bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
A two-fluid model for immersed granular avalanches with dilatancy effects
Authors: Montellà E.P. , Chauchat J. , Chareyre B. , Bonamy C. , Hsu T.J.
Published: August 2021

When a deposited layer of granular material fully immersed in a liquid is suddenly inclined above a certain critical angle, it starts to flow down the slope. The initial dynamics of these underwater avalanches strongly depends on the initial volume fraction. If the granular bed is initially loose, i.e. looser than the critical state, the avalanche is triggered almost instantaneously and exhibits a strong acceleration, whereas for an initially dense granular bed, i.e. denser than the critical state, the avalanche's mobility remains low for some time before it starts flowing normally. This behaviour can be explained by a combination of geometrical granular dilatancy and pore pressure feedback on the granular media. In this contribution, a continuum formulation is presented and implemented in a three-dimensional continuum numerical model. The originality of the present model is to incorporate dilatancy as an elasto-plastic normal stress or pressure and not as a modification of the friction coefficient. This allows an explanation of the two different behaviours of initially loose and dense underwater avalanches. It also highlights the contribution from each depth-resolved variable in the strongly coupled transition to a flowing avalanche. The model compares favourably with existing experiments for the initiation of underwater granular avalanches. Results reveal the interplay between shear-induced changes of the granular stress and fluid pressure in the dynamics of avalanches. The characteristic time of the triggering phase is nearly independent of the local rheological parameters, whereas the initial drop in pore pressure and the surface velocity at steady state still strongly depend on them. Finally, the multidimensional capabilities of the model are illustrated for the two-dimensional Hele-Shaw configuration and some of the observed differences between one-dimensional simulations and experiments are clarified.
A Model of Inclusion for Children With Disability in NSW Community Preschools
Authors: Quick Tracey , Flatley Beth , Sellwood Claire , Alam Oishee , Vukovich Ildi
Published: August 2021

The New South Wales (NSW) Government supports the meaningful participation of children with disability and additional learning needs in community-based not-for-profit preschools. Funding and sector capacity building is provided under the Disability and Inclusion Program to support access and participation in educational programs. Research and theories, which highlight the essential factors for successful inclusion, have been used to guide the development of the program. Baseline data were collected from 680 survey respondents from NSW community preschools regarding barriers to inclusion and supports needed to ensure that inclusion for children with additional needs is successful. Attitude to inclusion was not reported to be a major barrier; however, educators reported the need for specialist support and appropriate training. Data from the program continue to reveal the reality of inclusion for children and the role played by funding and ongoing capacity-building support.
The Great Illusion: blueprints of collaboration between revolutions in Italy and Germany (1848)
Authors: Lissi Stefano
Published: August 2021

In April 1848, a proclamation of friendship to the Germans sent by the Provisional Government of Milan to the Fünfzigerausschuss (Committee of Fifty) in Frankfurt was rejected by the latter, creating widespread outrage in Italy. Concurrently, a parallel controversy over the possession of South Tyrol arose between the two revolutions. This article provides an exploratory analysis of these two episodes, examining the role they played in shaping relations between the two revolutions, and in influencing the image Italians had of the revolution in Germany. Shedding light on an episode until now overlooked by historiography, this article seeks to contribute to the salient debate on the peculiar relationship between internationalist ideals and nationalist claims during the 1848 revolution. It argues that the disillusioning impact on revolutionary audiences of specific ‘episodes of friction’, such as those examined in this article,was greater than the ‘natural convergence of goals’ of the various national revolutions in 1848.
Headquarters Control and Its Legitimation in a Chinese Multinational Corporation: The Case of Huawei
Authors: Hong Jacky F. L. , Snell Robin Stanley
Published: August 2021

Based on interviews and documentary analysis, we analyzed the mechanisms being adopted by the HQ of Huawei, a Chinese MNC, for controlling the outputs and processes of its foreign subsidiaries and social behaviours within them and how these controls were supported by corresponding strategies of legitimation. The controls comprise key performance indicators, standard operating procedures, divided subsidiary mandates, HQ-centric rotational expatriation, military-style induction, public oath-taking and self-criticism ceremonies, and training in and role-modelling of core values. The HQ provides comprehensive legitimation for each of these control mechanisms, drawing on five strategies of legitimation, which comprise espousals of organizational benefits, inducement, affirmation, moral exhortation, and narrativization. In many cases, the legitimizing statements have been provided by Mr. Ren, Huawei's founder and CEO, whose authority appears to have been important in conferring legitimacy to the HQ. The historical path of Huawei's development as an MNC has also been salient in conferring legitimacy to the HQ. Our findings suggest that interviewees regard the controls as legitimate, that the subsidiaries broadly comply with the controls, and that micro-political contestation is largely absent.
EVERY GRADED IDEAL OF A LEAVITT PATH ALGEBRA IS GRADED ISOMORPHIC TO A LEAVITT PATH ALGEBRA
Authors: VAŠ LIA
Published: August 2021

