bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Phosphotransfer and Nucleotidyltransfer
Authors: Frey Perry A. , Hegeman Adrian D.
Published: November 2020

Phosphotransferases, phosphatases, and nucleotidyltransferases catalyze nucleophilic substitution at phosphorus. They constitute a dominant class of enzymes in intermediary metabolism, energy transduction, nucleic acid biosynthesis and processing, and regulation of many cellular processes, including replication, cellular development, and apoptosis. The mechanisms of the action of these enzymes have been studied intensively at several levels, ranging from the biosynthesis of metabolites and nucleic acids to unmasking signaling networks to elucidating the molecular mechanisms of catalysis. We focus on the chemical mechanisms of the reactions of biological phosphates. More than 40 years of research on this chemistry reveals that the mechanisms can be grouped into two classes: the phosphoryl group (PO3−) transfer mechanisms and the nucleotidyl or alkylphosphoryl group (ROPO2−) transfer mechanisms. Because the fundamental chemical mechanisms of these reactions are not treated in textbooks, we begin by considering this chemistry and then move on to the enzymatic reaction mechanisms. Phosphomonoesters, phosphoanhydrides, and phosphoramidates undergo substitution at phosphorus by transfer of the phosphoryl (PO3–) group, that is, by P—O and P—N cleavage. The current description of a typical phosphoryl group transfer mechanism is one in which the phosphoryl donor and acceptor interact weakly with the phosphoryl group in flight in a transition state in which the total bonding to phosphorus is decreased relative to the ground state. The bonding is weak between phosphorus and the leaving group R–X and between phosphorus and the accepting group Y in the transition state of. Because of decreased bonding to phosphorus, this is a loose transition state that has been described as dissociative. The latter should not be confused with the dissociative mechanism, which is considered later. To avoid confusion, we use the term loose transition state. Detailed studies indicate that the bonding denoted by the dashed lines in represents partial covalency on the order of 10% to 20% of the strength of a full covalent bond, or a bond order of 0.1 to 0.2.
Studies of Urban Form and Travel
Authors: Boarnet Marlon , Crane Randall C.
Published: November 2020

Does the built environment affect how often and how far people drive or walk or when they will take the bus or the train? If so, how? A lively, expanding literature continues to investigate the potential for causal links between urban design and travel behavior, yet there remain many gaps and considerable disagreement. Our purpose here is mainly to identify what past research has to say on these questions. We also try to explain why these studies reach different conclusions and how and where this work might be usefully improved. The first, and perhaps best-known, group of studies on this topic investigates how travel behavior and travel investment affect land use. There is also a long if more recent practice of viewing these links from the opposite direction; that is, how does land use influence urban travel? We consider this second question in more detail following a brief review of the first. Though not our focus, most questions about land-use/transportation links over the past century concern the influence of transportation infrastructure on development patterns. Analysts ask how highways and mass transit contribute to decentralization trends, how they affect the local balance of jobs and housing, or how they affect the pattern of commercial investment (see, e.g., the reviews in Gómez-Ibáñez, 1985b; Giuliano, 1989, 1991, 1995a, 1995b; Cervero and Landis, 1995). The basic idea is this: People choose their homes and locate their businesses based in part on their proximity to work, other potential destinations, and the markets for their products and labor generally (see, e.g., Von Thunen, 1826; Weber, 1928; Losch, 1954; Alonso, 1964; Muth, 1969; Mills, 1972; Solow, 1973; Fujita, 1989; Anas, Arnott, and Small, 1997). That is, the cost of transporting people and things over space depends on the distances and resources required. Once these costs are fixed, perhaps by the establishment of a central downtown or transshipment point, the price of land at each location is determined by demand. This in turn is determined, again in part, by how much money one has left after accounting for the transportation costs associated with that location.
Lessons for Research and Practice
Authors: Boarnet Marlon , Crane Randall C.
Published: November 2020

