bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The aged Livia
Authors: Esdaile Katharine A.
Published: May 2006

When in 1887 Dr. Helbig published his identification of a head now in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek as Livia (plate XXII), the suggestion met with almost universal acceptance, the likeness to her coins and gems, as well as to the portraits of her son Tiberius, being too strong to admit of doubt. The portraiture of Livia is curiously uncertain. We know that the inscribed bronze bust of her in the Louvre is of provincial workmanship, and must, from the hair, represent the empress in early youth; she appears on many coins as Salus, Pietas, etc. and we possess some really fine gems; but apart from the Copenhagen head the monumental evidence is unsatisfactory. Statues of her are mentioned by Dio as erected in 35 B.C. (xlix, 38), and in 9 B.C. (lv, 2); another was erected by Claudius (Suet. Claud, ii), who also raised her to the rank of a god in 41, Tiberius having refused all divine honours from the senate for himself and his mother. In the provinces she was widely honoured in her life: the base of a statue has been found at Athens; the remains of another dedication at Constantine in Algeria; a temple statue was erected at Smyrna in A.D. 23, together with one of Tiberius, right at the close of her life, since she died in 29 at the age of eighty-five; and provincial coins bearing her portrait as Juno, Rhea, etc. are numerous.
Inscribed Fragments of Stagshorn from North Italy
Authors: Whatmough J.
Published: May 2006

In November, 1912, a carpenter, searching amongst the débris which had been precipitated from the top of a hill overlooking the country district of Magrè into the limestone quarries at its foot, discovered a fragment of a lead pig and four pieces of stagshorn with short inscriptions in an early Italic alphabet. The find was in due course reported to the officials in charge of antiquities coming to light in the province in which Magrè is situated, and careful excavations were made during the same month, resulting in the discovery of the other inscribed fragments of horn, which, with the four first found, form the subject of this article. These objects are now preserved in the Museo Nazionale at Este, where, at the suggestion of Professor R. S. Conway, I examined them at the end of March, 1922, and made a transcript of the text, which, it is expected, will later be published in Part II of Professor Conway's forthcoming Pre-Italic Dialects of Italy.
Cn. Pompeius Strabo and the Franchise Question
Authors: Stevenson G. H.
Published: May 2006

The publication by Gatti in 1908 and 1910 of two bronze fragments containing the record of the gift of citizenship to the equites Hispani of the Turma Salluitana by Cn. Pompeius Strabo in the course of the Social War was welcomed by scholars as providing a valuable piece of contemporary evidence on a period of Roman History for which such evidence is almost entirely lacking. It is perhaps unfortunate that the inscription deals with a subject on which, thanks mainly to Cicero's speeches Pro Balbo and Pro Archia, our information was relatively good, but more can, I think, be extracted from it than was at first thought to be the case, and a few remarks suggested by it may not be out of place.
Asia Minor, 1924: V.—Monuments from the Upper Tembris Valley
Authors: Buckler W. H. , Calder W. M. , Cox C. W. M.
Published: May 2006

The following stones, like no. 230 published in Part IV of this article (J.R.S. XVII, 1927, p. 49 ff.), were seen by W. M. Calder and C. W. M. Cox in the course of a hurried visit to the Upper Tembris Valley in July, 1924. The MS. of Part V was completed in March, 1926; in the revision of the proof-sheets we have been privileged to use the notes, impressions and photographs made by C. W. M. Cox and A. Cameron in the course of a systematic survey of the Tembris Valley monuments in May, 1926. For the notes on nos. 253 and 254 Calder and Cox are jointly responsible, for those on nos. 232 and 233 Cox, and for the remainder Calder. The letters C. Co. indicate the copyist.
A Roman visor helmet recently discovered near Nijmegen, Holland
Authors: Curle James
Published: May 2006

The beautiful visor helmet illustrated in plates VI and VII is a recent addition to the fine collection of Roman antiquities belonging to Mr. G. M. Kam of Nijmegen, Holland, to whom I am indebted for photographs and detailed particulars. The helmet was recovered from a gravel-bed on the left bank of the river Waal below Nijmegen. In the inside of the helmet among the clay and gravel lay a pair of bronze cheek-pieces overlaid with silver, which must have belonged to a helmet of a different pattern, and a number of melon-shaped beads of blue glass (fig. 35).
Expressions of Art in a Roman commercial city: Ostia
Authors: Calza Guido
Published: May 2006

The noteworthy discovery which I have the honour of illustrating for the Journal of Roman Studies is a very recent one, and it was unlooked for because one would not expect to find a rich and beautiful series of small artistic bronzes among the ruins of a great bakehouse. This building consisted of a double series of rooms in which are gathered together the machines for crushing the grain, the machines for kneading the flour (machinae quae farinae subiguntur), and, lastly, two enormous ovens for the making of the bread. This great bakehouse, placed in the heart of the city, near the temple of Vulcan, was destroyed by a fire in the third century, as is proved by certain coins, and it was never re-built. The small bronzes, touched but not destroyed by the fire, were found among the ashes covering the pavement of the ground floor, and since they have nothing in common with the great bakehouse, they come assuredly from the first floor of the building, which was perhaps the dwelling-house of the miller, and it may be supposed from this that they were the religious and artistic furniture of his private chapel.
Studies in Early Christian Epigraphy: II.
Authors: Calder W. M.
Published: May 2006

The inscription of Iconium published on p. 37, no. 19, gives us our first certain example of an east-Phrygian variety of the early Christian formula against violation of the tomb, which Professor Callander and I had already restored in a small group of inscriptions.
The Turf Wall of Hadrian, 1895–1935
Authors: Simpson F. Gerald , Richmond I. A.
Published: May 2006

