bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Triumvirate and Principate
Authors: Millar Fergus
Published: May 2006

More than thirty years after its publication The Roman Revolution still stands unrivalled, not as the ‘definitive’ account of the emergence of a monarch from the ruins of the Republic but as something far more than that, the demonstration of a new method in the presentation of historical change. The aspect of this method, which has found most imitation, is of course prosopography; and it is indeed essential to it. But far more important is the use made of contemporary literature to mirror events, and to analyse and define the concepts and the terms in which the events were seen by those who lived through them.

It is the common characteristic, perhaps even the definition, of great works of history that they invite imitation and offer a challenge, not just to apply their methods and standards to other areas, but to pursue their own conclusions further. The present paper is gratefully offered as an attempt to portray with a different emphasis some aspects of the establishment of Octavian as a monarch, first by demonstrating the extent to which the institutions of the res publica remained active in the Triumviral period, and secondly by redefining the change which culminated in 27 B.C., precisely by asking again in what terms it and the novus status which emerged from it were seen by contemporaries.
Cicero and Milo
Authors: Lintott A. W.
Published: May 2006

The battle of Bovillae on 18th January, 52 B.C., which led to Clodius' death, was literally treated by Cicero in a letter to Atticus as the beginning of a new era—he dated the letter by it, although over a year had elapsed. It is difficult to exaggerate the relief it afforded him from fear and humiliation for a few precious years before civil war put him once more in jeopardy. At one stroke Cicero lost his chief inimicus and the Republic lost a hostis and pestis. Moreover, the turmoil led to a political realignment for which Cicero had been striving for the last ten years—a reconciliation between the boni and Pompey, as a result of which Pompey was commissioned to put the state to rights. Cicero's behaviour in this context, especially his return to the centre of the political scene, is, one would have thought, of capital importance to the biographer of Cicero. Yet two recent English biographies have but briefly touched on the topic. It is true that, in the background of Cicero's personal drama, Caesar and Pompey were taking up positions which, as events turned out, would lead to the collapse of the Republic. However, Cicero and Milo were not to know this, nor were their opponents; friendly cooperation between the two super-politicians apparently was continuing. Politicians on all sides were still aiming to secure power and honour through the traditional Republican magistracies, and in this pursuit were prepared to use the odd mixture of violence, bribery and insistence on the strict letter of the constitution, which was becoming a popular recipe. In retrospect their obsession with the customary organs of power has a certain irony. Yet it is a testimony to the political atmosphere then. Their manoeuvres are also important because both the instability caused by the violence of Clodius and Milo, and the eventual confidence in the rule of law established under Pompey's protection, helped to determine the political position of the boni associated with Pompey in 49 B.C. Cicero's relationship with Milo is at first sight one of the more puzzling aspects of his career. What had they in common, except that Milo, like most late Republican politicians, was at one time associated with Pompey? Properly interpreted, however, this relationship may not only illuminate Cicero's own attitudes but illustrate the character of the last years of Republican politics.
Octavian in the Senate, January 27 B.C.
Authors: Lacey W. K.
Published: May 2006

Reviewing Peter Sattler's Augustus und der Senat (1960), J. P. V. D. Balsdon remarked that the background to the events which marked the establishment of the principate is a field which has been ploughed, even deep ploughed times without number. This must be agreed, and the sceptical need go no further than Lothar Wickert's article s.v. princeps in Pauly's RE xxii, 2 (1953), esp. 2002–2004, to confirm the truth of the remark. Much of the ploughing however has been concerned with the question, ‘By what legal right did Octavian/Augustus govern before, during, and after the period in which he claimed to have “transferred the res publica into the discretionary power of the Senate and Roman people”?’ The interest of this particular question has somewhat declined recently, perhaps rightly so, in an age in which there is a score of Octavians in the world, governing by right of victory in a civil war, and the governed populations tolerate these rulers without constantly examining their constitutional credentials, because they have one all-important virtue—they have put a stop to civil war.
The Dies Imperii of Tiberius
Authors: Wellesley K.
Published: May 2006

At the root of many doubts that obscure our understanding of the manner and timing of Tiberius' accession to the principate there lies a chronological puzzle whose solution is perhaps not altogether beyond conjecture. On what date fell the dies imperii of the new emperor? Three (perhaps four) precise, but incorrect, answers are provided by Josephus, Dio and Tertullian. The difficulty is not removed by the brief or tendentious narratives of Velleius, Tacitus and Suetonius which offer us no such date, or of Dio himself. It is the purpose of this paper to argue that Tiberius accepted the principate at the hands of the Senate on a date between 1st and 3rd September, A.D. 14, and that his reluctance to do so is unlikely to have been a consequence of the receipt of news of the Pannonian revolt.
A Latin Epitaph of a Roman Legionary from Corinth
Authors: Kos M. Šašel
Published: May 2006

