bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
An Analysis of “The Windhover”
Authors: Matchett William H.
Published: February 2007

I am personally grateful to Archibald A. Hill's experimental analysis of “The Windhover” in the December 1955 PMLA (LXX, 968–978) for the incidental enrichment of the poem offered by a fact I had not previously recognized–the fact that “dawn-drawn” may be read ‘sketched by the dawn’ as well as ‘attracted by the dawn.’ I must therefore confess myself disappointed by his flat denial of the enrichment he has offered. Mr. Hill says: “I see no way to tell whether the best substitute for ‘drawn’ is ‘attracted’ or ‘sketched.‘ The individual reader can make his own arbitrary choice, but I believe that he must choose, and can not keep both meanings. There are instances in this poem where multiple meanings must be recognized, but these occur only when there is positive evidence for more than one interpretation. Multiple meaning is not acceptable when there is merely a choice between two meanings which are both formally and structurally satisfactory” (p. 971).
Baroque Prose in the Theater: Ben Jonson
Authors: Barish Jonas A.
Published: February 2007

Many years ago Morris W. Croll's studies of seventeenth-century prose demonstrated that the so-called anti-Ciceronian movement in prose style—which included in England such writers as Bacon, Jonson, Browne, Hall, and Burton—based itself not merely on a refusal to imitate Cicero, but on certain common philosophical attitudes, chiefly Stoic and libertine, and on common rhetorical models in Seneca and Tacitus. Croll, having sketched the intellectual tradition in which these writers worked, went on to examine their writings empirically. In a brilliant essay entitled “The Baroque Style in Prose,” he outlined their chief syntactic procedures and showed how these sprang from and reflected a common aesthetic. A more recent study, The Senecan Amble by George Williamson (London, 1951), has amplified Croll's historical researches, attempting to fix the anti-Ciceronian or Senecan movement more firmly amid its tangled antecedents and its numerous consequences. Both Croll and Williamson, however, have concerned themselves primarily with stylistic theory, and with large historical sequences in which individual authors appear as points on a complex graph. It still remains to study some of the writers in question more closely as individuals, both to verify their locations on the graph and also to explore the richness and multiplicity of individual accents that compose the common style. The purpose of the present essay is a simple one: to focus attention on a single author, Ben Jonson. The evidence will show, I think, that the case of Jonson bears out Croll's findings to a remarkable extent, and that although Croll fails to mention Jonson in his article on baroque prose, Jonson has some claim to be regarded as the baroque stylist par excellence, whose highly personal, highly inflected style realizes to their fullest extent the principles of the baroque rhetoric.
Lessing's Attitude in the Lavater-Mendelssohn Controversy
Authors: Flajole Edward S.
Published: February 2007

Moses Mendelssohn wrote to Lessing on 29 November 1770, informing him that he was finally sending him “the Ferguson” which Lessing had been so anxious to read. Before receiving an answer, Mendelssohn wrote Lessing a second time, in mid-December, apologizing for his failure to send “the Ferguson.” Gleim, who was to have brought the book to Wolfenbüttel, had slipped out of Berlin with J. G. Jacobi without a word to Mendelssohn, and now Moses was sending the book by mail. In a postscript Mendelssohn asks Lessing if he has seen in the Jenaische Zeitung von gelehrten Sachen what J. C. Lavater read from the diary of his travels before the Consistory in Zurich. Mendelssohn tells Lessing that he has been unable to pass the matter over in silence. He has asked Lavater for an explanation, and if this does not prove satisfactory, he will be obliged to say certain things which both parties will find unpleasant.
Art and Love in the Confessions of Jean-Jacques Rousseau
Authors: Temmer Mark J.
Published: February 2007

There are few scholars who have not despaired of settling the controversies that relate to Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Well known during his lifetime, these disputes have become legends which obscure the real ambiguities of his existence and achievement. In this respect, Rousseau belongs to the family of Montaigne and Gide, whose lengthy confessions have rarely been judged in an unbiased manner. It is, to be sure, the very purpose of such avowals to preclude indifference, and, in the case of Rousseau, there is little sense in trying to evade the haunting and problematical implications of his autobiography. The man and artist must first be approached not only for the sake of their respective importance, but also because the Discourses, the Social Contract, and the Emile are transpositions and solutions of their inner conflicts. At present, there is agreement on at least this one point, and many philosophers and critics have sought to find the principle which would reveal the true motives of a man who swore to tell the truth. However, few of their commentaries on the Confessions and the Rêveries du promeneur solitaire envisage the fundamental question of the autobiographical genre itself, namely: How does the great autobiographer succeed in making credible and convincing the story of his life, and what are the stylistic means by which he imposes this vision on others?
Notes on an Apocryphal Diderot Text—Le Dialogue Entre Diderot Et L'abbé Barthélemy
Authors: Loy J. Robert
Published: February 2007

