bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
The Strange Quest for An American Conservatism
Authors: Crick Bernard
Published: August 2009

The body of the Federalists [even] were always, and yet are, essentially democratic in their political notions … willing to hazard the experiment of an … almost unqualified proportion of democracy…. The Federal Constitution was as good, or very nearly as good, as our country could bear; … Our materials for government were all democratic; and whatever the hazard of their combination may be, our Solons and Lycurgeses in the convention had no alternative, nothing to consider, but how to combine them…. We should have succeeded worse if we had trusted our metaphysics more.Experience must be our physician, though his medicines may kill.
The American Idea of Equality: The View from the Founding
Authors: Diamond Martin
Published: August 2009

Every age seems to have some dominating central idea, and every particular political system surely has some dominating central idea from which radiate all the institutions, processes, and the texture of life in that country. As Tocqueville long ago said, the dominating idea of our age, and of our political order in particular, is the idea of equality. Equality is therefore at once for us the source of our political benefits and also the source of our defects and dangers. That is to say, every dominating idea is the one that determines for the society its likeliest and greatest benefits and dangers, because the central idea is the one that can do the greatest and most pervasive good and by the same token also the greatest harm. Equality is for us that central principle, the one we have to grapple with and wrest good from, and likewise the principle from which come our greatest dangers. Equality is the political problem for mankind in the present age.
On Authority and Alienation: A Meditation
Authors: Niemeyer Gerhart
Published: August 2009

In a mental experiment that divested man of all institutions of order, Thomas Hobbes called the resulting imaginary situation “the state of nature,” and described it as “war of all against all.” In other words, he established an assumption that aggression is the original quality of human nature, an assumption he supported with correct observations. I submit that, if such a mental experiment made sense, it would be more to the point to call this imaginary nonsocial man “confused,” and I am ready to support this assumption with correct observation. I have found myself in a country whose language I could not speak, whose writing I could not read, and whose habits I did not know. The native person accompanying me as an interpreter was separated from me by crowds. Here I was, all alone. I did not know the name of my street, the look of my house, or even the direction of the compass, since the day was clouded. The confusion that befell me was general, all-encompassing, basic, and utterly frightening. While I was completely free to go in any direction I wanted, all these possibilities were the same to me, like to Buridan's ass, so that I could not move for simple lack of discernment. I can easily conceive an imaginary nonsocial man being in the same mental condition, much more easily than a warrior engaged in a big enterprise such as a “war against all.” This is the assumption underlying the following investigations on authority and alienation.
Hume's Political Methodology: A Reconsideration of “That Politics May Be Reduced to a Science”
Authors: Conniff James
Published: August 2009

In his analysis of Plato's Republic, Aristotle objects to his teacher's abstract and psychological method by suggesting that “there is another matter which must not be ignored—the teaching of actual experience. We are bound to pay some regard to the long past and the passage of the years, in which these things…would not have gone unnoticed if they had been really good.” Ever since that time, political theorists have been divided on the question of the appropriate approach to the study of politics, and often, as in the case of Plato and Aristotle, the focal point of the disagreement has been whether politics is best seen through the lens of history or the study of human nature and the development of a consequent psychology. This, for example, is the crux of the argument between James Mill and T. B. Macaulay. Mill is the proponent of a psychological approach; he maintains “it is immediately obvious that a wide and difficult field is presented, and that the whole science of human nature must be explored to lay a foundation for the science of government.” Macaulay disagrees, for he believes that “the style which the Utilitarians admire, suits only those subjects on which it is possible to reason a priori.” Indeed, in Macaulay's view, Mill belongs in the Middle Ages: “of those schoolmen Mr. Mill has inherited both the spirit and the style. He is an Aristotelian of the fifteenth century, born out of due season.” Far better, continues Macaulay, is the inductive historical method which observes the world, examines facts, devotes itself to the careful study of the past, and checks itself “by perpetually bringing the theory which we have constructed to the test of new facts….”
How Authentically Christian is Liberation Theology?
Authors: Burtchaell James Tunstead
Published: August 2009

This is a friendly critique of the Liberation Theology being elaborated in Latin America. The preferential option for the poor constricts its attention to economic disadvantage, and ascribes virtually all impoverishment to purposeful oppression. The poor are, simply in virtue of their deprivation, said to be so morally exalted that the gospel has for them no call to conversion. Theirs is a salvation without further ado. Yet their salvation turns out to be predominantly, if not exclusively, economic and political. A predilection for the Exodus displaces the death and resurrection ofJesus as the dominant paradigm for liberation. It is maladapted to a Christian vision of liberation, which must aim at communion with the enemy, not mere triumph. By claiming justice as its goal and fulfillment, liberation theology seems to suffer from a loss of Christian nerve. Looking to the socialist state as the sure guarantor of justice, it seems politically naive, and barren of the Christian hope that both exploiter and victim must be transformed into more than just persons (because prepared to return good for evil) well before the society around them has become a fit home even for justice.
Michael Oakeshott, Philosopher of Individuality
Authors: Riley Patrick
Published: August 2009

