bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
A spatio‐temporal comparison of water balance modelling in an Alpine catchment
Authors: Kling Harald , Nachtnebel Hans Peter
Published: December 2008

To determine the distribution of water balance components in space and time, models are applied with a wide range of spatio‐temporal discretizations—from lumped to distributed in the spatial scale and from annual to daily (or shorter) time‐steps in the temporal scale. We present a comparative case study where we compare the simulation results of two conceptual water balance models using different spatio‐temporal discretizations. Such a comparison enables to assess if different models with different discretizations may still yield similar results in space and time. The study focuses on the mountainous catchment of the river Gail (app. 1300 km2) in southern Austria for the period 1971–1990. The first model uses a semi‐distributed discretization and daily data, whereas the second model uses a spatially distributed discretization (1 × 1 km raster) and monthly data. Both models use precipitation and temperature data as input. Parameters of the daily model were calibrated with runoff data of several gauges as part of a study focusing specifically on the Gail catchment. The distributed parameters of the monthly model were estimated regionally for establishing the water balance of the Hydrological Atlas of Austria. Both models perform equally well for runoff simulations. For simulation of temporal dynamics the models agree well for the main inputs and outputs of the system, with slightly lower agreements for sub‐components—such as snowmelt for instance. In the spatial domain the correlation between the models is significantly lower. Differences are mainly related to different calibration approaches and are not dependent on the spatio‐temporal discretization. Overall, the two water balance models yield consistent results, suggesting that the usage of monthly data is not inferior to the usage of daily data. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Simulation and analysis of runoff from a partly glaciated meso‐scale catchment area in Patagonia using an artificial neural network
Authors: Sauter Tobias , Schneider Christoph , Kilian Rolf , Moritz Michael
Published: December 2008

In this study, a model based on an artificial neural network (ANN) was developed to forecast the runoff of a meso‐scale, partly glaciated (40%), Alpine catchment area in the southernmost Andes in Patagonia, Chile. The study area is located in a maritime climate with a mean annual air temperature of + 5·7 °C and about 5500 mm of precipitation per year at sea level.

The multilayer feed‐forward network is designed to make use of the Levenberg‐Marquardt algorithm to increase the speed of computation (convergence). Using climate data recorded at an automatic weather station nearby as well as water level records measured simultaneously, the ANN model was trained and verified using independent training and validation datasets. Parameters and the corresponding time lags were determined by statistical methods such as partial, cross‐ and autocorrelation. The results of the simulation confirm that the proposed model was able to identify the underlying non‐linear relationships between the input parameters and the observed discharge. The correlation during validation shows a significant correlation coefficient of 0·98, and an RMSE of 0·02 m respectively. However, it is almost impossible to decipher the internal behaviour of ANN due to its black‐box character. Nevertheless, valuable insights were gained in the complex input–output relationships, and the occurrence of dependencies between different input variables were detected using global sensitivity analysis (GSA). The results of the GSA were compared with those of multiple linear regression (MLR). While the performance of the ANN is much better than the MLR, both models return similar results in terms of the dependency of the discharge upon input variables. It was found that despite the large proportion of glaciated surface area within the catchment, discharge is mainly controlled by precipitation (49%). Furthermore, the runoff is slightly influenced by temperature (19%), global radiation (15%) and wind speed (16%).

While the ANN proves to be a very efficient tool for simulating runoff in glacerized, Alpine catchments from meteorological data, the GSA method, as outlined and used in this paper, offers a useful approach of analysing ANN output. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Quality control: Why leaders need to understand personality
Authors: Hogan Robert , Kaiser Robert B.
Published: December 2008

Every individual has a personality, and because the primary responsibility of managers is dealing with people, it's important for managers to grasp the different types of personality and the implications of each type for the work world. With a clear understanding of how people are alike and the important ways in which they differ, managers are in a strong position to be effective leaders. In particular, knowledge of personality translates into effectiveness in hiring employees, leading employees, and managing yourself.
Depressed mood and drinking occasions across high school: Comparing the reciprocal causal structures of a panel of boys and girls
Authors: Owens Timothy J. , Shippee Nathan D.
Published: December 2008

Does adolescent depressed mood portend increased or decreased drinking? Is frequent drinking positively or negatively associated with emotional well‐being? Do the dynamic relations between depression and drinking differ by gender? Using block‐recursive structural equation models, we explore the reciprocal short‐term effects (within time, t) and the cross‐lagged medium‐term effects (t +1 year) and long‐term effects (t + 2 years) of depressed mood and monthly drinking occasions. Data come from the high school waves of the Youth Development Study, a randomly selected panel of 1015 ninth graders followed to 12th grade. We found that for both genders, depressed mood consistently decreased short‐term drinking in each grade measured. However, depression increased drinking for both genders in the medium‐term but only for girls in the long‐term. In the other direction, drinking tended to increase depression in the short‐term only among ninth‐grade boys and 12th‐grade girls. Observed trends and differences in the magnitude of the reciprocal effects vary by gender, with drinking being especially deleterious to emotional well‐being for boys early in high school (10th grade) but for girls on the cusp of the post‐high school world (12th grade).
Recombinant glucocorticoid induced tumor necrosis factor receptor (rGITR) induces NOS in murine macrophage
Authors: Shin Hyun-Hee , Lee Moo-Hyung , Kim Suk-Gi , Lee Yun-Hwa , Kwon Byoung S , Choi Hye-Seon
Published: December 2008

