bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Neutrality and the Emergence of the Concept of Neutralism
Authors: Lyon Peter
Published: August 2009

Recently, Mr. Nehru, in one of his more censorious moods, complained of the manner in which words lose their meaning in cold war terminology. Such a complaint might well have provoked the reply that Mr. Nehru is as much a sinner as sinned against, and that the varying descriptions of India's foreign policy display a degree of slipperiness equal with that of “free world,” “peace,” and “democracy” — the “masked words” he mentioned. Ironically, it was the cold war which engendered the connotations that have given neutralism its chameleon cloak. And while popular usage readily applies the term to India, Indian spokesmen provide implicit support for the firm contention of those who insist that neutralism is essentially “a subjective term.” No doubt Indian equivocation, which is far from unique, is easily explicable. For a language attuned to the compulsions and contingencies of political life is often unavoidably ambiguous; and the political “isms,” which so proliferate today, seem to act as semantic vortices, blurring and engrossing the meaning of words of more ancient lineage.
Woodrow Wilson and the Democratic Party
Authors: Link Arthur S.
Published: August 2009

Few Presidents in American history established so complete and far-reaching a control over his party as did Woodrow Wilson during the first years of his tenure in the White House.* Indeed, before the end of his first term he had become almost the absolute master of his party, able to effect revolutionary changes in party policy without the previous knowledge and consent of Democratic leaders in Congress and the country. He attained this stature in part by his methods of public leadership—his bold representation of public opinion and his incomparable strategy in dealing with the legislative branch. He won this position of authority also through less obvious and more subtle means—a systematic use of the immense patronage at his command as an instrument by which to achieve effective and responsible party government. Confronted by no entrenched national party organization and no body of officeholders loyal to another man, he was able to build from the ground up and to weld the widely scattered and disparate Democratic forces into something approximating a national machine. Let us see how he used his power to mold the character of his party, and with what consequences.
Theodore Roosevelt: Confident Imperialist
Authors: Burton David H.
Published: August 2009

In the antithesis of Western imperialism and colonial nationalisms and the still uncertain synthesis the United States has had a significant and in some ways a determining role. By the extension of its frontiers into the Caribbean and the Pacific at the turn of the century, the United States found itself an imperialist power. American imperialism consciously endeavored to bring what was best of the Western way of life to its colonial peoples. Nevertheless, it depended on the conventional instruments of military force and colonial-civil government imposed by the conqueror. For the United States the Philippines became the fittest subject for this Westernizing process for which Theodore Roosevelt was the outstanding spokesman and apologist. Under President Roosevelt's direction the work of civilizing a backward people received a full American expression, and from a consideration of that enterprise the temper of American imperialism may be sounded. Drawing from the Philippine experiment and from experience with the Caribbean countries Roosevelt combined practical judgments with certain intellectual and emotional attitudes to elaborate a comprehensive doctrine of imperialism.
From Ottomanism to Arabism: the Origin of an Ideology
Authors: Dawn C. Ernest
Published: August 2009

Since 1918 the doctrine that the Arabs are a nation and that nationality is the basis of politics has come to be accepted by a very large majority of Arab political leaders and of at least the lay intellectuals. The espousal of this doctrine, by a people who are predominantly Moslem in religion, is a development of revolutionary significance, since for many centuries Moslems viewed the state in terms of religion and dynasty. Moslems have recognized the existence of distinct peoples, or nations, since the time of Mohammed. Indeed, Islam in its first century or so was the peculiar religion of the Arab nation, and to become a Moslem was to join the Arab nation as a dependent person. This system, however, proved unworkable, and in the end Islam became the supreme bond which superseded nationality.
Gladstone on Liberty and Democracy
Authors: Nicholls David
Published: August 2009

It is well known that Gladstone entered Parliament in 1832 as a conservative and a Tory, and ended his Parliamentary career as leader of the Liberal Party. As late as 1839 Macaulay could call him “the rising hope of … stern and unbending Tories.” What was the reason for his change of position? Did he merely drift with Peel, or was there some positive principle which led him to liberalism? There is much in his notebooks to suggest the latter. It is the purpose of this brief article to discuss this change, and to examine the position which Gladstone came to accept in later life. It will also be necessary to relate his notion of liberty to the ideas of democracy and equality which he entertained. Although it cannot be claimed that Gladstone was a political philosopher, he did hold a series of principles and an understanding of them is essential for a correct interpretation of his actions as a statesman.
Max Weber and the Contemporary Political Crisis
Authors: Parsons Talcott
Published: August 2009

Max Weber died in 1920, when Communism was in its beginnings and Fascism had not appeared on the scene at all. There can be no question of his having predicted anything like the exact nature of these movements. But he did develop a line of thought which, in connection with his broader analysis of authority, has an important bearing on the understanding of the process by which they came into prominence, and some of the possible consequence of their dominance.
The American Republic
Authors: Cook Thomas I. , Leavelle Arnaud B.
Published: August 2009

