bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Jesuit Missions in Baja California
Authors: Weber Francis J.
Published: July 2006

Whatever history may record about his personal life, there is no denying that Pope Alexander VI was among the most efficient and far-sighted of the Church’s long list of vicars. Perhaps nowhere is this fact more obvious than in the pontiff’s concern and zeal for the missions. In a decree addressed to Ferdinand and Isabella, issued at Rome on May 4, 1493, the pope stated, in part:

We order you in virtue of holy obedience (for as you promise, so we do not doubt you will do, in your noble dedication and royal magnanimity) that you dispatch to the designated mainlands and islands virtuous and God-fearing men endowed with training, experience, and skill, to instruct the natives and inhabitants before mentioned and to imbue them with the same Christian faith and sound morals, using all speed in the premises.

With this and subsequent papal mandates, the Spanish monarchs inaugurated the Christianization and colonization of the New World.
Evangelical Catholicism in Early Colonial Mexico: An Analysis Of Bishop Juan De Zumárraga'S Doctrina Cristiana
Authors: Jones William B.
Published: July 2006

Shortly after 1546 someone in Mexico was reading a book recently published at the instance of Bishop Juan de Zumárraga. The book was one of the first dozen published in the New World. As he read he occasionally made annotations in the margin. At one place he wrote: “Constantino.” Further on he put: “Constantino es este y no Zumárraga.” At the end of the book he summed up his observations by writing: “Hasta aquí tomó Su Señoría de Constantino doctor.”
Clavigero: The Fate of a Manuscript
Authors: Ronan Charles E.
Published: July 2006

It Has Been Commonly stated for almost two centuries now that the reason why the celebrated Mexican Jesuit, Francisco Javier Clavigero, was unable to publish the Spanish original of his Storia antica del Messico (Ancient History of Mexico) in Madrid stemmed from the savage attack made on the Italian edition by a highly nationalistic Spanish Jesuit, Ramón Diosdado Caballero, who considered it highly insulting and injurious to Spain and who urged the Spanish Government not to allow its publication until the author publicly retracted his damaging statements. That his bitter criticism prevented immediate publication there is no doubt, but on the basis of newly gathered evidence in Spanish and Roman archives, it is by no means clear that it was the ultimate cause for its not appearing.
Diplomacy and the Papal Donation 1493-1585
Authors: Hoffman Paul E.
Published: July 2006

The Papal Donation of 1493 has been the subject of propaganda, diplomatic negotiations, and scholarly debate since at least 1512. Recent studies have been more concerned with the doctrine of freedom of the seas than with detailed examinations of the diplomatic events of the 16th century which pitted the Spanish interpretations of the Donation against the desires and ideas of her European rivals. As a consequence, the nuances of the various mid-sixteenth century diplomatic settlements have passed unnoticed.
Brazil’s Expanding Frontiers
Authors: Tambs Lewis A.
Published: July 2006

“Spain’S greatest [territorial] losses have been to Portugal,” grumbled José de Carvajal y Lancáster in the mid-eighteenth century. Well might Ferdinand VI’s astute minister complain, for, by 1750, the Luso-Brazilians, employing their “indirect methods of conquest “had tripled the extension of Portuguese America beyond that allowed by the Treaty of Tordesillas. Moreover, a Lusitanian contemporary of Carvajal, Luís da Cunha, was counselling the establishment of a Brazilian Pacific sea frontier by advocating the exchange of the Kingdom of the Algarve in Europe for the Kingdom of Chile in the New World—a swap that “would be very convenient for the Castilians, for the security of their [Andalusian] ports.”
Jose Maria Gutierrez Estrada: Monarchist Pamphleteer
Authors: Sanders Frank J.
Published: July 2006

The whole world is talking of a pamphlet written by Señor Gutierrez Estrada, which has just appeared and seems likely to cause a greater sensation in Mexico than the discovery of the gunpowder plot in England.

Frances Calderón de la Barca

Thus Did the wife of the first Spanish Minister to Mexico describe, in October, 1840, the reception given a letter written by José María Gutiérrez Estrada and published in pamphlet form together with an essay which amplified and clarified his position. The letter, addressed to President Anastasio Bustamante, carried the date August 25, 1840, whereas the pamphlet did not appear until October 18, 1840. The letter pointed to the necessity for a convention to seek a remedy for Mexico’s problems. The remedy advocated by Gutiérrez Estrada in the essay which amplified his position, and which caused such a sensation— was a constitutional monarchy.
Jackson de Figueiredo, Catholic Thinker: A Psychobiographical Study
Authors: Williams Margaret Todaro
Published: July 2006

A History of Catholicism in Brazil could well be divided into the pre- and post-Jacksonian eras. Jackson de Figueiredo, fiery Catholic journalist of the 1920's who serves as the point of reference, performed the feat of almost single-handedly wrenching the Brazilian Church from the position of static equilibrium in which it long lay suspended. This statis had its roots in the restrictive regalism of the Portuguese and Brazilian Empires and in the Republican disestablishment which followed in 1890.

