bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Revolutionary Labor in Latin America: The CLASC
Authors: Francis Michael J.
Published: March 2007

The greatest change in the Latin American labor picture during the 1960s has been the emergence and growth of the Latin American Confederation of Christian Trade Unionists (Confederación Latino Americana de Sindicatos Cristianos—CLASC). The outcome of the struggle between the Organización Regional Interamericana de Trabajadores (ORIT), the older, AFL-CIO influenced movement in Latin America, and the CLASC for the leadership of the non-Communist sector of Latin American labor remains in question, but the result, even if a situation of peaceful coexistence develops, will have a significant impact on the political, social, and economic evolution of Latin America. This study attempts to sketch the unique ideological base on which the CLASC is founded, to outline its method of operation, and to explain the nature of its competition with the ORIT.
Water for Valparaíso: A Case of Entrepreneurial Frustration
Authors: Kinsbruner Jay
Published: March 2007

Valparaíso's first modern water-supply system was constructed by William Wheelwright in 1851. When he arrived at the port to settle in 1829, it was “entirely destitute of pure water, and this want seriously affected trade and industry not less than the health of the population.” Following a series of editorials on the poor system of water supply, the municipality passed a corrective law in July of 1829. Certain quebradas (ravines) in the hills overlooking the municipality were made fit to serve as reservoirs. People residing in the vicinity of the quebradas were enjoined against taking water out of the quebradas. Nor were they permitted to water horses or wash clothes. The law did not prove to be a panacea. Valparaíso continued to be without an adequte water supply.
Soviet Foreign Policy: The Church, the Christian Democrats, and Chile
Authors: Hamburg Roger P.
Published: March 2007

Diplomatic relations between Chile and the Soviet Union were reestablished in 1964, increasing to five the number of Latin American countries with which the U.S.S.R. carried on diplomatic intercourse at that time. Two of these, Uruguay and Mexico, have a long record of “nonintervention” in diplomatic negotiations, e.g., recognition and diplomatic relations are almost pro forma, with little, if any, implied judgment of the nature and character of the opposite number's government. Brazil, a rather special case, reestablished diplomatic relations in 1961, at the beginning of the Quadros-Goulart flirtation with the Soviet Union. The Cuban case hardly deserves further consideration, having been discussed exhaustively in literally a score of publications. But the Chilean situation illustrates the juncture of evolving Soviet assessments of the Latin American political scene and the accompanying Soviet trade, aid, and diplomatic and cultural programs. The advent to power of the Christian Democratic regime of Eduardo Frei Montalva calls attention to significant maneuvering and probing in Soviet foreign policy.
Stirrings of Cuban Nationalism: The Student Generation of 1930
Authors: Suchlicki Jaime
Published: March 2007

Among Latin American nations, Cuba has had a prominent tradition of student involvement in politics. Although University of Havana students supported the independence movement from Spain, organized political activism began only in the 1920's. Influenced by the reformist ideas emanating from the Córdoba Reform Movement and from the Mexican and Russian Revolutions, the Cuban students began searching for answers to the island's many problems. Cuba's severe economic crisis of 1920 brought economic chaos and social misery to the island, accelerated the desire for change, and led to a questioning of the existing order of society. Close supervision of Cuban affairs by the United States, the failure of the old generation emerging out of the War for Independence to implement needed social, political, and economic reforms, and the desire for a modern and autonomous university all combined to produce a brewing student revolution.
Slavery and the Plantation in the New World: The Development and Diffusion of a Social Form
Authors: Greenfield Sidney M.
Published: March 2007

Students of slavery and the plantation system long have realized that there were differences between the forms taken by these institutions in the New World colonies of the peoples of the Iberian Peninsula and those of the Anglo-Saxon nations of northwestern Europe. Several attempts have been made to compare selected areas of Iberian and Anglo- American plantation societies in the hope of specifying the nature of the differences. Unfortunately, these comparisons, rooted at times in the best techniques of historical and, in cases, sociological analysis, have focused on the Spanish colonies—and most often on the Cuban case—as the example of the Iberian pattern, arid the southern part of the United States, or parts of the British West Indies, as representative of the Anglo-American form.
Congressional Campaigning in Mexico: A View From the Provinces
Authors: Schmitt Karl M.
Published: March 2007

On July 2, 1967, Mexican voters elected representatives to the Chamber of Deputies, the lower house of the national legislature. By law the Chamber is completely renewed every three years, and members cannot succeed themselves. Throughout the country, the elections took place smoothly and without serious disturbances. The State of Yucatán, remote and isolated from the major political and economic centers of the country, quietly participated following an election campaign that was reserved and orderly.
Early Nineteenth-Century British Travelers in Chile: Impressions of Santiago and Valparaíso
Authors: Samuel Trifilo S.
Published: March 2007

