bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Reactivation of old landslides: lessons learned from a case‐study in the Flemish Ardennes (Belgium)
Authors: Van Den Eeckhaut M. , Poesen J. , Dewitte O. , Demoulin A. , De Bo H. , Vanmaercke‐Gottigny M. C.
Published: April 2007

The number of human‐induced landslides is increasing worldwide, but information on the impact of human intervention on slope stability is often lacking. Therefore, this study analyses the Hekkebrugstraat landslide, the best‐recorded landslide in the Flemish Ardennes (Belgium). Information obtained from local inhabitants, aerial photographs and newspaper articles enabled a 50‐year reconstruction of both the landslide history and the land‐use changes at or close to the landslide site. The reconstruction suggests that anthropogenic preliminary factors such as: (i) the absence of well‐maintained drainage ditches in the affected area; (ii) the elevation of the surface of the road, i.e. a sunken lane, in the affected area; (iii) increased surface runoff from the drainage area; (iv) the creation of ponds; and (v) the removal of the lateral support at the landslide foot have played an important role in the reactivation of the Hekkebrugstraat landslide. After the reactivation of February 1995, landslide movement was observed for more than 5 years and caused damage to houses, and other infrastructure. However, also natural factors, such as the presence of an impermeable clay layer at limited depth, springs and relatively steep slopes (i.e. 0.14 m m−1), and above normal antecedent rainfall have contributed to the reactivations. Comparison of our reconstruction of the reactivation with precise Digital Terrain Models (DTMs) of 1952, 1973 and 1996, produced by digital stereophotogrammetry, indicated that the reported movements correspond well with the uplifted and collapsed zones found on the DTMs. Hence, this analysis provides valuable information for land‐use planners in areas with old, apparently stable, landslides.
Availability of P from 32P‐labelled endogenous soil P and 33P‐labelled fertilizer in an alkaline soil producing cotton in Australia
Authors: Dorahy C. G. , Blair G. J. , Rochester I. J. , Till A. R.
Published: April 2007

Yield responses of irrigated, field‐grown cotton to phosphorus fertilizer application in Australia have been variable. In an attempt to understand better this variability, the distribution of fertilizer P within soil P fractions was identified using 32P and 33P radioisotopes. The soil chosen, an alkaline, grey, cracking clay (Vertosol), was representative of those used for growing cotton in Australia. Chang and Jackson fractionation of soil P from samples collected within 1 h of application indicated that 49, 7 and 13% of the P fertilizer was present as 0.5 m NH4F, 0.1 m NaOH and 1 m H2SO4 extractable P, respectively. Over 89% of the P fertilizer was recovered as Colwell extractable P in these samples, suggesting that the majority of these reaction products was in a highly plant‐available form. Fertilizer‐P remained in an available form within the band 51 days after application, and 68% of the applied fertilizer‐P was recovered as Colwell‐P (1071 mg kg−1). The Colwell‐P concentration in the band was 35 times that in the unfertilized soil. Thus, the variability in crop response to P fertilizer application in these soils is not a consequence of fertilizer‐P becoming unavailable to plants. These results confirm the suitability of the Colwell (1963) sodium bicarbonate extraction method for measuring available P in these soils.
Opposition and Control Problems and Prospects
Authors: Sartori Giovanni
Published: April 2007

My purpose here is only to put forward a number of tentative suggestions in order to provide some common basis and a starting ground for discussion. We are called on to examine the principle and the working of political opposition as one of the specific means of control. That is to say that in our context the notion of opposition is specific, the notion of control general. Accordingly, the issue may be formulated as follows: in the light of the problem of controlling government, that is, of checking absolute power, to what extent and in what ways is the existence of an opposition vital, useful or possible in both ‘developed’ and ‘developing’ countries ?

Obviously, if one deals with developing countries the very idea of ‘developing’ needs to be dissected. Some countries are purely and simply under-developed; other countries find themselves at different stages of development.
The Means of Contestation
Authors: de Jouvenel Bertrand
Published: April 2007

Power is potentiality: for those subjected to it, it offers the potential for good and for ill and therefore each and everyone is directly concerned with the way in which power is used. On this account we give the subject the name of citizen; for to do so implies a right to influence the use of power, which is his at least theoretically. But it is a hollow right, without substance, if he cannot use it. It is a hollow right if its only manifestation is that the citizen from time to time be invited to vote for the person or persons who will then wield absolute power. In such cases, the choice of the citizen is limited and furthermore he who before his accession may seem most desirable may after it reveal himself to be very bad: one has only to remember that no emperor was more fervently greeted than Caligula.
Opposition in the New States of Asia and Africa
Authors: Shils Edward
Published: April 2007

The new states of Asia and Africa present a variegated picture with respect to the status and mode of action of their opposition parties. In only about a third of the new states are opposition parties regarded as constitutionally legitimate. Israel, Lebanon, Morocco, India, Ceylon, Sierra Leone, Senegal, Nigeria, Malaysia, Philippines, Sudan, and a few others allow opposition to exist in a public and institutional form.
Government and Opposition in the New States
Authors: Daalder Hans
Published: April 2007

By definition, political opposition by mass parties calling freely for votes against an established government, in parliaments and in regular, open elections, is a comparatively recent phenomenon. It could originate only when governments became effectively accountable to an ever-expanding electorate and is therefore intimately tied to the complex processes of democratization, which even in the more established Western democracies are barely a century old.

