bluuebunny/crossref_metadata_2025 huggingface dataset:
Constantinopolitana
Authors: Hasluck F. W.
Published: May 2006

Of the many resting-places assigned, by patriotic fancy, we must regretfully admit, rather than by well-authenticated traditions, to the last Greek emperor of Constantinople, none is more picturesque or more appropriate than the Golden Gate, through which, when the years are fulfilled, the victorious army of the Greeks is to enter the city and take possession once more of their ancient heritage. More than this, as Professor Polites has remarked, relatively ancient traditions of the saviour-king, who is to rise from the sleep of death at this historical moment, speak of him as dwelling ἐν τῇ πρώτῃ ἄκρᾳ τῆς Βυζαντίδος which may well enough be interpreted of the Golden Gate, standing as it does at the south-west corner of the triangular city.

Despite this appropriateness, we note in the traditions a certain discrepancy as to one essential point—the identity of the sleeper at the Golden Gate. He is either the emperor Constantine Palaiologos, or his predecessor John Palaiologos, or—S. John the Evangelist! All these traditions are historically almost equally incredible. But the intrusion of S. John, who, according to mediaeval traditions, sleeps without tasting of death in his tomb at Ephesus, is at least intelligible in this setting. The figure of John Palaiologos, on the other hand, seems to be no more than a bridge effecting the transition between the deathless saint, John, and the deathless emperor, Palaiologos, of popular tradition. This hypothetical development would be explicable if we could find such a combination as the existence at the Golden Gate of a body marvellously preserved, and therefore reputed that of a saint, which was ignorantly identified first for obvious reasons with S. John, and later swept into the long cycle of local legends concerning the sleeping saviour-king. It seems possible that some, though not all, of the missing links can be supplied.
The Progress of Greek Epigraphy, 1921–1922
Authors: Tod Marcus N.
Published: May 2006

In the following Bibliography, which continues that of J.H.S. xli. 50 ff., I attempt to deal with the publications of 1921 and 1922, though a few books and articles are noticed which, though they appeared in previous years, only came under my notice in the period in question. It must be borne in mind that periodicals sometimes fall into arrears, and thus the actual year of publication may be later than the nominal year as indicated in the title. I have seriously modified the geographical order hitherto followed in my Bibliographies so as to bring it into strict accord, so far as the inscriptions of Europe are concerned, with that of the Inscriptiones Graecae; for those of Asia and Africa I follow the order adopted in the C.I.G.

The mass of the relevant material has rendered necessary the utmost compression, and, while I have aimed at introducing some reference to every contribution to Greek epigraphical studies, I have found it impossible to summarise or to indicate the value of each. No mention is normally made of reviews, but I have occasionally added references to them for special reasons, e. g. because of the value of their positive contribution to the study, or because they afford a ready means of surveying the contents of the books to which they relate.
Traces of the Rhapsode: An Essay on the Use of Recurrent Similes in the Iliad
Authors: Sheppard J. T.
Published: May 2006

We know roughly, says Prof. Murray, how a rhapsode set to work. He would be tempted to introduce bright patches. … He would abhor the subordination of parts to the whole.

This tendency, he suggests, explains the occurrence both in Θ (555 ff.) and in II (297 ff.) of the well-known description of a cloudless sky: ‘Such lovely lines, once heard, were a temptation to any rhapsode, and likely to recur whereever a good chance offered. The same explanation applies to the multiplied similes of B 455 ff. They are not meant to be taken all together; they are alternatives for the reciter to choose from.’

I quote this pronouncement, not because I want to quarrel with the most generous of scholars, but because it hits on particularly instructive passages. The constellation of similes at B 455 ff. marks, I suggest, a provisional climax in the movement of the poem, and the images here chosen are poetically relevant, not only to the immediate context but to the whole design. Similarly, the image of Θ 555 ff. is not isolated, but provides a climax and a consummation to the whole series of images which decorates the movement Γ–Θ. The kindred, though more impressive, image of Π 297 ff, marks the beginning of yet another series.
Thucydides the Son of Melesias: A Study of Periklean Policy
Authors: Wade-Gery H. T.
Published: May 2006

At the crisis of Perikles' career, in the middle 'forties, Thucydides of the deme Alopekê, the son of Melesias, withstood the great man for a little while, until he was swept aside. He was ostracised (the last important ostracism of which we hear) and with that Perikles begins his fifteen years' principate.

Impar congressus Achilli, Thucydides is damned by another Latin tag also: he is magni nominis umbra. Thucydides, for us and for most ancient writers, means the son of Oloros, the historian; and it has long been recognised that the second Vita prefixed to our texts of Thucydides' History contains information about the son of Melesias. The difficulty of disentangling him from his namesakes, more perhaps than the overtoweringness of his rival, has deterred historians from constating about the son of Melesias things which I think can yet be constated and should be. For indeed Kimon's political heir, who resisted Perikles on behalf of the Attic aristocracy, in the days when this aristocracy (to Athens' own irreparable damage) was being ruined, is a sufficiently important figure.
Roxane and Alexander IV in Epirus
Authors: Macurdy Grace H.
Published: May 2006

