bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Volcanogenic Turonian and epiclastics of senonian in the Timok magmatic complex between Bor and the Tupiznica mountain, eastern Serbia
Authors: Djordjevic Miodrag
Published: November 2007

In the light of the findings presented in this paper, among the volcanic products of the Upper Cretaceous, referred to as "the first volcanic phase" (Drovenik, 1961), two lithostratigraphic units can be singled out within the Timok Magmatic Complex (TMC): - The lower one, consisting of volcanogenic, subaerial, dominantly hornblende and?site volcaniclastic, formed on land, and less abundant volcanic and sub-volcanic-hypoabyssal rocks. It is the main source of sulfide mine?ralization in Bor. It was formed before the Upper Turonian and consists of hornblende and?site and occasionally low biotite. Minor constituents are biotite-hornblende dacite and some and?site and dacite materials con?taining augite in addition to hornblende and biotite. - The upper one, from the Upper Turonian period when the volcanic activity of the region had ended, is marine deposited and epiclastic. Intercalated with Senonian marls, it is composed of land deposited Turonian volcanogenic material of all generations. Fresh material mostly consisting of hornblende and?site volcanoclastics prevails in it. Fresh epiclastics include ore mineral epiclasts. Epiclastics composed of epiclasts of hydro thermally altered rocks were observed which also include ore epiclasts. The ore epiclasts originate from copper ore. The boundary between the volcanogenic Turonian and the epiclastic deposits is a well-recognized unconformity. Table 1 in the text summarizes the main characteristics of the Turonian volcanogenic rocks, primarily those of volcaniclastics, as well as those of epiclastic deposits.
Late miocene ostracodes of Serbia: Morphologic and palaeoenvironmental considerations
Authors: Rundic Ljupko
Published: November 2007

About 11.5 million years ago, a tectonic uplift of the Eastern and Western Carpathians separated the Pannonian Basin from the rest of the Paratethys. This orogenesis event caused an unconformity between the Sarmatian brackish sediments and the Pannonian lake-sea deposits. More than 6 Ma later, in these parts of the Paratethys, changes in the geographic framework, hydrological conditions and brackish - caspibrackish water chemistry led to the disappearance of restricted marine forms of life. A few euryhaline and marginal marine species survived this environmental change. Among the ostracodes, some originally freshwater taxa, such as Candoninae, entered the lake-sea. Many lineages show gradual morphological changes. The older, low diversity ostracode fauna from the Lower Pannonian dispersed to the endemic species and genera during the Upper Pannonian. This interval is assigned as the "bloom time" for many ostracodes, both qualitatively and quantitatively. This time sequence is the last appearances of genera such as Aurila Cytheridea, Propontoniella, etc. and simultaneously, the first appearances for many new genera, such as Zalanyiella, Serbiella, Camptocypria Sinegubiella etc. During the Pontian, migration processes were present. Therefore, it can be supposed that many eastern Paratethyan forms have Pannonian origin.
Comments on intermetallic thermochemistry
Authors: Borzone G. , Raggio R. , Ferro R.
Published: November 2007

The need of a concerted multi-disciplinary approach in the investigation of intermetallic systems and the role of thermochemistry are underlined. The activity carried out in the Author?s laboratory in the alloy thermodynamics is summarized. The different instruments (calorimeters) built in laboratory are briefly presented and their performance discussed. The results obtained in the measurement of the enthalpy of formation mainly of several rare earth alloys are described. The characteristics of the Eu and Yb thermochemistry and crystallochemistry are finally underlined.
Removal of cobalt and nickel from zinc sulphate solutions using activated cementation
Authors: Boyanov B. , Konareva V. , Kolev N.
Published: November 2007

The influence of different parameters (duration, temperature, zinc dust quantity, concentration of activators - copper and antimony) on the process of activated cementation of Co and Ni has been studied. We have worked with industrial zinc sulphate solutions. During the process of activated cementation of Co and Ni, copper (involved as CuSO4.5H2O) and antimony (involved as Sb2O3) were used as activators. The lowest values of Co content have been obtained at a temperature of 80-85 oC, CCu = 200-300 mg/dm3 and 18 multiple surplus of zinc dust. After adding Cu to the solution, mainly the cementation of Ni is activated, and that of Co is activated to a lower degree. It was found that when GSb : GCo ratio is between 0.5 : 1 and 2 : 1, the solution is purified from Co and Ni to a great degree. After intensive stirring and increasing the duration of the process the cement sediments dissolve reversely. This holds true of Co to a greater extent, as compared to Ni. The results obtained will be used to establish optimal conditions for the carrying out of activated cementation in Zinc Production Plant in KCM SA, Plovdiv.
Recycling of steelmaking dusts: The Radust concept
Authors: Jalkanen H. , Oghbasilasie H. , Raipala K.
Published: November 2007

