bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Galanin: Neurobiologic Mechanisms and Therapeutic Potential for Alzheimer's Disease
Authors: Counts Scott E. , Perez Sylvia E. , Kahl Ulrika , Bartfai Tamas , Bowser Robert P. , Deecher Darlene C. , Mash Deborah C. , Crawley Jacqueline N. , Mufson Elliott J.
Published: August 2010

The neuropeptide galanin (GAL) is widely distributed in the mammalian CNS. Several lines of evidence suggest that GAL may play a critical role in cognitive processes such as memory and attention through an inhibitory modulation of cholinergic basal forebrain activity. Furthermore, GAL fibers hyperinnervate remaining cholinergic basal forebrain neurons in Alzheimer's disease (AD). This suggests that GAL activity impacts cholinergic dysfunction in advanced AD. Pharmacological andin vitroautoradiographic studies indicate the presence of heterogeneous populations of GAL receptor (GALR) sites in the basal forebrain which bind GAL with both high and low affinity. Interestingly, we have recently observed that GALR binding sites increase in the anterior basal forebrain in late‐stage AD. Three G protein‐coupled GALRs have been identified to date that signal through a diverse array of effector pathwaysin vitro, including adenylyl cyclase inhibition and phospholipase C activation. The repertoire and distribution of GALR expression in the basal forebrain remains unknown, as does the nature of GAL and GALR plasticity in the AD basal forebrain. Recently, GAL knockout and overexpressing transgenic mice have been generated to facilitate our understanding of GAL activity in basal forebrain function. GAL knockout mice result in fewer cholinergic basal forebrain neurons and memory deficits. On the other hand, mice overexpressing GAL display hyperinnervation of basal forebrain and memory deficits. These data highlight the need to explore further the putative mechanisms by which GAL signaling might be beneficial or deleterious for cholinergic cell survival and activity within basal forebrain. This information will be critical to understanding whether pharmacological manipulation of GALRs would be effective for the amelioration of cognitive deficits in AD.
(S)‐3,5‐DHPG: A Review
Authors: Wiśniewski Konstanty , Car Halina
Published: August 2010

3,5‐dihydroxyphenylglycine (3,5‐DHPG) was the first agonist shown to be group I metabotropic glutamate receptor selective with its agonist effects residing exclusively in the S‐isomer. Some results suggest that (S)‐3,5‐DHPG may be a partial agonist of mGluR1aand mGluR5ain neurons and astrocytes. It has been reported that (S)‐3,5‐DHPG can, under certain conditions, interact with NMDA receptors. (S)‐3,5‐DHPG exerts different effects on second messengers in adult and neonatal tissues. It stimulates phosphoinositide hydrolysis in a dose‐dependent manner in both the adult and neonate hippocampus, inhibits stimulated cAMP levels in the adult and enhances the cAMP in the neonate. It is an effective antagonist of mGluRs linked to phospholipase D (PLD) in the adult and an agonist in the neonate brain or astrocyte cultures. (S)‐3,5‐DHPG induces elevation of [Ca2+]iand regulates multiple subtypes of Ca2+channels. This agonist of group I mGluRs may modulate neurotransmitters release, reflecting the diversity of mechanisms involved. Depending on the dose, (S)‐3,5‐DHPG enhances or decreases excitatory postsynaptic potentials (EPSPs) and under appropriate conditions it can induce long‐term depression (LTD) and long‐term potentiation (LTP). Some studies suggested a therapeutic role for (S)‐3,5‐DHPG in neuronal injury, regulation of intestinal motility and secretion, learning and memory processes and in cardiovascular system.

(S)‐3,5‐DHPG may be useful as a cognitive enhancing agent in memory impairment associated with ischemia or hypoxia. Recent investigations suggested possible beneficial effects of (S)‐3,5‐DHPG in Alzheimer's disease.
JL 13, An Atypical Antipsychotic: A Preclinical Review
Authors: Ellenbroek Bart A. , Liégeois Jean‐François
Published: August 2010

The extensive pharmacological evaluation of JL 13 as an atypical antipsychotic drug has revealed a close similarity to clozapine, however with some major advantages. JL 13 was characterized as a weak D2antagonist, bothin vitroandin vivo, with a strong affinity for the D4and the 5‐HT2Areceptors. It has no affinity for the 5‐HT2Creceptor.In vivomicrodialysis experiments in rat showed that JL 13, like clozapine, preferentially increased extracellular dopamine concentrations in the prefrontal cortex compared to nucleus accumbens or striatum.

