bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Is conservation tillage suitable for organic farming? A review
Authors: Peigné J. , Ball B. C. , Roger‐Estrade J. , David C.
Published: April 2007

Conservation tillage covers a range of tillage practices, mostly non‐inversion, which aim to conserve soil moisture and reduce soil erosion by leaving more than one‐third of the soil surface covered by crop residues. Organic farmers are encouraged to adopt conservation tillage to preserve soil quality and fertility and to prevent soil degradation – mainly erosion and compaction. The potential advantages of conservation tillage in organic farming are reduced erosion, greater macroporosity in the soil surface due to larger number of earthworms, more microbial activity and carbon storage, less run‐off and leaching of nutrients, reduced fuel use and faster tillage. The disadvantages of conservation tillage in organic farming are greater pressure from grass weeds, less suitable than ploughing for poorly drained, unstable soils or high rainfall areas, restricted N availability and restricted crop choice. The success of conservation tillage in organic farming hinges on the choice of crop rotation to ensure weed and disease control and nitrogen availability. Rotation of tillage depth according to crop type, in conjunction with compaction control measures is also required. A high standard of management is required, tailored to local soil and site conditions. Innovative approaches for the application of conservation tillage, such as perennial mulches, mechanical control of cover crops, rotational tillage and controlled traffic, require further practical assessment.
Policy‐making in the Religious Orders
Authors: Moulin Léo
Published: April 2007

The religious Orders are, together with the Catholic Church, the oldest political institutions in the West and the only ones to have developed without any break in continuity. St Benedict, the ‘Father of Europe’, founded his first monastery when the Angles, Jutes and Saxons were invading Britain. The Benedictine rule still exacts obedience from thousands today. The Camaldolese and the Vallombrosians existed before the battle of Hastings, the Carthusians date from the same time (1084): both live today by the same rule, according to the same constitutions, clothed in the same habit as their distant predecessors. Exactly one hundred years before Magna Carta, the system of supranational parliamentary assembly was in operation – a system which still governs the monks of citeaux and which, in one form or another, has served as a model for all the religious institutes which have followed.
The Impact of War on the Russian Liberals in 1904–5
Authors: Galai S.
Published: April 2007

It is of course a commonplace that the defeat of Russia by Japan in the war of 1904–5 ushered in the revolutionary year of 1905. The role of the frankly revolutionary Russian illegal parties has been frequently studied, but the part played by the various groups of more or less moderate public men who are often loosely designated as ‘liberals’ in preparing the climate of revolution has received less detailed treatment in historical writing. The present article therefore proposes to examine the stages by which these groups moved to a progressively more radical position under the impact of an unpopular and unsuccessful war.
Students and Politics: Students' opposition in Spain
Authors: Galván Enrique Tierno
Published: April 2007

For some years now Spanish university students have been drawing attention to themselves by their political activity in a regime in which political activity is not legal. The conflict has since 1962 taken the form of a demand by the students to set up an autonomous Students Union in the place of the officially sponsored SEU (Sindicato Espaiiol Universitario). A new wave of student disturbances occurred in the winter of 1965, sparked off by the exclusion of a student who had attended a meeting of students who refused to join in the activities of the official union in January 1965. The students throughout the country began to demand autonomy, both for the rectors of the universities and for the students’ union, and supported demands by workers on 27 January who were also demonstrating in favour of free trade unions. On 6 February demonstrations took place again in Madrid and Barcelona, and a number of arrests were made. Further demonstrations of students against the obligatory SEU took place on 12 February in both cities. A number of students were beaten-up and arrested in Madrid; in Barcelona 1000 students met in the Faculty of Law, with the permission of the dean. Faculties in Bilbao and Madrid were closed for a while by the authorities, but the students continued to hold unofficial assemblies at which they demanded ‘free unions’, and refused to cooperate with representatives of the official union. On 19 February some 2000 students in Madrid demonstrated in favour of university autonomy, and carried on with their protest for three days.
Police and policy
Authors: Lévy Yves
Published: April 2007

‘The French Empire’, wrote one historian, ‘was doubtless the forerunner of the modern police state.’ The same historian wrote elsewhere: ‘The ancien régime was brought down by violence, and the governments which had followed each other in France, since 1789, had been dictatorships : the dictatorship of the ‘Patriots’ in the Constituent Assembly, of the Girondins in the Legislative Assembly, of the Paris Commune after 10 August; then of the Committee of Public Safety; finally the dictatorship of the Directory, which destroyed, by means of coups d'état the majorities in the Legislative Assembly which displeased them.’

