bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Ethnogenesis of the Oromo Nation and Its Implications for Politics in Ethiopia
Authors: Keller Edmond J.
Published: November 2008

Theend of the cold war has coincided with, and in some cases fuelled, the politicisation of ethnically based nationalism, particularly in Eastern Europe and sub-Saharan Africa. The international political environment had previously been characterised by ideological competition and conflict between the United States on the one hand and the Soviet Union and Communist China on the other. Both of these ideological camps stressed the cohesion and viability of multi-ethnic nation-states, and as a matter of policy discouraged the representation of groups based upon a distinctive ethnic identity,1a tendency reinforced in social science scholarship, which often focused on what was described as the process of national political integration. To the extent that it existed and was relevant, scholars generally agreed that ethnic solidarity was different from nationalism in that it did not require the creation of an ethnically pure nation-state. Today, however, the notion of the inviolability of certain internationally recognised entities is being seriously called into question as ethnic groups assert their right to self-determination up to, and including, separation from the multi-ethnic state.
The Ogoni and Self-Determination: Increasing Violence in Nigeria
Authors: Welch Claude E.
Published: November 2008

Theexecution of Ken Saro-Wiwa, noted advocate of rights for the Ogoni people of the Niger delta, who was hanged with eight of his colleagues in Port Harcourt on 10 November 1995, drew universal condemnation from governments, human rights organisations, and literary figures. Following the trial of these Ogoni activists, the Nigerian régime headed by General Sani Abacha decided that the verdict of the appointed tribunal should be endorsed and implemented without delay, despite an international campaign for clemency. In the view of many, Nigerians and non-Nigerians alike, an independent judicial court would not have found the accused guilty of the murder in May 1994 of the four prominent Ogoni who had been killed during a riotous rally. For the military administration, however, the claims for self-determination made by Saro-Wiwa had run counter to national policy, nOt least by having highlighted long-standing tensions between the country's ethnic mosaic and its political centralisation.
Class and Effective State Institutions: the Botswana Meat Commission
Authors: Samatar Abdi Ismail , Oldfield Sophie
Published: November 2008

Thefailure of the African state, capitalist or socialist, to induce successful economic transformation has led to attempts by neo-liberal institutions and scholars to jettison it out of the business of economic development except in the form of ‘night watchman’.1The minimalist strategy which is at the heart of such efforts ignores the historical evidence that sustained accumulation and development anywhere has been the product of either a capitalist class, conscious of its interest, pushing the state to foster capitalist development, or a state leading the way where such a conscious class did not exist. Successful capitalist development in either of these scenarios entailed the protection of the common class interest against the narrow schemes of individual members, or the demand and needs of other classes.
The First ‘Indigenisation Decree’ and the Dividend Policy of Nigerian Quoted Companies
Authors: Inanga Eno L.
Published: November 2008

Company dividend policy involves the periodic determination of the proportion and stability of a firm's distributable earnings payable to its equity shareholders. The variables which influence the decision, especially in developed economies, have been highlighted by the pioneering work of J. Lintner,2 and by the research findings of other scholars.3
The Political Context of Regional Development in the West African Sahel
Authors: Robinson Pearl T.
Published: November 2008

International political considerations are now an integral part of the fabric of the emerging African state systems. As national governments struggle with the complex problems of institution-building and economic development, they are increasingly obliged to look beyond their existing territorial boundaries. At the same time, it is not unusual to find that the economic, political, and bureaucratic interests of various expatriate government or inter-state actors are being pursued in the context of African development initiatives.
The Right of Association in Ghana and Tanzania
Authors: Welch Claude E.
Published: November 2008

Among the rights promised to individuals and groups, the ‘right of association’ frequently appears. It is enshrined in national constitutions, in international declarations and conventions, and in standard references to the liberties and privileges that citizens enjoy. Yet, as this article will illustrate, restrictions on this right have been justified in the name of higher objectives. The right of association, it would appear, is a conditional or second-order right, subordinated on occasion to more pressing rights. The strains of recent independence, regionalism, and labour unrest have brought about limits to the creation of association, whether political or non-political in nature.
Political Science, Political Culture, and Africa
Authors: Fishel Murray I.
Published: November 2008

Political scientists during the last 20 years have been bombarded by a bewildering array of approaches and methods to the study of their discipline, including structural-functionalism, systems and partial systems, decision-making, costs and benefits, patron-client relationships, micro-politics, politimetrics, mobilisation systems, survey research, aggregate data and content analysis, Q methodology, and experimentalism. With so many different approaches and techniques available to students of politics, it is not surprising that the discipline is in a twilight period characterised by confusion and disillusionment.
Political Mobilisation for Development in Guinea-Bissau
Authors: Rudebeck Lars
Published: November 2008

