya is 52,000 square miles, and the total population about four millions.
A Nomenclature in Political Science
Authors: Titus Charles H.
Published: May 2006

A nomenclature is a system of names or signs, or both, used in any field of knowledge. Such systems are of value to scientists in a field if they enable positions to be seen more clearly or distinctions to be drawn more readily.

In a recent article, Huntington Cairns says: “There prevails, secondly, confusion with respect to the instrument—linguistics—with which the anthropologist, the jurist, or the social scientist must pursue his investigations and through whose medium he must state his conclusions. … But once the social scientist passes from these simple aspects to the realm of theory, linguistics becomes a problem and it is in his struggle with this problem that he is most envious of the symbolism of the mathematician.”1

Confusion and uncertainty appear to be present in several sections of political science. Linguistics is a problem for us in theory; in addition, it is a serious one in teaching and in the field of research.

When a problem appears in a field of knowledge which handicaps effective work, experiments are in order, not only to analyze the phenomenon itself, but, in addition, to find ways or means by which the causes producing the unfortunate circumstance may be removed, or at least reduced. Can the apparent confusion and uncertainty among political scientists concerning the meaning of terms, labels, or intellectual positions be reduced? This is an important problem which directs our attention to the possibility of developing a nomenclature for political science.
Current Neutrality Problems—Some Precedents, an Appraisal, and a Draft Statute
Authors: Bradley Phillips
Published: May 2006

The first session of the Seventy-fourth Congress saw the introduction of at least half a dozen measures dealing with the policy of the government toward belligerents in a war in which the United States is not a party. The President announced his interest in the problem, and the State Department was concerned with drafting legislation which was discussed with the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations. The question will undoubtedly again be before the Congress at its next session.
Coördination of National Administration
Authors: Post S. Lyle
Published: May 2006

With the rapid expansion of the services of the United States government, especially since the inception of the New Deal, one of the greatest problems in the maintenance of efficient administration is the coordination of the multitude of governmental activities. Some may object to better coordination and increased efficiency because of the fear of reducing the number of employees and increasing unemployment. This fear is unfounded. The object of coordination is greater efficiency. This might result either in decreased employment and expenditure or in more effectively accomplishing the objects of government, and in the performance of more or better services than would otherwise be possible. In the latter case, coordination might result in increased employment. If the government is to accomplish the purposes of the New Deal, all its establishments must work in harmony. No greater need for coordination has existed than during this depression.
The Editor Votes
Authors: Beyle Herman C.
Published: May 2006

The “new deal” has received resounding praise from the public press. Newspaper editors, however, have not always hailed the spokesman of it so heartily. Indeed, one is tempted to suggest that the present acclaim arises in some part from the fact that prompt and decisive action came as a distinct and dramatic surprise to those who had expected little. However that may be, the following survey of opinions of newspaper editors made during last fall's presidential campaign presents an interesting contrast with current editorial expression.
The Evolution of the League of Nations
Authors: Rappard William E.
Published: May 2006

All living organisms, no matter how minute or insignificant, when examined through the microscope, appear enormous, intricate, and extraordinarily active. Similarly, the world at large, when considered through the microscope of contemporary analysis, has no doubt, at all historical periods, struck its immediate witnesses as being infinitely complex and eventful. Is it, then, a mere delusion if the flow of recent and current happenings impresses us as being exceptionally uneven and rapid in its course, as resembling indeed a swollen Alpine torrent at the melting of the snow in the spring?

I believe not. I believe that, even viewed in the perspective of centuries, the last ten years will be characterized by the future historian as an epoch of extraordinarily numerous and radical changes.

To consider the world in its political aspects only, what previous decade has witnessed as many momentous events as the last? The final, decisive struggle and the end of the greatest war that has ever taken place. In Europe alone, the crumbling of four of the most powerful monarchies. The setting up or resurrection of seven or eight new or reborn sovereign entities.
Achievements of the Kansas Legislative Council
Authors: Guild Frederick H.
Published: May 2006

The Kansas experiment with a legislative council has probably made as much progress as could be expected under the circumstances, with the first year disrupted by special sessions and impeachment trials, and with no research staff until the last five months. While in certain aspects of the Council's work little progress was made, in others the accomplishments were definitely of value and promise.

