bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Out of the Melting Pot and into the Fire
Authors: Esch Elizabeth D.
Published: January 2019

The Rouge plant was the first Ford workplace—or any auto company—to hire significant numbers of black workers, who were recruited along with Mexican workers, by the thousands. This chapter challenges the notion that paternalism is the framework through which to understand Ford’s relationship to black workers, and it also considers Ford’s involvement in racial-uplift projects in two contexts more aptly described as “colonial” than “paternal.” In 1932, the company purchased the “black town” of Inkster, Michigan, its segregation partly premised on Ford’s failure to stand up for fair housing in and around Dearborn. Credited with saving the residents of Inkster from the crisis of the depression, Ford’s Inkster “experiment” was modeled on a plan of debt peonage and perhaps consciously on constructed a colonial relation with African Americans in the United States. In 1936, Henry Ford bought one million acres near Savannah, Georgia, restarting a plantation he named Richmond Hill. There the company launched a series of Jim Crow social-uplift projects designed to save the white residents from racial neglect and the black residents from themselves.
Animism
Authors: Chidester David
Published: January 2019

This chapter examines the emergence of a category, “belief in spiritual beings,” which drove certain “intellectualist” assumptions about the essence, origin, and persistence of religion. Like many terms in the study of religion in Europe during the late nineteenth century, animism arose through a global mediation in which an imperial theorist, in this case the father of anthropology, E. B. Tylor, relied on colonial middlemen, such as missionaries, travelers, and administrators, for evidence about indigenous people all over the world. Among other colonial sources, E. B. Tylor relied on the Anglican missionary Henry Callaway for data about Zulu people in South Africa. Drawing on Callaway’s reports about Zulu dreaming and sneezing, Tylor distilled his basic definition of religion as belief in pervading and invading spirits. Against a broad imperial and colonial background, this chapter explores the historical emergence and ongoing consequences of the category animism in the study of religion.
Touching
Authors: Chidester David
Published: January 2019

This chapter undertakes a tactile exploration of the sense of touch in modern American culture and religion. After briefly recalling the denigration of tactility in Western thought, the discussion considers the usefulness of the work of two theorists, Emmanuel Levinas and Walter Benjamin, in recovering the sense of touch—the intimate caress, the violent shock—as deep background for tracking basic modes of religious tactility. By paying attention to sensory media and metaphors, the chapter proceeds from cutaneous binding and burning to kinaesthetic moving and to haptic handling in order to enter this field of tactile meaning and power. Specific cases of tactility are quickly considered, including binding covenants, firewalking, flag burning, alien abduction, global capitalism, and cellular microbiology. By exploring the religious dynamics of the sense of touch, this chapter points to the presence of a tactile politics of perception circulating through religion and popular culture.
FAKTOR YANG MEMPENGARUHI MINAT MAHASISWA PENDIDIKAN EKONOMI KOPERASI 2015 MENJADI ANGGOTA KOPERASI
Authors: Pratama Dicky Setia , Widiyanto Widiyanto
Published: January 2019

Minat berkoperasi mengandung pengertian keinginan yang tinggi yang diwujudkan dalam perasaan senang, perhatian, konsentrasi, sadar, dan mempunyai kemauan terlibat dalam kegiatan koperasi sehingga mendorong anggota koperasi untuk berpartisipasi aktif. Oleh karena itu untuk menyalurkan minat dalam berkoperasi di setiap instansi pendidikan didirikan sebuah koperasi yang mampu memberikan pembelajaran secara nyata agar memiliki jiwa kemandirian, kewirausahaan dan gotong royong. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui adakah pengaruh pendidikan koperasi dan motivasi berkoperasi mahasiswa secara simultan dan parsial terhadap minat berkoperasi mahasiswa pendidikan ekonomi koperasi angkatan 2015.Populasi dalam penelitian ini yaitu 110 orang dan jumlah sampel 110 orang. Teknik pengambilan sampel menggunakan sampling jenuh dan metode pengumpulan data menggunakan kuesioner dan observasi. Metode analisis data penelitian ini menggunakan analisis regresi berganda dan deskriptif persentase. Hasil penelitian diperoleh persamaaan regresi berganda yang selanjutnya disingkat dengan Mb = 0,8036 + 0,329PK + 0,373MB+ e. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa secara simultan dan parsial variabel pengetahuan koperasi dan motivasi berkoperasi berpengaruh positif terhadap minat berkoperasi.

 

The definition Cooperative learningis of high will manifested in feelings such as pleased, paying attention, concentration, conscious, and has the will to actively participate. Therefore, to channel interest in Koperasi participation, cooperative that gives realistic learning in order to have the students gains independence, entrepreneurship, and mutual cooperation is established in every educational agency. This research aims to understand the presence of cooperative education influence and students’ motivation in cooperative participation simultaneously and partially to economic education 2015 generation students’ interest in cooperative participation. Population of this research is 110 people and with the sample of 110 people. The technique of collecting sample is using saturated sampling and data collecting method used is questionnaire and observation. Data analysis method in this research is using multiple regression analysis and percentage description. The result of research obtains multiple regression equation which further abbreviated as Mb = 0,8036 + 0,329PK + 0,373MB+ e. the result of this research shows that simultaneously and partially, variable of Koperasi knowledge and motivation is positively affecting interest of cooperative participation
DABARTINIS EUROPOS SĄJUNGOS EKONOMINĖS IR POLITINĖS INTEGRACIJOS ETAPAS – KAIP SPRĘSTI „SENDAIKČIO“ DILEMĄ?
Authors: Vitkus Gediminas
Published: January 2019

