bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Women Members of European Parliaments
Authors: Comstock Alzada
Published: May 2006

Rose Macaulay, among others, has said that “women are always news.” When all else fails, murders, suicides, and divorce cases, journalists can still propound some such question as “can a woman drive a car as well as a man?” and they are sure of a hearing.

If it were not for the eternal interest of the public in women as women, women in parliaments would no longer be news. In these last few years there have been nearly a hundred sitting in the various parliaments of Europe, and now and then even the newspapers have shown signs of forgetting that they are there.

There is something odd about the geographical position of the countries in which these women members, deputies and senators, are to be found. They exist in a fringe around the north and east of Europe. France, Italy, Spain, and the other countries along the Mediterranean are out of it entirely. Upon closer analysis the situation grows even more mysterious. To find the group of women legislators of longest standing, one must go up beyond the Scandinavian countries, to the Finns, who live farther north than any other civilized people in the world. There are nearly twenty women in the Finnish parliament, and one of them has served her fifth three-year term.
Second Session of the Seventieth Congress
Authors: Macmahon Arthur W.
Published: May 2006

(December 3, 1928, to March 4, 1929). “I have stated universally to various callers,” wrote the President-elect to the President on January 28, 1929, “that it would be improper for me to express any views on current matters of the administration.” It is aside from the point to question the complete consistency of Mr. Hoover's added remark (the subject being the cruiser construction bill): “As you know, I warmly support your own views, and you may so inform others if you wish to do so.” The truth is that the President-elect would have set the tone of the short session if he had merely failed to state that there would be no special session. As soon as his willingness to call Congress back in April was known, most of the steam escaped and pressures in connection with farm relief which might have involved the whole program were forestalled. Under these relaxing circumstances, the cynosure of the session came to be the ironical juxtaposition of the left-over cruiser bill and the multilateral peace treaty in the Senate. Meanwhile the momentum of the inherently decentralized congressional system carried it past the dead-points of the interregnum and produced interesting, and even noteworthy, bits of domestic legislation.
Selection and Tenure of Bureau Chiefs in the National Administration of the United States
Authors: Macmahon Arthur W.
Published: May 2006

The bureau chiefs are the key figures in national administration. The units that they direct are inclusive enough to lend themselves to the purposes of supervision and coördination and to bring their heads in touch with the machinery of budget-making and legislation, but sufficiently focused to preserve for them a saving contact with details and technique. The importance of their positions can hardly be exaggerated.

Who are the present bureau chiefs? What has been their training? To what extent have they been recruited within the services they now direct, and to what extent from outside? What factors have influenced their selection? How long have they been in office? Judging by their experience as well as by the frequency with which their predecessors have been changed, how secure seems to be their tenure? These are the questions to which this paper is addressed. Its purpose is modest; it is not expected to uncover findings not already known, at least in general terms. A systematic canvass of the bare facts, however, will help to a more precise understanding of the actual situation and perhaps facilitate discussions of our working theory of the relation of politics to administration. The time is opportune for taking stock. Within the past fifteen years each of the great parties has swept into the seats of power after a period of deprivation.

In determining the scope of this inquiry, the term bureau is used somewhat broadly, to denote any major subdivision of an executive department.
Administrative Reorganization and the University of Minnesota
Authors: Walker Harvey
Published: May 2006

Those who have followed the progress of administrative reorganization in Minnesota will recall that the reorganization act in that state established a commission on administration and finance similar to the commission with the same name in Massachusetts. Large powers of supervision over the financial affairs of the state are conferred. Among them is a provision that the state auditor may approve no warrant upon the state treasurer for an expenditure from an appropriation unless the object of the disbursement is one which has been approved by the commission. Every department, officer, agency, and institution is required to present for the commission's approval, each three months, an estimate of its needs for the following quarter.

The regents of the University of Minnesota, pursuant to the requirements of the act, had submitted to the commission for its approval in one of their quarterly estimates a request for authority to expend $40,000 to provide group insurance for the faculty and employees of the university. The commission declined to approve the item, on the ground that it might be taken as a precedent upon which to base demands for similar insurance for the employees of other state agencies. The regents were advised to apply to the legislature for specific authority. This they declined to do, as they claimed to have control of sufficient funds aside from legislative appropriations to carry the project through. The regents employed actuaries to prepare a preliminary report on the form of insurance contract to be used.
Diplomatic Affairs and International Law, 1913
Authors: Dennis Alfred L. P.
Published: May 2006

War has marked the year 1913; and charges and countercharges as to alleged atrocities by belligerents have been rife. Treaties were drawn to be promptly torn up; and solemn declarations of intention and policy often proved futile. The existence of internal disorder and the outbreak of domestic revolutions in several countries have also exerted disturbing influences on international relations. The result was economic loss and diplomatic tension even well beyond the field of military operations. And these conditions have led to renewed activity in the struggle for concessions and investment in renascent communities. Racial and religious sentiments have also aroused bitter feeling; while political leaders in several countries compel renewed consideration of the weight of individuals in the determination of the world's affairs.