The turf-built sector of Hadrian's Wall was discovered in 1895 by the Cumberland Excavation Committee, at Appletree, east of Wall Bowers milecastle, 51. In the next three years, the associated ditch was traced underneath Birdoswald Fort and under the Stone Wall at milecastles 49 (Harrow's Scar) and 51, forming thus a two-mile loop-line (pl. 1) with the ditch of the Stone Wall which it preceded. The recognition of the new Wall as turf-built was made easy by the analysis of the Antonine Wall three years earlier, and Dr. Arthur Raistrick's pollen-analysis, given below in an Appendix (p. 18), puts the exact nature of the material beyond doubt.
The New Fragments of Gaius
Authors: de Zulueta F.
Published: May 2006

In a previous article (JRS XXIV, 168–86) we reproduced the new text and discussed its critical significance. It contains two new passages, the contents of the first of which are studied here. The passage (PSI 1182, 11–43, Gaius 3, 154a) runs:

‘Sed ea quidem societas de qua loquimur, id est quae nudo consensu contrahitur, iuris gentium est; itaque inter omnes homines naturali ratione consistit.’ (Here the new text begins) ‘est autem aliud genus societatis proprium civium Romanorum. olim enim mortuo patre familias inter suos heredes quaedam erat legitima simul et naturalis societas, quae appellabatur ercto non cito, id est dominio non diviso : erctum enim dominium est unde erus dominus dicitur : ciere autem dividere est : unde caedere et secare dicimus. alii quoque qui volebant eandem habere societatem poterant id consequi apud praetorem certa legis actione. In hac autem societate fratrum ceterorumve qui ad exemplum fratrum suorum societatem coierint illud proprium erat, quod vel unus ex sociis communem servum manumittendo liberum faciebat et omnibus libertum adquirebat: item unus remcommunem mancipando …’
A Note on the Battle of Ilipa
Authors: Scullard Howard H.
Published: May 2006

The evidence on which any attempt to fix the site of the battle of Ilipa must be based is briefly as follows. Polybius records that Hasdrubal and Scipio advanced to contest the final mastery of Spain in 206 B.C. (or less probably 207). ‘Hasdrubal encamped not far from a town called Ilipa, entrenching himself just under the hills (πρὸς ταĩς ὑπωρείαις) with a plain in front well suited for a contest and battle’ (xi, 20, 1). ‘When Scipio got near the Carthaginians and was in full sight of them he encamped on some low hills (περί τινας γεωλόφονς) opposite the enemy“ (§9). When the Carthaginian cavalry attempted to take Scipio off his guard, the Roman cavalry, which had been stationed under a hill (ὑπό τινα βουνόν), charged the enemy so suddenly that many of the Carthaginians were unhorsed and the attack was repulsed. After several days of waiting the final battle was fought on the plain, the Carthaginian infantry being ‘at no great distance from the foot of the hill’ (οὐ πολύ τῆς παρωρείας xi, 22, 8), i.e. the hill on which their camp was placed (cf. xi, 24, 7). Polybius' account breaks off after the description of Scipio's victory, but Livy, who followed it very closely, adds two facts of importance :—(1) that after the battle the Carthaginians strengthened their rampart with large stones (xxviii, 15 ; which suggests that their original camp was an earthwork), and (2) that Hasdrubal did not have to cross the Baetis (Guadalquivir) on his retreat to the Atlantic, i.e. the battle was fought on the right bank of the river. Appian adds little of value : his statement that the two camps were ten stades apart is clearly false, since the space (less than 2 km.) is too small to permit the free deployment of two armies as large as these must have been.
Gnaevs Ivlivs Agricola
Authors: Richmond I. A.
Published: May 2006

Gnaeus Iulius Agricola was born on 13th June, A.D. 40, at an evil juncture in his family fortunes. His father, the senator Iulius Graecinus, had offended the Emperor Gaius in a matter which cost him his life. This dark affair is not chronicled in detail, and our scanty knowledge of Graecinus and his career permits no useful conjecture on the cause. Graecinus had been a procurator's son, able enough in the disillusioned eyes of Tiberius to merit promotion to the Senate: he was also an advocate, endowed with sufficient ability to be engaged by the Emperor to appear against the Empress's father and with sufficient temerity to refuse the task. His literary efforts comprised a learned study of viticulture, considered more elegant than its model, and perhaps reflecting real interest in land. Agricultural interest may also be mirrored in the cognomen of the son. None of these facts, however, provides any cogent reason for the execution of Graecinus, and it must be further confessed that the elevation of the family to senatorial rank was too recent, and its provincial original too obvious, to excite wide or searching interest in his death. The sole external comment, by Seneca, is purely conventional.
Roman Citizenship in Laconia
Authors: Box Herbert
Published: May 2006

Of the names that follow it is impossible to say in general that they give any obvious or likely clue to their origin. These notes merely indicate what seem possibilities in each case. The same order is followed as in the preceding group.

