bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Essential Rights and Contested Identities: Sexual Orientation and Equality Rights Jurisprudence in Canada
Authors: Stychin Carl F.
Published: July 2016

In this article, I shall examine sexual orientation as a human rights issue. The reasons why discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation should be considered an issue of human rights have been articulated by others, and I do not propose to repeat their arguments here. Rather, I seek to examine in a more critical way some of the analytical problems that may arise in fashioning human rights protection. While the substantive goals of human rights struggles are surely commendable—freedom from persecution and from invidious discrimination, or more positively framed claims to the means necessary to live a decent life—the discourse of rights has been the subject of critique, for example, by the Critical Legal Studies movement in the United States. Rights claims, it has been argued, reinforce the separation of the individual from community. The focus on abstract rights undermines the substantive claims of groups and individuals within society by reifying formal (but ultimately alienating) individual rights. Of course, the CLS critique itself has been subjected to sustained criticism, particularly from the schools of Feminist Legal Theory and Critical Race Theory (and the intersection of the two). The CLS attack on rights is criticized for its failure to recognize both the substantive and the symbolic impact of concrete rights victories. Furthermore, it has been argued that rights struggles can be contradictory and complex.
Statutory Rape: A Philosophical Analysis
Authors: Burgess-Jackson Keith
Published: July 2016

The object of the statute is to protect the virtuous maidens and the undefiled virgins of the State and not the unchaste female.

To deny exculpating effect to B’s fully voluntary hence valid consent to A’s conduct is not only unjust to A; it is also an objectionably paternalistic interference with the autonomy of B—even if B is a child. Insofar as children are (or would be) capable of consenting voluntarily [to sexual conduct, including intercourse], it is indefensible paternalism to prevent them from doing so.

Power is a prerequisite of responsibility, and the primary justification for statutory rape laws is that women in our society do not have enough power to resist coercive male initiative in sex. To the extent that statutory rape laws enable women to resist aggression, they increase women's sense of personal responsibility. I believe that we should acknowledge the present reality of pervasive male sexual aggression in our society and devise ways to change it rather than deny it as an “outmoded stereotype.”
Reconsidering Rape: Rethinking the Conceptual Foundations of Rape Law
Authors: Bogart J.H.
Published: July 2016

A woman awakens surrounded by four men who remove her from her bed and take her to another room. Despite protests and physical resistance, the men engage in a series of sexual acts with her. She files a complaint and the men are charged, tried, and convicted. They appeal, claiming they believed she was agreeable to their actions. They had been told by her husband that she had unusual tastes in sexual matters, and liked simulated gang rape. Because they had thought she was willing, they had not intended to rape her and therefore should not have been convicted.
Specific Commands, General Rules and Degrees of Autonomy
Authors: Child James W.
Published: July 2016

At its most basic level, autonomy is self direction or self rule. Let us take this as a rough working definition. Thus, anyone else who has (other than advisory) authority over one’s actions would seem to violate or be in a position to violate one’s autonomy. Yet, authority differs from power in that it is legitimized; so that violation is justified (if it is a “violation” at all). Put most simply, either you are autonomous and direct yourself or you yield to authority and surrender your autonomy.
Political Liberalism and Cultural Diversity
Authors: Moore Margaret
Published: July 2016

One of the most important and divisive issues facing heterogeneous or culturally diverse states—and most states are culturally diverse—is the relation between these different cultures and the state.

This question was raised initially in contemporary liberal political philosophy in terms of the fruitful debate between liberals and communitarians. Sandel, for example, criticized Rawls’sA Theory of Justiceand, by extension, all liberal theories for falsely abstracting from conceptions of the good, abstracting from culturallyspecific conceptions, and grounding his liberal principles in terms of an abstract Kantian individualism. Liberal theorists countered by complaining that communitarians falsely conceived of a single homogeneous community. Although Rawls’s revised defense of liberal justice in his 1993 bookPolitical Liberalismdoes not refer directly to the liberal-communitarian debate, nevertheless, his new grounding of liberal political principles, as principles which would be acceptable to individuals with diverse conceptions of the good, seems to justify liberal principles in terms of contemporary conditions, and, at the same time, challenges the relevance of those theories which appeal to any notion of a homogeneous ‘community’.
Legal Systems, Normative Systems, and the Paradoxes of Positivism
Authors: Soper Philip
Published: July 2016