In large part the problems of 1913 were historic; but in part they were affected by apparently impending changes which we cannot as yet define. Thus the influence of socialism and of various forms of radical thought on international relations is a factor. The adoption of oil as a naval fuel, the opening of the Panama Canal, the plans for administrative reorganization of Turkey, and its capitalistic development, the renewed debate as to the Monroe doctrine, and the problem of China are all matters whose future significance scarcely concern us here; but their influence in the past year has been unquestionably great. We cannot estimate as yet the true value of many recommendations touching various fields of international coöperation; and the value of delay in international action still remains in dispute. So on the whole the year 1913 has apparently been the year of the cynic.
Judicial Control of Official Discretion
Authors: Dickinson John
Published: May 2006

When men reflect about government, whether practically or academically, they always turn up, if they think deeply enough, two central problems: first, how to ensure that government shall do what it is supposed to do, and secondly, how to ensure that it shall not do other things. One is the problem of efficiency, the other the problem of control; and around the two is built most, perhaps all, of the so-called science of politics. At some periods the need for control seems the more vital and pressing. It seemed so to Englishmen, for example, during the two centuries following the accession of the Stuarts. At other times and places the pendulum has swung in the opposite direction, and in fifteenth century Europe, as in contemporary Italy, the dominant desire was for government strong enough and untrammelled enough to stem successfully a rising tide of disorder. Each age strikes its own balance in favor of one principle or the other, and thereby touches the opposite principle into action to redress the balance at some new point of readjustment.

The competing claims of efficiency and control have often expressed themselves in the form of controversy concerning the comparative merits of government by discretion and govern-ment by law—or, in Harrington's phrase, a government of laws and a government of men. In this form the conflict has left its mark everywhere on political thought since Aristotle. Discretion means freedom for government to choose among possible alternatives of action. As one judge has said, “In honest plain language it means ‘Do as you like.’” It is thus a condition of efficiency, but it is very apt to exact the price of arbitrariness. Law, on the other hand, requires that government shall act by set rule, shall limit itself to a particular way of acting in each particular situation. It seeks to eliminate choice in favor of certainty; it narrows the possible range of governmental action in order that such action may be predicted and controlled in advance.
Constitutional Law in 1925–1926: The Constitutional Decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States in the October Term, 1925
Authors: Cushman Robert E.
Published: May 2006

The Supreme Court of the United States during its 1925 term seems to have taken a vacation from the solution of major constitutional problems. Its activities provided very little newspaper copy. Most of the more important decisions could have been pretty accurately forecast upon the basis of previous adjudications, while the constitutional questions raised which could be deemed in any sense novel related to more or less technical or trivial matters. A considerable number of the more interesting cases dealt merely with matters of statutory construction and did not present constitutional issues at all. This comparative dullness of the judicial year's work is in sharp contrast with the achievements of the preceding term of 1924, in which at least six cases of genuinely first-rate importance were decided; while the Court has begun its 1926 term by handing down its epoch-making decision in the Myers case relating to the President's power of removal, and has followed it by the far-reaching ruling in the municipal zoning law case. This absence of judicial fireworks in the 1925 term may well serve to emphasize two facts sometimes overlooked in an appraisal of the work of the Supreme Court. The first is that in any judicial year an overwhelming proportion of the work of that tribunal is and must necessarily be of a humdrum and inconspicuous variety; useful and important in the sense that technical, detailed, and even trivial questions need to be answered authoritatively, but certainly not spectacular.
The Canadian Election of 1926
Authors: Sharp Walter R.
Published: May 2006

For the second time within twelve months, the continuing parliamentary tangle in Canada gave rise, on September 14, 1926, to a general election which not only was one of the most bitterly contested in years, but was focused, on the surface at least, upon a constitutional crisis without precedent in the history of the dominion. The outcome, however, proved to be considerably more decisive than the conflict of a year before, the Liberal party winning 119 seats—only four short of a clear majority in the House of Commons—which, with its Progressive and farmer allies, should mean that it will be able to restore relatively stable party government to Canada for the next few years.
The Spanish Directory and the Constitution
Authors: Graham Malbone W.
Published: May 2006