Although the EU has passed a long way and implemented a lot of impressive projects, previous merits were not sufficient for permanent and unconditional public confiden­ce and support. People continue to expect from the EU more and more impressive achievements, regardless of its limited potential. In other words we are facing a sort of the “antique utilization”dilemma, which arises for people, who are already bored previously considered valuable items. However, it seems nobody is seriously considering how to get rid of this use­less-looking item. Vice versa, there is no shortage of ideas and proposals how to remake the EU. Two main alternatives could be discerned out of recent discussions and debates. The first alternative is a “federalist”one. It proposes the EU to continue transformation along the lines of federal democratic state model. However this alter­native looks groundless since rulings elites of the member states don’t look ready to transfer more power to the European institutions. The second alternative aroused with the context of constructivism and rationa­lism debate. It suggests the EU instead of trying to become more nation-state alike, to transform itself to the new kind of polity with decentralized, unenforced and volun­tarily governance of European nations. However this kind of alternative suffers from indeterminacy. It is too difficult to “translate”it into the legal language of internatio­nal treaties and legislation. Hence, since the both alternatives do not like viable, it looks like that the “an­tique utilization”dilemma is going to persist as a trouble maker without clear solution in foreseeable future.
EUROPOS INTEGRACIJOS TYRIMAI: TEORINĖS PARADIGMOS PAIEŠKOS
Authors: Radžvilas Vytautas
Published: January 2019

This article is an attempt to overview and evaluate the recent state of the theory of European integration and it’s development perspectives in the future. The abundance and variety of theoretical approaches on European integration should not be considered as self-evident and reliable indicator of the flourishment of this kind of theory. Distinct and divergent „broad“ and „narrow“ definitions of integration theory, as well as various understandings of it’s meaning and purpose should be regarded as symptoms of it‘s disintegration and fragmentation. In the absence of the broader theoretical paradigm serving as a basis and making sense of European integration research, „mosaic“, or fragmented picture of integration, unfolds and gains dominance, thus preventing the understanding of deep and long-term tendencies of the integration process and it‘s likely effects for the future of the whole continent. The reconstruction and renewal of the theoretical paradigm of European integration research through the reflective restoration of the equilibrium between theoretical “explanation” and “understanding” is the necessary prerequisite for the development and progress in this research field.
EUROPOS PASIRINKIMAS KAIP JĮ SUPRANTA ANDREW MORAVCSIKAS: KUR SLYPI EUROPOS INTEGRACIJOS PRIEŽASTYS?
Authors: Tolvaišaitė Justė
Published: January 2019

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NAUJA VU TSPMI DIPLOMANTŲ KARTA
Authors: Kaupinis Karolis
Published: January 2019

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KODĖL PRASIDEDA NAUJAS ŠALTASIS KARAS?
Authors: Jurgelevičiūtė Diana
Published: January 2019

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APIE POLITIKĄ IR VERTYBES
Authors: Razma Ainis
Published: January 2019

The article is a response to prof. Alvydas Jokubaitis’s views on a relationship between politics and values, laid down in his paper Politics Without Values in one of the issues of Politologija journal. Ainis Razma provides different view on the issue, arguing that values and politics are the parts of a single system, where the former assumes a role of elements, while the latter is a process.The author starts from defining both politics, and values. In his view both are phenomena, not things, therefore cannot exist objectively, i.e. independently from a subject. Consequently, both politics, and values come to existence only due to some external sources of meaning. The relationship between politics and values is being explored within a context of a temporal structure of experience and activity, as it is formulated by Niklas Luhmann. Whereby it is made a conclusion that politics and values are connected not temporarily but logically.Arguing that politics is simply a public endeavour aimed at achieving or implementing certain public goals, A. Razma at the same time insists politics being one of the most fundamental societal processes reflecting on a society as a whole, and thus playing a key role in delineating public and private spaces within a particular society which in turn serves as a precondition of the construction of norms.The author reflects on the professor’s A. Jokubaitis interpretations of Hobbes and Rawls writings. Concerning the former, it is stressed that a mechanical approach to the politics, treating it as a “tool”, does not deny its relationship with values. This is argued through the notion that “instrument” always presupposes a goal whose definition is in turn inevitably influenced by values. Concerning Rawls, it is argued that an idea of morally neutral justice does not mean amorality. On the contrary, it calls for the search for or a construction of moral principals that are equally acceptable for all members of a society, and then laying them down at the foundation of a common, i.e. political justice.The author concludes that politics through the function of ideology creates, assesses, and manages values. The value may acquire its “political” quality if it appears within the public space, i.e. if a society declared it to be a value. Therefore, “political” does not refer to the nature of value, but to the area of its application. On the other hand, the values that make a common ethics of a particular society are all by definition political.
POZITYVIZMO IR POSTPOZITYVIZMO GINČAS SOCIALINIUOSE MOKSLUOSE
Authors: Nekrašas Evaldas
Published: January 2019

