bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Dynamic Rheological and Microstructural Properties of Normal and Waxy Rice Starch Gels Containing Milk Protein Ingredients
Authors: Noisuwan Angkana , Hemar Yacine , Wilkinson Brian , Bronlund John E.
Published: February 2009

The viscoelastic and microstructural properties of normal and waxy rice starch gels containing milk proteins, with concentration ranging from 0 to 10%, were investigated using dynamic rheological measurements and confocal microscopy observations. The gels were made by heating the starch dispersions (10%) in the presence of the milk protein ingredients, namely skim milk powder (SMP), milk protein concentrates (MPC), sodium caseinates (NaCAS) and whey protein isolates (WPI). It was found that qualitatively the rheological behaviour of the mixed gels was similar to that of the starch alone, indicating that the continuous phase was made of starch molecules. Furthermore, up to a concentration of 5%, all these ingredients could be considered as inert fillers, since they did not affect drastically the elastic modulus of the mixed gels. Only at high concentration was an effect observed, and it is believed that in the case of SMP and MPC, the effect could be attributed to the separation of the milk proteins and the starch molecules into separate phases, as shown by confocal microscopy. That heat induced gelation of WPI was also believed to be responsible for the large increase in the elasticity of the WPI/rice starch gels at high concentration of WPI.
Diagnosis of station and rotation of the fetal head in the second stage of labor with intrapartum translabial ultrasound
Authors: Ghi T. , Farina A. , Pedrazzi A. , Rizzo N. , Pelusi G. , Pilu G.
Published: February 2009

Objective

To investigate the ability of intrapartum translabial sonography to diagnose fetal station in the second stage of labor.

Methods

Patients with uncomplicated pregnancies at term gestation with fetuses in vertex presentation in the second stage of labor underwent serial translabial sonography and digital examinations. In a sagittal section of the maternal pelvis, the direction of the head was noted and categorized as downward, horizontal or upward. By rotating the transducer in the transverse plane the cerebral midline echo was also visualized and the rotation of the head was noted. Clinical and ultrasound data were compared using Somer's d‐test.

Results

Sixty patients underwent a total of 168 clinical and sonographic examinations. When on the sonogram the fetal head was directed downward, the station assessed clinically was most frequently ≤ + 1 cm from the ischial spines (44/57 (77.2%) cases); when the direction was horizontal, the station was most frequently ≤ + 2 cm (53/59 (89.8%) cases); when the fetal head was directed upward, the station was usually ≥ + 3 cm (46/52 (88.5%) cases). Failure to visualize the cerebral midline or a rotation ≥ 45° were associated with a station of + 2 cm or less in 98/103 (95.1%) examinations. Conversely, a rotation of < 45° was associated with a station of + 3 cm or more in 45/65 (69.2%) examinations. All comparisons between clinical and sonographic findings demonstrated a statistically significant relationship (P < 0.0001). The probability of a station + 3 cm or more was particularly high when an upward direction of the head was seen in combination with a rotation of < 45° (40/42 (95.2%) examinations). The interobserver variability (Cohen's kappa 0.795 and 0.727 for station and rotation, respectively; P < 0.001) and intraobserver variability (0.845 for both station and rotation, P < 0.001) suggested good reproducibility of the method.

Conclusions

Translabial sonography allows a diagnosis of fetal station with an accuracy comparable to that of digital examination and may provide useful information for diagnosing obstructed labor in the second stage as well as assisting in the choice of instrumental delivery. Copyright © 2009 ISUOG. Published by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Catenation of 1,3‐Diphosphacyclobutane‐2,4‐diyl Units Having 2,4,6‐Tri‐tert‐butylphenyl Protecting Groups and a P‐sec‐Butyl Group in the Ring
Authors: Ito Shigekazu , Miura Joji , Morita Noboru , Yoshifuji Masaaki , Arduengo Anthony J.
Published: February 2009

Two and three stable 1‐sec‐butyl‐2,4‐bis(2,4,6‐tri‐tert‐butylphenyl)‐1,3‐diphosphacyclobutane‐2,4‐diyl units were catenated to construct multi‐biradical derivatives by utilizing 1,3‐di‐, 1,4‐di‐, and 1,3,5‐trimethylenebenzenes as bridging groups, respectively. UV/Vis spectroscopic and cyclovoltammetric (CV) properties of the multi‐biradicals indicate a non‐conjugative interaction between the concatenated biradical units.
Professional Ambivalence: Accounts of Ethical Practice in Childhood Genetic Testing
Authors: Arribas‐Ayllon Michael , Sarangi Srikant , Clarke Angus
Published: February 2009