Glucocorticoid induced tumor necrosis factor receptor (GITR) is a new member of the tumor necrosis factor–nerve growth factor receptor superfamily of which the function has not been well studied. The extracellular domain of GITR was produced in Escherichia coli and purified as a single band of predicted M
r of 18.0 kDa. GITR and GITR ligand were expressed constitutively on the surface of Raw 264.7 macrophage cell line and murine peritoneal macrophages. An extracellular domain of GITR can activate murine macrophages to express inducible nitric oxide synthase and to generate nitric oxide in a dose‐ and time‐dependent manner.
Expression of Fab fragment of catalytic antibody 6D9 in an Escherichia coli in vitro coupled transcription/translation system
Authors: Jiang XiuPing , Ookubo Yuji , Fujii Ikuo , Nakano Hideo , Yamane Tsuneo
Published: December 2008

The heavy chain (Hc) and light chain (Lc) genes of the Fab fragment of a catalytic antibody 6D9 were simultaneously expressed in an Escherichia coli in vitro transcription/translation system without a reducing agent. The intermolecular disulfide bond between the Hc and Lc was found formed, suggesting a correct formation of the Fab fragment in the in vitro system. In enzyme‐linked immunosorbent assay, the Fab fragment synthesized in vitro exhibited an antigen‐binding activity. Addition of reduced glutathione, oxidized glutathione, protein disulfide‐isomerase and molecular chaperones, GroEL and GroES, increased the solubility and the antigen‐binding activity of the Fab fragment greatly. The in vitro synthesized Fab was purified by means of a hexa‐histidine tag attached to the C‐terminus of the Hc. Catalytic assay of the purified Fab fragment showed that the His‐tagged Fab fragment synthesized in vitro had a catalytic activity comparable to that produced in vivo.
The effect of a high-MUFA, low-glycaemic index diet and a low-fat diet on appetite and glucose metabolism during a 6-month weight maintenance period
Authors: Sloth Birgitte , Due Anette , Larsen Thomas M. , Holst Jens J. , Heding Anders , Astrup Arne
Published: December 2008

We aimed to test the effects of three different weight maintenance diets on appetite, glucose and fat metabolism following an initial low-energy diet (LED) induced body weight loss. Following an 8-week LED and a 2–3-week refeeding period, 131 subjects were randomized to three diets for 6 months: MUFA, moderate-fat (35–45 energy percentage (E%) fat), high in MUFA with low glycaemic index; LF, low fat (20–30 E% fat) or CTR, control (35 E% fat). A meal test study was performed in a subgroup, before and after the 6-month dietary intervention, with forty-two subjects completing both meal tests. No difference in body weight, energy intake or appetite ratings were observed between diets. Both the LF and MUFA diets compared to CTR diet reduced postprandial glycaemia and insulinaemia and lowered fasting insulin from month 0 to month 6. Following the 8-week LED period lower levels of the appetite regulating peptides, pancreatic polypeptide, peptide YY, glucagon-like peptide-1 and glucagon-like peptide-2, along with increased appetite scores were seen in comparison to measurements performed after the 6-month dietary intervention. In conclusion, the two competing diets, MUFA and LF, were equally good with respect to glucose metabolism, whereas the CTR diet resembling the typical Western diet, high in SFA, sugar and high glycaemic carbohydrates, indicated associations to lowering of insulin sensitivity. Lower levels of appetite regulatory peptides along with increased appetite scores following an 8-week LED and 2–3-week refeeding period, suggest that strategies for physiological appetite control following a LED period are needed, in order to prevent weight regain.
The Roots of Policy: Kaunitz in Italy and the Netherlands, 1742–1746
Authors: McGill William J.
Published: December 2008

Wenzel Anton von Kaunitz-Rittberg is generally recognized as the principal architect of the “Diplomatic Revolution” of 1756 and as one of the greatest statesmen of his day, yet there have been curiously few attempts to describe and analyze the process by which he rose to such eminence. In the available historical literature Kaunitz usually first appears on the scene at the peace congress of Aix-la-Chapelle (1748), although there are occasional references to his earlier diplomatic career. Nineteenth-century historians assumed that Kaunitz's experiences at Aix-la-Chapelle provided the insight which finally led him to propose the reversal of alliances. Adolph Beer, for example, asserted that Kaunitz's enmity towards England was born at Aix-la-Chapelle and that the policy of 1755 first entered his mind in 1748. Though twentieth-century historians have tended to de-emphasize the revolutionary nature of the reversal of alliances and so have been less willing to accept the easy equation that Aix-la-Chapelle produced the diplomatic change of 1756, there has been no systematic examination of the development of the new diplomatic policy in Kaunitz's own mind. While it might be said that the development of that policy represents merely the ordinary maturation of a diplomat, the growth of understanding, the fact is that few of his contemporaries possessed such understanding. It therefore seems of some value to know how this master diplomat matured.
Napoleonic Germany and the Hometown Communities
Authors: Walker Mack
Published: December 2008

