bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Political Institutions and Welfare State Restructuring
Authors: Swank Duane
Published: October 2003

The first of three chapters on the implications of electoral politics and the design of political institutions for welfare state adjustment. Swank first provides an overview of two key domestic and international pressures on developed welfare states: domestic fiscal stress and international capital mobility. He then outlines the theoretical argument that democratic institutions fundamentally determine government responses to domestic and international structural change, focusing on formal and informal institutions and drawing on and fusing insights from ‘power resources’ theory, the new institutionalism, and new cultural arguments about the determinants of social policy in advanced capitalist democracies. The next two sections utilize new data on social welfare effort, national political institutions, and internationalization to provide an econometric assessment of the social policy impacts of domestic fiscal stress and capital mobility during the period 1965 to 1995, looking first at the direct impacts of rises in public sector debt and in international capital mobility on social welfare provision, and second at the welfare state effects of fiscal stress and global capital flows across nationally and temporally divergent democratic institutional contexts; the initial focus is on total social welfare effort and then the analysis is shifted to changes in cash income maintenance and social services. The conclusion assesses the implications of the arguments and findings for the future course of social policy in developed democracies, and potentially bolsters the evidence for the central assertion that domestic institutions systematically determine the direction of welfare state restructuring.
Who Pays for Health Care Reform?
Authors: Giaimo Susan
Published: October 2003

In this second of three chapters on the distinctive policy dynamics of particular areas of social provision, Susan Giaimo addresses the issue of whether the success of the reformed welfare state in the shape of payers’ and policy makers’ cost‐containment projects have had as their price the sacrifice of equity and solidarity. These questions are explored through the lens of health care reform in Britain, Germany, and the US since the late 1980s: each a country with a distinctive health care system, which undertook major reform initiatives designed to control health care outlays, and addressed the efficiency and equity goals in markedly different ways. Section I provides a broad background to situate the contemporary politics of health care reform, explaining how and why health care systems in Western countries have come under the stress of increasing cost pressures even as governments and employers have become more apprehensive about the possible effects of the welfare state on economic competitiveness. Section 2 develops the argument in greater depth, explaining how existing health care and political systems provide different opportunities or constraints for payers and the state to pursue unilateral cost‐containment strategies, how health care institutions themselves shape policy preferences and strategies of payers, and how some systems require compromise solutions that reconcile equity with efficiency. Section 3 presents each country's case, and the concluding section considers the broader lessons from health care reform for the contemporary politics of welfare state adjustment.
Culture, Citizenship, and Community
Authors: Carens Joseph H.
Published: October 2003

Contributes to contemporary debates about justice, multiculturalism, citizenship, and democratic theory. The book argues that the conventional liberal understanding of justice as neutrality needs to be supplemented by a conception of justice as evenhandedness. It also argues that theorists ought to pay attention to the moral wisdom that is sometimes embedded in practice. Claims about the moral relevance of culture and identity appear in many different forms in politics. There is no master principle that enables us to determine when we should respect such claims and when we should challenge them, but the idea of evenhanded justice often points us in the right direction. The book demonstrates this through a comparative and contextual analysis that pays close attention to the actual claims about culture and identity advanced by immigrants, national minorities, aboriginals, and other groups in a number of different societies. While the main focus is on a range of familiar and unfamiliar cases, the book includes an extended critical analysis of the work of Michael Walzer and Will Kymlicka. Finally, the book also contends that the conventional conception of citizenship is an intellectual and moral prison from which we can be liberated by adopting an understanding of citizenship that is more open to multiplicity and that grows out of practices that we judge, upon reflection, to be just and beneficial.
Multiple Political Memberships, Overlapping National Identities, and the Dimensions of Citizenship
Authors: Carens Joseph H.
Published: October 2003

Criticizes the conventional unitary understanding of the relationship between citizenship and the state by showing how poorly this model fits with contemporary political practices in Canada and elsewhere. Instead of unique, exclusive, compartmentalized forms of political membership, we find multiple memberships and overlapping identities along three dimensions of citizenship: the legal, the psychological and the political. The chapter argues that these ways of recognizing collective identity are generally morally permissible and sometimes even morally required under a conception of justice as evenhandedness.
Plotinus
Authors: O'Meara Dominic J.
Published: October 2003

This book is a guide to those wishing to read the works (the Enneads) of Plotinus, one of the greatest figures of ancient philosophy. The book provides an outline of Plotinus’ life and of the composition of the Enneads, placing Plotinus in the intellectual context of his time. Selected Plotinian texts are then discussed in relation to central issues in metaphysics, epistemology, and ethics: soul and body, intelligible and sensible reality, Intellect, the One, speaking of the ineffable, the production of reality, evil, beauty, the human good, and mysticism. Plotinus’ historical importance is indicated. The book includes a guide to further reading, arranged by themes, and a bibliography.
The Derivation of All Things from the One (II)
Authors: O'Meara Dominic J.
Published: October 2003