Recycling of dusts and other wastes of steelmaking is becoming to a necessity of two reasons: due to high contents of iron oxides dusts are valuable raw material for steelmaking and tightening environmental legislation makes the landfill disposal of wastes more expensive. Fine dust fractions from various stages of steelmaking route contain besides iron and carbon heavy metals especially zinc and lead and heavy hydrocarbons that are acceptable neither for landfill disposal nor for recycling back to processes without any spe4cial treatments. Some theoretical and practical aspects concerning high temperature treatments of steelmaking dusts for removal of hazardous components and production of clean high iron raw material for recycling is discussed in this paper. The Radust technology developed at Koverhar steelwork in Finland for treatment of the most problematic fine fractions of blast furnace and oxygen converter dusts is shortly presented and discussed.
A note on the analytic approximations of the H-function
Authors: Simovic Rodoljub , Markovic Srpko
Published: November 2007

This paper shows some analytic approximations of the H-function derived earlier and obtained by decomposition of the angular flux density of particles combined with the zero or der DPN method. A novel solution based on the modified DPN method has been presented too. The comparison with well-known Chandrasekhar?s results obtained by numerical procedure and with Pomraning?s analytic approximations has been performed.
Analysis of measured and calculated counterpart test data in PWR and VVER 1000 simulators
Authors: d’Auria Francesco , Cherubini Marco , Galassi Maria , Muellner Nikolaus
Published: November 2007

This paper presents an over view of the "scaling strategy", in particular the role played by the counter part test methodology. The recent studies dealing with a scaling analysis in light water reactor with special regard to the VVER 1000 Russian reactor type are presented to demonstrate the phenomena important for scaling. The adopted scaling approach is based on the selection of a few characteristic parameters chosen by taking into account their relevance in the behavior of the transient. The adopted computer code used is RELAP5/Mod3.3 and its accuracy has been demonstrated by qualitative and quantitative evaluation. Comparing experimental data, it was found that the investigated facilities showed similar behavior concerning the time trends, and that the same thermal hydraulic phenomena on a qualitative level could be predicted. The main results are: PSB and LOBI main parameters have similar trends. This fact is the confirmation of the validity of the adopted scaling approach and it shows that PWR and VVER reactor type behavior is very similar. No new phenomena occurred during the counter part test, despite the fact that the two facilities had a different lay out, and the already known phenomena were predicted correctly by the code. The code capability and accuracy are scale-independent. Both character is tics are necessary to permit the full scale calculation with the aim of nuclear power plant behavior prediction. .
The effect of code user and boundary conditions on RELAP calculations of MTR research reactor transient scenarios
Authors: Khedr Ahmed , Adorni Martina , d’Auria Francesco
Published: November 2007

The safety evaluation of nuclear power and re search reactors is a very important step before their construction and during their operation. This evaluation based on the best estimate calculations requires qualified codes qualified users, and qualified nodalizations. The effect of code users on the RELAP5 results during the analysis of loss of flow transient in MTR research reactors is presented in this pa per. To clarify this effect, two nodalizations for research reactor different in the simulation of the open water surface boundary conditions of the reactor pool have been used. Very different results are obtained with few choices for code users. The core natural circulation flow with the be ginning of core boiling doesn't stop but in creases. The in creasing in the natural circulation flow shifts out the boiling from the core and the clad temperature decreases be low the local saturation temperature.
X-ray photoelectron spectroscopy study of interaction of Np5+ with goethite α-FeOOH
Authors: Teterin Yury , Kalmykov Stepan , Novikov Alexander , Sapozhnikov Yury , Vukchevich Labud , Teterin Anton , Maslakov Konstantin , Utkin Igor , Hasanova Ikule , Shcherbina Natalia
Published: November 2007

Neptunyl NpO2n+ complexes on the surface of goethite ?-(FeOOH) resulted from the interaction of neptunyl nitrate (NpO2NO3, 10-6 M) in the aqueous media with the background electrolyte (NaClO4) of ionic force 0.1 M (pH = 7.0 ? 0.2) were formed and studied with the X-ray photo electron spectroscopy. The X-ray photoelectron spectroscopy ionic and elemental quantitative analysis of the goethite and products of its interaction with neptunyl and plutonyl nitrates was carried out. It was established that during the studied neptunyl nitrate - goethite interaction Np4+ and Np6+ com pounds did not to form, while the complexes of neptunyl group NpO21+ containing Np5+ ions with oxygen, water and/or car bon ate ions in the equatorial planes did.
A contribution to the study of lamellar armors
Authors: Bugarski Ivan
Published: November 2007

The work is based on the finds of lamellar armors from the Early Byzantine site Svetinja at Viminacium. In addition to the analysis of the finds we presented also the analogies from Early Byzantine, Germanic and Avar contexts and we also paid attention to the so far insufficiently known find from Selenca. Along the armors we also analyzed the related lamellar helmets. The work includes discussion of the genesis of lamellar armor types - their Oriental origin and their continuance after the 6th century, i.e. the final years of the 6th and the beginning of the 7th century, when lamellar armors were introduced in the Byzantine army and among Germans and Avars as a result of changes in warfare techniques. Finally, we suggest conclusions resulting from the precisely defined context of the Svetinja find.
Jovan I Cimiskije i Varda Sklir - slucaj jednog diskretnog nadzora
Authors: Vlyssidou Vassiliki
Published: November 2007