Childhood genetic testing raises complex ethical and moral dilemmas for both families and professionals. In the family sphere, the role of communication is a key aspect in the transmission of ‘genetic responsibility’ between adults and children. In the professional sphere, genetic responsibility is an interactional accomplishment emerging from the sometimes competing views over what constitutes the ‘best interests’ of the child in relation to parental preferences on the one hand, and professional judgements on the other. In the present paper we extend our previous research into parental accounts of childhood genetic testing and explore the ethical accounts of professionals in research interviews. Interviews (n = 20) were conducted with professional practitioners involved in the genetic diagnosis and management of children and their families. We first identify four inter‐related themes—juxtaposition of parental rights vis‐à‐vis child's autonomy, elicitation of the child's autonomy, avoidance of parental responsibility and recognition of professional uncertainty. Then, using Rhetorical Discourse Analysis, we examine the range of discourse devices through which ethical accounts are situationally illustrated: contrast, reported speech, constructed dialogue, character and event work. An overarching device in these ethical accounts is the use of extreme case scenarios, which reconstruct dilemmas as justifications of professional conduct. While acknowledging ambivalence, our analysis suggests that professional judgement is not a simple matter of implementing ethical principles but rather of managing the practical conditions and consequences of interactions with parents and children. We conclude that more attention is needed to understand the way professional practitioners formulate judgements about ethical practice.
The long and the short of it: RNA‐directed chromatin asymmetry in mammalian X‐chromosome inactivation
Authors: Kanduri Chandrasekhar , Whitehead Joanne , Mohammad Faizaan
Published: February 2009

Mammalian X‐chromosome inactivation is controlled by a multilayered silencing pathway involving both short and long non‐coding RNAs, which differentially recruit the epigenetic machinery to establish chromatin asymmetries. In response to developmentally regulated small RNAs, dicer, a key effector of RNA interference, locally silences Xist on the active X‐chromosome and establishes the heterochromatin conformation along the silent X‐chromosome. The 1.6 kb RepA RNA initiates silencing by targeting the PRC2 polycomb complex to the inactive X‐chromosome. In addition, the nuclear microenvironment is implicated in the initiation and maintenance of X‐chromosome asymmetries. Here we review new findings involving these various RNA species in terms of understanding Xist gene regulation and the establishment of X‐chromosome inactivation.
A WEAKLY ANALYTIC LOCALLY CONVEX SPACE WHICH IS NOT K-ANALYTIC
Authors: FERRANDO JUAN CARLOS
Published: February 2009

It is shown that the dual of the space Cp(I) of all real-valued continuous functions on the closed unit interval with the pointwise topology, when equipped with the Mackey topology, is a non K-analytic but weakly analytic locally convex space.
REGULAR SUBGROUPS OF THE AFFINE GROUP AND RADICAL CIRCLE ALGEBRAS
Authors: CATINO FRANCESCO , RIZZO ROBERTO
Published: February 2009

We establish a link between regular subgroups of the affine group and radical circle algebras on the underlying vector space.
OSCILLATION OF SOLUTIONS OF LINEAR DIFFERENTIAL EQUATIONS
Authors: CHUAQUI MARTIN , DUREN PETER , OSGOOD BRAD , STOWE DENNIS
Published: February 2009

In this note we study the zeros of solutions of differential equations of the form u′′+pu=0. A criterion for oscillation is found, and some sharper forms of the Sturm comparison theorem are given.
Surrogate international organization and the case of world food security, 1949–1969
Authors: McLin Jon
Published: February 2009

Much of the discussion and study in the field of international organization has long been beset by a sterile encounter between the “uncritical lovers” and the “unloving critics” of formal intergovernmental organizations, of which the UN family is the preeminent example. The former have seen in those institutions and their procedures precursors of a regime of international law, if not of a world government, characterized by greater rationality, order, and cooperation and by less conflict in interstate relations; they have often been mentally fixed on a dominant image of international order, an image whose flaws and other characteristics were well analyzed by John Ruggie several years ago. The latter have seen them largely as shadow plays, at best reflecting and at worst having nothing to do with the power relations among states, which are the real determinants of state behavior in an anarchic system. The split between the two corresponds roughly, if not identically, to another fundamental divide among theorists of international relations, namely, that between idealists and realists.
Origins of the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development
Authors: Weber Steven
Published: February 2009

