bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
A Reappraisal of the Origins of Import-Substituting Industrialisation 1930–1950
Authors: Thorp Rosemary
Published: February 2009

The current enthusiasm for trade liberalisation in Latin America, and indeed for a broad-ranging return to the market, has as its backdrop the widespread disillusion with the protectionist model of the 1950s and 1960s. Import substituting industrialisation (ISI) is seen as having used tariff barriers and controls to generate an extremely inefficient industry, suffering under a weight of state bureaucracy, with often inappropriate direct state participation. Its excessive import needs, for all its import-substituting origin, are directly related to the generation of the debt crisis.1The high and poorly-structured tariffs brought tariff-hopping foreign investment on inappropriate terms. Repressed domestic interest rates allowed such firms to borrow locally at negative real rates and crowd out locals who then borrowed abroad. This inefficiency, plus the overvalued exchange rates implicit in heavy protection, made exports of manufactures unthinkable, and thus condemned the incipient industry to severe limitations of market size as well as condemning the economies to growing balance of payments non-viability. This in turn severely affected industrial progress by limiting growth and exposing firms to stop-go policies.

In turn, ISI policies themselves are seen as having originated with the turning point of the 1929 depression, when the export-led growth mechanism essentially broke down and at least the more sizeable Latin American economies turned fatally inwards. The trajectory from 1930 to the ‘fully-fledged’ ISI model of the 1950s and 1960s is typically left vague.

This article will attempt to show that recent research now allows us a much fuller and more nuanced view of the evolution from the export economy model of the early century through to the later ISI model.2
Latin American Economic Development: 1950–1980
Authors: Cardoso Eliana , Fishlow Albert
Published: February 2009

In the thirty years between 1950 and 1980, Latin America experienced rapid growth. During this period, output expanded at an annual rate of 5.5% with per capita increases averaging 2.7% a year. Table 1 provides country details. The star is clearly Brazil, whose share in regional product increased from less than a quarter to more than a third. At the other extreme are two groups: the Southern Cone (Argentina, Chile and Uruguay), whose mid-century leading position in the region was eroded by below average performance; and a group of smaller countries, including several in Central America. On average, Latin America's record, viewed from an immediate post-World War II perspective, is impressive. It far exceeded the target of the Alliance for Progress implemented in 1961, which called for an annual rate of 2% per capita. It also compared very favourably with European per capita income growth in the aftermath of the Industrial Revolution, which was 1.3% from 1850 to 1900 and 1.4% between 1900 and 1950. Long-term US economic growth has been at 1.8%.

Yet two factors combine to make the 1950–80 Latin American growth performance seem less positive. One is its dramatic reversal in the 1980s, a period in which GDP per capita fell by 8.3%. By 1989, with the exception of Brazil, Chile, Colombia and the Dominican Republic, per capita GDP had fallen below its 1980 level. At the extreme, Venezuela, Nicaragua and El Salvador show levels below those attained in 1960. The 1980s have truly been a lost decade and thus one tends to underestimate the earlier achievement.
Slave Mothers and Freed Children: Emancipation and Female Space in Debates on the ‘Free Womb’ Law, Rio de Janeiro, 1871
Authors: Abreu Martha
Published: February 2009

Through an analysis of the debates in 1871 on the Law of the ‘Free Womb’ in the Brazilian Empire, this article tries to understand the role of the slave mother and her freed children in the process of abolition. In addition, it discusses the possible obstacles and dangers the ‘Free Womb’ would present for the perpetuation of slaveowners' dominance.
Beyond Transitions to Democracy in Latin America
Authors: Cavarozzi Marcelo
Published: February 2009

Transitions into democracy: convergence and distinct paths

In mid-1982 Mexico's Minister of Finance, Jesús Silva Herzog, arrived in the United States and announced that his country was not going to continue paying its foreign debt. Silva Herzog's declaration was soon followed by debt defaults in many other Latin American countries, marking the beginning of the region's most serious economic crisis in this century. This crisis involved the partial breakdown of Latin America's financial and trade linkages to the world economy; the cessation of new credit money paralleled an interruption in the flow of capital investments, amounting to a total reversal of the financial patterns of previous decades. (The level of foreign investment, especially in manufacturing and mining, had been relatively high since the mid-1950s, albeit with significant differences from country to country).

The debt crisis coincided, not incidentally, with a convergence of the political trajectories of five of the region's more industrialised countries: Mexico, Brazil, and the three Southern Cone nations of Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay. All five governments – the South American military dictatorships and Mexico's stable authoritarian PRI regime – experienced periods of political turbulence closely related both to the severe economic disruptions and to other domestic and international influences.

