bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Relevant Subjects
Authors: Tuck Adrian F.
Published: November 2020

Atmospheric composition played an important part in the development of chemistry, following the work of Priestley, Lavoisier, and Dalton. Since air is a mixture of gases, many of them chemically reactive, see for example Finlayson-Pitts and Pitts (2000) and Graedel et al. (1986), which is subject to solar photons, absorbs and emits infrared photons, experiences temperatures ranging from −100 to 40° C, is exposed to the ocean, encompasses phase changes of water and sustains turbulent flow, it involves significant parts of physical chemistry. Pedagogically, the three-volume set by Berry, Rice, and Ross (2002a, b, c) covers the basic physicochemical material clearly and thoroughly, particularly Chapters 19, 20, 27, 28, 30, and 31. In addition to kinetic molecular theory, chemical kinetics, spectroscopy, and equilibrium statistical mechanics, there are other branches of physical science which are applicable to the atmosphere; in our context they include of course meteorology and turbulence theory. It ought to be recognized that the atmosphere has high complexity arising from a vast number of degrees of freedom, several anisotropies, and morphologically complicated boundaries extending over 15 orders of magnitude in scale from the molecular mean free path to the Earth’s circumference; these factors and the concomitant non-linearities make the application of non-equilibrium statistical mechanics a daunting prospect, but nevertheless one which should be attempted, for the reason that the energy distributions and their transformations in the atmosphere need to be accurately described, particularly in the representation and prognosis of the climatic state. We will also show that vorticity is the fundamental variable, since vortices are generated from molecular populations subjected to an anisotropy, on very short space scales and fast time scales. In this Chapter we will give a skeletal survey connecting these basic subjects, with references to more comprehensive, individual sources. The simplest possible molecular model for a gas is a collection of spherical ‘billiard balls’—the intermolecular potential consists of an infinite repulsive force on contact. This approach, pioneered by Waterston, Maxwell, and Boltzmann, is successful for air as a first approximation. The idea is that collisions are completely elastic, with no interaction between potential collidant molecules until physical contact occurs, whereupon an infinite repulsive potential operates.
A wall to separate the barbarians from the Romans
Authors: Hingley Richard
Published: November 2020

This chapter explores the ways in which Hadrian’s Wall and the Antonine Wall were interpreted from the late sixteenth to the end of the eighteenth centuries, while also addressing the discovery of the Roman military ‘stations’ of northern Britain. In the context of debates about the unification of England and Scotland, the Walls were commonly used to explore the differing identities of contemporary populations. Writing to a friend in 1739, Sir John Clerk reflected on the meaning of the Roman fortifications of northern England and southern Scotland, observing that: ‘’Tis true the Romans walled out humanity from us, but ’tis as certain they thought the Caledonians a very formidable people, when they, at so much labor and cost, built this wall . . .’ A Scot himself, Clerk’s musings on the purpose of the Picts’ Wall contains a basic interpretational dichotomy, contrasting the exclusion of civility with the scale of northern valour. This chapter assesses the way in which these two ideas were used to explore the contemporary significance of the Roman military fortifications, providing a justification for programmes of surveying and publication. It also assesses how the remains of Roman camps, forts, and military ways that were recognized and planned from the end of the seventeenth century, came to be used to inform eighteenth century military strategy, embodying knowledge relevant to the colonization and control of the Scottish Highland population. The associations with ancient Roman parallels drawn upon at this time derived from the nature of the classical education of the upper classes and the contemporary political context. Antiquity was familiar through the reading of classical texts, a staple element in the education of all gentlemen. The Roman parallel emphasized an idealized notion of virtue and civic patriotism but also stressed ideas of taste, learning, and civic virtue which validated the status of the aristocratic ruling elite. In this context, it was logical that Roman military monuments were seen as providing useful lessons for scholars, landed gentlemen, and military men.
The Ancient Middle East
Authors: Ortloff Charles R.
Published: November 2020

The origins of Nabataean Petra began c. 300 BCE from nomadic settlement origins and extended to later Roman administration of the city at 106 CE with final Byzantine occupation (Basile 2000) to the 7th century CE. Trade networks that extended throughout much of the ancient orient and Mediterranean world intersected at Petra and brought not only strategic and economic prominence but also the impetus to develop water resources to sustain increasing population and city elaboration demands. City development was influenced by architectural, cultural, and technological borrowings from Seleucid, Syro-Phoenician, Greek, Roman, and Far Eastern civilizations. The city water distribution system utilized many hydraulic technologies derived from these contacts that together with original technical innovations helped to maintain a high living standard throughout the centuries. Analysis of Nabataean piping networks indicates that design criteria were employed that promoted stable flows within piping, employed sequential particle settling basins to purify potable water supplies, promoted open-channel flow within piping at critical (maximum) flow rates that avoided leakage associated with pressurized systems, and matched spring supply rates to the maximum carrying capacity of pipelines. This demonstration of engineering capability indicated a high degree of skill in solving complex hydraulics problems to ensure a stable water supply and is a key reason behind the many centuries of flourishing city life. Because of Petra’s location between Egyptian, Babylonian, and Assyrian territories, many exterior influences dominated the Nabataean cultural landscape over time. The sacred spring created by Moses, as described in Exodus accounts, has been equated with the Ain Mousa spring outside of Petra although controversy exists as to its location (and historical accuracy) with contending Sinai sites. Biblical and Koranic references to areas around Petra relate to the use of water channels and springs by the inhabitants to maintain agriculture and settlements; Assyrian texts ascribed to the Sargonic era (715 BCE) mention tent cities in this area. The earliest proto-Nabataean period (6th century BCE) is derived from Edomite agriculturalists assimilating with nomadic tribal groups familiar with caravan-based trade activities. Although the origins of the Nabataeans remain controversial (Gleuck 1959, 1965; Taylor 2001; Guzzo and Schneider 2002), their final consolidation in areas around Petra in the early 3rd century BCE is evident from the archaeological record.
Jalapeño Pepper Cultivation: Emergent Commercial Land Use
Authors: Keys Eric
Published: November 2020