Άϰύλιος

This is the Greek form of the nomen Aquilius or Aquillius. It occurs as the name of a gymnasiarch with the praenomen Γάϊος at Asine in Messenia. Tod says that the letters are late and carelessly cut. No date can be fixed for the document. The only Roman official of this name who seems to have been connected with Achaia in imperial times was L. Aquillius C. f. Florus Turcianus Gallus, who governed the province probably not later than the reign of Augustus. Gaius is a praenomen in his family.
The New Fragments of Gaius: Part III.—The legis actiones
Authors: de Zulueta F.
Published: May 2006

Previous articles have discussed the critical significance of the new text, PSI 1182, and the new information on consortium. The text has now begun to affect general treatises, such as those of E. Betti, R. Monier, and W. Kunkel. The following special literature may be added to what has been previously cited :—

V. Arangio-Ruiz, Cours de dr. rom. (Les actions), Naples 1935, and ‘Il nuovo Gaio,’ Bull. Ist. Dir. Rom. (BIDR), xlii, 571–624. F. Lanfranchi, ‘Appunti sul “consortium” familiare nei retori romani,’ Stud, et Doc. hist, et iuris, fasc. 2, 1935, 373–8. A. E. Giffard, ‘Iudicis postulatio et actio ex sponsione,’. Rev. hist. dr., xiii. 514–6, and ‘Varron, De L.L., vi, 64–5,’ Rev. de philol., ix, 82–3. F. de Zulueta, Supplements to the Institutes of Gaius, Oxford 1935 (separate; also incorporated in Poste's Gaius). C. W. Westrup, Family property and patria potestas, Oxford 1936. G. I. Luzzatto, Sulle origini e la natura delle obbligazioni romane, Milan 1934. P. Meylan, Acceptilation et paiement, Lausanne 1934. Cf. H. F. Jolowicz, JEA xxii, 1936, 81, 86.

It remains to consider the new evidence on iudicis postulatio and condictio (PSI 1182, 178–220). We begin by recalling the augmented text (Gaius 4, 17a–20).
The Date of Julius Caesar's Departure from Alexandria
Authors: Lord Louis E.
Published: May 2006

Julius Caesar defeated Ptolemy xii on the Nile on March 27th, 47 B.C. After establishing Cleopatra and her brother, Ptolemy xiii, on the throne of Egypt, Caesar proceeded against Pharnaces whom he defeated at Zela, in Pontus, on August 2nd. How long did Caesar delay at Alexandria before leaving for this campaign ?

The length of his stay after the battle of the Nile is variously estimated. Ferrero says that Caesar remained at Alexandria for two months, leaving on the last day of May. Professor Adcock agrees with Ferrero and so does Carcopino. O. E. Schmidt and Rice Holmes calculate that Caesar left Alexandria on the 7th or 8th of June. Judeich and E. Meyer place the date of his departure on June 20th, while Heitland and Weigall give him a reprieve from active service till the first week in July.
Ennius and the ‘Isiaci Coniectores’
Authors: Salem M. S.
Published: May 2006

At the end of the first book of Cicero's De diuinatione there occurs a tantalising passage containing a specific mention of the ‘Isiac diviners.’ It used to be attributed to Ennius by the earlier editors of that author, but since the time of Bothe this view has not been generally accepted. The passage runs ‘non habeo denique nauci Marsum augurem, non vicanos haruspices, non de circo astrologos, non Isiacos coniectores, non interpretes somniorum; non enim sunt ii aut scientia aut arte divini.’ The text is sound and there is no variant reading for the words ‘Isiaci coniectores’ which interest us most particularly in this study. The Italian colour of the passage (cf. ‘Marsus augur, de circo astrologi’) excludes the possibility of a Greek origin, and the question is merely to whom, Ennius or Cicero, the words ‘Isiaci coniectores’ should be assigned. It must be admitted that the words ‘non habeo … divini’ are not metrical and it would be hopeless to defend them in their present form as the ipsissima verba of Ennius. But the possibility that they contain a more or less close paraphrase of Ennius is suggested by the use of ‘non habeo … nauci,’ a phrase which Cicero never used. ‘Isiacus’ too is a rare word, which does not appear elsewhere in Republican Latin (v. infra pp. 58, 59, n. 21 and 22).
Cicero and the Parliament of Bats
Authors: Daube David
Published: May 2006

Caecina and Aebutius both laid claim to the same piece of land. When Caecina attempted to enter on it, he was driven away by the threats of Aebutius and his followers, all armed. Cicero, counsel for Caecina, obtained from the praetor an injunction, such as had often been given in similar cases, ordering Aebutius to restore Caecina to the land in dispute, ‘if indeed it was true that he had ejected him by force, with the help of armed men.’ It was, however, not true, according to Piso who pleaded the cause of Aebutius. Piso admitted most of the facts alleged by Cicero. But he maintained that, strictly speaking, his client had not ejected Caecina ‘by force’ nor, for that matter, ‘ejected’ him at all. No ‘force’ had been used, said Piso: Caecina had taken to his heels long before he was hurt.
The New Fragments of Gaius (PSI 1182)
Authors: de Zulueta F.
Published: May 2006

Pubblicazioni della Società Italiana per la ricerca dei Papiri greci e latini in Egitto. Estratto dal volume undecimo.—No. 1182: Frammenti di Gaio a cura di Vincenzo Arangio-Ruiz.—Firenze: Stab. tipogr. E. Ariani, 1933: 52 pp. with 4 plates. (Referred to below as A.-R.)
The Helmet of Constantine With the Christian Monogram
Authors: Alföldi Andreas
Published: May 2006

The final settlement which began in A.D. 300 between the menacing power of Christianity and the forces of the state, was the unavoidable consequence of a long and slow development. The men who then stood at the head of the Roman Empire were compelled to become the protagonists in the last act of this great drama and, clearly as its final issue may have been indicated from the first, by the positions they adopted materially affected the course of the drama.