A Roman funerary monument was found in 1970 in the area of ancient Corinth, in a part of the village called Kranion (κράνιον), where no other finds have yet been made. Eventually it was acquired by the Corinth Museum, where it now stands in the portico of the courtyard.
Hadrian, Antoninus Pius and the Cyrenaican Cities
Authors: Reynolds Joyce
Published: May 2006

In JRS XL (1950), 77 f. P. M. Fraser published from a photograph a considerable but incomplete inscription comprising documents sent to the city of Cyrene by Hadrian (and possibly others during his reign). It seemed natural to relate them to the material and moral damage caused by the Jewish Revolt of A.D. 115–17, although Fraser thought that they had been inscribed much later. Subsequent discussion has been concentrated mainly on the opening sections, concerned with representation in the Panhellenion.
Augustan Poetry and the Life of Luxury
Authors: Griffin Jasper
Published: May 2006

The object of this paper is a reconsideration of the relationship in the Augustan poets between experience and convention, between individual life and inherited forms of expression. The problem, which haunts the Sonnets of Shakespeare and the poems of the Romantics no less than Horace and Propertius, has notoriously been answered in very different ways at different times. Scholars like Zielinski and Wili, for example, created romantic stories about Lydia and Cinara, and worked out Horace's feelings for them, the chronology of the affairs, and the way it all ended. In revulsion from these excesses, some influential modern writers go to an opposite extreme; they distinguish on the one hand ‘Greek’ or ‘Hellenistic’ elements, which are ‘unreal’ or ‘imaginary’, from ‘Roman’ ones which are ‘real’. Thus, to give a few examples at once, Professor G. Williams, in his important book, writes that ‘Horace's erotic poems are set in a world totally removed from the Augustan State’, while Professor Nisbet and Miss Hubbard, in their indispensable Commentary, say ‘The “love interest” of Horace's Odes is almost entirely Hellenistic’, and, of Odes I. 5, ‘Pyrrha herself is the wayward beauty of fiction, totally unlike the compliant scorta of Horace's own temporary affairs’. The argument here will be that this view is over-schematic and makes a distinction false, in this form, to the poets and to their society. It will, I think, prove possible to argue the point without falling into sentimentality or self-indulgence. The aim is not to reconstruct the vie passionelle of the poet, but to discover the setting and the tone in which he means his poems to be read.
The Rise and Function of the Holy Man in Late Antiquity
Authors: Brown Peter
Published: May 2006

To study the position of the holy man in Late Roman society is to risk telling in one's own words a story that has often been excellently told before. In vivid essays, Norman Baynes has brought the lives of the saints to the attention of the social and religious historian of Late Antiquity. The patient work of the Bollandists has increased and clarified a substantial dossier of authentic narratives. These lives have provided the social historian with most of what he knows of the life of the average man in the Eastern Empire. They illuminate the variety and interaction of the local cultures of the Near East. The holy men themselves have been carefully studied, both as figures in the great Christological controversies of the fifth and sixth centuries, and as the arbiters of the distinctive traditions of Byzantine piety and ascetic theology.

The intention of this paper is to follow well known paths of scholarship on all these topics, while asking two basic questions: why did the holy man come to play such an important rôle in the society, of the fifth and sixth centuries ? What light do his activities throw on the values and functioning of a society that was prepared to concede him such importance? It is as well to ask such elementary questions. For there is a danger that the holy man may be taken for granted as part of the Byzantine scene. Most explanations of his position are deceptively easy.
Rome et Rhodes au tournant du IIIe s. av. J.-C. d'après une inscription inédite de Rhodes
Authors: Kontorini Vassa
Published: May 2006

L'inscription que nous publions ici a été trouvée en 1976 en surface dans un terrain de la ville médiévale non loin du grand port antique (le port de commerce); elle est entrée alors dans la collection épigraphique du musée. Bien que les conditions de la découverte, n'excluent pas que la pierre vienne d'ailleurs, il n'est peut-être pas inutile de présenter brièvement la topographie du lieu de trouvaille. Dans le terrain en question ainsi que dans les deux terrains contigus à l'Ouest on a mis au jour, notamment, des restes de murs particulièrement épais appartenant à un grand bâtiment, public de toute évidence, qui a connu plusieurs phases de constructions. Le terrain situé le plus à l'Ouest a également livré des restes d'un autre édifice d'importance comparable. Il faut ajouter que dans la parcelle centrale on dégage actuellement un bâtiment rectangulaire dont l'orientation (NO–SE) ne s'inscrit pas, chose rare, dans le plan hippodaméen de la ville (N–S ou E–O). Mais l'importance de cet endroit pour la topographie de la ville antique en général a déjà été signalée: en mettant en rapport les deux grands bâtiments du terrain ouest avec le port commercial antique ‘on est amené à penser que nous sommes probablement dans la région de l'agora antique’.
The Division of Britain
Authors: Graham A. J.
Published: May 2006

ὁ δὲ Σεβῆρος … διοικήσας δὲ τὰ κατὰ Βρετανίαν καì

διελὼν ἐς δύο ἡγεμονίας τὴν τοῦ ἔθνους ἐξουσίαν….

