bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Are the Soviets Winning the Propaganda War?
Authors: Allen George V.
Published: March 2007

The Soviet Union is adept at exploiting her tech nological and other achievements to make news around the world. The general impression to be gained from the press over the last several years and at the present time is that the Soviets have been ahead in the propaganda war and, perhaps, in other matters as well. The question is of goals and of how to achieve them. It can be granted that the peoples of both sides want peace. Their governments seek to obtain it for them in different ways. The Soviet Union believes that the way to maintain peace is to establish physical police control over more and more territory until all the world is united. The United States has sought an ordered world through strengthening a voluntary association of states, namely, the United Nations, which the Soviet Union has sought to destroy. Actually, the ideological conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union is a short-term problem. More basic and more abiding in the sense of history are the issues of na tionalism and the revolution of rising expectations. National ism has caused wars in the past, and it is apt to do so in the future as long as nations depend on their own power for their security. In this generation, advances in communications and transportation have made underprivileged and underdevel oped people everywhere conscious of higher standards of liv ing, and they seek these standards for their own. The issue of communism is important, but no war or peace will be won until the issue of nationalism and the revolution of rising ex pectations are successfully met.—Ed.
Soviet-American Economic Competition in Uncommitted Countries
Authors: Randall Clarence B.
Published: March 2007

The Soviet Union, at present, is definitely ahead of the United States in the economic competition for the un committed and underdeveloped countries. The goal of Soviet economic penetration—control of total policy—poses a direct threat to American national security. The monolithic central authority of the Soviet Union provides a tactical advantage over the United States free democracy. The Soviet presidium can and does throw the entire power of the country against one target—winning the uncommitted and underdeveloped countries to communism. The United States is handicapped by its economic organization as well as by its political values. The United States has not yet learned to co-ordinate public efforts when an over-all national purpose must be served. The United States and the Soviet Union differ in their ap proaches to human values in aid to underdeveloped areas. The United States has fostered long-range improvements through teacher training, agricultural research, infant care, and so on. The Soviet Union has claimed the spotlight with huge projects—dams, hospitals, steel mills. There is no doubt that the United States possesses the capacity to compete with the Soviet Union. The United States definitely possesses ad vantages in marketing and distribution skills, in production flexibility, and in quality control. The free market system, also, is familiar to underdeveloped peoples accustomed to the bazaar atmosphere. The United States can win economically, and on her own terms, but she must possess the desire to do so.—Ed.
Political Developments in the Sino-Soviet Bloc
Authors: Brzezinski Zbigniew K.
Published: March 2007

Four basic and meaningful trends are currently developing in the Sino-Soviet bloc. A most important trend is the emergence of diversity within Communist unity. Stalinism was characterized by political and ideological uniformity, centralization, and homogeneity. Today, a far more complicated pattern of relations prevails. A second trend, related to the first, is the weakening of ideological unity and the decline of ideological zeal within the Communist bloc. A third trend involves the energetic development of the economic and political integration of the Sino-Soviet bloc. The Soviet Union remains an autarchic economy. Otherwise, efforts are being made to develop specialization in the economic development and production of the various Communist countries. This division of labor contributes to greater interdependence. The Asian states, to date, are not part of this joint economic enterprise. The fourth trend is a general sense of historical momentum reinforced, on dubious intellectual grounds, by Soviet technological, especially space, advances. The West should avoid premature and rash actions of either a provocative or an unnecessarily compromising character. Beyond that, it is in the Western interest to promote stability among those Communist elites already inclined toward moderation and greater radicalism among those which are more militant.
The Role of Voluntary Agencies in Meeting the Health Needs of Americans
Authors: Hamlin Robert H.
Published: March 2007

Voluntary agencies—nongovernmental, self- governing organizations financed primarily by contributions from the public—have become a major mechanism for private collective action in the United States. As a result of a re markable surge in the social consciousness of the American people and a benevolent government tax policy on charitable contributions, the growth of these agencies in the past two decades has been spectacular. Over 100,000 voluntary health and welfare agencies now receive more than $1.5 billion annually in philanthropic contributions to provide a broad spectrum of services to millions of beneficiaries. This growth and the increasing tempo of competition among the agencies for funds and programs, however, have raised perplexing and troublesome questions. These concern the need for co operative action among voluntary agencies in community planning, agency ability to adapt to the rapid increase in government health and welfare programs, the amount and accuracy of information supplied by the agencies on their use of contributions, the adequacy of agency organizational and administrative structure to carry out new and changing respon sibilities, and the divisive impact of the strident debate over fund-raising methods.
Teen-Age Culture: An Overview
Authors: Bernard Jessie
Published: March 2007