In applying his theory of the state to the problem of discovering and expounding the true nature of the American republic Brownson deals with three major questions: the formation of the union under his concept of the Providential constitution; the proper distribution of governmental powers in terms of his theory of territorial democracy; and the resolution of the leading political problems of the United States in the light of the real meaning of American federalism thus revealed.
The Origins and Character of Irish-American Nationalism
Authors: Brown Thomas N.
Published: August 2009

The irish have always been proud of their ability to assimilate their conquerors, who often, like the Burkes and Geraldines, becamehibernis ipsis hiberniores. No doubt the charm of Ireland explains this phenomenon as well as the boast of John O'Leary that one had but to live in Ireland six years and he was Ireland's. But why should the immigrant who abandoned the old country and his son who never saw it become in many ways more Irish than the Irish themselves? What was there in the immigrant experience that transformed the indifferent peasant into a fierce and aggressive Irish nationalist? What was the character of this nationalism that shifted the balance of Irish political power, so that in 1885 the LondonTimescould say with confidence that “the Irish Question is mainly an Irish-American question?”
Chile's Christian Democratic Party: Power, Factions, and Ideology
Authors: Grayson George W.
Published: August 2009

The ascension to power of Chile's Christian Democratic Party (PDC) in 1964 generated a great deal of optimism on the future of Latin American politics. Eduardo Frei Montalva, the party's successful presidential candidate, was a thoughtful, politically astute intellectual who preferred careful analysis to florid demagoguery. To a continent enamored of ideologies, his movement proposed a social-Christian value system rooted in individual dignity, in the uniqueness of the human being, in economic pluralism, and in social and political democracy. Roman Catholicism with which the Christian Democrats were associated, but not officially connected, was one of the “few crosscutting and unifying forces” in Latin America and served to legitimize the movement with both traditional and modernizing elites. Frei's party evinced a mass membership with a branch structure3 linked to auxiliary agencies (which provide medical, dental, legal services, and the like). It relied on an efficient, paid bureaucracy rather than a coterie of notables to operate the organizational apparatus; public opinion polls rather than uninformed guesses to chart political strategy; dues and voluntary contributions rather than ”mordidas” and graft for financial sustenance; and specialized organs rather than personalism to aggregate such increasingly important sectors as women, peasants, urban poor, and students under the Christian Democratic standard.
Marx and Modernization
Authors: Avineri Shlomo
Published: August 2009

Marx had a specific theory about the nature of non-European societies, and this theory determined his views on the conditions and possibilities of industrialization and modernization in non-Western countries. Yet this theory is hardly known, though it is extremely interesting and sometimes contradicts the more sweeping and general claims made on behalf of Marxism as a universal philosophy of history. Marx elaborated his views on the nature of the non-European world in numerous articles and letters, discussed it in Capital and the Critique of Political Economy, and based his conclusions on a mass of economic, historical, and sociological data. This theory is worthwhile studying both for those who are interested in Marx and for those studying modernization: it has its own difficulties, but it sheds an intriguing light on some of Marx's best insights into historical development and may help to correct some of the current models of modernization.
Tocqueville's Conception of the Elite
Authors: Wilson Francis G.
Published: August 2009

When Alexis de Tocqueville, a perceptive young French aristocrat, was thrown against the turmoil of the nineteenth century, he became a student of social structure and a political philosopher. By background he was Catholic in faith and of the nobility in outlook. But he faced revolution in France and everspreading social change in European society. An unwilling child of the French Revolution, he was led to see broad meaning behind the passing events of the political hour. This ability to extrapolate into the future the present incident permitted him to see many of the social trends which have come to tragic cacophony in the wars of the twentieth century. No one today is ashamed to read the provocative pages Tocqueville wrote, and all who read him find relevance to the present world.
The Crisis of Our Age
Authors: Briefs Goetz A.
Published: August 2009

Almost exactly a century after August Comte inaugurated modern sociology under the flag of positivism, of progress and of mankind marching toward an era of glorious self-revelation, another sociologist directs the heavy artillery of a sweeping criticism just at that positivism and faith in progress, and at those achievements of mankind which Comte anticipated as the results of man's being himself and nothing but himself. P. A. Sorokin, an outstanding scholar, a studious analyst of social dynamics, the watchful observer of the Russian revolution and all that followed from it, presents us with an analysis of that phase of western civilization in which we have both the privilege and the anguish to exist—to live would be too pretentious a word. This analysis goes to the very heart of the crisis. And Sorokin does not mince words nor spare susceptibilities and prejudices.
Irish Catholicism and English Toryism
Authors: Cahill Gilbert A.
Published: August 2009