The writers who discuss in detail the history of Macedonia during the years of ‘The Kings,’ Philip Arrhidaeus and Alexander IV (323–317 B.C.), state or assume that Roxane, the widow of Alexander the Great, fled to Queen Olympias in Epirus with her little son, after the death of Antipater, or else that she was sent or taken there by Polyperchon at the time when Queen Eurydice was putting Cassander in Polyperchon's place as her husband's prime minister. The stay of the mother and son in Epirus and their return with Olympias when she entered Macedonia to fight at Evia with Eurydice and Philip Arrhidaeus for the kingdom are mentioned by such authorities as Grote, Niese, Beloch, Kaerst, Staehelin (Berve, also, refers to Kaerst and Staehelin for this part of Roxane's history), Klotzsch, and Tarn.
An Etruscan imitation of an Attic cup
Authors: Plaoutine N.
Published: May 2006

Rodin bought many antiques in his life, and these are now preserved in the Rodin Museum in Paris. They are not very well known, but they include a few fine pieces well worth seeing and studying. Some seventy ancient vases are on exhibition, and do not seem ever to have been published or described, apart from stray mentions in sale catalogues.

A few years ago I became interested in the collection, and noticed a very curious red-figured cup, which I shall describe.

Pl. I. Rodin Museum inv. Tc. 980 (formerly inv. 1943). Diameter 23·2 centimetres. The present height is 9·5 centimetres, but the foot is alien: it comes from a little-master cup. The handles belong: the ends of them are rounded, not squared as in late cups.

I: two satyrs. The left-hand one totters forward in a dancing movement, carrying a large wineskin on his back. He grasps the upper end with his left hand, just above his head, to prevent it sliding down. The right arm is lowered, with the fingers of the hand raised. His tail does not show, and his left leg is almost entirely hidden behind the krater on which his companion is seated; a bit of the calf appears to the left of the base. The second satyr, who wears a wreath of ivy, is sitting on the foot of a large calyx-krater which has been turned upside down; streaks on the uneven ground represent the remains of the wine: the feast is over.
The Hermes and Dionysos of Olympia
Authors: Casson Stanley
Published: May 2006

Mr. H. W. Law's suggestion, made as a note in the last number of the Journal (p. 236), that the statue of the Hermes and Dionysos from the Heraeum was moved to that building from elsewhere in 146 B.C. is interesting. It would, of course, without doubt authenticate the statue as an original by Praxiteles, if its processes of reasoning could be considered as acceptable. Mr. Law, not doubting any more than I do, that the basis can be assigned to a second-century B.C. date, as Professor Dinsmoor has shown, assumes that therefore the statue must have been placed upon that basis at the time when that basis was made. That assumption obviously rules out the possibility of the statue having been carved in the second century A.D.
The Centenary of Athens University
Authors: Miller W.
Published: May 2006

The celebration of the Centenary of the ‘ National and Capodistrian University,’ to give it the full title which it has borne officially since 1911, was held for eight days in April, and passed off amidst the hospitality for which Greece is proverbial. The present writer, one of the few delegates who was also present at the seventy-fifth anniversary in 1912, when that eminent historian and admirable organiser, the late Sp. P. Lampros, was Rector, could not but compare the dimensions of modern Athens and modern Greece with those of the smaller capital and the restricted kingdom, then on the eve of the first Balkan War. In the expansion of Greece, both scientifically and politically, the University has played a great part. It has produced eminent scholars and apostles of the ‘ Great Idea,’ men who have laboured for the advancement of Greek learning and the creation of greater Greece.
Death of Hipparchos
Authors: Beazley J. D.
Published: May 2006

Among the sherds found at Gela in what must have been the sanctuary of the hero Antiphamos—the Rhodian co-founder, with the Cretan Entimos, of the city itself—was a fragment of a large Attic skyphos representing the Assassination of Hipparchos. It was described, though not figured, by Orsi in Notizie degli Scavi 1900 p. 276. He compared it with the well-known picture of the same subject on the stamnos by the Copenhagen Painter in Würzburg (515: AZ. 1883 pl. 12 and pp. 215–8, Boehlau; Klio 20 pll. 1–4; Langlotz pll. 182–3 and 210: ARV. p. 193 no. 5). Petersen noticed the fragment in R.M. 16 (1901) p. 103, and there are one or two bare mentions elsewhere. In 1923 it was still in private hands at Gela, where I saw it, but not long afterwards it passed to the Villa Giulia, and was figured, with a hasty description, by Cultrera in Bollettino d'Arte 7 (1927) p. 319, above, 2. This publication seems to have escaped general notice, at least it is not quoted in recent studies of the Tyrant-slayers. The fragment has such exceptional interest of subject that I may be excused for returning to it.
Sarcophagi from Xanthos
Authors: Rodenwaldt Gerhart
Published: May 2006

Sir Charles Fellows writes on p. 503 of Travels and Researches:— ‘On the plain at the foot of the elevation upon which the city Xanthos was placed, we disinterred the remains of a mausoleum. In this room, which had vaults beneath, stood four sarcophagi, raised upon pedestals. … I have collected the fragments of each sarcophagus.’ The four sarcophagi are in the British Museum and are described in Vol. II of the Catalogue of Sculpture, nos. 957–960. As far as I am aware, there is no other reference to any of them in archaeological literature. Their obscurity in the Museum (no. 957 in the Mausoleum Room Annexe, the other three in the Sepulchral Basement), and also their association in the Catalogue with older, Greek sculptures have combined to withdraw attention from them. It can be readily understood that amid masterpieces of the archaic and classical periods these sadly fragmentary remains of late art failed to attract the eye. To-day, when sarcophagi are recognised as material of fundamental importance for the artistic and cultural history of the provinces of the Roman Empire, it seems appropriate to reconsider these fragments; for their provenience is certain and identical, and they present some new features to our study.
Anthesteria
Authors: van Hoorn G.
Published: May 2006