After maize, the commercial cultivation of jalapeño chili (Capsicum annuum L.; henceforth, jalapeño or chili) is the most important land use in the southern Yucatán peninsular region in terms of the numbers of farmers engaged in the practice and the total area devoted to it. Chili surpasses all other land uses in the way that it ties the region to the national economy and the way that it has altered household economies and land use. Open-backed semi-trailers and large pick-up trucks crowd the paved roads of the region between October and the end of January laden with large bags of jalapeños taken on the way to central gathering areas and, ultimately, the central wholesale market in Mexico City (Fig. 10.1). The flow of chili at this time is so large that even the casual observer would have little problem concurring with Uc Reyes’s (1999: 4.24) claims that ‘su cultivo [chile] constituye la más importante fuente de ingreso para los productores hortícolas de la entidad, además es generador de empleos para los trabajadores del campo.’ (Its cultivation constitutes the most important source of income for horticultural producers, and generates jobs for field workers.) The spread of the jalapeño describes how farmers adopt new crops, change their agriculture, and ultimately change their livelihood. It also teaches how land covers—forest, savanna, and farm field—can travel a new trajectory over a relatively short period of time, changing not only the way a region or landscape looks but the way it is viewed (Gudeman 1978; Watts and Goodman 1997). These changes began in 1975 when colonizing farmers arrived from a traditional chili-growing zone—the Chiapas/Veracruz border—and introduced its commercial cultivation. After the first year they recruited national intermediaries or middlemen (in Spanish: coyote) to purchase and transport their product to the national market in Mexico City. Observing the success of the first jalapeño pioneers, other smallholders began to adopt the practice. Today, the south-central portion of the study region is called the zonas chileras (chile-growing zones); about 85 per cent of the smallholders there cultivate chili on as much as 7,500ha, usually on small plots, about 1.5ha on average (mean = 1.42 ha).
Settlement Structure and Social Space
Authors: Hamerow Helena
Published: November 2020

The way in which a community arranges its living space is only partly due to technical considerations: social relations also play a major role in determining the layout of settlements, as we can see from cross-cultural studies (Rapoport 1980, 9). A correlation exists, for example, between increased economic complexity and complexity and regularity in settlement structure. Thus, while hunter-gatherer settlements tend to have a fairly flexible structure, societies which emphasize concepts of property and territory are more likely to develop fixed ‘rules’ regarding settlement layout (Fraser 1968). The early Middle Ages saw profound changes in socio-political structures as early states were formed, as well as major developments in food-production strategies and technology. We should, therefore, expect to see these changes reflected, at least indirectly, in the layouts of settlements. Spatial order in a settlement both reflects and helps to regulate social order and social relations; it provides, quite literally, ‘a framework for living’ (Chapman 1989; Giddens 1979, 207; Leach 1976, 10). This presents the archaeologist with a daunting prospect, for it is far easier to explain the arrangement of early medieval settlements in terms of function or geometry than in terms of kinship structure, household composition, marriage patterns, and so on, factors which we can at best only glimpse through documentary sources. If, for example, we are to interpret the significance of an exceptionally large house or farmstead accurately, we first need to know whether power was vested in the heads of households or lineages, a council of elders, or in some form of paramount chiefdom. Despite these limitations, settlement layout is an important source of evidence for the social and economic structures of early medieval communities. The individual household appears to have been the basic unit of agricultural production in northwest Europe from the Roman Iron Age to the Carolingian/Viking periods. The economic importance and, to some degree, independence of the household is underscored by the fact that in most cases each lay within its own enclosure and had its own storage facilities (in contrast, for example, to the shared compounds of the earlier Iron Age, as seen, for example, at Hodde in Denmark: Hvass 1985).
The Geological Framework
Authors: Hutchison Charles S.
Published: November 2020

