bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Regional differences in floristic change in South Swedish oak forests as related to soil chemistry and land use
Authors: Brunet Jörg , Falkengren‐Grerup Ursula , Rühling Åke , Tyler Germund
Published: May 2006

Abstract. Changes of the ground layer vegetation between 1983 and 1993 were studied on permanent oak forest plots in Skåne and eastern Småland, two regions of South Sweden rich in oak but with different climatic conditions. 79 of the 123 more common species differed considerably in frequency between Skåne and Småland. The oak forests in Skåne contained more typical forest species, whereas the number of light‐demanding grassland species was higher in Småland. Almost half of the more common species showed significant changes in frequency between 1983 and 1993. Several species of clearings and some light‐demanding grassland species increased their frequency in Skåne. They were probably favoured by canopy thinning which occurred in 65 out of 95 permanent plots. Only two species decreased in frequency in Skåne, but 14 species showed a decrease in Småland. All were typical grassland species and their decline may be regarded as a long‐term response to ceased grazing and tree canopy closure as almost no tree cutting occurred during the study period in Småland. Total species richness increased with management intensity in Skåne. This was due to decreasing species losses and increasing establishment of new species at intense management. A small general increase in species numbers was recorded in Småland. Species richness was more closely related to soil pH in Skåne than in Småland. The floristic variability between the oak forest plots was closely related to soil pH in both Skåne and Småland. We suggest that changes of light conditions as a result of changes in forest management are important for current secondary succession in South Swedish oak forests, whereas the general floristic pattern is to a large extent controlled by soil acidity.
Temporal changes in height and diameter growth for two Nothofagus species in New Zealand
Authors: Runkle James R. , Stewart Glenn H. , McClenahen James R.
Published: May 2006

Abstract. We examined whether the growth dynamics of two species can explain their coexistence. In particular, we examined New Zealand forests dominated by Nothofagus fusca and N. menziesii to determine whether both species can reach the canopy in tree‐fall gaps. Stems in a gap and other stems (in pairs: one of each species, close together) were destructively sampled and aged at their bases and at heights of 1.4 m and 3 m, and at 2 m intervals thereafter as high as possible. For additional pairs of adjacent, similarly sized stems, one of each species, ring widths were analyzed for responsiveness to environmental changes. In general the faster growth rates of N. fusca were sufficient to balance the greater abundance of N. menziesii in the understory, such that both species were able to reach the canopy. Stems of both species grew at similar rates for decades. Both species were able to tolerate some periods of suppression and to respond to opportunities (climatic or due to mild disturbances).
The Publication of the Prices Edict: a New Inscription from Aezani
Authors: Crawford Michael H. , Reynolds Joyce
Published: May 2006

At the bottom of the fifth column of what is now the ninth block of the Aezani copy of the Prices Edict of Diocletian there stand fifteen lines of Greek; of these, the end of line nine and lines ten to fifteen are transcribed by R. and F. Naumann, who conjecture that they are the work of the local governor; their conjecture is substantiated by the complete text, though hardly the view that it represents a ‘Greek résumé’ of the Edict. Internal evidence (line 15) shows that this Greek text always stood, as it stands now, at the end of the text of the Prices Edict itself.
L. Ampudius Philomusus
Authors: Smith A. H.
Published: May 2006

Early in the present year (1920) a Roman sepulchral relief was brought by its owner to the notice of the British Museum. It had been acquired by him from a dealer in North London, with the information that it had been lying for at least fifty years in a contractor's yard at St. John's Wood. He had placed his purchase so as to form the central feature of a rock garden at Putney, but was ready to pass it on to other keeping. It now occupies the wall of one of the compartments of the Roman Gallery, in the British Museum.
Does Mathematics Need New Axioms?
Authors: Feferman Solomon , Friedman Harvey M. , Maddy Penelope , Steel John R.
Published: May 2006

Does mathematics need new axioms?was the second of three plenary panel discussions held at the ASL annual meeting, ASL 2000, in Urbana-Champaign, in June, 2000. Each panelist in turn presented brief opening remarks, followed by a second round for responding to what the others had said; the session concluded with a lively discussion from the floor. The four articles collected here represent reworked and expanded versions of the first two parts of those proceedings, presented in the same order as the speakers appeared at the original panel discussion: Solomon Feferman (pp. 401–413), Penelope Maddy (pp. 413–422), John Steel (pp. 422–433), and Harvey Friedman (pp. 434–446). The work of each author is printed separately, with separate references, but the portions consisting of comments on and replies to others are clearly marked.
Geometry, Calculus and Zil'ber's Conjecture
Authors: Peterzil Ya'acov , Starchenko Sergei
Published: May 2006

§1. Introduction. By and large, definitions of a differentiable structure on a set involve two ingredients, topology and algebra. However, in some cases, partial information on one or both of these is sufficient. A very simple example is that of the field ℝ (or any real closed field) where algebra alone determines the ordering and hence the topology of the field:

In the case of the field ℂ, the algebraic structure is insufficient to determine the Euclidean topology; another topology, Zariski, is associated with the ield but this will be too coarse to give a diferentiable structure.