(francuski) Selon l'avis de l'auteur, Jean Ier Tzimisk?s eut recours aux services de Bardas Skl?ros uniquement pour annuler la politique de Nic?phore II envers les Russes et pour ?viter le danger d'un ?ventuel retour des Phocas au pouvoir. Ces deux buts semblent avoir ?t? les seules ambitions politiques partag?es en commun par Tzimisk?s et son strat?late; tout en scellant cet accord politique, l'accomplissement de ces deux ambitions, lui imposait un terme in?vitable. Au terme de l'accord politique de principe entre Tzimisk?s et les Skl?roi, devraiton attribuer la disgr?ce de Bardas Skl?ros pendant deux ans au moins et son activit? militaire succ?dan?e au front oriental sous une surveillance discr?te.
Kritobulos of Imbros: Learned historian, Ottoman raya and Byzantine patriot
Authors: Reinsch-Roderich Diether
Published: November 2007

Kritobulos of Imbros, the author of a historical work covering the period from 1451 to 1467, describes the deeds of the Sultan Mehmed Fatih. The work written between 1465 and 1467 is an autograph of the author. Apart from a knowledge of literature (Thucydides), one can discern in this work a definite interest in medicine. K. was sultan's governor of Imbros for almost ten years. At the same time he was a patriot in the sense that he expressed solidarity with the unfortunate inhabitants of Constantinople.
An unknown letter by Joannes/Jean-Baptiste/ Thibaut, French Byzantines-musicologist 1899
Authors: Petrovic Danica
Published: November 2007

This work concerns the letter sent from the French College in Phillipopoli/Plovdiv (Bulgaria) by Pater Joannes /Jean-Baptiste/ Thibaut, the French Byzantines ? musicologist, to Tihomir Ostojic, professor at the Secondary school (Gymnasium) in Novi Sad, a literature historian and expert on Traditional Serbian Church Chant. At that time Thibaut was widening his research interest in Byzantine Chant and neumatic notation, to include Slavonic Chant Tradition, first Russian Chant and later that of the Balkan peoples as well. He was one of the first foreigners to show interest in the Orthodox Chant Tradition of the Southern Slavs, and perceived that, contrary of the Russians, South Slavs never adopted early Byzantine neumatic notation. Visiting monasteries in Bulgaria he tried to find reasons for this lack of Byzantine notation among the Southern Slavs. In the above letter he posed very serious questions regarding Chant in the Serbian Orthodox Church, more precisely regarding the "Karlovci Chant". Unfortunately, it is not known if Thibaut received any kind of reply from Ostojic, nor have we found the reply sent to him by the Serbian Patriarch Georgije Brankovic, whom he also addressed, asking for help. Answers by those experts to the Thibaut's well formulated questions would be an extremely important contribution to studies of Traditional Serbian Church Chant.
New Sources and Methods In the Study of the Nineteenth Century Parliament
Authors: Heyck Thomas William
Published: November 2007

The study of the nineteenth century British Parliament cannot be limited to the institution itself, nor to the constitutional relations of its par ts. The great electoral reforms of the century increased the importance of the electorate in political decision-making. Coupled with these changes, the vast transformations of economy and society altered the very functions of Parliament. Thus nineteenth century parliamentary history requires an understanding of the whole political system, as well as the events within the House. Many of the recent works bearing on the history of Parliament reflect these facts. While good narrative history of parliamentary events continues to be needed and produced, the most innovative recent work raises different kinds of problems entirely and is not limited to affairs at Westminster. The newer types of work can be viewed as coming in two waves: first, a detailed analysis of political structure, utilizing traditional kinds of sources; and second, a proliferation of analytical approaches, using new sources and methods. Both waves are basically analytical, but they differ in questions asked and in routes to the answers.

The analysis of political structure has been inspired by the questions, if not the methods and interpretations, of Sir Lewis Namier. The best of many examples are still Norman Gash'sPolitics in the Age of Peeland H. J. Hanham'sElections and Party Management. The main questions asked in such works are: What was the real, as opposed to the theoretical, framework of politics? How were politics actually conducted outside the House of Commons? How did the various reform acts affect the functioning of the electoral system? These works stress, in Gash' terminology, the “medium” in which the ordinary politician operated. In each case, they seem to emphasize continuity rather than change, and the enduring power of bribery, corruption, and influence. They have added a great deal to what the narratives tell us about Victorian politics, especially in regard to the realities of constituency operations, the origins and workings of party machinery, the problems of party finance, and the cost of elections. Structural investigations of parties, like Conor Cruise O'Brien'sParnell and His Partyand E. J. Feuchtwanger'sDisraeli, Democracy and the Tory Partyhave given a new dimension to party history. Perhaps most important, the structural studies have established the crucial significance of local factors and the comparative inconsequence of national issues in most elections.
Thomas Cromwell: A Study in Interrogation
Authors: Carlton Charles
Published: November 2007