An illustrated inventory of the redfigured Oenochoae destined for the Attic Anthesteria (Beazley, Oinochoe shape 3), commenced by the late Prof. Frickenhaus and continued by Prof. Deubner (Attische Feste, p. 238: Die Darstellungen der Choenkannen), is to be completed and edited by the undersigned; information of unpublished examples will be received gratefully at this address.
Rhegion, Zankle-Messana and the Samians
Authors: Robinson E. S. G.
Published: May 2006

In 493 Ionian emigrants from Samos and Miletos, on their way to Sicily to found a new city there at the invitation of the Zanklaians, were persuaded by Anaxilas, just risen to power in Rhegion, to seize Zankle instead, which Skythes, its ruler, had left temporarily unguarded. Skythes seems to have been a dependant of Hippokrates of Gela, but Hippokrates, instead of ejecting the Samians, came to terms and left them in possession. Some years later (probably after Hippokrates's death in 491) Anaxilas in his turn occupied the city which now, under the name of Messene, became his headquarters until his death in 476. In spite of the aberrations of Pausanias (iv. 23, 4–10) the literary authorities provide the material for a consistent account along broad lines of the incident and of the events which led up to and followed it. They show some uncertainty over the date when the name Zankle was changed to Messene and over the identity of Kadmos, son of Skythes (Was Skythes always one and the same? was it ‘with’ or ‘from’ the Samians that Kadmos took over and settled Zankle?), but the general outline emerges clearly. On the other hand, it is often held that the numismatic evidence (and it is abundant) contradicts the historical tradition at many points; and C. H. Dodd who first crystallised it in a careful and closely reasoned article in this Journal, arrived at very different conclusions.
Religious Documents from Roman Cyprus
Authors: Mitford T. B.
Published: May 2006

Provenance unknown. Now in the Cyprus Museum, but with no record of acquisition. A rectangular sandstone block, both stone and inscription virtually complete. H. from 0·175 m. to 0·18 m.; w., 0·464 m.; th., 0·115 m. The surface, save for three long but shallow scratches, good. The alphabet is debased classical, notable forms being Ε and Η with the central stroke disconnected, Ρ with its top approximately rectangular. Letters, from 0·01 m. to 0·017 m. Squeeze. (Fig. 1.)

From its lettering this inscription is in all probability earlier than the reign of Hadrian and should belong to the second half of the first century. Tryphon and Philon are both names common along the south coast of Cyprus; but as an indication of provenance this fact must be used with great reserve.

The worship of Nemesis in Cyprus is not otherwise known to me, though Tyche with whom she is here identified occurs both at Chytri and at Paphos. An inscription tells of a dedication to the Fortune of Chytri under Philometor; another of how a certain Apollonia and her husband Patrocles were honoured, perhaps under Hadrian, as the founders of a Τυχαῖον and as the priests of the Fortune of the Metropolis Paphos. Here we do not find this limited conception of Tyche: the present inscription is an excellent and it seems an early illustration of the worship of Nemesis as a universal goddess, identified on the one hand with Justice, on the other with Fortune. In the theological and philosophic speculation of the second and third centuries these ideas are commonplaces. I am not aware that they have as yet occurred in the first.
Symmetry on the Chest of Cypselus at Olympia (Pausanias V. 17–19)
Authors: Myres John L.
Published: May 2006

Much has been written about the bronze reliefs which decorated the ‘Chest of Cypselus’ at Olympia; but the general arrangements of them in five zones (Χωραί) being once established, the subjects of the reliefs in each have usually been considered separately, without regard to their relative position within a zone, or any rhythm or balance among them. Yet so important a work of art, of the date traditionally ascribed to it, was surely not a mere crowd of independent topics, unconnected by their general arrangement in a larger composition, however miscellaneous the occasions or personages which they represented. Earlier reconstructions are summarised and discussed by H. Stuart Jones, JHS XIV 30-80, PI. I.
A Skyphos by the Pan Painter
Authors: Robertson Martin
Published: May 2006

Plate VIII and fig. 1 are from a red-figured vase in the Wisbech Museum and Literary Institution, Wisbech, Cambs. It is a skyphos, shape B, 8·45 cm. high and 11·3 broad (17·65 with handles). It was given to the Museum on October 7th, 1836, by William Peckover. Its provenance is unknown.

A narrow reserved line runs all round the vase below the pictures.

On the front is a warrior crouching to left, no doubt in ambush. He wears a Corinthian helmet with a horse-tail plume pushed back on his head, and carries a shield shewn in three-quarter view, but with the device, a facing bull's head, shewn as though the shield were seen in profile. He has a patterned garment round his waist, and holds a spear horizontally. On the other side is an archer moving to the left and shooting. He has an Eastern cap and bow, a garment round his waist and a quiver on his left thigh.
Documents from Phrygia and Cyprus
Authors: Buckler W. H.
Published: May 2006

The following inscriptions, one from the realm of the Attalid kings, the other from that of the Ptolemies, came to light last year. Both are city decrees issued in the second century B.C., and affinity in date, if not in matter, seems to justify their being here published together.