We show that every graded ideal of a Leavitt path algebra is graded isomorphic to a Leavitt path algebra. It is known that a graded ideal I of a Leavitt path algebra is isomorphic to the Leavitt path algebra of a graph, known as the generalised hedgehog graph, which is defined based on certain sets of vertices uniquely determined by I. However, this isomorphism may not be graded. We show that replacing the short ‘spines’ of the generalised hedgehog graph with possibly fewer, but then necessarily longer spines, we obtain a graph (which we call the porcupine graph) whose Leavitt path algebra is graded isomorphic to I. Our proof can be adapted to show that, for every closed gauge-invariant ideal J of a graph
$C^*$
-algebra, there is a gauge-invariant
$*$
-isomorphism mapping the graph
$C^*$
-algebra of the porcupine graph of J onto
$J.$
Social engagement and allostatic load mediate between adverse childhood experiences and multimorbidity in mid to late adulthood: the Canadian Longitudinal Study on Aging
Authors: Atkinson Leslie , Joshi Divya , Raina Parminder , Griffith Lauren E. , MacMillan Harriet , Gonzalez Andrea
Published: August 2021

Background

Adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) are associated with multimorbidity in adulthood. This link may be mediated by psychosocial and biological factors, but evidence is lacking. The current study evaluates this mediation model.

Method

We analyzed data from the Canadian Longitudinal Study of Aging (N= 27 170 community participants). Participants were 45–85 years at recruitment, when allostatic load and social engagement data were collected, and 3 years older at follow-up, when ACEs and multimorbidity data were collected. Structural equation modeling was used to test for mediation in the overall sample, and in sex- and age-stratified subsamples, all analyses adjusted for concurrent lifestyle confounds.

Results

In the overall sample, ACEs were associated with multimorbidity, directly,β= 0.12 (95% confidence interval 0.11–0.13) and indirectly. Regarding indirect associations, ACEs were related to social engagement,β= −0.14 (−0.16 to −0.12) and social engagement was related to multimorbidity,β= −0.10 (−0.12 to −0.08). ACEs were related to allostatic load,β= 0.04 (0.03–0.05) and allostatic load was related to multimorbidity,β= 0.16 (0.15–0.17). The model was significant for males and females and across age cohorts, with qualifications in the oldest stratum (age 75–85).

Conclusions

ACEs are related to multimorbidity, directly and via social engagement and allostatic load. This is the first study to show mediated pathways between early adversity and multimorbidity in adulthood. It provides a platform for understanding multimorbidity as a lifespan dynamic informing the co-occurrence of the varied disease processes represented in multimorbidity.
Let's Build Theatre Communities . . . or Not: Virtual Teaching and Scholarship in an Exclusionary World
Authors: Lau Linda , Mansfield Rae
Published: August 2021

As collaborators who have been working together virtually since 2017, we have written plays and articles, conducted artist interviews, and are in the process of writing a book about teaching older adults theatre. When the pandemic came, everything else in our lives moved online, and we encountered new challenges with both our teaching and our scholarship. We were tasked with transitioning our theatre students to a virtual environment while conducting research for our book. We knew what was successful for us, as working online had helped our own practice, but would it be effective for students? And was it possible to write a scholarly book without access to academic libraries and archives? Our experiences over the past year reminded us that it shouldn't require a pandemic to rethink best practices in teaching and research. While the lessons we learned were because of a restructured academic environment, the issues we addressed existed previously and were often ignored. These are some of the things we will take with us postpandemic as educators and scholars.
We Will Remember That We Came Together in Protest and Mutual Aid
Authors: Bredeson Kate
Published: August 2021

The year of COVID-19 social distancing is a reminder that people can and will gather in person in mass acts of resistance and community care, even in a pandemic. This year highlights how theatres, theatre skills, and theatrical techniques can be a key part of community building and dissent. The examples of the Twin Cities in summer 2020; Portland, Oregon, in 2020–1; and France in spring-summer 2021 showcase the potential for theatre artists to use their skills and spaces to support protest work. I highlight these three examples due to my personal connections (I am from the Twin Cities; live in Portland and serve as a legal observer during the Protests; and, in my scholarship, specialize in French theatre and protest), due to the scale of these actions, and in order to amplify the pandemic protest and performance work happening in these places. Together, the efforts of Twin Cities, Portland, and French activists and artists showcase how, against a backdrop of mourning and anxiety, the pandemic has been a time of invigoration in mass protest, mutual aid, and coming together to try to build better worlds.
American Policy Toward Southern Africa: Critical Choices
Authors: Wheeler Douglas L.
Published: August 2021