In the midst of the European Revolution of 1848, T. B. Macaulay offered the classical Whig explanation for England's immunity to it. England needed no revolution in 1848 because it had had its own safe and sane revolution of 1688, climaxed by that masterpiece of political wisdom, the Whig settlement. Without wholly superseding this distinctly Whig interpretation of England's stability in the midst of Europe's mid-nineteenth century cataclysms, Elie Halévy has supplemented it by pointing to the stabilizing influence of the Methodist-Evangelical Movement.Macaulay and Halévy overlooked one important element in Britannia's ability to rule the waves of revolution. It is an element somewhat repellent to liberal-minded historians, both in its nature and its source. For one of the factors in England's stability was the growth of a xenophobic, anti-revolutionary, nationalistic spirit and it was closely connected with anti-Catholicism. This anti-Catholicism was fostered and given direction by the Conservatives between 1832 and 1845, at which time it split that party wide open over the issue of the grant to the Roman Catholic Seminary of Maynooth in Ireland, as it had sixteen years earlier over Catholic Emancipation. The remarkable success of the Conservatives in rallying Englishmen to the anti-Irish “no-Popery” standard has been obscured by the traditional view that the period 1829–1848 saw the triumph of the liberal ideology, beginning with Catholic Emancipation, passing through the Reform Bill of 1832, and culminating in the Repeal of the Corn Laws.
The Government and Politics of a Developing University: A Canadian Experience
Authors: Verney Douglas V.
Published: August 2009

InCanada, more perhaps than in any other country, the 1960's have seen such a quantitative change in higher education that it must be judged a qualitative change as well. A significant number of new universities, including my own York University, Toronto, have come into being, and most recently a system of community colleges has been created to cope with the large number of students who wish to proceed beyond high school but who are unable to obtain university places. In my province of Ontario the number of students attending university has doubled in the past four years. Five years from now it will have doubled again.
The Hoare-Laval Plan: A Study in International Polities
Authors: Braddick Henderson B.
Published: August 2009

The agreement between British Foreign Minister Sir Samuel Hoare and Pierre Laval, French Premier and Foreign Minister, in early December, 1935, was a major turning point in European international politics during the interwar period. It placed a premium on Fascist aggression in Ethiopia by proposing that Italy be given actual or de facto control over huge slices of the African country. Several volumes of memoirs published in the last few years throw new light on some aspects of the proposal itself and on the politics of Great Britain, Italy, and France toward the Italo-Ethiopian conflict, policies which at the height of the international crisis produced the Hoare-Laval Plan. In addition, the State Department documents, published and unpublished, are a mine of information on these matters.
Leo XIII and Bismarck: The Kaiser's Vatican Visit of 1888
Authors: Ward James E.
Published: August 2009

The visit to the Vatican made by Kaiser William II on October 12, 1888, remains a memorable and somewhat curious event in the pontificate of Leo XIII. One version of this meeting has been given by Count Eduardo Soderini, a personal friend of Leo XIII, who thus far has been the only historian given access to the Vatican archives for this period. But the private papers of the pope's protégé and advisor, Cardinal Galimberti, particularly letters from the cardinal's German friend and informant, Monsignor Montel, suggest that Soderini's account is rather reticent and incomplete. This impression is confirmed by some documents in the papers of Friedrich von Holstein, a key figure in the German Foreign Ministry. A full account of this extraordinary meeting and a better appreciation of its significance is obtainable from unpublished documents in the French, German, and Austrian diplomatic archives, especially from a report made to Prince Bismarck by his son Herbert, a report approved and dictated in part by the kaiser himself.
On Freedom and Reform: Some Agrarian Views
Authors: Nutting Willis D.
Published: August 2009

The Adoption Of “Fight for Freedom” as the battle cry of the United Nations, and the eager assumption, by those schools of thought who have long been advocating social reform among us, that they themselves have a special right to call this battle cry their own raises an interesting question which has all too often been ignored: the question as to whether or not the program of the reformers is permanently compatible with genuine freedom.
The Historical Position of Communist China: Doctrine and Reality
Authors: Wittfogel Karl A.
Published: August 2009

On the first of October, 1949, the Chinese Communists* climaxed their military success by establishing on the mainland a new revolutionary government, the “Chinese People's Republic.” While this government included a number of splinter parties, it was—and is—undisguisedly dominated by the Chinese Communist Party. The new rulers, who quickly destroyed the old system of political control, are today drastically reorganizing the country's social and economic relations. And they are planning to go far beyond the changes accomplished to date.
Sociological Concepts and the International Order
Authors: Francis E. K.
Published: August 2009