Transportation problems seem to offer no end of interesting policy wrinkles and technical challenges, but despite the promise of each new technological innovation, financial windfall, and dazzling social science breakthrough, planners have not fared well. Air pollution, fuel, and traffic congestion costs continue to mount to where the benefits of making any headway appear substantial. Yet as more freeway lanes are dedicated to car-poolers and tollways, and new transit systems continue to soak up many billions of dollars, getting people to “improve” their driving behavior remains the ultimate planning brick wall. Increasing evidence suggests that transportation demand management schemes have extremely limited effectiveness, in the sense that only marginal and perhaps even cost-ineffective changes can be expected from most of the tools applied thus far. One view is that the planner’s arsenal of transportation demand management tools has proven largely ineffective in dealing with traffic congestion especially. The somewhat more optimistic account of some planners and architects is that attention has been focused on symptoms rather than the disease itself. As discussed in chapter 1, the vanguard of such urban design schools as the New Urbanism, Neotraditional planning, and transit-oriented development collectively argue that the way we organize space has profound implications not only for traffic patterns but perhaps also for our sense of self and modern civilization as a whole. Prominent urban designers, planners, and political leaders forcefully claim that these development strategies will, among other things, improve traffic conditions, reduce home prices, and generally increase the quality of residential life. Of course, this is just talk. As bold and stirring as these claims may be, they are mainly meant to get us thinking afresh about where and how improvements can be made—not as cold hard facts. Most transportation planners probably recognize that blanket statements of this nature are overly simplistic. Even the architects and planners promoting these ideas are usually careful to emphasize the many ingredients necessary to obtain desired results: the straightening of streets to open the local network, the calming of traffic, the better integration of land uses and densities, and so on.
A New View of Child Development
Authors: Berk Laura E.
Published: November 2020

In my three decades of teaching university courses in child development, I have come to know thousands of students, many of whom were parents or who became parents soon after completing my class. I also served on boards of directors and advisory committees for child-care centers, preschools, elementary schools, and parent organizations. And my research continually drew me into classrooms, where for countless hours I observed and recorded preschool and school-age children’s activities, social interactions, and solitary behaviors, in hopes of answering central questions about how they learn. As a byproduct of those experiences, parents repeatedly approached me with concerns about how to foster their child’s development in the early years. Their fervent questions, at times riddled with doubt and anxiety, revealed that creating optimum learning environments for young children at home—and ensuring their access to development-enhancing experiences in child care, preschool, and school—have become mounting parental challenges. Consider the following problematic situations that parents recently raised with me: • Bob and Sharon, parents of a 4-year-old: Our daughter, Lydia, could recite her ABCs and count from 1 to 20 by age 2 1/2. When we looked for a preschool, many programs appeared to do little more than let children play, so we chose one with lots of emphasis on academics. To me, Lydia’s preschool seems like great preparation for kindergarten and first grade, but each morning, Lydia hates to go. Why is Lydia, who’s always been an upbeat, curious child, so unhappy? • Angela, mother of a 4-year-old and 6-year-old: My husband and I have demanding careers and need to bring work home in the evenings. I’ve read that it’s the quality of time we spend with our children that’s important, not the quantity. We try hard to give Victor and Jeannine our undivided attention, but they’re often whiny, demanding, and quarrelsome. Many times we end up sending them to their rooms or letting them watch TV, just to get some peace after a long day. What’s the best way to create quality parent–child time? • Talia, mother of a 7-year-old: My son Anselmo, a first grader, constantly asks us to help him with his homework.
Microbiological Modification of the Rhizosphere
Authors: Tinker Peter B. , Nye Peter
Published: November 2020

The general questions of root/shoot ratio, allocation of carbon to the root system, and root system dynamics are discussed in chapter 9, and the detailed root structure in chapter 5. Root-derived carbon forms the substrate for rhizosphere and symbiotic organisms, and hence leads to the increase in their population densities close to or in the root. Some of the carbon compounds from the root have specific chemical effects also (see chapter 7). Both quantity and composition of these materials need to be known if their effects are to be understood, and we discuss this subject here. The terminology of these materials is rather confused. The collective name for the injection of plant-derived carbon into the soil around living roots is ‘rhizodeposition’, but this has been used in different ways; for example, it may include root-respired carbon dioxide (Whipps 1990), but Darrah (1996) excludes carbon dioxide. The various forms include (Rovira et al. 1979; Lambers 1987; Whipps 1990) solid tissues lost from the root during growth; mucigel and debris from root surfaces and root cap; low-molecular-weight organic compounds in solution; carbon dioxide produced by root respiration for maintenance and for growth; faunal grazing of root tissues; and carbon transferred into symbionts, such as mycorrhizas and rhizobia. Some authors subdivide certain of these classes further. ‘Rhizodeposition’ is loss from a functioning root, but over a longer period the death and decomposition of whole roots deposits large quantities of carbon into the soil, which continues to act as a more resistant microbial substrate (see chapter 9). All of these materials ultimately are converted to carbon dioxide (except for material formed into stable soil organic matter) and this is difficult to separate from carbon dioxide produced directly by root respiration. The main issue here is how the various forms of deposition alter the ability of the living root system to absorb nutrients. We use the following terms for clarity, and because they relate to the practical means whereby these materials are quantified. As the rhizosphere situation is very dynamic, the results obtained will depend upon the timescale considered. (a) Exudates: soluble low-molecular-weight material that comes directly from the living root (microbial metabolites may be similar, but are excluded).
The Mineral Nutrition of Single Plants in Soil
Authors: Tinker Peter B. , Nye Peter
Published: November 2020