On the afternoon of Thursday, the 10th of June 1540, a squad of Yeoman of the Guard burst into the Council Chamber in Westminster Hall, and arrested Thomas Cromwell, Henry VIII's chief minister. They escorted him out through a postern to a boat waiting at Westminster Steps, rowed him down the Thames, and through Traitors' Gate into the Tower of London. Within this gaunt prison Cromwell was held till the early morning of July 28th, when the Yeoman marched him to Tower Hill to be executed for treason, heresy, bribery, and misuse of power. He climbed the scaffold, and addressed the crowd. He had come here to die, he confessed, and not to justify himself. He was a grievous wretch, who sought God's pardon. He had offended the King, and asked the crowd to pray that Henry VIII would forgive him. Finally, Cromwell insisted that he would die a Catholic, and that he had never waivered in a single article of the Catholic faith. Then, after a short prayer commending his soul to the Almighty, Cromwell laid his head on the block, and, as John Foxe records, “patiently suffered the stroke of the axe” swung “by a ragged and butcherly miser [who] very ungodly performed the office.”

So died one of England's greatest statesmen—the architect of the Reformation and the Tudor Revolution in Government. Just as his career has been the source of much historical debate, the events of the last seven weeks of his life, from his arrest to his execution, and his scaffold address especially, have been an irritant of contradiction and confusion.
Royal Acts of Mutilation: The Case Against Henry I
Authors: Hollister C. Warren
Published: November 2007

The subject of mutilations is one I would cheerfully have left to others were it not for its bearing on the character of King Henry I. The sources for his reign disclose a number of instances in which alleged wrongdoers were punished by mutilation, and these punishments have earned Henry a somber reputation among modern historians. Christopher Brooke calls him a “savage, ruthless man”; Emma Mason deplores his “reign of calculated terror”; R.H.C. Davis speaks of his “reputation for brutality.” To Sir Richard Southern, “Henry's vengeance was terrible and barbaric … . He had a morbid dislike of ridicule and he punished with a Byzantine ferocity already outmoded in the humaner society of feudal France, not only treachery and rebellion but slights to his dignity and honour.”

Perhaps the best known contemporary mutilation story comes from the 1125 account in theAnglo-Saxon Chronicle, where it is disclosed that Henry had the minters of England castrated and deprived of their right hands. We learn of Henry's morbid dislike of ridicule from an event of about the same time reported by the Norman monk, Orderic Vitalis. Henry had ordered the blinding of three captive rebels when Count Charles the Good of Flanders, who happened to be visiting, protested that it was unjust to mutilate prisoners captured in the service of their lords.
The Tenants' Movement to Capture the Irish Poor Law Boards, 1877-1886
Authors: Feingold William L.
Published: November 2007

There is a well-established notion among Irish and British historians that local self-government began in Ireland in 1898, when the Local Government Act created the system of elective county councils to replace the old grand jury system in the government of the counties. The grand juries, it is well-known, were instruments of the Irish “landed interest”—the gentry and aristocracy—whose dominance over these bodies was protected by a rigid system of property qualifications and appointing procedures that admitted only trustworthy landowners to the jury seats. Since only the juries were empowered to levy and expend the county tax known as the “cess,” they were therefore also able to dominate the lesser county authorities, the county and baronial presentment sessions, through control of the purse. When the 1898 act abolished this aristocratic system and replaced it with a new system of representative county and district councils, the result was ade factotransfer of power in local government from the old landowning class to the peasantry. This view, which was first promoted by the founders of the 1898 act, has been repeated by numerous historians since then, and for lack of evidence to the contrary it prevails today.

Willian O'Brien, the nationalist M.P. and editor of the Parnellite newspaperUnited Ireland, might well have disputed this view if he were alive today. As a practicing politician who understood well the ways in which power can be exercised, he was more inclined to look at the practical operations of public bodies rather than their constitutions to determine which party held the real power. In hisRecollections, which were published in 1905, O'Brien reminisced about the turbulent years of the great “land war” of 1879-1882 and recalled how, in 1882, that historic struggle between Irish landlord and tenant for control of the soil focused for a time in a struggle for control of the Irish boards of guardians, the 163 bodies which administered the Irish poor law in the localities.
An Economic Consequence of 1688
Authors: Stump W. Darrell
Published: November 2007