In 1920, the Revue mondiale published an unedited dialogue of Diderot with the Abbé de Barthélemy from a manuscript which had been found, it was said, among the papers of Sainte-Beuve by his secretary, Jules Troubat. Albert Cim (Cimochowski), an occasional contributor to the review, wrote a brief note on the history of the dialogue and said that Troubat had very much wanted to see the text published. Troubat died, however, in 1914 before he could arrange for its publication. Cim, having made a copy of the manuscript, determined to carry out Troubat's intentions and, after the First World War, he enlisted the sympathies of Jean Finot, managing editor of the Revue mondiale. One year later, the publisher, Albert Messein, who had just published a collection of anecdotes on the life of Diderot (Historiettes, collected by Suzy Leparc), agreed with Cim that the dialogue deserved a more lasting format than the pages of a semimonthly review and brought out the thin volume of the dialogue's text.
Shelley's Admiration for Bacon
Authors: Scott William O.
Published: February 2007

Shelley's curious admiration for Francis Bacon has attracted enough attention to make references to Bacon fairly common in studies of Shelley, but a full study of the poet's interest in the philosopher has not yet appeared. In 1933 David Lee Clark published information on Shelley's marked copy of Bacon to supplement the list of marginalia in W. E. Peck's biography, but Clark disclaimed any attempt at a final study. Perhaps the best approach is not through source study as such, but through an attempt to reconstruct the effect his reading of Bacon had on Shelley's mind, with special attention to his changing attitude toward Bacon and his ultimate assessment of him. If, as Clark says, Shelley's debt to Bacon was mainly indirect, what we need is a study of Bacon's whole impact rather than a list of supposed parallel passages.
Emerson's Sacred Science
Authors: Strauch Carl F.
Published: February 2007

In the experimental period following the “Divinity School Address” Emerson worked out a dialectic in terms of myth as a way of combating skepticism with faith, and throughout his subsequent career, notably in “Song of Nature” and in the prose “Fate” and English Traits, he gave increasing scope to the mythic vision of man's cosmic and historical experience. In the verse of “The Skeptic,” written in 1842, he settled the question of sectarian religion in favor of disillusion and skepticism. But in a series of Journal entries from 1843 to 1845, in the dialectic confrontation of opposites—science and religion, skepticism and faith, evolution and emanation—he accepted skeptical science together with the religious impulse, but lifted both to a new level of occult insight and symbolically clairvoyant fable.
A New Troilus Fragment
Authors: Campbell Jackson J.
Published: February 2007

While preparing the materials in Lord Salisbury's library at Hatfield House for microfilming, Miss Caroline Merion discovered a hitherto unknown fragment of a manuscript of Chaucer's Troilus. It was sewed in the spine of the cover (one could hardly call it a binding) of a sixteenth-century rent book containing surveys of some of the property of the Earl of Essex. Probably in the sixteenth century this book came into the hands of the Cecil family, for some of the Essex property mentioned in it was transferred to Lord Burleigh in the 1560's, and in all likelihood this book has been among the Cecil records for over three hundred and fifty years. The fragment of Troilus, which I shall call the Cecil Fragment (CF), is a single page of vellum taken from an unknown manuscript of the poem, and much cut down. It now measures approximately 24½ cm. by 6½ cm., being rather wider at the bottom than the top, since the cutting was rough and irregular. Before being cut down, the manuscript page must have measured something like 28 cm. by 12 to 14 cm. Whoever cut the page apparently cut off strips from the bottom and both sides in order to use only the section in the center of the page. He obviously cared nothing for the writing on the page, for he cut off the beginnings and the ends of the lines of poetry. In spite of him, however, there are large parts of ten stanzas from Book I of Troilus which are still readily legible.
The Encyclopedie Methodique
Authors: Watts George B.
Published: February 2007

Even before he had brought to completion the great thirty-five-volume Encyclopédie—by the publication in 1776-77 of its Supplément in five volumes, and in 1780 of Pastor Mouchon's Table analytique et raisonnée in two volumes—a now relatively forgotten Parisian bookseller, publisher, author, and translator, Charles-Joseph Panckoucke, had already begun preparations to put out a new Encyclopédie, to be called the Encyclopédie méthodique, ou par ordre de matières. Unlike Diderot's original, this Encyclopédie was to be composed of a collection of individual “dictionaries,” each one dealing with a different subject. Although the entrepreneur was aware from the start of the magnitude of the task, he could not foresee the many difficulties and delays which were to beset the undertaking before it was to be finally completed by his daughter, fifty years later, as “la collection la plus vaste qu'ait jamais produite la librairie française.”
Interior Duplication and the Problem of Form in the Modern Spanish Novel
Authors: Livingstone Leon
Published: February 2007