As all know, the climax was reached with the conversion of Constantine. Quite recently, however, so eminent a Byzantine scholar as H. Grégoire has disputed the belief that the Battle of the Mulvian Bridge was won in the sign of the Cross, and, as more than one serious student has accepted his view, we shall have to follow in rather closer detail his brilliant description of the political developments of these years. We shall readily admit with him that the account of Eusebius in the Vita Constantini, i, 28–30, is a highly-coloured romance and panegyric, marred by rehandling and later interpolation, and quite inconsistent with the information of Lactantius: yet, despite all this, it has a definite kernel of history in it, as I hope soon to show.
Roman Garrisons in the North of Britain
Authors: Birley Eric
Published: May 2006

Since the antiquaries of the eighteenth century—Hunter, Gordon, and Horsley—identified the forts on Hadrian's Wall with the stations per lineam valli by means of inscriptions found in them, further epigraphic material has accumulated, as a result of which all the forts except those at Newcastle-upon-Tyne and Rudchester, as far west as Birdoswald, have produced evidence of the regiments assigned by the Notitia Dignitatum to the stations Segedunum-(C)amboglanna. But, in a number of instances, there have also come to light inscriptions set up by regiments that do not occur in the Notitia, or that are placed elsewhere in that list; the purpose of the present paper is to consider the significance of these inscriptions.
The Caravan-Gods of Palmyra
Authors: Rostovtzeff M. I.
Published: May 2006

No ruins of the ancient world outside Italy are more famous than the beautiful romantic remains of Queen Zenobia's city—the desert-city of caravans. No city of the Near East has yielded such an abundance of inscriptions, sculptures and fragments of painting. For more than a century and a half collectors and dealers have found in Palmyra a happy hunting ground; almost every museum has its Palmyrene bust or Palmyrene inscription or some small object such as the common clay tessera. A considerable number of the antiquities found at Palmyra have been published—most of the inscriptions in the Palmyrene dialect of Aramaic or in Greek, numerous sculptures, and many paintings found in tombs. The most important Palmyrene texts have been translated and will shortly be available to those historians who are not acquainted with Semitic languages.
Margidunum
Authors: Oswald Felix
Published: May 2006

Now that my excavation of Margidunum (Castle Hill, Nottinghamshire) has come to an end and the site has been filled in, it may be opportune to give a detailed account of the last three buildings I explored; for they not only furnished results throwing light on the entire history of the camp but exhibit many unusual features of general importance. They form a material addition to the plan of one of the earliest forts of the Claudian conquest situated on the eastern edge of the Trent Valley, some 25 miles SW of Lindum (Lincoln) on the Fosse Way, the first strategic frontier across Britain; and the pottery found in excavating these buildings adds materially to the chronology of Romano-British pottery over a period of 350 years.
C. Baebius and the Coinage of (?)Dium under Tiberius
Authors: Sutherland C. H. V.
Published: May 2006

The small and compact series of aes coins on which appear the names of C · BAEBIVS · P · F ·, L · RVSTICELIVS · BASTERNA ·, and L·RVSTICELIVS· CORDVS as duoviri quinquennales has always presented difficulties, chief among them being the question of the mint at which they were struck. Of the early numismatists, Sestini was the first to give these coins serious consideration: ninety years later Imhoof-Blumer described the series at length, and (influenced by Sestini) proposed its attribution to the mint of Dium (Pieriae) in Macedonia, his views being tentatively accepted afterwards in the Berlin Catalogue and more recently incorporated in the studies of H. Gaebler. For reasons which will appear below, I shall pay no great attention in this paper to the question of mint-attribution. Attention will be directed rather to the date at which the coins were struck, and to the identity of the duoviri quinquennales—Baebius in particular.
Terra Mater or Italia ?
Authors: Strong Eugénie
Published: May 2006

A Botticellesque ‘Venus among Cupids’ in the National Gallery (no. 916) now attributed to Jacopo del Sellajo (pl. III) attracted my attention when I saw it again in July last for the similarity of the composition to the familiar group of Terra Mater and the children as represented on innumerable Roman monuments—a transcript almost of its rendering in the mosaic recently discovered at Antioch by the American mission (pl. iv, i). The influence of the ancient motive is likewise apparent in Sellajo's—or another's —repetition of the ‘Venus and Cupids’ motive in the Louvre (no. 1299—pl. v), and it makes itself felt, though less obviously perhaps, in Botticelli's ‘Venus and Mars’ in the National Gallery (no. 915—pi. vi). The un-Venus like character of Sellajo's goddess had, as I subsequently discovered, struck A. L. Mayer, who thought that the picture might represent an allegory of Fertility (Fruchtbarkeit)–an excellent suggestion, supported by the evidence of the bunch of grapes, from which, however, he omitted to draw the necessary conclusion. The dependence of Botticelli's picture upon an antique model has long been admitted, but the incongruity between the Mars who lies steeped in voluptuous slumber and the demure Florentine lady who faces him in seemly half-sitting posture had scarcely been noted : she, too, recalls Terra Mater, rather than any softly reposing nymph or Venus.
Bowls by Acavnissa from Birdoswald, Mainz and Cologne
Authors: Oswald Felix
Published: May 2006

An interesting bowl in terra sigillata (form 37) with the cursive signature ACAVNISSA was found last year in excavating Birdoswald; and, since the only other known bowls by this potter, were found at Mainz and Cologne, a description of these two bowls may be of some interest, especially from a chronological point of view.

