bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Systematic Evaluation of Genetic Variants in the Inflammation Pathway and Risk of Lung Cancer
Authors: Engels Eric A. , Wu Xifeng , Gu Jian , Dong Qiong , Liu Jun , Spitz Margaret R.
Published: June 2007

Inflammatory responses to environmental exposures, such as tobacco smoke, may play a role in lung carcinogenesis. To test this hypothesis, we studied genetic polymorphisms in the inflammation pathway in relation to lung cancer risk. We evaluated a panel of 59 single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNP) in 37 inflammation-related genes among non-Hispanic Caucasian lung cancer cases (N = 1,553) and controls (N = 1,730) from Houston, Texas. Logistic regression was used to assess associations with lung cancer under a dominant genetic model adjusted for sex, age, and smoking. Haplotypes were estimated with the expectation-maximization algorithm. False-positive report probabilities (FPRP) were calculated for significant associations. Interleukin 1β (IL1B) C3954T was associated with lung cancer [odds ratio (OR), 1.27; 95% confidence interval (95% CI), 1.10–1.47; FPRP 0.148]. Two IL1A SNPs (C-889T and Ala114Ser) were also related to lung cancer (OR, 1.18–1.22), although FPRPs were higher. One IL1A-IL1B haplotype, containing only the IL1B 3954T allele, was associated with elevated lung cancer risk (OR, 1.80; 95% CI, 1.24–2.61). These associations were stronger in heavy smokers, particularly for IL1B C3954T (OR, 1.59; 95% CI, 1.28–1.97; FPRP 0.004). Lung cancer risk was unrelated to polymorphisms in IL1 receptor or antagonist genes. Associations with lung cancer were also seen for SNPs in granulocyte macrophage colony stimulating factor and peroxisome proliferator-activated factor-δ, but FPRPs were high. IL1A and IL1B polymorphisms are associated with increased lung cancer risk, especially among heavy smokers. IL1A and IL1B are critical signals in initiating inflammation. Our results suggest that a dysregulated inflammatory response to tobacco-induced lung damage promotes carcinogenesis. [Cancer Res 2007;67(13):6520–7]
Dissection of the Posteroinferior Cerebellar Artery: Clinical Characteristics and Long-Term Follow-Up in Five Cases
Authors: Sedat J. , Chau Y. , Mahagne M.H. , Bourg V. , Lonjon M. , Paquis P.
Published: June 2007

Background and Purpose: Spontaneous isolated posteroinferior cerebellar artery (PICA) dissection is very rare. The aim of the study was to investigate the clinical manifestations, the neuroradiological aspects and the treatment of 5 cases collected in 5 years. Methods and Results: From 1999 to 2003, five patients (40–71 years old) were hospitalized for PICA dissection. Two patients presented symptoms after cervical manipulation. No predisposing factor or traumatic cause was described in the other cases. The diagnosis was carried out by cerebral angiography in all the cases: in 4, angiography showed focal stenosis with saccular or fusiform dilatation of the artery at the site of the dissection; in 1 a double lumen aspect was described. One patient presented ischemic manifestations; he was treated with heparin. The others presented subarachnoid hemorrhage (SAH) and were treated by embolization (endovascular sacrifice of the PICA). No ischemic complication and no rebleeding were observed after sacrifice of the PICA. Three patients presented acute hydrocephalus and were treated with surgical derivation. The angiographic and clinical follow-up lasted more than 3 years. We assessed the long-term results with the Glasgow Outcome Score and the modified Rankin Score. A good recovery was achieved for 4 patients (modified Rankin Score 0); one patient who presented SAH and who was in bad clinical state on admission had a Glasgow Outcome Score of 3 and a modified Rankin Score of 4 three years later. Conclusion: Clinical course and prognosis are variable in PICA dissections. The treatment depends on the existence of a hemorrhagic event. In the group of patients presenting SAH, endovascular treatment was safe and effective. The long-term clinical results depend mainly on the clinical status on admission.
Elite Distinction: Grand Theory and Comparative Perspectives
Authors: Daloz Jean-Pascal
Published: June 2007

Most of the major social theorists have addressed the issue of distinction. Largely ignoring each other's views on the matter, they have mainly sought to integrate their discussion within their respective grand theories. The main defect is that, often extrapolating from the analysis of one particular case, they have claimed to provide sociological laws. On the basis of personal field work as well as a sound acquaintance with the literature dealing with elite groups, the author aims at suggesting how differences from one society to another challenge universalistic understanding. Although comparative research proves to make it impossible to accept any general theory of distinction, the article, however, shows that many classical perspectives are worthy of note if taken as partially valid.
Comparing Two Charismatic Leaders: Ataturk and de Gaulle
Authors: Dogan Mattei
Published: June 2007