Caught up since 1890 with organizational and financial problems of survival, the Brazilian Church had drawn ever closer to Rome. Under the auspices of the papacy, the hierarchy recruited foreign clergy to staff its underorganized church and encouraged new orders to set up branches in Brazil. In 1905 Pope Leo XIII appointed Archbishop Joaquim Arcoverde of Rio the first Cardinal of Brazil and of Latin America. He created new dioceses in Brazil and appointed Rome-trained bishops to fill them. The utilization of Rome's financial and personnel resources in the postdisestablishment period considerably shored up the Church qua organization in Brazil.
The Military and Political Aspects of the 1933 Cuban Revolution: The Fall of Machado
Authors: Pérez Louis A.
Published: July 2006

The re-election of Gerardo Machado in 1928 promised to augur the continuity of the political quiescence that had characterized the President's first administration (1925-1928). By 1927, the Cuban chief executive had forged a coalition among the national political sectors, binding the Liberal, Conservative, and Popular parties to his candidacy for re-election. Through the appropriate application of patronage and coercion, the President had imposed a political consensus dissolving partisan autonomy, traditionally the source of anti-re-electionist violence. Cooperativismo, as the arrangement became known, conferred on parties outside the circumference of power the prerogatives, perquisites, and government posts inherent in the past only during national incumbency.
Cobija, Bolivia's First Outlet to the Sea
Authors: Lofstrom William
Published: July 2006

The first years of independence in Bolivia, as in all of the nations born of the Latin American wars of independence, were times of significant and often accelerated political, social and economic change. The republic created in 1825 in what was known in colonial times as Upper Peru participated fully in this important transformation. During the administration of Bolivia's first president, Antonio José de Sucre, (1825-1828) a program of ecclesiastical reform, educational and social innovation, and economic reorganization of far-reaching implications was undertaken. Upper Peru's chronic poverty, the concentration on silver mining and subsistence agriculture, excessive military expenses, hostility from neighboring countries, and the unbridled political ambitions of the military and civilians resulted in the failure of most of the reforms which might have radically altered the course of Bolivian history.
The Fake Inca of Tucuman: Don Pedro de Bohorques
Authors: Miller Robert Ryal
Published: July 2006

In the middle of the seventeenth century a Spanish adventurer, dressed in a traditional Andean cusma tunic and wearing a silver diadem, convinced tens of thousands of Indians in a remote part of the viceroyalty of Peru that he was a direct descendant of the former Inca emperors. More than a hundred native chiefs accepted him as their overlord, carried him on a litter, furnished maidens for his service, and followed him in battle when he promised to liberate them from Spanish control. Although Indian rebellions occurred frequently in colonial Peru, this particular one is unique because a European led it. Initially this imposter secured approval for his actions from the Spanish provincial governor and Jesuit missionaries, but later.when the Indians rebelled, the fake Inca was apprehended, imprisoned for seven years, then hanged. The story of his “empire” is a ten year episode that has not been printed in English and is not widely known in Spanish.
Vicissitudes of Trade in the Portuguese Atlantic Empire during the First Half of the Eighteenth Century
Authors: Alden Dauril
Published: July 2006

The chances of an eighteenth-century merchant's business correspondence surviving to the present are remote, but it is even less likely that an editor could persuade publishers today to issue a five-volume collection of such material. Apart from its sheer massiveness —5,600 documents and nearly 4,000 pages of text—there are several reasons that make the appearance ofNegócios colonialsan event of unusual significance. First, it represents a major addition to the scant literature available concerning the activities of Portuguese merchants during the first imperial centuries; second, it is by far the most extensive and diversified published collection of mercantile papers pertaining to the colonial era of the New World; and thirdly, since the papers relate to the activities of a prominent Lisbon merchant during most of Brazil's Golden Age (1695-1760), they make it possible for the first time to comprehend many of the strategies and difficulties that arose in the conduct of trade between Portugal and her most important colony during that aureate era.
Dr. William Stewart in Paraguay, 1857–1869
Authors: Warren Harris G.
Published: July 2006

The Stewarts of Scotland came to England with William the Conqueror in 1066 and descended from Alan Falhald of Oswestry. Walter, First Lord High Steward of Scotland, was the son of Alan. Sir John Stewart of Bonkyll, who was killed at the battle of Falkirk in 1298, was the son of Lord Alexander Oswestry, Fourth Lord High Steward. Sir John’s brother, Lord James Oswestry, became the Fifth Lord High Steward, and from him descended the House of Stuart, rulers of Scotland and England. William Stewart of Paraguay descended from Sir John of Bonkyll, the twenty-second generation after Alan Falhald. In Scotland the Stewarts were landlords, merchants, bankers and farmers whose fortunes waxed and waned but always seemed to recover. That they were a resourceful clan is a conclusion easily reached if one takes the career of Dr. William Stewart of Paraguay as an example.
Bourbon Finances and Military Policy in New Spain, 1759-1812
Authors: Archer Christon I.
Published: July 2006