The first English travel literature dealing with the western countries of South America is that which describes the exploits of early British navigators such as Drake, Narbrough, Anson, and others.1 These accounts, however, are mostly limited to descriptions of the coastal areas, and very little is included about the inland country, the people, and their way of life. It was not until after the wars of independence had been fought and won that the Spanish monopolistic barriers were fully eliminated, and foreigners were permitted to travel freely in the newlyemancipated South American countries. This was particularly true of Chile and Peru, to which countless Englishmen were attracted and were able to record their first-hand, vivid impressions of what they had seen.
Rural Poverty in Twentieth-Century Colombia
Authors: Berry Albert
Published: March 2007

Until recently Colombia has been a mainly rural and agricultural country. At the turn of the century probably 65% to 75% of the labor force was in agriculture; by 1951 this share had fallen to about 55% and in 1975 to about 35%. The share of population in rural areas was a little higher. In 1900 perhaps 50% to 55% of output came from agriculture; though it remains the main producing sector, its share had fallen to 25% by 1974.

Colombia has always had a highly unequal distribution of income, the major historical cause being an extremely unequal distribution of land. Over the years economic policy could be fairly described as “urban biased,” so that the group to whose welfare public policy has contributed the least are the landless agricultural workers, including a good number of migrant workers.
Japanese Immigration into Latin America: A Survey
Authors: Tigner James L.
Published: March 2007

The early relations of Latin America and Japan, representing a distinct chapter in the discovery of East Asia by the West, are attributable to the initial thrust of West European expansion beginning in the late fifteenth century, led by Portugal and Spain. Magellan claimed the Philippines for Spain in 1521, and following the conquest of Mexico, and later Peru, Spain sought to establish a trans-Pacific route for communication and commerce. The conquest of the Philippines, carried on from 1565 to 1571 under the leadership of Miguel López de Legaspi, foreshadowed the beginning of the Manila-Acapulco trade, which was subsequently carried on until 1815. In 1606 there were 3,000 Japanese colonists in Manila, and 15,000 in Dilao, which included Manila. Some Japanese, as well as Chinese, served as crew members on the Spanish galleons, and it is probable that these Japanese were the first in recorded history to reach the Americas (Ishii, 1937: 88; Bradley, 1942: 11; Meskill et al., 1971: 74-86; Schurz, 1939: 99-128).
Military Governments and the Transition to Civilian Rule: The Colombian Experience of 1957-1958
Authors: Hartlyn Jonathan
Published: March 2007

In the 1960s and 1970s, scholars interested in studying Latin American politics inevitably were drawn to the study of military coups d'etat and their causes. In the 1980s, a number of the countries in Latin America whose civilian political regimes were overthrown by military regimes may undergo or attempt to consolidate processes of democratization or redemocratization. Thus scholarly interest has tended to shift away from seeking to understand the causes for military overthrows of civilian regimes toward the study of prospects and processes of democratization or redemocratization in Latin America. In this context, the reexamination of earlier examples of durable transitions from authoritarian military regimes to civilian regimes may shed light on the relative importance of different factors in determining particular outcomes. This article carries out such a re-examination for the case of Colombia, analyzing the transition from rule by General Gustavo Rojas Pinilla (1953-1957) through the crucial period of the interim military junta (1957-1958) to the consociational National Front political regime.
The External Dimension of Civil Insurrection: International Organizations and the Nicaraguan Revolution
Authors: Gordon Dennis R. , Munro Margaret M.
Published: March 2007

After more than a year of intense civil war, Nicaraguan President Anastasio Somoza Debayle resigned from office on July 19, 1979, and fled the country. Accompanying the opposition's Provisional Junta when it entered Managua were the foreign ministers of the five Andean Group nations: Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and Venezuela. The presence of the Andean Group representatives during the transfer of power is indicative of the important part played by international governmental organizations (IGOs) during the Nicaraguan revolution. Along with the Andean Group, the Organization of American States (OAS) acted with a degree of independence not usually evident in hemispheric affairs.
Brazilian Elites and the Descendants of the German, Italian, and Japanese Immigrants
Authors: Nichols Glenn A. , Snyder Philip S.
Published: March 2007

A growing realization on the part of scholars and the general public has been the increasing interdependence of the world. Technology and communications have narrowed distance and time between diverse cultures, resulting in increased contact, if not increased cultural harmony.

The immigration of millions of persons to new homes has heightened this interdependence. In the Western Hemisphere not only the United States but also Mexico, Brazil, Argentina, and Chile received substantial numbers of immigrants.