Most of the official obituaries which followed the death of Michael Oakeshott were so inadequate, paid so little attention to what really mattered to him, that one can only hope that something better can be achieved.1 If one believed the New York Times (20 December 1990) he was a “right-wing guru,” a high-Tory oracle centrally concerned with interpreting (and usually decrying) current political events; if one did fractionally better and gave credence to the London Times he was, though a philosopher who “stood fastidiously aside” from politics, nonetheless the “articulator” of “the real philosophical foundations of Mrs. Thatcher's policies” (22 December 1991).
Reclaiming a Democratic Constitutional Politics: Survey Construction and Public Knowledge
Authors: Burgess Susan R. , Reagan Daniel J. , Davison Donald L.
Published: August 2009

It has recently been argued in thisReviewthat public opinion research tends to favor the expert authority of elite institutions such as the courts, over the democratic authority of the people as a source of law or constitutional interpretation. In this article we introduce an alternative survey construction that allows the public to be considered as a possible source of constitutional knowledge Using this survey, we find that most respondents can clearly articulate their position on the constitutionality of abortion, and offer and recognize reasons to ground both support and opposition to their position. We argue that these findings suggest that further work with alternative survey constructions may more firmly establish public knowledge in constitutional debates, thereby forming the basis to reclaim a democratic constitutional politics.
On Plato's Political Philosophy
Authors: Bruell Christopher
Published: August 2009

The article consists chiefly in an examination of the Republic, but that examination attempts to determine the place of the Republic in relation to Plato's other works (especially the Laws and the Statesman) as well as their place in relation to it. This comparative effort permits a more precise specification than would otherwise be possible of the most important questions which are raised in those works and of the intention of the author in treating those questions as he does.
In Search of a Coherent Theory of Voting Rights: Challenges to the Supreme Court's Vision of Fair and Effective Representation
Authors: Rush Mark E.
Published: August 2009

The Supreme Court's approach to representation and redistricting has been grounded on a vision of fairness which extends only as far as the electoral process itself. Accordingly, the doctrine of one-person one-vote, as well as the Court's advocacy of remedial redistricting measures, has focused on ensuring that the electoral routes to legislative representation remained open. Recently, a new wave of challenges to this approach has arisen in legal scholarship and the lower federal courts because its focus on maintaining an open and pluralist political process overlooks the political realities of governing: gaining representation means little if one remains an impotent minority. This article assesses the merits of this new “neopluralist” challenge and the extent to which the Supreme Court and lower federal courts have already begun to incorporate some of its elements. The article concludes by pointing out that this incorporation has led to the establishment of two lines of precedent which are based on irreconcilable notions of representation.
Michael Novak and Yves R. Simon on the Common Good and Capitalism
Authors: Rourke Thomas R.
Published: August 2009

The article evaluates Michael Novak's theory of the common good by comparing it with Yves Simon's writings. Simon's insights reveal that Novak's argument for a “new concept” of the common good, incorporating liberal claims, falters on both theoretical and practical grounds. Theoretically, Novak's version of the common good opens the door to considerable exclusion from participation in the material benefits of society. Related to this is Novak's problematic contention that political authority should not intend the common good materially considered. Practically, his idealized version of capitalism plays down or ignores problems raised by Simon, particularly “one-way” exchanges, unequal exchange, and “illusory services”.
Response to a “Catholic Whig”
Authors: Rourke Thomas R.
Published: August 2009

What is most striking about Michael Novak's response to my article is that he chooses for the most part to bypass the core of the argument. I compared Novak's and Simon's understandings of the common good and authority. In addition, rooted in Simon's work (which I find to be no less relevant today than forty years ago), I proceeded to critique Novak's understandings of the common good and what I find to be his unjustified conclusions about economic liberalism and the realization of the common good materially considered. (My use of Simon as a reference point is based on my judgment that he is the richest Catholic theorist on the subjects of the common good and authority.) I am trying to bring Simon's highly relevant work to bear upon the evaluation of Novak. Moreover, I try to show why Simon's criticisms of the market system are in fact more relevant now than when they were originally articulated by giving some contemporary examples. Novak elected not to engage these core points of my article, except for an outrageous statement, based on no evidence or argument (under point “f”), that most of the claims are false and are drawn from ““left-wing, anticapitalist tracts.” Again, Novak cleverly bypasses the fact that the examples I give are simply contemporary manifestations of points raised long ago by Simon.
John Adams's Machiavellian Moment
Authors: Thompson C. Bradley
Published: August 2009