In a recent theoretical essay I tried to demonstrate, among other things, the crucial importance of politics in any effort to overcome the underdevelopment of our own historical period; and I hope I have also shown how different kinds of political systems may be assumed to interact with various kinds of development strategies.1 The most hopeful combination is where a dynamic political interaction is established between the developmental needs and aspirations of the masses, and a consciously applied strategy of challenge to the social, political, and economic status quo of underdevelopment. It is surely an important task of political science to attempt to define the conditions under which such a mobilising interaction may be established and sustained. They are probably minimal conditions of development for any Third-World nation in the predominantly capitalist international system.
The Uganda Coup—Class Action by the Military
Authors: Lofchie Michael F.
Published: November 2008

There will undoubtedly be many interpretations of the Uganda coup. The purpose of this article is merely to suggest one and, on the basis of available, though admittedly incomplete evidence, to outline a case for its plausibility. The central argument is as follows. The Uganda army can be best understood as a kind of economic class, an élite stratum with a set of economic interests to protect. The coup of January 1971 was the army's political response to an increasingly socialist régime whose equalitarian domestic policies posed more and more of a threat to the military's economic privileges.
The New African Administrator
Authors: Kirk-Greene A. H. M.
Published: November 2008

A full decade of African administration by Africans has gone by. It will soon be time to examine their achievements and to formulate and explore a number of new questions. What was Africanisation all about? Was it anything more than a localisation of personnel? Have Whitehall attitudes been replaced by Nigerian or Tanzanian, or even African attitudes? Has a newly shaped philosophy of public administration emerged?
Ibo Chiefs and Social Change
Authors: Okafor Samuel O.
Published: November 2008

Did Dr Robert Tignor in this recent article on ‘Colonial Chiefs in Chiefless Societies’ in this Journal, IX, 3, October 1971, not overstate the contribution of certain African chiefs ‘in forcing the pace of social change’?

My aim is to answer this question briefly as far as Ibo chiefs are concerned. It has been argued that they helped with the introduction of taxation, especially since this was not traditional. But the historical records show that most of them were actually opposed to its introduction,1 and that they were not an effective factor in its collection until after the reorganisation of the Native Authority system in the South-Eastern Provinces in the 1930s.2
Political Association and Maghreb Economic Development
Authors: Sutton Keith
Published: November 2008

Certain problems and prospects of economic development are common to Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and Libya. Any discussion of the Maghreb must consider the restrictive influence of the limited size of the national markets. Perhaps nowhere is this more apparent than in Libya with its population of only about 1, 800,000. Naturally, it is the spending or consuming capacity of that population rather than its actual size which is the limiting factor. Studies by Chenery, amongst others, suggested a national product of $30,000 million as the minimum optimal market size for an economy, with a $300 income per capita.1 Furthermore, the lower the average income per person, the higher the total national product needed to support efficient manufacturing plants and, particularly, an industry producing capital goods. By the mid- 1960s the independent countries of Africa together had a ‘continental product’ of about $40,000 million, and a population of about 300 million, often with extremely low income per capita. In short, the entire independent continent provides market conditions of just about the minimum optimal size for rapid development; the market of any subcontinental group, and obviously of any individual economy, is less than a quarter of the optimum size. When one considers countries like Chad, Malawi, and Togo, it is a case of national market sizes smaller than those of medium-sized European cities.
Development in Zululand
Authors: Young Bruce
Published: November 2008

Opening the working conference entitled ‘Towards Comprehesive Development in Zululand’, which was held in Durban, from 9–11 February 1972, Chief Gatsha Buthelezi, Chief Executive Officer of the Zulu Territorial Authority, told the 100 delegates that the subject of their discussions was more correctly called KwaZulu. And the map specially prepared by Alan Best (Boston) reminded them that this comprised at present no fewer than 29 areas scattered through the length and breadth of Natal, see p. 302. ‘These ghetto areas’, said the Chief, ‘are overdue for some attention whether one wants to see them as part of the rest of South Africa or as independent states.’
The Left and the Super-Left in Tanzania
Authors: Tordoff William , Mazrui Ali A.
Published: November 2008

The politically effervescent Frene Ginwalla has had to relinquish the editorship of The Standard in Tanzania, sacked by President Nyerere. The revolutionary wing of the student body of the University of Dar es Salaam has had its political claws blunted. Militantly zealous expatriates in Dar es Salaam have declined in influence. And those who used Uganda's problems following the January 1971 coup as an additional excuse for radical slogans have now been forced to cool down following the official rapprochement between the Governments of Tanzania and Uganda.
Penal Practice in Africa – Some Restrictions on the Possibility of Reform
Authors: Tanner R. E. S.
Published: November 2008