Since Waldemar Nielsen published his generous, unheeded and ultimately wrong prediction, much has happened in southern Africa and in the United States. In southern Africa, with the exception of the situation in Portuguese-speaking Africa, little has changed and American policy has remained largely as Nielsen then described it. Since the April 25, 1974 coup in Lisbon which overthrew the New State dictatorship, remarkable changes have begun to occur in Portugal and in her African territories: Portugal has granted independence to Guinea-Bissau (September 12), and has pledged independence to Angola and to Mozambique at an undetermined future date and in a manner as yet to be clearly explicated. But American policy toward Portugal and toward the territories it still controls in southern Africa maintains extreme caution. Our policy has remained rather passive, unimaginative, in want of innovation and, it seems, replete with compromises. In short, present American policy here appears to lack any clear conceptual basis or purpose.
Foreign Economic Involvement in Angola and Mozambique
Authors: El-Khawas Mohamed A.
Published: August 2021

For a number of years the leaders of many African nations have voiced concern about the impact of foreign economic activity in the Portuguese-administered territories in southern Africa. They have argued that as long as a major part of Portugal's revenues are expended on military operations, particularly to suppress liberation movements in the territories, the income from such foreign economic activity helps Portugal maintain its grasp over the African territories.

Largely as a result of African efforts, a United Nations resolution was passed in 1965 that recognized the relationship between foreign economic investment and Portugal's failure to grant self-determination and independence to the territories. The resolution requested that all specialized UN agencies refrain from granting assistance to Portugal and that all states refrain from any financial activity with Portugal that would impede the attainment of independence for Mozambique and Angola.

Relatively little scholarly attention, however, has been paid to the role of foreign economic activity in the Portugueseadministered territories. Perhaps one reason for this is the paucity of hard data on the economic activity in each territory; another is the inherent difficulty of tracing the larger impact of any economic investment. Nevertheless, because of the importance of the issue some assessment seems warranted. This paper represents an attempt to contribute to that assessment. First, the dimensions of foreign economic investment in the territories are examined, with special emphasis on Mozambique and Angola during the decade following the outbreak of wars of liberation. Second, some comment is offered on the influence of such economic activity on efforts to attain independence within Portuguese Africa.
The African Novel in the 1970s: Basic Identity and Categorization
Authors: Madubuike Ihechukwu
Published: August 2021

The bulk of what is known today as African literature began as a reaction to white colonization, oppression, and racism. The similarity of experiences throughout Africa during the colonial era created a common denominator for writing and a common identity in themes and inspirations for writers. Colonization fanned ethnocentric feelings among the colonized and the need to portray black culture as worthy and valid grew. Early African writers described in glowing details the cultural aspects and human worth of their societies.
Disaster in the Desert
Authors: Sheets Hal , Morris Roger
Published: August 2021

This article is excerpted from a study sponsored by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace which began in the summer of 1973. The work was conceived as a relatively limited inquiry into the role of planning in disaster relief, and as it progressed, the scope of the study broadened to include other dimensions of the United States and United Nations response to the tragedy in the Sahel. What follows, however, is but a fragment of the complex story of the disaster and the continuing international relief effort. It is mainly an account of how the crisis was dealt with by the U.S. government. As such, it is only a beginning of the research and analysis that should be prompted by this catastrophe.
The Black American Reaction to Apartheid
Authors: Nagan Winston P.
Published: August 2021

This article concerns the problems connected with the Black American reaction to apartheid in South Africa reaction which appears to have been largely ignored by social scientists, opinion poll samplers, opinion leaders, and even the distributors of foundation grants. A discussion such as this one is, perforce, impressionistic. Hopefully, however, it will contribute to the construction of sound hypotheses about the character of the Black American reaction to apartheid.

The reader should perhaps be warned that I do not subscribe to the doctrine of intellectual neutrality. The perspectives from which I write are informed by clearly articulated value postulates or preferences.
National Security Study Memorandum 39 and the Future of United States Policy toward Southern Africa
Authors: Lockwood Edgar
Published: August 2021

For observers of U.S. policy toward Africa, this has been the fall of the "Nissem."

Newspaper and magazine articles by Tad Szulc and Jack Anderson, based on the text of National Security Study Memorandum 39 of 1969 (NSSM 39), have popularized an alleged Nixon " tilt " toward Southern Africa's white regimes, stemming from a preference for protection of U.S. economic interests over ideals of democracy and decency. The State Department, embarrassed and flustered by the leak of another secret document, has tried to downplay its significance (calling it merely a preliminary study), and has disclaimed any change in policy.
Thoughts of a French-Speaking African on African-American Relations
Authors: Kiba Simon
Published: August 2021

Economic planning in America, while not promoting socialism, did at least prevent officials and Africanists in the U.S. from being caught short by the wave of African independence which broke in 1960. Indeed, such planning seems to have insured that the U.S. would be present in Africa at that historic moment.
The Preaching of Portuguese Colonialism and the Protest of the White Fathers
Authors: Serapião Luiś B.
Published: August 2021