Teen-age culture is a product of affluence: we can afford to keep a large population in school through high school. The teen-age culture of younger adolescents is characteristically lower class, that of older teen-agers, upper middle class. The material traits of teen-age culture include certain kinds of clothes, automobiles, and the paraphernalia of sports and recreation. Teen-agers constitute an impor tant market; advertisers are in a coalition with them if parents protest. The nonmaterial culture traits include a special lan guage. There also is great emphasis on fun and popularity. Popular songs reflect the preoccupation of teen-agers with love in its various stages. Political concern is not characteristic of teen-age culture, but, when they are asked for opinions, teen agers reflect those of their class backgrounds. Class pervades all aspects of teen-age culture from clothes to taste in moving pictures to hangouts to activities. In teen-age society, as in the larger world, a substantial proportion are alienated, out siders, rejected. At the college level, the old "rah-rah" culture is giving way to more serious vocational and academic cultures. If this trend continues, teen-age culture may end with high school graduation; at the college level, young people will be more adult. At the same time, however, it appears that children enter teen-age culture at an earlier age. So long as we can afford to support a large leisure class of youngsters, teen-age culture in some form or other will continue.
Subterranean Traditions of Youth
Authors: Matza David
Published: March 2007

Because of tensions inherent in the modern position of youth, they have been vulnerable to a variety of deviant patterns. These deviant patterns manifest a spirit of rebelliousness and have taken three major forms in Amer ican life: delinquency, radicalism, and Bohemianism. Each has been a subterranean tradition of American youth. The subterranean tradition of delinquency, which is guided by a Celebration of prowess, manifests a spirit of adventure, disdain of work, and aggression. The delinquent enterprise consists primarily of victimization and status offenses. Radicalism is guided by an apocalyptic vision, populism, and evangelism. The radical enterprise consists of mundane political activity that, to its participants, seems extraordinary as a result of unconventional definitions of politics. The Bohemian tradi tion and beat, its modern manifestation, are committed to romanticism, expressive authenticity, and monasticism. Be cause of the importance of expressive authenticity, Bohemi anism has taken two major paths, friviolous and morose. The Bohemian enterprise consists of two interrelated features, unconventional art and unconventional personal experience. While only a small proportion of youth participates in any of these traditions, many more are vulnerable. That more do not participate and that many who do participate return to conventional life seem related to the existence of conven tional versions of these traditions.
Delinquent Subcultures: Sociological Interpretations of Gang Delinquency
Authors: Bordua David J.
Published: March 2007

Group delinquency has been of theoretical in terest to American sociology for more than half a century. During that time, four major interpretations of the origins of gang delinquency and delinquent subcultures have emerged. The classical view developed by Thrasher focuses on the de velopment of spontaneous groups under conditions of weak social control and social disorganization. Two other views, somewhat akin, emphasize the adjustment problems of lower class boys and stress respectively the status deprivation of such boys when they fail to place well according to the middle class measuring rod and the alienation produced when opportunities to achieve universally demanded success goals are denied lower class boys. Another view is that of the lower class street gang and its way of life as the adolescent version of a more general adult life style, namely, lower class culture. There is a no ticeable tendency in the recent theories to emphasize irrational explanations of gang delinquency, to view the boys who par ticipate as driven rather than attracted, and polemical pres sures have tended to produce extreme theoretical interpreta tions.
The Intellectual Foundations of Automation
Authors: Reintjes J.F.
Published: March 2007

Modern automation makes use of machines which are capable of simulating, in some measure, the human neuromuscular system and, to some extent, the human psy choneuromuscular system. These machines are the culmina tion of man's continual effort throughout the centuries to de velop mechanical aids which would conserve and supplement his personal energy, both physical and mental. In the early stages of civilization these aids took the form of hand imple ments and simple machines which served to maximize the ef fectiveness of man's personal strength. The development of power machinery during the eighteenth century represented a major break with the past in that it enabled exploitation of the energy latent in nature and released man from the task of being the prime energy source in the performance of his work. Modern technology has brought about additional progress in the evolution of machines. Through the concept of feedback control, electronic-computer techniques, and combinations of these, machines have been evolved which can perform selected tasks by themselves in accordance with commands furnished to them. In some applications, these machines can outper form humans. In others, they are able to take over simple decision-making functions from humans and to analyze auto matically massive quantities of data.
Process Control: Past, Present, and Future
Authors: Stout Thomas M.
Published: March 2007