The vague conceptualization of basic social phenomena seriously obstructs a clear understanding of many of the causes underlying national and international tensions. Significant contributions to the solution of these problems can hardly be expected as long as social scientists continue to operate with common-sense notions and the idols of the market place whose connotations are ever shifting with the changing intellectual fashions and political aspirations. Frequently these public concepts themselves are potent tools with which special interest and power groups may create and perpetuate conflict situations. Among the most fundamental, and at the same time potentially most dangerous, ideas are those of the nation, the people, and the ethnic group. In the following essay an attempt is made to formulate scientifically more adequate concepts within the frame of reference of sociological theory in the hope that social scientists in various fields might find them useful in their analysis of the highly complex social systems characteristic of modern times, and in the solution of certain practical problems affecting the national and international order.
Politics and Men of Learning in England, 1540–1640
Authors: Fitzsimons Matthew A.
Published: August 2009

The antiquary, professed collector of the manuscripts and records of the past, is popularly ranked with the harmless butterfly-collector. Lytton Strachey characterized him as an “amiable muddler,” and Alexander Pope pilloried his dreary obscurantism.

But who is he in closet close y-pent

Of sober face, with learned dust besprent?

Right well mine eyes arede the myster wight

On parchment scraps y-fed and Wormius hight.

To future ages may thy dulness last

As thou preservst the dulness of the past.

There dim in clouds, the poring scholiasts mark,

Wits who, like owls, see only in the dark,

A lumber-house of books in every head,

For ever reading, never to be read.

These opinions are peculiarly shortsighted, for antiquarianism, the collection and study of old records, has been neither obscure nor harmless in its consequences. Hans Kohn and Carlton Hayes have made clear the considerable part played by antiquaries in stimulating a consciousness of nationalism, the most powerful public emotion of modern times.
On Contemporary Nihilism
Authors: Gurwitsch Aron
Published: August 2009

At The present time, reason is not held in any too great esteem; “rationalism” is deprecated in most intellectual circles. “To believe in reason” is to be behind the times, to give evidence of a mode of thinking that is out of date, out of contact with what today is called “progress.”

The “belief in reason” is now replaced by all sorts of psychological and sociological sciences: the psychology of the unconscious, of the subconscious, of behavior, of suppressed desires and conditioned reflexes. The variety of sociologies is no less disconcerting—not should we forget the sociological psychologies and the psychological sociologies. Formerly man was considered to be an animal rationale, a rational being; now he has become simply a vital being, not further qualified. Since man lives in community with his fellows, it was formerly the practice to inquire into the structure and organization which society ought to have in order to correspond to the rational and human nature of its members. But today no such question is raised; it is taken for granted that man, as a social animal, must adjust himself to his environment or suffer the consequence to his well-being and his happiness. It is no longer a question of whether one may or one should adjust oneself to certain social conditions: it is now only a question of what is the most effective means or technique of adjustment.
Marx's View of the Unalienated Society
Authors: McLellan David
Published: August 2009

Any inquiry into the values of a thinker, and particularly a thinker like Marx, such a large proportion of whose thought was political, must include a discussion of the kind of society that he considers desirable. With an individualist thinker this might only involve a discussion of his idea of what was basic to individual human nature, as in Hobbes or Locke, but for Marx human nature was inconceivable outside society and, when considering possible future developments, it was always man-in-society that Marx had in mind.
Republicans and Democrats Search for New Identities, 1870–1890
Authors: House Albert V.
Published: August 2009

In October, 1963, Professor Vincent De Santis published a provocative revisionist essay on the realities of national politics in the United States during the Gilded Age. His perceptive comments and illustrations showed that the lion's share of the blame for the continuing misunderstanding of the politics of the period should be laid at the doors of Lord Bryce and Henry Adams. He demonstrated clearly that the distinguished, aristocratic Englishman and the Bostonian child of the eighteenth century were guilty of judging the passing parade of American political life by the standards of their own provincial and noncontemporary value systems. He went on to delineate the social, cultural and economic environment in which Gilded Age politicos functioned. These included the equating of democracy and capitalism, blind adherence to laissez-faire, cultural lag as to the theory of states' rights, the blight of two serious depressions, and a remarkably even balance of party and sectional power, especially after 1875.
Burma: A Neutral in China's Shadow
Authors: Thomson John Seabury
Published: August 2009

If burma has needed to prove its right to be considered genuinely neutral in world affairs, it clearly did so in the first weeks of November 1956. At a time when it was engaged in crucial negotiations with Red China over Chinese incursions into its border territories, Burma chose to go on record in the United Nations and in the councils of the uncommitted Asian nations strongly condemning Russian aggression in Hungary along with the British, French and Israeli aggression in Egypt. Despite this, Burma to date has managed to hold its own in the Chinese negotiations.
The Posthumous Career of Thomas Hobbes
Authors: Watkins J. W. N.
Published: August 2009