In an age of fiscal and administrative reform, the army of New Spain stood out as an irredeemable drain on the treasury as well as a nightmare for bureaucrats and military planners. No knowledgeable observer could possibly advocate a continuation of the haphazard defenses of previous decades, but there were very few other points of agreement. From the perspective of the mother country, Mexicans had to recognize the need to defend themselves. The British conquests of Canada, the Floridas, and the temporary occupation of Havana, underscored the dangers and the possibilities of Mexicans losing their possessions and liberties. Naturally, the full burden of military finance and service would fall upon the residents of the viceroyalty, not to mention the growing costs of the annual subsidies (situados) sent to help pay for the defense of less advantaged possessions in the Caribbean, Central America, and the Philippines. The problem was how to prevent the army of New Spain from becoming a voracious consumer of money without offering much in the way of a standing defense force. In 1762 for example, Viceroy Marqués de Cruillas spent 3,398,471 pesos extraordinary funds without managing to get the fortifications at Vercruz into a state of readiness or a proper force to defend them. Most viceroys, inspectors general, and senior staff officers confronted with the task of having to inspect Mexican units catalogued a long list of failures. They described a history of constnatly changing military policies that achieved little other than to waste hundreds of thousands of pesos each decade while entrenching numerous chronic defects.
Spanish Parishes in Colonial New Granada: Their Role in Town-Building on The Spanish-American Frontier
Authors: Graff Gary W.
Published: July 2006

The urban orientation of Spanish immigrants into the New World has been a well-argued thesis among historians of colonial Latin America. Reinforcing the settlers’ proclivities toward urban life was a concerted policy of the Spanish crown which encouraged the founding of towns and cities as part of the conquest and subsequent settlement. For the conquerors of the fifteenth century and for the settlers who followed them throughout the era of Spanish imperial domination, the cosmopolitan qualities of the Renaissance instilled the attitude that urbanidad (city life) meant organized living under established political, social and religious institutions. Towns and cities were centers of order and direction for civilized life in contrast to the presumed disorder and lack of style offered by rural life.
Counter-Contraband in Spanish America Handicaps of the Governors in the Indies
Authors: Sanders G. Earl
Published: July 2006

Royal officials of the Indies found the contraband trade one of the most critical and debilitating problems in their administration of Spanish America. Contraband existed throughout the colonial period, despite occasional strenuous efforts to stamp it out. Various ideas have been advanced to explain the failure of Spanish counter-contraband in America, and these largely reflect on the quality of Spanish administration of the Indies. The implication is that governors and royal officials were generally guilty of corruption, of passive or active connivance in the contraband trade, or, at the very least, of incompetence or inefficiency in preventing it.
“Cuba Africana”: Cuba and Spain in the Bight of Biafra, 1839-1869
Authors: Sundiata I.K.
Published: July 2006

In the nineteenth century Cuba was the focus of Spain's overseas commercial involvement. The Cuban sugar boom keep alive an otherwise moribund and truncated empire. Spain's interest in Cuban sugar brought her into a web of trade contacts stretching to the other side of the Atlantic. Sugar production still required the exploitation of black labor; Spain, whose trade in West Africa had been minimal in the eighteenth century, became, through the presence of her slavers, a major presence in the region. The impetus for this involvement came from the community of interests between Cuban planters and Spanish suppliers of labor. Mid-nineteenth Spanish involvement in West Africa can be seen as a curious form of Hispano-Antillean commercial imperialism, in which Africa was seen as the answer to Cuba's demand for black emigration as well as immigration.
Manuel Nunes Viana: Paragon or Parasite of Empire?
Authors: Russell-Wood A. J. R.
Published: July 2006

“Let pass Manuel Nunes Viana, a man of medium build, round of face, with brown eyes and black hair”. Made by the official at the register on the Rio Grande in the interior of Brazil on May 14, 1717, this is the only physical description of a charismatic figure whose word was law in the backlands of Brazil in the first quarter of the eighteenth century. A native of Viana do Castelo in northern Portugal, Nunes Viana migrated to Brazil around the 1680's. Salvador was his point of entry but, after killing an assailant he lay low until pardoned by the governor; subsequently, he left for the sertão where he was to establish residence for some 40 years near to the bar of the Rio das Velhas. He sired at least six daughters and four sons. During his lifetime he returned to Portugal on two occasions, and was a minor literary Maecenas although in 1717 his signature is that of a barely literate man. He was financially successful as a result of ventures in cattle ranching, commerce in foodstuffs to the developing mining areas, and investments in alluvial mining. Alone, and in league with his cousin Manuel Rodrigues Soares, he ruled the sertão of the captaincies of Bahia, Minas Gerais, and Pernambuco for two decades, before dying in the mid-1730's. He cocked a snook at governors and viceroys, although his loyalty to the crown was never called into question. If one viceroy in 1715 could report to the crown that Nunes Viana was not only the “most capable” of the inhabitants of the sertão and the best suited to carry out the royal will, the following year the Overseas Council in Lisbon was to refer to him as “guilty of many crimes.” Not surprisingly the king was at a loss to know whether he had a saint or a sinner on his hands. Governors ran the full gamut from regarding him as the only possible instrument to maintain a royal presence in the Brazilian west to considering him a cancer to be eliminated before infecting the loyalty and wellbeing of the colonial flock. To some settlers, he may have been a Robin Hood of the backlands, but for others he was a cruel and despotic figure who meted out arbitrary justice with excessive cruelty. Whatever the divergence of views, one fact was certain: Manuel Nunes Viana was not a man to whom anybody could remain indifferent.
Caudillismo and Institutional Change: Manuel Odría and the Peruvian Armed Forces, 1948-1956
Authors: Masterson Daniel M.
Published: July 2006