Behavioral studies showed that JL 13, like clozapine, has the profile of an atypical antipsychotic. Thus, JL 13 did not antagonize apomorphine‐induced stereotypy nor did it produce catalepsy, but it antagonized apomorphine‐induced climbing in rodents. It was inactive againstd‐amphetamine‐induced stereotypy but antagonizedd‐amphetamine‐induced hyperactivity in the mouse. Likewise, in the paw test, it was more effective in prolonging hindlimb retraction time than prolonging forelimb retraction time. Like other antipsychotic drugs, JL 13 reversed the apomorphine‐ and amphetamine‐induced disruption of prepulse inhibition. In a complex temporal regulation schedule in the dog, JL 13 showed a high resemblance with clozapine without inducing sialorrhea, palpebral ptosis or any significant motor side effects. In rats and squirrel monkeys JL 13 induced a high degree of generalization (70%) to clozapine.

Regarding behavioral toxicology, JL 13 did not produce dystonia or Parkinsonian symptoms in haloperidol‐sensitized monkeys. After acute administration, again like clozapine, JL 13 induced only a transient increase in circulating prolactin. Last but not the least, regarding a possible hematological toxicity, unlike clozapine, JL 13 did not present sensitivity to peroxidase‐induced oxidation. Moreover, its electrooxidation potential was close to that of loxapine and far from that of clozapine. Taking all these preclinical data into account, it appears that JL 13 is a promising atypical antipsychotic drug.
Antinociception and the New COX Inhibitors: Research Approaches and Clinical Perspectives
Authors: Herrero Juan F. , Romero‐Sandoval E. Alfonso , Gaitan Gema , Mazario Javier
Published: August 2010

New generations of cyclooxygenase (COX) inhibitors are more potent and efficacious than their traditional parent compounds. They are also safer than the classic non‐steroidal anti‐inflammatory drugs (NSAIDs) and are starting to be used not only for low to moderate intensity pain, but also for high intensity pain. Three different strategies have been followed to improve the pharmacological profile of COX inhibitors:

1. Development of COX‐2 selective inhibitors. This is based on the initial hypothesis that considered COX‐2 as the enzyme responsible for the generation of prostaglandins only in inflammation, and, therefore, uniquely responsible for inflammation, pain and fever. Initial expectations gave rise to controversial results, still under discussion. The second generation of these compounds is being developed and should contribute to clarifying both their efficacy and the specific functions of the COX enzymes.

2. Modified non‐selective COX inhibitors. Molecules like nitro‐NSAIDs or tromethamine salt derivatives have been synthesized considering that both COX‐1 and COX‐2 are responsible for the synthesis of prostaglandins involved either in homeostatic functions or inflammation. Nitroaspirin, nitroparacetamol or dexketoprofen trometamol are some examples of molecules that are already showing an important clinical efficacy. The modifications performed in their structures seem to lower the unwanted side effects as well as to enhance their analgesic efficacy.

3. Combined therapy of classic NSAIDs with other drugs. This strategy looks for improvements in the incidence of adverse effects or to take advantage of the synergistic enhancement of their therapeutic effects. Some of the molecules resulting from these strategies are very valuable as therapeutic agents and open a wide range of possibilities in the treatment of high intensity pain, including neuropathic pain, and opiate sparing therapy.
UFP‐101, a Peptide Antagonist Selective for the Nociceptin/Orphanin FQ Receptor
Authors: Calo Girolamo , Guerrini Remo , Rizzi Anna , Salvadori Severo , Burmeister Melissa , Kapusta Daniel R. , Lambert David G. , Regoli Domenico
Published: August 2010

Nociceptin/orphanin FQ modulates various biological functions at central and peripheral levels by selectively activating a G‐protein coupled receptor named N/OFQ peptide (NOP) receptor. For extending our knowledge on the biological roles of the N/OFQ ‐ NOP receptor system the identification of selective NOP ligands, especially antagonists, is mandatory. [Nphe1, Arg14, Lys15] N/OFQ‐NH2(UFP‐101) is a novel NOP ligand that was designed by combining, in the same molecule, the [Nphe1] chemical modification which eliminates efficacy and the [Arg14, Lys15] substitution which increases ligand potency and duration of actionin vivo.In the present article, we summarize the pharmacological features of UFP‐101 as determined in a series ofin vitroandin vivoassays. Moreover, some biological actions and possible therapeutic indications of NOP ligands are discussed on the basis of results obtained with UFP‐101. Data obtained with this compound were compared with those generated using other NOP antagonists, especially J‐113397 and [Nphe1]N/OFQ(1‐13)‐NH2, receptor or peptide knockout mice and other pharmacological tools useful for blocking N/OFQ – NOP receptor signaling.