The police-Empire was not unrelated to the dictatorships which preceded it, and in order to understand it, we must first try to grasp the thread which links these successive dictatorships together.
Belgium: Language and class oppositions
Authors: Philippart André
Published: April 2007

The elections which were held on 23 May 1965 will doubtless prove to be a watershed in Belgian politics, as were those of 14 October 1894, in which universal suffrage, tempered by the use of the plural vote, was first put into practice, and those of 16 November 1919 in which universal suffrage, with the exception of most women, was first fully introduced.
The Conseil d’État in the Fifth Republic
Authors: Parris Henry
Published: April 2007

There is a standing temptation, at least in Britain and the United States, to equate ‘opposition’ with ‘alternative government’. Politics is seen as something like cricket, one team batting, another fielding. When the last batsman is out, the other side is ready immediately to take its place. This preoccupation tends to prevent English students of politics from recognizing the many forms that opposition may take in countries where the game of politics is played according to different rules. Consequently, they often fail to understand other political systems. One such system exists no farther away than the other side of the English Channel. Only fitfully and intermittently has France ever possessed an alternative government, ready to take over smoothly from the one in power. Changes of government have usually been either reshuffles within coalitions—plus ça change, plus c’est la même chose—or complete changes of regime. When the regimes become more authoritarian opposition manifests itself in other ways. This article seeks to show that in the first seven years of the Fifth Republic the Conseil d’État has played an opposition role. Such a possibility becomes more credible against the background of history.
Student Opposition in Latin America
Authors: Albornoz Orlando
Published: April 2007

Latin America is a continent of underdeveloped countries, by any criteria. A terminological discussion as to whether they are underdeveloped or developing would be quite irrelevant. The fact is that Latin America has an explosive population expansion, a low educational level, low health standards, a low life expectancy, poor work conditions, a small middle class, problems of national integration, a low level of industrialization, low per capita income and GNP, low development of agricultural and fishing resources, low consumption of mechanical and industrial energy and excessive expansion of the commercial sector, not to mention the character of the political situation and its consequences. In these countries the majority of the people live in very poor conditions, under a traditional social structure of a few ‘haves’ and a large number of ‘have-nots’.
The Common Market and Conservative Party politics, 1961–2
Authors: Butt Ronald
Published: April 2007

The Common Market as an issue in domestic British politics under the Macmillan government – and distinct from the negotiations, as such, with the European Economic Community – can be considered under three broad heads. First, there is the question how the decision to seek entry for Britain was taken. How far was it a political decision; how far was it motivated by the views of civil servants; how far was it prompted by interest groups in industry and finance ? Secondly, how did the Conservative Party become converted to the idea of British membership of the European Economic Community and how significant was the opposition to the idea that developed in the party ? The third question is what effect, if any, did domestic political opposition to the Common Market have on the French President's eventual veto of the project ?

Except by implication, the third question is excluded from consideration here. Only a close student of French domestic politics is competent to evaluate how far, if at all, the hostility to the European idea in a section of the Conservative Party and the official objections of the Labour Party to British membership of EEC on any terms that then seemed negotiable, made it easier for the French President to impose his final veto. Conceivably, the possibility that a successor labour government might disown any treaty that the conservatives had signed may have played a marginal part in assisting the President's attitude in the final stages.
Decision‐making in the Community: The Commission‐Council dialogue
Authors: Lambert John
Published: April 2007

We may assume that the present institutional system of the European Communities is only one stage in the long and arduous development of a European constitution. Looked at half a century hence, the trials and errors of the Coal and Steel Community; the abortive projects for a defence community and a political community; the successes and limitations of EEC and Euratom; and the vain search of the six pioneer countries for a formula for political union will appear as the first hesitant but sigruficant steps towards a complete federal system. Limited though the existing Communities are to economic and social affairs, they have now passed a point where their economies are inextricably linked, and where, although progress to more complete political unity is not automatic it is, in the long run, inevitable.
The European idea and national public opinion
Authors: Rabier Jacques-René
Published: April 2007

Parallel with the efforts which have been made during the last fifteen or twenty years to build, in Churchill's words (1946) ‘a kind of United States of Europe’, much research has been undertaken to try to find out whether public opinion had followed the movement, or perhaps even anticipated it.

I do not intend to recapitulate here in detail all these works, but merely to underline some of the problems which they raise, for the researchers as well as for the men of action and above all for those who, perhaps over-ambitiously, try to reconcile the concerns of the former with those of the latter.
Political opposition in Senegal: 1960–67
Authors: O'Brien Donal Cruise
Published: April 2007

Since the separate independence of Senegal in June 1960, after the breakup of the Mali Federation, organized political opposition in Senegal has not been able to maintain the position which it enjoyed before independence. The failure of the opposition can be explained only in part by reference to the repressive measures adopted by the government over this period; it should also be seen as a result of the internal weaknesses of the opposition itself. The purpose of this article is to outline the various conditions which have enabled the governing party, the Union Progressiste Sénégalaise (UPS) of M. Leopold Sédar Senghor, to remain in power until the present time, despite its own lack of strict internal discipline or general sense of purpose.
Violent constitutionalism in Uganda
Authors: Engholm G. F. , Mazrui Ali A.
Published: April 2007

From the country's independence until May 1966 two factors profoundly affected the nature of politics in Uganda. These were, first, a latent violence between groups and, secondly, a vigorous constitutionalism as a style of political contest. Both factors were, inevitably, connected with events and tendencies which went back to well before independence.