The article explores positivism-postpositivism debate in social sciences that has been lasting already for many years. The author does not suppose this debate will end soon since it raises fundamental questions concerning the aims, tasks and methods of social sciences. Though representatives of these sciences differ significantly in views on these questions, the most of them and, in particular, evident majority of representa­tives of political science virtually holds positivist views. Such questions, which may be called conceptual, are essentially disputable, so they can not be resolved by any empirical research.When examining positivism-postpositivism debate the author singles out, paying tribute to tradition, three aspects of debate: (1) ontological, (2) epistemological, and (3) methodological. Yet he presents the arguments to support his claim that because of its antimetaphysical character positivism can have no ontology at all. Therefore an ontological dispute between positivists and postpositivists is simply impossible.Postpositivists, in discussing epistemological questions, would be inclined to re­ject positivist viewpoint that our statements and theories about social life can be true (though according to modern positivists, we can never know it for sure). They also would reject the positivist distinction between facts and values, which likewise can be considered as epistemological. But the most serious dispute that is taking place in social sciences concerns methodological questions. The author, in analyzing it, pays most attention to two most influential forms of postpositivism, namely to critical theory and postmodernism. Having discussed genealogy and deconstruction which, though with serious reservations, may be considered as postpositivist methods, the author claims that postpositivism lacks the main part of methodology, i.e. rules of accepting scientific statements and theories. And that is why postpositivism can not win the methodological debate over positivism which has such rules.
LIETUVOS HUMANITARINIŲ IR SOCIALINIŲ MOKSLŲ DUOMENŲ ARCHYVAS – NAUJOS EMPIRINIŲ TYRIMŲ GALIMYBĖS
Authors: Vaidelytė Eglė , Žvaliauskas Giedrius
Published: January 2019

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POLITIKAI IR ISTORIJOS VIZIJOS
Authors: Jokubaitis Alvydas
Published: January 2019

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WALTERIO RUSSELLO MEADO PASKAITOS VU TSPMI: AMERIKIETIŠKASIS RAKTAS Į UŽSIENIO POLITIKOS SĖKMĘ, ARBA KAS BENDRO TARP GEORGE’O W. BUSHO JAUNESNIOJO IR ANDREW JACKSONO?
Authors: Vaščenkaitė Galina
Published: January 2019

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POLITIKA IR INVESTUOTOJŲ PASITIKĖJIMAS: BALTIJOS ŠALYS PER KRIZĘ
Authors: Kuokštis Vytautas
Published: January 2019

The paper seeks to explain the differences as to how successfully the three Baltic countries managed the economic crisis between 2008 and the first half of 2010. More specifically, it analyzes investors’ confidence, Estonia being the most successful country in this regard, Latvia the least (the only country that applied for aid from the International Monetary Fund), while Lithuania staying in between. The paper aims to take into account the differences (and similarities) between the Baltic countries as well as emphasize the importance of political-institutional factors in explaining inves­tors’ confidence. The importance of investors’ confidence as is discussed and different ways of measuring it are reviewed. Moreover, the relevance of political-institutional factors in explaining investors’ confidence is established from the theoretical point of view. Based on existing literature, a number of explanatory factors are distinguis­hed, namely electoral processes, non-electoral pressures on government, government stability as well as the quality of informal institutions. The paper argues that Latvia was indeed in a significantly worse situation in terms of economic pre-crisis vul­nerabilities than Lithuania and Estonia, both of which had certain, albeit different, economic advantages. The main difference between Lithuania and Estonia emerges comparing political-institutional, rather than purely economic, factors: Estonia was better placed in terms of electoral cycles, the extent of non-electoral pressures, and – most importantly – better institutions (governance quality, corruption level, trust in political institutions). Both Latvia and Lithuania found themselves in a significantly worse situation regarding political-institutional factors.
GLOBALAUS DŽIHADISTINIO JUDĖJIMO POLITINĖ PROGRAMA: TARP SVAJONIŲ IR REALYBĖS
Authors: Gailiūnas Egidijus
Published: January 2019

This article deals with a phenomenon of the ‘global jihadist movement’. The article argues that the main goals that jihadists have in their political programme were not achieved. The only achievement that suits jihadists’ political programme is withdrawal of the US military forces from the Saudi Arabia in 2003. However, it is debatable whether this happened because of jihadists’ efforts.The main aim of the article is to find out how successful jihadists are in imple­menting their political programme. The article begins with a question: ‘What global jihadist movement is?’ At the beginning of the article the meaning of the global jihadist movement is analysed. The structure of the global jihadist movement is reviewed. The ‘Core al-Qaida’ and its place in the global jihadist movement are discussed. Further the article goes with a question: ‘What is the jihadist movement’s politi­cal programme?’ It is argued that the so-called jihadists’ political programme consists of ideological and strategic components. The specific jihadists’ vocabulary presented in the article is considered to be an important piece of movement’s ideology.The last part of the article is directly related to the article’s main aim. In this part the achievements related to implementation of the political programme of the global jihadist movement are analysed. The questions that are answered in the last part of the article: ‘How successful are jihadists in expelling Western forces from the Muslim countries in the Middle East?’, ‘How successful are jihadists in gaining power in the Muslim countries of the Middle East region?’, ‘How successful are jihadists in estab­lishing the Caliphate governed under the Sharia law?’In the article it is argued that jihadists are unable to realize their main goals from their political programme. Many ordinary Muslims see global jihadist movement’s goals as acceptable. However, they think that terrorist attacks, as the mean to achieve these goals, cannot be justified. For the future of the global jihadist movement three scenarios could be drawn. These are worst-case (jihadist movement will fail to achieve its goals) scenario, status quo scenario (jihadist movement will fail to achieve its goals, but continue to exist), and best-case scenario (jihadist movement will succeed in realizing all its goals). Which scenario will be the real one is difficult to say at the moment. Yet, it seems that the third one (best-case scenario) is least realistic, because after almost 10 years since 9–11 jihadists have had achieved none of their openly state goals.
KEISTAS NEOLIBERALIZMO NEMIRTINGUMAS?
Authors: DVORAK JAROSLAV
Published: January 2019