Abraham Lowenthal in characterizing the Peruvian military government of General Juan Velasco Alvarado cautioned that the regime was not a “typical caudillo” venture but rather an essentially “institutional” effort. His caveat is certainly justified when one considers that Peru was dominated until recent decades by such modern era military chieftains as Luis M. Sánchez Cerro, Oscar R. Benavides, and Manuel A. Odría. Yet when General Odría seized control of Peru on October 27, 1948, the Peruvian army was striving desperately for increased professionalism. In order to retain the army's support, the caudillo was thus compelled to enact institutional reforms that made the officer class more conscious of its modernizing mission and, ironically, far less tolerant of Odría's personalism. This study will analyze the military policies of the Odría regime in order to explain the changing outlook of the Peruvian armed forces during the caudillo's eight year rule.
The Island of Grenada in 1795
Authors: Montague Joel , Montague Mariam , Montague Shahnaz
Published: July 2006

The Island of Grenada has had an interesting and turbulent history. Its early years were largely under the French, but it was captured by the English in 1763. It was taken back by the French in 1779 but then permanently ceded to England by the Treaty of Versailles in 1783. The census of 1771 showed a population of 1,661 whites, 415 free colored, and 26,211 slaves—largely associated with the raising of sugar. In 1793 the French and the British were again at war, and in 1795 the French republic made a strong attempt to regain Grenada by capitalizing on the strong antagonism which had built up between the French and British settlers on the island. Although the French forces under Victor Hughes could not actually capture the island, the local French planters, slaves and colored planters revolted against the British under the leadership of a colored planter, Julian Fedon, who has since become something of a folk hero in Grenada. In March 1795, Fedon and his followers invaded the old town of Grenville, killing a number of British and capturing others. The band of revolutionaries then retreated to Fedon's plantation where they subsequently entrenched themselves on a nearby mountain with their prisoners. They were dislodged by the British in June 1796 with considerable loss of life. Fedon escaped, but many of his followers lost both their lives and had their property confiscated.
Benito Juárez Versus the Díaz Brothers: Politics in Oaxaca, 1867–1871
Authors: Falcone Frank S.
Published: July 2006

On August 25, 1867, Benito Juárez was feted at a now-famous banquet attended by General Porfirio Díaz, as well as most of the leaders of the Mexican government and military. The occasion, however, was hardly festive. Throughout the banquet, Díaz remained sullen in his seat instead of offering the customary first toast. As his silence became more embarrassing, Juárez finally broke the tension by graciously rising and offering a toast to “Liberty and Independence.”
The Iron Works of Ybycui: Paraguayan Industrial Development in the Mid-Nineteenth Century
Authors: Whigham Thomas Lyle
Published: July 2006

Paraguay, by the mid-nineteenth century, was alone among the South American nations in its policy of internal development and economic autonomy. Exemplifying this were the many independent efforts at modernizing the country and its economy, including the building of a railway, telegraph system, and perhaps most importantly, an iron foundry. Although many foreign advisers were hired for these projects, ultimate control and direction rested in the hands of the Paraguayans themselves.

Elsewhere throughout the continent a new British-dominated neocolonial order had taken firm root. Britain's diplomatic ventures at this time centered on the formation of alliances with such American metropolises as Lima and Buenos Aires. These compacts were built upon mutual interests in reconstructing the splintered Viceroyalties into viable political units under basically British hegemony. “The nail is driven,” wrote Foreign Secretary Canning in 1824, “Spanish America is free, and if we do not mismanage our affairs sadly, she is English.”
The Will of Nuño de Guzmán; President, Governor and Captain General of New Spain and the Province of Pánuco, 1558
Authors: Chipman Donald
Published: July 2006

For several years the life and times of Nuño Beltrán de Guzmán has occupied my scholarly interests. On two occasions I have carried out extended periods of research in Spanish archives. In the notary archive of Valladolid I spent three weeks in a fruitless search for Guzmán's will. I reluctantly concluded that the document was not where it ought to be and accepted the likelihood that it would never be found—if indeed it was extant. I was therefore astonised to see the will advertised in 1973 as an item for sale in Catalogue No. 490 of the firm of Hellmut Schumann AG (Zürich, Switzerland). The asking price was an astronomical 11,000 Swiss Francs for eighteen folios. At that time the equivalent value in U. S. dollars was nearly $4,000.00.
Villa de Branciforte: Innovation and Adaptation on the Frontier
Authors: Garr Daniel
Published: July 2006

Conceived in trepidation, plagued by ineptitude, and ultimately relegated to obscurity, the Villa de Branciforte marked the last Spanish colonial town to be founded in California, or for that matter, in the Americas. A hybrid of civilian and military enterprise, Branciforte was envisioned as California's grandest town only to become instead an early casualty of incompetence and Madrid's depleted exchequer. Yet, despite its misfortunes, the Villa was within a venerable and generally successful tradition of frontier endeavor. In certain instances, the resources of Spain's distinct urban institutions of settlement and pacification—the presidio, pueblo and mission—were joined in varying combinations to meet the demands of extraordinary circumstance. If the Villa de Branciforte failed in its assignment, it was primarily for want of sagacity.
Narcisco Durán and the Secularization of the California Missions
Authors: Neri Michael C.
Published: July 2006