Earlier chapters in this book have dealt with the various components of the soil –root system. In this chapter we aim to synthesize them into a unified treatment of a single whole plant growing in soil. Solute movement and root system uptake models are still the central subject, but we must also deal with the growth of the whole plant, which provides the growing sink for the absorbed solutes, and the expanding root system through which they enter. Here we deal only with homogeneous soils and constant growing conditions, usually in pot culture, and call this ‘simplified conditions’. This is necessary in dealing with such complicated systems, so that essential principles shall not be obscured. In chapter 11 we apply these ideas, so far as it is possible, to crops and natural vegetation. Models are often referred to in this book, because the ideas and concepts are most easily and precisely formulated in this way (Nye 1992a). Here, we outline the different types of models that will be dealt with, and their relationships with each other. Readers may consult Rengel (1993) and Silberbush (1996) for recent reviews of the modelling of nutrient uptake, and Penning de Vries & Rabbinge (1995) for general crop modelling concepts. There are three basic situations: (1) Models of single or few plants growing in pots under simplified conditions in greenhouse or growth chambers, in homogeneous soils, with ample supplies of water, constant temperature, etc. (2) Models of monoculture crops. If a unit cell can be defined, only the vertical dimension need be considered, except possibly for light interception, and for radial transport around roots. These models are normally used for field situations. (3) Vegetation models with mixed species. Separation of the uptakes by the different species can be extremely difficult. If the geometrical arrangement of the species is regular, it is possible to determine a recurring unit cell, which simplifies treatment. Within each situation there is a hierarchy of complexity in the number of processes covered. All models may include water uptake as well as nutrient uptake.
State of the States: Geographic Patterns of Diversity, Rarity, and Endemism
Authors: Hammerson Geoffrey A. , Morse Larry E.
Published: November 2020

The natural geography of the 50 states varies tremendously, supporting an equally varied suite of wild species—from flocks of tropical birds in southern Florida to caribou migrations across the Alaskan tundra. The geography of risk, too, varies across the nation, reflecting the interaction between natural and human history. Similarly, present-day land and water uses will largely determine the future diversity and condition of the flora and fauna. We can learn much, though, from looking at the current condition of a state’s biota, since this both reflects the past and helps illuminate the future. A state’s ecological complexion and the evolutionary history of its biota are the primary determinants of its biological diversity. These environmental factors have encouraged spectacular diversification in many regions: for instance, the freshwater fish fauna in the Southeast, the magnificent conifers along the Pacific cordillera, and the small mammal assemblages of the arid Southwest. Conversely, geological events such as the expansion and contraction of the ice sheets have left other areas of the country with a more modest array of species. States, however, are artificial constructs laid out on the landscape’s natural ecological patterns. While some state lines follow natural boundaries, such as shorelines or major rivers, most cut across the land with no sensitivity to natural features or topography. Nonetheless, urban and rural dwellers alike identify with the major ecological regions within which they live, and this is often the source of considerable pride. Montana is “big sky country,” referring to the vast open plains that sweep up against the eastern phalanx of the Rocky Mountains. California’s moniker “the golden state” now refers more to its tawny hills of summer—unfortunately at present composed mostly of alien species—than to the nuggets first found at Sutter’s Creek. Maryland, home of the Chesapeake Bay, offers the tasty blue crab (Callinectes sapidus) as its unofficial invertebrate mascot. The list could go on, evidenced by the growing number of states that offer vanity license plates celebrating their natural environment. Natural features have always played a dominant role in determining patterns of settlement and land use.
Leading Threats to Biodiversity: What’s Imperiling U.S. Species
Authors: Wilcove David S. , Rothstein David
Published: November 2020