Fundamentally in common among the towns I mean was the self-containment and separateness of each; they faced the power of Napoleonic reform as individual communities. It seems best to begin thinking of their common experience as though it were the experience of one.
The Center Wages Kulturpolitik: Conflict in the Marx-Keudell Cabinet of 1927
Authors: Evans Ellen L.
Published: December 2008

In descriptions of the political structure of the Weimar Republic, the German Center Party is usually grouped as a party of the “middle,” together with the German Democratic Party and German People's Party, between the left-wing Social Democrats and the right-wing German Nationalists. In the years after 1928, the Center showed an increasing disinclination to work in coalition with the Social Democratic Party and finally, under the leadership of Dr. Ludwig Kaas, the last chairman of the Center Party, broke completely with the Socialists. During the same years Heinrich Brüning, Chancellor of Germany from 1930 to 1932, made persistent, though futile, attempts to find an acceptable coalition partner for the Center on the Right, hoping, among other possibilities, to encourage a secession movement from the Nationalist Party in 1930. Because of the rapid dwindling of electoral support for the other parties of the middle, very little attention has been paid to the Center's relationship with them. It is the purpose of this article to show that the mutual antipathies between these parties and the Center were as great or greater than its antipathy toward Social Democracy on certain matters which were vital to the Center's existence. By 1928, in fact, coalition with the parties of the middle had become as unsatisfactory to the leaders of the Center as coalition with the party of the Left. The turning-point in this development was the breakup of the Marx-Keudell right-wing cabinet of 1927. The failure of that government to attain the party's goals in the realm of Kulturpolitik, i.e., religion and education, confirmed the Center's disillusionment with the workings of the parliamentary system itself.
Adaptation to Industrialization: German Workers as a Test Case
Authors: Stearns Peter N.
Published: December 2008

Historians, in their somewhat defensive perusal of sociology for sweeping theoretical statements, perhaps underestimate the careful, often narrow, empiricism of much sociological research. Sociologists unearth facts for subsequent historians to work on and sometimes to interpret more broadly. Historical sociologists to the contrary, fact-grubbing services are mutual in the two disciplines. German sociologists were the first to study the social effects of industrialization extensively. By the early twentieth century, when masses of workers were still entering factory industry for the first time, sociologists were ready to investigate the process of adaptation through systematic interviews. British researchers in the same period, besides being dedicated amateurs for the most part, focused on the urban poor and on material conditions too exclusively still. French efforts were even more scattered. Maurice Halbwachs did some valuable studies of consumption patterns, while Le Play and his school contributed rather conservative portraits of individual workers. For purposes of understanding the working class in manufacturing, German sociological research was long unrivaled.
The Völkischer Beobachter, 1920–1933: The Nazi Party Newspaper in the Weimar Era
Authors: Layton Roland V.
Published: December 2008

Although Hitler placed primary emphasis in his propaganda on the “spoken word,” one of his earliest ambitions as a party leader was to own a newspaper. He succeeded in December 1920, little more than a year after he joined the Nazi Party, by purchasing a debt-ridden newspaper, theVölkischer Beobachter. It had started life in 1887 as theMünchener Beobachter, a local paper serving the Munich suburb of Haidhausen. After changing names and owners several times, the paper in 1918 came into the hands of Rudolf von Sebottendorff, who was acting for the Thule Society, a right-wing,völkischgroup. Early in 1920, he changed the name toVölkischer Beobachter(VB).
Reparations Reconsidered with a Vengeance
Authors: Felix David
Published: December 2008

In “Reparations Reconsidered: A Reminder,” in the issue of December 1969, Sally Marks argued that the reparation issue was misunderstood and deserved new thought. I agree, but for diametrically opposed reasons. Miss Marks believes that the German hardship was exaggerated. I suggest that the destrucive effect of reparations has never been appreciated. Not even the Germans, however much they complained, realized just how bad reparations were.
Lebensborn and the Eugenics Policy of the Reichsführer-SS
Authors: Thompson Larry V.
Published: December 2008