In post–cold war Europe, international institutions associated with an earlier era of U.S. hegemony in the Western hemisphere continue to exist and in some cases are playing a significant role in managing a broad array of challenges. New institutions are also being created to manage new challenges. The European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) may be the most visible example. On 29 May 1990, forty states and two European organizations signed articles of agreement to establish this new institution, whose declared purpose is “to foster the transition towards open market-oriented economies and to promote private and entrepreneurial initiative in the Central and Eastern European countries committed to and applying the principles of multiparty democracy, pluralism, and market economies.”
Voting for protection: an electoral model of tariff policy
Authors: Conybeare John A. C.
Published: February 2009

The political economy of trade policy has largely neglected popular elections. When legislatures determine protection, politicians supply tariffs that are demanded by their constituents. A model of this political market is specified and tested with data related to the McKinley Tariff of 1890. An index of the extent to which tariff protection accrued to individual congressional districts is applied, along with demand and supply variables, to three questions: Did representatives supply tariffs to their districts as the model predicts? Did they vote in accordance with the district tariff interest in the roll-call vote on the McKinley Tariff? Did electors reward representatives for the district tariff protection in a manner consistent with a political market model? Empirical estimations based on the model provide answers that are generally affirmative and appear to be inconsistent with the traditional view that the Republican defeat in 1890 was a result of the McKinley Tariff.
Partners and rivals: a model of international collaboration in advanced technology
Authors: Tucker Jonathan B.
Published: February 2009

Concepts from bargaining theory and neorealist theory are integrated in a partners-and-rivals (PAR) model that explains the terms of collaboration between rational actors (for example, firms) that are potential competitors. The model contends that the stronger player's incentive to collaborate is determined not only by its interest in absolute welfare benefits from collaboration but also by its concern about and loss of utility from unfavorable shifts in relative position vis-à-vis the weaker player. Two propositions are derived from the model. According to the disparity principle, the stronger player's net payoff from collaboration (the sum of its welfare benefits and positional costs) is a function of the disparity in capabilities between the two players. The net payoff curve is low when the disparity in capabilities is large, reaches an optimum when the disparity is moderate, and then falls again as the disparity approaches zero. The slope of the curve is also affected by a coefficient, α, which reflects the stronger player's sensitivity to positional losses. According to the compensation principle, for collaboration to arise, the weaker player must make an adjustment in the terms of the bargain, or a side-payment, to compensate the stronger player for its positional losses from collaboration. The validity of the PAR model is tested by comparing Franco-German collaboration on military aircraft in two cases, one in which the disparity in capabilities between the players was moderate and the other in which the disparity was small.
Ideas, interests, and institutionalization: “trade in services” and the Uruguay Round
Authors: Drake William J. , Nicolaïdis Kalypso
Published: February 2009

After much deliberation, member governments of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) agreed to pursue a new regime for international trade in services as part of the Uruguay Round negotiations begun in 1986. The talks have produced a draft agreement—the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS)—which, if ratified, could have important implications for the world economy. But when the question of trade in services first arose, most governments did not understand the issues or know whether a multilateral agreement would be to their advantage. If anything, their existing national interests and institutions seemed contrary to the goal of liberalizing trade in services. This article argues that an epistemic community of services experts played a crucial role in clarifying and framing the complex issue of trade in services and placing it on the global agenda. Through their analyses of the services issues and their interactions with policymakers, the epistemic community members were able to convince governments that international services transactions had common trade properties and that the liberalization of services through removal of nontariff barriers was potentially advantageous to developing as well as developed countries. In addition to fostering international negotiations within the GATT forum and helping states redefine their interests, the community members were instrumental in specifying a range of policy options to be considered. However, once governments understood their interests and domestic constituencies were mobilized, their policy choices were influenced more by power and bargaining dynamics than by continuing, direct epistemic community influence.
Banning chlorofluorocarbons: epistemic community efforts to protect stratospheric ozone
Authors: Haas Peter M.
Published: February 2009

The emergence of scientific evidence that emissions of chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) were depleting the stratospheric ozone layer prompted an epistemic community of atmospheric scientists and concerned policymakers to push for regulations regarding CFC use. Members of the transnational epistemic community played a primary role in gathering information, disseminating it to governments and CFC manufacturers, and helping them formulate international, domestic, and industry policies regarding CFC consumption and production. Community members contributed to the timing and stringency of CFC regulations through a combination of strategies ranging from the persuasion of individuals to the capture of various decision-making channels. Most important, by influencing the actions of the United States and DuPont, the largest producer of CFCs, the epistemic community changed the external environment in which policy decisions were made by other governments and firms.
Reform in the international food aid regime: the role of consensual knowledge
Authors: Hopkins Raymond F.
Published: February 2009