A celebrated example of how partial algebraic and topological data (G a locally euclidean group) determines a differentiable structure (G is a Lie group) is Hilbert's 5th problem and its solution by Montgomery-Zippin and Gleason.

The main result which we discuss here (see [13] for the full version) is of a similar flavor: we recover an algebraic and later differentiable structure from a topological data. We begin with a linearly ordered set ⟨M, <⟩, equipped with the order topology, and its cartesian products with the product topologies. We then consider the collection of definable subsets of Mn, n = 1, 2, …, in some first order expansion ℳ of ⟨M, <⟩.
From “Metabelian ℚ-Vector Spaces” to New ω-Stable Groups
Authors: Chapuis Olivier
Published: May 2006

The aim of this paper is to describe (without proofs) an analogue of the theory of nontrivial torsion-free divisible abelian groups for metabelian groups. We obtain illustrations for “old-fashioned” model theoretic algebra and “new” examples in the theory of stable groups. We begin this paper with general considerations about model theory. In the second section we present our results and we give the structure of the rest of the paper. Most parts of this paper use only basic concepts from model theory and group theory (see [14] and especially Chapters IV, V, VI and VIII for model theory, and see for example [23] and especially Chapters II and V for group theory). However, in Section 5, we need some somewhat elaborate notions from stability theory. One can find the beginnings of this theory in [14], and we refer the reader to [16] or [21] for stability theory and to [22] for stable groups.

§1. Some model theoretic considerations. Denote bythe theory of torsion-free abelian groups in the language of groups ℒgp. A finitely generated groupGsatisfiesiffGis isomorphic to a finite direct power of ℤ. It follows thataxiomatizes the universal theory of free abelian groups and that the theory of nontrivial torsion-free abelian groups is complete for the universal sentences. Denote bythe theory of nontrivial divisible torsion-free abelian groups.
Machines, Logic and Quantum Physics
Authors: Deutsch David , Ekert Artur , Lupacchini Rossella
Published: May 2006

§1. Mathematics and the physical world. Genuine scientific knowledge cannot be certain, nor can it be justified a priori. Instead, it must be conjectured, and then tested by experiment, and this requires it to be expressed in a language appropriate for making precise, empirically testable predictions. That language is mathematics.

This in turn constitutes a statement about what the physical world must be like if science, thus conceived, is to be possible. As Galileo put it, “the universe is written in the language of mathematics”. Galileo's introduction of mathematically formulated, testable theories into physics marked the transition from the Aristotelian conception of physics, resting on supposedly necessary a priori principles, to its modern status as a theoretical, conjectural and empirical science. Instead of seeking an infallible universal mathematical design, Galilean science usesmathematics to express quantitative descriptions of an objective physical reality. Thus mathematics became the language in which we express our knowledge of the physical world — a language that is not only extraordinarily powerful and precise, but also effective in practice. Eugene Wigner referred to “the unreasonable effectiveness of mathematics in the physical sciences”. But is this effectiveness really unreasonable or miraculous?

Numbers, sets, groups and algebras have an autonomous reality quite independent of what the laws of physics decree, and the properties of these mathematical structures can be just as objective as Plato believed they were (and as Roger Penrose now advocates).
American Logic in the 1920s
Authors: Davis Martin
Published: May 2006

In 1934 Alonzo Church, Kurt Gödei, S. C. Kleene, and J. B. Rosser were all to be found in Princeton, New Jersey. In 1936 Church founded The Journal of Symbolic Logic. Shortly thereafter Alan Turing arrived for a two year visit. The United States had become a world center for cutting-edge research in mathematical logic. In this brief survey1we shall examine some of the writings of American logicians during the 1920s, a period of important beginnings and remarkable insights as well as of confused gropings.

The publication of Whitehead and Russell's monumentalPrincipia Mathematica[18] during the years 1910-1913 provided the basis for much of the research that was to follow. It also provided the basis for confusion that remained a factor during the period we are discussing. In 1908, Henri Poincaré, a famous skeptic where mathematical logic was concerned, wrote pointedly ([13]):

It is difficult to admit that the wordifacquires, when written ⊃, a virtue it did not possess when writtenif.

Principiaprovided no very convincing answer to Poincaré. Indeed the fact that the authors ofPrincipiasaw fit to place their first two “primitive propositions”

*1.1: Anything implied by a true proposition is true.

*1.2: ⊢p⋁p⊃p

under one and the same heading suggest that they had thought of what they were doing as just such a translation as Poincare had derided.
A Model-Theoretic Approach to Ordinal Analysis
Authors: Avigad Jeremy , Sommer Richard
Published: May 2006

We describe a model-theoretic approach to ordinal analysis via the finite combinatorial notion of an α-large set of natural numbers. In contrast to syntactic approaches that use cut elimination, this approach involves constructing finite sets of numbers with combinatorial properties that, in nonstandard instances, give rise to models of the theory being analyzed. This method is applied to obtain ordinal analyses of a number of interesting subsystems of first- and second-order arithmetic.
Degree Spectra of Relations on Computable Structures
Authors: Hirschfeldt Denis R.
Published: May 2006

There has been increasing interest over the last few decades in the study of the effective content of Mathematics. One field whose effective content has been the subject of a large body of work, dating back at least to the early 1960s, is model theory. (A valuable reference is the handbook [7]. In particular, the introduction and the articles by Ershov and Goncharov and by Harizanov give useful overviews, while the articles by Ash and by Goncharov cover material related to the topic of this communication.)