This chapter outlines the principal geological features of the region, extending from Myanmar and Taiwan in the north, southwards to include all the ASEAN countries, and extending as far as northern Australia. The present-day lithospheric plates and plate margins are described, and the Cenozoic evolution of the region discussed. Within a general framework of convergent plate tectonics, Southeast Asia is also characterized by important extensional tectonics, resulting in the world’s greatest concentration of deep-water marginal basins and Cenozoic sedimentary basins, which have become the focus of the petroleum industry. The pre-Cenozoic geology is too complex for an adequate analysis in this chapter and the reader is referred to Hutchison (1989) for further details. A chronological account summarizing the major geological changes in Southeast Asia is given in Figure 1.2. The main geographical features of the region were established in the Triassic, when the large lithospheric plate of Sinoburmalaya (also known as Sibumasu), which had earlier rifted from the Australian part of Gondwanaland, and collided with and became sutured onto South China and Indochina, together named Cathaysia. The result was a great mountain-building event known as the Indosinian orogeny. Major granites were emplaced during this orogeny, with which the tin and tungsten mineral deposits were genetically related. The orogeny resulted in general uplift and the formation of major new landmasses, which have predominantly persisted as the present-day regional physical geography of Southeast Asia. The Indo-Australian Plate is converging at an average rate of 70 mm a−1 in a 003° direction, pushed from the active South Indian Ocean spreading axis. For the most part it is composed of the Indian Ocean, formed of oceanic sea-floor basalt overlain by deep water. It forms a convergent plate margin with the continental Eurasian Plate, beneath which it subducts at the Sunda or Java Trench. The Eurasian continental plate protrudes as a peninsular extension (Sundaland) southwards as far as Singapore, continuing beneath the shallow Straits of Malacca and the Sunda Shelf as the island of Sumatra and the northwestern part of Borneo.
Landforms of Southeast Asia
Authors: Gupta Avijit
Published: November 2020

Southeast Asia is a corner of the continent of Asia which ends in an assemblage of peninsulas, archipelagos, and partially enclosed seas. Towards the northwest, the physical contact of this region with the rest of Asia is via a mountainous region that includes the eastern Tibetan Plateau, the eastern Himalaya Mountains, the hills and plateaux of Assam (India) and of Yunnan (China). From this high region a number of large, elongated river basins run north–south or northwest–southeast. These are the basins of rivers such as the Irrawaddy, Salween, Chao Phraya, Mekong, and Sông Hóng (Red). An east–west traverse across the mainland part of Southeast Asia, therefore, is a repetition of alluvium-filled valleys of large rivers separated by mountain chains or plateaux. To the south and to the east are coastal plains, rocky peninsulas, and a number of deltas. Beyond lies the outer margin of Southeast Asia, the arcuate islands of Indonesia, and the Philippines with steep volcanic slopes, intermontane basins, and flat coastal plains of varying size. This assemblage of landforms has resulted from a combination of plate tectonics, Pleistocene history, Holocene geomorphic processes, and anthropogenic modifications of the landscape. Most of the world has been shaped by such a combination, but unlike the rest of the world, in Southeast Asia all four are important. The conventional wisdom of a primarily climate-driven tropical geomorphology is untenable here. The first two factors, plate tectonics and the Pleistocene history, have been discussed in Chapters 1 and 2 respectively. In the Holocene, Southeast Asia has been affected by the following phenomena: • The sea rose to its present level several thousand years ago. • The present natural vegetation, a major part of which includes a set of rainforest formations, achieved its distribution. • A hot and humid climate became the norm, except in the high altitudes and the extreme northern parts. • The dual monsoon systems blowing from the northeast in the northern hemispheric winter and from the southwest in the summer (and in general producing a large volume of precipitation) became strongly developed.
Granitic Terrains
Authors: Twidale C. R.
Published: November 2020

Granite underlies substantial areas of Southeast Asia. It forms the core of many of the major uplands. Yet exposures are scarce. High rainfall, consistently high temperatures, and the naturally abundant vegetation have together caused the granite to be deeply weathered. Most of the land surface is underlain by a more or less thick mantle of weathered rock or regolith. Only where the regolith has been removed by natural agencies, for example on some hill crests and steep midslopes, in river channels, and in coastal areas, is the bedrock naturally exposed, though road cuttings, quarries, and other artificial excavations provide excellent sections. Anthropogenically induced and accelerated soil erosion have also revealed bedrock morphology in places. The granitic terrains consist essentially of high ridges rising abruptly from the valley floors or adjacent plains. In detail, slopes, river channels, and rocky coasts strewn with granite blocks and boulders are characteristic of the region, and the nature of granite weathering has also influenced the character of the sediment load transported to rivers and coasts. Though the granites of Southeast Asia are well documented geologically and as sources of tin and other minerals, there are few modern accounts of their geomorphological aspects. Early travellers like Logan (1848) made astute observations relevant to the development of granitic forms, and the officers of the geological surveys of Malaya and, later, of Malaysia have, taking their lead from the first director onwards, noted salient features of the granitic terrains they mapped. These observations and interpretations, taken together with the few specifically geomorphological studies of particular features, and analyses of granitic landforms in other countries, permit the granitic terrains of Southeast Asia to be placed in context. Granitic rocks are widely distributed in Southeast Asia, particularly in the mainland states (Hutchison 1989). Those of the Malay Peninsula were emplaced at various depths: shallow epizonal, deep catazonal, but mostly mesozonal emplacement at 5–11 km depth. In plan, granites are widely distributed (Gobbett and Tjia 1973; Chinese Geosciences Research Institute 1975; UNESCO 1980). In the Malay Peninsula, granites occupy the cores of major regional anticlines, and many plutons are exposed in the breached crests of such structures.
Volcanic Hazards in Southeast Asia
Authors: Nossin Jan J.
Published: November 2020