The principles and norms adopted by the regime governing food aid in the 1950s have changed substantially during the subsequent three decades. Explaining the changes necessarily includes analyzing the efforts of an international epistemic community consisting of economic development specialists, agricultural economists, and administrators of food aid. According to the initial regime principles, food aid should be provided from donors' own surplus stocks, should supplement the usual commercial food imports in recipient countries, should be given under short-term commitments sensitive to the political and economic goals of donors, and should directly feed hungry people. As a result of following these principles, the epistemic community and other critics argued, food aid often had the adverse effects of reducing local production of food in recipient countries and exacerbating rather than alleviating hunger. The epistemic community (1) developed and proposed ideas for more efficiently supplying food aid and avoiding “disincentive” effects and (2) pushed for reforms to make food aid serve as the basis for the recipients' economic development and to target it at addressing long-term food security problems. The ideas of the international epistemic community have increasingly received support from international organizations and the governments of donor and recipient nations. Most recently, they have led to revisions of the U.S. food aid program passed by Congress in October 1990 and signed into law two months later. As the analysis of food aid reform demonstrates, changes in the international regime have been incremental, rather than radical. Moreover, the locus for the change has shifted from an American-centered one in the 1950s to a more international one in recent decades.
A world economy restored: expert consensus and the Anglo-American postwar settlement
Authors: Ikenberry G. John
Published: February 2009

Although British and U.S. officials held markedly different views during the initial negotiations for a postwar economic order, they were able to reach watershed trade and monetary agreements that set the terms for the reestablishment of an open world economy. How does one explain this Anglo-American settlement reached at Bretton Woods in 1944? Structural explanations, based on underlying configurations of power and interests, are helpful but leave important issues unresolved. Given the range of postwar economic “orders” that were possible and potentially consistent with underlying structures and also given the divergent and conflicting views both within and between the two governments, why did the economic order take the particular shape it took? This article argues that agreement was fostered by a community of British and American economists and policy specialists who embraced a set of policy ideas inspired by Keynesianism and who played a critical role in defining government conceptions of postwar interests, shaping the negotiating agenda (for example, shifting the focus of negotiations from trade issues, which were highly contentious, to monetary issues, about which there was an emerging “middle ground” created by Keynesian ideas), and building coalitions in support of the postwar settlement.
Challenging conventional explanations of international cooperation: negotiation analysis and the case of epistemic communities
Authors: Sebenius James K.
Published: February 2009

Analyses of international policy cooperation are often marked by analytic and empirical confusion. First, by largely treating cooperation as a binary phenomenon (typically, as cooperation versus defection), they direct attention away from crucial issues of distribution, the possibility of suboptimal cooperation, and the degree of unrealized joint gains. Second, even when simple matrix games with known payoffs capture distributional conflict and Pareto-inferiority, they typically do so by suppressing the inherent uncertainty and the need to learn, especially with respect to payoffs and values. And, third, even when they take both power and knowledge-dependent joint gains into account, they often treat the two as competing alternatives or as analytically separable, rather than as inherently bound together in the bargaining process. This article describes the emerging negotiation-analytic approach and argues that it provides a useful framework within which these conceptual problems can be avoided and explanatory power can be enhanced. From a negotiation-analytic perspective, it argues, epistemic communities can be viewed as distinctive de facto natural coalitions of “believers” whose main interest lies not in meeting material objectives but, rather, in expanding to become winning coalitions capable of ensuring the adoption of specific policy projects. An epistemic community's actions can thus be understood as changing the perceived zone of possible agreement through well-understood ways that are favorable to its objectives. Although ultimately a community's influence is exercised through bargaining, there is practically no theory of bargaining elaborated in the epistemic communities approach. Despite this and other drawbacks, the approach helps account for players' interests and usefully insists on the importance of perceptions and learning in negotiation. The article concludes that the effects of shared beliefs and of policy conflict can be readily incorporated into the negotiation-analytic model of bargaining, thereby giving rise to more precisely drawn observations about the conditions under which “believers” will have the strongest impact on negotiated outcomes. This will in turn make it possible to improve policy prescriptions in the actual or potential presence of epistemic communities.
The paradox of state strength: transnational relations, domestic structures, and security policy in Russia and the Soviet Union
Authors: Evangelista Matthew
Published: February 2009

A transnational community of disarmament proponents achieved considerable success in influencing Soviet security policy in the 1980s on several issues, including two examined here: nuclear testing and strategic defenses. Fundamental changes in the Soviet domestic structure after 1989, however, had the paradoxical effect of making transnational actors simultaneously less constrained in promoting their favored policies and less effective in getting them implemented. Transnational relations and domestic structures in combination affect security policy. This interaction likewise has implications for theories of ideas, learning, and epistemic communities.
The political economy of financial internationalization in the developing world
Authors: Haggard Stephan , Maxfield Sylvia
Published: February 2009