Several different notions of effectiveness of model-theoretic structures have been investigated. This communication is concerned withcomputablestructures, that is, structures with computable domains whose constants, functions, and relations are uniformly computable.

In model theory, we identify isomorphic structures. From the point of view of computable model theory, however, two isomorphic structures might be very different. For example, under the standard ordering of ω the success or relation is computable, but it is not hard to construct a computable linear ordering of type ω in which the successor relation is not computable. In fact, for every computably enumerable (c. e.) degree a, we can construct a computable linear ordering of type ω in which the successor relation has degree a. It is also possible to build two isomorphic computable groups, only one of which has a computable center, or two isomorphic Boolean algebras, only one of which has a computable set of atoms. Thus, for the purposes of computable model theory, studying structures up to isomorphism is not enough.
III.—Telesphoros at Dionysopolis
Authors: Wroth Warwick
Published: May 2006

Since the publication of my article on Telesphoros in the last number of the Journal of Hellenic Studies (Vol. III. pp. 283–300) my attention has been drawn to certain coins of Dionysopolis in Phrygia which seem to indicate the existence of a cultus of Telesphoros at that place. Two of these coins are in the British Museum, and the third will probably be acquired in a short time for the same collection:—

1. Obv. ΔΗΜΟС Youthful head of Demos r.
Inscriptions from Rhodes
Authors: Smith Cecil
Published: May 2006

Impressions of the following additional inscriptions have been sent me by Mr. Albert Biliotti, from marbles found by himself or his agents at different parts of Rhodes:—

10. On a fragment of marble complete on the top edge only. From the Akropolis of Kamiros. Height 10 in. by 13½ in.

This seems to be a fragment of a list of priests, ἱερεῖς, ἱεροποιοὶ, or ἱεροθύται, perhaps similar to Foucart, No. 62: the letters are clear, well cut, and of a fairly good period. It is unfortunate that the upper portions containing the names of deities should be so little preserved; there is sufficient however still remaining to enable us to recover the title of a deity who has been I believe hitherto unknown—Apollo Mylas—such at least seems to be a reasonable explanation of the fragmentary word at the end of the second line.
Ceramus (Κέραμος) and its Inscriptions
Authors: Hicks E. L.
Published: May 2006

Mr. W. R. Paton, who is very well acquainted with the Gulf of Cos, has been good enough to send me some impressions and copies which he recently made of inscriptions at Keramo, the site of the ancient Ceramus. So few are the documents hitherto published from this town, that I readily consented to edit these copies for the Journal, the more so because I had been led to study the history of Caria somewhat minutely in connexion with another town of this region, Iasos. It happens also that one of the very few instances where Ceramus is named, even in inscriptions, is in a decree of Ephesus, discovered by Mr. Wood and now in the British Museum, which I have recently prepared for the press. We shall have occasion to refer to it presently.

Before proceeding to examine the inscriptions, I am glad to transcribe an account of the neighbourhood of Ceramus which I begged Mr. Paton to draw up, knowing well how interesting such particulars are to less-travelled students of Greek antiquities.
Notes in Phrygia Paroreus and Lycaonia
Authors: Hogarth D. G.
Published: May 2006

The following pages contain the meagre results of a hasty journey from the borders of Galatia to the Cilician coast, undertaken in July, 1887, by Mr. H. A. Brown and myself, after parting at Bey-keui with Prof. W. M. Ramsay, who wished to return direct to Smyrna. Our object was to reach Cilicia Tracheia by way of Phrygia Paroreus, and the Melas valley, pursuing in the former district a new route and especially selecting the unmapped and undescribed hill-path from Ilghin to Konia. From Konia we were to have turned westward to Beysheher, and thence struck over Taurus. But only the first part of this programme was carried out at all, owing to the indisposition of my companion, which became so serious by the time that we reached Konia that all idea of further exploration had to be abandoned, and we made direct for the sea. In another respect also the journey was not entirely satisfactory. I now know better than I knew then that an archæologist, who would discover much in Anatolia, must travel with a certain train of pack-animals and attendants: the Englishman who, proud of his power of endurance, discards all superfluities and travels with what he can carry on his own horse excites no admiration but much contempt in the minds of the villagers. “This is a poor man,” say they, and he is shown only just as much of what he wishes to see as will silence his importunity. We had made the initial mistake of travelling too “light,” taking neither tents nor beds, nor cooking utensils, nor indeed anything but the contents of our own saddle-bags, and depending entirely on the favour of the villagers both for lodging and food; and in consequence, while we suffered a good deal of unnecessary hardship, we saw less than might have been discovered by explorers more magnificently equipped.
The Alkmene Vase formerly in Castle Howard
Authors: Murray A. S.
Published: May 2006

It has often been a matter of regret that a Greek vase of much importance as to subject and unique in being the work of a particular painter named Python was inaccessible except by a visit to Castle Howard in Yorkshire. That, I am glad to say, is no longer necessary. The vase has become the property of the British Museum. But there remains a difficulty of another kind. The vase had been published in 1837 by the French section of the Institute in Rome, but so rare has that publication become that very few English students have ever seen it. We propose now to remedy that matter by a re-publication of the vase (Plates VI. and VII.).

