bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
National Parks and the Growth of Tourism
Authors: Beinart William , Hughes Lotte
Published: November 2020

Imperial expansion transformed and destroyed nature in many areas; yet, as we argue, it also contained conservationist impulses. On the one hand these involved attempts to modify practices on land that was used for agriculture both by settlers and indigenous people. On the other, land was reserved more directly by creating zones where human settlement was disallowed. In the case of forests, this often implied scientific management and controlled commercial logging—although some forests were more tightly protected. With regard to wildlife and protected habitats, settler and colonial governments placed greater emphasis on exclusion in their conservation strategies. This chapter will chart changes in attitude and policy towards protected areas, as tourists replaced elite travellers and white hunters in answering the call of the wild. As in the last chapter, our discussion moves beyond the colonial period. While we focus on countries that became part of the Commonwealth, independent states were operating in a changing international context of which the imperial heritage was only one element. We recognize the shift towards community management of natural resources, and the potential for tourism to generate income for poor people. But we argue that the legacy of exclusive conservation, informed partly by new concerns and interests, remained powerful. It is an ambivalent legacy, still the subject of intense debate and contestation, and heavily criticized in recent literature on Africa. While conservation has helped to preserve some habitats and threatened species, a point not often recognized in critiques, it has not often won local legitimacy. In discussions of wildlife protection, policies of preservation are sometimes distinguished from conservation. The boundaries between these ideas are not easily drawn. In general, preservation is seen as an earlier phase and ‘is posited on…the prevention of any active interference whatsoever’. More recently, such strategies have been adopted in highly protected wilderness zones. Conservation is seen as a later, more interventionist phase. It implies wise usage or management to ensure the long-term viability of a natural resource—much in the way that ‘sustainable’ is used now. In fact, preservation often also requires some degree of management. With respect to wildlife, conservationist approaches became associated with viewing by tourists.
Casa del Menandro (I 10,4)
Authors: Allison Penelope M.
Published: November 2020

Giornali degli Scavi A,VI,6 (May 1912–Mar. 1929): 451–590 (intermittently from Nov. 1926–Mar. 1929). A,VI,7 (Apr. 1929–Dec. 1935): 56–235 (intermittently from July 1930–Oct. 1932). Maiuri 1933. The Casa del Menandro was excavated mainly between November 1926 and July 1932. The excavation reports of the 1920s and 1930s often recorded the state of the volcanic deposit: whether the deposit was disturbed or consisted of stratified ash and lapilli; whether finds were associated with an upper floor; and at what level above the pavement finds were made. Given that this large and reportedly ‘noble’ house was considered important by the excavators, they were perhaps more careful here than they had been with Houses I 10,1 and I 10,2–3. Description: fragments of at least 102 small bronze studs, with a flat circular head (diam.: 20 mm) and shaft of square section (max. l.: 15 mm; section: c.2 mm × 2 mm). Present location: Pompeii Collection, CB. Three others in situ in aedicula (inv. no. 4212). Discussion: The light weight of the heads and the shortness and fragility of the shafts indicate that these studs functioned as decoration, rather than structural support, on the wooden latticing of upper part of the aedicula. See discussion on studs. Dimensions: diam.: 1 m; h.: 180 mm. Description: Large sub-hemispherical bronze basin with omphalos at centre and horizontal rim with down-turned edge. Internal omphalos decorated with a floral pattern consisting of three rows of radiating petals. Upper surface of rim ribbed and edged with ovolo pattern. Present location: Pompeii Collection, GF (inv. no. 4261, reinventoried no. 25892). References: Maiuri 1933: 428–30, fig. 161 (on a modern pedestal); Riz 1990: pl. 71; PPM ii. 242, fig. 2 (standing on modern base); Tassinari 1993: i. 141; Stefani 2003: 25, 126– 7 no. A17. Discussion: The use of the term labrum for such a vessel is unsubstantiated. Its purpose in the ‘atrium’ was likely to have been largely for display but possibly also for water collection and washing. Dimensions: l.: 305 mm; rim diam.: 172 mm; h.: 50 mm; base diam.: 72 mm; handle l.: 130 mm. Description: Shallow bronze pan, with rolled rim and ring base. Underside of base modelled with a series of relief rings.
Casa del Menandro Supplement
Authors: Allison Penelope M.
Published: November 2020