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KAIP IŠTRŪKTI IŠ KORUPCIJOS AKLAVIETĖS? ČILĖS SĖKMĖS ISTORIJA IR ARGENTINOS AGONIJA
Authors: ACUS ALGIRDAS
Published: January 2019

The study seeks to understand why corruption is so resistant despite a convincing progress in adopting good governance institutions worldwide. It presents one of the very few success stories and aims to evaluate the possibilities to reduce corruption. The study contributes to the theoretical discussion by suggesting a heuristic tool – the stag hunt game – in which game theory and historical institutionalism are combined. This model is applied to the process of modernization analysis in Argentina and Chile. The critical junctures that shifted these countries towards different roads are highlighted. Argentina has remained in the stalemate of corruption, while Chile has managed to establish good governance.
EUROPOS SOCIALINIS TYRIMAS IR POLITOLOGINĖS ANALIZĖS GALIMYBĖS
Authors: ŠARKUTĖ LIGITA , ŽVLIAUSKAS GIEDRIUS
Published: January 2019

Chronicle
IDEOLOGIJA IR FIKCIJA („KIETAS RIEŠUTĖLIS“)
Authors: KERŠYTĖ NIJOLĖ
Published: January 2019

The first, theoretical, part of this article presents a brief survey of the Marxist and neo-Marxist theory concerning ideology. Starting from the conception of ideology as a false image of the world, this tradition has evolved towards the definition of ideology as a set of symbolic and discursive structures. This change, which is performed in Althusser’s works, allows to compare the Althusserian neo-Marxist conception of ideology with Greimas’ structural semiotics, which offers methodological tools for the analysis of ideological manifestations in narrative fiction.The second part is devoted to a semiotic study of the action film “Die Hard” with the purpose of disclosing the organisation of its ideological dimension. In this film, ideological values are mostly conveyed by the way how narrative roles of individual characters are constructed, by the form attributed to collective identities, and by the relations of both to space. The analysis shows that four different ideologies intersect in this cinematographic narration.
NISPACEE METINĖJE KONFERENCIJOJE – VU TSPMI TYRĖJŲ APDOVANOJIMAS UŽ GERIAUSIĄ LYGINAMOSIOS POLITIKOS DARBĄ
Authors: NAKROŠIS VITALIS
Published: January 2019

Chronicle
EURAZIJOS SĄJUNGA AR EUROPOS SĄJUNGA? DILEMA RYTŲ PARTNERYSTĖS ŠALIMS
Authors: VILPIŠAUSKAS RAMŪNAS
Published: January 2019

The author analyzes the Eurasian Customs Union, the motives for its creation, its impact on Russia, Kazakhstan, and Belarus as well as the perspectives for the further integration of its member states to establish the Eurasian Economic Union. It is argued that the creation of the Eurasian Customs Union is based mostly on the foreign trade policy measures applied by Russia and adopted by the other members of the Union. The Eurasian Union and its institutions such as the Eurasian Economic Commission and Court are seen as agents of the member states, especially Russia, rather than independent supranational actors acting in of the Union’s interests. The Eurasian Union represents a regional entity which is both being modelled on the EU and is intended to provide a competing center of attraction for third countries. The establishment of the Eurasian Customs Union has changed the geopolitical situation in the EU eastern neighborhood by creating an alternative option of regional integration for the EU Eastern Partnership countries. For Ukraine and other countries of the Eastern Partnership, which declare their intention to sign association and deep and comprehensive free trade agreements with the EU, joining the Eurasian Customs Union would imply that the EU will have to negotiate agreements on trade with the Eurasian Union rather than with individual countries. This would significantly postpone the prospects of integration of these countries into the EU. The eastern partners of the EU, therefore, have to choose between two alternatives of integration (and Belarus has already chosen the eastern direction). Meanwhile, the EU has to rethink its own policy towards the Eastern Partnership countries and offer incentives for the further reforms to advance trade liberalization and association with the EU without damaging its own credibility. This is the key issue for the Lithuania’s EU Council Presidency forthcoming in the second half of 2013.
IN MEMORIAM. PROF. TOMAS REMEIKIS 1934–2013
Authors: Jankauskas Algimantas
Published: January 2019

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POLITINĖ PARAMA VIDURIO IR RYTŲ EUROPOJE: PARTINĖS SISTEMOS IR KOALICIJOS DYDŽIO POVEIKIS
Authors: Bartasevičius Vainius
Published: January 2019