Philosophy harbors famous divides: utilitarians confront Kantians; communitarians oppose libertarians; and, in legal theory, natural law theorists debate positivists. Explorations into these divides typically proceed with one of three goals in mind. First, one may aim for a position on one side, advancing arguments that reveal new strengths in the position or expose new weaknesses in the opposing camp. (One camp is better.) Second, one may try to bridge the gap by showing that apparently opposed positions share unsuspected connections that reveal them to be links in a common enterprise. (Both camps occupy the same ground—there is no divide.) Finally, relying in part on the fact that these debates seem interminable, one may argue that the dispute is meaningless—a reflection of some misguided theoretical or linguistic assumption that, once exposed, reveals the entire enterprise to have been so much wasted energy. (There is no ground here for either side to camp—move on to something else.)
Truth and Method in the Domestic Application of International Law
Authors: Bahdi Reem
Published: July 2016

This paper presents a particular reading of Truth and Method, Hans-Georg Gadamer’s landmark text, as a lens through which to consider the meaning of international texts in domestic contexts. His thoughts have remained virtually unknown within international human rights law but is highly relevant to accommodating variations in interpretation between national jurisdiction.
Copyright’s Modest Ontology—Theory and Pragmatism inEldred v. Ashcroft
Authors: Austin Graeme W.
Published: July 2016

Focusing on the recent U.S. Supreme Court decision, Eldred v. Ashcroft, which held that the U.S. Congress acted constitutionally when it extended copyright terms by twenty years, this article argues that copyright law in the United States for the most part responds to pragmatic imperatives. The article examines the theoretic/pragmatic distinction at an institutional level and argues that intellectual property lawmaking is at its most pragmatic in the legislative realm. While there is greater potential for theoretical concerns to influence intellectual property law-making in the judicial review context, in Eldred v. Ashcroft, the Court declined to allow grand intellectual property theories to dictate the freedom Congress enjoys to craft copyright legislation in the light of its rational view of the best (pragmatic) cultural and economic policies. The article concludes that in Eldred v. Ashcroft there can be detected an ontological approach to the “Copyright Clause” in the U.S. Constitution. The Court’s role is to ensure that Congress acts consistently with what copyright “is”; that is, a vehicle for motivating the “creative spark” of authorship. Congress has relatively free rein to determine what copyright should “do”. Moreover, any limitations on what copyright is meant to achieve are certainly not to be determined by theoretical concerns. Even the Court’s ontological approach to copyright law should be regarded as “modest,” however, given the Court’s general deference to the policy and cultural choices legislators make in the copyright field.
The Role of Reasonableness in Self-Defence
Authors: Stewart Hamish
Published: July 2016

Most common law jurisdictions require mistakes about self-defence to be reasonable. But there is a lively debate about whether reasonably mistaken self-defence should be regarded as excused or justified. On one view, reasonably mistaken self-defence is not justified but excused because the conduct is, all things considered, wrongful; on another view, reasonably mistaken self-defence is justified because the reasonable appearance of an attack gives one a right to respond. This paper argues in favour of the second view. When viewed through the lens of cases involving the defence of third parties, the first view leads to counter-intuitive results, and that the source of these results is the effort to characterize mistaken self-defence through conceptual rather than normative argument. Moreover, the second view is more compatible with both the blame-assigning and conduct-guiding aspects of criminal law.
The Equalization of Effective Communicative Freedom: Democratic Justice in the Constitutional State and Beyond
Authors: O’Neill Shane
Published: July 2016

The fundamental political concern of liberalism has been to secure equal liberties for all citizens. There has, however, been no agreement among liberals on the extent to which this project depends, both normatively and practically, on the democratization of society. Socialism, on the other hand, has been fundamentally concerned with the realization of emancipated forms of life. But socialists too have disagreed with one another on the extent to which political structures of democratic self-government are central to the revolutionary task of emancipation. Social democracy, as a tradition, has involved the attempt to show how these core political projects of the modern era, liberalism and socialism, are mutually interdependent. The most appropriate emancipatory project for late modern, increasingly complex societies, from a social-democratic perspective is to create and maintain a social structure that can deliverequal and effectiveliberties for all citizens. This achievement is to be best understood in republican terms, as the realization of a democratic form of life in which free and equal citizens engage one another in the collective task of autonomous self-governance. Jürgen Habermas has been one of the most significant intellectual contributors to the development of the idea of social democracy as an emancipatory project. Over several decades from the early 1960s to the present, Habermas has set about recasting critical social theory in terms of a theory of communicative action. The main legal and political implications of this critical perspective are outlined in his discourse theory of democracy Habermas considers the realization of rights through the democratic self-organization of legal communities to be the normative core of emancipatory politics in the modern era.
Max Weber and the Legal-Historical Ramifications of Social Democracy
Authors: McCormick John P.
Published: July 2016