Thus Herodian (III, 8, 1–2), referring to the time after the Battle of Lugdunum in 197. It is a sign of our imperfect knowledge of the history of Roman Britain that the character of this division, its purpose and even its date, are all matters of doubt. Not only is there no evidence to confirm Herodian's statement until a considerably later period, but there are several contrary indications which suggest that his date, at least, is wrong. Such a conflict of ancient testimony leads, not surprisingly, to differences in modern authorities. It is not necessary, however, for it to lead to such a confusing picture as they now seem to present. Ritterling and E. Birley drew attention to the problem, and S. N. Miller set out all the evidence in the Cambridge Ancient History. It therefore seems unfortunate that eminent authorities in more recent works continue to accept Herodian's date, or, more rarely, offer an alternative, without any warning that they are handling dubious or hypothetical material. My aim in this paper is, therefore, partly one of clarification and restatement. But I also wish to draw attention to a small addition to the evidence on the subject, and to treat the whole problem anew in the light of recent additions to our knowledge of Roman Britain in Severan times. Until a fortunate epigraphic discovery solves the problem for us, all such discussions are bound to be inconclusive; but while we wait for a British Julius Cerealis, an interim statement may crave a hearing.
Portraits, Power, and Patronage in the Late Roman Republic
Authors: Tanner Jeremy
Published: May 2006

Recent work in ancient art history has sought to move beyond formalist interpretations of works of art to a concern to understand ancient images in terms of a broader cultural, political, and historical context. In the study of late Republican portraiture, traditional explanations of the origins of verism in terms of antecedent influences — Hellenistic realism, Egyptian realism, ancestralimagines— have been replaced by a concern to interpret portraits as signs functioning in a determinate historical and political context which serves to explain their particular visual patterning. In this paper I argue that, whilst these new perspectives have considerably enhanced our understanding of the forms and meanings of late Republican portraits, they are still flawed by a failure to establish a clear conception of the social functions of art. I develop an account of portraits which shifts the interpretative emphasis from art as object to art as a medium of socio-cultural action. Such a shift in analytic perspective places art firmly at the centre of our understanding of ancient societies, by snowing that art is not merely a social product or a symbol of power relationships, but also serves to construct relationships of power and solidarity in a way in which other cultural forms cannot, and thereby transforms those relationships with determinate consequences.
Lucan and the Libyan Tale
Authors: Leigh Matthew
Published: May 2006

The theme of this paper is geographical space as intellectual, as symbolic space. Recent scholarship has had much to say about the ways in which the peoples of the ancient Mediterranean interacted with one another, created myths of affinity or established identity by emphasizing what distinguished them from their neighbours. What though is the significance of a landscape where there is next to no human cultivation, which you can never hope to inhabit and across which only a very few can wander? What finally is the meaning of a landscape offering nothing but heat, dust, thirst, and a profusion of magical, homicidal serpents? I propose therefore a journey into the desert, a journey into the Greco-Roman imagination.
TheItinerarium Burdigalense: Politics and Salvation in the Geography of Constantine's Empire
Authors: Elsner Jaś
Published: May 2006

The shift from a traditional polytheistic dispensation for empire to a Christian-oriented ‘commonwealth’ is unarguably one of the most significant historical processes that took place in the Roman world. Its ramifications were manifold, and not least in the arena of how empire and its territory would come to be conceived within Late Roman and Byzantine culture. In this paper I want to explore the ways one text, written in the lifetime of Constantine, takes a series of traditional forms within the established genres of Graeco-Roman travel-writing and transforms them into a new Christian paradigm not only of travel (in the form of Christian pilgrimage) but also of empire as a territorial concept defined by particular privileged places and their privileged mythologies. The surprise lies, in part, in how swiftly a Christian author was willing implicitly to re-arrange and redefine deeply entrenched institutional norms, while none the less writing on an entirely traditional model. The text I shall be exploring, theItinerarium Burdigalense(henceforth IB), is an account of a journey to the Holy Land made by an anonymous pilgrim from Bordeaux in A.D. 333.
Postponed Business at Irni
Authors: Rodger Alan
Published: May 2006

The Lex Irnitana is arguably the most important addition to the material for the study of Roman Law since the discovery of the text of Gaius' Institutes by Niebuhr in 1816. In terms of information about the working of the Roman legal system its importance far outstrips, for example, that of the new fragments of Gaius found in the 1920s and 1930s. In particular it gives us much fresh information on a topic about which we are really very badly informed, viz. the law of civil procedure during the classical period of Roman Law, say, during the first two centuries A.D. While one can debate whether the procedures at Irni were in all respects the same as at Rome, no-one who has studied the inscription can be in any doubt that in its essentials the Lex envisages that the institutions of Irni will use a system which is Roman in nature. So what we have is evidence which can be used to help reconstruct the procedure under the formulary system in the first century A.D.
The Gaze in Polybius' Histories
Authors: Davidson James
Published: May 2006