As process technology has shifted from batch to continuous operations, control procedures have also evolved. Manual adjustment of process conditions has been superseded by automatic controllers, which in turn are now being supple mented by computers that can exercise control over entire plants. Justification for these systems is found in greater production capacity, lower raw material and utility costs, and improved quality control. Labor savings have played little part in justifying computer systems for process plants where automatic equipment has already cut the number of people needed to a practical minimum. The future will see continued technical developments in the field and a growing number of installations.
Are Americans and Their Cultural Values Adaptable to the Concept and Techniques of Unconventional Warfare?
Authors: Williams Robin M.
Published: March 2007

Relations of values to unconventional warfare may be analyzed at three levels: decision-making and policy at the national level, generalized public opinion, formation and use of special military forces. The main American values are not incompatible with unconventional warfare at the opera tional level, but conflicts of values do result in uncertainty and ambiguity in national policy. Certain common beliefs and stereotypes about unconventional warfare are in need of crit ical examination. American value systems tend to stress ethical individualism and active mastery of life. Values of technical competence and achievement would be important in the behavior of the highly selected and specially trained American forces which would participate in unconventional warfare. Convictions concerning the justice of the nation's position, coupled with group involvement and the values attached to teamwork, are important in the behavior of American forces. Understanding of the complex national value pattern can aid in determining basic policy concerning unconventional warfare.
The Goals of United States Policy in Latin America
Authors: Rubottom Roy R.
Published: March 2007

The Alliance for Progress plan proposed in March 1961 by President Kennedy is the means by which the United States seeks jointly with the other American states to achieve new heights of development in economic activity, health, education, and welfare standards, and hemispheric global political co-operation. After the first year of its op eration, economic programs have been implemented with loans and tariff and trade agreements, campaigns have been under taken to eradicate malaria and smallpox, and people-to-people projects in education have been exchanged and more planned. In political affairs, the result of the January 1962 meeting of foreign ministers at Punta del Este set new benchmarks for the security of the Americas. The goal of the United States is an America in which unity is derived from common devotion to the ideals of personal dignity and political liberty, in which strength is a shield to enable the free to remain free, in which progress is measured by the ever wider and fairer spread of opportunity, and in which peace, based on justice and equitable treatment of man by his fellow man, can be shared with the rest of the world.—Ed.
Arms Control and Disarmament in a Divided World
Authors: Foster William C.
Published: March 2007

Recent developments in science and technology make obsolete not only previous weapons but also previous foreign policies and, even, ideologies. The arms race and the clash of ideologies between the Western world and the Soviet bloc are ominous facts. The world, however, need not be a prison in which mankind must await eventual execution. Four hopeful factors provide a possible basis for peaceful solution: the nuclear standoff and the development of workable deter rence; the gradual evolution of the Soviet Union toward more acceptable standards; the growth and development of the At lantic community and the United Nations; and the common interest of the Soviet. Union and the Western in avoiding gen eral war and in proceeding with economic improvement. The United States Arms Control and Disarmament Agency is the first of its kind in the world. It reflects the United States po sition that arms control and disarmament can serve as a means for communication, increasing understanding and reducing tensions, can reduce the chances of war by accident, miscalcu lation, and surprise attack, can be a practical means for stop ping the arms race and reducing armaments, and can be the pathway to a free, peaceful, and disarmed world. The criteria for acceptability of a disarmament plan to the United States are military or security soundness, for all countries, and the possibilities in it for serious negotiation.—Ed.
Is NATO Solid and Is It Otherwise Adequate?
Authors: Winckler Jean-Claude
Published: March 2007

The NATO alliance answers a fundamental need for France and for the other free nations of the West and, for that reason, rests on solid ground. It could serve its pur poses more adequately, however, if certain changes in the world situation which have taken place since its conception were more fully taken into account. In 1949 communism was on the march in Europe; NATO was devised in answer. Today, the Communist challenge is global. Although NATO would not itself extend its obligations, those of its members with world wide interests should establish closer co-operation in foreign policy and global strategy based upon their wartime and NATO experiences. Continental Europe in 1949 was recover ing from the destruction of war. European countries feared that they were no longer subjects, but objects, of history. The need now exists to find a better balance between unified com mand and governmental responsibility. Without a feeling of partnership, European countries could still become indifferent. When NATO was conceived, the United States possessed a monopoly on atomic weapons; this no longer is the case. Of the continental European countries, France is in the best posi tion to pursue atomic research and development. France, also, is in a position to promote the unification of Europe, this not to the exclusion of the United States and Great Britain but to the greater strength of all.—Ed.
Measurement of the Social Performance of Business
Authors: Kreps Theodore J.
Published: March 2007

