bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Part II. A Faience Cylinder
Authors: Wace A. J. B. , Porada Edith
Published: October 2013

In 1939 we cleared away the prickly oak scrub and excavated the rock ledge below the north temple terrace on the north summit of the acropolis of Mycenae. Here we found on the edge of the steep rock remains of a wall of largish blocks of limestone. These we believe to have been part of a Middle Helladic fortification wall running round the upper part of the acropolis. Behind this and held up by the wall were the ruins of two rooms and a thick deposit of M.H. pottery. Over this lay another stratum in which L.H. IIIB pottery was found. Here we found the splendid ivory group of two women and a boy which has already been published. Associated with it were a number of other objects, a male head in painted stucco, a sword pommel in white stone, some ornaments of gold and ivory, a number of beads of stone, paste, and faience including a lantern bead, and a cylinder of faience. The pottery, as stated, was of the L.H. IIIB style, but it was unfortunately lost in the Nauplia Museum during the war.

This collection of precious objects we suggested might have belonged to the Shrine of the Palace, which we believe can be be recognized in a small room with a cement floor underlying the western foundations of the temples built here in classical times over part of the ruins of the Mycenaean Palace.
Prehistoric Laconia: Part I
Authors: Waterhouse Helen , Simpson R. Hope
Published: October 2013

This survey (Part II of which will be published shortly in the Annual) includes all Laconia, as far as the ancient borders with Messenia and Arcadia, the Thyreatis, and the islands of Kythera and Antikythera. Most of the results have been established by surface research alone, in 1936–8 and 1956–8. Little was previously known about the distribution of prehistoric sites in Laconia, and few settlements have been excavated.

Much of Laconia is either mountain or hill country. The ranges of Taygetus and Parnon form the bones of the province, while between them the Eurotas flows through the fertile alluvial plains of Sparta and Helos down to the Laconian Gulf. The Spartan plain, the central Eurotas valley, is bounded to the north by broken hill country, to the west by the great mountain wall of Taygetus (Plates 15a and the map, Plate 24), spurs of which also enclose it on the south, and to the east by the great Parnon range. It is one of the most fertile plains in Greece, and must at all times have been able to support a considerable settled population.
Protogeometric graves at Agios Ioannis near Knossos: (Knossos Survey 3)
Authors: Boardman John
Published: October 2013

The graves published here lie in a group by the junction of the main Knossos–Heraklion road and the secondary road to Ambelakia (Fig. 1). In May 1939 workmen widening the road to Ambelakia uncovered a tomb (Tomb I) which was cleared by the British School's Curator at Knossos, Mr. R. W. Hutchinson. In the summer of the same year the late Mr. T. J. Dunbabin, then Assistant Director of the British School, excavated five other tombs (Tombs II–VI) in the roadside. During the war a rectangular pit was dug near the road-corner by the occupying forces in Crete, presumably for a shelter which was never constructed. The pit revealed at least two other tombs whose contents were taken to Heraklion. The vases were subsequently removed from the island but for two which the ephor, Dr. N. Platon, rescued for the museum, and which he has kindly permitted me to publish here (Vases A and B). In September 1953 I excavated the dromoi of the two tombs which had been in the pit and cleared a side chamber in one of them (Tomb VIII), as well as a small tomb which had been partially disturbed by the pit (Tomb VII).
Apollo Delios
Authors: Lewis David M.
Published: October 2013

The fragment which I publish here by the kind permission of Dr. J. Papademetriou lies in the courtyard of the Piraeus Museum. Of its origins nothing can be said. It does not appear in the Museum inventory, and all that can be affirmed for certain is that it was already in the Museum in January 1937, when Mr. J. G. Griffith made a squeeze which is now in the Ashmolean Museum. This squeeze besides its chronological value is also helpful, in that it shows rather more than can now be read on the stone.

Fragment of Pentelic marble with left-hand edge and original rough-picked back preserved. Height: 0·352 m.; width: 0·349 m.; thickness: 0·152 m. Uninscribed left margin of 0·026 m. Uninscribed space below last line of at least 0·110 m. Cut with two chisels of 10 mm. and 6 mm., the smaller being employed for the cross-bars of epsilon, alpha, and the aspirate, the horizontal and right vertical of pi, and all three strokes of upsilon and sigma. Horizontal chequer: 0·0137 m.; vertical chequer: 0·0194 m. (Plate 51a).
Euboean floral black-figured vases
Authors: Ure A. D.
Published: October 2013

In the Museum at Chalcis there are more than a dozen black-figured vases decorated with palmettes, lotus flowers, leaves, and other plant motives. I drew attention to some of these in BSA xli. 27 f., associating with them similar vases in Athens, Berlin, Bonn, Reading, and Thebes, and suggesting that they were probably made in Euboea. It is possible now to go farther and take a more extended view of what was undoubtedly a vigorous local industry in either Chalcis or Eretria or both in the fourth century B.C.