The analysis of the available data demonstrates that UFP‐101 is a useful pharmacological tool for the investigation of the central and peripheral biological functions regulated by the N/OFQ – NOP receptor system and for defining the therapeutic potential of NOP receptor ligands
Neuroprotection by Rasagiline: A New Therapeutic Approach to Parkinson's Disease?
Authors: Blandini Fabio
Published: August 2010

Neuronal death in Parkinson's disease (PD) may originate from the reciprocal interactions of a restricted number of conditions, such as mitochondrial defects, oxidative stress and protein mishandling, which would favor a state of apoptotic cell death in the nigrostriatal pathway. The search for pharmacological treatments able to counteract the nigrostriatal degeneration, possibly by interfering with these phenomena, has recently raised considerable interest in rasagiline [R(+)‐N‐propargyl‐1‐aminoindan], a potent, selective, and irreversible inhibitor of monoamine oxidase B (MAO‐B). Rasagiline, like selegiline, is a propargylamine, but is ∼10 times more potent. Unlike selegiline, rasagiline is not metabolized to amphetamine and/or methamphetamine and is devoid of sympathomimetic activity. Numerous experimental studies, conducted both in vitro and in vivo, have shown that rasagiline possesses significant protective properties on neuronal populations. The pro‐survival effects of the drug appear to be linked to its propargyl moiety, rather than to the inhibitory effect on MAO‐B. Rasagiline's major metabolite, aminoindan — which possesses intrinsic neuroprotective activity — may also contribute to the beneficial effects of the parent compound.

Rasagiline has been recently evaluated in early PD patients, with results that are consistent with slowing the progression of the disease. Therefore, the neuroprotective activity shown by the drug under experimental conditions may be reflected in the clinic, thus providing new perspectives for the treatment of PD.
Step lightly, then move forward: exploring feminist directions for northern research
Authors: DESBIENS CAROLINE
Published: August 2010

I discuss the methodological challenges that research with Aboriginal women poses in historical geography, especially in Northern Canada. Drawing a parallel between historical geography and contemporary Northern studies, I explore how the predominance of climate change as a framework for funding Arctic research creates an environment where women's specific ways of knowing and connecting with the land are not adequately captured. A gender approach that is sensitive to the issues women face in their communities reveals that their experience of climate change, as well as the concerns they have about it, are inseparable from the other economic and social issues they face. I argue for the development of a feminist research agenda in the North that allows Aboriginal partners to locate themselves in the frameworks that are constructed for producing knowledge. At times letting the project ‘fail’ may be the surest way to enable the emergence of a locally‐driven agenda that addresses the present and future needs of Northern Aboriginal Peoples.
Trade Liberalization and Peripheral Postindustrialization in the Caribbean
Authors: Pantojas-García Emilio
Published: August 2010

In the 1990s, trade liberalization eroded the competitiveness of Caribbean economies as manufacturing export platforms. Proposed new economic strategies favored a shift from vertically integrated, transnationally based segment manufacturing to segments of knowledge-intensive industries and services. This strategy, however, reproduces the economic asymmetries associated with the core-periphery relation (low wages, value-added rates). Postindustrial technologies and economic strategies provide the opportunity to formulate alternative policies to overcome the shortcomings of peripheral postindustrialization and foster sustainable postindustrial development.
Explicit Narcotization: U.S. Policy Toward Colombia During the Samper Administration
Authors: Crandall Russell
Published: August 2010

Suspecting that his electoral campaign had received contributions from the Cali drug cartel, the U.S. government considered Colombian president Ernesto Samper (1994–98) an enemy in the drug war. U.S. antidrug policy accordingly targeted not just illicit crop cultivation, traffickers, and money laundering but also the democratically elected president himself. In many ways, U.S. policy became obsessed with bringing down Samper, an “explicit narcotization” that had severe consequences for the two countries' relationship. This case study analyzes the often complex interactions between dominant and subordinate states, especially when the dominant state's involvement in the subordinate state is driven by domestic political concerns.
The New Federalism in Mexico and Foreign Economic Policy: An Alternative Two-Level Game Analysis of the Metalclad Case
Authors: Tamayo Arturo Borja
Published: August 2010

This article examines, through a two-level game model, the case of the first investment dispute under NAFTA between a private U.S. firm and the Mexican government. It argues that the clue to understanding why the Mexican president could not cooperate with the U.S. president lies in Mexico's domestic “ratification” process. The analysis yields two theoretical propositions. First, federalism represents an important variable in explaining foreign economic policy. Second, two-level game logic should not be applied only to formal international negotiation situations; instead, by specifying the dependent variable as cooperation or noncooperation, these models connecting domestic and international politics can be productively applied to study foreign economic policy.
State Developmentalism Without a Developmental State: The Public Foundations of the “Free Market Miracle” in Chile
Authors: Kurtz Marcus
Published: August 2010

If export orientation is a goal in a sustainable development strategy, this study argues that public interventions at the sectoral level in a variety of markets can produce economic reorientation that pursues international comparative advantage faster and at lower cost than free market forces can. Pervasive failures in information, credit, input, distribution, and insurance markets can render strictly market-based adjustment both slow and costly. Although Chile's export boom and high growth rates have been associated with its free market economic policies, this article, based on a comparison of the fruit, fish, and forestry sectors, contends that new forms of public intervention were crucial catalysts in shaping a sustained export response.
Strong Societies, Weak Parties: Regime Change in Cuba and Venezuela in the 1950s and Today
Authors: Corrales Javier
Published: August 2010