Charismatic leaderships are comparable in spite of the specific character of each case, but not necessarily in spite of the socio-economic-cultural contexts. Significant analogies can be noticed between the political roles of Kendal Attar and Charles de Gaulle in the following respects: the dramatic historical circumstances of their emergence as leaders; the Resistance movement that they headed against foreign military occupation; the symbol of hope that they became in the eyes of the people; the faith they had in their historical mission and their determination; their luck in their undertakings; the outstanding political talents of these two military men; the direct contact with the people that these two leaders were able to establish; the paramount importance that they accorded to national independence; the reinforcement of the state bureaucracy that they imposed; the abandonment of the empire under the pressure of history; the foundation of a new political order and regime; the inevitable personalization of power and their routinization of their heritage. Except in the religious domain, the institutionalization of charisma has a relatively short life.
Union Bargaining Strength: Goliath or Paper Tiger?
Authors: Strauss George
Published: June 2007

Union bargaining strength has declined signifi cantly in recent years. New problems, particularly automa tion, have arisen which pose difficult, almost insurmountable tasks for unions. Union officers, both paid and unpaid, seem to be losing their vigor and sensitivity. Idealistic motivation of union activity seems to be on the decline and petty corrup tion increasingly the norm. The membership is apathetic or divided on crucial issues. Management is on the offensive and seems to be acquiring a new sense of sureness in dealing with labor relations. It has been winning more and more grievance cases and has reduced the incidence of wildcat strikes and other forms of unofficial job activity. First-line supervisors have become more and more successful in raising production stand ards and eliminating excontractual employee benefits. Wide spread unemployment and the threat of automation have strengthened management's hand all the way.
Labor: A Partner in American Foreign Policy?
Authors: Windmuller John P.
Published: June 2007

Over the past two decades, labor has given broad support to the foreign policy of the United States. Its special concern is the pursuit of an antitotalitarian foreign policy, the maintenance of a strong military establishment, the rapid de colonization of the remaining colonial areas, continued high levels of foreign economic aid, and a forceful bipartisan ex pression of United States objectives. For the most part, labor is not well equipped to originate new approaches in foreign policy but prefers to take a stand on policies developed by the national-government administration. Given the prevailing division of functions in the labor movement, foreign policy is chiefly in the hands of the AFL-CIO president and his imme diate staff. Postwar developments have led to the creation of special labor positions in government agencies involved in the conduct of foreign relations. These have too often been filled with unsuitable persons from the labor movement. On the whole, labor is a useful but not a senior partner in the making and administering of American foreign policy.
The Historical Relationship of Liberals and Intellectuals to Organized Labor in the United States
Authors: Neufeld Maurice F.
Published: June 2007

During the 1950's, liberals and intellectuals, once keenly partisan to organized labor, began to voice acute criti cism of American unions. This change, superficially consid ered, seemed to savor of tergiversation. However, a review of the historical relationship of liberals and intellectuals to union ism revealed that the close and relatively long alliance of the 1930's and 1940's itself constituted a distinctive departure from prior American experience. Moreover, the historical approach indicated that the alliance limited itself almost entirely to CIO unions as agencies of reform and excluded nearly all unions of the AFL. As the two organizations came, in time, to resemble each other in their institutional lives, disenchantment set in. This development was inevitable since liberals and intellectuals have traditionally tended to view the functions of unions as more extensive and exalted than the destiny envisaged by unions for themselves. Today, then, liberals and intellectuals have resumed their historical relationship to American union ism by becoming once again the independent guardians of the public good for the community at large.
The Road to the Future: A Trade-Union Commission for Self-Analysis
Authors: Barkin Solomon
Published: June 2007

The common conviction throughout current debate on the American trade-union movement is that the need is serious for self-analysis and appraisal of union policies, struc tures, operations, and personnel. Examination by an internal body is necessary. There is agreement within the trade-union movement that the need is great for vigorous propagation of unionism among the unorganized—as well as for organizing the organized. In the area of collective bargaining, the unions must develop a rounded program for dealing with changing economic tides affecting the general economy and the indi vidual bargaining units and must work out methods of aiding workers in gaining income security and access to facilities for job and personal adjustment. In recent times, the union posi tion has been defensive rather than aggressive. At the same time that the trade-union movement seeks to enhance the posi tion of its members, it must respond to the call to adjust its collective-bargaining demands and strategy to the national and public interests and to participate responsibly in defining their meaning. Examination and adjustment of relations be tween the rank-and-file membership and the union leadership are a challenge to the movement. Also, structural adjustments at federation and union levels are indicated in view of changes in the general economy, job structures, business organizations, and political policy. The burden for action is on the official union leadership. A trade-union commission established to conduct a full-dress self-examination of the movement would be a salutary method of beginning the revitalization.—Ed.
The Gaullist Revolt against the Anglo-Saxons
Authors: Crabb Cecil V.
Published: June 2007