The descriptions and measurements in following entries have been translated directly from the inventories compiled by Antonio d’Ambrosio. D’Ambrosio carried out the organization of the finds that were reportedly removed from the Casa del Menandro between 1979 and 1981, and stored in the Casa di Bacco storerooms in Pompeii. These finds had been left in situ, presumably in this house, since its excavation in the 1930s. However, it is not absolutely certain that the artefacts now inventoried as being from the Casa del Menandro were actually all excavated from that house, particularly figurative pieces. Such artefacts are unlikely to have been left in the house and not inventoried at the time of excavation. Also precise provenances, within the house, have not been provided in these recent inventories. Some of these items can be identified as particular finds recorded in the excavation reports, and these have been included in the main catalogue for the Casa del Menandro. For others there are a number of possibilities which are included here and in the main catalogue. None of these artefacts have been studied in detail. Dimensions: 185 mm × 215 mm; d.: 41 mm. Description: fragment of white marble with part of an inscription in two lines (h. of letters: 38 mm): ‘MANTON / MAMI’. Present location: Pompeii Collection, GF (inv. no. 17594, locatable). Reference: Pomp. archive neg. 42120. Discussion: possibly cat. no. 765 or 920. Dimensions: h.: 140 mm; max. diam.: 158 mm. Fabric: yellowish-orange. Description: Cylindrical neck and part of an ovoid body of an amphora. Stamped. Present location: Pompeii Collection, CB (inv. no. 17595). Discussion: possibly cat. no. 275, 382, 401, 549, 551, 593, or 634. Dimensions: h.: 380 mm; diam. of rim: 113 mm. Fabric: orange. Description: fragments of an amphora of Dressel form 5. Present location: Pompeii Collection, GF (inv. no. 17596, locatable). Reference: Pomp. archive neg. D/82718. Discussion: possibly cat. no. 275, 382, 401, 549, 551, 593, or 634. Dimensions: h.: 152 mm; diam. of rim: 123 mm. Fabric: orange. Description: Fragment of an amphora with a large rounded rim, cylindrical neck, oblique shoulder, and double strap handle from the shoulder to the centre of the neck.
House I 10,18
Authors: Allison Penelope M.
Published: November 2020

The walls outside this entrance were decorated with a high red socle with white fields above, on which were painted simple inscriptions in red. The entranceway itself had a simple pavement and remains of black decoration on the walls. Outside the entrance, on either side, are two plastered masonry seats (south seat—h.: 0.45 m; dimensions: 0.4 m × 1.2 m; north seat—h.: 0.5 m; dimensions: 0.37 m × 0.9 m). These seats are thought to have been for waiting clients but this is rather a small house to need such a facility. Such seats were probably used more generally by the householders and passers-by. No finds were recorded here. This front hall had a cocciopesto pavement and traces of wall decoration consisting of a high black socle with simple white fields above, similar to that in the entranceway. It had a cocciopesto impluvium (dimensions: 1.2 m × 0.9 m), inset with fragments of coloured marble. A wooden stairway along the south wall ascended to the east. Underneath was a cupboard (w.: 0.95 m; l.: 3.6 m) with plastered walls and wooden doors. The only finds recorded from this area were ceramic vessels of various types, including one large amphora. This contrasts with the plethora of finds from many other atria and suggests that this area had been abandoned, or at least its use had been restricted, during the last occupancy. According to Elia, this room was probably a ‘cubiculum’, its walls decorated with a low light red socle, and yellow central and upper zones. Parts of the upper zone, however, consisted of only coarse white plaster. No evidence remains of the original pavement. Finds from this room consisted of: an iron padlock, probably from the door; two small ceramic vases; one amphora; and an as of Claudius. In the disturbed volcanic deposit in this room were also found: another similar iron lock; a ceramic vase; and a ceramic basin, both of which may have been used for mixing, possibly in food preparation; a carpenter’s hammer; a bronze ring; and a dupondius of Vespasian (ad 74). The finds assemblage is unlike that commonly found in decorated rooms of this type, and is seemingly much more utilitarian.
Consent to Coercion
Authors: Harvey David
Published: November 2020

Imperialism of the capitalist sort arises out of a dialectical relation between territorial and capitalistic logics of power. The two logics are distinctive and in no way reducible to each other, but they are tightly interwoven. They may be construed as internal relations of each other. But outcomes can vary substantially over space and time. Each logic throws up contradictions that have to be contained by the other. The endless accumulation of capital, for example, produces periodic crises within the territorial logic because of the need to create a parallel accumulation of political/military power. When political control shifts within the territorial logic, flows of capital must likewise shift to accommodate. States regulate their affairs according to their own distinctive rules and traditions and so produce distinctive styles of governance. A basis is here created for uneven geographical developments, geopolitical struggles, and different forms of imperialist politics. Imperialism cannot be understood, therefore, without first grappling with the theory of the capitalist state in all its diversity. Different states produce different imperialisms, as was obviously so with the British, French, Dutch, Belgian, etc. imperialisms from 1870 to 1945. Imperialisms, like empires, come in many different shapes and forms. While there may be much that is contingent and accidental—indeed it could not be any other way given the political struggles contained within the territorial logic of power—I believe we can go a long way to establishing a solid interpretative framework for the distinctively capitalistic forms of imperialism by invoking a double dialectic of, first, the territorial and capitalist logics of power and, secondly, the inner and outer relations of the capitalist state. Consider, in this light, the case of the recent shift in form from neo-liberal to neo-conservative imperialism in the United States. The global economy of capitalism underwent a radical reconfiguration in response to the overaccumulation crisis of 1973–5. Financial flows became the primary means of articulating the capitalistic logic of power. But once the Pandora’s box of finance capital had been opened, the pressure for adaptive transformations in state apparatuses also increased.
Fragmenting Cosmic Connections: Converting Nature Into Commodity
Authors: Posey Darrell Addison
Published: November 2020