Active volcanism in Southeast Asia is associated with marked zones of activity in the Earth’s crust that run through south and east Indonesia and the Philippines. These zones are also characterized by frequent earthquakes and a measurable movement of tectonic plates, often in the order of 5 cm yr−1. The underlying mechanism is that of subduction of oceanic plates below continental plates; the rigidity of the moving plates causes ruptures and shockwise adjustments (earthquakes). The oceanic plate, while being under thrust, sinks down to great depths below the continental plate and in the process loses its rigidity owing to heating and part assimilation into the underlying magma. Earthquakes are caused in the zone where the subducted plate is still rigid. Chapter 1 in this book puts this phenomenon in the regional context. Volcanism in this zone is marked by frequent eruptions, mostly violent and of an explosive nature. It is manifest in distinct belts that comprise all (or nearly all) of the Philippines, and large parts of Indonesia with the exception of, roughly speaking, Kalimantan and Papua. The violence of the eruptions poses threats to human settlements in the surroundings of the volcanoes, to the cultivated lands, and the infrastructure. These threats may occur during and after the actual eruption, and they may indirectly cause other hazards as well. Moreover, volcanoes in apparent dormancy that have not erupted in historical times may still come to life as the interval between eruptions may be very long. In the present chapter these hazards will be discussed. Natural hazards have been defined in four ways, of which the 1982 definition of the United Nations Disaster Relief Co-ordinator (UNDRO) seems appropriate to follow in the context of volcanic hazards (Alexander 1993). UNDRO defines natural hazards as ‘the probability of occurrence within a specific period of time and within a given area of a potentially damaging phenomenon’. A hazard therefore may represent a situation with the possibility of a disaster that may affect the population and the environment which are in some degree of vulnerability.
Urban Pollution in Southeast Asia
Authors: Sani Sham
Published: November 2020

This chapter looks specifically at the pressures imposed by urbanization on the physical environment in Southeast Asia, leading to its degradation and a decline in the quality of life. This is followed by a discussion on the management responses highlighting some common concerns that need to be addressed in order to plan and manage urban systems better. Like many of their counterparts in the developing world, levels of urbanization in Southeast Asia are low by world standards. However, the growth rates of the urban population are high: 3–5 per cent per annum (Jones 1993). The relatively low levels of urbanization, nevertheless, are by no means a reflection of the failure of cities in the region to reach substantial sizes. Indeed, three of the very large cities of Southeast Asia, Jakarta, Bangkok, and Manila, carry 10 million people. The current trends and direction of urban growth are expected to continue, although the rates are likely to be somewhat retarded within these few years owing to the economic downturn recently experienced by the Southeast Asian countries. Such continued growth and rapid urbanization can only result in greater burdens to the already very strained urban systems, in terms of both the provision of an urban infrastructure and social services and the biophysical environment. One notable consequence of urban growth and population concentration in Southeast Asian cities is the pressure they generate on the provision of an infrastructure and essential services that eventually affects the environment, health, and quality of life. Here, the problems of providing an adequate infrastructure are immense, especially given the budgetary constraints. Policy response is often highly inadequate compared to the scale of the problems. Singapore’s special position as a city-state has enabled it to overcome problems that other Southeast Asian cities have not been able to cope with, particularly as it is not affected by the perennial problem of rural–urban migration. One major problem which is shared by many Southeast Asian cities is overcrowding and lack of proper shelter. Virtually all major cities have squatters. Squatters are basically illegal occupants of urban land that belongs to the government or private individuals.
Coral Reefs of Southeast Asia: Controls, Patterns, and Human Impacts
Authors: Spencer T. , Spalding M. D.
Published: November 2020