This article is based on the assumption that there are worldwide trends towards the more humane treatment of prisoners which have as their principal objective the reform of criminals. These trends are determined by the societies that have evolved them; they trends are not therefore characterised by African aims and they do not express themselves in African forms. So the possibilites of purely African innovation are limited.
Suppliers' Credits in Ghana and Uganda–an Aspect of the Imperialist System
Authors: Cohen D. L. , Tribe M. A.
Published: November 2008

There are a wide variety of relationships binding together the states of the modern international community. They are all, to a greater or lesser extent, dependent upon the exchange of various kinds of resources between themselves. These resources include merchandise goods, capital, technology, labour and information. Such exchanges imply a certain amount of reciprocal influence.
Social Anthropology and Development Planning – a Case Study in Ethiopian Land Reform Policy
Authors: Hoben Allan
Published: November 2008

Since World War II anthropological research in the new nations has come under increasing criticism on both ideological and pragmatic grounds. To those who regard the creation of a modern life-style and cultural integration as urgent national goals, the concern with traditional institutions seems conservative, if not reactionary, and any interest in ethnicity seems divisive. To those responsible for planning rural development, the anthropologist's detailed report on a single community all too often seems unnecessarily obscured by professional quibbles, devoid of concrete policy recommendations, and of unknown representativeness.
The 1969 Franc Devaluation and the Ivory Coast Economy
Authors: Garrity Monique P.
Published: November 2008

As a member of the franc zone, the devaluation of the Ivory Coast currency – the C.F.A. franc – was automatic upon the French devaluation of August 1969. The purpose of this short article is to analyse the implications and consequences of the French action for the Ivory Coast, in the hope that this will throw some light on the pros and cons of such a centre–periphery monetary union.
Class Conflict and Military Intervention in Uganda
Authors: Chick John D.
Published: November 2008

In his recent article on ‘The Uganda Coup – class action by the military’ in this Journal, x, 1, May 1972, Dr Michael F. Lofchie points to two apparent paradoxes in the military takeover: Why did the army move against a regime to which it had previously been loyal? And why, in doing so, did it ally itself with the Ganda ‘civil service and coffee growing elite’ towards which it had shown nothing but hostility in the past? The only adequate explanation, we are told, is that these privileged groups were drawn together by a determination to defend their status against the threat implicit in President Obote's commitment to socialism. Confronted by egalitarian pressures they discovered a basis for common action in a class interest which transcended tribal rivalries.
A Further Comment on the 1971 Uganda Coup
Authors: Gershenberg Irving
Published: November 2008

In his recent article in this Journal, X, I, May 1972, Dr Michael F. Lofchie catalogued what he considers to be the major factors contributing to the Uganda coup. In his analysis, Lofchie emphasises President Obote's ‘Move to the Left’ ideology for its threat to the privileged position of the military: ‘The coup of January 1971 was the army's political response to an increasingly socialist régime whose qualitariar, domestic policies posed more and more of a threat to the military's economic privileges.’
The Ivory Coast Economic ‘Miracle’: What Benefits for Peasant Farmers?
Authors: Hecht Robert M.
Published: November 2008

The pattern of rapid economic growth in the Ivory Coast since the early 1950s has been frequently described with some hyperbole, by foreign experts and Ivorian politicians, as an economic ‘miracle’. While most African nations, with the exception of the oil-exporters, have taken a rough ride on the economic roller-coaster during the past two decades, and while some like Guinea, Ghana, and Uganda, have followed a steadily downward trajectory, the economic fortunes of the Ivory Coast have improved consistently.
African–Arab Relations: Interdependence or Misplaced Optimism?
Authors: Wai Dunstan M.
Published: November 2008

During the 1970s, enthusiasts for Africian – Arab solidarity emphasised the potential benefits of political co-operation and economic partnership between sub-Saharan Africa and the Arab Middle East. The interest in such a relationship gained momentum among African and Arab Head of States, culminating in their summit meeting in Cairo in March 1977. It is now time to examine both the basis of the euphoria and the prospects, or lack of them, for the development of a comprehensive and durable relationship between the contiguous regions.
Uganda and Parliamentary Government
Authors: Uzoigwe G. N.
Published: November 2008

On 24 February 1966, Apolo Milton Obote, the Prime Minister of Uganda, marched into a meeting of his Cabinet with an armed escort, arrested five of his Ministers, and suspended the 1962 independence constitution he had solemnly sworn to protect. Since that fateful day Uganda has known no peace. Indeed, factional divisions and the ambitions of politicians, followed by the military dictatorship of Idi Amin after hiscoup d'étatin 1971, soon reduced the country to howling anarchy.
Tutorial Decentralisation in Morocco
Authors: Nellis John R.
Published: November 2008