I. Decree from Apamea-ad-Maeandrum

Dinar. Two fragments of a marble stele excavated in 1934 near the ‘Therma’ spring (Ramsay, C.B. p. 401), soon afterwards copied, photographed and measured by W. M. Calder. At the top a plain moulding; broken at base and on both sides, no part of edges preserved; h. 0·39 m., w. 0·37 m., th. 0·08–0·10 m.; letters 0·007 to 0·0125 m.
Ares in Coronea
Authors: Ure Annie D.
Published: May 2006

In the last number of this Journal (liv, p. 206) Mrs. Arnold makes the interesting suggestion that the god associated with Athena Itonia at Coronea, whom I have regarded as being her predecessor and more or less vanquished rival, may have been not Hades but Ares. The evidence for regarding Ares as originally a chthonic deity is to be found in Mrs. Arnold's note, but I should like here to direct attention to a Boeotian vase in the Louvre which has some bearing on the question. It is a black-figured lekane (figs. 1–3) belonging to the last quarter of the fifth century, painted in the style prevalent in southern Boeotia at this period. Fortunately for us the painter has taken the unusual step of inscribing the names of the figures. On the outside is a combat between a mounted Ares and Athena. They do not bear the full brunt of the conflict, but are coming up to the support of henchmen who are the protagonists, on Athena's side Heracles, on the side of Ares a figure with the significant name of Gagenes. Both Athena and Ares are somewhat removed from the fray, Ares on a hill (which causes his head to disappear over the edge of the bowl and break into the meander on the rim) and Athena behind a tree indicated by a tall trunk topped by the familiar conventional palmette.
A signed ‘Droop cup.’
Authors: Beazley J. D.
Published: May 2006

Two ‘ Droop cups ’ (see Ure in JHS. 52, pp. 55–71) bear the signature of Antidoros, Αυτιδοροσεποε (NdS. 1897, pp. 231–2, whence Hoppin Bf. pp. 52–3; Ure, l.c. p. 67, nos. 112–13). A third Droop cup is also signed. The British Museum fragment B600. 53, from Naucratis, published in WV. 1890–1, pl. 6, 4a and c (not ‘ 4a-c ’ as Hoppin writes, Bf. p. 209, no. 22: 4b is not from the same vase), is the foot of a cup; and of a Droop cup, for it has the distinctive features of the Droop-cup-foot (see Ure, l.c., p. 55)—black edge, and the outer part of the ‘ kick ’ black. (The latter feature is not quite clear in the reproduction: the underside of the foot is reserved, the black band is in the hollow). Moreover, the signature, Νικοσθ[ενεσεποιεσ]εν, is in the same unusual position as on the Antidoros cups, round the inner edge of the underside of the foot.
Ad Fourmontii inscriptiones spurias addendum
Authors: Powell J. Enoch
Published: May 2006

P. M. Paciaudi was first librarian of the ducal library at Parma upon its opening in 1769, and an antiquary of some repute, having already published two books on Greek epigraphy in 1751 and 1761 respectively. As librarian he procured from the Jesuits of Milan a fifteenth-century manuscript of Thucydides, now no. 342, and on having this rebound, he inserted between the front guard-leaves and the MS. proper a quaternion of stout white paper. This, in an irreproachable hand, he filled with a dissertation of his own composition, which, after a preamble on Thucydides, gives valuable details of the previous owners of the book. He then returns to the historian, and relates a remarkable discovery once made by himself. We will let him tell the story in his own words.
The Rosi Krater
Authors: Beazley J. D.
Published: May 2006

Fig. 1 gives the picture on the front of an Attic red-figured bell-krater which was formerly in the Roman market: about 1831 the vase belonged to the dealer Rosi, at another time to the dealer Campanari: it has since disappeared. The reproduction is taken from the lithograph (made from a drawing in Gerhard's apparatus) which was published by C. von Paucker, with a commentary, in AZ 1852, pl. 42 and pp. 450–8.

Two small pieces are marked in the drawing as restored. There may be a little restoration besides this: the cheekpieces of the helmets, part of the shield, and one or two small particulars, were either retouched in the original, or copied carelessly by the modern artist. The faces, too, especially those of the two left-hand figures, cannot be quite as they were in the original.

The date is about 450 B.C. As to the artist, there is much that recalls the Eupolis Painter, and the vase is almost certainly his work (ARV. p. 670 no. 3). Compare the drapery, especially, with that on his name-piece, the bell-krater in Vienna (1772: A, WV. E pl. 12, 1, whence Robert Herm. p. 65 fig. 52: A, von Lücken pl. 113: ARV. pp. 668–9 no. 1).
The Size of the Army of Xerxes in the Invasion of Greece 480 B.C.
Authors: Maurice F.
Published: May 2006