Concerns the last stage of derivation, that of the physical world from soul. Plotinus’ interpretation of Plato's Timaeus is presented, as is his rejection of an ‘artisanal’ mode of production (the demiurge) of the world, in favour of contemplation as productive. Nature, time, and matter, as aspects of cosmology, are also discussed.
Propositions and Utterances
Authors: Horwich Paul
Published: October 2003

Insofar as our aim is merely to understand our conception of truth, and not to promote some allegedly better one, we have no choice but to acknowledge that truth is primarily attributed to what we believe, question, suppose, etc.—i.e. to so‐called propositions. However, there are a couple of influential sources of scepticism about this article of common sense—an article wholly embraced by minimalism—and the aim of this chapter is to respond to them. First, a case is sketched in favour of propositions (based on the logical form of belief attributions); and the usual counter‐arguments (which derive from their supposed weirdness and the alleged intransitivity of translation) are undermined. Second, there is a tendency to think that our conception of ‘proposition’ presupposes the notion of truth, so that the minimalist order of explanation would seem to be the wrong way round. In reply, it is suggested that we employ a Wittgensteinian account of meaning—hence ‘proposition’—in terms of use, which would not require a prior grasp of truth. Finally, for those who are not convinced by these arguments, it is shown how minimalist theories of ‘truth’ for utterances and belief‐states can be given without making a commitment to propositions.
Household Economics
Authors: Bardhan Pranab , Udry Christopher
Published: October 2003

The basic model of household structure and behaviour in the field of economic development is that of a household that is jointly engaged in production and consumption—an ‘agricultural household model’. With complete markets, household production is separable from consumption. This separation property breaks down when there are multiple incomplete markets. A related issue is that of the strong assumptions required for the validity of the unitary household representation. Relaxing these assumptions leads us to models that apply bargaining theory to intrahouse allocation, and to the ‘efficient household’ model.
Poverty Alleviation: Efficiency and Equity Issues
Authors: Bardhan Pranab , Udry Christopher
Published: October 2003

Focuses on the equity‐efficiency trade‐off that is central to the analysis of poverty, looking in particular at cases in which a consideration of aspects such as information, externalities, and transaction costs reveals the trade‐off to be false or exaggerated. A brief note on the measurement of poverty is followed by a discussion on the trickle‐down effect of growth and on the linkage between redistribution and growth. Next, asset redistribution policies such as land reforms with tax‐transfer policies in terms of efficiency are compared, and a model with private information where a lump‐sum transfer is shown to be superior to a credit –subsidy is presented. Then, the targeting and cost‐effectiveness of government transfer programmes are discussed, with the focus on programmes that work through self‐selection and on the externalities involved in group‐ or area‐specific targeting. Finally, governance structure and role of decentralization through local self‐governing institutions in improving policy effectiveness are considered.
Democracy and the Environment: A Radical Theory of Participation
Authors: de‐Shalit Avner
Published: October 2003

What sort of democracy is more likely to sustain environment‐friendly policies? Unlike a number of recent works that have praised representative democracy as the optimal form of democracy for the environment, it is argued that the more deliberative and participatory the democracy the more environment friendly it will be. It is shown that many environmental activists support such conclusions.
US Democracy Promotion: Realist Reflections
Authors: Schweller Randall L.
Published: October 2003

Offers an appraisal of the democratic peace theory from the perspective of both classical and structural realism. It argues that while democracy can ameliorate some of the causes of war cited by realists, it cannot entirely eliminate them, and that the validity of the democratic peace proposition seems to depend on democracies being prosperous, satisfied, and developed states.
National Security Liberalism and American Foreign Policy
Authors: Smith Tony
Published: October 2003

This chapter elaborates on the concept of ‘national security liberalism’, i.e. the idea that promoting democracy abroad is not only morally correct but is also in the self‐interest of US. It examines the role played by liberalism in American foreign policy throughout history, both as an expression of America's values and as a means to achieve pragmatic ends. In the last section, it underlines the limits of democracy promotion as an American foreign policy tool.
America's Liberal Grand Strategy: Democracy and National Security in the Post‐War Era
Authors: Ikenberry G. John
Published: October 2003