Most contributions to this volume frame emerging ‘consciousness of connections’ through international politics, economics and trade, urban/ rural exchanges, social movements, environmental transformations, and global citizenship and governance. These views reflect a remarkably linear world-view of dialectics such as: past/present, growth/sustainability, internal/external, and production/recycle. Langton (Chapter 9), however, introduces the idea of symbolic environmental space, or spacialization, which is expressed in the Aboriginal concept of totem. Totem defines other dimensions of knowing that emerge from cosmic environments through connections with animal spirits. These non-lineal manifestations might be described as spiritual clusters that, unlike the electron clouds that enshroud an atomic nucleus, are literally grounded through centres that define human landscapes marked by cultural mechanisms such as sacred sites and song lines. Indigenous peoples in other parts of the world share with Aboriginal Australians this view of cosmic connectedness between living things and the Earth (see Posey and Dutfield 1996). Thus, human beings share life with all other living organisms, and, indeed, may be transformed into other transgenic forms through death, ceremony, or shamanistic practice. In this chapter, I want to explore how such world-views function to create and maintain anthropogenic and cultural landscapes that conserve ecological and biological diversity. I also hope to show how global trade and political initiatives are working to sever and fragment these cosmic connections by reducing the vast bio-diversity of nature to mere products for biotechnology and commercial exploitation. I suggest that the commodification of nature—especially through Intellectual Property Rights (IPRs)—is one of the biggest threats to global security in the twenty-first century. This is because global consumerism is driven by market prices that ignore or obliterate the local cultural, spiritual and economic values of indigenous and local peoples, who still manage, maintain and conserve much of the biological diversity of the planet. Many of my examples will come from the Kayapó Indians, with whom I have lived and worked since 1977. The Kayapó inhabit a 4 million hectare (approximately 9 million acre) continuum of ecosystems from the grasslands of the Brazilian planalto to the tropical and gallery forests of the Amazon basin.
Feudal Modes
Authors: Hinton David A.
Published: November 2020

The trend away from ornamented brooches, rings, and swords that demonstrates changing social pressures and expression during the eleventh century was maintained in the first half of the twelfth. The Anglo-Norman aristocracy had considerable wealth for its castles and churches, but the spending power of the Anglo-Saxon majority was very much diminished by the impositions that followed the Conquest. Social relations among the former were based primarily on land, and although sentiments of personal loyalty were defined by oaths of fealty, there is no record of gift-giving from lord to retainer other than the increasingly formalized bestowal of arms. Towns were growing both in size and number, but only a few merchants were really rich, and the peasantry in the countryside was increasing in number but had decreasing opportunity for individual advancement. Excavations at castles and other baronial residences generally yield the evidence of martial appearance and activity that would be expected, like spurs, and slightly more evidence of wealth, with coins a little more profligately lost, than at other sites. There are also luxuries like gilt strips, from caskets of bone or wood, and evidence of leisure activities, such as gaming-pieces; chess was being introduced into western Europe, and appealed to the aristocracy because it was a complicated pastime that only the educated would have time to learn and indulge in. Furthermore, it could be played by both sexes, though ladies were expected to show their inferior skill and intelligence by losing to the men; it echoed feudal society and its courts; and it could be played for stakes. An occasional urban chess-piece find, not always well dated, shows that a few burgesses might seek to emulate the aristocracy. Other predominantly castle finds include small bone and copper-alloy pins with decorated heads that have been interpreted as hairpins, as at Castle Acre, attesting a female presence, but other personal ornaments are infrequent. Some pictures in manuscripts suggest that in the early twelfth century the highest ranks of the aristocracy were wearing brooches. These were probably conventional representations, however, as there are no valuable brooches or finger-rings in the archaeological record, as there had been earlier.
Coinage and Identity: The Jewish Evidence
Authors: Goodman Martin
Published: November 2020

When Pompey Conquered Jerusalem in 63 bc, the Jews of Judaea were just one among many peoples in the Levant to fall under Roman sway, but by ad 135, two centuries later, after two great revolts in ad 66–70 and ad 132–5, the Jews had been singled out for exceptional hostility: not only were they forbidden to live in their sacred city and its environs but even the name of Judaea was expunged by Rome from the political map of the region. The question on which I hope to shed some new light in this study is whether this disastrous history was the product only of Roman attitudes and the vicissitudes of international politics, or, at least in part, the product of the political and cultural self-representation of the Jews. The question is not as often posed in this fashion as might be expected, since many ancient historians simply take for granted the peculiar nature of the Jews and their nationalistic hopes and expectations. Such certainty is not wholly warranted, however, since the apparent oddness of the Jews may be something of a mirage if it is, at least in part, a product of the chance survival of so much more evidence about this provincial society than others. Writings by and about Jews in the early Roman empire were preserved in such great quantities not because Jews were especially important either culturally or politically, but because their history was, and is, of religious significance for two great religious traditions which have survived continuously since antiquity, rabbinic Judaism and Christianity. The apparently special nature of the Jews may thus reflect only our special capacity to say more about their cultural horizons and political aspirations than we can about (for instance) those of Gauls or Dacians, who also rebelled against Rome more than once in the early imperial period. One test of the hypothesis that Jews were not in fact all that strange is to try, as an exercise, to examine what would be known about the Jews if all this religious literature had not survived. We would have a very different picture of Jewish history if the only literary sources to survive from antiquity had been those written by pagan Greeks and Romans.
The Nome Coins of Roman Egypt
Authors: Geissen Angelo
Published: November 2020