The characters in the principal scene are Alkmene, Amphitryon, Antenor, Zeus, Eos, and two Hyades. Except these latter, each figure has its name attached to it. But, though the names are plain enough, the interpretation of the scene has been a subject of controversy. Originally the scene was described as the ‘Apotheosis of Alkmene,’ against which there was at least this objection that in the legend Alkmene had survived Amphitryon, and could not therefore in her apotheosis be assisted by him, as that explanation of the vase would imply. In 1872 the question was re-opened by Engelmann in connexion with another vase, now also in the British Museum, on which the same subject occurs in an abbreviated form. Engelmann argued that the meaning must be this: Amphitryon has come back from the wars, and, being enraged at the reception given him by his wife, has determined to take vengeance on her, whereupon she has fled for refuge to an altar followed by him and his friend Antenor. Instead of dragging her from the altar they proceed to sacrifice her on it, building up a pyre of wood in front and fetching torches to light it.
The making of Pandora
Authors: Smith A. H.
Published: May 2006

The sculptured drum of the later Temple of Artemis at Ephesos, excavated by Mr. Wood, and now in the British Museum, is a familiar piece of sculpture. Its interpretation however is still doubtful.

The best known view is that of Robert, who connects the sculpture with the story of Alcestis, though not exactly with the story as told by Euripides. According to Robert's view Alcestis stands in Hades, about to depart. Hades and Persephone have given their sanction, Hermes Psychopompos escorts her, Death beckons to her to go, and Heracles stands on the left of the group, as a spectator. Robert's interpretation is attractive and poetical, but there are considerable difficulties, some of which are pressed against him by Benndorf in presenting his own view. The story does not correspond with the literary versions; the representation of Death as a beardless youth seems improbable, though not without parallel on the vases; the action of Persephone, holding up a necklace, which can hardly be neglected, is left unexplained.
Two Greek Reliefs
Authors: Richards G. C.
Published: May 2006

In the bas-relief room of the Naples Museum is a well-known relief of Hellenic workmanship from Herculaneum, the importance of which has often been pointed out in connection with the art-type of three female figures, variously taken to represent the Charites, the Nymphs, the three goddesses or the daughters of Kekrops, according to the company in which they are found. Inside a plain shrine represented by two antae supporting an architrave, above which are seven knobs indicating the anthemia of the roof-ridges, are seven female figures hand in hand, six of them of the same size and the last smaller. The first three, two of whom are looking to the left, wear over a long chiton a himation wrapped over the left shoulder in the usual manner, and remind one somewhat of the Pyrrichist base in the Acropolis Museum; the second trio are simply clad in Doric girdled chiton, two of these also looking to the left: the seventh is a small similarly clad female figure seen full face. It is noticeable that the central figure is absolutely full face and that those at the two ends have their faces slightly turned towards the centre, a device for securing the symmetry of the group. The connection of this work with the archaic coloured relief, lately discovered on the Acropolis and published by M. Lechat in the Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique for 1889, in which Hermes piping precedes the three Graces who follow hand in hand to the left, their faces seen full, and lead after them a small similarly dressed figure, has been pointed out most recently by Miss Harrison in her Mythology and Monuments of Ancient Athens; but the interesting names inscribed below the Naples relief (C. I. G. iv. 6854e) seem to have been disregarded. Either they are a forgery, in which case the fact should certainly be established; or, if genuine, they seem to confirm the identification of the Acropolis group with the Charites and to supply an interesting clue to this mysterious small figure. Under the first trio are the names given to the Graces in later times, ΕΥΦΡΟΣΥΝΗ ΑΓΛΑΙΗ ⊙ΑΛΙΗ. The next three bear the apparent fancy names of ΙΣΜΗΝΗ ΚΥΚΑΙΣ ΕΡΑΝΝΩ.
Hermes with the Infant Dionysos; Bronze Statuette in the Louvre
Authors: Waldstein C.
Published: May 2006

The before unpublished bronze statuette here reproduced in its original size, No. 655 of the collection of bronzes in the Museum of the Louvre, is called, by the late M. de Longpérier, ‘Nero carrying Britannicus on his left arm.’ This distinguished and meritorious archæologist herein followed a tendency prevalent in former days of readily seeing the portrait of some historical person, especially a Roman Emperor, in purely ideal monuments.