John Adams was unique among the Founding Fathers in that he actually read and took seriously Machiavelli's ideas. In his Defence of the Constitutions of the United States, Adams quoted extensively from Machiavelli and he openly acknowledged an intellectual debt to the Florentine statesman. Adams praised Machiavelli for having been “the first” to have “revived the ancient politics” and he insisted that the “world” was much indebted to Machiavelli for “the revival of reason in matters of government.” What could Adams have meant by these extraordinary statements? The following article examines the Machiavellian ideas and principles Adams incorporated into his political thought as well as those that he rejected. Drawing upon evidence found in an unpublished fragment, Part one argues that the political epistemology that Adams employed in the Defence can be traced to Machiavelli's new modes and orders. Part two presents Adams's critique of Machiavelli's constitutionalism.
In Tocqueville's Shadow: Hannah Arendt's Liberal Republicanism
Authors: Lloyd Margie
Published: August 2009

An unfortunate consequence of viewing Arendt's thought in terms of a Hellenic-Nietzschean continuum is to raise serious questions about the enduring significance of Arendt's work on totalitarianism and its opposite: political and personal freedom. What is missing from the dominant scholarship is an appreciation of Arendt's acknowledged debt to Tocqueville; there is considerable suspicion that their differences are more important than their similarities. But Arendt and Tocqueville agree that the central political problem of modernity is despotism. Parts one and two challenge the view that Tocqueville is only concerned with soft despotism, whereas Arendt addresses the issue of harsh despotism which she subsequently abandoned. This article also restores Arendt's appreciation for Tocqueville's call for a new science of politics to overcome the problem of modernity. Part three shows their reliance on the “art of associating together” to preserve freedom in an age dominated by isolated and lonely individuals.
Deep Ecology and Liberalism: The Greener Implications of Evolutionary Liberal Theory
Authors: diZerega Gus
Published: August 2009

Liberalism and Deep Ecology are usually regarded as mutually exclusive. However, the “evolutionary” tradition of liberal thought, rooted in David Hume and Adam Smith, and including Michael Polanyi and F. A. Hayek, provides a foundation for their reconciliation. Linkage is through Hume and Smith's conception of sympathy, which today means empathy. For Hume, sympathy extends into the animal realm. Sympathy is essential for certain scientific work, and provides an foundation for both liberal and ecological ethics. Deep ecologists such as Arne Naess use the same concept. Linkage is first to biocentric ethics, and then, through examining natural beauty and, via Michael Polanyi's tacit knowledge, ecocentric ethics. The work of Hayek suggests how modern society might be harmonized with the requirements of nature. This deepens J. Baird Callicott's pioneering approach, uniting it with Lewis Hinchman's recent analysis. Liberalism's and Deep Ecology's foundations both benefit from their mutual integration.
Anamnetic Tales: The Place of Narrative in Eric Voegelin's Account of Consciousness
Authors: Heilke Thomas W.
Published: August 2009

Although “story” and “narrative” are frequently mentioned in Voegelin's account of the structure and dynamics of human consciousness, neither he nor his commentators have closely analyzed in a direct fashion the importance of these terms to that account. This article examines their significance to Voegelin's extended analysis.
What St. Thomas Means Today
Authors: De Raeymaeker Louis
Published: August 2009

There are schools of philosophy whose task it is to guard and transmit a definite doctrine, which generally gets its designation from the name of the thinker who was the first to elaborate it. It is in this sense that one speaks, say, of the Thomist, Scotist, Averroist schools. Certain schools receive their inspiration from the conceptions of a master but endeavor to renovate these conceptions; so we can speak of neo-Kantian sschools, neo-Hegelian currents, and neo-Thomist ideas.
The Dechristianization of the French Working Class
Authors: Moody Joseph N.
Published: August 2009

Modern historians have not discarded the concept of class as a tool for analysis, but they are increasingly cautious in its use. Even G. D. H. Cole, in his recent Studies in Class Structure, has warned that when this concept is applied to advanced industrial countries, its elusiveness is enhanced as new techniques blur the accepted social divisions.
The Blurred Image: Some Reflections on the Mass Media in the 1960's
Authors: Stritch Thomas
Published: August 2009

Most of the new developments in the mass media during the 1960's turned out to be unfulfilled promises, for good or ill. A partial list is suggestive:

1. The tapering off of the underground press.

2. The inconclusive, still smoldering Agnew controversy.

3. The decline of the mass magazine.

4. The rise of pornography as a mass medium.

5. The gradual eclipse of McLuhan and his theories.

6. The ambiguous influence of TV in politics following the excitement of the Kennedy-Nixon debates.

7. The blunted impact of the big reports: Kerner, Eisenhower, Pornography, and the Surgeon-General's report on violence.

8. The failure of educational TV to get up a full head of steam.

9. The failure of commercial TV to develop new, innovative, and imaginative programs.

10. The technological promises unfulfilled: the electronic newspaper and magazine, TV cassettes, CATV's slow march, home video tapes, 3-D TV, and so on, along with the persistence of raised-type printing, radio, comic strips, newsboys, and much else often proclaimed obsolete.