Making money versus making goods, as Aristotle pointed out, constitutes the basic social audit of economic in stitutions and practices. Current discussions of tariffs, of in flation, of stock-market or land speculation, of subsidies and tax loopholes, of resource conservation, of the activities of regulatory commissions, of stock pile and military spending, of advertising, monopoly, and featherbedding, and of price and wage increases abound in round-robin recriminations about "ir responsible and unjustifiable action," "unearned income," "in jury to public welfare," "something for nothing," "too much for too little," "waste," and so on. Can the social perform ance of business be identified, estimated, measured? How? With what limitations? Four major currents of thought muddy public discussion. Some maintain that "business is business." Profits per se measure social performance. Others rely heavily on classical competitive equilibrium processes or other versions of the "invisible hand." A third group—rig orously mathematical exponents of the new welfare economics —are pessimistic about even the possibility of finding a useful social-welfare function. An emerging fourth group affirms the principle of social responsibility of business, some in frankly prescriptive value terms, other in what they convince them selves are scientifically determinable and operable, though im precise and variable, zones or paths for creative voluntarism.
The Corporation and the Public Interest
Authors: Kariel Henry S.
Published: March 2007

Corporate managers must weigh the public con sequences of their decisions if they wish to keep the state from reasserting its proper authority vis-à-vis the corporation. The only defensible standard to guide them is the public interest defined in exclusively procedural terms. This definition should lead them to underwrite projects likely to keep the ultimate ends of life private, pluralistic, and uncongealed. Such a com mitment requires their support of practices which keep the political machinery in good repair but not their manipulation of the machinery so that it will produce some definite, substan tive result. If this is recognized as being too unnerving an assignment for corporate managers, legislation should free them to direct their energies once again to the single purpose of maximizing profits.
The Corporation in External Affairs
Authors: Metzger Stanley D.
Published: March 2007

Business goes abroad and stays abroad for busi ness reasons—for earnings. This limits the role it can play in economic development of underdeveloped countries, which requires large amounts of social overhead which business can not supply. Nevertheless, business has an important, if second ary, role to play and can play it if, instead of seeking com mitments protecting investment, it and the host countries make business judgments, on a self-interest basis, to invest and to welcome investment. Developing countries will attempt to make such judgments, despite their mixed feelings about pri vate investment, because of their need for capital, in the process attempting to guard against outside domination.
Corporate Responsibility, Business Motivation, and Reality
Authors: Manne Henry G.
Published: March 2007

There is a growing belief that the traditional separation of the private and public sectors of our society is becoming blurred. Corporate theorists have offered a variety of philosophies to replace the discarded notions of market constraints. The school of business statesmanship, for which Professor Adolf Berle is the most articulate spokesman, looks to business executives to fulfill corporate responsibilities other than those traditionally owed to shareholders. Corporate man agers, too, have voiced their acceptance of this new role, but the realities of business and politics belie their stated motiva tions for many allegedly altruistic acts. And, although the evi dence is not clear, the discernible pattern of individual incen tives and restraints suggests the same conclusion. The alleged acts of corporate statesmanship do not actually represent basic changes in the nature of American enterprise. It is more likely that they indicate the political vulnerability of industry today and the extent to which governments use both the car rot and stick to gain desired results from business. The ac quiescence of corporate leaders in the philosophy of business responsibility could ultimately result in the enforcement of such notions as legal obligations.
The Business Ethics Advisory Council: An Organization for the Improvement of Ethical Performance
Authors: Thau Theodore L.
Published: March 2007

The Business Ethics Advisory Council is a group of outstanding businessmen, educators, clergymen, and jour nalists. Its goal is to help the American business community develop and carry out programs for the general improvement of business ethics. Recently, the Council posed some search ing inquiries for all businessmen in a widely publicized State ment on Business Ethics and Call for Action. Since then, the Council has been undertaking to achieve its goal through a number of nation-wide activities. The history of the origin and work of the Council may well prove an important chapter in the chronicles of American business.
Political and Intellectual Origins of American Radicalism, Right and Left
Authors: Ferkiss Victor C.
Published: March 2007