Seventeenth century England may be described by various adjectives, many of them indicating a divided society. This was a century of rebellion and reaction, of popery and puritanism, of factions and political parties, of Parliament and King, and finally, of Common Law and prerogative power. As the 1600's came to a close, the air of crisis gradually passed from the English scene to be replaced by the serenity, indeed the complacency, of the eighteenth century. But this newly stable England of squire and clergy rested on earlier achievements. Revolt succeeded and became accepted; popery was pushed, many hoped, into the farther reaches of hell; toleration was accorded trinitarian Protestants; patronage-based political parties began to dominate Parliament while Commons increasingly became the seat of power. But what happened in this period to prerogative monopoly, frequently utilized by both Tudor and Stuart monarchs to reward favorites at the expense of the economy? This neglected issue can be examined through attempts of the Royal African Company, chartered under the Restoration Stuarts, to enforce its patent.
American Democracy: The View From Scotland, 1776–1832
Authors: Rogers Alan
Published: November 2007

The American democratic model was utilized by Scottish reformers and conservatives who saw in American events a confirmation of their own ideas and hopes. The ideals articulated by the American Revolution and the political institutions created in the new nation were analyzed as matters that impinged on the deepest commitments of Scottish intellectuals. Conservatives perceived America as a threat to the stability and continuance of British political tradition, which they saw as dependent upon the preservation of Scotland's distinctive national past. The American experience was significant to reformers of all persuasions because it invested their discursive thought with a reality it had not known before. Yet American principles and precepts were not determinative, but rather were used to convey certain carefully selected ideas. As Adam Ferguson, one of Scotland's brightest enlightenment minds, noted, “If nations actually borrow from their neighbors, they probably borrow only what they are nearly in a condition to have invented themselves.” America was useful to Scottish political thinkers because Britain was ready to “invent” her own political forms.

The differences that divided Scotland's most articulate political writers were fundamental. The conservatives firmly believed that man's brutish nature required restraints, an established church, a balanced hierarchical social-political order, and stability. Radical Scots argued that with freedom and democratic institutions society would be humane and prosperous. Reformers spoke out against the worst social evils: they advocated Catholic emancipation, abolition of the slave trade, an end to flogging in the army and navy, prison reform and, in 1832, the extension of the franchise to the middle class.
The Nyon Arrangements of 1937: A Successsui generis
Authors: Lammers Donald N.
Published: November 2007

Here is a concise, recent and thoroughly orthodox historical judgment on the Nyon Arrangements of 1937:

There was one minor but significant exception to the inaction of of the British and the French. In 1937, pirates in the form of unidentified Italian warships, began sinking British and French merchantmen entering Republican ports. To this, a direct attack and affront, France and Britain responded with firmness. A Conference was called in September at Nyon, in Switzerland, and the law was laid down. The sinkings stopped abruptly. It was a most instructive incident, but no lessons were drawn. Indeed, the governments wished, apparently, to draw no lessons.

Here is another judgment, this one by a Soviet historian, which offers a somewhat different view of this episode:

Bourgeois political persons ignore the positive, determined role of the Soviet Union in the outcome of the conference and assign the achievement of its successful results only to the unity of England and France. [Thus] Eden, in a letter to Churchill written after the conference, explained that its results showed the wholesomeness and effectiveness of cooperation between England and France. “The two Western Powers proved that they could play a decisive role in European affairs.” Eden completely ignores the fact that at the conference in Nyon there took part not two, but three Great Powers. The third Great Power, which played a first-class role in the resolution of the problem of piracy, was the Soviet Union. Eden's statement does not answer the question, why earlier, before the Nyon conference, England did not succeed in attaining such results.
Stephen's Anarchy
Authors: Hollister C. Warren
Published: November 2007

To H. W. C. Davis, writing in 1905, Stephen's reign presented “a terrible picture of rapine, cruelty, and wanton insolence.” More recently scholars have called into question the notion of the nineteen years when England suffered for its sins and “Christ and his saints slept.” Nowadays scholars of Stephen's reign commonly put “anarchy” in quotes in an effort to dissociate themselves from an old fashioned notion which they nevertheless continue ta find useful. Sir Frank Stenton, A. L. Poole and others have argued that warfare under Stephen was limited to specific periods and places and that the horror stories of contemporary writers are exaggerated or relevant only to particular local conditions. Most recently, H. A. Cronne and T. A. M. Bishop have both observed that Henry Ts administrative system survived Stephen's wars, at least after a fashion, and John Appleby has concluded that although Stephen was not the best of kings he was probably the best available at the time.

Each of the three foregoing essays contributes in some way to the problem of Stephen's anarchy. Robert Patterson has provided a valuable study of the application of medieval constitutional principles in the politics and polemical literature of the reign. Most of what he says is both illuminating and persuasive. And although he refrains from relating his findings directly to the anarchy issue, nevertheless certain connections can perhaps be made. Patterson's essay suggests to me that an age given to rational explanations of things—the age of Abelard and Gratian—was as capable of rationalizing domestic violence as theology and law.
Sir Arthur Hesilrige And The Saybrook Colony
Authors: Engstrom Hugh R.
Published: November 2007

It has long been an established part of the Cromwellian legend that some time during the 1630's Oliver Cromwell made the decision to abandon England in favor of a fresh start in the New World but was prevented from doing so by the government of Charles I. There is evidence that among the Puritan leaders he was not alone in this resolve. What were the motives that led such men to consider leaving England? How serious were they? Why were their plans not carried out? This essay will examine the case of Sir Arthur Hesilrige about whom sufficient evidence exists to allow us to supply the answers to some basic questions about the Puritan leaders' intended emigration to New England.