Despite inevitable overlapping, it is convenient to divide the foregoing into print and broadcasting.
The Continuity of British Foreign Policy
Authors: Fitzsimons M. A.
Published: August 2009

InTheSummer of 1958 the Gallup poll revealed that for the first time since 1955 a small majority of the British electorate favored the Conservative party. The narrowness of the margin made it dangerous for the Conservatives to call for a new election. But an election will take place within a year. The Conservatives are hopeful of another victory — a third successive victory over the Labour party, to cap their feat, unprecedented with the modern electorate, of increasing the parliamentary membership of the Government party in 1955. The Labour party, however, has been duly warned and has already rallied to cover its divisions, banishing them temporarily to the unconscious perhaps only to produce political neuroses in the future.
Origins of the Catholic Peace Movement
Authors: McNeal Patricia
Published: August 2009

On April 5, 1917, the day before Congress declared war, James Cardinal Gibbons stated in the name of the Catholic hierarchy:

In the present emergency it behooves every American citizen to do his duty and uphold the hands of the President … in the solemn obligations that confront us. The primary duty of a citizen is loyalty to country. This loyalty is exhibited by an absolute and unreserved obedience to his country.
NATO Retrospect
Authors: Kaplan Lawrence S.
Published: August 2009

NatoHas appeared under many labels since its creation — Guardian of Peace, Pawn of Power Politics, Savior of the West, and Harbinger of War. All of them probably have some validity. But no matter which sobriquet is most applicable, the most significant feature of the alliance may be that it has survived twelve years of continuous challenges. By its survival it has become the symbol of America's abandonment of isolationism. In an age in which foreign policy plays the kind of role in domestic politics that would have been unthinkable in the nineteenth century, NATO represents a coherence in foreign policy that transcends party differences. Conceived under the Republican 80th Congress, put into effect by President Truman and Secretary Acheson, and expanded by President Eisenhower and Secretary Dulles, NATO now takes its place with the New Deal as a major factor in American life in the mid-twentieth century.
The Vladivostok Accord And Salt Ii
Authors: Nitze Paul H.
Published: August 2009

After the summit meeting in Moscow in June 1974, Dr. Kissinger called for a national debateon the issue of strategic arms and arms control. No such debate has taken place. It has been overtaken by the more immediate issues of inflation, the liquidity of the international banking system, and the extent to which Arab oil profits can be reduced, offset or recycled. But these more immediate issues are, in turn, dependent on what happens in the Middle East with its tripleproblem of the unresolved Arab-Israeli conflict, the oil weapon, and Soviet ambitions to control the world's economic jugular, the Eastern Mediterranean, the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf. The ability of the United States favorably to influence the resolution of these issues depends upon the strength of its ties with other countries with similar interests and its economicand military potential. Thus, we are once more brought face to face with the interdependence ofour economic and our national security policies.
Moliere and the Historian of French Society
Authors: Bernard L. Leon
Published: August 2009

Of all the liberal arts no two would appear to be more closely and naturally interrelated than literature and history. Doubtless one can enjoy and appreciate much in belles-lettres even though handicapped by a limited knowledge of history, but the serious study of any body of literature would generally be admitted to presuppose a reasonable mastery of the historical milieu. In some instances, even a superficial understanding of a literary work would be impossible without the ability to place it in proper historical context. That literature is closely akin to history can be vouched for by the many who have been exposed to literature courses in college wherein the “background” seemed to outweigh in importance the creative achievements under study.
William Faulkner: His Legend and His Fable
Authors: Sandeen Ernest
Published: August 2009

In the turbulent world of William Faulkner's fiction there are two storm centers: the Civil War and World War I. Not that many of his stories or novels are written about these two conflicts. Only two of his longer fictions, Absalom, Absalom! (1936) and The Unvanquished (1938) have a Civil War setting and even these are not confined to the period of the War. Yet almost all of his Yoknapatawpha stories and novels have their roots in this war, or, more accurately, in the ambiguous moral realities which this war dramatizes in Faulkner's mind.
The Church and Science in the World View of the Council
Authors: Doepfner Julius Cardinal
Published: August 2009

In The Spirit of the Second Vatican Council, the Catholic Church is striving to redefine its relationship with the forces that exert great influence on the life of man. The epoch contemporary with ourselves assigns signal importance to the sciences. To these man in our time looks for norms pertinent to virtually all the spheres of his existence … and therewith for his future wellbeing (cf. the conciliar Pastoral Constitution on the Church in the Modern World, par. 5).
British Foreign Policy and Southern and Far Eastern Asia
Authors: Fitzsimons M. A.
Published: August 2009