The literature on the origins of democratic institutions is split between bottom-up and top-down approaches. The former emphasize societal factors that press for democracy; the latter, rules and institutions that shape elites' incentives. Can these approaches be reconciled? This article proposes competitive political parties, more so than degrees of modernization and associationalism, as the link between the two. Competitive political parties enhance society's bargaining power with the state and show dominant elites that liberalization is in their best interest; the parties are thus effective conduits of democracy. In the context of party deficit, the prospects for democratization or redemocratization are slim. This is illustrated by comparing Cuba and Venezuela in the 1950s and 1990s.
Can International Boycotts Transform Political Systems? The Cases of Cuba and South Africa
Authors: Schwartzman Kathleen C.
Published: August 2010

The economic embargo against Cuba has been widely promoted as a way to hasten the end of the Castro regime. Historically, however, the connection between embargoes and regime change is mediated by a complex of political, social, and economic conditions. Labormarket bottlenecks and domestic elite opposition, decisive factors in the South African case, are absent from that of Cuba. This study uses the factors derived from an analysis of South Africa to compare the Cuban case and concludes that the embargo against Cuba cannot have its intended results.
The Elusive Goal in Democratic Chile: Reforming the Pinochet Labor Legislation
Authors: Frank Volker
Published: August 2010

Despite major attempts by the three governments of the post-Pinochet era, the promised reform of the labor legislation inherited from the military regime remains essentially incomplete. This study attempts to explain why, and addresses some of the consequences of this delay for Chilean organized labor, examining particularly the variables of consensus politics and employer concessions.
Social Control in Cuba
Authors: Aguirre Benigno E.
Published: August 2010

Why has the Cuban government been so successful in its system of social control, and why might that system's effectiveness now be on the wane? This study argues that Cuba combines formal and informal systems of control that simultaneously emphasize openness and rigidity. The formal system is geared to block all antihegemonic acts, particularly those that, if left unchecked, could become symbolic acts encouraging similar behavior that the authorities deem undesirable. The system favors reactive rather than proactive approaches, as exemplified by the rapid action brigades. Noninstitutionalized collective behavior is also taking place, as is the emergence of civil society.
Community Participation, the Environment, and Democracy: Brazil in Comparative Perspective
Authors: Jacobs Jamie Elizabeth
Published: August 2010

Grassroots environmental activism among Latin America's poor has altered the debate over environmental policy, social welfare, and citizenship. Yet the question remains whether this social mobilization of the poor is part of a larger trend toward broader environmental concerns and democratic political participation, or a shortlived movement susceptible to the same pressures that have dissolved community mobilization in the past. This article compares Brazil with other Latin American and European countries in surveys of environmental awareness, concerns, and reported behavior. It finds that Brazilians residing in the urban periphery link their own local environmental concerns to more global considerations, and that concern for and activism on environmental issues is positively related to wider community involvement.
From Antagonistic Autonomy to Relational Autonomy: A Theoretical Reflection from the Southern Cone
Authors: Russell Roberto , Tokatlian Juan Gabriel
Published: August 2010

The concept of autonomy has acquired a plurality of meanings in international relations; this article analyzes the distinct uses given to this term in Latin America and its relationship to theoretical contributions from outside the region. The authors propose a far-reaching reconceptualization of autonomy appropriate to Latin America's new circumstances in the global context. They argue that these new circumstances favor the shift from autonomy as traditionally defined to what they call relational autonomy, a construct based on contributions from classical political theory, political sociology, gender studies, social and philosophical psychology, and the theory of complex thought.
Thinking outside the (Ballot) Box: Informal Electoral Institutions and Mexico's Political Opening
Authors: Eisenstadt Todd A.
Published: August 2010

This article studies the development of informal bargaining tables to mitigate postelectoral conflicts in some 15 percent of Mexico's local elections between 1989 and 2000, even as formally autonomous electoral commissions and courts were being constituted. By documenting the dual institutions that resulted, the study qualifies theories of institutional design that take actor consent for granted. It argues that in the Mexican case and perhaps others, elections, particularly subnational elections, are focal points for informal bargaining over rules that are the true motors of protracted transitions. It finds electoral institutions to be critical to democratization, but for reasons beyond those given by most institutionalists.
A Preferential Option for the Spirit: The Catholic Charismatic Renewal in Latin America's New Religious Economy
Authors: Chesnut R. Andrew
Published: August 2010

The Catholic Charismatic Renewal (CCR), the Latin American church's largest and most dynamic lay movement, demands scholarly attention for its extraordinary appeal among Catholic laity and its unanimous approval by national episcopacies. If the church is finally using mass media and other Protestant techniques for evangelization, it is because of the Charismatics, whose missionary zeal rivals that of their chief competitors, the Pentecostals. This study uses the tools of religious economy to analyze the reasons for the Renewal's rapid growth and acceptance. In attempting to explicate the CCR's success, the study also examines the major ecclesial trends during the movement's three decades in Latin America.
The Reelection Debate in Latin America
Authors: Carey John M.
Published: August 2010