One of the remarkable aspects of this 1982 political convergence was that it came after the ‘long decade’ of the 1970s, during which the governmental routes of the five countries had been extremely divergent. In Argentina, for example, instability, militarism and political violence had intensified, starting in 1969; these phenomena then spread to its traditionally more democratic neighbours, Chile and Uruguay.
Phonological features and their phonetic correlates
Authors: Ladefoged Peter
Published: February 2009

There is nothing very new about the idea that speech sounds can be classified in terms of a limited number of features. Phonetic taxonomies have existed from the times of the earliest grammarians; and traditional consonant charts can be viewed as attempts to classify sounds in terms of features of place and manner of production. But with the development of the Prague school of phonology (Trubetzkoy, 1939) and the subsequent work of Jakobson and his collaborators (Jakobson, 1962; Jakobson, Fant and Halle, 1951; Jakobson and Halle, 1956) the discussion of the distinctive features of speech came to have more importance. As a result of the more recent work of Chomsky and Halle (1968), the role of distinctive features within phonological theory has become even more crucial. This paper will review the nature of phonological features in general, and will suggest a particular set of features which it might be appropriate to use in phonological descriptions of languages.
A suggested revision for the Cardinal Vowel system
Authors: McClure J. Derrick
Published: February 2009

The Daniel Jones Cardinal Vowel system, defined as it is by clear-cut and rigid rules, is part of the stock-in-trade of all IPA phoneticians. I wish to suggest that the present format of the system contains a contradiction so basic that any attempt to make use of it as a descriptive technique, in all but a very restricted number of cases, would be completely impossible. This contradiction, moreover, is so obvious that the fact that no phonetician has called attention to it until now is hard to explain, and the equally certain fact that descriptive phoneticians (including the present writer) regularly teach the use of the technique to students, and apply it themselves, is even more so.
Haitian Creole: Surface phonology
Authors: Johnson Bruce Lee , Alphonse-Férère Gérard
Published: February 2009

In this paper we restrict ourselves to the dialect of the proletariat of Port-au-Prince. Accordingly, we have nothing to say about the differences between this dialect and others, but it is worth mentioning that our sketch of the phonology does apply in general to other dialects. The variations we ignore are largely subphonemic. Further, we have omitted any reference to the so-called ‘Gallicizing’ dialect or dialects and thus exclude from the system the segments /y ø œ Ч/, which occur sporadically in the speech of some individuals.
The notation of the General British English segments
Authors: Lewis J. Windsor
Published: February 2009

Phonetic notation of segmental sounds is of two main types, phonemic transcription and phonetic transcription proper which, to avoid ambiguity, is generally now referred to by British phoneticians, following the suggestion of Abercrombie (1953), as ‘allophonic transcription’. The two most important discussions of types of notation for English are Jones (1956: Appendix A) and Abercrombie (1964); for further comments see Windsor Lewis (1969: Chap. III) and Gimson (1970: § 5.6). Of the many different phonetic notations used for English more or less all of them in the last half century or so have employed the symbols of the Association's alphabet, in Britain usually faithfully observing the principles laid down by the Association for their use. In America the principles have not been so generally accepted. They are set forth in Jones, 1949 (PIPA (1949)).
Notes on the phonetics of Latvian
Authors: Brenzinger Ingrida
Published: February 2009

The specimen represents standard Latvian as spoken by educated native speakers in Riga. There are considerable differences between careful speech such as used in dictation, for example, and rapid speech such as used normally in conversation.
American English from Eastern Massachusetts
Authors: de Camp L. Sprague
Published: February 2009

The following transcriptions were made from tape recordings of the speech of two natives of Greater Boston, reading ‘The North Wind and the Sun’ followed by a sentence composed to illustrate the distinctive New England distribution of low vowels. In each transcription, [aː] varies from cardinal to []; [ɑ] is about cardinal; [ɒː] varies from cardinal to ; the [o] in ‘o#x0259;, oɹ] ranges from to . Whereas [ɒː] and [oə] are kept quite distinct, as are [aː] and [ɑ], [ɑ] and [ɒː] are close together, overlap, and are not kept rigorously separate, [a] in [aɩ, aɷ] = [] or ; the first speaker uses a more advanced and the second speaker a more retracted variety. Diphthongization of [eɩ], [oɷ] is only slight, and the first element of [oɷ] is near cardinal and well-rounded. [œ] is a lightly-rounded , about like French [ə].
Observations on apico-labials, perception and markedness
Authors: Gibbon Dafydd
Published: February 2009

The aim of this paper is to show how the investigation of a borderline and apparently minor area of phonetics may help to shed light on certain indistinct areas in phonological theory.
Lip and jaw movements in the production of stops in Sindhi
Authors: Nihalani Paroo
Published: February 2009

From the time of the invention of alphabetic writing until the end of the nineteenth century, students of language unquestioningly accepted, the view that speech consisted of sequences of discrete sounds, strung together like the beads of a rosary. Speech has been traditionally looked at ‘as consisting of segments, each one of which represents a phoneme, which are put together to build up speech.… Each segment is envisaged as a posture of the vocal organs, and these postures are joined together by means of glides, which take us from one to the next’ (Abercrombie, 1965: 121).
A reading transcription for Hindi
Authors: Jones W. E.
Published: February 2009

In the specimens of non-tone languages given in the current reprint (1967) of The Principles of the International Phonetic Association, prosodic features are rather inadequately dealt with; stress is usually mentioned, but intonation never. The North Indian languages presented there suffer in this way: stress in Bengali is discussed briefly, and some reading conventions are given, but for Hindustani (Urdu) and Oriya stress is simply described as ‘weak and variable’ and is not marked in the texts. Intonation is not discussed at all. This means, in effect, that a learner without direct assistance from a native speaker will be likely, if he attempts to read these specimens aloud, to use the intonation patterns of his mother tongue—to read with English intonation, or French intonation, and so on. We shall not be the first to observe that any attempt to pronounce a foreign language with unacceptable intonation patterns will not succeed, no matter how well articulated the consonant and vowel segments may be.
The lexical item as a phonetic entity
Authors: Sprigg R. K.
Published: February 2009