The secularization of the Franciscan missions is one of the most controversial problems which historians of Mexican California are called upon to interpret. This essay is an addition to the story of the secularization process in California in the hope that it will render it more complete by illuminating the mind of one of its chief protagonists, Fray Narciso Durán, the Spanish Franciscan friar who held the offices of president and commissary-prefect of the missions during the secularization controversies.
Institutionalized Corruption in the Letrado Bureaucracy. The Case of Pedro Farfán (1568-1588)
Authors: Poole Stafford
Published: July 2006

The growth of the Spanish Empire and its governmental machinery in the sixteenth century created a demand forletrados, a uniquely Spanish form of civil servant. They were men who came mostly from the impoverished lower nobility and who were trained in law as preparation for serving in the burgeoning bureaucracy. Law, whether canon or civil, offered a young man in sixteenth century Spain entry into well-paying, secure and prestigious jobs in church and state.Doctoresandlicenciados(the holders of the highest professional degrees) from Salamanca, Valladolid, Alcalá de Henares and other universities could be found all over the New World where they held positions as magistrates, judges, bishops, canons, university professors and town councilmen. They constituted both an administrative elite and a class unto themselves. In the latter half of the sixteenth century the demand for letrados was increased by the growing insularity of the Spaniards themselves — away from the more cosmopolitan Flemish and European orientation of the days of Charles V and toward an hispanization of the civil service.
Upright Citizens in Criminal Records: Investigations in Cachoeira and Geremoabo, Brazil, 1780-1836
Authors: Aufderheide Patricia
Published: July 2006

Criminal justice records provide the historian with a wealth of data on social deviance, and on the role of the judiciary in defining and controlling it. They can as well comment on the most invisible group for the social historian: the “innocent bystanders,” the respectable folk who distinguish themselves neither by their power and influence nor by their deviance. This essay illustrates the value of one kind of judicial data, local criminal investigations in Brazil, to provide information on the working citizens of a community. Changes in the characteristics of that population may be indicative of wider social stress in the Brazilian Independence period.
Jamaica and the Saint Domingue Slave Revolt, 1791-1793
Authors: Geggus David
Published: July 2006

Once the two largest sugar colonies in the slave-owning Caribbean, Jamaica and Haiti trace their separate paths of development back to the revolutionary struggles of the 1790's. While the French colony of Saint Domingue was transformed in a way few societies have ever been, Jamaica remained seemingly untouched by the conflagration that consumed its neighbour. When the slaves and free coloureds of Saint Domingue rebelled in the autumn of 1791, Jamaican society faced the greatest challenge of its history. The dramatic spectacle of violent self-liberation was acted out almost before the eyes of its blacks and mulattoes, while the ruling white elite experienced a dilemma that seemed to oppose its prosperity to its survival. This paper looks at the reaction of different social groups in the island in an attempt to explain its continuing stability.
Vila Rica: Profile of a Colonial Brazilian Urban Center
Authors: Ramos Donald
Published: July 2006

The demographic configuration of Brazil during the colonial period is known only in its general outlines. To a large degree this is due to the unavailability of census data for most of the colonial period as well as to a general reluctance on the part of historians to resort to the laborious process of systematically using parish records or census tracts. This essay is an effort to present detailed information on a colonial Brazilian urban center in the hope that it will provide some insights into the structure of colonial society while at the same time providing material from which comparisons can be drawn with other parts of the world for which the demographic picture is clearer. Because of the paucity of comparable studies for other areas of Brazil no claim is made, at this time, concerning the generalizability of the conclusions reached from the Vila Rica data.
Olivenza: An Iberian “Alsace/Lorraine”
Authors: Black Shirley J.
Published: July 2006

The wars of the French Revolution and Napoleon obliterated century-old boundaries. In the tedious reformation of European borders, nations quarreled so violently at times—such as over Poland and Saxony—that it seemed as if new wars would immediately engulf Europe. This study explores a major Iberian storm center, which existed on the eastern Portuguese border at Olivenza. Repercussions of this conflict between Spain and Portugal extended from Moscow to Montevideo—and resulted in the formation of a new nation, Uruguay.
The Club de la Unión and Kinship: Social Aspects of Political Obstructionism in the Chilean Senate, 1920-1924
Authors: Yeager Gertrude M.
Published: July 2006

In 1920, Chile entered a transitional period during which political issues sparked intense social tensions. A fundamental reform of theAlianza Liberalcoalition was to open the political system to fuller citizen participation, a prospect which threatened the Chilean elite. To thwart reform and change, an oligarchy, closely united by kinship ties and mutual interest, pursued a policy of obstructionism in the Senate which effectively paralyzed government. The four years 1920-1924 during which Arturo Alessandri occupied the presidency were so turbulent and frustrating that the military alone seemed capable of reestablishing order.
Samar in the Late Eighteenth Century
Authors: Cruikshank Bruce
Published: July 2006