Analyses democracy promotion as part of America's ‘liberal grand strategy’, i.e. the notion that the US is better able to pursue its interests, reduce security threats, and foster a stable political order when other states are democracies. It provides answers to the following questions: What are the elements of the liberal grand strategy? Why has it been so persistent? Which groups support it within the foreign policy community? How significant is the liberal democratic orientation in current American foreign policy?
Promotion of Democracy as Popular Demand?
Authors: Holsti Ole R.
Published: October 2003

Discusses the impact of public opinion upon American democracy promotion after the Cold War. It seeks to answer the following questions: How strong is public support for promoting democracy abroad? To what extent do the views of the general public diverge from those of opinion leaders? How has the end of the Cold War affected support for democracy promotion? Has this goal served to bridge the partisan and ideological gap over foreign policy issues within the US political class?
Taking Stock of Democracy Assistance
Authors: Carothers Thomas
Published: October 2003

Democracy assistance is one of the most important policy tools available to the US for the promotion of democracy and it is an increasingly significant component of American foreign aid. This chapter traces the rise of US democracy aid since the 1960s and outlines the basic types, sources, and forms of such aid. It analyses the strengths and problems derived from the specific models of democracy and democratization that underlie US democracy programmes and concludes that rarely these programmes can produce decisive effects.
Promoting Capitalist Polyarchy: The Case of Latin America
Authors: Robinson William
Published: October 2003

Argues that the shift in the US policy from supporting authoritarianism to promoting polyarchy in much of the Third World corresponds to the emergence of a global capitalist economy and is meant to ‘make the world safe for capital’. Authoritarianism is seen as an increasingly ineffective mechanism of social control and is replaced by polyarchic regimes that do not pursue any fundamental class redistribution of political and economic power. The author examines some instances of US polyarchy promotion in Latin America.
American Power, Neo‐liberal Economic Globalization, and Low‐Intensity Democracy: An Unstable Trinity
Authors: Gills Barry K.
Published: October 2003

Argues that the US promotes a ‘low‐intensity democracy’, i.e. a formal electoral democracy that is not conducive to real economic progress for the majority, and is designed to facilitate the expansion of the neoliberal economic globalization. The paradox is that while neoliberal globalization weakens labour and other dissenting social forces, it also stimulates the mobilization of these social forces into active resistance. This can ultimately destabilize the global and national orders.
Partisan Loyalty and Union Competition: Macroeconomic Adjustment and Industrial Restructuring in Mexico
Authors: Murillo M. Victoria
Published: October 2003

After the Debt Crisis of 1982, the PRI implemented policies of stabilization and structural reforms although it had previously advanced protectionism and state intervention during the post‐war period. These reforms triggered processes of industrial restructuring in the private and public sector and challenged the very institutions, which had sustained the historic alliance between unions and the PRI in the aftermath of the Mexican Revolution. Although the majority of Mexican unions were subordinated to the governing party, some unions chose to negotiate or oppose the reforms. This chapter analyses the responses of the Mexican Workers’ Confederation (CTM) and industry‐specific unions in the automobile, education, electricity, oil, and telecommunication sectors, to explain the variation in the responses of Mexican unions. It focuses on the common behaviour of union leaders facing similar challenges linked to structural reform and the resulting exposure to international economic forces. It explains union responses by highlighting the influence of the competition among unions for the representation of workers and the competition among leaders for the control of the union as well as the historical legacies of the PRI‐CTM relationship.
Network Ties and Labor Flexibility in Brazil and Mexico: A Tale of Two Automobile Factories
Authors: Martin Scott B.
Published: October 2003

Moves toward highly flexible labour systems in production have occurred through the world economy under the combined weight of globalized markets and production networks, liberalized national economic policies, and the rise of new corporate philosophies and organizational forms transcending traditional Fordist mass production. This essay offers an alternative perspective in contrast to those who critique this ‘lean and mean’ capitalist order of high exploitation and unilateral managerial domination as well as those who defend the potential for improved equity and empowerment under post‐Fordist production arrangements. The study suggests that the impact of flexible production is highly contingent upon the concrete social relations in which the transition takes place at the level of particular work sites and particular local and regional agglomerations of firms (sectors, clusters, and chains). An examination of two plants located within the quintessential globalized industry of auto assembly and manufacture in two large developing countries, Mexico and Brazil, yields the conclusion that the highly varying impacts of ‘flexibilization’ on systems of worker rights and collective representation in the workplace (‘labour regimes’) stem from the distinct nature of the transition mode to flexibility in different subnational settings. The central explanation for the contrasting transition modes towards high labour flexibility across the two plants is that, the capacity of firms and worker representatives to transcend zero‐sum conflicts over flexibility and forge innovative new practices, hinges upon the character of the social network ties in which, together and separately, they are embedded at the time when exogenous pressures for greater flexibility are experienced. Such ties condition their styles of communication, behaviour, and interaction as well as the informational and other resources available to them.
Transition, Globalization, and Changing Industrial Relations in China
Authors: Lu Xiaobo
Published: October 2003