Max Weber grappled with the rise of social democracy, the welfare state, or the Sozialstaat, most explicitly in the “sociology of law” sections of his posthumously published Economy and Society. Through a close reading of Weber’s text, this essay argues that the historical and analytic categories Weber deployed in his investigation of the Sozialstaat, its rise and its legal dimensions, were inadequate for an appropriate understanding of the phenomena and for the attempt to offer progressive prescriptions for their further development. Instead, by relying on a faulty historical logic, Weber obscured many realities of the Sozialstaat, and unwittingly laid the groundwork for the neo-conservative critique of the welfare state on both sides of the Atlantic. The essay concludes with some reflections on similar, “Weberian,” theoretical moves observable in literatures dealing with the most recent large-scale transformation of law and the state: the rise of the European Union.
Hohfeld’s Power-Liability/Right-Duty Distinction in the Law of Restitution
Authors: Jaffey Peter
Published: July 2016

In the first part of the article it is argued that a debt, which is generally taken to be a standard example of a Hohfeldian right-duty relation, is properly understood as a power-liability relation, although a separate right-duty relation can arise in respect of it. This understanding provides a solution to a problem devised by MacCormick and discussed in the jurisprudence literature concerning a right to a payment from the estate of a deceased person. The main part of the article is concerned with the restitutionary claim to recover money or property invalidly transferred, and it is argued that this claim is also a Hohfeldian power, not a right correlated with a duty to return the money or property. The recipient’s liability to the exercise of the power is to be distinguished from his or her duty to return or to preserve the money or property invalidly transferred. This analysis provides a solution to the controversy in the literature over the strict liability and fault-based approaches to restitutionary claims, and it explains and supports the traditional understanding of the equitable proprietary claim and the claim for knowing receipt. The discussion leads to some consideration of the harm principle and duties of positive action.
Applicability of Legal Norms
Authors: Navarro Pablo E. , Orunesu Claudina , Rodríguez Jorge L. , Sucar Germán
Published: July 2016

It is a basic intuition about the law that organs of adjudication ought to justify their decisions by recourse to the appropriate applicable norms. Nevertheless, a sound reconstruction of the applicability of legal norms has been largely ignored in contemporary legal theory. Different connections between applicable norms and cases are explored in this paper, and a distinction is suggested between internal and external applicability. A legal norm is internally applicable to the cases regulated by its scope of validity (i.e. by its terms the norm fits the facts of the case), and is externally applicable when it has to be used in a certain case as a justification of an institutional decision (i.e. the presiding judge has a legal duty to apply it to the case). A usual claim holds that all and only valid norms which, by their terms, apply to the case at hand must be applied in determining the outcome of the case. However, we try to demonstrate that a valid legal norm that exists as a member in a legal system may be internally applicable to a case and yet not be externally applicable to it. It also may occur that judges sometimes have the legal duty to apply norms that are not part of their own legal system. Consequently, the relations between internal and external applicability and between external applicability and validity deserve a careful examination. In these pages we hold that, though validity plus internal applicability is neither a necessary nor a sufficient condition of the duty to apply a legal norm, there is a complex conceptual link between external applicability and the systematic reconstruction of the law.
Jurisprudence as a Moral and Historical Inquiry
Authors: Simmonds N.E.
Published: July 2016

The essay builds on the claim that the concept of law is best understood as structured by an abstract archetype to which actual instances of law approximate, and that the archetype in question is an intrinsically moral idea: the idea of a realm of universality and necessity within which one can enjoy freedom as independence from the power of others. Reflection upon the nature of this archetype is a form of moral reflection upon experience, where we seek to grasp the nature of a value by considering the forms in which the value has been partially realised. The departure from Aristotelian thought (to be found in writers from Grotius to Kant) served to obscure the possibility of such a form of moral reflection. Twentieth-century theories of the nature of law have tended to focus upon the problem of law’s self-genesis, but this neglects the full extent of the philosophical problem of law’s nature.
The Boundary of Justice and the Justice of Boundaries: Defending Global Egalitarianism
Authors: Tan Kok-Chor
Published: July 2016

Two classes of arguments are often deployed by the anti-global egalitarians against attempts to universalize the demands of distributive equality. One are arguments attempting to show that global egalitarians have misconstrued the reasons for why equality matters domestically, and hence have wrongly extended these reasons to the global arena. These arguments hold that the boundary of distributive justice is effectively coextensive with the boundaries of state. The other are arguments that attempt to show that membership in political societies generates special duties among members that may outweigh the demands of global egalitarianism. These arguments appeal to the ethical significance of state boundaries and membership. In my defense of global egalitarianism, I reject both the attempts to limit the boundary of justice and the attempts to give state boundaries special moral significance and priority. In particular, I will argue that the boundary of justice cannot coincide with the boundaries of states when the justice of the boundaries is at issue.
Dignity and Membership, Equality and Egalitarianism: Economic Rights and Section 15
Authors: Essert Christopher
Published: July 2016