It is one of the surprising things in contemporary political science that at a time when what is known as “the pragmatic revolt in politics” is an outstanding phenomenon, and when lavish attention is being bestowed upon the histrionic adventures of Italy into the fields of political realism, the experiments of the Spanish Directory tend to be passed over without serious investigation. Spain has been treated as though her experiment were only a futile or less meaningful, slavish imitation of the work ofIl Duce, as though the Iberian peninsula were witnessing onlyin parvothe monumental experiments of Fascism. This easy dismissal of the work of the Directory in Spain may be comforting in its simplicity, but it is a distinct over-simplification and an attempt to argue from analogy where the basic and essential elements of a similar situation are lacking. Merely the fact of dictatorship, merely the supposed association of an armed partisan force with the dictator in power, merely the fact of the abrogation of public liberties in each instance have been taken to constitute the essential elements of comparison and identification. The less dramatic character of the events in Spain has tended to obscure the far-reaching differences between the régimes centering in Rome and Madrid.
Problems of Percentages in Direct Government
Authors: Gardner C. O.
Published: May 2006

It may be assumed at the outset that any government based on the democratic principle should, regardless of the form it may take, reflect existing public opinion. The actual method by which expression may be given to the will of the people is of secondary importance. We have relied, in the past, and are still relying on representative institutions for the performance of this prime function of democratic government. Although satisfactory results have, on most occasions, been obtained, numerous instances are on record in which the action of the people's representatives has been at variance with definitely formulated public opinion. Such instances have been pointed to by critics as indicating serious defects in the working of the representative system.

To remedy these defects the devices known as the initiative and referendum were conceived and incorporated into many state constitutions. These instruments of government enable the voters, by means of the ballot, to supplant or supplement laws enacted by their representatives by laws of their own making. They were designed not to overthrow representative government but to prevent its diversion from its proper sphere of activity. When legislation does not seem to conform to public opinion the people may, by direct exercise of the law-making power, correct the error by popular vote, and the result is to be taken as the final word in determining what the will of the people really is on the subject in point. Public opinion is thus to find expression in the will of the electorate through the balloting process.
Jefferson and the Law of Nations
Authors: Sears Louis Martin
Published: May 2006

The embargo upon commerce which Congress at the suggestion of President Jefferson decreed in 1807 was more than an experiment in practical politics. It was the test on a magnificent scale of a theory of international law long maturing in the President's mind, and the fitting contribution of a new nation to a body of doctrine which owed its revival, if not its inception, to the need of curbing the international anarchy which accompanied the rise of modern states. The law of nations was a new development. Less than two centuries had passed since Grotius put forth the pioneer work De jure belli ac pacis (1625). The interval between the publication of Grotius' book and the issuance of the embargo decree was, in fact, the classical period in international law. The labors of Leibnitz, Wolff, Vattel, and Bynkershoek built up a system popular, not only with doctrinaires and philosophers, but even with enlightened despots in their more subjective moments. By the close of the eighteenth century, the law of nations had acquired as much prestige as it could ever hope to secure without the support of its own guns and navies. It was the highest political expression of an age which believed in the perfectability of human relations through sheer intellect. And if its dicta sometimes failed to govern the actions of courts and cabinets, its infringement was not a matter of indifference. Nations broke treaties, to be sure, but they did not call them “scraps of paper.”
The Authority of Vattel II
Authors: Fenwick Charles G.
Published: May 2006

In a previous paper the attempt was made to state Vattel's system of municipal and international jurisprudence, and to show in a general way the authority attributed to his treatise on international law. It remains for us to consider the technical rules of international law proposed by Vattel and thus to lay the basis for a critical estimate of the position to which his treatise is entitled among the classics of international law.

The rules of conduct which nations have voluntarily adopted for themselves, and which therefore constitute the law between them, may be divided, with regard to their intrinsic character, into two general classes: first, rules which define certain principles of moral conduct or which embody the recognition of certain fundamental rights of states, and secondly, rules which define the concrete application of principles to the practical relations of states. Chief of the rules defining principles of moral conduct is the rule of good faith between nations, which in its many applications pervades the whole field of international law. This rule of good faith is not merely an a priori conception deduced from the analogy between sovereign states as members of an international community and private persons as members of society; it is a rule of positive international law, accepted by nations as properly controlling their conduct, and appealed to by them in their diplomatic relations.
The Justiciability of International Disputes
Authors: Reeves Jesse S.
Published: May 2006