On April 28, 1987, a biologist hiking through the remote Alakai swamp on the island of Kauai paused to listen to the sweet, flutelike song of a distant bird. He recognized the song as belonging to a Kauai ’o’o (Moho braccatus), a sleek chocolate-brown bird native to these woods. He was surely aware of the significance of this particular song, for during the past four years this particular ’o’o, the very last of its kind, had been the object of much attention among scientists and conservationists. But he could not have known that he was about to become the last person ever to hear it. The next time biologists visited the Alakai swamp, the ’o’o was gone, and yet another American species had moved from the realm of the living to the realm of the dead. The causes of the Kauai ’o’o’s extinction are reasonably clear, although the precise role each factor played in the species’ demise is debatable. Much of the bird’s forested habitat was destroyed for agriculture, leaving only a relatively few safe havens on steep slopes or in wet, inaccessible places. Most of these places, in turn, were eventually overrun with alien species, including feral pigs that destroyed the native vegetation, as well as plants and songbirds transported to Hawaii from around the world. The introduction of mosquitoes to Hawaii, which occurred in 1826 when the crew of a sailing ship dumped the mosquito larvae—infested dregs from their water barrels, created additional problems for Hawaii’s beleaguered birds. The mosquitoes became a vector for the spread of avian malaria and avian pox, diseases that were probably carried by the introduced birds. The native avifauna, presumably including the ’o’o, lacked resistance to these diseases, and many species quickly succumbed. Soon, only the forests at higher elevations, where cold temperatures kept the mosquitoes at bay, offered a disease free environment for the native birds. Eventually, however, the mosque toes reached even these forests, including the Alakai swamp, abetted by feral pig wallows, which created pools of stagnant water ideal for breeding mosquitoes. Thus a combination of factors, including habitat destruction, alien species, and diseases, contributed to the demise of the Kauai ’o’o.
The Duchy of Nassau and the Eberbach Asylum
Authors: Goldberg Ann
Published: November 2020

Eberbach’s founding in 1815 coincided with the lunacy reform movement that swept Europe and North America in the first half of the century. That movement in Germany took peculiar shape in the central role played from the start by the state. Unlike England and France, the primary initiative for the lunacy reforms in Germany came from above, by enlightened state bureaucrats under the tutelage of the German neoabsolutist states. If the (apocryphal) founding image of French psychiatry is the alienist Phillip Pinel famously striking the chains off the inmates of the Bicêtre during the French Revolution, its (real) German counterpart is that of the Prussian Minister Karl August von Hardenburg charging J. G. Langermann (medical officer, later privy councillor and head of Prussian medical affairs) in 1803 with the responsibility of turning the Bayreuth madhouse into Germany’s first mental hospital. Other states and areas of Germany followed suit in the decades after the Napoleonic wars. Eberbach was no exception to the German pattern, where new, enlightened ideas about insanity, concerns of state security with respect to the deviant poor, and the desire to keep abreast of the most progressive trends united to lead even the small and impoverished state of Nassau to embark on costly lunacy reforms. Further, in Nassau both the founding and functioning of the asylum were closely tied to state-building, that is, to the consolidation of state power, the political integration of the population, and the extensive administrative reforms that this entailed—in the penal system, medicine, local government, education, religion, and so forth. State reforms in the area of culture (religion and education) will be discussed in chapter 3. The following section focuses on the penal, medical, and (local) governmental reforms, which formed the broader institutional context of the asylum. The duchy of Nassau, which achieved its final form in 1816 (bounded by the Rhine, Main, Sieg, and Lahn rivers), was one of the new Mittelstaaten (medium sized states) to emerge out of the Napoleonic wars and the Congress of Vienna.
Overcoming the Odds
Authors: Hrabowski Freeman A. , Maton Kenneth I. , Greene Monica , Greif Geoffrey L.
Published: November 2020

When Beating the Odds: Raising Academically Successful African American Males appeared in 1998, it was hailed as "a crucial book" (Baltimore Sun) and "undoubtedly one of the most important tools the African American parent can possess" (Kweisi Mfume, President NAACP). Now, in response to enormous demand, the authors turn their attention to African American young women. Statistics indicate that African American females, as a group, fare poorly in the United States. Many live in single-parent households-either as the single-parent mother or as the daughter. Many face severe economic hurdles. Yet despite these obstacles, some are performing at exceptional levels academically. Based on interviews with many of these successful young women and their families, Overcoming the Odds provides a wealth of information about how and why they have succeeded--what motivates them, how their backgrounds and family relationships have shaped them, even how it feels to be a high academic achiever. They also discuss the challenges of moving into African American womanhood, from maintaining self-esteem to making the right choices about their professional and personal lives. Most important, the book offers specific and inspiring examples of the practices, attitudes, and parenting strategies that have enabled these women to persevere and triumph. For parents, educators, policy makers, and indeed all those concerned about the education of young African American women, Overcoming the Odds is an invaluable guidebook on creating the conditions that lead to academic-and lifelong-success.
Mothers of Academically Successful Daughters The Mothers’ Voices
Authors: Hrabowski Freeman A. , Maton Kenneth I. , Greene Monica , Greif Geoffrey L.
Published: November 2020