It will be seen at a glance that we have in this work a representation of Hermes with the infant Dionysos, and moreover a modified replica of the statue of Praxiteles discovered by the Germans in 1877 at Olympia. Though there are some modifications, this statuette is the closest reproduction of the work of Praxiteles of all the replicas that have come to my knowledge.
Vitylo and Cargese
Authors: Tozer H. F.
Published: May 2006

The central peninsula of the three that project from the south of the Peloponnese, which since the Middle Ages has been known as the district of Maina, is one of the wildest parts of Greece owing to its rugged mountains and rocky shores, and has always been the abode of independent and intractable races. The emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus speaks of the Mainotes as having retained their primitive heathenism until the latter half of the ninth century. At the present day they are notorious for their blood-feuds, which are the scourge of the country, and seriously interfere with its social life. On the western shore of this remote district, near a small harbour that runs in from the Messenian gulf, is the town of Vitylo, one of the comparatively few places in the Morea, though these are more numerous on the seaboard than in the interior, which have retained their classical name. It was formerly called and this appellation now appears in the form which accounts for its pronunciation as Vitylo. The modern form of the name is probably the original one, for Ptolemy calls the place Rather more than two centuries ago this town was the scene of a remarkable emigration. At that time the Turks, who had made themselves masters of Crete in 1669, proceeded to attempt the subjugation of Maina. Spon and Wheler, who sailed round cape Matapan on their way to Constantinople in the summer of 1675, were told that the invaders had succeeded in reducing most of the country by means of forts built on the coasts—they seem to have been aided by the treachery of some of the inhabitants—and that part of the population had escaped to Apulia. A few months after these travellers passed by, a number of the inhabitants of Vitylo and its neighbourhood, amounting to about 1000 souls, were persuaded by the Genoese to emigrate under their auspices to Western Europe. They ware led by one of their countrymen, John Stephanopoulos, and were established by their new protectors in Corsica, which was at that time a Genoese possession; and in that island their descendants remain at the present day.
Perspective as applied in Early Greek Art
Authors: Murray A. S.
Published: May 2006

Among the earliest drawings on Greek vases it is not rare to find a lion, for example, or a bird with apparently two bodies and only one head between them, as in Figs. 1–2. (Pl. XV.) After a long interval a similar rendering of animal form occurs no less frequently in Roman work, as in the sphinx, Fig. 4. So long as this curious proceeding in the art of design was thought to be the outcome of fancy, no explanation of it was sought for. Curtius, however, had found from many observations, that Assyrian, Phoenician, and early Greek designs, were largely influenced by a principle of dualism, displaying itself mostly in devices which consist of a group of two animals confronted, the one responding strictly to the other in form and action, much as the impression of a seal responds to the seal itself. In early times when seals were employed to an extent hardly to be realized now, it may seem to have been easy and natural for an engraver or other designer to have observed and utilised the peculiarly decorative effect obtained from the contrast of a seal with its impression.
A New Diadumenos Gem
Authors: Colvin Sidney
Published: May 2006

Annexed is a woodcut engraved after an impression from an intaglio formerly in the hands of Signor Castellani, and now in private possession in England. The original, which is half the size of the cut, is a plasma of somewhat rude Roman workmanship. Its subject is unmistakable. It represents a victorious athlete (expressly designated as such by the palm branch placed in a prize jar at his side) who stands at his ease, with the left leg free, and his weight thrown on the right, while he winds the taenia about his head with both hands.

So far as I am aware, this is the first representation of the subject on a gem of which an engraving has ever been published. Only one other is known to exist, and that is on a stone of similar substance (plasma di smeraldo), formerly in the collection of a Mr. Currie. A cast of this was issued in the Impronte gemmarie of the Archaeological Institute, cent. VI. no. 73 (see Bull. dell' Inst. 1839, p. 111). It lacks the emblems of the palm branch and jar.
Inscription from Kalymnos
Authors: Newton C. T.
Published: May 2006

I copied this inscription in 1855 from a marble found in a garden near the Marina, called Blyko, in the island of Kalymnos, the ancient Kalymna. On this site formerly stood the Church of Panagia Kalymniotissa.

In the year 1854 I explored the site of the Temple of Apollo in that island and discovered there a number of inscriptions, most of which will appear in Part II. of the work on Greek Inscriptions in the British Museum, of which Part I. was published in 1874.

The inscription which I have here selected for publication, and which was not taken away by me from Kalymnos, is one of a well-known class which relate to the enfranchisement of slaves, and of which many examples have been found at Delphi and elsewhere. The forms and conditions of such enfranchisement varied in different places (See M. Foucart's article, Apeleutheroi, in Daremberg, Dictionnaire des Antiquités, where the subject is very fully treated).
A Study of Phrygian Art
Authors: Ramsay W. M.
Published: May 2006