1. I happened to be staying in Constantinople in the late summer of 1922 as the guest of General Sir Charles Harrington, and I was there when the Chanak crisis of that year arose. I visited the Narrows of the Dardanelles at a time when Kemal's leading troops were approaching the Asiatic coast of the Dardanelles, and there was then naturally much debate as to whether and how he would attempt to cross into Europe. It occurred to me at the time that it would be of interest to study what Xerxes had done 2402 years previously, and on returning to Constantinople I borrowed a Herodotus from the American College, and when the crisis had died down I went back with it to the Dardanelles. In that district, during the dry season, the problem of water supply looms large, and I was at once struck on reading Herodotus by the fact that this had been also Xerxes' chief difficulty, in that portion of his march which took him from the Scamander, the modern Mendere, across the Hellespont to the Hebrus, the modern Maritza.
Tondo Composition in Archaic and Classical Greek Art
Authors: Webster T. B. L.
Published: May 2006

The four centuries with which this study of Greek tondos is concerned cover a period which begins in the reign of Gyges of Lydia and ends shortly before the accession of Alexander the Great. Most of the tondos which have survived are of small size. The Strangford shield is an exception. No doubt other statues had decorated shields, but we know nothing about them, nor have we any evidence that the round form was used for large pictures. We are concerned with circles seldom more than a foot, and sometimes as little as a quarter of an inch, in diameter, with cups and plates, mirrors and coins. Nevertheless, in spite of their small size, and the consequent restriction of the composition to a small number of figures, these works are often of the first quality, and always reflect the style and ideas of their period.

The geometric style gave Greek artists certain principles which they never entirely forgot, although they adhered to them more strictly at some times than at others. These principles are definition and symmetry. On Geometric vases, scene is marked off from scene and part from part; transitions are never slurred, and the defining lines are clearly drawn. The great structures and the minor parts within them are held together by the echoing of motives and figures, symmetrically balanced. Other features of the geometric style are less long-lived, the filling ornament, the angularity of the figures and the refusal to represent depth; yet they are not finally and completely abandoned until the sixth century or even later.
Byzantine Pottery
Authors: Rice D. Talbot
Published: May 2006

One of the more complicated problems that confronts the art student to-day is that of maintaining touch with all the material relative to the sphere of his own researches that is published in numerous periodicals. For this reason a short note, referring to a recent article in Ars Islamica (Michigan, 1938, Vol. V, Pt. I, pp. 55–86) may be of service to Byzantinists. In the article, which is entitled ‘ Mediaeval Graves in Cyprus ’ and is by Miss du Plat Taylor, associated curator of the Nicosia Museum, a quantity of late Byzantine pottery is published. Excellent outline drawings and photographs are given, and our familiarity with these later polychrome sgraffito wares, common over the whole Mediterranean world, is considerably widened. Most important, the vessels come from graves, where they were in many cases found in association with coins. They can thus be definitely dated to quarter centuries or even to decades during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Miss Taylor is to be congratulated on her excavations and on this full publication of them.
Reactions to the Peloponnesian War in Greek Thought and Practice
Authors: Murray Gilbert
Published: May 2006

Europe in the last two thousand years has three times passed through an experience which may fairly be called a Thirty Years War; in Greece from 432 to 404 B.C., in Central Europe from A.D. 1618 to 1648; and over the whole continent from 1914 to 1945; in all of them there were intervals in which the fighting ceased, but the interval hardly amounted to true peace; it was more like what a certain scholiast calls it, ἐχεχειρία ὕπουλος, ώδίνουσα, πόλεμον. In all three cases one notices a certain rhythm; an increase of brutality and demoralisation persisting to the end of the war and after, and later on a sort of revulsion of thought, an attempt to make sure that such evils shall not happen again. In our time it is the League of Nations movement; after the Thirty Years War it is the effort to distinguish between just and unjust wars, and establish international law, which centres in Grotius' De Jure Pacis et Belli. After the Peloponnesian War it is the magnificent conception of World Citizenship made specially articulate in Zeno's ideal Republic.

In the present paper I have tried to analyse a little more closely the actual reactions of Greek thought and practice to the first of these long strains of embittered war.
Some Notes on the Tal Atchana Pottery
Authors: Evans Arthur
Published: May 2006

The fabric of the group of sherds examined by me was certainly indigenous and, in spite of the strong Minoan influence visible in some cases, no imported Cretan ware was traceable.

The evidences of Cretan influence, however, are unmistakable.

The large cups or bowls, of somewhat thin make, showing white rosettes on a dark ground, which are here exceptionally forthcoming, may certainly be regarded as derivatives of the egg-shell cups, with dark, metallic lustre ground and similar white rosettes, that characterise the finest M.M. IIa technique. That exquisite bowls of this class presenting decorative details that point to the Knossian Palace fabric were actually reaching the Syrian Coast by the approximate date of 1900 B.C. is now demonstrated by the fragment—the first-fruits of a still unexplored Ras Shamra tomb—kindly lent by Monsieur Claude Schaeffer and the authorities of the Louvre Museum to the Minoan Exhibition at the Royal Academy of Arts. In the case of the Tal Atchana specimens, where the parallels belong to only one comparatively simple class of decoration and the whole fabric is of an inferior and imitative kind it is obvious that we may have to deal with a distinctly later dating. The white on dark rosettes themselves were still a common decorative motive in the later phase (b) of M.M. II which carries us down to about 1700 B.C. But the survival of this in a local style may clearly have gone down still later.
Amasis and the Greeks in Egypt
Authors: Cook R. M.
Published: May 2006