For many of the mothers we interviewed for this book, it does not matter how talented their daughters are academically, because they believe their daughters’ success will never be certain. The mother whose quote begins this chapter describes a daughter who could read at three years of age, loved educational television, and attended college-based science camps during her summers in high school. Yet, at various points during her daughter’s education, the mother had to advocate on her behalf, seeking the kind of education she deserved. The second mother quoted shares the first mother’s concerns about the obstacles that lie ahead for her daughter, despite her talents. These mothers are representative, we believe, of what many African American mothers, regardless of education or marital status, struggle with in helping their children to achieve. These mothers have to be constantly vigilant, making sure that their daughters receive what they deserve. They also are constantly concerned that someone or something will impede their daughters’ progress because of race or gender. In spite of these obstacles, these mothers work to empower their daughters to succeed against the odds. In this chapter, we look at the stories the mothers tell us about their daughters’ upbringing. It is their voices we hear. We wanted to learn from the “experts” how their daughters came to achieve at such high levels, when so many Black youth do not. We look at the issues of race and gender, and how in both school and the broader society the two are interconnected. We first ask the mothers about their own upbringing. We then focus on how they raised their children. We inquire specifically about how much they helped with homework and how they disciplined their daughters. We delve into their status as African Americans, asking, for example, what they have taught their daughters about growing up Black and female. We also ask if they think their daughters will encounter racism and if they think it will be difficult to find a husband in the future (should they want to marry).
A Diversity of Family Contexts The Daughters’ Voices
Authors: Hrabowski Freeman A. , Maton Kenneth I. , Greene Monica , Greif Geoffrey L.
Published: November 2020

In this first of three chapters focused on the daughters, we examine the challenges they faced and why they think they succeeded where so many other young African American women have struggled. Their messages, while similar in many ways to those we heard from the parents, have a different resonance and emphasis. The daughters provide new perspectives about the challenges they faced and the factors that have led to their success—factors that the parents either were not aware of or did not think were particularly important. This chapter highlights the varied nature of the family, the challenges facing each daughter in school and the neighborhood, and the factors that helped the daughters succeed. In the two preceding chapters, commonalities across the families were often emphasized. We are now ready to explore in more detail some of the differences across families. Previous research on adolescent female African Americans has tended to focus on their deficits, including their social, academic, and behavioral problems. A recent body of research, however, focuses on the strengths, resilience, and empowerment of Black youth. The literature regarding strengths emphasizes the positive resources young people bring to bear in coping with difficult fives and hazardous environments. For instance, involvement in activity that draws upon latent skills and talents (e.g., leadership skills or artistic talent) has been found to be related to positive development among urban youth. The literature on resilience focuses on high-risk youth who succeed in life despite unfavorable odds. One key factor that leads to their success is the support they receive from at least one primary adult— whether inside the family or in the larger community. Finally, empowerment-related research examines ways in which youth can develop an inner sense of competence and an enhanced sense of power in order to achieve significant personal goals in the face of environmental obstacles. One model suggests that it is especially important to provide young people with a positive, inspiring belief system that focuses beyond the self and emphasizes developing capabilities, contributing to others, and a strong support system.
Becoming a Black Woman A Closer Look at Personal, Cultural, and Emotional Challenges
Authors: Hrabowski Freeman A. , Maton Kenneth I. , Greene Monica , Greif Geoffrey L.
Published: November 2020

In the previous two chapters, we listened to the daughters, in their own voices, describe the myriad experiences that helped to promote their academic success, in general, and in math and science, in particular. As the daughters told their stories, and described their respective journeys to Black womanhood, they touched on several critical areas in their lives, beyond academics. In this chapter, we narrow our focus and take a closer look at their personal, cultural, and emotional challenges. (For the purposes of this discussion, “cultural” challenges refer to those pertaining to race, ethnicity, and gender.) As we listen to the daughters’ voices, we learn that these young women share many experiences—some because they are women, some because they are Black, some because they are Black women, and some because they are human. Specifically, we focus on the daughters’ experiences in the following areas: (1) dating and sexual intimacy, (2) depression and substance abuse, (3) self-esteem and body-image, (4) racial and ethnic identity, and (5) race, gender, and their intersection. The challenges we discuss occurred both within and outside of school contexts, and from preschool through post-college years. We often hear that every challenge presents an opportunity for growth. As we listen to the daughters describe their personal battles, we gain a better understanding of the nature of such challenges. In some instances, we also see how these obstacles became motivating forces in the young women’s lives, and how they overcame the challenges. In addition, we learn about the many resources the daughters used to respond to personal, cultural, and emotional difficulties. For instance, parents often served as an important resource either by preparing their daughters for future challenges, having taught them values and given them advice, or by playing an active role at the time of the challenge. We also learn that religion and spirituality proved important to the majority of the daughters in terms of preparing them for and overcoming obstacles. We discuss the critical role of religion and spirituality at the end of this chapter.
Legal Rules for Recovery
Authors: Berg Jessica W. , Appelbaum Paul S. , Lidz Charles W. , Parker Lisa S.
Published: November 2020