Summarizing Polybius' contribution to the study of Roman history, Mommsen paid him the following compliment: ‘His books are like the sun in the field of Roman history; where they begin, the misty veils which still cloak the Samnite and Pyrrhic wars are lifted, where they finish, a new and if possible still more vexatious twilight begins.’ Since Mommsen our understanding of Polybius' methods, his bias and omissions, his ideology and concerns, has progressed immeasurably, thanks largely to the work of Pédech and Walbank. Nevertheless, the idea that the Histories represent, at least in their conception, the illumination of an intrinsic reality persists. Polybius' supposed ‘poor style’ is often treated as in some way an absence of historiographical mediation. In this case, ‘transparency’ in a text, the sensation that it provides unmediated access to what it describes, is achieved not by a smooth and inconspicuous style, but by coarseness. Tarn compared Polybius' work to rescripts and despatches, as if he were only interested in an unobtrusive recording role, and this attitude to the historian, far from being in decline, has received some radical and authoritative support in recent years. One reappraisal of Roman imperialism has argued that Polybius was much closer to the reality of the process than many twentieth-century historians. Another study claims to ‘want to say no more than what Polybius said’. Ultimately, I have no argument with those who stress Polybius' honesty and reliability. More problematic, however, is an attitude to our use of Polybius' history which is often assumed in eulogies of his truthfulness: that when we read Polybius, we are enabled to gaze directly on the landscape of Roman history, a single substantial unitary reality, structured out of objective facts.
Written Women: Propertius' Scripta Puella
Authors: Wyke Maria
Published: May 2006

The narrative organization of Propertius' first poetry-book seems to encourage a practice of reading the characters and events of his love elegy as real. The predominantly autobiographical mode allows the reader to equate the lover of the text with the author Propertius. Direct addresses to a beloved ‘Cynthia’ who is allocated physical and psychological characteristics suggest that the narrative's female subject has a life outside the text as Propertius' mistress. The illusion of a real world populated by real individuals is then sustained by various other formal mechanisms such as the regular deployment of addresses to the historically verifiable figure of Tullus or occasional references to the landscape of Baiae, Umbria and Rome. Having established a recognizable setting, the poetry-book seems even to account for its own existence as literary discourse with the claim that composition is a method of courtship. Writing is subsumed within and subordinated to an erotic scheme: Propertius writes to woo a woman.
The World of the Panhellenion I. Athens and Eleusis
Authors: Spawforth A. J. , Walker Susan
Published: May 2006

In A.D. 131/2 the emperor Hadrian created a new organization of Greek cities, the Panhellenion. This paper is the first of two in which we explore, from a provincial perspective, the implications of this novel initiative by Rome in Greek affairs.

The foundation of the Panhellenion belongs to a series of interventions by Hadrian in the Greek world, the others mostly in the form of acts of benefaction towards individual communities. Although Hadrian's reign marked a watershed in Greek relations with Rome, these relations had already evolved significantly over the previous two generations. The two most obvious developments lay in the overlapping areas of cultural and political life. Not only did educated Greeks and Romans now share an intellectual milieu, but a renaissance of Greek literary and rhetorical activity had begun under the leadership of provincials enjoying (more often than not) close ties with Rome. At the same time, a Roman career had become more available to ambitious Greeks; a marked increase in the numbers of Greek senators may be dated to the last quarter of the first century.
Munificence andMunicipia: Bequests to Towns in Classical Roman Law
Authors: Johnston David
Published: May 2006

Extensive epigraphic evidence, juristic discussion, and mention in the letters of Pliny combine to show that testamentary munificence during the principate was a phenomenon of both social and economic importance. Beyond a few introductory remarks, however, this paper is not concerned with the social background and functions of philanthropy. Rather, how was munificence regulated? On what conditions for the use of their bequests would benefactors insist? And on what terms would towns accept them? These questions raise a whole complex of further issues such as the ability of benefactors (or their descendants) to enforce the conditions of an endowment, and the extent to which variation of the object of the endowment by the town might be possible. Previous discussions of towns and their capacities in relation to the law of succession have been concerned largely, if not exclusively, with issues of juristic personality. While some understanding of those issues is essential for any useful discussion, they are left aside here so far as possible.
Constantine and the Christians of Persia
Authors: Barnes T. D.
Published: May 2006

The twenty-threeDemonstrationsof Aphrahat are not likely to be familiar to most students of Roman history or of Constantine. Aphrahat was head of the monastery of Mar Mattai, near modern Mosul, with the rank of bishop and, apparently, the episcopal name Jacob: as a consequence, he was soon confused with the better known Jacob of Nisibis, and independent knowledge of his life and career virtually disappeared. Fortunately, however, twenty-three treatises survived, whose attribution to ‘Aphrahat the Persian sage’ seems beyond doubt. Aphrahat wrote in Syriac and composed works of edification and polemic for a Mesopotamian audience outside the Roman Empire. Nevertheless, he provides crucial evidence not only for the attitude of Persian Christians towards Rome, but also for the military situation on Rome's eastern frontier at the end of the reign of Constantine. It is worth the effort, therefore, to set Aphrahat's fifthDemonstration, which bears the title ‘On wars’ or ‘On battles’, in its precise historical context. The present paper begins by considering the place of thisDemonstrationinAphrahat's oeuvreand its exact date (I–III); it then argues that in 337 Constantine was preparing to invade Persia as the self-appointed liberator of the Christians of Persia (IV, VI), that Aphrahat expected him to be successful (V), and that Constantine's actions and the hopes which he excited caused the Persian king to regard his Christian subjects as potential traitors—and hence to embark on a policy of persecution (VII).
Charity and Power: Caesarius of Arles and the Ransoming of Captives in Sub-Roman Gaul
Authors: Klingshirn William
Published: May 2006