The appalling record of the past year and a half ought to make us, interested in international law, extremely modest. Professing that we expound international law as it is, we have been deluding ourselves and really setting forth international law as we believed that it ought to be. The universal bankruptcy of normal international relationships has shown to us how great a gap there is between that which we had conceived to be and that which really exists. Many of the foundations of international law we now see to have rested upon a conception of international society which did not really obtain. Perhaps, too, although professing contact with the actual, we have been living in an unreal world, a world wherein the ideal was given a much wider range and play than we were justified in believing. Any attempt to reconstruct the formal bases of international law—and such reconstruction must be made—must take account not only of the experiences of the present war, but of the long series of half-submerged elements which led to the present disaster almost with the inexorability of the forces of natural law. Shocked and benumbed as we are by the constant revelations of horror in these past months, there is also the awful realization that, after all, what has taken place has been largely the result of factors seemingly without immediate human direction.
The Self-Governing Bar
Authors: Adams G. W.
Published: May 2006

“In the large city of today, there are thousands of lawyers, but there is no bar.” With this remark, Roscoe Pound five years ago called attention to the situation which had resulted in the United States from the absence of a corporate profession equipped to administer discipline and govern itself. The presence in all communities of lawyers whose character or equipment rendered them unfit to practice had brought the entire profession into disrepute and had contributed largely to the encroachment of banks, trust companies, and other lay agencies upon the legal field.
Literacy and the Electorate
Authors: Bromage Arthur W.
Published: May 2006

Expansion and Contraction of the Franchise. Between the theory and practice of the American Revolution there was a wide breach. The ruling caste of property owners retained control in spite of the legendary democratization of that era. Jefferson's declaration of the equality of man was not fully applied to suffrage requirements until the time of Andrew Jackson. Since then, suffrage restrictions of property, color, and sex have suffered the fate of houses built upon sand. The floods of democracy have now smitten upon these limitations for more than a century. In the rise of the common man, both the property-owning and taxpaying qualifications for voters disappeared even in the original commonwealths. Once these restrictions which separated the old aristocracy from the new proletariat had been vanquished, the requisites of color and sex were likewise abandoned.

With few exceptions, suffrage had been granted to practically all adult male white citizens before the Civil War. Yet counter-attacks were waged by the advocates of a limited electorate. The theory prevails that a steady swing toward universal suffrage characterizes the American franchise. The pendulum has also swung in the opposite direction. Connecticut and Massachusetts, where the reaction against suffrage extension was rapid, were the first states to retrench on the policy of adult male white suffrage. In place of property qualifications, literacy restrictions appeared. The purpose of these restrictions set up by Connecticut in 1855 and Massachusetts in 1857 was to bar the ignorant immigrants from the voting class.
Campaign Funds in a Depression Year
Authors: Overacker Louise
Published: May 2006

The presidential campaigns of 1928 and 1932 are a study in contrasts. In 1928, the United States was at the peak of the boom period; the incumbent Republicans were confident of victory; and the result was a Republican victory which “broke” the Solid South and swept all but two states outside that section into the Republican column. The 1932 campaign was fought in the midst of depression and disaster; confidence was with the Democrats for the first time in many years; and the result was a Democratic victory which put the party securely in control of both houses of Congress, as well as of the presidency. What effect did the changed economic and political outlook have upon the financing of the campaign?
Trends in Public Personnel Organization
Authors: Pfiffner John M.
Published: May 2006

There are at the present time at least four interrelated trends in the field of public personnel administration. In the first place, emphasis is shifting away from the old evangelism which emphasized the negative aspects of civil service toward placing greater reliance in the perfection of a technique of administration. Secondly, there is increasing dissatisfaction with removal provisions which require a formal hearing with right of counsel before a board independent of the administration. The third phase involves a changed status of the civil service commission: it is to be either abolished entirely or deprived of its administrative duties and confined to quasi-legislative and quasi-judicial activities. The administrative aspects of personnel work are to be placed under a single head responsible to the governor, mayor, or manager.
The German Reichstag Elections of July 31, 1932
Authors: Kerwin Jerome G.
Published: May 2006

Republican Germany elected its sixth Reichstag under the "Weimar constitution on July 31. The largest vote ever cast for a Reichstag membership was recorded at this election—about thirty-eight million people, or 83.2 per cent of the qualified voters, casting ballots. Despite the predictions of disorder, and even violent revolution, the election day was quiet and orderly. Thousands of Germans, taking advantage of the liberal absentee voting law, voted at pleasure resorts where they had gone to spend the week-end. A certificate from the home precinct enables a German citizen to vote anywhere in the Reich. In the cities, voters waited in long lines at the polling places; but there was no congestion, for the actual voting took but a fraction of a minute and the whole voting procedure was well systematized.
Autocracy Versus Democracy in Contemporary Europe, II
Authors: Loewenstein Karl
Published: May 2006