High figures of political support are a necessary ingredient of consolidated democracy. Although the low standards of both satisfaction with democracy and trust in parliament in CEE countries are well known, one cannot say much about the factors underlying the fluctuation of these two indicators. The paper examines the effect of parliamentary fragmentation, polarization and ruling coalition size on satisfaction with democracy and trust in parliament. Statistical analysis, encompassing 10 CEE countries from 1991 to 2011, is used to measure the impact of political factors, while the effect of economic growth and unemployment rate is also evaluated. The most important statistical techniques used in the research are correlation analysis, linear regression, and a single-factor analysis of variance. Atwo-case comparative analysis is also carried out, with the aim of elaborating one of the findings of statistical analysis. The strongest finding suggests that there is a negative relation between unemployment rate and satisfaction with democracy. Furthermore, satisfaction with a political regime is undermined by a small number of parliamentary parties and large ruling coalitions. Trust in parliament tends to be lower when ideological differences among parliamentary parties are sizable, as well as at the times of economic recession or marginal growth. The fact that satisfaction with democracy and trust in parliament depend on different factors indicates the ability of CEE citizens to distinguish between different political phenomena. This conclusion contradicts the prevalent belief that the political sophistication in CEE countries is low.Generally, there are more winners of democratic competition when a large ruling coalition is formed. However, statistical analysis has shown that large ruling coalitions are usually followed by low satisfaction with democracy. This should be taken as a sign that, in the case of CEE countries, distinction between losers and winners of democratic competition is irrelevant, because citizens tend to turn away from their chosen parties very quickly. Instead, when asked to evaluate the functioning of democracy, they concentrate on the negative consequences of large ruling coalitions. Acomparative analysis of political realities in the Czech Republic and Bulgaria has shown that a large ruling coalition diminishes the political role of parliament, provides a strong ground for the implementation of a strict and unpopular economic policy and leads to the lack of viable political alternatives in the ranks of parliamentary opposition. The complex of these political phenomena contributes to the low satisfaction with democracy.
VERTINIMO POVEIKIS SPRENDIMŲ PRIĖMIMO PROCESUI
Authors: Dvorak Jaroslav
Published: January 2019

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IDEOLOGINĖS VISUOMENĖS POLITINIŲ NUOSTATŲ MOZAIKOS LIETUVOJE
Authors: Petronytė Ieva
Published: January 2019

Everyday public discourse and empirical researches show that the ideological thinking among the major part of Lithuanian society is practically non-existent (political attitudes are found to be incoherent, and opinions are seemingly self-contradictory). Such unpopularity of ideological thinking makes it difficult to predict the political outlooks and behavior of the public and potentially challenges the foundations of the representative democracy. However, conclusions on the broader political thinking inconsistency in society would be hasty without evaluating the existence of alternative coherent belief systems or systems of political attitudes. In other words, the methodological perspective is worth to be changed: from searching ideological thinking along presupposed strict ideological lines as suggested by the classical political thought, to looking for the possible other consistencies in the same field, other sets of the same political attitudes. In this article, primary results of such research, obtained after applying the Q-sort methodology, are presented, and three shared social perspectives, which operate as certain political ideologies among Lithuanian public, are discussed. The first one, conditionally named free self-expression discourse, centre on the extensive advocacy of free, equally for everybody accessible self-expression idea and a strong opposition to any restrictions of personal freedom and choice. Though economic issues do not play a key role in this perspective, along the ideas of free market competition the priority lies on some “minimum” of care, which the state ought to ensure for its population. The second perspective is based on the perception of the current situation in the state and society as chaotic, flawed, and reveals longing for the “order” which mainly means a high priority given to one strong leader. In this shared social perspective, moral and economic issues are (at best) of secondary importance while Soviet times and current Russia are seen positively through a pragmatic and even a nostalgic prism. Finally, the third perspective, which could be called the traditional morality discourse, cherish the so-called traditional values such as respect of life, family, religion, ethnic identity, and condemns the Soviet regime in which these values were suppressed. These three shared social perspectives could be respectively linked with the ideologies of social liberalism, authoritarianism, and conservatism. However, emphasizing the authenticity of these perspectives, the interconnections should be deliberated and not too much binding. Most important, these perspectives could be regarded as an evidence of coherent political thinking in Lithuanian society – internally coherent political belief systems are found, and they are shared by society members.
POLITINĖS LYDERYSTĖS TĘSTINUMO PROBLEMA POSOVIETINĖJE TRANSFORMACIJOJE
Authors: Čepaitienė Rasa
Published: January 2019