Sir Arthur Hesilrige, the second son of Sir Thomas Hesilrige, baronet of Nosely, was born in 1601. His family, an ancient and prosperous member of the landed gentry, possessed the manor of Nosely in Leicestershire and had extensive holdings and connections in Northumberland, the county of their origin. Little is known of his early life. He was educated at Magdalene College, Cambridge and at Gray's Inn where he may well have met several future parliamentarians and Cromwellians with whom he was later to associate. In 1624 upon completion of his education he married Frances Elmes, the daughter of Thomas Elmes, a Northhampshire gentleman. Six years later in January, 1630, upon his father's death, Arthur succeeded to the baronetcy and the estates, his elder brother having preceded his father in death.
Community Control And Puritan Politics In Elizabethan Suffolk
Authors: Seaver Paul S.
Published: November 2007

We are apt to associate Puritanism, quite reasonably, with evangelical preaching, and to talk about the Puritan movement as the tail end of the English Reformation, as the last attempt to take Biblical Christianity into every parish pulpit and hence into the hearts of God's “Elect Nation.” As a consequence, it has seemed both proper and illuminating to view the history of Elizabethan Puritanism as a series of confrontations between Puritan ministers and the Queen's bishops, the bishops attempting to create unity by imposing uniformity of practice, the Puritan ministers attempting to follow what they believed Scripture and the example of the best reformed Churches dictated, with the inevitable consequence that they found themselves engaged in a kind of perpetual guerrilla war with the Queen's guardians of a prescribed uniform order.

If such basic assumptions are accepted, then the history of Elizabethan Puritanism can be seen as a series of escalating encounters, beginning in 1564, when the Queen forced the issue of discipline and order on a reluctant Church by requiring that Archbishop Parker publish his Advertisements. The debating stage was over in the Spring of 1566, when Parker and the Ecclesiastical Commissioners summoned the defiant London clergy to conform to the prescribed clerical dress or face expulsion for refusing to wear what Robert Crowley called “the conjuring garments of popery.” The year 1570 saw an escalation of the controversy. Cartwright's lectures on the nature of the true church mounted a much more substantial attack than had been seen in the first decade of the reign, for it was one thing to attack the surplice as a popish garment, quite another to argue that episcopacy itself lacked a Scriptural basis and that by implication it was, therefore, the Queen's duty to impose “discipline out of the Word”—a Presbyterian order—on the Church of England. In 1572 two Londoners, John Field and Thomas Wilcox, tried to give political reality to these notions in theirAdmonition to the Parliament.
Simon of Pattishall, Pioneer Professional Judge
Authors: Turner Ralph V.
Published: November 2007

The latter part of the twentieth century may not find many of us wishing to pay tribute to bureaucrats, but as Helen Cam reminded us, the civil servant “deserves more credit than he has yet had for building up and maintaining our precious tradition of law and order.” In the late twelfth century and the thirteenth century the process of “bureaucratization” first got underway in England. An early professional civil servant, one specializing in judicial activity, was Simon of Pattishall. His name surfaces in the records in 1190, and it disappears after 1216. His time of activity, then, coincides with an important period for English common law: the years between “Glanvill” andMagna Carta.

Simon was one of that group of royal judges who might be termed the first “professionals,” a group that took shape by the middle years of Richard I's reign. By the time of John, about ninety men acted at various times as royal judges, either at the Bench at Westminster, with the court following the king, or as itinerant justices. Many of these had only temporary appointments, making circuits in the counties; but a core of fifteen, who concentrated on the work of the courts, can be regarded as early members of a professional judiciary. Simon of PattishalPs is perhaps the most respected name among the fifteen. He had the longest career on the bench, from 1190 until 1216. He founded a judicial dynasty, for his clerk, Martin of Pattishall, became a judge, as did his clerk, William Raleigh, who had as his clerk Henry of Bracton, author of the great treatise on English law.
Dorsetshire Elections, 1604-1640
Authors: Gruenfelder John K.
Published: November 2007

Dorsetshire's elite, the leaders of its “county community,” continued to exercise their customary influence in the county's elections from 1604-1640. However, there was a notable change from the Elizabethan age. During the great Queen's reign, no one family was able to establish a preponderant voice in the county's elections. A “sustained monopoly” was, it seems, impossible and the best any influential squire could hope for was to be twice returned for the county. Indeed, it is probable that only Sir Ralph Horsey of Clifton Maubank, chosen in 1586 and 1597, and Andrew Rogers of Brianston, elected in 1586 and 1588, achieved that degree of eminence. Even the great Sir Walter Raleigh, after establishing himself at Sherborne, only managed to serve for Dorsetshire once, in 1597.