Having made some general observations on the aspirations and obstacles of fascist ideology in democratic countries, we shall now attempt to weigh the actual possibilities of a further spread of autocratic rule in the principal states of Europe. Herein we cannot abstain from a certain amount of prophecy, with all the hazards of statements not entirely based on undisputable fact; but we shall try to keep the forecast within reasonable bounds and to fortify it by reference to actual experience in the different countries under survey. Instead of travelling rather haphazardly over Europe, we should prefer a systematic grouping of the different countries which have not yet adopted autocracy. However, we shall find it rather difficult to discover a reasonable line of division; and accordingly we shall deal with each state separately and determine in the course of our journey whether some synoptical conclusions are permissible.
Forms of Organization of Italian Public Undertakings
Authors: Field G. Lowell
Published: May 2006

Contrary to expectation, widespread when the Fascists acceded to power, no notable retreat by the national government from the field of economic undertaking has been witnessed under the present Italian régime. The theoretical advocacy of public ownership of business concerns as a goal in itself has, indeed, passed entirely from the political stage with the suppression of the once powerful Socialist party, but the enterprises already operated by the Italian government have for the most part been continued under Mussolini's administration. Fascist theory concedes the private entrepreneur to be the normal and proper producer and distributor of economic goods. The Fascist attitude toward the government in business is expressed in the doctrine of state intervention. When any phase of the national economy fails to operate properly, the state has a right to intervene, even to the extent of becoming an entrepreneur itself. In the ninth declaration of the Charter of Labor, the Fascist social creed, the doctrine is expressed thus: “The intervention of the state in economic production takes place only when private initiative is lacking or is insufficient or when political interests of the state are involved. Such intervention may assume the form of control, assistance, or direct management.”
First Session of the Seventy-fourth Congress, January 3, 1935, to August 26, 1935
Authors: Herring E. Pendleton
Published: May 2006

The first Congress to replace the old lame-duck session convened with a mighty mandate from the electorate to support the President. It was estimated that 350 of the 561 members in Congress owed their seats to their pledge to back the New Deal. Controversial legislation had to be disposed of in this session if the meeting of Congress during the coming election year was to be brief and decorous. The general tone of the session was indicated by Senator Wagner when he said: “I am sure we all agree that one of the fundamental purposes of government is to give security to its people” (p. 9927). The terms in which this purpose should be expressed remained the major problem of the session. No rallying point for opposition appeared in Congress. In the House, the unimaginative Snell offered little more than grumbles, and Senator McNary was not a consistent opponent. The leadership of the majority party was in the hands of staunch Southern Democrats whose first loyalty was to the will of the President.
The Issue of Constitutional Amendment in Rhode Island
Authors: Hubbard Clifford C.
Published: May 2006

On March 10, 1936, Rhode Island held a constitutional convention referendum for the first time since 1853. With what proved to be nearly everywhere a straight party set-up, the Republicans defeated the proposal for a convention by about 12,000 votes in a total of some 183,000. The principal issue was increased representation of the cities in the senate, although other changes in the state government were also given some attention. The contest for equality of representation in Rhode Island goes back at least to 1811. Under the present constitution, up until five years ago each city and town had one senator in a total of 39. Now Providence has four in a total of 42, although its population is 37 per cent of that of the state. No other city or town has more than one, although they vary in population from Pawtucket with 77,149 to West Greenwich with 402. Even in the house, Providence is entitled to only 25 per cent of the seats. With the increasing strength of the Democrats in the cities, the Republicans are naturally concerned to maintain the present representation. The small towns are anxious to keep their power; but that there is more to it than this is indicated by the fact that about a third of all the small-town senators have offices in Providence.
A New Method of Selecting Judges in California
Authors: Aikin Charles
Published: May 2006

Many political scientists have condemned direct election of judges. Of late, an increasing number have recommended the plan of having a judge “run against his record” instead of having him run for office on the strength of his record and at the same time campaign against declared opponents. In California, an experiment has recently been undertaken designed to test the validity of such a plan.