In December 1935, Heinrich Himmler established an SS agency designated as Lebensborn, or the “Well of Life” society, ordering it to perform a twofold task: to administer welfare assistance to SS families having a large number of racially valuable children; and to extend maternity and child-care facilities to expectant mothers, whether they were married or not, if they could prove the biological excellence of their expected children. Even with the emphasis placed on racial value as a criterion for Lebensborn involvement, the agency might appear to have been a curious blend of an SS “fringe benefit” combined with a charitable SS gesture toward unwed mothers. In reality, Lebensborn functioned as one unit within a comprehensive eugenics policy begun earlier in 1931 when the Reichsführer issued his famous “marriage decree” to the SS. The contribution which Lebensborn made to this eugenics program is examined below with emphasis placed on the socio-biological motives that prompted the Reichsführer's concern for childbearing and ultimately lay behind the agency's founding.
“The Dying Middle”: Weimar Germany and the Fragmentation of Bourgeois Politics
Authors: Jones Larry Eugene
Published: December 2008

On September 14, 1930, the National Socialist German Workers' Party led by Adolf Hitler scored its first national triumph by polling over six million votes and winning more than a hundred seats in the German Reichstag. Its gains came mainly at the expense of the established bourgeois parties. The success of the National Socialists stemmed primarily from the ability of Hitler and his colleagues to articulate the anxieties and frustrated ambitions of the German middle class. These anxieties grew out of a multitude of factors, of which the world economic crisis was the most spectacular. But the dramatic character of the world economic crisis has generally obscured the extent to which these anxieties were the product of certain long-range factors present in the structure of German society ever since the end of the previous century. In the period before World War I the German economy underwent a series of changes which resulted in a partial rationalization of its productive and distributive processes. This process was accelerated during the course of World War I and reached a climax in the middle of the 1920's before the world economic crisis deprived German management of the capital it needed for the purposes of rationalization.
Conflict and Concord in Wilhelmian Social Thought
Authors: Barkin Kenneth D.
Published: December 2008

In 1965, Ralf Dahrendorf published his compelling workSociety and Democracy in Germany. In this fruitful union of sociology and history, he argued convincingly that an overwhelming penchant for concord and synthesis has been the bane of the German mind for the past century and a half; not only in political thought but in traditional institutions such as the legal and educational systems, and ironically even in the supposedly radical Social Demorcatic Party. Everywhere in German life Dahrendorf preceived a quest for certainty—an obsessive need for some objective authority to deliver unimpeachable judgments that would find universal acceptance. More than settling disputes, such authorities were expected to obviate the need for disagreement altogether. The converse of this desire for harmony was an inability to accept conflict as normal; wherever conflict reared its ugly head, Germans sought to banish this unnatural phenomenon by appeal to a higher power. In this curious refusal to recognize ambiguity in life and society, Dahrendorf found the key to the German problem: what roadblocks the German ideology has placed in the way of development toward liberal parliamentary government.
World Power or Tragic Fate? TheKriegsschuldfrageas Historical Neurosis
Authors: Jarausch Konrad H.
Published: December 2008

The questionWer ist schuld am Krieg?, the focus of a propaganda battle already during the Great War, has obsessed German historians unlike any other issue in their recent history. In America the publishing success of Barbara Tuchman'sGuns of August, the acclaim of Solzhenitsyn'sAugust 1914, and the continual appearance of paperback introductions testify to an abiding interest in the outbreak of the First World War. But with the exception of the memorable debate between Sindey Fay and Bernadotte Schmidt, there have been no major American contributions because the issue of causes and responsibilities has been seen primarily as an academic problem.
Berlin versus Vienna: Disagreement about Anschluss in the Winter of 1918–1919
Authors: Myers Duane P.
Published: December 2008

On November 12, 1918, three days after Germany had been declared a republic in Berlin, the Provisional National Assembly of the German population of Austria unanimously declared in Vienna that “German-Austria is a constituent part of the German Republic.” Had the declaration been accepted as more than a statement of intent, diplomatic relations between the two independent states would have been replaced by German-Austrian participation in the German government. In fact, the two governments continued to function independently and relations between them were conducted primarily through their respective foreign ministries despite the declaration of union (Anschluss). Moreover, just as conflicts between Berlin and Vienna had plagued the alliance between the German and Austro- Hungarian empires during World War I, disagreements about the Anschluss marred relations between the new German and Austrian republics in the weeks following the armistices of 1918. While the governments in both capitals desired the unification of the two states, there was discord between them about the procedure to follow to secure it. During the winter of 1918–19 Berlin and Vienna narrowed the differences between them about questions of tactics, but fundamental disagreement about the ultimate importance of Anschluss was never completely overcome. An examination of the disagreement between the two governments and its partial resolution may shed light on the complexity of the Anschluss issue, both as a problem of the peace settlements of 1919 and as background to the annexation of Austria by Germany in 1938.
The Defeat of Austria-Hungary in 1918 and the European Balance of Power
Authors: Kann Robert A.
Published: December 2008

Our Topic is a complex one and therefore necessarily subject to certain limitations. They recommend themselves not only for practical reasons, namely the brief time at our disposal, but, more important, for logical ones as well. In the first place we want to discuss the issue precisely as stated, the problem of change in the balance of power, without injecting into it any value questions of whether such changes are to be welcomed or not from different ideological viewpoints.
The Defeat of Germany in 1918 and the European Balance of Power
Authors: Weinberg Gerhard L.
Published: December 2008