For convenience the material is here divided into groups according to the shapes of the palmettes and lotuses and the character of the patterns. The order may not be strictly chronological and the vases grouped together do not necessarily come from the same workshop, but certain lines of development can be traced and the groups link together to form a coherent whole.
The temple of Poseidon on Cape Sunium: Some further questions
Authors: Plommer W. H.
Published: October 2013

This article continues my observations on the temple of Poseidon published in BSA xlv (1950) 78 ff. I begin with what I have recently noticed of the architectural detailing and decoration of this temple. Zschietzschmann (AA 1929, 223 f.) noticed a painted pattern of a very unexpected design on the inner taenia of the architrave. It is a well-kept rule in Greek architecture that the decoration of a moulding should echo its profile. So a taenia of rectangular section, assuming that it needed decoration at all, should have had some sort of Greek fret (for which see below). At Sunium, however, it has the Oriental Coil, an ornament which, in any case, is oftener seen on Ionic buildings than on Doric. In Doric, indeed, it is known to have established itself in only one position, on a certain type of flat clay cornice-revetment, probably invented in Corinth, found in a primitive form, and not quite, perhaps, in its canonical position, on the temple of Artemis at Corcyra, and thereafter stereotyped on the monotonous, sub-Corinthian clay cornice-revetments churned out in Sicily during the century down to 480 B.C. At Sunium one can only suppose that the Oriental Coil brought the Doric architrave of the side ptera into greater harmony with the Ionic of the east pteron.
Some sites of the Milesian territory
Authors: Cook J. M.
Published: October 2013

The territorial possessions of Miletus were acquired piecemeal over a number of centuries. They amounted to six or seven distinct pieces of land on the Asiatic mainland (apart from the adjacent islands, which again seem to have presented differences of status). A triple division of the Milesian territory on the mainland is already made by Herodotus. In the first place, in i. 18 he records that the Milesians suffered defeats at the hands of Sadyattes ἔν τε Λιμενηίῳ χώρης τῆς σφετέρης καὶ ἐν Μαιάνδρου πεδίῳ It might at first sight appear that the Maeander plain here referred to was not Milesian territory. But Strabo (xiv. 647) seems to indicate that Magnesia, which lay far up the plain, suffered Milesian occupation after its destruction by the Treres in the seventh century; and there are various testimonies to Milesian possession of the lower Maeander plain in later times. Again, in vi. 20, Herodotus tells us that after the fall of Miletus (c. 494 B.C.) the captive citizens were removed by the Persians: The distinction between the part round the city and that in the plain evidently corresponds to that already observed in i. 18; and it is matched by the distinction drawn in an inscription of Miletus (of the first half of the second century B.C.) between the ‘Milesia’ proper and the Μιλησίων χώρα lying across the Latmic Gulf. Herodotus' triple division is thus clear: the ‘home territory’ around Miletus itself, the Milesian land in the plain, and third the mountain land, which is evidently Grion.
Athens and the oracle of Ammon
Authors: Woodward A. M.
Published: October 2013

The importance attached by Greek cities and their leading statesmen to the oracle of Ammon is a matter of common knowledge. That it was not consulted by Greeks only is shown by the story of its consultation by Croesus (Hdt. i. 46) nearly a century before Kimon sent to seek its advice shortly before his death. From Pausanias we learn that it was frequently consulted by Sparta and by the men of Elis; and that at Thebes there was a temple of Ammon, which can hardly be dated later than the middle of the fifth century, seeing that the statue of the deity, by Kalamis, was dedicated by Pindar. As the poet also sent a hymn in honour of Ammon, which Pausanias apparently saw for himself on his visit to the Oasis-sanctuary, it seems possible that he took the opportunity to visit the oracle when he went to Cyrene for the recital of the second ode in honour of Arkesilas' victory at Delphi in 462 B.C.

In spite of its misleading promise to Alcibiades that he would conquer Syracuse, Athenian faith in its responses was not shaken, and perhaps even strengthened by its hostile attitude to Lysander, but we have no explicit account of any individual Athenian consulting it after the fifth century. That its influence and repute continued throughout the fourth century is attested not only by Alexander's attitude to it, but by the increasing devotion to the cult of Ammon at Athens, for which we have abundant epigraphical evidence. Taking this in chronological order, the first item is a silver phiale dedicated to Ammon, weighing 802 dr. This had been among the votive offerings in charge of the Treasurers of Athena, since, at any rate, 375 B.C.
The Aegean coastlands under threat: Some coins and coin hoards from the reign of Heraclius
Authors: Metcalf D. M.
Published: October 2013

The new Rome inherited from the old a strategic situation in the Mediterranean world that was essentially similar at the beginning of the seventh century to what it had been in the first. Persia, vetus hostis, was still a threat in the east, while in the north there was the less organized but no less persistent threat of migratory peoples pressing across the Danube. By the middle of the seventh century the Byzantine supremacy in the east Mediterranean had been destroyed, and a profound reshaping of the state had been set in train. In discussing some coins and coin hoards from the reign of Heraclius (610–41), I wish to draw attention to the place of the Aegean coastlands in the regional economy of the Byzantine Empire as it was before the Arab expansion. The revival of commerce in the provinces in the ninth century seems to have begun in the coastal cities of the Aegean: this prompts an inquiry into their importance in the sixth and seventh centuries.