By popularly initiated constitutional amendment, originated by the Commonwealth Club of California and supported by the state chamber of commerce, the state has modified its long-used method of selecting judges of the supreme courts and the district courts of appeal. The amendment neither ends all popular election of judges nor vests all authority for selection in the hands of state officers.
The Legal Status of American Political Parties, II
Authors: Starr Joseph R.
Published: May 2006

Political parties that cannot meet the requirements set up by statute for participation in the direct primary, or for the holding of legal conventions, are authorized in most states to choose their candidates by an alternative method. The statutory provisions on this matter vary widely. Some states follow a liberal policy, making it relatively easy for small parties to get a place on the ballot with their candidates' names identified by the party name or emblem. A few states follow a different policy, and make it difficult for small parties to put forward their candidates and allow no distinction upon the ballot between independent candidates and the candidates of small parties.

The forty-eight states may be divided into several classes as respects their statutory provisions for the nomination of candidates by new political parties and small parties which cannot meet the statutory definition of a political party:

1. States prescribing no minimum size for a political party to participate in the favored method of nomination, whether convention or direct primary—six states. In these states, new and small parties are in the most favored position. In the matter of nominating candidates and gaining a place on the general election ballot, they are accorded equal treatment with parties of long standing and substantial size.
Organization of the Executive Branch of the National Government of the United States
Authors: Schmeckebier L. F.
Published: May 2006

Changes between July 16 and November 15, 1940. As in previous lists, mention is here confined generally to units specifically authorised by law or established by the President by executive order or Reorganisation plans under general authority vested in him. Changes in units created by heads of departments or independent establishments are excluded unless of major importance.

Adminiarator of Export Control. Authorised by Executive Order 8567 of October 15, 1940, and Administrative Regulation of the same date to administer the provisions of the act of October 10, 1940 (Public 829, 76th Congress), authorising the President to requisition for national defense any equipment, supplies, etc., the exportation of which has been denied under the provisions of Sec. 6 of the act approved July 2, 1940 (Public 703, 76th Congress).

Advisory Committee on Selective Service. Appointed by the President September 21, 1940, to coördinate plans for selective service. No formal order was issued, the creation of the Committee being indicated by letters to the individual members.

Advisory Committee to Encourags Travel in the United States. Authorised to be appointed by the Secretary of the Interior by Public 755, approved July 19, 1940. I t will consist of one representative each from the Departments of State, Agriculture, and Commerce, the Interstate Commerce Commission, the Civil Aëronautics Authority, and the United States Maritime Commission, to be designated by the Beveral departments or agencies, and not exceeding six representatives “of the various sections of the nation, including transportation and accommodation agencies,” to be appointed by the Secretary of the Interior and to serve at his pleasure. The members of the Committee receive no compensation, but are reimbursed for expenses in attending meetings.
The Position of the NSDAP in the German Constitutional Order
Authors: Boerner Alfred V.
Published: May 2006

Perhaps no country has ever constructed so elaborate and complicated a mechanism for correlating the political and economic requirements of its rulers as has Germany under Hitler. Under no other political system has the organization of all classes been pushed so close to its ultimate limit. Every conceivable aspect of life in the Third Reich has been closely scrutinized for its value to National Socialism and subjected to some form of official control. Because of the continual state of crisis in which the régime finds itself, both at home and abroad, this control has been expanded to an extent undreamed of in pre-Hitler Germany. To make it effective, there has been constructed a labyrinth of bureaus, agencies, and supervisory offices that is confusing and often incomprehensible to the foreign observer.

The task of rationalizing this complex system and justifying the tremendous exercise of authority it requires has been indeed a trying one for the German speculative genius. Seeming contradictions arising from the practical political necessities faced by National Socialism have not made it any easier. For example, the propaganda value of portraying the Third Reich as a bulwark against soviet tyranny has made necessary a complicated explanation of the difference between Russian “regimentation” and German “organization.”
Deorganization in Maine
Authors: Carpenter William S.
Published: May 2006

The readjustment of areas and services in the local government of Maine is proceeding most rapidly through the process of deorganization in towns which cannot support the cost of local services. An act of the legislature in 1937 provides that whenever the organization of any town or plantation has been terminated, the powers, duties, and obligations relating to the affairs of the town or plantation shall be vested in the state tax assessor, until such time as the town or plantation is reorganized. A town or plantation in Maine at present comes into existence through incorporation by special act of the legislature and ceases to exist through the surrender of the corporate charter by special legislative enactment.
County Government Progress in New York State
Authors: Chubb L. R.
Published: May 2006