On the eve of independence, practically all the new states were committed to full democratic politics, for which careful constitutional arrangements were thought to offer definite guarantees. Yet in most of them competitive politics have not lasted long and have given way to autocratic government in one form or another.
Control without Opposition
Authors: Wjatr Jerzy J. , Przeworski Adam
Published: April 2007

The historical development of western civilization has produced several patterns of political opposition deeply rooted and relatively well established in the political systems. This opposition is usually identified with the control of the governed over the government : it is maintained that opposition is at the same time a sufficient and a necessary condition for the existence of such control. Opposition, as the term is commonly used, has the following characteristics : (a) it is political; (b) it is institutionalized in the form of a party or parties; and (c) it is often said that it is also ‘responsible’, i.e., it does not extend to obstruction of the government's actions. In order to define more precisely the relationship between opposition and control, we must ask two questions of a more specific nature: (i) is opposition a sufficient condition for effective control? And (ii) is it a condition sine qua non for any kind of political control? In spite of some ideological assertions, it seems clear that the answers to both questions are negative. Since the problem of opposition in the two- and multiparty systems is discussed elsewhere, we shall focus here on those mechanisms of control which present an alternative to opposition as institutionalized in the party system.
Control and Contestation in some One‐Party States
Authors: Ionescu Ghiţa
Published: April 2007

The object of these notes is to assess how relevant are the main terms of reference of the discussion outlined in Professor Sartori's introductory paper to the group of one-party states known as People's Democracies or Socialist Republics, and in particular to Yugoslavia, Poland, Rumania, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, and to a lesser degree, Albania. But many of the findings on these states, and I would say those most worthy of our attention, in order to be valid at all, must be valid for all one-party states. Valid for all one-party states is for instance the conclusion that the non-institutional and non-constitutional opposition which is being carried on naturally, inevitably and incessantly against any government in any polity, and by any sui generis means, should be described by other names. I believe that the terms control and contestation can be particularly useful to describe the political process of the People's Democracies, and can be equally applicable to the entire category of one-party states if they are understood in accordance with the definitions I suggest below.
Four Elections of 1995
Authors: Steed Michael , Abadan Nermin
Published: April 2007

The four elections analysed in this article all took place in the autumn of 1965. In formal terms, there is an important distinction between the election of legislatures (or at most of parliamentary governments) in Norway, Turkey and West Germany and that of a President in France; in terms of results, between the replacement of the Labour government in Norway by a four-party coalition and of the four party coalition government in Turkey by the Justice Party and the confirmation in office of the CDU-FDP coalition and of General de Gaulle.
Student Opposition in the United States
Authors: Lipset Seymour Martin
Published: April 2007

The emergence of a student opposition movement in the United States in the past few years has received world-wide attention. During the last year, American students have made headlines for their organized opposition to the Vietnam war, and for the now celebrated Berkeley Student Revolt. For perhaps the fist time in American history, the politics of university students has become a major topic of national political discussion. Many articles have been written in newspapers and magazines discussing the nature and sigmlicance of this movement.

Any analysis of the American student movement must attempt to answer the question why student politics in the mid-1960s should be so much more noteworthy than any preceding set of such activities. Before turning to a discussion of this issue, I would like to summarize briefly some of the earlier radical activities of American university students.
Opposition and Control in Tunisia, Morocco and Algeria
Authors: Robert Jacques
Published: April 2007

The problems of opposition and control in Tunisia, Morocco and Algeria have lately attracted a good deal of attention. Recent developments have shown either that even an embryonic opposition within the regime can lead to the overthrow of a strong, but isolated leader (Boumedienne's coup d’état against Ben Bella), or that the stubborn refusal of a constitutional opposition to accept repeated offers of national unity can force a ruler to take exceptional measures (the case of King Hassan II who made use of the extraordinary powers of article 35 of the Moroccan constitution). It would seem that Tunisia alone has for some years now enjoyed relative stability, but it must be noted that this is maintained only by means of a constantly re-asserted hold upon the national institutions.
Dominance and Dissent: Their inter‐relations in the Indian party system
Authors: Morris‐Jones W. H.
Published: April 2007