One of the most dramatic expressions of Christian charity in late antiquity was the practice of ransoming captives taken in brigandage, piracy, or war. Involving, as it did, the collection and disbursement of large sums of money, and delicate negotiations with hostile parties, the redemption of captives eventually came to be included in the duties of local bishops. Bishops, in turn, not only accepted, but actively solicited this responsibility, for, like other charitable activities, the liberation of captives enabled them to reinforce or expand ties ofclientela, enhance their own status as local patrons, and publicly enact, and so promote and validate, the Christian ideal ofcaritas.
The Decree of Decius and the Religion of Empire
Authors: Rives J. B.
Published: May 2006

In A.D. 249 the emperor Trajan Decius issued an edict requiring the inhabitants of the Roman Empire to sacrifice to the gods. With this decree, he also inaugurated the first empire-wide persecution of Christians. Previously, persecutions of Christians had always been local affairs determined by local conditions. Thereafter, persecutions were largely instigated by emperors and took place on an imperial scale. It has consequently become common to distinguish pre-Decian persecution, characterized by its local andad hocnature, from the centrally organized persecutions of Decius in A.D. 249–50, Valerian in A.D. 257–60, and Diocletian, Galerius, and Maximinus in A.D. 303–13. The importance of the decree as a turning point in the history of Christian persecution is thus widely recognized. Beyond this, discussions of the decree have usually focused on its precise nature and the motivations behind it; given the limited evidence, however, these discussions have tended to be inconclusive. In this paper I will return to a consideration of the decree's effects, but in the context of traditional religion rather than that of Christianity. I will argue that, seen from this perspective, the decree was a highly innovative and important step towards a radical restructuring of religious organization in the Roman world.
Cultural Choice and Political Identity in Honorific Portrait Statues in the Greek East in the Second Century A.D.
Authors: Smith R. R. R.
Published: May 2006

The towns of the Middle Roman Empire have left an array of grand columned marble architecture that makes classical sites, from Merida to Ephesus, still so imposing for the modern viewer. The great benefactors who paid for this strange marble culture and for everything else thought worthwhile in an ancient city received large public portrait statues set up on tall elegant moulded bases, set either in columned façades or posted around town at focal points of urban life (see below, Figs 1–2). In their method of signification these statue monuments shared more with poster hoardings than the gallery objects we think of as art. That is, they combined a commanding image with a loud complementary text. They were also different from the public statues of our own times in at least three other important respects — in their prominence, in their sheer quantity, and in that they mostly represented living persons. They were not isolated memorials but potent markers in local politics and aristocratic competition. Architectural setting, inscribed base, statue costume, and styled portrait head all combined to make sometimes complex statements about the subject.
Tam Firmum Municipium: The Romanization of Volaterrae and its Cultural Implications
Authors: Terrenato Nicola
Published: May 2006

The aim of the present paper is to reassess the events connected with the Romanization of the Etruscan metropolis of Volaterrae in the light of recent archaeological findings. The results of the Cecina Valley survey and of other related fieldwork have prompted a full reconsideration of the issue: indeed, they show a very different picture when compared with some of the recent mainstream reconstructions of the making of central Roman Italy; in particular, they are in sharp contrast with what was found in other Tyrrhenian regions, such as Southern Etruria or Campania. In line with these developments, recent local work in various parts of Italy now strongly suggests the need to consider each area, almost each civitas, individually, leaving aside for the moment overarching models based on insufficient data. This appears to resonate with a wider and growing realization that the process of Romanization, all over the Empire, exhibits a very heterogeneous and dialectic character, so much so that the appropriateness of the very term has often been put in question. For this reason, Romanization will be used here only in its weakest sense, simply as a convenient term covering the events involved in the creation of a new and unified political entity, disclaiming any assumptions concerning the acculturation of non-Roman ethnic groups. What is clearly emerging is a need for a new generation of regional studies, with the aim of carefully charting the trajectory of each community towards incorporation in the Roman state and working towards the creation of far more robust and informed syntheses. The present paper strives to make a contribution in this direction.
The Walls and Aqueducts of Rome in the Early Middle Ages, A.D. 500–1000
Authors: Coates-Stephens Robert
Published: May 2006