Council Bills Passed. The natural tendency is to evaluate the work of the Council by the extent to which its recommendations were enacted into law. In the special session of 1933, of the Council bills, 60 per cent became law, as compared with 27 per cent of the total number of bills introduced. The Council recommendations were obviously effective.
The Contribution to International Legislation of the Nineteenth Session of the International Labor Conference
Authors: Jenks C. Wilfred
Published: May 2006

It is proposed in this article to consider the Draft Conventions adopted by the International Labor Conference at its Nineteenth Session primarily with a view to illustrating the nature of the contribution which the Conference is making to international legislation and the manner in which problems which have some general bearing upon the development of international law and organization arise for consideration in connection with International Labor Conventions. It is unnecessary for this purpose to recapitulate the composition, powers, and procedure of the International Labor Conference, or to review that part of the activities of its Nineteenth Session which did not lead to the immediate adoption of Draft Conventions. It is therefore necessary to warn the reader that this article is not an attempt to give him a general impression of the Conference. It does not attempt to review the general discussions of social policy based upon the director's report. It does not describe the Unemployment (Young Persons) Recommendation, 1935, an important pronouncement which is one of the most valuable results of the Conference, but which, being a Recommendation, is intended “to be submitted to the Members for consideration with a view to effect being given to it by national legislation or otherwise,” and is therefore incapable of becoming by ratification the source of international obligations. This article, further, gives no account of the preliminary discussions which will probably lead to the adoption of Draft Conventions in future years; nor does it review the work of the Conference in supervising the application of existing Conventions. Its scope is limited strictly to a discussion of the five Draft Conventions actually adopted at the Nineteenth Session, i.e., the Forty-Hour Week Convention, 1935; the Reduction of Hours of Work (Glass-Bottle Works) Convention, 1935; the Maintenance of Migrants' Pension Rights Convention, 1935; the Underground Work (Women) Convention, 1935; and the Hours of Work (Coal Mines) Convention (Revised), 1935. Certain of these instruments raise far-reaching questions of economic and social policy; but discussion of such questions would not be appropriate in what is intended as a legal commentary.
The Canadian Election of 1935—and After
Authors: Reid Escott
Published: May 2006

On October 14, 1935, the Conservative party, which had been in power in Canada since the general election of July, 1930, was resoundingly defeated. The Conservatives had carried 137 seats in 1930. In 1935 their numbers were reduced to 40. The 93 Liberal seats of 1930 were increased in 1935 to 179—a majority of 113 in a house of 245. Such a majority is without precedent in Canadian history. Even the Unionist government in the war election of 1917 received only 153 seats to the opposition's 82. The Liberal sweep was almost Dominion-wide. The Liberals carried all but one of the 26 constituencies in the three Maritime Provinces, 60 of the 65 Quebec constituencies, 56 out of 82 in Ontario (more than they have obtained in that province in any election since 1874), 14 out of 17 in Manitoba, 16 out of 21 in Saskatchewan, 7 out of 16 in British Columbia. Only in Alberta did they suffer a crushing defeat. There, only one Liberal was returned; 15 of the remaining 16 seats were carried by the new Social Credit party; the other seat went to the leader of the Conservative party, Mr. R. B. Bennett.
The Committee as an Instrument of Coördination in the New Deal
Authors: Trackett Mary C.
Published: May 2006

Of all criticisms of the New Deal, the one most frequently emphasized is the lack of coördination. Headlessness in policy-framing and sprawling aimlessness in policy execution are twin charges which the Administration has been forced to admit. The recent report of the President's Committee on Administrative Management is an indication that the Administration intends to leave to posterity a good record on this score; but both practitioners and students of government are well aware that no reorganization can be so complete, so perfect in its functional allotment of duties to departments, that the problem of horizontal integration will not still need to be faced and solved. This reminder is less an apologia than an indication of the frame of reference of the present note; those who have been administering the government for the past four years have never been unaware of the need for concerted action among the executive departments, and many attempts have been made to achieve it. A device often employed for the purpose has been the interdepartmental committee.
Youth in the Dictatorships
Authors: Miller James W.
Published: May 2006

The years between ten and eighteen constitute a formative period in the lives of all. The mind is then plastic, and it is important to see that the wax gets the right impression. There have been, in the past, numerous youth movements which in some degree have attempted to pour youth into a national mould, but never before have there been official movements embracing the whole youth of a nation as now exist in Germany, Italy, and the Soviet Union.

The Hitler-Jugend was founded in 1926, when Hitler assigned Kurt Gruber the task of organizing a party youth movement. The first five years of spade work exceeded in results even the expectations of the most optimistic.