In 1767 Charles III issued his famous decree expelling the Jesuits from Spain and the Spanish colonies around the world. The repercussions of this edict were felt even on Samar, a large but relatively unimportant province in the eastern Visayas in the Philippine colony (see Map One) whose missions, later parish churches, had been staffed by Jesuit missionaries from the last few years of the sixteenth century until the order of expulsion arrived on Samar in September 1768. The Jesuits were replaced by Augustinians in the pueblos of Guivan, Balangiga, and Basey; and in the rest of the pueblos by Franciscans (see Map Two).
Women and the Mexican Revolution, 1910-1920
Authors: Macias Anna
Published: July 2006

Women played a significant but, until recently, largely overlooked role in the complex and destructive civil war known as the Mexican Revolution of 1910-1920. A number of women trained and educated in the vocational and normal schools and molded by the incipient feminist movement of the Porfirian era actively sought involvement in the struggle during its various phases. A much larger number of women of the rural and urban lower classes found themselves caught up in the struggle and had no choice but to become actively involved, especially in the military aspects of the Revolution. Still others, numbering in the hundreds of thousands, and including women of every class, were among the victims and casualties of that conflict. Lastly, women of primarily but not exclusively middle and upperclass origins who strongly identified with the Catholic Church became active and bitter enemies of the decidedly anti-clerical leadership of the Revolution.
“Crucible of Zapatismo: HaciendaHospitalin the Seventeenth Century”
Authors: Martin Cheryl English
Published: July 2006

Readers of John Womack's monumentalZapata and the Mexican Revolutionare familiar with the names of the great Morelos sugar plantations whose drive for modernization in the late nineteenth century eventually pushed desperate peasants to revolt. Many of these haciendas bore names of Indian villages long since destroyed by indigenous population decline and the hacendados' thirst for land: Cuahuixtla, Chinameca, Zacatepec, Atlacomulco, Cocoyoc; others had religious appellations testifying to the piety or ecclesiastical status of their founders: Santa Inés, Santa Clara, San Vicente; an occasional hacienda, such as Casasano, even carried the name of its founder. Yet one hacienda that figures prominently in Womack's account bore the curious designationHospital. Though considerably smaller than many of its neighbors, Hospital emerges from Womack's narrative as perhaps the most villainous of all Morelos latifundia. To the land-starved villagers of Anenecuilco, its owner scornfully suggested that they “farm in a flowerpot,” and Hospital became a principal target of zapatista revenge.
Royalist Propaganda and “La Porción Humilde Del Pueblo” During Mexican Independence
Authors: Hamill Hugh M.
Published: July 2006

The Alhóndiga of Guanajuato fell to the irregular army of Miguel Hidalgo and Ignacio Allende on September 28, 1810, in one of the most celebrated events in Mexican independence history. With the collapse of the economic and political capital of the Bajío, control over a major province of New Spain was wrenched from traditional authority. The rebellion in Tierradentro, as it was called in the City of Mexico, had been watched nervously for a fortnight by an Establishment sensitized to previous domestic tumultos and to social revolution of the most frightening sort in Haiti. The Hidalgo revolt was quickly and accurately perceived as a major threat to a well ordered way of life. There was, moreover, an acute awareness that the drought years of 1808 and 1809 and the soaring price of maize in 1810 had contributed to volatile social conditions which would surely exacerbate any uprising. Now the worst fears had been realized with the sack of Guanajuato.
Chilean Councilmen and Export Policies, 1600-1699
Authors: Flusche Della M.
Published: July 2006

As trade between Spain and her American colonies declined in the seventeenth century, interprovincial commerce increased. This change within the Spanish Empire and some of its multiple implications have only recently been recognized and given scholarly attention. Consequently, little information is available on the part colonial municipal governments played in the imperial economic realignment. A case in point is the role of the Santiago cabildo in regard to the export trade which tied Chile's Central Valley, the region administered by that city council, to the Peruvian market economy. Although various studies provide supportive data on this subject, a close scrutiny of the council minutes, focused on policies that regulated outbound commerce and the production from which it flowed, can more clearly delineate the extent of creole initiative and cabildo participation in policy formulation and enforcement. A correlative theme pursued through this appraisal of the records concerns the socio-economic attitudes of the upper levels of society in the last century of Hapsburg rule.
General Rosecrans' Forthright Diplomacy with Juárez's Mexico, 1868-1869
Authors: Berbusse Edward J.
Published: July 2006

One Mexican historian has described the post-war years of Benito Juárez' Administration (1867-72) in Mexico and that of his successor, Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada (1872-76) as “a dictatorship without peace or progress.” The nation suffered from a breakdown in public order and morality; misery, anarchy and banditry were widespread. Indian uprisings occurred in Yucatán, Chiapas, Durango, Chihuahua, Nuevo León and Coahuila. Insurrections against the government of Juárez broke out in Tamaulipas, Puebla, Sinaloa, Jalisco, Guerrero; and conflicts between candidates for the government in Aguascalientes, Guanajuato and San Luis Potosi destroyed the public order. The causes of this breakdown in commonweal may be attributed to the long history of civil war in Mexico, the inadequacy of governmental institutions and lack of respect for a Constitution (1857) which incorporated many injustices within its Liberal framework. An important cause of recurring revolt was the presidential ambition of Juárez and his conflicts with Congress and the Supreme Court. His suspension of the Constitutional guarantees, by decree of January 17, 1870, and his dictatorial use of extraordinary powers brought much resentment; and, in the election of 1870, the Constitutional Party (Liberal) supported Porifirio Díaz against Juárez. Through a “reform” of the electoral law, Benito Juárez was able to gain a plurality. He was only exceeded in his autocratic use of power by his successor, Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada who vigorously enforced theReform Lawsthat made of the anti-Church program a Lerdistkulturkampf. It was during a year of Juárez' Administration that Brevet Major General William S. Rosecrans served as Envoy Extraordinary & Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States to Mexico. Officially he held this post from July 27, 1968 to June 26, 1869. The American Minister spoke bluntly in criticism of the Juárez Administration, and of Lerdo de Tejada who was then President of the Supreme Court, a position equivalent to the Vice-presidency.
Foreigners in the Intendencia of Paraguay
Authors: Cooney Jerry W.
Published: July 2006