The interplay of illusion and reality as the subject matter of literature has, in the modern context, often been considered the particular invention and virtually exclusive province of Pirandello but, as one critic has aptly said in this connection, “it is so far from being a peculiarly Pirandellian theme as to be perhaps the main theme of literature in general.” In the case of Spanish literature in particular the reversible relationship of the real and the imaginative, of art and life, has been responsible for the Pirandellian type of inversion centuries before the advent of the Italian playwright. Américo Castro has written of Cervantes and Pirandello, while Angel del Río traces as far back as the fourteenth-century Libro de buen amor of Juan Ruiz “a feature which, if not exclusive, is quite characteristic of Spanish literature … the intervention and even the personal appearance of the author in the work.” Significant, however, as is the appearance of what Joseph Gillet calls the “autonomous character,” the presence in a work of a fictional character who claims equality with his creator or of an author who projects himself into his work as a fictional being is only a symptom, or at best the result, of a general aesthetic which is the expression of a profound metaphysical concept. In short, it is the reflection of a particular concept of reality, the expression of a way of life. This is the conclusion of Américo Castro in the particular case of the Libro de buen amor in his study of which he arrives at the conviction that “the poet's manner of entering into his literary reality and installing himself in it, is characteristic of the Arabic way of life” (p. 406). The functional fluidity of the art of the work is that of the arabesque, of endless open lines alternating between “ins” and “outs” (p. 413). This aesthetic in turn is the product of a vision of the world in which things have no fixed, immutable position—as they do in the Occidental world, constructed out of the Greek idea of the substantial being of things—but are as real in the experience of the conscious person as in the imagination of the sleeper (p. 416). Consequently, in the literature which expresses this interpretation of reality, nothing is thought of or represented as absolute existence, bounded by either a real or ideal limit (p. 439). In the oriental concept of reality, Castro sums up, everything is interpenetrable and interchangeable (p. 439, n. 68).
Hope for T. S. Eliot's “Empty Men”
Authors: Strothmann Friedrich W. , Ryan Lawrence V.
Published: February 2007

Two readings of crucial lines, one dependent upon the other, are typical of attempts to solve the riddle embodied in T. S. Eliot's The Hollow Men. The term “empty” in the lines “The hope only/ Of empty men” is usually taken as synonymous with “hollow,” and the “multifoliate rose” is taken as a haven of escape, acceptable to hollow men, but intellectual and spiritual death for others. As a result, the concluding portion, “Life is very long,” of the final section is assumed to be spoken by the same “hollow men” whose aimlessness is symbolized in the first part of the poem.
Names of Scandinavians in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle
Authors: Lehiste Ilse
Published: February 2007

The Scandinavian names in The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle were part of the material collected some forty years ago by Erik Björkman and Johannes Köpke and included in their studies of Scandinavian names in England. The main object of these studies was to establish the Scandinavian origin of a given name, and incidentally to establish certain criteria by which a name might be recognized as Scandinavian. Certain other questions, however, regarding, for instance, the development of a name form over a number of years and the relative frequency of the various name forms, can hardly be answered from the collection of data accumulated by Björkman and Köpke. The purpose of the present paper is to pursue the studies of Björkman and Köpke somewhat further, and to evaluate the results derived from some newly collected data.
Gulliver and the Struldbruggs
Authors: Barroll J. Leeds
Published: February 2007

The struldbrugg incident in Gulliver's Travels has been relatively neglected. Scholars either allude to the Struldbruggs only in passing or omit the incident entirely from their comments on Book iii. The last sustained treatment is that in the notes of Emil Pons's edition of twenty-seven years ago. Pons's comments, however, attempting as they do to connect the hideous Struldbruggs with Swift's possible fear of old age, reflect a manner of approaching Swift which has become rather out of date. The purpose of this article is to consider three aspects of the Struldbrugg episode: (1) old age and the fear of death as conventional subjects for moral reflection and satire; (2) a desire for immortality in the light of the homiletic tradition; (3) the significance of Gulliver's conversations with his host. Such a study will attempt to show that Swift's treatment of the Struldbruggs conforms to a traditional background as regards both his literary method and his intellectual milieu.
Voltaire and Hume as Historians: A Comparative Study of the Essai sur les Moeurs and the History of England
Authors: Meyer Paul H.
Published: February 2007

Seventeen years ago, in a highly provocative article in this journal, E. C. Mossner rose to the defense of David Hume's historical writings, which had been treated with considerable severity by scholars such as J. B. Black, who, in his Art of History, had compared them unfavorably with those of his contemporaries, in particular Voltaire. Mossner, however, in trying to bring out the qualities of Hume's History of England, confronted it almost exclusively with Voltaire's Siècle de Louis XIV, and in this instance it must be admitted that Hume labored under a grave disadvantage, since his far more comprehensive subject was harder to master from the artistic as well as the scientific point of view than Voltaire's. In the present article we shall transfer the comparison from the Siècle to Voltaire's longest and most mature historical effort, the Essai sur les moeurs et l'esprit des nations, and this considerably changes our perspective, for here Voltaire is dealing with a similar and, if anything, more difficult theme. In this way a parallel may prove highly instructive in bringing out the excellences and weaknesses of the two historians respectively in their approach to comparable subjects and in the formulation of their philosophy of history. What makes comparisons particularly inviting is the circumstance that Voltaire's topic also includes Hume's, so that in numerous instances it is possible to examine the reaction of both writers to the same events and personalities. While our investigation of the resemblances and differences in the thought of these two outstanding representatives of the Enlightenment will stress some of the traits shared by most historians of their age, we shall also attempt to underline the more individual elements that emerge from their works.
Wordsworth's Humor
Authors: Jordan John E.
Published: February 2007