In the last decade a growing number of developing countries have opened their financial systems by liberalizing capital flows and the rules governing the international operations of financial intermediaries. One explanation of this rush toward greater financial internationalization is that increasing interdependence generates domestic and foreign political pressures for capital account liberalization. While we find evidence for that hypothesis, we find that the proximate cause in developing countries more frequently is found in balance of payments crises. Politicians perceive that financial openness in the face of crisis can increase capital inflows by indicating to foreign investors that they will be able to liquidate their investments and by signaling government intentions to maintain fiscal and monetary discipline. The argument is explored through case studies of Chile, Indonesia, Mexico, and South Korea.
Nationalism in America's UN Policy, 1944–1945
Authors: Campbell Thomas M.
Published: February 2009

This article presents an interpretation of the conflicts between universalism and nationalism as they affected United States policy toward the creation of the United Nations. Drawing on heretofore unavailable sources, the author stresses the rising influence of nationalism in the evolution of decisions on the veto power, trusteeships, and regionalism. His focus is on the decision–making process during Roosevelt's last year and the initial months of the Truman administration. He contends that Cordell Hull's universalist UN blueprint, which Roosevelt supported, was inexorably eroded by critics within the American government, especially military spokesmen. These leaders took advantage of the apprehension about the Soviet Union's future policy to further their own ambitions for a strong post–war military posture. Truman was sympathetic to the voices of nationalism, and when he became president the shift away from a strong UN became more pronounced.
The United States vs. The United Nations
Authors: Barber Hollis W.
Published: February 2009

The United States public and government, initially unrealistic in their visions of UN potentialities, have recently been turning toward the extreme of skepticism. There are various reasons for the change: the squabbles over Chinese representation and Rhodesian sanctions, the ever–increasing budgets voted by small powers who apparently pay a disproportionately low share of UN expenses, United States disillusionment at being out–voted by the Afro–Asian bloc, and the latter's insistence that the only really important function of the UN is to end colonialism and racism. Although some of these frictions have been adjusted, others are in danger of flaring into major disagreements, and, in any case, the old easy assumption of permanent US–UN friendship has gone by the board.
Innovation in Latin American Regionalism: The Andean Common Market
Authors: Avery William P. , Cochrane James D.
Published: February 2009

The Andean Common Market, the most recent attempt at regional integration in Latin America, differs from the other Latin American efforts both in the factors that prompted its formation and in the support it had when it was established. More importantly, it differs in its terms and provisions, providing for a higher level of integration than any other Latin American effort. Several of its features—a common policy on foreign investment, regional planning and coordination in such fields as industry and agriculture, a quasi–supranational secretariat — make it an innovative approach to integration in Latin America. Numerous factors enhance the integrative potential of Andean integration. Among these are relatively favorable ratings on several of the neo–functional variables of regional integration. These indicators suggest that the effort may attain its objectives and perhaps even set an example to be followed by other economic groupings among Latin American countries. Still, projections about the future of the Andean Common Market must remain mixed. Some negative factors exist within the movement that could, if they triumph over the positive factors, lead to the same stagnation that now characterizes LAFTA and the CACM.
Public Corporations in Single–Country and Regional Settings: Kenya and the East African Community
Authors: Dresang Dennis L. , Sharkansky Ira
Published: February 2009

This essay draws from the experience of Kenya and the East African Community to ascertain the impact of single–country or regional ownership on the commercial performance of public enterprises. The advantages of the larger resource base of a regional community are mooted by the problems of mobilizing those resources. A fledgling public corporation can secure assistance most readily when owned by one state. It is also clear that traits of a corporation independent of its regional or single–country status affect commercial success. The essay concludes with a discussion of the limited contribution public corporations make to further levels of regional integration.
Role and Perception in International Crisis: The Cases of Israeli and Egyptian Decision Makers in National Capitals and the United Nations
Authors: Siverson Randolph M.
Published: February 2009

This research reports an exploration of the relationship between a decision maker's role and his perception during an international crisis. Research on the social and political processes of the United Nations suggests that a variety of factors, including communication patterns, nonnational roles, and learning experiences may produce a role orientation in delegates that would have an impact upon their perceptions even when their nation is involved in an international crisis. This proposition is explored using content analysis data from the 1956 Suez crisis. The decision makers whose perceptions furnish the data are the Egyptian and Israeli Permanent Representatives to the United Nations and the occupants of high foreign policy positions in the national capitals of Egypt and Israel. The initial analysis of the data indicates only very small differences in the perceptions. The analysis of the data does not support the original proposition. Finally, some caveats concerning the research are raised.
International Organization and Attitude Change: A Re–examination of the Functionalist Approach
Authors: Wolf Peter
Published: February 2009