Under President Charles de Gaulle, the foreign policies of the Fifth French Republic have proved disruptive to the Western alliance, particularly as they challenge the domi nant role of Britain and America in formulating Western policies. Officials and private observers in these countries have been quick to denounce many aspects of de Gaulle's diplomacy. They have been less inclined to understand both its sources and its implications. For, in whatever degree Gaullism collides with principles and strategies accepted in Washington and London, it is clear that de Gaulle's views present a continuing challenge that must be met by something more than criticism and reiteration of established doctrines. The Gaullist challenge has emerged strikingly in three areas of Western policy: in the matter of Atlantic regional unity and co-operation, in the intimate relationship between certain ele ments of Gaullism and the wider global phenomenon known as "neutralism" or "nonalignment," and in the extent to which Gaullism highlights tendencies toward stagnation in Western policies toward major cold-war issues. In this respect, if he has done nothing else, de Gaulle has called attention to issues that have been too long submerged and has compelled policy-makers in Washington and London to face certain realities they have thus far largely preferred to ignore.
What Kind of NATO Nuclear Force?
Authors: Dawson Raymond H.
Published: June 2007

The development of nuclear weapons policy in the NATO alliance reflects continuing tension between the preferences of the United States to retain exclusive control of these weapons and the desire of European governments to participate in this control or to deploy their own nuclear forces. This process of interaction has carried NATO policy away from the American unilateral control system, through a stage of "nuclear sharing," and now into the creation of a "NATO nuclear force" by the assignment and co-ordination of national forces already in existence. Attention is now directed to the creation of a multilateral force, but this raises immensely more difficult questions. This continuing controversy over nuclear control is a reflection of the vast changes in the international environment since 1949, most notably the resurgence of the nations of Western Europe. United States nuclear policy has been necessarily modified, reflecting the growth of Europe's strength and the diffusion of nuclear weapons.
Can the Alliance for Progress Succeed?
Authors: Barber Willard F.
Published: June 2007

The Alliance for Progress had many origins be fore its proclamation in 1961. Its objectives are admirable, grandiose, and, some of them, contradictory. It is beset by complicated organizational and administrative problems, some of which can be resolved. It is endangered by a continuous massive flight of capital to safe havens abroad, of about the same magnitude as the inflow of our aid. It faces great odds of opposition from the oligarchical sectors in Latin America. The Latin-American governments have also been slow in making plans and quick to change the ones made. At the same time, some of them allege that Washington does not allow for great differences in the various countries and state that it is an error in judgment to leave to the United States the apportion ment of financial and economic support. Others object to the requirement that materials must be purchased in the United States and to the post-Cuban motivation of the Alliance. Nevertheless, there is widespread realization throughout the hemisphere that the hour is very late, that population growth is outrunning economic development, and that the power of the United States to influence events is limited. Some of the ruling military juntas do seem to be social-minded, but the upper strata cannot be induced to accept reforms at the pace we deem essential. There is some hope that liberal Catholic leaders, moving from the base of Pope John's Mater et Magistra, may be able to induce centrist groups to co-operate with the democratic left in a broader advance.
Economic Alternatives to Arms Prosperity
Authors: Melman Seymour
Published: June 2007

Conversion to civilian economy can be carried out efficiently if there is detailed planning at all levels: factory, firm, industry, state, and federal. The main opportunities for new domestic civilian markets are in economic development investment in the underdeveloped regions of the United States and in major expenditures for health, education, housing, and related services. Large foreign markets for capital goods await major United States investment in economic development. Pressures for solving market and conversion problems are being generated not only by prospects of disarmament but also by two new factors: domestic economic problems that press for solution and require a shift of resources from military uses and the appreciation that it makes no military or other sense to spend more for expensive overkill stock-piling.
Housing and Slum Clearance: Elusive Goals
Authors: Grigsby William G.
Published: June 2007