Fifty years ago Germany and her allies were crushed in war. The armistice and peace that followed defeat were held to be ruinous for her by many both inside and outside Germany. One might have expected Germany's removal as a major power in the European balance. Perhaps the time has come to take another look, and to examine how factors that operated to remove from the scene Germany's Austro-Hungarian ally had the opposite effect of maintaining and even strengthening Germany's position.
“Smash the Fascists…” German Communist Efforts to Counter the Nazis, 1930–31
Authors: Ward James J.
Published: December 2008

For most historians in the West, the German Communist Party (KPD) belongs among the gravediggers of the Weimar Republic. Other culprits certainly abounded; still, the Communists are held to have made a major contribution to the fall of Weimar by preaching violence, promoting civil disorder and economic disruption, and deliberately trying to weaken the republic's chief supporters, the Social Democrats (SPD). With such policies, Western scholars have charged, the Communists in effect collaborated with the Nazis and their allies on the right to bring about the destruction of Germany's first parliamentary democracy. Furthermore, with a leadership corps that had been “Bolshevized,” then “Stalinized,” and that took all its orders from Moscow, the KPD by the final years of Weimar was incapable of modifying its policies, even when their disastrous consequences were plain for all to see. As might be expected, East German historians present a very different picture, arguing that the KPD was the sole Weimar party to have defended working-class interests, resisted militarism and imperialism, and fought to prevent the establishment of fascist rule. Since the Weimar Republic, in the Marxist view, was a class state operating to oppress German working people, there was little about it worth fighting for. While conceding that workers suffered even more under the Nazi dictatorship, East German writers deny that the KPD carries any responsibility for Hitler's triumph. On the contrary, they contend, the Communists alone recognized what National Socialism represented and sought to devise the political tactics that would block a Nazi takeover.
The Construction of the Westwall, 1938: An Exemplar for National Socialist Policymaking
Authors: Heyl John D.
Published: December 2008

On February 12, 1942, Adolf Hitler, eulogizing his renowned highway builder Fritz Todt, proclaimed that the Westwall, Todt's Wunderwerk, would protect the Reich's western borders “under any circumstances” and “against any attack.” “No power on earth,” the Führer contended, would be able to break through “this most gigantic fortified zone of all time.” Like many of Hitler's declarations of confidence in military technology, this was a mixture of propaganda, intimidation, and obsolete information. Conveniently obscured, for example, was the neglect of the Westwall since the defeat of France in 1940. In fact, the vaunted line was to be no match for enemy forces superior in numbers and matériel. In the fall of 1944 American troops penetrated the Westwall south of Aachen and captured this westernmost city in the fortified line. Further advance was halted by the surprise Ardennes counterattack in December (Battle of the Bulge), but by February 1945 breakthroughs in the Eiffel mountains initiated the drive to the Rhine and the final defeat of Germany.
Hitler's Economic Thought: A Reappraisal
Authors: Heyl John D.
Published: December 2008

A Few years ago Ernst Nolte concluded a discussion on the role of big business in German politics with these words: “History in a modern sense begins at the point where passionate thinking is ignited by new realities related to economics.” Nolte meant modern historiography—especially the Marxist variety—when he spoke of “history in a modern sense,” but one may claim validity for an even more literal meaning of his statement. Is it not true that the course of modern history has been shaped significantly by “passionate thinking” applied to economic affairs? And are not good examples of this kind of thinking provided by the political leaders who rose above the era of the worldwide depression of the 1930's to direct its fate—Stalin, Roosevelt, and Hitler? These men, one might argue, saw “economic realities” in new ways and made their insights into economic affairs the core of the national response to the crisis of their day.
Jews in German Society: Prague, 1860–1914
Authors: Cohen Gary B.
Published: December 2008

The development of social interaction between Jews and Gentiles offers a fertile area of research to historians of modern Central Europe. Examining the place of Jews in Gentile society, of course, furthers understanding of both the proponents and victims of political anti-Semitism. Yet such study is also needed to deepen our knowledge of the values and social structures that characterized German and Austrian liberal society in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Too often in recent years historians have studied Central Europe in the half century before World War I merely to seek the roots of the traumatic events of the 1930s and 1940s. Consequently, the rise of the radical right and left has been examined in some detail, and historians have generally emphasized the fragility of liberal culture. One tends to assume that in the late nineteenth century few among the Central European middle classes took liberalism seriously enough to accept extensive or sustained Jewish participation in Gentile society, but in fact little systematic work has been done on the actual social relations between Jews and Gentiles.
The Parent Cell: Some Computer Notes on the Composition of the First Nazi Party Group in Munich, 1919–21
Authors: Douglas Donald M.
Published: December 2008