It may be permitted me to return for a moment to the question, touched on in my first paper, as to the age of the Lion-Gate at Mycenae. The distinction which I drew between the age of the gateway and that of the tombs within the sacred precinct seems to me to be too much neglected, and its significance to be misunderstood. There is a whole class of legends whose object is to make out for the conquerors of the Peloponnesus a legitimate right to its possession. For example, the Aetolians who conquered Elis gave themselves a mythical justification by the tale that an ancestor of their chiefs had been expelled from Elis, and that they were returning to claim his inheritance when the crime for which he had been expelled had been expiated by generations of banishment. Similarly the Spartans found that they could make their cause a just one only by bringing to Sparta the bones of Orestes, the ancient and rightful king. When after a long search they found them, they brought them home, and no doubt instituted a cultus at the grave. After they had thus legitimised themselves by continuing the worship of the ancient chiefs of the land, they were strong to conquer the Tegeans. The worship of Helena and her sacred tree are also well known at Sparta. I believe that there existed at Mycenae a similar worship of the ancient chiefs of the land. The Dorian conquerors continued the family cultus of the chiefs whom they dispossessed. Probably there was both in Mycenae and in Sparta an interval during which the worship was discontinued by the Dorian conquerors, and then the ancient cultus was restored. We shall hardly be wrong if we attribute this zeal of the Dorians to prove themselves rightful heirs of the Achaean chiefs to the growing influence of Homer. It was incumbent on the Dorians to show respect to Homeric traditions, and to prove themselves the lawful possessors of the Homeric poems. Argos, the leading Dorian state, probably began this practice, and Sparta imitated it. The myth at last became a fixed belief, and the Spartan king Cleomenes, at the end of the sixth century, could say, ‘I am no Dorian, but Achaean.’
Numismatic Commentary on Pausanias
Authors: Imhoof-Blumer F. , Gardner P.
Published: May 2006

In the present paper we continue the commentary begun in last year's Journal, and set forth the numismatic facts which ran parallel to those books of Pausanias which deal with the remainder of Peloponnesus; Laconia, Messenia, Elis, Achaia, and Arcadia. Athens, Phocis, and Boeotia still remain for future treatment.

In spite of our efforts to be complete, we have already discovered a number of coins of Corinth and Argos and the neighbouring cities which had escaped us, and which present new types, or important varieties of the types which appear in our plates. This will necessitate the publication of a supplement to our first paper. While this is in preparation numismatists will be doing the greatest service if they will let us have casts of any types in their possession which are omitted in the descriptions or the plates of this paper or the last. Casts of unusual coins of imperial times of Phocis or Boeotia will also be most welcome.
Hector and Andromache on a Red-Figured Vase
Authors: Gardner Percy
Published: May 2006

The vase which is the subject of the present paper is no new find. It has been for many years in the British Museum (Cat. No. 810), and was mentioned by Overbeck in his Heroische Bildwerke in 1851. It has not however hitherto been figured, and it may be well to take advantage of its publication in these pages to make a few observations on the general subject of vase-paintings which are connected with the myths of the Iliad.

The present vase is an amphora from Vulci, height nineteen inches. The form and decoration are given in the woodcut. On one side is a warrior standing to the left, clad in a chlamys, and armed with helmet, spear, and shield adorned with serpent. On the other side is a lady to the left, clad in Ionian chiton and overdress, her head enveloped in a kerchief; she raises her right hand; in her left hand is a baby boy, who turns and stretches his hands to the right. The main outlines of the figures are traced in black, but the folds of the Ionian chiton with light red; there are three incised circles on the warrior's shield. Under each figure runs a line of maeander pattern; an anthemion adorns the bottoms of both handles.
I.—The Origin of the Stadion
Authors: Ridgeway William
Published: May 2006

In a former paper in the Journal of Hellenic Studies I endeavoured to show that the primitive Hellenic unit of land measure was the γύης or plough-land, which was the portion of land lying between landmarks (οὖρα), being the amount which a pair of oxen (or mules) could plough in a day, the length of the furrow being a fixed quantity. Whilst I was able to point out some data for estimating the breadth of the piece, I was unable to throw any light on its length, or in other words on the length of the furrow.

The object of this paper is to inquire if we have the means of arriving at any solution of the question, based on fairly probable grounds. The scholia on the word πεντηκοντόγυον (cf. Ebeling, sub voc.) are as follows:

On the other hand the scholiast on Odyssey vii. 113 says:

Now in the first group of scholia it is evident that the explanations of γύης by πλέθρον, ζύγον, and ζεῦγος are all equivalent. The ζύγον and ζεῦγος mean a day's ploughing of a yoke of oxen (answering to Lat. iugum).
Some Museums of Northern Europe
Authors: Farnell L. R.
Published: May 2006

The classical museums of the Baltic cities are among the least known in Europe, and the accounts of the objects they contain have hitherto been desultory or are not recent enough to be of sufficient value. The present paper is not intended as an exhaustive register of the classical antiquities of Copenhagen, Stockholm, and St. Petersburg, but only as a short notice of such among them as are of some archaeological importance, and about which nothing or not enough has as yet been said. Judgment on these is often precarious, because it is difficult to discover their ‘provenance’ or the circumstances of their discovery. Of the classical antiquities in the ‘Prindsen's Palast’ at Copenhagen a detailed account was given by Wieseler in the Göttingen Gelehrte Anzeigen of 1863 (pp. 1921—1952); but there is now much in the small museum which is not noticed in his account, and which therefore has probably been more recently acquired. To the archaic period belong certain terra-cottas from Santarin, found together with a few vases of the geometrical system of ornament; the latter have been published by Ross and noticed by Conze, but as far as I can discover the terra-cottas are still unpublished. Two of these are worth special attention: (1) a small slab showing a winged Gorgon in full flight, of which the execution well illustrates the development of the free figure from the relief. The body is worked on both sides, but the whole form shows the impress of the relief style in the same pose of the limbs as appears in the so-called Nike of Archermos, in the Nike of Olympia, and in the relief-figure found on the site of the Hyblean Megara. The form of all these suggests at once that the motive was originally designed for relief-work, perhaps for metal plates or terra-cotta slabs to be attached to a background.
A Sacrificial Calendar from Cos
Authors: Hicks E. L.
Published: May 2006