This study examines the functionalist approach to international relations, focusing on the proposed relationship between experience in international organizations and attitude change of the participants. The functionalist thesis on attitude change is amplified by reference to social–psychological work on the subject. In terms of functionalist theory, attitude change is essentially seen to be the product of socialization into the international organization. Empirical studies of the attitudes of participants to various international organizations are then evaluated for the extent to which they support the functionalist hypothesis. The evidence indicates that while socialization processes produce some attitude change toward the adoption of an “internationalist outlook,” the likelihood and nature of attitude change is also significantly affected by conflict processes within the organization. The functionalist approach is found to be inadequate in dealing with conflict in the organization as well as in need of greater elaboration with respect to socialization. Revisions are suggested which take into account variations in the sociological structure of international organizationsin addition to processes of socialization and organizational conflict as factors affecting attitude change.
Transgovernmental Interaction in the International Monetary System, 1960–1972
Authors: Russell Robert W.
Published: February 2009

The main hypothesis of this article is that transgovernmental interaction among central banks and finance ministries of industrialized countries was as significant in economic policy formation as intergovernmental interaction. Elite interview data indicate, however, that the international consultative process among deputy central bank governors and deputy finance ministers conformed more closely to the intergovernmental image of international politics than had been expected. Both interaction patterns within the deputies’ consultative group and the impact of international consultations upon national economic policies could be explained moderately well in terms of a unified rational actor model. Examination of the transgovernmental interaction does suggest ways to systematically modify and improve interpretations based upon the rational actor model. In addition, the degree of politicization of issues may prove to be a reliable guide when deciding whether the transgovernmental dimension of an issue requires detailed study.
International relations and domestic structures: Foreign economic policies of advanced industrial states
Authors: Katzenstein Peter J.
Published: February 2009

Recent writings on problems of the international economy have focused attention primarily on changes in the international system. This paper attempts to show that foreign economic policy can be understood only if domestic factors are systematically included in the analysis. The paper's first part groups the recent literature into three paradigms which distinguish between three international effects. The second part offers a comparison of the differences between a state-centered policy network in France and a society-centered network in the United States. The third part of the paper combines the arguments of the first two and analyzes French and American commercial, financial, and energy policies as the outcome of both international effects and domestic structures. These case studies show that domestic factors must be included in an analysis of foreign economic policies. The paper's main results are analyzed further in its fourth part.
The influence of the international secretariat: UNCTAD and generalized tariff preferences
Authors: Bhattacharya Anindya K.
Published: February 2009

The article is an empirical study of the political processes leading to the agreement on the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) that was reached in October 1970 at the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD). Section I of the article sets out the triangular interests that had to reach agreement among developed countries, among developing countries, and between developed and developing countries. Section II poses the problem of the article: How did the UNCTAD secretariat contribute to the political process that resolved the three-dimensional disagreements, if only on a partial basis? The argument of the article is that sustained institutionalized pressure exerted through the UNCTAD secretariat did make a difference in influencing the policy outcomes on GSP. Certain results were achieved through UNCTAD organizational processes–secretariat ideology, Prebisch's leadership, and pragmatic group bargaining–that could not have been achieved through other means.
The behavior of the ministates in the United Nations, 1971–1972
Authors: Harbert Joseph R.
Published: February 2009

This article examines the voting behavior of the exceptionally small states (population less than one million) in the UN General Assembly. It uses modified Rice-Beyle techniques (Index of Cohesion and Index of Agreement) to measure the cohesiveness of 23 ministates in four issue-areas: political, colonial, economic, and social, humanitarian and cultural. Ministate voting patterns are compared with those of the US, the USSR, the former colonial powers, and the African-Asian caucusing group. The study's major findings are that: 1) there is greatest ministate cohesion on colonial and economic issues and less cohesion on social, humanitarian, and cultural questions. Political issues divide the ministates; 2) the ministates and the USSR vote similarly on colonial and economic questions, whereas the ministates' voting is more similar to that of the US and the colonial powers on social, humanitarian, and cultural issues. On political issues the ministates are neither a bloc nor the subservient clients of the superpowers; 3) with few exceptions ministate voting patterns are similar to those of the African-Asian group in the UN. These findings extend the generalizations of Kay, et al., with reference to the concerns of the newer nations. In addition, the findings indicate that size alone does not appear to be a significant differentiating variable. The existence of shifting alignments and majorities in different issue-areas underscores the political sophistication and relative independence from large power pressure of ministate voting in the UN.
Asymmetrical bargaining in the conference on security and cooperation in Europe
Authors: Hopmann P. Terrence
Published: February 2009