Brazil, alone, was the recipient of more than 5 million immigrants. The majority of the immigrants, apart from those of the Iberian Peninsula, came from Germany, Italy, and Japan. Chronologically, the Germans arrived first, the Italians second, and the Japanese third. Numerically, Italy has contributed 1.5 million, Germany 300,000, and Japan 170,000 to date.
Gringo and Creole: Foreign and Native Values in a Rural Argentine Community
Authors: Ruggiero Kristin
Published: March 2007

Almost all literature on immigration in the context of assimilation addresses itself either directly or indirectly to values. While material is more often available for examining assimilation's external manifestations, such as frequency of intermarriage with the native population, degree of participation in the institutions of the host country, and willingness to adopt its language, these manifestations inevitably turn around the more amorphous question of native and immigrant values. More fundamental than social patterns, values determine whether an immigrant will learn the new language or will intermarry with the long-term residents of the host country.
Financial Controls and Economic Liberalization in Latin America
Authors: Brock Philip L.
Published: March 2007

Virtually all developing countries at various times abandon laissez-faire policies with respect to international trade in order to pursue government-directed strategies of industrialization. Abandonment of free trade always means that private firms and consumers no longer base their economic decisions on world prices of goods but, rather, on distorted domestic prices that alter production and consumption decisions. For example, imposition of a tariff on automobile imports raises the domestic price of automobiles in comparison with other goods in the economy. The higher relative price of automobiles has two effects: first, consumers purchase fewer automobiles because of the higher price, relative to other goods they can buy; and, second, domestic production of automobiles increases in response to the higher selling price while domestic production of other goods falls, as labor and physical capital shift away from the other sectors and toward the automotive sector.
Relations between Nicaragua and the Socialist Countries
Authors: Berrios Rubén
Published: March 2007

Since the Late 1960s, due to détente and rising nationalism in Latin America, the Soviet Union and the Eastern European countries have succeeded in expanding diplomatic relations with most countries in the Western Hemisphere (Blasier, 1984; Fichet, 1981). For an increasing number of Third World nations, the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) countries of Eastern Europe have become a source of trade, credits, technical assistance and political support. Hence, many Third World countries view CMEA agreements as a means of strengthening their negotiating position vis-á-vis the United States and other developed countries. In turn, the CMEA countries have stepped up their commercial activity irrespective of the nature of the governments of the recipient countries. In the case of Latin America, CMEA ability to provide such funding is restrained by their own economic limitations, by geographical distance and by the shortage of foreign exchange. These factors discourage risky commitments in a region that is peripheral to essential security concerns of the CMEA countries.
Cuba's Involvement in Africa: An Interpretation of Objectives, Reactions, and Limitations
Authors: Grabendorff Wolf
Published: March 2007

Any examination of the Cuban involvement in Africa should take into consideration the political conditions surrounding such involvement. Only by analyzing the objectives and motivations of those involved, while disregarding any arguments in justification, can one adequately demonstrate the complexity of the relations between Cuba and its African allies. An analysis of Cuba's assessment of its own political and ideological function in Africa or of the objectives of the Soviet Union in Africa is not as important as an examination of the African expectations arising from Cuban military and development aid.
State Enterprise in a Liberal Regime
Authors: Topik Steven
Published: March 2007

The growth of public enterprise is generally viewed as a product of the post-World War II developmentalist state. In late-developing capitalist countries, however, many important firms already came under state control during preceding liberal regimes. Because of the liberal context in which they operated, such companies frequently adopted policies that differed in important ways from those followed under the developmentalist state. The purpose of this study is to focus on the Banco do Brasil—the single most important publicly controlled firm of Brazil's First Republic (1889-1930) and today the seventh largest bank in the world—in order to examine the nature of state enterprise in a liberal regime.
Decision-Making in a Public Marketing Enterprise
Authors: Hilger Marye Tharp
Published: March 2007

CONASUPO (Compañia Nacional de Subsistencias Populares) is a vertically integrated distribution system for staple goods in Mexico. It is an autonomous, public enterprise, and it has broad policy formulation and implementation responsibilities as an agency for development. CONASUPO competes with private sector producers, wholesalers, and retailers, in addition to its special roles in economic and market development.

It is the object of this article to describe how marketing decisions are made in CONASUPO. The environment within which market decisions are made in CONASUPO sets the parameters for its decision processes and influences the types of marketing strategies that it pursues.
Third World Debt: Toward a More Balanced Adjustment
Authors: Feinberg Richard E.
Published: March 2007

The Third World Debt Crisis continues to burden the US economy, our foreign policy, the international financial system, and the future of many developing countries. The cancerous debt has not terminated the afflicted parties, but it is damaging many US interests. The debt disease eats at the foundations of our banking system, shrinks our export markets, and irritates our foreign relations. For the developing nations, this persistent illness deepens poverty, consumes scarce national savings, undermines adjustment efforts, and threatens eventually to destabilize emerging democracies.
Prescriptions and Results: Policy Recommendations for Central America in 1984
Authors: Hayes Margaret Daly
Published: March 2007