The second and third decades of the seventh century were a time of disaster for the Empire, when it was attacked from both the east and the north. The Persian armies conquered Syria in 611 and thereafter were able to make incursions into western Asia Minor, on occasion reaching as far as the shores of the Bosporus. Thomas Presbyter records that they carried captives away from Rhodes, while in the same year the Slavs invaded Crete. The Miracula S. Demetrii gives a graphic account of a naval blockade of Salonica by the Slavs and mentions sea raids on the whole of Thessaly and near-by places and the Greek islands which depopulated many cities and regions. The Avars, in alliance with Slavs, Bulgars, and Gepids, besieged Constantinople itself by land and sea, while the Persians occupied Chalcedon. The records of events in the first part of the reign of Heraclius are fragmentary in the extreme, and the chronology in particular has been the subject of much debate.
Archaic finds at Knossos
Authors: Boardman John
Published: October 2013

The bronze vase (Heraklion 2460) shown in Plate 2 and Fig. 1 was found in 1936 by workmen digging to lay pipes beside the main road between A. Ioannis and Teke (Knossos Survey no. 10). With it were the black-figure fragments shown in Plate 3 a. The find was briefly noticed in JHS lvi (1936) 150. The late T. J. Dunbabin had intended to publish the pieces but had written a detailed description of the bronze vase only, which I have drawn upon below.

The bowl is 0·216 in diameter and 0·043 high, but the exact curve of the lower part is not certain. The bowl is made in one piece, with a slight inset at the edge. Over this fits the upper part. This is 0·218 in diameter (0·118 the inner diameter); its height from the inner edge is 0·04, from the outer edge 0·02. It carries two cast swing handles. The attachments for them are 0·046 long, smooth inside, and on the outside decorated with three heavy ribs of beading. The ‘scotiae’ between are marked by pairs of lines. The handles themselves are 0·086 wide, circular in section but flattened on the inside and outside, and with two beaded knobs. Between the handles are two gorgoneia: present widths 0·106 and 0·103. The faces are very broad. The eyelids are strongly marked and thicken at the edge, giving the impression that they are rolled back slightly from the staring eyeballs. There is an almost circular depression round the eyes which is only slightly shallower at the corners. The ridge of the eyebrows is very firm and a ridge runs vertically up the forehead like a tall bud. The nose is not, in its upper part, unduly broad; the fleshy part broadens very much at the base, leaving a considerable depression above it, slanting obliquely downwards. The cheek-bones are high, the angles of the jaw-bone very strongly marked and the chin consists of two bony prominences with a depression between.
The inscribed gravestones of archaic Attica
Authors: Jeffery L. H.
Published: October 2013

This catalogue is offered as a tribute to the great British epigraphist to whom this volume is dedicated. Since it consists chiefly of inscribed bases which have lost their sculpture, it may serve as a kind of appendix to studies of archaic Attic funeral monuments, in particular to the two monumental works by Dr. G. M. A. Richter, Kouroi and Archaic Attic Gravestones. I have listed the inscriptions, where possible, under the area of Attica whence each is known, or thought, to have come, and added brief lists of any archaic sculpture which is certainly or possibly (a) from these areas and (b) funerary. Obviously, many inclusions in both lists may be wrong. Stones stray as far as cats or pigeons do, and have no homing instincts. Some of the sculptures listed may have been dedications. But it seemed advisable to risk including the unlawful rather than excluding the lawful, provided that the uncertainties were made clear. Even after one has allowed for all the probabilities of error, the statistics produced from these combined lists yield some general conclusions that are not without interest. They are discussed at the end of the lists.
Notes from the Dodecanese
Authors: Simpson R. Hope , Lazenby J. F.
Published: October 2013

This entry in the Catalogue comes immediately after the Rhodian contingent under Tlepolemos, and immediately before Achilles' Myrmidons. None of the three leaders appears elsewhere, nor are any of their relatives mentioned elsewhere, with the exception, of course, of Herakles, grandfather of Pheidippos and Antiphos. Of the islands over which they rule, only Kos is mentioned again.

There can be no reason to doubt the identification of Syme, Nisyros, Krapathos, and Kasos, with the islands which still bear those names, apart from a slight and normal change in the case of Krapathos—Karpathos. By Κῶς Εὐρυπύλοιο πόλις is presumably meant a city on the site of the present Kos-town, called elsewhere Μερόπις. Thus the Delian Hymn to Apollo refers to Kos as πόλις Μερόπων ἀνθρώπων. This is borne out by the other references to Kos in the Iliad, for there it is given the epithet εὖ ναιομένην, which elsewhere seems to be applied to cities.