Commenting on the work of Portuguese clerics outside Portugal, a former Minister of Overseas Territories referred to the government’s understanding that missionary work could not be separated from the high interest of the State. While Portuguese officials have long appreciated the support of the Church in Africa, the Church itself has been silent regarding the identity of interests between Portuguese colonial policy and church evangelization. This silence—sign of the acquiescence of Portuguese bishops to the colonial regime—led the White Fathers to speak-out, denouncing policies supported by the Church in Mozambique.
Recent Observations on the Developing Southern Strategy of Brazil, Portugal, and Africa
Authors: Glasgow Roy A.
Published: August 2021

During the 1950s, and particularly after the 1964 military takeover, industrialization produced a transformation of Brazil — a nation of continental proportions occupying half of South America. Modernization affected every facet of Brazilian society, altering the economy and influencing the development of political and educational institutions. Such internal change had considerable impact on Brazil's foreign policy. Brazilians no longer viewed their national interest in traditional and restrictive terms but in a revisionist, expansive and expansionist manner. Populist politicians and writers of the late 1950s, riding on a wave of nationalism, argued that Brazil should become an active participant, a new and aggressive force in world affairs.
The Politics of Indifference: Portugal and Africa, A Case Study in American Foreign Policy
Authors: Marcum John
Published: August 2021

To those who peer into the shadows beneath the dazzling peaks of media-lit summitry, the shape of America's projected post (Vietnam) war foreign policy is becoming discernible. Thoroughly nationalist and pragmatic, it stresses advantage and comity in relations with other major powers — whether politico-military (China and the Soviet Union) or economic (Western Europe and Japan). Coonskin zealotry having given way to cost-benefit real-politik, military withdrawal from Southeast Asia is being accompanied by strategic retrenchment. From Guam and Micronesia in the Pacific, to Diego Garcia in the Indian Ocean, to Bahrain in the Persian Gulf, to the Azores in the Atlantic, American air and sea power is taking on an insular “low profile” — while maintaining a long reach. At the same time, domestic postwar introversion threatens a further decline in already minimal American concern for the fate of the world's relatively powerless and economically disadvantaged.
The Second World Black Festival of Arts and Culture
Authors: Maitama Sule Alahaji Yussuf
Published: August 2021

In 1974 Nigeria will host the Second World Black Festival of Arts and Culture in Lagos. The first World Festival of Negro Arts was held in Dakar, Senegal, in 1966, and Nigeria was then honored with the role of “Star Country.” In agreeing to host the Second Festival, the Nigerian government is fully aware that the 1974 Festival will be the greatest concourse of black peoples from different continents in the entire history of the black man, and it is therefore determined to ensure that the Festival will contribute significantly to the enhancement of black communion and the resurgence of the artistic and cultural civilization of the black peoples of the world.
The U.S. Congress and the Rhodesian Chrome Issue
Authors: McGee Gale W.
Published: August 2021

The passage of legislation late in 1971 which in effect caused the United States unilaterally to breach the United Nations sanctions against Southern Rhodesia surely constitutes one of the most shameful episodes in the recent conduct of our country's international affairs. One commentator quite correctly did not mince words in describing the action as a “chrome-plated treaty violation.” And yet, even today, it is doubtful whether any great numbers of American citizens realize that their government has broken its treaty obligations to an international institution which our country did most to initiate and to promote until very recent times. An especially saddening aspect of the affair is the fact that an Administration which rightly has condemned and often contested growing neo-isolationist sentiment in our society's outlook on the world scarcely lifted a finger to prevent precisely the kind of result it decried.
The Case Against Africanists
Authors: Mhone Guy CZ
Published: August 2021

At the risk of being called unscholarly, or unnecessarily pedantic, I would like to revive an old issue: the role of Africanists vis-à-vis Africa. In most intellectual circles, this issue is shunned. Generally, criticism of Africanists has been presented in terms of the relevance and/or nature of African/ non-African, Black/White involvement in Africa. The defense of the Africanist community, however, has been based on the impartiality of scientific investigation and the cumulative nature of all knowledge– without regard to cultural bias. My purpose here is to take a slightly different route and to interweave the two views in an effort to restate the case against Africanists.
Southern Africa: A Challenge to the United Nations*
Authors: Farah Abdulrahim A.
Published: August 2021

Criticism is frequently expressed about the manner in which the African group at the United Nations injects southern Africa into discussions at every conceivable opportunity in the political, the economic, and the social forum. A question often posed is whether the emphasis on this issue, particularly at the international level, is proportionate to its import for the world community as a whole. As we Africans view the matter, the situation in southern Africa challenges the basic assumptions which brought the United Nations into being, and it is therefore the responsibility of the entire world community. In the political context, the situation is seen as a threat to regional and international peace and security; in the moral context it is considered a crime against humanity. The concern of African states was expressed by the late Kwame Nkrumah when, as President of Ghana, he declared: “The independence of Ghana is meaningless unless it is linked with the total liberation of Africa.”
Literature and Ideology in Africa
Authors: Makward Edris
Published: August 2021