The possibility of political violence in the country was linked to a few key issues. These included, first, the degree of autonomy to be enjoyed by Buganda as the largest and most developed region in the country; secondly, the unresolved problem of the Lost Counties of Bunyoro; thirdly, relations between the Baganda and other tribes, an issue which later culminated into an alleged Bantu/Nilotic cleavage; and fourthly, the tensions of party allegiances within the parliamentary system. We shall discuss these issues more fully later in this analysis.
Opposition in Portugal
Authors: Martins Herminio
Published: April 2007

CONTRARY TO EXPECTATIONS, THE DISAPPEARANCE OF SALAZAR FROM the political scene has not, in the short-run at least, led to a serious succession crisis in Portugal. A few weeks of hard but covert bargaining within the ruling circles culminated in the appointment by the President, Admiral Tomás of Dr Marcello Caetano as Prime Minister. Admiral Tomás was himself appointed by Salazar and chosen partly for his docility and innocuousness to replace the rebellious Craveiro Lopes in 1958; he has no power base of his own. Although in a fluid situation such as this his role has allowed him a greater latitude of choice than in normal circumstances, his decision probably reflected the balance of forces within the ruling circles. Caetano's background is typical of a whole generation of ‘counter-revolutionary’ monarchists, whose political formation matured within the matrix of the Portuguese Maurrassist movement, theintegralismo Insitano. Somehow his monarchist allegiance, if not his authoritarian-corporatist convictions, waned as his career within theEstado Novowaxed. He was one of the young (in their twenties and thirties)integralistaexperts whose services were vital in Salazar's transformation of a mindless military dictatorship into a ‘respectable’ authoritarian regime.
Mao Tse-tung and the Chinese Political Equilibrium
Authors: Schram Stuart R.
Published: April 2007

BOTH HALVES OF MY TITLE MAY REQUIRE EXPLANATION. WHY, IN AN issue devoted to political forces, an article on one man, and why the use of the vague term ‘equilibrium’? Because China today confronts us with the singular oddity of a country in which the existing political system has been attacked and partially dismantled on orders from the supreme leader, but nevertheless subsists to some extent; and in which the new system which he is striving to create has still not been firmly established or taken definite shape. It is, therefore, impossible to trace with precision the contours of the political forces, and indicate how they are related to one another, but while there may or may not exist in China a political system in the sense of an integrated whole, functioning according to definite rules, there clearly does exist a certain equilibrium – dynamic and unstable, but a kind of equilibrium none the less – between the various illdefined contenders for a share in political power, and the ‘force’ which stands at the centre of this political jungle is unquestionably Mao.
A constitution against parties: Madisonian pluralism and the Anti-party tradition
Authors: Hofstadter Richard
Published: April 2007

THAT POLITICAL PARTIES DID NOT HOLD A RESPECTABLE PLACE IN 18th-century American political theory was a reflection of the low place they were believed to hold in practice. Wherever the Americans looked, whether to the politics of Georgian England, their own provincial capitals or the republics of the historical past, they thought they saw in parties only a distracting and divisive force representing the claims of unbridled, seKsh, special interests. I do not intend here to try to penetrate the thickets of 18th-century politics either in England or in the American provinces. We long ago learned not to identify the Whigs and Tories of the 18th century with the highly developed British political parties of modern times, and not to imagine that England had a well-developed two-party system at the close of the 18th century or even during the first two decades of the 19th. Modern parties have grown up in response to (and in turn have helped to stimulate) the development of large electorates, and their institutional structures are in good measure an outgrowth of the efforts necessary to connect the parliamentary party and the mass party. The modern party is, in this respect, the disciplined product of regular party competition in the forum of public opinion. It also deals with legislative issues, over which the established parties differ.
Editorial Policy-Making
Authors: Seymour-Ure Colin
Published: April 2007

‘WHEN WE HAVE SAID THAT THE EDITOR IS IN FULL CONTROL OF editorial policy, we have really said everything, and all the answers are only slight variations on that theme. Naturally, he has his assistant editors; naturally there is full discussion; naturally the circulation departments are usually informed in advance of big editorial developments; but the Editor is in charge of policy.’
Determinacy-Choice, Stability-Change: Some Thoughts on a Contemporary Polemic in Political Theory
Authors: Almond Gabriel A.
Published: April 2007