When octavian-augustus gained control of Egypt in 30 bc he inherited the administration which had been installed by his Ptolemaic predecessors, but added the Praefectus Aegypti, a Roman Eques, as the new head of the government of Roman Egypt. Augustus retained the Egyptian closed currency system, and struck only bronze denominations (those early in the reign were a continuation of those from towards the end of the reign of Cleopatra VII). Regnal years appeared from year 28 (L KH = 3/2 bc) to year 42 (L MB = ad 12/13). After a gap of about fifty years new debased silver (billon) tetradrachms were issued by Tiberius in his seventh year (L Z = ad 20/1). The tetradrachm, normally called statér in papyri, survived as a denomination, with a decrease in its weight and silver content, until the reform of Diocletian in Egypt in ad 296/7, when the new Latin nummus replaced the old ‘Greek’ system. The bronze coinage reached its peak in the first half of the second century when it consisted of a range of denominations of the drachma and its fractions, and when the output especially of bronze drachmas became very extensive; some last examples of bronze coins appear under Gallienus and Claudius II. The typology of this coinage includes a great variety of individual reverse designs. We find Greek, Roman, and Egyptian topics. As may be expected, Egyptian religious and cultural life is represented in a wide range of images; Roman ideas and types, like images of members of the imperial family, personifications, events in Rome and elsewhere in the empire, are copied or reflected by the Alexandrian mint; finally, Greek types occur in the form of representations of deities of the traditional Graeco-Roman pantheon, or as pictorial scenes from mythology. There are some remarkable series of bronze coins preserved; among them are the so-called nome coins (or coins of the nomes of Roman Egypt). Since pharaonic times Egypt had been divided into forty-two administrative districts, which the Greeks later called nomoí (singular nomós). Classical authors give different numbers of nomes and so do the coins in question.
I. 10. 7: CASA DEL FABBRO
Authors: Ling Roger , Ling Lesley
Published: November 2020

The Surviving Decorations in the Casa Del Fabbro belong to two main phases: the late Third Style and a crude and simple form of the Fourth Style. Late Third Style paintings occur in the two rooms (8 and 9) that open southwards to the portico (10) and garden at the rear of the house, one on either side of the tablinum. They are accompanied in one case (room 9) by a decorated pavement assignable to the same phase. The only other space which may have had Third Style paintings at the time of the eruption was the tablinum itself (room 7). Here Elia records a wall-decoration that was ‘molto rovinata’, a description often applicable to paintings which had been on the walls for some decades before 79; remnants on the east wall consisted of ‘specchi rossi e gialli, divisi da sottili fasce verdi e zoccolo a fondo nero ornato di sagome verdi e gialle’. This description could fit a Third Style scheme, though it does not exclude the Fourth Style. Unfortunately nothing legible now survives, but the plaster of the pilasters at the entrance predates the final coat of plaster in the atrium. Simple Fourth Style paintings occur in the cubicula to the west of the fauces and atrium (rooms 2, 4, and 5). Further fragments in the rooms above these cubicula are too incomplete for detailed analysis but are likely to belong to the same period. The atrium itself (room 3) is plastered plain white, and the fauces has only coarse plaster: one wonders whether these were provisional arrangements pending full redecoration or a sign of the house’s conversion to commercial or manufacturing activities (see below, pp. 144–5). The only decorated pavement which can be dated, with some confidence, to the Third Style is that of the black room (9), a cocciopesto containing patterns of inset white tesserae which delineate the position of triclinium couches (pp. 262–3; Fig. 111). The area covered by the couches is marked by a semis of five-tessera crosslets, the central area by a mat of swastika meander, and the area at the front and sides by mats containing lozenge grids.
State Power Beyond the ‘Territorial Trap’: The Internationalization of the State
Authors: Glassman Jim
Published: November 2020