In less-developed countries generally, and Africa in particular, centralised forms of political and economic organisation were until recently the norm. But over the past 15 years, this form of government has come under attack, and excessive centralisation is now viewed as a primary contributor to prevailing high levels of inefficiency and ineffectiveness. Various forms of decentralisation – the shifting of responsibilities and resources from central to sub-national units and actors – have been proposed as the necessary corrective mechanisms. Algeria, Kenya, the Sudan, Tanzania, Tunisia, and Zambia have been among the African countries which have implemented programmes aimed at strengthening the personnel, finances, and freedom of manoeuvre of non-central agencies and governments.
Institut Africain pour Ie Développement Economique et Social, Abidjan
Authors: Bureau René
Published: November 2008

I.N.A.D.E.S. is a research and training institute run by a number of Jesuit Fathers presently depending on the Province of Paris. It was established three years ago at Abidjan; its activities are by no means restricted to the Ivory Coast, but are directed towards the whole of black Africa and Madagascar, although priority is in fact given to the francophone countries.

The Institute now employs eight Fathers in various capacities, according to their respective skills. They are Fr Claude Pairault (director), Fr Albert Hanrion (administrator), Fr Pierre Souillac (executive secretary), Fr Jean- Louis Fyot (deputy-director), and Fathers Xavier Baronnet and Marcel Forey, with Fr René Bureau due later this year. At the moment the team has seven full-time assistants and secretaries.
Colloque sur la psychologie des élites de l'Afrique noire
Authors: Froehlich J.-C.
Published: November 2008

Robert Delavignette was the chairman for this one-day colloquium organised by the Centre de hautes études administratives sur l'Afrique et l'Asie modernes (C.H.E.A.M.), on ‘The Psychology of the Elites of Black Africa’. There were some 60 participants, including many French specialists on Africa, and African teachers, journalists, and intellectuals. Four papers were discussed, each of which had been distributed to the audience in advance, only a brief synopsis being given at the colloquium to introduce the discussion. Between them they touched on a wide variety of problems connected with the psychology of the élite.
Inaugural Conference of the African Training and Research Centre in Administration for Development
Authors: Mawhood Philip
Published: November 2008

The pace of development in Africa makes it necessary for traditional administrative structures, at all levels, to be constantly adjusted and adapted to meet fresh needs. The main objectives of C.A.F.R.A.D. (Centre africain deformation et de recherche administratives pour le développement) are to study these problems, and to encourage and assist African governments and African scholars in doing so.
Separatist Agitations in Nigeria Since 1914
Authors: Tamuno Tekena N.
Published: November 2008

Duringthe 1960s, Nigeria's stability was so severely threatened by such factors as reckless politics, militarycoups d'etat, refugee problems, and secessionist movements that foreign observers predicted the failure of a hitherto glorified model of a newly independent, democratic, multinational state in West Africa. In February 1966 pessimism about Nigeria's political future was so great that some observers inside and outside Nigeria believed that such a British-created federation as Nigeria's could not survive after the failure of the similarly launched Central African Federation, the West Indian Federation, and Malaysia (after Singapore's separation)1.
Developing Countries and International Trade—an Alternative View
Authors: Stein Leslie
Published: November 2008

In a recent article in this Journal, J. F. Rweyemamu argues that existing trade relations between the developed and less developed countries are a major cause of the latter's poverty. In fact, he asserts that ‘the U.N. General Assembly emphasis on trade under the existing international division of labour is not only misplaced but may be regarded as a calculated strategy by the capitalist countries to mislead the developing countries’. Since trade is supposed to impoverish the developing world, Rweyemamu recommends measures leading to less reliance on the external sector and, more specifically, a programme of heavy industrialisation, in which ‘it can hardly be over-emphasised that import substitution and export promotion are not relevant as basic selection techniques’. I feel not only that Rweyemamu's policy proposals are detrimental to the interests of the developing world, but that the statistical findings and theoretical discussion from which they are derived contain both errors and omissions.
Economic Dependence and Economic Performance in Black Africa
Authors: McGowan Patrick J.
Published: November 2008

Samir Amin has recently argued that black African countries are all characterised by extreme forms of underdevelopment. In his view, this situation is produced by the dependency of African states on more developed countries that is a consequence of the continent's common historical experience of economic exploitation by European-organised mercantilism, the slave trade, imperialism, and colonialism. Moreover, via the mechanisms of western-based neo-colonialism, African under-development has been perpetuated, and perhaps even increased, during the achievement of political independence over the past 25 years.
Difficulties of Cultural Emancipation in Africa
Authors: Grohs Gerhard
Published: November 2008

For a long time ‘emancipation’ in Africa meant solely liberation from European rule. But when 17 African states became independent in 1960 and when from 1956 to 1966 32 countries finally attained national sovereignty, the continent, in part, emancipated itself from this type of colonial rule. Only in Southern Africa is it impossible to speak of emancipation in international legal terms. This state of affairs has engendered a strong sense of solidarity among independent African nations vis-à-vis the ‘unresolved’ area of the continent, as reflected in every conference of the Organisation of African Unity, as well as in many United Nations resolutions. However, it soon became clear to those who equated emancipation with legal sovereignty, with governments run by Africans with national flags and national anthems, that true emancipation must mean something else.
Trends and Prospects of Nigerian–Japanese Trade
Authors: Fajana Olufemi
Published: November 2008