A MOOD OF DISILLUSIONMENT APPEARS TO BE SWEEPING THE FIELD of comparative politics and political development. This comes after almost two decades of rather impressive accomplishment, both from a qualitative and quantitative point of view. From small beginnings in the first years after the second world war, there is now a quite impressive literature in this field. Each area of the world has something like a ‘five-foot shelf’ of monographic studies of political processes, patterns and developmental tendencies. Some of these shelves are smaller than others. The Latin American shelf, for example, has lagged in growth but is in process of rapid improvement. The Middle Eastern shelf leaves much to be desired, but even here there are signs of stirring and of potential productivity. In addition to these ‘area shelves’ which show increasing signs of cumulativeness, of drawing on each other for perspective and for hypotheses, there is a ‘super shelf’ of comparative and theoretical studies which draws upon the area shelves and which contributes frameworks, approaches and hypotheses for monographic studies.
A Communist Rechtsstaat?—The Case of Yugoslav Constitutionalism
Authors: Fisk Winston M.
Published: April 2007

PLATO'S ACCOUNT OF THE PLACE OF LAW IN THE POLITICAL ORDER IS in two phases, One is found in the Republic. The Republic is utopian; it describes the ideal state. In this state law has no place; ideal rulers do not need to be bound by law in order to do justice, and governmental relationships need not be defined by law if they are by nature ideal. But later, in the Statesman and the Laws, Plato moves from the utopian and ideal to describing the best state practically obtainable – the second-best state, which because of the necessities of the human condition falls short of the ideal, the Utopia. Here law is readmitted, indeed is given high place; the second-best state, which is the best of earthly states, is in fact to be held together by the golden cord of the law.
The Embryo-Politics of New Guinea
Authors: Parker R. S.
Published: April 2007

AUSTRALIA ADMINISTERS THE GREATER PART OF THE NUMEROUS mountainous, volcanic, jungle-clad tropical islands to its north, collectively called New Guinea. Indonesia administers the lesser part west of the 141st meridian. There are about two and a quarter million people in the ‘Australian’ part, of whom only 35,000 are not indigenous Papuans or Melanesians. One-third of the population live in Papua, the more southerly section, which has been an Australian Territory since 1906; two-thirds in ‘New Guinea’, administered by Australia as a mandate since 1921, and a Trust Territory since 1946, when unified control of the two Territories under a single Administrator was confirmed by the Trusteeship agreement. The Australian administration has engaged in an active programme of economic and political development only since the end of the war with Japan (a good part of which was waged in the Territory).
Anarchists in Britain Today
Authors: Stafford David
Published: April 2007

IN 1965 IT WAS POSSIBLE FOR THE AUTHOR OF AN ARTICLE ON THE anarchists in Britain to begin by observing that anarchists no longer figured in the popular consciousness and that the existence of anarchists could occasion as much polite surprise as the continued existence of the Independent Labour Party. This present article and its inclusion in a special issue on Anarchism is perhaps in part a proof that this situation is no longer true, and that anarchism has recently attracted sufficient attention to justify a new and closer look at anarchists in Britain today. It would hardly be rash to argue that whatever else may be true of the Left in Britain in 1970, the anarchists’ presence deserves to provoke much less polite surprise than it may have done five years ago.

This article is not, however, a description of the shape and variety of anarchists and anarchist groups to be found in Britain today. It is rather an attempt to describe one particular facet of anarchist thought which has characterized anarchism in the 1960s and to relate this to the ‘anarchhation’ of the New Left described by James Joll in his concluding article. It is to that extent an extrapolation and abstraction from a very wide range of alternatives and undoubtedly presents a picture which many anarchists would not recognize or would repudiate.
Embryo-Politics in Haiti
Authors: Nicholls David
Published: April 2007

THERE ARE FEW COUNTRIES IN THE WORLD IN WHICH THERE IS NO constitutional machinery for changing the head of the government. Certainly there are a number of heads of government in Latin America who are effectively irremoveable by constitutional means (and Mr Burnham would seem recently to have joined their ranks); constitutionally, however, they are bound to go through the motions of an election.
The Permanent Representatives Committee and the ‘Deepening’ of the Communities
Authors: Noel Emile , Étienne Henri
Published: April 2007

THE NINETEEN YEARS DURING WHICH THE TREATY OF PARIS HAS been in force and the thirteen years of the Treaties of Rome have led to a development in the Communities which, in its extent, variety and depth, exceeds anything the signatories could have hoped for. The volume of derived Community legislation has increased considerably and it now governs important sectors of economic activity. The enlargement of the Communities provides the best confirmation of this success.

Furthermore, the dynamic force of the Community system has been such that the deepening of the Communities has extended far further than the areas delimited by the Treaty. More and more action has been undertaken in sectors at or beyond the limit of the Communities’ responsibilities – not to speak of decisions taken on ‘foreign policy’, which, since 1970, have led to the introduction of procedures for political co-operation.
The Common Market of Political Parties
Authors: Vredeling H.
Published: April 2007

A CURIOUS PHENOMENON MAY BE NOTED WITHIN THE EUROPEAN Community, and also in the negotiations on the entry of other European countries into it. This is the absence of any move towards European integration among the political parties in the member states. Rather surprisingly, an obstinate silence prevails in Europe and within the national political parties regarding this deficiency. One cannot help wondering what is the reason for this and what can be done to break this silence.