The 1980s were marked by two seemingly antithetical tendencies in theorizing about states. On the one hand, a strong neo-liberal current connected with the rise of Thatcherism–Reaganism—which was deeply imbued with neo-classical economic assumptions—called into question the power or competence of states, suggesting that the states which governed best were those which governed least. Advocates of this position who attended to Third World development issues were particularly convinced that the rise of East Asian newly industrialized countries (NICs), such as South Korea and Taiwan, constituted evidence that states could best facilitate economic growth and development by maintaining open, export-oriented regimes in which markets were allowed to work unhindered (Balassa 1981; Little 1981; Bhagwati 1988). On the other hand, by the late 1980s, a school of neo-Weberian scholarship developed in direct response to this neo-liberal approach. Taking issue with the neo-liberals’ characterizations of East Asian economic growth, a series of these neo-Weberian scholars showed that state intervention in the economy was far more extensive than the neo-liberals had allowed, and that moreover such interventions seemed to have been successful in fomenting industrial transformation (Evans 1989; 1995; Amsden 1989; 1990; Wade 1990). The neo-Weberians raised telling arguments and evidence against the neo-liberal position, and it is perhaps a small but significant sign of their success that the World Bank grudgingly acknowledged not only the heavy presence of the state in East Asian industrialization but also some limited efficacy to that presence, especially in the financial sector (World Bank 1993; Amsden 1994; Wade 1996b). If this was a victory for the neo-Weberians, however, it may well prove pyrrhic now that the powerful East Asian growth dynamic has been slowed by forces that few states in the region appear willing or able to control. Indeed, and paradoxically perhaps, the more neoclassically inclined now seem to acknowledge the existence of ‘strong states’ in East Asia and use their existence not to explain economic success but rather to explain the economic crisis that spread through the region during 1997–8.
Internationalization of the State under US Hegemony: Building the Cold War Regime and Capturing Peasants, 1945–1975
Authors: Glassman Jim
Published: November 2020

A strong argument can be made that the Thai state has been highly internationalized for a very long time. This is in part a function of the breadth and depth of regional trade and migration networks in the pre-European colonial period, many of which integrally involved Thai dynasties (Reid 1988; 1993). David Wyatt argues that the Ayutthaya-based monarchies had a distinctly cosmopolitan flavour, incorporating substantial numbers of governmental representatives from a variety of Asian trading partners, and representation of foreign interests within the royal court continued into the Bangkok period as well (Wyatt 1984). Hans-Dieter Evers has gone so far as to declare the Bangkok-based Siamese dynasty founded in the late eighteenth century to be a fundamentally trade-based regime (Evers 1987). The importance of trade, in turn, strengthened the importance of foreign merchants and advisers within the royal court. The incursions of the British and other European powers into nineteenth-century Southeast Asia contributed to further internationalization of the Thai state, particularly after the signing of the Bowring Treaty in 1855. The reforms of the Thai state launched in this context led to not only a dramatic overhaul of the existing bureaucracy but to the employment of enormous numbers of European advisers. William Siffin, for example, notes that during Rama V’s reign (1868–1910) there were a total of 549 foreign officials who served in the Thai government, most of these serving after 1880. In 1909 alone, there were some 319 foreigners serving in the Thai government, including 6 general advisers, the general financial agent of the government, 21 legal advisers and assistants, 13 director-generals of departments or equivalent, 23 assistant director-generals, and 69 persons engaged in administrative work just below the level of the departmental management (Siffin 1966: 96–7). The role of these advisers in influencing Thai state policies and in representing the interests of metropolitan capital within Thailand has been extensively discussed elsewhere and need not be addressed here. Suffice it to say that their presence manifests the internationalization of capital, while their successful accommodation by Thai elites—who were able to collaborate with them in projects of mutual benefit—speaks to the ways in which the state became internationalized around shared transnational interests (Suehiro 1989; Chaiyan 1994; Thongchai 1994).
Water in Mediterranean History
Authors: Horden Peregrine
Published: November 2020

I am a historian, not a hydrologist, and it is well known that historians tell stories. So let me begin with one that opens up some of the themes I would like to consider. The date is around AD 400. The scene is the fringe of the small provincial town of Nola in Campania, Italy. Here was to be found the shrine of St Felix. It had recently been constructed in the middle of an elaborate complex by the bishop of Nola, Paulinus. Fountains gurgled in the courtyards of the basilica, offering natural refreshment. They also symbolized both the church’s and the saint’s therapeutic powers—the water of life, the rivers of paradise, baptismal regeneration. Rain-collecting cisterns initially met the requirements of the shrine, but these proved inadequate. The shrine became in effect parasitic on the water supply of Nola. This supply arrived both through the grand Aqua. Augusta, overall some 96 kilometres long, and from a small aqueduct that started in the hills of Abella. Now Abella was a very small nearby town that took its water into a reservoir through pipes from high mountain ridges and released the surplus down an aqueduct that both supplied Nola and irrigated the surrounding estates. The aqueduct was refurbished by the Abellans so that it fed St Felix’s shrine first and Nola second. The Nolans, however, felt deprived by the suburban complex to the point that they rioted. Yet another aqueduct, a disused one, had to be restored by the Abellans to appease the inhabitants of Nola, even though Bishop Paulinus had already been trying to persuade the Nolans that, by dividing their water with the saint, they reaped unexpected rewards, not just of a spiritual kind. The surrounding fields were better watered than they had been before; the area was better fed. Paulinus wrote in the poem (Carmen 21) that is our principal evidence for the local conflict: ‘Where rough stones lay arid in bare fields, there is now the pleasant transformation of greenery on the watered turf. . . Felix . . . has also brought here to your city the fountains that flow from heaven’ (Walsh 1975: 195-201, at p. 200; Trout 1999:192-4; Squatriti 1998:13-14).
The Development of American Water Resources: Planners, Politicians, and Constitutional Interpretation
Authors: Reuss Martin
Published: November 2020