Growing political turmoil and economic stagnation in the Western Hemisphere, especially in Central America, caused the U.S. government and a number of private groups to search in depth for more profound understanding of the problems of the region and for appropriate policy responses. Beginning in 1979, with the anti- Somoza revolution in Nicaragua, a large number of scholars, journalists and commentators began to write about Central America to the amazement and amusement of those three or four academics who had covered the region before. All who studied the Central American situation found plenty wrong with it.
Human Rights, U.S. Foreign Policy, and Haitian Refugees
Authors: Loescher Gilburt , Scanlan John
Published: March 2007

Haitians have been migrating to the United States in significant numbers since the rise to power of Francois Duvalier over a quarter century ago. A few who have been able to meet the strict eligibility criteria of U. S. immigration law have entered as legal immigrants. Perhaps as many as 300,000 others have entered illegally, or have overstayed the terms of their temporary visas. A diverse population composed of professionals and businessmen, students and shopkeepers, journalists, small land holders, and illiterate peasants, it is impossible to capture their individual reasons for leaving Haiti and coming to the United States in a single all-inclusive phrase.

Haiti is the poorest country in this hemisphere. Nearly all who leave to come to the United States are aware that they are trading malnutrition, negligible educational opportunities, and a subsistence standard of living for the greater opportunities afforded by life in America.
Party Development in Revolutionary Cuba
Authors: LeoGrande William M.
Published: March 2007

During the Cuban revolution's first decade, Fidel Castro's charismatic authority and predominant position eclipsed the significance of the new institutions created to replace the prerevolutionary political order. The “institutionalization” under way in Cuba since 1970, however, has strengthened and formalized the political structure to the extent that the island's institutions can no longer be regarded as peripheral to the dynamics of Cuban politics. This is particularly true of the Communist party of Cuba, which has emerged from the 1970s as the central political institution. The way in which the party has developed not only highlights some of the problems inherent in the process of creating a new political order, but is also essential for understanding contemporary Cuban politics.
The United States Role in the Malvinas Crisis, 1982: Misguidance and Misperception in Argentina's Decision to Go to War
Authors: Feldman David Lewis
Published: March 2007

The Malvinas (Falklands) war of April-June 1982 has generated little attention among international scholars largely because neither its causes or consequences are. assumed to have great power significance.

The thesis of this article is that the timing of the Malvinas invasion, and the subsequent miscalculation that the United States would tacitly assist Argentina, were partly shaped by U. S. policies. Although the principal motive for the invasion was to vindicate a claim stretching back to the early 19th century (U.S. House 1982c: 50-51; Etchepareborda, 1983:48-58), the abruptness of Argentina's actions was conditioned by Reagan administration overtures towards a grand “anti-Communist” alliance (Maechling, 1982:75-82; Sunday Times, 1982: 63); an increase in the frequency and prestige of high-level contacts between the U.S. and Argentina between 1980-1982; the cultivation of official links between Galtieri and high-ranking U.S. national security officials (U.S. House, 1982d: 67; Hastings and Jenkins, 1983:46); the intense, personal diplomacy of former Secretary of State Haig during the conflict (Hastings and Jenkins, 1983: 104-113); and by covert efforts by Argentina to extend and strengthen U.S.-Argentine ties (Cardoso et al., 1983: 60-61).
The Fall of Military Rule in Argentina: 1976-1983
Authors: Pion-Berlin David
Published: March 2007

The Subject of military rule in Latin America has been a familiar topic of inquiry for many years, but its treatment has been quite selective. While there is voluminous literature on the causes of military coups, very little has been written on military withdrawal from power. Both the example of Brazil's “apertura” (political opening) and the Argentine case under review here are still too recent to expect to find a large quantity of critiques. Even historical experiences of military defeat have gotten poor coverage, such as the fall of the Peruvian regime from 1975-1980. This study will analyze causes of the breakdown of military rule in Argentina, concentrating on the two year period of 1980-1982.
Negotiating War in El Salvador: The Politics of Endgame
Authors: Baloyra Enrique A.
Published: March 2007

Important changes occurred in El Salvador between the parley of government and guerrilla representatives at La Palma (15 October 1984) and the exchange of kidnapped government officials for imprisoned and wounded guerrillas (24 October 1985). During that year Salvadoran politics entered into the endgame of a political transition that may yet culminate in a democratic consolidation. Reaching the endgame stage of the transition hinged on the outcome of the March 1985 election, which gave the Christian Democratic administration of José Napoleón Duarte a clear majority in the Legislative Assembly and control of most municipal governments. The election completed the process of investing formal-legal power in a government committed to democratization. Equally important, it strengthened the credibility and legitimacy of that government, both domestically and abroad. However, that third consecutive electoral victory by the Christian Democrats did not, of itself, guarantee the consolidation of a democratic regime. The election simply created a more favorable climate in which thePartido Demócrata Cristiano(PDC) and others could do so, but formidable political obstacles still remain.
Domestic Implications of Illicit Colombian Drug Production and Trafficking
Authors: Craig Richard B.
Published: March 2007