Outwardly the process of European integration presents in the main an economic aspect. The EEC Treaty is a classic example of this. The goal striven for is a customs union with a common policy in the economic sphere. Thus the first steps are being taken in the Community towards a common policy in a number of sectors (agriculture, transport, energy, external trade). Recently attempts have been made to link this sector-by-sector policy through the inauguration of a common economic and monetary policy.
Political Theory and Political Scientific Research
Authors: Laslett Peter
Published: April 2007

IN THIS COMMENT ON THE TWO TREATISES ON TOLERATION COMPOSED for us by Preston King and Bernard Crick, I wish to raise three quite familiar questions. The first is how far the growth of toleration in the past, its prevalence in the present and its fostering in the future, may be related in any society to the general level of information,education and enlightenment, of rational knowledge and discourse, there obtaining. This vague issue can only be handled superficially in so short a space, but it has to be faced, though not directly tackled by King and Crick, because it seems to me to be entailed by the other two. They are, how far specifically political knowledge about present and past actions, beliefs and behaviour – political science in fact – is itself related to the tendency towards toleration. Finally, how effective the raising of the extent of enlightenment, general or politicalscientific, is likely to be in creating tolerant attitudes and tolerant practice.
Social and Moral Tolerance
Authors: Lukes Steven
Published: April 2007

1 SHALL ARGUE THAT TOLERANCE IS CENTRALLY A MORAL CONCEPT (although it is also used in a variety of non-moral ways). My differences with the two papers, with which I in many ways agree, derive from this observation. I shall argue that the definition they use must be extended to allow for claims to legitimacy characteristic of cases of tolerance, and I shall further argue (against Dr King) that tolerance characterizes social groups in a less formal sense than he allows, and (against Professor Crick) that tolerance is primarily a social rather than a political phenomenon.
Toleration, Choice and Liberty
Authors: Raphael D. D.
Published: April 2007

DR KING AND PROFESSOR CRICK ARE BOTH MAINLY CONCERNED TO discuss the concept of tolerance as the deliberate acceptance of what is disapproved. They wish to reserve the use of the word ‘toleration’ for a variation upon this general idea, but their proposals are not quite the same. Dr King wants to use ‘toleration’ as ‘a label for those ideas, doctrines, ideologies or movements’ which have opposed specific types of intolerance. The dictionary label for this is ‘tolerationism’. Toleration is what the ideas, doctrines, etc. advocate; it is not a label for the ideas and doctrines themselves. Professor Crick, at the beginning of his paper, says that he too will use the word ‘toleration’ for ‘theories or doctrines’ which advocate a form of tolerance. But his actual usage later on suggests that he did not intend the word to mean the theories or doctrines; rather that he proposed to say a doctrine was a doctrine of toleration if it advocated a certain kind of tolerance. His distinction between ‘tolerance’ and ‘toleration’ is intended to restrict ‘toleration’ to tolerance in general, tolerance of wide classes of action, and not to use it for tolerance of one specific type, e.g. tolerance of religious worship (which is how it is in fact used in the Act of Toleration and in Locke's Letter Concerning Toleration).
The Technological Society and British Politics
Authors: Williams R.
Published: April 2007

IN THEIR ANALYSES OF TECHNOLOGICAL SOCIETY AND THE TECHNOlogical state contemporary Western writers reveal a wide spectrum of opinions, and this article must evidently consider some at least of these, though unfortunately none at great length. First, the anguish of Arendt:

The question therefore is not so much whether we are the masters or the slaves of our machines, but whether machines still serve the world and its things, or if, on the contrary, they and the automatic motion of their processes have begun to rule and even destroy world and things.
Chile 1971: A Revolutionary Government within a Welfare State
Authors: Garcés Joan E.
Published: April 2007

THE CHILEAN REVOLUTIONARY EXPERIENCE HAS MORE THAN enough characteristics to arouse admiration amongst those who support it and astonishment or scepticism among everyone else. A rapid glance backwards is enough to establish that their non-institutional legitimation is a factor common to practically all revolutions, ancient or modern. To such a point that political theory has devised the category of revolutionuy legitimation in order to compare it with other (religious, dynastic, historical, democratic etc.) categories. Revolutionary movements have always sought justification of their raison d'être in the causes or goals which have motivated them. Usually these goals have been in conflict with those forming the bases of the pre-existing system of political institutions. Hence revolution seems to be associated with conflict against institutionalism, and the triumph of the revolution seems to have involved the institutional collapse of the former regime.
Political Opposition to the Government of Allende
Authors: Zemelman H. , Leon Patricio
Published: April 2007