For nearly three decades, industrial relations in the People's Republic of China were characterized by what were common in state socialist systems—an economy dominated by state‐owned enterprises, employee dependence on the enterprise, state‐controlled union organizations, and relative labour peace. Despite sporadic working class protests in PRC history since 1949, there were no organized labour movements. Labour disputes were usually described as ‘contradictions between different parts of the same organization’ by the communist authorities. With the economic reforms launched in 1979, Chinese industrial relations entered a period of change. This chapter proceeds on the premise that political choices as well as institutional legacies of the past, in state socialist countries such as China, affect the sequence and methods of transformation of industrial relations. It aims at laying out some basic features of industrial relations under state socialist regimes and in transition economies with a focus on China. It argues that although the internationalization of the Chinese economy has had a major impact over the past decade, the character and direction of change in Chinese industrial relations is best understood within the framework of the general transition from state socialism to market socialism. Neither the changing international political economy nor the transition from state socialism has diminished the significant role of the state in redefining and managing industrial relations. The pace, scope, and sequence of changes in industrial relations are thus determined not only by choices by key factors responding to a global economy but also significantly by structural constraints derived from the entrenched danwei (work‐unit) system that stood at the core of the pre‐reform Chinese industry.
Self‐Knowledge: The Wittgensteinian Legacy
Authors: Wright Crispin
Published: October 2003

The central philosophical problem of self‐knowledge is to account for, why, in an important basic class of cases, a subject's impressions of her own mental states are both groundless and authoritative, and for why those mental states are transparent to her. The Cartesian conception of the mind is best diagnosed as one such account, on the basis of the idea that one has a kind of observational access to one's inner states. The chapter reviews Wittgenstein's opposition to the Cartesian conception in philosophical investigations and raises the question: With what did he think it should be replaced? It is argued that the exegetically correct answer is: With nothing. Rather, the very question is a paradigm, in Wittgenstein's view, of what he regards as philosophy's misguided tendency to quest for explanation. The chapter concludes with a resumé of some of the discomforts, which this quietist position provokes. It also includes discussions of the possibilities for a successful expressivist treatment of psychological avowals, of immunity to error through misidentifications, and responds to John McDowell's criticisms of some of the author's earlier writings on self‐knowledge and on Wittgenstein's views.
Response to Crispin Wright
Authors: McDowell John
Published: October 2003

Wright takes it that Wittgenstein's main contribution to philosophical reflections on self‐knowledge is an explicit refusal to engage in the task that gives the ‘Cartesian’ conception of the mental, its captivating power: the task of explaining the distinctive features of our epistemic relation to our inner lives. Wright claims to find in Wittgenstein a two‐pronged argument to show that a ‘Cartesian’ conception cannot meet the supposed explanatory need. The picture mislocates Wittgenstein's target. As Wright presents it, the ‘Cartesian’ conception with its observational model of self‐knowledge transparently fails to address the supposedly puzzling feature of our self‐knowledge—its being not just non‐inferential but also baseless. So we need a different answer to the question ‘Why is the conception of the mental that Wittgenstein attacks so gripping?’ and ‘How can we dislodge that grip?’ Wright's picture offers no insight here. He has given us no determinate explanatory problem for the ‘Cartesian’ conception to be seen as a response to, and no determinate philosophical activity for Wittgenstein to be understood as refusing to engage in.
What the Externalist Can Know A Priori
Authors: Boghossian Paul A.
Published: October 2003

Compatibilism combines an externalist view of mental content with a doctrine of privileged self‐knowledge. The essay presents

a reductio of compatibilism by arguing that if compatibilism were true, we would be in a position to know certain facts about the world a priori, facts that no one can reasonably believe are knowable a priori. Whether this should be taken to cast doubt on externalism or privileged self‐knowledge is not discussed. Consideration is given to the ’empty case’—the case in which a thinker expresses what he takes to be a genuine thought concerning a natural kind but where there is in fact no relevant natural kind, so that the putative natural kind term fails to refer. It is argued that, in such a case, on an externalist conception of natural kind terms, the thinker is deluded in taking himself to be expressing a complete thought, and that such delusions are not compatible with privileged self‐knowledge.
The Challenge of Revolution
Authors: Mau Vladimir , Starodubrovskaia Irina
Published: October 2003

Russia's current travails should be construed as a revolution in progress. This book analyses the causes, processes, and consequences of Russia's post‐communist development, and argues that it exemplifies a general theory of revolution based on the concept of the ‘weak state’, sharing the same logic as the great revolutions of the past.
The Preconditions for Revolution in the USSR
Authors: Mau Vladimir , Starodubrovskaya Irina
Published: October 2003