In recent years Latin American countries have become a principal source of narcotic drugs for the United States market. Mexico, once the fount of 85% of the heroin consumed by American addicts, still supplies approximately 30% of the drug. Peru and Bolivia grow a combined total of 60 million kilos of coca leaf annually, more than twice the amount needed for legitimate use. The remainder is either processed into cocaine for direct shipment abroad or smuggled in base form through Ecuador into Colombia, where chemists distill tons of the prized white powder that sells for $100 gram in diluted form on the streets of Chicago, Montreal, and Frankfurt. Colombia also surpassed Mexico in the late 1970s in marijuana production and currently holds the dubious honor of being the world's leading manufacturer of illicit methaqualone. Methaqualone base, originally smuggled in from Hungary, is currently believed to originate in mainland China.
The Future of the British Caribbean Dependencies
Authors: Thorndike Tony
Published: March 2007

Robert F. Kennedy's observation that “progress is a nice word..but change is its motivator and change has its enemies,” could have been made for the remaining six, all physically small, British dependent territories in the Caribbean: Anguilla, Bermuda, British Virgin Islands (BVI), Cayman Islands, Montserrat, and the Turks and Caicos Islands (TCI). The persistent refusal by the majority of their respective peoples to consider independence, despite, in some of the territories, its propagation by political leaders and its blandishment — at least until recently — by the British, seems an anachronism.
Clinton's Foreign Drug Policy
Authors: Perl Raphael F.
Published: March 2007

An important issue for many US citizens, particularly those who live in the inner city and in major urban areas, is the level of administration concern regarding the impact of drugs on US society and the relative priority the administration assigns to drugs as a policy issue.

In mid-October 1993, the Clinton administration released an interim policy statement setting forth its proposed strategy for national drug control. Consisting of both domestic and international components, this strategy seeks to downplay the drug issue as a priority driving the new administration's policy agenda. Within the United States, the drug policy is linked to other important domestic goals and is envisioned as just one of the elements in efforts to spur economic growth, reform health care, curb violence among the nation's youth, and “empower communities.”
Panama: The Difficult Transition Towards Democracy
Authors: Furlong William L.
Published: March 2007

It should come as no surprise that Panama is experiencing difficult times in the attempt to recast its political system, long under military control (1968-1989), into a functioning democracy. The military came to power in 1968 by ousting President Arnulfo Arias from his elected office — and not for the first time: they had also deposed him on two previous occasions, in 1941 and again in 1951. Following the 1968 coup, the military regime allowed no more presidential elections until the 1980s when, presumably, it felt its position sufficiently secure. However, those elections were neither honest, open, nor democratic. In May 1984, when Arnulfo Arias won the election, he was — again — deprived of the presidency when the military altered the results of the vote. When the next presidential elections were held, in 1989, General Manuel Antonio Noriega once more cancelled the results after his efforts to falsify the voting count failed.
Dimensions of the South American Cocaine Industry
Authors: Lee Rensselaer
Published: March 2007

Drug Abuse and Attempts to Control the flow of illicit narcotics have come to pervade US relations with the Third World in recent years. The drug issue carries substantial potential for conflict and mutual recrimination between North and South. The main dmg-consuming countries are rich and industrialized; the main drug-producing countries are poor and predominantly agricultural. The drug trade generates a transfer of resources from North to South and has gained a powerful economic foothold in some Third World countries. Producing countries and consuming countries blame each other for the accelerating drug traffic and advocate, respectively, demand-side and supply-side solutions. US programs to control drug cultivation and production overseas often impinge on nationalist sensitivities. Moreover, political elites in some Third World countries view anti-drug crusades as imposing significant economic and social costs as well as creating new and formidable political challenges.
The War on Drugs: The Peruvian Case
Authors: McClintock Cynthia
Published: March 2007

Peru is a Priority Theater in The US War against drugs in that it produces more coca for export to the United States than any other Latin American country. The Huallaga Valley, a remote area about 200 miles northeast of Lima on the eastern Andean slopes, is one of the world's most fertile coca-growing regions. This article focuses on what is known about Peru's coca industry, and the anti-drug efforts that have been undertaken by the US and Peruvian governments. Under President Alan Garcia, elected in 1985, the Peruvian government has been usually cooperative with US anti-drug programs; some explanations for this collaboration will be suggested.

Despite the Garcia government's cooperative stance, the results of Peru's war against drugs have been similar to results elsewhere: governments have won some battles, but they are losing the war. Perhaps the most important question raised by the ' Peruvian case is whether the United States should give a higher priority to anti-drug efforts or to counterinsurgency; US policy regarding Peru has appeared to do the latter.
The Caribbean: Myths and Realities for the 1990s
Authors: Sorbin Andres
Published: March 2007

Jaribbean scholars and analysts frequently point out that, despite its predominantly insular nature, it is not geography that accounts for the complexities and division of the Caribbean but, rather, history. Contemporary politics and international relations only confirm this judgment. As a result, and however unwillingly, we have become accustomed to viewing the region through narrow definitions and categories which, even though validated over time, contrast with the region's geographic, historical, political and economic reality.In the process, these limited views have given rise to persistent myths regarding both the region and its future.