Generally speaking, we take Wordsworth too seriously. Perhaps we have been unconsciously conditioned by the equine solemnity of portraits of the aged poet and need to remind ourselves that Hazlitt, who himself painted a lugubrious portrait, described Wordsworth as “grave, saturnine, with a slight indication of sly humour,” and noted “a convulsive inclination to laughter about the mouth”—a hint of which appears in Shuter's 1798 likeness. Wordsworth's humor may be “slight” and “sly,” but it is pervasive; it crops out in mirth, gaiety, gamboling playfulness, and quirkish wit. Humor, wrote Landor, may be distinguished from wit in that it “indulges in breadth of drollery rather than in play and brilliancy of point.” This breadth of drollery is particularly Wordsworth's vein. He is not devoid of wit, but he supposedly said that he did not consider himself a witty poet, and specifically asserted in “The Waggoner” that he made “no pretense / To wit that deals in double sense.” He is characteristically droll.
James Examines Shakespeare: Notes on the Nature of Genius
Authors: Stafford William T.
Published: February 2007

When Oscar Cargill suggested thatweshould re-examine Henry James's The Princess Casamassima in terms of the parallels its protagonist, Hyacinth Robinson, has with both Anglo-American and continental attitudes toward Hamlet, he partly opened the door on another critical problem—the relation of James to all of Shakespeare. I propose to open that door a good deal wider without presuming to have opened it all the way or to have explored every aspect of the relationship. The novelist, it turns out, has much to say explicitly about the poet. His autobiographical memoirs, his published letters, his critical prefaces, his notebooks, and his literary and dramatic criticism, when taken collectively, reveal a surprisingly large body of both casual and critical comment on Shakespeare. More importantly, James wrote a longish but apparently little-known introduction to one of the poet's plays, which in effect is an interpretation and evaluation of the whole Shakespeare. And, of course, he wrote “The Birthplace,” that amusing but provocative tale of the caretakers of Shakespeare's home in Stratford. If a survey of this material does not throw much new light on the poet, it does, I think, importantly illuminate a significant aspect of Henry James—his critical attitude toward literary genius; in addition, it sharpens our understanding of “The Birthplace.”
From Finnegans Wake: A Sentence in Progress
Authors: Hayman David
Published: February 2007

Although it has often been described as a work of destruction, James Joyce's Finnegans Wake was designed to be a triumphant reconstruction. It was in reference to this characteristic of his last book that Joyce is reported to have remarked during a visit to Stonehenge, “I am fourteen years trying to get here.” The task of reproducing with words the aesthetic unity of the past was an arduous one. For seventeen years Joyce, having at his disposal all the means of knowing and all the methods of expressing, labored to resolve the “proteaform” mass of modern learning in a “faustian fustian” of words. Such a process, the mixing and blending, the ordering and composing, the choosing and discarding, was necessarily a lengthy one entailing numberless revisions which bear “hermetic” testimony to the nature of the creative act while recording the artistic mind in a state of flux. It is self-evident that Joyce's manuscripts for Finnegans Wake are of immense importance to the scholar and that the French critic Louis Gillet, intimate though he was with Joyce's creative process, expressed a very limited view when he stated: “On ne comprendra vraiment la pensée de Joyce que le jour où nous l'aurons dans son premier état, avant toutes les retouches dont il l'a compliquée ... .” As material for the study of Joyce's intentions, as a “key” to the Wake, the primitive (first-draft) manuscripts to which Gillet refers are of surprisingly little value; for they generally expose little more than the armature of the work, the fundamental action which the reader might otherwise discern for himself after a brief syntactical search. On the other hand, as an aid to exegesis, the complete manuscripts are invaluable. They provide a basis for study of Joyce's method, his progressive elaboration upon a theme. They furnish material for a close examination of the mental process behind this style and of the organization which enabled Joyce to control the chaos from which he drew his inspiration. To this end, I believe a word-byword study which questions each aspect of a single sentence in progress would be of greater value than a more generalized discussion of a longer passage. If feasible, a series of such exegetic analyses might aid in more thoroughly illuminating the total stylistic of the book.
Medieval History, Moral Purpose, and the Structure of Lydgate's Siege of Thebes
Authors: Ayers Robert W.
Published: February 2007

Lydgate's Siege of Thebes is presented within the framing fiction of a supplementary Canterbury Tale, and, as one of the pilgrims, Lydgate tells the story of Statius' Thebaid as it had been reshaped by the romancers of the Middle Ages. Following the prologue (1-176),which is eminent as an imitation of Chaucer, Part I (177-1046) of the tale begins with the foundation of Thebes by King Amphioun and ends with the death of Oedipus and the abuse of his body by his sons, Ethiocles and Polymetus; Part II (1047-2552) relates the joint succession of the sons to the Theban throne and their contentions for supremacy; Part III (2553-4716) deals with the final destruction of Thebes as a result of their fratricidal struggles. But the poem is so long, it comprehends so many episodes, and its organization—alternating passages of narrative with passages of moralizing—is such that one critic described it as a rambling poem “with frequent moral digressions in the proper medieval manner,” in which “incidents follow one another with bewildering inconsequence,” while another asserted, to the same effect, that Lydgate in this poem “could no more deny himself a digression than could Browning.”
Politics and Poetry in Andrew Marvell
Authors: Hyman Lawrence W.
Published: February 2007

When An Horatian Ode upon Cromwell's Return from Ireland was written in 1650, its readers were puzzled by the praise given to King Charles I. And readers ever since have been puzzled by Marvell's ability to deal with the burning issues of the Civil War without making his political position clear. The best-known explanation is that offered by H. M. Margoliouth:

The ode is the utterance of a constitutional monarchist, whose sympathies have been with the king, but who yet believes more in men than in parties or principles, and whose hopes are fixed now on Cromwell, seeing in him both the civic ideal of a ruler without personal ambition, and the man of destiny moved by and yet himself driving (1. 12) a power which is above justice, (see 1. 37).
Heroical Love in Dryden's Heroic Drama
Authors: Osborn Scott C.
Published: February 2007

When Dryden wrote that love and valor ought to be the subjects of a heroic play, he did not define his conception of love. He, and presumably his readers, knew what he meant. During the past seventy-five years, however, the nature of his heroic love has severely exercised those who have tried to describe Restoration heroic drama. All have agreed that this love is of primary importance, but no one has offered a consistent or completely satisfactory analysis of it. The commonest view is that it reflects the sentimental, casuistical, metaphysical Platonic cultism—especially the doctrine of the uplifting power of love—fashionable in seventeenth-century heroic romances and Caroline drama. In the belief that this theory has been overemphasized and that it is not an adequate explanation of Dryden's heroic love, I propose to attack the problem from a different point of view in the hope of finding a clear and consistent pattern in his treatment of love.
Dialectic in The Marriage of Heaven and Hell
Authors: Bloom Harold
Published: February 2007

The Marriage of Heaven and Hell assaults what Blake termed a “cloven fiction” between empirical and a priori procedure in argument. In content, the Marriage compounds ethical and theological “contraries”; in form it mocks the categorical techniques that seek to make the contraries appear as “negations.” The unity of the Marriage is in itself dialectical, and cannot be grasped except by the mind in motion, moving between the Blakean contraries of discursive irony and mythical visualization.
The Family Tree in E. T. A. Hoffmann's Die Elixiere Des Teufels
Authors: Negus Kenneth G.
Published: February 2007

It has been generally recognized in critical works which treat Die Elixiere des Teufels that the central event in the story is the revelation of the facts contained in the cryptic document written by Francesko, “der alte Maler.”In this episode, all but a few of the innumerable mysteries which have existed previously in the story are dispelled by this highly concentrated history of Medardus' ancestry. Thus a focal point appears here on which much of the whole novel converges. Hoffmann himself (p. 274) uses this image to describe the role that the manuscript plays in the novel.
The Elm and the Vine: Notes Toward The History of a Marriage Topos
Authors: Demetz Peter
Published: February 2007

Ernst R. Curtius (1886-1956) was the first modern scholar who discussed the traditional rhetorics of the pastoral landscape with both critical insight and an astonishing historical erudition. In Chapter x (pp. 191-209) of his Europäische Liter atur und lateinisches Mittelaller (1st ed. Bern, 1949) Curtius suggests an instructive list of topographical and botanical “stage props” (“inszenierende Staffage”) traditionally employed to describe the happy rural environment of amorous shepherds and pastoral lovers. It is, of course, hardly surprising that in the intricate process of literary transmission, as outlined by Curtius, Vergil fulfills a central task: by his sophisticated use of elements from both Homer and Theocritus, Vergil unfolds, in his Bucolics as well as in the Georgies, the characteristic “pleasant landscape” (“locus amoenus”) which is later reverently systematized in handbooks of medieval rhetoric, eruditely echoed in the Renaissance, and elegantly alluded to in classicist poetry.
The Unmistakable Stephen Crane
Authors: Greenfield Stanley B.
Published: February 2007

In a letter to a friend early in his brief writing career, Stephen Crane wrote, “I always want to be unmistakable”; and, at a later date, to another friend he explained retrospectively that “My chieftest [sic] desire was to write plainly and unmistakably, so that all men (and some women) might read and understand.”There is an irony in the critical fate that has befallen Crane's writings that perhaps that master ironist himself might have appreciated. For though the best criticism of his own time reveals a careful reading and understanding of his works, most recent criticism has seen Crane through a glass darkly.
Giraudoux and the Split Personality
Authors: McLendon Will L.
Published: February 2007

Jean Giraudoux, if we are to believe certain of his friends, liked to claim he had never read Les fleurs du mal. Was this because of his scorn for a poet who had a conception of literary art too clearly opposed to that which Giraudoux proclaimed in his Prière sur la Tour Eiffel? The very fact that he expressed so strong a revulsion suggests rather that he had contemplated a sufficient number of the fleurs maladives to realize that Baudelaire's immodest genius offered only too many parallels to what his own was in danger of becoming. However unwonted such a comparison may at first appear, Giraudoux's early struggles with his conscience indicate a preoccupation with introspection strikingly similar to that of Baudelaire. Indeed we find in any careful examination of Baudelaire's works and character a young man who is hypersensitive about his uniqueness, a young man who so delights in finding himself different from other people that he does everything possible to further develop his narcissistic tendencies.
The New Morgan Manuscript of Titus and Vespasian
Authors: Bühler Curt F.
Published: February 2007