Nigeria has for long had an open economy exporting mainly primary commodities to industrial countries and importing their manufactured products. Exports are the main source of the foreign exchange needed to purchase the machinery and capital equipment that are indispensable for the growth of the economy, while the bulk of government revenue is derived from the taxation of imports and exports. There is little doubt that the dynamism and growth of the Nigerian economy will continue to depend largely on international trade – hence the vigorous pursuit of policies aimed at expanding traditional and opening-up new trade links. In this article, we shall look closely at the changing relationship with Japan, a country whose survival depends on international trade as much as Nigeria.
Global Market Forces and the Nationalisation of Foreign-Based Export Companies
Authors: Curry Robert L.
Published: November 2008

There are ideological, political, and economic incentives for nationalising foreign-based companies which operate in the export sectors of African economies. The basis of this appeal is the expectation that significant positivenetbenefits will arise from partial or complete acquisition of company assets. The expectedgrossbenefits which serve as the basis for calculation are subject to risk, because national owners often become decision-takers within global markets over which they are constrained from exerting control.
Marketing in Lesotho
Authors: Moody Elize
Published: November 2008

As one of the 25 countries listed as ‘least developed’ by the United Nations, considerable thought is at present being given in many quarters to various aspects of development in Lesotho. Agricultural schemes involving millions of dollars have been initiated, and experts in different disciplines are employed by the Government to help solve some of the seemingly intractable problems of this small country surrounded by the Republic of South Africa.
The Future of the Great Powers in Africa: Towards a Political Economy of Intervention
Authors: Shaw Timothy M.
Published: November 2008

Great-Power rivalry in Africa is among the legacies left by European statesmen who, a century ago in Berlin, carved up the continent and whole nations within it into tidy colonial compartments, several with frontiers still in dispute. Russians and Americans attended that inglorious conference but stayed out of the scramble for territories that followed. It is one of history's ironies that Moscow and Washington emerged, with proxies to help them, as leading contestants in the contemporary struggle for position, presence and power in Africa.
United States Foreign Policy in Southern Africa: Third-World Perspectives
Authors: Nicol Davidson
Published: November 2008

The past decade has seen an increase in the scope of relationships, both political and economic, between Africa and the United States. These vary with the complexion of the government in power, though some would say that this was more in emphasis than in substance, others definitely not. It is felt by many Africans, nevertheless, that the Carter Administration's emphasis on human rights has now been downgraded by the present Reagan Administration and that, instead, the geopolitics of U.S.–U.S.S.R. rivalry, and the economic importance of developing the private sector at the expense of bilateral or multilateral aid, have been moved to the fore.
What Role for E.C.A.? or Pan-Africanism Revisited
Authors: Magee James S.
Published: November 2008

For most organisations, a tenth anniversary session is a time for dwelling on the significance of past achievements while resolutely insisting that the best is yet to come in terms of new initiatives. The United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (E.C.A.) proved to be no exception when it met in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, during late January and early February 1969. Yet, behind the formal façade of celebration, one sensed an anxious attempt to overstate the results of past efforts in order to enlist support for a dynamic future which seems highly improbable. Because E.C.A. as an institution faces a serious crisis of confidence, its secretariat and its supporters seemed to seize on the tenth anniversary celebrations almost as if this were the last chance to change radically the Commission's role and image in the eyes of both Africa and the world. Indeed, the 1969 Commission session marked the culmination of an attempt by Robert K. A. Gardiner – the Commission's able Executive Secretary – and his associates to reverse the downward trend of E.C.A.'s influence and prestige since those halcyon early days of 1958–9 when Africans had such great hopes for their Commission.
The Control of Annual Plans: the experience of Tunisia
Authors: Kleve J. G.
Published: November 2008

The year 1966 was the first for which Tunisia prepared an annual economic plan, as it has done every year since then. These plans are published, usually in April for the year concerned, the latest available at the time of writing being Rapport sur le budget économique de l'année 1970 (Tunis, 1970). Such documents are in the nature of forecasts, and experience has taught that plans are not automatically achieved. But the full report on implementation does not appear until two years later; for example, Rapport d'execution du plan pour l'année 1968 (Tunis, 1970). Meanwhile, in order to know whether in reality things are moving as foreseen in the annual plan, monthly data have been collected since 1968 concerning a number of important economic indicators, including government capital expenditure, drawings on foreign project loans, levels of domestic production, imports, exports, and the finance received by private enterprise from banks and government subsidies.
Colonial Chiefs in Chiefless Societies
Authors: Tignor Robert L.
Published: November 2008