‘“… there is more near-ambiguity in language than it is always convenient to admit”; and in studying stress and juncture it would be especially valuable, in order to avoid too great a reliance either on introspection or on artificially contrived confrontations, to make a collection of ambiguities in action in the form of fully-documented instances of uncertainty of interpretation or of actual misunderstanding‘ (Sharp, 1960: 112–13).
A proposed transcription of Russian Cyrillic
Authors: Eustace S. S.
Published: February 2009

All common transcriptions of the Russian Cyrillic or Kirillitza [ki'rilitsa] into the Latin alphabet are unsatisfactory. They either have unsightly and untypable diacriticals (the Czech system) or else a superabundance of h's and y's (English systems). Both spoil the dignity of the original while scarcely correcting its notorious shortcomings, and thus they continue to hide the very information which is essential in order to pronounce the words!
A phonological analysis of Englishsp, st, skwith special reference to speech error evidence
Authors: Davidsen-Nielsen Niels
Published: February 2009

In studies on English phonology it has often been pointed out thatsp, st, skpresent difficulties of interpretation. In by far the majority of these studies a bisegmental interpretation has been adopted, and the discussion has then turned on the identity of the second elements of these consonant clusters. Should the stop constituents be analysed as /p, t, k/, /b, d, g/, or /P, T, K/ (i.e. archiphonemes)? In the American structuralist school a /p, t, k/ analysis has usually been preferred on the basis of ‘ phonetic realism’ (e.g. Swadesh 1934, Pike 1947, Trager and Smith 1951), but it has subsequently been demonstrated that the stops aftersare phonetically more similar to /b, d, g/ than to /p, t, k/ (Lotzet al.1960, Reeds and Wang 1961, Davidsen-Nielsen 1969). In Praguean phonology, e.g. Trubetzkoy 1939, an archiphonemic solution has been advocated.
The ə and vowel lengthening in St. Lawrence Island Eskimo
Authors: Koo Jang H.
Published: February 2009

One peculiarity of St. Lawrence Island (SLI henceforth) Eskimo is the vowel lengthening which is triggered by the [ə] (or [ɨ]).Such vowel lengthening only takes place in the first syllable and under certain phonological conditions. The vowel thus lengthened assumes the full length of a long vowel, distinct from a short vowel and a ‘fake’ long vowel.
‘The North Wind and the Sun’ in the Breton of the Isle of Groix
Authors: Ternes Elmar
Published: February 2009

The following specimen is a version of ‘The North Wind and the Sun’ in the Breton dialect of Groix, an island situated off the south coast of Brittany. Groix Breton belongs to the Vannetais dialect group. It has been described in the author's Grammaire structurale du Breton de l'Île de Groix (Ternes 1970).
Affricates in Haitian Creole: a new solution
Authors: Férère Gérard Alphonse
Published: February 2009

The analysis of affricates is controversial in many languages. Phonemecizations are often adopted on the basis of criteria specifically related to the individual languages being analysed. After reviewing a few proposed solutions, I will present the one I consider most appropriate for Haitian Creole.
Some phonetic correlates of the rapid colloquial style of pronunciation in RP
Authors: Lira Héctor Ortiz
Published: February 2009

The subject under discussion is a style of pronunciation which phoneticians have never completely agreed in labelling: ‘familiar’ (Windsor Lewis, 1969: 36; O'connor, 1971: vii); ‘rapid familiar’ (Jones, 1956: 13); ‘quick colloquial’ (Ward, 1939: 198), and ‘rapid colloquial’ or ‘rapid familiar’ (Gimson, 1962: 302). For O'connor the terms ‘familiar’ and ‘colloquial’ even indicate two different styles.
Feature Invasion
Authors: Rubach Jerzy
Published: February 2009

The aim of this paper is to discuss certain non-obvious assimilation processes which take place at word boundaries. They are ‘non-obvious’ because it appears that the assimilation changes are not necessarily complete, i.e. rules apply partially producing transition segments which have some features of the original segment and some of the one which triggers off assimilation. This phenomenon is given the name FEATURE INVASION and is illustrated primarily by Polish examples and marginally by examples from English RP.
Vowel duration in a Scottish accent
Authors: McClure J. Derrick
Published: February 2009

A sixteenth-century sound change in Scots has resulted in the appearance in that language of a system of vowel-length variations strikingly different from the common Germanic system still visible in other West Germanic speech forms. The present situation is described by the set of rules known as Aitken's Law (Aitken 1962 and 1977; see also Lass 1974): all vowels and diphthongs are long in stressed open syllables, before voiced fricatives and /r/, and before morpheme boundaries; and short elsewhere; with the two exceptions of /ι/ and /ʌ/ which are invariably short.
The identification of features of voice quality in social groups
Authors: Esling John
Published: February 2009