In this paper, I attempt to clarify the ideas of equality underlying section 15 claims for benefits such as welfare and health care; I use the name ‘economic rights claims’ for these types of claims. I adopt Joseph Raz’s division of equality claims into rhetorical egalitarian claims, which are based in a failure to equally respect a universal claim (and typically take a form such as, ‘All Fs have a right to G’), and strict egalitarian claims, which are based on an actually existing unequal distribution of resources (and take the form, ‘All Fs who do not have G have a right to G if some Fs have G’). I show how the dignity-based approach to equality stemming from Law v. Canada is an example of a rhetorical egalitarian claim. With this groundwork set, I turn my attention to the economic rights claims. I survey three reasons for thinking that an unequal distribution of some benefit might, even absent any failure to respect or recognize the dignity of those at the losing end, be thought of as wrong or unjust. The first two reasons - an appeal to an idea of sufficiency, and the fear that some stigma might be associated with the inequality - I reject in favour of the third, which is that in a situation in which all the participants have some equal claim to a benefit, a fair procedure will result in their benefiting equally. Following John Rawls, I suggest that our society, as a cooperative venture for mutual advantage, creates in its members at least a prima facie equal claim to share in the society’s benefits. The economic rights claims, then, are claims that this prima facie equal claim has not been respected. But the benefits being claimed for, as benefits created by the society, are not benefits automatically due to everyone just in virtue of their humanity, instead they are due to the worst-off once the best off have come to be able to benefit from them. Thus they take a strict egalitarian form - once some members of our society benefit in a certain way, then the equality of all members as contributors to the cooperative venture for mutual advantage implies that the other members of our society gain a claim to that benefit. The fact that these economic rights claims are strict egalitarian claims means they cannot be grounded in arguments about dignity, as dignity-based claims are rhetorical egalitarian claims for benefits due to all in virtue of their universal human dignity. I conclude by returning to Law to highlight a passage which I believe provides a grounding for a recognition of economic rights in line with my argument; I also make some brief comments on the need for a stricter division of labour between section 15 and section 1 in the context of economic rights claims and on the effect of this argument on Canadian federal law more generally.
The Status of Classical Natural Law: Plato and the Parochialism of Modern Theory
Authors: Heinze Eric
Published: July 2016

The concept of modernity has long been central to legal theory. It is an intrinsically temporal concept, expressly or implicitly defined in contrast to pre-modernity. Legal theorists sometimes draw comparisons between, on the one hand, various post-Renaissance positivist, liberal, realist or critical theories, and, on the other hand, the classical natural law or justice theories of antiquity or the middle ages, including such figures as Aristotle, Cicero, Augustine or Aquinas. Many theorists, however, while acknowledging superficial differences among the various classical theories, fail to appreciate the variety and complexity of pre-modern thought. Unduly simplifying pre-modern understandings of law, they end up drawing false distinctions between modern and pre-modern legal theory. The pre-modern example considered in this article is Plato. Unlike scholars within the Humanities, who have continued to revise their approaches to pre-modern thought (often reflecting changes in ethical or political thought today), legal theorists, including many who claim to challenge much of traditional positivism, have scarcely moved beyond traditional positivists’ ahistorical and reductionist views.
Principles, Policies and the Power of Courts
Authors: Kyritsis Dimitrios
Published: July 2016

Constitutional adjudication in many legal systems crucially involves giving courts the power to override the decisions of other state institutions, even democratically elected legislatures. The task of delimiting the domain of judicial review is of the first importance. In this paper my aim is primarily critical. I want to take issue specifically with Ronald Dworkin’s well-known attempt to discharge this task through his use of the distinction between principle and policy. Courts, he claimed in Taking Rights Seriously, ought to decide on questions of principle and not policy and they are better suited for this purpose than legislatures. Despite the years that have passed since its original conception, Dworkin’s theory is very much alive and also relevant to contemporary constitutional theory. For, I believe it exemplifies a still common -perhaps also the predominant- way of conceiving of the role of courts and especially the practice of judicial review. It taps on the powerful intuition that it falls on judges to decide questions pertaining to the exercise and protection of individual right. Since my interest is pitched to questions of constitutional design, I will not challenge the explanatory adequacy of the principle/policy distinction itself from the point of view of moral theory, as many others have. Rather, I wish to explore whether this distinction adequately accounts for salient features of the division of labour between courts and legislatures. More specifically I will assess the extent to which employing this distinction satisfies three desiderata.
Telling the Law’s Two Stories
Authors: Robertson Michael
Published: July 2016