On July 29, 1921, Adolf Hitler assumed dictatorial authority over the young National Socialist German Worker's Party (NSDAP). There were at this point in the party's history some twenty-five local groups of the NSDAP scattered throughout Germany, but the party's base, its nerve center, and its strength lay in the Munich group. This parent cell from which so much was to develop should certainly be of interest to the historian and to the sociologist and political scientist as well. Yet little has been done in the way of a careful analysis of the membership of that group.
Intermarriage in the Berlin Salons
Authors: Hertz Deborah
Published: December 2008

In 1776, Moses Isaacs died in Berlin. Along with Isaac Daniel Itzig and Veitel Heine Ephraim, Isaacs had made a fortune during the Seven Years' War minting coins and supplying the army. Isaacs left behind an estate of three-quarters of a million talers in gold, most of which was organized into a family trust extending to the life of the grandchildren. The only stipulation Isaacs placed on his will was that should any of his five surviving children convert to Christianity, they would forego their share of the inheritance. The first of Isaacs's children to convert were his two daughters, Rebecca and Blümchen, who both proceeded to marry noblemen. In 1780, their two unconverted brothers appealed to King Frederick the Great to uphold their father's will and exclude the two defecting sisters from the inheritance. The king ruled in agreement with the brothers more out of loyalty to the deceased Isaacs than out of an aversion to Jewish conversion to Christianity. Whatever his motives, the sisters felt they had been treated unfairly, and so in 1786 they sued in the civil courts to have the anti-conversion clause of the will declared invalid. The first court's decision was in their favor. This court ruled that the anti-conversion clause was inappropriate in a Christian state, insofar as the clause interfered with the inheritance rights of Christian subjects, in this case the two newly Protestant Isaacs daughters. But later that year a higher court reversed this decision, judging from the viewpoint of the Jewish parents, not the Christian children.
The Shaping of Political Catholicism in the Ruhr Basin, 1848–1881
Authors: Sperber Jonathan
Published: December 2008

Consideration of political life in modern Germany has often centered on two main issues: classically, the vicissitudes of the national state; more recently, the impact of the creation of an industrial society on existing structures of power and on the position of ruling elites. Without denying the centrality of these questions, an exclusive focus on them can obscure the importance of other factors in German political development, both in their own right, and in the way they mediated the experience of state-building and industrialization to different sections of the population. Two such relevant factors are regionalism and confessional identity.
“Baseless Allegations”: Wilhelm II and the Hale Interview of 1908
Authors: Menning Ralph R. , Menning Carol Bresnahan
Published: December 2008

In a conversation with Charles Hardinge aboard H.M. YachtVictoria and Albertin April of 1907, King Edward VII raised the question of inviting Kaiser Wilhelm II to visit England. In 1904, the British monarch had paid a state visit to Germany, and now he felt the time had come to return his imperial nephew's hospitality. Hardinge relayed the King's suggestion to Foreign Secretary Edward Grey. “The King thinks that this invitation should be greatly appreciated by the Emperor William and the German people,” the undersecretary wrote, “and would tend to improve the relations between the two countries without giving our friends any real cause for suspicion or alarm.” While Hardinge was unenthusiastic about the idea of the Kaiser coming to Britain, he nonetheless conceded that “this visit has to be paid sometime or other,” and supposed that it might “mitigate any ill-feeling” created by the negotiations leading to the Anglo-Russian entente.
Labor and the End of Weimar: The Case of the KPD in the November 1928 Lockout in the Rhenish-Westphalian Iron and Steel Industry
Authors: Peterson Larry
Published: December 2008

The decision of German employers in the Rhenish-Westphalian iron and steel industry to lock out workers in November 1928 rather than accept binding arbitration of a dispute over wages marked, in retrospect, the beginning of the dissolution of the Weimar Republic. The strongest group of German capitalists, from the center of German heavy industry, frontally attacked the governing parliamentary coalition. It did so to stop the extension of socioeconomic reforms, if possible to reverse those that had been instituted since 1918, and above all to challenge that policy of state intervention in economic affairs which regulated class conflicts and institutionalized labor union influence.
War, Memory, and Politics: The Fate of the Film All Quiet on the Western Front
Authors: Eksteins Modris
Published: December 2008

Within months of its publication in January 1929 Erich Maria Remarque's novel All Quiet on the Western Front (Im Westen nichts Neues) was the world's best-selling book. It provoked a feverish controversy between those who claimed that it was an accurate representation of the war experience of 1914–18, portraying the utter futility of war, and those who denounced it as propaganda and an irreverent commercial exploitation of the Great War. Ironically, despite the intended focus of this heated debate, both the novel and the response which it elicited were more an emotional expression of postwar disillusionment and distress than a contribution to the understanding of the actual war experience.
Religion under National Socialism: The Case of the German Adventist Church
Authors: Blaich Roland
Published: December 2008