This chapter examines the reasons why the Soviet command economy proved unable to achieve the level of modernization required for its survival. It demonstrates how the control of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) over the economy lacked the capacity to adapt to postmodern conditions, and thereby set in motion the destabilizing processes that eventually brought it down.
Notations
Authors: Davies Stephen
Published: October 2003

Musical notations with the function of prescribing works by providing instructions addressed to performers are scores. Scores must be read in terms of the notational conventions and performance practices they presume. Not everything to be played is notated and not everything notated is to be read ‘literally’ or takes as work‐determinative. Scores may be indeterminate if the works they designate are the same, but incompleteness and ambiguity in scores are undesirable. Goodman requires too much of notations in expecting them to specify works while divorcing them from the historical context in which they are produced, from the demands of using and following them, and from the conventions and practices they assume.
Recordings
Authors: Davies Stephen
Published: October 2003

Neither direct broadcasts nor recordings of live performances are the same as live performances, because the technology involved renders the medium non‐transparent even if acoustic verisimilitude is achieved in the transmission. Studio performances display different strengths and weaknesses from sound‐alike live performances, and the two should be assessed and appreciated differently. The ubiquity of recordings has many desirable features, but the medium decontextualises and abstracts the music it purveys, thereby alienating the music from the context of its creation and the performance.
Who Can Vote
Authors: Colomer Josep M.
Published: October 2003

Small, homogeneous communities in medieval and early modern times were able to make consensual social choices by voting with relatively broad voting rights. In complex societies in modern times, the enlargement of the electorate until introducing universal suffrage rights was developed with different enfranchisement paces, electoral rules, and party systems, producing different degrees of political instability.
Choosing Socially Efficient Institutions
Authors: Colomer Josep M.
Published: October 2003

Three types of political regimes are evaluated for their success in establishing stable and durable democracies. These are parliamentarism with majority electoral rules, parliamentarism with proportional representation, and presidentialism. An empirical analysis of the 123 attempts to establish democratic regimes in countries with more than one million inhabitants since the nineteenth century shows that parliamentarism with proportional representations is the formula with highest rates of success. This empirical finding supports the hypothesis that pluralistic political institutions have higher capability to produce socially efficient outcomes and obtain endogenous support.
From Domestic to International, 1850–1914
Authors: Michie Ranald C.
Published: October 2003

The first section of this chapter looks at the internationalization of the London securities market over the period from 1850 to 1914. This was influenced both by transferable securities becoming commonplace for governments and businesses around the world, and by the transformation of communications with the development of the telegraph and then the telephone. These developments necessitated increased capacity to cope with the growing volume of securities traded, which included expansion of the trading floor, increasing membership, and the attraction of new people into the profession of stockbroking. The second section looks at the accompanying changes in the organizational and physical structure of the London Stock Exchange. The remaining sections look specifically at the expansion of membership, relationships and rivalry within the Stock Exchange, and the relationship of the Exchange to the money and capital (securities) markets.
Drifting Towards Oblivion, 1950–1959
Authors: Michie Ranald C.
Published: October 2003

This chapter look at the decline of the London Stock Exchange during the 1950s. The first part discusses the ways that the Stock Exchange raised money to enable it to survive in the early 1950s, relations between it and the government (which were conducted informally through confidential exchanges between the Governor of the Bank of England and the Chairman of the Stock Exchange), the restoration of option dealing, and the use of the Stock Exchange by the government to police activities regarding securities. The second part discusses the policing of the members of the Stock Exchange, and the third discusses the growing competition from the provincial stock exchanges, closer integration with the London‐based North American brokerage houses, and the Stock Exchange's lack of concern with international business. The last section looks at money and capital (securities) markets in the face of the decline of the Stock Exchange over the 1950s.
Prelude to Change, 1970–1979
Authors: Michie Ranald C.
Published: October 2003

The first section of this chapter outlines the growing threats to the London Stock Exchange through the 1970s, including the ability of its members to block new proposals by the Council of the Stock Exchange, the investigation by the Monopolies Commission into the various restrictive practices of the Stock Exchange, relations with and attitude of the government, the formation of the Council of the Securities Industry (CSI), which was to take over responsibility for the Stock Exchange and other components of the securities market. The second section of the chapter discusses the limited responses of the Stock Exchange to these threats. The next two sections discuss technology and competition (from computerized trading systems), and change among the members (mergers, which resulted in a disproportionately large number of large firms as members, and a loss in numbers of jobbers). The last section looks at market opportunities––domestic corporate securities, government debt securities, loss of the foreign securities, traded options, the collapse of the securities market in 1974, and the by‐now limited role of the money market.
Abortion Debates in Ireland: An Ongoing Issue
Authors: Mahon Evelyn
Published: October 2003