In the Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique for 1881 (vol. v. pp. 216 foll.) MM. Am. Hauvette-Besnault and Marcel Dubois published a number of inscriptions from Cos, among which are two fragments of a curious sacrificial calendar. These fragments they describe as existing in the house of M. Dim. Platanistis. One of the marbles is broken at the top and the left side, and is apparently inscribed on one surface only. Fifteen lines of the inscription can be fairly well deciphered. I will call this document HBD 1. The other marble was inscribed on both sides; but only the endings of some nineteen lines on the one side, and the beginnings of as many lines on the other, now remain: I shall call this document HBD 2a, b.

Mr. W. R. Paton, who has repeatedly visited Cos, has not only sent me corrections of some of the readings in HBD 1, but he has also had the good fortune to discover two other large portions of the same interesting calendar. Of these he has very kindly sent me copies, with a view to the publication of the inscription in this Journal. I propose to cite Mr. Paton's fragments as P1 and P2.

The marble P1 is on the floor in front of the altar of a very old church, and has been much worn by the feet of worshippers; so that in some places all trace of letters has disappeared
Inscriptions from Iasos
Authors: Hicks E. L.
Published: May 2006

Since my paper on Iasos and its history appeared in this Journal in 1887, some fresh epigraphical materials from Iasos have come to light in an unexpected manner.

In the Bulletin de Corr. Hell. of 1887 (xi. p. 212 foll.) M. Kontoleon has edited a number of inscriptions, of which Nos. 2—11 are from Iasos. All of the ten are honorary dedications or ex votos of the Antonine period, presenting few features of interest. These marbles had been extracted from the ruins of Iasos by a Turkish captain commissioned by the Ottoman government; he had shipped them on board by March 1887, and conveyed them to Constantinople. They were seen there by Mr. Cecil Smith in August 1887, in the courtyard of the Seraglio Museum; he learned that they had newly arrived, and were said to have come from Iasos. The testimony of Mr. Paton settles the question of their provenance; M. Foucart, in ignorance of the facts, had suggested that they might have come from Passala, the port of Mylasa.

Mr. Theodore Bent has just sent me a letter received from Dr. Albert L. Long, of Robert College, Constantinople, dated October 16, 1888. He speaks of the arrival of other inscribed marbles from Iasos, and encloses a MS. copy of them: ‘I think you saw some of the stones which were brought last winter for the work of constructing the Bebek quay. Within the last month another lot has been brought, and among them the two blocks from which the enclosed inscriptions are taken.’ There is no doubt that these marbles also are from Iasos: they have not, so far as I am aware, been published before. They are now printed from Dr. Long's MS.
The Poems of the Epic Cycle
Authors: Monro D. B.
Published: May 2006

In an article published in the last volume of this Journal I endeavoured to show (1) that the extant fragments of the ‘chrestomathy’ of Proclus represent the Trojan part of the ‘Epic Cycle’ more completely than has been maintained by eminent scholars; and (2) that, on the other hand, they are less trustworthy than they appear to be as a source of knowledge of the so-called ‘Cyclic’ poems. That is to say, the notion of a considerable lacuna in Proclus' abstract is not borne out by a more thorough examination of the only extant manuscript. But that abstract does not always give a full or accurate account of the several poems from which the Epic Cycle was made up. And this incompleteness is found (1) when two of the poems dealt with the same part of the story—in which case the abstract leaves out one of the two versions altogether;—and also (2) when the incidents of a poem are not in harmony with the accepted mythological narrative. In the latter case the abstract gives the version which was recognised as historically true. We have, in short, an account, not of the original poems, but of so much of their contents as served for a continuous and complete history of the world.
The Homeric Chariot
Authors: Leaf Walter
Published: May 2006

The object of the present paper is not to give a full account of the Homeric chariot, but merely to call attention to a somewhat minute point, in which, as it seems to me, light may be thrown upon the words of Homer from the representations given us in the painted vases.