In May of 1948 a letter from Major J. C. Thompson, chief of the Religious Affairs Section of the American Military Government in Berlin, arrived at the General Conference of Seventh-Day Adventists in Washington, D.C. Major Thompson's office was responsible for seeing that all Nazis were removed from leadership positions, and his letter was part of an ongoing correspondence about the denomination's need to come to terms with its Nazi past. The Adventist denomination, he complained, was “one of the very few in Berlin which have not cleaned house politically to date. Most of the denominations finished this task long enough ago to have forgotten about it.” The letter must have been particularly embarrassing to Adventist leaders as it went on to compare Adventists to Catholics, who “actually had little housecleaning to do because of their strong opposition during the reign of Hitler to the entire Nazi regime.”
Desperate Counsel in Vienna in July 1914: Berthold Molden's Unpublished Memorandum
Authors: Wank Solomon
Published: December 2008

Webegan the war, not the Germans and even less the Entente— that I know.” So begins a recently discovered and published account of the events of July 1914,Der Kriegsbeginn, written in December 1918 by Baron Leopold von Andrian–Werburg, the respected and influential Austro-Hungarian Consul-General in Warsaw (1911–1914). He was in Vienna after the assassination of Archduke Francis Ferdinand on 28 June 1914, and belonged to that small circle of diplomats privy to the discussions in the Ballhausplatz that followed that event. Andrian-Werburg's ringing confession of Austro-Hungarian responsibility for the outbreak of World War I is much more direct than one that first came to light more than a decade ago: that of Count Alexander Hoyos, Foreign Minister Count Leopold Berchtold's chef-de-cabinet. Andrian-Werburg's avowal of Austro-Hungarian responsibility is paradoxical in the context of the controversy over German policy in July 1914 sparked by the publication of Fritz Fischer's 1964 book on Germany's war aims. As Fritz Fellner pointed out in an essay on Hoyos's mission to Berlin to garner benützt werden, urn die Rechnung zu prasentieren. Entgegenkornmen so lange wie möglich, aber zurückschlagen beirn nächsten Schlag. Dieser nächste Schiag ist jetzt da—alle Welt sieht, weiche Gesinnungen in Serbien die Führung an sich gerissen haben. Nicht urn Rache handelt es sich, sondern urn Sicherung für die Zukunft. Rache mag das, für das Gefühl der einfachsten Menschen in unserern Volke verständlichste Motiv sein, für viele andere wird es heissen, dass Serbien uns sein böses Trachten jetzt enthüllt hat—die Politik aber hat Bürgschaft oder Unterwerfung zu fordern.
The Myth of the Older Historical School of Economics
Authors: Lindenfeld David F.
Published: December 2008

Itis a commonplace of German historiography and the history of economic thought in particular that German economists pursued aSonderweqin the second half of the nineteenth century, rejecting the theoretical bases of laissez-faire doctrines that were common in Britain and France in favor of a study of economic history. This is generally viewed as taking place in two stages: first, an “older German historical school” that began to question the accepted dogmas of Smithian economics beginning in the 1840s, with the work of Wilhelm Roscher, Bruno Hildebrand, and Karl Knies. This allegedly preceded the “younger historical school” of the 1870s and after, dominated by Gustav Schomoller, Lujo Brentano, and Georg Friedrich Knapp. In calling the existence of this older school a myth, I want to draw on the currently fashionable connotation of the word “myth”: to say, in other words, that this received notion contains some important elements of truth—but masked in such a way as to distort its significance.
Displaying the Nation: A View of Nineteenth-Century Monuments through a Popular Magazine
Authors: Belgum Kirsten
Published: December 2008

National identity is a complex political equation that is nevertheless often represented in a single image. Historically, nation-states have erected monuments to display their power and legitimacy in material form. Yet, despite their apparent physical stability, the meaning of such structures is subject to alteration and reinterpretation. Thus they provide the intriguing possibility of exploring the ambiguities that emerge when a multi-dimensional social phenomenon like the nation is given a unified representation.
Academic Politics in the History of Science: Experimental Psychology in Germany, 1879–1941
Authors: Ash Mitchell G.
Published: December 2008

Therise of large-scale laboratory research in nineteenth-century Germany has often been portrayed as a continuous success story. Taken as indicative are the two sciences on the leading edge of the trend, chemistry and physiology; developments in biology, physics, and the technical fields are then depicted either as imitations of or as the results of knowledge or personnel transfer from the leading disciplines. At first glance, the founding in 1879 of the world's first continuously operating psychological laboratory in Leipzig by Wilhelm Wundt, a physiologist turned philosopher, seems to fit this model very well. In one study, Joseph Ben-David and Randall Collins assert that this instance of “role hybridization,” as they call it, marked experimental psychology's “take-off into sustained growth” as a scientific discipline.
International Migration: Germany in the Eighteenth Century
Authors: Fenske Hans
Published: December 2008