The intricate coastline of Southeast Asia, and its many islands and island groups—Indonesia alone has over 17 500 islands—contains 32 per cent (91 700 km2) of the world’s shallow coral reefs (Spalding, Ravilious, and Green 2001). While sedimentary regimes appear to restrict reef development in the East China Sea, the Gulf of Thailand, the South China Sea, and around the island of Borneo, reefs are well developed elsewhere. Fringing reefs characterize island coastlines, and there are also barrier reefs and, in the deeper waters of the South China Sea and to the east, atoll-like reef structures. Although the region has a distinguished history of reef studies—in which the pioneering work of R. B. Seymour Sewell, J. H. F. Umbgrove, and Ph. H. Kuenen on the Snellius expedition (1929–30) come particularly to mind—the lack of detailed information about many areas remains considerable. The coral reefs, and their associated shallow-water ecosystems, within this region are the product of both historical and contemporary processes. A wide range of hypotheses to explain coral distributions have been proposed. These include the importance of the widespread availability of suitable shallow substrates for coral growth with submergence histories determined by regional tectonic and sea-level dynamics (e.g. Hall and Holloway 1998), the variety of habitats present (e.g. Wallace and Wolstenholme 1998), and the more contemporary roles of high sea-surface temperatures and ocean current circulation patterns, including the dynamics of western Pacific Ocean–eastern Indian Ocean connectivity (Tomascik et al. 1997a). Both sets of controls show wide variation across the region. Thus, for example, geological settings range from tectonically stable platforms to rapidly uplifting plate collision zones of considerable seismic and volcanic activity. Present-day environments vary from equable, tranquil interior seas to cycloneand swell wave-dominated environments on the region’s margins. Added to these controls are the perturbations introduced by, for example, periodic coral bleaching and biological catastrophes (e.g. Crown of Thorns starfish infestations; Lane 1996). Taken as a whole, therefore, the coral reefs of Southeast Asia demonstrate enormous complexity and considerable dynamism. These reef resources are, however, under considerable pressure from large, and growing, populations and economic development.
Introduction
Authors: Gannon Anna
Published: November 2020

In his introduction to Thrymsas and Sceattas, Michael Metcalf stated: ‘There are two kinds of book to be written about Anglo-Saxon coins of the seventh and eighth centuries, namely one to set out the arguments which establish where and when the coins were struck, and in what percentage, and another to describe how they circulated and to discuss the purpose for which they were used: one kind of book on numismatics, the other on monetary history.’ This work however will attempt a third way: it will be an art-historical appraisal of Anglo-Saxon coinage, from its inception in the late sixth century to Offa’s second reform of the penny c.792. Artistically, this is the most exciting period of English coinage, with die-cutters showing flair and innovation and employing hundreds of different designs in their work, yet coins, with the exception of the pioneering work of Baldwin Brown, are rarely included in surveys of Anglo-Saxon art. Coins have often provided illustrations to history books. However, in contrast to Metcalf’s contribution in the book edited by Campbell in 1982, where, albeit from a numismatic perspective, the charm and variety of the types were stressed, and several specimens illustrated, no coin made it onto the pages of Wilson’s Anglo-Saxon Art of 1984, but only the statement: ‘coins provide a fruitful area of stylistic analysis, but, with rare exceptions, show few distinctive or important ornamental traits’. That coins are mentioned, and three specimens illustrated in Laing and Laing 1996, is probably due to the 1991 British Museum exhibition, ‘The Making of England’, and the catalogue that accompanied it, which stressed the importance of the coinage as a historical document, but more fundamentally presented it as an integral part of the visual culture of the time. The same innovative approach was apparent in the 1997 ‘Heirs of Rome’ exhibition, where emphasis was placed on the iconography of the coinage as a bearer of meaning. These efforts have certainly contributed to a new awareness of the richness of the material. Although in recent years this early phase of Anglo-Saxon coinage has been the subject of extensive numismatic research, that much can be gained from comparing and contrasting coin iconography from an art-historical stance was demonstrated by Mary Morehart’s contributions to the numismatic debate.
Reverses with Crosses, Standards/Saltires, and Porcupines
Authors: Gannon Anna
Published: November 2020

Originally from Constantinople, ‘cross’ type reverses began to be used on the reverses of the Merovingian ‘National’ gold coinage (c.570/80–670), and the selection found in the Sutton Hoo hoard gives a good impression of their variety. The majority of Anglo-Saxon gold coins (c.580–675) also have crosses on their reverses, but the treatment is often quite original. Apart from the practicality of conforming to a recognized iconography in the commercial sphere, crosses served as signifiers of adherence to Christianity and also as political statements. In the Secondary silver coinage crosses as reverses are fewer, the religious message being conveyed by an ambitious figural iconography of complex meaning. The role of Bishop Liudhard, Queen Bertha’s chaplain, in persuading King Æthelberht of Kent to accept St Augustine’s mission and Christianity is not discussed by Bede, but a find from the churchyard of St Martin’s at Canterbury, now firmly associated with him, gives an insight into his position as a ‘broker’ for Christianity, romanitas, coinage, and literacy (Fig. 5.1). Liudhard’s ‘medalet’, a looped pendant, was intended for presentation, yet it is coin-like, the first such object manufactured in England at a time when there was no independent currency. On the obverse it conforms to the norm of classical coinage, but, by adopting a patriarchal cross on the reverse, it breaks with the contemporary numismatic tradition of portraying a ‘Victory’. The importance of this cross, its association with the True Cross and its relics sent to Poitiers in 569, and its allusions, have been persuasively argued by Werner, who also postulates the existence of such an altar-cross at Canterbury. However, in spite of the rich symbolism and elegance, neither Liudhard’s cross, nor the Merovingian-inspired ‘Cross-on-Steps’, decorated with taushaped pendilia and topped by a star (Fig. 5.2a), were imitated among the immediately subsequent coinage. It is simpler crosses-on steps that feature on the reverses of ‘benutigo’ coins, and Type BX. Only Anglo-Saxon gold solidi of the seventh and the eighth centuries, perhaps prestige medallic gifts, rather than currency ‘coins’, are modelled on seventh-century Byzantine ‘Cross potent-on- Steps’ (Fig. 5.2b).
Environment and Empire
Authors: Beinart William , Hughes Lotte
Published: November 2020