The debate over presidential reelection reappeared in Latin America in the last decade, and promises to continue in the years ahead. Arguments in favor contend that the possibility of immediate reelection increases politicians' responsiveness to citizen demands and allows voters the freedom to retain popular incumbents. Arguments against emphasize the danger of abuse of power by incumbents who seek to prolong their tenure. This article illustrates the parallels between these arguments and those made historically regarding the issue. It also suggests that the means by which provisions to allow reelection are adopted can provide valuable signals of their consequences.
Arnoldo Alemán Takes on the NGOs: Antifeminism and the New Populism in Nicaragua
Authors: Kampwirth Karen
Published: August 2010

This article analyzes the campaign of Nicaraguan president Arnoldo Alemán (1997–2002) against organized competitors, what has been called his war against the nongovernmental organizations, or NGOs. Alemán's attacks on the NGO sector are shown to be consistent with the logic of the new populism in Latin America. At the same time, his choice of targets—prominent NGO figures who were often foreign-born and always female—must be explained with reference to the specifics of Nicaraguan civil society and its evolving relationship with the political parties. This study argues that by choosing to respond to the challenges of international neoliberalism and local feminism through the anti-NGO campaign, Alemán helped to weaken democracy in Nicaragua.
Fading Green? Environmental Politics in the Mercosur Free Trade Agreement
Authors: Hochstetler Kathryn
Published: August 2010

This article explores the role of environmental concerns in free trade areas made up entirely of developing countries. It surveys the environmental institutions of Mercosur, the Common Market of South America, and its member states. It also presents a case study of the recently terminated negotiations over a regional environmental legal instrument as an example of collective environmental decisionmaking. The article concludes that all the environmental components of the agreement are weak, and have even been downgraded in recent years. Even so, national environmental protections have increased during the years of the Mercosur agreement, and some regional actors are poised to join their northern counterparts in opposition to any potential free trade area of the Americas that does not include environmental provisions.
Can Politicians Control Bureaucrats? Applying Theories of Political Control to Argentina's Democracy
Authors: Eaton Kent
Published: August 2010

In the United States, an important literature shows that legislators use interest groups, courts, and budgets to assert political control over bureaucrats. Similar theories can be applied to study the scores of new democracies that have emerged in recent decades. In Argentina, politicians in the first administration of Carlos Menem (1989-95) rewrote administrative procedures and relied on both “police patrol” and “fire alarm” oversight to realign the behavior of tax bureaucrats in conformance with their own policy preferences. Whereas U.S. legislators generally prefer complex administrative procedures, different electoral incentives led their Argentine counterparts to support reforms that significantly streamlined those procedures. This finding challenges theories that attribute legislators' bureaucratic preferences to the separation or fusion of powers between the executive and legislative branches.
Faith in Our Neighbors: Networks and Social Order in Three Brazilian Favelas
Authors: Arias Enrique Desmond
Published: August 2010

After nearly 20 years of democratization, residents of Rio's favelas suffer high levels of civil and human rights abuse at the hands of both police and drug traffickers. The government is generally unable to guarantee the political order necessary to protect the rights of residents in these communities. Existing theories of democratization and advocacy networks offer little to explain how the types of endemic violence that affect poor neighborhoods in the developing world can be brought under control. Based on more than two years of participant observation and interviews in Rio de Janeiro, this article examines how democratic order can be extended to favelas. It argues that networks can link favela residents to organizations in civil society, and state actors can play a critical role in reducing violence and establishing democratic order.
The World Bank and Policy Reform in Mexico and Argentina
Authors: Teichman Judith
Published: August 2010

This article examines the World Bank's role in the market policy reform experiences of Mexico and Argentina. It argues that while reform was driven by domestic elites, the bank played an important role, providing technical advice and financial support and helping to spread market reform ideas. The nature of the bank's involvement, however, differed substantially in the two countries because of their distinct political arrangements, histories, and geopolitical positions in regard to the United States. In the recent era of second-generation reforms, the World Bank's involvement in compensatory policy development has become more focused, although still more intense in Argentina than in Mexico. This involvement has important implications for the quality of democracy, insofar as the 1990s market reforms were formulated by insulated international policy networks unaccountable to the public. Recently, the bank has declared its commitment to involve civil society in its lending policies, a move that may have important implications for democratic development.
Expanding Accountability through Participatory Institutions: Mayors, Citizens, and Budgeting in Three Brazilian Municipalities
Authors: Wampler Brian
Published: August 2010