That changed after 1604. Dorsetshire elected eleven men to its eighteen knightships of the shire from 1604-1640, and one man, Sir John Strangways of Chirk Castle and Melbury Sampford, established what can be described as a “sustained monopoly.” He served for the county in 1614, 1621, 1624, and 1628; his repeated victories were recognition of his wealth and estate, his close connections with John Digby, Earl of Bristol (1622) and with other county families of note. Strangways had married into the Trenchard family of Warmwell and Wolveton, near Dorchester; one of his daughters married, first, into the influential Rogers family of Brianston and later, in 1624, took as her second husband the stepson of the Earl of Bristol, Sir Lewis Dyve. Strangways was, no doubt, an active supporter of his brother-in-law, Sir Thomas Trenchard, in Dorset's 1621 election and, in a bitterly fought contest in 1626, it was Strangway's power and influence that accounted for the return of Sir George Morton. Altogether, Sir John's influence can be credited with five, and more probably six (or one-third), of Dorsetshire's knightships through 1640. Given his ability to win a place for Morton in the face of fierce opposition in 1626, it is possible that his influence was even more widespread in the county's elections.
John Rogers: A Disillusioned Fifth Monarchy Man
Authors: Hoy Suellen M.
Published: November 2007

In a letter to Oliver Cromwell in April 1653, John Rogers wrote that his soul was “boiling over into earnest prayers to the Great Jehovah for wisdom, counsel, and courage for you … the great deliverer of His people. …” Rogers perceived in the person of Cromwell another Moses, charged with the duty of liberating the saints of “the Commonwealth of Israel.” Yet in a face-to-face confrontation with Cromwell in February 1655, Rogers warned him, “in the name of the Lord Jehovah,” that his condition was “very desperate,” and that “the next Vial which is to be poured out … the scorching hot one … must fall upon him … [for having] forsaken and betrayed the Cause of Christ.” In less than two years, Rogers had gradually slipped from a summit of hopeful expectation into an abyss of bitter disillusionment, as he watched the man in whom he had placed all trust take for himself the crown that had been reserved for the Lord Jesus.

Born in 1627 at Messing, Essex, John Rogers was the second son of Nehemiah and Margaret Rogers. Nehemiah Rogers, an Anglican clergyman and a firm advocate of the policies of Archbishop William Laud, endeavored to educate his son in a manner that would fit him for service in the Church of England. Early in life, under the tutelage first of his father and later of two Puritan clergymen — William Fenner and Stephen Marshall, John Rogers became acutely aware of contemporary theological controversies and intensely preoccupied with his own religious condition. Later as a minister in Ireland, Rogers recounted various childhood experiences in his quest for some assurance of salvation:

… when I was a schoolboy at Maldon, in Essex, I began to be roused up by two men, viz.Mr. FennerandMr. Marshall… hearingMr. William Fennerfull of zeal, stirring about, and thundering, and beating the pulpit, I was amazed and thought he was mad … “Oh”, says he, “you knotty! rugged! proud piece of flesh! you stony, rocky, flinty, hard heart, what wilt thou do when thou art roaring in hell amongst the damned!” … I began now to be troubled, being scared and frighted, and out of fear of hell I fell to duties, hear sermons, read the scriptures … and learned to pray. …
Popular Anti-Catholicism in England, 1850-1851
Authors: Paz D. G.
Published: November 2007

Traditional religious distinctions gradually eroded in eighteenth-century England under the impact of enlightenment rationalism: reason replaced revelation as the criterion for belief, order ousted enthusiasm in worship, and interdenominationalism blurred sectarian boundaries in philanthropic endeavors. But the French Revolution, economic troubles and radical political activity after 1815, and intellectual Romanticism put an end to co-operation and encouraged the growth of denominational self-consciousness. That rise of denominationalism led to the greatest conflict between the sects and the Establishment since perhaps the mid-seventeenth century. The clash began on the local level in the 1820s when the Church attempted to use its legal powers to collect rates; the events of 1828-1829 ushered in a period of conflict on the national level, as well. The Church turned to the state for support, only to find that Whigs and Liberals, in power for most of the period before 1874, were erastians and latitudinarians. So the Church in its turn became militant; high-churchmen in particular came to distrust Parliament and to emphasize the independent sources of clerical authority in sacerdotalism and the apostolic succession.