The problem of what Homer meant by νῆσοι Καλύδναι was already being discussed in Strabo's time. He says that the general opinion (φασί) was that νῆσοι Καλύδναι meant Kalymna and the islands near by, Kalymna perhaps being once called Καλύδνα, but that some said that Leros and Kalymna were meant, while Demetrios of Skepsis held that Καλύδναι was a plural similar to Ἀθῆναι or Θῆβαι. While there does not seem to be any good evidence that Kalymna (= Kalymnos) was alone ever called Καλύδνα or Καλύδναι, there is no doubt that the people of Kalymna and the adjacent islands—presumably Telendos and Pserimos, and possibly also Kalolimnos—were called Καλύδνιοι in the fifth century B.C.
Some archaeomagnetic results from Greece
Authors: Belshé J. C. , Cook K. , Cook R. M.
Published: October 2013

Many clays and stones contain particles of magnetic oxides of iron. These particles, if heated above their Curie points, which range up to 670° C., lose whatever magnetism they have; and when they cool back through their Curie points, they acquire a new ‘thermoremanent’ magnetization under the influence of the surrounding magnetic field, which generally is the magnetic field of the earth. That field is changing continuously, both in direction and intensity, and the course of its secular change is not yet understood; the change is compound, one factor being the main field, which may be fairly stationary over long periods, and the other being the numerous minor regional fields, which move and alter relatively quickly and largely determine the local variations in the magnetic field. So it is dangerous to extrapolate values for local variations either for more than a century or two in time or for more than five to ten degrees in space. At present the best hope for discovering past changes in the earth's field is from the thermoremanent magnetization of burnt clays and stones, where the date of the burning is reasonably closely fixed from other evidence. Such knowledge is obviously of interest to geophysicists, but for periods and places where the past course of the earth's field has been ascertained, archaeomagnetism—that is the study of the thermoremanent magnetization of archaeological remains—can help archaeologists too. It should be evident on reflection that if an archaeomagnetic specimen is to be useful certain requirements are necessary. First, the locality where it was magnetized must be known. Secondly, for the study of direction, the sample's orientation at the time when it was magnetized must be recorded, so that the inclination [or dip] and declination [or compass bearing] of its own thermoremanent magnetism can be related to the horizontal and to true North respectively.
The inscriptions of south-east Chios, I
Authors: Forrest W. G.
Published: October 2013

The plains of Pyrgi, Kalamoti, and Dotia, in the south-east corner of Chios, form a single geographic unit, bounded in the east by the hills which run inland from the promontory of Agridia, in the west by the low range of Kampia, Aradhopetra, and Kakopetria, and in the north by the more formidable barrier of the central mountains of the island. In them there are traces of several ancient sites, at Pindakas, Dotia, and elsewhere, but these appear to have been little more than isolated farmhouses or small sanctuaries and it is almost certain that most of the inscriptions from the area came originally from the major sites at Emporio and Phanai. From these they have been transported, some as far as Chios town, most to other local sites, to country churches or to the medieval towns of Pyrgi and Kalamoti. In many cases it is now impossible to trace their origin (even those which have reached the comparative safety of the Museum are often without record of their provenance), and it would therefore be pointless to try to isolate the inscriptions of any one ancient centre. For this reason I have collected here, in addition to the few inscriptions discovered in the British School excavations at Emporio, all the other material known to have been found in the area. For convenience I reproduce all but the most accessible texts in full. Generally it has been possible to check earlier readings on the stone (in which case the text is my own without any note of alterations unless they are significant); those which I have not seen are marked with an asterisk.
Correlations between composition and provenance of Mycenaean and Minoan pottery
Authors: Catling H. W. , Richards E. E. , Blin-Stoyle A. E.
Published: October 2013

This investigation into the compositions of Minoan and Mycenaean pottery fabrics was carried out in Oxford at the Research Laboratory for Archaeology and the History of Art by permission of the Director, Dr. E. T. Hall. Mrs. E. E. Richards, co-author of this report, was in charge of the investigation, latterly with the assistance of Mrs. A. Millett. The potential importance of the work undertaken was first suggested by Mr. M. S. F. Hood, then Director of the British School at Athens. Mr. Hood has maintained lively interest in the investigation, and has made many valuable suggestions about the course it should take, as well as providing much of the sherd material. In this connexion we are greatly indebted to Dr. J. Papadimitriou, Director-General of Antiquities in Greece, for granting the necessary export permits. We are also grateful to Mr. M. R. Popham, for scraping selected sherds in the Herakleion Museum and in the Stratigraphical Museum at Knossos, and to Dr. N. Platon, then Ephor of Antiquities in Crete, for allowing this to be done. Sherds from Thebes in the University Museum, Reading, were loaned by Mrs. A. N. Ure; the Rev. Dr. A. J. Arkell provided a set of Mycenaean sherds from Tell el Amarna from the collections in University College, London. Fragments from Rhodes were given by the Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities in the British Museum through the kindness of Mr. D. E. L. Haynes and Mr. R. A. Higgins. Other sherds were provided from the reserve collection in the Ashmolean Museum. The sherds tested in the course of the investigation are now housed in the Ashmolean, with the exception of the group from Thebes (Reading).
The Battle of Oinoe in the Stoa Poikile: A Problem in Greek Art and History
Authors: Jeffery L. H.
Published: October 2013