Hobbes did not believe in ghosts. The old sceptic pointed out that ghosts always appear fully clothed—and the idea of the resurrection of a dead man's old clothes is really preposterous. But the ghost of Hobbes himself has haunted Europe for the last three centuries. Dr. Richard Peters, whose cool and pithy survey of the main compartments of Hobbes's thought was published last year,* obviously feels a wry affection for this tough old ghost where others have felt alarm and horror. The posthumous career of Thomas Hobbes at the hands of his enemies, critics, and commentators reveals a good deal about him and still more about them. Hobbes's system is like a big irregular diamond each of whose facets has brilliantly reflected the changing light focused on it. To examine the changing reception of Hobbes's ideas is one way—an eccentric but, I think, an enjoyable way—of looking at the larger changes in the intellectual climate of Europe during the last three centuries.
The Emergence of the International Law Societies
Authors: Abrams Irwin
Published: August 2009

The history of world politics of the half century before 1914 is full of nationalist wars, imperialist conflicts, and the diplomacy of the armed peace. To the less spectacular developments of internationalism so little attention is usually paid that the League of Nations almost seems to emerge full-grown from the head of Woodrow Wilson. It is true that the dominant trend in the relations between the sovereign states was anything but pacific, and the peoples were increasingly swayed by the emotion of aggressive nationalism. At the same time the world was becoming more interdependent economically and culturally, and there was a quiet but clearly perceptible growth of international-mindedness. A significant expression of this development was the movement of ideas in the eighteen-seventies which led to the establishment of two important law societies, the Institute of International Law and the International Law Association. The story of their origins is an interesting chapter in the history of international law and throws light as well upon its relationships with the organized peace movement.
The Politics of Sugar
Authors: Price David E.
Published: August 2009

Congress in 1971 will again turn to the renewal and extension of the much-amended and much-contested Sugar Act. Certain changes from the last go-round are worth noting. A new administration is in the White House and Harold Cooley, to whom a journalist once attributed “princely power” in the area, no longer presides over the House Agriculture Committee. But in this area, as in so many others, the changes are not nearly as striking as the continuities. Cooley has been succeeded by the likeminded W. R. Poage, and turnovers in the Department of Agriculture have scarcely reached the Sugar Policy division of the Stabilization and Conservation Service. More importantly, the groups and decision-making bodies in the area have changed little in their interests, their relative power, or their modes of interaction. It is the intention of this essay to tell the story of the 1965 renewal of the Sugar Act in such a way as to illumine the nature of this policy-making situation, with particular attention to the lawmaking roles of the congressional committees that handle sugar legislation, House Agriculture and Senate Finance. A by-product of the analysis should be an understanding of the form in which the Act comes up for renewal in 1971 and of how and why it got that way.
Was De Valera a Republican?
Authors: Akenson D. H.
Published: August 2009

If eamon de Valera were an ordinary politician, the question of to what extent his behavior conformed to any given principle would be insignificant, for we expect all ordinary politicians to clothe their actions with high principled rhetoric. But Eamon de Valera is more than a politician. He has become a nearly mythic figure in Irish political history. Quite consciously, he has contrived to present himself as the premier statesman of post-British Ireland. De Valera is different from any politician presently on the North American or British political stage, for he has projected his actions not on the silver screen of the possible, but against the hard wall of principle.
De Gaulle, the Nation-State and Foreign Policy
Authors: Cerny P. G.
Published: August 2009

Valery has written that “A great man is one who leaves others after him in a state of embarrassment.” Certainly, the eighteen-month-old era of aprés de Gaulle has been characterized by an unexpected sense of confidence, not the oft-predicted chaos. But embarrassment persists. The enigma of de Gaulle himself remains. We have many and varied chronicles of his long political career. We have his speeches, his early books, his war memoirs and the first volume of his new Mémoires d'Espoir. But we have only begun the long process of sifting and reconciling the varied and contradictory facts at hand. The final analysis, as with so many other political leaders who left an ambiguous mark upon their contemporaries, will be left to the judgment of history—So subjective, yet so precious to de Gaulle himself.
Hegel and Nationalism
Authors: Avineri Shlomo
Published: August 2009

Hegelwas a resident of Jena when the Battle of Jena, a shattering defeat for Prussia, took place. On October 13, 1806, the day on which the French entered the town and deployed for the engagement fought the next day, Hegel wrote to his friend Niethammer:

As I wrote to you earlier, all of us here wish the French victory and success. The Prussians are suffering the defeats they deserve… This morning I saw the Emperor Napoleon, that World Soul (diese Weltseele), riding through the town to a parade. It's a marvelous feeling to see such a personality dominating the entire world from horseback … He is capable of doing anything. How wonderful he is!