Under their number 1881, Carleton Brown and Rossell Hope Robbins listed ten manuscripts which contain the romance of Titus and Vespasian written in couplet form. Since the publication of the Index, however, at least two more manuscripts of this work have come to light, the Earl of Derby (Knowsley Hall) codex and another recently acquired by the Pierpont Morgan Library. The present investigation concerns the latter manuscript, for which the following description may be supplied:

M 898, collection: The Pierpont Morgan Library, New York. Manuscript on vellum (5 5/8 ⋉ 3 7/8 inches). Collation: a-m8 n5, wanting al = 100 leaves. 20 lines. Written (black ink with chapter headings or résumés in red, and rubrication in blue) in England in the fifteenth century. Bound in nineteenth-century brown morocco by F. Bedford. With the book-plate of Sir Henry Hope Edwardes (his library was sold at Christie's, 20 May 1901).
La Respuesta de Pérez de Montalbán a la Perinola de Quevedo
Authors: Del Piero Raúl A.
Published: February 2007

Entre las polémicas literarias que hallaron campo propicio en la España del siglo XVII, ninguna fue acaso tan enconada como aquélla a que dió lugar la publicación del Para todos del doctor Juan Pérez de Montalbán. No bien salían de las prensas de Madrid los ejemplares del debatido libro, en mayo de 1632, cuando todo un alud de sátiras, libelos, ataques y contraataques vino a caer sobre su joven autor, victima inocente de las reyertas en que se habían visto envueltos Góngora, su maestro Lope, y sus amigos Luis Pacheco de Narváez y fray Diego Niseno. La mas célebre de estas sátiras (y, al mismo tiempo, la más despiadada, y la primera, cronológicamente, entre las que han llegado hasta nosotros) es la Perinola de Quevedo que, aunque no corrió de molde hasta el siglo siguiente, alcanzó en seguida gran difusión manus-crita, como se echa de ver por sus numerosos textos del mismo siglo XVII que han llegado hasta nosotros. De ella, al decir de un contemporáneo, “en brève tiempo se sacaron tantas copias que en cualquiera taberna y bodegón, con ser excesivo su número, se hallaban a pares.”
Friedrich Schlegel and the New World
Authors: von Hofe Harold
Published: February 2007

In the monographs and articles dealing with America and the New World in German literature Friedrich Schlegel is usually ignored. There are of course many gaps in our knowledge of America in German literature, as Harold Jantz pointed out in Deutsche Philologie im Aufriß (Berlin, 2nd ed. revised, 1960); the case of Friedrich Schlegel is a striking example. If he is mentioned, as in Paul Weber's America in Imaginative German Literature (1926), Hildegard Meyer's Nord-Amerika im Urteil des deutschen Schrifttums (1929), and in the recently published Amerika im Spiegel des deutschen politischen Denkens (1959) by Ernst Fraenkel, he is represented only by two quotations dating from the last few years of his life. The first treats of the familiar notion that the center of culture might move westward and that the United States would take over the role traditionally played by Europe. In 1792 Herder had asked “O Muse, nimmst du westwârt [sic] deinen Flug?” and in 1818 Platen wrote in his “Colombos Geist”: “Denn nach Westen früchtet die Geschichte, / Denn nach Westen wendet sich der Sieg.” Friedrich Schlegel suggested in 1820 that the shift was conceivable but that it would not take place in his time. Weber, Meyer, and Fraenkel stress SchlegePs underlining of the future, not his concession that the possibility existed. The second quotation is from the seventeenth lecture of the Philosophie der Geschichte (1829) in which he characterized North America as the breeding ground of destructive political principles which initiated an epidemic of revolutions.
The Essay World of Émile Montégut
Authors: Chadbourne Richard M.
Published: February 2007

In 1865 Émile Montégut, literary critic best known for his long association with the Revue des deux mondes, contributed a major article in two parts to the Moniteur universel on the subject of one of its most distinguished collaborators, Théophile Gautier. In composing this article Montégut had been faced with a problem that might never have occurred to a less conscientious and original critic. His material, after long meditation, was well enough defined. Its content centered around the interpretation of Gautier as a dual nature, “âme gauloise” and “âme contemplative,” and revealed much that was most characteristic of its author as a critic: his concentration on contemporary writing, his interest in defining various forms of the Romantic imagination, his concern with dilettantism as both a strength and a weakness, his frankly personal approach to his subject, an approach based on the belief that in literary criticism there can be no “instrument unique” and that each critic should seek out those aspects of an author with which he has some affinity, hoping that the true meaning and unity of the work will emerge for the intelligent reader from a symphony of individual impressions on the part of numerous critics.
Henry James's Capricciosa: Christina Light in Roderick Hudson and The Princess Casamassima
Authors: Grenander M. E.
Published: February 2007