Radicalism has been relatively weak in America, so strong is the American consensus. In the past, most radical movements were leftist or liberal. Today, right-wing radical ism is strong. Its intellectual and political roots are found in leftist movements such as populism and the protofascism of the 1930's as well as pre-World War II isolationism. McCarthy was a link between these movements and the present radical right. The major tenet of contemporary right-wing extremism is an anticommunism which stresses the domestic aspect of the Communist threat. Because of belief in the absolute nature of the struggle against communism and a conspiracy theory of his tory inherited from leftist and isolationist movements of the past, the radical right has little faith in traditional constitu tional and political processes and stresses clandestine and mass- action methods for fighting communism. In economics, the radical right favors a return to nineteenth-century laissez-faire liberalism; in social life, it favors greater conformity to tradi tional norms. The future of right-wing radicalism depends primarily on the course of international events but also, in part, on the nature and strength of contemporary left-wing radical movements.
Conservatism
Authors: Shannon Jasper B.
Published: March 2007

Conservatism has played a significant role in the development of American politics notwithstanding the revolu tionary tradition in the United States. In the absence of a crown and a nobility, conservatism has centered around the Con stitution and the institution of private property. Deeply per turbed by the appearance of New Deal and Fair Deal welfar ism, many conservatives hoped the security state was a passing phenomenon. The persistence of the Cold War and the accept ance by the moderate Eisenhower regime of the New Deal re forms have left many conservatives profoundly disturbed. Anti communism developed around the investigative function of Con gress as the chief device used to combat liberalism. Since 1960 a secret organization, the John Birch Society, has been created which advocates radical action, such as the impeachment of the Chief Justice. The Supreme Court is the current focus of criticism. The strategy of the extreme right appears to be the splintering of the Republican party. Amply financed by the nouveaux riches, especially the oil beneficiaries of special tax privileges, widespread propaganda is being spread to inflame the unthinking masses. The radical right has some resem blance to fascism but should not be so regarded unless stronger leadership and more violence develop.
Contemporary Juristic Theory, Civil Rights, and American Politics
Authors: Parthemos George S.
Published: March 2007

The severe disputations which rage in contempo rary jurisprudential thought revolve primarily around certain vexing philosophical and ethical questions which cast jurispru dential thought into various philosophical molds or schools. The viewpoints of contemporary juristic theories, however, are also definitely colored by ideological factors of a conservative or of a liberal character, although, in most instances, these fac tors have remained either unclarified or completely lost in the intricacies of philosophical disputation. A significant feature of jurisprudential thought today is the strong revival of inter est in natural-law theory. Sharp differences of opinion center particularly around the implications and consequences of natu ral-law jurisprudence for liberalism and conservatism as well as for civil rights and racial desegregation. Despite the fact that natural-law theories might embrace essentially different phenomena or that they might be used for contradictory pur poses, in all their forms they are marked by characteristics which make natural-law doctrine essentially and fundamentally conservative. Sociological jurisprudence and legal realism, on the other hand, may be regarded as the principal forms of ex pression of liberalism in the area of juristic thought. The liberal implications and consequences of these lines of thought for civil rights and desegregation cases are especially evident.
The Broken Dialogue on Foreign Affairs
Authors: Fleming D.F.
Published: March 2007

Liberal and conservative positions on foreign af fairs cannot be easily distinguished, for differences have dis appeared because of the hatreds, fears, and frustrations of the Cold War. Some students maintain that the left has disap peared from our politics, leaving a greatly expanded center and a swollen right. The issues of the Cold War are not debated. About a thousand extreme-right organizations dis tribute literature, and some of these are powerful. In for eign affairs, the extreme right sees conspiracies against the United States and equates liberalism with communism. In fact, present trends indicate that communism will not be the wave of the future. President Kennedy, by calling for in terdependence with a united Europe, has raised a standard to which Americans can rally.
The Juvenile Gang: A Cultural Reflex
Authors: Bloch Herbert A.
Published: March 2007

In the past decade, American sociologists study ing delinquency have become increasingly concerned with the effects of class differences on youthful deviance. Class research stems in part from a research interest developed during the Depression, yet sociologists have not always been accurate in depicting class differences and in claiming identification of exclusive criteria of differences between class groups. Some of the results have been a failure to comprehend realistically the full dimensions of the changing class structure in the United States and a readiness to attribute forms of youthful deviance, including delinquency, to reactive compensations of working-class youths toward middle-class values and limitations of egress from a restrictive background. In what tends to become a relatively simple and unencumbered view, there has been a conspicuous avoidance of reference to pervasive behavioral practices of various types which characterize the culture as a whole. A significant result of this avoidance, apart from its deceptive simplicity, is its failure to recognize a variety of hidden variables in the dynamics of delinquency and in the identification of delinquent types. Unlike scholars elsewhere, for reasons which may reflect the current American culture mentality, sociologists in the United States appear to be minimizing significant facts of intergenerational struggle.
Detroit: A Lesson in Law Enforcement
Authors: Edwards George
Published: March 2007