Time and again students of contemporary Africa have stressed the impact of ideologies on the literary works of contemporary African writers. Authors have also insisted on the imperative need to link closely the study of the new written literature from Africa with the study of the general cultural and political renaissance of the past two or three decades in Africa.
United States Foreign Policy toward Africa: An Afro-American Perspective
Authors: Foster Badi G.
Published: August 2021

The importance of Africa in contemporary world affairs and the responsibilities of the U.S. as the major power in the “free world” have contributed to a re-examination of American foreign policy towards Africa. Attempts to clearly identify U.S. interests in Africa reflect the desire of the present Administration to avoid unnecessary involvement in African affairs that might parallel America’s Southeast Asia experience. In addition, identification of vital interests ought to permit the formulation and implementation of better (if not ideal) American policies. Recognizing the linkages between domestic and foreign policies, it is proper that one include as part of the process of foreign policy formulation the perspectives and interests of significant groups within American society. Thus, the examination of Afro-American views on U.S. foreign policy towards Africa becomes an important area of concern.
Towards A New Constituency for a More Active American Foreign Policy for Africa
Authors: Baker Ross K.
Published: August 2021

To make a case for greater American involvement in Africa is to take cognizance of what has gone before — eclectic embrace followed by selective disengagement. The Nixon Administration has opted for a policy of designating certain target countries for bilateral assistance and political cultivation. The itineraries of American public figures from the Vice President and Secretary of State to the astronauts and Mrs. Nixon tell us where the emphases are being placed: on the two long-standing areas of concern, Liberia and Ethiopia; on Africa's most populous state, Nigeria; on one of its larger states, Zaire, and on the home of one of Africa's senior pragmatic statesmen, Kenya. Somewhat more peripheral interest is maintained in Ghana, which has moved into the column of “reasonable” regimes. Most recently the situation in Sudan has dazzled U.S. policymakers with visions of picking up chips from the Soviets and conjuring up the type of Cold War determinant of involvement popular in the 1960s.
The American Response to Africa's Participation in the International System
Authors: Spiro Herbert J.
Published: August 2021

Africa's participation in the international system, by whatever measures it is gauged, skyrocketed during the 1960s from a level close to zero to its present extensity, intensity, and complexity. The difficulty of analyzing the American response to Africa's participation arises from at least two intellectual — but not merely intellectual — problems: First, there have been many different — and differentiated — American responses rather than a single one. Second, much of what is often described as American responses actually may have been triggered by American initiatives to which Africans responded, setting off a kind of chain reaction of reciprocal interactions, which have neither a clearly discernible beginning nor a definable end in time.
Mozambique and the United Nations
Authors: El-Khawas Mohamed
Published: August 2021

Mozambique has been a difficult and frustrating problem for the United Nations ever since the mid-1950s when Portugal first became a member of the United Nations and denied that it had any territories which did not fully govern themselves. Although the General Assembly and the Security Council have both labored on the problem for many years, their action has not brought about any real improvements in the political or social realities in Mozambique.
African Military and Political Development: Reflections on a Score of Years, and Several Score of Studies
Authors: Welch Claude E.
Published: August 2021

In the past twenty years, scholars have spilled a great deal of ink debating the role of armed forces in political development. A variety of views have been expressed—and, not unexpectedly, the field lacks a scholarly paradigm. As this paper will indicate, Africa has received its share of studies of the military, notably since the eruption of coups d'etat in late 1965-early 1966 made clear that the presumably “nonpolitical” heritage of colonial armies was quickly being supplanted by direct, extensive political involvement on the part of officers. This essay attempts both to summarize the results of a score of years and several score of studies, and to indicate new directions for research in coming years.
The South African Connection: From Polaroid to Oppenheimer
Authors: First Ruth
Published: August 2021

Press exposures of starvation wages paid by British firms in South Africa have prompted an official House of Commons inquiry, but one which was dismissed by a columnist in a leading weekly (the New Statesman) as “an exercise, at the lowest, in hypocrisy and, at the highest, in evading an issue. For the issue is surely not what wages firms pay in South Africa but whether the firms should be there at all.” This robust view apart the case for withdrawal of foreign capital investment or its restriction, or the freezing of further flows, gets short shrift in business circles. Yet faced with growing pressures to disinvest, these circles have been casting around for arguments to placate the total-withdrawal lobby. Two initiatives are most frequently cited as proof that left to itself, business will reform apartheid. These are the Polaroid experiment and the Oppenheimer phenomenon.
Negotiating About Biafran Oil
Authors: Davis Morris
Published: August 2021