In recent years, critical attention has focussed increasingly on The Princess Casamassima, Henry James's novel of the international revolutionary movement seething beneath the surface of society. The sad wisdom of the mid-twentieth century no longer finds incredible the plot earlier critics dismissed as footling melodrama; and with a recognition of its probability, students of James have undertaken a re-examination of the whole novel. Oddly enough, however, little attention has been paid to its reliance on Roderick Hudson, where the Princess Casamassima first appears. The one significant exception has been a short essay by Louise Bogan, though Christina's complexity and interest have attracted other writers. Yet Roderick Hudson deserves study for its own merits; and, as Miss Bogan has pointed out, the character of the Princess is difficult to interpret unless one also remembers her as Christina Light. It is not true, as Miss Bogan asserts (p. 472), that Christina is “the only figure [James] ever ‘revived’ and carried from one book to another,” for not only do Madame Grandoni and the Prince Casamassima share her transposition; the sculptor Gloriani, who makes his debut in Roderick Hudson, reappears in The Ambassadors. But it is true, as Cargill more accurately points out (p. 108), that “Christina is the only major [italics mine] character that James ever revived from an earlier work,” for he questioned the wisdom of indulging wholesale the writer's “revivalist impulse” to “go on with a character.” Hence Christina Light must have struck him as a very special case. He tells us that he felt, “toward the end of ‘Roderick,‘ that the Princess Casamassima had been launched, that, wound-up with the right silver key, she would go on a certain time by the motion communicated” (AN, p. 18). In the Preface to The Princess Casamassima he continues this train of thought: Christina Light, “extremely disponible” and knowing herself “striking, in the earlier connexion,… couldn't resign herself not to strike again” (AN, pp. 73, 74).
The Survival of Pan
Authors: Irwin W. R.
Published: February 2007

Plutarch de Defectu Oraculorum contains a strange story, attributed to one Epitherses, a teacher of grammar. As the ship on which he was sailing for Italy came into the shadow of Paxos, a small island in the Ionian Sea, a voice called out three times for the pilot, Thamus, an Egyptian. It commanded him to sail to Palodes, another island not far distant and there to proclaim that the Great God Pan is dead. The pilot was dubious, and finally determined that only if the sea were calm near Palodes would he obey the command. A little short of landfall the wind suddenly ceased, and all was quiet.
Dante's Pilgrim in a Gyre
Authors: Freccero John
Published: February 2007

When Dante speaks of the “way of our life” in the first line of his poem, he is using a figure that was familiar in his day and has become a banality in ours. It is especially important in the Divine Comedy, however, for it helps set off that great work from the bizarre travel literature which preceded it in the Middle Ages, and which we have come to call the literature of “oltretomba.” Dante's journey is different, for it is not a dream and it is not his alone. It is an allegorical representation of a spiritual development: the cammino of man in this life. Dante's literary ancestor is Plato, and not Tnugdalus, and his Inferno, like Plato's cave, is the place where all men come to know themselves. St. Bonaventure was the medieval theorist who worked out the metaphor of the itinerarium mentis in great detail, but it remained for Dante to write the work which gave the metaphor substance and made great poetry from a figure of speech.
Molière and Saint-Evremond
Authors: Hope Quentin M.
Published: February 2007

Saint-Evremond has earned a place in the history of seventeenth-century dramatic criticism as a fervent admirer of Corneille and a hostile critic of Racine. His strong affinity for Molière is less well-known, because he wrote very little about him. Not considering himself a professional author, he never felt the need to give full expression to his opinions on literature, or on any subject. In his youth he was primarily a railleur; as literary criticism, his first work, La Comédie des académistes, is a pungent satirical attack on pretension, triviality, and excessive concern with minutiae of vocabulary and technique. The satirical impulse remains present, in a more subdued form, in most of his later works. He probes into the weaknesses of ancient and modern literatures more frequently than he celebrates their merits. His discussions of authors he particularly admires, Montaigne, Voiture, Malherbe, Cervantes, are very brief. Most of his critical essays are directed against aberrations in judgment, insufficiencies, and misconceptions. Dissertation sur Alexandre, Sur les caractères des tragédies, A un auteur qui me demandait mon sentiment d'une pièce où l'héroïne ne faisait que se lamenter, Discours sur les historiens français, Sur nos comédies, De la comédie italienne, Sur les opéras, Observations sur le goüt et le discernement des français—all these are essays emphasizing various weaknesses in modern literature and taste. Réflexions sur nos traducteurs and Du merveilleux qui se trouve dans les poèmes des anciens are equally critical of certain aspects of ancient literature, while De la tragédie ancienne et moderne is an attack on both. It is true that a large part of his criticism of the drama deals with Corneille, whom he admired more than any other author, but his defense of Corneille often takes the form of an attack against the corrupt modern taste which has turned against him. His searching and critical mind preferred to contradict a generally accepted opinion, to reveal the hidden weaknesses of a universally admired work, rather than to define the qualities of the authors it enjoyed.
Pope and the Rules of Prosody
Authors: Adler Jacob H.
Published: February 2007

This paper owes its origin to three statements about Pope:

… I find your Practice the Prosodia of your Rules.—Henry Cromwell, letter to Pope, S December 1710.… he [Pope] adhered rigidly to the rules laid down in it [his letter on prosody], both in the translation from Statius and in the Pastorals.-Edith Sitwell, Alexander Pope, p. 69.
Notes on Emerson in Latin America
Authors: Englekirk John E.
Published: February 2007