This chapter deals with the legal theory and procedural framework under which patients can obtain redress for their injuries resulting from treatment administered in the absence of informed consent. The evolution of the legal doctrine was driven by the demands of patients for redress for injuries, and more attention has been given by courts and legislatures to the questions of when and how compensation might be obtained than to providing guidance for clinicians. In some important respects, the distinction between the law as it applies to the physician engaged in medical decision making with a patient and the law as it applies to that same patient who later seeks compensation in the courts is an artificial one. Insofar as the spirit of informed consent is not embraced voluntarily by the medical profession, but is adhered to in large part to avoid the likely consequences of failure to observe the legal rules, physician behavior will be shaped not only by the rules themselves but also by the way they are enforced. If, for example, the rules governing the means of redress were complex, time-consuming, and unlikely to yield the desired compensation, few injured patients would pursue a judicial remedy. As a result, physicians would eventually realize that adverse consequences were unlikely to follow from a failure to observe the relevant rules and, except to the extent that they had accepted the ethical theory of informed consent, their adherence to the doctrine would crumble. Some critics of the present system contend that this has already happened (see Chapter 7). On the other hand, rules that make recovery easier and more certain would be likely to encourage compliance with the requirements for informed consent. Differential emphasis by the courts on particular kinds of lapses by clinicians might also shape their actions accordingly. For example, the courts’ focus on risk information has led many physicians to tailor disclosure to emphasize risks. Thus, the issues addressed in this chapter, although framed in legal terminology, are important (some would argue crucial) determinants of the ultimate impact of informed consent.
Critical Approaches to the Law of Informed Consent
Authors: Berg Jessica W. , Appelbaum Paul S. , Lidz Charles W. , Parker Lisa S.
Published: November 2020

A number of goals have been posited for the legal doctrine of informed consent. One author, for example, highlights four goals: “1) an ethical goal, in which the law promotes patient autonomy; 2) a decision making goal, in which the law promotes the ability of patients to make medical decisions; 3) a regulatory goal, in which the law attempts to control physicians’ disclosure practices; and 4) a compensatory goal, in which the common law functions as a mechanism to provide monetary compensation for injuries” (1). Another author posits six goals: “1) promoting individual autonomy; 2) respecting human dignity; 3) encouraging professional self-scrutiny; 4) promoting rational decisionmaking; 5) avoiding deceit and coercion; and 6) educating the public” (2). According to critics, the result has been a doctrine and a set of practices that compromise all values and satisfy none in their entirety (1). But commentators who have analyzed the law and practice of informed consent have each generally represented one point of view to the exclusion of others. The resulting debate over informed consent among healthcare practitioners, legal experts, and ethicists should come as no surprise. As long as one relies on a single perspective, it is remarkably easy to find critical things to say about informed consent. Those who would elevate any single value above all others, and steadfastly resist compromise, usually can offer a powerful, even devastating, analysis of the current state of affairs. In this chapter we focus on three critiques—a perspective concerned with promoting individual autonomy, an approach that emphasizes the value of health, and a perspective that places primary emphasis on encouraging discourse and interaction between caregivers and patients—and assess their validity from a perspective that recognizes that the doctrine of informed consent must accommodate a number of competing interests and values. The most trenchant criticism of the state of informed consent law today focuses on the discrepancies between the goals highlighted by the ethical theories of informed consent—primarily, the enhancement of individual autonomy in making medical decisions—and the practical effects of the current system.
The Role of Informed Consent in Medical Decision Making
Authors: Berg Jessica W. , Appelbaum Paul S. , Lidz Charles W. , Parker Lisa S.
Published: November 2020

How can informed consent be integrated into the physician-patient relationship in a manner that is respectful of both the idea of informed consent and the imperatives of clinical care? A realistic answer to that question could, we believe, remove much of the resistance of many healthcare professionals to the idea of informed consent. This chapter’s goal is to offer a practical procedural framework within which clinicians can operate to facilitate patients’ decision making in a manner that meets both these desiderata. The interactions of physicians and patients in making decisions about medical treatment can be conceptualized in two ways. Decision making can be approached as an event that occurs at a single point in time (an “event model”), or it can be viewed as a continuous element of the relationship between patients and their caregivers (a “process model”). The implications of these different ways of conceptualizing decisions about treatment are quite profound, rooted as they are in distinct visions of the relationship between physicians and patients. The event model of informed consent is predicated on a relatively simple paradigm. A patient seeking medical care approaches a physician for assistance. After assessing the patient’s condition, the physician reaches a diagnosis and formulates a recommended plan of treatment. The physician’s conclusions and recommendations are presented to the patient, along with information concerning the risks and potential benefits of the proposed treatment, and possible alternatives and their risks and potential benefits. Weighing the available data, the patient reflects on the relative risks and benefits of each course of action and then selects the medically acceptable alternative that most closely fits the patient’s particular values. On the surface at least, the event model conforms well to the legal requirements for informed consent. The event model emphasizes the provision of full and accurate information to patients at the time of decision making. Consent forms are often used for this purpose; indeed, the consent form can be said to be the central symbol of the event model (see Chapter 9). Patients’ understanding, although desirable in the abstract, is less crucial to this model than is the provision of information.
An Agenda for the Future
Authors: Berg Jessica W. , Appelbaum Paul S. , Lidz Charles W. , Parker Lisa S.
Published: November 2020