As new political institutions provide Brazilians with unprecedented access to policymaking and decisionmaking venues, politicians and activists have undertaken reform efforts to promote institutional arrangements partly designed to expand accountability. The expansion of participatory decisionmaking venues may grant citizens greater authority, but these institutions could also undermine municipal councils’ ability to curb the prerogatives of mayors. This article analyzes participatory budgeting in São Paulo, Recife, and Porto Alegre to illustrate that mayors have differing capacities to implement their policy preferences, and this greatly affects how accountability may be extended.
Reassessing the Causes of Nongovernmental Terrorism in Latin America
Authors: Feldmann Andreas E. , Perälä Maiju
Published: August 2010

For years, nongovernmental terrorism in Latin America was considered an epiphenomenon of the Cold War. The persistence of this type of political violence in the 1990s, however, not only belied many assumptions about its causes but also led scholars to reexamine the phenomenon. This article investigates the validity of a number of hypotheses by applying a pooled time-series cross-section regression analysis to data from 17 Latin American countries between 1980 and 1995. Findings indicate that nongovernmental terrorist acts in Latin America are more likely to occur in poorly institutionalized regimes characterized by varying degrees of political and electoral liberties, a deficient rule of law, and widespread human rights violations. The analysis also shows that nongovernmental terrorism in the region tends to surface in cyclical waves; but it finds no association between economic performance or structural economic conditions and the incidence of nongovernmental terrorism.
Policy Issues Brazil's Persistent Income Inequality: Lessons from History
Authors: Skidmore Thomas E.
Published: August 2010

Official data for the last three decades show that Brazil has one of the world’s most unequal distributions of income. This article examines the relevant data and then explains the causes of this persistent inequality, considering them also in cultural and historical context. It discusses the politics of continuing inequality and possible strategies for reducing it.
A Reform without Losers: The Symbolic Economy of Civil Service Reform in Uruguay, 1995–96
Authors: Panizza Francisco
Published: August 2010

This article analyzes the relationship between ideas, interests, and institutions in the 1996 reform of the civil service in Uruguay. Beneath the appearance of a process led by technocratic principles, the reform's agenda and content were shaped by legitimating principles, strongly institutionalized interests, and the political legacy of earlier failed reform attempts. Reformers sought a strategy of a reform “without losers,” which, instead of gathering support for adoption and implementation, sought to minimize opposition. This deliberately low-profile strategy left people unaware of the reform's achievements and thereby reinforced a political culture that has made resistance to change both a political virtue and an inescapable condition.
Local Democracy and the Transformation of Popular Participation in Chile
Authors: Posner Paul W.
Published: August 2010

Structural reforms, institutional arrangements, and the dominant mode of political party-base linkage all militate against effective popular participation in Chilean local democracy. Structural reforms have constrained local leaders' resources as well as their policymaking prerogatives; institutional arrangements limit public officials' accountability to their constituents and citizens' opportunities for input in decisionmaking. The parties of the center-left Concertación have reinforced this vicious cycle by pursuing a mode of linkage with civil society designed to promote their electoral success with only minimal organization and participation by their grassroots constituents. Such conditions fit well with the desire of elites of the Concertación and the right to depoliticize civil society in order to preserve macroeconomic and political stability. Yet they leave in doubt the efficacy of popular participation and the strength of local democracy in Chile.
Civil-Military Affairs and Security Institutions in the Southern Cone: The Sources of Argentine-Brazilian Nuclear Cooperation
Authors: Velázquez Arturo C. Sotomayor
Published: August 2010

This paper analyzes the conditions in which the governments of Argentina and Brazil founded security institutions in the early 1990s, while they were democratizing. It advances the hypothesis that international cooperation in the security field is often linked to the evolution of civil-military relations. Civilian leaders in both countries established institutions and sought international participation deliberately to achieve civilian control and gain leverage over the military establishment, which they sorely distrusted. The need to stabilize civil-military relations at home was therefore the prime motivating force behind the emergence of security institutions in the Southern Cone. Three mechanisms were at work: omnibalancing, policy handling, and managing uncertainty. These mechanisms are derived from three different schools of thought: realism, organizational-bureaucratic models, and theories of domestic political institutions. Besides explaining the sources of nuclear bilateral cooperation, this argument also serves as a critique of two prominent theories in international relations that attempt to explain cooperation and peaceful relations among democracies: neoliberal insti-tutionalism and democratic peace theory.
The MST and the Media: Competing Images of the Brazilian Landless Farmworkers' Movement
Authors: Hammond John L.
Published: August 2010

For social movements, coverage in the media is a mixed blessing; but like many movements, the Brazilian Landless Farmworkers' Movement (MST) actively seeks it out. Treatment of the MST in the Brazilian media is analyzed here using the concept of frame. That treatment is determined by a complex interaction between media producers and movement activists. The frames adopted by those on each side influence public perception of the movement. This study identifies five such underlying frames (mostly in print media but with attention to a television soap opera based on the MST's activities) and examines the images of the movement that they present. Though the coverage often presents the MST in a favorable light, it does not necessarily encourage the goal of mobilization that the movement seeks to promote.
The Guatemalan Military Since the Peace Accords: The Fate of Reform Under Arzú and Portillo
Authors: Ruhl J. Mark
Published: August 2010