The period from roughly 1830 to 1870 was one of heightened religious tension. Nonconformists, having gained civil equality, now attempted to eliminate other symbols of the Anglican hegemony. Roman Catholics, sloughing off anglo-gallicanism for ultramontanism, asserted their spiritual claims and talked of converting England.
Great Britain, France, and the Ethiopian Tripartite Treaty of 1906
Authors: Keefer Edward C.
Published: November 2007

In assessing the events which brought Great Britain and France from the edge of war at Fashoda in 1898 to the alliance of 1914, scholars have paid little attention to the settlement of Anglo-French differences in the independent African empire of Ethiopia. The resolution of Ethiopian problems in 1906 was nonetheless important in forging close Anglo-French relations, especially when viewed within the context of the better-known Entente Cordiale of 1904. By excluding Anglo-French conflicting Ethiopian interests from the already difficult entente negotiations, British and French statesmen removed a potential stumbling block to that important and seminal agreement. In a more positive vein, the subsequent signing of a separate Tripartite Treaty on Ethiopia—the Italians were the third signatory—actively reinforced the Entente Cordiale itself. To the French the Ethiopian agreement was a confirmation of British good faith in implementing the spirit of the entente beyond areas specified in the more important accord of 1904. To the British it was an object lesson that certain imperial interests in Ethiopia should not jeopardize generally improving relations with France. To both countries the Tripartite Treaty of 1906 tidied unfinished business of the entente and eliminated to each nation's general satisfaction a nagging local conflict.

French Foreign Minister Theophile Delcassé had wanted to include Ethiopia in the entente agreement. During the course of the negotiations he suggested to his English counterpart Lord Lansdowne a “comprehensive settlement” of colonial-imperial differences. While individuals in the British Foreign Office considered adding Ethiopia to the larger rapprochement over Egypt and Morocco, the British cabinet decided to postpone Ethiopian matters until after conclusion of the Entente Cordiale. In good part this decision reflected respect for the complexity of strategic, financial, and personal rivalries of the two great imperial powers in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa.
Ladies of the Fraternity of Saint George and of the Society of the Garter
Authors: Gillespie James L.
Published: November 2007

Contemporary society has discovered—or in some cases been forced to discover—the worth of women. Historians have provided valuable insights into the social, cultural, and legal status of women in an effort to highlight the roots of attitudes that have excluded women from positions of power in the western world. Much of this research has focused upon new ways of viewing history, and the fine series of monographsWomen in Culture and Societybeing published by the University of Chicago Press provides a prime example of the new awareness of the distaff side of history. Yet, little attention has been paid to some of the most basic assumptions of past generations of medieval historians about women and society. The claim that male chauvinist attitudes are founded in the primative Germanic concept of a warrior fraternity from which women were physiologically excluded from membership was already hoary when Fritz Kern published his classic account of medieval law and society in 1914. Thecomitatusband of Tacitus has been seen as a central component of the leitmotiv that produced chivalry. The chivalric love ethic has, of course, received great attention from women's historians, but the chivalric orders into which such views were distilled have been largely ignored.

The traditional view of the chivalric orders as fossilized parodies of the values they espoused so eloquently advocated by Johan Huizinga'sThe Waning of the Middle Agesstill holds the field. Only in the last year have the chivalric orders been rehabilitated as genuine expressions of the human values of their age. The position of women within the tradition of the chivalric orders is worth a look for the intrinsic interest of the subject and for the insights that the investigation provides into the shifts in attitudes toward females over the centuries. The chivalric orders, and the Arthurian legends that inspired them, placed a high value on women, much higher than the earlier chansons de geste. While it is true that this tradition tended to place the lady upon a pedestal from which her daughters have fought to climb down, the greatest and longest lasting of these late-medieval chivalric fraternities, the Order of the Garter, also gave women a role in its celebrations.
Edmund Burke and the Quality of Honor
Authors: Kriegel Abraham D.
Published: November 2007

Whether Burke is placed in the tradition of natural law theorists or the school of historical utilitarians, scholars agree that his conception of liberty was inextricably linked to a belief in the inviolability of landed property, its salutary transmission through the ages, and a correspondingly acute historical consciousness. Perhaps the subsequent universalization of liberty and the gradual respectability of capital as an alternate form of property have obscured the significance of another principle which Burke invariably associated with liberty, but which could neither be universalized nor transformed. That principle was the aristocratic quality of honor, which, for Burke, as for generations of aristocratic spokesmen who succeeded him, remained a condition essential to liberty's preservation and transmission. The theme of honor has received some consideration from scholars in fields of literary criticism and, recently, social anthropology. But it has not attracted the attention it requires, particularly of modern historians, since Burckhardt, who characterized its presence in the Renaissance as “that enigmatic mixture of conscience and egoism.” This essay examines Burke's conception of honor and its affinity with his ideas of liberty.

Burke's concern for honor was hardly a novelty. In the eighteenth century, honor was taken seriously. It was a quality extolled by Addison, lauded by Pope. Moreover, honor had been analyzed by adherents of both the “selfish” and “moral sense” schools of thought among the British ethical philosophers, particularly in their disquisitions about self-love and benevolence. Hobbes had considered honor to be “the opinion of power.” It legitimized self-aggrandizement. Mandeville, similarly, conceived of honor as a worldly morality inconsistent with virtue which, after all, required self-denial. The man of honor was impelled by a pagan ethic to seek the rewards of approbation. He cherished posthumous fame rather than salvation. Consequently, he behaved according to a code that was superior to the laws of God and the laws of one's country.