Urban renewal in the United States had its genesis in legislation to improve the residential living environ ment for low-income families. Despite this fact, housing and slum-clearance goals have gradually lost their priority among those responsible for formulating public policy. The shift away from residential objectives in renewal appears to stem from the fact the goals are not uniformly held, are interpreted in various ways, are frequently in conflict with one another and with nonresidential goals, and apparently cannot all be achieved via means consistent with prevailing political and social at titudes. Housing goals for the low-income population lack politically acceptable programs of implementation; middle- income housing programs lack clear purpose; in the larger urbanized areas, renewal efforts are based in part on a con ception of the metropolis which is at odds with the residential preferences of most families. The most serious barrier to the realization of housing goals is the conflict between central city and suburb. If our housing problems are to be solved within a reasonable period of years, the federal government, which now plays the key role in community renewal and urban development, will have to insert itself in this conflict in a way that will re-establish residential goals and priorities in local programs.
The Changing Pattern of Urban Party Politics
Authors: Greenstein Fred I.
Published: June 2007

Disciplined urban party organizations, capable of controlling politics and government in their communities, have been one of our more interesting indigenous political growths. This political form probably could not have arisen in the United States had it not been for certain broad cultural patterns, such as the absence of strong traditional authorities. These cultural patterns were necessary but not sufficient for the growth of party machines. The immediate determinants were the organi zational requirements of urban growth, the inability of existing city governments to meet these requirements, the presence of a market—among both businessmen and voters—for the serv ices of the old-style politician, and the existence of free suf frage. Old-style urban parties have declined only partly as a consequence of direct attacks upon them. A variety of social and political changes have sapped the resources of old-style parties and, in many communities, have reduced voter interest in those resources still available to the parties. Further insight into the functions of old-style parties may be had by looking at certain of their present-day alternatives—the politics of nonpartisanship and new-style reform politics within the Demo cratic party.
Leadership in a Large Manager City: The Case of Kansas City
Authors: Gabis Stanley T.
Published: June 2007

Municipal leadership in Kansas City centers on the nonpartisan principle and the council-manager plan. Un like many other cities with nonpartisan requirements, Kansas City has produced a nonpartisan system that has proved workable over a twenty-year period. But continuance depends on the viability of the Citizens Association, a nonpartisan—or bipartisan—group which has dominated Kansas City politics from its inception in 1941 to the present time, with a four-year break from 1959 to 1963. The Association has experienced some difficulty in keeping its leadership vital and in maintaining a sufficiently broad base to permit participation by the diverse elements of the community. The leadership responsibility of the Association, resumed in 1963, is of major importance in maintaining a stable source of power. Also, relations between the mayor and the manager are crucial, as experiences in the immediate past have shown. Under present arrangements, official and private groups are co-operating in achieving public objectives. A new sophistication is now being demanded of those to whom the manager is accountable.
Dade County: Unbossed, Erratically Led
Authors: Wood Thomas J.
Published: June 2007

Personal political leadership in Dade County— Miami, Florida—when it does exist, tends to be short-lived and limited in scope—that is, confined to a particular area of the county or to a particular level of government. The elements of the political environment which produce a high degree of political atomization are ever-changing factions in a one-party state, failure of the multitudes of newly arrived residents to identify themselves with the governmental problems of the area, the predominance of suburban attitudes and values to gether with a lack of organization of minority groups whether or not they be disadvantaged, and local governmental forms stressing nonpartisanship and the short ballot. The news papers, which have greater than normal weight owing to the peculiar dependence of the newcomers on the papers, wield substantial influence. No recent newspaper publisher or editor has attempted to develop personal political leadership. A newspaper in alliance with an attractive leader could become a potent political force.
Metropolitics and Professional Political Leadership: The Case of Nashville
Authors: Grant Daniel R.
Published: June 2007

Adoption of a single metropolitan government for Nashville and Davidson County in 1962, at a time when many metro reform proposals have been rejected elsewhere, provides an opportunity to examine the role of professional political leaders in its formulation and adoption. Thirty years of Nashville suburban spillover without annexation led to the familiar pattern of a service vacuum, inequalities, rivalries, and confused responsibility. During the 1950's, two surveys by professional staffs, working closely with the Nashville mayor and a rival Davidson County judge, led to a proposal for major structural change (city-county consolidation) which was en dorsed by both the mayor and the judge. Their support was undoubtedly helpful in the 1958 metro campaign, but it was rejected by the voters outside Nashville. Two windfall issues —annexation and an auto tax—and the opposition of the Nashville mayor contributed to a new and successful metro vote in 1962. The Nashville experience indicates that active involvement of rival professional political leaders in all stages of a metro reform movement is possible, is not necessarily a kiss of death, does not prevent "radical reform," and may actually constitute a tactical advantage for metropolitan reformers.
American Aid to Africa
Authors: Hutchinson Edmond C.
Published: June 2007