European imperialism was extraordinarily far-reaching: a key global historical process of the last 500 years. It locked disparate human societies together over a wider area than any previous imperial expansion; it underpinned the repopulation of the Americas and Australasia; it was the precursor of globalization as we now understand it. Imperialism was inseparable from the history of global environmental change. Metropolitan countries sought raw materials of all kinds, from timber and furs to rubber and oil. They established sugar plantations that transformed island ecologies. Settlers introduced new methods of farming and displaced indigenous peoples. Colonial cities, many of which became great conurbations, fundamentally changed relationships between people and nature. Consumer cultures, the internal combustion engine, and pollution are now ubiquitous. Environmental history deals with the reciprocal interaction between people and other elements in the natural world, and this book illustrates the diverse environmental themes in the history of empire. Initially concentrating on the material factors that shaped empire and environmental change, Environment and Empire discusses the way in which British consumers and manufacturers sucked in resources that were gathered, hunted, fished, mined, and farmed. Yet it is also clear that British settler and colonial states sought to regulate the use of natural resources as well as commodify them. Conservation aimed to preserve resources by exclusion, as in wildlife parks and forests, and to guarantee efficient use of soil and water. Exploring these linked themes of exploitation and conservation, this study concludes with a focus on political reassertions by colonised peoples over natural resources. In a post-imperial age, they have found a new voice, reformulating ideas about nature, landscape, and heritage and challenging, at a local and global level, views of who has the right to regulate nature.
Introduction
Authors: Beinart William , Hughes Lotte
Published: November 2020

European imperialism was extraordinarily far-reaching: a key global historical process of the last 500 years. It locked disparate societies together over a wider area than any previous imperial expansion; it precipitated the repopulation of the Americas and Australasia (but not of Africa and Asia); it was the precursor of globalization as we now understand it—and arguably also recent global asymmetries in wealth and power. European empires helped to produce the multiple states that are the basis of the world order, and influenced many of their key institutions. Imperial legacies have contributed to some of the world’s major recent conflicts. European imperialism was also inseparable from the history of global environmental change. Metropolitan countries sought raw materials of all kinds, from timber and furs to rubber and oil. They established plantations that transformed island ecologies. Settlers introduced new methods of farming; some displaced indigenous peoples and their methods of managing the land. Colonial cities, many of which have become great conurbations, fundamentally changed relationships between people and nature. Consumer cultures, the internal combustion engine, and pollution are now ubiquitous. By contrast, while natural resources have been intensely exploited, a related process, the rise of conservationist practices and ideas, was also deeply rooted in imperial history. Large tracts of land have been reserved for forests, national parks, or wildlife. Most environmental histories deal with reciprocal interactions between people and other elements in the natural world. Few see humans as entirely ‘super-natural’—or above nature. Our book on the British Empire emerges from these concerns. It is not an environmental interpretation of empire, nor do we have sufficient space or knowledge to write a definitive environmental history of the British Empire as a whole. Our aim is to illustrate diverse environmental themes in the history of that empire. In the first half of the book we concentrate on the material factors that shaped environmental change. We discuss the way in which an expanding capitalist economy devoured natural resources and transformed them into commodities.
Resistance to Colonial Conservation and Resource Management
Authors: Beinart William , Hughes Lotte
Published: November 2020

In the remaining chapters we will focus increasingly on the response by colonized people to competition for, and commodification of, conquered environments. Political conflict over natural resources had deep historical roots in the Empire, and these issues were not resolved by dominion status for the British settler states nor decolonization after the Second World War. They fed into the politics of decolonization and into environmental debates within and beyond the post-colonial Commonwealth. Subsequent chapters traverse the moment of decolonization and explore elements of late twentieth-century political ecology. In South Asia and Africa state attempts to control and regulate natural resources changed power relations in the countryside and triggered popular resistance. Through conquest or annexation, some colonial and protectorate governments not only alienated large swathes of territory, but also assumed responsibility for and asserted rights over the natural environment. The governments of settler states moved to protect environments from careless settlers who ransacked it for wildlife or timber, and from indigenous peoples whose land-management systems were regarded as destructive. In some cases conservators recognized that European settlers wreaked more havoc than indigenes; Sim said of the Cape forests that the ‘Hottentot and Bushman inhabitants … were not intentionally destructive … But the advent of European civilization boded greater ill to the forests, and rapidly enough that ill has been accomplished.’ And some, such as Howard, saw value in local agrarian systems. But although regulation could affect all colonial subjects, it tended to bear most heavily on indigenous people. Colonial governments introduced policies of excluding humans from protected areas, as well as a wide range of other measures aimed at curbing customary user rights and maximizing state revenue. Stiff penalties were introduced to punish those who broke the new regulations, and thus the rise of bureaucratic conservationism often led to the criminalization of local resource extractors. In settler colonies the privatization of land transformed socio-environmental relationships, barring local communities from accessing resources they had long regarded as communally held and managed. In some early colonial settlements, this process echoed the enclosures of common land in eighteenth-century England. At a fundamental level it changed the value people placed upon land, setting in train a process towards individualized tenure, commercialization, and subdivision of territory.
Units I 10, 5 and I 10,6
Authors: Allison Penelope M.
Published: November 2020