Particular voice qualities are often associated in people's minds with particular languages. This is evident in the literature which has been covered and reviewed by Laver (1975: Ch. 2). These qualities have been variously referred to with such terms as ‘organic basis or basis of articulation’ (Sweet, 1906: 74), ‘articulatory setting’ (Honikman, 1964), ‘a quasi-permanent quality’ (Abercrombie, 1967: 91) and ‘voluntary long-term muscular settings of the larynx and vocal tract’ (Laver, 1970: 525).
To ‘r’ is human? Intrusive remarks on a recent controversy
Authors: Fox Anthony
Published: February 2009

Having followed with interest the recent exchange between Jack Windsor Lewis (JWL) and Julian Pring (JP) on the status of ‘linking’ and ‘intrusive’ /r/ and its place in teaching, I am prompted to intervene by the belief that a relevant and important point has been missed which also has wider implications for language teaching in general.
Breton (Treger dialect)
Authors: Hewitt S.
Published: February 2009

Fairly broad transcription. Stress is strong. Unstressed vowels are short, stressed vowels are half long unless before fortis (voiceless, double) consonants or consonant clusters, where they are short. Adjacent vowels are in hiatus and thus form two syllables, w, j are consonantal except when final or before a consonant where they represent the second element of falling closing diphthongs. , ã = a in W. Treger, ã in E. Treger. Contingent nasality before nasal consonants is not marked, ë, ä are e, a reduced towards ə except in the slowest, clearest forms of speech, θ = rounded ə. Lenis obstruent devoicing in final pausal position and in sandhi is marked .; fortis obstruent voicing in sandhi is marked ˅. h is a lenis, usually unvoiced, with some voicing possible between vowels and next to liquids; in final pausal position or in sandhi = x. m is a fortis. ɲ is a fortis; there is usually a j-glide between it and a preceding vowel, r is a light flap or trill; with some speakers it is ɻ; in some parts of Brittany it is R or B, but not in Treger; when written r it is not usually heard except in slow, clear forms of speech. I may be heard velarized in some districts, but not in Treger. t, d, n may be somewhat advanced towards a dental position, p, t, k may have slight aspiration except after s.
Laryngeal-oral coarticulation in glottalized English plosives
Authors: Roach Peter J.
Published: February 2009

It has been observed by many writers on English phonetics that /p/, /t/, /k/ and /tʃ/ are frequently glottalized, i.e. produced with closed glottis. This observation raises a variety of interesting questions. Firstly, the phonological environments in which glottalization occurs have yet to be satisfactorily described; a preliminary attempt at a re-statement was made in Roach (1973) and a fuller account presented in Roach (1978). Secondly, it is of interest to study the articulatory mechanisms used in the production of glottalization, both from the point of view of finding out more about how laryngeal closures in speech are produced, and also with respect to the temporal organization of the laryngeal and supralaryngeal closures. Thirdly, since the incidence of glottalization (and of the closely related phenomenon of glottal replacement) appears to vary according to geographical and social factors, age and sex, it is of interest in dialectological and sociolinguistic studies of English. Finally, in a wider context, glottalization may be studied as being potentially an on-going sound change in English, and as a phenomenon that might possibly be linked with similar laryngeal articulations in other languages, e.g. the stød of Standard Danish and of West Jutland Danish.
Intonation systems in French
Authors: Kenning Marie-Madeleine
Published: February 2009

French intonation has so far received far less attention from linguists than English intonation. What is available on the subject tends to deal with specific issues and is usually based on read prose rather than on spontaneous speech. The aim of this paper is to provide an overall picture of the intonation of ‘standard’ conversational French so that the intonational resources of French may be compared with those of English. The primary data consists of about one hour of recorded conversations; the contrasts have been identified using auditory techniques and the accuracy of the transcription and reliability of the descriptive statements have been checked by analysing the corpus instrumentally with a mingograf.
The second Great Vowel Shift?
Authors: Bauer Laurie
Published: February 2009

In this paper it will be claimed that English is currently undergoing a vowel shift similar in effect to the fifteenth century Great Vowel Shift. A comment to this effect is made by Hawkins (1973), but the idea is not developed there. Evidence will be taken from twentieth-century descriptions of English, and from descriptions of varieties of English.
Re-defining English accent and stress
Authors: Jassem Wiktor , Gibbon Dafydd
Published: February 2009

In a well-known introductory text on linguistics, Langacker maintained (1968: 161), expressing a widely held view:

Linguists do not fully understand just what constitutes stress. The best we can say is that stressed vowels are apparently different from unstressed ones in that they are of greater length, higher pitch and greater articulatory force.
The reduction of unstressed high vowels in modern Greek
Authors: Dauer Rebecca M.
Published: February 2009