The direction of abortion policy in Ireland began with criminal restrictions and proceeded towards constitutionally based prohibitions on legalized abortion. Pressure for reform has been eased because women can get legal abortions in Great Britain. For the women's movement, abortion law reform has not been a central issue and has divided activists. These factors, along with an exceptionally strong pro‐life movement based in the Conservative Catholic Church, help explain the exceptional case of abortion law in Ireland. Still, the movement has had some success, first in getting access to the policy‐making process and then limiting the extreme controls on women's lives, notably in the ‘X’ case, which secured the right to travel. The issue remains unresolved and weak women's policy agencies inside the state are symbolic with respect to movement demands.
Debates and Controversies on Abortion in Italy
Authors: Calloni Marina
Published: October 2003

The debate over legalization of abortion dominated politics in Italy in the 1970s, part of a broader challenge to Catholic domination over families and women. Subsequent debates have revolved around efforts to overturn legal abortion. Unlike other countries, the abortion issue split the radical feminists from the rest of the movement that had to turn to allies in the parties and unions of the left to promote women's rights to abortion. The early debates occurred before Italy had established women's policy agencies. Only in the 1990s, when the issue of in vitro fertilization stimulated pro‐life deputies to protect the foetus through restrictive laws, could the movement count on even marginal state support for keeping the 1978 compromise law on the books.
Do Children Have Rights?
Authors: Griffin James
Published: October 2003

Based upon an analysis of the development of the human rights tradition, the language of human rights is best reserved for beings capable of agency. Less restrictive conceptions of rights, such as those that link rights to the protection of needs, leads to a proliferation of rights of a kind that dilutes the normative importance of rights. Denying that infants have rights need not diminish the moral significance of their claims to care. The absence of a right need not signal diminished moral importance.
Family, Choice, and Distributive Justice
Authors: Munoz‐Dardé Véronique
Published: October 2003

One perspective on justice asks individuals directly to bear the costs of their own choices, whilst the other asks them to do so only after background conditions of justice have been established by fair institutions. The latter is preferable, but the existence of the family seriously limits the realization of a principle of equality of opportunity. The family in some form must exist if any society is to be just, and thus this principle of equal opportunity cannot have lexical priority in a theory of justice.
Stalnaker on Intentionality
Authors: Field Hartry
Published: October 2003

Argues that there are two reasons for ascribing to mental states, structures more fine‐grained than the sets of possible world they represent: first, fine‐grained structure enters naturally into the explanation of behaviour; second, fine‐grained structure is needed in a theory of how those states represent the sets of possible worlds they represent. In connection with the first point, it is argued that Stalnaker's attempt to use metalinguistic content to obviate the need of fine‐grained structure cannot work. In connection with the second point, it is argued that the systematicity in the assignment of content to mental states can be accommodated only by postulating a fine‐grained structure for mental states. Also contains some discussion of doing without representational content, understood in the non‐deflationary sense that Stalnaker assumes.
Patterns and Sources of Technological Progress
Authors: Hayami Yujiro
Published: October 2003

The institutional conditions by which appropriate technology and human resources are effectively combined with capital accumulation for promoting industrial development are examined in this chapter. A conclusion is that government investment in scientific research and education is a necessary but not the sufficient condition. Sustained industrial development requires the organization of competitive markets that facilitate innovations by Schumpeterian entrepreneurs.
Market and State
Authors: Hayami Yujiro
Published: October 2003

The question of what kind of institutional set‐up would be appropriate for promoting economic development is approached in terms of combination between market and state. The traditional debates on the choice of development strategy between free trade and infant industry protection is examined with reference to the historical experiences of developed economies as well as recent confrontations between import substitution industrialization and the IMF–World Bank structural adjustment policies. The nature and significance of market failures versus government failures are illustrated in terms of comparisons between the Latin American Debt Crisis in the 1880s and the Asian Financial Crisis in the 1990s.
The Role of Community in Economic Development
Authors: Hayami Yujiro
Published: October 2003

The community is considered the third pillar of the economic system in addition to the market and the state. The market is an organization coordinating competition among people seeking profits by impersonal means of prices, and the state intervenes in matters of resource allocations through the use of coercive power. In contrast, the community organizes collective actions based on mutual trust within a small group characterized by intensive interactions. The community's role in conserving and improving common‐property resources is well known. In addition, its role in supporting market development by its power to enforce trade contracts among transacting parties belonging to the community network is emphasized. This role is especially important in the early development stage.
National Squares and European Circle: The Challenge of Adjustment
Authors: Mény Yves
Published: October 2003