To understand the development of American water resources, one must first look at American political and social values and American governmental institutions. Even a cursory examination shows the lasting influence of decisions and attitudes moulded as the country took its first hesitant steps as a republic. Historian Joyce Appleby (2000: 249) has argued that the first generation of Americans bequeathed ‘open opportunity, an unfettered spirit of inquiry, [and] personal liberty’ to future generations—qualities, we might note, that often introduce an element of uncertainty into public administration. But if we extend the analysis a bit, we might not only gain an appreciation of the many challenges facing water resource developers, but also illuminate a fundamental question facing democratic nations: to what extent should human liberty be constrained in order to provide and manage a human necessity—water. Beyond Appleby’s observations, one notes at least two pervasive elements woven into American political behaviour. The first, the inescapable, element is distrust of powerful governments. Power corrupts, the first Americans agreed without much hesitation, and the challenge was how to minimize that corruption, how to ensure that good men will not be enticed to do evil, and how to disperse power to minimize oppression. Loudly over the years, Americans continue to proclaim their distrust of big government; even popular presidents generate scepticism when they appear to reach for increased power and authority. Only as a last resort, and then with resignation, not enthusiasm, as during the Great Depression, do Americans turn to the national government to solve their problems (Kelley 1989: 30-1; Wills 1999). The result can be truly impressive: Grand Coulee and Bonneville dams, locks and dams on the Upper Mississippi, the California Central Valley Project, and the Los Angeles flood control system all came out of depression era politics, but, as I will argue, all are aberrations in the story of American water resources. The second element, almost as pervasive as the first, is that power and liberty are fundamental antagonists. The dispersion of power among the three branches of government purposely sets power at war with itself rather than with ‘life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness’.
The Marine Environment: Present and Past
Authors: Rohling Eelco , Abu-Zied Ramadan
Published: November 2020

The Mediterranean is a landlocked, semi-enclosed marginal sea that spans a maximum of 3,860 km in the west–east direction, and a maximum of ∼1, 600km in the north–south direction. Along its roughly 46,000 km of coastline, the basin is enclosed by mountainous terrain, except for a part of the North African margin to the east of Tunisia. The Mediterranean Sea contains very deep basins, more than 4 km, and has an average depth of approximately 1,500 m. Its only natural connection with the open (Atlantic) ocean is through the narrow Strait of Gibraltar, which contains a 284-m deep sill (at a width of ∼30 km), and reaches a minimum width of only 14 km (at a depth of 880 m) (Bryden and Kinder 1991). The Strait of Sicily subdivides the Mediterranean Sea into a western and an eastern basin. This strait is relatively wide (about 130 km) and contains a topographically complex sill-structure with an estimated average depth of 330 m (Wust 1961), reaching 365 and 430 m in the two major channels (Garzoli and Maillard 1979). The eastern Mediterranean contains two smaller marginal basins, namely the Adriatic Sea and the Aegean Sea. Watermasses are exchanged through both the Strait of Gibraltar and the Strait of Sicily by eastward surface and westward subsurface flows. This pattern of exchange results from a net buoyancy loss in the basins on the easterly side of the sills, primarily due to strong net evaporative loss from the Mediterranean, and secondarily to some net cooling. Deep water ventilation in the Mediterranean is primarily salt-driven, and secondarily temperature-driven. This is similar to the mode observed in the present-day Red Sea, but contrasts with the temperature-dominated mode in the modern world ocean. As such, the Mediterranean deep ventilation might be more appropriately described as halo-thermal rather than with the common term thermo-haline. This offers a useful analogue for world ocean circulation modes in past times with very warm and relatively equable global climates, such as the Mesozoic. Interestingly, the Mediterranean is characterized by periodic, widespread deposition of organic-rich sediments or ‘sapropels’ over periods of several thousands of years, similar (in miniature) to the deposition of ‘black shales’ in the Mesozoic oceans.
Editorial Introduction
Authors: Woodward Jamie
Published: November 2020