Throughout its history, many names have been given to the area: fromAntilles to West Indies to Caribbean Basin. The varying colonial contexts, as well as the diverse cultural and political assumptions of the main state actors involved in the area, have ascribed a wide variety of names to the region.

When speaking of the Caribbean, and taking into account the different historical assumptions and perceptions, three distinct definitions generally arise.
The New US Economic Initiative Toward Latin America
Authors: Weintraub Sidney
Published: March 2007

Trade Policy in the Western Hemisphere is undergoing major transformation. Developments during the past few years include entry into force of the Canada-US free trade agreement; the prospect of negotiations among Canada, Mexico, and the United States toward a North American free trade area; efforts to deepen economic integration between Argentina and Brazil; and the initiative of President George Bush for free trade in the Western Hemisphere.

Had the Bush proposal been put forward a decade or so ago, it would have been greeted with suspicion, perhaps even derision, as just another neocolonial US maneuver to keep Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) countries from developing their industrial capacity. Its reception, however, was generally favorable, even enthusiastic. It is premature to expect the conclusion of free trade agreements between LAC countries, other than Mexico, and the United States, but there is a dynamic moving in this direction.
Can Castro Survive?
Authors: Schulz Donald E.
Published: March 2007

There is a moment in “I, Claudius” where Claudius, the king, looks back at all that had happened during his lifetime and before and decides that it is all rotten and has to be destroyed. And he makes a statement. He says: “Let all the poisons that lurk in the mud hatch out.”

In a very real sense, Claudius’ curse sums up much of what has happened in Cuba during the last several years. All of the weaknesses and pathologies of the Castro regime, many of which had been hidden beneath its monolithic façade, have come to the surface. The revolution has soured. The situation has grown so bad that most political observers today assume that the regime is in its “final hour.” Cuba is “collapsing,” and the only real questions are when and how Fidel will go and what will replace him.

While Castro must leave sooner or later, reports of his impending demise have been much exaggerated. A golpe de estado is possible, but not probable.
The Enterprise for the Americas Initiative: A New Approach to Economic Growth
Authors: Porter Roger B.
Published: March 2007

On 27 June 1990, President Bush launched the Enterprise for the Americas Initiative as a part of his longstanding interest in encouraging democracy and economic growth in Latin America and the Caribbean. Impressed by political and economic events in Latin America, he felt a new approach was needed to help advance prosperity throughout the region.

Recent events in the Western Hemisphere are part of a worldwide phenomenon. The past 18 months have witnessed enormous economic and political change.

These changes are almost universally positive and, not least, are being achieved peacefully. Indicative of these changes is the assertion by Charles William Maynes that in the future “economists will be more important than geopoliticians [and] diplomats more critical than warriors” (Maynes, 1990). There is a fresh, dynamic attitude around the world that views change optimistically, not fearfully.
United States International Drug Policy: Recent Developments and Issues
Authors: Perl Raphael F.
Published: March 2007

In a Nationally televised speech on 5 September 1989, President Bush outlined a comprehensive anti-drug program with both domestic and international dimensions. The objectives of this strategy, which was refined and submitted to the Congress on 25 January 1990, are to reduce the amount of cocaine, marijuana, heroin, and other dangerous drugs estimated to be entering the United States (a) by 15% within 2 years and (b) by 60% within 10 years.

The strategy includes a number of international components which differ greatly from policies of previous years. New to the strategy are provisions which: (1) provide — for the first time — support for limited economic assistance to major cocaineproducing countries; (2) concentrate more on disrupting the activities of the trafficking organizations [i.e. on seizing processing labs, chemicals and assets] and less on disrupting the activities of farmers [i.e., crop eradication]; (3) encourage increased levels of Andean nation military involvement in counter-narcotics operations; and (4) provide for enhanced US military support to host nation counter-narcotics forces.
The Latin American Military, Low Intensity Conflict, and Democracy
Authors: Marcella Gabriel
Published: March 2007

There can be no expression of a desire to return to political power when experience tells us that the result is totally negative for our country and fundamentally so for the armed forces (LAWR, 1986b).