The unstressed high vowels /i/ and /u/ are subject to extreme shortening, devoicing, or elision in certain environments in standard modern Greek. This process goes on below the consciousness of most native speakers in their own speech; however, they will recognize it in speakers of northern Greek dialects where unstressed /i/ and /u/ are frequently elided (see Newton, 1972; Papadopoulos, 1926). In the phonology of the language, vowel reduction and elision are treated as a collection of optional ‘fast speech’ rules (e.g. Theophanopoulou-Kontou, 1973). In this study, they are considered as related stages in the same phonetic process, which will be described from both an auditory and acoustic point of view. An analysis of read texts and spontaneous speech samples by a number of educated speakers from Athens and Thessalonika shows that vowel reduction is not purely optional, but depends on a number of factors, the most important of which are phonetic environment and position relative to the stressed syllable. Some hypotheses concerning the phonetic motivation for this kind of vowel reduction will then be discussed.
Aspects of Hausa intonation, 1: utterances in isolation
Authors: Miller Jennifer , Tench Paul
Published: February 2009

This study comes in two parts; first, we consider a range of potential intonation contrasts in isolated utterances, and in part 2, we analyse the intonation used in connected text. The study is based on data and observations collected by Miller in Northern Nigeria and by informants in Cardiff, and further research conducted by Tench, during a visit to Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, Northern Nigeria, where both printed and recorded materials were made available at the Kashim Ibrahim Library.
The vowel system in educated Panjabi-speakers' English
Authors: Sethi J.
Published: February 2009

One of the major non-native accents of English is what for convenience of reference we shall call Panjabi English (PE)—the English spoken by educated Panjabi speakers (for Panjabi see Gill & Gleason, 1962). This accent has assumed a certain importance over the last two decades because of the settlement of a large number of Panjabi speakers from India and Pakistan in various English-speaking countries, chiefly Britain. Nevertheless, it has not attracted much attention from the linguist. One possible reason for this neglect is that many linguists hold the view that there can be no ‘system’ in a non-native variety of a language, which, they may contend, is the result of an attempt to imitate, with varying degrees of inefficiency, some native variety of the language (though now at several generations' remove).
The brogue that isn't
Authors: Wells J. C.
Published: February 2009

We have all heard of the remote community in the Appalachians (or is it somewhere in the North of England ?) where the locals still supposedly speak pure Elizabethan English, unchanged for centuries. But this is not the only dialectological myth which persists tenaciously in the popular imagination and will no doubt continue to do so despite its lack of factual basis.
Intonation and pragmatics
Authors: Lindsey Geoffrey
Published: February 2009

The aim of this essay is to argue that English intonation has broadly two functions. On the one hand it picks out a particular item or items in every sentence in order to give it or them semantic prominence; on the other hand, the pitch CONTOUR of an utterance also contributes to meaning and this contribution may itself be divided into two types: firstly, the height of pitch and the degree of its variation in a given utterance reflect speakers' ‘involvement’ or ‘interest’, and, secondly, the direction of the pitch contour towards or away from a neutral low pitch indicates the degree of ‘completeness’ or ‘incompleteness’ of an utterance in a discourse. I shall argue that the division of intonation into these two main subparts, an ‘accent’ function corresponding to what Halliday calls ‘tonicity’ and an ‘attitude’ function corresponding to Halliday's ‘tone’, is valid since it correlates with the division of meaning analysis into semantics and pragmatics.
Reservations on the origin of syllabic consonants
Authors: Coates Richard
Published: February 2009

A universal concerning the origin of syllabic consonants is proposed by Bell, 1978: 165. This says that ‘the syllabicity of syllabic consonants never arises spontaneously from a marginal consonant, as far as I can ascertain. The source of syllabicity is always a vowel’. Certain apparently contradictory data in English ([elm] <elm) are adduced, but following Dobson, 1968, Bell (167) assumes an intermediate stage with shwa (eləm). There is evidence in Dobson that spellings with a vowel letter are indeed earlier than (for instance) Bullokar's capitalized consonant letters representing syllabic consonants. It seems to me, though, that we need to make a reservation about the assumption of the priority of svarabhakti over syllabization.
Getting the Polish grooved frictionals right
Authors: Gotteri Nigel
Published: February 2009

Polish is a consonant language. On one phonemic analysis (Biedrzycki, 1974: 35) it has thirty-one consonants and six vowels. The main factor contributing to the richness of the Polish consonant system is the range of grooved frictionals; each fricative has a corresponding affricate and vice versa, each voiced frictional has a corresponding voiceless frictional and vice versa.
On the segmental phonology of a South Welsh accent of English
Authors: Connolly John H.
Published: February 2009

In their book on British English accents and dialects, Hughes & Trudgill (1979: 51–3) include a brief study of the South Wales variety of English, based on the speech of informants from Neath and Pontypridd. Although in the main their description rings true, it does leave some gaps and contain some inaccuracies, sufficient to prompt me to offer the following, somewhat fuller notes on the South Welsh pronunciation of English, with particular reference to the speech of my native West Glamorgan (WG). My comments relate primarily to the Port Talbot variety of WG, but since this variety is similar in most respects to those found in nearby Neath and Swansea and their surrounding areas, my remarks may, for the most part, be taken as applying to WG speech in general. The accents found in the adjoining south-western part of the county of Mid Glamorgan, in towns such as Maesteg or Porthcawl, are also similar to the Port Talbot variety, and thus share most of the characteristics attributed here to WG speech.
The phonology of Upper Bavarian — some observations
Authors: Pascoe R. G.
Published: February 2009