The article surveys questions related to the situation of the communist elites of allied Soviet republics during and after the collapse of the USSR. The author analizes the questions whether qualitative and quantitative changes happened in the highest layers of the power or the alterations were nominal. What actions had the major significance for the maintenance of the Soviet nomenclature power during the Soviet system’s fundamental breakdown – the character and strength of the local nomenclature’s social networks, their flexibility and adequacy when reacting to the sudden changes of the sociopolitical situation in the metropoly of the Soviet empire and in the national borderlands, the authority and personal charisma of local political leaders, the character of relationships between them and the political-administrative establishment of the centre, and with the emerging alternative local forces or more general geopolitical circumstances? The role of social groups involved into the processes of the perestroika, democratization in the change or maintenance of the communist elites are also discussed in the article. With reference to the biograms of the “last” first secretaries of the CP of allied republics, their generative, professional, and political experience is analyzed, and the given information allows to label them as “ideological” or “technocracy” wing of the party’s high nomenclature. The article shows the number of the „lasts“ first secretaries of the CP who managed not only to keep their positions and real influence in the post-Soviet transitional period, but also managed to become high officials, leaders and even presidents of new independent countries. On the basis of the Baltic countries transiting to the liberal democracy, the group of states ruled by so-called “competitive authoritarianism” and the authoritarian Central Asian republics, the article analyzes how and why national elites managed not only to adapt to the ongoing sociopolitical changes, but also had been able to control and direct them to the profitable direction. According to the latest studies of transitology and historiography of this topic, the author seeks to explain why the real scale of changes of the highest power elites of the former Soviet republics was relatively low.
LIETUVOS DEŠIMTMETIS EUROPOS SĄJUNGOJE: DIDELI LŪKESČIAI, MAŽI POKYČIAI?
Authors: KARMAZINAITĖ SABINA , MANIOKAS KLAUDIJUS , ŽERUOLIS DARIUS
Published: January 2019

The subject of this article is changes in Lithuania during the EU membershipperiod and the perception of them in the eyes of the elite and Lithuanian society. Therefore, in the first section the goal is to overview the main general changes in economics, society, and governance in 2004–2014 using various indicators and indexes. Although they reveal evident progress in economic convergence with the EU countries, also a higher level of tertiary education attainment, and longer healthy life years, they also show stagnation in long-term structural changes. Further, public policy development analysis states that despite the fact that after accession in 2004 there were opportunities to nationalize public policy agenda, it was still dominated by the EU related questions. Moreover, in comparison to pre-accession period, changes in public policy in Lithuania later were far lower. In the second section of the article the goal is to compare attitudes towards changes between Lithuanian elite members and Lithuanian society. Analysed data of the Lithuanian political elite survey showed that Lithuanian elite sees the biggest positive change during the period of 2004–2014 in public management and in implementing equal application of law principle. However, the article argues that Lithuanian society tends to evaluate the same changes rather differently and its attitudes are more pessimistic. Therefore, based on process tracing methodology, the authors explain how unfulfilled high economic expectations contributed to distrust of political institutions, high perception of corruption, low turnout, and migration. In addition, it is also argued that financial support of the EU stimulated state capture initiatives and corruption in Lithuania which also contributed to the pessimistic evaluations of changes by society.
BLOOD PLATELETS AS ACTIVATORS AND REGULATORS OF INFLAMMATORY AND IMMUNE REACTIONS. PART 2. THROMBOCYTES AS PARTICIPANTS OF IMMUNE REACTIONS
Authors: Serebryanaya N. B. , Shanin S. N. , Fomicheva E. E. , Yakutseni P. P.
Published: January 2019

Thrombocytes keep a leading role in conjugating thrombosis, inflammation and congenital immune responses. The platelets provide stable adhesion and interaction with immune cells. Activated platelets express CD40L (CD154), a membrane glycoprotein of tumor necrosis factor (TNF) family. Hence, the platelets are the main source of sCD40L in blood plasma. Platelet CD154 may interact with CD40 receptor on endothelial cells, causing an inflammatory response, and enhancing production of immunoglobulins by B-lymphocytes. Membrane and soluble CD154 of platelets combined with other signals can induce maturation and activation of dendritic cells (DC). The platelets possess functional receptors, e.g., TLR2, TLR4, TLR7 and TLR9 they also bear Fc-receptors, including FcγRIIA, FcεRI and FcαRIA. FcγRIIA on platelets mediate protection against bacteria. Cross-linking of FcαRI on platelets results in production of prothrombotic and pro-inflammatory mediators such as tissue factor and IL-1β. Activation of platelets via FcεR1 causes release of chemokine RANTES and serotonin, which contribute to the pro-inflammatory response of other immune cells. Platelets possess receptors for activated complement components and its fragments (CR2, CR3, CR4, C1q, C1 inhibitor and factors D and H). Activated platelets trigger the complement system through the release of protein kinases and ATP, and also by phosphorylation of C3 and C3b. α-granules of platelets contain chemokines which represent the most numerous group of antimicrobial proteins of platelets (kinocidins), and there is an antimicrobial protein of the defensin family – hBD-1 in the cytoplasm of platelets. Ligand and receptor of the TNF superfamily (TRAIL and LIGHT), the SDF-1 chemokine (CXCL12), the IL-1βinterleukins, IL-8 and the soluble IL-6 receptor (sRIL-6) are recognized as platelet products belonging to the family of cytokines and their receptors. The HMGB-1 protein classified as an inflammatory cytokine, is expressed by activated platelets and causes formation of the extracellular traps by neutrophils. Platelets produce numerous growth factors, including EGF-α and EGF-β1, EGF-β2, TGF-α and TGF-β1, TGF-β2, PDGF, HGF, FGF-β, IGF, pro- and antiangiogenic factors, e.g., VEGF-F and angiopoietins Ang-1 and Ang-2. Fulfillment of immune functions by the platelets is carried out by their interaction with leukocytes, which are attracted to the site of infection and inflammation and retained during the development of an “immune thrombus” under conditions of high shear stress. Platelets can not only maintain and guide the immune response, but also initiate these events. They are able to present the antigen in the context of MHC class I molecules, and activate naїve CD8+T lymphocytes. Potential consequences of platelet interaction with neutrophils, monocytes, dendritic cells and lymphocytes are discussed in the review article.
A qualidade do ensino jurídico no Brasil: algumas transformações necessárias
Authors: Florêncio Filho Marco Aurélio Pinto , Denardi Eveline Gonçalves
Published: January 2019