The glaze of the Birdoswald bowl is poor and the figures are in places somewhat blurred. The decoration consists of an alternation of two panels separated by bead-rows ending in rosettes (pl. IV, nos. 1 and 2). In the first panel there is a medallion of ‘cog-wheel’ pattern with inner concentric ring; it encloses a bird (to right) with upstretched wings, similar to Déch. 1010, but slightly smaller. This bird was first used at Lezoux by the Trajanic potters LIBERTVS and BVTRIO and later by the Hadrian-Antonine potters ALBVCIVS, ADVOCISVS, MERCATOR (not the South Gaulish potter of this name), PAVLLVS, PATERNVS, SERVVS and CINNAMVS; in its smaller form it occurs on a bowl by MAPILLVS (37 MAPILL OF at Corbridge).
A Roman (?) Head at Dumfries
Authors: Toynbee J. M. C.
Published: May 2006

The striking and enigmatic stone head reproduced on plate IX, nos. 2, 3, and fig. 3 (p. 64), was presented to the Dumfries Burgh Museum in September, 1951, along with two Roman altars. These three objects had been preserved at Burnfoot House, Birrens, Annandale, for over a century, and had always been together within the memory of living members of the Irving family, which owned the property until 1950. One of the altars, that of Minerva, was dug up in 1810 during stone-robbing in the vicus of the Birrens Roman fort: the smaller altar, that of Fortuna, came to light on the same site in 1886. There is further a local tradition of the finding of a head, described as being that of Jupiter, at Birrens c. 1816, also in the course of stone-robbing; but no evidence exists for equating with it the head which is the subject of this note, since the provenance of the latter is not recorded.
Professor Burkitt and the Geographical Catalogue
Authors: Bishop E. F. F.
Published: May 2006

In vol. XXXVIII (1948) of the Journal, pp. 43–6, Dr. Stefan Weinstock discusses the relationship of the list of nations mentioned in Acts 2 as represented in Jerusalem on the Day of Pentecost with ‘astrological geography’. There is one difficulty which has presented itself to many students—the presence in the catalogue of ΙΟΥΔΑΙΑΝ, particularly in its position between Mesopotamia and Cappadocia. Consequently there have been conjectures about what might have stood in its place. Dr. Weinstock concludes that it is ‘definitely wrong’, and should either be changed to ΙΟΥΔΙΟΙ or omitted or accepted as an interpolation.
The Giants in the Poem of Naevius
Authors: Fraenkel Eduard
Published: May 2006

When we examine recent discussions about this fragment from the first book of the Bellum Poenicum (19 Morel, 44–6 Warmington, 7 Marmorale), we find an agreement such as otherwise is rare in classical studies. In many countries many scholars, old and young, have adopted Hermann Fränkel's view (Hermes LXX, 1935, 59 ff.) that the passage was inspired by certain sculptures which Naevius had seen at the temple of Zeus Olympios at Acragas. But whereas Fränkel himself drew only cautious conclusions (he assigned the fragment to the story of Aeneas and considered more than one possible way in which it might be connected with that story), several among his followers jumped to the history of the year 262 B.C. and used the fragment as a cornerstone for the reconstruction of the main narrative of the Bellum Poenicum.
The Last Days of Cleopatra : A Chronological Problem
Authors: Skeat T. C.
Published: May 2006

Of all the Ptolemaic kings and queens of Egypt none met so intensely dramatic a fate as the last Cleopatra, and of none are the closing days more minutely described. In these circumstances it is all the more remarkable that there is no surviving record, even approximate, of the date of her death, nor, so far as I am aware, has any modern historian seriously attempted to determine it.

We may commence our investigation with the capture of Alexandria by Octavian. The date of this event is known from one literary source, Orosius (VI, 19, 16), who probably derived his information from Livy, and one inscription, the Fasti Antiates (CIL 12, p. 248= x, 6638). Both give the date as 1 August, and this may be taken as correct.
Poetry in the Moral Climate of Augustan Rome
Authors: Williams Gordon
Published: May 2006

My object in this paper is to examine the implications of a contradiction in Augustan poetry which seems clearest in the Odes of Horace. He exhorts his emperor to curb the present extravagances of vice and restore marriage to its ancient dignity, and praises him for having done so. But this high moral tone ill fits his claims to be an erotic poet: content to love marriage as a bachelor, he addresses many odes to girls not burdened, nor likely to be, by the chains of wedlock. Indeed erotic poets have seldom found their inspiration in the stable affections of lawful marriage. In spite of the disparate freedom (even greater then than now) allowed to the male, it nevertheless seems reasonable to confront Horace first with his praises of matrimony, then with his more licentious outpourings, and require an explanation.
The Amiens Patera
Authors: Heurgon Jacques
Published: May 2006

The discovery two years ago, in Amiens, of an analogue of the famous Rudge cup has raised interest among the historians of the Roman world. The new patera has been summarily described in the Comptes-Rendus de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres (1949, p. 125 ff.) and will be more completely surveyed in the next volume of the Monuments Piot. Nevertheless it was thought that some account of the main differences between the two vases would be appreciated by students of Roman Britain.
Justus Lipsius and the Text of Tacitus
Authors: Brink C. O.
Published: May 2006

Editors, and other students, of the text of Tacitus have of late been taken up with the problems of the two codices unici and perhaps have tended to neglect the contributions made by their predecessors. If this be true, Dr. J. Ruysschaert has rendered a service to scholarship in publishing a book on Juste Lipse et les Annals de Tacite: une méthode de critique textuelle au XVIe siècle. It is safe to say that up to the nineteenth century a commentary on the text of Tacitus in the main consisted of comments by, and on, Lipsius. Much of this lore was gathered together in I. Bekker's Variorum edition of 1831 and, augmented by G. H. Walther's more unorthodox notes and a critique of them, in Ruperti's four volumes of 1832–39. At that time, however, a breach in the tradition occurred and the Corpus Lipsianum (if this name may be applied to the lore in the Variorum editions) became less known than it deserves.
The Warships of the Later Roman Empire
Authors: Dolley R. H.
Published: May 2006