The process of European integration is bringing about an ever‐widening democratic deficit in which the EU is acquiring ever‐broader powers and competencies, which are increasingly at odds with national political interests that have not been clearly and consensually surrendered. This uncontrolled deficit is likely to generate vast social and political upheavals in three areas: the emergence of a European agenda isolated from electoral ratification; a new division of labour whose effects will be asymmetrically distributed across the member states; and an imposed redefinition of national interests. As Jack Hayward predicted in 1996, the process is creating a new political elite for which mechanisms of democratic legitimation are not yet in place.
Two French Changes
Authors: Hoffmann Stanley
Published: October 2003

This chapter discusses the two main transformations of the French political culture that have taken place during the Fifth Republic: the constitutional changes that have evolved since 1958; and the role that France has played in the Europeanization process.
Introduction
Authors: Egan Michelle P.
Published: October 2003

Focuses on the efforts to create a single market in Europe in the post‐war period, a process with many similarities to the creation of a single market in the US. Drawing on this historical comparison, the European Union has sought to foster the removal of barriers to trade through sustained regulatory intervention, acknowledging that markets are never self‐organized but always operate within a political and legal framework. Even though the single market was conceptualized as an economic project, the political and institutional design of the market is important in understanding the governance structures needed to shape the single market. In addressing the political economy of regulation, this chapter argues that three factors are crucially important to understanding why the regulatory role of the European Union is central to explaining the construction of a European market: (1) the need to limit the ability of member states to exercise regulatory sovereignty; (2) the role of law in striking down mercantilistic economic regulation and freeing consequent market activity of many non‐tariff barriers; and (3) using private non‐state actors to achieve their objectives, by delegating certain regulatory functions to the private sector and promoting self‐regulation as an alternative mode of economic governance.
Case Studies in Standards Negotiations1
Authors: Egan Michelle P.
Published: October 2003

Provides a case‐study analysis of the operation of this new regulatory policy, with particular attention paid to the difficulties of reaching collective agreement on common European standards. Case studies of the toy, machinery, construction, and medical device sectors illustrate the tension between collaboration and competition among the firms and other actors involved in standardization. Given the scarcity of information on European standard setting, the case studies provide crucial empirical evidence about the conditions under which standardization is successful by providing comparable analysis of economic production and trends, past legislative history and efforts to address trade barriers, and subsequent standards negotiations across each sector. This provides important insights into the assessment and evaluation of the new regulatory process and its attendant benefits in realizing a single market.
The Tenability of Partition as a Mode of Conflict Regulation: Comparing Ireland With Palestine–Land of Israel
Authors: Smooha Sammy
Published: October 2003

Smooha argues that Jews have settled in Palestine – Land of Israel in sufficient strength to establish a strong independent state in part of the area (pre‐1967 Israel), although their attempt to incorporate the rest (the West Bank and Gaza) by settlement has failed. As a result, partition has become the most feasible way to resolve the Jewish–Palestinian conflict. In Ireland, by contrast, the position of British settlers (Protestants) is said to be much weaker than their Jewish counterparts. The Protestants are weak demographically, lack international legitimacy, are not supported by Britain, and are faced with a confident Irish nationalism. As a consequence, the historical trend points to Britain's withdrawal and an end to the partition of Ireland as the most likely form of conflict resolution.
Time and Persistence
Authors: Lowe E. J.
Published: October 2003

Discusses some deep‐rooted differences between philosophers over the place of tense in an account of the nature of time, and defends the position that only a tensed view of time can ultimately explain satisfactorily what it is for things to exist in time and persist through change. The notion that persisting things have ‘temporal parts’ is critically examined and it is argued that a tensed view of time should reject the idea that time is a dimension in which reality is extended, in any way akin to the dimensions of space.
Our Obligations to Future Generations
Authors: Beckerman Wilfred , Pasek Joanna
Published: October 2003

Even if future generations have no rights and intergenerational justice, intergenerational egalitarianism, and sustainable development are all flawed, this does relieve us of a moral obligation to take account of the impact of our policies on the interests of future generations. In this chapter we argue that whereas, in the very long run, it seems that widespread acute poverty will be eliminated and a decent environment will be preserved, there seems to be no prospect of ever eradicating the inherent weaknesses of the human psyche that are responsible for some groups in society imposing intolerable suffering on others. Hence, it seems that the most valuable bequest we could make to future generations would be a more decent, tolerant, and ‘just’ society than the one in which most people live today. Furthermore, there is clear evidence that the greatest environmental damage has been done in countries where there has been the least respect for basic human rights.
Social Change and the Future of the Left
Authors: Heath Anthony F. , Jowell Roger M. , Curtice John K.
Published: October 2003