Events which took place in June 1967 constitute the focal point of this article. Biafra had proclaimed its existence as an entity separate and independent from Nigeria on May 30; another five weeks were to pass, however, before fighting between General Gowon's forces in Nigeria and Colonel Ojukwu's in Biafra broke out. On reflection, the civil war in Nigeria evokes the fated air of a Greek tragedy; but from the vantage of those June days the probable outcome was much cloudier. Perhaps some accommodation was still possible by which war could be avoided, or if a confrontation did take shape perhaps Biafra would win, or there would be a stalemate.
African Development and U.S. Foreign Policy
Authors: Newsom David D.
Published: August 2021

When I became Assistant Secretary for Africa nearly four and a half years ago it was my hope that, if I could do nothing else, I could help to sustain and increase America's effort in the development of Africa. We cannot be meaningful to Africa unless we respond to its great needs for economic development. That hope has not been fully realized. I have had to say “no” to African requests far more than I have been able to say “yes”. I want to explore with you today why I think this has been so and to suggest some approaches to reverse the present trend.
A Hero’s Death: Herbert Tapfumanei Chitepo
Authors: Mudadirwa Zvobgo Eddison Jonas
Published: August 2021

When a capitalist exploiter dies, he is usually survived, apart from his heirs, by his cars, banking accounts, businesses, stocks and bonds. The victims of his exploitation do not survive him; they outlive him. Aware that the masses of the world—once beyond his predatory habits, greed and blood-sucking—are anxious to forget him, he leaves behind a will calling for the construction of a huge foundation, library or museum to perpetuate his name, a name which is usually engraved deep into the walls.
Alien Settlerism and the Revolutionary Response in Southern Africa: The Significance of Recent Events
Authors: El-Ayouty Yassin
Published: August 2021

Alien settlerism in Africa may be defined as a system of colonization under which an expatriate white community has set itself up as sole possessor of power and sovereignty regardless of the usual status of a numerically inferior group as a minority. Within this definition, the settlers in Africa represent the remnants of foreign invasions from overseas (England, France, Portugal, Spain) which, having receded to their European shores, left behind distinct patterns of legal, political, economic and social oppression of the indigenous populations.
Ethnic Genocide
Authors: Lemarchand Rene
Published: August 2021

There are few parallels to the human holocaust that took place in Burundi in 1972 in the wake of a tortuous competitive struggle between the country’s two major ethnic groups, the Hutu and the Tutsi. Scarcely noticed (let alone understood) by public opinion anywhere, the killings are conservatively estimated to have caused between 80,000 and 100,000 deaths. Approximately 3.5 percent of the country’s total population (3.5 million) were physically wiped out in a period of a few weeks. In comparative terms this is as if England had suffered a loss of 2 million or the United States about 8 million people. To speak of “selective genocide” in describing the outcome of such large-scale political violence seems scarcely an exaggeration.
Burundi: Alternatives to Violence
Authors: Weinstein Warren
Published: August 2021

Burundi society has become polarized along ethnic lines. In 1972 a series of increasingly violent confrontations erupted into an ethnic civil war. The two ethnic coalitions which faced each other were the Tutsi and the Hutu. The Tutsi are the socio-politically dominant minority in control in Burundi.
Remarks on Mozambique
Authors: Henriksen Thomas H.
Published: August 2021

Mozambique’s rise to independence this June 25th constitutes another example in the world community of successful nationalist revolution against colonialism. Although it comes in the late nationalist period which witnessed its beginnings in central Europe during the nineteenth century, the Mozambican revolution’s international and Marxist image is comprehensible in the general historical context of nationalism.
The Role of Congress in the Development of a Responsible American Policy Toward Angola
Authors: Bender Gerald J.
Published: August 2021

In addition to our discussions today of the current situation in Angola, I would like to direct my remarks to the question of what role, if any, the United States should play with regard to Angola, and concretely, how the Congress can assist in the formulation and execution of a responsible American policy toward Angola. We have all learned a number of important lessons from recent revelations about the conduct of American policy in Southeast Asia, about Government coverups such as Watergate, corporate bribery of foreign officials and political parties, and about the illegal and unacceptable activities of the CIA as described in the Rockefeller Commission report and elsewhere. Certainly we can apply some of these lessons to our present consideration of U.S. policy toward Angola; hopefully we will learn the vital facts and ask the necessary questions now, rather than, as has too often been the case, after the fact.
Testimony on Rhodesia and United States Foreign Policy
Authors: Lockwood Edgar
Published: August 2021

I appreciate very much this opportunity to present our views on what the United States should do to encourage political progress in Rhodesia.

Since the establishment of the Washington Office on Africa in the fall of 1972, we have devoted much of our efforts to working with sympathetic members of Congress and citizens across the country to improve United States policy toward Rhodesia and specifically to repeal the Byrd Amendment, which three-and-a-half years ago created a statutory violation of this country’s treaty obligation to comply with the United Nations sanctions program. So we are pleased to participate in hearings on southern Africa and especially this one on Rhodesia.
Statement on Rhodesia
Authors: Good Robert C.
Published: August 2021

The purpose of my statement is to place recent events in perspective and to speculate in broad terms about forthcoming developments as these may affect or be affected by U.S. policy. Other commentators are much better positioned than I to present detailed statistical evidence and to estimate near term developments based on the most recent facts.
Testimony on Rhodesia
Authors: Rotberg Robert I.
Published: August 2021

Mr. Chairman, Members of the sub-committee, I am grateful for this opportunity to appear before you and to testify about Rhodesia.