In jurisprudence there is an orthodox position which stresses law’s rationality and coherence, and an unorthodox position which stresses law’s inconsistency and malleability. It is often assumed that you have to choose one and reject the other, but I want to consider the position that law cannot reject either orthodoxy or unorthodoxy as general accounts of law. This is not an attempt to produce a synthesis of the two accounts, or an attempt to say that each account is true of part of the law. Rather it is the claim that law is required to tell two incompatible stories about itself in order to do the important jobs assigned to it in Western pluralist societies. I argue that this jurisprudential position is advanced by Thurman Arnold, Oren Perez, Anthony Kronman, Karl Llewellyn and Stanley Fish.
Peter Winch and H.L.A. Hart: Two Concepts of the Internal Point of View
Authors: Rodriguez-Blanco Veronica
Published: July 2016

In his book The Concept of Law, Hart advances an arresting idea: the internal point of view. The idea immediately captured the imagination of legal theorists and was envisaged as a step forward in understanding both the nature of law and its practices. There is, however, lack of clarity and ambiguity on understanding Hart’s important notion and its role in different key jurisprudential problems such as the normativity of law and the methodology of legal theory. This article reconstructs the intellectual roots of the internal point of view and argues that although the seeds of Hart’s idea can be found in Winch’s seminal book The Idea of a Social Science, there are striking differences between Hart’s and Winch’s notions of the internal point of view. Winch endeavors to explain the participant’s viewpoint in terms of what the participants are doing. On the other hand, Hart aims to provide an explanation of how the law enables judges and law-abiding citizens to determine what they ought to do. This difference has been often overlooked by legal scholars; however, it provides the key to understanding Hart’s connection between the internal viewpoint and the normativity of law, i.e., the idea that legal rules provide reasons for action and, in some circumstances, create and impose duties and obligations. The distinction also illuminates the demarcation in the methodology of legal theory between an explanation from a detached perspective, namely the second or third-person standpoint of the practical point of view and, on the other hand, either a theoretical or hermeneutical explanation of the participant’s point of view. I argue that the non-recognition of the practical/participant distinction has been pervasive in two ways. First, there has been an overemphasis on the distinction between the internal and the external point of view. Second, a more fundamental distinction between an ‘engaged’ and ‘detached’ viewpoint which is a predominant feature of the practical point of view has been under-researched.
TWAIL as Naturalized Epistemological Inquiry
Authors: Sunter Andrew F.
Published: July 2016

Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL) scholarship provides a trenchant critique of the contemporary international law regime, using concrete historical and cultural evidence to demonstrate that the central doctrines of international law are highly Eurocentric and, therefore, not representative of the values and beliefs of a large portion of the world’s population. Nevertheless, there is almost no recognition of TWAIL’s intellectual contribution in mainstream international law scholarship. It is only in rare cases that mainstream scholars make the effort to directly respond to Twailian critiques. And in these rare cases, TWAIL is positioned as just another “radically critical” post-modern approach to international law. The marginalization of TWAIL scholarship is frustratingly counterproductive, as recent developments in the international order offer unparalleled challenges for populations in the South. Further, Southern perspectives are conspicuously absent from the mainstream international law discourse. TWAIL seeks to represent marginalized world-views and incorporate them into this discourse. My project is to reinterpret the insights of TWAIL so as to make them more palatable to mainstream scholars with modernist theoretical commitments. I will argue that many TWAIL scholars should be understood to subscribe to the same methodological commitments as “naturalized epistemologists” because they are interested in the causes of belief-claims, prioritizing an etiological examination of international law doctrine and scholarship over substantive analytical critique. More specifically, TWAIL promotes a suspicious stance towards belief-claims that have problematic, hidden, and/or misrepresented foundations. I will conclude that TWAIL’s critique of international law is most reminiscent of a “hermeneutics of suspicion,” which is the interpretive approach famously embraced by Marx, Nietzsche, and Freud. Such an approach, while undeniably critical, falls squarely within the modernist philosophical tradition. According to TWAIL, practitioners and scholars of international law should engage in self-reflection and critically examine the epistemological foundations of their beliefs and doctrinal claims. If such practitioners and scholars agree that international law should be based on intellectual and moral commitments that reflect its global subject matter and not just its European history, then there is significant space for the insights of TWAIL in mainstream scholarship.
(Dis)solving the Chronological Paradox in Customary International Law: A Hartian Approach
Authors: Lefkowitz David
Published: July 2016