The determined attacks which students of county government in New York State have been making on the barriers which have prevented reorganization are at last attaining some success. At its regular session of 1933, the legislature passed and the governor signed a county home rule act sponsored by Senator Fearon, providing simply that any county outside of New York City might “adopt, pursuant to the provisions of this act, a county charter for the government of such county.” This act, however, did nothing effective to remove the considerable obstacles which the state constitution puts in the way of county reform, and was itself of doubtful constitutionality. It served only to throw a clearer light on the fact, already familiar to students of the subject, that in New York it is the constitution that has been the strongest bulwark of antiquated local government.
The Prelude to Authority
Authors: Wilson Francis G.
Published: May 2006

Crises in political synthesis are not without precedent. They must have occurred from time to time since the emergence of coherent political society. Indeed, any sharp divergence between commonly accepted ethical standards and temporal conditions is likely to produce a crisis in régimes. The last great debate in the West on the destiny of politics occurred in the later years of the eighteenth and the early part of the nineteenth centuries. The issue was formulated in terms of the basis of authority, just as it is at the present time. At that time, liberalism, with its uncertain conception of political organization, faced the old and tried historical authorities founded on the feudal and the divine conceptions of earthly power. Such men as Edmund Burke, von Haller, and the thinkers of the German historical school fought their losing battle against the tides in liberalism which seemed to them most pernicious. The new capitalism gathered into its fold the hunger for liberty and for the destruction of the arbitrary in government, but our crisis today rests on the fact that this capitalism and its multitudinous social implications are, in the minds of many, becoming unequal to the task of running the world as it is.
Sufficiency Certification of Initiative Signatures in Oklahoma
Authors: Ewing Cortez A. M.
Published: May 2006

The establishment of equitable rules whereby the constitutional rights of affected interests may be protected against arbitrary invasion from laws adopted by the electorate under the reserved legislative powers of the initiative and referendum remains the most important procedural question in the whole field of direct legislation. In reserving the authority to initiate constitutional and statutory measures without the approval or consent of the popular assembly, and to enact such measures through the medium of a popular referendum, the popular sovereign has created a mechanic of legislation coördinate in authority with the legislature. But in erecting barriers against fraudulent and corrupt practices upon the part of those engaged in the initiation of proposed measures, the state constitutions and laws present the possibility of obstructionist tactics by opponents of the proposals and undue delay in the presentation of the measures to the electorates for decision. The recent political imbroglio in Oklahoma over the adoption of an old-age-pensions amendment to the state constitution emphasizes the difficulties of reconciling these conflicting interests.
Neutrality—as of 1936 and 1937
Authors: Bradley Phillips
Published: May 2006

The neutrality legislation enacted at Washington in 1935 was admittedly a compromise, satisfying neither the President, who in his statement upon signing the joint resolution, again criticized its mandatory feature as potentially dangerous, nor many of those in and out of Congress who wanted some definition of our relation to war. As if to point the moral, the Italo-Ethiopian conflict flamed into what the President was pleased to call “a state of war,” and some of the very issues which the legislation was intended to meet became acute. More recently, civil war in Spain has tragically illuminated new issues in our position and policy.
Some Recent Proposals in the Sphere of Administrative Justice
Authors: Cole Kenneth C.
Published: May 2006

Among the problems touched upon by the President's Committee on Administrative Management is that of the role of administrative discretion in the governmental process. Both Professor Hart and Professor Cushman have contributed to the statement of, and have suggested solutions for, this problem.1 Professor Hart is concerned with the exercise of a rule-making discretion at the administrative level, and has ably defended the exercise of this type of decision-making by personnel under the control of the Executive rather than Congress. In other words, the mere fact that administrative action takes the form of general rules does not relate it functionally to the legislative department, and once the notion that rule-making is “legislation” in a separation-of-powers sense is got out of the way, the case for a complete integration of such powers under the control of the President can be pushed through to unqualified conclusion.
Fourth Edition of the Model State Constitution
Authors: Graves W. Brooke
Published: May 2006

After two years of effort, the Committee on State Government of the National Municipal League has completed its work on the new fourth edition of the Model State Constitution. This constitution was originally published in 1921, and revisions were made in 1928 and 1933. The form of the constitution has been improved, and the text itself subjected to a thoroughgoing revision, resulting in many important changes. Whereas the third edition had ninety-eight sections, the new one has 116 sections grouped under thirteen articles, dealing respectively with the bill of rights, suffrage and elections, the legislature, initiative and referendum, the executive, the judiciary, finance, local government, the civil service, public welfare, intergovernmental relations, constitutional revision, and the schedule. The explanatory comments have been thoroughly revised and rewritten.
Constitutional Law in 1936–37: The Constitutional Decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States in the October Term, 1936
Authors: Cushman Robert E.
Published: May 2006