Bargaining relationships in formal international conferences and negotiations may involve structural asymmetries. A comprehensive analysis of these asymmetries in bargaining may be found in a synthesis of literature from formal game theory, structural-manipulative approaches to bargaining, social psychology, and the study of political influence. Propositions based on this literature focus on two factors which are likely to contribute to asymmetrical outcomes in negotiations: unequal costs to the negotiators from the failure to agree, and unequal resources available to employ in bargaining or influence attempts. An analysis of bargaining in the section of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) dealing with the issues of European security gave qualified support to these propositions. Influence over the final text in the CSCE agreement is related to a rough index of losses which would have resulted for individual nations from the failure to reach agreement in the CSCE. In addition, influence over the final text is related to each nation's resources, especially military resources. More significantly, the two superpowers exerted considerable asymmetrical influence over what was not included in the CSCE agreement, thus exercising a substantial veto. Thus, the asymmetrical outcomes within the CSCE negotiations were reflective of both differences in “threat potential,” that is, in the losses which actors would receive if no agreement had ensued, as well as differences in resources.
Economic dependency in black Africa: an analysis of competing theories
Authors: McGowan Patrick J. , Smith Dale L.
Published: February 2009

Current attempts to understand and remedy the underdevelopment and peripheral international roles of Third World states derive from three competing paradigms: conventional social science, Marxism, and dependency theory. Each paradigm claims to explain past history and to make relevant policy recommendations for Third World leaders. Yet, none of these approaches has so far been formulated as complex, well specified, causal models. One can build theory relevant to data by specifying competing three-variable models relating economic dependency to economic performance and development potential. An empirical evaluation can then be made of the dependency theory proposition that economic dependency inhibits positive economic performance (growth and development). Partial correlation and regression analyses of economic data from thirty tropical African states in the middle and late 1960s provide little support for two dependency-based models and evidence in favor of conventional and Marxist models. These findings have implications for theory, further research, and policy.
First World-Third World linkages: external relations and economic development
Authors: Dolan Michael B. , Tomlin Brian W.
Published: February 2009

Recent efforts by North American social scientists to devise systematic empirical tests for a series of propositions purportedly drawn from structural theories of dependency have focused largely on the consequences of foreign economic linkages for the economies of developing countries. Although the results of these tests have been received with considerable skepticism by dependentistas and neo-positivists alike, cross-national, quantitative studies of the dependence-development relationship are not without value: they have focused research on a central problem, namely the effects of various forms of economic linkages on rates and types of economic development. This concentration of research activities, in particular the current spate of replications, has yielded new empirical knowledge concerning these relationships, plus some intriguing conflicting evidence. This is now sufficient to support further inquiry in itself, independent of the confines of dependencia theories which gave rise to the research originally.
Labor and hegemony: a reply
Authors: Cox Robert W.
Published: February 2009

When I wrote “Labor and hegemony,” I anticipated two kinds of critical reaction: one on the ground that the method and approach was at variance with mainstream political science; the other in defense of two institutional establishments whose ideological foundations were challenged in the article— those of the ILO and the AFL-CIO. Both these organizational establishments place great stock in the idea of tripartism, representing it as a form of pluralism or a bargaining relationship of independent actors—unions, employers, and government. In “Labor and hegemony,” I argued that this appearance of independence has to be understood as the ideological expression of a particular structure of social power, a particular form of hegemony that is found in advanced capitalist societies with the emergence of a corporative form of state. This blocco storico is the proper object of study, and since it has international as well as national dimensions its study can be a fruitful approach to international affairs and international organization.
Breaking the rules without quite stopping the bomb: European views
Authors: Lellouche Pierre
Published: February 2009

While nonproliferation is no longer in the focus of international attention in the aftermath of the Afghanistan crisis, the problem of checking the spread of nuclear weapons was the subject of an intense controversy between the United States and Europe throughout the 1970s.

Beginning with the Ford administration policy and continuing with the new Carter nonproliferation policy, a major nuclear controversy opposed the American and European nuclear suppliers.