Accepting the prevailing view which holds that the battle of Oinoe took place during the Pentekontaetea, this paper attempts answers to the triple problem raised thereby: A. The Artistic: is it likely that (as Pausanias alleges) the Stoa Poikile contained among its other paintings, all (so far as we know) scenes from the glorious epic or near-epic past, a picture showing a recent battle against the Lacedaemonians? It is argued that the other pictures usually cited in comparison are not analogous, and the contemporary evidence of Aeschylus and Herodotus is invoked to suggest that more probably the painting showed a mythical subject harmonizing with the rest, although admittedly commemorating a recent campaign (as perhaps the rest did also). B. The Historical: when did this battle take place? It would seem to fit best into Thucydides' narrative of the Pentekontaetea if it is set shortly after the battle of Oinophyta; it could even, perhaps, be included in the exploits of the general Tolmides. C. The Historiographic: why does this battle survive only in the record of Pausanias? Thucydides' silence cannot be satisfactorily explained. But a confusion, perhaps made by Ephoros, in the account of Oinophyta could explain why there is no reference—at least, no direct reference—to Oinoe by any later historian. Pausanias evidently knew it from a bare tradition preserved by successive antiquarian writers, or guides, in their descriptions of the two monuments which commemorated the victory, the painting in Athens and the bronze group at Delphi.
Minoan Sites in the Far West of Crete
Authors: Hood M. S. F.
Published: October 2013

When Pendlebury wrote his book The Archaeology of Crete (1939) so few sites of the earlier Minoan periods had been recognized in the parts of Crete west of Mt. Ida that he was led to suggest that this region, over a third of the island in area, was virtually unsettled before L.M. III times. Some years earlier Marinatos had commented upon the fact that, whereas there was evidence of occupation in the west of Crete both during Neolithic times and at the end of the Late Minoan period, hardly any relics assignable to the Middle Minoan period had been identified there. Since then many more caves with traces of Neolithic or Early Minoan occupation have been noted in western Crete, especially during the last few years owing to the researches of M. Paul Faure. At the same time a number of open settlements have been identified, with evidence of occupation during the flourishing period of the Minoan civilization between M.M. I and L.M. I.

Notable among these are a couple of sites in the extreme south-west corner of Crete (A. 1, 2), ‘literally at the back of beyond’, as Pendlebury described it. The first of these by the Monastery of Khrisoskalitissa (Virgin of the Golden Stairs) was noted by Pendlebury, who claimed to have found L.M. I sherds there. But much of the pottery recovered by us in 1963 from this and the site at ‘Thrimbokambos’ (A. 2) further south appears to be rather M.M., and some of it M.M. I or earlier (E.M. II) in character.
Pottery from Late Helladic IIIB 1 Destruction Contexts at Mycenae
Authors: French Elizabeth
Published: October 2013

Whether it was caused by enemy action or by earthquake, the destruction of the houses outside the walls at Mycenae, particularly the group beside the modern road, south of the Tomb of Clytemnestra, has left a unique collection of pottery. For the Clytemnestra group at least it is a reasonable hypothesis, which the pottery and tablets do much to support, that the houses were destroyed in a single disaster. Though relatively complete publications of the several buildings in this area have already appeared, the pottery has not been published in detail nor considered as a whole. In this article it is intended to consider solely the evidence which this material gives for the definition of a period in the development of the pottery of Mycenae. This material consists entirely of whole or restorable vases and in this and other respects it is complementary to the group of fragments from the Prehistoric Cemetery (Central), published in the preceding article in this series, which illustrates the same or perhaps a slightly earlier phase.

Four major buildings were excavated in the area: the House of Shields, the House of the Oil Merchant, the West House, and the House of Sphinxes Fig. 1. Very little pottery was found in the House of Shields but in each of the others there was a considerable number of vases both painted and unpainted.
A Stone Vase Maker's Workshop in the Palace at Knossos
Authors: Warren Peter
Published: October 2013

In the Stratigraphical Museum at Knossos the material preserved from the excavations of Cists 2 to 6 in Magazine XIII consists largely of fragments of unfinished stone vases and waste pieces from the manufacture of stone vases. The material is all gypsum and is what remains of a gypsum vase-maker's workshop. No account of it has previously been given, though one ‘trial piece’ that almost certainly belonged with it was published by Evans because he believed it bore a Linear A inscription (see below). The present article publishes the material and discusses two questions arising from it, namely the additional information the workshop provides in relation to that of other Cretan stone vase workshops, and the relation between the workshop and gypsum stone vases.
The Early Bronze Age Daggers of Crete
Authors: Branigan K.
Published: October 2013

The long dagger is the most common type of copper object found in the tombs of the Early Bronze Age in Crete, perhaps because each man was buried with his dagger beside him. One hundred and sixty-one long daggers of Minoan manufacture have been discovered in Early Minoan deposits. That is rather more than one-third of all the E.M. copper objects yet found. Two-thirds of these daggers were found in or around the Mesara plain of southern Crete, and five of the blades were found in Cyprus. Only seven of the daggers were found in settlement sites, the rest came from tombs. The long daggers may be divided into fourteen major types.
Late Minoan Pottery, A Summary
Authors: Popham Mervyn
Published: October 2013

It is some time since the development of Late Minoan pottery has been considered as a whole and adequately illustrated. In many respects, Mackeprang's account, published nearly thirty years ago, still remains the most concise, readable, and well-illustrated summary of the subject; but it is limited to the Late Minoan III period and, inevitably, is now in need of revision.