Thepostwar course of British foreign policy in Southern and Far Eastern Asia was foreshadowed in September and October, 1945. Then, in compliance with a decision of the Potsdam Conference, British forces landed in Java to receive the surrender of the Japanese in the Dutch colonies. Though the British government recognized Dutch sovereignty over the colonies — its leaders had second thoughts after encountering the new Asia in Java. With Japanese support an Indonesian republic had been proclaimed. To enforce strictly the recognition of the Dutch claim would have required forces far more numerous than the British had at their disposal, and there were rumblings in India against the use of British Indian forces in restoring colonial government. Indonesian resistance in some areas revealed an intensity and determination that led the British government to decide that fighting might be formidable and dangerous. Thus, though Britain did not favor the raising of the Indonesian issue in the United Nations, for to do so was to have the United Nations intervene in a colonial dispute, Britain did favor negotiations between the Dutch authorities and the Indonesian leaders. In its first major confrontation with postwar Asian nationalism Britain sought to avoid commitment to serious military action and recognized the necessity of coming to terms with Asian nationalism and its leaders.
Al Smith and the Republican Party at Prayer: The Lutheran Vote — 1928
Authors: Stange Douglas C.
Published: August 2009

AlSmith, so the story goes, was in the midst of his camaign for president in 1928 when a newspaper friend remarked, that the Lutherans would not vote for him because of a grievance, one or two hundred years old, that they had against the Roman Catholic Church. “Well, holy smokes,” the Happy Warrior retorted (“holy smokes”being a journalistic substitution for a somewhat more profane utterance), “they are going back pretty far to get an issue against me.”
Sydney Olivier on Socialism and the Colonies
Authors: El-Amin Mohammed Nuri
Published: August 2009

Of all the Fabians Sydney Olivier (1859–1943) was the only one who became interested in the extension of Fabian socialism, in one form or another, to the British colonies. One reason for this perhaps is that he was the only one among the first generation of Fabians who was extremely conscious of his mixed origin. “I have,” he once wrote to his wife in 1884, “a rather fatal facility of seeing several sides to many questions at the same time. That is the result, I expect, of my being such a mixture of French, Irish, and Puritan-Saxon blood. I have two or three brains, and one is always criticizing the other. I shall never be a single-minded bigot.” In an age when European civilization was believed to be “everything” and everything else “nothing” such a temperament was highly conducive to the entertainment of sympathies toward non-European peoples and lands. A biographer of the Webbs came very close to saying this. “Sydney Olivier,” she remarked, “with his rich background of culture, tinged with a streak that can only be called romantic, perhaps derived from his Latin heredity, was … the voice predominantly of the moral sense.” And as is usual in several such controversies concerning the Fabian Society, the word of Bernard Shaw can never be neglected. To Shaw the French ancestry of Olivier enabled the latter to form an objective view of the British Empire and its role in history and it also helped him to get along quite well with non-English Britons.
The Political Use of Religions Symbols: A Case Study of the 1972 Presidential Campaign
Authors: Donahue Bernard F.
Published: August 2009

The relationship between politics and religion in the United States has been studied by political scientists from many perspectives. Church-state relations, religious bloc voting, political issues with strong religious overtones—these and other politico-religious phenomena have long been subjects of scholarly activity within the discipline. However, the use of religious symbols in politics has been much neglected by political scientists (though not by sociologists, psychologists and scholars). Long ago Harold D. Lasswell said “It is of the utmost importance to political science to examine in detail … the processes of symbolization.” Religious symbolization in American politics urges itself upon the political analyst, moreover, because of “the unique relationship” which has existed between religion and politics throughout the history of the nation. And there are, perhaps, no richer and more concentrated examples of politico-religious symbolism than those found in the campaign oratory to which the American public is regularly subjected. Candidates for the American presidency have long resorted to the manipulation of such symbols. Hence, a presidential campaign is a good situation for the study of the political use of religious symbols. The 1972 contest between George McGovern and Richard Nixon is an excellent case study. Frequently characterized by the public press as an election to choose “a national minister” because of the manifest use of politico-religious symbols by the candidates, the campaign provides ample evidence of the uses to which religious symbolization can be applied in American politics.
The Conduct of Locarno Diplomacy
Authors: Jacobson Jon
Published: August 2009

The conferences, the spectaculars of European diplomacy between the First and Second World Wars, have contributed some interesting myths to the folk history of the twentieth century. The Munich Conference of 1938, for example, has come to represent to some an act of betrayal, surrender and defeat—an effort to have one's own skin by selling out a small country in a vainattempt to satisfy a dictator's unlimited appetite. The Locarno Conference of October, 1925, has been regarded as an event which brought an end to the conflict between Germany and the Western powers during the World War and its aftermath. Supposedly, at Locarno enemies were reconciled after years of hostility, and a new era dawned: the following four years were a period of harmony between Germany and the West, as foreign ministers from each side conducted personal diplomacy in an atmosphere of good will. These assertions about Locarno have received less scholarly attention than the myth of Munich and deserve critical reexamination. As part of that reconsideration, some measurement might be taken of the level of misunderstanding and malevolence and hope — either genuine or illusory.
What is Education?
Authors: Fitzsimons M. A.
Published: August 2009

This work is the issue of love and egoism. In 34 years of teaching at Notre Dame I have fallen in love with learning, teaching and that place and fellowship of learning and teaching, the University.