The nine chapters in Part II build on the physical, biological, and theoretical frameworks set out in Part I, but with a focus on process regimes and change in specific environments. With its emphasis on much larger spatial scales, Part I showed how the Mediterranean basin is a product of long-term interactions between all components of the Earth system. It showed how these interactions drive landscape and ecosystem processes and environmental change. The chapters in Part II examine Mediterranean-wide patterns too, but explore process interactions in sharper resolution and across scales ranging from individual soil profiles, hillslopes, and habitats to larger landscape elements including lake basins, river valleys, dune systems, and coastal plains. Much of the region is dominated by mountains and many process interactions are especially vivid in the Mediterranean because of the erosive energy available in steep and active tectonic settings, and the presence of soft rocks vulnerable to mass movements and water erosion. Abrupt transitions from uplands to lowlands— and the differential response to tectonic uplift of hard and soft rock terrains—are notable features. The seasonally dry climate can leave bare slopes exposed to high intensity rains, and river sediment yields are typically much higher than in adjacent regions. It can be argued that the Quaternary records of these interactions are more varied and better preserved than in any other part of the world. Recent major advances include the development of high resolution proxy climate data from speleothems and robust dating frameworks for fluvial, glacial, and palaeoecological records. These records have provided important new insights into the tempo of climate, landscape, and ecosystem change in the Mediterranean region and beyond. A variety of sedimentary archives also provide insights into the changing nature and intensity of human action in the Mediterranean landscape during the course of the Pleistocene and Holocene and this is a core theme of Part II. The region is unique because of the very early and widespread impact of humans in landscape and ecosystem change—and the richness of the archaeological and geological archives in which it is chronicled.
Aeolian Processes and Landforms
Authors: Goudie Andrew
Published: November 2020

Certain parts of the Mediterranean lands are drylands— notably south-east Spain, the North African littoral, and parts of the Levant. This means that there is potential for aeolian processes to operate locally, especially where the vegetation cover has been depleted by human activities. Although water erosion is probably the most pervasive cause of land degradation in the Mediterranean lands (Chapter 20), susceptible soils in the drier portions of the region have been subject to accelerated wind erosion. This forms part of the phenomenon of desertification. Deforestation, high stocking levels of domestic animals, cultivation, and miscellaneous recreational pressures, have all helped to create this problem in North Africa (Sghaier and Seiwert 1993), the Levant (Massri et al. 2002) and in the semi-arid lands of Spain (Lopez et al. 2001). However, the GLASOD (Global Assessment of Soil Degradation) survey of wind erosion severity (Middleton and Thomas 1997: 32–3) suggests that at present, with the exception of parts of North Africa, the Levant, and Sicily, wind erosion severity is generally low in the Mediterranean region. In addition, the Mediterranean lands are in close proximity to the world’s greatest arid zone— the Sahara-Arabian belt—and so are subject to dust incursions from winds from that region: the ‘ghibli’ of Tripolitania, the ‘chili’ of Tunisia, the ‘khamsin’ of Egypt, and the ‘sirocco’ and ‘leveche’ of southern Europe. This has important geochemical implications (Kocak et al. 2004a, b). Knowledge of the dynamics of aeolian dust and sand transport comes from two main sources. The first of these is contemporary process monitoring, including data from dust traps, climatological stations, and remote sensing. The second is the long-term sedimentary record from such environments as caves, the sea-floor, lakes, bogs, and loess deposits. There are, however, problems with gaps in the stratigraphic record, and uncertainties and limitations with respect to developing accurate geochronologies. Atmospheric dust comprised of mineral aerosol derived by deflation of desert surfaces, much of it from the Sahara (Middleton and Goudie 2001; Goudie and Middleton, 2006), is a feature of the Mediterranean basin, and it impacts upon the environment in a number of ways (Goudie and Middleton 2001).
Editorial Introduction
Authors: Woodward Jamie
Published: November 2020

This volume has traced the development of the Mediterranean landscape over very long timescales and has examined modern processes in a wide range of settings. Earlier chapters have explored tectonic processes and the evolution of the topography and biota, the nature and impact of Quaternary climate change, and natural hazards, as well as the increasing role of human activity in shaping geomorphological processes and ecosystems during the course of the postglacial period. A core theme in several chapters is the nature of the relationship between humans and the Mediterranean environment. Over the last one hundred years or so, and especially in the period since the Second World War, this relationship has changed dramatically. Resource exploitation, urban expansion, and rural depopulation have all taken place at unprecedented rates, with major impacts upon the quality of land, water, air, and ecosystems. The final part of this volume examines four key topics of environmental concern; its four chapters explore, respectively, land degradation, water resources, interactions between air quality and the climate system, and biodiversity and conservation. Where possible, it is important to place these issues within an appropriate historical perspective. Many components of the Mediterranean environment have responded in a sensitive way to past environmental changes, but the pressures on land and water resources have never been more intense. Improved monitoring networks and new modelling efforts are needed to predict more effectively the impact of climate and social change on all environmental systems and to help inform policymakers seeking a more sustainable use of the region’s resources. Chapter 20 examines the ecological aspects of land degradation and sets out new ideas on productivity dynamics. It explores some of the interactions between land use change, vegetation dynamics, grazing patterns and wildfires. The uneven geography of water resources and water use are highlighted in Chapter 21. Water resource issues have become an increasingly important factor in the geopolitics of the region against a background of climate change uncertainty, rising demand, and a diminishing resource base. Chapter 22 analyses the interactions between climate, air quality, and the water cycle.
Air Pollution and Climate
Authors: Lelieveld Jos
Published: November 2020