The Guatemalan military dominated the country's politics for nearly half a century, but its political power declined during the 1990s. Democratically elected presidents Alvaro Arzú (1996–2000) and Alfonso Portillo (2000–2004) subordinated the armed forces to their authority and thereby gained an unprecedented opportunity to reduce the role of the military and institutionalize democratic civil-military relations. Unfortunately, neither of these tasks was accomplished. An analysis of the level of democratic control, combining Alfred Stepan's military prerogatives indicators with a newer system of measurement and classification designed by Samuel Fitch, shows that the armed forces retained substantial institutional autonomy and de facto legal immunity when Portillo left office in 2004. The role of the military in Guatemalan society, moreover, expanded again under Portillo after declining under Arzú. This study finds that the lack of sufficient civilian commitment to reform, rather than resistance from the armed forces, was the principal cause of these disappointing outcomes.
Rivaling the PRI: The Image Management of Vicente Fox and the Use of Public Opinion Polling in the 2000 Mexican Election
Authors: Rottinghaus Brandon , Alberro Irina
Published: August 2010

This research examines the data from private polls conducted during Vicente Fox's presidential campaign through the lenses of the “modernization” of campaigning, the creation of image in the modern Mexican presidency, and the survey tools used by the campaign to achieve a historic presidential victory in 2000. Fox's campaign team used polling to determine the potential of the Mexican public to be persuaded by an opposition candidate, to provide a continuous update on how the campaign strategy was working, to assist in solidifying Fox's image and message of change (rather than promoting his policy agenda), and to target demographic groups that were perceived to be important electoral partners. These findings suggest that public opinion polling is a useful tool in Mexico to combat longstanding corporatist structures used to favor the PRI. Presidential campaigns in Mexico are beginning to resemble modern campaigns in other mature democracies in their use of private polling data; future Mexican campaigns will become more image- and personality-based.
Defining a Democracy: Reforming the Laws on Women's Rights in Chile, 1990–2002
Authors: Blofield Merike H. , Haas Liesl
Published: August 2010

This article evaluates 38 bills seeking to expand women's rights in Chile and finds that the successful ones often originated with the Executive National Women's Ministry (SERNAM), did not threaten existing definitions of gender roles, and did not require economic redistribution. These factors (plus the considerable influence of the Catholic Church) correlate in important ways, and tend to constrain political actors in ways not apparent from an examination of institutional roles or ideological identity alone. In particular, the Chilean left's strategic response to this complex web of interactions has enabled it to gain greater legislative influence on these issues over time.
Perceptions of Political Corruption in Latin American Democracies
Authors: Canache Damarys , Allison Michael E.
Published: August 2010

Political corruption poses a serious threat to the stability of developing democracies by eroding the links between citizens and governments. Using data on national levels of corruption (Transparency International 1997 CPI index) and individual opinion (1995-97 World Values Survey), this study finds that Latin Americans are quite aware of the seriousness of corruption in their countries. The ensuing question is whether citizens can connect their views about corruption to appraisals of their authorities and institutions and of democracy more generally. Collectively, the findings suggest that they can, and that the necessary ingredients for accountability are present in Latin America. The possible dark side of mass opinion on corruption is that pervasive misconduct may poison public sentiment toward democratic politics. On this score, the analysis found that this attitude affected only support for specific administrations and institutions.
Multinational Corporations, Rentier Capitalism, and the War System in Colombia
Authors: Richani Nazih
Published: August 2010

This article focuses on the role of multinational corporations in the Colombian conflict, particularly how they contributed to the escalation of land conflicts and to the violent transformation of the rural economy into one based on rentier capital. It also explores how these companies helped in fomenting and financing the war system, an element that could partly explain the protracted persistence of the Colombian conflict.
Measuring Judicial Performance in Latin America
Authors: Staats Joseph L. , Bowler Shaun , Hiskey Jonathan T.
Published: August 2010

An increasing number of development scholars and policymakers are recognizing the importance of Latin American judicial reforms in shaping the ultimate outcome of the region's “dual transition.” We can hardly begin to assess the conditions in which judicial systems are likely to improve, however, unless we have a means to measure judicial performance systematically across countries. This article offers just such a comprehensive cross-national measure of judicial performance for Latin America. Drawing from a survey of Latin American legal scholars and practitioners from 17 countries in the region, it seeks to establish a more valid, and therefore more useful, assessment of the performance of Latin American judiciaries than existing measures, in order to advance efforts to understand the causes and consequences of effective judicial reforms in the region.
The Societal Consequences of Market Reform in Peru
Authors: Arce Moisés
Published: August 2010