Three months later, in a letter to another friend, Zelmann, Hegel summed up the historical lesson of the Battle of Jena: “There is no better proof than the events occurring before our eyes, that culture is triumphing over barbarism and the intellect over spirit-less mind.”
The Irish Popery Laws: A Study of Eighteenth-Century Legislation and Behavior
Authors: Burns Robert E.
Published: August 2009

Unlike the laws enacted against religious and political dissenters in almost every European state since the Reformation, the Popery legislation enacted by the Irish Parliaments of William III, Anne, and the first two Hanoverians was marked by a near absence of sanguinary punishments. The long period of enforcement, one hundred years, and the areas of human activity regulated distinguish the Irish laws from twentieth-century commitments to ideals of ideological uniformity. Not only were the Irish Popery laws unique in these respects, but they comprised one of the most persistent legislative efforts ever undertaken by a western European state to change a people. Although the Popery laws have been discussed and analyzed since their enactment, such discussions have usually been colored by confessional and political partisanship. Neither polemicists nor serious historians have satisfactorily analyzed either the purpose of the laws or the problems and consequences of enforcing them. While these matters are the principal concern of this article, the writer hopes that his necessarily limited investigation of the Irish Popery laws will invite the attention of social scientists to the other complex human problems created by this legislation.
Black American Thought and African Political Attitudes in South Africa
Authors: Walshe A. P.
Published: August 2009

TheMultiracialsociety of South Africa is unique and fascinating. In addition to an African majority, it includes the Cape colored community, the Indians originally introduced as indentured labor on the Natal sugar estates, and a large and long-established European minority from within which Afrikaner nationalism has emerged as the predominant political power. These groups have been progressively integrated in a modern and dynamic economy and consequently subjected to the tensions of an industrial revolution.
International Communism and Soviet Foreign Poliey
Authors: Sontag John P.
Published: August 2009

The importance of the communist movement in the Soviet Union was demonstrated once again by the international conference of communist parties held in Moscow in June, 1969. To be sure, Soviet foreign policy decisions have always been made on the basis of pragmatic calculations of state interest. Ideology, moreover, does appear to be waning as a motive force on the Soviet domestic scene. Nevertheless, the Soviet Union has maintained a deep commitment to the institutions and forms of the communist movement which go back to Lenin's time, a time which has become glorified, and grossly simplified in Soviet literature as a period of heroic victories. The convictions and institutions of this period have become hallowed: and today Moscow regards the preservation of their forms, if not their substance, as vital if further progress is to be achieved by communism in the international sphere.
Abraham Kuyper's Attack on Liberalism
Authors: Jellema Dirk
Published: August 2009

Abraham Kuyper (1837–1920), a self-styled “Christian Democrat” who dominated two generations of Dutch political history, has received passing mention rather than scholarly examination outside the Netherlands. Ernst Troeltsch, speaking of Kuyper's theological work, called him a key figure in the development of modern Calvinistic thought. And Michael Fogarty mentions Kuyper's influence in building “one of the most successful, and in many ways the most instructive political, economic and social movements to be found anywhere in the Christian world.” But, apart from such brief notes, there is little. We propose in this article to sketch Kuyper's career and summarize the ideas with which he attacked Liberalism.
The Significance of The Review of Politics
Authors: Nef John U.
Published: August 2009

During the past fourteen years, since the entry of the United States into the Second World War, and especially since the end of the war (with its disillusioning peace blending into the so-called cold war), the United States has had thrust upon it the problems of the overwhelming difficulties of world leadership. Leadership in the true sense of the word cannot be totalitarian or authoritarian. It must be intellectual, moral and spiritual. This our leading statesmen have sometimes recognized, though not, I am inclined to think, often enough. In any event, it is in these spheres that our peoples have been perhaps the least prepared for our mission. Even in the natural sciences, one of the principal creative sources of American leadership has been individual scientists—such as Einstein, Fermi and Teller—bom and trained in Europe, who found asylum in the United States from Nazi or Fascist tyranny. In so far as the creative mind and its place in the national life are concerned, our main weakness has not been, however, in the natural sciences. During the first half of the twentieth century in the United States these have become distinguished in their own right. When it comes to the practical application of science we have led the world. In no other country have the results of new scientific knowledge been utilized technologically to produce as high a standard of living, measured in material quantity, as in the United States.
Die Deutschen Briefe: Gurian and the German Crisis
Authors: Fitzsimons M. A.
Published: August 2009

In 1934 Waldemar Gurian had the wriest of pleasures, when he was forced to recognize that his very pessimistic analysis of the National-Socialist movement was correct. He fled from Germany to Switzerland where he was soon joined by his wife and daughter. In the extremely straitened circumstances of an emigré, soon to receive official notification that he was a stateless person, he had to face simultaneously the tasks of earning a living and of carrying on his work as a Catholic writer who combined scholarship and publicism. He was a profound student of Bolshevism. But his study, personal experience and the progress of events emphasized that Europe then faced a more dangerous threat than Russian Bolshevism. The threat stemmed from the control of Germany by the National-Socialists, who skilfully exploited a moral crisis in Germany and all of Europe, to gain and, then systematically and totally, to consolidate power in Germany. The menace to Europe was all the more dire, because the Nazis had disguised their totalitarian movement in the mask of anti-Bolshevism and so the danger went unrecognized.
Waldemar Gurian: Witness of the Twentieth Century
Authors: Kohn Hans
Published: August 2009