It has long been known that atmospheric pollutants can be hazardous to human health and ecosystems. This includes effects from episodic peak levels as well as the long-term exposure to relatively moderate concentration enhancements. Environmental issues related to air pollution include acidification, mostly by the strong acids from sulphur and nitrogen oxides, eutrophication by the deposition of reactive nitrogen compounds, the reduction of air quality by photo-oxidants and particulate matter, and the radiative forcing of climate by increasing greenhouse gases and by aerosol particles. Many air pollutants are photochemically formed within the atmosphere from emissions by traffic, energy generation, industry, the burning of wastes, and forest fires. The Mediterranean basin in summer is largely cloudfree, and the relatively intense solar radiation promotes the photochemical formation of ozone (O3) and peroxyacetyl nitrate (PAN); O3 being health hazardous at levels in excess of about 100 μg/m3. Ozone is formed in the lower atmosphere as a by-product in the oxidation of reactive carbon compounds such as carbon monoxide (CO) and non-methane volatile organic compounds (NMVOC), catalysed by nitrogen oxides (NOx ≡ NO + NO2). In summer, notably the period from June to August, transport pathways of air pollution near the earth’s surface are typically dominated by northerly winds, carrying photo-oxidants and aerosol particles from Europe into the Mediterranean basin. Aerosol particles with a diameter of less than ∼10 μm (PM10) can have adverse health effects at a concentration of about 30 μg/m3 or higher. The fine mode particles (<2 μm diameter) are mostly composed of sulphates, nitrates, and particulate organic matter, whereas the coarse mode particles (≥2 μm) often contain substantial amounts of sea salt, Saharan dust (Chapter 14), and other mineral components. The aerosols can form widespread hazes that scatter and absorb solar radiation, thus reducing downward energy transfer and surface heating. Increased aerosol scattering causes a negative radiative forcing of climate (cooling tendency), to be weighted against the positive radiative forcing (warming tendency) by increasing greenhouse gases such as carbon dioxide (CO2), methane (CH4), nitrous oxide (N2O), halocarbons, and tropospheric ozone (IPCC 2001).
Kingston: A Creole Colonial City (1692–1962)
Authors: Clarke Colin
Published: November 2020

In colonial towns—settlements founded or developed by Western, imperial powers—two or more ‘cities’ usually exist: ‘the indigenous, ‘‘tradition-orientated’’ settlement, frequently manifesting the characteristics of the ‘‘pre-industrial city’’, and on the other hand, the ‘‘new’’ or ‘‘western’’ city, established as a result of the colonial process’ (King 1976: 5–6). But Caribbean cities gainsay this duality. Caribbean societies have virtually no pre- European inhabitants, and the non-Western elements in their cultures are no more indigenous than the traits of their white elites. Caribbean cities are quintessentially colonial, products of early mercantilism. Their creole (local or American) cultural characteristics were fashioned in the Caribbean by white sugar planters, merchants, and administrators who enslaved the blacks they imported from Africa, and with them bred a hybrid group—the free coloured people (Braithwaite 1971). Caribbean colonial cities are characterized by a morphological unity imposed by Europeans, yet their social and spatial structures have been compartmentalized by these creole social divisions (Clarke 1975a; Goodenough 1976; Welch 2003) Caribbean societies have been moulded by colonialism, the sugar plantation and slavery. These historical factors have also been underpinned by insularity, which facilitated occupation, exploitation, and labour control— and implicated port cities in such seaborne activities as sugar export and slave-labour recruitment. Accordingly, four themes provide the organizational framework for this chapter on Kingston, the principal city of Jamaica, during the colonial period: the economy, population, colour-class-culture stratification, and the spatial aspects of the city’s organization. The themes relate to different scales: the urban economy expresses the global aspects of commercial transactions; population and race-class stratification refer to the juxtaposition of different populations and cultures within colonial society; these socio-economic structures give rise to distinctive spatial configurations within the urban community. By 1800 Kingston was the major city and port of the largest British colony in the Caribbean, and its multiracial population was rigidly stratified into legal estates. Since the early nineteenth century, Jamaica has experienced a sequence of clearly identified historical events—slave emancipation in 1834, equalization of the sugar duties after 1845, a workers’ riot in 1938, and a slow process of constitutional decolonization after 1944, leading up to independence in 1962. This chapter is therefore organized around three major periods in Caribbean history—slavery (1692–1838), emancipation and the postemancipation period (1838–1944), and constitutional decolonization (1944– 62).
Granite Landscapes of the World
Authors: Migon Piotr
Published: November 2020

Using examples from around the world, Piotr Migon offers a comprehensive view of the geomorphology of granite areas, showing how the specific characteristics of the rock itself influence natural landscapes, and why natural processes shaping the earth's surface act so distinctively on granite.