A number of chapters—some definitive, others suggestive—have already appeared to afford us a clearer picture of the reception of United States writers and writings in Latin America. Studies on Franklin, Poe, Longfellow, and Whitman provide reasonably good coverage on major representative figures of our earlier literary years. There are other nineteenth-century writers, however, who deserve more extended treatment than that given in the summary and bibliographical studies available to date. A growing body of data may soon make possible the addition of several significant chapters with which to round out this period in the history of inter-American literary relations. Bryant and Dickinson will be the only poets to call for any specific attention. Fiction writers will prove more numerous. Irving, Cooper, Hawthorne, Hearn, Hart, Melville, and Twain will figure in varying degrees of prominence. Of these, some like Irving and Cooper early captured the Latin American imagination; others like Hawthorne, and particularly Melville, were to remain virtually unknown until our day. Paine and Prescott and Mann will represent yet other facets of American letters and thought.
Ironic Reprise in Galdós' Novels
Authors: Hafter Monroe Z.
Published: February 2007

A recent article of Leon Livingstone rightly calls attention to the importance of Pérez Galdós' assimilation of Cervantine irony as a forerunner of the concern of modern Spanish novelists about the autonomy of their characters. The unreality of rationalism, which Livingstone holds to be the germ of El amigo Manso, the imagination's capacity to create reality at the heart of Misericordia, lead to the even bolder experiments in the artistic representation of reality undertaken by Unamuno, Azorín, Valle-Inclán, and Pérez de Ayala. Anomalous for his time yet so pervasive in his work is Galdós' employment of “interior duplication” that a separate study would contribute to our fuller understanding of his art as well as to our measure of the advances in the Spanish novel of the latter half of the nineteenth century. The present essay focuses on Galdós' developing skill with internal repetitions from La Fontana de Oro (publ. 1870), through the rich complexities of the novels written between 1886–89, to their almost stylized simplicity in El abuelo (1897). Always related to Cervantine irony, the variety of verbal echoes, the mirroring of one character in another, the unconscious illumination each may offer the other, underscore the increasingly intimate wedding of form and matter with which Galdós came to unfold his narratives.
James Joyce: Unfacts, Fiction, and Facts
Authors: Noon William T.
Published: February 2007

In an undated and so far unedited letter, now in the Joyce Collection at Cornell University, James Joyce wrote from Trieste, then in Austria, to his brother Stanislaus sometime in the autumn of 1905: “When you remember that Dublin has been a capital for thousands of years, that it is the ‘second’ city of the British empire, that it is nearly three times as big as Venice it seems strange that no artist has given it to the world.” About the same time, 1 September 1905, Joyce asked Stanislaus by card: “Is it not possible for a few persons of character and culture to make Dublin a capital such as Christiania has become?” Sometime in the next year, 1906, Joyce wrote again to Stanislaus, this time from Rome: “The interest I took in socialism has left me. I have gradually slid down until I have ceased to take interest in any subject. I look at God and his theatre through the eyes of my fellow-clerks so that nothing surprises, moves, excites or disgusts me…. Yet I have certain ideas I would like to give form to : not as doctrine but as the continuation of the expression of myself which I now see I began in Chamber Music.”
Dylan Thomas' Collected Poems: Chronology of Composition
Authors: Maud Ralph N.
Published: February 2007

There is a melancholy convenience in the fact that Dylan Thomas prepared his Collected Poems in the year before his death. The volume, like a last will and testament, contains all the poems that he wished to leave to the world. It is, in fact, a compilation of all five of his previously published volumes reproduced in sequence with very little alteration. Scholars and critics thus have an apparently settled corpus by which to judge Thomas' development in style and subject matter. Unfortunately the defin-itiveness of the Collected Poems, as far as chronology is concerned, is more apparent than real. The evidence given in this article shows that the order in which Thomas wrote his poems is quite different from the order in which they were published; so that statements about his development based on the sequence of the Collected Poems have had only limited validity.
The Italian Word Sfumatura
Authors: Bulatkin Eleanor Webster
Published: February 2007

In two previous articles I have examined the origin and semantic evolution of the French word nuance and of the word matiz, used today in the Romance languages of the Iberian peninsula to express the concept “nuance,” ‘a barely perceptible degree of difference (in a color, various kinds of human expression, the forms of nature, etc.).’ The present article will treat the origin of the word sfumatura, which, since the latter half of the eighteenth century, has served as the Italian means for expressing the “nuance” concept.
Molière, l'Affaire Cressé, and le Médecin Fouetté et le Barbier Cocu
Authors: Miller Elizabeth Maxfield
Published: February 2007

The letters of Dr. Gui Patin (1601–72) are deservedly famous as a source for seventeenth-century medical matters and other contemporary comment. In a letter dated 23 November 1669 to Dr. André Falconet (1612–91) of Lyon, Patin writes that it is rumored Molière wants to do a comedy about a certain Dr. Cressé and his pending court trial. A month later, 25 December 1669, having given details of the affair in previous letters, Patin writes more specifically: “Le procès de M. Cressé est sur le bureau, mais je n'entends point dire qu'il avance; on m'a dit que M. de Molière prétend en faire une comédie ridicule sous le titre du Médecin fouetté et du barbier cocu” (iii, 728). As far as I know, the outcome of this affair has never yet been presented. The Commentaires de la faculté de médecine for 1669–70 (Vol. xv) which gave more exact data led me to discover in the Archives Nationales the hitherto unmentioned final court settlement, dated 4 February 1670.