Africa's economic development is complicated by cultural, political, and security problems. There is a widely contrasting development potential among African countries, re sulting both from an uneven distribution of natural resources and different degrees of development of social and economic infrastructure. The volume of economic aid to Africa from all countries is high but varies greatly from country to country. United States aid, which expanded sharply following 1960, is closely related to the combinations of such circumstances in particular countries. It has been heavily concentrated on in stitution building and social and economic infrastructure, in keeping with the development plans and emphasis of African governments. The ability to absorb external assistance in terms of indigenous, managerial, and technical competences and in terms of the institutional structure required for effec tive utilization of aid has not kept pace with aspirations and expectations of development. As a consequence, some African countries may be near or beyond the limit of their ability to support existing or planned infrastructure from current or an ticipated income. The situation in such countries may be pointing toward the need for emphasis on increasing income through expansion of domestic market and a reconsideration of both amount and type of infrastructure which has been tra ditionally believed to be required.
The Influence of Africans on American Culture
Authors: Davis John A.
Published: June 2007

Africans have, since the early settlement of America, influenced the nation's language, manners, religion, literature, music, art, and dance. One of our most crucial ur ban problems, the Negro low-status family, may have Afri can origins. In the realm of politics, the civil rights fight in America from its origin has been linked to the struggle for Af rican freedom, and American Negro intellectuals have identi fied with African culture from the beginning of the century, an identification accelerated since 1956 with the formation of the International Society of African Culture and the American So ciety of African Culture. American Negro leadership has col lectively thrown its considerable political weight on the side of African freedom, and black nationalist organizations have kept up a noisy gadfly agitation. In the midst of this, America must deal with a considerable African presence in the United Nations.
The United Nations and Colonialism in Africa
Authors: Welensky Roy
Published: June 2007

Colonialism was actively encouraged up to the Second World War: it brought enlightenment as well as ex ploitation. But, in recent years, self-government has all too often been granted to people insufficiently prepared to exer cise it responsibly, and whether the former colonial people are better off under their new rulers is certainly open to question. Economic progress has failed to keep pace with political power, and African "socialism" is paving the way for dictatorship and communism. In Zanzibar, Africa already has her own Cuba. Yet the "double-standards" mantle which today cloaks United Nations affairs enables a blind eye to be turned to the massacre of Africans by Africans in Ruanda, while United Nations forces were used to impose a political solution on peaceful Katanga and to crush her pro-Western leader, Moise Tshombe. Be hind this inconsistency lies the disproportionate voting strength of the Afro-Asian bloc in the United Nations General Assem bly, with its dangerous implications for major powers like the United States and Britain, whose votes count for no more than those of the smallest and most backward countries in Africa. This is the background against which the impact of the United Nations on Africa and Africa on the United Nations must be viewed.
Child Welfare Research: A Review and Critique
Authors: Mech Edmund V.
Published: June 2007

Child welfare is uneasy about the limitations of its scientific information. Expressions of dissatisfaction with the contributions of research to practice are not uncommon. A survey of studies in child welfare, undertaken as a basis for documenting the nature and direction of current research, reveals the following types of investigations being pursued: characteristics of child welfare populations, decision-making, evaluative studies of services, and developmental studies of children and families. Evaluative studies of services and anal yses of the characteristics of special populations, typically unwed mothers, adopted children, and foster parents, dominate research activity. Decision-making procedures involving practi tioners and administrators are receiving only token attention. Methodological gaps exist which must be bridged for the pur pose of improving research in child welfare. The need also exists for researchers to plan studies of a programmatic nature so that each study builds on the previous one and to gather data in the crucible of actual practice situations.
The Residential Treatment Center
Authors: Milner John G.
Published: June 2007

Residential treatment centers are relatively new on the scene of community services for maladjusted youngsters. They provide active treatment carried into all aspects of twenty-four-hour living. The continued success of these pro grams is dependent on adequate support, the competence of staff, and the co-operation with all the other services in the community. These centers try to work with children who have been hurt in life and give them a safe place, encouragement to grow, learn, and be as creative as they can.
The Licensing of Child-Care Facilities
Authors: Corry Claud B.
Published: June 2007

Although care for children outside their own homes has been in existence since the founding of this nation, licensing of child-caring facilities came into being some years later. Some form of licensing is now mandatory in a majority of the fifty states. The licensing program involves legislation, interpretation, and implementation. The number of children protected through licensing is increasing rather than decreasing. The tendency within some states to exempt certain agencies from the provisions of the law appears to be passing. There are indications, too, of a trend toward more uniformity of laws among the various states. It is recognized that, although licensing provides certain basic protections for children under care away from their own homes, it does not, and indeed can not, guarantee that the needs of each child will be fully met. It does establish a framework within which, hopefully, each agency may carry out its responsibility to the children entrusted to it. Although authority is a necessary factor in licensing, the importance of education and voluntary co-operation should not be minimized, for these areas contribute greatly toward the development of a sound law, proper implementation of the law, and, therefore, increasingly higher quality of child care.
Southeast Asia: An Economist's Viewpoint
Authors: Golay Frank H.
Published: June 2007