Este estudo permite perceber que ensinar o Direito não constitui, meramente, repetir teorias. A função básica do educador é discutir a sua realidade e a de seus educandos para distinguir caminhos para a constituição de um Direito que promova a verdade e a justiça. Não há detrimento da qualidade só por aumentar o número de vagas. A questão é mais profunda e antiga. Está no modo como a metodologia é aplicada.
GEÇ ANTİK ÇAĞ’DA ERMENİ KİLİSESİ’NİN KURUMSALLAŞMASI
Authors: CİNEMRE İlhami Tekin
Published: January 2019

Ermenilerin IV. yüzyılın başlarında Hıristiyanlığı kabul etmeleri
Ermeni toplumu üzerinde derin etkiler yapmıştır. Geç antik çağ Ermenileri, Hıristiyanlıkla
birlikte yüzyıllardır beslendikleri İran kültür dairesinden kopmakla kalmayıp
zaman içinde Romalıların etkisinden de sıyrılarak kendi kilise modellerini inşa
etmişlerdir. Bu kilisenin aristokrasinin elinde olması ve Nicaea (İznik)
Konsili’nde alınan kararların aksine Aziz Grigor’un (Aydınlatıcı Gregorius)
soyuna dayalı bir yönetimi benimsemesi, Ermeni Hıristiyanlığının inşası ve
Ermeni Kilisesi’nin kurumsallaşma aşamasında çatışma ve kavgalara dönüşen
mücadeleleri beraberinde getirmiştir. “Aristokrat Ermeni Kilisesi” 370 yılında kral
Pap’ın katʿolikos seçimiyle ruhani olarak bağlı olduğu Caesarea (=Kapadokya
Caesareası) başpiskoposluğundan uzaklaşmakla kalmamış aynı zamanda Ermeni yazı
dilinin icadı ve Chalcedon (Kadıköy) Konsili kararlarıyla da Constantinopolis Kilisesi’nden
neredeyse tamamen kopmuştur. Bu iki önemli merkezin gücünden yoksun kalmak ve
zamanla onlarla çatışma içine girmek Ermeni Kilisesi’nin kurumsal bir kimliğe
dönüşmesinde tetikleyici bir güç olmuştur. Bu yüzden 365 yılında katʿolikos
I. Nerses’in öncülüğünde toplanan ilk Ermeni Sinodu, V. ve VI.
yüzyılda toplanan diğer sinodlar ile desteklenerek Ermeni Kilisesi’nin bağımsız
karakterini ortaya koymuştur.

Bu
tarihsel sürecin ışığında çalışmanın amacı Ermeni Kilisesi’nin kuruluş ve kurumsallaşma
evrelerinin hangi şartlarda ve nasıl gerçekleştiğini ortaya koymaktır.
BİRİNCİ DÜNYA SAVAŞI SÜRECİNDE İTİLAF DEVLETLERİ VATANDAŞLARININ ZORUNLU İKAMET MERKEZLERİNDEN BİRİ OLARAK URFA MUTASARRIFLIĞI
Authors: KILIÇ Musa
Published: January 2019

Birinci Dünya
Savaşı’nın başlamasının ardından Osmanlı hükümeti topraklarında ikamet eden
İtilaf Devletleri vatandaşlarının çeşitli merkezlerde toplanmasına karar vermişti.
Böyle bir kararın alınmasındaki nedenlerinin İtilaf Devletlerinin kendi
topraklarında yaşayan Osmanlı tebaasına yaptıkları muamelelere karşı bir hamle
ve güvenlik gerekçeleri olduğunu söylemek mümkündür. Urfa Mutasarrıflığı,
İtilaf Devletleri vatandaşlarının sürgün merkezlerinden biridir. Özellikle
Dördüncü Ordu’nun idaresi altında olan Şam, Kudüs ve Beyrut gibi bölgelerde
yaşayan İtilaf Devletleri vatandaşlarının bir kısmı 1915 yılının başlarından
itibaren Urfa’ya sevk edilmeye başlanmıştır. Urfa’nın tercih edilmesi ise
coğrafi konumundan kaynaklanmaktaydı. Dördüncü Ordu ile Anadolu arasındaki
geçiş güzergâhında yer almaktaydı ve denize uzak bir bölgedeydi. Urfa’da
ikamete mecbur bırakılanlar büyük oranda çeşitli misyonerlik kurumlarında görev
alanlar, Fransız ve İngiliz vatandaşlarıdır. Bu nedenle İngiltere ve Fransa
Devleti, ABD aracılığı ile Urfa’ya sürülen vatandaşları hakkında endişelerini
dile getirmişler ve durumu protesto etmişlerdir. 1916 yılında Urfa’ya
yerleştirilen İtilaf Devletleri vatandaşlarının büyük bir bölümü Niğde ve
Kayseri gibi Anadolu’nun içlerinde yer alan merkezlere sevk edildiler. Yine de
bir kısım İtilaf Devleti vatandaşının savaş sonuna kadar Urfa’daki mecburi
ikametinin devam ettiği görülmektedir.
ddRADSeq in a Field Setting v2
Authors: Watsa Mrinalini , Erkenswick Gideon , Jin Matthew Park Dong
Published: January 2019