C. E. Capell's article ‘Transcription, Vowel and Consonant Systems of Upper Bavarian Dialect’, in JIPA, vol. 9, no. 1 (June 1979), was interesting as being one of the very few contributions in English to the study of this phonologically fascinating German dialect, but was unfortunately so full of straightforward errors of data and interpretation that it gravely misrepresents the dialect. The following article is an attempt to set the record straight in all but a few very minor points.
Phonologization and activation of latent phonemes in linguistic borrowing
Authors: Filipović Rudolf
Published: February 2009

1.0 In the process of linguistic borrowing, when the model (the foreign word in the donor language) turns into the replica (the loanword in the borrowing language), adaptation takes place on several levels, and it proceeds according to the principles of languages in contact. In the course of this adaptation two basic laws operate: substitution and importation. The first law regulates the replacement of donor-language phonemes and morphemes which occur in the model by phonemes and morphemes of the borrowing language. Thus substitution takes place at the phonological and at the morphological level and may take several forms, depending on the nature and type of replacement.
On a phonological innovation in French
Authors: Walker Douglas C.
Published: February 2009

Traditional analyses of French recognize three nasal consonant phonemes /m n ɲ/ appearing in the labial, apical and palatal orders respectively. What is interesting about this situation is that while French contains labial and apical oral stops /p b t d / corresponding to /m/ and /n/, there are no palatal occlusives linked to /ɲ/. Conversely, in the velar order where we find /k/ and /g/, there is no velar nasal representative. Thus, in a widely used presentation, Malmberg notes that

‘Le français n'a pas de phonème /ɲ/. Un son [ɲ] peut exceptionnellement apparaître comme variante par suite d'une assimilation de /g/ en contact avec une nasal: une longue minute [yn1Ʒɲminyt]. Dans les emprunts anglais comme smoking, parking, camping, il semble qu'un nombre croissant de Français prononcent une nasale vélaire /ɲ/.’

(1969: 106).

One can also cite the words of Fouché (1959: XIX), who notes that,

‘Il faut aussi ajouter à cette liste [de consonnes françaises] le son [ɲ] (= n vélaire) de la terminaison anglaise -ing qui a pénétré par voie d'emprunt dans le système consonantique français; cf. meeting, parking, smoking, etc.’

Neither author, however, explores the question in any detail.
Fonts with transcription symbols and their standardization—a survey of prospects
Authors: Pfeiffer-Rupp Rüdiger
Published: February 2009

Phonetic typesetting has always been a difficult undertaking. As long as typesetting was the business of professional typesetters, the ordinary transcriptionist did not have to worry very much about this. Today, typesetting techniques are downgraded by a variety of other textprocessing machines, ranging from electrostatic printers, or other non-impact printers that use digitized font information, to impact printers, such as print-wheel and selectric typewriters (see Hsu (1982)). It is the output of this kind of printer that can be used for camera-ready copy. Moreover, the area of influence of the author is extended since he himself has access to such textprocessing machines (see the TEX user group movement, explained below). Some years ago, most of the text-processing machines were quite inflexible; they could not cope with additional symbols or additional fonts. Early attempts to make phonological and phonetic data representable in such textprocessing systems had to accept existing symbols, and mappings between existing standard symbols (the ASCII code, for example) had to be established, sometimes on the basis of similarity (& for epsilon, for example) (see Millar/Oasa (1981), Wothke (1981), Roach (personal communication, 1981). Now that it is possible to define character sets for matrix representation (Pfeiffer-Rupp (1981a), (1982a), Neuhaus (1983)), both for printer representation and for representation on a visual display (Pfeiffer-Rupp (1981b)), it is no longer necessary to operate with such makeshift devices—which demand an additional level of coding within the same alphabet and often lead to the idea that the ASCII code is adequate for everybody's purposes, which is what the graphics industry would like to hear from us.
Social and linguistic aspects of Durham (eː)
Authors: Kerswill Paul E.
Published: February 2009

Like many vocalic variables which have been described for other varieties of English, Durham (eː) is correlated with a range of factors, some linguistic, others non-linguistic; in this paper, some of these correlations are presented, (eː) is one of three ‘long’ or ‘tense’ vowels which are variably realized as pure monophthongs or as opening or centring diphthongs; it is represented by words of the lexical set gate, wait, day, etc. The other two vowels are (oː), which occurs in words such as bone, goat and toe, and (ɔː), which occurs in torn, shore, etc., and variably in such items as law, walk and all (in which it alternates with /ɑː/). These three vowels probably show rather similar patterns of variation; however, in this study only (eː) will be considered.
The centring diphthongs in Southern English—a sound change in progress
Authors: Ball Martin J.
Published: February 2009

Until comparatively recently, the diphthong systems of southern English accents have appeared virtually symmetrical, and such an ideally symmetrical system for the closing and centring diphthongs is shown in Figures 1 and 2. (The diphthong /ɔI/, which of course does upset the symmetry, is omitted for the sake of exposition. Historically too this omission is well-motivated, as this diphthong was a borrowing from Norman French (Gimson, 1962: 132), and still has a limited distribution (Gimson, 1962: 148).)
Laryngographic study of phonation type and laryngeal configuration
Authors: Esling John H.
Published: February 2009