With Lal Bahadur Shastri's sudden death in Tashkent in January of this year, India faced for the second time within eighteen months the problem of succession to leadership, The task may have been easier on the second occasion: for one thing, it was not a matter, as it had been in 1964, of finding a successor to a man revered for a full generation as a national leader; for another, there was to hand the experience of the first occasion. On the other hand, while Nehru's end had been for long foreseen and considered, and came as the culmination of a period of declining grip, that of La1 Bahadur occurred without warning. Moreover, for all the respect that Shastri had attracted, the atmosphere in which his replacement had to be sought was not that of the somewhat hushed apprehension in which he had been chosen. But while the second succession was thus accompanied by greater noise and bustle, and while the element of conflict and rivalry was now expressed in the taking of a vote to determine the issue, both operations went with every appearance of smoothness. India felt proud, and most of the world relieved, to find that there was a system that could take the strain. But what is that system ?
Collusion and convergence in 18th‐century English political action
Authors: Rudé George
Published: April 2007

It is now more than thirty-five years since Sir Lewis Namier gave his famous shot in the arm to the study of the parliamentary politics of the 18th century. Under his impact, the great Tory and Whig monoliths have been effectively dethroned and their places taken by ‘connections’ and ‘groups’, by ‘ins’ and ‘outs’ – and among the ‘outs’ the ‘loyal’, or sometimes ‘factious’, opposition. But Namier's preoccupations, and the enthusiasm they inspired, far from stimulating research into the whole field of political action, have rather had the effect of confining its operation to Parliament alone. Hence, the unofficial opposition – that of the ‘political nation’ without-doors – has tended to be neglected. Yet, in this more spontaneous, unofficial opposition from ‘without doors’, it is instructive to see the way in which different actions, starting in different quarters of the community converge for more or less brief periods and exert a common pressure. Anomic and associational movements, social protest and political demands, well-organized and clear-sighted interest groups and ‘directaction’ crowds, leaders and followers come together in a chorus of united opposition, in which, however, the individual parts can still be distinguished and identified.
British coalition government revisited
Authors: Beattie Alan
Published: April 2007

Every schoolboy knows that ‘England does not love Coalitions’; yet the briefest acquaintance with the history of British politics in the present century would reveal that Britain has been governed by self-styled coalitions for more than a third of the period, although the ministries which can be regarded as coalitions for the purposes of this essay cover a much shorter span: the Asquith coalition (May 1915-December 1916); the Lloyd George coalitions of December 1916-December 1918, and December 1918-October 1922; the MacDonald national government (August 1931-September 1932), and the Churchill coalition (May 1940-May 1945). It is also the case that, on the fifteen occasions since 1943 when Gallup Polls have questioned the electorate about their views on coalition government, the proportion of those regarding such ministries as desirable has never fallen below 22 per cent. If these magnitudes are not evidence of love, at least it is clear that the electorate is on some occasions prepared to engage in mild flirtation, and their politicians in not too-infrequent marriages of convenience.
India’s Poverty and the Origins of African Nationalism
Authors: Mazrui Ali A.
Published: April 2007

In 1965 and 1966 Africa and India shared once again the adversity of widespread famine in their respective areas. A Commonwealth initiative by Britain, Canada, and Australia – designed to cope with aspects of the famine problem – was announced early in January 1966. And the United States launched a programme of food aid for the areas. Such rescue operations were crucial under the pressure of an emergency. What persisted after the worst was over was the basic vulnerability of such areas as India and Africa to the whims of their climates.
Political power in Yugoslavia
Authors: Djordjević Jovan
Published: April 2007

The institutional process is essentially an outcome and a reflection of political action. It is therefore understandable that political institutions have always interested not only political thinkers and politicians, but also those nations and groups which are struggling to set up, reorganize or abolish any given political institutions.

Their importance lies, too, in the fact that they reflect fundamental political aspirations and relationships. They are more or less the true image of a political system and of the structure of a society at a given epoch. But when seen in a more general perspective, institutions are merely the framework of power, The complexity of and problems inherent in society, its permanent need for further material, cultural and political development have led to an expansion of the institutional structure of political society. This expansion is brought about by political organizations, especially by political parties, as well as by other organizations, such as trade unions, citizens’ associations, pressure groups, etc.
China: government by permanent rebellion
Authors: Adie W. A. C.
Published: April 2007

It was Mencius who taught that the people are justified in rebelling against a decadent dynasty. Since the Chou dynasty replaced the Shang at the dawn of China's history, successful rebellion has been the proof that the dynasty was decadent and the rebels not rebels but the new possessors of T'ien Ming, Heaven's mandate. For ‘Heaven sees as the people see and hears as they hear’.
The present theory of power of the French Communist Party
Authors: Kriegel Annie
Published: April 2007