The proliferating literature on the emergent states of Asia and Africa stresses as its theme their newness and lack of political experience. New nation states have arisen often where none existed before, and their leaders have been confronted with a host of problems which they had not faced previously. Nowhere are such states thought to be more novel and inexperienced than in Africa, where a scant half century ago peoples lived in tribal communities, their economic and political context being demarcated mainly by family and kin groups. Lucy Mair's appropriately titled book, The New Nations, puts the problem pithily: ‘The new African governments are recruited from new men…The relationship of the leader with his followers, of ministers with their colleagues, with bureaucrats, with the general public, are new relationships.’1
Equal Rights for Women in Kenya?
Authors: Wipper Audrey
Published: November 2008

During the early years of independence, a militant women's equal rights movement has developed in Kenya. Led by urban, educated women, the movement rejects what is now seen as the traditionally inferior role of women. It wants for them an equal share in the responsibilities and the opportunities of nationhood. This article will describe the message, tactics, and leadership of the early phase of the movement.
The Causes of Poverty in the Periphery
Authors: Rweyemamu Justinian F.
Published: November 2008

In a recent article in this Journal, Vol. VII, No. 4, December 1970, on ‘Developing Countries and International Trade’, Leslie Stein attempts to provide an alternative explanation of the international relations between the developed and underdeveloped countries. He asserts that I argued, in my earlier discussion of ‘International Trade and the Developing Countries’ in Vol. VII, No. 2, July 1969, that the existing trade relations between the centre and the periphery are ‘a major cause’ of the latter's poverty. Consequently, I was led to recommend measures leading to less reliance on the external sector and, more specifically, a programme of ‘heavy industrialisation’. Since Dr Stein feels not only that my policy proposals are detrimental to the interests of the periphery, but also that the statistical findings and the theoretical discussions from which they are derived contain both errors and omissions, he is led to propose an alternative formulation of the international division of labour, which, in his view, benefits the periphery.
Foreign Investment in African Manufacturing
Authors: Rood Leslie L.
Published: November 2008

The multi-national corporations see in the developing countries of black Africa a potentially large market where they would like to have a foothold. The host governments, while welcoming foreign investment, are concerned about outside exploitation. The tension between this quest for markets and the move for greater control by Africans is but one more version of the old love-hate relationship between foreign investors and underdeveloped countries.
The Dynamic of Change in South Africa
Authors: Gandar Lawrence
Published: November 2008

The theme I have chosen for my address is what seems to me to be the overriding issue of the moment: change and what it signifies for the peoples of this country, and especially the young people like many of you who are completing your studies, or at least an important stage in those studies, and are naturally thinking about what lies ahead. For it is clear from all that has happened lately that you are part of the first batch of students to graduate in a new era of change that has opened this year in Southern Africa, with all that this means for your futures.
Sugar and Maize Meal: cases in inappropriate technology from Kenya
Authors: Harper Malcolm
Published: November 2008

Industrialisation in Africa and elsewhere has been beset with problems, many of which relate to the selection of ‘inappropriate technology’, or processes which are far from optimal in their use of labour and capital in the context of developing economy. Many products have no alternative methods of manufacture because they have been created in an industrialised economy, and the only existing technology reflects the skill, labour, and capital constraints of that environment. Plastics moulding, oil refining, and many metal-forming techniques are examples of this situation. The process itself is basic to the nature of the product, so that the choice of a more labour-intensive technology would result in the selection of a different product altogether. There might be no viable alternative, as in the case of petroleum products, or the alternative might be unacceptable because of its inferior performance in relation to the more sophisticated product which people already know. Processes which appear hopelessly capital intensive, and thus quite unsuitable for a developing country, may be appropriate because they form an essential part of an industry whose raw material involves economically and socially beneficial methods of production. In certain circumstances a paper-making factory could fall into this category, since the ‘inappropriateness’ of that technology might be offset by the benefits of the timber industry which is labour intensive and spread over a wide area. Some products, such as medicines, books, or fertilisers are essential and expensive to import, so it may be economically sensible to manufacture them locally in spite of other considerations.
Political and Economic Origins of African Hunger
Authors: Lofchie Michael F.
Published: November 2008

Drought and famine have become so inextricably linked in both popular and academic analyses of Africa's food problems in the 1970s that the relationship between the two is now taken almost axiomatically as cause and effect. The logic is simple and persuasive. Drought produces crop failure and crop failure, just as inevitably, leads to human starvation. This reasoning and the colour photography of starving children in the world press have proved so irresistible that social scientists have had surprisingly little rôle in scholarly discussions of the causes of the recent African famine. The subject has been left almost entirely to climatologists, physical geographers, water experts, and agronomists. Social scientists have so taken it for granted that the causes of African famine are natural and climatic that most of their literature on the subject falls into the genre of‘impact’ studies which omit the issue of causality and deal almost entirely with the social and political after effects.
Collective Self-Reliance of Developing Countries
Authors: Patel Surendra J.
Published: November 2008