This study's objective is to identify the vibratory phase characteristics and corresponding laryngeal configurations of a series of phonation types common in current phonetic usage. The phonation types examined are categorized auditorily following the articulatory framework established by Laver (1968, 1975, 1976, 1980), the general phonetic theory of Abercrombie (1967), and the systematic nomenclature for phonation types provided by Catford (1964). The primary phonation types in this taxonomy are compared laryngographically to determine their larynx waveform characteristics, based on the auditorily controlled performance of a single phonetically trained subject, and are described visually from laryngoscopic observation. This study is intended as a means of establishing a basis for further work in which a larger inventory of speakers of known background and a wider variety of possible phonatory combinations are examined. These preliminary comparisons suggest a set of relationships between phases of the vocal fold vibratory cycle and laryngeal configuration, expressed in terms of contrasting systems of stricture, and support a number of predictions that have been made in the literature on phonatory mechanisms.
‘Short a’ in Melbourne English
Authors: Blake Barry J.
Published: February 2009

Ferguson (1972) described the distribution of æ and æ: in his native Philadelphia speech and pointed out that these two varieties of low, front vowel have different distributions in different dialects. He ended his paper with a plea for further data collection in more dialects that would lead ‘to better understanding of the synchronic system and to more satisfactory hypotheses about the diachrony’ (1972:273). This paper is in response to his request and consists of a description of the distribution of æ and æ: in my native Melbourne speech.
On contracted forms in Canadian French
Authors: Walker Douglas C.
Published: February 2009

Speculation concerning the future direction of linguistic evolution, despite its obvious pitfalls, has a long tradition, not to mention attraction, in linguistics. In the French domain, one need only think of Pulgram (1967) or of various works by Ashby concerning « Future French » (1974, 1977), both of whom reflect on ideas present in French scholarship dating from the early decades of this century (e.g. Meillet, 1921, 1936; Vendryes, 1923). Recent work in typology, showing apparently orderly progression from one language state to another, has buttressed speculative efforts, as have many of the results of sociolinguistics, where clear trends in age or social profiles often allow one to infer directionality and even end result on the basis of ongoing change.
Articulatory and perceptual factors in /l/ vocalisations in English
Authors: Hardcastle William , Barry William
Published: February 2009

In several dialects of English notably in the southern part of Britain (but excluding Wales), a velarised or “dark” allophone of /l/ occurs syllable-finally, and post-vocalically in syllable-final consonant clusters (Wells 1982; Gimson 1980). A variant of this velarised [l], typically associated with Cockney, but increasingly admitted as a feature of South-Eastern Urban English, is a “vowelised” or vocalised form realised as a non-syllabic back vocoid (approximately [Y] or a rounded equivalent [ö] or [ʊ] (Wells 1982; Hughes and Trudgill 1986)). Thus “milk” may be realised variously as [mIlk], [mIYk], [mIök] or [mIʊk].
R-Coloured vowels in Irish English
Authors: Hickey Raymond
Published: February 2009

The two phonemes which, in Standard English and the dialects of southern English, inasmuch as the latter deviate from the standard, have shown a tendency to be lost, /h/ and /r/1, at least in certain positions, have been fully retained in all varieties of Irish English. There is no /h/-dropping (Wells 1982:23ff.) in Irish English and /r/ is maintained in all positions where it is indicated by the orthography. The orthography offers a convenient yardstick here as the two innovative occurrences of /r/ in Received Pronunciation, linking /r/ and intrusive /r/ (Gimson 1980:208f.) are not recognized orthographically and are not found in Irish English either.
Hylomorphic taxonomy and William Holder
Authors: Abercrombie David
Published: February 2009

The ‘hylomorphic’ distinction between MATTER and FORM was the basis, for many seventeenth century writers, of the analysis of the sound of speech. MATTER was breath, to which FORM was given by articulations of the organs of speech.
Comments on Maddieson's ‘Revision of the IPA: Linguo-labials as a test case’
Authors: Kelly John
Published: February 2009

The IPA alphabet is, first and foremost, a device for use in the making of impressionistic records of spoken language events. There is no alternative device in widespread use. It is neither full nor systematic as a device for this purpose, but can be used remarkably effectively if supplemented with ad hoc extensions and adaptations. Such adaptations need to be explicit if used in published material, but they need not be standard. They do need, though, to be sensible. Although the IPA letter-shapes are not systematic, the articulatory classification that underlies them is. Within this classification it would be perverse to relate a ‘linguo-labial’ to, say, the category ‘velar’, and so a representation based on the letter-shape ‘k’ would be undesirable. Given these limits, though, I can see no theoretical reason why ‘linguo-labials’ should not be written in a number of ways. [P‥] etc. is one way. It is not a particularily good one, in my view, as [‥] is a diacritic that distinguishes a PASSIVE articulator, and this passive articulator is nowhere involved in ‘linguo-labials’. But I would happily accept [P‥]. It would be desirable for a degree of uniformity to apply in PUBLISHED material, but this is a matter more for editors and for publishers than for front-line linguists. At the PHONETIC level, I can't see that it matters whether we use [P‥] or, say, [‡] in published material: and other suggestions will no doubt be forthcoming, PRACTICAL considerations are paramount here, some solutions being easier to print, type and read than others.
Microcomputer-assisted phonetics teaching and phonetics word-processing: A survey
Authors: Parkinson Stephen , Bladon Anthony
Published: February 2009