From 1920 to 1939, under the Third Republic, and again from 1943 to 1947, under the Fourth, the French communists were able to present themselves as the harbingers of the future society. But this did not prevent them from improvising, according to circumstances and to the response they received, bold variations on the theme of their relations with the established power and society. The question which so many people are now asking: ‘Have the communists really changed ?’ can be reduced to asking whether, in the fifties although possibly in a confused way, it was not their doctrinal basis which changed; and therefore whether, after a long and victorious battle and with the revolution definitely a thing of the past, we cannot now speak of communist integration, Just as it took sixty years for the modern form of Catholicism to triumph, so perhaps a certain kind of socialist revisionism could now also triumph in similar conditions. To discover whether this is so is the object of the present enquiry.
The two Indian Communist Parties
Authors: Altbach Philip G.
Published: April 2007

The complex and frustrating problems which any Indian government must face makes the existence of a strong opposition almost inevitable. The fact that the Congress Party has been able to maintain such a strong position is as much due to the divisions and weakness of the opposition as to its own skill. The success of the Congress has been due in a large degree to its ability to take advantage of the caste and linguistic groups which play a key role in Indian politics.

Similarly, the communists have been effective only when they have recognized these non-ideological factors in the Indian political equation and have used caste or regional loyalties to their advantage. In Kerala, where the communists were able to form a government, the party's strength rests mainly on the support of two influential castes, the Nayars and the Ezhavas. Similarly, communist strength in Andhra is based on the support of the Kamma caste, which is one of the two main political forces in the state. Where the CPI has been unable to gain the support of a major caste or linguistic group, it does not constitute a major political force. In Maharashtra, for example, much of the communist leadership is Brahmin, and since there is a strong anti-Brahmin feeling in the state, CPI strength has been limited.
European Union in the Resistance
Authors: Spinelli Altiero
Published: April 2007

Even before the end of the first world war, during the inter-war years and right up to the outbreak of the second world war, a vein of political thought ran through Europe, which condemned national sovereignties and set up against them the idea of a European federation.

In reality, the federalist trend of thought in the inter-war years remained marginal to the main political currents, and partook more of the nature of prophecy than of politics. In the 1920s and 1930s politics in Europe were both tense and varied, culminating in the emergence of many political-ideological tyrannies. But in spite of the violent divergences over political problems in those years, politics itself, of the right and of the left, of moderates and radicals, of conservatives and revolutionaries, was based on the profound experience which the peoples had lived through during the first world war, namely of the solidity of the nation state. This experience led to the conviction that only on this rock could anything be built.
The campaign of the European congresses
Authors: de Rougemont Denis
Published: April 2007

Just as the revolution of 1848 was preceded by a ‘campaign of banquets’, so, a hundred years later, the European revolution was announced by a ‘campaign of congresses’ spread over the years 1947–1949. These congresses expressed the state of mind, and stimulated the major trends, of a heterogenous and many-sided movement – a movement curiously inefficient in its tactics, and direct in its strategy, but to which the Council of Europe owes its existence, and because of which the Community of the Six has been able to take shape and to win the acceptance of public opinion, and hence of the parliaments and governments responsible to public opinion in those days.
The role of Jean Monnet
Authors: Mayne Richard
Published: April 2007

The future historian of European integration is likely to suffer from a surplus of documentation and a shortage of facts. If a certain kind of ignorance, as Lytton Strachey once remarked, is essential to the writing of intelligible history, it has little hope of survival amid the vast accumulation of newspaper cuttings, official statistics, policy speeches, annual reports and statesmen's memoirs with which the present-day scholar must contend. One expert has calculated that ‘the volume of official documents produced by the United Kingdom Government and its agencies during the six war years 1939–45 equalled, in cubic content, the volume of all previous archives of the United Kingdom and of its constituent kingdoms England and Scotland that had survived down to the date of the outbreak of war.’
Pressure groups and the European Economic Community
Authors: Sidjanski Dusan
Published: April 2007

The development of the power of the European Economic Community has given rise to a reaction from those interests which are most directly affected. In order to make sure both that they are informed and that their interests are represented and defended, the various groups concerned have been led to create for themselves new structures at the level of EEC. A parallel relation has thus emerged between the official powers of EEC and the private powers affected by it. These groups, formed on the European level, naturally have neither the solidity nor the effectiveness of professional representation on the national level. Moreover, since such groups are themselves a part of the process of evolution of the political structure, they adapt themselves readily to new political circumstances. But if these European professional organs are not comparable to the national groupings, they cannot be seen as similar to the international associations. They are more numerous – three hundred and fifty to four hundred gravitate towards the European Community. Their action is both more intense and more concrete than that of the international associations, and corresponds to questions with which the community is concerned.
Relations between the officials of the European Communities and the governments of the member‐states
Authors: Hirsch Etienne
Published: April 2007

The setting up of communities, acting through their own powers and with competences of which the national governments have divested themselves by treaty, clearly needs an appropriate institutional framework. The development of the European Communities, their day-today existence raise problems in human relations which are particularly complex and delicate because of the fact that the actual means of coercion: army, police, fiscal and customs authorities, remain in the hands of the national states, accustomed, through centuries of tradition, to enjoy absolute and unrestricted sovereignty.