Its permanence seemed so evidently desirable that the Notre Dame Foundation's epic fund-raising successes appeared to be the laborious fulfillment of a historical necessity.
Aristotle and the Foreign Policy of Macedonia
Authors: Chroust Anton-Hermann
Published: August 2009

Aristotle's ancient biographers adduce several reasons to explain why in the year 367 B.C. the young Stagirite, who at the time was 16 years old (or in his seventeenth year), went to Athens, or was brought there by his “guardian” Proxenus. According to one tradition, he moved there because of the advice given by the Delphic oracle. Ibn Abi Usaibia relates that, in keeping with some ancient reports, “this happened because Proxenus and Plato were close personal friends.” We do not know, however, whether Usaibia's explanation is based on historical fact, nor are we able to ascertain the ultimate source of this story. Naturally, it might always be maintained that young Aristotle went to Athens in 367 B.C. for the purpose of securing the best education available in the Hellenic world, particularly, since by that year the fame of Isocrates and that of his school of rhetoric (and, judging from Pseudo-Plato, Fifth Epistle, perhaps that of the Platonic Academy) must have reached Macedonia.
Eisenhower Revisionism
Authors: De Santis Vincent P.
Published: August 2009

When Dwight D. Eisenhower assumed the presidency in 1953, twenty years of Democratic rule ended, and many changes followed. These were most obvious on the personal side. Prominent figures of the New Deal and Fair Deal disappeared from the Washington scene, and new men, largely from the business world, took over. But on policy matters the changes were less abrupt. Eisenhower had pledged during the 1952 campaign not “to turn the clock back—ever.” And so there was no wholesale reversal of New Deal and Fair Deal policies. It is important to remember that Eisenhower accepted most of the social welfare legislation of the two preceding decades, although he disappointed Republican conservatives in doing so. Thus, in the 1950's, the New Deal largely was eliminated as an active political issue and became an accepted part of American history. It is doubtful whether any other Republican political figure could have achieved that change and could have made palatable to most of his fellow Republicans the social welfare legislation of the 1930's and 1940's.
Response to Our Critics
Authors: Glenn Gary D. , Stack John
Published: August 2009

We are grateful that the editors secured three thoughtful though critical responses to our essay. Such responses perform a service by calling to our attention matters we have insufficiently considered, pushing us to greater clarity, and perhaps revealing to us errors that we have overlooked.
From Cultural Analysis to Philosophical Anthropology: An Examination of Voegelin's Concept of Gnosticism
Authors: Wiser James L.
Published: August 2009

Eric Voegelin's influence upon contemporary political philosophy is an acknowledged fact. Thus although one may disagree with much of what Voegelin has written, no responsible scholar can afford to simply overlook his work. Of his writings, the book that apparently has had the widest, if not the deepest, impact is The New Science of Politics. And although some commentators have focused upon the critical analysis of scientism with which Voegelin begins his text, most scholars appear to be interested primarily in his development of the concept of gnosticism. This interest, in turn, seems to reflect Voegelin's own intentions at the time.
Ranke: History as Worship
Authors: Fitzsimons M. A.
Published: August 2009

Notoriously history has two principal meanings: the past itself and the historian's presentation of the results of his inquiry into it. When the latter meaning is examined, it is evident that, for all of his stance of common sense and matter-of-factness, the historian encounters his profession's form of the problem of knowledge. How and why does he select his sources? What is the validity or truth of his account? What is the relationship between fact and generalization? Does his avowed or unconscious motivation affect the historian's search, selection and presentation? Does his form of presentation affect his use of facts and his judgment?

Leopold von Ranke (1795–1886), modern founding father of critical history and patron saint of devourers of archives, raised these questions and responded to them. His masterly histories of Reformation Germany, Prussia, England, France and the papacy were esteemed as the fruit and vindication of his method. In England and the United States, however, the method was identified with a few slogans and injunctions: history is primarily a study of politics and foreign policy; return to or search out the sources; evaluate them and prize, above all, the sources that present the testimony of participants and eyewitnesses; strive simply to tell things as they actually happened. So to reduce Ranke's position is intellectual primitivism, a primitivism that persisted because attempts to discuss the problem of historical knowledge were ignored or derided as futile.
Equality in Hobbes with Reference to Aristotle
Authors: Bertman Martin A.
Published: August 2009