This protocol begins with blood stored in Longmire's solution and has as its goal, the sequencing of genomic DNA from several individuals onto a single MinION sequencing run. It is based on a protocol outlined by Thrasher et al. (2018) for the same process on a large number of warbler samples, but it differs from this original protocol in a few key ways: Since we ultimately were targeting sequencing by a MinION sequencer, the ultimate processing steps reflect library preparation for runs on this device, instead of Illumina sequencers. For the same reason, we also size selected larger fragments than can be sequenced on a MiSeq platform. This protocol is also meant to only analysed a few individuals (20 or less) since the MinION read coverage is lower than that of a MiSeq. The entire protocol was carried out in a field laboratory in the southeastern Peruvian Amazon, and therefore many of the luxuries a institutional laboratory can afford were not present to us We used gel-based size selection in the absence of methods such as Blue Pippin. We stored blood on FTA cards and in Longmire's solution in our sampling program. We discovered that yields from FTA cards, regardless of including large numbers of hole punches per extraction, simply were too low for the sequencing goals of this project. Therefore, we include the protocol of a WGA amplification step for these low samples. Longmire's solution produced higher yields, but some times, multiple extractions might need to be pooled together with an SPRI bead cleanup to be fully effective.
M. OMELYANOVYCH-PAVLENKO AND UKRAINIAN MILITARY SCIENTIFIC SOCIETY
Authors: Sydorenko A.
Published: January 2019

The autor has explored the creation of the Ukrainian Military Scientific Society in Prague and determined the structure and tasks of the Society. The main aspects of its activity (lectures, publishing) have been considered. The basic topics of the courses of the Society and the peculiarities of their publication have been established.mIssues of financial support of the Ukrainian Military Scientic Society are revealed. The author elucidates the peculiarities of the relations of the Ukrainian Military Scientic Society with other Ukrainian emigration organizations (the Ukrainian Military Historical Society, the Ukrainian Archery Community, the Society of the Armed Forces of the UNR in Czechoslovakia, the Zaporozhian Association, the Ukrainian National Association in the USA, etc.), and their participation in material assistance to the Company, publication of materials of its members. The direct role of M. Omelyanovych-Pavlenko as the head of the Ukrainian Military Scientic Society has been highlighted. The participation of the Society in the activities of the military and scientific direction of Ukrainian emigration (Academy dedicated to the memory of Colonel-General M. Yunakov, Academy of the 15th anniversary of the Ukrainian Army, the 2nd Ukrainian Scientic Congress) is considered. The peculiarities of the interaction between the Ukrainian and Don Cossack generals, which formed the leading core of the Ukrainian Military Scientic Society and their political component hve been revealed. The reasons for the gradual cessation of the work of the Society have been identified, but the author has pointed out the attempts to revive it. The value of the Ukrainian Military-Scientic Society in Prague for the activity of Ukrainian emigration of the interwar period as a whole, and the development of military-scientic thought in particular has been ascertained in the article.
Политическая функция интеллектуала: история и современность
Authors: Дьяков Александр
Published: January 2019

В статье представлен анализ политической функции интеллектуала с эпистемологических позиций. Хотя тема “интеллектуал и политика” давно привлекает внимание исследователей, основной круг проблем почти всегда сводится к вопросу о том, должен ли интеллектуал быть ангажирован той или иной идеологией или партией. При этом в тени остается эпистемологический ракурс проблемы, который освещается в настоящей статье. Автор рассматривает политическую ангажированность интеллектуала не как зависящую от его ближайшего окружения или биографических данных, но как непосредственно вытекающую из той дискурсивной модификации, в которой протекает его теоретическая деятельность. Это позволяет представить связь философии и политики на дискурсивном, а не на психологическом уровне. В статье показано, каким образом сам теоретический дискурс может быть политическим действием. Обосновывается тезис о том, что политическая функция интеллектуала является не произвольным выбором, посторонним по отношению к его основной работе. Напротив, теоретическая позиция интеллектуала обосновывает его политический выбор и дает ему возможность стать субъектом политического действия. Политическое действие, в свою очередь, служит оправданием теоретической работы и активным моментом саморефлексии для интеллектуала. При исчезновении одной из составляющих утрачивает свой смысл и другая. В статье осуществляется схематический обзор отношений теоретического и политического дискурсов, непосредственно связанных в работе интеллектуала традиционного типа, обозначаются основные параметры и следствия упразднения этой связи, происходящего в современном политическом пространстве. Показаны негативные последствия этого разрыва, пагубно сказывающегося как на характере теоретической деятельности интеллектуала, так и на практическом смысле его политической жестикуляции. Анализ современного состояния проблемы позволяет автору обозначить потребность в переопределении политической ангажированности интеллектуала и проблематизации новых отношений политической практики и теоретической работы. Статья содержит ряд конкретных примеров, иллюстрирующих обозначенную в ней тематику.