It is surprising that so little study should have been devoted to the navy of the later Empire. Since new information has now become available, it would seem a favourable opportunity to consider afresh the structure of the warships of the imperial fleets. The ancient sources may be divided into three main categories. The first is represented by that invaluable collection of tenth century naval handbooks which have recently been edited by M. Dain. Most important for our present purposes are the Περὶ θαλασσομαχίας of the Emperor Leo VI, which may probably be dated to 905–6, and the anonymous Παρὰ Βασιλείον Πατρικίου καὶ Παρακοιμωμένου (cited ‘Anon PBPP’), which M. Dain dates to the years immediately following the Cretan expedition of 960–1. This latter work was unknown to Torr when writing his Ancient Ships, and M. Dain may be said virtually to have rediscovered it. It is addressed to a certain Basil who was the natural son of Romanus Lecapenus. His bastardy stood him in good stead, and he survived the fall of his father and half-brothers. He seems to have attached himself to the party of Nicephorus Phocas, and organized a ‘fifth column’ which contributed in no small part to the overthrow of Joseph Bringas. His nefarious enterprises were finally ended by Basil II, who relegated him to a monastery. All the tenth-century naval handbooks reflect older traditions, and there seems to have been little essential difference between conditions prevailing under the Amorian and the Macedonian dynasties.
TheInvectiva in CiceronemandEpistula Secundaof Pseudo-Sallust
Authors: Nisbet R. G. M.
Published: May 2006

The two passages have often been compared, but with no agreed result. For instance, H. Last,CQXVII, 1923, 153 f., and K. Btichner,Lateinische Literatur und Sprache, Bern, 1951, 81 f., give the priority to theinvectiva;A. Klotz,Berl. philologische Wochenschrift, XLIII, 1923, 261 f., and O. Seel,Klio, Beiheft XLVII, 1943, 73 ff., to theepistula; R. v. Pöhlmann,Sitzungsb. der K. Bayer. Akad., 1904, 27, and G. Carlsson,Eine Denkschrift an Cäsar über den Staat, Lund, 1936, 57, think that the passages may have a common source; B. Edmar,Studien zu den Epistulae ad Caesarem senem, Lund, 1931, 105 f. leaves the solution open. Progress can hardly be made without fresh evidence.
The Credentials of L. Caesar and L. Roscius
Authors: Bailey D. R. Shackleton
Published: May 2006

In 49 B.C., on 23rd January by the contemporary calendar, now running over six weeks ahead of schedule, nearly a fortnight after Caesar had crossed the Rubicon and nearly a week after the Republican exodus from Rome, Cicero at Minturnae wrote to Atticus, who had remained behind, as follows (VII, 13a, 2):

L. Caesarem vidi Minturnis a.d. VIII Kal. Febr. mane cum absurdissimis mandatis, non hominem sed scopas solutas, ut id ipsum mihi ille [sc. Caesar] videatur irridendi causa fecisse, qui tantis de rebus huic mandata dederit; nisi forte non dedit et hic sermone aliquo arrepto pro mandatis abusus est.
Polybius and Rome's Eastern Policy
Authors: Walbank F. W.
Published: May 2006

Any discussion of the policy of the Roman Senate towards the Hellenistic world at the end of the third century B.C. must inevitably take account of the work of two men who wrote their most important books around this topic. One is, of course, Polybius, the other Maurice Holleaux. Holleaux's book on Rome, Greece and the Hellenistic monarchies appeared in 1921; but it came as the culmination of several studies on this subject, which had been exercising his attention particularly since 1913. Today, then, we stand virtually at the fiftieth anniversary of Holleaux's thesis, and we can appropriately consider how far it has stood the test of time. However, that is not my main purpose in this paper, which will be concerned much more with what Polybius has to say on the subject. As everyone knows, it is the evidence of Polybius that stands behind Holleaux's remarkable reconstruction of Roman policy; and Holleaux's problem is quite central to Polybius' interests—indeed it is very close to, though not identical with, his main theme. ‘Who,’ he asks, ‘is so worthless and so indolent as not to want to know by what means and under what constitutional system the Romans in less than fifty-three years have succeeded in subjecting nearly the whole inhabited world to their sole government—a thing unique in history?’ It is perhaps not unfair to judge a historian by the degree of success he attains in tackling his main theme. If that seems a reasonable proposition, we may ask ourselves: Does Polybius in fact offer a satisfactory answer to the question he has raised?
Some Observations on Early Roman Corinthian
Authors: Strong D. E.
Published: May 2006

Palladio's version of the Corinthian Order (fig. 6) is not, so far as one can see, taken directly from any Roman building but it is thoroughly Roman in inspiration and based on Palladio's careful study of ancient Roman buildings. The design and detail relate most closely to buildings of the time of Trajan and Hadrian but a similar order could have been found on any Roman building erected from the end of the Augustan period onwards. It may be seen that there are several elements in the design which are derived from Greek versions of the Ionic Order: the architrave with its three divisions and crowning mouldings, the plain continuous frieze and the cornice with dentils. One feature of the design, however, immediately distinguishes it from that of Greek Ionic and this is the presence of a series of brackets—modillions or consoles, as they are variously called—spaced at regular intervals below the projecting part of the cornice and serving to give it visible means of support. Between the modillions there are square panels or coffers, framed by a decorated moulding and each containing a rosette in relief.
The Fall of Jerusalem and the ‘Abomination of Desolation’
Authors: Dodd C. H.
Published: May 2006

The Gospel according to Luke contains two passages which allude, with some particularity, to a forthcoming siege and destruction of Jerusalem; viz. XIX, 42–4, XXI, 20–4.