Rhodesia is a strategically located colony with great potential. Whether called Rhodesia or Zimbabwe, it has a valuable resource base and could, under favorable circumstances, serve once again as the fulcrum of a prosperous and progressive Southern Africa.
Ethnic Factors in the Evolution of the South African Military
Authors: Enloe Cynthia H.
Published: August 2021

Virtually all of the literature concerning the politics of South Africa analyzes the dynamics of that system within the frameworks of racism, authoritarianism, and repression. Yet, strangely, the political institution which is necessarily the bulwark of such a system—the military—has attracted scant attention except in terms of strategy and armaments.
Statement: Africanist and Jewish
Authors: Sklar Richard L. , Lofchie Michael F.
Published: August 2021

Twenty-eight African states, over sixty percent of the African group at the United Nations, have voted to condemn Zionism as “a form of racism.” Five African countries opposed the resolution and twelve abstained. People of good will do disagree about the merits of particular Israeli policies. The meaning of Zionism is also a matter of serious debate in Jewish and intercultural circles. But to identify Zionism with racism is nothing less than an act of hostility toward the Jewish people. Sadly, the African states contributed as much as any other regional bloc to the perpetration of this act.
Black Politics in South Africa Today
Authors: Latakgomo Joe
Published: August 2021

The political scene in South Africa today is perhaps one of the most complex in the modern world. The easiest analysis would be to have the white minority government on the one hand, and the back resistance and liberation organizations ranged against it on the other. Unfortunately, it is not that easy. The white minority itself is torn by divisions and differences in ideology, with essentially two divisions into the right-wing and the centrists. Both camps, however, are themselves divided into various notches on the scale to the right, but never beyond to the left of centrist. That position has been reserved for black politics, which is also positioned at various points on the scale to the left.
The Post-Apartheid Economy
Authors: Terreblanche S.J.
Published: August 2021

The nature of the post-apartheid society is very much on the agenda. In the multitude of publications, conferences and debates on this agenda, the bulk of the attention is given to the need for—and the possible characteristics of—a non-racial political system. Much less attention is given to the nature of the post-apartheid economic system, and to the structural changes necessary to synchronize it with the new political system and to ensure that it will have the fiscal capacity to sustain a truly democratic parliamentary system.
Building Health Services For A Post-Apartheid Era
Authors: Savage Michael
Published: August 2021

Health care services in South Africa are in decline. Inadequate resources, the fragmentation of services along racial lines, their division between a confused jumble of authorities together with a growing privatization of medical care are among the many factors having grave effects on an already poorly constructed health service. The persistence of high levels of infant mortality and the widespread nature of preventable disease provide clear measures indicating that existing health services have failed to meet the needs of the majority of the population for basic medical care. The changes that are currently underway in health services are making it less likely that they can adequately contribute to providing health for all.
The African Heritage Studies Association (AHSA): Some Notes on the Conflict with the African Studies Association (ASA) and the Fight to Reclaim African History
Authors: Clarke John Henrik
Published: August 2021

What is called the “conflict” seems to be very old right now, in view of all that has happened between 1968, when the conflict began to surface at the Eleventh Annual Convention of the African Studies Association in Los Angeles, and the present. The conflict is older than its formal beginning, and we are no closer to a solution now than we were in 1968. The conflict is over who will interpret African history. White scholars, more than blacks, have always understood the importance of controlling history and social thought. The best way to control a people is to control what they think about themselves.
The Contribution of African Scholars and Teachers to African Studies, 1955–1975
Authors: Obichere Boniface I.
Published: August 2021

In his address to the First Congress of Africanists in Accra on 12 December 1962, Dr. Kwame Nkrumah reminded his audience that they were united by the fact that they wanted to find out the truth about Africa, and when they had found out, they would proclaim it to the world. Dr. Kwame Nkrumah thus underscored the duality of the role of the Africanists in the second half of the twentieth century. Those engaged in African studies were charged to search for the truth about Africa with scientific and academic rigor. They were also exhorted to make known and to share the results of their research and discoveries with the world at large. African studies, according to Dr. Nkrumah, should help to create the launching pad for progressive and dynamic social policy.
African Studies, 1955–1975: an Afro-American Perspective
Authors: Skinner Elliott P.
Published: August 2021