The first area of controversy was the question of technological transfers to the Third World and the conditions for such transfers (embargoes on sensitive technology, IAEA safeguards). The controversy also spread into the area of the plutonium economy—i.e., breeders and reprocessing. On both of these questions, most of the problems raised in the 1970s are still open despite some rapprochement between European and American positions. Major points of disagreement remain in the aftermath of the INFCE: full scope safeguards, the question of breeder reactors, and plutonium economy. The major uncertainty for the future will be whether nuclear energy as a whole will remain in the present state of depression or whether nuclear programs throughout the world will grow again.
The future unlike the past: nuclear proliferation and American security policy
Authors: Nacht Michael
Published: February 2009

An examination of the past relationships between nuclear proliferation and American security policy substantiates several propositions. First, the political relationship between the United States and each new nuclear weapon state was not fundamentally transformed as a result of nuclear proliferation. Second, with the exception of the Soviet Union, no new nuclear state significantly affected U.S. defense programs or policies. Third, American interest in bilateral nuclear arms control negotiations has been confined to the Soviet Union. Fourth, a conventional conflict involving a nonnuclear ally prompted the United States to intervene in ways it otherwise might not have in order to forestall the use of nuclear weapons.

In all respects, however, the relationship between nuclear proliferation and American security policy is changing. The intensification of the superpower rivalry and specific developments in their nuclear weapons and doctrines, the decline of American power more generally, and the characteristics of nuclear threshold states all serve to stimulate nuclear proliferation. It will be increasingly difficult in the future for American security policy to be as insulated from this process as it has been in the past.
Preventing proliferation: the impact on international politics
Authors: Quester George H.
Published: February 2009

Nine predictions are advanced on the impact on the international system of a successful effort to contain nuclear proliferation.

The world will see a modest dilution of the prerogatives of sovereignty, very much tailored to the halting of nuclear weapons spread. Some breakthroughs will be achieved in the multinational management of nuclear industry. Current “pariah states” may escape such status, simply through the latent possibility of nuclear proliferation. Nuclear weapons will continue to go unused in combat, just as they have since 1945. Soviet-American cooperation on the nuclear proliferation front will continue. The traffic in conventional arms may by contrast go relatively unchecked, as most countries conclude that this kind of weapons spread is less bad than nuclear proliferation. All of this will be carried through by statements distorted by the normal deceptions of diplomacy. The world will nonetheless generally become more sophisticated in discounting any glamor or political clout in nuclear weapons programs. Most of the barrier to proliferation will come through normal political and economic exchange, rather than through any violent or military interventions.
Capturing the mineral multinationals: advantage or disadvantage?
Authors: Shafer Michael
Published: February 2009

Nationalization of the Zairian and Zambian copper industries failed to deliver the hoped for benefits and pushed some still further beyond reach. It did so because nationalization entailed the loss of insulation, that is, the wide range of unperceived risk management and custodial functions fulfilled by the multinational mining corporations. Without this insulation these two governments, their copper industries, and their citizens' welfare all suffered. Looking beyond Zaire and Zambia, it appears that the loss of insulation has negative effects in all cases of mining industry nationalization. The size of the costs are mitigated by the strength of the nationalizer's political system.
East European military expenditures in the 1970s: collective good or bargaining offer?
Authors: Reisinger William M.
Published: February 2009

In late November 1978, Nicolae Ceausescu, general secretary of the Romanian Communist Party, returned to Bucharest from a Moscow meeting of the Warsaw Treaty Organization (WTO). In a series of speeches from 25 November through 1 December, he began to denounce efforts by the Soviet Union to integrate more fully the armies of the WTO members and to get the East European members to increase their defense expenditures. Ceausescu was making a dramatic (and apparently successful) appeal for domestic support for his resistance to Soviet pressure. Other WTO member-states, although less publicly, have also resisted this Soviet pressure. Romania is not the only East European state ignoring Soviet calls for higher defense spending. Poland, for example, has also shown a significant decline during the 1970s in the amount of its gross national product (GNP) spent on defense (D/GNP). East Germany, on the other hand, increased its expenditures dramatically over the same decade.
From Normalcy to New Deal: industrial structure, party competition, and American public policy in the Great Depression
Authors: Ferguson Thomas
Published: February 2009

Industrial partisan preference may be formally modeled as the joint consequence of pressures from labor and the differential impact of the world economy on particular businesses. This “basic” and static model, when extended to cover the money market, can be used to examine questions of political development, including the effects of fluctuations in national income on political coalitions. American institutions and public policy during the New Deal are used to test the theory against empirical evidence, much of it from new primary sources. The rise of the New Deal coalition is traced to changes in the American industrial structure deriving from the boom of the 1920s and the reversal of the U.S. financial position that resulted from World War I, in addition to the well-known labor militancy of the 1930s. The effect of these changes was the rise of a (Democratic) political coalition dominated by capital-intensive, multinationally dominant firms and industries with a strong interest in free trade and a historically unprecedented ability to cope with major industrial upheavals without resort to force. The major public policy initiatives of the New Deal are reexamined from this standpoint.