The latter of these two passages (with which we may conveniently begin) stands in a context where Luke, to all appearance, is using the Gospel according to Mark as a source. The Marcan parallel to Luke XXI, 20–24 forms part of what is often called the ‘Synoptic Apocalypse’, or, more appropriately, the ‘Apocalyptic Discourse’, since its literary form is not that of an apocalypse; it is in the main a Mahnrede making use of apocalyptic motives, and concluding with a few sentences of straightforward prediction in the apocalyptic manner (XIII, 24–7).
Nero: some Aspects
Authors: Charlesworth M. P.
Published: May 2006

Ever since that day when Michal, the daughter of Saul, looking out from a window saw her husband, David, ‘leaping and dancing before the Lord,’ and despised him in her heart (II Sam. 6, 16), it has been orthodox to scoff at the productions or performances of royal or imperial artists. Even more does this prejudice apply to Nero, and the world has agreed to accept the verdict of the unsuccessful rebel Vindex that he was a poor artist. I come neither to praise nor whitewash him, but simply to ask you to consider with me certain aspects of his reign and personality, which have been scantily treated, and which may throw light upon certain political tendencies of his time. The topics I wish to take are (1) Nero's voice and art; (2) the Domus Aurea and the reception of king Tiridates; and (3) Nero's tour of Greece, and the survival of his memory.
Notes on Cicero, Ad Q. Fratrem
Authors: Bailey D. R. Shackleton
Published: May 2006

Editors continue to print ‘inter hos eos’, referring hos ‘generally to the ministros mentioned above (§ 10)’ (Tyrrell-Purser). But §§ 10, from ‘quamquam legatos’ onwards, and II deal exclusively with the publicly commissioned officers on Quintus' staff, namely the Quaestor and Legati, so that hos cannot credibly cover any but these. ‘manifestissimum est mendum hie subesse, quod obscuriore indicio aliquis suspicari posset vel ex hoc concursu insuavi pronominum hos eos quos’: so far Madvig must be followed, but his remedy, ‘atque interest hoc: eos quos’ strikes me as artificial. If inter nos were omitted all would be well. Conceivably internos may have been a marginal annotation on ‘quos vero’ et sqq., to mark the transition from the officers of state to the praetor's domestics and personal friends.
Avdaces: A Study in Political Phraseology
Authors: Wirszubski Ch.
Published: May 2006

‘Audax venali comitatur Curio lingua’ wrote Lucan in a familiar line of his Bellum Civile, at a time when C. Scribonius Curio the younger had been a hundred years in his grave. Lucan was not the first to describe Curio as audax; Velleius Paterculus did so before him: ‘bello autem civili … non alius maiorem flagrantioremque quam C. Curio tribunus plebis subiecit facem, vir nobilis, eloquens, audax,’, 11, 48, 3. It seems, indeed, that the attribute audax was traditional for Curio and, if this is so, the tradition may well have originated in Curio's own time. His title to a place in Roman history rested on the fact that he changed sides at a critical juncture—‘momentumque fuit mutatus Curio rerum’ (Lucan IV, 819). And what earned him, whether in his lifetime or posthumously, the derogatory attribute audax was, I think, his political career, notably the record of his tribuneship, no less, if not more, than his character. Audax, as originally applied to Curio, was very probably a conventional partisan appellation which classified him more effectively as a political type than it characterized him as an individual. For the derogatory audax, as I shall presently try to show, belongs in the late Republican period to the current phraseology of political backbiting and it carries a distinctly political connotation. It is the purpose of this paper to consider what audax denotes in the vocabulary of Roman political life in the late Republic as well as who are regarded as audaces in Roman politics.
Who was Vedius Pollio?
Authors: Syme Ronald
Published: May 2006

When Cilicia for a season was a province of consular rank, governed in succession by P. Lentulus Spinther, Ap. Claudius Pulcher and M. Tullius Cicero, what held it together was the high-road from Laodicea to the Syrian Gates. Those proconsuls never strayed very far from the road. Cicero, coming up from Tarsus early in February of 50 B.C., encountered an unexpected welcome. P. Vedius had journeyed out some way from Laodicea to meet him, that ‘magnus nebulo’, a friend of Pompeius Magnus. Vedius was escorted by a large and motley retinue. With him paraded a baboon in a chariot—no doubt congenial company, and perhaps a reminder of absent friends or a high dignitary like Ap. Pulcher, the recent proconsul, whom the outspoken Caelius Rufus likened to an ape. Vedius also had some wild asses (the bleak upland plains of Lycaonia and Cappadocia were their peculiar habitat). For what purpose no man can say, though the breeding of high-grade mules had become a lucrative pursuit in this age. The dubious credit of introducing the flesh of young onagri to Roman tables was reserved for the great Maecenas.
The LettersSCon AugustanAesCoinage
Authors: Bay Aase
Published: May 2006