These difficulties are increased by the addition of novelty : the impossibility of referring to precedent or to well-established practices, as national administrations or traditional diplomacy can do. Thus a new style of relations has had to be invented and applied, which would both help to foster the dialogue indispensable for the mutual understanding of the needs and legitimate aspirations of each of the national partners, and assist in bringing about solutions of common interest and in accordance with the letter and the spirit of the treaty.
Nigerian politics in perspective
Authors: Sklar Richard L.
Published: April 2007

On 15 January 1966, a crisis-bound Nigerian government was overthrown by a swift militarycoup d'état. The Prime Minister of the Federal Republic and his powerful associate, the Federal Minister of Finance, were seized by soldiers in Lagos. Neither survived, although the death of the Prime Minister, who was not personally unpopular, may not have been premeditated. His political chief, the premier of the vast Northern Region, was killed in Kaduna, and the latter's ally, the premier of the Western Region, died violently in Ibadan. Their major opponents among Nigerian office holders, namely the President of the Republic and the premiers of the Eastern and Midwestern Regions, escaped death. The President was on leave outside the country; it is not clear whether the two surviving premiers were spared by design or mistake. In any case, the tendency in Nigerian politics with which the survivors had been identified did appear to have triumphed despite their personal losses of power.
Political pluralism in Morocco
Authors: Zartman I. William
Published: April 2007

Le système politique rnarocain est original en Afrique, non seulernent parce que le Maroc est doté d'un régime monarchique rnais aussi parce que ce pays est Ie seul à avoir tenté et poursuivi depuis son accession à l’indépendance une experience de multipartisme.

Societies are generally neither monolithic nor homogeneous; every political system must deal with the problem of pluralism in some way. But political systems tend to be organized hierarchically, with power and authority concentrated at the top. The confrontation of social pluralism and political concentration can well give rise to tensions, since centralized political structures deal with diversified social interests. Tensions are also likely to grow out of pluralism within the political structure itself, as factions form on the bases of personalities, programmes and interests. Factions can exist within a single organizational or institutional framework, or they can be reflected in competing parties, checking and balancing institutions, and separated powers. The single-party regime has often become a familiar way of containing these tensions and factions in developing countries, particularly in Africa, and the existence of many African single-party regimes has led to efforts to discover the common elements behind the common phenomenon. The purpose of this study is not to challenge these explanations, but to look more broadly into the nature of interests, factions and power in developing polities, suggesting a model of political development that puts both unipartism and political pluralism in their places.
From the Sociology of Politics to Political Sociology
Authors: Sartori Giovanni
Published: April 2007

THE PHRASE ‘SOCIOLOGY OF POLITICS’ UNMISTAKABLY INDICATES A sub-field, a subdivision of the overall field of sociology – like sociology of religion, sociology of leisure and the like. By saying sociology of politics we make clear that the framework, the approach or the focus of the inquiry is sociological.

The phrase ‘political sociology’ is, on the other hand, unclear. It may be used as a synonym for ‘sociology of politics’, but it may not. When saying political sociology the focus or the approach of the inquiry generally remains unspecified. Since political phenomena are a concern for many disciplines, this ambiguity turns out to be a serious drawback. This is particularly apparent in Europe, where many scholars share Maurice Duverger's view that ‘in a general way the two labels (political sociology and political science) are synonymous’. This view is very convenient, is particularly successful among European sociologists eager to expand to the detriment of political scientists, and for this very reason goes a long way towards explaining the persistent lag of political science in Europe.
Political Participation, Institutionalization and Stability in India
Authors: Brass Paul R.
Published: April 2007

TWENTY YEARS OF BREAKDOWNS IN PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENTS; the replacement of competitive political systems by military-bureaucratic regimes throughout Asia and Africa; civil war in Vietnam; the disintegration of Nigeria and the perpetration of genocide in that country, have inspired pessimism among most observers about the future of democratic politics in the new states. It has been suggested that political scientists now turn their attentions to the question of ‘political decay’ as well as to the question of ‘political development’ and that political leaders in the new states concentrate upon building the instruments of political control before engaging in serious economic development and social mobilization, and before permitting political competition and political participation: for, it is argued, rapid increases in economic development, social mobilization, and political participation work against the building and maintenance of strong and stable political institutions in a developing society.
Oppositional Politics in Ceylon (1947–1968)
Authors: Wilson A. Jeyaratnam
Published: April 2007