On November 9, 1962, the Gotham Hotel in Detroit was raided in a co-ordinated operation by the Detroit Police Department, the Michigan State Police, and the Federal Internal Revenue Service. Forty-one persons arrested either have been convicted of gambling activities or are charged with such in state or federal courts. Vast quantities of gambling paraphernalia, much of it crooked, and evidence, including cash and bet slips, were seized. This attack on "The Fortress" of the numbers racket in the Detroit area has been described by federal revenue agents as one of the biggest and most suc cessful gambling raids ever conducted. Findings demonstrate that the Gotham's operations were not only illegal but dis honest as well. This is helping to decrease public tolerance for organized gambling in the area. Also, ties of organized gambling to organized and unorganized crime of other kinds were disclosed. The raid on the Gotham did not end illegal gambling in the Detroit area, but it had other results. It eliminated any gambling location boasting immunity in the city. It forced many of the numbers operators still in busi ness out of town and has kept the rest continually on the move, multiplying their chances of mistake and being caught in police surveillance. Illegal gambling, the foundation of organized crime, is a substantial foundation which required a long time to build. It will not be destroyed quickly, but law-enforce ment measures can be taken.—Ed.
Community Economic Relations with Associated African States and Other Countries
Authors: Van der Lee Jacob J.
Published: March 2007

Associated with the six European countries in the European Economic Community, or Common Market, are a number of independent states in Africa and Madagascar. At the time of the negotiation of the Treaty of Rome, these states were, for the most part, dependent overseas territories of the European countries—especially of France, who had to reconcile her membership in the European Economic Com munity with the economic system in operation between metro politan France and the overseas dependencies. The system of association which became part of the Treaty of Rome was designed to establish a commercial preference for the benefit of the associated countries and territories and to assist them in their infrastructural social and economic development through investment aid from the Community. During the first five-year period of the Common Market, 1958-1962, many of the associated territories became sovereign and inde pendent states. In 1962 negotiations took place in Brussels among the governments of the associated states in Africa and Madagascar and the Six. Just before the end of the year, a convention—undoubtedly an improvement over the previous system—was initialed. The challenge which now faces the European Economic Community is whether or not the system provided under the new convention can be extended to other countries in Africa and the West Indies.
Obstacles to European Unification
Authors: Kalijarvi Thorsten V.
Published: March 2007

The desire for unification is deeply rooted in European thought, and the concept has gained in importance and acceptance over the centuries. At the close of World War II, Europe lay in shambles which were the culmination of strife, misrepresentation, and hatred. Separated from its eastern portion and faced with the Communist menace, West ern Europe had the choice of co-operation or going under. Co- operation was chosen. Obstacles to practical unification, some of them formidable, remain, but they can be overcome. The divisive forces which exist—and which Communist leaders hope to exploit in order to break Western solidarity—include geogra phy, racial myths, language barriers, history, religion, cultural differences, psychological factors, nationalism, economic com petition, problems of minorities, and divergent foreign-policy objectives. The split of Europe into East and West means that unification can be discussed in immediate terms only for Western Europe and, indeed, for only a part of that. Expect ing too much too fast in Europe cannot but lead to disillusion ment, yet the progress toward European community since World War II has been little short of phenomenal, and the obstacles which challenge unification are no cause for despair. —Ed.
The Strength of the Projected Union vis-à-vis Russia
Authors: Barghoorn Frederick C.
Published: March 2007

Soviet concern over the European Economic Community is recent. The Soviet critique reflects a mixture of dogma and realism. The doctrinal position is that the Common Market will not succeed because collaboration, inte gration, and unity on economic, political, and cultural levels are contrary to the nature of capitalism. Thus, the Soviet Union professes optimism about the long-range future but expresses concern about the present and visible future. The Soviet Union regards the Common Market as an attack against the standard of living of the European working class, as the basis of a new kind of colonialism, and as a force destructive of the sovereignties of the individual member states. A likely inference from Soviet statements is that Moscow fears that the Common Market will inhibit further Communist growth and social unrest in Western Europe. Further, there is apprehen sion that a common European consciousness will be generated. Also, the Soviets fear for their relations with the underde veloped world, notably Africa, which has become increasingly disposed to form associations of its own to deal both with the Soviet bloc and with the Common Market and the United States. The Soviets continue to believe in contradictions, gen eral crisis, and inevitable depression in the capitalist world, but they take cognizance of objective developments in the West. Thus, if the Western unification movements succeed, although their immediate effect may be to heighten tension, the long-run impact will probably be toward stability and rationality.—Ed.
Residual Nationalism: A Rising Threat to Projected European Union
Authors: Bolles Blair
Published: March 2007