The authors discuss the political implications of the social changes that took place over the 18 years of Conservative government from 1979–97 and assess two rival lines of argument about the contemporary potential for radical policies. The authors agree with the New Labour thesis (defended by reformist Labour writers such as G. Radice and S. Pollard) according to which the decline in the size of the working class and the changes in its composition have made the ‘broad mass in the middle’ the key target for Labour recruitment. However, they emphasize the fact that the working class has never been homogeneous in its identities, aspirations, and voting behaviour, and that the New Labour analysis was simply catching up with social patterns that had held true for a long time. As far as the second thesis put forward by Will Hutton is concerned, Heath, Jowell, and Curtice do not find enough evidence that a sense of personal insecurity had infected the broad mass of middle‐income Britain, rendering them marginal and insecure and thereby leading them to support radical policies. However, they agree with Hutton's conclusion that in the 1990s, there was a general trend of growing support for redistributive policies and government intervention, which probably reflects the disillusionment of the electorate with the Thatcherite project and the rejection of some of its principle articles. The analysis supports the thesis that changes in attitudes and values in society should not be mechanically inferred from structural changes.
Old Labour and the Social Democratic Party
Authors: Heath Anthony F. , Jowell Roger M. , Curtice John K.
Published: October 2003

Analyses the strategy of the opposition Labour party in the 1983 general election and the role of the newly created Social Democratic Party (SDP) in the political life in Britain at the beginning of the 1980s. The authors draw the conclusion that voters do not base their decisions only on issues important for them but, entirely rationally, give more weight to the issues on which the parties are polarized. Unfortunately for the Labour in 1983, it was unpopular on the issues where the parties were polarized such as nationalization and nuclear disarmament, and which therefore counted a lot, and its popular issues— unemployment and taxation—were ones where there was less perceived difference between the parties. In the 1983 election, Labour also lost some votes because the SDP positioned itself to the left of centre, competing for the left‐of‐centre ground and actually winning as many votes as Labour did from the moderate left. The reasons for this were a mixture of Labour's ideological extremism and perceived incompetence and division. The evidence also suggests that competence and policy are not the sole ingredients in the voter's calculus; loyalty, tradition and the more affective or emotional ties that link voters to parties account partly for the way the electorate votes.
Labour's Long Road Back
Authors: Heath Anthony F. , Jowell Roger M. , Curtice John K.
Published: October 2003

The authors analyse the long process of modernization of the Labour party that had its origins in Neil Kinnock's period as a leader of the party between 1983 and 1992 and that culminated in Labour's victory in the 1997 general election. Heath, Jowell, and Curtice draw the conclusion that on the non‐economic issues such as disarmament, Europe, and devolution, Tony Blair's New Labour was merely a continuation of Neil Kinnock's policy. It was Neil Kinnock not Tony Blair who had made the radical break with Labour's recent past. However, on economic issues New Labour made a clearer break with its Old Labour inheritance—on nationalization, unions, government spending, and taxation, New Labour adopted many Thatcherite precepts. The decisive move of New Labour towards the centre on the economic issues, did have major electoral benefits because it squeezed the Liberal Democrats’ share of the vote on the centre‐left, but it also captured ground on the centre‐right from the Conservatives. New Labour's move to the centre also disrupted the usual patterns of vote‐switching; more Conservatives than usual switching directly to Labour rather than to the Liberal Democrats.
The Uses of Sense
Authors: Travis Charles
Published: October 2003

The Uses of Sense presents a reading of Wittgenstein's Philosophical Investigations, concentrating on themes concerning representation, truth, and objectivity. It offers a particular understanding of the radical break Wittgenstein made with what is still the conventional understanding as to what it is for a representation to be true—an understanding manifest in standard treatments of the relation between meaning and truth. On the new view, for any specifiable way things may be represented as being, there are various possible understandings as to what it is for things to be that way; in representing things as that way, one may so represent them on any of these understandings. So it is only where there is a given occasion for representing things in that way that such a representation may bear the sort of understanding that permits engagement with truth. This view of how representation works allowed Wittgenstein a new and fruitful view of scepticism of various forms—metaphysical as well as epistemological. The book sets out in detail what that new view comes to.
The Making of Semantic Fact
Authors: Travis Charles
Published: October 2003

Consider words produced in given surroundings. How do the surroundings contribute to the words representing things as they do? This chapter sketches, briefly, a way in which, for our words, human perceptions of reasonable expectations (of the words) may play a role.