As traditionally conceived, the creation of a new rule of customary international law requires that states believe the law to already require the conduct specified in the rule. Distinguishing the process whereby a customary rule comes to exist from the process whereby that customary rule becomes law dissolves this chronological paradox. Creation of a customary rule requires only that states come to believe that there exists a normative standard to which they ought to adhere, not that this standard is law. What makes the customary rule law is adherence by officials in the international legal system to a rule of recognition that treats custom as a source of valid law. Confusion over this distinction arises because in the international legal system the same agents whose beliefs give rise to a customary rule are the legal officials whose adherence to the rule of recognition leads them to deem that rule legally valid. The proposed solution to the chronological paradox employs H.L.A. Hart’s analysis of the concepts of law and a legal system, and in particular, the idea of a rule of recognition. Yet Hart famously denies the existence of a rule of recognition for international law. Hart’s denial rests on a failure to distinguish between the ontological and authoritative resolution functions of a rule of recognition, however. Once such a distinction is drawn, it can be argued that customary international law rests on a rule of recognition that serves the ontological function of making customary norms legal, though not the authoritative resolution function of settling disputes over the alleged legality of particular norms.
Censorship, Logocracy and Democracy
Authors: Walker Mark
Published: July 2016

This paper argues: (i) Canadian “Hate Speech Laws”, and similar laws in other jurisdictions, are instances of ‘unilateral censorship’, the suppression of a single political viewpoint. (ii) Unilateral censorship infringes upon the democratic commitment to free and fair elections. (iii) The legislated exclusion of some from the political process through the control of speech means that Canadian governance is best described as ‘logocratic’. (iv) It may be possible to mount a new “Charter Challenge” to Hate Speech laws invoking Section 3 of the Charter, based on the idea that unilateral censorship infringes upon Section 3 guarantees of free and fair elections, and eligibility to run for Canadian legislative bodies. (v) The envisioned challenge differs significantly from previous Charter Challenges because what is at issue are not the liberty rights of citizens in a democracy, but the democratic process itself.
Can Economics Justify the Constitutional Guarantee of Freedom of Expression?
Authors: Lee Ian B.
Published: July 2016

The purpose of this article is to explore the resources available within the economic analysis of law for rationalizing the constitutional right to freedom of expression. I have sought to falsify the hypothesis that economics is incapable of supplying a rationale for the constitutional guarantee of freedom of expression. I have argued that, from an economic perspective, the guarantee may be understood as a device for the facilitation of political competition and the mitigation of the agency costs of government. Nevertheless, economics provides no support for the notion that the fact that an act is undertaken by a person in the exercise of her “autonomy” is a licence for that person to set back another individual’s welfare. This applies to expressive acts as it does to all other acts that produce external consequences. There might be good reasons to require each of us to suffer the negative consequences of other individuals' self-fulfillment, or to place the information marketplace as a whole (and not only that part which relates to the political marketplace) under judicial protection. However, any such reasons do not appear to sound in economics; they require other frameworks of analysis and evaluation.
Objectivity and Subjectivity in Contract Law: A Copernican Response to Professor Shiffrin
Authors: Lipshaw Jeffrey M.
Published: July 2016

This is a response to Seana Shiffrin's recent and important contribution to the continuing debate whether there is a universal moral or economic truth at the heart of contract law. While she adopts an unduly simplistic view of the divergence of morality in promise-keeping and contract law, her most significant advance toward a general theory of promise and contract is her identification of the critical moment at which the interposition of the public in a private matter occurs or is contemplated. This essay carries that theme forward, suggesting that a universal justification for contract law is not possible because the law, by its very nature, objectifies (publicly or with that implicit threat) what was heretofore a private relationship.
DiscussionFoucault, Agamben, and Arbour J.’s Dissent inGosselin
Authors: Plaxton Michael
Published: July 2016

InGosselin v. Quebec, the Supreme Court of Canada considered whether the Quebec legislature violated the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms by failing to provide unemployed adults under the age of 30 (young adults) with the level of social assistance provided to other unemployed adults. A majority of the Court concluded that the underinclusive legislation in question was not unconstitutional. The case gave rise, however, to one of the most progressive and intriguing dissenting opinions in Canadian constitutional history-a dissent made all the more interesting by the fact it was written by a judge who would later become the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights: Louise Arbour. Her dissent focused on the proper interpretive approach to s. 7 of theCharter, which states: “Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of the person and the right not to be deprived thereof except in accordance with the principles of fundamental justice.” She argued that the “right to life” contained in s. 7 entails a number of positive rights, including the right to a minimum level of social assistance. This paper argues that Arbour J.’s dissent inGosselinreveals an inherent flaw with the very concept of rights; namely, that they presuppose the state’s authority to exclude whole populations from the protection of law. The argument has four parts. Part I reads Arbour J.’s approach to the constitutional questions raised inGosselinas broadly sympathetic to Foucault’s understanding of power in the modern era. Part II claims that Arbour J.’s judgment presumes that formal legal regulations, and not other, informal mechanisms of power, chiefly bear the burden of governing life. Part III examines Agamben’s critique of Foucault to show why Arbour J.’s privileging of state governance of well being is problematic; in particular, that the greater the formalization and centralization of the mechanisms by which life is governed, the greater the prospect of exclusion of groups and classes from rights regimes altogether. Finally, Part IV explains that Arbour J.’s concession to juridification is driven by an inherent problem with rights, and that the difficulties she runs into cannot be avoided; that exclusion from the rights framework is built into the very concept of rights.
Reality Check: On the Uses of Empiricism
Authors: Carver Peter J.
Published: July 2016