It seems worth while, therefore, despite the still serious gaps in our knowledge, to attempt to give a general outline of Late Minoan pottery, taking the opportunity both to include illustrations of new material where this is appropriate and to revise and augment the charts of characteristic motives given by Pendlebury. The purpose of this article does not go beyond giving a very broad account; it is not a detailed analysis though such a study is indeed required.

Should there be a discernible Knossian bias in this article, it may be due partly to the author's work having been largely centred there and partly to his belief that, in several stages of the pottery of the island, it was Knossos which set the standard.

The pottery of the end of the Middle Minoan period is, in general, dull and uninteresting. The impetus which led to the technical and artistic achievement of Middle Minoan II seems to have exhausted itself. At Knossos, the Palace suffered a catastrophe, the result of an earthquake as Evans thought, though the widespread signs of fire could well indicate attack and deliberate destruction. Large deposits of pottery of this period were found there: they are characterized by masses of ill-made table ware, mostly undecorated, and by badly proportioned large vases. Decoration consists for the most part of a roughly executed ripple pattern or a solid black glaze occasionally relieved by a spiral or other motive in white paint. Elsewhere in Crete the picture is much the same; the pottery is poor in standard and there is a suggestion of sterility.
Late Antique Knossos. Understanding the city: evidence of mosaics and religious architecture
Authors: Sweetman Rebecca J.
Published: October 2013

Interpretation of the historical and epigraphical data can only provide a bare outline of the political and social environment of Knossos between the 5th and 7th centuries AD. Consequently, our understanding of late Antique Knossos comes primarily from the excavated remains of two of the Christian basilicas in the Valley; the Sanatorium Basilica and the KMF Basilica. Although excavations of the former have been published in full, concerning the KMF Basilica, only a brief summary of its architecture has been published. As a result, a detailed analysis of the excavations of the basilica itself will be made available here, including particulars of its architecture, mosaics, and summaries of the associated elements of the entire basilica complex (a detailed discussion of the whole Late Antique KMF excavations is forthcoming). As such, not only is a new and full interpretation of the KMF Basilica provided, but also for the first time the material culture of Late Antique Knossos is collated and subsequently analysed to provide a clear understanding of the nature of the city during this period. Despite a dearth of domestic evidence, a contextual study of the surviving architecture (principally religious) in conjunction with the mortuary remains, allows a broad perception of society and a clear comprehension of the development of the city. Thus the aim here is to examine the compelling evidence that, contrary to common belief, during the Late Antique period Knossos continued to be a vibrant and influential city as it had been in the Roman period.
The Gortyn ‘Labyrinth’ and its Visitors in the Fifteenth Century
Authors: Woodward A. M.
Published: October 2013

The ‘Labyrinth’ near Gortyn in southern Crete has attracted the interest and the curiosity of many generations of travellers visiting the island. When Tournefort explored it systematically in 1700 he observed and recorded the dates inscribed by visitors, who had sometimes added their names, on the rock-face, either at the farthest point which can be reached, or on the sides of the passage leading to it. As the earliest date which he noted was 1444, it may be of interest to draw attention to an even earlier literary source for such visits.
Excavations in the Plain of Lasithi. I.: The Cave of Trapeza.
Authors: Pendlebury H. W. , Pendlebury J. D. S. , Money-Coutts M. B.
Published: October 2013

The plain of Lasithi (a corruption of La Sitia, a name which in Venetian days included the whole of the eastern end of Crete) lies in the centre of the Dikte massif some 2750 feet above sea-level (Fig. 1). Originally it was probably of a marshy nature, but, owing to the deforestation of the surrounding mountains and the subsequent washing down of the earth from them, a great depth of soil has collected to form a flat plain, which is now one of the most fertile parts of Crete, especially since the introduction on the potato some forty years ago.
Athens and Aegina, 510–480 B.C.
Authors: Andrewes A.
Published: October 2013

At v. 94–5 Herodotus has often been accused of combining into a single war events separated in fact by half a century. At v. 81–9 and vi. 87–93 his critics take a different turn. He here presents us with three wars between Athens and Aegina, one (v. 82–8) in remote antiquity, another (v. 81 and 89) about 505 B.C., and another (vi. 87–93) between 491 and 490: and it is sometimes asserted that he has here split up a single war and scattered its parts over some twenty years, or even over several centuries.
Of the Warp-weighted Loom
Authors: Crowfoot Grace M.
Published: October 2013

The ancient world had three chief types of loom, the horizontal ground loom, the vertical loom with upper and lower beams, and the vertical loom with warp weights. The third is the subject of this study, but for a clear understanding of it the character of the other two looms must be understood, and diagrams of all three types are therefore included.

The horizontal ground loom is the older of the looms of Ancient Egypt. It is known to us already from a painting on a dish of the Predynastic period, but our chief knowledge of it comes from Tomb scenes and models of the twelfth dynasty.
Ἒχθρη παλαίη
Authors: Dunbabin T. J.
Published: October 2013

The passage in Herodotos which above all others is written as if to provide a test on their own ground of the historical application of archaeological discoveries is v, 88, 2: ᾿Αττικὸν δὲ μήτε τι ἄλλο προσφέρειν πρὸς τοἱπόν μήτε κέραμον, ἀλλ᾿ ἐκ χυτρίδων ἐπιχωριέων νόμον τὸ λοιπὸν αὐτόθι εῖναι πίνειν The archaeological results of the victory of Argives and Aiginetans over Athenians are given thus:—

(1) The change of dress in Athens from Doric to Ionic.