Our knowledge of the city of Rome after the fall of the Western Empire is largely determined by its position as the seat of the Papacy. Historical studies are based principally upon the Liber Pontificalis and the writings of the popes themselves, while architectural and archaeological research has concentrated on the city's numerous churches, many of which for the period A.D. 500–850 are remarkably well-preserved. The best known modern syntheses in English from each field are probably Peter Llewellyn's Rome in the Dark Ages (1971) and Richard Krautheimer's Rome. Profile of a City (1980). If we look beyond the purely ecclesiastical, however, we find very little Archaeological studies of Rome's urban infrastructure—walls, roads, bridges, aqueducts, sewers, housing—tend to stop, at the latest, with the Gothic Wars of the mid-sixth century. The lack of research, and therefore lack of data, have in turn been interpreted as a sign that early medieval Rome was a city bereft of an artificial watersupply, and of the resources necessary to maintain such structures as the Aurelianic Walls. Studies of medieval urbanism have been affected by this dearth of evidence proposing, for example, settlement models with the population of the city crowded into the Tiber bend in order to obtain water.
The Supply and Use of Money in the Roman World 200 B.C. to A.D. 300
Authors: Howgego Christopher
Published: May 2006

The supply and use of money are topics which lie at the heart of our understanding of the Roman economy and fiscal system. The view we take of these matters affects both our picture of everyday life and the economic models we construct to describe the structure and development of the Roman world. Monetary history is also relevant to social and political change, as medieval historians know well. In the great commercial revolution of Europe in the thirteenth century it was the increasing availability of money which allowed the payment of knights and civil servants and thus broke the hereditary grip on these functions, enabling the first post-feudal states to emerge. So in the Roman world the availability of money permitted the creation of a professional standing army and of a system of salaried officials.
Juvenal—Misogynist or Misogamist?
Authors: Braund Susanna H.
Published: May 2006

Juvenal is charged with misogyny. The evidence brought against him isSatire6. A secondary charge is that of unstructured composition. This paper will attempt to show that the case is unfounded. My contention is that the poem is shaped by contemporary discourses about marriage, in particular the treatment of marriage in rhetoric. The understanding of the poem's ideological grounding thus gained will provide a basis for exploring the complex interrelationship of author, speaker, addressee, and audience in the poem.
The City of Rome: From Republic to Empire
Authors: Patterson John R.
Published: May 2006

This survey article — the first in a new series to be published in theJournal of Roman Studies— is an attempt to review developments in the study of the city of Rome since 1980: a decade which can reasonably be seen as one of the most exciting in this field for a century, in terms not only of the archaeological discoveries and other related research taking place in Rome itself, but also of the increasing integration of the topographical and monumental history of the city of Rome into what might be termed ‘mainstream’ Roman history.
Roman Inscriptions 1991–95
Authors: Gordon Richard , Reynolds Joyce , Beard Mary , Roueché Charlotte
Published: May 2006

This survey is intended primarily to assess the impact on Roman studies in general of recent work in Roman epigraphy — whether newly published inscriptions, revised editions, or texts that have been reconsidered or newly analysed in the light of specific themes. We mean to draw attention to those epigraphic studies that make a significant contribution, in particular, to Roman history. Hence the considerable space we devote below to the newly publishedSenatus Consultumon Cnaeus Piso, of which any future study of the reign of Tiberius (or of the relations between senate and emperor in the early Principate) will have to take account. Other highlights include a centurion's own reflections (in verse) on his unit's building works at Bu-Njem in Tripolitania; a major revision of the inscribed texts of Roman laws; the first known letter of Lucullus; and a new text from Messene orchestrating the city's responses to the death of Augustus. At the same time, in this introduction, we note one or two developments in recent epigraphic practice. Though these aspects are necessarily more technical, we include them in order to help readers to find the epigraphic data they might need (publication is increasingly diverse, and in an ever wider range of media); and then to assess the texts, the dates, and the conclusions the epigraphists are offering. ‘What you get’ in epigraphy is not necessarily ‘what you see’.
Avulsa a Latere Meo: Augustine's Spare Rib —Confessions6.15.25
Authors: Shanzer Danuta
Published: May 2006

In A.D. 385, after more than a decade together, Augustine parted from his in many ways mysterious first partner, ‘la mère d'Adeodat’. The woman (hereafter ‘Anonyma 1’) was taken away from him. She returned to Africa vowing never to have sexual relations with another man, and left the child with Augustine. But he was unable to tolerate celibacy and took another woman (henceforth ‘Anonyma 2’) to while away the two years until his marriage. In the meantime he still missed his first one, and the wound left by the separation failed to heal. Many scholars have cited and discussed Augustine's description of the episode, but few have commented on the language, which is highly significant, or its implications for Augustine's biography. This article will begin with a selective commentary onConf.6.15.25 and continue with a reinterpretation of a key text in Augustine's marital theology. It will then trace some of the broader legal and historical issues raised by Augustine's account in theConfessionsto make some new suggestions about the chronology, constraints, and nature of his relationship with Anonyma 1. This study, it is hoped, will be of general interest to Romanists for the insight into the ambiguities of Roman marriage and quasi-marital relationships provided by Augustine'sConfessions.
Effects of temperature on spring bloom dynamics of epilithic diatom communities in the Gulf of Bothnia
Authors: Snoeijs Pauli J. M.
Published: May 2006