Giornale degli Scavi A,VI,6 (May 1912–Mar. 1929): 545 (15–18 Apr. 1928). A,VI,7 (Apr. 1929–Dec. 1935): 260 (18 Dec. 1932); 263 (23. Dec 1932); 264–5 (24 Dec. 1932); 266 (27 Dec. 1932); 267 (28 Dec. 1932). Elia 1934: 276–7. The upper levels of the volcanic deposit of this unit were excavated in April 1928. The excavators reported mixed deposit with many roof tiles and iron grates from the upper-storey windows. The ground-level rooms were not excavated until December 1932, after the excavation of the Casa del Menandro. Dimensions: l.: 165 mm (GdSc). Description: Lamp with double nozzle and handle surmounted with crescent. Discus decorated in relief with an eagle and a hare. Present location: destroyed in bombing during Second World War (inv. no. 5230). Discussion: similar type of lamp to cat. no. 831 but slightly larger. Dimensions: 130 mm × 130 mm × 50 mm (GdSc). Description: rectangular marble base, modulated. Present location: unknown, not inventoried at time of excavation. Discussion: Comparable size to cat. no. 57. Possibly in the Casa del Fabbro Supplement: see cat. no. 147. Dimensions: 160 mm × 180 mm × 50 mm (GdSc). Description: rectangular marble base, modulated. Present location: unknown, not inventoried at time of excavation. Discussion: comparable in size to cat. no. 57. Dimensions: i. h.: 320 mm; diam.: 230 mm; ii. h.: 300 mm; diam.: 230 mm; iii. h.: 300 mm; diam.: 200 mm (GdSc). Description: three cylindrical marble supports with simply modulated bases. Present location: unknown, not inventoried at time of excavation. Discussion: Proportionately rather short and wide for furniture supports but rather tall and narrow for column drums. Probably bases similar to those in the Casa del Menandro Supplement: see cat. nos. 188, 192–3. Dimensions: 330 mm × 250 mm × 130 mm (GdSc). Description: small plinth with roughly worked borders (width: c.70 mm) on all four sides, and plain surfaces. Present location: in 2001, Casa del Fabbro, room 1 (inv. no. 57616). Discussion: possibly the base for relief statuary such as a herm (see e.g. Seiler 1992: fig. 547–8).
Casa del Fabbro (I 10,7)
Authors: Allison Penelope M.
Published: November 2020

Giornale degli Scavi A,VI,6 (May 1912–Mar. 1929): 545 (Apr. 1928). A,VI,7 (Apr. 1929–Dec. 1935): 258–302 (intermittently from 12 Dec. 1932 to 28 Feb. 1933). Elia 1934: 278–308. The main excavations of this house were carried out between December 1932 and February 1933. The standard of excavation recording is perhaps more careful than that in the Casa del Menandro. More precise locations of objects are reported but sometimes with incorrect compass points. Elia has often published inventory numbers which do not concord with those in the Giornale degli Scavi. Dimensions: l.: 170 mm (GdSc). Description: quadrangular lock. Present location: unknown, not inventoried at time of excavation. Discussion: Relatively large lock, probably for structural door. Possibly one of the locks or possible lock fragments in the Casa del Fabbro Supplement: see cat. nos. 8, 10, 21, 34, and 68. See discussion on locks and keys. Present location: unknown, not inventoried at time of excavation. Discussion: possibly one of fragments in the Casa del Fabbro Supplement: see cat. nos. 41 and 92. Present location: unknown, not inventoried at time of excavation. Dimensions: l.: 150 mm (GdSc). Description: key with six teeth. Present location: unknown, not inventoried at time of excavation. Discussion: Probably similar type to cat. no. 136. Possibly key in the Casa del Fabbro Supplement: see cat. no. 23. See discussion on locks and keys. Dimensions: small key. Present location: unknown, not inventoried at time of excavation. Discussion: see discussion on locks and keys. Dimensions: l.: 350 mm (GdSc). Description: with knob. Present location: unknown, not inventoried at time of excavation. Discussion: possibly one of the door-latch remains in the Casa del Fabbro Supplement: see cat. nos. 16, 34–5, 38, and 63. Present location: unknown, not inventoried at time of excavation. Discussion: possibly one of door-latch fragments in the Casa del Fabbro Supplement: see cat. nos. 34–5, 38, and 63. Description: studs, sixteen of which have a hole in the centre. Present location: unknown, not inventoried at time of excavation. Discussion: see discussion on studs. Description: nails and remains of nail heads. Present location: unknown, not inventoried at time of excavation. Discussion: possibly some of nails in the Casa del Fabbro Supplement: see cat. nos. 43–7, 73, 75, and 79.
Unit I 10,12
Authors: Allison Penelope M.
Published: November 2020