INTER-PARTY RIVALRY BASED LARGELY ON SOCIO-ECONOMIC LINES took institutional shape in Ceylon, for the first time, with the approach of general elections in August–September 1947, under the newly inaugurated Soulbury Constitution. The issues at the general election of 1947 were simple and straightforward. It was accepted that the United National Party (UNP) would form the government with its leader, D. S. Senanayake, as the man who would lead the country to independence. The party had the backing of almost the entire press. It enjoyed ample financial resources and commanded the support of the ‘big families’, the landed interests, the mudalalis (shop-owners), and government officials, particularly the village headmean. The choice posed to the electors was between a policy of progressive social reforms and stable government advocated by the UNP as against the revolutionary changes that the three left wing parties envisaged – the Trotskyist Lank Sama Samaja Party (LSSP) and its splinter, the Bolshevik Leninist Party which later changed its name to the Bolshevik Samasamaja Party (BSP), and the Moscoworiented Communist Party (CP). These left-wing groups were ideologically in conflict with each other.
Two Styles of Military Rule: Thailand and Burma
Authors: Badgley John H.
Published: April 2007

THE DIVERSE POLICIES OF BURMESE A ND THAI GOVERNMENTS obscure the similarities between these two countries. To contrast their political styles highlights these similar features and also reveals a general political change that applies also to much of Asia. That trend is towards the politization of military leaders and their creation of political parties to sustain their power base. Civilian experts and civil organizations increasingly serve these military governments and thereby tend to bolster their legitimacy.

It is two decades since the European powers commenced their withdrawal from Southeast Asia. Considerable political experimentation followed as leaders of these states adjusted their freshly won sovereignty to fit their weakened condition. Democracy burst on the region like a river in spate. Without exception every central government employed elections to legitimize itself. Then (but for the Philippines, Malaysia and Singapore) military juntas moved to seize power from impotent legislatures. Liberals saw military totalitarianism sweeping Asia, conservatives viewed the nationalization practices as statism that crushed private initiative.
The Historical Background of Vietnamese Communism
Authors: Chesneaux Jean
Published: April 2007

THE VIETNAMESE COMMUNIST MOVEMENT IS DEEPLY AFFECTED BY ITS own history, brief as this has been (it was only founded in 1930). At the same time it has been marked by the triple historical experience of the nation from which it was born : the rich traditions of its secular history, the changes of the colonial period and the trials it has gone through and continues to go through since independence. It is authentically Vietnamese.
The New Political Economy: The Chronicle of Government and Opposition. Midsummer 1968 and After
Authors: Lonescu Ghiţa
Published: April 2007

1968 will remain in political history a memorable year, for at least two reasons. The first is of particular relevance to this chronicle of Government and Opposition. Not only was 1968 what could be called a highly politicized year, in the sense that the number and the pace of political events in most countries and continents were above average. But domestic political problems came to the fore (the French crisis, May 1968-April 1969, the crushing of the Czechoslovak revolution by the Soviet intervention) or ran parallel to some permanent international crisis (the possible impact on the Vietnam war of the change of American president, the transformation of the conflict between the Chinese and Soviet Communist Parties into an outright conflict between the two states). Moreover all these domestic political events had everywhere a common cause. They derived everywhere from the need for political modernization, with the special accent on participation, which has eluded both pluralistic-constitutional and communist states. The modern industrial or even post-industria1 society, seeking to adapt its politics to the rapid technological, economic and social changes, is in labour everywhere.
Almond’s Concept of ‘The Political System’: A Textual Critique
Authors: Finer S. E.
Published: April 2007

THIS ARTICLE IS A TEXTUAL EXAMINATION OF ALMOND'S CONCEPT OF the ‘political system’, as adumbrated in his Politics of the Developing Areas and developed in his latest book, Comparative Politics. It is concerned only with this concept; others, such as his notion of ‘political development’ have been left aside.

There is at least one contribution which Almond has made to which I wish to pay full tribute: that is, his checklist of ‘functions’ which, it is alleged, all governed societies carry out, and by reference to which they can be compared. Almond's ‘functions’ are not logically necessary ones; they are simply a convenient checklist which he has derived from the data. This does not make them any the less useful. I would agree with Professor W. J. M. Mackenzie's estimate, ‘In fact Almond attempted the right thing in possibly the wrong way – but no one has yet improved on his analysis of the elements of the polity’.
Kingdom-Building and the Control of the Opposition in Morocco: the Monarchical Uses of Justice
Authors: Waterbury John
Published: April 2007

THE POLITICAL TRIAL IS FREQUENTLY RESORTED TO BY REGIMES seeking to establish or reaffirm their legitimacy. Almost by definition the opposition is the target of such trials for it has questioned or challenged the incumbent regime's right to rule. The trial, when successfully engineered, reveals the opposition as not simply misguided, but as subversive, treasonous, and, in the case of the monarchies, sacrilegious. The condemnation of all or part of the opposition for sins towards God and country emphasizes the objective validity and immutability of the regime's tenets, the components of its charter myth.