Inthe eighteenth century Germany as a unified, sovereign state was only a vague idea. The Holy Roman Empire provided only a loose framework for more or less independent small states. In an area of 660,000 square kilometers there lived twenty-seven million inhabitants, divided among 310 territories, 50 imperial free cities, and 1,500 imperial knighthoods. Large German provinces such as East Prussia, West Prussia, and Schleswig were situated outside the imperial boundaries. The emperor had no real power. Since 1648 the territories had possessed sovereignty, and looked upon each other as foreign countries. Even a move to a neighboring village lying on the other side of the frontier was considered as emigration.
German Emigration to the United States and Continental Immigration to Germany in the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries
Authors: Bade Klaus J.
Published: December 2008

Upto the end of the nineteenth century Germany was a country of emigrants. Until recently the nineteenth- and early twentieth-century transatlantic migration of more than five million Germans, mostly to North America, has been largely forgotten in contemporary Germany, except by a few historians. That is all the more true for the mass movement of foreign migrant workers into the German labor market in the decades preceding World War I. Of immediate interest in West Germany today is the so-called “guest-worker question” (Gastarbeiterfrage) which is now becoming an immigration issue in contrast to the earlier “foreign-worker question” in pre-World War I Germany. In recent years West Germany witnessed the transition from a country hiring “guest workers” to one possessing a genuine immigrant minority. This ongoing experience has contributed to a new interest in the historical development of transnational migration in both of its manifestations, as emigration and as immigration. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries Germany experienced alternating waves of the two forms of transnational mass migration, both of which were dwarfed by the internal migration streams.
American-German Return Migration in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries
Authors: Moltmann Günter
Published: December 2008

Every historian studying the emigration of Europeans to the United States discovers during such research that there was not only a crossing of the Atlantic westward, but a return movement from the United States to Europe as well. In 1842 Charles Dickens in his American Notes wrote about his experiences on a ship traveling from America to England: “We carried in the steerage nearly a hundred passengers: a little world of poverty. … Some of them had been in America but three days, some but three months, and some had gone out in the last voyage of that very ship in which they were now returning home. Others had sold their clothes to raise the passage-money, and had hardly rags to cover them; others had no food, and lived upon the charity of the rest. … They were coming back, even poorer than they went.”
The Extraordinary Life of a Retired Sexton on the Brink of Poverty: Friedrich Wilhelm Hirsemann (1741–1802)
Authors: Albrecht Peter
Published: December 2008

When European society was still divided into estates, rules of behavior covering all essential aspects of life were in effect for (and were expected to be observed by), even the smallest social group. Knowledge of the often quite subtle differences in the behavior expected and their strict observation within ones personal sphere determined the position of every individual. The adage, “Schuster bleib bei deinem Leisten” (shoemaker, stick to your last), had meaning not only for one's occupation, but extended to all areas of life. In the eighteenth century the room for movement slowly broadened for the individual. It was primarily in the educated circles that the pioneers of this process of gradual change could be found, and where the estates system itself began to be questioned. The room for mobility of those in the lower social groups expanded—to be sure only slightly—as far as one can judge on the basis of the restricted amount of sources at our disposal. But in individual cases, even people from the lower classes were able to make use of the loosening of barriers and to profit from them.
Sigmund Freud and the Politics of Marginality
Authors: Rothman Stanley , Isenberg Phillip
Published: December 2008

Relying heavily upon Freud's greatest work, The Interpretation of Dreams, Professors Carl Schorske and William McGrath have attempted to increase our understanding of the origins of psychoanalysis. Both authors feel that the key to Freud's discoveries lies in his reaction to the sociopolitical realities of late nineteenth-century Vienna, and while the articles differ somewhat in emphasis their arguments are sufficiently similar so that they can be treated together. To Schorske and McGrath psychoanalysis had its origins in Freud's decision to give up his initial desire to mount a direct political (even revolutionary) attack on the inequities of the existing society for a “counter-political” psychology which enabled him to adjust to the existing political situation and even achieve a measure of scientific success. As a youth Freud had radical political aspirations and was even active in radical political organizations. However, the hopelessness of the liberal position in Vienna and the rise of anti-Semitic popular movements led Freud to believe that direct political action would not be successful. By reducing political conflict to father-son conflict Freud, like other liberals, would ignore the reality of the political and learn to live (albeit imperfectly) in a world which he could not influence. A career in science could bring recognition and at least partial acceptance, and thus a minimum of satisfaction at least.
The Uses of Utopianism: The Millenarian Dream in Central European Social Democracy Before 1914
Authors: Calkins Kenneth R.
Published: December 2008

Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels emerged as socialist theoreticians of the first rank at a time when many of their rivals were still engaged in efforts to design visionary ideal societies. Although they did not hesitate to appropriate key concepts from some of the most original of these architects of the future, Marx and Engels were quite rightly convinced that one of their first tasks must be to still the siren song of the so-called utopian socialists if they hoped to build a politically effective movement. They therefore launched a polemic against the “systematic pendantry” and the “fanatical and superstitious belief[s]” of these builders of “castles in the air” which eventually proved so effective that many contemporary as well as later commentators denied, ignored, or at the very least vastly underestimated the significance of the millenarian appeal of Marxism itself.