(2) the νόμος made by the Argives and Aiginetans, that their pins should be increased to half as large again;

(3) that these pins should be dedicated in the sanctuary of Damia and Auxesia;

(4) that no Attic pot should be brought into the sanctuary.
Rough Stone Monuments in Western Europe
Authors: Fleure H. J.
Published: October 2013

Professor Myres has helped his students and fellow-workers to see the bearing of one subject upon another, and to suggest social factors of archaeological sequences and links between archaeological data and distributions of human types. His is not a mind that is compartmented, it ranges vividly and rapidly over wide fields, and suggestive thoughts spring forth in quick succession, often to be accepted, always to stimulate further work. It therefore seems appropriate to offer here, as a tribute to him, a review of some aspects of the problems of the distribution of rough stone monuments, a subject which, sometimes half unconsciously, he has on occasion illuminated with flashes of intuition and acute criticisms that have helped to lift thought on the subject out of certain ruts into which it had been inclined to sink.
Notes on some Decorated Skeletons from the Mesolithic of Palestine
Authors: Garrod D. A. E.
Published: October 2013

During the joint excavations carried on from 1929 to 1934 by the British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem and the American School of Prehistoric Research in the caves of the Wady el-Mughara in Mount Carmel, many burials were found in the Natufian (Mesolithic) deposit of the big cave known as the Mugharet el-Wad. In addition to scattered human fragments, there were forty-four skeletons in varying stages of preservation, of which thirteen were found inside the cave, and the rest in the terracedeposit in front of the cave-mouth. Of these burials thirty-four belong to the Lower Natufian stage, three to the Upper Natufian, and the rest, although undoubtedly Natufian, cannot, owing to the condition of the deposit, be assigned with certainty to one stage or the other.
Σιγύνη
Authors: Marinatos Sp.
Published: October 2013

In the old Lacedaemonian district of Amyclae, where a series of distinctly pre-Hellenic cults was preserved down to historic times, one of the richest Mycenaean tholos tombs, that of Vaphio, was discovered fifty years ago. Some of the objects found in this tomb shew clearly oriental connections, while others, among which are the two famous gold goblets, are of pure Minoan origin.

Though the tomb was not plundered, some of the objects contained in it were scattered about. The fragments of an inlaid dagger, decorated with a representation of swimming men, have been tentatively reconstructed by me. Another weapon from the same tomb is discussed on p. 190.
The Part of Pylades in Aeschylus' Choephoroe
Authors: Rose H. J.
Published: October 2013

Such editors of Aeschylus as have time left from considering difficulties of the text to deal with larger problems of structure and presentation remark on the fact that Pylades speaks but three lines in the whole play. Verrall, for instance, who despite his many and great shortcomings as a scholar never lost sight of the essential fact that Aeschylus is a dramatist, draws attention to and attempts to justify it.
The Greek Acrophonic Numerals
Authors: Tod Marcus N.
Published: October 2013

In 1913 an essay of mine appeared in the JHS (XXXIII 27 ff.) entitled ‘Three Greek Numeral Systems.’ Shortly afterwards I published in this Annual (XVIII 98 ff.) an article on ‘The Greek Numeral Notation,’ in which I collected and summarised the available evidence for all the numeral systems of the acrophonic type used among the Greeks and set forth the main conclusions to which that evidence pointed. In a later volume (XXVIII 141 ff.) I added some ‘Further Notes on the Greek Acrophonic Numerals,’ recording the examples which had accumulated since the publication of my previous article and giving a new and fuller edition of an important text from a site near Andania in Messenia (IG V 1. 1532). No further discussion of the subject has appeared and scholars have repeatedly cited my articles as giving the fullest and most recent treatment of it.
The Reception Halls of the Roman Emperors
Authors: Boëthius Axel
Published: October 2013

In his admirable paper ‘Ravennatum Palatium Sacrum’ (Det Kgl. Danske Videnskabernes Selskab. Archaeologisk-kunsthistoriske Meddelelser 3, 2. Copenhagen, 1941) Dr. Einar Dyggve has revealed to us the type of the emperors' reception halls—la basilica ipetrale per ceremonie—in the late Roman empire. Analysing in a masterly way the famous mosaic of S. Apollinare Nuovo showing the Palatium of Theoderic, the missorium of Theodosius, the literary evidence for the Magnaura of Constantine, and architectural material, such as the palace of Diocletian in Spalato, from the fourth, fifth, and sixth centuries A.D., he defines a highly monumental tripartite architectural complex consisting of a tribunalium, also to be styled atrium or basilica discoperta, with a triumphal arch at its upper end, then a triclinium behind the atrium, and finally a most holy innermost absidal room, a choir.
Homer and Attic Geometric Vases
Authors: Webster T. B. L.
Published: October 2013

Since Dr. Hamper's identification of epic scenes in eighth-century art twenty years ago opinion has been divided as to how far these can be accepted. To quote two recent opinions, Mr. G. S. Kirk ends his discussion of Hampe's identifications: ‘thus there is no Geometric representation which we can confidently describe as representing a definite scene from the heroic saga, let alone from epic as we know it’. Professor Kraiker, however, accepts the Aktorione–Molione and the Herakles fighting the Stymphalian birds. Mr. J. M. Cook has argued that the spread of the Homeric epic from Ionia to the mainland was responsible both for the institution of hero cults in Greece and for the appearance in post-Geometric painting (seventh century) of scenes derived from the epic.