Such trials have several functions, but three stand out among them. First, one may consider the propagandistic, mass communication function. The trial itself becomes the scene for the definition, re-affirmation, and manipulation of the regime's symbols and credos. Official doctrine is hammered home to the society as a whole, under highly dramatic circumstances inherent in the trial process. The unfolding of the drama often evokes far greater public interest and concern than the routine propaganda efforts of the controlled mass media.
TheOstpolitikin the West German 1969 Elections
Authors: von Beyme Klaus
Published: April 2007

THE POLITICAL SYSTEM OF WEST GERMANY MAY BE CHARACTERIZED as a ‘penetrated system’, a notion which has been developed by James Rosenau. After the restoration of German sovereignty in 1955 , Rosenau's definition seemed less applicable to Germany, since it was defined by the fact that ‘non-members of a national society’ . . . ‘participate directly and authoritatively, through actions taken jointly with the society's members, either in the allocation of its values or in the mobilization of support on behalf of its goals’. Wolfram Hanrieder tried to improve the applicability of the notion of ‘penetrated system’ to Germany by broadening the scope of the concept; he no longer restricted it to ‘direct and authoritative participation of non-members’. This concept fitted the German situation better than G. Modelski's model of ‘internal war’ which has been applied to Germany by some younger scholars since the process of the division of Germany was more or less a result of the action of the great powers and only rather late was it consciously endorsed by decision makers in both parts of Germany.
Means and Ends of Political Analysis
Authors: Moodie Graeme C. , Studdert-Kennedy Gerald
Published: April 2007

CLASSICAL POLITICAL THEORY HAS BEEN PREOCCUPIED WITH TWO over-arching problems; the stability and survivaI of political systems and the rationality of political acts. Rational decisions, it has been assumed, lead to stable and successful government. The first rule of nature is to make peace, Hobbes pointed out, and it is human reason that devises means for doing this.

All the arguments, of course, have hung on the definition of rationality, and more particularly on the question ofwho, in practice, is to define what is rational or contribute to such a definition. The ultimate objective of the philosophers has been the ‘good of the whole community’, so the question has always resolved itself into establishing criteria for deciding which category or categories of person, under which set of rules or restraints, are most likely to make rational contributions to political decision-making for the good of the whole society. A large vocabulary of concepts – sovereignty, general will, obligation, citizenship, rights and so on – has been developed to provide theoretically satisfactory answers to this question.
The Fall of Two Presidents and Extraparliamentary Opposition: France and the United States in 1968
Authors: Cerny P. G.
Published: April 2007

EXTRAPARLIAMENTARY OPPOSTION MADE ITS APPEARANCE IN THE midst of the political upheavals of 1968 both as part of a wider phenomenon of social and political life and as the result of a specific combination of factors in certain countries, especially France and the United States. In the wider sense, it resulted from the age-old problem: are established political structures willing (or indeed able) to answer the needs of the larger socio-political communities for whose welfare they have been made responsible? The problems of the technological age—popular participation in governmental processes, the coming of age of the post-war ‘baby boom’ generation, the quality of life in the consumer society, and, perhaps most significantly, the increasing bureaucratization of administration and politics on both sides of the iron curtain—served to stoke the furnaces of scepticism and open rejection of accepted answers. As the year progressed, the collective leadership of the Soviet Union continued to pull back from the de-Stalinization of the Krushchev era, American leaders were assassinated and racial strife continued, hopes for a Middle East settlement faded, and the Vietnam war exploded in the Tet offensive. The atmosphere of hopeful progress which had permeated the early 1960s was shattered for good, and a widespread mood of frustration came to predominate.
The 1917 Petrograd Soviet and the Centralist Issue
Authors: Pethybridge Roger W.
Published: April 2007

VIRTUALLY ALL THE MAJOR ACCOUNTS OF 1917 IN ENGLISH TO DATE deal almost exclusively with events in Petrograd, paying occasional attention to other parts of European Russia. An admirable exception has been provided by Dr John Keep, who has written a fascinating account of the reception of the October coup in the provinces. In this essay other neglected aspects of the hiatus between the capital and the rest of the country are taken up which refer to the period prior to October. As an introduction to these aspects it would seem useful in the first place to mention some of the well-established considerations on this subject.

Historians of every political hue have tended to equate the Petrograd-centred events with the Russian revolution. Because they were initially successful in Petrograd above all, the bolsheviks have preferred since 1917 to concentrate on the political course of events in the capital in order to justify their claim to have inherited the cloak of sovereignty from the old regime.
The Old Anarchism and the New-Some Comments
Authors: Apter David E.
Published: April 2007

ANARCHISM AS A DOCTRINE HAS A PECULIAR FASCINATION FOR scholars. It both repels and attracts. It attracts because it embodies rage – the particular rage people have when they see man as an obstacle to his own humaneness. It is the ultimate statement of how outrageous the human condition can be. But it is precisely because man does not live by rage alone, but must master it by discovering proximate means to solving the ordinary problems of daily life, that anarchism repels. It seem a romantic luxury at best – a cry of pain for the future, just as nostalgia is for the past and, like nostalgia, this cannot fail to be attractive.