THE ANALYSIS OF THE PRESENT CHILEAN POLITICAL PROCESS MAY serve to underline some features of the Marxist theory of the state and of the relationship between social classes and institutional structures. Few countries offer such a clear example as Chile of the impact of the elements forming the ideological superstructure on the social and economic mechanisms which operate at the level of the infrastructure. Its long, bourgeois democratic tradition has led to the accumulation of many juridical and institutional elements, to which formal respect has been given, and which have built up a system of domination thanks to the acquiescence of other social sectors. The achievement of a high degree of consensus had been the other side of the face of a weak bourgeoisie, and in the blind logic of weak dominant classes, they have transformed their superstructure into their Achilles's heel. For the Chilean political process has shown how political power can transform itself into an instrument which will destroy the unity of the institutionalized power structure of the bourgeois state, when it is controlled by an alliance of social forces which escape the influence of the dominant class and its allies.
The University in Belgian Politics since the Contestation of 1968
Authors: Philippart André
Published: April 2007

BEFORE 1969 THE BELGIAN GOVERNMENT AND THE MAJOR POLITICAL parties used all sorts of determinants: linguistic, tribal, philosophical, legal, and administrative to elaborate norms – objective or not – for the allocation of university finance on the basis of the absolute rule of parity. For the Belgian universities, the reforms of 1969, the logical result of the ‘politicization’ movement of 1968, meant the introduction into the previous system of institutions and procedures such as constituent assemblies , elections, playing at politics, taking at least a minimal part in the general management and establishing techniques for the sharing of resources.
Factionalism within the Conservative Party: The Monday Club
Authors: Seyd Patrick
Published: April 2007

IT HAS BEEN ARGUED THAT FACTIONALISM WHILST APPARENT IN THE Labour Party has no counterpart within the Conservative Party. For example, the authors of a study on the opinions of backbench conservative MPs concluded that disagreements are amongst ‘ad hoc groups’ and that as new issues arise ‘the coherence of the former groups dissolves and new alignments appear. . . .’ A more recent survey of conservative backbenchers concurs with this and argues that the ‘criss-crossing pattern of cleavage (amongst conservative MPs) inhibits the development of Tory factions analogous to those in the Labour Party. Allies on one issue either become enemies on the next, or else simply do not feel strongly enough on the next issue to want necessarily to work together.’ A similar sort of conclusion has been reached by Richard Rose who states that the Conservative Party contains differing sets of political attitudes which remain constant whilst the party member will constantly shift from one attitude to another. Thus he concludes that the Conservative Party is a party of tendencies rather than factions; that it lacks a hard core of organized members within the party adhering to a set of principles which they are attempting to impose on the party in general. These conclusions are typical of a general belief about the political process within the Conservative Party.
Three Questions on Terrorism
Authors: Wilkinson Paul
Published: April 2007

WE LIVE IN A TERRORISTIC AGE. FEW, EVEN AMONG THE MOST favoured and secure, can fail to be haunted by the ugly sights and ghastly dreams of terroristic murder, massacre, and torture and the suffering of the innocents. Numerous international organizations and the mass media at least agree in characterizing our era as one ‘full of dismal terror’. There have been repeated calls for serious scientific study of the nature and causes of terrorism culminating in the recent decision of the UN General Assembly to establish a special committee for this purpose. Many students of politics will suspect that the creation of ‘study committees’ by such organizations as the UN and the Socialist International will simply serve to reflect the self-interest of the national participants, or that they will simply turn into propaganda exercises.
The Premise of Parliamentary Planning
Authors: Apter David E.
Published: April 2007

THE TEST OF A THEORY IS IN ITS APPLICATION. THE DIFFICULTY IS that in political theory, application is rarely a sufficient test. This is especially true of the kind of theory in which I am interested. It is abstract, highly generalized, and for this reason, tends to be illustrated by means of applications which neither prove nor disprove. A lack of clear guides for disproof is one of the more serious deficiencies of highly general theory. If that is so, what is the point of doing it? One answer is that if such theory can lead in an a priori way to logically inferred predicaments which repeat themselves in many forms in the real world, this should allow us to anticipate events. This, in turn, allows us to compare these common predicaments in diverse settings to discover the necessary and separate it from the contingent. This can represent a big step forward if it results in new types of data and different forms of linkages between variables. The ‘tests’ then are more insightful generalizations rather than ‘validations’. If such generalizations can be made subject to quantitative proof, so much the better. In any case, the route to validation is bound to be indirect. Propositions locked into a logical structure of thought will remain for long cumbersome and wearisome. Despite this, as long as not too many people waste their time with it, a general theory approach seems worth the effort.
Saint‐Simon and the Politics of Industrial Societies
Authors: Ionescu Ghiţa
Published: April 2007