Assessment of the role of Southeast Asia in American higher education will depend upon the frame of reference. Rapid expansion in area and language courses, in staff and students, and in research results has occurred over the two postwar decades. On the other hand, when assessed in terms of the national interest in area and language skills, the gap between needs and resources has not been reduced over this period. Further expansion and qualitative improvement in this important enterprise will be restrained by the basic lack of integration within the area, which complicates scholarship; by the difficulties confronting the isolated scholar seeking to maintain his commitment to study of the area; and by the dis tance, isolation, and relative smallness of the countries. Econo mists have tended to remain aloof from area- and language- specialization as the theoretical orientation of their discipline, the ready availability of processed aggregative statistical data, and the limited role assigned economists in outside participa tion in processes of modernization have combined to minimize the usefulness of area- and language-training to economists.
Language Study and the Middle East
Authors: Ferguson Charles A.
Published: June 2007

Language instruction is an important part of Middle Eastern studies, as in all area programs. Analysis of the language facts of the Middle East and American needs and interests in the area makes it possible to set reasonable goals for language study. Traditional patterns of Middle Eastern lan guage study are no longer appropriate, but recent innovations in curriculum, methods of teaching, summer programs and study abroad point toward solutions of the problems. Every area has its particular language problems, but approaches in the Middle Eastern field may have counterparts for other area programs.
Area Studies: Russia and Eastern Europe
Authors: Roberts Henry L.
Published: June 2007

Russian and Eastern European studies have been among the earliest and most important of the postwar develop ments in regional programs, partly because of the evident im portance of these areas, partly because of their relative accessi bility as an extension of European studies. Experience thus far would indicate that these undertakings have been intellectu ally beneficial both to the established academic disciplines and in the creation of programs for other regions of the world. Motivated by the effort to comprehend a society as a whole —an effort of particular importance in the Soviet case—these programs have achieved, in a number of universities, a vigorous multidisciplinary approach to both teaching and research. The very expansion and vitality of Russian studies have, however, created certain problems: chiefly, with the incorporation of new subjects, the danger of overloading the student's curriculum or unduly prolonging his graduate school career. It seems likely that the future will witness the continuation of these programs, but accompanied by increased activity in Russian studies within the various departments and disciplines.
The Congress of Racial Equality and Its Strategy
Authors: Rich Marvin
Published: June 2007

The idea for the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) was originated by James Farmer in a 1941 memo randum calling for personal nonviolent direct action to end discrimination, and by a group of University of Chicago students who staged the first successful United States sit-in in 1942. Early chapters of CORE were college-centered be cause of the demands on time involved in its training projects and in the sit-ins and picket-lines themselves. CORE's early demonstrations took place mainly in the North and were mostly aimed at increasing public accomodations for the Negro. In the 1950's CORE expanded rapidly, forming chapters through out the South and widening its membership to include rep resentatives of all social classes. It also widened its goals by working for improvement in Negro employment and housing conditions. By 1964, CORE had an income of $900,000 and a professional staff of 137, as well as a solid nucleus of CORE chapters throughout the country. The dramatic sit-ins and Freedom Rides organized by CORE have had visible results in civil rights legislation and in increased public accomodation for Negroes. Its future efforts will be concentrated on training its burgeoning numbers of new members and on working for the improvement of Negro living conditions, voter registration, and employment. To accomplish its new goals, however, it will continue to employ its characteristic nonviolent direct action methods—Ed.
The Rate and Costs of Political Development
Authors: Halpern Manfred
Published: June 2007

Capacity to direct the rate and course of change in modern times demands more than adding increments of power, substance, or efficiency. The revolution of moderniza tion is the first revolution of mankind to set a new price upon stability in any system of society—namely, it requires an en during capacity to generate and absorb persistent transforma tion. This era is marked above all by rapidly growing imbal ances in rates of change among crucial social forces. The multiplication of these uncontrolled forces of change is one of the main reasons why the cost of modernization increases as time passes. Ideology can be a major instrument in creating a new political culture. Based upon a theory of social change, such ideology is an explicit framework of means and ends ca pable of stimulating policy-oriented analysis, inspiring action, and constituting the normative and practical touchstone of ac complishments. A discussion of alternative costs of failing and succeeding in modernization leads to the conclusion that for most nations, success will depend on the capacity of interna tional society to deal with system transformations.
The Rise and Role of Charismatic Leaders
Authors: Willner Ann Ruth , Willner Dorothy
Published: June 2007