Perhaps because of this anarchism is not a mere reflection of anger but also a contributing source. It is thus more than a lightning rod for the anger that exists. Anarchism is associated with unreason and bombs, violence and irresponsibility.
Anarchism and the American Counter-Culture
Authors: Lerner Michael
Published: April 2007

NINE YEARS AGO GEORGE WOOD SURVEYED THE ‘GHOST OF THE historical anarchist movement’ and concluded that there was ‘no reasonable likelihood of a renaissance’. History showed that ‘the movements which fail to take the chances it offers them are never born again’. Seven years later, when identifiably anarchist tendencies re-emerged in the youth movements in England and Holland, Woodcock wondered ‘whether I had been rash in so officiously burying the historic anarchist movement’. He decided. that he had not been rash because of the differences between the new anarchists and the old. The new anarchists represented no ‘knock in the coffin’ but ‘a new manifestation of the [anarchist] idea’.

Woodcock described the new anarchists as ‘militant pacifists’ who had ‘forgotten Spain and had no use for the old romanticism of the dinamitero and the petroleuse’. He pointed to the difference between the old days when one ‘joined’ an anarchist party and the current situation in which the young ‘became’ anarchists. Finally, Woodcock discerned no obvious signs of an anarchist revival in the United States.
The Spanish Case
Authors: Maura J. Romero
Published: April 2007

SPAIN IS THE WESTERN COUNTRY WHICH, SECOND ONLY TO PORTUGAL, holds the record for the most unmitigated, the most lasting and – by its own standards – the most successful domination of the extreme Right. None should be surprised, then, that after thirty-one years of determined authoritarian rule, Spanish anarchism should not be a significant force at present. Like all revolutionaries everywhere and always, Spanish anarchists in the past managed to gather some strength only when there was a degree of freedom allowing them to organize politically, unheard of in General Franco's regime, or else when dictators were afflicted by impotence in certain geographical areas, or by glaring imbecility, none of which has been the case in post-civil war Spain.
Anarchism in Japan
Authors: Tsuzuki Chushichi
Published: April 2007

IT WOULD SEEM CURIOUS TO AN OUTSIDE OBSERVER THAT THE DISSOLUTION of the Nihon-Anakisuto-Renmei (Japanese Anarchist Federation) should be formally announced in January 1969, at a time when militant students were determined to defend their ‘fortress’, the Yasuda auditorium of Tokyo University, which they had occupied for several months, against an attack by the riot police. The anarchists themselves called the dissolution ‘a deployment in the face of the enemy’. Yet they had to admit at the same time that they had reached a deadlock in their attempts within the Federation to formulate new theories of anarchism and to hit upon new forms of organization for the new era of direct action which they believed had begun. Indeed, they remained very weak numerically, and they had only a limited direct influence among the student movements which appeared in their eyes to have ushered in this era.
Anarchism in Print: Yesterday and Today
Authors: Walter Nicolas
Published: April 2007

NOTHING FAILS LIKE FAILURE; THE LESS ANARCHISTS ARE READ, THE less they write, and the less they are written about. The anarchist movement has risen and fallen in turn for more than a century, and in the trough just before the current wave there was probably less new literature concerning anarchism than ever before. My object here is to examine the situation in this country at that time, roughly between 1941 and 1960, and then to see how it has changed during the last ten years. (I have excluded articles in periodicals in order to avoid over-complication,)
The British General Election of 1970 - Impressions of an Academic Candidate
Authors: Wallace William
Published: April 2007

THE STUDENT OF POLITICS AND THE PRACTITIONER OF POLITICS approach the same problem from different ends. The student is concerned with searching for the underlying realities which can explain the surface shifts of political ephemera; or perhaps with disentangling the different levels of reality which he discerns from his dispassionate observation of the political scene. The practitioner is concerned above all with the intricacies of day-to-day politics. He is interested in long-term patterns of political behaviour only insofar as they affect his political chances, or insofar as foreknowledge will enable him to change and shape the developing pattern. At the opposite ends of this division of interest in the phenomena of politics one may imagine, as ideal types, the ‘pure’ political scientist, the neutral observer of the political battle whose attitude to the contestants and their fluctuating fortunes is one of scholarly detachment, and the dedicated politician, glorying in the clash and chaos of the battlefield, with little more than contempt for those who stand aside and watch. For those who stand towards either end of this division, there are now two separate worlds of politics.