The world economy is now in intense agony — sharper than ever experienced since the War. The international monetary order, carefully constructed with gold as its lynchpin and fixed exchange rates, is in shambles. Trade patterns laboriously built up since 1945 are facing their biggest challenge. The entire framework of domestic policies constructed on the assumption of steady growth — or only minor recessions — is now being questioned. Expectations of decline in industrial output ranging over io per cent are no longer restricted to whispers at cocktails — they are officially pronounced. Unemployment in the developed countries, some say, could swell nearly anywhere up to io per cent — a level which only a year ago was thought to be impossible. The identification of economic power with international liquidity has been all but destroyed in the wake of the oil price rise. Prices of other primary commodities are falling rapidly.
The Osagyefo, the Mwalimu, and Pan-Africanism: a Study in the Growth of a Dynamic Concept
Authors: Agyeman Opoku
Published: November 2008

The notion of African continental government has run the gauntlet of criticism and ridicule in its day. Not a few African ‘moderate’ or conservative leaders and their agreeable tribe of western scholars have been only too keen to fire broadsides at it from time to time. Thus, Nigeria's Abubakar Balewa saw it as a ‘nightmare’; a union government, he said, ‘might come, so might world government’. To Dennis Austin the pan-African movement – ‘in its fundamentalist-Nkrumaistic sense of a united Africa’ – is ‘plainly chimerical’.1 And Scott Thompson, not to be outdone, saw the whole thing as ‘essentially a mirage’ – the ‘myth of Eden’ – and the endeavour towards it as one of ‘chasing the whirlwind ’.2
Some Recent Literature on the United Nations
Authors: Ewing A. F.
Published: November 2008

If books and articles about the United Nations can hardly compete in sheer volume with the words produced by the Organisation itself; the literature is abundant. A review has therefore to be selective, and in this article attention is concentrated on what has been written about, but not by, the Secretariat in the last decade. The scope is further narrowed by focusing mainly on what has been published about the activities of the U.N. in Africa. Even so the range remains very wide, and no claim is made that all the relevant literature has been assessed.
Economic Development and Income Distribution in Eastern Africa
Authors: Jackson Dudley
Published: November 2008

Changes in Africa rarely go by halves – some developments have been spectacularly successful, such as education, but the failures have also been notable, particularly the lack of expansion in employment. In the words of a recent survey: ‘The most disturbing feature of the employment situation in Africa in recent years has been that the absolute level of wage employment has changed so little, despite high capital investment and the rapid growth of the public sector.’1 Table I shows an accurate and general picture of the problem as it confronts Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, and Zambia; this article is concerned to examine some of the dimensions, both economic and political, of its solution.
Zanzibar: the Politics of Revolutionary Inequality
Authors: Triplett George W.
Published: November 2008

Seven years have passed since the overthrow of the independent Arab government of Zanzibar on 12 January 1964, and the installation of a revolutionary African government. The goals of the revolution at that time were, summarily stated: (i) African majority rule, to be implemented through a one-party system; (ii) the nationalisation of the land and the abolition of what were deemed to be the capitalist, exploitative classes; and (iii) an end to racial discrimination and favouritism, which, in practice, was to mean easier African access to jobs, schools, medical treatment, and land ownership — see Zanzibar Government, 1964–1967: We Have Completed Three Tears: the Fruits of the Revolution in the Islands (Zanzibar, 1967), pp. iii-vi.
The Emergence of a Dual Governing Elite in Uganda
Authors: Dahlberg F. M.
Published: November 2008

This case history, based on fieldwork carried out in 1968, traces the development of two governing élites in the provincial town of Lira, which is located in northern Uganda and has a population of about 5,000 people. It is the administrative and commercial centre for the 353,000 people, primarily members of the Lango tribe, who live in Lango District. The town's population is about 73 per cent African (80 per cent of them Langi), 23 per cent Asian (Indian, Pakistani, and Goan) and 2 per cent European. In 1968 it was the ‘home town’ of the President of Uganda, where the interrelations between local, regional, and national systems of government were particularly transparent.
The New Environment of Nation-Building
Authors: Jordan Robert S. , Renninger John P.
Published: November 2008

What is Africa doing wrong? Africans as well as others are increasingly asking this question. We are, in effect, invited to consider that there are, perhaps, negative as well as positive aspects to the nation-building process in post-colonial Africa. To the layman, indeed, the image of Africa has tended to accentuate the negative. The strife in the Congo during the early 1960s, the civil war in Nigeria, numerous military coups d'etat and political assassinations, bureaucratic corruption, disappointing progress in the economic field, and more recently famine and drought, all could lead to the conclusion that efforts at nationbuilding have been less than successful.
Local and District Councils – Should They Be Forgotten?
Authors: Johns Sheridan , Riley Richard
Published: November 2008