The charismatic leader is distinguished from other leaders by his capacity to inspire loyalty toward himself as the source of authority, apart from an established status. Charis matic appeal is validated through the perceptions of the fol lowers. Its possession depends upon the leader's ability to draw upon and manipulate the body of myth in a given culture and the actions and values associated with these myths. At tributes of the charismatic leader tend to vary from society to society. In new states the breakdown of traditional and co lonial-legal systems of authority produces conditions of uncer tainty conducive to the emergence of charismatic leadership. Through strategies of cultural management, the charismatic leader legitimizes his claims by associating with himself the sacred symbols of the culture. Disintegration of nationalist unity after independence often makes incompatible the simul taneous pursuit of the two goals of political development: the consolidation of the state and the growth of central government capacity to modernize. Charismatic appeal is initially concen trated on and contributes to the achievement of national co hesion.
Parties and the Masses
Authors: Silvert K.H.
Published: June 2007

In developing societies the "masses" are com posed of those persons who have lost identification with their traditional cultures but who have not yet succeeded in becom ing effectively participant members of the political public of the modern, national community. Political parties which attempt to agglutinate and direct the power of this kind of mass can have powerfully positive developmental effects. Sometimes, however, the ideologies of mass leaders lead them to institute such counter-producing systems as corporativism—as in Peron's Argentina—a system which may impede the ability of their so cieties to become fully modern. The growth of mass parties can carry with it what may be called "party charisma," the in vesting of the "movement" with the attribute of universal cor rectness. This tendency avoids some of the problems of suc cession characteristic of personalistic leadership, but reinforces a dogmatism prejudicial to the kind of pragmatic rationalism often seen as an intrinsic part of modern society. The type of mass party which may emerge in any given country is condi tioned by the pre-existing culture, ideological predispositions, accidents of leadership, the historical moment in which such parties appear, and the velocity of the process of modernization. If mass parties succeed in creating truly public men, their func tion in development is positive. Such a result, however, is by no means inevitable.
Constitutional Socialism in Yugoslavia
Authors: Maksimovi Ivan
Published: June 2007

The new constitution recently inaugurated in Yugoslavia expresses the profound political and economic changes which have been taking place during the course of the last decade in the country and which are still under way. The beginning of the changes commenced as far back as in 1950 with the law on management of economic enterprises and other organizations under state ownership and control, on the part of workers' collectives in them. This law and its implementation brought about deep political and economic changes in the coun try in the next period. In the sphere of political relations and institutions the system of self-government was introduced. Po litical self-government consists in that all political forms of gov ernment, including the state authority, are performed by all members of the society directly (in communes) or on the basis of representatives in the federal or republican parliament. This system seeks to devolve on associative political bodies— assemblies in communes, republics, and in the federation—all functions of state authority and to integrate the functions of political parties into the system of political government on the part of the entire society. Along with these political changes, the economic system loses the characteristic of a centralized, administratively conducted planned model of the socialist econ omy, such as it was so far, and assumes the characteristics of a new model of planned economy with strongly expressed ele ments of the market and of an independent economic activity of decentralized economic organization. In this sense the Yugo slav social system differs both from the model of the socialist system in the Soviet Union and from the existing systems in the West.
The Child's Image of Government
Authors: Easton David , Dennis Jack
Published: June 2007

To maintain a social construct as varied, exten sive, and demanding of social resources as government, a broad panoply of forces need to be set in motion to provide the requisite support. The political socialization of new members is one of the most far-reaching and most consequential of these forces. The political system must somehow provide a flow of information about and continuously create deep feelings of loyalty and obedience for its basic forms. One of these is its government or authorities. Government is a primary focus for the generation of politically supportive or disaffective orienta tions. The data here presented suggest that in the United States a supportive image of government is being widely and regularly reproduced for young new members. The average grade school child of the test group appears to experience some rather basic changes in his conception of government— changes which move him toward a cognitive image that con forms to the requirements of a democratic political system. We know as well, from what little evidence there is directly about support for government per se, that adult Americans are also highly supportive of their government. These explora tory data illustrate the growth of the deep roots of this sup portive sentiment.—Ed.
Nonalignment as a Diplomatic and Ideological Credo
Authors: Babaa Khalid I. , Crabb Cecil V.
Published: June 2007