The Spanish American Empire in its last half century of existence experienced an economic resurgence in oceanic shipping and inter-change with Europe. That prosperity, prompted by the reforms of the enlightened Bourbon monarch, Charles III, produced an unexpected result. Non-Spanish immigrants appeared in ever increasing numbers in Spain's American colonies. That immigration, almost always illegal, had always occurred in the colonial era in spite of the many barriers erected to exclude foreigners. Now, searching for economic opportunities, these immigrants participated in the economic revitalization of Spanish America.

For the most part these newcomers posed no threat to the state; and often by virtue of their commercial expertise or skilled labor, were a boon to Spanish American economic life. Unofficially, imperial officials were well aware of this. The major concern, regardless of official statements, was that immigrants profess the Catholic faith. Many of the newcomers soon acquired families in the New World, pursued their own ends, and quietly melded into Spanish American society. Certainly that proved to be the case in the Rio de la Plata. In this vast region, until the creation of the Viceroyalty in 1776, Spanish authority had been loose and the small foreign presence was generally tolerated or just ignored.
The Political Legacy of Lázaro Cárdenas
Authors: Weston Charles H.
Published: July 2006

The political legacy of Lázaro Cárdenas is marked by a striking paradox. On the one hand, Cárdenas as president of Mexico from 1934 to 1940 presided over the most radical phase of the Mexican Revolution or what some historians call the “Second Revolution.” He was instrumental in organizing industrial workers and peasants at the national level and incorporating both groups into the reorganized government party, the Partido de la Revolutión Mexicana (PRM), that had as its declared purpose the establishment of a “workers' democracy” in Mexico. Under his leadership the government supported the demands of industrial workers for higher wages and improved working conditions, greatly expanded the distribution of land to the peasantry, established new welfare programs, nationalized the railroad and petroleum industries and inaugurated a program of socialist education in the public schools. The prestige of Cárdenas as the foremost leader of the radical phase of the Revolution was enhanced by the fact that he, unlike many of his contemporaries, never attempted to use political office for personal financial gain; he was not a rich man when he completed his term of office as president. At the time of his death in 1970, Cárdenas was eulogized as “the greatest figure produced by the Revolution… an authentic revolutionary who aspired to the greatness of his country, not personal aggrandizement.” On the other hand, Cárdenas was the architect of the corporatist system of interest representation, including labor, peasant and business organizations, that provided the institutional framework of what Crane Brinton has called the “Thermidor,” i.e., the conservative reaction to the radical phase of the revolutionary process, that began in Mexico in approximately 1940. The institutions developed by Cárdenas were utilized by his successors to curtail the very reforms, such as agrarian and labor reform and socialist education, that had been central to his reform program. Moreover Cárdenas facilitated the transition to a more conservative era by naming as his successor Manuel Ávila Camacho, who was known to favor a moderation of the reform process, rather than Francisco Múgica, the preferred candidate of the radicals in the government. In short, Cárdenas played a decisive role both in presiding over the radical phase of the Revolution and in launching and shaping the relatively conservative post-1940 era. The paradox of the political legacy of Cárdenas is that though the seemingly radical reforms he carried out had a lasting impact upon Mexican politics, the impact was predominantly conservative rather than radical. This essay will endeavor to explain the paradoxical political legacy of Lázaro Cárdenas by focusing upon his ideology, the institutional reforms he carried out while president, and the impact of those reforms after 1940.
The Migration of Canary Islanders to the Americas: An Unbroken Current Since Columbus
Authors: Parsons James J.
Published: July 2006

The Canary archipelago lies off the coast of Africa at 29° N latitude, some 700 nautical miles south of Gibraltar. Its conquest and occupation, including the subjection of the native Guanche population, represented Spain's first overseas venture, a blueprint and precedent for the colonization of America. For nearly a century prior to Columbus the Spanish Crown found here a laboratory and testing ground for colonial administration, including relations with an aboriginal population that offered an irresistible attraction for enslavement and evangelization. The philosophical justification and legitimization of conquest was first faced in the Canaries as a new colonial bureaucracy sought to adapt and refine the medieval, European institutions of government to the new situation. Authority to appoint officials and to distribute land and natives in service was delegated to local governors while exhaustively detailed ordinances formulated by appointed councils (cabildos) regulated every phase of life through a complex structure of regulations, fines and taxes. The model was in place and operative by the time there was need to organize the first Spanish government in the Antilles.
The Buenos Aires Expedition and Spain's Secret Plan to Conquer Portugal, 1814-1820
Authors: Anna Timothy E.
Published: July 2006