Personal and historical fate put Waldemar Gurian in his short but full and fulfilled life into the center of the vortex of the twentieth century. Born in Russia, educated in Germany, deeply familiar with France, he witnessed the intellectual, moral and social transformations produced by the First World War in the principal countries of continental Europe. While he was still in his twenties and early thirties, he wrote a number of outstanding books analyzing these transformations and probing their core with an understanding deepened by the ability and opportunity of comparing them, of seeing the wealth of their differences and yet the essential similarity of the mental and moral climate out of which they grew. He wrote penetrating studies about Russian Bolshevism and German nationalism, about the political and social ideas of French Catholicism and about the integral nationalism in France. The changing mental and moral climate in continental Europe which Gurian observed after the First World War was one of the principal causes of the Second World War. Its approach caused Gurian to leave continental Europe for the United States. Here began the second and in many ways more fruitful period of his life. Not many immigrants of the troubled thirties had so much to give to their new fatherland in the breadth and objectivity of their understanding of the Old World and in the humaneness and liberality of their personality; few, indeed, put their whole life and soul into untiring constructive activity as he did in Notre Dame, which afforded him the generous opportunity, an activity which helped to prepare American scholarship and public opinion to meet with a better understanding the new responsibilities in the wake of the Second World War.
The ‘New Look’ Raises Old Problems
Authors: Platig E. Raymond
Published: August 2009

The essence of the “new look” in the national security policy of the United States has been expressed by Administration spokesmen, Democratic critics, and analysts in key phrases which have heaped confusion upon ambiguity. The “new look” has been characterized as a policy of “instant retaliation,” of “massive retaliation,” of relying on the ability to “retaliate with great force by mobile means.” It has been described as a “strategy of detachment,” as an attempt to “hedge our strategic bets,” as preparing for the “long pull,” as “a reassessment of our strategic and logistic capabilities,” as preparing to take “whatever steps our national interest requires,” and as “an attempt by intelligent people to keep abreast of the times.” It has been called “less a policy than an idea,” “a misnomer,” “no ‘new look’ at all,” “merely an acceptance of the Old Look,” “a bluff to a certain extent,” a “gradual shift in emphasis,” and “revolutionary.” The “new look” has been distinguished from the “interim look,” but there has been some doubt as to whether the “interim look” referred to fiscal 1954 or fiscal 1955 or both. The term became so contagiously popular that even the alleged clean-up of the “security risks” in the Department of State was supposed to have brought about a “new look” there.
Guatemala, the United States, and Communism in the Americas
Authors: Pike Fredrick B.
Published: August 2009

An orderly and almost bloodless movement brought Guatemala independence from Spain in 1821. The tranquil inception of national existence contrasts vividly with the ensuing century and a quarter, a period marked by turbulence and a multitude of factors tending to retard political and economic development. The 1821 Revolution resulted only in the overthrow of Spanish rule; other traditions of colonial times were not so easily cast aside. Politics continued to be the exclusive domain of long-term, personalistic rulers, while economic policy remained under the control of a numerically small land-owning aristocracy. The political chiefs generally allied themselves with the conservative lords of land. Certainly this was true of Rafael Carrera, the uneducatedmestizowho dominated the country for nearly twenty years in the mid-nineteenth century. The same pattern existed during the dictatorship of Manuel Estrada Cabrera, 1898–1920. In spite of a few concessions to liberalism, the construction of many roads, and the redistribution of a small amount of land, there is no doubt that the rule of Jorge Ubico, 1930–1944, relied for its main support upon the arch-conservative landed aristocrats.
William McKinley as a Political Leader
Authors: Morgan H. Wayne
Published: August 2009

On the cold, clear morning of March 4, 1897, William McKinley took the oath of office as president of the United States. The very air seemed to promise better times. The newspapers called it “McKinley weather,” and all Americans hoped “The Advance Agent of Prosperity” would fulfill his title and restore political peace and economic prosperity to a nation that had passed through years of depression, social strife, and party turmoil.
Jiyushugi: Japanese Liberalism
Authors: Quo Fang-quei
Published: August 2009

The beginnings of Japanese liberalism date from the middle of the nineteenth century and appear as a product of the enlightenment movement during the Meiji Restoration. But the termJiyushugi, today understood as equivalent toliberalismin English, has quite a different meaning in traditional Japanese usage.Jiyuconsists of two Chinese charactersJiandyumeaning “to follow oneself” or “to use self as the only source of judgment for one's behavior”;shugiis translated as “principle” or “doctrine”. Thus, the word has traditionally been used, with very rare exceptions, to mean egoistic and selfish behavior that deviates from social norms and is specifically heedless of others.
The Classical Marxist Conception of Liberal Democracy
Authors: Schonfeld William R.
Published: August 2009