MOST STUDENTS OF SAINT-SIMON HAVE BEEN ESPECIALLY CONCERNED with his relations with the different 19th-century ideological movements; hence few have approached his work from the point of view of the incompatibility between his attitudes and those of the Jacobins. Yet such an approach re-situates his intellectual biography in its proper context – and indeed protects his work from the anachronistic interpretations which have plagued it in the history of ideas. Moreover it illuminates even more rewardingly his present relevance. His clash with Jacobinism might be taken as the startingpoint of the opposition between Jacobinism and industrialism, between the modern industrial societies and the ‘politics of power’ of the old centralized nation states. From this then derives his theory of the difference between the politics of power and the politics of abilities. The importance of this theory, especially for political science, has not been sufficiently stressed in the classic studies on Saint-Simon's work. Mostly sociological, these studies are divided amongst themselves on whether his work must be seen as socialism, Utopian or otherwise, or as elitism, technocratic or otherwise. And yet it is this theory which provides the logical link between these two seemingly contradictory interpretations.
Authority without Sovereignty: The Case of the National Centre of the Jewish Community in Palestine
Authors: Horowitz Dan , Lissak Moshe
Published: April 2007

THE PROCESS WHICH CHARACTERIZED THE POLITICAL SYSTEM OF THE Jewish community in Palestine was a process of the formation of a non-sovereign political centre which progressively increased its authority through the exercise of control over the mobilization and distribution of resources. The bearer of this process was a power conscious elite – oriented on the formation of an institutionalized national centre. The mobilization of resources outside of the system enabled this centre to allocate more resources than it had to extract from its periphery. Thus, a dynamic equilibrium was created in which progressively increasing demands were balanced by an increased mobilization of resources. The operation of the system was dependent upon a division of functions between an evolving coalitionary national centre and various particularistic sub-centres. The lack of sovereignty paradoxically contributed to the development of ‘rules of the game’ which made the resolution of conflicts possible within a quasi-parliamentary framework.
Changes in the American Party System, 1948–72
Authors: Fotheringham Peter
Published: April 2007

THE AMERICAN PARTY SYSTEM, LONG CONSIDERED TO BE DOMINATED by two decentralized, non-programmatic and non-governing parties, is once again at the heart of empirical and normative arguments about the adequacy of government in the United States. Political developments since 1948 have revitalized the longstanding debate about the causal links between the constitutional and social bases of American politics, the definitive features of the party system and the attributes and outcomes of the governmental process.
The Political Power of Organized Labour
Authors: Finer S. E.
Published: April 2007

I am beginning to wonder whether ‘free collective bargaining’ is still compatible with the traditional practices of parliamentary democracy. I am equally beginning to wonder, what, if this is indeed the case, parliamentary democracy can do about it.

Traditionally, trade unions have been regarded and consequently studied as components of a system of industrial relations. Manifestly they may also be regarded as components in a system of political relationships. In this context many union practices which are regarded as normal in the industrial sphere take on a problematical, sometimes even a mysterious aspect.
Modernization, Authoritarianism, and the Growth of Working‐Class Dissent: The Case of Spain
Authors: Maravall J. M.
Published: April 2007

THIS ARTICLE ATTEMPTS TO DISCUSS A NUMBER OF QUESTIONS RELATED to the development of a working-class movement of dissent under non-democratic conditions. In this discussion particular attention will be given to the consequences of economic development. It is not that economic development will be considered as a cross-culturally invariant factor in the explanation of social and political conflict and dissent, but that given i) a non-democratic political context and ii) social and economic conditions allowing for working-class movements whose open manifestation is hence restricted by the political set of constraints, the effects of economic development upon such contradictory conditions, and the way they influence the pattern of development of the working-class movement will be especially considered.
A ‘Nationalization’ Process? Federal Politics and State Elections in West Germany
Authors: Pridham Geoffrey
Published: April 2007

ELECTIONINS THE FEDERAL STATES (Länder) OF WEST GERMANY are frequently interpreted as indicators of national political opinion in much the same way as by-elections in Britain are examined for pointers to trends in the fortunes of the major political parties. Similar factors seem to operate in both cases: a general swing against the party in office; a tendency to see these elections as confidence votes with consequent effects on the morale of the government and opposition parties; and the use of them to register a protest vote since voters are free of the responsibility of having to choose a national government. National ministers intervene in both countries to speak on behalf of local candidates in order to enhance their parties’ chances, while the mass media usually view these elections in national terms, for interest tends to focus more on the impact of the elections on national politics than on any serious estimation of the actual part played by national issues during the course of the election campaigns.
Anti-Politics and Marginals
Authors: Dion Léon
Published: April 2007

AMONG ACADEMICS, ESPECIALLY IN AMERICAA, PSEUDO-THEORY OF stable democracies has recently been developed and there is keen competition to invent indices which grade countries according to a scale which runs from the highest possible degree of stability to the greatest instability. And yet our stable democracies are only a hundred to a hundred and fifty years old – a mere moment in the long history of mankind.