The excuse for this article is that the accepted reconstruction of the Hellenic policy of Amasis misinterprets statements of Herodotus and ignores the archaeological evidence. Most historians seem to agree that Amasis was put on the throne as the nominee of a fervid nationalist party; that about 565, to please this party, he concentrated the Greeks in Naucratis, reorganised, if not founded, at this time, and only permitted them access to Egypt by the Canopic branch of the Nile; that at the same time he brought to Memphis from Stratopeda, usually equated with Daphnae and Tell Defenneh, the Greek and Carian mercenaries—either to have them more securely under control or from latent philhellenism; and that later he began more openly to favour the Greeks. Further, the date of the foundation of Naucratis needs further discussion: the view most widely held puts it back to the middle of the seventh century.
Boreas and Oreithyia on an Apulian Vase
Authors: Walters H. B.
Published: May 2006

The vase which is the subject of Plate IV was recently presented to the British Museum by Mr. John Tulk of Chertsey, in whose possession it had been for many years. Mr. Tulk states that it was formerly in the possession of Earl Cadogan, and was disposed of at the sale of his antiquities at Christie's in 1865. On the rim of the vase is an impression in red wax of a seal with coat-of-arms. Enough remains of the surrounding inscription (DO · I … RE · SICIL) to show that it is the seal of Ferdinando I, King of the Two Sicilies 1815–25, with the arms of the Kingdom. Either the vase was originally in the possession of this personage, or else it is merely a confirmation of leave to export the vase from Italy. But I can glean no further information about its previous history, and it appears to have remained entirely unknown to archaeologists. It is, however, as will be seen, one of more than usual interest.
Hammond on Marathon: a few notes
Authors: Burn A. R.
Published: May 2006

I am delighted to agree that the Soros as it stands (though now suffering terribly from the feet of tourists and from rain-wash where they have destroyed the grass cover), with its evidence of fifth-century offerings, etc., marks a spot where convenience as well as honour (Hammond 18) caused the Athenians to bury their dead. But it does not necessarily show where the centres of the two armies first clashed. The chief Athenian loss mentioned by Herodotos, in some detail (vi 114), took place in the fighting at the ships. Nevertheless, as it happens, and pace Hammond, my sketch-plan of the battle as I imagine it (PG 244) does not differ from his(ig); except that I think the Persian line is more likely to have been ‘orientated’ to face the Greeks, up the Vrana valley, than exactly parallel to the shore in rear.
A Fragment of New Comedy: P.Antinoop.15
Authors: Barns J. W. B. , Lloyd-Jones Hugh
Published: May 2006

The fragment is written on the two sides of a leaf of a papyrus codex, dated by Roberts to the fourth century A.D. Our experience so far indicates that so late a manuscript would be likelier to contain Menander than any other author of this genre. Yet the first editor (p. 31) thought the piece ‘un-Menandrian’; and to Webster the ‘tone’ seemed more like that of Apollodorus of Carystus (see CR, I.c., 60). The re-examination of the text whose results are now offered was begun after it had been observed that certain passages which might have been thought to rule out Menander's authorship might have been wrongly read or wrongly understood. After it had been completed, Morel's article appeared, ascribing the piece ‘mit aller Entschiedenheit’ to Menander. We note with pleasure that at several points our findings concur with his, although we are unfortunately not able to pronounce a verdict with anything like his confidence.
Pericles and Dracontides
Authors: Frost Frank J.
Published: May 2006

In his discourse on the causes of the Peloponnesian War (Pericles 31–32), Plutarch devotes an inordinate time to what he calls ‘the worst charge [against Pericles], but that having the greatest number of supporters’. The elements of this charge may be outlined briefly:

1. Pheidias was indicted for embezzling the precious materials used in the construction of the great statue of Athena Parthenos. The informer was a certain Menon, a fellow workman, who was subsequently given immunity and tax-free status by a decree of the assembly proposed by Glycon.

2. At the same time, Pericles' consort Aspasia was indicted and his friend and teacher Anaxagoras was attacked indirectly through a law against religious nonconformity brought by Diopeithes.

3. While the people were still in this mood, Dracontides had a decree passed, requiring that Pericles' accounts be deposited with the council and that the dicasts try any resulting cases on the acropolis with ballots specially sanctified at the altar. This last clause was stricken from the bill by Hagnon, who specified that any resulting suits were to be tried by a jury of 1,500.

4. Because of all these attacks, Pericles resolved to start the war, using the Megarian decree as provocation.

Plutarch reports here the popular fancy—that Pericles started a foreign war to avoid domestic embarrassments. The development of this tradition is a well-known chapter in the history of Greek literature, but as it is fundamental to this discussion, a brief review is called for.
Further thoughts on the ‘Cycle’ of Agathias
Authors: Averil  , Cameron Alan
Published: May 2006

We should like to make the following additions and modifications to our article ‘The Cycle of Agathias’ in JHS lxxxvi (1966) 6–25:

p. 7: We might have added that AP xiii, xiv, xv and probably iv as well are non-Cephalan.

p. 7, n. 11: We would now retract the view that Planudes used the Palatinus direct. Cf. Gow, Sources and ascriptions 51, and F. Lenzinger, Zur griechischen Anthologie (Diss. Zürich, 1965) 31–55. But our argument at, e.g., p. 12, para. 4, is unaffected, since it is clear that Planudes used a MS closely allied to the Palatinus (more closely, indeed, than Lenzinger, op. cit. 55, supposed).

p. 8, n. 18: We should now place Eutolmius in the Cycle rather than in Palladas' Sylloge, and probably admit Diogenes as well. Possibly also, on the strength of their titles, Thomas Scholasticus (xvi 315) who may be the Thomas mentioned by Agathias in xvi 80. This latter Thomas is probably not, as Beckby (index nom. s.v.) supposed, a painter, but the man who commissioned the painting in question or wrote the epigram for it (cf. G. Mathew, Byzantine Aesthetics [1963] 74). Mathew assumes that he is the Thomas Curator of xvi 41: this is certainly possible, but no more.

p. 10: i 34 was written before Agathias' fourth year of legal studies. It was in 551 or 552 that he began them (see ch. i of Averil Cameron's forthcoming monograph on Agathias), and so the poem can be dated to 554 or 555. For the question of the inclusion of this poem in the Cycle see below on p. 22.
Notes on the Revolution of the Four Hundred at Athens
Authors: Cary M.
Published: May 2006

What was the number of the ξυγγραφεῖς who were appointedat Athens in 411 B.C. to introduce modifications into the democratic constitution? Thucydides says ten, and Aristotle thirty (Thuc. VIII. 67. 1; Ἀθηνάιων πολιτεία 29 § 2). It is now generally assumed that the only way to resolve this discrepancy is to reject one of the two conflicting numbers as a mere mistake, and that the error is on the part of Thucydides.

Another solution has recently been put forward by Miss Mabel Lang, who concludes that Thucydides' ten ξυγγραφεῖς and Aristotle's thirty ξυγγραφεῖς were two distinct bodies, and that both authors after all were in the right. She points out that the Ten and the Thirty differed not only in their numbers, but in their attributes and achievements, and that they probably functioned on different occasions. Whereas the Ten were αὐτοκράτορες (i.e. had authority to by-pass the Council and present their report direct to the Popular Assembly), the Thirty lacked ‘autocratic’ power. Whereas the Thirty in due course submitted a scheme of reforms which was duly ratified by the Assembly (Ἀθ. Πολ. 29 § 5–30 § 1), the Ten never produced their programme (Thuc. VIII. 67. 2).
Corinth, Ambracia, Apollonia
Authors: Beaumont R. L.
Published: May 2006

This paper is an amplification of that much quoted passage of Thucydides ἐπορεύθησαν δὲ πεƷῇ ἐς Ἀπολλωνίαν. Of this land route, which enabled the Corinthians to get troops up to Epidamnus in despite of Corcyra, we know something andcan guess more, and in view of the undoubted importance of this part of the Greek world to Corinth, it may be worth while to try to fit the isolated facts together and reconstruct a picture of a short phase of Epirote and Acarnanian history in the latter half of the fifth century. It is certain that the north-west ranked as one of Corinth's vital interests. There is no need to quote other evidence when there is the specific statement of the Corinthian ambassador before the Athenian demos that it was a necessity for Corinth to sail to Corcyra. It is beyond the scope of this paper to enquire why this was so; all that is here attempted is a correlation of the facts about the land route, how Corinth and Apollonia contrived to open it, how Corinth and Ambracia tried to keep it open, and how by the end of the Archidamian War Athens had succeeded in closing it. The evidence is not copious, but of good quality; Thucydides is contemporary, Pausanias quotes contemporary sources, and the mountains, rivers, and valleys of the north-west are silent witnesses.

The route falls naturally into three parts, the Acarnanian, the Epirote, and the Illyrian. It will be convenient to consider the Acarnanian section first, and the other two sections in the order mentioned.
Notes on Alexander's Campaigns, 332–330
Authors: Burn A. R.
Published: May 2006

The following five notes deal with some neglected or controversial points concerning Alexander's operations in the two decisive years January, 332, to January, 330. Though independent of each other, they have a certain external unity, since all concern the crucial ‘third act’ of Alexander's career. Early in 332, the Persians, in spite of Issos, still hoped to recover Asia Minor, raise trouble in Greece, and transfer the seat of war back to the Aegean. Two years later, after Alexander's dash to Persepolis, Darius was no longer King of Persia; he was left indeed with virtually no forces except his Greek mercenaries and the troops of the Bactrian barons, who had ideas of their own.

I have found myself at certain points in disagreement with the views of Sir William Tarn. Tarn has indeed left little to be said about Alexander, except where one disagrees; and I would not wish to end this prefatory note without an expression of admiration for his great work.
Land tenure in Attica and Solon'sSeisachtheia
Authors: Hammond N. G. L.
Published: May 2006

A great advance in this subject was made by A. J. V. Fine, who studied the extantὅροιand some of the literary evidence, but the general tendency in recent writing about Solon has been to dwell on the views of other scholars rather than to assess the ancient evidence. In seeking to redress the balance in this paper, I acknowledge my debt to the authors of the books and articles which I have used and cited. Our chief task is to discover the conditions under which various forms of property and especially landed property were held in seventh-century Athens; for this is essential, if we are to shed any light on Draco's laws of debt and Solon'sSeisachtheia.

Many explanations of Solon's work have been based on the axioms that land in Attica had passed into the possession of individuals long before the time of Solon and was therefore available in his time for mortgage, seizure and sale. This axiom was expressed thus by Swoboda: ‘one thing is quite certain, that private ownership is of high antiquity among the Greeks and the persistence of clan- or family-ownership till Solon's day appears absolutely excluded’; and Glotz drew the logical deduction that during the seventh century land in Attica was changing hands more and more from day to day. The purpose of this paper is to show that this axiom is incorrect in respect of one kind of land and that a new explanation may be advanced. It is divided into five parts: the organisation of society in early Attica, the tenure of property, theSeisachtheia, fourth-century explanations of Solon's reform, and a summary of conclusions.
The Return of Orestes
Authors: Kenna V. E. G.
Published: May 2006

In their accounts of the return of Orestes, the three great tragedians show respect for the ancient tradition and the greatness of it by their several interpretations. Each preserves the general tenor of the legend. Electra awaits the return of her brother to avenge her father's death. The secrecy of his return delays recognition, but once Orestes is made known to his sister the punishment of Clytemnestra and Aegisthus becomes inevitable. Of the differences in action and character in each play, the most significant is the means whereby the recognition of Orestes takes place. This affects not only the mood of each tragedy, but its construction.

The recognition scene placed early in the Choephori (224) presents an almost rustic simplicity (lines 228, 231, 232). This matches the lament and slow movement of the invocation by Orestes, Electra and the chorus that follow. The audience are spectators of a simple action from which the drama as simply proceeds. Such simplicity rightly receives an archaic treatment derived from a great religious tradition. The Euripidean version, psychologically more complicated, shows the interplay of personal relationships largely dependent upon memory. This complexity, expressed in the intricate nature of prologue, delays the recognition of Orestes by Electra. Yet in Euripides (Electra 577) the scene still occurs comparatively early—perhaps in deference to tradition, or perhaps that the movement of vengeance can be more fully displayed. In Sophocles (Electra 1224), however, the recognition scene is placed towards the end of the play.
Mycenae, 1952
Authors: Wace A. J. B.
Published: May 2006

The British excavations at Mycenae in 1952 were conducted with a research grant from the American Philosophical Society assisted by contributions from the Universities of Cambridge and Oxford, the British Academy, the Leverhulme Trustees, and the British School at Athens, under whose aegis the work was carried out. The principal objectives were the ruins by side of the modern carriage road once tentatively called a Hellenistic Gymnasium, further investigation of the Prehistoric Cemetery outside the Lion Gate to the west, the clearing of the House of the Oil Merchant (found in 1950 and formerly called the House of Stirrup Jars) and of the House ofthe Wine Merchant (found in 1951 and part of the Cyclopean Terrace Building).

The so-called Hellenistic Gymnasium, now completely cleared, proved to be a Fountain House to be identified with the Perseia Krene seen by Pausanias among the ruins of Mycenae. Here presumably Tsountas found the inscribed poros base which mentions Perseus and clearly belonged to a fountain. There are two basins, one wide and one narrow, built against a terrace wall of ashlar poros of late classical date. The existing ruins are Hellenistic, but overlie an earlier water channel. The water was probably led down from the well-known spring (now called neromána) which lies about twenty minutes above the acropolis to the east. Built into one of the basins is an inscription dating from the second quarter of the fifth century B.C., a boundary stone from a shrine of Hera. The identification of this Fountain House as the Perseia Krene confirms yet further the accuracy of Pausanias' account of Mycenae.
Plutarch's Style in the Marius
Authors: Carney T. F.
Published: May 2006

In writing on Plutarch as a literary artist there is a tendency to confuse Plutarch's personality, which appears from his writings as ingenuous and somewhat naïve, with his style, which has all the sophistication of the classical renaissance of which his writings form a part. Actually, extensive acquaintance with many aspects of literary craftsmanship is visible in his work. His careful avoidance of hiatus was noticed as long ago as 1841 by Benseler. More recently it has been discovered that Plutarch writes rhythmical prose, with a great preference for certain definite forms. He is thoroughly versed in the various schemata for the presentation of material. Boissonade termed his style a mosaic because it is so well adapted for dealing with the various themes occurring in theLives;Plutarch has in fact perfect command over matter and form as a result of a thorough acquaintance with a rich literary tradition.

The metaphors and similes which appear in thisLifeseem on a first reading in ill accord with the sophistication of its general craftsmanship. They are stereotyped into the thought-content, and even the diction, traditional for the symbolism they express. Their infrequency and the elaboration of the metaphors in particular makes them stand out starkly. This conspicuousness and careful articulation is significant. The metaphors and similes are in fact strikingly put so that they emphasise the passages in which they occur, and recall one another vividly to mind. Analysis reveals that they are used in two ways: as points of reference and emphasis (they occur only at important junctures) and to indicate the unity of lengthy passages. Long and elaborate metaphors occur at 11.1, 35.1, and 46.4, marking respectively the Germanic war, the civil war, and Marius' fate and death. A metaphor and simile grouped together, at 23.1 and at 32.1, 3 respectively, tell of Catulus' reverse and the Social War; two similes commence the developments which are to lead to Marius' death at 45.1–2. Less striking metaphors anticipate the civil war (10.5) and the Marian massacre (43.4).