It is a policy of Hobbes' polemic to state the crucial point or principle in the boldest form before embarking on qualifications. In just this spirit he asserts that men are equal by nature. Fifty variations among men in what is ordinarily considered to differentiate significantly—mental or physical powers—become unimportant for the matter at hand: politics. Thus, with a swift and elegant force, Hobbes turns the reader's mind away from the tradition of Aristotle's Politics wherein the mental powers among men are different to the extent of dividing mankind into those who are capable of participating in government and those, the natural slaves, whose lack of deliberative capacity condemns them to a servile, nondeliberative existence within the state.
The Main Sheet Anchor: John Carroll and Catholic Higher Education
Authors: Gleason Philip
Published: August 2009

John Carroll was disturbed about the future of Catholicism as he surveyed the scene in the aftermath of the American Revolution. As a supporter of the patriot movement he was pleased that the policy of religious toleration allowed Catholics to participate fully in the political life of the new nation. No doubt he also perceived that the wartime alliance with Catholic France had done much to improve the status of the church among his countrymen. But these positive features were outweighed by the disorganization of the church and the apathy of her ministers. There were only about two dozen priests in the new republic, several of whom were too old to be of any use. But even the younger ones seemed listless and demoralized.
Forgotten Purposes of the First Amendment Religion Clauses
Authors: Glenn Gary D.
Published: August 2009

This study questions a prevalent view of the First Amendment religion clauses which maintains they were intended to establish neutrality of the federal government between religion and nonreligion and thereby to establish not merely governmental religious pluralism but governmental secularism. Since the Bill of Rights is said to have been adopted to satisfy anti-Federalist objections to the original Constitution, what they said about religion in the ratification debates is comprehensively examined. They turn out to have been primarily concerned that the unamended Constitution was particularly dangerous to and tilted against religion. Hence they wanted not simply to prevent the new government from infringing on “religious liberty” (of individuals or states) but to redress the unamended Constitution's actual or potential tilt against religion. The First Congress debates are then examined from this rather different perspective to see what effect this concern may have had on the First Amendment religion clauses. It is argued that this concern produced a more complex constitutional position on religion and religious liberty than is commonly maintained. This position is not simply Madison/Jefferson separationism but a compromise which to some extent redressed the original Constitution's tilt against religion.
Preface to Liberalism: Locke's First Treatise and the Bible
Authors: Faulkner Robert
Published: August 2009

A modern constitution is a man-made fundamental law, and it sets up a supreme government as agent of the people. What, however, of the commandments of the supreme God? How in face of Him can a man-made law and government be fundamental and supreme?

This is the political-theological problem, we will argue, at the deepest level of John Locke's First Treatise of Government. At that level the First Treatise chiefly undermines, although it also revises. It undermines the primacy of the biblical God, of both his providence and his law, and it also revises biblical fundamentals so as to permit a more rational and civil faith. These are the two leading contentions of this study. If they prove to be true, the First Treatise is much more important to Locke's liberalism than is commonly believed. It is the precondition for his works on toleration and Christianity, the writings setting forth the liberal religion that can abide the primacy of civil government and of “civil interests” generally. It is also, then, the precondition for the Second Treatise of Civil Government. The famous Second Treatise may be the seminal articulation of modern representative government, but the neglected First Treatise proves to be its necessary preface. So we will contend.
Burke on Political Economy: The Nature and Extent of State Authority
Authors: Conniff James
Published: August 2009

The interpretation of Edmund Burke as a laissez-faire economist has a long pedigree but is inaccurate. Rather, Burke is best seen as a moderate Whig who believed that governmental social and economic policy should be based on pragmatic and prudential considerations. However, utilitarian rule-making makes most sense when the rules can be formulated in terms of realizing some more abstract goal. This goal Burke obtained from his reading of the Scotch moral sense writers, who convinced him that man has an innate moral nature which can be improved through association with other men in society. Consideration of Burke's writings on a variety of specific economic and social issues, ranging from poor relief and economic reform to the slave trade, confirms this instrumental interpretation of Burke's economic thought.
The Holy See and the Byzantine Church and Empire
Authors: Tisserant Eugene Cardinal
Published: August 2009

My intention here is to make a few reflections on the relations between the Papacy and the Byzantine Empire and Church, mostly from the cultural point of view. I wish to point out how the Popes continued for several centuries—from 1054 to 1453—to keep their attention fixed on the Eastern part of the Roman Empire, even after dissent had developed in the Byzantine clergy: how the Popes helped by their policy to bring about a new convergence of Greek culture with the Latin one, a convergence which gave birth to the Renaissance.