The title-deeds upon which the claims to greatness of contemporary liberal democracies are based are many and genuine; they are advanced industrial economies, which promise, if mankind so desires, opportunities for productivity which will give a completely new meaning to the ideas of ‘scarcity’, of the distribution of economic wealth and services and to the idea of work itself; allegiance to lofty, humanist values founded on the affirmation of the primacy of the individual as a citizen; pride of place given to individual rights as contrasted with the corporatist rights of anciens régimes, which oppressed the individual and paralysed social and economic growth; toleration of non-conformist ideas and movements; flexibility in dealing with conflicts between individuals and groups.
The Emergence of a European Sovereignty
Authors: Luxemburgensis
Published: April 2007

THE FACT THAT A PARALLEL CAN BE DRAWN BETWEEN THE PROCESS of European integration and an emerging sovereignty illustrates the political nature of European integration. No matter what definitions of sovereignty are used – and we will come back to that – it is clear that the European Community has one fundamental characteristic: it is a framework within which an attempt is being made to translate into action, through an institutional process, a complex of economic, social, and human aspirations. If politics consist in making possible what is desirable, then the Community does indeed deal with politics. What is important is the degree of originality and autonomy in the community, rather than references to such notions as ‘subject to international law’ or ‘political recognition’. Much has been written on the concept of sovereignty and on various aspects of its changing nature.
Theories of Planning and Democratic Planning Theory
Authors: Roos J. P.
Published: April 2007

BERNHARD SCHÄFERS HAS DEMONSTRATED THAT PLANNING CAN BE analysed theoretically with regard to three central features : first, from the standpoint of human nature and the history of human development; planning thus refers to how people conceive of their future activity; secondly, from the standpoint of ‘modern science’, in which planning is seen as an attempt to develop the prognostic and plan-oriented capacity of science; and thirdly from the standpoint of the conditions for the existence of industrial-technical societies, in the context of which planning is conceived of as an endeavour to effect the comprehensive direction of these societies as well as the co-ordination of its subsystems.
The Weathermen
Authors: Daniels Stuart
Published: April 2007

THE WEATHERMEN EMERGED AS A DISTINCT POLITICAL ENTITY IN June 1969 in the United States of America. They had their roots directly within the political (civil rights and anti-Vietnam war campaigns) and cultural (emergence of the so-called counter-culture) activities of the New Left movement of the 1960s. Their interest lies not only in this new linkage of politics and culture but more substantially in their attempt to become a guerrilla band and instigate revolution in the most advanced nation in the world.
Editorial Policy‐making and the Royal Commission on the Press
Authors: Ardwick Lord
Published: April 2007

EDITING A NEWSPAPER IS AS HARD AS EVER IT WAS, IT STILL CALLS FOR total dedication. Indeed the responsibilities grow, and as they grow they change, and have to be exercised in a society which is itself changing with disconcerting rapidity. It is, for instance, only in recent years that the dedicated life has ceased to be admirable and heroic and has come to be regarded as a neurotic distortion. Those in all trades and professions whose jobs compel them to work long and unsocial hours expect a high financial bonus.
Parliamentary Scrutiny of European Legislation
Authors: Kolinsky Martin
Published: April 2007

MEMBERSHIP OF THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY INVOLVES A TRANSFER OF some powers of law-making, on a range of economic and social matters, from national authorities to the Council of Ministers and the Commission. In constitutional terms this implies a limitation of sovereignty on the part of the individual member states; but to what extent does it represent a loss of political sovereignty?

There are several considerations, starting with the abstractness and relativity of the concept of sovereignty itself in relation to the interdependence of groups of states in the post-war world. Membership of any international organization implies some degree of formal constraint which is accepted as a means of achieving a desired goal. Admittedly the European Community has established a unique juridical plane, but governments of the member states assess membership as a means of enhancing their national economic and political capabilities.
The External Relations of the EEC, and Its Internal Problems
Authors: Noël Emile
Published: April 2007

EXTERNAL POLICY HAS HAD QUITE A LOT TO DO WITH THE establishment of the Communities. The cold war was in fill1 swing when the first of them, the European Coal and Steel Community, came into operation in 1952. The projected European Defence Community was an attempt to find a European response to the Soviet military threat which was the obsession of the early 1950s. A few years later, the trouble in which the European countries found themselves - over oil afier the Suez crisis, at the end of 1956, undoubtedly served to speed up the negotiation and conclusion of the Treaties of Rome. However, this political background did not affect the actual content of the Common Market Treaty, which as regards external relations is quite on traditional lines. It keeps the assertion of the Community's external identity and responsibilities very definitely subordinated to its internal development, that is, to the achievement of economic integration.