This Critical Notice deals with two recent books that report the findings of statistical analyses of Supreme Court of Canada judgments over extensive periods of time. The authors of both studies argue that empirical analysis can make significant contributions to theories of law and the understanding of what high court judges do, and in fact, that theoretical approaches on their own are necessarily inadequate to this task. The review questions whether the studies succeed in meeting the ambitions set for them. In Attitudinal Decision-making in the Supreme Court of Canada, Ostberg and Wetstein fail to establish that the attitudinal model of jurisprudence developed by American political science provides a strong explanation of the performance of the Supreme Court of Canada. In The Empirical Gap in Jurisprudence, Daved Muttart employs such broadly stated measures of judicial reasoning that his conclusions about the Court’s performance remain general in nature and do not pose serious challenges to the major, competing schools of jurisprudential thought he seeks to examine. Both studies fall back on unconvincing arguments about the prevalence of judicial activism in Supreme Court decision-making in the absence of stronger findings on their principal themes.
Pseudo-Restitutionary Damages: Some Thoughts on the Dual Theory of Restitution for Wrongs
Authors: Giglio Francesco
Published: July 2016

Restitution for civil wrongs, also known as restitutionary damages, is a legal response through which the defendant’s wrongful gain is awarded to the claimant. James Edelman has recently advocated two different restitutionary responses for wrongs. One response, termed ‘restitutionary damages’, would aim to compel the wrongdoer to give back to the victim a wrongful gain, whereas the other response, ‘disgorgement damages’, would oblige the wrongdoer to give up a wrongful gain for the benefit of the claimant.

In the first case, the claimant would obtain what should have never left his assets. In the second case, the claimant would be the beneficiary of a judicial decision according to which a wrongful gain should not be kept by the wrongdoer. In this essay, I seek to demonstrate that this taxonomy cannot be accepted. I argue that Edelman’s ‘disgorgement damages’ are the only true example of restitution for wrongs, whereas his ’restitutionary damages’ are simply compensatory damages which are quantified in a particular fashion. Edelman’s ‘restitutionary damages’ might appear to deprive the defendant of his gain, and thus to achieve a restitutionary goal. Yet they nullify the victim’s loss and therefore have a compensatory nature. They are ‘pseudo-restitutionary damages’. In opposition to the dual theory, I submit a model of restitutionary damages based upon a single response which is coherent with the tenets of corrective justice. Given that it deals mainly with Edelman’s ‘restitutionary damages’, this article is not so much about restitution for wrongs but rather about compensation, which is what Edelman’s ‘restitutionary damages’ really concerns. The theory which I propose, based upon a single restitutionary response for wrongs, solves the taxonomic incoherence of Edelman’s dual theory. It also reflects the law as we find it, being supportable by reference to the available judicial authorities.
Transitional Problems in Brudner’s Inclusive Conception of Liberalism
Authors: Charvet John
Published: July 2016

This paper is concerned with certain connections and oppositions that Brudner perceives between liberty, equality and community. As I understand his project, he begins with a strong atomist conception of the worth of individuals, which he calls libertarian, and claims to show how egalitarian and communitarian ideas of individual worth are unavoidably contained in the original idea and must be developed out of it in order to arrive at a coherent and conceptually stable view. This is the inclusive conception, which retains the libertarian and egalitarian moments as subordinate but essential aspects of a liberal ethical community. This paper is sceptical of the validity of the proposed deduction. It concentrates on a few passages, which purport to show how an initial position has implications that nevertheless are in contradiction with the premises from which they are derived. As a result of this concentration, the paper, unavoidably, ignores a great wealth of illuminating material that, together with the impressive sweep of the project as a whole, fully justifies the attention the book is receiving, even if, as I believe, the overall argument does not succeed.
In Defence of the Common Law Constitution: Unwritten Rights as Fundamental Law
Authors: Allan T.R.S.
Published: July 2016