The cornerstone of our approach to informed consent is the belief that the right of patients to authorize their own medical treatment, usually called the right to autonomy in decision making, is a moral value worth promoting. When medical care is required, patients should be met by physicians’ openness and willingness to present and discuss a variety of options, with the clear understanding that patients can play a role, if they desire, in shaping the ultimate decision. Our instinctive assumption that most patients would endorse this approach was confirmed by a large-scale study sponsored by the President’s Commission (1). Patients do want to know about and have the option of influencing the nature of their medical care, even if they may not always exercise that option (2). Our society’s deepseated traditions of respect for the integrity of the individual reinforce the importance of protecting patients’ interests in the medical decisionmaking process. Legal initiatives by themselves are insufficient to accomplish these results (see Chapter 7). Endless proposals to refine the legal mechanisms by which the doctrine of informed consent is enforced are not likely to achieve their goals. The legal rules governing informed consent operate at a level of generality that makes it difficult for physicians to take them into account in dealing with patients. Some surveys have found that physicians are completely ignorant of the operative standard for disclosure in their state (1), and others have found that even when physicians are aware of the standard, they do not apply it properly (3). More significantly, however, the medical setting seems relatively impervious to regulation in this area. Physicians and administrators have control over the structure of medical care and over the content of physician-patient interactions. Regardless of the law of informed consent, if the structure of hospital and office practice provides negligible opportunities for doctor-patient communication, little disclosure or shared decision making will occur. If physicians are resistant to the moral imperatives of informed consent, tinkering with standards of disclosure is unlikely to affect their behavior.
Artisan-Entrepreneurs
Authors: Gordon Robert B.
Published: November 2020

The adventurers and colonial investors who initiated ironrnaking in the Salisbury district hired artisans to run bloomery forges and make products such as nails and hardware needed by settlers in the new lands. Within a few years artisan-proprietors began making these products in their own forges (see chap. 3). Then a new generation of entrepreneurs with both artisanal and managerial skills began making and selling sophisticated products to distant as well as local customers. New opportunities in the iron trade opened for them in the years before the Revolution. As they exploited these, they transformed the region’s ironmaking into a key component of the colonial industrial economy. In 1739 Richard Seymour, a Hartford smith, started ironmaking in East Canaan by building a bloomery forge on the Blackberry River. He smelted iron ore from the recently-opened mine at Ore Hill and forged products needed by the area’s settlers. A few years later he took on John Forbes, also a smith from Hartford, as a partner. Forbes’s sons, Samuel and Elisha, learned smithing from their father and the art of bloom smelting from Seymour. By 1760 they had transformed the business from one serving a local market to industrial production by expanding sales throughout southern New England and concentrating on specialized products such as sawmill gudgeons and cranks, gristmill spindles and rinds, clothiers’ screws for fulling mills, spindles for paper mills, screws for paper presses, gears, ship’s anchors weighing up to a thousand pounds, bellows pipes, logging chains, gun barrels, forge trip hammers, and nail rod. To meet the growing demand for their products, the Forbes brothers built a second bloomery forge in Canaan in 1759 and another in Norfolk in 1760; in 1761 they purchased a share in the Chatfield ore bed near Ore Hill, first opened in 1740. In 1760 they were selling forgings and mill machinery to customers throughout southern New England. They joined Allen and Hazeltine in building the region’s first blast furnace, opened a general store in East Canaan, and built grist and cider mills.
The Nature of Chemical Substances
Authors: Brakel Jaap Van
Published: November 2020