Nationalism both within the European Economic Community and in nations outside the EEC framework is diluting the effectiveness of European unity movement in stimulating international co-operation. Isolation tendencies in the EEC, residual in the political parties that opposed Euro pean union, threaten to disintegrate the Community. At the same time, the rising wall of tariff exclusiveness and plans for a Europe-Africa preferential trade zone manifest a nationalism that infuses the entire EEC. Nationalism on both the nation- state and the Community-wide bases makes the EEC a divisive force in the world. Persistence of nationalism is largely re lated to the small number of members in EEC. The establish ment of the Community was a miscalculation which calls for new policies by countries which are not EEC members.
The New Europe and the Cold War
Authors: Fleming D.F.
Published: March 2007

The recent challenges by Mao of Kremlin leadership in the Soviet bloc and by De Gaulle of American leadership in the Western bloc have made the foundations of the Cold War unstable. China defied all the rules of the nuclear club, until she could get into it; France accepted the new principle that national sovereignty now resides in oblitera tive capacity and that prestige depends upon it. De Gaulle's design for Europe calls for forbidding all peace-making until the Americans no longer need their land bases in Europe and leave and until the new Europe is strong enough to deal with a Soviet Union which, eventually weakened by conflict with China, will have no choice but to join the great Gaullist Euro pean family. The prospect of a European power independent of the United States and unchecked by Great Britain drew protest from Moscow. In view of these circumstances, making peace in co-operation with Russia is not out of the question. The United States and the Soviet Union, the two great powers, have been drifting toward a common ground. Peace with Russia has gained in credibility, but peace with China has not in the public mind, although the requirements for the continua tion of civilized life may demand it. In the interest of survival, the game of playing power politics as if the nuclear missile had not been invented must be discontinued by all. National security which rests on the stock-piling of ultimate weapons is an illusion. Mutual trust is the only adequate basis for true and solid peace among nations.—Ed.
Sino-Soviet Relations—The Question of Authority
Authors: Schwartz Benjamin
Published: March 2007

Sino-Soviet relations are enormously complex. Many explanations have been attempted—in terms of "hard" factors of national interest as well as in terms of "deep" an thropological, sociological, historical, and economic theories. Regardless of the part these explanations play in appreciating Sino-Soviet relations, no real understanding is possible without reference to Marxism-Leninism. Although much of ideology is now verbal ballast, there still remains a point at which ideol ogy becomes directly related to power—becomes in itself a fac tor of power. This is in the myth of the Communist party, the assumptions in terms of which the authority of the organi zation is legitimized. Essentially, the myth involves the as cription to the Communist party—conceived as the total world Communist movement—of all the transcendental and messianic qualities attributed by conventional Marxism to the world pro letariat. The infallibility and monolithic unity presupposed in the myth can be maintained only so long as the party speaks with one voice, so long as there is an unquestioned ultimate in stance of authority. Both the Chinese and the Soviets have claimed for themselves the full authority conferred by the myth of the Communist party. The re-establishment of precarious solidarity on the basis of some kind of Communist parliamen tarianism is not impossible, although it would have to be achieved at the expense of the myth by recognizing that the world proletariat can speak with many voices on the same issue. In the meantime, the "toughness" of China and the "modera tion" of the Soviet Union, both subject to change, are less fun damental to the crisis in the Communist world than the ques tion of whether the myth of the Communist party is any longer viable.—Ed.
Centralization versus Decentralization in Mainland China and the Soviet Union
Authors: Perkins Dwight H.
Published: March 2007

In both Communist China and the Soviet Un ion, one of the major problems facing the leadership is how to ensure that farmers and factory managers act in accordance with the dictates of the central plan. To accomplish this aim, they have at their disposal two types of controls. These are centralized controls, which rely on direct orders to the pro ducing units, and decentralized controls, which either operate through the market mechanism or, as is often the case in China, through the Communist party apparatus. Although both coun tries rely more heavily on centralized controls than their free- enterprise counterparts, there is a greater tendency in China to experiment with various forms of decentralization. In the ag ricultural sector, this is the result of the much lower per capita income and the comparative surplus of labor which exist in Mainland China. In industry, it is a result of the relatively greater importance and large number of small-scale industries using disparate and comparatively primitive technology. The Soviet Union, in contrast, has stuck closely to centralized con trols even though this has become increasingly difficult as the economy has become more complex.
The Emergence of an Asian Communist Coalition
Authors: Halpern A.M.
Published: March 2007