In 1962 the late Professor Kraft put forward a new interpretation of the lettersSCon theaescoinage of the principate, claiming thereby to remove the difficulties that sprang from the traditional interpretation of the formula. In brief, his theory was that the lettersS(enatus)C(onsulto) didnotrefer to a senatorial decision authorizing the coinage (meaning ‘geprägt auf Senatsbeschluss’), as had been generally assumed as a matter of course; rather, the reference was to the type-content of the coinage: to the decision by which the senate had voted Augustus the honours depicted on the coinage itself (the oak-wreath of 27 B.C.). Although the late H. Mattingly reacted to this theory with scepticism, it was supported by C. H. V. Sutherland, who adduced in its favour further arguments from Augustan issues in the provinces. There discussion has stopped. However, there are reasons for not leaving the problem at this stage, as the solution of Kraft can hardly be the right one; instead, it should be possible to suggest another one harmonizing better with the evidence.
L'archéologie dude re Publica(2, 2, 4–37, 63): Cicéron Entre Polybe et Platon
Authors: Ferrary J.-L.
Published: May 2006

Les deux premiers livres duDe re publicade Cicéron traitent de la meilleure forme de gouvernement. Protagoniste du dialogue, Scipion Émilien fait d'abord un exposé théorique sur les trois constitutions simples, leurs déviations, leur instabilité profonde, et indique à plusieurs reprises qu'aucune d'entre elles, pas même la monarchiquc qu'il place au-dessus des deux autres, ne saurait égaler celle qui unit les principes monarchique, aristocratique et démocratique en une constitution mixte et tempérée. C'est ce qu'il se propose de confirmer dans le second livre, en prenant cette fois l'exemple de la cité romaine, et en montrant comment les Anciens ont su mettre progressivement en place cette forme idéale de gouvernement, pendant les trois premiers siècles de l'histoire de la ville. De cette ‘archéologie romaine’, le palimpseste de la Bibliothèque Vaticane publié en 1822 par A. Mai nous a conservé de très importants fragments, qui permettent d'en reconstituer les grandes lignes. Le but de la présente étude n'est pas tant d'apporter une nouvelle contribution à laQuellenforschungduDe re publicaque de préciser, en les confrontant avec celles de deux auteurs qui figurent incontestablement au nombre des sources du dialogue, les conceptions de la constitution mixte et du rôle de l'homme politique qui se trouvent exprimées dans l'archéologie du livre 2.
The Poetry of Ethics: Horace, Epistles
Authors: Macleod C. W.
Published: May 2006

In 23 B.C. the first three books of Horace's Odes appeared. In the years which followed, up to the completion of Epistles 1, his work took a new direction, and the ethical themes which had had a marked place in his lyric verse became his entire concern: in his own words (Ep. 1.1.10–11),

nunc itaque et versus et cetera ludicra pono;

quid verum atque decens euro et rogo, et omnis in hoc sum.

What Horace describes in this context, at the very beginning of the book, is a kind of conversion to philosophy; and so the reader is at once drawn to ask what philosophy means to the poet. Before considering this question by scrutiny of the poems, two more general ones should be raised: first, what are the dominant features of ancient ethics as a whole and how far does it differ from modern ethical systems or moral thinking? Second, what part did moral philosophy play in the life of Romans in Horace's time? The answers I shall give to these very large questions are pragmatic and limited: they are meant simply as preparation for considering Horace's Epistles.
Choma in Lycia
Authors: Bean G. E. , Harrison R. M.
Published: May 2006

The site of Choma has been a long-standing puzzle. Its approximate location in the north of Lycia, in the general neighbourhood of Elmalı, has long been known; the ancient notices leave no doubt on this score. But for the exact position no real clue had hitherto been found. The following inscriptions were discovered, copied and photographed by Harrison in 1963, and were collated, and squeezes taken, by Bean in 1965. They resolve the problem definitively and satisfactorily, including as they do not only tombstones and other monuments erected by persons expressly designated as Chomatitae, but also an honorific decree of the Council and People of Choma.

The inscriptions are in and around the villages of Hacımusalar and Sarılar, which lie close together about 13 km. south-west of Elmalı, on the way to Gömbe, the ancient Comba (Fig. 3). About 1 km. south-east of Hacımusalar and east of Sarılar is a large prehistoric mound (hüyük), conspicuous in the dead-flat plain (Pl. I, 1).
Greeks, Foreigners, and Roman Republican Portraits
Authors: Smith R. R. R.
Published: May 2006

The first part of this paper looks briefly at Greek representations of foreigners and the first individualized Greek portraits and the connections between them. The second part looks at Roman Republican portraits and the problem of the origins of their style and suggests that they should be seen in a historical and psychological context as a Greek reaction to a new group of foreigners of special concern to Greek artists and Greeks in general.
Family Dating Criteria, Proximi and ‘Provincia’ in the Familia Caesaris
Authors: Weaver P. R. C.
Published: May 2006

Sound chronology is fundamental in any attempt to trace the development of the Roman imperial administration. This is especially true for those officials whose careers lay in the sub-equestrian ranks of the administration, as the funerary inscriptions, on which most of our detailed knowledge of them depends, are extremely difficult to date. For the Augusti liberti the main dating criterion is the imperial nomen gentilicium in their full nomenclature, which fixes their date of manumission, normally at the age of thirty or soon after, to the period in which the manumitting emperor or emperors reigned; the terminus ad quem for holding a post in the administration is, therefore, not more than forty years after the death of the last emperor bearing a given nomen, and normally a post is not likely to have been held later than about twenty-five years after the emperor's death. In the numerous cases, however, where the nomen of an Imperial freedman is not recorded, but only his cognomen and status-indication are given, the problem is much more difficult. External dating criteria are usually lacking; we are forced to make the best use possible of internal evidence.