During the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Europe witnessed the development and spread of major innovations in the structures and practices of politics which were to reach their fruition during the l900's. It was a revolutionary epoch whose major theme was increased participation by the people in governing themselves: the traditional aristocratic authoritarianism was in the process of fighting and losing its last battles, while liberal democratic political institutions seemed to be riding the crest of the wave of the future.
Liberalism, Nationalism and Socialism: The Birth of Three Words
Authors: de Bertier de Sauvigny G.
Published: August 2009

Three powerful ideologies emerging in the first half of the nineteenth century combined to destroy the Old Order in Western Europe and shape its future: liberalism, nationalism and socialism. Little is known about the genesis of the three words that served to designate these ideologies. The most casual research will reveal astonishing contradictions among the recognized authorities, the lexicographers, not to speak of some glaring mistakes that appear in the writings of notable historians. For such shortcomings there is no lack of excuse. Indeed, in order to produce a sound and indisputable history of these three master words, it is necessary to sift so much material—no less than the whole printed output of the age—that the task appears quite hopeless. The present essay, therefore, is clearly open to criticism and revision; it has no other purpose than to suggest some guidelines of approach and to patch together some of the scraps of evidence now available. All this, let it be well understood, being confined to the French language and scene. Similar probes in the English or German soil would undoubtedly reveal different patterns.
Freedom, Equality, and Segregation
Authors: Johnson Guy B.
Published: August 2009

Nine-score-and-one years ago, as Abraham Lincoln would put it, “our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.” The ideas of liberty and equality, expressed so eloquently in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution, are the very foundation stones of American citizenship.
The Commonwealth in Transition
Authors: Schneider Fred D.
Published: August 2009

The first quarter of the twentieth century saw the emergence within the British Empire of a commonwealth of autonomous dominions, each completely self governing in its internal affairs, each asserting its economic independence by assessing a tariff on British goods, and each aspiring towards a position of constitutional equality with the United Kingdom. Since 1945, a new commonwealth has emerged, including in its membership not only British nations beyond the seas but also nations of Asia, with cultures of their own and with a history reaching farther into the past than that of Britain, and to which are being added new communities in Africa. The appearance of this new commonwealth has raised the question of the relations between these non-European nations and the older members. It has also raised the question, once British control has been removed, how deeply the superimposed British political, legal, and social institutions have penetrated into non-British communities. The new commonwealth is thus an experiment in a unique, multi-national association of peoples, and upon the success of the experiment depends its future existence.
American Agriculture
Authors: Hardin Charles M.
Published: August 2009

In the diverse humanity that makes up the United States of America many groups such as the farmers appear to be both separate and integrated, at once distinct and blended in the common image. Others have been more despised and mocked than farmers, and occasionally some have been equally praised. But none other has been the subject of as much idolatry and contempt as the hayseedy son of honest toil and sweat, the noble yokel, the independent and thoughtful clodhopper, the bucolic philosopher, the industrious sucker, the indispensable hick, and the God-fearing, hell-fire-and-brimstone breathing last stronghold of woolhatted democracy — the farmer. Let us look at his political, economic, and cultural significance.
The Political Thought of Bernanos
Authors: Molnar Thomas
Published: August 2009

To includein the same sentence the name of Bernanos and the term “political” or “politics” suggests an initial difficulty. Nothing was farther from his impatient and burning temperament than the meticulousness of the news analyst, or the specialist's careful dissection of the political animal. His domain was, rather, the philosopher's insight and intuition, the social critic's scorn and wrath, and the prophet's prediction of doom. He stated about himself:

People say that Bernanos is never pleased about anything or anyone. When the righteous were wishing success to the crusade of our good neighbour, Señor Franco, he wroteLes Grands Cimetiéres sous la lune, and defended himself as being above all democratic. Now [1947] that all righteous are each more democratic than the other, he still proclaims himself Catholic, and no more democratic than before. A peculiar fellow, that Bemanos.
Neutralism in France
Authors: Marcus John T.
Published: August 2009

It was in 1948 that Pierre Cot called for French neutrality in the rapidly developing tension between the communist and non-communist power blocs. But after all Cot, an influential prewar figure of the Radical Party's left wing and Air Minister of the Popular Front Government, had emerged from the war as a staunch communist sympathizer and a leader of the pro-communistUnion Progressiste. Consequently, his opposition to the policy of a West European defense coalition — the Brussels Pact — hardly seemed surprising. Outside the sphere of direct communist influence, however, few important voices in France opposed the formation of a West European defense system.