Abstract. In order to forecast consequences of climatic changes for littoral algae in coastal ecosystems, the effects of temperature increase on spring bloom dynamics of epilithic diatom communities were studied in two ways: (1) Communities were compared from sites receiving different amounts of cooling water discharge from a nuclear power plant. (2) Communities from the exceptionally warm spring of 1989 were compared with those from the same sites in the preceding normal years. The studies were carried out in and around the Forsmark Biotest Basin, an artificial waterbody that receives brackish cooling water from the Forsmark nuclear power plant on the Swedish east coast. Species composition and biomass data from 200 epilithic diatom samples taken in the period January‐May from 1983 to 1989 were analysed.

Multiple regression analysis was used to show the responses of diatom cover, community diversity and abundances of individual taxa to water temperature and other environmental factors. Constrained ordination (CCA) was used to display the relationship of overall community composition to environment. Increased water temperature resulted in higher biomass through a chain of ecological effects. Strong reduction of ice cover was crucial in this chain, resulting in reduced loss of diatom cells by reduced abrading and higher primary production by higher availability of light, nutrients and substrate.

The conclusion is that large blooms of fast‐growing epilithic diatoms in large colonies can occupy the niche that emerges when the ice‐free season is prolonged in the northern Baltic Sea and areas similar in salinity and climatic conditions. Dramatic species shifts may only be expected if the winter ice cover is totally absent.
Plant functional types and ecological strategies in Patagonian forbs
Authors: Golluscio Rodolfo A. , Sala Osvaldo E.
Published: May 2006

Abstract. We identified four major functional types of forbs in the Patagonian steppe, taking into account phenological and morphological traits: (1) shallow‐rooted mesophytic species (annuals), (2) shallow‐rooted non‐mesophytic species, (3) deep‐rooted evergreen species, and (4) deep‐rooted deciduous species. The major attributes differentiating these groups were the date at which seasonal growth ended, rooting depth, sprouting depth, distance between shoots of the same plant, and degree of ‘mesophytism’. We used Cluster and Principal Components Analyses to identify the groups, and the attributes determining them. Late‐growth‐cycle types had deep roots and/or high ‘xerophytism’. Late‐cycle‐xerophytic types had a great sprouting depth, and late‐cycle‐deep‐rooted types had a great distance between shoots of the same plant.

On the basis of current knowledge of the structure and functioning of the Patagonian steppe, we suggested three explanations to account for these correlations. 1. Late‐cycle forbs survive summer water deficit if they have xerophytic characteristics that reduce transpiration water losses, and/or they have deep roots that increase water uptake. 2. Sprouting depth results from the shift of active buds to dormant buds at the end of the cycle. Summer forbs have a great sprouting depth because only buds which are located deep in the soil survive hot and dry summers. 3. Distant shoots of summer forbs allow them simultaneously to use the high protection against desiccating winds provided by shrubs, and the ample water availability of bare soil patches. All the functional types of forbs depend on winter water recharge to begin their cycles, but each one completes its cycle by using a different portion of the water resources available in spring and summer.
Growth and mortality of trees in Amazonian tropical rain forest in Ecuador
Authors: Korning Jørgen , Balslev Henrik
Published: May 2006

Abstract. Structural changes are analysed in four samples representing 4 ha, two line transects and two hectare plots, of Amazonian tropical lowland rain forest in northern Ecuador. Only trees with a DBH ≥ 10 cm were included. A sample of floodplain forest in Añangu represents the largest turnover found in tropical forests (stand half‐life = 23 yr). The line transect and hectare plot both of tierra firme forest in Añangu have the same turnover (37 yr) and were balanced for death and in‐growth of both individuals and wood (basal area). The 1‐ha tierra firme sample in Cuyabeno had a turnover of 67 yr and was in a growing phase. The floodplain line transect in Añangu was in a phase of structural breakdown. However, the floodplain line transect had the largest growth of basal area per tree (23.4 cm2/yr). The tierra firme samples had a growth of 9.6, 10.1, and 13.6 cm2/yr. Most of the dead trees fell with some uprooting in three of the four samples. However, no significant difference in the distribution of mode of death was found between the four samples. Death was independent of topography and the dead trees were randomly distributed. As the trees grow up they occupy more space and larger trees (DBH ≥ 15 cm) become more uniformly distributed, whereas smaller trees (DBH ≤ 15 cm) were randomly distributed. Our study confirms that plots of 1 ha are not sufficient to include representative samples of different stages of forest structure.
Canonical Correspondence Analysis with variation partitioning: some comments and an application
Authors: Økland Rune Halvorsen , Eilertsen Odd
Published: May 2006

Abstract. This study presents an alternative treatment of data from a comprehensive vegetation study in which the main gradient structure of boreal coniferous forest vegetation in southern Norway was investigated by ordination techniques. The data sets include vegetation samples of different plot sizes, supplied with measurements of 33 environmental explanatory variables (classified in four groups) and nine spatial explanatory variables derived from geographical coordinates. Partitioning the variation of the species‐sample plot matrices on different sets of explanatory variables is performed by use of (partial) Canonical Correspondence Analysis.