One of the most provocative questions about the process of Spanish American independence is why Spain was not able during the period of the so-called “first absolutist restoration”— 1814 to 1820—to capitalize on its massive military victories in America and restore royal power to its fullest. In 1814 and 1815 royal armies in America destroyed the rebel governments and suppressed the rebel armies in Mexico, New Granada, Venezuela, Quito, Peru and Chile. Only in the Río de la Plata did an independent government continue to exist. It was clear that independence was not the inevitable destiny of the Spanish kingdoms in America. In Spain itself the king, Ferdinand VII, crossed the Spanish border after six years of captivity in France at the hands of Napoleon and on May 4, 1814, restored the absolute power of the throne by a coup d'etat, annulling the Constitution of 1812 and the liberal Cortes. Throughout the empire loyalists rejoiced. In both Spain and America the forces of conservatism had overcome the threat of radical political and social reforms. Few great imperial states in world history have been granted such a second chance, such an opportunity for rebuilding and reconciliation.
The University of Mexico and the Revolution, 1910-1940
Authors: Burke Michael E.
Published: July 2006

Conflict between revolution and academia, between the activist and the scholar, is probably inevitable. At times when urgent demands for radical change threaten the very fabric of a society, when popular violence and ideological bitterness question all traditions, a university becomes especially vulnerable. As an institution dedicated to preserving the cultural inheritance of the past, a haven for the calm, deliberate pursuit of truth, the university in the midst of revolution must choose whether to adhere to its traditional role, or to become an active partner of social change, promulgating new ideologies and providing practical training for revolutionary leaders. During the Mexican Revolution of 1910, the popular image of a university as a refuge for the privileged and wealthy added to a long history of the conscious use of education to promote a prescribed set of values to make the National University particularly controversial. Dedicated only two months before the Revolution erupted, the new institution found itself under immediate pressure to become “revolutionary” in a society that had little patience for scholarly aloofness.
One novel and one recurrent mutation in the PROS1 gene cause type I protein S deficiency in patients with pulmonary embolism associated with deep vein thrombosis
Authors: Mizukami Kazuhiro , Nakabayashi Toru , Naitoh Sumiyoshi , Takeda Mika , Tarumi Takashi , Mizoguchi Itaru , Ieko Masahiro , Koike Takao
Published: July 2006

We investigated the molecular basis of type I protein S (PS) deficiency in two unrelated Japanese families, in which both probands developed pulmonary embolism associated with deep vein thrombosis. Nucleotide sequencing of amplified DNA revealed distinct point mutations in the PROS1 gene of the probands, which were designated protein S Sapporo 1 and protein S Sapporo 2. Additional mutations in the PROS1 gene were excluded by DNA sequencing of all exons and intron/exon boundaries. In the 25‐year‐old Japanese male patient who carried protein S Sapporo 1, we identified a heterozygous A‐to‐T change in the invariant ag dinucleotide of the acceptor splice site of intron f of the PROS1 gene. This mutation is a novel splice site mutation that impairs normal mRNA splicing, leading to exon 7 skipping, which was confirmed by platelet mRNA analysis. Translation of this mutant transcript would result in a truncated protein that lacks the entire epidermal growth factor‐like domain 3 of the PS molecule. In a 31‐year‐old Japanese male and his younger brother who each carried protein S Sapporo 2, we detected a previously described heterozygous T‐to‐C transition at nucleotide position 1147 in exon 10 of the PROS1 gene, which predicts an amino acid substitution of tryptophan by arginine at residue 342 in the laminin G1 domain of the PS molecule. Both mutations would cause misfolding of the PS protein, resulting in the impairment of secretion, which is consistent with the type I PS deficiency phenotype. Am. J. Hematol., 2006. © 2006 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.
Tin(II) aminoalkoxides and heterobimetallic derivatives: the structures of Sn6(O)4(dmae)4, Sn6(O)4(OEt)4 and [Sn(dmae)2Cd(acac)2]2
Authors: Hollingsworth Nathan , Horley Graeme A. , Mazhar Muhammed , Mahon Mary F. , Molloy Kieran C. , Haycock Peter W. , Myers Christopher P. , Critchlow Gary W.
Published: July 2006

Tin(II) methoxide reacts with N,N′‐dimethylaminoethanol (dmaeH) to yield Sn(dmae)2 (1) along with small amounts of the hydrolysis product Sn6(O)4(dmae)4 (2). The geometrically more regular iso‐structural cage Sn6(O)4(OEt)4 (3) was obtained as the only tractable product isolated from reaction of 2 and Sb(OEt)3, while 1 reacted with CdX2 (X = acac, I) to afford Sn(dmae)2Cd(acac)2 (4) and Sn(dmae)2CdI2 (5). The X‐ray structures of 2, 3 and 4 are reported. Decomposition of 4 under aerosol‐assisted chemical vapour deposition conditions leads to amorphous tin oxide films with no detectable cadmium (i.e. ca < 2% cadmium), rather than a stoichiometric Sn:Cd oxide. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.