The 1936 term of the Supreme Court will probably be rated a notable one. This is due both to the Court's own work, and to certain extraneous occurrences which could hardly fail to have some impact upon it. In any attempt to evaluate the work of this term, one should bear in mind the following facts: First, a month after the Court convened President Roosevelt was reëlected by one of the most impressive popular and electoral majorities in our political history. Second, in February the President submitted to Congress his proposal for the reorganization of the Supreme Court, including the enlargement of its membership by the addition, up to fifteen, of a new justice for every one remaining on the Court beyond the age of seventy. This proposal aroused violent opposition, the debates on it continued for many months, and ultimately the plan was defeated largely through the efforts of the President's own party. The discussions on this proposal were going on during much of the time in which the Court was sitting. Third, in every case in which New Deal laws were attacked, they were held valid. These results were accomplished in many instances by five-to-four margins, and in the Minimum Wage Case by a five-to-four reversal of a previous five-to-three decision.
Labor's Part in War and Reconstruction
Authors: Dimock Marshall E.
Published: May 2006

Nothing is of greater importance to national defense than the morale of those who do the actual work, the men who pump the petroleum, roll the steel, build the ships and planes. An ounce more of spirit along the assembly line is worth more than a correspondingly higher percentage of armaments in a clash of troops. This is because modern wars are won by industrial strength, a fact that we are almost tired of hearing repeated, but the truth of which we are observing with every passing month of the present war.

War industries require raw materials, trained leadership, and sufficient funds to support the costly effort. A nation needs all of these. But all depend for their success upon the efficiency and ardor of designers, foundrymen, and machinists. Do they put their minds and backs and hearts into their work? Or do they merely go through the motions?

Organized labor may be fitted into a war economy in one of several ways. The workers can be virtually enslaved, as in Poland, and forced to labor with armed sentries standing over them. This method has never proved very efficient. Another way, which Hitler and Mussolini are using, is to appeal to the emotions of patriotism, to work men into a frenzy which must then be sustained.
First Session of the Seventy-sixth Congress, January 3 to August 5, 1939
Authors: Riddick Floyd M.
Published: May 2006

When the first session of the 76th Congress convened, demands for economy and a curtailment of presidential power and influence were rather prevalent in all parts of the country. The activities of the session were influenced by the 1940 election, coalition of parties to act on particular issues, fights between the Executive and Congress, partisan action, and many other political contrivances. In the face of all this, the National Legislature, according to many political observers, made a somewhat unpredictable record.
Organization of the Executive Branch of the National Government of the United States: Changes between November 16, 1940 and March 31, 1941
Authors: Schmeckebier L. F. , White Leonard D. , Belsley G. Lyle , Fussell Frances R.
Published: May 2006

As in previous lists, mention is here confined generally to units specifically authorized by law or established by the President by executive order or Reorganization Plans under general authority vested in him. Changes in units created by heads of departments or independent establishments are excluded unless of major importance.

Advisory Committee on Fire Fighting and Prevention. Appointed by the Director of State and Local Coöperation of the National Defense Advisory Commission on December 5, 1940, to study the problem of fire prevention in the defense program, to provide for development of methods and training, and to disseminate information.
War-Time Priorities in Research: A Statement by the Research Committee of the American Political Science Association
Authors: Griffith Ernest S. , Bradley Phillips , Leigh Robert , Loewenstein Karl , McLean Joseph , Sharp Walter R. , Swisher Carl B. , Wilson Francis G.
Published: May 2006

In the report of the Association's Committee on War-time Services occurs the following passage: “It seems to the Committee that the customary individualism of the profession is a luxury that cannot be unimpaired in war-time; political scientists must not go through the war with a business-as-usual attitude toward research and critical writing. The crises upon the nation and awaiting the nation demand that the profession recognize priorities in its scholarly work…. Students, mature and immature, should know what men of affairs consider to be the more crucial issues … The Committee … does ask … that the profession be given leadership in determining what to do ….”

The Research Committee of the Association considered this challenge and sought an answer from those members of the profession who had temporarily left their academic halls and plunged into the war effort in Washington. This group gave generously of their time and thought to the matter. The Committee's own function became merely that of a reporter or synthesizer of the views thus expressed. It is this synthesis which this statement incorporates. The suggestions are deliberately not attributed to any one individual. In the first place, many suggestions were made by more than one person; in the second place, the total pattern is even more intriguing than the individual suggestions.