Local and district councils as institutions of democratic representative government have enjoyed a brief and fragile life in Commonwealth Africa. Furthermore, throughout the period of their existence they have never been a priority concern for either colonial rulers, African leaders, or social scientists, and their very existence has been recently challenged. In a number of countries, particularly those which have experienced military take-overs, the councils have been abolished; where they remain in existence they have been transformed with few exceptions into bodies with even more limited powers and autonomy. Nevertheless, their activities, even if greatly curtailed, still offer a focal point for the study of certain questions of representation and administration in the context of political change in independent black Africa.
Bureaucratic Development and Economic Growth
Authors: Markovitz Irving Leonard
Published: November 2008

Providing a good standard of living for all the peoples of Africa means that there must be more than simple economic growth. The alleviation of tremendous poverty requires special measures to ensure that those at the bottom of the social structure benefit by receiving part of the product of growth. Two problems of equal importance involve: first, the necessity for changing the life-styles of peoples and the economic forces of production of centuries; and secondly, the creation of the appropriate political apparatus to guarantee a more suitable distribution of the new goods that are produced. Francophone planners soon after the end of World War II used the word encadrement to convey a sense of the processes and institutions involved in coping with these problems.
The 1972 Addis Ababa Agreement and the Sudan's Afro-Arab Policy
Authors: Stevens Richard P.
Published: November 2008

In February 1975, following a major cabinet reshuffle, General Gaafar Mohamed Nimeiri reaffirmed his Government's basic commitment to the pursuit of an Afro-Arab foreign policy, and noted that this was not tied to particular personalities. For just as the appointment of the distinguished diplomat, Mansour Khalid, as Foreign Minister in August 1971, had prompted charges that the Sudan's Arab ties were to be sacrificed to African interests, so his departure from office to become Minister of Education aroused speculation that greater Arab involvement, if not actual African disengagement, would now follow.
Trademarks in Developing Countries
Authors: O'Brien Peter
Published: November 2008

The concern with the impact of industrial property legislation and practices on the developing countries, at both the national and international levels, has so far been confined almost entirely to patents and patent-related transactions. This focus on the protection of knowledge concerning production processes reflects, on the one hand, a preoccupation with the terms and conditions which owners of technology may be able to obtain for its sale or lease, when their proprietary position is reinforced by legal instruments; and on the other hand, a recognition that unless the developing countries can themselves control the generation of a significant proportion of the technology they employ, it is unlikely either that appropriate technology will be produced, or that good use will be made of what is already available and relevant.
Cultural Formalism and the Criticism of Modern African Literature
Authors: Iyasere Solomon O.
Published: November 2008

Criticism of African creative works by both African and western scholars has become a major intellectual activity. Many articles have been published on African writers and their works, and, in recent years, several journals have appeared which are devoted exclusively to the discussion of African literature. This surge of interest is further reflected in the fact that a number of book-length studies have been produced, and African writers such as Wole Soyinka (a dramatist) and Yambo Ouologuem (a novelist) have received international accolades. In short, African literature is now recognised as a vital element in the corpus of world literature.
The Future of Waste
Authors: van Dam André
Published: November 2008

Barely six years ago, the owners of motor vehicles were besought to ‘put a tiger in your tank’. Now the advertising slogan urges them: ‘Don't be fuelish’. Where the union of energy and mobility was recently considered as the source of bliss and power, it is henceforth regarded as pure waste – foolish, fuelish waste. Is this an interruption of an ongoing trend, or the beginning of a less wasteful lifestyle?
Nationalisation and Indigenisation in Africa
Authors: Rood Leslie L.
Published: November 2008

In the last decade the states of black Africa have taken over a score of large industries owned by multi-national corporations and thousands of small enterprises owned by non-African residents. The methods of takeover, the targets, and the stated justifications vary from country to country, and yet there is a pattern throughout it all. Africans want control in their own house. This article reviews the facts of the takings in black Africa, considers the changing international law of nationalisation, and looks into the future of this confrontation between Africans and foreigners.
Social Classes and Corporate Interests in the Ethiopian Revolution
Authors: Ottaway Marina
Published: November 2008

In February 1974, Ethiopia entered a period of deep and occasionally violent political and social change, the result of the breakdown of a semi-feudal system under the impact of economic modernisation. Despite the fact that the army played, and is still playing, the central rôle, it would be wrong to regard the change simply as a coup d'état which replaced one authoritarian régime with another. The political movement that started then was the result of significant social and economic changes which took place during the last 15–20 years of the Emperor's reign.