Now that the microcomputer has gained wide acceptance as a teaching tool, it seems appropriate to review the extent to which phoneticians can make use of the new technology. Educational applications will be our primary interest in this survey. Many of these applications involve phonetics word-processing, and of course this has direct relevance for the current debate in this Journal concerning the possibility of a standard for computerization of the IPA.
1. The principles on which the IPA should be based
Authors: Abramson Arthur S.
Published: February 2009

As part of the preparation for the meeting on the revision of the International Phonetic Alphabet, I have been asked to write a short summary of my correspondence with a number of members of the Association on the principles on which the alphabet should be based. To this end, I have sought the views of the 34 respondents who gave first or second rank to this topic on the preregistration form for the 1989 Convention.
2.3 Suprasegmental categories and 2.4 The symbolization of temporal events
Authors: Bruce Gösta
Published: February 2009

The focus of interest for the working group on Suprasegmental Categories – like that of other groups working on ‘the phonetic theory that the symbols represent’ – should primarily be on theoretical considerations. A main objective would therefore be to come up with a set of categories to be symbolized within the IPA framework. As a first step in this direction I have as the coordinator of the group devised a tentative list of such suprasegmental categories to be discussed within the working group. In a circular letter accompanying the list of suprasegmental categories I expressed the opinion that suprasegmentals within the IPA framework are not primarily in need of revision but rather addition. Another issue addressed in this letter is the question of the level of abstraction on which symbolization should take place for suprasegmental categories like stress and prominence relations as well as boundary signals, which seem to have a complex cueing with several phonetic correlates. I also expressed the possibility that the increasing number of discourse studies and studies of spontaneous speech may also call for an extension of symbols for suprasegmental categories that are not met in read speech and monologue and are not traditionally considered to be linguistic.
5. Individual symbols and diacritics
Authors: Henton Caroline G.
Published: February 2009

In preparation for the IPA Kiel Convention in 1989, this report summarizes preliminary discussions of possible improvements and changes to individual symbols and diacritics in the International Phonetic Alphabet. It details responses to a questionnaire sent out on 22 October 1988. Specific questions were suggested by a number of sources: my own paper (Henton 1987), reactions to that paper, and from discussions with other phoneticians. The questionnaire was written with a view to eliciting simple and democratic input, rather than to promoting certain symbols or suggestions over others. It was sent to 38 members of the Association who rated the section on ‘Individual symbols and diacritics’ 1–5 (on a scale of 17, with 1 being highest preference) in their reponses to the invitation to revise the International Phonetic Association's alphabet. Eighty members originally replied to the call for input to the Kiel meeting, so the 38 who placed this section high in their preferences are a good portion (47%) of members actively concerned with this Convention.
On phonological variability in Canadian English in Ottawa and Vancouver
Authors: De Wolf Gaelan Dodds
Published: February 2009

A uniform dialect of Canadian English (CE) encompasses a wider territory than that of any other regional variety (Priestley (1951); Woods (1979); cf. Scargill and Warkentyne (1972) for suggested subdivisions; cf. also Bernard (1969) versus Horvath (1985) for the scope of Australian English, another widespread variety). This is a result of converging influences in Canada of varieties of British English and of Northern and Midland American (von Baeyer 1977; Woods 1979). The components of CE are a distinctive body of lexical items marked foremost by compounding, with many borrowings from French and the native Indian languages (Avis 1973; Harris 1975; Gregg 1979), certain minor syntactic features along with the stereotypical use of ‘eh’ (Avis 1978; Bailey 1982; Chambers 1986), and a ‘General’ Canadian accent, recognized as urban and educated, spreading westward from Ontario to the Pacific, and affecting even eastern Maritime speech (Gregg 1984a; Avis 1986; cf. Kinloch 1983). Within this broad framework (Avis 1973, 1986; Gregg 1984a), however, certain social and regional distinctions appear when phonological variability is considered within the Labovian model of sociological co-variation (e.g. Labov 1966, 1972; Trudgill 1974; Milroy 1987). A comparison of phonological items from two recent and concurrent sociodialectal surveys, one in eastern Canada for Ottawa (Woods 1979) and the other on the Pacific Coast for Vancouver (Gregg 1984b), reveals certain points of phonetic divergence socially and regionally, together with differential rates of sound change (de Wolf 1988).
The origins of nucleus
Authors: Cruttenden Alan
Published: February 2009

Intonation has frequently been regarded by linguists as on the periphery of linguistics. The study of grammar began in the classical era (see Robins 1967) and the study of phonetics also goes back a very long way (see, for example, Allen 1953). But intonation has not figured prominently in phonetic writings (if we exclude discussion of word phenomena like Greek accent). Most bibliographies of intonation do not go further back than the twentieth century (e.g. Ladd 1979a), two exceptions being Pike (1945) and Crystal (1969). But there are sufficient early writings on various aspects of intonation to justify a new sub-branch of the history of linguistics, the history of intonology. This article seeks to inaugurate this sub-branch by tracing the origins of a central theoretical concept in modern intonation back to the seventeenth century and ultimately to the renaissance.