Since the Moscow conference of Communist and Workers Parties in 1960, the Chinese People's Republic has acquired important support for its position in ideological op position to the Soviet Union from a number of other parties, especially in Asia. The emergence of what amounts to an Asian Communist coalition enhances the practical possibility of a split in the world movement. A split, however, is contrary to the interests of the Asian parties. Their support for China reflects their individual interests and a polycentric trend. North Korea and North Vietnam both attach a high priority to national unification. They are encouraged by the Chinese and, in different degrees, restrained by the Soviet Union. This has brought their positions on imperialism closer to that of China. Both regimes have embarked on development plans intended to achieve structural changes in their economies, and both receive assistance from a number of bloc countries. The organizational demands of these plans have strengthened their opposition to revisionism and their support of national inde pendence in the bloc. Somewhat parallel ideological develop ments in the Japanese and Indonesian parties are traceable to a need to preserve organizational integrity. The viability of the coalition is dubious in case of a split but real and impor tant if even minimum bloc solidarity is maintained.
Urban Renewal: A Case Study in Emerging Goals in an Intergovernmental Setting
Authors: Ham Clifford C.
Published: March 2007

Urban renewal, a complex intergovernmental program, involves countless citizens and different agencies on the national, state, and local scenes. After fifteen years of interaction and testing, a policy for urban renewal seems to be emerging—a policy which encompasses a variety of goals, na tional and local. Four principal "actors" play major roles in these relationships: Congress, the federal administering agency (HHFA), local government, and the "public." Together these four have worked out legislation, program, and policy. The article investigates interrelationships in the areas of citi zen participation, central business district renewal, relocation, and code enforcement; in each of these areas, one "actor" has played a leading role. Local agencies have been allowed con siderable independence by HHFA and by Congress in choos ing objectives, in structuring for action, and in performance; they, in turn, pressure the Agency and Congress for further amendments to the Housing Act: for expansion of the pro gram, for increased benefits, for fewer restrictions. Over-all, a healthy respect for American cities and a willingness to seek solutions for urban difficulties seem to be emerging.
Merit Controls, the Hatch Acts, and Personnel Standards in Intergovernmental Relations
Authors: Reynolds Harry W.
Published: March 2007

In the past quarter-century, close working rela tionships have evolved in the public personnel field among the federal, state, and local levels of government. These relation ships have been concentrated in two closely related areas— (1) political neutrality and (2) the technical dimensions of the merit system. Both neutrality (Hatch Acts) and merit have been mandated in many substantive areas at the state and local levels where implementing personnel is paid wholly or partly by federal monies. Controls respecting neutrality in politics are more encompassing vis-a-vis state and local per sonnel than those pertaining to merit. Administration of the political neutrality requirements, because of their sweeping Procrustian design, has brought to light significant problems in achieving compliance—and about the pertinence and scope of the statutes themselves. Changes in the content of the Hatch Acts to make them more efficacious turn generally on the idea of varying the kind and degree of neutrality required with the nature of the levels of substantive responsibility dis charged at state and local levels. Merit requirements have strengthened fledgling professionalism in state personnel sys tems, but encountered impediments insofar as rectifying short comings in many traditional wellsprings of patronage. Not withstanding this, the resources of the federal government are used with increasing frequency, at the states' initiative, to sustain and gradually to improve their personnel systems.
National-State-Local Systems of Government and Intergovernmental Aid
Authors: Campbell Alan K.
Published: March 2007

The American governmental system can no longer be, and probably never should have been, described or explained as one of separate governmental levels. The interdependence of the total system can be illustrated through the intergovernmental flow of funds. The flow is primarily from the larger to the smaller jurisdictions—from national to state to local parts of the system. Within the state-local parts of the national system, each state has its own state-local sys tem of government and the nature of each system is an impor tant determinant of fiscal levels of the total system. The role of aid varies in each system and serves as a financial bridge between the assignment of fiscal and administrative responsi bility in each state-local system. All national aid and most state aid is programmatic rather than general. The result is that individual jurisdictions profit from aid to the extent that the basket of services they provide contains aided ones. This characteristic of aid, plus the political composition of the state legislatures, determines the degree to which aid performs an equalizing role among jurisdictions possessing very different fiscal strength. Over-all aid binds the total governmental sys tem of the country together and its role is likely to expand as fiscal pressures on the state-local parts of the system increase. The evidence indicates that it is on the state-local parts of the system that fiscal pressures will be greatest over the next decade.