This article analyzes how market reform policies already in place affect social interests, and the feedback effects of those interests on reform processes. The variety of societal responses includes the creation of new societal organizations, reflecting the variable content and asymmetrical distribution of costs and benefits of the policies implemented. Because of this variety even in Peru, where the disorganizing effects of neoliberal reform appear to be strongest, it would seem that the societal impact of economic reform elsewhere in Latin America would also warrant more careful examination.
The Dual Discourse About Peruvian Domestic Workers in Santiago de Chile: Class, Race, and a Nationalist Project
Authors: Staab Silke , Maher Kristen Hill
Published: August 2010

This article examines the functions of the “dual discourse” about Peruvian migrant domestic workers in contemporary Santiago. A 2002 field study found that middle-class employers of Peruvian workers simultaneously praised them as superior workers and denigrated them as uneducated and uncivilized. While this response is not unique to Santiago, this study argues that it fulfilled particular ideological functions in this context. The praise served to discipline the Chilean working class, who middle-class employers claimed no longer knew their place. The epithets served as a foil for Chilean national identity. Stories about Peruvians serve as tools in ongoing ideological contestations over class, race, and nation in Chile and, at the same time, shape the working conditions and integration of the migrants themselves.
Women's Citizenship and Neopopulism: Peru Under the Fujimori Regime
Authors: Rousseau Stéphanie
Published: August 2010

This article argues that the increased participation of women in Peruvian politics in the 1990s and the advances made in some areas of their citizenship rights are connected to the strategies put in place by some sectors of the women's movement and to the openings provided by the Fujimori regime. Some of the impact of neopopulist rule on political institutions is shown to be positively related to women's increased opportunities during this period; yet the weak rule of law and the political use of the women's agenda by an increasingly questionable regime placed the women's movement in a complex political panorama. A disaggregated analysis of the politics of women's citizenship reveals that women from the popular sectors did not benefit from the same progress in their rights claims as women from the feminist movement or women in party politics.
Sources of Mass Partisanship in Brazil
Authors: Samuels David
Published: August 2010

Scholars believe that mass partisanship in Brazil is comparatively weak. Using evidence from a 2002 national survey, however, this study finds that the aggregate level of party identification actually falls only slightly below the world average and exceeds levels found in many newer democracies. Yet this finding is misleading, because the distribution of partisanship is skewed toward only one party, the PT. This trend results from a combination of party organization and recruitment efforts and individual motivation to acquire knowledge and become involved in politicized social networks. Partisanship for other parties, however, derives substantially from personalistic attachments to party leaders. This finding has implications for current debates about the status of parties in Brazil. Also important is the impact of the 2005 corruption scandal implicating the PT and President Lula da Silva's administration.
The FARC's Best Friend: U.S. Antidrug Policies and the Deepening of Colombia's Civil War in the 1990s
Authors: Peceny Mark , Durnan Michael
Published: August 2010

The strengthening of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) during the 1990s was an unintended consequence of a series of tactical successes in U.S. antidrug policies. These included dismantling the Medellín and Cali drug cartels, interdicting coca coming into Colombian processing facilities, and using drug certification requirements to pressure the Colombian government to attack drug cartels and allow aerial fumigation of coca crops. These successes, however, merely pushed coca cultivation increasingly to FARC-dominated areas while weakening many of the FARC's political-military opponents. This provided the FARC with unprecedented opportunities to extract resources from the cocaine industry to deepen its long insurgency against the Colombian state. The Colombian experience demonstrates the importance of creating a more sophisticated understanding of how lootable wealth can exacerbate civil wars.
Competitive Institution Building: The PT and Participatory Budgeting in Rio Grande do Sul
Authors: Goldfrank Benjamin , Schneider Aaron
Published: August 2010

In the late 1990s, the Workers' Party (PT) government of the Brazilian state of Rio Grande do Sul introduced participatory budgeting, a process in which citizens establish annual investment priorities in public assemblies. This innovation was one of several attempts by incumbent parties to structure political conflict using budget institutions. The character of participatory budgeting is most evident in its policymaking processes and policy outcomes. The process circumvented legislative arenas where opponents held a majority, privileged participation by the PT's voter base, and reached into opposition strongholds. The outcomes favored the interests of potential supporters among poor and middle-class voters. The political project proved vulnerable to its own raised expectations: it failed to sustain the image of clean government; brought tax increases along with fiscal insecurity; and left unfulfilled the participants' expectations for targeted investments. This article highlights the role of participatory budgeting, indeed all budgeting, in partisan actors' institutional choices.
Judicial Performance and the Rule of Law in the Mexican States
Authors: Beer Caroline C.
Published: August 2010

What determines how judicial institutions perform? Prominent theoretical approaches, such as international political economy, institutional rational choice, social capital, and structural theories, suggest that international economic actors, political competition, political participation, and poverty may all be important forces driving institutional behavior. This study analyzes these various theoretical approaches and uses qualitative and statistical analysis to compare judicial performance in the Mexican states. It provides evidence to support the institutional rational choice hypothesis that political competition generates judicial independence. Poverty, political participation, and an export-oriented economy seem to influence judicial access and effectiveness.