The cultural break between Eastern and Western Europe had its distant origin in the resolution taken by Emperor Diocletian at the beginning of his reign to divide the responsibilities of power. For about a thousand years before 284 A.D., the trend had been to join together die various peoples around the Mediterranean Sea and to amalgamate their individual cvivilizations. Hundreds of years before the rise of Rome, the Greek colonies developed in southern Italy, in Sicily and as far north on the Tyrrhenian Sea as Cumae. The first signs of Greek influence in central Italy were in art: protocorinthian vases appeared as early as the seventh century B.C.; then terracotta works from Greek models in the sixth and fifth centuries B.C. Greek divinities were received in Rome at the beginning of the sixth century. In die middle of the fifth century, the Law of the Twelve Tables was framed after three commissioners had been sent to Greece to examine the best of Greek legislation.
Vladimir Soloviev on Nationalism
Authors: Karpovich Michael
Published: August 2009

The name of Vladimir Soloviev, insofar as it is familiar to the Western world, is known as that of a philosopher and religious thinker. This was, of course, the field in which he was particularly prominent. Russia can boast only a few formal philosophers (as distinguished from philosophizing novelists, poets or historians), and among those Soloviev is probably the most outstanding. Moreover, in the history of modern Russian religious thought, he occupies a central position, serving as a connecting link between the mid-nineteenth century Slavophils and such contemporary writers as Berdiaev and Bulgakov.

But Soloviev's was a versatile and many-sided nature, and many other aspects of his life and activity deserve attention and study. He wrote interpretive essays on Russian poetry, some of which were landmarks in Russian literary criticism, and he was a poet himself—not a great poet, perhaps, but one with a strongly marked individual character.
Comment
Authors: Halecki Oscar
Published: August 2009

On some later occasion, I hope to discuss in detail the various problems of German-Polish relations which Professor Hans Rothfels raised in his article “Frontiers and Mass Migrations in Eastern Central Europe” (The Review of Politics, January 1946).

Immediately, however, I should like to clear up the misunderstandings which might arise in connection with two quotations which Professor Rothfels took out of the context of my own publications.

1. Recalling that in 1226 the duke of Mazovia called upon the help of the Teutonic Order, and stressing that he did it “apparently in despair,” Professor Rothfels adds the following footnote (p. 43, n . 43) :

“En désespoir de cause,” as Professor O. Halecki puts it correctly (La Pologne de 963 à 1914, Paris, 1933, p. 47). Other Polish historians have tried to minimize this fact.
Eurocommunism and Christianity: On the Limits of the Dialogue
Authors: Spieker Manfred
Published: August 2009

To a great extent, the Marxian designation of religion as the “opium of the people” has lost currency among the Eurocommunists. When Eurocommunists do make rare mention of religion, they describe it as a humanist commitment to a better world, one which the Eurocommunists see as currently unrealizable. Marxism-Leninism as a worldview has also lost currency. It is true that the West European Communists are still devoted to Marx, Engels, Lenin—as well as the “classical” Gramsci and Togliatti; but this ideology is no longer seen by them as a uniform, dogmatic view of man, nature and history. Rather, it is conceived as an instrument for analysis of political and social relations, as a “methodology for historic initiatives.”
Ukraine—Between Poland and Russia
Authors: Czubatyi Nicholas D.
Published: August 2009

The three years of struggle and attempted negotiations between Poland and the Soviet Union over the readjustment of their frontiers were concluded by a two-fold decision. Thanks to Moscow, Poland was given a government which readily consented to give up both the Western Ukraine and White Ruthenia, territories occupied by Poland after the First World War; now they become parts of the Soviet Union. On the motion of Viacheslav Molotov, the Soviet Commissar of Foreign Affairs, Ukraine was accepted as a member of the world organization, the United Nations.

The first event means that after six hundred years, Poland has withdrawn her claim to an extensive tract of land which she ruled at times as far east as the River Dnieper and beyond. Polish ambitions to control the Ukrainian and White Ruthenian lands and to assimilate these two peoples culturally in order to make them an ethnographic Polish entity, with some exceptions of course, failed.
Germany Today
Authors: Menck Clara
Published: August 2009

This paper will treat only a small part of the subject promised by its title. A really correct evaluation of present-day Germany would demand, above all, a thorough economic and sociological analysis for which sufficient data are not available. Even establishing and naming events and facts is, in the present state of affairs, a matter of interpretation.

Further, it would be necessary especially to describe the forces engaged in reconstruction, in church work and administration, in governmental agencies and in the press, in parties and in trade unions, in universities and in public colleges. What is being accomplished by these elements cannot be judged until later, when they have reached a stage of crystallization. Here we shall discuss only the circumstances under which reconstruction is taking place.
The Economics of Potsdam
Authors: Hermens Ferdinand A.
Published: August 2009

When the Potsdam declarations were made public, Anne O'Hare McCormick (in her column in the New York Times of August 4, 1945) commented: “The scale and novelty of the great experiment is breathtaking. Stalin, Truman and Attlee may be remembered longer than the original Big Three, the war-leaders, because their names are affixed to this document.”

The general public, on this side of the Atlantic, is as yet hardly aware of the full implications of the Potsdam declarations. The economic consequences of Potsdam have been widely debated in Britain, but they have received little attention in this country. Yet, the plan decided upon in the former city of the Prussian kings is due almost entirely to American initiative. In the words of Raymond Daniell: