bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Reforming Interregional Commerce: The Leipzig Trade Fairs and Saxony's Recovery from the Thirty Years' War
Authors: Beachy Robert
Published: December 2008

Wares are consigned to the Leipzig merchants year round from all corners of Europe and then sold during the trade fairs. Leipzig has three fairs: the first begins the Monday after New Year's and lasts two weeks counting the last week for the settling of accounts (Zahlwoche); the spring fair (Jubilate) begins the third Sunday after Easter and runs a total of three weeks; while the autumn fair (Michaelis), likewise three weeks long, begins the fourth Sunday of September. An indescribable wealth of goods is on offer at the fairs. With the foreign merchants and royal personages, the throngs of visitors are so great that it is usually difficult to find lodging in the city. The conflux of sellers and buyers is very advantageous, and during peacetime virtually every order is filled. Many thousands have never even considered provisioning their trade or selling their products other than in Leipzig, though the source of their purchases might lie closer to home. This is because of the commercial services and security provided by such a large fair, including the selection and quality of goods, the strong credit, a reliable circle of customers, a ready supply of bullion, and the efficient Exchange.
Factions and Communities in Early Modern Central Europe
Authors: Luebke David Martin
Published: December 2008

On 12 November 1745, the ad hoc militias of two peasant factions collided near Schmitzingen, a small village in the Black Forest country of Hauenstein, which constituted the southeastern quarter of the Habsburg province of Outer Austria. Several days before, the larger of the two forces had laid siege to Waldshut, the administrative seat of Hauenstein. The smaller band of peasants, recruited from cantons in the north of Hauenstein, had marched through the night to relieve the town. As it approached Waldshut, this relief force was ambushed, encircled, and routed. Two peasants died from wounds suffered in the melee, and many more were severely wounded.
Liberal Constitutionalism in the Frankfurt Parliament of 1848: An Inquiry Based on Roll-Call Analysis
Authors: Mattheisen Donald J.
Published: December 2008

Thereare few politicians in German history who have so persistently held the attention of historians as the moderate liberals of the Frankfurt Parliament of 1848. That is not astonishing, for these moderates held political power—or thought they did—at a true historical watershed, and they provide one of the very rare examples of German liberalism at the helm. But it is surprising that after more than a century of historiographical scrutiny it is still possible to disagree about what sort of regime they really intended for the German state they believed they were creating. The parliamentary debates were stenographically recorded, the committee minutes have been published, their constitution was promulgated, and the leading participants have written their memoirs. Yet enough ambiguity remains to support quite drastically differing interpretations of their political and constitutional purposes.
Art and Mammon in Wilhelmine Germany: The Case of Frank Wedekind
Authors: Jelavich Peter
Published: December 2008

Of all of the cultural figures of fin de siècle Germany, the dramatist Frank Wedekind (1864–1918) is one of the hardest to comprehend. He does not fit easily into standard literary categories. His concern with sexuality causes some scholars to classify him with Jugendstil or Dekadenz; his grotesque caricatures, frenetic dialogue, and occasionally surreal imagery make others view him as a protoexpressionist; and his biting criticism of bourgeois society seems to make him both a wayward naturalist and a precursor of Sternheim, Brecht, and Dürrenmatt. Wedekind's resistance to tagging suggests that studies conducted solely in terms of the literary currents of his time will not uncover the essence of the man or his work. A more productive method seems to consist in examining the clash of the ideal and the real in Wedekind's life, the way in which his views on art and the artist were confounded by the economic reality of literary production. It was the shattering of the classical idealist conception of the artist by a total commercialization of the arts that gave birth to Wedekind's dramas.
A Revisionist Looks at Imperialism: Eduard Bernstein's Critique of Imperialism and Kolonialpolitik, 1900–14
Authors: Fletcher Roger
Published: December 2008

It is now generally accepted that prior to the outbreak of the First World War German Social Democracy did not, as a rule, count foreign policy among its more central concerns. It is often further assumed that the right wing of the prewar German labor movement was still less interested in foreign policy problems than were left-wing or centrist party spokesmen. This assumption requires qualification, for the work of East German historians and others has shown that social imperialist thought had made heavy inroads into the revisionist wing of prewar Social Democracy. In fact, revisionists and reformists from Vollmar onwards frequently manifested a deep and enduring concern with the problems of Germany's position in the world. Yet there remains in the person of Eduard Bernstein—in many ways the father of revisionism and certainly its intellectual leader and chief publicist—one prominent revisionist whose pre-1914 foreign policy position continues to defy satisfactory categorization and generalization.
Fascism and the Führerprinzip: The Austrian Example
Authors: Pauley Bruce F.
Published: December 2008

Although Gilbert Allardyce's recent article in the American Historical Review is useful in reminding us of “What Fascism Is Not,” even he recognizes the Führerprinzip, or leadership principle, as one of the few ideas common to all fascist movements in Europe during the interwar years. The fascists had little difficulty in deciding what they were against: “Marxism,” liberalism, parliamentarianism, individualism, and often, but not always, Judaism. They could also agree that they favored such vague and general ideas as a “‘new world,’ love of power and the dramatic appeal of youth, elite consciousness and mass influence, revolutionary ardor and veneration of tradition.” They were ultranationalistic and hoped to reunite their socially divided people into “people's communities.” In common with many nonfascist regimes they limited civil liberties and tolerated the existence of only one, all-encompassing political party. They stressed emotion and sentiment over reason, action instead of words, violence in place of peace.
Recent Writing on Interwar Austria
Authors: Ritter Harry
Published: December 2008

The 1970s were an interesting and significant decade for the historiography of contemporary Austria. Among Austrian scholars, the tradition of Koalitionsgeschichtsschreibung, a reflection of the political and bureaucratic system of Proporz which reigned in the 1950s and 1960s, began to break down. With the triumph of Social Democracy under Bruno Kreisky, fewer historians—especially those of the “left”—were willing to continue sharing in the orderly division of responsibility for the recent past. Moreover, some of the controversy aroused in Germany by Fritz Fischer's work began to invigorate Austrian historical studies. Both in Austria and abroad, historians became less inclined to treat Austria as a unique case, and increasingly interested in the Alpine state as a study in the general development of contemporary central Europe. The publication of Norbert Schausberger's Der Griff nach Österreich in early 1978—the fortieth anniversary of the Anschluss—marked in some respects a milestone in this direction; it provides the opportunity to review a sampling of the more interesting recent literature, and to reflect, as well, on some general problems of conceptualizing contemporary Austrian history.
Enlightenment, Reform, Reaction: The Schooling Revolution in Prussia
Authors: Schleunes Karl A.
Published: December 2008

Of the revolutionary transformations that shaped the nineteenth-century European world, no one of them touched more directly the lives of the broad masses than did the development of the schooled society. The effecting of state-directed systems of compulsory elementary education (schooling) introduced into Europe the age of mass pedagogy. In Prussia and several of the German states where schooling began early in the century, and in France and England where it came a generation or two later, it produced changes in the structure of individual life and society that were both celebrated and feared. Even where schooling was not effected—as in Russia—the debate surrounding it was clamorous and often strident. Some believed it to be the fount of greatness, whether in politics, arms, or production. Others thought it would open the floodgates of social upheaval. Where schooling came to be effected, as well as where it was not, the questions surrounding it were at the center of political and social controversy.
Thinking between the Posts: Postcolonialism, Postsocialism, and Ethnography after the Cold War
Authors: Chari Sharad , Verdery Katherine
Published: December 2008

Lenin spoke at the Second Congress of 1920 to multiple audiences. In continuity with the First International, he spoke in the utopian language of Bolshevism, of the successful revolutionary proletariat that had taken the state and was making its place in history without the intercession of bourgeois class rule. Recognizing the limits of socialism in one country surrounded by the military and economic might of “World imperialism,” however, Lenin also pressed for a broader, ongoing world-historic anti-imperialism in alliance with the oppressed of the East, who, it seemed, were neither sufficiently proletarianized, nor, as yet, subjects of history. There are many ways to situate this particular moment in Lenin's thought. One can see the budding conceits of Marxist social history, or “history from below,” in which millions in the East could become historical subjects under the sign of “anti-imperialism.” One can also see this gesture to those outside the pale as a flourish of the emergent Soviet empire, and as a projection of anxieties about Bolshevik control over a vast and varied Russian countryside with its own internal enemies. But Lenin also spoke to audiences who would make up the next, Third International, like the Indian Marxist M. N. Roy, who saw imperialism dividing the world into oppressed and oppressor nations. For this Third Worldist audience, looking increasingly to the new Soviet Union for material and military support for “national self-determination,” Lenin extends the historic mission of a future world socialism.
Convert Alert: German Muslims and Turkish Christians as Threats to Security in the New Europe
Authors: Özyürek Esra
Published: December 2008

At the turn of the twenty-first century two countries—one at the center of Europe and the other at its periphery—officially declared converts to minority religions to be threats to national security. The first is Germany, where since early 2006 Minister of Interior Affairs Wolfgang Schäuble has repeatedly warned against the danger posed by German converts to Islam (e.g., Schmid 2007). Recently, after two German Muslims were caught collecting chemicals used to make explosives, the Christian Democrat Union (CDU) faction's leader Wolfgang Bosbach and its Bavarian Interior Minister Günther Beckstein suggested the government register and follow all who have converted to Islam (Küchen 2007). Bosbach said, “A convert registry only makes sense given that we know some of them may be radicalized after converting” (Ringel 2007).
Fixing Futures: Educated Unemployment through a North Indian Lens
Authors: Jeffrey Craig
Published: December 2008

In April and May 1996, while conducting doctoral research, I spent a month living in Meerut College, western Uttar Pradesh (UP). In September 2004 a new project brought me back to Meerut, and I was nervous about my return to the college. Would I get on with the new batch of students? What of the age gap that had opened up between my informants and I? Do I mention my previous visit? These concerns quickly evaporated when I entered the college. Many of the students I had met in 1996 were still living in the same hostel rooms. Between 1996 and 2004 I had completed my Ph.D., married, and obtained an academic job. During the same period, many of my informants, now in their mid-thirties, had, it seemed, stood still. Unable to obtain salaried employment, one of these students asked me: “What can we do but study and wait?”
Correlation problems in the Kimmeridge Clay Formation (Upper Jurassic, UK): lithostratigraphy versus biostratigraphy and chronostratigraphy
Authors: COPE JOHN C. W.
Published: December 2008

A scheme of grouped lithostratigraphical units (‘beds’) proposed for the English Upper Jurassic Kimmeridge Clay Formation has been claimed to be also chronostratigraphical, but some of the resulting time-correlations conflict with those of the standard chronozonation based on ammonite biostratigraphy. Review of some critical ammonite species reaffirms the validity of the ammonite zonal scheme and shows that mismatching of lithologies (facies-correlations) has led to incorrect time-correlations. Because the numbering scheme of ‘beds’ was based on correlations of attenuated successions, it is on too coarse a time-scale to identify many non-sequences, and its usefulness as a chronostratigraphical tool is questioned. Evidence suggests that at least some calcareous concretions in the Kimmeridge Clay formed at shallow depths, which is relevant to discussions of the succession in terms of basin analysis.
ON INTEGER SEQUENCES GENERATED BY LINEAR MAPS
Authors: DUBICKAS ARTŪRAS
Published: December 2008

Letx0<x1<x2< ⋅⋅⋅ be an increasing sequence of positive integers given by the formulaxn=⌊βxn−1+ γ⌋ forn=1, 2, 3, . . ., where β > 1 and γ are real numbers andx0is a positive integer. We describe the conditions on integersbd, . . .,b0, not all zero, and on a real number β > 1 under which the sequence of integerswn=bdxn+d+ ⋅⋅⋅ +b0xn,n=0, 1, 2, . . ., is bounded by a constant independent ofn. The conditions under which this sequence can be ultimately periodic are also described. Finally, we prove a lower bound on the complexity function of the sequenceqxn+1−pxn∈ {0, 1, . . .,q−1},n=0, 1, 2, . . ., wherex0is a positive integer,p>q> 1 are coprime integers andxn=⌈pxn−1/q⌉ forn=1, 2, 3, . . . A similar speculative result concerning the complexity of the sequence of alternatives (F:x↦x/2 orS:x↦(3x+1)/2) in the 3x+1 problem is also given.
The Arc of National Confidence and the Birth of Film Noir, 1929–1941
Authors: HANSON PHILIP
Published: December 2008

Early in the Great Depression, Gerald W. Johnson remarked on the “fathomless pessimism” that had overtaken the American People: “The energy of the country has suffered a strange paralysis … We are in the doldrums, waiting not even hopefully for the wind which never comes.” Film developments of the decade were entwined with the ongoing economic crisis. This article offers an analysis of the extreme shifts in confidence in this period and argues for their relationship with the evolution of film noir, which had its roots in two film genres prominent in the period, the gangster and fallen-woman films, but which breaks with these genres, not after the onset of World War II, which has long been believed, but in the closing years of the 1930s.
“The True Story of the Ku Klux Klan”: Defining the Klan through Film
Authors: RICE TOM
Published: December 2008

In 1923 the Ku Klux Klan produced two films,The Toll of JusticeandThe Traitor Within. This article considers, for the first time, what the representation, promotion and exhibition of these films suggests about the ways in which the Klan sought to promote and define itself at the height of its power. It examines the cinematic articulations of Klan policies and explores the broader engagement of the Klan and cinema. In doing this, the article repositions film as a contributing factor in the growth and development of the modern Klan during the 1920s.
Pigs, Green Whiskers, and Drunken Widows: Irish Nationalists and the “Practical Censorship” ofMcFadden's Row of Flatsin 1902 and 1903
Authors: KIBLER M. ALISON
Published: December 2008

Radical Irish nationalists attacked a musical farce,McFadden's Row of Flats, in 1902 and 1903, because of the green whiskers on the Irishman, the pigs in the Irish household, and the drunken, lascivious Irishwoman on stage. This play had been produced in Philadelphia, an Irish nationalist stronghold, for five years before Irish nationalists decided to stop the performances with direct confrontations in the theater. The timing of this decision and the style of the protest were based on competition among Irish nationalists, particularly the resurgence of Irish ethnocentrism and physical-force nationalism.
“A Chaos of Sin and Folly”: Art, Culture, and Carnival in Antebellum America
Authors: WALL DAVID
Published: December 2008

This essay looks at a variety of antebellum cultural productions and, utilizing Mikhail Bakhtin's notion of the grotesque body, identifies the ubiquitous use of the tropes of carnival as a principal discourse in the construction of bourgeois subjectivity and the staging of its “low Others.” The essay examines the visual arts, popular literature, minstrelsy, and the freak show, demonstrating that as the grotesque body of the social and racial low Other is rejected and excluded socially, it returns constantly and repeatedly in narrative form. Appearing as it does across the broad spread of antebellum cultural domains, the grotesque body emerges as an object not only of disgust but also of deep and profound desire.
Biographical Dictionary of Modern British Radicalism 1790–1914 Purpose and Scope of Project
Authors: Baylen Joseph O. , Gossman Norbert J.
Published: December 2008

The dictionary is intended as a reference volume for students and scholars whose interests lie in the area of Modern British Radicalism. We have attempted to include the major and minor figures active in the labor movement, parliamentary reform, Chartism, socialism, republicanism, feminism, positivism, disestablishment, temperance, education, and imperial reform.
Commentary
Authors: Peterson Brian
Published: December 2008

What follows are some personal reflections on the teaching of European labor history in the United States, based on the questionnaires that have come in to the Newsletter. I hope that these remarks will stimulate a discussion concerning the teaching of labor history, and that others will be prompted to respond in future issues of the Newsletter.
French Archival Notes Police Spies and Labor Militants after the Commune
Authors: Moss Bernard H.
Published: December 2008

Within recent years French historians have turned increasingly to police archives as a vast untapped source for the study of labor and socialist movements. However diligent the labor press was in reporting movement activities, it could never outdo the French political police in its saturation coverage of meetings, congresses and demonstrations. During the second half of the nineteenth century the hub of the political police was the Paris Prefecture of Police, which had literally hundreds of paid informants reporting on political and social circles, high and low, not only in Paris, but in the provinces and other countries as well. Fire destroyed nearly all of the valuable archives of the Prefecture prior to 1871. Beginning then with the post-Commune period, which is particularly rich in documentation, the archives are presently open to the public with some restrictions through 1940. A visit to the Archives of the Prefecture of Police of Paris, located in the Section Police Judiciaire, 36 quai des Orfèvres, has become de rigueur for students of French and international labor movements.
Haymarket, Henry George, and the Labor Upsurge in Britain and America during the Late 1880s
Authors: Laslett J. H. M.
Published: December 2008

At least one excellent new book has been published to mark the centenary of the Haymarket riot of May 4, 1886, which resulted in the death of eight policemen and the wounding of many others, and the arrest and conviction of eight anarchists in one of the worst miscarriages of justice in American history.

Paul Avrich's recent work represents a major advance over the only other previous book-length assessment, whichwas written by Henry David fifty years ago, and was based almost entirely on secondary sources. Avrich's meticulous account confirms that it was the Chicago police who precipitated the violence at the meeting, which had been called to protest the fatal shooting of several strikers at the McCormick Harvester factory the previous day.
Worker Militancy and Its Consequences: Political Responses to Labor Unrest in the United States, 1877–1914
Authors: Friedman Gerald
Published: December 2008

Werner Sombart asks two questions in Why is there no Socialism in the United States?: Why the United States, home of the world's premier capitalist economy, lacks a strong socialist movement, and why American democracy has not led to significant reforms in the interests of the working class. To Sombart, these are the same question because he assumes that without popular sanction democratically elected officials would never act as openly as America's have in support of capitalist expansion and against labor. Assuming this democracy, he can then draw conclusions about popular attitudes from political outcomes, causally attributing procapitalist state policy to popular procapitalist attitudes. Indeed, the juxtaposition of democracy and state policy leads to his central conclusion that “emotionally the American worker has a share in capitalism …he loves it.”
Black Workers in the Export Years: Latin America, 1880–1930
Authors: Andrews George Reid
Published: December 2008

Some fifteen years ago in these pages, Emília Viotti da Costa noted a characteristic of Brazilian labor historiography that she could have applied to Latin America as a whole. “Historians rarely mention blacks or mulattoes…Clearly there is here a problem that deserves more attention. What role did blacks play in the working class? How did they relate to immigrants and vice-versa?… These are some questions waiting for answers.”
Two Dangers, One Solution: Immigration, Race, and Labor in Cuba, 1900–1930
Authors: de la Fuente Alejandro
Published: December 2008

In its morning edition of April 22, 1900,Diario de la Marinaexamined figures released from the 1899 census, nothing what it considered to be its most important feature: One-third of population was colored. The columnist elaborated that this situation represented an obvious “danger” for “the white race” living in the island and claimed that the only way to avert a future catastrophe was to further stimulate white immigration to Cuba.
What if Labor Were Not White and Male? Recentering Working-Class History and Reconstructing Debate on the Unions and Race
Authors: Roediger David
Published: December 2008

During World War Two Alexander Saxton, the great historian of race and class, was a young activist working in the railroad industry. In a lengthy article for theDaily Workerhe caught the complexity of racial discrimination among railway unions. The brotherhoods which organized railroad labor inculded several unions which had historically established the worst records of attempting to enforce what one commentator called the “Nordic closed shop” in their crafts. By the time Saxton wrote, however, the railwayunions had joined in campaigns against the poll tax and against lynching. What they avoided was agitation against “alleged” racism in their own workplaces. When the Fair Employment Practices Committee canceled hearings inquiring into discrimination in railroad employment, the unions rejoiced. Their newspaper observed that in any case such hearings would be illegitimate if African Americans joined in the deliberations. “Thereshould be on the Committee,” according to Labor, “no representative of any race or special interest.” Saxton added, “Apparently white men belongto no race.”
Sexuality in “Red Vienna”: Socialist Party Conceptions and Programs and Working-Class Life, 1920–34
Authors: Gruber Helmut
Published: December 2008

The study of the place of sexuality in working-class culture is still in its infancy. The most noteworthy investigations stop short at the threshold of the twentieth century, on the eve of full-fledged industrialization. The sparseness of data on all periods has made sexuality a particularly intractable subject. The reticence of both memoirists and oral history subjects to reveal the most intimate aspects of their private sphere has forced historians to work with very fragmentary evidence and to rely on inference and contextual reconstructions. If this is so, then why study the subject at all? Because our understanding of working-class culture would be very incomplete without some glimpses of intimate life. There, at the core of the workers' private sphere, lie the emotional resources that have made it possible for them to express their selfhood at the workplace and to respond to the most oppressive aspects of wage labor. There, also, are embedded a variety of subcultural forms and associations which, acting both as disabilities and strengths, have made it possible for workers to resist exploitative manipulation and reformist schemes for self-improvement.
The Sexual Crisis and Popular Religion in London, 1770–1820
Authors: Clark Anna
Published: December 2008

Religion is becoming a crucial issue in women's history. Tired of portraying women as misguided victims, historians have begun to show how women have used religion, especially radical religion, to gain added status or at least impart meaning to their lives.l But in this new portrayal we must be careful to untangle the threads of female religious symbolism from the realities of women's lives, to examine the contrast between the opportunities for women in radical religion and the restrictions placed upon them by established churches and chapels. Furthermore, we must consider that religion is vital to the construction of masculinity in strengthening patriarchal power but also in revealing the needs of men, especially plebeian and working-class men, to cope with their lack of power.
A Passage to Suriname? The Migration of Modes of Resistance by Asian Contract Laborers
Authors: Hoefte Rosemarijn
Published: December 2008

When, on June 5, 1873, theLalla Rookhdocked in Fort Nieuw Amsterdam, Suriname, 399 indentured British Indian immigrants had almost reached their destination: the colonial plantations. The timing was no coincidence. On July 1, 1863, the Dutch government had abolished slavery in its Caribean colonies. During a ten-year transition period the former slave were to work for employers of their own choice under the supervision of the state.Three weeks before this mandatory “apprenticeship” period was over, the Lalla Rookh arrived. The immigrants aboard had signed a contract obliging them to work for five years on a plantation in Suriname yet to be assigned. The labor contract and additional local ordinances specified the rights and duties of the indentured workers and forced them to commit their labor power to the unspecified demands of their employers at specified times. Fundamental to the system was the penal sanction, which gave employers the right to press criminal charges against indentured workers who, according to them, neglected their duty or refused to work. Thus the penal sanction allowed planters to impose their own conception of work discipline.
Labor History and the New Migration History: A Review Essay
Authors: Hanagan Michael P.
Published: December 2008

Debates over the significance of immigration and demands for its restriction in industrialized nations have been a major feature of political life in the 1980s and 1990s. There are several reasons for this heightened concern. In Western Europe, the 1990s have been a decade of slower growth, particularly compared with the halcyon decades of the 1950s and 1960s when mass migration, severely restricted during the interwar years, again became a routine aspect of European life.Even more persistent and troubling has been the declining position of less skilled workers in the economies of industrial nations. The International Monetary Fund notes that, beginning in the 1970s or the early 1980s, “labor markets in the advanced economies have been characterized by marked increases in wage inequality in some countries between the more skilled and less skilled, and in other countriesby rises in unemployment among the less skilled.” Many less skilled workers believe that migrants are responsible for their declining wages and unemployment.
Copper Workers, Organized Labor, and Popular Protest under Military Rule in Chile, 1973–1986
Authors: Klubock Thomas Miller
Published: December 2008

In April of 1983, the Chilean copper miners'confederation (the Confederación de Trabajadores de Cobre, or CTC), representing 26,000 copper workers, called for a general strike in Chile's copper mines and for a day of national protest against the military regime of Augusto Pinochet.
Perspectives on the Working-Class Family in Wartime Britain, 1939–1945
Authors: Field Geoffrey
Published: December 2008

In the late 1940s the British people seemed preoccupied with family and children to an unprecedented degree. A similar revival of family life occurred in other European countries, testimony to the common legacy of the war years, during which private life had been broken apart by death, forced separations, constant anxiety, and unaccustomed privation. But the specific form of postwar familial ideology in Britain reflects the complex circumstances, cultural traditions, and mood of the nation. Everywhere the faces of smiling, responsible parents and healthy, carefree children gazed out from advertising billboards and National Health posters, symbolic of the nation's “social capital” and a better future. Widespread concern about low birthrates helped to strengthen domestic and mothering images of women; magazines and radio espoused the ideas of a growing phalanx of child-care professionals; and government social policy redefined the reciprocal obligations of parents and the state, reflecting a new “social democratic” conception of family as the basic unit of society and the chief incubator of citizenship and community values.
Women in the Greek Resistance: National Crisis and Political Transformation
Authors: Hart Janet
Published: December 2008

In a 1982 review article, Theda Skocpol asks the question, “What makes peasants revolutionary?” She analyzes the conclusions of authors who endeavor to explain what leads peasants—a stereotypically powerless group—to engage in collective action that challenges the economic or political status quo. The above example suggests a useful paraphrase of the question: was Stathoula's case exceptional, and if not, what made a Greek working-class woman during the 1940s revolutionary?
Is Liberalism Really the Answer?
Authors: Nolan Mary
Published: December 2008

I read the first pages of Ira Katznelson's provocative essay with enthusiasm and sympathy. While acknowledging that much interesting and valuable work is being done in the field of working-class history, he accurately pointed to a crisis that is at once political, theoretical, and methodological. He rightly urged us to refuse the currently fashionable alternatives: structure/agency, materialism/discourse, reality/signification, economy/culture.He wisely warned against any easy elision or conflation of these alternatives, favoring instead an exploration of their contradictions and disjunctures. But as I read on to his diagnosis of the ills besetting the field I became uneasy, fearing that while he had recognized some symptoms, he had ignored other, very prominent ones. And when I read his prescription —a labor history that centered on state-focused politics, institutions, and the law—I feared the patient might never recover.
Rethinking the Relation of Labor to the Politics of Urban Social Reform in Late Nineteenth-Century America: The Case of Chicago
Authors: Schneirov Richard
Published: December 2008

In the past decade many “new labor historians” have shifted their emphasis away from a narrowly focused social and cultural history and, without abandoning social historical insights, have reengaged vigorously with political history. In addition to their earlier interest in defining a “working-class politics” and tracing how it fared within the electoral system, labor historians recently have begun to reassess the larger periodizing concepts in political history, including those relating to party formation, political mobilization, political language and ideology, and political culture. The result has been significant progress toward the goal first articulated by Herbert Gutman: to rethink the basic building blocks of American history in such a way as to take full account of the experiences, aspirations, and movements of working people and other subordinate groups studied by social historians.
Working-Class Consumer Power
Authors: van der Linden Marcel
Published: December 2008

Research by labor historians on the acquisition of power by the working class tends to focus on labor relations (acquisition of power in businesses) or on political relations (power through elections, with the government, and so on). This approach overlooks the third source of labor's power, which is based on patterns of consumption resulting from the collective use of purchasing power. This essay examines this source of power. Because the topic is a virtualterra incognita, I will merely discuss a few observations and some very provisional hypotheses that are not always well substantiated.
Industrial-Relations Theory and Labor History
Authors: Lyddon Dave
Published: December 2008

Over many years, academic journals on both sides of the Atlantic have carried articles debating the current state and future direction of labor historiography. One area of continuing discussion, central to the notion of a division between an “old” and a “new” labor history, is the importance of unions. As a consequence, historians of different persuasions are now more openly making judgments as to the value of the extensive body of industrial relations literature. This essay is a contribution to that particular discussion and an attempt to give it a more directed focus.
Traditions and Customs of Lancashire Popular Radicalism in Late Nineteenth-Century Industrial America
Authors: Blewett Mary H.
Published: December 2008

During a decade of constant turmoil in the 1870s, immigrant textile workers from Lancashire, England seized control of labor politics in the southern New England region of the United States. They were men and women who had immigrated in successive waves before and after the American Civil War to the United States, specifically to the textile cities of Fall River and New Bedford, Massachusetts and to the mill villages north of Providence, Rhode Island.
Designing Obedience: The Architecture and Landscape of Welfare Capitalism, 1880–1930
Authors: Littmann William
Published: December 2008

When International Harvester executives announced their plans in 1904 to build a clubhouse for employees at the McCormick reaper works in Chicago, they hoped that the facility might lure workers away from the coarse pleasures enjoyed in the surrounding working-class neighborhoods. They believed the three-story building would serve as a symbol of good taste and proper behavior in a grim landscape of tenements, taverns, and smoking factories (Fig. 1). As one newspaper reporter noted in that year, “the hope and expectation of the stockholders and officials whose money is going into this building is that it will prove a magnet to draw the employes from saloons and other places of resort where waste of money and weariness of flesh are the penalties that add to loss of time.” McCormick executives saw the brick and limestone structure as more than recreation center: It was also a transformative machine, gathering men up from the streets and converting them into efficient and compliant workers.
Women and the Politics of the Spanish Popular Front: Political Mobilization or Social Revolution?
Authors: Ackelsberg Martha A.
Published: December 2008

Moments of massive social change, almost by definition, open new social and political arenas to individuals and groups previously prevented from participating in them. Whether because of the sense of possibility that revolutionary moments tend to offer, the collapse of existing mechanisms of social control, or the effects of broad-based mobilization, those previously subordinated often use such moments to take their places on the historical stage. Women, in particular, frequently appear as political actors in such contexts. But just as surely as revolutions tend to open opportunities for participation in the political and social life of a community, the consolidation of power often tends to narrow them, once again—albeit with a new “cast” of political actors. And, if women have tended to benefit from revolutionary moments, they have also suffered the consequences of consolidation: no matter what the ostensible goals of the revolution, as the exercise of power is “regularized,” opportunities for women contract.
Unions and the Popular Front: The West Coast Waterfront in the 1930s
Authors: Nelson Bruce
Published: December 2008

Recent discussions of the history of American communism have generated a good deal of controversy. A youthful generation of “new social historians” has combined with veterans of the Communist party to produce a portrait of the Communist experience in the United States which posits a tension between the Byzantine pursuit of the “correct line” at the top and the impulses and needs of members at the base trying to cope with a complex reality. In the words of one of its most skillful practitioners, “the new Communist history begins with the assumption that … everyone brought to the movement expectations, traditions, patterns of behavior and thought that had little to do with the decisions made in the Kremlin or on the 9th floor of the Communist Party headquarters in New York.” The “new” historians have focused mainly on the lives of individuals, the relationship between communism and ethnic and racial subcultures, and the effort to build the party's influence within particular unions and working-class constituencies. Overall, the portrait has been critical but sympathetic and has served to highlight the party's “human face” and the integrity of its members.
A formal ontological perspective on the behaviors and functions of technical artifacts
Authors: Borgo Stefano , Carrara Massimiliano , Garbacz Pawel , Vermaas Pieter E.
Published: December 2008

In this paper we present a formal characterization of the engineering concepts ofbehaviorandfunctionof technical artifacts. We capture the meanings that engineers attach to these concepts by formalizing, within the formal ontology DOLCE, the five meanings of artifact behavior and the two meanings of function that Chandrasekaran and Josephson identified in 2000 within thefunctional representationapproach. We begin our formalization by reserving the term “behavior” of a technical artifact as “the specific way in which the artifact occurs in an event.” This general notion is characterized formally, and used to provide definitions of actual behaviors of artifacts, and the physically possible and physically impossible behaviors that rational agents believe that artifacts have. We also define several other notions, for example, input and output behaviors of artifacts, and then show that these ontologically characterized concepts give a general framework in which Chandrasekaran and Josephson's meanings of behavior can be explicitly formalized. Finally we show how Chandrasekaran and Josephson's two meanings of artifact functions, namely, device-centric and environment-centric functions, can be captured in DOLCE via the concepts ofbehavioral constraintandmode of deploymentof an artifact. A more general goal of this work is to show that foundational ontologies are suited to the engineering domain: they can facilitate information sharing and exchange in the various engineering domains by providing concept structures and clarifications that make explicit and precise important engineering notions. The meanings of the terms “behavior” and “function” in domains like designing, redesigning, reverse engineering, product architecture, and engineering knowledge bases are often ambiguous or overloaded. Our results show that foundational ontologies can accommodate the variety of denotations these terms have and can explain their relationships.
A methodology for engineering ontology acquisition and validation
Authors: Li Zhanjun , Yang Maria C. , Ramani Karthik
Published: December 2008

When engineering content is created and applied during the product life cycle, it is often stored and forgotten. Current information retrieval approaches based on statistical methods and keyword matching are not effective in understanding the context of engineering content. They are not designed to be directly applicable to the engineering domain. Therefore, engineers have very limited means to harness and reuse past designs. The overall objective of our research is to develop an engineering ontology (EO)-based computational framework to structure unstructured engineering documents and achieve more effective information retrieval. This paper focuses on the method and process to acquire and validate the EO. The main contributions include a new, systematic, and more structured ontology development method assisted by a semiautomatic acquisition tool. This tool is integrated with Protégé ontology editing environment; an engineering lexicon (EL) that represents the associated lexical knowledge of the EO to bridge the gap between the concept space of the ontology and the word space of engineering documents and queries; the first large-scale EO and EL acquired from established knowledge resources for engineering information retrieval; and a comprehensive validation strategy and its implementations to justify the quality of the acquired EO. A search system based on the EO and EL has been developed and tested. The retrieval performance test further justifies the effectiveness of the EO and EL as well as the ontology development method.
Neither Markets nor Administration: Brandeis and the Antitrust Reforms of 1914
Authors: Berk Gerald
Published: December 2008

The election of 1912 retains its hold on the imagination of students of American political development. Long interpreted as a conflict between tradition and modernity, Martin Sklar has recently argued that the old order had passed by 1912. In law and economy, competitive-proprietary capitalism had been eclipsed by administration. The political conflict was now overwhowould administer prices and investment, the corporation of the state?
The Ambiguities of Labor's Legislative Reforms in New York State in the Late Nineteenth Century
Authors: Lovell George
Published: December 2008

Recently, Victoria Hattam and William Forbath have separately defended new explanations of the development of the distinctive, relatively apolitical labor movement in the United States. Their explanations differ from earlier accounts that saw the failure of socialism in the United States as the result of either the distinctive liberal tradition in the United States or of ethnic and other divisions within the working class. Their alternative view is that distinctive structural features of the U.S. state – in particular, the independent judiciary – played a decisive role in shaping the development of the labor movement. This paper questions some of the shared assumptions of these new accounts, focusing on Victoria Hattam's recent book,Labor Visions and State Power. Without denying that the judiciary played an important role in the development of the U.S. labor movement, I want to suggest a different account of the relationship between the judiciary and the legislative and executive branches.
Government Goes into Business: Parcel Post in the Nation's Political Economy, 1880–1915
Authors: Kielbowicz Richard B.
Published: December 2008

From today's vantage point, the radical potential originally envisioned for parcel post is hard to imagine. One historian facilely characterized postal savings banks (1910) and parcel post (1912) as small incremental advances in the evolution of state action: “From legislation designed to restrain harmful practices in big business, it was but a step for the government to embark in business on its own accord.” Yet parcel post marked a dramatic departure in public-sector initiatives: it put the federal government in the transportation business to compete with well-established private firms. That the United States started parcel post so late – it was the last major industrialized nation to do so – suggests the extent to which the service raised fundamental questions about the proper sphere of state action.
People's Banking: The Promise Betrayed?
Authors: Schroedel Jean Reith , Snyder Bruce
Published: December 2008

The period roughly encompassing the last twenty-five years of the nineteenth century and the first two decades of the twentieth century has been described as one in which America embarked on a “search for order.” It has also been characterized as a period that witnessed the genesis of the modern American administrative state. The time was one of profound change, marking the transition from a principally agrarian to an industrial society and economy. Positions on the most contentious issues of the era tended to fall along sectional lines that reflected regional disagreement on the scope, as well as the propriety, of that transition. Even after appeals to the “bloody shirt” had waned, the fundamentally sectional nature of the national debate over these issues, and the state's capacity to deal with them, remained.
Reorganizing the Organizational Synthesis: Federal-Professional Relations in Modern America
Authors: Balogh Brian
Published: December 2008

Twenty years after Louis Galambos published “The Emerging Organizational Synthesis,” the organizational strand of revisionist history has become a mainstay of scholarly interpretation. One hallmark of its maturity is that today the organizational synthesis is itself a subject undergoing revision by charter members and critics alike. High priests like Galambos have underscored the wealth of scholarship spawned by the organizational approach and have discerned broad new trends and tensions in that scholarship. Galambos recently blessed three denominations that have embellished and elaborated upon the founders' abiding faith in the forces of modernization to reshape state-society relations: technology, as mediated through large-scale corporate development; the administrative state, as it has developed over the twentieth century to embrace a new, corporatist form of liberalism; and the pervasive professionalization of society. Yet many leading historians remain outside of the organizational flock. Alan Brinkley, one of the agnostics, has criticized organizational historians for pushing “vast segments of society to the periphery of historical analysis.” Michael McGerr, an outright heretic, has questioned the whole endeavor, doubting whether there “really was an ‘organizational society’ in the early twentieth century (or even now)” and charging the historians who in-vented that society with the sin of “presentism.”