Professor Hare, delivering the presidential address to the Aristotelian Society in Oxford in 1984, said: “It is commonly said that the property of being water supervenes on the chemical (or ultimately on the physical) property of being H2O. As it stands this view seems to me to be obviously false.” In terminology, that will become clearer as we proceed, Hare defended the manifest image—in this case, ordinary liquid water against elimination by the scientific image (which reduces “being water” to “being H2O”). Hare used the verb to supervene instead of to be reducible, but the difference between the two is slight (as we shall see in a later section). A more common view among philosophers and scientists is expressed in the following citation from Kim (1990, p. 14): “Chemical kinds and their microphysical compositions (at least, at one level of description) seem to strongly covary with each other, and yet it is true, presumably, that natural kinds are asymmetrically dependent on microphysical structures.” Kim takes the view that manifest objects are “appearances” of a reality constituted by systems of imperceptible particles. Such a view takes for granted that the macroscopic, manifest world is dependent on the microstructure of the world in such a way that it is underlying things that are more real and determine appearances. In crude jargon: science uncovers the Dinge-an-sich that explain the phenomena we see. I chose the quotations of Hare and Kim because both point to, though fail to address, the philosophical issue I discuss in this chapter, viz. the tension between manifest and scientific image, focusing on chemistry. “Manifest” versus “scientific” imagery talk stems from Sellars. The manifest image refers to things like water, milk-lapping cats, injustice-angry people, as well as sophisticated interpretations of “people in the world.” The scientific image is concerned with things like neurons, DNA, quarks, and the Schrödinger equation, again including sophisticated reflection and a promise of more to come. I use “manifest image” with a different inflection from Sellars, avoiding associations with sense data (which was an important part of his concern), associating it rather with forms of life.
Are There Better Disposal Methods?
Authors: Tammemagi Hans
Published: November 2020

Most of the solid waste generated by society ultimately winds up in near-surface landfills. Let us put our thinking caps firmly on, place our prejudices aside, and explore what other methods might be used to dispose of waste. We should seek, in particular, the approaches that best fulfill the three basic principles described in chapter 2. That is, we should strive to find disposal methods that are in accord with sustainable development. Existing and abandoned pits, quarries, and mines are attractive for waste disposal because a hole to contain the wastes has already been excavated. Such abandoned areas, when left unreclaimed, cannot be used for agriculture or other beneficial uses. Thus, they generally do not have significant market value and can often be obtained relatively cheaply. For these reasons, pits and quarries have been extensively used for landfills. Operating and abandoned mines, on which this section focuses, are somewhat similar to pits and quarries, though usually larger. Abandoned mines hold promise as disposal facilities because they are resource areas that have been depleted and thus have little future value. There are two basic types of mine: the open pit mine, which is effectively a large pit or hole in the ground; and the underground mine, where the mined-out openings are deep underground and there is no surface expression except for the shafts used to gain subsurface access. Because underground mines occupy minimal surface land, their use for waste disposal would be in accordance with the sustainable development principles that were advocated in chapter 2. Several European countries, with higher population densities and much smaller land mass than in North America, have long used abandoned underground mines to dispose of their rubbish. The major advantage of placing wastes deep in underground mines is that it is inherently safer than placing the wastes in a surface facility. The amount of groundwater and its flow rate decrease with depth; this fact, combined with the long transport paths back to the biosphere, minimizes the possibility that contaminants will be carried by groundwater to the surface, where they could damage the environment. The waste is contained deeper and more securely.
Containment, Encapsulation, and Treatment
Authors: Tammemagi Hans
Published: November 2020

Just as a chain is only as strong as its weakest link, a landfill will only function as well as its weakest component. The most important “links” of a landfill are the cover and bottom liner that provide watertightness. Because of their critical significance, this chapter is devoted to studying the materials from which these barriers are constructed and how they are emplaced. We also look at ways in which the wastes themselves can be converted to forms that are more suitable for long-term disposal. Polymeric membranes, more commonly known as geomembranes or flexible membrane liners, are widely used in both the cover and the bottom liner systems. These synthetic materials have gained acceptance as barriers at landfills because they exhibit very low permeabilities, they are resistant to many chemicals, and they can often be installed for less cost than comparable clay liners. The polymeric membranes used in landfills consist of synthetic plastic or rubber sheets that are joined together in the field using solvents, adhesives, or welding processes to form continuous liners. There are several polymers and compounds that are used, and these have a wide range of material properties. The most common materials are high-density polyethylene (HDPE), polyvinyl chloride (PVC), chlorinated polyethyle , and butyl rubber. Of these, HDPE is most commonly used for landfills, in part because of its documented resistance to a wide range of chemicals. Its thickness ranges from about 0.75 to 3 millimeters (30 to 120 mils). Many polymers can be made in either vulcanized form (treated with sulphur and heat to give strength by building crosslinks between the rubber polymer molecules) or unvulcanized (thermoplastic) form. Vulcanized liners tend to be stronger and more chemically resistant, but thermoplastic versions of compounds like chlorinated polyethylene are more commonly used because they are easier to seam and repair in the field. A number of additives can be introduced to improve characteristics such as stiffness or flexibility, resistance to fungicides and biocides, and resistance to ultraviolet light and ozone.