Alan Brudner’s closely-argued, richly-textured and wide-ranging work, Constitutional Goods, provides a striking and original account of the rule of law and its implications for legitimate government. Since the rule of law includes the enforcement of substantive principles ofjustice, it requires a clear separation of powers between court and legislature. The role of the court is chiefly confined to pure practical reason, determining what the public reason of the liberal consti-tution requires. It is the role of the legislative assembly to give its assent to governmental measures that apply the principles ofjustice to empirical circumstances, where the scope for reasonable disagreement provokes a transition from natural law to political judgment. Judicial review carries no anti-democratic implications because it defends the conceptual boundaries of popular decision-making: ‘Democracy is not defeated but protected if the court invalidates a law no free person could impose on himself, for the majority has no more authority to pass such a law than an autocrat nor any jurisdiction to decide by fiat a question to which there is a correct legal answer.’
The Coxford Lecture Of Living
Trees and Dead Hands: The Interpretation of Constitutions and Constitutional
Rights
Authors: Alexander Larry
Published: July 2016

The function of law and of constitutional law is to make determinate what we ought to
do. And in constitutional law, that is true of both structural provisions and rights
provisions. It is not the function of constitutions to establish our real moral
rights. We possess those independently of the constitution, which cannot affect them.
And all organs of government are bound morally if not legally by those rights. I have
taken no position on the relative competence of legislatures and courts to ascertain
the content of real moral rights, and it is possible that the judiciary is
well-equipped to be our wise Platonic guardians. However, if the game is
interpretation, all that can be interpreted are authored rules, and what those rules
mean can only be what their authors meant by them. Anything else is
reauthoring—that is, creating new rules. There is no “living tree
constitutional interpretation. The only “living trees are the judges. So
you’d better hope that they are well cultivated. And you may conclude that a
bit of pruning is in order.
The Case for Reasoned Criminal Trial Verdicts
Authors: Lippke Richard L.
Published: July 2016

Discussion in the paper focuses on instituting a requirement that juries in criminal cases make public the reasons for their verdicts. The nature of such a requirement is elaborated, as is the way in which defects in the reasons provided might serve as a basis for appealing convictions. Various arguments for adopting such a requirement are considered, as are objections to doing so. In support of the requirement, I contend that it would enable defendants in criminal cases to ensure that their procedural rights have been respected. Such a requirement can also be construed as a condition of the legitimacy of exercises of political power and as an implication of the right of each person to be treated with equal concern and respect. The main objections to such a requirement concern its possible interference with jury independence and the complications and inefficiencies appeals of reasoned verdicts would produce.
Red Tape and Gridlock
Authors: Katz Larissa
Published: July 2016

This paper concerns the role of property theory in explaining why so many people around the world control their assets informally, without recourse to the state. According to one influential view, owners and their assets are driven to the informal sector because of deficiencies in the form of ownership on offer in the formal sphere. Where too many people have the power to veto the optimal use of a resource, we have a form of ownership, an anticommons, that is deficient. But this account of informality proceeds from an overly capacious theory of ownership. On this view, an owner’s position is incomplete if she lacks the requisite inputs for a project that represents the optimal use of an object. Further, a person counts as an “owner,” albeit one locked in an anticommons, merely if she has the power to block the ends that others are able to achieve with an object. I argue that this view of ownership leaves us unable to see that owners are in a radically different position vis-à-vis other owners with the same authority over an object than they are vis-à-vis the state or other non-owners who may be in a position to block an owner’s valuable ends. The integrity of the concept of the anticommons is undermined if we define it in terms of veto-power over the ends for which a resource is optimally suited.

In this paper, I situate the concept of the anticommons within a larger theory of ownership as agenda-setting authority. Seen this way, what is important about an anticommons is its effect on an owner’s means rather than her ends. Whereas owners of private property are never guaranteed the ability to achieve their ends, owners in an anticommons are not even guaranteed the ability to exercise their very means, their agenda-setting authority. From this revised and much narrower concept of the anticommons, what follows is that talk of “gridlock” in the formal sphere makes sense just as a normative argument about the best distribution of ownership and regulatory authority rather than a conceptual argument rooted in the idea of ownership.
A Rawlsian Dual Duty of Assistance
Authors: Seleme Hugo Omar
Published: July 2016

This paper seeks to specify the requirements that follow from the Rawlsian duty of assistance. In order to determine them, the hypothesis I will defend is that this duty is a specification of the natural duty of justice. This interpretation has several advantages: a) It facilitates the task of appreciating how one of the most important parts of the Rawlsian conception of international justice presented inThe Law of Peoplesis connected with the natural duty of justice presented inA Theory of Justice. b) It enables one to appreciate a new requirement of the duty of justice overlooked by Rawls: the duty of contributing to maintaining well-ordered foreign institutions. c) This new requirement enables one to appreciate the critical potential of justice as fairness in relation to one of the most pressing problems nowadays: the foreign debt of developing countries.