— Chief of Staff, Army of Argentina

The most remarkable development in Latin America during the economically “lost decade” of the 1980s is the regionwide process of redemocratization. Close to 90% of the people of the region are ruled by civilian governments. The flowering of democratic, pluralistic, and participatory systems is still a noble aspiration, but it is radically different from the bleak political landscape of the 1960s and 1970s, when military governments prevailed. Nor is the appurtenance of civilian government equal to democracy. There is a large variety of civilian-military coalitions possible in a democratic setting.
International Integration and Democratic Development: The Cases of Poland and Mexico
Authors: Gentleman Judith , Zubek Voytek
Published: March 2007

Although Poland and Mexico differ in many important respects, certain notable similarities in their historical patterns of development and in their geopolitical contexts have invited several attempts to compare the two systems (Hughes, 1986; Croan, 1970; Gentleman and Zubek, 1992 forthcoming). Despite the substantial economic potential of each country, each has had only uneven success in economic development. Each has undergone repeated economic setbacks in spite of having undertaken epic initiatives, particularly in the area of industrialization. In the political realm, although both countries have manifested a passionate nationalist ethos in the past, neither society has proved able to develop a modern democratic system.
Economic Policy in Chile's New Democracy
Authors: Weyland Kurt
Published: March 2007

The Aylwin and Frei administrations have taken a cautious approach in formulating economic policies. This article analyzes how they have maintained economic stability, fueled sustained growth, and coped with inflows of foreign capital. While achieving successes in macroeconomic policy, export development, and poverty alleviation, Chile also faces challenges, including high social inequality and the increasing difficulty of dealing with the effects of financial globalization.
Violent Opportunities: The Rise and Fall of “King Coca” and Shining Path
Authors: Kay Bruce H.
Published: March 2007

The scope and intensity of political violence in a democratizing society are influenced particularly by regional opportunities arising from state weakness that favor the formation of coalitions against the state. The illicit market for coca in Peru’s Upper Huallaga Valley fostered a tactical alliance between Shining Path guerrillas and coca producers that funded Shining Path’s national presence. Falling coca prices in the 1990s, combined with key state-strengthening measures under the Fujimori government, destroyed that relationship and weakened the‘ guerrilla organization.
Religious and Social Participation in War-Torn Areas of El Salvador
Authors: Gómez Ileana
Published: March 2007

The Salvadoran civil war destroyed local community life throughout the province of Morazán. Despite the peace accords, poverty, unequal land distribution, and a “culture of violence” demand structural and institutional transformations well beyond the individual moral regeneration offered by churches. Religion, however, supplies coping tools, especially for youth, women, and repatriated refugees. By focusing on local issues, furthermore, churches are fostering social participation among hitherto disenfranchised groups, a critical element in building an inclusive, robust democracy.
Popular Religions and the Building of Democracy in Latin America: Saving the Tocquevillian Parallel
Authors: Ireland Rowan
Published: March 2007

Do Latin America’s popular religions contribute to the formation of citizens and the development of civil society—the infrastructure of democracy—in ways that parallel the operation of the religious factor in the development of North American democracy as perceived by Tocqueville? Examining evidence prompting both negative and positive responses, this essay argues that Catholicism, Pentecostalism, and Afro-Brazilian Spiritism all contain tendencies that contribute to the development of pluralist democracy in the Latin American republics.
Economic Reform and Democratization in Argentina and Uruguay: The Tortoise and the Hare Revisited?
Authors: Blake Charles H.
Published: March 2007

Implementing market-oriented reforms is often a contentious affair, especially in new democracies. It can be time-consuming when the democratic process permits many opportunities to examine (and to block) controversial proposals. Conversely, when debate is limited by various means, the pursuit of reform can undermine the democratic regime. How, then, can market-oriented reforms and democracy be consolidated simultaneously?
Offshore Secrecy Centers and the Necessary Role of States: Bucking the Trend
Authors: Maingot Anthony P.
Published: March 2007

Despite the growing interest in the theme of corruption, one cannot yet speak of a body of research and analysis sufficient to the creation of inductive theory. This is not to say that there has not been interesting empirical and theoretical work done. However, most of this work has dealt with variations to the legal definition of corruption as being the illegal use of public office for private gain or, as V. O. Key, Jr. put it, the uninstitutionalized influence of wealth in a political system. The relationship between “power” and corruption has been a subject of analytical speculation since Plato posed, and Machiavelli revived, the “dirty hands” dilemma.
Trade, Politics, and Democratization: The 1997 Global Agreement Between the European Union and Mexico
Authors: Sanahuja José Antonio
Published: March 2007

Mexico and the European Union signed a new Political and Economic Association Agreement in December 1997 and ultimately a free-trade agreement in March 2000, aiming to establish a new model of relations with a more dynamic trade and investment component. This article analyzes the 1997 agreement as background to the final accord. Economic and political changes in the 1990s modified both parties’ participation in the international political economy, helping to overcome some of the structural obstacles to the relationship. The policy toward Latin America adopted by the EU in 1994 was influential. The negotiation process revealed divergences over the scope of the liberalization process and the so-called democracy clause.
Guatemala in the Global System
Authors: Chase-Dunn Christopher
Published: March 2007

This article presents a short summary of the world-systems perspective on globalization as relevant to considering the possibilities and probabilities of Guatemala’s prospects for democracy and development. Guatemala’s structural position in the larger global political economy is examined. The strategy of “globalization from below” as popular movement alliances’ response to neoliberal corporate globalization is considered in the Guatemalan context.
On Poverty and Inequality in Latin America
Authors: Rosenthal Gert
Published: March 2007