Giornali degli Scavi A,VI,7 (Apr. 1929–Dec. 1935): 174–5 (11–12 Apr. 1932) Elia 1934: 339–40. The recording of the excavation for this area is very summary, recording the height at which objects were found but with no mention of the condition of the volcanic deposit. Description: fragments from the neck of an amphora with an inscription in red on each side. Inscription: a. ‘ΛAX’; b. ‘F’. Present location: unknown, not inventoried at time of excavation. Reference: inscription: Della Corte 1933: 317, no. 334. Discussion: see discussion on amphora. Dimensions: diam.: 35 mm; h.: 6 mm. Description: Plano-convex bone disc with a central hole (diam.: 6 mm). Convex surface decorated with two groups of concentric incised lines. Flat surface with two faint incised lines. Present location: Pompeii Collection, CB (inv. no. 4903). Discussion: probably a spindle whorl (see cat. no. 1048). Dimensions: preserved l.: 210 mm. Description: Bone implement of tapering circular section (max. diam.: 10 mm), the larger end decorated with three concentric incised lines and terminating in a pear-shaped knob. Other end broken. Present location: Pompeii Collection, CB (inv. no. 4904). Discussion: Probably a spindle. See discussion on punteruolo. Dimensions: diam.: 110 mm. Discussion: pot with rounded body and lid. Present location: unknown, not inventoried at time of excavation. Discussion: the diameter similar to cat. no. 1901. Dimensions: l.: 121 mm; h.: 17 mm; max. w.: 13 mm. Description: large bronze lock bolt with a key pattern consisting of three rows of holes, the central row of three rhomboid holes, and the outer rows each of three circular holes. Present location: Pompeii Collection, CB (inv. no. 4901). Discussion: Probably from large tumbler lock (see cat. no. 149). See discussion on locks and keys. Dimensions: l.: c.150 mm (GdSc). Description: key with five teeth and a suspension ring. Present location: left in Casa del Menandro at time of excavation (inv. no. 4902). Discussion: Possibly similar to cat. no. 136. See discussion on locks and keys. Dimensions: l.: 130 mm and 90 mm (GdSc). Description: two nails of common type. Present location: unknown, not inventoried at time of excavation.
Unit I 10,12
Authors: Allison Penelope M.
Published: November 2020

The walls of this unit have coarse plaster and the pavement was of cocciopesto. There appears to have been a wooden stairway along the west wall, two stone blocks (each of h.: c.50 mm, and dimensions: c.450 mm × 350 mm) 2.2 m from the south wall and set at right angles to the wall forming the base. Elia reported that no finds were made here. However, the excavators recorded: part of an inscribed amphora, probably a spindle and a spindle whorl, and a small ceramic pot, on the pavement; a bronze lock bolt at 2.5 m above the pavement; and an iron door key and two nails in the lapilli. According to Elia, this was a workshop. An entrance in the east wall had been closed when a latrine was added to room 31 in the Casa del Menandro. An inscription, painted in black, was observed near the blocked doorway to the latter room. Elia believed that this unit had originally been part of the Casa del Menandro but had been separated from it and was disused at the time of the eruption. The finds, while rather small and loseable, might point to its use as a location for spinning during its final occupancy phase.
Artefact function and the distribution of activities
Authors: Allison Penelope M.
Published: November 2020

In chapter 3, I discussed some of the nomenclature ascribed to Roman artefacts by modern scholars. In certain cases, I assessed the validity of this nomenclature’s assignation of functions to particular artefacts in this catalogue, especially with regard to Latin labels. The present chapter develops this discussion further, by using this contextualized study of finds assemblages to further our knowledge of the activities for which certain types of artefacts were used and of the spatial distribution of these activities. Sometimes the contexts and assemblages support and broaden our current knowledge, but at other times this study throws doubt on our current understandings of the relationships between this material and human activity. There is not space here to deal with all the classes of material in this catalogue so a few examples are highlighted. However, it should be noted that these observations are specific to Pompeii, and that any extrapolation from them to other parts of the Roman Empire, without further evidence, should be treated with caution. This discussion is also based predominantly on artefact distribution in Pompeii and any analogical inference which might be drawn from literary sources is avoided. This does not mean, however, that such inference should not be made using the results. The following labels, many of which were highlighted in the terminology chapter (Chapter 3), give either misleading or non-specific perspectives on the functions of certain Roman artefacts. Examples from this catalogue are used to demonstrate this, and to propose alternative possibilities. This term means a drinking vessel and is used in the Pompeii reports for a small biconical ceramic pot. None of the so-labelled ceramic examples in this catalogue has actually survived. However, a bronze vessel of the form to which this label was given (cat. no. 1286), was found in portico 10 of the Casa del Fabbro, together with a comparable jar (cat. no. 1287), but probably in a salvage assemblage. In the Casa del Menandro, one so-labelled ceramic pot (cat. no. 828) was recorded in the north-east corner of Room 43, together with a number of larger bronze vessels. The latter were possibly associated with ablutions, the serving of food and wine, and religion.