Afro-Americans have always had more than academic interest in the study of Africa; it was inevitable therefore that they would come into conflict with Euro-Americans who (through myopia or cunning) insisted that they had no unique relationship to Africa. Viewed in historical perspective, it is quite understandable why in the 1960s blacks would challenge those whites who had arrogated to themselves the control of African Studies in the United States. For blacks, parity (if not dominance), in the study of Africa is inextricably part of their struggle for full equality in America. The reasons for this are quite simple: the whites who conquered and settled America decided quite early that the people of African descent who were brought to these shores as captives could not and (later) should not be permitted to live on a plane of equality with them.
Black Studies as an Integral Tradition in African-American Intellectual History
Authors: Turner James , McGann C. Steven
Published: August 2021

The modern Black Studies movement, in its present form, appeared in the 1960s as an emergent academic field and a self-conscious component part of the larger social and political movement for Black liberation. In contrast to the 1950s, which had been labeled “the silent generation” by some scholars, the 1960s were times of widespread political unrest and social movements. These currents were enlivened and precipitated by the Black liberation movement in its current stage of struggle for democratic rights, commonly referred to during that period as the “civil rights movement.” The Black college campuses were the source of leadership for this movement by young (though not exclusively) activist-intellectuals. The general social climate of self-assertion and political protest released an intellectual ferment that stimulated some Black students and Black scholars in their demand for “Black Studies” as a vanguard opposition to an entrenched intellectualism in American society.
The Decline of Human Rights in Lesotho: An Evaluation of Domestic and External Determinants
Authors: Weisfelder Richard F.
Published: August 2021

When Lesotho approached independence in 1966, most Basotho intellectuals were confident that their country would not fall prey to the trend toward authoritarianism and the disregard for civil liberties evident in other parts of Africa. Such optimism was based on several unique dimensions of their national experience. Unlike most African states, Lesotho comprised a single people who shared common language, culture, and political identity. A long tradition of free speech and participatory government was reinforeced by considerable experience with competitive political parties and the Westminster parliamentary system. Broad political awareness, spurred by the highest literacy rate in Black Africa, enhanced Basotho determination to provide a model of stable, democratic institutions, in contrast to the repressive apartheid structure of the omnipresent Republic of South Africa.
Bank Loans to South Africa: The Case Against ‘Business as Usual’
Authors: Smith Timothy H.
Published: August 2021

For the last ten years the issue of U.S. bank loans to South Africa has been a clear focus for many U.S. church bodies. Documents provided for the record of this hearing include resolutions from the late 1960s from the Conventions, Synods, and Assemblies of several major Protestant denominations. These resolutions clearly call for an end to U.S. financial support to the land of apartheid. The vigorous campaign of the 1960s for an end to bank loans to South Africa resulted in a victory when a $40 million floating credit by ten U.S. banks was not renewed. Dozens of discussions were held with bank officials and millions of dollars in accounts were withdrawn in protest in that campaign.
The Zimbabwe People’s Army: An Interview with Dzinashe Machingura
Authors:   Mozambican Information Agency
Published: August 2021

[Note: This interview was conducted on September 22, 1976 by the Mozambican Information Agency. Mr. Machingura is a political commissar in the Zimbabwe People’s Army (ZIPA) and provides the first major statement for the Western public of the goals and policies of ZIPA. The failure of the Western press to provide information about ZIPA has left the field to the propaganda efforts of the Rhodesián Smith regime, which defines the ZIPA soldiers as “terrs” (terrorists). An opposing understanding of the ZIPA movement has been proffered by the frontline African presidents. In their first public response to the Smith announcement of agreement with the Kissinger terms of settlement, the five presidents began with a statement of congratulation to the Zimbabwean soldiers who had brought the white regime to the point of seeking a settlement publically, even though this too may have been another Smith ploy to gain time by avoiding substantive changes.
For Better or for Worse: The Academic Couple
Authors: Sosne Elinor D.
Published: August 2021

Last year legislators of the Commonwealth of Virginia sent to state college and university faculty a time-study questionnaire on which appeared a question of the following sort: “On a scale of one to five, rank the personal satisfaction you derive from each of the following: 1) teaching; 2) administration; 3) research; 4) sports; 5) your family.” While many of us have decided preferences for one or more of the first three activities, or even the first four, having to rank one’s family along with one’s job may seem somewhat inappropriate. Struggling academics may, in fact, neglect their families in the hopes of churning out sufficient copy to gain them tenure, and many marriages have foundered on less rocky shoals. Even so, American social categories regard the teaching-administration-research syndrome as work, something qualitatively different from one’s spouse or children. To the academic couple, however, the above question may make all too much sense.
Jobs in Britain and the Commonwealth
Authors: Spear Thomas T.
Published: August 2021

Foreign universities are not the cure to the glut on the American job market, for the glut is a world-wide phenomenon, particularly in African studies. Americans already constitute a sizable proportion of academics in Canada, Australia, Britain, and Africa and the backlash against them is already developing in some. But some systems are still expanding, such as those in Nigeria and Australia, and they offer perhaps the best chances for jobs in the immediate future.