It is by now conventional wisdom to say that, while the countries of Latin America have improved their economic performance over the past few years, the majority of their populations have suffered a reversal in their standards of living compared to, let us say, 1980. After the protracted recession and acute macroeconomic disequilibria which was experienced by almost all the countries during the first half of the 1980s, many are staging a recovery in the 1990s. On the positive side, some of the indicators most frequently cited include the resumption of growth (albeit at moderate rates), greater financial stability, an increasingly diversified export sector, and political democratization. On the negative side, one finds inevitable mention of the following: inequitable distribution of income, a high incidence of absolute poverty, and the social tensions that tend to accompany them.
Sino-Latin American Relations: Sources and Consequences, 1977–1997
Authors: Mora Frank O.
Published: March 2007

Diplomatic and economic relations between Latin American countries and the People’s Republic of China have become increasingly relevant for both sides, particularly in the areas of trade, investment, and scientific and technological cooperation. Relations have also intensified because of changes in the international balance of power; the PRC’s Third World policy is shaped by the friction between the PRC and the world’s great powers, including the United States. Competition from Taiwan for Latin American opportunities is another significant influence.
Democratization and Changes in the Pattern of Association in Brazil
Authors: Avritzer Leonardo
Published: March 2007

The results of a survey of 311 members of voluntary associations in São Paulo and Belo Horizonte suggest that members of voluntary associations incorporate the values introduced by social movements during the democratization process: they claim organizational autonomy from the state, and they defend more participatory forms of decisionmaking. These findings are important for the debate between democratic consolidation and delegative democracy. Democratization might benefit from the incorporation of these actors into new participatory designs.
Consensus Found, Consensus Lost: Disjunctures in US Policy Toward Latin America at the Turn of the Century
Authors: Wiarda Howard J.
Published: March 2007

After the great ideological debates of the 1970s and 1980s and the domestic “war” (there is no better term) over Central America policy, a quite remarkable consensus had emerged in the 1990s regarding United States policy in Latin America. The new consensus was surprisingly bipartisan, having been largely continuous from the Bush to the Clinton administrations and actually having its origins in the even earlier Carter and Reagan administrations. For those who remember the rancorous, divisive battles, stretching back over two decades, over such issues as human rights, El Salvador, and Nicaragua, the emergence of a consensus on US foreign policy towards Latin America was nothing short of astounding. There are three basic elements in this new consensus, usually referred to as the "Washington Consensus," all interrelated:

(1)

an emphasis on furthering democracy and human rights;

(2)

an emphasis on free (or at least “fair”) trade and economic integration; and

(3)

an emphasis on open markets, state downsizing, and privatization: i.e., on capitalism or neoliberalism.
Retrospective in Commemoration of Carl Stone: Jamaican Pioneer of Political Culture
Authors: Edie Carlene J.
Published: March 2007

The late Professor Carl Stone was perhaps best known in the academic community as a political behavioralist who pioneered the systematic study of voting behavior in Jamaica, using the Michigan model of opinion research. In the Caribbean, he was famous for his "hitting the nail on the head" election predictions, correctly predicting, in terms of the victorious party, the outcome of all national elections held in Jamaica between 1976 and 1993 and, in several instances, in terms of constituency seats and percentage of votes received.
The Importance of Trade in the Western Hemisphere
Authors: Weintraub Sidney
Published: March 2007

Trade policy throughout the Western Hemisphere is in a state of flux, more so now than at any other time in the postwar period. Among policy officials in Latin America, the Caribbean, and North America, there is general agreement on many trade policy issues but uncertainty about others. Although this paper starts with areas of agreement, it focuses upon those issues for which there is no consensus.
Situación Demográfica de Guatemala y Sus Efectos Socio-Económicos
Authors: Villamil José A.
Published: March 2007

El 24 de octubre de 1970 el doctor Norman E. BarLang, quien recibió el premio Nobel de la Paz por su labor para mejorar las cosechas de trigo, advirtió en una conferencia de prensa en la ciudad de México que “la actitud irreal del mundo hacia el desmedido crecimiento de la población mundial es el mayor problema que encaramos en la actualidad”

Esa actitud irreal que señala el Dr. BarLang es la que prevalece en nuestra América, especialmente en Guatemala y el resto de Centroamérica. Aparentemente existen tres grandes posturas ideológicas en lo que se relaciona a la situación demográfica en Centroamérica:

A. Los grupos de extrema izquierda minimizan el problema con posturas simplistas e irracionales. Para ellos no hay ningún problema poblacional real ya que éste ha sido creado artificialmente por el “imperialismo norteamericano” para producir un pánico general que nos lleve a implementar métodos de control de natalidad y, siguiendo la lógica de estos grupos, a la subsiguiente despoblación de Centroamérica.