Nonalignment can be, and too often is, a highly ambiguous and ill-defined concept. Frequently, it is equated with other ideas (like "neutralism" or "neutrality" or "isola tionism") which distort the doctrine and which engender wide spread misapprehensions about it outside the zone of nations committed to this credo. In recent years, misunderstanding of nonalignment has been prevalent in the West, particularly in the United States. More often than not, it has been con demned rather than understood. The first requirement of better understanding is to comprehend the doctrine of non alignment correctly. In turn, this demands differentiating it from certain closely related concepts and identifying those ele ments which are common to diverse African, Arab, and Asian interpretations of the doctrine. Admittedly, the fifty-odd na tions dedicated to nonalignment do not always agree upon its precise meaning. Considerable scope exists, and has been used, for diverse national interpretations and for policy diver gencies based upon the concept. Yet there is also basic agree ment on certain pivotal ideas implicit in it and upon certain diplomatic goals and strategies which are logical outgrowths of it. More intelligent and dispassionate understanding of the ideas central to nonalignment is prerequisite to assessing its importance, to evaluating its impact, and to predicting its fu ture on the international scene.
The European Version of Neutralism
Authors: Freymond Jacques
Published: June 2007

Is it possible to speak of a European neutralism? At most, only for a brief period during which the East-West conflict finds each of the two principal antagonists in the bipolar system glaring at each other. The so-called neutralist attitude of certain countries is then manifested in the basic endeavor to avoid having to choose between the United States and the So viet Union, between capitalism and communism. As the ten sion eases off and the centers of gravity shift, the choice thence- forward becomes less urgent, and neutralism loses its influence. Some people think that the independence asserted by France in her foreign policy should be deemed to be neutralism, or at least a reasonable facsimile. It is hard to go along with such an estimate. France does indeed seek to preserve her freedom of movement; but the fact remains that she is and will continue to be deeply committed to the struggle for Western values. France, quite as well as any other European State, cannot, moreover, disregard the reality of the Atlantic bloc, charac terized by a network of interrelationships of every sort from which none could pull free without further ado. Lastly, even if the European States lacked the conviction they do hold to the effect that such a community is necessary, a break be tween Europe and the United States, in other words any possi bility of European neutralism, seems highly improbable, since no substitute policy would be able to satisfy either the one or the other.
Latin America and Neutralism
Authors: De sousa sampaio Nelson
Published: June 2007

Neutralism finds particularly fertile ground in the underdeveloped countries of Asia and Africa. In Latin America, neutralism is used by leftist-oriented groups as a ve hicle to alienate their countries from an alignment with the West. Sometimes, neutralism appears under the disguise of nationalism, such as the tactical nationalism of the Communists and the rightist nationalism of some dictatorial movements. In Latin America, the antineutralist forces are stronger than the neutralist ones. The former include the armed forces, the Church, the ruling classes, the moneyed classes, and the middle class. In addition, the Inter-American system has proved to be an element against neutralism. Finally, the geopolitical setting and the international orientation of Latin America make a consolidation of the traditional bonds with the West an easier solution for its political and economic problems. Instead of going neutralist, Latin America will probably attempt to con stitute a new international center of power, without breaking with the West. So a look into the future would conceivably reveal a world divided into three or four influence spheres: the West (subdivided into three subspheres, that is, the United States, Europe, and Latin America); the Marxist-Leninist bloc (subdivided into Russia and China); and the non-Marxist countries of Asia and Africa.
The United States and the Neutralists: A Decade in Perspective
Authors: Crabb Cecil V.
Published: June 2007

When nonalignment first began to attract global attention during the 1950's, the initial reaction of American policy-makers was one of anxiety and skepticism—not to say outright hostility. For several years, American officials de manded that nonaligned nations "choose" the side they really supported in the Cold War. Legislative and public reactions to nonalignment were, and tended for a longer period to remain, highly critical. Gradually, executive policy-makers began to modify their assessment of nonalignment. From an early stage of apprehension, they moved to a stage of limited co-operation with neutralist countries to achieve common goals. And from that stage, by the early 1960's, they had gone on to endorse the basic idea of diplomatic nonalignment and to hold it out as the ultimate goal of countries like South Vietnam. This change did not, of course, signify official approval of all policies and activities of particular neutralist countries. But the over-all transition in American policy occurred for a number of reasons, not the least of which was realization in Washington that non alignment had become an influential and growing movement, attracting the vast majority of new states in the Afro-Asian world. In addition, several nations once closely allied diplo matically with the West also showed signs of assuming a de facto position of neutralism. If the public and Congress did not always fully comprehend these facts, executive officials real ized that opposition to nonalignment, and noncollaboration with its exponents, could not serve as the basis of effective na tional policy in a global setting characterized by growing "poly centricity" and by a gradual erosion of rigid diplomatic pos tures on both sides of the Iron Curtain.