Several aspects of vegetation‐environment relationships in the investigation area are discussed on the basis of results obtained by the new method. Generally, ca. 35% of the variation in species abundances are explained by environmental and spatial variables. The results indicate support for the hypothesis of macro‐scale topographic control over the differentiation of the vegetation, more strongly so in pine than in spruce forest where soil nutrients play a major role. Towards finer scales, the primary topographical and topographically dependent factors lose importance, and vegetational differentiation is more strongly affected by the accumulated effects of the vegetation (including the tree stand) on soils, shading, litter fall, etc.

The fraction of variation in species abundance explained by significant environmental variables was found to be ca. twice as large as the fraction explained by spatial variables. The fraction of variation explained by the supplied variables differed between data sets; it was lower for cryptogams than for vascular plants, and lower for smaller than for larger sample plots. Possible reasons for these patterns are discussed.

Some methodological aspects of CCA with variation partitioning are discussed: improvements, necessary precautions, and the advantages over alternative methods.
Plant succession in areas of scorched and blown‐down forest after the 1980 eruption of Mount St. Helens, Washington
Authors: Halpern Charles B. , Frenzen Peter M. , Means Joseph E. , Franklin Jerry F.
Published: May 2006

Abstract. Patterns of plant succession were studied in areas of scorched and blown‐down forest resulting from the 1980 eruption of Mount St. Helens, Washington. Changes in species abundance were observed for 7 years in permanent sample plots representing four post‐disturbance habitats, or site types. Total plant cover and species richness increased with time on all site types. In blown‐down forests supporting snowpack at the time of eruption, understory recovery was dominated by the vegetative regeneration of species persisting through disturbance. In forests without snowpacks, plant survival was poorer. Increases in cover and diversity were dominated first by introduced grasses, then by colonizing forbs characteristic of early successional sites. Epilo‐bium angustifolium and Anaphalis margaritacea showed widespread recruitment and clonal expansion throughout the devastated area. As a result, species composition on previously forested sites converged toward that on formerly clearcut sites, where early serai forbs resprouted vigorously from beneath the tephra.

Total plant cover and species diversity were poorly correlated with post‐disturbance habitat and general site characteristics (e.g. distance from the crater, elevation, slope, and aspect). However, distributions of several life‐forms (e.g. low sub‐shrubs and tall shrubs) were strongly correlated with depth of burial by tephra and with cover of tree rootwads. Thus, early community recovery may reflect microsite variation or chance survival and recruitment rather than broad‐scale gradients in environment or disturbance.

Recovery of pre‐disturbance composition and structure will undoubtedly be much slower than after other types of catastrophic disturbance. The rate and direction of community recovery will largely depend on the degree to which original understory species survived the eruption.
Climate and vegetation at the Eurosiberian‐Mediterranean boundary in the Iberian Peninsula
Authors: Moreno José M. , Pineda Francisco D. , Rivas‐Martinez Salvador
Published: May 2006

Abstract. The Northern Iberian Peninsula is dominated by various types of vegetation from deciduous oak and ash to evergreen oak woodlands. A recent vegetation map of Spain portrays vegetation series which are characterized in terms of their phytogeographic region or bioclimatic (altitudinal) belt. The aim of this paper is to determine whether the areas comprised by both phytogeographic regions (Eurosiberian and Mediterranean) in the study area, as established from the phytogeographic characterization of the vegetation, can be discriminated by climatic variables using multivariate methods, and to compare these with other conventional approaches.

In addition, bioclimatic (altitudinal) belts and the main vegetation types were tested for discrimination by climatic variables. Conventional climatic criteria as well as discriminant and principal component analysis were applied to climatic data from 205 meteorological stations for which vegetation information had been taken from the vegetation map. Conventional criteria are good predictors of the phytogeographic division (Mediterranean and Eurosiberian regions) in the study area. Results were improved by multiple discriminant analysis based on climatic data of the dry period of the year (June to September). Both regions in the study area can be predicted with over 95 % accuracy. Using the same multivariate procedure and temperature data the bioclimatic (altitudinal) belts of the study area can be predicted with over 90 % accuracy. The main vegetation groups of the study area can also be predicted with over 80 % accuracy. Ordination analysis supported the results of the discriminant analysis. Empirical models have been generated to predict the phytogeographic‐ and belt character of any station in the area. The significance of the various periods of the year for discriminating regions and belts is evaluated. The responsiveness to climatic events during the year may be region specific. This study confirms the strong relationship between climate and vegetation in the Northern Iberian Peninsula, particularly regarding the Eurosiberian‐Mediterranean boundary.