The existence of epic representations in Attic, Corinthian, and Argive painting of the early seventh century is undoubted, and the list has recently been increased by a very fine Argive Odysseus and Polyphemos and a superb Attic vase with Odysseus blinding Polyphemos and Perseus pursued by Gorgons. The question is whether this is really a new beginning or a development of something already existing which is difficult for us to recognise. I do not wish to argue against the supposition that seventh-century painting was influenced by the spread of the Homeric epic to the mainland, although Boeotian epic would also have to be considered, since its influence on Boeotian fibulae in the seventh century can hardly be doubted; but Boeotian epic was no doubt itself affected by Ionian epic, as certain passages in Hesiod show. On the other hand, Athens was neither without poetry nor without contact with Ionia during the eighth century.
The Halicarnassus Peninsula
Authors: Bean G. E. , Cook J. M. , W. H. P.
Published: October 2013

The base of the peninsula, from the Karaova to Halicarnassus and the Karadağ, is of limestone and singularly devoid of water. It rises to heights of five and six hundred metres in the Kaplan Daği (Mt. Lide) and Karadağ, with steep slopes on the north side and little valleys opening southwards. The western part of the peninsula is said to be of volcanic formation with fundamental gneiss; the hills here are fearfully denuded and sometimes fantastically gnarled, but there are pockets of fertile land in the central valleys and a number of distinct little coastal plains. The peninsula from Halicarnassus westward belongs to the Aegean world and is capable of supporting a normal Aegean economy. The present population of the kaza of Bodrum, which extends on the east beyond Mumcular, is 24,000, of whom about 11,000 live in Bodrum itself on the site of the ancient Halicarnassus.

The sketch map Fig. 1 is based on the Turkish 1: 200,000 survey, but with some modifications. The field exploration which forms the basis of this article occupied about six weeks. We were throughout guided by the map and description of the peninsula published by Paton and Myres after their joint exploration sixty years ago, which laid secure foundations for the study of the geography of Western Caria and the antiquities of the Lelegian country; no subsequent work in this region can compare with theirs in thoroughness or acuteness of observation. We have at points been able to supplement or correct their descriptions, and in places we have judged differently of the evidence on the ground (particularly the chronological testimonies offered by the ancient potsherds), but always with a sense of our own fallibility in work of such a sort where the majority of observations are in fact unverified assumptions.
Part I. Preliminary Report on the Excavations of 1954
Authors: Wace A. J. B.
Published: October 2013

The British excavations of Mycenae in 1954 were conducted with research grants from the American Philosophical Society and Bollingen Foundation and with contributions from the Universities of Cambridge and Oxford, the British Academy, and the British School at Athens, under whose auspices the work was carried out. The Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton has again provided an ideal base for preparing the material for publication.

The work began on June 21st and ceased on August 16th, but the next days up to August 21st were spent in studying and photographing the finds and transporting them to the Nauplia Museum. As before, the inscribed clay tablets and the carved ivories were taken to the National Museum at Athens, to the Director of which, Dr. Karouzos, we owe our best thanks for his friendly help, and the other finds to Nauplia.

The staff of the excavation, in addition to my wife, who again took charge of the records, and myself, consisted of Lord William Taylour of Trinity College, Cambridge, Mrs. R. Stillwell, Miss Elizabeth Wace of Newnham College, Cambridge, Mr. T. Leslie Shear, Jr., of Lawrenceville School, Miss Mary Pym of Girton College, Cambridge, Mr. Herschel Shepard of Princeton University, who was architect, Miss B. Kistruck of Edinburgh University, and Miss Helen Higson of Newnham College, Cambridge.
Part VII. Chemical Investigations on Ivory
Authors: Taylor Hugh
Published: October 2013

This research project of Roger Moseley, a fourth-year undergraduate student in Princeton University arose out of conversations between Sir Hugh Taylor, Dean of the Graduate College, Princeton, and Dr. A. J. B. Wace of the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton at a meeting of the American Philosophical Society in April 1954 in Philadelphia. The questions were directed to the properties of ivory when subjected to the conditions obtaining in houses destroyed by fire as, for example, in the houses excavated by Wace in Mycenae, where, in one case, many fragments of ivory which had obviously been in the fire were discovered.

Samples of old ivories were subsequently provided by Wace and others for examination. These included:

(1) Ivory fragments from Mycenae from houses destroyed by fire. Date: thirteenth century B.C.

(2) Ivory fragments from Syria in the Metropolitan Museum, New York. Pratt Gift. Date: twelfth century B.C.

(3) Ivory fragments from Nimrud, Mesopotamia. Date: ninth and eighth centuries B.C.

An experimental programme on ‘modern’ ivory was put into effect to provide data against which the properties of the ancient ivories could be examined.