By way of preface it may be mentioned that the war-chariot was hardly known in Greece proper, at all events after the heroic age. The only occasion in Greek history when it played an important part was on the half-oriental soil of Cyprus. In the battle so picturesquely described by Herodotos (v. 113), the fortune of the day was finally decided by the treachery of the war-chariots of Salamis, whose desertion threw the island into the hands of the Persians (498 B.C.). On the rugged and broken mountains of the mainland, such an arm could hardly ever have been of practical service, and we may assume that the type familiar to the vase-painters of the fifth century B.C. must have been derived from Asia Minor.
An undescribed Athenian Funeral Monument
Authors: Colvin Sidney
Published: May 2006

Visiting last year the house of Mons. des Tombes, an accomplished amateur and collector of pictures at the Hague, I observed over a chimney-piece a small sculptured relief in marble, of which the Grecian lineaments contrasted forcibly enough with the taste of the Dutch paintings that surrounded it. In answer to my inquiries, the owner informed me that he had seen this piece of antiquity one day in the hands of a countryman, covered with paint and about to be broken up, and that he had rescued it from destruction, and after cleaning the surface caused it to be placed where I then saw it. How it originally came into the hands in which he found it, or into Holland at all, he had been unable to learn. At my suggestion M. des Tombes had a cast of the work made, a copy of which he has been so good as to present to the new Museum of Classical Archaeology at Cambridge. From that cast the present illustration (Pl. XXXIX) is taken.
Sophoclean Trilogy
Authors: Lloyd W. Watkiss
Published: May 2006

The Greek dramatist of the best age, as we read on unquestionable authority, was wont to produce his tragedies in sets of three together—in trilogies; the addition to such a set of a comic—a so-called satyric play—completed a tetralogy, a combination of four arguments. It is much if we have in the Cyclops of Euripides a single example of a satyric drama. Among the numerous tragedies that have survived, with the exception of the Oresteia of Aeschylus, consisting of the three tragedies, Agamemnon, the Choephori, the Eumenides, not a single certified trilogy has come down to us complete. The satyric drama that belonged to this was entitled Proteus, but the name only has been preserved. Its argument and bearing on the original artistic whole are too absolutely matters of conjecture not to remain matters of ardent dispute. The Seven against Thebes of Aeschylus is a single play remaining out of a tetralogy of which the titles are preserved:—Laius, Oedipus, Seven against Thebes, Sphinx; titles from which it is clear that the subjects of this set—the Oedipodeia—followed on in sequence and connection as intimate as the preserved tragedies of the Oresteia. Such may also easily have been the case between a pair of dramas, the Edonae and Bassarides, which are recorded as pertaining to the trilogy of the Lycurgeia; and a Prometheus Unbound supplied originally the proper sequel of the Prometheus Bound that is preserved. Nor is such sequence absent virtually from the tetralogy of the Persica to which the preserved play of the Persae belongs, comprising in order; Phineus, Persae, Glaucus Potnieus, Prometheus purphoros, though it is effected in a manner abnormal and recondite. In my Age of Pericles I have set forth in detail the reference of the three successive tragic dramas to the great victories of Artemisium, Salamis and Plataea, and of the concluding satyric play to the sequel of those victories in the restoration of civil life and the arts of culture. The action of the Persae however, alone, is on proper historical basis; the other combined subjects become significant and are justified in their relation to it, on the strength of accepted poetical and mythical associations.
Death and the Horse
Authors: Verrall A. W.
Published: May 2006

Did the Greeks, and in particular did the Homeric poets, associate Death with the Horse? The great importance, in the archaeology of art and religion, of all associations connected with the grave, will perhaps give interest to a somewhat full discussion of this question, or rather of the single piece of evidence, upon which, so far as concerns Homer, the question seems to turn. Did the poets describe Hades, lord of Death, as ‘lord of the goodly steeds’? Is this what they meant by κλυτόπωλος? It is the purpose of this paper to show that they did not, that this interpretation is involved in difficulties and impossibilities three-fold and four-fold, has for it neither reason nor authority, and must, with all that depends upon it, be given up.

The first and perhaps sufficient objection is this. Before the epithet κλυτόπωλος could be referred to the horse, πῶλος it is plain, must have signified a horse. Now it is quite certain, though apparently not recognized, that to the composers of the Iliad and Odyssey no such word as πῶλος horse was known. They used, it is true, the word to which, by a stretch of meaning and for convenience, that sense was given by their imitators and successors; but they knew it only and strictly in what seems to have been its primitive and etymological sense, a foal, a young horse under the mother.
A Note on Antiochos Epiphanes
Authors: Bevan E. R.
Published: May 2006

Among the problems furnished us by that curious and interesting episode of ancient history—the collision of Hellenism and Israel under the fourth Antiochos—is the apparently flat contradiction between the conduct of Antiochos, as it appears in the Book of Daniel, and his conduct, as presented to us by classical authorities. It is not that opposite judgments are passed upon a personality or a policy from the standpoint of a worshipper of Jehovah and of a Greek observer—there would be nothing to surprise us in that. If the Book of Daniel did no more than denounce Antiochos for impiety towards the God of Israel, its statements would create no difficulty. But, as a matter of fact, it does not stop short there. It is an additional touch of horror in the portrait of the heathen king, that he not only ‘speaks marvellous things against the God of gods’ (ch. xi. 36)—this we were prepared to find—but that he ‘magnifies himself above every god.’ ‘Neither shall he regard the gods of his fathers, nor the Desire of women’ (probably Tanimuz), ‘nor regard any god: for he shall magnify himself above all’ (v. 37). Now one of the things about Antiochos IV., which most impressed the Greek world, was his profuse devotion to the Hellenic gods.